Please note: You need to have 'Active content' enabled in your IE browser in order to see the index of articles on this webpage

Violent Crackdown Fuels Deepening Crisis

02 May 2007 18:42:09 GMTSource:
Human Rights Watch

†(Johannesburg, May 2, 2007) ? The Zimbabwean
government should end its violent crackdown on the political opposition,
civil society activists, and even ordinary Zimbabweans in neighborhoods seen
as opposition strongholds, Human Rights Watch said in a report released
today. Human Rights Watch called on South African President Thabo Mbeki-who
has a mandate from the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to
address Zimbabwe's political crisis-to make human rights a central part of
his planned mediation talks between the ruling party and the
opposition.

"President Mbeki has a chance to push for an end to the
massive human rights violations that are fueling Zimbabwe's crisis," said
Georgette Gagnon, deputy Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "Leaders of
SADC countries should take a stronger stance against the appalling human
rights situation in Zimbabwe."

The 39-page report, "Bashing Dissent:
Escalating Violence and State Repression in Zimbabwe," documents the
Zimbabwean government's crackdown on peaceful protest and dissent since
March. Based on two weeks of research in Harare, Bulawayo, Masvingo, Mutare,
and Bindura, the report provides first-hand accounts of the government's
widespread and systematic abuses against opposition members and civil
society activists, as well as its increasingly violent repression of
ordinary Zimbabweans in Harare's densely populated
suburbs.

"Arbitrary arrests, detentions, and brutal beatings by police
and security forces skyrocketed in March and April, and continue unabated,"
said Gagnon. "The Zimbabwean government is violating the human rights of its
citizens with impunity."

The Save Zimbabwe Campaign-a broad coalition
of Zimbabwean civil society organizations and members of the political
opposition-attempted to hold a prayer meeting in the Harare suburb of
Highfield on March 11. As hundreds of people streamed into the Zimbabwe
Grounds, heavily armed riot police launched a brutal and unprovoked attack
on them, beating people with batons and rifle butts and injuring dozens in
an effort to prevent the meeting from taking place. Police arrested scores
of opposition members and civil society activists, including the leaders of
the two factions of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The
MDC members and civil society activists who were arrested were then held at
various police stations around Harare, and many of them were brutally beaten
by police and security agents in detention.

The report also documents
how police have used disproportionate and lethal force against unarmed
activists, resulting in the death of one activist and serious injuries to
several others. At the March 12 funeral of MDC member Gift Tandare, who was
shot dead by police on March 11 in the immediate aftermath of the prayer
meeting in Harare, two MDC supporters were seriously injured when police
opened fire on mourners.

"The police jumped out of their trucks and
started beating everyone there. They were two guys who were shot at the
funeral, I saw it," said an MDC supporter who witnessed 20 to 30 police
armed with guns, batons and police dogs storm the funeral. "One was shot in
the arm, and one in the leg. They just fired. They said 'disperse, disperse,
what are you doing here?' and some people started running, and that's how
the two were shot. Those of us who didn't run were forced to lie down and
beaten."

Victims of violence told Human Rights Watch, in the immediate
aftermath of the March 11 attack, that police went on a two-week rampage
randomly beating people walking in the streets, in shopping malls and beer
halls in several high-density Harare suburbs, which the authorities view as
opposition strongholds. Police also went from house to house beating people
with batons and accusing them of belonging to the opposition.

The
high levels of repression in the suburbs continue. Police have imposed an
informal curfew in several suburbs, including Glenview and Highfield,
arresting and beating anyone they suspect of supporting the opposition,
especially at night.

"Right now, no one walks about after 7 p.m.,
unless you want a beating," one man in Highfield told Human Rights Watch.
"My nephew was beaten the other day as he was walking home late after
visiting friends. The police accused him of being one of the MDC activists
who plan acts of violence, but my nephew doesn't support any
party."

The Zimbabwean government claims that it is responding to an
opposition campaign of violence and terror in the country. The authorities
have arrested more than 30 MDC members and supporters whom it accuses of
orchestrating and conducting 11 petrol bomb attacks around the country on
police camps, a passenger train, and two stores since March 12. The MDC
denies the allegations and accuses state agents of staging the attacks to
justify a crackdown on the opposition.

"The petrol bomb attacks are
serious crimes, and those responsible must be brought to account," said
Gagnon, "But these attacks do not justify the government's violent attacks
on hundreds of ordinary Zimbabweans, opposition members and supporters, and
civil society activists."

In contrast to government claims that primary
responsibility for the recent violence lies with the political opposition,
Human Rights Watch found that Zimbabwe's police forces, agents of the
Central Intelligence Organization (CIO), and groups of government-backed
"youth militia" are the main perpetrators of serious human rights
violations. The government's failure to curb abuses by these groups is
likely to encourage further unchecked violence, Human Rights Watch
said.

Human Rights Watch called on the Zimbabwean police and security
forces to immediately halt the use of excessive force against demonstrators.
Police and security forces must also stop intimidating, harassing, and
beating opposition members, civil society activists, and ordinary
Zimbabweans. The government must investigate and prosecute all incidents of
abuse.

Human Rights Watch urged SADC to publicly call for an immediate
end to the ongoing violence and human rights violations in Zimbabwe, and for
all those found responsible to be brought to justice. SADC should deploy an
independent mission to Zimbabwe to investigate reports of human rights
abuses in line with SADC's stated objective to promote and enhance the
development of democratic institutions and practices within member states,
and to encourage the observance of international human rights obligations
under the treaties of the African Union and the United Nations.

Zimbabwe inflation hits new monthly high of 50.5 pct

HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's month-on-month inflation
rocketed to a new record high of 50.5 percent in March, official data showed
on Wednesday, underlining the country's deepening economic woes.

The
Central Statistical Office (CSO) also confirmed a central bank announcement
last week that annual inflation hit a new high of 2,200.2 percent in
March.

The CSO, which last month postponed the release of the March
inflation figures, said monthly inflation had soared by 12.7 percentage
points from the February figure of 37.8 percent.

CSO said rising food
and non-alcoholic beverage prices continued to drive inflation.

The
International Monetary Fund (IMF) sees Zimbabwe's inflation racing towards
3,000 percent by the end of the year.

The southern African country is
suffering its worst economic crisis since independence in 1980, widely
blamed on President Robert Mugabe's policies, such as the seizure of
white-held farms to resettle landless blacks.

Zim spy agency says opposition training
bandits

Zim Online

Thursday 03 May 2007

By Brian
Ncube

BULAWAYO - Zimbabwe's intelligence agency has accused the country's
main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party of inciting
junior police officers and soldiers to desert and join a bandit force to
topple President Robert Mugabe's government, ZimOnline has
learnt.

Thousands of junior soldiers and police have deserted or resigned
from the security forces over the past few years disgruntled by poor pay and
working conditions. Many have left to seek better paying jobs as private
security guards in neighbouring South Africa and Botswana.

The
Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) claims in a confidential memorandum
shown to ZimOnline on Wednesday that police officers and soldiers had in
fact only left their jobs at the instigation of the MDC. The secret agency
further claims the opposition party ferried deserters to South Africa for
training in banditry and insurgency operations.

"Intelligence information
gathered by our missions is that thousands of resignees and deserters that
recently quit the army and police have done so after they had been recruited
by the opposition MDC," CIO director general Happyton Bonyongwe wrote in the
memo.

The memo dated April 23, 2007 and titled, "Training of Insurgents
by the Opposition" was addressed to State Security Minister Didymus Mutasa,
under whose portfolio the CIO falls. The reference number of the memo is
HB68/2007.

Mutasa refused to take questions on the matter because it
involved state security. "I do not want to talk to you on such security
issues," he said before switching off his mobile phone.

Home Affairs
Minister Kembo Mohadi said police were aware the opposition could be
training anti-government insurgents but said security forces would crush
such an insurgency. He said: "Our security apparatus is very effective. We
know what they (MDC) have been up to all along and we are ready to deal with
them whenever they try anything funny."

The spokesman of the main wing of
the divided MDC, Nelson Chamisa, dismissed as "absolute nonsense" the claims
by the CIO that the opposition was recruiting police and soldiers into an
anti-government insurgency force.

He said: "It is absolute nonsense and
100 percent rubbish. At no time has the MDC ever entertained any underhand
tactics to deal with dictatorship in this country."

Chamisa said the
MDC was committed to a non-violent and peaceful struggle for democracy. "The
claim (by the CIO) is a clear and desperate attempt to portray the MDC in
negative light," he added.

The charge by the CIO that the MDC is setting
up a bandit army of former soldiers and police comes as the government has
intensified a crackdown against opposition activists accused of petrol
bombing police stations and other state institutions as part of a wider plot
to overthrow Mugabe.

Mugabe is also understood to have told a summit of
regional leaders in Tanzania last March that the MDC and its civic society
allies were being used by his Western enemies to commit violence and crime
as part of a plot to make Zimbabwe ungovernable and eventually bring about a
downfall of the government.

The MDC denies waging a campaign of
violence or that it is behind the bombing of police stations and instead
accuses government agents of carrying out bomb attacks in a bid to justify a
crackdown on the resurgent opposition party ahead of elections next
year.

The opposition party that poses the greatest threat to Mugabe's
government despite being weakened by an internal split about two years ago
says 600 of its activists were arrested and some of them tortured by state
security agents over the past few months.

Zimbabwe holds joint
presidential and parliamentary elections in 2008 and some analysts say
Mugabe and his government could lose, citing a worsening economic crisis
that is fuelling anger against the government and boosting opposition
support. - ZimOnline

Zimbabwe 'most difficult place' in world for
journalists

Zim Online

Thursday 03 May 2007

By
Tsungai Murandu

HARARE - Zimbabwe remains the most difficult country in
the world to operate as a journalist, an international media rights body
said.

In its World Press Freedom Review released on Monday, the
International Press Initiative noted that although Zimbabwe was currently
not the most dangerous country in the world to practice journalism, it was
"probably the most difficult."

Restrictive laws have been applied
selectively and are suffocating the media in Zimbabwe, IPI said.

It
noted that independent media in the country faced a growing bureaucracy that
is motivated by the government's desire to make life for journalists as
difficult as possible.

"The result is the slow death of independent
media in the country and the disappearance of dissent and criticism of
President Robert Mugabe's government," said the Austrian-based
IPI.

The media rights body praised Zimbabwean journalists for adapting to
the harsh environment created by the controversial Access to Information and
Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA).

Under the Act, journalists are
required to obtain licences from the government's Media and Information
Commission in order to practice in Zimbabwe. The commission can withdraw
licences from journalists who refuse to toe the line. Journalists caught
practicing without a licence are liable to a two-year jail term under
AIPPA.

Besides journalists being required to obtain licences, newspaper
companies are also required to register with the state commission with those
failing to do so facing closure and seizure of their equipment by the
police.

Another law, the Public Order and Security Act imposes up to two
years in jail on journalists convicted of publishing falsehoods that may
cause public alarm and despondency, while the Criminal Codification Act
imposes up to 20 years in jail on journalists convicted of denigrating
Mugabe in their articles.

The Zimbabwean government has used the laws
selectively to punish journalists and newspapers seen as critical of
official policies.

At least four independent newspapers including the
country's biggest circulating daily, The Daily News, were shut down over the
past four years for breaching the government's media laws. Close to 100
journalists were also arrested by the police over the same
period.

IPI said Zimbabwe's restrictive media environment could only be
improved through the repeal of the repressive legislation, creation of a
"genuine public sector broadcaster", divestiture of the government from the
newspapers, freedom of information and introduction of voluntary media
accountability systems.

Iraq remained the most dangerous country for
journalists, with 46 reporters killed in 2006 alone.

Other dangerous
countries cited in the IPI report are Afghanistan, Mexico, Pakistan,
Philippines and Sri Lanka where journalists have been murdered in the past
year.

IPI cited Ethiopia, Nigeria and Somali as some of the African
countries where journalists have found it difficult to operate in the past
year. - ZimOnline

Harare must adopt singular and floating exchange
rate

Zim Online

Thursday 03 May 2007

By Tsungai
Murandu

HARARE - Zimbabwe must move towards convergence of the official
and parallel exchange rates as part of a broad-based policy package
necessary to establish credibility and minimize the cost of adjustment,
according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The Fund, which
has not supported Zimbabwe's economic reform programme since October 1999,
said Harare would have to bite the bullet and embark on a painful five-point
stabilisation programme in order to escape further economic
turmoil.

One of the pillars of the proposed stabilisation programme would
be the liberalisation of the exchange regime by unifying the multiple rates
available on the market and removing restrictions on current international
payments and transfers.

In a policy paper released on 30 April, the
IMF recommended that inter-bank exchange rate of 250 Zimbabwe dollars to one
United States greenback must be substantially devalued
immediately.

"The inter-bank rate should then be depreciated steadily
toward the parallel market rate and the unified exchange rate subsequently
floated," the Fund said.

Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe governor Gideon
Gono last week all but devalued the Zimbabwe dollar when he announced the
setting up of a Drought Mitigation and Economic Stabilisation
Fund.

The stabilisation fund saw Gono leaving the inter-bank exchange
rate at $250 against the US unit while offering sellers of foreign currency
$15 000 for every greenback sold through the central bank, authorised
dealers or money transfer agencies.

This means that all other
transactions requiring foreign currency would continue to be quoted at an
exchange rate of $250 to the US unit while the central bank purchases the
hard cash at 15 000 to the American dollar.

The effect of the IMF
proposal would be to do away with the multiple exchange rates and restoring
confidence to the foreign exchange market.

Another pillar of the
stabilization programme being proposed by the IMF would be the transparent
transfer of quasi-fiscal activities to the government
budget.

According to the Bretton Woods institution, no entity outside the
Ministry of Finance should undertake any activity of a fiscal nature,
including interest payments and subsidised credit.

This would mean
that any quasi-fiscal activities carried out through the RBZ or the
Infrastructural Development Bank of Zimbabwe would have to be covered via
budgetary transfers.

"The purpose of this step, which by itself would not
reduce inflation, is to increase transparency and accountability and
strengthen fiscal governance by having actions of a fiscal nature subjected
to normal budgetary scrutiny and procedures," the IMF said.

The IMF
also called for substantial fiscal tightening by reducing the government
wage bill and capital expenditure as well as from cuts in quasi-fiscal
activities, particularly subsidies to public enterprises.

Harare must
also deregulate prices and impose budget constraints on public
enterprises.

"Enterprises need a hard budget constraint that requires
them to cut costs and operate at preset levels of budget subsidies and
agreed pricing formulas," the Fund said. Zimbabwean parastatals have been
criticised for being a drain on the fiscus.

Both Finance Minister
Simbarashe Mumbengegwi and Gono were not immediately available to respond to
the recommendations by the IMF. - ZimOnline

Violet
Gonda: Now people have experienced a wave of brutality in recent days
in Zimbabwe and you were one of those who was brutalised recently. Are you
surprised at how brutal the regime has become?

Morgan
Tsvangirai: Things that you need to make an assessment Violet is that
all dictators reach a point where they have to reach a point of no return and
actually raise up the stakes in the confrontation between the state and the
people. We are not surprised that the regime has upped the ante in response to
peoples' genuine concerns by resorting to this kind of brutal violence, but it's
indicative of a regime which is under siege, which is not able to respond to the
demands of the people.

Violet: And
with what you're seeing on the ground right now, is 2008 a good year for
elections and does the Opposition stand a chance of defeating Zanu PF with the
level of violence that is currently taking place in Zimbabwe right
now?

Morgan
Tsvangirai: We are already witnessing the pre-emptive strike of Zanu PF
characteristic of any pre-election preparations; the attack on the Opposition,
dismantling of the Opposition ability to hold meetings, the seizure of
Opposition equipment and Secretariat services, the targeting of Opposition
activists at various layers of the Party.

It's all trying to
dis-enable the Opposition from functioning normally in a democratic society. So
without removing those kind of obstacles it is difficult to hold an election
under those circumstances because you are going into a situation in which there
is no level playing field because the Ruling Party is determining, by its own
rules, the outcome.

Violet: So
while preparations or negotiations for talks are underway what is being done
right now to stop the violence and what is the MDC doing in terms of voter
education?

Morgan
Tsvangirai: Well, let's separate the two. There is a State sponsored
violence by Zanu PF, State machinery against the MDC, which has resulted in over
600 people being abducted, being beaten, and, about 150 sustaining injuries that
required hospitalisation. This on going campaign is, as I've said, targeting the
MDC in order to weaken its ability to operate normally. So, the second part of
the equation, which is voter education, becomes irrelevant because the State
will always ensure that those kind of meetings don't take place. And you know,
by no means, that no one is allowed to carry out voter education except the
Commission which has no capacity to carry out such a mammoth task which would
require a wide range of civic society to carry it out.

Violet: So, how can you have a free and fair election by
next year and when there are serious media controls and a frightened
population?

Morgan
Tsvangirai: It is almost impossible to talk of a free and fair election
in Zimbabwe under the current circumstances if the current circumstances
prevail. One of the things that you have to understand is that as long as Zanu
PF controls the machinery of elections it is like having a referee who throws
the whistle away and joins the other team. It is almost impossible to talk of a
free and fair election under the current circumstances in which the electoral
machinery is militarised, the voter registration is bastardised and there is
massive disenfranchisement, including, of course, disenfranchisement of
Zimbabweans living abroad in the Diaspora. We can't even talk about the manner
in which there is a central command of the election results. We can't even talk
of the whole machinery excluding external observation so from my experience over
the last seven years; the last seven and a half years; it is almost impossible
to talk of a free and fair election in Zimbabwe.

Violet: So what is your
vision of the way forward and what do you expect from South African President
Thabo Mbeki?

Morgan Tsvangirai: We hope
that President Thabo Mbeki, as he's already outlined his focus is to ensure
that, and of course by his admittance, that he accepts in Zimbabwe there has
never been any free and fair election and what he is focusing is to ensure that
this time around the election is conducted in a free and fair manner. That it
will not be a disputed outcome again which has been the source of the dispute
and the source of the crisis in Zimbabwe.

Violet: And what is the
status of the talks right now?

Morgan Tsvangirai: So far
what has happened is that President Thabo Mbeki has written to all the political
leaders in Zimbabwe; me, Mutambara and the President, Mugabe, outlining how he
foresees his new mission, and we hope that he is given all the support to
succeed because the country cannot afford to postpone this crisis as it has
reached unacceptable levels.

Violet:
Right. And, you know in your talks with President Mbeki, what is your
impression about his capacity to negotiate a settlement; a peaceful
settlement.

Morgan
Tsvangirai: I think that one has to make a distinct distinction between
his earlier initiative on quiet diplomacy as the concern of a neighbour as
opposed to this initiative which has the backing of the whole SADC region. This
crisis, as somebody has said, Zimbabwe cannot behave as if it has got a Chinese
wall around it, but what happens in Zimbabwe affects everyone around and that is
the collective concern that has been expressed by this mandate that has been
given to President Mbeki.

I hope that there has been a
serious paradigm shift in the approach to the crisis, that once bitten twice
shy, that President Mugabe cannot be trusted to engage in meaningful principled
dialogue because of his stubbornness. And I hope that this time there's enough
leverage to ensure that the parties that are engaged in negotiations actually do
so to a successful conclusion.

Violet: So
given that his quiet diplomacy has not changed much in Zimbabwe, do you think
Mbeki is an honest broker and is it reasonable to expect much from South
Africaís mediation?

Morgan Tsvangirai:
Well, it's immaterial who has been chosen as a mediator. All I know is
that President Mbeki is the mediator who has been chosen by the region, it could
be somebody else but they chose President Mbeki because of the leverage that he
has on the region. And, we hope that he uses that leverage, the collective
wisdom of the region and the collective pressure on the region and international
community to bear on President Mugabe to come to the negotiating
table.

Of course, it is not just
sufficient to rely on the mediation of President Mbeki but I think that the
people of Zimbabwe themselves must realise that they have to continue to
mobilise pressure on the regime to realise that there is no option but to
negotiate. Now, the problem we have is that people have made their own personal
sceptical assessment whether President Mbeki is an honest broker or not. For me,
it is not a personal assessment. I think that he has a new mandate and I think
that he can act responsibly within the context of the whole SADC mandate.

Violet: You
know the reason I asked that question is because it is widely believed that the
Opposition is being told to follow a particular path, a path that has been
agreed by Mbeki and Robert Mugabe. Now, do you think Zimbabweans will get a fair
deal this time?

Morgan
Tsvangirai: We have not been instructed by anyone to follow a
particular path. We have put our views that in our view the most viable option
is the Roadmap to legitimacy which we have outlined with three signposts, that
there has to be negotiated settlement, there has to be a new constitution, that
there has to be free and fair elections. We have not been directed to take any
other route other than what we have already put on the table and I hope that
President Mugabe and President Mbeki have got, & if President Mugabe has got
any other views they should be put on the table. And, I donít think that
President Mbeki, as a mediator or as a facilitator can dictate what course of
action Zimbabweans have to devise, design for themselves. Let me underline the
fact that President Mbeki is not the negotiator; he is the mediator, the
facilitator. The negotiators are the two political, or the various political
actors in the political crisis in Zimbabwe.

Violet:
Now, weíve, itís been reported that Joyce Mujuru, the Vice President, has held
talks with South African officials and we have heard that the two Secretary
Generals in the MDC; Welshman Ncube and Tendai Biti; have also held talks. But,
have the political leaders themselves, for example yourself; have you held talks
with Thabo Mbeki yourself?

Morgan: No,
I have not met President Mbeki. I hope to do so at the most opportune time
available. But, let me say that there is no way in the world where the National
leaders negotiate I mean you send teams and define their mandate. In this case,
our Secretary Generals went to South Africa at the invitation of the Mbekiís
Office to discuss the preliminary examination of what is possible. And I think
thatís what was done - to outline what we believe is the way forward. The
negotiations have not started yet. And I think in any negotiating process there
are always preliminary discussions in order to lay down the basis for those
negotiations and this is mostly done by junior officers.

Violet:
Right, and what is your commitment to a CODESA kind of arrangement with all
stakeholders and not just politicians negotiating behind the scenes.

Morgan
Tsvangirai: All Zimbabweans have a stake to the future of the country
and it is not the monopoly of political parties to define that path for the
future of Zimbabweans. I have no hard feelings whatsoever about the
participation of all Zimbabweans but you know that you have to limit the number
of people that will be at the negotiating table. This is a political contest and
political contest require political actors. I know the concerns of civic society
but sometimes it is necessary to limit the number of actors that will be at the
negotiating table and in most cases it is the political parties that actually
negotiate with of course, the support of their civic society allies. But, if it
can be defined as to who wants to be at that table, I have no hard feelings
against anyone participating in that process.

Violet:
Now, Dr Lovemore Madhuku, the NCA Chairperson, says the stakeholders in the Save
Zimbabwe Campaign are not being consulted at all and that the civic society is
being left out. Should they not be playing a role in these talks, even at this
preliminary stage?

Morgan
Tsvangirai: Well, it depends who is consulting who. As far as Iím
concerned, we, together with our civic society partners we briefed them of what
is taking place but of course what Dr Madhuku is requesting is a formal place at
the negotiations or at those discussions. I cannot determine who should be at
that table. As I said, Iíve no hard and fast rule as to who should be there
provided we are all guided by the fact that we need to find a way forward for
the crisis. As for our civic society partners, we have a General Council. I hope
that at the next General Council we will find an opportunity to brief our civic
society partners as to what has been taking place. We are not hiding
anything.

Violet: Who
determines who participates in these talks, is it Thabo Mbeki or Robert
Mugabe?

Morgan
Tsvangirai: No, itís supposed to be the mediator, the mediator is the
one who determines who should be at the negotiating table. And I hope that he
can determine who he wants to engage and who are the main principle protagonists
in the whole process.

Violet: And
while this is going on, you said earlier that at least 600 activists have been
either beaten or are in jail, meaning that the violence continues in Zimbabwe.
Now do you think Thabo Mbeki has the capacity to persuade Robert Mugabe to adopt
democratic reforms and dissuade him from using violence?

Morgan
Tsvangirai: Well letís say that President Thabo Mbeki has been given a
mandate. Of course President Mugabe will continue to claim his sovereignty but
he has got a crisis on his hands and that crisis has to be resolved. I hope that
President Thabo Mbeki will impress upon President Mugabe to stop this violence
because it is not contributing to the conducive atmosphere for dialogue. It is
not building the necessary confidence in the Opposition ranks and such kind of
state sponsored violence may actually undermine the very same negotiating
process we are all aiming to achieve.

Violet:
Right, and some have said that all Mbeki has to do is threaten to close the
border, like what South Africa did with Ian Smith. Do you agree with
this?

Morgan Tsvangirai:
Well, the tactics that, the pressure that President Mbeki will use are
I canít define how he will use it but I suppose that he knows his pressure
points to apply and I cannot certainly determine which pressure, which tactics
to use to impress upon President MugabeÖ

Violet: And
finally, Mr Tsvangirai, do you think itís in Mugabeís interests to get a new
Constitution?

Morgan
Tsvangirai: Well, let me be very frank, that the country is in the
crisis because it is in because it has closed all democratic space and any form
of reform for Mugabe is capitulation. But without reform there is no future for
the country. So, he has an option. Itís a no-win situation. Without reform there
is no future for the country, with reform it means that Zanu PF cannot survive
the will of the people because the will of the people have already been
expressed in 2002, 2005, and he knows full well that his call for recognition as
a legitimate head is now hollow.

Itís like Muzorewa in 1979
where he went to an election but the election was never legitimate because it
was challenged by Robert Mugabe himself. So, the current situation is that
Robert Mugabe may shout, may scream, but the ultimate thing that should be upon
him is that he needs the legitimacy of the people. We have reached a defining
moment in so far as the next election will be very crucial in how the country is
able to be rescued, is able to be saved from this current crisis. But it depends
on the good will of the Ruling Party, of the Opposition in putting our heads
together in finding a solution to the crisis.

But of course, this is not
of the benevolence of Zanu PF, on the part of the Opposition and on the part of
the Zimbabweans, itís a demand that Zanu PF must realise it has no option unless
of course they want to burn down the building, in which case of course itís
suicidal.

Violet Gonda:
OK, thank you very much Mr Tsvangirai.

Morgan
Tsvangirai: Thank you bye.

Violet Gonda:
And that was the leader of one of the MDCs, Mr Morgan Tsvangirai. I
then caught up with the other MDC leader Professor Arthur Mutambara and
constitutional law expert and civic leader Dr. Lovemore Madhuku. Welcome on the
programme Hot Seat.

Arthur
Mutambara: Thank you very much for the opportunity

Lovemore Madhuku:
Thank you.

Violet: I
am going to start with Prof Mutambara, when you first entered mainstream or
active politics last year you said the MDC needed new strategies. You said the
opposition could not afford to go to elections without Plan B and also Plan C, D
and E. Now elections are going to be held next year and nothing seems to be
happening on the ground besides an increase in violence, what inroads have you
made since last year?

Arthur Mutambara:
Ya, in fact everything is happening on the ground. We are making it
very clear that we donít want any election in our country without a new people
driven constitution. We donít want elections in our country without electoral
law reform. We donít want elections in our country without removal of repressive
legislation such as AIPPA and POSA.

Our demands are very clear
that before any elections in our country we must create conditions for free and
fair elections and those demands are shared among the opposition parties and
also shared with the civic society players as well. So we are very organised on
the ground. We are very clear in our minds. We do not want to participate in a
fraudulent process, which has predetermined results because when we do that we
are basically legitimising criminal conduct on behalf of ZANU. So we are very
clear on our minds as to what we want and how we are going to get. So our
defiance campaigns in the country are to agitate for dialogue for communication
between all stakeholders in a very inclusive way so that ZANU, civic society,
the opposition parties can sit down and come up with minimum conditions that
will allow us to have free and fair elections in the country.
SecondlyÖ

Violet: But what you are
seeing on the ground right now in Zimbabwe, you know with the violence, is 2008
a good year for elections and does the opposition stand any chance of defeating
Zanu PF if you are being brutalised?

Arthur
Mutambara: So you must understand the sequencing of our agenda. Before
you discuss elections you talk constitution. Before you talk elections you talk
electoral law reform. Before you talk constitution you talk about removing AIPPA
and POSA. That is the first business of the day. After that then we say once we
have conditions for free and fair elections Ė how do we fight those elections?
How do we ensure we will win? Thatís where we come to the second agenda, which
says Ė a united front informed by a single candidate principle where in every
election presidential, parliament, senate, mayoral, council there will be one
candidate in every constituency against Mugabe. We will make sure every vote
will count against Mugabe. Thatís part two on the agenda. After we have achieved
minimum conditions then we are going to make sure as the opposition in Zimbabwe,
as opposition parties, we are going to close ranks. We are going to put national
interests before self interests and push for a united front inspired by a single
candidate philosophy as our stage two in our struggle to destroy and defeat Zanu
PF.

Violet: Now
Dr. Madhuku, this is what the opposition would want to see happening in Zimbabwe
but with the situation as it is right now, do you see these things
happening?

Lovemore Madhuku:
Ya, very much so. I think the whole point that Professor Mutambara is
making is that we simply have to have a clear agenda and the agenda that we have
is to democratise our country. You create conditions that will allow Zimbabweans
to participate fully in the political processes. So we are working on a
programme of unity, fight together for a new constitution, fight together for
electoral reform, and get repressive legislation removed.

Once you have these things
done and clearly you can move on to the next stage, which he says really clearly
Ė where the political parties have to play the role now. You know campaigning,
getting one candidate and so forth. So these things can happen and they are
actually happening. I think you have already seen what has already happened in
the past one month or so.

Violet: Now
you have been organising street protests in Zimbabwe for about 7 years and some
people will say all that has been noted is the brutality of the regime. In your
opinion what effect have the demonstrations had or what have demonstrations
achieved so far?

Lovemore Madhuku:
They have achieved a lot. What they have not achieved is to produce a
new constitution but have achieved everything else that we have been intending.
Conscientising the public, get people to realise what they have to do. As we
speak now I am very happy that all the forces in the country believe that we
need a new people driven democratic constitution. Thatís what those
demonstrations have been all about and that is an achievement.

Violet:
Professor Mutambara are constitutional reforms an antidote to national despair
and isnít more required like accountability & transparency?

Arthur
Mutambara: The constitution is a starting point. It defines the terms
of reference of our struggle. Everything else follows after the constitution. As
Dr. Madhuku would like to put it, ďseek first the kingdom of the new
constitution everything else will follow.Ē So we believe that unless and until
we resolve the issues around the constitution we canít even begin to talk about
transparency, accountability Ė these are secondary matters. Once we have in
place a people driven democratic constitution we then move on to resolve the
issue of illegitimacy in our country, resolve the issue of governance in our
country, resolve the issue of our economy, the economic stabilisation, economic
recovery, economic transformation, to convert Zimbabwe from the economic crisis
from poverty to the promise land to make Zimbabwe a globally competitive
economy. To make Zimbabwe a country characterised by business growth,
entrepreneurship, beneficiation, exports and FDI. Those things cannot happen
unless and until we resolve the agenda of the big law Ė the framework sector in
our country, which is the constitution. So it is not incidental it is the main
agenda. And then electoral law reforms and removal of AIPPA will allow us to
have these free and fair elections so that whoever is elected President they are
not contested, they are not challenged by those who have lost. As long as we go
through elections that are fraudulent, that are defined by a fraud we cannot
have legitimacy in our country.

On brutality and violence:
it is a confirmation of what we have said all along. Mugabe is a brutal
dictator. Mugabe is not a liberator. Mugabe is not a land revolutionary he is
simply a despot who is brutalising Africans Ė Black Africans! Who is denying
Africans human rights, who is denying Africans economic rights and economic
opportunities and so the violence taking place in the country Ė the torture and
brutally Ė is a clear demonstration to Africans that Mugabe has become a
negation of the liberation war. Mugabe has become a negation of the principles
of emancipation, freedom and justice and consequently Africans in SADC, Africans
in South Africa, Africans in Africa and the Diaspora must stand together with
the opposition in their condemnation and fight against Mugabe. What are we doing
about itÖ

Violet: We
will come back to the issue of what Africa can do about the situation in
Zimbabwe but I want to go back to the issue of Mugabe and the constitution. Now
he has vowed that he will never allow the opposition Ė the MDC, to take power
while he is alive. Now do you honestly think it is in Mugabeís interest to get a
new constitution?

Arthur
Mutambara: Here is the answer. Yes, Mugabe does not want to give us a
new constitution. Yes, Mugabe does not want to give us electoral reforms. Yes,
Mugabe does not want to give up POSA and AIPPA but what choice does he have? We
are not depending on Mugabe to commit political suicide. We are not depending on
Mugabe to self-destruct on our behalf! We are saying the people of Zimbabwe will
force Mugabe screaming and shouting to the negotiating table. The people of the
region the Africans will force Mugabe to do what is right about Zimbabwe. We are
not depending on his benevolence. He has no choice but to give in to the demands
of the people of Zimbabwe. In the same way that Ian Smith gave in to the people
of Zimbabwe. In the same way that the South African Whites gave in to a new
dispensation. He has no choice but to give justice, independence and freedom a
chance in our country.

Violet: Now
what about this SADC initiative. Is it reasonable to expect much from South
Africaís mediation?

Arthur
Mutambara: Yes, we believe that the SADC summit was a great victory for
the people of Zimbabwe. Mugabe tried to grandstand and give an impression that
he won at the SADC summit. That it was an excellent meeting and it was victory
for him. It wasnít. He was grilled at the SADC meeting and the Africans made it
clear to him they wonít allow his behaviour and conduct within SADC. What they
did publicly was to do some PR to appear as if they are not taking instructions
from Europe and America. But the content of that debate was positive for the
people of Zimbabwe. The fact that they met to discuss Zimbabwe is victory. The
fact that they came up with a mandate for Mbeki and appointed Mbeki as an
inter-mediator and facilitator was victory. It is an acceptance that Mugabe has
failed to run the affairs of our country.

So we have cautious optimism
that something will come out of the initiative and we are saying to the West, we
are saying to everyone letís allow the Africans space to intervene and try to
bring about change in the country. So we are very keen to make sure that we give
SADC a chance, that we give Mbeki a chance to facilitate dialogue among
Zimbabweans. Mugabe lost at that summit. He tried to carry out propaganda but if
you look at the details of that conference Botswana, Tanzania, Zambia gave
Mugabe a roasting on the issues of Zimbabwe. And now Mbeki is operating with a
regional mandate, which mandate says Ė there must be dialogue among Zimbabweans.
Zimbabweans must become masters of their own destiny.

South Africa cannot succeed
when there is chaos in Zimbabwe. South Africa cannot have the 2010 soccer Ė the
World Cup in their country, when there is chaos in Zimbabwe. So South Africa has
a vested interest to ensure that there is progress and there is dialogue and
resolution of the Zimbabwean crisis for purely their own national strategic
interests. There is no way in hell South Africa can have a successful 2010 World
Cup when there is chaos in our country. The demise of Zimbabwe is the demise of
SADC, the demise of Zimbabwe is the demise of South Africa.

Violet: But
Dr. Madhuku, if there should be dialogue among Zimbabweans things seem to be
going on at a higher and only political level right now what role is the civic
society playing in these negotiations?

Lovemore
Madhuku: Well I think before I answer that I wanted to just add a point
there that the success of the SADC initiatives, Mbekiís involvement, would
depend very much on what kind of pressure is going to be exerted on Mugabe
internally hereÖ I think more and more pressure would have to be put before the
initiative itself has chances of success. To come to your question, which is the
involvement of civic society, I think we still are going to be involved. We have
not yet been involved at the level of the discussions. I am not sure how much
has taken place at the moment. But I believe that at some point we will be asked
to get involved. But at the moment not yet.

Violet:
When I spoke with you for our Newsreel programme you had said that
civic society were not being consulted about this, is this still an issue with
the civic society?

Lovemore
Madhuku: Itís obviously an issue. But there has been some development.
Some of our colleagues from the political parties have been talking to us just
giving us some information on what they have been discussing with the South
African officials. But that is still very much informal. We really donít know
what type of negotiations are going to take place. We really are not clear on
this, I should be honest with you. The civics donít know what is happening. We
believe that when the time comes for us to be involved we really have to put our
issues.

We are currently happy that
the political parties are speaking the language that we are all sharing, the
language of fighting for a new constitution, democratising space before
elections. But we donít trust political parties. We know that when the time
comes there will be a lot of compromises that will be made and it is at the
stage of making compromises where we feel that we need to be more alert
ourselves as civic society because we are obviously operating from a different
angle. Political parties seek power we want to get into office. Professor
Mutambara has been speaking very well but we are not ourselves believing that
they will go all the way - the way he is speaking. I mean if he is going to do
that then he will get all our trust but this habit that politicians tend to
change and tend to make compromises and that is where we have difficulties.

Violet: And
also still on that issue, will dialogue alone work and do you have faith in this
Mbeki led initiative?

Lovemore
Madhuku: I think we should give it a lot of chance really because at
the moment it is an initiative that is coming after clear action on the ground
in Zimbabwe and then itís also really blessed by SADC. Itís a SADC initiative; I
think itís better to be described as a SADC initiative. And so we should give it
hope but our problem here is that we continue to hear Mugabe making quite
militant statements and his latest outburst recently at the Independence
celebrations at Rufaro (Stadium) tends to show that he is still believing that
there should be no pre-conditions relating to the 2002 Presidential election and
he keeps on accusing the opposition and all of us of being puppets of the West
and I believe he wants to buy time.

And if the mediation process
does not take place quickly, then we run the risk that Mugabe will simply once
again put in place an election time table that does not take into account the
mediation efforts. And it will be at that point that two things will have to be
clear.

First what SADC would say if
Mugabe starts initiating electoral processes and then secondly - what the road
for civic society and the opposition would say because once he initiates
electoral processes there has to be a response. Either a response of saying
ďwell will allow Mugabe to go onĒ Ė because let me give you an example, under
the initiatives that Zanu PF has brought up is the question of trying to put
Amendment 18 to the constitution.

I foresee a situation where
you need two months for bills to be gazetted, which is already a process to
amend the constitution the way Mugabe has been doing it. It is responses to
those kinds of initiatives, which will tell whether there is any serious efforts
on the part of SADC to really resolve the crisis here and also whether there is
any serious effort among ourselves to respond really decisively to those kind of
initiatives.

Violet
Gonda: We spoke to Professor Arthur Mutambara and Dr. Lovemore Madhuku
for an extended period of time about many issues and we will bring you more of
that interview on Tuesdayís Hot Seat programme next week.

Audio interview can be
heard on SW Radio Africaís Hot Seat programme. Comments and feedback can be
emailed to violet@swradioafrica.com

Gono on Zimbabwe's
mining policy

zimbabwejournalists.com

2nd May 2007 07:10 GMT

By Gideon Gono

RE:† CLARIFICATION OF RECENT
DEVELOPMENTS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS FOR THE MINING SECTOR OF
ZIMBABWE.

1. Further to my interim Monetary Policy Statement of Thursday,
26 April, 2007 there have been certain fundamental happenings in the mining
sector in general and the gold and platinum group metals (PGM) sectors in
particular, that call for some further clarification.

2. This
statement is meant to address two main issues;(a) The recent shortages of
foreign currency that caused critical input shortages and subsequently
crippled gold production,(b) and the reduction of the foreign currency
retention for the PGM sector from 90% to 60% as announced last
week.

3 Foreign Currency Shortages to the Gold Sector

The Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe takes serious note of the gold sector's unintentional
restricted access to foreign currency for the importation of critical
inputs, over the last few months. This unfortunate phenomenon almost brought
the sector to a standstill and could have seriously undermined investors and
other stakeholders' confidence in the sector.

3.1 As Monetary
Authorities, we would like to assure all stakeholders of the gold sector
that:

∑ All outstanding foreign currency receivable accrued from gold
deliveries to the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) will be honoured in the
very near future;

∑ Outstanding applications for importation of
critical inputs for the sector are being processed with urgency to ensure
the immediate return of the sector to optimal production;

∑ For the
first time in the history of the gold sector since the institution of
foreign currency retention, the sector's foreign currency retention regime
has been brought in line with that of the entire mining sector. This is
meant to spread the burden evenly across the mining sector and thereby
lighten the load on the gold sector.

∑ The 60/40 foreign currency
regime together with the increase in the local currency price from
Z$16,000/g to Z$350,000/g is meant to ensure that the sector is able to meet
its local obligations without having to convert part of the foreign currency
retention into Zim Dollars to meet local operating costs.

∑ Also, as
announced, the 40% surrendered to the Reserve Bank will, as applies to other
exporters, be surrendered at the official exchange rate of Z$250/1USD plus
the Accelerator Factor of 60 referred to in the Monetary Policy
Statement.

4. Foreign Currency Retention Regime Reduction for the PGM
Sector

4.1 On the PGM sector, the reduction of the sector's foreign
currency retention from 90% to 60%, in line with the entire mining sector,
is meant to create a more stable environment for the entire economy and thus
provide the enabling environment for the sector.

4.2 In general, our
detailed research has established that, the mining sector, on the average,
requires about 30-40% of its foreign proceeds to meet its local input
costs.

4.3 This will also ensure that there is enough foreign currency
retained for the importation of production inputs, debt service, dividend
payment etc without negatively impacting on the sector and the
economy.

5. These arrangements, in consultation with stakeholders, will
be continuously monitored and whenever necessary, reviewed to ensure their
effectiveness for the mining sector to play its critical role in the
national economic recovery programme.

6. We hope this clarification
will assure all stakeholders of the Reserve Bank's unflinching support for
the mining sector which Government considers very strategic.

7. BANK
OUTPAYMENTS TO CUSTOMERS TO REMAIN AT Z$250/1USD.

Banks are reminded that
the official exchange rate was not adjusted. Accordingly, payments out have
to be done at the official exchange rate without applying the excellarator
factor of 60 which applies to RBZ resources mobilized on its behalf by the
banking sector.

7.2 This situation is to prevail until further notice and
any violations of this provision by any licenced operator will invite
serious consequences including withdrawal of one's operating
licence.

Gideon Gono, Zimbabwe's Reserve Bank head, has been playing with
figures in an attempt to convince the country's gold mining industry to stay
in business.

Author: Rodrick MukumbiraPosted:† Wednesday , 02 May
2007

WINDHOEK -

On Monday, Zimbabwe's chief banker Gideon Gono
could not admit that the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe (RBZ) was broke as he
explained measures the central bank announced last week aimed at
rejuvenating the country's ailing gold mining sector.

On Thursday
last week Gono unveiled an Interim Monetary Policy that saw the producer
price of gold increasing from Z$16,000 (black market US$0.80; official
US$64) to Z$350,000 (black market US$17.50; official rate US$1400) per gram.
He also promised that all outstanding payments for gold remitted to the
RBZ's Fidelity Printers and Refiners, the country's sole buyer of gold,
would be paid for with urgency.

As he unveiled the new policy, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF) International Monetary Fund (IMF) was also
circulating a damning paper, released a day earlier that said the central
bank was technically broke due to a range of activities, including monetary
operations to mop up liquidity; subsidised credit; foreign exchange losses
through subsidised exchange rates for selected government purchases and
multiple currency practices; and financial sector restructuring.

"The
RBZ is making losses because of the costs involved in supporting government
policy through quasi-fiscal activities and keeping the currency overvalued,"
said the Bretton Woods institution in its Working Paper released on
Wednesday.

With all the tact that can only be likened to that of a rocket
scientist, Gono assured gold producers on Monday that all outstanding
foreign currency payments for gold deliveries would be made shortly while
applications for critical imports were now being processed "with urgency" to
"ensure the immediate return of the sector to optimal
production".

Gold miners say they are owed over US$15 million in overdue
payments, some dating back to October last year, making it difficult for
them to pay for imports.

Gono however admitted the foreign currency
shortage: "The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe takes serious note of the gold
sector's unintentional restricted access to foreign currency for the
importation of critical inputs, over the last few months. This unfortunate
phenomenon almost brought the sector to a standstill and could have
seriously undermined investors and other stakeholders' confidence in the
sector."

Gono also explained that the reduction of the foreign currency
retention levels from 90 percent to 60 percent in the Platinum Group Metals
sector, as stated in the Interim Monetary Policy Statement last Thursday was
meant to create more stability for the entire economy, thus providing an
enabling environment for the sector.

"For the first time in the
history of the gold sector since the institution of foreign currency
retention, the sector's foreign currency retention regime has been brought
in line with that of the entire mining sector. This is meant to spread the
burden evenly across the mining sector and thereby lighten the load on the
gold sector.

"The 60/40 foreign currency regime together with the
increase in the local currency price from Z$16,000 per gram to Z$350,000 per
gram is meant to ensure that the sector is able to meet its local
obligations without having to convert part of the foreign currency retention
into Zimbabwe Dollars to meet local operating costs," said Gono.

Gono
said research into the mining sector had revealed that the sector needed to
retain between 30 percent and 40 percent of its foreign currency proceeds to
meet its local input costs.

This would ensure that enough foreign
currency was retained for the importation of inputs, debt servicing and
dividend payment without negatively impacting on the sector and the economy
in general.

"These arrangements, in consultation with stakeholders, will
be continuously monitored and whenever necessary, reviewed to ensure their
effectiveness for the mining sector to play its critical role in the
national economic recovery programme," said Gono. "Banks are reminded that
the official exchange rate was not adjusted.† Accordingly, payments out have
to be done at the official exchange rate without applying the accelerator
factor of 60 which applies to RBZ resources mobilized on its behalf by the
banking sector."

He however ruled out devaluing Zimbabwe
dollar.

"Also, as announced, the 40% surrendered to the Reserve Bank
will, as applies to other exporters, be surrendered at the official exchange
rate of Z$250/US$1 plus the Accelerator Factor of 60 referred to in the
Monetary Policy Statement," said Gono.

Recently, the country's
Chamber of Mines warned of the collapse of the gold mining sector after
noting that gold production had declined by 17 percent on last year's data,
this which it attributed to a static exchange rate, rising costs, delays in
payments by the central bank, and the on-going clampdown on small scale
miners.

In a circular to stakeholders, the Chamber of Mines said gold
output fell to 1,587 kilograms in January and February and that gold
remitted to the central bank declined to 768 kilograms in February from 819
kilograms in January.

While noting the effects of operational
constraints, the Zimbabwean government highlights rampant smuggling as
having affected deliveries.

Zim prosecutors urge court to extradite
Briton

††††††Zimbabwe prosecutors on Wednesday urged a court to
accept Equatorial Guinea's request to extradite a Briton wanted on coup-plot
charges, but defence lawyers said the request lacked
merit.

††††††Simon Mann, a former British special forces officer,
is being held at a top security prison in Zimbabwe after he was convicted by
a court in September 2004 for attempting to purchase weapons without a
licence.

††††††Mann is due for early release for good behaviour on
May 11, but the Equatorial Guinea government has sought his extradition to
face charges of plotting to assassinate the country's president, Teodoro
Obiang Nguema Mbasogo.

††††††In closing arguments during the
extradition hearing, prosecutor Joseph Jagada said there was evidence Mann
was central in planning a coup in the oil-rich West African country and said
Equatorial Guinea had made undertakings to Harare that the Briton would
receive a fair trial.

††††††"It is quite clear that Mann intended
to launch a coup in Equatorial Guinea ... there is prima facie evidence that
this is what he intended to do," Jagada told the court.

††††††
Harare magistrate Omega Mugumbate adjourned the hearing to May 9 when she
will make a ruling, just two days ahead of Mann's expected release from
prison.

††††††Mann's lawyer said the court should reject the
request, arguing there was no evidence his client had a case to
answer.

††††††"We urge the court to decline the request made by
Equatorial Guinea and discharge the respondent," lawyer Jonathan Samkange
said.

††††††Mann, who has testified during the extradition hearing,
has said he cannot go to Equatorial Guinea because the authorities there
will not spare his life and that he would be tortured.

††††††
Jagada said Equatorial Guinea was willing to have an African Union-appointed
judge preside over Mann's trial and that the death sentence would not be
imposed if he is found guilty.

††††††Sixty-six other defendants
arrested with Mann after their plane stopped in Harare served less than one
year in jail after pleading guilty to charges of violating Zimbabwe's
immigration and civil aviation laws.

††††††Eleven others, including
a number of foreigners, are serving sentences ranging from 13 to 34 years in
an Equatorial Guinea jail in connection with the coup
plot.

††††††Former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's son
Mark, accused of helping to fund the foiled coup, pleaded guilty to taking
part but cut a deal with prosecutors in South Africa, where he lived, to
avoid jail. -- Reuters

Zimbabwean minister urges court to deny bail to
opposition members

Harare/Johannesburg -
Zimbabwe's Home Affairs Minister told a court not to grant bail to 13
detained opposition activists because they were a threat to peace and
security, reports said Wednesday.

Kembo Mohadi issued a ministerial
certificate that was presented in court on Monday just as a magistrate was
about to deliver his ruling on an application to have the men released, the
state- controlled Herald newspaper said.

'There is real likelihood
that the accused persons would undermine peace or security if set free,
therefore, refusal to grant bail and detention of the accused persons in
custody will be in the interests of justice,' Mohadi was quoted as
saying.

The ruling was postponed, and is now due to be made
Wednesday.

Those detained are all members of the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC), arrested in March and April during a government crackdown on
the opposition.

They include the MP for Harare's Glen View suburb, Paul
Madzore, as well as Ian Makone, a member of the MDC national executive, and
former journalist Luke Tamborinyoka.

President Robert Mugabe's
government accuses the group of staging a series of petrol bomb attacks on
targets including police stations and stores owned by ruling party
officials. The men deny the charges and say they have been framed.

In
his certificate, Minister Mohadi claimed that the detained men had undergone
military training in South Africa and that police were still
investigating.

The accused had also been directly involved in the
petrol bombings that rocked the country between March and April 2007, he
said.

Last week Magistrate Lazarus Murendo, who is dealing with the case,
ordered the police to investigate the severe assault of one of the detained
MDC members, Philip Mabika, while in custody.

Several other members
of the group have also been assaulted in custody, lawyers say.

MDC chairperson found dead in his sleep

SABC

May 02, 2007,
14:30

Isaac Matongo, Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) national
chairperson, died in his sleep today, said the party. Nelson Chamisa, the
MDC spokesperson, said Matongo died at about 3am at his Harare
home.

Matongo (60) played a role in the formation of the MDC in 1999 and
was the chairman of the party. Matongo also served as the vice-president of
the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions and the vice-president of the National
Engineering Workers' Union.

Chamisa said Matongo's death was a blow
to both the party and the country.

Matongo is survived by his wife, eight
children and 13 grandchildren. - Sapa

The loss of a truly national politician

Silence Chihuri

Like
anyone else I learned of the death of MDC National Chairman Isaac Matongo
with great shock and sadness. A person's death is a terrible development,
especially when it had not been expected. Death is the only experience that
humanity can never get used to no matter how frequent or how many people die
as is happening in Zimbabwe. It is always a new and dreadful experience when
it involves the torchbearers of the national struggle.

When the
MDC was formed Matongo was one of several trade unionists that switched to
full time politics alongside Morgan Tsvangirai. Quite a number of them such
as Gift Chimanikire, Gibson Sibanda, Esaph Mudhlongwa, Lucia Matibenga and
several others, quickly adapted to real politics and demonstrated admirable
political capability largely due to their activism in trade unionism.
Matongo was one of those people whose political stature grew as the MDC
party expanded and became an established and credible political
organisation.

The position of party National Chairman was
defined and provided for in Article 6 of the founding MDC constitution with
his role among others, being of overseeing the setting up of structures,
particularly elections of office bearers. This particular role Matongo
pursued with great passion and brooked no, regions or indeed, frontiers. In
Zimbabwe Matongo travelled the length and breath of the country rallying the
MDC charges and setting up structures. Matongo literally took the MDC to the
people almost single-handedly.

He would go into the thick of
the remote countryside and rural areas. Matongo was no stranger to places
such as Mukumbura, Murambinda, Marange, Hwedza, Tsholotsho, Gokwe, Mudzi,
and Mt Darwin, anywhere Matongo went. He was one of the most charismatic
party chairmen to emerge in recent years and would have compared very
favourably with founding political chairmen of our liberation history such
as Herbert Chitepo. When Matongo spoke no one could move but simply listen
intently. His voice would pierce through your political heart and
soul.

Abroad Matongo was known as the man of the people because
of his ordinary nature. He was the kind of person who would have time for
virtually anyone. I started to know Matongo a few months after he had become
National Chairman of the MDC. We continued to talk over the phone until he
came to the UK to conduct the first full executive elections in June 2003.
During our telephone conversations Matongo would never stop to mention his
provincial lieutenants, the founding provincial chairmen before the MDC
split.

These were people like Timothy Mubhawu the then Chair for
Manicaland, Morgan Femai, Harare; Tapera Macheka, Mashonaland West; Alois
Mudzingwa Mash East; Marima from Masvingo; Mzimba and Mlambo of Midlands
North and South respectively as well as Abraham Mdlongwa of Bulawayo. That
is why I got to know some of these most or maybe all of whom I have never
really met. When I heard of the news I phoned Mubhawu to find out, and his
wife answered his phone and she said he was taking a shower. But she did
confirm that indeed the "The National Chairman", as Matongo had become
affectionately known, had died in his sleep. How tragic!

To
Matongo the provinces and district structures were the heart and soul of the
party because the MDC was seeking to establish a power base in countryside.
Matongo always emphasised how important it was for us in the Diaspora to
support the party regions in Zimbabwe regardless of wherever we came from. I
found that very refreshing because most people have always sought to accost
themselves with politicians from their regions and boundaries yet national
politics should be about reaching out to the whole nation regardless of
geographical or regional boundaries.

In June 2003 we organised
for Matongo and Esaph Mudlongwa the founding Organising Secretary to come to
the UK for our elections held in Manchester. It was their first official
trip to the UK and Everisto Kamera who was to become our Organising
Secretary picked them from Gatwick Airport. When they arrived in Manchester
there was a good gathering of Zimbabweans numbering upwards of 400 people.
It was a fantastic crowd and everyone was so upbeat especially to see our
national leaders from Zimbabwe. When I met Matongo the first thing I did was
to present him with a Nokia phone.

He was not expecting this at
all but I had decided to give him the new phone because most of the time I
spoke to him in Zimbabwe his phone would occasionally go off in the middle
of the conversation. When I enquired why he complained that the battery on
his old phone was giving in and was no longer rechargeable for long periods.
I joked with him and said what kind of National Chairman was that whose
phone always cut off? On a serious note, I said to him that as national
chairman of the party, he had to be able to communicate with everyone at
every time without being cut off. This touched Matongo a great
deal.

Mdlongwa was the first to address the meeting from the
visiting party after Manchester Branch Chairman Green Nyoni's welcome note.
Everyone was quite impressed with Mudlongwa account and the naturalness of
his address. When Matongo took to the podium he sealed our confidence with
the visiting party and we were witnessing the dawn of a new era of modern
day Zimbabwean politicians. The rest of his address is history but Matongo
left no one, most of who were seeing and hearing for the first time in any
doubt as to his calibre, capabilities and political charm. As he said the
duty was on every Zimbabwean to stake their claim in the process of
re-democratising our country. It was a time for change and he bellowed the
MDC slogan 'Chinja' with the thundering noise of a bull
elephant

What I liked most about Matongo and probably why he was
such a popular National Chairman was that with him, you did not have to be
anyone. All you had to be was be a Zimbabwean and hard working for your
party and country. He always said to me "vafana munoshandaka imi" because he
saw for himself what potential was there and what groundwork was being laid
for the party and that was what mattered to him.

Matongo's
first trip would be just the beginning of occasional visits to the UK and
other countries such as America. What struck most about Matongo was the way
he availed himself to the people during those encounters and sought to
maximise to the fullest his working visits. Matongo would make sure he met
with Zimbabweans wherever they wanted to meet him in the UK. He
criss-crossed the length and breath of the UK just as he did in
Zimbabwe.

From London, Birmingham, Coventry, Leeds and Manchester
in England, to Edinburgh and Perth in Scotland. Matongo would want his trip
to be publicised as much as possible so that every Zimbabwean and friend of
Zimbabwe who wanted to meet him did so. This was in sharp contrast to
politicians such as Welshman Ncube who always sneaked into, and spirited out
of the UK without even meeting Zimbabwean people. We would actually hear
from the British 'contacts' that your SG was here did you see him? Even in
Zimbabwe Ncube is not known in the rural areas and this is why Chimankire
would quip to me in one conversation that he wanted to see how Ncube would
'market Mutambara' when he did not even know the way to Gokwe
himself.'

Here in the UK we would book Matongo in some the most
modest hotels and he would occasionally opt to "come to your house for a
traditional meal while we talk". That was just how simple Matongo was and
such humility and simplicity is what endeared Matongo especially with the
business leaders that he met when he came to Scotland. These are people who
expressed very keen interest to work with an MDC government and totally
liked the idea of an African politician who was so rarely detached from the
nauseating extravagance and pomp that normally characterise African
politicians.

When he last came to Scotland in 2005 I booked
Matongo in the same hotel that Silas Mangono had stayed in Edinburgh when he
came in January 2002. Like Mangono, Matongo asked that I took him home 'for
sadza' while we talked so he could see where I lived. That was after meeting
Zimbabweans at the Roxburgh Hotel. At my house he played with my then
5-year-old son while sadza was being prepared. After the meal I drove him to
his hotel and when I picked him up at 0800 sharp the following morning,
Matongo was immaculately dressed in his grey suit and tan shoes. It was back
to serious business and even my son would not have recognised the playful
and casually dressed man he played with the previous
night.

We went for meetings and Matongo was excellent and
typically articulate and spoke with the usual authority and explicitly as if
he was reading from a script. His audience were thrilled and these are
people who were looking forward to Matongo's next visit and this time with
more MDC leaders for a much more comprehensive presentation of the MDC
business vision of a new Zimbabwe. The MDC is a party that is still largely
unknown in the business world and most potential investors are still yet to
know what the party would do economically and they are willing to hear its
case.

Matongo was very instrumental in quelling the problems that
were befalling the MDC here in the UK especially issues that had tribal
connotations. He kept the party united through his open door policy. Matongo
faced those difficult issues with a straight face and open mind whereas
other MDC leaders have always sought to interact selectively with Diaspora
Zimbabweans. The death of Matongo will cripple the MDC to quite a
significant. Of course like anyone else, no one is entirely irreplaceable
but only the degree of difficulty in such replacement is what matters. In
Matongo's case such difficulty in finding someone of his matching calibre
will be extremely immeasurable.

There are people who
unjustifiably sought to criticise Matongo as corrupt and also most
controversially, that he was a CIO and this was why he never got arrested.
The first argument can be put to rest with the fact that Matongo never
underwent the kind of personal and material transformation that we witnessed
other MDC leaders undergoing. He could have made a fortune for himself but
he always emphasised that the party was more important than any individual.
This is what endeared himself with most people and even myself because he
was a leading example through his contributions and
conduct.

As for being a CIO and not being arrested, I think
if Matongo was really a CIO he could have done what the real CIO do and that
is torture and murder people. He must have been a very bad CIO operative who
worked so hard to establish the MDC, a party that has caused the government
so many headaches since its inception. There are people in the MDC whose
actions have really been counter productive to the opposition and these are
people who could realistically be labelled CIO's.

The
strength of the MDC's structural base is largely and appropriately
attributable to some of Matongo's efforts and no CIO would work to ensure
the 'enemy' that is the MDC, would be a credible party. Matongo's stuck
admission that the MDC was yet to make meaningful inroads into the
countryside was a realisation that for the party to unsettle ZANU PF, there
was need to change is focus on the urban electorate because that alone, was
not enough to wrestle power from ZANU PF.

Some people have
sought to scrutinise Matongo's personal life and therefore question his
credibility as a national leader. However, real and fully functional
democracies have a clear separation between a politician's private and
personal life and his political life. As long as the private and personal
life is not directly interfering with the politician's execution of his
duties this should not be unnecessarily mixed up. People are entitled to a
political as well a private personal life and as long they do deliver on
their political expectations they should be given credit.

I
personally and strongly feel that Matongo acquitted himself quite well as an
opposition politician. It is a real shame that like some of the heroes of
the liberation struggle who died before independence, Matongo was never
going to live to enjoy the fruits of his hard work. Whether he was arrested
or not, Matongo was an extremely hardworking MDC politician. It is only sad
that in a deplorable situation like Zimbabwe where untold political madness
is obtaining, hardship rather than hard work, is now the benchmark for
political contribution.

Consumer watchdog warns against maize price
increase

BULAWAYO, 2 May 2007 (IRIN) - The Zimbabwean government has
raised the price of scarce maizemeal by almost 600 percent to stimulate
production, but a consumer watchdog is warning that it will make the staple
food unaffordable.

Agricultural minister Rugare Gumbo announced this week
that the retail price for maizemeal would go up by 570 percent to support a
680 percent increase awarded to maize farmers.

The official Herald
newspaper quoted Gumbo as saying that the state monopoly, the Grain
Marketing Board, would now pay maize producers Z$3 million (US$120 at the
parallel market exchange rate) per metric tonne (mt), up from Z$52,000
(about US$2) per mt, and sell grain to millers at Z$3.1 million (US$124) per
mt to "stimulate maize production to levels of national sufficiency in terms
of food security".

As a result, the official retail price of a 5kg bag of
maizemeal soared from Z$3,200 (US$0.12) to Zim$21,874 (US$0.87), an increase
of 583 percent. This is in line with maize prices on the parallel market,
where the commodity is readily available.

"For the price of maizemeal
to go up by such a high percentage is unheard of," said Comfort Muchekeza, a
spokesman for the Consumer Council of Zimbabwe (CCZ).

"It spells doom
for consumers, who are already battling with inflation of 2,200 percent and
a [monthly] consumer basket of about a Zim$1 million (US$40). It's actually
a blow that will send many consumers tumbling, especially considering that
wages are low and prices of other consumables continue to soar almost on a
daily basis."

Most families with six members consume a 20kg bag of
maizemeal every month, which will now cost Z$78,988.57 (US$3.15) instead of
Z$11,800 (US$0.47), while average salaries range between Z$200,000 (US$8)
and Z$500,000 (US$20) a month.

"The increases will definitely push up
the required amount of money a family needs to spend on basic foodstuffs per
month. We realise that many families are living in abject poverty and could
barely even afford the previous prices," Muchekeza added.

Gumbo
defended the increases, saying they were meant to cushion farmers and cover
a deficit that has sent alarm bells ringing in the southern African
country.

"We know the bearing it has on consumers, but there is
absolutely nothing we can do about it. We realised, after increasing the
producer price for maize grain, that there was need to balance the scale by
increasing the price of maizemeal," Gumbo told IRIN.

"We hope farmers
will take advantage of this lump-sum offer to venture into maize grain
production to feed the country. We are currently facing a deficit, and for
the perennial shortages to go away we need to empower our
farmers."

Consumers told IRIN the increase in the price of their
staple food was a slap in the face. "I earn less than Z$200,000 (US$8) and
have a family of five. The current food basket stands at about Z$1 million
(US$40) and already I have difficulties providing for my family. Now that
maizemeal costs this much, I really don't know how we will survive; now we
need the grace of God," said Nonsikelelo Dube, in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe's
second city.

Economic analyst John Robertson concurred with the CCZ and
consumers, pointing out that while the increases were a windfall for
farmers, they were a nightmare for consumers.

"Obviously farmers are
happy, but what is most apparent is that consumers are the most affected.
The increases in both grain and maizemeal will help push inflationary
pressures that will lead to more suffering for the masses," he told
IRIN.

The government has already declared 2007 a drought year and the
United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation and the World Food
Programme are undertaking an assessment of the country's agricultural system
and food aid requirements.

This year's maize harvest is expected to
be less than 600,000mt, only about a quarter of the country's annual
national requirement of 2.4 million mt.

This article does not
necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations or its agencies.

Zimbabwe Youth Movement attacks divided civic society

By Lance Guma02
May 2007

The interim president of the Zimbabwe Youth Movement, Collen
Chibango, has criticised what he called a divided civic society in Zimbabwe
that has helped to prolong Mugabe's grip on power. This, he said, was why
several groups in the country were not willing to coordinate their
activities in unison with others. Chibango said there are several
individuals benefiting financially from civic society operations and these
people were holding everyone else to ransom. The inevitable consequence, he
says, is that some of these leaders end up trying to monopolise the
political space at the exclusion of people who matter.

"This approach
alienates them from ordinary people and because of this structure you also
have people coming to demonstrations expecting Per Diems and allowances,"
Chibango argued. He said although resources were an important part of any
struggle, 'we need to keep ourselves close to the people.' The former
student leader said this was why some organisations lacked grassroots
membership and were only identifiable by their leaders. Asked if it was
possible to unite civic society leaders Chibango said, 'people on the ground
are not divided, they want to fight hunger, they want to fight the regime
and if we put emphasis on this, unity is not difficult to achieve.' He said
people have to be empowered to effect change rather than having an elite
group of intellectuals at the forefront of the struggle.

He told
Newsreel that an added problem is that everyone knows what the issues are
and yet no one is willing to talk about them. He says as the youth they have
nothing to fear and will boldly point out where things are going wrong in
the struggle. Chibango narrated how they were looked at with suspicion when
the Zimbabwe Youth Movement was formed. He says ideological differences will
always exist but the problem was that these where being used as a badge of
honour to identify who to accept and who to reject. His group have taken a
left wing approach to their activities and say this has invited a lot of
hostility from other civic society groups. The ZYM say they remain
undeterred and will continue their current membership drive in both rural
and urban areas.

MacGill exposes Zimbabwe tour

The Australian

Malcolm ConnMay 03,
2007STUART MacGILL, who boycotted Australia's previous tour of Zimbabwe
three years ago, wants his team-mates to take a closer look at the desperate
situation in the crumbling African nation.The World Cup champion's next
assignment shapes as another International Cricket Council farce, a one-day
series in Zimbabwe in September against a hopelessly under-strength
side.With Cricket Australia facing a $2million ICC fine if it fails to
fulfil its international obligations, only an independent, adverse security
assessment will prevent the tour from taking place.

This may prompt
more players to take an individual moral stand, as MacGill did in
2004.

"It's naive to think that sport and politics don't mix," MacGill
said yesterday.

"You have to look at things from all angles and make
your own mind up about the sorts of things that are important to you and
that you have a bigger part to play in the world community than just on the
sporting field."

MacGill made it clear that while he felt strongly about
Zimbabwe, and believes the country has deteriorated since his refusal to
tour, he was unaware if any of his Australian team-mates felt the
same.

"I don't know and I'm careful not to discuss it with anyone because
I'd hate to think I'm making their mind up for them," he said.

"I'm
not an activist, I'm not making a stand, it's just something that I didn't
feel comfortable doing (touring Zimbabwe)."

The key person in MacGill's
decision-making was former Zimbabwe captain Andy Flower who, with fast
bowler Henry Olonga, took the brave stand to wear black arm-bands during the
opening 2003 World Cup match in Zimbabwe to highlight "the death of
democracy" in their country.

"He pretty much said what I thought, which
was 'if you're hoping to change the world by your decision, you should
probably go (tour). One man is not going to make any difference. But if
you're doing it because you don't feel comfortable then by all means (don't
go)'.

"That was the best thing he could have said to me because it was
the way my actions were going to be perceived which bothered me the most.
People would think I was trying to shake the tree a bit and that certainly
wasn't the case.

"On an individual level, there was a lot to feel
uncomfortable about travelling as a sporting team over there and so I
decided I couldn't go.

"And if anything, it has deteriorated
enormously."

Australian Cricketers Association chief executive Paul Marsh
said the ACA was in the process of gathering as much information as possible
to put before the players over the next few months.

"We're talking to
government representatives and security consultants here and in Zimbabwe to
get the best idea possible of what the situation is like," Marsh
said.

Cricket Australia spokesman Peter Young said CA was likely to send
a delegation to Zimbabwe in August to assess the situation.

"We don't
have our heads in the sand ... but we have very strict obligations under the
ICC's future tours program," Young said.

MacGill believes it is tough for
players to take an individual stand.

"I don't know whether the players
should be in a position where they find themselves faced with these
decisions. If it is a significantly wider community issue then possibly it
should be a wider set of participants fighting it out," MacGill said,
referring to sporting bodies and politicians.

Other players will be
encouraged that MacGill, who is not a member of the one-day team and will
not be considered for this tour, experienced no official ramifications from
refusing to join the team in 2004.

"As far as selection was concerned, I
can guarantee there weren't any (ramifications) and if there was any
unhappiness at board level, I certainly didn't feel it," MacGill
said.

Quite apart from the moral issues, which confront many of
international cricket's third-world countries, the ICC should dump Zimbabwe
as a full voting member because its on-field standard is in
free-fall.

Zimbabwe is ranked 11th in the world behind Ireland following
the World Cup.

Last year, Australia's academy side of promising
youngsters toured Zimbabwe, and flogged the national side in a series of
matches.

Let's Save our Nation

Sokwanele

Sokwanele Article : 2 May 2007The
news that Bob is going to step down after the 2008 elections should not be
greeted with relief but with the disbelief and suspicion that it so
thoroughly deserves. We know all too well from experience that this man's
word cannot be trusted and it is folly for the press to even hint that we
should expect such a kind gesture from the man who has ruined
us.

There is something that seems to escape public discourse in this
country and that is the fact that this man has outwitted us from the word
go. His plan has been simple: acquire power and having acquired it, retain
it all costs as Zvobgo once pointed out to us. His problem is not greed for
power as many have tried to explain. The dilemma he has is the number of
atrocities that have been committed under his watch and now he is afraid to
take the stand and account for them. That is his problem.

Our
problem, on the other hand, is we seem to be content to wait him out as if
we are the ones in besieging the country. We have given up all pretence of
resisting this man, and are now giving him permission to take the country
down with him to guarantee his natural death in office. When he dies in
office, he will have won. It is as simple as that. It is either senility or
a natural death that will drive him out of office.

This begs the
question: Where is our manhood and womanhood that we are willing to go about
our business of survival without resisting the person who has caused the
mess in the first place? Where is our manhood when we leave it to WOZA to
carry the protest on our behalf? Where is our womanhood when we stare in
shock and awe when our fellow women are carted away before our very eyes
each time they try and demonstrate in the streets in accordance with their
constitutional right? Are we prepared to lose our dignity to avoid being
bashed? What are we going to tell our grandchildren when they ask us what we
did to try and stop one man from destroying our country? Are we not men and
women of honour?

Surely, since this man has decided that he is staying in
office, and damn the consequences for the country, we should take him up on
his word and add to his stomach ulcers and headaches? We know from
experience that he does not intend, will not step down from
office.

How can an entire nation of people look the other way while
neighbours are arrested, abducted, tortured or simply disappeared? How can
an entire nation simply gratefully accept handouts from our children in the
diaspora when we know they are not happy there? We know that a good number
of our children are living in foreign lands with between zero and nil
dignity.

All of this to allow one man to die in office, one day in the
unknown distant future, lest we annoy him? Are we willing for the
infrastructure to absolutely fall to pieces before we can begin to rebuild?
Where is our sense of outrage?

So what can you do individually to
help save our country from impending disaster?

† a.. Write to every
one you know outside the country and get them to press charges against him.
He cannot get away scot free.

† b.. Write to the press in South Africa
and keep the pressure on public opinion there.

† c.. Write to your
relatives who are currently outside of the country and ask them to come and
vote. In fact, ask them to start saving now for the trip home so that their
voice can be heard through the ballot box.

† d.. Encourage every 18 year
old you know to register and tell them the future is mostly in their hands.
Tell them they must be the change they so desperately wish to see.

†
e.. Go home in August and December and tell your relatives two things: tell
them about the horrors of Murambatsvina, then if you do not mind, tell them
that their vote is secret and that it has always been.

† f.. Dispel once
and for all the myth of sanctions.

† g.. Boycott all government press and
government linked businesses. Boycott especially those shops that you know
are owned by members of the ruling clique.

† h.. Register to vote and
on the day, make sure you turn up and cast that vote. You cannot afford to
give up because you are tired of every thing, because you think elections
will be rigged, because it was painful hearing the results the last time and
whatever reasons you might have. Instead, think of what potential Zimbabwe
has.Think back on the first three years of independence when every thing
seemed to be on track before the mask slipped. Think of where we could have
been had it not been for one man and think that we can get there but only if
we start now. We have a window period here and now before the rot gets
beyond repair.

Bold Writer Aptly Tells the Story About Zimbabwe's
Political and Economic Problems

The WIP

May 1, 2007

by Constance
ManikaZimbabwe

Zimbabwean theatre lovers have had something to
talk about for the past two weeks. Cont Mhlanga's riveting new play, The
Good President, premiered here in Harare, Zimbabwe, on April 12.

This
politically charged satire, written and directed by Zimbabwe's most
controversial playwright, summarizes the country's 30 years against British
colonial rule, focusing specifically on events leading to Zimbabwe's
independence. It goes on to highlight what has happened in the 27 years
since Zimbabwe gained independence from Britain in 1980. All in one tight
hour of compelling action.

The play kicks off with a scene in a
police station where two police officers are assaulting the leader of an
opposition party, acted by a look-alike of Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of
Zimbabwe's strongest opposition, Movement for Democratic Change.

In
addition to beating him up, they search his pockets and steal all his money
and leave him for dead. One of the police officers, Wangu, who had been
shown in a previous scene sadly telling his girlfriend that he had no money
to meet her demands, is suddenly ready to finance all of her
requests.

These events bounce back to haunt Wangu when his grandmother
comes to the city for an eye treatment. In one of their many conversations,
Wangu is told that his father, himself a former leader of the opposition,
was murdered by state agents during the 1983 Gukurahundi, the civil war that
erupted in Zimbabwe soon after independence between two ethnic groups-the
Shona and the Ndebele.

This piece of news upsets Wangu greatly,
forcing him to resign from the police force. He feels it is pointless for
him to serve the same government that killed his father.

The play
also touches on the chaos that has been generated by the harmonization of
presidential and parliamentary elections to be held in March 2008. The
beatings of opposition leaders, the banning of rallies, military imposed
curfews in the capital Harare suburbs, all of which are shown as desperate
attempts by a government to hold on to power.

It shows how the Mugabe led
government is abusing its power by turning entities such as the police and
army-that survive on taxpayers' money-into the ruling ZANU PF party's
campaign material. Instead of protecting and serving civilians, the police
and army in Zimbabwe are now being used to serve selfish political
ends.

The play attempts to prove that Zimbabwean leader Robert Mugabe, in
power since independence from Britain in 1980, was not part of the founders
of Zimbabwe's struggle for independence. Instead, Mugabe was roped in
because of his eloquence in English. He was the most educated and so he
became "president by design."

The Good President is presented in a
daring and refreshingly funny manner, despite the seriousness of the issues
raised in the play.

This kind of a play is certainly a very rare
occurrence in the volatile Zimbabwean situation, where freedom of expression
in any form is under threat and can land someone in trouble with state
security agents. It could lead to a ban of the play by the state controlled
Censorship Board.

But despite its blatant political content, the creator
of The Good President, Cont Mhlanga, is unmoved by the possible reprisals
from the play, especially in light of the clampdown on dissenting voices by
the Mugabe regime.

"Our job as playwrights is to write on issues that
take place in society, whether they are in favour of or against the
interests of the powers that be. It is up to the people to respond to the
play in a way they might find fit," Mhlanga says stubbornly

"Whenever
I write a play my objective is to stimulate public debate and draw public
attention to specific issues, and then leave it up to the audience to decide
how they respond. I am prepared to face whatever reprisals this may come
with."

But whatever the political connotations, during the running of
this play, Zimbabwe theatre lovers can certainly unwind and laugh at their
own problems.

"People are free to generate whatever meaning they want
from the play. That is the role of theatre," Mhalanga offers.

"But as
far as I am concerned, this play is about a
grandmother."

CommentsG. Ryan:Why the arts are so important!
My aunt likes to take me to plays. It is a rare treat to see Broadway
productions so I go. I don't know how she picks the plays because she never
knows what they are going to be about until I meet her with the review and I
tell her about it just before the curtains rise. The old standards just put
me to sleep - especially musicals can be a real yawn. But the occaisional
political piece that really takes an important issue in society and presents
it in a way that we carry home with us, and that we wake up with, and that
we are still digesting the next morning. For me, that is theater I can
appreciate. Thank you Ms. Manika for this story that sheds some light on the
current situation in Zimbabwe. I look forward to more stories from you and
your country.

Posted by G. Ryan | May 1, 2007 6:51
AM

Alexandra:As the news unfolds please share more about the
government's response to Cont Mhlanga's play. It is a courageous act on
Mhlanga's to premiere "The Good President" at such a volatile time in
Zimbabwe. Looking back at the artist's role historically in society, it is
not to be underestimated.

Posted by Alexandra | May 1, 2007 7:37
AM

Thabelani:It is good to see that there are individuals within
Zimbabwe who are prepared to freely express themselves artistically without
fear of retribution or victimization. That is the nature of a true
democracy. I applaud Mr Mhlanga for this and thank you for setting such an
admirable precedent for all Zimbabweans! Thank you Ms Manika

No celebrating for Zimbabwean journalists on World Press Freedom Day

By
Violet Gonda2 May 2007

May 3rd marks World Press Freedom Day. But for
many journalists in Zimbabwe this is far from a day for celebrations. Since
March this year, Zimbabwe has seen at least four journalists arrested and
tortured and one cameraman abducted and murdered.

The victims include
former Daily News journalists Tsvangirai Mukwazhi, William Bango (who is now
opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's personal assistant) and Luke
Tamborinyoka. Tamborinyoka, who is now the Information Officer for the
Tsvangirai-MDC, has been in police custody for the last
month.

Journalists Gift Phiri and Tendai Mupazviriko have also been
at the receiving end of the regime's brutality. Another freelancer, veteran
ZBC cameraman Edward Chikomba, was found beaten to death and dumped on the
roadside.

Speaking about Press Freedom Day, Sandra Nyaira-
Coordinator of the Association of Zimbabwe Journalists- said it is a sad day
that journalists are not looking at any gains and media space is eroding on
a daily basis in Zimbabwe.A new analysis by the Committee to Protect
Journalists (CPJ) also noted that the "Zimbabwe government has waged a
relentless war on critical voices since 2000, using repressive new laws to
imprison and harass journalists and driving dozens into exile."In spite
of Zimbabwe's bad track record it did not make it to the "top 10" worst
countries that have turned increasingly repressive. Nyaira said this does
not mean the situation in Zimbabwe has improved but has actually worsened.
She said the world is becoming more and more unsafe for journalists to
practice resulting in other countries becoming more repressive than
Zimbabwe.

In its report the CPJ said: "The backsliders reflect a mixture
of relatively open countries that have turned increasingly repressive and
traditionally restrictive nations where press conditions, remarkably, have
worsened."

Mann in the middle of two African dictators

The First Post

†

Simon Mann, the notorious British
adventurer at the centre of an attempted coup in Equatorial Guinea, is due to
learn his fate next week.

Following an extradition hearing in Harare today, a Zimbabwean
magistrate will announce on May 9 whether Mann will be extradited to Equatorial
Guinea - where he will face charges that carry the death penalty - or whether he
will be free to leave prison in Zimbabwe when his sentence comes to an end on
May 11, and return home to England.

In recent days, Mann (right) has become the focus of
a flood of rumours and wild speculation.

An ex-SAS officer and Old Etonian, he has been incarcerated in
Harare's notorious Chikurubi jail ever since he flew in from South Africa in
March 2004 and was caught buying weapons and ammunition, with which to overthrow
Equatorial

Will Zimbabwe send him home, or barter his life for oil from
Equatorial Guinea, asks hugh
russell

He was jailed for four years with a year's parole. In
retrospect he should be grateful he wasn't able to fly on to Equatorial Guinea,
where the leader of the coup, Nick du Toit, was convicted and sentenced to 34
years in jail.

President Nguema has been eagerly requesting Mann's
extradition ever since - a request which the Zimbabwe courts, with typical
deliberation, have been considering.

Even at the eleventh hour, the issue remains in doubt. It is
thought by some that the Mugabe government will be putting pressure on the court
to decide in favour of extradition. Zimbabwe needs all the friends in Africa it
can get. And Equatorial Guinea is oil rich. Rumour says Nguema will reward
Mugabe for the gift of Mann by offering him

---------------------------------------

Page 2

†

tankers of the stuff.

But another rumour, even more fanciful, says that Mann has
already cut a deal with the Zimbabwe government, agreeing that if he is released
he will use his considerable contacts to persuade international dealers to
supply Zimbabwe with, guess what, oil.

This theory is backed up by yet another rumour - that
Zimbabwe's deputy health minister, Edwin Muguti, has personally submitted a
report to the court stating that Mann is seriously ill, and should therefore not
be extradited on medical grounds. Muguti is said to have been highly paid for
his services.

Mann's health is known to be deteriorating. He is variously
said to suffer from hypertension and a hernia, to be going blind, and worse.
Perhaps the truth is he is suffering from general debility brought on by the
appalling conditions inside

Rumour says Nguema (above right) will reward Mugabe
for the gift of Simon Mann with tankers of oil

Chikurubi jail where food is bad and TB and Aids are rife.

Because Mann, now in his mid-50s, is in a pitiful state, some
observers in Harare believe that, despite the Mugabe regime's ruthless
reputation, Zimbabwe will not risk international condemnation for sending a sick
man to his almost certain death in Equatorial Guinea.

So, despite the many hardliners in Mugabe's Zanu PF party who
would love to send this interfering white man to his doom, the smart money says
he will be saved.

If so, the news will no doubt be welcomed by Lady Thatcher's
son Mark, who was fined US$10,000 in South Africa for financing a helicopter
charter requested by Mann.

The two men were friends. Yet there is no sign of Thatcher
flying to Zimbabwe to stand by his friend's side at his time of need.

MacKay Offers Moral Support for Zimbabwe Opposition

Embassy Magazine, Canada

Embassy, May 2nd, 2007By Brian
Adeba

The Movement for
Democratic Change gets its first Cabinet-level meeting with the Conservative
government, grateful for the moral support but hoping for some more
substantial aid after Mugabe is gone.In what was the first time that a
minister from the Conservative government has met a leading member of
Zimbabwe's opposition, Foreign Affairs Minister Peter MacKay pledged support
for democratic reforms and the respect of human rights in the troubled
southern African country at a press conference last week.

Mr. MacKay
made the comments at his office on Parliament Hill when he met Arthur
Mutambara, head of a splinter faction of Zimbabwe's main opposition party,
the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

"Canada is with the people of
Zimbabwe. What [President Robert] Mugabe has brought on the people of
Zimbabwe is cause for alarm in the international community," Mr. MacKay
said.

For his part, Mr. Mutambara thanked Canada for the moral support,
but asked for economic help in a post-Mugabe Zimbabwe.

"We want
Canada to help us work beyond democracy by empowering our people through
technology transfer," he said. "At the end of the day, the buck stops with
Zimbabwe; we are going to be masters of our own destiny."

Mr. Mutambara
represents a faction of the MDC that split from the main block led by Morgan
Tsvangarai, whose blood-stained and stitched head wound was splashed across
newspaper pages worldwide in March after Zimbabwean police violently
disrupted an opposition rally he was leading. The MDC split two years ago
over a dispute on contesting Zimbabwe's senate elections. Mr. Mutambara
heads the faction that was in favour of participating in the
elections.

In an interview with Embassy, Mr. Mutambara spoke mainly
about Zimbabwe's future after Mr. Mugabe is gone. While declining to mention
what kind of tangible support he had been promised by Mr. MacKay, he said
the fragmented MDC, which has been criticized for being ineffective, is
putting aside its differences and will soon present a united front against
Mr. Mugabe.

"As we stand right now, there is a coalition that we are
constructing in Zimbabwe, a united front where there will be a single
candidate for president," he said.

Mr. Mutambara declined to mention
who will lead the coalition, but urged support for mediation efforts led by
African countries, especially among members of the Southern Africa
Development Community (SADC), a regional group of 14 countries to which
Zimbabwe belongs.

Liberal MP Keith Martin, who last year sponsored a
private member's motion urging Canada to indict Robert Mugabe for human
rights abuses, said he welcomed Mr. MacKay's decision to meet with Mr.
Mutambara.

"I hope it leads to greater engagement into the catastrophe
that has befallen the people of Zimbabwe," said Mr. Martin, adding that
Canada should appoint a special envoy on Zimbabwe, and support education,
food security and health projects in the country.

Florence Chideya,
Zimbabwe's ambassador to Canada, said Mr. Mutambara's visit is one of many
visits to the West, adding that both parties have every right to
meet.

"However, time will tell whether this visit respects the spirit of
engagement mutually agreed to by SADC [at a summit in late March in
Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania] and embraced by Mr. Mutambara," said Ms. Chideya in
an email. The two-day SADC meeting was called to discuss rising tensions in
Zimbabwe. It appointed South African President Thabo Mbeki to promote
dialogue between Mr. Mugabe and the MDC. However, critics charged that Mr.
Mbeki's past mediation efforts yielded nothing and blasted the decision to
assign him this role.

But while Mr. Mutambara's meeting with Mr.
MacKay is important, it is unlikely to yield tangible results in Zimbabwe,
said Linda Freeman, professor of political science at Carleton University.
Ms. Freeman said that Canada, like many Western countries, finds itself in a
bind because Mr. Mugabe will interpret anything it does as colonial
interference.

"This plays very powerfully in Africa, and that tends to
hobble countries from doing much," said Ms. Freeman, co-founder of the
Canadian Research Consortium on Southern Africa.

Among Western
leaders, there is a mixed feeling about Mr. Tsvangarai's leadership, and Ms.
Freeman said Mr. Mutambara is trying to position himself as a possible
candidate.

"Mutambara is probably trying to see if there is any movement,
if one can probably break this log jam, he will be well-positioned to take
advantage of that moment," she said.

But though it appears the MDC
has made moves to unite and present a united front, Ms. Freeman said a
potential for instability in the opposition exists because of infiltration
by government security agents, especially in the Tsvangarai
camp.

"It's not a done deal and there's no certainty that it will hang
together," she said.

A New Zimbabwe:
Getting a good deal

Comment from The Mail & Guardian (SA), 19 April

Lindsey Hilsum

Alphabetical misfortune
dictated that the president of Zimbabwe should be the last African leader to
shake the hand of the Chinese President, Hu Jintao. I almost felt sorry for
Robert Mugabe as he loped across the reception room in the Great Hall of the
People and the cameras whirred for the 42nd time. At last November's Africa
Summit in Beijing, he was just one among dozens craving Chinese investment,
loans, aid and political support. In his dotage, Mugabe sees the events of
30 years ago more vividly than the present. He characterises Chinese
interest in Zimbabwe as the actions of a friend in solidarity, dating back
to the days of the liberation struggle. "You gave us all the means with
which we prosecuted our struggle and I say a good friend is one who stands
by you when you are in trouble," he told Liu Zhufeng, the Assistant Minister
for Construction, who visited Harare with a 13-strong delegation of Chinese
businesspeople in March, a few days after the United States and Britain had
condemned police attacks on the opposition. In Mugabe's view, Zimbabwe was
"being faced by a struggle against great powers", and China was its
ally.

The view from Beijing is quite different. "It's quite easy for
Chinese to become rich in Zimbabwe," said Wu Jiangtao, dubbed "the most
successful Chinese businessman in Zimbabwe" in a story carried by the
official news agency, Xinhua, in January. In February, China Business News
ran articles about the relative merits of starting furniture, glass and
steel parts factories in Zimbabwe. Wang Wenming, described as "a former
business diplomat to Africa", told of a Chinese garment factory that
recouped its initial investment in the first year. The Chinese are in Africa
for business, raw materials and to shore up African support over Taiwan and
other matters of Chinese concern in the United Nations. They do not care if
a state abuses human rights, but nor do they like instability and conflict
that may interfere with the viability of their investments. Zimbabwe is
important only inasmuch as it helps the Chinese project.

Nor are
the Chinese blind to Zimbabwe's problems, despite the rhetoric of support
for the government carried in the official media. "The Zimbabwean people
seem to be closer and closer to the edge of tolerance," said a Shanghai
newspaper in mid-2006, in a report quoted widely throughout the Chinese
media. "Although the national security police are everywhere, the people
can't help complaining in public. No one has a good word for the current
government." All of which is good news for a post-Mugabe Zimbabwe.
Resentment against China is widespread, as Chinese traders selling cheap
goods widely derided as "zhing zhongs" have replaced indigenous businesses
wiped out by Operation Murambatsvina. Then there are the stories of the
buses from the Chinese company First Automobile Works that never moved from
the garage, and the Air Zimbabwe planes that never flew. The opposition is
angry because the Chinese provided the technology that jams SW Radio Africa,
and the weapons the government bartered for tobacco and gold.

But
resentment and anger will not help the economy recover. While Zimbabwe
descended into its nightmare, the world outside changed. The West continued
its long-term retreat, and China started to penetrate Africa. Managing
Chinese investment and interests is one of the biggest challenges facing
African governments in the first part of the 21st century, and a post-Mugabe
Zimbabwe will be no exception. China has a well worked out policy towards
Africa, but fragmented, often ill-governed Africa with its different,
sometimes competing states, has no coherent policy towards China. As a new
government in Harare figures out its priorities, it will need to develop a
pragmatic stance, preferably in concert with South Africa, which has a more
mature approach to China than most African countries.

Take the
March visit of the construction delegation. Mugabe wanted Chinese companies
to build rural homes because he sees rural Zimbabweans having "more loyalty
than the urban people". A new government in Harare would probably want a
rapid programme of urban regeneration to help those still destitute after
Operation Murambatsvina. Chinese companies might be the best placed to
provide low-cost housing. Keen to get contracts, Chinese companies often
undercut their Western competitors. State-backed, their services may be
bundled with loans or barter deals. This could be exactly what Zimbabwe
needs. Morgan Tsvangirai, the MDC leader, told me: "Another two years of
this, and Zimbabwe's economy could still recover. Beyond that, I just don't
know." That was five years ago.

Zimbabwe's economy will never
look as it did before. Commercial farming can contribute to a new economy
but it is unlikely to return to its previous dominant position, so new
sectors must rise. Zimbabwe has the world's second-largest reserves of
platinum; China is now the world's largest buyer. Mugabe may delude himself
into thinking that Chinese investment is some sort of charitable project but
a new government must strike a good bargain. Chinese businesspeople and
diplomats negotiate down to the wire, so a new Zimbabwean government must be
prepared to take a tough stance. This is not a colonial relationship, but a
modern exchange - willing buyer, willing seller. On joint ventures and
long-term supply contracts for platinum and other minerals, the Zimbabwean
government needs to hold out for good working conditions, a ban on the
import of unskilled labour and reasonable tax revenue. Of course, the
Chinese will threaten to go elsewhere, but there are a limited number of
places they can go. Zimbabwe is in a strong position.

The biggest
factor working against Zimbabwean national interests will be corruption. The
Chinese have no compunction about bribing to get a deal that works for them.
Any new government in Harare will be unable to negotiate effectively with
the Chinese if individuals taking decisions can be persuaded to back down by
inducements. When Mugabe goes - whether a political compromise or death
carries him off - Western governments and international financial
organisations will rush to Zimbabwe's rescue. Huge amounts will be promised,
vast numbers of foreign experts will offer their services. But maybe one of
the most helpful things Western donors can do is to help Zimbabweans deal
with the Chinese. And maybe the best thing Zimbabwe's new rulers can do is
to discard any anti-Chinese sentiment they may harbour and concentrate on
getting a good deal. That, after all, is what will benefit the Zimbabwean
people, as they emerge from the long years of poverty and
repression.

The "Jewel of Africa" no more

Wednesday, May 02, 2007 -
FreeMarketNews.com

When comparing the fortunes of African nations, it
would be difficult to find two more disparate stories than those of Tanzania
and Zimbabwe. Books could be written (and some day will) on this topic, but
for now, excerpts from two recent news posts themselves speak
volumes.

Of Tanzania, Jackie Steinitz, writing in Resource Investor
notes:

"Tanzania is geologically well endowed, with deposits of gold,
base and ferrous metals, diamonds, gemstones, coal and a number of minerals
such as phosphates, gypsum and kaolin.

"However during Julius
Nyerere's presidency from independence in 1964 until his resignation in 1985
the country was run under a system of African socialism, self-reliance and
ujamaa, a policy involving a return to traditional African family life.
During this period foreign investors largely withdrew from mining; the
sector declined to just 0.8% of GDP.

"Since liberalisation in 1986 the
country has opened up, welcomed foreign investors and Tanzania now offers a
number of advantages for mining. It is a politically stable multi-party
democracy, nationals speak just one language (Swahili), there is a strong
and transparent mining code, and a favourable tax regime. Foreign investment
in the mining sector over the last 10 years has totalled $2.5 billion; gold
has boomed with production up from 6,000 kilograms ten years ago to more
than 45,000 kilograms in 2005. Mining now accounts for 2.7% of GDP and is
projected to account for 10% by 2025."

Compare the above to current
events in down-at-the-heels Zimbabwe, once known as "the jewel of Africa."
Allafrica.com's Shakeman Mugari writes of recent events there,
stating:

"ALL gold mines this week stopped processing gold due to an
acute shortage of foreign currency needed to import cyanide, a key chemical
in bullion production.

"Miners said the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe had
failed to pay them gold delivered since October last year.

"Almost
all major mines have closed their production mills because they have run out
of foreign currency to import essential chemicals...

"Gold mines are
supposed to receive 67% of their gold sales in foreign currency while the
remainder is paid in Zimbabwe dollars at a price of $16 000 a gramme.
However, since October they have not received either the foreign or local
currency component for gold delivered to the central bank. The regulations
state that miners are supposed to be paid half their monies within four days
and the remainder within 21 days of gold deliveries."

Alert! The Peoples' Court in Rugare

30 April 2007

RUGARE-
Residents testifying in the ongoing tribunal workshops were on Saturday 28
April 2007 categorical in their rejection of the illegal commission running
the affairs of Harare and promised to intensify their anti-commission
campaign until elections are held in Harare.

The residents, as witnesses
in the CHRA Peoples' Court, highlighted the level of hypocrisy by the regime
and the state of helplessness that has engulfed the communities of
Kambuzuma, Rugare and Warren Park. They outlined in graphic detail how their
lifestyles have deteriorated under the imposed Sekesai Makwavarara-led
commission since its appointment in December 2004.

In his testimony,
David Hove, the Chairperson for Ward 14 in Kambuzuma said he wondered why
the commission remained at Town House while service delivery was
deteriorating.

"The Commission was not voted into office. The residents
of Kambuzuma have never held a meeting with this commission," Hove said. "We
want to elect our own leaders at Town House and help each other to develop
Harare into a model City." Other testimonies came from residents of Rugare,
and Warren Park.

The casting of the CHRA Tribunal heard the case between
the residents of Rugare, Kambuzuma and Warren Park vs. the Chairperson of
the illegal commission Sekesai Makwavarara and her superior Ignatius
Chiminya Morgan Chombo, the Minister of Local Government, Public Works and
Urban Development.

The play will be showcased in 18 locations across Harare and
seeks to highlight the extent of the collapse of service delivery, the
undermining of the judiciary by the State and the wishes of the residents in
the arena of local governance.

Residents participate in the mock
trials (Tribunal) as State witnesses. The testimonies place emphasis on
service delivery, the rule of law and how they relate to the unfolding local
governance crises in Harare. The play's focus on the two faces of repression
at local government level is a milestone in CHRA's development of an
effective and creative advocacy tool.

The play uses previous High Court
rulings on the commission.† A Guilty Verdict was reached in Rugare and the
residents ululated in unison, revealing the depth of their suffering under
an imposed regime.

The Commission is illegal! Elections for Harare
now!Ends"CHRA for Enhanced Civic Participation in Local
Government"

†For details and comments please write to us on chrainfo@zol.co.zw, or visit us at
Exploration House Corner Robert Mugabe Way and Fifth Street. You can also
call us on 011 862 012, 011 612 860, 0912 924 151 and 011 443 578 or visit
our website www.chra.co.zw

Those licensed to kill
should die by the sword

THE recent death
of Edward Chikomba was the most shocking of the murders reportedly
perpetrated by those whose bounden duty, ironically, is to protect the lives
of ordinary citizens.

There was something cold and calculated about this
latest killing of a seemingly innocent citizen going about his business
without any suspicion of performing an illegal or subversive act.

If
it is true that all he did was take video footage of Morgan Tsvangirai after
he had been bashed while in the police cells, then it must be concluded,
even by those who have not become paranoid about what has been called
"government'sanctioned" killings,† that this was as political a murder as
the attempt on Patrick Kombayi's life and the murder of Edwin
Nleya.

In the first case, the perpetrators were duly arrested and
brought to court and even sentenced.

Their reprieve through an
amnesty of sorts was the worst form of political interference in the law
that can be imagined.

Edwin Nleya's killers have never been arrested, let
alone brought to justice. Similarly, the murderers of Cain Nkala remain at
large, as the man or men who murdered, seemingly in cold blood, of an
opposition activist in the aftermath of the aborted 11 March Save Zimbabwe
Campaign prayer meeting in Highfield.

Gradually, it would seem,
Zimbabweans are becoming aware that we have in our midst citizens who are
licensed to kill.How else can we describe these people? For instance, the
murderers of Tichaona Chiminya and Talent Mabika seem to have been
positively identified.

The only reason why they have not even been
arrested cannot be explained with anything other than the reason that they
are licensed to kill and cannot be touched by the law which applies to all
of us.

We are entering a new, terrifying era in which, in the name of
"fighting terrorism", the government has decided to employ well-trained
security people who can abduct citizens in the dead of night, kill them and
not a leave a trace of their ever having been involved in the dastardly
act.

This is not to say that our security situation can now be likened to
that in the Darfur district in the Sudan, Mogadishu in Somalia, Baghdad in
Iraq or any of those genuinely terror-ridden locations in the
world.

It can only make sense if the government is preparing to declare a
state of emergency, laying the foundations for a postponement of the 2008
elections because it would face an Herculean task to rig
them.

Clearly, there are now present in every department involved in the
electoral process citizens who can spot the rigging as it takes place and
make a huge noise about them their voices will be heard in Vladivostok and
the outer skirts of Shanghai.

For the government to risk a free and
fair election in 2008 might entail a terror campaign of such terrifying
proportions it will cow most citizens into abandoning all efforts to cast
their ballot or vote for the ruling party for fear of
reprisals.

Rarely has the government displayed such naked fear of the
opposition as it did when it decided to give a victim of police brutality a
"State-assisted" burial because of the fear that a proper,
opposition-sponsored burial might degenerate into a massive anti-government
display which could get completely out of hand.

The only reason why
the ruling party and the government are both as jittery as a cat on a hot
tin roof can only be related to its fear that the results of the 2008
elections might turn out to be the only ones in recent history that it might
not be able to "fix".

Moreover, there is much evidence that, perhaps for
the first time in its history, Zanu PF is grievously divided on exactly how
to handle an opposition party which, though itself divided into two, seems
still capable of mounting a formidable challenge where it matter most - at
the ballot box,

One group in the ruling party, dominated by the defence
people, who are mostly war veterans, seem to be advocating a thorough-going
campaign of violence to frighten the wits out of the opposition.

It's
difficult, though, to ascribe the recent killings to any of the top people
in the defence forces. This is more likely to be the work of the
intelligence chiefs, said to be closest to President Robert Mugabe, and
constantly feeding him on a regular diet of fear of the Unknown - they
cannot guarantee an election victory and would not like to be blamed if the
worst happened.

The worst-case scenario is a Zanu PF and Mugabe
defeat, resulting from a blend of the anti-Mugabe vote from disaffected Zanu
PF elements and a rejuvenated combined MDC vote, spurred by well-established
anti-Mugabe sentiment within the rank and file of the ruling
party.

What complicates matters for the opposition and for the country in
general is a decision by Mugabe and the intelligence chiefs to take the high
road of eliminating all leaders of the opposition groups, or their most
effective public figures.

The attempted assassination of Nelson
Chamisa, for instance, must have been sanctioned at the highest level. The
would-be assassins had to be people licensed to kill. To this day, not one
of them has been picked up, let alone identified.

What Zimbabweans
must now appreciate is that their government, although claiming to the
outside world that it is democratic and is fending off attempts by the
forces of evil to destabilize the country is openly waging a campaign of
murder and mayhem against its own citizens.

There may not be an official
campaign to eliminate all opposition voices, but there must be tacit
agreement among a group of the leadership that, to protect their political
future and that, perhaps, of everything they have built up over the years,
including fortunes in land, mining† and other business enterprises, they
must go for broke.

What encourages them is the fact that so far, nobody
has been officially charged over the many atrocities committed against the
people, beginning with Gukurahundi.

That not one person has been
arrested in connection with the recent murders suggests clearly that the
government and Zanu PF are satisfied that they could raise the stakes - go
for more murders - and still not face the danger of any kind of backlash
from the people.

This would be foolishness of the worst kind. Not even
Zimbabweans are as docile as to ignore a wholesale campaign to kill and kill
people only because they are trying to assert their rights as
citizens.

In many African countries ruled by ruthless dictators and a
single party engaged in killings and kidnappings of opponents, the people
have eventually triumphed, even after huge losses of life.

But they
have triumphed, sending the dictators fleeing with their tails between their
legs.

In most such cases, the countries - Somalia is an example - have
degenerated into non-states, run by warlords. They have suffered such
economic stagnation, recovery has been difficult to imagine.

For
Zimbabwe, this would be the final† humiliation: a country which, at
independence in 1980, promised to set an example for the rest of the
continent, for peace, stability and prosperity† ending† up as a typical
backwater, an underdeveloped African country, run by an oligarch, enriching
itself on the enslaved sweat of the people.

In their graves, Benjamin
Burombo, Masotsha Nldovu, Herbert Chitepo, Joshua Nkomo, and even Mbuya
Nehanda would turn and curse.just curse the people licensed to kill.

Botswana union wants tough action on
Mugabe

Zim Online

Thursday 03 May 2007

Own
Correspondent

GABORONE - Botswana's workers' federation says President
Festus Mogae and other Southern African Development Community (SADC) leaders
must confront President Robert Mugabe over the ongoing the repression of
workers in Zimbabwe.

Addressing hundreds of workers to mark
International Labour Day in Gaborone on Tuesday, Botswana Federation of
Trade Unions (BFTU) president Japhta Radibe said SADC leaders must act
against Mugabe.

"We should ask our President (Mogae) and SADC to warn
Mugabe to stop the terrorism on workers. Are you failing to warn Mugabe?
Let's warn Mugabe, tell him, Mugabe basopi! Basopi Mugabe!" said
Radibe.

Radibe said the policy of "quiet diplomacy" adopted by most SADC
leaders to deal with Mugabe and Zimbabwe was not working adding that
regional leaders must speak out more forcefully against the repression in
their troubled neighbour.

"The repression of workers in Zimbabwe,
Swaziland, Iraq etc and the dingy sweat pots across developing countries,
should anchor our thoughts on the day such as this," he said.

At
least three million Zimbabweans are living outside the country after fleeing
hunger and political persecution at home. Some of the Zimbabweans are living
illegally in Botswana in search of menial jobs.

Relations between
Zimbabwe and Botswana have been frosty over the past few years with the
Gaborone authorities accusing the Zimbabweans of stoking crime in their
country while Harare says Botswana ill-treats its nationals who visit that
country. - ZimOnline

Apology to Conjwayo

The Zimbabwean

We wish to apologise to Mr Philip
Conjwayo for the the distress and anxiety suffered by him as a result of the
article "Apartheid spy reveals SA role in Gukurahundi" published in The
Zimbabwean Vol.3 No.15, 19-25 April 2007. At no time since his release on 1
July 2006 has Mr Conjwayo, or any member of his family or any other
representative,† communicated with any representative of any media
organisation. - Editor

6) Dry conditions in southern Africa have lowered crop yields,
degraded pasture land and reduced water resources. Drinking water has also
significantly been reduced in Marondera and Bulawayo, Zimbabwe Relief is not
expected to return to the region until the next wet season.