I am a Burmese exile taking a near-permanent refuge in New York and Sydney. Here are my essays about Burma and anything else I feel like writing about. And posting the articles I like from selected sites. Bridging Burma to the world this Blog is more of a Politically-Oriented Literary Blog than a Plain News Blog or a Sophisticated Thoughts Blog.

Friday, October 31, 2014

Bully US Picked On Famous Burmese Nationalist MP

WASHINGTON-- U.S. Sanctions Myanmar
Lawmaker Ahead of Obama Visit. The U.S. has imposed sanctions on a Myanmar
lawmaker and businessman linked to attacks on Myanmar's democratic opposition.

The new sanctions, announced Friday,
come days before President Barack Obama is scheduled to visit the Southeast
Asian country, also known as Burma, as part of a gathering of regional leaders.

The White House said late Thursday that
Mr. Obama spoke by telephone with Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi,
a leading opposition figure who was targeted in attacks, as well as President
Thein Sein.

The new sanctions will require U.S.-connected firms and individuals to
freeze the assets of Aung Thaung, a current member of Myanmar's lower house of
parliament and former industry minister and army officer.

The U.S. Treasury Department in a
statement blamed Aung Thaung for working to undermine recent economic and
political changes in Myanmar and said he has been implicated in previous
attacks on the country's democratic opposition. Myanmar embassy staff in
Washington didn't immediately respond to a request for comment on the
sanctions.

"By intentionally undermining the
positive political and economic transition in Burma, Aung Thaung is
perpetuating violence, oppression, and corruption," said Adam J. Szubin,
the director of the Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control.
"The United States firmly supports the Burmese Government's progress on
reforms, and we remain vigilant about targeting those whose activities
facilitate repression and dictatorship."

The U.S. removed some of the sanctions
aimed at the previous military government in 2012, but U.S. citizens and
companies still face restrictions in the country. A steady stream of senior
U.S. officials has visited the country this year, culminating with Mr. Obama's
visit next month.

Nay Aung: businessman son of Aung Thaung.

"The administration is sending a
strong message that people in the government who aren't committed to the
transition process are going to face consequences," said John Sifton, Asia
advocacy director at Human Rights Watch. " This is about messaging ahead
of the trip."

The foreign policies of the U.S. and
Europe toward Myanmar have been heavily influenced by Ms. Suu Kyi's political
experience there, including her house arrests. She was last detained in 2003,
after a pro-government mob attacked her entourage and killed many of her
followers during a tour of northern Myanmar.

The U.S. and European Union eased
sanctions against Myanmar only after the 2012 by-elections, in which her party
took part for the first time since 1990 and won 43 out of 45 seats available.

Since Myanmar's dramatic turn from
military junta to a nominally civilian government in 2011, the country has
moved to diversify its foreign relations, embracing Western nations such as the
U.S. and the U.K. at the expense of its once- closest ally, China.

Aung Thaung is a Burmese hardliner with
major connections. A former military general and minister of industry under
Burma’s old military junta, he is among the country’s wealthiest businessmen
and a Parliamentarian, and he has close ties to former dictator Sr-Gen Than
Shwe, who he met while serving in the Burma Army. The two men reportedly ate
breakfast together when the military was still in power.

Anti-ASSK pro-government crowd at Depayin.

Despite his political connections, or
perhaps as a result of these connections, Aung Thaung has not escaped negative
press. Under the former regime, he was accused of involvement in attacks
against opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and other members of the National
League for Democracy (NLD) party.

In the most famous incident, the so-called 2003 Depayin massacre,
members from the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), now the
ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP), attacked a motorcade of
the democracy icon and her followers, leaving about 70 people dead. A group of
thugs, criminals and ex-convicts known as Swan Arshin were thought to be
involved.

Today, Aung Thaung is known as a
hardliner in Parliament, where he represents the military-backed USDP. He says
he promotes Burma’s transition to democracy, but the negative press has
continued. Earlier this month, The Straits Times newspaper of Singapore
published a report which hinted at his possible connection to recent anti-Muslim
riots in the country—including in Shan State’s Lashio town and Mandalay
Division’s Meikhtila town.

The report described the emergence of a
new Buddhist military known as the “Taung Tha army,” and noted that Taung Tha
is a town in Mandalay Division “which happens to be home to the notoriously
hardline Aung Thaung.”

In a rare, exclusive interview, The
Irrawaddy met Aung Thaung and asked some tough questions about allegations of
his involvement in recent anti-Muslim unrest; his relations with the controversial
nationalist monk U Wirathu, who is at the helm of the 969 movement to shun
Muslim businesses; and his close relationship with Burma’s reformist President
Thein Sein.

Pro-govt militiamen and the site of 2003 Depayin Massacre where
Aiung San Suu Kyi was nearly killed by 5,000 strong mob.

Question: The Straits Times describes the current religious and racial conflict
in Burma as a reflection of the handiwork of Taung Tha groups, and Taung Tha is
your hometown. The article also says you have connections with members of Swan
Arshin who attacked monks after the [2007 pro-democracy] Saffron Revolution and
who were part of the Depayin plot. Will you comment on these allegations?

Answer: It’s nonsense. The article makes it sound like I don’t want our country
to continue along the path to democracy. We have already transitioned from a
military junta to a democracy because we’re serious about developing this
country. And we’ll keep going. … I presume that whoever offered this
description [in the article] did so in order to tarnish our dignity. You can
investigate as you wish. If their allegations were found to be true, even the tiniest
bit true, they could say whatever they wanted about us. But if the situation
was not as they described, would they be happy to be prosecuted?

The incidents in Meikhtila and Lashio
were described poorly. Likewise, the Depayin issue. It was described without
firm evidence. I’m not sure what they were talking about. Last month, I wasn’t
able to go to the regional states. I wasn’t able to talk with anyone or direct
anyone. You can go to Taung Tha and ask anyone you meet. I also have my own
personal problems—I’m getting old too, and my wife, who has been suffering from
cancer for four years, has been in very bad condition.

Q: It is widely accepted that Swan Arshin is linked to the current unrest.
It has also been written that the incidents in Lashio and Meikhtila were
systematically planned. What do you say of this?

A: I have never formed an organization, even in the days of the military
regime. I didn’t form the USDA. And I don’t have the right to form any
association. As I am from the USDP, I am involved in political affairs, and I
won’t behave in a way that would cause the public to misunderstand me or look
down on me.

Q: You’ve been criticized for shaking hands with U Wirathu, who was
recently released from prison. [The monk who now leads the 969 movement was
jailed about a decade ago for inciting religious unrest]. What are your
thoughts on that?

A: Masoeyein is a monastery [in Mandalay] that I often visit. He [U
Wirathu] is from Masoeyein. When I went there, U Wirathu allowed us to meet
him. I was with about 25 members of the USDP, and around 50 monks were standing
in my vicinity. I just listened to U Wirathu and then I left. A monk like U
Wirathu won’t listen to what I say, so I just had to say, “Yes, abbot,” and
leave without saying anything to him.

Q: According to the Straits Times, U Wirathu gave an anti-Muslim speech
about 50 kilometers from Lashio just before violence in Lashio broke out. Can
you comment on this connection?

A: I have only met and spoken to the abbot once, and that meeting only lasted
about 20 or 25 minutes. I haven’t had any later contact with him. So I don’t
know anything about the allegations in the article, that he was just 50
kilometers from Lashio.

Q: Political analysts have said that if President Thein Sein cannot tame
those who are pro-violence, his political reputation will gradually decline.
What do you think of Thein Sein’s attempts to control the violence?

A: Those things have been written to make the situation worse. U Thein
Sein is our president, and I’m personally very close to him. He is my colleague
as well. He is a very honest man, and he was also my comrade when we were on
the frontlines [in the Burma Army]. Despite the fact that he is not healthy, he
is doing a good job with everything. [The president is known to have a heart
condition]. However, there may have been some mistakes because he tends to
administer and direct others—he doesn’t manage everything personally. What he
does is the task of our party. I need to support that. In Parliament, too, I am
responsible for promoting democracy and stopping actions that turn back to the
old ways. I have nothing to say so far regarding his management. Since he has a
lot to do, some of his management may seem weak. That’s understandable.

Q: Before the violence, it was widely heard, even in Parliament, that the
military’s role [in politics] should be reduced. Committees were formed to
amend the Constitution [which guarantees 25 percent of Parliament seats to the
military]. Then violence broke out. Some critics say the violence could hint at
another possible military coup or a bid to promote the role the military.

A: The military has no desire to take back power. It would be extremely
foolish if the military wanted to take back power. Even if the situation was
favorable, there shouldn’t be another military coup d’état. The military should
help—it must help the state achieve its goal of democracy. I presume the
commander-in-chief has the same view about helping the state. I don’t think we
would ever dream of seizing power again. The military only stands to help the
state.