To obtain a more precise idea of the plan for “cultural
national autonomy”, which boils down to segregating the schools according
to nationality, it is useful to take the concrete data which show the
nationality of the pupils attending Russian schools. For the St. Petersburg
educational area such data are provided by the returns of the school census
taken on January 18, 1911.

The following are the data on the distribution of pupils attending
elementary schools under the Ministry of Public Education according to the
native languages of the pupils. The data cover the whole of the
St. Petersburg educational area, but in brackets we give the
figures for the city of St. Petersburg. Under the term “Russian
language” the officials constantly lump together Great-Russian,
Byelorussian and Ukrainian (“Little Russian”, according to official
terminology). Total pupils—265,660 (48,076).

These are comparatively accurate figures. They show that the national
composition of the population is extremely mixed, although they apply to
one of the basically Great-
Russian districts of Russia. The extremely mixed national composition of
the population of the large city of St. Petersburg is at once evident. This
is no accident, but results from a law of capitalism that operates
in all countries and in all parts of the world. Large cities, factory,
metallurgical, railway and commercial and industrial centres generally, are
certain, more than any other, to have very mixed populations, and it is
precisely these centres that grow faster than all others and constantly
attract larger and larger numbers of the inhabitants of the backward rural
areas.

Now try to apply to these real-life data the lifeless utopia of the
nationalist philistines called “cultural-national autonomy” or (in the
language of the Bundists) “taking out of the jurisdiction of the state”
questions of national culture, i.e., primarily educational affairs.

Educational affairs “shall be taken out of the jurisdiction of the
state” and transferred to 23 (in St. Petersburg) “national associations”
each developing “its own” “national culture”!

It would be ridiculous to waste words to prove the absurdity and
reactionary nature of a “national programme” of this sort.

It is as clear as daylight that the advocacy of such a plan means,
in fact, pursuing or supporting the ideas of bourgeois
nationalism, chauvinism and clericalism. The interests of democracy in
general, and the interests of the working class in particular, demand the
very opposite. We must strive to secure the mixing of the children
of all nationalities in uniform schools in each locality;
the workers of all nationalities must jointly pursue the
proletarian educational policy which Samoilov, the deputy of the Vladimir
workers, so ably formulated on behalf of the Russian Social-Democratic
workers’ group in the State
Duma.[1] We must most emphatically oppose segregating the schools
according to nationality, no matter what form it may take.

It is not our business to segregate the nations in matters of education
in any way; on the contrary, we must strive to create the fundamental
democratic conditions for the peaceful coexistence of the nations on the
basis of equal rights. We must not champion “national culture”, but
expose the clerical and bourgeois character of this slogan in
the name of the international culture of the world working-class movement.

But we may be asked whether it is possible to safeguard the interests
of the one Georgian child among the 48,076 schoolchildren in
St. Petersburg on the basis of equal rights. And we should reply that it is
impossible to establish a special Georgian school in St. Petersburg on the
basis of Georgian “national culture”, and that to advocate such a plan
means sowing pernicious ideas among the masses of the people.

But we shall not be defending anything harmful, or be striving after
anything that is impossible, if we demand for this child free government
premises for, lectures on the Georgian language, Georgian history, etc.,
the provision of Georgian books from the Central Library for this child, a
state contribution towards the fees of the Georgian teacher, and so
forth. Under real democracy, when bureaucracy and
“Peredonovism”[2] are completely eliminated from the schools, the
people can quite easily achieve this. But this real democracy can he
achieved only when the workers of all nationalities are
united.

To preach the establishment of special national schools for every
“national culture” is reactionary. But under real democracy it is quite
possible to ensure instruction in the native language, in native history,
and so forth, without splitting up the schools according to
nationality. And complete local self-government will make it impossible for
anything to be forced upon the people, as for example, upon the
713 Karelian children in Kem Uyezd (where there are only 514 Russian
children) or upon the 681 Zyryan children in Pechora Uyezd (153 Russian),
or upon the 267 Lettish children in Novgorod Uyezd (over 7,000 Russian),
and so on and so forth.

Advocacy of impracticable cultural-national autonomy is an absurdity,
which now already is only disuniting the workers ideologically. To advocate
the amalgamation of the workers of all nationalities means facilitating the
success of proletarian class solidarity, which will guarantee equal rights
for, and maximum peaceful coexistence of, all nationalities.

Notes

[1]Samoilov made his statement at a session of the State Duma on
November 26 (December 9), 1913, during the discussion on a bill to increase
the salaries of teachers of religion in agrarian schools.

[2]For Lenin’s characterisation of Peredonov see the article “The
Question of Ministry of Education Policy”.