The Life of Captain Matthew Flinders by Ernest Scott

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Section of the Staff of the French Army (2 volumes Paris 1910). ColonelPicard informed me that he did not intend to print the remainder,thinking that the ground was sufficiently covered by Professor HenriPrentout's admirable book L'Ile de France sous Decaen. I have, therefore,had the section relating to Flinders transcribed from the manuscript, andused it freely for this book.) Thus, when during the campaign of theRhine he found that his superior officer, General Jourdan, was takingabout with him as his aide-de-camp a lady in military attire, Decaen,with a solemnity that seems a little un-French under the circumstances,condemned the breach of the regulations as conduct "which was not that ofa father of a family, a legislator and a general-in-chief." As for thelady, "les charmes de cette maussade creature" merely evoked his scorn.It does not appear that Jourdan's escapade produced any ill effects in amilitary sense, but it was against the regulations, and Decaen was as yetas much lawyer as soldier.

When the revolutionary wars broke out, and France was ringed round by acoalition of enemies, the voice of "la patrie en danger" rang in the earsof the young student like a call from the skies. He was twenty-two yearsof age when two deputies of the Legislative Assembly came down to Caenand made an appeal to the manhood of the country to fly to arms. Decaen,fuming with patriotic indignation, threw down his quill, pitched hiscalf-bound tomes on to their shelf, and was the first to inscribe hisname upon the register of the fourth battalion of the regiment ofCalvados, an artillery corps. He was almost immediately despatched toMayence on the Rhine, where Kleber (who was afterwards to serve withdistinction under Bonaparte in Egypt) hard pressed by the Prussians,withdrew the French troops into the city (March, 1793) and prepared tosustain a siege.

Decaen rose rapidly, by reason not merely of his bull-dog courage andstubborn tenacity, but also of his intelligence and integrity. Hereceived his "baptism of fire" in an engagement in April, when Klebersent a detachment to chase a Prussian outpost from a neighbouring villageand to collect whatever forage and provisions might be obtained. He washonest enough to confess--and his own oft-proved bravery enabled him todo so unashamed--that, when he first found the bullets falling about him,he was for a moment afraid. "I believe," he wrote, "that there are fewmen, however courageous they may be, who do not experience a chill, andeven a feeling of fear, when for the first time they hear around them thewhistling of shot, and above all when they first see the field strewnwith killed and wounded comrades."* (* Memoires 1 13.) But he was asergeant-major by this time, and remembered that it was his duty to setan example; so, screwing up his courage to the sticking-place by aneffort of will, and saying to himself that it was not for a soldier ofFrance to quail before a ball, he deliberately wheeled his horse to thefront of a position where a regiment was being shaken by the enemy'sartillery fire, and by his very audacity stiffened the wavering troopsand saved the situation.

After the capitulation of Mayence in July, 1793, Decaen fought withdistinction in the war in La Vendee. In this cruel campaign he displayedunusual qualities as a soldier, and attained the rank ofadjutant-general. Kleber gave him a command calling for exceptionalnerve, with the comment, "It is the most dangerous position, and Ithought it worthy of your courage." It was Decaen, according to his ownaccount, who devised the plan of sending out a number of mobile columnsto strike at the rebels swiftly and unexpectedly. But though he wassucceeding in a military sense, these operations against Frenchmen, whilethere were foreign foes to fight beyond the frontiers, were thoroughlydistasteful to him. The more he saw of the war in La Vendee, and the moreterribly the thumb of the national power pressed upon the throat of therebellion, the more he hated the service. It was at his own solicitation,therefore, that he was transferred to the army of the Rhine in January,1795.

Here he served under the ablest general, saving only Bonaparte himself,whom the wars of the Revolution produced to win glory for French arms,Jean Victor Moreau. His bravery and capacity continued to win himadvancement. Moreau promoted him to the command of a brigade, andpresented him with a sword of honour for his masterly conduct of aretreat through the Black Forest, when, in command of the rear-guard, hefought the Austrians every mile of the road to the Rhine.

He became a general of division in 1800. At the battle of Hohenlinden,where Moreau concentrated his troops to give battle to the Austriansunder the Archduke John, Decaen performed splendid service; indeed it washe who chose the position, and recommended it as a favourable place fortaking a stand.* (* Memoires 2 89.) Moreau knew him well by now, and onthe eve of the fight (December 2nd) when he brought up his division tothe plateau in the forest of Ebersberg, where the village of Hohenlindenstands, and presented himself at headquarters to ask for orders, thecommander-in-chief rose to greet him with the welcome, "Ah, there isDecaen, the battle will be ours to-morrow." It was intended for apersonal compliment, we cannot doubt, though Decaen in his Memoires (2136) interpreted it to mean that the general was thinking of the 10,000troops whose arrival he had come to announce.

Moreau's plan was this. He had posted his main force strongly frontingthe Austrian line of advance, on the open Hohenlinden plateau. The enemyhad to march through thickly timbered country to the attack. The Frenchgeneral instructed Decaen and Richepance to manoeuvre their twodivisions, each consisting of 10,000 men, through the forest, round theAustrian rear, and to attack them there, as soon as they delivered theirattack upon the French front. The Archduke John believed Moreau to be infull retreat, and hurried his army forward from Haag, east ofHohenlinden, amid falling snow.

"By torch and trumpet fast array'dEach horseman drew his battle-blade,And furious every charger neigh'd To join the dreadful revelry.Then shook the hills with thunder riven;Then rush'd the steed, to battle driven,And louder than the bolts of Heaven Far flashed the red artillery."

Decaen's division marched at five o'clock on the morning of December 3rd,and shortly before eight the boom of the Austrian cannon was heard. Histroops pressed forward in a blinding snowstorm. An officer said that theguns seemed to show that the Austrians were turning the French position."Ah, well," said Decaen, "if they turn ours, we will turn theirs in ourturn." It was one of the few jokes he made in his whole life, and itexactly expressed the situation. The Austrian army was caught like a nutin a nut-cracker. Battered from front and rear, their ranks broke, andfugitives streamed away east and west, like the crumbled kernel of afilbert. Decaen threw his battalions upon their rear with a furiousvigour, and crumpled it up; and almost at the very moment of victory thesnow ceased to fall, the leaden clouds broke, and a brilliant sun shonedown upon the scene of carnage and triumph. Ten thousand Austrians werekilled, wounded, or taken prisoners, whilst 80 guns and about two hundredbaggage waggons fell as spoils to the French. In this brilliant victoryDecaen's skill and valour, rapidity and verve, had been of inestimablevalue, as Moreau was prompt to acknowledge.

The quick soldier's eye of Bonaparte recognised him at once as a man ofoutstanding worth. The Consulate had been established in December, 1799,and the First Consul was anxious to attach to him strong, able men. In1802 Decaen ventured to use his influence with the Government regardingan appointment to the court of appeal at Caen, for which Lasseret, hisold master in law, was a candidate; and we find Bonaparte writing toCambaceres, who had charge of the law department, that "if the citizenpossesses the requisite qualifications I should like to defer to thewishes of General Decaen, who is an officer of great merit."* (*Napoleon's Correspondance Document 5596.) He saw much of Bonaparte inParis during 1801 and 1802, when the part he had to play was an extremelydifficult one, demanding the exercise of tact and moral courage in anunusual measure. The Memoires throw a vivid light on the famous quarrelbetween Moreau and Napoleon, which in the end led to the exile of thevictor of Hohenlinden.

Moreau was Decaen's particular friend, the commander who had given himopportunities for distinction, one whom he loved and honoured as a manand a patriot. But he was jealous of Napoleon's success, was disaffectedtowards the consular government, and was believed to be concerned inplots for its overthrow. On the other hand, Napoleon was not only thehead of the State, but was the greatest soldier of his age. Decaen'sadmiration of him was unbounded, and Napoleon's attitude towards Decaenwas cordial. He tried to reconcile these two men whom he regarded withsuch warm affection, but failed. One day, when business was beingdiscussed, Napoleon said abruptly, "Decaen, General Moreau is conductinghimself badly; I shall have to denounce him." Decaen was moved to tears,and insisted that Napoleon was ill informed. "You are good yourself,"said the First Consul, "and you think everybody else is like you. Moreauis corresponding with Pichegru," whose conspiracy was known to theGovernment. "It is not possible." "But I have a letter which proves it."Moreover, Moreau was openly disrespectful to the Government. He hadpresented himself out of uniform on occasions when courtesy demanded thathe should wear it. If Moreau had anything to complain about, he did notmake it better by associating with malcontents. "He has occupied a highposition, which gives him influence, and a bad influence upon publicopinion hampers the work of the Government. I have not fallen here out ofthe sky, you know; I follow my glory. France wants repose, not moredisturbance." Decaen manfully championed his friend, "I am persuaded," hesaid, "that if you made overtures to Moreau you would easily draw himtowards you." "No," said Napoleon "he is a shifting sand." Moreau said toDecaen, "I am too old to bend my back"; but the latter was of opinionthat the real source of the mischief was that Moreau had married a youngwife, and that she and his mother-in-law considered they were entitled toas much attention as Madame Bonaparte received. Pride, jealousy andvanity, he declared, were the real source of the quarrel. Decaen, indeed,has a story that when Madame Moreau once called upon Josephine atMalmaison, she returned in an angry state of mind because she was not atonce admitted, bidding a servant tell her mistress that the wife ofGeneral Moreau was not accustomed to be kept waiting. The simpleexplanation was that Josephine was in her bath!

Decaen came to be appointed Governor of Ile-de-France in this way. Oneday, after dining with Napoleon at Malmaison, the First Consul took astroll with him, and in the course of conversation asked him what hewanted to do. "I have my sword for the service of my country," saidDecaen. "Very good," answered Napoleon, "but what would you like to donow?" Decaen then mentioned that he had been reading the history of theexploits of La Bourdonnaye and Dupleix in India, and was much attractedby the possibilities for the expansion of French power there. "Have youever been to India?" enquired Napoleon. "No, but I am young, and,desiring to do something useful, I should like to undertake a missionwhich I believe would not be likely to be coveted by many, having regardto the distance between France and that part of the world. And even if itwere necessary to spend ten years of my life awaiting a favourableopportunity of acting against the English, whom I detest because of theinjury they have done to our country, I should undertake the task withthe utmost satisfaction." Napoleon merely observed that what he desiredmight perhaps be arranged.

A few months later Decaen was invited to breakfast with Napoleon atMalmaison. He was asked whether he was still inclined to go to India, andreplied that he was. "Very well, then, you shall go." "In what capacity?""As Captain-General. Go and see the Minister of Marine, and tell him toshow you all the papers relative to the expedition that is in course ofbeing fitted out."

Under the treaty of Amiens, negotiated in 1801, Great Britain agreed torestore to the French Republic and its allies all conquests made duringthe recent wars except Trinidad and Ceylon. From the British point ofview it was an inglorious peace. Possessions which had been won in fairfight, by the ceaseless activity and unparalleled efficiency of the Navy,and by the blood and valour of British manhood, were signed away with astroke of the pen. The surrender of the Cape was especially lamentable,because upon security at that point depended the safety of India andAustralia. But the Addington ministry was weak and temporising, and wasalarmed about the internal condition of England, where dear food,scarcity of employment and popular discontent, consequent upon prolongedwarfare, made the King's advisers nervously anxious to put an end to thestruggle. The worst feature of the situation was that everybodythoroughly well understood that it was a mere parchment peace. Cornwalliscalled it "an experimental peace." It was also termed "an armistice" and"a frail and deceptive truce"; and though Addington declared it to be "noordinary peace but a genuine reconciliation between the two first nationsof the world," his flash of rhetoric dazzled nobody but himself. He wasthe Mr. Perker of politics, an accommodating attorney rubbing his handsand exclaiming "My dear sir!" while he bartered the interests of hisclient for the delusive terms of a brittle expediency.

Decaen was to go to India to take charge of the former French possessionsthere, under the terms of the treaty, and from Pondicherry was also tocontrol Ile-de-France (Mauritius) which the English had not taken duringthe war. Napoleon's instructions to him clearly indicated that he did notexpect the peace to endure. Decaen was "to dissimulate the views of theGovernment as much as possible"; "the English are the tyrants of India,they are uneasy and jealous, it is necessary to behave towards them withsuavity, dissimulation and simplicity." He was to regard his missionprimarily as one of observation upon the policy and military dispositionsof the English. But Napoleon informed him in so many words that heintended some day to strike a blow for "that glory which perpetuates thememory of men throughout the centuries." For that, however, it was firstnecessary "that we should become masters of the sea."* (* Memoires 2310.)

Decaen sailed from Brest in February, 1803. Lord Whitworth, the Britishambassador to Paris, watched the proceedings with much care, and promptlydirected the attention of his Government to the disproportionate numberof officers the new Captain-General was taking with him. The Governmentpassed the information on to the Governor-General of India, LordWellesley, who was already determined that, unless absolutely ordered soto do, he would not permit a French military force to land. Before Decaenarrived at Pondicherry, indeed, in June, 1803, Wellesley had received adespatch from Lord Hobart, Secretary of State for War and the Colonies,warning him that, notwithstanding the treaty of Amiens, "certaincircumstances render desirable a delay in the restitution of theirpossessions in India" to the French, and directing that territoryoccupied by British troops was not to be evacuated by them without freshorders. Great Britain already perceived the fragility of the peace, and,in fact, was expediting preparations for a renewal of war, which wasdeclared in May, 1803.

When, therefore, the French frigate Marengo, with Decaen on board,arrived at Pondicherry, the British flag still flew over the Governmentbuildings, and he soon learnt that there was no disposition to lower it.Moreover, La Belle Poule, which had been sent in advance from the Cape toherald the Captain-General's coming, was anchored between two Britishships of war, which had carefully ranged themselves alongside her. Decaengrasped the situation rapidly. A few hours after his arrival, the Frenchbrig Belier appeared. She had left France on March 25th, carrying adespatch informing the Captain-General that war was anticipated, anddirecting him to land his troops at Ile-de-France, where he was to assumethe governorship.

Rear-Admiral Linois, who commanded the French division, wanted to sail atonce. Decaen insisted on taking aboard some of the French who wereashore, but Linois pointed to the strong British squadron in sight, andprotested that he ought not to compromise the safety of his ships bydelaying departure. Linois was always a very nervous officer. Decaenstormed, and Linois proposed to call a council of his captains. "Acouncil!" exclaimed Decaen, "I am the council!" It was worthy of whatVoltaire attributed to Louis XIV: "l'etat, c'est mois." After sunsetDecaen visited the ships of the division in a boat, and warned theircaptains to get ready to follow the Marengo out of the roadstead ofPondicherry in the darkness. He considered that it would be extremelyembarrassing if the British squadron, suspecting their intentions,endeavoured to frustrate them. At an appointed hour the Marengo quietlydropped out of the harbour, cutting the cable of one of her anchorsrather than permit any delay.

On August 15th Decaen landed at Port Louis, Ile-de-France, and on thefollowing day he took over the government. He had therefore been incommand exactly four months when Matthew Flinders, in the Cumberland, putinto Baye du Cap on December 15th.

For his conduct in the Flinders affair Decaen has been plentifullydenounced. "A brute," "a malignant tyrant," "vindictive, cruel andunscrupulous"--such are a few shots from the heavy artillery of languagethat have been fired at his reputation. The author knows of one admirerof Flinders who had a portrait of Decaen framed and hung with its face tothe wall of his study. It is, unfortunately, much easier to denounce thanto understand; and where resonant terms have been flung in freestprofusion, it does not appear that an endeavour has been made to studywhat occurred from the several points of view, and to examine Decaen'scharacter and actions in the light of full information. A postponement ofepithets until we have ascertained the facts is in this, as in so manyother cases, extremely desirable.

No candid reader of Decaen's Memoires, and of Prentout's elaborateinvestigation of his administration, can fail to recognise that he was aconspicuously honest man. During his governorship he handled millions offrancs. Privateers from Ile-de-France captured British merchant ships, toa value, including their cargo, of over 3 million pounds sterling,* ashare of which it would have been easy for Decaen to secure. (*"Prentout, page 509, estimates the value of captures at 2 million pounds,but Mr. H. Hope informed Flinders in 1811, that insurance offices inCalcutta had actually paid 3 million pounds sterling on account of shipscaptured by the French at Mauritius. Flinders, writing with exceptionalopportunities for forming an opinion, calculated that during the firstsixteen months of the war the French captures of British merchant shipsbrought to Ile-de-France were worth 1,948,000 pounds (Voyage 2 416).) Buthis financial reputation is above suspicion. His management waseconomical and efficient. He ended his days in honourable poverty.

He was blunt and plainspoken; and though he could be pleasant, was whenruffled by no means what Mrs. Malaprop called "the very pineapple ofpoliteness." His quick temper brought him into continual conflict withsuperiors and subordinates. He quarrelled repeatedly with generals andministers; with Admiral Linois, with Soult, with Decres, with Barras,with Jourdan, and with many others. When General Lecourbe handed him awritten command during the Rhine campaign, he says himself that, "when Ireceived the order I tightened my lips and turned my back upon him." Hespeaks of himself in one place as being "of a petulant character and toofree with my tongue." That concurs with Flinders' remark, after bitterexperience of Decaen, that he possessed "the character of having a goodheart, though too hasty and violent."

Decaen's military capacity was much higher than his historical reputationmight lead one to suppose. During the fierce wars of the Napoleonicempire, whilst Ney, Oudinot, Murat, Junot, Augereau, Soult, St. Cyr,Davoust, Lannes, Marmont, Massena and Suchet, were rendering brilliantservice under the eye of the great captain, and were being converted intodukes and princes, Decaen was shut up in a far-off isle in the IndianOcean, where there was nothing to do but hold on under difficulties, andwait in vain for the turn of a tide that never floated a French fleettowards the coveted India. Colonel Picard, than whom there is hardly abetter judge, is of opinion that had Decaen fought with the Grand Army inEurope, his military talents would have designated him for the dignity ofa marshal of the Empire. On his return he did become a Comte, but thenthe Napoleonic regime was tottering to its fall.

Such then was the man--stubborn, strong-willed, brusque, honest,irritable, ill-tempered, but by no means a bad man at heart--with whomMatthew Flinders had to do. We may now follow what occurred.

CHAPTER 22. THE CAPTIVITY.

At four o'clock in the afternoon of December 17th the Cumberland enteredPort Louis, where Flinders learnt that Le Geographe had sailed for Franceon the previous day. As soon as he could land he went ashore to presenthimself to the Governor, whom he found to be at dinner. To occupy thetime until an interview could be arranged, he joined a party of officerswho were lounging in a shady place, and gossiped with them about hisvoyage, about Baudin's visit to Port Jackson, about the Englishsettlement there, "and also concerning the voyage of Monsieur Flindare,of whom, to their surprise, I knew nothing, but afterwards found it to bemy own name which they so pronounced."

In a couple of hours he was conducted to Government House, where, after adelay of half an hour, he was shown into a room. At a table stood twoofficers. One was a short, thick man in a gold-laced mess jacket, whofixed his eyes sternly on Flinders, and at once demanded his passport andcommission. This was General Decaen. Beside him stood his aide-de-camp,Colonel Monistrol. The General glanced over the papers, and then enquired"in an impetuous manner," why Flinders had come to Ile-de-France in theCumberland, when his passport was for the Investigator. The necessaryexplanation being given, Decaen exclaimed impatiently, "You are imposingon me, sir! It is not probable that the Governor of New South Walesshould send away the commander of a discovery expedition in so small avessel." Decaen's own manuscript Memoires show that when this story wastold to him, he thought it "very extraordinary that he should have leftPort Jackson to voyage to England in a vessel of 29 tons;" and, in truth,to a man who knew nothing of Flinders' record of seamanship it must haveseemed unlikely. He handed back the passport and commission, and gavesome orders to an officer; and as Flinders was leaving the room "theCaptain-General said something in a softer tone about my being welltreated, which I could not comprehend."

It is clear that Decaen's brusque manner made Flinders very angry. He didnot know at this time that it was merely the General's way, and that hewas not at all an ill-natured man if discreetly handled. On board theCumberland, in company with the interpreter and an officer, who were verypolite, he confesses having "expressed my sentiments of General Decaen'smanner of receiving me," adding "that the Captain-General's conduct mustalter very much before I should pay him a second visit, or even set myfoot on shore again." It is very important to notice Flinders' state ofmind, because it is apparent that a whole series of unfortunate eventsturned upon his demeanour at the next interview. His anger is perfectlyintelligible. He was a British officer, proud of his service; he had foryears been accustomed to command, and to be obeyed; he knew that he wasguiltless of offence; he felt that he had a right to protection andconsideration under his passport. Believing himself to have beenaffronted, he was not likely to be able to appreciate the case as itpresented itself at the moment to this peppery general; that here was thecaptain of an English schooner who, as reported, had chased a Frenchvessel into Baye du Cap, and who gave as an explanation that he hadcalled to seek assistance while on a 16,000 mile voyage, in a 29-tonboat. Surely Flinders' story, as Decaen saw it at this time, was not aprobable one; and at all events he, as Governor of Ile-de-France, had aduty to satisfy himself of its truth. We can well understand Flinders'indignation; but can we not also appreciate Decaen's doubt?

The officers, acting under instructions, collected all the charts,papers, journals, letters, and packets, found on board, and put them in atrunk which, says Flinders, "was sealed by me at their desire." They thenrequested him to go ashore with them, to a lodging at an inn, which theGeneral had ordered to be provided for him. In fact, they had orders totake him there. "What! I exclaimed in the first transports of surpriseand indignation, I am then a prisoner!" The officers expressed the hopethat the detention would not last more than a few days, and assured himthat in the meantime he should want for nothing. Flinders, accompanied byAken, went ashore, and the two were escorted to a large house in themiddle of the town, the Cafe Marengo, where they were shown into a roomapproached by a dark entry up a dirty staircase, and left for the nightwith a sentry on guard in the passage outside.

That Flinders had no doubt that he would soon be released, is shown bythe fact that he wrote from the tavern the following letter to thecaptain of the American ship Hunter, then lying in Port Louis: "Sir,understanding that you are homeward bound, I have to represent to youthat I am here with an officer and nine men belonging to His BritannicMajesty's ship Investigator, lately under my command, and if I am set atliberty should be glad to get a passage on board your vessel to St.Helena, or on any other American who does not touch at the Cape of GoodHope* and may be in want of men. I am, Sir, etc., etc., MATTHEW FLINDERS.

"If it is convenient for you to call upon me at the tavern where I am atpresent confined, I shall be glad to see you as soon as possible."

(* He did not wish to call at the Cape, because if he got clear of theFrench frying-pan he did not want to jump into the Dutch fire.)

Early in the afternoon of the following day Colonel Monistrol came to theinn to take Flinders and Aken before the General, who desired to askcertain questions. The interrogatories were read from a paper, asdictated by Decaen, and Flinders' answers were translated and writtendown. In the document amongst Decaen's papers the French questions andanswers are written on one side of the paper, with the English versionparallel; the latter being signed by Flinders. The translation is crude(the scribe was a German with some knowledge of English) but is printedbelow literally:

"Questions made to the commanding officier of an English shooner anchoredin Savanna Bay, at the Isle of France, on the 24th frimaire 12th year (onthe 17th December, 1803) chasing a coaster, which in consequence of thedeclaration of war between the French Republic and Great Britain, hadintention to avoid the poursuit of said shooner. Said shooner carried thenext day in the harbour of Port North-West, where she anchored undercartel colours, the commanding officer having declared to the officer ofthe health boat that his name was Matthew Flinders, and his schooner theCumberland.

"Demanded: the Captain's name?

"Answered: Matthew Flinders.

"D.: From what place the Cumberland sailed?

"A.: From Port Jackson.

"D.: At what time?

"A.: The Captain does not recollect the date of his departure. He thinksit is on the 20th of September.

"D.: What is the purpose of his expedition?

"A.: His only motive was to proceed on to England as soon as possible, tomake the report of his voyages and to request a ship to continue them.

"D.: What can be the reason which has determined Captain Flinders toundertake a voyage on board of the so small a vessel?

"A.: To avoid losing two months on proceeding by China, for a shipsailing from Port Jackson was to put in China.

"D.: Does not Port Jackson offer frequent opportunities for Europe?

"A.: There are some, as he has observed it above, but that ship puttingin China is the reason which determined him not to proceed that way.

"D.: At what place had the Cumberland put in?

"A.: At Timor.

"D.: What could be the reason of her putting in at Timor?

"A.: To take fresh provision and water. He has left Timor 34 days ago.

D.: What passports or certificates has he taken in that place?

"A.: None.

"D.: What has been his motive for his coming at the Isle of France?

"A.: The want of water. His pumpers (sic) are bad, and his vessel is veryleaky.

"D.: To what place does Captain Flinders intend to go to from thisisland?

"A.: Having no passport for the Dutch Government, he cannot put in theCape, according to his wishes, and will be obliged to stop at St. Helena.

"D.: What can be the reason of his having none of his officiers,naturalis, or any of the other persons employed in said expedition?

"A.: Two of these gentlemen have remained in Port Jackson to repair onboard of the ship Captain Flinders expected to obtain in England,* andthe rest have proceeded on to China. (* "Pour s'embarquer sur le vaisseauque le Cap. Flinders a espoir d'obtenir en Angleterre," in the French.That is to say, Brown and Bauer remained behind till Flinders came outagain with another ship.)

"D.: What reason induced Captain Flinders to chase a boat in sight of theisland?

"A.: Being never to this island, he was not acquainted with the harbour.Seeing a French vessel he chased her* for the only purpose of obtaining apilot, and seeing her entering a bay he followed her. (* It is singularthat Flinders did not take exception to this word "chased" in thetranslation when he signed it. The French version of his statement iscorrect: "il forca de voile, NON POUR LUY APPUYER CHASSE mais pour luydemander un pilote." The German translator boggled between the French andthe English.)

"D.: What reason had he to make the land to leewards, the differentdirectories pointing out the contrary route to anchor in the harbour.

"A.: He came to windwards, but the wind shifting contrary he took toleewards and perceiving said vessel he followed her and anchored in thesame bay. He has no chart of the island.

"D.: Why has he hoisted cartel colours?

"A.: He answers that it is the custom, since Captain Baudin coming toPort Jackson hoisted the colours of both nations.

"D.: Was he informed of the war?

"A.: No.

"D.: Has he met with any ship either at sea or in the different portswhere he put in?

"A.: He met one ship only, by the 6 or 7 degrees to the east of the Isleof France. He did not speak her, though desirous of so doing, beingprevented by the night. He met with no ship at Timor.

"In consequence of the questions made to Captain Flinders respecting tohis wreck, he declares that after putting in at Port Jackson with theship under his command, he was through her bad condition obliged to leaveher, being entirely decayed. The Governor at that time furnished him witha ship thought capable of transporting him to Europe. He had themisfortune to wreck on the east coast of New Holland by the 22 degrees 11minutes of latitude south on some rock distant 700 miles from PortJackson, and 200 miles from the coast. He embarked in the said ship'sboat, taking with him 14 men, and left the remainder of his crew on asand bank. He lost on this occasion three charts respecting his voyagesand particularly Golph Carpentary. After 14 days' passage he arrived atPort Jackson. After tarrying in said place 8 or 9 days, the Governorfurnished him with the small vessel he is now in, and a ship to take theremainder of the crew left on the bank. This vessel not being agovernment ship and bound to China, proceeded on her intended voyage withthe officers and the crew which had been left on the bank.

"Captain Flinders declares that of the two boxes remitted by him onecontains despatches directed to the Secretary of State and the other wasentrusted to him by the commanding officer of the troops in Port Jackson,and that he is ignorant what they contain.

"Captain Mw. Flinders to ascertain the legality of this expedition andthe veracity of what he expose,* (* "La verite de son expose," i.e., thetruth of his statement.) has opened in our presence a trunk sealed by himcontaining the papers having a reference to his expedition, and to giveus a copy by him certified of the passport delivered to him by the FirstConsul and His Majesty King of Great Britain; equally the communicationof his journal since the condemnation of his ship Investigator.

"Port North-West, Ile of France, the 26th frimaire 12th year of theFrench Republic (answering to the 19th December, 1803).

"(Signed) MATTW. FLINDERS."

Flinders corroborates the statement regarding the taking of papers fromthe trunk, stating that they consisted of the third volume of his roughlog-book, which contained "the whole of what they desired to know,"respecting his voyage to Ile-de-France. He told Decaen's Secretary tomake such extracts as were considered requisite, "pointing out thematerial passages." "All the books and papers, the third volume of myrough log-book excepted, were then returned into the trunk, and sealed asbefore." It is important to notice that at no time were papers taken fromthe trunk without Flinders' knowledge and concurrence, because the chargehas frequently been made, even by historical writers of authority,* thathis charts were plagiarised by the cartographers of Baudin's expedition.(* In the Cambridge Modern History, for instance (9 739): "The Frenchauthorities at Mauritius having captured and imprisoned the explorerFlinders on his passage to England, attempted by the use of his papers toappropriate for their ships the credit of his discoveries along the southcoast of Australia.") Flinders himself never made any such allegation,nor is there any foundation for it. On the contrary, as will be madeclear hereafter, neither Decaen and his officers, nor any of the French,ever saw any of Flinders' charts at any time.

Immediately after the examination the General, on behalf of MadameDecaen, sent Flinders an invitation to dine, dinner being then served. Atthis point, one cannot help feeling, he made a tactical mistake. It iseasily understood, and allowance can be made for it, but the consequencesof it were serious. He was angry on account of his detention, irritatedby the treatment to which he had been subjected, and unable in hispresent frame of mind to appreciate the Governor's point of view. Herefused to go, and said he had already dined. The officer who bore theinvitation pressed him in a kindly manner, saying that at all events hehad better go to the table. Flinders replied that he would not; if theGeneral would first set him at liberty he would accept the invitationwith pleasure, and be flattered by it. Otherwise he would not sit attable with Decaen. "Having been grossly insulted both in my public andprivate character, I could not debase the situation I had the honour tohold."

The effect of so haughty a refusal upon an inflammatory temper like thatof Decaen may be readily pictured. Presently an aide-de-camp returnedwith the message that the General would renew the invitation when CaptainFlinders was set at liberty. There was a menace in the cold phrase.

Now, had Flinders bottled up his indignation and swallowed his pride--hadhe frankly recognised that he was in Decaen's power--had he acknowledgedthat some deference was due to the official head of the colony of aforeign nation with whom his country was at war--his later troubles mighthave been averted. An opportunity was furnished of discussing the mattergenially over the wine and dessert. He would have found himself in thepresence of a man who could be kind-hearted and entertaining when notprovoked, and of a charming French lady in Madame Decaen. He would havebeen assisted by the secretary, Colonel Monistrol, who was always asfriendly to him as his duty would permit. He would have been able to holdthe company spell-bound with the story of the many adventures of hisactive, useful life. He would have been able to demonstrate his bonafides completely. It is a common experience that the humane feelings ofmen of Decaen's type are easily touched; and his conduct regarding theNapoleon-Moreau quarrel has been related above with some fulness for thepurpose of showing that there was milk as well as gunpowder in hiscomposition. But Flinders was angry; justifiably angry no doubt, butunfortunately angry nevertheless, since thereby he lost his chance.

He learnt afterwards that "some who pretended to have information fromnear the fountain-head hinted that, if his invitation to dinner had beenaccepted, a few days would have been the whole" of his detention.* (*Flinders Voyage 2 398.) That seems probable. He had no better friend thanSir Joseph Banks; and he learnt to his regret that Banks "was not quitesatisfied with his conduct to the Government of Mauritius, thinking hehad treated them perhaps with too much haughtiness." His comment uponthis was, "should the same circumstances happen to me again I fear Ishould follow nearly the same steps."* (* Flinders' Papers.) That is thesort of thing that strong-willed men say; but a knowledge of the goodsense and good feeling that were native to the character of MatthewFlinders enables one to assert with some confidence that if, after thisexperience, the choice had been presented to him, on the one hand ofconquering his irritation and going to enjoy a pleasant dinner ininteresting company with the prospect of speedy liberation; on the otherof scornfully disdaining the olive branch, with the consequence ofsix-and-a-half years of heart-breaking captivity; he would have chosenthe former alternative without much reluctance. There is a sentence inone of his own letters which indicates that wisdom counted for more thanobstinacy in his temperament: "After a misfortune has happened, we allsee very well the proper steps that ought to have been taken to avoid it;to be endowed with a never-failing foresight is not within the power ofman."

That the view presented above is not too strong is clear from a passagein an unpublished portion of Decaen's Memoires. He stated that after theexamination of Flinders, "I sent him an invitation from my wife* to cometo dine with us, (* Flinders does not state that the invitation came fromMadame Decaen. He may not have understood. But the refusal of it would onthat account have been likely to make the General all the more angry.)although he had given me cause to withhold the invitation on account ofhis impertinence; but from boorishness, or rather from arrogance, herefused that courteous invitation, which, if accepted, would indubitablyhave brought about a change favourable to his position, through theconversation which would have taken place."* (* Decaen Papers Volume 10.Decaen said in his despatch to the Minister: "Captain Flinders imaginedthat he would obtain his release by arguing, by arrogance, and especiallyby impertinence; my silence with regard to his first letter led him torepeat the offence.") Here it is distinctly suggested that if theinvitation had been accepted, and a pleasant discussion of the case hadensued, the detention of the Cumberland and her commander would probablynot have been prolonged.

Further light is thrown on these regrettable occurrences by a manuscripthistory of Ile-de-France, written by St. Elme le Duc,* (* BibliothequeNationale, nouveaux acquisitions, France Number 1 775.) a friend ofDecaen, who possessed intimate knowledge of the General's feelings. It istherein stated that Decaen received Flinders "in uniform, the headuncovered," but that "Captain Flinders presented himself with arrogance,his hat upon his head; they had to ask him to remove it." The same writeralleges that Flinders disregarded all the rules of politeness. It is fairto state these matters, since the candid student must always wish to seea case presented from several points of view. But it must be said thatonly an intense feeling of resentment could have unhinged the courteousdisposition which was habitual with Flinders. A gentler man in hisrelations with all could hardly have been found. He was not morerespectful to authority than he was considerate to subordinates; andthroughout his career a close reading of his letters and journals, and ofdocuments relating to him, can discover no other instance of eventemporary deviation from perfect courtesy. Even in this case one canhardly say that he was to blame. There was sufficient in what occurred tomake an honest man angry. But we wish to understand what occurred and whyit occurred, and for that reason we cannot ignore or minimise thesolitary instance wherein a natural flame of anger fired a long train ofmiserable consequences.

What, then, did Decaen intend to do with Flinders, at the beginning? Henever intended to keep him six-and-a-half years. He simply meant topunish him for what he deemed to be rudeness; and his method ofaccomplishing that object was to report to Paris, and allow the case tobe determined by the Government, instead of settling it himselfforthwith. Here again Flinders was well informed. His journal for May24th, 1806, contains the following entry:* (* Flinders' Papers.) "It hasbeen said that I am detained a prisoner here solely because I refused theinvitation of General Decaen to dine; that to punish me he referred thejudgment of my case to the French Government, knowing that I shouldnecessarily be detained twelve months before an answer arrived." Or, ashe stated the matter in his published book (2 489): "My refusal of theintended honour until set at liberty so much exasperated theCaptain-General that he determined to make me repent it."

It will be seen presently that the term of detention, originally intendedto endure for about a year, was lengthened by circumstances that werebeyond Decaen's control; that the punishment which sprang from the hastyire of a peppery soldier increased, against his own will, into whatappeared to all the world, and most of all to the victim, to be a pieceof malevolent persecution. The ball kicked off in a fit of spleen rolledon and on beyond recovery.

There was, it must be admitted, quite enough in the facts brought underDecaen's notice to warrant a reference to Paris, if he chose to beawkward. In the first place, Flinders was carrying on board theCumberland a box of despatches from Governor King for the Secretary ofState. As pointed out in Chapter 12, the Admiralty instructions for theInvestigator voyage cautioned him "not to take letters or packets otherthan those such as you may receive from this office or the office of HisMajesty's Secretary of State." Governor King was well aware of thisinjunction. Yet he entrusted to Flinders this box of despatches,containing material relative to military affairs. It is true that a stateof war was not known to exist at the time when the Cumberland sailed fromPort Jackson in September, 1803, although as a matter of fact it hadbroken out in the previous May. But it was well known that war wasanticipated. It is also true that Flinders knew nothing of the contentsof the despatches. But neither, as a rule, does any other despatchcarrier in war time. When the Cumberland's papers were examined byDecaen's officers, and these despatches were read and translated, therewas at once a prima facie ground for saying, "this officer is not engagedon purely scientific work; he is the bearer of despatches which might ifdelivered have an influence upon the present war." Flinders himself,writing to Banks,* (* Historical Records 6 49.) said: "I have learntprivately that in the despatches with which I was charged by GovernorKing, and which were taken from me by the French General, a demand wasmade for troops to be sent out to Port Jackson for the purpose ofannoying Spanish America in the event of another war, and that this isconsidered to be a breach of my passport. 'Tis pity that Governor Kingshould have mentioned anything that could involve me in the event of awar, either with the French at Mauritius, or the Dutch at Timor or theCape; or that, having mentioned anything that related to war, he did notmake me acquainted in a general way with the circumstances, in which caseI should have thrown them overboard on learning that war was declared;but as I was situated, having little apprehension of being made aprisoner, and no idea that the despatches had any reference to war, sinceit was a time of peace when I left Port Jackson, I did not see thenecessity of throwing them overboard at a hazard. To be the bearer of anydespatches in time of peace cannot be incorrect for a ship on discoverymore than for any other; BUT WITH A PASSPORT, AND IN TIME OF WAR, ITCERTAINLY IS IMPROPER." With characteristic straightforwardness, Flindersdid not hesitate to tell King himself that the despatches had castsuspicion on him:* (* Historical Records 6 105.) "I have learnedprivately that in your despatches to the Secretary of State there ismention of Spanish America, which rendered me being the bearer, criminalwith respect to my passport. 'Tis pity I had not known anything of this,for on finding myself under the necessity of stopping at the Isle ofFrance, and learning the declaration of war, I should have destroyed thedespatches; but leaving Port Jackson in time of peace, and confiding inmy passport, I did not think myself authorised to take such a step, evenafter I knew of the war, having no idea there was anything in thedespatches that could invalidate my passport; neither, indeed, is itinvalidated in justice, but it is said to be the under-plea against me."

These despatches of King are preserved among Decaen's papers,* (* DecaenPapers Volumes 84 and 105.) and an examination of them reveals that theydid contain material of a military character. In one of them, datedAugust 7th, 1803, King referred to the possibility in any future war "ofthe Government of the Isle of France annoying this colony, as the voyagefrom hence may be done in less than seven weeks; and on the same ideathis colony may hereafter annoy the trade of the Spanish settlements onthe opposite coast. But to defend this colony against the one, and toannoy the other, it would be necessary that some regard should be had tothe military and naval defences. The defences of the port may be made asstrong as in any port I know of. By the return of cannon and batteriesyour Lordship will observe that those we have are placed in the bestsituation for annoying an enemy. Still, a small establishment ofartillery officers and men are wanted to work those guns effectually incase of necessity." King went on to make recommendations for the increaseof the military strength in men, officers, and guns. The originals ofthose despatches, which could furnish the French Government with valuableinformation concerning Port Jackson and the Flinders affair, areendorsed, "letters translated and sent to France;" and Decaen commentedupon them that in his opinion the despatches alone afforded a sufficientpretext for detaining Flinders. "Ought a navigator engaged in discovery,and no longer possessing a passport for his ship, to be in time of war incommand of a despatch-boat,* especially when, having regard to thedistance between the period of the declaration of war and his departurefrom Port Jackson he could have obtained there the news that war hadbroken out?" (* "Devait-il en temps de guerre conduire un paquebot?")

In reporting to his Government Decaen related the story of theCumberland's arrival from his point of view at considerable length. Heexpressed himself as satisfied that her commander really was CaptainFlinders of the Investigator, to whom the French Government had issued apassport; detailed the circumstances of the examination; and complainedof Flinders' "impertinence" and "arrogance." Then he proceeded todescribe "several motives which have caused me to judge it to beindispensable to detain Captain Flinders."

The first motive alleged was "the conduct of the English Government inEurope, where she has violated all treaties, her behaviour beforesurrendering the Cape of Good Hope, and her treatment of our ships atPondicherry." In no way could it be pretended that Flinders was connectedwith these events.

The second motive was "the seizing of Le Naturaliste, as announced by thenewspapers." Decaen was here referring to the fact that, when LeNaturaliste was on her homeward voyage from Port Jackson, conveying thenatural history collections, she was stopped by the British frigateMinerva and taken into Portsmouth. But no harm was done to her. She wasmerely detained from May 27th, 1803, till June 6th, when she was releasedby order of the Admiralty. In any case Flinders had nothing to do withthat.

The third motive was that Captain Flinders' logbook showed an intentionto make an examination of Ile-de-France and Madagascar, from which Decaendrew the inference that, if the English Government received no check,they would extend their power, and would seize the French colony. Hereinthe General did a serious injustice to Flinders. His log-book did indeedindicate that he desired "to acquire a knowledge of the winds and weatherperiodically encountered at Ile-de-France, of the actual state of theFrench colony, and of what utility it and its dependencies in Madagascarmight be to Port Jackson, and whether that island could afford resourcesto myself in my future voyages." But information of this description wassuch as lay within the proper province of an explorer; and the log-bookcontained no hint, nor was there a remote intention, of acquiringinformation which, however used, could be inimical to the security of theFrench colony.

Decaen's mind had been influenced by reading Francois Peron's report tohim concerning the expansive designs of the British in the Pacific andIndian Oceans. "There is no doubt," he informed his Government, "that theEnglish Government have the intention to seize the whole trade of theIndian Ocean, the China Seas and the Pacific, and that they especiallycovet what remains of the Dutch possessions in these waters." He derivedthat extravagant idea from Peron's inflammatory communication, as will beseen from a perusal of that interesting document.

By these strained means, then, did Decaen give a semblance of publicpolicy to his decision to detain Flinders. It would have been puerile toattempt to justify his action to his superiors on the personal groundthat the English captain had vexed him; so he hooked in these variouspretexts, though ingenuously acknowledging that they would have countedfor nothing if Flinders had dined with him and talked the matter overconversationally!

On the day following the examination and the refusal of the invitation,Flinders was again conducted on board the Cumberland by Colonel Monistroland the official interpreter, who "acted throughout with much politeness,apologising for what they were obliged by their orders to execute." Onthis occasion all remaining books and papers, including personal letters,were collected, locked up in a second trunk, and sealed. The documentnoting their deposition and sealing was signed by Flinders,* who wasordered to be detained in the inn under guard. (* Decaen Papers.) It was,Decaen reported, the best inn in the island, and orders were given tofurnish the prisoner with all that he could want; but Flinders describedit as an exceedingly dirty place.

On his return to the inn from the ship Flinders wrote a letter to theGovernor, recounting the history of his explorations, and making tworequests: that he might have his printed books ashore, and that hisservant, John Elder, might be permitted to attend him. On the followingday Elder was sent to him. On the 22nd he wrote again, soliciting "that Imay be able to sail as soon as possible after you shall be pleased toliberate me from my present state of purgatory."* (* Decaen Papers.) OnChristmas Day he sent a letter suffused with indignant remonstrance,wherein he alleged that "it appears that your Excellency had formed adetermination to stop the Cumberland previously even to seeing me, if aspecious pretext were wanting for it," and reminded Decaen that "on thefirst evening of my arrival...you told me impetuously that I was imposingon you." He continued, in a strain that was bold and not conciliatory: "Icannot think that an officer of your rank and judgment to act either soungentlemanlike or so unguardedly as to make such a declaration withoutproof; unless his reason had been blinded by passion, or a previousdetermination that it should be so, nolens volens. In your orders of the21st last it is indeed said that the Captain-General has acquired theconviction that I am the person I pretend to be, and the same for whom apassport was obtained by the English Government from the First Consul. Itfollows then, as I am willing to explain it, that I AM NOT and WAS NOT animposter. This plea was given up when a more plausible one was thought tobe found; but I cannot compliment your Excellency upon this alteration inyour position, for the first, although false, is the more tenable post ofthe two."

Decaen's reply was stiff and stern. He attributed "the unreserved tone"of Flinders to "the ill humour produced by your present situation," andconcluded: "This letter, overstepping all the bounds of civility, obligesme to tell you, until the general opinion judges of your faults or ofmine, to cease all correspondence tending to demonstrate the justice ofyour cause, since you know so little how to preserve the rules ofdecorum."

Flinders in consequence of this snub forebore to make further appeals forconsideration; but three days later he preferred a series of requests,one of which related to the treatment of his crew:

"Since you forbid me to write to you upon the subject of my detainer Ishall not rouse the anger or contempt with which you have been pleased totreat me by disobeying your order. The purpose for which I now write isto express a few humble requests, and most sincerely do I wish that theymay be the last I shall have occasion to trouble your Excellency with.

"First. I repeat my request of the 23rd to have my printed books on shorefrom the schooner.

"Second. I request to have my private letters and papers out of the twotrunks lodged in your secretariat, they having no connection with myGovernment or the voyage of discovery.

"Third. I beg to have two or three charts and three or four manuscriptbooks out of the said trunks, which are necessary to finishing the chartof the Gulf of Carpentaria and some parts adjacent. It may be proper toobserve as an explanation of this last request that the parts wantingwere mostly lost in the shipwreck, and I wish to replace them from mymemory and remaining materials before it is too late. Of these amemorandum can be taken, or I will give a receipt for them, and if it isjudged necessary to exact it I will give my word that nothing in thebooks shall be erased or destroyed, but I could wish to make additions toone or two of the books as well as to the charts, after which I shall beready to give up the whole.

"Fourth. My seamen complain of being shut up at night in a place wherenot a breath of air can come to them, which in a climate like this mustbe not only uncomfortable in the last degree, but also very destructiveto European constitutions; they say, further, that the people with whomthey are placed are much affected with that disagreeable and contagiousdisorder the itch; and that the provisions with which they are fed aretoo scanty, except in the article of meat, the proportion of which islarge but of bad quality. Your Excellency will no doubt make such anamendment in their condition as circumstances will permit.

"A compliance with the above requests will not only furnish me with abetter amusement in this solitude than writing letters to yourExcellency, but will be attended with advantages in which the Frenchnation may some time share. This application respecting the charts is notaltogether made upon a firm persuasion that you will return everything tome, for if I could believe that they were never to be given to me or myGovernment I should make the same request.

"Your prisoner,

"MATTHEW FLINDERS."

On the day when the letter was despatched, Colonel Monistrol called, andpromised that the books and papers requested should be supplied; and, infact, the trunk containing them was without delay brought to the inn. TheColonel courteously expressed his regret that Flinders had adopted such atone in his letters to the General, thinking "that they might tend toprotract rather than terminate" his confinement. The complaint respectingthe seamen was attended to forthwith, and they were treated exactly onthe same footing as were French sailors on service.* (* St. Eleme leDuc's manuscript History.)

The first thing Flinders did, when he received the trunk, was to take outhis naval signal-book and tear it to pieces. Next day he was conducted toGovernment House, and was allowed to take from the second trunk all hisprivate letters and papers, his journals of bearings and observations,two log-books, and such charts as were necessary to complete his drawingsof the Gulf of Carpentaria. All the other books and papers "were lockedup in the trunk and sealed as before."

Until the end of March, 1804, Flinders was kept at the inn, with a sentryconstantly on guard over the rooms. St. Elme le Duc, in the manuscripthistory already cited, declares that "Captain Flinders was never put inprison," and that his custom of addressing letters "from my prison" wasan "affectation." But a couple of inn rooms wherein a person is keptagainst his will, under the strict surveillance of a military custodian,certainly constitute a prison. It is true that the Governor allotted 450francs per month for his maintenance, sent a surgeon to attend to himwhen scorbutic sores broke out upon his body, and gave him access to thepapers and books he required in order that he might occupy his time anddivert his mind with the work he loved. But it is surely quibbling topretend that even under these conditions he was not a prisoner. Even thesurgeon and the interpreter were not admitted without a written order;and when the interpreter, Bonnefoy, took from Flinders a bill, which heundertook to negotiate, the sentry reported that a paper had passedbetween the two, and Bonnefoy was arrested, nor was he liberated until itwas ascertained that the bill was the only paper he had received. Thebill was the subject of an act of kindness from the Danish consul, whonegotiated it at face value at a time when bills upon England could onlybe cashed in Port Louis at a discount of 30 per cent. This liberalgentleman sent the message that he would have proffered his assistanceearlier but for the fear of incurring the Governor's displeasure.

An attempt was made in February to induce Decaen to send his prisoner toFrance for trial. It was submitted in the following terms:* (* DecaenPapers.)

"Sir,

"Having waited six weeks with much anxiety for your Excellency's decisionconcerning me, I made application for the honour of an audience, butreceived no answer; a second application obtained a refusal. It was notmy intention to trouble the Captain-General by recounting my grievances,but to offer certain proposals to his consideration; and in now doingthis by letter it is my earnest wish to avoid everything that can in themost distant manner give offence; should I fail, my ignorance and notintention must be blamed.

"First. If your Excellency will permit me to depart with my vessel,papers, etc., I will pledge my honour not to give any informationconcerning the Isle of France, or anything belonging to it, for a limitedtime, if it is thought that I can have gained any information; or if itis judged necessary, any other restrictions can be laid upon me. If thiswill not be complied with I request:

"Second, to be sent to France.

"Third. But if it is necessary to detain me here, I request that myofficer and my people may be permitted to depart in the schooner. I amdesirous of this as well for the purpose of informing the BritishAdmiralty where I am, as to relieve our families and friends from thereport that will be spread of the total loss of the two ships with all onboard. My officer can be laid under what restrictions may be thoughtnecessary, and my honour shall be a security that nothing shall betransmitted by me but what passes under the inspection of the officer whomight be appointed for that purpose.

"If your Excellency does not think proper to adopt any of these modes, bywhich, with submission, I conceive my voyage of discovery might bepermitted to proceed without any possible injury to the Isle of France orits dependencies, I then think it necessary to remind the Captain-Generalthat since the shipwreck of the Porpoise, which happened now six monthsback, my officers and people as well as myself have been mostly confinedeither on a very small sandbank in the open sea, or in a boat, orotherwise on board the small schooner Cumberland, where there is no roomto walk, or been kept prisoners as at present; and also, that previous tothis time I had not recovered from a scorbutic and very debilitated statearising from having been eleven months exposed to great fatigue, badclimates and salt provisions. From the scorbutic sores which have againtroubled me since my arrival in this port the surgeon who dressed themsaw that a vegetable diet and exercise were necessary to correct thediseased state of the blood and to restore my health; but his applicationthrough your Excellency's aide-de-camp for me to walk out, unfortunatelyfor my health and peace of mind, received a negative. The Captain-Generalbest knows whether my conduct has deserved, or the exigencies of hisGovernment require, that I should continue to remain closely confined inthis sickly town and cut off from all society.

"With all due consideration, I am,

"Your Excellency's prisoner,

"MATTHEW FLINDERS."

To this petition Decaen returned no reply. Feeling therefore that hisdetention was likely to be prolonged, Flinders, weary of confinement, andlonging for human fellowship, applied to be removed to the place whereBritish officers, prisoners of war, were kept. It was a large house withspacious rooms standing in a couple of acres of ground, about a mile fromthe tavern, and was variously called the Maison Despeaux, or the GardenPrison. Here at all events fresh air could be enjoyed. The applicationwas acceded to immediately, and Colonel Monistrol himself came, with thecourtesy that he never lost an opportunity of manifesting, to conductFlinders and Aken and to assist them to choose rooms. "This little walkof a mile," Flinders recorded, "showed how debilitating is the want ofexercise and fresh air, for it was not without the assistance of ColonelMonistrol's arm that I was able to get through it. Conveyances were sentin the evening for our trunks, and we took possession of our new prisonwith a considerable degree of pleasure, this change of situation andsurrounding objects producing an exhilaration of spirits to which we hadlong been strangers."

CHAPTER 23. THE CAPTIVITY PROLONGED.

We shall now see how a detention which had been designed as a sharppunishment of an officer who had not comported himself with perfectrespect, and which Decaen never intended to be prolonged beyond abouttwelve months, dragged itself into years, and came to bear an aspect ofobstinate malignity.

Decaen's despatch arrived in France during the first half of the year1804. Its terms were not calculated to induce the French Government toregard Flinders as a man entitled to their consideration, even if eventshad been conducive to a speedy determination. But the Departments,especially those of Marine and War, were being worked to their fullcapacity upon affairs of the most pressing moment. Napoleon becameEmperor of the French in that year (May), and his immense energy wasflogging official activities incessantly. War with England mainlyabsorbed attention. At Boulogne a great flotilla had been organized forthe invasion of the obdurate country across the Channel. A large fleetwas being fitted out at Brest and at Toulon, the fleet which Nelson wasto smash at Trafalgar in the following year. Matters relating to theisolated colony in the Indian Ocean did not at the moment command muchinterest in France.

There were several other pieces of business, apart from the Flindersaffair, to which Decaen wished to direct attention. He sent one of hisaides-de-camp, Colonel Barois, to Paris to see Napoleon in person, ifpossible, and in any case to interview the Minister of Marine and theColonies, Decres. Decaen especially directed Barois to see that theFlinders case was brought under Napoleon's notice, and he did his best.*(* Prentout page 392.) He saw Decres and asked him whether Decaen'sdespatches had been well received. "Ah," said the Minister pleasantly, ina voice loud enough to be heard by the circle of courtiers, "everythingthat comes from General Decaen is well received." But there was no spiritof despatch. Finally Barois did obtain an interview with Napoleon,through the aid of the Empress Josephine. He referred to "l'affaireFlinders," of which Napoleon knew little; but "he appeared to approve thereasons invoked to justify the conduct of Decaen." The Emperor had notime just then for examining the facts, and his approval simply reflectedhis trust in Decaen. As he said to the General's brother Rene, at a laterinterview, "I have the utmost confidence in Decaen." But meanwhile nodirection was given as to what was to be done. It will be seen later howit was that pressure of business delayed the despatch of an intimation toIle-de-France of a step that was actually taken.

That at this time Decaen was simply waiting for an order from Paris torelease Flinders is clear from observations which he made, and from newswhich came to the ears of the occupant of the Garden Prison. In March,1804, he told Captain Bergeret of the French navy, who showed Flindersfriendly attentions, to tell him to "have a little patience, as he shouldsoon come to some determination on the affair." In August of the sameyear Flinders wrote to King that Decaen had stated that "I must waituntil orders were received concerning me from the French Government."* (*Historical Records 6 411.) A year later (November, 1805) he wrote: "Ifirmly believe that, if he had not said to the French Government, duringthe time of his unjust suspicion of me, that he should detain me hereuntil he received their orders, he would have gladly suffered me todepart long since."* (* Historical Records 6 737.) Again, in July, 1806,*(* Ibid 6 106.) he wrote: "General Decaen, if I am rightly informed, ishimself heartily sorry for having made me a prisoner," but "he remittedthe judgment of my case to the French Government, and cannot permit me todepart or even send me to France, until he shall receive orders."

The situation was, then, that Decaen, having referred the case to Parisin order that the Government might deal with it, could not now,consistently with his duty, send Flinders away from the island untilinstructions were received; and the Department concerned had too muchpressing business on hand at the moment to give attention to it. Flindershad to wait.

His health improved amidst the healthier surroundings of his new abode,and he made good progress with his work. His way of life is described ina letter of May 18th, 1804:* (* Flinders' Papers.) "My time is nowemployed as follows: Before breakfast my time is devoted to the Latinlanguage, to bring up what I formerly learnt. After breakfast I amemployed in making out a fair copy of the Investigator's log in lieu ofmy own, which was spoiled at the shipwreck. When tired of writing I applyto music, and when my fingers are tired with the flute, I write againtill dinner. After dinner we amuse ourselves with billiards until tea,and afterwards walk in the garden till dusk. From thence till supper Imake one at Pleyel's quartettes; afterwards walking half an hour, andthen sleep soundly till daylight, when I get up and bathe."

A letter to his stepmother, dated August 25th, of the same year, commentson his situation in a mood of courageous resignation:* (* Flinders'Papers.) "I have gone through some hardships and misfortunes within thelast year, but the greatest is that of having been kept here eight monthsfrom returning to my dear friends and family. My health is, however, goodat this time, nor are my spirits cast down, although the tyranny of theGovernor of this island in treating me as a spy has been grievous. Ibelieve my situation is known by this time in England, and will probablymake some noise, for indeed it is almost without example. The Frenchinhabitants even of this island begin to make complaints of the injusticeof their Governor, and they are disposed to be very kind to me. Four orfive different people have offered me any money I may want, or anyservice that they can do for me, but as they cannot get me my libertytheir services are of little avail. I have a companion here in one of myofficers, and a good and faithful servant in my steward, and for theselast four months have been allowed to walk in a garden. The Governorpretends to say that he cannot let me go until he receives orders fromFrance, and it is likely that these will not arrive these four months. Iam obliged to call up all the patience that I can to bear this injustice;my great consolation is that I have done nothing to forfeit my passport,or that can justify them for keeping me a prisoner, so I must be set atliberty with honour when the time comes, and my country will, I trust,reward me for my sufferings in having supported her cause with the spiritbecoming an Englishman."

A letter to Mrs. Flinders (August 24th, 1804) voices the yearning of thecaptive for the solace of home:* (* Flinders' Papers.) "I yesterdayenjoyed a delicious piece of misery in reading over thy dear letters, mybeloved Ann. Shall I tell thee that I have never before done it since Ihave been shut up in this prison? I have many friends, who are kind andmuch interested for me, and I certainly love them. But yet before theethey disappear as stars before the rays of the morning sun. I cannotconnect the idea of happiness with anything without thee. Without thee,the world would be a blank. I might indeed receive some gratificationfrom distinction and the applause of society; but where could be thefaithful friend who would enjoy and share this with me, into whose bosommy full heart could unburthen itself of excess of joy? Where would bethat sweet intercourse of soul, the fine seasoning of happiness, withoutwhich a degree of insipidity attends all our enjoyments?...I am notwithout friends even among the French. On the contrary. I have several,and but one enemy, who unfortunately, alas, is all-powerful here; norwill he on any persuasion permit me to pass the walls of the prison,although some others who are thought less dangerous have had thatindulgence occasionally."

"When my family are the subject of my meditation," he said in a letter tohis step-mother, "my bonds enter deep into my soul."

His private opinion of Decaen is expressed in a letter written at thisperiod:* (* Flinders' Papers.) "The truth I believe is that the violenceof his passion outstrips his judgment and reason, and does not allow themto operate; for he is instantaneous in his directions, and should he doan injustice he must persist in it because it would lower his dignity toretract. His antipathy, moreover, is so great to Englishmen, who are theonly nation that could prevent the ambitious designs of France from beingput into execution, that immediately the name of one is mentioned he isdirectly in a rage, and his pretence and wish to be polite scarcelyprevent him from breaking out in the presence even of strangers. With allthis he has the credit of having a good heart at the bottom."

The captain of a French ship, M. Coutance, whom Flinders had known atPort Jackson, saw Decaen on his behalf, and reported the result of theinterview. "The General accused me of nothing more than of being tropvive; I had shown too much independence in refusing to dine with a manwho had accused me of being an impostor, and who had unjustly made me aprisoner."

Meanwhile two playful sallies penned at this time show that his healthand appetite had mended during his residence at the Maison Despeaux:* (*Flinders' Papers.) "My appetite is so good that I believe it has theintention of revenging me on the Governor by occasioning a famine in theland. Falstaff says, 'Confound this grief, it makes a man go thirsty;give me a cup of sack.' Instead of thirsty read hungry, and for a cup ofsack read mutton chop, and the words would fit me very well." The secondpassage is from his private journal, and may have been the consequence oftoo much mutton chop: "Dreamt that General Decaen was sitting and lyingupon me, to devour me; was surprised to find devouring so easy to beborne, and that after death I had the consciousness of existence. Got upsoon after six much agitated, with a more violent headache than usual."

Flinders lost no opportunity of appealing to influential Frenchmen,relating the circumstances of his detention. He offered to submit himselfto an examination by the officers of Admiral Linois' squadron, and thatcommander promised to speak to Decaen on the subject, adding that heshould be "flattered in contributing to your being set at liberty."Captain Halgan, of Le Berceau, who had been in England during the shortpeace, and had heard much of Flinders' discoveries, visited him severaltimes and offered pecuniary assistance if it were required. Flinderswrote to the French Minister of the Treasury, Barbe-Marbois, urging himto intercede, and to the Comte de Fleurieu, one of the most influentialmen in French scientific circles, who was particularly well informedconcerning Australian exploration.

The flat roof of the Maison Despeaux commanded a view of Port Louisharbour; and, as Flinders was in the habit of sitting upon the roof inthe cool evenings, enjoying the sight of the blue waters, and meditatingupon his work and upon what he hoped still to do, Decaen thought he wasgetting to know too much. In June, 1804, therefore, the door to the roofwas ordered to be nailed up, and telescopes were taken away from theimprisoned officers. At this time also occurred an incident which showsthat Flinders' proud spirit was by no means broken by captivity. Thesergeant of the guard demanded the swords of all the prisoners, that ofFlinders among the rest. It was an affront to him as an officer that hissword should be demanded by a sergeant, and he promptly refused. Hedespatched the following letter to the Governor:* (* Decaen Papers Volume84.)

The sergeant of the guard over the prisoners in this house has demandedof me, by the order of Captain Neuville, my sword, and all other arms inmy possession.

"Upon this subject I beg leave to represent to Your Excellency that it ishighly inconsistent with my situation in His Britannic Majesty's serviceto deliver up my arms in this manner. I am ready to deliver up to anofficer bearing your Excellency's order, but I request that that officerwill be of equal rank to myself.

"I have the honour to be,

"Your Excellency's most obedient servant and prisoner,

"MATTW. FLINDERS.

"Maison Despeaux, June 2, 1804."

In a few days Captain Neuville called to apologise. It was, he said, amistake on the part of the sergeant to ask for the sword. Had theGovernor required it, an officer of equal rank would have been sent, "buthe had no intention to make me a prisoner until he should receive ordersto that effect." Not a prisoner! What was he, then? Certainly not, saidCaptain Neuville; he was merely "put under surveillance for a shortperiod." Inasmuch as Flinders was being treated with rather morestrictness than those who were confessedly prisoners of war, the benefitof the distinction was hard to appreciate.

Flinders considered that he had been treated rather handsomely in thematter of the sword. But about three months later a junior officer, whobehaved with much politeness, came under the orders of ColonelD'Arsonville, the town major, to demand it. D'Arsonville had beeninstructed by Decaen to take possession of it, but had been unable tocome himself. Flinders considered that under the circumstances he hadbetter give up the sword to save further trouble, and did so. Thesignificance of the incident is that, having received no orders fromFrance, Decaen from this time regarded Flinders as a prisoner of war inthe technical sense. He felt bound to hold him until instructionsarrived, and could only justifiably hold him as a prisoner.

December, 1804, arrived, and still no order of release came. On theanniversary of his arrest, Flinders wrote the following letter toDecaen:* (* Decaen Papers.)

"Maison Despeaux, December 16, 1804.

"General,

"Permit me to remind you that I am yet a prisoner in this place, and thatit is now one year since my arrestation. This is the anniversary of thatday on which you transferred me from liberty and my peaceful occupationsto the misery of a close confinement.

"Be pleased, sir, to consider that the great occupations of the FrenchGovernment may leave neither time nor inclination to attend to thesituation of an Englishman in a distant colony, and that the chance ofwar may render abortive for a considerable time at least any attempts tosend out despatches to this island. The lapse of one year shows that oneor other of these circumstances has already taken place, and theconsequence of my detainer until orders are received from France willmost probably be, that a second year will be cut out of my life anddevoted to the same listless inaction as the last, to the destruction ofmy health and happiness, and the probable ruin of all my furtherprospects. I cannot expect, however, that my private misfortunes shouldhave any influence upon Your Excellency's public conduct. It is frombeing engaged in a service calculated for the benefit of all maritimenations; from my passport; the inoffensiveness of my conduct; and theprobable delay of orders from France. Upon these considerations it isthat my present hope of receiving liberty must be founded.

"But should a complete liberation be so far incompatible with YourExcellency's plan of conduct concerning me as that no arguments willinduce you to grant it; I beg of you, General, to reflect whether everypurpose of the most severe justice will not be answered by sending me toFrance; since it is to that Government, as I am informed, that my case isreferred for decision.

"If neither of these requests be complied with, I must prepare to endurestill longer this anxious tormenting state of suspense, this exclusionfrom my favourite and, I will add, useful employment, and from all that Ihave looked forward to attain by it. Perhaps also I ought to prepare mymind for a continuance of close imprisonment. If so, I will endeavour tobear it and its consequences with firmness, and may God support my heartthrough the trial. My hopes, however, tell me more agreeable things, thateither this petition to be fully released with my people, books andpapers will be accorded, or that we shall be sent to France, where, ifthe decision of the Government should be favourable, we can immediatelyreturn to our country, our families and friends, and my report of ourinvestigations be made public if it shall be deemed worthy of thathonour.

"My former application for one of these alternatives was unsuccessful,but after a year's imprisonment and a considerable alteration in thecircumstances, I hope this will be more fortunate.

"With all due consideration I have the honour to be, Your Excellency'smost obedient humble servant.

"MATTW. FLINDERS."

To this appeal the General vouchsafed no response.

The return of the hot weather aggravated a constitutional internalcomplaint from which Flinders suffered severely. The principal physicianof the medical staff visited him and recommended a removal to the highlands in the interior of the island. John Aken, the companion of hiscaptivity, also became very ill, and his life was despaired of. In May,1805, having somewhat recovered, he applied to be allowed to depart withseveral other prisoners of war who were being liberated on parole. Verymuch to his surprise the permission was accorded. Aken left on May 20thin an American ship bound for New York, the captain of which gave him afree passage; taking with him all the charts which Flinders had finishedup to date, as well as the large general chart of Australia, showing theextent of the new discoveries, and all papers relating to theInvestigator voyage. There was at this time a general exchange ofprisoners of war, and by the middle of August the only English prisonersremaining in Ile-de-France were Flinders, his servant, who steadfastlyrefused to avail himself of the opportunity to leave, and a lame seaman.

CHAPTER 24. THE CAPTIVITY MODIFIED.

Flinders continued to reside at the Garden prison till August, 1805. Inthat month he was informed that the Governor was disposed to permit himto live in the interior of the island, if he so desired. This changewould give him a large measure of personal freedom, he would no longer beunder close surveillance, and he would be able to enjoy social life. Hehad formed a friendship with an urbane and cultivated French gentleman,Thomas Pitot, whom he consulted, and who found for him a residence in thehouse of Madame D'Arifat at Wilhelm's Plains.

Here commenced a period of five years and six months, of detentioncertainly, but no longer of imprisonment. In truth, it was the mostrestful period of Flinders' whole life; and, if he could have banishedthe longing for home and family, and the bitter feeling of wrong thatgnawed at his heart, and could have quietened the desire that was everuppermost in his mind to continue the exploratory work still remaining tobe done, his term under Madame D'Arifat's roof would have beendelightfully happy.

Those twenty months in Port Louis had made him a greatly changed man.Friends who had known him in the days of eager activity, when fatigueswere lightly sustained, would scarcely have recognised the brisk explorerin the pale, emaciated, weak, limping semi-invalid who took his leave ofthe kind-hearted sergeant of the guard on August 19th, and stepped feeblyoutside the iron gate in company with his friend Pitot. A portrait ofhim, painted by an amateur some time later, crude in execution though itis, shows the hollow cheeks of a man who had suffered, and conveys anidea of the dimmed eyes whose brightness and commanding expression hadonce been remarked by many who came in contact with him.

But at all events over five years of fairly pleasant existence were nowbefore him. The reason why the period was so protracted will be explainedin the next chapter. This one can be devoted to the life at Wilhelm'sPlains.

A parole was given, by which Flinders bound himself not to go more thantwo leagues from his habitation, and to conduct himself with that degreeof reserve which was becoming in an officer residing in a colony withwhose parent state his nation was at war.

The interior of Mauritius is perhaps as beautiful a piece of country asthere is in the world. The vegetation is rich and varied, gemmed withflowers and plentifully watered by cool, pure, never-failing streams. Toone who had been long in prison pent, the journey inland was a processionof delights. Monsieur Pitot, who was intimate with the country gentlemen,made the stages easy, and several visits were paid by the way. Thecultivated French people of the island were all very glad to entertainFlinders, of whom they had heard much, and who won their sympathy byreason of his wrongs, and their affection by his own personality.Charming gardens shaded by mango and other fruit trees, cool fish-ponds,splashing cascades and tumbling waterfalls, coffee and clove plantations,breathing out a spicy fragrance, stretches of natural forest--a perpetualvariety in beauty--gratified the traveller, as he ascended the thousandfeet above which stretched the plateau whereon the home of MadameD'Arifat stood.

In the garden of the house were two comfortable pavilions. One of thesewas to be occupied by Flinders, the other by his servant, Elder, and thelame seaman who accompanied him. Madame D'Arifat hospitably proposed thathe should take his meals with her family in the house, and his gladacceptance of the invitation commenced a pleasant and profitablefriendship with people to whom he ever after referred with deep respect.

A note about the kindness of these gentle friends is contained in aletter to his wife:* (* Flinders' Papers.) "Madame and her amiabledaughters said much to console me, and seemed to take it upon themselvesto dissipate my chagrin by engaging me in innocent amusement andagreeable conversation. I cannot enough be grateful to them for suchkindness to a stranger, to a foreigner, to an enemy of their country, forsuch they have a right to consider me if they will, though I am an enemyto no country in fact, but as it opposes the honour, interest, andhappiness of my own. My employment and inclinations lead to the extensionof happiness and of science, and not to the destruction of mankind."

The kindly consideration of the inhabitants was unfailing. Their houseswere ever open to the English captain, and they were always glad to havehim with them, and hear him talk about the wonders of his adventurouslife. He enjoyed his walks, and restored health soon stimulated him torenewed mental activity.

He studied the French language, and learnt to speak and write it clearly.He continued to read Latin, and also studied Malay, thinking that aknowledge of this tongue would be useful to him in case of future workupon the northern coasts of Australia and the neighbouring archipelagoes.He never lost hope of pursuing his investigations in the field where hehad already won so much distinction. To his brother Samuel, in a letterof October, 1807, he wrote:* (* Flinders' Papers.) "You know my intentionof completing the examination of Australia as soon as the Admiralty willgive me a ship. My intentions are still the same, and the great object ofmy present studies is to render myself more capable of performing thetask with reputation." He cogitated a scheme for exploring the interiorof Australia "from the head of the Gulf of Carpentaria to the head of thegreat gulf on the south coast," i.e., Spencer's Gulf. "In case of beingagain sent to Australia I should much wish that this was part of myinstructions." Much as he longed to see his friends in England, work,always work, scope for more and more work, was his dominating passion."Should a peace speedily arrive," he told Banks (March, 1806), "and theirLordships of the Admiralty wish to have the north-west coast of Australiaexamined immediately, I will be ready to embark in any ship provided forthe service that they may choose to send out. My misfortunes have notabated my ardour in the service of science." If there was work to do, hewould even give up the chance of going home before commencing it. "In theevent of sending out another Investigator immediately after the peace,probably Lieutenant Fowler or my brother might be chosen as firstlieutenant to bring her out to me." He spoke of directing researches tothe Fiji Islands and the South Pacific. Rarely has there been a man sokeen for the most strenuous service, so unsparing of himself, so eager toexcel.

Occasionally in the letters and journals appear lively descriptions oflife at Wilhelm's Plains. The following is a tinted vignette of thiskind: "In the evening I walked out to visit my neighbour, whom I had notseen for near a week. I met the whole family going out in the followingorder: First, Madame, with her youngest daughter, about six years old, ina palankin with M. Boistel walking by the side of it. Next, MademoiselleAimee, about 16, mounted astride upon an ass, with her younger sister,about 7, behind her, also astride. Third, Mademoiselle her sister, about15, mounted upon M. Boistel's horse, also astride; and two or three blackservants carrying an umbrella, lanthorn, etc., bringing up the rear. Thetwo young ladies had stockings on to-day,* (* On a previous day,mentioned in the journal, they had worn none.) and for what I knowdrawers also; they seemed to have occasion for them. Madame stopped onseeing me, and I paid my compliments and made the usual enquiries. Shesaid they were taking a promenade, going to visit a neighbour, and onthey set. I could perceive that the two young ladies were a littleashamed of meeting me, and were cautious to keep their coats well down totheir ankles, which was no easy thing. I stood looking after and admiringthe procession some time; considering it a fair specimen of the manner inwhich the gentry of the island, who are not very well provided withconveyances, make visits in the country. I wished much to be able to makea sketch of the procession. It would have been as good, with the title of'Going to See our Neighbour' under it, as the Vicar of Wakefield's family'Going to Church.'"

He was much interested in an inspection of the Mesnil estate, whereLaperouse had resided when as an officer of the French navy he hadvisited Ile-de-France, and which in conjunction with another Frenchofficer he purchased. It was here, though Flinders does not seem to havebeen aware of the romantic fact, that the illustrious navigator fell inlove with Eleanore Broudou, whom, despite family opposition, heafterwards married.* (* The charming love-story of Laperouse has beenrelated in the author's Laperouse, Sydney 1912.) "I surveyed the scene,"wrote Flinders, "with mingled sensations of pleasure and melancholy: theruins of his house, the garden he had laid out, the still bloominghedgerows of China roses, emblems of his reputation, everything was anobject of interest and curiosity. This spot is nearly in the centre ofthe island, and upon the road from Port Louis to Port Bourbon. It washere that the man lamented by the good and well-informed of all nations,whom science illumined, and humanity, joined to an honest ambition,conducted to the haunts of remote savages, in this spot he once dwelt,perhaps little known to the world, but happy; when he became celebratedhe had ceased to exist. Monsieur Airolles promised me to place threesquare blocks of stone, one upon the other, in the spot where the houseof this lamented navigator had stood; and upon the uppermost stone facingthe road to engrave 'Laperouse.'"

Investigations made in later years by the Comite des SouvenirsHistoriques of Mauritius, show that Airolles carried out his promise toFlinders, and erected a cairn in the midst of what had been the garden ofLaperouse. But the stones were afterwards removed by persons who hadlittle sentiment for the associations of the place. In the year 1897, theComite des Souvenirs Historiques obtained from M. Dauban, then theproprietor of the estate, permission to erect a suitable memorial, suchas Flinders had suggested. This was done. The inscription upon the faceof the huge conical rock chosen for the purpose copies the words used byFlinders. It reads:

LAPEROUSE

ILLUSTRE NAVIGATEUR

A achete ce terrain en Avril 1775 et l'a habite.

Le CAPITAINE FLINDERS dit:

"In this spot he once dwelt, perhaps little known to the world, buthappy."

(Comite des Souvenirs Historiques. 1897.)

Flinders' pen was very busy during these years. Access to his charts andpapers, printed volumes and log-books (except the third log-book,containing details of the Cumberland's voyage), having been given to him,he wrote up the history of his voyages and adventures. By July, 1806, hehad completed the manuscript as far as the point when he left the Gardenprison. An opportunity of despatching it to the Admiralty occurred whenthe French privateer La Piemontaise captured the richly laden Chinamerchantman Warren Hastings and brought her into Port Louis as a prize.Captain Larkins was released after a short detention, and offered to takea packet to the Admiralty. Finished charts were also sent; and Sir JohnBarrow, who wrote the powerful Quarterly Review article of 1810, whereinFlinders' cause was valiantly championed, had resort to this material. Avaluable paper by Flinders, upon the use of the marine barometer forpredicting changes of wind at sea, was also the fruit of his enforcedleisure. It was conveyed to England, read before the Royal Society by SirJoseph Banks, and published in the Transactions of that learned body in1806.

The friendship of able and keen-minded men was not lacking during theseyears. There existed in Ile-de-France a Societe d'Emulation, formed topromote the study of literary and philosophical subjects, whose members,learning what manner of man Flinders was, addressed a memorial to theInstitute of France relating what had happened to him, and eulogising hiscourage, his high character, his innocence, and the worth of hisservices. They protested that he was a man into whose heart there hadnever entered a single desire, a single thought, the execution of whichcould be harmful to any individual, of whatever class or to whatevernation he might belong. "Use then, we beg of you," they urged, "in favourof Captain Flinders the influence of the first scientific body in Europe,the National Institute, in order that the error which has led to thecaptivity of this learned navigator may become known; you will acquire,in rendering this noble service, a new title to the esteem and the honourof all nations, and of all friends of humanity."

The Governor-General of India, Lord Wellesley, took a keen interest inFlinders' situation, and in 1805 requested Decaen's "particularattention" to it, earnestly soliciting him to "release Captain Flindersimmediately, and to allow him either to take his passage to India in theThetis or to return to England in the first neutral ship." Rear-AdmiralSir Edward Pellew, commander-in-chief of the British naval forces in theEast Indies, tried to effect an exchange by the liberation of a Frenchofficer of equal rank. But in this direction nothing was concluded.

Under these circumstances, with agreeable society, amidst sympatheticfriends, in a charming situation, well and profitably employed upon hisown work, Flinders spent over five years of his captivity. He neverceased to chafe under the restraint, and to move every availableinfluence to secure his liberty, but it cannot be said that the chainswere oppressively heavy. Decaen troubled him very little. Once (in May,1806) the General's anger flamed up, in consequence of a strong letter ofprotest received from Governor King of New South Wales. King's affectionfor Flinders was like that of a father for a son, and on receipt of thenews about the Cumberland his indignation poured itself out in thisletter to Decaen, with which he enclosed a copy of Flinders' letter tohim. It happened that, at the time of the arrival of the letter inIle-de-France, Flinders was on a visit to Port Louis, where he had beenpermitted to come for a few days. The result of King's intervention wasthat Decaen ordered him to return to Wilhelm's Plains, and refused theapplication he had made to be allowed to visit two friends who wereliving on the north-east side of the island.

John Elder, Flinders' servant, remained with him until June, 1806. Hemight have left when there was a general exchange of prisoners in August,1805, and another opportunity of quitting the island was presented inApril, 1806, when the lame seaman departed on an American ship bound forBoston. But Elder was deeply attached to his master, and would haveremained till the end had not his mind become somewhat unhinged byfrequent disappointments and by his despair of ever securing liberation.When his companion, the lame seaman, went away, Elder developed a form ofmelancholy, with hallucinations, and appeared to be wasting away fromloss of sleep and appetite. Permission for him to depart was thereforeobtained, and from July, 1806, Flinders was the only remaining member ofthe Cumberland's company.

Throughout the period of detention Flinders was placed on half-pay by theAdmiralty. It cannot be said that he was treated with generosity by theGovernment of his own country at any time. He was not a prisoner of warin the strict sense, and the rigid application of the ordinaryregulations of service in his peculiar case seems to have been a ratherstiff measure. Besides, the Admiralty had evidence from time to time, inthe receipt of new charts and manuscripts, that Flinders wasindustriously applying himself to the duties of the service on which hehad been despatched. But there was the regulation, and someone inauthority ruled that it had to apply in this most unusual instance. Thereis some pathos in a letter written by Mrs. Flinders to a friend inEngland (August, 1806) "The Navy Board have thought proper to curtail myhusband's pay, so it behoves me to be as careful as I can; and I mean tobe very economical, being determined to do with as little as possible,that he may not deem me an extravagant wife."

CHAPTER 25. THE ORDER OF RELEASE.

The several representations concerning the case of Flinders that weremade in France, the attention drawn to it in English newspapers, and thelively interest of learned men of both nations, produced a moving effectupon Napoleon's Government. Distinguished Frenchmen did not hesitate tospeak plainly. Fleurieu, whose voice was attentively heard on all matterstouching geography and discovery, declared publicly that "the indignitiesimposed upon Captain Flinders were without example in the nauticalhistory of civilised nations. Malte-Brun, a savant of the first rank,expressed himself so boldly as to incur the displeasure of theauthorities. Bougainville, himself a famous navigator, made personalappeals to the Government. Sir Joseph Banks, whose friendly relationswith French men of science were not broken by the war, used all theinfluence he could command. He had already, "from the graciouscondescension of the Emperor," obtained the release of five persons whohad been imprisoned in France,* and had no doubt that if he could getNapoleon's ear he could bring about the liberation of his protege. (*Banks to Flinders, Historical Records 5 646.)

At last, in March, 1806, the affair came before the Council of State inParis, mainly through the instrumentality of Bougainville. Banks wrote toMrs. Flinders:* (* Flinders' Papers.) "After many refusals on the part ofBonaparte to applications made to him from different quarters, he at lastconsented to order Captain Flinders' case to be laid before the Councilof State."

On the first of March an order was directed to be sent to Decaen,approving his previous conduct, but informing him that, moved "by asentiment of generosity, the Government accord to Captain Flinders hisliberty and the restoration of his ship." Accompanying the despatch wasan extract from the minutes of the Council of State, dated March 1st,1806, recording that: "The Council of State, which, after the return ofHis Majesty the Emperor and King, has considered the report of its Marinesection on that of the Minister of Marine and the Colonies concerning thedetention of the English schooner Cumberland and of Captain Flinders atIle-de-France (see the documents appended to the report), is of opinionthat the Captain-General of Ile-de-France had sufficient reason fordetaining there Captain Flinders and his schooner; but by reason of theinterest that the misfortunes of Captain Flinders has inspired, he seemsto deserve that His Majesty should authorise the Minister of Marine andthe Colonies to restore to him his liberty and his ship." This documentwas endorsed: "Approuve au Palais des Tuileries, le onze Mars, 1806.

NAPOLEON."

The terms of the despatch with which the order was transmitted containeda remarkable statement. Decres informed Decaen that he, as Minister, hadon the 30th July, 1804--nearly one year and nine months before the orderof release--brought Flinders' case under the notice of the Council ofState. But nothing was done: the Emperor had to be consulted, and at thatdate Napoleon was not accessible. He was superintending the army encampedat Boulogne, preparing for that projected descent upon England which evenhis magnificent audacity never dared to make. He did not return to St.Cloud, within hail of Paris, till October 12th.* (* The movements ofNapoleon day by day can be followed in Schuerman's Itineraire General deNapoleon.) Then the officials surrounding him were kept busy withpreparations for crowning himself and the Empress Josephine, a ceremonyperformed by Pope Pius VII, at Notre Dame, on December 2nd. Theconsequence was that this piece of business about an unfortunate Englishcaptain in Ile-de-France--like nearly all other business concerned withthe same colony at the time--got covered up beneath a mass of more urgentaffairs, and remained in abeyance until the agitation stimulated byBanks, Fleurieu, Bougainville, Malte-Brun and others forced the caseunder the attention of the Emperor and his ministers.

Even then the despatch did not reach Ile-de-France till July, 1807,sixteen months after the date upon it; and it was then transmitted, notby a French ship, but by an English frigate, the Greyhound, under a flagof truce. The reason for that was unfortunate for Flinders as anindividual, but entirely due to the efficiency of the navy of which hewas an officer. In 1805 the British fleet had demolished the French atTrafalgar, and from that time forward until the end of the war, GreatBritain was mistress of the ocean in full potency. Her frigates patrolledthe highways of the sea with a vigilance that never relaxed. In January,1806, she took possession of the Cape of Good Hope for the second time,and has held it ever since. The consequences to Decaen and his garrisonwere very serious. With the British in force at the Cape, how couldsupplies, reinforcements and despatches get through to him inIle-de-France? He saw the danger clearly, but was powerless to avert it.Of this particular despatch four copies were sent from France on as manyships. One copy was borne by a French vessel which was promptly capturedby the British; and on its contents becoming known the Admiralty sent itout to Admiral Pellew, in order that he might send a ship under a flag oftruce to take it to Decaen. The Secretary to the Admiralty, Marsden,wrote to Pellew (December, 1806) that the despatch "has already beentransmitted to the Isle of France in triplicate, but as it may be hopedthat the vessels have been all captured you had better take anopportunity of sending this copy by a flag of truce, provided you havenot heard in the meantime of Flinders being at liberty." As a fact, oneother copy did get through, on a French vessel.

Pellew lost no time in informing Flinders of the news, and the captivewrote to Decaen in the following terms:* (* Decaen Papers.)

"July 24, 1807.

"General,

"By letters from Rear-Admiral Sir Edward Pellew, transmitted to meyesterday by Colonel Monistrol, I am informed that orders relating to mehave at length arrived from His Excellency the Marine Minister of France,which orders are supposed to authorize my being set at liberty.

"Your Excellency will doubtless be able to figure to yourself thesensations such a communication must have excited in me, after adetention of three years and a half, and my anxiety to have suchagreeable intelligence confirmed by some information of the steps it isin Your Excellency's contemplation to take in consequence. If theseletters have flattered me in vain with the hopes of returning to mycountry and my family, I beg of you, General, to inform me; if they arecorrect, you will complete my happiness by confirming their contents. Thestate of incertitude in which I have so long remained will, I trust, beadmitted as a sufficient excuse for my anxiety to be delivered from it.

"I have the honour to be, Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant,

"MATTW. FLINDERS.

"His Excellency the Captain-General Decaen."

In reply Decaen transmitted to Flinders a copy of the despatch of theMinister of Marine, and informed him through Colonel Monistrol "that, sosoon as circumstances will permit, you will fully enjoy the favour whichhas been granted you by His Majesty the Emperor and King."

But now, having at length received orders, countersigned by Napoleonhimself, that Flinders should be liberated, Decaen came to a decisionthat on the face of it seems extremely perplexing. We have seen that inAugust, 1805, Flinders, well informed by persons who had conversed withDecaen, believed that the General "would be very glad to get handsomelyclear of me," and that in November of the same year he made the assertionthat Decaen "would have gladly suffered me to depart long since" but forthe reference of the case to Paris. We have direct evidence to the sameeffect in a letter from Colonel Monistrol regarding Lord Wellesley'sapplication for Flinders' release.* (* Historical Records 5 651.) TheColonel desired "with all my heart" that the request could be acceded to,but the Captain-General could not comply until he had received a responseto his despatch. Yet, when the response was received, and Flinders mighthave been liberated with the full approbation of the French Government,Decaen replied to the Minister's despatch in the following terms (August20th, 1807):

"I have the honour to inform Your Excellency that by the English frigateGreyhound, which arrived here on July 21st under a flag of truce, in thehope of gathering information concerning His British Majesty's shipsBlenheim and Java, I have received the fourth copy of Your Excellency'sdespatch of March 21st, 1806, Number 8, relative to Captain Flinders.Having thought that the favourable decision that it contains regardingthat officer had been determined at a time when the possibility of somerenewal of friendliness with England was perceived, I did not considerthat the present moment was favourable for putting into operation thatact of indulgence on the part of His Majesty. I have since received thesecond copy of the same despatch; but, the circumstances having becomestill more difficult, and that officer appearing to me to be alwaysdangerous, I await a more propitious time for putting into execution theintentions of His Majesty. My zeal for his service has induced me tosuspend the operations of his command. I trust, Monsieur, that thatmeasure of prudence will obtain your Excellency's approbation. I have thehonour to be, etc., etc., etc., DECAEN."* (* This despatch was originallypublished by M. Albert Pitot, in his Esquisses Historiques del'Ile-de-France. Port Louis, 1899.)

It will be observed that in this despatch Decaen describes thecircumstances of the colony he governed as having become "moredifficult," and Flinders as appearing to him to be "always dangerous." Wemust, then, examine the circumstances to ascertain why they had become sodifficult, and why he considered that it would now be dangerous to letFlinders go.

It is easy enough to attribute the General's refusal to obstinacy ormalignity. But his anger had cooled down by 1807; his prisoner was acharge on the establishment to the extent of 5400 francs a year, andDecaen was a thrifty administrator; why, then, should he apparently havehardened his heart to the extent of disobeying the Emperor's command? Theexplanation is not to be found in his temper, but in the militarysituation of Ile-de-France, and his belief that Flinders was accuratelyinformed about it; as was, indeed, the case.

At this time Decaen was holding Ile-de-France by a policy fairlydescribable as one of "bluff." The British could have taken it bythrowing upon it a comparatively small force, had they known how weak itsdefences were. But they did not know; and Decaen, whose duty it was todefend the place to the utmost, did not intend that they should if hecould prevent information reaching them. After the crushing of Frenchnaval power at Trafalgar and the British occupation of the Cape, Decaen'sposition became untenable, though a capitulation was not forced upon himtill four years later. He constantly demanded reinforcements and money,which never came to hand. The military and financial resources of Francewere being strained to prosecute Napoleon's wars in Europe. There wereneither men nor funds to spare for the colony in the Indian Ocean. Decaenfelt that his position was compromised.* (* "Il sentait sa positioncompromise." Prentout page 521; who gives an excellent account of thesituation.) He addressed the Emperor personally "with all the sadness ofa wounded soul," but nothing was done for Ile-de-France. There was notenough money to repair public buildings and quays, which fell into ruins.There was no timber, no sail-cloth to re-fit ships. Even nails werelacking. A little later (1809) he complained in despatches of theshortness of flour and food. There was little revenue, no credit. Nowthat the British had asserted their strength, and held the Cape, prizeswere few. Above all he represented "the urgent need for soldiers." Hefelt himself abandoned. But still, with a resolute tenacity that onecannot but admire, he hung on to his post, and maintained a bold front tothe enemy.

Did Flinders know of this state of things? Unquestionably he did; andDecaen knew that he knew. He could have informed the British Government,had he chosen to violate his parole; but he was in all things ascrupulously honourable man, and, as he said, "an absolute silence wasmaintained in my letters." He was constantly hoping that an attack wouldbe made upon the island, and "if attacked with judgment it appeared to methat a moderate force would carry it."* (* Voyage to Terra Australis 2419.) But all this while the British believed that Ile-de-France wasstrong, and that a successful assault upon it would require a largerforce than they could spare at the time. Even after Flinders had returnedto England, when he was asked at the Admiralty whether he thought that acontemplated attack would succeed, his confident assurance that it wouldwas received with doubt. Decaen's "bluff" was superb.

On one point, if we may believe St. Elme le Duc, Decaen did Flinders agrave injustice. It was believed, says that writer's manuscript, thatFlinders had several times managed to go out at night, that he had madesoundings along the coast, and had transmitted information to Bengalwhich was of use when ultimately the colony was taken by the English. Forthat charge there is not a shadow of warrant. There is not the faintestground for supposing that he did not observe his parole with the utmoststrictness. Had he supplied information, Ile-de-France would have passedunder British rule long before 1810.* (* The belief that Flinders tooksoundings appears to have been common among the French inhabitants ofPort Louis. In the Proceedings of the South Australian Branch of theRoyal Geographical Society, 1912 to 1913 page 71, is printed a briefaccount of the detention of Flinders, by a contemporary, D'Epinay, alawyer of the town. Here it is stated: "It is found out that at night hetakes soundings off the coast and has forwarded his notes to India."Those who gave credence to this wild story apparently never reflectedthat Flinders had no kind of opportunity for taking soundings.)

A few passages written for inclusion in the Voyage to Terra Australis,but for some reason omitted, may be quoted to show how rigorouslyvisiting ships were treated lest information should leak out.* (*Manuscript, Mitchell Library.)

"It may not be amiss to mention the rules which a ship is obliged toobserve on arriving at Port North-West, since it will of itself give someidea of the nature of the Government. The ship is boarded by a pilot oneor two miles from the entrance to the port, who informs the commanderthat no person must go on shore, or any one be suffered to come on boarduntil the ship has been visited by the officer of health, who comes soonafter the ship has arrived at anchor in the mouth of the port,accompanied with an officer from the captain of the port, and, if it is aforeign ship, by an interpreter. If the health of the crew presents noobjection, and after answering the questions put to him concerning theobject of his coming to the island, the commander goes on shore in theFrench boat, and is desired to take with him all papers containingpolitical information, and all letters, whether public or private, thatare on board the vessel; and although there should be several parcels ofnewspapers of the same date, they must all go. On arriving at theGovernment House, to which he is accompanied by the officer andinterpreter, and frequently by a guard, he sooner or later sees theGovernor, or one of his aides-de-camp, who questions him upon his voyage,upon political intelligence, the vessels he has met at sea, hisintentions in touching at the island, etc.; after which he is desired toleave his letters, packets, and newspapers, no matter to whom they areaddressed. If he refuse this, or to give all the information he knows,however detrimental it may be to his own affairs, or appears toequivocate, if he escapes being imprisoned in the town he is sent back tohis ship under a guard, and forbidden all communication with the shore.If he gives satisfaction, he is conducted from the General to thePrefect, to answer his questions, and if he satisfies him also, is thenleft at liberty to go to his consul and transact his business. Theletters and packets left with the General, if not addressed to personsobnoxious to the Government, are sent unopened, according to theirdirection. I will not venture to say that the others are opened andafterwards destroyed, but it is much suspected. If the newspapers containno intelligence but what is permitted to be known, they are also sent totheir address. The others are retained; and for this reason it is thatall the copies of the same paper are demanded, for the intention is notmerely to gain intelligence, but to prevent what is disagreeable frombeing circulated."

Decaen's conduct in refusing to liberate Flinders when the order reachedhim need not be excused, but it should be understood. To impute sheermalignity to him does not help us much, nor does it supply a sufficientmotive. What we know of his state of mind, as well as what we know of thefinancial position of the colony, induce the belief that he would havebeen quite glad to get rid of Flinders in 1807, had not other andstronger influences intervened. But he was a soldier, placed in anexceedingly precarious situation, which he could only maintain bydetermining not to lose a single chance. War is an affliction thatscourges a larger number of those who do not fight than of those who do;and Flinders, with all his innocence, was one of its victims. He wasthought to know too much. That was why he was "dangerous." A learnedFrench historian* stigmatises Decaen's conduct as "maladroit and brutal,but not dishonest." (* Prentout page 661.) Dishonest he never was; as tothe other terms we need not dispute so long as we understand the peculiartwist of circumstances that intensified the maladroitness and brutalitythat marked the man, and without which, indeed, he would not perhaps havebeen the dogged, tough, hard-fighting, resolute soldier that he was.

Flinders could have escaped from Ile-de-France on several occasions, hadhe chosen to avail himself of opportunities. He did not, for two reasons,both in the highest degree honourable to him. The first was that he hadgiven his parole, and would not break it; the second that escape wouldhave meant sacrificing some of his precious papers. In May, 1806, anAmerican captain rejoicing in the name of Gamaliel Matthew Ward called atPort Louis, and hearing of Flinders' case, actually made arrangements forremoving him. It was Flinders himself who prevented the daring skipperfrom carrying out his plan. "The dread of dishonouring my parole," hewrote, "made me contemplate this plan with a fearful eye."* (* Flinders'Papers.) In December of the same year he wrote to John Aken: "Since Ifind so much time elapse, and no attention paid to my situation by theFrench Government, I have been very heartily sorry for having given myparole, as I could otherwise have made my escape long ago." Again, hewrote to his wife: "Great risks must be run and sacrifices made, but myhonour shall remain unstained. No captain in His Majesty's Navy shallhave cause to blush in calling me a brother officer."