The Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey was published in 1942 by the Chicago Public Library Omnibus Project of the Works Progress Administration of Illinois. The purpose of the project was to translate and classify selected news articles that appeared in the foreign language press from 1855 to 1938. The project consists of 120,000 typewritten pages translated from newspapers of 22 different foreign language communities of Chicago.

Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 08, 1861

Many Republicans believed that a demonstration should be held for the Union and for the enforcement of the law, and in order to make this demonstration very impressive, they called all Chicago citizens, irrespective of party affiliation, to a meeting at Bryan Hall. The proposed resolutions were to be presented to the world as the sentiments of all the people in Chicago. There was nothing objectionable about that. However, the Republicans committed the error of making concessions to the Democrats in the interest of unity. Of course the Committee on Resolutions would not admit this, but the statement made by Democratic Chairman S. S. Hayes shortly before the vote was taken, to the effect that the words "great concessions" must be retained if he and the other Democrats were to approve of the resolutions, proves conclusively that the objectionable expression was merely to serve as a loophole by which the Democrats intended to evade "enforcing the law at any price, and 2by the entire power of the nation".

We admit that the words of the last resolution to the effect that the men of all political parties in both sections of the country should be ready to make great concessions in order to restore harmony between the various sections of the country are, to say the least, ambiguous, and can easily be misinterpreted.

J. N. Arnold, who was elected a member of Congress from this district, took note of the strong Republican opposition to the above passage, and he advised that the objectionable part be omitted.

However, he was not insistent enough, and the President was careful not to regard Mr. Arnold's advice as an amendment, or to inquire whether this advice was meant to be an attempt to improve upon the report of the Committee.

The result was that the desired unanimity was not attained, and that the report of the Committee was adopted by a small majority. There is some doubt 3that a majority really voted in favor of adoption, but the President insisted upon exercising his authority and declared that the proposed resolutions had been accepted.

The report of the Committee was written by C. C. Learned, a well-known Republican, and it was good in every respect except that it was too long. But in Learned's original draft it was provided that only such concessions should be made which did not involve the sacrifice of a principle. The Committee did not think that these last words were definite enough, and they were deleted; but this deletion merely served to make the resolution in question even more indefinite, and a contradiction was inserted into the otherwise definte wording. Thus, by attempting to be fair, by trying to please the Democrats and obtain their approval, the votes of the true Republican were lost. Through the attempt to "cover the whole ground" the mistake of saying too much and of including opposite opinions was made, and thus the effect was weakened. Everyone will adhere to the resolutions which he favors, and while the Republicans may justly point to the definite language of most the resolutions, the Democrats 4will cling to the expression "great concessions," and will justify their reluctance to approve "the enforcement of the law" by saying that the Republicans are too slow in making "great concessions".

We believe that those present at this meeting who advocated a more definite wording of the resolution in question would have won, if Forrest had not permitted the "hand of Wentworth to be visible," and thus changed the whole matter into a fight between various factions to make political capital.

The proposals of Forrest, Bradely, and Swift could have been a bit more moderate and should have included "the exhaustion of peaceful means".

The conduct of the President obstructed the endeavors of those who advocated the insertion of the above phrase. His introduction of the proposals was correct from the viewpoint of parliamentary law, it is true, but the majority of those who were present at the meeting did not always understand the import of the proposals; and finally, he permitted men like "Edgar" and the 5Kentuckian, Waller, to speak, although the public voiced strenuous opposition. Only a few supported Waller's recommendations, which included the Crittenden Compromise.

Thus much time was lost, and at eleven o'clock the crowd demanded that the vote be taken, although the resolutions had not been thoroughly discussed, and, accordingly, were not fully understood.

In general, it is difficult to conduct these meetings" without respect to party," and, generally, the results are not satisfactory. This is evident from the so-called "currency meeting". The party system has made people one-sided. They are so accustomed to being led by publications and speakers that they attend the meetings somewhat like nonparticipating spectators, and do such little thinking that they are not able to make independent decisions. They take their directions from "prominent persons," vote for those whom they like personally, and are offended by the opinions of the opposing party. This is less true of Republicans than of Democrats, and we even admit that the leading 6Republicans of the Committee were well aware of the danger to which they were exposing themselves by being too obliging to the Democrats. But they were bent on a unanimous decision for Chicago, and in their zeal to insure it, they went too far. We are convinced that they could have attained unanimity without the insertion of the expression "great concessions".

Finally, it must be observed that the local organs of Democracy, the German as well as the American, do not regard themselves or their party as bound by the adopted resolutions, and, as the Times points out, the majority of the members of the Democratic party refused to participate because they looked upon the meeting as a means of trapping the Democrats. Thus the Republican Committee members who yearned for unanimity wasted their endeavors and their "concessions" upon ingrates, and are offended because the uncompromising Republicans accuse them of being "poor diplomats," while the Democratic newspapers are happy on account of the victory of the "Conservatives" in the Republican party. Of course there is really no reason for their joy, but during trying times like the present even appearances are sufficient to 7decrease the effect of otherwise definite resolutions.

Saturday's meeting was a failure because it was poorly organized and because the "great concessions" resolution was passed. Anyone who wishes to rejoice may do so in view of the fact that the Democrats indorsed resolutions to preserve the Union and enforce the laws, but we did not think that Northern Democrats would be so low as to side openly with the Rebels. The point in question was the declaration of the Republicans that they would abide by their previous stand, and that although they were willing to exercise patience, they could not relinquish any of their principles, since all arguments had been exhausted during the presidential campaign, and the verdict of the people had placed the stamp of approval and authority upon the Republican interpretation of the Constitution.

Since a meeting of German Republicans will be held this evening at the German House, and since they will express their opinion, we consider it unnecessary to repeat either the long resolutions of the Committee or the brief proposals 8of Bradely, Forrest, and Swift. The difference between the two is simply this: The proposals of Bradely, Forrest, and Swift are opposed to any compromise or concessions, while the adopted resolutions refer at least to "great concessions," even though the Committee gave assurances that only such "concessions" were meant which would not involve the relinquishment of a principle. In these turbulent times ambiguity is the death of effectiveness.

Many Republicans believed that a demonstration should be held for the Union and for the enforcement of the law, and in order to make this demonstration very impressive, they called ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 08, 1861

Anyone who wishes to ascertain how well the Nationalen, a German Democratic publication, is edited, may read the following bold but, unfortunately, untrue statement which appeared in the Saturday issue: "The Missouri Compromise was not mentioned in the bill which provided that the people themselves should have the power to decide the slavery question."

The Nebraska-Kansas Bill is the one referred to. Now compare the above statement with Section 14 of the bill: "All laws of the United States which are not applicable locally shall be in force in the Territory of Nebraska, with the exception of Section 8, which preceded the admission of Missouri into the Union, and which was passed March 6, 1820." It is generally known that this act was the Missouri Compromise.

One need not wonder at the short memory of the Nationalen, considering that 2Douglas, too, now suffers from the malady. For, six years ago this "statesman" claimed that the Missouri Compromise was unconstitutional, that it would lead to the formation of geographical and sectional factions, that he had discovered a "higher principle," according to which the slavery question could be finally settled, that the sovereignty of the people is, in fact, "Supreme Court" sovereignty. For six years he has been telling the nation that this "new principle" is the pride of his life, and that he would devote his whole life to its enforcement against the two existing "extremes"; but now he chews his words again, swallows his "great principle" as a magician swallows his "fire," and recommends the restoration of the same Missouri Compromise which for six years he has denounced as an unconstitutional and inadequate measure. Under no circumstances should such a proposal have come from Douglas, but since it does, it merely proves that his cowardice is just as great as the inconsistency which has marked his entire career.

Anyone who wishes to ascertain how well the Nationalen, a German Democratic publication, is edited, may read the following bold but, unfortunately, untrue statement which appeared in the Saturday issue: ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 09, 1861

The following men were appointed members of a committee to formulate resolutions expressing the decisions of the German Republicans of Chicago: Hermann Butz, Jacob Lauer, Joseph Pollock, and Albert Dietsch.

While the Committee was in conference, Mr. H. C. Schlaeger made a long address, pointing out that loyal and steadfast adherence to Republican principles is the prune requisite for the preservation of the Union during these critical times. With his closing words he called attention to the fact that state bonds had risen in value, as an indication that the fear of dismemberment of the Union had not adversely affected the securities market in New York, but that, on the contrary, there is ever-increasing confidence in the survival of order and the Union.

"Since it is the duty of every citizen to take a stand on the important issues before the nation in these critical times, we American citizens of German descent and members of the Republican Party, assembled in orderly public meeting, do solemnly declare:

"That when we were naturalized we forever renounced allegiance to every foreign state and potentate, and obligated ourselves to uphold the Constitution of the United States;

"That, in our opinion, the people merely exercised their constitutional right in the recent presidential election, and that the act of the people in electing the chief executive of the Republic, if the election is carried out as prescribed in the Constitution, is a constitutional decision from which there is no 3appeal, neither by any constituted authority, nor by treachery, nor rebellion;

"That, to quote the words of Daniel Webster, "the Constitution of the United States is not a union, nor a confederation, nor a treaty of the people of the United States in their sovereign character, but a government as such, based on its acceptance by the people, and establishing immediate relations between itself and the individual";

"That no authority in the state has the power to disrupt this relation; that only revolution can disrupt it, and that therefore no secession is possible without revolution, and, hence, that it is the duty of the National Government to enforce all constitutional laws in every part of the country, under all conditions, and at any price, and that we obligate ourselves to assist the Government in executing these laws;

"That we fully recognize the home-rule rights of the citizens of the South with reference to slavery wherever slavery is protected by local laws, and 4that no federal authorities have a right to interfere;

"That the principles of the Republican party, as they are presented in the Chicago platform, are in agreement with the Constitution of the United States, that we steadfastly adhere to this platform which conceded to the Southern States all the rights which the Constitution guarantees, and that we need make no further concessions;

"That Major Anderson of Fort Sumpter deserves commendation for abiding by his constitutional oath and doing his duty as a soldier and patriot;

"That we will never believe that the first great attempt of a free people to exercise self-government on a wide scale has failed, and that we fervently hope and trust that the blessings of the American Union will be preserved for our children and children's children."

These resolutions were translated into and read in the English language at 5the request of some of the Republicans who were present, and then they were unanimously adopted.

A standing committee was appointed by the chairman to arrange further meetings, if necessary. The members of this committee are: C. Butz, C. Schlaeger, and C. Pruessing.

The following men were appointed members of a committee to formulate resolutions expressing the decisions of the German Republicans of Chicago: Hermann Butz, Jacob Lauer, Joseph Pollock, and Albert Dietsch. ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 18, 1861

The Louisiana Staats-Zeitung of New Orleans is having swooning spells because "forced loans" are being considered. It envisages a tenfold or even a twenty-fold increase in state taxes, which are already very burdensome. The newspaper makes special reference to South Carolina and declares:

"We have been informed by telegram that a tax has been imposed on all citizens of South Carolina, in order to defray the enormous expenditures which have been made necessary by the new situation, and which the citizens must shoulder if they do not want to be looked upon as malcontents. And this is done, although there is no prospect of war and although the total number of Government troops is not even three hundred."

This forced loan by a state is the result of a precipitous act, South Carolina 2having assumed the functions of a whole nation; and now the state is obliged to establish and maintain its own army and navy, and its own postal service; but only a united South can raise the necessary funds. It is certain that Louisiana alone cannot do so in these hard times.

Citizens, are you ready to fight for a cause which may subject your property to a "forced loan"?

The Louisiana Staats-Zeitung of New Orleans is having swooning spells because "forced loans" are being considered. It envisages a tenfold or even a twenty-fold increase in state taxes, which are ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 19, 1861

In the meeting which the Chicago Turngemeinde held on Thursday evening, the speaker proposed the following resolutions, which were accepted by the members:

Whereas, Rebellion and treachery against the Union and against all law and order have boldly arisen, and

Whereas, It is the duty of every true and loyal citizen to arm himself and defend the Union against internal or external enemies, and

Whereas, A German company of soldiers in Charleston voluntarily offered to fight against the Union and for slavery, and thereby caused us to hang our heads in shame; therefore be it

Resolved, That we, American citizens of German descent, shall remove this stain from our honorable name as well as we can, and that we therefore intend to form 2a free, independent rifle company, and are willing, if it should become necessary, to defend the Union with our lives and our property, and to fight against the expansion of slavery;

That a committee consisting of three members be elected to find out where and how our society may obtain weapons free of charge, since we are financially unable to purchase them;

That our secretary be hereby ordered to invite all the Turnvereine in the state to take similar action, and to at least arm themselves and be ready to join other military organizations in case their membership is too small to form an independent company;

That these resolutions be published in the Illinois Staats-Zeitung, The Tribune, Democrat, and The Post.

David Huth, First Speaker,

Charles Lotz, Secretary.

In the meeting which the Chicago Turngemeinde held on Thursday evening, the speaker proposed the following resolutions, which were accepted by the members: Whereas, Rebellion and treachery against the Union ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 23, 1861

The following resolutions were adopted by the Seward Club in a meeting which Was held Saturday evening:

Whereas, We American citizens, members of the Seward Club will do all in our power to help maintain the unity and concord of the United States, in view of the difficult and dangerous situation in which our adopted fatherland now finds itself, and

whereas, We offer to the just Government of the United States our assistance and every means at our disposal; for since the Democrats of Illinois blame the Republicans for the present disturbances in the country, and have openly and emphatically stated that they will place every possible obstacle in the way of the Republican Administration; therefore be it

Resolved, That we shall fearlessly oppose the Democratic party and shall not 2permit ourselves to be intimidated in any way or by any means,

That we appeal to all citizens of German descent to unite with us and aid in maintaining our constitutional rights,

That these resolutions shall be published in all local newspapers.

H. Hett, President,

G. Scheef, Secretary.

The following resolutions were adopted by the Seward Club in a meeting which Was held Saturday evening: Whereas, We American citizens, members of the Seward Club will do all in ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 23, 1861

"The time for compromising is past," said brave Ben Wade in Congress, and no doubt he voiced the conviction of every liberty-loving citizen of this great country. The Republican press, through its most prominent organs, also declared most emphatically that the principles which were sanctioned by the people on November 6, 1860 should be upheld. Let us hope that the leaders of the Republican Party will not surrender a victory upon which the greatest and fondest hopes of the nation are based. May they who have the power to perform acts which are decisive in the history of the country remember the responsibility which was placed upon them through the sovereign act of the people in the last presidential election. The responsibility of refusing to sacrifice (through "concessions" and the like) one inch of the ground which was gained after many years of resistance to Southern aggression. We derive special satisfaction from an authentic report of the New York Tribune which states that it has reliable information that Lincoln will make no concessions whatever to the slave powers, 2regardless of the pretext under which the concessions are requested. Like the great majority of independent and free men, be they Republicans, Democrats, or Bellites, he regards it as his foremost duty to ascertain whether or not we have a Government--whether the Union is merely a bubble which will burst at the first contact with the enemy, or whether it is a great, vital force, qualified and able to defend itself against foes within and from without.

So no compromises will be made! No vain, useless concessions! No surrender of principles! No subversion of the great decision rendered by the people on November 6! The great issue must be settled now, once and for all. We want to know if the power of slavery is stronger than the Union. It must be determined whether or not the Mexican system of rebellion has gained sufficient footing among us to achieve a victory by force for a party which was legally defeated at the polls. When this question has been decided, there will be ample time to investigate sectional complaints.

And the issue should be settled soon, or rather at once, for there is great danger ahead, as we can readily see when we consider the location, the strength, 3and the [strategic] value of the facts in Louisiana which were taken by the Insurgents. Forts St. Philipp and Jackson lie nearly opposite one another on the Mississippi, a few miles above its mouth. The former has one hundred and twenty-four cannon, the latter one hundred and fifty, and six hundred men are required to garrison each. Our Government paid $1,096,342 to have them erected. Fort Pike and Fort Macomb are located on Lake Ponchartrain. Each has forty-nine cannon and is manned by a garrison of three hundred, and their combined cost was about one million dollars. Says the Tribune: "Such is the present situation in Louisiana and on nearly all of the Southern coast. How long will we have to wait before the Government takes the steps necessary to maintain its dignity, its character, and its reputation? Will we have to wait until the Capitol itself is in possession of the Insurgents, and until they have acquired sufficient power to hang as traitors all those who resist the rebellion? We need no longer wonder at the boldness of the rebels, for the Government seems to have lost its mental equilibrium. Must the country lapse into a military despotism founded on slavery, without one manly effort being made in behalf of liberty?"

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- January 24, 1861

It is a fact that the South not only abolished freedom of speech and freedom of the press long ago, but has also become guilty of high treason. It is not necessary to point out again that this situation is merely the result of a policy which has been consistently followed for eight years by the leaders of the slave states, who have made the National Government their tool. This policy consists of continually demanding new concessions from the North and attempting to force the North to accede to these demands by repeated threats to secede.

The South, as has been mentioned before, has abolished all liberties guaranteed in the Constitution, and has applied violent and treasonable measures against the Union. Hence, it cannot be denied that the Union has the right and the duty to oppose these rebellious violators of the 2Constitution, and to force them to do their duty toward the Union.

On this matter there can be but one opinion among all those who respect the Constitution and love the Union, and the Northern Democratic press, with a few exceptions, is working hand in hand with the Republican press. The Union must be preserved, and if this cannot be accomplished by peaceful means, force must be used.

The South claims that it was driven to secession by the election of Lincoln; but how can an act that is authorized by and is in conformance with the Constitution, be advanced as an excuse for high treason? And the election of Lincoln was a constitutional act. After the Democratic party had administered the affairs of the country in a most shameful manner for eight years, and had been guilty of corruption worse than any that our history has ever known, the people have applied the means of relief provided by the Constitution, and have cast their votes for a candidate whom they trust and whom they expect to put an end to thievery, corruption, 3and treason. The majority of the people have declared themselves in favor of a different system, and have thereby merely employed their constitutional rights. Who will dare to deny this?

The facts have thus been clearly established. The majority of the people disapproved of the corrupt Democratic administration and its hostile attitude toward liberty, and, in conformance with the Constitution, they have elected a president. But now the minority declares that it will not abide by the will of the majority, that it will not respect the Constitution, and that it will use forceful measures to enforce its will.

No citizen who is loyal to the Constitution and friendly to the Union can waver in his judgment in cases of this kind; he will have to side with the party which bases its rights upon the Constitution and upon the decision made by the majority in accordance with the Constitution, and which will not tolerate the destruction of the Constitution and the Union. We are happy to state that we have read this same opinion in many other Democratic 4newspapers, and we shall leave it to them to cast light on the disgraceful attitude which the local National-Demokrat assumes when it levels the charge of oppression against all who condemn the mob rule of the South and advise that stern measures be taken against the traitors in order to maintain the Union; and when it denounces as cowardly rascals those who, in agreement with Democratic newspapers like the Seebote, Cincinnati Volksfreund, etc., express themselves in favor of an energetic defense of the Union. Such language, by the way, condemns itself, and anyone who uses it against the Union, can be only a traitor or a maniac.

It is a fact that the South not only abolished freedom of speech and freedom of the press long ago, but has also become guilty of high treason. It is ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 04, 1861

In another column we are publishing the resolutions by which the Illinois Legislature has limited the authority of the Commissioners invited by Virginia to attend a conference at Washington to deliberate on a peaceful settlement of the present difficulties. Similar resolutions were passed by the legislatures of Ohio, Indiana, and New York. They all declare that by sending delegates to the Conference they do not obligate themselves to negotiate on the basis suggested in the invitation; they also accord the delegates only conditional authority, reserving their approval and the right to give the delegates further instructions before they may indorse any action of the Conference. The Indiana resolutions expressly provide that no action of the Conference shall be binding on the state of Indiana unless nineteen states are represented, and that the Conference must recess 2until all states have had opportunity to take action on the invitation.

The granting of only conditional power and the reservations referred to clearly indicate that the Republican legislatures were very reluctant to take the degrading step of acceding to the wish of a state like Virginia, which declares with remarkable calmness and insolence that the Crittenden Compromise is a good basis on which the controversy may be settled.

In our last issue we described the dangers connected with sending a deputation to an extra-constitutional convention. Even the information that Illinois sent only Republican delegates, and Ohio all Republican delegates with the exception of one, cannot allay our anxiety.

There are only two possibilities. One is that this Conference will adopt a sort of Crittenden Compromise and insist that Congress embody it into the 3Constitution, which would require that two thirds of our congressmen and three fourths of the state legislatures favor the procedure.

In this case, demoralization, not only of the Republican Party, but also of the whole country, would be the inevitable result. That would be too high a price to pay for freedom. A compromise of this sort would buy the right to continue the Government, and would rob the Government of its internal stability as well as of the honor and dignity it has in the sight of the world in general. And what would be gained thereby? We would have several very unreliable boundary-slave states in the Union, and their loyalty would endure only as long as they were satisfied with the concessions granted in the compromise. If the Government of the Union can be maintained only under permission of a threatening minority and by submitting to the demands of that minority, the Union is not worth preserving.

The other alternative (and we hope they choose it) is that the Washington 4Conference will not accept a compromise. And what will be the result? Rejection of Virginia's ultimatum will become a means whereby the Virginia Disunionists, Wise, Floyd Hunter, etc., will incite the masses in Virginia and throughout the South to seize all forts and make an attack upon Washington. The plan of Floyd, Cobb, and others--to take possession of the Federal Government and to proclaim from the steps of the capital a Southern Government to be the de facto government--was revealed when Major Anderson took Fort Sumter and the traitors resigned from Buchanan's cabinet; but the plan was not cast aside. At present Governor Wise is quiet, but he will spring forth suddenly, like a tiger when it rushes upon its prey; for even small communities in East Virginia have invested thousands of dollars in weapons and munitions. In the meantime, Washington only has about six or seven hundred soldiers under General Scott to defend itself.

The Cincinnati Press gives the following description of the danger arising from the situtaion:

"The Commissioners from the free states will be harassed in the convention on February 4; sessions will be held in the shadow of a revolution which may break out at any moment in the boundary states and spread throughout the entire South. Deliberations will go on amid fear and panic. The delegates come at the call of Virginia, and strictly speaking, the invitation makes attendance conditional upon accession to certain demands.

"If the delegates from the free states submit to the conditions, then it will be demanded that their legislatures immediately acknowledge that these conditions are amendments to the Constitution, under the pretext that immediate action is necessary to save the Union. If they refuse, the northern Democrats will call constitutional conventions which will approve of the amendments, whether the legislatures consent or not. According to their calculations, the secession panic will leave the people no time to consider what the concessions granted really imply; they expect to force the concessions under some well-sounding name, like Missouri Compromise.

"The better informed among the Secessionists do not intend to subdue the northern delegates; they will make the demands of the South as humiliating as possible, in order to prevent their acceptance; and their plan to scare the northeners into taking any course to preserve the Union will be so arranged that everything will occur before February 13, when Congress meets to count the presidential votes and to proclaim the result of the election.

"As soon as the Commissioners refuse to accede to the requested conditions, telegrams will be sent to the entire South, informing the people that the North has refused to make any compromise, and therefore is to blame for the inevitable conflict, the purpose of which is to crush the South. The people of the South will be told that the only means of saving the South, the Constitution, and the Union, will lie in the immediate secession of all the slave states, after which they must take possession of the Capitol and the Government, and denounce as rebels the inhabitants of all the free states. And though the movement may not be begun by force, since General Scott has made 7preparations to meet these eventualities, still, as soon as the Northern delegates refuse to accept the required conditions, the boundary states will recall their delegates from Congress and leave that body without the quorum necessary to do business and proclaim the election of Lincoln.

"Preparations to this end have already been made; so many fighting forces have been assembled in Virginia, Maryland, and their neighboring states, that any resistance by the few troops of General Scott would merely involve the useless destruction of life and property. That is the program which our Illinois Legislature is helping carry out, and which is disguised as 'conservatism which changes partisans into patriots, and meets the patriotic Unionists of the South in the patriotic spirit of reconciliation! In the drama of secession this 'conservatism' plays the same role that Yancy's secret societies played in the cotton states, and later in Kentucky, Tennessee, Virginia, and Maryland. They plunged the cotton states into a revolution, and now the northern states are being used to plunge the 8boundary-slave states into a revolution."

We wish that we and the Cincinnati Press were in error, but we cannot conceal our fear that even the Republicans are not aware of the grave danger which may suddenly strike our country unless measures other than holding peace conferences with semi-rebels are taken to defend Washington.

In another column we are publishing the resolutions by which the Illinois Legislature has limited the authority of the Commissioners invited by Virginia to attend a conference at Washington to ...

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Illinois Staats-Zeitung -- February 18, 1861

The character of Lincoln's administration is sufficiently presaged by the brief but concise addresses which he made in Indianapolis, Cincinnati, etc. He will do his sacred duty, and he will do his whole duty, toward the Constitution as well as toward the Republican party.

The Springfield Journal, which is undoubtedly familiar with Lincoln's aims, confirms this. This publication writes:

"We would be guilty of neglecting our duty, if we did not urge the Republicans to abide by the principles upon which they elected Mr. Lincoln president. We know that he will be true to them until the last. We can be just, and we can be generous, but we cannot surrender the highest and most sacred principle that ever inspired men in a political or military battle. Mr. Lincoln is on his way to Washington, and in a few days, if he lives that long, his ideas, policies, and purposes will be made known to the world. They will 2be admired and supported by all good men in this country and in other countries. His heart embraces the entire country; he will speak and act in behalf of this nation, and, if necessary, he will lay down his life for it. No friend of humanity, of liberty, of the Constitution, of the Union, and of the high ideals of this country need have the slightest doubt that Abraham Lincoln will firmly support them. He believes that the Republican cause is just, and he will not desert it. Some party leaders may succumb to the storm of treason and be swept away, but that will not happen in the case of the brave, loyal, truth-loving President whom we have elected. He may be broken by the power of slavery or by the treason of friends, but he will not submit to them.

"Mr. Lincoln believes that the people of the United States can alter or abolish their present form of government if they wish to do so. He will place no obstacle in their way. If the people desire to change the Constitution, he will not try to hinder them. But as long as the Constitution remains what it is--the highest law of the country--he 3will look upon it as such, and will faithfully execute the laws which have been enacted in accordance to this law, as he has sworn to do. He can do no less, and he is not the least inclined to do less. His oath, to perform the duties prescribed by the Constitution, is recorded in heaven. He will perform these duties, come what may. He will insist that all forts, arsenals, postoffices, mints, and other national property now being illegally withheld, be returned to its rightful owner, except in those cases where the United States' right to possession has been transferred elsewhere, in constitutional manner. This is a duty imposed upon him by the Constitution, and everyone who loves our Government, regardless of his party affiliations or the section of the country in which he lives, will support Mr. Lincoln and assist him in doing his duty.

"We have appealed to the Republicans to abide by their principles. Since we love our country, the only free country in the whole world, we could do no less. We have demanded that these principles shall not be surrendered, not for the attainment of party purposes nor to humiliate political enemies; 4for we believe that everything which free men in this country and in every other country esteem very highly depends on the triumph of these principles.

"We do not imagine that freedom can keep the upper hand in this country without a battle, but we are ready and willing to fight. We have never despaired of the life of the Republic, and we do not despair now. Men who are influenced by the madness which is now prevalent may injure the most sacred cause of our time, and states may leave the Union which the majority of their inhabitants love, but reason will return, and misguided states and people will return to their duties. Through this seeming impenetrable darkness our faith perceives the glorious sun of the future. We believe that Abraham Lincoln will do his full duty to his country and the cause which he advocates, no matter how difficult that task may be, and that in 1864 he will leave a united, prosperous, and happy country to his successor in office."

The character of Lincoln's administration is sufficiently presaged by the brief but concise addresses which he made in Indianapolis, Cincinnati, etc. He will do his sacred duty, and he will ...