The “Eurasia Mega-project”, in the PERSPECTIVE OF THE “EURASIAN CENTURY”

Abstract – The present paper is an analysis of how SCO opens towards transcontinental dimensions such as the integration into a common vision (Eurasian) of certain projects initiated by various power centres aiming at a position of regional distinct leader for Eurasia (China, Russia, Iran, Turkey etc.) and which now unify their efforts to implement a type of transcontinental integration that exceeds the current level of understanding (focused on a strict interstate cooperation, whilst each project initiator for Eurasia maintains its regional leader ambition). The very “Eurasia mega-project” discussed in this paper is no longer regarded by the reginal leaders interested in its development as a singular project, led by a certain power centre; instead it increasingly becomes a synthesis-project, a common project born from bringing together several projects initiated by regional leaders, and their visions, initially considered singular geopolitical visions, often competing, antagonistic. Exceeding this stage, the regional power centres display an unexpected level of geopolitical maturity for the Eurasian area and a common aspiration to achieve unity in this area, an area envisioned as a mega-civilization of the 21st century, in a complex sense, yet to be deciphered.

The “Eurasia Mega-Project” – A Trans-continental Project, Expression of a Common Vision

From the very beginning, we must draw a distinction between the “Eurasia mega-project” phrase and the distinct view of “Eurasia”, by one power centre or another, which sees itself as a “Eurasian power”, in the changing context of the early 21st century international political order. In our view, the first phrase defines type of mega-project of trans-continental size, which directly entails the political view, strategic vision, and the resources of several Eurasian power centres (Russia, China, Iran, Turkey, Mongolia and India).

It is a mega-project focused on a common vision of these Eurasian power centres, resulted from common Eurasian structures, reflection bodies designed to shape and apply, to monitor and implement such a mega-project. In other words, the “Eurasia mega-project”2 builds its required organizational structures and does not stem from the initiative of a single Eurasian power, which does not claim it as founder or initiator, or as a dominant power. It does not stem from current institutional or conventional frameworks (treaties, bilateral conventions or within already existing SCO Eurasian organizations); instead, from the very beginning, it builds its own common, Eurasian institutional mechanisms, which are not dominated by any Eurasian power. The advantage of this mega-project is that it is the result of a common effort of the Eurasian powers and that it uses a diversity of institutional mechanisms (sectorial cooperation organizations, sectorial regional integration aspects, Eurasian trilateral or multilateral dialogue mechanisms, and instruments for the cooperation or development of bilateral cooperation).

Being from the very start the expression ofa common effort made by the major Eurasian centres and avoiding the use of the “project leader” term, which could lead to dissensions among the geostrategic or geo-economic essential visions of the project, thus avoiding the shaping of a single Eurasian power centre or a nucleus of key states (which would copy the model of the EU creation). The project would be created from the repeated talks and negotiations on its common basic elements. The “Eurasia mega-project” intends to reflect the unified, coherent visions of a Eurasia united by identifying the elements of common interest in all the projects initiated by the Eurasian power centres at the negotiation table.

In our opinion, the “Eurasia mega-project” can only be born from a process with rounds of negotiation similar to OMC, but limited regionally, i.e. among the power centres localizedin the emerging geographical area called Eurasia. This entails the creation of special institutional mechanisms, to organize the rounds of negotiations and talks among the major Eurasian states, in order to create a common work agenda for the identification of points of common interest, for at least three Eurasian powers, for the identification of other strategic opportunities of sectorial cooperation and integration entailed by this mega-project.

We see the “Eurasia mega-project” in its mature stage as a network of agreements, mechanisms, strategies and common visions, identified in stages, through a series of negotiations and talks among the Eurasian powers (in the first stage, the mega-project would entail a set of states initiating or setting the bases for negotiations and the subjects of discussion for the future thematic, strategic and vision-related expansions and developments of the project; in the second stage, starting from the second or third round of negotiations, the circle of Eurasian states participating in the project would widen, diversifying the visions proposed for the multiplication and conversion of the project dimensions into “an authentic trans-continental and Eurasian” project). At this point, we do not mistake the claim of one power centre or another, localized in Eurasia (which automatically excludes the power centres participating in projects that compete with Eurasia, such as the EU), to define itself as “Eurasian” for the authentically transcontinental, Eurasian nature of the project. We do not mistake the power centres located in the Eurasian area (perceived as a “non-European”, “competing with the EU” and as “an alternative to the EU”3, from the geopolitical standpoint) for other power centres that can be perceived as “Eurasian”, because they would have the capacity to intervene in the Eurasian area, although they are located outside Eurasia (e.g. Occidental power centres).

The Eurasia mega-project is a form of regionalism since it is based on a holistic concept of integration of various agreements, pacts, conventions, treaties, organizations, structures in the Eurasian area, into a common typically Eurasian multidimensional formula (specially structured to meet the specific needs related to the prosperity, security and regional stability of the states localized in Eurasia).

This is a truly integrating and bold vision, which requires the development of an authentically Eurasian dimension in the diplomacy of Eurasian states interested in this mega-project. The occurrence of a Eurasian Service/Diplomatic Structure, as a supranational structure, with a double purpose (diplomats from the states in the Eurasian area, participating in the Eurasia mega-project, as well as young diplomats directly appointed by a Eurasian Council, at the level of a supranational diplomacy, able to develop Eurasian strategies and visions, which are therefore situated beyond a limited national vision), represents the creation of an institutional mechanism specific to this common project, which will develop in the 21st century, by using an integrating vision regarding Eurasia as a common political project.

The creation of a set of functions and institutions, of typically Eurasian organizational mechanisms for the Eurasia mega-project is completed with the integration of the already existing structures, mechanisms and treaties concluded or in force, for the states in the Eurasian area.

The “Eurasia mega-project” is a truly magnificent project because it rises above the regional leadership ambitions of one power centre in Eurasia or another and it goes beyond its capacity to initiate its own Eurasian project, meant to express its vision of Eurasia. In our view, no power centre in the Eurasian area, not even China is currently able to initiate, control or implement a project such as Eurasia4 by itself. The Eurasia mega-project is currently distinct from any other project in the Eurasian area only through the integrationof individual Eurasia-related projects, coordination of several projects or mini-projects from a common level (initially) of the Eurasian states interested in this mega-project (thus, not only power centres in Eurasia, but also states in Central Asia, from the former Soviet space), then through the development of common visions about the cooperation and sectorial integration in this mega-project, as well as through the integration of certain dimensions/segments in a project with Eurasian components (or even the integration of certain entire projects, such as the OBOR project). It is not the result of the political will of a single state in Eurasia, therefore it cannot be associated with a certain geopolitical view of a Eurasian power centre (Russia, China, Turkey or Iran, for example); instead, it integrates visions and projects, project components envisaging a well determined set of Eurasian objectives and targets established during the first rounds of negotiations and talks regarding the project (e.g. in a Declaration regarding a Common Eurasian Vision – the founding declaration of the mega-project, defining it, setting its objectives and basic institutional mechanisms, as well as the foundation components and the “open project” nature, i.e. a project open to other integrations and existing or future forms of Eurasian cooperation).

States which can participate in the Eurasia mega-project: category of power centres localized in the Eurasian area; category of states (which are not centres of regional power) in the Eurasian area, willing to participate in such a mega-project.

Shanghai Cooperation Organization/SCO, initially an intergovernmental organization, which has recently taken an interest in economic regional initiatives, therefore in integrating individual projects for the Eurasian space, such as the Silk Road Economic Belt project (initiated by China) and the Eurasia Economic Union (initiated by Russia)5

Adjusting the Chinese OBOR project or parts thereof, for an efficient implementation in the Eurasia mega-project

Including Russia’s project, the Eurasian Economic Union project6, in the Eurasia mega-project (with the possibility to open the project to states in the nucleus of UEE participating states, as well as other states participating in the Eurasia mega-project)

Including China’s project/project components regarding the Eurasian area, Silk Road, in the mega-project

Including the strategic Russia – Iran partnership (in the energy, regional stability, commerce sectors etc.)7 and adding to the mega-project a new security component regarding the Middle East

Integrating the CCA (Connect Central Asia) policy, initiated by India9, in the Eurasia mega-project; transforming CCA from the “policy of a state in the region” into political-diplomatic-institutional functioning adapted to the size of this mega-project

Existing or New Institutional Structures, which can Enter the Eurasia Mega-project

An Eurasian Council for Dialogue and Cooperation (with an intergovernmental component), with the headquarters in a small Eurasian state (from Central Asia), in order to avoid rivalry among the Eurasian power centres regarding the location of the institutions’ headquarters and the mechanisms, agencies and bodies involved in the implementation of the Eurasia mega-project;

Transforming thecurrent RATS/Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (SCO structure)11 into an institutional unit covering the entire Eurasia mega-project (Eurasian Antiterrorist Structure), in order to secure the areas affected by conflicts, the routes and cities of strategic importance for the economic components of the mega-project

The Eurasian Unit for the implementation of the mega-project (structure for the coordination of the efforts made by the participating states to implement the various stages and segments of the mega-project

A Cell that evaluates and monitors the implementation of the mega-project and studies its development opportunities (structure directly subordinated to the Council), consisting of independent experts from the participating states, in order to ensure the efficiency of the mega-project, the concrete achievements, the stages undergone and objectivity when assessing the segments of the mega-project

A Eurasian cell for the exploratory work/initiation of strategies and components of the mega-project

The Eurasian unit for the creation of a Common Multidimensional Infrastructure (from commercial routes, transcontinental tourism routes, labour force transport routes, to projects of transcontinental gas, oil, water and green technology transport pipelines), among the areas of the states participating in the mega-project, which are producers and own such resources, and the areas of the states participating in the mega-project, which are consumers

The Eurasian Unit of labour force distribution (based on an advanced form of cooperation/AFC, regarding the labour force employment policies in the entire area of the states participating in this AFC, which can precede a common labour force-related policy enforced by the states participating in the mega-project, which can be distributed to the entire area covered by the mega-project, in order to elaborate the various components of the mega-project)

The Eurasian Chamber of Commerce and Investments (structure specific to the mega-project, in charge with identifying its own forms of investment, the funds and investors required in order to elaborate the various components of the mega-project)

Integration of the SCO Bank of Development (and transfer to an innovative decision-making mechanism, based on a qualified majority) in the mega-project

A Eurasian Chamber of mediation and resolution regarding the infra-Eurasian conflicts (including conflicts regarding access to water) and finding solutions to prevent conflicts among the states participating in the mega-project (the Chamber consisting of Eurasian mediators and experts in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, independent from the governments of the states participating in the mega-project, in order to ensure the objectivity of the solutions and procedures applied for the prevention of conflicts)

A Eurasian Diplomacy Structure/EDS, subordinated to the Council (with or without a national component of human resources – national diplomats – from the countries participating in the mega-project, but with a definite component of Eurasian diplomats – employed directly in the EDS

Regular (multiannual) reunions of experts from the countries involved in the mega-project, in order to identify the points of common interest and of interest for the Eurasian area and for the preparation of the talks among the states participating in the rounds of negotiation regarding the mega-project, its components, objectives and implementation stages

A common vision of the participants in the project, regarding Eurasia

Materialization of the “Eurasian century” and “Great Destiny Community of Eurasia” paradigm (through common objectives, through targets to fulfil based on these general objectives, through policies, strategies and institutional mechanisms, and through setting competencies based on sectorial Eurasian conventions, integrated in the mega-project)

Promotion of peace and prosperity in the region

Development of a multiple strategy for the transport of resources, through the diversification of pipeline networks12, creation of a Eurasian network of pipelines and a Eurasian power strategy (including the development of green energy and alternative sources of energy)

Increasing the level of trust and solidarity among the countries participating in the mega-project

Development of good neighbour relations among the countries participating in the mega-project and encouraging the initiation of mechanisms for dialogue and trilateral cooperation, in order to identify certain common objectives regarding the elaboration of sectoral/zonal components of the mega-project

Creation of a coherent Eurasian policy for regional security and securing the external borders of the area covered by the mega-project

Creation of a common Eurasian policy regarding the security issues on the border with Afghanistan (including the adjustment of certain SCO components to such an objective)

Development of a common economic strategy for the states in the area covered by the mega-project (including the financial, commercial, development and investment aspects) and creation of certain areas of free exchange among the states participating in the mega-project

Creation of common energy projects, based on a common energy agendapreceding a common energy policy for the states participating in the mega-project (including the addition and adjustment of the Russian project regarding the “unified energy market” and of preferential energy agreements)

White Paper of Eurasian Diplomacy (issued by an independent structure of experts attached to the Eurasian Council of Dialogue and Cooperation) and a Common Working Agenda, with Eurasian diplomatic objectives to fulfil by 2020.

A set of common objectives and targets to fulfil progressively, through the Eurasia mega-project:

Creating a “common area (Eurasia) of prosperity, stability and safety”, through the common effort of all the participating states

Creating advanced cooperation mechanisms among the participating Eurasian states, in strategic or key sectors for the development of the mega-project (cores of sectorial cooperation among minimum 5 participating states, with the possibility to be subsequently open to other Eurasian states participating in the mega-project)

Initiating mechanismsof bilateral, trilateral and multilateral cooperation among all the states participating in the mega-project, for the consolidation of a network of agreements covering the Eurasian area, with the states in this area as participants

Initiating mechanisms and forms of sectorial integration within a group of Eurasian states participating in the mega-project, which can develop subsequently

Adding parts of projects or entire projects, initiated by certain Eurasian states (the OBOR project, for example), with new, open dimensions forthe states participating in the mega-project.

NOTESAuthors are directly responsible for the choice and presentation of data contained in the articles, of their authenticity and originality, as well as their own opinions. The wording and presentation of the text is not always the opinion of the GeoPolitica Magazine and are not binding in any way editorial responsibility.

Reproduction in whole or in part of any written or illustrative material in this publication is prohibited without a written permission from the publisher.

Editors assume no responsibility for the content of material submitted by sponsors.