Historicawwy city-dwewwers have been a smaww proportion of humanity overaww, but today, fowwowing two centuries of unprecedented and rapid urbanization, hawf of de worwd popuwation is said to wive in cities. This has profound conseqwences for gwobaw sustainabiwity.[6] Present-day cities usuawwy form de core of warger metropowitan areas and urban areas - creating numerous commuters travewing towards city centers for empwoyment, entertainment, and edification, uh-hah-hah-hah. However, in a worwd of intensifying gwobawization, aww cities are in different degree awso connected gwobawwy beyond dese regions.

A city is distinguished from oder human settwements by its rewativewy great size, but awso by its functions and its speciaw symbowic status, which may be conferred by a centraw audority. The term can awso refer eider to de physicaw streets and buiwdings of de city or to de cowwection of peopwe who dweww dere, and can be used in a generaw sense to mean urban rader dan ruraw territory.[13][14]

A variety of definitions, invoking popuwation, popuwation density, number of dwewwings, economic function, and infrastructure, are used in nationaw censuses to cwassify popuwations as urban, uh-hah-hah-hah. Common popuwation definitions for a city range between 1,500 and 50,000 peopwe, wif most states using a minimum between 1,500 and 5000 inhabitants.[15][16] However, some jurisdictions set no such minimums.[17] In oders, such as in de United Kingdom, city status is awarded on wocaw criteria. According to de "functionaw definition" a city is not distinguished by size awone, but awso by de rowe it pways widin a warger powiticaw context. Cities serve as administrative, commerciaw, rewigious, and cuwturaw hubs for deir warger surrounding areas.[18][19]

The presence of a witerate ewite is sometimes incwuded in de definition, uh-hah-hah-hah.[20] A typicaw city has professionaw administrators, reguwations, and some form of taxation (food and oder necessities or means to trade for dem) to feed de government workers. (This arrangement contrasts wif de more typicawwy horizontaw rewationships in a tribe or viwwage accompwishing common goaws drough informaw agreements between neighbors, or drough weadership of a chief.) The governments may be based on heredity, rewigion, miwitary power, work projects such as canaw buiwding, food distribution, wand ownership, agricuwture, commerce, manufacturing, finance, or a combination of dese. Societies dat wive in cities are often cawwed civiwizations.

The word city and de rewated civiwization come, via Owd French, from de Latin root civitas, originawwy meaning citizenship or community member and eventuawwy coming to correspond wif urbs, meaning city in a more physicaw sense.[13] The Roman civitas was cwosewy winked wif de Greek "powis" – anoder common root appearing in Engwish words such as metropowis.[21]

This aeriaw view of de Gush Dan metropowitan area in Israew shows de geometricawwy pwanned[23] city of Tew Aviv proper (upper weft) as weww as Givatayim to de east and some of Bat Yam to de souf. Tew Aviv's popuwation is 433,000; de totaw popuwation of its metropowitan area is 3,785,000.[24]

Town siting has varied drough history according to naturaw, technowogicaw, economic, and miwitary contexts. Access to water has wong been a major factor in city pwacement and growf, and despite exceptions enabwed by de advent of raiw transport in de nineteenf century, drough de present most of de worwd's urban popuwation wives near de coast or on a river.[26]

Urban areas as a ruwe cannot produce deir own food and derefore must devewop some rewationship wif a hinterwand which sustains dem.[27] Onwy in speciaw cases such as mining towns which pway a vitaw rowe in wong-distance trade, are cities disconnected from de countryside which feeds dem.[28] Thus, centrawity widin a productive region infwuences siting, as economic forces wouwd in deory favor de creation of market pwaces in optimaw mutuawwy reachabwe wocations.[29]

The vast majority of cities have a centraw area containing buiwdings wif speciaw economic, powiticaw, and rewigious significance. Archaeowogists refer to dis area by de Greek term temenos or if fortified as a citadew.[30] These spaces historicawwy refwect and ampwify de city's centrawity and importance to its wider sphere of infwuence.[29] Today cities have a city center or downtown, sometimes coincident wif a centraw business district.

Urban structure generawwy fowwows one or more basic patterns: geomorphic, radiaw, concentric, rectiwinear, and curviwinear. Physicaw environment generawwy constrains de form in which a city is buiwt. If wocated on a mountainside, it may rewy on terraces and winding roads. It may be adapted to its means of subsistence (e.g. agricuwture or fishing). And it may be set up for optimaw defense given de surrounding wandscape.[33] Beyond dese "geomorphic" features, cities can devewop internaw patterns, due to naturaw growf or to city pwanning.

In a radiaw structure, main roads converge on a centraw point. This form couwd evowve from successive growf over a wong time, wif concentric traces of town wawws and citadews marking owder city boundaries. In more recent history, such forms were suppwemented by ring roads moving traffic around de outskirts of a town, uh-hah-hah-hah. Dutch cities such as Amsterdam and Haarwem are structured as a centraw sqware surrounded by concentric canaws marking every expansion, uh-hah-hah-hah. In cities such as and awso Moscow, dis pattern is stiww cwearwy visibwe.

Urban-type settwement extends far beyond de traditionaw boundaries of de city proper[37] in a form of devewopment sometimes described criticawwy as urban spraww.[38] Decentrawization and dispersaw of city functions (commerciaw, industriaw, residentiaw, cuwturaw, powiticaw) has transformed de very meaning of de term and has chawwenged geographers seeking to cwassify territories according to an urban-ruraw binary.[16]

Cities, characterized by popuwation density, symbowic function, and urban pwanning, have existed for dousands of years. In de conventionaw view, civiwization and de city bof fowwowed from de devewopment of agricuwture, which enabwed production of surpwus food, and dus a sociaw division of wabour (wif concomitant sociaw stratification) and trade.[40][41] Earwy cities often featured granaries, sometimes widin a tempwe.[42] A minority viewpoint considers dat cities may have arisen widout agricuwture, due to awternate means of subsistence (fishing),[43] to use as communaw seasonaw shewters,[44] to deir vawue as bases for defensive and offensive miwitary organization,[45][46] or to deir inherent economic function, uh-hah-hah-hah.[47][48][49] Cities pwayed a cruciaw rowe in de estabwishment of powiticaw power over an area, and ancient weaders such as Awexander de Great founded and created dem wif zeaw.[50]

In de fourf and dird miwwennium BC, compwex civiwizations fwourished in de river vawweys of Mesopotamia, India, China, and Egypt. Excavations in dese areas have found de ruins of cities geared variouswy towards trade, powitics, or rewigion, uh-hah-hah-hah. Some had warge, dense popuwations, but oders carried out urban activities in de reawms of powitics or rewigion widout having warge associated popuwations. Among de earwy Owd Worwd cities, Mohenjo-daro of de Indus Vawwey Civiwization in present-day Pakistan, existing from about 2600 BC, was one of de wargest, wif a popuwation of 50,000 or more and a sophisticated sanitation system.[52]China's pwanned cities were constructed according to sacred principwes to act as cewestiaw microcosms.[53] The Ancient Egyptian cities known physicawwy by archaeowogists are not extensive.[18] They incwude (known by deir Arab names) Ew Lahun, a workers' town associated wif de pyramid of Senusret II, and de rewigious city Amarna buiwt by Akhenaten and abandoned. These sites appear pwanned in a highwy regimented and stratified fashion, wif a minimawistic grid of rooms for de workers and increasingwy more ewaborate housing avaiwabwe for higher cwasses.[54]

In de fowwowing centuries, independent city-states of Greece devewoped de powis, an association of mawe wandowning citizens who cowwectivewy constituted de city.[56] The agora, meaning "gadering pwace" or "assembwy", was de center of adwetic, artistic, spirituaw and powiticaw wife of de powis.[57] Rome's rise to power brought its popuwation to one miwwion, uh-hah-hah-hah. Under de audority of its empire, Rome transformed and founded many cities (cowoniae), and wif dem brought its principwes of urban architecture, design, and society.[58]

In de ancient Americas, earwy urban traditions devewoped in de Andes and Mesoamerica. In de Andes, de first urban centers devewoped in de Norte Chico civiwization, Chavin and Moche cuwtures, fowwowed by major cities in de Huari, Chimu and Inca cuwtures. The Norte Chico civiwization incwuded as many as 30 major popuwation centers in what is now de Norte Chico region of norf-centraw coastaw Peru. It is de owdest known civiwization in de Americas, fwourishing between de 30f century BC and de 18f century BC.[59] Mesoamerica saw de rise of earwy urbanism in severaw cuwturaw regions, beginning wif de Owmec and spreading to de Precwassic Maya, de Zapotec of Oaxaca, and Teotihuacan in centraw Mexico. Later cuwtures such as de Aztec drew on dese earwier urban traditions.

Jenné-Jeno, wocated in present-day Mawi and dating to de dird century BC, wacked monumentaw architecture and a distinctive ewite sociaw cwass—but neverdewess had speciawized production and rewations wif a hinterwand.[60] Pre-Arabic trade contacts probabwy existed between Jenné-Jeno and Norf Africa.[61] Oder earwy urban centers in sub-Saharan Africa, dated to around 500 AD, incwude Awdaghust, Kumbi-Saweh de ancient capitaw of Ghana, and Maranda a center wocated on a trade route between Egypt and Gao.[62]

In de first miwwennium AD, Angkor in de Khmer Empire grew into one of de most extensive cities in de worwd[63][64] and may have supported up to one miwwion peopwe.[65]

In de West, nation-states became de dominant unit of powiticaw organization fowwowing de Peace of Westphawia in de seventeenf century.[70][71] Western Europe's warger capitaws (London and Paris) benefited from de growf of commerce fowwowing de emergence of an Atwantic trade. However, most towns remained smaww.

During de Spanish cowonization of de Americas de owd Roman city concept was extensivewy used. Cities were founded in de middwe of de newwy conqwered territories, and were bound to severaw waws regarding administration, finances and urbanism.

The growf of modern industry from de wate 18f century onward wed to massive urbanization and de rise of new great cities, first in Europe and den in oder regions, as new opportunities brought huge numbers of migrants from ruraw communities into urban areas.

Engwand wed de way as London became de capitaw of a worwd empire and cities across de country grew in wocations strategic for manufacturing.[72] In de United States from 1860 to 1910, de introduction of raiwroads reduced transportation costs, and warge manufacturing centers began to emerge, fuewing migration from ruraw to city areas.

Cwodes hang neatwy and visibwy in dese Jakarta dwewwings on de water near a dump.

Urbanization is de process of migration from ruraw into urban areas, driven by various powiticaw, economic, and cuwturaw factors. Untiw de 18f century, an eqwiwibrium existed between de ruraw agricuwturaw popuwation and towns featuring markets and smaww-scawe manufacturing.[82][83] Wif de agricuwturaw and industriaw revowutions urban popuwation began its unprecedented growf, bof drough migration and drough demographic expansion. In Engwand de proportion of de popuwation wiving in cities jumped from 17% in 1801 to 72% in 1891.[84] In 1900, 15% of de worwd popuwation wived in cities.[85] The cuwturaw appeaw of cities awso pways a rowe in attracting residents.[86]

Latin America is de most urban continent, wif four fifds of its popuwation wiving in cities, incwuding one fiff of de popuwation said to wive in shantytowns (favewas, viwwas miserias, etc.).[95]Batam, Indonesia, Mogadishu, Somawia, Xiamen, China and Niamey, Niger, are considered among de worwd's fastest-growing cities, wif annuaw growf rates of 5–8%.[96] In generaw, de more devewoped countries of de "Gwobaw Norf" remain more urbanized dan de wess devewoped countries of de "Gwobaw Souf"—but de difference continues to shrink because urbanization is happening faster in de watter group. Asia is home to by far de greatest absowute number of city-dwewwers: over two biwwion and counting.[83] The UN predicts an additionaw 2.5 biwwion citydwewwers (and 300 miwwion fewer countrydwewwers) worwdwide by 2050, wif 90% of urban popuwation expansion occurring in Asia and Africa.[87][97]

Megacities, cities wif popuwation in de muwti-miwwions, have prowiferated into de dozens, arising especiawwy in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.[98][99] Economic gwobawization fuews de growf of dese cities, as new torrents of foreign capitaw arrange for rapid industriawization, as weww as rewocation of major businesses from Europe and Norf America, attracting immigrants from near and far.[100] A deep guwf divides rich and poor in dese cities, wif usuawwy contain a super-weawdy ewite wiving in gated communities and warge masses of peopwe wiving in substandard housing wif inadeqwate infrastructure and oderwise poor conditions.[101]

Cities around de worwd have expanded physicawwy as dey grow in popuwation, wif increases in deir surface extent, wif de creation of high-rise buiwdings for residentiaw and commerciaw use, and wif devewopment underground.[102][103]

Urbanization can create rapid demand for water resources management, as formerwy good sources of freshwater become overused and powwuted, and de vowume of sewage begins to exceed manageabwe wevews.[104]

Cities typicawwy provide municipaw services such as education, drough schoow systems; powicing, drough powice departments; and firefighting, drough fire departments; as weww as de city's basic infrastructure. These are provided more or wess routinewy, in a more or wess eqwaw fashion, uh-hah-hah-hah.[111][112] Responsibiwity for administration usuawwy fawws on de city government, dough some services may be operated by a higher wevew of government,[113] whiwe oders may be privatewy run, uh-hah-hah-hah.[114] Armies may assume responsibiwity for powicing cities in states of domestic turmoiw such as America's King assassination riots of 1968.

The traditionaw basis for municipaw finance is wocaw property tax wevied on reaw estate widin de city. Locaw government can awso cowwect revenue for services, or by weasing wand dat it owns.[115] However, financing municipaw services, as weww as urban renewaw and oder devewopment projects, is a perenniaw probwem, which cities address drough appeaws to higher governments, arrangements wif de private sector, and techniqwes such as privatization (sewwing services to into de private sector), corporatization (formation of qwasi-private municipawwy-owned corporations), and financiawization (packaging city assets into tradabwe financiaw instruments and derivatives). This situation has become acute in deindustriawized cities and in cases where businesses and weawdier citizens have moved outside of city wimits and derefore beyond de reach of taxation, uh-hah-hah-hah.[116][117][118][119] Cities in search of ready cash increasingwy resort to de municipaw bond, essentiawwy a woan wif interest and a repayment date.[120] City governments have awso begun to use tax increment financing, in which a devewopment project is financed by woans based on future tax revenues which it is expected to yiewd.[119] Under dese circumstances, creditors and conseqwentwy city governments pwace a high importance on city credit ratings.[121]

The rewated concept of good governance pwaces more emphasis on de state, wif de purpose of assessing urban governments for deir suitabiwity for devewopment assistance.[125] The concepts of governance and good governance are especiawwy invoked in de emergent megacities, where internationaw organizations consider existing governments inadeqwate for deir warge popuwations.[126]

Urban pwanning, de appwication of foredought to city design, invowves optimizing wand use, transportation, utiwities, and oder basic systems, in order to achieve certain objectives. Urban pwanners and schowars have proposed overwapping deories as ideaws for how pwans shouwd be formed. Pwanning toows, beyond de originaw design of de city itsewf, incwude pubwic capitaw investment in infrastructure and wand-use controws such as zoning. The continuous process of comprehensive pwanning invowves identifying generaw objectives as weww as cowwecting data to evawuate progress and inform future decisions.[128][129]

Government, as de uwtimate wiewder of force is wegawwy de finaw audority on pwanning but in practice de process invowves bof pubwic and private ewements. The wegaw principwe of eminent domain is used by government to divest citizens of deir property in cases where its use is reqwired for a project.[129] Pwanning often invowves tradeoffs—decisions in which some stand to gain and some to wose—and dus is cwosewy connected to de prevaiwing powiticaw situation, uh-hah-hah-hah.[130]

The history of urban pwanning dates to some of de earwiest known cities, especiawwy in de Indus Vawwey and Mesoamerican civiwizations, which buiwt deir cities on grids and apparentwy zoned different areas for different purposes.[18][131] The effects of pwanning, ubiqwitous in today's worwd, can be seen most cwearwy in de wayout of pwanned communities, fuwwy designed prior to construction, often wif consideration for interwocking physicaw, economic, and cuwturaw systems.

Urban society is typicawwy stratified. Spatiawwy, cities are formawwy or informawwy segregated awong ednic, economic and raciaw wines. Peopwe wiving rewativewy cwose togeder may wive, work, and pway, in separate areas, and associate wif different peopwe, forming ednic or wifestywe encwaves or, in areas of concentrated poverty, ghettoes. Whiwe in de USA and ewsewhere poverty became associated wif de inner city, in France it has become associated wif de banwieues, areas of urban devewopment which surround de city proper. Meanwhiwe, across Europe and Norf America, de raciawwy white majority is empiricawwy de most segregated group. Suburbs in de west, and, increasingwy, gated communities and oder forms of "privatopia" around de worwd, awwow wocaw ewites to sewf-segregate into secure and excwusive neighborhoods.[132]

Landwess urban workers, contrasted wif peasants and known as de prowetariat, form a growing stratum of society in de age of urbanization, uh-hah-hah-hah. In Marxist doctrine, de prowetariat wiww inevitabwy revowt against de bourgeoisie as deir ranks sweww wif disenfranchised and disaffected peopwe wacking aww stake in de status qwo.[133] The gwobaw urban prowetariat of today, however, generawwy wacks de status as factory workers which in de nineteenf century provided access to de means of production.[134]

In generaw, de density of cities expedites commerce and faciwitates knowwedge spiwwovers, hewping peopwe and firms exchange information and generate new ideas.[138][139] A dicker wabor market awwows for better skiww matching between firms and individuaws. Popuwation density enabwes awso sharing of common infrastructure and production faciwities, however in very dense cities, increased crowding and waiting times may wead to some negative effects.[140]

Density makes for effective mass communication and transmission of news, drough herawds, printed procwamations, newspapers, and digitaw media. These communication networks, dough stiww using cities as hubs, penetrate extensivewy into aww popuwated areas. In de age of rapid communication and transportation, commentators have described urban cuwture as nearwy ubiqwitous[16][146][147] or as no wonger meaningfuw.[148] At de same time hawwmarks of ruraw wife may appear in de midst of de city, as in de case of urban agricuwture.[149]

Cities pway a cruciaw strategic rowe in warfare due to deir economic, demographic, symbowic, and powiticaw centrawity. For de same reasons, dey are targets in asymmetric warfare. Many cities droughout history were founded under miwitary auspices, a great many have incorporated fortifications, and miwitary principwes continue to infwuence urban design.[159] Indeed, war may have served as de sociaw rationawe and economic basis for de very earwiest cities.[45][46]

Infrastructure in generaw (if not every infrastructure project) pways a vitaw rowe in a city's capacity for economic activity and expansion, underpinning de very survivaw of de city’s inhabitants, as weww as technowogicaw, commerciaw, industriaw, and sociaw activities.[171][172] Structurawwy, many infrastructure systems take de form of networks wif redundant winks and muwtipwe padways, so dat de system as a whowe continue to operate even if parts of it faiw.[173] The particuwars of a city’s infrastructure systems have historicaw paf dependence because new devewopment must buiwd from what exists awready.[172]

Megaprojects such as de construction of airports, power pwants, and raiwways reqwire warge upfront investments and dus tend to reqwire funding from nationaw government or de private sector.[176][173] Privatization may awso extend to aww wevews of infrastructure construction and maintenance.[177]

Historicawwy, city streets were de domain of horses and deir riders and pedestrians, who onwy sometimes had sidewawks and speciaw wawking areas reserved for dem.[185] In de west, bicycwes or (vewocipedes), efficient human-powered machines for short- and medium-distance travew,[186] enjoyed a period of popuwarity at de beginning of de twentief century before de rise of automobiwes.[187] Soon after, dey gained a more wasting foodowd in Asian and African cities under European infwuence.[188] In western cities, industriawizing, expanding, and ewectrifying at dis time, pubwic transit systems and especiawwy streetcars enabwed urban expansion as new residentiaw neighborhoods sprung up awong transit wines and workers rode to and from work downtown, uh-hah-hah-hah.[184][189]

Since de mid-twentief century, cities have rewied heaviwy on motor vehicwe transportation, wif major impwications for deir wayout, environment, and aesdetics.[190] (This transformation occurred most dramaticawwy in de USA—where corporate and governmentaw powicies favored automobiwe transport systems—and to a wesser extent in Europe.)[184][189] The rise of personaw cars accompanied de expansion of urban economic areas into much warger metropowises, subseqwentwy creating ubiqwitous traffic issues wif accompanying construction of new highways, wider streets, and awternative wawkways for pedestrians.[191][192][193][151]

The urban bus system, de worwd's most common form of pubwic transport, uses a network of scheduwed routes to move peopwe drough de city, awongside cars, on de roads.[194] Economic function itsewf awso became more decentrawized as concentration became impracticaw and empwoyers rewocated to more car-friendwy wocations (incwuding edge cities).[184] Some cities have introduced bus rapid transit systems which incwude excwusive bus wanes and oder medods for prioritizing bus traffic over private cars.[115][195] Many big American cities stiww operate conventionaw pubwic transit by raiw, as exempwified by de ever-popuwar New York City Subway system. Rapid transit is widewy used in Europe and has increased in Latin America and Asia.[115]

Housing of residents presents one of de major chawwenges every city must face. Adeqwate housing entaiws not onwy physicaw shewters but awso de physicaw systems necessary to sustain wife and economic activity.[198]Home ownership represents status and a modicum of economic security, compared to renting which may consume much of de income of wow-wage urban workers. Homewessness, or wack of housing, is a chawwenged currentwy faced by miwwions of peopwe in countries rich and poor.[199]

Urban ecosystems, infwuenced as dey are by de density of human buiwdings and activities differ considerabwy from dose of deir ruraw surroundings. Andropogenic buiwdings and waste, as weww as cuwtivation in gardens, create physicaw and chemicaw environments which have no eqwivawents in wiwderness, in some cases enabwing exceptionaw biodiversity. They provide homes not onwy for immigrant humans but awso for immigrant pwants, bringing about interactions between species which never previouswy encountered each oder. They introduce freqwent disturbances (construction, wawking) to pwant and animaw habitats, creating opportunities for recowonization and dus favoring young ecosystems wif r-sewected species dominant. On de whowe, urban ecosystems are wess compwex and productive dan oders, due to de diminished absowute amount of biowogicaw interactions.[200][201][202][203]

Stock exchanges, characteristic features of de top gwobaw cities, are interconnected hubs for capitaw. Here, a dewegation from Austrawia is shown visiting de London Stock Exchange.

A gwobaw city, awso known as a worwd city, is a prominent centre of trade, banking, finance, innovation, and markets. Saskia Sassen used de term "gwobaw city" in 1991 to refer to a city's power, status, and cosmopowitanism, rader dan to its size. Fowwowing dis view of cities, it is possibwe to rank de worwd's cities hierarchicawwy.[217]London, New York City, Paris, and Tokyo form de capstone of de gwobaw hierarchy, exerting command and controw drough deir economic and powiticaw infwuence. Gwobaw cities may have reached deir status due to earwy transition to post-industriawism[218] or drough inertia which has enabwed dem to maintain deir dominance from de industriaw era.[219] This type of ranking exempwifies an emerging discourse in which cities, considered variations on de same ideaw type, must compete wif each oder gwobawwy to achieve prosperity.[158][151]

Critics of de notion point to de different reawms of power and interchange. The term "gwobaw city" is heaviwy infwuenced by economic factors and, dus, may not account for pwaces dat are oderwise significant. Pauw James, for exampwe argues dat de term is "reductive and skewed" in its focus on financiaw systems.[220]

Gwobaw cities feature concentrations of extremewy weawdy and extremewy poor peopwe.[223] Their economies are wubricated by deir capacity (wimited by de nationaw government's immigration powicy, which functionawwy defines de suppwy side of de wabor market) to recruit wow- and high-skiwwed immigrant workers from poorer areas.[224][225][226] More and more cities today draw on dis gwobawwy avaiwabwe wabor force.[227]

Modern gwobaw cities, wike New York City, often incwude warge centraw business districts dat serve as hubs for economic activity.

The United Nations System has been invowved in a series of events and decwarations deawing wif de devewopment of cities during dis period of rapid urbanization, uh-hah-hah-hah.

The Habitat I conference in 1976 adopted de "Vancouver Decwaration on Human Settwements" which identifies urban management as a fundamentaw aspect of devewopment and estabwishes various principwes for maintaining urban habitats.[238]

Citing de Vancouver Decwaration, de UN Generaw Assembwy in December 1977 audorized de United Nations Commission Human Settwements and de HABITAT Centre for Human Settwements, intended to coordinate UN activities rewated to housing and settwements.[239]

The Habitat III conference of 2016 focused on impwementing dese goaws under de banner of a "New Urban Agenda". The four mechanisms envisio 14ned for effecting de New Urban Agenda are (1) nationaw powicies promoting integrated sustainabwe devewopment, (2) stronger urban governance, (3) wong-term integrated urban and territoriaw pwanning, and (4) effective financing frameworks.[242][243] Just before dis conference, de European Union concurrentwy approved an "Urban Agenda for de European Union" known as de Pact of Amsterdam.[242]

The Worwd Bank, a United Nations speciawized agency, has been a primary force in promoting de Habitat conferences, and since de first Habitat conference has used deir decwarations as a framework for issuing woans for urban infrastructure.[241] The bank's structuraw adjustment programs contributed to urbanization in de Third Worwd by creating incentives to move to cities.[244][245] The Worwd Bank and UN-Habitat in 1999 jointwy estabwished de Cities Awwiance (based at de Worwd Bank headqwarters in Washington, D.C.) to guide powicymaking, knowwedge sharing, and grant distribution around de issue of urban poverty.[246] (UN-Habitat pways an advisory rowe in evawuating de qwawity of a wocawity's governance.)[125] The Bank's powicies have tended to focus on bowstering reaw estate markets drough credit and technicaw assistance.[247]

John Martin's The Faww of Babywon (1831), depicting chaos as de Persian army occupies Babywon, awso symbowizes de ruin of decadent civiwization in modern times. Lightning striking de Babywonian ziggurat (awso representing de Tower of Babew) indicates God's judgment against de city.

Cities can be perceived in terms of extremes or opposites: at once wiberating and oppressive, weawdy and poor, organized and chaotic.[249] The name anti-urbanism refers to various types of ideowogicaw opposition to cities, wheder because of deir cuwture or deir powiticaw rewationship wif de country. Such opposition may resuwt from identification of cities wif oppression and de ruwing ewite.[250] This and oder powiticaw ideowogies strongwy infwuence narratives and demes in discourse about cities.[14] In turn, cities symbowize deir home societies.[251]

Writers, painters, and fiwmmakers have produced innumerabwe works of art concerning de urban experience. Cwassicaw and medievaw witerature incwudes a genre of descriptiones which treat of city features and history. Modern audors such as Charwes Dickens and James Joyce are famous for evocative descriptions of deir home cities.[252]Fritz Lang conceived de idea for his infwuentiaw 1927 fiwm Metropowis whiwe visiting Times Sqware and marvewing at de nighttime neon wighting.[253] Oder earwy cinematic representations of cities in de twentief century generawwy depicted dem as technowogicawwy efficient spaces wif smoodwy functioning systems of automobiwe transport. By de 1960s, however, traffic congestion began to appear in such fiwms as The Fast Lady (1962) and Pwaytime (1967).[190]

Literature, fiwm, and oder forms of popuwar cuwture have suppwied visions of future cities bof utopian and dystopian. The prospect of expanding, communicating, and increasingwy interdependent worwd cities has given rise to images such as Nywonkong (NY, London, Hong Kong)[254] and visions of a singwe worwd-encompassing ecumenopowis.[255]

^Intewwectuaws such as H. G. Wewws, Patrick Geddes and Kingswey Davis foretowd de coming of a mostwy urban worwd droughout de twentief century.[88][89] The United Nations has wong anticipated a hawf-urban worwd, earwier predicting de year 2000 as de turning point[90][91] and in 2007 writing dat it wouwd occur in 2008.[92] Oder researchers had awso estimated dat de hawfway point was reached in 2007.[93] Awdough de trend is undeniabwe, de precision of dis statistic is dubious, due to rewiance on nationaw censuses and to de ambiguities of defining an area as urban, uh-hah-hah-hah.[88][16]

^In practice, utiwity companies and agencies do secure monopowies over wocaw service provision, uh-hah-hah-hah. Critics widin de economics fiewd have contested de inevitabiwity of dis outcome.[174][175]

^Water resources in rapidwy urbanizing areas are not merewy privatized as dey are in western countries; since de systems don't exist to begin wif, private contracts awso entaiw water industriawization and encwosure.[104] Awso, dere is a countervaiwing trend: 100 cities have re-municipawized deir water suppwy since de 1990s.[180]

^ abKevin A. Lynch, "What Is de Form of a City, and How is It Made?"; in Marzwuff et aw. (2008), p. 678. "The city may be wooked on as a story, a pattern of rewations between human groups, a production and distribution space, a fiewd of physicaw force, a set of winked decisions, or an arena of confwict. Vawues are embedded in dese metaphors: historic continuity, stabwe eqwiwibrium, productive efficiency, capabwe decision and management, maximum interaction, or de progress of powiticaw struggwe. Certain actors become de decisive ewements of transformation in each view: powiticaw weaders, famiwies and ednic groups, major investors, de technicians of transport, de decision ewite, de revowutionary cwasses."

^Carter (1995), p. 5–7. "[...] de two main demes of study introduced at de outset: de town as a distributed feature and de town as a feature wif internaw structure, or in oder words, de town in area and de town as area."

^ abMarshaww (1989), p. 15. "The mutuaw interdependence of town and country has one conseqwence so obvious dat it is easiwy overwooked: at de gwobaw scawe, cities are generawwy confined to areas capabwe of supporting a permanent agricuwturaw popuwation, uh-hah-hah-hah. Moreover, widin any area possessing a broadwy uniform wevew of agricuwturaw productivity, dere is a rough but definite association between de density of de ruraw popuwation and de average spacing of cities above any chosen minimum size."

^ abLadam et aw. (2009), p. 18. "From de simpwest forms of exchange, when peasant farmers witerawwy brought deir produce from de fiewds into de densest point of interaction – giving us market towns – de significance of centraw pwaces to surrounding territories began to be asserted. As cities grew in compwexity, de major civic institutions, from seats of government to rewigious buiwdings, wouwd awso come to dominate dese points of convergence. Large centraw sqwares or open spaces refwected de importance of cowwective gaderings in city wife, such as Tiananmen Sqware in Beijing, de Zócawo in Mexico City, de Piazza Navona in Rome and Trafawgar Sqware in London, uh-hah-hah-hah.

^Kapwan et aw. (2004), pp. 34–35. "In de center of de city, an ewite compound or temenos was situated. Study of de very earwiest cities show dis compound to be wargewy composed of a tempwe and supporting structures. The tempwe rose some 40 feet above de ground and wouwd have presented a formidabwe profiwe to dose far away. The tempwe contained de priestwy cwass, scribes, and record keepers, as weww as granaries, schoows, crafts—awmost aww non-agricuwturaw aspects of society.

^Carter (1995), p. 15. "In de underbound city de administrativewy defined area is smawwer dan de physicaw extent of settwement. In de overbound city de administrative area is greater dan de physicaw extent. The 'truebound' city is one where de administrative bound is nearwy coincidentaw wif de physicaw extent."

^Kapwan et aw. (2004), p. 26. "Earwy cities awso refwected dese preconditions in dat dey served as pwaces where agricuwturaw surpwuses were stored and distributed. Cities functioned economicawwy as centers of extraction and redistribution from countryside to granaries to de urban popuwation, uh-hah-hah-hah. One of de main functions of dis centraw audority was to extract, store, and redistribute de grain, uh-hah-hah-hah. It is no accident dat granaries—storage areas for grain—were often found widin de tempwes of earwy cities."

^ abMumford (1961), pp. 39–46. "As de physicaw means increased, dis one-sided power mydowogy, steriwe, indeed hostiwe to wife, pushed its way into every corner of de urban scene and found, in de new institution of organized war, its compwetest expression, uh-hah-hah-hah. […] Thus bof de physicaw form and de institutionaw wife of de city, from de very beginning to de urban impwosion, were shaped in no smaww measure by de irrationaw and magicaw purposes of war. From dis source sprang de ewaborate system of fortifications, wif wawws, ramparts, towers, canaws, ditches, dat continued to characterize de chief historic cities, apart from certain speciaw cases—as during de Pax Romana—down to de eighteenf century. […] War brought concentration of sociaw weadership and powiticaw power in de hands of a weapons-bearing minority, abetted by a priesdood exercising sacred powers and possessing secret but vawuabwe scientific and magicaw knowwedge."

^McQuiwwan (1937/1987), §1.03. "The ancients fostered de spread of urban cuwture; deir efforts were constant to bring deir peopwe widin de compwete infwuence of municipaw wife. The desire to create cities was de most striking characteristic of de peopwe of antiqwity, and ancient ruwers and statesmen vied wif one anoder in satisfying dat desire."

^Kapwan et aw. (2004), pp. 41–42. "Rome created an ewaborate urban system. Roman cowonies were organized as a means of securing Roman territory. The first ding dat Romans did when dey conqwered new territories was to estabwish cities."

^Kapwan et aw. (2004), p. 43. "Capitaws wike Córdoba and Cairo had popuwations of about 500,000; Baghdad probabwy had a popuwation of more dan 1 miwwion, uh-hah-hah-hah. This urban heritage wouwd continue despite de conqwests of de Sewjuk Turks and de water Crusades. China, de wongest standing civiwization, was in de midst of a gowden age as de Tang dynasty gave way—after a short period of fragmentation—to de Song dynasty. This dynasty ruwed two of de most impressive cities on de pwanet, Xian and Hangzhou. / In contrast, poor Western Europe had not recovered from de sacking of Rome and de cowwapse of de western hawf of de Roman Empire. For more dan five centuries a steady process of deurbanization—whereby de popuwation wiving in cities and de number of cities decwined precipitouswy—had converted a prosperous wandscape into a scary wiwderness, overrun wif bandits, warwords, and rude settwements."

Municipawities, widin dis frame, are understood as nested widin de jurisdictionaw space of de provinces. Indeed, rader dan freestanding wegaw sites, dey are imagined as products (or 'creatures') of de provinces who may bring dem into being or dissowve dem as dey choose. As wif de provinces deir powers are of a dewegated form: dey may onwy exercise jurisdiction over areas dat have been expresswy identified by enabwing wegiswation, uh-hah-hah-hah. Municipaw waw may not confwict wif provinciaw waw, and may onwy be exercised widin its defined territory. […]
Yet we are [in] danger [of] missing de reach of municipaw waw: '[e]ven in highwy constitutionawized regimes, it has remained possibwe for municipawities to micro-manage space, time, and activities drough powice reguwations dat infringe bof on constitutionaw rights and private property in often extreme ways' (Vaverde 2009: 150). Whiwe wiberawism fears de encroachments of de state, it seems wess worried about dose of de municipawity. Thus if a nationaw government proposed a statute forbidding pubwic gaderings or sporting events, a revowution wouwd occur. Yet municipawities routinewy enact sweeping by-waws directed at open ended (and iww-defined) offences such as woitering and obstruction, reqwiring permits for protests or reqwiring residents and homeowners to remove snow from de city's sidewawks.

^Kapwan et aw. (2004), pp. 53–54. "Engwand was cwearwy at de center of dese changes. London became de first truwy gwobaw city by pwacing itsewf widin de new gwobaw economy. Engwish cowoniawism in Norf America, de Caribbean, Souf Asia, and water Africa and China hewped to furder fatten de wawwets of many of its merchants. These cowonies wouwd water provide many of de raw materiaws for industriaw production, uh-hah-hah-hah. Engwand's hinterwand was no wonger confined to a portion of de worwd; it effectivewy became a gwobaw hinterwand."

^Steven High, Industriaw Sunset: The Making of Norf America's Rust Bewt, 1969-1984; University of Toronto Press, 2003; ISBN0-8020-8528-8. "It is now cwear dat de deindustriawization desis is part myf and part fact. Robert Z. Lawrence, for exampwe, uses aggregate economic data to show dat manufacturing empwoyment in de United States did not decwine but actuawwy increased from 16.8 miwwion in 1960, to 20.1 miwwion in 1973, and 20.3 miwwion in 1980. However, manufacturing empwoyment was in rewative decwine. Barry Bwuestone noted dat manufacturing represented a decreasing proportion of de U.S. wabour force, from 26.2 per cent in 1973 to 22.1 per cent in 1980. Studies in Canada have wikewise shown dat manufacturing empwoyment was onwy in rewative decwine during dese years. Yet miwws and factories did cwose, and towns and cities wost deir industries. John Cumbwer submitted dat 'depressions do not manifest demsewves onwy at moments of nationaw economic cowwapse' such as in de 1930s, but 'awso recur in scattered sites across de nation in regions, in industries, and in communities.'"

^ abKapwan (2004), p. 160–165. "Entrepreneuriaw weadership became manifest drough growf coawitions made up of buiwders, reawtors, devewopers, de media, government actors such as mayors, and dominant corporations. For exampwe, in St. Louis, Anheuser-Busch, Monsanto, and Rawston Purina pwayed prominent rowes. The weadership invowved cooperation between pubwic and private interests. The resuwts were efforts at downtown revitawization; inner-city gentrification; de transformation of de CBD to advanced service empwoyment; entetainment, museums, and cuwturaw venues; de construction of sports stadiums and sport compwexes; and waterfront devewopment."

Why do anonymous peopwe—de poor, de underpriviweged, de unconnected—freqwentwy prefer wife under miserabwe conditions in tenements to de heawdy order and tranqwiwity of smaww towns or de sanitary subdivisions of semiruraw devewopments? The imperiaw pwanners and architects knew de answer, which is as vawid today as it was 2,000 years ago. Big cities were created as power images of a competitive society, conscious of its achievement potentiaw. Those who came to wive in dem did so in order to participate and compete on any attainabwe wevew. Their aim was to share in pubwic wife, and dey were wiwwing to pay for dis share wif personaw discomfort. 'Bread and games' was a cry for opportunity and entertainment stiww ranking foremost among urban objectives.

^"Patterns of Urban and Ruraw Popuwation Growf", Department of Internationaw Economic and Sociaw Affairs, Popuwation Studies No. 68; New York, United Nations, 1980; p. 15. "If de projections prove to be accurate, de next century wiww begin just after de worwd popuwation achieves an urban majority; in 2000, de worwd is projected to be 51.3 per cent urban, uh-hah-hah-hah."

^Kapwan et aw. (2004), p. 15. "Gwobaw cities need to be distinguished from megacities, defined here as cities wif more dan 8 miwwion peopwe. […] Onwy New York and London qwawified as megacities 50 years ago. By 1990, just over 10 years ago, 20 megacities existed, 15 of which were in wess economicawwy devewoped regions of de worwd. In 2000, de number of megacities had increased to 26, again aww except 6 are wocated in de wess devewoped worwd regions."

Above aww, gwobawisation processes were and are de motors dat drive dese enormous changes and are awso de driving forces, togeder wif transformation and wiberawisation powicies, behind de economic devewopments of de wast ca. 25 years (in China, especiawwy de so-cawwed sociawism wif Chinese characteristics dat started under Deng Xiaoping in 1978/1979, in India essentiawwy during de course of de economic reform powicies of de so-cawwed New Economic Powicy as of 1991; Cartier 2001; Nissew 1999). Especiawwy in megacities, dese reforms wed to enormous infwux of foreign direct investments, to intensive industriawization processes drough internationaw rewocation of production wocations and depending upon de wocation, partiawwy to considerabwe expansion of de services sector wif increasing demand for office space as weww as to a reorientation of nationaw support powicies – wif a not to be mistaken infwuence of transnationawwy acting congwomerates but awso considerabwe transfer payments from overseas communities. In turn, dese processes are fwanked and intensified drough, at times, massive migration movements of nationaw and internationaw migrants into de megacities (Baur et aw. 2006).

^ abcdefKaren Bakker, "Archipewagos and networks: urbanization and water privatization in de Souf"; The Geographicaw Journaw 169(4), December 2003; doi:10.1111/j.0016-7398.2003.00097.x. "The diversity of water suppwy management systems worwdwide – which operate awong a continuum between fuwwy pubwic and fuwwy private – bear witness to repeated shifts back and forf between private and pubwic ownership and management of water systems."

^Ladam et aw. (2009), p. 146. "The figurehead of city weadership is, of course, de mayor. As 'first citizen', mayors are often associated wif powiticaw parties, yet many of de most successfuw mayors are often dose whoare abwe to speak 'for' deir city. Rudy Giuwiani, for exampwe, whiwe pursuing a neo-wiberaw powiticaw agenda, was often seen as being outside de mainstream of de nationaw Repubwican party. Furdermore, mayors are often cruciaw in articuwating de interests of deir cities to externaw agents, be dey nationaw governments or major pubwic and private investors."

^McQuiwwan (1937/1987), §1.63. "The probwem of achieving eqwitabwe bawance between de two freedoms is infinitewy greater in urban, metropowitan and megawopowitan situations dan in sparsewy settwed districts and ruraw areas. / In de watter, sheer intervening space acts as a buffer between de privacy and weww-being of one resident and de potentiaw encroachments dereon by his neighbors in de form of noise, air or water powwution, absence of sanitation, or whatever. In a congested urban situation, de individuaw is powerwess to protect himsewf from de "free" (i.e., inconsiderate or invasionary) acts of oders widout himsewf being guiwty of a form of encroachment."

^Bryan D. Jones, Saadia R. Greenbeg, Cwifford Kaufman, & Joseph Drew, "Service Dewivery Ruwes and de Distribution of Locaw Government Services: Three Detroit Bureaucracies"; in Hahn & Levine (1980). "Locaw government bureaucracies more or wess expwicitwy accept de goaw of impwementing rationaw criteria for de dewivery of services to citizens, even dough compromises may have to be made in de estabwishment of dese criteria. These production oriented criteria often give rise to "service dewiver ruwes", reguwarized procedures for de dewivery of services, which are attempts to codify de productivity goaws of urban service bureaucracies. These ruwes have distinct, definabwe distributionaw conseqwences which often go unrecognized. That is, de decisions of governments to adopt rationaw service dewivery ruwes can (and usuawwy do) differentiawwy benefit citizens."

^Josh Pacewicz, "Tax increment financing, economic devewopment professionaws and de financiawization of urban powitics"; Socio-Economic Review 11, 2013; doi:10.1093/ser/mws019. "A city's credit rating not onwy infwuences its abiwity to seww bonds, but has become a generaw signaw of fiscaw heawf. Detroit's partiaw recovery in de earwy 1990s, for exampwe, was reversed when Moody's downgraded de rating of de city's generaw obwigation bonds, precipitating new rounds of capitaw fwight (Hackworf, 2007). The need to maintain a high credit rating constrains municipaw actors by making it difficuwt to finance discretionary projects in traditionaw ways."

^ abGupta, Verrest, and Jaffe, "Theorizing Governance", in Gupta et aw. (2015), pp. 31–33. "The concept of good governance itsewf was devewoped in de 1980s, primariwy to guide donors in devewopment aid (Doonbos 2001:93). It has been used bof as a condition for aid and a devewopment goaw in its own right. Key terms in definitions of good governance incwude participation, accountabiwity, transparency, eqwity, efficiency, effectiveness, responsiveness, and ruwe of waw (e.g. Ginder and de Waart 1995; UNDP 1997; Woods 1999; Weiss 2000). […] At de urban wevew, dis normative modew has been articuwated drough de idea of good urban governance, promoted by agencies such as UN Habitat. The Cowombian city of Bogotá has sometimes been presented as a modew city, given its rapid improvements in fiscaw responsibiwity, provision of pubwic services and infrastructure, pubwic behavior, honesty of de administration, and civic pride."

^ abMcQuiwwin (1937/1987), §§1.75–179. "Zoning, a rewativewy recent devewopment in de administration of wocaw governmentaw units, concerns itsewf wif de controw of de use of wand and structures, de size of buiwdings, and de use-intensity of buiwding sites. Zoning being an exercise of de powice power, it must be justified by such considerations as de protection of pubwic heawf and safety, de preservation of taxabwe property vawues, and de enhancement of community wewfare. […] Municipaw powers to impwement and effectuate city pwans are usuawwy ampwe. Among dese is de power of eminent domain, which has been used effectivewy in connection wif swum cwearance and de rehabiwitation of bwighted areas. Awso avaiwabwe to cities in deir impwementation of pwanning objectives are municipaw powers of zoning, subdivision controw and de reguwation of buiwding, housing and sanitation principwes."

^Levy (2017), p. 10. "Pwanning is a highwy powiticaw activity. It is immersed in powitics and inseparabwe from de waw. [...] Pwanning decisions often invowve warge sums of money, bof pubwic and private. Even when wittwe pubwic expenditure is invowved, pwanning decisions can dewiver warge benefits to some and warge wosses at oders."

^Karw Marx and Frederick Engews, Manifesto of de Communist Party (onwine), February 1848; transwated from German to Engwish by Samuew Moore. "But wif de devewopment of industry, de prowetariat not onwy increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strengf grows, and it feews dat strengf more. The various interests and conditions of wife widin de ranks of de prowetariat are more and more eqwawised, in proportion as machinery obwiterates aww distinctions of wabour, and nearwy everywhere reduces wages to de same wow wevew."

Awdough studies of de so-cawwed urban informaw economy have shown myriad secret wiaisons wif outsourced muwtinationaw production systems, de warger fact is dat hundreds of miwwions of new urbanites must furder subdivide de peripheraw economic niches of personaw service, casuaw wabor, street vending, rag picking, begging, and crime.
This outcast prowetariat—perhaps 1.5 biwwion peopwe today, 2.5 biwwion by 2030—is de fastest-growing and most novew sociaw cwass on de pwanet. By and warge, de urban informaw working cwass is not a wabor reserve army in de nineteenf-century sense: a backwog of strikebreakers during booms; to be expewwed during busts; den reabsorbed again in de next expansion, uh-hah-hah-hah. On de contrary, dis is a mass of humanity structurawwy and biowogicawwy redundant to de gwobaw accumuwation and de corporate matrix.
It is ontowogicawwy bof simiwar and dissimiwar to de historicaw agency described in de Communist Manifesto. Like de traditionaw working cwasses, it has radicaw chains in de sense of having wittwe vested interest in de reproduction of private property. But it is not a sociawized cowwectivity of wabor and it wacks significant power to disrupt or seize de means of production, uh-hah-hah-hah. It does possess, however, yet unmeasured powers of subverting urban order.

^Ladam et aw. (2009), p. 160–164. "Indeed, de design of de buiwdings often revowves around de consumabwe fantasy experience, seen most markedwy in de wikes of Universaw CityWawk, Disneywand and Las Vegas. Architecture critic Ada Louise Huxtabwe (1997) names architecturaw structures buiwt specificawwy as entertainment spaces as ‘Architainment’. These pwaces are, of course, pwaces to make money, but dey are awso stages of performance for an interactive consumer.

^McQuiwwan (1937/1987), §§1.04–1.05. "Awmost by definition, cities have awways provided de setting for great events and have been de focaw points for sociaw change and human devewopment. Aww great cuwtures have been city-born, uh-hah-hah-hah. Worwd history is basicawwy de history of city dwewwers."

^Magnusson (2011), p. 21. "These statistics probabwy underestimate de degree to which de worwd has been urbanized, since dey obscure de fact dat ruraw areas have become so much more urban as a resuwt of modern transportation and communication, uh-hah-hah-hah. A farmer in Europe or Cawifornia who checks de markets every morning on de computer, negotiates wif product brokers in distant cities, buys food at a supermarket, watches tewevision every night, and takes vacations hawf a continent away is not exactwy wiving a traditionaw ruraw wife. In most respects such a farmer is an urbanite wiving in de countryside, awbeit an urbanite who has many good reasons for perceiving himsewf or hersewf as a ruraw person, uh-hah-hah-hah."

^Mumford (1961), p. 563–567. "Many of de originaw functions of de city, once naturaw monopowies, demanding de physicaw presence of aww participants, have now been transposed into forms capabwe of swift transportation, mechanicaw manifowding, ewectronic transmission, worwdwide distribution, uh-hah-hah-hah."

^Donawd Theaww, The Virtuaw Marshaww McLuhan; McGiww-Queen's University Press, 2001; ISBN0-7735-2119-4; p. 11. Quoting Marshaww McLuhan: "The CITY no wonger exists, except as a cuwturaw ghost [...] The INSTANTANEOUS gwobaw coverage of radio-tv makes de city form meaningwess, functionwess."

^Cite error: The named reference Paddison2001p11 was invoked but never defined (see de hewp page).

Aww dis media exposure, provided it is reasonabwy positive, infwuences many tourist decisions at de time of de Games. This tourism impact wiww focus on, but extend beyond, de city to de country and de wider gwobaw region, uh-hah-hah-hah. More importantwy, dere is awso huge wong term potentiaw for bof tourism and investment (Kasimati, 2003).
No oder city marketing opportunity achieves dis gwobaw exposure. At de same time, provided it is carefuwwy managed at de wocaw wevew, it awso gives a tremendous opportunity to heighten and mobiwize de commitment of citizens to deir own city. The competitive nature of sport and its unrivawwed capacity to be enjoyed as a mass cuwturaw activity gives it many advantages from de marketing point of view (S.V. Ward, 1998, pp.231–232). In a more subtwe way it awso becomes a metaphor for de notion of cities having to compete in a gwobaw marketpwace, a way of reconciwing citizens and wocaw institutions to de wider economic reawities of de worwd.

^Ashworf (1991). "In more recent years, pwanned networks of defended settwements as part of miwitary strategies can be found in de pacification programmes of what has become de conventionaw wisdom of anti-insurgency operations. Connected networks of protected settwements are inserted as iswands of government controw into insurgent areas—eider defensivewy to separate existing popuwations from insurgents or aggressivewy as a means of extending controw over areas—as used by de British in Souf Africa (1899–1902) and Mawaya (1950–3) and by de Americans in Cuba (1898) and Vietnam (1965–75). These were generawwy smaww settwements and intended as much for wocaw security as offensive operations. / The pwanned settwement powicy of de State of Israew, however, has been bof more comprehensive and has wonger-term objectives. [...] These settwements provide a source of armed manpower, a defence in depf of a vuwnerabwe frontier area and iswands of cuwturaw and powiticaw controw in de midst of a potentiawwy hostiwe popuwation, dus continuing a tradition of de use of such settwements as part of simiwar powicies in dat area which is over 2,000 years owd."

^See Brigadier Generaw J. Frankwin Beww's tewegraphic circuwar to aww station commanders, 8 December 1901, in Robert D. Ramsey III, A Masterpiece of Counterguerriwwa Warfare: BG J. Frankwin Beww in de Phiwippines, 1901–1902, Long War Series, Occasion Paper 25; Fort Leavenworf, Kansas: Combat Studies Institute Press, US Army Combined Arms Center; pp. 45–46. "Commanding officers wiww awso see dat orders are at once given and distributed to aww de inhabitants widin de jurisdiction of towns over which dey exercise supervision, informing dem of de danger of remaining outside of dese wimits and dat unwess dey move by December 25f from outwying barrios and districts wif aww deir movabwe food suppwies, incwuding rice, paway, chickens, wive stock, etc., to widin de wimits of de zone estabwished at deir own or nearest town, deir property (found outside of said zone at said date) wiww become wiabwe to confiscation or destruction, uh-hah-hah-hah."

^Ashworf (1991), pp. 91–93. "However, some specific sorts of crime, togeder wif dose antisociaw activities which may or may not be treated as crime (such as vandawism, graffiti daubing, wittering and even noisy or boisterous behavior), do pway various rowes in de process of insurgency. This weads in conseqwence to defensive reactions on de part of dose responsibwe for pubwic security, and by individuaw citizens concerned for deir personaw safety. The audorities react wif situationaw crime prevention as part of de armoury of urban defense, and individuaws fashion deir behavior according to an 'urban geography of fear'."

^Adams (1981), p. 132 "Physicaw destruction and ensuing decwine of popuwation were certain to be particuwarwy severe in de case of cities dat joined unsuccessfuw rebewwions, or whose ruwing dynasts were overcome by oders in abbtwe. The traditionaw wamentations provide ewoqwentwy stywized witerary accounts of dis, whiwe in oder cases de combinations of archaeowogicaw evidence wif de testimony of a city's wike Ur's victorious opponent as to its destruction grounds de worwd of metaphor in harsh reawity (Brinkman 1969, pp. 311–12)."

^Burns H. Westou, "Nucwear Weapons Versus Internationaw Law: A Contextuaw Reassessment"; McGiww Law Journaw 28, p. 577. "As noted above, nuwcear weapons designed for countervawue or city-kiwwing purposes tend to be of de strategic cwass, wif known yiewds of depwoyed warheads averaging somewhere between two and dree times and 1500 times de firepower of de bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki."

By de 1960s, however, dis 'integrated ideaw' was being chawwenged, pubwic infrastructure entering into crisis. There is now a new ordodoxy in many branches of urban pwanning: 'The wogic is now for pwanners to fight for de best possibwe networked infrastructures for deir speciawized district, in partnership wif (often privatised and internationawised network) operators, rader dan seeking to orchestrate how networks roww out drough de city as a whowe' (Graham and Marvin, 2001: 113).
In de context of devewopment deory, dese 'secessionary' infrastructures physicawwy by-pass sectors of cities unabwe to afford de necessary cabwing, pipe-waying, or streetscaping dat underpins service provision, uh-hah-hah-hah. Cities such as Maniwa, Lagos or Mumbai are dus increasingwy characterized by a two-speed mode of urbanisation, uh-hah-hah-hah.

^Grava (2003), 301–305. "There are a great many pwaces where [buses] are de onwy pubwic service mode offered; to de best of de audor's knowwedge, no city dat has transit operates widout a bus component. Leaving aside private cars, aww indicators—passengers carried, vehicwe kiwometers accumuwated, size of fweet, accidents recorded, powwution caused, workers empwoyed, or whatever ewse—show de dominance of buses among aww transit modes, in dis country as weww as anywhere ewse around de worwd. […] At de gwobaw scawe, dere are probabwy 8000 to 10,000 communities and cities dat provide organized bus transit. The warger pwaces have oder modes as weww, but de buwk of dese cities offers buses as deir sowe pubwic means of mobiwity."

^McQuiwwin (1937/1987), §1.74. "It cannot be too strongwy emphasized dat no city begins to be weww-pwanned untiw it has sowved its housing probwem. The probwems of wiving and working are of primary importance. These incwude sanitation, sufficient sewers, cwean, weww wighted streets, rehabiwitation of swum areas, and heawf protection drough provision for pure water and whowesome food.

^Abrahamson (2004), p. 2–4. "The winkages among cities cutting across nations became a gwobaw network. It is important to note here dat de key nodes in de internationaw system are (gwobaw) cities, not nations. [...] Once de winkages among cities became a gwobaw network, nations became dependent upon deir major cities for connections to de rest of de worwd."

^ abHerrschew & Newman (2017), pp. 3–4. "Instead, de picture is becoming more detaiwed and differentiated, wif a growing number of sub-nationaw entities, cities, city-regions and regions, becoming more visibwe in deir own right, eider individuawwy, or cowwectivewy as networks, by, more or wess tentativewy, stepping out of de territoriaw canvas and hierarchicaw institutionaw hegemony of de state. Prominent and weww-known cities, and dose regions wif a strong sense of identity and often a qwest for more autonomy, have been de most endusiastic, as dey began to be represented beyond state borders by high-profiwe city mayors and some regionaw weaders wif powiticaw courage and agency. […] This, den, became part of de much bigger powiticaw project of de European Union (EU), which has offered a particuwarwy supportive environment for internationaw engagement by—and among—subnationaw governments as part of its inherent integrationist agenda."

^Herrschew & Newman (2017), pp. 9–10. "The merchants of de Hanseatic League, for instance, enjoyed substantiaw trading priviweges as a resuwt of inter-city dipwomacy and cowwective agreements widin de networks (Lwoyd 2002), as weww as wif warger powers, such as states. That way, de League couwd negotiate 'extra-territoriaw' wegaw spaces wif speciaw priviweges, such as de 'German Steewyard' in de port of London (Schofiewd 2012). This speciaw status was granted and guaranteed by de Engwish king as part of an agreement between de state and a foreign city association, uh-hah-hah-hah."

^John Friedmann and Goetz Wowff, "Worwd City Formation: An Agenda for Research and Action," Internationaw Journaw of Urban and Regionaw Research, 6, no. 3 (1982): 319

^Abrahamson (2004), p. 4. "The formerwy major industriaw cities dat were most abwe qwickwy and doroughwy to transform demsewves into de new postindustriaw mode became de weading gwobaw cities—de centers of de new gwobaw system."

^James, Pauw; wif Magee, Liam; Scerri, Andy; Steger, Manfred B. (2015). Urban Sustainabiwity in Theory and Practice: Circwes of Sustainabiwity. London: Routwedge. pp. 28, 30. "Against dose writers who, by emphasizing de importance of financiaw exchange systems, distinguish a few speciaw cities as 'gwobaw cities'—commonwy London, Paris, New York and Tokyo—we recognize de uneven gwobaw dimensions of aww de cities dat we study. Los Angewes, de home of Howwywood, is a gwobawizing city, dough perhaps more significantwy in cuwturaw dan economic terms. And so is Diwi gwobawizing, de smaww and 'insignificant' capitaw of Timor Leste—except dis time it is predominantwy in powiticaw terms..."

^Kapwan (2004), pp. 91–95. "The United States is awso dominant in providing high-qwawity, gwobaw engineering-design services, accounting for approximatewy 50 percent of de worwd's totaw exports. The disproportionate presence of dese U.S.-headqwartered firms is attributabwe to de U.S. rowe in overseas automobiwe production, de ewectronics and petroweum industries, and various kinds of construction, incwuding work on de country's numerous overseas air and navy miwitary bases."

^Michaew Samers, "Immigration and de Gwobaw City Hypodesis: Towards an Awternative Research Agenda"; Internationaw Journaw of Urban and Regionaw Research 26(2), June 2002. "And not widstanding some major worwd cities dat do not have comparativewy high wevews of immigration, wike Tokyo, it may in fact be de presence of such warge-scawe immigrant economic 'communities' (wif deir attendant gwobaw financiaw remittances and deir abiwity to incubate smaww business growf, rader dan simpwy deir compwementarity to producer services empwoyment) which partiawwy distinguishes mega-cities from oder more nationawwy oriented urban centres."

^Jane Wiwwis, Kavita Datta, Yara Evans, Joanna Herbert, Jon May, & Cady McIwwane, Gwobaw Cities at Work: New Migrant Divisions of Labour; London: Pwuto Press, 2010; ISBN978 0 7453 2799 0; p. 29: "These apparentwy rader different takes on London's 'gwobaw city' status are of course not so far removed from one anoder as dey may first appear. Howding dem togeder is de figure of de migrant worker. The rewiance of London's financiaw institutions and business services industries on de continuing fwow of highwy skiwwed wabour from overseas is now weww known (Beaverstock and Smif 1996). Less weww known is de extent to which London's economy as a whowe is now dependent upon de wabour power of wow-paid workers from across de worwd."

^Herrschew & Newman (2017), p. "In Europe, de EU provides incentives and institutionaw frameworks for muwtipwe new forms of city and regionaw networking and wobbying, incwuding at de internationaw EU wevew. But a growing number of cities and regions awso seek to 'go it awone' by estabwishing deir own representations in Brussews, eider individuawwy or in shared accommodation, as de base for European wobbying."

^Akin L. Mabogunje, "A New Paradigm for Urban Devewopment"; Proceedings of de Worwd Bank Annuaw Conference on Devewopment Economics 1991. "Irrespective of de economic outcome, de regime of structuraw adjustment being adopted in most devewoping countries today is wikewy to spur urbanization, uh-hah-hah-hah. If structuraw adjustment actuawwy succeeds in turning around economic performance, de enhanced gross domestic product is bound to attract more migrants to de cities; if it faiws, de deepening misery—especiawwy in de ruraw areas—is certain to push more migrants to de city."

^Herrschew & Newman (2017), pp. 7–8. "Growing ineqwawities as a resuwt of neo-wiberaw gwobawism, such as between de successfuw cities and de wess successfuw, struggwing, often peripheraw, cities and regions, produce rising powiticaw discontent, such as we are now facing across Europe and in de United States as popuwist accusations of sewf-serving metropowitan ewitism."

^Leach (1993), p. 345. "The German fiwm director Fritz Lang was inspired to 'make a fiwm' about 'de sensations' he fewt when he first saw Times Sqware in 1923; a pwace 'wit as if in fuww daywight by neon wights and topping dem oversized wuminous advertisements moving, turning, fwashing on and off . . . someding compwetewy new and nearwy fairwy-tawe-wike for a European . . . a wuxurious cwof hung from a dark sky to dazzwe, distract, and hypnotize.' The fiwm Lang made turned out to be The Metropowis, an unremittingwy dark vision of a modern industriaw city.

^Constantinos Apostowou Doxiadis, Ecumenopowis: Tomorrow's City; Brittanica Book of de Year, 1968. Chapter V: Ecumenopowis, de Reaw City of Man, uh-hah-hah-hah. "Ecumenopowis, which mankind wiww have buiwt 150 years from now, can be de reaw city of man because, for de first time in history, man wiww have one city rader dan many cities bewonging to different nationaw, raciaw, rewigious, or wocaw groups, each ready to protect its own members but awso ready to fight dose from oder cities, warge and smaww, interconnected into a system of cities. Ecumenopowis, de uniqwe city of man, wiww form a continuous, differentiated, but awso unified texture consisting of many cewws, de human communities. "