Spotlight on AfricaAn in-depth look at an important story affecting the African continent today.
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ENRFITue, 13 Feb 2018 11:46:26 +0100RFInoTelecom firms giving Africans less digital rights than Europeanshttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20180206-telecom-firms-giving-africans-less-digital-rights-rather-europeans
A new report published by advocacy group Internet Without Borders says that telecoms companies operating in Europe and Africa are affording their users different digital rights. The study compares Orange and Vodafone’s subsidiaries to ask whether users in Senegal and Kenya are given the same right to access, use and create digital media as well as access and use devices and networks. The research provides a detailed assessment of respect for freedom of expression and privacy, concluding that users in Europe are treated differently to those in sub-Saharan Africa. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Julie Owono, Executive Director, Internet Without Borders…
Why did you decide to carry out this study?
These operators, specifically Orange and Vodafone, have quite good records in terms of the freedom of expression of users and privacy. We were wondering if these two telecommunication operators perform the same way in sub-Saharan Africa. Unfortunately, we found that there were important differences on how these two companies behave when they are in Europe, in the EU, and when they are in sub-Saharan Africa.
Starting with pre-paid mobile services because these are some of the most popular on the continent – do you think users get the same terms and conditions in Senegal and Kenya as in Europe?
The terms and conditions is basically the contract which is signed between the operator and the user. It’s also a document where the user will have better understanding of what he or she can do on the operator’s network - information on when and why the network might be cut off for technical or other reasons. But unfortunately, we found two things – in the case of Orange in Senegal, we found that these terms and conditions are missing. They are not published on the website and it's worrying because the obligation to inform the user is a basic contractual obligation. The user has to know what he or she can do on the network of the operator. By not publishing such terms and conditions, Orange Senegal places itself in a very uncomfortable position, where we don’t know if Orange Senegal receives an illegal order, for instance to shut down the internet, we don’t know how the operator will respond to that order received from the government. In the case of Safaricom in Kenya, although the terms and conditions are published, unfortunately they are not very clear. Clear, meaning they are not accessible to the user; the language used might be perceived as very legal. The terms are not put in a very simple way for a basic user to understand. Most importantly, they are not very precise especially on issues of network interruption. We only know that the operator reserves the right to shut down the network whenever the operator finds it necessary to do so, but we don’t know why it may be necessary for the operator to shut down the network.
You’re saying that the terms and conditions in Senegal and Kenya allow the network operators to shut down the internet whenever they want?
It leaves space for very worrying practices which we can be seen on the continent. It’s not science fiction to fear that a shutdown might happen because shutdowns have happened in several countries in sub-Saharan Africa whether it is in west or east Africa. So that’s why we’re particularly worried that these two major operators in these two major countries - which are considered as democracies compared to many other countries – its worrying that the rule of law is not clear. We hope that as leaders they will drive the market up, as they are leaders, they will show the way to others – other operators and other countries. That’s something that we think is very important for the sub-Saharan Africa market.
Another area you focus on is privacy, whether these companies respect users’ personal data. What did you discover here?
Again we discovered that Orange in Senegal does not publish a privacy policy on its website. So it’s very important to publish a privacy policy because in a privacy policy a user can know what data of his or hers is collected by the operator. With whom is it shared, which third party has access to this data, whether it is government, whether it is other companies. The user has a right to know and this is not an obligation that was made up by Internet Without Borders. It’s an obligation that exists even under Senegalese law. There’s a law on personal data which was adopted by the country and which created a commission to protect personal data.
Does that mean that the operator in Senegal could, for example, be compiling lists of the telephone numbers that you dial and selling those lists on?
It’s possible. We’ve received complaints – of course, we’re not a judicial body. But we’ve received complaints from users, from citizens who tells us that they’ve received SMS messages that they’ve never asked for before. We don’t know, we’re asking – it would be important to publish that privacy policy in order for the operator to explain that it is taking all the necessary measures to protect the personal data of its users. By publishing the privacy policy, it would also allow the users to know how they are protected, who has access to these servers. We talk about cyber security and cyber criminality in Africa at the moment – so it’s also important, not only to talk about the criminals, but also to talk about steps that are taken to prevent criminals from entering servers. Publishing the privacy policy is very important and we’ve seen that in the case of Safaricom. We’ve worked in Kenya with an association, International Association of Women in Radio and Television, a group of journalists in Kenya, who are particularly interested in gender-based violence committed through digital services or digital platforms. In one of their reports, they’ve highlighted cases of women who were harassed by former spouses or after any sort of relationship, and didn’t understand how their data, their new data, their new numbers, got into the hands of their former spouse. So, these are questions that we’ve asked Safaricom – in reality, it can translate into very disturbing situations for particular people.
Why do you think that these companies that operate both in Europe and in Africa treat their respective users so differently, according to what you say?
The first factor is the awareness of people, of citizens, of civil society, organisations such as ours, but also in sub-Saharan Africa. The idea that digital rights are human rights is very new - preserving freedom of expression online is as important as preserving it offline. So this is the work that organisations such as Internet Without Borders is trying to do – raising the awareness of other civil society organisations, raising the awareness of citizens on the importance of digital rights. The other elements which could explain such low performance could be that local legal environments may not be strong enough compared to the existing threats. Some of these laws may need to be updated.
If this is the case, then isn’t this the responsibility of the countries in which these companies operate, to ensure that they put in place laws that govern these areas and then force the companies to adhere to these laws.
This questions makes us think of a particular situation – in 2017 Orange Cameroon was one of the network operators which agreed to shut down the internet to English-speaking regions of Cameroon upon receiving an illegal order from the Cameroonian government. We asked them, ‘why did you agree to obey this order?’ and they responded that they were just obeying the law. Which is true, but also not quite true because indeed the first entity responsible for the protection of human rights is states. But there was a set of principles that were adapted by the UN in 2011 - a charter called the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights, which says governments have the responsibility to uphold and protect human rights. But companies, which have such important roles in our societies today, also have the responsibility to uphold these human rights. One of ways to apply this responsibility is to help the legal environment evolve whenever it’s not up-to-date compared to the international obligations of the states in terms of human rights, freedom of expression and privacy. That’s why we’re saying that it’s not enough to say that the government is responsibility for protecting human rights because we know that certain states have a problem with the rule of law. But we also think that other actors, such as civil society, but also companies, every layer of civil society, including the private sector, plays a role in protecting democracy and human rights. Sometimes the government is not able to protect these rights.
Daniel FinnanA new report published by advocacy group Internet Without Borders says that telecoms companies operating in Europe and Africa are affording their users different digital rights. 10:164B3415A8-8A8D-48DF-B46E-CDCD66FA8FC0Tue, 06 Feb 2018 03:00:00 +0100noFree speech 'non-existent' in Zambia, says exiled musicianhttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20180130-free-speech-non-existent-zambia-says-exiled-musician
Freedom of expression has deteriorated under Zambia’s President Edgar Lungu, according to a leading musician who fled the country after receiving death threats. Fumba Chama, who goes by the stage name Pilato, fled Zambia at the start of January following a series of intimidating messages. His song Koswe Mumpoto (Rat in the pot) was seen as critical of the government and resulted in menacing voice and video messages. Rights group Amnesty International described the threats to Pilato’s life as a “brazen” attempt to silence dissenting views. The singer-songwriter has been charged with “disobedience of lawful order” due to his participation in a protest during September in front of the country’s parliament building, according to the country's state broadcaster. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Pilato about his controversial song, the death threats he received and its implications for free speech in Zambia…
What is Koswe Mumpoto (Rat in the pot) about?
The song talks about the rats that have invaded a house, they’re taking advantage of the situation - they’re stealing, they’re even stealing things that they can’t use. It’s about the destruction that the rats are bringing to this house which is under their control.
Are you really talking about rats or is this an analogy?
It’s definitely an analogy for leaders that instead of serving the people, end up serving themselves. In Zambia, we have a scenario where we have the bush mice and the rats. The bush mouse is a delicacy, it's a food for a certain tribe in the Eastern Province. In the song, I’m saying we asked for bush mice so that we could eat them, but instead you gave us a rat. Now this rat is eating what we’re supposed to be eating - this rat is stealing things that it can’t even use. It’s destroying things that we treasure the most, so it’s an analogy of a leadership that instead of serving, is self-serving.
You’re talking about the government, the ruling Patriotic Front party, President Edgar Lungu?
Not exactly just that kind of leadership. I’m talking about the government obviously, I’m talking about church leadership, I’m talking about local government – it’s not targeted at one group of leaders. Instead of serving the people, these leaders are serving themselves.
You’re talking about authority figures, the ruling elite – does this also include the opposition?
All the leaders, everybody in leadership who does what’s not expected of them. Leadership, by design, is supposed to save the people. It doesn’t matter which platform - if they’re not serving the people, they’re serving themselves, they are basically rats in the pot.
What was the response to the song?
It’s been great – people are dancing, I’m excited. It’s only disturbing that a certain group of people decided to attack me, threaten me with death. It’s a little bit off, I didn’t expect that humans would resort to such thinking.
What threats did you receive?
I had threats from people who are connected to the government – these are youth organs, cadres. These cadres are like militias responsible for the brutality that happens politically in Zambia. They attack people, even at police stations, even at graveyards. These people have been responsible for a lot of criminality - beating and killing people. They sent me voice messages, they sent me a video clip warning me and telling me what they’re going to do to me. This has not attracted any response from the police, the police have not stepped in. It’s these threats that pushed me to leave the country because I don’t feel safe anymore. These people are powerful enough to even attack you at the police station itself.
Did you go to the police, the authorities to make a complaint about this?
Our institutions have broken down such that you can’t trust the police officers. The police officers are weak, powerless at the moment. The people that have power are these cadres who are literally militias. These guys are capable of attacking you at the police station – this has happened, the police have no power over them, me going to the police is just surrendering myself to them. Even going to the courts, I’ve got voice messages of them telling me that even if I go to the courts they’ll come and snatch and kill me from there. Even if I were to go to any embassy in Zambia, they’re saying they can actually get me and attack me. I would have loved to have gone to the police, but police don’t have power over these people.
It must have been scary to receive those threats?
Very scary, especially if you are an individual like me. We have political parties who have faced this brutality, but they are groups – they have various channels, security apparatus in their own setup. I’m just an individual who doesn’t even have a gun. So it’s very scary, very dangerous.
Radio stations and television channels have been ordered to stop playing your song. Does the song itself actually break the Zambian broadcast code, as far as you know? For example, using profanities or inciting people in some way.
It doesn't, it's a pure song, it's a song that doesn’t even get anywhere close to criminality. But I must also mention that this didn’t just start with this song. I’ve been a musician for the past eight years. I only enjoyed radio time in my first three or four years. I had DJs calling me, telling me how their bosses were ordered not to play anything by Pilato – even just a social commentary song or any other neutral song. They’ve been told not to have anything to do with me. Private or public media institutions - I’ve got no space there, my name is like a crime. My music is like a crime regardless of what it’s about.
What do you think about the state of free speech in Zambia?
It’s non-existent, considering that even social media is being clamped down upon. We have reports of people that have been arrested and jailed for just sharing their opinions on Facebook. I don’t think we enjoy the freedom of expression, the freedom of speech as we should do.
Do you think this has worsened under President Lungu?
It has worsened. I’ve been in this space for some time, so any slight change affects me to a great extent. During [former President Levy] Mwanawasa’s time, I had no idea I could even go to jail for a song or face threats for a song. I did music under Mwanawasa and there was nothing like that. During [former President Michael] Sata’s time, I did music and although I had little scares, little threats from distant cadres, I never went to jail. Under President Edgar Lungu, I’ve been arrested two times for expressing myself. One time was because I did a song – I was arrested. The other time was because I protested the misuse of public funds. The government had bought second-hand fire trucks for one million dollars each. Me and my friends protested asking how could the government justify that misuse of funds - we were arrested. This is not something that has happened to anybody in the previous governments. This is worse, this is a new height of abuse of power and abuse of people’s freedoms.
Have you asked yourself whether it’s worth continuing being critical of those in power?
I do question myself every time I feel lonely – I ask myself is this necessary, is this worth it? I think it's a deserving fight. It’s necessary because if we don’t do it now, it may be too late tomorrow. If I was to be self-centred - to say, ‘I’m not the only one who’s seeing these things, maybe just let me be like any other person’ – tomorrow it might be deadly for me, or family members or friends. And it may be too late to challenge it, so I feel this is necessary now – if it can be stopped, it has to be stopped. We can’t wait for it to get worse tomorrow.
How long will you remain in exile?
Not for too long, I can’t surrender my country to a bunch of thieves.
Daniel FinnanFreedom of expression has deteriorated under Zambia’s President Edgar Lungu, according to a leading musician who fled the country after receiving death threats. 9:52C388D51B-4EDE-4278-93DC-9DAB53DA5CC6Tue, 30 Jan 2018 03:00:00 +0100noTunisia's rulers fail to live up to Arab Spring promisehttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20180116-tunisia-ruler-fail-live-arab-spring-promise
Nearly one thousand people have been arrested in Tunisia in the biggest wave of social unrest since the revolution. Anger at new austerity measures has brought hundreds of Tunisians back onto the streets with the same demands they did back in 2011. Seven years on, protesters say the government has failed to live up to the promises of the Arab Spring.
Every January since the 2011 revolution, Tunisians have taken to the streets to vent their anger over high unemployment and corruption. Seven years on, some of the same problems remain.
“People are very angry and very frustrated by the lack of hope and lack of perspective,” says Olfa Lamloum, the Country Manager in Tunisia for the British NGO International Alert.
Protests that are usually confined to Tunisia's socially deprived west and south regions, have this year spread to the capital Tunis.
"All our research shows that the situation of people, inhabitants of marginalised areas, especially the youth has deteriorated since the collapse of Ben Ali," Lamloum told RFI.
Youth unemployment stands at more than 35% according to the UN's International Labour Organisation, and the economy remains wracked by corruption and clientelist networks.
"These protests that we’re seeing in Tunisia right now, they didn’t come out of the blue," Monica Marks, a Tunisia expert at Oxford University told RFI.
"People are upset about many of the same things that upset them seven years ago. And each year that it continues and these demands aren’t met, the frustration keeps building."
IMF under scrutiny
Frustrations reached boiling point early January when the government unveiled this year's budget, aimed at raising taxes and prices of basic necessities, while at the same time scrapping subsidies.
The social cost though is too high warns Marks: "Austerity measures are hard enough for Western countries, imagine if you just came out of an authoritarian state, you’re trying to go into a democracy, and all of a sudden you get austerity measures, naturally it increases old-regime nostalgia, naturally it would make people feel less confident in democratic governance as a successful solution."
In December 2017, the International Monetary Fund urged Tunisia to take decisive measures to address its economic problems. The biggest of those problems is the public deficit.
Marks slams the IMF for placing too much emphasis on public sector cuts and not enough on tackling corruption.
"A lot of poor people in the country simply don't have anything left to give. Tackling corruption and clientelism would have a huge impact, because a lot of the protests we’ve seen have started because of unfair, corrupt hiring practices."
Public sector corruption
Two years ago in January as well, huge protests erupted in Kasserine in Tunisia's South, after a 27-year old car mechanic named Reda Yahyaoui was electrocuted, after climbing a transmission pole to foment further action by protesters.
Days beforehand, he'd been turned down from a job interview, due to corruption says Marks.
"The local phosphate company was not hiring people transparently. To get a job there, you would have to bribe someone 3 or 4,000 dinar (1.000 - 1.500 euros), and this is rampant in public sector jobs, they’re not given meritocratically, they’re given corruptly."
Olfa Lamloum travelled to Kasserine at the height of the unrest in 2016, and co-directed a documentary called "Voices from Kasserine".
"Voices from Kasserine is a 52 minute documentary. We travelled through the governate of Kasserine, which is a stronghold of the Revolution of January 2011, to hear the words of its inhabitants."
Kasserine's disillusioned youth
The documentary gives a voice to farmers, unemployed graduates, and even child smugglers, who benefit from Kasserine's close proximity to the Algerian border says Lamloum.
“I was really troubled by my interview with a kid smuggler. He avoided during all the interview looking at the camera," she said of one interviewee who proved difficult to interview.
"I felt like I was dragging his words out of him. It really shows the vulnerability of youth in Kasserine, where for some youth smuggling is the only opportunity to survive.”
Tunisia has been held up as the only successful democratic transition among the Arab uprisings but its struggling economy is unable to meet the aspirations of its young people, making them prey for groups like the Islamic State armed group.
Tunisia's President Beji Caid Essebsi has vowed to improve the lives of young Tunisians during a visit last week to a youth centre in a working-class suburb of Tunis. He handed out loans and promised to improve aid for the poor and provide healthcare.
Too little too late
Though welcome, Lamloum says the government response is only a pain-killer, "but doesn't deal with the underlying causes of poverty and inequality."
"It’s late and it’s insufficient and it’s not going to solve the problem. The help that most families are going to get from these reforms only amounts to 12 or 20 dollars a month. It’s very very little.”
The country's economic challenges have taken the shine off democracy, but both Lamloum and Marks acknowledge that the revolution did bring some gains.
"For sure we gained some new things, like the new democratic constitution, democratic elections, freedom of expression, the right to protest, despite the arrest of hundreds of protesters recently," said Lamloum.
"People are not satisfied, that doesn’t mean that the revolution has failed or that the protests are a rejection of the revolution," comments Marks.
Seven years ago, the battle cry of the revolution was: "Work, Freedom, and Dignity". Seven years on, protesters are again chanting the 2011 slogans.
"Tunisians got freedom," says Marks, "today's protests are a continuation of the revolution’s demands which have not been met."
Christina OkelloNearly one thousand people have been arrested in Tunisia in the biggest wave of social unrest since the revolution. 10:0AEB2D99A-F5CE-462C-BDFE-A001085CD2A0Tue, 16 Jan 2018 07:37:00 +0100noPicture what it means to be a Chadian womanhttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20171219-picture-what-it-means-be-chadian-woman
They work as pilots, potters or footballers, sometimes against incredible odds, to build a better future for themselves and their families. Now for the first time, more than two hundred women are being honoured in a new book called "Portraits of Chadian Women", by artists Salma Khalil and Aché Coelo, who are challenging the way society sees African women.
It was a sweltering day in March when Salma Khalil first began work on her joint project with fellow artist Aché Coelo to capture the beauty of Chadian women.
One stood out in particular.
"I saw her sweating in the middle of piles of sand," says Khalil.
"In the beginning I thought she had used a machine, then afterwards I discovered that she had dug the ground herself, using just a shovel and a pick."
The woman she describes is Ambaddo Dana, one of two hundred women captured by the photographer for a new book called "Portraits of Chadian Women."
"We tried to show the world that women in Chad, of course are equal and able to work like men, but we are not in a competition," explains Coelo, who provided the text accompanying the photos.
"We just took the opportunity with this project to promote the powerful and the daily fight that women in Chad are facing to live, to survive and to take care of their family," she told RFI.
The women are potters, fish-sellers, and also pilots, who have succeeded thanks to the support of their parents.
Fighting prejudice
"Being a Chadian woman is first of all being a strong person, because life here is sometimes very hard, and this is what our book shows," comments Khalil, who's also the founder of an association called Positive aimed at empowering women.
The 35-year old painter and photographer is positive herself. That's who the Chadian woman is, she says, "because every day you have to fight hard to live."
What is she fighting against?
Prejudice replies Coelo. "One of the ladies in the book was turned down the first time she went for a job interview. She was told this is not for her, this is something for men. She said let me just try and you will see if I am not able to do it."
Three months later, she proved her worth. "The employer was like wow, I need you to do this job," exclaims Coelo.
"We have to prove to people that we are able to do something before they can trust us and this is very challenging."
Changing perceptions of the Chadian woman
The 32-year old film director and sociologist says she's grateful to the French embassy in N'djamena for funding the one-year project.
Just as she is towards the First Lady of Chad for attending the book's launch on Saturday 16 December.
"It was a big surprise for us to see the First Lady coming for the launching," says Coelo. "This meant a lot to us, and personally for me, as an artist, as a woman, as a young person."
Since the book's launch, reactions have been flooding in.
"Most of the people will call us to congratulate us, and they say so this is what a Chadian woman can do," jubilates Khalil.
"This the first time that we’ve had books like it in Chad I have to tell it, and people for example on Facebook, on the Internet, they keep on encouraging us to work in this way because in Chad we have problem of education."
Cultural barriers and tradition continue to bar so many girls from getting a good education.
"We cannot fight for our rights when we are not educated," insists Khalil, "but if we can leave an example to our young brothers and sisters it’s very important."
Christina OkelloThey work as pilots, potters or footballers, sometimes against incredible odds, to build a better future for themselves and their families. 10:0DD779DFC-F37C-465F-93FC-2AF377650FA0Tue, 19 Dec 2017 07:37:00 +0100noWhy did Zimbabwe's war veterans ditch Mugabe?http://en.rfi.fr/africa/20171121-why-did-zimbabwes-war-veterans-ditch-mugabe
What finally led to the fall of Robert Mugabe on 21 November? The liberation leader turned authoritarian president was toppled by his erstwhile allies, the war veterans. So what sparked their divorce?
Zimbabwe was plunged into chaos on Tuesday 14 November when soldiers and tanks were seen heading towards the capital Harare.
"There were soldiers at strategic points, no police to be seen, and that was a tip-off that something major was happening," Knox Chitiyo, an Associate Fellow at London-based thinktank Chatham House who was in Zimbabwe at the time.
"People were uncertain of what was happening and whether there would be a heavy police presence, a heavy military presence. People got home OK, because we called each other afterwards, but the absence of police told you that something major was happening."
Zimbabweans long accustomed to seeing police roadblocks at every corner, woke up to find the military in charge and President Robert Mugabe placed under house arrest.
"It was extremely shocking," Miles Tendi, a Zimbabwean writer and lecturer at Oxford University, who specialises in civil-military relations, told RFI.
"Going on the literature, a coup in Zimbabwe was highly unlikely, so, when it came to pass, it took many of us aback, probably all of us, I don't think anyone predicted that this would occur."
When is a coup not a coup?
The military insisted it wasn't a coup and that they were targeting "criminals" within Mugabe's entourage, who they claimed "had brought the country to the brink of economic collapse."
"But the speed at which events have moved, wasn't so surprising because the army was very aware that they couldn't let this drag on for too long."
The country's political uncertainty was sparked by Mugabe's sacking of his former vice-president now turned president Emmerson Mnangagwa, allegedly in a bid to allow his wife Grace to take over.
That was the final straw says Robert Besseling, Executive Director of risk firm EXX Africa.
"Mnangagwa has had links with the security and the military since the days of the liberation struggle. He played a key role in many of the military interventions in Zimbabwean politics, and the fact that he was removed was seen by those allies of his in the military as removing a key leader of theirs in the ruling party."
But few had predicted that the internal squabbles of the ruling Zanu-PF party, would spill over to the army and set it on a collision course with the president.
So how did we get here? And why did the war veterans, the men who fought alongside Robert Mugabe during Zimbabwe's liberation war against a white-minority regime, now lead the charge against him?
War veterans threaten Mugabe
"The war veterans and the military had given Mugabe a lot of warning shots," explains Knox Chitiyo.
"It looks like something that happened overnight, but from the time the War Veterans Association released a declaration last year, saying 'Look, we're not happy with the way Mugabe is running the country, we're not happy with the way he's running the party and we're removing him as our patron,' that was a massive warning."
In July 2016 the war veterans withdrew their support from Mugabe, calling on him to uproot the rot of corruption that was eating away at the country.
"The war veterans have always been one constituency that Mugabe could not ignore," Chitiyo says.
A letter of their demands made public expressed their frustration, that was already apparent in 1997, he recalls.
"In 1997 they demanded payouts for compensation, for the injuries they'd received during the war. The government had been very reluctant to do that, but they said to Mugabe 'If you don't give us this, we brought you in and we can remove you'."
"He read the mood well and realised this was very, very serious. I think what's happened now is that I think he felt he could substitute the support of the war veterans with the support of the Women's and Youth league, who supported his wife."
Underestimated Mnangagwa's support
The 93-year old also underestimated the determination of the war veterans and the military to see Mnangagwa suceed him, adds Knox.
"In a sense he misread the mood."
Mugabe's links with the war veterans are steeped in Zimbabwe's struggle against Ian Smith's white-minority government that followed British colonial rule. But Miles Tendi says the president was moving away from that history.
"Over the years, Mugabe had gradually begun to marginalise figures from the 1970s liberation war. And the military command, the present one is comprised of young commanders from that time. And they saw through his distancing of himself from that war generation a threat to their own interests."
A sacking, crowning and euphoria
The veterans have long wanted Emmerson Mnangagwa, who was sacked by Mugabe on 6 November, to succeed him. On Sunday 19 November, Mnangagwa was appointed leader of Zimbabwe's ruling Zanu-PF party after Mugabe was ousted as its leader.
News of Mugabe's removal from the leadership of the party he founded; was met with scenes of euphoria on the streets of Harare and, after a short interlude, by his resignation as president.
"Of course there's a lot of euphoria on the ground," comments Tendi. "He's been in charge for almost four decades, to put it bluntly: he was almost an irremovable object: But I'm slightly more cautious with regards to what comes after."
Tendi says the "individuals who engineered the de-facto coup are the same individuals who've kept him [Mugabe] in power for the last four decades."
So he has doubts about the ability of the military-backed transitional government to deliver the change Zimbabweans expect.
"Probably what we'll see are cosmetic reforms just enough to pacify the international community, to secure support, but not deep enough to result in a loss of power for the Zanu-PF ruling party," he says.
Misogyny and Grace Mugabe
As for Mugabe, he appears to have lost the support of the military leaders who had kept him in power by siding with his wife, Grace, in the succession battle.
"Look, she is an unpopular figure for a variety of reasons but I think she has been unfairly targeted," Miles recoknos, pointing to the "misogyny" of Zimbabwean politics.
"You have the leader of the war veterans, Chris Mutsvangwa, saying that Grace Mugabe was promiscuous, that she was having sexual relations with all the members of the G40 group [faction within ruling Zanu-PF that supported her] and that's why they were loyal to her. So, part of the focus on Grace has been that: a sexist misogny."
Opposition divided
The internal squabbles within Zanu-PF come just months before the nation goes to the polls to vote for a new president.
The opposition are unlikely to benefit from that infighting, says Tendi, because "they've been very divided as well and are mostly broke".
Furthermore Zanu-PF has managed to get itself a younger leader, he says, whereas historic opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai's health is poor.
That's not his only problem.
"Morgan Tsvangira's stand as an opposition leader was in juxtaposition to Robert Mugabe," says Tendi. "His campaign was always 'Mugabe must go'. Now that fight has gone because Mugabe has gone, he must reinvent himself to take on this new challenge that Emmerson Mnangwa presents."
"We can't eat elections"
While elections are scheduled for next year, Knox argues that people are more concerned with jobs than polls.
"Right now what people are most interested in is jobs: people say we can't eat elections, so it will be interesting to see how it will play out."
Despite the uncertainty, many Zimbabweans have hopes for a better future, as embodied by Henry Olonga's 2000 hit song Our Zimbabwe, which has been filling the airwaves of state broadcaster ZBC since the military takeover.
The song's call for unity and hope was echoed in mass demonstrations on 18 November calling on Mugabe to resign, protests that, unprecedentedly, were supported by the war veterans.
The controversial leader, respected for his role in Zimbabwe's liberation struggle and loathed for his authoritarian rule, succeeded, in his last days, in uniting Zimbabweans against him.
Christina OkelloWhat finally led to the fall of Robert Mugabe on 21 November? The liberation leader turned authoritarian president was toppled by his erstwhile allies, the war veterans. 10:0F07F3F37-52CD-4DE2-A7FD-EB47CFA7DDE1Tue, 21 Nov 2017 07:37:00 +0100noHas world forgotten Somalia's huge terror attack?http://en.rfi.fr/africa/20171114-has-world-forgotten-somalias-huge-terror-attack
Tuesday 14 November marks one month since a truck bomb exploded in the Somali capital Mogadishu, killing hundreds of people – many of whom were never identified. It was the worst bomb attack in the history of Somalia. In Britain, home to the largest Somali community in Europe, members feel the world has already forgotten the tragedy.
"We haven’t seen the kind of media coverage that we normally see when one person shoots another in downtown Manhattan, or even in cities like Paris and London," Sahel Yusuf, chairman of the Gaashaan Somali community centre in London tells RFI.
On 14 October, a powerful bomb blast ripped through the capital of Mogadishu, killing at least 358 people and injuring hundreds more.
"This doesn’t mean that the people of these countries are against Somalis, but it means that those who are in a position of power are not interested,” he says.
The attack in Somalia--the deadliest in its history-- came shortly after a deadly mass shooting in Las Vegas, but many Somalis noted a quieter response to events in Mogadishu.
US drones kill more Somalis than bombs
"I think Somalia as a country has been forgotten," reckons for his part Dwali Yusuf, vice-chairman of the Gaashaan Somali community centre. "It’s sad you know, African lives are not compatible with Western lives, especially Somalia."
Dwali also criticises the role of the US, whose forces carried out air strikes against Al Shabaab on 12 November, killing several people. Earlier this month, the US struck Islamic State armed group (IS) targets in Somalia for the first time.
"The worst condition Somalians are facing today is not only the bombing but also drone attacks from the United States of America, now based in Djibouti," says Dwali. "Attacks from drones are killing more Somalis than these terrorists are killing," he says.
The militant group Al Shabaab, which has been fighting to topple the internationally-backed government for more than a decade, has yet to claim responsibility for the 14 October attack, but did claim a different one on 28 October.
Uproot Al Shabaab's sponsors
“We must uproot their sponsors, whoever they are," insists Sahel Yusuf. "At the moment all eyes are on the Gulf region, because this is where the financial help is flowing from."
Observers claim that Eritrea sponsors Al Shabaab in an attempt to counter the regional power, Ethiopia, its long-time enemy. Eritrea has consistently denied the allegations.
Asked what has changed since the Mogadishu bombing, Sahel Yusuf says it's unified Somalis: "The attacks have changed people's position towards the terrorists, people are no longer afraid, they came out onto the streets and for the first time since the militants started their campaign in our country, we’re seeing people condemning Al Shabaab directly,” he said.
Replace bombs with pens and pencils
Despite Somalia's ongoing insecurity, sparked by the overthrow of former President Mohamed Siad Barre in the early 1990s, Somalis say they're still confident they will one day go home.
“We’re going back to our country," says Dwali Yusuf. "I believe that by next year I’m going back to Somalia. I love to educate our younger people," he says, referring to the 75 percent of children who are out of school.
"I believe we need to replace bombs and guns with pens and pencils to educate our younger people."
To listen to the full report, click the play button on the photo
Christina OkelloTuesday 14 November marks one month since a truck bomb exploded in the Somali capital Mogadishu, killing hundreds of people – many of whom were never identified. 10:0F900EFE2-E812-456F-935C-892ED165718ATue, 14 Nov 2017 07:37:00 +0100noUganda spy case puts strain on relations with Rwandahttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20171031-uganda-spy-case-puts-strain-relations-rwanda-museveni-kagame
In Uganda, up to nine people, including senior police officers, are being investigated for allegedly kidnapping the former bodyguard of Rwanda's President Paul Kagame. A Rwandan ex-general and a Congolese national have also been charged with espionage in connection with the case. It's feared the arrests could put new strain on relations between Kampala and Kigali.
Four years after the mysterious disappearance of Lieutenant Joel Mutabazi in Uganda, questions still linger about the extent to which Ugandan law enforcement agencies were involved, and even more so over the role played by Rwanda in that kidnapping.
Now Ugandan authorities are taking action.
On Friday 27 October, senior Ugandan police officers were arrested and paraded before a military court, along with an ex Rwandan army officer and a Congolese national.
The suspects are accused of conspiring to kidnap Joel Mutabazi and another Rwandan security officer, Jackson Kalemera, in 2013, and handing them over to Kigali without their consent.
Both Mutabazi and Kalemera are considered opponents by the Kagame regime. The former was later given a life prison sentence.
"What is happening here is that on our side we are just clearing up our house, which is in line with the expectations of the Rwandese government," Uganda's Foreign Minister Henry Oryem Okello told RFI on Monday.
"We are not doing anything that will antagonise our relationship. We are just cleaning up our house to ensure that matters that had hung on our leadership are honest, transparent, as before."
Nonetheless, the case has sent shock waves throughout Uganda.
Cops in military court
"I think the story surprised a lot of people," Charles Mwanguhya, the bureau chief of the weekly paper the East African told RFI.
"It's not every day you have a massive arrest of top Ugandan police officers, and they appear in a military court, and when they appear in a military court they're being charged with matters relating to a neighbouring country which in this case is Rwanda, a very close neighbour of Uganda but one that has had issues up and down," he said.
"We're surprised also that René appeared with the police officers that have been arrested, I don't think many people suspected that he would be part of that group."
René Rutagungira is a former Rwandan army officer. He's not been seen in public since 5 August, when he was dragged from a night club in Kampala by four men, believed to be members of Uganda's secret service, without any reason being given.
His family claim that the head of Uganda's Chieftaincy of Military Intelligence or secret service, Captain Agaba is responsible for his disappearance.
Rift with Rwanda
"He told me he was receiving threats from South Africa," Eric Rutagunguira, René's brother told RFI.
"The threats came from the Rwandan opposition party there called the RNC, which is led by Rwandan ex-general Kayumba Nyamwasa," he said.
"They contacted my brother and called him to join their party. My brother refused. Since then, he's been receiving death threats over the phone. He told me his life in Uganda was in danger, because Kayumba Nyamwasa is a friend of the head of Uganda's intelligence service."
The case has not only baffled the Ugandan public but also come as news to Rwanda's Ambassador to Uganda Frank Mugambage.
He told the Eastern weekly that he was surprised to find that Rene and the Ugandan police officers were even in court, let alone a military one, and surprised also by the charges being brought against them, notably the espionnage accusation.
"The government of Uganda feels that these police officers in collaboration with Rene worked outside the established procedures," explains Charles Mwanguhya, who reckons the kidnapping and court appearance of René Rutagungira will put a strain on Ugandan-Rwandan relations.
"This is a matter that should have been resolved through diplomatic interactions between Kigali and Kampala. The fact this hasn't happened would raise questions about what is actually going on that we don't yet understand," he said.
Long overdue
"To me, I think it's long overdue," David Himbara, a Professor of International Development in Toronto, Canada, told RFI.
For him, the case is yet another example of Rwanda's interference in the domestic affairs of another country.
"I think they should go back to 2011, with the death of Charles Ingabire."
Ingabire was a journalist who fled Rwanda to seek refuge in Kampala before being murdered.
"That's when things really began to evolve," says Himbara. "It seems to me that Rwanda has this view that Uganda is an extension of its own territory where it has a free hand to go and kidnap people and kill people."
Rwanda's ambassador Frank Mugambage was not immediately available for comment to respond to these accusations that Kigali is breaching Uganda's sovereingty.
Difficulties at home
Beyond putting strain on diplomatic relations, David Himbara argues that the timing of these arrests is also bad news for Rwanda, as it deals with difficulties both at home and abroad.
"At home President Paul Kagame is a man who claims he won elections by 99 percent," he said. "If he's so popular, why does he go and arrest Diane Rwigara [a staunch critic of Kagame], her mum and her sister, supposedly for instigating an uprising. If you are popular and winning elections by 99 percent, what uprising then are these people going to incite?"
For Himbara, Paul Kagame stands to be further isolated in the region and weakened at home due to this case
But on the diplomatic front, Uganda's Foreign Minister Henry Oryem Okello has downplayed any rift with Kigali.
"I can authoritatively tell you that these are small things that cannot in anyway strain, damage or dent the strong and solid relationship that we have with the Rwandese government," he said.
"And if there is any chance that this relationship is threatened, we will take measures to avoid that."
All to play for
Ugandan authorities are also eager to avoid any fallout at home.
Especially because the arrests by the army of senior police officers, who are close to Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura, has created panic about possible rivalry between Kayihura and President Yoweri Museveni.
Charles Mwanguhya says it's likely to have political repercussions in Uganda, at a time when the President is trying to pass a controversial bill to remove age limits from the constitution, which has sparked public outcry.
"The police under the leadership of General Kayihura is trying to contain the fallout. Anybody would imagine that you would want your police chief to be as comfortable as possible to deliver this for you."
Except Museveni is doing anything but he reckons. "If you can make a decision to allow your police chief to be exposed like he has been by having some of his loyal lieutenants arrested and being charged in a military court on crimes as serious as kidnap and espionnage, then it might say something more that we need to study more closely."
The suspects, including René Rutagungira will be back in court on November 20th, and the stakes are high not only on the diplomatic front, but will be watched closely for its impact at home in both Kampala and Kigali.
Christina OkelloIn Uganda, up to nine people, including senior police officers, are being investigated for allegedly kidnapping the former bodyguard of Rwanda's President Paul Kagame. 10:05371BD90-B43F-42AB-8BBC-CB8699D926AETue, 31 Oct 2017 07:37:00 +0100noCameroon presidential candidate calls for federal governmenthttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20171017-cameroon-s-new-presidential-candidate
Barrister Akere Muna recently announced that he is to stand in Cameroon’s 2018 presidential election. In the context of unrest in the anglophone part of the country, the anti-corruption campaigner's decision has aroused crticism from his fellow English-speakers. Talking to RFI, he defended his decision.
The dynamic barrister certainly did not expect the reaction he received when he made his political ambitions public on Sunday 8 October.
He said he ’s been getting messages of support from everywhere.
He’s also been the target of much criticism, mainly from Anglophone Cameroonians.
Muna has pledged to use the campaign to argue for a new republic based on a federal system.
In the past Muna has said he did not want to follow in the footsteps of his father, a prime minister under British rule, or his sister, who was a minister after independence, but now the 65-year-old is trading peaceful retirement for a bumpy political ride.
“The government has failed woefully to efficiently manage diversity," he told RFI. "The poor and the weakest are now bearing the brunt of the economic situation, the healthcare situation is very bad, investors are [concerned] by judicial uncertainty in Cameroon. We’ve built a country where the state has been captured by a few oligarchs. I think I can help with others to find a solution to all this."
Muna believes that he can draw on his vast experience on various local and international forums to shape his political vision. He is currently the chairman of the International Anti-Corruption Conference. Among other positions occupied, he was the head of the Cameroon Bar Association, vice-chairman of Transparency International and chairperson of the African Peer Review Mechanism.
Cronyism
His critics, many of them anglophone Cameroonians, see him as part of the establishment, who can only be a continuation of the apparatus of President Paul Biya. Muna replies that he didn not choose his family.
“I understand those who are reticent because… of this atmosphere of mistrust," he comments. "As to being part of the system, I’ve had the opportunity to join the government many times and that I haven’t done. To arguments like who do you think you are, I [say] the greatest test in any kind of election is when your peers elect you… I was voted by lawyers at the head of the bar, at the head of the Pan-African Lawyers Union, chosen by presidents for the African Peer Review Mechanism."
He vehemently denies allegations that he or his family have profited under Biya’s rule, arguing that his brothers, George and Bernard, incurred financial losses in dealings with the ruling party and refusing to take reponsibility for his sister's political affiliations.
“I’m waiting for someone to say, Akere Muna you had this because who your father was," he exclaims. "I was called to the bar in London in 1978 but it took me four years to get enrolled with the bar [in Cameroon], just becaue I was anglophone. When I told my father, he said my son they can slow you but they cannot stop you.”
His father was Salomon Tandeng Muna, prime minister of West Cameroon and speaker of parliament for almost 20 years. He played a crucial role in the reunification process of the two Cameroons, East and West, when the territories were still under French and British rule. Critics say that he betrayed the anglophones during the negotiations.
“My father and Dr [John Ngu] Foncha [another anglophone leader] acted on the basis of good faith in a situation that everybody knows about," he says. "The fact that the others were of bad faith is sad. In the later days of their life, [they] did say that the other party was not honest. And that’s why the anglophones found themselves in a funny partnership which I call the partnership of the horse and the rider.”
Federal republic
Throughout its history, Cameroon changed names several times: it was officially know as the Federal Republic of Cameroon in 1961, then the United Republic of Cameroon in 1972 and since 1983, the Republic of Cameroon. Now, Akere Muna proposes his vision of a new republic, which entails changing the constitution.
“We [need] to have a systemic change. We have a system built on couacs [gaffes] under the different colonial rule, built on couacs put together to make sure there is only one leader all the time. The same. And then all sorts of laws arranged to favour the incumbent … to get reelected.” Muna declares.
Cameroon's parliament has not proposed a single law and that the country has never seen a president democratically elected for his first term, he argues, claiming that independent Cameroon's first president Ahmadou Ahidjo was put in place by the French and Biya by Ahidjo.
“I think that the decentralised system will no longer work. It is paramount that we look towards a federal system. The best decentralised system for the country is a federal form of government and that is the new republic.”
Biya and immunity
Biya is 84-years-old and has been ruling Cameroon for 35 years. Muna said that he feels obliged, as an African, to protect him from prosecution.
“If you are asking for my personal opinion, I don’t feel that African leaders should automatically face trial," he says. "This is a debate I’ve had with my colleagues in TI [Transparency International] as to whether immunity should be given to corrupt leaders. But, as a lawyer, there is the separation of powers, which I should insist upon: the judiciary, the executive and the legislative. And that will be a decision for the courts to take."
He explains that he doesn’t see what is to be gained in dragging an 85-year-old leader to trial because of a desire for vengeance.
“Cameroonians are angry. They need somebody who should be the scapegoat. But there are so many issues we have to deal with, from independence, terrorism, the coup d’état, who was killed, whose property was taken. And I think that the sooner we deal with these things in a manner that brings us together, the better it will be for us.”
What about accountability? Muna replies that his position only concerns presidents but and not perpetrators who shot people, seized land and committed other illegal acts.
Now Movement founded
When he announced his candidacy, Muna simultaneously announce his Now Movement, which he insisted was not a political party. He describes it as a sort of non-partisan wide tent that welcomes people from anywhere, whatever their political affiliations, whether anglophone or francophone.
His campaign has so far been financed from his own personal resources and donations from friends and family but he intends to appeal to the public for funds.
Support from the diaspora appears to be more visible from the francophone side and Muna says that the anglophones are more reticent because of current circumstances.
“The anglophone crisis dates from many decades and is really the result of bad governance, it is a matter of social injustice. The current Pope said that you judge a country by the way it treats the poorest and I think if Cameroon was to be judged, it will be judged very poorly.”
Follow Akere Muna on Twitter @AkereMuna
Follow Zeenat Hansrod on Twitter @zxnt
Zeenat HansrodBarrister Akere Muna recently announced that he is to stand in Cameroon’s 2018 presidential election. 15:789A4EEE2-4984-4C00-AAAE-C4E52BEEFE0CTue, 17 Oct 2017 04:00:00 +0200noHurricane Irma shatters paradise image of Caribbeanhttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170912-hurricane-irma-shatters-paradise-image-caribbean-Africa-Diaspora
Shortly after Hurricane Irma devastated the Caribbean, the islands were awash with tales of looting and claims of discrimination in the repatriation of islanders. In the dual nation island of Saint Martin, the storm has unearthed deep-rooted frustrations. This week’s Spotlight on Africa is a special report on the Caribbean, home to Africa’s first Diaspora community.
In the days after Hurricane Irma ravaged several Caribbean islands, scenes of looting and violence began to emerge on television screens that soon eclipsed those of streets under water and torn down rooftops.
"There’s a lot of stealing, there’s a lot of people breaking into stores, stores that weren’t even damaged by the hurricane," Marie*, a resident from Saint Martin, one of the hardest hit islands, told RFI.
The French-Dutch territory has witnessed a wave of crime since Hurricane Irma made landfall on Wednesday 6 September as a category 5 storm, leading to dozens of arrests.
"On the French side, mostly Marigot [main town on the French side of the island], all the stores are broken," continues Marie. "Every store: from supermarkets, from telephone companies, to jewelry stores. Every single store has been broken, and stolen from."
Both France and the Netherlands have rushed to send in logistical support, including hundreds of police to tackle the looting and restore order. But for Marie, the results were slow in coming.
"Hell on earth"
“They didn’t prepare themselves. They didn’t plan it correctly.”
The Saint-Martiner is doubly critical because the island has been hit before.
“I know how Luis was. After Luis, they bounced back, they had people to clean up the roads, they had people to do the necessary."
This time she says there was no contingency plan: "It was like they didn’t have no government on the French side. No government at all to do anything. Now it might be more safe but for a few days it was like hell on earth."
A very different image from the pristine beaches and luscious views that Saint Martin has come to be associated with.
"It's certainly torn down the curtain of beauty," reckons Françoise Verges, a historian and researcher at the World Studies College.
"As soon as you get behind the postcard of beautiful beaches, coconut trees and the breeze, you see poverty, illiteracy, no economic development for the needs of the people.”
"History of violence"
For Verges, the tensions coursing through Saint Martin today are rooted in the island's history.
“The history of the island is a story marked by violence, by slavery, by the deportation of the native population who live there, deported by the French and then by the Dutch, this is a long history of violence."
Ownership of the island changed hands 16 times between French and Dutch colonists from 1648 to 1817 at the height of the trans-Atlantic slave trade that brought thousands of Africans to the Americas and the Caribbean, and constituted the first African community outside of Africa.
"Saint Martin like so many other colonies started with a very fragile economy from the beginning," explains Verges.
"In the French department today 70 to 80 percent of the goods are imported so as soon as you have one of these catastrophes there is nothing."
The tourist-dependent territory is facing damages of more than one billion euros.
But Verges hopes that the hurricane will provide an opportunity to address the island’s underlying social problems, notably its dependence on tourism which attracts up to 600.000 visitors per year.
"Most of the young people go into jobs as maids or bar tenders, there's nothing else for them and they feel dispossessed of their island, she says.
Controversial TV report
This feeling of abandonment came to the fore last week in a local TV report filming a rescue boat shipping out white tourists from the wreckage while local black residents stayed looking on.
“Normally the tourists are meant to be the first ones to leave because they’re not from St Martin, I quite understand," says Marie.
"But there are certain people who don’t have anything anymore, especially single women with kids. You have to help them."
Dutch officials have declined to comment on the controversy surrounding the French government's handling of the aftermath of Hurricane Irma.
"I am not aware of what has been organized on the French side," Sarah Wescot-Williams, the prime minister of the southern Dutch half of the island from 2010 to 2014 told RFI.
"But I know that locals have also been given the opportunity to leave and I guess especially if they have somewhere to go to."
Long reconstruction
“Where do you go? Where do you go on an island if you have a tsunami following a hurricane, where do you go?" Asks Verges, in a direct rebuke at French President Emmanuel Macron who was due to arrive in Saint-Martin and Saint-Barthelemy--also badly hit--on Tuesday to oversee reconstruction efforts.
"I think it will take a long time for the French side to recover totally from Hurricane Irma," reckons Marie.
"I remember from Luis, the Dutch side recovered very quickly, but the French side never really recovered totally. This time everything is destroyed."
Despite her anguish, mass distribution of food and water are now underway and efforts to clean up the island are showing signs of progress, insists Sarah Wescot-Williams.
"Even during the threat of Hurricane José, we had crews out there trying to clear roads and making ways accessible to reach persons."
The category 4 storm spared Saint Martin but Irma still destroyed 95% of the island's infrastructure, leaving 75,000 inhabitants homeless and causing massive shortages.
"When I see some of the things that have been restarted I am encouraged," insists Wescot-Williams. "We have communication lines open and there are also signs that some areas will be able to have electricity in the not too distant future."
Eyes on Macron
For now though, debris still clogs the streets and many homes remain uninhabitable.
"We didn't have no electricty for two days, and each person is being given only two bottles each. It's not enough," says Marie.
What is she expecting from President Macron?
"That if ever people want an opportunity to go away [they can] and for children to be given the opportunity to go to school."
Hurricane Irma has so far disrupted the start of the school year and Marie fears may push it back entirely.
"We can’t be staying like this, we don’t even have water first of all to bathe. Thank goodness that I had put a lot of water aside but we don’t have water to even bathe. It’s really stressful."
**Marie's name has been changed to protect her identity
Christina OkelloShortly after Hurricane Irma devastated the Caribbean, the islands were awash with tales of looting and claims of discrimination in the repatriation of islanders. 10:0F71D5C26-699C-4BD8-B66F-A6D1E41DEB49Tue, 12 Sep 2017 08:37:00 +0200noKenya election ruling wins Africans' admirationhttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170905-kenya-election-ruling-wins-africans-admiration
The Kenyan Supreme Court's decision to scrap last month's presidential election, has been held up as an example of judicial independence on a continent where judges are often seen as corrupt. Opposion parties across Africa hope the shock overturn will have ripple effects in their own countries.
The court found that the electoral commission “committed irregularities in the transmission of results.”
That was enough to convince a majority in Chief Justice David Maraga's panel to annul the results of the 8 August election.
"The greatness of a nation lies in its fidelity to its constitution and a strict adherence to the rule of law," Justice Maraga declared on 1 September when he delivered his shock verdict.
"It’s one of the only times you’ve ever seen a sitting president’s election be overturned by the court of law. This rarely happens," Nic Cheeseman, a professor of democracy and international development at the University of Birmingham, told RFI.
President Uhuru Kenyatta, after initially welcoming the decision, vowed to "fix" the court if reelected and called Chief Justice Maraga and the other judges crooks.
Opposition leader Raila Odinga, who petitioned the Supreme Court to nullify the election, called the ruling historic and a precedent for the whole of Africa.
"For the first time in the history of African democratisation a ruling has been made by a court nullifying irregular elections of a president," he said.
His supporters erupted in disbelieving joy at the news, partly because Odinga had previously lost four elections, and cried fraud in all of them.
Previous poll violence
"It’s a proud moment to be Kenyan," Dennis Owino, a political analyst with Kenya Insights told RFI.
"For a long time, Kenya has been in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons," he says, in reference to the violence that marred the presidential polls in 2007 and 2013, as well as last month when at least 24 people were killed, most of them by the security forces.
Kenya's image then was far removed from its current one as a beacon of democracy.
But the Supreme Court ruling didn't find favour with everyone.
“The way people voted is what counts, it’s what matters and not more about how the votes are transmitted because it’s clear that Kenyans voted and voted well, and that there was no problem in the voting," Wahome Thuku, a supporter of the ruling Jubilee Party told RFI.
Kenyatta's lawyers said the vote overturn was politically motivated and that another round of voting was unnecessary.
"Everyone was in agreement that people voted and that the problem was in the transmission of the votes," continues Thuku. "Will we have to go to the polls each time there are one or two irregularities?"
Observers criticised
Kenya's election commission had declared Kenyatta the winner by a margin of 1.4 million votes in a poll vetted by the international community. Today those same observers mostly from the US and the EU, are now under scrutiny.
"A lot of the actual process around the election immediately looked like it was better, the machines worked in more constituencies than in 2013," explains Nic Cheeseman, who monitored the 2013 polls as today.
"It was only later that we started to realise that certain forms weren’t available, that some results were being confirmed without the right forms and that process didn’t appear to be tight that certain concerns began to be expressed," he says.
Those concerns were taken seriously by the Supreme Court, enough to annul the results.
Several Kenyan papers have since described Justice Maraga as a person of integrity, in stark contrast to the image of coruption that has long plagued the judiciary in Kenya and elsewhere on the African continent.
Ugandan opposition looks to Kenya
In Uganda the fallout from last year's presidential elections are still being felt in one district in the north, Dokolo, where the outgoing chairman JB Okello Okello lost his seat to the ruling party's candidate Paul Amoro, in a vote which many say was rigged.
"In respect of Okello Okello versus the electoral commission, it did not meet the expectations of the law that we believe should have been considered and adjudicated over," Olal Justine, JB Okello Okello's lawyer told RFI.
Justine says he hopes Uganda will emulate Kenya.
"We hope that what has happened in Kenya should have a positive ripple effect in the region and that those who feel aggrieved should have confidence going to court knowing that they will get justice."
Kenyatta under fire
Back in Kenya, Kenyatta's fierce reaction to the Supreme Court's decision has fueled suspicion that he was complicit in the IEBC's electoral fraud, says analyst Dennis Owino.
“If indeed the president won the election with clean hands then you’d expect the president to be mad at the IEBC for incompetence, that has cost him the victory."
Instead that anger is being channeled at the judiciary, retorts Owino.
"He is still rooting for the same IEBC that has been found guilty of running a shambolic election, so in a sense the president is endorsing impunity, he’s endorsing electoral fraud," he comments.
Although the Supreme Court found that there was sufficient evidence of tampering in the transmission of results to warrant a rerun, it found no misconduct on the part of Kenyatta himself.
The court's full reasoning won't be available for another few days. While it has ordered IEBC to organise a fresh poll in 60 days, it has not spelt out its plans for the compositon of the electoral commission this time round.
The opposition says it won't take part if the IEBC remains the same.
“I think it’s hard to imagine an election in which we change the electoral commission 60 days out and then have a better quality election, I think that just doesn’t seem very likely to me," reckons Cheeseman.
This uncertainty raises the risk that, if Kenya experiences another bad election, there could be renewed conflict in the courts or on the streets.
Christina OkelloThe Kenyan Supreme Court's decision to scrap last month's presidential election, has been held up as an example of judicial independence on a continent where judges are often seen as corrupt. 10:045339653-28E1-477D-8F13-B57EF6A89EB9Tue, 05 Sep 2017 08:37:00 +0200noIt’s just gotten tougher for Israel's African migrantshttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170704-there-place-african-migrants-israel-eritrea-sudan
New tax rules in Israel could leave hundreds of African migrants worse off than they are. In May, the government introduced a new deposit law, enabling the governemnt to take 20 percent of migrants' salaries each month and place it out of reach.
The money can only be accessed once they leave the country. Rights groups say the policy is designed to force them out of the country.
"We're not pressuring you to leave but will make your life miserable so you decide to leave," Anwar Suliman, a Darfuri refugee living in Israel since 2008, told RFI .
"Every time the state makes a different law, different pressure, but we said we can't go back right now."
Suliman fled Darfur in 2003 at the onset of the civil war, beginning a perillous journey from Libya across the Sinai peninsula.
Like thousands of African migrants, mostly from Eritrea and Sudan, he came to Israel seeking asylum.
Instead, he spent five years at the Holot Open detention centre in Israel’s Negev desert close to the Egyptian border, waiting for his request to be processed.
"I stayed there for a year and a half, and after I was released with the same status, which doesn't allow me to work, or to study. We want the state to answer for our asylum, if the state really knows we're a refugee it has to give us a good status to live with dignity."
Uneasy refuge
Since its creation in 1948, Israel has been a haven for Jews fleeing persecution. But for nearly a decade, it has struggled to deal with thousands of non Jewish-Africans who entered the country illegally, seeking asylum or work.
"Israel never saw itself as a country of non-Jewish immigration," Jean-Marc Liling, Director of the Centre for International Migration and Integration (CIMI) told RFI.
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, sees asylum seekers - whom he calls "infiltrators" - as a threat to Israel's character as a Jewish democratic state.
Yet despite its attempts to preserve its Jewish identity, Liling argues that this is largely an illusion.
"Even by declaring itself a Jewish state, Israel still has a large non-Jewish minority," he says, before adding that the current government doesn't see itself as "open for long term settlement and integration of non-Jewish migrants."
RFI contacted several government officials for comment, none of them responded before publication.
Long wait for asylum
Israel has refused to consider all but a handful of asylum requests - even though most have escaped war-torn regions and authoritarian dictatorships.
"Until now the state didn't check our asylum, like me I placed a form of asylum in 2013. To this day, I still haven't received an answer," Suliman says.
"Any country has the right to want to regulate who comes in, who comes out," says Liling.
"The question is what the repercussions on the ground will be. We're talking about 40,000 people. If you impoverish and make the everyday lives of these people who are living in the most vulnerable neighbourhoods of Israeli cities. Will it not boomerang right back on the Israeli population?" he asks.
Migrants Vs. asylum seekers
What has rattled rights activists is the fact that the deduction law makes no distinction between migrant workers and asylum seekers.
On the one hand, the state wants to encourage legal migrant workers to leave after their five year visa expires, explains Liling "by forcing them to put to the side 20 percent of their salaries in a deposit, the sum of which they will get back when they leave the country."
The problem he says is that "the Eritrean and Sudanese that are in Israel live in very, precarious conditions. That the 20 percent sum that is being deposited into an account until they leave the country is making their status, and their everyday situation all the more precarious.”
Under pressure
"Look the salary in general people get 1000 dollar in a month. If you take 20 percent from this and then pay the taxes - around 40 percent - in general there's only 34 percent left from all the salary, and then the family cannot pay the appartment, cannot pay the food," complains Suliman.
Aid workers say that since the new law was implemented, there has been an increase in reports of asylum seekers being fired from jobs, because on top of the 20% threshold, employers who choose to employ asylum seekers also have to pay a 16% tax, making it too expensive to employ them.
Pressure is growing on authorities to back down on the controversial law. In March, a coalition of human rights organizations filed a petition asking the High Court to strike down the deduction law. Their hearing is expected to go ahead later this month.
"Now this is a new law, it start only for one month," says Suliman. "But after like three months I think it will make a lot of pressure for us."
Christina OkelloNew tax rules in Israel could leave hundreds of African migrants worse off than they are. 9:54884ECE97-8EFA-440B-A339-0AC57EDDF0E8Tue, 04 Jul 2017 04:00:00 +0200noIs Africa with Saudi over Qatar crisis?http://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170627-africa-saudi-over-qatar-crisis-djibouti-eritrea
Saudi Arabia recently issued a tough ultimatum to African countries in relation to the ongoing, dispute with Qatar – “You're either with us or you're against us.”
The ultimatum has revealed the extent to which Middle Eastern rivalries are being played out on the continent.
"The fact that everybody in the Horn of Africa at the moment is feeling under pressure to take sides is a very dangerous situation," Edward Paice, Director of the African Research Institute in London, told RFI.
Several countries have already reduced or cut ties with Qatar as a result.
Mauritania was the first to distance itself from Doha. Senegal followed, and in fast succession came Chad, Gabon and Niger.
Djibouti, which relies on Qatar for mediation in its border dispute with Eritrea, said it would downgrade its diplomatic relations with the small peninsular state bordering Saudi Arabia in the Persian Gulf.
Eritrea has also downgraded diplomatic relations.
The consequences were almost immediate.
Qatar withdrew its peacekeepers from the disputed border of Ras Doumeira on the coast of the Red Sea, at one of the world's busiest shipping routes, triggering renewed tensions between the rival countries.
Eritrea-Djibouti conflict
Djibouti accused Eritrean soldiers of moving into the contested border territory, days after Qatar pulled its peacekeepers out.
The situation was judged severe enough by the African Union that on June 19, it urged both sides to resolve their differences peacefully.
Their tensions have served as proof of why Qatar's presence is needed - in this region and others.
This was Qatar’s plan all along, suggests Samir Aita, President of the Circle of Arab Economists.
"The logic of projection of power is to make trouble and to come in and say that I am the neutral force to stop the trouble," he says.
So, Why would Djibouti and Eritrea side with Saudi Arabia over Qatar--a very much needed mediator?
"Djibouti is involved in a sort of permanent game of flogging space for military bases to whoever wants one," reckons Paice.
"If you look across the straits, you would be pretty unwise probably if you were Djibouti to side wholeheartedly with Qatar against the mighty Saudi Arabia."
This article was changed on 28 June to state that Eritrea has downgraded not cut diplomatic relations.
Christina OkelloSaudi Arabia recently issued a tough ultimatum to African countries in relation to the ongoing, dispute with Qatar – “You're either with us or you're against us.”
9:395007827B-AA89-4EC0-A2F4-E5C7E0A59365Tue, 27 Jun 2017 04:00:00 +0200no Hijarbies - the unlikely star of Instagram goes globalhttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170606-hijarbies-unlikely-star-instagram-goes-global
In this edition of Spotlight on Africa, RFI's Zeenat Hansrod speaks to the Nigerian artist who makes Hijarbies, that's Barbie dolls wearing the hijab. They are already Instagram celebrities and are being sold worldwide.
Zeenat HansrodIn this edition of Spotlight on Africa, RFI's Zeenat Hansrod speaks to the Nigerian artist who makes Hijarbies, that's Barbie dolls wearing the hijab. 9:52587D697E-EE6C-427B-99A9-7C87EB8E44ECTue, 06 Jun 2017 04:00:00 +0200noFate of Kenya's Somali refugees overshadowed by general electionhttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170523-fate-kenyas-somali-refugees-overshadowed-general-election
Three years after Kenya put in place a voluntary scheme for Somali refugees to go home, the UN's refugee agency, (UNHCR) announced on Friday that over 65,000 of them have done so. Nairobi has previously threatened to shut down Dadaab, one of the world's largest camps. Critics are worried that the fate of its refugees will be overshadowed by the general election.
“I’ve seen many people write their names to the UNHCR to go back to Somalia, but mine not yet," Somali refugee Mohamed Aboubakar told RFI from Kakuma camp, Kenya's second largest camp after Dadaab on the border with Somalia.
"For me, I have no confidence to go back there because you know that place I left since 1992, up till now I’ve been in the Dadaab camps and Kakuma."
Kenya had given refugees in Dadaab--home to more than 328,000 people, most of whom are Somalis escaping conflict in their country--by the end of May 2017 to leave.
But a last minute ruling by the Kenyan High Court in February blocked that order, calling it unconstitutional and a blatant act of discrimination against Somalis.
"Most of my family was killed," continues Mohamed. "My mum is still there in Somalia. But I have no confidence to go back.”
The closure of Dadaab and Kakuma has been a hot-button issue for a while, with the government insisting Dadaab has become a haven for terrorism, after a string of al-Shabaab attacks.
Accusations of racial profiling
"I think there’s been so much official propaganda around the issue," Muthoni Wanyeki, Amnesty International’s Regional Director for East Africa, the Horn and the Great Lakes told RFI from Nairobi.
"I think that Kenyans are legitimately afraid considering that we have gone through attacks, they are looking for answers."
Targeting refugees however won’t solve Kenya’s security problems, she reckons.
"If you look at who was found to have been responsible for the Garissa attack it was a Kenyan, in fact the son of a local administrator. So again this idea that you can willy nilly put blame on every single Somalian refugee is not only stereotypical, it’s dangerous for Somali refugees, as well as for Kenyans who happen to be Somalian."
A point of view shared by legal practitioner Apollo Mboya from Kenya's Law Reform Commission.
"If you read the judgment that was given by Justice Mativo, it was declared that the directives that were issued for forceful repatriation was illegal and Kenya had violated its international obligations," he told RFI by phone from Mauritius, in reference to the High Court's ruling to block the closure of Dadaab.
"The second part of that judgment talked about the decision to close the camp without giving the stakeholders an opportunity to make representation and to that extent the court declared that that decision by the government was unconstitutional.”
Under international law, states are prohibited from forcibly returning people to a place where they would be at risk of human rights violations.
Critics have accused the government of using the refugee issue to score electoral points over its opponents.
“Of course we are in the election period now, the season has started," adds Apollo.
"There have been counter-accusations that even some of the refugees there are being given voting cards to vote for the Jubilee government [of President Uhuru Kenyatta] and the timing of the closure could be rhetoric considering it goes against our constitution and our international obligations. So it could very well be that it’s being done for political purposes.”
Political analyst Tom Mboya, though, disagrees.
High prices top voter concerns
“To be honest I haven’t heard much discussion around the closure of Dadaab and Kakuma camp as an election issue," he told RFI by phone from Nairobi.
"I would hesitate to say that it has become an election issue, certainly it is an emotive one. But suffice to say that there are a number of other issues that are shaping up as campaign issues here at the moment and the closure of Dadaab so far is not one of them.”
Mboya argues that soaring food prices and concerns over corruption are the main issues topping voter concerns ahead of August's general elections.
"The government recently had to intervene in rather strange circumstances to bring down the cost of maize, which is of course our staple food here in Kenya."
Those strange circumstances saw the government of President Uhuru Kenyatta forced to subsidise the price of maize flour, but the intervention has unearthed a scandal of its own, Mboya explains.
"Questions have emerged about where exactly certain shipments of maize had come from and whether in fact there was some insider dealing with regards to the price of maize,” he says.
Status of Dadaab unclear
Kenyatta has blamed his long-term rival Raila Odinga for the higher prices.
He recently told the Financial Times that those who have been in government--which is Odinga’s case-- should’ve dealt with the problem years ago, instead of napping.
On the issue of refugees, Kenyatta is the one staying silent.
Government officials declined to comment before our broadcast on the status of Dadaab, even as experts maintain that the camp's closure would be virtually impossible.
That leaves refugees like Mohamed in limbo for the time being.
"The main problem is when you go back to Somalia it is another problem because, you know, there is a lot of famine and again it is a lot of problems of militia groups because the country is not settled. People when they go back to the country they can’t stay there, most of the people they come back to the camps. They’re in the Dadaab camps some of them.”
Despite the recent election of President Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, commonly known as Farmajo, Mohamed says he's still not convinced.
"The new Somali government, they can’t handle the country because the country has already corrupted" he comments. "But if it comes to the worst, and they tell all Somalis to go back to their country, maybe for me I’ll just look for another country to go."
Because there’s no future in Somalia?
"I have no future actually, yeah.”
Christina OkelloThree years after Kenya put in place a voluntary scheme for Somali refugees to go home, the UN's refugee agency, (UNHCR) announced on Friday that over 65,000 of them have done so. 10:053AFBBCA-93F0-473D-9553-6E69DA8A4E0FTue, 23 May 2017 08:37:00 +0200noUgandan survivor speaks out against human traffickinghttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170509-ugandan-survivor-speaks-out-against-human-trafficking
With mounting reports of abuse against its citizens, Ugandan authorities in March issued a warning to job hunters to avoid some countries in the Middle East. RFI's Christina Okello spoke to one victim, *Maria, who agreed to share her story.
*Maria was 23 when a recruitment agent approached her with the promise of a lucrative 500 dollar salary per month and benefits.
"It was easy because the person who got me the job had people he was working with. So you don't really know what's going on. All you get is your visa and your ticket. And then you pay some money and then you go to the airport. There's always someone waiting for you."
Some Ugandan girls are required to pay agents up to 250 euros, sometimes even more, for a ticket to a better life abroad, not realizing the conditions are closer to modern day slavery than decent employment.
"It's not what attracted me to Oman, it was the job... I needed to work," says Maria.
Stories of unemployed girls being lured to countries in the Middle East, with promises of lucrative pay, have come under scrutiny since Uganda's Daily Monitor published a damning investigation in January.
In it, the paper revealed how traffickers smuggle Ugandan girls through Kenya before shipping them off to destinations in the Middle East.
"These traffickers will take them to Kenya, and then from there they'll take them up," explains Sarah Miles in Kampala, who serves with Rahab Uganda that assists victims of exploitation.
"The government thinks they're going across the border to Kenya to visit. There are so many ways that these traffickers are ahead of us."
Witnessing human trafficking
Mary Otuko saw first hand what trafficking looks like on her way back from Uganda to the UK.
The humanitarian worker was at Nairobi's Jomo Kenyatta Airport when she "witnessed something I can't shake off," she wrote in a Facebook message that quickly prompted a flurry of response.
"I noticed a large group of young African women most of whom were dressed in Muslim-like headscarves. I later found out that they were all from Ghana. I am not sure why but I had this feeling that something was odd about them. They all looked downcast and were not talking to each other."
Mary later learned that the girls -- who "looked less than 20" -- had been recruited by an agent after their mother "encouraged" them to go to Saudi Arabia and earn money to support the family. Just like their neighbour's daughters had done.
In most cases, poverty and lack of opportunity is the driving force that pushes girls like Maria out of their homes.
Yet the reality they find on the ground seldom lives up to their expectations.
Working from 4am to 11pm
"You wake up at 4am, you make breakfast... you take it to everyone's house, after that, you clean the house, you help the kids with getting ready for school, you get like 15 minutes to eat, then back to the kitchen," recalls Maria, who says after two months her pay stopped coming.
"You're working from 4am up to 11pm, you have a lot to do, you have to iron their clothes...and then you have to rest one hour. And then when you wake up you have to clean again, it doesn't matter if it's already clean, they just don't care."
Middle East consultants who offer lucrative jobs to Ugandans promise they can go home when they want. Maria says in reality, the process is far more difficult.
"I called the person who got me there in the first place, I called the agent in Kampala, and I'm like 'what did you get me into? There is nothing sensible I'm doing here. I'm just tired, I need to go'," she said after the first month.
"And he's like 'Don't worry, we're going to set you up with something better, just hold on'. And I'm like 'No no no, I'm not going to do anything'. I almost went crazy. I stopped working (...) I just locked myself up in the room, I didn't go out. I call him and I tell him I just want to go home."
"You signed a contract"
Maria's passport was confiscated almost as soon as she arrived, making any attempt at escape difficult.
"If you run you're going to end up on the streets, and if you end up on the streets you're going to be a prostitute because you cannot get a job."
Maria recounts how she was completely at the mercy of her employer, through a long-standing system known as Kafala, which essentially binds a migrant worker's legal status to that of their employer. Human rights groups have long condemned this system.
"Not even the police is going to help you. Even if you run, they'll hold you and then they'll take you back to the house. Because they're like 'That's your boss, you're supposed to work. You signed a contract'."
An activist eventually reached out to the organization Rahab to get Maria out.
"It was by the grace of God that she got out of there," says Sarah Miles, one of Rahab's missionaries.
Getting back
"How I got back, it's really disturbing," explains Maria. "I had to do what I had to do, besides paying money. And then the guy was on my case. He was like ok, if you want me to get you a passport -- because he had my passport then -- I, had to sleep with him or something, whatever...yeah. And not only that, I had to pay him for my ticket with the little money I had, and then I came back home."
That was in July last year, after eight months of hell.
"I ended up going to the airport not knowing if she would even be allowed on the plane in Oman," recalls Sarah. "We have so many girls contacting us from that country. They're stuck there until that visa expires," usually after two years.
Often though girls like Maria end up being transferred to other families. And each time they do, their contract starts all over again from scratch.
"The money's not there to get them out," continues Sarah. "The government of Oman doesn't want to pay for it. And the government in Uganda doesn't have the money. And the families in Uganda don't have the money, they were expecting the person in Oman to make the money."
Not a pot of gold
Estimated monthly remittances from migrant workers in the Middle East bring in over 5 million euros every month, according to Ugandan authorities.
This was the argument used by Kampala in March to lift its ban on the export of domestic workers abroad. But the Labour ministry insists it will only deal with Gulf countries which have bilateral agreements with Uganda on migrant labour.
But many Ugandans are still flocking to the Gulf.
Maria warns them to think again.
"It might be hard... and you're desperate. But you don't have to trust anyone, it could be a cousin or a friend pimping you out, don't just go because someone has given you money. Not all that glitters is gold."
*Maria's name has been changed to protect her identity
Christina OkelloWith mounting reports of abuse against its citizens, Ugandan authorities in March issued a warning to job hunters to avoid some countries in the Middle East. 10:096D39EF7-3B25-40FF-8A66-C88A0938BA5CTue, 09 May 2017 08:37:00 +0200noFrench ex-minister joins African diaspora to reject National Fronthttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170502-french-ex-minister-joins-african-diaspora-reject-national-front
With just days to go before France elects its next president, opponents of National Front leader Marine Le Pen fear a victory for her could mean a rise in xenophobia. One organisation is trying to break down barriers through cooking. RFI's Christina Okello went to meet them.
The power of a shared meal to break down cultural barriers - this is what one group of French people ais counting on to resist the rise of the far-right National Front (FN).
The organisation Culture without Borders recently hosted a cooking seminar between members of Paris's racially and socially mixed 20th arrondiissement to foster greater communication.
"Cooking is a door. It’s the first point of entry to getting to know your neighbour," explains Robert Fopa, the organisation's Franco-Cameroonian director, who is dressed in vibrant red and orange African prints.
"That’s what I learnt when I arrived in France more than 40 years ago. The best thing to do when you have different sets of people is to sit down around a good meal, to try to get to know who the other person is."
Food to fight stereotypes
Fopa thinks food could be a way of overcoming negative stereotypes that have dogged members of France's African diaspora.
"Marine Le Pen should come here and meet us, we Africans, we African women," says Salamata Dramé, who heads an organisation that helps disabled people integrate into French society.
"Let her come and see that we African women, we’re not just here to sleep and wait for benefits. No. We are here trying to make a living and survive.”
"Today it’s especially important to support initiatives like this one, which allow people to communicate, interact, and eat together," says George Pau-Langevin, a former overseas minister, who is currently MP for the district.
"We’re at a point where the Front National is at the threshold of power [...] yet people who come from an immigrant background, who are from the overseas territories, or Africa, don’t realise the danger," she told RFI, calling upon all members of the diaspora to vote for Emmanuel Macron on 7 May.
Polls show the centrist candidate with a firm lead but, warns Pau-Langevin, the risk of abstention among Macron voters is high.
"Le Pen's voters are very determined. We should not wait until fascists get into power to start regretting and saying let’s defend our country. The time to do so is now. We must defend the values which protect diversity.”
To read our French presidential election 2017 coverage click here
Christina OkelloWith just days to go before France elects its next president, opponents of National Front leader Marine Le Pen fear a victory for her could mean a rise in xenophobia. 10:01CFF6C27-A3DD-4667-860C-FBAEF272B085Tue, 02 May 2017 08:37:00 +0200no'This democratic hold-up is killing Africa': Mamanehttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170411-democratic-hold-killing-africa-mamane
An African failed state with an autocratic leader, rigged elections, a complacent international community, angry and persecuted activists: deja vu you may argue. It’s also the ingredients of comedian Mamane’s first movie, Welcome to Gondwana. Released in France on 12 April.
“This movie deals with reality. All these things happen all over Africa in Gabon, Congo, Cameroun, Chad… There’s a president who doesn’t want to leave power. So, he rigs elections”, says Mamane.
“And the international community is just here to say, OK you’re a democratic leader, you’re a friend, let’s do business together. That’s what is killing Africa today. This democratic hold up!” he exclaims.
Niger born Mamane moved to France in 1991 to complete a PhD in plant physiology. But he soon opted out to gravitate towards the comedy scene and started performing as a standup in France and West Africa. Then in 2009, he joined RFI for a daily 3 minute satirical piece – in French – on the radio with The Very, Very Democratic Republic of Gondwana. A satire on African current affairs set in the imaginary land of Gondwana ruled by unabashed dictator. It is one of RFI’s most popular shows.
Using humour to criticise despots
“For an African artist today, you cannot go on stage and pretend that everything is all right”, says Mamane. He has a knack of making people laugh while addressing issues he takes very seriously, like rule of law, nepotism, frequent power cuts, clean water...
“Our leaders, they just care about themselves, their bank accounts. That’s why so many African are leaving Africa, drowning in the Mediterranean Sea,” he adds. “Or dying of thirst in the Sahara desert.” He believes that the indifference of some African leaders to the plight of their people explains why so many of them would rather face death than endure starvation in their own country.
In a scene in the movie, two Gondwana custom officers arrest a black election observer who shows them his passport to prove he is a Swiss citizen. The custom officers’ reaction is to ask him where he stole this passport. This sort of prejudice – of black Africans towards other black Africans – is one that black people experience at least once in their life.
“We see it every day. I think it’s [some kind of] colonial legacy”, explains Mamane. As if positions of power or importance can only be held by white people. “If you go to a hotel in a big city in Africa, [as a] black man, if you’re not dressed in a suit carrying an attache case, you can’t go in. But as long as you’re a white man, even if you’re wearing shorts, you can go in.”
A prolific writer
Mamane spent a year and a half writing the script of his first movie, Bienvenue au Gondwana or Welcome to Gondwana. And another 7 weeks directing it in Côte d’Ivoire plus a week in France with a 3.5 million euro budget. An English dubbed version is in the pipeline.
Internationally acclaimed musicians like Tiken Jah Foly from Côte d’Ivoire and Awadi in Senegal perform in his first movie. Ray Lema from the Democratic Republic of Congo wrote the music for the film. “Many years ago, I was talking to them about this movie I had in my mind and they said let’s do it,” remembers Mamane. All three musicians share a common vision with Mamane on how they see Africa and what they feel needs to be improved.
Besides his daily offerings on RFI, Mamane is also on Canal Plus Afrique since 2016 with Le Parlement du Rire, the National Assembly of Comedy. Once a year, the comedian organises a comedy festival in Côte d’Ivoire called, Abidjan capitale du rire.
On June 29th, Mamane will join forces with French comedian of Moroccan origin Jamel Debbouze for a comedy festival in Marrakech. It will be called Le Gala Africa and will showcase African artists living in Africa. Mamane later plans a one man show in English in Nigeria at the end of this year. It will be a new show about African territories and their borders as decided at the Berlin conference of 1884-1885.
Follow Mamane on Twitter @mamaneshow
Follow Zeenat Hansrod on Twitter @zxnt
Zeenat HansrodAn African failed state with an autocratic leader, rigged elections, a complacent international community, angry and persecuted activists: deja vu you may argue. 11:334A06C340-F5E4-4FA8-AD63-06B4598CCA3ETue, 11 Apr 2017 04:00:00 +0200noLaws in Africa failing to prevent rape; keeping tabs on Guinea’s presidenthttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170307-spotlight-equality-now-lahidi
Spotlight on Africa this week looks at how laws against sexual violence are failing to protect women and finds out about a new project which aims to keep Guinean President Alpha Condé to his word.
A report released this week analyses 82 different legal systems across the world and reveals how they are failing to prevent sexual violence. The investigation by human rights organisation Equality Now coincides with International Women’s Day on 8 March. As well as not preventing rape, many legal frameworks, especially in Africa, fail to provide justice or proper punishment.
Antonia Kirkland, Program Manager, Equality Now
“Sometimes there might be a decent law, like the Sexual Offences Act in Kenya, but then it’s a question of implementation and whether it’s actually being enforced from the police level to the judicial level - perpetrators not being arrested, the prosecutors not prosecuting at first until there was pressure to do so and then finally punishment not being reflective of the crimes committed.”
A new project is aiming to assess Guinean President Alpha Condé and whether he lives up to his election campaign promises. Lahidi, which means promise in the local Guinean Susu language, has identified 400 pledges made by Condé’s government and published its initial findings on whether those have been implemented. The project is being run by Guinean blogging collective ABlogui and hopes to hold the government to account, tracking the implementation of policies analytically. It will periodically review Condé’s promises throughout his mandate.
Alhoussein Fadiga, ABlogui
“It's obviously normal for people to follow the promises because that's the reason they've [the government] been elected. So this platform was put in place to follow those promises ... the call we want to make to the government is to allow freedom of information because without that we cannot track the promises. Without that, the people of Guinea won't know what is being done for them since 2015.”
Daniel FinnanSpotlight on Africa this week looks at how laws against sexual violence are failing to protect women and finds out about a new project which aims to keep Guinean President Alpha Condé to his ... 9:5774F996BE-19F7-45B6-9CC7-0881942187A1Tue, 07 Mar 2017 03:00:00 +0100no'Ugandan football has come a long way': Milutin Sredojevichttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20170124-Ugandan-football-has-come-long-way-Milutin-Sredojevic
Despite becoming the first team to be knocked out of the Africa Cup of Nations, Uganda are holding their heads high. The Cranes were playing their first Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) tournament in 39 years. Coach Milutin Sredojevic told RFI's Paul Myers that Ugandan football has come a long way - and now they're aiming to stay on top of their game.
Paul MyersDespite becoming the first team to be knocked out of the Africa Cup of Nations, Uganda are holding their heads high. 10:089A814F7-5919-4E9B-A603-20D0AF3B2458Tue, 24 Jan 2017 07:37:00 +0100noANC in crisis over pressure for Zuma to gohttp://en.rfi.fr/africa/20161206-ANC in crisis over pressure for Zuma to go
President Jacob Zuma controversial leadership of South Africa and the ruling African National Congress (ANC) is a costly business, according to critics who want him out before his second term ends in 2019. But ANC supporters argue that the president is not the problem, the party needs an overhaul.
Will President Jacob Zuma last till 2019 considering the numerous scandals besetting his term in office?
He was first elected president in 2009 and the last seven years have been a bumpy ride, to say the least. But the “Teflon president” seems to survive all manner of scandals and 74-year-old “JZ” remains hugely popular among ANC grassroot supporters.
Recently, however, something unprecedented happened. Cabinet ministers tabled a motion at the ANC’s National Executive Committee in November to have Zuma recalled for misconduct. The move was defeated.
No confidence motions fail
Opposition parties have launched numerous motions of no confidence in Zuma in parliament, all unsuccessful.
In March, the Constitutional Court ruled that the president breached the constitution in failing to pay back public funds used to renovate his house in Nkandla.
In April, a High Court ruled that he should be charged with 783 counts of corruption.
A Public Protector’s report, released in November, implies that the president allowed the wealthy and influential Gupta family to influence cabinet appointments and called for a judicial inquiry commission. Zuma reacted with a legal challenge to the report.
Civil society groups campaign against president
Save South Africa is a civil society movement created on 2 November regrouping people from all walks of life. It has launched a petition on 23 November, "The people’s motion of no confidence in Jacob Zuma", calling for him to step down in the interest of South Africa.
The group's convenor, Sipho Pityana, a businessman and ANC member since the late 1970s, says that the petition attracted 30,000 signatures in just the week after its launch. The group intends to present the motion to parliament when it reopens in February.
“We are a country in deep political and economic crisis," Pityana says. "The People’s motion show that citizens saying, ‘Please, Mr President, step down’, are not isolated voices. Numbers count for political parties, if you do not listen to ordinary citizens, you stand the prospect of losing elections.”
The ANC will lose the 2019 general election if it does not act on the issues that concerns citizens, he argues. “One of those is the leadership of President Zuma. It is corruption that has gone crazy in our country. It is that pressure that will see the leadership … in parliament take the right decision to remove the president.”
'Flawed system' under fire
Movements such as Save South Africa, might not be strong enough to force Zuma to step down, according to political analyst Lesiba Teffo of the University of South Africa.
A flawed system and political opportunism are the main reasons why Zuma is still in power, he believes.
“The system is flawed because it is the political party that wins the election that has the right to appoint who should lead them rather than a direct representation system that will allow all ... South Africans to have the right to chose their own president. It is [then] up to five or 10 people who decide on behalf of the 53 million.”
Teffo added that the people who made sure Zuma was appointed are today saying “We are sorry we gave you this man, he doesn’t deserve to be in this office”. Too late for Teffo: “They … say Mea culpa, mea culpa. Then what! You still have to live with the man for another 10 years!”
The politics of the stomach, an expression used by Teffo, explains why a leader such as Zuma remains in power. Who will want to stand up and sack the man who made him or her minister? And 80 percent of the 80 members of the National Executive Committee are cabinet ministers appointed by Jacob Zuma, he says.
Local elections in August were a debacle, the ANC lost key cities.
Teffo thinks that the prospect of losing the 2019 general elections might just kickstart the survival instincts of the politicians.
“The longer the president stays in office, the more members of the ANC get convinced that they are going to lose power. They [will] have to confront themselves at one stage to say we can no longer pretend that this man is not costing us as an organisation.”
Calls to renew party
The ANC's future is at the heart of discussions between ANC Veterans and party leaders. They met for the third time this week.
Poet and writer Mongane Wally Serote is an ANC Veteran stalwart, who attended the meeting.
“The movement… is in crisis," he argues. "It has to resolve issues of corruption, factionalism. How do we renew the party to rid it of [these] problems; state capture, a dysfunctional electoral system, people being bought to do this or that? We are focusing on processes to salvage the party, renew it such that it can deal with modern issues.”
The ANC has engaged in a nationwide listening tour similar to what took place in the run up to debates on the constitution 20 years ago.
Its recommendations will be put to the party’s national consultative conference and then transferred to the policy conference. All this will take place before June next year according to the veterans.
The party has been accused of placing the interests of the ANC above that of the nation. Mongane Serote says that the two are not mutually exclusive.
“In order for us to ensure that our organisation is in touch with the people, we have to talk to the people. For us, ANC members, it is very important that we completely overhaul and renew the ANC," he declares.
Serote insists that being close to the people, serving the people is essential for the survival of the party.
So can he hear the voices across South Africa demanding that Zuma steps down? “We heard that but we hold a different view and in a democracy we are allowed to hold a different view."
The problems are bigger than Zuma, Serote argues. "We cannot set a precedent which says that every time something goes wrong within our ranks, we target individuals and recall them. It impacts very negatively on the unity of our organisation. We cannot afford that.”
Unemployment, discrimination, poverty are three very important issues the veteran says need to be thoroughly examined.
Professor Lesiba Teffo thinks that it is too late for the 105-year-old African National Congress to save itself and believes it needs a break from government for five or 10 years.
"Wrong people have joined the ANC, they see it as a vehicle to get rich quick, to get position of influence, rather than serving the people," he says. "You need it to be cleaned up, born again and transformed. Once it is out of power, the wrong people will go away and the right ones will remain and then they can rebuild the organisation.”
Zeenat HansrodPresident Jacob Zuma controversial leadership of South Africa and the ruling African National Congress (ANC) is a costly business, according to critics who want him out before his second term ends in ... 11:516EF32B25-8D65-4D49-A6BA-6442B34E3483Tue, 06 Dec 2016 07:37:00 +0100no