Greetings!Global Fund, as the 21st century partnership-based financing organization designed to accelerate the end of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria as epidemics, is indeed contributing its fair share for the global health and wellbeing of millions of people.

As Ethiopia is one of the top recipients of support from the Global Fund, there is no doubt that many poor patients have benefited irrespective of the level of corruption and misappropriation of funds on the part of the ruling regime.The country has received over $2 billion from 2002 to 2016, as per the report of the Global Fund itself. But the regime in power misused and misappropriated much of this money by manipulating and taking advantage of Global Fund’s good-intentioned principle called ‘Country ownership’ — at the heart of which is the golden idea that people determine their own solutions in fighting the diseases affecting their health, and take full responsibility for them.

However, the regime in Ethiopia has effectively manipulated this principle to use global fund resources for its own political end goals. The 2015 audit report of the office of the general inspector of the Global Fund itself briefly touched up on these problems.For the malaria grant for example, the report rightly identified the following problems:• Inadequate Monitoring and Evaluation and Poor Data Quality;• Theft or Diversion of Non-Financial Resources;• Poor Financial Reporting;• Treatment Disruption;• Substandard Quality of Health Products;• Inadequate Principal Recipient Reporting and Compliance.

To illustrate the report’s important point on diversion of resources for wrong purposes, there is no better example than drawing your kind attention to a recent case in the city of Ambo, where the regime deployed its brutal security forces using the vehicles obtained by the Ministry of Health using foreign funding such to crack down on anti-government protesters who were on the streets protesting a newly introduced tax hike.

As a result, the protesters have torched one of the vehicles in mid-June but the regime continued using these vehicles to transport its security agents. Several evidences show that these vehicles which the tyrant regime in Ethiopia is using to transport its security forces to kill protesters, were procured by the Global Fund grants.

The Global Fund secretariat should therefore reconsider and submit to rigorous scrutiny its partnership with the corrupt and repressive regime of Ethiopia.Financial supports from the Global Fund should not be used to enable the repressive security structures of the regime that kills its own citizens but to help the needy people of the country. To this end, the Global Fund has not only the moral responsibility but also the legal duty to make sure that all its financial supports to the regime are used solely for their intended purposes.We are therefore kindly requesting the Board Directors of the Global Fund to undertake the necessary investigations on the misuse, misappropriation and diversion of resources that the regime in Ethiopia receives as grants from the Global Fund.

Greetings!Global Fund, as the 21st century partnership-based financing organization designed to accelerate the end of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria as epidemics, is indeed contributing its fair share for the global health and wellbeing of millions of people.

As Ethiopia is one of the top recipients of support from the Global Fund, there is no doubt that many poor patients have benefited irrespective of the level of corruption and misappropriation of funds on the part of the ruling regime.The country has received over $2 billion from 2002 to 2016, as per the report of the Global Fund itself. But the regime in power misused and misappropriated much of this money by manipulating and taking advantage of Global Fund’s good-intentioned principle called ‘Country ownership’ — at the heart of which is the golden idea that people determine their own solutions in fighting the diseases affecting their health, and take full responsibility for them.

However, the regime in Ethiopia has effectively manipulated this principle to use global fund resources for its own political end goals. The 2015 audit report of the office of the general inspector of the Global Fund itself briefly touched up on these problems.For the malaria grant for example, the report rightly identified the following problems:• Inadequate Monitoring and Evaluation and Poor Data Quality;• Theft or Diversion of Non-Financial Resources;• Poor Financial Reporting;• Treatment Disruption;• Substandard Quality of Health Products;• Inadequate Principal Recipient Reporting and Compliance.

To illustrate the report’s important point on diversion of resources for wrong purposes, there is no better example than drawing your kind attention to a recent case in the city of Ambo, where the regime deployed its brutal security forces using the vehicles obtained by the Ministry of Health using foreign funding such to crack down on anti-government protesters who were on the streets protesting a newly introduced tax hike.

As a result, the protesters have torched one of the vehicles in mid-June but the regime continued using these vehicles to transport its security agents. Several evidences show that these vehicles which the tyrant regime in Ethiopia is using to transport its security forces to kill protesters, were procured by the Global Fund grants.

The Global Fund secretariat should therefore reconsider and submit to rigorous scrutiny its partnership with the corrupt and repressive regime of Ethiopia.Financial supports from the Global Fund should not be used to enable the repressive security structures of the regime that kills its own citizens but to help the needy people of the country. To this end, the Global Fund has not only the moral responsibility but also the legal duty to make sure that all its financial supports to the regime are used solely for their intended purposes.We are therefore kindly requesting the Board Directors of the Global Fund to undertake the necessary investigations on the misuse, misappropriation and diversion of resources that the regime in Ethiopia receives as grants from the Global Fund.

ኦሮሞ እየተበደለ ነው የሚሉት የኦሮሞ ታጋዮች የወያኔ የግፍ ሰቆቃ ኢትዮጲያዊነትን እንዲጠሉ እንዳበቃቸው መሰከሩ፡-Oromos still oppressed in EthiopiaBy Nuunja Kahina on March 23, 2014 — Oromo people are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia but remain politically marginalised. Persecution and violent assimilationist policies pursued by the state have caused many to flee and refuse to self-identify as Ethiopian.Due to the persecution in Ethiopia of Oromos suspected of having Oromo Liberation Front ties, many such as Abdi Harboury (above) fled to Egypt, only to encounter xenophobic attacks from Egyptians. (Source: Al Jazeera)“I am Bekele Gerba” reads an image created by OPride, an Oromo news and analysis website based in the United States and run by exiled activist and journalist Mohammed Ademo. The Oromo are an ethnic group in Ethiopia, northern Kenya, and parts of Somalia.Gerba, an English teacher at Addis Ababa University, is a political prisoner in Ethiopia and a leader of the Oromo Federal Democratic Movement (OFDM) opposition party. He was arrested on 27 August 2011 for his political activism, along with another Oromo leader, Olbana Lelisa, on allegations of association with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Outlawed by the Ethiopian government and labelled a terrorist organization, the OLF was established in 1973 by Oromo nationalists to promote self-determination for the Oromo people against what they call “Abyssinian colonial rule”.In response to his continued imprisonment, there have been recent protests, organised and conducted primarily by the substantial Oromo diaspora living in the United States and Europe. Hundreds took part in recent demonstrations and rallies in cities including Washington D.C. and London, calling for the release of political prisoners in Ethiopia. Profiles of some of the Oromo prisoners – many of them parents, students and professionals – can be found on the TortureThe Oromo, with an estimated population of 40 million, are the single largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Despite their numerical majority, they have historically been subjected to political, social, and cultural injustices. Systematic discrimination against Oromo people has left them politically disenfranchised even today, although they have struggled against oppression since the formation of the modern Ethiopian state.There are currently an estimated 20,000 Oromo political prisoners in Ethiopia, lending an urgency to the political situation. The arrest and treatment of these prisoners has been strongly criticised by international human rights organisations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watc The Amnesty International report on the Ethiopian crackdown on political dissent focuses heavily on Oromo prisoners. It specifically details the use of torture against prisoners at the Maikelawi detention centre, the use of information obtained through the use of torture in trials, and the continued imprisonment of members of Oromo opposition parties like the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) and the Oromo People’s Congress (OPC).DiasporaOromo identity, although often politicised due to marginalisation, is about more than politics, though; the experiences of Oromo immigrants in the West are strongly related to ideas of transnationalism, for example. To learn more about Oromo activism and identity I spoke with Lensa Ahmed, a young scholar and Oromo activist who participated in the Washington D.C. rally on behalf of Oromo prisoners.Her thoughts on identity, solidarity and diaspora will not be unfamiliar to young Africans from other countries. A great deal of Oromo activism comes out of the Oromo diaspora, as exemplified by the protests in D.C. and London, but the lives of those immigrants and their children have also been affected by living in the West and the experience of becoming exiles.Lensa explains, for example, many of the Black American influences on her own thought and work, as well as the difficulty of identifying as Oromo in the United States. From this purview, she interrogates meanings of Ethiopian identity, unity and multiculturalism in both the United States and Ethiopia.What does being Ethiopian mean to you?Ethiopia is a country that is very misunderstood. When people outside of Ethiopia, particularly other Africans and those in the West, hear about it, it stands as a symbol of African pride, as a country that successfully fought off colonialism. Ethiopia is often described as the only African country that has never been colonised by Europeans. While this is partly true, the relationship between Ethiopia and European colonisers is much more intimately complex.Although Europeans did not colonise Ethiopia formally, they have had immense influence over the country’s founding and its subsequent history. Ethiopia was formerly known as Abyssinia, but came to be in its current form as a result of Abyssinian expansion South. So early Ethiopian leaders formed a sort of neo-colonial relationship with European colonisers through which they were able to expand their territories South. As a result, we have over 80 nations and nationalities in the country.Violent policiesDespite Ethiopia’s diversity, the people of the North have dominated the country politically, culturally and socially. It is only recently that Ethiopia’s numerous ethnic groups have been able to openly share and celebrate their cultures. The violent assimilationist policies pursued by the Ethiopian state have left deep and painful memories in the minds of the people. Which is why today many Oromos in the diaspora refuse to self-identify as Ethiopian.

What gets lost in the dominant narrative on Ethiopia is this complex history and how it impacts current Ethiopian politics. Understanding Ethiopian history is important for understanding current Ethiopian politics.Oromo people are the largest ethnic group in the Ethiopian state but remain politically marginalised. Many of us in the diaspora resist the label “Ethiopian” for one reason or another. For some of us, it is political, while for others it simply does not reflect our lived experiences. I grew up as an Oromo; I spent most of my life outside of Ethiopia but I grew up speaking Afaan Oromo and listening to Oromo music, and in my family we never really identified as Ethiopian.I have friends who spent much of their lives in Ethiopia and remain fiercely against the idea of being categorised as “Ethiopian.” But I also have Oromo friends who identify as Ethiopian. Ethiopia’s complicated history affects how different people see themselves even today. This is even more pronounced amongst young people who might not understand or be confused about all of the complexity surrounding the many identities.

ConcertsWhen I was 13 or 14, we lived in the same building as Oromo singers who were in exile in Kenya. After the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF; the current regime) consolidated power in the early 1990s, a lot of Oromo people, including activists and artists, fled the country amidst ensuing violence. As a way of empowering themselves and their Oromo compatriots, the exiled singers used to put on these concerts.

One of my fondest childhood memories is of these concerts and the feelings of euphoria and empowerment they provided. That kind of public cultural expression has largely been prohibited in Ethiopia. Even today, the Ethiopian government goes out of its way to control and micromanage Oromo people’s social and cultural gatherings. Oromo musicians continue to face major censorship.Music has always been a form of resistance for Oromo people throughout history. So the diaspora provides a space for the rehabilitation, celebration and preservation, of our culture and identity. In Ethiopia, just being Oromo is a very political thing. In the diaspora, I can just be myself.For more information, including song lyrics of influential Oromo music, read Kulani Jalata’s article “The Role of Revolutonary Oromo Artists in Building Oromumma.”Black American?In the diaspora, at least in America, identity becomes even more complicated because the average American has no clue what Oromo is, or even where Ethiopia is located. So, sometimes, it is exhausting trying to explain where you are from.

እሰፋ ማሩ wrote:ኦሮሞ እየተበደለ ነው የሚሉት የኦሮሞ ታጋዮች የወያኔ የግፍ ሰቆቃ ኢትዮጲያዊነትን እንዲጠሉ እንዳበቃቸው መሰከሩ፡-Oromos still oppressed in EthiopiaBy Nuunja Kahina on March 23, 2014 — Oromo people are the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia but remain politically marginalised. Persecution and violent assimilationist policies pursued by the state have caused many to flee and refuse to self-identify as Ethiopian.Due to the persecution in Ethiopia of Oromos suspected of having Oromo Liberation Front ties, many such as Abdi Harboury (above) fled to Egypt, only to encounter xenophobic attacks from Egyptians. (Source: Al Jazeera)“I am Bekele Gerba” reads an image created by OPride, an Oromo news and analysis website based in the United States and run by exiled activist and journalist Mohammed Ademo. The Oromo are an ethnic group in Ethiopia, northern Kenya, and parts of Somalia.Gerba, an English teacher at Addis Ababa University, is a political prisoner in Ethiopia and a leader of the Oromo Federal Democratic Movement (OFDM) opposition party. He was arrested on 27 August 2011 for his political activism, along with another Oromo leader, Olbana Lelisa, on allegations of association with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). Outlawed by the Ethiopian government and labelled a terrorist organization, the OLF was established in 1973 by Oromo nationalists to promote self-determination for the Oromo people against what they call “Abyssinian colonial rule”.In response to his continued imprisonment, there have been recent protests, organised and conducted primarily by the substantial Oromo diaspora living in the United States and Europe. Hundreds took part in recent demonstrations and rallies in cities including Washington D.C. and London, calling for the release of political prisoners in Ethiopia. Profiles of some of the Oromo prisoners – many of them parents, students and professionals – can be found on the TortureThe Oromo, with an estimated population of 40 million, are the single largest ethnic group in Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Despite their numerical majority, they have historically been subjected to political, social, and cultural injustices. Systematic discrimination against Oromo people has left them politically disenfranchised even today, although they have struggled against oppression since the formation of the modern Ethiopian state.There are currently an estimated 20,000 Oromo political prisoners in Ethiopia, lending an urgency to the political situation. The arrest and treatment of these prisoners has been strongly criticised by international human rights organisations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watc The Amnesty International report on the Ethiopian crackdown on political dissent focuses heavily on Oromo prisoners. It specifically details the use of torture against prisoners at the Maikelawi detention centre, the use of information obtained through the use of torture in trials, and the continued imprisonment of members of Oromo opposition parties like the Oromo Federalist Democratic Movement (OFDM) and the Oromo People’s Congress (OPC).DiasporaOromo identity, although often politicised due to marginalisation, is about more than politics, though; the experiences of Oromo immigrants in the West are strongly related to ideas of transnationalism, for example. To learn more about Oromo activism and identity I spoke with Lensa Ahmed, a young scholar and Oromo activist who participated in the Washington D.C. rally on behalf of Oromo prisoners.Her thoughts on identity, solidarity and diaspora will not be unfamiliar to young Africans from other countries. A great deal of Oromo activism comes out of the Oromo diaspora, as exemplified by the protests in D.C. and London, but the lives of those immigrants and their children have also been affected by living in the West and the experience of becoming exiles.Lensa explains, for example, many of the Black American influences on her own thought and work, as well as the difficulty of identifying as Oromo in the United States. From this purview, she interrogates meanings of Ethiopian identity, unity and multiculturalism in both the United States and Ethiopia.What does being Ethiopian mean to you?Ethiopia is a country that is very misunderstood. When people outside of Ethiopia, particularly other Africans and those in the West, hear about it, it stands as a symbol of African pride, as a country that successfully fought off colonialism. Ethiopia is often described as the only African country that has never been colonised by Europeans. While this is partly true, the relationship between Ethiopia and European colonisers is much more intimately complex.Although Europeans did not colonise Ethiopia formally, they have had immense influence over the country’s founding and its subsequent history. Ethiopia was formerly known as Abyssinia, but came to be in its current form as a result of Abyssinian expansion South. So early Ethiopian leaders formed a sort of neo-colonial relationship with European colonisers through which they were able to expand their territories South. As a result, we have over 80 nations and nationalities in the country.Violent policiesDespite Ethiopia’s diversity, the people of the North have dominated the country politically, culturally and socially. It is only recently that Ethiopia’s numerous ethnic groups have been able to openly share and celebrate their cultures. The violent assimilationist policies pursued by the Ethiopian state have left deep and painful memories in the minds of the people. Which is why today many Oromos in the diaspora refuse to self-identify as Ethiopian.

What gets lost in the dominant narrative on Ethiopia is this complex history and how it impacts current Ethiopian politics. Understanding Ethiopian history is important for understanding current Ethiopian politics.Oromo people are the largest ethnic group in the Ethiopian state but remain politically marginalised. Many of us in the diaspora resist the label “Ethiopian” for one reason or another. For some of us, it is political, while for others it simply does not reflect our lived experiences. I grew up as an Oromo; I spent most of my life outside of Ethiopia but I grew up speaking Afaan Oromo and listening to Oromo music, and in my family we never really identified as Ethiopian.I have friends who spent much of their lives in Ethiopia and remain fiercely against the idea of being categorised as “Ethiopian.” But I also have Oromo friends who identify as Ethiopian. Ethiopia’s complicated history affects how different people see themselves even today. This is even more pronounced amongst young people who might not understand or be confused about all of the complexity surrounding the many identities.

ConcertsWhen I was 13 or 14, we lived in the same building as Oromo singers who were in exile in Kenya. After the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF; the current regime) consolidated power in the early 1990s, a lot of Oromo people, including activists and artists, fled the country amidst ensuing violence. As a way of empowering themselves and their Oromo compatriots, the exiled singers used to put on these concerts.

One of my fondest childhood memories is of these concerts and the feelings of euphoria and empowerment they provided. That kind of public cultural expression has largely been prohibited in Ethiopia. Even today, the Ethiopian government goes out of its way to control and micromanage Oromo people’s social and cultural gatherings. Oromo musicians continue to face major censorship.Music has always been a form of resistance for Oromo people throughout history. So the diaspora provides a space for the rehabilitation, celebration and preservation, of our culture and identity. In Ethiopia, just being Oromo is a very political thing. In the diaspora, I can just be myself.For more information, including song lyrics of influential Oromo music, read Kulani Jalata’s article “The Role of Revolutonary Oromo Artists in Building Oromumma.”Black American?In the diaspora, at least in America, identity becomes even more complicated because the average American has no clue what Oromo is, or even where Ethiopia is located. So, sometimes, it is exhausting trying to explain where you are from.

በህዝብና በአለም አቀፍ ማህበርሰብ ጫና የወያኔ አስቸኩዋይ ጊዜ አዋጁ ቢነሳም የኦሮሞና አማራ ትግል አልቆመም፡-Human Rights Abuses and Ethnic Conflict in Ethiopia January 4, 2017 by Amala KarriOromoprotestAlmost a year ago, the Ethiopian government announced the Addis Ababa Master Plan, which proposed an expansion of Ethiopia’s capital into surrounding farms within the Oromia region. The Oromo, who make up 40% of Ethiopia’s population, frequently complain about their lack of representation in the capital, and, following the announcement of the master plan, Oromo demonstrators gathered to show their disapproval and anger. The protests quickly turned violent. On December 16, 2015, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn declared that he would show no mercy towards the protesters.

In January, after 140 people had been killed, the government decided to withdraw the plan. In a statement, government officials claimed to have “huge respect” for the Oromo and explained that the opposition to the plan was based on a misunderstanding. For many protesters, this response was too little, too late. According to an Amnesty International report, even after the master plan was scrapped, the Ethiopian government continued to imprison Oromo leaders and marginalize members of the Oromo ethnic group. Protesters refused to go back home, and their demands broadened to include fair political representation and basic human rights protections. Though Ethiopia claims to be a democracy, countless hurdles impede the formation of rival political parties and their attempts to obtain power. For the Oromo, their oppression at the hands of the Tigrayans, who make up only 6% of the country’s population, is unacceptable. It is also nothing new. The Oromo have been marginalized since before 1973, which is when they formed the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). When the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Party (EPRDF) came to power in 1991, the OLF joined the transitional government. Unfortunately, it was not long before the EPRDF created another Oromo party, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization, in order to weaken the OLF. Now, the Oromo are back on the streets, fighting for their rights.

In July, the protests worsened, expanding into Ethiopia’s Amhara region. After the Oromo, the Amhara are the second largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, and over the past few months, tens of thousands have come together to demonstrate against government oppression and ethnic violence.

The government’s response has been brutal. Since the protests began, approximately 800 people have been killed. The police have responded to peaceful protests with violence, exacerbating the existing tensions: Al Jazeera reports that in one instance, the police fired tear gas and warning shots at a group of protesters attending a religious festival. When the protesters turned to run away, several people were crushed to death, leading to a total death toll of approximately 100 according to human rights groups, and 55 according to the government. Furthermore, the government has conducted mass arrests as part of a larger campaign to silence civilians. According to Al Jazeera, more than 11,000 people have been arrested since the demonstrations began last year. Of these, more than 300 are women. The government has also restrained free speech by shutting down all mobile Internet to prevent communications and isolate those dissidents outside of prison. On December 2, the government partially restored Internet, but social media and messaging platforms are still blocked throughout the country.

Unfortunately, the government refuses to acknowledge the valid concerns of Oromo and Amhara dissidents and the legitimacy of their protests. Rather, they have denounced dissidents for disturbing the peace. In a recent statement, a government spokesman vowed to hold those that “started” the chaos responsible. In another statement, a spokesman declared Egypt and Eritrea responsible for the violence, alluding to the possibility that the government would ban protests to try to end the unrest.

These protests have the ability to lead to political change. For the first time, the Oromo and Amhara oppositions have coalesced into a single force against the government, and now pose a greater threat to Ethiopia’s political leadership. The authoritarian regime’s increasing fear of subversion could make it more responsive to its citizens’ needs. The Oromo need a stable government just as much as the government needs the Oromia region—the source of much of Ethiopia’s food and most of its coffee (a large export).

Political change in Ethiopia is critical. The Oromo are a historically oppressed group that have not been offered the same economic and political opportunities as the Tigrayans. It is unlikely that the protests will end until the government acknowledges their legitimacy and agrees to implement reforms. For now, it is unlikely that the opposition will trust the current ruling coalition, the EPRDF, to make necessary changes. For years, it has simultaneously promised to implement reforms and violated human rights. Until they are truly held accountable to their people or a new coalition comes to power, hundreds more Ethiopian dissidents will likely be mercilessly killed and tortured, and thousands imprisoned.

In addition the the need for internal reforms, other countries must fundamentally change the way that they deal with Ethiopia. Human Rights Watch has called for influential countries, such as the US (Ethiopia’s largest donor) and the UK, to publicly condemn the Ethiopian government’s actions. These allies should also push for an international investigation of Ethiopia’s deteriorating human rights situation, both increasing increasing the transparency of how the Ethiopian government deals with dissidents and political opponents and sending a powerful message that such actions will not be tolerated. Now is not the time for the US to stay silent.

እሰፋ ማሩ wrote:በህዝብና በአለም አቀፍ ማህበርሰብ ጫና የወያኔ አስቸኩዋይ ጊዜ አዋጁ ቢነሳም የኦሮሞና አማራ ትግል አልቆመም፡-Human Rights Abuses and Ethnic Conflict in Ethiopia January 4, 2017 by Amala KarriOromoprotestAlmost a year ago, the Ethiopian government announced the Addis Ababa Master Plan, which proposed an expansion of Ethiopia’s capital into surrounding farms within the Oromia region. The Oromo, who make up 40% of Ethiopia’s population, frequently complain about their lack of representation in the capital, and, following the announcement of the master plan, Oromo demonstrators gathered to show their disapproval and anger. The protests quickly turned violent. On December 16, 2015, Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn declared that he would show no mercy towards the protesters.

In January, after 140 people had been killed, the government decided to withdraw the plan. In a statement, government officials claimed to have “huge respect” for the Oromo and explained that the opposition to the plan was based on a misunderstanding. For many protesters, this response was too little, too late. According to an Amnesty International report, even after the master plan was scrapped, the Ethiopian government continued to imprison Oromo leaders and marginalize members of the Oromo ethnic group. Protesters refused to go back home, and their demands broadened to include fair political representation and basic human rights protections. Though Ethiopia claims to be a democracy, countless hurdles impede the formation of rival political parties and their attempts to obtain power. For the Oromo, their oppression at the hands of the Tigrayans, who make up only 6% of the country’s population, is unacceptable. It is also nothing new. The Oromo have been marginalized since before 1973, which is when they formed the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). When the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Party (EPRDF) came to power in 1991, the OLF joined the transitional government. Unfortunately, it was not long before the EPRDF created another Oromo party, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization, in order to weaken the OLF. Now, the Oromo are back on the streets, fighting for their rights.

In July, the protests worsened, expanding into Ethiopia’s Amhara region. After the Oromo, the Amhara are the second largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, and over the past few months, tens of thousands have come together to demonstrate against government oppression and ethnic violence.

The government’s response has been brutal. Since the protests began, approximately 800 people have been killed. The police have responded to peaceful protests with violence, exacerbating the existing tensions: Al Jazeera reports that in one instance, the police fired tear gas and warning shots at a group of protesters attending a religious festival. When the protesters turned to run away, several people were crushed to death, leading to a total death toll of approximately 100 according to human rights groups, and 55 according to the government. Furthermore, the government has conducted mass arrests as part of a larger campaign to silence civilians. According to Al Jazeera, more than 11,000 people have been arrested since the demonstrations began last year. Of these, more than 300 are women. The government has also restrained free speech by shutting down all mobile Internet to prevent communications and isolate those dissidents outside of prison. On December 2, the government partially restored Internet, but social media and messaging platforms are still blocked throughout the country.

Unfortunately, the government refuses to acknowledge the valid concerns of Oromo and Amhara dissidents and the legitimacy of their protests. Rather, they have denounced dissidents for disturbing the peace. In a recent statement, a government spokesman vowed to hold those that “started” the chaos responsible. In another statement, a spokesman declared Egypt and Eritrea responsible for the violence, alluding to the possibility that the government would ban protests to try to end the unrest.

These protests have the ability to lead to political change. For the first time, the Oromo and Amhara oppositions have coalesced into a single force against the government, and now pose a greater threat to Ethiopia’s political leadership. The authoritarian regime’s increasing fear of subversion could make it more responsive to its citizens’ needs. The Oromo need a stable government just as much as the government needs the Oromia region—the source of much of Ethiopia’s food and most of its coffee (a large export).

Political change in Ethiopia is critical. The Oromo are a historically oppressed group that have not been offered the same economic and political opportunities as the Tigrayans. It is unlikely that the protests will end until the government acknowledges their legitimacy and agrees to implement reforms. For now, it is unlikely that the opposition will trust the current ruling coalition, the EPRDF, to make necessary changes. For years, it has simultaneously promised to implement reforms and violated human rights. Until they are truly held accountable to their people or a new coalition comes to power, hundreds more Ethiopian dissidents will likely be mercilessly killed and tortured, and thousands imprisoned.

In addition the the need for internal reforms, other countries must fundamentally change the way that they deal with Ethiopia. Human Rights Watch has called for influential countries, such as the US (Ethiopia’s largest donor) and the UK, to publicly condemn the Ethiopian government’s actions. These allies should also push for an international investigation of Ethiopia’s deteriorating human rights situation, both increasing increasing the transparency of how the Ethiopian government deals with dissidents and political opponents and sending a powerful message that such actions will not be tolerated. Now is not the time for the US to stay silent.

እጅግ በተሰቃየበት የወያኔ እስር ቤት 'ማልቀስም ወንጀል ነው' የሚለው የኦሮሞ ብእረኛ ባሬ ጉሩሙ ምስክርነትEthiopia: Prisons and No Human DignityStories Articles Poetry Editorial Videos Torture Jailed Journalists When Crying is a Crime17th February 2016 By Barii Gurmu Ethiopia is often praised for being the home of diversity. Different nations live within the borders, all with their own language, culture, and history. The present government, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), is favored as democratic by the western world, and it has gained tremendous amounts of aid money. The truth, however, is far from the image that the rest of the world sees. In this story I am going to share what I have personally experienced and witnessed with regards to what the government of Ethiopia is doing to Oromo students and to clubs bearing the Oromo name.

After the fall of the Derg regime, the country adopted a constitution. The constitution clearly states that “Every Nation, Nationality and People in Ethiopia has an unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession”. The right to speak, write and develop each nations own language, as well as developing, promoting and expressing its own culture and preserve the history, is also protected, just as the right to make peaceful demonstrations and the right to petition and assemble. Furthermore, everyone has the right to freedom of expression for any cause or purpose.Like most fellow citizens and human rights organizations, I find it hard to shake the feeling that the promised constitutional rights and democracy in Ethiopia has gone seriously awry. It is left only being a paper lion; a means for the government to arrest those who have ever tried to exercise their rights – labeling them narrow minded, unified devastators, and most of all terrorists.The violations of human rights, and the economic, political and social gap, are a reality we witness every day. In one form or another, the transgression has existed since the country’s birth. Resistance has also existed since that day. Wars have been fought, laws have been passed and systems have been reformed. Peaceful protests have been arranged in order to bring and claim human rights and the practice of the constitutional promise into closer alignment. But,the government is buckling down, targeting those who exercise their human rights, especially those who claim their constitutionally guaranteed rights.

I am now going to share about what happened during my stay at the University, the place we went to for learning and acquiring knowledge in order to serve our nation, but where we ended up facing harassments, intimidations, jailings, exile, suspension and expulsion – only for belonging to the Oromo ethnic group.Harassment of Oromo Studentsoromo_olf_untold_storiesI was a graduate student at the Adama Science and Technology University (ASTU), and I was also a leader of the Oromo language, culture and history club which was founded by our seniors. Anyone who loves and supports the Oromo language, culture and history can be a member of the club and participate, irrespective of his or her ethnicity, status, political ideology, religion, group and background. Accordingly, it is free from any politics, religion, ideology and race. Its objective was to develop and promote Oromo language, culture and history.

Even though the club was created in accordance to the constitution, government agents targeted Oromo students and members of the club in general, and the club’s committee members in particular. A government agent at the University talked to me in an intimidating way. Several times he told me that the club’s committee, myself included, has to be members of the governing party and that the club has to invite and inform them in advance whenever there is a program or ceremony coming up. I told them that the club will not invite them officially, for doing so is contrary to the club’s rules. I told them that they can attend and that they have, just as anybody, the right to become members and contribute to the development of the nation’s language, culture and history. Surprisingly, there were no ceremonies they missed!The government agents blamed the club for being a wing of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and for working on strengthening Oromo nationalism. Government agents urged and banned us from using unopened sycamore tree emblems, red and green markers, pens, balloons, bulbs, flowers, sprays, candles, and curtails for hall or office decorations. They wrote announcements or advertisements alleging that those colors together made the OLF flag. They imposed limitations on what guests we could invite, such as artists, poets, authors, singers, elders, well known Oromo businessmen and nationalists, and started suggesting which guests we could or could not invite. Any failure to uphold their rules automatically labeled the club as a wing of the OLF, and led to closure.Arrested for ProtestingI was attending my last semester course, and the happiness of graduation was present everywhere in the school. Graduate students teased the junior students, saying “no more semester for us”, or they made cartoons displaying the end of classes. Everywhere, there were students dressed in suits, preparing parties, taking photos – everyone with excitement counting down the few months left until they would wear the graduation gown with a cap.

On the early morning of December 29, 2011, my roommate and I lined up at the café before rushing to the library. We accidently came across a gathering of students at the amphitheater, located in front of the students dining hall. We could not understand what was going on. Suddenly, we found ourselves in the middle of a crowd and the Students Union President suddenly showed up. One student said to him that they wanted him to call for the University’s administrators, the academic Vice-President, and the Head of the University’s International relations. This student wanted them to explain how they had handed down the suspension of Ebisa, a student whom the University suspended for a year, alleging that he had quarreled with a student of the Tigrean ethnic group over changing the Oromian TV channel to a channel airing the English Premier League. The students were disgruntled regarding the impartiality over the decision of the suspension, and kept on asking questions from the Students Union President. The President sent one campus police to deliver the errand to the administrators.

About one and a half hours later, neither the campus police nor the administrators had showed up. The students were at this point very upset and shouted: “See their ignorance even though they are here to serve us! Should we all go and meet them in their office? We claim justice, and justice should not only be done, but also seen to be done”, they hollered. They demanded transparency regarding how the University handles cases like the one of Ebisa – the question is not only about justice but also its publicity.

After having waited for a long time for the administrators, we were forced to the stage where the protest was held. We had hardly stood up before one student in the crowd started shouting “armed student among us!” The student thought that the armed person was a student, but he was a government agent sent to spy on the students. Suddenly, the agent dropped his pistol while he was moving to stand up. In the meantime, the student who shouted took the gun before the agent picked it up. Having realized that the student took up the pistol, the agent started running away from the mob. The student who took the pistol yelled “don’t let him escape! He is running there!” We were all shocked by what we heard and saw. The campus police came, registered the pistol’s number and collected it.

This made us start to march, demonstrating with the slogan: “We need justice! Stop suspending and expelling Oromo students! Stop letting armed people into the campus!” We conducted the demonstration peacefully. We told each other not to throw stones on people or on material things, in order not to cause damage. We had however scarcely stopped the demonstration before we heard rambling police in the campus. They were beating and arresting students, irrespective of they had participated on the stage or not. 53 students were arrested, and they were incarcerated in the police station.

እሰፋ ማሩ wrote:እጅግ በተሰቃየበት የወያኔ እስር ቤት 'ማልቀስም ወንጀል ነው' የሚለው የኦሮሞ ብእረኛ ባሬ ጉሩሙ ምስክርነትEthiopia: Prisons and No Human DignityStories Articles Poetry Editorial Videos Torture Jailed Journalists When Crying is a Crime17th February 2016 By Barii Gurmu Ethiopia is often praised for being the home of diversity. Different nations live within the borders, all with their own language, culture, and history. The present government, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), is favored as democratic by the western world, and it has gained tremendous amounts of aid money. The truth, however, is far from the image that the rest of the world sees. In this story I am going to share what I have personally experienced and witnessed with regards to what the government of Ethiopia is doing to Oromo students and to clubs bearing the Oromo name.

After the fall of the Derg regime, the country adopted a constitution. The constitution clearly states that “Every Nation, Nationality and People in Ethiopia has an unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession”. The right to speak, write and develop each nations own language, as well as developing, promoting and expressing its own culture and preserve the history, is also protected, just as the right to make peaceful demonstrations and the right to petition and assemble. Furthermore, everyone has the right to freedom of expression for any cause or purpose.Like most fellow citizens and human rights organizations, I find it hard to shake the feeling that the promised constitutional rights and democracy in Ethiopia has gone seriously awry. It is left only being a paper lion; a means for the government to arrest those who have ever tried to exercise their rights – labeling them narrow minded, unified devastators, and most of all terrorists.The violations of human rights, and the economic, political and social gap, are a reality we witness every day. In one form or another, the transgression has existed since the country’s birth. Resistance has also existed since that day. Wars have been fought, laws have been passed and systems have been reformed. Peaceful protests have been arranged in order to bring and claim human rights and the practice of the constitutional promise into closer alignment. But,the government is buckling down, targeting those who exercise their human rights, especially those who claim their constitutionally guaranteed rights.

I am now going to share about what happened during my stay at the University, the place we went to for learning and acquiring knowledge in order to serve our nation, but where we ended up facing harassments, intimidations, jailings, exile, suspension and expulsion – only for belonging to the Oromo ethnic group.Harassment of Oromo Studentsoromo_olf_untold_storiesI was a graduate student at the Adama Science and Technology University (ASTU), and I was also a leader of the Oromo language, culture and history club which was founded by our seniors. Anyone who loves and supports the Oromo language, culture and history can be a member of the club and participate, irrespective of his or her ethnicity, status, political ideology, religion, group and background. Accordingly, it is free from any politics, religion, ideology and race. Its objective was to develop and promote Oromo language, culture and history.

Even though the club was created in accordance to the constitution, government agents targeted Oromo students and members of the club in general, and the club’s committee members in particular. A government agent at the University talked to me in an intimidating way. Several times he told me that the club’s committee, myself included, has to be members of the governing party and that the club has to invite and inform them in advance whenever there is a program or ceremony coming up. I told them that the club will not invite them officially, for doing so is contrary to the club’s rules. I told them that they can attend and that they have, just as anybody, the right to become members and contribute to the development of the nation’s language, culture and history. Surprisingly, there were no ceremonies they missed!The government agents blamed the club for being a wing of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and for working on strengthening Oromo nationalism. Government agents urged and banned us from using unopened sycamore tree emblems, red and green markers, pens, balloons, bulbs, flowers, sprays, candles, and curtails for hall or office decorations. They wrote announcements or advertisements alleging that those colors together made the OLF flag. They imposed limitations on what guests we could invite, such as artists, poets, authors, singers, elders, well known Oromo businessmen and nationalists, and started suggesting which guests we could or could not invite. Any failure to uphold their rules automatically labeled the club as a wing of the OLF, and led to closure.Arrested for ProtestingI was attending my last semester course, and the happiness of graduation was present everywhere in the school. Graduate students teased the junior students, saying “no more semester for us”, or they made cartoons displaying the end of classes. Everywhere, there were students dressed in suits, preparing parties, taking photos – everyone with excitement counting down the few months left until they would wear the graduation gown with a cap.

On the early morning of December 29, 2011, my roommate and I lined up at the café before rushing to the library. We accidently came across a gathering of students at the amphitheater, located in front of the students dining hall. We could not understand what was going on. Suddenly, we found ourselves in the middle of a crowd and the Students Union President suddenly showed up. One student said to him that they wanted him to call for the University’s administrators, the academic Vice-President, and the Head of the University’s International relations. This student wanted them to explain how they had handed down the suspension of Ebisa, a student whom the University suspended for a year, alleging that he had quarreled with a student of the Tigrean ethnic group over changing the Oromian TV channel to a channel airing the English Premier League. The students were disgruntled regarding the impartiality over the decision of the suspension, and kept on asking questions from the Students Union President. The President sent one campus police to deliver the errand to the administrators.

About one and a half hours later, neither the campus police nor the administrators had showed up. The students were at this point very upset and shouted: “See their ignorance even though they are here to serve us! Should we all go and meet them in their office? We claim justice, and justice should not only be done, but also seen to be done”, they hollered. They demanded transparency regarding how the University handles cases like the one of Ebisa – the question is not only about justice but also its publicity.

After having waited for a long time for the administrators, we were forced to the stage where the protest was held. We had hardly stood up before one student in the crowd started shouting “armed student among us!” The student thought that the armed person was a student, but he was a government agent sent to spy on the students. Suddenly, the agent dropped his pistol while he was moving to stand up. In the meantime, the student who shouted took the gun before the agent picked it up. Having realized that the student took up the pistol, the agent started running away from the mob. The student who took the pistol yelled “don’t let him escape! He is running there!” We were all shocked by what we heard and saw. The campus police came, registered the pistol’s number and collected it.

This made us start to march, demonstrating with the slogan: “We need justice! Stop suspending and expelling Oromo students! Stop letting armed people into the campus!” We conducted the demonstration peacefully. We told each other not to throw stones on people or on material things, in order not to cause damage. We had however scarcely stopped the demonstration before we heard rambling police in the campus. They were beating and arresting students, irrespective of they had participated on the stage or not. 53 students were arrested, and they were incarcerated in the police station.

ያ ሌኒን እንዳለው ላባደሩ ቢሰዋ የሚቀርበብተ ሰንሰለቱ ብቻ ነው ብሎ ነበር፡፡ወያኔዎች ከዚያ ከደረቅ ምድር ላይ ቢያልቁ የሚቀርባቸው በለስ ብቻ ነበር፡፡ዛሬ ሰላማዊ ወገኖቻችንን እንደመጅገር ተጣብቀው የሚበዘብዙትና በየዌብሳይቱ ማንም የማይመልስላቸው ተላላኪዎቹ ከቅጫማም ህይወት ያወጣቸው ተመልሰ ከነቅጫማቸው እንዲኖሩ ደማቸው በየቀኑ የሚፈሰው የአማሮች የኦሮሞዎችና የሌሎቹ ወገኖች ፈጣሪ ይዳርጋቸው፡፡Ethiopia: Prisons and No Human DignityStories Articles Poetry Editorial Videos Torture Jailed Journalists When Crying is a Crime17th February 2016 By Barii Gurmu Ethiopia is often praised for being the home of diversity. Different nations live within the borders, all with their own language, culture, and history. The present government, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), is favored as democratic by the western world, and it has gained tremendous amounts of aid money. The truth, however, is far from the image that the rest of the world sees. In this story I am going to share what I have personally experienced and witnessed with regards to what the government of Ethiopia is doing to Oromo students and to clubs bearing the Oromo name.

After the fall of the Derg regime, the country adopted a constitution. The constitution clearly states that “Every Nation, Nationality and People in Ethiopia has an unconditional right to self-determination, including the right to secession”. The right to speak, write and develop each nations own language, as well as developing, promoting and expressing its own culture and preserve the history, is also protected, just as the right to make peaceful demonstrations and the right to petition and assemble. Furthermore, everyone has the right to freedom of expression for any cause or purpose.Like most fellow citizens and human rights organizations, I find it hard to shake the feeling that the promised constitutional rights and democracy in Ethiopia has gone seriously awry. It is left only being a paper lion; a means for the government to arrest those who have ever tried to exercise their rights – labeling them narrow minded, unified devastators, and most of all terrorists.The violations of human rights, and the economic, political and social gap, are a reality we witness every day. In one form or another, the transgression has existed since the country’s birth. Resistance has also existed since that day. Wars have been fought, laws have been passed and systems have been reformed. Peaceful protests have been arranged in order to bring and claim human rights and the practice of the constitutional promise into closer alignment. But,the government is buckling down, targeting those who exercise their human rights, especially those who claim their constitutionally guaranteed rights.

I am now going to share about what happened during my stay at the University, the place we went to for learning and acquiring knowledge in order to serve our nation, but where we ended up facing harassments, intimidations, jailings, exile, suspension and expulsion – only for belonging to the Oromo ethnic group.Harassment of Oromo Studentsoromo_olf_untold_storiesI was a graduate student at the Adama Science and Technology University (ASTU), and I was also a leader of the Oromo language, culture and history club which was founded by our seniors. Anyone who loves and supports the Oromo language, culture and history can be a member of the club and participate, irrespective of his or her ethnicity, status, political ideology, religion, group and background. Accordingly, it is free from any politics, religion, ideology and race. Its objective was to develop and promote Oromo language, culture and history.

Even though the club was created in accordance to the constitution, government agents targeted Oromo students and members of the club in general, and the club’s committee members in particular. A government agent at the University talked to me in an intimidating way. Several times he told me that the club’s committee, myself included, has to be members of the governing party and that the club has to invite and inform them in advance whenever there is a program or ceremony coming up. I told them that the club will not invite them officially, for doing so is contrary to the club’s rules. I told them that they can attend and that they have, just as anybody, the right to become members and contribute to the development of the nation’s language, culture and history. Surprisingly, there were no ceremonies they missed!The government agents blamed the club for being a wing of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and for working on strengthening Oromo nationalism. Government agents urged and banned us from using unopened sycamore tree emblems, red and green markers, pens, balloons, bulbs, flowers, sprays, candles, and curtails for hall or office decorations. They wrote announcements or advertisements alleging that those colors together made the OLF flag. They imposed limitations on what guests we could invite, such as artists, poets, authors, singers, elders, well known Oromo businessmen and nationalists, and started suggesting which guests we could or could not invite. Any failure to uphold their rules automatically labeled the club as a wing of the OLF, and led to closure.Arrested for ProtestingI was attending my last semester course, and the happiness of graduation was present everywhere in the school. Graduate students teased the junior students, saying “no more semester for us”, or they made cartoons displaying the end of classes. Everywhere, there were students dressed in suits, preparing parties, taking photos – everyone with excitement counting down the few months left until they would wear the graduation gown with a cap.

On the early morning of December 29, 2011, my roommate and I lined up at the café before rushing to the library. We accidently came across a gathering of students at the amphitheater, located in front of the students dining hall. We could not understand what was going on. Suddenly, we found ourselves in the middle of a crowd and the Students Union President suddenly showed up. One student said to him that they wanted him to call for the University’s administrators, the academic Vice-President, and the Head of the University’s International relations. This student wanted them to explain how they had handed down the suspension of Ebisa, a student whom the University suspended for a year, alleging that he had quarreled with a student of the Tigrean ethnic group over changing the Oromian TV channel to a channel airing the English Premier League. The students were disgruntled regarding the impartiality over the decision of the suspension, and kept on asking questions from the Students Union President. The President sent one campus police to deliver the errand to the administrators.

About one and a half hours later, neither the campus police nor the administrators had showed up. The students were at this point very upset and shouted: “See their ignorance even though they are here to serve us! Should we all go and meet them in their office? We claim justice, and justice should not only be done, but also seen to be done”, they hollered. They demanded transparency regarding how the University handles cases like the one of Ebisa – the question is not only about justice but also its publicity.

After having waited for a long time for the administrators, we were forced to the stage where the protest was held. We had hardly stood up before one student in the crowd started shouting “armed student among us!” The student thought that the armed person was a student, but he was a government agent sent to spy on the students. Suddenly, the agent dropped his pistol while he was moving to stand up. In the meantime, the student who shouted took the gun before the agent picked it up. Having realized that the student took up the pistol, the agent started running away from the mob. The student who took the pistol yelled “don’t let him escape! He is running there!” We were all shocked by what we heard and saw. The campus police came, registered the pistol’s number and collected it.

This made us start to march, demonstrating with the slogan: “We need justice! Stop suspending and expelling Oromo students! Stop letting armed people into the campus!” We conducted the demonstration peacefully. We told each other not to throw stones on people or on material things, in order not to cause damage. We had however scarcely stopped the demonstration before we heard rambling police in the campus. They were beating and arresting students, irrespective of they had participated on the stage or not. 53 students were arrested, and they were incarcerated in the police station.[/quote]

በውጭ የሚገኙ እውቅና ብቁ የኦሮሞ ምሁራን የወያኔን ግፍ እንዳሳወቁ ነውSOCIOLOGY PUBLICATIONS AND OTHER WORKSThe Tigrayan-led the Ethiopian State, Repression, Terrorism, and Gross Human Rights Violations in Oromia and EthiopiaSource Publication (e.g., journal title)-Horn of AfricaAsafa Jalata, University of Tennessee - KnoxvilleFollowThe Tigrayan-led Ethiopian government has engaged in state terrorism and genocide with the support of global powers, including the US, countries of emerging economy like China and India, global institutions like the World Bank and the IMF; it has massacred, assassinated, imprisoned, and tortured millions of Oromos and members other colonized peoples. Millions of Oromos have been also evicted and replaced by thugs and thieves who have no morality and conscience.Recommended CitationJalata, Asafa, "The Tigrayan-led the Ethiopian State, Repression, Terrorism, and Gross Human Rights Violations in Oromia and Ethiopia" . Sociology Publications and Other Works.

እሰፋ ማሩ wrote:በውጭ የሚገኙ እውቅና ብቁ የኦሮሞ ምሁራን የወያኔን ግፍ እንዳሳወቁ ነውSOCIOLOGY PUBLICATIONS AND OTHER WORKSThe Tigrayan-led the Ethiopian State, Repression, Terrorism, and Gross Human Rights Violations in Oromia and EthiopiaSource Publication (e.g., journal title)-Horn of AfricaAsafa Jalata, University of Tennessee - KnoxvilleFollowThe Tigrayan-led Ethiopian government has engaged in state terrorism and genocide with the support of global powers, including the US, countries of emerging economy like China and India, global institutions like the World Bank and the IMF; it has massacred, assassinated, imprisoned, and tortured millions of Oromos and members other colonized peoples. Millions of Oromos have been also evicted and replaced by thugs and thieves who have no morality and conscience.Recommended CitationJalata, Asafa, "The Tigrayan-led the Ethiopian State, Repression, Terrorism, and Gross Human Rights Violations in Oromia and Ethiopia" . Sociology Publications and Other Works.

አንድ ተጨማሪ የኦሮሞ ምሁር በወያኔ ማሰቃያ እስር ቤት በግርፊያ ተገደለAn Oromo political prisoner, Tola M. Badhaso, dies as a result of tortureAugust 13, 2017Another Oromo political prisoner, Tola Midhagso Badhaso, dies as a result of torture #OromoStruggle-Another Oromo political prisoner, Tola Midhagso Badhaso, dies as a result of torture. He was subjected to in jail. He was arrested [Read More]