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Mt. Vernon Democratic banner (Mount Vernon, Ohio : 1853), 1863-10-10

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VOLUME XXVII. MOUNT VERNON, OHIO: OCTOBER 10, 1863. NUMBER 26. SATURDAY Srt gtmocrafit jSatmtr S TV9UMUM9 ITI1T 8.TTmD.T H OUTERS ST L. HABPEB. 3ee 1m Tmmr Blel, Sd ffttvrw. TXBM8 Two Doll art per uno, payable la ad-Vans; $. witMa tlx month.; $3.00 after the sxpi tation ef the rasr; t foe Btrnmntit e&nuutx Perfect Equality with the Whites. At the Msiachusetss Republican State Convention which nominated Governor Andrew k 'Co., for re-election, the following resolution femong others waa adopted: . "Resolved, That the policy of employing col-ored soldiers is wise and just, and should be "enlarged and liberalized by putting such sol-"'diers on a perfect equality with while as to rights W-VS .r-,w'.w mw nation has a right to the services of all its subjects in every part of its domain, and nopre-- real .im trt service on the part of master or employer, in the south, or the North -should be allowed to interfere, with the prira-iary allegiance which is due to the country it-elf."The Hon. Mr. Boutwell now a member of -Congress electT arid recently an ex-Internal Revenue Commissioner, was the author of this, and of similar resolutions. He is commissioned now to go to Washington to bring about this perfect negro and while equality . as to rights and compensation. This means . making officers of negroes for white soldiers to lift up their caps to, and means, when the war is over, the introduction of negroes into the jury-boxes, the family tenement- houses of the poor in short, a perfect equality in everything.-Massachusetts is the bell-wether in the Repu'-lican flock. She leads and all the Republicans in other States follow. She is now after a perfect equality of the negro soldier with the white. ' ; ' - - "'---' Swindling Negroes. - A correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette says in a dispatch dated Vicksburg, Septeni- ber 19: - Quite a Yankee trick was perpetrated on the m1. i 1. 1 p.n sf flam a iUv nr Kin m'rt Turn ol- IrlllllllVH w a.... m - -" w . C diers called at all the negro shanties and collected taxes. One had a musket and another a book in which to take the name and enter the amount paid. The tax was three dollars for a male and two for a female. . m a a All the tie- rroes about the city, at least have small 'amounts of money, and the swindle was quite remuuerative. The negroes were, willing to -"pay. In fact they thought it like white folks to hand the tax man their change. Each was given a receipt, which was taken as something to be treaaurea. une oiu negro wn muim it not altogether right, inquired, of the Provost Marshal about it, and learned that he had been swindled of eleven dollars. The rogues were not discovered at last accounts. It is hard to identify a person in uniform. Another Case of a Han Seized tit a Jtascrter Who Was Herer in the Army. The New York News, of the 20th, gives an an account of another case that has lately occurred in that city upon a young man, the son of a well known citizen, who has never been Hn the army waa seized as a deserter, subjected ... - . . i -.i a t to very ill treatment, ana wiui great mmcuiiy was rescued from the hands of his kidnappers, who insieied upon putting him in the army IT I i! I- ' at.n snr wav. uaau e vuuiic man urcn a rnu.u- 5er, or "less widely known, such would un-oubtedly have been his fate.- He was the nf tho P.uirmiiaipr in Ynrkville. Westches ter County. Under Lincoln's suspension of the habeas corpus any person is liable to be arrested as a deserter from the army, thrust into a military prison and carried off. and no Court in the world can afford him redress or effect his release. Such is personal liberty in America, under Lincoln's Administration I Cm. Enq. A Mere Trifle. John W. Forney, in the Philadelphia Press . ays: ." "The repulse at Chattanooga woul.l he a "mere trifle compared with the success of the Democratic party in Ohio or Pennsylvania. The one can be retrieved by bravery, but the other would be an evil beyond the power of wisdom to remove, and would only end with the next Gubernatorial term." It was because the Abolition leaders acted on that idea, and sent thousands of soldiers Into Pennsylvania and Ohio to control the election, that we suffered the defeat at Chattanooga. The death of the brave boys who fell there are upon their heads. Cm. Enq, Brongh in Favor of Blood-letting. Will the voters of Ohio bear this fact in mind, as they go to the ballot-box, on Tuesday, October 13th? That John Brough in . the city of Cleveland, a short time ago, indorsed Seuator Chandler, of Michigan, and "'all his public acts," including that of writing a letter containing the following paragraph: Some of the manufacturing States think that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood letting this Union will not, in my estimation, te worth a rush. What an Infaxnons Sentiment. In his speech at Lancaster the other day, as reported in the Cincinnati Gazette, John Brough said: "SLAVERY MUST BE PUT DOWN, ROOTED OUT, IF EVERY WIFE HAS TO BE MADE A WIDOW, AND EVERY CHILD TO BE MADE FATUERLESS." . People of Ohio do you approve of such a poller do joa desire to sacrifice this much to establish negro freedom I If you do vote for John Brough. If you do not, rots for a L. Vallandigham. And Still They Come. We bear of sensible men cutting loose rom the Republican party every day, and ooming rney are swk of Ux. of arrests, or s "by Government officials, of plnndsri pl tresarury, of lying promises, of the suppreMioQf the whits man and i vT?k ni1 f Jan7 gen uvmum i jiuo Argus. : k. f tinocAw, Baa... bu tea ths Cttnsti'tn- von OS bas sworn to . inMmL nA ts ; running thn Government on Joan Baoww's tnaorr. He is likeljr to run it to hodes, alJ j w:naies nz the eraiiT-- lit SPEECH OF - Hon. DANIEL W. T00BHEES: Delivered before the Great Democratic Meeting vn the City of Columbia, on Monday, SepU 21st, ' 1863.; ,v '-:' Mr. Voorhees who, on being introduced waa, received with round after round of applause, said : - One of the first things that always occurs to me at these vast assemblies, after rising to address the people, is a feeling of wonder at the vast multitudes assembled together; and if a person bad been abroad, in Europe for example, and had just returned without knowing the occurrence that had taken place in this country, what wonder would seize his mind at these Overwhelming multitudes of the people. Ii would naturally be supposed that there was a great Presidential election, or some important contest, affecting a change in the Government, that had brought those people together. But, my fellow-citizens, it is not a mere quconuu no tn what individual shall succeed to this or that office, that has brought you together, but it is the solemn conviction that has penetrate- your minds, that the liberties of your country are in danger at the hands of men you have placed in power. Those who were your puuuc oervanm now seek to become your public masters. 1 appeal to each man before me, if, in the inmost recesses of his heart he does not believe that the conviction is all-pervading throughout the country that your personal liberties are in danger. Your Union is the child ot love and affection; the Union is entitled to our love and our prayers, and we come together for its restoration. But if there is just one thing entitled to more love and respect," and for which one ought to be willing to consent to die than for the Union, it is our civn, lib erty, and the rights of every being in this free country shall be preserved. That is the trou ble in this country at tins time, it is una that agitates the people at the present tune. The' 'first great Question with ourselves ia a want of confidence on the part of the public in the rulers ol the people in this country. They are trving to reverse all the rules of govern- . V - - . m - I '0 1 inent which your fathers entertaine.i. i ney are not willing to trust voii any more than your children are trusted in the affairs of the domestic circle. They say to you, "You are not to be trusted with your own affairs, and that they must take your aflairs into their keeping. Why do I say thin ? Bear with me a few moments upon this issue, for it underlie? yonr future happiness, and your Government, whatever it may be. It will affect posterity for ail ages to come. Lincoln, at asuingvon. an aii i.:8 minions of power throughout the land. - - - sav that it is wrong for you to nave tnis meet- ing here to-day. Why do they say it is wrong! Let us look at their reason. .Because tney say "if the people hear certain public speakers, they may go wrong, and become deluded and turned astray by false reasoning," or something of that sort. The consequence is, that Lincoln savs. It is necessary for me to stop it all, and prevent the people from being deceived and betrayed." Laughter. That is a piece or kindness on the part ot Mncom, mat you do not ask him for. You are not afraid to trust yourselves. You would not be afraid to hear Vallandigham make a ipl, if he were here to-day to do it : and you would not be afraid that he would get you to do wrong. But Lincoln is afraid to trust you on these auestions. Lincoln -says in as many words, T ran nnt trust vou : I will become your guardian ; I will take out letters Of guardianship for this people and save them from going wrong." Now, in my State, a child fourteen years of age is allowed to choose his own guardian, and you that are over that age, do you ask Lincoln to protect you from Val. "or any other man?" Laughter andijheers. .That is the whole argument. You want to hear certain speakers. Lincoln says he does not intend vou shall. I he txmstituiion Bays no law eliall be passeeto abridge the freedom of speech or ol the press; out Lincoln, wunouv anv law. savs innis paiernai muuucto, iu iw- i i i. i . tect the peoplej that he will not allow them to hear or read for themselves. Now see what this decision involves. It involves the o er throw of o'ir your Government; it involves revolution and usurpation ; it involves a change rfvriir Constitution. froM the very first to the last line of it: for your Constitution says in the very first line, that the people make thia institution for their Government. You are the Government. You are the sovereign power. The people made the Constitution, through their delegates, and they alone can change the Constitution. Lincoln is not your Government. He is simply a part of your Government. It is vou who make Presidents, and vou mav unmake them. You make Cab inets, and vou unmake them. You make Con stitutions, and it is you alone who can unmake them. Mr. Lincoln is not your Government. But no President has this power. No public servant has this power, and in assuming it. thev are reversing the right order of things Public servants are now seeking to be public masters. Instead of obeying you, the President says you shall obey him. Instead of recognizing you as hie master, he says you must recognize him as yonrs. Well, we aue not going to do it out of Indiana, and are you going to Jo it on the rich plains of gallant hio? fLoud cries of" No," and cheers.1 Thev come to vou and say : "fOh I Demo crats, you ara not loval to vour Government. We may ask what is vour Government? Show me a gray-haired Democrat, one of the veterans of Democracy, and say to him "what is thy faith in the Government and thy devo tion to itr" Ilia reply would be, "my uov ernment is the written Uonstitution and the laws passed in pursuance thereof." You and . . 9 m . II n I, my friends, intend to obey mem an. rui Mr. Lincoln has violated all. And you and I, my friends, hereafter will make him obey the '..- ri "".J J I uTL.t'. .a HI laws. I LiOUu Curero, anu cries, , iuau. i Now this is no new issue that has been thrown uoon the country. It is a very old one. It is the issue that has caused many a bloody battle to be fought for a thousand years past battles in which the people have striven to maintain that power which gives laws to all wise men, and which have been placed in their hands for self-government; while, on the other side. Kings, Princes, tyrants and usurpers. nave sought to do precisely wnst nr. Lincoln is doing, that is, get the power to himself, and leave roa nowe at all: leave you at his mercy to do his bidding, without ths safeguard of the Constitution at all. It is not a new danger in this country, even. What mads the Ameri can revolution, sad lor what was it fought T It was fought because yoar fathers and mine rvvv up again si WICKCO. pSTTSTSe, Ma IjriO- nical administration of one King George; and whit did King George dot Exiled tltixens as. Lincoln has doas) denied them trial br iory; nospended the writ of habeas cor-put, as Lincoln has done; put men and wom eo In doogeons. as this Adssiaistratlon has done. King George did all these things; your fathers said thcr woold sot bear them, and they rose, and wrote upon the surface of the APth. ai Brisker Hill. Saratoga. Princeton. Brand wine and Yorktowa, and by writing upon those battle fields in characters of blood your right and liberty were secured in the Constitution of your country. This is the way it was dons. Despotism is not entirely dead, even if the revolution has been fought. . After the revolution, there were certain men. yon will remember, who rose up (man of them wise and good men, I will admit,) who were at the head of the Federal party Hanv ton and John Adams ; they loved their country, but they had not learned the great lessen of1 Popular Sovereignty. Nor hadthey learn ed the great lesson of Stats Equality; nor the great lesson of self-government for the people. The result was, they said: " We are the masters of the people this day ; It is better that we have a strong head to the Government at Washington, and clothe the President with much power, allow him to control the affairs of the peopls rather than allow the people to manage their own domestic affairs." What did they do? They passed a law known as the "Alien Law," a law by which the . foreigner could be sent out of the country at the behoof of the President. Well, our President of to-day does more than that, because without any such law he does exactly what the Federal party authorized the President to do by law. By: the authority of law, our President does badly and wickedly without any law at all, and he is therefore so much worse than the man who had the sanction of law. They then passsd another law known as the "Sedition Law," which was a law by which, should a gentleman such as Vallandigham make a speech, as at :Mt. Vernon, that spies, and pjmps, and puppies, could go there and report what he said, and under that law the President could have him taken up, fined and sent to prison. Now there is no such law on the statute book, and what the elder Adams did with law, Mr. Lincoln does without law, and has had our candidate for Governor taken up and exiled out of the country. And why? Because he was talking to the people precisely as the Constitution guaranteed him the right to talk, "good ;" talking to the people the words of truth ami soberness, and just such as you all believe to be truth in the sight of God and man. Loud applause. Now the people like Vallaiuligham's speech. But the President don't like it. The voters of the country like Mr. Vallandigham's speech, but the parasites of power atWashington -do not like it. Loud cries of "that's so." The tax-payers of the land, the bone aud sinew of the country, the cultivators of th soil, the true wealth of the nation like Mr. Vallandigham's speech ; but thieves thatsteal land sharks, reaping where they had not sown, and gathering where they had not strewn they do not like Vallandigham. Loud cheers. But the question is this: Shall we stand by the people or by the party 'in power? Loud cries of "Stand by the people !" J Now, then, you hear these Abolition papers all over the country denouncing me as disloyal; but to whom am I a traitor? to whom am I unfaithful? I am now even unfaithful to Lincoln ; for 1 expect to stick to him like hi6 shadow. Loud laughter. I say I am faithful to Lincoln, aud expect to be; and I am faithful to toe men that surround him, whose feet are swift to shed the blood of Democrats. I am faithful to men that have stolen your public money that have creft in high places of power. I say I am faithful to them to the best of my ability; and, "whip of scorpions" in my hand, I mean to lash them, Loud cheers. That is how I am unfaithful. I am faithful in another sense. I have been, to the best of my ability, faithful in the " protection of your personal rights, as well as in the preservation of-our Union. Have your homes been invaded by my acts? "Never I Has your property been taken to swell the purse of Welles or George Morgan, or of any of the other nameless thousands of thieves that infest the perljeua of this Administration? I have stood by the people, and I intend to stand by them; and I intend to stand by ray Government; and my Government is the Government of this people ; and when this people govern no longer, "then come kings, and crowns and scepters, anil the ravens of office, and that is not my Government, and I shall never owe it allegiance neverl Tremen dous cheering.! When it comes that the scepttr shall pass from the bands of this peo pie when the hour comes that the Constitu tion shall be laid away when the hour comes that you can no longer read the firt line of the Constitution saying that this people make this Government when that hour comes, I want no other Government, no other coun try to reside in, except that silent place, to which we all are hastening, ami where all will at last lie down to ea e our aching hearts. Whenever and wherever in the wide page of history, a man is found to have arisen, who was afraid to trust the people, that man was made to be the tyranl of his dav. Whenever you find a man to day that is trying to change the source of authority, the great river Of sov ereignty from the hands of the many of the powerful many to the few at Washington, that man is a traitor. Cries of " that's so," and cheers. That is the disloyal man, and I shall denounce him. Whenever you find parasite, that comes to you, and justifies the encroachments on the rights and liberties of the people, supporting a grasping spirit of tyranny, tell that man, when he talks of traitors, "thou art the man." My fellow citizens, within the past few days I witnessed a scene that lime can never erase from my memory. I saw the broken pannels of he door of tht house of your candidate for Uovernor, which had been done in the dead hour of midnight, when its owner was carried away from his sanctuary of home, which, front the earliest dawn of English law and liberty, has been styled the invincible, in vialable castle of the citizen. Loud applause. I felt that those blows upon those doors had been struck at the heart of every American citizen, "That's so," and that you are all suffering from it, and that the wives and mothers of America, and the children coming iuto the world, will suffer for it, for they are all interested. When a husband and father was taken from the shelter of his home at mid night, I felt that those blows struck unon the homes of Ohio, the sound of them has resounded through the earth, and that they had par alyses J i oerty, ana me sound ofthera had come back across the waters, re echoed bv the Eu ropean press. Old Europe, kingly Europe, monarch ial Europe, in svmoathv with nature. and with America in the loss of her civil liber ty, her Constitution and her law. I felt that each home in America had wounds inflicted upon it. It was not because it was Val.'s home, it was not because it was a house in Dayton, in Cincinnati, or anywhere else; it was not because it was bis wife that suffered, or his childi but because ii Was a home at all, a. home in America, a noma nnW th Iaw and the Constitution, that has been Violated. As when the mantle of Cesar was held up by aiara Antony- tc all io know tala Mantis. I rtnleslhsr ns-tfst tiate that Csittpititw, Twnrsn a raamrs svsniag, la ais teat, V That say a overeotaetke NerriL ' LMkf wkaisrSAttltoMvfams dMaui; Thrpach this tie wAll-Morad Bmtas stahbseV Aadias as nltteW kis earMd stekl away. Mwh how tks Most ef dssr fcltowsd itr .t . exclaims, all we, alas I may 1WI ?.-."-- '"- Oh ! what fan waa thers, 'my eonstrymsa I Tsm 1, and yom, aad all ef Si fell down, Whilst bloody treaaoa oonrUhod over as." Gentlemen, do you want your homes safe : do you want the right to talk and the right to read and think for yourselves, and not according to the orders of Abraham Lincoln? If you do, 'vote the Democratic ticket. Loud cries of " Ws will do it." I But, my fellow-cit- izens, the train about tnis nepubiicari party is, that its originators and founders never did like our Constitution. They are not content with it on many points. It is a party of tyrannical disposition; it is a party of encroach ments upon other people s rights; it is a party representing the Pharisees of olden times. I sometimes trace up their origin to the old Federal partv, as I have to-day, out it is worse than the Federal party. You have to look much further back to find their proper origin. You find it in the days of Christ's sojourn in Jerusalem, when one prayed aloud to be heard by men. These men profess they are better than anybody else; more loyaj, and have more religion, and thank God they are bet ter than that publican and sinner down there. When vou find a man of that sort. set him down as an arrant knave. I Laugh ter.! T "his is just the way wfth these Renublcans now They stand up before you you who pay the taxes and do the hard work and say they are so much better, and so much more loyal, ami consequently they should have more rights, and they steal away your rights. It is all right for them to hear whom they. p'ease, and read what newspapers they please. because they are so much better than your Democratic papers, your Chicago Times. your Cincinnati Enquirer, your Ohio Statesman, or your Columbus Crisis ; you cannot be trusted to read them, but they can trust themselves, because thevare Pharisees. fLoud laughter.1 Go into any neighborhood in the country, and you hnd that these people insist upon having things all their own way. It must be so. be cause they think it right; and if. vou don t think with such a person, he does jnoi stop to reason, and give you some different opinions. tie says at once, " xou are disloyal and not a good mnn at all." Wow, my friends, he does not like the Constitution tnr more than lie like you. And why ? Because the one iiffers as much from him as ths other. Loud laughter. Talk to an Alolitionist, for instance, on the subject of sla very: take the Constitution and read it to him. and. when you come to that part which provides for the return of the fu gitive slave to his master; you will see his gorge rise. You will have to wait a moment and see how he gets over that. He reads it for himself, and you tell him that the Consti tution requires, that if a perBOf:, owing labor and service, escapes from one State to another, he shall not thereby be released from obligation to his master. Now, the Abolitionist savs: O ! he cannot go that. But you say it is the supreme law of the - land. It is so de clared bv the Constitution, which is the su preme law. " Oh 1" savs he. " I have a high-. er law than any written law. There is hie high er law. You ask him to show bis higher law to you and he says it is his conscience; and you might reply : "If you have a right to set up a higher law than that provided by the United States and agaiost the supreme law of And then he hare M-h?mm(, if I do not feel inchnedj obey the balance, I need not, if I recognizs higher law in public affairs. If you have a1gher law than the Constitution, so have I, and so has every body else; and the result be anarchy and confusion; and it is on this higher law that Seward and Lincoln are acting. And this is simply a law of anarchy, chaos and bloodshed, when each man has a law bv which he mav do what seems right to himself." That's so!" . Talk to one of these Abolitionists upon the subject of slavery 4n connection with the Bi ble; read to him the Mosaic law, where ac or ding to my information, God, in that grand philosophy, wrote rules by which one race and anotner race or ainerent cast and caliber, unlike in their origin and language, should be governed. lie put the one in subordination to the other. God did it. I know the Aboli tionists don't like it, but nevertheless God did it. The Abolitionist would equir.n and twist, anl at lant would say it. was under the bid dis pennation, which has been done away with, and we have now a new dispensation ; but that under the old dispensation God did a foolish thing, but has since grown wiser. Loud laughter. Why, gentleman, my opinion is, that God is an unchangeable being, as wise when He made this world as to-day as wise when lie made your eye blue and your skin fair as he is to-day in the management of human affairs as wise.when he made the black man. and placed those, eternal lines of distinction bet ween the two races as He is to-day. I wor ship an unchanging GeL These Abolitionists worship a changing God; one who acts according to one rule to-day and another at another time. Thus Burlingame, of Massachusetts, and his party put up this prayer 'a few years ago; and what for? They said we must have a nev Constitution, a new Bible and a new God. This must be because thev were antitilavery. Mr. B. said this because the old Bible the old Constitution and the old God, are none of them on the side of Abolition ism. fLoud L ughter.l They must all be changed to suit the Abo litionists. Now I propose here to day before the yeomanry of Central Ohio, to announce my faith and my belief in the old Constitution and the old Bible. Loud cheers. I am in favor of the ancient law, and the Great Jeho vah Ijord liod, uncnangeaoie forever. 1 am opposed to anv higher law than this. They made your fathers great and prosperous; and while they were obedient to these great principles of just government there was no need of a higher law party; and while they were governed by these principles, there was no opportunity for sowing poison in the minds of the people; and, before this, we were a great, happy and prosperous people. They say the Democratic party is disloyal; that it is unfaithful to the. institutions of your country. "They are liars," Of course they are.- We have taken the Constitution, and by the Constitution we protect those rights I have spoken of to-day; and this party by the Constitution spread out this country as an unfolded map, with a special view of making it a home -of. liberty and of greatness, and have raisedVit from what is was in the beginning to what ii was before the triumph of sectionalism byPemocratic rale, under Democratic Ad- mfaistrationsv under xemocratio laws. For re than sis ty year. Stats after State young empires- were addea to mis Oovernment. spread out throughout this wonderful country made happy homes for you, gave yon good wages for your labor and for your product ions low taxes and thrnk God for the country's past history nd mourning widows, no -wail tng wives, no death or graveyards lining your borders for a thousand mi!es-ueh baa been t -e work or the Demoeratie party. The Old whig party I will notdesttaragi.--It was a gallant party under her Clays and Websters. Shefough as upon banks, and tariffs aad publio laadsy bat upon the ques tion of the perpetuity of the Union, and the liberties of the white man, the whig and the democratic party were" allied. They strnck hands upon the compromise of 1850, and if no other party except such as those had. been in existence in I860, we would have com promised again, ahd there would have been no war. I Cheers. But these marauders in potitics, destroyers of the Union these wolves in the sheepfold this Abolition party have leaped over, and they now ask of us to cede to them the government of this land. Why should we? . They say we are not the Union party. We preserved the Union always. - Are you the Union party? At the very start of this Administration the Union was rent assunder; they have not done as well as we used to do. They say we are an unconstitutional party. . We always observed the . Constitution. Would you not like to-day to trade the present for the past? . Lincoln says they are making history there is some that is already made. The Democratic party has already made history; and the history of the Democratic party is simply the history of the glory, the integrity of the Union, ths preservation of liberty, and the happiness of the people. Do you want these blessings to return? Do you want this happiness once more restored to the land? We will drive out these men at - Washington and put in the o d-fashioned kind of Democrats Cheers. These men profess to ranch; but does practice consist in professions? You will find men iu religion, as well as in politics, that make loud professions. They - tell you how good they are how much religion they have, and all that sort of thing. But look and the first thing you will find such a fellow cheating some poor widow. But on the other hand, if you take some quiet- old. neighbor who does not talk a great deal about himself, did not profess a great deal, but has laid up in a long life, say of seventy years, a bank chock full of good deeds, of what he has done, rath er than what he has said; no loud professions he has done more. Now we don t profess so much as these Black Republicans; we don't bray so much about our Unionism, and if they ask for the proofs, we say, "go see , whit we have done. I he Apostle Jaines I think it i?,: says, "faith without- works is dead." If that is true, this Republican party is the dead est party on earth, for it has more faith and less good works than any party 1 ever, knew upon earth. But my fellow citizens there is another thing I wish to present. 1 tell you these Abolition ists don't like the Constitution on the subject of slavery. No; and how is that dislike developed in connection with this war? I will tell you. John Brough says he never wants peace until slavery is exterminated, root and branch; and the reasoa why he says this, is that Republicanism and slavery cannot survive together. 1 hat . is his position. He. would have spurned the Crittenden Compromise, just as his party did, because as they said, the first gun hred upon bumter was the death knell of slavery. I f it was (and he takes the ground that'Kepublicanism and slavery caannot exist together), he must be glad the rebels did fire upon bu rater, lie savs the nret gun hred up on Sumter was the death knell of slavery, If that be eo, and I thought as he did. 1 should have been glad that it was fired; and to be consistent he roust be thankful to the rebels for firing upon Sumter for relieving the coun try of slavery, and thus alone perpetuating the And Mr, Lincoln said the same before he was President that your country could not exist part slave and part, free, as'your forefathers made it. Bingham says it, and they all say it. They are liars. Ot course they are liars. But you just wait. I'll give it to them Laughter and cheers. Let us try how this question stands Suppose this class of men Bingham, Brough and Lincoln had confided to their hands the formation of the Republic in the . beginning, instead of Washington, Jefferson and Madison. Our forefathers found slavery when they began the formation of this Government, in every State of this Union. If it had to be abolished they would have Said:" We can not have a Republic with slavery in it." and the result would have been that the Slave States would not have gone into the Union They were independent sovereignities; they delegated none of their authority. They would have said, you are going to make a Government that will wipe out our most important interests. Abolitionists therefore, could not have made your Government; but your forefathers said, we will trust the people with this mighty question. We will trust it with the people of each State to do with it as they please; and the Slates on that condition came into the Union; and while that spirit was maintained they stayed in the Union, and when they come back it will be by telling them, in the langauge of their forefathers, "We leave this question once more to you." If by leaving the question to the people at the tart, they made this Union, would you not think the best way to restore your Union would be to do the same thing over again? But the Abolitionists don't want it. They say they are trying to refctore the Union. We say we are striving to restore it. But this slavery question stands in the way We find it to day just as our forefathers found it a disturbing question. We Say we will take our forefathers' plan, by whom the Government was made, to get clear of it; but the Abolitionists say no, we are wiser than our forefathers; they did not know what they were ab ut. Lincoln says the whole bouse must come down, from rafter to foundation; the great temple of liberty, founded in blood and reared in the wisdom which had brought Dem ocracy in all its grandeur before the eyes of the world. But Lincoln, the Springfield law- OVa Tt S 1 yer, and U ladings, ana Jonn urougn, ana such like say that that temple cannot stand; that it must come down; that your forefathers reared it in foolishneas put io timber they ought not to have put in and that makes it weak; they sit in judgment upon Washington, Jefferson and Madison, and they rise up to impeach the great and mighty dead in their graves. You and I, on the other hand, surround their loom he to-day hallowed by every aspiration of freedom and' happiness and swear that. if it stands at all. our Government shall stand as our forefathers made" it, and not as the Abolitionists would change it. Loud Cheers. - " .:.::-'They say that there la a necessity for . this, that war constitutes & military necessity, and that the. Constitution, as made by our forefathers, is not strong enough to carry us through this trouble, and that you must give it up for a season. If it is not strong enough tell me what is ? If the Constitntioo will not bear this party If ths Constitution will not bear this country through iU presetit trouble-where is your star and support The A boli-tkmiste tell us to lean for support, in this dark and murky boar of stdrtti, tempest, piril and blood, npoq the solitary arm of Mr. Lincoln. Laughter. The Constitution will not carry us through, but Lincoln and Stanton will. Whatever darkness eoffle nnon the land, whatever peril,! cafe noi,ho nJany wars of a foreign or domestic nsture I know of no pathway on.which light Will stream, I kttd of no cona'psas that points to ths North staf of our deliverance, 1 know J n rudder tbal Can guids the ship into a safe harbor, except the spirit and powerotheConstitulion. Loud cheer?. Don't ask me to let any one man, or any one mind, speak in the place of it. On the question of slavery, or any other subject, you and I can know what our Government is by reading the Constitution ; but if our Government is simply in Mr. Lincoln's mind, and he can issue a proclamation, interfering with personal liberty, and destroying the rights of citizens, then you and I can not see our Government at all, it is a dark thing instead of being light. According to my thinking, your Constitution is power, it is wisdom, glory, it is prosperity, it is Union, and it alone is Union. Cheers. Abolition is disunion as much as is secession ; both are disunion, the one and the other bothi attempting to destroy the Constitution . Cries ofJ That's so." If you take one word, nay one letter of this hallowed instrument, and throw it into the scale, and throw into the other Lincoln, Stanton, Butler, Welles, Fremont, and the ponderous carcass of Brough, throw them all in, and Burnside too, and also Captain Cutts, laughter one word of the Con st itutK a for wisdom, for poweh for restoration of the Union, for the dinusion of happiness and liberty once more over the land, will outweigh every oneoT them. Loud cheers. Put not your trust in princes, but put your trust in written laws, in the Constitution, in the sovereign majesty of the people. " But thev say again that slavery ought to be abolished ; mat it is a great crime and a sin. A word or two on that point. I regret that slavery ever existed in this country ; but upon that point I sometimes think that God lias a wisdom and purpose in all this, and I sometimes think that God's pur- - ---- - . poee is as wise a one in aetermimng tne relations between these two races, as the Abolitionist's is. I know the Abolitionists don't think so, but I do. Laughter. The black; man comes here from his home in the African ; wilds, as a barbarian of the desert ; and to-day it is a solemn fact, and that ought not to be lost sight of, that more black men and women : have t een converted to Christianity, and lived and died as' Christians in the Son thern States of this Union, than have ever been converted to the Christian faith by - all the missionary labors in alt the four quarters of the globe, and in all the islands of the sea put together ; so that I sometimes think that this poor. help less, dependent race has had the hand of Providence over it. But the idea of its being raised to an equality with the white man, never entered the mind of God, that made him, any more than it enters your or mine. They come and tell ns that we must abolish slavery by proclamation, and that the white man must work and pay taxes to buy it out of every State. And what: for ? To make a eoldier out of him. And what will come next? After be has been a soldier and returned a hero of many fields of glory though Lincoln said himself they could eat and that was ail-when they come home it will be said, these men have fought for you, for trial by jury, for the right of -voting by ballot, for your civil institutions; and the next thing will be, you will be told you have no right to exclude them from the enjoyment of the privileges of citizen- snip, inaeea, Air. .nates, tne Attorney, uen- eral, has already decided that the black man is a citizen of the United States. Cries of " He shall never be." But he has so dicided, and after a time it will be insisted that the m mm m m m. m a black man shall enjoy all the rights of . citi- n wi k -. fou. Are you ready for that, men -of Ooio ? Cries of " Never, Never." I have no hostility to the black man in his place; I feel kindly toward him.' I don't uphold slavery for the purpose of grinding him, or laying a burden upon bis shoulders. On the contrary, I stand by the Wisdom of our forefathers, that made slavery a part of the Constitution, because it was wisest and best, for the black man as well as the white man, that it . should be so. . ' ' . -. I appeal to the history of the world upon this question.' Go where you may, you will find no two races, one inferior and the other superior, that ever coalesced, and combined their power in the civil policy of any government, without degrading the superior race. aud dragging it down to the level of that, of the inferior race. Indeed, the attempt to make the black man equal with the white man will never raise the black man ; it will only drag down the white man ; this is a fact. These Abolitionists come round here and say : " Why, the black man, he is a man and a brother ; he has got eyes and a mouth ; he can talk ; he walks upright. God made and gave him a soul all this 1 believe and sometimes believe that these negroes have better souls than the Abolitionists themselves. Laugh ter. So let us make him our equal. You might as well attempt to establish an equality between the Arab courser of the desert, and the tortois, or a snail whose motion is scarcely preemptible. God made them all, but God did not make them equal. The Abolition doc trine leads to the inference that whatever he made he made equal. I take the fact as it is ; you can change it if you like. . These Abolitionists will say : : The black man has not had the chance that the white man has had, or he would be equal. What chance have yon had that the black man. has not had? God made you, and He made him, away back when the morning stars sang in the twilight of history. The processes of history we cannot see, but we know that they were made by the handiwork of God. The same world was before the black man as before the white man. The same rivers, the same ocean to bear his commerce if he could make any the same earth to yield his tillage; the $ame storm and rains ; but the white man has had the power to take advantage of these physical resources of t h e earth, and th e black man has not. The black man stands to-day where he stood in the beginning, like the snail, the muscle, or the turtle ; while this people here have been progressing and scouring the plains of progress, and illuminating the earth with science; whitening the bosom of the wa ters with the sails of commerce ; spreading her arms, with religion in one hand and civilization in the other, all over the world ; and the black man has done nothing. Had he had the power, he would have done it all just as you have done iL If he had been made like you, no power on earth could - have kept him in bondage. You might as Well tell me that the eagle that soars toward the heavens the proud king of birds that looks with unflinching eye upon the God of day, is only edual to the owl. Suppose the mgle, some bright morning, should torn Abolitionist, and come down from his home ia the clouds, and go into the dark for est, aad find m som- hollow tree a blear-eyed owL " Good morning," says the eagle ; "Good morninr, eagle," says the owl. rubbing his eyes- Says the eagle, "Come, owl, and take a sail on the terms of equality ; let us go up to tne neauntul region of the sun and bid the clouds defiance I let the thunder roar and the lightning flask, and let usleate the earth far away beneath oar feet, We are st-ong. eyed aad proad, and ii is glorious to ebaf hi the aif so higb." The ow! sets, " I can hot look at the sun; I Woatd go blind, and my wing is not Strong." Says the eagle, Are yon not a bird aad a brother ? - Have you not got feathers and wings, aad a tail, and daws and Ixa't, like I have ? You are a biid and a brother. Come, you must soar ; you must taste the sweets of these dazzling heights, and sip hon ey upon tne mountain aiong wiin tne Diru oi Jove." The poor owl, like the poor negroes, begins first to think, " I'm somebody,' and says, "I will try now." Out he started, and got up a little piece. Says he, " I don't see my way clearly." They got up a little higher At last, the owl's head turning dizzy, he cries, "Help me, or I fall." The eagle permits the owl to get on his back, bnt the eagle soars no longer; his wings are crippled and useless, and with bis burden he falls to the earth, and the M 1 -. , twl . .1. . id the Abolition party get these negroes upon the t .1- r. - i--j.t- . uacH.B ui iiic wane eagie oi mis country, tney will falter in their flight, and like the owl( clutching him closely, instead of bearing hint to the sun, they will both fall to the earth, where they will be destroyed together. You have to look at these things in the light of philosophy and wisdom. You may not see the Providence of God working to suit you, but the surest way is to take things as- they are, and not war upon the decrees of Divine Providence ; leave that for the blasphe- -www ww. ...w.. .... . Uw... U W . W . lieve in a God. Take the Beech ers, ths Phil-i;ni. ,k . n ti i . i notions of pretenders and adventurers. They get an idea that a thing ought to be so, and when they get that into their mind, the Word of God itself can't change it ; it most be eo. These Abolitionists tell you that by this Abo-1 lition policy they intend to restore the Union, and that is the way alone in Which it cab be done. When. Congress met in 1861, the cry went out all over the land, we must have no pari,jr. xjciurc it usu urru every Kina oi a party ; a temperance party, a Maine-law partti the People's party, a Fusion party, a Repub- i: I ,v " . .1 L. . r party at all. Like a man who is taken up for stealing, and gives his name as John Brown, alias Smith, alias Tern pk ins, we know he must be a great thief, for an honest man does : ot change his name. The old Democratic party. has the same name and the same principles,- ann nnji nai inr auir nr anr, an Knt this Republican partj bas acted so badly, and got its name iuto such disrenute. that evert year or So it has to get a new name. The can ua Duuernuu anu vopperneaus. lnean- ii T, . . . . I r i , , . rr i - ference is just this : You might call thenl any name you please, and, however good, they would make it eo odious by their bad conduct in a year, that nobody would join them. You may call us any amount of bad names, but by our good conduct we are acceptable to all man- kind. Laughter and cheers. . Did you ever hear of a man leavi: g the Demorratic party T I know of no man having left the Democratic3 oartv trvine them bv their own Demoeraev., Ask the man himself, and be will never admit that he has left the Democratic vanr It is 60 good. that the men who have left it lie alut it. and say they are -Democrats t 11. yZvw if it an rrxwwt tliat man tokn V. a m & rw out still claim to be Democrats, I never would have left it. Take John Brough; he has not left the Democrat party ; nor Tod"; and I see that thf Abolitionist Bingham addr.-ssed his hearers as Fellow-Democrats," and all of them, I have no doubt, were as bitter Abolitionists. as he was. The name is so good that it is like the devil after being kicked out of heaven, claiming to be an angel still. So Bingham, as f -...".-Hi i !!,, .. ,ltmt, . other angels, as bis comrades suit. These renegades and traitors wear the cloak of Denw ocracy to deceive the people. You remember TTortn'-i faKI rf iTl. iaL. oa r.mt t n wtm1 lion's skin, and going roaming about and SIS B W - O . aiarmmg an tue t easts oi tne neia. l ne lion's skin was used like the stolen name of Detnoc-racy ; but when the fools open their mouths' you know it is not the Von. Loud laughter.') On the other band, you see a great many men leave the Republican nartv - but did vnu ev see one, when he got out, claim that he waa l T I I . . wt .i 1 -m -i - t . t j piuu a xvepuuiicBii i uf inanKg uoa Loat no is clear of the whole thing, name and slL But, ray ollow-citizens, to return to some facts. When this subtle, false party met in Washington, in the extra session of Congress there were only about half a dozen of us who refused to bow down to the altar of Baal. There were Pendleton and Vallandigham. aud and a few others of us who stood faithful. And those Abolitionists, you ought to bate seen them, how they came around us. " Yoor hees," they would say, " this is " no time . for party. Let's stand up for our country, with' w. ....w... .w f-w. J .- A VC.U, A wU VfWM 1 f are you ?" For I did not believe in their pro- fessions. You will find that in the extra ses- sion, no Democrat brought forward one single measure of party politics on our side of the House. But what did they do? The first thing they did, in the name of no-party, was to abolish slavery in all the territories of the United States. Said I, " hold on, that is the Chicago platform exactly ; that is your party and against my party." Douglas lived all his life denouncing that party. The next thing was to tax this people about two millions, to bring up the boot-blacks and. chambermaids of Washinortnn Citv. snd turn them frM nnlV to make them worse off than ever; and this1 was done in the name of no party. Said I, if there is no party, it - is high time there was. one, a strong one, to put these fellows dewn. Then they proposed to make this people bring eiavery, not oiuy out oi me lemionnj out eui or some bait a dozen btates of the U nioh. . We stood up and denounced this ; and for doing this, we were called disloyah because we did not see fit to poke the tax gatherers' hands into your pockets to bdy up the niggers of Kentucky, and turn them free to come hertf and disturb society. We were called disloyal. and not for the Union. The next thing was to introduce a measure to make America bow down on terms of equality and snake hands with H ayti and Liberia, a couple of nigger governments; and there is how a full blooded negro minister at Washington, representing Hsyti, who is invited to dinner with Seward and other diplomats; and yon are taxed td send representatives to their nigger republics. I said then it was time parties Wert organized ; time for the Democratic party to run out its ui Eircnmer ; n was lime to go omk upon me -.1.1 -. . : !. : i 1 I . . II J . WW f. Ww, WW Wwww wMw Pw W w i W store the Government, updn first principles. - Lincoln by proclamation proposed tottirn them all loose upon you ; yet they get itisd if yort call them Abolitionists. What does it take to mske an Abolitionist ? He desires taabolkh slavery everywhere ; don't cehy the name any longer ; don't, pretend to deceive the people by profession. When then like Brough and Tod attempt to come back td the Democratic Pt what they will do in a year or two ; it Will be with the graCe of a man asking for adfUissiott into the Church and attacking it With a club. I am tired of that sort of thing. The mass of .t - i i . iu..uri.iiu v.. nnMiM. rmmrt-r aro boaeSt.' bdt it LA hftb ItmhA.' ere I have spoken. To the tnen of tht part I say, you have, got the whole, Abolilioa programme saddled npoa yon, and saddled 'ttpoa vou at your expense. The rule- tst ati-a ia a s a 4 . i - reversed, anq insteaa ot biaeK worrvng tor thm white, the white from this hour will have tor work for the black. 1 That's eo. It ie fict, and history wiu so record it.

VOLUME XXVII. MOUNT VERNON, OHIO: OCTOBER 10, 1863. NUMBER 26. SATURDAY Srt gtmocrafit jSatmtr S TV9UMUM9 ITI1T 8.TTmD.T H OUTERS ST L. HABPEB. 3ee 1m Tmmr Blel, Sd ffttvrw. TXBM8 Two Doll art per uno, payable la ad-Vans; $. witMa tlx month.; $3.00 after the sxpi tation ef the rasr; t foe Btrnmntit e&nuutx Perfect Equality with the Whites. At the Msiachusetss Republican State Convention which nominated Governor Andrew k 'Co., for re-election, the following resolution femong others waa adopted: . "Resolved, That the policy of employing col-ored soldiers is wise and just, and should be "enlarged and liberalized by putting such sol-"'diers on a perfect equality with while as to rights W-VS .r-,w'.w mw nation has a right to the services of all its subjects in every part of its domain, and nopre-- real .im trt service on the part of master or employer, in the south, or the North -should be allowed to interfere, with the prira-iary allegiance which is due to the country it-elf."The Hon. Mr. Boutwell now a member of -Congress electT arid recently an ex-Internal Revenue Commissioner, was the author of this, and of similar resolutions. He is commissioned now to go to Washington to bring about this perfect negro and while equality . as to rights and compensation. This means . making officers of negroes for white soldiers to lift up their caps to, and means, when the war is over, the introduction of negroes into the jury-boxes, the family tenement- houses of the poor in short, a perfect equality in everything.-Massachusetts is the bell-wether in the Repu'-lican flock. She leads and all the Republicans in other States follow. She is now after a perfect equality of the negro soldier with the white. ' ; ' - - "'---' Swindling Negroes. - A correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette says in a dispatch dated Vicksburg, Septeni- ber 19: - Quite a Yankee trick was perpetrated on the m1. i 1. 1 p.n sf flam a iUv nr Kin m'rt Turn ol- IrlllllllVH w a.... m - -" w . C diers called at all the negro shanties and collected taxes. One had a musket and another a book in which to take the name and enter the amount paid. The tax was three dollars for a male and two for a female. . m a a All the tie- rroes about the city, at least have small 'amounts of money, and the swindle was quite remuuerative. The negroes were, willing to -"pay. In fact they thought it like white folks to hand the tax man their change. Each was given a receipt, which was taken as something to be treaaurea. une oiu negro wn muim it not altogether right, inquired, of the Provost Marshal about it, and learned that he had been swindled of eleven dollars. The rogues were not discovered at last accounts. It is hard to identify a person in uniform. Another Case of a Han Seized tit a Jtascrter Who Was Herer in the Army. The New York News, of the 20th, gives an an account of another case that has lately occurred in that city upon a young man, the son of a well known citizen, who has never been Hn the army waa seized as a deserter, subjected ... - . . i -.i a t to very ill treatment, ana wiui great mmcuiiy was rescued from the hands of his kidnappers, who insieied upon putting him in the army IT I i! I- ' at.n snr wav. uaau e vuuiic man urcn a rnu.u- 5er, or "less widely known, such would un-oubtedly have been his fate.- He was the nf tho P.uirmiiaipr in Ynrkville. Westches ter County. Under Lincoln's suspension of the habeas corpus any person is liable to be arrested as a deserter from the army, thrust into a military prison and carried off. and no Court in the world can afford him redress or effect his release. Such is personal liberty in America, under Lincoln's Administration I Cm. Enq. A Mere Trifle. John W. Forney, in the Philadelphia Press . ays: ." "The repulse at Chattanooga woul.l he a "mere trifle compared with the success of the Democratic party in Ohio or Pennsylvania. The one can be retrieved by bravery, but the other would be an evil beyond the power of wisdom to remove, and would only end with the next Gubernatorial term." It was because the Abolition leaders acted on that idea, and sent thousands of soldiers Into Pennsylvania and Ohio to control the election, that we suffered the defeat at Chattanooga. The death of the brave boys who fell there are upon their heads. Cm. Enq, Brongh in Favor of Blood-letting. Will the voters of Ohio bear this fact in mind, as they go to the ballot-box, on Tuesday, October 13th? That John Brough in . the city of Cleveland, a short time ago, indorsed Seuator Chandler, of Michigan, and "'all his public acts," including that of writing a letter containing the following paragraph: Some of the manufacturing States think that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood letting this Union will not, in my estimation, te worth a rush. What an Infaxnons Sentiment. In his speech at Lancaster the other day, as reported in the Cincinnati Gazette, John Brough said: "SLAVERY MUST BE PUT DOWN, ROOTED OUT, IF EVERY WIFE HAS TO BE MADE A WIDOW, AND EVERY CHILD TO BE MADE FATUERLESS." . People of Ohio do you approve of such a poller do joa desire to sacrifice this much to establish negro freedom I If you do vote for John Brough. If you do not, rots for a L. Vallandigham. And Still They Come. We bear of sensible men cutting loose rom the Republican party every day, and ooming rney are swk of Ux. of arrests, or s "by Government officials, of plnndsri pl tresarury, of lying promises, of the suppreMioQf the whits man and i vT?k ni1 f Jan7 gen uvmum i jiuo Argus. : k. f tinocAw, Baa... bu tea ths Cttnsti'tn- von OS bas sworn to . inMmL nA ts ; running thn Government on Joan Baoww's tnaorr. He is likeljr to run it to hodes, alJ j w:naies nz the eraiiT-- lit SPEECH OF - Hon. DANIEL W. T00BHEES: Delivered before the Great Democratic Meeting vn the City of Columbia, on Monday, SepU 21st, ' 1863.; ,v '-:' Mr. Voorhees who, on being introduced waa, received with round after round of applause, said : - One of the first things that always occurs to me at these vast assemblies, after rising to address the people, is a feeling of wonder at the vast multitudes assembled together; and if a person bad been abroad, in Europe for example, and had just returned without knowing the occurrence that had taken place in this country, what wonder would seize his mind at these Overwhelming multitudes of the people. Ii would naturally be supposed that there was a great Presidential election, or some important contest, affecting a change in the Government, that had brought those people together. But, my fellow-citizens, it is not a mere quconuu no tn what individual shall succeed to this or that office, that has brought you together, but it is the solemn conviction that has penetrate- your minds, that the liberties of your country are in danger at the hands of men you have placed in power. Those who were your puuuc oervanm now seek to become your public masters. 1 appeal to each man before me, if, in the inmost recesses of his heart he does not believe that the conviction is all-pervading throughout the country that your personal liberties are in danger. Your Union is the child ot love and affection; the Union is entitled to our love and our prayers, and we come together for its restoration. But if there is just one thing entitled to more love and respect," and for which one ought to be willing to consent to die than for the Union, it is our civn, lib erty, and the rights of every being in this free country shall be preserved. That is the trou ble in this country at tins time, it is una that agitates the people at the present tune. The' 'first great Question with ourselves ia a want of confidence on the part of the public in the rulers ol the people in this country. They are trving to reverse all the rules of govern- . V - - . m - I '0 1 inent which your fathers entertaine.i. i ney are not willing to trust voii any more than your children are trusted in the affairs of the domestic circle. They say to you, "You are not to be trusted with your own affairs, and that they must take your aflairs into their keeping. Why do I say thin ? Bear with me a few moments upon this issue, for it underlie? yonr future happiness, and your Government, whatever it may be. It will affect posterity for ail ages to come. Lincoln, at asuingvon. an aii i.:8 minions of power throughout the land. - - - sav that it is wrong for you to nave tnis meet- ing here to-day. Why do they say it is wrong! Let us look at their reason. .Because tney say "if the people hear certain public speakers, they may go wrong, and become deluded and turned astray by false reasoning," or something of that sort. The consequence is, that Lincoln savs. It is necessary for me to stop it all, and prevent the people from being deceived and betrayed." Laughter. That is a piece or kindness on the part ot Mncom, mat you do not ask him for. You are not afraid to trust yourselves. You would not be afraid to hear Vallandigham make a ipl, if he were here to-day to do it : and you would not be afraid that he would get you to do wrong. But Lincoln is afraid to trust you on these auestions. Lincoln -says in as many words, T ran nnt trust vou : I will become your guardian ; I will take out letters Of guardianship for this people and save them from going wrong." Now, in my State, a child fourteen years of age is allowed to choose his own guardian, and you that are over that age, do you ask Lincoln to protect you from Val. "or any other man?" Laughter andijheers. .That is the whole argument. You want to hear certain speakers. Lincoln says he does not intend vou shall. I he txmstituiion Bays no law eliall be passeeto abridge the freedom of speech or ol the press; out Lincoln, wunouv anv law. savs innis paiernai muuucto, iu iw- i i i. i . tect the peoplej that he will not allow them to hear or read for themselves. Now see what this decision involves. It involves the o er throw of o'ir your Government; it involves revolution and usurpation ; it involves a change rfvriir Constitution. froM the very first to the last line of it: for your Constitution says in the very first line, that the people make thia institution for their Government. You are the Government. You are the sovereign power. The people made the Constitution, through their delegates, and they alone can change the Constitution. Lincoln is not your Government. He is simply a part of your Government. It is vou who make Presidents, and vou mav unmake them. You make Cab inets, and vou unmake them. You make Con stitutions, and it is you alone who can unmake them. Mr. Lincoln is not your Government. But no President has this power. No public servant has this power, and in assuming it. thev are reversing the right order of things Public servants are now seeking to be public masters. Instead of obeying you, the President says you shall obey him. Instead of recognizing you as hie master, he says you must recognize him as yonrs. Well, we aue not going to do it out of Indiana, and are you going to Jo it on the rich plains of gallant hio? fLoud cries of" No," and cheers.1 Thev come to vou and say : "fOh I Demo crats, you ara not loval to vour Government. We may ask what is vour Government? Show me a gray-haired Democrat, one of the veterans of Democracy, and say to him "what is thy faith in the Government and thy devo tion to itr" Ilia reply would be, "my uov ernment is the written Uonstitution and the laws passed in pursuance thereof." You and . . 9 m . II n I, my friends, intend to obey mem an. rui Mr. Lincoln has violated all. And you and I, my friends, hereafter will make him obey the '..- ri "".J J I uTL.t'. .a HI laws. I LiOUu Curero, anu cries, , iuau. i Now this is no new issue that has been thrown uoon the country. It is a very old one. It is the issue that has caused many a bloody battle to be fought for a thousand years past battles in which the people have striven to maintain that power which gives laws to all wise men, and which have been placed in their hands for self-government; while, on the other side. Kings, Princes, tyrants and usurpers. nave sought to do precisely wnst nr. Lincoln is doing, that is, get the power to himself, and leave roa nowe at all: leave you at his mercy to do his bidding, without ths safeguard of the Constitution at all. It is not a new danger in this country, even. What mads the Ameri can revolution, sad lor what was it fought T It was fought because yoar fathers and mine rvvv up again si WICKCO. pSTTSTSe, Ma IjriO- nical administration of one King George; and whit did King George dot Exiled tltixens as. Lincoln has doas) denied them trial br iory; nospended the writ of habeas cor-put, as Lincoln has done; put men and wom eo In doogeons. as this Adssiaistratlon has done. King George did all these things; your fathers said thcr woold sot bear them, and they rose, and wrote upon the surface of the APth. ai Brisker Hill. Saratoga. Princeton. Brand wine and Yorktowa, and by writing upon those battle fields in characters of blood your right and liberty were secured in the Constitution of your country. This is the way it was dons. Despotism is not entirely dead, even if the revolution has been fought. . After the revolution, there were certain men. yon will remember, who rose up (man of them wise and good men, I will admit,) who were at the head of the Federal party Hanv ton and John Adams ; they loved their country, but they had not learned the great lessen of1 Popular Sovereignty. Nor hadthey learn ed the great lesson of Stats Equality; nor the great lesson of self-government for the people. The result was, they said: " We are the masters of the people this day ; It is better that we have a strong head to the Government at Washington, and clothe the President with much power, allow him to control the affairs of the peopls rather than allow the people to manage their own domestic affairs." What did they do? They passed a law known as the "Alien Law," a law by which the . foreigner could be sent out of the country at the behoof of the President. Well, our President of to-day does more than that, because without any such law he does exactly what the Federal party authorized the President to do by law. By: the authority of law, our President does badly and wickedly without any law at all, and he is therefore so much worse than the man who had the sanction of law. They then passsd another law known as the "Sedition Law," which was a law by which, should a gentleman such as Vallandigham make a speech, as at :Mt. Vernon, that spies, and pjmps, and puppies, could go there and report what he said, and under that law the President could have him taken up, fined and sent to prison. Now there is no such law on the statute book, and what the elder Adams did with law, Mr. Lincoln does without law, and has had our candidate for Governor taken up and exiled out of the country. And why? Because he was talking to the people precisely as the Constitution guaranteed him the right to talk, "good ;" talking to the people the words of truth ami soberness, and just such as you all believe to be truth in the sight of God and man. Loud applause. Now the people like Vallaiuligham's speech. But the President don't like it. The voters of the country like Mr. Vallandigham's speech, but the parasites of power atWashington -do not like it. Loud cries of "that's so." The tax-payers of the land, the bone aud sinew of the country, the cultivators of th soil, the true wealth of the nation like Mr. Vallandigham's speech ; but thieves thatsteal land sharks, reaping where they had not sown, and gathering where they had not strewn they do not like Vallandigham. Loud cheers. But the question is this: Shall we stand by the people or by the party 'in power? Loud cries of "Stand by the people !" J Now, then, you hear these Abolition papers all over the country denouncing me as disloyal; but to whom am I a traitor? to whom am I unfaithful? I am now even unfaithful to Lincoln ; for 1 expect to stick to him like hi6 shadow. Loud laughter. I say I am faithful to Lincoln, aud expect to be; and I am faithful to toe men that surround him, whose feet are swift to shed the blood of Democrats. I am faithful to men that have stolen your public money that have creft in high places of power. I say I am faithful to them to the best of my ability; and, "whip of scorpions" in my hand, I mean to lash them, Loud cheers. That is how I am unfaithful. I am faithful in another sense. I have been, to the best of my ability, faithful in the " protection of your personal rights, as well as in the preservation of-our Union. Have your homes been invaded by my acts? "Never I Has your property been taken to swell the purse of Welles or George Morgan, or of any of the other nameless thousands of thieves that infest the perljeua of this Administration? I have stood by the people, and I intend to stand by them; and I intend to stand by ray Government; and my Government is the Government of this people ; and when this people govern no longer, "then come kings, and crowns and scepters, anil the ravens of office, and that is not my Government, and I shall never owe it allegiance neverl Tremen dous cheering.! When it comes that the scepttr shall pass from the bands of this peo pie when the hour comes that the Constitu tion shall be laid away when the hour comes that you can no longer read the firt line of the Constitution saying that this people make this Government when that hour comes, I want no other Government, no other coun try to reside in, except that silent place, to which we all are hastening, ami where all will at last lie down to ea e our aching hearts. Whenever and wherever in the wide page of history, a man is found to have arisen, who was afraid to trust the people, that man was made to be the tyranl of his dav. Whenever you find a man to day that is trying to change the source of authority, the great river Of sov ereignty from the hands of the many of the powerful many to the few at Washington, that man is a traitor. Cries of " that's so," and cheers. That is the disloyal man, and I shall denounce him. Whenever you find parasite, that comes to you, and justifies the encroachments on the rights and liberties of the people, supporting a grasping spirit of tyranny, tell that man, when he talks of traitors, "thou art the man." My fellow citizens, within the past few days I witnessed a scene that lime can never erase from my memory. I saw the broken pannels of he door of tht house of your candidate for Uovernor, which had been done in the dead hour of midnight, when its owner was carried away from his sanctuary of home, which, front the earliest dawn of English law and liberty, has been styled the invincible, in vialable castle of the citizen. Loud applause. I felt that those blows upon those doors had been struck at the heart of every American citizen, "That's so," and that you are all suffering from it, and that the wives and mothers of America, and the children coming iuto the world, will suffer for it, for they are all interested. When a husband and father was taken from the shelter of his home at mid night, I felt that those blows struck unon the homes of Ohio, the sound of them has resounded through the earth, and that they had par alyses J i oerty, ana me sound ofthera had come back across the waters, re echoed bv the Eu ropean press. Old Europe, kingly Europe, monarch ial Europe, in svmoathv with nature. and with America in the loss of her civil liber ty, her Constitution and her law. I felt that each home in America had wounds inflicted upon it. It was not because it was Val.'s home, it was not because it was a house in Dayton, in Cincinnati, or anywhere else; it was not because it was bis wife that suffered, or his childi but because ii Was a home at all, a. home in America, a noma nnW th Iaw and the Constitution, that has been Violated. As when the mantle of Cesar was held up by aiara Antony- tc all io know tala Mantis. I rtnleslhsr ns-tfst tiate that Csittpititw, Twnrsn a raamrs svsniag, la ais teat, V That say a overeotaetke NerriL ' LMkf wkaisrSAttltoMvfams dMaui; Thrpach this tie wAll-Morad Bmtas stahbseV Aadias as nltteW kis earMd stekl away. Mwh how tks Most ef dssr fcltowsd itr .t . exclaims, all we, alas I may 1WI ?.-."-- '"- Oh ! what fan waa thers, 'my eonstrymsa I Tsm 1, and yom, aad all ef Si fell down, Whilst bloody treaaoa oonrUhod over as." Gentlemen, do you want your homes safe : do you want the right to talk and the right to read and think for yourselves, and not according to the orders of Abraham Lincoln? If you do, 'vote the Democratic ticket. Loud cries of " Ws will do it." I But, my fellow-cit- izens, the train about tnis nepubiicari party is, that its originators and founders never did like our Constitution. They are not content with it on many points. It is a party of tyrannical disposition; it is a party of encroach ments upon other people s rights; it is a party representing the Pharisees of olden times. I sometimes trace up their origin to the old Federal partv, as I have to-day, out it is worse than the Federal party. You have to look much further back to find their proper origin. You find it in the days of Christ's sojourn in Jerusalem, when one prayed aloud to be heard by men. These men profess they are better than anybody else; more loyaj, and have more religion, and thank God they are bet ter than that publican and sinner down there. When vou find a man of that sort. set him down as an arrant knave. I Laugh ter.! T "his is just the way wfth these Renublcans now They stand up before you you who pay the taxes and do the hard work and say they are so much better, and so much more loyal, ami consequently they should have more rights, and they steal away your rights. It is all right for them to hear whom they. p'ease, and read what newspapers they please. because they are so much better than your Democratic papers, your Chicago Times. your Cincinnati Enquirer, your Ohio Statesman, or your Columbus Crisis ; you cannot be trusted to read them, but they can trust themselves, because thevare Pharisees. fLoud laughter.1 Go into any neighborhood in the country, and you hnd that these people insist upon having things all their own way. It must be so. be cause they think it right; and if. vou don t think with such a person, he does jnoi stop to reason, and give you some different opinions. tie says at once, " xou are disloyal and not a good mnn at all." Wow, my friends, he does not like the Constitution tnr more than lie like you. And why ? Because the one iiffers as much from him as ths other. Loud laughter. Talk to an Alolitionist, for instance, on the subject of sla very: take the Constitution and read it to him. and. when you come to that part which provides for the return of the fu gitive slave to his master; you will see his gorge rise. You will have to wait a moment and see how he gets over that. He reads it for himself, and you tell him that the Consti tution requires, that if a perBOf:, owing labor and service, escapes from one State to another, he shall not thereby be released from obligation to his master. Now, the Abolitionist savs: O ! he cannot go that. But you say it is the supreme law of the - land. It is so de clared bv the Constitution, which is the su preme law. " Oh 1" savs he. " I have a high-. er law than any written law. There is hie high er law. You ask him to show bis higher law to you and he says it is his conscience; and you might reply : "If you have a right to set up a higher law than that provided by the United States and agaiost the supreme law of And then he hare M-h?mm(, if I do not feel inchnedj obey the balance, I need not, if I recognizs higher law in public affairs. If you have a1gher law than the Constitution, so have I, and so has every body else; and the result be anarchy and confusion; and it is on this higher law that Seward and Lincoln are acting. And this is simply a law of anarchy, chaos and bloodshed, when each man has a law bv which he mav do what seems right to himself." That's so!" . Talk to one of these Abolitionists upon the subject of slavery 4n connection with the Bi ble; read to him the Mosaic law, where ac or ding to my information, God, in that grand philosophy, wrote rules by which one race and anotner race or ainerent cast and caliber, unlike in their origin and language, should be governed. lie put the one in subordination to the other. God did it. I know the Aboli tionists don't like it, but nevertheless God did it. The Abolitionist would equir.n and twist, anl at lant would say it. was under the bid dis pennation, which has been done away with, and we have now a new dispensation ; but that under the old dispensation God did a foolish thing, but has since grown wiser. Loud laughter. Why, gentleman, my opinion is, that God is an unchangeable being, as wise when He made this world as to-day as wise when lie made your eye blue and your skin fair as he is to-day in the management of human affairs as wise.when he made the black man. and placed those, eternal lines of distinction bet ween the two races as He is to-day. I wor ship an unchanging GeL These Abolitionists worship a changing God; one who acts according to one rule to-day and another at another time. Thus Burlingame, of Massachusetts, and his party put up this prayer 'a few years ago; and what for? They said we must have a nev Constitution, a new Bible and a new God. This must be because thev were antitilavery. Mr. B. said this because the old Bible the old Constitution and the old God, are none of them on the side of Abolition ism. fLoud L ughter.l They must all be changed to suit the Abo litionists. Now I propose here to day before the yeomanry of Central Ohio, to announce my faith and my belief in the old Constitution and the old Bible. Loud cheers. I am in favor of the ancient law, and the Great Jeho vah Ijord liod, uncnangeaoie forever. 1 am opposed to anv higher law than this. They made your fathers great and prosperous; and while they were obedient to these great principles of just government there was no need of a higher law party; and while they were governed by these principles, there was no opportunity for sowing poison in the minds of the people; and, before this, we were a great, happy and prosperous people. They say the Democratic party is disloyal; that it is unfaithful to the. institutions of your country. "They are liars," Of course they are.- We have taken the Constitution, and by the Constitution we protect those rights I have spoken of to-day; and this party by the Constitution spread out this country as an unfolded map, with a special view of making it a home -of. liberty and of greatness, and have raisedVit from what is was in the beginning to what ii was before the triumph of sectionalism byPemocratic rale, under Democratic Ad- mfaistrationsv under xemocratio laws. For re than sis ty year. Stats after State young empires- were addea to mis Oovernment. spread out throughout this wonderful country made happy homes for you, gave yon good wages for your labor and for your product ions low taxes and thrnk God for the country's past history nd mourning widows, no -wail tng wives, no death or graveyards lining your borders for a thousand mi!es-ueh baa been t -e work or the Demoeratie party. The Old whig party I will notdesttaragi.--It was a gallant party under her Clays and Websters. Shefough as upon banks, and tariffs aad publio laadsy bat upon the ques tion of the perpetuity of the Union, and the liberties of the white man, the whig and the democratic party were" allied. They strnck hands upon the compromise of 1850, and if no other party except such as those had. been in existence in I860, we would have com promised again, ahd there would have been no war. I Cheers. But these marauders in potitics, destroyers of the Union these wolves in the sheepfold this Abolition party have leaped over, and they now ask of us to cede to them the government of this land. Why should we? . They say we are not the Union party. We preserved the Union always. - Are you the Union party? At the very start of this Administration the Union was rent assunder; they have not done as well as we used to do. They say we are an unconstitutional party. . We always observed the . Constitution. Would you not like to-day to trade the present for the past? . Lincoln says they are making history there is some that is already made. The Democratic party has already made history; and the history of the Democratic party is simply the history of the glory, the integrity of the Union, ths preservation of liberty, and the happiness of the people. Do you want these blessings to return? Do you want this happiness once more restored to the land? We will drive out these men at - Washington and put in the o d-fashioned kind of Democrats Cheers. These men profess to ranch; but does practice consist in professions? You will find men iu religion, as well as in politics, that make loud professions. They - tell you how good they are how much religion they have, and all that sort of thing. But look and the first thing you will find such a fellow cheating some poor widow. But on the other hand, if you take some quiet- old. neighbor who does not talk a great deal about himself, did not profess a great deal, but has laid up in a long life, say of seventy years, a bank chock full of good deeds, of what he has done, rath er than what he has said; no loud professions he has done more. Now we don t profess so much as these Black Republicans; we don't bray so much about our Unionism, and if they ask for the proofs, we say, "go see , whit we have done. I he Apostle Jaines I think it i?,: says, "faith without- works is dead." If that is true, this Republican party is the dead est party on earth, for it has more faith and less good works than any party 1 ever, knew upon earth. But my fellow citizens there is another thing I wish to present. 1 tell you these Abolition ists don't like the Constitution on the subject of slavery. No; and how is that dislike developed in connection with this war? I will tell you. John Brough says he never wants peace until slavery is exterminated, root and branch; and the reasoa why he says this, is that Republicanism and slavery cannot survive together. 1 hat . is his position. He. would have spurned the Crittenden Compromise, just as his party did, because as they said, the first gun hred upon bumter was the death knell of slavery. I f it was (and he takes the ground that'Kepublicanism and slavery caannot exist together), he must be glad the rebels did fire upon bu rater, lie savs the nret gun hred up on Sumter was the death knell of slavery, If that be eo, and I thought as he did. 1 should have been glad that it was fired; and to be consistent he roust be thankful to the rebels for firing upon Sumter for relieving the coun try of slavery, and thus alone perpetuating the And Mr, Lincoln said the same before he was President that your country could not exist part slave and part, free, as'your forefathers made it. Bingham says it, and they all say it. They are liars. Ot course they are liars. But you just wait. I'll give it to them Laughter and cheers. Let us try how this question stands Suppose this class of men Bingham, Brough and Lincoln had confided to their hands the formation of the Republic in the . beginning, instead of Washington, Jefferson and Madison. Our forefathers found slavery when they began the formation of this Government, in every State of this Union. If it had to be abolished they would have Said:" We can not have a Republic with slavery in it." and the result would have been that the Slave States would not have gone into the Union They were independent sovereignities; they delegated none of their authority. They would have said, you are going to make a Government that will wipe out our most important interests. Abolitionists therefore, could not have made your Government; but your forefathers said, we will trust the people with this mighty question. We will trust it with the people of each State to do with it as they please; and the Slates on that condition came into the Union; and while that spirit was maintained they stayed in the Union, and when they come back it will be by telling them, in the langauge of their forefathers, "We leave this question once more to you." If by leaving the question to the people at the tart, they made this Union, would you not think the best way to restore your Union would be to do the same thing over again? But the Abolitionists don't want it. They say they are trying to refctore the Union. We say we are striving to restore it. But this slavery question stands in the way We find it to day just as our forefathers found it a disturbing question. We Say we will take our forefathers' plan, by whom the Government was made, to get clear of it; but the Abolitionists say no, we are wiser than our forefathers; they did not know what they were ab ut. Lincoln says the whole bouse must come down, from rafter to foundation; the great temple of liberty, founded in blood and reared in the wisdom which had brought Dem ocracy in all its grandeur before the eyes of the world. But Lincoln, the Springfield law- OVa Tt S 1 yer, and U ladings, ana Jonn urougn, ana such like say that that temple cannot stand; that it must come down; that your forefathers reared it in foolishneas put io timber they ought not to have put in and that makes it weak; they sit in judgment upon Washington, Jefferson and Madison, and they rise up to impeach the great and mighty dead in their graves. You and I, on the other hand, surround their loom he to-day hallowed by every aspiration of freedom and' happiness and swear that. if it stands at all. our Government shall stand as our forefathers made" it, and not as the Abolitionists would change it. Loud Cheers. - " .:.::-'They say that there la a necessity for . this, that war constitutes & military necessity, and that the. Constitution, as made by our forefathers, is not strong enough to carry us through this trouble, and that you must give it up for a season. If it is not strong enough tell me what is ? If the Constitntioo will not bear this party If ths Constitution will not bear this country through iU presetit trouble-where is your star and support The A boli-tkmiste tell us to lean for support, in this dark and murky boar of stdrtti, tempest, piril and blood, npoq the solitary arm of Mr. Lincoln. Laughter. The Constitution will not carry us through, but Lincoln and Stanton will. Whatever darkness eoffle nnon the land, whatever peril,! cafe noi,ho nJany wars of a foreign or domestic nsture I know of no pathway on.which light Will stream, I kttd of no cona'psas that points to ths North staf of our deliverance, 1 know J n rudder tbal Can guids the ship into a safe harbor, except the spirit and powerotheConstitulion. Loud cheer?. Don't ask me to let any one man, or any one mind, speak in the place of it. On the question of slavery, or any other subject, you and I can know what our Government is by reading the Constitution ; but if our Government is simply in Mr. Lincoln's mind, and he can issue a proclamation, interfering with personal liberty, and destroying the rights of citizens, then you and I can not see our Government at all, it is a dark thing instead of being light. According to my thinking, your Constitution is power, it is wisdom, glory, it is prosperity, it is Union, and it alone is Union. Cheers. Abolition is disunion as much as is secession ; both are disunion, the one and the other bothi attempting to destroy the Constitution . Cries ofJ That's so." If you take one word, nay one letter of this hallowed instrument, and throw it into the scale, and throw into the other Lincoln, Stanton, Butler, Welles, Fremont, and the ponderous carcass of Brough, throw them all in, and Burnside too, and also Captain Cutts, laughter one word of the Con st itutK a for wisdom, for poweh for restoration of the Union, for the dinusion of happiness and liberty once more over the land, will outweigh every oneoT them. Loud cheers. Put not your trust in princes, but put your trust in written laws, in the Constitution, in the sovereign majesty of the people. " But thev say again that slavery ought to be abolished ; mat it is a great crime and a sin. A word or two on that point. I regret that slavery ever existed in this country ; but upon that point I sometimes think that God lias a wisdom and purpose in all this, and I sometimes think that God's pur- - ---- - . poee is as wise a one in aetermimng tne relations between these two races, as the Abolitionist's is. I know the Abolitionists don't think so, but I do. Laughter. The black; man comes here from his home in the African ; wilds, as a barbarian of the desert ; and to-day it is a solemn fact, and that ought not to be lost sight of, that more black men and women : have t een converted to Christianity, and lived and died as' Christians in the Son thern States of this Union, than have ever been converted to the Christian faith by - all the missionary labors in alt the four quarters of the globe, and in all the islands of the sea put together ; so that I sometimes think that this poor. help less, dependent race has had the hand of Providence over it. But the idea of its being raised to an equality with the white man, never entered the mind of God, that made him, any more than it enters your or mine. They come and tell ns that we must abolish slavery by proclamation, and that the white man must work and pay taxes to buy it out of every State. And what: for ? To make a eoldier out of him. And what will come next? After be has been a soldier and returned a hero of many fields of glory though Lincoln said himself they could eat and that was ail-when they come home it will be said, these men have fought for you, for trial by jury, for the right of -voting by ballot, for your civil institutions; and the next thing will be, you will be told you have no right to exclude them from the enjoyment of the privileges of citizen- snip, inaeea, Air. .nates, tne Attorney, uen- eral, has already decided that the black man is a citizen of the United States. Cries of " He shall never be." But he has so dicided, and after a time it will be insisted that the m mm m m m. m a black man shall enjoy all the rights of . citi- n wi k -. fou. Are you ready for that, men -of Ooio ? Cries of " Never, Never." I have no hostility to the black man in his place; I feel kindly toward him.' I don't uphold slavery for the purpose of grinding him, or laying a burden upon bis shoulders. On the contrary, I stand by the Wisdom of our forefathers, that made slavery a part of the Constitution, because it was wisest and best, for the black man as well as the white man, that it . should be so. . ' ' . -. I appeal to the history of the world upon this question.' Go where you may, you will find no two races, one inferior and the other superior, that ever coalesced, and combined their power in the civil policy of any government, without degrading the superior race. aud dragging it down to the level of that, of the inferior race. Indeed, the attempt to make the black man equal with the white man will never raise the black man ; it will only drag down the white man ; this is a fact. These Abolitionists come round here and say : " Why, the black man, he is a man and a brother ; he has got eyes and a mouth ; he can talk ; he walks upright. God made and gave him a soul all this 1 believe and sometimes believe that these negroes have better souls than the Abolitionists themselves. Laugh ter. So let us make him our equal. You might as well attempt to establish an equality between the Arab courser of the desert, and the tortois, or a snail whose motion is scarcely preemptible. God made them all, but God did not make them equal. The Abolition doc trine leads to the inference that whatever he made he made equal. I take the fact as it is ; you can change it if you like. . These Abolitionists will say : : The black man has not had the chance that the white man has had, or he would be equal. What chance have yon had that the black man. has not had? God made you, and He made him, away back when the morning stars sang in the twilight of history. The processes of history we cannot see, but we know that they were made by the handiwork of God. The same world was before the black man as before the white man. The same rivers, the same ocean to bear his commerce if he could make any the same earth to yield his tillage; the $ame storm and rains ; but the white man has had the power to take advantage of these physical resources of t h e earth, and th e black man has not. The black man stands to-day where he stood in the beginning, like the snail, the muscle, or the turtle ; while this people here have been progressing and scouring the plains of progress, and illuminating the earth with science; whitening the bosom of the wa ters with the sails of commerce ; spreading her arms, with religion in one hand and civilization in the other, all over the world ; and the black man has done nothing. Had he had the power, he would have done it all just as you have done iL If he had been made like you, no power on earth could - have kept him in bondage. You might as Well tell me that the eagle that soars toward the heavens the proud king of birds that looks with unflinching eye upon the God of day, is only edual to the owl. Suppose the mgle, some bright morning, should torn Abolitionist, and come down from his home ia the clouds, and go into the dark for est, aad find m som- hollow tree a blear-eyed owL " Good morning," says the eagle ; "Good morninr, eagle," says the owl. rubbing his eyes- Says the eagle, "Come, owl, and take a sail on the terms of equality ; let us go up to tne neauntul region of the sun and bid the clouds defiance I let the thunder roar and the lightning flask, and let usleate the earth far away beneath oar feet, We are st-ong. eyed aad proad, and ii is glorious to ebaf hi the aif so higb." The ow! sets, " I can hot look at the sun; I Woatd go blind, and my wing is not Strong." Says the eagle, Are yon not a bird aad a brother ? - Have you not got feathers and wings, aad a tail, and daws and Ixa't, like I have ? You are a biid and a brother. Come, you must soar ; you must taste the sweets of these dazzling heights, and sip hon ey upon tne mountain aiong wiin tne Diru oi Jove." The poor owl, like the poor negroes, begins first to think, " I'm somebody,' and says, "I will try now." Out he started, and got up a little piece. Says he, " I don't see my way clearly." They got up a little higher At last, the owl's head turning dizzy, he cries, "Help me, or I fall." The eagle permits the owl to get on his back, bnt the eagle soars no longer; his wings are crippled and useless, and with bis burden he falls to the earth, and the M 1 -. , twl . .1. . id the Abolition party get these negroes upon the t .1- r. - i--j.t- . uacH.B ui iiic wane eagie oi mis country, tney will falter in their flight, and like the owl( clutching him closely, instead of bearing hint to the sun, they will both fall to the earth, where they will be destroyed together. You have to look at these things in the light of philosophy and wisdom. You may not see the Providence of God working to suit you, but the surest way is to take things as- they are, and not war upon the decrees of Divine Providence ; leave that for the blasphe- -www ww. ...w.. .... . Uw... U W . W . lieve in a God. Take the Beech ers, ths Phil-i;ni. ,k . n ti i . i notions of pretenders and adventurers. They get an idea that a thing ought to be so, and when they get that into their mind, the Word of God itself can't change it ; it most be eo. These Abolitionists tell you that by this Abo-1 lition policy they intend to restore the Union, and that is the way alone in Which it cab be done. When. Congress met in 1861, the cry went out all over the land, we must have no pari,jr. xjciurc it usu urru every Kina oi a party ; a temperance party, a Maine-law partti the People's party, a Fusion party, a Repub- i: I ,v " . .1 L. . r party at all. Like a man who is taken up for stealing, and gives his name as John Brown, alias Smith, alias Tern pk ins, we know he must be a great thief, for an honest man does : ot change his name. The old Democratic party. has the same name and the same principles,- ann nnji nai inr auir nr anr, an Knt this Republican partj bas acted so badly, and got its name iuto such disrenute. that evert year or So it has to get a new name. The can ua Duuernuu anu vopperneaus. lnean- ii T, . . . . I r i , , . rr i - ference is just this : You might call thenl any name you please, and, however good, they would make it eo odious by their bad conduct in a year, that nobody would join them. You may call us any amount of bad names, but by our good conduct we are acceptable to all man- kind. Laughter and cheers. . Did you ever hear of a man leavi: g the Demorratic party T I know of no man having left the Democratic3 oartv trvine them bv their own Demoeraev., Ask the man himself, and be will never admit that he has left the Democratic vanr It is 60 good. that the men who have left it lie alut it. and say they are -Democrats t 11. yZvw if it an rrxwwt tliat man tokn V. a m & rw out still claim to be Democrats, I never would have left it. Take John Brough; he has not left the Democrat party ; nor Tod"; and I see that thf Abolitionist Bingham addr.-ssed his hearers as Fellow-Democrats," and all of them, I have no doubt, were as bitter Abolitionists. as he was. The name is so good that it is like the devil after being kicked out of heaven, claiming to be an angel still. So Bingham, as f -...".-Hi i !!,, .. ,ltmt, . other angels, as bis comrades suit. These renegades and traitors wear the cloak of Denw ocracy to deceive the people. You remember TTortn'-i faKI rf iTl. iaL. oa r.mt t n wtm1 lion's skin, and going roaming about and SIS B W - O . aiarmmg an tue t easts oi tne neia. l ne lion's skin was used like the stolen name of Detnoc-racy ; but when the fools open their mouths' you know it is not the Von. Loud laughter.') On the other band, you see a great many men leave the Republican nartv - but did vnu ev see one, when he got out, claim that he waa l T I I . . wt .i 1 -m -i - t . t j piuu a xvepuuiicBii i uf inanKg uoa Loat no is clear of the whole thing, name and slL But, ray ollow-citizens, to return to some facts. When this subtle, false party met in Washington, in the extra session of Congress there were only about half a dozen of us who refused to bow down to the altar of Baal. There were Pendleton and Vallandigham. aud and a few others of us who stood faithful. And those Abolitionists, you ought to bate seen them, how they came around us. " Yoor hees," they would say, " this is " no time . for party. Let's stand up for our country, with' w. ....w... .w f-w. J .- A VC.U, A wU VfWM 1 f are you ?" For I did not believe in their pro- fessions. You will find that in the extra ses- sion, no Democrat brought forward one single measure of party politics on our side of the House. But what did they do? The first thing they did, in the name of no-party, was to abolish slavery in all the territories of the United States. Said I, " hold on, that is the Chicago platform exactly ; that is your party and against my party." Douglas lived all his life denouncing that party. The next thing was to tax this people about two millions, to bring up the boot-blacks and. chambermaids of Washinortnn Citv. snd turn them frM nnlV to make them worse off than ever; and this1 was done in the name of no party. Said I, if there is no party, it - is high time there was. one, a strong one, to put these fellows dewn. Then they proposed to make this people bring eiavery, not oiuy out oi me lemionnj out eui or some bait a dozen btates of the U nioh. . We stood up and denounced this ; and for doing this, we were called disloyah because we did not see fit to poke the tax gatherers' hands into your pockets to bdy up the niggers of Kentucky, and turn them free to come hertf and disturb society. We were called disloyal. and not for the Union. The next thing was to introduce a measure to make America bow down on terms of equality and snake hands with H ayti and Liberia, a couple of nigger governments; and there is how a full blooded negro minister at Washington, representing Hsyti, who is invited to dinner with Seward and other diplomats; and yon are taxed td send representatives to their nigger republics. I said then it was time parties Wert organized ; time for the Democratic party to run out its ui Eircnmer ; n was lime to go omk upon me -.1.1 -. . : !. : i 1 I . . II J . WW f. Ww, WW Wwww wMw Pw W w i W store the Government, updn first principles. - Lincoln by proclamation proposed tottirn them all loose upon you ; yet they get itisd if yort call them Abolitionists. What does it take to mske an Abolitionist ? He desires taabolkh slavery everywhere ; don't cehy the name any longer ; don't, pretend to deceive the people by profession. When then like Brough and Tod attempt to come back td the Democratic Pt what they will do in a year or two ; it Will be with the graCe of a man asking for adfUissiott into the Church and attacking it With a club. I am tired of that sort of thing. The mass of .t - i i . iu..uri.iiu v.. nnMiM. rmmrt-r aro boaeSt.' bdt it LA hftb ItmhA.' ere I have spoken. To the tnen of tht part I say, you have, got the whole, Abolilioa programme saddled npoa yon, and saddled 'ttpoa vou at your expense. The rule- tst ati-a ia a s a 4 . i - reversed, anq insteaa ot biaeK worrvng tor thm white, the white from this hour will have tor work for the black. 1 That's eo. It ie fict, and history wiu so record it.