Index on Censorshiphttps://www.indexoncensorship.org
the voice of free expressionTue, 14 Aug 2018 11:38:58 +0000en-GBhourly1https://www.indexoncensorship.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/cropped-index-favicon-color-32x32.pngIndex on Censorshiphttps://www.indexoncensorship.org
323250 years after Theatres Act, censorship has evolvedhttps://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/50-years-after-theatres-act-censorship-has-evolved/
https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/50-years-after-theatres-act-censorship-has-evolved/#respondTue, 14 Aug 2018 07:31:28 +0000https://www.indexoncensorship.org/?p=102149Marking the 50th anniversary of the end of 300 years of theatre censorship, the Victoria and Albert Museum’s new exhibition explores how restrictions on expression have changed.

Marking the 50th anniversary of the end of 300 years of theatre censorship, the Victoria and Albert Museum’s exhibition explores how restrictions on expression have changed.

The Theatres Act 1968 swept away the office of the Lord Chamberlain, which had the final say on what could appear on British stages.

“The 1968 Theatres Act was one of several landmark pieces of legislation in the 1960s, including the end of capital punishment, the legalisation of abortion, the introduction of pill, and the decriminalisation of homosexuality (for consenting males over the age of 21),” Harriet Reed, assistant curator at the V&A said.

Plays that had the potential to create immoral or anti-government feelings were banned by the Lord Chamberlain’s office or ordered to be edited. The exhibition includes original manuscripts with notes on what needs to be changed and letters from Lord Chamberlain explaining why the edits are required.

In the exhibition there are several pieces including a manuscript about the play Saved by Edward Bond. The play tells the story of a group of young people living in poverty and includes a scene in which a baby is stoned to death.

“When the Royal Court Theatre submitted the play to the censor, over 50 amendments were requested. Bond refused to cut two key scenes, stating ‘it was either the censor or me – and it was going to be the censor’. As a result, the play was banned,” Reed said.

Before the act was passed, playwrights got around the law by staging banned plays in “members clubs” which meant they could not be persecuted since it was private venue.

“The continued success of this strategy and the reluctance to prosecute made a mockery of the Lord Chamberlain’s powers and reflected the increasingly relaxed attitudes of the public towards ‘shocking’ material.

“The first night after the Act was introduced, the rock musical Hair opened on Shaftesbury Avenue in the West End. It featured drugs, anti-war messages and brief nudity, ushering in a new age of British theatre,” Reed said.

The exhibition changes from showcasing plays that were censored by the state to art, plays, movies, and music that are censored by society as a whole.

“It could be argued that a mixture of government intervention, funding/subsidy withdrawals, local authority and police intervention, self-censorship, and public protest now regulates what is seen on our stages,” she said.

Behzti, a play, and Exhibit B, a performance piece, were cancelled after protests by the public. The creators of both pieces were advised by the police to cancel their plays for health and safety reasons related to protests over the content.

Similarly, Homegrown, a play about radicalisation created by Muslims was shut down by the National Youth Theatre. The play was later published and a public reading was held.

On video, people involved in the UK arts industry such as Lyn Gardner, a theatre critic and Ian Christie, a film historian comment on what they believe to be censorship today. They cite art institutions that refuse to exhibit controversial material for fear of losing funding or facing public uproar. Julia Farrington, associate arts producer at Index on Censorship and one of the participants, calls this the “censorship of omission.”

The exhibition is capped by a piece by George Scarfe. The piece, the last work that attendees see, is a painting of two white masks on black cloth. The first one which is slightly higher and to the right of the second has it red tongue sticking out with the tip severed by a red scissors. The second one has a red cloth tied around it mouth. The word Censored is written in red and all caps below the two masks.

The painting is bold and the image of the tongue being cut off by scissors creates a “visceral” feeling. It depicts the two types of censorship that people now face– either talk and be violently censored or self-censor and never be heard.

“Many people would say that we are freer to express ourselves than ever before – with the boom of social media, we are able to communicate our thoughts and opinions on an unprecedented scale. This can also, however, invite more stringent and aggressive censorship from either the platform provider or under fear of criticism from other users,” Reed said.

Cuban artists arrested ahead of anti-censorship concert

Independent artists empower Cubans to speak out against censorship

To an outsider, the most startling part of artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara’s arrest on 21 July for attempting to protest on the Capitol steps in Havana was the passivity, bordering on fearful ignorance, of his fellow Cubans at the scene.

Expression Uncensored: “It’s a bonus when you realise your music is helping someone live their life”

“When I started recording my music I made the decision that I would be out. But at the same time I was so conscious of using pronouns and not coming across as too gay or not coming across too assuming,” said MNEK, English singer, songwriter and record producer, speaking at the Sonos Store in London. [...]

ENO youth company combats censorship with operatic expression

A group of teens shuffle onto a stage. It could be any summer programme, but when professional opera singer Abigail Kelly leads them in a song on political dissent and dictatorship, it’s clear that they’ve come together to create something novel, provocative and, above all, youth-led.

Cuban authorities arrested artists Yanelyz Nuñez and Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara from Otero Alcantara’s home sometime before 6:30am on Saturday 11 August for their role in organising a concert against Decree 349, a law allowing the government to sanction what art can be displayed or exchanged.

In a series of Facebook posts early that morning, friends and family said they didn’t know their whereabouts or what happened to them, stating that they had “disappeared”. Authorities denied knowing where they were.

It wasn’t until their release at 9:36pm that it was clear what had happened to them. During their time in detention, they were beaten and interrogated. Upon release, Otero Alcantara said: “Tomorrow we will continue the fight against the Degree 349.”

The meeting place for the concert was Otero Alcantara’s home, but when artists began arriving at around 8:50am they found the street had been blocked by police, who began beating participating artists, 30 of whom were also arrested. While this was happening police had surrounded the home and were intimidating Luis Manuel’s mother.

“We stand in solidarity with the brave artists and activists who, despite clear repression, stand up for fundamental human rights of Cubans,” Perla Hinojosa, fellowships and advocacy officer at Index on Censorship, said. “Arrests, violence and intimidation should never be responses to self-expression, and we call for such acts of censorship to stop. Any law that makes art a crime is unjust and we urge our supports to sign the petition against Decree 349.”

Independent artists empower Cubans to speak out against censorship

To an outsider, the most startling part of artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara’s arrest on 21 July for attempting to protest on the Capitol steps in Havana was the passivity, bordering on fearful ignorance, of his fellow Cubans at the scene.

]]>https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/cuban-artists-arrested-ahead-of-anti-censorship-concert/feed/0Books from left-wing shop sent to UKIP’s Martin Costello (Swindon Advertiser, 12 August 2018)https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/books-from-left-wing-shop-sent-to-ukips-martin-costello-swindon-advertiser-12-august-2018/
https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/books-from-left-wing-shop-sent-to-ukips-martin-costello-swindon-advertiser-12-august-2018/#respondSun, 12 Aug 2018 08:23:19 +0000https://www.indexoncensorship.org/?p=102175Campaigners from Index on Censorship have sent books from left-wing bookshop Bookmarks to three UKIP members involved in a protest there at the weekend. Read the full article.

]]>https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/books-from-left-wing-shop-sent-to-ukips-martin-costello-swindon-advertiser-12-august-2018/feed/0Bangladesh: Shahidul Alam should be released and the allegations against him droppedhttps://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/bangladesh-shahidul-alam-should-be-released-and-the-allegations-against-him-dropped/
https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/bangladesh-shahidul-alam-should-be-released-and-the-allegations-against-him-dropped/#respondFri, 10 Aug 2018 14:28:58 +0000https://www.indexoncensorship.org/?p=102126The post Bangladesh: Shahidul Alam should be released and the allegations against him dropped appeared first on Index on Censorship.
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On 6 August 2018, Bangladeshi photojournalist Shahidul Alam was arrested and detained for allegedly “making provocative comments”, and “giving false information” to media, contrary to the Information Communications Technology Act (ICT Act). He remains in detention. Since being taken into custody, Alam has been denied access to his lawyers, and was reportedly beaten and is in poor health. Authorities initially agreed that Alam would be taken to hospital for medical assistance, but after a brief visit on 8 August he has been returned to detention. We, the undersigned civil society organisations, call for Shahidul Alam’s immediate and unconditional release, that all allegations against him be dropped, and that he receive proper medical care.

63-year old Alam was arrested at his home in Dhaka on the evening of 5 August 2018 and brought into police custody a few hours after he posted a video on Facebook and participated in an interview with Al Jazeera about the ongoing road safety protests in Dhaka, where more than 40 journalists and media workers have been injured by groups of armed men.

Alam is accused of violations under Section 57 of the Information Communications Technology Act. However, journalists and rights activists have consistently raised concerns that the law is incompatible with international human rights standards, including Bangladesh’s international obligations under Article 19 of the ICCPR, due to its broad powers to restrict online expression. It has been widely applied against journalists and ordinary citizens who have been arrested, prosecuted and jailed solely for their expression.

On 9 August, a petition by Alam’s lawyers was heard at the High Court Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh demanding they have access to Alam, that he be brought before the court and seeking a court order that he is not subjected to ill-treatment while in custody. The High Court ordered the Home Secretary of the Government of Bangladesh to “arrange medical treatment” for Alam in accordance with Section 2(6) of the Torture and Custodial Death Prevention Act 2013, to make a full medical assessment for ill-treatment, and to report to the court by 13 August 2018.

ARTICLE 19 and the undersigned national and international human rights organisations call for Shahidul Alam’s immediate and unconditional release, and that all allegations against him be dropped as they represent a blatant violation of his right to freedom of expression. We further urge the Ministry of Home Affairs to immediately comply with the court’s order and grant Alam proper medical assistance without delay.

We remain deeply concerned by the use of laws such as the ICT Act in Bangladesh to legally harass journalists and media workers and violate the right to freedom of expression, and call for its urgent repeal.

Signed

ARTICLE 19

Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK)

Acid Survivors Foundation (ASF)

Bandhu Social Welfare Society (BSWF)

Bangladesh Adivasi Forum

Bangladesh Dalit and Excluded Rights Movements (BDERM)

Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council (BHBCUC)

Bangladesh Mahila Parishad (BMP)

Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)

German Section of Amnesty International

Sramik Nirapotta Forum (SNF)

Boys of Bangladesh (BOB)

Friends Association for Integrated Revolution (FAIR)

International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX)

Index on Censorship

Manusher Jonno Foundation (MJF)

National Alliance of Disabled Peoples Organizations

Nijera Kori

Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

Steps Towards Development

Transparency International, Bangladesh (TIB)

Nagorik Uddyog

Open Society Foundations Program on Independent Journalism

Jagriti Prokashoni

Leading Nepal editor speaks out about independent media facing censorship in South Asia

After 29 years of circulation, Himal Southasian, which claims to be the only analytical and regional news magazine for South Asia, will cease to publish as of November 2016.

]]>https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/bangladesh-shahidul-alam-should-be-released-and-the-allegations-against-him-dropped/feed/0Beyond censorship: Power, silencing and resistancehttps://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/beyond-censorship-power-silencing-and-resistance/
https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/beyond-censorship-power-silencing-and-resistance/#respondThu, 09 Aug 2018 14:59:23 +0000https://www.indexoncensorship.org/?p=102116Join a discussion of the ways in which dissenting voices are structurally silenced and the many ways of resistance

Please join the Authors’ Club, Media Diversified, the Jhalak Prize and Index on Censorship for a discussion of the ways in which dissenting voices are structurally silenced and the many ways of resistance.

A distinguished panel of writers will share their own experiences and works on how institutions and structures operate in subtle legal ways to silence voices that are considered discomfiting, challenging and dangerous as well as ways in which contemporary writing and publishing continues to find ways of resisting such unofficial forms of censorship.

Shappi KhorsandiShappi came 11th in last year’s ‘I’m A Celebrity Get Me Out of Here!’. But she’s also done some other things, which include Presidency of the Humanist Association, writing a novel, defending everyone’s right to free speech and fleeing the Iranian Islamic revolution as a child.

You already know that Shappi is a top comedian and a beautiful person. She’s great, come and see her in ‘unleashed mode’.

People Like UsJulie Burchill and Jane Robin’s hilarious play about the chattering classes and their Brexit horror hits London theatreland in October. We will be treated to a live preview from the play.

Jay HandleyJay pokes fun at unthinking orthodoxies and unpicks liberal pretensions. He was a hit at a previous Comedy Unleashed gig and, in response to many requests, we have given Jay a longer slot. Here’s a taster

Godfrey Elfwick Memorial Service, performed by Andrew DoyleElfwick was a brilliant Twitter caricature of the excesses of the liberal-left. He, or rather xe, identified as a ‘genderqueer Muslim atheist’ who was ‘born white in the #WrongSkin’. For some, the image of Godfrey on the Women’s March in a full burka and pink pussy that was a step too far. Godfrey has been banned by Twitter. This is our memorial to his life.

Red RichardsonRed Richardson sees Red.

Dan Evans – CompereDan is an overgrown kid who enjoys losing himself in surrealism. He won’t give you his life story or deliver well-rehearsed observational stories. Thank god for that.

]]>https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/comedy-uncensored/feed/0Turkey’s repressive regime turns academic’s life upside-downhttps://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/turkeys-repressive-regime-turns-academics-life-upside-down/
https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/turkeys-repressive-regime-turns-academics-life-upside-down/#respondThu, 09 Aug 2018 09:35:47 +0000https://www.indexoncensorship.org/?p=102052"There is no future, no jobs for us as long as Erdogan and the AKP rule the country."

Bermal Aydin’s life was turned upside-down by Turkey’s government after she stood up for peace by signing a petition.

Aydin had decided to pursue academia spending years in Turkey’s media industry. She found her work in that profession was neither fulfilling nor sustainable, and felt that academia was her true calling. Deciding to pursue an MA and then a PhD, she took the leap into academia. In the second year of her PhD program, Aydin found a job as a lecturer at Mersin University, where she worked until her dismissal in April 2016. Now, she is a research fellow at London School of Economic’s Department of Media and Communications.

In January 2016, Aydin had signed a petition that called on the Turkish government to stop the ongoing brutal violence directed against Kurds. She couldn’t have known at the time that this innocent action would result in being dismissed from Mersin University, having to move to a different city, and eventually, leaving Turkey for the UK in the hope of being able to continue with her academic career.

The Academics for Peace petition called on the Turkish government to settle the Kurdish issue not by more military intervention and oppression in Kurdistan, but by re-establishing peace negotiations. Aydin signed the petition because she felt helpless that she was unable to do anything to stop the violence. In Turkey, the pro-government mainstream media had been turning a blind eye to the sufferings of thousands. Signing the petition, Aydin thought that she was contributing to bringing more attention to the tortures and killings of Kurds. She wanted to stop the inhumane destruction of lives, buildings and infrastructure in cities and towns like Diyarbakir, Cizre and Sur.

But in Turkey, the freedom to read, to write and to express one’s opinions is hardly respected, since almost anything not deemed pro-government is deemed instead “terrorist propaganda.” Those who signed the petition were condemned,detained and put under investigation. If found guilty of alleged terrorism charges, the petitioners could face one up to seven years in prison.

After Aydin signed the petition, the rector of Mersin University launched an investigation against her and her colleagues. She was fired, in April 2016, even before the investigation was finished. Without a job, Aydin had to vacate her home and move to Izmir to live with family. After unsuccessfully suing the rector to get her job reinstated, Aydin sought the help of international organisations that support academics. Finally, in April 2017, she came to the UK thanks to a scholarship from the Council for At-Risk Academics (CARA) and LSE. Since then she has been working at LSE on a research project on the relationship between the Turkey’s repressive regime and the precarisation of academic and journalistic labour.

Like many academics that have been forced to leave their homes and country, Aydin is faced with an uncertain future. She misses her family and friends dearly, but cannot see them since her passport was cancelled 10 days after she arrived in the UK. Moreover, returning to Turkey means risking imprisonment and losing her freedom – the situation is even more dire since the newly introduced presidential system allows Erdogan to wield unlimited powers, with absolutely no checks and balances. On top of all that, the uncertainty of her UK work visa status continually looms on the horizon.

Aydin spoke to Long Dang of Index on Censorship about her experience.

Index: What motivated you to become an academic?

Bermal Aydin: I have always been interested in reading and writing, as well as in politics and social events. Thus, being an academic fits my interests – it speaks to my soul somehow. Also, after working for many years in Turkey’s media industry, which was exhausting, unstable, uncertain and precarious, I realised that this kind of work was not sustainable – it consumed all of my energy and did not contribute that much intellectually or financially. So I decided to quit working in the media industry and continued my education by pursuing first an M.A and then a PhD. In the first year of my PhD, I found a job as a research assistant in a newly established communication faculty in Turkey. Almost one year after that, I began working as a lecturer at a different university called Mersin University.

Index: What were your reasons for signing the Academics for Peace Initiative petition?

Bermal Aydin: I signed the peace petition because I witnessed the human rights violations against civilians in Kurdish-populated cities such as Cizre and Sur. I saw and heard about the violence from the government against Kurds through alternative but reliable media outlets, while the mainstream media was completely mute, deaf and blind. Even worse, they misrepresented the victims of violence as terrorists. I felt desperate that there was nothing I could do. When I reflect on my motivations for signing the petition, I can say it was to relieve my remorse for not being able to do anything, and more importantly, to draw more attention to the issue. But I did not expect the severe reactions and mechanisms of punishment from the state and rectors against the signatories.

Index: What happened to you and your colleagues after you signed the petition?

Bermal Aydin: After President Erdogan had badly insulted the signatories and called for public prosecutors and rectors to punish us, the rector of Mersin University, Ahmet Camsari launched an administrative investigation against me and my colleagues. But without even finishing the investigation, he did not renew job contracts for those working as lecturers, research assistants and assistant professors. So I lost my job in April 2016. He could not fire associate professors and professors in this way since they had permanent and relatively safe jobs in Turkey, without renewable job contracts. However, after the failed coup attempt in July 2016, the rector of Mersin University put all academics who were signatories of the petition on the emergency decree 689 of 29th April 2017. Thus, he was able to get rid of all the signatories – about 20 academics in total. Due to this decree, I was fired from the university for a second time and banned from all public positions in Turkey, even though I had already been dismissed. Having your name on the emergency decree list means being fired from your current public job, being banned from any public job, and having your passport cancelled. My situation was not unique – the same thing happened to thousands of academics and public employees. It simply does not make sense, and one can explain it neither by logic nor law.

Soon after the petition was released, some academics from other universities were detained, and four of them were arrested for 40 days. There were police raids at academics’ houses and their rooms at universities. Although I and my colleagues at Mersin University were not raided by the police, we received several threats via social media and some local newspapers. A notorious organised crime boss, Sedat Peker, who is also pro-Erdogan, posted a statement on his personal website, threatening all academics: “We will let your blood in streams and we will take a shower in your blood.” This was on 13th Jan 2016, soon after the petition was released. And as far I know, there has been no sentence or penalty for him after the trial process. Meanwhile, there have been decisions to imprison academics after their trial processes. It is such an unfair and biased system. The same thing could happen to all of us.

Index: How did your dismissal affect your professional and personal lives? What about your family? Are they still living in Turkey?

Bermal Aydin: My dismissal turned my life upside-down. After losing my job in April 2016, I had to leave my rented house in Mersin since I could no longer pay rent, and moved to my family’s house in another city. Like my colleagues, I sued the rector to take back my job. But all the decisions from the courts were unfair and biased – they found that the rector was right to fire us. After the courts’ decisions, I realised that there was no way to get my job back or find another at a different university in Turkey, at least not for a few years. So I contacted several international organisations that provide support for academics at risk, such as CARA and Scholars at Risk. After I had provided all necessary documents, CARA found me eligible for support. Then, a few months after the coup attempt, on 19th April 2017, I came to England on a Tier-5 visa thanks to a scholarship opportunity provided by CARA and LSE. Since then, I’ve lived and worked in England. My family is still in Turkey and I have not seen them for more than a year because my passport has been cancelled. They are fine, but we miss each other dearly. Nobody knows what will happen in Turkey from now on. I am quite worried about my family, relatives, friends and colleagues there.

Index: Could you tell us more about your work at LSE?

Bermal Aydin: The title of my current research project at LSE is The Relationship Between Repressive Regimes and Precarisation of Academia and Media Professionals: A Discussion of The Case of Turkey. According to the interviews I conducted with academics and journalists from Turkey but living and working in the UK due to political reasons, the precarisation of intellectual labour in Turkey goes beyond the usual performance concerns and language of success in the neoliberal university and neoliberal media order. Even though performance criteria are still important (some academics and media professionals have been dismissed due to performance criteria, especially in private universities and media outlets), ideological and political pressures are far more influential over academia and media in Turkey’s current political atmosphere. It this sense, it can be said that the most significant factor of the precarisation of labour is the current authoritarian regime, which I prefer to call the “distinctive authoritarian neoliberalism” along with populism. In this climate, transnational solidarity is crucial. Although there have been some initiatives such as the Solidarity Academies, Kampüssüzler (those without campuses) or the Culture House in Mersin by my dismissed colleagues, they need international support, since their survival is very difficult under the current regime, both politically and financially.

Index: What is your assessment of Erdogan’s new constitutional powers and their implications for freedom of speech and of academics?

Bermal Aydin: After the elections last month, Turkey has changed from the parliamentary to the presidential system, granting Erdogan unlimited powers. However, it is not a presidential system like those of the US or France where legislative, executive and judicial powers are strictly separate and independent of each other. Instead, it is a system in which one man wields all powers. Yes, there is still parliament, but it is much less effective than before. Even if Erdogan needs support from parliament, it is too easy for him to gain support since his ruling party (AKP) has an unofficial coalition with the main nationalist party (MHP). They share the same ideologies on issues such as the Kurdish issue, cross-border interventions and suppression of dissent. It is quite obvious that they will continue to suppress all dissenting voices, including academics, journalists and politicians. They will continue suppressing freedom of speech, labelling those who do not support their ideologies terrorists, and arresting people randomly and arbitrarily. They can do all of this since they have won the election and thus have the support of the masses, at least half of the country. Moreover, the powers Erdogan had been implementing even before the election have finally achieved their legal grounds.

Index: What has life been like for you in the UK?

Bermal Aydin: My life in the UK has not been easy. First, I have been trying to survive in a quite competitive academic environment. Academia in the UK is an excellent example of a neoliberal university. I’m not sure if I could adapt myself. Academics here have a lot of burden on their shoulders – teaching, publishing, researching, administrative tasks, etc. Also, finding a permanent job in academia in the UK is a quite difficult and long process, even for native academics. Academia here is precarious and quite preformative. We are political precariats in Turkey, whilst here, in Western countries in general, academics are precariats not because of political pressures but because of neoliberal conditions and performance expectations. Second, I have been missing my family and friends in Turkey. Since my passport has been cancelled, I cannot see them unless they come to the UK.

On top of all that, I have been living in a vicious cycle with my passport and visa situation. As I mentioned, my passport was cancelled 10 days after my arrival in the UK, due to emergency decree 689. It also expired in January 2018. In December 2017, I went to the Turkish Embassy in London to see whether I could renew my passport. The official there told me that she could not take my application since a restriction had been put on my passport by Turkish authorities. She gave me back all the documents I had submitted and told me they could just grant me a 1-month-travel document to go back to Turkey. I refused it since I still had a visa at the time. In April 2018, when it was time to renew my visa, CARA’s team, my supervisors at LSE and the head of the Department of Media and Communications at LSE really laboured to help extend my scholarship for one more year. CARA also provided me with legal support before I applied to the Home Office to extend my visa. I applied for the visa extension with my expired and cancelled passport, as well as all supporting documents which included a cover letter explaining my unusual passport situation, my national ID card, etc. I did not know whether the Home Office would extend my visa, but fortunately, they did. However, it will expire next April and I will not be able to further extend it since my visa category is valid for up to 2 years and I am now in my second year. I cannot switch to a different visa category, either, since to do that I would have to go back to Turkey and submit my application there. If I go back, I will not be able to leave because my passport has been cancelled. Also, it seems that passport cancellations will last for at least 3 more years according to a new draft law, even though the state of emergency is now over.

Index: Do you have hope that you’ll be able to return home at all?

Bermal Aydin: Until the election in June 2018, I had hoped that I would be able to return home some day. After that, however, I don’t think it would be possible anytime in the foreseeable future. There is no future, no jobs for us as long as Erdogan and the AKP rule the country. Furthermore, I could lose my freedom since there have been trials against academics for alleged involvement with terrorism. Even though the state of emergency is over, Erdogan will continue to rule the country as if it is under the state of emergency. As I mentioned, there is a draft law that is expected to be enacted soon. According to this law, people who were dismissed under emergency decrees will never have their jobs back or be able to find other public positions, even when the state of emergency is over. Moreover, people whose passports have been cancelled would not be able to renew their passports at least for the next three years. Governors will have extraordinary and unchecked powers in cities: a 4-day detention period could be extended up to 12 days. The Council of Higher Education in Turkey (the YÖK) will be able to dismiss academics directly without any investigation. This would officially mean the end of autonomy in Turkish universities. The state of emergency would become permanent. I see little future for me in this picture unfortunately. I’m not sure if there is a future for me in the UK either – I’m concerned with the country’s strict immigration laws, Brexit, and the competitiveness in academia. But it is still worth trying.

Index: What form of support would you want to see for academics who have been unfairly dismissed like you? Could momentum for change be generated from within Turkey, or would international support be fundamental?

Bermal Aydin: Transnational organisations that support academics at risk such as CARA and SAR and supportive universities such as LSE should consider the passport situations of peace academics in Turkey and provide those who cannot leave the country with support through some new scholarships such as associate research positions, etc. I know some friends and colleagues in Turkey who have received scholarships abroad but cannot travel due to their passport cancellations. In addition, higher education councils and universities should stop collaborating with the main higher education organisations like YÖK and TÜBITAK in Turkey. Right now, there is no mechanism in Turkey that could stop the suppression of academic freedom or freedom of speech. Thus, transnational solidarity with peace academics is crucial and fundamental.

]]>https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/turkeys-repressive-regime-turns-academics-life-upside-down/feed/0Ukip members sent ‘mind-broadening’ reading after bookshop attack (Guardian, 9 August 2018)https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/ukip-members-sent-mind-broadening-reading-after-bookshop-attack-guardian-9-august-2018/
https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/ukip-members-sent-mind-broadening-reading-after-bookshop-attack-guardian-9-august-2018/#respondThu, 09 Aug 2018 08:21:48 +0000https://www.indexoncensorship.org/?p=102173Index on Censorship gives books promoting tolerance to two men suspended from party after attack on Bookmarks in London. Read the full article.

]]>https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/ukip-members-sent-mind-broadening-reading-after-bookshop-attack-guardian-9-august-2018/feed/0Bookmarks attackers sent books to help ‘broaden their minds’ (Bookseller, 9 August 2018)https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/bookmarks-attackers-sent-books-to-help-broaden-their-minds-bookseller-9-august-2018/
https://www.indexoncensorship.org/2018/08/bookmarks-attackers-sent-books-to-help-broaden-their-minds-bookseller-9-august-2018/#respondThu, 09 Aug 2018 08:20:19 +0000https://www.indexoncensorship.org/?p=102171Index on Censorship is sending political party UKIP a bundle of books, including The Handmaid’s Tale and a copy of the Quran, in the hope it will forward them on to those of its members involved in Saturday’s attack on Bookmarks bookshop. Read the full article.

]]>Index on Censorship is sending political party UKIP a bundle of books, including The Handmaid’s Tale and a copy of the Quran, in the hope it will forward them on to those of its members involved in Saturday’s attack on Bookmarks bookshop. Read the full article.

Index on Censorship is honoured to announce that our magazine has won an ‘Award of Excellence’ in the ‘Magazines, Journals & Tabloids – Writing (entire issue)’ category for the Awards for Publication Excellence (APEX). The award was given to our winter 2017 issue What price protest? How the right to assembly is under threat.

This is the second year Index on Censorship has won an APEX award. Last year Index won a Grand Award in the same category for our issue Truth in danger, danger in truth: Journalists under fire and under pressure.

APEX Awards are based on excellence in graphic design, editorial content and overall communications excellence. This year there were over 1,400 entries, with competition being “exceptionally intense”, the APEX site noted. “Each year, the quality of entries increases. Overall, this year’s entries displayed an exceptional level of quality,” it said.

“We are thrilled to have received this award for a second year in a row. As the winning issue highlighted, the right to protest is under threat throughout the globe. We hope awards like this will raise awareness of this important issue, while also acknowledging the excellent standard of journalism and writing, design and hard work that goes into producing the magazine,” Jemimah Steinfeld, deputy editor of Index on Censorship magazine, said.

The protest issue, which came out at the end of 2017, considered the relevance of the 1968 protests 50 years on. It looked at the areas where the 1968 protests had been concentrated, such as Prague and Paris, and addressed what relevance these protests still have today. It also looked at the current state of protest across the globe. Particularly notable articles included one from the UK-based writer Sally Gimson about how central areas in English cities are being privatised and with that the right to protest is under threat, and an article from Wael Eskander, an Egyptian journalist, about witnessing the dangers and now demise of protest in his country over the past few years. There were also contributions from Micah White, one of the co-founders of the Occupy movement, and an interview with the husband of Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, who spoke about the importance of protest in relation to his wife’s imprisonment.

What price protest?

How the right of assembly is under threat

The winter 2017 Index on Censorship magazine explores 1968 – the year the world took to the streets – to discover whether our rights to protest are endangered today.

Micah White proposes a novel way for protest to remain relevant. Author and journalist Robert McCrum revisits the Prague Spring to ask whether it is still remembered. Award-winning author Ariel Dorfman‘s new short story — Shakespeare, Cervantes and spies — has it all. Anuradha Roy writes that tired of being harassed and treated as second class citizens, Indian women are taking to the streets.