This chapter focuses on the instrumental approach of all five permanent members to the Council as a resource for their own purposes, in effect their instrumental multilateralism. It addresses ...
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This chapter focuses on the instrumental approach of all five permanent members to the Council as a resource for their own purposes, in effect their instrumental multilateralism. It addresses conceptions of legality, legitimacy, representation, and democracy in the Council, seeking to draw lessons from the Council’s drift into decision-making in a legal-regulatory (rather than politico-military) mode, not least with respect to accountability. It also examines some of the challenges the UN and its Member States face when attempting peacebuilding, perhaps better thought of as (responsible) state-building.Less

Conclusions: Serious Consequences: How Twenty‐Five Years of Involvement with Iraq Has Changed the Security Council

David M. Malone

Published in print: 2006-06-22

This chapter focuses on the instrumental approach of all five permanent members to the Council as a resource for their own purposes, in effect their instrumental multilateralism. It addresses conceptions of legality, legitimacy, representation, and democracy in the Council, seeking to draw lessons from the Council’s drift into decision-making in a legal-regulatory (rather than politico-military) mode, not least with respect to accountability. It also examines some of the challenges the UN and its Member States face when attempting peacebuilding, perhaps better thought of as (responsible) state-building.

The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state ...
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The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.Less

The Structuring of Social Citizenship: A Theoretical Framework

Maurizio Ferrera

Published in print: 2005-11-24

The chapter surveys the “state-building” literature and discusses, in particular, the works of Stein Rokkan and of Albert Hirschman, highlighting their usefulness for studying welfare state developments. An original analytical framework is proposed for the exploration of spatial politics, based on a combination of “vocality” and “locality” options. The chapter then discusses the emergence and evolution of modern citizenship as a form of spatial closure, and proposes an interpretation of social rights as products of structuring processes.

The Pax Americana has produced remarkable political order in Europe and Northeast Asia. For decades, the US has sought to expand this international order into the Middle East. This effort, however, ...
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The Pax Americana has produced remarkable political order in Europe and Northeast Asia. For decades, the US has sought to expand this international order into the Middle East. This effort, however, has sparked a backlash against the US, globalisation, and Westernisation. With state elites now largely co-opted into the Pax Americana, opposition takes the form of ‘private’, non-state actors using terrorist methods. The US response to the global insurgency has included counterterrorism and regime change, but state-building has become the dominant strategy. The core problem in state-building, however, is that though the US and its allies seek legitimacy for the states they build, they also aim to appoint local leaders willing to cooperate in the global war on terror and other elements of the Pax Americana. These ‘loyal’ leaders can govern only autocratically in ways that foment further opposition. State-building as counterinsurgency strategy is counter-productive. The first section of this chapter explains the spread of the Pax Americana; the second briefly describes the reaction to this expansion, focusing on the current global insurgency; the third probes the counter-reaction, highlighting the role of state-building; the Conclusion argues that given a choice between expansion or retrenchment, the US should lean towards the latter.Less

The Global Insurgency : Action and Reaction in Contemporary World Politics

David A. Lake

Published in print: 2015-11-12

The Pax Americana has produced remarkable political order in Europe and Northeast Asia. For decades, the US has sought to expand this international order into the Middle East. This effort, however, has sparked a backlash against the US, globalisation, and Westernisation. With state elites now largely co-opted into the Pax Americana, opposition takes the form of ‘private’, non-state actors using terrorist methods. The US response to the global insurgency has included counterterrorism and regime change, but state-building has become the dominant strategy. The core problem in state-building, however, is that though the US and its allies seek legitimacy for the states they build, they also aim to appoint local leaders willing to cooperate in the global war on terror and other elements of the Pax Americana. These ‘loyal’ leaders can govern only autocratically in ways that foment further opposition. State-building as counterinsurgency strategy is counter-productive. The first section of this chapter explains the spread of the Pax Americana; the second briefly describes the reaction to this expansion, focusing on the current global insurgency; the third probes the counter-reaction, highlighting the role of state-building; the Conclusion argues that given a choice between expansion or retrenchment, the US should lean towards the latter.

This chapter reconstructs the European and American patterns of state, nation, and democracy building to show the different authority structures that emerged in the 19th century — and thus the ...
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This chapter reconstructs the European and American patterns of state, nation, and democracy building to show the different authority structures that emerged in the 19th century — and thus the institutionalization of different modalities of partisan politics in the 20th century. The different processes of political development in Europe and America has brought into being two distinct political orders on the two shores of the Atlantic. In the European nation-states the political order was constructed around the experience and the idea of the state. In both early state-builders and late state-builders, the state has become the natural container of the nation. In America, on the other hand, nationality has been the product of the democratic process, not its precondition. Nation and democracy went together, the one defining the other. It was the democratic process which defined the boundaries of the nation.Less

Differentiation in authority structures: state, nation, and democracy in Europe and America

Sergio Fabbrini

Published in print: 2007-11-15

This chapter reconstructs the European and American patterns of state, nation, and democracy building to show the different authority structures that emerged in the 19th century — and thus the institutionalization of different modalities of partisan politics in the 20th century. The different processes of political development in Europe and America has brought into being two distinct political orders on the two shores of the Atlantic. In the European nation-states the political order was constructed around the experience and the idea of the state. In both early state-builders and late state-builders, the state has become the natural container of the nation. In America, on the other hand, nationality has been the product of the democratic process, not its precondition. Nation and democracy went together, the one defining the other. It was the democratic process which defined the boundaries of the nation.

Examines the process of bargaining over the creation of new rules and institutions after radical regime transitions. The analysis addresses the limited but important class of cases where a weakened ...
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Examines the process of bargaining over the creation of new rules and institutions after radical regime transitions. The analysis addresses the limited but important class of cases where a weakened central authority—whether constituted by the provinces or established as a legacy of imperial administration—must win the support or acquiescence of a minimal coalition of territorial actors in order to remain in power. It focuses on the relationship between cohesiveness achieved and impartiality of administration, with particular regard to the mode of the bargaining between central and provincial elites during the state‐building process. It then tests this theoretical account against the experiences of post‐communist Russia and Ukraine, of the consolidating Indian states in and around 1947, and of other post‐colonial cases.Less

Steven L. Solnick

Published in print: 2002-03-14

Examines the process of bargaining over the creation of new rules and institutions after radical regime transitions. The analysis addresses the limited but important class of cases where a weakened central authority—whether constituted by the provinces or established as a legacy of imperial administration—must win the support or acquiescence of a minimal coalition of territorial actors in order to remain in power. It focuses on the relationship between cohesiveness achieved and impartiality of administration, with particular regard to the mode of the bargaining between central and provincial elites during the state‐building process. It then tests this theoretical account against the experiences of post‐communist Russia and Ukraine, of the consolidating Indian states in and around 1947, and of other post‐colonial cases.

Peace operations are the UN's flagship activity. Over the past decade, UN blue helmets have been dispatched to evermore challenging environments from the Congo to Timor to perform an expanding set of ...
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Peace operations are the UN's flagship activity. Over the past decade, UN blue helmets have been dispatched to evermore challenging environments from the Congo to Timor to perform an expanding set of tasks. From protecting civilians in the midst of violent conflict to rebuilding state institutions after war, a new range of tasks has transformed the business of the blue helmets into an inherently knowledge-based venture. But all too often, the UN blue helmets, policemen, and other civilian officials have been ‘flying blind’ in their efforts to stabilize countries ravaged by war. The UN realized the need to put knowledge, guidance and doctrine, and reflection on failures and successes at the center of the institution. Building on an innovative multidisciplinary framework, this study provides a first comprehensive account of learning in peacekeeping. Covering the crucial past decade of expansion in peace operations, it zooms into a dozen cases of attempted learning across four crucial domains: police assistance, judicial reform, reintegration of former combatants, and mission integration. Throughout the different cases, the study analyzes the role of key variables as enablers and stumbling blocks for learning: bureaucratic politics, the learning infrastructure, leadership, as well as power and interests of member states. Building on five years of research and access to key documents and decision-makers, the book presents a vivid portrait of an international bureaucracy struggling to turn itself into a learning organization.Less

The New World of UN Peace Operations : Learning to Build Peace?

Thorsten BennerStephan MergenthalerPhilipp Rotmann

Published in print: 2011-06-01

Peace operations are the UN's flagship activity. Over the past decade, UN blue helmets have been dispatched to evermore challenging environments from the Congo to Timor to perform an expanding set of tasks. From protecting civilians in the midst of violent conflict to rebuilding state institutions after war, a new range of tasks has transformed the business of the blue helmets into an inherently knowledge-based venture. But all too often, the UN blue helmets, policemen, and other civilian officials have been ‘flying blind’ in their efforts to stabilize countries ravaged by war. The UN realized the need to put knowledge, guidance and doctrine, and reflection on failures and successes at the center of the institution. Building on an innovative multidisciplinary framework, this study provides a first comprehensive account of learning in peacekeeping. Covering the crucial past decade of expansion in peace operations, it zooms into a dozen cases of attempted learning across four crucial domains: police assistance, judicial reform, reintegration of former combatants, and mission integration. Throughout the different cases, the study analyzes the role of key variables as enablers and stumbling blocks for learning: bureaucratic politics, the learning infrastructure, leadership, as well as power and interests of member states. Building on five years of research and access to key documents and decision-makers, the book presents a vivid portrait of an international bureaucracy struggling to turn itself into a learning organization.

This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of Iran's experiences in state-building. It then discusses the prospects of democracy in Iran, Iranian history in the 20th century, and ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of Iran's experiences in state-building. It then discusses the prospects of democracy in Iran, Iranian history in the 20th century, and theories of state-building and democratization. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.Less

Introduction

Ali GheissariVali Nasr

Published in print: 2006-07-27

This introductory chapter begins with a brief discussion of Iran's experiences in state-building. It then discusses the prospects of democracy in Iran, Iranian history in the 20th century, and theories of state-building and democratization. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.

This chapter focuses on the state formation between 1941 and 1979. It examines key events and actors that determined the balance of power between state and society, development and opposition to it, ...
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This chapter focuses on the state formation between 1941 and 1979. It examines key events and actors that determined the balance of power between state and society, development and opposition to it, and the eventual concentration of power in the Pahlavi state between 1954 and 1979. The evolution of various ideologies and their effects on Iranian politics is also discussed.Less

The Triumph of the State, 1941–1979

Ali GheissariVali Nasr

Published in print: 2006-07-27

This chapter focuses on the state formation between 1941 and 1979. It examines key events and actors that determined the balance of power between state and society, development and opposition to it, and the eventual concentration of power in the Pahlavi state between 1954 and 1979. The evolution of various ideologies and their effects on Iranian politics is also discussed.

Chapter 4 shifts the geographical focus to the urban edge of metropolitan centers, and from urban to rural land. It outlines the land battles between expansionist urban ...
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Chapter 4 shifts the geographical focus to the urban edge of metropolitan centers, and from urban to rural land. It outlines the land battles between expansionist urban governments at the municipal and district levels and rural governments at the county and township levels. The struggle between urban and rural governments is set in the historical shift in which industrialism has largely given way to urbanism since the late 1990s. Drawing on the changing political discourse, urban governments have moved to incorporate scattered industrial estates formerly controlled by rural governments. As a result, the urban fringe becomes a primary site of capital accumulation, territorial expansion, and consolidation vital to urban governments' local state‐building projects. The urban government's logic of property‐based accumulation and territorial expansion builds on itself and finds expression in massive‐scale mega projects like “new cities” and “university cities” built on former village land in the outskirts of the city.Less

You‐tien Hsing

Published in print: 2010-01-21

Chapter 4 shifts the geographical focus to the urban edge of metropolitan centers, and from urban to rural land. It outlines the land battles between expansionist urban governments at the municipal and district levels and rural governments at the county and township levels. The struggle between urban and rural governments is set in the historical shift in which industrialism has largely given way to urbanism since the late 1990s. Drawing on the changing political discourse, urban governments have moved to incorporate scattered industrial estates formerly controlled by rural governments. As a result, the urban fringe becomes a primary site of capital accumulation, territorial expansion, and consolidation vital to urban governments' local state‐building projects. The urban government's logic of property‐based accumulation and territorial expansion builds on itself and finds expression in massive‐scale mega projects like “new cities” and “university cities” built on former village land in the outskirts of the city.

During the 1990s, modesty in expectations remained the leitmotif of international humanitarian operations in places like Cambodia, Haiti, and East Timor. In Cambodia, human rights violations littered ...
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During the 1990s, modesty in expectations remained the leitmotif of international humanitarian operations in places like Cambodia, Haiti, and East Timor. In Cambodia, human rights violations littered much of the recent past and remain a continuing problem. Following Operation Uphold Democracy in Haiti, a 1995 lessons‐learned report noted that there is no US government doctrine integrating the military component of a complex humanitarian operation with the civilian agencies responsible for recovery. As for East Timor, while quite limited as a policy precedent, it will probably be considered the paradigmatic test case for international state building.Refugee policy needs to be more proactive, and a greater degree of international cooperation and a preventive orientation should animate humanitarian responses.Less

Variations on State Building and Refugees: Myth and Reality

Arthur C. Helton

Published in print: 2002-03-07

During the 1990s, modesty in expectations remained the leitmotif of international humanitarian operations in places like Cambodia, Haiti, and East Timor. In Cambodia, human rights violations littered much of the recent past and remain a continuing problem. Following Operation Uphold Democracy in Haiti, a 1995 lessons‐learned report noted that there is no US government doctrine integrating the military component of a complex humanitarian operation with the civilian agencies responsible for recovery. As for East Timor, while quite limited as a policy precedent, it will probably be considered the paradigmatic test case for international state building.

Refugee policy needs to be more proactive, and a greater degree of international cooperation and a preventive orientation should animate humanitarian responses.