and protectionist paper, would not the general
conclusion be that it had changed hands? But if it should be announced that
it was in the same hands, and had changed its views because of a pecuniary
arrangement, could the _Times_ continue to have the same standing and
influence which it has now?

A distinction may be attempted between the owner of a paper and the editor.
But for the public are they not practically the same? It is not, in fact,
the owner or the editor, it is the paper, which is known to the public. If
the public considers at all the probable relation of the owner and editor,
it necessarily assumes their harmony, because it does not suppose that an
owner would employ an editor who is injuring the property, and if the paper
flourishes under the editor, it is because the owner yields his private
opinion to the editor's, if they happen to differ, so that there is no
discord. On the other hand, if the paper flags and fails, and the owner,
to rescue his property, employs another editor, who holds other views,
and changes the tone of the paper, the result is the same so far as the
public is concerned. The profit of the paper may increase, but its power
and influence surely decline. In the illustration that we have supposed,
the proprietorship of the _Times_ might decide that a Democratic and
protection paper would have a larger sale and greatly increase the profit.
But could the change be made without a terrible blow to the character and
influence of the paper? Now why is not an editor in the same position? He
has a certain standing, and he holds certain views, like the paper. The
paper changes its tone for a price. He does the same thing. The paper loses
character and influence. Why does not he?

Journalism is not a profession in the sense claimed. It does not demand a
certain course of study, which is finally tested by an examination and
certified by a degree. It is a pursuit rather than a profession. Of course
special knowledge in particular branches of information is of the highest
value, and indeed essential to satisfactory editorial writing, as to all
other public exposition. There are also certain details of the collection
of news, the organization of correspondence, and the "make up" of the
paper, the successful management of which depends upon an energetic
executive faculty, which is desirable in every pursuit. It is sometimes
said that an editor, like the late Mr. Delane of the London _Times_,
should not write himself, but select the topics and procure the writing
upon them by others. And so long as a man is merely an anonymous writer for
a paper, so long as he writes to sustain the views of the paper, his actual
opinions, being unknown to the reader, do not affect the power of the
paper. Such a man, indeed, may write at the same time upon both sides of
the same question for different papers. But if he have any convictions or
opinions upon the subject, he is with one hand consciously injuring what he
believes to be the truth, and a man cannot do that without serious harm to
himself. If he have no convictions, his influence will vanish the moment
that the fact is known.

Such strictures do not apply to papers which expressly renounce
convictions, and blow hot or cold as the chances of probable profit and
the apparent tenor of public opinion at the moment invite. Such papers,
properly speaking, have no legitimate influence whatever. They produce
a certain effect by mere publicity, and reiteration, and ridicule, and
distortion and suppression of facts, and appeals to prejudice. There is a
legitimate and an illegitimate power of the press. A lion and a skunk both
inspire terror.

But a paper which represents convictions, and promotes a public policy
in accordance with them, necessarily implies sincerity in its editorial
writing. The public assumes that among papers of all opinions the writer
attaches himself to one with which he agrees. The nature of the