Bush's inspired speech makes clear goals, foes

James WarrenWashington Bureau

As President Bush asked for long-term sacrifice and patience Thursday night from an edgy nation given to fast food, quick profits and short wars, he defined not only the enemy but possibly his presidency.

Amid the minefield of international terrorism and a faltering domestic economy, Bush found a new, distinctly bellicose voice in a rhetorical tour de force. He melded the reassuring with the blunt, underscoring the virtues of American freedoms and hard work while naming the names of enemies and cautioning about the likelihood of loss of life in military actions.

Throughout his 34-minute speech, he reflected well the feelings of dismay felt throughout America--this "wound to our country"--but also hinted at the inherent, even confounding, difficulties of tracking down an enemy whose nomadic and scattered nature may challenge his resolve for a clear, unequivocal resolution.

But Bush left nothing to subtlety. There was little to infer because he was so utterly explicit, particularly in his unbridled scorn toward Osama bin Laden and Afghanistan's ruling Taliban regime. "They hate our freedoms," he proclaimed, one reason he declared a war on terrorism worldwide.

As he effectively personalized last week's tragedy through anecdote and the presence of a heroic passenger's widow and New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani, among others, he also voiced lines and phrases that may stand the test of time--"history's unmarked grave of discarded lies" was one.

Still, he set a staggeringly high bar by which to judge him, including the threat to topple the Taliban if it does not hand over bin Laden and the members of his network. By specifically citing those who must be brought to heel, and saying that he would not rest until every terrorist of global reach was caught, he left himself little wiggle room in assessing his performance.

Defining his tenure

"He gave a magnificent speech, united the nation and made a real emotional connection. But he has also made clear how he should be judged," said Merle Black, an Emory University political scientist.

"It was the best speech of his presidency," concurred Ross Baker, a Rutgers University political scientist. "He laid out an agenda for the rest of his presidency. This is now the background against which all of the other political pageants will play."

For sure, Bush had never sounded so confident, with nary an awkward physical movement or verbal miscue of the sort that can mark his public oratory. Bush was clearly in sync with this most public of forums, a joint session of Congress, as he built on a strong memorial service speech Sept. 14 and rhetorically rallied a nation blindsided after a decade of prosperity.

Even as he received an initial, three-minute thunderous ovation from a packed chamber, one tragedy-inspired irony was unavoidable: a president who lost the popular vote and has been chided for perhaps not being up to the office was buoyed by the virtually unfettered support of the assembled and the nation.

If there were any doubt, Democrats chose to scrap the official minority rebuttal, a shop-worn staple of such presidential addresses. Instead, Bush basked in the adulatory harmony of Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle (D-S.D.) and Minority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.).

Of course there was a third, and critical, audience, nations worldwide, to whom Bush issued a simple ultimatum: Back freedom or face the consequences of supporting terrorism.

Moreover, the unbridled nature of his reception, with the vivid muting of partisan acrimony on Capitol Hill, suggested the moment's double-edged sword. Bush walked in with not just helicopters and fighter jets circling the Capitol but with what amounts to a political blank check.

Invoking past presidents

When the current fervor has diminished, he will be pressed to show results in pursuit of an enemy he so conspicuously identified and in boosting the economy.

"He must now balance the expectations of the overwhelming numbers of Americans for a decisive military response when, in fact, this will be a difficult war fought over the next decade," said Geoffrey Kemp, a security expert at the Nixon Center.

Before and after the address, commentators harked back to Pearl Harbor and President Franklin Roosevelt's "day of infamy" address. Indeed, as Princeton University presidential historian Fred Greenstein noted, the air of crisis, replete with expectedly tight security, bore resemblance to FDR addressing a similar joint session of Congress the day after the Japanese attacks.

But Bush's speech, with its warning about a far-flung commitment now needed, also seemed to recall President John Kennedy's 1961 inaugural address. Standing outside the Capitol, Kennedy made a call "to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle" against communism that would not be finished in 100 days, nor 1,000 days, "nor even perhaps in our lifetime."

Here was Bush, a man notorious for impatience, lack of intellectual curiosity, and a craving for short memos and corporate-like efficiency and action, urging slow, methodical perseverance.

"One well-delivered speech will not settle the matter, obviously," Baker said. "This was one of many tests over which he will be subjected over the months ahead."

Some felt that Bush had already erred by personalizing the conflict, making it look like one between the U.S. and bin Laden. On Thursday evening, he hammered home the same animus as he cited the objects of his wrath.

Bush had laid down his marker.

"There may well be people far more significant than bin Laden, but it's been positioned so that if they don't produce him, no one will feel entirely safe," said Susan Eisenhower, president of the Eisenhower World Affairs Institute.