History of untrustworthiness haunting Blagojevich

It's interesting that Gov. Rod Blagojevich talks so fervently about keeping his promise not to raise the income or sales tax, given that his word doesn't mean much around Springfield.

Why should he keep this promise when he has so easily disregarded other statements?

Bernard Schoenburg

Bernard Schoenburg Column

History of untrustworthiness haunting Blagojevich

It's interesting that Gov. Rod Blagojevich talks so fervently about keeping his promise not to raise the income or sales tax, given that his word doesn't mean much around Springfield.

Why should he keep this promise when he has so easily disregarded other statements?

"If you pass it, I won't sign it," Blagojevich told House members May 9 about a sales or income tax increase. "If you pass it, I will veto it. This is not an issue I'm prepared to horse-trade on."

The governor appeared before the House to talk about his proposed gross-receipts tax, which, in an advisory test the next day, got a 107-0 "no" vote.

Blagojevich tried to save face by asking everyone a couple hours before the vote to go on record against the resolution. He said it was too early in the process for lawmakers to make a definitive decision.

However, few others saw the vote as anything but a repudiation of the governor's main quest this year - for the largest tax increase in state history to pay for guaranteed health insurance and expanded school funding.

Blagojevich now also must deal with the news - reported Wednesday by the Chicago Tribune - that his campaign fund records have been subpoenaed by the feds. And he's clearly going to clash with House Democrats - who House Speaker Michael Madigan said Wednesday do not support an income or sales tax increase, but might be willing to discuss expanded gambling.

Even before the subpoena report, Blagojevich had a problem of his own making - lack of believability.

"The governor doesn't have a lot of credibility when it comes to keeping your word," said state Sen. Larry Bomke, R-Springfield.

"Can you trust the governor today if he came to me and said, 'Senator Bomke, I need your vote on this, and if you vote on this, I'm going to do this, this, this, this and that?' I don't know that anyone would believe the governor."

Bomke was burned by his vote in 2003 to allow $10 billion in new bonds to be sold to shore up the state's pension systems. In exchange, Bomke said, he got a promise by the governor to reopen Lincoln Developmental Center, a facility for the developmentally disabled in Lincoln. That hasn't happened, even though new buildings have been constructed there, and the governor has since said he is re-evaluating whether the facility should be reopened.

Bomke also thought the administration had indicated no state employees would be laid off, but layoffs took place anyway.

It's not only Republicans who have a problem with Blagojevich's word.

"In my district ... the governor doesn't have a lot of trust," said Sen. Mike Jacobs, D-East Moline.

On a scale of zero to 100, he said, voters in his area probably would rate the governor "somewhere in the middle." But using that same scale with how much legislators trust the governor, Jacobs said, "I'd say he's in the 20s."

For example, Jacobs said, the governor promised school construction funding for Silvis, but then didn't deliver because lawmakers didn't pass a capital spending bill.

"The governor came in and presented a $13 million check that bounced," Jacobs said. "That's been in my craw.

"But on the whole ... we've enjoyed a pretty good relationship. I don't want to willy-nilly knock him. But I will tell you that ... other people have said to me, 'You can't trust him; you can't trust him.' Everybody keeps telling me this. ... After a while, you begin to think, well, maybe you can't."

Jacobs noted that memorandums of understanding - documents that Blagojevich administration officials have been forced by legislative leaders to sign to back up promises made during previous budget negotiations - are posted on Speaker Madigan's Web site, www.housedem.state.il.us. No governor in recent history has had to provide similar written pledges.

Jacobs also faults Blagojevich for leaving rank-and-file legislators out of the budget equation.

"I feel like he hasn't been involved with legislators at all," Jacobs said. "If I was going to grade him on that, I would give him a failing grade.

"I think that the governor is a very nice man. He's very interested, really cares about his state, but I'm going to fault him because I don't think he's hands-on enough."

In general, Jacobs said, "He needs to work on learning to keep his word, and he needs to understand that legislators are not poison. We are going to help him run this state. And I'd love to see him get involved."

It took a series of disputes for Blagojevich to gain a non-trustworthy reputation.

He arguably broke his 2003 budget agreement with other constitutional officers when, weeks after the budget passed, he demanded more cuts.

His campaign promise in Vandalia not to balance the budget on the back of state workers was followed by his proposal in 2004 to close the state prison there.

Last year, legislators who oppose embryonic stem cell research made it clear to the governor and his people that they wanted no money in the budget for that purpose, after the governor had snuck $10 million for stem cell research in the previous year's budget. Last July, state Rep. Gary Hannig, D-Litchfield, said that, as caucus budget negotiator, he thought he had the administration's agreement not to include such funding. But again, Blagojevich converted $5 million to that purpose from an administrative line item in an agency budget.

"You hate to have that kind of distrust exist between the executive branch and the legislative branch," Hannig said last summer.

The governor can also be faulted for not carrying through on his promise to shake up the state's ethics system, having introduced a bill with little follow-up and for with talking about high electric rates this year without doing anything visible to push the issue.

It may not be easy for the rarely-in-Springfield governor to get a vote of confidence from lawmakers. Perhaps his combination of broken promises and stalled initiatives give a clue why.

A tired line from governor

Meanwhile, I'm getting pretty tired of hearing the governor talk about the alleged fancy clothes of the lobbyists he claims are trying to block his gross-receipts tax-increase plan.

He did it again this week in an interview with The Associated Press. Blagojevich said lawmakers are being swayed by lobbyists who "eat fancy steak dinners and ... wear fancy Gucci loafers."

Well, a fact from one story stood out in my mind when I read that. It was a Tribune story by Ellen Warren, written about Blagoejvich's first inauguration in 2003.

"Historians should note that, although Blagojevich has made much of his humble beginnings, his elegant pearl-gray Charvet tie - he now buys only Charvet - cost $135. He bought it, and a blue sibling (also $135) at Saks Fifth Avenue on Chicago's Mag Mile last week."

A Saks Web site this week had Charvet ties for $170 each.

Gucci loafers, indeed.

Ryan in town

Former Gov. George Ryan, who remains free while his federal corruption conviction is being appealed, had lunch Tuesday at Illini Country Club with some of his former top aides who live in the capital city. Ryan was in town for a grandson's birthday, said Tony Leone, a longtime friend and employee.

"His spirits are high," said Leone, who was among about 10 people at what he called an impromptu lunch. "He was taking about his grandson's birthday party the night before."

Before the former governor and wife Lura Lynn went back to their Kankakee home, Leone said, Ryan was headed to a daughter's home to fix a screen door.

Giannoulias speaks

State Treasurer Alexi Giannoulias showed some of his personality and political beliefs in giving the commencement address last weekend at Bradley University in Peoria.

He made fun of the fact that he is not well known as some graduation speakers. But he also urged graduates not just to vote, but to run for office, saying that with some notable exceptions - including state Rep. Aaron Schock, R-Peoria, who is 25 - there is a "glaring absence of young elected officials."

"I am talking about the absence of energetic, spirited, idealistic and passionate people," he said.

Giannoulias noted that he began running for statewide office at 29 and took office at 30.

Getting involved matters - locally and nationally, he said.

"We can save our planet," he said. "We can save ourselves. But we must act and act fast."

Further proof that "it matters," he said, is the war in Iraq.

"Our government went to war on the cheap and without proper preparation," he said in his prepared remarks.

He lauded the resilience of a young generation that is computer savvy and survived the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks, and the social changes the world has seen.

"Black, white, gay, straight, blue, red - we are more tolerant of differences than any previous generation," he said. "We expect to live and work in a multi-cultural world. And 16 months from now, we will elect our first African-American president - Barack Obama."

He urged graduates to get involved.

"I hope to see your name on a ballot sometime soon," he said.

Theilen fundraiser change

Springfield Ward 8 Ald. Kris Theilen is having to adjust quickly. Theilen scheduled a fundraiser for 5-7 tonight at one local establishment, 49er Bye Bye, only to discover that it hasn't been open recently. He relocated the event to Sammy's Sports Bar, 217 S. Fifth St. The base price is $25 per person and $40 per family.

Theilen said he's holding a fundraiser so early in his aldermanic term because his campaign fund is "down to nothing." He said he went through about $9,000 to defeat George Petrilli for his city council seat. His current campaign reserves wouldn't even buy an ad in a high school yearbook, he said.

Bernard Schoenburg is political columnist for The State Journal-Register. He can be reached at 788-1540 or Bernard.Schoenburg@sj-r.com.