Information Covering More Than One Election

Acevedo 1991b: “Resultados electorales por partido (1982-1991)” (page 162). Gives by party the number and percent of votes received in the elections of 1982, 1984 (first round), 1985, 1988, 1989, and 1991.

Acevedo 1994: “Resultados electorales por partido (1982-1994)” (page 210). Gives the number of votes won by each party in the elections of 1982, 1984, 1985, 1988, 1989, 1991, and 1994.

Allison 2006: “Postwar presidential elections in El Salvador (vote and % of total votes)” (page 69). Includes elections from 1994-2004. “Postwar legislative elections in El Salvador (votes and % of total votes)” (page 70). Includes elections from 1994-2003. “Postwar legislative elections in El Salvador (number of and % of seats)” (page 71). Includes elections from 1994-2003.

Baloyra 1982: “In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries El Salvador was an oligarchic republic, sustained by a system of export agriculture. The prime beneficiaries of this system were a group of wealthy coffee planters, who dominated Salvadoran politics and monopolized key sectors of the economy…Between 1932 and the late 1960s the military and its allies in the oligarchy were able to defuse the more serious political crises and defeat their adversaries with relative ease. Each time a military ruler was overthrown and there was even a distant possibility of democratization, the oligarchy and the more conservative military officers were able to revive their formula of political domination and restore the system to its usual mode of operation…Military rule was legitimized through elections that, as long as the opposition remained disorganized and divided, were relatively honest. Yet there can be very little doubt that this system was exclusionary, not pluralist, and that it could not really accommodate effective political opposition” (pages 1-2). “Parties and politics in El Salvador, 1948-1977” (pages 33-52). “Characteristics of Salvadoran political parties” (page 50-51). “Contemporary presidential races in El Salvador” (page 189). Gives year, candidate and party with percent of vote, and opposition with percent of vote.

Baloyra 1993: “Municipalities without elections, voting precincts and number of ballot boxes, 1982-1991" (page 10). Gives by year and type of election the number of municipalities without elections and the total number of voting precincts and ballot boxes in these. “Voting turnout in Salvadoran elections, 1982-1991 (absolute figures in millions)” (page 11). Gives by date and type of election the voters registered, those with the electoral identification, the number of ballots printed, and the voting turnout. “Voting intention and measures of turnout, 1982-1991" (page 13). “Non-indicative participation in recent Salvadoran election” (page 16). Gives year (1982-1991), type of election, votes cast, null votes, blank votes, votes challenged, and total and percent these constitute of all votes cast. “Party votes in recent elections in El Salvador (percentages in parentheses)” (page 23). Gives year (1982-1991), votes and percent of vote by party, and total valid votes.

Bird 2001: “El Salvador has been typical of Latin American states, especially small ones, in that it has had a highly centralized system of governance with a history of little to no popular participation in local government or politics. For much of Salvadoran history, either the central government or the local elite made all meaningful decisions concerning local issues…Citizens did not elect their local leaders; department governors appointed mayors and municipal council members. The position of mayor itself was primarily an ineffectual position with limited status” (page 124). “Nature of local politics” (pages 253-256). “(E)ven the arrival of local elections in 1985 has yet to significantly improve representation. The greatest problem is the winner-take-all arrangement under which the mayor fills all the municipal council positions with his or her supporters. El Salvador is the only country in the Western Hemisphere that does not have pluralistic municipal councils. This has led to a typical situation where the party that wins a plurality of votes—in instances as low as 30 percent of casted votes, meaning 15 percent of the adult population of the municipality—becomes the sole political force in local government” (page 358).

Bland 1992: “The coup...led by a caudillo and often supported by a faction of the landed elite, was the primary means of transferring power from the mid-1800s into the early twentieth century. From then on, the presidency was passed from one dominant family clan to another. The first three decades of the century thus witnessed fewer coups and longer presidential terms” (page 166).

Bowdler 1974: Tables on 1964-1972 elections include 1) “Percentages of voting age population registered, by department" (page 33); 2) “Percentages of registered voters who voted, by department" (page 38); 3) “Percentages of voting age population registered and of registered voters who voted in the coastal and mountain departments” (page 44); 4) “Percentages of voting age population registered voters who voted in the western and eastern departments” (page 49); 5) “Percentages of voting age population registered and of registered voters who voted in the central departments compared to the western and eastern” (page 53); 6) “Percentages of voting age population registered and of registered voters who voted in the eastern departments compared to the central and western” (page 56); 7) “Differences in percentages of voting age population registered, by department” (page 63); 8) “Differences in percentages of registered voters who voted, by department” (page 64); 9) “Order of departments showing increases in registration and voting percentage” (page 69); 10) “Differences in percentages in voting age population registered, 1967 and 1972 presidential elections” (page 73); 11) “Difference in percentages in registered voters who voted, 1967 and 1972 presidential elections” (page 74); 12) “Nationwide totals in numbers involved, 1967 and 1972 elections” (page 75); 13) “Differences in percentages of voting age population registered, by department, in the legislative-municipal elections of 1966, 1968 and the presidential election of 1967" (page 81); 14) “Differences in percentages of registered voters who voted, by department, in the legislative-municipal elections of 1966, 1968, and the presidential election of 1967" (page 83); 15) “Differences in percentages of voting age population registered and registered voters who voted in the 1968 and 1970 legislative-municipal elections” (page 88); appendix V) “Voter registration and total votes cast by department, 1964-1966" (page 169); appendix VI) “Voter registration and total votes cast by department , 1966 and 1967" (page 170); and appendix VII) “Voter registration and total votes cast by department, 1968 and 1970" (page 171).

Central America report January 13, 1995: “Beginning in 1970, the Treasury Police, the National Guard, and the National Police formed the triumvirate of security forces that collaborated with the Salvadoran armed forces to earn a reputation for corruption and aggressive violations of human rights. By 1980, the National Police, originally established for public safety, became an active participant in counterinsurgency activities and intelligence, which it continued throughout the twelve-year civil war. The dissolution of these forces was subject to 1992 Peace Accords. The Treasury Police and the National Guard were demobilized almost immediately. A time-line was created to monitor the gradual dissolution of the PN and the simultaneous creation of a new force, the PNC” (page 6).

Central America report April 25, 2003: “The history of ARENA’s founding and consolidation is tied to the civil war, militarism and anti-communism. The party is organized hierarchically and with a vision closely tied to the agroexport sector. In its first stages, at the close of the 1970s, ARENA was supported by the military and powerful landowners. In 1981, ARENA was headed by a group of estate owners headed by the retired soldier Roberto D’Aubuisson…The second stage of the party was marked by the presidency of Alfredo Cristiani (1989-1993), who lost some military support in his pursuit and signing of the Peace Accords…Armando Calderón Sol (1994-1998) continued the political and economic model of Cristiani, but internal party disputes emerged due to the economic decline at the beginning of 1997…The election of Francisco Flores in 1999 strengthened the party. Alliances were made with the international business community and non-traditional producers. The right fragmented into various political groups” (page 5).

Ching 1997: “In the aftermath of Spain’s withdrawal, and the debilitating warfare that accompanied the failed experiment of federalism in Central America (1823-1838), central authority in El Salvador collapsed. Politics was characterized by clashes between rival patronage networks competing for control over the national government. These networks were regionally specific, and whichever one of them managed to better its counterparts and seize the government in San Salvador was not able to hold it for long owing to the state’s limited power and resources” (page 9). “Patronage knit disparate bosses together into networks, powerful political machines which propelled their members into office by controlling elections and fighting off rivals. Patronage networks resembled political parties in that they were mechanisms of political ascent, and occasionally these networks were referred to as ‘partidos.’…Networks did not bear distinct names beyond that of their reigning bosses...Not until the 1920s, and then only at the national level, would there be actual attempts at forming political parties…The goal of local politics was to win the annual municipal elections in order to gain control of the offices of local government. There were four elected offices in a municipality: Alcalde; Regidor; Síndico; and Juez de Paz” (pages 74-75). “Once a boss assembled his network of clients and allies, he was ready to contend for power in the annual municipal elections” (page 77). Discusses how these elections were carried out. “Elections were decided by overwhelming margins, if not by unanimity. This was the case in both indirect and direct elections. The multitude of voting records, which are scattered throughout various archives in El Salvador, stand as evidence to this claim” (page 80). “Elections were highly regimented processes which functioned more or less in the following manner. Voting lasted one day, usually the first or second Sunday of December, roughly three weeks prior to the annual national elections on the first or second weekend of January” (page 90). Describes procedures (pages 90-91). “Indians rarely were allowed to hold municipal office or function as political bosses, partly because of racism and ethnic prejudice, but also due to class divisions…In certain municipalities, however, [they] competed directly with the ladinos, and even controlled municipal government” (page 124). “Most Indians lived in distinct communities (‘comunidades’) which provided the political, religious and economic foundation of Indian life…The Indian communities essentially were townships which resided alongside the official municipalities…Although subject to the formal laws of the nation, Indian communities were semi-autonomous in their political and economic affairs. They selected their own political and religious leaders” (page 126). “Evidence suggests that communities used some form of election to determine which of their members would occupy positions of authority. Each year the communities had to submit to the national government the names of their new officials” (page 127). Discusses elections in Nahuizalco from 1884 to 1931 (pages 128-140). “Assembly elections took place annually and presidential elections were held every two or four years” (page 152). “The traditional route of ascent from local to national politics lay through the National Assembly, for it was the front line of national political battles…The three dozen or so members of the Assembly were regional strongmen who held their position at the behest of their regional political networks” (page 153). “Each January during the Assembly elections, aspiring bosses all across the nation grappled with one another for dominance in the parishes” (page 158). “(T)he department cabacera housed two powerful officials, the Departmental Governor and the Departmental Comandante, both of whom had department-wide jurisdiction…Departmental cabaceras produced most every major player in national politics” (page 160). “At the center of [the] inter-departmental conflagrations was the departmental governor. As the liaison between local and national, he bore witness to and participated in most political conflicts. Fortunately, governors, unlike presidents, tended to leave behind copious records which provide a window into the political wrangling. Governors…were appointed to their posts directly by the president. In almost every case, presidents chose their governors…from among the pool of political bosses in the department cabacera” (page 164). “We do have...complete records for all fourteen departments for the elections of 1921, 1923 and 1925, and also complete records for the elections of 1920 from two departments, Ahuachapán and San Vicente” (page 282). Tables in the appendix give results of many municipal elections in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. “The presidents of El Salvador, 1840-1944” (pages 500-502).

Córdova Macías 1992: “Resultados electorales por partido (1982-1989)” (page 559). Gives date and type of election, number and percent of vote for each party, total valid votes, and number of registered voters.

Córdova Macías 1998: “El Salvador: electoral results by party, 1982-1994" (page 145). Gives for each election the number of votes and percent of total votes received by each party and the total valid votes cast in the election. “Number of seats and percentage of votes by party, 1991 and 1994" (page 146). “Number of municipal councils by party in the elections of 1985, 1988, 1991, and 1994" (page 149). “Differences in votes between legislative and municipal elections, 1985-1994" (page 151). Gives by year of election the “total valid votes in legislative elections,” the “total valid votes in municipal elections,” and the “difference in votes (municipal minus legislative).”

Country report. Guatemala, El Salvador 1994. 2: “Congressional results (seats)” (page 26). Gives for congressional elections of 1991 and 1994 the seats won by each party.

Democracies in development: politics and reform in Latin America 2002: Provides information on many aspects of Salvadoran elections and the accompanying compact disk contains national level statistics for the presidential and legislative elections held between 1978 and 2000.

Dunkerley 1994: “Central American elections--synoptic results, 1987-1993. El Salvador” (page 148). For 1988 election gives abstention rate and for ARENA, PDC, and PCN gives votes, percent of vote, and seats won. For 1989 election gives abstention rate and top four candidates and the number/percent of votes they received. For 1991 election gives abstention rate and for six parties gives votes, percent of vote, and seats won.

El Salvador, año político 1971-72 1973: “Mapas comparativos a nivel departamental de las elecciones presidenciales de 1967 y 1972" (pages 89-92). Divides the country into three zones and presents graphically the differences in voting patterns between the 1967 and 1972 presidential elections.

El Salvador: elections 1994: “Results of elections by party and year” (page 37). For the congressional and presidential elections from 1982-1994 gives by party the number and percent of votes won and then gives the number and percent of valid and null votes in each election.

Gamero Q. 2000: “Diputados electos por partido desde 1982 a 1997” (page 142). Gives the number elected in each election.

García 1995: “Legislatures, in short, have played secondary roles in politics, behind armies, oligarchies, dictators, and parties. In El Salvador they have done little more than paint a patina of legitimacy to decisions already made in other arenas, including theaters of war…The current political system in El Salvador was constituted in 1982 with the election of an assembly empowered to write a new constitution; presidential and legislative elections followed, and three civilian presidents have been elected since 1984” (page 39). “The first four elected legislatures (1982, 1985, 1988, and 1991) did not accurately reflect national ideological distributions because the left did not participate in the first three elections and only minimally in the fourth. Indeed, the left opposed the very notion of elections, deeming them as constituting one of the symbols and weapons being used to legitimize a regime they hoped to destroy. Only in 1994, after peace accords were signed under the supervision of the United Nations, did all organized parties participate in elections. During the course of the civil war, then, the legislature represented only the center-right and extreme right of the political spectrum” (page 40). “Legislative elections are distinct from presidential and municipal elections—even when all the elections are held on the same date; in that, separate lists enable voters to select different parties for the legislature and president. Party composition in the legislature is determined through a system of proportional representation” (page 42). “Turnover in the legislature has been steady. Of the sixty members elected in 1982, only two were still in the legislature after the 1991 elections” (page 43). “Party representation in the national legislature” (page 44). From 1982 to 1991.

Gordon 1990: “Resultados de las elecciones de 1982, 1984, 1985, 1988" (page 316). For each year gives for ARENA, PDC, PCN, and “otros partidos” the number and percent of votes won, and the total valid votes cast in each election. Gives total votes for PDC and ARENA in the second round of the presidential elections. “Resultados electorales de 1988 y 1989" (page 327). Gives for ARENA, PDC, PCN, and “otros partidos” the number and percent of votes won, the total valid votes, total invalid votes, and total votes cast.

Gould 2008: “Throughout the nineteenth century civil-religious hierarchies effectively governed municipalities in the west…During the first decades of the twentieth century political pressures challenged the cargo system throughout western El Salvador. In Izalco the Alcalde del Común was effectively excluded from direct political power over the municipal government. However, he did maintain a significant political presence as a representative of the indigenous population to the departmental and national governments, while holding a position at the apex of the religious cargoes. In Nahuizalco the situation was different, as the alcaldía municipal had by the 1920s become completely divorced from the religious cargo system, and no religious authority also had political authority…In Izalco, where by the 1920s the indigenous community…was equal or smaller than the ladino population, a separate alcaldía indígena was a useful institution” (page 119).

Holden 2004: “The thirty-three men who occupied the presidency from 1841-1898 represented thirteen rival patronage networks. In this system, municipal political leaders allied with one of the national networks and simply controlled elections in ways that favored that network’s presidential candidate. Ascent from local to national posts of political leadership occurred in the national legislature, which was controlled by thirty to forty regional leaders…Successful regional leaders were rewarded with presidential appointments as governors and military commanders. And successful presidential aspirants were the men of the strongest networks who had managed not only to control enough polling stations to gain an electoral majority, but also to best rival networks in the usual months-long, preelection wars” (page 59).

ICSPS 1963: Gives the method of electing the president, a description of the national legislature, and the method of electing the national legislature (pages 12-13).

ICSPS El Salvador 1967: “Geographic distribution of the electorate by department, 1964 and 1966" (page 15). Gives for each department the percent of population (of country), number registered, votes cast, percent of total votes cast (in country), and votes cast as percent of registered (in department).

Lazo 1992: “Diputados electos por partido (elecciones durante la guerra)” (page 48). Gives by party the seats won in elections from 1982-1991. Shows reassignment of seats after coalitions/parties split after the elections. “Votos por partido político (elecciones en guerra)” (page 99). Shows number and percent of votes for each party in elections from 1982 to 1991.

Lindo-Fuentes 1990: “The creation of the intendancy of San Salvador in 1785…permitted a tighter administration at the same time that it helped to define the boundaries of the future Republic of El Salvador…The new intendancy, small in territory and in population (when independence came in 1821 it had only 250,000 inhabitants), received more attention than ever. To facilitate its administration the territory was divided into four ‘partidos,’ which in turn were divided into fifteen ‘subdelegaciones’” (page 8). “(B)etween 1841 and 1890 El Salvador participated in five wars with Guatemala, four with Honduras, and one with Nicaragua, while thirteen successful coups d’etat occurred” (page 62). “Historians have had a difficult time finding information on the early years of El Salvador since the documents of the national archive burned during the 1889 National Palace fire. In the absence of a national archive it was necessary to squeeze information out of the limited sources that have survived” (page 221).

Luciak 2001: “Election results from a gender perspective” (pages 210-216). Includes a number of tables covering elections from 1994 and 1997.

Lungo Uclés 1996: “Electoral results by party, 1982-1989" (page 131). Gives by party the number and percent of votes received in the elections of 1982, 1984, 1985, 1988, and 1989. “Votes according to categories, 1982-1989" (page 132). Gives for each election the number of valid, contested, and null votes, the number of abstentions, and the total votes cast.

McClintock 1998: “Estimated electoral turnout in El Salvador, 1980-94 (all figures except percentages in millions)” (page 122). “For the 1982 constituent assembly elections, the 1984 presidential elections, and the 1985 midterm elections, no comprehensive registration system was in place; an identity card was all that was necessary to vote. Accordingly, municipal electoral authorities would issue many identity cards to their political allies” (page 124). “Each graduating class at the Gerardo Barrios Military School is a ‘tanda;’ traditionally, each class had only about twenty to twenty-five officers, and all the officers of one ‘tanda’ were promoted together, until they reached the rank of colonel” (page 131).

Montes 1986: “Votos en 1982, 1984, y 1985" (page 292). Gives number of votes for PDC, ARENA and PDC in each election and percent they constitute of total votes.

Montgomery 1995: “Christian Democratic Party electoral results in municipal and National Assembly elections, 1964-1976 (based on official government figures)” (page 55). Gives for each election the seats won, mayors elected, and percent of popular vote. “Electoral results for major parties, 1982-1984" (page 161). Gives party, and number and percent of valid votes cast for each party.

Montgomery 2000: “El Salvador has a highly centralized political system. Departmental governors are appointed by the president. Mayors are elected…(A municipality is similar to a U.S. county; currently, whichever party wins the mayoralty also wins all the council seats)” (page 485).

Mujeres 1995: “Mujeres electas en las elecciones de 1994 y 1991" (page 29). Gives for each election the number and percent of women elected to congress and mayorships from ARENA, FMLN, PDC, PCN, CD, and MU.

Munro 1967: “Except where a successful revolution intervenes, the presidency is passed on by each incumbent to a successor of his own choosing, and all of the other nominally elective offices are filled in accordance with the wishes of the administration, since the authorities control the elections by preventing the nomination of opposition candidates and by exerting pressure on the voters” (page 107).

Nickson 1995: “El Salvador is a unitary nation divided for administrative purposes into fourteen departments. Below the department level, the country is covered by 262 municipalities. The Metropolitan Area of San Salvador (Area Metropolitana de San Salvador, or AMSS) comprises the Municipality of San Salvador which is the capital city, and twelve neighboring municipalities…There is no metropolitan government in the AMSS…Most municipalities are small. In 1991 only eleven had more than 80,000 inhabitants…Until very recently, El Salvador was one of the most highly centralized countries in Latin America. An uninterrupted succession of harsh military regimes ruled the country from 1931 to 1984. During this period, political parties of all persuasions were practically nonexistent, and local government played an insignificant role in the life of the country” (page 177). “Departmental governors, appointed by the president of the republic, exercised extensive supervision over municipalities under their jurisdiction…This departmental control over local government was carried out through an intermediary administrative tier of thirty-nine districts throughout the country…The civil war that engulfed the country between 1981 and 1992 served as the catalyst that placed decentralization on the political agenda” (page 178). Describes the composition of a town council and the terms of office. “The electoral system is not based on proportional or majority representation…(V)oting is by closed party lists, and the party that wins the largest number of votes automatically takes possession of all council seats. Hence there is no minority representation whatsoever in municipal councils” (page 178).

Nohlen 1993a, 1993b: Electoral information and tables (1993a pages 307-330; 1993b pages 321-347). 2.1) “Evolution of the electorate 1931-1991” gives year, type of elections, population, registered voters (total number and percent of population) and voters (total number, percent of registered voters, and percent of population). 2.2) “Abbreviations of parties and coalitions.” 2.3) “Electoral participation of parties and coalitions 1950-1991” gives party, dates of participation, and the numbers of elections for president and Congress in which they participated. 2.4) “Dates of national elections, plebiscites, and institutional interruptions 1931-1991” includes presidential, congressional, and Constituent Assembly elections. 2.5) “Elections for Constituent Assembly 1950, 1961, and 1982” has two parts: a) gives total and percent of registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and b) gives by party number of votes and percent of total vote, seats won and percent of total seats. 2.6) “Congressional elections 1952-1991 (total numbers)” gives by year registered voters, voters, blank, null, and valid votes and total votes received by each party. 2.7) “Congressional elections 1952-1991 (percentages)” gives the percent of registered voters who voted, the percent of blank, null, and valid votes and the percent of votes received by each party. 2.8) “Composition of Congress 1952-1991” gives by year the total seats and the number and percent of seats held by each party. 2.9) “Presidential elections 1931-1989” gives by year a) the registered voters, the percent who voted, blank, null, and valid votes and b) candidates/parties with their total votes and percent of vote. 2.10) “List of national leaders (presidents, juntas, dictators, generals, etc.) 1898-1991” gives names, dates, and observations on how they came to power and details on electoral issues in their regimes.

Roberts 1924: “The ‘have-nots’ who start revolutions are never the poor or oppressed: they are merely those who feel they have been out of office far too long, and are hounded from the sources of what they have learnt to believe legitimate private supply. Managed elections keep them from power. It must be admitted presidential continuance depends often enough on electoral fraud. There is no ballot, the bulk of the population is practically without letters in the crudest sense. They come to a table where there are armed officials. They give their names and vote, sometimes under stress. But the vote is registered as the man with the roll wills. Districts with a four thousand majority for change have a managed majority of two thousand for none. In the end, unless things get too bad to be borne, and even the President’s friends at last grow discontented and desert him, most people of the educated classes satisfy themselves perforce with enforced order” (pages 120-121).

Schoonover 1991: “U.S. involvement in El Salvador had been quite modest in the nineteenth century because the Central American country lacked size, population, and a Caribbean coastline. The U.S. role changed by the turn of the century following the rapid incorporation of the western United States into the national economy” (page 149). “El Salvador assumed geopolitical importance in the great power competition for transit, communication, and market opportunities in the Pacific” (page 150).

The state of democracy: democracy assessments in eight nations around the world 2002: “El Salvador is a presidential democracy under a constitution promulgated in 1983…The executive president is elected for a single five-year term [and] is commander-in-chief of the armed forces…The 84 members of the single-chamber Assembly are elected for three-year terms by universal suffrage under a form of proportional representation” (page 27). “Presidential elections are held under two-round ballots and Assembly elections under a List PR system…Falling turn-out rates in elections are a major cause of concern” (page 29). “El Salvador: electoral participation, 1988-2000” (page 30). Gives year, type of election, number of registered voters, total votes cast, and participation rate. “The range of choice between parties is restricted by electoral rules that favour large national parties. The two-round ballot for presidential elections polarises the vote between the two large rivals, Arena and the FMLN. Further, parties taking part in other elections must win more than 3 per cent of the total vote (6 percent if in a coalition) or lose the right to representation” (page 30).

Statistical abstract of Latin America 1968: “Presidential and legislative election results” (page 172). Gives for elections from 1950-1966 for presidential elections the date of the election, total vote, and number and percent of votes for major candidates; and for congressional elections the number and percent of votes for major parties.

Tilley 2005: “Indigenous movement in El Salvador, 1965-1996” (page 40). Table gives names of organizations, regions they represent, and the dates they were founded. “The cofradías…were a central participatory mechanism—indeed, the only formally democratic one permitted—for indigenous political life. Each ‘majordomo’ (leader of a cofradía) was elected by the full cofradía membership; the majordomos then elected the alcalde del comun…The alcalde del comun was spokesperson for the entire indigenous population to the state. The alcalde del comun was therefore a key institution in itself, because it allowed for political representation based on genuine internal indigenous hierarchies” (page 112).

Wade 2003: “Election results, 1994, 1997, and 2000 municipal and legislative elections” (page 98). “Votes gained or lost between 1994 and 1997 legislative elections” (page 99). “Political society in El Salvador is extremely polarized. Parties at opposite ends of the political spectrum, ARENA and the FMLN, dominate Salvadoran politics” (page 158). “(M)any small parties are forced to develop coalitions with either ARENA or the FMLN to survive and often lose their identity in the process” (page 159).

Williams, Robert G. 1994: “El Salvador experienced the building of a centralized state during the latter half of the nineteenth century, but the forward thrust of national policy continued from the local foundation of power in the prospering coffee townships. It was not until the end of the century that traditional rivalries were dampened and rule by a unified planter class, with regular four-year transitions was instituted that lasted until the crisis years of the 1930s” (page 207). “In El Salvador, a period of direct rule by oligarchs lasted from 1898 until the late 1920s, with only two presidential terms out of ten occupied by persons who were not coffee barons. A groundswell of popular opposition to oligarchic rule during the 1920s coupled with the crash of the coffee market in 1929-31 forced the retreat of direct oligarchic rule in favor of the military in 1931, though members of the coffee elite continued to hold economic posts…This division of labor, with military officers controlling the presidency and coffee elites participating in economic affairs, lasted until 1979, when the insertion of U.S. military and economic aid to suppress a popular revolution enabled Christian Democrats, who were not backed by the coffee elite, to take over the executive branch of government” (page 223).

Wood 2000: “El Salvador: presidential elections, 1984-1999” (pages 316-317). Gives by party the number of votes and percent of valid votes and gives total valid votes, blank and null ballots, total votes, and total conservative party votes. “El Salvador: legislative elections, 1982-1997” (pages 318-319). Gives by party the number of votes and percent of valid votes and gives total valid votes, blank and null ballots, total votes, and total conservative party votes.

Zamora 1995: “Resultados porcentuales de elecciones a asamblea legislativo y partido 1952-1994" (page 41). Gives percent of vote for ruling party and for principal opposition party. “Composición de votos COPAZ” (page 52). Gives number of representatives from each party. “Elecciones presidenciales 1989 and 1994" (page 56). Gives number and percent of votes for major parties. “Votos obtenidos por el PDC 1982-94" (page 59). Gives type of election, year, number and percent of votes.

Zamora 1997: “The PDC won clear electoral majorities in 1984 and 1985; these, however, were followed by Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) majorities in 1988 and 1989. The 1991 legislative elections produced different results: the ruling party lost its legislative majority but the opposition parties still did not earn a majority, thereby consolidating a political impasse as well” (page 172).