Nelson Mandela - communist, terrorist, rabble-rouser !

Historian and former deputy leader of the HNP - Dr Pieter Möller - wrote this biography of Nelson Mandela.

The Mandela Legend:

Webster defines a legend as “a story generally of a
marvellous character, told respecting a saint”. It has an historical
background, but is often padded and tainted by fantasy. In Mandela’s
case, when the facts are viewed realistically and objectively, any
sensible person will no longer see a saint, but a fantasy blown up to
something supernatural. It will become clear that a false image of the
so-called beloved Madiba is being presented to the world. He is by no
means the peace-loving, gentle daddy he is made out to be, but nothing
less than a tyrant. He did not spend 27 years in jail for no reason, as
continuously maintained. One example of these untruthful presentations
appeared in the London Independent, May 1993: “Nelson Mandela is
a noble man ... imprisoned for 27 years for his dedication to the cause
of Black majority in South Africa”.

How much of such misrepresentation could be
ascribed to naive parrot-talk and how much to deliberate communist
propaganda cannot easily be determined. The truth is that he was not
imprisoned on Robben Island without reason – not even because he was
merely an opponent of apartheid. He was there because he planned to
overthrow a government and in the process, cause the violent deaths of
thousands of innocent people (including blacks) – a crime which deserved
the death penalty, and he must consider himself fortunate that the
so-called apartheid-regime did not press for it. In his auto-biography Long Walk to Freedom,
het admits inter alia that he gave the order to plant the Church Street
bomb during the 80's, which killed 11 innocent people and injured many
more.

In spite of this he was built up to an icon and held
up as “a man of reconciliation”, as “essentially moderate, a man of
special discernment, a courageous freedom fighter”. His international
praise singers went as far as comparing him to Moses and George
Washington. Topping them all was the American negro, Jesse Jackson, who
blasphemously lifted him to the level of Jesus Christ. What is equally
dumbfounding is that the post-1966 SA government hardly ever tried to
unmask the real Mandela or his share in the Rivonia complot or his close
bonds with the ANC/SACP, or to enlighten the public as to the aims of
this alliance.

This
enormous soviet flag was displayed at ANC mass rallies. Communist
leaders such as Joe Slovo were not only present as dignitaries, but
later occupied key posts within the ANC government.

Pre-History of Mandela:

Rolihlahla Dalibungu (“Nelson” was added later)
Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 at Mvezo (according to the biography
published by the Nelson Mandela Foundation) or at Qunu (according to Aida Parker),
near Umtata in the Transkei, as a member of the royal Thembu family.
His education started in the local mission school, from where he was
sent to the Clarkebury Boarding Institute for his Junior Certificate.
Then to the Healdtown Wesleyan High School where he matriculated.
According to the biography of the Mandela Foundation (hereinafter
referred to as the Biography) he then entered the Fort Hare
University as a BA-student, but was expelled for taking part in a
protest boycott. In 1941 he moved to Johannesburg, as he says, to
escape from an arranged marriage. There Walter Sisulu took him under
his wing, housed him in his mother’s house, supported him financially
and encouraged him to join the ANC, which he did in 1943. According to
the Biography Sisulu arranged for him to do his clerkship at the
law firm of Lazar Sidelsky. He completed his BA degree at Unisa in
1942 and shortly afterwards enrolled at the University of the
Witwatersrand for an LL.B degree which he had not passed by the time he
left in 1948. A few years later though he did pass the entrance
examination and started a legal practice in Johannesburg in August 1952.

In 1944 he became a founder member, probably with
Sisulu and Oliver Tambo, of the ANC Youth League, which soon developed
into militant organisation designed to canvas potential communists and
apply pressure on the ANC to opt for more violence. Five years later
these three were in total control of the Youth League and thus
effectively also of the ANC. Mandela was elected in 1949 to the
National Executive Committee of the ANC and became president of the
Youth League the following year. In 1952 he was nominated as voluntary
head of the “Defiance Campaign”, formed to incite opponents of the
apartheid policy to civil disobedience. These undermining activities
regularly landed him into trouble and he received several suspended
sentences which restricted his freedom of movement. Later, in 1952, he
was elected Provincial President of the ANC in Transvaal and Deputy
President of the ANC. Meanwhile, his patron, Sisulu, had become the
first full time Secretary-General of the ANC. After the events at
Sharpeville on 21 March 1960, the organisation was banned and went
underground. Since then Mandela emerged as the leading proponent of
the violence option to overthrow the SA government. The current image
of a “man of peace” does not fit the man who in 1961, with Joe Slovo,
founded Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of the ANC, as
the main instrument to launch a communist revolution in SA. In the
same year Mandela became chief commander and, according to Joe Slovo in
his book South Africa – No Middle Road, shortly afterwards left
for Africa and Europe to muster support for an armed struggle and
training facilities for ANC cadres. He also personally underwent
military training in Algeria in 1962. Towards the end of that year,
thanks to Mandela’s efforts, there were already hundreds of ANC youths
in revolutionary training in Cuba, Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, North
Korea, Russia, China, East Germany and Czecho-Slovakia. In the same
year Mandela was arrested for undermining activities and jailed for five
years. In the Rivonia trial (1963-1964) he was found guilty and jailed
for life.

Mandela was married three times and divorced twice. His first marriage was to Evelyn Mase (according to the Biography) or Ntoko (according to Aida Parker)
from which four children were born. From his second marriage with
Winnie Madikizela in June 1958 two daughters were born. On his 80th birthday in 1998 he married Graca Machel, widow of Samora Machel of Mocambique.

"Long live the Cuban Revolution. Long live comrade Fidel Castro" - Nelson Mandela

Exalted to Symbol of the ANC Struggle

Reportedly it was decided in 1976 to “personalise”
the so-called struggle, which resulted in Mandela being glorified to a
symbol of the struggle as well as a martyr. Why him, is difficult to
determine, as both Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki, who were also serving
sentences on Robben Island, were his seniors in all respects. It would
appear as if Winnie Mandela’s image, which was also being polished at
the time, had something to do with it. With appellations like “Mother
of the Nation” (Mama Wetu), “Warrior Queen”, “Black Evita” and
”The Madonna of the Left” the local and international media boosted her
reputation to almost that of a goddess. In contrast, Albertina Sisulu,
Walter’s wife and a cousin of Mandela, was reportedly rather humdrum.
Author is not aware that Mbeki’s wife ever featured in the public eye.

It is equally not clear where this idea of image
building originated. Dr Igor Glagolev, who was for years instrumental
in obtaining Soviet support for South African terrorist movements but
later deviated to the West, states that the Russian (USSR) Politburo had
decided towards the end of 1950 to start a campaign to take over South
Africa. That in itself was not new, because the International Communist
Congress of 1928 had already instructed the Communist Party of South
Africa (SACP) to give special attention to the ANC and to convert the
organisation to a national revolutionary movement in order to overthrow
the White administration. Yusuf Dadoo, then chairman of the SACP, would
play an important role in these plans, as he had been in control of not
only the SACP but also of the ANC, since 1950. The USSR was of course
also behind the civil wars in Angola and Mocambique as well as terrorism
in the rest of Southern Africa.

Ironically it was the Western countries like
England, America and the Scandinavian countries that financed the
terrorist movements in Southern Africa in later years. They also
actively participated with the international Communist network in
building the Mandela image, referring to him as the man who would save
South Africa – the black Messiah to come. This active support of the
ANC by the Western powers was thus also the reason why, worldwide, there
was hardly any criticism against the ANC’s campaign of violence. How
deeply the West was involved is borne out by the fact that the ANC
headquarters were not in a Communist country, but in London.

This
child was a "necklace" murder victim. Take a car tire, some fuel,
binding wire to keep the victim cooperative - and a match. The ANC's
sole contribution to modern warfare.

Even before the advent of the Republic the enemies
of the Whites in South Africa were intensively busy with undermining
activities. In 1960, the ANC was banned and went underground. When it
became known that South Africa would become a republic, the ANC convened
the All African Conference where it was decided to insist on a national
convention, representative of all South Africans, before it became a
reality. Should it be denied, a countrywide strike would be staged.
This did take place in May 1961 but was effectively squashed by the
government. The ANC then decided to continue its protest by means of
violence and for this reason MK (Spear of the Nation) was established.
On 16 December 1961 the ANC issued a manifest, displayed mostly on posts
in the black areas, in which it detailed its strategy for violence
against government institutions by means of sabotage. On the same day
the country was rocked by sabotage attacks, which escalated
progressively in the years to come. During 1963 pamphlets were even
distributed amongst Whites. Most of the early acts of sabotage were
planned and coordinated from Ronnie Kasrils’ flat in Johannesburg with
Nelson Mandela and Joe Slovo actively involved.

Initially the South African Police were unaware of
the existence of MK but in due course they determined that this
organisation was responsible for the sabotage attacks. Although they
managed to arrest many of the insurgents who had received military
training outside South Africa, often as soon as they re-entered the
country, they were in the dark as to who the leaders were. Meanwhile
the ANC became more arrogant and started with revolutionary broadcasts
on Radio Freedom from mid-1963. The situation changed overnight
when an informant supplied theJohannesburg Security Police with details
of the whereabouts of the MK leaders. On 11 July 1963 in broad
daylight, 15 policemen commanded by a Lt van Wyk raided Liliesleaf, the
28ha farm of Arthur Goldreich in Rivonia, 16km north of Johannesburg,
and rounded up the surprised bunch of communists consisting of eight
Jews, four blacks and one Indian. Since Mandela was already in jail,
Goldreich had taken over as the main conspirator. With him and his wife
Hazel, the listed communist Lionel Bernstein, adv Bob Hepple, Dennis
Goldberg, attorney James Kantor and his brother-in-law and partner
Harold Wolpe, dr Fernstein, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu, Raymond Mhlaba
and Ahmed Kathrada were arrested. Goldreich, Wolpe and Hepple managed
to skip the country. The SACP moved its underground headquarters from
Lilliesleaf to London.

Thanks to more information gained the police were
able to swoop on another farm, Travallyn, 14km from Lilliesleaf, a few
weeks later. This turned out to be not only a second hideaway but an
arms factory as well. A third hide-out was uncovered in Mountain View,
Pretoria.

These raids rendered many incriminating documents, the most important being the one which described Operation Mayibuye
(“come back”) in detail – the master plan for subverting the South
African government. The documents revealed ample evidence that Mandela
was the chief conspirator. Some of Mandela’s diaries were found,
containing evidence of his subversive activities, his involvement with
sabotage, his visits to and discussions with African leaders, his
participation in meetings of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis
Abeba and his speech imploring these states to become involved in his
struggle against White rule in South Africa. In addition a large
collection of equipment to be used in the launching of Operation Mayibuye.

The accused first appeared in court on 9 October
1963 and again on 29 October and 25 November, but due to legal
technicalities the case only started in earnest on 3 December 1963. The
accused were Mandela, Sisulu, Goldberg, Mbeki, Bernstein, Hepple,
Mhlaba, Kantor, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni. To save his own
skin Hepple turned state witness but escaped overseas before the session
on 3 December, after he and his family received all sorts of threats.
Vernon Ezra, Julius First (brother of Slovo’s first wife Ruth), Kasrils,
Slovo, Oliver Tambo (first president of the ANC) and Strachan also fled
the country before they could be accused.

The accused faced charges of sabotage, including
deeds of sabotage, committing of illegal deeds, canvassing persons for
training in warfare, manufacture and use of explosives with the aim to
commit violence and cause destruction (altogether 153 acts of violence
were listed) and conspiracy to engage in guerrilla-warfare with the aid
of foreign armies. Plans included the manufacture of 48 000 land mines
and large quantities of hand grenades, pipe, petrol and bottle bombs.
These were to be unscrupulously applied; camouflaged in the most
innocent packages like fruit boxes, coffee and jam tins and placed in
soft spots like footpaths and entrances to gardens, with the aim to
achieve maximum deaths, maiming and destruction.

Dr Percy Yutar appeared for the state, while Justice
Quartus de Wet, Justice President of Transvaal presided. The accused
were represented by advocates A (Braam) Fischer, VC Berrange, both
listed communists, A Chaskalson, G Bizos and JF Coaker (for Kantor). JJ
Joffe was the counselling attorney. Although the state identified 270
witnesses, it was only necessary to summon 173 of them, since the
documentary evidence was so damning and at no stage during the trial did
the accused ever challenge the authenticity of the documents seized,
nor their revolutionary aims. Amongst the documents were 10 papers in
Mandela’s own handwriting, explaining basic warfare, Chinese guerrilla
warfare, Israeli-Philippine underground military operations and how the
Witwatersrand locations were to be divided into four groups. Further
divisions into zones were to facilitate the formation of underground
cells.

An alarming scheme unfolded itself during the hearing. Operation Mayibuye
was without doubt a master plan for full scale war and it was clear
that the designers were experts in revolutionary warfare. Most
probably it originated in some communist country like Russia, Red China,
Cuba or Algeria, which already had a history of revolution. Both
Mandela and Goldreich were regular visitors to these countries, where
many ANC conscripts were trained in the manufacture and application of
destructive instruments. For example, Goldreich, the author of Operation Mayibuye,
was trained in explosive techniques in Russia, China and Germany, and
several other of his accomplices received training in the use of various
weapons, map and compass reading, radio communication, signalling and
the setting of ambushes.

In the detailed strategy all relevant matters such
as logistic planning and transport were fully dealt with. The attacks
would take place mainly in the platteland and to this end the country
was divided into four regions. Each region would be invaded by a
guerrilla force which had to be self supportive for about a month. On
arrival they were to split up into three smaller groups of 10 men each
and then, by deception and intimidation, influence the locals to join
them. It also came to light that the ANC grossly deceived their
ordinary members as later directives were issued directly from the
SACP. Mandela also stated in one of his papers that South Africa under
communist rule would be a land of milk and honey.

While the local cadres carried on with their
undermining activities an external force of 7 000 strong would be
equipped and on standby to invade the country. An interim government
were to be appointed, which could rely on the support of international
labour unions to isolate the Republic. The supreme command of Operation Mayibuye
(Mandela, Slovo and Joe Modise) were convinced that if the plan could
be finalised successfully within six months, a wave of murder and grand
scale carnage would follow, which would eventually lead to the
achievement of their aim.

Organisations which cooperated in the planning of this diabolical scheme formed part of the Congress Alliance and included the ANC, SACP, SA Congress of Trade Unions, the Coloured People’s Congress and the Congress of Democrats.

Most witnesses refused to testify under oath, thus
avoiding cross examination. Mandela, as accused number one, had a typed
speech of 60 pages, which was distributed beforehand through leftist
channels in order to rouse sympathy for the accused, and which he
dramatically recited at conclusion of the court proceedings.

During an interview in 1990 it was revealed that the “I am prepared to die”
speech was not written by himself, but that all the accused and most
probably their legal representatives had a hand in it, and that Anthony
Sampson, former editor of Drum magazine and good friend of
archbishop Trevor Huddleston, at the request of Braam Fischer, was
responsible for the final editing.

On 4 March 1964 the state closed its case and the
court went into recession for a month to give the defence time to
prepare their case. On 11 June 1964, exactly 11 months after the raid
on Lilliesleaf, justice De Wet delivered his verdict in three
minutes flat. The final version given later comprised 72 pages. Only
Bernstein was found not guilty but he was arrested again as he left the
court, on charges under the Suppression of Communism Act. Even the editor of the Rand Daily Mail,
fierce opponent of apartheid, had to agree that “the sentences
pronounced by Mr Justice de Wet yesterday at the conclusion of the
Rivonia trial were both wise and just”.

This did not conclude the police investigation.
Within a month after the case they closed in on more than 100 homes and
arrested another 40 persons, 30 of them Whites.

Although this was a classic case of high treason and
punishable under the law of the day by death, the whole world was
surprised when dr Yutar announced at the start of the trial that the
state had decided to lay charges of sabotage only. To this day it is
not known why – no one has ever offered an explanation for this
decision. Justice De Wet also stated that although the accused were
guilty of high treason he could only pass sentence on the charge of
conspiracy, the maximum for which was life imprisonment.

The verdict set in motion a world-wide vitriolic
reaction and even the UN insisted that the accused should be indemnified
because they were only opposing apartheid, yet Amnesty International
declared that Mandela could not claim to be a political prisoner, since
he was guilty of sabotage and violence. The South African government
did not yield to any pressure and dr HF Verwoerd severely criticised the
world for their double standards, using several examples to prove his
stance. He made this prophetic statement: “When they say they are glad
Mandela was not sentenced to death and he may still, like Kenyatta [the
Mau-Mau leader of Kenya] become the leader in the future – then I say:
God forbid.”

Church
street bomb carnage - Nelson Mandela created the terrorist group called
"Mkhonto we sizwe" (MK for short). MK murdered far more black people
than white, and far more civilians than police or military, as in the
Church street bomb shown above.

Mandela and Communism

One of the documents, in his own handwriting, handed in as evidence in trial was titled How to be a Good Communist,
in which he states categorically that the transition from capitalism to
socialism could not be brought about by the slow methods proposed by
the liberals, but only by revolution. He further maintains that
studying the Marxist philosophy is necessary to get firmer control over
revolutionary mass action (struggle) and continues: “The Communist
movement still faces powerful enemies which must be completely crushed
and wiped from the face of the earth before a Communist world can be
realised.” This view was later endorsed by every local communist.

However, not all ANC’s were impressed with
Mandela’s communist sympathies. The Anti-Marxists amongst them were
“infuriated at the manner in which Mandela and other ANC leaders have
allowed the former Black nationalist movement to be hijacked by the
SACP”. How right they were was confirmed in an article by Angela Davis,
Communist party leader in the USA, published December 1991 in the
official organ of the American Communist Party. She quotes Brian
Dunning, a veteran member of the SACP, who reveals that every member of
the SACP is also a member of the ANC.

Equally the ambitious young ANC leader and Secretary General of the National Union of Mineworkers,
Cyril Ramaphosa, was at loggerheads with Walter Sisulu, in this case,
over the future leadership of the ANC. At the Lusaka council held in
January 1990 he openly declared that many others continued the struggle
while Mandela was imprisoned and “Mr Mandela should not expect to vault
over the heads of those who have carried on the struggle”. This
explains why Ramaphosa was side-tracked by both Mandela and Mbeki, and
thus never considered for the ANC presidency.

Mandela never made any secret of the close ties
between the ANC and the SACP. In his first speech after his release in
1990 he referred to his friend and brother-in-arms, Joe Slovo, as “one
of our finest patriots”. Apart from his co-conspirators at Rivonia and
co-prisoners on Robben Island his preference for communists clearly
showed in his cabinet and other appointments after 10 May 1994. Steve
Tshwete, Joel Netshitendze, Sidney Mufamadi, Valli Moosa, Trevor Manuel,
Alfred Nzo, Cheril Carolus, John Nkadimeng and Tito Mboweni were all
communists, according to Aida Parker Newsletter. Chris Hani
declared that Mandela never took decisions on his own but always first
consulted with his confidants, thus making sure that he had the support
of most of his comrades. Hani puts it this way in the International Express,
4-10 February 1993: “However much the West may admire and fete him as a
brave individual, Mandela has debts to pay and forces to placate”.

Mandela has never Denounced Violence

Mandela pretends to be a proponent of peace who
bears no thoughts of vengeance towards his opponents, but the realities
belies this image. Apart from the communists and Afrikaner-haters
which, thanks to his efforts, have been placed in prominent positions,
his promotion of Peter Mokaba (of Kill the Farmer, Kill te Boer
fame) to deputy minister speaks unquestionably of his hatred for the
Afrikaner. Equally, the appointment of the so-called Truth and
Reconciliation Commission, loaded with opponents of the previous
government, reflects his attitude towards the Afrikaner people. No
truth and no reconciliation ensued from this circus chaired by Desmond
Tutu and its sole purpose was to humiliate the Afrikaner.

It is clear that his “peace” comes from the barrel of an AK47. Aida Parker
says that “compassion or feeling for the human condition have seldom if
ever played any role in his actions”. As early as 1961 Mandela
declared: “I and some colleagues came to the conclusion that as violence
in this country was inevitable, it would be wrong and unrealistic for
African leaders to continue preaching peace and non-violence at a time
when the government met our peaceful demands with force.” This
statement about government action is also not true. Should terrorists,
saboteurs and subverters be treated with kid gloves? The government
acted in accordance with the barbarous realities it was confronted
with. Any other government would have done the same.

Many similar statements by Mandela brought millions
of young blacks under the impression that the ANC/SACP ideal would be
achieved by violence only. In order to mobilise them Mandela himself
told them that if they wanted weapons, they must join MK. This
recommendation of violence was a free pass to anarchy, and Mandela
should take full blame for the violence which erupted over South Africa,
and persists to this day. The extent of the carnage is illustrated by
these statistics for the five years September 1984 to August 1989: 1 770
schools, 7 187 homes of black owners suspected to be non-members of the
ANC, 10 318 buses, 152 trains, 12 188 private vehicles,1 256 shops and
factories, 60 post offices, 47 churches and 30 clinics were destroyed.
During the same period, 300 blacks were murdered, mostly by the
barbarous “necklace” method. The killing and mayhem has never stopped
and latest statistics show that 56 persons per day are being murdered in
South Africa, not to mention the rapes, armed and transito robberies,
hijackings and house breaking. Two million crimes are being committed
annually of which less than half are ever solved, because the police are
incompetent and themselves corrupt.

That crime is rife was acknowledged as early as 2001
by the then Commissioner of Police, Jackie Selebi. A newspaper reported
at the time that he admitted that 600 crime syndicates are active in
South Africa. Since then regular reports informed us that the Russian
and Sicilian Mafia, as well as drug lords from Nigeria and elsewhere are
thriving in South Africa, and that this country has indeed become the
crime Mecca of the world. That is the wonderful heritage of Mandela and
the ANC/SACP. Meanwhile the poor, black and white, are poorer than ever
before while a few elitist blacks are getting stinking rich.

After it became known that Mandela was to receive
the Nobel prize for peace, the ANC published a statement to the effect
that Mandela has always liberally supported the armed wing of the ANC
financially, it is likely that he would donate a sizable portion of his
R3,1 million to MK. That is the man who, according to the international
media, is an ardent promoter of peace!

This
child was an ANC landmine victim. Smuggling in thousands of landmines
was one of the charges which landed Mandela in prison.

The National Party (NP) and Mandela

On 2 February 1990 FW de Klerk delivered his now
notorious Red Friday speech in which he announced that Mandela would be
released, despite the continuing violence in the country. Interesting
to note that while so many tears are being shed about Mandela’s 27
wasted years in jail, Aida Parker reports that John Vorster
suggested, as early as 1976, that he could be released if he would
settle in the Transkei with his brother-in-law Kaiser Matanzima.
Mandela refused the offer – he thought it would be an acceptance of the
NP’s homeland policy. Aida Parker also reveals that, shortly
after that the Marxist MPLA offered to exchange a Major of the South
African Forces, who had been captured in Cabinda, for Mandela’s
release. Mandela also refused that.

In March 1982 he was transferred to Pollsmoor prison
in Cape Town. In 1984 there were serious discussions within the NP to
release him, but the revolutionary climate that had moved in over South
Africa did not allow it. It appears that Mandela knew all about these
discussions and that encouraged him to take the initiative to write a
letter to Kobie Coetzee, Minister of Justice. Thereafter he was
transferred to a single cell and discussions between him and Coetzee
started in 1986. It is reported that the government went as far as to
secretly move him to the luxurious three bedroomed house, until then
occupied by the Chief of Pollsmoor prison, and provide him with all the
necessary facilities to communicate with the ANC’s in exile. Even a
chef was appointed to cook to his desire. During December 1988 he was
transferred to the Victor Verster prison, near the Paarl. Chris Hani, a
hardened communist and commander of MK who, like Mao Tse Tsung,
believed that power comes from the barrel of a gun, revealed during the
years immediately prior to the De Klerk capitulation that he had free
access to Mandela and needed only to pick up the phone to make an
appointment when he felt like it.

PW Botha was also eager to free Mandela and invited
him to Tuynhuis for discussions on 5 July 1989. Botha was willing to
release him the moment he denounced violence. Although Mandela
indicated that he would like to contribute towards the creation of a
climate of peace, it is doubtful whether he is to be believed, as this
would not have fitted his revolutionary character and future plans. It
would also have been a repudiation of the ANC’s violence option which
led to the founding of MK. Mandela never denounced violence, yet De
Klerk released him on 11 February 1990, and at the same time un-banned
organisations like the ANC and SACP.

During a visit to the USA, on invitation of the CP
of that country, Hani predicted that South Africa will get a communist
government. It is unthinkable that the SA government did not take
notice. Yet it appears that De Klerk was so eager to negotiate with
this terrorist organisation that he did not want the Whites be informed
about the true nature of the ANC or similar statements by Hani and other
radicals in the ANC/SACP. Thus the NP did everything in its power to
present a moderate image of the ANC to the electorate. Even the
Intelligence Service received orders not to investigate or expose any
ANC activities which would impair this image. When the Aida Parker Newsletter
wanted to publish the horrid details of the ANC’s hell camps, they
tried to prevent it, fortunately without success. Naturally the NP also
hushed the details of the revolutionary plans foreseen by Operation Mayibuye that came to light in the Rivonia trial; the fewer people that knew about it, the better.

We are still enjoying the results of this surrender
politics. Not only has the country been destroyed and transformed from a
first world country to a third world dump, but the process is
unabated. It now appears as if the reigning anarchy caused by strikes
and violent protests against poor service levels (mostly by people who
do not even pay for those services!) is but a smoke screen, and in fact
is purposefully directing us towards the start of the second revolution,
as planned by the ANC/SACP. As Dr Verwoerd said: God forbid.

Even foreign observers have pointed out that the ANC
regime is corrupt and incompetent. Shortly after the ANC takeover,
British historian Paul Johnson expressed the view in The Spectator
of February 1995: “South Africa is a country afflicted by crime and
corruption, with tumbling standards and a population doomed to a poverty
stricken and carnal existence”. Under a socialist-communist regime
Mandela’s promise of a land of milk and honey has come to nought! How
can such a terrorist be regarded as a hero?

Conclusion

Not only has the deterioration on all levels
escalated since 1994, but 30 000 Whites have been murdered, often in the
most ghastly manner. The policy of “affirmative action” is the most
inhumane discrimination against Whites. The fact that so many
Afrikaners have lost their jobs, and by law cannot find new employment,
has caused untold misery, while black millionaires increase annually.
It is estimated that 10% of Afrikaners have been reduced to beggary in
squatter camps, with all the social and other evils ensuing from that.
All the result of the De Klerk treason which put Mandela into power.

It is ironic that people should clamour to declare
18 July as international Mandela-day, almost as ironic as awarding the
Nobel Peace prize to Mandela and De Klerk. Now one understands why God
revealed in the Bible that there will be difficult times ahead for the
Christian, times in which men would rather “not endure sound doctrine;
but after their own lusts shall they heap to themselves teachers,
having itching ears; and they shall turn away their ears from the truth,
and shall be turned unto fable”, when wrong will be right and the lie
will be the truth.

Dr Pieter Möller (July 2009).

English translation by Hennie Kasselman

www.adequacy.org

Interesting comment from a neutral website:

"So there we have it. Mandela. Blew up a
few buildings, went to prison for years, came out and destroyed his
country's economy. Quite a record. Ironically, he was probably
responsible for more deaths through his disastrous stewardship of the
economy than Umkhonto we Sizwe ever managed to knock off during the
armed struggle."

Church street bomb carnage - Nelson Mandela created the terrorist group called "Mkhonto we sizwe" (MK for short). MK murdered far more black people than white, and far more civilians than police or military, as in the Church street bomb shown above.