, those who do not
rise, fall. In other words, in the inter-state system, every great power is obliged to expand
its power continuously, even in periods of peace, if possible seeking the limit of absolute and
global monopoly. But reaching this limit is an impossibility in this system because, if it were
to be reached, the system would disintegrate. To be more precise: The constitution of a global empire would always result from the victory
of a specific nation state – a state capable of monopolising power to the extent that its
rivals disappear

Zurich and London Agreements of February 1959 between
Britain, Greece and Turkey created the independent ‘Republic of
Cyprus’ in 1960. The 1960 constitution provided for strict
power-sharing between the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. The
latter, constituting roughly one-fifth of the total population, was
granted veto powers over all major legislation, and entitled to a share in
governmental

National Security Council, modelled on the American example; the approval of a state secrecy law which allowed enhanced intelligence-sharing with the United States and other friendly countries; the reform of arms export principles that allowed Japan to jointly develop weapon systems with the United States and allies; and the release of the first ever National Security Strategy for Japan.
The most consequential step for the alliance, however, was the re-interpretation of Article 9 of the Constitution which allows Japan to perform “collective self-defence”. This

elements, especially William Amuri Yakotumba,
rejected the demand to redeploy his troops out of Fizi. Several military and political factors were in place for this decision.10 Militarily, the Banyamulengue Mai
Mai group operating in the high plateaus of South Kivu, the FRF, did not reintegrate into the army and pushed for the constitution of the territory of Minembwe
in order to have an independent administration from Fizi.11 The Rwandansupported CNDP had already rejected reintegration, continuing its military
activity. Finally, many Yakotumba members felt disillusioned

: historical constitution
and normative qualities. The first marker includes claims about who belongs
to the group or on what objective social basis the nation coheres; that is,
particular ethnic versus all-inclusive civic identity as the basis of citizenship
– membership may be defined in terms of specific markers such as language
or religion which are more inclusive than ethnicity. Such criteria are more
restrictive than a civic identity, which would apply to anyone born within
the geographic boundaries of the state. However it is defined, national identity competes with

tall in the East’, and that now it is time for the nation ‘to take center stage in the world and to make a greater contribution to humankind’. China’s road to modernisation, he said, was ‘offering a new option for other countries’. 5 In an amendment to the party constitution, it was stated that the Chinese Communist Party should ‘uphold its absolute leadership over the People’s Liberation Army’ and ‘implement Xi Jinping’s thinking on strengthening the military’. 6 By the mid-twenty-first century, China’s people’s armed forces would be ‘fully transformed into world

and Islam – are, for many people, more emotionally compelling than identification with the state. There is a widespread feeling of belonging to a distinct Arab World ( al-’alam al-arabi ). According to a 1978 survey of respondents throughout the Arab world, 78 per cent believed the Arabs constituted a nation, 53 per cent believed the state boundaries were artificial and the vast majority supported doing away with them in favour of a larger, perhaps decentralised state (Korany 1987: 54–5). Arabism is enshrined in state constitutions: Jabbour found thirteen Arab

Changement (LUCHA), created in Goma in 2012, or the movement Filimbi, created in
2015 (Iñiguez de Heredia 2014; Telema 2015). They are largely urban youth
movements demanding political reform, democracy, development and social
justice. These and other traditional civil society organisations have been at the
forefront of a campaign demanding President Kabila to step down at the end of
his mandate in November 2016.
The DRC constitution allows for the renewal of the president’s mandate only
once, therefore Kabila cannot run for a third term. Rather than clearly stating
that

interactions with US power and influence experienced by China, the Philippines and Australia, to name just three – including at various points throughout their own histories – make single, uniform designations such as empire or hegemony analytically problematic. With its devastating defeat and occupation by the United States in 1945 and the subsequent rewriting of its constitution by American officials, for example, Japan has been more exposed to violently imperialistic dimensions of American military and political power than almost anywhere else. Yet Japan formally retained

United
Nations’: see operative para. 8.
12
Whether the ‘interests’ in question
are those as would be defined by hardline ‘realists’ or
those that may have emerged from a process of mutual constitution as
would be defined by ‘constructivists’ need not detain us
here. Similary, the interests may well be