Tuesday, 25 November 2014

A STUDY OF EARLY INDO-CHINESE COMMERCIAL ROUTES: LINKAGES AND INTERACTION

This
is an attempt to amalgamate diverse aspects of early Indo-Chinese commercial
linkages and interactions such as the trade routes, the commercial centers and
its items exchanged. Even, this could be established from the various
historical accounts that early Indo-Chinese interface was always two ways
traffic and the elements of exchange may be categorized as material-religious,
through the different trans-continentals commercial routes from second century B.C.
to eighth Century A.D. The Chinese silk was in great demands among the Buddhist
monks, traders and ruling families of early India.

Although,
religion was important institution which synchronized social life but urbanization
was negated and discouraged in Brahminical literary traditions. These literary tradition advised the king to
regulate urban life by banishing bad elements including men living by showing
their proficiency in arts, and clever ‘harlots’ and those non-Aryan who
consider themselves as Aryans. But the development of the Mahayana school of
Buddhism in the early Christian era enlarged the numbers of Buddhist lay
adherents. Traders and guilds supported monasteries financially. An urban
culture was born in a Buddhist community and mercantile community. The artisans
and Buddhist monasteries crystallized in the explosion of Buddhist arts and
monasteries. Still more mystifying is the fixing up of the first commercial
contact between Chinese and the Indians. Though some of the scholars did try to
trace and establish the commercial contact between these two ancient civilizations
of Asia as back as to the 4th century B.C.1, but there is no
definite historical record as yet to establish this.

Certainly, it is an accepted belief that the
commercial and the spiritual contacts between these two ancient societies took
place through the silk routes. The early Indo-Chinese linkages and interactions
were established by the selfless Buddhist monks of both ancient societies who used
to carry and spread the message of love and peace, which Buddha delivered to
balm the ailing and suffering mankind. The cultural interaction between these
great societies was primarily initiated by the Chinese.However; the great
achievements of these iconoclasts are not recorded in early history of Chinese
and Indian History. Thus, these unsung torch-bearers of Indian civilization in
China remain unknown.

In
fact, for many centuries the Chinese society was primarily agrarian in nature,
with no urbanization, but this, closed economy of China was transformed into
trade economy by these trans-continental routes and ultimately economic
interaction and urbanization came into being in early China. Moreover, the
Chinese silk was in great demands in East and West. China fulfilled this ever increasing
demand of silk in world market, sometimes through Indian traders-who served as
middleman.2

Kautilya
also indorses silk trade with China, which clearly throws light on the regular
commercial linkages between early India and early China. Kautilya specifically depicts two
types of commodities of Chinese origin, skins and fabrics of Chinese
manufacture3,even this is supported by the report given by the
Chinese envoy Chang Kien- being the first to negotiate the route across Chinese
Turkestan and sojourned in Bactria (127 B.C.) He found to his great surprise
that bamboos and textiles from southwestern China were sold in the local market
but were not exported by China itself. Rather on enquiry, he learnt that these
were brought to eastern India
through upper Burma, and
then carried the whole way across north India. 3A

Interestingly,
the early Indian secular and religious traditions inform us about two kinds of
commercial routes between China and India. But this trade was regularly
hampered on account of constant wars. The trade, therefore, remained confined
within the frontiers of the country and later on extended to the boundaries of
the other countries.4

I

In
fact, the overland routes played very significant role in commercial and
cultural linkages which ultimately, facilitated interaction between early India
and China: The Indo-Chinese pilgrim routes, the Indo-Assam-Burma-China route
and Indo-Tibetan-China routes were the major routes of commercial and cultural
exchange. Thus, the merit and demerits of overland routes like those of the sea
appear to have been realized as early as fourth century B.C. by both Kautilya
and his preceptor. Though, Kautilya and his preceptor differed on certain
issues. The question of overland routes was also subject of difference when his
preceptor held that overland routes, viz-a-viz the sea routes, were more
expensive and less productive in realizing profits, Kautilya disagreed with
this view as he firmly held that overland routes were not liable to obstruction.5

Early
India had several mountain Passes in the North-East and North West frontiers
through which overland commercial linkages and interactions were experienced
between early China and India, Burma and other Indo-Chinese countries on the North.
From the North-Eastern frontiers of India,
i.e. from the Assam hills, several overland commercial routes connected early
India with China.6 B.R. Deeapk, states that Assam-Burma and Yunnan
route originated in Chengdu, Sichuan province of China and entered Dali, Bashan
and Tang Chong of Yunnan province. From Yunnan
it passed through the northern part of Burma
and entered Assam in the
North-East of India.
The Southern silk route finally merged with the Central Asian route.7
It is believed that this was the earliest route for Indo-Chinese interaction
and commercial linkages. Long before second century B.C., Chinese Cotton was
carried through this route to Bactria via Uttrapatha. From Campa Chinese goods
were dispatched to all commercial markets of early India. Through this overland
route, Chinese silk came to Bharakaccha which later was exported to the markets
of Selevcia and Alexandria.8 P.C. Bagchi, argues that the
Assam-Burma route to China
which started from Pataliputra passed through Campa, Kajangala and
Pundravardhana and extended to Kamarup. From Assam three commercial routes went
to Burma, one, through the valleys of the Brahmaputra up to Patkoi range and
then through its Passes up to upper Burma, and second through Manipur up to the
Chindwin Valley, and the third through Arakan up to the Trawadi valley. These
three routes converged on the frontier of Burma
near Bhamo and then moved further over mountains and across river valleys to
Yunnan-fu i.e. Kunming, in the Southern province of China.9

From
Bactria, the western gateway of India several routes led to China through
Central Asia. China explored the trade routes which crossed that territory in
order to export to India and the west. It was through this great commercial
interacting caravan of business that India and China came to know each other so
well. The exports include porcelain, paper, ginger and various fruits, as well
as the treasured silk which was so important an industry, as to give its name
to the silk road, or Central Asian Road,10 across which silks were
carried to Indian market or west through Indian market.

Surprisingly,
the founding of this caravan trade through the commercial route led to the
exploration of the long and dangerous route across the desert stretch which is
known as Gobi. It was by means of this commercial linkage and interaction that
symbiotic and friendly relationships were established between people who
otherwise might have never met. This commercial route between early China and India
however, did not only carry traders, merchants and patient, camel-drivers. But
also a wholly different class of men whose hearts were not set on gaining any
advantage from exchange of the rich produce of one land with that of another,
nor were they interested in the subjugation of any small kingdoms by a great
and strong empire, even though that great empire were their own native land.
They were pilgrims, monks, who craved knowledge and were convinced that the
source of knowledge lay in the distant land of India where the young prince
Gautama had lived. These inquisitive minds trod the length of this commercial
route from India to the cities of China and from China across the Pamir’s to
India. They became the medium for the spread of Buddhism through silk route
from India to China. Thus the
Buddhist ideology revolutionized the cultural commercial life of the people of
Indian and Chinese,11 the Chinese traveler, Fa-Hien, had also taken
this route from Ch’ang-ngan, passed through Lung and Western part of Shen-Se
and eastern part of Kan-Suh, crossed the mountain of Yang low to reach the
emporium of Chang-yih. From there, he visited the kingdom
of Shen-Shon, to the south and not far
from LakeNoo into which the Tarim flows.

After
a month and five days, he arrived at Yu-teen (Khotn), a large district on the
south-west of Gobi desert. Khotan, according
to Heiun Tsang, was a colony of Indians settled there by Kunala, the crown
prince of Asoka. Its capital was Yotkan, from where the routes passed through
Danalan, Ulik, Niya, Endre and others centers of Buddhism and commercial
contact with India.12 Another important routes passed through the
southern basin of the Tarim river of Tun-huang, which was the western port
confine of China proper. Hieun-Tsang and Marco polo also had followed this
track through the desert,13 besides these, even the northern routes
was also important from the point of Indian commerce and cultural interaction with China. The route
between Kashgar and Kuch was an important trade settlement, 14 that
passed along Faizabad, Mahalbashi, UehTurfan
and Aks. From Kuch, this route merged with the main route coming via Khotan to
Tum-huong.15

However,
we learn about the Indo-Tibetan route from the experience of a Chinese pilgrim,
Heiun-Tsang in 627 A.D. On leaving China, he traveled across the desert,
finally reached Tibet. From, there with the aid of King Strongbtsan Syampo’s
Chinese wife, he was safely escorted to Jullundur in the Punjab. This route was
abandoned during seventh and eighth centuries because of political tension
between China and Tibet; but appears to have been current only in tenth century
when a Chinese traveler, Ki-ye returned to China through this route.16

II

However,
the existence of sea routes for commercial contacts and linkages has been the
hall mark of early Indian traditions. Therefore, it is difficult to accept the Kautilya
belief that the water route was liable to destruction was not permanent, and a
source of imminent dangers as it was incapable of defence.17 R.N. Saletore
rightly argues that, “it is surprising that Kautilya symbolic of royal power,
should have held such a view and could only have come to such conclusion in the
absence of a strong sea- power and probably from an ignorance of the real
position of sea - ways.”18 The main threat at sea were the pirates whose
ship, bound for the country of an enemy as well as those which violated the
customs and rules in force in ports towns, were recommended to be destroyed,
who thus could have both obstructive, destructive and dangerous. But sea routes
could hardly have been dubbed indefensible unless the sea power of the
government was extremely feeble to cope with their defenses. If these
objections had been really genuine and had actually existed during Mauryan
supremacy then the foreign trade, about which Kautilya has given so many
details could hardly have been viable

However,
there were specific periods of the year during such sea voyages could be
undertaken between India and China. Villages on the sea-shores and lakes or
rivers had to pay a fixed amount of tax2. This could not be
interpreted to mean that there were no harbours from which a ship could not
sail out to the seas. Kautilya tells us that ships at harbours or on their way,
may be requested to pay tolls, 21 it is very clear in Arthasastra
that foreign traders, who often visited the country and those who were
known to local traders were allowed to land on ports.22

In fact,
Early India had an extensive sea board, since its borders were bounded on three
sides of the sea. It had a network of navigable rivers free from the freezing
effect of the cold climate. It is also noticed that the western as well as the
eastern coasts had a number of good commercial harbours and emporium which were
the trade units and partners of early Indian foreign trade. The early medieval
literary traditions of the Sino-Indian interface could be traced to the Han
dynasty (B.C. 206 - A.D. 220). The first information is provided by SiMaqion
(B.C. 145. B.C. 90) ,the Great Chinese historian in his master piece Shiji. The
traditions depicts that ZhangQian who was Han
envoy in the western regions returned to the court of Chinese emperor in 122
B.C.,23 through the sea route. The Jataka refers to some merchants who undertook the voyage to Suvarnabhumi
(Land of Gold)
for wealth and profit.24 wherefore; certain commercial routes
between India and China
were noticed. One commercial sea route started from Bharakaccha to the coast of
Suvarnbhumi.25 Ptolemy informs us
about another sea route, which was generally adopted by the merchants and
traders of Kalinga. The ships set- sail from Polura, near the mouth of the
Ganjam, would cross the Bay of Bengal for the Eastern Peninsula in the
Far-East.26 Bairam Srivastava argues that “for the traders of
Mathura, Katsambis, Varanasi and Campa the most convenient port was
Tamralipati. From Tamralipati the ships sailed on the open sea for Suvarnabhumi
and other countries like Yanadvipa, Campa and Kamboja.”27 Mission
from Funan, which started from India, in the first Century A.D. actually landed
on the part of Tamarlipati.

The MalayanPeninsula also played a very important
part in the maritime activities of the Indians in the Far-East since long
before the Christian era. It was the central place between India and China. Its famous port was Takkola,
which may be identified with Takua Pa, 28 a Chinese ambassador
during the Wu dynasty while going to India come to the port of Takkola and then
took the route to India through gulf of Martaban. 29 Java also
played an equally important role in the trade between early India and Far-East.30
It was colonized in the first century AD, by Aji Saka of Gujarat. Later on,
Indian traders developed their direct commercial relations with China in the
second century A.D., during the regime of Deva Varman a Hindu king of Java.31
According to the Chinese tradition, the king of Campa sent an ambassador in
about 240-245 A.D. It took nearly one year to reach the mouth of Ganga from
Campa. 32 The commercial route from Campa to Southern China was a
direct one,33 the trader from Tabal in Kamboja could reach Canton,
the most important emporium of Southern China, within a few days.34

The
Chinese travelers, who visited India
and returned to their home through sea routes, often recounted their journey.
One such, probably the best Chinese description is given by Fa- Hien, who tells
us how he left Tamralepti for Ch’ang Kwang sailing down to Ceylon with a
favourable wind, he embarked on board a ship which had more than two hundreds
merchants and it had a tailor-boat which was small in size and tied to the larger
vessel to serve as a life-boat in cases of emergency. The traders in extreme
and difficult sea condition were constrained to throw over-board many of their
heavier cargoes, which involved considerable losses to the unfortunate
merchants.35 The utter helplessness and the agonies of these
miserable merchants, who had obviously secured neither on adequate ship nor a
proper pilot, have been graphically described by Fa-Hien thus: “The merchants
were full of terror, not knowing where they were going. After more than ninety
days, they arrived at country called Javadvipa.” Again, embarking there from in
another merchant who was also carrying more than two hundred men, they
transported provisions for fifty days and they continued the voyage on the l6th
days of the fourth month. Then they took a course to the north-east intending
to proceed to Kwang-Chero.36 Fa-Hien took 172 days or five months
and twenty-two days from Ceylon
to reach Kwang-tung in China.
In A.D. 453 a Chinese Buddhist called Dharmakrama, had also undertaken the sea
route from Southern India on his way back to China. The 6th century
saw a continued development of many such interactions and linkages between
early India and China. In A.D.
526 Bodhidharma, the great patriarch of Indian Buddhism, who was the son of a
king of Southern India, “reached Canton
by sea”. He was received with the honour due to his age and Character, and
invited to Nanking, where the Emperor of South China held his court.37
BeaI while referring to the life of Heiun-Tsang alludes to Baskarvarmana as
having asked the great teacher that he would be escorted by his officials if he
preferred returning back to China by the Southern sea route,38 it
indicates that the king of Assam Baskarvarmana had his control over the
commercial sea-route leading to China.39 Evidences of a regular sea-
service from Kwang-Tung and the capital of Sri Vijaya, can also be found in
history. I-Tsing tells us that it took him more than ten days to reach Kwang -Tang
to reach Ka-Cha from here he left a north-westerly direction, reached
Tamralipati in “about half a month time”. He further states that “from Sri Bhoja they sailed to
ka-cha and, after a voyage of more than ten days they came to the country of
naked people and from there proceeded to Tamralipati.40 l-Tsing
seems to have taken about four months to reach from Tomralipati to Kwang-tung
by sea. A Japanese text of the mid 8th century A.D. states that
heavily laden merchant ships from India and Malaya regularly visited the part
of Canton.41 An Indian monk named Bodhisena, a Brahman a of south India, set out for China by sea, and met on the
way a priest of North India named Buttetsu a standard victim of ship wreck.
They arrived together in China
in 733 A.D., and then went to Japan
in a ship in 736 A.D. 42

During
the Tang period (A.D. 618 to A.D. 907), the commercial interaction and linkages
with early India reached he
highest peak in China.
Thousands of Indian travelers thronged the principle cities in China. The
period also witnessed a great development of the sea -borne trade interaction
between India and China. An
account written about 749 A.D. refers to the numerous traders and merchants
belonging to the Poloman (i.e. Brahman of
India) sailing in the river of Canton. Coins of Tang dynasty have been
discovered in South India.43 The Chinese annals contain references
to a kingdom called San-fo-tsi (Sailandra Empire) sent embassies to China in 904, 960-62, 971-72, 974-75, 980 and
983 A.D., for strengthening of trade relations with China. In 971 A.D., a regular shipping
- house is said to have been opened at Canton
and two more subsequently at later periods, came up. These were frequented by
the merchants from San-fo-tsi and other places in the East-Indies.44

III

The
journeys of Buddhists scholars and monks between India
and China
provide a convenient background for the understanding of commercial linkage and
interaction between two ancient societies. In the second century B.C., the
Chinese traveler Chang K’ien found that Chinese silk was imported into Bactria
via India, suggesting that even at this stage the Indian had not yet fully
mastered the art of spinning and weaving fine silks, which they certainly did
later. Besides silkworm another insect of commercial importance was the lace-insect,
which provide both the resin used for shellac, and also the dye known as lace.
The above fact was also established by the great Chinese historian in his
masterpiece Shiji. Xinanyizhuan. The record narrates that ZhangQian
who was Han enemy in the eastern regions returned to
the royal court in 122 B.C., he reported to the Emperor, that while in Bactria, he saw
clothes made in Shu and the walking sticks of bamboo. When asked where these
things came from the man answered’, “these are from Shenda (Sindhu) served
thousands from here in the south-east, we bought them at the Shu merchant’s
market there.”45 From this statement, it can be surmised that,
during the times of the Emperor Wu in 122 B.C. and the Bactrian traders used to
go to India and there trade in Chinese cloths and bamboos which were sold in
India by the Chinese businessman of Shu.46 This establishes the fact
that Chinese goods must have been sold in Indian market, and Chinese
businessmen had their own shops along with their Indian counterparts. This also
shows that Indian traders had pronounced close commercial linkage and
interaction with their Chinese counterparts, who seem to have been given the
facility of setting up their own shops in Indian Territory. The records of
grand historians of China
throw some further light on the commercial aspiration of Bactria which was eager to open trade relation
directly with China
apparently through the northern routes but, as the Huna were blocking that route;
such a course was not feasible. The Chinese emperor, Wu, tried to reach to the
Bactrians through the South-western land route to India but the South-Western
barbarians of K’un-ming did not let it happen. It shows that north and south
routes were controlled by the barbarians and to that extent the trade of China,
particularly in silk, must have been affected. But for them a trade might,
therefore, have been conducted, which would have proved prospers for the
inhabitants of China.
China was actually cut off
from both the northern and southern land routes, Chinese goods from the Shu province
came to India
where Chinese traders or businessmen sold them and these were purchased by the
merchants from Bactria.47

Uniquely,
the Kautilya policy regarding the import and exports of goods involved two main
principles: The first being public welfare and second being the public
prosperity. The import of such goods which were not easily available for
production purposes like seeds and goods of daily needs etc, were exempted from
payments of toll - charges which, if levied, would have only inflected the
price of a large number and variety of goods, intended for public consumption. Kautilya
argues that if article of trade was not beneficial to the welfare of the public
or any commodity was easily available, than its import was not permitted into
the country. In fact, the objective of public welfare is summed up by Kautilya
in his estimate of a king’s happiness, thus, “In the happiness of his subjects
lies his happiness; in their welfare, his welfare; whatever pleases him he
shall not consider as good, but whatever pleases his subject he shall consider
as good.”48 The Superintendent of Commerce had specific duties in fixing the prices of
merchandise imported from a distant country.49 The Office in-charge
of boundaries after carefully examining
foreign goods as to their quality and stamped them with his seal before sending
them on to the Superintendent of Toll.50

Interestingly,
during the Mauryan times special concessions were granted to foreign traders,
who come into the country for selling their goods and this shows the Mauryan
Kings were infavour of economic liberazition. Whenever weather-beaten ship
arrived at a port-town, the superintendent of Ships had to show fatherly
kindness to it. As regard quality of foreign goods of the village Accountant and
the district officer, puts spies, in the guise of merchants determined to such
goods arrived there, had to ascertain the amount of toll, road tariff,
conveyance cess.52Thus it is clear from the Arthasastra that
concerned officials had to observe that foreign traders were granted certain
concession but not spared in cases of offences. The state policy of bestowing
concessions to traders engaged in foreign trade seems to have continued down to
the early medieval terms. An inscription of a king named Visnusena (592 AD.)
refers that traders staying abroad for a year were not to pay the entrance fee
in the shape of toll while returning to their native place, but were to pay an
exit tax when they went out again. This kind of an exemption can be considered
an attempt to encourage foreign investment.

The
official histories, as well as unofficial sources, record numerous instances of
tribute to the Chinese emperor as acknowledgement of submission and as token of
good will, or to a trader’s payment to the emperor for permission to trade in
China,54 the donated items never went outside the palace in Chinese
markets. Various items such as, Coral, pearls, glass and certain kinds of
fragrances appear to be the important items exported from early India or through India
to China; Silk was the major
item exported from China to India.

Chinese
silk was the only Chinese item which had reached the Western regions of Central
Asia before the T’ang in large quantities, and because much silk was
transported to Roman market through India in order to bye pass the strife
ridden Roman and the Persians empires,55 The Buddhist traditions
reveal us that silk was used as s status item in decoration in Indian royalty56
- as industries, semi culture and weaving, were well established in India during
the Gupta periods. The wealth of the well known Mandason silk weaving guild
testifies to the prosperity of the silk trade.57 In the early
seventh century when Heiun-Tsang visited India, he listed silk as one of the
most popular materials for clothing in the country. But he used the word Kauseya
for the commonly worn silk fabric because it was obtained from a species of
wild silk worm.58 Heiun-Tsang clearly distinguished between the two kinds
of silk. Obviously the difference between Kauseya and Chinese silk was
quite clear.

China
exported both fine silk textiles and silk yarn to India, which controlled part
of the silk trade between China and Byzantine. Before the Byzantians acquired the knowledge of semi
culture, their silk industry was heavily dependent on Chinese yarn, which they
obtained from the Persians. The Persians in turn bought silk yarn from the
Central Asian and Indian traders. The Persians had to buy the Chinese silk from
India, and the Persians had
no direct trade links with China
as the Indians dealt in Chinese silk yarn. The Chinese silk Cinamasuka
was used by the Indian elite; it was woven from Chinese yarn in India.
But during the Gupta periods, the Chinese had already lost their monopoly over
the silk market. The decline of the Roman
market for the silk might have slowdown silk export and production in India. It was
due to the rise of the Byzantians Empire that almost made up for the loss of
Roman trade. Along with it many other luxury goods from Asia, came to occupy
importance in the Byzantian Court and Church.59 The Byzantian’s
emperor tried to get Ethiopian merchants to buy silk from India, but the Ethiopians
could not reach the source since, Persia monopolized the Chinese silk trade via
India and its seas.60

Thus,
it is important to recall the shift in trade tendencies and the resulted loss
to the Indian merchants as the Byzantians traders came to have a direct
commerce deal with their Chinese counterparts. This shift further loss back to
the Indian-Chinese traders as the Byzantians came to develop their own
technology in semi culture-as was the basis of trade monopoly late in the
century.61 In spite of these setbacks the silk industry continued to
prosper in India. Bana Bhatt (646 A.D.), refers to coconuts balanced on loops
made of slips of China silk hanging from yoke.62 This shows that
silk from China apparently continued to come to India, was in great demand
especially on festive occasions. This, however, should not be interpreted to
mean that there was no local industry of silk in the country as can be proved
from the words of Heiun-Tsang himself.63

In
fact, Silk consumption in India was closely related to the lives of elite
social groups-especially the urban and monastic elite, and also certain
religious needs and social customs, ritual and standards. This is evident from
the Mandasor Inscription on the silk-weaving guild which prohibits a woman from
meeting her lover in privacy until she has put on two silken garments.64
Kalidasa described its customary
significance during weddings in his works - Kumarsambhava
and Raghivamsa where both the bride
and bridge groom wear silk outfits.65 Silk banners were
indispensable during Buddhist ceremonies. Fa-Hien observed silk banners hung
over monks’ seats at a grand Buddhist ceremony held in Chieh-Ch’s. In Kashmir, silk banners were donated to the Buddha’s
garden near Sravasti and were also hung in the parade of the Buddha
image in Patilaputra.66 As official participation/delegations were
rare, most of these banners were donated by traders passing by or, by people
who bought these banners.

Another,
item Storax, was imported into India
from China,
which was used for perfumery and medicine. It was utilized as an ingredient for
manufacturing ointments and unguents.67 Aromatic, items of like
clove were also imported into India by Chinese traders.68 Aloe69
another ingredient for perfume, Skin and fabrics were also imported into India
from China.70

IV

This
two-way traffic of commercial exchange and linkage between early India and China
saw the export of “Sugar” from India
to China.
Although China
grew sugarcane since long but did not have technology of making Sugar. It is
important to state that the term sugar was not to be found in China’s first
dictionary Shuowen Jiezi compiled by
Xushen as early as that 100 A.D. The Sugar manufacturing is beyond doubt the
technology traveled to China from India, as word sugar, later on, came too
referred in the supplements of the above mentioned ‘dictionary. More convincing
evidence to this effect was found in XinTangshu
(New Tang Annals) which informs us
that the Chinese emperor T’ai Tsung (647 A.D.) sent a mission to India
to acquire the recipe of sugar making. This technology was later adopted and
improved by the sugar-cane groups of Yun-Cou, and resulted in the improvement
of its colour and taste.71

The
crystal was yet another precious metal from early India which was exported to a
China, during the sixth century A.D. Chang’s Yue work Mirrors of Four Loards of the Lian dynasty, informs us that huge
quantity of fine crystal “which belonged from western India, arrived in China”
by some merchants The sellers often quoted one million strings of copper coins.
The Chinese emperor ordered his officials to raise the sum as the treasury did
not hold enough to pay this amount. This reflects that such mirrors were highly
expensive.73

The
Buddhist literary traditions refer blue or green precious stone, primarily lapis.
Lazuli.74 a product of the Kashmir.75 Thus, it can be surmised that Indian artisans must
have been familiar with the technology of processing glass. B.B. Lal viewed
that “glassed titles in Texila reveal that Indian was skilful at molding large
pieces of glass,76 the glass bottle, boards and small artifacts were
buried along the reliquaries under Buddhist stupa.77

Various
other item of Indian export are refers in early Indian traditions, such as
Coral and Pearls. These items could gradually spread from the royal court to
the houses of other members of the elite, the Chinese aristocrats, Shih Ch’ung
and Wang K’ai, vied each other to
display their wealth. Wang K’ai boasted to Shih that he had received a
beautiful piece of Branch Coral two feet tall from emperor Wu of Chin.78
This indicates that after Chin period Chinese rulers of small states continued
to acquire Indian Coral. There were three possible commercial routs to ship the
Coral to China from India. The most
frequented route was the southern route to India the Periplus informs us that
the primarily destination of Coral in Roman Cargo ship was India and then India
to China. Pliny mentions that Coral was an highly treasured in India as Pearls
were in Rome.79 Hirth states that from the first century to sixth
centuries, the Syrian merchants continued to export Indian Corals along with
other goods for sale to Parthia and China.80 Coral beads along with
beads of other precious materials have been found in north Indian sites,81
still coral continued to fetch high prices in the Gupta and post Gupta’s times,
which appears that it was a item of luxury in early China and India. Coral was
also one of the treasures in the house of the rich courtesan Vasantsena.82
Dikshitar states that Coral necklaces, Conches were largely in demands in China
and the Chinese emperors were fascinated by the product of western India.83
Since, the India was the main market for Roman Coral, it follows that Coral
beads which have arrived in China passed mainly through India, on through Red
Sea to South China. S.K. Maity argues that Coral was transferred to North India
from South during Kalidasa times but M.S. Shukla negated his argument and
informs us about the fishing in and ornamental Coral was missing on the shores
of South India.84 From where did it originate? Is an unsettled
query, but certainly north India was the major exporter of Coral to China
before T’ang dynasty.

However, Fa-Hien informs us that the treasures
of the Buddhist communities in Ceylon and India, were full of many priceless
pearls .85 The Per plus reveals that the pearls from Persia were
lower quality than Indian Pearls, exported to Far-East.86 Marshal
found a casket full of various kinds of beads, including pearls, inside a Stupa
at Taxila, verifies the association of pearls with Buddhist building remains.
In North China pearls were also associated
with Buddhist remains. A few hundred pearls were found in a casket under the
foundation of a Northern Wei monastery, and also around the foundation of a
famous Yung-ning Stupa in the Northern Wer Loyang.87 Thus, the
finding of Indian Pearls under the foundation of Buddhist shrines suggests the
trade in pearls between early China and India.

Conclusion

Thus,
from the above exhaustive discussion, it can be conveniently inferred that
trans-countries commercial routes played a leading and decisive role to harmonize
the unevenly distributed economic resources between the Indian and the Chinese
- the two ancient civilization of world from the fourth century B.C. They
referred different commercial and cultural routes facilitated the flow of
luxurious goods from places-where they were plentiful, to those where scarcity
prevailed. This set right the balance of surplus production. With the growth of
agriculture, the village economy of the people gradually changed its character
because of the plethoric growth of towns, especially on the land and sea routes
and the centers of pilgrimage, commercial linkages and interaction between
China and India.

The
Chinese standard histories, with such inter developmental reforms, detail the
goods like Coral, pearls, glass, sugar and certain kinds of fragrances that were
exported from or through India
to China, with silk being
the major item of import from China.

This
active trade between the two ancient societies funneled the transmission of
Buddhism to China
in the first century A.D. The increased intellectual communication of the
Buddhist monks helped in spreading of knowledge, cultural communion and
understanding of the two civilizations. Mutuality came to be the hallmark of
the age because besides traders, the pilgrims and monks traveled in caravans on
the arduous routes. The Buddhist monks became agents of commerce and carried
goods viz silks, corals, pearls, Buddhist texts, irons, relics to defray their
travel coasts, and thereby patronage and received hospitality because of self
sufficiency.89 Silk, corals, pearls and crystal acquired sanctity as
these were pursued for religious purposes, especially in relic worship. The
relic of the Buddha gained in commercial value when
there was a market demand for it. Since the Buddhist relics came to be valued
as treasures, the otherwise luxury goods trade thus, came to play special role
in the development of Buddhism. This developed a desire to donate and enlarged
the market for goods listed as the seven treasures, even though these had to be
transported from India.
Thus, without the trade in non-indigenous goods such as corals and pearls from
north India, and without the foreign market which raised the value of products
controlled by Indians, such as lapis Lazuli and crystal, the maturation of the
concept of seven treasures would have been impossible. The Buddhist theological
developments, therefore, provided a new market by creating the ritual needs for
certain goods. The concept of sharing merits encouraged lay devotes to worship
and denote, therefore, increased the demands for the exchange of gods between
Indio-China via trans-countries routes.

The
trade between China and India
even though, was only for the satisfaction of a small elite segment of the both
the ancient societies, yet its impact on the economy of these societies was a
reaching and permanent. Simultaneously, it also alludes to the social and-
economic disparities in both ancient societies of the world, which were/are
suggestive of the class war, as did finally take place in the modern age. It
can be, therefore, conclusively said the 20th century went into the 21st
century - with a shift which extenuates the ancient concept of mutuality and
self reliance through-once the old, and now the modernized commercial routes,
linkages and cultural interaction. History yet again repeats itself but with an
ostensible difference.

Theravada (or Hinayana, 'the lesser vehicle' ~ the Buddhism of Sri Lanka, Thailand and Burma) Buddhism just recognises Sakyamuni (and perhaps Maitreya and a few others) and so Amoghashiddi will be referred to as Sakyamuni (or Shakyamuni) with hands in Abhaya Mudra, etc.,cause and effect