This chapter discusses the deployment and use of information technology in state, county, and local governments. Public sector managers and users enjoyed the same benefits and similar challenges in ...
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This chapter discusses the deployment and use of information technology in state, county, and local governments. Public sector managers and users enjoyed the same benefits and similar challenges in using the digital hand as those in many industries. They also avoided many of the difficulties faced by very large users of IT in the federal government, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s. Unlike their federal colleagues, local government officials had either newer systems that were not in need of replacement too soon or they were small enough for them to find the necessary wherewithal and technical staff to keep systems up to date. In the case of small state, county, and municipal governments, the reason lay elsewhere — they just had not yet integrated computers into the core work of their departments. When these smaller agencies computerized their work systems, they did it on more modern systems, often using software designed by vendors for specific applications in public administration, or shared services put together by local governments more experienced in these matters, such as by state agencies or very large counties and cities.Less

Digital Applications in State, County, and Local Governments

James W. Cortada

Published in print: 2007-11-08

This chapter discusses the deployment and use of information technology in state, county, and local governments. Public sector managers and users enjoyed the same benefits and similar challenges in using the digital hand as those in many industries. They also avoided many of the difficulties faced by very large users of IT in the federal government, particularly during the 1970s and 1980s. Unlike their federal colleagues, local government officials had either newer systems that were not in need of replacement too soon or they were small enough for them to find the necessary wherewithal and technical staff to keep systems up to date. In the case of small state, county, and municipal governments, the reason lay elsewhere — they just had not yet integrated computers into the core work of their departments. When these smaller agencies computerized their work systems, they did it on more modern systems, often using software designed by vendors for specific applications in public administration, or shared services put together by local governments more experienced in these matters, such as by state agencies or very large counties and cities.

In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in ...
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In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in defense of American national interests. By transferring the powers of war making and resource extraction from states to the national government, the US Constitution created a nation‐state invested with all the important powers of Europe's eighteenth‐century “fiscal‐military states.” However, the political traditions and institutions of America, whose people had a deeply ingrained distrust of unduly concentrated authority, were incompatible with a strong centralized government based on the European pattern. To secure the adoption of the Constitution, the Federalists needed to build a very different state – they had to accommodate the formation of a powerful national government to the strong current of anti‐statism in the American political tradition. They did so by designing an administration that would be powerful in times of crisis, but would make limited demands on citizens and entailed sharp restrictions on the physical presence of the national government in society. The Constitution was the Federalists’ promise of the benefits of government without its costs – statecraft rather than strong central authority as the solution to governing. The book takes advantage of a newly published edition of the constitutional debates in recovering a neglected strand of Federalist argument, and making a case for rethinking the formation of the federal American state. It is arranged in three main parts: I. Interpreting the Debate over Ratification (four chapters); II. Military Powers (five chapters); and III. Fiscal Powers (five chapters).Less

A Revolution in Favor of Government : Origins of the U.S. Constitution and the Making of the American State

Max. M Edling

Published in print: 2003-10-09

In this new interpretation of America's origins, the author argues that during the Constitutional debates, the Federalists were primarily concerned with building a state able to act vigorously in defense of American national interests. By transferring the powers of war making and resource extraction from states to the national government, the US Constitution created a nation‐state invested with all the important powers of Europe's eighteenth‐century “fiscal‐military states.” However, the political traditions and institutions of America, whose people had a deeply ingrained distrust of unduly concentrated authority, were incompatible with a strong centralized government based on the European pattern. To secure the adoption of the Constitution, the Federalists needed to build a very different state – they had to accommodate the formation of a powerful national government to the strong current of anti‐statism in the American political tradition. They did so by designing an administration that would be powerful in times of crisis, but would make limited demands on citizens and entailed sharp restrictions on the physical presence of the national government in society. The Constitution was the Federalists’ promise of the benefits of government without its costs – statecraft rather than strong central authority as the solution to governing. The book takes advantage of a newly published edition of the constitutional debates in recovering a neglected strand of Federalist argument, and making a case for rethinking the formation of the federal American state. It is arranged in three main parts: I. Interpreting the Debate over Ratification (four chapters); II. Military Powers (five chapters); and III. Fiscal Powers (five chapters).

This book, the third of three volumes, completes the sweeping survey of the effect of computers on American industry began in the first volume and continued in the second volume. It turns finally to ...
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This book, the third of three volumes, completes the sweeping survey of the effect of computers on American industry began in the first volume and continued in the second volume. It turns finally to the public sector, examining how computers have fundamentally changed the nature of work in government and education. This book goes far beyond generalizations about the Information Age to the specifics of how industries have functioned, now function, and will function in the years to come. The book provides a broad overview of computing's and telecommunications' role in the entire public sector, including federal, state, and local governments, and in K-12 and higher education. Beginning in 1950, when commercial applications of digital technology began to appear, the book examines the unique ways different public sector industries adopted new technologies, showcasing the manner in which their innovative applications influenced other industries, as well as the US economy as a whole. The book builds on the surveys presented in the first volume, which examined sixteen manufacturing, process, transportation, wholesale and retail industries, and the second volume, which examined over a dozen financial, telecommunications, media, and entertainment industries. This book completes the trilogy and provides a picture of what the infrastructure of the Information Age really looks like and how we got there.Less

The Digital Hand, Vol 3 : How Computers Changed the Work of American Public Sector Industries

James W. Cortada

Published in print: 2007-11-08

This book, the third of three volumes, completes the sweeping survey of the effect of computers on American industry began in the first volume and continued in the second volume. It turns finally to the public sector, examining how computers have fundamentally changed the nature of work in government and education. This book goes far beyond generalizations about the Information Age to the specifics of how industries have functioned, now function, and will function in the years to come. The book provides a broad overview of computing's and telecommunications' role in the entire public sector, including federal, state, and local governments, and in K-12 and higher education. Beginning in 1950, when commercial applications of digital technology began to appear, the book examines the unique ways different public sector industries adopted new technologies, showcasing the manner in which their innovative applications influenced other industries, as well as the US economy as a whole. The book builds on the surveys presented in the first volume, which examined sixteen manufacturing, process, transportation, wholesale and retail industries, and the second volume, which examined over a dozen financial, telecommunications, media, and entertainment industries. This book completes the trilogy and provides a picture of what the infrastructure of the Information Age really looks like and how we got there.

The previous chapter showed how transnational activity, the adjudication of the European Community (EC) law, and EC lawmaking had developed symbiotically to determine much of what is important about ...
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The previous chapter showed how transnational activity, the adjudication of the European Community (EC) law, and EC lawmaking had developed symbiotically to determine much of what is important about European integration. This chapter provides a more detailed sectoral account of how the adjudication of one class of trading disputes gradually, but authoritatively, undermined the intergovernmental aspects of the EC, while enhancing the polity's supranational, or federal, character. Assesses the impact of adjudicating the freer movement of goods provisions of the Treaty of Rome on integration and supranational governance, focusing on the problem of non‐tariff barriers, as governed by Arts. 28–30 (EC). Proceeds as follows: first, the treaty rules on intra‐EC trade are examined, hypotheses derived about how the domain could be expected to evolve, and the argument advanced is contrasted with alternatives; second, in a section ‘Judicial Governance and Market‐Building’, the emergence is tracked of the basic doctrinal framework (the Dassonville framework) governing the domain, an analysis made of the aggregate data on adjudication in the sector, and the impact traced of the European Court of Justice's case law on the decision‐making of other actors, including the European Commission and Member State governments; third, the mutation of the framework that occurred in the 1990s is discussed – an event that was heavily conditioned by the endogenous development of the law itself; the chapter concludes with an assessment of the findings in light of the pertinent scholarly debates about the impact of the European legal system on the greater course of market‐building and political integration.Less

The Free Movement of Goods

Alec Stone Sweet

Published in print: 2004-09-09

The previous chapter showed how transnational activity, the adjudication of the European Community (EC) law, and EC lawmaking had developed symbiotically to determine much of what is important about European integration. This chapter provides a more detailed sectoral account of how the adjudication of one class of trading disputes gradually, but authoritatively, undermined the intergovernmental aspects of the EC, while enhancing the polity's supranational, or federal, character. Assesses the impact of adjudicating the freer movement of goods provisions of the Treaty of Rome on integration and supranational governance, focusing on the problem of non‐tariff barriers, as governed by Arts. 28–30 (EC). Proceeds as follows: first, the treaty rules on intra‐EC trade are examined, hypotheses derived about how the domain could be expected to evolve, and the argument advanced is contrasted with alternatives; second, in a section ‘Judicial Governance and Market‐Building’, the emergence is tracked of the basic doctrinal framework (the Dassonville framework) governing the domain, an analysis made of the aggregate data on adjudication in the sector, and the impact traced of the European Court of Justice's case law on the decision‐making of other actors, including the European Commission and Member State governments; third, the mutation of the framework that occurred in the 1990s is discussed – an event that was heavily conditioned by the endogenous development of the law itself; the chapter concludes with an assessment of the findings in light of the pertinent scholarly debates about the impact of the European legal system on the greater course of market‐building and political integration.

What form of democracy is needed in the post‐national configuration? The EU is not a state and its power is limited. However, although the member states hold the means of legitimate violence in ...
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What form of democracy is needed in the post‐national configuration? The EU is not a state and its power is limited. However, although the member states hold the means of legitimate violence in reserve, the EU has achieved competences and capabilities similar to authoritative government. The point of government is not state in its collectivistic, nationalistic reading, but democratic institutions. A non‐state entity can amount to government in so far as it performs the functions of authorized jurisdictions. In line with this, the Union can be considered as a state‐less government that finds part of its justification as a regional subset of a larger cosmopolitan order. The legitimacy requirement of such a governmental order must be different from that of a fully authorized power‐wielding polity. Nevertheless, due to the democratic deficit, it is not possible to establish the conditions under which a process of public justification is deemed legitimate.Less

A State‐less Government

Erik O. Eriksen

Published in print: 2009-09-10

What form of democracy is needed in the post‐national configuration? The EU is not a state and its power is limited. However, although the member states hold the means of legitimate violence in reserve, the EU has achieved competences and capabilities similar to authoritative government. The point of government is not state in its collectivistic, nationalistic reading, but democratic institutions. A non‐state entity can amount to government in so far as it performs the functions of authorized jurisdictions. In line with this, the Union can be considered as a state‐less government that finds part of its justification as a regional subset of a larger cosmopolitan order. The legitimacy requirement of such a governmental order must be different from that of a fully authorized power‐wielding polity. Nevertheless, due to the democratic deficit, it is not possible to establish the conditions under which a process of public justification is deemed legitimate.

Chapter 3 explores the new communicative universe that has been established by the European Union, which coins the linkages between supranational and national governance in its own right, not least ...
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Chapter 3 explores the new communicative universe that has been established by the European Union, which coins the linkages between supranational and national governance in its own right, not least by dealing with knowledge as an especially important power resource. In particular, the chapter focuses on the legal framework for the manifold communicative links between EU institutions and institutions at the member state level. Thus, the Commission is presented as a central actor in the European communicative universe. It has established a multitude of mechanisms ranging from consultation processes on the basis of green and white papers to notification procedures which serve as well-functioning linkages for information processing and policy-making in an ever penetrated polity. Beside the Commission, the Council – including the COREPER and its working groups – constitutes a further communication centre in the EU. This institution, the new communicative universe produces specific challenges for member state governments and administrations (exemplified by the German government and ministries) as it increases demands on domestic coordination to improve efficient and effective interest representation at the European level.Less

Links between National and Supra‐national Institutions: A Legal View of a New Communicative Univers e

Armin von Bogdandy

Published in print: 2003-10-09

Chapter 3 explores the new communicative universe that has been established by the European Union, which coins the linkages between supranational and national governance in its own right, not least by dealing with knowledge as an especially important power resource. In particular, the chapter focuses on the legal framework for the manifold communicative links between EU institutions and institutions at the member state level. Thus, the Commission is presented as a central actor in the European communicative universe. It has established a multitude of mechanisms ranging from consultation processes on the basis of green and white papers to notification procedures which serve as well-functioning linkages for information processing and policy-making in an ever penetrated polity. Beside the Commission, the Council – including the COREPER and its working groups – constitutes a further communication centre in the EU. This institution, the new communicative universe produces specific challenges for member state governments and administrations (exemplified by the German government and ministries) as it increases demands on domestic coordination to improve efficient and effective interest representation at the European level.

This chapter first discusses the potential theoretical consequences of political support. It examines the individual consequences of distrust on patterns of political participation, compliance to the ...
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This chapter first discusses the potential theoretical consequences of political support. It examines the individual consequences of distrust on patterns of political participation, compliance to the rules of government, and allegiance to the government. Distrust in politicians but support for the democratic ideal stimulates calls for policy reforms, and this contributes to the recent history of democratic institutional reforms in the U.S. states and cross-nationally.Less

The Consequences of Political Support

Russell J. Dalton

Published in print: 2004-03-18

This chapter first discusses the potential theoretical consequences of political support. It examines the individual consequences of distrust on patterns of political participation, compliance to the rules of government, and allegiance to the government. Distrust in politicians but support for the democratic ideal stimulates calls for policy reforms, and this contributes to the recent history of democratic institutional reforms in the U.S. states and cross-nationally.

States have long been the ‘laboratories of democracy’ for US lawmaking; states and other sub-federal actors are proving particularly important to the development of climate change law and policy. ...
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States have long been the ‘laboratories of democracy’ for US lawmaking; states and other sub-federal actors are proving particularly important to the development of climate change law and policy. Through reference to key regional, state, and local efforts, this chapter explores how, why, and to what effect sub-federal actors are influencing climate policy in the US. It examines whether in confronting the federal government's failure to discharge its customary role as the principal architect of environmental policy, sub-federal entities have stepped in to fill the policy void. In doing so, it considers whether sub-federal climate change initiatives are merely symbolic in nature, ie, lacking substance and enforceability, or whether they are in fact having significant impact on the way that the domestic and private sectors and, ultimately, the federal government think about and respond to climate change in legal and political forums.Less

Sub-Federal Laws and Policies in the United States

Cinnamon Piñon Carlarne

Published in print: 2010-09-02

States have long been the ‘laboratories of democracy’ for US lawmaking; states and other sub-federal actors are proving particularly important to the development of climate change law and policy. Through reference to key regional, state, and local efforts, this chapter explores how, why, and to what effect sub-federal actors are influencing climate policy in the US. It examines whether in confronting the federal government's failure to discharge its customary role as the principal architect of environmental policy, sub-federal entities have stepped in to fill the policy void. In doing so, it considers whether sub-federal climate change initiatives are merely symbolic in nature, ie, lacking substance and enforceability, or whether they are in fact having significant impact on the way that the domestic and private sectors and, ultimately, the federal government think about and respond to climate change in legal and political forums.

This chapter shows how throughout American history that the United States government, state governments, and U.S. citizens relied on Discovery principles to claim and acquire the lands and rights of ...
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This chapter shows how throughout American history that the United States government, state governments, and U.S. citizens relied on Discovery principles to claim and acquire the lands and rights of the native governments and peoples who owned the lands that now comprise the United States.Less

The Doctrine of Discovery in United States History

Robert J MillerJacinta RuruLarissa BehrendtTracey Lindberg

Published in print: 2010-08-05

This chapter shows how throughout American history that the United States government, state governments, and U.S. citizens relied on Discovery principles to claim and acquire the lands and rights of the native governments and peoples who owned the lands that now comprise the United States.

Unlike many national constitutions, which contain explicit positive rights to such things as education, a living wage, and a healthful environment, the U.S. Bill of Rights appears to contain only a ...
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Unlike many national constitutions, which contain explicit positive rights to such things as education, a living wage, and a healthful environment, the U.S. Bill of Rights appears to contain only a long list of prohibitions on government. American constitutional rights, we are often told, protect people only from an overbearing government, but give no explicit guarantees of governmental help. This book argues that we have fundamentally misunderstood the American rights tradition. The United States actually has a long history of enshrining positive rights in its constitutional law, but these rights have been overlooked simply because they are not in the U.S. Constitution. The book shows how they instead have been included in America's state constitutions, in large part because state governments, not the federal government, have long been primarily responsible for crafting American social policy. Although state constitutions, seemingly mired in trivial detail, can look like pale imitations of their federal counterpart, they have been sites of serious debate, reflect national concerns, and enshrine choices about fundamental values. This book looks in depth at the history of education, labor, and environmental reform, explaining why America's activists targeted state constitutions in their struggles for government protection from the hazards of life under capitalism. Shedding light on the variety of reasons that activists pursued the creation of new state-level rights, the book challenges us to rethink our most basic assumptions about the American constitutional tradition.Less

Looking for Rights in All the Wrong Places : Why State Constitutions Contain America's Positive Rights

Emily Zackin

Published in print: 2013-04-21

Unlike many national constitutions, which contain explicit positive rights to such things as education, a living wage, and a healthful environment, the U.S. Bill of Rights appears to contain only a long list of prohibitions on government. American constitutional rights, we are often told, protect people only from an overbearing government, but give no explicit guarantees of governmental help. This book argues that we have fundamentally misunderstood the American rights tradition. The United States actually has a long history of enshrining positive rights in its constitutional law, but these rights have been overlooked simply because they are not in the U.S. Constitution. The book shows how they instead have been included in America's state constitutions, in large part because state governments, not the federal government, have long been primarily responsible for crafting American social policy. Although state constitutions, seemingly mired in trivial detail, can look like pale imitations of their federal counterpart, they have been sites of serious debate, reflect national concerns, and enshrine choices about fundamental values. This book looks in depth at the history of education, labor, and environmental reform, explaining why America's activists targeted state constitutions in their struggles for government protection from the hazards of life under capitalism. Shedding light on the variety of reasons that activists pursued the creation of new state-level rights, the book challenges us to rethink our most basic assumptions about the American constitutional tradition.

Understanding policy analysis within State and Territory governments in Australia presents quite a challenge. State governments are part of a federation in which the Commonwealth government is ...
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Understanding policy analysis within State and Territory governments in Australia presents quite a challenge. State governments are part of a federation in which the Commonwealth government is fiscally dominant and has greatly expanded its policy ambition and reach over the past century. As a result, many areas of government activity, previously the sole preserve of State governments have become concurrent areas of policy formulation and implementation. Determining the precise role of States individually or collectively in such shared policy areas is inherently difficult. This chapter begins by looking at similarities and differences in State-level policy analysis compared to the federal level. It then looks at commonalities and differences between the States themselves, before drawing some conclusions on the policy patterns, decisions and styles across subnational government.Less

Policy and policy analysis in Australian states

John PhillimoreTracey Arklay

Published in print: 2015-10-14

Understanding policy analysis within State and Territory governments in Australia presents quite a challenge. State governments are part of a federation in which the Commonwealth government is fiscally dominant and has greatly expanded its policy ambition and reach over the past century. As a result, many areas of government activity, previously the sole preserve of State governments have become concurrent areas of policy formulation and implementation. Determining the precise role of States individually or collectively in such shared policy areas is inherently difficult. This chapter begins by looking at similarities and differences in State-level policy analysis compared to the federal level. It then looks at commonalities and differences between the States themselves, before drawing some conclusions on the policy patterns, decisions and styles across subnational government.

This chapter describes a number of pertinent features of Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil took up where the old Sinn Fein left off, with a greater degree of effectiveness. The chapter also discusses the ...
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This chapter describes a number of pertinent features of Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil took up where the old Sinn Fein left off, with a greater degree of effectiveness. The chapter also discusses the strategies of Fianna Fáil for socio-economic development, the Labour Party's cautious advocacy of social reforms and appeals of Fianna Fáil to the working class. The Fianna Fáil propaganda in 1932 promised to end the reckless extravagance of the Free State Government. The sequence of events surrounding Fianna Fáil's Dail entrance and political developments from 1926–32 is also discussed.Less

The Road to Power 1926–1932

RICHARD DUNPHY

Published in print: 1995-07-13

This chapter describes a number of pertinent features of Fianna Fáil. Fianna Fáil took up where the old Sinn Fein left off, with a greater degree of effectiveness. The chapter also discusses the strategies of Fianna Fáil for socio-economic development, the Labour Party's cautious advocacy of social reforms and appeals of Fianna Fáil to the working class. The Fianna Fáil propaganda in 1932 promised to end the reckless extravagance of the Free State Government. The sequence of events surrounding Fianna Fáil's Dail entrance and political developments from 1926–32 is also discussed.

This chapter deals with the conventional wisdom that denigrates early California officialdom with charges of ineptitude and graft. It also confirms that the 1879 constitution in fact did little to ...
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This chapter deals with the conventional wisdom that denigrates early California officialdom with charges of ineptitude and graft. It also confirms that the 1879 constitution in fact did little to alter the fundamental structure of officialdom imposed by the first constitution-builders and legislators. The legislature established committees in ten areas: finance, judiciary, militia, counties, privileges, engrossed bills, a state library, printing, public buildings, and commerce. It was common for political parties out of power to attack state governments controlled by the opposition. The chapter then presents an overview of the influence of public policy on economic growth in California during the years 1849 to 1879. Governments on all levels found existing methods wanting and began to experiment with alternate means to deal with new economic problems.Less

“Officialdom”: California State Government, 1849–1879

Judson A. Grenier

Published in print: 2003-04-30

This chapter deals with the conventional wisdom that denigrates early California officialdom with charges of ineptitude and graft. It also confirms that the 1879 constitution in fact did little to alter the fundamental structure of officialdom imposed by the first constitution-builders and legislators. The legislature established committees in ten areas: finance, judiciary, militia, counties, privileges, engrossed bills, a state library, printing, public buildings, and commerce. It was common for political parties out of power to attack state governments controlled by the opposition. The chapter then presents an overview of the influence of public policy on economic growth in California during the years 1849 to 1879. Governments on all levels found existing methods wanting and began to experiment with alternate means to deal with new economic problems.

This chapter assesses how the forces of massive resistance overwhelmed more liberal opinion on racial integration. It stresses that those white southerners who were opposed to the Brown decision were ...
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This chapter assesses how the forces of massive resistance overwhelmed more liberal opinion on racial integration. It stresses that those white southerners who were opposed to the Brown decision were more politically committed than were those who accepted or supported it. It adds that die-hard segregationists used the apparatus of local and state government to destroy political dissent among the southern whites. It highlights the importance of legislative malapportionment, which provided disproportionate political power to rural districts where white racism was most virulent. It shows a dramatic picture of the southern states in the grip of reactionary racial politics.Less

Why Massive Resistance?

Michael J. Klarman

Published in print: 2005-08-18

This chapter assesses how the forces of massive resistance overwhelmed more liberal opinion on racial integration. It stresses that those white southerners who were opposed to the Brown decision were more politically committed than were those who accepted or supported it. It adds that die-hard segregationists used the apparatus of local and state government to destroy political dissent among the southern whites. It highlights the importance of legislative malapportionment, which provided disproportionate political power to rural districts where white racism was most virulent. It shows a dramatic picture of the southern states in the grip of reactionary racial politics.

This chapter discusses the profound impact of the First Great Depression on state government. In the 1830s, many American states borrowed heavily from British investors to finance canals, railroads, ...
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This chapter discusses the profound impact of the First Great Depression on state government. In the 1830s, many American states borrowed heavily from British investors to finance canals, railroads, banks, and other projects. When the economy collapsed the states could not repay these loans unless they established new taxes, which they refused to do. And so many states defaulted. Outraged British investors, lacking any effective remedy in American courts, hurled angry rhetoric instead, and sent lobbyists to state capitals to campaign for repayment of their loans. State governments were faced with a choice: should they levy new taxes or simply repudiate their debts? Here was a direct collision between the ideal of political sovereignty and the expectations of the international financial markets.Less

The States’ Crisis

Alasdair Roberts

Published in print: 2012-03-08

This chapter discusses the profound impact of the First Great Depression on state government. In the 1830s, many American states borrowed heavily from British investors to finance canals, railroads, banks, and other projects. When the economy collapsed the states could not repay these loans unless they established new taxes, which they refused to do. And so many states defaulted. Outraged British investors, lacking any effective remedy in American courts, hurled angry rhetoric instead, and sent lobbyists to state capitals to campaign for repayment of their loans. State governments were faced with a choice: should they levy new taxes or simply repudiate their debts? Here was a direct collision between the ideal of political sovereignty and the expectations of the international financial markets.

In this chapter, Shanna Rose and Daniel Smith investigate the extent to which various state budgetary rules have been successful in imposing fiscal discipline on U.S. state governments, and whether ...
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In this chapter, Shanna Rose and Daniel Smith investigate the extent to which various state budgetary rules have been successful in imposing fiscal discipline on U.S. state governments, and whether such provisions should be considered by the federal government as a means of promoting fiscal sustainability. They find that (1) balanced budget amendments have been fairly successful in limiting debts and deficits, especially in states that have rules that preclude carryover of deficits across budget years, (2) studies on state debt limits have been inconclusive regarding their success in limiting government spending, and (3) state tax and expenditure limits and the line item veto have had little success in restraining spending. The experience of state and local governments suggests that fiscal institutions have the potential to promote long-term fiscal sustainability. They conclude by noting that institutional and political barriers will make it difficult to impose such constraints on the federal government, but that such barriers may be surmountable, given the urgency of the current fiscal situation.Less

Federal Budget Reform : Lessons from State and Local Governments

Shanna RoseDaniel L. Smith

Published in print: 2014-12-26

In this chapter, Shanna Rose and Daniel Smith investigate the extent to which various state budgetary rules have been successful in imposing fiscal discipline on U.S. state governments, and whether such provisions should be considered by the federal government as a means of promoting fiscal sustainability. They find that (1) balanced budget amendments have been fairly successful in limiting debts and deficits, especially in states that have rules that preclude carryover of deficits across budget years, (2) studies on state debt limits have been inconclusive regarding their success in limiting government spending, and (3) state tax and expenditure limits and the line item veto have had little success in restraining spending. The experience of state and local governments suggests that fiscal institutions have the potential to promote long-term fiscal sustainability. They conclude by noting that institutional and political barriers will make it difficult to impose such constraints on the federal government, but that such barriers may be surmountable, given the urgency of the current fiscal situation.

When Americans decided in favor of independence in the spring of 1776, they faced many difficult decisions. They declared themselves to be independent states. The biggest issue facing the United ...
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When Americans decided in favor of independence in the spring of 1776, they faced many difficult decisions. They declared themselves to be independent states. The biggest issue facing the United States between 1790 and 1860 was internal, not external. How were Americans to govern themselves? How were power and policies to be shared between the national and state governments? This chapter documents the ways in which the national and state governments interacted in the new federal system and illuminates the constant tensions that developed regarding which level of government would have responsibility for which facets of policy. Disagreements about the rights of states, the enslavement of African Americans, and various economic issues eventually culminated in the Civil War. In order to understand the government's role in economic development, the chapter examines its size and structure before the Civil War, then discusses the sources of growth in the American economy. It also considers the main policies of the national and state governments, identifying what each level did to promote economic development.Less

The National Era

John Joseph Wallis

Published in print: 2007-05-01

When Americans decided in favor of independence in the spring of 1776, they faced many difficult decisions. They declared themselves to be independent states. The biggest issue facing the United States between 1790 and 1860 was internal, not external. How were Americans to govern themselves? How were power and policies to be shared between the national and state governments? This chapter documents the ways in which the national and state governments interacted in the new federal system and illuminates the constant tensions that developed regarding which level of government would have responsibility for which facets of policy. Disagreements about the rights of states, the enslavement of African Americans, and various economic issues eventually culminated in the Civil War. In order to understand the government's role in economic development, the chapter examines its size and structure before the Civil War, then discusses the sources of growth in the American economy. It also considers the main policies of the national and state governments, identifying what each level did to promote economic development.

This chapter discusses the fact-finding teams that the BJP-dominated government at the Centre sent to states ruled by other parties. The Rapid Action Force (RAF)'s specific task was to assist in ...
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This chapter discusses the fact-finding teams that the BJP-dominated government at the Centre sent to states ruled by other parties. The Rapid Action Force (RAF)'s specific task was to assist in quelling communal riots where central help became necessary. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-dominated government at the Centre needs to be reminded of its stand on the RAF as it faces pressures from its partners in the rag-tag and bobtail alliance. The BJP regime has arrogated to itself the right to monitor the 'law and order situation in the states'. Constitutionally, the Centre has no business sending investigative teams at all. Governments are creatures of the constitution and must act within the limits it prescribes. Central forces are sent to aid a state government. No administrative practice can override the constitution.Less

The Centre's Fact-finding Teams in the States 1

A.G. Noorani

Published in print: 2006-01-26

This chapter discusses the fact-finding teams that the BJP-dominated government at the Centre sent to states ruled by other parties. The Rapid Action Force (RAF)'s specific task was to assist in quelling communal riots where central help became necessary. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-dominated government at the Centre needs to be reminded of its stand on the RAF as it faces pressures from its partners in the rag-tag and bobtail alliance. The BJP regime has arrogated to itself the right to monitor the 'law and order situation in the states'. Constitutionally, the Centre has no business sending investigative teams at all. Governments are creatures of the constitution and must act within the limits it prescribes. Central forces are sent to aid a state government. No administrative practice can override the constitution.

This chapter comments on the arguments advanced by Steven G. Calabresi and Lucy D. Bickford regarding the principle of subsidiarity as it relates to the European Union's quasi-federal system and the ...
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This chapter comments on the arguments advanced by Steven G. Calabresi and Lucy D. Bickford regarding the principle of subsidiarity as it relates to the European Union's quasi-federal system and the United States's constitutional system. It first questions the aptness of the U.S.-EU comparison and the conception of subsidiarity as being primarily about externalities, with particular emphasis on the problem of “bricolage” and constitutional multifunctionalism. It then notes the lack of a basis in comparative experience for strong judicially enforced versions of subsidiarity and goes on to propose an alternative “proceduralist” approach to the judiciary's role in advancing subsidiarity in the U.S. constitutional context. It also looks at the Warren Court and how it reinforced federalism by nationalizing the Bill of Rights in the U.S. Constitution, thus dramatically improving the legitimacy and efficacy of state governments.Less

Subsidiarity, the Judicial Role, and the Warren Court’s Contribution to the Revival of State Government

Vicki C. Jackson

Published in print: 2014-06-27

This chapter comments on the arguments advanced by Steven G. Calabresi and Lucy D. Bickford regarding the principle of subsidiarity as it relates to the European Union's quasi-federal system and the United States's constitutional system. It first questions the aptness of the U.S.-EU comparison and the conception of subsidiarity as being primarily about externalities, with particular emphasis on the problem of “bricolage” and constitutional multifunctionalism. It then notes the lack of a basis in comparative experience for strong judicially enforced versions of subsidiarity and goes on to propose an alternative “proceduralist” approach to the judiciary's role in advancing subsidiarity in the U.S. constitutional context. It also looks at the Warren Court and how it reinforced federalism by nationalizing the Bill of Rights in the U.S. Constitution, thus dramatically improving the legitimacy and efficacy of state governments.