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In mid-February 1917 awomen’s movement independentof political affiliation erupted inLine New York City, the stronghold of(5) the Socialist party in the Unitedstates. Protesting against the highcost of living, thousands of womenrefused to buy chickens, fish, andvegetables. The boycott shut.(10) down much of the City’s foodstuffsmarketing for two weeks, rivetingpublic attention on the issue offood prices, which had increasedpartly as a result of increased(15) exports of food to Europe that hadbeen occurring since the outbreakof the First World War.By early 1917 the Socialistparty had established itself as a(20) major political presence in NewYork City. New York Socialists,whose customary spheres ofstruggle were electoral work andtrade union organizing, seized the(25) opportunity and quickly organizedan extensive series of cost-oflivingprotests designed to directthe women’s movement towardSocialist goals. Underneath the(30) Socialists’ brief commitment tocost-of-living organizing lay abasic indifference to the issueitself. While some Socialists didview price protests as a direct(35) step toward socialism, mostSocialists ultimately sought todivert the cost-of-living movementinto alternative channels of protest.Union organizing, they argued,(40) was the best method through whichto combat the high cost of living.For others, cost-of-living or oganizingwas valuable insofar as it ledwomen into the struggle for suf-(45) frage, and similarly, the suffragestruggle was valuable insofar asit moved United States societyone step closer to socialism.Although New York’s Social-(50) ists saw the cost-of-living issueas, at best ,secondary or tertiaryto the real task at hand, the boycotters,by sharp contrast, joinedthe price protest movement out of(55) an urgent and deeply felt commitmentto the cost-of-living issue.A shared experience of swiftlydeclining living standards causedby rising food prices drove these(60) women to protest. Consumerorganizing spoke directly to theirdaily lives and concerns; theysaw cheaper food as a valuableend in itself. Food price protests(65) were these women’s way of organizingat their own workplace, asworkers whose occupation wasshopping and preparing food fortheir families.

(Q1)

The author suggests which of the following aboutthe New York Socialists’ commitment to the costof-living movement?A. It lasted for a relatively short period of time.B. It was stronger than their commitment to theSuffrage struggle.C. It predated the cost-of-living protests thatErupted in 1917.D. It coincided with their attempts to bring moreWomen into union organizing.E. It explained the popularity of the Socialistparty in New York City.

(Q2)It can be inferred from the passage that the goalof the boycotting women was theA. achievement of an immediate economicoutcomeB. development of a more socialistic societyC. concentration of widespread consumerprotests on the more narrow issue offood pricesD. development of one among a number ofdifferent approaches that the womenwished to employ in combating the highcost of living.E. attraction of more public interest to issuesthat the women and the New York Socialistsconsidered important.

(Q3)Which of the following best states the function of thepassage as a whole?A. To contrast the views held by the Socialist partyand by the boycotting women of New York Cityon the cost-of-living issueB. To analyze the assumptions underlying opposingviewpoints within the New York Socialistparty of 1917C. To provide a historical perspective on differentapproaches to the resolution of the cost-oflivingissue.D. To chronicle the sequence of events that ledto the New York Socialist party’s emergenceas a political powerE. To analyze the motivations behind the Socialistparty’s involvement in the women’s suffragemovement

(Q4)According to the passage ,most New YorkSocialists believed which of the following aboutthe cost-of-living movement?A. It was primarily a way to interest womenin joining the Socialist party.B. It was an expedient that was useful onlyinsofar as it furthered other goals.C. It would indirectly result in an increase inthe number of women who belonged tolabor unions.D. It required a long-term commitment butInevitably represented a direct stepToward socialism.E. It served as an effective complement tounion organizing

1. The author explicitly mentions this near (30). He says the commitment was brief, meaning that it only lasted a short time.

3. A is incorrect because the author mentions how the New York Socialist Party used the women to further their own goals. This can be seen in (25). B is incorrect because the author never mentions any opposing viewpoints. C is incorrect because the author never mentions any other perspectives. D is incorrect because the author never goes into any detail about the Party's history. The author simply mentions that they were a power.