The United States is again in violation of international law. That is
a strong statement and one that reminds us of the invasion of Iraq,
Guantanamo bay, water-boarding, rendition, and the strong international
legal arguments made about these situations.

But in this case the violation will be hailed by many as a positive step.

On 6 November various ballot initiatives were voted on in the US,
from abolishing the death penalty to allowing assisted suicide, to
legalising gay marriage. Three had the clearest potential to render the
US in breach of international law if they succeeded. With the votes in Colorado and Washington which established a legally regulated framework
for non-medical production and sale of marijuana, that breach has now
occurred.

Some states have been pushing at the boundaries of these treaties for
some time, however, on particular points of contention that have
developed in the decades since the treaties were negotiated. Times have
changed since 1961. Grey areas have been exploited, arcane scheduling
systems utilised, and interpretations adopted that allow more room for
manoeuvre.

But what sets these ballot initiatives apart is that there is no grey
area to exploit, and it would take some legal gymnastics to interpret
your way past that. This is straight up legalisation (and regulation) of recreational
use, production, and sale, which is simply not permitted. It's what the system
was set up in large part to prohibit, with marijuana receiving
particular attention alongside coca and opium. While most substances are
listed in annexed schedules, these three are written into the very
terms of the treaties ('cannabis' is the term used).

The US (alongside over 180 other states) is required, under a very
robust and politically supported regime, to 'limit exclusively to
medical and scientific purposes the production, manufacture, export,
import, distribution of, trade in, use and possession of drugs'.

There is more, of course, and there are various provisos and caveats
on certain provisions, but this is a 'general obligation' of the regime
around which all else revolves. In other words, the US is not just in
breach of some marginal aspect of the system, now, but a fundamental
requirement of it that goes to the heart of prohibition.

Millions of US citizens are now permitted to buy and sell marijuana
for recreational purposes (regulations pending). These laws apply to a
population far exceeding that of Sweden (where I am currently sitting)
and way over twice the size of Ireland (where I'm from). This would be
supported by neither government, which have signed contracts with the US
in the form of these international agreements to the effect that none
of them would allow it. The fact that this has happened at state and not
federal level does not rectify the legal dilemma the US government now
faces.

Many in the US and worldwide are celebrating the results in Colorado
and Washington as the beginning of the end of the war on drugs - and
appropriately through a democratic process. People have voted for the US
to breach international law. That very few would have cared or knew
about this is not relevant. This is the fact of it.

There are now four possible scenarios. The US Federal Government can
fight it out, stepping all over state sovereignty. The US can withdraw
from the treaties in question. The treaties themselves can be changed by
international processes. Or the US can carry on in breach and turn a
blind eye. I think the fourth is the most likely. Ironically, this leads
inexorably to arguments for broader reform, but this is something the
US overnment has ardently opposed, even signing a recent declaration with the Russians to that effect.

So the implications for international law and the place of the UN drugs conventions within it must be considered.

We would not celebrate an ongoing breach by the US of the Convention
on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination or the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which it is also bound. Nor
would we tolerate (though they happen regularly) violations of the
Geneva Conventions, the Torture Convention, the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty or environmental protocols. Indeed, there is a
hierarchy in international law that is exposed by the Colorado and
Washington votes.

But it is one within which the drug control regime has an unnaturally
elevated position due to the widespread political consensus around
prohibition, and fears that have been intentionally fuelled over the
years. Drugs, in the UN conventions, are seen as a threat to mankind,
and an 'evil' to be fought. Over time, respect for the UN drugs
conventions has been equated with respect for the rule of law itself.
'The three United Nations drug control conventions...set the
international rule of law that all States have agreed to respect and
implement' said the President of the UN's International Narcotics
Control Board (INCB) in a recent speech. (The INCB is the body that
monitors States' implementation of the drugs conventions). He has
confused the rule of law with specific laws.

There are some things that are wrong in themselves (malum in se) and
things that are wrong because they are prohibited (malum prohibitum).
But when it comes to drug laws, fighting something that is prohibited
has resulted in widespread acts that are wrong in themselves and that
breach basic legal principles - the rule of law.

The racially discriminatory nature of drug laws is common knowledge.
Some governments rely on the international regime to justify executions of people convicted of drug offences (in violation of international law,
in fact). Police violence, mass incarceration, denial of due process
are routine in States' pursuit of the general obligation the US now
breaches.

The international legal arguments about the Colorado and Washington
results will certainly arise. They must, though it will likely be in the
rather closed and stale environment of UN drugs diplomacy. When that
happens it must emerge is that these ballots are a victory for the rule
of law even as they bring the US into conflict with the drugs
conventions. Fundamental legal principles of proportionality, fairness
and justice, not to mention democracy, have won out over arbitrary and
unreasonable controls on human behaviour.

Ending the war on drugs, moreover, will be a victory for
international human rights law. It will be a victory for international
law itself - for environmental law, anti-corruption agreements,
international security, for the achievement of international development
agreements and improved health - all of which have been damaged by
decades of prohibition. Colorado and Washington have taken us one step
closer. For that we should all celebrate.

This blog has many contributors; blog entries or comments posted to blog are not necessarily the views of Transform Drug Policy Foundation. For official comment or position statements on any given topic, or with any feedback or queries, please contact Transform. Transform Drug Policy Foundation is a registered charity No. 1100518