Carl W. Kenney II is an award winning columnist and novelist. He is committed to engaging readers into a meaningful discussion related to matters that impact faith and society. He grapples with pondering the impact faith has on public space while seeking to understand how public space both hinders and enhances the walk of faith.

Thursday, May 5, 2016

Why black voters pass on the Bernie-olution

What is it about Bernie Sanders that hasn’t translated into
widespread support among black voters?

Bernie supporters contend black voters don’t know enough to
make a calculated decision. Bernie blamed it on the extreme conservatism in the
deep South. Black enthusiasts of the Bernie-olution say supporters of Hilary
have been brainwashed by the Democratic Party. In other words, the house
Negroes are unwilling to unite with the Negroes in the field.

The language used to expound on the counter-Bernie-olution
is divisive and problematic for reasons beyond the common rhetoric intended to
explain black voters lack of passion related to Bernie’s message. There is much
more in this pot of gumbo. The fixings in this tub aren’t about black
stupidity, Uncle Tom and Aunt Tamisha being brainwashed or black folks dancing
to the Clinton bullstank because of some deal made long ago.

Black voters aren’t getting burned by the Bernie juice for
reasons that can’t be supplanted by the damage of the 1994 Crime Bill. It doesn’t
help when a few black intellectuals and celebrities scream like doomsday is
coming if we pull the lever for Hilary. It doesn’t help when Bernie supporters
throw Michelle Alexanders book “The New Jim Crow” at black folks like it’s the
word of God in flesh.

There’s a condescending pitch that feels like white
privilege condemning black people for being too dumb to get it. It’s time out
for all of that. Let’s get down with the get down.

Bernie assumed his
message was enough

As powerful as the messages of Wall Street greed and corruption,
the loss of American jobs after the passage of NAFTA and the need to replace
Obamacare with a one payer option may be, policy statements and promises aren’t
a replacement for the building of authentic relationships.

Bernie waited too long in building the type of soul ties
that inspires black voters. It’s not
enough to talk that talk. It’s hard enough for black voters to trust an old
white man from Vermont who promises to elevate America beyond the Obama years.
It’s painful when he shows up with a platform that reads like a bad review of the
first black President’s administration.

It sounded like a dis that needed to be checked.

But there’s more. There was insignificant relationship
building connected to those revolutionary claims. Bernie stepped into the black
Kool-Aid with an agenda to change the tune of the inner city blues. That’s
business as usual in the hood. White folks are known for walking in black space
with a formula for change.

This is when you better ask somebody. Before telling black
people what they need, spend some time listening to what black people have to
say.

Bernie failed to
consider the divide between millennials and old school black activist

So, the response to my previous argument is the Bernie camp
listened to the concerns of representatives from “Black Lives Matter”. Yes,
Bernie added the groups concerns to his platform statement. Good move, but don’t
drink that Kool-Aid.

You need to do some homework before signing on that dotted
line. In other words, get in there and ask about the dirty laundry. There are
some messy dynamics that require pondering before jumping in like “Black Lives
Matter” is reflective of the common voice of black people.

Not so.

The truth is there is major tension between some of the
millennials in the ‘Black Lives Matter” movement and old school activist. That
tension relates to the perception that millennials refuse to listen to and
learn from older activist. In many cases,
older black activists are asked to leave the room.

This isn’t new drama. It’s the same type of generational battle
that caused tension between Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr and members of Black
Power movement. Back then, young people felt tremendous disdain for those old
school ways. They pressed for a new type of revolution that rejected going to
jail without fighting back.

Bernie’s support among black millennials was a critical decision
that put him at odds with black leaders who feel rejected and disrespected by
young leaders.

Bernie failed to
frame economic disparity within the context of slavery

“No, I don’t think so. First of all, its likelihood of getting
through Congress is nil,” Sanders responded to a reporter with Nando Vila
involving his position on reparations. “Second of all, I think it would be very
divisive. The real issue is when we look at the poverty rate among the African
American community, when we look at the high unemployment rate within the
African American community, we have a lot of work to do.”

Sander’s response raised the ire of Ta-Nehisi Coates.
Coates, a Pulitzer Prize winning columnist with the Atlantic, wrote a critical
response in “Why precisely is Bernie Sanders against reparations?”

“But judged by his platform, Sanders should be directly
confronted and asked why his political imagination is so active against
plutocracy, but so limited against white supremacy,” Coates writes. “Jim Crow
and its legacy were not merely problems of disproportionate poverty. Why should
black voters support a candidate who does not recognize this?”

Sanders has been
unable to communicate the extent of systemic racism beyond its impact on
economic disparity

Sanders has a strong message for poor black people. It is
true that the economic disparity between blacks and whites leaves one wondering
if slavery has returned in America. The low wages some earn, coupled with the
free labor of the men and women in prison, is a challenge to understand.

The problem is with the assumptions Bernie makes about race.

“When you’re white, you don’t know what it’s like to be living
in a ghetto and to be poor,” Bernie responded during a debate when asked what
he has learned about racism. “You don’t
know what it’s like to be hassled when you walk down the street or get dragged
out of a car. I believe as a nation in the year 2016, we must be firm in making
it clear: We will end institutional racism and reform a broken criminal justice
system.”

It was a great answer to a complex question. It was honest,
heartfelt and comforting. It also left many black people confronted with other
questions. Primary on the list is does Bernie understand the black people who
don’t live in the ghetto? Oh, why did he use that word?

What is the message for black people beyond Wall Street
reform, socialized healthcare and education? What reforms are proposed for
black people who confront racism beyond their pocketbooks and the consequences
of mass incarceration.

What is the lesson?

The jury is still out regarding the meaning of it all. What
is clear is a real revolution demands significant participation from black
people. A band of disgusted black
millennials is not enough to bargain for radical change. As much as young people
have reason to be outraged by the world we have created for them, there is a
level of brokenness carried by their parents that shows up in places that
require a sit down and long talk about what it meant back then.

Those stories may be more than most white people can handle
during this season of change. Yes, stuff is unravelling before our eyes. All it takes is a quick glance at the
Trump-olution to feel the rage. One has to ask what’s behind the resistance
toward old school politics.

For many black people, it has something to do with the
brother in the White House. Is America resisting because there’s too much black
to feel comfortable. Or, is it a combination of policies that make it
impossible to accept business as usual.

Another thing is clear. It all feels like microaggression
when confronted about perceived ignorance related to voting.

“Hey dummy, can’t you see you’re voting against your own
interest?”, sounds like “Hey, why don’t you take your black ass back to Africa.”

Total Pageviews

Carl W. Kenney II

Carl was named the best serious columnist of 2011 by the North Carolina Press Association for his work with the News & Observer's community paper The Durham News and in 2016 by the Missouri Press Association for his columns in the Columbia Missourian. He is a columnist with the News & Observer and Co-Executive Producer of "God of the Oppressed" an upcoming documentary film on black liberation theology. He is a former Adjunct Professor at the University of Missouri - School of Journalism and Adjunct Instructor at Duke University, the Center for Documentary Studies. He received his Bachelor’s degree in Journalism from the University of Missouri-Columbia. He furthered his education at Duke University and attained a Master of Divinity. He was named a Fellow in Pastoral Leadership Development at the Princeton Theological Seminary on May 14, 2005. He is a freelance writer with his commentary appearing in The Washington Post, Religious News Services,The Independent Weekly and The Durham Herald-Sun. Carl is the author of two novels: “Preacha’ Man” and the sequel “Backslide”.
He has led congregations in Missouri and North Carolina