[34]
The Image and the Book; Iconic Cults, Aniconism, and the Rise of Book Religion in Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed. K. van der Toorn, Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology 21 (Leuven: Peeters, 1997).

[38]
Schloen, "Caravans, Kenites, and Casus Belli: Enmity and Alliance in the Song of Deborah," CBQ 55 (1993): 18-38; and The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol: Patrimonialism in Ugarit and the Ancient Near East, Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 2 (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2001). Another entry in the field is L. K. Handy, Among the Host of Heaven; The Syro-Palestinian Pantheon as Bureaucracy (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1994). See the comments on Handy's book made by Schloen (The House of the Father, 356-57) and myself (The Origins of Biblical Monotheism, 52-53).

[40]
Bloch-Smith, Judahite Burials Practices and Beliefs about the Dead, JSOTSup 123, JSOT/ASOR Monograph Series 7 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992). See also her essay, "The Cult of the Dead in Judah: Interpreting the Material Remains," JBL 111 (1992): 213-24. Bloch-Smith's study of the Jerusalem temple remains the most advanced study available on the subject: "'Who is the King of Glory?' Solomon's Temple and Its Symbolism," in Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Philip J. King, ed. M. D. Coogan, J. C. Exum and L. E. Stager (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1994), 18-31, which was republished and modified in M. S. Smith, The Pilgrimage Pattern in Exodus, with contributions by Elizabeth M. Bloch-Smith, JSOTS 239 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997), 85-100. Similarly, her forthcoming study, "Israelite Ethnicity in Iron I," (submitted for publication; my thanks to the author for prepublication access to the article and permission to cite it) advances the current discussion of Israelite identity in the Iron I period. Truth in advertising: see the end of this preface.

[41]
King and Stager, Life in Biblical Israel (Library of Ancient Israel; Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 2001).

[42]
Dever, What did the Biblical Writers Know and When Did They Know It? What Archaeology Can Tell Us about the Reality of Ancient Israel (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2001). See below for further discussion of one point in this book.

[43]
Finkelstein and Silberman, The Bible Unearthed; Archaeology's New Vision of Ancient Israel and the Origin of its Sacred Texts (New York: The Free Press, 2001). See the review of Dever, "Excavating the Hebrew Bible, or Burying It Again?" BASOR 322 (2001):67-77

[45]
Alpert Nakhai, Archaeology and the Religions of Canaan and Israel, ASOR Books 7 (Boston: The American Schools of Oriental Research, 2001). See also Marit Skjeggestad, Facts in the Ground; Biblical History in Archaeological Interpretation of the Iron Age in Palestine (Oslo: Unipub forlag, 2001) (reference courtesy of Tryggve Mettinger).

[52]
Van der Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel; Continuity and Change in the Forms of Religious Life, Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East VII (Leiden: Brill, 1995).

[53]
Van der Toorn, From Her Cradle to Her Grave; The Role of Religion in the Life of the Israelite and the Babylonian Woman, The Bible Seminar 23 (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1994). See also M. I. Gruber, The Motherhood of God And Other Studies, South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism 57 (Atlanta: Scholars, 1992).

[54]
Schloen, The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol, 349-57 See also his article, "The Exile of Disinherited Kin in KTU 112 and KTU 1.23," JNES 52 (1993): 209-20.

[58]
Anderson, A Time to Mourn, A Time to Dance; The Expression of Grief and Joy in Israelite Religion (University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University, 1991); Olyan, Rites and Rank; Hierarchy in Biblical Representations of Cult (Princeton: Princeton, 2000); and Wright, Ritual in Narrative; The Dynamics of Feasting, Mourning and Retaliation Rites in the Ugaritic Tale of Aqhat (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2000).

[59]
See the discussions of Dever and Finkelstein in the mid-1990s: Dever, "Ceramics, Ethnicity, and the Question of Israel's Origins," BA 58 (1995): 206-10; "'Will the Real Israel Please Stand Up?' Archaeology and Israelite Historiography: Part I," BASOR 297 (1995): 61-80, and "'Will the Real Israel Please Stand Up?': Part II: Archaeology and the Religions of Ancient Israel," BASOR 298 (1995): 37-58; Finkelstein, "Ethnicity and the Origins of the Iron I Settlers in the Highlands of Canaan: Can the Real Israel Stand Up?" BA 59 (1996): 198-212. See further Bloch-Smith, "Israelite Ethnicity in Iron I," (submitted for publication).

[60]
For example, see the essays in M. Brett, ed., Ethnicity in the Bible (ed. M. Brett; Leiden/New York/Köln: Brill, 1996); and B. McKay, "Ethnicity and Israelite Religion: The Anthropology of Social Boundaries in Judges" (Ph. D. diss., University of Toronto, 1997).

[61]
For example, R. R. Wilson, Prophecy and Society in Ancient Israel (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1980). See the review of the latter by G. W. Ahlström in JNES 44 (1985): 217-20.

[63]
See the works by Berlinerblau cited in the preceding note. See also N. K. Gottwald, "Social Class as an Analytic and Hermeneutical Category in Biblical Studies," JBL 112 (1993): 3-22.

[64]
For some studies of popular religion in European studies (by year), see N. Z. Davis, "Some Tasks and Themes in the Study of Popular Religion," in In the Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion, ed. C. Trinkaus and H. A. Oberman (Leiden: Brill, 1974), 307-36; P. M. Vovelle, "La religion populaire: Problèmes et méthodes," Le monde alpin et rhodanien 5 (1977): 7-32; H. Vrijhof and J. Waardenburg, eds., Official and Popular Religion; Analysis of a Theme for Religious Studies, Religion and Society 19 (The Hague: Mouton, 1979); and K. L. Jolly, Popular Religion in Late Saxon England; Elf Charms in Context (Chapel Hill, NC/London: University of North Carolina, 1996).

[65]
Blomquist, Gates and Gods; Cults in the City Gates of Iron Age Palestine. An Investigation of the Archaeological and Biblical Sources, ConBOT 46 (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1999).

[67]
For further discussion and bibliography, see M. S. Smith, Untold Stories; The Bible and Ugaritic Studies in the Twentieth Century (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 2001), 192-93.

[68]
For this perspective, I am indebted to E. M. Bloch-Smith, "Israelite Ethnicity in Iron I," which draws on the work of S. Cornell, "That's the Story of Our Life," in We Are a People; Narrative and Multiplicity in Constructing Ethnic Identity, ed. P. Spickard and W. J. Burroughs; PHladelphia: Temple University, 2000), 43-44. Cf. the emphasis placed on traditional narrative in Schloen, The House of the Father as Fact and Symbol, 29-48.

[80]
The complexity of the interrelated features of orality, reading, writing and interpretation has been underscored for prophecy in the book, Writings and Speech in Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern Prophecy, ed. E. Ben-Zvi and M. H. Floyd, SBL Symposium 10 (Atlanta, GA: Society of Biblical Literature, 2000). See also A. Schart, "Combining Prophetic Oracles in Mari Letters and Jeremiah 36," JANES 23 (1995): 75-93.

[81]
For some initial comments about Second Isaiah as a written composition, see below Chapter Six, section four. For reading, writing and interpretation in Second Isaiah, see the important study of B. D. Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture; Allusion in Isaiah 40-66, Contraversions. Jews and Other Differences (Stanford: Stanford University, 1998). Daniel 9 is a written representation of the model of inspired interpretation of the explicitly named prophetic figure of Jeremiah.

[89]
A convenient listing of their works can be found in Dever, What did the Biblical Writers Know. However, I do not condone the rhetoric in this work; indeed, it is the very sort of rhetoric which he deplores in their publications. See also Dever, "Histories and Nonhistories of Ancient Israel," BASOR 316 (1999): 89-105.

[91]
For example, see Brettler, The Creation of History in Ancient Israel (London/New York: Routledge, 1995); and Halpern, The First Historians; The Hebrew Bible and History (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1988). See also F. A. J. Nielsen, The Tragedy in History; Herodotus and the Deuteronomistic History, JSOTSup 251, Copenhagen International Seminar 4 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1997).

[92]
See Brettler, The Creation of History in Ancient Israel, 20-47, esp. 46.

[96]
See R. S. Hess, "A Comparison of the Ugarit, Emar and Alalakh Archives," in Ugarit; Religion and Culture; Proceedings of the International Colloquium. Edinburgh July 1994, ed. N. Wyatt, UBL 12 (Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 1996), 75-84. See also in the same volume M. Dietrich, "Aspects of the Babylonian Impact on Ugaritic Literature and Religion," 33-48.

[107]
Ackerman, "The Queen Mother and the Cult in Ancient Israel," JBL 112 (1993): 385-401. The reasoning has been criticized by B. Halpern, "The New Names of Isaiah 62:4: Jeremiah's Reception in the Restoration and the Politics of 'Third Isaiah'," JBL 117 (1998): 640 n. 46.

[110]
Hadley, The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah; Evidence for a Hebrew Goddess, University of Cambridge Oriental Publications 57 (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 2001).

[111]
Cross (letter to me, dated 7 December 1998) comments in reference to this debate: "If you want syncretism in the Hebrew Bible, there is plenty of material to be found without manufacturing it."

[112]
Smith, The Early History of God, 80-97.

[113]
D. V. Edelman's criticism that if ’aserâ is not the goddess but only a symbol, then 1 Kings 15:13 would attest to an image made for an image; see Edelman, "Introduction," in The Triumph of Elohim, 18.

[115]
See the discussions of Mettinger, Na'aman and others noted in section 1 above.

[116]
J. Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan, 45.

[117]
See 2 Chron 15:16, discussed by Hadley, The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah, 66.

[118]
See Judg 3:7 discussed by Hadley, The Cult of Asherah in Ancient Israel and Judah, 63-64.

[119]
J. Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan, 46 n. 12.

[120]
As noted by Hadley (The Evidence for Asherah, 7, 67), a later article of mine characterizes Asherah as a goddess in Israel in the Iron Age. See Smith, "Yahweh and the Other Deities of Ancient Israel: Observations on Old Problems and Recent Trends," in Ein Gotte allein? JHWH-Verehrung und biblischer Monotheismus im Kontext der israelitischen und altorientalischen Religionsgeshichte, ed. W. Dietrich and M. A. Klopfenstein, OBO 139 (Freiburg: Universitätsverlag; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1994), 206. Hadley's discussion of my position may give the impression that it is contradictory, that sometimes I claim Asherah was a goddess in the Iron Age, elsewhere that she was not. In fact, there is no contradiction in my writing on this point, since the article speaks of the Iron Age (in a summary statement on p. 206), whereas the book distinguishes matters between Iron I and Iron II.

[121]
See O. Loretz, Review of The Early History of God, UF 22 (1990): 514: "The author thus exposes himself...as unwilling to view the new evidence without the deuteronomistic filter."