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Interacting with a
group of youth from China at his residence, Singh said the two countries share
a common destiny and that "their strategic consultation and cooperation
will enhance peace, stability and security in our region and beyond".

"I believe
that our two countries not only share a common destiny but that we have
unlimited possibilities for closer cooperation," he told the members of
the delegation.

"Let me,
therefore, outline seven practical principles of engagement that I believe will
set India and China on this course," he said.

Enlisting these
principles, he said "we should reaffirm an unwavering commitment to the
principles of Panchsheel and conduct our relationship in a spirit of mutual
respect, sensitivity to each other's interests and sovereignty, and mutual and
equal security". He said maintaining peace and tranquility in India-China
border areas had been the cornerstone of the bilateral relations.

"We should
increase consultations and cooperation on complex issues such as trans-border
rivers and our trade imbalance so as to strengthen our strategic and
cooperative partnership," the Prime Minister said.

Noting that India
and China are the largest countries in Asia, he said: "Our strategic
consultation and cooperation will enhance peace, stability and security in our
region and beyond." The two countries should harness the full potential of
cooperation in all aspects of relationship, including in the economic area,
Singh said.

He also emphasised
the role of people-to-people contact, saying "we will achieve much greater
success in our relations by increasing contacts and familiarity between our
people in every walk of life". — PTI

Doctor’s
prescription

* Reaffirm
commitment to the principles of Panchsheel

* Conduct
relationship in a spirit of mutual respect; exibit sensitivity to each other's
interests, sovereignty and security

* Increase
cooperation on complex issues such as trans-border rivers and trade imbalance

* Focus on
strategic consultation; and cooperation in all aspects of relationship,
including economic

* Strive for
better people-to-people contact

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131109/nation.htm#7

Militants kill 2
BSF men on B’desh border

Tribune News
Service

Guwahati, November
8

Suspected
militants belonging to the Garo National Liberation Army (GNLA) killed two BSF
men on the Indo-Bangladesh border in Meghalaya before snatching away their
weapons.

The two constables
of the BSF’s 73rd battalion were on duty at an observation post, about 2 km
from the Kathakona border outpost (BOP) near Borsora coal mine in South West
Khasi Hills district.

“A group of militants attacked
them. One jawan died on the spot, while another succumbed while being taken to
Guwahati Medical College and Hospital,” BSF DIG, C L Belwa, said here. The
militants took away the INSAS rifles of the jawans. The slain jawans were identified
as Sushil Biswas and Papu Kumar Yadav.

The attack came two days after
five Meghalaya Police personnel were killed in an ambush in neighbouring South
Garo Hills district. Earlier today, the BSF foiled an infiltration bid and
recovered huge cache of arms and ammunition from the Bangladesh border in South
Garo Hills of Meghalaya.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131109/nation.htm#8

Pakistan mole in
Indian agencies ‘helped terrorists’

New Delhi,
November 8

A Pakistani mole
in the Indian security agencies codenamed “Honey Bee” had helped espionage
agency Inter-Services Intelligence handlers in identifying the landing site for
26/11 terrorists in Mumbai, claims a book by two British journalists.

The information on
Badhwar Park, the landing site, was shared by ISI operatives with
Pakistani-American Lashkar operative David Headley who had checked it out while
conducting recce of the area, it says.

The book, “The
Siege”, by Adrian Levy and Cathy Scott-Clark claims that when Headley was
subjected to undergo a two-year course on surveillance and counter-intelligence
by the ISI, his handler, Major Iqbal of the ISI, gave him what he described as
classified Indian files that he said had been obtained from within the Indian
police and the Army, which revealed their training and limitations. — PTI

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131109/edit.htm#5

Fauji nicknames

by Col P.S. Sangha
(retd)

Tom, what time is
your sortie?” I am scheduled for 1030 hrs along with Robert' This conversation
would probably be situated in England or some other English-speaking country
like Australia or New Zealand. Actually, this was happening in the Bagdogra air
base located in North Bengal.

So were these guys
Anglo Indians or Christians? In reality they were both Sikh Army aviators.
‘Tom’ was the nick name of Malkiat Singh and ‘Robert’ was the nick name of
Rajinder Pal Singh. Similarily, Subhash was called ‘Harry’ and Ashok was called
‘Droopy’.

Almost everyone in
the Squadron had a nickname which had no connection to their actual name. So,
what was the methodology followed while coining these names which all had a
Western tenor to them?

Well, in some
cases the name came up because of the person’s behaviour, habits or appearance.
PS Ghuha, who liked to put on his sun glasses in the office or crew room and
had perfected the art of disappearing from the work place at the crucial
moment, earned the nick name of ‘Phantom’ (the ghost who walks).

There was M S
Dattawho , though thin and lanky, liked to stand in front of mirrors flexing
his muscles, earned the name ‘Flash Gordon’. Ashok was called 'Droopy' because
he was said to nod off while flying. Subhash was blessed with a very hairy
body. So he was given the nick name of ‘Hairy’ which, on his request, was
changed to ‘Harry’.

Malkiat Singh
Dullat was called ‘Dulli’ during his flying course. From there it got changed
to ‘Tom Dooly’ (Remember the song?) and finally only ‘Tom’ remained. That is
the name he goes by even today some 45 years later. R P Singh, God bless his
soul, cut his hair in 1972 and became a modified Sardar. So, he was given the
name of ‘Robert Singh’ in line with his changed status. There was Khushwant
Singh who had a long bushy beard. So he was affectionately called ‘Khush the
Bush’. There were so many other such nick names in the other Squadrons at our
base.

Other than this
almost everyone in the Services has a nickname which is a shortened version of
his last name. So, a Chowdhry will become a ‘Chow’, Garewal will always be
‘Gary’, Sandhu will be ‘Sandy’, Aggarwal will be ‘Aggy’, Natrajan will be
‘Nat’and so on.

After leaving the
Army I worked as a pilot with a number of corporate houses. I found the
situation very different there. No nicknames! Almost all seniors get the
addition of ‘Jee’ to their names. So Gupta is ‘Guptajee’, Sahu is ‘Sahujee’,
Sharma is ‘Sharmajee’ and so on and so forth.

The juniors are
just called by their name. It makes you think as to why things are so different
in the military and the civil world. I would attribute it to the tremendous
sense of comradeship and the fun factor that exists in the armed forces. Since
you cannot call Garewal as ‘Garewaljee’, ‘Gary’ seems a better proposition. The
civil sector in India is more formal and as such nicknames are a no-no. As far
as the forces are concerned nicknames are great fun and handy tools. They stay
with you for all your life.

Oh, I forgot to
tell you my nickname. It is ‘Bully’, rather inappropriate for a peaceful guy
like me! But since it is all fun and games, I gladly accept it.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131109/main4.htm

VK Singh drags PMO
in age, other rows

New Delhi,
November 8

Former Army Chief
General VK Singh, whose last days in office was marred by a legal battle with
the government in the Supreme Court, has sought to drag the Prime Minister's
Office (PMO) over his age row and the Tatra truck scandal saying a senior
bureaucrat there was "orchestrating" the issues. He has claimed in
his just-released autobiography 'Courage and convictions' that the media
appeared to be wanting him out of office after the second hearing in the age
case that came as a "big blow".

But he continued
as Army Chief after he met the then President Pratibha Patil who told him to
"carry on with the work you are doing", the General says without
taking any names of those he was attacking. On the controversy relating to the
Tatra truck deal he says the name of a PMO official was "cropping up
regularly" and his relatives had been given plots in the BEML complex, the
PSU assembling Tatra trucks in India. "There was little doubt that a very
senior bureaucrat in the PMO had been orchestrating the entire age issue. Ever
since I blocked the Tatra files, the name of the person had been cropping up
regularly. — PTI

Nehru had paranoia
of military coup

Since
independence, the top political leadership in the country has been haunted by
the possibility of a military takeover. It is no secret that people around
Nehru exploited his paranoia of a military coup and started chipping away at
the Army in an evolving civil-military relationship.

— General VK Singh in his new
book

Ex-Prez denies his claim on
quitting

Nashik: Contradicting his
claim, former President Pratibha Patil on Friday denied that she had advised
the then Army Chief General VK Singh not to resign over the age controversy.
She said she had told him that it was for him to decide whether to quit or not.
"....whether to resign or not, it is your decision," she had told
General Singh when he met her after the second Supreme Court hearing in his dispute
over age with the government that came as a "big blow".

New Delhi - The
heir to Britain’s throne has long championed endangered species. So he may have
been secretly pleased yesterday (Thursday) when an Indian cavalry cadet
described him as the “Prince of Whales”.

Nor did the
Duchess of Cornwall escape: she became Camela Parker Powel on Gentleman Cadet
Anant Rajpurohit’s social network posting.

The royal couple
watched him perform a “triple tent pegging” display during a visit to India’s
equivalent of Sandhurst.

Cadet Rajpurohit,
21, charged a line of targets with a lance in one hand, a sword and the reins
of his horse in the other and a bayonet between his teeth.

Surrounded by
turbaned army chiefs at the Indian Military Academy in Dehradun, northern
India, on the second day of their tour, the Duchess asked, “How long did it
take you to learn that?” and told him: “You’re a natural.”

Tent-pegging, a
traditional half-time entertainment at polo matches on the subcontinent, is
said to have originated with the Maharajas whose cavalry would cut down enemy
tents at night before killing the trapped soldiers.

The Prince of
Wales later underlined his environmental credentials when he spoke to India’s
Forest Research Institute. “Mahatma Gandhi, whose wisdom and vision continue to
have such a bearing on all our lives, and who has had a great influence on my
own thinking, once said: ‘ What we are doing to the forests of the world is but
a mirror reflection of what we are doing to ourselves and to one another.’

“How right he was,” the Prince
said.

http://pakobserver.net/detailnews.asp?id=223108

Army’s renewed
resolve!

riday, November
08, 2013 - Military exercises are simulated operations conducted under
realistic scenarios to validate fresh concepts, strategy and weapon systems.
Pakistan Army, operating in an environment of tension, conflict and hostile
neighbourhood is constrained to conceive and review war plans to meet various
contingencies, hone the skills of its personnel and test their mettle to face
the myriad challenges.

The Pakistan army
has conducted numerous military exercises since its independence, to meet various
threats. Notable among them is “Zarb-e-Momin” of 1989 which had war-gamed’,
field tested and validated the then fresh concept of an “offensive-defence”
strategy; a sequel to Indian Army Chief General Sunderjee’s highly ambitious
“Operation Brasstacks”.

“Azm-e-Nau” (fresh resolve) is
a series of exercises, launched in 2009 and evolved to envisage the whole range
of threats facing Pakistan, including the terror attacks by non-state actors
and Indian Army’s Cold Start Doctrine. Anti-terror operations added a new
dimension to Pakistan Army’s arsenal of combat mechanism, compelling the
defence planners to evolve fresh tactics and strategy to battle the faceless
enemy, that dons suicide jackets, mingles with the population, targets mosques,
hospitals and education centers, maiming and killing women, children and the
elderly. This new dimension to the threat was far removed from the set piece
battles; the Army has been conventionally planning and participating in. It
goes to its credit that despite having limited experience in this new dimension
of war, anti-terror operations being fought by the Pakistan Army through its
blood, sweat and guts find few parallels in either modern or ancient warfare.

India’s Pakistan-specific
“Cold Start Doctrine” is a different cup of cake. Handicapped by its lethargic
deployment, when India wanted to strike Pakistan in the aftermath of the
December 13, 2001 attack on its parliament, holding its western neighbour
responsible for the assault, Pakistan’s rapid counter-mobilization forced a
stalemate. Taking a leaf from German General Heinz Guderian’s “Blitzkrieg”,
India envisages that keeping holding forces ready for instant operations; it
will be able to strike a telling blow on Pakistan through conventional weapons,
forcing it to capitulate even before nuclear weapons can be launched. Indian
Armed Forces have conducted scores of military exercises to operationalize
“Cold Start”, and are now indulging in intimidation and jingoistic threats,
evident from their recent across LOC misadventures.

The previous major exercise of
the Azm-e-Nau series was its third, played out in 2010, dovetailed with PAF’s
Exercise “High Mark-2010”, where joint operations, as envisaged by Pakistan’s
defence planners were put to test. A unique attribute of the exercise has been
optimizing the technological developments and advancement in intelligence
gathering, surveillance and reconnaissance communication and revolutionizing
modern warfare, making early warning an essential feature of postmodern operational
concepts. All these aspects were not only optimally leveraged in the field
exercise, but heavily relied upon and tested to the core. The integrated
maneuver and fire power demonstration on November 4, 2013, at the Army Firing
Range of Khairpur Tamewali, northwest of Bahawalpur in the Cholistan Desert was
the culmination of the Azm-e-Nau-4 and a conclusion of the series. It was a
visual and graphic manifestation of the new concepts evolved and physical
demonstration of countering the Cold Start Strategy. In the elaborate display,
witnessed by the Prime Minister, Members of the Parliament, Services Chiefs,
Defence Attachés accredited to Islamabad and the media, an operational milieu
was simulated and created to provide a realistic presentation of the military
prowess. It was heartening to witness the offensive as well as defensive
capabilities of the Pakistan Army operating in synergy with the air power based
on Pakistan Air Force and Army’s air arm demonstrating their precision,
lethality and annihilating capabilities to achieve the desired effects.

The Prime Minister, in his
speech, while congratulating the rank and file of Pakistan Army for their
dedication, hard work, sacrifices and professionalism, expressed his
government’s resolve to end the bloodshed and violence (through terror attacks)
by bringing the political parties, military, and civil society on the same
page.

Mian Nawaz Sharif also
reiterated that Pakistan Army has always stood by the people of Pakistan in
thick and thin. Be it natural calamities like floods and earthquakes,
maintaining law & order, imparting training to our law enforcement
agencies, Army has always come in aid of the civilian government. This passion
of being in the forefront is something that we as a nation are very proud of.

On the heels of the
culmination of Azm-e-Nau, Pakistan on successfully test-fired a short range
surface-to-surface missile Hatf IX (NASR). The test was conducted with
successive launches of four salvo missiles from a state-of-the-art multi tube
launcher.

“NASR, with a range of 60
kilometers and in-flight maneuver capability is a quick response system, with
shoot and scoot attributes. According to the ISPR, it contributes to the full
spectrum deterrence against threats in view of evolving scenarios. The army
chief along with senior defence and military officials, scientists and
engineers witnessed the test. General Kayani, according to the statement,
congratulated the scientists and engineers on this “outstanding achievement,
which consolidates Pakistan’s deterrence capability.”

Azm-e-Nau is perhaps the
swansong of General Kayani, who has enhanced the professional capabilities of
Pakistan Army through rigorous training, motivation and personal example. He is
certainly leaving the Army in a far better shape in terms of proficiency, skill
and professional acumen than he had received it from his predecessor. Having
withdrawn the Army from its deployment in civilian organizations and curtailing
its involvement in the political melee, has paid rich dividends.

It is befitting that
Pakistan’s military strategy is now based on credible minimum deterrence, which
was visibly demonstrated during the integrated fire power display. Pakistan
Army’s leadership can take pride in the fact that this fighting force, despite all
the sacrifices, trials and tribulations, is now in the highest state of
preparedness encompassing optimized set of military capabilities, which remain
its cornerstone and amply showcase its renewed resolve to meet the challenges
head-on.

New Delhi, Nov. 7:
A book by V.K. Singh, to be published tomorrow, has ministers and bureaucrats
preparing for yet another round of fireworks with the controversial former army
chief who had challenged the Centre in court.

The retired
general is understood to have insinuated that an arms lobby conspired with
those in high political office, bureaucrats and one of his predecessors to
manufacture the controversy over his date of birth.

He has alleged
this was done to shorten his tenure and elevate his successor, current army
chief General Bikram Singh, to the office.

Two branches of
army headquarters had different dates of birth — May 10, 1951, and May 10, 1950
— for V.K. Singh. He insisted he was born in 1951 and, as army chief, dragged
the government to court. But the Supreme Court asked him to withdraw the
petition, pointing out that he had accepted 1950 as the year of his birth and
risen to the highest rank on the basis of the same.

Courage and
Conviction, likely to be available from tomorrow, “provides insights into the
inner workings of the army at various levels and its equation with the
political establishment and the bureaucracy,” the publisher, Aleph Book
Company, said in a press release today.

The former army
chief made himself unavailable for comments citing contractual obligations. His
co-author is filmmaker Kunal Verma.

In the army and in
the defence establishment, there are many who are convinced that V.K. Singh
would portray himself as a victim targeted by those who were tainted by his
investigations into scams such as the Sukhna land allotment.

He has been known
to be critical of former chiefs — J.J. Singh and Deepak Kapoor. V.K. Singh’s
acolytes also allege that J.J. Singh and people higher up in the government
engineered the controversy over his date of birth.

“As outspoken and candid as
its author has been throughout his career, General Singh’s autobiography is a
revealing, compelling and occasionally controversial account of the Indian Army
as well as the story of a straight-talking officer who was never afraid to
stand by his convictions,” the publisher promised.

The former chief is also
understood to have dwelt at length on why he opposed a move within the
government to deploy the army against Maoist insurgents. He has also written
about his experience in the 1971 war into which he was drawn immediately after
being commissioned into service.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131108/main3.htm

Two CRPF men shot
in Pulwama

Tribune News
Service

Srinagar/Anantnag,
November 7

Two Central
Reserve Police Force men were killed when suspected militants opened fire on a
road opening team in the Awantipora area of South Kashmir’s Pulwama district,
along the Srinagar-Jammu National Highway, this evening.

The shooting took
place barely six hours after Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi inaugurated a
cold storage at Lassipora in the district.

Police reports
said the suspected militants fired upon the team of 130th Battalion of the
Paramilitary CRPF in the Jawbara area of Awantipora, 30 km from the summer
capital. “The shooting took place around 5.30 pm,” said a senior police officer
from the area.

He said the
militants fired with automatic weapons from a narrow alley adjacent to the
national highway as the CRPF team was returning.

Two jawans were
critically wounded and were shifted to the hospital where the doctors declared
them brought dead, said Nalin Prabhat, Inspector General of the CRPF. “The
other jawans opened retaliatory fire,” the officer said.

A man claiming to
be Hizbul Mujahideen operation spokesperson called up a Srinagar-based news
agency and claimed responsibility for the attack. Earlier, another group had
owned up the killings.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131108/nation.htm#6

Nehru was not keen on sending Army to Kashmir,
says Advani

Tribune News
Service

New Delhi,
November 7

Continuing with his
attack on former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, BJP veteran leader LK Advani
today said Nehru was reluctant to send the army to Kashmir in 1948 even as
Pakistani troops approached but Home Minister Sardar Patel prevailed over him.

LK Advani had
earlier claimed that Jawaharlal Nehru had called Patel a “total communalist”.

Quoting from an
interview of Sam Manekshaw (then a Colonel) by senior journalist Prem Shankar
Jha, Advani said in his latest blog that as the tribesmen - supported by
Pakistani forces - moved closer to Srinagar, a decision had to be taken on
moving Indian forces there.

But Nehru appeared
reluctant and felt the issue should be taken to the UN. Referring to Manekshaw’s
claim in the interview, Advani said Lord Mountbatten convened a Cabinet meeting
soon after Maharaja Hari Singh signed the Instrument of Accession. This was
attended by Nehru, Patel and Defence Minister Baldev Singh.

Manekshaw
presented the “military situation” and suggested the Indian forces be moved
there. “As usual, Nehru talked about the United Nations, Russia, Africa, God
almighty, everybody, until Sardar Patel lost his temper. He said, “Jawaharlal,
do you want Kashmir, or do you want to give it away. Nehru said ‘of course, I
want Kashmir’. Then he (Patel) said, ‘Please give your orders’. And before he
could say anything, Sardar Patel turned to me and said, ‘You have got your
orders’,” Advani said, quoting Manekshaw from the interview to Jha.

“This report, involving
Manekshaw and Prem Shankar Jha, provides a clinching confirmation of the
difference between Nehru and Patel over the Hyderabad action,” Advani said.

Last week, Advani had written
a blog quoting from the memoirs of MKK Nair, a 1947-batch IAS officer, to say
that Nehru had called Patel a “total communalist” when the latter said at a
Cabinet meeting that “police action” will have to be taken against Hyderabad as
it was trying to join Pakistan.

What the blog said

Sam Manekshaw (then a Colonel) told
journalist Prem Shankar Jha that as the tribesmen moved closer to Srinagar, a
decision had to be taken on moving Indian forces there

But Nehru appeared reluctant and felt the
issue should be taken to the UN

Home Minister Sardar Patel intervened and
ordered sending of troops to Kashmir

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131108/nation.htm#9

Charles, Camilla meet IMA gentlemen cadets

Tribune News
Service

Dehradun, November
7

Prince Charles of
Wales and Duchess of Cornwall Camilla Parker Bowles today visited the Indian
Military Academy (IMA), established by the British in 1932 and counted among
the premier military training institutions of the world.

The British royal
couple reached Dehradun on their maiden one-day visit amid tight security on
Thursday morning.

The Prince and the
Duchess were accorded a guard of honour and were taken around the IMA complex
where Prince Charles took special interest in the training module of the
gentlemen cadets while Duchess Camilla admired the equestrian wing.

The royal couple
was also taken to the Vikram Batra mess where the Prince interacted with the
gentlemen cadets of IMA as well as Rashtriya Indian Military College (RIMC),
another military training school set up by the British in 1922.

Earlier, IMA
Commandant Lt Gen Manvendra Singh, while welcoming Prince Charles, said that
his visit would strengthen the historic bonds between the two nations that also
shared high military values.

Prince Charles was
presented with photos of the IMA and RIMC as well as a silver plaque and a
memento. The Prince presented the IMA Commandant with a sword. Ranjana Singh,
the first lady of the IMA, and several senior IMA officials were present on the
occasion.

Meanwhile, Prince
Charles has welcomed India’s concern over issues of forestry and environment.
Addressing a gathering of students and staff at the convocation hall of the
Forest Research Institute (FRI) here today, Prince Charles took notice of works
being done by the country on the ecology front.

He welcomed
India’s concern in this regard and efforts towards nature conservation. He said
that in India, forest dwellers and forests lived in harmony.

In his 10-minute
address, Charles highlighted the issues of sustainability and key environmental
challenges facing the world.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131108/edit.htm#4

Missing wood for trees

Focus on the
larger picture in Kashmir

by Lt Gen (retd)
Syed Ata Hasnain

The Indian public
and the media have taken an unusually intense interest in the incidents along
the LoC in Kashmir. Much of this interest seems to arise from emotions and
salability rather than informed knowledge of the ground situation. There is a
certain romantic aura linked to the LoC - the known unknown about which
everyone likes to comment. After all, on the LoC there is blood and gore,
shelling and shooting and everything macho, something missing in everyday
mundane life in our cities except on roads and in films. Media commentaries
rarely analyse the linkage of these incidents with the internal dynamics of
Kashmir. The Indian Army tries to be neutral by refusing to comment or join
issue with the media and is reluctant to be transparent on its actions at the
LoC or within Kashmir, and there are reasons for it which can be well
appreciated.

Let us recall the
facts. Kashmir's strategic environment arises from proxy support to terrorism
by Pakistan's inter-related entities -- the Pakistan Army, separatists, the ISI
(as distinct from the Army) and terrorists. The aims of India and of Pakistan
collide at the LoC. For Pakistan the aim is to wrest Kashmir from India through
the continuation of turbulence in any form, keeping the people enthused and
motivated for separatism, not necessarily pro-Pakistan, as also for drawing the
attention of the international community.

For India it is
thus far an unstated aim: integrating Kashmir with the rest of India,
politically, socially, economically and psychologically. To ensure the
achievement of our aim and the defeat of Pakistan's aim, there are four
distinct areas of concern. First, it is the LoC, which must remain stable
without leaking any infiltration so that terrorist numbers in the hinterland
remain within a given threshold. Secondly, the resident terrorists have to be
marginalised to allow the writ of the state and the people to run. Thirdly, the
ideologues and the radicals have to be neutralised to prevent them from
spreading their wares and creating triggers to keep separatism alive while
placing the security forces on the back foot. Lastly, and most importantly, it
is the people of Kashmir who need to be empowered with enhanced dignity to
start taking pride in being Indians.

Noticeably, only
the first of the above factors alludes to the LoC which has excited the Indian
public and the media so much. The rest is all about the internal battle, not
necessarily in the physical domain but more in the attitudinal and
psychological. It is this which will contribute to the final victory but it is all
in the realm of the unromantic where battles of the hearts and the minds have
to be fought. This excites very few and in fact only those who realise that the
war is almost over; it is the peace which has to be won, a task always more
difficult than the war itself. For Pakistan it is necessary to upset the apple
cart of Indian success if Kashmir has to be relevant in the international
domain.

It would be a
commentary on their maturity if the Indian media and the public are more
excited by the prospects of the final victory, debate the efforts which need to
be put in, assist in building public opinion to back the security forces and
political initiatives and counter Pakistan's well-nuanced propaganda. The Army
is well in control of the LoC, notwithstanding some negative incidents which it
knows how to convert to the positive. It needs no nitpicking and no
non-professional advice being the only entity which truly knows what the LoC is
all about.

It needs the
entire intellectual and physical backing in the internal domain where it
continues to perform the difficult task of integration. The experiment of
2011-12 was a fresh approach towards the people of Kashmir, a changed force
ethos, high-profile social initiatives and integration between the security forces
across task boundaries which all added up to the success story; this needs
revival. It cannot happen if the professional and nationalistic intentions of
the Army are viewed with suspicion and its assistance to the state government
in the social field is considered as politicisation.

The unfortunate
and completely untrue allegations against the political set-up of Kashmir are
only assisting in widening the cleavage among all stakeholders. Pakistan is
hastening this by taking away the attention from the peace-building efforts in
the hinterland by refocusing us all towards the LoC. Surely, the Indian state
has the ability to see through this and ensure that it is not ensnared; and the
Indian media and the public have the maturity to view the larger picture where
they appear to be missing the woods for the trees.

The Army once
again needs to get into the saddle and provide the much-needed direction to
support the state leadership. Very little has been lost. Any further hesitation
of getting right back there is likely to result in losing the initiative and
thus the battle. What must this involve?

Although this
needs a separate and detailed answer, the initiation is done here. First, a
completely new and baggage-free examination of the tasks of each stakeholder
needs to be initiated. Secondly, a renewed and continuous vigour on the part of
New Delhi in coordination with Srinagar is necessary. Thirdly, freedom for the
Army on the LoC, and more importantly, to take on the stabilisation of the
hinterland; this must be accompanied by a campaign to restore the pride and
dignity of the people of Jammu and Kashmir and an addressing of the youth to
de-radicalise them.

The
de-radicalisation model adopted by Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia, recently
discussed at a seminar in Singapore, needs a serious look.
"Sadbhavana", the Army's hearts and minds programme, needs to be
given its primacy without attaching labels after the recent controversy of its
funding. For 15 years it has been the Army's flagship for outreach and has
achieved much. However, to move to the next level of achievement
"Sadbhavana" has to be taken well beyond with attitudinal change and
emotional outreach. A repeat of the success of 2011 is necessary to show the
way and cement the final integration.

http://www.tribuneindia.com/2013/20131108/edit.htm#6

India needs a
progressive strategic culture

As India continues
to modernise its armed forces, it needs to build its own capabilities in
cutting edge military technologies since it remains heavily import dependent.
It needs to give attention to shaping its strategic thinking.

Dinesh Kumar

For over a decade
now, India has been engaged in a major defence modernisation programme. India
has inducted new capabilities that have considerably enhanced the military’s
reach, endurance and firepower. For example, the Indian Air Force (IAF) has
acquired Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS), which is a powerful eye
high in the sky that has given the dual capability of detecting and identifying
enemy aircraft well in advance and at the same time coordinating strike
missions. The IAF has inducted mid-air refuelling aircraft which has enabled
fighter aircraft to travel longer distances than ever before. In a few years
from now, the Navy hopes to take possession of the first ever indigenously
built nuclear powered submarine (INS Arihant), a formidable stealth weapon
system that can remain undetected underwater for weeks on end and strike the
enemy with conventional or nuclear missiles. In less than ten days, India will
be taking delivery of a 44,500 tonne aircraft carrier from Russia (Admiral
Gorshkov rechristened INS Vikramaditya) which will be equipped with the newly
inducted naval variant of the MiG-29 fighter, also imported from Russia.

India has signed
contracts for purchase of advance conventional submarines (Scorpene) from
France; is in the process of negotiating purchase of multi-role combat aircraft
(Rafale) also from France; has inducted both maritime reconnaissance-cum-strike
aircraft (P-8I) and heavy lift transport aircraft (C-17 and C 130J Hercules)
from the US; Unmanned Aerial Aircraft or UAVs in addition to numerous
surveillance equipment, sensors and electronic warfare systems from Israel;
more long range Sukhoi-30 MKI multi-role aircraft from Russia, T-90 main battle
tanks, an Akula class nuclear powered submarine on lease, joint production of land,
air and sea version of the BrahMos cruise missile along with an agreement to
jointly produce a fifth generation strike aircraft among other defence ventures
with that country.

The above is a
listing of just a few deals and agreements. For, the list of weapons and weapon
systems either inducted or still in the pipeline is long and enormous and is
valued at between a staggering $50 billion and $100 billion. For some years
now, India has been figuring among the world’s topmost arms importers, a trend
that is likely to continue for some years yet considering that India’s military
modernisation has been sorely lagging owing to a range of reasons starting with
the resource crunch and disintegration of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s
which was both preceded by and followed by procedural irregularities and
allegations of bribes related to defence procurement.

On every Republic
Day India showcases its armed forces, the world’s fourth largest, with some of
its newly acquired arms with much fanfare to the delight and awe of the public
thus giving the impression that India is a powerful military nation. Such an
assumption necessitates two questions: (a) to what extent has India developed
its military capability and, more importantly, (b) does India have the will and
strategic thinking needed to go with its military power in the making?

As for capability,
the stark reality is that India is almost entirely an import-dependent military
power which after over six decades of Independence does not have a significant
armament industry of its own. This, as the Ministry of Defence (MoD) admits,
‘can land the country and the armed forces in deep trouble in crucial times’.
India has eight state-owned defence public sector units, 39 ordnance factories
and a gigantic defence research and development organisation (DRDO) with 50
government owned research and development laborataries all of which combine to
make tall claims. Their claims comprise making fighter aircraft, T-72 and T-90
tanks; helicopters, a light combat aircraft or LCA named Tejas with plans to
make its naval variant; an advance light helicopter (ALH), a main battle tank
named Arjun; and small arms known as the Indian Small Arms Systems (INSAS)……the
list is just as endless as it is supposedly impressive.

Most regrettably,
India does not make aircraft; it only assembles or, at best, license produce
them. The LCA, conceived 30 years ago in 1983, has an engine and flight control
system from the US and even then is still some years from induction. The ALH
has been inducted but with a foreign made engine. The Arjun tank, conceived 39
years ago in 1974, is largely confined to being paraded down Rajpath in New
Delhi every Republic Day with only a few dozen forming part of the Army’s
armoured fleet. India is unable to make an engine for a tank let alone a
helicopter and a fighter aircraft, which undoubtedly is a difficult technology
available only to a few countries. The INSAS automatic rifle has been handed
over to central police organisations such as the CRPF and the BSF after the
Army, which has inducted a limited number, has largely found them to be
unsuitable and been forced to turn to foreign vendors for rifles. India’s
success, however, lies in building warships (but with imported electronic
warfare and weapon systems) and missiles. But the missile systems that have
been inducted can only cover a little beyond Pakistan and, is as yet, nowhere
near targeting the Chinese military-industrial complex or key cities such as
Beijing and Shanghai located at some 5,000 km distance. While also being a
major importer of weapons, China is also a major exporter of armaments. India,
in contrast, has virtually nothing to export. There are several fundamental
flaws in India’s indigenous capability which range from the structural to the functional.
But one severe deficiency, as the MoD admits, is the country’s lack in
capability in ‘strategic technologies’.

For some years
now, there has been some debate on whether or not India has a strategic culture
and strategic thinking, and, if so, what is that strategic culture and
thinking. The question has relevance since it gives both an insight into a
country’s will and intentions, which in turn is important given India’s
geographical size and location, geopolitical ambitions, military strength and
the increasing interest India’s defence imports and modernisation has generated
in the country’s neighbourhood and beyond.

Many commentators,
mostly Indian, tend to be dismissive of India’s strategic culture arguing that
it does not have one while some cite Kautaliya’s Arthashastra as the holy bible
of Indian strategic thought.

India does have a
strategic culture, which, however, is still evolving considering that India as
a modern and post-Westphalian nation-state in its current form is only 66 years
old after having been under colonial rule for almost two centuries with a long
history of being an advanced civilisation with a complex society structure.
What is of import is the pace and quality of our learning curve; the direction
that this strategic thinking is taking – whether traditional or pragmatic; and
the factors, both internal and external, that are determining this strategic
culture

Not surprisingly,
much of the country’s strategic culture, defined broadly by as ‘a set of shared
beliefs, assumptions and modes of behaviour derived from common experiences and
accepted narratives that shape collective identity and relationships and which
go on to determine the ends and means for achieving security objectives’, has
been steeped in history and pre-conceived notions. Two examples should suffice.
One, as George Tanham states in a landmark article published in 1992, Indians
have a nonlinear view of time with no past and no future wherein life is a
series of cycles in a continuous present. This in modern times is exemplified
by the DRDO which is plagued by time and cost overruns that keep getting
overlooked. Two, we believe that we have a rightful place as a geopolitical
power based on the firmly held belief that India’s status is considered by us
as a given just as it is in a caste based society.

India’s
post-Independence history has shown an interesting contradiction: that it can
be just as bold and brash as it can be passive, slow, reactive and hesitant.
Soon after Independence, New Delhi sent the Army to Jammu and Kashmir to fight
Pakistani invaders and did force posturing against the Nawab of Junagadh and a
‘Police Action’ against the Nizam of Hyderabad and his forces to get them to
accede to India. In 1961, the armed forces were sent to fight Portuguese
colonial forces to wrest control of Goa. In 1971, India dismembered Pakistan by
assisting in converting East Pakistan into an independent and sovereign
Bangladesh. In 1984, Indira Gandhi sent the Army to wrest control of the
Saltoro Ridge ahead of the Siachen glacier and then two months later sent the Army
into the Golden Temple to flush out Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his armed
militia. In 1987, Rajiv Gandhi sent the Army to Sri Lanka for two-and-a-half
years from 1987 to 1989 to fight the LTTE after first having trained them. And
finally in 1998, India conducted nuclear tests and declared itself to be a
nuclear weapon state.

But then India,
with hindsight, has made some major strategic errors – approached the United
Nations in 1947-48 following Pakistani sponsored invasion of Jammu and Kashmir
and agreed to stop the war mid-way without wresting complete control of the
state; returned the Haji Pir Pass (since 1990 a major infiltration route by
terrorists into J&K) as part of the January 1966 Tashkent Agreement even
though that Pass had been taken by the Indian Army prior to the start of the
war with Pakistan in September 1965; failed to settle the Kashmir problem with
Pakistan during negotiations leading up to the signing of the Simla Agreement
after having earlier accorded Pakistan a stunning defeat during the 1971
Bangladesh war; expended precious lives of Army soldiers while sullying the
nation and the Army’s image by sending in the latter to fight the LTTE after
having first supported them; buckled to secessionists in the Kashmir Valley by
releasing terrorists in December 1989; and by continuing to follow a policy of
a thousand bandages in response to Pakistan using terror and proxy war as a
means of ‘continuing policy by other means’. These are but a few examples.

India’s feudal and
dynasty politics, the lack of inner party democracy in almost all political
parties, a frightfully fractured polity and vote bank politics along sectarian
lines such as caste, religion, class and ethnicity, the lack of the proverbial
Clausewitzian overlap between the government and the military, the supremacy of
a generalist bureaucracy in almost all spheres of government functioning, the
lack of knowledge and interest in defence strategy among the political
executive, inter-service rivalry, turf wars, and more will continue to come in
the way of India attaining great power status. These negative factors are more
likely to shape and influence India’s strategic thinking and strategic culture
in the years ahead.

Will India become
a tiger to be taken seriously or will it remain a lumbering elephant that
cannot quite get its act together is a question for the present and future
generation of leaders and thinkers to ponder over and decide.

In the latest
development along the tense, disputed Line of Actual Control between the Ladakh
region in India and the People’s Republic of China, China has built a station
Indian officials believe will be used to monitor flights in and out of an
Indian airstrip high up in the Himalayas.

According to the
Press Trust of India (PTI), Indian technical experts have been closely
monitoring the structure, which until recently didn’t exist on the Chinese side
of the border. Experts believe it could be a radar station, although no signal
has been emitted or received till date.

During recent
border meetings between China and India, the Chinese delegation claimed the
structure was a weather station, according to media reports. The Indian side
speculated as to why a weather station would be needed in an area that has no
civilian population.

In August this
year, the Indian Air Force landed a C-130J Super Hercules transport plane in
the Daulat Beg Oldi sector, which has a military base and is near the
northernmost tip of Ladakh, hard by the PRC border.

Successfully
landing the transport plane on the highest airstrip in the world at 16,641 feet
enables the Indian forces to bring in troops and supplies by air to this remote
area with harsh conditions much of the year. The PTI report said that the
Chinese side expedited its work on the station after this historic,
high-altitude landing.

The airfield, also
used in the 1965 war with Pakistan, was reactivated by the Indian Air Force
after 43 years in 2008, with the landing of an Antonov-32 aircraft.

On Oct. 23, during
Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh’s visit to China, the two Asian giants
have signed the much awaited Border Defense Cooperation Agreement. Article VI
of the agreement says that the two sides would not follow or tail patrols of
the other side in areas where there is no common understanding of the line of
actual control in the India-China border areas.

On October 24,
Singh said in his speech at the Central Party School in Beijing that
maintaining peace and tranquility in the India-China border areas is the
cornerstone of their bilateral relations. “It is essential for mutual
confidence and for the expansion of our relations. We should do nothing to
disturb that,” he said.

In April this
year, about 50 Chinese soldiers crossed 19 kilometers (approximately 12 miles)
across the Line of Actual Control into Indian territory, setting up a remote
camp near the Indian position at Daulat Beg Oldi. On May 6, to end a 21
day-long stand-off, both sides agreed to pull their forces back to positions
held before the confrontation.

The Duchess of Cornwall marvelled at a display
of precision riding reminiscent of a bygone age when she visited an Indian
military academy.

Racing across a
field at a gallop, riders used lances, swords and bayonets to spear targets on
the ground, to Camilla's delight.

The exhibition of
horsemanship was made by trainee officers - known as gentlemen cadets - from
the prestigious Indian Military Academy in Dehradun.

The Prince of
Wales and Camilla toured the training centre where future officers undergo rigorous
schooling to prepare them for life in the forces.

Founded in 1932 it
is the equivalent of the UK's Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, with around
1,700 cadets being trained at any one time at the base, set in acres of
manicured grounds.

The duchess was
impressed by Anant Rajpurohid, 21, who showed off his riding skills in an
activity called tent pegging.

He used a lance to
spear a foam target, then dropped it to grab a sword stuck in the ground which
he used to stab another peg before picking up a bayonet to hit a final target.

At the end of the
display Camilla asked him: "How long did it take you to learn that? You're
a natural."

The duchess, who
wore a knitted poppy on the shoulder of her outfit, also saw displays of show
jumping and polo, but when she met some of the academy's many horses she had a
sweet treat in store for them, giving the animals large brown lumps of sugar
cane as she talked to their riders.

The duchess handed out the lumps from a tray
carried by one of the military staff.

In another part of
the training centre Charles was shown some of the Indian army's most unusual
recruits - mules - and latest techniques in warfare.

The commandant of
the academy, Lieutenant General Manvender Singh, told the prince that mules are
still used in hilly areas, where they carry up to 70kg.

An instructor
added: "We have our borders with the Himalayas, where there are no roads.
The mules carry everything - fuel, ammunition, rations - and take it to the
furthermost outposts."

In a building
designed to simulate fighting in built-up areas, the prince watched a cadet go
from room to room firing at moving targets - once with blank ammunition as the
prince followed behind, and then with live ammunition as Charles watched from
the safety of the control room.

Inspecting the
troops, he met a number of foreign recruits including some from Afghanistan.
"They are very good at boxing," said the commandant.

Charles might have
revealed something of his own experience of military training when he asked
some cadets: "Do you do military history?" he asked.

http://www.thefrontierpost.com/article/53020/

Pak-salvo missile
to deter Indian-cold start doctrine

An outstanding
with enhanced capability missile tested successfully today dated November 5,
2013. It was a Short Range Surface to Surface Missile named as Hatf IX (NASR)
with a range of 60 kilometer. The test fire was conducted with successive
launches of 4 x missiles (Salvo) from a state of the art multi tube launcher.
Nasr with this in-flight maneuver capability is a quick response system
equipped with shoot and scoot attributes.

Before analyzing
Nasr it is imperative to recount here that nuclear deterrence is foisted upon
Pakistan due to India’s aggressive nuclear weapon program. Coming to the point,
India is pro-actively firing day by day a new test, just for instance going a
few days back, Indian test-fired a nuclear-capable Prithvi-II missile with a
strike range of 350 km. It was also a surface-to-surface missile that was
test-fired from a mobile launcher in ‘Salvo Mode.’ Giving that reason,
Pakistan’s response in form of TNWs in or the other way, is necessary for
restoring and then ultimately maintaining the credibility of its nuclear
deterrence. The Chief of Army Staff, General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani,
acknowledging the effort as an addition to Pakistan deterrence, congratulated
the scientists and engineers on this outstanding achievement which consolidates
Pakistan\'s deterrence capability.

The test being in
a Salvo mode is an excellent effort to respond to India’s Cold Start Doctrine
(CSD) and there ‘proactive operations which were introduced with the purpose of
finding space for limited war, by achieving their objectives remaining below
Pakistan nuclear threshold.’ The press release also explained regarding the
test that it contributes to the full spectrum deterrence against threats in
view of evolving scenarios.

Therefore
Pakistan’s verdict of introducing these weapons in its nuclear force posture is
very much intact with ‘Waltz argument that in an anarchical international
system, states must rely on self-help mechanism for protecting its sovereignty
and national security.’ Though for Pakistan the real nuclear threat festering
in south Asia is Indian military expansion and buildup but pragmatically
speaking, if India assumes that it could dominate the war through surgical
strikes or its so-called CSD without crossing nuclear threshold then they need
to correct themselves keeping the successful series of NASR tests.

It actually aimed
to target the ‘advancing Indian Army armored columns’ or proactive Indian army
operations inside the Pakistan borders. The cutting edge technology (Nasr)
intends for large army concentration. Haft IX — shoot and scoot nuclear missile
could be fired upon ‘area of operation of a Divisional or Corps level attack.’
Belligerently, former Indian Air Chief’s statement would be relevant to quote
here that he made categorically; ‘such a nuclear attack even at this level
would invite a massive response from India and though he did not name the
cities but analysts presume that they might be Lahore and Karachi. Defence
analysts had also surmised that Pakistan is at a distinct disadvantage of
producing this weapon system which it cannot use in any war with its adversary
but has spent billions of dollars on the same. Ironically, I believe it’s more
a liability rather than a benefit. They won’t be used on either sides of
border.

Lastly, since the
game of thrones was initiated by Indian CSD, Pakistan needs to keep on test
firing these upgraded missiles. Let’s wait and see how India will react; it
could be that they would create a buffer zone might be plus 60 Km on border J