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1 REASSESSING THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL LAW: REBUILDING NATIONAL COURTS THROUGH TRANSNATIONAL NETWORKS Elena Baylis* Abstract: The international community has long debated its role in redressing grave atrocities like war crimes and crimes against humanity. This Article suggests that this debate has focused too much on trials in international and hybrid courts as the primary conduit for international contributions to justice in post-conflict states. It proposes that the international community should look instead to national courts as the primary venue for such trials and to transnational networks as an effective mechanism for international involvement. Key characteristics of this model include: (1) reliance on transnational networks to convey international criminal law and international resources into national settings; (2) hybrid international-national processes in which international actors play a supporting, rather than a controlling, role; and (3) integration of international support for atrocity trials into broader efforts to rebuild national judicial systems. Introduction Ten years after the adoption of the International Criminal Court s Rome Statute,1 the role of international criminal law in post-conflict justice is ripe for reassessment. Early claims that international criminal * Associate Professor, University of Pittsburgh School of Law. J.D., Yale Law School; B.A., University of Oregon. This Article has benefited from presentations at the Junior International Law Scholars Conference at Yale Law School, the Law and Society Annual Meeting at Humboldt University in Berlin, and a faculty workshop at the University of Pittsburgh Law School. Thanks to Paul Berman, Mark Drumbl, Mark Janis, Chimène Keitner, Hari Osofsky, Jaya Ramji-Nogales, Jane Stromseth, Jenia Iontcheva Turner, and David Zaring for their comments, advice, and encouragement; to Lisl Brunner, Malin Delling, Kate Drabecki, and Foreign and International Law Librarian Linda Tashbook for their research; and to the University of Pittsburgh s School of Law, Center for International Legal Education, University Center for International Studies, and Central Research Development Fund for grants supporting my field research in the Democratic Republic of Congo. 1 See generally Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, July 17, 1998, 2187 U.N.T.S. 90 [hereinafter Rome Statute]. 1

2 2 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 courts would end impunity for atrocities have long been dismissed as overblown.2 Indeed, as the ad hoc international criminal courts for Yugoslavia and Rwanda work toward completion of their mandates, it has become evident that their accomplishments have been both limited and lopsided, with a decided tilt toward international approbation and influence rather than on-the-ground domestic impact in the concerned states.3 As these limits have become apparent, advocates of international criminal law have sought to redefine its role in post-conflict justice, by shifting focus from international trials as such to international courts influence upon national trials and domestic legal systems. Within the United Nations, discussion of the completion strategies for the ad hoc tribunals turns again and again to legacy and outreach, although the prospects for a significant domestic role for these tribunals are relatively remote at this late date.4 Hybrid tribunals with panels that include both foreign and domestic judges have been introduced in Kosovo, Sierra Leone, Timor-Leste, and elsewhere, with mixed results.5 Now, even before the International Criminal Court ( ICC ) has held its first trial, some scholars have conceded that it cannot hope to play its desired transformative role through its own trials; accordingly, they have proposed that it should instead refocus its energies on interactions with hybrid and national tribunals.6 While these developments represent a fundamental challenge to the raison d être of international criminal tribunals, this is but the latest turn in the longstanding debate over the role of international criminal law and the appropriate balance between international and national 2 This conclusion has been reached by supporters and detractors alike. See, e.g., William W. Burke-White, Proactive Complementarity: The International Criminal Court and National Courts in the Rome System of International Justice, 49 Harv. Int l L.J. 53, (2008); Jack Goldsmith, The Self-Defeating International Criminal Court, 70 U. Chi. L. Rev. 89, 89 (2003); Jenia Iontcheva Turner, Nationalizing International Criminal Law, 41 Stan. J. Int l L. 1, 3 4 (2005). 3 Jane E. Stromseth, Pursuing Accountability for Atrocities After Conflict: What Impact on Building the Rule of Law?, 38 Geo. J. Int l L. 251, , 276 (2007); Turner, supra note 2, at Stromseth, supra note 3, at ; Turner, supra note 2, at 28 29; Press Release, U.N. General Assembly, Presidents of Tribunals for Rwanda, Former Yugoslavia Address General Assembly, Ask for Continued Support as Completion Dates Approach, U.N. Doc. GA/10636 (Oct. 15, 2007) [hereinafter Continued Support]; see also infra notes and accompanying text. 5 Stromseth, supra note 3, at 281; see also infra notes and accompanying text. 6 See Burke-White, supra note 2, at 54; Turner, supra note 2, at 29; see also infra notes and accompanying text.

3 2009] Rebuilding National Courts Through Transnational Networks 3 courts in addressing atrocities.7 As this debate has developed, the focus of the discussion seems to have shifted from the core issue how the international community can best contribute to post-conflict justice in affected states to the question of the role of international courts. Indeed, the debate now seems to center particularly on whether and how to preserve a central role for these international courts in which the international community has invested so much hope.8 This shift is especially striking in light of the fact that one of the ICC s core design elements, complementarity, embedded in the very structure of the court the principle of deference to national tribunals. I suggest here that we should return to first principles and reassess the role of international criminal law and the international community from the ground up. Rather than considering post-conflict justice from the perspective of international courts and asking what role they might ideally play, I propose that we should examine carefully how international law has actually influenced domestic legal systems in post-conflict settings and develop justice models shaped from these realities. In so doing, I conclude that international courts have a useful role to play, but one that is substantially more circumscribed than that proposed by some supporters (and thus, I would argue, more in accord with the ICC s original, complementarity-oriented design). Instead of relying primarily on international or even hybrid courts, I suggest that we should look to national courts as the primary venues for atrocity trials and to transnational networks as the best conduit for the international community and international criminal law to play a constructive role. To that end, in this Article I examine a particular set of interactions between the international legal community and the domestic legal system in the Democratic Republic of the Congo ( DRC or Congo ). The atrocities that have taken place in the DRC are at the heart of the controversy over the effectiveness of international courts. The International Criminal Court s first trial, prosecuting a Congolese militia leader for war crimes for using child soldiers, was to have started in June Its jeopardized progress stands in the public eye 7 Compare Eric A. Posner & John C. Yoo, Judicial Independence in International Tribunals, 93 Cal. L. Rev. 1, 7 (2005) (arguing against independent international tribunals), with M. Cherif Bassiouni, The Time Has Come for an International Criminal Court, 1 Ind. Int l & Comp. L. Rev. 1, (1991). 8 See Burke-White, supra note 2, at 58; Turner, supra note 2, at Press Release, ICC, The Trial in the Case of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo Will Commence on 23 June 2008 (Mar. 13, 2008), available at id=348&l=en.html.

4 4 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 as the first test of the ICC s long-debated effectiveness.10 But there is more than this at stake for international criminal law in the Congo. The ICC s Rome Statute has already had a tangible impact on trials within the DRC, where some domestic military courts have used the Statute in prosecuting defendants for war crimes and crimes against humanity.11 They are the first national courts in the world to apply the Rome Statute directly in criminal trials. Understanding how the Congolese courts came to deploy international law in these atrocity trials requires us to adopt a relatively complex model of the relationships between national and international courts and between national and international criminal law, one that embraces the indirect conduits, the highly individualistic and resourceintensive means, and the inconsistent results that characterize the reality of transitional justice in post-conflict settings. Key characteristics of this model include: (1) reliance on transnational networks to convey international criminal law and international resources into domestic settings, rather than on international courts; (2) hybrid internationalnational processes in which international actors play a supporting, rather than a controlling, role; and (3) integration of international support for atrocity trials into broader efforts to rebuild national judicial systems. ICC supporters might like to see the Rome Statute s use in domestic courts in the Congo as evidence that the ICC has succeeded already in spreading its influence far beyond its own trials to the inner workings of national tribunals. This development, however, cannot be credited to the ICC itself, which has limited its activities in the Congo to pursuing and promoting its own investigations. It has had little if any institutional 10 As of the time of the final edit of this article, the case had been stayed because the prosecution failed to turn over potentially exculpatory evidence to the defense. See Prosecutor v. Lubango Dyilo, Case No. ICC-01/04-01/06, Decision on the Consequences of Non- Disclosure of Exculpatory Materials Covered by Article 54(3)(3) Agreements (Oct. 21, 2008), available at It is uncertain whether the court will ever permit the prosecutor to proceed with the case. Prosecutor v. Lubango Dyilo, Case No. ICC-01/04-01/06, Decision on the Release of Thomas Lubanga Dyilo (Oct. 21, 2008) [hereinafter Decision on the Release of Lubanga Dyilo], available at 11 See generally Auditeur Militaire v. Ngoy, No. RMP 154/PEN/SHOF/05, RP 084/2006, Tribunal Militaire de Garnison [Military Garrison Court] Mbandaka, Apr. 12, 2006 (Dem. Rep. Congo) [hereinafter Ngoy case] (on file with author); Auditeur Militaire v. Massaba, No. RMP 242/PEN/06, RP 018/2006, Tribunal Militaire de Garnison [Military Garrison Court] Ituri, Mar. 24, 2006 (Dem. Rep. Congo) [hereinafter Massaba case] (on file with author). But see Auditeur Militaire v. Katamisi, RMP 249/KK/05, RP 011/05, slip op. at 5 6, Tribunal Militaire de Garnison [Military Garrison Court] Kindu, Oct. 26, 2005 (Dem. Rep. Congo) [hereinafter Katamisi case] (on file with author).

5 2009] Rebuilding National Courts Through Transnational Networks 5 influence upon the involved national courts. The Rome Statute serves here as a source of law, and the DRC s decision to ratify the Rome Statute and to self-refer its situation to the ICC has created positive background conditions that encourage national trials. But the ICC as an institution has been bypassed by transnational networks of UN officers, NGOs, embassy officials, local lawyers and judges. These networks have been working avidly to support these national trials in a variety of ways, including promoting the use of international law. Nor does this importation of international criminal norms fit into a triumphalist account of ever-increasing domestic compliance with international law, in which transnational networks bring about a decisive transformation of national law. Domestic authorities, not international ones, were and remain predominant in the Congo, and what has taken place there is a domestically controlled process in which transnational networks have played a facilitative and supportive role. Furthermore, the incorporation of international norms has been uneven and partial. These few trials are exceptions to the general rule of impunity for Congo s ubiquitous atrocities, and political interference has sidelined trials both before and after those in which the Rome Statute has figured prominently. But for exactly these reasons, it is all the more crucial to explore the dynamic interactions between international and national laws, institutions, and actors that have produced these unexpected pockets of justice (or, at least, of legal process). Furthermore, the efforts of these transnational networks to advance domestic atrocity trials and to promote the use of international law within them have not been isolated ones. Rather, they have been embedded in and interdependent with efforts to rebuild the national judicial system. Seeking justice for war crimes and crimes against humanity drew attention to the lack of a functioning legal system in the DRC and both catalyzed and focused redevelopment. In practical terms, to hold trials, courtrooms were needed, as well as judges, prosecutors and defense attorneys. Imperfections in the trials have highlighted areas of needed reform and created focal points for advocacy; for example, lacunae in the laws against sexual violence came to light, and advocates pressed for passage of new legislation remedying the gaps. The organizations and individuals that make up these transnational networks are working for post-conflict justice in the broadest possible sense: the development of a national justice system that can hear cases concerning all the myriad instantiations of injustice stemming from the conflict, from the instances of extreme violence that constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity to problems of contested

6 6 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 property rights, internally displaced persons, and newly endemic sexual violence. How justice for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity should best be pursued is a contentious and long-debated topic that raises fundamental questions concerning the respective roles of international and national laws and actors. Part I of this Article briefly reviews the recent development of this issue, from the international community s development of international courts to the turn to hybrid courts, followed by the most recent shift in emphasis from international trials as such to international influence. Part II examines the international-national interaction in the Democratic Republic of Congo, making use of my firsthand research in the DRC. I visited Kinshasa in June and July 2006, conducting interviews with members of the international and domestic legal communities, attending public meetings, and gathering court judgments and other documents not otherwise available.12 Two aspects of the scope of this study should be noted at the outset: it is focused upon national courts, not local courts or other local justice mechanisms,13 and these national courts are military courts, not civilian ones.14 The reason for these choices is simple enough: this is where atrocity trials 12 See infra note 79 (explaining this Article s research method). 13 There is a vigorous debate about the role of local justice mechanisms vis-à-vis national and international trials. See, e.g., Lars Waldorf, Mass Justice for Mass Atrocity: Rethinking Local Justice as Transitional Justice, 79 Temp. L. Rev. 1, 9 (2006); Jennifer Widner, Courts and Democracy in Postconflict Transitions: A Social Scientist s Perspective on the African Case, 95 Am. J. Int l L. 64, 65 (2001). Although this debate is important, I will not engage with it in any depth. I am concerned here with the influence of international law, and international influence on truly local entities in the DRC is quite limited due to the mechanisms by which it is spread and the relative isolation of local institutions. Furthermore, the comparative merits of local justice systems are highly context-dependent. Accordingly, to the extent that I use the word local in discussing national or hybrid tribunals, it is meant to indicate that they are more local than international tribunals and not to refer to subnational systems. 14 In a country with a fully functioning system of civilian courts and a parallel system of military courts, one would not necessarily regard military courts as the country s national courts. In the DRC, however, the civilian court system has been decimated and is nonexistent in many parts of the country. The military courts are in effect functioning as national courts for some purposes, including holding atrocity trials like those discussed in this Article. The use of the military courts as national courts can be and has been criticized, but there is no doubt that this is how they are functioning in the DRC. Thus, my treatment of military courts as national courts in this Article reflects this reality and is neither an endorsement of the use of military courts as such nor a claim that military courts are necessarily the equivalent of a national court system in other contexts. See infra notes and accompanying text.

7 2009] Rebuilding National Courts Through Transnational Networks 7 are being heard, and it is accordingly where international interveners concerned with such trials are focusing their efforts. Part II first examines the judgments in three exemplary atrocity trials. Two of the three courts used the Rome Statute, at least in part; the third used only national law. Comparing these judgments reveals a number of tangible effects of the national courts choice of law: the courts using the Rome Statute tended to adopt international definitions of crimes, international due process standards, and protections for victims and witnesses, at least as they describe it in their judgments. Looking beyond those judgments to the process by which the Rome Statute was promoted in the DRC explodes any simple construct of the relationship between the International Criminal Court and domestic courts or of the mechanisms by which international law is incorporated in domestic settings. International law did not enter these cases through traditional means such as legislative implementation or consideration of international jurisprudence, nor even through the direct involvement of the ICC. Rather, the use of international law and the trials themselves were spurred by the work of transnational networks on the broader goals of post-conflict justice and rebuilding the national justice system. Theories of international lawmaking, such as theories of transnational networks,15 transnational legal process,16 policy-oriented jurisprudence,17 and legal pluralism,18 focus attention on critical aspects of these networks that enabled them to convey international law effectively in a chaotic post-conflict context. Two factors are particularly important: (1) what I call the networks functional hybrid character, strategically incorporating elements of the international and the national, and (2) the fact that formal authority and effective control are maintained in domestic hands. Finally, the Conclusion returns to some of the fundamental questions that were raised in Part I and that lurk beneath the discussion of the Congolese trials in Part II. In particular, some readers may harbor doubts that international support for national trials is wise in light of the deficiencies of many post-conflict national justice systems. Indeed, 15 See generally Anne-Marie Slaughter, Sovereignty and Power in a Networked World Order, 40 Stan. J. Int l L. 283 (2004). 16 See generally Harold Hongju Koh, Transnational Legal Process, 75 Neb. L. Rev. 181 (1996). 17 See generally W. Michael Reisman et al., The New Haven School: A Brief Introduction, 32 Yale J. Int l L. 575 (2007). 18 See generally Paul Schiff Berman, Global Legal Pluralism, 80 S. Cal. L. Rev (2007).

8 8 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 in this Article, I detail some of the problems of the Congolese national courts, which are non-existent in some areas and suffer from political interference, corruption, and a lack of resources in others. Nonetheless, I contend that, in spite of these legitimate concerns, the international community should endorse, promote, and support national trials and what s more, that this may be the most important contribution the international community can make to the cause of post-conflict justice. In my view, we must take as a given that trials in post-conflict countries are likely to be less than optimal in a variety of ways. The question that we should consider is: in light of that, how can we best promote the goals of post-conflict justice? Thus far, the common approach has been to hold constant as an irreducible, nonnegotiable value our commitment to trials that meet international due process standards and to do what it takes to achieve that commitment in the immediate term: that is, to hold trials in international courts insofar as possible and to discourage and criticize national trials that do not meet international standards.19 I suggest here that the ordinary failings of national tribunals do not present a sufficient reason for international withdrawal. To the contrary, the ultimate successful functioning of national legal systems should be treated as the most important goal of post-conflict justice,20 and atrocity trials present an opportunity for investment in these systems. This view is informed, not by idealism about the likelihood of comprehensive post-conflict legal and judicial reform, but rather by an amalgam of belief and skepticism: belief in the grave importance of such reform, and skepticism about the prospects for achieving other frequently cited goals of post-conflict justice (reconciliation, deterrence, truth-telling, and so on) through criminal trials, whether international or national. In my assessment, the best that can be hoped for in the Congo is a few trials that hold a few people accountable. National trials will not be of the high-ranked and powerful, for those people will be able to shield themselves from prosecution through some combination of monetary and political influence; rather, they will be of 19 See Kevin Jon Heller, The Shadow Side of Complementarity: The Effect of Article 17 of the Rome Statute on National Due Process, 17 Crim. L.F. 255, 280 (2006); see also David Luban, A Theory of Crimes Against Humanity, 29 Yale J. Int l L. 85, (2004). But see Mark A. Drumbl, Atrocity, Punishment, and International Law 7 (2007) (critiquing this approach). 20 For a comprehensive discussion of post-conflict development of rule of law following international interventions, see generally Jane Stromseth et al., Can Might Make Rights? Building the Rule of Law After Military Interventions (2006).

9 2009] Rebuilding National Courts Through Transnational Networks 9 the low-ranking soldiers and militia members who carried out the atrocities and have no such pull. International trials, although aimed at higher ranks, will take only those who can no longer protect themselves in this higher arena. Neither national nor international trials will be procedurally pristine, and although international trials will likely hew to higher due process standards than national ones, long delays in moving to trial and drawn-out procedures will undermine public faith in the proceedings. Trials, national and international, will not deter the continued commission of atrocities in the current conflict in eastern Congo, which has only escalated since the instigation of legal sanctions internationally and nationally. Therefore, the goal in the Congo cannot be justice absolute, ideal and untarnished, but rather must be partial justice justice for at least some victims, through imperfect processes, with the meager but nonetheless ambitious aim of ending the certainty of impunity, rather than ending impunity itself. With the carefully tailored intervention of the international community in national trials, more trials will be held, and they will be fairer trials than they would have been otherwise. Most important, with the intervention of the international community in national trials, there will be urgently needed international investment into the reconstruction of the domestic legal system. Of course, it is not a single step from investment in national trials to the successful restoration of an entire legal system. Furthermore, I do not mean to suggest that all international intervention is necessarily constructive; to the contrary, the history of deliberate manipulation and unintended consequences of such intervention is long enough that any such efforts should be careful indeed. Nor do I argue that the international community should support any and all national trials without criteria or distinction. But I do contend that it is only by investing in weak, corrupt, and deeply flawed national courts that the international community can promote what should be the ultimate goal of post-conflict justice efforts: rebuilding national justice systems. I. The Roles of International, National, and Hybrid Courts The international community has long debated the proper role for international law and international institutions in addressing grave atrocities. Its latest response has been to create international courts: first ad hoc tribunals, and then the International Criminal Court. As the limits of these international tribunals have become evident, however, attention has turned first to hybrid courts and now to interactions between the International Criminal Court and either hybrid or na-

10 10 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 tional courts. In my view, these developments track in a positive direction. They move away from a view of international and national courts as competing alternatives and toward the development of institutions that allow for greater interaction between international and national actors; they also move away from the expectation that the responsibility for trials could be or should be shifted to the international arena and toward an expectation that national courts must shoulder the primary burden of holding such trials. I propose that we should take this progression a step further by recognizing: (1) that the international community can and does act through institutions other than courts and (2) that the benefits of hybridization and international-national interaction may be better achieved through some of these other mechanisms. A. International Courts as a Substitute for National Courts Supporters of international criminal courts envisioned them playing a transformative role in international criminal law. For a long time, of course, the responsibility for trying cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity rested with national authorities, as for forty years after Nuremburg there were no more international tribunals.21 The new international criminal courts first the ad hoc tribunals and then the International Criminal Court were intended to be the mechanism by which the international community could reassert its interest and compensate both for post-conflict states failures to prosecute these crimes and for the inadequacies of their national courts. High hopes indeed were held out for the creation of a permanent International Criminal Court. The ICC would embody the international community s conviction that these crimes are international in character and must not merely be condemned rhetorically but also criminalized and punished in fact by the international community. In effect, it would mark a dramatic step toward the end of impunity for international crimes.22 Now that we have had the opportunity to observe international courts in operation, these high expectations have been tempered by the reality of their imperfect performance. Rather than offering a clearly superior alternative to national courts in practice, international courts contend with political pressures, due process violations, and other problems that overlap to some extent with those faced by na- 21 See William A. Schabas, An Introduction to the International Criminal Court 5 15 (3d ed. 2007). 22 See Schabas, supra note 21, at 20; Bassiouni, supra note 7, at

11 2009] Rebuilding National Courts Through Transnational Networks 11 tional courts. There are many threads in the discussion of the relative merits of national and international courts, from the effects of trials on political and security concerns to questions of community healing and collective memory, among others.23 For purposes of this brief background discussion, I will focus on the functionalist and normative arguments raised in favor of international and national courts.24 In functionalist terms, international courts are frequently held out in the literature as more likely to be impartial, have well qualified judges and staff, develop uniform international law, uphold due process norms, and be viewed as satisfactory by the international community. National courts are often described as acting in closer proximity to the victim population, with the result that their actions are more likely to be known by that population; however, they have also been described as unlikely to be capable of holding fair trials, at risk of political influence, and prone to creating disparate substantive standards that risk undermining the development of common international norms.25 Of course, these descriptions are contestable and have been contested, particularly as international courts have proliferated and their activities in practice have become available for criticism.26 It is true that a post-conflict state s own judicial system is often damaged or compromised in some respects. However, the extent and nature of this damage or compromise varies considerably: Kosovo s courts are not Congo s are not Rwanda s, and so on. Of these, each had a different court system with different strengths and weaknesses preconflict (generalizing broadly, discrimination in Kosovo, corruption in 23 E.g., M. Cherif Bassiouni, Searching for Peace and Achieving Justice: The Need for Accountability, 59 Law & Contemp. Prob. 9, 15 (1996); Diane Orentlicher, Settling Accounts: The Duty to Prosecute Human Rights Violations of a Prior Regime, 100 Yale L.J. 2537, 2539 (1991); Ruti G. Teitel, Transitional Justice Genealogy, 16 Harv. Hum. Rts. J. 69, (2003). 24 The development of universal jurisdiction laws in a few states and several high profile cases complicated the common wisdom on international and domestic courts and drew extensive commentary. See generally Lelia Nadya Sadat, Redefining Universal Jurisdiction, 35 New Eng. L. Rev. 241 (2001); Beth Van Schaack, Justice Without Borders: Universal Civil Jurisdiction, 99 Am. Soc y Int l L. Proc. 120 (2005). However, because my focus is on the interaction between international law and national courts within post-conflict states, I do not address universal jurisdiction cases here. 25 Steven R. Ratner & Jason S. Abrams, Accountability for Human Rights Atrocities in International Law (1997); José E. Alvarez, Crimes of States/Crimes of Hate: Lessons from Rwanda, 24 Yale J. Int l L. 365, (1999) (describing but not adopting these views); Antonio Cassese, On the Current Trends Toward Criminal Prosecution and Punishment of Breaches of International Humanitarian Law, 9 Eur. J. Int l L. 2, 2, 5 7 (1998). 26 Drumbl, supra note 19, at ; Alvarez, supra note 25, at ; Stromseth, supra note 3, at

12 12 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 Congo, and political interference and inadequate legal training in Rwanda).27 Each suffered a different kind of conflict (Kosovo s insurgency and invasion, Congo s long wars, Rwanda s genocide) that did different sorts of harm to the judicial system (Kosovo s was dismantled, Congo s fell into dysfunction, and many of Rwanda s lawyers and judges were killed).28 As a result, each has different levels of structural integrity, resources, and personnel; different interests shared with different parts of the population; and different levels and kinds of political interference and these are only three examples. Such details are of course crucial in assessing national court systems capabilities. On the other hand, the presumptions of legitimacy and competence accorded to international courts by supporters seem to be less grounded in reality. They are also less likely to be shared by domestic observers. This, as much as the pragmatic difficulty of effective publicity and outreach to a domestic audience from a distant international locale, is a fundamental problem that has undermined the ad hoc international tribunals effectiveness in Rwanda and the former Yugoslavia. Disparate international and domestic views on international courts may be inevitable since, as José Alvarez argues, in spite of rhetoric about the need for accountability to victims, U.N. fora, including the ad hoc tribunals, are in reality most accountable to their direct patrons the international community. 29 When international institutions are viewed by national communities as taking one side in a dispute, as in the former Yugoslavia, decisions by international judges in international courts like the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia ( ICTY ) are not likely to be viewed as impartial by those communities, whatever international observers may think.30 This le- 27 See Mark Baskin, Pearson Peacekeeping Ctr., Lessons Learned on UNMIK Judiciary 14 (Pearson Paper No. 8, 2002) (describing Kosovo); William A. Schabas, Justice, Democracy, and Impunity in Post-Genocide Rwanda: Searching for Solutions to Impossible Problems, 7 Crim. L.F. 523, 531 (1996) (describing Rwanda); Laura A. Dickinson, Comment, The Promise of Hybrid Courts, 97 Am. J. Int l L. 295, 297 (2003) (describing Kosovo); Human Rights Watch, Rwanda: Human Rights Developments, WR94/Africa-06.htm#P258_ (last visited Sept. 27, 2008) (describing Rwanda); Human Rights Watch, Zaire: Human Rights Developments, WR96/Africa-11.htm#P843_ (last visited Sept. 27, 2008) (describing the Congo). 28 See U.N. Human Rights Council, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers, Leandro Despouy, Addendum: Preliminary Note on the Mission to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1 5, U.N. Doc. A/HRC/4/25/Add.3 (May 24, 2007); Elena A. Baylis, Parallel Courts in Post-Conflict Kosovo, 32 Yale J. Int l L. 1, (2007); Schabas, supra note 27, at 533 (discussing Rwanda). 29 Alvarez, supra note 25, at Baskin, supra note 27, at 12, 21.

13 2009] Rebuilding National Courts Through Transnational Networks 13 gitimacy gap tends to be compounded by the exercise of prosecutorial discretion in choosing a few defendants from the many involved in the atrocities, as well as discretionary prosecutorial and judicial decisions concerning charging and sentencing, as Mark Drumbl and Mark Osiel have observed.31 Finally, in spite of the expectation that the ad hoc international tribunals would offer a guarantee of due process for defendants, their proceedings have not been beyond critique on this front either, as is perhaps inevitable in this quickly evolving area of international law.32 Thus, a comparison of the relative merits of international and national courts, from a functionalist perspective, suggests that the apparent legitimacy gap between them is less clear cut than it at first appeared. Moreover, the disparate conditions of national tribunals, the complex political and social situations in post-conflict states, and the varying relationships of the international community to these states all indicate that generalizations about the pros and cons of national and international courts will not necessarily be applicable in any particular situation.33 Some part of the debate over the proper roles of international and national institutions has also been normative, concerning the nature of the values and interests at stake. Some argue that international crimes are international by virtue of their nature as heinous atrocities and that the international community accordingly has an interest in prosecuting that supersedes local interests. So understood, national trials fail to properly account for or redress the crimes committed.34 A contrasting view gives greater emphasis to the immediate harm done 31 See Mark A. Drumbl, Collective Violence and Individual Punishment: The Criminality of Mass Atrocity, 99 Nw. U. L. Rev. 539, 593 (2005); Mark Osiel, The Banality of Good: Aligning Incentives Against Mass Atrocity, 105 Colum. L. Rev. 1751, 1815 (2005). See generally José E. Alvarez, Rush to Closure: Lessons of the Tadic Judgment, 96 Mich. L. Rev (1998) (critiquing the ICTY on similar grounds). Mark Osiel suggests that international prosecutors very efforts to signal impartiality by prosecuting defendants from all sides of a conflict tend to undercut the legitimacy of international tribunals in the eyes of the affected national communities by marrying a seeming symmetry of defendants with an actual asymmetry in the scope and intensity of defendants participation in the atrocities. Osiel, supra, at Mark Drumbl contends that selectivity and indeterminacy in the prosecutions and punishments pursued in the international tribunals undermine their ability to achieve their core aims before the relevant domestic audience. Drumbl, supra, at Alvarez, supra note 31, at Drumbl, supra note 19, at ; Alvarez, supra note 25, at ; Stromseth, supra note 3, at E.g., Luban, supra note 19, at (discussing and critiquing this view); Jenia Iontcheva Turner, Transnational Networks and International Criminal Justice, 105 Mich. L. Rev. 985, 986, 989 (2007).

14 14 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 and thus to the local interest in justice, construed either as the personal interests of the victims or as the broader interests of the affected communities.35 As with the functionalist line of argument, much of the normative debate is overgeneralized and insufficiently connected to postconflict states on-the-ground realities. Of course, there are often both local and international interests in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. These include the immediate harms suffered and moral outrage at those harms, as well as immediate and in some cases widespread or even international destabilization and insecurity, to name a few. But just as all conflicts are not identical, the relative nature and intensity of local and international interests necessarily vary as well. The context-dependent nature of these interests renders futile attempts to generalize about their relative significance across cases. Arguably, claims about moral outrage are not contextdependent, but surely they are also by their nature incommensurable.36 But what is more important for purposes of this discussion is that there is no necessary correlation between the location of an interest and the best venue for securing that interest. That is, the fact that a community (whether local, national, or international) has interests at stake does not necessarily mean that those interests will be served by trials held by that community s institutions. Local interests may better be served in international courts if local institutions are hampered by conflicting local interests, corruption, or incapacity, for example. Similarly, international interests may be better served in national courts if the judgments of international tribunals will not reach domestic audiences. Thus, just as the relative strength of international, local, and national interests varies from situation to situation, so also does the capac- 35 Indeed, proponents of this view tend to prefer truly local tribunals, in which the affected community itself defines and controls the justice process, to national tribunals, which are in many instances not truly local. See Waldorf, supra note 13, at 2 5, (expressing a preference for local processes for limited purposes). 36 In particular, while I recognize the international community s sense of moral outrage as a basis for concern with justice for atrocities, I am not persuaded that its collectve sense of horror presents an interest that can supersede local ones. Surely its horror is not more compelling than that of the immediate victims. Cf. Drumbl, supra note 19, at 6. Mark Drumbl discusses a similar set of concerns in the introduction to his study of sentencing and punishment in international and national tribunals. See id.

15 2009] Rebuilding National Courts Through Transnational Networks 15 ity of international, local, and national institutions to fulfill those interests.37 Nor are the interests at any level necessarily singular, opposing, or mutually exclusive. To the contrary, at all levels international, national, and local there tend to be multiple actors with different interests, as discussed below in the case of the DRC. The extent to which international, national, and local interests synchronize or are in tension seems to vary considerably as well.38 Thus, as with pragmatic arguments about institutional function, generalizations about these interests are not likely to tell us much about how they will be served by choosing either international or national venues for particular atrocity trials. The idea that I promote here that relying upon a strict dichotomy between national and international institutions and interests is neither accurate nor useful is not a new one. Rather, it pervades international legal theories such as policy-oriented jurisprudence, legal pluralism, transnational legal process, and global governance, all of which suggest in different ways and to different ends that the relationships between international and national institutions are dynamic and interactive, complex and multiple.39 Why then has a reliance on these universalized characteristics lingered so long in this debate? This suggests a more fundamental critique. Not only are the above descriptions not necessarily accurate or useful when applied to particular situations, they rest on an erroneous underlying set of assumptions: that national and international courts are in competition as potential venues for trials and that an assessment of their strengths and weaknesses should be directed at choosing between them for this purpose. To the contrary, the idea that international and national courts are competing for trials is virtually always incorrect. The debate over which courts will handle trials better addresses only those cases that international courts are actually in a position to try that is to say, a bare handful. There are typically hundreds or thousands of perpetrators (and in some instances vastly 37 A multi-country empirical study of victims attitudes revealed divided and nonexclusive support for international and domestic solutions. See Drumbl, supra note 19, at See Waldorf, supra note 13, at 74 82; Dickinson, supra note 27, at See Melissa A. Waters, Normativity in the New Schools: Assessing the Legitimacy of International Legal Norms Created by Domestic Courts, 32 Yale J. Int l L. 455, (2007) (noting this commonality also). The dichotomy between international and national institutions and the presumed hierarchy between them is contested by international law scholars in other areas as well. E.g., Joel R. Paul, Holding Multinational Corporations Responsible Under International Law, 24 Hastings Int l & Comp. L. Rev. 285, 286 (2001).

16 16 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 more)40 who could be tried in any given situation, and there is no possibility that any international tribunal will try more than a few of them (nor, of course, that national tribunals will try more than some modest percentage either). When we refer to a choice between international and national tribunals, therefore, we are talking about only a very small subset of all the cases out there in the world. There are two important consequences of this fact: first, the treatment of international and national courts as alternatives in any practical sense is inapposite in the vast majority of cases. As a consequence, while many scholars have considered the question of the circumstances under which the ICC should defer to national tribunals under its complementarity provisions, this question should not be allowed to characterize or dominate our understanding of the relationship between international and national courts.41 Although the question of deference to national tribunals is crucial for any case that the ICC is actually considering pursuing, these cases are few and far between. However, hidden within this debate is a real choice with a different set of consequences: a choice about where to allocate international resources. At the most superficial level, in light of the relative costs of trials in international and national tribunals, there is a decision about the number of cases to be heard. The resources that might be used to hear only a few cases in an ad hoc international tribunal could be used to put on some multiple of that number of cases in a national tribunal, or to provide some limited level of support for an even greater number of national cases. More importantly, in light of the structural and developmental effects of pursuing such cases, a choice about where to commit resources for immediate prosecutions has substantial long-term effects on the capacities of the affected court systems. Thus, the relevant inquiry is not merely which venue we prefer for the small number of trials that an international institution might be able to handle, nor even whether we prefer a smaller or greater number of cases. Rather, we should be asking where and to what end we want to invest our fi- 40 See Scott Straus, How Many Perpetrators Were There in the Rwandan Genocide? An Estimate, 6 J. Genocide Research 85, 95 (2004). 41 E.g., Schabas, supra note 21, at ; Heller, supra note 19, at ; Madeleine Morris, Complementarity and Its Discontents: States, Victims, and the International Criminal Court, in International Crimes, Peace, and Human Rights: The Role of the International Criminal Court 177, 178 (Dinah Shelton ed., 2000).

17 2009] Rebuilding National Courts Through Transnational Networks 17 nancial, human, and other resources in developing international institutions or in rebuilding domestic ones?42 All in all, the focus on dichotomies between international and national institutions represents a distraction from more important questions.43 It has tended to misdirect the conversation away from fruitful, pragmatic inquiry about the details of each situation and into an abstract and disengaged debate over the theoretical benefits of each form of institution. It has tended to obscure the important differences among national courts and to deter inquiry into the strengths and weaknesses of particular systems. It has tended to focus attention on immediate outcomes rather than on the goals of long-term investment and development of judicial systems. By posing international and national courts as opposing alternatives, it has also tended to hamper creative thinking about productive interaction between the international legal community and national systems, and this is where another group of scholars has picked up. B. Hybrid Courts The first embodiment of a new way of thinking about the interrelationships between international and domestic tribunals was the development of hybrid courts employing both international and national judges, attorneys, and staff in Kosovo, East Timor, and Sierra Leone. These tribunals undermine the international-national dichotomy, representing a conscious effort to combine some of the benefits of each court structure by bringing international and local expertise and skills together in a single tribunal.44 Thus, supporters of hybrid courts contend that they combine international legitimacy with greater efficiency and proximity to affected populations, more opportunity for influence 42 Of course, the commitment of such resources is not in itself sufficient to rebuild decimated national systems; rather, atrocity trials present a focal point for such efforts that must be part of a more comprehensive reform and redevelopment. See generally Stromseth et al., supra note This line of argument echoes those made by scholars in a range of areas of international and transnational law who have identified a complex set of interactions between international, national, and sub-national systems that do not follow strict hierarchical lines. E.g., Robert B. Ahdieh, Dialectical Regulation, 38 Conn. L. Rev. 863, (2006); Paul Schiff Berman, Dialectical Regulation, Territoriality, and Pluralism, 38 Conn. L. Rev. 929, 940 (2006). 44 See Sarah M.H. Nouwen, Hybrid Courts : The Hybrid Category of a New Type of International Crimes Courts, 2 Utrecht L. Rev. 190, 213 (2006).

18 18 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 upon the domestic legal system, and knowledge of both international and domestic law.45 While the debate over international versus domestic courts seemed to assume that both international and national courts are static entities, possessing a given, known set of positives and negatives, hybrid courts offer a venue for interaction and mutual influence.46 Accordingly, advocates propose measuring the success of international involvement by the results of these relationships, and in particular, by their effects beyond the individual cases on the reconstruction of the national judicial system. For example, William Burke-White sets out as successes of the hybrid courts in East Timor the reconstruction of courthouses and other buildings and the mutual learning by East Timorese and foreign judges comprising the special panels hearing cases. Although I wholeheartedly approve of this fundamental shift in conceptualizing international-national court relations, I nonetheless think that hybrid courts have thus far failed to fulfill their promise. Among all the possible critiques of hybrid courts,47 one is particularly important for our discussion here: the foreign judges in hybrid tribunals are often unable to carry out the weighty tasks assigned to them. The responsibility for producing the benefits of hybrid courts over national courts in these accounts rests primarily on the shoulders of the involved international judges. It is they who will introduce international norms and maintain standards of due process and impartiality, and they who will rub shoulders with their local counterparts on a day-to-day basis, sharing crucial knowledge and experience.48 But although expertise is no small part of foreign judges purported value added to the proceedings, hybrid courts do not typically deliver the foreign expertise they promise. There are very few judges who have both an in depth knowledge of international law and extensive trial experience, much less knowledge of the correct fam- 45 See William W. Burke-White, A Community of Courts: Toward a System of International Criminal Law Enforcement, 24 Mich. J. Int l L. 1, 24 (2002); Turner, supra note 2, at 37 39; Dickinson, supra note 27, at See Burke-White, supra note 45, at For example, like ad hoc international courts, hybrid courts must be established for each new crisis, incurring startup costs and delays. Also, hybrid tribunals may in fact offer little connection to the national population depending on their provenance, location, and practices such as whether they apply international or national law. See Nouwen, supra note 44, at 214. Furthermore, while their international colleagues may perceive international judges as impartial, their domestic counterparts may disagree. See Baskin, supra note 27, at See Dickinson, supra note 27, at 304.

19 2009] Rebuilding National Courts Through Transnational Networks 19 ily of law (civil or common, depending on the circumstances).49 In addition, it can be extremely difficult to persuade those few foreign jurists with such qualifications and experience to take up positions in conflict and post-conflict zones.50 Furthermore, unless a judge with all these qualifications also happens to have the relevant language skills, the level of interaction among the foreign and domestic judges will be sharply limited by the need for constant translation. Consequently, the foreign judges who actually serve in hybrid tribunals frequently do not have the necessary experience and knowledge to fulfill the important role that hybrid courts demand of them. In Sierra Leone, although most of the judges have lengthy judicial experience of some kind, only two of the eight foreign judges on the court appear to have any experience whatsoever with international criminal law. Of the five foreign judges serving in the court s trial chambers, at least two appear to have no experience whatsoever presiding over a trial court.51 The UN Mission in Kosovo ( UNMIK ) also struggled to recruit international judges to Kosovo to serve on hybrid panels there. National judges complained bitterly about foreign judges lack of experience and lack of interaction on the bench,52 and the overall level of interaction between international and national judges in Kosovo has apparently been quite low.53 This is not to suggest that hybrid courts will necessarily perform worse than national courts in meting out justice in individual cases. As described above, national courts also frequently struggle with problems of limited expertise and experience amongst their judges; indeed, these are the very reasons that mixed panels of national and foreign judges were proposed in the first place.54 But it does seem that hybrid courts do not typically offer the distinct advantages touted by their supporters importation of expertise, transfer of knowledge and skills, and intensive transnational interaction and they are far from an ideal solution to the problems faced by national courts. 49 Baskin, supra note 27, at 23; Cesare P.R. Romano, The Judges and Prosecutors of Internationalized Criminal Courts and Tribunals, in Internationalized Criminal Courts 235, 254 (Cesare P.R. Romano et al. eds., 2004). 50 Baskin, supra note 27, at 23; see Romano, supra note 49, at See Special Court of Sierra Leone, Chambers, (last visited Sept. 27, 2008). 52 Whether correct or not, these complaints indicate a dearth of positive relations and good feelings among the international and domestic jurists serving together in Kosovo. Baskin, supra note 27, at 10, Id. at See Dickinson, supra note 27, at , 307.

20 20 Boston College Law Review [Vol. 50:1 In spite of these flaws, hybrid tribunals do offer a venue in which interaction between international and national actors is not merely possible but necessary to the functioning of the tribunal. Thus, I do not suggest that hybrid institutions should be rejected wholesale. Rather, it is important to consider carefully the factors affecting the success of hybrid institutions transnational interchange. Hybrid courts demand of their international participants immersion into difficult living conditions in foreign states, management of complex trials in contentious political and social settings, and effective communication with foreign counterparts. It is certainly understandable in hindsight that mid- and late-career professionals who have not committed themselves to such experiences as a career choice are unlikely to be the best people to handle such a role. Of course, some of these factors might be hoped to change in the future: for example, as international and hybrid tribunals addressing international crimes proliferate, one might expect a larger corps of judges with expertise in international criminal law to develop as well. Certainly, the effectiveness of hybrid courts could be improved by greater attention to this concern. Nonetheless, the difficulty of enticing mid- and late-career jurists to the living conditions common in postconflict countries for trials that may last for years is, in my view, likely to remain an extremely salient factor. This suggests that hybrid institutions might perform more successfully if they were structured so as to rely instead on personnel who are at an earlier stage in their career, who are committed to an expatriate lifestyle, and who are likely to have had the opportunity to gain the relevant expertise. This is not a model that hybrid courts are likely to be able to use; rather, it suggests that other sorts of hybrid institutions and processes might be more effective at promoting constructive transnational interactions and conveying international resources into post-conflict domestic systems. C. The ICC and Interactions with Other Courts As the International Criminal Court has become active, conducting investigations, issuing arrest warrants, and preparing for its first trial, efforts to reconstitute the role of international courts have now turned to the ICC and its relationship with other tribunals. For the ICC had no sooner been created than both supporters and critics quickly identified aspects of the Rome Statute that seemed to guarantee sharp limits to the ICC s effectiveness in trying perpetrators and a continued reliance on national courts. Some of these concerns are familiar from

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