The Issue of Mahoré

One of the touchiest issues in the negotiations between Comoros and
France over independence in the early 1970s had been whether the 1974
referendum would be considered for the Comoros archipelago as a whole or
on an island-by-island basis. Opposition to independence on Mahoré was
organized by the Mayotte Popular Movement (Mouvement Populaire
Mahorais--MPM), an organization that had been founded in the 1960s by
Zeina M'Dere, a spokeswoman for Mahoré shopkeepers, mostly women, who
had been affected economically when the colonial capital was moved from
the Mahoré town of Dzaoudzi to Moroni on Njazidja in 1962.

The reasons behind Mahoré's 65 percent vote against independence
were several. First, the people of Mahoré considered themselves
culturally, religiously, and linguistically distinct from those of the
other three islands; they felt that their long association with France
(since 1841) had given their island a distinct Creole character like
that of Reunion or Seychelles. Second, given Mahoré's smaller
population, greater natural resources, and higher standard of living,
the Mahorais thought that their island would be economically viable
within a French union and ought not to be brought down to the level of
the other three poorer islands. Third, most Mahorais apparently felt
that Mahoré's future within a Comoran state would not be a comfortable
one, given a perception of neglect that had begun with the much resented
transfer of the capital.

In France and among conservatives on Reunion, the 1974 vote on Mahoré
in favor of continued association with France was greeted with great
enthusiasm. Comoran leaders, in contrast, accused the MPM and its
leader, Marcel Henri, of fabricating the illusion of Mahorais
"uniqueness" to preserve the power of Mahoré's non-Muslim,
Creole elite. The issue poisoned Comoran relations with France,
particularly because the Indian Ocean lobby, whose leaders included
Reunion's deputy to the French National Assembly, Michel Debré, pushed
for a "Mayotte française" (French Mayotte). Apparently
leaning toward the interpretation that the December 1974 referendum was
an island-by-island plebiscite, the French legislature voted in June
1975 to postpone independence for six months and hold a second
referendum. The Abdallah government responded by declaring independence
unilaterally on July 6, 1975, for all Comoro Islands, including Mahoré.
France reacted by cutting off financial aid, which provided 41 percent
of the national budget. Fearing a Comoran attempt to assert control of
Mahoré forcibly, France sent members of the Foreign Legion from Reunion
and a fleet of three vessels to patrol the waters around the island on
July 6-7. On November 12, 1975, the UN General Assembly passed a
resolution giving Comoros UN membership and recognized its claims to
Mahoré, which France opposed.

French policy toward Mahoré had been, in the words of one observer,
"to cultivate a more or less honest majority for reunification
among the uncooperative Mahorais," particularly after the
forthrightly anti-French regime of Ali Soilih ended in 1978. By
contrast, the Mahorais' objective appeared to be full departmental
status such as that of Reunion, where residents enjoyed full rights as
French citizens. In a 1976 referendum, the Mahorais expressed
dissatisfaction with their status as an overseas territory. France then
created a new classification for Mahoré--territorial community (collectivité
territoriale)--under which Mahoré was administered by a prefect
appointed by the French government. Local government consisted of a
popularly elected seventeen-member General Council. The island was
entitled to send elected representatives to Paris, one each to the
National Assembly and the Senate. The French franc served as the
currency of the island. This status still applied in 1993.

After it appeared that Mahoré would not be tempted by the federalist
design of Ahmed Abdallah's 1978 constitution to join the Republic of the
Comoros, the National Assembly in Paris decided in 1979 to prolong the
existence of the collectivité territoriale until a 1984
plebiscite, resolving meanwhile to study the situation and consult with
the islanders. In late 1984, with an overwhelming vote to remain
associated with France in the offing, the French government postponed
the plebiscite indefinitely. By late 1993, it had still not been held,
the Mahorais apparently still eager to remain part of France and as
disinclined as ever to reunite with the three troubled islands to their
immediate west.

Although many politically conservative French relished the Mahorais'
popular vow that nous resterons français pour rester libre
("we will remain French to remain free"), the Mahoré
situation caused some discomfort for France internationally. Every year,
resolutions calling on France to relinquish Mahoré to Comoros passed
with near unanimity in the UN, and the OAU likewise issued annual
condemnations. Although Comoran official distaste for the situation
became more muted in the 1980s and 1990s, the Comoran government
continued to draw French attention to the issue. In May 1990, newly
elected president Said Mohamed Djohar called for peaceful dialogue and
French review of Mahoré's status. But feeling obligated not to change
the Mahorais' status against their will, the French could do little.
Anti-Comoran riots and demonstrations, and the formation of an
anti-immigrant paramilitary group on Mahoré in response to the presence
of illegal Comoran immigrants, were also sources of embarrassment to
France.

The economy of Mahoré in some ways resembles that of Comoros. Rice,
cassava, and corn are cultivated for domestic consumption; ylang-ylang
and vanilla are the primary exports. The main imports, whose value far
outstripped that of exports, are foodstuffs, machinery and appliances,
transport equipment, and metals. Construction, primarily of
French-funded public works, is the only industrial activity.

A five-year development plan (1986-91) focused on large-scale public
projects, principally construction of a deepwater port at Longoni and an
airport at the capital, Dzaoudzi. The plan and its two main projects
were later extended through 1993. Despite Mahoré's great natural
beauty, tourism was inhibited by a dearth of hotel rooms and the
island's isolated location.

Under French administration, Mahoré had generally enjoyed domestic
peace and stability, although tensions appeared to be rising by the
early 1990s. In the summer of 1991, the relocation of people from their
homes to allow the expansion of the airport met with vociferous
protests, mostly by young people. The protests soon grew into violent
demonstrations against the local government's administration of the
island. Paramilitary attacks on Comoran immigrants occurred in June
1992, and a February 1993 general strike for higher wages ended in
rioting. Security forces from Reunion and France were called in to
restore order.