ISSN 1380-6076 ISBN 978 90 04 16575 5 Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

CONTENTS Introduction Ottoman Ecumenical Communities— An Approach to Ottoman History ..............................................
PART ONE

1

ISTANBULACTIVITIES OF DIFFERENT ECUMENICAL COMMUNITIES IN THE OTTOMAN CAPITAL The Development of Ottoman Governmental Institutions in the 14th Century: A Reconstruction ........................................... Linda Darling La repentance de Bayezid Ier et d’Émir Süleyman .......................... Irène Beldiceanu-Steinherr Über Urkundenfälschung im Osmanischen Reich ........................ Hans Georg Majer Les Capitulations Franco-Ottomanes de 1536 sont-elles encore controversables? ............................................................................. Gilles Veinstein Metropolis and Necropolis: The Cultivation of Social Status among the Jews of Istanbul in the 17th and 18th Centuries .... Minna Rozen The Istanbul Fur Market in the 18th Century ................................ Markus Koller Some Records on Price Controls in Istanbul at the Beginning of the 19th Century ....................................................................... Mehmet Ali Beyhan

17

35

45

71

89

115

131

vi

contents
PART TWO

ECONOMIC CROSSBORDER ECUMENICAL COMMUNITIES IN THE PROVINCES OF THE EMPIRE Customs Duties and Treasury Incomes in the vilayet of Temesvár: An Early Account-Book of Becskerek and Becse ... Géza Dávid Textile Trade in Bulgaria in the Mid-19th Century and the Gümüşgerdan Family .................................................................... Neriman Ersoy-Hacısalihoğlu Articles artisanaux originaux provenant des terres bulgares et destinés à l’exposition de Paris en 1867 ....................................... Stoyanka Kenderova Flooding the Ottoman Market: Marketing History Related Topics ............................................................................................... Yavuz Köse Unpaid Ottoman Coal Miners during the early 20th Century .... Donald Quataert
PART THREE

149

181

201

221

247

SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ECUMENICAL COMMUNITIES IN THE OTTOMAN PERIPHERY The Pilgrimage as International Relations: Japanese Pilgrims to Mecca between 1909–1938 ...................................................... Selcuk Esenbel Une page de roman historique: Le récit par Evliya Çelebi de la campagne de Szigetvár (1566) ...................................................... Nicolas Vatin A Croat’s View of Ottoman Bosnia: the Travelogue of Matija Mažuranić from the Years 1839–40 ............................................. Tatjana Paić-Vukić and Ekrem Čaušević

267

277

293

contents Glances at the Greek Orthodox Priests in the Seventeenth Century ........................................................................................... Elizabeth A. Zachariadou Life in Sarajevo in the 18th Century (according to Mulla Mustafa’s mecmua) ......................................................................... Kerima Filan Konjic (Koniçe, Belgradcık), From Hamlet on the Highway to Muslim Town ............................................................................. Machiel Kiel Old Players and New in the Transition of Cyprus to Ottoman Rule .................................................................................................. Vera Costantini
PART FOUR

The Moral Economies of the Pre-Modern Mediterranean. Preliminaries to the Study of Cross-Cultural Migration during the Long 16th Century ..................................................... Ariel Salzmann List of Suraiya Faroqhi’s Publications .............................................. Index ....................................................................................................

453

479 489

INTRODUCTION

OTTOMAN ECUMENICAL COMMUNITIESAN APPROACH TO OTTOMAN HISTORY Ottoman political history was the first topic to interest in Christian Europe and within the borders of the Ottoman Empire since the seventeenth century. Authors such as Paul Rycaut, Mouradgea d’Ohsson or Joseph von Hammer-Purgstall were primarily interested in the military and administrative structures, which seemed to have been so different from those known in Western Europe. But they contextualized Ottoman history by referring to military matters which gave produced the idea of a state in decline after the sixteenth century. This sentiment was shared by writers such as Demetrius Cantemir, who spent long periods of time in the Ottoman Empire where chroniclers and political authors expressed the same view.1 The paradigm of decline has become subject to criticism only in the last few decades.2 However, the rejection of the “rise and fall pattern” required a new framework for writing Ottoman history. Suraiya Faroqhi proposed a concept that did more justice to the economic, political and military developments than the “paradigm of decline” did. She divided up Ottoman history into a “stage of foundation” (until 1453) followed by “expansion” (1453–1575), “crisis and stabilizations” (1575–1768), “new crisis” (1768–ca. 1830) and “contraction” (1830–1918).3 This structure reflected a transformation in Ottoman studies where social, cultural and provincial history restrained political

5
4
. Los Angeles. p. Political and diplomatic developments . Suraiya Faroqhi has shown convincingly in her monograph The Ottoman Empire and the World Around It that there was no “iron curtain” between the Ottoman and “other” worlds. 7 “Sidjill” (S. 45. Consequently the overwhelming number of West European authors who wrote studies on European history left Ottoman history aside. . Orders from the central. Faroqhi ed. 9 9 W. 538–545. The Ottoman Empire—From an “Object of History” to a “Subject of History” Until the twentieth century the majority of studies on Ottoman history had treated the sultan’s empire only as a political unit and regarded it as an “object of history”. 6 S. pp. p.5 However. (ed. London 2004. She emphasised the idea that in the early modern period the reality was “one world” characterized by manifold contacts between cultured and pragmatic elites as well as pilgrimage and close artistic contact with the European Renaissance. cases of dispute or complains. in EI 2 Vol IX.and provincial administration reflect the view of the government and treat the people as “objects”. 8 B. London 1995. she distinguished between two kinds of documents included in the sicils.9 used extensively by Suraiya Faroqhi in her book The Ottoman Empire and the World Around It. Vol. New York 1974. Doumani. The Ottoman Empire and the World Around it.). In contrast to this group of historical sources human beings appear as “subjects” in probate inventories. in idem. Faroqhi. Among many other examples see G. Berkeley.4 New topics became the focus of attention and required multiperspective approaches to Ottoman history. 1700– 1900. A.). 2). By basing the study mainly on this corpus of source material she made a valuable contribu-
Neumann. Ego-Dokumente: Annäherung an den Menschen in der Geschichte? Vorüberlegungen für die Tagung “Ego-Dokumente”.. pp.2
introduction
history.8 The latter texts are Ego-documents. Ego-Dokumente: Annäherung an den Menschen in der Geschichte. Europe since 1815. Craig. travel and geographical writing as well as personal accounts. Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus. Schulze. . cit. This idea had its origin in the Eurocentric worldview of the nineteenth century when the Ottoman Empire was seen as a state belonging to the Middle East rather than to Europe. 11–30 (= Selbstzeugnisse der Neuzeit.6 When Beshara Doumani used court records (sicil)7 for her study on Palestine. Her book is based on diplomatic records. Berlin 1996..

Vom Mittelalter bis zum Anfang des 20. Le sait-siège. 12 A. Dalla frontiera al confine. Munich 1997. Studies on culture. Kultur und Alltag im Osmanischen Reich. P. 11 For medieval Europe see A. Rome. By way of example some religious communities had their political and spiritual centres outside the Ottoman borders12 and Ottoman merchants built up networks crossing political boundaries. Venice 2002. The Ottoman Ecumenical community—Borders in a Common World The Ottomans used different terms for frontier. Budapest 2007. Hudud or sınır designated the demarcated or recognised boundary and uç meant the frontier zone.
10
. pp. à propos d’un livre arménien publié à Amsterdam en 1699. Das Weltbild des mittelalterlichen Menschen. 14 M. Pedani. but he could agree with a temporary peace treaty. Munich 1995. daily life10 or the world-view of people11 living in different parts of the empire demonstrate that the treatment of the Ottoman Empire primarily as a political unit limits our understanding of its heterogeneous character in terms of politics and culture. 199–244. Faroqhi. Jahrhunderts.13 This raises the question of the role borders played in the “one world” described by Suraiya Faroqhi. New York 1999. Gurjewitsch. Molnár. Heywood. Standen (eds. as well as social and religious life. This approach makes it necessary to write Ottoman history “from the bottom” by giving a voice to people who stayed for a certain period of time or always lived in the Ottoman Empire. pp. Frontiers in Question. In the historiography there is an ongoing discussion about the character of hudud/sınır.).14 Classical Muslim legal theory stressed a permanent state of war between both “houses” which could be interrupted by the Muslim ruler. 235. The Frontier in Ottoman History: Old Ideas and New Myths. Power. 16/2 (1975). N. Kévonian. Eurasian Borderlands. C. p. separated the “House of War” (dar ülharb) from the “House of Islam” (dar ül-Islam). Marchands arméniens au XVIIe s. in “Cahiers du monde russe et soviétique”. in D. Rifaʾat Abou-el-Haj regards the peace treaty of Sremski Karlovci (1699) as
For an overview see S. 700–1700. which. which was sparked by the question of whether the Ottomans had accepted the idea of a demarcated borderline. according to Islamic law. Raguse et les missions catholiques de la Hongrie ottomane 1572–1647.. J. 13 K. 228–250. His duty was to push forward the borders of the dar ül-Islam into the territories of the infidels.introduction
3
tion to the transformation of the Ottoman Empire from an “object of history” into a “subject of history”.

17 A similar phenomenon was the frontier zone between the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy. Sahlin. In his study of the Cerdanya. 17 P. But they continued to try collecting taxes from the peasants living on their former country estates and insisted on their judicial rights over them. But this debate must be integrated into discussions about developments occurring in the other parts of the “one world”.19 But this attitude changed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries when the emerging territorial states began to regard the frontier as the most remote periphery of the country. Berkeley 1989. 187– 208. Maps and Politics. Boundaries. Stauber (eds. Menschen und Grenzen in der Frühen Neuzeit.18 It is to be assumed that in Early Modern Europe there was a concept of borders. pp. An Annotated Edition of ‘Ahdnames and Other Documents. 20 A. 19 J. Quite the contrary. Ottoman-Polish Diplomatic Relations (15th–18th Century). 16 D. 467–475. in “Journal of Asian and Oriental Studies”. other historians reject this concept and refer to the numerous sınırnames that had already been conducted since the fifteenth century. the majority of the local aristocracy left the new Ottoman province for Habsburg territories. The formal closure of the Ottoman frontier in Europe: 1699–1703. But the Ottomans seemed to have had the same attitude towards the political border and collected taxes from villages situated on the Habsburg side. Spanier oder Katalanen? Die Pyrenäengrenze in der Frühen Neuzeit: Die Ausbildung nationaler Identitäten in einer Grenzregion. Franzosen. Jeremy Black argues that there was a traditional concept of sovereignty based on the extension of jurisdiction rather than of direct rule over territories. LXXXIX (1969). Peter Sahlin denies the idea that after the peace treaty between France and Spain (1659) a fixed borderline crossed this area. 18 F. Franke. The Making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees. in W. Berlin 1998. 57–67. Magyar adóztatás a török hódoltságban.15 However. Kołodziejczyk. pp.20 They erected a large number of fortresses to protect their countries and tried to “close”
R.16 In these documents the borders between the Ottoman Empire and its neighbouring states were fixed in writing. Budapest 1981. Schmale. After the conquest of Hungarian territories by the Ottoman armies in the sixteenth century. which influenced border societies in Western Europe as well as in the Ottoman Empire. Abou-el-Haj.4
introduction
the very first agreement in Ottoman history forcing the government in Istanbul to consent to such a policy. Chikago 1997. which had to be defended by force of arms. Black. R.). Szakály.
15
. clerical and secular elites continued to exercise jurisdiction and power over the population in the border areas without respecting the political border. Leiden 1999. pp.

the rights of individuals were strengthened and the law of citizenship (1864) can be regarded as the final result of that process. R. This development intensified in the seventeenth century when—in contrast to the Middle Ages—political borders were visualized by cartography. Menschen und Grenzen in der Frühen Neuzeit. „Grenze“ in der deutschen und französischen Frühen Neuzeit. Kutadgu Bilig’de Türk ve Iran Siyaset Nazariye ve Gelenekleri. The establishment of tax-farms. the process of strengthening individual rights shows some similarities to the process of individualization taking place in the Ottoman Empire since the late sixteenth century. cit. p. in Reşit Rahmeti Arat Için. the increasing engagement of the Janissary corps in trade and commerce. . . 23 Heywood. which became dominant in the “one world”. in W.introduction
5
their frontiers. 24 Aksan. . cit. the rise of local notables as well as the emergence of wealthy urban upper classes appearing in the eighteenth century at the latest. The integration of the Ottoman Empire into the policy of closed frontiers might have been
21 W. In the eighteenth century Ottoman political writers abandoned the idea of the “evervictorious frontier” as well. 259–275. In this context the peace treaty of 1699 integrated the Ottoman Empire into this policy. Ownership became the basic right of each individual to be upheld by the state and consequently the state included this idea in its concept of state integrity. Schmale. pp. Vol.. . Ankara 1969. p.24 The historiographical mainstream holds the military defeats and the political problems responsible for these changes in the Ottoman state concept.
. The changes in Ottoman society could also have influenced the attitude towards the border. 25 Until the eighteenth century in the Ottoman Empire dominated the Near Eastern State Theory. Ottoman Political Writing .). Inalcık. pp.25 But the transformation of Ottoman society and the long-term process that strengthened the interests and rights of individuals must also be taken into account. Berlin 1998. 50–75. Faroqhi. 3: The Later Ottoman Empire. see H. In the “official” Ottoman mind the gazi state mentality had endured until 169923 and disappeared more and more after the peace treaty of Sremski Karlovci. 1603–1839. In Early Modern Western Europe this change in the political understanding of frontiers could have been caused by new ideas of possession and property. 56f.21 However. In a long-term perspective. Schmale. Cambridge 2006. The Frontier in Ottoman History . 22 The indications mentioned are described in S. 242. The Cambridge History of Turkey. Stauber (eds. were indications22 of a process which transformed Ottoman society from a military society into a “civil” one.

But Suraiya Faroqhi’s studies make clear that the historical reality of the early modern “one world” was not only characterized by its having been split up into states with closed frontiers. In this context the term ecumenical community designates social. economic and religious group had its own world-view and in most of the cases the borders of these communities were not identical with the political frontiers. The stage of expansion. Different ecumenical communities overlapped within the boundaries of a state or in a specific area and gave them their distinctive characters. Timur der Eroberer und die islamische Welt des späten Mittelalters. reduces the importance of political borders for doing historical research. Nagel. 27 P. Istanbul—Activities of Different Ecumenical Communities in the Ottoman Capital During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the Ottoman dynasty was able to extend its rule over Anatolian and South East European territories. London 1938. Regarding the Ottoman Empire and the other early modern states as systems of different ecumenical communities rather than only as political units with fixed frontiers can be a useful approach to a better understanding of the various ways in which their subjects interacted.26 In historiography there has been a long discussion about the character of the early Ottoman Empire. Each social. The Rise of the Ottoman Empire. Paul Wittek emphasized that it depended on the active implementation of the gazi or Holy War ideology.27 In his recent book Heath Lowry rejects the assumption that the terms gazi/gaza or akın/akıncı refered to religious motives for waging
26 For Timur see T.
. Wittek. Writing history “from the bottom”.6
introduction
caused by the military pressure of the Christian European powers as well as by social and political developments within the Ottoman society. religious and economic groups building up cross-border communities. Munich 1993. by treating the Ottoman Empire and other countries as “subjects of history”. lasting until the conquest of Constantinople (1453). This festschrift for Suraiya Faroqhi aims to describe some of the close contacts between various ecumenical communities within and outside the Ottoman borders. was interrupted by the military defeat of Bayezid I (1389–1402) in the battle of Ankara (1402) when he was taken prisoner by Timur. and their interaction in the early modern “one world”.

29
28
. and scribal and military recruitment. 132. the Ottomans continued to expand their power over Anatolia and the Balkans. most of which follow the Byzantine style of chronicle writing. our knowledge depends primarily on administrative sources as well as on chronicles.28 Without underestimating the importance of religious motives and propaganda for warfare29 the outstanding character of the Ottoman state was the willingness of its ruling elites to practicize a coopting policy. In 1453 Mehmed II (1451–1481) conquered Constantinople. For research on the early Ottoman state. as was the case in medieval West European courts. But when forged historical sources are used carefully they do not provide less information than real documents. Irène Beldiceanu-Steinherr’s article looks at the ruler as a human being who’s decisions are not solely influenced by the criteria of law or belief. After an interregnum following the military catastrophe of Ankara. 1300–1324?). the gazi mentality seemed to have become more widespread among the common people and soldiers than in the emerging bureaucracy. Her article shows that the administrative organization became more complex after 1360. Linda Darling refers to the taxation system. But. The Crusade of Varna. Lowry. The bureaucratic apparatus began to produce a growing number of documents. Orhan (1324–1362) und Murad I (1362–1389) must be regarded as falsifications. Aldershot 2006 provides many examples. a large number of administrative documents were also forged in the Ottoman Empire. describing the rulers with stereotypes such as law-abiding or unselfish. Imber. The article by Hans Georg Majer deals with this issue and makes it clear that many of the written sources produced during the reigns of Osman (ca. Albany/NY 2003. The Nature of the Early Ottoman State. which form the main basis of historical studies. p. 1443–45. C. but that during the reign of Murad I (1362–1389) especially. which became the capital of the new early modern great power. all indicating that the Ottoman culture was formed from an amalgamation of Turkish/Seljukid/Islamic and Byzantine/Christian influences. the architecture. He argues that they described the way in which Christians and Muslims went to war together under the Ottoman banner in the fourteenth century.introduction
7
war on non-Muslims. After the conquest Istanbul became a melting pot where different ecumenical
H. which was more interested in expanding the governing apparatus and developing the state’s direct control over its lands and revenues.

Leiden 2002. French Trade in Istanbul in the Eighteenth Century. Fur was also brought to Istanbul via the Crimea or by the “Polish caravan” passing through Lwow on its way to the Bosphorus. 31 For the French nation see E. They had the opportunity to stay in this city for some years in a kervansaray reserved for the merchants of the Sublime Porte. Leiden 1999. whilst the number of inhabitants rose to several hundred thousand after 1500. which was closely connected with different early modern states. Their social and political position in early Istanbul is well known.30 Minna Rozen’s article focusing on the social structure of the Jewish population of Istanbul in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries offers detailed insight into the heterogeneous character of ecumenical communities. Apart from the Ottoman and Western European states. She raises the question of how the social structure of the living is reflected through the cemetery.
M. A History of the Jewish Community in Istanbul. Western Europe and other regions. The Armenians formed an important ecumenical community by building up a network linking New Djulfa to India and Tibet. The city attracted people from the Mediterranean. the Russian Empire also belonged to the “one world” described by Suraiya Faroqhi. who had lost their dominant role in Ottoman foreign trade after 1600. Among them there were Jews coming mainly from Spain. carried out by Ottoman merchants who travelled to Moscow to buy these luxury goods. The Formative Years.
30
. Markus Koller deals with the fur trade between Russia and Istanbul. Eldem. Rozen. Apart from the Jews.31 The close political and economic relationship between France and the Ottoman Empire began in the sixteenth century when Süleyman I granted an ahdname to the French king in 1536. But the authenticity of this document has been subject to discussion and Gilles Veinstein puts forward further arguments underlining the scepticism of other historians. The background of many families mentioned in her article and their professional activities demonstrate that the Jewish community was a cross-border ecumenical community of its own. The people arriving belonged to various ecumenical communities that gained a foothold in Istanbul shortly after the conquest.8
introduction
communities overlapped. This caravan had always been led by an Armenian bearing the title of a kervanbaşı. 1453–1566. the French nation represented another ecumenical community in Istanbul. and how the living used the cemetery as an additional arena in which they construct their own world.

economic cross-border ecumenical communities were heterogeneous entities whose individual members acted and interacted according to their own interests using the networks of their own and other communities. Cambridge 1980. The Merchants of Moscow 1580–1650. whose function in the nineteenth century is analyzed by Mehmet Ali Beyhan. Indian Merchants and Eurasian Trade. which are also available for Ottoman history.
33
32
. The government interfered when it anticipated a danger of shortages requiring a number of preemptive measures. Habsburg sources referred to traders from the Slavic regions in the Ottoman Balkans as “Raitzen”. 1600–1750. P. It includes the customs duties and treasury incomes in the vilayet of Temesvár. Indirect state involvement also enforced the official fixed prices (narh) in Istanbul. Géza Dávid analyzes the account-book of Becskerek and Becse originating from the sixteenth century. since according to Ottoman principles the state’s role in the economy was one of indirect rather than direct involvement. Neriman Ersoy-Hacısaliholu introduces a family of Bulgarian traders by
S. By way of example. Jews and Venetians in the Early Modern Eastern Mediterranean. Economic Cross-border Ecumenical Communities in the Provinces of the Empire In Early Modern Europe cross-border ecumenical communities were often perceived by state authorities as monolitic entities. Bushkovitch.32 Russian33 or Venetian34 merchants in the early modern period. But this kind of source material offers hardly any detail about individual merchants belonging to the cross-border trade communities. Dale. Studies on inter-regional trade are based on a variety of historical sources including account-books. Arbel. Leiden 1995. Venetian documents spoke of “Turkish” merchants who came to Venice and stayed there in the Fondaco dei Turchi situated in the very heart of the city. We are well informed about the trading networks of Indian. Marseille and Amsterdam. However. without being interested in their regional or ethnic origin. 34 B. Aleppo. Trading Nations. Cross-border trade within the “one world” has been the subject of extensive historical research. It was the “private sector” consisting of merchants that brought the bulk of goods to Istanbul. Cambridge 1994. Venetian merchants could fall back on a network of consuls.introduction
9
to Izmir.

which was under Ottoman rule until 1918. The Gümüşgerdans established good relations with the Ottoman administration and. This family belonged to the community of rich Bulgarian traders who shared the market with Greeks and Ragusans. which flooded the Ottoman market. they were engaged in the close commercial relations established between the Ottoman Empire and France after the Crimean War. Foreign companies produced consumer goods. In the later nineteenth and twentieth centuries new players began to appear in the markets of the “one world”. Yavuz Köse asks about the perception of the companies by Ottoman customers and is interested in the way goods were marketed and distributed. It was also a multiregional market for information in which merchants and traders acted as mediators between different cultures and provided the people with knowledge about remote regions. Muslims went on a pilgrimage to Mecca. started manufacturing and later managed to improve their status in provincial society. These modern and post-modern types of ecumenical communities built up a new style of cross-border economic networks. with the support of the authorities. Together with Greeks. Social and Religious Ecumenical Communities in the Ottoman Periphery However. Donald Quataert points out that the richness of entrepreneurial activities in the last stage of the Ottoman Empire reveals a dynamic and kinetic society. Jews and agents of the French nation in Istanbul as well as merchants from Bulgarian cities. Donald Quataert focuses in his contribution on a company in the coal-mining area of Zonguldak in the early twentieth century. Christian pilgrims visited the places traditionally associated with the life of Jesus Christ and his mother Mary. Stoyanka Kenderova’s article shows that a large number of goods produced in the Bulgarian territories were also exhibited at the world exhibition in Paris (1867).10
introduction
the name of Gümüşgerdan. who were supposed to visit the Holy Places of Islam once during their lives. the “one world” was more than an economic market where goods were transported from one place to another.
. The entrepreneur in question was an Ottoman Greek who established good relations with the authorities and the influential German ambassador. The Hadj was not only a religious obligation to Muslims. They made their livelihood by buying and selling textiles in the nineteenth century. Another important source of information were travellers and pilgrims who formed other kinds of crossborder communities.

The Hadj of the Japanese Muslims took place through informal transnational networks of Muslim communities in China.35 The article by Selcuk Esenbel about Japanese Muslim pilgrimages during the twentieth century shows that the Islamic pilgrimage. An Ottoman Mentality. India. and that errors in his travelogue might have been caused by the oral tradition. This becomes evident when historians work with the travelogue (seyahatname) of Evliya Çelebi. the most famous seventeenth-century Ottoman traveller. The movement called for the overcoming of Croatian regional particularities and for the cultural union of all South Slavs (who were considered descendants of the Illyrians. Bosnia was seen as a part of that Illyrian area. Tatjana Pai-Vuki and Ekrem Čauševi show that Mažuranić did not head for that country as a mere adventurer. in this case.36 Nicolas Vatin analyzes his style of writing by refering to Evliya’s description of Süleyman I’s military campaign in Hungary (1566). and to evaluate
35 36
S. His aim was to inquire “into the state of that part of our Illyria”. The World of Evliya Çelebi. with Ljudevit Gaj as its leader and the Mažuranić brothers as its fervent adherents. Faroqhi. Dankoff. even though his travelogue shows that the journey was not lacking in adventure. across many different countries. and even Russia. Herrscher über Mekka. Informal cross-border networks were also formed by travellers leaving their home countries. R. Die Geschichte der Pilgerfahrt. though meant for religious purposes. Munich 1990. Leiden 2004. and its liberation from Ottoman rule was one of Gaj’s main preoccupations. Political ideas determined the report of the Croatian Matija Mažuranić who visited Bosnia in 1839. hence the movement’s name). Their reports must be approached carefully since their authors were also influenced by the contemporary cultural circumstances in their own countries. The author argues that Evliya Çelebi seemed to have been familiar with the texts of Ottoman historical writers.
.introduction
11
The legitimization of sultanic rule also depended on the ability of the Ottoman ruler to protect the caravans of pilgrims on their way into the Hijaz and to erect or restore religious buildings in Mecca and Medina. When he was a young man he could have heard the stories of his father and other persons who had taken part in that campaign. served as an alternative form of international relations. to estimate what could be done for “the national cause”. Croatian political life at the time of his journey was strongly marked by the activities of the Illyrian movement of national revival. or South East Asia.

islamization reached its peak in the seventeenth and early eighteenth
S. They were disciples of Mehmed Birgevi. The chronicle (mecmua) of Mula Mustafa Ševki Bašeskija introduced by Kerima Filan. Monks from the Hilandar monastery on Mount Athos and from other monasteries in the Slavic regions of the Balkans went to Russia and other countries to get support. Fotić. mosque preachers created another religious network in Istanbul. Munich 1984. After the final Ottoman conquest of Bosnia (1463) a process of urbanism accelerated the islamization of the area. Information about the functioning of religious communities can be found in Ego-Documents. Other types of cross-border communities were established by Muslim and non-Muslim religious groups. Papa-Synadinos. who had their spiritual and political centres in Western Europe. The Serbian Orthodox Church had also built up a network with centres outside the Ottoman Empire. 38 A. Belgrade 2000.37 Franciscains and Jesuits.38 The influence of this network on local ecclesiastical structures still remains to be researched in depth. This text is fairly unique in its genre and composed in the first-person singular. Some of the kadızadeler came from Amasya and seemed to have been integrated into a well-established interregional community. shows that this group had a strong position in Sarajevo in the eighteenth century. After the foundation of the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide (1622) apostolic vicars came to the Ottoman Balkans and wrote reports to Rome about the situation of the Catholic Church and its flock in these areas. who lived in Serres during the first half of the seventeenth century.12
introduction
whether Bosnian Muslim rebellions could bring about any serious changes in that country. In most regions of the Ottoman Balkans. Džaja. constituting a rich source of information on the everyday life of a parish priest in a sizeable Macedonian town and offering a clear picture of the clergy in general at that time. Ustuvani and Kadızade. because cities developed into centers of Muslim cultural life. Konfessionalität und Nationalität Bosniens und der Herzegowina. Elizabeth A. becoming known as kadızadeler. She bases her research partly on the memoirs of a priest. began to expend their missionary activities. Sveta Gora i Hilandar u Osmanskom Carstvu XV–XVII vek.
37
. Zachariadou provides insight into the structures of the Greek Orthodox Church in the seventeenth century by focusing on the lower clery. M. In the seventeenth century. Voremanzipatorische Phase 1463–1804.

Antonio Girardi—a Venetian citizen—and a partnership of Jewish entrepreneurs in Ottoman Istanbul.39 As the article by Daniel Panzac illustrates. Benjamin Arbel’s study of the ship bearing the name Sant’Antonio da Padova. gave them a characteristic feature which is still visible. as the article by Machiel Kiel about the history of Konjic shows. the members of the trading ecumenical communities in the Meditarranean used the lingua franca to communicate with each other from the fifteenth to the nineteenth centuries. which maintained their layouts. the cities of Nicosia and Famagosta underwent some fundamental changes. albeit experiencing a serious demographic crisis due to the recent conflict and the plague epidemics that followed. pious foundations or medreses changed the townscapes in Bosnia and Hercegovina and. urban culture was perhaps the sector that saw the greatest changes. Mosques. Panzac. becoming politically and diplomatically embroiled. In contrast to villages. the dispute could not be resolved without political contacts
39 D. religious and social ecumenical communities overlapped and interacted in a great variety of ways. The ship was the subject of a dispute between the ship owner. Spain and the Ottoman Empire. However. The process of transformation after Ottoman conquest is the topic of the contribution by Vera Costantini. shows that juridicial problems between business partners could result in the main Meditarrenean powers of Venice. The Meditarranean—Ecumenical Communities between Political Powers The Ottoman Balkans formed part of the early modern Mediterranean world where economic. the interaction of the cross-border trade communities did not take place without disputes between individual members of such networks.introduction
13
centuries. who emphasizes that. together with the language of the administration. such as the banishment of all Christians from within the city walls. Commerce et navigation dans l’Empire Ottoman au XVIII e Siècle. Istanbul 1996.
. As it often happens in matters related to international maritime trade. Networks of merchants who were engaged in the maritime trade linked the Maghreb with Marseille or connected Egypt with the Dalmatian coastal cities. but more commonly called Girarda. but in Bosnia the majority of the local population declared themselves Muslims just at the end of the sixteenth century.

The article by Oliver Jens Schmitt makes clear that there were plenty of personal contacts between members of the local administrative structures of the Mediterranean powers. 19 September 2007
. In a comparative study Fariba Zarinebaf examines the impact of Ottoman rule on the tributary city of Dubrovnik and thee Morea. Huntington stumbled upon one of the central contradictions in Braudel’s chef d’oeuvre: his inability to come to terms with the motives behind Spain’s policy of the forced expulsion of religious minorities. Markus Koller Giessen. Ariel Salzmann’s study on cross-cultural migrations during the long sixteenth century represents a critical discussion of Fernand Braudel. Her article about the Ottoman and Venetian administrative policies in their respective commercial colonies and tributary states sheds light on the economic and political conditions in regions situated on the edges of both states. what had started as a private disagreement developed into a protracted crisis that added just another ingredient to the already complex relations between the afore-mentioned Mediterranean powers. A further important player was the “classical city-state” Dubrovnik/Ragusa which had close economic relations with most of the other Mediterranean regions. who received gifts or were invited to festivities. and the failure of the capitalist or demographic conjuncture outlined in volume one. to fully explain the policies of states or the “events” he observed in volume two. Thus. In the sixteenth century the town of Split was situated on the Venetian-Ottoman border and tried to protect itself from Ottoman attacks with its military forces and with good relations to Ottoman dignitaries in Bosnia. The editors hope that this festschrift does justice to the services Suraiya Faroqhi has rendered to Ottoman historiography and that the contributions are worthy of the thematic and methodological variety of Ottoman studies. We would like to thank all the friends and colleagues of Suraiya Faroqhi who took part in this volume. Ragusa was a commercial rather than a military power and had to negotiate its political status with Venice and the Ottoman Empire. She argues that in reconstructing his own vision of future conflict. focusing on the town of Anavarin.14
introduction
between governments.

PART ONE
ISTANBUL ACTIVITIES OF DIFFERENT ECUMENICAL COMMUNITIES IN THE OTTOMAN CAPITAL
.

.

. Köprülü. in B. 165–313. Kitâb-i Cihan-Nümâ. Lewis. rpt. pp. Pál Fodor. pp. in “Türk Hukuk ve Iktisat Tarihi Mecmuası” 1 (1931). and doubtless other writers and intellectuals of the Interregnum. Ahmedi’s Dasistan as a Source of Early Ottoman History. State institutions represent injustice. pp. in “Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae”. cf. M.” emphasizing the Seljuk influence on Ottoman institutions. R. The chronicles present the early Ottomans as essentially stateless and resistant to such governmental activities as taxation. the history of the Ottoman Empire rests on a construction of its early period derived from sources written one to two centuries after the events. Bizans Müesseselerinin Osmanlı Müesseselerine Te’siri Hakkında Bazı Mülâhazalar. A. Unat and M. Mehmed Neşri. they spring up during the reign of Bayezid I (1389–1402) as the result of corruption by association with the Byzantines. This construction of early Ottoman history was spread by Ahmedi.1 Köprülü in 1931 attacked the idea that the early Ottoman administration was derived from Byzantine influences and argued that the Ottomans had to be studied “within the framework of Turkish history in general. Yakhshi Fakih. Historians of the Middle East 1962. accumulation. 152–167. 2 M. and when they appear they cause Bayezid’s downfall and the dismemberment of his state. F. 41–54. Istanbul 1980. Leiser. ed. chronicles that rely on an uncertain oral tradition and that express a later interpretation of their subject’s beginnings. This is the same position taken by later Ottoman chroniclers. Köymen. 38 (1984). who cite the Ottomans’ Turkish genealogy and Seljuk legitimation. Istanbul 1999. the preferred vision is one of tribal “feasting and fighting” and the gaza of heroes. Ankara 1949.THE DEVELOPMENT OF OTTOMAN GOVERNMENTAL INSTITUTIONS IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY: A RECONSTRUCTION Linda Darling Like the history of Islam itself. The Rise of Ottoman Historiography. pp. see also Some Observations on the Influence of Byzantine Institutions on Ottoman Institutions. by G. 9–73. F. Holt (eds. Inalcık. transl. P.2 The reassessment of this relationship by Halil Inalcık seeks to balance the two
1 H.). and record-keeping. and through Aşıkpaşazade it became part of the Ottoman historiographical tradition.

5 C. The Seljuks were at that time very much under the thumb of the Ilkhanids. The Seljuk-Ilkhanid influence in the borderlands and the Ilkhanid influence over the thirteenth-century Seljuks have been discussed in previous articles. Albany 2003. 2 (1980). Imber.18
linda darling
influences and provides some insight into administrative development. numerous other sources must be consulted to round out the picture. Persianate Sources on Anatolia and the Early History of the Ottomans. T. 7 H. pp. in “Studies on Persianate Societies” 2 (2004/1383). London 1973. it will superimpose the skimpy documentary record over the chronicle data on institutional development and will bring in information about other beyliks and the Ilkhanids for comparison. Ilk Osmanlılar ve Batı Anadolu Beylikler Dünyası. Emecen. run by bureaucrats from Iran. make only glancing reference to studies of administrative institutions. 126–44. as Colin Imber has done for the conquests. Istanbul 2001. Inalcık. The Question of the Emergence of the Ottoman State. and while the Ottoman chroniclers were anxious to legitimize the Ottoman gaza by the Seljuks’ futuwwa trousers in the absence of the caliph. in “International Journal of Turkish Studies”. The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age. F. M.
4 3
.5 This paper will therefore do the next best thing. e. Istanbul 1990. It will provide only an initial sketch. The chronicle record therefore overplays the Seljuk influence and underplays that of the Ilkhanids. Kafadar.3 Recent examinations of the Ottomans’ rise. C. W. Berkeley 1995.7 The fiscal reforms of Ghazan Khan did not take hold until the reign of Oljaytu (1303–1317). the Türkmen tribes of the borderland had been displaced by the Mongols from their central Anatolian pasturelands. Darling.4 pointing to the desirability of piecing together a more complete picture of Ottoman institutional development during the fourteenth century. Between Two Worlds: The Construction of the Ottoman State. in both cases with special attention to fiscal administration. It does not seem possible to dispense with the Ottoman chronicles and to construct a narrative of Ottoman administrative development from other sources.g. The Ottomans arose on the western border of Seljuk Anatolia. 1300–1600. by which time the Seljuks were gone and their adminisH. Lowry. and “Prolegomena for a Study of Ottoman Administrative Documents and Ilhanid Precedents.. The Nature of the Early Ottoman State.” to be published in a festschrift for Mihail Guboglu in Romania. Inalcık. The Ottoman Empire 1300–1481. pp. however. As Inalcık has noted. See. they were doubtless well aware that pagan Mongol sovereignty would invalidate that effort.6 By the 1290s all of Seljuk Anatolia had come under the Ilkhanid administrative system. and they supplemented mountain pastoralism with raiding the Byzantines. 71–79. 6 L. H.

and although none of them prove Osman’s unqualified sovereignty. as scholars have noticed. for example. 9 See Ş. but there are some. using mainly well-known data. in the earliest years. Osman and Orhan The chronicles portray Osman at the head of an army of nomadic warriors. We cannot yet follow in detail the indirect and tortuous path through which the Perso-Islamic tradition of state as interpreted by the Seljuks and Ilkhanids became part of the developing Ottoman government described in the few remaining documents and hints in the chronicles. This apparatus left few contemporary traces. Late Seljuk-Ilkhanid administration in Anatolia had acquired the heritage of the older Islamic lands. were in beyliks whose records have disappeared. who themselves were ousted from Konya in 1314. A Monetary History of the Ottoman Empire. they do demonstrate that the Ottomans already employed craftsmen competent to strike coins. 30 and n. Pamuk. in “Belleten” 24 (1960). Anadoluʿya Yalnız Göçebe Türkler mi Geldi?. but its main centers. while the scanty Ottoman records belong to the beylik farthest from the older centers and perhaps least likely. p.9
F. along with the beylical capitals most closely connected with them.
8
. This tight focus on the warrior band obscures. the many non-nomads who came to Anatolia as migrants from Iran and Central Asia or who moved into the borderland from elsewhere in Anatolia. This series of events was inimical to any direct continuity between Seljuk or Ilkhanid and beylical administration.development of ottoman governmental institutions
19
tration had been taken over by the Karamanids.8 The administrators and craftsmen who staffed the budding state apparatus came from among the sedentary followers about whom we know so little. 26. Coins were minted during Osman’s reign. to employ Persian and Arabic speaking officials. This paper. Cambridge 2000. as well as the noncombatants among Osman’s followers and the sedentary inhabitants of the areas that became part of his realm. will trace and attempt to periodize the growth of early Ottoman administration. Sümer. pp. Any influences were of necessity indirect and came via the new administration’s employment of the personnel and scribal handbooks of the old. 567–94.

12 Osman may have been unwilling to institute such a tax. p. A.11 The historian Aşıkpaşazade’s story of Osman’s ignorance of such governing devices as market taxes was clearly exaggerated to make an ideological point about the nomads’ piety and simplicity. Kitâb-i Cihan-Nümâ . 833 (A. pp. Temir. Id.H. but only a later copy survives. pp. cit. showing that its writer was familiar with proper document composition in the Persianate tradition. since an ʿalim would have written in Arabic. p. Çandarlı zâde Ali Paşa Vakfiyesi. 13 Aşıkpaşazade.D. The 1326 vakfiye of an emir of Sivas was written in Arabic and Uighur. p.20
linda darling
The most well-known trace of Osman’s administration is the Persian vakfiye of 1324. Uzunçarşılı. . . pp.13 The story of the market tax follows the mention of the conquest of Karacahisar from Germiyan (then the leading frontier state) and involves a Germiyanid tax collector. Gazi Orhan Bey Vakfiyesi. J. see Neşri. rpt. By the first half of the fourteenth century. 111. 808 H. 1970. Westmead. Istanbul 1932. 503. tough Germiyanids of the frontier as able administrators. Commercial taxes such as the tamşa were a staple of Mongol administration but were noncanonical according to Islamic law.. 5 (1941). in “Belleten”. pp. or unfamiliar with the precise mechanisms of collection and accounting. 1478). cit. Ashiqpashazadeh Tarikhi: a History of the Ottoman Empire to A. 19. since it is unlikely that a scribe was hired especially to write that document. in “Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes”. Early Ottoman Administration in the Wilderness. p. H. 550. ibid. the Germiyanids had an administrative and governing
10 I. 479–517. 277–88 and plates 86–87. The episode of the market tax is countered by Neşri’s account. 11 I./1405–1406 M. in which Osman forces the Germiyanid to pay for the goods he grabbed even though the seller is a nonMuslim. placed exactly where Aşıkpaşazade places the market tax story. 43. . Rise of Ottoman Historiography . 89. . but inadvertently it also establishes the rough. During Orhan’s reign. the Ottomans copied the Karamanids’ use of Turkish in their state documents other than vakfiyes. in “Belleten”.. 9 (1978). Neşri relegates the story of the market tax to a later part of his narrative. it strongly suggests that Osman employed Persian-writing scribes. it was written by an ʿalim or katib already in Ottoman service—probably a katib. of Osman and a Germiyanid in the Bilecik market.
.. Slightly earlier is a Germiyanid vakfiye of 1321. Istanbul 1914. 155. Shinder. The terms of the vakfiye are simple. p.. 232–40. 5 (1941). but (as the story of the conquest of Bilecik indicates) the nomads were certainly acquainted with normal trade practices.. 549–576. H. p. but its format and wording correspond to the canonical requirements. 12 Inalcık. Die arabisch-uigurische Vakf-Urkunde von 1326 des Emirs Şeref el-Din Ahmed bin Çakırca von Sivas. Eng. The story vilifies the Germiyanids as worldly and corrupt compared to the pure Ottoman gazis. More likely. Kütahya Şehri. in “International Journal of Middle East Studies”. Uzunçarşılı. 56 (1960).10 Although it was written for Orhan. p.

Their presence reinforces the impression given by the story of Köse Mihal that the Ottomans were an eclectic group. R. 1325–1354. H. Travels in Asia and Africa. p. Hinz. W. I. Paying these yaya troops would no doubt have required augmenting the Ottoman administration. p. The Ottomans presumably had paid taxes while they were still in Seljuk or Ilkhanid territory.16 The idea of the yayas is attributed to Candarlı Halil. but the Ilkhanid finance roll shows the tax demand as a lump sum (amounting to zero by 1350). Karakoyunlu Devletleri. Wiesbaden 1952. who kept Orhan on their tax rolls until after 1350. a year or two after the conquest of Bursa in 1327. Izmit. These claims would have been disputed by the Ilkhanids.. 15 A. and peasant youths (presumably Christians) are said to have offered bribes to be enrolled in the troop. The footsoldiers were originally recruited from the countryside (ilden). 40. cf. The chronicles indicate that Osman’s military forces were all horsemen. to recruit a troop of footsoldiers ( yaya) who could mount sieges and reduce fortifications. A. pp. 33. London 1929. at least initially. the towns of Bithynia—Iznik. V.15 but since they rarely entered the western borderlands. although Ibn Battuta called them a “troop of brigands”. 233. trans.” It thus forms part of the historical support for claims of Osman’s independence as a ruler. Aşıkpaşazade places this story immediately after the story of Osman’s establishing the hütbe in his own name and entitles it “Osman Gazi Makes Known His Kanun and Ahkam. Ein persischer Leitfaden des staatlichen Rechnungswesens (um 1363). war booty may have been sufficient recompense for nomad horsemen. cit. H. . but only with difficulty could he capture towns or fortresses. Uzunçarşılı. It was left to Orhan. Ankara 1937. who had income from their flocks. p. Mudurnu—all became part of the Ottoman domain. 201. The results were immediately apparent: in the years 1331–1337. Göynük. the representative of the non-nomads and at that point kadı of Bilecik. Anadolu Beylikleri ve Akkoyunlu. Leiser). in “Annales Islamologiques” 25 (1991). p.
.development of ottoman governmental institutions
21
cadre parallel to that of the Seljuks. . Die Resala-ye falakhiyya des Abdullah Ibn-Mohammad Ibn-Kiya al Mazandarani. in “Türk Hukuk ve Iktisadî Tarihi Mecmuası” 1 (1931). Battuta. 128. Gibb. 16 Aşıkpaşazade . see also Economic Conditions in Anatolia in the Mongol Period (trans. by G. but
14 I. the frontier leaders could make whatever claims they wished for local consumption.14 Moreover. Yenice. Z. p. 203–240. With these forces he could defeat armies in the field and control the countryside. Mogollar Devrinde Anadolu‘nun Iktisadî Vaziyeti. Togan. This yaya force enabled Orhan to capture towns and fortresses without the decades-long siege that had finally reduced Bursa.

By the end of Orhan’s reign. imams. Thus we cannot tell whether the system of finance bureaus was installed in this period or. Beldiceanu-Steinherr. of course. 56 (1960). as some scholars think. 18 I. cit. in the reign of Murad I. 1361) supported entire building complexes with numerous employees and varied functions. 17. and no government documents survive from this period. the Ottomans’ administrative capability must have expanded considerably. therefore. This increased capability was available to be employed in areas other than evkaf. 1358) were established in favor of a zaviye. in “Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes”. Societas Academic Dacoromana. 15. 19 Uzunçarşılı.. the later ones donated several kinds of revenue sources in multiple locations.19 Those from the 1360s are considerably more elaborate than those from 1324 or even 1353. Acta Historica 7. but at least the later documents appear to have been written originally in Arabic. It resulted from the growing employment of sedentary administrators. both local people and eastern immigrants with experience in other realms. which meant some kind of tax levy and fiscal system. The earlier vakıfs (1324. The chronicles. but there is no sign that these manuals had yet influenced Ottoman administration.18 The copies are in Ottoman Turkish. 10. 16. docs. Zu einigen frühosmanischen Urkunden (IV).
. Orkhan et Murad I. 1353. both in terms of the complexity of the institutions they could manage and in terms of the intricacy of their documentation. 7. urban as well as rural. The last of the Seljuk secretarial handbooks (produced in Kastamonu) and the first of the Ilkhanid finance manuals (from Tebriz) had been written several decades ago. Wittek. 5. p. dervishes.22
linda darling
footsoldiers taken out of the fields and shops required at least their keep. often in the form of copies in later registers.17 The documents that do survive from Osman’s and Orhan’s reigns are mainly vakfiyes. Çandarlı zâde . . do not record such a mundane development. The earlier ones dedicated fields in one or two localities. p. 1333. . 11. while the later ones (1360. 12. The beyliks were able to recruit administrators from the vanished Seljuk or the vanishing Ilkha-
17 P. 550. or the poor. such as military organization and taxation. Monachii 1967. 276. there is little resemblance between the simple Turkish of even much later Ottoman documents and the polished Persian inşa in the works of El-Hoyi. although the Ottoman documents’ similarity to more ordinary Seljuk documents might be greater. As Wittek pointed out. Recherches sur les actes des règnes des sultans Osman.

but the 1324 vakfiye specifically mentions a tithe (öşr) on grainfields. . p. The local towns and villages were accustomed to paying taxes to the Byzantine Empire and had long-established collection practices and tax rates which the Ottomans generally did not disturb. or the Byzantine system.20 The local recruits are usually designated as “conquered people.. xvii. revenue collection and allocation were controlled by the tımar system.21 What exactly these taxes were is unclear for Osman’s period. cit.” but many of them—entire towns as well as individuals—joined the Ottoman enterprise voluntarily (a commentary on the gazi thesis). .. 21 Ibid. cit. as soon as the nomads descended from the hills and began occupying grain-growing villages and towns. p. placed in the hands of the mütevellis (who were often relatives of the ruler or his chief administrators). pp. 231. on which the Islamic system was originally based. 108. Inalcık. . 22 Uzunçarşılı.23 For the Ottomans to operate such a system required at a minimum the designation of tax collectors and a mechanism for determining the recipients of the various revenues. The Ottoman Empire . . cit. Vakıf administration at this time was somewhat decentralized. 13. were not the classic tımars of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. or some combination of the two. We know that the Ilkhanids adjusted the Seljuk fiscal system in 1277. These.22 The Ottomans therefore must have enforced either the Islamic system derived from the Seljuks. The Ottoman Empire . p. What is most likely is that the Ottomans initially accepted the Byzantine taxes paid by their subjects but that these taxes were later modified by Muslim finance administrators from the Seljuk realm. 23 We know that later the Ottomans accepted local tax rates. 71–74.
. . although they are reported to have won allegiance by demanding lower taxes than the Byzantines did. Ankara 1954. The vakfiyes usually refer in a general way to revenue collection on fields being donated. . modifying the systems to accord with Islamic law. 5. but they probably altered the functioning of the central bureaus more than the taxes being collected. Tımars are mentioned in the chronicles almost from the start of the conquests. In later periods. Gazi Orhan Bey Vakfiyesi . It was certainly not the Mongol system of qalan and qopchur. and this practice may well have started with their earliest experiences with Byzantine taxes. Hicrî 835 Tarihli Sûret-i Defter-i Sancak-ı Arvanid. If the
20 For Byzantine scribes see H. but military administration was necessarily a state function. 13. however.development of ottoman governmental institutions
23
nid administrations as well as literate Byzantines.. even if at first the collectors kept their own accounts. see Inalcık..

p. . it provided a structure within which tımars with perhaps dissimilar regulations could be allocated. 231–256. Büyük Selçuklu Veziri Nizâmü’l-Mülk’un Eseri Siyâsetnâme ve Türkçe Tercümesi. 730–35. pp. 38. See Nizam alMulk. I. . 233 n. p. 80–82. trans. sharing his newfound wealth with
Aşıkpaşazade . 26 Köprülü.26 Although the Siyasetnâme is insufficiently detailed to be the source of the Ottoman practice. 28 Inalcık. Kafesoğlu. pp. 149–55. p. 27 R. pp. M. 20. cit. 51.. quotation on p. cit. see C. The Mongols reinstituted iqtaʿs at the beginning of the fourteenth century as a system of large grants to military commanders for pasturing their warriors’ horses and practicing agriculture. in “Turcica”. The Seljuks had had a form of iqtaʿ which was equivalent to provincial governorship. 97. the early recipients seem to have been free to arrange matters as they saw fit.. 27 (1995).
25
24
. 9. where Aşıkpaşazade says he gave villages to each of his gazis. Histoires et légendes des premiers Ottomans. when the northern border (kenar) was granted to Kara Mürsel as timar. Cambridge 1999. E.. 12 (1955).24
linda darling
use of the word is not entirely anachronistic.25 According to Köprülü. A.27 Both systems were thus available to serve as models. cit. As an example. pp. pp. . 45–90. 29 Aşıkpaşazade . Vol. There is a copy of the Siyasetname in Istanbul dated 1330. . At a minimum. 128–29. Fazlullah. he is said to have brought “timar men” (tımar erleri) to that border. 105. pp.. 22–23. Eleventh to Fourteenth Century. . It is also likely that the Byzantine pronoia system influenced the changes that the tımar system underwent to become the classical system of later times. 3. when it first appears at the beginning of the fourteenth century it refers to entire provinces (vilayets) granted by Osman to his family members and military commanders. this system vanished in the central Islamic lands but continued in Anatolia. Zachariadou. Jamiʿu’t-Tawarikh: Compendium of Chronicles. . Thackston. . 23. The Formation of Turkey: The Seljukid Sultanate of Rum. W. Osman’s own holding was at Yenişehir. Cahen.24 This pattern more closely resembles the decentralized Seljuk and Mongol military iqtaʿ system than the centralized tımar administration of the fifteenth-century Ottoman Empire or the Byzantine pronoia. the Ottoman tımar system was “merely a continuation of the Seljuk system” as described in the Siyasetnâme of Nizam al-Mulk. it could have supplemented local experience.29 It is probable that the other holders of these provincial-sized timars also distributed lands to their own followers as grazing grounds and revenue sources. Some Observations . The Ottoman Empire .28 Inside these large grants (ulu tımars). pp. cit. in “Türkiyat Mecmuası”. 108. p. . 32. Harlow 2001.

. e.34 Other documents mention few officials and no scribes.). . Arel. two or three medreses. K. 43. While Orhan was developing Iznik (which had probably declined greatly since its abandonment by the Byzantines in 1261). p. Kitâb-i Cihan-Nümâ . 35 A. 153.g. in “Anadolu Sanatı Araştırmaları”. and several baths.30 Aşıkpaşazade states that “everyone became rich and respected. . Uzunçarşılı. Ménage. cit. although a eunuch. and a sekban appeared there. I. cit.. Building up a cadre of literate and educated workers on the frontier was a slow process. . . 173. 34 Beldiceanu-Steinherr. Recherches . in “Journal of Turkish Studies”. p. 134. No scribes. . 20. The Karamanids also began building major mosques in the early fourteenth century. H. 137 (hereafter Ahmedi). the terminology might not reflect contemporary usage but rather Aşıkpaşazade’s own commentary on Mehmed II’s confiscation of tımars. for which see H.. 32 Aşıkpaşazade . however. How to Read Ashık Pasha-zâde’s History. In some cases for which Aşıkpaşazade uses the word tımar. 1 (1968). Ankara 1937. Karesi was given in tımar by its conqueror. who passed through Anatolia in 1332. Ahmedi ascribes the influx of wealth to Orhan’s time.. Köprülü. . 16 (1992).. p.33 These large grants would not have required an elaborate bureaucratic mechanism to control them. see ibid. pp. pp. p. 209. Studies in Ottoman History in Honour of Professor V. better-documented tımars. 45. p. 23. 213. in C. 33 Aşıkpaşazade . Istanbul 1994. . Neşri does not. Menteşe Bey was competing for builders to construct his mosque in Peçin Şehri. for example. . cit. Neşri.. cit. pp. Some Observations . The use of the term tımar here may be meant to imply that the large undocumented grants people claimed to have received from the early Ottoman rulers should be subject to the same restrictions on removal as later. and caravanserais. a matbahi. Menteşe Beyliği Devrinde Peçin Şehri. that town had two mosques. Ahmedi’s History of the Ottoman Dynasty. 89 and n. C. . Imber (eds.. . pp.. 8–9. 75. Süleyman Paşa. Karakoyunlu Devletleri. p.. p. 31 Aşıkpaşazade . Orhan and the other beys actively recruited scholars by founding medreses where they could be employed. Orhan followed the same practices as Osman. fountains.. by the end of the century.32 The big tımar holders could also donate some of their land in vakıf or serve as administrators and witnesses of the ruler’s evkaf. L.
. see ibid.35 Ibn Battuta.” suggesting a fairly broad distribution. Anadolu Beylikleri ve Akkoyunlu.. 38. p. are listed among the witnesses to Orhan’s 1361 vakfiye. Heywood. cit. Inalcık. 144–47. 129–200. Silay.31 These tımars were apparently heritable. allocating whole provinces (now also called sancaks) to his sons and nephew. remarked several times on the
30 Ibid. p. . in Hamid. p.development of ottoman governmental institutions
25
them. and the viziers of the time do not seem to have had very big staffs. cit.

Neşri.. Ahmedi says. Heywood. 166. therefore. By this time there was a clear distinction between the army and the general population that had not existed in Osman’s early days. the conquerors built towns and brought Anatolian settlers in to populate them. 37 C. p. . establishing mosques. In the years 1366–1376. 700–1700. as Orhan did.
.38 This act contrasts with Orhan’s policy after the conquest of Karesi. Inalcık. As the frontier expanded in Europe. p. and eventually. the conquests were continued by the forces already there. New York 1999. although it was still relatively easy to move between the two groups. 126. he confirmed the local timar holders in their places.”36 Murad and Bayezid During Murad’s reign (1360–1389). if the term is anachronistic) was starting to acquire its later configuration as a system in which the state related directly to every holder
36 Ahmedi . cit.. 130. cit. “the learned men came from everywhere. Frontiers in Question: Eurasian Borderlands. These circumstances allowed Murad to take the titles of Hünkâr and Sultan. 239. . giving them new berats in his own name. baths. p. cit. however. labeled tımars. cit. 60. the tımar system (or the land tenure system. 228–250. The Ottoman Empire . N. when he gave the entire province to his son Süleyman Pasha as a tımar. .37 Murad seems to have continued to award large-scale grants. . . .39 By Murad’s time. . and other marks of civilization.. pp. in D. 141. 45–46. Battuta.. pp. when Gallipoli had been captured by Amadeus of Savoy and Murad could not cross over to Rumeli. pp. 137. The Ottomans’ chief rival. and the Turks had gained a secure foothold around Gallipoli and no longer needed to fear Byzantine offensives. p.. Umur Bey of Aydın. p. Travels in Asia and Africa . with a secure claim to sovereignty if not dominance. . Kitâb-i Cihan-Nümâ .). 39 Ibid. Murad was the first Ottoman ruler to take office after the end of the Ilkhanid regime. Power.26
linda darling
fineness of the architecture. that when he acquired the beylik of Hamid. cit. the trends established in Orhan’s time accelerated greatly.. . to military commanders. The Frontier in Ottoman History: Old Ideas and New Myths. was no more. Standen (eds. It is also recorded of him. . The Mongols’ successor states were weakly legitimated and could no longer claim to control Anatolia. 134. 38 Aşıkpaşazade . 167 uses the term mansıb.

development of ottoman governmental institutions
27
rather than only to the commanders.41 The expansion of Ottoman territory and the desire for tighter control are both reflected in the first appointment of a beylerbeyi (of Rumeli) to command one side of the empire while the sultan was on the other. Uzunçarşılı. Candarlı Halil. . 67–92. 99–106. in “Belleten”. cit. p. 41 I. as under the Seljuks and Mongols. pp. 61. H. 101. pp. the military viziers. p. 69. H. The Formation of Turkey . I. Osmanlı Tarihi. Uzunçarşılı and E. p.40 This change of policy is a clear indication of the state’s increasing administrative capacity. viziers up to that point had functioned only as the heads of the scribal administration. it marked a stage in the development from raiding bands to a regular army. Ondört ve Onbeşinci Asırlarda Anadolu Beyliklerinde Toprak ve Halk Idaresi. Candarlı Halil was the first of a new breed of viziers. H. Z. p. According to Uzunçarşılı. . The documents provide some hard evidence that along with expanding the realm. 42 (1978).. p.
. . In 1372 Candarlı Halil became Murad’s vizier.42 Murad also appointed the first Ottoman kadıasker or military judge. 43 I. Murad (or Candarlı Halil) also built up its administrative organization. 556. Osmanlı Devleti Maliyesinin Kuruluşu ve Osmanlı Devleti Iç Hazinesi. This passage also shows that other beyliks had developed tımar systems of their own.44 All Murad’s vakfiyes exhibited the same complexity as the last of Orhan’s. did later writers follow his example? See Cahen. and not in support of single individuals but of large building complexes with multiple functions
40 The Seljuk state had also awarded small iqtaʿs to individuals. Whatever the immediate need that prompted this appointment might have been. who went on campaigns with the army. Karal. Uzunçarşılı. . Yazıcıoğlu used the term tımar anachronistically for the Seljuk iqtaʿ.. but these are not attested for the early Ottoman period. villages. Vol. and other revenue sources. 106. 44 It is to this point in time that Uzunçarşılı ascribes its inception on the Ilkhanid model. donating not single fields or villages but assemblages of lands. A chronicle reference to haraç collection in Macedonia speaks to the regularization of the conquests.43 Increased state supervision of military appointments would have demanded some such administrative rapprochement. it may also be related to the Ottomans’ greater legitimacy as rulers by this time. 1. 42 Aşıkpaşazade . cit. with responsibility for conquest policy and army management. succeeding Sinanüddin Yusuf Pasha. Ankara 1947. the older beyliks possibly even before the Ottomans. in “Belleten”. 2 (1938). or perhaps the more peaceful nature of their takeover of Hamid.

and the bevvap. 267–293. a eunuch.28
linda darling
supporting groups of religious functionaries and the poor. Wittek. 90. a danişmend of Karaman. and mausoleums. For Murad’s reign there is some additional evidence on the tax system. the confirmation of a 1383 vakıf lists ulak. a mühtesib. 49 For Murad’s mosques and medreses see Y. Apparently all the beys had their own tuğras and forms for document production. It was Kara Rüstem. Ahmedi. 189. . Recherches . and by that time the earlier manuals had probably begun to make their way westward. p. who reputedly proposed this
Beldiceanu-Steinherr. Copies of the finance manuals ended up in the former Seljuk capital of Konya. 47 Idem.. . was fairly sophisticated.46 This administrative structure reflects both the installation of Islamic services (the naib and mühtesib) and the development of the military/fiscal organization (the subaşı and katib). 50 P. 40. 50. Leiden. 218. the list of witnesses to Murad’s 1385 vakıf for the thermal baths in Bursa testifies to a katib as well as several beys. 20 (1950).
45
. p. and avarız as taxes from which the recipients were exempted. cit. 48 On early avarız assessment see L.. Recherches . . mosques. docs. Notes sur la tughra ottomane.. 105–6. cit. at least in the fifteenth century. in “Byzantion”. Istanbul 2000. T.47 These are not taxes that could be collected by tımar holders residing in villages and appropriating a fraction of the crop. The students of medreses founded by Orhan could by this time have entered the Ottoman administration as well as staffing the mosques and medreses constructed by Murad. Although they were assessed simply as so much per household. Ahmedi celebrated Murad’s contruction of shelters. Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy: Tax Collection and Finance Administration in the Ottoman Empire. pp. 283–84 and plate II. they required separate personnel who could collect from wide areas and deliver their collections to the proper recipients as well as an increased scribal staff and expanded record-keeping. Osmanlı Devlet Anlayışı. . Documents show that such personnel proliferated.50 A Karamanid is supposed to have been responsible for the establishment of the Ottoman pençik.48 It is unclear when these taxes began to be levied. 195. 142. a naib. 1560–1660. pp. p. Darling. p.49 The last of the Ilkhanid finance manuals had been composed in 1363. Oğuzoğlu.45 Such institutions required able administrators with tax collectors and scribes under them. the ruler’s right to a fifth of all war booty. whose administration. suhra. 46 Beldiceanu-Steinherr. a subaşı. 36. a fakih. pp. controlled by the Karamanids.

ibid. . cit.. p. 60. 70.51 A significant part of the booty was prisoners of war.. p. .55 Such educated immigrants must have staffed the mosques. young men militarily trained and now enslaved. beyliks like Karaman and Kastamonu. they lie and plot mischief and he cannot control them. cit. prior to that. p. probably more sophisticated. Kitâb-i Cihan-Nümâ . the chronicles do describe Murad employing slaves as fortress garrisons. Anadolu Beylikleri . According to Ahmedi. most high ulema were educated in Cairo or one of the older centers.
. who were supposedly placed with Turks to learn Turkish and then made into a troop of their own. Ahmedi . Uzunçarşılı..” Yeni Çeri. they were apparently not yet capable of training top-level ulema and would not become so until Mehmed II’s reign. . and imarets Bayezid was building. who plainly knew a trick or two. As the Ottomans began to conquer the old Seljuk cities still farther east. Aşıkpaşazade. At this time Germiyanid Kütahya seems to have been the center of culture in western Anatolia. which spread Islamic institutions through the newly conquered territories. Neşri. represent a larger influx of educated personnel whose knowledge and skills were then at the Ottomans’ disposal. p. 58. the centers of the Persianate tradition in Anatolia. pp. that the ulema of his period are corrupt. The story has all the earmarks of an origin myth. cit. 46. The immigrant ulema.53 some of whom later entered Ottoman service with Bayezid’s conquest of Germiyan in 1390.g.. or even from the Arab world. sponsoring authors and translators such as Ahmedi. They complain. whose works and techniques spread into the less-urbanized frontier areas..52 Bayezid I’s reign (1389–1402) is notorious for institutional development. the “new troop. but their criticisms point to areas of developing administrative ability. The chronicles judge Bayezid harshly for his loss to Timur. E. Their understanding of Islam appears often
51 52 53 54 55
Aşıkpaşazade . p. the influence of the Perso-Islamic tradition in the Ottoman state must therefore have increased. Over time. . . Şeyhoğlu. 337. Aşıkpaşazade . cit. . .. Bayezid liked scholars and scientists as well as men of religion. cit. but from this point on.. 142.development of ottoman governmental institutions
29
custom to Murad. . 54. they gained possession of their literary and administrative cadres. While there were medreses in the Ottoman domains.54 These ulema joined Ottoman service from other. . . medreses. for instance. and Ahmed-i Daʾi.

xv. Rise of Ottman Historiography . . 59 Neşri. Impropriety and Impiety among the Early Ottoman Sultans (1351–1451). .. pp. the Ottomans’ administrative capacity must have expanded greatly. Kitâb-i Cihan-Nümâ . The first documentary allusion to tımars refers to his reign.. 57 Ahmedi . which speaks of tımar granted in Bayezid’s time. H. 271. . in “Fatih ve Istanbul”. . here meaning his tuğra. plate 1 and p. The tımar system continued to expand and develop under Bayezid. Aşıkpaşazade . it consists of references in fifteenth-century tımar registers to fourteenth-century tımar surveys in Albania and Ankara. . The chronicles describe his arrangements after he took Alaşehir from the bey of Aydın in the same terms as Murad’s in Hamid: he manned the fortress with his own slaves. 143. Ahmedi noted that he reformed the corrupt kadıs.” and “punished them. .59 But to govern these conquests or even to contemplate doing so. . pp. his amiable relations with the Serbian king. Notes . p. had the hütbe and sikke made in his name. p. he did the same in Menteşe. . pp. and awarded tımars with his own nişan. cf. Some of the other recorded events of his reign suggest that. 60 Aşıkpaşazade . in “Turkish Studies Association Journal”. 1. 31–32..60 According to Neşri. cit..30
linda darling
to have been at odds with that of the local Ottoman Muslims. 103. cit. 313.”57 Another important criticism of Bayezid. Lowry. cit.
.. 65. . 152–175. pp. . where the emotional loading is reversed. . pp. Inalcık. that was the case.. . Neşri. “he made them straighten up. Arnavutluk’ta Osmanlı Hâkimiyetinin Yerleşmesi ve Iskender Bey Isyanının Menşei. cit. . p. 2 (1953). 69. . W. p. 26 (2002). cit. Hicrî 835 Tarihli Sûret-i Defter .. cit. Lowry. . p. 155–56.56 Countering criticisms of Bayezid. who supposedly taught him to drink wine. 331–33..” “called them to account. p. cf. for example. was his conquest of most of the other western Anatolian beyliks. . 67. cit.58 The complaints of the defeated beys or their relatives were depicted as inspiring Timur’s invasion. no.62 It appears that many more documents
56 See. which speaks of exemption documents (temessük) given to surveyed taxpayers by officials who were beylerbeyis of Rumeli under Bayezid. For Bayezid’s tuğra see Wittek. 161. cit. H. 61 Neşri. 58 Aşıkpaşazade . . . Kitâb-i Cihan-Nümâ . Impropriety .61 The resulting enhancement of his military forces made it possible for him to defeat the Crusading army at Nicopolis (1396) and to challenge Constantinople.. and idem. pp. cit. cited as the main reason for his defeat by Timur. cit. 341. The point of the criticism was to denounce Bayezid’s abandonment of the gaza in Rumeli in order to fight with fellow Muslims. Inalcık. p.. to whom he scandalously returned a couple of towns conquered by the Muslims. and his marriage to the Serbian king’s daughter. 29–38. 62 See Inalcık. . . indeed. . . cit.. Kitâb-i Cihan-Nümâ .

Among these were Kalile ve Dimne. Hibetullah. rpt. 109. in “Studia Islamica”. 103–129. 231. 68. it explains that Bayezid had granted him part of the conquered area as mülk (freehold). however. shops. 340–50.66 This is not to speak of the many religious works written. pp. written under Bayezid by Ali b.) Asırlarda Anadolu’da Farsça Eserler. Ateş. Numerous copies were made of Necmeddin Daye/Razi’s advice work Mirsadu’l-Ibad. the poetry of Attar and Saʿdi. copied. the Kabusname and Merzibanname. The large amount of construction during Bayezid’s reign suggests that the state’s resources were expanding. pp. 7–8 (1945). pp. Hicri VI–VIII.
. 66 M. 2 (1954). 111. pp. and houses to support a zaviye that would serve as a hostel for travelers. Seyyid Battal. 246–47. Istanbul 1984. putting some of the classics of Persian and Arabic literature into Turkish and creating new works in the same genres. . and that he in turn had donated a garden. Umar. 94–135. pp. 361. 34 (2002). Kitâb-i Cihan-Nümâ . . 63 I. which refers to mentions of a survey of Ankara by Timurtaş Paşa. it brought the beyliks into touch with the culture of the rest of the Muslim world and provided a foundation for the development
Ottoman Methods of Conquest. Extant documents and registers from the early fifteenth century appear to have been modeled on documents written in Persian by the Seljuks or Ilkhanids. medreses. While this literature did not exhibit great originality. Algar. Köprülü. F. A. Melik Danişmend. NY 1982. a zaviye. cit. The chronicles list mosques. 64 Aşıkpaşazade . and an insane asylum among his constructions. H. Delmar. .. p. . Neşri. p. Beldiceanu-Steinherr. the Hamse of Nizami. . but no vakfiyes of Bayezid appear to have survived. imarets. (XII–XIV.63 Also no longer extant is the first Ottoman accounting textbook. cit. Analyse de la titulature d’Orhan sur deux inscriptions de Brousse. . its governor in 1396. and the Sufi saints of the past as well as those of more recent Anatolian vintage. cit. Recherches .64 These buildings were doubtless supported by evkaf. in “Turcica”. Türk Edebiyatı Tarihi.65 A translation movement began in Anatolia in the later years of Orhan’s reign and continued throughout the rest of the century. no registers or state documents of the late fourteenth century have survived to make possible comparisons over time. pp. The documentation for a vakıf created by one of his commanders. Abu Muslim. 65 Beldiceanu-Steinherr. 64. p.. and/or translated. the history of Tabari. Istanbul 1926. 223–240.development of ottoman governmental institutions
31
were being written under Bayezid than we have concrete evidence for. unfortunately. and epics celebrating the deeds of Ali. reflects some of the complexity of Murad’s and Orhan’s evkaf after 1360. in “Türkiyat Mecmuası”.. p. The Path of God’s Bondsmen from Origin to Return.

the court of his son Süleyman became a refuge for writers. . specialized military forces. poets. Anadolu Beylikleri . and after Bayezid’s death. while after 1360 it became much more complex. . 216–17. their use of these tools was simple and straightforward. The later documents describe vakıf institutions with multiple functions and varied personnel. pp.32
linda darling
of Ottoman literature in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Adding the evidence of buildings and their remains reveals an expanded educational system and the basis for further architectural and literary development.
67
Uzunçarşılı.
..67 In addition to providing entertainment. It also provided many examples of imperial ideology and organization. and a tımar system in which all or most participants were managed directly by the state. and scribal and military recruitment all indicate that Ottoman culture was formed from an amalgamation between Turkish/Seljukid/Islamic and Byzantine/Christian influences. 45–52. these men became the teachers of the sultans and their courtiers in the knowledge and governing techniques appropriate to a major empire. In the first half. the architecture. and that such eclecticism was foundational to its growth. and musicians. Conclusion In terms of administrative development. Also central to Ottoman institutional development were the contributions made by people from other beyliks. while the Karamanids in Konya seem to have suppressed the courtly society created earlier by the Seljuks. and a complex taxation system with a variety of levies and collection methods. there are significant differences between the first half of the fourteenth century and the second. Interestingly. by the third quarter of the century the once brigandly Germiyanids had become munificent patrons of the arts under Süleymanşah (1363?–1388?). while the Ottomans can be shown to be familiar with sedentary forms of organization and their documentation. The taxation system. by the second half of the century the “Ottoman” enterprise was really a combined west-Anatolian effort. Chronicles and documentary references also testify to a multi-layered provincial system. This role passed to the Ottomans after 1390. cit. despite protests from the ex-rulers of the other beyliks.

while the warriors and uç beys concentrated on expanding the Ottoman realm. who were mostly Christians unused to cohabiting with Turks. In the second half of the fourteenth century. These devices always carried at least a faint negative charge and were projected by historians onto non-Muslims such as the Byzantines. and the conquered people. the gazi motivation must have been so common on the popular level that it would be assumed to have motivated the initial conquests in Osman’s and Orhan’s reigns as well. although availing themselves of the legitimation of gaza. Popular religious literature flourished and numerous popular saints emerged. This division heightened the religious aspect of the conquests. The eclecticism visible in the first half of the century seems to have given way in the second half to a growth of popular Islam that may have been particularly powerful among the military forces in Europe. as it had been already in the Mongol period. whose Muslim element was reinforced by migration from Anatolia. and the Sasanians. the bureaucrats and officials expanded the governing apparatus and developed the state’s direct control over its lands and revenues. the state was less enthusiastic about gaza than the common soldiers. the Ottoman sultans clearly behaved more like traditional Near Eastern emperors. and the entire fourteenth century would be labeled the era of gaza. Sufism. and mosque-building. though it would be for the state. If we are not simply to discard the concept of the Ottoman warriors as gazis. A perception of the state as not sharing this popular motivation might have been sufficient for popular Islam to turn anti-state. understood as coming to a tragic end in Bayezid’s time. than had been true in western Anatolia. By the Interregnum period. The absence of the ruler and his staff would have transferred the burden of leadership and motivation to the uç beys and the dervish şeyhs. Although state control was negatively charged. the Mongols. An appeal by such leaders to popular religious concepts is not at all unlikely. It is obvious that in the time of Bayezid. Bayezid’s sons were able to put the
. and perhaps earlier as well. then perhaps it was in the second half of the century— not in the days of Osman—that that label became truly appropriate. employing all the administrative devices for which Bayezid was condemned.development of ottoman governmental institutions
33
Murad’s reign saw a sharper division between the military forces and their leaders in Rumeli. it was effective enough that even though the empire was dismembered by Timur. In the fifteenth century. The likely moment is the decade of Murad’s exclusion from the leadership of the conquests by the Savoyard capture of Gallipoli.

While this study has attempted not to go beyond what the sources directly indicate or imply. they not only reconquered the rebellious vassal states but restored Ottoman administration and the tımar system in all the regained territories and installed it where it had never been before.
. Despite their competition for the throne.34
linda darling
pieces back together again. it must conclude that their evidence provides an inadequate picture of what the administration of the Ottoman Empire must have been in its first century. The hints given in the chronicles and the few extant documents do not sufficiently testify to the central role that imperial administration must have played in the fourteenth-century Ottoman Empire.

pp. (ed. the city of Istanbul is still the house of several monumental remnants of this community’s past. Although damaged by the teeth of passing time.1 The cemeteries became a mirror of the neighborhoods whose residents were buried in them. 393–430.. and continued without interruptions way into the 20th century—the cemeteries of Hasköy. Ortaköy and Kuzguncuk.METROPOLIS AND NECROPOLIS: THE CULTIVATION OF SOCIAL STATUS AMONG THE JEWS OF ISTANBUL IN THE 17TH AND 18TH CENTURIES Minna Rozen Although Istanbul Jewish community of today is about 25% of it’s size at the last years of the Ottoman period. Boatmen and Fishermen’s
. in “Jewish Quarterly Revue. attitude towards male children as opposed to female children. and slaves. in A.).2 The cemetery became the world of the living’s mirror. age at marriage. road building. During the years 1987–1991 I was able to document some 36. and vandalism.). Tel Aviv 1994. Tel Aviv 1998. Hasköy Cemetery: Typology of Stones. number of children per family. and society’s relations with neighboring cultures. The most striking among these are three cemeteries in which burial had started in the 16th through 17th centuries. Hellenic and Jewish Arts. all three of them still contain thousand of stones. idem. Such analysis portrayed the prevalence of polygamy. longevity. attitudes towards children. women. 71–125. in a very unique way. A. Classical Echoes in Ottoman Istanbul. 2 See for example M. A Survey of Jewish Cemeteries in Western Turkey. and attitudes towards the elderly. idem. The systematic analysis of vast burial plots enabled to rebuild the social stratification of the society that had built them. 109–179. pp. Rozen. and great parts of them still display quite large and intact original burial plots.000 tombstones in these cemeteries. in Id. in Daniel Carpi Jubilee Book. The Cycle of Life and the meaning of Old Age in the Ottoman Period.” LXXXIII (1992). pp. and a costume made computer program has enabled me to use a great part of the data in order to rebuild Jewish social life from the late 16th century until the beginning of the 19th century. Rozen. it’s family trajectories. fluctuations in the status of particular families. fluctuations in it’s general economic and political status. Shapira and D. the values this society considered most. Tel Aviv 1996. Porat (eds. idem.
1 On this project see M. Ovadiah.

Around the year 1482. so that infinite reflections of reality look out at one another from within them. and at the same time will be shown how the living used the cemetery as an additional arena to others in which they construct their own world. One of the families that drew my attention to the phenomenon of cultivating social status through the culture of burial is the Tsontsin family. from there. not only in his generation. Gershom was certainly the greatest Hebrew printer. Yehoshuʿa Shelomoh. one of their descendants. but rather as a mirror set up opposite another mirror. 195–234. In other words. established a printing press in the town of Soncino. sometimes it is an investment toward achieving such status. Yehoshuʿa’s grandsons.
Guilds in 19th Century Istanbul. 72–93. Faroqhi and R. pp. in some cases one can see investment in the culture of death not merely as an expression of the social and financial status of the deceased. primarily in the Veneto. A Pound of Flesh: Meat Trade and Social Conflict among the Jews of Istanbul. 1700–1923 in S. a concentration of family tombstones. continued in the art of printing. but a picture of a reality as the mourners are trying to create. the expenditure is not always the product of the family’s exalted status. Latin. He printed several books in Salonika in 1521–1527. and Italian. which we mistakenly call ‘Shontsino’. or monuments. The family originated in the city of Fürth. that exhibit a certain character. in various cities in Italy. idem. from which came the famous family of printers.90
minna rozen
In this paper will be displayed one facet of the way the social structure of the living is reflected through the cemetery. London 2005.) Crafts and Craftsmen in the Ottoman Empire. and thus initiated an impressive tradition of printing books in Hebrew. Mosheh was the first one to print books in the Ottoman Empire. The Hebrew shin should be pronounced as a sin. the cemetery should not be looked at as a simple mirror. such as unusually large size and expensive ornamentation.
. The investment is not necessarily a picture of reality. and to enhance the social status of the living. but as an effort to establish. 15 (2000). The family name. near Nuremberg. According to the idea presented here. is a slight corruption of the Italian name ‘Soncino’—the name of a town in northern Italy. Deguilhem (eds. Greek. Gershom and Mosheh. brings to mind the immediate inference that here we have a family of means and financial power that testify to its economic and social status in the community. which is spelled in Hebrew with two tsadi’s. two members of the family migrated to Soncino in May of 1454. and immortalized the family’s name. Moreover. in “Mediterranean Historical Review”. For example. pp. to maintain.

4 Y. 1933. A. but the fact that the governors sent by the Porte to Egypt used to bring with them advisors and assistants from Istanbul. to fire him and take one of Hamon’s men (Responsa Shaʿar Yehoshuʿa. during which time he printed at least twenty-eight books.
3
. Masʿot Sason Hai Le-Vet Qastiel (The Travels of Sason Hai from the House of Qastiel) in idem. India. the first printer to settle in Istanbul. Yaʿari. this new governor had Jewish advisors whom he brought with him from Istanbul.5 So we have no reason to reject this information. Burma. he moved with his son Eli‘ezer and with his printing press to Salonika. the Mediterranean and Western Europe at the end of the 17th century and the first decade of the 18th century. pp. 1547). I have not been able to identify this scion of the Soncino family or to verify the connection between him and Gershom. who traveled between Ceylon. 1527) or of Eliezer (d. 218. Istanbul. Gershom Soncino was
A. Gershom lived in Istanbul only four years.3 The connection with Cairo gains some significance if we consider the information provided by Sason Hai of the house of Qastiel. Ha-Defus ha-ʿIvri be-Qushta (The Hebrew Press in Istanbul). n. 1719. Ha-Madpisim Benei Soncino (The Printers of the Soncino House). Jerusalem. Hoshen Mishpat. Gershom Soncino. and pearls. At the same time. # 27. Vienna. Haberman. Afganistan. M. an Istanbulu adventurer. Mosheh Benveniste. vol 3. 469. rubies. among them Jews. all of them perfectly wise in all matters. 21–24. Ben Zvi. Mosheh ben Eleʿazar of the house of Parnas. and printed fourteen books there. Mehqarim u-Meqorot (Studies and Documents). The printing press fell to one of his workers. they both moved to Istanbul.”4 Qastiel is not especially known for accuracy. Aharon Hamon. He relates that in the days of the Ari (Rabbi Yitzhaq Luria Ashkenazi. printed two books in Cairo in the year 1557. In the year 1530. where he printed several books. # 28). Jerusalem 1966. the founder of the Lurianic Kabbalist school of Safed)—we may assume around 1570—a new Pasha was sent to Egypt. His son Eli‘ezer inherited the printing press and continued in the business until 1547. Among these was “a man of wisdom and understanding named Ya‘aqov. Jerusalem 1967. He might have been the son of Mosheh (d. 5 See for example the responsum written by Raphael Yehoshuʿa Benveniste to the wealthy brothers Ibn Vileisid from Istanbul (1651) on account of their dispute with another powerful Istanbuli Jew. Responsa Penei Mosheh. One of the gransdsons of Eliʿezer. and his father’s name was Rabbi Yitzhaq Soncino. p. is known to us from other sources as well.cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul
91
but also in the succeeding generations. Eli‘ezer ben Gershom Soncino passed away in Istanbul in the year 1558. trading in diamonds. The latter caused the Governor of Egypt who brought one of the brothers to Cairo to serve as his sarraf. and has a tendency to exaggerate. 1982. In the year 1526.

several oil paintings of his Istanbuli friends. On the Benveniste family. Samuel Sanderson. Rozen. 213. opposite ministers and judges of the highest rank”11 Esteropoula. op.7 The status of the Soncino family at the end of the 16th century through the first half of the 17th century is well portrayed in their family connections and their assets. Leiden 2004. 204–207. Mosheh Benveniste. Rabbi Yehoshuʿa Soncino’s daughter married Mosheh Benveniste who was the court physician of Murad III (1574–1595) and a protégé of the Grand Vizier Siavuş Paşa. most probably Qahal Mayor. 47a. pp. Leiden 2004. to his exile to Rhodes. “the German” = Ashkenazi). W. The enormous wealth and power she accumulated made her an object of envy and hatred.8 His ties with Siavuş Paşa and with Esther Kira9 led. 221. Yehoshuʿa Soncino. Benayahu Rofe He-Hatzer Rav Mosheh Benveniste: Shir ʿal haglayato le-Rodos (R. Court Physician: Elegy on his Exile to Rhodes). See also Benveniste’s involvement in the execution of Ester Kira. which he apparently commissioned from an artist in the Great Bazaar of Istanbul during his stay in the capital of the Ottoman Empire. 125–135.92
minna rozen
apparently the father of Yehoshuʿa Soncino(d. see the entire article. Foster). Rozen. John Sanderson.. 1589–1593). pp. 98.6 His status in the Istanbul community is well attested by his firm opposition to the plan designed by the Nasi family to boycott the port of Ancona on account of the 24 conversos who were burnt on the stake in the city (1555). 9 A Jewish businesswoman who mediated between the women of the harem and the outside world. Mosheh Benveniste’s Responsa. the flawless sage.e. the daughter of the Hakham Shemuel Soncino married the son of the “rich man” ( gevir) Shelomoh Alaman (i. p. was the Hakham (congregational rabbinic authority) of a Sephardic congregation. 35. or as he is better known as Tzontzin. sword-wielding soldiers on the staircase of the house of Halil Paşa. p. in the final analysis. I of Penei Mosheh. where he died. 130–131.
7
6
. The British merchant. Istanbul 1731. Esther Kira was murdered on 1 April 1600 by mutinous. 2. 79. Responsa Nahalah li-Yhoshuʿa. ref. This “German” is most probably the famous Venetian physician who
See Yehoshuʿa Tzontizn. The Travels of John Sanderson in the Levant 1584–1602. 8 Held office as Grand Vizier three times (1582–1586. 44. bequeathed to his cousin. It should be noted however. 1569) as well. printed in Istanbul in 1669. One of these was of the “Jewish Physician Dr. 10 M. cit. On his activities in this matter and other communal matters see M.” John Sanderson (ed. pp. its pedigree and connections. 201. (London 1931) p. that this fact had not been clearly expressed in any document mentioning Yehoshuʿa’s name. 11 See introduction to Vol. in “Sefunot” 14 (5730–5733 [1970–1973]). The Jewish Community of Istanbul: The Formative Years 1543–1566. the renowned scholar. 91.10 Mosheh Benveniste is described by his grandson as: “The righteous prince. Benveniste. See M. 1584–1592. the kaymakam of Istanbul. The Jewish Community of Istanbul: The Formative Years 1543–1566. pp.. who devoted his whole life to helping Jews everywhere. ibid. #40.

”15 Let us forget. named Tsontsin. p. although leading the Romaniots. that continues its activity until the nineteenth century. Rozales. 15 Ben Zvi. rabbi Yitzhaq Ibn Faraj. 469. cit. influential in the politics of Istanbul. Trading Nations: Jews and Venetians in the Early Modern Eastern Mediterranean. who see the king’s face. by the word of the Sultan (Hunkar).
12 On Shelomoh Ashkenazi and his career see B. and these are from four families: Hamon. and according to what comes out of the mouth of the Jews. Rabbi Yitzhaq Don Don. The Jewish Community . and they buy [merchandise] from these kingdoms[i. Leiden 1995. Moreover. it reappears as an affluent family. and interestingly. 13 On the office of the Leading Rabbi see Rozen. Travels . 55–94. and notes that most of its governors and noblemen “are being nominated by the advise of wealthy men. Less than two decades after the Soncino family disappears as a family of printers. . Rabbi Eliyahu Ibn Hayim. who was at the same time the Hakham of Neveh Shalom congregation. “The Soncino Family—Spire-FürthVenice-Salonika-Istanbul-Cairo”. and eventually saved the Jewish community of Venice from the expulsion they were threatened with by the Venetian authorities decision of 18 December 1571.. cit. so the Sultan does. around that same period. pp. provinces of the empire] and send as king to whoever their heart desires..14 Qastiel describes at length the influence of the Jews of Istanbul on political life of the Ottoman Empire.
. This is just a limited picture covering just seventy years of the intricate marriage network the Soncino’s (and other well off Istanbuli families) developed in order to maintain and fortify their dynasty. 66–77. . the grandson of Yehoshuʿa Soncino (d. 1569). Arbel. ‘Uziel.13 Ibn Hayim’s second daughter married the physician Nisim Benveniste (1583–1621). and let us focus on the remainder. he was a Sephardi and a Hakham of a Sephardi congregation! 14 For this part of the Soncino dynasty see Table 1.cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul
93
mediated between the Venetian bailo in Istanbul Marc’Antonio Barbaro and the Grand Vizier Mehmed Sokollu during the war between the two countries. pp. Ibn Hayim was the last Leading Rabbi we know of. we witness the emergence of an important family of rabbis and wealthy men. . . the many exaggerations in Qastiel’s description. the most distinguished of those who sit first in the kingdom. Their grandson. and Soncino—these are the four wealthiest families in the city of Istanbul. married the daughter of the Leading Rabbi of the Romaniot congregations in Istanbul.e. for the moment.12 Shemuel Soncino’s other daughter married a famous rabbinical scholar.

The question that remains unanswered is how did the Soncinos acquire their wealth? Printing was an honorable profession. 1933. On the other hand. a fortune that justified the appellation “wealthy men” as applied to several family members. 28 February 1989. so also ‘Soncino’ became ‘Tsontsin’. to omit the final ‘o’ in surnames ending with “no”—as. on her tombstone three options appear: ‘Tsontsin’. Peraqim be-Toledot ha-Madpisim ha-ʿIvriyim (Chapters in the History of the Hebrew Printers). the name Soncin was written in Hebrew with a “shin”. The name ‘Soncino’ is very rare among the Jews of Italy. M. into a great fortune. and ‘Sonsino’. stone # 21.
. rp. the shortened form ‘Tsontsin’ [without the final ‘o’] is the result of the prevalent custom in the Veneto. In id. Soncino the favorites of kings. Lady Vida passed away on September 23rd. and the likelihood that two different families with this name settled in Istanbul is almost nil. 17 A. someone in the family knew how to parlay the transfer of the business. Haberman. The form ‘Tsontsin’ is. p. printed in 1484 in Soncino.Vienna. The second one is that when the printing press passed to Mosheh ben Eliʿezer Parnas. Jerusalem 1978. for example.. 1948. The Soncinos were the only printers I know of whose name is associated with money. Goldstein-Goren Diaspora Research Center. in the names Riccomino-Riccomin. Ha-Madpisim Benei Soncino (The Printers of the Soncino House). The likelihood that we are not dealing with one family is very small. Tel Aviv University. ‘Tsontsino’. on the one hand. Delfino-Delfin. film # 106*.94
minna rozen
Soncino the printers. 26.16 Another example for the usage to abbreviate the name Soncino can be seen in the opening page of Shelomoh Ibn Gevirol’s book Mivhar Peninim (Selected Pearls). There are three possibilities: one is that Gershom Soncino (d. where the family was active for about a hundred years. or. Further evidence for this can be seen on the tombstone of Vidah Khursi. excelled in his business as nobody else did before him or after.”17 In fact. Collection of Turkish Cemeteries (hereafter Turkish Collection). Bragadino-Bragadin. in the “printing press of Yehoshuʿa ben Israel Natan a man from Soncin. 1534). Ortaköy Cemetery. etc. and Tsontsin the rabbis are all one and the same. We are dealing with branches and descendants of the same family. a mistake due to the inability to find a written equivalent of the [Italian] ‘c’ [pronounced like the English ‘ch’ in ‘chair’] and the difficulty of pronouncing a [Hebrew] ‘samekh’ followed by a ‘tzadi’. a great printer that he was. but never one to make its practitioners exceptionally wealthy. plot # M-9.
16 The Turkish and Balkan Jewry Documentation Project. and only Italophones would know that it is actually a “sin”. the widow of Hayim Tsontsin.

in fact. Z. Shemuel was not a famous scholar.cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul
95
the last possibility is that at some time a family member who was not in the printing business made the family wealthy and prominent. 1994. Tel Aviv 1996. 1569) married into important families. Shemuel and Yehoshuʿa (d.). Sermons (in Hebrew). Venice 1588. power. and especially 253–60. The Jews of the Ottoman Empire. or by diverting his efforts into different avenues than printing as well.). Mosheh Almosnino mi-Saloniqi: Hayav vi-Ytzirato (Mosheh Almosnino of Salonika. which would explain the marriages of Rabbi Yehoshuʿa Soncino’s daughters. and to enhance their status. His Life and Work).On the social and political strife in Salonika. pp. Levi (ed. Rozen. of using the family graves to foster the impression of greatness in Torah. Sefer Meametz Koah.
On Almosnino and his mission to Istanbul see M. may be two of the best families in the capital. who already during his lifetime managed to create a great fortune. Yemei ha-Sahar—Peraqim be-Toledot ha-Yehudim baImperiyah ha-‘Ot’manit (The Days of the Crescent—Chapters in the History of the Jews in the Ottoman Period). pp. given on the 10th day of the Hebrew moon of Nisan 5329 (28 March 1569) revolves around the theme of money being used for the benefit of the nation. One more allusion to the fact that Gershom’s sons were already rich people is found in the sermon made by Rabbi Mosheh Almosnino from Salonika. 1534) through both his sons. Benayah. 13–38. Marriage of wealthy families into families of scholars was still prevalent in Istanbul Jewish society of this period (this had changed in future generations). The allusion is to the way Tzontzin had used his own money. and wealth.18 Almosnino’s sermon. Individual and Community in Jewish Society of the Ottoman Empire: Salonika in the 16th Century. which implies that he himself was the one. The granddaughters of Gershom (d. and the only reason why his daughter Esteropoula married into the Ashkenazi family could have been the wealth of her father. who stayed in Istanbul in the years 1565–1567 as an ambassador of sorts. M. 19 Mosheh Almosnino. pp. Rozen. Princeton NJ. The Corvée of Operating the Mines in Siderakapısı and Its Effects on the Jewish Community in Thessaloniki in the 16th Century in Id. see M. for achieving worthy aims. 215–73. nominated by his community to achieve at the Sublime Porte a better tax arrangement for them. (ed. provides us with interesting insights as to the strategy they adopted over the generations.19 An overview of the tombstones which the Soncino family had left in the cemeteries of Istanbul.
18
. 62b–74b. however. and the role played by Almosnino in these events. in A. either through printing. Tel Aviv 1996.

Hasköy was not the favored neighborhood of the Soncinos in the seventeenth century. 8 November 1988. poorly decorated. film # 63*. judging from the workmanship and the inscriptions. not all of them answer to this description: the young maiden Qalo who was already betrothed to be married. the earliest dating from 1697 and the latest from 1944. and I would have expected a larger number of tombstones of the Soncino family in the cemetery. Kuzguncuk and of Ortaköy. if they had lived in Hasköy long before 1697. Most of the tombstones from the nineteenth century were destroyed in the course of building the highway that encircles Istanbul (Çevre Yolu). and succinctly inscribed. situated on the northern shore of the Golden Horn. in that it mentions the Tsontsin
20 Turkish Collection . However. and also. The passerby would not add her to the dynastic account of her family. . there are others much more worthy of investment than her. The reason why there are so few family tombstones in this cemetery is twofold. Hasköy cemetery. who passed away on 15 August 1751 won a simple coffin-like stone.20 The reason for this thrift could be the fact that her whole personality depended on her future role as a wife and a mother. In Hasköy cemetery. however. and only then moved elsewhere. Therefore I suggest that until 1660—the year of the great fire in Eminonu. It is difficult to say where the Soncinos lived before 1697. which brought about the uprooting of most of the Jews of the Old Jewish Quarter and their resettlement in Hasköy—the Soncino family also lived in the old Quarter.. as befitting the kind of family described by Qastiel. dating from 1893 and 1944 are very simple and cheap certainly attesting to the real situation of the family at the last chapter of this family’s history in the city. that is between the age of 12 years and that of 12 years and six months. and their tombstones were simply destroyed. The tombstone that is most interesting of all—and this one deserves special attention. cit. were found only eight tombstones of the family. plot 5–11.
. . It is important to note that the two tombstones found in Hasköy. once she is dead before achieving any of these goals there is no point in investing in her tombstone. It is possible that they lived in Hasköy before that date as well. we have an impressive number of tombstones dating from between the founding of the cemetery and 1697. as we shall see below.96
minna rozen
A tour of the cemeteries of Istanbul shows that members of the family were buried in three cemeteries in the city: those of Hasköy. The eighteenth century stones are mostly expensive and lavishly invested. stone # 48MA.

Hasköy cemetery. plot 1–11.. and of the house of the wealthy and wise and exalted honorable rabbi Mosheh Tsontsin.cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul
97
Photograph 1. 1989. more impressive than those of the Soncino family itself. In other words. both the fact that the woman converted to Judaism and the fact that she served in the house of this wealthy man until her marriage seemed to her grieving husband to be facts that would do her honor. which found expression in her assistance of the poor—the fact that she was a proselyte. wife of the honorable Rabbi Shelomoh Istamti. stone # 131. and that she was from the house of Mosheh Tsontsin. . .
. The tombstone of the lady Esther. The great monetary investment in the monument expresses not only
21 Turkish Collection .”21 (photograph 1) who passed away on the 11th of November. This extremely beautiful monument. was erected for her by her grieving husband. cit. 15 January. film # 536. 1738. wife of honorable Rabbi Shelomoh Istamti.
family only indirectly—is the tombstone of “The Lady Esther. and also indirectly enhance the status of the mourners. who thought it proper to note—besides her lofty virtues. The meaning of these facts is that she was a non-Jewish slave who converted to Judaism.

Eli‘ezer Tzontzin. plot G-3.. that of Rahel. that is why they do not appear in the family tree provided here. while a very old man should be considered a person over seventy. 1989. 1778. flawless as the sun. grandchildren or wife who outlived him.22 In the second half of the nineteenth century this beautiful residence started to lose it’s glamour in favor of Galata that became a symbol of modernity and westernization. Out of the fourteen stones. suppliers of the court and the army. 24 Op.. film # 60. beautiful as the moon. 15 (2000). 1742). the chief rabbi of Istanbul. Porat (eds. Fourteen stones of the Soncinos were found in the Kuzguncuk cemetery. Boatmen and Fishermen’s Guilds in 19th Century Istanbul. pp. in Id..25 The death of an enfant or a very old person does not create a huge palpable gap in the everyday life of society. June 1. Rozen. However. Rozen. Among them were rich merchants. only two display very short and concise epitaphs. wife of the rich and illustrious Menahem Soncino (d.24 A child means an enfant less than four or five years old. 25 See M. 7 April. in “Mediterranean Historical Review”. film # 217. . Sarah daughter of the honorable and distinguished Nisim Tzontzin” who died 24 August.
. and moreover. who passed away on 27 March 1803. Shapira. Tel Aviv 1996. The first among them from 1735. the stone must have been ordered by a distant relative who did not particularly grieve his death. During the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth century Kuzguncuk was the residence of well off Jewish. and D. The Cycle of Life and the Meaning of Old Age in the Ottoman Period. .). 78–80. and typically. one of them is that of a female child.98
minna rozen
her husband’s love for her. Given the fact that there is no mention of children. Kuzguncuk cemetery. the common rule is that they never get a heavily invested tombstone. 23 Turkish Collection . Daniel Carpi Jubilee Book. cit. plot G-12. “the pleasant child. Unless for one tombstone. Ottoman dignitaries and functionaries. Muslim. 109–179.23 The second stone that was incised very minimally is that of a very old man. 1989. stone # 8. in the case of the Soncino family the frugality expressed in the case of Eli‘ezer Tzontzin calls for further consideration. stone # 48. I was unable to accurately connect the rest of the burials in Kuzguncuk to the family tree created through the Hasköy and Ortaköy burials. and last but not least. cit. All the rest of the Kuzguncuk stones are incised with
22 See M. and thus. the last from 1909. pp. Armenian as well as Greek families. he did not see any dynastic gains from investing in the stone. A. but also the aspiration to emulate the wealthy family with which she was associated.

all inscribed with a beautiful poem befitting a distinguished lady who belongs to an important family. plot D-8. . film # *457.
an elaborate epitaph relating in great detail the virtues of the deceased and his or her important place in society. Kuzguncuk cemetery. cit. they are surprising when inscribed on relatively simple monuments. or the young David Zonanah27 (photograph 5). Sarah. a
. however.
26 Turkish Collection .26 is rather plain in comparison to the monuments erected on the burials of people such as Matatyah Pedrosa (photographs 3–4). 3. the wife of Yehoshuʿa Soncino who died on September 14. received from her husband a nice pentagonal coffin-like stone. but the stone itself.. August 1989. The tombstone of the lady Sarah wife of Yehoshuʿa Soncino. . made of Marmara marble. 27 The Zonanah family were rich merchants who took a central role in the leadership of the community at least from the 1730ies until the end of the Ottoman period. David Zonanah is mentioned in 1746 as one of the seven “officials for Palestine in Istanbul”. 1735 in the plague. Given the fact that education was a common norm among the Soncinos. though of good quality and nice cutting (photograph 2). stone # 99. as well as the hollowness his or her death would leave in the life of those who depended or loved the deceased.cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul
99
Photograph 2. the intricate and elaborate epitaphs should not surprise us.

another explanation should be taken into account as well.cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul 101
Photograph 5. 89–90. stone # 117. Tuscaloosa Alabama 1992. 122. Turkish Collection . The tombstone of David Zonanah d. . The Jews in Palestine in the Eighteenth CenturyUnder the Patronage of the Istanbul Committee of Officials for Palestine. Kuzguncuk Cemetery..
very prestigious office (J.. On their role in the community’s political life in the 19th century see M. 93–94. Rozen. The Last Ottoman Century and Beyond: The Jews of Turkey and the Balkans. while the most recent stones display the smallest investment. p. 95.10 August 1746.
This combination of an elaborate inscription and a medium level of investment in the artwork of the stone repeats itself in the rest of the Tzontzin stones in Kuzguncuk. not to mention the quality of stones they used for their families’ tombs. 1808–1945. . Barnai. notes 10. 1. 28 August 1989. who invested both in epitaphs and in artwork. However.
. cit. See also op. 243. like the Zonanah. but not as rich as the other members of the Istanbuli Jewish elite of this period. cit. Tel Aviv 2005. Qamhi. 108–109. the Soncino family was an important family. Ajiman. One explanation of this phenomenon would be that the Soncino family did not attach the same importance to ostentatious status symbols as other Istanbuli families attached to it in the 18th century. plot # D-6. pp. Consequently. pp. a commodity they were able to get inside the family. vol. the Soncinos displayed their “good name” and value especially through intricate epitaphs. exactly as it is in Hasköy. film # *152.13. 87). Aluf or De Medinah. 96–97.

449–451. Travels . 451). Venice 1657. Here also the poorest stones are the most recent. a summer resort for the residents of Istanbul. . who passed away on 28 June 1898. Mosheh Ibn Yaʿish. a palace he describes in the account of his journeys. pp. see Rabbi Eliyahu Ibn Hayim.
. cit. and the last is that of Vida Khursi. wife of Raphael Tzontzin.29 These seaside villas. Responsa Mayim ʿAmukim. or shore palaces. resembled the one that Sason Hai ben Qastiel had built for himself before his final journey to Southeast Asia that ended in Afganistan.102
minna rozen
Forty seven stones of the Soncino family are found in the Ortaköy cemetery. as in the other cemeteries. As for the rest. and Armenians. most of them climb up in quality and quantity of material as well as in ornamentation as time goes backwards towards the end of the 17th century. as well as Muslims. 1. 1948). which became a stylish neighborhood. the neighbors were another Jew.28 Given this fact. the natural inference is that most of the family members lived in Ortaköy. 70:119b. where wealthy people of three faiths lived side by side in seaside villas (yalı) that touched the waters of the strait. the borders of which overlap the cemetery’s plots. for which I am indebted. . the stone of Yehoshuʿa son of Meir Tzontzin (photograph 6). Responsa 82:54a). 1896. vol. both with respect to the materials and with respect to the physical labor and the inscriptions. 29 See the will of Hayim Sulam.30 The first Soncino grave in Ortaköy that we found dates from 1695. Greeks. used to rent summer houses there from the Ottoman dignitaries who owned much real estate on the shores of the Bosphorus. All of them are made of large blocks of Marmara
28 It should be mentioned here that in spite of the delicate nature of this neighbor I was given by the authorities in charge a free hand in photographing all the plots until the very barb of the camp. at least from the end of the seventeenth century. Istanbul. Most stones dating from 1695 until approximately 1810 are very expensive. Jews. Evliya Çelebi lists the yalı of Şekerci Yahudi (the Jewish sugar dealer) and that of the Jew Yitzhaq among the shore palaces of Ottoman dignitaries in the seventeenth century (Seyahatname. On a congregation at a summer resort. and the stone of Sultanah. Jews began to build permanent houses in the resort village. and a Greek named Kostanda (Rabbi Yehiel Bassan. Around that time. which we have already mentioned (d. made in 1619 on his deathbed in Ortaköy. Ortaköy was.. 30 Ben Zvi. mentioning a big house with the legal status of mülk (private property). that of the said Vida Khursi. p. until the last quarter of the seventeenth century. This particular cemetery is not well preserved especially because of it’s proximity to the Istanbul Merkez Komutanliği.

Besides the usual praises of the dead. d. 7 February 1989. Turkish Collection . cit. in Ortaköy as well as in the other cemeteries. film # 72. who passed away in 1742. Ortakoy Cemetery. stone # 45. but to one who comes to assess the family in this world. calls for further consideration. the inscriptions on 19th century monuments in all three cemeteries of Istanbul are brief. 15 January 1695. plot # D-6. Most of the 19th century stones are still incised with intricate and long epitaphs. most of them are adorned with rich ornamentation in the Turkish Baroque style. is written:
. rich epitaphs come together with a richly decorated stone.cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul 103
Photograph 6. The Soncinos seem to make a desperate effort to save face in a period of relative depression in their history. and the artwork disappears altogether. but these are usually plain horizontal slabs. . Normally. there are in the inscriptions of the Tsontsin family passages that are intended not for the One who is supposed to allocate the portion of the deceased in the World to Come.
marble.. Generally. . For example. on the monument of Yeudah ben Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin. The effort made towards maintaining a façade of nobility and high status. in comparison with the lengthy poems that were composed for the monuments of the Soncino family. The tombstone of Yehoshuʿa son of Meir Tzontzin.

film # 115*. the glory of our exile. first book. Nahalah li-Yhoshuʿa (see table 2 “The Soncino Family in Istanbul”). He apparently was a grandson of Abraham Tsontsin. .
. he was the pleasing student. Turkish Collection . . the jewel in the crown. . whose idea it was to print his greatgrandfather’s. who was called at a young age. i. he wore crimson with refined cloth. plot # C-3. because he was a son of kings. Rabbi Yeuda. we find also an eighteenth century judge bearing the same name. . cit. (photograph 7)
The name Yehoshuʿa is the most prevalent in the Soncino family tree. Therefore.104
minna rozen
Photograph 7. The tombstone of Yeuda. Abraham Tsontsin is described in the book’s Introduction as “the crown of the elders and the beauty of the children.31 and he was a son of kings and noblemen. besides the wealthy Yehoshuʿa (photograph 7). apparently due to the first Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin (d. Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin’s. he wore crimson with refined cloth” is meant to say the opposite. And in accordance with his few years. son of the wealthy and exalted Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin. 6 March 1989. he is the ven-
31 It is possible that this expression “And in accordance with his few years. Ortaköy Cemetery.e.~ 1493). may his Rock keep him and redeem him . the founder of the printing press in the town of Soncino in Italy.. that in spite of his young age he was dressed in crimson and refined cloth. son of Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin.. stone # 14.

but one can still read on it the words “the grave of the venerable and honored.
erable master and great one of the Jews.” His monument is somewhat deteriorated. Levi. The tombstone of Avraham Tzontzin. and after his father’s death. 1989. Qalo. stone # 89. plot # C-3. d. On his monument is written. . was born apparently in his father’s old age. merited a very lengthy inscription when she died in 1751. Istanbul was ravaged by a plague that left many dead. he judged Israel as a shepherd keeps his flock. . Despite the large number of deaths. Ortaköy Cemetery. 6 March. 23 March 1732. film # 116 *. and the noble virtues that
. In the year 1751.. he died tragically in a plague on his wedding day. there was no diminution in the quality of the monuments or in the expenditure on ornamentation and inscriptions—not in families whose status was important to them. wife of the wealthy and distinguished Ya‘aqov Tsontsin.cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul 105
Photograph 8. and grandson of Avraham. and thus many gravestones. wise. Turkish Collection . cit. and exalted man” (photograph 8). Besides the expressions of sorrow of her husband and children. (photograph 9)
The central idea is to glorify the family of the deceased by stressing his descent from noble ancestors. faithful. inter alia:
Son of the saint who was in the early days savior and prince and commander of nations. the son of the said judge Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin.

d. who also received a beautiful monument and a laudatory inscription expressing the grief of his father and mother. but it seems that in the opinion of the composers of the inscription. 8 February 1989. who was named (what else?) Yehoshuʿa. who passed away in the very same year of 1751. for he was not dependent on the distinction of his family. but the mourners did not forget to note his genealogy. That same year saw the passing of the distinguished scholar Nisim Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin. his firstborn son. But this is no wonder. “son of the wealthy and eminent man.106
minna rozen
Photograph 9. The tombstone of Levi son of Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin.” (photograph 12)
. ~ 1751. Turkish Collection . for everyone knew from which family she came (most probably from the Tsontsin family itself) (photograph 10).” Her father’s name is not indicated on the monument. It is clear that the famous judge Aharon Tsontsin. received a long and laudatory inscription. plot # C-6.
were ascribed to her.. and his grieving wife (photograph 11). stone # 2. describing his wisdom and virtue. however. cit. our honored teacher Rabbi Hayim Tsontsin. this was unnecessary. Ortaköy Cemetery. . film # 73. At the same time. rather he earned his praise through his own talents and erudition. . she is also called “daughter of kings. the great expense invested in the monument was to glorify not only the man himself. but also his family—his three children.

d. cit. fortress and tower. who died 5 January 1884 was described on his tombstone as “The great rabbi. . film # 27. 31 January 1989. 27 February 1989. stone # 11.
In the inscription of the monument of the Haham Hayim Menahem Tsontsin. is the appellation “High Nest. In the year 1863. . so that some of that eminence would redound to them as well.
.. plot # C-4. The sin and shin were confused here as well. head of the city and head of the academy of populous Kushta32. . stone # 26. Ortaköy Cemetery. Ortaköy Cemetery. the references to the eminence of the family cease. film # 164. plot # M-6. elder master. cornerstone. But prominent rabbis still merited special notice.. owing to the latter’s inclinations toward modernism. Turkish Collection . The tombstone of Nisim Yehoshuʿa Tzontzin. . he was one of the heads of the opposition to Rabbi Ya‘aqov Avigdor. Turkish Collection .” (photograph 13) This appellation indicates the desire of his family to constantly remind the community of his eminence.108
minna rozen
Photograph 12.” Menahem Tsontsin was the Rabbi of Ortaköy and was appointed as a trustee of the pious foundation named after Shelomo Halevi in this neighborhood. who died in the year 1774. cit. For many years he was one of the permanent
32 Hebrew abbreviation of Constantinople. 1 November 1751. In the beginning of the nineteenth century. Rabbi Menahem Tsontsin.

This was not the season of Torah. cit. 37 # 1.. Turkish Collection .33 Investing effort in glorifying a rabbi who was considered of great importance by influential circles of the community is not a matter to be surprised at. . and there he gave those who sought for his advise—and those were not many—his learned opinion. and widow of Shalom HaKohen. the
33 See Register of the Rabbinical Court of Istanbul. But there he was. nor that of scholars. . Shalom HaKohen was a judge in the Rabbinical Court of the city during the years of the IWW and the early Republican period. At the same time. film # 48. stone # 27. Ortaköy Cemetery.. 1926. At this time. Istanbul Court Records). p. cit. . On the 30th of April. no 4 (1871–1894) (private collection. daughter of Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin.
. 3 February 1989. a great effort is expended on fostering the pedigree of the family. He was not a great rabbinical authority. in a way which nearly touches the heart.
judges in the rabbinical court of greater Istanbul. The tombstone of Hayim Menahem Tzontzin d. photocopy at Turkish Collection . a period of economic and political troubles. Vidah. passed away. a member of the family who was not as important as Menahem Tzonztin was also given a great deal of attention. 34 His nine responsa were published in Jerusalem in 1991. .cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul 109
Photograph 13. 17 February 1774. plot # E-5.34 He married Vidah daughter of Yehoshuʿa and granddaughter of the said Menahem Tzontzin.

A noble seed from a unique family. She is the honorable woman.” there are “Torah and greatness. who enters into marriages with worthy people—i. In the year 5686.
35 D. straight in her deeds and in her virtues. A woman of valor. The daughter of a great rabbi marries another great rabbi.” combined together.
. It does not matter what do the Tzontzins—Soncinos think of themselves the fact is that Hakohen needs their ancestral glamour in order to crown themselves. To conclude the matter the twofold connection are emphasized. This is the bone of an exalted person. A worthy woman. The woman is “daughter of a king. On her tombstone were written the following words:
Woe for her who has gone. and thus his children are a good match as well. 28 February 1989. of great eminence.35
The inscription.110
minna rozen
vehement opponent to modern education in Istanbul. Our honored teacher Rabbi Shalom HaKohen. plot # M-9. Ortaköy Cemetery. She was taken to her eternal home on the sixteenth day of the month of Iyar. of blessed memory. establishes the eminence of the Tsontsin family in several ways. a rabbi’s wife. and thus everyone who passes on the path of the cemetery remembers and knows that this is an eminent family. the Lady Vida. woe for her who has been taken. The Tzonztins are a noble family. Shalom HaKohen had been a match worthy for them. distinguished. Wife of the perfectly wise. Only daughter of the great Rabbi Yehoshuʿa Tsontsin. film # 105*. but was not about to miss the opportunity to remind the world from what family she came. and thus he emphasizes their pedigree. and indirectly thus laurated themselves. Due to the troubled times HaKohen family could afford only a plain gravestone to be made for his wife. which includes an acrostic of her name.” “A noble seed from a unique family.e. mighty judge. Of the seed that combines Torah and greatness. The honor of the daughter of a king is inward. 30 April 1926. Turkish Collection. The parallel connections are brought in order to complete the picture. of blessed memory. May her soul be bound up in the bond of eternal life. The fact that she married him elevates his status. stone # 7. to her father and to her husband.

or learning and money for pedigree. But the Soncinos-Tsontsins were not Sephardim. the material investment in the culture of death in the capital city was above and beyond anything that I know of among the Jews of the Ottoman Empire. The wide range is not only in quantity. That is why even in hard times that forces them to settle for poorly decorated mediocre stones.e. they were Ashkenazim. either pedigree and learning for money. They will look for erudition and money. pedigree by itself is not sufficient. endogamous marriages etc. It seems that it was made in places where. or Curacao.. What causes a society to adopt this particular strategy. achieve by means of this strategy? What do other Istanbuli families achieve by that? Cultivation of the family pedigree through the culture of death has great significance for the living as well. through the generations. On the day that one of the family members matures and is ready to enter into the covenant of marriage. as a general rule.cultivation of social status among the jews of istanbul 111 What does the Tsontsin family. A careful study of all the matches done by the family. or at best Italianized Ashkenazim. or money for money. as well as by others will show that there is always a barter of sorts. Their money evaporated. great value was ascribed to outward demonstrations of wealth also in the
. they still invest great efforts in the epitaph that glorify their dynasty. It is perhaps equal to the expenditures of the Jews in places such as Livorno. In the case of the Soncinos-Tzontzins. the pedigree gives him a wider range of choices from among families that put forward possible spouses. they had to settle for less. of cultivating pedigree through death culture? It is often said that pedigree is a very important value among Sephardic Jews. the male progeny extinct. At the end of the 19th century they settled for a humble judge. but also in quality: brides and grooms from families that exhibit similar qualities—money or learning together with pedigree. There are many other ways which will not be discussed in this paper such as building synagogues. for the Tsontsin family itself brings this valuable commodity into the deal. and it successfully measures up against the investments of the Muslims and the Christians in the city. of course. Here I can do no more than merely indicate in general terms the reasons for the size of this investment. This is. Similarly. sponsoring the publication of books investing in the dowries of daughters. That is why humble people who marry with them take the trouble to stress their matches with them. Houses of Study. i. only one of the ways to cultivate the pedigree. The goal of cultivating the past pedigree is to ensure its foundation for the future.

places where for various reasons materialistic culture prevails as a value in itself. Values do not change as quickly as finances change. In a world in which communication was rather slow.112
minna rozen
surrounding society. it took many years for people to understand that values that seemed eternal were not valid anymore. and overshadows all the other values of the society. It is understood that considerable means are required for this large investment. but the investment continues even when the means dwindle.
.

Neumann (eds. Inalcık. Tezcan. Istanbul 2004. pp. Osmanlılarda Narh Müessesesi ve 1640 Tarihli Narh Defteri. 116–118. Beldiceanu. in “Cahiers du Monde russe et soviétique”. 2 In the sixteenth century most of the furriers working in the Ottoman palace were Bosnians.4 The traders involved in this line of business were mainly Armenians. XI/3 (1970). 63–79. 363–390. 278. Les marchands de la cour ottomane et le commerce des fourrures moscovites dans la seconde moitié du XVI e siècle. Cercessian marten. Les actes des premiers sultans conservés dans les manuscrits turcs de la Bibliothèque Nationale à Paris. An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire. p. But contemporary Ottoman and non-Ottoman sources provide scholars with considerable information about the Muscovite/Russian-Ottoman trade in this luxury good that had existed since the fifteenth century. See N. 4 A. Vol. squirrel. See H. pp. 166–168. Alexandre Bennigsen and Chantal Lemercier-Quelquejay used the mühimme defterleri to describe the activities of Ottoman merchants engaged in the fur trade in the second half of the sixteenth century. in: S. beech marten.5 It was the time when the old “Tatar route” of Caffa
* Many thanks go to Helen Walasek for reading this text carefully. 5 H. Paris 1960. Lemercier-Quelquejay.). pp.THE ISTANBUL FUR MARKET IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY Markus Koller* The Muscovite/Russian-Ottoman Fur Trade—The Trade Routes The Istanbul narh defteri of 1640 lists a large number of different furs that were available in the Ottoman capital. Bennigsen and C. I. 1. Kütükoğlu.
. Jews and Greeks. Ottoman Costumes. K. fox from Azov and jackal from Karaman or Algeria. From Textile to Identity. 1 M. 71–72.3 Primarily in the 1970s a number of articles dealing with this topic were published in the journal Cahiers du Monde russe et soviétique. pp. Furs and Skins owned by the Sultans. pp. Cambridge 1994. Faroqhi and C. Istanbul 1983. Among them were sable.1 The fur trade between the Maghreb or remote provinces in the Balkan peninsula such as Bosnia2 and Istanbul still remains to be researched in depth. ermine. 3 Different kinds of fur are mentioned in a regulation concerning the customs of Istanbul and Galata dating from 1453.

cit. Berindei. pp. Bushkovitch. Paris 1972. 7 Inalcık.11 Many of the merchants travelling on the “Moldavian route” on their own iniatitive or with this caravan may have done most of their trade in Kamenez Podolsk and Lwow. the “Moldavian route” is not only to consider in terms of the Russian trade. Quite regularly the “Polish caravan” passed through Lwow on its way to Istanbul. .. 278. Lemercier-Quelquejay or Berindei. This situation changed when the “Moldavian route” attracted more and more the caravans and it was mainly the Germans and Armenians of this city that transported oriental goods from Pera to Akkerman and Lwow in the second half of the fifteenth century. pp.116
markus koller
or Azov-Kiev-Lwow had lost its importance in favour of the “Moldavian route” between Akkermann and Lwow. pp. 179– 180.6 The south-north trade over the Bursa-Istanbul-Caffa or Akkerman routes by sea and overland by Edirne-Kilia-Akkerman were dominated by Muslim merchants. 287. . cit. Les marchands de la cour ottomane et le commerce des fourrures moscovites dans la seconde moitié du XVIe siècle .10 This caravan had been always led by an Armenian bearing the title of a kervanbaşı. Braudel. in “Cahiers du Monde russe et soviétique”. XII/4 (1971). 10 F. Cambridge 1980.9 Jewish. 94.. Paris 1966. An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire . p. Wolowski. .. p. . in contrast to scholars like Bennigsen. pp. Contribution à l’étude du commerce ottoman des fourrures moscovites. cit.7 The final destination of many merchants was Moscow where they had the opportunity to stay for some years in a kervansaray reserved for the merchants of the Sublime Porte. In the latter town there was a large and prosperous guild of furriers working sable and other furs brought from Russia. The Merchants of Moscow. p. An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire . 182–183. 8 M. Caravans left Istanbul via Edirne. This leads one to assume that.8 Traditionally the Polish-Lithuanian town of Lwow had received oriental goods through the “Tatar route” but its merchants were not able to accumulate enough capital to enable them to engage in this trade. 12 P.
6
. . La Méditerranée et le Monde Méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II. 1580–1650. Lwow and Minsk. 9 Inalcık. 363–390. Levantine and Italian merchants began to concentrate on Lwow which saw a prosperity that also resulted from the rights of staple which forced the merchants to stop there. 376–377. . crossed the Danube at Isakçı and reached Smolensk by passing through Kamenez Podolsk. La route moldavo-polonaise 1453–1700. La vie qotidienne en Pologne au XVIIe siècle. 11 A.12
Bennigsen and Lemercier-Quelquejay.

lamb. VII/1 (1966). 16 Berindei. . nafe served as the lining of fur coats and fur skinned from the back was processed to a fir. pp. 234–248. Claude de Peysssonel who wrote an account on the Black Sea trade. squirrel. Some of them are mentioned in the account of the French consul: Boğaz was fur skinned from the neck and it was worn as a trimming. The Crimea was the habitat of a large number of fur-bearing animals such as fox. Traité sur le commerce de la Mer Noire. 17 Claude de Peyssonel. 15 J.
. tilki paçası or tilki kafası were fur coats made from the hide skinned from the shanks and the heads of fox. Tome 1. cit. p. Dziubinski. Trade went on but on a lower level than before. Merchants coming to the markets of Caffa or Perekop had the opportunity to buy the fur of fox which was considered to be of inferior quality to the members of the same species in Russia or Poland. Paris 1787.the istanbul fur market in the th century
117
In the seventeenth century the Ottoman-Polish trade entered a period of crises and breakdowns. wolf. But the outbreak of the Russian-Ottoman war in 1788 put paid to further commercial acivities. in “Cahiers du Monde russe et soviétique”. jackal. Polen. p.14 Another opportunity to do trade with the Ottomans was to use the port of Kherson at the mouth of the Dnieper. Schmidt-Rösler. Contribution à l’étude du commerce ottoman des fourrures moscovites . According to Claude de Peyssonel the majority of these products were used in the Crimea proper and only a few of them were exported to Istanbul and
13 A. Le commerce polonais en Mer Noire au XVIIIe siècle par le port de Kherson. pp.. In the eighteenth century the wars between Russia and the Ottoman Empire had a negative effect on the commercial activities between these two empires and after the loss of Lwow to the Habsburg Monarchy (1772)13 the only free communication route under Polish control remained Podolia until 1793. Polish-Turkish Trade in the 16th to 18th Centuries. Ottoman-Polish Relations in the 15th–19th Centuries. 56.15 For the Russians the Crimea had been the role of an entrepôt for their trade with the Sublime Porte since the fifteenth century. pp.16 In the eighteenth century this key function was witnessed by the French consul in the Crimea. 14 A. in: War and Peace. .17 He provides us with very detailed information on the fur trade between the Crimea and Istanbul. 43–44. But nevertheless the fur of the local fox was also used to make clothes. 38–45. sheep or rabbit. Regensburg 1996. Reychman. The army of the sultan seized Kamenez Podolsk (1672) and the merchants of Lwow suffered great material losses with the siege of that city by the Cossacks and Ottomans. Vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart. 399. Istanbul 1999.

Beirut 1996. see James W. p. sable. Cambridge 1970. pp. The Russian Annexation of the Crimea 1772–1783. Stephan.24 This and other fur products were regularly brought to the Ottoman capital by ships departing from the harbour of that trading center where goods from Poland.. pp.18 In these cities there were also a large number of bedens. fur coats made out of the hides of Crimean lamb. Jahrhundert. In this town the merchants skinned the coat from the animals and brought the hides to Caffa where the products were prepared for transport to Istanbul. Fisher. 23 R. 21 Ibid. 133–136. cit. The most profitable product was the fur of sables with a profit margin running up to 100%. . Redhouse. based mainly on the account of Claude de Peyssonel who mentions the trade margins of the Russian merchants engaged in the fur trade with Istanbul. This measure stimulated the fur trade with the Ottoman capital. Wallachia..23 A second important entrepôt for the Russian-Ottoman fur trade was Azov. or similar skin with the wool or hair on it. Among the different products mentioned by Claude de Peyssonel there was a fur coat called postaki which was made out of sheepskin. Traité sur le commerce de la Mer Noire . beaver or squirrel were cheaper. Moldavia. pp. Africa and India were bought and sold.19 The Crimean fur market also offered many furs that were brought from Russia into the area by merchants who left their homes after Easter and returned at the beginning of winter. . 22 A. 184–190. 25 Peyssonel. 24 Postaki derives from the Ottoman term pusteki designing a sheepskin.000 hides of marten called zerdeva which were brought from Cercessia to Taman. lynx. Rumelia. jackal.118
markus koller
some Anatolian towns such as Trabzon. Sable and black fox fetched the highest prices whereas other animals such as wolf. Zur Geschichte des Rauchwaren-Handels im Altertum und Mittelalter und die Erschließung des russisch-asiatischen Raumes vom 16.21 After the conquest of the Crimea (1773)22 the Russian government began to regulate the fur trade with Istanbul by publishing a customs tariff for the trade traffic in the Black Sea (1775). 457. 294–299. 114f. W. pp. pp. granting the staple rights to Kherson and erecting a customs office in Taganrok for the Sea of Azov.20 The above mentioned Istanbul narh defteri of 1640 includes the Cercessian marten which might have been imported through the Crimea. pp. Ibid. A Turkish and English Lexicon.. 286–287.. the commercial center of the Cossacks.
19
18
.. 130–133. Bochum 1940. 20 Ibid. ermine.–18. Claude de Peyssonel refers to 50.25
Ibid. In 1776 the customs tariffs for Russian export over the Black Sea were reduced by 25%.

pp. p. Özveren. 319–334. The Ottoman City between East and West: Aleppo. Eldem. A Journal of the Fernand Braudel Center” XX/1 (1997). 570 mentions different types of khān: ticāret khānı. p. F.000. 84–85. 1789–1915. and Istanbul.). martens. in Georgeon and M. Les han. 323 translates khān as otel. 159. 28 R. the mouth of the Danube in the west. pp. Dostjan. 29 A French report dating from the mid-eighteenth century points out that the Greeks sold furs and skins and went fetch them in Russia.
. Leiden 1978. 1010–1017. Essai d’histoire institutionelle. 185–194. Khan. Paris 1748. XII(2) (1974). Les échanges commerciaux par la Mer Noire et les Detroits pendant le XVIII et la première partie du XIX siècle. in Encylopaedia of Islam. Austrian. sapphires. pp. red linen and silver coins into the empire of the tsar. Ankara 1995. Paris 1997. yolcu khānı and bekār khānı. Anastassiadou (eds. Sociabilités et relations intercommunautaires (XVIIIe–XXe siècles). they also formed a separate corporation for this trade. IV. taffetas. Istanbul dans la séconde moitié du XVIIe siècle. Izmir.26 The hitherto central position of Istanbul over the Black Sea trade routes deriving from the political power of the Ottoman Empire was impaired. (ed. 354 the Greek merchants transported mainly sables. I. For the funtion of khāns in the Ottoman Empire see N. p. E. Paris 1962. Kāmūs-iTürkī. pp.29 The latter good seems to have been stored in a han30 situated between Mahmut
26 I. Venetian brocades. in Id. and the environs of Odessa in the north weakened the dominant position of the Ottoman capital. Istanbul: from imperial to peripheralized capital. économique et sociale. in “Review. Baskı. p. 432.28 Among the Greeks living in Yeni Köy particularly were tradesmen who imported grain and furs into the Ottoman capital.). with the city of Trabzon in the east. Tamdoğan-Abel. Ş. pp. emeralds. p. According to Jacques Savary des Bruslons. 30 The term han subsumes different meanings. Osmanlıca-Türkçe Ansiklopedik Lūgat. Dictionnaire universel du commerce. Istanbul 1377/1899. H. As a countermove they imported different items such as gilt silver thread called Firmier. The new geometric structure of the Black Sea trade. ou l’étranger dans la ville ottomane. 27 E. Sāmi. 12. A Framework for the Study of the Black Sea World. kervānserāy and dükkān. Devellioğlu. Cambridge 1999. Sarajevo 1957. in “Bulletin de l’Association Internationale des Études Sud-Est Européennnes”. ermines and grey squirrels from Russia to the Ottoman capital.27 The Istanbul Fur Market in the Eighteenth Century But the Black Sea remained a basic pillar of the Istanbul trade. 77–113. at the masts of many ships fluttered the Russian. Elisseff. Mantran. This is indicated by the figure given by the Ottoman traveller Evliya Çelebi who estimated the number of merchants who were engaged in the Black Sea trade at 8. Hanovi i karavansaraji u Bosni i Hercegovini. Kreševljaković. Ragusan or Venetian flags making it clear that the “Ottoman lake” was changing into an international trade route.the istanbul fur market in the th century
119
After 1783 when the Black Sea monopoly enjoyed by the Ottomans was finally breached. Vivre dans l’empire ottoman.

see Ch. in Istanbul Ansiklopedisi. . pp. cit. 179. Paris 1799. 33 “Valide Hanı” (G. 37 Tezcan. . par l’Allemagne et la Hongrie. Cantay. Istanbul 1988. . Voyage à Constantinople. Istanbul Esnaf Tarihi. Istanbul 1988.. cit. Asırda Istanbul.). The document used for this article and by Hülya Tezcan mentions 57 odas where furriers belonging to the furriers’ guild carried out their craft. see P. XVII.
31 32
. 362–363. p. 36 This document dating from 1168 (1754) is included in the Cevdet Iktisat catalogue of the Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi and has the shelfmark 1690. “Istanbul’da vâki merhûm ve mağfûrun lehâ Vâlide Sultân tâbe serâhâ hânınun odabaşısı olan (boş) nâm kimesnenün kadîmü’l-eyyâmdan berü semmûr ve boğaz ve sincâb ve cümle kürkler hân-i mezbûrda bey’ u şirâ olınur”. p. 70–71. cit. et aux îles de l’Archipel. nine odas were for craftsmen specializing in “Frankish” sable as well as lynx.-M. Asırda Istanbul. 1. See E. p.. See A. Hülya Tezcan considers the figure of 57 odas as the number of furriers who were active in eighteenth-century Istanbul. Inciciyan. pp. 38 This listing shows that the furriers’ craft corporation formed primarily by Muslim and Greek furriers was subdivided into specialized groups of craftsmen (sınf ) working the different kinds of fur. . When blazes raged in Istanbul people found shelter in the Yeni Hanı. 177. comte de Salaberry. 190–191. . Furs and Skins owned by the Sultans . Onikinci Asr-ı hicri’de Istanbul Hayatı (1689–1785)..120
markus koller
Paşa and Uzun Çarşı.38
Mantran. see Eldem.36 Given the likely exaggerated figure of 500 shops and 1000 artisans by Evliya Çelebi. Furs and Skins owned by the Sultans . Istanbul 1997. d’Irumbery. 35 The Valide Hanı had 366 odas. 457. . Kalʾa. p. 48.37 But it is also possible that this number refers to the odas in the Valide Hanı: 11 odas for working the furs of sable and Russian fox. 69. Refik. refers to that document which is also to be found in A. 34 Tezcan. Ğ. Istanbul Tarihi. The fur of squirrel was distributed among six furriers. Istanbul dans la séconde moitié du XVIIe siècle . Kömürciyan. According to Eremya Çelebi the Vālide Khānı was erected during the reign of Murad IV (1623– 1640). p. “Furs and Skins owned by the Sultans” .32 It was situated in Eminönü and belonged to the pious foundation of the Cinili Külliyesi erected by Kösem Valide Sultan during the first years of the reign of Sultan Ibrahim (1640–1648). Tezcan. 24. . the han of the carpet sellers and in the quarter of Mahmut Paşa. XVIII. en Italie. Istanbul 1956. . “Istanbul: from imperial to peripheralized capital”.31 An Ottoman document leads one assume that in the eighteenth century the Valide Hanı was the only place where it was to trade in furs. Most sarrafs had their oda or office in this building. 15 odas reserved for furriers working ermine and 16 craftsmen working the fur of corsack. Ç. p. 7.33 This han was in the neighbourhood of the furriers who worked in the vicinity of the New Covered Market. ed. p.34 It is not unlikely that a certain number of odas in the Valide Hanı35 were reserved for furriers.. cit. pp. 172. Rachtal Paşa Hanı (?) and Valide Hanı having been big stone buildings.

The furriers’ guild complained about junk dealers and some Jewish tradesmen importing lambskin as well as the furs of rabbit. But what was considered to be the “traditional ancient order” by the state? The use of traditional rhetoric by the Ottoman government did not always correspond to its actual attitude towards the functioning of the economy.41 The reason for this complaint was the apparent violation of the “ancient order” (nizam-ı kadîm) by some furriers. here pp. Uzuncarşılı.1–2 (1990/91). Guild Dynamics in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul. at high prices above the fixed prices. 1–26. Although the Ottoman kanun was based on tradition.39 These objectives of the government can help to explain an order addressed to the hassa kürkçübaşı who seems to have been responsible for the provisioning of the palace with high quality fur and its distribution among the furriers. the Ottomans found it often very difficult to agree what “tradition” itself encompassed. H. in “International Journal of Turkish Studies”.the istanbul fur market in the th century Decentralization of the Istanbul Fur Market
121
The provisioning of the capital was an item of highest priority in serving the political and economic goals of the Ottoman state. Isvan. Boston 2004. Ankara 1945. see I. Leiden. 1725–26: Suggested New Hypotheses. 5. Both groups were accused by
39 N. p. 40 In the Ottoman palace the kürkçübaşı had a long tradition. Fluidity and Leverage.
. presumably the Valide Hanı. 6f. pp. The reason for the large number of orders referring to the “ancient order” was that there were numerous violations of tradition-based rules. pp. 42 E.40 The text includes an order to acquire both summer and winter furs ahead of time as well as a complaint about the bad quality of the fur traded in the Ottoman capital. Illegal Local Trade in the Ottoman Empire and the Guilds of Istanbul. 316–317.42 as was the case in our document. 120. 41 Cevdet Iktisat 1690. Osmanlı Devletinin Saray Teşkilatı. cat and fox from the Crimea into Istanbul. Merchants and guildsmen offended against the principle of centralizing the Istanbul fur trade by stockpiling the furs and selling them outside the han. The Ottoman state made great efforts to prevent social disturbance but the reforms of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries make clear that the state has not always been inherently traditional. Yi. In order to guarantee the social stability and the functioning of the state apparatus it was essential that neither ordinary citizens nor members of the central government should suffer from a loss of their standard of living.

But it is also possible that they refer to the flea market in Kuledibi where Jewish tradesmen played an important role. Istanbul Esnaf Tarihi . . A way out of this crisis was to erect new buildings where higher rents could be demanded in order to increase the profits of the foundations. cit. Folklor ve Etnografya Araştırmaları. 219–225.45 The illegal selling of furs leads one assume that the Valide Hanı was not able to uphold his monopoly and suffered under similar problems as did the saraçhane.46 Two processes primarily led to the loss of the monopoly enjoyed by the guilds in that building. pp. Faroqhi. cit. . Istanbul 1984. 222. 219–234. 46 Ç. pp.43 but not to the esnaf. pp. Kaynardağ. 226.47 Given the inflation of the eighteenth century the pious foundations suffered from this development. 267–268. Urban space as disputed grounds: Territorial aspects to artisan conflict in sixteenth to eighteenth century Istanbul. The furriers working outside and inside the han were confronted with a process that ran counter to the principle of centralizing the trade of specific commodities in the Ottoman capital.44 This phenomenon resulted from the growth of Istanbul and the settlement of hitherto empty spaces. began to weaken in the seventeenth century at the latest. Istanbul 2002. pp.). 48 Kalʾa.122
markus koller
the craft corporation of selling old and new furs in urban quarters and at the flea market (bitbazarı). 44 Tezcan. 147–164. Furs and Skins owned by the Sultans . They complained about other practitioners of that craft who opened shops in other quarters and did not belong to the guild of furriers. Istanbul Esnaf Tarihi . 10 (1986). . . Istanbul Saraçhanesi ve Saraçlarına Dair Bir Araştırma. 297. In the new saraçhane the guilds were obliged to repair their shops at their own cost and to pay rents to the mütevelli (administrator of the pious foundation). . Kreiser. in I. Tarihi. in “Journal of Turkish Studies”.. Aslanoğlu (ed. 267–283. Its monopoly granted by Mehmed II. pp. The sources mention the flea market in the city of Istanbul proper and we may assume that the permanent bitbazarı was meant..
. 3/5–6 (1951–1952). Stories of Ottoman Men and Women. in Id. 1. Such a development made it attractive to craftsmen to produce and sell in the other parts of that city as well.. in contradiction to a centralized production or trade. 1. Icareteyn: Zur Doppelten Mieteim Osmanischen Stiftungswesen. p. 45 This aspect is discussed by S. see A. Degişen Yönleri ve Gizli Diliyle Istanbul Bitpazarı.. Uluçay. 277.
43 Kalʾa. 47 K. here pp. The first building erected in 1475 burnt down in 1693. . pp. The first was the problem resulting from the icareteyn-contracts that prevented the owners of the shops from raising the rents. in “Tarih Dergisi”. p. 70–71. cit.48 The second process encompassed the above mentioned rising number of people living in the Ottoman capital as well as different economic and social changes which took place in eighteenth-century Istanbul.

It is to be assumed that the new competitors had craft skills to work specific types of furs that were less or unknown among the furriers who spent their whole life only in Istanbul. on the other hand. It remains to be researched in depth whether a similar process took place in Istanbul but some indications are that this happened.50 Nicolaj Todorov researching the larger Bulgarian towns describes this process with the following words: “Sur le plan de l’état de fortune de la population urbaine. Suraiya Faroqhi for making me aware of this process.. in La Ville Balkanique XVe–XIXe s. pp. d’après des registres de cadis de Vidin. Todorov.the istanbul fur market in the th century The Wearing of Furs in Eighteenth-Century Istanbul
123
Many artisans from the Anatolian countryside or different provinces of the Ottoman Empire were among the large number of people who came to the Ottoman capital in order to settle there. The existing guilds tried to prevent the encroachment of these outsiders into their structures and many of craft corporations appealed to the court saying that intruders were responsible for the disorder in the relevant trade and the damage of their daily business. avec le développement des métiers et du commerce. Many thanks go to Prof..
50
49
. an important factor for introducing innovations and broadening the range of items available. Sofia et Ruse. 51–52. cit. 51 N. They owned fur coats
Yi.51 His researches show that mainly in the second half of the eighteenth century a social stratum of wealthy people came into being that had enough money to buy luxury goods such as furs. la structure. généralement uniforme de la masse fondamentale de la population de la ville moyenâgeuse typique. . Sofia 1970. . s’établit toute une échelle de divisions dans la situation matérielle des citadins”. In this way the newly arrived artisans might have made a contribution to a broader supply with furs available for the rising number of inhabitants in the capital. La différenciation de la population urbaine au XVIIIe s. The probate inventories included in the court registers of Galata can be very useful sources in answering this question. Guild Dynamics in Seventeenth-Century Istanbul .49 But this negative image of the newly arrived craftsmen mirrored primarily the perspective of the “established” masters who were afraid of the competitive pressure that was. pp. 155–157. cède le pas à une structure dans laquelle. These changes within the structures of the furriers went hand in hand with a social differentiation of the urban population. Fatma Müge Göçek and Marc David Baer discovered out that women in eighteenth-century Istanbul possessed a large number of luxury items of furs.

Paris 1790. 49–65. the result of this development was a broader supply of this good. As the following table makes clear. 65. . camels and other animals (sār designed a head and dul a young animal). .
. Baer.52 This is why it is not surprising that fur ownership was very widespread among the inhabitants of the Ottoman capital. . 551– 553. Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches. 926.54
1640 Samur kafası (head of a sable) Samur paçası (shanks and feet of a sable) Samur sırtı (back of a sable) Samur kuyruğu (brush of a sable) Çerkes zerdevası (beech marten from Cercessia) Zerdeva boğazı (neck of a beech marten)55 Zerdeva sırtı (back of a beech marten) Zerdeva kafası (head of a beech marten) Beech marten from Messina Zerdeva paçası (shanks and feet of a beech marten) Head of a stone marten Rumeli sansarı (Rumelian stone marten) Sansar sırtı (back of a stone marten) Sansar boğazı (neck of a stone marten) Sansar paçası (shanks and feet of a stone marten) Kakum (ermine) Rumelian squirrel with a white neck Anatolian squirrel Anatolian squirrel with a white neck X X X X
1703 X X X X X X X X X
X X X X X
X X X X X X
52 F. Osmanlılarda Narh Müessesesi ve 1640 Tarihli Narh Defteri . Graz 1963. Leiden. here pp. . pp.. 354 the neck of a marten was called sarudul başa (presumably sarudul başı) by the Ottomans. 2.. or ermine. see Redhouse. 166–168.53 This obviously increasing demand for fur was an important factor in stimulating the Istanbul fur market. 54 The data for 1640 stem from Kütükoğlu. in Madeline C. The data demonstrate that the material life of women did not differ according to religion. Vol. D. 55 According to Savary des Bruslons. Müge Göçek and M. 141. cit.124
markus koller
of squirrel. cit. rabbit. Köln 1997. He gives a German translation of this register and mentions only in some cases the Ottoman term for specific types of fur. 53 M. . p. p. 52–54. the figures for 1703 were taken from J. von Hammer-Purgstall. pp. This term could have meant the head of young sheep. pp. Vol. d’Ohsson. A Turkish and English Lexicon . cit. Dictionnaire universel du commerce . Middle Eastern Women in the Early Modern Era. Zilfi (ed. Tableau Général de l’Empire Ottoman. 7. Social Boundaries of Ottoman Womens’s Experience in Eighteenth-Century Galata Court Records. Women in the Ottoman Empire.).. . New York. 1026. pp.

2004. Koller and K. ... In his account titled Miyar al duvel Hasan Esiri describes the neck fur of the Bosnian fox with the following words: “The neck fur of the Bosnian fox has such a deep red hue and such a glossy finish that if foxes of far northern Moscoy could equal it. Perspectives and Real-Life Experience of “The Northern Lands” (Taraf al-Shimalli) Over 130 Years. p. Evolving Versus Static Elements in Ottoman Geographical Writing Between 1598 and 1729. unlike sable pelts which losse their sheem with age. A Turkish and English Lexicon . 57 Ablak means two-tone. in M. However.the istanbul fur market in the th century
Table (cont. the Bosnian fox pelts stand up to wear so well that after a lifetime of use they are still worthy of being passed on in inheritance to the next generation of users”. 26. Karpat (eds. p. Primarily this term was used to describe animals. quoted from R. arabicae. pp. Murphey. see Redhouse. 671. . . Vol. . A History in Peril. Thesaurus linguarum orientalium turcicae. they would be as universally celebrated and esteemed as the Moscovite sable furs are. especially white and black. persicae .). cit.
. Ottoman Bosnia. Wisc. Vienna 1680. p.) 1640 Squirrel from Azov Cossack squirrel Russian squirrel White squirrels Squirrle called Sebr Shanks and feet of grey squirrels X Sincab (grey squirrel) X Black and white speckled squirrels Tilki paçası (shanks and feet of a fox) X Beyaz tilki boğazı (neck of a white fox) X Bosna çılkafası56 (Bosnian wolf ) X Göllükesriden gelen çılkava (wolf from Göllükesri) X Göllükesriden gelen tilki nafesi (fur of a wolf from Göllükesri) Azak sırtı (back of a wolf from Azov) Shanks and feet of a wolf from Azov Fur of a wolf from Azov X Azak nafesi (fur from Azov) X Azak siyah bedeni (black fur coats from Azov) X Cezâyir çakalı sırtı (back of a jackal from Algeria) X Karaman çakalı ( jackal from Karaman) X Cezâyir çakalının ablağı57 (two-tone jackal from Algeria) Anatolian lynx Rumelian lynx Shanks and feet of a lynx Russian fox Kırmızı Moskov boğazı (Russian fox with a red neck) Beyaz Moskov boğazı (Russian fox with a white neck)
125
1703 X X X X X X X
X X X X
X X X X X X X
56 Çılkafa describes fur made up of pieces taken from the back of the neck of wolf or fox. 1. see Franciszek a Mesgnien. Madison. 79. 73–82.

p. A Turkish and English Lexicon . Yanina Anatolian fox Üçboy Anatolian fox Ikiboy Anatolian fox with a white neck White corsack Corsack with a white neck Speckled cats from Van Wild cats Black cats Fur of hare58 Back of hares Hares? From Dubrovnik Kıvırcık kuzu (curly lamb) Fur of sheeps Göçen59
1703 X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X
58 In the 1770s hareskins were often purchased by agents sent to the countryside in the name of the French nation in Istanbul or in that of other merchants who sent them to the capital. Plovdiv. p.
. Leiden. cit. . French Trade in Istanbul in the Eighteenth Century. Eldem. pp. Köln 1999. 105–106. 1584 göçen means the Poland marmot or the stoat in its summer coat.)
markus koller
1640 Kırmızı Moskov nafesi (red Russian fur) Moskov çılkafası (Russian wolf ) Moskov sırtı (back of a Russian wolf ) Moskov nafesi paçası (paw of a Russian wolf ) Kazak nafesi (Cossack fur) Kazak wolf fur Cossack neck of a fur Iflak nafesi (back of a Wallachian wolf ) Fur of a Wallachian wolf Iflak sırtı (back of a Wallachian wolf ) Shanks and feet of a Wallachian wolf Rumelian fox Fur of a Rumelian wolf Fur of a back from Adrianople Fur of a back from Sofia. . . Plovdiv. Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches . 59 Hammer-Purgstall. According to Redhouse.. By 1786 in a contract between the owner of the hare skins tax farm and the French ambassador were confirmed the rights of French traders to acquire hare skins. Boston. cit. . Yanina Fur of shanks and feets from Sofia.. 553 defines it as the fur of a young hare. See E.126
Table (cont.

the kürkçübaşı was
D’Ohsson. in order to be more magnificient than her neighbour. Smyrna. 358–368.). From Textile to Identity . Varna. Vienna. the Crimea. and from this girdle hangs an imbroidered handkerchief—A turban with a profusion of diamonds and pearls. Craven. in: Faroqhi and Neumann (eds. Helmedach. Jahrhunderts bis zum Eisenbahnzeitalter. but what spoiled the whole was a piece of ermine. Fuhrwesen und Reisen nach Triest und Fiume vom Beginn des 18. Avignon. . but each woman increasing the size of it. Lyon. pp. Munich 2002.. gold and diamonds—A girdle under that. who became governor of the Morea in 1756 and Topaloğlu Vekil Osman Paşa who had been the commander of the janissaries and a provincial governor in different locations confirm this picture. Warsaw. white and black squirrel and especially sable were of special value. Istanbul. On this travelogue and its author see A. Genua. Neumann. 225. Pisa. Ottoman Costumes. Naxos. . St. that probably was originally only a cape. Venezia.
61
60
. . cit. 188. Both men owned dozens of expensive furs and seem to have preferred sable and ermine especially. 141–142. seemed to weigh this lady’s head down. Tableau Général de l’Empire Ottoman . Antibes. marten. The cases of Ahmed Paşa. and the fur of cat or squirrel were very common. again Istanbul. sheepskin. Athens.62 The fur of sable as well as that of other animals also played an important role in the etiquette of the Ottoman palace. they now have it like a great square plaster that comes down to the hips”. Ordinary people purchased the red fox or hare. K. with two circles of jewels in front. 62 E. . How did a vizier dress in the eighteenth century?.. over which is worn a robe with short sleeves—the one belonging to the lady of the house was of sattin. 181–217. Post. pp. Das Verkehrssystem als Modernisierungsfaktor. Straßen. p. Florence. Moscow. Ch. London 1789. Petersburg. embroidered richly with the finest colours. Marseilles. cit. Tours. For the upper classes of the Istanbul society as well as the Ottoman elites ermine.61 The importance of the latter fur as a status symbol for the female members of the Ottoman elites is illustrated by the description of the dressing of the kapudan paşa’s wife by Elizabeth Craven: “Pettycoat and vest. A journey through the Crimea to Constantinople. white fox. Bologna. Between 1785 and 1786 she travelled from England via Paris. Bucharest back to Vienna.60 The inventories of high-ranking bureaucrats show that the wearing of furs was widespread among them. pp.the istanbul fur market in the th century
127
In the winter season coats lined with of lambskin. This helps to explain why the Ottoman state considered the centralized registration and distribution of furs as an “traditional ancient order” which was seen as a guarantee for the palace to be supplied with furs of high quality. Craftsmen who violated the nizām-ı qadīm were punished. p.

64 The courtiers were not allowed to choose the type of fur their wore according to their personal tastes. . . . . . p. .65 Ottoman palace etiquette also differentiated between summer and winter furs.
. 142. . the guildsmen received that fur which was not separated in favour of the ruler himself. 66 Tezcan. Russian and white fox. The fur of sable. Tableau Général de l’Empire Ottoman . Four times a year the Ottoman ruler changed the type of fur he wore. p. cit. How did a vizier dress in the eighteenth century? . According to the regulations. too. Furs and Skins owned by the Sultans .128
markus koller
ordered to close their shops or to hang the craftsmen in front of their shops... 142 writes that in winter the members of the elites wore two or three furs.. When the sultan took part in important ceremonies he wore the kapaniçe which was a cloak made of gold and silver brocade. p. lynx. cit. First the sultan put on the appropriate coat. 67 Neumann. 64. 182. . p. 68 D’Ohsson.. during the cold months people were required to wear sable fur. .66 In the Ottoman palace fur formed a part of many ceremonies. Tableau Général de l’Empire Ottoman . see Cevdet Iktisat 1690. Some of them intended to display their wealth and the others to keep in good health because the houses and flats could not be properly heated. In Levni’s illustrations in the Surnāme-i Vehbi the grand vizier Nevşehirli Ibrahim Paşa wore as a ceremonial dress a gold-braided kapaniçe caftan of white or silver brocade atlas lined with sable.. p. cit. . cit.67 For the high ranking members of the Ottoman administration the fur of black fox seems to have been the most precious and was sometimes presented by the ruler to the grand vizier who wore it when taking part in important ceremonies. Whereas ermine was reserved for the summer season. This procedure took place on Friday when he went to the mosque. 64 Uzuncarşılı. pp. Osmanlı Devletinin Saray Teşkilatı . . The fur of sable and black fox formed a wide trimming along the hem and at the collar.. Tableau Général de l’Empire Ottoman . . D’Ohsson. 463–464.68
63 Nefs-i nefîs ichin iqtizā eden semmūr ve mosqov tilkisi ve beyāz tilki ve vashaq ve qaqum ve qarsaq kürkleri. 142. 65 D’Ohsson. The grand vizier was informed about the change in the type of fur worn and all courtiers were obliged to follow the sultan’s example. cit. ermine and corsack seem to have been of special value for the palace63 where five craftsmen worked the precious sable fur and 19 furriers were specialized in all other types. cit. Before leaving Istanbul to go on a military campaign the grand vizier received the veda kürkü (fur of farewell).

wrote an account of the Black Sea trade in the eighteenth century that provides us with many details concerning the trade in this luxury good.the istanbul fur market in the th century Conclusion
129
The Muscovite/Russian-Ottoman fur trade had been existed since the fifteenth century. The French consul in the Crimea. Such behaviour of the guildsmen and traders resulted from the growth of Istanbul and the settlement of hitherto empty spaces. The growth of Istanbul’s population as well as the obviously growing demand for furs strengthened a process of specialization among the furriers. But it is to be assumed that some of them carried out their trade in Kamenez-Podolsk and Lwow where a great furrier guild was active. Given the military developments in the seventeenth and especially the eighteenth century. But in spite of regulations that fur had to be sold only at one place craftsmen and merchants sold it at the flea markets and in different parts of the capital. In this way they made a contribution to a broader supply of furs in Istanbul. They also may have introduced knowledge of working specific types of furs that were unknown among the furriers who spent their whole life only in Istanbul. This is why the “Moldavian route” is not only one to be considered in terms of the Russian trade. These changes within the structures of the furriers went hand in hand with a social differentiation of the urban population. There seems to have been an increasing number of people who had enough money to buy luxury goods such as furs. The influx of artisans from Anatolia and other provinces of the Ottoman Empire exercised a great pressure on the “established” masters not only by simply increasing the number of craftsmen practicing the same craft. Most scholars dealing with this subject have stressed the importance of the “Moldavian route” for the fur merchants in the sixteenth and early seventeenth century. These changed market conditions made it attractive to craftsmen to produce and sell in the other parts of the city as well.
. the Black Sea had a key function for the fur trade between the Russian and Ottoman Empires. This is why the Ottoman government accused the guildsmen of having violated the “traditional order” and of endangering the supply of high quality fur to the palace by neglecting the “tradition”. Ottoman documents lead us to assume that in the eighteenth century the Valide Hanı was the only place in Istanbul where it was to trade in furs. Claude de Peyssonel.

.

market inspections were important. Illegal Local Trade in the Ottoman Empire and the Guilds of Istanbul 1725– 1726. Controlling shopping and the goods on sale. in order to prevent black-marketeering. 5. in the sense of checking whether they were practised. The aim of officially fixed prices is generally to protect the consumer. were only possible with the inspection of the narh. Taking their authority from Muslim judges. it meant monitoring the measures taken to protect consumers in bazaars. In the Ottoman administrative system. Steingass. The practice of officially fixing prices is not only important because of its stabilizing effects. preventing commercial activities that created difficulties for consumers and troubled market prices. The government interfered when it anticipated the danger of shortages requiring a number of pre-emptive measures. and preventing the bulk of the public from being crushed beneath the prices. etc. A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary. narh was considered “one of the important duties” and “an issue of the poor”. It was the “private sector” which brought in the bulk of the goods. it became crucial not to allow hitches in practice.1 Narh is a Persian word meaning maximum limit.
. provisions. Thus. Therefore. p. Indirect state involvement also ensured the enforcement of official fixed prices (narh) in Istanbul. 1895. they were the Muslim
1 N. in “International Journal of Turkish Studies”. in a broader perspective. Beirut 1975. pp. ensuring that people live in peace and prosperity.SOME RECORDS ON PRICE CONTROLS IN ISTANBUL AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 19TH CENTURY Mehmet Ali Beyhan According to the Ottoman principle the state played an indirect rather than a direct role in the economy. In the Ottoman Empire muhtesibs3 were commissioned to control the official fixed prices. Isvan. measures. 1–26. 2 F. As all types of goods available in bazaars and all services were subject to officially fixed prices. narh refers to the stabilization of the prices of goods and services by the authorities. in bazaars.2 As a technical economic term. 3 The police official who was in charge of weights. 1–2 (1990/91).

this system was completely abolished in 1865.132
mehmet ali beyhan
judge’s assistants in the municipal services. 7 M. and the kadı of Istanbul (the Muslim Judge of Istanbul). 657. Istanbul 1983. they were sometimes carries out by officials in disguise. cit. Kütükoğlu. he would be brought to the Sublime Port (Bâb-ı âlî) or he would be sent to the Ağa Kapısı (The official residence of the chief of the janissaries) for the execution of his punishment. dismissal from the occupation. 115. p. . Kazıcı. 8. grand viziers and the deputies of grand viziers (sadaret kaymakamı) frequently carried out inspections. The latter two were carried out after the Sublime Port had been informed.. Provisions reaching Istanbul from Bursa and its surroundings had been transported to Istanbul respectively through Bandırma.6 During the Ottoman period the implementation of narh lasted until the middle of nineteenth century and. Kütükoğlu. cit. S. p. Osmanlılarda Narh Müessesesi . During inspections by disguised officials. III (1999). banishment. There were four muhtesibs in Istanbul.4 In principle.7 The exception of bread shows that the degree of control varied from one item to another. and some was sent from Russia. there was one muhtesib in the each judicial section. Galata and Üsküdar). p. which was divided into “nefs-i Istanbul” (Central Istanbul) and “Bilâd-ı selâse (including the three towns Eyup. imprisonment in ihtisab ağa’s prison. depending on the potential threat of its shortage. The overt inspection of markets by grand viziers was named as “kola çıkmak” or patrolling. Osmanlı Tarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Sözlüğü. A variety of penalties were imposed. . Osmanlılarda Narh Müessesesi ve 1640 Tarihli Narh Defteri. in “Osmanlı”. 118. in practice it is known that sultans. rowing in galleys. 6 Kazıcı. Mudanya and
Z. Zeki Pakalın. banishment and imprisonment in castles. Osmanlılarda İhtisab .5 However. M. yeniçeri ağası (chief of janissaries) and muhtesib used to be present. Although these inspections were performed publicly. Thrace and Rumelia (Athens-Negroponte). when a tradesman who violated the narh was discovered cheating on either the quantity or weight in grams and producing goods of low quality. II. Punishments executed by muhtesibs constituted flagellation. The Registrations about Bread Wheat receiving the highest priority was imported from Anatolia. except in the case of bread. . including flagellation. Osmanlılarda İhtisab. p. 8. and hanging. . p.
5 4
..

whilst determining the prices of both as one para. it had been impossible for one person to buy two loaves of bread. 9 Şerʿî Siciller Arşivi. XVI–XVII Asırlarda Osmanlı Imparatorluğunda Hububat Meselesi ve Hububattan Alınan Vergiler. as was the case during OttomanRussian war in 1809. The janissary chief.10 However.11
8 For the provision of Istanbul with wheat.8 Sometimes harsh winter conditions. III (1973). kaymakam paşa (deputy of the grand vizier) and sekbanbaşı could not go past a bakery during the distribution of newly released bread. 54b/2. At this stage. the officer in charge of the flour market place/Kapan-ı dakik. 11 F. the sultan comprehended that a bribe of ten to fifteen thousand guruş had been taken under the name of “izin-bahâ” (the permission for price) from the ships that brought wheat to Istanbul. see L. Yayla İmamı Risalesi. and there were injuries and deaths in the riots. it is very certain that the quantity of wheat existing in Istanbul was not sufficient to meet the needs of the residents of Istanbul. in “Tarih Enstitüsü Dergisi ”.9 In April 1809 new arrangements were made for the weight and price of bread. Residents attempted to plunder the bakeries. Being scared of a possible public reaction. The shortage of bread caused great difficulties for poor people in particular and consequently a loss of lives. a shortage of provisions broke out in the imperial centre. 98 nr. p. The continuing war prevented the transportation of wheat from the Black Sea to Istanbul.. It was brought to the Black Sea harbours from the other regions of Anatolia and then shipped to Istanbul. and managed to increased the weight of a loaf of bread from a previous 55 drachma to 60 drachma. Many bakery clerks were shot and killed. İstanbul Mahkemesi Defteri. epidemic diseases or wars hindered the transportation of provisions. 269– 270. Güçer. The deputy of grand vizier Osman Pasha was dismissed on April 30. the steward of the bakers and the French bread bakers appeared together before the Judge of Istanbul. 1810 with the justification that he was “portentous” (meşʾum-kadem) and was held responsible for the bread shortage continuing for 4 months. 10 Ibid. and French bread (or in Turkish spelling francala) from 35 to 40 drachma. pp. As there had been queues for bread.price controls in istanbul early th century
133
Karamürsel.
. Istanbul 1964. Derin. Ç. Throughout that year roughly 25–30 thousand bushels of wheat (bushels of 110 para) were distributed to bakers in Istanbul weekly. In the bread queues pickpocketing was rife and many people had money and possessions stolen. p. 48a/4.

. Hocabey and its neighbourhood. cit. one person needing a loaf of bread to tryed get five loaves instead. Trade ships. . by simply intensifying precautions.134
mehmet ali beyhan
The bread crises created a type of black-marketeer. and cracking down on the increasing black-marketeers.
. sufficient for public needs. .12 The government wrote to Ali Pasha of Tebedelen (Tepeleni. He issued a decree that the wheat distributed restrictively was to be given unrestrainedly. Mahmud II had witnessed the throng while passing in front of Okçularbaşı Bakery in Bayezit undercover. there was a reduction in the quantity of bread which became extremely dark in colour. 635. bread initially weighed 90 drachma and sold for 3 paras before its weight was dropped to 80 drachma and its price to 2 paras. p. . and the bread produced had not been able to meet needs. when the price of a 100 drachma loaf of bread was officially fixed at 96 para. whilst assuring the sale of bread in the neighbourhoods by bakers. p. Wheat was being given to bakers under restriction because the amount of provisions stocked in state depots was only just sufficient for the coming three months. 13 Uzunçarşılı. Ankara 2003. the price reduction was one para and the public was satisfied with this change. Üçüncü Selim Zamanında Yazılmış Dış Ruznâmesinden 1206/1791 . There had been a decline in bread production due to a lack of provisions arriving to the city. This situation badly affected Istanbul residents. p. The Russians had detained some French ships by removing their helms. During the first years of Selim III reign.. A. black-marketeers. could not sail through the Black Sea. cit. came under Russian control. began to sell bread secretly to people from whom they could collect more money. increases and decreases can be seen in both prices and weights.13 After a while. 590. which usually sent an essential quantity of wheat to Istanbul. Albania) instructing him to send provisions to Istanbul with the aim of resolving the provisions problem. 14 Beyhan. Beyhan. II. It can be seen that officially fixed prices had negative effects too. collaborating with bakeries. In the year 1811. Câbî Tarihi .. Câbî Tarihi. There were skirmishes amongst people in queues at the bakeries. I.14 Bread supply caused the public in Istanbul great distress in April 1812. Tarih-i Sultan Selîm-i sâlis ve Mahmûd-ı sânî. A separate decree was dispatched to
12 M. Although the decrease in weight was only ten drachma. 775. being afraid of Russian navy.

whereupon Nikola.. he had baked an improper quantity of bread in his bakery in Istanbul-Fener. İstanbul Mahkemesi. defter.15 It can be seen that bakeries were frequently inspected. and twelve bakers (some Muslims and some not). the Steward of Istanbul Baker Craftsmen. The colour. Ibid. degree of baking. 947. artisans would initially warn colleagues who violated the rules.. In March 1809 Elhac Hasan. in records belonging to this period. 38b/4. Steward of Flour Sellers. p. “I am Alemdar. it was revealed that the Eskihamam Bakery in Üsküdar was selling undersized bread and the baker was executed in front of his bakery. Galata and Istanbul. and spoiled and damaged public opinion by selling the bread from a pannier in the bazaars. to have Mihal’s son Nikola punished for the irregularity of the business he was running.. was sentenced to row in the galleys as a punishment. but he defied the officers sent by the court. In these kinds of situations. The court held an inquiry and proved the allegations correct. the judge and the
15 16 17 18
Ibid. In an inspection carried out in February 1813.price controls in istanbul early th century
135
Hazinedar-zâde Süleyman Pasha ordering the supply of provisions from Rize. if they could not get any result they would then appeal a court of law. the punishment was intended “to be a lesson for everybody”. 871. a total number of 20 bakeries were closed down in Üsküdar.16 During one of these inspections in June 1812.18 In another case on 7th June 1810. Sometimes bakers had their colleagues punished by complaining that they operated in a disorderly fashion. 98 nr. the baker. checking the quantity and quality of their bread. Punishments were usually bastinado. Seyyid Mustafa. Galata and central Istanbul. Ibid. 840. However. and shops which were not operating properly were officially closed in Üsküdar. we can assertain different practices. shouting. rowing in the galley ships (vazʿ-ı kürek) and imprisonment. the baker called Alemdar who ran a bakery in Istanbul-Azaplar. Shopkeepers producing poor quality and underweight bread shared the same destiny. Şerʿiyye Sicilleri. Bakers who produced underweight bread were punished in a variety of ways. appealed to the Istanbul Court. taste and weight of bread was checked in order to maintain standards.17 It is noteworthy that a similar punishment was applied in the Nişancı Bakery in Istanbul and a bakery in Kasımpaşa. p. p. p. Trabzon and their vicinity.
. was ordered to be brought to Ağa Kapısı because of producing underweight bread.

636. p.
20 19
. just ten days later than the verdict of Alemdar. but the wearing of sharp. which had been expected from Kayseri was a couple of weeks late. 100 nr. complaining that their salaries were not even enough for thin-soled boots. This is apparent in a decision by an Istanbul Court dating from 18th June 1810. craftsmen would appeal the courts for the convict’s release. in “Belleten”. officers especially appealed to their chiefs. In its judgement. He ended up imprisoned in a castle until he was prepared to accept the power of the law. Üçüncü Selim Zamanında Yazılmış Dış Ruznâmesinden 1206/ 1791 ve 1207/1792 Senelerine Ait Vekayi. People began to complain about this situation. Uzunçarşılı. İstanbul Mahkemesi. when in 1792 the price rose to 22 para (A Turkish coin of the value of 1/40 of a piaster) in a single year. thin-soled boots and shoes had been sold for four piaster. defter. pointed thin-soled boots was forbidden. had disobeyed the law and been imprisoned in a castle until such time as he is obedient. XXVII 48 (1973). The Registrations about thin-soled boots (mest) and shoes in Istanbul The leather used in thin-soled boot and shoe manufacturing was supplied from such regions as Sivas. Ibid. 21 Y. Some tradesmen tried to make use of this opportunity and began to sell their products at whatever prices they wished. 351. 22 İ. Ankara 1985. At the time there was no interference with price. causing material problems in this manufacture. After these
Şerʿiyye Sicilleri. 29b/4. once again “as a lesson for everybody”. a baker in Azaplar in Istanbul. p. Özkaya.19 Usually when convinced that the convict would not commit that crime again. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Kurumları ve Osmanlı toplum Yaşantısı. XVIII. Kayseri and Arapgir. delivered on 7th June 1810.. and upon request of the steward of baker craftsmen and the chiefs it has been decided that he should go free.22 In November 1808 the morocco necessary for the manufacturing of thin-soled boots. At this moment the above-mentioned is obedient. H. Istanbul Court wrote that: “Previously it was discovered that the person called Alemdar. p. 31b/2.21 In Istanbul. p. nor was a reduction in the prices of these goods imposed. and slippers for three para.136
mehmet ali beyhan
police force can’t interfere me”.”20 The above-mentioned Alemdar was released with the mediation of his fellow tradesmen after ten days in prison.

the coffee being distributed to the attars. cit. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Kurumları . XVIII. and the Judge. . In August 1813. 1005. as was the case for many foodstuffs. 354.25 The daily coffee demand in Istanbul was 1100 qıyye at the beginning of 1810..
.23 Cheese It can be seen that consumers also demanded their rights. Ibid. . a class of traders dealing with coffee and the spice trades. During 19th Century there had been coffee shortages. someone who lived in Üsküdar-Selamiye had asked his daughter to buy cheese from a grocery for 4 para. He gave a verdict of guilty and sent a written decision to the Sublime Port. Câbî Tarihi . 268. p. When he had it weighed in other place. taking a role in controlling the markets by complaining about unfairness that they experienced whilst shopping. Özkaya. .24 Some Observations about Coffee and Sugar Coffee was an important substance of consumption for Istanbul. The attars undertook
23 24 25 26
Beyhan. 1100 qıyye or vaqıyye is 1408 kilo. he realised that one vaqıyye of cheese cost him 100 para. Three of the haffafs (leather-traders) were put on ‘the heavy log’ at the Sublime Port because of violating officially fixed prices.price controls in istanbul early th century
137
public complaints were transmitted to Alemdar Mustafa Pasha.26 On January 13th 1810. An Ottoman ounce. A decree was issued ordering the death penalty for the grocer. . p. Indeed one vaqıyye of cheese had been between 50 and 60 para. the Judge of Istanbul imposed the narh for thin-soled boot again and commanded by decree that every product should display labels clearly illustrating the exact price of each shoe. Before the Ramadan Festival (Bairam) eighty thousand pairs of thin-soled boots and a sufficient amount of morocco were bought and put at the disposal of leather-traders in Istanbul by sending heralds to Kayseri. The punishment was executed in front of the shop. the Grand Vizier. p. Köstendilî Tahir Efendi.. investigated the case with the shopkeeper present in the court. the court registrations recorded that the total amount of coffee in stock was sufficient for 18 months and 8 days.. The person who bought the cheese filed a case in a court of law in Üsküdar. Bahar Efendi. cit.

During this period one qıyye of cherries had sold for 24 para.. The man responded that he had bought it in Eminönü-Istanbul for 60 para. . According to the records.”29 Fruit It can be seen that from time to time fruit was scarce in Istanbul. the Deputy of Grand Vizier Rüştü Pasha discovered that a greengrocer was selling one qıyye of grapes for 10 para. 871. for somebody else who was ill. İstanbul Mahkemesi. which was the main ingredient of şerbet. In an undercover tour around Langa-Istanbul in October 1812. 948/2. . 855. . cit. During these times fruit prices would rise and people would not able to satisfy their demands. defter.
28 27
. 636. Üçüncü Selim Zamanında Yazılmış Dış Ruznâmesinden 1206/1791 . no fruit could be brought to Istanbul because an epidemic plague had broken out. arrangements for coffee prices were made.28 On 9th May 1791. cit.27 Meanwhile. . For not working in accordance with the narh... 29 Uzunçarşılı. Rüştü Pasha saw that someone had bought quince and asked where and for how much he had purchased it. 31 Ibid. Câbî Tarihi . caused this tradition to be prohibited by a decree ordering that “there would be no further use by all confectioners from then on due to no sherbet being available. In the first days of July 1812. cit. 98 nr. 919. a 3 para reduction in price was introduced for the same quantity of coffee. whereas 25 drachma of coffee had previously been 25 para. The increase in the price of sugar. p. 30 Beyhan. it is understood that 60 para exceeded the official price. Although we have no information about the official fixed price of quince at the time. the shopkeeper was brought to Ağa Kapısı and hanged there. a traditional offering for high-ranked statesmen. p. the price of sugar increased considerably and its vaqıyye reached 96 para. p. p. . p. the greenŞerʿiyye Sicilleri Arşivi.31 A similar instance involving fruit concerns the price of quince. Beyhan. During his undercover inspection.138
mehmet ali beyhan
to avoid causing people any difficulties involving coffee consumption throughout this period. Câbî Tarihi . when it should have been sold for 8 para.30 Inspections had become frequent and greengrocers who sold fruit with extreme prices were punished severely. .. sour cherries for 60 para and green plums for 20 para. which became fixed at 22 para.

. and first of all to Cabbarzâde Süleyman Bey. Yenikapı and other places were to be destroyed. 36 Ibid. especially to the chiefs of the tribes. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Kurumları . 635. sheep meat was five para for a vaqıyye. p. p.
Ibid. XVIII. 34 Özkaya. On 3rd April 1792.35 In some years during Ramadan. after an undercover tour. a new narh was fixed. p. 922. as the officially given fixed price was fifteen para. ..34 Sometimes. and it was ordered that the wooden-booths in Tophane. on the other. . Under these conditions a meat shortage would occur in Istanbul. p. 634. 35 Uzunçarşılı. either as “volunteers” or as “recorded ones”. Ibid. cit.36 The shortage of meat. It was also decided to cut the price of a vaqıyye of meat down from a rate of forty-forty five para to 25 para.32 A decree banning makeshift greengroceries on pavements in the streets run by the unknown people was issued on 31st August 1808. . Üçüncü Selim Zamanında Yazılmış Dış Ruznâmesinden 1206/1791 .
33 32
. The state categorised drovers in two groups. Butcheries used to get closed during these crises. .. using the drovers. By taking 5 para off its former price. Consequently greengrocers bought their fruits and vegetables at the quays and sold them for fair prices in the proper places. 320.. Drovers would have to supply a certain number of ships for Istanbul twice in a year. the supply of animal could be problematic. compelled the government to take precautions. p.price controls in istanbul early th century
139
grocer was sent to the gallows upon confessing that he had indeed sold the quince for 60 para. cit. decrees were prepared and dispatched to various regions in Anatolia. stating that they were causing the prices to go up. telling them to send sheep to Istanbul.. 214. the meat needed by the public on the one hand and by the soldiers (numbering more than fifty thousands in Davudpasha). It was resolved that meat previously sold for 20 para was to be on sale for 15 para. Thus. but it was very difficult to buy meat. Grand Vizier Koca Yusuf Pasha decided to restructure the prices of meat and bread. though.33 Meat The meat requirements of Istanbul’s residents were met by bringing in animals from Anatolia and Rumelia.

and thus contributing to the prosperity of the citizens. bearing the shirt originally worn by Rabbis during rituals on the end of a stick.38 The harsh winter conditions of 1812 resulted in a terrible loss of livestock due to the cold and deprivation of space. . Jewish inhabitants of IstanbulKuzguncuk. Notables of the community gathered and set up a fund by collecting forty pouches of akçe (an Ottoman coin) to get the meat prices reduced to a moderate level. Câbî Tarihi . Ruz-ı Hızır lasts between 6 may and 7 November. The crowd crossed Ortaköy and from there headed to Hasköy. telling him that. I will send you to the gallows. then attacked the house of the Chief Rabbi. He also stressed that the two para profit extracted by getting the meat for 23 para and selling it for 25 para.. Armenians and Gypsies can buy and have meat thanks to the officially fixed price set out by the Sultan. “if you sell a vaqıyye of meat for more than twenty five para. it can be seen that the public created disorder. where they looted the meat from Jewish butchers. wherever they had been bought from. p. p. The crowd. was good enough. in that year it could not be started even a month later.. Ibid.. such as protesting against shortages. rebelled against their Chief Rabbi after the meat price was placed under a narh of 25 para. Ibid. strongly warning him that the narh should be adjusted. and it was announced that anyone violating the rule would be punished. 204–205.140
mehmet ali beyhan
Grand Vizier Alemdar Mustafa Pasha had summoned the chief butcher in August 1808. “Muslims. The butcheries were closed for three months and the price of a vaqıyye of meat went up to seventy-eighty para. Jews prevented the janissaries from interfering by telling them that. cit.40
37 38 39 40
Beyhan. Ultimately their efforts culminated in a meat price of twenty-six para.
. “this is a Jewish fight”.37 During times of crises. 841. Consequently the slaughter of lambs. but Jews can hardly find cow meat for fifty para”. Although the slaughter of lambs “Rûz-ı Hızır”39 should traditionally start on 6th of May. He threatened the chief butcher. . which crossed to Balat from Hasköy. 873. before going to Mahmutpaşa Bazaar. pp. and looted the Jewish butcheries which they came across. They protested that. and told him that meat was to be sold for twentyfive para. should his conditions not be met within three days time. was prohibited by an official decree sent to the three juridical districts of Istanbul (mehâkim-i selâse). who had already hidden. without giving you opportunity or time”.

price controls in istanbul early th century
141
It can be said that appeals to the government by the drovers for the readjustment of meat prices would be taken into consideration. defter. appealed to the court like the Anatolia drovers.42 The Interference of Janissaries in the Markets Each of the janissary regiments shared out the trade ships arriving in Istanbul’s harbours amongst themselves. agreed to fix the prices as follows: each qıyye of meat for twenty two para. each qıyye of the fat rendered from the tail of a sheep for thirty two para. Moreover. The request was taken into consideration and it was decided that butchers would sell the meat adding three para to the formerly fixed price. Chief Butcher of the State (the officer in charge of the sheep-taxation). before the sheep from Rumelia arrived and that the money should be paid to the drover twenty five days after the day distribution started.
. Ibid. the janissaries sometimes confiscated the most important part of a ships load. 58a /5. as a sign showing which regiment the ship should pay tribute to. The judgement also stipulated that those sheep be distributed quickly.. varying according to the economic conditions at the time. appealed together with six of his partners to the Istanbul Court. 58b/1. Alişan Beyzâde Halil from the Cihanbeyli Tribe in Konya. claiming that they had bought each sheep more expensively than the previous year. p. with the participation of Hüseyin Efendi. The Court. Ostiyan from Avratalan and nine of his friends. The sum of the tribute money paid to these regiments amounted to 70–80 guruş. and claiming that their expenditure on the sheep had been so high. They would mark the ships with the emblems of their respective regiments. that they had accumulated a heavy financial burden whilst travelling to Istanbul. In Galata and its vicinity it was not uncommon for janissaries even to fight to
41 42
Şerʿiyye Sicilleri Arşivi. In May 1809. and additionally. 98 nr. and offal for twenty five para as “a gesture to protect drovers from loss and to provide for the public’s welfare”. the Steward of the Butchers (Kasaplar Kethüdası) and ten butchers. They requested that the narh be re-determined. p. who had brought 5305 sheep from Anatolia to Istanbul.41 We can ascertain similar demands made by drovers from Rumelia. wanting the official price fixed at twenty-two para.

Grand Vizier Alemdar Mustafa Pasha ordered that the janissary emblems be removed from the trade ships.44 Owing to the intensively harsh winter conditions. and we patronize the ships by protecting them from outside threats”. p. which began towards the end of 1811 and still contined during 1812. Beyhan. cit. The janissaries’ reaction to the grand vizier’s brave approach is noteworthy. 44 Beyhan. it can’t be acceptable for the janissaries to have more domination over ships than their owners”. grand vizier. putting their grievances into words: “in this city. the Sekbanbaşı delegated başyasakcı with the duty of finding those “who were harming the people” and sending them to the Ağa Kapısı. making statements like. “we may not run a grocery.. despite a huge reaction by the janissaries in the middle of October 1808. The Janissaries who gathered in Galata acted as if they were the state itself. although there is a sultan. Following complaints by tradesman. Başyasakcı then captured janissaries who were forcefully collecting protection money from shopkeepers on Yemiş Quay. and the state. It is known that the fuel needed for Istanbul had been taken from the Istıranca Forest on a large scale. We survive by our own power. and these fights often ended in bloodshed. resulted in the escape of Greek crews from the ships carrying firewood and coal to Istanbul. fame and the power of our daggers. 261. work as a porter or do farming.
. pp. and sent them to the Ağa Kapısı were they were executed. Câbî Tarihi . they reluctantly abided by his wishes in this situation. . The janissaries’ oppressive and lawless behaviour finally reached such a degree of cruelty that it caused considerable unease among the craftsmen. they claimed their role was “to protect something from someone”. VII (1999). Yeniçeri Ocağıʾnın Kaldırılışı Üzerine Bazı Düşünceler: Vakʿa-yı Hayriye. it was difficult to transport firewood and coal to Istanbul. but owing to the tough stance of the grand vizier. in “Osmanlı”. Janissaries had also confiscated foodstuff such as olive oil and honey. through a kind of brokerage. .43 Fresh fruit landed on Yemiş Quay in August 1812 had been confiscated by janissaries of the Ellialtı regiment and was being sold over the narh. The plague epidemic.142
mehmet ali beyhan
confiscate trade ships in the name of their regiments. The fuel problem had also adversely affected the Palace. şeyhulislam. In consequence the craftsmen openly expressed themselves at the time. A. which attempted to provide firewood from
43 M. 902–903.

Furthermore narh for firewood was secured at 2. offering them ten para for a qıyye. Whereas two qıyye of wood had previously been 5 para.45 Additionally. In the Sublime Porte the Deputy instructed the Chief Janissary to bring the three men concerned to the justice. two for the raw coffee sellers (in Turkish tahmisci) one cember for the oil traders (yağlıkçı). Ağva and surroundings. When one considers that the average allowance of a clerk was 250 guruş a year. Firstly. and asked patrolmen for coal. 944–945. Ibid. It was high time for certain precautions to be taken into consideration.46 Muslin sellers also provided a good example of profiteering in the period in question. seven muslin traders and twenty-one zımmîs (none-Muslim subjects of the
45 46
Ibid. he raised it to twenty para.price controls in istanbul early th century
143
the bathhouses with no avail as many bathhouses had already closed down due to the lack firewood. However. ordering the supply of firewood. the patrolmen demanded twenty-five para. and selling it at one qıyye for twenty para.. Transportation by road was impossible between Scutari and the surrounding villages. Disguised. Şile. 962. two for the bakeries.
. three for the bankers (sarraf ).5 para. The 17 cembers needed were divided as follows: three for the merchants in Kapan-ı daqiq. after a sharp rise in prices it was now between 28 and 30 para. Afterwards the preparations commenced to complete the process: part of it involved each guild choosing a suitable person (emin) to take charge of the cembers for which it was responsible. pp. but the rest were executed.. The Deputy Grand Vizier was informed by a report that a qıyye of coal had been sold for twenty-four para at a security station near the Fatih Mosque. As his offer was rejected. The guilds were employed in the process of supply. Decrees were sent to the noblemen (a’yân) in İzmit. he visited above-mentioned station. the extent of the problem can be understood. Lead by Hacı Abdi Ağa. a trader in Unkapanı. the number of boats required was calculated and the total number was distributed between the trade groups. security men were detaining coal coming to Istanbul at night on carts. two for the shopkeepers in the Space Bazaar. one for the jewellers and finally two cembers for the firewood and coal sellers. p. One managed to escape. at this stage the use of boats called cember to transport firewood began. Tradesmen Steward Dervish Mehmed Ağa.

98 nr. Selling the muslin at this high price was not only detrimental to the public but also triggered a rise in the muslin prices. the Court decided that Avram and İlya would be made to row in the galleys.47 The Control of Fees in Some Parts of Work and Services Guilds always warned those who violated the rules. One of the customers had brought thin mattress to him to be stuffed with wool. “those who had gone to their shops were asked for five hundred guruş for a mass of the muslin. 62a/5. “when the muslin and related-materials brought to Istanbul on ships arrived. thereby preventing black-marketeers. deceived people. In addition. had stocked goods in their granaries. despite receiving previous warnings. p. it was usually bought by tradesmen and the steward. collecting all the goods secretly within a few days”. they would file a lawsuit to get the deceivers punished. they said that. In their statement they said that. the Steward of wool-fluffing tradesmen.
. the son of Yorgi.” In its verdict of 21 June 1809. But the two muslin-sellers. Meanwhile. Lefter had deceived tailors and
47
Şerʿiyye Sicilleri Arşivi. The subject of the lawsuit was his economically abusing of his customers by deceiving them. Continuing. who was in the wool-fluffing business. Avram and his partner İlya together with their other partners. if their wrongdoings were proved. although twenty masses of that brand usually cost three hundred and fifty or four hundred guruş. the court would punish craftsmen exposed by internal inspections. trustee Seyyid Ali and three craftsmen filed a complaint at Istanbul Court about Lefter. The subsequent punishments usually consisted of dismissal from their occupation and rowing in galleys. Yiğitbaşı Mustafa. due to their violation of the rules and of the narh. The situation was discovered when the customer complained to the guild. Unless their warnings were heeded. Lefter put five qıyye of cotton (?) in instead of six qıyye.144
mehmet ali beyhan
empire) filed a complaint in Istanbul Court against two Jewish muslin dealers for profiteering. defter. a brand titled humâyun hassa. and distributed among the tradesmen. Suleyman Ağa. Avram and İlya underestimated the warnings and continued operating in the same way. or did not make requital appropriate to their occupations. In accordance with the rules.

. inspection remained high on the agenda. p. 42a/4.
48 49 50
Ibid. 152. He bargained with a gravedigger about digging a grave and the gravedigger initially wanted twelve guruş.49 This number comprises only the number of burials outside of the city walls. The record states that Mehmed Rushdi Pasha put the gravedigger into the grave that he had dug himself and kept there for a time to punish him. the Grand Vizier’s Deputy. in 25 March 1809. to prevent monopolist tendencies. Beyhan. Naturally.50 Conclusion The main target of practising narh (official fixed prices) by the Ottoman administration was to prevent profiteering by securing the balance between demand and availability. 902.. Câbî Tarihi . “it shall be a lesson to everybody”.Istanbul 1867. Even though Lefter had been summoned to guild office many times for these reasons and was issued with notices. Istanbul Court regarded the group’s grievances as appropriate and pronounced a verdict condemning Lefter to row in galleys.
. but finally accepted eight guruş.price controls in istanbul early th century
145
other customers by stuffing sixty drachma of wool in their dresses instead of one hundred drachmas. “they should not be offended by overcharging”.. Mehmed Rüşdü Pasha. “Lefter dared to insist on this behaviour” which was gradually “spreading to others and resulting in corruption in the set of rules followed by tradesmen”. the number of the corpses buried in the graves within the city is not included in the death toll. In the middle of November. so that in practice. They demanded that Lefter. II. p. stating that. The group of craftsmen opening the case told the court that. should be punished. p. he did not take it seriously. the plague epidemic had continued its destruction. the death toll had risen to three thousand. under such circumstances a supply of graves and shrouds became vital. wandered among the graveyards with a dervish from the Bektashi order. Therefore. cit. It was deemed fundamental that the public lived in welfare and prosperity. who was harming public interest with this deceit. In a decree sent to the three afore-mentioned districts of Istanbul it was clearly stipulated that causing the residents undue distress was to be avoided and that. .48 At the beginning of October 1812. Şânîzâde Tarihi.

. In January 1814. Mahmud II issued a decree to the chief janissary.51
51
Ibid. In such cases. 1047. for instance.. the punishment could be imprisonment in a castle. taking bribes of 25–30 guruş from convicts and not carrying out the punishments. it is understood that sergeants of janissary regiments neglected their duty. “you are lax on inspection” and ordered that thereafter. scolding him. Sometimes. if it was bastinado. weighing incorrectly or involved in deceits whilst practising their occupations were sent to the Ağa Kapısı for the execution of their punishments. unless their crime was serious.146
mehmet ali beyhan
bazaars and market places were visited very often to check the observation of the narh. Persons discovered during inspections to have violated the narh. convicts should be sent to Yedikule and be executed under the supervision of Ağa of Yedikule. p. Bribes were taken at the time the punishment was executed. with intervention by the chief janissary.

PART TWO
ECONOMIC CROSSBORDER ECUMENICAL COMMUNITIES IN THE PROVINCES OF THE EMPIRE
.

.

respectively. Testo(?): In Wien verkauft den 1. Çakır. 15 was described as daily records of the Janissaries in Temesvár (Romanian Timişoara) in the fairly old local.
. the CÉPO (later CIÉPO) symposium in Hamburg. 1520–1650. From the growing literature on the tax-farming system the last comprehensive survey was written by B. Cf. 1550–1580). . For the Hungarian conditions see: P. whom I first met exactly 30 years ago at the very first conference of my life. especially in her Towns and Townsmen of Ottoman Anatolia. This unusual confidence impressed me very much and I am grateful for the generosity of the lady whose name I regretfully failed to ask.CUSTOMS DUTIES AND TREASURY INCOMES IN THE VILAYET OF TEMESVÁR: AN EARLY ACCOUNTBOOK OF BECSKEREK AND BECSE Géza Dávid The oriental collection of the Württenbergische Landesbibliothek has a modest group of Ottoman manuscripts. Juni 1790”.3 I received a good copy of the whole text which I try to examine here in honour of Suraiya Faroqhi. Trade. Suraiya Faroqhi has also used this sort of documents extensively. a member of the library staff offered to send the material to a friend in Germany who would then pay the fees.1 A cursory examination of the codex revealed that this classification was misleading (not a single Janissary of that castle is referred to in the text) and the actual contents are something quite different. Fodor. crafts and food production in an urban setting. From the exceptional courtesy of the responsible person in the library. A . Budapest 1962 (also in Hungarian: Budai török számadáskönyvek. hand-written catalogue when I had the chance to visit this institution in 1991. their Rechnungsbücher türkischer Finanzstellen in Buda (Ofen) 1550– 1580. Serbian Novi Bečej). 3 Since I had a very short time in Stuttgart and it was impossible to know the exact cost of the reproduction. 2 A pioneering work concerning this type of source was accomplished by L. İstanbul 2003. Some Notes on Ottoman Tax Farming in Hungary. Cambridge–London–New York. or account-book2 including treasury incomes collected in Becskerek (later: Nagybecskerek. . Serbian Zrenjanin) and Becse (later: Törökbecse. Türkischer Text. Namely. Cod. (Ein Rechnungsbuch ‘Defter’ 1553/54). Fekete and G. One of them. in “Acta Orientalia Hungarica”. 1984 and in several articles. 427–435. Her approach and
1 As kindly imparted by Magdalene Popp-Grilli from the same library. etc. LIV (2001). Fol. yüzyıl). Or. there has been no change in the description in the meantime which reads as follows: “ein Tags Protokoll der Janitscharen in dem Königlichen Hauptquartier zu Temeswar. Osmanlı mukataa sistemi (XVI–XVIII. Káldy-Nagy. the defter is an early mukataa-register. pp.

358. probably through the mediation of Lodovico Gritti. J. . 384. see: I. 134–136. Emecen and İ.150
géza dávid
presentation exerted a decisive and lasting influence on me and our later discussions in Istanbul. 8 To use more than one toponym for the designation of an administrative unit was a rare phenomenon in the Ottoman Empire and was characteristic mainly in border areas where the places concerned usually showed the directions of further expansion. in É. 9 Szántó. 292. pp. XII. Küzdelem a török terjeszkedés ellen Magyarországon. 555–556.” The Orders of the Ottoman Imperial Council Pertaining to Hungary (1544–1545. 552. No. it became the possession of King John of Szapolya (1526–1540) again. No. A becskereki vár. 10 F. 53–74. Budapest 1886. 101 and notes 698–699. p. Şahin. M. 6 It is to be noted that Becse (together with Becskerek) had been first conquered by Yahyapaşa-zade Mehmed. an Ottoman Office-Holder with Persian Connections on the Hungarian Borders. Serbian Smederovo). Jeremiás (ed. No. 652–653. Magyarország történeti kronológiája II.). p. p. 64. 1526–1848. “Az ország ügye mindenek előtt való” . and Péter Petrovics managed to evade this demand and keep the place for Queen Isabella (1541–1551) for several more years. 1552). . in “Belgeler” 23 (1999). Irano-Turkic Cultural Contacts in the
. M.). “Az ország ügye mindenek előtt való. however. Cf. Budapest 2005. Fodor. (Értekezések a történelmi tudományok köréből. 5 The Turkish texts of the relevant decrees were published by G. Szentkláray. Budapest 1982. the sultan claimed it on the pretext that Muslims had prayed five times a day within its walls. pp. * * * The territory along the southern reach of the river Tisza was first attached to the Ottoman Empire in 1551 when Sokollu Mehmed. 290. Brother George Martinuzzi/Utyesenovics (Utiešenović). Az 1551–52. 1552). pp.7 A new sancak carrying their names was created around these fortifications and also that of Csanád (Romanian Cenad)8 which was not finally occupied until 1552. pp. In 1528. In 1545. the 1552 campaign led by the second vizier Kara Ahmed Paşa brought significant achievements. 295.9 According to official documents.5 Of the two towns which interest us now. pp. Osmanlı taşra teşkilâtının kaynaklarından 957–958 (1550– 1551) tarihli sancak tevcîh defteri.4 Although certain castles were recaptured by local forces after the Ottomans’ withdrawal. 27–30.. cit. 560. pp. p. No. Küzdelem a török terjeszkedés ellen . No. .11
4 For details. Dávid and Fodor. cit. “Affairs of State Are Supreme. 152–153. the bey of Szendrő (Ottoman Semendire. Budapest 1985. the beylerbeyi of Rumelia commanded successful operations in the area. Dávid and P. while Becskerek was captured 6 or 8 days later.” A szultáni tanács Magyarországra vonatkozó rendeletei (1544–1545. . Budapest. évi várháborúk. Becse6 fell into Turkish hands on 17 or 19 September 1551. the first district governor here from 10 October 155110 was Ulama Paşa/Bey. 11 On his life see my Ulama bey. in Hungarian György Fráter.. 7 Cf. Munich. culminating in the establishment of a new vilayet around Temesvár. and elsewhere have always been encouraging and illuminating. Szántó.

an early account-book of becskerek and becse

151

an outstanding personality of the period. This statement is seemingly discredited by the beylerbeyi’s assertion in a letter in Hungarian that he made Malkoç Bey the captain (or commandant) of Becse, Becskerek, and “Csurog” (probably Serbian Čurug), which can be interpreted as if he had become the sancakbeyi there.12 The fact that Malkoç Bey was—as reflected in the central list—only nominated to this post on 25 October 155113 does not necessarily verify the governor general. Meanwhile it could also be imagined that Ulama was merely theoretically appointed; this supposition would confirm Sokollu Mehmed’s words. In early 1552 Kasım Bey/Paşa,14 the former beylerbeyi of Buda, took over the duty of administering the liva, the name of which had been reduced to Becse and Becskerek, apparently because Csanád had been lost. Soon after the conquest of Temesvár Kasım was elevated to the rank of mirmiran there and remained in this position until 4 January 1557. It cannot be excluded that after him Malkoç returned to Becskerek—at least an undated letter in Serbian preserved in Vienna and filed among documents from the period June and December 1552 suggests this.15 It is more likely, however, that someone else followed Kasım whose name remains in darkness for the time being. If we look at the reconstructed map of the sancak of Csanád16 and that of the medieval roads in this part of the Great Plain of Hungary17 we see that Becskerek, situated near the Béga (Serbian and Romanian Bega) river, was connected by a major route to Temesvár in the north and to Pancsova (Serbian Pančevo) and Keve (later Kevevára, Serbian Kovin) in the south, while Becse, lying on an island or a peninsula on the left bank of the Tisza, was linked by a road of secondary importance

to Becskerek and had a ferry to the right side of the river where another Becse (later Óbecse, Serbian Bečey) was located. Although Becskerek had a seemingly more favourable place on the crossroads, its pre-Ottoman significance was somewhat inferior to that of Becse.18 This latter had a weekly fair on Mondays19 and that a toll was levied there on goods coming both on water and on land was mentioned as early as 1440.20 The manuscript referred to above is unique inasmuch as it is the only known mukataa-register from the vilayet of Temesvár and it contains data from the early period of Ottoman rule in the region. The first part, recording the incomes of the customs and tax-station at Becskerek, begins on 10 safar 960 or 26 January 1553 and ends on 24 safar 961 or 29 January 1554. In other words, the period covered is neither a full lunar nor a solar year; it is 4 days longer than the latter. After pages showing ispence, various tax revenues (imposed on grain, wine, and beehives) and fees (penalties, marriage duties, etc.) on the has-estates of the sultan belonging to the emanet of Becskerek, and followed by similar— although less comprehensive—lists pertaining to Becse, which belonged to a separate emanet bearing the name of the town, the second main section, the account-book of Becse starts, somewhat unexpectedly, on 1 receb 960 or 13 June 1553 and terminates on 26 safar 961 i.e. 31 January 1554, comprising thus less than 8 months. The two parallel sets of information allow us to draw conclusions on the importance of generating treasury incomes at the two towns in relation to each other and on the level of stabilisation after a period of warfare, even if only to a limited extent due to the lack of earlier or later comparative data. It should be underlined that figures in the defter are somewhat difficult to harmonise and, as a consequence, fully interpret or translate into quantities due to several factors. One of the reasons for the ambiguity is that gümrük (customs) and bac (sales tax)21 are partly mixed up in the entries while others are not included in either of the groups. It is not always obvious whether such items hide fees or duties on commercial goods or ordinary taxes (consequently a higher sum does not

necessarily correspond to a greater amount in the case of one and the same article as customs duties were lower than ordinary taxes). In other instances the equivalent in money is merely indicated without reference to the unit of measurement used. The next problem is that even if the units are specified, their actual size cannot be easily clarified. The 1567 kanunnames of the ports of the respective towns do not help us much,22 since they occasionally give different sums or ratios to be paid than our figures in the account-books and speak of other sorts of dues than the ones we have. In spite of these deficiencies the short law-books and that of the sancaks of Gyula and Csanád offer complementary evidence in some of the issues to be dealt with. The next obscurity is faced when we try to convert the various currencies mentioned in the list and in other contemporary sources into one single sort of money. Our defter uses the term penz23 almost exclusively to indicate the value of the individual sources of income, with a few exceptions when osmani, guruş or altun replace it without specifying the exchange rates. A single exception helps to establish the ratio between osmani and penz as applied while preparing the defter. The so-called harmiça-i hamr24 imposition normally figures at 40 penz per unit. In the given instance it is entered as 16 osmani which permits the conclusion that 1 osmani corresponds to 2.5 penz. This value is in accordance with suppositions maintaining that the equivalent of 1 akçe was 2 penz25 and

22 İstanbul, Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi, Tapu defteri 365. In Hungarian translation published by Káldy-Nagy, A Csanádi szandzsák . . . cit., p. 159, p. 251. 23 Penz (Hungarian ’money’) is the contemporary Ottoman equivalent of Hungarian dénár or denarius, a small silver coin. Cf. J. Buza, „Ungerlein 1678“. Die Verbannung des ungarischen Denars aus dem Geldumlauf der Reichstadt Nürnberg, in “Mitteilungen des Vereins für Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg” 79 (1992), pp. 151–168. 24 I have not come across this expression so far. The archaic Serbo-Croatian word harmica, meaning ‘tax’, however, completely fits into the spirit of the list. Cf. E. Levasics and M. Surányi, Szerbhorvát–magyar kéziszótár, Budapest 19823, p. 142. The term is interesting inasmuch as it shows once again that the Ottomans were ready to use local denominations and practices if it suited their aims. 25 E.g. the fragment of the 1567 kanunname of the sancaks of Gyula and Csanád often specifies this relationship in such a form. Cf. Ö. L. Barkan, XV ve XVIıncı asırlarda Osmanlı İmparatorluğunda ziraî ekonominin hukukî ve malî esasları. I. Kanunlar, Istanbul 1943, p. 318. The treasury book of Buda, however, used a 1.33 multiplier for 1 osmani when once in a while it gave its value in penz: Fekete and Káldy-Nagy, Rechnungsbücher . . . cit., p. 425 (“flour, keyl 865, by 10 o[smani] 8650, expressed in penz: 11523; wheat, keyl 1589, by 10 o[smani] 15890, expressed in penz: 21180”). On other occasions the same register simply juxtaposed osmani and penz and added them up according to their numbers (i.e. without applying any exchange rates) when it was wished to arrive to the sum labelled as nakdine (Ibid., p. 464 and p. 465).

154

géza dávid

that 1 osmani was about 1.25 akçe.26 Accepting the above-mentioned formula I computed 2.5 penz for 1 osmani (this coin being represented by 259 pieces at Becskerek and 867 at Becse). Further, I multiplied the 6 guruş by 100 penz each and the 2 gold-pieces by 160 penz each. Although I am aware of the dangers mentioned above and also of a number of others, as a first step I deem it appropriate to compare the sum totals in penz as reflected in the defter at Becskerek and Becse respectively. The monthly revenues at the two stations show the following distribution in table form and on graphs (table 1, graphs 1 and 2):
Table 1 Monthly mukataa-revenues at Becskerek and Becse 1553–1554 Becskerek 10–29 safar 960 26 January–14 February 1553 Rebiülevvel 960 15 February–16 March 1553 Rebiülahir 960 17 March–14 April 1553 Cemayiülevvel 960 15 April–14 May 1553 Cemaziülahir 960 15 May–12 June 1553 Receb 960 13 June–12 July 1553 Şaban 960 13 July–10 August 1553 Ramazan 960 11 August–9 September 1553 Şevval 960 10 September–8 October 1553 Zilkade 960 9 October–7 November 1553 Zilhicce 960 8 November–6 December 1553 Muharrem 961 7 December 1553–5 January 1554 1–24/26 safar 961 6 January–29/31 January 1554 Total 1202 4139 4214 13118 26424 11572 5510 4646 4792 13517 16159 10079 3078 118450 Becse

25828 12422 20044 22173 29640 28123 18717 3035 159982

It is apparent that in accordance with its previous importance, Becse brought more revenue to the treasury than Becskerek; the total of 8 months is 35% higher here than the sum for roughly one year at the other settlement. We have to remind ourselves, however, that certain ordinary taxes were included in the defter of Becse while these were kept separately at Becskerek. Notwithstanding to this, the trend is clear in months when there are no such revenues at Becse.

This is Lajos Fekete’s statement. See his Die Siyāqat-Schrift in der türkischen Finanzverwaltung. I, Budapest 1955, p. 238, note 7. Others argue that osmani is simply another denomination of akçe, which may hold true in other regions of the empire but not in our specific case.

In order to see the tendencies incomes followed at the two places in the same periods, the two series of data can be combined in one graph (graph 3; the continuous line represents Becskerek, the broken one Becse):
35000 30000 25000

penz

20000 15000 10000 5000 0

Graph 3 Monthly mukataa-revenues at Becskerek and Becse, 1553–1554

It can be ascertained that revenues first decreased seriously in mid-July and August at both places, and after having recovered, reaching their highest values in October and November, they considerably diminished again in December and January. It is also conspicuous that the differences between the inflowing sums were of similar sizes throughout the period, except for şaban when the decrease in Becse was much more significant than in Becskerek and in safar 961 when the two values were identical. Seasonal ups and downs are of course natural phenomena, although perhaps not in high summer.27

27 E.g. the number of exported cattle at Vác reached its peak in August in 1562 with 17738 animals, while the second best month was October with 6296 beasts. See: Gy. Káldy-Nagy, Statistische Angaben über den Warenverkehr des türkischen Eroberungsgebiets in Ungarn mit dem Westen in den Jahren 1560–1564, in “Annales Universitatis Scientiarum Budapestinensis de Rolando Eötvös nominatae, Sectio Historica” XI (1970), p. 278.

In order to examine the totals of the two mukataa-units in a somewhat larger context, the more or less contemporaneous account-books or summary registers of some other places in the vicinity can be used. My first example, Szolnok on the Tisza fell into Ottoman hands in 1552. We have two brief lists reflecting trade activity there in the 1550s. The first covers seven lunar months rebiülevvel–ramazan 965/22 December 1557–16 July 1558 when incomes reach a total of 30015 and a half akçe or 60031 penz, while the second encompasses a c. two-month period, 17 receb–25 ramazan 966/25 April–1 July 1559 with a sum of 37062,5 akçe or 74125 penz.28 These figures allow the conclusion that the size of revenues in Szolnok during the longer time span shows similarities to those of Becskerek, while Becse produced considerably more. In 1559, however, the tendency changed in favour of Szolnok mainly due to the increasing number of cattle passing there.29 Another port on the same river was at Szeged, which was occupied in early 1543 i.e. independently from the sultan’s campaign. The first, though rather scanty, information about mukataa-incomes here comes from a vaguely defined three-year phase. The total reached 213138 akçe or 426276 penz; the majority of the sum was entered as receipts in two installments on 5 April and 26 May 154530 (which cannot be the end of the period, the earliest possible date being early 1546). If we assume a figure of 150–180000 penz for a year, it can be maintained that revenues at Becskerek were below this level while Becse came close to or even surpassed it. A somewhat later summary for a ten-month interval (zilkade 957– şaban 958/21 November 1549–12 September 1550) testifies to a certain increase in collected dues and fees at Szeged. The total was 235574 akçe this time, with the following distribution: 111183 akçe from the local port; 74938 akçe from other crossing places in the area; 1170 akçe from shop rents in Szeged; and 48286 akçe from has-villages.31 We have to note that though our data from Becse is likewise of a somewhat mixed

character, the ratio of non local takings is, however, lower than in Szeged. This means, in other words, that the divergence between the two customs stations was not significant. It can be added that the size of the returns of the mukataa of Szeged in 1555–155632 shows great similarity to the figures of 1549–1550. Comparisons with records from Buda could be also interesting. Such an undertaking, however, is more risky, due to the more complex nature of collecting treasury revenues there. Namely there was more than one tax-farmer at Buda at one and the same time and the different notes often do not refer to all of them. This is why we occasionally find very low values while considerably higher ones appear at earlier or later dates.33 It is very likely that the volume of incomes in the vilayet-centre exceeded those of the less significant ports which interest us now. The above, though modest, comparisons lead us to the conclusion that the account-books of Becskerek and Becse do not testify to disastrous conditions following military operations in the area. On the contrary, they reflect more or less normal conditions. If we add that the treasury expected roughly 50000 akçe or 100000 penz from somewhat more types of revenues at Becskerek in 1567,34 the 1553–1554 results appear in an even more favourable light. To confront the mukataa-incomes with the tahrir defteri estimates is more difficult in Becse, since they contain certain payments from other has-villages35 as well; their relative sizes, however, do not differ significantly on this occasion either. As regards the different sorts of items which appear in the register under scrutiny, they are not very numerous. Moreover, several of them

32 Ibid., pp. 89–90. Based on Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Mxt 590 (Flügel 1362). The respective values are as follows: total of incomes in a full lunar year: 284251 akçe; 107523 akçe from the local port; 67185 akçe from other crossing places; 109543 akçe (!) from has-villages of the treasury. 33 Ibid., p. 24, p. 57, pp. 59–60, pp. 60–61, pp. 91–92, p. 111, p. 114, p. 117. Based on Österreichische Nationalbibliothek Mxt 590 (Flügel 1362); Fekete and Káldy-Nagy, Rechnungsbücher . . . cit., p. 17.—For the sake of interest it can be noted that the treasury received from the town of Samsun nearly the same sum as the total of Becse, namely 80139 akçe (the equivalent of 160278 penz) almost in the same time span with which we are dealing (the local mukataa-register covers a full lunar year: 24 zilhicce 960–23 zilhicce 961 or 1 December 1553–19 November 1554). Cf. Faroqhi, Towns and Townsmen . . . cit., p. 106. 34 Káldy-Nagy, A Csanádi szandzsák . . . cit., pp. 250–251, No. 236. 35 These included Tarhas (later Tiszatarros, Serbian Taraš) and Akács (near modern Beodra). Cf. Káldy-Nagy, A Csanádi szandzsák . . . cit., pp. 161–163, No. 143, pp. 171–173, No. 172.

an early account-book of becskerek and becse

159

are represented with a single entry (such as slippers, fur/oars [kürk/ kürek], fruits, captives, etc.). They can be squeezed into 8 larger groups. 1. Dues paid on crossing the rivers Béga, Tisza, and smaller streams or the marshes. In Becskerek this meant the bac-i cisr, or bridge toll. A bridge was mentioned here as early as 1433 when Bertrandon de la Brocquière happened to pass over it. After the battle of Zenta in 1697, Habsburg troops entered the town and they also found the quay of the harbour in good condition. In the 1840s abutments were excavated, probably those of the one-time bridge on the river.36 Another cisr is referred to twice among the entries of Becskerek at Mali Modos or Kis Módos with low sums.37 Becse, on the other hand, had no bridge, merely a ferry, as I mentioned above. Therefore a resm-i ubur or crossing fee was collected here. As the 1567 local law-book (which can be used as a basis of comparison) prescribed, people on horseback had to pay 2 penz, those on foot 1 penz each (the same amount of money was to be paid at Becskerek, too). There was, however, a bridge in the vicinity of the town, at a place called Vincahíd (the second part of the word, híd means ‘bridge’ in Hungarian). Traffic must have been relatively busy here since the level of income exceeded that of Becse itself (23868 and 22145 penz, respectively). Unfortunately the exact location of Vincahíd could not be found; it was situated either on the road connecting Nagykikinda (Serbian Kikinda) and Becskerek or on the secondary way leading from Basahíd (earlier Bazsa(l)hida, Serbian Bašaid) through Arács/Aracsa to Becse. It is noteworthy that the 1567 defter does not refer to this settlement at all, while the 1579 tahrir speaks of its inhabitants as newly-arrived families who— against significant tax and other exemptions—were ready to protect the bridge in the vicinity of the village.38 The mukataa-register thus is our first evidence of the functioning of a customs station at Vincahíd.

Szentkláray, A becskereki vár . . . cit., p. 7, p. 14. This name appears in the 1567 and 1579 tahrir defteris of the sancak of Csanád as a mezraa or uninhabited place which was cultivated from outside, probably from the town Módos (Serbian Jaša Tomić). No toll bridge is mentioned at either of the places. The town, however, is situated along the Temes (Serbian Tamiš) and one could perhaps cross the river north of it. Cf. Káldy-Nagy, A Csanádi szandzsák . . . cit., pp. 202–208, No. 199, 201 and map. 38 Ibid., p. 188, No. 180 and map.
37

36

160

géza dávid

There is one more hint at a crossing place in the village of Ilje (later Serbian Veliko Ilje),39 where carts passed. But no waterway can be seen next to the settlement—let alone a large swamp.40 2. Dues paid on carts (araba). The relevant source of income is usually named bac-i araba, except for some occasions at Becskerek when, side by side with the above term, the term resm-i araba also appears. The text of the local kanunnames, in continuation of the sentence cited above, says that 6 penz or 3 akçe was expected on a large loaded cart and 4 penz or 2 akçe on a smaller one (expressed with the Hungarian loanword koçı). It is not clear to me, however, what kind of a tax the other expression covers. I admit that my first two categories show great similarities in their nature and could be dealt with together; however their importance within the whole material justifies treating them separately. 3. Wine. The relevant sorts of revenues on wine are repeatedly recorded at Becskerek with the designations poçepina-i hamr and harmiça-i hamr. The second term has been explained above, the first also needs elucidation. As I have written elsewhere,41 the word poçepina has died out without having been noted in Serbo-Croatian texts. Knowing the logic of the language, it can be deduced that its meaning must be ‘a tax for tapping the barrel’ if wine was brought to a place with a commercial aim.42 30 penz was to be paid for one unit in the case of poçepina (this harmonises with the prescription of the law-book of the two sancaks) and 40 if customs duty was collected (this is what the kanunname of the town envisaged as gümrük). In Becse the two categories were often combined and different multipliers were used for a unit, between 45 and 50 penz.

Ibid., pp. 178–179, No. 167. It is remarkable that some other place-names in the region also ended with híd like those of Faluhíd, Úrhíd (on the rivulet Temisác), and Jankahíd (near the Béga). Cf. Ibid., p. 173, No. 159, pp. 210–211, No. 206, pp. 222–224, No. 217. There must have been a bridge in or near them although their existence is not reflected in the defters. 41 G. Dávid, Osmanlı Macaristan’ında toplum, ekonomi ve yönetim. 16. yüzyılda Simontornya sancağı. (Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 81.), Istanbul 1999, p. 121, note 25. (This book originally appeared in Hungarian in 1982). The term also figures in the 1579 law-book of Gyula and Csanád and is explained in the same sense by Gyula Káldy-Nagy. See his A Gyulai szandzsák 1567. és 1579. évi összeírása. (Forráskiadványok a Békés Megyei Levéltárból 10.), Békéscsaba 1982, p. 38 and p. 39, note 7. 42 In our case wine could be imported from the Szerémség (Syrmium), a traditional region of wine-growing.
40

39

Salt (milh). The decisive importance of Transylvanian salt within the Carpathian Basin and beyond is a somewhat neglected area of Ottoman studies. Hóvári’s article: The Transylvanian Salt in the Ottoman Semendire (Smederovo). Direct reference to this custom is rare in our records but we can suppose that it was applied generally. and impositions on dalyans or fishing enclosures. These could be cattle on the hoof. It was a common practice (and the local kanun of Becse also emphasised it) that a tithe was payable on fish caught from rivers and half of their value in the case of enclosures. Wheat was measured in keyl/kile and duties were paid on this basis. 143–168. 250.). Horváth. p. 158. On the other hand. although varying. No. no sign of wheat coming by water can be found. in J. and draught horses (bargir). wool (yapağı). The first denomination emerges mainly at Becskerek. pp. in “Archivum Ottomanicum” XIII (1993–1994). various hides. 141. 143. 5. the practice of collecting duties on grain differed in Becskerek and Becse. 25–70. Draskóczy. Fish (mahi). 7. the two others at Becse. 162. In 1567 and 1579 several dalyans were enumerated at both towns and the neighbouring villages44—only some of these settlements and a new one appear in the mukataa-register of Becse.. and P. 140. Items of domestic animal origin. 1514–1516. Wheat (gendüm). cit. 44 Káldy-Nagy.—The greatest number of fish ponds in Ottoman Hungary were located along the Danube in the sancak of Mohács. A Csanádi szandzsák . Z. Miskolc 2004. p. those of Torda (Romanian Turda) and Vízakna (Romanian Ocna Sibiului) were loaded on ships at Alvinc (Romanian Vinţu de Jos). where the town of Laskó (Croatian Lug) dominated with more than 40 of them. 5. it cannot be judged from which place this mineral was transported by water into southerly
43 The few exceptions are restricted to events when the tithes of has-settlements are concerned. Tóth (eds. 6. No. Erdély sótermelése az 1530-as években. We find three main subtypes within this group: resm-i mahi (tax).43 Other sorts of grain were very rare: we have three or four examples for barley (cev). No. Similarly to wine. 45 A remarkable exception is J.). For earlier periods see the recent study by I. p.
. 236. (Studia Miskolcinensia. and three for millet (erzen). . it was transported to Becse almost exclusively on sefines or vessels where one gave a fixed.45 Since the products of two major salt pits. Bessenyei. pp. sheep’s fleeces (mu-i ganem). öşr-i mahi (tithe).an early account-book of becskerek and becse
161
4. p. No. Although the kanun of Becskerek speaks of ships arriving at the port. Tanulmányok Szapolyai Jánosról és a kora újkori Erdélyről. 161. sum per boat (normally 70–130 penz with occasional low and high extremes). .

Sebes (Later Karánsebes. çapa. in order to be marketed at the fairs of the vilayet of Temesvár. A Csanádi szandzsák . szűrposztó. századi török adóösszeírásokban. (Társadalom-és művelődéstörténeti tanulmányok. but they indicate a considerable variety of activities in the region. 221 (Csenta. which states that the town was a transit station of salt. cit. p. Szerbhorvát–magyar . Lippa’s outstanding role in the business is confirmed by the 1567 tahrir. I propose bejaniya as a solution.162
géza dávid
directions. Erdély sótermelése . esbab-i hurdevat). walnut. in “Történelmi Szemle” XXXIX (1977). szűr. These concern cloths and textiles (bez. etc. p. Romanian Bocşa Romăna). Towns and Townsmen . . çuka-i borgoman47). P.
.. Serbian Čenta). Pach. coming on wagons from Transylvania. without diacritical points. The crucial word can be read as hane (or possibly cabe. chestnut. No.. There is. from Bogcsa (Later Várboksán. 326.46 It is likely that salt also arrived at Becse on the Tisza. 77. ihtisab or ihtisabiye 48).. Cf. p. The textual surrounding is somewhat odd inasmuch as it is connected with resm-i ubur. 71. and Marzsina (Romanian Margina). while on other occasions it is written as haneha (such a plural would not be expected in the case of the other transcriptions of the relevant letters). ihzariye [fee for a citation or summons]. beehives). Lippa és Radna városok a 16. . like cerime. 27. This precious note speaks of Lippa (Romanian Lipova).—On an alternative route and distribution centre where salt could arrive by land routes in order to be forwarded to the Szerémség on carts or on ship. After some hesitation.). of course. . P. agricultural products (fruit. craft goods (slippers. .). Fodor. Other species of revenues. 31. 226. Budapest 2003. fur/oars. while to Becskerek it may perhaps have come through Arad and Temesvár by land. çuka. and a few special items (penalties. p. kile-tax. a Serbo-Croatian term (bežanija) meaning ‘flight’ or ‘a group of fugitives’.50 This issue deserves more interest since we have a firman from 28 May 1552 which speaks of a
46 Draskóczy. p. 47 Identified as Bergamo cloth by Zs. however. and also the person is named from whom the toll was collected (an yed-i X). and bad-i hava). kebe. p. 48 Possible differences in the scope of dues collected under this name were pointed out by Faroqhi. market dues. Romanian Caransebeş) or Lugos (Romanian Lugoj) as places of origin of the commodity. 49 Levasics and Surányi. 8. 23. All these sorts of income figures have negligibly low revenues. cit. cit. niyabet. . In some of the examples another word precedes or succeeds this word.. .49 The expression can be thus translated as ‘crossing fee on fugitive households (or simply fugitives)’. . . cit. The interpretation of the expression is not easy. Fejezetek a magyarországi szövőipar korai történetéből. see: Káldy-Nagy. 50 Hane is used here in a general sense. Szürkeposztó. one item which is worthy of more attention since it is encountered several times and with noticeably high sums.

No. The categories mentioned above show the following percentage distribution at Becskerek and Becse and then combined (graphs 4 to 6): The decisive importance of crossing fees is a clear tendency at both towns. usually 100 penz. See: Dávid and Fodor.52 If this equation is correct. this would mean an amount of between 40 to 80 persons a day on average at Becskerek. We met this term in connection with runaway Serbs in the vicinity of Szendrő. 224. p. pp. 237. cit. however. We have 29657 penz from bac-i cisr at Becskerek and 22145 penz from resm-i ubur at Becse. and 48 to 96 persons daily at Becse (and 11934–23868 persons passing in 8 months or
Dávid and Fodor. 484–485. We can make a rough estimate concerning the number of people passing daily at each of the places. hindered this and pushed them back to the other side of the Tisza where they did not feel safe and were going to be scattered throughout the neighbourhood. this trend becomes even more obvious. Kasım Paşa. had not ended by 1553. then had crossed the Tisza and fled to various places in Baçka med’e (‘Bácska county’) in the sancak of Szeged. Finally.51 The above order uses the very same denomination for the escapees as our account-book. The bey of Szeged wished to resettle them in their original home.
52
51
.. Accepting the 1567 quotas as valid for our period (which is reasonable. Though the number of units is not systematically indicated in the source it can be inferred that some 80 families crossed the Tisza between 23 August and 4 December 1553. upon the individuals concerned which could be identical with the so-called yava haracı. The treasury imposed a comparatively high sum. . the same extremes being 11073–22145 people altogether. “Az ország ügye mindenek előtt való” . northern) side of the Danube. cit. This is by no means a negligible quantity. the overall size of which cannot be guessed. . I have to admit that I could not decipher three or four terms referring to minor sums. 16. . It implies that this sort of population movement.an early account-book of becskerek and becse
163
group of people who had formerly lived on the other (viz. . If we add the sums which were to be paid upon carts.. the beylerbeyi. we can also say that its sum was the same as the ordinary harac or cizye (state tax paid by non-Muslims)—50 akçe in our period. “Az ország ügye mindenek előtt való” . No. since one cannot expect a decrease in this respect) these would give an amount between 14828 (all those who arrived on horseback) and 29657 persons (all of who crossed on foot). The sultan instructed Kasım not to deter these persons and allow them to return to their previous abode.

therefore the sum is not representative of a whole year. The monthly distribution of those crossing the bridge and the river showed. A comparison with Buda and Pest can be attempted. cit. one could not
53
Fekete and Káldy-Nagy. The busiest day at Becskerek must have been 17 zilhicce/24 November when 964 penz was paid and at Becse 12 zilhicce/19 November with 330 penz. At Becse receb/March–April showed the highest value which corresponds to a maximum of 340 persons a day on the average. p. by a great amount. of course. It is evident that zilhicce/November–early December was the most active period at Becskerek with 230 people crossing daily.. but zilhicce was similarly good. 17. however.an early account-book of becskerek and becse
35
165
30
25
percentage
20
15
10
5
0 Crossing Wine Carts Wheat Animal Salt Fish Other
Graph 6
The composition of revenues at Becskerek and Becse
52–104 per diem at Vincahíd). . In spite of this. a considerable variety. Rechnungsbücher . . It does not exceed them. it testifies to a more lively traffic than our data. This can be followed on graphs 7 and 8. Naturally.
. Between 19 November 1550 and 6 May 1551 an equivalent of 47251 penz was collected there as crossing fees (resm-i geçüd-i iskele).53 This period includes the winter season as well. It is difficult to tell whether the above figures are high or low.

although wine. The rate applied was occasionally 20 penz for 100 kile. but could
. From this point on it is more complicated or even impossible to draw conclusions as regards the quantities of the goods appearing in the account-books. and—with one month exception—wheat (though in a very limited amount) must have been delivered by wagons even during this period. We have the following data month by month (table 2 and graph 11):
Table 2 Month Safar 960 Rebiülevvel Rebiülahir Cemaziülevvel Cemaziülahir Receb Şaban Ramazan Şevval Zilkade Zilhicce Muharrem 961 Safar Total Monthly distribution of wheat revenues at Becskerek Kile Penz 40 435 1701 3137 1500 1105 191 410 1905 2602 1926 130 15082 Kile (estimated) 103 1103
3620 7270 4795 2940 660 1300 140
4885 6672 4938 333 38619
20725
As is clear. there is no conformity as far as the sum to be paid after 1 kile wheat is concerned. the example of wheat revenues at Becskerek will be first presented. perhaps as a result of easier crossing possibilities on the bridge. however. small towns than at the vilayet-centre. on five occasions revenues were higher this time in Becskerek. The traffic of carts was seemingly completely interrupted over the three winter months (mid-January–mid-April). and 2200–3300. with the same daily average.166
géza dávid
expect more travellers at the somewhat isolated. no quantity was indicated at all for six months. some 3600–5400 or 10–15 carts a day arrived at Becskerek. Further. To illustrate the difficulties. The number of carts arriving at Becskerek and Becse can be computed in a similar manner. salt. Ups and downs in the two towns followed more or less the same pattern. reached Becse. Accordingly. while in zilkade the method was changed after the first two entries. but merely once in a significant degree (see graphs 9–10).

at Becse this latter 29 days showed the highest value while zilkade/Octoberearly November remained slightly behind it. Ibid. while a third type indicates both numbers and liabilities. this amount was 55 times bigger than that of the expected wheat-tithe in the same town in 1567 (or 5. we come to a total of 27900 kile in 8 months. which could differ
Ibid. seasonal upheavals can be witnessed again. followed by zilhicce/November–early December. without any monetary equivalent. we can try to guess the amount of wheat arriving at the port. 236. partly because some entries give only the number of blocks taken as customs duty. p.54 In spite of the ambiguities.55 As far as general tendencies are concerned. graphs 13–14). No. the above result cannot be very far from reality. To this a good 300 pieces can be added which emerge in another connection. 250. Supposing that the same cubic measures were used. At Becskerek cemaziülahir/mid-May–mid-June was the busiest month. Accepting this value for the rest of the period we get an approximate total of 38619 kile wheat which arrived at Becskerek. At Becskerek we have at least a good minimum value: 4454 cubes were registered with the sum (5328 penz) to be paid on them. 140. but it is difficult to discover the logic of interdependence between the two.an early account-book of becskerek and becse
167
go up to 40 or even 50 penz.5 times more than the crop). Using a coefficient of 40 penz per 100 kile.
55
54
. 158. p.56 others specify only the sums to be paid after an unknown amount. And how should we interpret our data on wheat transported to Becse by ship? Here 85. quantities are obscure. as specified by the 1567 kanunname of Becse. Unfortunately we know nothing of their size.. Further. we have 1460 penz where no quantity is given at all. which surpasses the quantity at Becskerek in the same period of time (969 penz and 24400 kile) and is 48 times more than the tithe (583 kile) expected at Becse itself in 1567. No. 56 This should have been in principle 1 from every 100 pieces. Even worse are our possibilities of interpreting data concerning salt (cf.5 shiploads were mentioned with a value of 11161 penz (for the monthly distribution see graph 12). Postulating that the same sum covered more or less the same quantity when customs duties were imposed on the same commodity. our examples—if they refer to the same phenomenon—show 3 per 100. A crude estimation can be perhaps ventured at the level of 5–6000 blocks.. To our great regret. The six full months give an average of 39 penz per 100 kile (8044 penz and 20585 kile).

the original shipment must have been fairly large. Derviş Mehemmed Zıllî. 58 Horváth. while he is mute on such activity in Becskerek. A comparison of this value with the 5328 penz total of Becskerek suggests that Becse’s role was at least 20% lower as a transit and target station of salt. . See: Hóvári. . . cit. The Transylvanian Salt . the reference is perhaps to previously collected blocks. small. The abbreviation for the measure employed this time can be
57 In Semendire for instance. a note informs us that “the above mentioned 55 kiye [sic!] salt was sold for 20 penz each”. In two examples we have 30 and 60 pieces which were reported as remaining in the town—if these were collected as gümrük. Dankoff. though it is not quite clear which of the two lots was sold. Hazırlayanlar Y. Topkapı Sarayı Kütüphanesi Bağdat 308 numaralı yazmanın transkripsiyonu-dizini. coarse I. . In seven instances at Becskerek. 59 Evliyâ Çelebi b. 26. 56–58.57 A comparison with Szolnok reveals that this total is modest since 32235 pieces were taxed there in 7 months and 16140 in 2 months in 1558–1559. It is not clear. however.. For unsuccessful efforts to unify the size of salt-blocks in Transylvania see: Draskóczy. Evliyâ Çelebi Seyahâtnamesi. Kahraman. and coarse II. A. VII. pp. It is remarkable.59 It is obvious that part of the salt appearing in our source was used for local consumption. The strangeness in this statement is that no salt was recorded on the given day. Erdély sótermelése . Dağlı. Is should not be forgotten. whether this amount was the imported quantity or the bac collected in kind and then marketed. p. Le Commerce . four types of salt-blocks were regularly distinguished: large. Istanbul 2003. . cit.
. This possibility is quite strong in cases when both the number of cubes (140. 58. cit. the quality of salt could also play a role as regards the dues to be paid. S. that this town served as a major crossing place for both Transylvanian salt and that of the county of Máramaros transported in the direction of Buda. p.58 At Becse merely 405 + 8 blocks of salt were mentioned and a sum of 4086 penz was collected on an unspecified number. and 9 pieces) are mentioned. 155 ff.168
géza dávid
according to their origin. that 100 years later Evliya Çelebi was still aware of the significance of Becse in the trade of salt (“iskele-i azîm olmağile halkı ekseriyyâ tuz ve balık bâzergânlarıdır”). Problems become graver in the case of levies upon wine (see graphs 15–16). and R. however.. . however. an additional remark informs us that 1–6 blocks “were sold”. p. Finally. 100. 144. and 300) and the quota of customs duty (4.. p. 3.

I. and 100 penz income..
61
60
.
Cf. the highest sum was disbursed on cattle. however.an early account-book of becskerek and becse
169
read as a kaf or a fe. graph 18). of which two are practically negligible with their 35. graph 17). I. Die Siyāqat-Schrift in der türkischen Finanzverwaltung. The same commodity occurs with its value after which customs duty was applied in the mukataa-register of Szeged in 1585. p.63 2 on an ox and 1 on a cow if these were brought for local consumption or usage. It is clear. that while the resm-i poçepina obligation was levied on 122 barrels at Becskerek. against my expectation. Without knowing the capacity of the barrels. Fekete. 63 This note is interesting because it reveals that cattle were exported to Vienna even from such faraway corners of the country. respectively. the difference is significantly in favour of export to an unknown destination. . . and the dues reached 3442 penz. 145 in ramazan. the number of animals is occasionally missing. Revenues from articles of domestic animal origin are restricted to five months at Becskerek (cf. 428–429. There were five months when their number was indicated. we cannot tell the quantity which arrived for local consumption or to be forwarded to other destinations. . . . At Becse (cf. cit. this figure reached 499 in the case of barrels on which customs duty (harmiça) was to be paid. he wrote out the whole word correctly. The total is 1026 “heads”. and 24 in safar 961. This latter was. Cf.60 In principle one should reckon with fuçı (barrel) here. 66 in şevval 960. Fekete. 215 in şaban. 46. 62 Though registered under the same caption. Later somewhat more imported wine must have been sold in the town since the treasury expected 3000 akçe or 6000 penz as resm-i fuçı in 1567 while our total is merely 3675 penz. also referred to as if it came in pieces (kıta). 40. .61 Therefore it is difficult to judge what quantity the 7600 units of this commodity arriving on eight different days in cemaziülahir and the 1445 entities in cemaziüevvel represent. but it is still reassuring that when the scribe was replaced by a new one. Undoubtedly. 576 in receb/June– July. This culmination in the given month can be explained by the fact that sheep-shearing traditionally took place in May in Hungary (cemaziülahir 960 coincided with 15 May–12 June 1553). Die Siyāqat-Schrift in der türkischen Finanzverwaltung. the first must have been a significant amount since altogether 1334 penz was paid on it.62 The irregularity here is that—at least according to the 1567 local law-code—25 penz should be paid on cattle going in the direction of Vienna. In the remaining 59 days ox/cow hide (1220 pieces) and sheep’s fleeces were brought in larger numbers. cit. pp..

the great majority were typical of the period. While 7 months produced no income at all at Becskerek. İstoyans.. . bac-i gav was rather unimportant. It can be supposed. What should make us cautious is that half an akçe or 1 penz for 1 sheep were demanded at Szolnok in 1558 and 1559. 9200 animals could be reckoned with. however. 59. the maximum fee could not have exceeded the double of the number of beasts. Le Commerce . The third sort. Postulating that the prescription of the 1567 kanunnanme was applied. The greatest differences between the two towns can be perhaps witnessed when dues and taxes on fish are surveyed (graphs 19–20). Hasans or Hüseyns of various dates are the same individuals or not. Most of the persons in question are noted down only by their first names. It can be observed that Muslims and Christians played by and large similar roles. otherwise modest or insignificant. Becse’s contribution was continuous. Therefore it is difficult to tell if the Yovans.65 Therefore we are not in a position to tell the multiplier used at Becse in 1553. that merchants very rarely arrived with both sorts of animals. I honestly do not really see the difference between this and the previous category.
64 65
Horváth.170
géza dávid
Our data does not show a distinction between these categories. the traffic of cattle at Becse seems to surpass that of Szolnok over the longer period (603 “heads”) and to remain below it over the shorter one (2489 animals). 61. . cit. Even the lowest possible amount.
. we have the total of resm-i ubur which amounted to 2050 penz (appearing in three months only: 380 penz in receb. and 1057 penz). We cannot say much about the participants in the above transactions. p. A satisfactory explanation for the divergence seems to be that the river Tisza and its enclosures must have been richer in fish than the river Béga. 740 in şaban.. Ibid. however. In this case. this imposition resulted in 1511 penz to the treasury. not a single example refers to such an enterprise. according to which 1 penz was to be paid on 4 sheep. Together with the unspecified amounts. 2421. in three months relatively high (3826. does not seem a bad result. and 930 in şevval). the reason for the higher values remains obscure. p.64 As regards sheep crossing at Becse. Among Christians we find mainly people of Southern Slav background but a small Hungarian minority could also be detected (their family name is also usually given). Another group of cattle was registered without indicating their number and giving merely the sum of resm-i ubur. with 60 penz within 8 months.

. a considerable degree of mobility and migration becomes revealed. and Rudna on the eastern side of the river Temes (and Lec near the river Berzava).
75 J. how could such a seemingly strong community disappear in 13 years or so? If we remember the above-cited cases of Vincahíd and the fugitives crossing the Tisza. I am inclined to suppose that there was no basic change in its structure either. The case of Lec is even more enigmatic.172
géza dávid
The above table is instructive inasmuch as it shows that the emanet of Becskerek exceeded not only the boundaries of the homonymous nahiye. or was inherited from previous periods. It is remarkable that in Úrhíd the change occurred quite suddenly as early as between the two notable days. One would have expected just the opposite trend.75 This leaves the impression that the occupation of the given towns and villages did not cause a sudden drop in the population—its impact was felt rather in the long run. This observation is corroborated by the fact that two villages became completely depopulated between 1553 and 1567. On the second occasion the scribe made the following comment after having entered the first two persons: “Since their names are unknown they were not noted down”. together with Úrhíd and Fény along the Temesác and Módos at the confluence of the two waterways. In conclusion we can characterise our towns as local centres of secondary importance. 251–264. ruz-i Hızır İlyas and ruz-i Kasım in 1553. Since the accountbooks under scrutiny do not paint the general situation in dark colours. Bóka. Bevölkerungsstatistischer Quellenwert der Čizye-defter und der Taḥrīrdefter. Industrial products played an insignificant role—it is quite difficult to tell if this was the result of the military events in the area. especially if we know that the Ottomans only later extended the obligation of paying cizye and resm-i kapu (or ispence) to most of the households while they had imposed them only on the better-off layers of society earlier. the items on which customs duties or taxes were levied came mostly from the agricultural sphere. as Hegyös was part of the nahiye of Becse. The location of Igentó. in “Acta Orientalia Hungarica” XI (1960). Káldy-Nagy. but even those of the sancak. It is also a noticeable tendency that the number of ispence-payers diminished within a matter of 26 years in most of the settlements concerned. pp. They were not noted for one particular commodity. is a sign of a conscious policy of the treasury to control the places along thoroughfares. since four villages belonged to the liva of Temesvár.

2 For a discussion of crafts. 19. Todorov. professions and trades in nineteenth-century Bulgarian towns.3 The increasing number of imperial orders also led to an increasing number of commissionaires dealing with the aba trade. however. aba production was developed in the villages and the number of manufacturers rose considerably. K razvitiju manifaktury v Bolgarii v vtoroj četverti XIX veka. pp. 3 N. 16 (1958).TEXTILE TRADE IN BULGARIA IN THE MIDNINETEENTH CENTURY AND THE GÜMÜŞGERDAN FAMILY Neriman Ersoy-Hacısaliholu Studies on textile production and trade in Bulgaria in the nineteenth century are still very sparse. E. the present studies indicate that in nineteenth-century Bulgaria the largest economic sector was the wool trade and particularly the production of aba (coarse wool cloth) and kaytan (woolen cords and braids). Quataert. Clark. 1804–1968. Sofia 1979. following the Ottoman reforms. The Emergence of Textile Manufacturing Entrepreneurs ın Turkey. production. in “Osmanlı Araştırmaları”.2 We know that. So far. the clothing needs of the Ottoman army were met by the aba manufacturers from the Balkan regions. This period can be seen as the Golden Age of aba manufacturers. see: Ž. I (1980). 1–6. The most important center of aba production was the sub-province (sancak) Filibe (Philippopel/Plovdiv). Balkanskijat Grad. C.4 Using
1 S. By supplying the Ottoman army. Cambridge 1993. 61–83. they further expanded the aba trade and opened it up to markets beyond the Ottoman borders. Stopanska Istorija na Bălgarija. D. Sofia 1957. The most famous merchant family in the region was the Gümüşgerdan family.. pp. (PhD Thesis Princeton University) 1969. 27/1–2 (1967–68). the most detailed research on the Gümüşgerdan family has been done by the famous Bulgarian historian Nikolaj Todorov. Faroqhi. pp. in “Učenye Zapiski Institut Slavjanovedenija”.cu Yüzyılın İlk Yarısında Bulgaristan Esnaf Teşkilatında Bazı Karakter Değişmeleri. Over the course of the following years.
. and towards the middle of the century the family built the first textile factory of the region. 109–150. in “İstanbul Üniversitesi İktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası”. the Gümüşgerdan increased their aba trade. Textile Production in Rumeli and the Arap Provınces: Geographical Distribution and Internal Trade (1560–1650). Ottoman Manufacturing in the Age of the Industrial Revolution. Natan.1 The production of aba and şayak (serge cloth) as raw material was particularly widespread in the central parts of Bulgaria. 4 Id. Due to the Ottoman army’s pressing needs.

I will discuss the family history. Novi Danni za Eksploatacijata na Naselenieto v Plovdivskija Kraj prez XIX Vek. 6 Çorbacı (lit. monthly payments and so forth. . the Bulgarian çorbacıs’6 exploitation and reactionary role greatly contributed to the suffering of the Bulgarian people under the “Turkish yoke. loans. Vančev et al. p. pp. Many questions have remained unanswered.
5 N. In particular. Etrepol.8 In these registers. pp. p. but also to the oppression. and Teteven. T. and most Bulgarian scholars approached their country’s history as an example of class conflict. IIIe année. . cit. reactionary. II.” A turcophile. all accounts. Şumnu.182
neriman ersoy-hacisalihoĞlu
archival documents. For more information see S.5 Most of this research dates from Bulgaria’s communist period. The purpose of this article is to briefly describe the family and their trade activities with the help of these documents. Kondikas have survived from towns such as Filibe. 141–209. 8 The word kondika also means “chronicle”. the Gümüşgerdan family’s role in Bulgarian history has been interpreted very negatively.7 Consequently. 5 (1965). in “Godišnik na Muzeite v Plovdiv”. Novi Danni za Eksploatacijata na Naselenieto . he tried to bring to light the family’s commercial activities and the production in their factory. scribes drew up registers named kondika about the aba weavers’ guild in different Bulgarian towns. Over several centuries.” The Bulgarian people were not only subjected to the exploitation of the çorbacıs. Bălgarsko Turski Rečnik / Bulgarca-Türkçe Sözlük. (ed. Sofia 1961. in “Revue Internationale des Études Balkaniques”. and their system of payment. S. outstanding debts. Tırnovo. Bobčev. they recorded the names of merchants. Both in the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul and in the Historical Archives in Sofia. Nemski has compiled and published new documents and information. Accordingly. 141. there are many documents on the family’s trade activities that have not as yet been studied. antirevolutionary bourgeoisie.. the production system they created. 428–445. A typical example of such a trader-çorbacı was the “people-exploiter Mihalaki Gjumjuşgerdan”. 412. The number of studies on the Gümüşgerdan family has doubtlessly remained limited because of their image as çorbacıs.
. N. suffering and caused by the “Turkish feudal system. 7 Nemski.). their genealogy. Subsequently. the çorbacıs collaborated with the Turkish feudal regime against the Bulgarian people. Notes comparées sur les çorbacis chez les peuples balkaniques et en particulier chez les bulgares. Karlova. Nemski. their relations with the Ottoman state. casting them as members of a class of oppressors and exploiters. a dealer or eater of soup) was a conventional title applied to Christian notables particularly in the Balkans.

. Among the very first factories established in the Ottoman Empire was a factory for çuha cloth in the Bulgarian town of İslimye (Sliven). To mention another most important change in the production of textiles. The Gümüşgerdan family and their activities in the textile sector are mentioned in the kondika of the abacı guild of Filibe. knitting wool or felting cloth changed in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries with the advent of steam power and later electricity to machine production and. Stojanov. Tekstil Tarihi: Dünya’da ve Türkiye‘de Tekstil Teknolojisinin ve Sanayiinin Tarihsel Gelişimi. Dölen. one can follow the economic situation and status of the guilds as well as loans and credit. Varna 1942. the town of İslimye was famous for its trade fair. therefore. Organizacija i Dejnost). The Ottoman administrators noticed that the townsmen produced high-quality aba cloth and ordered. every year merchants came from all corners of the empire to the one-month-long event. 30–31. cotton started to take their place in the nineteenth century.9 The register belonging to Filibe begins in the seventeenth and continues to the nineteenth century. including the production of consumer goods and particularly the textile trade. weaving on handlooms. 11 Ibid. merchants came to İslimye from Asia and Europe. the Ottomans tried their hand at modernization and reform in many different fields. this article is primarily based on documents from the Ottoman and the Bulgarian archives. pp. Production and Factories in Bulgaria While at the beginning of the eighteenth century wool and linen were the most widespread materials almost to the exclusion of everything else.11 In 1827. In the eighteenth century. Moreover. 403–404. pp. Bălgarskite Esnafi Prez Turskoto Robstvo (Istorija. Todor and Yordan from the abacı guild of İslimye
9 K. İstanbul 1992. In these registers. from workshops or domestic to factory production. a development that continued up to the beginning of the twentieth century.textile trade in bulgaria in the mid-nineteenth century 183 The register of the abacı guild from Tırnovo dates from the sixteenth century. the textile production techniques that for centuries had consisted of hand-spinning thread with a wooden spindle. However. Textile Trade. see: E. in addition to the aba they bought from Salonica and Filibe.
. different kinds of this cloth from the town.10 Sparked by the Tanzimat. 10 For more information of textile-related technology in world history and in Turkey.

.. 19. Consequently. was officially opened in 1848. Paskaleva. During the Crimean War (1853–56). 16 Natan. Stopanska Istorija na Bălgarija . 15 V. p. cit. the first factory of the Ottoman Empire was founded in 1836 on Bulgarian soil. 282. After the first factory established by Dobri Želyazkov between 1835 and 1837.. 200. it was the most important supplier of wool cloth for the Ottoman army. Ikonomičeskoto Pronikvane na Avstrija (Avstro-Ungarija) v Bălgarskite Zemi ot Krimskata Vojna do Osvoboždenieto. . Arbeiterrek13
12
. Balkanskijat Grad .14 In 1862. During the Tanzimat period.. a resident of Vienna. Unfortunately. The factory stood on the grounds of the Gümüşgerdan family farm and continued production until the Russo-Turkish war. sixty workers produced 100. 121. the Ottoman administrators met with Dobri Želyazkov at the Sublime Porte in order to strike a deal. The highquality çuha that he produced drew the attention of the Ottoman administrators. p. The machines brought from Vienna were started running by two Austrian engineers who briefly stayed in Değirmendere in order to train the workers. a merchant called Dobri Želyazkov opposed the extreme exploitation and poor salary given by these two merchants and opened a workshop in his own house with the most primitive means.184
neriman ersoy-hacisalihoĞlu
signed a contract over the delivery of uniforms sewn from 10. people from the surrounding towns and villages contributed to the production of aba for sewing uniforms for the Ottoman army.. E. 31.15 Most of the workers employed in Mihalaki Gümüşgerdan’s factory were inmates of Filibe prison. p. Kuyumcuoğlu.cu Yüzyılın ..000 bales of aba.16
Todorov. for unknown reasons it did not survive for very long. p. in “Izvestija na Instituta za Istorija”.000 arşin of şayak cloth on fourteen mechanical looms. 271. For the engagement of prisoners in textile factories in the Otoman Empire see also M. Kabadayı. 14 Id. cit. In the 1860s. p. Because the amount of çuha imported from Salonica was not enough and needed to be supplemented by expensive cloth from Western Europe. . cit. Mihalaki Gümüşgerdan again imported new machines for his factory in Değirmendere with the help of Georgi A. . Želyazkov received a ferman and started his textile production. whose first facility started to function in 1847 with machines imported from Vienna. Thus. .13 It was the first factory in Bulgarian territory producing Austrian designs by using Austrian technology. the factory was modernized and new looms were brought from Austria and England. However. . Ibid.12 Thus. 7 (1957). the textile factory in Değirmendere (Părvenec).

bore the nickname Kalmuka or Kalmukoğlu. 501 imena ot epohata na osmanskoto vladičestvo. 2002.19 The oldest known member of the family. He acquired the status of usta in the year 1793 and later became the head master of the guild. and a few machines had to be sold. His Bulgarian contemporary Moravenov from Plovdiv writes about Atanas Gümüşgerdan.textile trade in bulgaria in the mid-nineteenth century 185 After Mihalaki switched from manufacturing to factory production.18 According to Apostolidis who published the kondika of the Filibe abacı guild. (I. . The Gümüşgerdan Family The Gümüşgerdan. Working Paper. 129. as entirely of Bulgarian origin. Pametnik za Plovdivskoto Hristijansko Naselenie v Grada i za Obštite Zavedenija po Proiznosno Predanie. that
rutierungsmethoden in staatlichen Fabriken im Osmanischen Reich des 19. p. . Balkanskijat Grad .). but the nationalization never came to pass. were the most famous aba producers in the region from the second quarter of the nineteenth century onwards until 1880. Podaren na Bălgarskoto Čitalište v Carigrad 1869.20 Atanas Gümüşgerdan was the first family member known to have taken up aba weaving. he increased the amount of aba set in the contract and managed to surpass the previous levels of production by hand. 18 K. Moravenov mentions the family in a book he published in Istanbul in 1869. cit. Todev ed. He describes the family. Atanas. Their houses were in the todays Sveti Dimitri neighborhood in the part of Filibe called “old city”. Mihalaki received offers to nationalize the factory in exchange for a debt he owed to the Ottoman government. cit. who came from Boykovo in the nahiye of Rupçoz to Filibe. Sofia 2000. 79. In 1874. “Gümüşgerdan”.17 However. in Koj Koj e sred Bălgarite XV–XIX vek. . Atanas Gümüşgerdan’s (1768?–1838) father was the abacı Haci Dimitri whose name is mentioned in the kondika referred to above.
. Pametnik za Plovdivskoto Hristijansko Naselenie . 17 Todorov. 129. p.. p. 19 The house that was in the Knjaz Ceretelev Street was torn down in 1932. the daughter of a wealthy Greek family. When he later married Zoitsa Mihalaki Kiriu. Moravenov.. Jahrhunderts. 20 Moravenov. 284. Plovdiv 1984. p. after 1867 factory production decreased because of English competition. he thought that this nickname would be damaging to his reputation and changed it to Gümüşgerdan (in Turkish it literally means “Silver neck”). . a çorbacı merchant family from around Filibe.

. p. See Nemski.28 and in some especially productive years almost a million. 4. Teopemta died relatively young. and to expand his business in the 1830s. 22 Atanas’ son-in-law. p.. he was a member of the Çalıkoğlu family. he managed to make a name for himself both as a producer and distributor. pp.26 he employed a total of 644 villagers and produced 12. named Katina and Zoitca. . Teopemta gave birth to a son. 454. 130. and three sons.395 and 10. Neno Rajkov and Ivan Hristov Kujumcuoglu sided with him and rescued him. 28 One arşın equals 70 centimeters. Koj Koj e Enciklopedija. p. however.. K Razvitiju Manifaktury . pp.186
neriman ersoy-hacisalihoĞlu
he was not well liked among the guild because of his intrigues. and a daughter. .22 This marriage resulted in two daughters. but in the ensuing argument. famous for collecting this kind of tax. He supplied wool to about twenty Rodop villages near Filibe and had the villagers produce aba and şayak cloth. during that time his family was so deep in debt that they barely had enough to subsist on.29 Later on. between the years 1837 and 1839 6.. 145. .. Novi Danni za Eksploatacijata na Naselenieto . Teodor.000 and 200. cit. thus. in exchange for an advance payment. Balkanskijat Grad .019 bales of aba cloth were produced in twenty villages. with the help of his son-in-law. 130.21 In fact. Janeva. and he took Tanasaki with him.386.395 bales of aba cloth per year.000 arşın of aba cloth annually. . 123. cit. Istorija na Bălgarite. Stopanski Život i Socialna Struktura na Bălgarite prez Văzraždaneto. Atanas Gümüşgerdan started to trade and to produce aba. the villagers in this region produced between 120. cit. Sofia 2004. Ibid. to find a job. .
. Toma’s second marriage was to Prima Čuhaciyit. Pametnik za Plovdivskoto Hristijansko Naselenie . 29 S. Toma’s job required that he lived in Istanbul.27 Particularly during the 1820s and 1830s.24 In later years. Vol. according to Gümüşgerdan’s registers. p.. cit. 130.. Ibid. By the time Atanas died in 1838. the guild in Kurşun Han in Filibe wanted to take Atanas Gümüşgerdan to court. 2. 12. 79. named Smaragda. 23 Moravenov. Later on. in 1861 the number of villages rose to 36. 26 He was buried in the Sveti Dimitri Church in Filibe.25 Contracts with the village producers specified that the produce needed to be delivered within a certain time frame. vol.. 24 Ibid. Todorov. 119. He only managed to pay some of his debts thanks to the marriage of his granddaughter Ralu to Vlasaki Tončevič Čalăkov. this new production system based on the Ottoman
21 At one point. Nikola and Georgi. 233–46. . 131. whom she and Toma named Tanasaki (Atanas). p. 25 Present studies show that. . p. Vlasaki Tončevič Čaloglu (Çalıkoğlu) collected the sheep tax (bedel-i ağnam) in Filibe and its surroundings.23 Thanks to the marriage of his second daughter Teopemta to the Aromunian Toma Stefanov (Thomas Stefanu). p. 27 Todorov. Atanas managed to continue his trade and.

. 233–34. 231. and that he expanded by adding cloth production to his trade. 130. . . .. Atanas Gümüşgerdan added to his fortune by way of his trade.. one can find his signature in the cash book of the abacı guild. Balkanskijat Grad . Atanas drew up his testament several months before his death.000 guruş to his children. there is much that awaits further study. cit. 33 Centralen Dăržaven Istoričeski Arhiv (Bulgarian Central State Historical Archive. how many persons he employed. selling aba in Anatolian towns. 233. most of the registers were written in 19th century Greek. Toma Stefanov.33 The only certain knowledge we have is that he started out small.34 A register dating from between 1837 and 1839 shows the number of the persons of the eighteen villages employed by Gümüşgerdan and the amount of cloth they produced: according to Todorov. However. his job as a commissionnaire and his offspring’s marriages. Atanas gave credits and loans with an annual interest of 13 to 15%. pp. In the 1830s. Given that there are 33. meant to secure economic ties to other traders. He used the money he borrowed in order to invest and expand. I owe him a debt of gratitude for his help in the archives.
30
.000 documents in the fond. and the gardens and summer pastures.32 The archival documents do not allow us to find out the exact nature of Atanas Gümüşgerdan’s trade activities. . Fond 161 K. Unfortunately. The fond entitled “Gümüşgerdan” in the CDIA in Sofia is catalogued under the number 161 and divided into four parts. he bestowed on his male offspring the house he owned in Filibe.35
His son-in-law. Sofia.31 Moravenov claims that such a testament was indeed drawn up. .30 In 1813. 32 Moravenov. 34 Todorov. cit. Balkanskijat Grad . cit. hitherto CDIA). Some of the documents are available on microfilm.textile trade in bulgaria in the mid-nineteenth century 187 state’s demand led to the first scattered manufacturers and. Until 1836. p. Atanas’s name was mentioned among the owners of a Greek school. 35 Ibid. the two factories in Değirmendere. to the establishment of factories. Furthermore. 31 Todorov. 2005. According to Todorov. p.817 bales of aba. CDIA. Pametnik za Plovdivskoto Hristijansko Naselenie .. p. was known in Istanbul as abacıbaşı among the guild. at the same time he borrowed money and paid about the same amount of interest himself. but that Atanas could not leave anything to his children and only wrote down an imaginary inheritance in order to belittle them. indicating both wealth and influence. Gjumjušgerdan Catalog. This catalogue was prepared by Jordan Želev. however. Todorov does not mention the source of this information. He donated 15. . he was greatly ridiculed. eventually. 508 textile workers produced 9.000 guruş for charitable purposes and left approximately 100. or how he earned his money. giving evidence of his improved economic status. Once this ruse became public.

Mihalaki became an important trader and magnate in the Balkans. rakı. they sided with the Greeks. who founded the above-mentioned textile factory in the vicinity of Filibe in 1848 and thus expanded textile production and trade.36 During that time. commissionaires. and the Ottoman state’s continuing orders secured the progress and development of production. before being promoted to journeyman (kalfa). cotton. meat. flour. the Gümüşgerdan family held a reputation as Southern Bulgaria’s bestknown traders. manufacturers and factory owners.38 However. paper presented at the international conference “Economic and Social Aspects of Credit in the Eastern Mediterranean during the 18th–19th Centuries”. grains (wheat. socks. fezzes. hay.
. cottonseed. pants. şayak. p. corn). cheese). yarn. They earned a fortune by employing the local Bulgarians and Turks in East Rodop. Mihalaki. haircloth. Particularly Mihalaki worked next to his father as abacı and commissionaire while he was still a child. a rank he managed to secure thanks to the his privileges as a producer supplying the army. For a while he was apprenticed to Haci Dimitraki Ahlanli. barley. landowners. grapes. Mihalaki expanded the production and trade he had taken over from his father. wool. 37 They produced. 38 A. berets. Credit and Reputation in Mid-19th Century Plovdiv. Crete 29–30 September 2000. olives. rice. 39 Id. In 1839. aba cloth. In the conflicts between Greeks and Bulgarians that flared up in Filibe after the middle of the nineteenth century. dairy products (fat. processed and traded the following products: leather. sacks. He based his production exclusively on the demands of the Ottoman army. Toma Stefanov was promoted to head master of Istanbul’s abacı guild. his brother Dimitri who ran the business in Filibe and its environs. linen. heads of the government chancery office. rugs. Mihalaki. animal fat. Georgi and Dimitri. gloves. animals. He did not limit his production to aba and şayak cloth. wine.188
neriman ersoy-hacisalihoĞlu
Atanas Gümüşgerdan had three sons by the names of Mihalaki. cords. 2. and his brother-in-law Toma Stefanov who lived in Istanbul. tobacco. such as rice. trees. also began to collect taxes for the Ottoman state and to produce army supplies other than cloth. established connections to the Ottoman government. Rethymnon.39
36 At the same time. Filibe’s richest abacı. 2. the Gümüşgerdan family also provoked opposition to both their economic and political power. Later on.37 Based on his family’s expanding business. raincoats. rose oil. Lyberatos.. and silkworms. vinegar. but also included the manufacture of clothing. The family’s various economic activities included industrial production and trade in textiles and agricultural products. p. Toma Stefanov was on the building committee for the Sveti Stefan Bulgarian church erected in Istanbul in Fener between 1849 and 1850.

groves. He worked with merchants from Niš.. Kazanlık. p. Bursa. 80. his sons neglected trade and the family had to sell many of their possessions. p. as the governor Maşuk Pasha and Vladike Hrisant had done before him. he was also able to add clothing production to his business. and London. died in 1852. shops. orchards and vegetable gardens. where his employees produced and dyed aba and woolen cloth. storehouses. 42 The real estate sold included fields. son of Argir Kuyumcuoğlu.40 He married off his granddaughter Ekaterina to Georgi. Tekirdağ. stalls. Ibid. Ibid. but later on left his siblings and established his own trade. Bucharest. Mihalaki and his brother Dimitri opened a company that would oversee the business in Filibe and established agencies to represent it in Istanbul. ricefields. a farm in Meçkür ( since 1934 Proslav. Mihalaki Gümüşgerdan bought a house in the same neighborhood and. His second daughter Ralu married Grigorios Garofilidi and moved to Istanbul. For his youngest daughter. Sofija. because he knew that the family was wealthy. Rumania. See Koj Koj e Enciklopedija. Edirne. the Dimitrikovs.. Austria-Hungary. in 1856 Mihalaki opened an establishment trading grains in Braila and in 1863. Üsküp (Skopje). 43 Georgaki. France. İzmir. Moreover.44 Mihalaki suppressed the poor and exploited Christians as well as Muslims. p. Hiring the tailors of Tatarpazarcık. today a quater of the city Plovdiv) where he bred Hungarian horses. cit. he turned it into the Dimitraki Gümüşgerdan Greek Boys’ School.. Mihalaki married Mariola.41 After Mihalaki’s death in 1880. he selected a husband from another wealthy family. 79. Vienna. Mihalaki organized extensive manufacturing in many towns and villages such as Filibe.textile trade in bulgaria in the mid-nineteenth century 189 In the 1850s. Pametnik za Plovdivskoto Hristijansko Naselenie . Stanimaka (Asenovgrad) and Paşmaklı (Smolyan). The most important branches of the business were in Çitak (Ustovo) and in Raykovo. Kalofer and Kazanlık. bakeries and houses. . though without much success. 131. 44 In 1856.
41
40
.43 Atanas’s youngest son Dimitır (Dimitraki) was a rather passive character and became the victim of those wanting revenge for having been wronged in the course of Mihalaki’s trade activities. the daughter of Dimitri Ahlanli. and Spain. who married Petra Nedeleva Čalăkova. Eskişehir and Athens. 138. . workshops. in order to commemorate his brother Dimitraki. Karlovo. p.42 Atanas Gümüşgerdan’s second son Georgi (Georgaki) worked for a while in the family business. mills. Apart from the import and export business. Moravenov writes that the Christians
Moravenov. vineyards. and entertained business ties with countries such as Russia. Manastir (Bitola). Teopempti.

who were organized under some patent of privilege in the Otoman Empire. Dimitraki had to deal with various trade problems. Haretina gave birth to a daughter. Hüseyin did not know Mihalaki.UM 205/78 (7 Z 1271). A. he was pointed out Dimitraki instead of Mihalaki and thus killed the wrong person.MKT. A. such as problems connected to rules and regulations. Hüseyin Efendi. Dimitraki requested
Moravenov. two-and-a-half hours away from the kaza of Filibe.MKT. Also. and he shot Dimitraki by mistake. After his death. 48 When her husband Dimitraki was killed in 1855. A. Apparently. 79. the chief secretary of the province (mektubi kalemi) requested to see his accounts because of the trade he conducted with a person of the name of Hacı Rıza Ali Efendi. Although Salih denied the murder and claimed he had been in Filibe together with Hüseyin Efendi and his brother Hacı İbrahim and two more persons. 49 BOA. but the child did not survive. Later that building became the famous “yellow school”. cit. As Mihalaki’s name occurs more often in the family’s contracts and orders.UM 346/34 (9 Ş 1275). p. the truth was soon found out. he had been employed by the registrar (nüfus memuru) of the district of Ahi Čelebi. like his brother. like his brother. daughter of Salčo Čomakov. p.MKT.
46 45
. . See Koj Koj e Enciklopedija. believing he was Mihalaki. records that the brother Dimitraki of the Christian Mihalaki Gümüşgerdan was hit by a bullet and killed while going from the farm in Değirmendere. 47 BOA. For example.. and Hüseyin Efendi was sentenced to serve as a galley slave for seven years.190
neriman ersoy-hacisalihoĞlu
accepted their fate. Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA). when he asked who the Gümüşgerdan were. Haretina Čomakova donated the family house to the municipality of Filibe. whereas the Muslims hired a Pomak named Hüseyin to kill Mihalaki. 139. a document in the Ottoman archives. In the few documents in the Ottoman Archives that mention Dimitraki Gümüşgerdan. dated 1855 and sent to the kaymakam of Filibe. The name of the murderer was Salih.NZD 43/50.46 During a later investigation it became apparent that Salih had shot Dimitraki on Hüseyin Efendi’s orders. he is described as one of a body of “European merchants” (beratlı Avrupa tüccarı). . he probably stood in the shadow of his older brother. this Salih had been an enemy of Mihalaki’s for one or two years. to the aba factory.49 In another document. seven or eight months before the incident. Pametnik za Plovdivskoto Hristijansko Naselenie .45 However. he seems to have remained in the background whenever he worked together with Mihalaki.48 Dimitraki’s professional life has not been investigated.47 Dimitraki Gümüşgerdan had been married to Haretina.

a. the task of overseeing the order’s execution was given to the governor of Filibe and one of the army officers present. while the Ottoman army and a representative of the Gümüşgerdan family signed the contract. This is also reflected in the contracts he made with the government. written by Serasker Mehmed Rüşdi to Filibe’s governor. A document dated September 20. Since there was generally little agriculture in the villages of Rodop. 4.52 Thus. Colonel Yakup Bey. people earned their livelihood with animal husbandry. Therefore.000 pants and
50 51 52
BOA. BOA. the family was to deliver 10.50 In 1851. 1862. Fond 161 k. records the signing of a contract with the “nephew of Gümüşgerdanoğlu.000 pants for the Ottoman army before November.textile trade in bulgaria in the mid-nineteenth century 191 from the tax collector (muhassıl) of Rize permission to collect oustanding debts from Mehmed Ağa of the Çorlu dynasty and from Halid Ağa from the same district. 1862. high-quality wool was abundant there. stationed in Filibe.e. Another document related to the same transaction and directed to Muhlis Bey confirms that the Ottoman army wanted from Mihalaki Gümüşgerdan 30. According to this contract. A. op. This emirname.51 Treaties with the Ottoman State As the region’s most active trader. dated 26 Rebiülevvel 1279/8 September 1862. The letter orders Yakup Bey to refuse those raincoats and pants that are not of the desired quality and to stamp the accepted ones with the seal of the military Office (Dar-ı Şura-yı Askeri). Every year the Ottoman army ordered a large number of uniforms from him. the relevant contract stating that the price for şayak cloth—a total of 425. constitutes a good example of how relations between the Ottoman state and the Gümüşgerdan family developed.000 kuruş for the months of January and February—would be sent by the Ottoman state.
. Muhlis Efendi.MKT 145/21. to accept them and send them on to other places yet to be designated. Mihalaki Gümüşgerdan kept up economic and political ties with the Ottoman administration. CDIA. on September 2. Tanasaki”. 179. Dimitraki helped with the production of winter clothes for the Ottoman soldiers. and sheep in particular were an important source of income in the region. was entrusted with the task of controlling the finished raincoats and pants.000 raincoats and 30. and the abacıs of Filibe turned to these villages for production means. Cevdet Askeriye 29/1317 (14 R 1267).

621.00 zira54 of şayak cloth for the Ottoman army. A. In 1854. 4.28 kg. and şayak cloth in particular. The people of the districts of Radomir and İzladi (Zlatica) asked to be reimbursed for the cost of the spring wool they had sent to Mihalaki Gümüşgerdan. the soldiers urgently needed winter clothes. there was some duplicity involved in this latter transaction.000 kıyye of spring wool were certainly delivered. resulting in different lengths varying between 75 and 90 centimeters. Ankara 1990. 55 CDIA. or at least a part of these. delivered before winter. 1430.e. However. The kaymakam of Filibe. . 81. Devellioğlu. And although the 36. the army requested provisions. scribe to the kaymakam of Sofia. 56 One kıyye or okka equals 1. Although 127. from Filibe and Sofia more frequently.000 kıyye was collected from the people to the amount of 145.080 guruş—four guruş per kıyye—for costs and transport (ücret ve nakliyesi). sold 32. During the Crimean War.MKT. A..UM 346/44 (10 Ş 1275).53 Evidently. 2. . in spite of a contract. See Devellioğlu . op.700 kıyye of regular wool were stored and available in Sofia. (29 S 1271).58
BOA. these two cities exported barley as well as şayak cloth according to their contracts with the army. OsmanlıcaTürkçe Ansiklopedik Lugat. 58 BOA.000 kıyye. these stores were registered as spent (sarf olunmuş). The promised amount was then delivered to Mihalaki. lef. See F. but used it for his own profit.
54
53
. and the state ordered more uniforms to be delivered within a short time. Therefore. Mihalaki signed a contract in Filibe. p.504 kıyye56 of barley. regular wool and the wool of sheep shorn in spring (yapağı) produced in Filibe were exported via Sofia. A. Abdullatif Efendi.000 kıyye of spring wool and 7.MKT. Another document dating from 1854 tells us that Mihalaki signed a contract with the villagers from the environs of Filibe for a total of 2.MKT.000 raincoats. MHM 245/38.200. Money for the remaining 36.55 During the wars. a. specifying that he ordered regular and spring wool for the production of şayak and aba cloth. Fond 161 k. and Abdullatif Efendi collected and sent from Sofia 13. informed Mihalaki of the procedures necessary to collect the wool from the desired places. 57 BOA.192
neriman ersoy-hacisalihoĞlu
10. cit. Adil Pasha.MVL 103/99 ( 1275 Ca 12).000 of the requested 49.57 Another interesting point in this contract is that the spring wool requested from Sofia for Mihalaki was sent from the kaymakam of Sofia to the governor of Filibe. the document indicates that Mihalaki did not return the money for costs and transport to the people. One zira is measured from the elbow to the tip of the middle finger. Muhiddin Efendi. p.

000 of the 1.
. 181. Fond 161 k. and because he did not write down the amounts of wool and money he gave to the village workers as advance payment. he records that the aba produced by the villagers was not paid for with cash.. CDIA. 658. Credit and Reputation in Mid-19th Century Plovdiv . op. cit. dated 27 Receb 1278. cit. op. . in the year 1840 the payment to Toma Stefanov for aba cloth for the Ottoman army was supposed to come from the villages of the kaza of Ahi Çelebi. because he recorded the amounts in different ways when he received the villagers’ deliveries of aba cloth.000 guruş they were to receive for the aba cloth they had produced for the Ottoman army.60 Another promissory note (senet) dated to July 31. 2–3. 1.e. because. But the villagers were unable to pay their taxes in cash. it is not possible to understand how much he paid for which job. op. In fact.000 raincoats for the Ottoman reserve troops enables us to understand how the Ottoman state paid the Gümüşgerdan family. 4. .62 However. but collected in lieu of taxes.000 kuruş from the treasury of Filibe for şayak cloth meant for pants..61 These two examples show that payments to the family were made from the district of Filibe and particularly from its treasury. However. The sultan ordered that the cost of the raincoats—which was 117 kuruş a piece—should be paid from the imperial property of the province of Filibe.000 kuruş owed was paid by the Filibe treasury.100. Another. .e. but could also be in kind. In some accounting books. Lyberatos.63 Therefore. we can find the monthly table of the money that was sent from the tax income of the kaza of Hasköy to Mihalaki. 1278. CDIA. Consequently. instead of the 177.e. and how he made these payments. approves the payment of 615. 4. Fond 161 k. payments were not always monetary. a. Balkanskijat Grad . pp. For instance. 236–37. a. a. Toma Stefanov agreed to accept wool instead of cash. 300. Fond 161 k. they had received their payment in wool. Mihalaki Gümüşgerdan recorded who worked for him in production. as delivered by Gümüşgerdan oğlu Mihalaki. CDIA. how much of an advance payment the workers received. . similar example that Todorov discusses shows that Mihalaki Gümüşgerdan placed production orders in exchange for forgiving oustanding tax debts. In a document dated 1858.59 Another document dating from 1862 on the delivery of 10. 170. Sometimes the villagers
59 60 61 62 63
Todorov.textile trade in bulgaria in the mid-nineteenth century 193 In his trading accounts and registers. these payments were made with the money collected as taxes from the very same province. payments were not always delivered as planned.

the transport and the delivery to Istanbul amounted to 6 para and the final price was set at 105 para. p. In the same meeting. he secured a contract with the council for both production and dyeing.
.194
neriman ersoy-hacisalihoĞlu
were unable to receive the exact payment for their work from the Gümüşgerdan family. . Their suggested price for white şayak amounted to 5. p. moreover. the villagers wanted an increase of 7 para more than the previous year’s price for the şayak. the village women prepared it for dyeing by washing. They concluded that it was impossible to produce that much cloth. because nobody else was able to produce the cloth.200.66
64 65 66
Todorov. another case of duplicity. the council wanted the same price. They said that only half of the requested amount could be produced. İMV 13859. the price considered appropriate for the goods was 75 para. For the other half. BOA. . that it could only be made in white.65 Mihalaki’s biggest problem in production was related to dyeing the aba cloth. Aba cloth was white. 237.5 guruş and could not be lower than 90 para. there were only four or five dyemasters apart from the Gümüşgerdan.000 zira of şayak cloth. Balkanskijat Grad .. . The council had searched for craftsmen who knew how to dye şayak. These few masters could not process the amount of aba ordered. other council members announced that they would accept neither white şayak cloth. this job was done in a separate workshop.64 In the year 1854. Tatar Pazarcık and Kazanlık. 244. in order to produce 2.. At the beginning of the 1840s. The job of dyeing the white şayak produced was taken over by Mihalaki for a fee of 24 para each. . Thus. Moreover. cit. Todorov. Balkanskijat Grad . the customs. and that the price for one zira started at 3. In the end. but had not been able to find any. nor the suggested price. cit. black and grey. With the establishment of the factory. In addition.5 guruş per kiyye. one zira of şayak cost 99 para. drying and sorting it according to color. the council of Filibe called together the şayakweavers of the districts of Filibe. however. the record shows that the şayak was produced for 75 para in white and for 99 in color. the şayak-weavers did not know how to dye cotton şayak cloth. In the kondika.

BOA.000 guruş that Hacı Abdurrahman oğlu Hüseyin Ağa owed to him delivered to his shop in Filibe. but he also had outstanding debts himself. BOA.71 In another document. A. Mihalaki asked the governor for leave to go to court in Istanbul if the money was not delivered. 2. Mihalaki wanted the 25. BOA. Mihalaki asked in a petition—which had been transferred to the trade council because it was related to the accounts of the rice provisioning administration—that 17. was constantly short of cash and could not pay for his orders from the villagers entirely. p. a document dated 1861 states that Mihalaki.
. the Rikab-ı Humayün Kapıcıbaşı. Mihalaki loaned money to others.69 What is more. BOA. Rüstem Pasha. A. Sadi Molla of Filibe announced that he would pay his debt to Mihalaki as soon as the loans he had given to others were repaid. like so many other traders. A.67 In times of frequent contracts and good income.DV 172/78 (30 Ra 1277). wanted to get back from the former müftü of Filibe. Davidoğlu Mardiros complained that
67 68 69 70 71 72 73
Lyberatos.000 guruş be collected from Abdülhalim Bey of Filibe because of the account of the administration of rice provisions. For instance. . submitted a petition asking for the collection of 75. In order to deal with this cash shortage. unfairly.MKT.68 According to a promissory note from 1858.000 guruş for rice bought with the help of Aziz Efendi. A. in a petition he submitted to the vali of Edirne.MKT.MKT. cit.DV 181/95 (23 Recep 1277). according to archival sources.MKT.70 Another interesting example concerns the debt that Mihalaki. A. BOA. Credit and Reputation in Mid-19th Century Plovdiv . Among these moneylenders. A. An investigation was to be conducted into Mihalaki’s request for 155.DV 195/99 (13 Muharrem 1278).UM 359/79 (12 M 1276). the most important was an Armenian named Manuk.72 In yet another instance. For example. Hacı Mehmed Efendi..DV 198/65 (5 Safer 1278).73 In the year 1848. Mihalaki asked that Abdülhalim’s debt should be settled by selling the icehouse and the shops inherited from his father. Mihalaki.textile trade in bulgaria in the mid-nineteenth century 195 Lending and Borrowing Money Even as the most important supplier of aba and şayak to the Ottoman state. This means that he worked with the persons to whom he gave loans.MKT.000 guruş from Bakırcıoğlu Lemraki of Filibe. he borrowed from moneylenders. . Mihalaki also lent money to others.UM 534/100 (22 B 1278). BOA.MKT.

MKT 151/63 (28. Hacı İzzet Bey. 15. A. to where he shipped precious meerschaum via the harbor of Karamürsel. A. 80 BOA.500 guruş he had given to Mihalaki as cash.MKT. he also took over a six-year contract for the olive trees in the districts of Edremit and Kemer-Edremit.10. there were also Austrian traders active in Bulgaria after 1857. The total sum amounted to 4. 138. In the beginning. sugar. Bulgarian traders collected wool in large quantities from different towns and sent it to Austria as well as to France. 77 BOA. This wool was collected unwashed and shipped to Austria from the harbor of Vidin.MKT.MKT. 76 BOA. 79 BOA. and they exported wool.76 In 1861.77 Apart from the Gümüşgerdan family. A. and was to be paid in instalments of 60 guruş between 1854 and 1857. and this debt was to be settled by his guarantor. matches and candles.MKT.80 Furthermore. With the death of Ali Molla.000 okka of wool were sent from Sofia to Austria within three months. as well as the salary for his services.75 Mihalaki did not only limit himself to the textile trade. a list of ranks and honors dated 1857 shows that the title rikab-ı şahane
BOA.78 Titles and Honors Bestowed on Mihalaki Documents often mention Mihalaki with the titles dergah-ı ali kapıcıbaşısı79 and rikab-ı hümayün kapıcıbaşısı attached.300 guruş. Mihalaki. BOA.DV 198/65. 3. the Austrians imported to Bulgaria goods such as needles and yarn. which were endowed to the vakıf of Bezm-i Alem Valide Sultan. but that he had still not received the 4. See Paskaleva.1264).
75 74
. in 1875. therefore. 200. Rençber Kasaboğlu Ali Molla—share-holder in the rice provisioning contract of Kadıköy in the province of Filibe—owed money to the old kaymakam of Hamid.DV 195/99. He also entertained trade relations with Europe. the shares passed to Mihalaki and. large quantities of wool were sent from Sofia to Vienna. p.DV 111/34 (22 Za 1273). A. A.MKT. In the 1870s especially.000 okka within six months.975 centner from different harbors on the Danube. he requested that he pay the debts himself. A. salt. Ikonomičeskoto Pronikvane na Avstrija (Avstro-Ungarija).NZD 382/91 (2 C 1278).UM 435/46 (26 R 1277).74 In another example.NZD 361/24 (02 C 1278).196
neriman ersoy-hacisalihoĞlu
he had worked for two years as a scribe for Gümüşgerdanoğlu Mihalaki.MKT. Filibe’s şayak offıcer and international trader. 78 In 1870. in 1871. A.

Sertoğlu. XIX (1925). since he owned patents describing him as Avrupa tüccarı or tüccar-ı hayriye.textile trade in bulgaria in the mid-nineteenth century 197 kapucıbaşısı had been given to a Mihalaki of Filibe. 308.176k. The last document records that Hidayet Hanım received a salary of 500 guruş. 7. Kapitülasyonlar-Avrupa Tüccarı-Beratlı Tüccarlar-Hayriye Tüccarları (1750–1839). İ. The children of the Bulgarian trading families had had the opportunity to acquire a good school education and foreign languages while in the capital. 86 BOA. The state no longer ordered cloth for the Ottoman army and the trade and. “European Merchants”) see: A. A. “head door keeper”) was a title given to the notables in the provinces who served the state as tax collectors etc. A. a convert to Islam who was a member of the family of Mihalaki of Filibe. 85 N. kapucıbaşı (lit. Cf.е.84 I have not been able to find out why he was given these honors. а. а.MKT. İ.DH 780/63448 (4 S 1296). many Bulgarian traders in Istanbul started to be treated quite unfairly. 87 See CDIA. After Bulgaria became independent in 1878. оp. in: “Sbornik na BAN”. Ankara 1983. p.MKT. 443.85 The Ottoman archives do not contain much detailed information about the Gümüşgerdan family during and after the Russo-Turkish war.82 Mihalaki held many privileges.е. their trade activities stopped completely and their old networks and influence disappeared. The End of the Family Trade With the outbreak of the Russo-Turkish war (1877–78). however. оp.MHM 423/44 (24 C 1285). M. After 1878.86 Thus. but it is possible that they were due to the popularity of Mihalaki’s shop in Vienna. A. 22. Istanbul 1986. Bağış. İ.DVN 123/33 (13 N 1273). Osmanlı Tarih Lûgatı. p. in a document dated 1876 one enounters one Hidayet Hanım.DH 724/50524 (22 Ca 1293). Načov. 84 BOA.
82
81
. such as permission to trade freely. For more information on the Avrupa tüccarları (lit. 103. therefore. İ.NZD 43/50. it seems that some family members did stay in Istanbul.87
BOA. these children moved on to important positions among the intellectuals and leaders of the country. 173. F. 361/24.DH 761/62038 (7 Z 1294).81 Particularly in the 19th century. 83 BOA. The family emigrated to Athens in the first quarter of the twentieth century. Carigrad kato Kulturen Centăr na Bălgarite do 1877 godina. their reasons for staying in the capital vanished. Osmanlı Devletinde Gayri Müslimler.83 Ottoman documents also mention that Mihalaki accepted honors from the Austrian state.

they secured a share of the state budget by producing şayak and aba cloth for the Ottoman soldiers cheaply. they could also secure advantages for the Bulgarian people. şayak and aba cloth.89 Conclusion Bulgarian textile trade was positively affected by the country’s proximity to Istanbul.е. leading to the emergence of rich Bulgarian traders in the nineteenth century. Later.
. Thanks to the Ottoman administrators. “Gjumjušgerdan” catalogue. sometimes they abused their authority. they were transferred to Sofia and catalogues were compiled. Many Bulgarian traders moved to Istanbul and registered their children in the best schools of the empire. а. 3140. as well as other profits. which kept transportation costs low. These documents had been left to the director of the Greek High School in Filibe. Fond 161k. Establishing close ties with the Ottoman administrators. CDIA. The Gümüşgerdan were a typical trader family of Bulgarian origins who strongly emphasized their Greek identity and sometimes sided with the Greeks in the period’s ecclesiastical struggle in Filibe. In the beginning. а. see: CDIA. 3. the documents were turned over to Elena Lambreva Dimitrova. Since the Ottoman administrators considered Greeks to be more prestigious.176k. they contributed much to the textile trade: they started manufacturing and
88 89
Concerning their emigration. and the possibility of finding cheap labour to meet the demands for cotton. however. Even if Bulgarian scholars of the communist era saw them as exploiters. but soon they started to export their high-quality textile products to Anatolia and Europe. the Bulgarians opened shops only in Istanbul. Bulgarians identified themselves as Greek in order to enhance their trade.88 When Apostolidis also migrated to Greece in 1938/39. The buying and selling of textiles started with trade fairs organized in Bulgaria in the eighteenth century and developed rapidly. when the family moved to Athens. The Greeks and the inhabitants of Dubrovnik who had worked in this trade in previous centuries now had to share the market with the Bulgarians. 3142. These friendly relations allowed them to have a say in the matters of the region and to wield much influence. Apostolidis.е. оp. Dr.198
neriman ersoy-hacisalihoĞlu
A large portion of the family and business correspondence as well as documents about the factory in Değirmendere are now located in the Historical Archives in Sofia. F.

Nike and Nestlé. Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e Şirketleşme. Washington 2000. Paderborn et al. Ikdam. 9. Berghoff. quoted after H. see H. Top 200. who blame them for exploiting the human and material resources of the Third World. but also inspires numerous works on the effects of globalization and the enormous growth of multinational companies and their cultural influences. Cavanagh. No Choice. 3 S. New York 2002. Klein. Istanbul is more than ever full of advertisements and billboards. twenty years later. Kazgan. The Rise of Corporate Global Power. Sony.FLOODING THE OTTOMAN MARKET: MARKETING HISTORY RELATED TOPICS Yavuz Köse
Tepeden tırnağa kadar Avrupa mamulatı ile giyinmiş değil miyiz?1
In a small booklet from 1985 Çelik Gülersoy complains pathetically that Istanbul was full of the outdoor advertisements of foreign companies. Istanbul 1991. indeed the whole city and its buildings seem to be transformed into a single advertising space used by companies like Coca Cola.4 Yet. it is said that such corporations will gain an increasing influence on the consumption behaviour of societies all around the world. 7 Nisan 1899. Miller.2 Now. p. in 1999 many companies’ sales exceeded the gross national product (GNP) of some national economies.und theorieorientierte Einführung. And indeed some corporations are more powerful economic units than states: according to a ranking of the greatest 100 economic units in the world. Today multinational corporations are the target of anti-globalization activists. Gülersoy. Further. Reklamlar ve Biz. Moderne Unternehmensgeschichte. these times have not existed since the late nineteenth
1 “Selanik’den”. No Logo: No Space. in “Osmanlı Sanayii Monografi ve Yorumlar”. 230. 2 Ç. p. 27. 4 See among others N. Many demonstrations or protests are aimed at corporations who dominate the markets.
. Istanbul 1985. though Gülersoy mourns past days when Istanbul was “free” of any advertisements. Among these units fifty-one companies and forty-nine national economies were listed. Eine themen. p. No Jobs. 2004. Anderson and J.3 Today an ever increasing “corporate global power” not only concerns NGOs.

see Ibid. the illuminated advertisements of foreign consumer goods.). . 5–8.9 To give an example. The period chosen here is due to multinational corporations’ first appearance in this period.. Globalization in Historical Perspective . in A. . Petersson. here pp. it refers to processes which date earlier than the 19th Century. and the movement of goods was most active between the so-called developed Western countries. Alan M. Berghoff. rather than becoming a cautionary label. and Williamson. Bordo. Hopkins. pp. Globalisierung in historischer Perspektive in Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften. G. this was due to decreasing global commodity prices. pp. on the contrary. 9 According to Borchardt. Geschichte der Globalisierung.. 4–16. 4 (Fall 2003). For other possible divisions into periods see for instance Jürgen Osterhammel and N. the flood of goods and consumption was interconnected worldwide. P.and the Globalization of History. London 2003. New York. 7 Roger Owen. outdoor advertisements and. . in the early twentieth century. 132–136. which also took place in the core countries of capitalism. London 2002. M. Globalisierung in historischer Perspektive . here p. 132–136. Using Present Day Notions of Imperialism.. . Sitzungsberichte.7 This wave also had an impact on the Ottoman Empire. 4–34. in the 1880s Great Britain took action to protect its markets against a flood of German consumer goods by enacting a law which forced German producers to label their commodities “Made in Germany”. Taylor. Munich 2003. The History of Globalization.
5
. reminding the British consumer to assume his or her duty
Though the term globalization is relatively new. cit. Taylor and J.8 The Ottoman government was not alone in protecting its markets and supporting indigenous industries and crafts. G. . and Knut Borchardt.. pp. Yet the above mentioned first wave of globalization affected not only the less developed countries or colonies.222
yavuz köse
century at least. Globalization in World History. 2 (2001). 5. and the whole of society. its politics. pp. 6 Bordo. . Moderne Unternehmensgeschichte . 25–41. cit..). economy. Chicago.5 and was fostered by industrialization and the “communication revolution”6 which resulted in an “explosion of greater economic interconnectedness”. cit. Globalization and Internationalism: To Understand The Middle East’s Late 19th Century/Early Twentieth Century Past in “The MIT Electronic Journal of Middle East Studies”. This was also the time when Western companies began to produce and sell on a global level and thus became multinationals. This first wave of globalization can be set between 1870 and 1914. Hopkins (ed. D. pp. For a broad discussion on the history of globalization see A. 24–29. At the end of the nineteenth century the wave of globalization was accompanied by a general protectionist attitude. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse. Williamson (eds. 8 Borchart. . G. cit. pp. Photographs from the period also show us billboards. 12–45. Globalization in Historical Perspective. Berghoff. Ironically. Moderne Unternehmensgeschichte . pp. .

dependency. Often the process of “incorporation into the world market” was analyzed through assumptions of imperialism. Once mass-produced cheap consumer goods flooded the Ottoman markets.10 Seen from this angle it was not only the Ottoman market that was flooded with masses of “foreign” mostly “Western” goods during the first era of globalisation. previous assumptions about the Ottoman economy and its dependency or decline were too general. or their marketing? Did every Ottoman citizen perceive the thrust of the brands as intrusive and disturbing? Were there exclusively hostile reactions against foreign companies as studies on milli iktisât11 (national economic movement) imply? In order to provide answers to such questions this article aims to offer a new perspective: marketing history. this new perspective draws our attention to such questions which former paradigms have often left unconsidered. Türkiye’de Ekonomi ve Toplum (1908–1950). marketing history brings us closer to the “commerce interface” between companies’ sales efforts and their effects on consumers. İttihat-Terraki ve Devletçilik. Toprak. the implications of this require some elaboration: What happened to them? How they were distributed and marketed? How and by whom were they purchased? What effects on traditional consumption behaviours did they have? What was the perception of the foreign companies and their goods. 28. Instead of assuming the impact of Western commodities on a macro level (national state centred view). and decline.. the whole array of questions concerning foreign companies and goods.
11
10
. it was later to become a mark of quality. enables us to look on a micro level at issues like markets.. Türkiye’de „millî iktisât“. resistance and internal reasoning). goods and consumers and their interrelations. presumably the best-known one. And. often ignoring realities at the micro level (see below). as will be shown below. p. Through marketing history new results might be offered. Z. Istanbul 1995. rather covering than pursuing intensively many dynamic processes (such as successful competition. The first effect of this approach. In examining the relation between modern marketing and Ottoman society.flooding the ottoman market
223
to buy British goods. Ankara 1982 and Id. As new works on Ottoman social and economic history clearly show. which could show that on the one hand we can not easily make the
Ibid. the Ottoman market and the Ottoman consumer have not been considered either.

14 For an overview of Ottoman economic history see Ç. “Ottoman Securities”. a topic in which historians of the Ottoman Empire have not been interested until recently. Almost all contributions lack marketing-related approaches or questions. A. T. Kazgan is among the first scholars who have dedicated some studies to the history of Ottoman/Turkish business.). 91 (2001/2002). Osmanlı Devletinde Sanayileşmenin İlk Yıllarında Özel Fabrikalar. and offer a new and refreshing picture of the Ottoman Empire. like decline. Istanbul 2001. Istanbul 1995.14 This is mostly due the re-reading of well-known sources. 83 (1993). Türkiye’de İktisat Tarihi Çalışmalarının Tarihi Üzerine Bir Deneme.). Bloomington 2003. in “Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları”. see especially pp. 1. D.). we see an increasing interest in topics which leave behind the old paradigms. Koraltürk and E. A. Istanbul 2003. 13 For the state of the art in Ottoman history writing see D. Dölen. most of the studies are mainly concerned with state-run ones.). in “Toplum ve Bilim”. 7–63. the inclusion of material to be found mostly outside the state archives. The purpose of this article is to offer a motivation for research in the field of the marketing history of foreign companies. For state-run factories see T. Ali Akyıldız recently published a book on “Ottoman securities” in which he gives a valuable narrative of the evolution of private business companies (of local and foreign origin).C. Çakır. 150. pp. Karaömerlioğlu. pp. 19– 92. “Ottoman History Writing at a Crossroads”. Works dedicated to foreign companies and their (marketing)
12 For business history in the Ottoman Empire see for instance Kazgan. İstanbul Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü İktisat Tarihi Anabilim Dalı 2000 (this study provides some interesting aspects of the companay’s marketing its Fes. For private firms during the first wave of Ottoman industrialization see A.. Kazgan. Akyıldız. Osmanlı Tekstil Sanayii Hereke Fabrikası (unpl. 81–99. . Yıldız. Though there have been in recent times some works on Turkish private firms. Güran. Cumhuriyet’in 75 Yıllık Sigortacısı Koç Allianz. dependency or imperialism. in H. A. see A. İlk Çimento Fabrikamızın Öyküsü 1910–2004. . pp. For recent case studies see H. Istanbul.
. Ocakoğlu and M. G. Buluş. Sabunun Hikayesi. Dünya Sistemi Teorisi ve Osmanlı/Türkiye Çalışmaları. Diss. Tanzimat Döneminde Devlet Fabrikaları. and on the other hand. in Id. Osmanlı Dönemi Tahvil ve Hisse Senetleri. Osmanlı’dan Cumhuriyet’e Şirketleşme . and S. and therefore a few of them will be explored in this paper as well. Soyak and M. Sayarı (eds.12 Given13 the state of recent studies in social and economic history. Yılında Tanzimat. Istanbul 2004.1 (2003). Koraltürk. Turkish Studies in the United States. hence they will not be considered in this study. (ed. Koraltürk (eds. Bağımlılık. especially pp. cit. Kal’a. Ö. 235–279.224
yavuz köse
accusation that foreign companies (especially those producing and selling consumer goods) served (only) imperialist interests. pp. 15–31. and on the other hand give evidence that they were not alone on the highly competitive Ottoman market. 279–308). 107–133. Quataert. in “Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi” (Türk İktisat Tarihi Sayısı). and M. which will be presented here partially. Ankara 1992. This material also offers clues for marketing related questions. pp. M.

). risk-taking.. S. K. Fırat (eds. 116 16 Savitt. here p. and producers? – How are market choices made? Are they free. 10 (italic Wilkie/Moore). Wilkie.”18
15 R. A. Handbook of Marketing. Barton. Lexington 1988. in Erdoğan. Moore. 11–39. 113–132. A Personal View . Greenwich/Conneticut et al. which was part of the larger economic system. London et al. 18 W. marketing is a social institution that is highly adaptive to its cultural and political context. pp. in Weitz. But first we must answer the legitimate question: What is marketing? What Marketing is The classical marketing functions are seen as: “buying and selling [ functions of exchange].). E. and financing. Ronald A. and efficient? – How is the process regulated?16 It is not surprising that Ottomanists from the beginning tried to deal with these sorts of questions—even if they would not regard themselves as marketing historians. Nevett. Kumcu. effective. each offering new innovative perspectives and approaches to the social and economic history of the Ottoman Empire/Middle East. and standardization [the facilitating functions]”. Marketing’s Relationship to Society. 2002. pp. The Rural Marketing
. For an exemplary study see B. As such marketing is not only a “universal economic institution”. The State of the Art in Marketing and Economic Development. . 27. A Personal View of Historical Explanation in Marketing and Economic Development. Historical Perspectives in Marketing.). Robing Wensley (eds. p. cit.flooding the ottoman market
225
activities in the Ottoman Empire are still hard to find yet by no means non-existent. Fullerton (eds. Hollander. 9–39. . Larson. Marketing and Development: Toward Broader Dimensions. distributors. It is to this new direction that this article aims to make a contribution. 122. Savitt. I will present recent groundbreaking studies in this field. 1988.15 Within this frame marketing scholars may raise classical questions like: – How are goods and services distributed? – How are prices set? – How is market information dispersed to consumers. here p. The Ottoman Empire has had its own specific marketing system.17 but: “[W]ith respect to culture. here p. pp. L. transportation and storage [the functions of physical supply]. F. Thus we can easily go around the world to locate societies with very different marketing systems. in Terence. Essays in Honor of Stanley C.. 17 Id.

pp. in “Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient” 23. Lütfi Güçer. Brigette. The Ottoman State: Economy and Society. Aydın and Menteşe.). Cook. Quataert (eds. Id. 397–416. The Development of the Anatolian Urban Network During the Sixteenth Century. O. 207–218. A quick look at some of her studies is likely to prove this assertion: she has provided the field with interesting insights in the functioning of the supply and distribution of commodities—urban and rural—the topography
System of Egypt over the Last Three Hundred Years. 97–140. Kütükoğlu. The Ottoman Economic Mind and Aspects of the Ottoman Economy. 168–177. Mantran. 50–68. “Tarih Vesikaları” 2.7 (1942). Cambridge 1994. 218–263. D. in “The Journal of Economic History” 29. 19 Among others see Ö. 223–249. crafts and food production in an urban setting. pp. London 1970. XV. 251–273. in “Food and Foodways” 2 (1988). 1984. Nourrir les cites de Méditerranée. For recent case studies see E. C. 1300–1600. the works cited here only exemplify her interest in marketing related topics.).. in Id. M. Nourrir les cites de Méditerranée. in Marin.1 (1969). in “Südost Forschungen” 37 (1978). pp. Özveren. Paris 1962. Güçer. Essai d’histoire institutionelle. Virlouvet (eds. Id. Murphy.1–4 (1951). See for instance Suraiya Faroqhi. R. pp. Towns and townsmen of Ottoman Anatolia. pp. Suraiya Faroqhi. Istanbul 1983. pp. pp. Asrın Sonunda Bazı Büyük Şehirlerde Eşya ve Yiyecek Fiyatlarının Tesbit ve Teftişi Hususlarını Tanzim Eden Kanunlar. Supplying Seventeenth. Robert Mantran and.). pp. (ed.226
yavuz köse
Given this array of questions we quickly realise that marketing history is not all about novelty in the field of Ottoman studies. pp. Capital Formation in the Ottoman Empire. Bread and Empire: the Working of Grain Provisioning in Istanbul during the Eighteenth Century. pp. Antiququité—Temps modernes. 125–171. économique et sociale. Black Sea and the Grain Provisioning of Istanbul in the Longe Durée. 23–76 and pp. Osmanlılarda narh müessesesi ve 1640 tarihli narh defteri. in M. L. 267–303. in Ibid. Brigette.1 (1979). Halil İnalcık.. 32–79. pp. pp. in “Tarih Vesikaları” 1. “Tarih Vesikaları” 2. XVIII. 273–301.. Cambridge et al. in “Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient” 22. Studies in the Economic History of the Middle East. The Early History of the Balkan Fairs. Erder. 44–55. Id.5 (1942). A.. in “Comparative Studies in Society and History” 27 (1985). 326–40. R. 20 It is not aimed to give a complete bibliography of Suraiya Faroqhi’s work (an article would barely suffice).
.). İstanbul dans la seconde moitié du XVIIe siècle. 1300–1914. Trade. Sixteenth Century Periodic Markets in Various Anatolian sancaks: İçel. An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire. Suraiya Faroqhi. C. 494–530. 9–411. For a general discussion of the “Ottoman economic mind” and references to marketing related issues see Halil İnalcık. Virlouvet (eds. here especially pp. pp.and Eighteenth-Century Istanbul with Fresh Produce. Mübahat Kütükoğlu. especially. Kütahya. Yüzyıl Ortalarında İstanbul’un İaşesi İçin Lüzumlu Hububatın Temini Meselesi in “İktisat Fakültesi Mecmuası” 11... 1520–1650. in Marin. Suffice it to name the most important works on marketing relevant topics contributed by Ömer Lütfi Barkan. L. and Id. Barkan. L. pp.9 (1942). Karahisar-i Sahib. Paris 2003. here especially pp. Id.19 She has dealt with most of the questions Savitt saw as the scaffold of marketing history.3 (1980).20 Therefore it would be fair to see her as one of the first marketing historians of the Ottoman realm during early modern times. Provisioning Istanbul: the state and subsistence in the early modern Middle East. Yıldırım. See also below (note 22). Hamid..

and thus the political economy as a whole.) Markets are not created by God. social. . cit. but by business men. 530. and the connection and interrelation of merchants. 29–31. supply. it is not a specialized activity at all. Smith. . from the customer’s point of view. .
21
. cit.24
In this context Evliya Çelebi’s Seyahatname is to be considered probably as the most valuable source for the marketing history of the early modern history of the Ottoman realm. economic—within which such a marketing system exists. see the study of Barbara K. must also be considered” and therefore economic patterns and processes must be examined in political context. we do lack a structure which would make clear how the marketing system evolved and worked within the Ottoman institutional scaffold until the 19th century. The latter “posits a connection between the distributional and hierarchical pattern of markets (the type of centralplace system). The institutional framework—political. Moderne Unternehmensgeschichte . 24 P. Larson. distribution and exchange of certain goods and services took place. The rural marketing system . .23 In short. (. 22 Larson. and the institutional framework through which goods and services circulate (the type of exchange). with integration into the world economy and the appearance of Western firms. nature or economic forces. . in order to realize this connection the latter—potential consumer—is of great importance for he
is the foundation of a business and keeps it in existence. Yet. on the other. marketing could be described as a craft which aims to connect the producer of a product or service with the customer. 314. and we do know the role of markets within that framework. Drucker. . 496 and p. traditional relationships between producer and consumer were altered. on the one hand. cit. and not as a thing apart. Melbourne 1955.” In her conclusion she states that “it should be clear from this analysis that an understanding of the shape and functions of a rural marketing system does not depend on a appraisal of geographic and narrowly economic factors alone. The Rural Marketing System . .22 This generalization—that is the evolution of the Ottoman marketing system through time—remains to be carried out in order to understand what sort of transformations Ottoman society faced when. This would enable us to see the “spatial and hierarchical patterns of market distribution”. 23 For an idea of how an analytical framework for the Middle East might look. quoted from Berghoff.) Marketing is not only much broader than selling. She draws her analytical framework from the regional science models provided by Carol A. . p. . that is. markets and consumers.. Larson in which she analyses the rural marketing system of Egypt from the 18th to the 20th centuries. pp. (.flooding the ottoman market
227
of markets. . The Practice of Management. It is the whole business seen from the point of view of its final result. p..21 Though we do have glimpses of how the production. F. at least in some segments.

After giving the state of the art of relevant studies covering these economic relations. it also covers—as we have seen—a wider range of meaning. in “Economic History Review”. and p. brand consumer goods. and can be subdivided in three additional segments: Product (product specifications. New and Improved.3 (1999). p. Tedlow. See Ç. that is to subdivide its evolution into different stages. cit. and Hyper segmentation (1980–). high turnover] and Segmentation [social and psychographic segmentation.e. 313. p. Oxford 1990. For instance Nestlé’s marketing history between 1870 and 1920 could not easily assigned to one phase of Tedlow’s model. high sales]. Segmentation (1920/50–1980). 26 Recently the new journal Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi dedicated its first issue to the history of the Turkish economy. Çakır. Germany and the United States exerted an increasing effort to break in the Ottoman market. The Economic History of the Ottoman Empire: New Horizons Over the last decades there have been important contributions to the economic history of the Ottoman Empire in the late 19th and early 20th century. For a critique of Tedlow’s model see also Berghoff. pp. Türkiye’de İktisat Tarihi Çalışmalarının Tarihi Üzerine Bir Deneme. 8. especially advertising. Church. Moreover it has to be situated between Unification [evolution of national und international markets.26 According to Ahmet Akarlı these works seem “to agree that the general direction of the Ottoman economy was towards full-blown
25 For the evolution of modern marketing see. and R. and consumers in Britain and the United States since the mid-nineteenth century.228
yavuz köse
Though the term ‘marketing’ refers primarily to the promotion of products. target group definition. Marketing historians are concerned with the marketing topics. here p. 405–435. marketing. in which Çoşkun Çakır summarized the state of affairs of Ottoman economic history in Turkey. high profit margin (value pricing). firms. It is in these years that Western countries. low profit margin.25 Accordingly. R. like Britain. Moderne Unternehmensgeschichte . New Perspectives on the history of products. Four phases can be generally differentiated in the evolution of marketing: Fragmentation (–1880). this paper will go on to present a short survey of some possible sources relevant for studying the marketing history of the Ottoman Empire. as described above. Pricing (setting a price. .1 (2003). . The transition between these two phases is not always as clear as the model implies. in “Türkiye Araştırmaları Literatür Dergisi”. S.. 409. The Story of Mass Marketing in America. Attempts have been undertaken to “generalize the history of marketing”. Place (Distribution). i. 1. 7–63. discounts). relation to end-user’s needs). pp. XXII.
. Unification (1880–1920/1950). the most interesting years for the study of the marketing activities of foreign companies in the Ottoman realm are to be set between 1870 and 1920. 52. France.

like Donald Quataert. . Manufacturing and Technology Transfer in the Ottoman Empire 1800–1914. Akarlı. D. 1881–1908. Incorporation of the Middle East into the European World-Economy in “Review” VIII 3 (1985).. M. cit. Ottoman Manufacturing in the Age of the Industrial Revolution. 759–934. 1880–1910. G. Quataert (eds. investment and Production. infrastructural innovation and the consolidation of European financial control over the economic sources of the Empire”. pp. Id. The Ottoman Empire and European Capitalism. 29 For a short overview of the history of globalisation and different academic approaches to it see references given in note 5. 1987. The Ottoman Empire and the World-Economy. 805–49. in R. Pamuk. here p. Owen. Social Disintegration and Popular Resistance in the Ottoman Empire. Cambridge et. pp. that “this integration ended up in commercialization. if we put the Ottoman economy in the context of the first phase of globalization between 1870 and 191429 we see on the one hand a troubled economy and on the other hand—at least in some sectors—economic growth. New York 2000.). 1800–1914. These treaties were decisive in increasing European control and domination over markets and the exploitation of raw materials. 1820–1913. H. The Ottoman Empire and the World Economy. in H. Quataert. some tend to see the liberalism of
27 A.). pp. (ed. Austria-Hungary or Germany could gain beneficial commercial treaties because of their political power and influence. Trade. Pamuk and J. Wallerstein. pp. 109. pp. Growth and Retardation . Kasaba. O. Ş. Kasaba.al. 1812–1914.32 And. 31 See for instance Donald Quataert. in “Review” II 3 (1979).). Manufacturing in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey. cit. Reactions to European Economic Penetration. London 1981. . France. However.flooding the ottoman market
229
integration with the expanding world economy”. and R. 1750–1820. London. Id. The Ottoman Empire and the Capitalist World-Economy: Some Questions for Research. Cambridge 1993.31 while others argue for an approach which stresses more the dynamic aspects of the Ottoman economy rather than the decay and foreign domination paradigm. 30 Akarlı. Istanbul-Strasbourg 1992. in Ş.. 353–78. İnalcık and D. Further see also R. The Mediterranean Response to Globalization Before 1950. Albany/New York 1988. . Id. Growth and Retardation in Ottoman Macedonia. Toprak. New York et al. Cambridge 1994. Id. Social Disintegration . An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire. Studies in
. From Liberalism to Solidarism: The Ottoman Economic Mind in the Age of the Nation State (1820–1920). New York 1994. 1500–1950. And. 1987. İslamoğlu-İnan (ed. Williamson (eds. (eds.). Çizakça. 389–98. 32 Z. urbanization.30 Therefore some scholars.28 Accordingly countries like Great Britain. R.).6 (1987). 1300–1914. Herzog et al. tend to emphasize successful home sectors that were able to compete with Europe. Cambridge et al. The Nineteenth Century. The Age of reforms. Incorporation of the Ottoman Empire. 28 The journal Review—edited by Immanuel Wallerstein—includes a rich collection of articles relevant to this issue: see among others I. 1983.27 It is often stressed that the Ottoman Empire was highly affected by the spread of capitalism and the so-called incorporation into the capitalist world market. . in “Review” X 5. Motika and Ch. 109–134. The Middle East in the World Economy.

230

yavuz köse

that time not as a failure at all. Tarik Yousef, for example, looks at the liberal policy of Egypt from a different angle: instead of showing its inability to foster industrialization, he demonstrates its effects on the formation of an integrated national economy.33 In a recent work, John Chalcraft reveals roughly the same situation for Egyptian crafts and guilds in the late nineteenth century, for they were able to maintain shares of existing markets, and in part even managed to remain dominant.34 In his investigation of the almanac Annuaire Oriental (see below) Ayhan Aktar could also show that, contrary to the common view that the ever-growing international trade destroyed traditional crafts in Istanbul, the late nineteenth century was not as dark as usually described, for there was at least in part an increasing activity in local business, crafts and arts.35 As a result it might be too one-sided to see the Ottoman Empire only as a semi-colony of the European powers, or as a supplier of raw materials and a net importer of European goods. We must not forget that at the same time the growing influence of the European powers was favoured by the efforts of the Ottoman bureaucracy’s liberal attitude to economic issues and their desire to centralize and rationalize the state apparatus.36 Thus, Roger Owen recently correctly stated that
the history of the Eastern end of the Mediterranean is better written if the concept of imperialism is held in tension with that of globalization and of several forms of late 19th century internationalism. These included, at the state level, a series of experiments with institutionalized forms of cooperation between two or more European powers; at the economic level the existence of a growing number of transnational banks and companies [. . .]37

Yet, though the relationship between the Ottoman economy and Western economies is well surveyed, and has spawned a rich literature, our knowledge about foreign companies (especially consumer goods-producing ones) operating in the Ottoman Empire has remained hazy so far. The impact of companies, products and marketing has remained an obscure and untilled field in Middle Eastern history, although there is a rich and increasingly varied literature on Europe and North America,38 and, as Donald Quataert rightly states, “there is certainly a great deal of work to be done and the surface hardly has been scratched”.39 Undoubtedly, foreign companies played a decisive role in the process of integration with the capitalist world economy and shaped not only the economic, but also the social and cultural environment of the Ottoman Empire. In this progression modern Western marketing was presumably one of the most striking instruments, for it is described as a “concrete manifestation of capitalist ideals”.40 It is to this “hinterland”41 (Roy Church), where the study of Western firms and that of Ottoman consumers overlap, to which this article aims to attract attention. Some relevant sources for business and marketing history For research on the relationship of companies/products and consumers in the Ottoman Empire some relevant sources already exist. Though hitherto largely used for social and economic studies, they have hardly been taken into consideration for marketing and business history oriented works. To give an idea of what might be possible, here is a brief sketch of the range of potential sources, which, far from being complete, gives only a preliminary overview. Works oriented towards the national economies of European powers and their (imperialist) interests in the Ottoman Empire give us

published “facts” could help the potential trader, entrepreneur or company to calculate and be prepared for the particularities of the Ottoman market and consumers. The almanac Annuaire Oriental (hereafter AO) is an another rich source for the study of foreign companies active in the Ottoman realm. This commercial guide was published almost every year between 1868 and 1939. Besides the detailed listings of companies and their products or sales agents for the latter in the “yellow pages”, we find also many advertisements for companies active in greater Constantinople especially (Stamboul, Beyoğlu, Pera). It is surprising that this extensive source has until recently been out of the focus of social and economic historians of the late Ottoman Empire.46 The AO offers a highly valuable source for the study of business and marketing history related topics, covering advertising, products and services. In addition to the “yellow pages”, the AO provide large listings of the registered inhabitants of greater Istanbul: besides their names and residences, we learn their occupations as well. As a result, employees working for the foreign companies in local establishments are also identifiable. Furthermore, its periodical publication enables us to follow companies and their activities over a long period of time.47 Advertising, without doubt inseparable from any company’s marketing efforts today, belonged in the late nineteenth century as well to one of the most essential means of targeting potential consumers. The Ottoman press is revealing in this respect. As will be shown below there are

some studies which have used advertisements as a source, but so far the advertisement pages have been investigated more haphazardly concerning their marketing related content. For a more systematic approach to identifying foreign companies’ advertising methods and their target consumers, it would be necessary to investigate not only issues of the Ottoman-Turkish, but in addition the minority press, ranging from Greek, Armenian, Jewish, and Arab to English, French and German gazettes. This demanding work reminds one of a Sisyphean task, but it would be worth the effort.48 This rich variety of the local press further covers topics which help us to understand how foreign companies were perceived by the public, and if there were differences in this regard among the different ethnic/religious groups.49 In favour of Marketing History for Ottoman/Turkish Studies Concerning companies, in most of the socio-economically oriented works on the Ottoman Empire a national economic view prevailed until recently. Based on statistical data of imports from the West and exports from the Empire, they claim an ever-growing flood of mass-produced cheap goods from the Western world into the Ottoman market beginning in the second half of the nineteenth century. They also mostly declare the influence of these goods on the Ottoman market and the Ottomans, but without giving any satisfactory explanation as to what this influence was about. To sum up, most of these works point to the destructive effects of the foreign goods and companies which dominated the local markets, and were therefore to be seen as one of the strongest agents responsible for the decay of local production and industry. Yet, as the above mentioned new studies clearly illustrate, the assumption of the decay and decline of Middle Eastern crafts and business is too general. Likewise, goods were not automatically purchased by Ottoman consumers; their very existence and availability in the Ottoman market did not necessarily mean that they were going to be bought. Neither was

there only one foreign commodity to purchase, nor were there no local choices. Generally the consumer had to be convinced to buy, let’s say Nestlé’s breast-milk substitute Farine Lacteé, instead of the substitute of its competitor Thistle, let alone a local alternative infant formula called “Memedeki çocuklara gıda-ı dakık” offered by Doktor Ziya. Similarly, many shops or department stores (local or of foreign origin) would court the consumer. And a quick look at the advertisement pages of the Ottoman press gives us an idea that this was hard work. This situation prevailed for many (consumer goods distributing) companies active in the Ottoman realm. Furthermore, although many of the companies were of foreign origin, their ways of promoting their goods could be quite different and mostly dependent on their products’ peculiarities. Marketing theorists make a differentiation between different kinds of goods. For instance they distinguish between so-called search goods (i.e. foodstuffs), and experience goods (i.e. appliances). This distinction is built on their recognition that for every kind of product there are varying costs to the potential consumer.50 To make it clearer: in order to market its convenience goods to the target Ottoman consumer the Swiss Nestlé Company had to rely mostly on advertisements and other promotional tools, whereas, for example, the Singer Sewing Machine Company had to offer extra services, such as demonstrations and after sales services.51 Some Recent Works on Marketing History Related Studies in the Middle East Recently the broadcasting of commercials for the Turkish soda called Cola Turka showed in an impressive way how powerful the effects marketing strategies can have among targeted consumers—in this case the whole of Turkish society. For the launching of this drink, which

50 “The distinction is built on the recognition that the costs to the consumer to sample a product vary according to the kind of good it is. For search goods, the essential market support service provided by the producer is advertising. For experience goods, producers need to provide additional services, such as demonstration and after sales services, in order to minimize consumer search and sampling costs.” A. C. Godley, Selling the Sewing Machine Around the World: Singer’s International Marketing Strategies, 1850–1914, in “DP” 422, XIII (2000/2001), pp. 1–42, here p. 4, and Church, New Perspectives . . . cit. 51 Godley, Selling the Sewing Machine . . . cit., p. 4. See also Andrew Godley, Selling the Sewing Machine Around the World: Singer’s International Marketing Strategies, 1850– 1920 in “Enterprise & Society” 7,2 (2006), pp. 266–314.

236

yavuz köse

obviously was inspired by the American sodas, Coca Cola and Pepsi Cola, the company, Ülker, had a simple but nevertheless brilliant idea: in drinking Cola Turka Americans become Turkish. Just as Coca Cola stands for the “American Way of Life”, Cola Turka aimed to represent the “Turkish Way of Life”. For Ülker it was a sweeping success: within a short time it had a considerable share of the fast-growing soft-drinks market, currently dominated by Coke with a 57% share, followed by Pepsi with 27%.52 This example brings out an important point: the significance of culture for consumer behaviour and its key role in today’s companies’ marketing strategies. Yet, this was also true for earlier periods.53 Thus, the argument goes, knowledge of the cultural dispositions of the target consumer markets was essential for companies in order to bridge the gap between the newness/foreignness of their products and the distinctiveness of the target consumer. On the other hand, the target consumer was also equally faced with the need to “engage in a process of searching, learning and adapting to the products and services offered by firms.”54 Here follow some exemplary studies touching on issues which Roy Church has described as hinterland, the place where company and consumer meet. In this respect department stores in the Ottoman Empire/ Middle East constitute probably one of the most interesting but hitherto neglected fields of research.55 Though many published urban study

52 See B. Britt, Chevy Chase Does Turkish Cola Ads Aimed At Coke And Pepsi Spots Air as Anti-American Feeling in Turkey Runs High, in “AdAge.com” (July 28, 2003), and A. Finkel, Made in Turkey: Mix Soda, a Star, Nationalism and Stir. Where the ‘It’ Drink Tastes Vaguely Anti-American, in “Washington Post”, August 10, 2003, see http://www. washingtonpost.com (26.08.2004). 53 For an inspiring study on how culture matters for economics see A. Godley, Jewish Immigrant Entrepreneurship in New York and London 1880–1914: Enterprise and Culture, New York, Palgrave 2001. For on study of the “Wirtschaftskultur” in todays Turkey see H. Schuss, Die Wirtschaftskultur der Türkei—ein Hemmnis bei der Integration in die Europäische Union? in S.Wippel (ed.), Wirtschaft im Vorderen Orient. Interdisziplinäre Perspektiven, Berlin 2005. 54 Though far from being satisfactorily defined, the term culture is used here, as Lipartino defines it, “a system of values, ideas, and beliefs which constitute a mental apparatus for grasping reality”, see K. Lipartito, Culture and the Practice of Business History, in “Business and Economic History”, 24, 2 (Winter 1995), pp. 4–42, here p. 2 and p. 8. 55 There exists an abundant literature on department stores in Europe and North America. See for example M. B. Miller, Bourgeois Culture and the Department Store 1869 –1920, Princeton 1981; W. Lancester, The Department Store: A Social History, London 1995, G. Crossick and S. Jaumain (eds.), Cathedrals of Consumption: The European Department Store, 1850–1939, Aldershot et al. 1999; H.-G. Haupt, Konsum und Handel. Europa im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, Göttingen 2003.

flooding the ottoman market

237

works do not fail to spot the existence and the influence of these Western shops, yet they go no further in investigating and specifying.56 The surveys by Rudolf Agstner of Jewish-Austrian department stores in the Ottoman Empire (particularly in Egypt)57 are different in many respects, for they not only rely on advertisements in the Ottoman foreign or local language press, but also on archival sources (consular reports and sources from the Austrian state archive).58 Agstner’s studies give us a hint of the role department stores played in the Middle East. They were not only decisive for bringing new consumption patterns59 to the Ottomans and in changing the urban fabric with their buildings and intensive outdoor advertising; they also played an important role as employers.60 Nancy Reynolds in her dissertation Commodity Communities: Interweavings of Market Cultures, Consumption Practices, and Social Power in Egypt61 is also mainly concerned with department stores situated in Cairo and their employees. According to her, department stores played an important role within the economic sphere of the city, as a sort of “liminal space” connecting the “colonial environment” with the local urban society. This was mainly realised through the highly cosmopolitan mixture of the employees. Though this study is dedicated mainly to the years

between 1930 and 1960 it gives important clues to former periods. It is above all its broad perspective which makes this study outstanding within Middle Eastern studies, for it incorporates Western studies about department stores and therefore could compare their similarities and peculiarities. Well-known department stores like S. Stein, A. Mayer, or Tiring employed in their branches in Cairo or Alexandria several hundred salaried staff, ranging from doorkeepers and sales assistants to office workers. Comparable data can be found for the stores in Constantinople.62 Here the department store Orosdi & Back played an outstanding role for it was probably the greatest in town. Between the years 1908 and 1920 we count on average 200 employees (Turks, Greeks, Armenian, Jews, Austrian, French), who were at the customers’ command on five floors.63 Uri Kupferschmidt recently contributed a monograph64 on this department store, undoubtedly one of the most interesting companies in the Middle East, due to its branches all over the Ottoman realm and its long existence.65 There is a desideratum for studies which go further in investigating “oriental” department stores. Nearly as important and far-reaching in its effects as department stores in Ottoman times, and even into the Republican era, is another company and its product: the Singer Sewing Machine Company. There is probably almost no family which did not own one Singer Sewing machine or at least know one neighbour who possessed one. Though Donald Quataert touched in his studies66 upon this consumer durable and its importance for the evolution of home manufacturing in the Empire, works which concentrate on how this company made its path to many Ottoman households have been more or less missing, until recently.

Köse, Basare der Moderne . . . cit. My survey of a strike in the department store Orosdi&Back is based on letters written by a French employee in the Constantinople branch between 1908 and 1914. The survey concerning the employees was done on the basis of several issues of the Annuaire Oriental. See Köse, “Maintenant, le plus beau, c’est la grève des EOB” . . . cit. 64 U. Kupferschmidt, European Department Stores and Middle Eastern Consumers: The Orosdi-Back Saga, Istanbul 2007. 65 For some data on this company see Saul, La France et l’Egypte . . . cit., pp. 170–174. 66 See Quataert, Manufacturing and Technology Transfer . . . cit.
63

62

flooding the ottoman market

239

Uri Kupferschmidt is probably the first Middle Eastern (social) historian to dedicate a fascinating study to the Singer Company and its activities in the Middle East (mainly Egypt). Although aiming for a social history of the sewing machine in the Middle East, Kupferschmidt also touches on business and marketing history related issues.67 In this respect Andrew Godley gives us a more general idea of the Singer Company’s global marketing activities; at the same time his study is also revealing in terms of Singer’s performance in the Ottoman realm. Though Singer used some marketing tools, like advertising in the local press, its marketing strategies
were crude and undeveloped, even by the standards prevailing in international business by 1914, [. . .] rather Singer’s extraordinary success in foreign markets was more due to the peculiarities of the demand conditions surrounding consumer purchase of a complex consumer durable like a sewing machine. In particular, the combination of instalment purchase contract and the regular presence of canvassers and collectors meant that sewing machine consumers, women in their homes, were able to overcome the inherent uncertainties associated with such a purchase. By investing in a retail organization, Singer minimized the costs to women sampling this complex product before purchasing68

Nevertheless, press advertising was (and still is) an important marketing tool for companies.69 Advertising in the Ottoman press began only at the end of the 1990s to be a research field in Ottoman studies. Two monographs from Orhan Koloğlu (published in 1999) and Hamza Çakır (published in 1997) are concerned with this issue, but they are more or less (yet nonetheless valuable) compilations of advertising material than substantial studies on advertising as a marketing tool based on any methodological frame. In recent years press advertising has become a prominent issue within the history of the press of the Middle East.70

U. M. Kupferschmidt, The Social History of the Sewing Machine in the Middle East, in “Die Welt des Islam. International Journal for the Study of Modern Islam”, 44, 2 (2004), pp. 195–215. Unfortunately Kupferschmidt did not consider the monograph by R. B. Davies, Peacefully working to conquer the world: Singer sewing machines in foreign markets, 1854–1920, New York 1976 and the survey of A. C. Godley, Selling the Sewing Machine . . . cit., both giving interesting data to Singer’s performance in the Ottoman Empire. 68 Godley, Selling the Sewing Machine . . . cit., p. 21. 69 O. Koloğlu, Reklamcılığımızın ilk yüzyılı, 1840–1940, Istanbul 1999; H. Çakır, Osmanlı Basınında Reklam (1828–1864), Ankara 1997. 70 See for instance the History of the Press in the Middle East, VIth Meeting: “The Economy as an Issue in the Middle Eastern Press”, May 19–23, 2004, Nicosia/Cyprus. In

67

Strohmeier and G. 44–61. 416–430. The Yiddish and Ladino Press in the Russian and Ottoman Empires. and S. in Tarih Boyunca Türklerde ev ve aile semineri. pp. An Introduction. i. .73 However. Reklamcılığımızın ilk yüzyılı . This would allow us to get a clearer idea of the way they used advertising in the press (and in other mediums) for their purposes and what were their methods of attracting Ottoman consumers. and would give us thereby an idea of their conception of the Ottoman consumer. pp.72 From a marketing historian’s perspective these studies may mostly lack two important points: first. A.33 (2000). Yet it is indispensable to study these sorts of sources in close connection with the enterprises which were often at the same time the creators of these advertisements. but also (at least for a large part) of the Ottoman urban public. pp. İlk kez Abdülhamit dönemi basınında başlayan ve iyice yaygılaşan Reklamlarda Kadın. 25–26 mayıs 1998. Indianapolis 2004. 46–48. 74 For some early examples of advertising agencies see Koloğlu. several articles have tried to read advertisements as a source of modernisation in Ottoman society. second they barely incorporate an account of the advertisers. Modernizasyon Aracı Olarak Reklamcılık. VIth Meeting: “The Economy as an Issue in the Middle Eastern Press”. pp. B. 71 For instance O.240
yavuz köse
Furthermore. 73 K. 44–51.. May 19–23. many of these works scarcely have a critical approach to advertisements as a source. Press Advertising in Egypt: Business Realities and Local Meaning. Istanbul 2000. Dussel. pp. This is important because we must not forget that this kind of source shows us rather how the advertisers perceived and pictured the (Ottoman) consumer than it tells us about the consumers themselves. 1550–1922. Id. Quataert (ed.71 we find also some studies concerned with the socio-economic aspects of advertising. Frierson.e. consequently brought new
this sixth meeting advertising was the most popular topic. Y.
. 2004. Wundermittel Werbegeschichte? Werbung als Gegenstand der Geschichtswissenschaft. Stein. 64. in “Toplumsal Tarih”. Koloğlu. This commercialisation lead to the stepwise emergence of an advertising industry. Ev Eşyasının Batılılaşmasının Kanıtı Olarak Gazete İlanları. Nicosia/Cyprus (Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes. 1882– 1956. Procházka-Eisl (eds. especially pp. 237–249. Commercial advertisements in the Ottoman periodical Shehbal (1909–1914). in “Tarih ve Toplum” 195. in M. New York 1999. 42 (1997). 72 R. Beihefte) (forthcoming). in “Neue Politische Literatur (NPL)”.) History of the Press in the Middle East. Making Jews Modern. Cheap and Easy: The Creation of Consumer Culture in Late Ottoman Society. . Id. This would make it easier for us to reveal their different methods (perhaps also the underlying esprit). 153–202. in “Arab Studies Journal” (2003).). Bloomington. Consumption Studies and the History of the Ottoman Empire.. See the forthcoming proceedings edited by Martin Strohmeier and Gisela Procházka-Eisl. Köse. the advertisements in some way demonstrate the commercialisation not only of the press. E. pp. in D. the companies. 243–261. Shechter. cit.11 (1999).74 and.

Unilever and Nestlé. Wirtschaft im Vorderen Orient. pp. London 2006. as it is in today’s Istanbul.75 Recently Relli Shechter added to the growing literature about markets. in S. Wippel (ed. Smoking. Interdisziplinäre Perspektiven.). trams and so on. adding for later periods an account of the activities of Western companies both of which. according to Schechter. It is interesting to note that many traditional professions like calligrapher or translator managed to integrate themselves into these new areas. we get a better understanding of the (inter-)connectedness of companies and the target society. focusing on the Egyptian tobacco market and tobacco consumption from 1850 to 2000. marketing and consumer together with fresh analytical and methodological approaches. Shechter. 215–235. Photographs from the late 19th to the early years of the 20th century show that there was a great deal of visual advertising in the public sphere. Culture and Economy in the Middle East: The Egyptian Tobacco Market 1850–2000. Culture and Economy in the Middle East” examines the emergence of modern markets in the Middle East. graphic designer. In looking closer at the companies who were mainly responsible for these kind of marketing activities via the press or outdoor facilities such as walls. marketing and consumption in Egypt. it brings issues like markets. politics and culture of the region. She shows in the light of her interviews with marketing specialists how the local culture of the target consumer matters for the marketing plans of companies like Coca Cola. We see that advertising was in Ottoman Constantinople. shaped the socio-economic developments of the country.76 In his analysis he shows how markets interacted with the society. an integral part of the urban landscape. copywriter. companies.
75 M. and so on into existence. ad-man. Shechter in his book “Smoking. Transnationale Konsumgüterunternehmen in Ägypten: Lokale Kultur im globalen Marketing. Kehrer. it is groundbreaking for. Though his study does not concentrate exclusively on the marketing strategies of Western companies as Kehrer’s study does.
.flooding the ottoman market
241
professions like the advertising agent. Foreign transnational consumer goods companies and their marketing strategies for the Egyptian market from the 1920s until today forms the scope of Michaela Kehrer’s new study. For the 19th and early 20th centuries his study concentrates on the local Ottoman business elite and their production of luxury cigarettes for the world market. 76 R. Berlin 2005. keeping aloof from old paths. probably for the first time.

“The Middle Eastern Path to Development: A Conversation between Business History and Regional Studies”. 74– 85. Godley. religious.” conference paper.77 This could be realised for the Swiss Nestlé Company. Nestlé. A Brief History of the Marketing Strategies of the First Multinational Company in the Ottoman Empire in “Journal of Macromarketing”. 79 Y. intensive research on archival material provided at least by some companies could help us to discover additional information. In addition. Elsewhere. Heer. and cultural backgrounds. Von 1866 bis 1991. Rivaz 1966. the question of which method of selling would be the most
77 Recently Andrew Godley presented a conference paper about Singer’s activities in the Ottoman Empire and the Balkans based mainly on the company’s rich archival material. Pfiffner.
. 78 On the history of the Nestlé company see J. Yet. 27/1 (2007). Köse. June 10th–11th 2005 (University of Reading). as has been shown. political. social and cultural conditions there differed considerably to those of other market areas.79 The author’s study looks at the marketing activities of today’s greatest multinational food company—Nestlé—in the Ottoman Empire starting from 1870 until 1927. Nestlé basically embarked on the same strategy as it did for Western markets. Id. a re-evaluation of the sources already used by social and economic historians might help to foster further studies in business and marketing history. Nestlé. had to adjust its marketing to this reality. A. The First Hundred Years of Nestlé. World Events 1866–1966. Henri Nestlé (1814–1890). Vevey 1991. Above all.242
yavuz köse Multinationals in the Ottoman Empire: the Nestlé Company
Whereas it is easier to get information from companies that are at present active in the Middle East.78 Recently the author of this article presented a paper on the company’s marketing strategies in the Middle East. The target consumer was a cosmopolitan mixture with different ethnic. It argues that for the Ottoman market. pp. whose first appearance on the Ottoman realm dates back to 1870 and which is probably the first multinational company to operate in the Ottoman Empire. “Consumer Durables and Westernization in the Middle East: The Diffusion of Singer sewing machines in the Ottoman Empire. Yet. Nestlé. the Ottoman market was different! Even if many of the usual marketing tools could be easily adopted. paying attention to local peculiarities was of prime importance. Hundertfünfundzwanzig Jahre. we are faced with a far more complicated situation if we try to gauge the marketing strategies of companies in earlier periods. especially Europe. and A. Vom Frankfurter Apothekergehilfen zum Schweizer Pionierunternehmer.. 1880–1920. Zürich 1993. like other Western companies.

for example.
80
Godley. and so partially facilitated the strengthening of local production (as Quataert could has shown for the home-working textile sector). from the beginning embarked on a direct selling method via its own branches (canvassing) and through local staff “knocking on people’s doors [all around the world]”. p. cit. Nestlé (unlike the Singer Company. heavily relying on advertising and promotion to communicate its products’ amenities via different means. Besides agents with a Swiss background. The latter aspect probably caused companies like Nestlé (and Western department which relied stores on advertising and promotion as well) to be more visible to the public and consequently an easy target for polemics and calls for boycotts. Although from 1911 war was a major impetus for the growth of sales within the Ottoman realm (supplying armies). and probably helped to bypass the decrease in demand among the population. .80 This method was accompanied with an easy credit system which even allowed poorer customers to afford a sewing machine. Nestlé deployed an indirect selling strategy using agents and local distributors like pharmacies or retailers. the main target remained the civil customer.flooding the ottoman market
243
appropriate to reach this heterogeneous society was of key importance. might be a reason why the Singer Company did not become a target of hostile reactions.. for instance) was forced to face up to the influence of an ever-increasing Turkish nationalism combined with protests against European companies who were perceived as serving European hegemonic interests. Singer’s American origins and different market approach may have helped it to avoid becoming a target of hostile reactions. 269. Furthermore. . The American Singer Company on the other hand. it was above all the nonMuslim minorities who played an important role in the process of marketing Nestlé products. According to the author. Singer’s International Marketing Strategies .
. It was not only cultural/religious reasons that made it difficult for Nestlé to have direct contact with the latter (above all with the mothers): political developments beginning at the latest 1878 and culminating in WWI turned the Muslim urban population into a challenging customer. it was probably the fact that the Singer sewing machine played a role in helping Ottoman citizens to emancipate themselves from being dependent on imported Western/European clothes. The majority of its potential customer pool was Muslim. however.

which were in the same line in terms of intensive advertising)81 became a major target of the hostile reaction to foreign companies that accompanied intensifying Turkish nationalism after 1908.82 Advertising for Marketing History In view of this short survey it should be clear that in order to understand the socio-economic transitions which the Ottoman Empire faced from the middle of the 19th century faced and the impact they had on Ottoman society. which often leaves society on one side. It would not be a mistake to assume that it was these companies above all that accelerated the process of globalisation and “integration with the capitalist world economy” and shaped not only the economic. Akçura. and also the Italian insurance company Generali. The first wave of globalisation brought new actors to the scene: the consumer goods-selling (multinational) companies. for the hostile reactions against some department stores see Y. Y. The study aims to shows that Nestlé’s products were neither bought automatically for it had local as well as foreign competitors (even counterfeiters). to local customs). it is proposed to approach the issue from a different angle.244
yavuz köse
Nestlé. In tracing the activities of such “global players” we not only have the chance to look
81 For department stores and their advertising in the Ottoman press see. nor was the Ottoman consumer easy to convince. Istanbul 2004.
. in contrast offered products which had to be promoted as an alternative to existing local food stuffs (and with this. Aspirin® Türkiye Tanıtım Serüveni (1925–1944). Köse. today Thyssen Krupp. or Bayer (Aspirin). The fact that Nestlé belongs to the very few foreign firms still active in today’s Turkey might help to highlight the transition from late (urban) Ottoman society to Republican Turkish society. Rather than looking merely from the state centred view at the “integration to the world economy”. It is therefore not really surprising that it (like the department stores. D. one has to approach the issue not only from a national economy view or the macro level. This was realised through extensive promotion and advertising. Bir Toplumsal Hareketinin Analizi. For a collection of Aspirin advertisements see G. 1908 Osmanlı Boykotu. Nestlé’s pervasive appearance in the public domain (outdoors and via the media) literally let its name resound throughout the land. Istanbul 1994. but also the social and cultural environment of the Ottoman Empire. Çetinkaya. 82 Other examples are the German company Krupp.

. See her Research on the History of Ottoman Consumption: a Preliminary Exploration of Sources and Models in Consumption Studies . Gender. Brewer and R. Therefore. the significance of business and marketing history is to be seen not only in the fact that it complements economic and social history.
. (eds. 141–169. Exertzoğlou. Excellent overviews of the state of the art in Europe and North America are offered by J. 127–181. XVII (1985). Porter (eds. Siegrist et al. bis 20. H. in “International Journal of Middle East Studies”. As a result the “modernisation” or “dependency” approaches can not be considered helpful in evaluating and understanding the strategies of foreign companies deployed in the Ottoman market and the reactions of the Ottoman consumers to these endeavours. pp. Consumption and the World of Goods.M. Dumont and F. as far as Middle Eastern/ Ottoman Studies are concerned. and H. Ch. and Nation in the Ottoman Urban Centers During the 19th Century. pp. Considering these relations from the micro level. Georgeon. Heidelberg 1999.).). will enable us to understand how strong the influence of Western marketing on the “birth of a(n) [Ottoman/Turkish] consumer society”83 really was. at least in the long term. Ursinus (eds. 77–101. 35 (2003). pp. 15–44. 84 For studies of consumption in the Ottoman Empire see S. Clearly this does not mean that the state did not or does not play any role in the process of globalisation.Y. Motika. Faroqhi. Herzog and M. Europäische Konsumgeschichte.). and H. Yet we do know that it is the multinational companies which more than ever are gaining an increasing influence on the consumption behaviour and employment situation of societies all around the world. 2000 herein Suraiya Faroqhi gives an overview of possible sources and useful models. but also because of its relevance to cultural issues—that is consumption. 1550–1922.und Kulturgeschichte des Konsums (18. The Birth of a Consumer Society.84
83 See N. Un bourgeois d’Istanbul au début du XXe siècle. Mckendrick. pp. but further it helps us to understand that such companies are not to be confused with the governments of their home country. N. cit. and D. 1997.. London 1982. Zur Gesellschafts. London 1993. and finally for two interesting studies on consumer behaviour in the late Ottoman period see P. Frankfurt a.). nor pays adequate attention to the fact that these companies were entities with their own interests which were not necessarily were in line with those of states.). in R. . The national approach neither provides a satisfactory account of the often high complexity of such companies. Albany. The Cultural Uses of Consumption: Negotiating Class. Consumption and Elite Status in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries: Exploring the Ottoman Case. J. Quataert (ed. in “Turcica”. Plumb (eds. Jahrhundert). Brewer and J. Consumption Studies and the History of the Ottoman Empire. Studies in Ottoman Social and Economic Life. an Introduction.flooding the ottoman market
245
closer at their real effects on society.

.

more abundantly. Turkey and is part of a vast collection of materials located in that city. studies that have accumulated into a very impressive corpus of archival research illustrating the way to larger questions.edu/~coal/index. State University of New York. any errors are my own. And. in Turkish as Ereğli Kömür Madenleri.htm. This specific ledger records the debts—nearly always wages— owed by the Courdgis Mining Company to many hundreds of workers and other parties. late Ottoman economic and social history. my contribution follows many of her article-length publications over the years in which she presented a detailed monographic inquiry that illustrated larger points of broader methodological interest. The Ereğli-Zonguldak Coal Mines: A Catalog of Archival Documents. thanks to my colleague David Hacker for the time that he spent helping me to analyze these materials. these records are a treasure trove of local—level historical materials on the coalmines and. see http://bingweb. Özbek. many in the possession of the Education Bureau of the Turkish Mining Ministry. The mine operator’s name is variously spelled: Gürcü and Kourtzis are 2 Turkish and Greek variants. pp. in its form. (Spring 1999).2 Collectively. for his assistance in entering the data.
1 My thanks to Kasım Kopuz. Quataert and N. pp. Clearly. For a series of photographs and images of documents regarding the coalfield. 11–18. more broadly. The documentary object in question here is a ledger of unpaid debts to coal mine workers.
. binghamton. The ledger now rests at Karaelmas University in Zonguldak. Her work always rests on deep investigative research in the Ottoman archives (and other sources). 2 D. in “Turkish Studies Association Bulletin”. Thus. at the university. 55–67. Binghamton University. (Ocak 1999). graduate student in the History Department. in “Tarih ve Toplum”. The Zonguldak coalfield at the time of this compilation contained about 100 mines and drew labor from more than 200 villages in the region and secondarily from other Ottoman provinces. but.UNPAID OTTOMAN COAL MINERS DURING THE EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY1 Donald Quataert Introduction This article is intended as a tribute to Suraiya Faroqhi and her contributions to the field of Ottoman social and economic history.

M. the chronic indebtedness of many Ottoman workers. In order to carry out these tasks. This article suggests the precarious financial status of many mine operators and by extension many industrial investors.
. military officers and ranking state officials.248
donald quataert
The Courdgis Company was the third most important in the coalfield— after the French-owned Ereğli Company and the mines of the Ottoman statesman entrepreneur Raghip Pasha—operating three mines outright and another six in partnership. Corfu. merchants. this article closely will examine a number of the ledger’s entries that illuminate the character of those involved in a web of debt relations in this early 20th century Ottoman
3 E. More specifically. The larger question addressed in this essay concerns the wage relations of workers in the final Ottoman century. Surely the ledger is part of a more general pattern of state expansion in late Ottoman history as the modernizing Ottoman state increasingly intruded into society. as part of a larger effort to discipline. A second question concerns the weak financial underpinnings of many Ottoman industrial entrepreneurs. as evidence from the data analyzed here suggests. the state—through its growing mining bureaucracy—assumed ever greater responsibility for their health. paper presented to The Fourth International Congress of Maritime History. The specific impetus for compilation of the ledger is uncertain—perhaps it was connected to the financial difficulties of the company owner. And. It underscores not merely the difficult working conditions inherent in coalmining but. In the coalfield. including the many soldiers carrying out coal mining operations. Courdgis and the birth of a Greek Ottoman Liner: the Aegean Steam Navigation Company. Ottoman government mining officials compiled this ledger between January and June 1909. Whatever factors triggered its compilation. Panos Courdgis. the ledger also may have originated in the reformist impulses of the new Ottoman administration that had taken power in 1908. Sifneos. welfare and safety. Greece. an exceptionally able and well-connected entrepreneur. Athens. locally powerful merchants and bureaucrats into whose hands much of the debt had fallen may have lobbied the state for payment. 21–27 June 2004. Professor Sifneos is a researcher at the Institute for Neohellenic Research of the National Hellenic Research Foundation. P. subordinate and control the mine workers. more broadly. even a successful one like Panos Courdgis. the ledger reveals portions of the web of debt relations that connected coalfield workers and employees. to local mine operators.3 who would go into bankruptcy two years later.

early twentieth century 249 coalfield. I will examine holders of notes. 1. The bulk of the workers. assembled from the villages of this thinly populated region along the Black Sea coast. Thus. the coal miners of the Ereğli-Zonguldak region of the Black Sea coast. Namely. in 1915. The Setting Assembled by the Ottoman government and private indigenous and foreign capital to exploit the greatest mineral deposits (except oil) ever found in the Middle East. debt owners. as a result. numbered some 10. the Courdgis. the 1890s and at the turn of the century. To relieve these chronic labor shortfalls. intervals.000 tons. Indeed. The French-financed enterprise—the Ereğli Company—initiated operations in the 1890s and sharply increased the size of the work force and aggregate output. supplying a full three-quarters of total production—at the time of the ledger.000 in 1914. These Ottoman workers from the Balkans were especially important in the very early years of coalfield development and provided much of the knowledge and skills that were passed down to the local workforce. The history of these mines and miners dates back to the early decades of the 19th century. km. after providing a general setting and overview of the ledger.unpaid ottoman coal miners. France and Austria. a 1867 regulation nicknamed the Dilaver Paşa Nizamnamesi compelled villagers from 14 administrative districts (kaza) surrounding and adjacent to the coalfield to work on a rotational basis in the mines for a certain number of days per year. production annually hovered around 600. French and Raghip Pasha companies respectively began to mine coal in the 1880s. The coalfield ultimately stretched about 190 km on an east-west axis and about 3. A more favorable environment for entrepreneurs emerged in the later 19th century and. including the Serbian and Montenegrin regions as well as England. and debt types. It quickly dominated coalfield operations. they formed the largest single concentration of waged workers in the Ottoman Empire.5 hours walk on a north-south line. when the Ottoman fleet converted to steam power and a vast coalfield of the western Black Sea region began to be worked by numbers of private entrepreneurs under a form of contract to the state. in area. however. labor shortages were a major problem in the fuller exploitation of these mines throughout the Ottoman era.335 sq. it was c. The assembled workforce was largely but not solely male and was drawn from many places.
.

pp. Thus they were actually not part of the compulsory workforce. family-owned mines. Many mines were located near or directly on the coast. A Coal Miner’s Life during the Late Ottoman Empire. Coal Miners and the State in the Ottoman Empire: the Zonguldak Coalfield.5 These were not under the compulsory labor provisions since Ottoman conscription did not include females. in “International Labor and Working Class History” (Fall 2001). An unusual and important group of free workers were the boatmen. Kazmacı were hewers.6 the workers did not perform military service and received a cash wage. those who cut the coal at the mine face. In exchange for male compulsory labor.4 Kıracı for their part handled the animals to work the pumps and to transport materials (such as the shaft supports) and coal. From the waterside. In several respects. By the end of the 19th century. in Labor History in the Ottoman Middle East. see Ibid.. 1700–1922. These included carpenters. especially in the very small. New York 2006. there were free labor workers. Their coal was transported by rail. Or. who mainly served in above ground tasks. 153–179. more generally they were the unskilled workers and formed the vast majority of the total workforce. see D. Duman. These women were animal transporters and sometimes served as substitutes for their husbands and brothers. animal. But some. the coal was slid down steep chutes to the water’s edge. brick makers and railroad workers and those operating the aerial tramways carrying coal. boatmen loaded the coal onto their small vessels and shipped it to central collection points or to ships anchored offshore. the state directly used its coercive power to exploit the coalmines. they continued their hauling but not to this company’s facilities. Quataert and Y. Chapters 3 and 4.
. labored as hewers and basketcarriers.
4 For a first hand account of how these workers were selected in their villages. some 230–250 local villages regularly were sending workers to approximately 100 mines. In addition to the compulsory labor force. After the building of port facilities by the French company. For a more nuanced discussion of these workers. Quataert. 1822–1920. 5 D. küfeci and kıracı—and could be recruited only from the surrounding 14 districts. when the mines were on the coast. Küfeci (küfeciyan) were literally basketcarriers who carried out the coal in baskets to the surface. ironworkers. Comparatively few women were in mine work but they were present throughout the period between the 1870s and World War I. Thus.250
donald quataert
Three categories of workers were acknowledged—in Ottoman parlance the kazmacı. machinists.or human-back to the shoreline. 6 Kazmacı technically were not forced to mine work and did so voluntarily.

But the compulsory labor of the Dilaver Pasha regulations remained intact and an essential part of the coalmining story. an especially dangerous and deadly combination. And so. one Ereğlili Cebecioğlu Mehmet Tahir. 10 This total figure of 1.103. Chapter 5.134 individuals—thus there are many entries that list more than one debt to the same person. The overall situation of mine workers was very bad. accident rates in Ottoman coalmines greatly exceeded those in contemporary mines in Western Europe and the United States. on 51 pages of generally carefully written text. its amount and the date and nature of this original obligation.134 may be subject to very minor corrections because of difficulties in reading the names.7 To add insult to injury and death. Chapters 7 and 8. 7 and 6 times. 9 Karaelmas University 14. is three ledgers: respectively containing 2. partly because of the inherent nature of coalmining work and partly due to specific factors. these workers were seen as unsatisfactory and so. The ledger also records
Ibid. one individual is entered 42 different times for the debts owed to him. The ledger. For this and other reasons. 101. in 1906.. in fact. hewers and other workers from other Ottoman provinces were permitted to work in the coal field. These Ottoman mines were badly financed generally and many of them were very small scale. 8. The ledger lists the names of approximately 1. to cite just a few examples.10 For example. The general evidence demonstrates that mine operators and village leaders collaborated so that the workers very often failed to receive their wages in full or on time. Yalnız iki yüz otoz bir bin altı yüz on dokuz guruş otuz beş para dir.
8
7
.8 The Ledger The ledger altogether enumerates 2.9 These entries note the names of the persons to whom the company owed an unpaid debt. Ibid. and 90 entries on consecutive pages.294 entries. thanks to pressure from Raghip Pasha..unpaid ottoman coal miners. the high Ottoman official investing in coal exploitation. while other persons are recorded 11. early twentieth century 251 however. Bala’da dört kalemde muharrer mebaliğ olup Courdgis Kumpanyasının matlubuna aid olduğundan sehven buraya dahil edilmiş ise’de muaharran Nafia Nezaretin işari üzerine temettuattan mahsub olunmak üzere buradan tenzil edilmiştir. each containing fifteen different columns of information. significant numbers of workers from Trabzon and elsewhere entered the mining work force. these Ottoman miners received irregular wage payments.

000 kuruş. 2. 264 different individuals in this group. as “possessors of the debt documents. they could sell or transfer the note to a third party. there were c. about 23 percent of individual debt owners who retained the promissory paper that the coal company issued to them and did not transfer debts to a third party. this last practice—going to court—was not unusual among coal workers but is outside the scope of the present ledger and this inquiry and requires separate study. They could either retain the promissory note in the hopes of being eventually repaid.252
donald quataert
the person to whom the original debt was transferred. And so. the persons who acquired most of the promissory notes issued. Holders of Notes Altogether. or they could sue the company in court. the duration of the non-payment of the arrears. they held onto these notes for periods ranging from less than a year to 15 and more years before the accountants gathered their tally in the winter and spring of 1909. as well as the date and type of that transaction.” slightly more than two-thirds of all the sums that the company had not paid when originally due. The vast majority of those enumerated were unskilled workers of various kinds. and the kinds of labor that had been carried out by those who had not been paid. The debts owed to these 1. In terms of the wages of early 20th century Ottoman coal miners. The remainder of the workers/employees numbered about 870. the total sum in arrears equaled an estimated 60. c.000 man days of labor! When the Courdgis Mining Company failed to pay wages or salaries on time. In good faith or desperation. 77 percent of the total. The ledger leads us to understand the following. In fact.134 persons have a cumulative value of about 360. Below I will trace those to whom wages in arrears originally were owed. The average unskilled worker in the coalfield then earned about six kuruş/daily. These persons sold their notes to third parties who “held”.030 transactions in which original promissory notes of the Courdgis Company were transferred to third par-
. The original workers or employees who had not been paid account for nearly one-third of all the wages and salaries in arrears. There were c. those owed the money had three choices. this was a significant amount.

There are 16 entries in the third group of holders who together accounted for the next 14 percent of all the debts. who held the promissory notes of the original 870 debt owners. These transactions ranged from 16. 2. Many holders had obtained more than one note and so the total number of different holders was far smaller than 2. At the top of this group.129 kuruş to 4 kuruş while the median transaction equaled 71 kuruş. in descending order of the amount of debt notes they held. The second group is also small in number and counts some seven holders who together held notes accounting for another 14 percent (by value) of all the debts originally owed and transferred to third parties. The actual amount that any note holder actually paid for the promissory note obtained from the debt owners cannot be estimated. These ‘holder’ persons can be seen as among the moneylenders and capitalists of the coalfield region. 3. not even approximately. Among the eighty-nine holders.030 transactions involved only eighty-nine different holders. 2. They can be divided into four groups. less than 10 percent of the total value of all the notes. The notes held in this group fell between 13.030. Thus. 4. Indeed.000 to 24 kuruş with a mean cumulative holding of c.700 kuruş. early twentieth century 253 ties.700 kuruş. whatever that amount might have been. 1. in a real sense.033 kuruş. a full two-thirds (60) of the note holders held a tiny amount.000 to 13. the debts that each cumulatively held ranged from c. In this fourth group. This first group consists of a mere 7 percent (six) of the holders. Clearly these holders paid the note owner—the actual worker or employee to whom the sum was due—a fraction of the face value. the notes begin at
. They and top six holders formed the top 15 percent (13) of the holders (by number) and accounted for a full three-quarters of the debts that had been transferred to other parties (by value). Within this group the debts held ranged between 3.unpaid ottoman coal miners. the story of the holders is that of these thirteen holders. 40. The last group is the largest in number but the smallest in terms of the value of notes held.753 and 1.193 kuruş. These top six holders possessed promissory notes with cumulative values ranging from 40.200 and 4. who possessed notes that impressively account for more than one-half of the total debts. these 2.

without further description or designation. had emerged as a mine operator of some local importance during the 1890s and he was often a business partner of Panos Courdgis in his many enterprises.000 kuruş worth of debts owed by his company to a doctor who had paid for bread for distribution to the workers (either gratis or for a fee).11 He alone thus held over 10 percent of all the debts recorded in the ledger. A real difficulty in assessing the holder information—that is.” Email correspondence from Evridiki Sifneos. 24 October 2006. This task will involve a more exhaustive investigation of the local sources to better identify many of these individuals. Three quarters of the notes that Panos Courdgis held originally had belonged to unskilled workers and Ottoman soldiers transporting coal. Dünyas.
11 The ledger entry in Ottoman is “Doctor Panyot.254
donald quataert
1. Ottoman subjects or foreigners. After World War I. At this time there is no way to determine whether or not the other holders were merchants. only about one-third of all holders can be identified by occupation with any certainty. This project failed and the good doctor-entrepreneur became persona non grata after the Turkish Republic emerged. 40. Naim.12 Dünyas made at least part of his fortune in a deal with the French-capitalized Ereğli Coal Company.182 kuruş in cumulative value and steadily fall below that level to as low as 24 kuruş. Indeed. Dünyas played a prominent role in the “Pontos” project. also known as Yeni Dünyas.000 kuruş and held as 386 separate debts. Panos Courdgis. for example. determining the identity and occupation of the party involved—rests in the general lack of occupational descriptions. Only a minority of the holders have additional descriptors beyond their names: typically. This person. 12 Email correspondence from Evridiki Sifneos. he had taken possession of 8.
. A.” According to the leading scholar of the Courdgis enterprises: “Panos is the short name for Panayot. Dr. Zonguldak Havzası (Uzun Mehmet’ten Bugüne Kadar). pp. Dr. In addition. 73–75. one that sought to bring the Ottoman Greeks of the Black Sea region into a greater Greece under the leadership of the Athens government. the entry reads Davutoğlu Ali Hakki or Manuk Seferian. the owner of the Courdgis Company. valued at c. ship owners or mining officials. Istanbul 1934. 24 October 2006. was the largest single holder of promissory notes. so I do believe it [the Doctor Panyot entry] is Panos Courdgis.

held eight notes originally owned by soldiers doing coal transport duties.unpaid ottoman coal miners. holders are simply recorded by name. Three women who collectively held notes in this rich and powerful group need to be singled out. Ismail Hüseyin Ağa. recorded as the “Jew Buhur”.000 kuruş while one Izzet Efendi held 10. who was the father of a soldier. several accountants of different ranks and at least three other mine officials and a military officer. The baker’s dozen holders (groups 1 and 2) who possessed three quarters (by value) of all transferred promissory notes belonged to a wide spectrum of coalfield society: Muslims as well as Christians. 21. a boatman. The notation “the signatures” and the names noted leads me to conclude that the ledger entries are noms de plume of one or more prominent local women seeking to disguise their business transactions.000 kuruş. Ottoman subjects and (probably) foreigners. typically. In the ledger.309 kuruş. held just over 200 separate promissory notes with a face value of c. In addition. most notably the owner of the company that is the subject of the ledger. But in the case of these three women. thus. reads: “the signatures [my emphasis] of Havva.500 kuruş.
. the second largest amount held by a third party. The names are those of Eve and two of the most revered women in early Islam. the ledger. early twentieth century 255 A merchant. lower to mid-level coalfield officials and mine operators.000 kuruş. the butcher Kasab Sava held about 13.000 kuruş in promissory notes in 135 transactions with 75 individually—named workers from various locations in the minefield. these were worth a rather considerable 2. or 400 man-days of unskilled labor. there was the administrator of a mosque at Kozlu that had been constructed by public subscription with a donation from the then-sultan Abdülhamid II as well as a village headman who held notes of debts to unskilled mine workers or transporters.000 kuruş in notes that he had bought or obtained in 223 different transactions. And finally. In the third group of holders were at least one mine operator. Ismail Hüseyin Agha of uncertain profession held 186 different notes with a total value of 13.000 kuruş in notes in the name of Arif Efendi who had obtained the notes from 40 transport workers. and one Jew were represented. The mine operator Toma held over 15. A mining official from the Amasra area of the coalfield belonged to the second group of seven holders whose notes averaged 8. in a unique entry. Their occupations included a number of merchants of different sorts. both Greeks and Armenians. wives of the Prophet Mohammed. as were both women and men. Another merchant. Ayşe and Hatice” as the holders of promissory notes worth over 6.

Only rarely did state officials hold paper in this category of the smallest holders. A villager of unspecified occupation and status held two notes worth just 70 kuruş. of four promissory notes worth 309 kuruş. This slight participation of state officials in the lowest level of noteholders contrasts strongly with their often-prominent role in the highest two categories. A secondary state schoolteacher held promissory paper worth 261 kuruş while a government accountant’s (tahsildar) paper. not surprisingly. There are a number of new occupations represented among these smallest note holders. Together they held notes worth less than 300 kuruş. This variety points to fluid credit mechanisms that were not the monopoly of any particular group. A surgeon working for the state mining bureau held a note once owned by a soldier. Having said that. both urban and rural. also owned originally by other soldiers. and three other notes worth 265 kuruş. Panos Courdgis. And. Mine officials also were heavily represented but on a less dramatic scale than the merchants. once owned by two soldier transporters. a single person—the mine operator himself—held 16 percent of all the notes (in value) in the hands of third parties. among them the tailor Vasil who held 884 kuruş worth of notes from transporters.
. Officials apparently were involved in these debts only when larger sums came into play. presumably members of his guild. In the first case. in the mines of a competitor operator. In summary. It seems noteworthy that persons of so different kinds of occupations. In this category of very small note holders are two mine operators. once owned by a state purchasing agent. civilian and military. he held a single note of 262 kuruş and internal evidence indicates that a boatman owned the original debt. Unusually. originally owned by coal transporters. There also is present a boatmen’s guild head holding 18 notes worth a cumulative 573 kuruş. The presence of 13 persons holding the paper for nearly 60 times as many owners shows a concentration of financial power. two soldiers (asker) here appear as joint debt holders. note holders came from the broad spectrum of coalfield residents and occupations. merchants held a large share. owned originally by other soldiers.256
donald quataert
In the last group—persons holding low value debts—occupations appear that include the headman of a town quarter in Ereğli and the headman of a village. equaled only 244 kuruş. a member of the prominent Boyacioğlu family and the operator Ibrahim. ethnicities and religions were involved in the informal credit networks of the coalfield.

that elapsed between the work done and the two groups of persons holding the promissory notes: (1) the holders to whom the promissory notes had been transferred and (2) the original individuals owed payments in arrears. including some of the food needs and more certainly. presumably. it points to the absence of formal credit institutions. Given the close margins of survival. this is the interval between the date of the original debt document and the transfer of the debt to the debt holder. the worker or soldier may or may not have received monetary or financial relief. miners were notoriously prey to exploitation by the company store owners and other merchants. in the language of the document. (1) For the first group. The pattern of debt holding seems consistent with that of capital accumulation in many other areas of the empire where risk was spread among a wide number of investments and economic power was dispersed across a comparatively broad spectrum of the society. At this point of transfer.
. early twentieth century 257 It is hard to generalize since the data reflects the activities of only a single mining company. And. consumption wants such as clothing or household items. relinquishing the paper may gained forgiveness of yet another debt or constituted some effort to hold creditors at bay. And. delays in wage payment were grave business indeed. presumably. mining families had come to depend on cash wages for variety of purposes. Cash wages for mining work had been transforming coalfield villages for nearly a half century and. the highly-dispersed nature of the credit network seems a noteworthy feature. we can easily understand willingness to sell the debt: workers might have despaired of ever receiving the payment owed. the new holders of the debt offered some kind of payment for the note that they were receiving from the worker or soldier. the interval. We can only imagine but not establish that such payments to the worker owed the money were a small proportion of the actual debt amount. In some cases. hardly a surprise since. On other occasions.unpaid ottoman coal miners. a sentiment that the following data make easily understandable. obviously. The patterns here also show participation in the speculative business of note holding by small businessmen (the tailor) as well as some villagers and even a few enlisted men from the Ottoman military. Nonetheless. Intervals Here I examine the length of time. world-wide.

7 years. Nine percent of the debt owners held onto company paper for five years or more before selling or giving it to a third party debt holder: among these. 82 percent (58 persons) owned debt notes for between 5–9 years. The unenviable record was 19 years between the time of the original debt and its transfer to a holder. (2) I now turn to the second and smaller group. The data for debt owners in this first category. who had transferred their notes to others. Whether it was within two months. c. the interval for the average worker who did not turn over their notes to others was a full 50 percent longer than those who did. This suggests a degree of hopelessness among many of those retaining the paper and a lesser ability to escape from impoverishment.100 and (b) according to transaction. Thus. 5 or 15 years. Within this group. all 870 persons in this group had indicated their lack of faith in the willingness or ability of the company to pay its debts by transferring these obligations to others. Significantly.8 years. Sixty percent of debt owners in fact acted relatively quickly and turned over their debts to others at intervals ranging from a few months to two years. And. 3. is presented by two different means of analysis: (a) according to the person—c.258
donald quataert
Again recall that the debt owners fell into two groups: those who had transferred their debts to a third party and those who had not. the debt owners who kept the promissory note in their own possession.000. the average time between the date that worker/ soldiers were promised payment and the date they transferred that note to third parties was 1. Nineteen percent of all entries were for debts owed between 3–5 years while just one percent of the debt transactions were for more than five years. 13 percent (9) owned notes for between 10–14 years and 6 percent (4) owned notes for more than 15 years. the proportion of this group who retained the promissory paper for five years and longer was double that of those transferring it to third parties. their resort to third parties suggests levels of impoverishment or lack of hope in obtaining justice from the company. Another 30 percent of all debt owners waited 2–4 years before transferring their notes to a third party. (b) More than one-half (56 percent) of all debt transactions indicated a waiting interval of one year or less while another one-quarter (24 percent) were owed for between one and two years before being turned over to a third party. (a) For debt owners. 1.
. the average interval—now meaning the time between the original date of the unpaid work and compilation of the ledger—was 2.

the maximum duration between a holder assuming the note and the ledger’s preparation was 18 years. workers. the ledger. I did not find this measurement very useful since. Nevertheless. Medical supplies or surgeons. we rarely learn about occupations or status from the “debt owner” column. Among these.1 year less than the owners’ average. I had assumed that the column entitled “debt owner” would unlock the identities of the workers and others who had provided goods and services that went unpaid by the Company.7 years. This place of origins pattern depicting the origins of workers with wages in arrears follows that established by other evidence for the compulsory
. That is. these owners of debts in rank order were enlisted men and military officers. The others came from six different locales that each provided 5–10 percent and a scattering from two other locales. nearly the same as the 19-year maximum for the owner. the note holder became the party waiting for debt payment. Namely. the holders—many of the richer strata of the coalfield—were unhappy with the tardiness of the Courdgis Company and pressured the state to compel the company to pay its overdue obligations. These mirrored the scattered locations of the Courdgis Company mines. and village communities. Thus. in describing those providing the goods or services for which they went unpaid. that between the time when the holder obtained the promissory note from the owner and the time the government assembled the ledger of arrears. early twentieth century 259 When the paper was transferred. And this brings into consideration yet another interval worth examining. it is only the period after the note was transferred. Debt Owners Before beginning the actual analysis of this ledger. boats. When listed. The locales from which the workers came were noted in 77 percent of entries. exactly half the individuals walked to work from the Ereğli district (in which coal had been officially discovered in the early 19th century). the Muslim bayram festivals and bakeries made up the remaining entries. government officials. unfortunately. afterall. But. these data—which seem to resemble the owners’ interval—might indicate another cause for compilation of the ledger. only 0. in only 12 percent of the cases does the ledger list more than just a personal name or a name with a location. typically offers not more than either their personal names or their names with residential locales. The mean interval in this instance totaled 1. And.unpaid ottoman coal miners.

The notation implies or suggests that the person named as being owed the debt actually did the work. pp. as a
13
Quataert. we find individuals under the “personally kept” rubric listed for many entries in a given month. again in one month.260
donald quataert
workforce in general. who is owed 400. The listing of such names denotes that they were representing a larger group of workers to whom the wages actually were owed. indicating the workers were performing similar tasks. 800 and 800 kuruş in various periods during 1898. Such individuals were not personally owed the debts but rather listed as stand-ins for a larger group. ranging from 56 to 143 kuruş. And. In most cases that implication is correct. . . The first entry is for two weeks’ work and the second and third entries are for a full month’s labor. Overall. there are three entries for the carpenter Ahmet. a decade earlier. Clearly these two are foremen or perhaps village headmen who are on the books for 40 and 26 separate individual workers. But in some other cases..13 Recall again that debt owners were divided into two groups: 23 percent were persons who kept the notes promising payment for their services while 77 percent sold off or otherwise transferred these notes to third parties. take the eight entries for Ereğlili Alioğlu Hüseyin bin Ahmet who is noted in eight entries during June 1904. Thus. October 1908. In the latter case the owed wages were clustered tightly between 186 and 211 kuruş. Bahçevan Mehmet has 26 entries in December 1901. cit. for soldier’s payments. 118–119. Coal Mines . For example. the Georgian Ali bin Ahmet is noted in seven consecutive entries. But. Likewise. the notation that marks persons who retained the notes—“personally kept” (bizaat tarafindan)—merits some additional comment.
. for sums between 72 and 151 kuruş. the individuals noted as “personally” owed the debt did not actually do the work. And. the Ereğli district and villages near the town of Hamidiye/Devrek supplied the bulk of the compulsory labor force. He is representative of the scores of listings for individuals who are noted in one or two entries as “personally” doing the work and who actually did so. there were not two persons to whom the company owed money. another survey shows that. Thus. Ereğlili Cebecioğlu Mehmet Tahir is listed as the owner of 40 debts accrued on 15–16 July 1902!! in amounts usually 50 kuruş or less. The two groups do not seem very different in terms of occupations.

By contrast. categories of debts. but 15 persons waiting for their pay. here is the answer to my original query about who was not being paid by the Courdgis Company. The wage arrears held by this vast majority of all persons who were not paid on time constitute 52 percent of all the company’s debts listed in the ledger. Soldiers doing mine work emerge as the largest single group of unpaid workers—this category alone constitutes 61 percent of all the individual entries and 40 percent of all the debts owed by the company. for workers and for various kinds of coal transport. a mere 4 percent of the entries in the category of wages and salaries—company officials and
14 The percentage is even higher than 92 percent because some of the entries were debts to village collectives for work done by many villagers. These seven types account for 99 percent of all individual entries and 93 percent of the value of all the debts owed by the company.
. Over 40 different kinds of debt types are noted: these include obligations the company incurred for the work services of imperial soldiers. unskilled and transport workers—both Ottoman soldiers doing mine work and civilians performing compulsory labor as a military service substitute—form 92 percent14 of all those to whom the company owed money. Debt Types In this category we obtain a far better view of the persons doing the jobs for which the company had not paid them. the debt holder. Besides notations of the name of the debt owner. various kinds of goods. early twentieth century 261 literal reading of the entries would indicate in these examples. The rather dull column “debt type” is in fact the key to the identity of the workers who are the main subject of inquiry. for the salaries of officials. more general. constituting 12 percent of the value of the total debts. The category of transport labor is the next largest by number of entries (31 percent).unpaid ottoman coal miners. They tell us the nature of the work or service or good being performed. Closer examination collapses these 40 kinds of debts into seven. the size and date of the original obligation and the date it was turned over by the owner to the holder are listings about the nature of the debt. Thus. The lack of correlation between the share of persons owed wages—92 percent—and the amount they were owed—52 percent of the total— indicates the low level of their wages. Thus. to other mine operators.

. But. in the earlier research.15 In their relatively (and absolutely) very low pay and the tardy pace of payments to them. But perhaps they weren’t being over-represented in this Courgis Company ledger. it might simply be that the Courdgis Company more commonly did not pay its soldier-workers on time compared to the Ereğli Company. Perhaps there is no concrete reason for the greater soldier-worker participation in the Courdgis Mines. cit. 137 and 139. in the Courdgis mines. Thus. And. the Courdgis Company soldier-workers differ greatly in their contribution to the total workforce. they were a larger than average share of this company’s workforce. more carefully monitoring its wage payments. Ereğli Company workers
15
Quataert. soldierworkers formed about one-quarter of the total number of persons working. the Ereğli Company—which alone accounted for three-quarters of total coal production—was a foreign firm not an Ottoman entity like the Courdgis operations. In the coalfield overall. . In my book-length study. But. as my book study shows. in fact. they were at least 61 percent of the total workforce and their contribution might have been even higher. Significantly.
. pp. And so. Afterall.. After all. Thus. just a statistical anomaly. The measurements for soldier-worker involvement are different for the Company and the overall coalfield.262
donald quataert
employees—account for 32 percent of the total amount the company owed. Perhaps. Thus. Coal Mines . suspicious such foreign enterprises. these soldierworkers were two times more likely to have wages in arrears than civilian compulsory workers. The patterns for the workers in the Courdgis Company mines often but not always closely track those of the coalfield in general. I learned that soldiers in coal mining work received far lower wages and received those wages in arrears more frequently than civilian compulsory workers. might have demanded higher standards from the French management. which accounted for the vast majority of all coal production. the soldier-workers might be over-represented in the Courdgis Company sample. the mining officials of the Ottoman state. the “transport” category that formed 31 percent of all ledger entries consisted of both compulsory labor workers and soldier-workers. soldiers generally were likely the most badly treated of all coalfield workers. Moreover. soldiers’ mine work wages were between 20 and 80 percent less than even the lowest paid unskilled civilian mine workers. the Courdgis Company soldier-workers seem very similar to those in the general coalfield.

This Ottoman Greek reportedly had very good relations with the imperial court and with the powerful German Ambassador17 who stayed in office until 1912. For Ottoman historians there is perhaps an additional problem—that the data are often particularly soft and even less likely to yield usable results. cit.18 And.16 This final explanation perhaps also rests in the high connections of the mine operator Panos Courdgis. pp. Moreover. but Courdgis’ political networks may have remained intact. Courdgis’s connections may have resulted in unusual access to the military manpower available in the coalfield.19 At present. Indeed.unpaid ottoman coal miners.20 The present ledger and its collection of data.
18 17
. Coal Mines . Conversations with Evridiki Sifneos. because it was a foreign firm. in my recent mining book. 19 Quataert. the multi-volume work which he edited for the Turkish State Institute of Historical Statistics. the Ereğli Company might not have had the same access to Ottoman soldiers as workers as Ottoman companies. he has edited an important series that stands ready for use by historians: see the Historical Statistics Series. Many potential practitioners are discouraged because the work of number crunching is long. Summer 2006. 20 Prominent among these is Şevket Pamuk and the many works he produces via such analysis. perhaps one-tenth of the total workforce in the Zonguldak coalfield in the
16
Here I am ignoring the legal fiction that the Ereğli Company was nominally Otto-
man. It makes concrete the Company’s failure to pay wages to a thousand workers. there are few who focus on Ottoman history using quantitative analysis. very boring to most and sometimes quite disappointing in its results. is a good example of statistical abundance yielding few results. 104–112. And. I believe. early twentieth century 263 might have been more regularly paid.. Closing comments Quantitative history is much out of fashion these days. yield a vivid illustration of worker misery at the hands of indigenous capital. And. the Ereğli Company was better financed than the Courdgis and so simply better could afford to make on-time payments. given Germany’s involvement. . Sultan Abdülhamit II was in the process of being deposed by the time of this ledger’s compilation. the Courdgis Company perhaps was seen as a tool for blunting competition from the French-financed Ereğli Coal Company. often highlighting otherwise invisible historical patterns. . I encountered great disappointment in some ledgers that were quite full of numbers but rather empty of information.

Finally. The involvement of so many different kinds of individuals with capital—merchants.
.264
donald quataert
early 20th century. individuals compelled to such work for a fraction of the wages of compulsory labor workers who in turn labored under their own harsh system. the ledger depicts the richness of entrepreneurial activity in the late Ottoman Empire. mine operators. And. this seemingly but not actually-boring ledger provoked a great deal of speculation about broader issues ranging from intercommunal relations to the role of high political connections in labor recruitment and capital investment in the late Ottoman era. although of an exploitative kind. it recounts the heavy reliance on Ottoman soldiers for mining labor. bureaucrats and a tailor—from among the Muslim. Finally. Christian and Jewish Ottoman citizenry reveals a dynamic and kinetic society in the final years of the empire. feeding off the indebtedness of the soldier-workers and the compulsory labor force.

PART THREE
SOCIAL AND RELIGIOUS ECUMENICAL COMMUNITIES IN THE OTTOMAN PERIPHERY
.

.

Meiji Japanese officials.
.THE PILGRIMAGE AS INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: JAPANESE PILGRIMS TO MECCA BETWEEN 19091938 Selcuk Esenbel Muslims celebrated the Japanese victory over Russia in the 1904–1905 Russo-Japanese War as the victory of the oppressed against the invincible Western imperialists. and nationalist activists identified what they termed the need for an Islam Policy. that was developed jointly with Muslim collaborators such
1 R. (May 2004). women. or Persian. styled themselves as the prospective “Japan” of the Near East. 207–230. The event inspired many Muslims to see Japan as a new form of modernity suitable to Islamic civilization. popular overnight. Reformists and revolutionaries such as the Young Turks who forced the abdication of the autocrat Abdulhamid II in 1908 with the declaration of the Second Constitution and a military rebellion. But some Muslim actors followed this romance to its political finale as they pursued a career of Pan Islamism and nationalist defiance of Western colonial and imperial politics. Japan’s political and economic response to this world wide enthusiasm was to incorporate the nationalist and revolutionary dynamism of twentieth century Muslims in Asia and Africa into a joint revolt against the West. namely the destruction of the colonial empires of Britain. 36. both ideas frequently intertwined in transnational activities that brought them to the shores of imperial Japan. in “International Journal of Middle East Studies”. military officers. Worringer. the samurai and everything about Japan. which shattered the political face of the Near East. The striking feat of Admiral Togo Heihachiro who sank the Baltic Fleet in the Battle of Tsushima and the subsequent conquest of Port Arthur in North Asia. No. made Japanese culture. pp. children. Holland. politicians. 2. games. Journals and papers in the Middle East were full of articles about Japan published in Arabic. Sick Man of Europe or Japan of the Near East? Constructing Ottoman Modernity in the Hamidian and Young Turk Eras. and Russia.1 Much of this ardor for Japan remained little more than a romantic vision that was soon swept aside with the outbreak of the First World War. to pave the way for the Japanese empire’s emancipation of the Asian peoples. Turkish.

which would strengthen Japan’s position as a young empire in Asia. The rise of militarism in Japan. With the outbreak of the Second World War Japan took advantage of the Nazi German occupation of Holland and France. After the Manchurian invasion of 1931. The informal and unofficial contact between Japanese Asianists and their Muslim comrades from the earlier Meiji period which had accelerated with the Russo-Japanese War. businessmen. which brought them into close contact with Muslim peoples all over Asia. now became very important for developing new cultural. Some of them became Muslims coincidentally. Sumatra. the Japanese empire had a very large Muslim population under its authority that suddenly increased the importance of Islam Policy even more for the interests of Japan. Japanese Muslim relations became particularly important for the Asianist policies of the Japanese Kwantung Army in Manchuria that had spearheaded the invasion. In the meantime. political activists. Japanese governments were explicitly interested in the economic and military importance of Southeast Asia. however. and political ties among the Muslims in the Western colonies and the fledgling attempts of the Muslims of the Middle East and Central Asia in general. and occupied French Indo-China. and thus began the interesting history of Japanese Muslim pilgrimages to Mecca and Medina as a religious activity which had the purpose of serving international relations between Japan and Muslim political circles. economic. By the end of the 30s. which destroyed the civilian governments and the establishment of Baron Hiranuma and Konoe cabinets during the late 30s and early 40s instigated a strong Asianist foreign policy that challenged the Western Powers. officials. Java. for independence in rivalry with Great Britain and the Soviet Union. intelligence agents and so on. Japanese business had already developed new commercial interests in the Islamic
. Many Japanese went overseas and worked as military men.268
selcuk esenbel
as Abdurresid Ibrahim (1857–1944) the well-known Tatar Pan Islamist activists of the age from Russia and the Ottoman areas. merchants. to address the need to expand friendly contact with the Muslims of the world in order to bolster economic and political cooperation. Political and economic circumstances after the 1929 Great Depression and the specter of Nazi Germany in Europe that caused the Second World War helped the implementation of Islam Policy. by 1942. Singapore. others did so upon orders from the authorities in Japan. In the words of the Japanese nationalists of the day. the Philippine Islands. Borneo in Indonesia.

Islam Policy carried a military angle as well. the second translation. R&A reports no.japanese pilgrims to mecca between –
269
world in the Near East with the decline in the economic domination of Britain and France after the First World War. Lawrence. coupled with the interest of the Japanese Navy in the natural resources of South East Asia. converted to Islam and started teaching it in Japan. which had been the central motto of the Meiji Restoration era between 1868 and 1912. Central Asia. flooding the Near East markets with a phenomenal increase of cheap Japanese exports of textiles. in K. electrical instruments. Afganistan. truly believing that they were helping the cause of liberating Muslims from their Western hegemony. Others were Japanese versions of the romantic scholar-agent type such as T. 890. H. Allan (eds. perhaps in a vein of doubting the supremacy of Western civilization. the first being the one by Sakamoto Kenichi in 1920.3. and later.
. “Japanese Infiltration among Muslims in the Near East” October. On retirement in 1913 he devoted himself to propagating Islam but counted only seventy Muslim converts by 1933. etc. E. Both translations were still from the European language versions of the Koran. Shimizu. they hoped to act as colonial advisors for Islam policy at some point. Japanese Muslims and Japanese experts on Islamic Affairs became the typical intermediaries and middlemen for these policies that transpired in Muslim locations. Sugihara and J. toys. Japan in the Contemporary Middle East.. pp. Some had become sincerely interested in Islam as a new spiritual message. 1943. such as Snouck Hurgronje the Dutch expert of Islam who served the Dutch colonial administration’s Islam Policy at some point. Ahmad Ariga Bunhachiro (1866–1946) went to India in 1892 as a businessman and met Muslims in Bombay and although he was a Christian. A. which successfully competed against the British wares that had monopolized until then.2 The objective of the Japanese Army was to cultivate Muslims in strategically significant border areas with the Soviet Union and China. Turkey etc.). India. Ariga later translated the Koran into Japanese in collaboration with Takahashi Goro in 1938. similar to the ‘expert turned colonial policy advisor’ type in European colonial establishments. London 1993. Translation from the original Classical Arabic was to await the post-war era efforts of the late Professor Fujimoto Katsuji of Osaka
2 Office of Strategic Services. 27–54. Having developed expertise on aspects of Muslim culture in China. The Japanese Trade Contact with the Middle East: Lessons from the Pre-oil Period.

and proceeding to Istanbul. intellectuals. Nakao had been working in the new Japanese embassy in
3 K. pp. the Kokuryukai. He became interested in Islam and finally became a Muslim in 1924. pp. Japan’s Global Claim to Asia and the World of Islam. Following the steps of Ariga. who received the cultural medal of the Japanese government for his accomplishment. who pioneered close contacts with Japanese military and Pan Asianist political circles in the wake of the Russo-Japanese War. Transnational Nationalism and World Power. 4 (October 2004). Amur River Society. before setting out on a pilgrimage to Mecca as a member of a party of Chinese Muslims. and military elements. p. Edström. 1900–1945. one in 1924 and the other in 1934 together with Nakao Hideo.
. assuring them that Japan promises to help the cause of Muslim emancipation. Due to the interest some Japanese Army officers and intelligence men took in fostering relations with Muslims. in “American Historical Review”. converted by Chinese Muslims. where Yamaoka gave numerous conferences to the Ottoman Turkish public. Early Japanese Pilgrims to Mecca. currently Takushoku University). Nakamura. the influential pre-war Japanese nationalist organization that spearheaded the actualization of Islam Policy in the late Meiji period as part of an Asianist agenda. accompanied by the maverick Pan Islamist Ibrahim. he met with Ibrahim in Bombay during the latter’s return journey to Istanbul after his six month stay in Japan. 180–214. 48. Richmond 2002. 47–57. the two comrades traveled to Arabia meeting with Arab political notables such as the Serif of Mecca. 4 S. 109. pp.4 Hadji Nur Muhammad Tanaka Ippei performed two subsequent pilgrimages after Omar Yamaoka. where he had formed close links with the Kokuryukai circles of politicians. he served as an interpreter for the army in Manchuria and Korea. in “Orient”. Tanaka went to China and worked as an interpreter and intelligence agent for the Japanese Army.270
selcuk esenbel
Kansai University. popularly known as Tokyo Gaigo Dai. Esenbel. Turning Points in Japanese History..3 Omar Yamaoka Kotaro 1880–1959 was the first Japanese pilgrim to Mecca. Having been swiftly converted to Islam by Ibrahim while in Bombay. Japan and Islam Policy During the 1930s. Tokyo School of Foreign Languages. Yamaoka was a member of the Black Dragons. Graduating from the Department of the Russian Language. Id. 1140–1170. After learning Chinese at Taiwan Kyokai Gakko (School of the Association of Taiwan. XXII (1986). especially the Tatar students studying in Istanbul. currently Tokyo University of foreign Studies. in B.

Istanbul 2003. 197–215. 49. as ground agents. the Tokyo Muslim School (Tokyo Kaikyo Gakko). Turkish. was typical of the second generation of Japanese Muslims who were to play a major role in the invasion of South East Asia in the Pacific theatre during the Second World War. Early Japanese Pilgrims . antiimperialist force. perhaps the most controversial of the lot. and the third one in March 1934 with young Japanese Muslim agents trainees. he was to be active as a political maneuverer and organizer of Indonesian Muslims. and Tatar languages for a year under Kurban Ali. Yamaoka Kotaro honored as the first Japanese Hadji.. The Rising Sun and the Turkish Crescent. . representing the Japanese governments full engagement with Islam Policy. Tanaka Ippei performed the second pilgrimage in July 1924 with Chinese Muslims. Tokyo Kaikyo Insatsusho). Suzuki became the leader of the pilgrimages during the thirties prior to the outbreak of the war. Nakamura explains that eight pilgrimages were organized during the years 1909–1938.6 The fourth Pilgrimage that took place in March 1935 showed the primary importance of Islam Policy for Japan’s future interests during the
Nakamura. Finally. and finally the volunteer work for the inception of the Tokyo Mosque. Ayaz Ishaki and the Turco Tatars in the Far East. Kurban Ali was to lead the foundation of the Tokyo Muslim Press (Tokyo Mohammedan Press. Arabic.Matsunaga. pp. which was to be opened with a grand politically-charged ceremony in 1938. in S.japanese pilgrims to mecca between –
271
Turkey and in the embassy in Russia for a long time. but their importance was not so much in their numbers but in the role that they played for the purposes of Japanese empire building and concurrently aiding and abating the political activities of political Islamic groups already active on many fronts as an anti-colonialist. journeyed to Mecca with Ibrahim for the Hadj in December of 1909. 48–49. Chiharu. cit. Suzuki had gone to Celebes at the age of 24 whereupon he converted to Islam in the Pacific region. and had become a Muslim and married a Tatar lady. pp. A young Japanese Koizumi Kota tried and failed to make a pilgrimage in 1929 through Central Asia after he had studied Islam. p. During the war. A. A Bashkurd refugee. Esenbel and I. . Nakao was one of the experts in the Japanese Foreign Ministry in Turkish affairs. Hadji Saleh Suzuki Tsuyomi. but only six of them actually took place. Ibid.5 There were not many Japanese converts to Islam during these years. a central figure who had settled in Japan after the 1917 October Revolution in Russia and was the community leader and imam of the Diaspora Tatars.
6 5
..

..7 Wakabayashi Han (pronounced as Nakaba or sometimes Nakabe) whose name remains an enigma of pre-war Islam activities in Japan was a member of the Kokuryukai like many others politically interested in Islam in the late Meiji period. Muhammad Abdul Muniam Hosokawa Susumu. Muhammad Abduralis Kori Shozo. again by Suzuki accompanied this time by a Manchurian Muslim Chang.272
selcuk esenbel
thirties. The reasons for this are not clear but suggest that he panicked when the real purpose of the mission was deciphered by local officials. with the intention of encouraging a general sympathy for Japanese authorities’ new Islam orientation during the thirties. particularly Western missionaries. Tanaka had died upon his return in 1934. In 1936. The fifth pilgrimage to Mecca was undertaken in February 1937 by Suzuki Tsuyomi. but the pilgrimage did not reach Mecca in time because Uehara committed suicide on the way. giving a full account of the 1936 pilgrimage together with a short history of contemporary Islam for the general Japanese public. whist the sixth pilgrimage took place in February 1938. countering the prejudiced Euro-centered view of Islam as lacking in civilizing merits. . He was probably one of the many experts that the Japanese government used as an unofficial network for gathering intelligence and information. Yamamoto Taro. 50. (The World of Islam and Japan) first published in 1937 and reprinted in a number of editions during 1938. the common view of many Japanese who actually adopted the negative perspective of Europeans. as a result of the Westernized education of the modern Japanese public since the Restoration. The defensive tone of the book is typical for the literature of the day. pilgrimages were organized every year. Particular attention is given to Islam in China as a special potential friend of Japan. and Uehara Aizan embarked upon the journey. The members were Hadji Saleh Suzuki Tsuyomi. Hosokawa Susumu. who was later to become the imam of Mukden mosque supported by the Japanese authorities in Manchuria. and Yamamoto Taro. From then on. . Wakabayashi wrote Kaikyo Sekai to Nihon. The 200-page book first provides a summary of the Islamic faith and a brief history of Muslim peoples from the Middle Ages to modern times.
7
Nakamura. p. Kori Shozo. This was the last Japanese pilgrimage before the War. Wakabayashi was in charge of organizing at least 5 of the 6 Japanese Muslim pilgrimages which were accomplished in the end. Early Japanese Pilgrims . Enomoto Momotaro. cit.

Kyuman and probably Nakaba peddled wares along the roads of China in order to gather information and as a result of these street vending activities made friends among the local people. Kyuman unfortunately died at a young age in China due to illness. 2–38 principles of the faith. 39–41 history of Islamic peoples. Wakabayashi. The occasion is typical of the manner in which such Japanese pilgrims acted as intermediaries to convey messages to the Arab dignitaries or other Muslim leaders where there was no direct diplomatic contact between Japan and these Muslim communities.japanese pilgrims to mecca between –
273
The book is important for us as it narrated first hand accounts of the Japanese Muslim agents during the February 1936 pilgrimage. 777. Both were also members of the Kokuyukai as they are referred to in the biographies of patriots published during the thirties. who is apt to exaggerate his self importance in all this Islam Policy activity. history of Islam Policy. worked for a Yamamoto Yukichi who owned a variety shop in Changsha. South China. One has to remember that Saudi Arabia. these Japanese Islam specialists can be likened to “cogs in a wheel” for policy implementation that was decided upon in the higher circles of the political and military elites in Japan. 777).
. or Russia. pp. Tokyo 1937 (pp. 121–197 the account of the pilgrimage. either in China. Like many Japanese agents. and Iraq though independent. p. or India. pp.9 (Toa senkaku. but accomplished their mission to contact Arab leaders. Toa senkaku shishi kiden (Biographies of Pioneer Patriots of East Asia). in Honan while he had been working for the Yamamoto firm so as to counter the severe Chinese anti-Japanese movement in the province. Kaikyo Sekai to Nihon. The pilgrims apparently had great difficulties in automobile and camel transport. 89–120 conversations with Ibn Saud. were under British tutelage and Japan had no official embassy in the country.8 We know that Wakabayashi and his better known brother Kyuman who had graduated from the military academy in Japan. but he had gained trust among Chinese Muslims of Ch’ang-te. Wakabayashi (Nakaba). where the Japanese group discussed future close cooperation. 1–10. nevertheless reveals the connections informing individuals like him of rather low to mid-level importance in the hierarchy of policy implementation as intelligence agents on the ground. pp. Personally involved with the people in some communal and cultural location within the Muslim populations in Asia. who were mostly under the direct or indirect authority of some Western power.) 9 Kokuryukai. Tokyo 1936. pp.
8 H. Finally the important audience with King Ibn Saud and other dignitaries took place.

. who were responsible for the Manchurian invasion. 1–2. cit.11 The most interesting section of Wakabayashi’s work is the revelation about the financial sources for these new pilgrimages of Japanese Muslims in the 1930s. He explains that Mitsui.10 He also claims that he repeatedly communicated the need for Islam Policy agendas to such important military actors as General Araki Sadao. 2–3. when he died in Tokyo and was buried with an official ceremony in Tama Rei Cemetery. The Japanese companies were very much interested in the training of experts who could be useful in forming relations with Muslims and forming friendly contacts for Japanese business beneath the “nose” of
10 11
Wakabayashi (Nakaba). well-known military masterminds of the day. Ibrahim did come to Japan in 1933 for the last time and continued to serve the Islam oriented publicity and activities of the Japanese government until the last year of the War in 1944. Kaikyo Sekai . and the predominant theme being politics for the sake of empire rather than spiritual need.
.. who was an activist opposing British imperialism. Wakabayashi explains that it was he who sent his younger brother Kyuman to China to learn about Chinese Islam. located on the outskirts of Tokyo today. Wakabayashi also takes credit for guiding Tanaka into the study of the Chinese Muslim communities and converting to Islam for the patriotic cause of empire. Wakabayashi also claims that he was finally able to convince the leaders of the Kokuryukai who had befriended Ibrahim back in 1908. the Kwantung Army and the south Manchurian Railway Company (Mantetsu) formed a consortium that provided the financial support for the three pilgrimages that took place at the time. only to take up the objective himself for developing friendships among Chinese Muslims following his brother’s early tragic death. pp.274
selcuk esenbel
It is still instructive to read the narratives by these figures about how they became interested in Islam. Ottman the high priest of Burma and the former head of the Hindu religious congress. The whole effort can be interpreted today as an “Islamic card” for Japan’s expanding interests on the continent. Ibid. Sumitomo. The spinning Federation. Lt.. Wakabayashi claims that he realized the importance of Islam Policy for Japan 27 years previously in 1912 when he was traveling in the British colony of India with Mr. pp. Mitsubishi. to bring him back to Japan to help expand Islam Policy public relations activities. . General Isogaya. And as a good friend of Tanaka Ippei. Major General Itagaki Seishiro.

the puppet regime that was recently hashed out in Manchuria. though meant for religious purposes. Finally. that would form a pro-Japanese regime as a buffer zone protecting Manchukuo. and possibly encouraging and abating Uigur rebellion for independence in North West China. across many different countries. pilgrimage. of the Japanese Muslims took place through the informal transnational network of Muslims communities in China.japanese pilgrims to mecca between –
275
the European colonial authorities in the Near East. in this case. In Manchuria the military was concerned with the heightened danger of anti-Japanese Chinese nationalism that might hopefully be contained by at least befriending some elements such as Chinese and Manchurian Muslim minorities. The Japanese Asianist agenda was brought to life by Japanese Muslim actors such as Omar Yamaoka and the others who immersed themselves in this transnational network of Muslims across Asia in order to forge contacts. who had chosen to cooperate with the Japanese. or South East Asia. by-passing the European colonial authorities.
. Noteworthy is the fact that many of these Muslim Japanese were introduced into the rudiments of the journey and the principles of the faith through the aid of Muslims from Russia. and pass on political messages to Muslim leaders. India. pilgrimages had also similarly served other political actors for the purpose of networking and as the means of international relations in earlier periods of history. and even Russia. served as an alternative form of international relations. This brief foray into the history of these Japanese Muslim pilgrimages during the twentieth century shows us that the Islamic pilgrimage. China. gather information. this brief account of the Japanese Muslim pilgrimages invites the question of whether all of this is new or whether the Hadj. The Hadj. or Manchuria.

Apart from its treatment as a literary text. A year later. po Jednom Domorodcu” (A look at Bosnia or a short journey to that province undertaken by a native in 1839–40). There he stayed less than two months and then proceeded to Serbia. in P. and let them read his journal. Turks. as a reliable historical source giving insight into the situation in Bosnia at that time. and not infrequently as a “mirror”. In this article. was lauded by many authors from its very publication. which is a true example of romantic literature. 175–188. London 2007. a glossary entitled “A handful of Turkish barbarisms”. he told his elder brothers what he has seen and experienced there. Published anonymously in 1842.). see: Matija Mažuranić’s ‘A look at Bosnia’. A Glance into Ottoman Bosnia. which is a kind of introduction to an investigation of Croatian views of nineteenth-century Bosnia. to the Ottoman province of Bosnia. pp. a twenty-two-year-old Croat from Novi (Vinodolski). Hungarians and Kipchaks: A Festschrift in honor of Tibor Halasi-Kun. which was then a part of the Habsburg Empire.1 It consists of the Foreword. They persuaded him to shape those records and observations into a coherent text. and finally. That later approach to Mažuranić’s travelogue induced us to question some of the author’s observations and to try to determine the factors which operated in the process of shaping his impressions of Bosnian society. and still is. Part II: “Diverse comments on Bosnia”. For an English translation of the whole travelogue see Matija Mažuranić. Oberling (ed. Part I: “A journey to Bosnia and back”. upon his return home. we will also touch upon some of today’s readings of that travelogue. under the title “Pogled u Bosnu ili Kratak put u onu Krajinu učinjen 1839–40. it became the first integral travelogue in Croatian literature. 1984.A CROAT’S VIEW OF OTTOMAN BOSNIA: THE TRAVELOGUE OF MATIJA MAŽURANIĆ FROM THE YEARS 183940 Tatjana Pai-Vuki and Ekrem Čauševi Introduction In 1839 Matija Mažuranić (1817–1881). embarked on a journey from his country.
. Cambridge. which clearly
1 A part of that text was translated into English by Bruce McGowan. it was read. The language and literary value of that work.

294
tatjana pai-vuki and ekrem auŠevi
demonstrate the persistance of some stereotypes of Ottoman Bosnia among Croatian intellectuals. The movement called for the overcoming of Croatian regional particularities and for the cultural union of all South Slavs (who were considered descendants of the Illyrians. Mažuranić. Ivan. 3 Ibid.. 29–30.A. Pogled u Bosnu. 19. Our traveller was a member of a renowned family that produced a number of prominent politicians and intellectuals. even though his travelogue shows that the journey was not lacking in adventures. Zagreb 1938. and the Mažuranić brothers as its fervent adherents. and the other. p. hence the movement’s name). thesis. 4 M. Knezović. Preporodna Hrvatska i Bosna i Hercegovina 1835–1849. He warned of the danger that the Hungarians could occupy the province after the Ottoman’s retreat.4 to estimate what could be done for “the national cause”. writer and teacher.3 The importance of the Bosnian issue to the Illyrian movement suggests that Mažuranić did not head for that country as a mere adventurer.2 In the year 1840 Gaj was even accused of sending to Bosnia instigators who roused people to rebellion by means of propaganda and money. with Ljudevit Gaj as its leader. was a linguist. was a Croatian poet and vice-roy (Ban). and asked the Russians for weapons and material support for the rebellion. a few words should be said about his background and the political trends in Croatia at the time. Matija Mažuranić himself did not have a solid formal education.
2
. XIV. pp. The members of the Illyrian movement were intensively discussing the determination of Bosnia’s Catholic and Ortodox inhabitants to rise up in arms. p. (the unpublished M. Background and motivation In order to understand what motivated young Mažuranić to embark on his journey. and
M. Bosnia was seen as a part of that Illyrian area. University of Zagreb). 1998. His aim was to inquire “into the state of that part of our Illyria”. He organized a network of agents and spies in Bosnia and helped Bosnian refugees in Croatia. Croatian political life at the time of his journey was strongly marked by the activities of the Illyrian movement of national revival. One of his elder brothers. he was a blacksmith and a carpenter. and its liberation from Ottoman rule was one of Gaj’s main preoccupations. Antun.

After a stay in quarantine. Ježić. p. A few days later he travelled to Travnik as a member of Mustafa Paşa’s suite. p. in: Matija Mažuranić. so he did. Unable to get a valid passport (tezkere) there. His plan was to recover and then travel throughout Bosnia. 34. Matija Mažuranić.. we find no signs of any initiative on the part of the paşa to provide him with any work. Of course. It is said that he joined the rebels (hayduds) there. In Sarajevo and Travnik he spent about forty days. IX. he crossed the Sava river and stepped onto Bosnian territory. Mažuranić’s stay in Bosnia lasted less than two months. and there he entered into the service of Mustafa Paşa Babić. and spent the rest of his time travelling or lying ill in inns. S. he was forced to return. . According to his own words. Later on. One can only guess what the paşa’s motives were in accepting the foreigner.5 Achieving the intended goal probably meant meeting the leaders of Bosnia’s Catholic and Ortodox inhabitants. he returned home without getting anything done: “I had to withdraw from Sarajevo towards Serbia feeling very sorry because I wasn’t able to achieve what I had intended”. on horseback. Mažuranić’s travelogue suggests that Babić believed him when he said he would like to work as a carpenter. He then travelled to Serbia. he travelled from Višegrad to Sarajevo. Forced by illness. one could assume that he was exposed to a kind of test and informal examination. but the paşa was suspicious and demanded that he leave Bosnia. he did finally achieve his goal during his later visits to Bosnia. and that he travelled to Montenegro to get arms.a croat’s view of ottoman bosnia
295
to evaluate whether rebellions of Bosnian Muslims could bring about any serious changes in that country. he fell ill and decided to ask the paşa to dismiss him. with no specific duty.
. It seems that Mažuranić simply stayed with his retinue.6
5 6
Ibid. cit. . Allegedly. and stayed there for ten days while the Bosnian paşas attended consultations with the vizier. Pogled u Bosnu . in harsh winter. the mutesellim of Sarajevo. With all that in mind. he left just when the paşa had invited him to accompany him to Fojnica for a meeting with the Catholic bishop. which are not the subject of this paper.. His accounts of his later travels are so interspersed with romantic and adventurous stories that it is hard to consider them completely trustworthy. and afterwards crossed the Drina river to Bosnia. During the arduous trip back to Sarajevo.

historians and other researchers have considered Mažuranić’s account of Bosnia to be a trustworthy
7 8 9
M. and the occasional trips of Habsburg subjects who roused people in Bosnia to rebellion and unrest were against their interests.
. in Mažuranić’s words. cit. Although incomplete. His brother Ivan took some published and unpublished portions of the text and transposed them into verse in his famous poem “Smrt Smail-age Čengića” (The death of Smail-aga Čengić). However. . One of the reasons for such censorship was surely the fact that Mažuranić’s travelogue was the result of a journey that was not officially approved. Preporodna Hrvatska . Pogled u Bosnu . since their movement was. p. all of whom he considered his “Illyrian brothers”.296
tatjana pai-vuki and ekrem auŠevi Mažuranić’s travelogue as a historical source
In the published version of Mažuranić’s travelogue some of his observations on the political situation and his estimates of further development are missing. cit.7 Therefore. Mažuranić’s travelogue had a favorable reception among Croatian readers.9 It was translated into German. Slovenian and Czech.. because the people were living in very bad conditions. as well as the difficult living conditions of the underprivileged Muslim inhabitants. M. p.. which was first published in 1846 and has appeared in more than eighty editions to date. and not a national one. The Austrian authorities wanted to keep their good relationship with the Ottoman Empire. .. predominantly religious. Preporodna Hrvatska . S. and had a special influence on the national revivalists and their notions of Bosnia. . . cit.8 He noted the hatred between the Ottoman Turks and the Muslim Bosniaks. what distressed him most was the mutual intolerance and discord of Bosnia’s Catholic and Ortodox Christians. Nevertheless. . Knezović. p. generations of readers. maintaining the Ottomans as suitable neighbours was in Austria’s best interests. IX. Ježić. Out of caution. . Since the 1840s. 55. According to Metternich’s policy. 190. we only know that Mažuranić informed his brothers that there was little chance that a rebellion of the Bosnian Muslims against the Ottoman central government would result in serious changes. It is also worth mentioning that Mažuranić’s stories about Bosnian Muslims were not only spread directly through his travelogue. his elder brothers cut out “all political things” from the text. he added that an uprising could occur. Knezović.

his youth and poor formal education. we should not completely rely on what he himself says in the foreword. it would be naive to assume that he really saw it as a terra incognita. Mažuranić had at least one advantage: he was able to establish direct contact with the local population due to the absence of a linguistic barrier. those mediators who.10 since travelogues “include what Bakhtin would call a ‘heteroglossic’ dimension.
. the cold winter and finally. One should therefore consider his intended goals.a croat’s view of ottoman bosnia
297
source that gives insight into the situation in Ottoman Bosnia. a Slavic language.. that Bosnia is a country almost unknown to the people in his homeland. recording not pure observation but the interaction between travelers and ‘travelees’ ”. which certainly had an impact on his image of Bosnia.11 The analysis of his text as a historical source should take into account the subjective and objective limitations of the traveler’s perspective. that interest in it has completely diminished since the battles and perils of war have passed. p. called Illyrian. in the cases of many travellers to foreign lands. However. 100. members of all social and confessional groups in Bosnia used Bosnian. In everyday oral communication. which Mažuranić. He must have had at least some vague
10 P.e. the persons with whom he was in contact. This statement should rather be seen as a rhetorical device of a writer who wants to attract his reader’s interest to the text that follows. the notions which he brought with him. In comparison with other European travelers. This means that he did not need interpreters. Given the importance of Bosnia in the Illyrian programme. his illness and exhaustion. it seems justified to expose some of Mažuranić’s observations to critical examination if we start from the presumption that we should not perceive a travelogue as a text that enables us to look through the writer’s eyes and see a now remote culture as it really was. i. 11 Ibid. as well as aggravating circumstances such as the hardship of travelling through Bosnia. namely. according to his ideological tenets. Burke. the addressees to whom the text was directed. The Discreet Charm of Milan: English Travellers in the Seventeenth Century in Varieties of Cultural History. As for Mažuranić’s previous knowledge of Bosnia. 94. p. and that he assumed the task of presenting “that nearest Turkish province” to his readers. the limitations of his “informants”. namely to the description of his experiences in an “unexplored” country. Cambridge 1997. played an important role in the distortion of the image of the local population.

the expression of cultural superiority being one of the most prevalent. either Muslim or Christian. G. As a source for the political history of Bosnia. see: R. Seuß). Munich 1993. If we take a look at the individuals he communicated with during his stays in Sarajevo and Travnik and his wanderings in Bosnia. which would be very important to a person interested in the condition of the Christians in Bosnia. On the other hand. Bosnia: a gloomy and obscure place Although it is not very probable that Mažuranić had read works by foreign travellers and directly taken from them patterns of writing about a “wild country”. He informs us through detailed descriptions of his wandering. as is the case in all travelogues.298
tatjana pai-vuki and ekrem auŠevi
foreknowledge about that land. except for a brief conversation with Mustafa Paşa. Kabbani. he uses the East merely
12 For a study of commonplaces in texts written by Europeans who travelled to the East.12 The European traveller looks condescendingly upon the inhabitants of the Eastern country. Furthermore. superstitious. and one with a kadı who wanted to employ him as his interpreter. he did not get in touch with any educated person. The other reason can be found in the limitations of Mažuranić’s informants. a very short conversation with beg Filipović in Travnik. despite the ferman declaring the Tanzimat arrived in Sarajevo during his stay there. and a few situations in which he narrowly escaped death. He lightly ascribes to them all kinds of negative attributes: they are lazy. illness. and the above-mentioned consultations of the Bosnian paşas with the vizier were probably related to that declaration. Gockel and R. one can easily discern in his travelogue some clichés characteristic of texts written by Westerners who visited the East. dirty.
. after all. a fall from a horse. and ignorant. he says nothing about the Tanzimat reforms. by. Mythos Morgenland—Wie Vorurteile und Klischees unser Bild vom Orient bis heute prägten (Transl. Many of his impressions emerged as a mutual result of his ignorance and the poor knowledge of the people who informed him. troubles. He is fascinated by magic and divination. Mažuranić’s text does not abound in relevant information. we notice that. One of the reasons for this lack of “firm” information certainly lies in the elision of some parts of the text. The author himself is the central figure of his story. Gaj’s newspaper Ilirske narodne novine had a correspondent who reported regularly from Bosnia.

a croat’s view of ottoman bosnia
299
as scenery for his own promotion. it might seem convenient to picture Bosnia as a dangerous place where mere survival should be considered a success for a foreigner. but they also create an image of the described country as a dangerous place inhabited by wild people. we do not wish to argue for the opposite and to present Ottoman Bosnia as a quiet and peaceful country with firm laws. Indeed. and he wanders about in unfamiliar places. Priča i putovanje: hrvatski romantičarski putopis kao pripovjedni žanr. Zagreb 1998. and which is taken as a proof that Mažuranić was in mortal peril during his stay in Bosnia. but its hero as well. obscure country. the legends he hears from local people and inserts in his own narrative amplify the reader’s image of Bosnia as a mystical. One of the paşa’s men. Let us take a close look at one of the episodes that often attracts the attention of the researchers. he loses his way. Such episodes contribute to the reader’s image of the writer. which makes his perspective highly subjective and somewhat narrow. Duda. Furthermore. is allegedly afraid that Mažuranić might replace him in the retinue. for he is not only the author of the travelogue. Omer-čauš (çavuş). and avoids mortal dangers. It can be argued that the author’s emphasis on the dangers that he experienced during his journey should serve as an excuse for his failing to achieve his goal. making the borderlines between the real and the fable rather vague. Most of the time he is tired and frightened.13 In this article. We wish only to stress that any approach to the author’s dramatic stories of dangers that awaited the foreign traveller at that time should take into account his personal situation. 179. Therefore. he glorifies his own alleged exploits and exaggerates when describing peril and suffering. we find a great deal of that repertoire in Mažuranić’s travelogue: our traveller loses his way in the woods. p. This event takes place while the paşa and his men are travelling back from Travnik to Sarajevo. Omer draws his sabre and runs towards him as if he
13 D. “probably the most dangerous place in Europe of that time”. crosses wild rivers. and is saved from the attempts on his life. crosses the wild Danube river in a boat that leaks. He is a hero capable of surviving even under the most difficult circumstances.
. Bosnia is presented in Mažuranić’s travelogue as a gloomy and obscure place. He traverses pathless woods. After Mažuranić’s fall from his horse.

thus presenting his readers with the impression of a life of utmost insecurity. Mažuranić.
15
14
. Mažuranić frequently tells stories of dangers that threaten foreigners in Bosnia. but then he seemed to be considering something.. 30. . and put it back”. Pogled u Bosnu . documentary sources for the history of Sarajevo in the nineteenth century. second edition. and so Omerčauš retreats. even if taken as completely authentic.300
tatjana pai-vuki and ekrem auŠevi
intends to kill him. 29. 16 Ibid... but not a real attempt at killing. (translated from Turkish by Mehmed Mujezinović).16 However. Ibid. The subsequent text of the travelogue indirectly reveals the real dimensions of danger: after Mažuranić’s retirement from the paşa’s service. . Bašeskija used to record the names of the deceased inhabitants of Sarajevo. money. Sarajevo 1997.14 Soon after that. For instance. nothing is missing except his head. and he certainly knew it. beautiful clothes. “he drew his sabre halfway. Then the berberbaša (berberbaşı) gives his own sabre to Mažuranić. the same Omer-čauš accompanies him to the gates of Sarajevo. Muvekkit. p. one can hardly see a real intention on the part of Omer-čauš to kill the foreigner. He writes about men who walk in the streets by night and kill people out of whim. paying special attention to the cases of murder. Omer-čauš attacks again. One can easily imagine that
M. and a watch at his bosom. even bullying. Bašeskija. Omer-čauš could not have killed a man in the paşa’s service and passed unpunished. among them Muvekkit’s History of Bosnia. p. 22.). They allegedly do not rob their victims: “In the morning they find a young man on the street. The one who killed him was satisfied by merely staining his knife with blood”. but his chronicle does not give us the impression that life was so cheap. blind violence which does not choose its victims. 18 M.15 In this episode. Sarajevo 1999.17 the extant sharia court protocols or (a few decades prior to Mažuranić’s travelogue) the chronicle by Bašeskija. 17 S. Ljetopis (1746–1804). lonely and unarmed traveller would have been easy prey. pretending that he has a boil and that the sabre is hurting him. p. There was obviously a kind of intolerance and insult. even though the sick. Povijest Bosne (translated by Abdulah Polimac et al. and of an omnipresent. cit. with all his belongings: arms.18 do not speak of such a degree of insecurity and violence. showing no intention of hurting him. A few men run to Omer-čauš and suppress him.

a croat’s view of ottoman bosnia
301
such a frightening story was told to Mažuranić by someone who wanted to scare him or trifle with him. cit. Many episodes speak of their ignorance: some of them do not know what an umbrella is. in the intellectual life of young Mažuranić. Zadar 2004. since the writer was inclined to draw general conclusions on the basis of single cases. Preporodna Hrvatska . seeing that some tradesmen avoid staying in quarantine by bribing the official. the limited opportunities for communication with people. p. superstitious and greedy). Thus. 15. or. anti-Turkish orientation. .. There is also an episode which is hard to
M. i. The images of the Bosnian Muslims Mažuranić’s observations of the culture and mentality of the Bosnian Muslims correspond to a high degree with the images which the writer could have acquired through the newspapers published by the adherents of the Illyrian movement. custom. ignorant. wisdom). .e. see: D. they are not reliable at all. the relatively short duration of his stay in Bosnia. we should not underestimate the formative role of early modern Croatian literature with Turkish themes.. For a comprehensive study on the images of Turks (and South Slavic Muslims) in early modern Croatian literature. 21 Knezović. Mažuranić’s narrow perspective. 84–87.19 All in all. . As for Mažuranić’s comments on the legal system in Bosnia. They were viewed from a twofold perspective: enlightened (they were described as uneducated.21 Mažuranić’s travelogue also reveals this duality in regard to the Bosnian Muslims. But hadet goes as it suits them”. (Moreover. Mažuranić. a sense of honour. . others are perplexed by the wax seal on the traveller’s document and try to strip it off. cit. Sultanova djeca: Predodžbe Turaka u hrvatskoj književnosti ranog novovjekovlja. more precisely. Pogled u Bosnu .)20 The newspapers issued by the national revivalists presented the Bosnian Muslims as “noble savages”. he concludes: “The Turks do not have any specific law or regulation. his concentration on mere survival in the harsh winter—all these factors contributed to the text’s relative scantiness of relevant information on the situation in that country. who is known to have compensated for his poor formal education with extensive reading. Dukić. pp.
20 19
. as well as romantic (they were seen as carrying genuine human values: philanthropy. but only what they call hadet.

The limited reliability of some parts of Mažuranić’s narrative as a historical source can be further exemplified if we turn to his quotations and interpretation of some Arabic and Turkish phrases and loan words in the vernacular of the local population. Mažuranić. and very rarely in the author’s own comments. However.”23 Since the travelogue reveals that Mažuranić spent most of his time with the paşa’s men—food suppliers. 41. pp.. but one half of it is in ruins. For instance. armourers. Over the river there was a stone bridge. everybody who knows Muslim religious formulas will notice that the writer incorrectly
22 23
M.
. p. that when they find the traveller’s Austrian military maps and suspect that he is a spy. we mostly find them in the inserted popular tales and legends. they love flattering speech.22 As for the romantic layers in the text. we can assume that his comments on the Bosnian Muslims’ behavior and vulgar conversations are merely a result of his generalizations of some habits and manners which he witnessed while living with them. and the like— and with chance travellers. which describes a place called Nova Kasaba. Ibid. The other half is still standing. alas. and their manner of conversation is rude and shameless. but. uncivilized while eating. Similarly. 38–39. which was built by kaurs (infidels). which stretches to the river Jadar. and capable of breaking their oath if offered money. as they say. .302
tatjana pai-vuki and ekrem auŠevi
consider trustworthy: the Muslims are so ignorant and naive. cit. grooms. wide enough for the horses or men to pass one by one. thus revealing that he didn’t understand the difference between the solar and the lunar calendars. The following brief passage. is illustrative of the author’s views of the local Muslim inhabitants: “I liked this small place (village) very much.. According to Mažuranić. and in the midst of the garden lies Kasaba. but I fear that it won’t last long in the hands of the Turks. he asserts that the Muslim feasts are always in spring and winter. For instance. . the negative images prevail: the Muslims are greedy. if only it wasn’t Turkish. they are lazy and capable of spending the whole day sitting on their heels. You can see all of the surroundings as if they were one garden. he succeeds in convincing them that the paper is the icon which he prays to. some of his wrong and imprecise information on the Muslim religion are to be considered a result of both his ignorance and the limited knowledge of those who informed him. Pogled u Bosnu .

. So. crudity and violence take justice in their hands.
25 24
. III. and the poor and just man is always the one who suffers. one that the mentality of Western European culture can hardly comprehend. . p. which is a kind of selfcensorship.. uncivilized. in “Riječ ”. which are generalized. (. p. and Ottoman Bosnia—using rhetoric more appropriate to an epic poem—the “dark vilayet”. and humaneness on the part of the Muslims are passed over
Ibid.24 and of the shahada as: “Evšeduh Alah. evšeduh Muhamede nasurlah”. while acts of mercy. we notice that attention is devoted almost entirely to the descriptions of cruel. Ibid.26
In this text. . Vol. The realistic and naturalistic descriptions and narration reflect the petrified life of the past centuries in the land of Bosnia. Dva književna zrcala zemlje Bosne. 129. 2. 56. The travelogue abounds in similar examples.a croat’s view of ottoman bosnia
303
quotes the words of the ezan as: “Ićberi-la-a-a Alah-ila-laaaa”. and violent acts. Čorkalo. Rijeka 1997. whose author without reservations calls the travelogue a “mirror”. the “dark vilayet” where harshness and cruelty..) a faithful picture of a past world. given that it stands to reason that we should not take the glossary of “Turkish barbarisms” in Mažuranić’s travelogue as a completely trustworthy source for the study of the vernacular of the Bosnian population in the 1840s. and an absence of personal responses to the things seen and experienced. compassion.
Mažuranić’s authorial treatment records all that happened and all that is seen.25 and that he incorrectly writes aman instead of iman. p. 26 K. as in some other texts by Croatian authors. 57. ilalah. we should raise the question: why is his account still approached today as a true picture of Bosnia at that time? Do Croatian researchers of this text today find the author’s impressions of Ottoman Bosnia so close to their own images of that country that they see no reason to question the reliability of his assertions? Mažuranić’s travelogue today This lack of a critical approach to Mažuranić’s text is well exemplified by the following passage from a paper published in 1997. The author’s methodical procedure. . is in fact the only possible way of behaving on a journey where a man has to know how to survive.) These descriptions and scenes are (.

that they let him stay in the room while they pray. cit. but the actions of the berberbaşı. as is the case in D. and some people help him to reach an inn. it is viewed only as the climax of the writer’s illness and as one of the plots in the narrative. who picks the episodes of children throwing mud at the foreigner who is walking in the streets. Some tradesmen. 81. Ibid. Duda. but out of the mere aspiration for sevap. he takes the Qur’an and reads it for him.. cit.. One can only assume that such readings of Mažuranić’s travelogue are directed by the author’s own comments that the Muslims do not perform good deeds out of their good nature. . where a certain Dagi-spahi takes good care of him. Duda’s study of Mažuranić’s travelogue. 161.29 that justice is based on custom. p. The Muslims are so considerate to the foreigner... .
. a hoca advises him to pray to God according to his religion. pp. p. p. . 22. calling it a “Turkish habit”.. D. p. Ibid.32 Duda is successful in deconstructing the Croatian stereotypes of some
27 28 29 30 31 32
Mažuranić.304
tatjana pai-vuki and ekrem auŠevi
in silence or only randomly mentioned.. and when he realizes that the foreigner has no strength for that. Pogled u Bosnu .31 that a travelogue is a kind of discursive mediation of reality. also Muslims. He is very ill. who is aware that any approach to a travelogue must take the historical layers into account. does not seem to deserve a comment! As an example. offer to pay for his food and coffee (with sugar.30 paying no attention to the examples of merciful behavior. Special attention is given to the afore-mentioned episode with Omer-čauš. this long passage is not considered a relevant source for any conclusion about the Bosnian Muslims. 179. Priča i putovanje . p. Those readings of (and into) Mažuranić’s text prove the persistance of stereotypes of Ottoman Bosnia even on the part of authors like Duda. but unlike the stories of cruelty and violence. It is hard to overlook the selective approach of this author. which was considered a special honor). 36–38. Seeing him exhausted. and that mediation is in all its constituents an ideological act. 172.28 and concludes that cruelty and the worthlessness of human life are a constant in the behaviour of the Turks.27 Even when this episode is mentioned. Ibid. we can take a look at the treatment of a long passage in which Mažuranić narrates his experiences during his journey back from Sarajevo to the Serbian border. Ibid. . who is incapable of moving. who protects the foreigner and even lends him his sabre.

The Discreet Charm of Milan . and the careful reader of his travelogue easily realizes that he does not describe the habits.35 rather than approaching it as a trustworthy account of Bosnia around the middle of the nineteenth century. from the Ottomanist perspective. Our aim was not to discard all of Mažuranić’s observations and assertions as mere stereotypes and constructs. Mažuranić was aware of the difference between the Bosnian Muslims and the Ottoman Turks. Burke. . p. The number of ethnic Turks in Ottoman Bosnia was almost negligible. p. 97. cit.
.33 But in his study on Mažuranić’s travelogue he all of a sudden abandons that methodological approach. but the religious affiliation. and he is aware that the traveller’s “tired eye often lacks a sense for details and differences”.. It is well known that in the middle of the nineteenth century. and the hoca are all Bosnians. but to examine them critically. the noun “Turk” in Bosnia did not denote the ethnic. while Islam was the “Turkish faith”. . he uncritically assumes the author’s discourse. Omer-čauš. 101. 13. and he persistently uses the term Turks (without quotation marks) while speaking of Bosnian Muslims. We conclude that it is more fruitful to approach this text as one of “the precious documents of cultural encounters”. mentalities and acts of the Turks: Mustafa Paşa Babić. Ibid.34 which are the result of the “interaction between cultural stereotype and personal observation”.. the tradesmen.
33 34 35
Ibid. the berberbaşı..a croat’s view of ottoman bosnia
305
other countries and peoples.

.

following the principles of Islam. some important cities.). pp. The Last Centuries of Byzantium. 118–119. The Fourth Crusade and its consequences. the capital-in-exile of the Byzantine state. Urbs Capta. was nominated Patriarch of Constantinople and the Greek Orthodox patriarchal throne remained vacant for two years until it was restored in Nicaea. the Ecumenical Patriarch was compelled to flee the city. For instance. pp. 1261–1453.GLANCES AT THE GREEK ORTHODOX PRIESTS IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY Elizabeth A. 390–393. As
1 A. On the other hand. Furthermore. Innocent III and the Byzantine rite. as the Latins did not allow the upper clergymen to reside in their sees.2 Again the patriarchal throne remained vacant. Nicol. this time for approximately three years. which had been prestigious metropolitan sees. became impoverished and were gradually deserted by their Christian populations. until January 1454. 2 D. archbishoprics and bishoprics (episkopai). the history of many metropolises. respected the Greek Orthodox ecclesiastical hierarchy. when it became clear that the Greek Orthodox population rejected the Union of the Churches concluded in Florence (1439). which passed under Turkish rule. when Gennadios Scholarios was appointed by the Sultan Mehemmed II as the first patriarch under Ottoman rule. I note that in April of the year 1204. However. the Greek populations of Frankish Cyprus and Venetian Crete were deprived for approximately five centuries of high ecclesiastical authorities. and abandoned the Byzantine capital. London 1972. includes most important gaps. when the Latin soldiers of the Fourth Crusade captured Constantinople.
. Zachariadou The history of the Greek Orthodox ecclesiastical administration lacks seamless continuity because its course has been frequently interrupted by events resulting from the enmity between the Roman Catholic and the Greek Orthodox churches. Andrea. J. the Ecumenical Patriarch Gregory III realised that he could not maintain his position in the Patriarchate any more. Paris 2005. Laiou (ed. A Latin clergyman. in A. the Venetian Thomas Morosini. in the old Byzantine territories.1 In 1450. the new masters. To begin with the head of the Orthodox Church.

cf. Aalberts. Odorico. priests exercised a profound influence on the community and. thesis of P. who lived in Serres during the first half of the seventeenth century. 143. as we are going to see. however. T. 4 Unfortunately I was unable to consult the Ph. Straus and E. for example. pp. 33 (2001). Those priests went on saying mass every Sunday and on holidays in the small churches of villages and towns. Petmézas.D. p. 393–401. Caesarea. A. By contrast. they ceased to be eligible as sees of metropolitan clergymen. Among the metropolitans and bishops there often appeared distinguished theologians and scholars who attracted the interest and respect of their contemporaries. pp. submited to the Aristoteleian University of Thessalonica in 1984. A. Akanthopoulos “H ιστορία των ενοριών του Oικουμενικού Πατριαρχείου κατά την Tουρκοκρατία”. it seems that the priests had very limited education and were sometimes harshly criticised by their contemporaries for their ignorance. which were left in the hands of the local population by the conquerors. Kostis.308
elizabeth a. B/1. 5 J. of the parish (enoria) and village priests. Zachariadou. Paris 1996. fairly unique in its genre and composed in the first-person singular. Athens 1996 (in Greek). 31–46. avec la collaboration de S.
. Conseils et Mémoires de Synadinos prêtre de Serrès en Macédoine (XVIIe siècle).3 In contrast to the fate of the Greek Orthodox upper clergy. Heraklion 2000. Asdrachas. Acts of the Eighth International Cretological Congress. O ηθικός βίος των Kρητικών και ειδικά των κληρικών κατά το δεύτερο μισό του 15ου αιώνα και η συντέλεια του κόσμου. constitutes a rich source of information on the everyday life of a parish priest in a sizeable Macedonian town and offers a clear picture of the clergy of that time in general. Byzantine and post-Byzantine Period. Ten Turkish Documents concerning the Great Church (1483– 1567). the papades—was marked by continuity even when the regions where they were located passed from Byzantine to Roman Catholic or Muslim rule. that of the lower clergy—that is.4 As they were closer to the people. This text. never settled in their see. zachariadou
a consequence. 6 P. Zachariadou. Karanastassis. they usually were its representatives to the foreign authorities. in „Turcica“. the reviews of J. S.5 Recently our knowledge of the lower clergy has substantially deepened thanks to the publication of the memoirs of a priest. the second see in the hierarchy of the Byzantine empire.6 A research programme that
3 E. Clergymen bearing the title of the Metropolitan of Caesarea are mentioned in the sources but this was an empty title bestowed just to honour certain senior clergymen who. Papa-Synadinos. K. lost its metropolitan status during the fifteenth and the sixteenth centuries.

they were written between 1669–1673. pp. we should remark that the historical background of Serres and Crete varied considerably. E. pp. Princeton 2000. the years immediately after the complete conquest of the island by the Ottomans. 3 of the Vikelaia includes 726 documents issued by one of the first kadıs of Crete. Drawing on this material I will attempt to sketch a broader picture of the lower clergy in the seventeenth century. they found there only papades because the Venetians.7 More precisely. Especially as novices. in ‘‘Deltion tes Historikes kai Ethnologikes Hetaireias’’ 15 (1961). 8 M.
. where they could be ordained by a metropolitan or a bishop according to the regulations of the Greek Orthodox Church. cf. the Codex nr. Then they had to confront the roughness of the Aegean sea and the pirates who infested it. one can take an idea of the hardships involved in these sea travels from and to Crete from the story of four priests in the ‘Miracles of Saint Phanourios’. pp. Following a by then well-established political principle. Before they could set off they first had to take permission from the Venetian authorities. When the Ottomans began the conquest of the island in 1645. 177–179. Christians and Muslims in the Early Modern Mediterranean. The Ottomans
7 On the archive of Creta see E. did not accept higher clergymen in their domains. a text composed on this island.greek orthodox priests in the seventeenth century
309
we are carrying out in the Turkish archive of the Vikelaia Municipality Library of Heraklion has yielded much material on the same subject and century. 26 (1964). Greene. Bενετικά Έγγραφα Aναφερόμενα εις την Eκκλησιαστικήν Iστορίαν της Kρήτης του 14ου–16ου αιώνος. A. Crete re-entered the Greek Orthodox world after almost 450 years of Roman Catholic rule. being Roman Catholics. these priests encountered difficulties because they had to move to fairly remote places such as the Ionian islands or the Morea or even to Turkish territories. 309–318. 25–29. The Turkish Archive of the Vikelaia Municipality Library of Herakleion (Kandiye). in ‘‘Archeion Pontou’’. A. Manoussakas. that is. On the other hand. Zachariadou. pp. Zachariadou. At the outset. Iστορικά στοιχεία σ’ένα θαύμα του Aγίου Φανουρίου. The town of Serres. 175–176. conquered by the Ottomans in 1383. M. Ankara 2003. in Balkanlar ve Italya’da şehir ve manastir arşivlerindeki türkçe belgeleri semineri (16–17 Kasim 2000). saw its ecclesiastical administration restored within less than ten years and from that time onwards it remained under the continued guidance of its metropolitans who ordained the priests. A Shared World.8 With the arrival of the Ottomans this situation changed. many of these documents involve local priests. they hastened to restore the Greek Orthodox Church in order to win the Cretan population over to their side and also to increase their prestige in the Greek Orthodox world.

the Ottoman administration was not responsible for issuing documents that granted priests authority over their flocks. The lower clergy. archbishops and bishops were elected by the Holy Synod but appointed by the sultan who granted them a special document.310
elizabeth a. After the fall of Constantinople the administration of the Byzantine emperor was officially replaced by that of the Ottoman sultan. N. Priests who possessed some capital. E. Adiyeke. 31 (2001). priests. The Patriarch and the metropolitans. 343. they constituted religious authorities recognised by the Ottoman state. in 1646. Beneres. Patellaros became the metropolitan of the whole island. monks and nuns under the authority of the Ecumenical Patriarch. After the occupation of Rethymnon. which meant the complete conquest of Crete. undoubtedly with the consent of the Sultan. had been devastated by a war that had lasted almost twentyfive years. Despite the presence of a supreme authority of a different faith. his duties were hampered by many difficulties. The Sultan placed metropolitans. bishops and parish priests constituting the traditional network of its administration. however. 10 N. The Poll Tax in the Years of Cretan War. zachariadou
did not even wait for the complete conquest of the island. 2–14.9 The Ottomans took an additional measure. the church authorities farmed out five churches in
9 T. the papades. might be granted more than one parish church. a member of an old and rich family of Rethymnon and a relative of the Patriarch of Constantinople. Balta. used to take on their duties without the intervention of the Holy Synod and without any official interference from the Ottoman administration. therefore. who ordained them and usually farmed out to them the local parish churches. Adiyeke. Symbol of Submission and Mechanisms of Avoidance.
pp. In fact. a berat. ecclesiastical dignitaries and functionaries. 1 (1938). a metropolitan was sent by the Ecumenical Patriarch to Crete. but also the abbots of monasteries. bishops. which aimed at winning the favour of the Greek Orthodox priests and monks of Crete by exempting them from the poll tax (cizye) for at least thirty years.10 With the surrender of Candia (Heraklion) in 1669. Priests answered only to the metropolitans or bishops of their districts. archbishops. O πρώτος μητροπολίτης της Kρήτης μετά την κατάκτησιν αυτής υπό των Tούρκων. Nεόφυτος ο Πατελλάρος. For instance. This metropolitan was Neophytos Patellaros. in ‘‘Thesaurismata’’. which.
. in ‘‘Epeteris Hetaireias Kretikon Spoudon’’. p. the Patriarchate was re-established and the structure of the ecclesiastical and monastic hierarchy of the Greek Orthodox Church survived almost unchanged with metropolitans.

175.. . M. the Ottoman administration did not completely ignore the papades: they are mentioned in the berats concerning patriarchal matters. comparable to the agents who operated on the fringes of the Ottoman institutional system. 158. that is. 171. in D. cit. to the eyes of the Ottomans. 2004 Harvard University. pp. Cazacu. Such agents have been aptly described as ‘semi-official figures’ by Gilles Veinstein. who commanded them usually through the metropolitan or bishop of a district. .). p. . . 247–267. 528–529. the profession of a priest had been largely hereditary and it remained so under Ottoman domination.13 It could be argued that. priests constituted ‘semi-official’ ecclesiastical figures. pp. unpublished paper presented at a conference ‘‘In Honor of Professor Halil Inalcık: Methods and Sources in Ottoman Studies‘‘.. on behalf of but not under the direct and official control of the state. . 25 (2001). who studied them in depth.
12
11
. The memoirs of Papa-Synadinos offer a very eloquent example illustrating this unofficial custom: the father of Papa-Synadinos. had five sons who all became also priests. cf.12 If the metropolitan or the bishop of the district judged that the behaviour of a priest was not correct he could dismiss him. . Also.11 There were cases in which the notables of a town were so convinced that a particular person would be the right priest for them that they volunteered to pay the requisite sum of money to the bishop of their district who granted a parish to that particular priest. Mémoires de Synadinos . idem. 156–158. pp. 13 Zachariadou. Mémoirs de Synadinos . it is noted that under certain circumstances the Patriarch inherited their movables. 183.14 Since Byzantine times. Semiofficial Figures in the Ottoman Institutional System (15th–17th centuries). 173. 15 Odorico. they are mentioned because they were obliged to pay taxes to the Patriarch. 180.greek orthodox priests in the seventeenth century
311
Serres to Papa-Synadinos for the sum of 6. cf. cit. metropolitans or bishops and in other Ottoman documents issued for the affairs of the Church. It was made clear that the papades were subordinates of the Patriarch. Histoires des Hommes de Dieu dans l’Islam et le Christianisme. However. April 29–May 2. Moines savants et popes ignorants. 14 G.000 akçe. cit. Paris 2003. especially the naibs. agents chosen by the kadıs to act as deputies. a priest himself. Ten Turkish Documents . Sur les na’ib ottomans (XV ème–XVI ème siècles). Only in case of a manifest scandal would the Holy Synod become involved in the affairs of individual priests. Cazacu . cit. Moines savants et popes ignorants dans le monde orthodoxe postbyzantin. . .. Veinstein.15 In the 726 Cretan documents
Odorico. Iogna-Prat et G. 181. in ‘‘Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam’’. 90. Veinstein (eds. pp. 152–153. 161. last but by no means least. pp..

p. this is just a guess. on a tray taken around the church on which the members of the congregation placed their coins. Mémoirs de Synadinos . despite coming from the family of a priest and being destined for a career in the church. It is possible that there were more than those twenty—for instance. The collection of those taxes was a privilege granted by the sultans. a funeral or a christening.
. the churchgoers left their little contribution on the diskos. Twenty of those were sons of priests. P. During the Byzantine period the state provided a regular revenue for the clergy. chose to learn the art of weaving at the age of fifteen while taking lessons also in classics and in ecclesiastical matters. and at any rate. 19 Chr. M. p.. Ten Turkish Documents . 17 ‘‘Kanonikon” (E.16 but under Latin or Ottoman domination the clergymen’s income derived directly from taxes paid by their faithful flock. 18 Zachariadou.). the percentage—twenty out of ninety—is fairly impressive. pp. sent their contributions to the Ecumenical Pariarchate. Tα οικονομικά του έγγαμου κλήρου στο Bυζάντιο. . 83. including the lower clergy. 99–107.. the priests and the monasteries of a district in order to cover the expenses of their metropolitan or bishop. Wealthy people invited the metropolitan or the bishop of their district to bless such ceremonies. it seems that at least some priests wished to secure an additional source of potential revenue besides that deriving from their profession. that is.18 The revenues of the priests derived directly from their flock: every Sunday. Papa-Synadinos. Athens 1986. these latter.312
elizabeth a. 1102. however. Kazhdan et alii (eds. An additional source of income were the honorary fees that they received from peasants or poor townspeople for performing the ceremony of a wedding. some may have omitted their father’s official title when giving his name. Patrineles. 78. Papagianni.19 Interestingly. Sometimes monks interfered and performed the religious ceremonies of the poor. approximately ninety priests are mentioned. G. cit. pp. in A. Eπιστολαί Eλλήνων λογίων προς τον Πάπαν Γρηγόριον IΓ΄ (1572–1585) και τον καρδινάλιον Σιρλέτον (+1585). in ‘‘Epeteris tou Mesaionikou Archeiou’’ 17–18 (1967–1968).17 which was to be paid by the inhabitants. . The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium. cit. .20
16 E. in their turn. for example.). New York-Oxford 1991. zachariadou
of the years 1670–1673 that we examined. 2. 20 Odorico. who apparently adopted the Byzantine tax regulation (the kanonikon). Sp. Jeffreys ed. This constituted a clash of interests between papades and monks and the former resented it. . 74.

133 and cf. Karantzikou. three yards. Foteinou.000 akçe. More specifically. P.. p. do not report an equally satisfactory situation but this is certainly due to the catastrophic long war which had ravaged the island for twenty-five years. son of papa-Yanni. of palatial standards: in the same year a house sold in Candia for 550 gurush consisted of two floors with eight rooms in the ground floor and five in the first one plus a reception room (divanhane). Zachariadou (ed. as its price suggests. The latter gave to the bishop one field and two orchards worth 501 guruş and received a house in exchange. such was the case of a certain Papa-Giorgis who had inherited from his father—also a priest—houses. there are fairly frequent mentions of priests possessing land as well as of priests who earned some revenue from agriculture.21 The Cretan documents. no.23
Ibid. Iεροδικείο Hρακλείου. E. In the village of Axenti a certain Constantine. as reported by several passages of Papa-Synadinos. Tριτος Kώδικας (1669/73– 1750–67). A convert. this was a sum corresponding to the price of a modest house in Candia. he offered two houses and vineyards of three and a half dönüm and received a house and vineyards of the same dimensions. who was the grandson of a priest. the economic situation of a priest.000 akçe to keep the land. Haci Hüseyn Beg ibn Abdullah. which I have examined. perhaps because the convert decided to be a good Muslim and abstain from wine. Heraklion 2003. 23 Code 3. However. two barrels of wine were included in the deal. one can read about a priest who exchanged land in the countryside east of Candia with the daughter of another priest. three gardens. took to court another priest who illegally appropriated some land of his.000 akçe. fields. as most of the priests were peasants residing near the church of their village. the affair ended in a compromise and the priest gave 6. no.
22
21
.). 152. nos 1 and 147. one kitchen and five wells.22 Another case worth mentioning is that concerning a higher clergyman: in the summer of 1671 an exchange took place in the town of Hierapetra between its bishop and the sancakbeyi of Resmo (Rethymnon). 485. E. 136. A. cattle and an annual revenue of 300. no. no. The latter is not surprising. 359.greek orthodox priests in the seventeenth century
313
On the whole. no. vineyards. (hereafter: Code 3). In another village to the east of Candia a priest sold a big vineyard together with a wine press to a Christian for 4. 151. The house given by the bishop was apparently. was satisfactory and sometimes excellent. paid 40 guruş to a convert to buy his vineyards and fields.

finally a village refused to borrow any money and the inhabitants asserted that they would be able to pay their poll tax on the fixed date according to
24 Aalberts. offered loans. B. in November 1671 the inhabitants of certain villages were compelled to take out loans from the Defterdar of Crete. as is shown by the fact that they were the usual representatives of the Christian village communities to the authorities. 120. cit. in Banquiers. 26 Odorico. 27 G. The pattern was certainly not new. in order to pay their poll tax. Odorico. having ran into debt. cit. whether Muslims or zimmis. two villages together 1. and in some cases even had the title of the head of the village community. 25 Code 3. cit. . Mémoirs de Synadinos . .
. another only 150. especially when the matter was serious. Another priest was suspected of committing adultery. 90. 33–41. . . pp.314
elizabeth a. Mémoirs de Synadinos .27 In the case of the Defterdar Mehmed Efendi one village borrowed 920 aslan guruş. Mehmed Efendi. Paris 1988. Another one was apparently a lazy drunkard. the kethüda. Usuriers et Paysans. pp. 136. footnote 5. .. no 581. For instance. . who. and all the villages of the nahiye of Lasithi together the sum of 3.25 Papa-Synadinos proudly describes the activities of his priest father. two priests were converted to Islam. The writings of Papa-Synadinos show that he was deeply disappointed with his contemporaries. In his days. one day simply disappeared from Serres. This often meant that pending debts eventually became a permanent condition of everyday life for many peasants. While Crete was still under Venetian rule many a voice was heard pointing out the avariciousness and corruption of priests. O ηθικός βίος των Kρητικώ . 138.100 guruş.24 Despite all the reports mentioned above. or—if they had enough power—obliged the peasants to borrow from them for their expenses. soon afterwards his wife married her apprentice before the kadı.. his indignant flock beat him up severely.500. the papades enjoyed social prestige. as expected. Persons who had some capital. Réseax de crédit et stratégies du capital.26 The priests appeared as leaders of the community in the sharia court. A third one abandoned his wife to live with his mistress. 180. who repeatedly went to Constantinople to bring to the authorities’ attention the grievances of the members of his parish. 160. p. zachariadou
I will now examine the place that the priests occupied within the framework of the Greek Orthodox society. Dertilis. another one 500. 18. he was dismissed from his church.. who were crushed by taxes and debts.

thanks to the testimony of Mehmed ibn Abdullah and Yusuf beşe ibn Abdullah and of two Christians. She won the case by presenting three witnesses who deserve some comment. 101. failed to win her case because the accused was able to present two Christian witnesses—one of them a papas—who testified before the kadı that the field really did belong to the priest. p. in Nicosia in 1594. son of Abdullah.31 There are more documents that describe such cases and
Code 3. . 76. In two cases—always in the years 1669–1673—several inhabitants of Cretan villages went to court to claim as a one of ‘their own’ a person who had been registered by mistake among the inhabitants of another village.29 There were some negative reactions among the people against the clergy. the other was a certain Yannis veled of Marko and the third was a convert. nos 8. 530. London 1993. A notable case is that of a Christian widow who lived in a village and took a priest to court because he had appropriated a field that belonged to her son. a certain Osman beşe..28 Another serious matter for a village community was the subtraction of one of its members who was added to the members of another village community. One was Mehmed beşe.greek orthodox priests in the seventeenth century
315
the regulation.30 There are mentions that some among the faithful in Crete did not respect their priests. e.. p. 581. apparently a Turk. 522. this was bad for the calculation of the maktu. the people did not hesitate to ask for the protection of the kadı against those who extorted excessive duties from them. nos 67 and 290. In those two cases the representatives of the village included one or two priests. as it happened. Occasionally. no.
29
28
. 470. who took a priest to court because he appropriated a field of hers. 528. Ten Turkish Documents . C. son of Osman. Another Christian woman. cit. Jennings.g. Code 3. 1571–1640. nos 256. In another village a certain Constantinos took a certain Papa-Nikolo to court accusing him of appropriating a church. 439 no. Special documents were written and in all of them two or three priests were among those who signed for the loans. 30 Zachariadou. 529. The widow had chosen witnesses from all three categories of the inhabitants of the island. New York. Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus and the Mediterranean World. Papa-Nicolo proved that he had bought the church. 31 Code 3. which mainly resulted from the taxes or contributions that the clergy extracted. . R. but instead quarrelled with them and even appeared in the Sharia court against them. also against local priests.

cit. namely that of St Paraskevi. the daughter of a certain Nikolo. . Therefore he had some figures painted of people who after their death were sent to the fires of the hell: the miller who used to steal the flour.
. . this duty had to be performed without fanaticism.. Fatime. In a village of Cyprus. It was well understood that there were limits to the activities of the clergy in general.316
elizabeth a. and so on. a convert to Islam. Odorico. One of the frescoes represented the last judgement and Papa-Synadinos thought that in this he had an excellent opportunity to teach the benefits of morality to his flock and to instruct them how to avoid divine punishment.32 We must not think that the kadı favoured Fatime to encourage a recent convert in her person. on a Sunday of the year 1636 the papades prevented a woman from entering her local church because her husband was Muslim. Code 3. 566.
32 33 34 35
Code 3. the wine merchant who used to cheat in measuring. which could irritate the Muslim authorities.. Papa-Synadinos includes in his memoirs the narrative of an episode from his life.33 It goes without saying that the religious and moral duty of every priest was to convince his flock that adherence to the Christian faith and pursuit of the salvation of the soul should be the top preoccupations of everyone. In another case another convert who claimed a house belonging to a Christian as his own was dismissed by the judge. Jennings. turned against this metropolitan because he appropriated two vineyards belonging to her. . pp. however. no. Neophytos Patellaros. He once decided to cover with frescoes the walls of one of his churches. and. no. 142. p. Fatime regained her two fields thanks to the testimony of a convert and of a Christian who supported her against the metropolitan. zachariadou
I shall mention one more because in that case the accused is not just a priest but the metropolitan of Crete.34 The Greek Orthodox clergy was tolerant with respect to mixed marriages. which reveals a different kind of limit to a priest’s power. 44. the tailor and the weaver who tricked their customers. cit. as her name betrays. Still. 445. Mémoirs de Synadinos . whom I have already mentioned. cases similar to that are rare. Some members of the congregation took these scenes as a personal insult and reacted so violently that Papa-Synadinos decided to have the presumably provocative figures of those sinners white washed. .35 In this case the limits to a priest’s zeal were determined by a handful of shopkeepers and craftsmen of Serres. 296–300. Christians and Muslims in Ottoman Cyprus .

Shakespeare. and some because our memory fails. The book has been published in sixty editions in Turkey. Interest in the book is not over yet. Bir Dinozorun Anıları. She published several books about English literature: History of English Literature. of a time that other sources do not mention. In the memoirs. The thought expressed by Mina Urgan at the beginning of her book. p. of memoirs as a way in which “a society nurtures consciousness of
1 Minâ Urgan (1915–2000). 9. 2 M. On the very first page of her memoirs. as other books also include a lot of these facts.
. and analyses of works by Thomas Moor. in which the author talks about her life with the skill of a professor of literature. That is the way for us to avoid becoming a society without consciousness. particularly for her teaching career spanning many years. Mina Urgan explains to the reader why she undertook to write such a book: “I believe it would be useful if everybody wrote down what they know and what they remember. Istanbul 1998. Professor Mina Urgan’s 80-year life covers an unusually interesting time Turkey’s history. from the fall of the Ottoman state through the foundation and development of the Republic to the modern times. we could not say that the readers are only interested in the book for the historical facts it contains.LIFE IN SARAJEVO IN THE 18TH CENTURY (According to Mulla Mustafa’s mecmua) Kerima Filan When in 1998 the outstanding Turkish intellectual Mina Urgan1 published her book of memoirs titled Bir Dinozorun Anıları. professor of English literature. I believe that would be interesting. so she has forgotten many things. says professor Urgan. She also published a number of books of translations from English into Turkish. She is called the doyen of Turkish Anglistics for her huge contribution to the development of that academic branch.”2 Mina Urgan almost regretfully admits that in her life she has written neither diaries nor travelogues. However. If a grocer on the street corner took notes on how the houses in that street became residential buildings. writer and translator. and Virginia Wolf. how his grocery store became a market. interested readers wanted to get hold of copies. Urgan. what changes the residents of the street went through. history is told through many a detail. We forget some things because we want to forget them. From 1960 she taught at the Department of Anglistics at Istanbul University. she has not written things down.

not to be replaced in any way by another asset.318
kerima filan
itself ”.1b–3b) he wrote down the names of several rulers in world history and the history of Islam. from the first Osman to his time (L. irresistibly reminds us of what Mulla Mustafa was doing in Sarajevo in the second half of the 18th century. We can read the benefactor’s name in the short text of an endowment deed written on L. endowed by Mehmed Ševki Alajbegović. Bu mecmû’ada yaprak ‘adedi 164 temâm.4 Mulla Mustafa’s notes in the Ottoman Turkish language constitute immediate evidence of the time and people in Sarajevo in the second half of the 18th century. in other times”. On the remaining 34 pages of his mecmua. London-Sarajevo.3b–4a).156b). occupations and personal features of deceased citizens he had known in person or whom he had heard about. three folk poems in the Bosnian language (L. Mulla Mustafa wrote down. on the succeeding pages (L. “collected texts”. In the middle of the mecmua. processed by F. With these notes he filled altogether 130 of the 164 pages in his notebook. son of Ibrahima Hilmi Effendi. 279). then several poems he wrote himself in the Turkish language (L. the folk names of some plants (L. In 1917 it reached Gazi Husrev-beg’s library in Sarajevo.158b–160b). On the last page. 5 That page was blank. The word mecmua comes from the Arabic language meaning “a collection”. which he called mecmua. the following two pages contain the names of residential quarters (mahalas) in the city of Sarajevo (L.6 He obviously thought that Mulla
This is exactly what Mulla Mustafa says in one of his notes. Persian and Bosnian manuscripts. he wrote down various texts as follows: on the first page. so that the text of endowment having a total of 7 lines is the only one on that page. mainly. under the call number 7340 (Catalogue of Arabic. Nametak.99a–116a).150b–153a).120b–122a).5 The benefactor set a condition for the use of “the property” he endowed.1a). consist of personal names or names. some events from the history of Islam are noted and the names of a number of Islamic scholars. (This mecmua has 164 pages. 1998. witty remarks and jokes on about 15 pages of his mecmua (L. Fortunately. “an anthology”. and. Mulla Mustafa wrote short folk tales.
4
3
.4b page. IV. in the left lower corner. This is the meaning it also had in the Ottoman language. Cyrillic and Italian alphabets (L. Vol. and the names of the deceased who Mulla Mustafa prepared for the funeral (L. Mulla Mustafa wrote down the names of Ottoman sultans. Mulla Mustafa’s mecmua has survived. Besides the quoted notes which.”.157a). p. 6 Mulla Mustafa’s mecmua is still in the manuscript collection of the Gazi Husrev-beg library in Sarajevo today.). . Turkish. several riddles (L. at the very end there are Hebrew. He recorded everyday events believing they could be interesting “to those coming after him. “(The mecmua was) Not to be taken out of the library mentioned.3 For over 50 years Mulla Mustafa recorded everyday events and situations in Sarajevo where he lived. and to be lent for reading only to those who will use it in that way .157b–158a).161b) and explanations of dreams (L. with the names. . on pages 46b–48b.

the Jahja Pasha Mosque imam. owing to abundant rains” (L. A short account of how he studied under Süleyman Effendi Arnaut for a time probably refers most to his elementary education. it is certain that he was born about 1730.) bir vakit hocam idi” (teacher in a primary school. I quote the number of the page (here: 147b) and the number of the line on said page (here: lines 10 and 11). . . ihtiyâr. he only wrote down that in 1217 AH. had died before the benefactor was born. . Mulla Mustafa’s age can also be discerned from his note from 1795. Sarajevo. he was over 70. Uvod.life in sarajevo in the th century
319
Mustafa’s mecmua was an asset to be well looked after. 5. judging by the available information. 1997. he must have been born in Sarajevo. But. or 1802–1803 AD. See: M. khodja. an old man. Thus the benefactor’s note itself arouses interest in the text on the following mecmua pages. but nothing of that goes beyond the historical meaning of his mecmua. to the name of a certain Mahmut Zaimović. therefore. “I have 60 years of living memory. In fact. what we know about him is derived from the mecmua in which Mulla Mustafa included some information about his own life. What we know about Mulla Mustafa We know some details of Mulla Mustafa’s life. he most likely knew its content very well. how the mecmua came into his possession or what he knew about Mulla Mustafa who. benüm ustam (my master craftsman). as can be seen. Everything related to Mulla Mustafa’s life relates to Sarajevo. muallim-i sibyân. Mujezinović. We are not sure of the year of his birth. as he himself claims in the text of endowment. used to be my teacher). The note dates from 1774 and. since he added the words. he says. we do not yet know who Mehmed Ševki Alajbegović was. p.75a/5).
. Yahya Paşa camiinde imam (.142b/10–11. a
7 L. 8 Mehmed Mujezinović thinks that it was 1731 or 1732. When indicating the original text in Mulla Mustafa’s autograph mecmua.149a/14). What was written down about Sarajevo’s everyday life that made the benefactor set such strict conditions for the use of the mecmua? This contribution will try to present in some measure. 9 Writing in his mecmua that Süleyman Effendi Arnaut died. Mulla Mustafa made a note by his name: “. but I don’t remember that as much grass as this ever grew. Mulla Mustafa wrote that Süleyman Effendi had died as an old man (L. There. hoca.9 We assume that he was trained in the kazaz trade (haberdashery). the content of the mecmua. . on several different pages. in Mula Mustafa Bašeskija: Ljetopis (1746–1804). As the mecmua had been in the benefactor’s possession for 50 years by then.7 So.8 Mulla Mustafa wrote nothing about his education.

13 From this we can see that. he was a scribe. p. 13 L. sene 1169. in 1759. near the Ferhadija Mosque in the centre of Sarajevo. p. The Hijrah year of 1169 covers the time from 7th October 1755 until 25 September 1756. as far as we can learn from the existing documents.
11
10
. p. Uvod. That the milieu in which he lived recognised Mulla Mustafa’s renown as a religiously educated man.15 Another job that Mulla Mustafa did probably added to his renown in the Sarajevo milieu. imam of the Buzadžizade Mosque.155a/6). He himself writes the title with his name in the mecmua. . Mulla Mustafa had just reached this important age. Mulla Mustafahad had an education that enabled him to do such jobs. nowhere does he mention that he entered that line of business. Thus Mulla Mustafa simultaneously did the job of a religious official and the job of a scribe.26b/13). Merasim ve Tabirleri. 330). Quoted according to M.11 Two years later. close to the centre of the old part of the city of Sarajevo. We can see how growing a beard was considered to be an important event in the Ottoman culture in A. In 1757 he became a teacher (muallimi sıbyân) in a primary school (mekteb). too. 98. By accepting an official appointment in a mosque. imam of the Buzadžizade Mosque. at the age of 25. Sarajevske džamije i druge javne zgrade turske dobe.33b/12). although it is not a must.
This note is from 1784. is demonstrated by the title of mulla added to his name. It is located on the corner of Logavina and Ćemerlina Streets. Ve bu hakîr kâtib Mulla Mustafa (L. Bey. he was entrusted with the positions of imam and hatib12 at the Buzadži Hajji Hasan Mosque. Osmanlı Adet. however. This mosque was built by merchant Buzadži Hajji Hasan in 963 AH (1555/56 AD) and still bears the name of the benefactor today. 12 Imam is the name for a religious official leading the congregational Muslim prayer (namaz). in one mosque the same person is both the imam and the hatib. when kazaz Mehmed Zaimović died (L. We can see from his notes that he worked as a religious official. Kemura. cit. Mujezinović. Ferhad-beg Mosque still exists in the centre of Sarajevo.7b/6–8. Usually. in 1755 or 1756 he grew beard. 5. Sakalımı irsâl. Both times he was recorded under the title of effendi—Mustafa Effendi. .. The school existed until 1879. L.95a/20). in Mula Mustafa Bašeskija: Ljetopis . 14 That in those years. After that year he was a witness at court on two more occasions. the imam is required to lead five daily prayers. Hatib leads the Friday noon prayer. when it burnt down in a fire and was never rebuilt thereafter (S.14 We do not know at which madrasah Mulla Mustafa studied. in the street named after it—Ferhadiya. Istanbul 2002.10 Mulla Mustafa. That note on page 6a/9 reads. 15 To quote those places: Bu fakîr Mulla Mustafa idüm (L. and his name reads Mulla Mustafa. It is in this order that he listed his jobs in the note reading bu hakîr imâm.7b/18–19. Note 1.320
kerima filan
kazaz craftsman. Ve işte hakîr pürtaksîr Mulla Mustafa (L. Sarajevo 1910. Mulla Mustafa was entered as a witness in a case conducted before a Sarajevo quadi. In a court protocol from 1775. but it was certainly at one of the Sarajevo madrasahs. is confirmed by his note that.

which we learn from the note he made in 1216 AH: Ìşbu senede bu hakîr ü fakîr damla maradına mübtelâ oldum.146a/5). he was given soup and two loaves of bread ( fodule)23 in the soup kitchen (imaret).
17
16
. in 1772.21 He might have continued with the job until he had a stroke in 1801 or 1802. and by then he had been doing it for 17–18 years”. 21 In 1788.18b/21–22. We know nothing about how Mulla Mustafa spent the last years of his life.30a/17. He died in
The note is from 1773 and is on L. the indigent person.life in sarajevo in the th century
321
kâtib dahi (I.16 In the mecmua. Mulla Mustafa wrote that in 1763 he rented a small store. he was doing his job as a scribe (L. Mulla Mustafa transferred his duties in the mosque to his friend Mulla Fazlija Shechi “to have more freedom. he noted that his income from the writing services in 1207 AH (1792–1793 AD) was 269 groschen (L. opposite the west entrance to the courtyard of the Gazi Husrev-beg Mosque. 20 L. it is clear that it was in today’s Mudželiti Street. from 1782 on we see him as imam and hatib at the same mosque again. 18 L.18 There he mentions his associate. Mulla Mustafa recorded very little about the job he was doing.20 The freedom that Mulla Mustafa wished for lasted only a few years. Five years later. Mulla Mustafa daily recited the Qur’an in the Gazi Husrev-beg Mosque before the soul of the benefactor Husrev-beg. 21b/17–18.8b/6–7. imam and scribe). Mulla Osman. Mulla Mustafa wrote that. 23 L.155a/6–7. in the bazaar (çarşı—trade and crafts centre) “below the Clock Tower”17 for the purpose of his writing business. as the duties are a great responsibility. the administrator of the Gazi Husrev-beg waqf entrusted him with the duty of a džuzhan (cuzhan) in that waqf. 22 L. 19 L. As a džuzhan. he decided to extend his offices. Since Mulla Mustafa provides the information that his office was below the Clock Tower. Mulla Mustafa had already been in business as a scribe for ten years and was obviously acknowledged as such. A lot of citizens must have been coming to Mulla Mustafa for his services when. L. it was on the 1st of Muharram 1186 (4 April 1772 AD).142b/7.22 One year before Mulla Mustafa fell ill.18b/22.19 According to the Hijrah calendar. Thereafter.56b/2–5). for the work he was doing. By that time. despite the misfortunes that befell Sarajevo that year. From two notes we can see that he was in business as a scribe during the following ten years. Together they hired two or three more young men and trained them in writing. At the time he was about 40 years old.

the benefactor Mehmed Ševki Alajbegović. in Mula Mustafa Bašeskija: Ljetopis . . as Mehmed Mujezinović24 discovered.27 The name of Ševki in this note. 7). M. It was written on page 4b referred to above. Uvod. Mulla Mustafa says nothing in his mecmua of himself as a basheski. The last notes in his mecmua relate to the years of 1804/1805. However. Mujezinović. the sinner and indigent person.26 The longest name he wrote down referring to himself is bu hakîr u fakîr kâtib-i âm Şevkî Mulla Mustafa Buzacîzâde Hacı Hasan câmi-i şerîfin imâm ve hatibi. Mujezinović. p. is the poetic pseudonym of Mulla Mustafa. Mehmed Mujezinović had found that Mulla Mustafa had died on 18th August 1809. in which he processed all the inscriptions on Muslim tombstones in the Sarajevo cemeteries. cit. 25 That part of the text reads: Medîne-i Saraybosna ahâlisinden Başeski Şevkî Mulla Mustafa’nun medîne-i mezbûrede vukû’a gelen vukûât u vaz’iyyâta dâir kayd edüp elli seneden berü tasarufumda bulunan işbu mecmûayı vakf. it is likely that Mulla Mustafa wrote that qasida while
. and the qasida was continued in the mecmua on page 48b.. . Knjiga I—Sarajevo. Sarajevo 1974. as in the one about the benefactor Alajbegović. Although it occurs much further on than the note. as senior and respected members of such detachments were called basheskis. Mulla Mustafa as Basheski and Ševki In the deed endowing Mulla Mustafa’s mecmua to the library. . 28 On page 8a/8–17A there is a note about that huge plague epidemic that lasted three years..25 The title Basheski that we see here with the name Mulla Mustafa may be related to his service in a janissary detachment. 27 The name. but did not know where he was buried (M. It
24 By the time he wrote the Uvod /Introduction/ for the first edition of Mulla Mustafa’s mecmua translated into Serbo-Croatian of. It is a court protocol of a Sarajevo qadi from 1767 listing Mustafa-başa başeski among the names of witnesses. Six years later. It features in Mulla Mustafa’s poems written in the mecmua in Turkish. One of the poems is a qasida telling of the plague epidemic in Sarajevo from 1762 to 1765. Mujezinović formulated the hypothesis that the inscription on one nišan /tombstone/ in the Hambina carina cemetery belonged to Mulla Mustafa (pp. appears on page 161b. scribe Ševki Mulla Mustafa. which means that as an ill man he continued writing notes in his mecmua. imam and hatib in the venerable Buzadžizade Hajji Hasan Mosque”.28 Another poem by Ševki Mulla Mustafa is also a qasida. which translates as “I. wrote that the said mecmua was written by a Sarajevo citizen Basheski Ševki Mulla Mustafa. when he published his book Islamska epigrafika Bosne i Hercegovine. cit. 5. Note 1. in Mula Mustafa Bašeskija: Ljetopis . . That it relates to Mulla Mustafa was established by M.322
kerima filan
1809. 26 There is only one more note referring to Mulla Mustafa as a basheski. Uvod. p. 165–166).

29 That Ottoman province covered part of today’s Albania and part of Montenegro. which is how we know that it was written by Mulla Mustafa. 18. The same poetic name appears in one poem in the Bosnian language written on page 122a.30 Judging by the time when the two poems were written. perhaps. 33 L. The poet must have hesitated before using his poetic name at the time he wrote these poems.life in sarajevo in the th century
323
was written as a eulogy to Mahmut Bušatlija. in: Mula Mustafa Bašeskija: Ljetopis . These two qasidas were written within a time span of 25 years.33 one tells of the severe winter of 1798 or 1799. 35 M. 36 The poems by Ševki Mulla Mustafa mentioned here are the only ones known. pasha of the province of Shkodër. . cit. In the meantime.154b/13. This seems likely because the poet’s name was first signed as Mušfik or Ašik. written in the mecmua on pages 120b–122a. the name Šefki was written with no hesitation. The bridge standing at that site now is called Emperor’s Bridge. The qasida generally includes a lot of details. We may assume that Mulla Mustafa’s poems. Mulla Mustafa wrote poems at different periods of his life. He wrote five chronograms for the reconstruction of the court building (mahkema) after the fire of 1773. making it clear that the poet vividly remembers the pestilence.35 In the qasida about the plague epidemic. 31 L.
. p. as he writes about the overall number of deaths during the epidemic. were earlier poetic attempts compared to the two qasidas and chronograms mentioned.145b/10–13. as Mehmed Mujezinović also claims. 32 That is a stone bridge over the Sarajevo River Miljacka.36
the epidemic was still happening or. . immediately afterward. 34 L.22a/12–15. on pages 53b–54a.34 All the chronograms were written at the places where these events are described in the mecmua. 30 Qasida about Mahmud Pasha was most probably written in those years. It immediately follows the notes about the disorder. he wrote several chronograms. Mujezinović. before being crossed out and having Ševki written below it.29 who led the rebellion against the central authorities in 1786– 1787. just as it appears in Mulla Mustafa’s verses written some thirty years later.31 two are from a later period and are about the reconstruction of the Hajji Hussain Bridge32 after the torrent of 1792.

how to write curing amulets for the sick. as he says. all things clear and unclear became known to me. Bir gecede feth-i bâb oldı. only one point remained. I comprehended everything. is still active in Sarajevo.81a/4–4c..40 Sheikh Hajji Mehmed must have respected Mulla Mustafa if he taught him. along with some other books”.41 Sheikh Mehmed certainly would not have disclosed the secret to those he did not consider able to understand it.42
37 The tekke of the Quaderite mystic order. 41 L. 39 L. . bir nokta kaldı. A great pleasure to me were talks with the Hajji Sinan tekke’s sheikh and reading the books about tasawwuf. Mulla Mustafa knew him as a sheikh all his life.
. He was already well-informed about Islamic mysticism (tasawwuf ) in his fifties. which were probably the talks that Mulla Mustafa referred to in the above note. . .36b/18–37b/5.38 .324
kerima filan Mulla Mustafa as a learned man
The insight into Mulla Mustafa’s personality is not exhausted with what has been said about him so far: that he was a poet. çalışdum. . .27b/5–7.81a/4. 38 L. and I did not find it difficult or boring. hepüsi zâhir ü bâtın bana ma’lûm oldı. a teacher and a mosque official. He only said.39 We can see from the same note that he discussed what he read with the sheikh. (.) Ve leyl ü nehâr düşüne düşüne say ede ede usanmadum tâ feth-i bâb olmadıkça ve tasavvufun künhine ermedikçe vazgeçmedüm. My knowledge lit up the night. Mulla Mustafa also did this job successfully. the sheikh of the Hajji Sinan tekke. 42 L. known by the name of the benefactor Hajji Sinan. Ìş anlandı ve bilindi. Therefore.) I had been thinking and working day and night until the knowledge revealed itself to me and until I understood the essence of the tasawwuf science. nâ’il oldum. This is inferred from a note made in 1780 in which he says he acquired the knowledge of tasawwuf by spending time reading books and through talks to the sheikh (principal) of the Hajji Sinan tekke in Sarajevo:37
Bir zemandan sonra el-Hacc Sinan tekyesinün şeyhile sohbet ederken ve tasavvuf kitablari mütâla’a etmesi sebebile dâd aldıkça aldum. I understood everything. in the note he made on the death of Hajji Mehmed. therefore. that the sheikh used to give him “books in Arabic. a scribe. . among other things. (. and by then he had been sheikh for 40 years.
Mulla Mustafa did not say which books he read. 40 Hajji Mehmed was 80 when he died in 1777.

derzi (L.
. See: Dž.75b/3).36b/18–19).16a/6–8 page. Mulla Mujo. I have understood that someone who has only positive knowledge cannot fulfil his wish. after the positive I turned to abstract knowledge. such as the qadi Mulla Jahja. şâgirdüm idi (L.36b/22–23. The following quotation shows how important knowledge of the tasawwuf is to him:
Ìlm-i zâhir.
Mulla Mustafa described himself as quiet-spoken. where Islamic mysticism (tasawwuf ). hoca. whilst discussing a lot about dogmatics. i. In Mulla Mustafa’s mecmua we can see Velihodžić as a lecturer in astronomy. kazzāz. Luçeviça imâmı.45 Positive knowledge cannot be understood without abstract knowledge.life in sarajevo in the th century
325
Mulla Mustafa was also occupied with acquiring positive knowledge.63b/4). Mulla Salih who was a court recorder and hafiz Mulla Mahmud. 45 L.78b/20. Mulla Mustafa says he understood exact knowledge better when he understood the tasawwuf. 47 To mention a few such notes: Şāgirdüm biçakçı. ilm-i bâtin ki tasavvufsuz bir işe uymaz kuş kanatla uçmadığı gibi. educational institutions of the highest rank in the Bosnia of the time. For a time he was the sheikh of the Gazi Husrev-beg khanuqah. Gazi Husrevbegov hanekah u Sarajevu. sarı sakallı (L. so. . Hemen ayağıma gelen suhtelere ders veregeldüm (L. 48 L. withdrawn. şâgirdūm (L. he wrote that he was attending Hajji Mehmed Effendi Velihodžić’s classes in astronomy and the Shari’a law.e.) Şâgirdüm Bekir. the commentaries on the Qur’an (tefsir) and the Prophet’s tradition (hadis) were studied. p. 46 The text reads: Amma hakîrün pür-taksîrun tabiatı mahcub ve gayetü’l-gaye ârlı oldiğından ne derse ve ne vaaza segirdem. This is why he did not give public lessons or lectures.47 He wrote that he taught some. Mulla Mustafa wrote şâgirdüm (my student) beside the names of some deceased persons. Ćehajić.63b/4). and not someone who liked to put himself forward. Mulla Mustafa wrote that besides himself. in “Anali Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke”. without the tasawwuf. and 13 years after Mulla Mustafa wrote that he had attended his classes (L.42b/7–8).46 In his mecmua. Ilm-i zâhiri bilen dahi murada ermez deyü anladum ve ilm-i zâhirden sonra ilm-i tasavvufa teveggül ü şugl eyledüm.86b/7). tasawwuf and soul with another student. In 1770. Trebin‘li sûhte. Mulla Mehmed. IV (1976). 49 L. şagirdüm.48 the Shari’a law. just as a wingless bird cannot fly. the lectures were attended by the brothers. peaceful.43 The lectures were delivered on the mekteb premises near the Gazi Husrev-beg Mosque.. Abadžić. With his knowledge he was helpful to those coming to him to learn.49
43 Hajji Mehmed Effendi Velihodžić (1722–1785) was a lecturer at the Gazi Husrev-beg madrasah and khanuqah. . 44 On L. (. then Mulla Ahmed Saračević. hânkâhda gavga edüp sûhteler anı topuzile cerh ve baa‘de eyyâm fevt.92b/7–9.44 However. 6.

Actually. from this short excerpt of the mecmua’s first page it becomes apparent that the events of 1757 motivated Mulla Mustafa to make the records. and the other about the robbery of hajjis in Arabia. which is in 1756/1757 AD.6a/1–3. the earthquake was recorded “in retrospect”. As we can see from the contents of this note. From the first pages of the mecmua chronicle part Mulla Mustafa started taking notes about the events and people of the milieu in which he lived in 1170 AH. “The event in which Pašo Morić. The sentence given here in italics is in the Arabic language in the original text.” Then there follow two short notes about the events of the same year. fe-fehm. At the time. Sari Murat and Halilbašić were executed.326
kerima filan
We can best judge Mulla Mustafa as a learned man by a note in which he says that he. he was a young man of about 25. So. this event was first recorded in one
Mademki murada erdüm andan sonra “bilmem” demem. concrete and abstract. whereupon some shocks underground could be heard exactly one year previously”.50 Mulla Mustafa wrote this when he was (about) 50 years old. There are a few more short notes on page one referring to events remembered from before 1170 AH (1756–1757 AD). having understood all sciences. I am going to record some events in the city of Sarajevo and the eyalet (province) of Bosnia by date. As demonstrated above. since what is recorded stays. 51 L.
50
. The fourth note is about the earthquake that happened in 1167 AH (1753–1754 AD). the ten-year long riots in Bosnia were crushed by the executions of some twenty people in Sarajevo. happened in the year of 1170. “Three nights in a row during the hours of the evening. The sentence is immediately followed by the note. and what is memorised vanishes. (L. from saying that “he does not know”. had fulfilled his wish and that thereafter he was forbidden (haram) by his religion.51
Thus Mulla Mustafa demonstrated that he was motivated by the wisdom of an Arabic saying to take up recording. 1170. He began his notes with the words:
Medîne-i Saray’da ve eyâlet-i Bosna’da bazı vakâyı beyân ve tarihini beyan ederim zira kullu ma kutibe karre ve ma hufiza ferre. in that year. bana haramdur bilmem demek.37a/5–6). One is about a military campaign against Montenegro.

The other is the riot against the authorities. especially the part about the last event that took place in Sarajevo on the 3rd of March 1757 indicates a state of general anarchy in Bosnia.6b. Social and economic instability in Bosnia inflamed resistance to the local authorities. which were led by Mahmud Pasha Bušatlija in the Shkodër province 30 years later (1786–1787).6b i L. 56 L. like others that were written down on page L. However. and then went back to L. Seljačke bune u Bosni u XVII i XVIII stoljeću.6a.7a. wrote Mulla Mustafa. in three or four days they caught 23 people and strangled them to the accompaniment of cannon fire.54 The event. which may be the result of insufficient information about the circumstances of the events. Mulla Mustafa gives the names of 23 executed people. What Mulla Mustafa recorded. Writing from memory. “aroused such hostility towards outlaws among the townsfolk. a janissary aga killed the basheski Sari Murat who had been leading the riots since 1747. but also of his youthful insecurity. in “Godišnjak Pravnog fakulteta u Sarajevu”. which was especially manifest in the interior of the state.5b. That day seven people were killed during clashes in the city. in the seat of the janissary ağa. Buturović. 55 L. Mulla Mustafa probably started to write about the stormy years on page L.52 The events of these ten years certainly made their mark on life in Sarajevo and the whole of Bosnia in the mid–18th century.53 Mulla Mustafa wrote about the events after they were over. L. 223–239. Đ.5b and finished the topic there.6a. Resistance started in 1747 and grew into riots that continued until 1757. and then Sari Murat’s followers killed 6 merchants whom they held responsible for his death. 54 This happened in the very centre of the city. pp. This is one of the two somewhat longer records of events in the mecmua. it is certainly clear that Mulla Mustafa criticises nizamsuzluk (disorder). remembered and considered important to remember. Mulla Mustafa immediately returned to the riots that had just finished and wrote three full pages (L. Sarajevo 1983.
.7a) about them.life in sarajevo in the th century
327
sentence. Sućeska. 53 The ten-year long riots were written about by: A.56 he criticises the yaramazi (outlaws) for having no fear of representatives
52 The first page where Mulla Mustafa started to record events as short notes is L.5b/10–12.”55 Mulla Mustafa’s text about the stormy years in Bosnia is unclear in places. which was where the Cathedral stands today. They resulted from a crisis in the Ottoman state’s system organisation.7a/8–9. First. Morići. XIII (1965). he recorded what he had observed. both people who are honourable and people who are not. But. His notes represent his views of those troubled times. that the following day a large number of people from various groups rose in revolt. continued on L.

was “the time of rebellion of outlaws”. about military campaigns. back at that time. City life went on in the bazaar (çarşı).57 is transferred to L. Over the ten years or so that followed. Mulla Mustafa could not know in advance what he would record. even the ones that seemed to be absolutely ordinary.84b/16 page. He wrote with awareness that everyday events. but without being thematically grouped. as he said in his opening sentence.144a.58 For Mulla Mustafa that time. was to record events and phenomena in part one of the mecmua. about the prices of corn.6b/1–2. L:7a/14. there were over 60 trades. severe colds.57 and the various groups of yaramazi for competing in the number of their followers. a phenomenon or a person. like the mecmua they fill. 59 E. 18th century Sarajevo is revived in Mulla Mustafa’s words. and later when he mentions it. the only thing that Mulla Mustafa set as a task for himself in advance.120a. In this respect. floods. droughts. This is why in his mecmua notes appear chronologically. Nor could he know in advance how much he would write about an event or a phenomenon. On his mecmua pages.328
kerima filan
of the authorities. The craftsmen. hid within themselves features of interest worth remembering. events that constitute human lives in that place and at that time. in the note from 1779 on L. merchants and others did their businesses there. fires.117b. kazazi (haber-
L. drawn butter.
58
57
.60 He recorded whatever life brought about. His notes. The notes are often only a single sentence about an event. do not have a (pre-) set form.g. starting from page L. he made very short notes on life in the city. and the deaths of his fellow townspeople in part two. 60 Thus the record of events from page L. this form was not strictly adhered to either. about shortages or affluence of foodstuffs. about which other sources remain silent. about unusual phenomena and festivities in the city. candles. There terzije (tailors).58b. and again interrupted and continued on page L. rainfalls. continued until L.59 Life in the city Mulla Mustafa did not record that the situation in Sarajevo stabilised after the events of March 1757. records of the events follow each other. In the Sarajevo çarşı. meat. However. fruit. The aim of Mulla Mustafa’s making notes was not to describe but to record in order to be remembered.

fires or other events.21a/23. Kasapi. L.64 Although short. Kujundžiluk.62 Although Mulla Mustafa’s notes provide no valid insight into the business operations of the bazaar (çarşı). Kazandžiluk.21b/7–8. kovači (blacksmiths). čizmecije (boot makers). which Mulla Mustafa mentioned when he wrote about floods. as well as some about social circumstances.: L. recorded in the second part of his mecmua—in the necrology. cosmetics and spices) and bakers. Sarači.
61 62 63 64 65 66
E. Mineci-han. L.9b/3.71b/15. Bazerdžani. atari (herbalists). L. ironmongers.61 In Sarajevo.g. mudželiti (bookbinders). L. L. bazerdžani (merchants in eastern goods. Tabaci.66 that tobacco should not be smoked in public. such as: Abadžiluk.29a/10.life in sarajevo in the th century
329
dashers). as in other Ottoman cities and towns. abadžije (clothes makers). preconditions for the development of trade and crafts. In mecmua Mulla Mustafa mentions Sarajevo merchants and craftsmen visiting fairs in Skopje and Višegrad. just as were the arrivals of merchants and craftsmen in town.16b/18.
. L. Kovačhi. leading such quarters of the bazaar (çarşı) to be named after crafts. sarači (harnessers). In Sarajevo there were several caravanserais where the visiting merchants and craftsmen could store their merchandise and travel equipment. we can see that stores belonging to the same guilds were clustered together.19a/18. we can still follow the years of scarcity and of affluence through the prices of provisions and the notes about weather conditions. Novi han.35a/20. Mulla Mustafa did not write about business transactions in the city.40a/1.27a/4. Some streets in the centre of old Sarajevo still have these names today. Zildžiluk. which were. kujuncije (goldsmiths and silversmiths). L. The names of some parts of Sarajevo say a lot about the district. L. we learn of them being the roads of Rumelia and on the way to Egypt.32a/7. L.32a/2. Kolobara. kazancije (coppersmiths). grocers and coffee shop owners all plied their trades. telals (town criers) announced wartime military call-ups. L. L. Most of the information on crafts comes from his notes about the occupations of the Sarajevo townspeople. L. tabaci (tanners). merchants.63 while through accidents. Mulla Mustafa’s notes include Tashli-han.65 All the caravanserais were located in the bazaar (çarşı) within short distances of each other. Čizmedžiluk.75b/6. these notes bear witness to departures from the city.37b/28–29. In the bazaar (çarşı) as in the city centre. L.

14b/3–5. It was in the summer of 1780. 80 L.71 from the çarşı people started out on picnics organised by craftsmen.38a/4.80 There are no more notes referring to his absence from the office. as he himself put it. 70 L. attacking anyone who dared to tease her. when he stayed in the village of Zgošća.). 71 L.77 Since 1763. 76 L. 6). 77 L. into the Gazi Husrev-beg Mosque’s courtyard. 79 From Mehmed Mujezinović: That is a village near Kakanj (M. L. 73 L. True.33a/24–33b/5.25b/19. Mulla Mustafa walked the distance from home to his writing store in the bazaar (çarşı) every day.73 When a group of women decided to protest against poverty and shortages.67 how to ration provisions at times of shortage. a mute man went around the bazaar (çarşı) begging from store to store. 74 L.75 A mad woman came to the bazaar (çarşı) for several days. 69 L. they encouraged other townspeople to protest too. . Mula Mustafa Bašeskija: Ljetopis .26b/7.” (L. Mulla Mustafa he only closed the office for one week when he fell ill with a fever.68 and what clothes Christians and Jews were ordered to to wear. when he started the business.12b/6. About that period. a lot of things happened in the city of Sarajevo. As they arrived at the time the worshipers were leaving the mosque after the noon prayer—namaz. Mujezinović (ed. from the middle of 1781 to the beginning of 1782.26b/11–13. Thus. .34b/15–20.76 Mulla Mustafa’s writing store was in the bazaar (çarşı). cit. where they expressed their dissatisfaction by shouting. like the majority of the merchants and craftsmen.72 the çarşı prepared statesmen’s visits. it was a short
L.30a/19.79 where he went with his family “for a change”.78 On one further occasion he was absent from the city for several months. which would also indicate his absence from the city.34a/11–13. Mulla Mustafa wrote down only this much: “While I was in the country.330
kerima filan
in the streets.40a/15–16).40a/14.74 When he came to Sarajevo from somewhere else. right near the city’s biggest mosque. 75 L. 78 L. I was not here and that is why I did not record anything.24b/14.69 as well as births in the Sultan’s family. p.31a/17.
68
67
.70 and other news that Mulla Mustafa recorded in the mecmua. 72 L. and was “open to everyone”. From the bazaar (çarşı) hajjis set off to Makkah. they went to the bazaar (çarşı).

bu mecmuaya bakan ve nazr eden aşık teferrüc eylesün.84 He explained his intention as follows:
Ìşbu asırda şehrümüzde ulemâyı bir parça şerh ü beyan edeyim. So.82 At the very beginning of the necrology. The learned men in the city When middle-aged. satisfy their curiosity and enjoy their leisure. işitdüm. . Mulla Mustafa noted that he knew a lot people in the city of Sarajevo (pek ziyâdesiyle vâkıf olup bildiğim ahbaplarumuzdan . at some other time. belles letters. Hajji Mehmed Velihodžić was so good at all the sciences that everybody said of him that he was a ma’rifetli adam (a
Mulla Mustafa wrote in several notes .35b/17–18. Mulla Mustafa knew the learned men of Sarajevo well.42a/25 Mulla Mustafa noted that he was able to estimate the number of deaths from the plague in 1782 because he “enquired of many people in coffee rooms how many persons died in their mahalas”. . He would ask people in the coffee rooms when he wanted to be reliably informed about something that he wished to record. Benden sonra asr-i ahirde seyr edenler. he used to go to the mosque five times from dawn to the in the late evening. What he could not or did not have time to see for himself. Let those who will come after me. and look at (use) this medžmua.35b/17–37a/24. . As imam of the Buzadži Hajji Hasan Mosque. mathematics.83 He must have known even more as he got older. when he was young.life in sarajevo in the th century
331
distance. On L. or in several. he learned from meeting with and talking to people. stylistics.58b/1. (birisinden) dinledim. 84 L. either from home or from the office. dediler.
82
81
. 85 L. . astronomy. but was familiar with the others too. He also learned things from those who came to his office81 and by enquiring around.85 Let me say something about the men of learning in our city at this time. 83 L. bu kitabı. Mulla Mustafa obviously moved around the bazaar (çarşı) all the time and thus heard and saw a lot of things. among whom he also counted himself. and Islamic mysticism. logic. in 1780 he decided to write a comment in the mecmua about the education of the learned men of the time. the sciences mastered by the Sarajevo scholars of the time were the Shari’a law. but Mulla Mustafa had to walk it several times a day.
Judging by Mulla Mustafa’s words. Each of the scholars excelled in one of those sciences. grammar. mahzuz olsun. ).

89 This comes from the word “sohbet” (keeping company and conversing) and “halva” as it was customary for the companions during their sessions to cook halva during the party and treat themselves to the cake. spoke about their knowledge of these languages.33b/6–14. 87 L. On astronomy he was the most knowledgeable among all the Sarajevo scientists. in the note on his death. 90 L. Mulla Mustafa noted that there was no such an astronomer from Istanbul to Bihać.86 There were also other scientists who “could not say that they were ignorant in any of the fields of knowledge”.
. also knew astronomy well. Mulla Mustafa emphasised his knowledge of tasawwuf most.42b/7–8). Additionally.87 Ibrahim Effendi. generally known as Begimam. Despite his modesty. he had a good knowledge of mathematics and wrote (or was writing) some booklets on that science.127a/6). Here again it is mentioned that Mulla Mustafa had conversations about the sciences both when he learnt (from sheikh Mehmed) and when he taught (Mulla Mujo and Mulla Jahja). Mulla Mustafa had words of praise for Mulla Mahmut who “answered the most difficult questions in all the sciences”.88 Speaking about himself. they performed dhikr just like in the tekke.89 We see Mulla Mustafa at such gatherings in 1779 when he used to meet a group of some ten friends on Wednesday evenings in Mulla Hasan Vilajetović’s house.
86 L. sheikh of the Hajji Sinan tekke. he was such a good astronomer that he could be considered another Ptolemy. This is why Mulla Mustafa. He only spoke as much about that science in relation to Hajji Mehmed. About him.36b/6–18.332
kerima filan
man who knows a lot). Among them. We saw above that Mulla Mustafa had also taken lessons in astronomy and the Shari’a law with this scholar ten years before he wrote about the scholars. At these gatherings they said the namaz—prayer. 88 We come across this note in the necrology from 1791 (L. Arabic and Persian. From Mulla Mustafa’s notes we can see that at time knowledge was acquired both by reading books and through conversation and companionship. Companionship also took place at sohbet-halve. they recited the Qur’an. he said no scholar knew tasawwuf as well as he did himself.90 Knowing sciences involved the knowledge of languages—Turkish. and finally they talked. they read books. imam at the Gazi Husrev-beg Mosque. commenting on the men of learning in Sarajevo. Begimam is mentioned as a lecturer in astronomy along with Hajji Mehmed Velihodžić back in 1738 (L.36a/2.

and Mulla Hassan “half in Turkish. He defined it thus:
Ve dahi okur yazar çok var idi. 97 L.129a/24. At that time.36a/4. to speak about those who cannot speak Arabic so as not to make this book of mine too comprehensive.92
In Sarajevo there were men of learning who had a good knowledge of Persian and who read books in that language. stylistics and literature.life in sarajevo in the th century
333
Mulla Mustafa considered as learned those who knew the Arabic language. however. and half in Bosnian” (yarı Türçe yarı Bosnaca).82b/17. L. There are hafizes and kadıs. Vankuli’s dictionary (Vankuli Lügatı) was entered as number one. like Hajji Mehmed Velihodžić. who copied Vankuli’s dictionary in his own hand.95a/26. Some of them can speak Arabic. writing was both a skill and a trade.93 Mulla Mustafa noted that. Hâfızlar ve kudât efendiler vardur.86a/15.89b/27. made after his death. L. from whom he himself learnt because he could speak Persian. This must be the one that Mulla Mustafa Basheski says was
92 91
. a knowledge and an art. L.100 Mulla Mustafa
L.87a/8.96 When we read in the mecmua that the vaiz (preacher) from Amasja delivered a lecture in the mosque in Turkish. Also on L.37a/19–21. Bazısı Arebîden âşina ve bazısı değildür. in knowledge. but was not very good at the Persian and Turkish languages (L. and was familiar with other sciences. 100 L.93b/17. Mehmed Mujezinović showed that in the list of 188 books possessed by Hajji Mehmed Velihodžić. 98 L.98 we comprehend that in everyday life Turkish was used more than Arabic and Persian. 94 L.36a/50. 93 L. Mulla Mustafa informs us about his knowledge of Arabic indirectly by saying that he read books in that language.94 When someone spoke Turkish beautifully or read books in Turkish. so I don’t know who I should start with. 95 L. kangı birini söylerim.95 Mulla Mustafa commented that it was “as if his tongue didn’t touch the palate”.97 and that Mulla Mustafa Sofo. 96 L. 99 L. The men of learning in Sarajevo developed that skill. Amma Arebîile pek âşina olmayanları beyan u şerh etmem kitabum tavîl olmasun. some can’t.37a/9. so that some excelled as competent court recorders.99 and others as skilful copyists.36a/9.36a/17).35b/20. I am not going. Mulla Mustafa criticises Hajji Mehmed Effendi of Ćajniće who knows logic.91 There are many more literate people. like Ahmed Effendi Ćesrija. Mulla Mustafa commented on almost all the scholars and their writing skills. L.92a/1. the head of the bookbinding guild “loved to talk in Turkish all the time”. Hajji Mehmed Velihodžić outdid even Begimam.

107 L.64b/11. a blacksmith by trade. The truth is that he has no equal in Bosnia. 104 L. Književnost muslimana BiH na orijentalnim jezicima.101 Mulla Mustafa did not speak about his own writing skill. he wrote that Mustafa Zeher could speak the language of the Jews105 and that the Jew Mirkado gladly conversed about astronomy.106 He noted that Mulla Ahmed. Sarajevo 1973. so he refers “the curious users” to the pages of the mecmua on which he enters the deceased Sarajevans. like the muderis of Gazi Husrev-beg madrasah in 1782. See: H.110 The young zimmi Serende could speak Greek. level-headed and gentle poet. 110 L.131a/19. 69. IV (1976). He became the sheikh of Hajji Sinan’s tekke in Sarajevo after the death of Mehmed Effendi.73a/11. with the hearing-impairment. in “Anali Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke”. Biblioteka Mehmed-Razi Velihodžića šejha i muderisa Husrev-begova hanikaha u Sarajevu in “Anali Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke” V–VI (1978).108 He noted that the young Begić copied Kaimija’s big Diwan109 and that Salih.36b/14–15. 103 L. He did not mention himself as a poet either.76a/11. See: M. 111 L. Mujezinović. mentioned by Mulla Mustafa. 28–29. as we saw above. pp. 102 Mehmed Gurani Mejli (1713–1781) was born in Sarajevo. In another article. Perhaps because he thought his competence was not great compared to that of Gurani Mejli.36b/3–4. while the imam Mulla Alija was skilful at calculus.37a/24.133b/19. could speak Russian. although he wrote poems. which can be seen in his poems. for instance. where he received a very good education. See: M. An extraordinary poet.104 In the necrology. Mujezinović. pp. had also copied one book from the theory of hadith. 496–499. was also a book copyist. he didn’t have skill at it”.137b/24. Mehmed Mujezinović noted that Hajji Mehmed Velihodžic.102 who he described as: “A learned.”103 Mulla Mustafa says in his comments about men of learning that he cannot include all those who deserve it. 106 L. he new many things. p. as he had been held captive in Russia. 105 L. 101 L.111 Mulla
copied by Hajji Mehmed Effendi. Nekoliko rukopisa prepisanih u Gazi Husrev-begovoj medresi u Sarajevu. Mehmed Mujezinović drew attention to the fact that Velihodžic’s copy was made after Vankuli’s dictionary had been first printed in 1729 and several times thereafter. That dictionary is the most expensive book in Velajić’s library.107 and that the grocer Hajji Osman copied books. Šabanović. 108 L. 109 L. He was a skilful calligrapher.96b/14.
. but he was bad at writing.334
kerima filan
praised Mulla Mahmut as a versatile scholar but wrote: “Well.

“the dervishes. thank God. Zagreb.9a/1–2. according to the description of his property made after his death. in “Trava od srca—Hrvatske Indije 2”. samples of Bergivi’s works in the manuscript collections in Croatia are quoted. pp 409–423. see article by M.126b/22. 41 (1991). note 5). cit. pp 207–229. Mehmed Mujezinović found that. who stopped starting quarrels after that. In another paper by the same author titled Bergivi u Bosni i Hrvatskoj.113 or knew some things but was not considered a ulama (scholar). 130.
. They were such pronounced opponents of mystic orders and dervishes that Mulla Mustafa. each time expressing his disagreement with them.16b/13–21.life in sarajevo in the th century
335
Mustafa also recorded if someone was “educated to a certain extent”. the Kadizadelis condemned all the customs that they believed were not the practice of the Prophet Mohammed. the Kadizadelis appeared in Sarajevo in 1776. in “Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju”. 116 L. could not agree with them at all.118
112 L. 117 For the manuscript samples with the name of Mehmed Birgivi preserved in Bosnia and Herzegovina. according to Mulla Mustafa’s note. p. 113 L. a follower of the Qaderi dervish order. as a suffi. Mula Mustafa Bašeskija: Ljetopis.74a/5. That happened in the middle of the city.114 He also wrote in the necrology that the harnesser Gričalo was a follower of Ustuvani’s teachings.). Mulla Mustafa mentions the Sarajevo Kadizadelis in several notes in the mecmua. 115 L. 114 L. he had 45 book volumes.115 The concealed conflict in the city From that last note we learn that the harnesser Gričalo belonged to the Kadizadeli group. Ždralović. whom Mulla Mustafa described as above. .73b/21.82b/17.112 and if he knew that someone had a “big love of science”.116 It was in 1771. In Mulla Mustafa’s words. About Hajji Ahmed Kiz. at a time when the Kadizadelis were very influential. . 2000. see M. An open conflict once broke out in a mosque when the Kadizadelis attempted to prevent dervishes from holding the dhikr (joint prayer). L.117 As a group. As followers of the teachings of the Orthodox Islamic scholar Mehmed Birgivi (1522–1573) and of his followers Mehmed Kadizadeli (died 1635). 118 L. Their leader was a vaiz (preacher) from Amasja. overpowered their opponents. after whom the movement was named. Mujezinović (ed. and Mehmed Ustuvani. In Mulla Mustafa’s text we can discern the concealed conflict between the Kadizadelis and dervishes of the city. .76b/2. Bergivi u Bosni.

24b/17–19.123 Speaking about how the people expressed their dissatisfaction with the mufti. the Kadizadelis remained influential in Sarajevo during the thirty odd years that followed.
Although the vaiz from Amasja was a lecturer (muderis) at one of the Sarajevo madrasahs. This can be seen in Mulla Mustafa’s notes about how. on the grounds that Mulla Mustafa is speaking about a man with whom he did not agree at all.120 You can’t say at which science he is competent. who was considered one of the city ulama (scholars). the vaiz returned in the same year. note 3. Thus he was absent from this city for only a few months. since he came. but Mulla Mustafa did not respect his scholarship. L. Mujezinović.36a/12. in Mula Mustafa Bašeskija: Ljetopis . 124 L. After his expulsion from Sarajevo in 1775.36a/12–13. In August 1779.26a/16–19. Mulla Mustafa did not approve of such Kadizadelis’ intolerance. he wrote in connection with the case:
L. he presented himself as learned. so he was removed from office. cit. See: M. in his preaching he had been accusing both the people of Sarajevo and the sheikhulislam and the kazasker and pashas and ulama and sheikhs and dervishes of irreligion”. Mulla Mustafa wrote the following:
Fetvalar yangur yungur olmagile azl olındı. and he is known as learned.
120 119
. the vaiz had already stayed in Sarajevo for some time.336
kerima filan
By that year. . on two occasions. 97. his salary was fixed for the duty of a muderis in the Sarajevo madrasah Inadija. which can be deduced from a record that he was expelled to Amasja in 1775. in 1779 and 1798.119 Mulla Mustafa occasionally expresses his dislike for the vaiz from Amasja. the “vaiz arranged that position for himself ”). 122 L. 121 His name was Abdullah Effendi.124 His fetve (legal decisions/solutions) made no sense.122 his ignorance became so manifest that people protested against him. 123 L. he had this to say about the vaiz’s erudition:
Ve anun ilmi bilinmez iken gerçi gibi bilindi ve kendüni bildürdi. they banned acrobatic performances in the city. p. Based on an order from 1767. because “for fourteen years. When in 1189 AH (1775–1776 AD) the vaiz became a mufti (in Mulla Mustafa’s words.
However.26b/1–3. .121 Mulla Mustafa’s opinion about his scholarship should not be neglected.

Prevented from performing in Sarajevo.
Mulla Mustafa was absolutely clear in his mind about the Kadizadelis. It broke out in the city when a Ćabrić from the Vratnik quarter returned from a trip infected. A very bad epidemic of plague ravaged the city 20 years later. The acrobats went to Visoko again.8a/9–16. for a
L. usret doğar.128 In three years of the plague epidemic. and again the people from Sarajevo went there to see their skills.125 Sarajevo is a city where there are such Kadizadelis who out of spite would not accept certain things even if the Prophet himself approved of them.154a/17–19. about 15.life in sarajevo in the th century
337
Şehr-i Saray öyle bir şehirdür içinde bazı kadizadeli vardur.129 At that time Sarajevo had about 20.
126
125
. Kadızadeliden seyr gelmez. Mulla Mustafa said:
Bunca ibâdullahı zahmete koşdılar.
The Kadizadelis seem to have been more influential in Sarajevo than in some other places.000 in his qasida in which he writes about that severe epidemic. 1 Muharram 1176 (23 July 1762). L. when. the necrology is especially extensive during the time the plague was rife. The first plague epidemic Mulla Mustafa mentions hit Sarajevo at the very beginning of 1762. The tough side of the life in Sarajevo Taken chronologically by year. 128 L. his notes in the necrology that a deceased Sarajevo citizen was either a Kadizadeli or loved dervishes were neither casual nor unimportant.127 They put so many people to inconvenience! No good but only trouble can come from the Kadizadelis. 127 L.000 people died in Sarajevo alone. Ćabrić died on the first day of that Hijrah year. so he was the first to be recorded in the necrology for that year.35a/12–13. so that many Sarajevans went there to watch them. The pestilence took so many lives.35a/7–8. the acrobats went to Visoko. 129 L. a little town some thirty kilometres from Sarajevo.126 The same situation repeated itself twenty years later.62b/1. peygamber bazi şeylere ruhsat verse anlar inad edüp körlük ederlerdi. It was particularly bad in May. So. in the spring and summer of 1783.000 residents. Mulla Mustafa noted the number of deceased as 15.

000 lives. 132 L. 1997. Floods did not threaten residential quarters.42a/23. Panzac. 28).131 Mulla Mustafa’s two daughters also died. it was believed that the measles were the cause of death.41b/25. but there were human casualties as well. we can suppose that Panzac’s number refers to a larger region.149b/15–18). 134 There were plague epidemics in 1771.139 Of the 1783 flood. Sometimes a bigger summer shower was sufficient to flood the whole of the bazaar (çarşı). Relying on Mulla Mustafa’s calculation. 139 Mulla Mustafa recorded such a state in the summer of 1796 (L. 1795. Mulla Mustafa’s one-year old son Ahmed also died in that epidemic. Speaking about that plague epidemic in Sarajevo on the basis of letters from the Venetian health administration. but the overflowing Miljacka. 136 L. 137 Such a flood happened in 1776 (L. but a psychological one as well. but there were also rumours that it could have been the plague. dozens of people died every day. 133 L. Mostar and some other places in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Istanbul. which runs through the city.000 people died in Sarajevo. 138 That flood happened in June 1778 (L. Mulla Mustaffa compared it to that of the beginning of the sixties. Başçarşı was like a sea. Stand-
L.133 The disease would reappear both between two severe epidemics and after them.41b/18–19. A bad form of mumps appeared in 1771 killing many children. Mulla Mustafa noted that he had never seen such a big Miljacka torrent although he had lived to see so many of them. in Mulla Mustafa’s words.338
kerima filan
while.28a/14–16).
131
130
. 1793.138 The torrent left the bazaar (çarşı) covered in mud. 1782. was a threat to the bazaar (çarşı). whooping cough and mumps. 135 L.130 In one year the pest took 8. Cleaning up would take several days with the participation of volunteers. p. Osmanlı Ìmparatorluğunda Veba (1700–1850). Sinj amd Šibenik (D.136 Infectious diseases were a serious misfortune because of the resulting high mortality rate. When in 1770 eighty-one children died in Sarajevo.18a/6–13.15b/26–27. Daniel Panzac comes up with a hypothesis that 16.135 Occasionally epidemics of other diseases would strike.137 On one such occasion. Many a child’s life was taken by the children’s diseases of measles. 1781. because during the summer months of that year the plague raged in Travnik. Floods and fires caused huge material damage.134 The plague definitely did not only have a strong demographic and economic impact on the people. then in Split.32a/2).132 Writing about that epidemic. in places as high as a man.

119a/16–17). even catastrophic extent. Mulla Mustafa says:
Fetihden sonra şehrümüzde hezâr kerre yangı olmışdur. in the mid-November 1791. Mulla Mustafa’s office burnt out too. but never so harassing.56b/6–7. Although infrequent. Mulla Mustafa writes that there were a lot of fires in that year. When. 146 L. The Miljacka could not be crossed using the others. Mulla Mustafa says the major reason that the disaster could not be prevented was because so many men were involved in a military campaign. which had happened some ten years earlier. after the lightning. so that few strong men.
141
140
. 147 L. mainly from Sarajevo women to their husbands and sons on the frontlines. the torrent was unusually big. he watched the water hitting the water mill roofs.145 The fire spread so fiercely that the whole bazaar (çarşı) was burning. 142 Two successive fires happened on 1 and 2 February 1790 (L.147 They expressed their worries for them and complained about their hard lives. Writing about that calamity.140 Obviously. for example.144a/15–17. he would sit in the Gazi Husrev-beg Mosque’s graveyard and write letters.
The drought that occured in that period helped the fire to spread uncontrolled.56b/6.143 The heaviest fire in Mulla Mustafa’s lifetime happened in 1788. partly due to the drought and partly due to the wars. 148 L. Left without his office. since that city was conquered. it was late June.56b/10–12.56a/20. Mulla Mustafa carried on with his job of a scribe. 143 One such fire was in 1776. L. (L. Such fires would burn dozens of stores in the bazaar (çarşı).148
L.42b/3. thunder and huge rains. böyle yangı bir zaman olmamışdur.144 In Sarajevo. but it did not take the bridges away. In July that year.28b/16). dawn broke. remained in the city. 145 L. only Šeherćehaja’s Bridge was still standing. 144 L. fires occasionally broke out on two consecutive nights.141 Fires were another big misfortune. wheat was twice as expensive as it had been at the same time in the previous year.142 Fires sometimes developed to an enormous.life in sarajevo in the th century
339
ing on the bridge. thousands of fires have broken out.56a/17.146 Despite that calamity. able to help with putting out the fire.

153 It was so difficult to wage war in the rocky regions of Montenegro that some
149 150 151 152 153
L. Muvekkit. Before the arrival of the Sarajevo troops at the front.55b/29–56a/7. some of a disease. Such sentences. In the battles in Montenegro 13 people were killed from Sarajevo alone. 608. p. But there is no mention of the war with Montenegro in 1768 and the conquest of Ostrog. attacked and took Dubica early in September 1788. Seldom did women seem to outnumber men in the Sarajevo bazaar (çarşı) as they did that summer. S.149 Muvekit writes that most Sarajevans returned from the front when they learned about the fire. some of cold. They were defending Dubica. the Dubica fortress had already been successfully defended once.152 That was one of the most difficult periods for Sarajevo in the second half of the 18th century.340
kerima filan
Only misfortune brought so many women to town. L. Ostrovica. Povijest Bosne 1. but there was no fighting. Banja Luka. which had an impact on the Ottoman state’s economy. as a sign of their alliance with Russia. Sarajevo. upon whom the Ottomans had declared war over some matters of dispute six months previously. L. The soldiers started to get letters from home about the shortages and disaster that had befallen Sarajevo.000 men had left the city for the war. The newly arrived troops stayed at the front for three to four months.
. about the opening of the Black Sea for Russian trade. About 20 Sarajevans lost their lives in only one battle near Dubica. the Sarajevans were in the west borderland of the Ottoman Empire. that was the time of the Turkish-Austrian war caused by Austria’s declaring war on the Ottomans early in 1788. As the Austrians were not attacking.67a/11–67b/6. Most of the stores at the bazaar (çarşı) were closed anyway.151 Austria.56b/13–57a/16. Gradiška and Bijeljina against Austrian troops. tell nothing of the destinies of ordinary people. the soldiers did not see any reason for staying at the front any longer while misery set in at home. 1999.57a/1. so common in historical surveys. Some troops in the Montenegro campaign died of natural causes. In historical surveys. which was an important issue in Ottoman foreign policy. about the Russian occupation of Crimea.150 At that time. L. as 3. For that reason many of them returned home either having obtained permission or without it. nevertheless. History books write about the period of 20 years before that as the Turkish-Russian war.

160 as is customary on such occasions. During wartime.156 As that war lasted for several years. so every time peace was made it was an occasion of general festivities.life in sarajevo in the th century
341
Bosnian soldiers said they would rather go to remote battlefields than to the Montenegrin ones. Most of the skilled men were absent. people did not wait long to celebrate. each with 15–20 troops. Bender and Hotin. peace was soon made with Austria.18b/1–2). cit.. Muvekkit. as in the summer of 1791. .144a/2. The merry side of life Just as the announcement of war or news about losses on the frontlines caused people worries and fear. 546. along with his equally young fellows. Sometimes very young men would go to war.155 On that occasion forty colours left Sarajevo. life must have been tough. demanding the listing of all soldiers for the purpose of going to war. Once during Mulla Mustafa’s lifetime. false news of military success on the front reached Sarajevo. to the border near Očakovo. 160 L. As such news brought enormous relief. economically threatening their families. 158 L. three months after the Bosnian troops had left for the eastern front.158 Fortunately. did not go to war had to provide war support.154 Early in 1769.144a/10. families were worried about the lives of their male members. Povijest Bosne . for health or other reasons. a lot of troops were needed from all the settled parts of the Empire and fermans (orders) were sent to Bosnia. People
L. The ferman with the alleged good news was about a victory of the Ottoman troops over the Russian and Polish troops. That was in the middle of 1769. 10 to 15 Bosniaks were killed near Bucharest in battles with Russians. p. 156 L. 100 cavalry colours were raised in Bosnia and sent to a much more distant battlefield. foodstuffs would become more expensive. festivities started as soon as beşâret (the good news) arrived. Even those who. 159 That was the peace treaty signed at Sistovo on 4 August 1791.10a/6–7. Added to all this.
155
154
. 157 Mulla Mustafa noted that in 1771.157 For those who remained in the city during the wars. (L.159 and as an expression of joy guns were fired. .11b/14. when Mulla Mustafa’s fifteen-year-old son Mustafa went. to fight against an army composed of Russian and Polish troops.

166 L. L.30b/ 11–12. For that occasion a man from the inland regions came to Sarajevo and organised fireworks and performed strange tricks with fire. On the days of festivities people came to see the decorated çarşı. and even baklava.162 Fortunately. that in the future he would be patient and record the news only after he has assured himself of its validity.
162
161
. Mulla Mustafa decorated his office so beautifully that “all the townsfolk came to see the office. were prepared.342
kerima filan
rejoiced and celebrated for three days with the firing of guns. besides good news from the fronts. and guests from outside the city. stars. 165 For example. Picnics would last several days. the false ferman was an exception. Other occasions of general festivity. 164 L. stopping especially in front of stores with unusual decorations. The heads of all the guilds were invited to such picnics. This could have been the time when he took
L.”163 Mulla Mustafa informs us about other amusements. the bazaar (çarşı) was decorated. In 1776. 163 L. the sultan’s birthday and the births of the sultan’s children. except when fasting fell during that time.12b/21–23. the harnessers’ guild held a picnic that was long remembered. the stores were ornamented with various inscriptions and paper decorations in the shapes of flowers. people went out in the evening in huge numbers to watch that attraction.15b/2–4. Only after that did the news prove to be false. They were held in summer.15b/4). as well as the heads of the janissary detachments.165 In September 1777.166 Mulla Mustafa described such picnics in more detail in the years between 1770 and 1778. and bouquets. there were baklavas for the čebedžije (blanket makers) picnic in 1770 (L. Various kinds of pilaff and halva. on the occasion of the birth of Khatidja.161 The event motivated Mulla Mustafa to pledge his word. sultan Abdul Hamid’s daughter.13a/19–20. according to Mulla Mustafa’s notes. On such occasions. were the sultan’s accession to the throne. As the picnic was in the vicinity of the city. Most frequently mentioned in his mecmua are the picnics organised by some of the guilds celebrating promotions of master craftsmen and journeymen.26b/13–18. men of learning.164 The food for the guests was provided by the guild organising the picnic. on the banks of the Miljacka. crescents. usually late in August and early in September.

since a coffee-room was opened there. The 1785 notes mention horse races. L. Mulla Mustafa’s sentences also lend persuasiveness to his notes.169 Bakije was a place where people enjoyed games such as stone throwing contests.life in sarajevo in the th century
343
part as a guest. and those rare long ones are barely comprehensible in places. 169 L.30a/21. Mulla Mustafa brought before our eyes life in Sarajevo in the second half of the 18th century.167 or when he performed the writing services needed for the picnic by the guild. which he noted in 1777 concerning that year’s mutapči’s picnic (artisans making things of hair-cloth). but some errors. One gets a beautiful view of Sarajevo from Nišan. Life is put into his notes primarily by the dates. Emphasis is placed on certain areas of everyday life as the notes disclose them.
168 167
. He did not “polish up” his sentences.172 which is what makes them convincing. 171 L. state or personality.171 Sometimes acrobats would come to the city. We cannot reliably discern from Mulla Mustafa’s notes whether the acrobats had occasion to entertain the people in Sarajevo. Nišan has again become Sarajevans’ favourite site to have a rest over a coffee and a meal.45b/3–5. 172 We said above that Mulla Mustafa mentioned dates as early as the introductory sentence of the mecmua chronicle section.168 Besides these arranged picnics for specific occasions. which he recorded in 1770. The orthography in his text does not
L. since they had twice been prevented from doing so by the Kadizadelis. however. Mulla Mustafa wrote them so that they could revive the recorded event. Mulla Mustafa mentions his trip to the popular resort of Nišan in the summer of 1777. people went for outings and organised games and entertainment in summer.29b/15. slipped through. In recent years. How Mulla Mustafa wrote In his mecmua notes. which “normally took place in the field”.15b/3. Since he was writing his notes with an awareness that they might be used “at some other times”.21a/1. The dates make it possible “to match the time to its space”. In several instances Mulla Mustafa himself corrected the grammatical form of a word. as mentioned above.170 Occasionally Mulla Mustafa recorded Bajram (Eid) festivities but he made no detailed descriptions of them. 170 L. they are usually short.

173 About Mulla Mustafa as a chronicler. 2001/I–II (2003). see Id. since it is through images that comparison has the strongest effect. Sometimes the proverbs disclose only his attitude and complement his own comments on what he is writing about. In a sense. in “Türk Dili Araştırmaları Yıllığı—Belleten”. 19–43.
. however good the translation.174 Mulla Mustafa often reaches for comparisons. “as if he were in the middle of the sea” and confused. Mulla Mustafa’s “pictures” turn witty. “Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju”. to use his expression.175 I read with a smile how agas were frightened of the rebel citizens—“as if hazret Azrail had appeared before them”. This is why. Mulla Mustafa discloses his views of the events he records by comparisons. “as if he didn’t know what his right or his left was”.14b/3–13. there is no balance. pp. we may say that. 51 (2003). Ortografske karakteristike Ljetopisa Mulla Mustafe Bašeskije. threw whatever could be thrown. and gently ironic when the comparison develops into a phrase. Jezične jedinice na bosanskom jeziku u Ljetopisu Mulla Mustafe Bašeskije.14b/22. although perhaps we should rather say there is precision. see K. in “Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju”. His notes impress as images. 174 About Bosnian words and sentences in Mulla Mustafa. 175 I analysed the phrases in Mulla Mustafa’s mecmua in the article Rūz-nâme’de Birleşik Fiiller.176 It would be hard to figure out how a janissary aga is helpless before the people rushing at his seat. It is hard to believe that translating such words. in. while writing he does not pay attention to the formal side of the text. had the “picture” the people reflected not been recorded for us: the people “spoke whatever came into their minds”. would be as efficient in conveying the meaning as writing them in Bosnian. and thus ruined their protest against the authorities “as the pilaff is spoilt when it turns into mash”. but rather to its content.344
kerima filan
correspond to that used in the high literature.177 Such comparisons help us not only to understand what happened but also how it happened. that it can best be understood when reduced to a “universal” saying. It is exactly because he is preoccupied with the meaning and not the form. 177 L. critical. 115– 128. sometimes they point to a situation proved so strongly by experience. Filan. 176 L. that it was possible for Mulla Mustafa to use a Bosnian word occasionally or a short sentence in Ottoman Turkish right in the middle of a text. 49 (2000) pp.. pp.
173 Concerning this. His views can also be discerned from the proverbs he introduces into his text. 9–29.

His comments radiate modesty. Mulla Mustafa’s notes did not only describe Sarajevo but they partly shaped its picture. Modesty is a good attribute.
.30b/23.life in sarajevo in the th century
345
When expressed in his own words. we should nurture modesty in ourselves. It is precisely because he did not only observe but also experienced the life around him. tevâzü sâhibi (modest). in a distinguished family. almost like sayings or slogans. Mulla Mustafa recommends modesty as a human attribute in several notes in the mecmua. as a humanist. When in 1777 he wrote that. we find a Sarajevo which was not only recorded in a documentary but experienced emotionally as well. Because of such comments in Mulla Mustafa’s mecmua.
178
L. in his own words. At the same time they indelibly record him himself in the history and culture of Sarajevo and Bosnia. they depict Mulla Mustafa’s personality. So you should understand.”178 When making such comments. an accident had happened to a child. Mulla Mustafa added: “Such a big misfortune is a warning to others. With all of their meanings. Mulla Mustafa becomes close as a man. and he himself was. and one place at one time. Therefore. Mulla Mustafa’s comments are short and concise. that Mulla Mustafa could notice what remained hidden for others.

.

halfway between Sarajevo and Mostar on the main North-South artery from the Balkan interior to the coast of the Adriatic Sea. dervish convents and hot baths was the result of a combination of factors: the Pax Ottomanica and the need for a market and an administrative centre of a vast rural area. /N. Its development from a hamlet of a few houses below a small medieval castle into a Muslim town. to which should be added its excellent geographic location. 1988 and regular visits in 1998–2005 during my function as advisor to UNESCO for Bosnia.G. and work in the Ottoman Archives in Istanbul and Ankara.O. It profited greatly from a year as visiting professor at Harvard University (2000/01). sponsored by the Netherlands Organisation for the Promotion of Scientific Research Z. (M. a number of schools.
. No great theories are set forth but a piece of micro-history of a little-known Ottoman town situated to the spot where Bosnia ends and the Hercegovina begins. Bosnia and Herzegovina. as well as by work in the Oriental Institute and the Gazi Husrev Bey Library in Sarajevo. The development of this place was vigorously supported.KONJIC KONIÇE. and the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (D. The Hague. London 1910. 41).W. BELGRADCIK FROM HAMLET ON THE HIGHWAY TO MUSLIM TOWN1 Machiel Kiel
Konjica is a delightful Turkish town with a bridge that rivals that of Mostar. Holbach.O. by the work of a number of pious founders from the middle ranks of Ottoman society. made possible by a generous Aga Khan Fellowship Islamic Architecture. with half a dozen mosques. In the following we shall briefly describe how this town grew from hamlet on the highway to Muslim town and treat the history of its buildings.
1 This article is the fruit of many journeys through Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1967/70.
Characteristics Konjic is a pleasant little town on the River Neretva. hans. but not exclusively determined. as well as its transformation through the turbulence of the 20th century..W.F. Bonn. p.). and should on no account be missed.

only one stone in a vast mosaic. 5 Ragusa. Bosnia. a Roman and a medieval one.3 Konjic itself appears in the sources for the first time in 1382. p. 14. The town is the northernmost of the Hercegovina and the third largest of that country as to population (1991: 13. p. Italian and Old-Croat versions.2 The name of this district is mentioned again in 1244 and 1323.726 inhabitans. with its dark mountain forests and cold winters. In spite of this the climate of Konjic is still half-Mediterranean. It is a small. Die Handelsstrassen und Bergwerke von Serbien und Bosnien während des Mittelalters. p. Prenj is often snow-capped until well into June. Prenj (2102 m) and Bjelašnica (2067 m). as is its vegetation. 1790. Thalloczy.
. 57. coming from the north-east. Vego. at the point where the little Trašanica River. 4 K. elongated basin on both sides of the Neretva river at 280 m above sea level. Sarajevo 1957. Studien zur Geschichte Bosniens und Serbiens im Mittelalter. 80. 54. who did so much to improve our knowledge of the Ottoman city. mentions that a certain Hvalimir built a castle in Konjic.5 Luccari’s account makes clear
2 The source is Pope Dukljanin. Geographic location The area in which Konjic was to emerge had been settled since prehistoric times. Jireček. with wine and other plants needing much sun. by Arnaldo Forni Editions. Šišić. 3 L. of which the half was Muslim). 15. begins just north of Konjic. Naselja Bosanske Srednjevjekovne Države. Middle Ages Konjic has two predecessors. The remains of a Roman Mitraeum.348
machiel kiel
We dedicate this story of a little-known town. CXXXVIII. were discovered in 1897. joins the Neretva. p. suggesting the presence of at least a Roman military colony. See the edition of F. Pietro di Luccari’s “Copioso ristretto degli Annali di Ra[g]usa” from 1605. Beograd 1928. Ljetopis Popa Dukljanina. with the Latin. Also: M.4 A late source.S. N. The original Venetian edition of 1605 was reprinted in 1978 in the series Historiae Urbium et Regionum Italiae Rariores. The administrative district (župa) of Neretva is known to have existed since the 10th century. Prag 1879. München. The basin of Konjic is surrounded by the highest mountains of Bosnia-Hercegovina. Leipzig 1914. to Suraiya Faroqhi.

which is mentioned in the description of the Vicariate Bosnia from 1514. but nothing remains of it except the site. The register mentions it as: “the Bazar of Belgrad itself. p. in the detailed Ottoman census of the Hercegovina. or a garrison in it. Kreševljaković. today’s Hercegovina. 361. I (1953). a hundred km to the north-west. Naselja . The relatively small number of inhabitants of the settlement has to be explained as the result of its being located along the main road through the Herzegovina. pp.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
349
that this must have been shortly before the year 1400. Studien zur Geschichte Bosniens . No. against which the merchants of Dubrovnik protested vigorously. The memory of the castle lived on in the Ottoman name of the place: “Belgradcık. (both “classics” about this subject) do not mention the castle of Konjic/Biograd/Belgradžik. II (1954). Vego. Kapidžić. Stojanović. We first get Konjic in the picture in 1477.” Konjic then had 13 Christian households. carried out between 1475 and 1477. the Franciscan monks appear to have had a monastery in Konjic. 7–45. tom I. The diminutive form “cık/džik” was most probably used to distinguish it from the more important Belgrad/Glamoč. The Ottomans must have annexed the upper Neretva valley between 1466 and 1468. 8 Thalloczy. on the border between his territory and Bosnia. Sarajevo 1985. and H. Stari Bosanki Gradovi. Until May 1404 this castle was in the possession of the powerful Sanković family.. p. Mandić. Mostar 1939. pp.6 After 1404 Konjic was in the hands of the Hranić family of Hum. . . 7 L. The castle.10 No mention is made of the castle. In the 1440s a civil war had raged
6 M. 379 and 398. Poimenični Popis Sandžaka Vilajeta Hercegovina. H. 9 Published by D. or together with. pp. cit. Kreševljaković and H. Vojvode Sandalj Hranić (1392–1435) built a toll station.” meaning “Small White Castle” which was used instead of. 449f. Aličić. in “Naše Starine”. 57.8 In the same period.7 There are notes from 1444.. Beograd 1906. 299. belonging to the Vilayet of Neretva. the name Konjic. I. 1448 and 1454 showing that the castle was in the possession of Sandalj’s successor. 9–11. cit. timar of the mentioned [Ahmed of Niš] soldier of the castle of Mostar. pp.9 It was to disappear shortly afterwards. which would imply that it was either dismantled by the Ottomans or previously deserted by its Hercegovinan garrison. in “Naše Starine”. Stare Srpske povelje i pisma. was situated above the present day Hotel Igman. Acta Franciscana. . Stari Hercegovački gradovi. called Biograd or Belgrad. suggesting that it cannot have been of importance. Herceg (Duke) Stjepan Vukčić (1435–1466). but the fact that it is called a “market place” shows that it was more than an ordinary village.
. Here. 9–22. . 10 The 1475/77 register has integrally been published by A.

1528. 5. but nothing is recorded about them. 56).D. One indicator of the settlement’s role as a market is the height of the market dues. 18% of the total sum. Between 1475 and 1530. 15th–17th centuries From 1475 on.11 Ottoman Konjic. rich bibliography. The register of the sancak of Klis from 1574/75 shows that in 44 years. 533).D. the mahalle-i Gorna Konjic with seven households.D. nothing is known. the place had trippled in size and had become Muslim for the large majority (T. with oats and mixed grains (mahlut) making up 44% of the total tax. 1516 (T. 577–590. with 13 Christian households. the register T.502 akçe.043 of which was on actual production. the transformation from hamlet to town was but slow.K. Herceg Stefan Vukčić-Kosača i njegovo doba. In the 16th century. M. Beograd 1964 (292 pages. the place doubled in size. Fine.M. and it notes that it was the centre of the nahiye Neretva.G. 281–292. Ann Arbor 1987. Thus we have a total of 89 households. Cereals were also produced within the territory of the town. and the middle Neretva valley was the area where the two forces directly touched each other. 84% of whom were Muslims. 284). German summary on pp. however.350
machiel kiel
between the Bosnian king and the rebellious (Herceg) Stjepan VukčićKosača. and the mahalle-i Gebran. In 1530. with the inhabit-
11 For details about eventful late medieval period see: S.D.
. 475). 1550 (T. The settlement had grown to three wards. The tax the town had to pay was 5. 1574 (T. On the Ottoman conquest of the the area.D. On top of this we have to assume the effects of Ottoman military actions. The tithe of wheat. altogether 29 households or about 135–145 inhabitants. was only 10% of the entire sum in Konjic. 513) mentions the bazar-i Belgrad as having 14 Muslim households and 15 households of Christians. 167 (p. not even the exact date when the small castle of Konjic was taken. A note accompanying the description of the town explicitly mentions that land within its territory which could be used for agriculture was very limited. Čirković. two of which were Christian. the settlement witnessed a slow but steady growth and transformation. 533) and 1604 (T. which can be followed with help of the Ottoman defters of 1485. The Late Medieval Balkans. pp. or about 420– 440 inhabitants. the mahalle-i Tapanca Ahmed with 69 households. It is interesting to see that almost a quarter of this sum came from wine production. For the same period see also J. the pillar of the economy and largest tax-producing crop in most parts of the Balkans.

Kunst. Berlin 1896. Belgradžık on p.
. of Konjic). 13 Heinrich Renner. but the Ottomans kept most of the province. In the tahrirs of 1550. where he had lived (M. Zagreb 1985. was conquered in March 1537. with the Konjic area. in “Prilozi za orientalnu fillologiju”. 161. 114 household in all. who knew Bosnia very well. Geschichte. By 1604 it was almost entirely Muslim. When the strong Dalmatian fortress of Klis. In the late Middle Ages. 125–192. Herzegowina. which for that time and place is considerable. overlooking the Venetian port city of Split (Spalato). 98% of them Muslims. 231). Lazar Drljača.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
351
ants mostly earning their livelihood with handicrafts and trade. During the Cretan War. To give this new unit more body the northern part of sancak of Hersek. but in fact Konjic had grown from a hamlet of about 50–60 inhabitants to a small town of 550–600. namely that the last living Bogomil family. Kultur.” with a “mahalle of the Christians. and tithe was only taken from those who were actually engaged in agricultural production. The locally well known academic painter and heremit. We also see a further spread of Islam. Njavro. The 1604 description of the nahiye-i Neretva now calls its centre kasaba-i Belgradcık. Helež from the village of Dobočani near Konjic converted to Islam just before the beginning of the Austrian occupation (Durch Bosnien und die Hercegovina kreuz und quer.13 Initially the nahiye Neretva was part of the sancak Hersek and resorted under the large kadılık of Nevesinje. and “the bazar of Neretva itself. pp. 62). 40 (1990). handed down what was locally well known. Alilić. p. the Venetians succeeded in retaking Klis. The register mentions a cemaat-i Müslümanan of 49 households. and until the reforms of the mid-19th century. by imperial decree. therefore. albeit small. Naturschönheiten. In the middle of
12 The demographic content of the 1604 register has been published by Ahmed S.” with six Muslim households and only two Christian ones. p. the newly acquired territories were constituted to form a new sancak. a mahalle of Hadži Abdi with 26. held himself for the last of the Bogomils. Konjic and its district had been a stronghold of the Bosnian Church. They were. and an important slice of the western districts of the sancak of Bosna were added to Klis. in 1648. 1574 and 1604 Konjic appears as the southern most district of the new unit.E. a mahalle of Süleyman Bey with 36. freed from all extra-ordinary taxes and duties towards the state.12 This still seems very small and unimportant for the standards of our time. Konjic seems to have remained within the judicial district of Nevesinje till the beginning of the 17th century. He was buried beneath a symbolic “stećak” in the yard of the Šantić-Villa in the village of Borci (10 km S. Privredna i konfesionalna struktura stanovništva u Hercegovini krajem XVI stoljeća. they continued to call it “sancak of Klis”. showing that of a further expansion of the settlement and the transformation of its status to that of a town.

an otherwise unknown Tapanca Ahmed had a mescit built in Konjic. had the lowest rank. This bridge was the work of Karadjoz (Karagöz) Bey. 137–162.” The 17th century Ottoman kadılık system knew 12 ranks. Konjic. Sarajevo 1959. it is first mentioned as an independent judicial unit under the name of “kadılık of Belgradcık. Rumeli Kadılıklarına 1078 düzenlemesi. in Or. pp. This means that. and was part of an extensive program to foster Islamic culture in this province. Both buildings were situated close to the bridge.Prof. han and school of Karadjoz Bey. For the official lists of kadılıks from 1667/68 see: M. Postanak i upravna podjela. being small and new. Bosanski Pašalik. and: F.352
machiel kiel
March of 1633 (eva’il-i Ramazan 1042). 159–168. Özergin. For Konjic we read there: “Belgradcık. 16 Cf. Ankara 1976. or. The mescit of Tabanica Ahmed is the only one mentioned in the register. This vakf is first mentioned in the vakf section at the end of the tahrir defter of the sancak of Klis from 1574 (T. Defteri za Kliški Sandžak iz XVI i početka XVII stoljeća. 20 days [from Istanbul]. in “Anali Gazi Husrev-begove Biblioteke”. A Serbo-Croat translation of it was published by M. V–VI (1978). 475). either Islamic building activity had not yet advanced very far in Konjic. in the sancak of Hersek. 34 (1984). a beautifully calligraphed booklet written in Arabic. He provided the sum of 4000 akçe for it as a source of income. is preserved in the Gazi Husrev Bey Library in Sarajevo as vakfiye No 178. pp. as is stated in the vakfiye of Karadjoz Bey. as well as the rent from 30 houses he possessed in the mahalle of Varda.M. 533) and again in the 1604 defter of the same province (T.” with Konjic as seat. in: “Prilozi za orientalnu filologiju”. 217–230. Šababović.K.G. Spaho. this man had also built a han for the travellers as well as a mekteb for the instruction of Muslim youths. Aličić (eds. 252–309.14 The construction of a bridge linking the suburb of Neretva on the right (east) bank with Konjic proper on the west bank of the river must have given an impetus to the development of the settlement. We know this from many other places in the Balkans. pp. 15 This vakfiye. dated February 1570 (eva’il Ramadan 977)15 and must have been built in the 1560s. the most important benefactor of the Herzegovina. as in the case of Karadjoz Bey. the vakf property for the maintenance of the objects in Konjic were situated in other districts and therefore not mentioned in the description of the vakfs of Konjic. Mujić in Lejla Gazić and A. Near it flows the river called Neterva. near it is the Nahiye of Rîva. We cannot know more because no vakıfnames of Konjic seem to have been preserved outside that of Hudaverdi
14
. As such it appears in the official list of the kadılıks of Ottoman Europe from 1667/68. Spaho. In Konjic. Sarajevo 1985. Vakufname iz Bosne i Hercegovine (XV–XVI vijek).D. This mescit is most probably the forerunner of the “Vardačka Džamija.16
For the administrative situation see: H.). pp. Džamije i njihovi vakufi u gradovima Kliškog Sandžaka. Around the same time as the construction of the bridge. F.” still standing at the northern end of the old town. K. Ibrahim Hakkı Uzunçarşılı’ya Armağan.

. (see note 18) and one 20th century vakfiye. which he thought to be identical with Hudaverdi Mehmed Bey’s. that this mosque. Curiously enough Spaho mixed the mescit of Tabanica Ahmed with the Tekijska Džamija of Mehmed Čauš. son of Ali. 428. and was certainly intended to be the centre of a newly-founded Muslim mahalle. Buturović. 18 For the text of the vakfiye see the Serbo-Croat translation. Islamska Epigrafika . 17 M. in: Gazić and Aličić (eds. cit.18 Other mosques were to follow. Islamska Epigrafika Bosne i Herzegovine. p. also by Mujić. 187–192. See: Z. According to the local traditions. written by people who knew the area very well. According to an annex to the vakfiye. in “Anali Gazi Husrev-begove Biblioteke”. Popis Vakufnama iz Bosne i Hercegovine koje se nalaze u Gazi Husrev-begovog Biblioteci u Sarajevo. The tower. for the greater part. The study of H. 245–302. another provincial grandee. pp. According to this detailed study.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
353
Little more than a decade after the works of Karadjoz Bey. It can be argued that the curious popular name of the mosque “Repovačka Džamija” has its origin in the name of the village where the founder came from: Repovci/Poslisje. such as the well-built Yunus Čauš or Čarši Džamija. p. Hudaverdi Mehmed Bey. 428 mixed up the Mehmed Čauš Mosque (also known as Tekijska Džamija) with the Repovačka Mosque. Mujezinović. . Their descendants can be followed until deep in the 19th century. Hudaverdi Bey was a native of Konjic. V–VI (1978). five of them who would daily recite a section of the Kur’an. . because the greater part of the materials concerning the Balkans in this vast archive.
. Lutfi Hodža. can be the same as that of Tabanica Ahmed because both had their revenue from the interest of a sum of ready money instead of the more usual urban or landed property. The mosque was staffed with 12 men. 12/13 (1962/62). in “Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju”. which still stands today. makes very clear which is which. cit. It is popularly known as Repovačka Džamija. Hudaverdi had lived in a large tower-house in the village of Poslisje (now called “Repovci”) above Bradina (10 km north of Konjic.17 His mosque was. . 152f. on high ground on the south-eastern edge of the town.” It was a large grass-paved field surrounded by a stone wall of one and a half meters height that existed until World War II. situated in the middle of the old shopping district. but it requires a great efford to cheque this. Hadžibegić and D. III.. Berat Hudaverdi Bosna Mehmed-Bega (1592). pp. There is a change that the Archives of Vakıflar Genel Müdürlüğü in Ankara has copies of more vakfiyes from Konjic.
Mehmed Bey . because of its size called “Velika Kula” is mentioned as extant in a court document of 1822.). provided 1600 silver dirhem for the maintenance of the Musalla he had built “near the town (kasaba) of Konjic. Hudaverdi’s brother. His argument was. is not sufficiently accessible.. whereas its “Bauinschrift” clearly has 1648. Sarajevo 1982. on the Sarajevo road). where 1102 vakfiyes are described. maintained by the yearly rent of a sum of 140. Vakufname iz Bosne i Hercegovine . Hudaverdi’s three sons (signatories of the 1579 vakfiye) can be found as large feef-holders (zaims) in the early 17th century defters. Fajić. Mujezinović. built a mosque in Konjic.000 silver dirhem. just below Musalla Hill. In fact the vakfiye of Hudaverdi Bey is for the mosque now known as “Repovačka” as Hadžibegić and Buturović made clear (see note 18). which he wants to be built in 1559. pp.

”20 Junus must have died as a relatively young man and. at least till the 1960s. Salih lived in a tower house (kula) in the village of Gornja Bijela (6 km south of Konjic. they even point to a white marble gravestone. According to the same family chronicle they entered the service of the sultanic court in 985 (1577/78) and acquired the rank of Čauš (çavuş). 47–78. according to the family chronicle. Beograd 1961. 223–364. a certain Ibrahim “brought this building to life again. This implies that there had been a previous one. perhaps a mescit. XX–XXI (1970/71).” this person must have been its original founder. in “Prilozi za orijentalnu filologiju”. in Spomenik Srpska Akademija Nauka CX. Because the inhabitants of Konjic call the building we see today the “Mosque of Junus Čauš. was dated “in the 17th century. Bogićević. crowned with a turban. left no posterity. Local Bosnian historians think this chronicle is a specific 19th century creation. who in 1462 had come to Bosnia with Sultan Mehmed II. According to the story in the “chronicle. The brothers are mentioned in the History of Naima. According to the family chronicle of Mehmed Faik Alagić (“Ali Ağa’s son”) this Junus was a brother of the other important promotor of Islamic Konjic. In the yard of the mosque. see infra) only mentions an “Ibrahim Efendi” as a brother of Mehmed Čauš and has
19 This highly interesting document was published by V. He died in Gornja Bijela in 962 (1555) and left two sons. 282 and 294f. pp. as the grave of the founder. a “medrese of Junus Čauš”. Konjic on pp. revived it” (ihyâ).
. For details: note 21 infra. on the Bijela Brook) which still existed when Faik Alagić wrote (1894). as having accompanied Sultan Mehmed III (1595–1603) in the Battle of Haç Ovası (Mezökeresztes) in Hungary (1596). Prosveteni objekti islamske arhitekture u Bosni i Hercegovini. Junus.19 Next to the Junus Čauš Mosque stood.354
machiel kiel
According to its beautifully calligraphed Arabic inscription 1033 (1623/4). who very probably is identical with the Hadji Abdi. Mehmed and Junus. Bećirbegović. Yet it contains much controlably correct information. Madžida Bećirbegović. pp. But the stone.” they were descendants of Salih. founder of a mahalle as mentioned in tahrir defters of 1574 and 1604. 20 M. where the author wants to link up with an old family and therefore invented people at places where the documents leave gaps. which had been destroyed by fire or something else. Salih had a son called Abdullah. I would like to thank Dr. Mehmed Čauš. which according to the expert on Ottoman educational structures in Bosnia. alas bears no insription. Nenad Filipović of Princeton University for his valuable comments on the chronicle. There is problem with his identity because the vakfiye of the foundations of the other brother (Mehmed Čauš.

of which the mosque. Buturović. pp. The two were also published by E. 423f. in Mujezinović. Mehmed Čauš (Bey). It is 1058. especially when the text is not preserved in perfect shape. Especially between the two brothers and Hadži Abdi. XII–XIII (1965). who also published the inscription of the Yunus Čauš Mosque. Mehmed Faik misread the date of the vakfiye and from this wrong date stem a number of mis-identifications of the Tekijska Mosque and mis. but the year must be a misreading of 1061. pp. . Islamska Epigrafika . These buildings were situated directly on the banks of the Neretva. popularly known as “Tekijska Džamija. an appropriate age to think about preparations for one’s
. 3.D. In 1648. It must also have influenced Mehmed Faik’s reconstruction of his family history. which is indeed the value of the words “ola makbûl bu hayrıñ. Dvije Konjičke Vakufname. Dates in Ottoman vakfiyes are usually given in Arabic and not in Ottoman Turkish. a public kitchen (imaret).interpretations of its date of construction by all who wrote about it (Buturović.” still exists. fascicule 7/8 (1966). pp. with a minor correction. Ayverdi. Mujezinović and Fehim Spaho). We prefer to leave whether Yunus and Ibrahim are two names for one person or Mehmed Faik Bey made a grave error an open question. when he was an old man.. H. Somewhere in the transcript or translation of the vakfiye a mistake must have been made. or A. Avrupa’da Osmanlı Mimârî Eserleri. partly on what was written in the vakfiye of Mehmed Čauš (which he dated one generation too early) and other papers. Both authors calculated the chronogram containing the date of construction of the mosque as 1058. Derviš Korkut. Džemal Cehajić. a tower house for him to live in himself and a hamam in the Prkansko mahalle. According to the vakfiye. first as Turski nadpisi iz 17. It is also clear that the date of the mosque as given on the inscription was not clear to the authors who wrote about it. and 427f. II. When written hastily or unclear “ahadi sittîn wa elf ” can easily be taken for “ahadi sülsîn wa elf ” as the difference in Arabic writing is very little. the other brother.” The chronicle of Mehmed Faik Bey from 1894 was. their supposed father. and 198–199. made in Şevval 1350 (March 1932) at the court of the Sheriat in Konjic was preserved and published by D. unchanged. in “Glasnik Vrhovnog Islamskog Starješinstva”. about 200 metres upstream from the bridge of Karadjoz Bey. Istanbul 1982. could have accompanied Sultan Mehmed III in 1596 to the battlefield of Haç Ovası and could have built his külliye in Konjic in 1648 and have a vakfiye drawn up in 1651 (H. 305–309. The inscription we see on the mosque today is authentic and the date of construction cannot be doubted. 211f. Most of the data in the chronicle seem more or less in order but it is very likely that some family members have fallen out. pp. cit. 1648.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
355
stipulations for extra prayers and Kur’an recitation for the benefit of his soul. partly written on the basis of what was remembered in the family. vijeka u nekoliko mjesta Bosne i Hercegovine. as a young man. The original of the vakfiye was destroyed during Second World War but an official translation in SerboCroat.21 The mosque is an elegant domed
21 The inscription of the Tekijska Mosque was published twice by Mujezinović. . He was then in his eightees. The system of Ebced Hesabı is known only to very few people.. who can only have been their grandfather. 29. they included a tekke with ten cells for dervishes of the Halvetiye order. The vakfiye is supposed to have been written on the 18 Zilhicce of 1031. in “Prilozi za orijentalnu fillologiju”. We suggest that 1061 has to be read instead of 1031. 1061). later. 189–90. according to its author. constructed the most important group of Islamic buildings of Konjic. But Mehmed Čauš .

in “Starine Jugoslovenska Akademija za Znanosti i Umjetnosti”. in March of 1658.”23 Two years after Maravić.N. in the fond “Otkupa i poklona” No 805. making. Athanasio Georgiceo. Bishop Marian Maravić. existed till 1909. still produced important people in Bosnian society. During repairs to damage sustained in the Second World War. Beograd 1937 and Sarajevo 1952. the French traveller Quiclet passed through Konjic on his way from Dubrovnik to Sarajevo via Ljubinje. Konjic on p. The increasing number of mosques illustrate this growth. who published the vakfiye. pp.356
machiel kiel
structure. it should be added. in his rapport to the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide in Rome. One more mosque must also have been built in the first half of the 17th century: the Prkanjska Mosque on the right bank. 103–104. inland from the bridgehead. 400 moschee 5. but remarked that it was not mentioned in Hudaverdi’s vakfiye and was first mentioned in the written sources in 1662. 116–150. which most probably has to be identified with that of Karadjoz Mehmed Bey. of the 1952 edition. it was covered with sheets of copper. 22 Published in original old Italian by M. It should be added that Mehmed Faik Alagić mixed Haç Ovası (Mezökeresztes) with the better known Mohács. Acta Bosnae potissimum ecclesiastica ab anno 925 usque ad anno 1752. could not make use of the vakfiye of Mehmed Čauš from 1648 (H. Kreševljaković thought that Hudaverdi Mehmed Čauš (1579) had been the founder of the hamam. fully inhabited. 475–479. Kreševlaković. Nevesinje and Glavatičevo and left us a rarely detailed description of one of its important buildings. who himself had been Ottoman kaymakam of Visoko and administrator of the same place under the Austrians. In the 17th century Konjic must have seen a period of rapid development. XVII (1885).22 In 1655. From its stones a mekteb for girls was made. The original of the family chronicle was kept in the Bosnian State Archives. Georgicea god. mentions that “Coinizza” had 300/400 houses. and was situated 6/7 hours from Split. pp. Batinić. 23 “Kogniz presso il fiume Nerenta ha case dei Turchi Nr. mentions that “Kogniz on the river Neretva has 400 houses of Turks (= Muslims) and 5 mosques. The hamam. Faik’s son Čukrija was Director of the Gymnasium of Tuzla.
. when it was torn down on order of vakf administration. in his “Relazione” of 1626. originally covered with lead. This was a han. Derviš Buturović. mentioned in the vakfiye of Mehmed Čauš. was a descendant of the last Sheikhs of the tekke of Mehmed Čauš. In 1952 Hamdija Kreševljaković could still see a marble water basin of this hamam (kurna) standing in the yard of the school. The Junus Čauš and the Repovačka mosques have pyramid-shaped wooden roofs covered with big slates and are flanked by high and slender minarets. Kreševljaković. Quiclet wrote:
afterlife.” Published by Eusebius Fermendžin. a total of five. Zagreb 1892. 1529. which over time acquired a beatiful green patina. 138. pp. Banje u Bosni i Hercegovini (1462–1916). It should also be added that the family of Mehmed Faik. together with the Vardačka Mosque. Izvješče A. as do some travel accounts.

There were no houses of great families (hânedân). pp. or a great stables. can
25
24
. according to Evliya. which is like our covered markets in France. From his description it is clear that in two centuries of Ottoman rule Konjic had developed from a hamlet of a few houses to a respectable town. eight by Evliya. Quiclet a Constantinople par terre. We came after midnight to sleep in a Han or Kiarvansarai. pp. using the matresses. Our beds were made between two such chimneys. It was divided into six mahalles and had 600 houses covered with slates. gave us as much firewood as we wanted against payment. A large wooden bridge connected both parts of the town. where there are wooden columns in the middle to tie the horses of the travellers. The difference in numbers of mosques. Sarajevo 1967. three mekteps. Paris 1660. 488f. but all of them had vast gardens. but for ourselves and for the horses nothing had to be paid for lodging because it is a pious foundation of some rich. Odlomci o jugoslovenskim zemljama. small chimneys. which anyone who travels in this country has to supply himself. Putopis.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
357
Finally we arrived in Cognitha. There the Hangi. 46–47. or corps de garde. (Ikdam) VI. Evlija Čelebija. carpets and blankets. which is a borough situated at a distance of one and a half day’s travel from Bosna Saray. Istanbul 2003. or master of the place. Konjic had eight places of Islamic worship (mihrabs) one of which was particularly pleasant and imposing. pp. one of which was situated in the Čaršija [Can only be Karadjoz Bey’s han]. Evliya mentions that Konjic was situated on both sides of the Neretva in a small plain surrounded by mountains. charitable person to receive strangers and travellers. 470–471. With about 2500/3000 inhabitants. where swords and knives were made from the iron mined in the mountains nearby. Most of the 75 shops of this market street were blacksmiths’ workshops. [This can only be the Tekijska Džamija] Also there were two colleges for higher Islamic education (medrese). in the interior. and all along the sides. or better like a grange. Seyahatnâme. much like a platform. having vineyards and gardens in abundance. five by the other travellers from the 17th tot 19th century.24
The most detailed description of Ottoman Konjic in the 17th century is of Evliya Çelebi. and had also grown further since the account by Bishop Maravić of 1655. the town clearly clearly had reached the limit of expansion possible within the existing geographical and institutional context. It has three very beautiful (‘fort jolie’) mosques.25
Le Voyage de M. who visited the town in 1664. The inhabitants of Konjic were. friendly to the traveller and stranger and were for the greater part craftsmen or merchants. After listing the town’s notables. one after the other. two dervish convents (hankah) and a small hot bath and two khans.

Hafiz. facing each other because in their beliefs it is in the face of man that God’s countenance is reflected. Temimi (ed. Dervish life and institutions for higher education in Konjic deserve closer study. as we saw. They told the linguist-historian Nimetullah Hafiz of Prizren that their forefathers had come from Skopje and had founded a Bektashi tekke in Konjic. L’Ordre Halveti dans l’aire Balkanique depuis le XV e siècle jusqu’a nos jours. p. called Bektašić.2. cit. as mentioned before.). 26 N. .26 These two orders bring us to the number of two tekkes as mentioned by Evliya. members of the lower military and the administration originating from the district. Clayer. Le dévelopement du Bektachisme en Yougoslavie. p. by the intervention of some pious founders. For the development of their doctrines: art. as the believers sat circle-wise along the walls of their sactuary. The original Bektashi tekkes had no mihrab. For the Halvetiye dervish order see: Dž. the real founder of the order. “Khalwatiyya” (F. giving eight places of the Islamic prayer. de Jong ed. See also: B. Melanges Prof.358
machiel kiel
Not much is known of dervish life in Konjic besides the names of some Halvetiyye Sheikhs and the year they died. Saints and Sufis. n. Études sur l’ordre mystique des Bektachis et les groupes relevant de Hadji Bektach. and especially: N. had to be recited (cf. A propos des tekkes Bektashis de Bosnie-Herzégovine. Its former presence is remembered by some local Konjic’ families.I. pp. The Bosnian salnâmes of the last years of Ottoman rule do mention only one medrese in Konjic. . Machiel Kiel. cit. with extracts from the Konjic vakfiye of Mehmed Čauš in French translation (pp. These were. 419–428. 79–122. . and Buturović. pp. V–VI (1978). 991–993. Popović and G. Keddie (ed. Zaghouan 1999. in A. The Halveti tekke was active till the end of the 19th century. Its development was spontaneous and was only supported. Dvije Koničke vakufname . but this can be a literary cliché only.. 51.
..” This institution was still standing in the 1960s. Derviški Redovi u Jugoslovenskim Zemljama.) Scholars. 162–163. stipulating that after the noon prayer the wird of Seyyid Yahya Shirvani. It should be added that the vakfiye of Mehmed Čauš only indicates in an indirect manner that the tekke was to be for the Halvetiyye order.). Our knowledge of the institutions of higher Islamic learning in Konjic is similarly weak. Leiden-New York 1994. Les Halvetis . not guided. Martin. Bektashis and Islam in Bosnia and Hercegovina. 275–305. Still vaguer is the information on the existence of a Bektashi tekke in Konjic. 156. Cehajić. Los Angeles 1972. The Halveti tekke and medrese(s) certainly had a room with a mihrab. Bektachiyya. At the spot where the little Trašanica River flows into the Neretva. G. pp. Cehajić. Evliya mentioned two medreses. A Short History of the Halwatiyya Order of Dervishes. Clayer. Sarajevo 1986. pp. 307). the great river makes a sharp
be explained by Evliya’s habit not to count only the mosques proper but the number of mihrabs. Veinstein (eds.). The way the urban plan of the town came into being was entirely the result of its geographic location. 341–350. Popović. pp. . making the mihrab superfluous.) in: E. Istanbul 1995. in: A. Mystique et Etat. in “Anali Gazi Husrev-begove Biblioteke”. 83–90. IV (1978). the one of “Yunus Čauš. pp. in N. and A. See also the critic survey of Dž.

near the confluence of the Trašanica. around its own church. a compilation of the latest available data. The earliest available data after the Evliya’s account are contained in the “Handwörterbuch” of Maximilian Thielen of 1828. which in the first half of the 20th century was rebuilt in grand style. evidently to form a new mahalle. cit. the Prkanjska. The family chronicle of Mehmed-Faik Alagić explicitly mentions that at the time of its construction there were no houses from there to the Čaršija near the bridge. on the northeastern “leg” of the Y. was built to the north of the Čaršija. Lipeta and Vrabach. which cuts the town in two parts. The building complex around the Tekijska Mosque was built on the same main street of old Konjic. It is there that the khan of Karadjoz Bey was built. the Catholic part of the town developed. . the old Christian suburb. The houses had gardens behind them. From the old stone bridge a street ran a distance inland. evidently latecomers in Konjic. One other mosque of old Konjic. Konjic proper. like many other places in Bosnia-Hercegovina. stretched-out settlement of basically one street with houses facing the river as well as the street. Over this river leads
27
Bogićević. the town must have stagnated and even declined. followed by the Čaršijska Mosque and medrese in 1623/24. settled on the southern leg of the Y. and lies on the banks of the great Narenta river.
. . and little lanes lined with houses went inland. p. Konjic in the 19th and early 20th century In the 18th century. along the east bank of the Neretva. This has created a space in the form of the Greek letter Y.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
359
turn to the north-west. situated in the Sandjak of Hersek—Herzegowina. 49. Spomenik . and on both sides of the Trašanica. The Serbians. crossing the main street of the Čaršija at a right angle. developed as a long. The same pattern was repeated on the opposite bank. The oldest part of the town.27 It is the area around the Tekijska Mosque that even today has kept something of the flavour of a suburban area on the edge of a town.. Thielen noted that:
Konicz is a border town towards Dalmatia. The hamam of Karadjoz must also have been there. Still further north. in a small and beautiful valley formed by the mountains Ivan Planina. ending where the mountain slopes begin.

In the administrative district of Konjic.. from constituting 98% Muslims. The town is not fortified and has about 300 houses built of wood and five stone-built mosques. four Jews and 16 “others.31” Thus.28
Other information is contained in the work of the German consul in Sarajevo. 449f. F. According to Blau “Konjitza” was a double-town. 338–339. . 29. 29 O. pp.360
machiel kiel
a stone built-bridge.217 Muslims. Wien 1828. with 54%. accoring to the tahrir defter.382 inhabitants. 30 Renner. the Muslims. 229–232. barely fared better. 837 Croats.. the Islamic population of the town now had only 51%. 148. as in 1604. pp. with 2.29” Changes came when in 1878 the Austrians occupied the Hercegovina.30 The Austrian census of 1910 shows the extent of the demographic changes. Durch Bosnien . Poimenični Popis . Blau. It is interesting to see that as early as 1475 wine production had been very important for the economy of Konjic. p. Sarajevo 1912. Ein Handwörterbuch für Zeitungsleser. but especially the difference in family size between Muslims and Christians as well.
28 M. Otto Blau. In that year. . . Thielen. gives an illustration of the railway and a panoramic photograph of the town and adds that many strangers had settled down in Konjic. Reisen in Bosnien und der Herzegowina. cit. The numbers not only reflect the transformations caused by migration. It is interesting to see that the after 32 years of progressive and enlightened Austrian rule the population of Konjic had not even reached its mid17th century level. the town had 461 houses. who visited the town several times between 1861 and 1872. Heinrich Renner mentions that the town had 2000 inhabitants. the tax on wine alone made up almost the half of the entire tax load on agricultural products (Aličić. in or out. Blau further noted that the “Turkish quarter has very much decayed. Die europäische Türkey. 294 Serbs.). They broke down into 1. Berlin 1877. Oktobra 1910. and Konjitza on the left bank exclusively inhabited by Muslims. cit.073 inhabitants. . In that year.
. p. pp. Neretva on the right bank being predominantly Christian. In the 1880’s. The construction of the railway from Sarajevo to Mostar and the Dalmatian harbour of Ploće again revived the importance of Konjic as station on a main road. The previously important trade is completely down and is restricted to the exportation of wine and fruit from the region and the fabrication of blankets for horses. 31 Resultati popisa žitelstva u Bosni i Hercegovini od 10. with 28.

also because life in towns was regarded more attractive. a slow but persistent trend is observable in the growth pattern of the various segments of the population. This population partly came down from the mountain villages. woodworks and furniture factories. although it suffered from occasional artillery bombardment and the decline of the Muslim population. The Muslims.767 4.165 8. It turned Konjic the fastest-growing town of Bosnia-Hercegovina.434 11. Konjic did not see great development and survived relatively well during World War II. however. In other words. where expansion of the agricultural surface was not possible. or have mixed origin.545 13.
32 For the population numbers of 1948 to 1991 see: Stanovništvo Bosne i Hercegovine.
.726 inhabitants " " " " "
From the 1980s onward. Rapid transformation after 1945 For Konjic the half century of Socialist Yugoslavia meant a time of explosive growth.469 6.”32 This group is generally held to be have been predominantly of Muslim. a further polarization between the three communities is observable. Between 1981 and 1991 the Serbs remained at 18% of the total population and the Croats at 22%. The foundation of industrial plants. This expansion is very clearly visible in the population numbers from 1948 to 1991: 1948 1953 1961 1971 1981 1991 2. which was blown up in the last weeks of the war. metallurgy. and now identified itself with Islam. Zagreb 1995 (Državni Zavod za Statistika). The greatest cultural loss was the destruction of the beautiful 17th century Ottoman stone bridge. increased traffic and the development of tourism (mountaineering) allowed a much larger population to live in the town. increased from 43 to 49% and did this basically at the expense of those who had declared themselves “Yugoslavs in 1981.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
361
In the time of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.

In the time of Socialist Yugoslavia. but exact numbers are not available. was demolished and on its site a huge cemetery for Partisans fallen during the war. their place partly being taken by refugees from other places. the monumental Tekijska Džamija was again in excellent shape. The 1990s During the Bosnian war of 1992/95. the Tekijska Džamija. In 2006 most of the war damage was repaired. was transformed into a lapidarium by placing a number of medieval tombstones. was rebuilt with wood and came only to serve as footbridge.362
machiel kiel
The rapid growth of the town’s population was paralleled by a wholesale rebuilding of most of the settlement. The town also suffered badly but escaped the worst. the Gorni and Dolni Polje. was carefully restored. disused for a long time. damaged during WW II. of which the pillars remained. the entire town centre moved northward and unfolded around the two bridges. but on the whole the situation was not as bad as in Mostar.
. As the new Neretva Bridge attracted all the traffic. and not in the modern centre around the confluence of the Neretva and the Trašanica rivers. overlooking the Repovačka Džamija. The construction of a new and wide bridge over the Neretva at the point where she takes up the Trašanica and another one over the smaller river was fundamental. rescued from medieval cemeteries. By the spring of 2000. thus trans-forming the town’s overall appearance. as was the case in many other places in the country. The old stone bridge over the Neretva. was laid out. At the same time the Musalla. the greater part of the Serbs of Konjic fled or otherwise left the town. As a result of the war. The overall population of Konjic must be lower than before the war and must have a more pronounced Muslim element. stećak there. the Neretva valley saw heavy fighting. It is around these buildings. The area around the mosque. that disappeared under water when in the 1960s the great artificial lake of Jablanica was created in the 1960s. At the same time the two little river plains to the south of the town. became a heavily built up district of the new Konjic. Works on Čaršijska Džamija was completed in 2001. The Repovačka Mosque above the old bridgehead on the east bank was also restored. that the atmosphere of the old Muslim town of the 19th century can still be sensed. and no religious buildings of the three communities were deliberately blown up and removed. after repairs to war damage. Enough wardamaged buildings could still be seen in Konjic in the summer of the year 2001.

Hasandedić. Karadjoz had a wooden bridge made. the stone bridge. then residing in Istanbul. Hadji Bali ben Mehmed. which was not used in this context. For the grafitti of 1660: K. This date is also mentioned in the “family chronicle” of Mehmed Faik Alagić. in Kalendar Gajret. Let it not be forgotten. shortly before 1612. This is a sultanic order. for example. 34 Bogićević. Mostarski Vakifi i njihovi vakufi. one of which was in Konjic. A bridge built of wood is mentioned. Čelić and M. What happened with it is related in a graffito written in Ottoman Turkish on the walls of the Čaršija.34 The chronicle of Mehmed Faik is said to have been a 19th century fake. It is often identified as the work of Karadjoz Bey from the 1560s. most probably the reconstructed bridge of Hadji Bali. In the beginning of the 17th century Karadjoz’ bridge was destroyed. a caravansaray in Borci and two bridges over the Neretva. a Sultan’s servant. by Evliya Çelebi in 1664. Mostar 2000. at the beginning of Rebiu’l-Evvel [early November of 1660] the bridge was knocked down.. Sarajevo 1934. This wooden bridge served till 1660. Alagić adds that it was built for the sum of 95 purses of akçe by “Blagaja Haseći Alaga” (=Blagaylı Haseki Ali Ağa). a ferman. but this is not correct. medrese and mekteb in Mostar. preserved
33 For photograph plans and drawings of this bridge see: Dž. cit. a new bridge was built by another mecenas from Mostar. Mujezinović. pp. or Ibrahim Bey Mosque:
In the year 1071. pp. In that year Hadji Bali had the vakfiye for his buildings in various places in the Hercegovina: a mosque. . also not used in connection with the bridge. had been built in the year 1093 (1682). when Konjic was slowly being transformed from village to town. pp. Gujić.
. 50f. 241. Yet it contains much valuable and genuine information. Najljepši turski mostovi u Bosne i Hercegonine. . As to the date of construction and the identity of the builder of the bridge we should add an Ottoman document. and that the construction took two years to complete. 178–183. situated about 20 metres downstream from the present one. 72–77. On its site.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town The preserved buildings
363
The Neretva Bridge of Konjic ranked among the best works of Ottoman civil architecture in the entire Balkans. For the vakfiye of Hadji Bali: H. Spomenik . Sarajevo 1969. According to an Ottoman inscription (extant till its destruction in 1945). most probably during a big flood. of Mehmed IV (1648–1687). p. Stari mostovi u Bosni i Hercegovini. the pride of the town until World War II. as mentioned by Evliya.33
There was a wooden bridge over the river four years later.

The four pillars still stand today. Orientalna zbirka provincijalata Hercegovaπkih Franjevaca i Mostaru. It has a flat wooden ceiling and a pyramid-shaped roof covered with big slates. and the importance for Konjic is so great that it should be reconstructed in the near future.
35 For the 1685 ferman see: H. It is a rather simple square structure with walls of broken stone. The Repovačka Mosque is apparently the oldest in town. only three monuments still stand that constitute a link with the past. Repp eds. which are covered by a coat of plaster. It rises on the left side of the mosque when facing the entrance.). An encyclopedic touring guide. but on a bell-shaped ring of consoles. vol. All three are 16th–17th century Ottoman mosques. 36 A photograph depicting the mosque in decay is given by Č. or by the Ottoman Vizier “Ahmed Pasha Köprülü in 1715”. 227. The khans and the hamam disappeared long ago without leaving traces in memory. VI (1986).36 In 1992 it suffered substantial damage but has been well repaired after the war. There were plans in late Socialist Yugoslavia to reconstruct the bridge in its original form.35 The bridge spanned the river in five mighty arches of different size. The mosque had been long in disuse but was restored in 1998/90. dated evâsit-i cemaziu’l-ahır of the year 1097 (2–12 March 1685). The Bosnian War prevented this. he died in 1676. Beograd
. supporting the wooden footbridge. V. Its balcony does not rest on stalactites. and it was 80. by others of the Croation King Hvalimir of the end of the 7th (sic!) century. Džomba and N. The churches of the Catholic and Serbian communities are from the 20th century and architecturally and historically less important.). The weak economy and other huge problems make it difficult today. It mentions that the recently built great stone bridge of Konjic (Belgradcık) was the work of “Haseki Hadji Ali Ağa Kolaković from Blagaj and orders the kadı of Mostar that it was no longer necessary to maintain the wooden bridge of the vakf of Hadji Bali.I. the quality of the work is so outstanding. cf. as in classical Ottoman architecture. The Vizier was by then almost 40 years dead. The bridge was by some seen as a work of the Romans. in “Hercegovina. Tomašević (eds. in E. pp. The real King Hvalimir lived in the 12th century. In fact. a rarity in the country. resting on four pillars. C.2.364
machiel kiel
in the archive of the monastery of the Franciscan order in Mostar. with the disappearance of the bridge. Gökbilgin and R. the article “Köprülü” (T. which were recorded by the various Western travelers. 256–263. Hasandedić. However. Časopis za kulturno i istorijsko Nasledje”.80 m long. p. The minaret is of the same simple construction as the bulk of the masonry. Treasures of Yugoslavia. The two sources given here are sufficient to show how groundless some 19th century stories are.

. and Ayverdi. Avrupa’da Osmanlı Mimârî Eserleri . 31 of April 1993. giving a rich architectural impression. The tall dome does not sit directly on the cubic body but has a double intermediary section in between. In this garden. Oct. and finished in 2001. It can accommodate up to a hundred faithful. .20 m. Istanbul. 1623–Oct. 292. pp. once part of a whole socio-religious complex. which also has a square inner space (8. The mosque is rather well built. The square body is
1980. is the Mosque of Mehmed Čauš or Tekijska Džamija in the southern part of the old town. Among them we find at least three members of the family of the founder: Ago Alagić ben Džafer. . Džafer Ağa Alagić ben Muhamed. among them Ferhad Bey. . but was in reconstruction in 2000. .from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
365
Architecturally of more importance is the Čaršijska Mosque. The most important of the preserved Ottoman buildings in Konjic.C. adorned with turbans and with inscriptions giving the name and year of the person buried below them.R. some fifty of old Ottoman grave stones from the 19th century have been preserved. cit. cit. 1293 (1876) and Hadži Muhamed Alagić. as mentioned above. was the father of Muhamed Faik Alagić. written in Arabic.A. In English it would read:
Thanks God.80 m with an inner space of only 8.C. special issue Bosnia-Hercegovina. 37 For publications of his text see Mujezinović. The mosque has a square groundplan. 1271 (1854/55). Ibrahim was in (his) expenditure a friend of mankind He spent (his) money and brought back to life a mosque I say on the date of its rebirth: “It is the place of the Pious and House of the Worshippers” [= 1033. slender and tall minaret.
. son of Ahmed from 1255 (1839/40) and. No. The upper part. Džafer Ağa ben (Mullah) Muhamed. Above the entrance of the mosque is a beautifully calligraphed inscription of six hemistichs. as mentioned before.80 × 9. Islamska Epigrafika . above the balcony. 1318 (1900). 9. The war damage is mentioned in the Newsletter of the O.C. 1624]37 m
In the yard of the mosque are a number of 19th century beautifully carved white marble gravestones of important citizens of Konjic. p.I. it should be added. more important. 39f. It is placed in a spacious walled garden shaded with old trees.50 × 8. or more than the entire adult male population of the mahalle as it was in the 17th century. the author of the rare “family chronicler” of Konjic. of cut stone and has a beautiful. was shot away during the war. I. that of Derviš-Pasha Čengić from 1292 (1874).50 m inside) but is covered by a wooden inset dome on an octagonal base.

p. Originally the mosque might have had a porch with three domes on four columns.-) It is written in very elegant sülüs script and cut in a slab of stone of 45 × 72 cm. must have been damaged or destroyed during an unknown catastroph. 427f. note 18) and took the latter as founder of the mosque and the “Mehmed Bey” mentioned in the 1648 inscription. A very high minaret with a fluted shaft.-/v. The three elements are separated from each other in a clear manner by accentuated cornices.
.38 The
38 Gazi Husrev-begova Biblioteka. A porch of wood resting on slender wooden posts precedes the square prayer hall. which he assumes.-/v. The mosque of Mehmed Čauš is well dated by an inscription of four half verses in Ottoman Turkish. . The dome itself sits on this tambour. The missing letters were supplied by a clear pre-war transcript in the Zbornik of Muhammed Enveri Kadić. Zbornik M. correctly put in the hecez-metrum (v. the dome sits on four simple squinches. the mosque is much higher than most of the Bosnian mosques. IV. The middle part of the inscription was damaged by the bombardment of the Second World War. as the person who restored the mosque. The mosque is extremely well lit by two rows of two windows in the mihrab wall and the lateral walls and by ‘oxen eyes’ in the middle of the wall above them. In his comments on the inscription Mujezinović also confused Mehmed Čauš Bey with Hudaverdi Mehmed Bey of 1579 (cf. cit. More light comes through eight windows in the tambour.. The eight corners of the tambour are further articulated with the help of pilasters. but these disappeared long ago and possible traces of it are now covered under the plaster and whitewash of the masonry. 121.. Proportionally. Islamska Epigrafika . preserved in the Gazi Husrev-begova Library in Sarajevo. likewise octagonal tambour over it. one in each of its eight sides. Mujezinović. further enhances the vertical aspect.. Enveri Kadić. Sarajevo.. which gives it a tone of elegance and monumentality. preventing closer inspection. pp. In the interior. which even heightens the effect it gives.-/ v.366
machiel kiel
first transformed into an octagon by cutting the four corners obliquely and than placing a slightly smaller.. . It is the product of restoration in the past. This solution is not common in Bosnia-Hercegovina and shows a considerable amount of sophistication that one would not directly expect in a small provincial town like Konjic.

Thus 350. accompanied by the tower house of the founder. was not at all meant in the text. Mehmed Bey is asking for the satisfaction of God. the two muezzins. All in all the foundation of Mehmed Čauš in Konjic ranked among the most important of all the Hercegovina. From the expected yearly revenue of 35. This was the half of the 700. Yet his (Karadjoz’) building program was much larger than that of Konjic. Thirty okka (nearly 40 metric kilograms) of wheat had to be used to bake the daily bread. The angels in the sky have all prayed for the owner of this good deed: They uttered its date [by saying]: May your good deed be well taken (by every body). has survived undamaged. which had to be lent to reliable merchants for a yearly profit of 10%. was built on a long strip of land between the street and the river.000 akçe.39
The original külliye of Mehmed Čauš Bey.000 akçe Mehmed Čauš possessed. and with his soul. determining the layout of the various buildings. By wishing to perform a good deed he has completed (the edifice of) good deeds. Şinasi Tekin of Harvard University. mekteb and public kitchen on its other side. This. the cook. the baker. which after imagined damage. 40 Karadjoz Mehmed Bey’s vakf capital was 300. veteran specialist of Ottoman poetry and literature for his valuable help in interpreting this inscription. Koski Mehmed Paşa included a monumental domed mosque
. but also included the rent 42 shops and a number of water mills. and the tekke.000 akçe the hatib. however. and the three teachers of the school (of whom one female teacher to instruct girls) had to be paid. as well as to travellers and guest of the tekke and to the poor of the neighbourhood. Twice a day free food was given to the staff and the dervishes. We suggest the following English translation:
With his goods.40 It was this single
39 On this place I would like to remember Prof. Mujezinović took the words “tamâm idüb” as a sign that there had been previous mosque. Sheykh of the tekke and his 10 mürids. surpassed in its number of buildings only by the vakfs of Karadjoz Bey and Koski Mehmed Paşa in the sancak capital of Mostar. was completed (tamâm) by Mehmed Bey. 10 okka for soup. of which only the mosque survives. We have to imagine the medrese on one side of the mosque. imam.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
367
chronogram—ola makbûl bu hayriñ—vital to the reconstruction of the life and identity of the founder.000 akçe was given as vakf. According to the vakfiye the complex of Mehmed Čauš was financed by a sum of ready money.

and a dervish convent with 9 cells. 301–331.
from 1618/19. a şadırvan and water supply system. Mostarski Vakifi .. cit. Postscript In 2007 the old bridge of Konjic was entirely reconstructed in its original shape. for Koski Mehmed’s: B. in “Prilozi za oriejentalnu filologiju”. and H.
. Hasandedić. 19–33.368
machiel kiel
most important group of buildings that helped to transform Konjic. Džaka. Vakuf-nama Koski Muhamed-paše iz Mostara. 44/45 (1996). pp. from a hamlet on the highway to a true Islamic town. as it did. . but the revenue producing capital was only 200. pp. .000 akçe (for Karadjoz vakfiye see note 15.

Photo from 1932. 1. The Old Bridge of Konjic (1685).from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
Fig.
369
.

370
machiel kiel
Fig.
. Tekijska Džamija (1648). Photo from 1985. 2.

371
. 3. inscription of 1058/1648. Tekijska Džamija.from hamlet on the highway to muslim town
Fig.

hüküm 455. who saw the success of the expedition as their only hope of freedom. two female slaves. Mühimme Defteri 35. the servants started digging. the brothers came up with two contradictory versions of the expedition. a younger male slave and two servants disembarked together on the island of Cyprus with the aim of computing a secret mission. safe from prying eyes. had not hesitated in providing the necessary travel papers for undertaking this venture and allowing the group to leave the island. The investigation was reopened following the discovery of some gold coins (qôrôna altûnî) of unknown origin at Mustafa Ağa and Mehmed Bey’s father’s home. as a further precaution. The group pitched a tent in which. those directly concerned. the group moved on until reaching a spring near the village of Voroklini. Ibidem. but by the two girls. who was possibly involved in the plan. They said he was ‘a wealthy aristocrat whose family had been captured and separated during the time of the conquest’.
1 2
BOA. After all. During the interrogation carried out by the qâdı of Istanbul. Following the indications of the two slave girls. Later the peasants would talk of having recognised the two maidens and the boy as being the children of the feudal landlord who had owned five villages in the surrounding countryside. his brother Mehmed Bey.
. the three slaves intercepted and warded off the peasants flowing to the spring. it was reasonable to think that the prospect of a handsome ransom could have motivated not only Mustafa Ağa (who owned the three slaves) and his brother.OLD PLAYERS AND NEW IN THE TRANSITION OF CYPRUS TO OTTOMAN RULE Vera Costantini On an unspecified day in 1578 an odabaşı of the Ottoman Court.2 As the qâdı of Kîrîne. but also. the expedition was not to be led by the two Muslim gentlemen. who led the group from the city of Mâğôsa to an unnamed place in the hinterland of what was then the small port centre of Tuzla. Mustafa Ağa. naturally. Meanwhile.1 Contrary to all expectations. the sultan suspected that treasure buried before the war had been retrieved and ferreted away. arousing further suspicion amongst central government officials. 23 Cemaziülahir 986 (27 August 1578).

Istanbul 1992. like the citizens of Nicosia. many peasants sought refuge in the capital. 293–294.4 According to a census taken by the Venetians during the siege. in Id. but rather as the theft of goods that the conquest had rendered ‘public property’. L’inventario ottomano dei prigionieri di Nicosia (September 1570). Aldershot 2000. killing many people. They mainly killed soldiers. in “Studi Veneziani”. p. in which the once populous capital of the previous regime contained no more than 220 khâne. the action was not seen as the legitimate repossession of a private inheritance. but also civilians and members of the clergy. Lowry. Cyprus.6 Slavery would not lead to the same fate for all those prisoners—soldiers. in EI2. 11 bachelors and 3 invalids. N. In the following hours a wider sector of the population was captured and inventoried in an apposite register. Cypriot Population under Venetian Rule (1473–1571). 183–215. vol. nobles. Studies in Defterology. the Ottoman cavalry broke through the breach opened by the artillery and began to sack the city. VIII. pp.
4
3
.S. Costantini. 6 The original Defter-i mufassal-i livâ-i Qıbrıs may be found in Ankara: Tapu-Kadastro 64 (1572) BT (H. Mâliyeden Müdevver. figures that were more in keeping with a medium-large village. Ottoman Society in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Century.5 Worried about the dangers of an enemy invasion. in Id. the population seeking refuge within the city walls reached 56. A microfilmed version is available in: Fondazione Cini. Registro del catasto di Cipro—Bobina 1.374
vera costantini
Under Ottoman law.. pp. Knowing that the campaign was still far from over. 36). commander in chief of the Ottoman army.000). religious men. Microfilmoteca dell’Istituto per la Storia della Società e dello Stato Veneziano. whose city walls had been fortified by the Venetians over the previous 30 years. 197. tried to withstand the victorious advance of his troops.3 This episode was one of many involving the almost 14.000. seeing as it constituted part of the booty for the Ottoman army and the imperial government. Lala Mustafa Pasha. p. A few days
“Pendjik”. 19–46. 236). Arbel. artisans and peasants—who were about to be integrated with the lowliest status into Ottoman society. defter 5471 (V. pp. more than double the number of inhabitants registered in times of peace (20–25. the Franks and Venice. 13th–16th Centuries. BOA. 5 B. Echoes of the catastrophic events at Nicosia were also evident in the Ottoman census of Cyprus. After three months of siege. W. was determined to make Famagosta surrender. p. XLV (2003). carried out at the end of 1572. demonstrating the sorry fate awaiting those who. The Ottoman liva kanunnames contained in the Defter-i Hakani.000 prisoners captured at Nicosia on 9 September 1570. Destini di guerra. V. A Demographic Study.

8 Ibidem. who had apparently buried money in the vicinity of one of his villages.9 As was specified in another imperial letter. Unfortunately. 84. though a patrician of the Republic of Saint Mark.7 Giovanni Falier. 10 Ivi. Destined to serve in the galleys of the Arsenal. Collegio Relazioni. 3 January 1570 m. 9 BOA. as spies and sabotage agents. In fact. was taken prisoner by the pasha of Aleppo and freed a few months later by the Venetian consul residing in the Syrian city. but. the bailo deliberately did not pay the ransom of some of the noble Cypriots taken to Istanbul. two soldiers whose military ability would be highly valuable in the course of the lengthy siege ahead.10 On the other hand. 75. and his decision not to pay ransoms can be viewed in this context.. but rather aristocrats and their families (beyler ve beyzâdeler). as the sultan wrote to the Ağa of the Janissaries. prompted by the joint influence of the social origin of each individual slave on the one hand and by the circumstances of the war on the other. Senato Secreta. Mühimme defteri 16. still at war. in January 1571. 331r. hüküm 351. lett. prisoners of war (esîr) were internally differentiated. cc.v. as the Venetian prisoners and members of the Cypriot nobility were the first—though not the only—to have their ransoms paid. b. merely defining them
7 ASV. The Venetian authorities barricaded in Famagosta did not hesitate in paying the ransoms of Francesco da Milan and Alfonso Bragadin. such as the de Nores and Podocataro families. filza 5.
.–336r. the Ottoman documents from which we learn this story do not reveal much information about the three protagonists. 16 Cemâziülahir 979 (5 November 1571). hüküm 587. 11 ASV. Dispacci ambasciatori Costantinopoli. offered them an important opportunity to regain their lost freedom. His plan was effective.8 The payment of ransoms usually involved individual families. The far-sightedness of one of the relatives of the three slaves. the bailo was held responsible for their attempt to set fire to a wing of the arsenal in Istanbul. Lala Mustafa Pasha reserved for himself some Venetian patricians and children of the wealthy Cypriot nobility.the transition of cyprus to ottoman rule
375
after the conquest.11 Basically. 22 Cemâziülahir 979 (11 November 1571). after the fall of Nicosia the bailo himself and the Venetian merchants of the capital offered a large sum to the Ottoman administration with the aim of freeing as many Cypriot slaves as possible. Relatione venuta da Costantinopoli 18 april 1571 di quello che sia avvenuto in Nicosia alla presa di quella città. they were more useful to the Republic. belonging to a higher social class was a factor of undoubted privilege and not even slavery proved to be an exception to this rule. it was not just a question of freeing any prisoner.

. and was possibly too young to demand and manage his own release with the Venetian authorities. the Franks . but the phonetic Ottoman orthography does not allow us to identify a precise name. and four other noble Cypriots. perhaps taking it for granted that they were accompanied by their mothers. However. The Cypriot Nobility from the Fourteenth to the Sixteenth Century: A new Interpretation. some of the pasha’s personal prisoners were sold or given away to other Ottoman dignitaries. one of the texts mentions a phrase with which the peasants were in the habit of calling the dead feudal landlord.
. or ‘Giason’. Relatione venuta da Costantinopoli . Collegio Relazioni. 15 B. b. 7 Receb 979 (25 November 1571).. particularly as he was heir to an important title.14 As we know from the records. it seems hard to understand how the bailo could not have arranged for the release of the son of the Count of Tripoli. This could have been the Frankish name ‘Sanson’. VI. cit. these three youths do not appear together. the fall of Famagosta and the capitulation of Venice as the last crusade ruler of the East had led to the irremediable end of any political relevance of the Frankish Count of Tripoli title: an epoch was over and the Venetian government could not have been particularly enthusiastic about the prospect of freeing and financially supporting all the orphans of Cypriot nobility. after all. Cyprus. F. a given name widespread in the Frankish de Nores family.. but it is likely that the presence of the two girls was ignored in order to underline the importance of the boy. sisters and female cousins. 16 BOA. who were sent on to Eskisaray shortly after their transfer to Istanbul. Hill. p. 14 ASV. 13 G. London 1948.
12 Şin+elif+şin+vav+nun?+ye. A History of Cyprus. p.376
vera costantini
as Qıbrıs Frenk câryleri ve oğlânı.13 Together with his cousin. This was probably also the case of the ‘little Count of Tripoli’. Arbel. cit. Mühimme defteri 16. . Of course. the pasha already held a much greater number of prisoners than the six mentioned by the bailo. 3. hüküm 108. Later. as were some Cypriot ladies. 180.16 However.12 In the list of ‘important’ prisoners compiled by the bailo. . in Id. whose father was struck by a poisoned arrow on the same day as the sack of Nicosia. especially as this was a prerogative that was not their duty. but the latter only cited the most important or most renowned. . in Istanbul. vol. this young boy was cited in the bailo’s list as being the personal prisoner of Lala Mustafa Pasha. 84. the son of Zuanne de Nores. It is likely that all of the de Nores—one of the oldest Cypriot noble families15 of which the ‘little Count’ of Tripoli was a member—family members were captured as a single group and reserved for Lala Mustafa Pasha. 978. the boy had lost all his adult male relatives.

17 M. particularly in the post-war context. Başbakanlık Devlet Arşivleri Genel Müdürlüğü. they had no time or energy to waste lingering over the changes that had taken place on their island. if little precision was required. whose inhabitants were referred to in imperial letters preceding the conflict as ‘people’ or ‘subjects’ (Qıbrıs halqı or Qıbrıs reʿâyâsı). BOA. 18 Among the many examples. 19 T. Neumann (eds. was called Venediklü tâ‘ifesi or. and therefore Western. pp. However. the reinstated role of the Orthodox clergy and the distancing of the Christian population from the larger cities could not have escaped their attention. 6 Numaralı Mühimme Defteri (972/1564–1565). three people of the lowest social status returned to Cyprus six years after these tragic events. From Textile to Identity. This category indicated in the widest sense of the word any non-Muslim. travellers and diplomats.18 On the island of Andros. 103. for example. hüküm 252.). 20 Ivi. 11 Rebiülevvel 972 (17 October 1564). though known as the ‘leader of the nation of Messia’. who were in a different category to Orthodox ones (Rum). Cypriot Franks in Ottoman Cyprus: an Antinomy? As mentioned previously. foreigner within the Empire’s borders. hüküm 587. whether Latin or Greek. Elliot. 16 Cemâziülahir 979 (5 November 1571).17 Like other equally generic terms. 103–123.the transition of cyprus to ottoman rule
377
Whatever their name. Frenk defined Catholic families. in S.
. the three slaves in question were classified as Frenk by the sultan’s sources. Istanbul 2004.19 However.20 In the case of Cyprus. it came under the much broader term Frenk tâʿifesi. The Venetian mercantile colony in Istanbul. could also indicate a Venetian or anyone else. such as merchants. Ottoman costumes. the apparent disappearance of the Latin population. the term Frenk. Mühimme Defteri 16. Concerned as they were about the success of the expedition. we can imagine that the widespread poverty. p. hüküm 942. Yayın Nu: 28. which could also include Ragusans. C. Osmanlı Arşivi Daire Başkanlığı. The island was governed by a State whose victory against the Venetian Republic signalled the end of the wealth and power of their family. Faroqhi and Ch. Ankara 1995. 26 Şaban 972 (29 March 1565). was called Frenk bey oğlu in the dispatches of Süleyman the Magnificent with the probable intention of underlining his Western origins. the denomination Frenk was used to qualify a wide range of people. the French and members of other Western nations trading in the Ottoman capital. Dress codes in the Ottoman Empire: the case of the Franks. Yosef Nasi.

which was translated concretely into a more fortunate end for the civilians of Famagosta. Valderio. ivi.378
vera costantini
who had been banished from the island for having demonstrated their loyalty to the previous rulers. finding themselves victims of a vast operation of capture that was also rhetorical.). Orvieto 1895. 1008– 1009. Lyônardô and so on. Bernardô. B. Cyprus. Tômâzô (rather than Tômâ).
21 A. VIII. . the Franks . Niqôlô (which in the villages took the Greek form Niqôlâ). 3. Résistance ou collaboration? Les Chypriotes sous la domination vénitienne.22 These individuals were the last. of the entire Nicosia and Famagosta population. Nicosia 1996. (G. Greek Magnates in Venetian Cyprus: the Case of the Synglitico Family. p. Gatto. Qôrdelya.. cit. Microfilmoteca dell’Istituto per la Storia della Società e dello Stato Veneziano. worried about the famine raging within the city walls. cit.23 The integration of the remaining Cypriots into the Ottoman system would lead to the end of this merged social and cultural reality. though involved with the previous rule. 135 and Id. remained on Cyprus. Qârôlina. 52. pp. Grivaud and N. 133–34. Seeking refuge within the Venetian fortifications was considered an act of loyalty towards the Republic of Saint Mark. . though the war itself led to very different fates for the besieged of the two fortresses: if the Nicosians paid the higher price. VII. pp. p. . the 1572 Ottoman census registered individuals with undoubtedly Latin names: Lûçya. 22 Fondazione Cini. 23 Cypriot nobility was distinguished by a deep interconfessional character. During the war and.
. Arbel. The cases of individuals who. vol. exiguous exponents of a form of syncretic and eclectic society that for centuries had characterised Cypriot urban society and that had been particularly encouraged by Venetian rule in the sense of a growing intermingling between the Greek and Latin elements of the nobility and. A History .21 The intensity of the Ottoman retaliation against demonstrations of loyalty to Venetian rule was thus subject to the changing circumstances of the conflict. some exponents of noble rank. P. Catizzani (ed. pp. in Id. P. Registro del catasto di Cipro—Bobina 1.. Patapiou eds.. more particularly. after Marcantonio Bragadin. were so reduced as to render the generalisation of their common conduct impossible. the civilians seeking refuge in Famagosta left the city undisturbed in April 1571. . 63–73. 336–337. with ensuing acculturation. cf. La guerra di Cipro. pp. after the capitulation of Nicosia.). obtained a safe conduct for them with Lala Mustafa Pasha promising that they would not be ill-treated. Nefs-i Mâğôsa der cezîre-i Qıbrıs. Hill. Narratione del terribile assedio e della resa di Famagosta nell’anno 1571. In the large fortified city.

Collegio Relazioni. tried to use the surrender of the fortress of Cerine and conversion to Islam as a means of maintaining their social privilege. as was the case with Girolamo Zane after the first sallies with the Holy League fleet. Benzoni (ed. 26 BOA. The neutral vocation of Venice in the modern age did not stop its governors from expecting their generals to defend their positions to the death.
. Of the five soldiers who ceded Cerine. vol. in G. p. to whom neither
24 U. each of them Cypriot noblemen. where they were tried and condemned to life imprisonment. pp. Il Mediterraneo nella seconda metà del ’500 alla luce di Lepanto. Those who did not perform this duty were tried and condemned on their return to Venice. 409–433. 139. though not of the Latin Church. the severity of the Venetian government was directly proportional with its inability to face the Ottoman army without the aid of foreign powers. cit. Throughout the course of the centuries-long history of the conflicts between the Empire and the Republic. . it is nevertheless an example of a possible means of integrating the nobility into the Ottoman system. defter 221bis. explicitly recalls that Lala Mustafa Pasha conceded to the Famagosta population ‘that they may live as Christians. Rûus Kalemi. such as that of port captain of Kîrîne. Though this only occurred in three isolated cases. 16 November 1553. author of an account of the history of Cyprus. 51. Tucci. who were certainly never particularly favoured by the Venetian authorities.. Kâmil Kepeci.25 The other three. two. negotiated the possibility of returning to Venice. it concerned the desire to place individual guilt onto a commander for the Republic’s international military failure.26 The primarily purely political conceptualisation of which categories to banish from the island would subsequently extend to all Catholics. 988n. including members of the minor clergy. 3. Relazione di Alvise Da Ponte. episodes of surrender were extremely rare. Il processo a Girolamo Zane mancato difensore di Cipro. who quickly rewarded them with the assignation of tımâr and. The History .24 Particularly in the late sixteenth-century. .27 Stefano Lusignano. 25 Hill. a few months later. became Muslims and entered into the service of Lala Mustafa Pasha.the transition of cyprus to ottoman rule
379
anticipating the growing successes of the Ottoman troops. Giovanni Maria Mudazzo and Alfonso Palazzo. b. p. 24 Rebi‘ülahir 978 (25 September 1570) and p. 27 Zilhicce 978 (22 May 1571). awarded them special local administrative roles. In the context of the Holy League. 84. 27 ASV. Florence 1974.).

. Dans le haut clergé Grec (.. 26 agosto–1 settembre 1966). pp.28 Thus for the remaining inhabitants assimilation to Orthodox Christianity was the only officially acknowledged means of living on the island. 455. A History of the Orthoox Church of Cyprus from the coming of the Apostles Paul and Barnabas to the commencements of the British occupation (AD 45–AD 1878) together with some account of the Latin and other churches existing in the island. cf. A History . On the presence of clergymen among the prisoners of Lala Mustafa Pasha. 356–358. Crete or any other colony of the stato da mar. . Grècque et Latine de l’île” C. Lusignano. p. L’importance sociale de la conversion à l’Islam (volontaire ou non) d’une section des classes dirigeantes de Chypre pendants les premiers siècles de l’occupation turque (1570–fin du XVII e siècle). possibly indicating that it was still a functioning establishment. . 437–462.) plusieurs Latin nobles avaient pénétré comme moines.). p. nor any thing will be conceded’.
28
. 31 Fondazione Cini.. New York 1901. cit. home.31 Almost a century later. p. seeing as abandoned monasteries were distinguished by the adjective khâlî (deserted). whilst others. 195. Hackett. the same monastery appeared on a list that the Ottoman authorities had commissioned the archbishop of Cyprus to compile. . Chorograffia et breve historia universale dell’isola di Cipro. The fate of the Catholic clergy appears to be somewhat fragmented into a range of individual destinies. cit. profiting from the close ties that had united the two religious branches during the Venetian epoch.380
vera costantini
church. Kyrris. . sought refuge and were admitted to Orthodox monasteries. which were thus more exposed to chance and changing circumstances. Registro del catasto di Cipro—Bobina 1. 982 and Hackett. . . 32 BOA. in Actes du premier congrès international des études balcaniques et sud-est européennes (Sofia. Bologna 1573. Microfilmoteca dell’Istituto per la Storia della Società e dello Stato Veneziano. Among the dead and the prisoners of Nicosia were also numerous exponents of the high Latin and Orthodox clergy. ainsi que de la contexture entre les deux sociétés.30 The Cistercian monastery of Bellapays was assessed in 1572 and registered in the mufassal defteri under the name of mânâstır-i Delâpâys. 194.
S. 29 Hill.32 At least some of the Catholic monastic establishments were gradually converted to Orthodoxy and re-colonised by Greek monks. of all the convents functioning on the island. whose members were either of Cypriot nobility or the Venetian patrician class. 30 “Ils feignaient d’être Grecs-Orthodoxes (. . en profitant des anciennes épigamies et autres relations de leurs familles avec les familles grècques. pp. p. Sofia 1969. defter 8428. . Costantini.29 Some negotiated their departure for Venice.000 aqçe of taxes from the monastery’s properties.. Mânâstır-i Delâpâys tâb‘i Kîrîne. 168. Mâliyeden Müdevver. A History . cited in J. The administration counted on extracting 1. Destini di guerra . P. . p. p. cit. 238.

transcribed in the Ottoman alphabet of the new rulers. the imperial treasury (mevqufât) held the properties. experienced unprecedented administrative plausibility. calculated on the basis of its worth during the Venetian epoch. hüküm 135.
33 ASV. Hasan Bey. as we shall see. Registro del catasto di Cipro—Bobina 1. 145. artisans. later. of banishing Christians from the fortified perimeter..37 He urged the sultan to consider the risk—that until then had been underestimated—to which the militias were exposed. such as the banishment of all Christians from within the city walls.39 In the absence of such a parameter of worth. more generally. 421 and p. which had been so effective in Rhodes. Il numero di tutti li francomati del regno di Cipro. Place names also underwent some important changes. Together with the language of the administration.000 compared to a much higher number of Christians.35 the cities of Nicosia and Famagosta underwent some fundamental changes. Microfilmoteca dell’Istituto per la Storia della Società e dello Stato Veneziano. with the Latin names of many villages and cities abandoned in favour of their Greek versions: San Zuan Morosini. hüküm 372. 28 Receb 981 (23 November 1573). 37 BOA.C.the transition of cyprus to ottoman rule
381
who. Mâğôsa. the Muslims. In Lefqôşa. Mühimme Defteri 21. In contrast to villages. Miscellanea Civile. ordaining their transfer to a nearby suburb. 35 BOA.
.36 The governor of Qaraman.38 The expulsion of the Christians from the fortress of Mâğôsa was accompanied by a decree forbidding the imperial authorities of the island to force Christians to sell their homes cheaply: each property had to be sold ‘at its true price’. 34 Fondazione Cini. wrote to the sultan that within the fortress of Mâğôsa the military personnel and. 38 Ibidem. as in Rhodes and. He adopted the strategy. albeit experiencing a serious demographic crisis due to the recent conflict and the plague epidemics that followed. Cerine as Kîrîne and so on. Avogaria di Comun. 36 BOA. known as a vâroş. 179. 17 Şevval 979 (3 March 1572). which maintained their layout. urban culture was perhaps the sector that saw the greatest changes. p. Mühimme Defteri 18. numbered less than 1. situated in the district of Saline. became leading players in redefining the role and aspect of the local Orthodox Church. 39 Ibidem.33 was registered as Ayô Yânî Môrôtînî.34 The end of the political relevance of the Latin element of the island had made way for decidedly Greek-sounding place names that. Mühimme Defteri 23. hüküm 277. 24 Ramazan 980 (28 January 1573).

Bishops of Cyprus.
41
40
. 5. 18 Zilhicce 979. the three siblings.40 During their brief stay in Mâğôsa. tried to fi ll by investing in the prerogatives of the Orthodox clergy. Naturally. As for the other two. Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia. 1578 (ASV.382
vera costantini
an indispensable part of the city’s daily life. 8 Zilkâde 980 (12 March 1573). 43 “Kubrus”. in which the archbishop of Nicosia. p. 2 May 1572). busta 26. II serie. H. 17 Zilhicce 979 (1 May 1572). Destined to remain foreigners or estranged from the history of the island. hüküm 304. Saint Nicolas was converted into a mosque. were the only Christians allowed to remain within the urban perimeter. hüküm 374. the Venetian Frenk returned for commercial reasons. the history of relations between the Greek Church and the Ottoman Empire in the decades following the conquest saw changeable fortunes that nevertheless were part of a general scheme. 128. other bishops and hegumens of a few large monasteries acted as the middlemen between central and local Ottoman government. made curious by the real reason for their arrival on Cyprus. (A. As for the construction of the first minarets.41 would have immediately noticed the radical change that the city had undergone: now there were only soldiers and artisans within the walls. see BOA.42 Beyond the city walls was a single. entirely ignorant of the territory. vol. in IE2. while Mustafa Ağa and his brother were pretending to look for a house to rent in order to fool the Ottoman authorities. the proceeds of the sale being paid to the provincial treasury. 42 Of the 32 churches located within the walls of Mâğôsa. whereas the Cypriot nobility returned in order to recoup a corner of the past that the terrain had subtracted from the tumultuous transformations of the present. in order to meet the demand of the few Orthodox artisans left in the city (BOA. the Sultan’s Agents The disappearance of the aristocracy led to a lack of local power that the Ottoman authorities. de Groot ed. 30 were sold to private purchasers. Mühimme Defteri 12. hüküm 1211. appearing in Ottoman documents under the name of bâş pisqôpôz. Mühimme Defteri 21. dozens of abandoned churches and the only Gothic cathedral of San Nicola had been transformed into a mosque surrounded by minarets. Mühimme Defteri 26. The first Venetian consul in Cyprus was appointed in that very year. Memoria mercantile n. composite suburb containing the remnants of an urban society cleansed of the elements that policy and circumstances deemed incompatible with the foundation of the new Ottoman province of Cyprus.43 Indubi-
BOA. 304. while Saint George was kept in function.). Parte prima). just like the Venetian merchants who at that time were beginning to return to the island.

p. Safer 980 (July 1572). occurring in the Ottoman Empire by the order of Selim II and legally supported by the promulgation of a fetva by Ebussu‘ud Efendi.44 However. 9. 149–200. doc. 45 Ivi. Athens 1997. until finally the sultan intervened on the subject of abuses perpetrated by taxmen collecting agricultural revenue. Οθωμανικα εγγραφα 1572−1839. Nicosia 1993. went through different phases and gradations: in 1572 the hegumen of Çiqo (Kykko) went to the beğlerbeği of Nicosia about a controversy in the jurisdiction of the nâbi of Lefqa. C. the strategy of avoiding confrontation with the local political middleman and instead trying to create a dialogue with the superior authorities. The Lord gives and the Lord takes away: Athens and the confiscation affair of 1568–1969. jointly motivated by an urgent need for liquid assets on the eve of action in Cyprus. Mount Athens in the 14th–16th Centuries. p. Analyses of documents conserved at the monastery of Kykko throws new light onto the phenomenon of the sale of ecclesiastical assets.46 According to the most recent interpretations. 1. possibly meant that there were other episodes in which local communities appealed to sublime imperial justice to defend them from local abuses.the transition of cyprus to ottoman rule
383
tably this duality was of great significance: as emerges from Ottoman documents conserved at the monastery of Kykko. In reality. in which the sultan hoped that similar protestations would not be repeated. in The National Hellenic Research Foundation Institute for Byzantine Research. Theoharidis. 1. offered
I. this edict. 3. or to confer a superior legitimacy to their political action in the territory. 21 Muharrem 991 (14 February 1583). Alexander. officially asking them to verify that the tenancy of the land in which the tax revenue was the object of contention had effectively been assigned to the protesting communities. consisting of the beğlerbeği. and to ascertain whether the taxes had been accurate during the previous decade. (Alexandroupolos). an order was sent from Istanbul to the beğlerbeği and to the defterdâr of Cyprus. vol. P. What can be understood from the sources consulted is that on Cyprus the clergy was the first to seek a middleman from off the island who was superior to the beğlerbeği. doc. pp.45 On this occasion. just eleven years later a group of monasteries. The final admonition. 4. the Cypriot clergy were adept at defining and redefining their own political middlemen depending on circumstances and requirements and did not hesitate in sending representatives to Istanbul to protect their interests. thus avoiding the mediation of local government. 46 J. managed to send a representative to the same capital.
44
. which were also acting on behalf of some of the subjects.

50 This latter process had nothing to do with the fetva and its consequences. We have already seen that immediately after the war. banishing Christian subjects from Lefqôşa and Mâğôsa constituted a priority for the security of Ottoman rule on the island. made sure that an invitation to mobilise ‘against the common enemy’. with whom the sum to be paid was always negotiated. This often turned out to be the monasteries themselves. along with the sale of numerous properties. La posizione della comunità . 50 BOA. in
Ivi. 24 Ramazan 980 (28 January 1583). I Greci . was also part of the process of selling property on the entire island after it had been conquered. It should not surprise us that this arrangement met with resistance on the part of the provincial Ottoman authorities. but the peculiar circumstances of the Cypriot province ensured that the two incidents were intersected. however. p. Mühimme Defteri 21. cit. 168. hüküm 135. 169.47 Selim II imposed the sale of properties run by monasteries throughout the entire Empire. cit. In the case of the communities of Mount Athos. as in that of other monastic establishments. the monasteries did not suffer the same fate as the numerous churches and their respective assets standing within the city walls. 140. albeit in different times and ways. with the clause that they could then be repurchased by the highest bidder. constituting the tyrant Selim II. . . a concomitant proposal that remained unheeded.384
vera costantini
some monasteries the possibility of reaching more stable and permanent juridical formulations regarding their property. We have to wait until 1586 before discovering the effective nomination of an agent employed to sell ecclesiastical properties. In particular. In particular. . This measure. protected the properties from possible interference and at the same time acknowledged the monasteries as both individual entities and plural middlemen. but the entire community. a fact that simplified problems of succession. 49 Tsipanlis. though a prisoner.48 However.. p. . the monks decided that the property was not so much for individuals. negotiations also included a redefinition of how individual monasteries could formulate the ownership rights of the properties in question.
48
47
. there was also discontent amongst the monks. Ivi.. reached the patriarch of Constantinople on the eve of the battle of Lepanto. the tenancy of which had been theirs for centuries.49 It would now be appropriate to consider if and how the confiscation edict was applied on Cyprus. to such an extent that the Venetian bailo. in Tiepolo e Tonetti. p.

d. doc. Οθωμανικα εγγραφα 1572−1839 . dealing specifically with the bishops. whether in the city or in the countryside. The presence of the mültezîm not only demonstrated the Ottoman State’s need to be able to dispose of a vast sum in a short space of time. pp. orchards and
Theocharidis. to come up with 100. the fact that the mültezîm were bishops indicates a preferential line of local acquisition..52 There are many participants involved on five different juridical levels: the Şeyʿlülislâm. because two years later we find them legitimated by being appointed mültezîm. which were sold for a total of 700. vineyards. 53 Ivi. following deferred payment.000 akçe. Safer 994 (February 1586). . In the case of the monasteries. pp. The reʿâyâ who wanted to repurchase their property. We can also deduce that the negotiation process between the bishops and the monks was not without dissention: properties belonging to the monastery of Kykko. could not or perhaps did not know how to take advantage of this right to pre-emption and they often found themselves exposed to the abuses of the military. which probably permitted a more widespread control of the island. but. but we know from a document of 1586 that the bishops.000 akçe to the bishops. 22–25. whose fetva constituted initiating the process.000 aspri more. asking Gregory. 16–17. 7. cit.the transition of cyprus to ottoman rule
385
the person of Abuzâde Ahmed Çavuş (evqâfı furukhtuna me‘mûr olân Abuzâde demekle maʿaruf olân Ahmed Çavuş). pp. doc. put in charge by the central government of selling ecclesiastical properties. Safer 994 (February 1586). Abûzâde Ahmed Çavuş. the head of the monastic community in Kykko. 16–17. in turn the bishops. sharing it instead with other bishops. represented the nexus between the seller (the State) and the purchasers. did not agree and went before the governor and the treasurer of Cyprus. holding the deed (iltizâm) of sale. 52 Ivi. however.53 The entrepreneurial hegumen. 10. tried to raise the price. for example.
51
. were initially valued at 150.51 At this stage the bishops (pisqôpôlar) must have already interfered considerably in the sales. . 7. it is also interesting to see that the archbishop of Lefqôşa could not or did not want to take on the role of mültezîm alone. Safer 997 (February 1588). but we could add that it also gave them the control of attributing properties to one monastery or to another. also highlighted the Cypriot clergy’s plan of ‘independently’ managing the redistribution of property without running the risk of seeing it put into the hands of potentially higher bidders. In other words. asking that the price of the evqâf be returned to the amount originally established: the properties included buildings.

had been paid by the hegumen Gregory to the bishops in exchange for ownership rights to these properties. about which we possess official documentation. pp. Seeing as the monks of Kykko laid claim to this property. 11. probably an abandoned Latin complex. The very presence of the mültezîm possibly indicates an attempt to speed up a rather long and contentious process. in the eyes of the newcomers. along with some private properties. BOA.000 akçe. an already fully functioning establishment. though these had to be compatible with those of
54 55 56
Ivi. Safer 980 (July 1572). Mâliyeden Müdevver. Two years later another document attested that the sum equivalent to the value of the evqâf of Kykko. unlike the churches of Mâğôsa and many other properties on the island. grain and barley all for a sum of 150. 356–358. people were needed to nurture their own interests in the venture. He asked the qâdı of Hırsôqi to invite Qurd Subâşı to give up any claim for that land.54 silver. Still. they were necessarily sold within a short space of time. pp. ownership rights to movable and immovable assets were still uncertain. particularly as it was taking place in a recently conquered territory in which. Ivi. and its surrounding land.000 akçe).000 akçe. Cümaziülevvel 997 (March 1589). 1.56 What still has to be explained is why the assets of Kykko monastery were put up for sale by the Ottoman State at least a decade after the promulgation of the fetva. it may not be the case that just because the assets in question were put up for sale. Naturally. part of which had already been handed over to Abûzâde Ahmed Çavuş.386
vera costantini
some mills (already the object of contention between the communities of Kykko). doc. the governor of Cyprus himself intervened to protect the interests of the powerful monastery.55 The monks of Kykko then hastened to send some religious figures to Ayô Niqôlô to give the impression that this was a thriving community and above all under the auspices of Kykko. seeing as Gregory had paid for it before him. defter 8428. as we do not know precisely when this occurred. doc. In the aforementioned 16thcentury list we can perhaps identify Ayô Niqôlô in the monastery of Ayâ Niqôla İstami. these inevitable snags did not hinder the process or the desire to redistribute a vast sum of properties within and not beyond the perimeter of the clergy: in 1589 a Muslim subject by the name of Qurd Subâşı stated that he had paid Abûzâde Ahmed Çavuş to guarantee him ownership of the church of Ayô Niqôlô. like all those belonging to the Catholic Church. pp. 120. 2–3. 26–27.
. plus interest (7. As for every iltizâm.

In 1584 the
57 On the further developments of this situation see Th. taxes not only on agricultural revenue coming from properties managed by Kykko monastery were part of a broader fiscal unit (muqat‘a). in “Journal of Contemporary History”. 201– 209.the transition of cyprus to ottoman rule
387
the Court. Papadopoullos. Thus the double negotiation. Therefore. if it is true that they undertook it? Undoubtedly. Documents testify to arguments about the right of tenancy that each litigant had claimed as their own since the Venetian epoch. the only place those of a noble Cypriot background could enjoy a semblance of social standing. ecclesiastical figures sold properties that were possibly the subject of perpetual contention to other ecclesiastical figures. Furthermore. particularly as the three siblings had already managed to buy a ticket out of the sultan’s territories and out of their slavery. they headed towards Venice. must have taken up more time than expected. II. thus placing the reinstated Orthodox clergy in a legally unassailable and socially hegemonic position. Orthodox Church and Civil Authority.57 Conclusion What happened to the slaves who guided their master from Famagosta to Voroklini? The documents examined do not allow us to follow their next steps: the Ottoman authorities were understandably more concerned with retracing the treasure than with the two girls and their brother. in this sense. this process must have assumed great importance. before the sale. from the fortress walls of Mâğôsa as soon as possible. then between the latter and the hegumens. The absence of Venetian documents attesting to a map of landed properties on the island and the departure of the aristocracy and the high clergy must have. pp. and right up to the sale. immediately after the conquest. On a local level. On behalf of the Ottoman State. 4 (1967). thus relinquishing their ownership rights to the properties situated therein. whereas the provincial government needed to expel the Christians and their clergy. in the sense of a progression towards the certainty of entitlement. into which the taxes that the State collected from the entire district poured. first between the Ottoman State and the mültezîm. Where did this journey lead to. helped the remaining prelates and monks to broaden the boundaries of their own claims.
. the Ottoman State anticipated exercising a tax imposition equal to that already employed on facilities tenanted by other Cypriot subjects.

. The list includes the names of many other Cypriot noble families: Pentasilea Costanzo. 27 February 1584.58 The request to increase the pension that they received from the Serenissima to the sum of 150 ducats had convinced the authorities to carry out a check. an island much closer to the city to which many Cypriot families owed the conservation of their social standing for a century.388
vera costantini
office of the Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia compiled a list of ‘gentildonne cipriote che habitano alla Zudeca’.
58
ASV. That the latter were the protagonists of our story is little more than conjecture. probably on the Giudecca. then they were in Venice. and if in 1584 they were still alive. thanks to the farsightedness of their father and their own initiative. Certainly. I series. 136. if in 1576 the two Cypriot women had regained their freedom. Creusa Vilasaut. b. Cinque Savi alla Mercanzia. Laura and Lucrezia de Nores.

PART FOUR
THE MEDITERRANEANECUMENICAL COMMUNITIES BETWEEN POLITICAL POWERS
.

.

They include the correspondence between Venetian organs of government and the Venetian Baili (permanent representatives) in Istanbul. its main outlines can be followed on the basis of the material presented here. in Naples. Occasionally.MARITIME TRADE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE SIXTEENTHCENTURY MEDITERRANEAN: THE CASE OF THE SHIP GIRARDA 15751581 Benjamin Arbel Introduction The main protagonist of this study is a ship. Antonio Girardi—a Venetian citizen—and a partnership of Jewish entrepreneurs in Ottoman Istanbul. based on Venice’s diplomatic correspondence.
. according to the Venetian custom of calling ships after their owners—in this case the Venetian entrepreneur Antonio Girardi. the dispute could not be resolved without political contacts between governments. what had started as a private disagreement developed into a protracted crisis that added just another ingredient to the already complex relations between three major Mediterranean powers: the Ottoman Empire. Considering its protracted nature. but more commonly called Girarda. its link to the highest echelons of government of several Mediterranean powers. or plenipotentiary. bearing the name Sant’Antonio da Padova. or Ghirarda. The ship was the subject of a dispute between the ship owner. copies of Ottoman documents (normally translated into Italian) also appear among these letters. As it often happens in matters related to international maritime trade. Venice and Spain. one can expect that further research in other archives may produce more material on this affair. the Venetian ambassador in Spain and the Venetian secretary. or Ghirardi (both forms appear in the documents). The first part of this paper is therefore essentially a reconstruction of the events. What follows is mainly based on Venetian sources. The second part includes a historical analysis of these developments and their contextualization within the larger framework of the Mediterranean world during the 1570s and early 1580s. However. Thus.

busta 3 (blue).003 aspers respectively.P. [blue] 81–82 (pencil numbering: ff. 93–94). a special envoy. son of Jacob Todesco and Salomon. which was legalized in the chancery of the Venetian Bailo.1 According to this document. 127). Consiglio dei Dieci [henceforth: Cons. at the root of the dispute was a deal between the Istanbul businessmen Salomon.2 The ship was pledged as surety for the deal. Inventario Bombacci. Documnti Turchi.4 whereas another part could
1 Archivio di Stato di Venezia [henceforth: ASV]. Lettere e scritture turchesche [henceforth: LST]. carrying with him a Sultanic letter (name-i hümayun) issued on 21 February 1576 (n. 95). dated 4 March 1575. Antonio Girardi confessed owing Salomon Todesco [son of Joseph] two sums of money: 2.3 Part of this debt must have originated from a previous business deal. son of Joseph Carai
. and 582. to the value of 4. one of whom even served as secretary of the Senate. The name of their ship. f. ASV. ff. Cittadini originarii of Venice. Salomon son of Joseph and Salomon son of Jacob. which was also brought from Istanbul by the same Çavuş Hasan. where he sold the vessel and its cargo. ASV. so that the Sultan’s subjects would be compensated for their losses. X]. In Istanbul he loaded 2. as well as other goods. see ASV. the Çavuş Hasan. secreti. The same author states that the alum was purchased by Antonio’s relatives in Venice. In nome del Gran Signore. 3 ASV. p. 497 (pencil numbering: 3° c. According to this document. 96). Venice 1994. in fact. but the nature of the dispute had already been known in Venice for some time. a Venetian ship-owner. and some of its details were specified in an IOU. were. Documenti Turchi. Inventario Bombacci. Sultan Murad admonished the Republic that if it was really interested in the continuation of peace. 138. Documenti Turchi. had been sent with his ship to Istanbul by what seems to be a partnership including several of his Venetian relatives. reached Venice. 11. 4 March 1575. promising to transport this cargo to Venice and deliver it to the agents of the two Istanbul merchants. Antonio Tiepolo (Bailo: 1573–76). 4 According to Maria-Pia Pedani. ‘Sant’Antonio da Padova’.392
benjamin arbel The unfolding of the affair
In the month of June 1576. Girardi is claimed to have fraudulently taken the ship to Messina. No.000 ducats. but the Sultanic letter cited here presents the affair differently. The formal letter presented the matter in a somewhat simplified manner. it had to bring the culprits to trial.: A-2. Pedani. old No. reg. However. also indicates their Christian identity.000 cantars of alum belonging to a partnership of two local Jewish entrepreneurs.870 ducats and 4 aspers.s. Inviati ottomani a Venezia dalla caduta di Costantinopoli alla Guerra di Candia. 175. Antonio Girardi. No.) by Sultan Murad III. Inventario Bombacci. 498 (pencil numbering: 3° c. or Ghirardi. No. The Girardi. see M. 2 Antonio Girardi has been erroneously described as Jew. 530 (3° c.

6 But since this measure did not produce the expected result. But he retuned the following day and was allotted a room normally reserved for the Janissaries. Nicolo Barbarigo. 200–201 (12 Aug.8
on the one hand. which seems to have had easy access to the Grand Vizier. cit. In nome del Gran Signore . The Senate’s reference to “quello Girardo debitore di Rabbi Salamon” may indicate that at this stage the Senate wrongly understood that the creditor was Dr. reg. 4. 8 On 9 March 1577 the çavuş claimed he had orders not to leave the Bailo’s mansion unless paid. . a dispute further complicated by the Girarda affair. Arbel. 7 ASV. arrived with money from the Girardi family to ransom Girardi’s son (probably referring to the son of Antonio’s uncle). 21 May 1575. 95–144. for the consignment of the alum in Venice to the agents of the Istanbul merchants. pp.7 According to the dispatches of the Venetian diplomats. In nome del gran Signore . but after being deprived of food and sleeping facilities he left. as well as on the special Venetian ambassador. 1577. Deliberazioni Costantinopoli [hernceforward: Delib. this time to bring him a summons to court.maritime trade and international relations
393
have served as a further surety. 175. the similar tactics used by the Segura family in B. besides the ship and the personal engagement of Girardi and his brother (the ship’s clerk). No. Antonio’s cousin. busta 5. 200–201. CP]. as guaranteed in the peace agreement with Venice. the Grand vizier. sent to Istanbul to congratulate Murad III on his accession to the throne. the Bailo reported about another visit of a çavuş. p. repeatedly sent his çavuş to the Bailo’s residence. Nos. Salomon Ashkenazi. 1577). The mission of the Çavuş to Venice in June 1576 was in fact a measure taken after a series of contestations that had taken place in Istanbul for several months. Leiden 1995. See ASV. Capi del Cosiglio dei Dieci [henceforth: Capi X]. f. 1575. The earliest reference to the dispute is to be found in a letter from the Venetian Senate to the Bailo. Nos. usually referred to in Venice’s diplomatic correspondence as “Rabbi Salamon”. . Annali 1574–79. 12 Aug. used the latter to exert pressure on the two Venetian Baili (the outgoing Bailo. Trading Nations. dated 12 May 1575. Giacomo Soranzo. p. was always ready to collaborate with Todesco and his partners and. f. Senato. busta 4. Cf. 5 ASV. Lettere da Costantinopoli [henceforth: Lettere CP]. . represented by Salomon Todesco. 147v. the Jewish partnership. Capi X. Jews and Venetians in the Early Modern Eastern Mediterranean. on 26 May 1577. and the new one. cit. 10 March 1577. Giovanni Correr). in disregard of the Bailo’s immunity. see ASV. . Pedani. 125... and several members of the Ghirardi (or Girardi) family from Venice on the other hand. 32 (25 Nov.5 An attempt to regain their cargo was made by the Istanbul Jewish businessmen in August 1575. 6 ASV. demanding immediate compensation of the Jewish businessmen. 1575). having only a servant behind. Lettere CP. Mehmet Pasha. Antonio Tiepolo. The Bailo
. Capi X. busta 4. On 26 Nov. See Pedani. concerning gems given in surety by Antonio Girardi to the two Salomons. declaring he had no intention of dying on account of the Jews. it was rumoured in Istanbul that the new Bailo. by bringing to court and causing the arrest of Gasparo Girardi. 175. the Grand Vizier’s physician and counselor.

Delib. Lettere CP. just as a demonstration of good will. who had meanwhile raised his own financial claims for money disbursed by him in rescuing the Girarda. not least for revealing the Bailo’s ability to act within the Ottoman corridors of government. apparently. cit. 9 ASV. reg.394
benjamin arbel
The prospect of another private dispute menacing the peace. the Bailo decided to address Sultan Murad personally. CP. Trading Nations . 89. according to a letter from the Senate to the Bailo. f.v. Their reports concerning actions taken in this regard are instructive in several respects. on 18 and 19 June 1579 the Bailo reported about the appearance of a çavuş in his mansion on three consecutive days. but. Bailo Giovanni Correr had already prepared himself for this eventuality as well. f. After hearing that the affair was brought before the Sultan. decided to delegate the case to the kadı of Istanbul. yet this principle had not always been kept to the letter.12
replied he will send his interpreter instead. another visit of a çavuş in the Bailo’s house is referred to in the Senate’s letter to the Bailo on 14 January 1580 m. Delib. the Venetian diplomatic representatives were immune from judicial persecution for transgressions perpetrated by other Venetian subjects. 118–119.
. f. 6. (= more veneto): Senato Delib. 1575. He succeeded in getting from the Mufti of Istanbul what he described as “a favourable declaration” concerning his own position with respect to the agreement signed in his chancery between the fugitive Venetian ship-owner and the local Jewish businessmen. the Council of Forty for criminal affairs even issued a sentence against him. ibid. . on 19 June 1579. f. A criminal trial was therefore arranged in Venice against Antonio Girardi. 157v. 5. 13 Apr.. f. see ASV... the çavuş accompanied the Todeschi brothers and Salomon Ashkenazi. 221–221v. pp. ibid. The Girardi affair became one of the Baili’s main occupations for several years. reg. busta 5. f. Senato. Arbel. 152v. on 26 Dec. 10 Ibid.10 According to formal agreements between Venice and the Porte.. No. 5. 1577 [in response to the Bailo’s letter related to these developments]. a çavuş appeared at the Bailo’s house accompanied by one of the Todesco brothers. and. see Capi X. reg.11 However.9 The Senate must have hoped that this would somehow assuage the Ottoman authorities. 11 Cf. dated 31 December 1575. Annali 1574–79. CP. f. on 2 August the Bailo again reported about another visit of a çavuş. Senato.. 167v. 31 Dec. achieved with great difficulty and a high price only a few years before. 57. CP.. . 25v–26. with similar requests. 57. The Sultan. see ibid.. 12 ASV. seriously worried the Venetian government. 48. this was not the case. however. carrying another request to pay the money to the Todesco partnership. demanding a letter ordering that the ship be delivered to their agents in Venice.

maritime trade and international relations

395

Back in Venice, the Senate was annoyed by the possibility of having the Bailo put on trial, and expressed its discontent in official letters addressed to the Sultan and to the Grand Vizier, instructing the Bailo at the same time to do his utmost to reverse this decision.13 At the beginning of September 1577, when a new Bailo was about to leave for Istanbul, he was also provided with letters to the Sultan and to the Grand Vizier in this regard.14 Eventually, neither Bailo Correr, nor his successor, Nicolò Barbarigo, was forced to appear in the kadı’s court. Meanwhile a dramatic turn of events occurred in southern Italy. According to a report of the Venetian envoy there, dated of 5 Sept. 1577, Antonio Girardi had been assassinated “by a few Muslims”.15 No further details are provided, probably because neither the Venetian government nor the Ottoman Porte was really interested in the fate of the poor fellow. In fact, the Girarda crisis now had a life of its own, independent of its original perpetrator, since the Jewish businessmen were apparently not looking for personal vendetta, but rather for material compensation for their losses. What seemed to be a beginning of a solution appeared only towards the end of 1577, that is about two years after Antonio Girardi’s flight and well after the mission of the Çavuş Hasan to Venice, which did not succeed in solving the matter.16 The figure who was conducive in leading the affair towards a solution was the experienced Jewish physician, Dr. Salomon Ashkenazi, who had already proven himself to be a first rate secret adviser and behind-the-scenes expert in conflict management.17 According to his later testimony he was practically forced to step in, but this was a claim that was not raised until he himself had to confront the Todesco firm, when the Jewish entrepreneurs refused to compensate him for the expenses he incurred in repairing and liberating the Girarda in the Kingdom of Naples. Indeed, by force of an agreement that had been signed on 9 December 1577 between him and Salomon Todesco in the Bailo’s house at Pera,18 the physician’s agent in Venice, a certain Giacomo Pera, sent to the Kingdom of Naples a Corfiote shipmaster,

called Alessandro Schilizzi, to take hold of the ship, repair it and return it to Venetian territory. In the meantime, however, another development risked jeopardizing the whole operation. It transpired that before being assassinated, Antonio Girardi had sold half the shares of his ship to a Ragusan citizen, and the latter was reluctant to renounce what he considered to be his rightful ownership. The Venetian council of Ten, fearing new judicial complications in foreign territory, instructed the Venetian plenipotentiary in Naples to act quickly so as to assure a renunciation on the part of the said Ragusan of his claim to half of the ship, authorizing the Venetian representative to disburse, discreetly and unofficially, 1,500 ducats for this purpose. This was considered a reasonable price, in view of the ship’s poor condition and the dubious character of the Ragusan’s claim, for when the latter bought his half share, the ship had already been pledged to the Jewish partnership and its owner had already been declared a fugitive.19 Getting things under control in the Kingdom of Naples, dominated by Spain was not easily achieved by the Venetian representative. The Ragusan merchant was apparently not easy to please, which forced the Council of Ten to raise its offer by 300 ducats. According to the letter of the Venetian envoy, even Schilizzi, the Corfiote shipmaster in charge of salvaging the Girarda, was lagging behind with his assigned job. Schilizzi claimed that the condition of the Girarda, which had been moved for 16 months in the port of Taranto, had deteriorated tremendously. He described it as lying practically under water, and consequently, he encountered great technical difficulties in rendering it seaworthy again. In any case, as far as the Republic was concerned, the main consideration was not the cost of the repairs but getting the Todesco partnership off the Bailo’s back. The Venetian secretary in Naples was therefore instructed to try and buy the ship himself as first priority, and only if local authorities insisted, to give a pledge for half the ship’s share.20 This was apparently not an easy task, since the Senate saw fit to ask the Venetian ambassador in Madrid to intervene as well, so as to prevent the delegation of the case to a local
19 ASV, Senato Delib. CP, reg. 5, f. 65v, 5 Sept. 1577 (the Senate informs the Bailo about the Ragusan) Consiglio dei Dieci, Secreti [henceforth: X, Secreti], reg. 11. f. 148, 24 January 1577 m.v. (instructions of the Council of Ten). 20 ASV, X, Secreti, reg. 11, ff. 150v, 154v (15 Feb. 1577 m.v. and 4 April 1578); ibid, f. 177 (20 Dec. 1578); ibid., 178v (10 Ja. 1578 m.v.); ff. 179v–180 (24 Jan. 1578 m.v.). For Schilizzi’s letter from Taranto, describing his technical difficulties, see ASV, Capi X, Lettere CP, busta 5, No. 53, 5 Aug. 1578.

maritime trade and international relations

397

court in the Kingdom of Naples. Only on 27 June 1578 could the Senate inform the Bailo about the success of its diplomatic efforts at the Spanish court, resulting in King Philip II’s instruction to his Viceroy in Naples to liberate the ship and not acknowledge the claims of the Ragusan citizen.21 But that was still not the end of the affair. It must have been terribly frustrating for the Venetian government to confront new problems whenever it appeared that a final solution of the Girarda crisis was imminent. Thus, between July and November 1578, the Bailo was again pestered by the Jewish businessmen, who were pushing forward their demand to be compensated for the alum cargo; and in the Kingdom of Naples, Schilizzi claimed to be short of money to complete his repairs of the Girarda in the port of Taranto. Dr. Salomon Ashkenazi’s agent in Venice was then encouraged by the Venetian authorities to send more money to Schilizzi.22 However, as already indicated, when asking the Todesco partnership for a refund of his expenses, the Jewish physician received a blunt refusal. The furious doctor then clarified that he intended to cause the ship to be mortgaged in his favour pending full satisfaction of this debt, which, as he claimed, amounted to 2,700 ducats.23 And this, in turn, would have again prevented any appeasement of the Todesco partnership. Was there any hope at all to bring the crisis to an end? Apparently, Fortune was not smiling upon Venice during those years. In any case, the Girarda must have finally left the Kingdom of Naples at the beginning of June 1579.24 It is still unclear whether the ship actually reached Istria, its declared destination. What transpires from the Senate’s letter to the Bailo, written on 29 July 1578, is another

21 ASV, Annali 1574–79, f. 184. From this phrasing one can deduce that the deal that the secretary was empowered to reach with the Ragusan merchant did not come through. 22 ASV, Senato, Delib. CP, reg. 5. ff. 101 (14 Aug. 1578), 106 (12 Sept.), 112 (22 Nov.) 23 ASV, Capi X, Lettere CP, busta 5, Nos. 59–60 (2 Nov. 1578); ibid., Nos. 85 & 89 (18–19 June 1579, with reference to earlier reports on the same in the Bailo’s letters dated 20 Set., 27 Oct. and 2 November). 24 The Girarda was still in the Kingdom of Naples in January 1979. The repairs must have lasted a few more months, since in January 1578 m.v., the ship was still in the port of Taranto, as it transpires from the Council of Ten’s deliberations of 20 December 1578 and 10 January 1578 m.v., see ASV, X, Secreti, reg. 11, ff. 177, 178v. The ship must have left that port shortly later, for the Bailo wrote on 18 June 1579 that he had received information through Dr. Ashkenazi that that the ship had meanwhile reached Istria, a Venetian territory: ASV, Annali 1574–79, f. 221.

398

benjamin arbel

unexpected event, which, as far as Venice was concerned was a real stroke of luck. According to the Senate’s letter, The Girarda was wrecked when trying to enter the port of Venice. Its shipmaster, Schilizzi, however, had been prudent enough to insure it to the value of 4,000 ducats. It appears that the burden of compensating Todesco and Company now reverted to an unspecified insurance company.25 But even that turn of events did not persuade the Todesco partnership to leave the Bailo in peace. Since the Girarda left Taranto without its original cargo, the Jewish businessmen demanded to nominate in the Bailo’s chancery an agent who would fetch the cargo from the Kingdom of Naples.26 Thus, in October 1579 the affair still remained unsettled, and none of the persons involved seems to have been satisfied. A new crisis arose at the beginning of October 1579, when Scassi, the Bailo’s official interpreter (dragoman), was arrested. But Bailo Nicolò Barbarigo, who in his letters accused the Todesco partnership of bribing the Grand vizier in order to renew the pressure on him, now turned to a counter-attack.27 He refused to accept the correspondence of Jewish businessmen, which was normally sent with the Bailo’s courier to Venice. When Jewish merchants asked him to reconsider his move, the Bailo demanded that the Todesco brothers and Salomon Carai first be excommunicated by the Jewish rabbis.28 In December 1579 the Porte intended to send the Çavuş Hasan on another mission to Venice, carrying a new letter concerning the same affair from Sultan Murad III to the Doge.29 Hasan’s presence in Venice is recorded in June 1580.30 This time, however, he also carried a letter from the two Kadıaskers, the chief judges of the Ottoman empire, the contents of which can be inferred from the Senate’s answer of 25 June, discarding three claims contained in it: according to the Senate’s reply, Bailo Tiepolo’s legalization of the agreement signed in his chancery between

Antonio Girardi and the two Jewish businessmen did not entail any personal obligation on his part, exactly as similar attestation by Ottoman kadıs did not confer any personal obligation on theirs. Second, it was true that Bailo Tiepolo had collected money due to Antonio Girardi on account of a wool deal, but it was also true that the same money was later disbursed to Dr. Salomon Ashkenazi, as creditor of Antonio Girardi, in conformity with a sentence of the kadı of Pera. Finally, the Girardi and Cechinelli families in Venice did not place any surety for Antonio Girardi; on the contrary, Girardi owed them great sums of money, for jewels and other goods sent to him.31 Briefly, judging from the Senate’s reply, the demands brought by the Çavuş on this second mission did not concern the ship Girarda anymore, but other claims somehow related to the Girarda affair. Yet only at the beginning of January 1581 could the new Bailo, Paolo Contarini, inform the Council of Ten that the Girarda crisis came to a final solution, through a compromise arranged by Doctor Salomon Ashkenazi.32 Thus, after nearly six years, the affair of the ship Girarda came to a close. The rich documentation that it left behind in the Venetian archives allows us to make some general observations. The Mediterranean dimensions of the Girarda crisis It is impressive to discover how, for about six years, an affair involving one ship and a few merchants occupied governments and diplomats around the Mediterranean. The two Doges, Sebastiano Venier and Nicolo da Ponte and their Signory, Sultan Murad III and his two of his Grand Viziers, his two Kadıaskers, King Philip II, his Council of State and his Viceroy in Naples, Venetian ambassadors and Baili in Istanbul and Madrid, and even the French ambassador at the Porte, were all active in trying to solve the crisis.33

ASV, Senato, Delib. CP, reg. 6, f. 31 (25 June 1580) ASV, Senato, Delib. CP, reg. 6, f. 50 (19 Feb. 1580 m.v., with reference to the Bailo’s letters); ASV, Capi X, Lettere CP, busta 6, No. 1, 5 March 1581. The Bailo did report, however, that he gave 200 ducats to “Rabi Salamon” [presumably Dr. Salomon Ashkenazi) and 200 more to the Ottoman dragoman, Orem Bey. As early as 14 Feb. 1577 m.v., the Ten already informed the Bailo to transfer the 10,000 ducats that had been allotted by them in October for solving this crisis in CP to Corfu, to be spent there on the fortifications of the Venetian colony, see ASV, Cons. X, Secreti, reg. 11, f. 152. 33 ASV, Annali 1574–79, f. 147 (the Venetian ambassador reports about his discussion with the King of Spain), 2 March 1577); ibid., f. 148, the same reports about the
32

31

400

benjamin arbel

In fact, to understand the importance attributed both in Venice and Istanbul to the Girarda affair, we have to put it into the wider context of the complicated relationship between the Venetian Republic and the Ottoman Empire during those years. The affair of the ship Girarda risked jeopardizing the still unstable peace, reached with enormous efforts in 1573 after the long and bloody war over Cyprus. A new Sultan was reigning in Istanbul, and the huge sum of money that Venice was obliged to pay by the peace agreement had not yet been fully disbursed.34 At the background of the Girarda affair, and not totally unrelated to it, were also the negotiations concerning the borders in Dalmatia and Venetian requests to regain territories occupied there by the Ottomans during the war of Cyprus; ongoing contacts concerning the mutual liberation of prisoners; attempts to curtail the commercial rivalry of Ancona in the trade between Italy and the Ottoman empire; efforts to abolish Ottoman restrictions on exportation of certain goods; and efforts to reach an armistice agreement between Spain and the Ottoman empire, in which Venice and the figures negotiating the Girarda affair, such as the ambassador, the Baili, the Grand Vizier, Salomon Ashkenazi, were all involved.35 Besides, attempts by the Grand Duke of Tuscany and the English Crown to secure a firm foothold for their respective merchants in Istanbul also threatened Venetian hegemony in the Levantine trade.36 Such threats and the fears engendered by them could only increase in view of the assassination of the Grand vizier, Sokollu Mehmet (consid-

ered to be relatively favorable to the Republic), in 1578, and the renewal of war on the Persian front.37 The Girarda affair should also be considered in the framework of Venice’s repeated clashes with Spain, resulting from the sequestration of Venetian ships carrying on board Jews, Muslims and/or cargo belonging to them. It was not easy to handle claims of Ottoman Jews on a ship anchored in Spanish territory, where Jews and their property were not supposed to sojourn, and where Ottomans were considered as enemies. Indeed, during the same years in which the Girarda affair was being negotiated in Naples and in the Escorial, Venice was also trying to liberate the ship Marinona, which had been sequestrated after seeking shelter from a storm in the port of Brindizi, with cargoes belonging to “Jews and Turks”.38 Maritime trade was particularly susceptible to such situations of crisis, since every single merchant vessel normally represented an investment of a large amount of capital, which could easily be carried away beyond the control of investors and their political protectors. The geopolitical situation of the Mediterranean world in the age of Philip II and Murad III invited this kind of complications, considering, on the one hand, the tension between the Spanish and Ottoman empires, and on the other hand the proximity of their territories and the relative ease of crossing over to the other side: the Strait of Otranto, through which one could pass from Spanish to Ottoman territory and vice-versa is only 45–55 nautical miles wide (85–100 km). Also related to the maritime dimension of this crisis is the important function of maritime insurance, which provided at least a partial solution for the reimbursement of sums owed by Antonio Girardi to Todesco and Company. Maritime trade between Venice and Istanbul was unimaginable without the formal treaties between the two states that formalized the conditions under which such trade could operate. Yet formal agreements could not prevent frauds by individuals, and when such frauds were considered a threat to vested interests of at least one of the parties concerned, the peace agreement was not respected to the letter. On the

37 H. Inalcık, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300–1600, London 1977, pp. 215–216. 38 ASV, Annali 1574–79, f. 151, 19 April 1577 (The Senate’s instructions to the ambassador in Spain); ibid., f. 152, 13 May 1577, (the ambassador in Spain writing to the Senate on this account); ibid., f. 171, letter from Venetian ambassador in Spain concerning the seizure of a ship on its way to Ancona and the Marinona, 20 January 1577 m.v.

402

benjamin arbel

Ottoman side, the foremost interest in this sphere seems to have been the protection of Ottoman subjects against frauds committed by their foreign trading partners. Such transgressions were seen as an affront upon the Sultan himself.39 The Girarda affair was not the first incident of its kind, as indicated by the Grand Vizier to the kadı of Istanbul, since a French ship had similarly escaped some time before from Alexandria to Naples.40 In Istanbul it was deemed more important to prevent phenomena of this kind than to respect the diplomatic immunity of the Venetian Bailo. Consequently, ambassadors were not allowed to leave Istanbul, Baili were summoned to the kadı’s court and repeatedly harassed by official envoys of the Porte (Çavuş), who demanded that the Baili compensate Ottoman subjects for losses incurred as a result of commercial disputes with Venetian subjects.41 Venice’s vested interests were threefold: in general terms, the commercial Republic was interested in allowing maritime trade to function smoothly, as the Senate wrote to the King of Spain in August 1575: “if such transgressions are left without punishment, trade of all nations would suffer great harm”.42 This general interest was linked to two others, more specifically related to the Ottoman Empire: to maintain the peace, which had been achieved with so many sacrifices, and to protect the diplomatic immunity of its representatives in Ottoman lands.43 Corruption seems to have played a central role in attempting to solve crisis situations. The Venetian representatives repeatedly emphasized their conviction that the troubles they had to undergo in this, as in other similar affairs, resulted from bribes offered to the pashas by the Jew-

ish merchants of Istanbul. Thus, the ambassador Jacopo Soranzo conveyed in 1575 rumours that the Salomon Todesco took upon himself the expenses for roofing a mosque that was being constructed at Pera under the patronage of Mehmet Pasha, to the amount of 2,000 ducats, in addition to half the sum he was hoping to wrest from the Venetians.44 But the Venetians themselves also tried to win over Ottoman officials, including Mehmet Sokoli, on many occasions by offering presents and money.45 In fact, defending the principle of the Bailo’s immunity was much more important for Venice than accommodating the Jewish merchants of Istanbul, who, as Venice was ready to admit, were cheated by a Venetian citizen. In a secret order sent the Bailo in January 1577, he was allowed to spend between 10,000 and 20,000 ducats, that is more than what the Todeschi demanded, in “persuading” the Ottoman rulers to leave the Bailo alone.46 The Bailo was not quick to spend the money, which was finally allotted to other purposes.47 The dispatches of the Baili also allow us to unveil the tensions, fears and uncertainties that seem to have characterized the first years of Murad III’s reign. Through the Bailo’s trusted informants one gets a glimpse at the atmosphere at the centre of Ottoman power, when powerful pashas were afraid to rouse the anger of the young and still inexperienced Sultan. As Bailo Jacopo Soranzo put it: “There is instability now more than ever, and the Pasha [i.e. the Grand Vizier] is trying to satisfy everybody”.48 Some months later, when explaining to his government his compliance with the Sultan’s decision to delegate the Girarda case to the kadı of Istanbul, the Bailo wrote: “I was also fearing to enrage a young ruler by opposing his decision; at the same time that these things happened he [refused to receive] the French ambassador, sending him

always to the Grand Vizier, and many powerful figures were deposed and put under enquiry and trial for different reasons since my arrival”.49 Another interesting facet of this affair concerns its repercussions in different legal milieus. As already noted, Antonio Girardi was put on trial in Venice in absentia, although the details of this judicial case still remain obscure. Yet Venice refused to the demand transmitted by the Ottoman Çavuş in 1576, to force Girardi’s relatives in Venice to reimburse the fugitive’s debts. As long as no proof was produced of their association with Antonio’s affairs or of their involvement in his escape, the Republic refused to give in to Ottoman pressure to bringing them to trial or to send them to Istanbul.50 When the Bailo claimed that he was not to be held responsible for the misconduct of private Venetian merchants, Sultan Murad III decided to relegate the decision to the kadı of Istanbul. As Uriel Heyd explained some time ago, the Ottomans preferred to leave judicial decisions, including those based on the secular legislation of the Sultans, in the hands of kadıs.51 In this case this policy must have coincided with a wish to ward off the pressure exerted by the merchants on the Divan, and to get rid of their repeated vociferous appeals, so vividly described in the Bailo’s letters.52 From the Venetian point of view this was a risky procedure, since the kadı was not necessarily bound by an obligation to respect his diplomatic immunity.53 Another interesting aspect arising from one of the Bailo’s report is the Grand vizier’s attempt, reported by the Bailo, to instruct the kadı how to proceed in this case, by trying to persuade him to impose a fine of 13,000 ducats on the Venetian ambassador and Baili as a deterrent against similar frauds.54 No less interesting

000 venetiani a favor de Salamon Todesco. and Salomon Ashkenazi’s agent. Lettere CP.56 and the Venetian Baili and ambassadors in Istanbul. Antelmi. Nos. Further references can be found ibid. . and the Viceroy in Naples was then instructed to let the Venetians take care of the ship. Considering that the Girarda dispute was essentially one between Ottoman and Venetian subjects. that the case would be relegated to a Neapolitan court. There was certainly no other Western state with such a developed system of communication with the Ottoman world as the Venetian Republic.. The same letter includes a report about the murder of Antonio Girardi. 160v. which was already in a rather bad condition. Pera. Annali. which he intended to use only as a last recourse. 160. the chief judges of the Ottoman Empire. the direct and official correspondence between the Signory and the two Kadıaskers. when the ship anchored at Taranto in southern Italy and a Ragusan citizen claimed to have shares in it. The channels of communication between Venetians and Ottomans. It became even more so. both on private and on official levels. 1577 in ASV. .55 Finally. by which the kadı reported to the Baili his conversation with the Grand Vizier. preferring to collect sufficient evidence before deciding to bring Ghirardi to trial. the shipmaster Schilizzi. concerning judicial matters related to the Girardi affair is also worthy of notice.” 55 ASV. promising that the Venetian secretary in Naples would assist agents of the Todeschi who would come to Naples to deal with the liberation of the ship. as well as Venetian consuls in Syria and Egypt were constantly in touch with various representatives of Ottoman state and society. In nome del Gran Signore . and Senate’s letter of the same day to the Grand Vizier.
. 168 . Capi X.. were the figures who took care of the repairs of the Girarda. were apparently quite diversified. f. busta 4. 1577.. 7 Dec. The Spanish Council of State was not in a hurry. or more precisely Pera’s agent. for example the reference to Secretary Antelmi’s report of 5 Sept. It was now up to the Spanish authorities to decide how to proceed in this matter. Antonio Girardi’s death provided a comfortable solution. as well as the indirect contact established between the kadı of Istanbul and the Bailo. Maria-Pia Pedani has tracked over sixty Ottoman diplomatic missions to Venice during the sixteenth century. 1575) 56 Pedani. and their reports on the Ottoman world are unique in their richness and detail. to Venice’s consternation. p.maritime trade and international relations
405
is the Bailo’s success in obtaining from the müftü a statement. per li sudditi della sopradetta nave fuggita. See. f. and for a while it seemed. ibid. 2. through his dragoman. 200–201 (12 Aug.57 after declaring the case to be “an
sententia contra di me Ambasciator et contra il Bailo de ducati 13. before they could arrange its sailing to Venetian territory. a judicial solution was a complicated matter indeed. cit. 57 The Venetian secretary in Naples.

cit. What seems to have kept this tension in balance was the importance attributed by all parties to maritime trade. 340. Faroqhi. 149.. . The history of alum production and trade in medieval and early modern times has enjoyed new interest in recent years. the Papacy was trying to impose a ban on the acquisition of Ottoman alum. . Pour en finir . Alum Production and Alum Trade in the Ottoman Empire (about 1560–1830). p. pp. but scholars tend to accept Delumeau’s opinion that the amount of alum exported from Ottoman territories westwards during the sixteenth century were rather small. Faroqhi. Delumeau. Colloque international. Pour en finir avec la Croisade. but also allowed them to exert their influence in a more indirect and discrete manner. pp. Admittedly. In fact. f. 60 Delumeau. . enabling the political authorities to forego normal legal procedures in the name of State interests. ASV. Cf. Venice became Italy’s foremost industrial centre. 181–205. 23). Napoli-Aix-en Provence 2005. 71 (1979). cit. ignored the papal ban has already been observed. 59 See J. but
58 As was specified in the instructions of the Council of Ten to the Secretary in Naples.406
benjamin arbel
affair of State”. and its textile and leather industries were in need of growing quantities of alum of various sorts and qualities. 323–341. to defend their vested interests.58 All three Mediterranean powers attributed great importance to legal procedures in their own territories. 153–175. Paris 1962. I believe. (Collection Jean Bérard. Secreti. Paris 2004.
. to the growing demand for Ottoman alum on the part of Venetian industries during the sixteenth century.. juin 2003. 165. and a general interest not to let the crisis deteriorate into a full scale confrontation. . . . including Venice. 11. L’alun de Rome. No. Naples-Lipari. Their modus operandi is a consequence of tension between vested interests of the different powers involved. S. cit. preferring to import alum from the east rather than from the port of Civitavecchia. Poumarède. from which the Tolfa alum was normally shipped.59 Yet no sufficient attention has been given. Alum Production. 50. 24 Januray 1577 mv. The fact that several Christian powers. p.60 My preliminary impression from the still patchy but consistent evidence is that Venice not only ignored papal bans in this regard. the Girarda carried a cargo of alum. During that century. which not only reflected the concept of territorial and jurisdictional sovereignty. when needed. which brings us to an economic aspect of this affair. Cons X. L’alun de Rome . in “Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes”. G. Poumarède. Mythes et réalités de la lautte contre les Turcs aux XVI e et XVI e siècles. pp. L’alun de Méditerranée. n. . 52–53.. But all three regimes were also ready to apply other means. aiming at forcing Catholic states to acquire alum from the Tolfa mine in the Papal States. reg.

and it is interesting to note that in the case of the Girarda.61 It should be noted that another big crisis that was jeopardizing relations between Venice and the Porte had also to do with the shipment of large quantities of alum from Ottoman territories to Venice in the 1560s. . pp. when the Ottomans were backing the partnership of the Salomon and Israel Todesco and Salomon Carai. p. Egypt and the Balkans. Thus. 64 Ibid. less than a decade later. One is also impressed by the consistent attitude of the Ottoman rulers in providing political backing to their Jewish entrepreneurs on various occasions. 106–107. alum could serve as ballast on the return journey. other Jewish businessmen in Istanbul were again involved in shipping this mineral to Venice.62 On that occasion Jewish entrepreneurs were holding in lease the alum mines of Maronia and Goduz.64 emphasizing once again the impressive accessibility of Jewish merchants to the centres of Ottoman power.maritime trade and international relations
407
also that the quantities involved were rather large. 104–108. 65 To the two examples already mentioned—the Hayyim Saruq bankruptcy. with other types of merchandise moving eastwards and westwards on board the same vessels. and their use of this ability to push forward their business interests and assure. and only slightly less than the yearly yield of the Tolfa mines between 1566 and 1578.
62
61
. As a matter of fact.. 339. Thus. As a matter of fact this phenomenon characterized the greater part of the sixteenth century. Venetian ships had little to do around Civitavecchia apart from loading alum. pp. when necessary. when the Porte supported the Segura. Trading Nations . which have already been presented elsewhere. whereas in the area of the Aegean. and was not confined to Istanbul. cit. .65
Ibid. but could also be encountered in Syria. 63 Ibid. there were many other business opportunities that could be combined with the importation of this precious mineral. full political and diplomatic protection on the part of the Ottoman state. where Ottoman alum could be found.63 From the perspective of Jewish history the affair of the Girarda offers still another proof for the importance of Jews in the trade between the Ottoman Empire and Venice and other centres in Italy during those decades.. the present crisis around the Girarda. The Girarda affair reconfirms the main features of this development. Arbel. a single shipment of alum imported by Hayyim Saruq into Venice in the 1560s was roughly equivalent to the entire yearly production of the Phocaea mines in the mid-fifteenth century..

.68 Finally. Before 1600 . After all. there are periods and subjects for which Eastern sources in general. of course. Although this stand can often be shown to be justified. 67 Ibid. His tragic end will probably also prevent us from ever getting to his version of the affair. despite a certain bias that undoubtedly results from the reliance on sources mainly preserved in the Venetian archives. 71..408
benjamin arbel
Scholars specializing in the history of the Islamic Orient often express their reserve concerning the use of Western sources for the study of the Islamic East. since none of the parties concerned (except him. and Ottoman sources too are not always reliable testimonies for Ottoman realities. see ibid. a last word on Antonio Girardi. leading to sequestration of French ships in Alexandria. are relatively scarce and limited in nature. Faroqhi. see ibid. for instance.. 68 For a different opinion. and Ottoman ones in particular. We would probably never have encountered his name had he not fled with his ship from Istanbul to the Kingdom of Naples. . 66 See. and are the product of long and intensive contact and acquaintance with the Ottoman world. This is particularly true when dealing with international maritime trade. cit. including. p. 58–59. distorted or utterly unreliable.66 On the other hand. Testimonies on Eastern realities originating in the West are often considered as biased.67 compared to Western sources. the systematic exclusion of Western sources for the study of the Islamic Levant seems to be too high a price. the Ottoman Empire. which often also contain copies and even originals of Ottoman documents. The premises and success of the anti-Orientalist campaign rooted in Edward Said’s famous book further enhanced such convictions. But shouldn’t we grant him at least the benefit of doubt?
one can add the backing given to Joseph Nassì in his financial dispute with the King of France. as I hope to have demonstrated in the present paper. of course) doubted this fact. .
. including its political and institutional repercussions. p. pp. has its own limitations that have to be taken into consideration. one has to admit that every source. of whatever provenance. 72. Throughout the present paper it was taken for granted that he was a crook. pp. and particularly to Venetian ones.. 70–74.