Social Movement Theory and Terrorism: Explaining the Development of Al-Qaeda

Conclusion

This essay argued that acknowledging a cost-benefit rationale in al-Qaeda's actions, we can build on social movement theory to describe the development of the organization and especially today's structure revolving around the central al-Qaeda. By introducing the main ideas of social movement theory, section 2 established the foundation of this essay. Building on this, section 3 aligned evidence from al-Qaeda's development with the core components of social movement theory 'resource mobilization theory', 'political opportunity processes' and 'framing'. It was argued that al-Qaeda shows strong signs of a social movement and that social movement theory is especially applicable in describing the process of decentralization and reduction of hierarchy.

Given the fact, that the killing of bin Laden has removed the movement's ideological figure, these findings may be useful in anticipating future developments and the movement's reaction to opportunities and constraints. History suggests that it is quite likely that a renewed phase of opportunity in Iraq and Afghanistan following the withdrawal of allied forces will increase al-Qaeda presence in the region. Furthermore, the dismantling of a hierarchical al-Qaeda and the increase in 'lone wolf' actors has rendered the threat less tangible. As has been recognized and acknowledged by leading figures including former US president George W. Bush133 in the past, the war on terrorism cannot be won by military means.

The final section therefore addresses the necessity to improve the understanding at the micro-level and take into account individuals instead of solely focusing on the collective. What started within social movement theory as the idea of 'passive' mass behavior and developed into collective behavior now demands the analysis of individual behavior in the context of a collective. This will increase complexity and erase some of the simplification which theory tries to provide and it may lead to more costly and time-consuming case studies. However, only by doing so will we be able to describe the multifaceted nature of a decentralized al-Qaeda and understand the underlying multi-dimensional conflicts of groups associated with al-Qaeda.

As outlined by Lianos indiscriminately treating the movement as a whole at the macro-level will likely lead to more violence. The importance of the media in the 'battle for hearts and minds'134 as well as the movement's political agenda as outlined by al-Qaeda have to be addressed both in research and in policy making. The outlawing as 'irrational terrorists' will not lead to a long-term solution for a movement with increasingly 'democratic' traits:

"It would be a political endeavor in which the mujahedeen would be a nucleus around which would gather the tribes and their elders, and the people in positions, and scientists, and merchants, and people of opinion, … those who defended Islam. … We don't want to repeat the mistake of the Taliban, who restricted participation in governance … ."135

Appendix

Background information on the development of al-Qaeda and dissociation from the Taliban:

Figure 3: The Development of Al-Qaeda al Oum and Al-Qaeda142

Figure 3 outlines the historical development of al-Qaeda. It focuses on the developments since the late 1980s since most of al-Qaeda's rhetoric is directed against the American involvement in the Middle East and Central Asia beginning with the support of Saddam Hussein against Iran in the early 1980s. Although Iran's Revolution plays a role in the process, the analysis thereof goes beyond the scope of this essay. 136-136 137-137 138-138 139-139 140-140 141-141

References

al-Amriki, Azzam. Azzam al-Amriki Address to People of America (22 October 2004).

Classified, CIA. "11 September: The Plot and the Plotters." The National Security Archive. 1 June 2003. https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/368989-2003-06-01-11-september-the-plot-and-the.html (accessed November 15, 2012).

Diani, Mario. "The concept of social movement." The Sociological Review, 1992: 1-25.

Edwards, Bob, and John D. McCarthy. "Resources and Social Movement Mobilization." In The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, by David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule and Hanspeter Kriesi, 116-152. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2004.

—. "Strategy for Elimating the Threat from the Jihadist Networks of al Qida: Status and Prospects." The National Archive. 25 January 2001. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB147/clarke%20attachment.pdf (accessed November 11, 2012).

Tilly, Charles. From Mobilization To Revolution. Michigan: University of Michigan, 1977.

Tilly, Charles. "Social Movements and national politics." In State-Making and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory, edited by C. Bright and S. Harding, 297-317. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984.

Touraine, Alain. The voice and the eye: An analysis of social movements. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.

U.S. Embassy (Islamabad), Cable. "Afghanistan: The Taliban's Decision-Making Process and Leadership Structure." The National Security Archive. December 1998. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB295/doc13.pdf (accessed November 08, 2012).

US Department of State. "Bin Laden's Jihad: Political Context." The National Security Archive. 28 August 1998. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB253/19980828a.pdf (accessed November 08, 2012).

Endnotes

1.) (Bergen 2001, 19) as cited in (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, 51)

2.) Cf. (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, I)

3.) Cf. (Thatcher 2002): "Islamic extremism today, like Bolshevism in the past, is an armed doctrine. It is an aggressive ideology promoted by fanatical, well-armed devotees. And, like Communism, it requires an all-embracing long-term strategy to defeat it."

4.) Cf. (Aljazeera 2012)

5.) Cf. (Bayat 2005), (Kurzman 2003) or (Wiktorowicz 2002)

6.) (Hafez 2003)

7.) "Letters from Abbottabad" refers to 17 declassified documents captured in the Abbottabad raid on Osama bin Laden on 2 May 2011 which were released to and by the Combating Terrorism Centre (CTC) at West Point (http://www.ctc.usma.edu)

8.) Cf. (Kurzman 2003, 46)

9.) Cf. (Peterson 1989, 419): Distinctions are made between the American school with authors such as McCarthy, Tilly or Zald focussing on the mobilization and especially 'recruiting' processes and the European school with authors such as Touraine and Melucci focussing on how social prOsama bin Ladenems lead to the creation of social movements.

10.) (Diani 1992, 13)

11.) Cf. (Diani 1992, 3-4)

12.) Cf. (Diani 1992, 10-11)

13.) Cf. (Diani 1992, 17)

14.) Cf. (Diani 1992, 13): "In contrast to what happens in social movements, interaction in coalitions does not foster the emergence of collective identities, nor does it imply necessarily any sort of continuity beyond the limits of the specific conflictual situation, let alone a global redefinition of the issues at stake."

43.) Cf. (The National Security Archive 2008): Taliban Commander Mullah Omar publicly stated that the Taliban "will never hand over bin Laden to anyone and (will) protect him with our blood at all costs."

69.) Cf. (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, 48): By creating the so called 'Encyclopaedia of the Jihad' in 1996 and on CD in 1999, training of surveillance and interrogation, guerrilla tactics and weapons like explosives was provided.

95.) Cf. Islamic Liberation Army of the People of Kenya as quoted in (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, 52): "Americans humiliate our people, they have occupied the Arabian Peninsula, they extract our riches, they enforce a blockade, and they support Israel, our archenemy who occupies the Al Aqsa mosque."

96.) Cf. (Bayat 2005)

97.) (O. Bin Laden, A Discussion on the New Crusader Wars 2001)

98.) (Lawrence 2011, 389)

99.) Cf. (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, 88)

100.) (M.-M. Mohamedou 2011, 9)

101.) Cf. (al-Zawahiri 2005)

102.) Cf. (American al-Qaeida spokesman Adam Gadahn 2011, 6-8): Catholics are describes as having been sympathetic to the Muslim cause and therefore attacking them in Iraq "does not help … convey the message."

104.) Cf. (American al-Qaeida spokesman Adam Gadahn 2011, 5-9): The chapter "Showing the fairness of our case" goes into large detail to describe and criticize the effect that different attacks have had on the perception of al-Qaeda and cf. (al-Hasan (Atiyya) and al-Libi 2010, 1-2)

105.) Cf. (American al-Qaeida spokesman Adam Gadahn 2011): "We refuse to attribute these crimes to Qa'ida al-Jihad Organization. If it is to be proven that those responsible for it are connected with the organization, the organization will take the appropriate measures towards them."

106.) Cf. (O. Bin Laden, SOCOM-2012-0000019-HT 2010, 3, 15): "We are now in a new phase of assessing Jihad activities and developing them beyond what they were in the past in two areas, military activity and media releases. Our work in these two areas is broad and sweeping, encompassing the headquarters and regional areas." and "We are in need of an advisory reading, with constructive criticism to our entire policy and publications at the center and in the regions internally."

117.) Cf. (Sageman, Understanding Terror Networks 2004, 183): Sageman suggest the secret observation of individuals as well as intercepting phone calls which may violate basic human rights and may well prove counterproductive.

118.) Cf. (Classified 2003)

119.) Cf. (Lianos, Conflict as Closure 2011, 4)

120.) Cf. (Oberschall, Social Movements and the Transition to Democracy 2000, 28) and cf, (Oberschall, Theories of Social Conflict 1978, 292): These four dimensions are seen as necessary for the rise of social movements and their turn to violence: (1) dissatisfaction, (2) ideology, (3) the capacity to mobilize and (4) political opportunity. Oberschall argues that within e.g. a highly authoritarian regime collective action becomes difficult and highly unlikely and strong social movements will rise when these regimes are (even temporarily) weakened.

121.) Cf. (Shadid 2002, 120-142)

122.) Cf. (Barnes 1926, 315): "I hold it, that a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms in the physical. It is a medicine necessary for the sound health of government."

134.) Cf. (O. Bin Laden, SOCOM-2012-0000019-HT 2010, 16): "[C]ommitting to the general lines, designed according to the Shari'ah policy in our Jihadist operations and our media publications is an extremely important issue; it will achieve, God willing, great gains for the Jihadist movement – most importantly gain the crowds of the nation, correct the wrong impressions in the minds of the Mujahidin."

135.) (al-Zawahiri 2005): Reference to the need for democratic processes in Iraq with a possible al-Qaeda government participation

Classified, CIA. "11 September: The Plot and the Plotters." The National Security Archive. 1 June 2003. https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/368989-2003-06-01-11-september-the-plot-and-the.html (accessed November 15, 2012).

Diani, Mario. "The concept of social movement." The Sociological Review, 1992: 1-25.

Edwards, Bob, and John D. McCarthy. "Resources and Social Movement Mobilization." In The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, by David A. Snow, Sarah A. Soule and Hanspeter Kriesi, 116-152. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2004.

—. "Strategy for Elimating the Threat from the Jihadist Networks of al Qida: Status and Prospects." The National Archive. 25 January 2001. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB147/clarke%20attachment.pdf (accessed November 11, 2012).

Tilly, Charles. From Mobilization To Revolution. Michigan: University of Michigan, 1977.

Tilly, Charles. "Social Movements and national politics." In State-Making and Social Movements: Essays in History and Theory, edited by C. Bright and S. Harding, 297-317. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1984.

Touraine, Alain. The voice and the eye: An analysis of social movements. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.

U.S. Embassy (Islamabad), Cable. "Afghanistan: The Taliban's Decision-Making Process and Leadership Structure." The National Security Archive. December 1998. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB295/doc13.pdf (accessed November 08, 2012).

US Department of State. "Bin Laden's Jihad: Political Context." The National Security Archive. 28 August 1998. http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB253/19980828a.pdf (accessed November 08, 2012).

Endnotes

1.) (Bergen 2001, 19) as cited in (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, 51)

2.) Cf. (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, I)

3.) Cf. (Thatcher 2002): "Islamic extremism today, like Bolshevism in the past, is an armed doctrine. It is an aggressive ideology promoted by fanatical, well-armed devotees. And, like Communism, it requires an all-embracing long-term strategy to defeat it."

4.) Cf. (Aljazeera 2012)

5.) Cf. (Bayat 2005), (Kurzman 2003) or (Wiktorowicz 2002)

6.) (Hafez 2003)

7.) "Letters from Abbottabad" refers to 17 declassified documents captured in the Abbottabad raid on Osama bin Laden on 2 May 2011 which were released to and by the Combating Terrorism Centre (CTC) at West Point (http://www.ctc.usma.edu)

8.) Cf. (Kurzman 2003, 46)

9.) Cf. (Peterson 1989, 419): Distinctions are made between the American school with authors such as McCarthy, Tilly or Zald focussing on the mobilization and especially 'recruiting' processes and the European school with authors such as Touraine and Melucci focussing on how social prOsama bin Ladenems lead to the creation of social movements.

10.) (Diani 1992, 13)

11.) Cf. (Diani 1992, 3-4)

12.) Cf. (Diani 1992, 10-11)

13.) Cf. (Diani 1992, 17)

14.) Cf. (Diani 1992, 13): "In contrast to what happens in social movements, interaction in coalitions does not foster the emergence of collective identities, nor does it imply necessarily any sort of continuity beyond the limits of the specific conflictual situation, let alone a global redefinition of the issues at stake."

43.) Cf. (The National Security Archive 2008): Taliban Commander Mullah Omar publicly stated that the Taliban "will never hand over bin Laden to anyone and (will) protect him with our blood at all costs."

69.) Cf. (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, 48): By creating the so called 'Encyclopaedia of the Jihad' in 1996 and on CD in 1999, training of surveillance and interrogation, guerrilla tactics and weapons like explosives was provided.

95.) Cf. Islamic Liberation Army of the People of Kenya as quoted in (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, 52): "Americans humiliate our people, they have occupied the Arabian Peninsula, they extract our riches, they enforce a blockade, and they support Israel, our archenemy who occupies the Al Aqsa mosque."

96.) Cf. (Bayat 2005)

97.) (O. Bin Laden, A Discussion on the New Crusader Wars 2001)

98.) (Lawrence 2011, 389)

99.) Cf. (M.-M. O. Mohamedou 2006, 88)

100.) (M.-M. Mohamedou 2011, 9)

101.) Cf. (al-Zawahiri 2005)

102.) Cf. (American al-Qaeida spokesman Adam Gadahn 2011, 6-8): Catholics are describes as having been sympathetic to the Muslim cause and therefore attacking them in Iraq "does not help … convey the message."

104.) Cf. (American al-Qaeida spokesman Adam Gadahn 2011, 5-9): The chapter "Showing the fairness of our case" goes into large detail to describe and criticize the effect that different attacks have had on the perception of al-Qaeda and cf. (al-Hasan (Atiyya) and al-Libi 2010, 1-2)

105.) Cf. (American al-Qaeida spokesman Adam Gadahn 2011): "We refuse to attribute these crimes to Qa'ida al-Jihad Organization. If it is to be proven that those responsible for it are connected with the organization, the organization will take the appropriate measures towards them."

106.) Cf. (O. Bin Laden, SOCOM-2012-0000019-HT 2010, 3, 15): "We are now in a new phase of assessing Jihad activities and developing them beyond what they were in the past in two areas, military activity and media releases. Our work in these two areas is broad and sweeping, encompassing the headquarters and regional areas." and "We are in need of an advisory reading, with constructive criticism to our entire policy and publications at the center and in the regions internally."

117.) Cf. (Sageman, Understanding Terror Networks 2004, 183): Sageman suggest the secret observation of individuals as well as intercepting phone calls which may violate basic human rights and may well prove counterproductive.

118.) Cf. (Classified 2003)

119.) Cf. (Lianos, Conflict as Closure 2011, 4)

120.) Cf. (Oberschall, Social Movements and the Transition to Democracy 2000, 28) and cf, (Oberschall, Theories of Social Conflict 1978, 292): These four dimensions are seen as necessary for the rise of social movements and their turn to violence: (1) dissatisfaction, (2) ideology, (3) the capacity to mobilize and (4) political opportunity. Oberschall argues that within e.g. a highly authoritarian regime collective action becomes difficult and highly unlikely and strong social movements will rise when these regimes are (even temporarily) weakened.

121.) Cf. (Shadid 2002, 120-142)

122.) Cf. (Barnes 1926, 315): "I hold it, that a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms in the physical. It is a medicine necessary for the sound health of government."

134.) Cf. (O. Bin Laden, SOCOM-2012-0000019-HT 2010, 16): "[C]ommitting to the general lines, designed according to the Shari'ah policy in our Jihadist operations and our media publications is an extremely important issue; it will achieve, God willing, great gains for the Jihadist movement – most importantly gain the crowds of the nation, correct the wrong impressions in the minds of the Mujahidin."

135.) (al-Zawahiri 2005): Reference to the need for democratic processes in Iraq with a possible al-Qaeda government participation

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