25 May 2006 Edition

Stakes high as DUP seek to subvert Agreement

Hain Assembly: Paisley rejects power-sharing and equality

Stakes high as DUP seek to subvert Agreement

Following Ian Paisley's rejection of a Sinn Féin nomination to serve as
First Minister in a new power-sharing Six County Executive Sinn Féin Chief
Negotiator MARTIN McGUINNESS MP says the move was necessary to test the DUP
and expose its rejection of equality or force them to adopt a different
view.

As we emerge from the piece of political theatre witnessed in Stormont this
week people are probably not altogether surprised that the first effort to
elect a new Executive floundered on the rock of negative, rejectionist
unionism. Others may be confused by the decision to nominate Ian Paisley in
the first place. The decision to nominate the DUP leader was the only
mechanism which could have been used to test the DUP and either expose their
continuing rejection of equality or indeed try and force the DUP to adopt a
different view. It was also intended to send out a positive signal to broad
civic and political unionism. This was not a political stunt. It was a
serious effort to advance this process.

Given the strategy embarked upon by the two governments in playing this long
until November there was very little incentive for Ian Paisley to end 40
years of saying No‚ and to recognise that the Good Friday Agreement has
changed the political landscape on this island forever.

Certain realities remain for Mr Paisley and the DUP to grasp. If they are
ever going to exercise power it will be along with Sinn Féin and it will be
in the context of the all-Ireland architecture of the Agreement with all of
the safeguards, checks and balances which that contains. There is no
possibility of any brand of unionism exercising majority rule again in the
North. That much is certain. Yet we must recognise that there remain
significant elements of political unionism who still aspire to the days of
discrimination, inequality and bigotry.

Sinn Féin agreed to enter this Peter Hain Assembly with one objective in
mind - the election of a First and Deputy First Minister which would then
allow the D'hondt process to be triggered and an Executive elected. That
remains our sole focus. Although the two governments have declared that the
primary purpose of this new Assembly is the appointment of the Executive,
the legislation under which it was set up authorises the British Secretary
of State to allow other business to be conducted. The Assembly's rules have
also been changed.

Sinn Féin will not participate in debates on issues over which Assembly
members have no power or control. Those parties who have decided to go down
that road are engaging in a political charade to protect salaries and are
either deliberately or unintentionally providing political succour and cover
for the DUP agenda of creating a talking shop institution minus a fully
functioning Executive. I believe that this is a hugely dangerous strategy
which must be confronted.

Therefore the next few months are pivotal. For our part, Republicans have
demonstrated time and time again our desire and determination to make the
peace process work. We want to work in partnership with unionists to create
a better place, a shared space for all our people. We need to do this to
eradicate the sort of deep rooted bigotry and sectarianism which saw young
Michael McIlveen beaten to death for no other reason than he was a Catholic.
He is the third young catholic to die in similar attacks since the last
Assembly election when Ian Paisley became the leader of unionism.

Gerry Adams has already stated that he believes that the current phase of
political talks will decide the future of the Good Friday Agreement - the
stakes are that high. I share this analysis of the current situation.

Understandably there is a lot of scepticism and cynicism and Monday's antics
both inside and outside the Assembly chamber only add to that feeling.
Despite this I detect an undercurrent of optimism that progress can be made.

Last year's significant moves by republicans led many to hope that real
progress can be made. In this context a big effort has to be made to keep
the two governments on the right lines. Given recent pandering to the DUP by
both governments there is a need for vigilance in the time ahead.

Sinn Féin has set out clear guidelines for our participation in this
Assembly. We are not prepared to allow this process to become distracted or
to end up going down political cul-de-sacs as the two governments search
around for mechanisms to give the DUP more time to face political realities
which they should have had to face long before now.

So can we succeed in the task we have set ourselves in the coming weeks? At
this stage I think it is too early to say. We remain focused on the goal of
seeing the political institutions back up and running but we are realistic
enough to know that this is by no means guaranteed. The DUP want to enter an
Executive on their own terms. For this to happen the two governments would
have to abandon the Good Friday Agreement. This is unacceptable to Sinn Féin
and I believe to the vast majority of people on the island who voted for the
Agreement in such numbers in 1998

The objective therefore has to be to get Ian Paisley into the power sharing
arrangements on the terms contained in the Agreement. Until this is achieved
the Assembly should have no other role. Sinn Féin will not permit a descent
into a shadow forum with shadow committees.

If it becomes clear in the coming weeks that Ian Paisley is not prepared to
come on board then the two governments have big decisions to make. An
Assembly without power is pointless and should be wound up. The Assembly
members' salaries and allowances should be stopped. The two governments then
must press ahead with all of the other aspects of the Agreement minus the
northern Assembly and increase substantially the all-Ireland elements.

The Irish government need also now to move speedily on implementing their
outstanding commitments particularly on the issue of northern representation
in the Oireachtas. Opposition from Labour and Fine Gael to this logical step
disadvantages and discriminates against Irish citizens in the north, is
motivated by self interest, and must be challenged on the doorsteps
throughout the 26 counties.

So the coming weeks are a challenging period for all of us. We need to
maintain a focus on the political objectives we have set ourselves in the
short term. We will all know very quickly what future direction this process
will take.