The typical human reaction to any infection,
vermin, danger, or toxicity is to stand back, to isolate the agent, to
trap it, to prevent its further spread or release, then to remove it in a
safe secure way if possible using trained professionals. Eventually
decisions must be made on the level of acceptable risk on the removal,
like what is willing to be lost or damaged or killed in the process. Risk
analysis, cost trade-offs, and minimization decisions must be evaluated
and executed.The toxic
agent in global trade, global banking, and global bond market is the
USDollar.In 2009, the
Jackass began making a certain firm point. Those nations that depart from
the entire USDollar system early will be the leading nations in the next
chapter, with stronger foundations, richer solvency, emerging economies,
healthier financial markets, efficient credit engines, growing wealth,
stronger political helm activity, and better functioning systems
generally. Imagine a contaminated blood system that infects, corrupts, and
destroys all interior organs from the spread of the toxin.Those nations that stick with
the crumbling USDollar system stubbornly will find a horrible fate with
devastating effects, rampant economic damage, broken financial
markets, sputtering credit engines, tremendous loss of wealth, wrecked
supply lines, poverty spreading like wildfire, ruined political
structures, social disorder, isolation from the rest of the world, and a
fast ticket to the Third World. That is EXACTLY what is happening in the
last several months. A division has begun, as the East has been busily
installing the next generation platforms, as related to trade, banking,
and commercial integration.

NEW ASIAN TRADE
ZONE

The division between East and West actually
accelerated when the extremely ill-advised decision for Iran sanctions was
made by an increasingly desperate United States Govt and its handler on
the Southern Med. The division continues, matures, and develops with each
passing month. It has become a story, as the Eurasia trade zone concept
has been born. It has a long way to go, but Asia however has made great
strides lately in unifying commerce. The climax event of the Asian trade
zone conference held in Vietnam could not have been more important, as
they rejected the US-led plan.The Asians partners and
players even rejected the United States from the entire Asian trade zone,
but did include Australia and New Zealand. The incredibly stupid naive
US-led plan, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, attempted to create a trade
zone with Asia which would have blocked China.Imagine the incredibly
obtuse blockheaded maneuver of trying to have all of Asia not conduct
facilitated trade with China, its leading trade partner.Talk about shooting both legs
and genital region with a double barreled shotgun! This is the signal
flare of US political stupidity that has turned highly destructive for the
USEconomy and its people. Such failed leadership and counter-productive
initiatives will push the US into the Third World even faster than
previously thought possible. The isolation is firming quickly. Most of
Asia does not wish for strong trade ties with the United States, most
likely since they do not see mutual benefit. They see a ravaging appetite
to grab capital.

A Paradigm Shift is taking place, and the
ASEAN-China summit gave proof positive in a seminal event of the vast
changes in progress. The United States just suffered its worst humiliation
ever as a nation on the Eastern global stage. It was exceeded only by the
humiliation for a US president personally. The story went uncovered by the
lapdog inept US press.The late November Asian summit
meeting held in Phnom Penh included 15 Asian nations, which represent half
the world's population. They decided to form a Regional Comprehensive
Economic Partnership thatexcludes the United States.The Asians are pushing to isolate
the United States. Regard it as punishment for hegemony, or a reaction to
prevent further capital drainage, or to protect from central bank abuse,
or to wall off continued bond fraud export, or to defend against military
aggression. Regard it as confirmation that China is the regional leader in
Asia, even for military security. Regard it as a response to banker
criminality, or simply for being totally full to the brim of American
corruption and arrogance and abuse of position, led by creation of the
USDollar as an elaborate weapon and credit card whose balance is never to
be repaid. Abuse of power and sponsored financial corruption will have
extreme consequences in the reshaping of global commerce and banking. The
US will be isolated, so as to protect the rest of the world from its
fascist exhibitions and deep
manifestations.

FLUSHED
NATION

The
shift is in progress, and the American people have no idea what is
happening. They are too pre-occupied by the agency torture of the
population, urgently needed to remove guns and to create the police state.
Current events are heinous and genocide on large scale and small scale.
Any comments will be limited on the orchestrated travesty, travails, and
tragedy. They all have one traceable element, which connects to a certain
Virginia suburb where an intelligent pillbox operates in the shadows with
puppet strings to the press networks and maybe Hollywood. The security
agencies turned to the dark side years ago, with full devotion to
narcotics, money laundering, and collusion with the castle dwellers. When
the Praetorian Guard plots to bring about a police state, the only words
that come to mind are disaster, disorder, mayhem, betrayal, degradation,
death. Their tools are psychotropic drugs, violent training, weather
altering devices, and basic sabotage. Treason is the calling card
unfortunately for much of the US leadership class, whether banking,
politics, economics, pharmaceuticals, or news networks. Think Syndicate,
as my work has described for several years. The United States with
itsharsh new visa
policies, molestation at airports, heavily defended borders, sponsored gun
running, has shown a vicious visible visceral fascist streak that has
begun to bring memories of the national socialists of Central Europe 70
and 80 years ago. They are back, stronger than ever, not having been
eliminated. They were instead assimilated within the banking and security
organizations, able to plant seeds which germinated with the sons in
offspring. Two sons became presidents.

DEUTSCHE MARK
GONE

In the 1960 and 1970 and even 1980 decades, the
favorite currencies off the standardized tables of commerce were the
USDollar and DeutscheMark. At one time in the Soviet Union and the Soviet
Bloc of Eastern Europe, more USDollars and DMarks were in circulation than
official Russian Rubles or Polish Zlotys or Hungarian Forints or whatever.
Those years are long gone, as in long gone, all paper alternatives
lousy.Under a strange bizarre compromise arranged to assimilate East
Germany and to conceal the French sovereign debt, the Euro Monetary Union
and the common Euro currency was born.It is now in the process of
disintegrating. So the powerfully strong and stable German DMark went
away. Back in those decades, only limited travel was done by the Jackass,
confined to a honeymoon in France and Switzerland with a cold woman no
longer inflicting her plague-like touch in my life. The Jackass deals
exclusively in Latin currency of paper and human variety. No exposure to
alternative currency held under the table was discovered in beach
locations to the south or modest hotels in the green hills to the north.
But friends reported stories. My older brother spent two months in Germany
and Czechoslavakia, with ample stories of hoarded USDollars and DMarks.
Store owners and wise families were eager to obtain USD and DM currency,
even young kids. He and some ambitious friends heard stories of vast black
market activity in Russia, where the US$100 bill was a favorite. In that
era, Gold was not an item of pursuit or stored wealth. Times have changed
radically, and Gold is the new store of
value.

Times have changed with the sunset of the DMark
and the toxicity of the USDollar. The people, the shop keepers, the
business men, the small financial firms, they all have been turned upside
down in recent years as they struggle to find a safe place to store
wealth. Money has been corrupted. The purveyors of money have lost control
by accelerating its supply by central banks, lost control of bank
solvency, lost control of anything remotely acting like an honest tether
to money itself.As a
result, all those people, the shop keepers, the business men, the small
financial firms, have been discovering Gold & Silver bars and
coins.Their =

UBS Libor-rigging settlement exposes pervasive bank fraud

By Andre Damon 20 December 2012

UBS, the largest bank in Switzerland, announced Wednesday it had agreed to a
$1.5 billion settlement with regulators in three countries, admitting that
between 2005 and 2010 it intentionally manipulated the London Interbank Offered
Rate (Libor), the most important global interest rate.

A report issued by the British Financial Services Authority (FSA) on the
settlement provides voluminous documentation, in the form of emails and instant
message exchanges, of the falsification on virtually a daily basis of UBS'
submissions to the British Bankers’ Association (BBA), which oversees Libor.

The settlement comes six months after a $450 million deal between regulators
and Barclays, the fourth-largest global bank, to settle charges that it
similarly manipulated Libor.
UBS and Barclays are among some 20 major financial institutions under
investigation for colluding to manipulate the benchmark rate, including HSBC,
Royal Bank of Scotland, Deutsche Bank, Credit Suisse, Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi,
Sumitomo Mitsui, JPMorgan Chase, Citigroup and Bank of America.
The Libor scandal has laid bare the rampant criminality in the operations of
the world's major banks and exposed the fact that the so-called “free market” is
rigged by the most powerful banks and corporations for their own profit.

The Libor rate, which is set daily in London under the auspices of the BBA, a
private banking lobby, is supposed to reflect the average cost of loans between
major banks. An estimated $800 trillion in financial products are linked to
Libor. These include $10 trillion in mortgages, student loans and credit cards.
About 90 percent of US commercial and mortgage loans are linked to the
index.

Between 2005 and 2007, Barclays, UBS and other banks systematically inflated
their borrowing cost estimates to the Libor board in order to drive up the Libor
rate and increase their profits on derivatives linked to it. After 2007, when
the global financial crisis intensified, the banks lowballed their submissions
to Libor in order to mask their financial weaknesses and lower their borrowing
costs.

By manipulating the rate upward, the banks robbed countless millions of
people of billions of dollars in inflated loan costs. By manipulating the rate
downward, they deprived states, cities, pension funds and retirees with fixed
investments of untold billions in revenues from bond holdings.

The settlements with both Barclays and UBS—expected to be followed by similar
deals with other banks under investigation—enable the banks to pay a small
fraction of their revenues and avoid any criminal charges. Not a single leading
executive at either bank has been named or indicted for his or her role in
defrauding the world.

In the case of UBS, the US Justice Department made a point of not criminally
charging UBS itself, instead obtaining a guilty plea only from its Japanese
subsidiary. Only two mid-level UBS employees have been criminally charged.

This is in keeping with the policy of shielding the global financial elite
pursued by the US and governments around the world since the Wall Street crash
of September 2008. That meltdown, triggered by reckless and illegal speculative
activities, plunged the world economy into slump and devastated the living
standards of tens of millions of workers in the US and internationally. Yet not
a single leading banker has been prosecuted, let alone jailed.

To settle the charges relating to its manipulation of Libor, UBS will pay
$1.2 billion to US authorities, $260.2 million in fines to the British Financial
Services Authority, and $64.6 million to Swiss regulators.

In its report, the FSA said the total fines against UBS were larger than
those imposed on Barclays because “UBS’ misconduct is, although similar in
nature, considerably more serious… More individuals, including managers and
senior managers, participated in or knew about the manipulation."

The FSA noted that UBS employees not only collaborated internally in
falsifying Libor submissions, but the bank also “made corrupt payments of
£15,000 per quarter to brokers to reward them for their assistance for a period
of at least 18 months.”

The report cited specific exchanges, such as an email from September 18, 2008
in which a UBS trader told a broker at another firm: “if you keep [the Libor
rate] unchanged today… I will f___g do one humongous deal with you… Like a
50,000 buck deal, whatever… I need you to keep it as low as possible… if you do
that… I’ll pay you, you know, 50,000 dollars, 100,000 dollars… whatever you want
... I’m a man of my word.”

The FSA reported noted: “There was a culture where the manipulation of the
Libor and Euribor (the euro equivalent of the dollar-denominated Libor) setting
process was pervasive. The manipulation was conducted openly and was considered
to be a normal and acceptable business practice by a large pool of
individuals.”

In an email published in relationship to last June’s Barclays settlement, one
trader said that for every .01 percent Libor was changed, the bank would receive
“about a couple of million dollars.”

Libor was created in 1984 to provide a common basis for valuing a broad range
of complex securities, including interest rate swaps and derivatives, which had
sprung up during the decade’s finance boom. In keeping with the global policy of
deregulation and “self-regulation,” the Libor-setting process was placed under
the control of the BBA, a private British banking lobby dominated by the most
powerful London-based banks, and based on daily reports submitted by major
international banks.

Given the scale and pervasiveness of the manipulation of Libor by virtually
every major bank in the world, it is impossible to credibly claim that financial
regulators and governments were unaware of the fraud that was being perpetrated.
On the contrary, documents requested by a US House of Representatives committee
and released last July by the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and the Bank of
England, following the announcement of the Barclays settlement, showed that both
institutions knew of the Libor-rigging as early as 2007.

The documents included emails from Barclays employees to the New York Fed and
the Bank of England alerting them to the falsification of Libor submissions.
Outside of a pro-forma letter from the New York Fed to the Bank of England in
June of 2008, nothing was done to halt the practice.

On Wednesday, the Financial Times published internal emails at the
New York Fed from 2008 discussing the rigging of Libor by banks.

The president of the New York Fed at the time wasTimothy Geithner, Obama’s
treasury secretary.

Friday, December 28, 2012

The gloomiest man in Canberra, Australia’s noted strategic expert
Hugh White, has added a new edge to his warning about possible war
between the United States and China. He now suggests that precisely such
a conflict could arise from the sustained tensions between Beijing and
Tokyo over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands in the East China Sea, and perhaps
as soon as 2013.
White makes an important point. He is correct to highlight the
perverse contradictions of the world’s three richest countries being
willing to risk peace and prosperity over something so seemingly trivial
as contested maritime boundaries. He is right also to emphasize that
this is not really about proximate causes — the dispute over who owns
certain rocks and islets and the potentially resource-rich seas around.
Instead, the tensions and even confrontation of the past few months
reflect deeper anxieties in China-Japan and ultimately China-America
relations. These Professor White relates to the structural causes of the
ruinous Peloponnesian Wars of the 5th century BC: power, pride and
fear.
And it’s true that tensions have been rising: a catalogue of naval
and even aerial incidents, between two North Asian powers with deep
mistrust and a poor record of operational communications and crisis
management. Leadership changes in both nations have played into what has
been widely perceived as a spirit of mutual intransigence.
And yet, projecting a near-term future involving a potentially
full-scale war between China and Japan, with the United States drawn in,
remains a big call indeed.
To be sure, the Obama Administration must be feeling frustration that
its strategy of a much-touted “pivot” back to Asia has been thrown
somewhat awry by Japan’s unexpected acquisition of three of the Senkaku
islands in September.
The pivot or rebalancing was about the United States reemphasizing
its very large strategic and diplomatic investment in the Asian security
order in the face of China’s 2010-11 phase of assertiveness. In so
doing, Washington had succeeded in reassuring its Asian allies and
partners — but in Tokyo’s case, perhaps a little too much.
Now the United States needs to focus as much on helping to manage, or
at least not aggravate, Sino-Japanese tensions as on underscoring its
support for the defense of Japan and other allies’ interests.
But the high-stakes worrying over East China Sea tensions is premised
on the view that, as Professor White puts it, “the crisis will not stop
by itself.” He argues that one side or other, or both, “will have to
take positive steps to break the cycle of action and reaction.”
Of course it would be folly to count on a prolonged crisis simply
fizzling out. But both China and Japan are more than capable of
strategic patience. Neither wants to force the issue in the immediate
term. Each government has an interest in trying to exert greater control
over the various institutional players — not just navies but also
civilian maritime agencies — whose operational decisions could make the
difference between calm and crisis.
The good news is that Japan’s newly-elected conservative Abe
government has no pressing reason to pursue further provocation. And
whatever its forceful rhetoric, the new Chinese leadership has little
near-term incentive to prod Japan further; an armed confrontation with
Japan that ended badly for China would be worse for the credibility of
China’s leaders than no clash at all.
Doubtless there will be a need for cool heads and assiduous
incident-management in the months ahead. But considerably more likely
than war in 2013 is the possibility that, for all their tough talk, all
sides are already working quietly to engineer a decent interval after
which they can resume some serious diplomacy.
Rory Medcalf directs the international security program at the Lowy
Institute in Sydney and is a Diplomat contributor. He is a former
diplomat, intelligence analyst and journalist whose work covers a wide
spectrum of strategic and geopolitical issues in Indo-Pacific Asia.http://thediplomat.com/china-power/a-frightening-prospect-war-in-the-east-china-sea/

Is Growth Over?

The great bulk of the economic commentary you read in the papers is
focused on the short run: the effects of the “fiscal cliff” on U.S.
recovery, the stresses on the euro, Japan’s latest attempt to break out
of deflation. This focus is understandable, since one global depression
can ruin your whole day. But our current travails will eventually end.
What do we know about the prospects for long-run prosperity?

The answer is: less than we think.

The long-term projections produced by official agencies, like the
Congressional Budget Office, generally make two big assumptions. One is
that economic growth over the next few decades will resemble growth over
the past few decades. In particular, productivity — the key driver of
growth — is projected to rise at a rate not too different from its
average growth since the 1970s. On the other side, however, these
projections generally assume that income inequality, which soared over
the past three decades, will increase only modestly looking forward.

It’s not hard to understand why agencies make these assumptions. Given
how little we know about long-run growth, simply assuming that the
future will resemble the past is a natural guess. On the other hand, if
income inequality continues to soar, we’re looking at a dystopian,
class-warfare future — not the kind of thing government agencies want to
contemplate.

Yet this conventional wisdom is very likely to be wrong on one or both dimensions.

Recently, Robert Gordon of Northwestern University created a stir by
arguing that economic growth is likely to slow sharply — indeed, that
the age of growth that began in the 18th century may well be drawing to
an end.

Mr. Gordon points out that long-term economic growth hasn’t been a
steady process; it has been driven by several discrete “industrial
revolutions,” each based on a particular set of technologies. The first
industrial revolution, based largely on the steam engine, drove growth
in the late-18th and early-19th centuries. The second, made possible, in
large part, by the application of science to technologies such as
electrification, internal combustion and chemical engineering, began
circa 1870 and drove growth into the 1960s. The third, centered around
information technology, defines our current era.

And, as Mr. Gordon correctly notes, the payoffs so far to the third
industrial revolution, while real, have been far smaller than those to
the second. Electrification, for example, was a much bigger deal than
the Internet.

It’s an interesting thesis, and a useful counterweight to all the
gee-whiz glorification of the latest tech. And while I don’t think he’s
right, the way in which he’s probably wrong has implications equally
destructive of conventional wisdom. For the case against Mr. Gordon’s
techno-pessimism rests largely on the assertion that the big payoff to
information technology, which is just getting started, will come from
the rise of smart machines.

If you follow these things, you know that the field of artificial
intelligence has for decades been a frustrating underachiever, as it
proved incredibly hard for computers to do things every human being
finds easy, like understanding ordinary speech or recognizing different
objects in a picture. Lately, however, the barriers seem to have fallen —
not because we’ve learned to replicate human understanding, but because
computers can now yield seemingly intelligent results by searching for
patterns in huge databases.

True, speech recognition is still imperfect; according to the software,
one irate caller informed me that I was “fall issue yet.” But it’s
vastly better than it was just a few years ago, and has already become a
seriously useful tool. [
A Filipino with double degree in mechanical and electrical engineering
when he he graduated from UP, at the top of his class, a PhD, professor
of math and physics at Notre Dame U, was one of three pioneer
scientists in speech recognition at IBM; initially, he handled mainframe
IBM computer--emphasis mine] Object recognition is a bit further behind: it’s
still a source of excitement that a computer network fed images from
YouTube spontaneously learned to identify cats. But it’s not a large
step from there to a host of economically important applications.

So machines may soon be ready to perform many tasks that currently
require large amounts of human labor. This will mean rapid productivity
growth and, therefore, high overall economic growth.

But — and this is the crucial question — who will benefit from that
growth? Unfortunately, it’s all too easy to make the case that most
Americans will be left behind, because smart machines will end up
devaluing the contribution of workers, including highly skilled workers
whose skills suddenly become redundant. The point is that there’s good
reason to believe that the conventional wisdom embodied in long-run
budget projections — projections that shape almost every aspect of
current policy discussion — is all wrong.

What, then, are the implications of this alternative vision for policy?
Well, I’ll have to address that topic in a future column.

Viral Spiral 2012

Summary

We’ve long warned our readers to make good use of the delete key when emails
spreading sketchy claims pop up in their inboxes. But we’ve found that old viral
emails, unfortunately, never die — and new ones spread like a highly contagious
disease.

These overwhelmingly anonymous messages are, by and large, bogus. Many not
only twist the facts but also peddle pure fabrications, urging recipients to
forward these “shocking” revelations to all their friends. And despite all good
common sense, people do pass along these malicious attempts to deceive, often in
the same amount of time it would take to check their tenuous hold on veracity.
Our readers — some clearly trying to beat back the onslaught from friends —
constantly ask us to put these viral claims to the truth test. In 2012, we found
that:

Dueling graphics on the debt both overstated and understated President
Obama’s contribution to the debt.

In the tin-foil-hat category, one conspiracy said Obama was creating
martial law and a “standing army of government youth.” The adult-aged FEMA
Corps members help with natural disasters and can’t carry weapons.

General Motors is still firmly based in the U.S., despite claims that it’s
becoming “China Motors.”

Old-but-still-kicking emails percolated, claiming that Medicare premiums
were about to skyrocket, everyone’s home sales would be taxed, and the Obama
administration wanted to ban weapons among U.S. citizens — none of which is
true.

Here’s our year-end roundup of the most egregious and most asked-about viral
claims of 2012.

Note: This is a summary only. The full article with analysis, images and
citations may be viewed on our Web site:

Thursday, December 27, 2012

from STRATFOR

The Benghazi Report and the Diplomatic Security Funding Cycle

December 27, 2012 | 1001 GMT

Stratfor

By Scott StewartVice President of Analysis
On Dec. 18, the U.S. State Department's Accountability Review Board released an unclassified version of its investigation into the Sept. 12 attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi, Libya.
U.S. Ambassador to Libya Christopher Stevens and three other Americans
were killed in the attack, so the report was widely anticipated by the
public and by government officials alike.
Four senior State Department officials have been reassigned to other
duties since the report's release. Among them were the assistant
secretary of state for diplomatic security; two of his deputy assistant
secretaries, including the director of the Diplomatic Security Service,
the department's most senior special agent; and the deputy assistant
secretary responsible for Libya in the State Department's Bureau of Near
Eastern Affairs.
The highly critical report and the subsequent personnel reassignments
are not simply a low watermark for the State Department; rather, the
events following the attack signify another phase in the diplomatic security funding cycle.
The new phase will bring about a financial windfall for the State
Department security budgets, but increased funding alone will not
prevent future attacks from occurring. After all, plenty of attacks have
occurred following similar State Department budgetary allocations in
the past. Other important factors therefore must be addressed.

Predictable Inquiries

The cycle by which diplomatic security is funded
begins as officials gradually cut spending on diplomatic security
programs. Then, when major security failures inevitably beset those
programs, resultant public outrage compels officials to create a panel
to investigate those failures.
The first of these panels dates back to the mid-1980s, following
attacks against U.S. facilities in Beirut and Kuwait and the systematic
bugging of the U.S. Embassy in Moscow. These security lapses led to the
formation of the Secretary of State's Advisory Panel on Overseas
Security, chaired by former Deputy CIA Director Adm. Bobby Inman. The
law that passed in the wake of the Inman Commission came to be known as
the Omnibus Diplomatic Security and Antiterrorism Act of 1986, which
requires that an accountability review board be convened following major
security incidents.
There are a few subsequent examples of these panels. Former Chairman
of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Adm. William Crowe chaired an
Accountability Review Board following the bombings of U.S. embassies in
East Africa in 1998. And after the Benghazi attacks, an Accountability
Review Board was chaired by former U.S. Ambassador Thomas Pickering. The
Dec. 18 report was the findings of the Pickering board.
Predictably, the review boards, including Pickering's, always
conclude that inadequate funding and insufficient security personnel are
partly to blame for the security breaches. In response to the reports,
Congress appropriates more money to diplomatic security programs to
remedy the problem. Over time, funds are cut, and the cycle begins anew.
Funding can be cut for several reasons. In times of financial
austerity, Congress can more easily cut the relatively small foreign
affairs budget than it can entitlement benefits budgets. Cuts to the
overall State Department budget generally result in cuts for security
programs.
Moreover, rivalries among the various State Department entities can
affect spending cuts. The Diplomatic Security Service's budget falls
under the main State Department budget, so senior diplomats, rather than
Diplomatic Security Service agents, represent the agency's interests on
Capitol Hill. Some within the security service do not believe that
senior diplomats have their best interests at heart when making the case
for their budgets -- at least until a tragedy occurs and Congressional
hearings are held to air these problems. For their part, others in the
department resent the Diplomatic Security Service for the large
budgetary allocations it receives after a security failure.

More than a Matter of Funding

With Congress and the presumed next Secretary of State John Kerry now
calling for increased spending on diplomatic security, the financial
floodgates are about to reopen. But merely throwing money at the
problems uncovered by the accountability review boards will not be
enough to solve those problems. Were that the case, the billions of
dollars allocated to diplomatic security in the wake of the Inman and
Crowe commission reports would have sufficed.
Of course, money can be useful, but injecting large sums of it into
the system can create problems if the money provided is too much for the
bureaucracy to efficiently metabolize. Government managers tend to
spend all the money allocated to them -- sometimes at the expense of
efficiency -- under a "use it or lose it" mentality. Since there is no
real incentive for them to perform under budget, managers in a variety
of U.S. government departments spend massive amounts of money at the end
of each fiscal year. The same is true of diplomatic security programs
when they are flush with cash. But the inevitable reports of financial
waste and mismanagement lead to calls for spending cuts in these
programs.
If the U.S. government is ever going to break the cycle of funding
cuts and security disasters, the Diplomatic Security Service will need
to demonstrate wisdom and prudence in how it spends the funds allocated
to them. It will also be necessary for Congress to provide funding in a
consistent manner and with an initial appropriation that is not too big
to be spent efficiently.
Beyond money management and a consistent level of funding, the State
Department will also need to take a hard look at how it currently
conducts diplomacy and how it can reduce the demands placed on the
Diplomatic Security Service. This will require asking many difficult
questions: Is it necessary to maintain large embassies to conduct
diplomacy in the information age? Does the United States need to
maintain thousands of employees in high-threat places like Iraq, Afghanistan and Pakistan at
the expense of smaller missions, or can the critical work be done by
hundreds or even dozens? Is a permanent U.S. presence even required in a
place like Benghazi, or can the missions in such locations be
accomplished by a combination of visiting diplomats, covert operatives
and local employees?
At the very least, the State Department will need to review its
policy of designating a facility as a "special mission" -- Benghazi was
designated as such -- to exempt it from meeting established physical
security standards. If the questions above are answered affirmatively,
and if it is deemed necessary to keep a permanent presence in a place
like Benghazi, then security standards need to be followed, especially
when a facility is in place for several months. Temporary facilities
with substandard security cannot be allowed to persist for months and
years.

Host Countries

As they consider these issues, officials need to bear in mind that
the real key to the security of diplomatic facilities is the protection
provided by the host country's security forces as dictated by the Vienna
Convention. If the host country will not or cannot protect foreign
diplomats, then the physical security measures mandated by security
standards can do little more than provide slight delay -- which is what
they are designed to do. No physical security measures can stand up to a
prolonged assault. If a militant group armed with heavy weaponry is
permitted to attack a diplomatic facility for hours with no host
government response -- as was the case in Benghazi -- the attack will
cause considerable damage and likely cause fatalities despite the
security measures in place.
The same is true of a large mob, which given enough time can damage
and breach U.S. embassies that meet current department security
standards. The U.S. Embassy in Tripoli, a state-of-the-art facility
completed in 2009, was heavily damaged by a mob of pro-Gadhafi supporters in May 2011 and rendered unserviceable.
In another example, a large crowd caused extensive damage to the U.S. Embassy in Tunis and the adjacent American School
just three days after the Benghazi attack. In that incident, Tunisian
authorities responded and did not provide the attacking mob the
opportunity to conduct a prolonged assault on the embassy. Though the
mob caused millions of dollars worth of damage to the compound, it was
unable to breach the main embassy office building. Without host country
security support, there is little that can be done to assure the safety
of U.S. diplomats, no matter what happens to security budgets.

Geoengineered Snow
Storms Wreaking Havoc around the Globe

Can Snow Storms Really Be
Engineered?What do a mountain of data including recorded
experiments, satellite imagery, lab tests of snow, and observations on the
ground, and existing patents, say absolutely? Two known patents for the process
of “artificial ice nucliation for weather modification” are posted at the bottom
of this article.The Chinese government has
openly admitted they are creating ”artificial snow
storms” but later backtracked
after causing a billion dollars of damage to Beijing. If the Chinese government
can routinely create snow storms out of what should have been a rain event, how
much more advanced must our government be at
this same process? When monitoring radar
images of rain during a storm, it is now common to see the rain “flash out” to
snow for no appearant reason. No mountains, no colliding air mass, nothing. The
“meteorologists” at the Rothschild’s/ military industrial complex owned Weather Channel call this “turning
over to snow”. Why would rain just “turn over” to snow for no
reason?Engineered Ice Nucleation Cools
Air MasseMany of the snow events occurring around
the US, even at this time of year, are amazingly still occurring at above
freezing temperatures. Some are at temperatures of 10 degrees or more above
freezing. How is this possible? Have the laws of physics
changed?

It is done with various processes of
chemical ice nucleation. This is the same as the first aid chemical ice pack.
Mix the chemicals and you have ice. Whatever the existing temperatures of a
storm and the surrounding air mass at the time the artificial nucleation is
commenced, temperatures are lowered significantly further by the nucleation
process. If the nucleation process is started at far above freezing
temperatures, then the temps can fall to near freezing or below as the process
continues. If the region where an “ice nucleated” event is being carried out is
already well below freezing, the temperatures will fall to still lower
temperatures. If the chemical nucleation process is inflicted aggressively
enough, in already cold regions, temperatures can be driven to deadly levels
well below zero. Northern Europe is currently in the grip of what appears to be
just such a geoengineered event.

Why Would They Do
This?

First, because they can. Why would the global
power elite detonate over 1800 nuclear bombs? Because there is no one to stop
these experiments. Because there is no regulation whatsoever of the ongoing
global geoengineering programs though many “outlines” for such governance exist as if these programs are not yet a
reality. There are likely other straight forward reasons. 60 years of global
climate experimentation have done horrific damage to the global climate system.
The planet is warming, it would appear in large part due to the damage done by
the ongoing geoengineering programs. Massive ozone holes and methane releases are occurring. Now it
appears that those at the helm of the global spraying programs are trying to
“cover up” the damage that has been done from the spraying by spraying yet more,
and probably with an ever growing list of toxic elements. Isn’t this the true
definition of insanity? Doing the same thing on an ever bigger scale and
expecting a different result?

Though all available data makes clear
that stratospheric aerosol geoengineering (SAG) can and does cool large regions
temporarily, it comes at the cost of a worsened overall warming to the
planet.

Though all available data makes clear that
stratospheric aerosol geoengineering (SAG) can and does cool large regions
temporarily, it comes at the cost of a worsened overall warming to the planet.
NASA’s own data confirms this.What Are The
Consequences?The problems that arise when ice
nucleation is imposed on the atmosphere are many. Some consequences we can not
yet know for sure, but what we do know is bad enough.

First, the entire hydrological cycle
is disrupted, and in general,
greatly reduced. This means less precipitation in any form, rain or snow. Though
the Weather Channel is doing their absolute
best to ra ra all the snow falling in various locations, the fact is there is a
“snow drought” in the US. Yes it’s falling, but there is not that much and it’s
generally not that cold considering the time of year. The ice nucleated snow
storms create the illusion of a normal winter when in fact all available
statistics paint a very different picture. As we get through “winter” and closer
to spring, ice nucleated events will become much more obvious. “Above freezing”
snow events will become more and more common. Still, it is important to remember
that geoengineered snow storms can also be carried out under extreme cold
scenarios. Whatever the initial air mass temperatures, the chemical nucleation
mix appears to lower the surrounding temperatures much further. Snow from
artificial ice nucleation at higher temperatures is almost always “heavy wet
snow”. This is a newly introduced term pushed by the Weather Channel and other
main stream media sources.

The snow that does fall is toxic. There are
numerous lab tests to confirm that the same highly toxic heavy
metals named as primary elements in geoengineering patents are being found in
this “artificially nucleated” snow. This poisons the air, soils and waters. The
effects on the Northern boreal forests are already horrific. Trees are dying in
mass and soil PH values are changing radically. The artificially nucleated snow
can be incredibly dense and heavy, often causing major damage to trees and
structures.Wind patterns and ocean currents
are also being negatively effected by the ongoing spraying and manipulation of
natural wind currents. (The HAARP ionosphere heater installations around the globe also appear to be routinely
manipulating the jet stream) This in turn is releasing methane hydrate deposits
which threatens all life on earth. (search “geoengineering/methane
release”)

Photosynthesis is also being radically
reduced. Extremely expansive “geoengineered” cloud cover results from the
particulate dispersement. This type of cloud cover is often in the form of a largely featureless overcast sky.

What Is Such An Event Like First
Hand

On 12/21/12 this author had to suffer
through yet another ice nucleated snow storm
in the woods of Northern California. In the days leading up to the storm, it was
comical if not completely tragic watching the local TV “weathermen” trying to
explain just how it was going to snow so much when only days earlier Redding
California was almost 75 degrees. They tried to explain how the 30 to 40 mile an
hour winds from the storm would mysteriously die down only over the upper
Sacramento Valley and that’s when the snow would fall, even with temperatures in
the upper 30s to low 40s. 4-(diminished wind is also a known consequence of
atmospheric aerosol saturation/geoengineering spraying. )

As is now the rule, the approaching
storm brought skies full of jet dispersed geoengineering trails which covered
the entire horizon in short order. A sickly colored light penetrated this toxic
canopy from the early morning hours of 12/20. Natural clouds eventually drifted
into view under the man made over story but they did not have the usual majestic
appearance as they were “melted” into engineered clouds above. The leading edge
of almost all storms are sprayed heavily. This is the “AR” of the storm. The
“atmospheric river” and is a stated area of preferred spraying by the
geoengineers themselves. The usual effect of this is a day or so delay of the
storm and this case was no different. On 12/20 the local weathermen did there
best to explain why the storm did not come in the day before as originally
predicted. It “slowed down” they said.

As the evening of 12/20 progressed, the
500 ft snow level that was predicted for that
afternoon did not happen. It seemed in this case the temps were so warm that the
big chemical “cool down” took more effort, more spraying. It seemed the
geoengineers might not pull it off as by 11 pm it was still raining at the 2000+
foot level on the mountain top where I and my
family live. It was still well above freezing.

Waking up at 5 am, I could already see
broken trees from the massively heavy concrete snow that had apparently started
some hours earlier in the night though the temperatures were still slightly
above freezing. I quickly bundled up and went outside to beat the “snow” off the
drooping lims of countless trees. This is easier said than done in the case of
such “heavy wet snow”. It sticks like glue to everything it hits as it is in the
process of melting even as it is still falling. It is not like the snow of my
youth, fluffy powdery snow which easily came off the trees. There was, as
predicted, no more wind. In the silence of the woods, jet after jet could be
heard flying slow and low above the clouds. The snow kept falling. Into the
night of 12/21, though soaked to the bone from the soggy snow, I kept up my
attempt to save the trees on our mountain. As the night went on, a sound that is
very painful to me could be heard in increasing frequency on distant ridges and
in deep canyons, somewhere in the darkness, the sound of trees crackling and
snapping, being crushed under the weight of the “heavy wet
snow”.

These are native trees. Trees that have
adapted to the historical conditions in this region. I have been through snow
events here that dropped twice the depth of snow with no damage, but this snow
is different. Even the Canyon Live Oak, the strongest oak in the region, buckles
under the weight and adhesion of this snow. It does not sluff off the trees but
only sticks and builds.

Later in the night, the frequency of
collapsing trees somewhere in the distant dark was almost overwhelming. The only
other sound that broke the silence constantly was the continual parade of jets
overhead in the clouds, so close and low during the storm.

By morning, half of the 20 inch depth of
cement snow had already melted. The temperatures were still in the upper 30s and
the snow had stopped. Countless broken and uprooted trees lay on the forest
floor. Why?

For the moment, there are virtually no
jets to be heard. None. Soon enough, they will no doubt
return.

What Can We
Do

We are in a fight for life, literally.
Our climate system and atmosphere are being ripped apart. Every breath we take
is tainted with the toxic metals and chemicals they are spraying. Every bite of
food we eat, the same. There is no “organic” anything at this point as
researchers from Europe and other parts of the planet have recently shown. These
toxic elements and other influences are being taken into all that
lives.

Educate yourself on this most dire issue. Arm
your self with essential tools for educating others. It is far more productive
to hand someone some credible information they can review at their leisure than
to corner them with a rant that only puts up their defenses. Examples of
information flyers can be found at “geoengineeringwatch.org/ads”. An extremely important tool to use with a flyer is a
copy of Michael Murphy’s new documentary, “Why In The World Are They Spraying”
which can be found at“whyintheworldarethespraying.com”.

Once you own a copy, you can duplicate
all you want at a very small cost.

Stand up, make your voice heard by
sharing credible data with all you know. It’s now or never.

December 25, 2012– CLIMATE – From
deadly cold in Russia, floods in Britain and balmy conditions that have
residents in southwest France rummaging for their bathing suits, the
weather has gone haywire across Europe in the days leading up to
Christmas. The mercury in Moscow has fallen to minus 25 degrees Celsius
(minus 13 degrees Fahrenheit) — unseasonably cold in a country where
such chills don’t normally arrive until January or February. The cold
has claimed 90 lives in Russia since mid-December and 83 in Ukraine,
with eastern Eurasia in the grips of an unusually icy month that has
seen temperatures drop to as low as minus 50 degrees C in eastern
Siberia. Another 57 people have died from the cold in Poland this month,
and officials say the icy front is probably “the most severe of the
last 70 years,” according to Regis Crepet, a forecaster with
Meteo-Consult. While the former Eastern bloc shivers and Britain fights
severe flooding after heavy rains, holiday-makers and residents in the
south of France and in Italy have dug out their shorts and swimwear to
welcome an unexpected blast of beach weather. Temperatures on Sunday
climbed to 24.3 degrees C in Biarritz on the Atlantic coast, nearly 12
degrees hotter than the seasonal average, and nudging the 1983 record of
24.4 degrees C. “These are remarkable temperatures that we do not see
every year,” French weather forecaster Patrick Galois said. In Catania
on Italy’s Sicily coast, beach temperatures on Christmas day are
forecast to climb as high as 22 degrees C in some places, while in
Austria, the small village of Brand at an altitude of more than 1,000
meters (3,200 feet), noted a December 24 record of 17.7 degrees C. Jim
Palmer, professor of climate physics at Oxford University, told AFP the
weather extremes are explained by the northern hemisphere “jet stream,” a
ribbon of air that speeds around the planet high up in the atmosphere.
The stream is akin to a length of rope “that you wiggle a bit,” said
Palmer — its undulations differing from year to year. This winter the
jet stream is particularly wavy, pulling cold air in over Russia from
the far north, and bringing hotter air up from the south over France and
its neighbors. “The question: Is the waviness and the unusual
configuration of the jet stream the result of climate change? We don’t
know. The models are probably not quite good enough to tell us,” said
Palmer, though there was “some evidence” this may be the case. -TD

Medium

Charges

Freelance / Staff

2012

2000

Azerbaijan: 9

Aidyn Dzhaniyev, Khural

Imprisoned: September 7, 2011
Regional authorities in Lenkoran, southeastern Azerbaijan, arrested
Dzhaniyev on allegations of insulting a local woman and transferred him
to a Baku detention facility. Later, while Dzhaniyev was in pretrial
detention, authorities also accused him of breaking windows at a
Lenkoran mosque, news reports said. Dzhaniyev, a reporter with the
independent daily Khural, denied the accusations.
On November 21, 2011, a regional court convicted Dzhaniyev of
hooliganism and sentenced him to three years in jail, local press
reports said. His appeal was denied. An independent investigation by
local journalists, cited by the independent Azerbaijani news agency
Turan, concluded that the charges came in reprisal for Dzhaniyev's
reporting on allegations that Lenkoran religious leaders were involved
in drug trafficking.
CPJ has documented a pattern in which Azerbaijani authorities have
filed retaliatory charges against critical journalists covering
sensitive issues. CPJ has found those charges to be unsubstantiated.

Avaz Zeynally, Khural

Imprisoned: October 28, 2011
Authorities in Baku arrested Zeynally, editor of the independent daily Khural,
on bribery and extortion charges stemming from a complaint filed by
Gyuler Akhmedova, a member of Azerbaijani parliament. Akhmedova alleged
that the editor had tried to extort 10,000 manat (US$12,700) from her in
August 2011, regional and international press reports said. The day
after his arrest, a district court in Baku sanctioned Zeynally's
pretrial imprisonment for three months, the independent Caucasus news
website Kavkazsky Uzel reported. Authorities also confiscated all of Khural's
reporting equipment, citing the newsroom's inability to pay damages in a
2010 defamation lawsuit filed by presidential administration officials.
Khural now publishes online only.
Zeynally denied all charges and described a much different encounter with Akhmedova, Kavkazsky Uzel reported. In September 2011, Zeynally reported in Khural
that Akhmedova had offered him money in exchange for his paper's
loyalty to authorities. He reported that he had refused the offer. In
September 2012, Akhmedova resigned from parliament after a video
surfaced on the Internet that purported to show her demanding a bribe
from a potential candidate in exchange for a seat in parliament.
Emin Huseynov, director of the Baku-based Institute for Reporters'
Freedom and Safety, told CPJ that weeks before Zeynally's arrest, his
paper had criticized President Ilham Aliyev's repressive policies toward
independent journalists and opposition activists. Zeynally had
published two commentaries in Khural that were especially
critical of the administration. In the first, he disparaged comments
made by Aliyev in an Al-Jazeera interview that painted a glowing picture
of the country's development. In the second, Zeynally accused the
government of retaliatory prosecution against Khural, Huseynov told CPJ.
Authorities have extended Zeynally's pretrial detention several
times. A trial began in May 2012 but was pending in late year. If
convicted, Zeynally faces up to 12 years in jail.

Anar Bayramli, Sahar TV and Fars

Imprisoned: February 22, 2012
Baku police visited Bayramli's home, summoned him for interrogation,
and detained him after declaring they had found 0.387 grams of heroin
in his jacket, news reports said. Bayramli, a Baku-based correspondent
for the Iranian Sahar TV and Fars news agency, denied the accusations
and said police planted the drugs. In June 2012, the Binagadinsky
District Court convicted Bayramli of drug possession and sentenced him
to two years in prison, the independent regional news website Kavkazsky Uzel reported.
The arrest came at a time of heightened tension between the
Azerbaijani and Iranian governments. Tehran had accused Azerbaijan of
helping Israel assassinate an Iranian nuclear scientist; Baku had
claimed Iran was plotting attacks in Azerbaijan.
Local rights activists told CPJ they believed that police planted
the drugs in retaliation for Bayramli's journalism. In his broadcasts,
Bayramli often reported on Azerbaijan's human rights record and
criticized Azerbaijani foreign policy, including its supposed
cooperation with Israel. Prior to his arrest, police told Bayramli
several times to visit their headquarters for what they termed "a
conversation," during which they urged him to stop working for Iranian
media, Emin Huseynov of the Baku-based Institute for Reporters' Freedom
and Safety told CPJ.
In an interview interpreted by Huseynov, the journalist's lawyer
said Bayramli took off his jacket at the district police headquarters
and left it in the lobby before entering the office of the local police
chief. As the journalist was about to leave the building after the
meeting, police agents suddenly asked him to reveal the contents of his
jacket and found heroin.
Bayramli denied the drug charges in court and said he was being
persecuted for his journalism. "If Azerbaijan had an independent court,
it would certainly release me," he told the court. "But since courts in
our country are an appendage of the state, I don't expect a fair
verdict." CPJ has documented a recent pattern of cases in which
Azerbaijani authorities have filed questionable drug charges against
journalists whose coverage has been at odds with official views.

Vugar Gonagov, Khayal TV
Zaur Guliyev, Khayal TV

Imprisoned: March 13, 2012
Authorities arrested Gonagov, director of the regional TV channel
Khayal, and Guliyev, Khayal's chief editor, on charges of inciting mass
disorder, local press reports said. Guliyev was also accused of abuse of
office, the independent regional news website Kavkazsky Uzel
reported. The charges stemmed from March riots in the northeastern city
of Quba, which began when a video posted on YouTube showed a regional
governor making insulting comments to local residents. Following the
riots, the governor was ousted.
Authorities accused Guliyev and Gonagov of uploading the video and
causing "mass unrest." Both men denied the charges. They were placed in a
Baku detention facility without access to defense lawyers; local media
reports said they were tortured in custody. Authorities extended the
journalists' pretrial detention several times, arguing that
investigators needed more time to bring a case to trial, news reports
said. Guliyev faced up to 10 years in jail and Gonagov up to three
years.

Faramaz Novruzoglu (Faramaz Allahverdiyev), freelance

Imprisoned: April 18, 2012
A Nizami District Court in Baku sentenced Novruzoglu, also known as
Faramaz Allahverdiyev, to four and a half years in prison on charges of
illegal border crossing and inciting mass disorder, the independent
regional news website Kavkazsky Uzel reported. Novruzoglu
denied the accusations and said they had been fabricated in retaliation
for his investigative stories on government corruption published in the
independent newspaper Milletim and on social networking websites.
Novruzoglu was accused of calling for mass disobedience on a
Facebook page under the name of Elchin Ilgaroglu, news reports said.
Authorities also accused him of illegally crossing the border into
Turkey in November 2010, Kavkazsky Uzel reported. During his trial, Novruzoglu said investigators found no evidence connecting him to the Facebook page, Kavkazsky Uzel
reported. He also presented the court with his passport, which showed
other travel during the time that he was accused of having crossed the
border into Turkey, reports said.
Emin Huseynov, director of the Baku-based Institute for Reporters'
Freedom and Safety, told CPJ that investigators failed to present any
credible evidence against the journalist and that the state-appointed
defense attorney did not effectively defend him in court. According to
Huseynov and Kavkazsky Uzel, Novruzoglu and his colleagues said
they believed that he was targeted in retaliation for critical articles
he wrote on high-level corruption in the export of Azerbaijani crude
oil and the import of Russian timber.

Nijat Aliyev, Azadxeber

Imprisoned: May 20, 2012
Baku police arrested Aliyev, editor-in-chief of the independent news website Azadxeber,
near a subway station in downtown Baku, and charged him with illegal
drug possession. A local court ordered that Aliyev be held in pretrial
detention.
Colleagues disputed the charges and said they were in retaliation
for his journalism. Aliyev's deputy, Parvin Zeynalov, told local
journalists that the outlet's critical reporting on the government's
religion policies could have prompted the editor's arrest.
Aliyev's lawyer, Anar Gasimli, told the Institute for Reporters'
Freedom and Safety, or IRFS, that investigators tortured the journalist
in custody and pressured him to admit he had drugs in his possession.
According to IRFS, Gasimli said police also threatened to plant
narcotics in the editor's apartment and file "more serious" charges
against him. No trial date had been set by late year.
CPJ has documented a recent pattern of cases in which Azerbaijani
authorities have filed questionable drug charges against journalists
whose coverage has been at odds with official views.

Hilal Mamedov, Talyshi Sado

Imprisoned: June 21, 2012
Baku police detained Mamedov, editor of minority newspaper Talyshi Sado
(Voice of the Talysh), after allegedly finding about five grams of
heroin in his pocket, according to the Azeri-language service of the
U.S. government-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. On the day of
his arrest, Mamedov went to visit his relative in a hospital and did not
return home as promised, his family members told journalists.
Following his arrest, Baku police raided the journalist's home and
said they found another 30 grams of heroin, news reports said. The next
day, a district court in Baku ordered Mamedov to be imprisoned for three
months before trial on drug possession charges, the reports said.
Mamedov's family claimed police had planted the drugs, and colleagues
said they believed the editor had been targeted in retaliation for his
reporting, the reports said.Talyshi Sado covers issues affecting the Talysh ethnic minority group in Azerbaijan. Mamedov's own articles have been published in Talyshi Sado
and on regional and Russia-based news websites, according to Emin
Huseynov, director of the Institute for Reporters' Freedom and Safety.
Huseynov also told CPJ that Mamedov had investigated the 2009 death in
prison of Novruzali Mamedov, Talyshi Sado's former chief editor.
CPJ has documented a recent pattern of cases in which Azerbaijani
authorities have filed questionable drug charges against journalists
whose coverage has been at odds with official views.
In July, authorities brought another set of politically motivated
charges against Mamedov, lodging separate counts of treason and
incitement to ethnic and religious hatred, news reports said.
Azerbaijan's Interior Ministry said in a statement that Mamedov had
undermined the country's security in his articles for Talyshi Sado,
in his interviews with the Iranian broadcaster Sahar TV, and in unnamed
books that he had allegedly translated and distributed. The statement
also denounced domestic and international protests against Mamedov's
imprisonment and said the journalist had used his office to spy for
Iran.
Mamedov awaited trial in late year. If convicted, he faces a life term in prison, Reuters reported.

Araz Guliyev, Xeber 44

Imprisoned: September 8, 2012
Guliyev, chief editor of news website Xeber 44, which
focuses on religious topics, was arrested on hooliganism charges while
reporting on a protest in the southeastern city of Masally, the
independent regional news website Kavkazsky Uzel reported. The
rally was staged by local residents protesting against partially clad
dancers who performed at a government-sponsored folklore festival in
Masally.
According to news reports, the protesters called on the festival
organizers to respect religious traditions of the local residents, but
police detained the protesters and charged them with hooliganism. Two
days later, a regional court ordered Guliyev jailed for two months
pending trial.
Guliyev's brother, Azer, told Kavkazsky Uzel that the
journalist did not participate in the protest but covered it for his
website. Guliyev's imprisonment could also be related to his reporting
on local residents' protests against an official ban on headscarves and
veils in public schools, his brother told Kavkazsky Uzel.

Bahrain: 1

Abduljalil Alsingace, freelance

Imprisoned: March 17, 2011
Alsingace, a journalistic blogger and human rights defender, was
among a number of high-profile government critics arrested as the
government renewed its crackdown on dissent after pro-reform protests
swept the country in February 2011.
In June 2011, a military court sentenced Alsingace to life
imprisonment for "plotting to topple the monarchy." In all, 21 bloggers,
human rights activists, and members of the political opposition were
found guilty on similar charges and handed lengthy sentences. (Ali Abdel
Imam, another journalistic blogger, was sentenced to 15 years in prison
but was in hiding in late year.)
The High Court of Appeal upheld Alsingace's conviction and life
sentence in September 2012. It similarly upheld the harsh rulings
against his co-defendants. The defendants planned to appeal to the Court
of Cassation, which is nation's highest court.
On his blog, Al-Faseela (Sapling), Alsingace wrote
critically about human rights violations, sectarian discrimination, and
repression of the political opposition. He also monitored human rights
for the Shia-dominated opposition Haq Movement for Civil Liberties and
Democracy.
Alsingace had been first arrested on anti-state conspiracy charges
in August 2010 as part of widespread reprisals against political
dissidents, but was released briefly in February 2011 as part of a
government effort to appease a then-nascent protest movement.

Burkina Faso: 1

Lohé Issa Konaté, L'Ouragan

Imprisoned: October 29, 2012
Konaté, editor of the private weekly L'Ouragan, was taken
into custody after a judge in the capital, Ouagadougou, sentenced him to
one year in prison on criminal charges of defaming state prosecutor
Placide Nikiéma, news reports said.
Nikiéma filed a complaint in response to August articles alleging
the prosecutor's office mishandled a counterfeiting case and an
inheritance dispute. Nikiéma denied the allegations, news reports said.
Konaté was also fined 1.5 million CFA francs (US$2,900) and ordered
to pay damages of 4 million CFA francs (US$7,800) to the plaintiff. The
judge also banned L'Ouragan from circulation for six months.
Defense lawyer Halidou Ouédraogo said an appeal would be filed, news
reports said, but Konaté was imprisoned after the sentencing.
The judge convicted Roland Ouédraogo, a contributor to L'Ouragan,
in connection with the coverage and issued a warrant for his arrest,
according to local journalists. The judge imposed the same sentence
against Ouédraogo, who was still at large in late year. Konaté was held
at Maison d'Arrêt et de Correction de Ouagadougou.

Burundi: 1

Hassan Ruvakuki, Radio Bonesha and Radio France Internationale

Imprisoned: November 28, 2011
Agents from the Burundian National Intelligence Service arrested Ruvakuki, a reporter for the private broadcaster Radio Bonesha and correspondent for the French government-funded Radio France Internationale,
as he covered a press conference in the capital, Bujumbura, according
to local journalists. He was held without access to a lawyer for two
days before Télésphore Bigiriman, a spokesman for the country's
intelligence agency, confirmed his arrest in an interview with Agence
France-Presse, according to news reports.
Local journalists said Ruvakuki was arrested in connection with a
November 2011 trip he took to a rebel-held area along Burundi's border
with Tanzania, during which he recorded a statement from Pierre Claver
Kabirigi, a former police officer who claimed to be the leader of a new rebel group,
according to local journalists. The arrest came amid a government
clampdown on coverage of the group. Radio Publique Africaine, another
independent station, had also aired a recent interview with Kabirigi.
The government-controlled media regulatory agency issued a directive
forbidding coverage that could "undermine the security of the
population."
In June 2012, a court in the eastern town of Cankuzo found Ruvakuki
guilty of "participating in terrorist attacks" under the penal code and
sentenced him to life imprisonment, Patrick Nduwimana, interim director
of Radio Bonesha, told CPJ. The defense raised numerous questions about
the fairness of the legal proceedings, challenging the impartiality of
the judges hearing the case, and saying they had blocked defense access
to prosecution files. An appeal was pending in late year.

Cambodia: 1

Mam Sonando, Beehive Radio

Imprisoned: July 15, 2012
More than 20 police officers arrested Sonando, owner, director, and
political commentator of the independent broadcaster Beehive Radio, at
his home in Phnom Penh. The journalist was charged with orchestrating an
insurrection in Kratie province, where villagers had clashed with
security forces over a land dispute with a private Russian company in
May, news reports said.
On October 1, Phnom Penh Municipal Court convicted Sonando of
inciting a rebellion and sentenced him to 20 years. Another alleged
plotter, Bun Ratha, was sentenced in absentia to 30 years in prison,
while three others were handed sentences ranging from 10 months to three
years. Sonando, who holds both Cambodian and French citizenship,
maintained his innocence during the trial and appealed the verdict,
according to news reports.
Local and international rights groups said they believed Sonando's
imprisonment was motivated by his station's critical coverage of the
government. On June 25, Sonando reported on a local dissident group's
presentation to the Office of the Prosecutor of the International
Criminal Court in the Hague. The group accused the Cambodian government
of crimes against humanity. In a nationally broadcast speech the next
day, Prime Minister Hun Sen said Sonando should be arrested for plotting
to "overthrow the government" and establishing "a state within a
state." A day later, a warrant was issued for the journalist's arrest.
This was the third time Sonando had been imprisoned for his
reporting. He was jailed in 2003 and 2005 on anti-state charges related
to his news coverage.

China: 32

Kong Youping, freelance

Imprisoned: December 13, 2003
Kong, an essayist and poet, was arrested in Anshan, Liaoning
province. A former trade union official, he had written online articles
that supported democratic reforms, appealed for the release of
then-imprisoned Internet writer Liu Di, and called for a reversal of the
government's "counterrevolutionary" ruling on the pro-democracy
demonstrations of 1989.
Kong's essays included an appeal to democracy activists in China
that stated, "In order to work well for democracy, we need a
well-organized, strong, powerful, and effective organization. Otherwise,
a mainland democracy movement will accomplish nothing." Several of his
articles and poems were posted on the Minzhu Luntan (Democracy Forum) website.
In 1998, Kong served time in prison after he became a member of the
Liaoning province branch of the opposition China Democracy Party (CDP).
In 2004, he was tried on subversion charges along with co-defendant Ning
Xianhua, who was accused of being the vice chairman of the CDP branch
in Liaoning, according to the U.S.-based advocacy organization Human
Rights in China and court documents obtained by the U.S.-based Dui Hua
Foundation. Later that year, the Shenyang Intermediate People's Court
sentenced Kong to 15 years in prison, plus four years' deprivation of
political rights. His sentence was reduced to 10 years on appeal,
according to the Independent Chinese PEN Center.
Kong suffered from hypertension and was imprisoned in the city of
Lingyuan, far from his family. The group reported that his eyesight was
deteriorating. Ning, who received a 12-year sentence, was released ahead
of schedule on December 15, 2010, according to Radio Free Asia.

Shi Tao, freelance

Imprisoned: November 24, 2004
Shi, former editorial director of the Changsha-based newspaper Dangdai Shang Bao (Contemporary Trade News), was detained near his home in Taiyuan, Shanxi province, in November 2004.
He was formally charged with "providing state secrets to foreigners"
in connection with an email sent on his Yahoo account to the U.S.-based
editor of the website Minzhu Luntan (Democracy Forum). In the
email, sent anonymously in April 2004, Shi transmitted notes from the
local propaganda department's recent instructions to his newspaper. The
directive prescribed coverage of the outlawed Falun Gong and the
anniversary of the military crackdown on demonstrators at Tiananmen
Square. The National Administration for the Protection of State Secrets
retroactively certified the contents of the email as classified, the
official Xinhua News Agency reported.
On April 27, 2005, the Changsha Intermediate People's Court found
Shi guilty and sentenced him to a 10-year prison term. In June of that
year, the Hunan Province High People's Court rejected his appeal without
granting a hearing. He is being held at Yinchuan Prison in the Ningxia
Hui Autonomous Region.
Court documents in the case revealed that Yahoo had supplied
information to Chinese authorities that helped them identify Shi as the
sender of the email. Yahoo's participation in the identification of Shi
and other jailed dissidents raised questions about the role that
international Internet companies play in the repression of online speech
in China and elsewhere.
In November 2005, CPJ honored Shi with its annual International
Press Freedom Award for his courage in defending the ideals of free
expression. In November 2007, members of the U.S. House Committee on
Foreign Affairs rebuked Yahoo executives for their role in the case and
for wrongly testifying in earlier hearings that the company did not know
the Chinese government's intentions when it sought Shi's account
information.
Yahoo, Google, and Microsoft later joined with human rights
organizations, academics, and investors to form the Global Network
Initiative, which adopted a set of principles to protect online privacy
and free expression in October 2008. Human Rights Watch awarded Shi a
Hellman/Hammett grant for persecuted writers in October 2009.

Yang Tongyan (Yang Tianshui), freelance

Imprisoned: December 23, 2005
Yang, commonly known by his penname Yang Tianshui, was detained
along with a friend in Nanjing, eastern China. He was tried on charges
of "subverting state authority," and on May 17, 2006, the Zhenjiang
Intermediate People's Court sentenced him to 12 years in prison.
Yang was a well-known writer and member of the Independent Chinese
PEN Center. He was a frequent contributor to U.S.-based websites banned
in China, including Boxun News and Epoch Times. He often wrote critically about the ruling Communist Party and advocated for the release of jailed Internet writers.
According to the verdict in Yang's case, which was translated into
English by the U.S.-based Dui Hua Foundation, the harsh sentence against
him was related to a fictitious online election, established by
overseas Chinese citizens, for a "democratic Chinese transitional
government." His colleagues said that he had been elected to the
leadership of the fictional government without his prior knowledge. He
later wrote an article in Epoch Times in support of the model.
Prosecutors also accused Yang of transferring money from overseas to
Wang Wenjiang, a Chinese dissident who had been convicted of
endangering state security and jailed. Yang's defense lawyer argued that
this money was humanitarian assistance to Wang's family and should not
have constituted a criminal act.
Believing that the proceedings were fundamentally unjust, Yang did
not appeal. He had already spent 10 years in prison for his opposition
to the military crackdown on demonstrators at Tiananmen Square in 1989.
In June 2008, Shandong provincial authorities refused to renew the
law license of Yang's lawyer, press freedom advocate Li Jianqiang. In
2008, the PEN American Center announced that Yang had received the
PEN/Barbara Goldsmith Freedom to Write Award.
Relatives who visited Yang in prison in August 2012 said he was
receiving poor treatment for a number of medical conditions including
tuberculosis, arthritis, and diabetes, according to international news
reports.

Qi Chonghuai, freelance

Imprisoned: June 25, 2007
Police in Tengzhou arrested Qi, a journalist of 13 years, in his
home in Jinan, the provincial capital, and charged him with fraud and
extortion. He was convicted and sentenced to four years in prison on May
13, 2008. The arrest occurred about a week after police detained Qi's
colleague, Ma Shiping, a freelance photographer, on charges of carrying a
false press card.
Qi and Ma had criticized a local official in Shandong province in an
article published June 8, 2007, on the website of the U.S.-based Epoch Times,
according to Qi's lawyer, Li Xiongbing. On June 14, the two had posted
photographs on Xinhua news agency's anti-corruption Web forum that
showed a luxurious government building in the city of Tengzhou.
Qi was accused of taking money from local officials while reporting
several stories, a charge he denied. The people from whom he was accused
of extorting money were local officials threatened by his reporting, Li
said. Qi told his lawyer and his wife, Jiao Xia, that police beat him
during questioning on August 13, 2007, and again during a break in his
trial.
Qi was scheduled for release in 2011. In May, local authorities told
him that the court had received new evidence against him. On June 9,
less than three weeks before the end of his term, a Shandong provincial
court sentenced him to another eight years in jail, according to the New
York-based advocacy group Human Rights in China and Radio Free Asia.
Ma was sentenced in late 2007 to one and a half years in prison. He was released in 2009, according to Jiao.
Human Rights in China, citing an online article by defense lawyer Li
Xiaoyuan, said the court tried Qi on a new count of stealing
advertising revenue from China Security Produce News, a former
employer.The journalist's supporters speculated that the new charge came
in reprisal for Qi's statements to his jailers that he would continue
reporting after his release, according to The New York Times.
Qi was being held in Tengzhou Prison, a four-hour trip from his
family's home, which limited visits. Jiao told international journalists
in 2012 that her husband had offered her a divorce, but that she
declined.

Dhondup Wangchen, Filming for Tibet

Imprisoned: March 26, 2008
Police in Tongde, Qinghai province, arrested Wangchen, a Tibetan
documentary filmmaker, shortly after he sent footage filmed in Tibet to
his colleagues, according to the production company Filming for Tibet. A
25-minute film titled "Jigdrel" (Leaving Fear Behind) was produced from
the tapes.
Officials in Xining, Qinghai province, charged the filmmaker with
inciting separatism and replaced the Tibetan's own lawyer with a
government appointee in July 2009, according to international reports.
On December 28, 2009, the Xining Intermediate People's Court in Qinghai
sentenced Wangchen to six years' imprisonment on subversion charges,
according to a statement issued by his family.
Filming for Tibet was founded in Switzerland by Gyaljong Tsetrin, a
relative of Wangchen who left Tibet in 2002 but maintained contact with
people there. Tsetrin told CPJ that he had spoken to Wangchen on March
25, 2008, but lost contact after that. He learned of the detention only
later, after speaking by telephone with relatives.
Filming for the documentary was completed shortly before peaceful
protests against Chinese rule of Tibet deteriorated into riots in Lhasa
and in Tibetan areas of China in March 2008. The filmmakers had gone to
Tibet to ask ordinary people about their lives under Chinese rule in the
run-up to the Beijing Olympics.
The arrest was first publicized when the documentary was screened
before a small group of international reporters in a hotel room in
Beijing on August 6, 2008. A second screening was interrupted by hotel
management, according to Reuters.
Wangchen was born in Qinghai but moved to Lhasa as a young man,
according to his published biography. He had recently relocated with his
wife, Lhamo Tso, and four children to Dharamsala, India, before
returning to Tibet to begin filming, according to a report published in
October 2008 by the South China Morning Post. Lhamo Tso told
Radio Netherlands Worldwide in 2011 that her husband was working
extremely long hours in prison and had contracted hepatitis B.
In March 2008, Wangchen's assistant, Jigme Gyatso, was arrested,
then released on October 15, 2008, Filming for Tibet said. Gyatso
described having been brutally beaten by interrogators during his seven
months in detention, according to Filming for Tibet. The
Dharamsala-based Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy reported
that Gyatso was re-arrested in March 2009 and released the next month.
The film company reported in October 2012 that Gyatso had been missing
since September 20 and that it feared he had been detained again.
CPJ honored Wangchen with an International Press Freedom Award in 2012.

Liu Xiaobo, freelance

Imprisoned: December 8, 2008
Liu, a longtime advocate for political reform and the 2010 Nobel
Peace Prize laureate, was imprisoned for "inciting subversion" through
his writing. Liu was an author of Charter 08, a document promoting
universal values, human rights, and democratic reform in China, and was
among its 300 original signatories. He was detained in Beijing shortly
before the charter was officially released, according to international
news reports.
Liu was formally charged with subversion in June 2009, and he was
tried in the Beijing Number 1 Intermediate Court in December of that
year. Diplomats from the United States, United Kingdom, Canada, and
Sweden were denied access to the trial, the BBC reported. On December
25, 2009, the court convicted Liu of "inciting subversion" and sentenced
him to 11 years in prison and two years' deprivation of political
rights.
The verdict cited several articles Liu had posted on overseas
websites, including the BBC's Chinese-language site and the U.S.-based
websites Epoch Times and Observe China, all of which
had criticized Communist Party rule. Six articles were named-including
pieces headlined, "So the Chinese people only deserve 'one-party
participatory democracy?'" and "Changing the regime by changing
society"-as evidence that Liu had incited subversion. Liu's income was
generated by his writing, his wife told the court.
The court verdict cited Liu's authorship and distribution of Charter
08 as further evidence of subversion. The Beijing Municipal High
People's Court upheld the verdict in February 2010.
In October 2010, the Nobel Prize Committee awarded Liu its 2010
Peace Prize "for his long and nonviolent struggle for fundamental human
rights in China." His wife, Liu Xia, has been kept under house arrest in
her Beijing apartment since shortly after her husband's detention,
according to international news reports. Authorities said she could
request permission to visit Liu every two or three months, the BBC
reported.

Kunchok Tsephel Gopey Tsang, Chomei

Imprisoned: February 26, 2009
Public security officials arrested Tsang, an online writer, in
Gannan, a Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in the south of Gansu province,
according to Tibetan rights groups. Tsang ran the Tibetan cultural
issues website Chomei, according to the Dharamsala, India-based
Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy. Kate Saunders, U.K.
communications director for the International Campaign for Tibet, told
CPJ by telephone from New Delhi that she learned of his arrest from two
sources.
The detention appeared to be part of a wave of arrests of writers
and intellectuals in advance of the 50th anniversary of the March 1959
uprising preceding the Dalai Lama's departure from Tibet. The 2008
anniversary had provoked ethnic rioting in Tibetan areas, and
international reporters were barred from the region.
In November 2009, a Gannan court sentenced Tsang to 15 years in
prison for disclosing state secrets, according to The Associated Press.

Kunga Tsayang (Gang-Nyi), freelance

Imprisoned: March 17, 2009
The Public Security Bureau arrested Tsayang during a late-night
raid, according to the Dharamsala, India-based Tibetan Centre for Human
Rights and Democracy, which said it had received the information from
several sources.
An environmental activist and photographer who also wrote online
articles under the penname Gang-Nyi (Sun of Snowland), Tsayang
maintained his own website, Zindris (Jottings), and contributed
to others. He wrote several essays on politics in Tibet, including "Who
is the real instigator of protests?" according to the New York-based
advocacy group Students for a Free Tibet.
Tsayang was convicted of revealing state secrets and sentenced in
November 2010 to five years in prison, according to the center.
Sentencing was imposed during a closed-court proceeding in the Tibetan
area of Gannan, Gansu province.
A number of Tibetans, including journalists, were arrested around
the March 10 anniversary of the failed uprising in 1959 that prompted
the Dalai Lama's departure from Tibet. Security measures were heightened
in the region in the aftermath of ethnic rioting in March 2008.

Tan Zuoren, freelance

Imprisoned: March 28, 2009
Tan, an environmentalist and activist, had been investigating the
deaths of schoolchildren killed in the May 2008 earthquake in Sichuan
province when he was detained in Chengdu. Tan, believing that shoddy
school construction contributed to the high death toll, had intended to
publish the results of his investigation ahead of the first anniversary
of the earthquake, according to international news reports.
Tan's supporters believe he was detained because of his
investigation, although the formal charges did not cite his earthquake
reporting. Instead, he was charged with "inciting subversion" for
writings posted on overseas websites that criticized the military
crackdown on demonstrators at Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989.
In particular, authorities cited "1989: A Witness to the Final
Beauty," a firsthand account of the Tiananmen crackdown published on
overseas websites in 2007, according to court documents. Several
witnesses, including the prominent artist Ai Weiwei, were detained and
blocked from testifying on Tan's behalf at his August 2009 trial.
On February 9, 2010, Tan was convicted and sentenced to five years
in prison, according to international news reports. On June 9, 2010, the
Sichuan Provincial High People's Court rejected his appeal. Tan's wife,
Wang Qinghua, told reporters in Hong Kong and overseas that he had
contracted gout and was not receiving sufficient medical attention.
Visitors were subject to strict examination before being allowed to see
him, the German public news organization Deutsche Welle reported in
2012, citing Wang.

Memetjan Abdulla, freelance

Imprisoned: July 2009
Abdulla, editor of the state-run China National Radio's Uighur
service, was detained in July 2009 for allegedly instigating ethnic
rioting in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region through postings on the
Uighur-language website Salkin, which he managed in his spare
time, according to international news reports. A court in the regional
capital, Urumqi, sentenced him to life imprisonment on April 1, 2010,
the reports said. The exact charges against Abdulla were not disclosed.
The U.S. government-funded Radio Free Asia (RFA) reported on the
sentence in December 2010, citing an unnamed witness at the trial.
Abdulla was targeted for talking to international journalists in Beijing
about the riots, and translating articles on the Salkin website, RFA reported. The Germany-based World Uyghur Congress confirmed the sentence with sources in the region, according to The New York Times.

Tursunjan Hezim, Orkhun

Imprisoned: July 2009
Details of Hezim's arrest following the 2009 ethnic unrest in
northwestern Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region first emerged in March
2011. Police in Xinjiang detained international journalists and severely
restricted Internet access for several months after rioting broke out
on July 5, 2009, in Urumqi, the regional capital, between groups of Han
Chinese and the predominantly Muslim Uighur minority.
The U.S. government-funded Radio Free Asia, citing an anonymous
source, reported that a court in the region's far western district of
Aksu had sentenced Hezim, along with other journalists and dissidents,
in July 2010. Several other Uighur website managers received heavy
prison terms for posting articles and discussions about the previous
year's violence, according to CPJ research.
Hezim edited the well-known Uighur website Orkhun.
U.S.-based Uighur scholar Erkin Sidick told CPJ that the editor's
whereabouts had been unknown from the time of the rioting until news of
the conviction surfaced in 2011. Hezim was sentenced to seven years in
prison on unknown charges in a trial closed to observers, according to
Sidick, who had learned the news by telephone from sources in his native
Aksu. Chinese authorities frequently restrict information on sensitive
trials, particularly those involving ethnic minorities, according to CPJ
research.

Gulmire Imin, freelance

Imprisoned: July 14, 2009
Imin was one of several administrators of Uighur-language Web forums
who were arrested after the July 2009 riots in Urumqi, in Xinjiang
Uighur Autonomous Region. In August 2010, Imin was sentenced to life in
prison on charges of separatism, leaking state secrets, and organizing
an illegal demonstration, a witness to her trial told the U.S.
government-funded broadcaster Radio Free Asia (RFA).
Imin held a local government post in Urumqi. She also contributed poetry and short stories to the cultural website Salkin,
and had been invited to moderate the site in late spring 2009, her
husband, Behtiyar Omer, told CPJ. Omer confirmed the date of his wife's
initial detention in a broadcast statement given at the Geneva Summit
for Human Rights and Democracy in 2011.
Authorities accused Imin of being an organizer of major
demonstrations on July 5, 2009, and of using the Uighur-language website
to distribute information about the event, RFA reported. Imin had been
critical of the government in her online writings, readers of the
website told RFA. The website was shut down after the July riots and its
contents were deleted.
Imin was also accused of leaking state secrets by phone to her
husband, who lives in Norway. Her husband told CPJ that he had called
her on July 5 only to be sure she was safe.
The riots, which began as a protest of the death of Uighur migrant
workers in Guangdong province, turned violent and resulted in the deaths
of 200 people, according to the official Chinese government count.
Chinese authorities shut down the Internet in Xinjiang for months after
the riots as hundreds of protesters were arrested, according to
international human rights organizations and local and international
media reports.

Nijat Azat, Shabnam
Nureli, Salkin

Imprisoned: July or August 2009
Authorities imprisoned Nureli, who goes by one name, and Azat in an
apparent crackdown on managers of Uighur-language websites. Azat was
sentenced to 10 years and Nureli to three years on charges of
endangering state security, according to international news reports. The
Uyghur American Association reported that the pair were tried and
sentenced in July 2010.
Their sites, which have been shut down by the government, had run news articles and discussion groups concerning Uighur issues. The New York Times
cited friends and family members of the men who said they were
prosecuted because they had failed to respond quickly enough when they
were ordered to delete content that discussed the difficulties of life
in Xinjiang. Their whereabouts were unknown in late 2012.

Dilixiati Paerhati, Diyarim

Imprisoned: August 7, 2009
Paerhati, who edited the popular Uighur-language website Diyarim,
was one of several online forum administrators arrested after ethnic
violence in Urumqi in July 2009. Paerhati was sentenced to a five-year
prison term in July 2010 on charges of "endangering state security,"F
according to international news reports.
Paerhati was detained and interrogated about riots in the Xinjiang
Uighur Autonomous Region on July 24, 2009, but was released without
charge after eight days. Agents seized him from his apartment on August
7, 2009, although the government issued no formal notice of arrest, his
U.K.-based brother, Dilimulati, told Amnesty International. News reports
citing his brother said Paerhati was prosecuted for failing to comply
with an official order to delete anti-government comments on the
website.

Gheyrat Niyaz (Hailaite Niyazi), Uighurbiz

Imprisoned: October 1, 2009
Security officials arrested website manager Niyaz, sometimes
referred to as Hailaite Niyazi, in his home in the regional capital,
Urumqi, according to international news reports. He was convicted under
sweeping charges of "endangering state security" and sentenced to 15
years in prison.
According to international media reports, Niyaz was punished because of an August 2, 2009, interview with Yazhou Zhoukan
(Asia Weekly), a Chinese-language magazine based in Hong Kong. In the
interview, Niyaz said authorities had not taken steps to prevent
violence in the July 2009 ethnic unrest that broke out in China's
far-western Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region.
Niyaz, who once worked for the state newspapers Xinjiang Legal News and Xinjiang Economic Daily, also managed and edited the website Uighurbiz
until June 2009. A statement posted on the website quoted Niyaz's wife
as saying that while he did give interviews to international media, he
had no malicious intentions.
Authorities blamed local and international Uighur sites for fueling
the violence between Uighurs and Han Chinese in the predominantly Muslim
Xinjiang region. Uighurbiz founder Ilham Tohti was questioned
about the contents of the site and detained for more than six weeks,
according to international news reports.

Tashi Rabten, freelance

Imprisoned: April 6, 2010
Public security officials detained Rabten for publishing a banned magazine and a collection of articles, according to Phayul, a pro-Tibetan independence news website based in New Delhi.
Rabten, a student at Northwest Minorities University in Lanzhou, Gansu province, edited the magazine Shar Dungri
(Eastern Snow Mountain) in the aftermath of ethnic rioting in Tibet in
March 2008. The magazine was banned by local authorities, according to
the International Campaign for Tibet. The journalist later
self-published a collection of articles titled Written in Blood,
saying in the introduction that "after an especially intense year of
the usual soul-destroying events, something had to be said," the
campaign reported.
The book and the magazine discussed democracy and recent anti-China
protests; the book was banned after he had distributed 400 copies,
according to the U.S. government-funded Radio Free Asia (RFA). Rabten
had already been detained once before, in 2009, according to
international Tibetan rights groups and RFA.
A court in Aba prefecture, a predominantly Tibetan area of Sichuan
province, sentenced him to four years in prison in a closed-door trial
on June 2, 2011, according to RFA and the International Campaign for
Tibet. RFA cited a family member saying he had been charged with
separatism, although CPJ could not independently confirm the charge.

Dokru Tsultrim (Zhuori Cicheng), freelance

Imprisoned: May 24, 2010
Tsultrim, a monk at Ngaba Gomang Monastery in western Sichuan
province, was detained in April 2009 in connection with alleged
anti-government writings and articles in support of the Dalai Lama,
according to the Dharamsala, India-based Tibetan Centre for Human Rights
and Democracy and the International Campaign for Tibet. Released after a
month in custody, he was detained again in May 2010, according to the
Dharamsala, India-based Tibet Post International. No formal charges or trial proceedings were disclosed.
At the time of his 2010 arrest, security officials raided his room
at the monastery, confiscated documents, and demanded his laptop, a
relative told The Tibet Post International. He and a friend had
planned to publish the writings of Tibetan youths detailing an April
2010 earthquake in Qinghai province, the relative said.
Tsultrim, originally from Qinghai province, which is on the Tibetan plateau, also managed a private Tibetan journal, Khawai Tsesok (Life of Snow), which ceased publication after his 2009 arrest, the center said.
"Zhuori Cicheng" is the Chinese transliteration of his name,
according to Tashi Choephel Jamatsang at the center, who provided CPJ
with details by email.

Kalsang Jinpa (Garmi) freelance

Imprisoned: June 19, 2010

Jangtse Donkho (Nyen, Rongke), freelance

Imprisoned: June 21, 2010

Buddha, freelance

Imprisoned: June 26, 2010
The three men, contributors to the banned Tibetan-language magazine Shar Dungri
(Eastern Snow Mountain), were detained in Aba, a Tibetan area in
southwestern Sichuan province, the U.S. government-funded Radio Free
Asia (RFA) reported.
Donkho, an author and editor who wrote under the penname Nyen,
meaning "Wild One," was detained on June 21, 2010, RFA reported. The
name on his official ID is Rongke, according to the International
Campaign for Tibet. Many Tibetans use only one name.
Buddha, a practicing physician, was detained on June 26, 2010, at
the hospital where he worked in the town of Aba. Kalsang Jinpa, who
wrote under the penname Garmi, meaning "Blacksmith," was detained on
June 19, 2010, RFA reported, citing local sources.
On October 21, 2010, they were tried together in the Aba
Intermediate Court on charges of inciting separatism that were based on
articles they had written in the aftermath of the March 2008 ethnic
rioting. RFA, citing an unnamed source in Tibet, reported that the court
later sentenced Donkho and Buddha to four years' imprisonment each and
Kalsang Jinpa to three years. In January 2011, the broadcaster reported
that the three had been put in Mian Yang jail near the Sichuan capital,
Chengdu, where they were subjected to hard labor.Shar Dungriwas a collection of essays published in July
2008 and distributed in western China before authorities banned the
publication, according to the advocacy group International Campaign for
Tibet, which translated the journal. The writers assailed Chinese human
rights abuses against Tibetans, lamented a history of repression, and
questioned official media accounts of the March 2008 unrest.
Buddha's essay, "Hindsight and Reflection," was presented as part of
the prosecution, RFA reported. According to a translation of the essay
by the International Campaign for Tibet, Buddha wrote: "If development
means even the slightest difference between today's standards and the
living conditions of half a century ago, why the disparity between the
pace of construction and progress in Tibet and in mainland China?"
The editor of Shar Dungri, Tashi Rabten, was also jailed in 2010.

Liu Xianbin, freelance

Imprisoned: June 28, 2010
A court in western Sichuan province sentenced Liu to 10 years in
prison on charges of inciting subversion through articles published on
overseas websites between April 2009 and February 2010, according to
international news reports. One was titled "Constitutional Democracy for
China: Escaping Eastern Autocracy," according to the BBC.
The sentence was unusually harsh; inciting subversion normally
carries a maximum five-year penalty, international news reports said.
Liu also signed Liu Xiaobo's pro-democracy Charter 08 petition. (Liu
Xiaobo, who won the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize for his actions, is serving
an 11-year term on the same charge.)
Police detained Liu Xianbin on June 28, 2010, according to the
Washington-based prisoner rights group Laogai Foundation. He was
sentenced in 2011 during a crackdown on bloggers and activists who
sought to organize demonstrations inspired by uprisings in the Middle
East and North Africa, according to CPJ research.
Liu spent more than two years in prison for involvement in the 1989
anti-government protests in Tiananmen Square. He later served 10 years
of a 13-year prison sentence handed down in 1999 after he founded a
branch of the China Democracy Party, according to The New York Times.

Gao Yingpu, freelance

Imprisoned: July 2010
Gao, a former journalist who had contributed to the Guangdong-based Asia Pacific Economic Times
newspaper and other publications, was sentenced in a secret trial in
2010 to a three-year prison term for endangering state security in a
blog entry criticizing disgraced Chongqing Communist Party Secretary Bo
Xilai, according to the Hong Kong-based Chinese Human Rights Defenders. A
family member confirmed the conviction for CPJ.
In a report published by the overseas Chinese-language website Boxun News,
an unidentified former classmate of Gao said the journalist's wife had
signed a written promise not to publicize the case. As a result, Gao had
no legal representation or ability to appeal, and his family and
friends were told he was working in Iraq, according to Boxun.
News of his situation emerged when an online appeal was published online
in China on March 23, according to the U.S. government-funded Voice of
America. The reports did not specify where Gao was being held.
Gao had criticized Bo Xilai's notorious 2009 anti-corruption or
"smash black" campaign, which targeted organized crime, in a personal
blog hosted by the instant messaging company Tencent QQ, according to Boxun.
Bo was fired in 2012 amid a corruption and murder scandal.At least
4,781 people were imprisoned in 10 months during Bo's crackdown on
gangs, including many who were wrongfully convicted, according to The New York Times.

Lü Jiaping, freelance

Imprisoned: September 4, 2010

Jin Andi, freelance

Imprisoned: September 19, 2010
Beijing police detained Lü, a military scholar in his 70s, his wife,
Yu Junyi, and a colleague, Jin , for inciting subversion in 13 online
articles they wrote and distributed together, according to international
news reports and human rights groups.
A court sentenced Lü to 10 years in prison and Jin to eight years in
prison on May 13, 2011, according to the Hong Kong-based advocacy group
Chinese Human Rights Defenders. Yu, 71, was given a suspended
three-year sentence and kept under residential surveillance, according
to the group. Their families were not informed of the trial, and Yu
broke the news when the surveillance was lifted in February 2012,
according to the English-language Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post and the U.S. government-funded Voice of America.
An appeals court upheld the sentences on the basis that the three
defendants "wrote essays of an inciting nature" and "distributed them
through the mail, emails, and by posting them on individuals' web pages.
[They] subsequently were posted and viewed by others on websites such
as Boxun News and New Century News," according to a
2012 translation of the appeal verdict published online by William
Farris, a Beijing-based lawyer. The 13 offending articles, which were
principally written by Lü, were listed in the appeal judgment along with
dates, places of publication, and number of times they were re-posted.
One 70-word paragraph was re-produced as proof of incitement to subvert
the state. The paragraph said in part that the Chinese Communist Party's
status as a "governing power and leadership utility has long-since been
smashed and subverted by the powers that hold the Party at gunpoint."
Court documents said Lü and Jin were being held in the Beijing
Number 1 Detention Center. Lü suffered a heart attack in jail, as well
as other health problems, leaving him barely able to walk, according to
Chinese Human Rights Defenders.

Li Tie, freelance

Imprisoned: September 15, 2010
Police in Wuhan, Hubei province, detained 52-year-old freelancer Li,
according to international news reports. The Wuhan Intermediate
People's Court tried him behind closed doors on April 18, 2011, but did
not announce the verdict until January 18, 2012, when he was handed a
10-year prison term and three additional years' political deprivation,
according to news reports citing Li's lawyer. Only Li's mother and
daughter were allowed to attend the trial, news reports said.
The court cited 13 of Li's online articles to support the charge of
subversion of state power, a more serious count than inciting
subversion, which is a common criminal charge used against jailed
journalists in China, according to CPJ research. Evidence in the trial
cited articles including one headlined "Human beings'
heaven is human dignity," in which Li urged respect for ordinary
citizens and called for democracy and political reform, according to
international news reports. Prosecutors argued that the articles proved
Li had "anti-government thoughts" that would ultimately lead to
"anti-government actions," according to Hong Kong-based Chinese Human
Rights Defenders.
Jian Guanghong, a lawyer hired by his family, was detained before
the trial, and a government-appointed lawyer represented Li instead,
according to the group. Prosecutors also cited Li's membership in the
small opposition group the China Social Democracy Party, the group
reported.

Jolep Dawa, Durab Kyi Nga

Imprisoned: October 1, 2010
A court in Aba in southwestern Sichuan province sentenced Dawa, a
Tibetan writer and editor, to three years in prison in October 2011,
according to the U.S. government-funded Radio Free Asia and the
India-based Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy.
Dawa, who is also a teacher, edited Durab Kyi Nga, a
monthly Tibetan-language magazine, according to the broadcaster and the
rights group. He had been held in detention without trial since October
2010, the organizations said. The exact date of the sentencing was not
reported, and the charges against the writer were not disclosed.

Chen Wei, freelance

Imprisoned: February 20, 2011
Police in Suining, Sichuan, detained Chen among the dozens of
lawyers, writers, and activists jailed nationwide following anonymous
online calls for a nonviolent "Jasmine Revolution" in China, according
to international news reports. The Hong Kong-based Chinese Human Rights
Defenders reported that Chen was formally charged on March 28, 2011,
with inciting subversion of state power.
Chen's lawyer, Zheng Jianwei, made repeated attempts to visit him
but was not allowed access until September 8, 2011, according to the
rights group and the U.S. government-funded broadcaster Radio Free Asia.
RFA reported that police had selected four pro-democracy articles Chen
had written for overseas websites as the basis for criminal prosecution.
In December 2011, a court in Suining sentenced Chen to nine years in
prison on charges of "inciting subversion," a term viewed as unusually
harsh.
Chinese Human Rights Defenders reported that at least two other
activists remained in criminal detention for transmitting information
online related to the "Jasmine Revolution." Chen's case, however, was
the only one linked in public reports to independent journalistic
writing.
Chen, a student protester during the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident,
had been imprisoned twice before for democracy activism, according to
Chinese Human Rights Defenders. Sichuan police blocked Chen's wife from
visiting him in January 2012, according to Radio Free Asia.

Choepa Lugyal (Meycheh), freelance

Imprisoned: October 19, 2011
Security officials detained Lugyal, a publishing house employee who
wrote online under the name Meycheh, at his home in Gansu province,
according to the Beijing-based Tibetan commentator Woeser and the
Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy, which is based in India.
Lugyal had written several print and online articles, including pieces
for the Tibetan magazine Shar Dungri, according to the center. Authorities disclosed neither the charges against him nor his whereabouts.
Chinese authorities banned Shar Dungri, which was published
in the aftermath of 2008 ethnic unrest between Tibetans and Han
Chinese, and jailed several contributors, including Buddha, Jangtse
Donkho, and Kalsang Jinpa. Editor Tashi Rabten was sentenced in July
2011 to four years in prison on charges described by family members as
separatism-related.

Chen Xi, freelance

Imprisoned: November 29, 2011
A court in Guiyang, Guizhou province, sentenced Chen to 10 years in
prison followed by three years' deprivation of political rights on
December 26, 2011, on charges of inciting subversion against state power
based on online writings. The sentencing took place just four days
after writer Chen Wei was sentenced to nine years on the same charge in
Sichuan province.
Chen Xi was originally detained in November 2011 for campaigning for
independent local People's Congress candidates, according to the U.K.'s
Guardian and other news reports. However, during his trial,
the prosecution cited 36 articles Chen had written and published online
to support the charges against him, according to international news
reports. The reports did not specify which websites published the
articles. "[He] was calling for democracy and human rights. This wish
was his whole crime," Chen's wife, Zhang Qunxuan, told the New
York-based advocacy group Human Rights in China.
Chen had been imprisoned twice in the past for political activism,
including his activities during the 1989 student movement. He also was a
signatory of imprisoned writer Liu Xiaobo's Charter 08, according to
the reports.

Dawa Dorje, freelance

Imprisoned: February 3, 2012
Police detained writer and government researcher Dorje at the
airport in Lhasa, capital of the Tibetan Autonomous Region, where he had
traveled for a conference on preserving Tibetan culture, according to
exiled Tibetan groups and international news reports.
Dorje, who worked for the Nierong county government in western
Sichuan province, kept a blog that is no longer accessible and was known
for writing poems, books, and essays on the Tibetan language, including
the article "Nationality and Language," according to Dechen Pemba,
editor of the High Peaks Pure Earth website, which translates
articles from Tibetan writers. Dorje also wrote about democracy and
human rights, according to the news reports.
Dorje was one of several high-profile cultural figures, including
singers, performers, and writers, detained in early 2012 in an apparent
crackdown on advocates of Tibetan-language culture. Chinese authorities
have not confirmed his whereabouts or the basis for his detention.

Gangkye Drubpa Kyab, Hada

Imprisoned: February 15, 2012
Police in western Sichuan province detained Kyab, a Tibetan teacher,
writer, and editor, in his Serthar county home, according to
international news reports. The reason for the arrest was not clear, and
police would not produce documentation when his wife asked to see a
warrant, the reports said. The detention took place amid a round-up of
prominent Tibetan cultural figures in 2012, including singers, authors,
and performers, according to international news reports.
Kyab was a well-known author and essayist, according to Invisible Tibet, a blog published by the Beijing-based Tibetan writer Woeser. He also edited the Tibetan-language magazine Hada,Radio
Free Asia and the BBC Chinese service reported. CPJ could not
independently confirm his whereabouts or the charges he faced.
"He wrote a lot of articles and books about the environment, Tibetan
culture, everything. He wrote about the news," Switzerland-based
Tibetan activist Jamyang Tsering told CPJ by telephone. "He was arrested
because of what he wrote."

Cuba: 1

Calixto Ramón Martínez Arias, Centro de Información Hablemos Press

Imprisoned: September 16, 2012
State security agents arrested Martínez Arias near José Martí
International Airport in Havana where he was reporting on two tons of
medicine and medical equipment that had been damaged, according to CPJ
sources and news reports. Martínez Arias, a reporter with the independent news agency Centro de Información Hablemos Press,
was taken to a police station in Havana where he was interrogated and
beaten, Roberto de Jesús Guerra Pérez, the organization's director, told
CPJ.
According to Guerra Pérez, Martínez Arias was accused of contempt under Cuba's archaic desacato or disrespect laws for shouting anti-Castro slogans after he was harassed by authorities. Article 144.1
of the Cuban criminal code establishes that those who threaten, defame,
insult, or offend the dignity of a public official can be jailed for up
to three years.
On September 27, Martínez Arias was transferred to the Valle Grande
Prison in the town of La Lisa, Havana province, Guerra Pérez told CPJ.
The journalist began a hunger strike in November, according to Hablemos
Press. Two people recently released from jail told Hablemos Press that
Martínez Arias had been placed in solitary confinement.
At the time of his arrest Martínez Arias was looking into reasons
why a shipment of medicine and medical equipment reportedly donated by
the World Health Organization had been left to go bad, according to
Guerra Pérez and news reports.
Martínez Arias, who has worked for the news agency since 2009, has reported on sensitive issues such as an outbreak of cholera
in Granma province, according to CPJ sources and news reports.
Prominent human rights activist Elizardo Sánchez Santa Cruz, president
of the Cuban Commission on Human Rights and National Reconciliation in
Havana, told CPJ that Martínez Arias was arrested for his journalistic
work.
Martínez Arias has often been harassed by authorities for his
reporting, Guerra Pérez said. In 2011, CPJ documented a string of
arrests of journalists from Centro de Información Hablemos Press, which prevented them from reporting on the Communist Party Congress.

Democratic Republic of Congo: 3

Pierre Sosthène Kambidi, Christian Radio Télévision Chrétienne

Imprisoned: August 28, 2012
Agents of the Congolese national intelligence agency arrested
Kambidi, editor-in-chief of Christian Radio Télévision Chrétienne, or
RTC, in the central town of Kananga, according to local press freedom
group Journaliste En Danger. Kambidi was being held without charge in
late year, according to news reports.
Kambidi and another RTC journalist had received death threats in
connection with a news program that aired August 16, RTC Director
Charles Boniface Bayakwabo told Journaliste En Danger. During the
program, a local opposition politician suggested that President Joseph
Kabila's regime was nearing an end. The politician was reacting to the
station's rebroadcast of an interview conducted by UN-backed Radio Okapi
with John Tshibangu, an army officer turned rebel, according to news reports. In the interview, Tshibangu announced the creation of an armed rebel movement.
Kambidi was transferred to the capital, Kinshasa, on August 30, Bayakwabo said.

Dadou Ekiom, Télé 50
Guy Ngiaba, Kimpangi

Imprisoned: November 27, 2012
The public prosecutor in the city of Bandundu, northeast of the
capital Kinshasa, placed Ekiom and Ngiaba under arrest on criminal
defamation charges based on a complaint filed by Boniface Ntwa, speaker
of the provincial assembly, according to the the local press freedom
group Observatoire de la Liberte de la Presse En Afrique .
The charges were based on November 2 commentary that Ekiom and
Ngiaba aired as presenters and producers of the talk show "Référendum"
on the local broadcaster Nzondo Télévision, the station's news director,
Natanaël Kadima, told CPJ. The journalists had commented on alleged
attempts by some members of the provincial assembly to oust the speaker,
Kadima said.
Ekiom is local correspondent for the Kinshasa-based private broadcasters Télé 50, and Ngiaba works for the weekly Kimpangi, also based in the capital, according to OLPA.
Both journalists were held in pre-trial detention at Bandudu's central prison known as Cinquantennaire.

Imprisoned: September 2001
More than 10 years after imprisoning several editors of Eritrea's
once-vibrant independent press and banning their publications to silence
growing criticism of President Isaias Afewerki, Eritrean authorities
had yet to account for the whereabouts, health, or legal status of the
journalists, some of whom may have died in secret detention.
The journalists were arrested without charge after the government suddenly announced
on September 18, 2001, that it was closing the country's independent
newspapers. The papers had reported on divisions within the ruling Party
for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) and advocated for full implementation
of the country's constitution. A dozen top officials and PFDJ reformers,
whose pro-democracy statements had been covered by the independent
newspapers, were also arrested.
Authorities initially held the journalists at a police station in
the capital, Asmara, where they began a hunger strike on March 31, 2002,
and smuggled a message out of jail demanding due process. The
government responded by transferring them to secret locations without
ever bringing them before a court or publicly registering charges.
Over the years, Eritrean officials have offered vague and inconsistent explanations for the arrests-from anti-state conspiracies involving foreign intelligence to accusations of skirting military service to violating press regulations. Officials at times have even denied
that the journalists existed. Meanwhile, shreds of often unverifiable,
second- or third-hand information smuggled out of the country by people
fleeing into exile
have suggested the deaths of as many as five journalists in custody.
Several CPJ sources said the journalists were confined at the Eiraeiro
prison camp or at a military prison, Adi Abeito, based in Asmara.
In February 2007, CPJ established that one detainee, Fesshaye "Joshua" Yohannes, a co-founder of the newspaper Setit and a 2002 recipient of CPJ's International Press Freedom Award, had died in custody at the age of 47.
CPJ is seeking corroboration of reports that several other detainees
may have died in custody. In August 2012, the international press
freedom group Reporters Without Borders, citing a former prison guard,
said Dawit Habtemichael and Mattewos Habteab had died at Eiraeiro in
recent years. In 2010, the Ethiopian government-sponsored Radio Wegahta
also cited a former Eritrean prison guard as saying that Habteab had
died at Eiraeiro.
An unbylined report on the Ethiopian pro-government website Aigaforum
in August 2006 quoted 14 purported Eiraeiro guards as citing the deaths
of prisoners whose names closely resembled Yusuf Mohamed Ali, Medhanie
Haile, and Said Abdelkader. The details could not be independently
confirmed, although CPJ sources considered it to be generally credible.
In 2009, the London-based Eritrean opposition news site Assena posted purportedly leaked death certificates of Fesshaye, Yusuf, Medhanie, and Said.
CPJ lists the journalists on the 2012 prison census as a means of
holding the government accountable for their fates. Relatives of the
journalists also told CPJ that they maintain hope their loved ones are
still alive.

Dawit Isaac, Setit

Imprisoned: September 23, 2001
The imprisonment of Dawit, co-founder of the banned newspaper Setit,
has drawn international attention. Dawit, who has dual Eritrean and
Swedish citizenship, has been held incommunicado and without charge
since 2001, except for brief contact with his family in 2005.
A government crackdown
on the independent press in 2001 led to the imprisonment without charge
of numerous prominent journalists. Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki's
administration has refused to account for the whereabouts, legal
status, or health of the jailed journalists. When asked about Dawit's
crime in a May 2009 interview
with Swedish freelance journalist Donald Boström, Afewerki declared, "I
don't know," but said the journalist had made "a big mistake," without
offering details. In August 2010, Yemane Gebreab, a senior presidential adviser, said in an interview with Swedish daily Aftonbladet that Dawit was being held for "very serious crimes regarding Eritrea's national security and survival as an independent state."
In July 2011, Dawit's brother, Esayas, and three jurists-Jesús Alcalá, Prisca Orsonneau, and Percy Bratt-filed a writ of habeas corpus
with Eritrea's Supreme Court. The writ called for information on
Dawit's whereabouts and a review of his detention. In March 2012, the
Supreme Court of Eritrea confirmed that it had received the petition.
In September 2011, the European Parliament adopted a resolution
expressing "fears for the life" of Dawit, calling for his release and
urging the European Council to consider targeted sanctions against
Eritrean officials.

Hamid Mohammed Said, Eri-TV

Imprisoned: February 15, 2002
Hamid, a reporter for the Arabic-language service of the
government-controlled broadcaster Eri-TV was arrested without charge in
connection with the government's crackdown on the independent press,
which began in September 2001, according to CPJ sources.
In a July 2002 fact-finding mission to Asmara, the capital, a CPJ
delegation learned from local sources that Hamid was among three state
media reporters arrested. Two of the journalists, Saadia Ahmed and Saleh
Aljezeeri, were later released, but Hamid was being held in an
undisclosed location, CPJ was told.
The government has refused to respond to numerous inquiries from CPJ
and other international organizations seeking information about Said's
whereabouts, health, and legal status.
While the government's motivation in imprisoning journalists is
unknown in most cases, CPJ research has found that state media
journalists work in a climate of intimidation, retaliation, and absolute
control. In this context of extreme repression, CPJ considers
journalists attempting to escape the country or in contact with third
parties abroad as struggling for press freedom.

Imprisoned: February 19, 2009
Security forces raided government-controlled Radio Bana in February
2009 and arrested its entire staff, according to a U.S. diplomatic cable
disclosed by WikiLeaks in November 2010.
The cable, sent by then-U.S. Ambassador Ronald McMullen and dated
February 23, 2009, attributed the information to the deputy head of
mission of the British Embassy in Asmara in connection with the
detention of a British national who volunteered at the station.
According to the cable, the volunteer reported being taken by security
forces with the Radio Bana staff to an unknown location six miles (10
kilometers) north of the capital and later being separated from them.
The volunteer was not interrogated and was released the next day.
According to the cable, some of the station's staff members were
released as well.
CPJ sources said that at least 12 journalists working for Radio Bana
had been held incommunicado since the raid. The reasons for the
detentions were unclear, but CPJ sources said the journalists were
either accused of providing technical assistance to two opposition radio
stations broadcasting into the country from Ethiopia, or of
participating in a meeting in which detained journalist Meles Nguse
spoke against the government. The staff's close collaboration with two
British nationals on the production of educational programs may have
also led to their arrests, according to the same sources.
Several of the detainees had worked for other state media outlets
before beginning stints at Radio Bana, a station sponsored by the
Education Ministry. Ghirmai was the producer of an arts program with
government-controlled state radio Dimtsi Hafash, and Issak had produced a
Sunday entertainment show on the same station. Issak and Mulubruhan, a
reporter with state daily Hadas Eritrea, had also co-authored a
book of comedy. Bereket (also a film director and scriptwriter), Meles
(also a poet), and Yirgalem(a poet as well) were columnists for Hadas Eritrea.
CPJ had identified one of the detainees as Esmail Abd-el-Kader in a
previous survey. Further research indicated his name is more commonly
spelled Ismail Abdelkader.
Authorities have not responded to numerous inquiries from CPJ and
other international groups seeking information about the detainees'
whereabouts, health, and legal status.

Habtemariam Negassi, Eri-TV

Imprisoned: January or February 2009
Authorities arrested Habtemariam , a veteran cameraman and head of
the English desk at the government-controlled broadcaster Eri-TV, according to CPJ sources. No reason was given for the arrest and no formal charges were publicly disclosed.
Authorities have not responded to numerous inquiries from CPJ
seeking information about Habtemariam's whereabouts, health, and legal
status. While the government's motivation in imprisoning journalists is
unknown in most cases, CPJ research has found that state media
journalists work in a climate of intimidation, retaliation, and absolute
control. In this context of extreme repression, CPJ considers
journalists attempting to escape the country or in contact with third
parties abroad as struggling for press freedom.

Sitaneyesus Tsigeyohannes, Eritrean Profile

Imprisoned: August 2009
Two men believed to be government agents took Sitaneyesus into
custody at the offices of the government-controlled English-language
weekly Eritrean Profile, two CPJ sources said.
The agents said Sitaneyesus, a staff reporter for the paper, was
being brought in for questioning, but the journalist had not been seen
since, according to the CPJ sources. Sitaneyesus was also active in the
Pentecostal Church, which is banned in Eritrea.

Imprisoned: February and March 2011
Several journalists working for the government-controlled radio
station were arrested in early 2011, according to CPJ sources.
Authorities did not disclose the basis of the arrests, although CPJ
sources said at least one of the journalists, Eyob, was arrested on
allegations that he had helped others flee the country.
The four reporters worked for different arms of Dimtsi Hafash:
Nebiel for the Arabic-language service; Ahmed for the Tigrayan-language
service, Mohamed for the Bilen-language service, and Eyob for the
Amharic-language service.
Tesfalident Mebrahtu, a prominent sports journalist with Dimtsi
Hafash and Eri-TV, was arrested at the same time on allegations that he
was attempting to flee the country. CPJ sources said he had recently
been freed and allowed to resume work.
While the government's motivation in imprisoning journalists is
unknown in most cases, CPJ research has found that state media
journalists work in a climate of intimidation, retaliation, and absolute
control. In this context of extreme repression, CPJ considers
journalists attempting to escape the country or in contact with third
parties abroad as struggling for press freedom.

Ethiopia: 6

Saleh Idris Gama, Eri-TV
Tesfalidet Kidane Tesfazghi, Eri-TV

Imprisoned: December 2006
Tesfalidet, a producer for Eritrea's state broadcaster Eri-TV, and
Saleh, a cameraman, were arrested in late 2006 on the Kenya-Somalia
border during Ethiopia's invasion of southern Somalia.
The Ethiopian Foreign Ministry first disclosed the detention of the
journalists in April 2007, and presented them on state television as
part of a group of 41 captured terrorism suspects, according to CPJ research.
Though Eritrea often conscripted journalists into military service, the
video did not present any evidence linking the journalists to military
activity. The ministry pledged to subject some of the suspects to
military trials but did not identify them by name. In a September 2011
press conference with exiled Eritrean journalists in Addis Ababa,
then-Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said Saleh and Tesfalidet would be
freed if investigations determined they were not involved in espionage,
according to news reports and journalists who participated in the press conference.
But Tesfalidet and Saleh had not been tried by late 2012, and
authorities disclosed no information about legal proceedings against
them, according to local journalists. Authorities have also not
disclosed any information about the detainees' well-being and
whereabouts.

Reeyot Alemu, freelance

Imprisoned: June 21, 2011
Ethiopian security forces arrested Reeyot, a prominent, critical columnist for the leading independent weekly Feteh,
at an Addis Ababa high school where she taught English, according to
news reports. Authorities raided her home and seized documents and other
materials before taking her into custody at the Maekelawi Federal
Detention Center.
Ethiopian government spokesman Shimelis Kemal said Reeyot was among several people accused of planning
terrorist attacks on infrastructure, telecommunications, and power
lines in the country with the support of an unnamed international
terrorist group and Ethiopia's neighbor, Eritrea, according to news reports. Authorities filed terrorism charges against Reeyot in September 2011, according to local journalists.
A court sentenced Reeyot in January 2012 to 14 years in prison for
planning a terrorist act; possessing property for a terrorist act; and
promoting a terrorist act, according to local journalists. The
conviction was based on emails she had received from pro-opposition
discussion groups; reports and photos she had sent to the U.S.-based
opposition news site Ethiopian Review; unspecified money
transfers from her bank account; and photos of anti-government graffiti
taken in Addis Ababa, according to court documents reviewed by CPJ. An
appeals court overturned the planning and possession charges in August
2012, but upheld her conviction on the charge of promoting terrorism.
The court reduced her sentence to four years, news reports said.
CPJ believes the prosecution was brought in reprisal for Reeyot's
critical coverage. She wrote columns for several independent
publications including Feteh, Awramba Times, and Change
magazine, in which she criticized the policies of the ruling Ethiopian
Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). In the last column
published before her arrest, she compared then-Prime Minister Meles
Zenawi to the late Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi, according to local
journalists.
Reeyot was being held at Kality Prison
in Addis Ababa in late year. In August 2012, a collection of Reeyot's
political analysis and writings was compiled in a book entitled "EPRDF's
Red Pen," and in September 2012, the International Women's Media
Foundation awarded Reeyot its Courage in Journalism Award.

Woubshet Taye, Awramba Times

Imprisoned: June 19, 2011
Police arrested Woubshet, deputy editor of the now-defunct
independent nespaper, after raiding his home in the capital, Addis
Ababa, and confiscating documents, cameras, CDs, and selected copies of
the newspaper, according to local journalists. The outlet's top editor, CPJ International Press Freedom Awardee Dawit Kebede, fled the country in November 2011 in fear of being arrested, and the newspaper switched to online publication only.
Government spokesman Shimelis Kemal said Woubshet was among several people accused of planning
terrorist attacks on infrastructure, telecommunications, and power
lines with the support of an unnamed international terrorist group and
Ethiopia's neighbor, Eritrea, according to news reports. In January 2012, a court in Addis Ababa sentenced Woubshet to 14 years in prison, news reports said.
CPJ believes the charges were brought in reprisal for Awramba Times'
critical coverage of the government. Prior to his arrest, Woubshet had
written a column criticizing what he saw as the ruling party's tactics
of weakening and dividing the media and the opposition, Dawit told CPJ.
Woubshet had been targeted in the past as well. He was detained for a
week in November 2005 during the government's crackdown on news coverage
of the unrest that followed disputed elections.
Woubshet was being held at Kality Prison in Addis Ababa in late year.

Eskinder Nega, freelance

Imprisoned: September 9, 2011
Ethiopian security forces arrested Eskinder,
a prominent journalistic blogger and former publisher and editor of
three now-shuttered newspapers, on vague accusations of involvement in a
terrorism plot.
Shortly after the arrest, state television portrayed
the journalist as a spy for "foreign forces" and accused him of having
links with the banned opposition movement Ginbot 7, which the Ethiopian
government has formally designated as a terrorist entity. In an interview
with Agence France-Presse, government spokesman Shimelis Kemal accused
the detainee of plotting "a series of terrorist acts that would likely
wreak havoc."
In July 2012, a federal court judge in Addis Ababa sentenced
Eskinder to an 18-year prison sentence based on a video of a public
meeting in which Eskinder discussed the implications of the Arab Spring
in Ethiopia, according to local journalists and news reports.
The judge accused Eskinder of using "the guise of freedom" to "attempt
to incite violence and overthrow the constitutional order." Five exiled
journalists were convicted in absentia based on their coverage of Ginbot
7.
CPJ believes the charges are part of a long pattern of government
persecution in reprisal for Eskinder's critical coverage. In 2011, a
deputy police commissioner threatened the journalist with unspecified
reprisals for online columns that drew comparisons between the Egyptian
uprising and Ethiopia's 2005 pro-democracy protests, according to news reports.
His coverage of the Ethiopian government's brutal repression of the
2005 protests landed him in jail for 17 months on anti-state charges at
the time. After his release in 2007, authorities banned his newspapers
and denied him licenses to start new ones.
Eskinder's sentencing drew international condemnation, including from the U.S. State Department, members of the U.S. Congress and the European Union.In May 2012, PEN American Center awarded Eskinder its 2012 Freedom to Write Award.
Eskinder was being held at Kality Prison in Addis Ababa in late year. His defense planned an appeal.

Yusuf Getachew, Ye Muslimoch Guday

Imprisoned: July 20, 2012
Police officers raided the Addis Ababa home of Yusuf, editor of the Ye Muslimoch Guday
(Muslim Affairs), and placed the journalist at the Maekelawi Federal
Detention Center, according to local journalists. Police also
confiscated four of Yusuf's mobile phones, his wife's digital camera,
books, and 6,000 birr (US$334), the journalists said.
In October 2012, a court in Addis Ababa formally charged Yusuf under
the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Law with plotting acts of "terrorism, intending
to advance a political, religious or ideological cause," according to
local reports. Yusuf told the court he had been beaten while in custody,
local journalists told CPJ.
Local journalists said Yusuf's publication provided extensive
coverage of protests by members of the Muslim community. Ethiopian
Muslims had begun staging protests on Fridays throughout the year to
oppose government policies they said interfered with their religious
practices, according to news reports. The protests
were a highly sensitive issue for the government, which feared a
hard-line Islamist influence within the predominantly Christian country.
Local journalists said they believed Muslim journalists and newspapers
were being harassed as part of an attempt to quell media coverage of the
protests.
Other Ye Muslimoch Guday journalists went into hiding, and
the publication ceased operations shortly after Yusuf's arrest, local
journalists told CPJ. The editor was being held at Kality Prison in
Addis Ababa in late year, those sources said.

Gambia: 1

"Chief" Ebrima Manneh, Daily Observer

Imprisoned: July 7, 2006
Two plainclothes officers of the National Intelligence Agency
arrested "Chief" Ebrima Manneh at the office of his newspaper, the
pro-government Daily Observer, according to witnesses. The
reason for the arrest was unclear, although some colleagues believe it
was linked to his attempt to republish a BBC article critical of
President Yahya Jammeh.
Despite dozens of inquiries from international organizations, the
government has not provided a credible account of what happened to
Manneh after he was taken into custody. In 2008, the Court of Justice
of the Economic Community of West African States ruled that Gambia had
unlawfully seized Manneh and ordered his immediate release.
Yet only sketchy and conflicting details have emerged about Manneh's
whereabouts, health, and legal status. Witnesses reported seeing Manneh
in government custody in December 2006 and in July 2007, according to CPJ research. Agence France-Presse quoted
an unnamed police official in 2009 as saying that Manneh had been
spotted at Mile 2 Prison in 2008. But the official also speculated that
Manneh was no longer alive, AFP reported. In a nationally televised
meeting with local media representatives in March 2011, President Jammeh
described Manneh as having died while denying any government
involvement in the journalist's fate. "Let me make it very clear that
the government has nothing to do with the death of Chief Manneh," he
said.
But Justice Minister Edward Gomez provided contradictory information just months later. In an October 2011 interview with the local newspaper Daily News,
Gomez said that Manneh was alive. "Chief Ebrima Manneh is alive, and we
will talk about this case later," Gomez told AFP in a subsequent
interview.

India: 3

Sudhir Dhawale, Vidrohi

Imprisoned: January 2, 2011
Dhawale, a Mumbai-based activist and journalist, wrote about human rights violations against Dalits in the Marathi-language Vidrohi, a monthly he founded and edited.
Police arrested Dhawale in the Wardha district of Maharashtra state,
where he had traveled to attend a Dalit meeting, and charged him with
sedition and involvement with a terrorist group under the Unlawful
Activities (Prevention) Act, according to local and international news
reports. They said a Maoist insurgent in custody had accused him of
involvement in the banned organization's war against the state in
central tribal areas of India, according to The Wall Street Journal. Police also searched Dhawale's home the following day and seized books and a computer, the news reports said.
Dhawale's supporters said he was detained because he was a critic of
a state-supported, anti-Maoist militia active in Chhattisgarh state, a
center of the civil violence between Maoists and the state. In a
documentary on the case, Darshana Dhawale, the journalist's wife, said
police had accused her husband of supporting the Maoists in his
writings. The makers of the film-titled "Sudhir Dhawale: Dissent =
Sedition?"-also interviewed Anand Teltumbde of the Mumbai-based
Committee for the Protection of Democratic Rights, who said Dhawale's
publication covered the Maoists but did not support them.
On January 20, 2011, police accused him of hanging Maoist posters in
an unrelated case in Gondia district in December 2010. Authorities
filed a new charge of waging war against the state, which carries a
potential death penalty under the Indian penal code. His wife has said
Dhawale was in Mumbai, not Gondia, that December, according to local
news reports.
Dhawale, who was being held in Maharashtra state prison, was refused
bail in March 2012. His court proceedings were pending in late year,
according to an activist, Lenin Raghuvanshi, who was tracking the case.

Lingaram Kodopi, freelance

Imprisoned: September 10, 2011
Police said they arrested Kodopi, 25, in a public market in
Dantewada district as he was accepting a bribe from a representative of a
steel company wanting to operate in a Maoist insurgent-controlled area,
local news reports said. The journalist denied the accusation and said
the police had targeted him because he had refused to work for them
under a program to recruit tribal youths to defeat the insurgents, the
New Delhi-based newsmagazine Tehelka reported.
Police accused Kodopi of being a "Maoist associate." He was charged
with anti-state activities under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention)
Act, the Chhattisgarh Public Security Act, and the Indian penal code, Tehelka reported. He had not been brought to trial by late year, and the total penalties he faced were not clear.
Local human rights activists and journalists said authorities wanted
to prevent Kodopi from publicizing the role of police in recent
violence in the state. In April 2011, the journalist had documented the
destruction of houses during an anti-Maoist police operation in three
Dantewada district villages and "recorded on video precise narrations of
police atrocities," Tehelka reported. Himanshu Kumar, a local human rights activist, told the Indian Express that Kodopi had evidence of government involvement in the burning of three villages.
Kodopi told journalists he had fled police harassment in 2010 to study journalism and work as a freelancer in New Delhi, the Indian Express
reported. While he was there, Dantewada police accused him of being a
senior Maoist commander and masterminding an attack against a politician
in Chhattisgarh. Kodopi denied the accusations at a press conference in
Delhi, the Indian Express said, and he was not taken into custody at the time.
Police in Dantewada would not explain whether Kodopi was believed to
be a low-level Maoist "associate," as alleged in the 2011 case, or a
senior commander, as they said in 2010. "We are still ascertaining his
role," District Police Superintendent Ankit Garg told Tehelka.
Kodopi had not received bail by October 2012, according to Kumar,
who met with CPJ in New York. The journalist was subjected to torture
while in prison, according to Kumar and the Association for India's
Development and the South Asia Solidarity Initiative.

Naveen Soorinje, Kasturi TV

Imprisoned: November 7, 2012
Soorinje, 28, a TV journalist who documented a large-scale attack on
young women and reported the episode to police in Karnataka state, was
arrested by authorities in Mangalore on more than a dozen charges,
including rioting and assault, according to local and international news
reports. CPJ considers the arrest to be retaliatory.
Soorinje, among other journalists, had been tipped off that a large
group of men were chasing, beating, and groping teenaged women at a
local birthday party in July, the reports said. The assailants,
described as Hindu hard-liners, were apparently angered that the women
were associating with men at the party, according to reports.
On arrival, Soorinje reported the attack to police and filmed it for
the Kannada-language news channel Kasturi TV, according to the New
Delhi-based newsmagazine Tehelka. The 43 other individuals who were charged were identified on the basis of Soorinje's footage, Tehelka reported.
Soorinje has denied taking part in the attack. His news report
accused police of responding slowly to his repeated calls reporting the
assault, and of "chatting" with the assailants once they did arrive, the
People's Union for Civil Liberties said in a statement. Human rights
activists have broadly accused police in Karnataka of allowing attacks
against women as a supposed form of "moral policing," the BBC reported.
Karnataka is led by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party.
A Mangalore court denied Soorinje's request for bail on November 27, according to G. Vishnu, a Tehelka journalist reporting on the case.

Iran: 45

Adnan Hassanpour, Aso

Imprisoned: January 25, 2007
Security agents seized Hassanpour, editor of the now-defunct Kurdish-Persian weekly Aso,
in his hometown of Marivan, Kurdistan province, according to news
reports. In July 2007, a Revolutionary Court convicted Hassanpour on
anti-state charges and sentenced him to death. After a series of appeals
and reversals, he was sentenced in May 2010 to 15 years in prison,
defense lawyer Saleh Nikbakht told the Reporters and Human Rights
Activists News Agency.
The government's case against Hassanpour amounted to a series of
assertions by security agents, defense attorney Sirvan Hosmandi told CPJ
in 2008. Hassanpour's sister, Lily, told CPJ that she believed his
critical writings were behind the charges. Hassanpour, 32, was being
held at Sanandaj Central Prison in Kurdistan Province. He has not been
allowed furlough, news reports said.

Mohammad Seddigh Kaboudvand, Payam-e-Mardom

Imprisoned: July 1, 2007
Plainclothes security officials arrested journalist and human rights
activist Kaboudvand at his Tehran office, according to Amnesty
International and CPJ sources. He was being held at Evin Prison in
Tehran.
Authorities charged Kaboudvand, head of the Human Rights Organization of Kurdistan and managing editor of the weekly Payam-e-Mardom,
with acting against national security and engaging in propaganda
against the state, according to his organization's website. A
Revolutionary Court in Tehran sentenced him to 11 years in prison in
2008.
Kaboudvand's health continued to deteriorate in 2012. Based on their
visits and consultation with a prison physician, family members
believed Kaboudvand has suffered significant heart problems while in
custody, his wife, Farinaz Baghban Hassani told the International
Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. He has repeatedly been denied
requests for medical leave and family visits, news reports said. He has
also suffered from severe dizziness, disruption of speech and vision,
and disorders in his limb movements.
Kaboudvand, 49, has waged several hunger strikes, the latest in June
2012, to protest authorities' refusal to grant him a furlough to see
his son who was diagnosed with leukemia, according to news reports.
Despite his repeated attempts, prison authorities, refused all of his
furlough requests.

Mojtaba Lotfi, freelance

Imprisoned: October 8, 2008
A clergyman and blogger, Lotfi was arrested by security forces on a
warrant issued by the Clergy Court in Qom. Authorities accused him of
publishing the views of Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, the
now-deceased cleric who had criticized President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's
positions.
Authorities did not specify articles or publications in which the
views were supposedly cited. In November 2009, Lotfi was convicted of
several charges, including spreading anti-state information, and
sentenced him to four years in prison followed by a period of exile,
according to online reports.
In July 2010, the Human Rights House of Iran reported that Lotfi had
been transferred to the remote village of Ashtian for 10 years of
enforced internal exile. Lotfi, an Iran-Iraq War veteran who was exposed
to chemical agents, suffers from a respiratory illness that has
worsened during his confinement, the reformist news website Norooz News reported.

Hossein Derakhshan, freelance

Imprisoned: November 2008
On December 30, 2008, a judiciary spokesman confirmed at a press
conference in Tehran that Derakhshan, a well-known Iranian-Canadian
blogger, had been detained since November 2008 in connection with
comments he allegedly made about a key cleric, according to local and
international news reports. The exact date of Derakhshan's arrest is
unknown, but word of his detention was first reported on November 17,
2008, by Jahan News, a website close to the Iranian
intelligence service. The site claimed Derakhshan had confessed to
"spying for Israel" during the preliminary interrogation.
Known as the "Blogfather" for his pioneering online work, Derakhshan
started blogging after the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United
States. A former writer for reformist newspapers, he also contributed
opinion pieces to The Guardian of London and The New York Times.
The journalist, who lived in Canada during most of the decade prior to
his detention, returned to Tehran a few weeks before his detention, The Washington Post
reported. In November 2009, the BBC Persian service reported that
Derakhshan's family had sought information about his whereabouts and the
charges he faced, and expressed concern about having very limited
contact with him.
In September 2010, the government announced that Derakhshan had been
sentenced to 19 and a half years in prison, along with a five-year ban
on "membership in political parties and activities in the media,"
according to the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran and
other sources. Derakhshan has spent much of his imprisonment in solitary
confinement at Evin Prison, according to multiple sources. The
International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran, citing a source close
to the journalist's family, said Derakhshan had been beaten and coerced
into making false confessions about having ties to U.S. and Israeli
intelligence services. In 2011 and 2012, Derakhshan was allowed
short-term furloughs.

Ahmad Zaid-Abadi, freelance

Imprisoned: June 2009
Zaid-Abadi, who wrote a weekly column for Rooz Online, a
Farsi- and English-language reformist news website, was arrested in
Tehran, according to news reports. Zaid-Abadi had also been a supporter
of the defeated 2009 presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi and had
served as director of the politically active Organization of University
Alumni of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
On November 23, 2009, Zaid-Abadi was sentenced to six years in
prison, five years of internal exile in Khorasan province, and a
"lifetime deprivation of any political activity" including "interviews,
speeches, and analysis of events, whether in written or oral form,"
according to the Persian service of the German public news organization
Deutsche Welle. An appeals court upheld the sentence on January 2,
according to Advar News.
In February 2010, Zaid-Abadi and fellow journalist Massoud Bastani
were transferred to Rajaee Shahr Prison. Zaid-Abadi's wife, Mahdieh
Mohammadi, said prison conditions were crowded and unsanitary, the
International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran reported. She said she
feared malnutrition and the spread of disease.
In August 2011 and July 2012, Zaid-Abadi was granted short furloughs
after posting large bail sums, according to reformist news websites. He
was awarded the UNESCO/Guillermo Cano World Press Freedom Prize in 2011
and the World Association of Newspapers' Golden Pen of Freedom Award in
2010.

Kayvan Samimi, Nameh

Imprisoned: June 14, 2009
Samimi, manager of the now-defunct monthly Nameh, was serving a six-year prison sentence along with a 15-year ban on "political, social, and cultural activities," the Aftab News website reported.
Initially held in Evin Prison, Samimi was subjected to mistreatment.
In February 2010, he was transferred to solitary confinement after
objecting to poor prison conditions, according to Free Iranian
Journalists, a website devoted to documenting cases of jailed reporters
and editors. In November 2010, Samimi was transferred to Rajaee Shahr
Prison in Karaj, which houses violent criminals, according to news
reports. Samimi suffers from liver problems, which have worsened in
custody. He was hospitalized in March 2012 for treatment.
In September 2012, authorities at Rajaee Shahr Prison placed Samimi
and fellow journalist Massoud Bastani in solitary confinement for
several days after a photograph of the two detainees was published on
the reformist news website Kaleme, the outlet reported. Since
his arrest, Samimi has been allowed furlough only once. He has gone on
hunger strike several times to protest prison conditions and prisoner
treatment.

Bahman Ahmadi Amouee, freelance

Imprisoned: June 19, 2009
Amouee, a contributor to reformist newspapers such as Mihan, Hamshahri, Jame'e, Khordad, Norooz, and Shargh,
and the author of an eponymous blog, was arrested with his wife,
journalist Zhila Bani-Yaghoub, according to news reports. In January
2010, Amouee was sentenced to 34 lashes, along with seven years and four
months in prison. In March of the same year, an appeals court reduced
the prison sentence to five years, according to Rooz Online.
Amouee was being held in Evin Prison, according to news reports,
with part of his term served in solitary confinement. In July 2010,
Amouee and 14 other prisoners staged a 16-day hunger strike to protest
mistreatment at Evin Prison. Prison officials punished them by denying
family visits for a month, Jonbesh-e-Rah-e-Sabz reported.
In June 2012, authorities transferred Amouee to Rajaee Shahr Prison,
where violent criminals are held. Later that same month he was
transferred to solitary confinement for several days, according to the
BBC Persian service.
His wife, Bani-Yaghoub, editor-in-chief of the Iranian Women's Club,
a news website focusing on women's rights, was released on bail in
August 2009 but was later sentenced to one year in prison on anti-state
charges. She began serving her term at Evin Prison in September 2012,
according to news reports.

Issa Saharkhiz, freelance

Imprisoned: July 3, 2009
Saharkhiz, a columnist for the reformist news websites Rooz Online and Norooz
and a founding member of the Association of Iranian Journalists, was
arrested while traveling in northern Iran, the association said in a
statement. His lawyer said his client was charged with "participation in
riots," "encouraging others to participate in riots," and "insulting
the supreme leader," according to Rooz Online.
Saharkhiz was sentenced in September 2010 to three years in prison, a
five-year ban on political and journalistic activities, and a one-year
ban on foreign travel, the reformist news website Jonbesh-e-Rah-e-Sabz
reported in September 2010. In an interview with Radio Zamaneh, Mehdi
Saharkhiz said his father would not appeal the court's decision. "He
said that all sentencing is made under [Ayatollah Ali] Khamenei's direct
supervision and the judiciary has nothing to do with it. Therefore,
neither the lower court nor the appeals court is official in any way,
and they are only for show."
Saharkhiz has had a long career in journalism. He worked for 15
years for IRNA, Iran's official news agency, and ran its New York office
for part of that time. He returned to Iran in 1997 to work in Mohammad
Khatami's Ministry of Islamic Guidance, in charge of domestic
publications. Journalist Ahmad Bourghani and Saharkhiz came to be known
as the architects of a period of relative freedom for the press in Iran.
But as the regime took a more conservative bent, Saharkhiz was forced
to leave the ministry and was eventually banned from government service.
He founded a reformist newspaper, Akhbar-e-Eghtesad, and a monthly magazine, Aftab, both of which were eventually banned. He wrote articles directly critical of Khamenei, Iran's supreme leader.
During his imprisonment, which began at Evin Prison, Saharkhiz was
subjected to constant pressure, including being kept in a prison yard
overnight in freezing temperatures without shoes or socks, according to Rooz Online.
Over the course of his prison term, Saharkhiz has suffered from poor
health including blood pressure, spine, and neck problems. He was
hospitalized for treatment of a heart condition in February 2012;
authorities moved him back to Evin Prison in August against the wishes
of his doctor, news reports said. Saharkhiz began refusing food and
medication in September 2012 to protest his transfer back to prison,
according to reformist news websites. After 22 days on hunger strike,
Saharkhiz suffered a heart attack and was hospitalized in state custody,
his son told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.

Massoud Bastani, Farhikhtegan and Jomhoriyat

Imprisoned: July 5, 2009
Bastani, a journalist with Farhikhtegan, a reformist newspaper, and Jomhoriyat,
a news website affiliated with the defeated 2009 presidential candidate
Mir-Hossein Mousavi, was arrested when he went to a Tehran court
seeking information about his wife, journalist Mahsa Amrabadi, who had
been detained, according to local news reports.
Bastani was among more than 100 opposition figures and journalists
who faced a mass, televised judicial proceeding in August 2009 on vague
anti-state accusations, according to news reports. On October 20, 2009,
the news website Norooz reported that a court had sentenced
Bastani to six years in prison for "propagating against the regime and
congregating and mutinying to create anarchy."
Bastani was being held at Rajaee Shahr Prison, a facility reserved for hardened criminals, according to the reformist daily Etemad.
In July 2010, Bastani's family told reporters that he had suffered an
infection in his jaw that had gone untreated in prison, the Human Rights
House of Iran reported. Authorities restricted Bastani's family visits
to once every two weeks.
In September 2012, authorities at Rajaee Shahr Prison placed Bastani
and fellow journalist Kayvan Samimi in solitary confinement for several
days after a photograph of the two detainees was published on the
reformist news website Kaleme, the outlet reported.
His wife, Amrabadi, was later sentenced to one year in prison on
anti-state charges. She began serving her term in Evin Prison in May
2012, news reports said.

Saeed Matin-Pour, freelance

Imprisoned: July 12, 2009
Matin-Pour, a journalist who wrote for his own blog and for the newspapers Yar Pag and Mouj Bidari
in western Azerbaijan province, was first arrested in May 2007.
Released on bail, he was re-arrested in July 2009 amid the government's
massive crackdown on dissidents and the press.
A Revolutionary Court in Tehran convicted Matin-Pour on charges of
having "relations with foreigners" and "propagating against the regime,"
according to local news reports. He was sentenced to an eight-year
prison term.
Matin-Pour's wife, Atieh Taheri, told the Human Rights Activists
News Agency that the journalist's health had deteriorated in Evin Prison
and that officials had denied him proper medical care, according to
news reports. Matin-Pour spent much of his imprisonment in solitary
confinement amid abusive treatment, leading to heart and respiratory
problems, reformist news websites reported.
In September 2012, Taheri told the International Campaign for Human
Rights in Iran that Matin-Pour had been kept in solitary confinement for
months, interrogated, and tortured. Matin-Pour has not been allowed
furlough.

Mohammad Davari, Saham News

Imprisoned: September 5, 2009
Davari, editor-in-chief of Saham News, a website affiliated
with the defeated 2009 presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi, was
charged with several anti-state counts, including "propagating against
the regime," and "disrupting national security." The charges stemmed
from Davari's reporting on widespread complaints of abuse and rape of
inmates at Kahrizak Detention Center. The detention center was closed in
July 2009 after Saham News and others documented the pervasive abuse.
In May 2010, Davari was sentenced to five years in prison, according
to the website of Reporters and Human Rights Activists of Iran. His
family said he was being held at Tehran's Evin Prison.
In mid-2011, Davari was sentenced to an additional year in prison,
allegedly for his participation in teacher protests in 2006, reformist
news websites reported. In September 2012, Davari was stripped naked and
searched as he re-entered Evin Prison after a short visit to a hospital
for a medical exam, according to reformist news websites. The
journalist developed an acute psychological illness in prison and
suffered from chest pains and a heart condition, his brother Bijan
Davari told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran in
March. Davari has been denied furlough, his brother told the campaign.
In recognition of his exemplary journalism, CPJ honored Davari with its International Press Freedom Award in November 2010.

Mehdi Mahmoudian, freelance

Imprisoned: September 16, 2009
Mahmoudian, a political journalist and blogger, was serving a
five-year prison term on charges of "mutiny against the regime" for his
role in documenting complaints of rape and abuse of detainees at the
Kahrizak Detention Center, reformist news websites reported.
The detention center was closed in July 2009 after Mahmoudian and
others documented the pervasive abuse. Mahmoudian also worked with
journalist Emadeddin Baghi at the Center for the Defense of Prisoners'
Rights.
Held at Rajaee Shahr Prison, Mahmoudian was in poor health and
suffering from kidney ailments, according to the German public news
organization Deutsche Welle. Mahmoudian's mother, Fatemeh Alvandi, told
the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran in April 2011 that
her son developed epilepsy while in prison and was in dire physical and
psychological condition. Mahmoudian was hospitalized in October 2011 but
returned to prison the next month, according to reformist news
websites.
In January 2012, Mahmoudian was severely beaten by prison guards and
interrogators inside the prison ward for writing letters to authorities
reporting prison abuse, according to the reformist news website Jonbesh-e-Rah-e-Sabz.
Mahmoudian passed out as a result of the beatings and was transferred
to the Evin Prison infirmary, where he underwent treatment. In March
2012, Mahmoudian was returned to Rajaee Shahr Prison, according to
reformist news websites.

Seyed Hossein Ronaghi Maleki (Babak Khorramdin), freelance

Imprisoned: December 13, 2009
Ronaghi Maleki, writing under the name Babak Khorramdin, discussed
politics on a series of critical blogs that were eventually blocked by
the government. He was also a founder of the anti-censorship group Iran
Proxy, which was launched in 2003.
In October 2010, a Revolutionary Court sentenced Ronaghi Maleki to
15 years in prison on anti-state conspiracy charges, the reformist news
website Jonbesh-e-Rah-e-Sabz reported. The first year of his
term was served largely in solitary confinement, defense lawyer Mohammad
Ali Dadkhah told the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.
Ronaghi Maleki's family said the journalist was in poor health and
developed severe kidney problems, according to the campaign. In May
2011, Ronaghi Maleki was transferred to a hospital in hand and ankle
cuffs, where he underwent kidney surgery, the campaign reported. He was
hospitalized in custody again in October 2011, when he underwent
additional kidney surgery, the Human Rights House of Iran reported.
In February 2012, a Revolutionary Court refused to grant a medical
furlough that would have allowed Ronaghi Maleki to seek independent
kidney treatment, reformist news websites said. After Ronaghi Maleki
posted a US$1 million bond in July, the court agreed to release him so
he could undergo surgery, according to reformist news websites. He was
placed back in Evin Prison in September, although follow-up treatment
had yet to be completed, according to the International Campaign for
Human Rights in Iran.

Abolfazl Abedini Nasr, Bahar Ahvaz

Imprisoned: March 3, 2010
Abedini, who wrote about labor issues for the provincial weekly, was
arrested in Ahvaz and transferred to Evin Prison in Tehran, according
to the website of Reporters and Human Rights Activists.
An Ahvaz court sentenced Abedini to 11 years in prison on anti-state
charges that included having "contact with enemy states," the reformist
news website Jonbesh-e-Rah-e-Sabz reported in April 2011.
Abedini was not represented by a lawyer at trial. When Abedini appealed,
a Khuzestan provincial appellate court would not allow a defense lawyer
to present arguments, the reformist website Kalame reported. The appeals court upheld the verdict.
In September 2010, Human Rights House in Iran reported that Abedini
had been beaten at Ahvaz Prison. He was transferred to Tehran's Evin
Prison later that same month, the group reported. On May 4, 2011, a
Revolutionary Court judge sentenced Abedini to an additional year in
prison on the charge of "propagating against the regime," Human Rights
House reported. The basis for the additional charge was not disclosed.
Abedini suffered severe abdominal pain, the reformist news website Kaleme
reported in August 2012. Authorities denied his request for an
independent medical examination, the reformist news website added.

Siamak Ghaderi, freelance

Imprisoned: July 27, 2010
Ghaderi was arrested in connection with entries he posted on his blog, IRNA-ye maa,
or Our IRNA, a reference to the Islamic Republic's official news
agency. In the entries, he wrote about street protests and other
developments after the contested 2009 presidential election, according
to the reformist news website Jonbesh-e-Rah-e-Sabz.
In January 2011, Ghaderi was sentenced to four years in prison and
60 lashes on charges of "propagating against the regime," "creating
public anxiety," and "spreading falsehoods," according to the BBC's
Farsi service.
Ghaderi was an editor and reporter for IRNA for 18 years until he
was dismissed for writing about the 2009 election on his blog, Jonbesh-e-Rah-e-Sabz said. Pro-government news websites, among them Rasekhoon and Haghighat News,
called him a "seditionist" who was arrested for "immoral" acts.
Ghaderi's blog was repeatedly blocked by authorities before he was
detained, Jonbesh-e-Rah-e-Sabz reported.
Among the entries that authorities found objectionable was a piece
in which Ghaderi interviewed several Iranian homosexuals. The article
was an apparent reaction to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's public
assertion that "there are no homosexuals in Iran." The lashes in his
sentence were for "cooperating with homosexuals," the BBC reported. The
reformist news website Kaleme reported in July 2011 that Ghaderi was being held at Evin Prison.
In August 2012, Ghaderi told his wife that he and 13 political
prisoners had been lashed, according to the U.S. government-funded Radio
Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Ghaderi has not been allowed furlough since
his arrest.

Mohammad Reza Pourshajari (Siamak Mehr), freelance

Imprisoned: September 12, 2010
Pourshajari, a journalistic blogger who wrote under the penname
Siamak Mehr, was arrested at his home in Karaj, outside Tehran,
according to news and human rights websites. In his blog Gozaresh be Khaak-e-Iran (Reports to the Soil of Iran), Pourshajari was critical of Iran's theological state.
In an open letter dated December 2010, published by the Human Rights
and Democracy Activists of Iran, Pourshajari described his arrest and
subsequent detention. He said intelligence agents confiscated a computer
hard drive, satellite receiver, and numerous documents. Pourshajari was
taken to Rajaee Shahr Prison, where interrogators tortured him and
subjected him to a mock execution, he wrote. Pourshajari said he was not
allowed visitors, phone calls, or access to a lawyer.
In December 2010, Pourshajari was sentenced to three years in prison
on charges of "propagating against the regime" and "insulting the
supreme leader," Human Rights Activists for Democracy in Iran reported.
In October 2011, Pourshajari was transferred to Ghezel Hessar Prison,
where hardened criminals are confined, the group said.
In April 2012, the Karaj Revolutionary Court sentenced Pourshajari
to an additional year in prison on blasphemy charges, bringing his total
sentence to four years in prison. Pourshajari has refused to file
appeals, citing the lack of due process rights in the judicial system.

Arash Honarvar Shojaei, freelance

Imprisoned: October 28, 2010
Nearly a year after Shojaei was first jailed, a special clerical
court sentenced the blogger and cleric to four years in prison and 50
lashes on October 2, 2011, on multiple charges of "acting against
national security," "espionage," and "cooperation with foreign
embassies," the reformist news outlet Radio Zamaneh reported.
Shojaei was author of the book, Madar-e-Shari'at, about the
dissident cleric, Ayatollah Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari, according to
Radio Zamaneh. Shariatmadari had opposed the principle of velayat-e-faqih, which seeks to convey unlimited power to the supreme leader.
Shojaei was being held at Evin Prison, where he endured torture and
several months of solitary confinement, according to Human Rights House
of Iran and Radio Zamaneh. The journalist suffered from a heart
condition, a hearing impairment, epilepsy, brain atrophy, spinal disc
problems, and diabetes, all developed while in prison, reformist news
websites said.
He was granted a medical furlough in November 2011 but was summoned
back to Evin Prison in January 2012 before treatment had been completed,
news reports said. Shojaei waged multiple hunger strikes to protest his
treatment. In September, he was hospitalized after suffering a heart
attack and seizure, according to the International Campaign for Human
Rights in Iran.

Fereydoun Seydi Rad, freelance

Imprisoned: March 2, 2011
Seydi Rad, a journalistic blogger, was being held in Evin Prison
after being convicted of "propagating against the regime" on his blog, Arak Green Revolution. Seydi Rad wrote about the pro-democracy movement, student protests, and labor strikes in the city of Arak.
A Revolutionary Court in Tehran also convicted Seydi Rad on
anti-state charges related to taking part in a 2010 protest and
attending the 2009 funeral of Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, the
prominent cleric who had criticized President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's
positions. The court imposed a total sentence of three years when it
handed down the verdict in August 2011.
Seydi Rad's 2011 arrest was not disclosed for several months,
according to news accounts. His sister, Faranak Seydi, told the
reformist news website Jonbesh-e-Rah-e-Sabz that family members
had maintained silence because they feared reprisals. The Committee of
Human Rights Reporters, a leading organization of journalists who
document human rights abuses, said Seydi Rad faced 43 days of
interrogation and solitary confinement after being arrested.

Alireza Rajaee, freelance

Imprisoned: April 23, 2011
Rajaee, a leader of Iran's Journalists Association and editor for
several reformist publications, was being held at Evin Prison, according
to reformist news outlets. He was summoned to serve a previously
suspended three-year term that dated to a 2001 case in which he was
convicted of "acting against national security."
While in prison, Rajaee signed a number of letters calling for free
elections and protesting detention conditions, which led to new charges
of "propagating against the regime," news reports said. In February
2012, he was sentenced to an additional four years in prison.
Rajaee served as a politics editor and editorial board member for several reformist publications, including Jame'eh, Iran-e-Farda, Payam-e-Hajar, and Iran Political.

Mehrdad Sarjoui, Iran News

Imprisoned: July 2011
A Revolutionary Court in Tehran sentenced Sarjoui, who covered international news for the English-language daily Iran News
and other publications, to 10 years in prison on charges of
"cooperating with enemy states," according to the reformist news site Kaleme. He was being held at Evin Prison in late year.
Sarjoui had previously worked in the international relations
department of the government's Strategic Research Center, according to
the U.S. government-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Staff
members for the research agency had access to politically sensitive
material, which placed them under intense scrutiny by government
security agents.

Alireza Behshti Shirazi, Kalameh Sabz

Imprisoned: July 10, 2011
Authorities summoned Shirazi, editor-in-chief of the now-defunct reformist daily Kalameh Sabz, to serve a five-year prison sentence at Evin Prison, according to reformist news websites.
Shirazi was first arrested in December 2009 and transferred to
solitary confinement at Evin and later sentenced to five years in prison
on charges of "acting against national security," according to
reformist news websites. He was released on bail in October 2010, news
reports said.Kalemeh Sabz was one of the initial post-election Green
Movement publications, which criticized the regime's policies, according
to news reports. In December 2009, security forces raided the
newspaper's offices and arrested all of its staff members, CPJ research
shows.

Ahmadreza Ahmadpour, freelance

Imprisoned: July 18, 2011
Ahmadpour, a journalist, blogger, and researcher at Qom Seminary,
was serving a three-year term at Yazd Prison on anti-state charges
stemming from a letter he wrote to U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon,
according to reformist news websites. In the letter, written in 2010
while he was serving an earlier prison term, Ahmadpour protested abuses
of his rights. The Qom Special Clerics Court also imposed 10 years of
exile, defrocking, and deprivation of any clerical position, according
to the same reports.
His earlier arrest came in December 2009. He was sentenced to one
year in prison on charges of "acting against national security" and
"violating the dignity of the clergy" in his writings, according to
reformist news websites. Ahmadpour was a student of Ayatollah
Hossein-Ali Montazeri, the now-deceased cleric who had criticized
President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's positions.
A disabled Iran-Iraq War veteran, Ahmadpour suffers from respiratory
problems due to exposure to chemical warfare. His respiratory condition
has worsened and he now suffers cardiac problems due to harsh prison
conditions and lack of medical care, according to reformist news
websites.

Saeed Jalalifar, Committee of Human Rights Reporters

Imprisoned: July 31, 2011
Jalalifar, who had reported on child labor and political prisoner
issues for the committee, was first arrested in December 2009 on charges
of "propaganda against the regime." He was free on bail for more than a
year before being summoned back to Evin Prison in July 2011, the BBC
Persian service reported.
The opposition website Pars Daily News reported that Branch
28 of the Tehran Revolutionary Court sentenced Jalalifar to three years
in prison on charges of "propaganda against the regime," and "assembly
and collusion with the intent to act against national security."
Numerous journalists working for the Committee of Human Rights
Reporters have been detained for varying periods of time since 2009 in
connection with their work in exposing human rights violations and
government malfeasance. In June 2012, Jalalifar and four other political
detainees waged a hunger strike to protest abusive treatment by prison
guards, according to the reformist news website Kaleme.

Morteza Moradpour, Yazligh

Imprisoned: August 26, 2011
Moradpour, who wrote for Yazligh, a children's magazine,
was serving a three-year prison term on charges of "propagating against
the Islamic Republic of Iran," "mutiny," and "illegal congregation,"
according to the Committee of Human Rights Reporters.
Moradpour was first arrested in 2009 along with several family
members during a protest over Azeri-language rights in Tabriz in
northwestern Azerbaijan province, according to the committee. Two issues
of Yazligh were used as evidence in the trial against him, the news website Bizim Tabriz
reported. In November 2009, Moradpour was sentenced to three years in
prison, Azeri news websites reported. He was released on the equivalent
of US$50,000 bail in late 2010, according to Baybak, a local
Azeri news website. (The practice of releasing convicted inmates on bail
or furlough is common in Iranian jurisprudence.)
Based on the original conviction, Moradpour was re-arrested on
August 26, 2011, after taking part in protests related to the
environmental degradation of Lake Orumiyeh in northwestern Iran,
reformist news websites reported. He was being held in Tabriz Central
Prison as of late year.

Imprisoned: September 5, 2011
Authorities arrested at least 30 members of the religious minority
Gonabadi Dervishes following a confrontation with plainclothes agents in
the town of Kavar in Fars province, a spokesman for the group told the
International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. Among the detainees
were a number of journalists for Majzooban-e-Noor, a website
that reported news about the group, according to the International
Campaign for Human Rights in Iran and the reformist news website Rooz Online.
Six of the website staffers were among those who remained in prison when CPJ conducted its annual census on December 1, 2012. Majzooban-e-Noor
said agents had targeted the journalists in an effort to silence news
coverage about the group. In September 2012, the Human Rights House of
Iran reported that the journalists were being held at Evin Prison, but
no formal charges had been disclosed.

Saeed Madani, freelance

Imprisoned: January 7, 2012
Security forces arrested Madani, a former editorial board member of the long-defunct Iran-e-Farda magazine and former editor-in-chief of the quarterly Refah-e-Ejtemaee (Journal of Social Welfare), and confiscated a computer hard drive from his home, news reports said.
The journalist, 74, was placed in solitary confinement after his
arrest, Madani's wife told the International Campaign for Human Rights
in Iran in March 2012. His wife also said their family had not been told
of his condition in prison or any charges against him. The reformist
news website Kaleme reported that Madani had been subjected to violent and abusive interrogations.

Saeed Razavi Faghih, freelance

Imprisoned: January 17, 2012
Authorities arrested Faghih at Tehran airport as he arrived from
Paris, where he maintained a home, according to news reports. Faghih,
who wrote for reformist publications Sobh-e-Emrooz, Bahar, Doran-e-Emrooz, and Vaghaye Etefaghieh, and the English-language news website Rooz Online, was being held in Evin Prison, news reports said.
The journalist was first arrested while visiting Iran in 2009 but
was released on bail after 16 days, according to news reports. He was
later tried in absentia on charges of "propagating against the regime"
and sentenced to four years in prison. In March 2012, the journalist
suffered from a heart attack and was hospitalized for treatment,
according to news reports.

Kasra Nouri, Majzooban-e-Noor

Imprisoned: March 14, 2012
Nouri, a reporter for the news website Majzooban-e-Noor,
was charged with "propagating against the regime" and having unlawful
contact with U.S. government-funded Radio Farda, according to his
employer. His family knew nothing about his whereabouts or condition
until a month after his arrest, when they discovered he was being held
at the Shiraz Intelligence Office's Detention Center, his mother
Shokoofeh Yadollahi told the International Campaign for Human Rights in
Iran. After repeated attempts, she said, they were allowed to visit him.
Nouri awaited trial in late year on the initial counts. In a
separate proceeding, the Shiraz Criminal Court convicted Nouri "creating
public anxiety" and "publishing falsehoods," in connection with his
work, according to Majzooban-e-Noor. The court sentenced him to one year in prison on those counts.Majzooban-e-Noor covers news about the Gonabadi Dervishes
religious community. Nouri had reported that security and intelligence
forces had incited local residents to attack the Dervishes during a
September 2011 confrontation, causing one death and injuries to several
others, according to Majzooban-e-Noor. Many Dervishes, including several other journalists with Majzooban-e-Noor, were imprisoned immediately after the 2011 crackdown.
Nouri has developed respiratory problems during his imprisonment, according to reformist news websites.

Reza Ansari Rad, freelance

Imprisoned: May 3, 2012
Rad, former editor-in-chief of the reformist news website Aftab and a freelance contributor to reformist newspapers such as Bahar and Nowruz, was summoned to serve a one-year term in Evin Prison, according to Iran's Committee of Human Rights Reporters.
A Tehran Revolutionary Court had imposed the sentence in September
2011 on charges of "propagating against the regime," news reports said.
Rad, who wrote primarily about politics and art, was in poor physical
condition and suffered epileptic seizures while in custody, news reports
said.

Mahsa Amrabadi, freelance

Imprisoned: May 9, 2012
Amrabadi, a reporter for several reformist publications including Etemad-e-Melli, was summoned to Evin Prison women's ward to serve a one-year prison sentence, according to reformist news websites.
Amrabadi was first arrested in June 2009 and released two months
later on bail of US$200,000, according to the International Campaign for
Human Rights in Iran. In October 2010, Amrabadi was sentenced to
one-year in prison and a four-year suspended term on charges of
"propaganda against the regime," according to reformist news websites.
In February 2012, an appeals court upheld her sentence. She was arrested
again briefly in February 2011 and released on bail, according to news
reports.
Her husband, Massoud Bastani, who is also a journalist, is serving a
six-year prison term at Rajaee Shahr Prison, CPJ research shows. Since
Bastani and Amrabadi are held in different prisons, they cannot visit
each other.

Fariborz Raisdana, freelance

Imprisoned: May 21, 2012
Security forces summoned Raisdana, an economics analyst and contributor to Kar-o-Kargar and Ava-ye Kar, to Evin Prison to start serving a one-year prison term. The publications focus on labor issues.
Raisdana was first arrested in December 2010 after he gave an
interview to the BBC Persian service criticizing President Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad's economic subsidy cuts, news reports said. Released on
bail, he was sentenced in May 2011 to a year in prison on charges of
"propagating against the regime," according to the International
Campaign for Human Rights in Iran.

Rahman Bouzari, Shargh

Imprisoned: June 2012
Authorities summoned Bouzari, an editor for the reformist daily Shargh and contributor to several reformist news websites, to serve a two-year prison term, according to reformist news websites.
Bouzari was initially arrested in late May 2011, according to
reformist news websites. Security forces raided his Tehran home and
confiscated his laptop and other personal belongings, news reports said.
Released on bail, he was later sentenced to two years in prison and 74
lashes by a Tehran Revolutionary Court on charges of "propagating
against the regime," the reports said.

Said Moghaneli, Yashmagh, Yarpagh and Dilmaj

Imprisoned: June 26, 2012
Moghaneli, editor-in-chief of the banned Azeri-language publications Yashmagh and Yarpagh and the banned monthly literary publication Dilmaj, was serving a six-month term in Tabriz Prison, according to reformist news websites.
Moghaneli, a frequent contributor to other Azeri-language magazines
and newspapers, was convicted on charges of "propagating against the
regime" in his journalistic work and in interviews with foreign media.
Moghaneli told his family that was being held in a ward for drug-
addicted detainees, news reports said.

Nassour Naghipour, Human Rights Activists News Agency

Imprisoned: July 9, 2012
Naghipour, a reporter and web editor for the Human Rights Activists
News Agency, was serving a seven-year term at Evin Prison on anti-state
charges related to his work in documenting violations of human rights,
according to news reports.
Naghipour, 30, also established and managed a website that collected
Farsi articles in different areas of humanities, philosophy, politics,
and literature, according to reformist news websites.

Zhila Bani-Yaghoub, Sarmayeh

Imprisoned: September 2, 2012
Bani-Yaghoub, a former editor of the banned reformist daily Sarmayeh and editor-in-chief of the Iranian Women's Club,
a news website focusing on women's rights, began serving a one-year
prison term in September 2012 in Evin Prison's women's ward, according
to news reports. She had been sentenced in 2010 on charges of
"propagating against the regime," and "insulting the president," for
articles she wrote during the June 2009 contested presidential
elections. Her sentence also included a 30-year ban on practicing
journalism.
Bani-Yaghoub was first arrested in June 2009 with her husband,
Bahman Ahmadi Amouee, a journalist who had contributed to several
reformist newspapers. Bani-Yaghoub was released on bail in August 2009,
but Amouee remained in prison and was sentenced to a five-year term on
anti-state charges.
In 2009, Bani-Yaghoub was awarded the Courage in Journalism Prize by
the International Women's Media Foundation and in 2010 was a recipient
of the Freedom of Speech Award from Reporters Without Borders.

Shiva Nazar Ahari, Committee of Human Rights Reporters

Imprisoned: September 8, 2012
Nazar Ahari, a blogger and founding member of the Committee of Human
Rights Reporters, a leading organization of journalists documenting
human rights abuses, was summoned by authorities to begin serving her
prison sentence in the women's ward of Tehran's Evin Prison, the
committee reported.
In 2010, Ahari was sentenced to six years in prison on charges of moharebeh,
or "waging war against God," "propagating against the regime," and
"acting against national security" for reporting on political
gatherings, according to the International Campaign for Human Rights in
Iran. In January 2011, an appeals court reduced her sentence to four
years in prison and 74 lashes, news reports said.
Ahari was first arrested in June 2009 and spent several months in
Evin Prison, including time in solitary confinement, news reports said.
She was a 2011 recipient of the Theodor Haecker Prize for "courageous
Internet reporting on human rights violations."

Faezeh Hashemi Rafsanjani, Zan

Imprisoned: September 22, 2012
Rafsanjani, former editor of the banned reformist daily Zan
and daughter of former President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, was
summoned to serve a six-month prison term at Evin Prison, according to
the reformist news website Saham News.
In January 2012, Branch 15 of Tehran's Revolutionary Court, which
has tried hundreds of cases of detainees arrested in the June 2009
presidential election aftermath, also sentenced Rafsanjani to a
five-year ban on political, cultural, and press activities on charges of
"propagating against the regime," according to the International
Campaign for Human Rights in Iran. Rafsanjani's charges stem from an
interview she gave to the reformist news website Rooz Online in
which she said "the country is managed by thugs and plainclothes forces
who are bought with money, positions, and clout," the semi-official
Iranian Students News Agency reported.

Ali Akbar Javanfekr, Iranian News Agency

Imprisoned: September 24, 2012
Javanfekr, director of the official Iranian news agency IRNA, was
summoned to serve a six-month prison sentence in Evin Prison, according
to news reports. Javanfekr, also head of IRNA's print affiliate, Iran,
as well as press adviser to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, had been
sentenced in November 2011 to two six-month prison terms and a
three-year ban on press activities, news reports said. An appeals court
tossed out one of his six-month sentences in August 2012, IRNA reported.
Javanfekr had been convicted of publishing content "contrary to
Islamic standards" and "publishing obscene content." He had written in
an official publication that the practice of women wearing the chador-a
head-to-toe cover-was not an authentic Iranian one, but had instead been
adopted from other Muslim countries, news reports said. The comment not
only angered Iranian clerics, it came amid an ongoing feud between
supporters of the president and those of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali
Khamenei.

Mehdi Khazali, freelance

Imprisoned: October 30, 2012
Khazali, a critical blogger, was sentenced in February 2012 to 14
years in prison, 10 years in exile, and 90 lashes after being convicted
of "insulting the supreme leader," according to human rights groups.
Authorities summoned Khazali to Evin Prison in October to begin serving
the sentence, reformist news websites said.
He was initially arrested in January 2012. His wife told the reformist news website Jonbesh-e Rah-e Sabz
that he was beaten during the arrest and suffered a fractured arm,
broken teeth, and a knee injury. He was held in solitary confinement in
Evin for three weeks until he was transferred to the prison's general
population, news reports said. In late February, Khazali suffered a
heart attack while waging a hunger strike and was taken to a Tehran
hospital for treatment, according to news reports. He was issued a
furlough in March.
Khazali, the son of a high-ranking cleric, had criticized the regime
on his blog, which has since been hacked, CPJ research shows.

Alireza Roshan, Shargh

Imprisoned: November 18, 2012
Roshan, a reporter for the reformist daily Shargh, was summoned to Evin Prison to serve a one-year prison term, according to the reformist news website Kaleme.
Roshan was initially arrested in September 2011 following violent
confrontations between plainclothes security forces and Gonabadi
Dervishes in Fars Province, according to the International Campaign for
Human Rights in Iran. Roshan spent more than a month in solitary
confinement in Evin Prison before he was released on bail, according to
reformist news websites.
In October, a Tehran Revolutionary Court sentenced Roshan to one
year in prison and a four-year suspended prison term for his cooperation
with the Majzooban-e Noor news website on charges of "assembly and collusion with the intent to disrupt national security," reformist news websites said.

Iraq: 1

Karzan Karim, freelance

Imprisoned: November 5, 2011
Karim, a contributor to several Kurdish-language publications, was
serving a two-year term on charges of harming national security,
according to news reports and human rights groups. The charges stem from
a series of articles he wrote in October and November 2011 for the
Swedish-based website Kurdistanpost, according to news reports.
The pieces detailed alleged corruption among Kurdistan security agents
working at Arbil International Airport; Karim had worked as a security
officer in the airport's VIP lounge. Kurdistanpost is known for its critical, investigative coverage of the Kurdistan regional government.
In November 2011, days after he published the articles, Asaish
security forces seized Karim from his car, according to Human Rights
Watch. Karim's relatives knew nothing of his whereabouts or well-being
until February 2012, when the journalist was allowed to call them from
prison, the group reported. He was first held in solitary confinement in
Asaish Erbil, a high security prison, until his transfer to Asaishi
Dishi, a general security prison. Karim was denied access to a lawyer
and faced no formal charges for several months, news reports said.
In a September 2012 letter to Human Rights Watch, the Kurdistan
regional government's Department of Foreign Affairs said Karim was
"being investigated for publishing sensitive information," and "was
arrested for publishing a series of articles online about the Kurdistan
Security Agency and Arbil International Airport." A criminal court in
Arbil sentenced Karim in October 2012, according to news reports. The
proceedings were closed to the public.

Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories: 3

Amer Abu Arafa, Shihab News Agency

Imprisoned: August 21, 2011
An Israeli military court ordered that Abu Arafa, a correspondent
for the Gaza-based Shihab News Agency, be held in administrative
detention. Under administrative detention procedures, authorities may
hold an individual for six months without charge or trial and may extend
the detention an unlimited number of times. Abu Arafa's detention was
extended most recently in October 2012. His family told Shihab that
authorities had accused the journalist of being a "security threat,"
although no formal charges had been filed by late 2012.
The news agency, based in the Gaza Strip, pursues an editorial line
that is critical of Israel and the Palestinian Authority, CPJ research
shows. Abu Arafa covered news in Hebron and the surrounding area for the
agency, Shihab told CPJ. Shortly before his arrest, in August 2011, Abu
Arafa wrote a story about the arrests of 120 Hamas members by Israeli
authorities in Hebron, Shihab told CPJ.
Abu Arafa had been arrested before, in May 2010, by Palestinian
security forces, CPJ research shows. His father told Shihab that his son
was taken from their home by Palestinian intelligence agents for
reasons linked to his work. Two months later, a Palestinian court
sentenced Abu Arafa to three months in prison and a fine of 500
Jordanian dinars (US$700) after finding him guilty of "resisting the
policies of the authorities" in connection with his reporting, Shihab
told CPJ at the time.

Sharif Alrjoub, Al-Aqsa Radio

Imprisoned: June 3, 2012
Israeli security forces arrested Alrjoub, Hebron correspondent for
Jerusalem-based Al-Aqsa Radio, during an early-morning raid at his home,
according to news reports. Alrjoub covered Israeli detentions of
Palestinians and demonstrations against the expansion of Israeli
settlements for the independent Palestinian station.
Alrjoub was being held in the Ofer administrative detention center.
Under administrative detention procedures, authorities may hold
detainees for six months without charge or trial and then extend the
detention an unlimited number of times. No charges had been brought
against him as of late year.
Israeli security forces had previously arrested Aljroub in 2007, holding him for seven months, according to news reports.

Mohammed Atallah al-Tamimi, Tamimi Press Agency

Imprisoned: October 10, 2012
Israeli soldiers arrested al-Tamimi, a Palestinian reporter and
editor for his family-run Tamimi Press Agency, during an early-morning
raid at his home in the West Bank town of Nabi Saleh, according to news
reports. The Tamimi Press Agency covers demonstrations against Israeli
expansion of settlements in the West Bank, CPJ research shows.
Al-Tamimi, 24, was being held in the Ofer detention center, his
agency told CPJ. In late year, the Ofer military court sentenced
al-Tamimi to three months in prison and a fine of 3,000 shekels (US$784)
on charges of "participating in illegal protests," according to the
agency. Tamimi Press told CPJ that al-Tamimi had regularly covered the
weekly protests.

Italy: 1

Alessandro Sallusti, Il Giornale

Imprisoned: November 26, 2012
Sallusti, editor-in-chief of the Milan-based daily, was in home
confinement after being convicted of criminal defamation in connection
with a 2007 article published in another newspaper, which he was editing
at the time, according to news reports.
The defamation charge stems from an article, written under the
pseudonym "Dreyfus" and published in February 2007 in the right-wing
daily Libero. The author suggested that a juvenile court
magistrate should be subjected to the death penalty for allowing a
13-year-old girl the right to an abortion. The magistrate filed a
defamation complaint and a Milan court ruled in June 2011 that Sallusti,
as editor of Libero at the time, bore responsibility for
publication of the article. The Milan court's guilty verdict was upheld
by the Fifth Chamber of the Cassation Court in September 2012. Sallusti
was sentenced to a 14-month term.
The article was criticized at the time
of publication as being excessive and containing factual errors, but
the conviction sent shock waves throughout Italian journalism. The
left-wing La Repubblica, a paper that would normally disagree with Libero,
published an opinion piece stating that jailing journalists for libel
"is disproportionate" and represents "a sinister intimidation" to the
press.
Renato Farina, a member of parliament and the deputy editor of Libero
at the time of the story's publication, said in September 2012 that he
had written the piece and took responsibility for it, the U.K.'s Telegraphreported.
On December 1, 2012, police in Rome said they re-arrested Sallusti
after he violated the terms of his house detention, Reuters reported.
Sallusti said he intentionally violated the terms of his home
confinement to call attention to the verdict and its dangerous
implications for press freedom, Reuters said. Returned to house arrest,
Sallusti faced new charges of evading custody, according to the news
agency.
Italy is one of the few countries in the European Union where
defamation remains a criminal offense punishable by imprisonment. Facing
domestic and international calls to decriminalize defamation, the
Italian parliament debated possible changes to the 1930s-era law in fall
2012 only to leave the statute intact.

Kyrgyzstan: 1

Azimjon Askarov, freelance

Imprisoned: June 15, 2010
Askarov, a contributor to independent news websites including Voice of Freedom
and director of the local human rights group Vozdukh (Air), was
sentenced to life in prison in September 2010 after being convicted on
charges that included incitement to ethnic hatred and complicity in the
murder of a police officer. The charges were filed amid violence that
swept across southern Krygyzstan in June 2010, pitting ethnic Kyrgyz
residents against ethnic Uzbeks. Askarov, an ethnic Uzbek who had
exposed law enforcement abuses for many years, was actively documenting
human rights violations in his hometown of Bazar-Korgon in the midst of
the unrest.
A number of human rights groups have concluded that the criminal
charges against Askarov were fabricated. A June 2012 CPJ special
report-based on interviews with Askarov, his lawyers, and defense
witnesses, as well as review of court documents-found that authorities
retaliated against Askarov for his years of reporting on corrupt and
abusive practices among regional police and prosecutors.
Authorities accused Askarov of inciting a crowd to kill a Kyrgyz
police officer, a case built on the testimony of other officers who
claimed the journalist had made provocative remarks. Yet no witness
testified to having observed the murder of the officer, or having seen
Askarov participate in any act of violence.
The trial was held amid an atmosphere of intense intimidation of the
defense-Askarov and his lawyer were both assaulted during the
proceedings-and a general climate of fear among the Uzbek population.
People who could have provided exculpatory testimony were ignored by
authorities and too frightened to testify. Askarov's wife and neighbors,
for example, said the journalist was elsewhere at the time of the
officer's murder.
Authorities also accused Askarov of urging another crowd to take a
local mayor hostage, although no hostage-taking ever took place. And
authorities claimed to have found 10 bullets in a search of Askarov's
home. The defense disputed the legitimacy of the evidence, noting that
investigators failed to produce any witnesses to the search, a step
required under Kyrgyz law.
Askarov told CPJ that authorities had long threatened to retaliate
against him. Throughout his career, Askarov had exposed fabricated
criminal cases, arbitrary detentions, and the rape and abusive treatment
of detainees in his native Jalal-Abad region. Askarov's exposés had
overturned convictions and cost several officials their jobs.
Investigations conducted by the New York-based Human Rights Watch and a commission
sanctioned by the United Nations and the Organization for Security and
Co-operation in Europe each found a pattern of prejudicial law
enforcement in the region following the unrest, with ethnic Uzbeks
disproportionately targeted for arrest and imprisonment. "Ethnic Uzbeks
constituted the large majority of victims of the June violence,
sustaining most of the casualties and destroyed homes, but most
detainees and defendants-almost 85 percent-were also ethnic Uzbek,"
Human Rights Watch found. Although 19 people died and more than 400 buildings were torched
in Askarov's hometown during the June 10-15 unrest, no other
individuals were successfully prosecuted there, according to local human
rights defenders.
Askarov endured prolonged brutality while in police custody prior to
his trial, he told CPJ. A physician hired by the defense team examined
Askarov in jail in December 2011 and concluded that he suffered "severe
and lasting" effects from the brutality. Askarov told CPJ that he was
beaten with a gun, baton, and a water-filled plastic bottle, once so
badly that he fell unconscious.
Askarov's imprisonment has been challenged by the Kyrgyz
government's own human rights ombudsman, as well as U.N. High
Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay and U.N. Special Rapporteur on
Torture Juan Mendez. In November 2012, CPJ honored Askarov with its
International Press Freedom Award.

Morocco: 2

Mohamed al-Dawas, freelance

Imprisoned: September 5, 2011
Authorities arrested al-Dawas, a critical journalist who wrote for the blog Al-Fnidaq Online,
in the northern city of Fnidaq, according to news reports. On September
22, a court in Tetouan sentenced the blogger to a 19-month prison
sentence on drug trafficking charges, defense lawyer Abdel al-Sadiq
al-Bushtawy told CPJ.
Al-Bushtawy said his client denied the drug trafficking allegations,
which the defense considered retaliation for al-Dawas' critical
writing. Al-Fnidaq Online features the work of several
journalists who write about local government corruption. A report by the
French news outlet France 24 quoted several local journalists as saying
they, too, believed the arrest to be retaliation for al-Dawas' critical
writing.
Al-Bushtawy told CPJ that the defense team was not given an adequate
opportunity to present its case. In protest, the defense team withdrew
from what it deemed unfair proceedings, and the court tried al-Dawas
without counsel. In late year, an appeals court upheld his sentence, his
lawyer said.
In October 2012, al-Dawas was transferred to Okasha Prison in the northern province of Taounate, al-Bushtawy said.

Mohamed Sokrate, freelance

Imprisoned: May 29, 2012
Sokrate, a prominent blogger, was arrested by security forces while
leaving an Internet café in Marrakech. In June, a local court sentenced
him to two years in prison on charges of drug possession and
trafficking, according to news reports.
Sokarte is known for his criticism of the monarchy and political
Islam, which is widely believed to be the reason for his imprisonment,
news reports said. Moroccan authorities have a record of filing
trumped-up charges of drug possession to imprison critical journalists,
CPJ research shows. Authorities briefly arrested Sokrate's father and
brother as a way of pressuring the blogger to sign a false confession,
according to regional press freedom groups.
Sokrate was also a member of the February 20 youth group, which had organized pro-reform protests in Morocco in 2011.

Rwanda: 3

Agnès Uwimana, Umurabyo
Saidati Mukakibibi, Umurabyo

Imprisoned: July 8, 2010
A court in Kigali sentenced Uwimana, founder and chief editor of the independent vernacular bi-monthly Umurabyo,
to 17 years in prison and deputy editor Mukakibibi to seven years on
charges of incitement to violence, promoting ethnic division, genocide
denial, and insulting the head of state in connection with several
opinion pieces published in mid-2010, according to news reports. The
publication closed after their arrests.
In February 2012, the Supreme Court reduced Uwimana's sentence to four years and Mukakibibi's term to three years, according to news reports.
The court overturned convictions on the genocide and ethnic division
charges, but upheld Uwimana's conviction on defaming President Paul
Kagame and inciting violence, according to local journalists. The court
upheld Mukakibibi's conviction on inciting violence.
The two journalists, single mothers and sole breadwinners for their
families, submitted a letter requesting a presidential pardon in April
2012. Although Kagame had said publicly that the original sentences were
harsh, the pardon request was rejected for unstated reasons, defense
lawyers told CPJ.
Although the publication was at times considered sensational, local journalists told CPJ that Umurabyo
raised important questions about a number of sensitive topics,
including the July 2010 murder of journalist Jean-Léonard Rugambage, the
fallout between Kagame and two now-exiled military leaders, growing
divisions within the Rwandan army, and the need for justice for ethnic
Hutus killed in the 1994 genocide.
The two journalists were imprisoned at the Central Prison in the capital, Kigali, in late year.

Stanley Gatera, Umusingi

Imprisoned: August 1, 2012
Police said they arrested the editor of the private weekly Umusingi,
Gatera, in connection with a June lifestyle column that suggested men
might regret marrying Tutsi women solely for their beauty. In October
2012, the Gasabo Intermediate Court formally charged him with
sectarianism and divisionism, according to local journalists.
Gatera, who represented himself in court, apologized for the article
but was convicted and sentenced to one year in prison, local
journalists said. Gatera was being held at the Central Prison in the
capital, Kigali.
The former chief editor of Umusingi, Nelson Gatsimbazi, fled the country in September 2011 in fear of reprisals related to the paper's critical coverage, according to CPJ research.

Saudi Arabia: 4

Hamza Kashgari, freelance

Imprisoned: February 12, 2012
Kashgari, 23, a poet and a columnist for the Jeddah-based daily Al-Bilad,
came under fire after posting comments on his Twitter account that
described a fanciful conversation in which he addressed the Prophet
Muhammad as an equal. Facing death threats, he fled Saudi Arabia for
Malaysia only to be arrested and extradited back home. He faced charges
of "disrespecting God" and "insulting the Prophet," which could bring
the death penalty upon conviction.
Although he deleted the postings within hours and issued a public
apology, a Facebook page calling for his execution attracted more than
30,000 members. More than 25,000 people signed a petition seeking his
release. Kashgari was being held in a Riyadh prison pending trial in
late year.

Habib Ali al-Maatiq, Al-Fajr Cultural Network

Imprisoned: February 22, 2012

Hussein Malik al-Salam, Al-Fajr Cultural Network

Imprisoned: February 23, 2012
Security forces arrested al-Maatiq and al-Salam, managers of the news website Al-Fajr Cultural Network,
in the city of Jubail in connection with the site's coverage of
pro-reform protests in Eastern Province, news outlets reported. The two
were being held without charge in a prison in Dammam, the capital of
Eastern Province, news reports said.Al-Fajr Cultural Network covered pro-reform protests in the
predominantly Shia region, which has faced discrimination and
repression at the hands of the government, local journalists told CPJ.
The website, which was taken down after the journalists were arrested,
has also published sermons by Shia sheiks who support the protests.
The kingdom has obstructed coverage of Eastern Province protests,
which call for political reforms and greater rights for the country's
Shia minority, CPJ research shows. No international or local journalists
have been allowed to enter the province, and in the absence of
independent reporting, coverage of the unrest is carried out by websites
such as Al-Fajr Cultural Network.

Jalal Mohamed al-Jamal, Al-Awamia

Imprisoned: February 25, 2012
Security forces arrested al-Jamal, manager of the news website Al-Awamia,
in the city of Al-Qatif and took him to an undisclosed location, local
journalists told CPJ. A local journalist said al-Jamal had been broadly
accused of anti-state activity, but the charges had not been made public
as of late year.Al-Awamia, which became inaccessible after al-Jamal's
arrest, covered pro-reform demonstrations in the predominantly Shia
Eastern Province and was known for its criticism of the government,
according to news reports.
The kingdom has obstructed coverage of Eastern Province protests,
which call for political reforms and greater rights for the country's
Shia minority, CPJ research shows. No international or local journalists
have been allowed to enter the province.

Somalia: 1

Ibrahim Mohamed Adan, BBC

Imprisoned: November 21, 2012
A military court ordered the arrest of BBC correspondent Ibrahim for
what it called false reporting, according to local journalists and news
reports. In a November report for the BBC Somali-language service,
Ibrahim had interviewed an individual who claimed his cousin, a soldier,
had been executed on the orders of the military court.
On November 26, the military transferred Ibrahim to civilian
authorities, who placed him at Central Prison in the capital, Mogadishu,
local journalists told CPJ. On December 1, police released Ibrahim
without charge after consultation with the BBC, local journalists told
CPJ.
CPJ's census is a snapshot of those incarcerated at 12:01 a.m. on
December 1, 2012. CPJ lists Ibrahim because was still being jailed at
that time.

Syria: 15

Tal al-Mallohi, freelance

Imprisoned: December 27, 2009
Al-Mallohi, a journalistic blogger, was detained in December 2009
after she was summoned for questioning by security officials, according
to local rights groups. In February 2011, she was sentenced by a state
security court to five years in prison on a fabricated charge of
disclosing state secrets.
The private newspaper Al-Watan said in October 2010 that
al-Mallohi, 21, was suspected of spying for the United States. But
lawyers allowed into the closed court session said the judge "did not
give evidence or details as to why she was convicted," the BBC reported.
The U.S. State Department condemned the trial, saying in a statement
that the allegations of espionage were baseless.
Al-Mallohi's blog was devoted to Palestinian rights and was critical
of Israeli policies. It also discussed the frustrations of Arab
citizens with their governments and what she perceived to be the
stagnation of the Arab world. Al-Mallohi's case gained widespread
attention in the Arab blogosphere, on social media websites, and with
human rights activists worldwide.

Tariq Saeed Balsha, freelance

Imprisoned: August 19, 2011
Balsha, a freelance cameraman, was arrested in the coastal city of
Latakia three days after he covered an episode in which government
troops opened fire at Al-Raml Palestinian refugee camp, according to
local press freedom groups.
Balsha's footage of demonstrations and authorities' efforts to quash
the unrest have been posted to a number of websites, including the
Shaam News Network, a citizen news organization that has published tens
of thousands of videos documenting the popular uprising in Syria.
Shaam's footage has been used by international news organizations such
as Al-Jazeera and the BBC.
In November 2011, the Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of
Expression reported that Balsha was being held at Latakia Central
Prison. In 2012, Balsha was transferred to the Homs Central Prison,
according to a friend who is campaigning for his release.Authorities had
not disclosed information on Balsha's whereabouts, legal status, or
well-being as of late 2012.

Bilal Ahmed Bilal, Palestine Today

Imprisoned: September 13, 2011
Intelligence agents arrested Bilal, a reporter for the Palestinian
television station Palestine Today and a contributor to several
Arabic-language news outlets, at his home in Damascus and took him to an
army recruitment center in the town of Daraya, according to local news
reports citing his family.
Immediately prior to his arrest, Bilal was preparing travel
documents to go to Lebanon on assignment for Palestine Today, news
reports said. His employer has not publicly commented on his detention.
In April 2012, a former prisoner informed Bilal's family and friends
that he had seen the journalist in Sednaya Prison, west of Damascus, a
CPJ source said. Authorities had not disclosed any information about his
status, whereabouts, or the charges against him as of late 2012.

Imprisoned: February 16, 2012
Authorities raided the offices of the Syrian Center for Media and
Freedom of Expression in Damascus and arrested several journalists and
press freedom activists. Among those still being held in late 2012 were
the center's president, Darwish, the prominent blogger Ghrer, and three
other journalists working for the center, al-Zitani, al-Omari, and
Hamada. Authorities had not disclosed any charges against the detainees
as of late year.
The Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression was
instrumental in documenting the deaths and detentions of journalists
after the popular uprising began in March 2011. The group also
disseminated reports about the government's suppression of news and
commentary, providing important context as the regime sought to impose
an international media blackout. The organization's website has been
inaccessible since April.
Security agents were holding Darwish and Ghrer in solitary
confinement, according to news reports. Human rights groups said the two
had been tortured and denied basic legal rights, including access to
lawyer. In July, Ghrer waged a hunger strike to protest the ongoing
detention, according to human rights groups.
In August 2012, human rights groups reported that Darwish's case
would be transferred to the Field Court, a military tribunal that holds
proceedings in secret and without the presence of a defense lawyer. As
of late year, it was unknown if the transfer took place.
Ghrer had been arrested previously, in October 2011, on charges of
"weakening national sentiments," "forming an association without a
permit" and "inciting demonstrations." His blog featured stories about
other detained bloggers in Syria, the country's popular uprising, and
Israel's occupation of Palestinian and Syrian territories, among other
topics. Ghrer suffers from coronary disease and high blood pressure,
requiring daily medications.
Authorities had not disclosed information on the other detainees' whereabouts, legal status, or well-being as of late 2012.

Jihad Jamal, freelance

Imprisoned: March 7, 2012
Jamal, a contributor to local news websites, was detained at a
Damascus café along with several human rights activists, according to
local news websites. Jamal also aggregated news stories for
dissemination to international outlets.
In May, Jamal's case was transferred to a military court, according
to news reports. He waged a hunger strike that month to protest his
detention, reports said. Authorities had disclosed no other information
about Jamal's legal status, whereabouts, or well-being as of late 2012.
Jamal had been arrested several times previously, including once in
October 2011 when he was detained along with Sean McAllister, a British
reporter working for Channel 4. Local news websites said his repeated
arrests stemmed from his reporting on human rights abuses and the
popular uprising.

Ali Mahmoud Othman, freelance

Imprisoned: March 28, 2012
Othman, who ran a makeshift media center in the besieged Baba Amr
district of Homs, was initially held by a military intelligence unit in
Aleppo and then transferred to Damascus, Paul Conroy, a photographer for
The Sunday Times, said in an interview with the UK's Channel 4.
Conroy, who was injured in the government attack on the Baba Amr
media center that killed journalists Marie Colvin and Rémi Ochlik, said
Othman was instrumental in getting journalists in and out of the
embattled district. He said Othman, originally a vegetable vendor, was
one of the first Syrians to use video to document the unrest in Homs.
Citizen journalists such as Othman have filled the information void as
the Syrian regime has barred international journalists from entering the
country to cover the civil war, CPJ research shows. As of late year,
authorities had not disclosed information on Othman's condition or legal
status.
International reporters and diplomats, including U.K. Foreign
Secretary William Hague, have expressed concern that Othman has been
tortured while in custody, according to news reports. Othman appeared on
Syrian state television in May for what the station described as an
interview. The questioning was aimed at asserting a theory of an
international media conspiracy against the regime.

Austin Tice, freelance

Imprisoned: August 2012
Tice, a freelance photojournalist who contributed to The Washington Post, McClatchy, Al-Jazeera English and several other news outlets, went missing in mid-August, according to news reports.
In an August 28 interview with Czech television, the Czech
Republic's ambassador to Syria, who also represents U.S. interests
there, said that embassy sources reported Tice was "alive and that he
was detained by government forces in the outskirts of Damascus, where
the rebels were fighting government troops." Syrian authorities have
refused to confirm if they were holding Tice, according to news reports.
The first sign of Tice's condition appeared in a YouTube video
posted on September 26. In the 47-second clip, a group of turbaned men
shout "Allahu akbar" (God is great) and push Tice to his knees. Several
analysts and news reports suggested that the scenes in the video were
fictitious, and that the segment had been shot to promote a view that
Islamic extremist groups were behind the unrest in Syria.

Malik Abu al-Khair, freelance

Imprisoned: August 19, 2012
Security forces arrested Abu al-Khair, a writer for the online newsmagazine Al-Thara, while on his way to Lebanon, according to news reports. Al-Thara covers women and children's issues. Al-Khair also writes on his own blog, Hadeeth al-Rooh (Conversations of the Soul), frequently criticizing the regime.
In October, he was transferred from the city of Suweida to Damascus
to face trial, according to local opposition activists and local press
freedom groups. Authorities had not publicly disclosed the charges
against Abu al-Khair by late year.

Fares Maamou, freelance

Imprisoned: October 1, 2012
Maamou, a contributor to the Damascus-based Shaam News Network, was
arrested in Homs, according to accounts from local activists and press
freedom groups. Maamou had been covering events in the Homs
neighborhoods of Deir Baalba and Al-Rabee al-Arabi for the network,
contributing reporting and footage.
Shaam has posted tens of thousands of videos documenting the unrest
in Syria since the uprising began in March 2011. The network's footage
has been used by international news organizations such as Al-Jazeera and
the BBC. As of late year, authorities had not disclosed any information
on Maamou's whereabouts, well-being, or legal status.

Akram Raslan, Al-Fedaa

Imprisoned: October 2, 2012
Raslan, a cartoonist who worked for the Hama-based newspaper Al-Fedaa
and contributed to several other news websites, was arrested by
intelligence officials at his workplace in Hama, according to news
reports. Raslan's cartoons criticizing the regime of President Bashar
al-Assad had been published on his own blog and a number of news
websites, including that of Al-Jazeera.
As of late year, authorities had not disclosed any information on Raslan's whereabouts, well-being, or legal status.

Shada al-Madad, freelance

Imprisoned: November 1, 2012
Al-Madad, a freelance journalist for several local news outlets, was
arrested after being summoned to a government security office in
Damascus, according to local news reports. Al-Madad had resigned from
the pro-government news website Damas Post, where she had worked as a reporter, the news reports said.
The journalist more recently contributed to the anti-government news websites All4Syria and Souria Al-Ghad,
news reports said. She also used her Facebook page to report on
developments in the conflict, posting an extensive interview with a
member of the Free Syrian Army and describing what had motivated him to
join the rebels.
Authorities had not disclosed any information about the status, whereabouts, or the charges against al-Madad as of late 2012.

Thailand: 1

Somyot Prueksakasemsuk, Voice of Taksin

Imprisoned: April 30, 2011
Somyot was arrested at a Thai border checkpoint at Aranyaprathet
province while attempting to cross into neighboring Cambodia. He was
held without bail in a Bangkok detention center for 84 days, the maximum
period allowable under Thai criminal law, before formal lѐse majesté charges were filed against him on July 26 of that year.
Somyot faced a possible prison term of 30 years on two separate charges under the country's lѐse majesté
law, which prohibits material deemed offensive to the royal family.
Convictions under the law carry a maximum of 15-year jail terms. Lѐse majesté charges have been abused for political purposes by both sides of the country's protracted political conflict.
The charges stemmed from two articles deemed critical of Thai monarch Bhumibol Adulyadej that were published in the now-defunct Voice of Taksin,
a highly partisan newsmagazine affiliated with the United Front for
Democracy Against Dictatorship (UDD) political pressure group. The
magazine had been accused in the past of publishing articles that
incited UDD followers to violence.
Somyot, a labor activist and political protest leader, was founder
and editor of the controversial publication. He refused to reveal the
identity of the individual who wrote the contested articles in February
and March 2010, both of which were published under the pseudonym "Jit
Polachan," according to local media reports.
Somyot's trial ended in May 2012, but as of late year a verdict had
not been announced. A Bangkok-based criminal court set a December 2012
hearing date. The court denied 10 different bail requests submitted by
Somyot's lawyers since his initial arrest in April 2011.
In late year, Somyot was being held at Bangkok's Remand Prison. He
was suffering from health complications, including hypertension and
gout, according to the International Federation for Human Rights, an
international human rights organization.

Turkey: 49

Hatice Duman, Atılım

Imprisoned: April 12, 2003
Duman, former owner and news editor of the socialist weekly Atılım
(Leap), was serving a life term at Gebze M Type Prison in Kocaeli on
charges of being a member of the banned Marxist Leninist Communist
Party, or MLKP, producing propaganda, and "attempting to change the
constitutional order by force."
As evidence, authorities cited Duman's attendance at MLKP
demonstrations and the testimony of confidential witnesses. Duman's
defense lawyer, Keleş Öztürk, told CPJ that his client was targeted
because Atılım had opposed administration policies. In October 2012, the Supreme Court of Appeals upheld Duman's life sentence.

Mustafa Gök, Ekmek ve Adalet

Imprisoned: February 19, 2004
Gök, Ankara correspondent for the leftist magazine Ekmek ve Adalet
(Bread and Justice), was serving a life term at Sincan F Type Prison in
Istanbul on charges of "attempting to change the constitutional order
by force." He faced an additional prison term of five to 10 years on a
pending charge of being a member of the outlawed Devrimci Halk Kurtuluş
Partisi-Cephesi, or DHKP-C.
Gök's defense lawyer, Evrim Deniz Karataş, told CPJ that the
evidence against the journalist consisted of his news coverage and
attendance at political demonstrations. He said Gök had been targeted
for his reporting on politics and human rights, along with his beliefs
as a socialist. Karataş said his client suffers from Wernicke-Korsakoff
syndrome, which has led to a loss of sight and balance.

Fusün Erdoğan, Özgür Radyo

Imprisoned: September 8, 2006
Erdoğan, former general manager for the leftist Özgür Radyo (The
Free Radio), was being held at Kocaeli T Type Prison on charges of
helping lead the banned Marxist Leninist Communist Party, or MLKP. She
faced a potential life prison term. Authorities alleged she used radio
station assets to support the MLKP.
Zulfü Erdoğan, the journalist's lawyer and sister, told CPJ that the
main evidence against her client was a 40-page document that supposedly
included the names and personal information of MLKP members. The lawyer
questioned the authenticity of the document, saying it was not seized
from her client's home or office and that no evidence connected it to
her client. She also noted that court proceedings had yet to result in a
verdict after six years, an extraordinarily long period of time that
was also the subject of a complaint before the European Court of Human
Rights. Zulfü Erdoğan said the case against Erdoğan had been fabricated
because the journalist and her news outlet had opposed the
administration. She said Erdoğan suffered from a thyroid disease and
needed medical attention.

Bayram Namaz, Atılım

Imprisoned: September 8, 2006
Namaz, a columnist for the weekly socialist newspaper Atılım
(Leap), faced charges of possession of dangerous materials, possession
of unregistered weapons, forgery of official documents, and attempting
to eliminate the constitutional order. The journalist was being held at
Edirne F Type Prison.Atılım is affiliated with the Socialist Party of the
Oppressed, or ESP, which is a lawful organization. Gülizar Tuncer,
Namaz's lawyer, told CPJ that the state considered the paper and party
to be fronts for the illegal Marxist Leninist Communist Party, or MLKP.
In an indictment, authorities said Namaz was arrested with others at a
house in Aydın's Nazilli district in western Turkey, where the fourth
general congress of the MLKP was held. Namaz said he was picked up by
police at another location and brought there.
Authorities alleged that Namaz possessed a fake ID and that IDs
belonging to him were found in an MLKP house in Kayseri Province. As
evidence against him, authorities also cited a 2005 article about an
MLKP conference that was published in a Kurdish-language journal. Tuncer
said her client was not the author of the article.
Tuncer said Namaz had been working under constant police
surveillance for years, making it impossible for him to lead a secret
life as a member of an illegal organization.

Faysal Tunç, Dicle News Agency and Özgür Gündem

Imprisoned: April 5, 2007
Tunç, a reporter for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency and the daily Özgür Gündem
(The Free Agenda), was serving a sentence of six years and three months
on charges of producing propaganda and being a member of the banned
Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK. He was transferred in 2011 to the Rize
Kalkandere L Type Prison in Rize, according to a report by the
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.
After disposition of the case, Tunç's lawyers were themselves
imprisoned as part of an investigation into the Union of Communities in
Kurdistan, or KCK,an umbrella group of pro-Kurdish organizations that
includes the PKK.
In March 2012, Tunç sent a letter to the independent news portal Bianet
in which he alleged that authorities had set him up for a false arrest.
In April 2007, he said, he offered a woman he believed to be a member
of the Democratic Society Party, a legal entity that was the forerunner
of today's Peace and Democracy Party, some assistance in finding
lodging. Tunç said he did not know the woman and now believed she had
acted as an agent of the police. Within days, he said, he was detained
on charges of aiding a member of a terrorist group.

Mustafa Balbay, Cumhuriyet

Imprisoned: March 5, 2009
Balbay, a columnist and former Ankara representative for the leftist-ultranationalist daily Cumhuriyet,
was detained as part of the government's investigation into the alleged
Ergenekon plot, a shadowy conspiracy that authorities claimed was aimed
at overthrowing the government through a military coup.
Balbay was initially detained on July 1, 2008, brought to Istanbul,
and questioned about his news coverage and his relations with the
military and other Ergenekon suspects. Police searched his house and the
Ankara office of Cumhuriyet and confiscated computers and
documents, but released him four days later. Balbay was detained a
second time in March 2009 and placed at Silivri F Type Prison in
Istanbul pending trial. He was moved to solitary confinement in February
2011. His lawyers filed complaints with the European Court of Human
Rights alleging violations of due process. Despite being imprisoned,
Balbay was elected a parliamentary deputy on the Republican People's
Party ticket in Izmir province in the June 2011 election.
The charges against Balbay included being a member of an armed
terrorist organization; attempting to overthrow the government;
provoking an armed uprising; unlawfully obtaining, using, and destroying
documents concerning government security; and disseminating classified
information. The charges could bring life imprisonment, according to a
report by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. The
evidence against Balbay included documents seized from his property and
office, the news stories he produced, wiretapped telephone
conversations, and secretly recorded meetings with senior military and
government officials. Balbay denied the government's accusations and, in
columns written from prison and in court hearings, repeatedly said that
the seized notes and recorded conversations related to his journalism.
In its indictment, the government said Balbay had kept detailed
records of his meetings with military and political figures. Authorities
alleged that Balbay had erased the notes from his computer but
technicians were able to retrieve them from the hard drive. The
notes-some of which dated back to the period before the Justice and
Development Party, or AKP, won power-showed military officials
discussing how they could alter Turkish politics. For example, in notes
dated April 6, 2003, a general identified as Yaşar asked the columnist:
"Tell me, Mr. Balbay, can a coup be staged today with this media
structure? It can't. You cannot do something today without the media
backing you. You are the only one entreating secularism. The other
papers are publishing photographs of women with covered heads every day,
almost trying to make it sympathetic."
In public comments, Balbay said he had been keeping the notes for
journalistic purposes, including for use in a potential book. He said
the government's indictment quoted excerpts out of context and in a way
that made him appear guilty. In the indictment, Balbay was quoted as
saying that he had erased the files after concluding their use would not
be right.
Participants in the conversations included İlhan Selçuk, the now-deceased chief editor of Cumhuriyet
and an Ergenekon suspect before his death in June 2010; generals Şener
Eruygur, Aytaç Yalman, and Şenkal Atasagun; and former President Ahmet
Necdet Sezer. The indictment identified Selçuk as a leader of Ergenekon
and accused Balbay of acting as secretary in organizing meetings and
keeping notes under cover of journalism. Military officials considered Cumhuriyet a favorite because they shared the paper's positions on secularism and the Kurdish issue.
The government also said it found classified documents in Balbay's
possession, including military reports on neighboring countries and
assessments on political Islam in Turkey. Balbay said news sources had
provided him with the documents and that he was using them for
journalistic purposes.
Two taped conversations at the gendarmerie headquarters-dated
December 23, 2003, and January 5, 2004-were also cited as evidence. The
government alleged that, among other topics, Balbay and other
participants had discussed whether political conditions would allow a
coup. Balbay said such discussions were theoretical and constituted no
criminal intent.
The government also cited Balbay's news coverage, including a May
2003 story headlined "The Young Officers Are Restless." The phrase had
been used previously in Turkish politics and was seen as code for a
potential military coup. The story claimed that Hilmi Özkök, then the
military's chief of general staff, had warned Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdoğan about perceived anti-military pressure from the ruling
AKP. Özkök denounced the story as false at the time. Authorities claimed
that Balbay's own notes showed that Atilla Ateş, then the commander of
Turkish land forces, had congratulated him for the piece by saying, "You
did your duty."
The İKMS Law Firm, which represents Balbay, did not respond to CPJ's questions seeking further information about his defense.

Ahmet Birsin, Gün TV

Imprisoned: April 14, 2009
Birsin, general manager of Gün TV, a regional pro-Kurdish television
news station in southeastern Turkey, faced trial for assisting an
offshoot of the banned Kurdistan Workers Party, or PKK, attending PKK
events, possessing PKK documents, and assisting the PKK in its press
work, according to Justice Ministry documents. His lawyer, Fuat Coşacak,
told CPJ that the charges were retaliatory and without basis.
Birsin described his arrest in a May 2009 letter published in the daily Gündem.
He said police came to his office on the night of April 13, searched
the building, and confiscated archival material, computer hard drives,
laptops, cameras, and other broadcast equipment. Birsin, imprisoned at
Diyarbakır D Type Prison, could face up to 15 years in prison if found
guilty.

Deniz Yıldırım, Aydınlık

Imprisoned: November 8, 2009
Yıldırım was the chief editor of the ultranationalist-leftist Aydınlık
(Enlightenment), then a monthly, when police detained him at his house
in Istanbul as part of the government's investigation into the alleged
Ergenekon plot, a shadowy conspiracy that authorities believed was aimed
at overthrowing the government through a military coup.
He was being held at Silivri F Type Prison in Istanbul on charges of
being a member of a terrorist organization, violating privacy rights,
and disclosing state secrets. According to the indictment, Yıldırım
received a recording from Ergenekon conspirators and published its
contents. The recording purported to include a 2004 phone conversation
between Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the Turkish Cypriot
leader Mehmet Ali Talat in which the two discussed the sensitive issue
of Cyprus' political status. It also purportedly included a conversation
between Erdoğan and businessman Remzi Gür.
As evidence, authorities cited Yıldırım's published work and other recordings allegedly found during a police raid of the Aydınlık
offices. Yıldırım, who faced up to 57 years in prison, said he had no
ties to Ergenekon. Mehmet Aytenkin, his lawyer, told CPJ that his client
was arrested because Aydınlık was critical of the government.

Seyithan Akyüz, Azadiya Welat

Imprisoned: December 7, 2009
Akyüz, Adana correspondent for the Kurdish-language daily Azadiya Welat,
was serving a 12-year term at Kürkçüler F Type Prison in Adana on
charges of aiding the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK,
an umbrella group of pro-Kurdish organizations that includes the
Kurdistan Workers Party. Authorities cited as evidence his possession of
banned newspapers and his presence at a May Day demonstration in İzmir.
The trial in Adana made national news when the judge refused to
allow Akyüz and other defendants to offer statements in their native
Kurdish. A report by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in
Europe also found that court officials withheld case documents from
Akyüz's lawyer for more than a year.
Legal representation for Akyüz and other detained Azadiya Welat
journalists changed in 2012. The new defense lawyer, Cemil Sözen, who
represented Akyüz on appeal, said he could not comment because he was
not yet familiar with the case.

Kenan Karavil, Radyo Dünya

Imprisoned: December 7, 2009
Karavil, editor-in-chief of the pro-Kurdish radio station Radyo
Dünya in the southern province of Adana, was serving a prison term of 13
years and six months on charges of being a member of the banned Union
of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, and the Kurdistan Workers Party, or
PKK.
As evidence, authorities cited news programs that Karavil produced,
his meetings with members of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society Party,
and his wiretapped telephone conversations with colleagues, listeners,
and news sources, his defense lawyer, Vedat Özkan, told CPJ. In one
phone conversation, the lawyer said, Karavil discussed naming a program
"Those Who Imagine the Island." He said the indictment considered this
illegal propaganda because it referred to the imprisonment of PKK leader
Abdullah Öcalan, who was being held in a prison on İmralı Island.
In a letter to media outlets, Karavil said authorities had
questioned him about the station's ownership and the content of its
programming. Court officials refused to allow Karavil to give statements
in his native Kurdish language, Özkan said.

Erdal Süsem, Eylül Sanat Edebiyat Dergisi

Imprisoned: February 10, 2010
Süsem, editor of the leftist culture magazine Eylül Sanat Edebiyat Dergisi
(September Arts Literature Magazine), was being held at Edirne F Type
Prison on charges of helping lead the outlawed Maoist Communist Party,
or MKP. Authorities alleged that Süsem's magazine produced propaganda
for the party.
In a letter published in February 2012 by the independent news portal Bianet,
Süsem said the evidence against him consisted of journalistic material
such as books, postcards, and letters, along with accounts of his
newsgathering activities such as phone interviews. Süsem made similar
statements in a letter to the Justice Ministry that was cited in news
accounts.
Süsem had started the magazine during an earlier imprisonment at
Tekirdağ F Type Prison. The magazine featured poems, literature, and
opinion pieces from imprisoned socialist intellectuals. After producing
the initial four editions by photocopy from prison, Süsem transformed
the journal into a standard print publication after his 2007 release
from prison, circulating another 16 issues.
Süsem's earlier imprisonment stemmed from March 2000 allegations
that he stole a police officer's handgun that was later used in a
murder. (He was not directly charged in the murder.) Süsem pleaded
innocent to the gun theft charge during proceedings that were marked by a
number of questions. No forensic evidence tied Süsem to the weapon, and
witness descriptions of the suspect did not match the journalist. A
criminal court convicted him on the theft charge and sentenced him to
life imprisonment, a ruling that was overturned by the Supreme Court of
Appeals in 2007. In 2011, the Supreme Court reversed itself, reinstating
the theft conviction.

Ali Konar, Azadiya Welat

Imprisoned: May 27, 2010
Konar, the Elazığ correspondent for Azadiya Welat, Turkey's
sole Kurdish-language daily, was serving a term of seven years and six
months at Malatya E Type Prison on charges of being a member of the
banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the Kurdistan
Workers Party is part.
In a January 2012 letter published by the independent news portal Bianet,
Konar said his published news reporting and his interactions with
colleagues were cited as evidence of criminality. Authorities also cited
his visits to his jailed brother as evidence that he was a prison
liaison for the KCK, he said.

Soner Yalçın, Odatv and Hürriyet

Imprisoned: February 14, 2011

Yalçın Küçük, Odatv and Aydınlık

Imprisoned: March 7, 2011
Several members of the ultranationalist-leftist news website Odatv
were arrested in February and March 2011 on charges of having ties to
the alleged Ergenekon plot, a shadowy conspiracy that authorities
claimed was aimed at overthrowing the government through a military
coup. Authorities charged all of the staffers with propagandizing on
behalf of Ergenekon and lodged additional charges against some. Yalçın
and Küçük remained imprisoned when CPJ conducted its December 1
worldwide census.Odatv features news and commentary that promotes an
ultranationalist agenda from a Kemalist perspective and is harshly
critical of its perceived opponents. The targets of its attacks include
the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), the Fethullah Gülen
religious community, the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), and liberals.
Much of Odatv's critical commentary involves highly personal attacks.
Yalçın, owner of the site and an opinion writer for the daily Hürriyet
(Freedom), was charged with attempting to influence court proceedings,
inciting hatred, violating privacy rights, and disclosing classified
military and intelligence documents. He denied the accusations and said
the evidence amounted to the website's published material and his
professional phone conversations. He was being held at Silivri F Type
Prison in Istanbul pending trial.
Küçük, an opinion writer for the site and for the daily Aydınlık,
was also accused of being a leader of the Ergenekon organization,
inciting hatred, violating privacy rights, and disclosing classified
military and intelligence documents. In court, Küçük said the charges
were without basis.
As evidence, authorities cited wiretapped phone conversations
between staffers in which coverage was discussed. In one conversation,
authorities alleged, Yalçın directed a columnist to write a piece
suggesting that the ruling AKP was forcing the military's hand to stage a
coup.
Authorities also cited as evidence a series of digital documents found on Odatv
computers during a police raid on the news outlet. The authenticity of
the documents has been challenged by the defense. A team from the Middle
East Technical University in Ankara, which examined the evidence at the
request of the defense, found that the computers contained Trojan files
that left the machines vulnerable to outside manipulation. The team
also found that the documents themselves were altered on the day of the
police raid, further raising the possibility that the files could have
been planted or manipulated.
Authorities said the documents included an Ergenekon media strategy
memo, an ultranationalist text describing the AKP as dangerous, and
directions on covering the PKK, AKP, army generals, and the Ergenekon
investigation.
Authorities also cited two documents claiming that the well-known
investigative reporter Nedim Şener had helped a former regional police
chief, Hanefi Avci, write a 2010 book alleging that the Gülen movement
had infiltrated the police force. Another document claimed Şener was
also helping investigative reporter Ahmet Şık write a book about the
Gülen movement. Authorities used those documents to link Şener and Şık
to the Ergenekon plot. The two were jailed for more than 12 months
before being freed pending trial; they continued to face anti-state
charges related to the plot.

Turhan Özlü, Ulusal Kanal

Imprisoned: August 21, 2011
Özlü, chief editor for the ultranationalist-leftist television
station Ulusal Kanal (National Channel), was being held at Silivri F
Type Prison in Istanbul on charges of participating in the Ergenekon
conspiracy, a shadowy plot that prosecutors said was aimed at
overthrowing the administration. Özlü faced up to 15 years in prison if
convicted.
According to the government's indictment, the channel aired an audio
recording made by Ergenekon conspirators. The recording purported to
include a 2004 phone conversation between Prime Minister Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan and the Turkish Cypriot leader Mehmet Ali Talat in which the two
discussed the sensitive issue of Cyprus' political status. It also
purportedly included a conversation between Erdoğan and businessman
Remzi Gür.
The indictment identified Ulusal Kanal as a media arm of Ergenekon.

Tayip Temel, Azadiya Welat

Imprisoned: October 3, 2011
Temel, a former editor-in-chief and columnist for the Kurdish-language daily Azadiya Welat,
was being held at Diyarbakır D Type Prison on charges of being a member
of the Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the banned
the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part. He faced more than 22 years
in prison upon conviction, according to a report by the Organization for
Security and Co-operation in Europe.
In a January 2012 letter to the independent news portal Bianet,
Temel said he was being targeted for his journalistic activities. As
evidence, the government cited wiretapped telephone conversations he had
with colleagues and with members of the pro-Kurdish Democratic Society
Party (DTP) and Peace and Democracy Party (BDP), Temel said. He said the
government had wrongly described his work-related travels to Iraq as
related to attendance at PKK meetings.
"My articles, correspondences, headline discussions, and requests
for news and visuals from reporters were defined as 'orders' and
'organizational activity' and I am accused of organization leadership,"
Temel wrote, describing the government's indictment.
Another chief editor of Azadiya Welat-Mehmet Emin Yıldırım-was also imprisoned on similar charges.

Hasan Özgüneş, Azadiya Welat

Imprisoned: October 28, 2011
Özgüneş, a veteran journalist and a columnist for the Kurdish-language daily Azadiya Welat,
was being held at Kocaeli F Type Prison on charges of helping to lead
the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the
Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part. He was also charged with
producing propaganda and taking part in illegal demonstrations.
Özgüneş has written columns for Azadiya Welat on political, social, cultural, and economic issues since 2007 after writing for Kurdish magazines such as Tiroj and Zend since 1993. He is also a member of the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party, or BDP.
Authorities would not allow Özgüneş to give statements in his native
Kurdish, news accounts said. During questioning, authorities sought
information about Özgüneş' lectures at a BDP political academy, his
conversations with the pro-PKK satellite station Roj TV, and his
presence at a political demonstration, according to the indictment.

Abdullah Çetin, Dicle News Agency

Imprisoned: December 16, 2011
Abdullah Çetin, a reporter for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency, or
DİHA, in the southeastern province of Siirt, was being held at
Diyarbakır D Type Prison on charges of aiding the Union of
Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the Kurdistan Workers
Party (PKK) is part. Upon conviction, he faced up to 15 years in prison,
according to a report by the Organization for Security and Co-operation
in Europe.
The ETHA news agency said Çetin was accused of organizing
anti-government demonstrations. The government's indictment also cited
Çetin's professional phone conversations as evidence, the Bianet independent news portal said. Çetin told authorities that he attended demonstrations for journalistic purposes, Bianet said.

Imprisoned: December 20, 2011
At least seven editors and writers associated with the daily Özgür Gündem
(The Free Agenda) were arrested as part of a massive government roundup
of journalists associated with pro-Kurdish news outlets. Authorities
said the sweep was related to their investigation into the banned Union
of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the banned Kurdistan
Workers Party (PKK) is part. According to the indictment, all of the
main pro-Kurdish media and news agencies in Turkey are directed by the
KCK.
Çiçekçi, publisher and news editor, was being held at Kandıra F Type
Prison in Kocaeli on charges of helping lead the KCK press committee,
which allegedly orchestrated coverage that would further the
organization's goals. The indictment accused Çiçekçi of setting his news
agenda in conformance with organization orders and participating in
press committee meetings in Iraq. As evidence, authorities cited books,
magazines, a computer hard drive, CDs, DVDs, cassettes, bank account
books, handwritten notes, letters, and a copy of Özgür Gündem. One of the electronic documents, the indictment said, included video of PKK and KCK events.
Kişin, Özgür Gündem editor, was being held at Kandıra F
Type Prison on charges of being a leader of the KCK press committee and
taking orders from the imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan that were
sent via email from defense lawyers. As evidence, authorities cited
three pro-Kurdish newspaper stories, one written by Kişin and two in
which he was the subject. The prosecution also cited wiretapped
telephone conversations in which Kişin spoke to people who wanted him to
run obituaries for PKK members-Kişin declined because of legal
constraints-and contributors seeking to publish articles in his
newspaper. Kişin said his newspaper was a dissident publication but did
not take orders from the KCK.
Genç, a columnist, was being held at Bakırköy Prison for Women and
Children in Istanbul on charges of being a member of the press committee
of the KCK. Authorities, citing statements from other suspects, alleged
that Genç was a "high-level" member of the KCK press committee and had
participated in committee meetings in northern Iraq. Authorities also
cited as evidence Genç's notes about ethnic conflicts in Spain, South
Africa, and Bolivia, along with her phone conversations with other
journalists. Genç's request that a writer do a piece about a World Peace
Day demonstration in Turkey, for example, was considered by authorities
to be an order serving the PKK. Genç said she did not participate in
the KCK press committee and that her communications with other
journalists were professional in nature.
Erdemir, a reporter and editor, was being held at Bakırköy Prison
for Women and Children in Istanbul on charges that she helped lead the
KCK's press committee. Citing passport records and the statements of
confidential witnesses, the government alleged that Erdemir participated
in a KCK press committee meeting in Iraq in 2009. The indictment also
cited as evidence her participation in a press conference in which Özgür Gündem
editors protested police operations against Kurdish journalists, and an
interview she conducted with a leader of the pro-Kurdish Peace and
Democracy Party (BDP). Erdemir disputed the charges.
Demiral, a former editor, was being held at Bakırköy Prison for
Women and Children in Istanbul on charges of being a member of the KCK
press committee and producing propaganda for the organization. Citing
passport records and the statement of a detained PKK member, authorities
said Demiral participated in a 2005 KCK press meeting in Iraq.
Authorities also cited the seizure of digital copies of banned books and
a speech Demiral gave at a memorial ceremony that cast a deceased PKK
member in a favorable light. Demiral denied any ties to the KCK and said
she had traveled for journalistic purposes.
Güler, a former editor, was being held at Bakırköy Prison for Women
and Children in Istanbul on charges of being a member of the KCK press
committee. Citing passport records and documents seized from an accused
KCK member, the government alleged that Güler participated in the
organization's press committee meetings in Iraq in 2003 and 2005, and
had met with KCK leader Murat Karayılan. Güler told authorities she did
not participate in any KCK meetings.
Fırat, an editor and columnist for the paper, was being held at
Kocaeli F Type Prison on charges of being a leader of the KCK press
committee. Citing passport records, organization records, and the
accounts of confidential witnesses, authorities alleged he participated
in committee meetings in Iraq in 2003, 2005, and 2007. Authorities, who
tapped Fırat's phone conversations, said the journalist printed an
article by KCK leader Karayılan, applying a penname that he had devised
in conspiracy with another journalist. Fırat said his travel was for
journalistic purposes and that he did not participate in KCK activities.
In most cases, the journalists faced up to 15 years in prison upon conviction.

Imprisoned: December 20, 2011
At least 13 editors, writers, and managers with the Dicle News
Agency, or DİHA, were arrested as part of a massive government roundup
of journalists associated with pro-Kurdish news outlets. Authorities
said the sweep was related to their investigation into the banned Union
of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the Kurdistan Workers
Party (PKK) is part. According to the indictment, all of the main
pro-Kurdish media and news agencies in Turkey are directed by the KCK.
Tekiner, chairwoman of the DİHA board, was being held at Bakırköy
Prison for Women and Children in Istanbul on charges of being an
"administrative" member of the KCK press committee, which allegedly
orchestrated coverage that would further the organization's goals. The
indictment cited Tekiner's contribution to DİHA's account of a 2010 May
Day rally as evidence that she was producing propaganda. Authorities,
who tapped Tekiner's phone, also cited a conversation she had with an
accused PKK member who had sought news coverage of a press conference.
Tekiner denied any links to the KCK.
Alankuş, a translator and editor, was being held at Bakırköy Prison
for Women and Children in Istanbul on charges of being a member of the
press committee of the KCK. Authorities alleged that Alankuş
participated in a meeting of the KCK press committee in northern Iraq in
September 2009, and used her position as a DİHA editor to broadcast
directions from the PKK. Possession of banned magazines and books was
also cited as evidence. Alankuş said she did not participate in the
press committee meeting.
Kırkaya, DİHA's Ankara representative, was being held at Kandıra F
Type Prison in Kocaeli on charges that he helped lead the KCK press
committee. Authorities cited the statements of two confidential
witnesses as evidence. The government also cited as evidence news
reports by Kırkaya, including pieces about PKK militia allegedly killed
by chemical weapons, articles addressing the Kurdish issue, and stories
critical of the government. Calling Kırkaya a "so-called journalist" who
worked under orders from convicted PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan, the
indictment alleged that his reporting had furthered the aims of the KCK
and had sought to manipulate public opinion. Kırkaya told authorities he
had no connection to the KCK.
Pekgöz, an editor, was being held at Kocaeli F Type Prison on
charges that he helped lead the KCK press committee. Citing passport
records and the statements of confidential witnesses, the government
alleged that he participated in two KCK committee meetings in Iraq and
that he met with KCK leader Murat Karayılan. Pekgöz said he met with
Karayılan for journalistic purposes and denied the government's
allegations. Authorities, who tapped Pekgöz's phone conversations,
accused the editor of following KCK directives and relaying the
organization's orders to other journalists. The indictment said Pekgöz
directed a pro-KCK agenda when he served as news editor for Günlük, the daily now known as Özgür Gündem.
The indictment cited as evidence a phone conversation between Pekgöz
and columnist Veysi Sarısözen concerning potential column topics, and
Pekgöz's efforts to recruit a writer to discuss the potential
unification of socialist and leftist parties. The indictment said
convicted PKK leader Öcalan supported the unification of the parties.
Koçak, a news editor, was being held at Bakırköy Prison for Women
and Children in Istanbul on charges of being a member of the KCK press
committee. Koçak's phone conversations with news sources and reporters,
including tips to DİHA about pro-Kurdish demonstrations, were cited as
evidence. The indictment asserted that "a normal journalist" would not
receive such tips, and it faulted Koçak for not relaying information
about the events to authorities. The indictment also faulted Koçak for
receiving information by phone about fatalities among guerrillas in
eastern Turkey, and fielding a request from German ZDF TV for video of
PKK army clashes and the funerals of PKK fighters. Stories Koçak wrote
about democratic autonomy were also considered evidence. Koçak disputed
alleged ties to the KCK.
Oyman, a reporter, was being held at Bakırköy Prison for Women and
Children in Istanbul on charges of being a member of the KCK press
committee. Among the cited evidence were phone conversations with
reporters in the field, banned books and magazines, and the news stories
that she produced for DİHA. The indictment labeled her reporting as
propaganda aimed at causing "disaffection for the state and sympathy for
the organization." Citing passport records and the accounts of two
confidential witnesses, authorities also alleged that she participated
in a KCK press committee meeting in Iraq in 2003 and had contact with
İsmet Kayhan, a Fırat News Agency editor wanted by the government on
charges of leading the KCK's press committee in Europe. Oyman, who also
worked as a reporter for Özgür Gündem, disputed the allegations.
Kaplan, a reporter for DİHA, was being held at Kocaeli F Type Prison
on charges of being a member of the KCK press committee. The indictment
cited as evidence Kaplan's news coverage and phone conversations in
which he relayed information to the pro-PKK satellite station Roj TV.
The indictment said Kaplan's stories distorted the facts, reflected the
official perspective of the KCK, and presented "police operations
against the KCK as operations against the Kurdish people." For example,
the indictment said a report about the funeral of a PKK member "tried to
draw conclusions in favor of the organization." Kaplan was also accused
of having contact with Fırat's Kayhan.
Bozkurt, an editor in DİHA's Diyarbakır office, was being held at
Kocaeli F Type Prison on charges of helping lead the KCK press
committee. As evidence, the indictment cited phone conversations in
which Bozkurt relayed information to Roj TV. Authorities described
Bozkurt's reports as "false," provocative, and designed to further the
KCK's aims. The indictment also faulted Bozkurt for ensuring news
coverage of pro-Kurdish demonstrations, and for providing German ZDF TV
with video of a PKK fighter's funeral and army movements in southeast
Turkey. Citing passport records and the account of a confidential
witness, authorities alleged that Bozkurt took part in a KCK press
committee meeting in Iraq in 2007 and had contact with Fırat's Kayhan.
Authorities said they seized banned books by convicted PKK leader
Öcalan, along with photographs of PKK guerrillas and Turkish military
intelligence. Bozkurt told prosecutors that his activities were
journalistic and that he had no ties to the KCK.
Nilgün Yıldız, a reporter, was being held at Bakırköy Prison for
Women and Children in Istanbul Bakırköy L Type on charges of being a
member of the KCK's press committee. Citing passport records and the
account of a confidential witness, authorities alleged that Yıldız
participated in KCK press committee meetings in Iraq. Authorities also
cited her news coverage as evidence. The indictment pointed to a story
that recounted a Kurdish youth setting himself on fire to protest
Öcalan's imprisonment, which authorities called propaganda, and a piece
that referred to a memorial service for a PKK member, which authorities
said constituted a call for organization members to gather. Photographs
of a PKK member's funeral, taken from her confiscated flash drive, were
also cited as evidence. Yıldız denied any wrongdoing.
Topaloğlu, a reporter, was being held at Kocaeli F Type Prison on
charges of being a member of the KCK press committee. As evidence, the
indictment cited phone conversations in which Topaloğlu relayed
information to Roj TV. The indictment also faulted Topaloğlu for
fielding phone tips about press conferences and other news events, and
for seeking information from the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party's
Antep branch about a local police crackdown against the party.
Authorities alleged his reporting was aimed at humiliating the
government, furthering the KCK's aims, and provoking "innocent Kurdish
people against their state."
İsmail Yıldız, a reporter, was being held at Kocaeli F Type Prison
on charges of being a member of the KCK's press committee. As evidence,
authorities cited his news coverage of demonstrations, his telephone
conversations at DİHA offices, and information he relayed to Roj TV. The
indictment also detailed an episode in which Yıldız was among the first
at the scene of an explosion in a trash container; authorities alleged
his quick arrival meant that he had prior knowledge of the bomb. Banned
books and magazines on the Kurdish issue, digital equipment, and CDs
featuring interviews with PKK sympathizers were among the items seized
from Yıldız.
Çelik, a reporter, was being held at Kocaeli F Type Prison on
charges of being a member of the KCK press committee. Authorities
faulted Çelik for biased coverage of a university dispute and other news
events, labeling his reporting of an earthquake, for example, as "black
propaganda." They also cited as evidence phone conversations in which
Çelik received tips about press conferences and other news events, and a
conversation in which he relayed information to Roj TV. His coverage of
the pro-Kurdish Peace and Democracy Party was in itself considered
evidence of a crime. Çelik denied any wrongdoing, telling prosecutors he
was not a member of the KCK press committee.
Özdemir, a reporter, was being held at Kocaeli F Type prison on
charges of helping lead the KCK press committee. Citing passport
records, email traffic, and the accounts of confidential witnesses,
authorities alleged that Özdemir attended KCK committee meetings in
Iraq, had contact with the Fırat editor Kayhan, and produced journalism
that cast the group in a favorable light. Authorities said they
intercepted encrypted electronic messages showing that Özdemir handled
financial transfers for the KCK. Authorities also cited Özdemir's news
stories as evidence of culpability. Özdemir told authorities that his
email messages involved news reporting and personal matters. Authorities
confiscated books, CDs, a hard drive, cellphone, and a hunting rifle.
Defense lawyer Özcan Kılıç told CPJ that the weapon was an antique
handed down by his client's grandfather; Özdemir was not charged with a
weapons violation.
In most cases, the journalists faced up to 15 years in prison upon conviction.

Imprisoned: December 20, 2011
Editors and writers representing a variety of news outlets were
arrested as part of a massive government roundup of journalists
associated with pro-Kurdish news outlets. Authorities said the sweep was
related to their investigation into the banned Union of Communities in
Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is part.
According to the indictment, all of the main pro-Kurdish media and news
agencies in Turkey are directed by the KCK.
Kuray, a reporter and photographer for the leftist daily Birgün,
and an occasional contributor to Fırat, was being held at Bakırköy
Prison for Women and Children in Istanbul on charges of being a member
of the press committee of the KCK, which allegedly orchestrated coverage
furthering the organization's goals. As evidence, authorities cited
photos and stories by Kuray, along with wiretapped phone conversations
with İsmet Kayhan, a Fırat News Agency editor wanted by the government
on charges of leading the KCK press committee in Europe. Prosecutors
alleged Kuray's work served as propaganda for the PKK, particularly in
coverage of the alleged use of chemical weapons against Kurdish rebels
in southeast Turkey, and police operations against Kurdish politicians
and lawyers for Abdullah Öcalan, the convicted leader of the PKK. Police
photographs of Kuray at Kurdish demonstrations were also presented as
evidence.
Deniz, a reporter for the socialist daily Evrensel, was
being held at Kocaeli F Type Prison in Kocaeli on charges that he helped
lead the KCK's press committee. Citing passport records, authorities
alleged that Deniz had participated in KCK press committee meetings in
Iraq in 2003, 2005, and 2009, and had met with KCK leader Murat
Karayılan. The indictment said authorities had also seized news reports,
documents, and banned books from Deniz that allegedly linked him to the
group. The indictment described one of the documents as a "report of
the publishing board" of the daily Özgür Gündem, an internal
document that authorities said had cast Öcalan in a favorable light and
had described efforts to further the aims of his organization. Deniz,
who had once worked for the pro-Kurdish Özgür Gündem, denied participating in KCK meetings and said his travel was for journalistic purposes.
Ermiş, a member of the editorial board of the political bimonthly Özgür Halk ve Demokratik Modernite
(Democratic Modernity), was being held at Bakırköy Prison for Women and
Children in Istanbul on charges of being a member of the KCK press
committee. Citing passport records, the indictment said Ermiş
participated in a 2009 KCK press committee meeting. The government also
said it had seized notes from her property that cast Öcalan and other
PKK members in a favorable light. The indictment considered those notes
as being taken during organizational training. Ermiş disputed the
charges.
Aslan, editor for now-defunct, pro-Kurdish opinion magazine Özgür Halk ve Denokratik Modernite
(The Free People and Democratic Modernity), was being held at Kocaeli F
Type Prison on charges of being a member of the KCK's press committee.
As evidence, authorities cited seized text messages and tapped phone
calls concerning published stories, distribution of the periodicals, and
police efforts to block distribution. Authorities also said they found
one of Aslan's fingerprints at his office, citing that as evidence that
he worked for the "terrorist organization's media organ." Citing
passport records, authorities alleged that he participated in KCK press
committee meetings in Iraq. Aslan has disputed allegations of KCK ties.
In most cases, the journalists faced up to 15 years in prison upon conviction.

Mehmet Emin Yıldırım, Azadiya Welat

Imprisoned: December 21, 2011
A court in Diyarbakır ordered that Yıldırım, editor-in-chief of the Kurdish-language daily Azadiya Welat,
be held as part of an investigation into the Union of Communities in
Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the banned Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is
part. Authorities allege that the KCK directs all of the main
pro-Kurdish media and news agencies in Turkey.
Yıldırım was being held in Kandıra F Type Prison in Kocaeli on
charges of following the directives of the KCK press committee. As
evidence, authorities cited conversations in which Yıldırım relayed
information to the pro-PKK satellite station Roj TV. The indictment also
faulted Yildirim's news coverage for being critical of police
operations against the KCK, insulting the government, and provoking
Kurds to oppose the state. Authorities claimed notes and email traffic
showed that he executed orders from the KCK. For example, a list of
toiletries and other items-shaving blades, a tube of toothpaste, a
toothbrush, a digital radio, and batteries-was cited as evidence that
Yıldırim was providing supplies to the PKK.
Authorities would not allow Yıldırım to give a statement in his
native Kurdish, which defense lawyer Özcan Kılıç said was a violation of
a defendant's rights but one common in political cases. "They bring in a
translator for cases such as narcotics trafficking, but they do not for
these cases," he said.
Another chief editor of Azadiya Welat-Tayip Temel-was also imprisoned on similar charges.

Özlem Ağuş, Dicle News Agency

Imprisoned: March 6, 2012
Ağuş, a reporter for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency, or DİHA, who
helped expose the sexual abuse of juvenile detainees at an Adana
prison, was being held at Karataş Women's Closed Prison. Ağuş faced
allegations that she was a member of the Union of Communities in
Kurdistan, or KCK, of which the banned Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) is
part. She faced up to 22 years in prison upon conviction.
Defense lawyer Vedat Özkan told CPJ that authorities had questioned
his client about her published news coverage and her newsgathering
practices. Authorities focused particularly on her coverage detailing
the abuse of minors being held at Pozantı M Type Juvenile and Youth
Prison in Adana. On March 1, 2012, DİHA published an interview Ağuş
conducted with a 16-year-old detainee who described being abused by
adult prisoners. The government said it would investigate the abuse
allegations.
Özkan said his client was targeted because she worked for a news
outlet that focused on the Kurdish issue and reported critically about
the administration. He said the government's accusations of criminality
were baseless.

Şükrü Sak, Baran

Imprisoned: April 20, 2012
Sak, an opinion writer and former chief editor for the Islamist weekly Baran,
was summoned to serve a term of three years and nine months on charges
of aiding the outlawed İslami Büyük Doğu Akıncılar Cephesi, or İslamic
Great East Raiders Front.
A veteran editor and writer for Islamist publications, Sak was
summoned to prison in April 2012 after the Supreme Court of Appeals
upheld a conviction that dated back to 1999. Defense lawyer Güven Yılmaz
told CPJ that authorities cited as evidence Sak's handwritten notes and
the content of Akıncı Yol, the magazine he was editing at the time.

Musa Kurt, Yürüyüş
Bahar Kurt, Tavır

Imprisoned: September 18, 2012
Police arrested sibling journalists Musa and Bahar Kurt as they
waited outside the Forensic Evidence Office in Istanbul for the transfer
of the body of a suicide bomber to the family of the deceased. The
bomber, a member of the outlawed Devrimci Halk Kurtuluş Partisi-Cephesi,
or DHKP-C, had attacked a police station on September 11, news reports
said. One police officer died and several civilians were injured in the
blast.
Musa Kurt, a reporter for the leftist monthly magazine Yürüyüş (March), and Bahar KIurt, the owner of culture and arts magazine Tavır
(Attitude), were charged with "taking photographs of the police" and
"participating in events the terrorist organization called for." Yürüyüş and Tavır take editorial positions in support of the DHKP-C.
Musa was being held at Tekirdağ Prison in Tekirdağ, and Bahar at the
Bakırköy Prison in Istanbul. Their lawyer, Evrim Deniz Karataş alleged
that the two had been abused in custody. He said his clients were at the
scene to report and photograph the transfer of the body as a news
event.

Ferhat Arslan, Dicle News Agency

Imprisoned: October 5, 2012
Arslan, Mersin reporter for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency
(DİHA), was being held at Kürkçüler F Type Prison in Adana after being
arrested on allegations he is a member of the banned Union of
Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK. No indictment had not been filed as of
late November so formal charges and evidence against Arslan had not
been disclosed.
Vedat Özkan, Arslan's lawyer, told CPJ he could not discuss details
of the investigation because the case had been subjected to official
secrecy rules. But the defense claimed the detention is related to
Arslan's reporting on allegations of sexual harassment and brutality at
the Pozantı Prison in Mersin. Other journalists have faced legal
harassment concerning coverage of the Pozantı allegations.

Zeynep Kuriş, Dicle News Agency

Imprisoned: November 3, 2012
Kuriş, a correspondent for the pro-Kurdish Dicle News Agency, was
being held at Karataş Prison in Adana on allegations of being a member
of the banned Union of Communities in Kurdistan, or KCK. No indictment
had not been filed as of late November so formal charges and evidence
against Kuriş had not been disclosed. Defense lawyer Vedat Özkan told
CPJ he could not discuss details of the investigation because the case
had been subjected to official secrecy rules.
Kuriş had been previously detained because of her reporting on
allegations of sexual harassment and brutality at the Pozantı Prison in
Mersin. Other journalists have faced legal harassment concerning
coverage of the Pozantı allegations. The defense believes the current
detention is related to her Pozantı coverage.

Uzbekistan: 4

Muhammad Bekjanov, Erk
Yusuf Ruzimuradov, Erk

Imprisoned: March 15, 1999
Bekjanov, editor of the opposition newspaper Erk, and
Ruzimuradov, a reporter for the paper, are the two longest-imprisoned
journalists worldwide, CPJ research shows. Both journalists were jailed
on politicized anti-state charges after extradition from Ukraine.
In January 2012, shortly before Bekjanov's scheduled release,
authorities sentenced him to another five years in prison for allegedly
violating unspecified prison rules, regional press reports said.
Bekjanov was being held at a prison colony outside Kasan, southwestern
Uzbekistan, in late 2012.
Ruzimuradov was last known to be serving a 15-year prison term in a
penal colony outside Navoi, central Uzbekistan. Officials at the
Uzbekistan Embassy in Washington did not respond to CPJ's request for
information about Ruzimuradov's whereabouts, legal status, or
well-being.
Bekjanov and Ruzimuradov were first detained in Ukraine-where they
had lived in exile and produced their newspaper-and were extradited at
the request of Uzbek authorities. Six months after their arrest, a
Tashkent court convicted them on charges of publishing and distributing a
banned newspaper. Both were also convicted of participating in a banned
political protest and attempting to overthrow the regime.
According to CPJ sources and news reports, both men were tortured
before their trial began. After the verdict was announced in November
1999, the two were jailed in high-security penal colonies for
individuals convicted of serious crimes.

Salidzhon Abdurakhmanov, Uznews

Imprisoned: June 7, 2008
Abdurakhmanov, a reporter for the independent news website Uznews,
is serving a 10-year sentence at a penal colony outside the southern
city of Karshi after he was convicted on charges of possessing drugs
with intent to sell. CPJ has determined the charges were fabricated in
retaliation for his journalism.
Abdurakhmanov was imprisoned immediately after traffic police in
Nukus, in Uzbekistan's Karakalpakstan Autonomous Republic, stopped his
car and said they found four ounces (114 grams) of marijuana and less
than a quarter ounce (about five grams) of opium in his trunk, Uznews
reported. The journalist denied possessing narcotics, and said police
had planted them in retaliation for his reporting on corruption in the
agency.
Abdurakhmanov's prosecution and trial were marred by irregularities,
defense lawyer Rustam Tulyaganov told CPJ. Investigators failed to
maintain chain of custody for the seized drugs, and they did not collect
fingerprints or other evidence proving Abdurakhmanov ever handled the
material, Tulyaganov said. Instead, police agents interrogated
Abdurakhmanov, extensively focusing on his journalism, searched his
home, and confiscated his personal computer. Ignoring the violations and
lack of evidence, a court in Nukus convicted the journalist in October
2008 and sentenced him to 10 years in prison. Higher courts denied his
appeals.
Abdurakhmanov had reported on corruption in regional law enforcement agencies, including the traffic police, for Uznews.
He also contributed to the U.S. government-funded broadcasters Radio
Free Europe/Radio Liberty and Voice of America, and the London-based
Institute for War and Peace Reporting.
In September 2011, authorities rebuffed Abdurakhmanov's application
for amnesty, citing alleged violations of penal colony rules, according
to CPJ research.Uznews reported in November 2012 that prison authorities
obstructed the International Committee of the Red Cross when it sought
to speak with Abdurakhmanov in prison. Abdurakhmanov's son told Uznews that prison officials presented Red Cross staff with another detainee who unsuccessfully purported to be the journalist.
Based on findings by CPJ and other groups, lawyers with the
Washington-based advocacy group Freedom Now filed a complaint with the
U.N. Human Rights Committee, contesting Abdurakhmanov's imprisonment and
calling for his release. Officials at the Uzbekistan Embassy in
Washington did not respond to CPJ's request for information about
Abdurakhmanov's whereabouts, legal status, or well-being.

Dilmurod Saiid, freelance

Imprisoned: February 22, 2009
Saiid was serving a 12½-year prison term at a high security prison
colony outside Navoi, where authorities have denied him adequate medical
treatment for tuberculosis that he contracted in jail, according to the
Washington-based advocacy group Freedom Now.
Saiid was imprisoned on fabricated extortion and forgery charges in
retaliation for his journalism, CPJ's analysis found. Prior to his
arrest, Saiid had reported on official abuses against farmers for the
independent regional news website Voice of Freedom as well as for a number of local publications.
Authorities arrested Saiid in February 2009 in his hometown,
Tashkent, and placed him in detention in the central city of Samarkand
after a woman accused him of extorting US$10,000 from a local
businessman. The accuser soon withdrew the accusation, saying she had
been coerced, but authorities refused to release the journalist,
according to Saiid's lawyer, Ruhiddin Komilov. In March 2009, Samarkand
prosecutors announced that new witnesses had come forward to accuse
Saiid of extortion; authorities also said that several local farmers had
accused him of using their signatures to create fraudulent court
papers.
At Saiid's trial, Ferghana News reported, the farmers
publicly recanted and told the court that prosecutors had pressured them
to testify against Saiid. Their statement was ignored, one of several
irregularities reported during the proceedings. Komilov, the defense
lawyer, said authorities failed to notify him of a number of important
hearing dates. When a regional court convicted and sentenced Saiid in a
July 2009 closed-door proceeding, the journalist's defense lawyer and
family were not present at the hearing.
In November 2009, the journalist's wife and 6-year-old daughter were
killed in a car accident on their way to visit him in prison, regional
press reports said. Authorities rejected Saiid's 2011 application for
amnesty, citing alleged violations of penal colony rules, Uznews
reported. Based on findings by CPJ and other groups, lawyers with
Freedom Now filed a March 2012 complaint with the U.N. Human Rights
Committee, contesting Saiid's imprisonment and calling for his release.

Vietnam: 14

Nguyen Van Hai (Nguyen Hoang Hai), freelance

Imprisoned: April 19, 2008
Hai was first arrested in April 2008 and held without charge for
five months. A closed court convicted him of tax evasion on September
10, 2008, charges that rights groups criticized as a pretext to stifle
his critical blog postings about the government. He was sentenced to two
and a half years in prison.
After completing his prison term, Hai remained in detention while
authorities investigated new anti-state charges related to his online
journalism. On September 24, 2012, a criminal court sentenced Hai to 12
years in prison and five years' house arrest under Article 88 of the
penal code, a vague law that bars "conducting propaganda" against the
state.
Hai, who also goes by the name "Nguyen Hoang Hai," was an outspoken commentator on his political blog Dieu Cay
(The Peasant's Pipe) and on website of the Free Journalists Club, which
he co-founded with two other bloggers. (Co-founders Phan Thanh Hai and
Ta Phong Tan were also tried and convicted in September 2012.) Several
of Hai's blog entries had touched on politically sensitive issues,
including national protests against China, which disputed Vietnam's
claim to sovereignty over the nearby Spratly and Paracel islands, and
government corruption. Hai had also called for demonstrations against
the Beijing Olympic torch relay, which passed through Ho Chi Minh City
in December 2007.
Court President Nguyen Phi Long said in his verdict that Hai and the
other bloggers had "abused the popularity of the Internet to post
articles which undermined and blackened Vietnam's (leaders), criticizing
the (Communist) party (and) destroying people's trust in the state,"
according to an Agence France-Presse report.
The one-day trial was plagued with procedural irregularities,
according to the Observatory of Human Rights Defenders (OHRD), a joint
international human rights group reporting program. OHRD reported that
the court cut off the microphone when Hai spoke to defend himself and
that his lawyer was barred from calling any witnesses.
According to the Free Journalists Network of Vietnam, Hai's family
filed 12 different formal requests, petitions, and appeals for
visitation in 2011, none of which the authorities acknowledged. Hai was
being held at Ho Chi Minh City's Security Police Investigations
Department.

Nguyen Xuan Nghia, freelance

Imprisoned: September 11, 2008
Nghia, who helped edit the pro-democracy news and commentary journal To Quoc
(Fatherland) and contributed to several state-run publications, was
arrested at his home in Haiphong province. He was sentenced in a one-day
trial on October 9, 2009, to six years in prison under Article 88 of
the penal code for "propagandizing" against the state.
The charges against Nghia were based on 57 articles, essays, and
poems he wrote between 2007 until his arrest in 2008, including writings
that the judges said were intended to "insult the Communist Party,"
"distort the situation of the country," and "slander and disgrace the
country's leaders," according to an English-language translation of the
verdict done by PEN International, a freedom of expression organization.
Many of the articles promoted democracy and were published in To Quoc,
a publication sanctioned by the state. Nghia was also charged with
being a founding member of Bloc 8406, a banned pro-democracy movement
that has called for pluralism and multi-party democracy. A Haiphong city
appeals court upheld his sentence in January 2010. He was being held at
the B14 labor camp in northern Ha Dong province.

Pham Thanh Nghien, freelance

Imprisoned: September 13, 2008
A Haiphong city court sentenced online writer Nghien on January 29,
2010, to four years in prison and three years of house arrest on charges
of spreading anti-state propaganda. She was arrested when more than 20
police officers raided her home during a September 2008 crackdown on
dissidents.
Nghien was originally charged with staging a protest at her home,
erecting banners protesting government policy in a maritime dispute
involving China, and posting the images on the Internet. But state
prosecutors dropped the charges and instead singled out an online
article she had written for international media in which she criticized
public officials for siphoning off compensation funds intended for
survivors of fishermen killed by Chinese maritime patrols in 2007,
according to international news reports.
Nghien was also accused of criticizing the government in interviews
with Western media outlets, including the U.S. government-funded Radio
Free Asia. Her half-day trial was closed to international media and
diplomats, news reports said. She was held in solitary confinement until
her sentencing in January 2010.
On July 4, 2008, before her arrest, Nghien was severely beaten by
four plainclothes police officers who threatened her and her family if
she continued her outspoken criticism of government policies, according
to Front Line, a human rights group. Nghien wrote several online
articles in promotion of human rights, democracy, and better treatment
of landless peasants, according to international news reports.

Phan Thanh Hai (Anh Ba Saigon), freelance

Imprisoned: October 18, 2010
Hai, a lawyer and political blogger who wrote under the penname Anh
Ba Saigon, was first taken into custody on a provisional four-month
detention while authorities investigated charges that he had
disseminated anti-state information, a criminal offense under Article 88
of Vietnam's penal code.
On September 24, 2012, Hai was sentenced to four years in prison and
three years of house arrest on anti-state charges of "conducting
propaganda" against the state for his blogging activities. Hai was one
of three founding members of the independent Free Journalists Club
website, which was singled out in the court's ruling for posting
anti-state materials. Co-founders Ta Phong Tan and Nguyen Van Hai were
tried and convicted at the same time.
Hai's personal blog often touched on issues considered sensitive by
the Vietnamese authorities, including a scandal at the state-run
shipbuilder Vinashin, maritime and territorial disputes with China, and a
controversial Chinese-supported bauxite mining project in the country's
Central Highlands.
In the days before his arrest, Hai published on his blog a critical
legal analysis of Article 88, arguing that the provision violated the
right to freedom of expression protected broadly in Vietnam's
constitution under Article 69, according to the Observatory of Human
Rights Defenders. He was being held at Ho Chi Minh City's Security
Police Investigations Department in late 2012.

Lu Van Bay (Tran Bao Viet), freelance

Imprisoned: March 26, 2011
Bay, also known as Tran Bao Viet, was arrested after police raided
his house and confiscated his computers and copies of his published
articles, according to news reports. On August 22, 2011, he was
sentenced by a court in southern Kien Giang province to four years in
prison and three years of house arrest on charges of "conducting
propaganda against the state," a penal code offense.
The court's judgment cited 10 articles Bay posted on overseas websites-including Dam Chin Viet (Vietnamese Birds), Do Thoa (Dialogue), and To Quoc (Fatherland)-that were critical of Vietnam's one-party system and called for multi-party democracy.

Dang Xuan Dieu, freelance
Ho Duc Hoa, freelance

Imprisoned: July 30, 2011
Dieu and Hoa, religious activists and contributors to the news website Vietnam Redemptorist News, were detained at Tan Son Nhat airport in Ho Chi Minh City. Vietnam Redemptorist News,
an online publication run by the Congregation of the Most Holy
Redeemer, reports on the plight of the country's persecuted Catholic
minority, land disputes between the government and grassroots
communities, and other social issues.
Dieu and Hoa were detained on unspecified charges under Article 79
of the penal code, which outlines penalties for activities aimed at
overthrowing the government. Under Vietnamese law, the maximum penalties
for violations are life imprisonment or capital punishment. The two
were also accused of membership in the outlawed, exile-run Viet Tan
party.
In late year, Dieu and Hoa were being held in pre-trial detention in
Hanoi's B14 Detention Center and had not been allowed legal counsel,
according to Viet Tan. Dieu had not been allowed to receive any visitors
since his initial arrest, according to Human Rights Watch and other
international rights organizations.

Paulus Le Van Son, freelance

Imprisoned: August 3, 2011
Son, a blogger and contributor to the news websites Vietnam Redemptorist News and Bao Khong Le
(Newspaper Without Lanes), was arrested in front of his home in the
capital, Hanoi. News reports citing an eyewitness said that police
knocked him from his motorcycle to the ground, grabbed his arms and
legs, and threw him into a waiting police vehicle.
Son was detained on unspecified charges under Article 79 of the
penal code, which outlines penalties for activities aimed at
overthrowing the government. Under Vietnamese law, the maximum penalties
for violations are life imprisonment or capital punishment. Son was
also accused of membership in the outlawed, exile-run Viet Tan party.Vietnam Redemptorist News, an online publication run by the
Congregation of the Most Holy Redeemer, reports on the plight of the
country's persecuted Catholic minority, land disputes between the
government and grassroots communities, and other social issues. Bao Khong Le
focuses on issues such as corruption and sovereignty conflicts with
China. In the months before his arrest, Son posted a number of sensitive
entries to his own blog, addressing anti-China protests and territorial
disputes with China.
Son was also briefly detained in April 2011 after attempting to
attend a court hearing for pro-democracy dissident Cu Huy Ha Vu. Son's
personal blog covered sensitive political and social issues, including
anti-China demonstrations, government harassment of prominent
pro-democracy and Catholic Church activists, and violence in schools.
Son was being held in pre-trial detention at Hanoi's notoriously
harsh Hoa Lo prison. He had not been allowed visitors since his arrest,
according to Human Rights Watch and other international rights
organizations.

Nong Hung Anh, freelance

Imprisoned: August 5, 2011
Anh, a foreign languages student at Hanoi University, was detained
on unspecified charges under Article 79 of the penal code. He frequently
wrote about social and religious issues in various Vietnamese-language
blogs and online news services, including Vietnam Redemptorist News, Bao Khong Le (Newspaper Without Lanes), and the environmental blog Bauxite Viḝt Nam.
Anh was being held in pre-trial detention at Hanoi's B14 Detention
Center, according to the exile-run political party Viet Tan. No trial
date had been set by late year, Viet Tan said.

Nguyen Van Duyet, freelance

Imprisoned: August 7, 2011
Duyet, a regular contributor to the news website Vietnam Redemptorist News and president of the Association of Catholic Workers, was first detained in Vinh city, Nghe An province. Vietnam Redemptorist News,
an online publication run by the Congregation of the Most Holy
Redeemer, reports on the plight of the country's persecuted Catholic
minority, land disputes between the government and grassroots
communities, and other social issues.
Duyet was detained on unspecified charges under Article 79 of the
penal code, which outlines penalties for activities aimed at
overthrowing the government. Under Vietnamese law, the maximum penalties
for violations are life imprisonment or capital punishment. Duyet was
also accused of membership in the outlawed, exile-run Viet Tan political
party.
Duyet was being held in pre-trial detention in Hanoi, according to
Viet Tan. No trial date had been set by late year, according to Viet
Tan.

Ta Phong Tan, freelance

Imprisoned: September 5, 2011
Tan, a blogger and former police officer, was arrested in Ho Chi
Minh City on anti-state charges related to her online writings. On
September 24, 2012, a criminal court sentenced her to 10 years in prison
and five years' house arrest under Article 88 of the penal code, which
bars "conducting propaganda" against the state. She had been briefly
detained and interrogated on several occasions before her arrest.
Tan was one of three founding members of the Free Journalists Club
website, which was singled out in the court ruling for posting
anti-state materials. Co-founders Phan Thanh Hai and Nguyen Van Hai were
tried and convicted at the same time. Tan's personal blog, Cong Ly v Su That (Justice and Truth), focused on human rights abuses and corruption among police.
Court President Nguyen Phi Long said in his verdict that Tan and the
other two bloggers had "abused the popularity of the Internet to post
articles which undermined and blackened Vietnam's (leaders), criticizing
the (Communist) party (and) destroying people's trust in the state,"
according to an Agence France-Presse report.
Tan's mother, Thi Kim Lieng, self-immolated on July 30, 2012, in
front of a government office in Bac Lieu province to protest the
official harassment suffered by her family and the handling of her
daughter's case, according to news reports. She died on her way to the
hospital while in police custody, the reports said.

Dinh Dang Dinh, freelance

Imprisoned: October 2011
Dinh, a former schoolteacher and blogger, was sentenced in a one-day
trial to six years in prison by a Dak Nong province court on August 8,
2012. He was charged with violating the criminal code's Article 88, a
vague provision that bans "propagandizing" against the state. He was
held in pre-trial detention for 10 months while state investigators
prepared their case against him.
The charges related to entries Dinh posted on his personal blog
between 2007 and 2011 in which he expressed opposition to the Communist
Party leadership and a controversial government-supported bauxite mining
project in the country's Central Highlands region, according to an
Agence France-Presse report.
Authorities said they found hundreds of pages of what they
considered to be anti-state material on Dinh's seized laptop computer,
including entries that rejected the ruling Communist Party and
questioned the ethics of state founder Ho Chi Minh, according to a Voice
of America report.
Radio Free Asia reported that Dinh's family had been pressured by
authorities not to publicize his case and had not been told when his
trial would be held. A Dak Nong province appeals court upheld his
sentence at a hearing held on November 21. Radio Free Asia reported Dinh
was beaten by police with clubs and violently pushed into a waiting
police truck after the ruling.

Le Thanh Tung, freelance

Imprisoned: December 1, 2011
A Hanoi court convicted Tung, a former military officer and
independent blogger, on charges of "conducting propaganda" against the
state under Article 88 of the criminal code, news reports said. He was
sentenced to five years in prison and four years of house arrest. In the
one-hour trial held in August 2012, the court ruled that Tung's
articles "distorted the policies of the state and the party," the
reports said.
Tung's online articles called for pluralism, multi-party democracy,
and constitutional amendments that would alter Vietnam's authoritarian,
one-party political system, Agence France-Presse reported, citing
local-language publications.

Nguyen Van Khuong (Hoang Khuong), Tuoi Tre

Imprisoned: January 2, 2012
Khuong, a reporter with the Vietnamese-language daily Tuoi Tre,
was arrested on charges of bribing a police officer, according to news
reports. The 15 million dong (US$720) bribe, made in June 2011, was part
of a Tuoi Tre undercover investigation into police corruption.
Based on the undercover transaction, the newspaper published an article
headlined "Traffic cop takes bribe to return bike" under Khuong's
penname, Hoang Khuong. The story prompted a government investigation of
not only the recipient of the bribe but of the journalist as well.
Authorities pressured Tuoi Tre's editorial board to suspend Khuong from his reporting duties in early December 2011, a month before his arrest. Tuoi Tre representatives were not permitted to give evidence during Khuong's brief trial, according to The Associated Press.
In a two-day trial on September 7, the People's Court in Ho Chi Minh
City sentenced Khuong to four years in prison, news reports said. The
police officer who received the bribe and the two businessmen involved
in brokering and delivering the money on Khuong's behalf were also given
prison terms. Khuong, who had reported on police corruption in the past
for Tuoi Tre, appealed the verdict.

Yemen: 1

Abdulelah Hider Shaea, freelance

Imprisoned: August 16, 2010
Shaea, a freelance journalist and a frequent commentator on
Al-Jazeera, was sentenced in January 2011 to five years in prison for
"belonging to an illegal armed organization" and "recruiting young
people, including foreigners, to the organization by communicating with
them via the Internet."
In February, after social unrest erupted in Yemen, President Ali
Abdullah Saleh pardoned Shaea among other prisoners, according to local
news reports. In a phone call to Saleh, however, U.S. President Barack
Obama expressed concern about Shaea's release, according to a White
House statement that did not elaborate on the reasons.
Shaea, known for his coverage of extremist groups such as Al-Qaeda,
was critical of Yemen's counterterrorism policies. Using his tribal
affiliation to gain access, he conducted several interviews with senior
members of Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. In December 2009, Shaea
interviewed the U.S.-born militant Anwar Awlaki for ABC News. Awlaki was
killed in a September 2011 U.S. drone attack.
In 2012, international and local human rights groups and press freedom groups renewed their calls for the release of Shaea.

About Me

ROLAND SAN JUAN was a researcher, management consultant, inventor, a part time radio broadcaster and a publishing director. He died last November 25, 2008 after suffering a stroke. His staff will continue his unfinished work to inform the world of the untold truths. Please read Erick San Juan's articles at: ericksanjuan.blogspot.com This blog is dedicated to the late Max Soliven, a FILIPINO PATRIOT.
DISCLAIMER - We do not own or claim any rights to the articles presented in this blog. They are for information and reference only for whatever it's worth. They are copyrighted to their rightful owners.
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Please listen in to Erick San Juan's daily radio program which is aired through DWSS 1494khz AM @ 5:30pm, Mondays through Fridays, R.P. time, with broadcast title, “WHISTLEBLOWER” the broadcast tackle current issues, breaking news, commentaries and analyses of various events of political and social significance.
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