{\rtf1{\info{\title A History of Smoky Valley Nevada}{\author Robert D. McCracken}}\ansi\ansicpg1252\deff0\deflang1033
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A History of\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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SMOKY VALLEY,\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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NEVADA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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A History of\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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SMOKY VALLEY,\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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NEVADA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Robert D. McCracken\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Central Nevada Historical Society\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Tonopah Nevada\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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A History of Smoky Valley, Nevada\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
by Robert D. McCracken\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\u169? Copyright 1997 by \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Robert D. McCracken\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 97-067669 \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
ISBN: 0-9652908-2-4\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Designed by Paul Cirac, White Sage Studios, Virginia City, Nevada\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Cover design by Erin Kirk New, Watkinsville, Georgia \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Composition by Jean 0. Charney, Fort Collins, Colorado \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Printed in the United States of America\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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To the memory of my father, Robert G. McCracken, a true man of the West.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Contents\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
Preface}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
Acknowledgments}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
PART ONE The Early History of Central Nevada}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
1 - Prologue: Origin of a World-Class Gold Mine}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Big Bang}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Stars: The Engines of Creation}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Star Cookers}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Earth's Crust Develops}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Mountains Rise}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Making a Gold Deposit}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Origin of a World-Class Gold Deposit}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
2 - Smoky Valley: The First Inhabitants}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Terrain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Environment}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Clovis First Theory}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Search for Remnants}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Paleolithic Life at Lake Tonopah}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Pre-Archaic Period}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Surviving the Archaic Period}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Numic Spread Theory}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Western Shoshone}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Coming of the White Man}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
3 - Exploration of Central Nevada}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Phantom River}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A White Man Crosses the Great Basin}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Ogden's Snake Country Expeditions}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Walker's Expedition to California}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Fremont Names the Great Basin}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Simpson's Better Route to California}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Burton Describes Smoky Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Collision of Cultures}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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4 - California Gold Sets the Stage}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Precious Metals in Early America}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Early Gold Discoveries in California}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Gold at Sutter's Mill}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Gold! Gold! Gold!}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
An Experiment in Genuine Democracy}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Mining District\u8212?A Community of Equals}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Technology Brings Social Change}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Coterie of Prospectors}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Western Mindset}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
PART TWO Smoky Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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5 - Settlement of Smoky Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Comstock Lode and Virginia City}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Booms at Aurora and Austin}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Mining Districts Multiply}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Towns and Mines in the Toiyabes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Murphy Mine and Mill at Ophir City}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Life in Toiyabe City}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Towns and Mines in the Toquimas}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Ranchers Service the Boom at Smoky Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Smoky Valley Stations and Stages}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Smoky Valley Salt Field}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
John Muir Visits Smoky Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The U.S. Geodetic Survey Station on Arc Dome}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Nevada\u8212?The Last Chance to Strike it Rich}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
6 - A Digression on Prospectors, Leasers, and Promoters}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Desert Prospector}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
How a Prospector Staked a Claim}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Leasing System}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Role of the Promoter}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
On High Graders}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
PART THREE The Town of Manhattan}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
7 - Manhattan's First Years}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Early Mining in the Manhattan Area}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Ledges of Gold}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Manhattan Becomes a Town}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Rounsevell's Observations}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
DeWolf's Portrait of Manhattan}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Glowing Reports}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
There Were Problems}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Manhattan Weathers Disasters}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Towns near Manhattan}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Important Mines and Mills}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
8 - Placer Mining in Manhattan Gulch}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Good News from Manhattan}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Placer Mining Was Hard Work}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Dry Wash Wilson's Manhattan Placer Outfit}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Three Men Killed in a Placer Shaft}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Manhattan Placer Mining in the 1930s}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Manhattan's Gold Dredge}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Bob Bottom's Placer Operation}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
9 - Life in Manhattan in the Early Years}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Toiyabe Literary Club}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Case of Child Neglect}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Shooting of Sheriff Thomas W. Logan}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Stray Dog Bob}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Human Hogs}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Practical Joke}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Manhattan's First School}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Church for Manhattan}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The First Major Fire}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Manhattan's Red-Light District}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
10 - Manhattan Reminiscences}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Life at a Rural Quarry}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Job Turns into a "Heap of Living}"\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Jim Boni Recalls Winter in Manhattan}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Jim Boni's Trucking Adventures}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
PART FOUR The Town of Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
11 - The Development of Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Great Discovery}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Coombs's Account of the Gold Discovery}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The New El Dorado}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Nature's Treasure Trove}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Gordon Runs Round Mountain Mining}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Early Mining at Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Early Mills in Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Making a Buck}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Round Mountain Placer}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Town Grows}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Community Services}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Social Life}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Vucanoviches Move to Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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12 - Interlude: High-Grading at Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Finders Keepers}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Black Jack Raymond}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Fencing High-Grade}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
13 - The Development of a World-Class Mine}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Trying to Make a Gold Mine}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Modern Placer Mining}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Coombs Tries to Buy Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Elwood Dietrich Enters the Picture}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Copper Range Advances}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Don Simpson Overhauls the Operation}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Another Buyout}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Question of Archaeology}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Round Mountain's Workforce and Operation}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Technical Aspects of Mining}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Reclamation of the Mine Site}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Townsite Ownership}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Construction of Hadley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Rich Gold Specimens Still Being Found}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
14 - Men and Mules to Match the Mountains}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Galvanized Cousin Jack}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Norman Coombs Comes to Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Hard Work}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Mules: Partners in the Mines}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Life Expectancy and Silica Dust}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Miner's Lifestyle}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Rich Rewards}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Henry Stackpool: Tramp Miner}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
15 - Will Berg and Fulton Little Kelsay:}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Two Who Did Not Mine}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Will Berg's Water System}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Born Entrepreneur}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Lillian Yeager Marries Will Berg}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Fulton Little Kelsay}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
PART FIVE Life in Smoky Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\ul
16 - Schoolteachers in Smoky Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Career for Young Women}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Flo Reed}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Bessie "Betty" Holts}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Florence Huffman Ellis}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Evenings Out}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
17 - Memories of Childhood}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Mildred Cornell: Tumbling Tomboy}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Jim Boni Recalls Traveling Doctors}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The McPherson Girls: All-Day Adventures}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Fun in Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Boy at Millers}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
A Burro of One's Own}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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18 - That Can-Do Nevada Spirit}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Cirac Family}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The White Caps Antimony}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Don Cirac Works at Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Bob Wilson Gets Hooked on Mining}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
McCracken and Wilson in Reveille Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Wilson Works at Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Wilson's South Twin Mine}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
19 - Life on the RO Ranch}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Founding of the Rogers Ranch}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Childhood on the Ranch}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Rene Rogers Works in Round Mountain}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Don Cirac Works for Emma Rogers}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Carl Haas Buys the Rogers Ranch}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Big Steers on the RO}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Haas Builds an Empire}\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Del Loomis Haas: From City Life to the Ranch}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
20 - Carvers: Nucleus of a Community}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Jean Patterson Dutton Marries Gerald Carver}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Carvers' Smoky Valley Rainbow Ranch Bar and Caf\u233?}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Social Life of Smoky Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Indians in the Valley}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Business Grows at Carvers}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Desperadoes Apprehended}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
21 - Mining and Ranching: Endangered Ways of Life}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Future of Mining}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Grazing Question}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Is the Range Overgrazed?}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
In Defense of Ranchers}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Dick Carver's Challenge to Federal Ownership}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
One Possible Outcome}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
The Common Interest}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\ul
Notes}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
References}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\ul
Index}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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Preface\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
If you don't know how you got somewhere, you don't know where you are. If you don't know where you are, you don't know where you're going.}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\i
\u8212?James Burke}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The usual reason given for the study of history is that knowledge of the past will spare a person or society from repeating mistakes. This justification is no doubt true, but I believe there is another persuasive reason to study history: It has to do with self-knowledge and identity.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Each of us is a synthesized sum of individual experiences. Each moment of our lives results in an iteration: New experiences are incorporated into a baseline consisting of a synthesis or pattern of all past experiences. In a sense, each of us is the past made manifest in the present; and at each instant each of us is pregnant with future identity. Take away our pasts and we are amnesiacs, lost in time and space with no identity.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ I believe much the same can be said of society. Society today is the past made manifest in the present; and, as with the individual, present society is pregnant with its future. Take away a society's past and, like the amnesiac, it is lost in time and space, without identity.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ We are, in large measure, products of our societies; since most of our experience is drawn from our society, we are in an important way our society's history incarnate. We are the children of our society's history. Without an understanding of history, we have no societal lineage; we are a collective amnesiac, endlessly adrift, marooned in the eternal present.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Given the importance of historical knowledge to both individuals and society, it is distressing that history is largely ignored, indeed devalued, by so many. We are for the most part a history-blind society, perhaps as much as any in the world today. Perhaps our lack of appreciation and understanding of history has more than a little to do with the many difficulties our society presently faces. It is hoped this book will add to the understanding of Nevada's history and perhaps shed a little light on just who we are.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ A brief note about Chapter 1: When I began the first draft of this volume, I immediately became curious about where all the gold at Round Mountain and Manhattan came from. "Why was it there? What happened?" I wondered. These questions led me to ask, "Where did the Smoky Valley and the Toiyabe and Toquima Ranges come from? Why are they there?" These questions led me further back in time and prompted me to ask, "Where did the material from which the mountains were formed come from?" Such questions took me back step-wise until I found myself asking about the origins of the earth, then the universe. I searched for answers to these questions and concluded that Smoky Valley was much too large and magnificent a place about which to write a history without starting at the beginning\u8212?the very beginning, the creation of the universe\u8212?as best as science understands it. Thus, Chapter 1 begins with the scientific explanation of the origin of the universe and the basic elements; it then jumps to a quick overview of the formation of the solar system and the earth. From there, I move to a short discussion of the formation of the Great Basin, the deposition of the gold at Round Mountain and Manhattan, and the geology of the Round Mountain gold deposit. The reader who is not interested in the physical origin of Smoky Valley and its gold can skip Chapter 1 and start with Chapter 2, which begins with the history of human activity in the valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The first stage of Smoky Valley's history lasted more than 11,000 years. It began with the arrival of the Clovis people in the valley about 11,500 years ago and ended\u8212?after a succession of cultures\u8212?in June 1827 when the great American explorer Jedediah Smith became the first white man to set foot in the valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The second stage lasted from Smith's entry in 1827 until 1862, when silver was discovered at nearby Austin, Nevada. During this stage, no Euro-Americans made their homes in the valley but many crossed it, including John C. Fremont, Richard Burton, and Pony Express riders (whose route took them across the valley's northern tip).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The third stage began in 1862 with the founding of Austin, and for the next twenty years or so was marked by the birth of a number of short-lived communities up and down the Toiyabe and Toquima Ranges, and the establishment of ranches and farms in the valley at nearly all the sites suitable for agriculture. By the 1880s, most of the excitement in the wake of the Austin boom had died, the majority of mines in the mountain ranges surrounding the valley had petered out, and just a few ranchers and prospectors remained in the area.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Jim Butler's discovery of silver at Tonopah in 1900 triggered the fourth stage of the valley's history. Butler's good luck was quickly followed by the discovery of gold on the west flank of the Toquima Range in Smoky Valley at Manhattan (1905) and Round Mountain (1906). These gold discoveries led to the founding of two boisterous boomtowns on the central Nevada desert that were the talk of the mining world. Manhattan and Round Mountain, along with Tonopah, Goldfield, and Rhyolite, their sister boomtowns on the central Nevada desert at the time, witnessed a special era in American history, one seen no more than a half-dozen times at other locations in the West\u8212?most notably the California gold rush. This blossoming of boomtowns on the central Nevada desert at the turn of the century was the last occurrence of a western gold and silver rush in America and was thus the final flowering of the old West in America. This stage in Smoky Valley history lasted until about 1930, by which time most of the mining was being done by small leasing operations.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The fifth stage of Smoky Valley history, which lasted from about 1930 to about 1970, saw a few small mining outfits continue to operate on the flanks of the valley. A couple were large for their day\u8212?the dredge at Manhattan and a placer operation at Round Mountain\u8212?but most operations were small and undercapitalized. Beginning in the 1950s, a number of the smaller ranches in the valley were consolidated into a large operation.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The 1970s saw the beginnings of the era in which mining in Smoky Valley was increasingly done by huge international corporations, using heavy equipment and open-pit methods; this stage continues to the present. This sixth phase of valley history has witnessed the virtual elimination of the small mine operator and the increasing economic marginalization of valley ranchers.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Aware of Nye County's close ties to our nation's frontier past and the scarcity of written sources on local history, the Nye County Board of Commissioners initiated the Nye County Town History Project (NCTHP) in 1987. The NCTHP was an effort to systematically collect and preserve the history of Nye County. The center-piece of the NCTHP is a large set of interviews conducted with individuals in Nye County communities who had knowledge of local history. The interviews provide a composite view of community and county history, revealing the flow of life and events for a part of Nevada that has heretofore been largely overlooked by historians. Each interview was recorded, transcribed, and then edited lightly to preserve the language and speech patterns of those interviewed. All oral history interviews have been printed on acid-free paper and bound and archived in Nye County libraries; in the Special Collections in the James R. Dickinson Library at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas; in the Nevada Historical Society Museum, Reno; and in other archival sites in Nevada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Collection of the oral histories was accompanied by the assembling of a set of photographs depicting each community's history. These pictures were obtained from participants in the oral history interviews and other present and past Nye County residents. In most cases, complete sets of these photographs were archived along with the oral histories.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The oral histories and photo collections, as well as published sources, served as the basis for the preparation of this volume on the history of Smoky Valley. It is one of a series on the history of all major Nye County communities.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In a real sense this volume is the result of a community effort. Before the oral interviews were conducted, a number of local residents provided advice on which community members had lived in the area the longest, possessed and recalled information not available to others, and were available and willing to participate. Because of time and budgetary constraints, many highly qualified persons were not interviewed.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Following the interviews, the participants gave even more of their time and energy. They elaborated upon and clarified points made during the taped interviews; they went through family albums and identified photographs; and they located books, dates, family records, and so forth. During the preparation of this manuscript, a number of community members were contacted, sometimes repeatedly (if asked, some would probably readily admit that they felt pestered), to answer questions that arose during the writing and editing of the manuscript. Moreover, once the manuscript was in more or less final form, each individual who was discussed for more than a paragraph or two in the text was provided with a copy of the relevant portion of the text and was asked to check that portion for errors. Appropriate changes were then made in the manuscript.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Once that stage was completed, several individuals in the community were asked to review the entire manuscript for errors of omission and commission. Scholars with expertise on the early exploration of Nevada, state archaeology, and Nevada history also critiqued portions of the manuscript. At each stage, this quality-control process resulted in the elimination of factual errors.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The author's training as an anthropologist, not a historian (although in many instances the difference between the disciplines is probably less than some might suppose), likely has something to do with the community approach taken in the preparation of this volume. It also may contribute to the focus on the details of individuals and their families and how they lived, worked, and earned a living as opposed to more general descriptions of local residents and their communities. Perhaps this volume's concern with variability among individuals and their contribution to a community, reflects more an "ethnographic," as opposed to a "historical," perspective on local history. The fact that the author has known and admired for years a few of the people discussed in this book, and was himself employed in a small mining operation in the area in the 1950s, perhaps lends some of the insider's detailed knowledge of and love for the subject without seriously compromising the objectivity a book like this needs.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the author's view, there is no such thing as "the history" of a community; a community has many histories. A community's history is like a sunrise\u8212?the colors are determined by a multitude of factors, such as the time of year, weather, and perspective. This history of Smoky Valley was greatly determined by the historical data that was preserved and available to the author and by the input of those who helped produce it. If other data had been preserved and if other people had participated, both the subjects treated and the relative emphasis the subjects received would have been, at least, somewhat different. Many basic facts would, of course, remain the same\u8212?such as names, dates, and locations of events. But the focus, the details that illustrate how facts and human beings come together, would have been different. In a sense, writing a history is like weaving a tapestry. The threads that run lengthwise are the warp, analogous to the facts of history\u8212?names, dates, and events that are less subject to interpretation. The warp provides structure and form. The woof in weaving, the fibers that cross at right angles to the warp, give the fabric its texture, color, and design. Those threads are analogous to the events of everyday life and to the personalities, memories, and elements more subject to interpretation\u8212?the subjective aspects of history that make it human, sensitive to perspective, and impressionistic.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ I hope that readers enjoy this history of Smoky Valley. The residents of Smoky Valley occupy a beautiful place that presents magnificent vistas of desert, mountains, and sky and offers a rare sense of peace and solitude. Although the valley still speaks of the frontier and of lives lived close to nature, it is very much a part of the modern world. In Smoky Valley the human adventure continues, unfolding before our eyes. Huge trucks capable of hauling 200 tons of gold ore at the open-pit mine at Round Mountain seem but the blink of an eye away from an old miner doggedly following a small stringer of gold deep beneath the slopes of Round Mountain up to 90 years ago, his soul filled with anticipation of the wealth he might find with the next blow of his pick. And riding in a whirlwind on the valley floor is dust that once assumed the form of a Clovis hunter who, if you listen closely, will tell you of the valley's many treasures and great beauty.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Robert D. McCracken\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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Acknowledgments\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ This volume was supported by funds provided to the Nye County Town History Project by the Nye County Board of Commissioners. Appreciation goes to Chairman Joe S. Garcia, Jr., and Robert "Bobby" N. Revert, who launched the project in 1987. Commissioners Richard L. Carver, Barbara J. Raper, Dave Hannigan, and Joe Maslach subsequently supported the project with enthusiasm. Stephen T. Bradhurst, Jr., planning consultant for Nye County, helped initiate the project and gave it unwavering support while he held this position; his tenure ended in 1992. The advocacy of Bradhurst and Commissioner Carver led to the county commission's funding of the writing of this volume on Smoky Valley history.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Thanks go to the participants of the Nye County Town History Project, especially those past and present Smoky Valley area residents, who kindly provided much of the information; thanks also to residents from Smoky Valley and throughout Nevada\u8212?too numerous to mention by name\u8212?who provided assistance and his information.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Don Cirac, Norman Coombs, Jean Carver Duhme, Hal Elson, Carl and Del Haas, Don Potts, and George Vucanovich kindly critiqued drafts of the manuscript, made many thoughtful comments, and generously answered many questions. Norman Coombs, who was blessed with a remarkable memory, knew more about mining in central Nevada than anyone I have met. He was especially helpful in providing information on the mines, people, and life in Manhattan and Round Mountain from the 1920s on. Bob Bottom graciously critiqued and made helpful comments on the chapters on Manhattan. Florence Ellis provided many helpful suggestions in her critique of the chapter on Smoky Valley schoolteachers. Wayne S. Cavender graciously provided information on mineral exploration at Round Mountain during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Phillip Earl, curator of the Nevada Historical Society Museum in Reno, and William J. Metscher, president of the Central Nevada Historical Society, reviewed drafts of the manuscript and were helpful with their comments and support. Dr. Kevin Rafferty, professor of anthropology, Community College of Southern Nevada, critiqued and provided many excellent suggestions on the section concerning the archaeology of Smoky Valley. Hal Elson, former chief geologist, Round Mountain Gold Corporation, Round Mountain, Nevada, went to considerable effort to help the author understand the geological origins of Smoky Valley and the gold deposits at Round Mountain and Manhattan. He prepared initial sketches and critiqued several drafts of the figures that appear in Chapter 1; that chapter could not have been written without his assistance. R. Gary Raham drew the figures in Chapter 1. Dr. Jeffrey W. Spaulding provided information on animals and plants that lived in central Nevada in the distant past. Alvin McLane, perhaps the leading authority on Euro-American exploration of Nevada, reviewed and made helpful comments on the section regarding the exploration of Smoky Valley. Bruce Veek, senior geologist, Round Mountain Gold Corporation, provided information on the large nuggets recently found at the Round Mountain Mine. Carl and Arleen Berg, Shirley Ann Lofthouse, Pete Rogers, and Rene Berg Zaval critiqued and made useful comments regarding portions of the manuscript that dealt with them and their families. Susan Jarvis and Kathy War, Special Collections, James R. Dickinson Library, University of Nevada, Las Vegas, assisted with research conducted at that institution. William J. Metscher, Philip Metscher, and Allen Metscher assisted with research conducted at the Central Nevada Museum. Much deserved thanks are extended to all these people.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Jean Charney, Adam Karpel, Sandra Rush, and Elizabeth Townsend did the word processing. Michele Wynn, the principal editor, contributed measurably to the volume's scholarship and readability; Alice Levine and Michelle S. Asakawa worked on subsequent drafts of the manuscript and also served as production consultants. Shena Redmond proofread the typescript and prepared the index. Jean Charney prepared the final text pages, Letra Libre prepared the front matter, and Erin Kirk New designed the cover.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The writing of this volume was supported by funds received by Nye County from the U.S. Department of Energy under the Nuclear Waste Policy Act as amended. However, any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed herein are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of DOE or Nye County. Any errors or deficiencies are, of course, the author's responsibility.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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R. D. M.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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PART ONE\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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THE EARLY HISTORY\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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OF CENTRAL NEVADA\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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CHAPTER 1\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Prologue: Origin of a\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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World-Class Gold Mine\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Smoky Valley, known also as Big Smoky Valley, or Great Smoky Valley, is located in northern Nye County in southcentral Nevada. The valley, one of the longest in the state, is flanked by rugged mountain ranges with high snow-capped peaks; this is grand and beautiful country. The area is richly endowed with natural resources such as molybdenum, copper, and silver, but it is especially rich in gold. The presence of gold has dominated the valley's history. It would therefore be more than appropriate to begin a book on the history of this magnificent valley by asking a single question: Where did the gold come from? We could begin by describing how the mountains and the valley were formed, but that would lead us to ask where the raw material that formed the mountains came from. And discussing that would likewise provoke these questions: How was the earth formed\u8212?and ultimately\u8212?how was the universe created?\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In fact, anthropologists have learned that all cultures have developed myths and tales to answer questions about origin. Such accounts satisfy the deep human craving to explain existence; they are an undeniably human phenomenon\u8212?proof of both the richness of the human mind and the characteristically human need to know.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In western civilization, the ancient Greeks were the first to attempt a systematic, nonmythological explanation of the world's origin. In 196 B.C., for example, the Greek astronomer Eratosthenes was the first to accurately determine the radius of the earth. The tradition of attempting to understand the natural world and its origin through the use of reason and measurement begun by the Greeks has been followed by some of the greatest intellects in human history, among them Nicolaus Copernicus (1473-1543), Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), Isaac Newton (1642-1727), Pierre Laplace (1749-1827), and Albert Einstein (1879-1955) (Lightman, 1991). These scientists, and hundreds of thou-sands of other dedicated researchers through the centuries, have all contributed toward developing the modern scientific view of the world's origin.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Big Bang\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Cosmology, a subdiscipline of astrophysics, is the branch of modern science that deals with the large-scale structure and evolution of the universe. Until about 1975, there were two competing cosmological theories regarding the universe's origin. The first, introduced in 1948 by three prominent physicists, is called the steady state theory. It holds that the nature of the universe has not changed at any time in the past, nor will it in the foreseeable future, with matter constantly being created at precisely the rate necessary to maintain a constant density throughout the universe as the universe expands. The steady state theory was popular for only about 20 years. It gradually gave way to the big bang theory, first introduced in 1955, which, in one form or another, is the theory currently supported by most leading cosmologists. We should keep in mind while reviewing the present theory that details and even major points can vary and will change as research continues.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The big bang theory begins with the understanding, reached in the early 1930s, that the universe is expanding. The stars most distant from Earth are receding at the Incredible speed of 150,000 miles per second\u8212?close to the speed of light (Jastrow, 1990b:79). Physicists believe that if the universe's expansion were reversed and the universe were Contracting, not expanding, then if one could go back far enough in time\u8212?by some estimates approximately 15 billion years\u8212?one would eventually encounter a state where all of the matter in the universe would be compacted into a single point, infinitesimally small and enormously dense and hot. At this point all matter and energy\u8212?all that makes up the universe\u8212?would become fused in what the great American physicist John Wheeler calls "homogeneous soup" (Wheeler, 1990:240). Time started, and the universe, as we understand began when this point of near-infinite density, this pea soup concoction of all matter and energy, exploded in a cosmic fireball.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In a fraction of a fraction of a microsecond, the universe had cooled to 100 million, trillion, trillion degrees, gravity came into existence (Goldsmith, 1992:74-84). o minutes after the big bang, the infant universe was still hot that it was filled with a hot gas of subatomic particles. As the universe continued to cool, protons and neutrons to come together to form the nuclei of atoms. After about 300,000 years the universe had cooled enough to allow electrons to stick to the nuclei to form atoms. Most of the matter formed in this stage was hydrogen, but about 25 percent by mass of matter was converted into helium, with :race amounts of nuclei of other elements present. Most of other types of atoms found in the universe today were formed much later in the universe's history (Guth, 1991:113).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Cosmologists have found ample evidence to support the big bang theory. In 1965, physicists were able to measure background radiation evenly distributed throughout the universe. This radiation was interpreted as being the leftover traces of the initial fireball, the still-warm ashes of creation (Jastrow, 1990b:92; Wheeler, 1990:240). The relative abundance of the different forms of hydrogen, helium, and lithium\u8212?all light elements\u8212?also supports the theory (Guth, 1991:113).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ At this time, proponents of the big bang theory cannot predict the ultimate fate of the universe. The universe's expansion is somewhat analogous to a rocket being fired from the surface of the earth: If the rocket has sufficient velocity, it can escape the earth's gravity and keep going, presumably until it runs into something else; but if the rocket lacks sufficient velocity to escape, it will fall back to earth. Much the same will be true for the universe: If sufficient velocity remains from the big bang, it is possible that the universe will keep expanding forever, with the galaxies moving endlessly farther and farther apart. If velocity is insufficient, however, a time will come when expansion is no longer possible and the matter making up the universe will begin to contract, eventually reaching that infinitesimally small and incredibly dense and hot point at which it began. The destiny of the universe depends on how much mass it has. So far, cosmologists have not located enough mass in the universe to make them think that it will contract.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Just as physicists are unable to discern the ultimate fate of the universe, they are also uncertain about its distant past. For example, the American astronomer James Peebles has commented that scientists have little idea "what the universe was like at day minus one before the Big Bang" (quoted in Jastrow, 1990a:49).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\qc
Stars: The Engines of Creation\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As the nascent universe expanded, it continued to cool, but as it did so the temperature fluctuated slightly from one area to another. Faint ripples in temperature, measurable in millionths of degrees, were created. These ripples became gravitational eddies that caused increased densities of matter to form in some areas and then to eventually coalesce during :the next billion years into great galaxy-size clouds of gas. After another billion years, the galaxies themselves were -drawn by gravity into great superclusters and strings of galaxies with immense voids of space between them.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ After another 3 billion years, that is, about 12 billion :years ago by some estimates, massive stars formed and began to shine. These stars, the engines of creation, were so large that their lifetimes were relatively short\u8212?only several million rears. The heat within the interior of such a star transformed hydrogen into helium and helium into lithium. When a massive star exhausted its fuel, it could no longer resist the inward pull of its own gravity, and it would shrink to a tiny fraction of its original size in a catastrophic implosion. The collapse triggered a rebounding shock wave that caused the star to explode. The explosion, called a supernova, hurled much of the star's contents into space; greatly elevated temperatures during the explosion caused further transformation of lighter elements into heavier elements. The star's contents then became the raw material for the development of future generations of stars, which would in turn synthesize heavier elements from lighter ones in their thermonuclear furnaces. In this manner, the great variety of elements we find in the universe was formed, although only about 1 percent of the matter in the universe today is heavier than hydrogen or helium (Jastrow, 1990b:81).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When the universe was approximately 10 billion years old, a portion of a large, cold, dark cloud of interstellar material located on one of the arms of a spiral galaxy (today called the Milky Way) began to contract, perhaps in response to a concussion produced by a nearby supernova. During the first 500 million years of this galaxy's existence, massive stars evolved, rapidly creating most of the heavy elements that were in turn dispersed throughout the galaxy by supernovas. As the cloud contracted, atoms and molecules collided and occasionally stuck together. Dust-size fragments of solid matter, accumulating as the cloud condensed, were swept along to the center of the cloud, where they fell toward a central plane and created a spinning disk (Flam, 1993:459; Meyers and Flam, 1992:1038). Most of the matter accumulated at the center of the disk, eventually coalescing into a large body, with smaller bodies forming at intervals out on the disk's margin. The central body was so massive that its heat, produced by compaction and radioactive decay, reached the temperature necessary to initiate thermonuclear reactions-20 million degrees. Our sun was born at this point, approximately 4.6 billion years ago.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ About 4.5 billion years ago, small clumps of rocky material began to form on the disk's margins. Random collisions of these clumps led to the formation of small asteroids, or planetesimals. In cosmological terms, this period was rather brief and quite violent. Within perhaps only 100 million years, planetesimals grew from modest-size chunks of material to "hefty bodies." One scientific writer says this was "a time of innumerable collisions and near misses, of drastic changes in orbit, of planet-size masses recklessly careening around the sun with devastating consequences" (Peterson, 1993:190). Through collisions, the number of planetesimals was reduced, and smaller bodies became incorporated into larger ones. When planet-size bodies collided, results could be cataclysmic. During this time period, for example, a large object, believed to be approximately the size of Mars, probably collided with what is now Earth. The cores of the two bodies fused, and a great deal of matter was ejected into orbit around the earth (Jastrow, 1990b:95; Silk, 1989:344; Peterson, 1993:191). That matter is believed to have eventually accreted into the moon.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Star Cookers\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Any theory that purports to account for the origin of he universe must be able to explain how the universe came be composed of 92 naturally occurring elements, ranging mum hydrogen, the lightest and the simplest in structure, to uranium, the heaviest and the most complex. All of the elements are made up of the three basic building blocks of matter: neutrons and protons, both found at the center, or nucleus, of an atom, and electrons, which orbit the nucleus. The type of element and its physical and chemical characteristics are determined solely by the unique combination of these three building blocks present in the atom.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Over the past 30 years, cosmologists have come to understand in broad outline how the heavier elements that make up the known universe are formed. In effect, the elements have been cooked in the stars, much in the way a baker would make a variety of pastries from a few basic ingredients.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The relative abundance of different elements on s surface varies. Silicon, for instance, is very common is a primary constituent of the rock found in mountains. In contrast, iron is far less abundant, occurring in small entities in ordinary rock and only occasionally in deposits higher concentration. Gold, however, is quite rare; it is in minute quantities in most rock, and even the very deposits contain only a few pounds of gold per ton of rock.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Physicists have calculated the positions on a scale of relative abundance for the naturally occurring elements in the universe. Hydrogen is by far the most abundant element, followed by helium and lithium. Carbon, oxygen, sodium, magnesium, aluminum, silicon, potassium, chlorine, and calcium all appear in the top one-third of the list. Iron is also relatively common. Platinum is more common than silver, and silver is twice as abundant as gold. Uranium is one of the least common of all elements (Trimble, 1975:884-885). Gold is 19.3 times as heavy as water; 1 cubic foot of gold weighs more than 1000 pounds. It is estimated that all the gold acquired by humans throughout history could be melted into a cube measuring 50 feet per side (Bronson and Watkins, 1977:11).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Thus, gold is rare not only on Earth but also in the universe. Obviously, people assign great value to gold partly because it is scarce. Yet the metal bismuth is about as scarce, but it is neither perceived to be precious nor is it coveted by most people. In addition to being very uncommon, gold has other valuable attributes. It is stable, tending not to decay or tarnish under conditions found on the earth's surface. Moreover, gold is malleable, easy to work, and can be rolled into extremely thin sheets for artistic and decorative purposes. It also has a luster far more beautiful than platinum and other scarce elements. In addition, gold is a safe element: It does not harm people when ingested in small quantities or when touched or held near the body, as do lead and uranium. The fact that gold can also be extracted from the earth's surface and refined by relatively simple, nonthreatening technologies also adds to its value.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In fact, gold is less abundant in the universe than, say, silicon or iron, because the process necessary to "cook" gold in the stars is a more complicated one. The way the stars transformed the bland and homogeneous universe composed of hydrogen and helium into the diverse range of elements found today is called nucleosynthesis. The first phase of this transformation created iron and all the elements weighing less than iron. As the first stars heated up and began to shine, hydrogen atoms began to fuse, releasing energy that further heated these stars. This process continued at a steady pace until all the stars' hydrogen supply was exhausted, at which time the stars collapsed, only to heat up more, this time consuming not the hydrogen that had been exhausted but the recently formed helium (Silk, 1989:281-282). Helium atoms fused much as the hydrogen atoms had earlier, only at higher temperatures. The helium nuclei fused into carbon, and in stars sufficiently large, the consumption of carbon produced oxygen and other elements (Silk, 1989:321). This nucleosynthesis was repeated for increasingly heavier elements, up -through iron in the table of elements. Each time the nuclei were fused into heavier elements, energy was released, and that release provided increased heat to the star so that more Nuclei could be fused. Physicists can account for the synthesis of all the elements from helium to iron by this process (Silk, 99:281-282, 321).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The second phase of transformation, which is necessary for the synthesis of elements heavier than iron, including silver, gold, platinum, and uranium, involves a different process. The synthesis of such elements requires the input of vastly greater amounts of energy than are available in a star's-sustaining, energy-producing system. However, such a massive energy supply can become available when a star's energy supply has become exhausted and the core of the star collapses violently. This sends a rebounding shock wave through the outer fringes of the star, that is, through the surrounding layers of silicon, oxygen, carbon, and helium at outer edge of the star, briefly heating the area outside the central core to temperatures much higher than the star has ever experienced. Tremendous amounts of energy become briefly available during this supernova stage. A supernova, then, provides the unique environment supplying the additional energy necessary for the synthesis of heavy elements such as silver, platinum, uranium, and\u8212?most important for the history of Smoky Valley\u8212?gold. Researchers believe that exotic but unknown forms of matter are created in supernovas; because of the instability of these forms, they subsequently decay into the known heavy elements. Uranium, for example, decays into lead, but the exact form whose decay makes gold is not known at this time. The supernova not only provides the energy for the synthesis of these heavy elements, but its explosive force also distributes them as dust in space, where they can eventually be incorporated into another star or perhaps into a planet such as Earth (Silk, 1989:335).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Earth's Crust Develops\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As the nascent Earth grew in size, first from the accumulation of tiny grain- and sand-size particles of interstellar dust and eventually from planetesimals, which had accumulated from the accretion of smaller particles, all striking its surface, the energy from the collisions melted the colliding bodies, and the earth absorbed them. As the earth grew in mass and gravity increased, the heavy mineral elements sank toward the center of the growing planet and the lighter elements remained near the surface. Gradually, the earth's core formed. Iron and nickel became its main components, but much smaller amounts of other heavy elements, such as lead, gold, and silver, settled in the core as well. However, this separation by weight was not perfect, and small amounts of heavy elements, including iron, gold, and silver, remained near the surface. As the earth's surface cooled, minerals began to form in the melt. Continued cooling produced solid rock of various mineral assemblages. Lighter mineral assemblages tended to ride over the top of heavier mineral assemblages. The surface of the earth gradually cooled enough so that water vapor in the atmosphere began to precipitate as a liquid, filling low-lying areas. Lighter mineral materials formed continents and heavier mineral materials formed ocean basins. In effect, these masses, or "plates," of continental crust and oceanic basin serial float on beds of hotter and denser materials. \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Large amounts of heat are produced in the earth's interior. The heat comes both from the decay of radioactive elements such as uranium and from heat generated by ,compaction. Convection currents move the excess heat from the hot interior toward the surface, in the way currents in a pot of boiling water transfer heat from the bottom of the pot the top. These currents carry molten or semimolten material from deep within the interior toward the surface. This material is plastic and acts like bread dough, whereas the surface, pieces of the earth's crust tend to be brittle and are subject to breakage and fracture, much like the crust french bread (Davies, 1992:493).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Earth's crust acts as an insulating blanket over areas where heat is attempting to escape from the interior via convection currents. In regions where the crust is thicker\u8212?for example, in continental areas that are higher in elevation - heat tends to accumulate under the crust, which leads splitting of the crustal plate. When this occurs, the two pieces of crust are pushed apart as molten material from the interior is forced out onto the surface. This process allows heat from the interior to escape, and in this way pieces of the crust, called tectonic plates, are moved about the surface. As the plates are pushed by convection currents, the lighter continental plates ride over the heavier and denser crustal plates, forcing the oceanic plates toward the planet's interior, where they are heated and some of the material becomes molten. The buoyant molten material rises toward the surface, creating volcanoes near the margins of the continental plates. Over the several billion years that this has occurred, the shuffling of tectonic plates has left telltale patterns of changes in the rock formations on the earth's surface. Geologists are learning to read the history of Earth's formation in these rocks (Silk, 1989:359-360).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Mountains Rise\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In Geology of the Great Basin, Nevada geologist Bill Fiero notes the difficulty of studying our planet's history, observing that "the past shrouds itself in mystery. The farther back you reach in time, the more difficult it is to find data" (1986:69). Nevertheless, scientists have estimated that approximately 2 billion years ago the area south of what is now Reno was under water. A collision with an unknown tectonic plate led to the area's subduction and to the development of an island arc of volcanoes that ran east and west along a continental margin\u8212?about where Reno is today. By about 1.75 billion years ago, the island arc had become fully connected to the continent because of the uplifting of the shallow sea floor (Fiero, 1986, 70-71; Elson, 1992-1995). Then, about 850 million years ago, heat rising from the interior caused the continent containing what is now the state of Nevada to split on a north-south line somewhere near the middle of the state, along a line roughly connecting Tonopah and Elko. The western part of the continent was sheared off and moved west-northwest, and the remainder moved south-southeast. Geologists are not sure where the western part eventually ended up, although they speculate that the largest piece of it may be a part of present-day Siberia. By about 500 million years ago, a new continental margin lay on a line that stretched approximately from Wells through Tonopah, with everything west of that line lying under deep water. The land mass that we know as the eastern one-third of Nevada and much of western Utah was on the continental shelf beneath shallow water (Fiero, 1986:70-82).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ During the Middle Paleozoic, the time period in the earth's history lasting from more than 500 million to about 250 million years ago, the western edge of the continent apparently collided with another oceanic plate. The margin of the second plate was subducted beneath the westward-moving plate. As Hal Elson, chief geologist for the Round Mountain Gold Corporation, Round Mountain, Nevada, explains, this led to a period of volcanism during which volcanoes were created west of the continent; eventually a second island arc was formed, positioned much as the present island arc of Japan is in relation to mainland China (Elson, :992-1995). A shallow sea formed between the island arc and the more elevated areas of the continent in central Utah. Sediments, including sand and mud of continental origin and limestone consisting of the remains of sea life, collected at the bottom of the sea that occupied the area geologists now call the Great Basin (Elson, 1992-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The margin of the subducted plate melted as it was driven deeper into the earth; large globular masses, or plutons, composed of light, granitic material were created ,when melted portions of the heated subducted plate separated and rose slowly toward the surface. As the plutons, which ranged in size from several hundred yards to hundreds of miles across, moved upward through the old continental crust. they heated the surrounding rock, changing limestone and shale into marble and slate, and granite and basalt into schist. In addition, as the eastward-driven plate was forced beneath the continent, some of its segments and some blocks of the westward-moving continental plate were thrust upward. They accumulated at the continental margin, the -way material collects in front of a bulldozer's blade. The great stresses produced by the collision between the two plates cracked, broke, and deformed the rock formations located near the continent's edge (Elson, 1992-1995) ({\ul
see Figure 1.1}).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As the subduction process continued, the island arc and basin that occupied most of what we call Nevada continued to fill with sediments, which eventually accumulated in some places to a depth of several miles ({\ul
see Figure 1.2}). Subsequent shifts and collisions between the crustal plates caused the formations laid down in the ancient sea to become deformed and faulted. Continuing episodes of tectonic mountain building and erosional activity during the Mesozoic, the period in the earth's history lasting from 237 to 67 million years ago, caused new formations to be laid down on the old Paleozoic strata {\ul
(see Figure 1.3}). These formations were deformed by the ever-changing forces within the earth during the Cenozoic, the period lasting from 67 million years ago to the present. Cenozoic formations deposited on top of Mesozoic strata also became deformed in turn by the same processes that had altered the older formations {\ul
(see Figure 1.4).} The great beds of limestone and other rock formations visible in the mountains of Nevada resulted from these processes (Elson, 1992-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
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{\qc
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Figure 1.1. Ancestral Great Basin, 500 million years B.P. During the Paleozoic era, the westward-moving continental plate collided with an oceanic plate. The heavier oceanic plate was subducted beneath lighter continental plate, which then melted, forming plutons rose through the overriding continental plate and produced volcanoes in the sea along the plate's western margin. The volcanoes created a chain of islands, or an island arc, running north-along the western edge of the continental margin. A large, oceanic basin between the islands and the continent's reline formed. This sea eventually became the Great Basin. (Art Gary Raham; Hal Elson, consultant)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Figure 1.2. Paleozoic deposition. During the Paleozoic era, the great ocean basin became filled with sediments that washed off the continent to the east and accumulated to depths of more than 20,000 feet in some places. The shallow Paleozoic seas teemed with life, particularly with arthropods like trilobites. There were also corals, brachiopods, pelecypods, and fish. Early in the period, the land was still a desolate waste; major plant and animal life took hold later, with forests of tree ferns and the first land vertebrates\u8212?lungfish and primitive amphibians. (Art by R. Gag Raham; Hal Elson, consultant)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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Figure 1.3. Mesozoic deposition. After the oceanic basin (Figure formed, additional tectonic activity, and perhaps further collisions with other tectonic plates, led to the folding and twisting of Paleozoic-era strata. Magma created igneous intrusions into the Paleozoic sedimentary beds. Later, during the Mesozoic era, additional sediments were deposited on top of the deformed Paleozoic strata. (Art by R. Gary Raham; Hal Elson, consultant)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Figure 1.4. Cenozoic deposition. Further tectonism created folds and faults in the Mesozoic strata deposits, and the Paleozoic strata were further shifted and distorted. More faults formed and further intrusions of igneous material into both the Paleozoic and Mesozoic formations occurred. Volcanic materials were deposited on the Mesozoic strata. Cenozoic seas contained corals, bryozoans, cephalopods, fish, and marine dinosaurs like the icthyosaur. On land, plants and insects were similar to those we have today; animal life included small mammals and dinosaurs like triceratops and tyrannosaurus rex. (Art by R. Gary Raham; Hal Elson, consultant)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
Making a Gold Deposit\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The gold deposits at Round Mountain and Manhattan were formed by a process that depends upon hot water to concentrate gold. The presence of a hydrothermal (hot water) cell, a geological condition that enables a mineral to be concentrated, is essential for depositing gold in rock in the earth's crust.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ A pluton moves toward the earth's surface in a journey that may take millions of years. The pluton may contain significant amounts of gold or other elements, but to create a mineral deposit there must be a specific rock formation near the earth's surface in close proximity to the pluton that can serve as a host for deposition and further concentration of the minerals found in the pluton. Conduits from the source rock to the host rock must also be present. These conduits serve as pathways along which heated solutions can move minerals from the pluton to the host formation. Typically, groundwater is the solution that transports gold and other minerals along the conduit, molecule by molecule. The groundwater, which originates on the earth's surface, percolates deeply into the earth until it comes into contact with the pluton. The pluton heats the water, the minerals in the pluton and surrounding "country rock" (a term used here to mean the formations surrounding the pluton but used also miners to mean any rock that is not ore\u8212?and is therefore not worth mining) go into solution in the water, and they are then transported upward for deposition in the host rock. As heated water passes upward through the country rock, it may pick up additional amounts of gold and other minerals are present in minute quantities in the country rock. This leaching of minerals adds to the richness of the concentration present in the solution. As the water rises toward the surface, it cools, and the mineral load in solution is precipitated. The cooler water then finds its way back down fractures to be reheated. This particular circulation system, or hydrothermal cell, provides one way for a significant mineral deposit to be formed (Elson, 1992-1995) ({\ul
see Figure 1.5}). \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As a pluton {\ul
(see Figure 1.6}) moves upward through earth's interior, it exerts pressure on the rock formations it, and as it gets closer to the earth's surface, the pressure deforms the overlying formations, creating a dome the surface. As the pressure continues, the dome enlarges cracks begin to form in the cold and brittle surface rocks. Fingers of molten material from the pluton begin to extend upward into the cracks, and if the surface is broken, molten material from the pluton is expelled onto the surface, where one or more volcanoes are created (Elson, 1992-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When a significant amount of volcanic material is ejected from a pluton onto the earth's surface, the magma chamber under the surface dome is evacuated. If this discharge is large enough, the rock structures overlying the chamber can no longer support the load and the roof will collapse, leaving a roughly circular-shaped depression called a caldera, from the word caldron, or bowl. Calderas can range in size from hundreds of feet to tens of miles across. The Mt. Jefferson caldera, in the Toquima Range not far from Round Mountain, is more than 10 miles across (Elson, 1992-1995; Boden, 1987:198).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The formation of a caldera cracks the surrounding rock and produces faults in the rock strata nearby. When conditions are right, these fractures can serve as conduits for groundwater to transport minerals from the heat source in the pluton to the host rock. If the volcanic activity associated with the caldera continues to erupt and spew ash, new ash may be deposited on top of the rock formations that have collapsed into the caldera. Eruption of nearby volcanoes can also lead to accumulation of materials within the caldera or its margins. When considerable heat remains in the volcano following the caldera's formation, and when there is sufficient groundwater, a hydrothermal cell can become established; the ash ejected from the volcano following the caldera's formation can serve as the host rock, and cracks in rock strata can serve as conduits. This is what happened at Round Mountain when the immense deposit of gold found was formed about 26 million years ago (Elson, 992-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Figure 1.5. Formation of a mineral deposit through a hydrothermal cell. A buoyant pluton rises like a bubble through the earth's interior. Conduits carry magma from the pluton to near or onto the earth's surface, forming one or more volcanoes. Groundwater percolating downward from the earth's surface through porous and cracked overlying rock strata comes into contact with the pluton and the conduits carrying the magma. The groundwater, after being heated by the magma, picks up dissolved minerals and then rises toward the surface. As the water rises it is cooled, and the minerals carried in solution by the water are deposited in the porous formations above the pluton and in the fractures in those formations. (Art by R. Gary Raham; Hal Elson, consultant)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Figure 1.6. Formation of a caldera and the establishment of a hydrothermal cell. (A) A pluton rises toward the earth's surface. As it nears the earth's surface, a dome forms, and strata above the pluton begin to crack and form faults as the pluton threatens to break through to the surface. (B) Magma from the pluton has broken through to the earth's surface. A volcano forms as molten rock is expelled from the volcano's magma chamber.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
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}}
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
As magma continues to be expelled from the chamber beneath the volcano, the rock strata above collapse into the chamber, a huge caldera on the earth's surface. This collapse :produces numerous cracks and faults within and on the perimeter of the newly formed caldera. (D) A hydrothermal cell may become established at the site of the caldera. (Art by R. Gary Raham; Hal consultant)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
Origin of a World-Class Gold Deposit\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Considerable volcanic activity developed about 30 million years ago in the area of present-day Round Mountain. Within a few million years, several large calderas had formed in the vicinity, including those at Moores Creek, Mt. Jefferson, and Trail Canyon. Approximately 26 million years ago, the Round Mountain caldera formed on the southwest side of what eventually became Round Mountain (Elson, 1992-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ A hydrothermal cell was established on the northeast margin of the caldera. Gold was transported from a postulated pluton, and/or perhaps from country rock, into overlying rock formations that were composed of volcanic ash that had only relatively recently been ejected from the Round Mountain volcano and from other nearby volcanic vents. Geologists are not certain of the location of the Round Mountain pluton or its age, but a large Mesozoic-age pluton lies underground just to the east of Round Mountain, and attests to continuous igneous activity in the area over a long history (Elson, 1992). (The Round Mountain gold deposit is not related to Mesozoic igneous activity; geologists are not sure of the real source [Elson, 1992-1995].)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Plutons rising toward the earth's surface sometimes follow fault lines\u8212?weaknesses in the earth's crust. A large lineament (meaning "like a line") fault runs northwest to southeast on the northeast side of Round Mountain {\ul
(see Figure 1.7}). This lineament fault may be very old and may represent a major crustal weakness in the area. Its length and its overall importance remain to be determined, although geologists know that a very large lineament, the Walker Lake fault zone, runs through Tonopah and can be traced from Goldfield to Hawthorne. Geologists have speculated that this fault zone might have had much to do with the occurrence of many ore deposits, including the great gold deposit at Goldfield and the tremendous silver and gold deposit at Tonopah. The Walker Lake fault and the Round Mountain fault may be ancient scars remaining from tectonic activity dating back hundreds of millions of years. At any rate, geologists believe that the Round Mountain fault may have played an important role in shaping the Round Mountain caldera, which adjoins the fault. Fractures along the fault joined those produced by the collapsing caldera to form the conduits that made possible the formation of Round Mountain's gold deposit (Elson, 1992-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The hydrothermal cell at Round Mountain deposited an estimated 14 million ounces of gold over a period of about 500,000 years. In comparison, the great Comstock Lode contained an estimated 8 million ounces of gold, the Tonopah deposit held 2 million ounces, and the Goldfield, about 4 million ounces. The Gold Quarry Mine near Carlin in northern Eureka County, Nevada, is thought to have contained between 10 and 12 million ounces of gold. The Homestake Mine in South Dakota produced 14 to 16 million ounces of gold, and the mines at Cripple Creek, Colorado, contained 20 to 22 million ounces. Some South African mines contain much larger amounts. The Grasberg mine in Irian, Jaya, in New Guinea is the world's biggest known single gold reserve, with an estimated 40 million ounces (Elson, 1992-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The gold in the hydrothermal system at Round Mountain was deposited in three types of tuff, the rock formed from ejected volcanic ash. Intra-caldera tuff, what mine officials call Type 3 tuff, fills the caldera. This type of tuff is moderately welded: individual particles of ash have become partially fused to each other. The Type 1 and Type 2 tuffs, found above the Type 3 tuff, are densely welded and nonwelded tuffs, respectively. Extra-caldera tuffs are deposited outside the caldera. Nonwelded tuffs form when the volcanic ash falling to the ground is not hot enough to fully the rock it forms is less dense. When gold-bearing solution worked its way through fractures in the intra-caldera tuffs , the gold was deposited as seams in these cracks. The gold-bearing solution more fully saturated the nonwelded tuff formations, depositing the gold more evenly throughout these more permeable rock formations (Elson, 1992-1995). \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The gold deposit at Manhattan may have been formed a similar fashion. The Manhattan deposit, like the one at Round Mountain, sits on the edge of an old caldera. Gold-bearing solutions in a similar hydrothermal cell at Manhattan transported gold from an igneous intrusion, and perhaps from country rock, to the host rock. However, the gold deposit at Manhattan was smaller than Round Mountain's and was .deposited approximately 16 million years ago, 9 million years after the Round Mountain deposit formed (Elson, 1992-1995 ) .\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When the gold at Round Mountain and Manhattan was deposited, the hydrothermal cells may have operated at distance beneath the earth's surface. Over time, ever, the upper formations at Manhattan eroded; and the gold they contained was washed down Manhattan Gulch and deposited in gravel. At Round Mountain, though, the upper formations were still present and the gold that eroded from the rocks was deposited at the base of the Stebbins Hill and Round Mountain were originally of a larger formation of tuff. Because the solutions that the gold made the tuff through which it circulated harder, the remainder of the formation (that part not containing gold) eroded, leaving only Round Mountain and Stebbins Hill. It is interesting that the tuff at Round and elsewhere contains small bits and fragments of ancient Paleozoic rocks that were incorporated into the as it moved upward and was ejected from the volcanic vent along with the ash when it erupted (Elson, 1992-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The last stage in the formation of Smoky Valley and its gold deposits began approximately 17 million years ago. The Great Basin then was an "almost featureless volcanic plain, modified by a few domes of the metamorphic core complexes and vast subsident pits of the calderas, arched upwards thousands of feet" (Fiero, 1986:127). Around this time, the earth's crust under the Great Basin experienced considerable stretching, and great cracks along the earth's surface appeared, trending in a north-northeast, south-southwest direction. Massive blocks of earth slid downward along these cracks, leaving adjoining blocks seemingly pushed upward. Considerable vertical displacement occurred, resulting in Nevada's basin and range topography {\ul
(see Figure 1.8}), including the formation of the Smoky Valley and the Toquima and Toiyabe Ranges. Over millions of years, sediments eroded from the elevated areas into the valleys. In some areas, entire mountain ranges lie buried in these sediments. If the sediments from the valleys were removed, at certain places in the Great Basin the distance between the mountaintops and the valley floors would be from 15 thousand to 20 thousand feet (Fiero, 1986:127). (Vertical displacement in the Smoky Valley is about 14,000 feet.({\ul
Figure 1.9} illustrates the geological subsurface structures under Round Mountain (Elson, 1992-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
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\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Figure 1.7. Geology of the Round Mountain Gold Mine. The aerial -view of the mine shows the eastern margin of the caldera that .controlled the deposition of the gold at Round Mountain. The western two-thirds of the caldera was sheared off by the fault that created the Toquima Range and the Smoky Valley. The fractures created when the caldera formed are shown, as is the portion of the caldera's margin where gold was deposited by hydrothermal activity (the hatched area). The major faults lying north and south of the deposit may be remnants of lineaments (faults or cracks running for miles) in the earth's crust that may be hundreds of millions of years old and that represent northwest-tending structural weaknesses in the crust that have influenced the development caldera margin and the gold deposit. The cross-sectional of the mine shows Shoshone Peak, Round Mountain, and Stebbins Hill and the fault that dropped part of the Round gold deposit into the valley, where it now lies buried 1000 feet of alluvium. (Art by R. Gary Raham; Hal Elson, consultant)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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Figure 1.8. Basin and range formation. The extension of the surface of the earth in the Great Basin may have been from 10 percent to 50 percent\u8212?even up to 100 percent (e.g., 1 mile of the earth's skin became 2 miles) in some areas. The earth's crust broke along numerous north-south trending fault lines to accommodate the strain. Alternating blocks of earth along these lines fell toward the earth's center; in some places the downward displacement of the blocks was as much as 20,000 feet. The alternating blocks of elevated and depressed surface account for Nevada's basin and range topography\u8212?desert valleys separated by mountain ranges running north and south. (Art by R. Gary Raham; Hal Elson, consultant)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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}}
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Figure 1.9. Geology near Stebbins Hill and Round Mountain. Shoshone Peak, Round Mountain, Stebbins Hill, and the pit location (as of 1994) are shown on the surface. Layers of different types of volcanic tuff ejected by the volcano prior to its collapse into a caldera, along with the Paleozoic sediments underlying the volcanic tuff, are illustrated beneath the surface, as is a portion of ar. intrusive (likely the hydrothermal source of heat and gold). Seen also are lines representing the outer margin of the old caldera (topographic, or surface, margin of the caldera) and the major ring .structure, the inner margin at the bottom of the caldera bowl. (Art by. Gary Raham; Hal Elson, consultant)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
{\qc
CHAPTER 2\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Smoky Valley:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
The First Inhabitants\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Smoky Valley is located primarily in Nye County, but it extends into Lander and Esmeralda Counties as well. It is one of the largest valleys in the sate\u8212?approximately 100 miles long, roughly 10 to 14 miles wide at the northern end, and less than 5 miles wide at the southern end. In 1917, the eminent geologist Oscar E. Meinzer described Smoky Valley in these words: "Big Smoky Valley is a typical Nevada desert valley\u8212?a plain hemmed in mountain ranges and underlain by porous rock waste eroded from these ranges and saturated with water discharged from them" (1917:9). Larger than the state of Rhode Island, the valley contains more than 1300 square miles, and its drainage basin encompasses about 3250 square miles. As the majority of Nevada's valleys, it lies on a north-south axis, its southern end arches westward toward the California border.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Terrain\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Smoky Valley is rimmed by several mountain ranges. northern half of the valley, called the upper valley, is bordered on the west by the Toiyabe Range, the largest and most extensive high mountains in central Nevada, and on the east by the Toquima Range. The crest of the Toiyabes, whose name means "mountains" in the Shoshone Indian language (Meinzer, 1917:19), is more than 10,000 feet above sea level. The range, more than 100 miles long, reaches its highest point, 11,775 feet, at Arc Dome, a majestic peak at its southern end. Bunker Hill, located north of Arc Dome, rises to 11,474 feet. The east face of the Toiyabe Range is steep and cut by deep canyons with precipitous walls. Timber of adequate size for lumber formerly grew in the Toiyabes, but today there is only sparse tree growth. Kingston Creek, North Twin and South Twin Rivers, and Birch Creek drain into Smoky Valley on the eastern side of the Toiyabes. Peavine Creek discharges from the southern end of the range into lower, or southern, Smoky Valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Toquima Range extends nearly 70 miles from Hickison Summit in Lander County to the north end of the San Antonio Mountains, north of Tonopah. The Toquimas lack the steep slope facing Smoky Valley found in the Toiyabe Range on the opposite side of the valley. Mt. Jefferson, at 11,941 feet, is the highest point in the Toquima Range and in central Nevada; it is the sixth-highest peak in Nevada. Moores Creek, Willow Creek, Jefferson Creek, and Shoshone Creek all drain into Smoky Valley on the west side of the Toquimas.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Lower Smoky Valley is bordered on the east by the San Antonio Mountains, an irregular mountain mass about 30 miles long beginning just south of the Toquimas; the highest point is 8500 feet. The southern terminus of the valley is formed by Lone Mountain, a conspicuous solitary peak with a precipitous slope that rises to 9114 feet. The Silver Peak Range, the border on the southwest, is wide and rather high, separating Smoky Valley from Fish Lake Valley to the south; its highest point is Piper Peak, at 9447 feet. The Monte Cristo Range, which creates the western border of the 'lower valley, reaches 7997 feet; with little timber or vegetation, it appears desiccated. Ione Valley, lying west of the southern end of Smoky Valley, has a drainage basin of about 500 square miles that drains into lower Smoky Valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Tonopah, once a great silver boomtown at the turn of the century and the present seat of Nye County, is located in the San Antonio Mountains and overlooks the southern portion of the Smoky Valley. The towns of Round Mountain and Manhattan lie on the eastern edge of the valley on the western flank of the Toquima Range. The communities of Hadley and Carvers are situated on the floor of Smoky Valley not far from Round Mountain. The small settlement of Kingston lies about 30 miles north of Round Mountain at the mouth of Kingston Canyon in Lander County on the western side of the valley. Austin, once a mining boomtown and the former seat of Lander County, is located on the western edge of the Toiyabe Range at the northern end of Smoky Valley. Eureka, another frontier boomtown and the current seat of Eureka County, is approximately 100 miles northeast of Round Mountain at the south end of the Diamond Mountains (see Figure 2.1 for the locations of the towns in Smoky Valley). Reno is more than 170 miles west of Smoky Valley; Las Vegas is more than 220 miles to the south.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The majority of ranches in the valley are located along west side of the upper valley, near the foothills of the Toiyabes. Most of these ranches date from the 1860s. Several ranches have been built in the southern part of the valley along Peavine Creek, and in recent years some have been established on the valley flat, south of the Peavine channel. \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Streams formed by snowmelt and occasional heavy rains have carved canyons of various sizes in the mountain walls enclosing Smoky Valley, and at the mouth of each canyon that discharges water, a large alluvial fan has formed. A low and gentle alluvial swell west of the town of Manhattan divides the Smoky Valley into northern and southern basins. The lowest point in the northern basin is 5443 feet; in the southern basin, 4720 feet (Meinzer, 1917:9). Twelve thousand years ago, in the Pleistocene era, the two basins held large lakes. The upper lake, known as Lake Toiyabe, at its maximum would have been about 40 miles long by 9 miles wide, covering a total area of about 225 square miles; it would have been a maximum of about 170 feet deep (Meinzer, 1917:30). Lake Tonopah, the lake in the lower valley, was probably about 22 miles long by 5.5 miles wide, covering approximately 85 square miles. Its maximum depth would have been about 100 feet at the southern end; its total shoreline would have been about 53 miles long. The alkali flat located in each basin is a remnant of these lakes, and the many gravel benches and beach ridges in the basins are vestiges of the former lakes' shorelines. Today, in the south end of Smoky Valley west of Tonopah, two benches are visible. One lies at a lake depth of 100 feet and the other at 70-foot depth (Kelly, 1978:13). The old Tonopah and Goldfield Railroad roadbed and U.S. Route 6 to Coaldale cross the flat where Lake Tonopah once stood (see the map Pendleton, 1979:260). Streams from the Toiyabe and Toquima Ranges fed Lake Toiyabe; Lake Tonopah was fed by Peavine Creek and, intermittently, by Cirac Creek from Ione Basin (Kelly, 1978:13).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
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}}
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Figure 2.1. Location of towns in Smoky Valley, 1996. (Art by Jeanne Sharp Howerton.)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
{\qc
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Environment\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The climate of Smoky Valley, like Nevada's in general, characterized by bright sunshine, clean and clear air, low ,annual rainfall in the valleys and deserts, and variable heavy snow's in the higher mountains. Annual average precipitation the state as a whole is close to 9 inches, about one-half of which falls between December and March. January is the wettest month; August, the driest. Over a 24-year period, precipitation records during the first half of the twentieth century for Millett, a former stage station and townsite at the north end of Smoky Valley, show an average of 6 inches per year, ranging from 2.45 to 8.67 inches.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The valley floor is generally dry, especially in the southern end, but considerable water lies beneath the valley's surface. The surrounding mountains, particularly those in the Toiyabe Range, contribute tens of thousands of acre-feet to valley groundwater supplies each year. Most of this water is accessible by wells and pumping, and the water is generally of good quality. Several artesian wells flow in the Carvers area. In the high mountains, and principally in the Toiyabe Range, surface water collects mainly in small streams. Sometimes, depending on precipitation and the seasons, the streams become lost in rocky canyons; at other times they travel beyond the base of the mountains into the valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Sagebrush is the most abundant and characteristic plant of the area. It is found both in the valleys and on the mountains' highest ridges. Although the alkali flats are barren of vegetation, there are thickets of buffaloberry about one-half to two miles away from the Lake Toiyabe flat. Rabbit-brush grows in a belt between the buffaloberry and sagebrush. Willows predominate on the lower courses of streams, and both willows and birches are found in the canyons at elevations between 6500 and 7500 feet. The pinion-juniper complex of trees, mainly pinion pine in this locale, occurs between 6500 and 8000 feet. Mountain mahogany is the principal tree found from 7500 to 9500 feet. Most stands are not uniform and are small, though they can be up to 15 or 20 acres in size. There are aspen trees between 8000 and 9000 feet along the major streams and in moist places, usually on the unprotected northern slopes. Limber pine grows between 9500 and 10,500 feet on steep north-facing slopes. A survey made during the early 1930s of the plants growing in the Toiyabe mountain area identified 505 species and 16 subspecies, as well as varieties representing 69 different plant families (Linsdale, Howell, and Linsdale, 1952:129-200).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Clovis First Theory\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Archaeologists generally agree that sometime between about 50,000 and 12,000 years ago the ancestors of Native Americans, who originated in Asia, crossed over into the New World on Beringia, a land bridge that connected present-day Siberia and Alaska. The continental glaciers that covered much of the Northern Hemisphere during that period had socked up so much of the earth's water that the oceans had been lowered by several hundred feet, creating the land bridge. Exactly when these peoples arrived in North America and which route they took are subjects of considerable controversy in archaeology.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Until recently, most scientists thought that human beings were not present in the New World before about 12,000 years ago because the journey to the New World was simply too difficult for people with Stone Age technology. The traditional view, or Clovis first theory, holds that the first people to arrive in the New World were members of the Clovis culture.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Clovis people are said to have crossed Beringia and to have moved south through an icy corridor between the two large continental glaciers that blanketed much of North America at the time, one of which covered western Canada and the other, most of eastern Canada. Once through the corridor, the Clovis people entered the northern Great Plains and then spread out rapidly over most of the New World, including Central and South America. It is presumed that upon their arrival in the New World the Clovis people encountered abundant game and wildlife. The numerous American animal species that had never been hunted by humans probably provided these nomadic hunter-gatherers with a bountiful food supply, enabling the new residents' population perhaps to double every twenty years. In this scenario, the last period of glaciation ended shortly after the Clovis people arrived. The new arrivals were forced to adapt to changing climatic conditions, and as they adapted to their environment they spread throughout the New World, eventually differentiating into the vast number of Native American cultures found by the Europeans when they arrived in the fifteenth century.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Some archaeologists have concluded that the Clovis first theory, although appealing in many ways, is too conservative. In addition to likely misstating the route taken to get to the New World, it understates the length of time humans have been here. Adherents to the Clovis first theory are criticized for refusing to acknowledge the existence of evidence that places humans in the New World before 12,000 years ago (Bryan, 1991:18).'\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Recently, highly respected archaeologists have reported finding archaeological sites in widely scattered areas of both North and South America that predate Clovis sites by up to tens of thousands of years. Most of these discoveries are quite controversial and are not universally accepted by archaeologists. Many consider the most credible pre-Clovis candidate to be the Meadowcrest Rockshelter, located about 30 miles southeast of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (Rafferty, 1995). The human artifacts there are associated with dates of as much as 16,000 years ago. In the 1970s, one well-known archaeologist, Richard "Scotty" MacNeish, published a list of 12 alleged pre-Clovis sites discovered by archaeologists in South America alone. MacNeish himself claims to have found a site\u8212?the Pendejo Cave\u8212?near Fort Bliss, Texas, containing human-associated artifacts said to be up to 35,000 years old. These objects include hardened clay with several human fingerprints, a buffalo bone showing the marks of human chopping, and an animal toe bone pierced by a projectile point (Marshall, 1992). MacNeish and some other authorities believe the Clovis culture was only a later adaptation to changing climatic and environmental conditions. Moreover, archaeologists have also found convincing evidence that non-Clovis people were in northern Alaska 11,700 years ago. This discovery supports the notion that the Clovis people may have only been among the first to enter the New World, with at least one other group also present at that time Bower, 1993:225). Regardless of which of the above theories one supports, the people of the Clovis culture were the first known occupants of the Smoky Valley and the Great Basin.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Search for Remnants\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although many Clovis people must have lived throughout North and South America, little evidence of their culture remains. One skeleton and some bone and ivory tools are the only nonstone remains discovered so far. The primary means of identifying the Clovis culture is by its characteristic stone projectile point, which has a flute, or concavity, at the base. The concavity was probably an aid in attaching the points, which range in size from less than 1 inch to more than 4 inches, to the hunter's spear shaft. The flute also functioned like a bayonet flute, enhancing the flow of blood from a deep penetrating wound and preventing the wound from closing. Although the first such projectile point was unearthed with mammoth remains near Dent, Colorado, in the early 1930s, the culture is named after Clovis, New Mexico, where additional points were found in a nearby archaeological site. Clovis points have been found over a vast area\u8212?from coast to coast in North America and from Alaska to South America. A total of 58 Clovis points is reported to have been found on the ground at Lake Tonopah at the south end of Smoky Valley and at Mud Lake, southeast of Tonopah (Willig, 1991:96) .\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although mammoth is the most common species found with Clovis remains, that does not mean the Clovis people were specialized big game hunters. A dog and butchered mountain sheep have been found with Clovis points in Idaho (Willig, 1991:97; Stanford, 1991:1-2). Most authorities now believe that the Clovis people were generalists, exploiting a relatively wide range of resources in their area. Most Clovis sites are associated with sources of water\u8212?springs, streams, river terraces, or shores of lakes (Stanford, 1991:5). It is likely that the Clovis people lived in small groups and did not occupy campsites for long. Radiocarbon dating indicates that the Clovis culture was probably relatively short-lived, lasting from about 11,200 to 10,900 years ago (Stanford, 1991:2).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Elizabeth and William Campbell were the first archaeologists to work in the Smoky Valley area. The Campbells lived in the town of Twentynine Palms, California, and they developed an interest in archaeology after hearing tales of Indian lore from a local prospector. In 1928, they established the Desert Branch of the Southwest Museum in Twentynine Palms. Using their own finances, the Campbells equipped a small fleet of Ford "woody" station wagons with large tires and special gears and proceeded to conduct meticulous fieldwork. They worked in the Tonopah area on at least five occasions during the 1930s, mapping the old shorelines of Lake Tonopah and collecting artifacts from sites there (Pendleton, 1979:253-263). Some of their best collecting sites were in the vicinity of the old community of Millers.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Following the Campbells' work, not much archaeological research was conducted in Smoky Valley and the Lake Tonopah area until summer 1977, when David Hurst Thomas of the Department of Anthropology at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City directed a research project to investigate the prehistoric settlements at Lake Tonopah. Thomas selected a scientific method widely used by archaeologists to assess the types and locations of artifacts likely to be found in an area.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ First, Thomas surveyed a 20-mile line on an east-west axis from the crest of the Monte Cristo Range to the crest of the San Antonio Mountains. The exact position of this line was determined by using a table of random numbers. Next, he plotted a second line precisely 1.2 miles from the first, running parallel to it. Then, four more lines parallel to the first two lines were plotted at 1.2-mile intervals. Lower Smoky Valley was thus transected by a series of six lines running east and west. A zone 83 yards wide (75 meters) was designated along the side of each line. Ten archaeologists, evenly spaced across the 166-yard (150-meter) zone, walked the full 20-mile length of the six lines. One hundred and twenty miles were walked in this way. Two supplementary lines were also plotted across areas thought highly likely to contain archaeological sites. In this way, 8.5 percent of the total area under study was walked and a 14 percent sample was made of the study area that intersected old lake bench lines (Kelly, 1978:20-21; Thomas, 1977) .\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Thomas describes the procedure as follows:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\i
The crew proceeded across the designated transect, following compass bearings and navigating from prominent topographic features. All prehistoric cultural debris was collected, including waste flakes. Whenever a site was located, the entire crew assembled to collect and map that site. A site form was filled out on the spot, and the site triangulated by major topographic features. Whenever an extremely large site was encountered, the location of the site was noted, and [a] follow-up survey team returned to collect and map the site. (Thomas, 1977:1-2)}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In all, 14 sites were mapped, some containing over 300 artifacts and 2000 waste flakes. Each artifact was later carefully washed, measured, and weighed, then categorized as a scraper, graver, drill, projectile point, or spoke shaver (thought to be used for shaving spear shafts), and so on. Some artifacts were examined under microscopes to analyze marks and microscratches that might indicate how the artifact had been used. Artifacts were divided into two groups: those that were used for working hard materials such as bone, wood, and antler; and those used for soft materials, including hides and flesh (Kelly, 1978:22-27).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The survey identified three types of sites. Chipping-armament stations were used by inhabitants on a single brief occasion when hunting weapons were made or when a small number of implements were sharpened. These sites did not yield many artifacts. Processing sites were places where animals were skinned, cleaned, and butchered, and where preliminary processing of hides occurred. A great deal of chipping of stone implements took place in these locations as work activities proceeded. It is suggested that a number of people were present at these work sites, perhaps with women processing the hides. Base camps were the third kind of site, where all types of activities took place. More whole projectile points and shavers were found at these sites, which indicates that stone implements and other items were probably made here. Knowledge about the distribution of the sites and types of artifacts, combined with geographical information, creates the following picture of life in lower Smoky Valley many thousands of years ago (Kelly, 1978:45-47).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Paleolithic Life at Lake Tonopah\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When the Clovis people entered central Nevada, they must have found an abundant environment. Animal life included mammoth, buffalo, camels, horses, burros, giant short-faced bear, deer, huge sloths, mountain sheep, and rabbits and other small species, and there were birds as well. There were large, shallow lakes in most valleys, and game, drawn by the fresh water, congregated near the shores, feeding on the lush plant life.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Beginning about 11,500 years ago, during the Paleo-Indian phase (from 11,500 to 10,000 years ago) of central Nevada prehistory, the Clovis people in lower Smoky Valley lived at the edge of the fertile marsh located in the delta where Peavine Creek joined Lake Tonopah. It is likely the environment in that vicinity was so rich that the inhabitants had little need to go elsewhere for food. Peavine Creek, which ran all year, provided fresh water. Groups of Clovis people\u8212?perhaps small assemblages of families\u8212?occupied base camps from which they ventured to forage and hunt. This culture is thought to have existed at the edge of Lake Tonopah perhaps for several hundred years beginning about 11,500 years ago (Kelly, 1978:43, 49-51).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Pre-Archaic Period\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Pre-Archaic period in southern Nevada lasted from about 10,000 to 7500 years ago. Accumulating evidence suggests that there was a worldwide change in climate at this 'nine that led to the entire Northern Hemisphere becoming Increasingly dry (Beck, 1992). Precipitation began to decrease in the Great Basin at the start of the Pre-Archaic period. There were intermittent periods, sometimes lasting for several hundred years, when conditions were wetter, but the trend was always toward an ever-drier environment in central Nevada. The flow of water in Peavine Creek decreased, and the Cirac and Ione Valley Washes ran only periodically. The Pre-Archaic residents of Lake Tonopah probably continued to rely on the marsh, and on other nearby foods to some degree, but resources there became increasingly less abundant. As the environment became more desiccated and Lake Tonopah became more saline due to evaporation, game may have clustered along Peavine Creek, and the successors of the Clovis people (whose way of life is known to archaeologists as the Western Pluvial Lakes Tradition because the projectile points and other stone implements used by these people are found near the many lakes that dotted the Great Basin during that era) may have developed an increasing reliance on hunting. In lower Smoky Valley, they probably moved upstream from the delta, taking advantage of resources along Peavine Creek. Interestingly, archaeologists found an ancient camp dating from this period located on the west side of a low ridge that hid it from Peavine Creek, where animals would have watered, unaware of being stalked by humans.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As precipitation decreased and Lake Tonopah shrank and became more and more saline, fewer animals remained in the valley, and the focus of life shifted even farther from the lake, the delta, and the lower reaches of Peavine Creek, which had once produced food in such abundance. Base camps were moved away from Peavine Creek and became widely dispersed as residents seem to have exploited a wider variety of resources, including the game that grazed on the grasslands in the valley (Kelly, 1978:56, 59). The larger social grouping that the lush environment had earlier made possible probably gave way to smaller groups and to more family-oriented patterns of living that were characteristic of the aboriginal Shoshone. By 7000 years ago, the waters of Lake Tonopah had been much reduced or had even disappeared.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Archaeologists believe populations in lower Smoky Valley attained their greatest size during the period from about 9500 to 8000 years ago. The largest number of stone artifacts found in the Lake Tonopah area date from then, and projectile points found in the area tend to be increasingly younger the farther they are from the lake's edge.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Over the generations, the Pre-Archaic occupants of Lake Tonopah moved even farther from the lakeshore in order to take advantage of the resources up Peavine Creek and in the nearby hills. As these people moved north up the creek and toward the Toiyabe Range, they may have been pressed into closer contact with similar groups occupying the Lake Toiyabe area and with residents near other lakes in the region, such as Mud Lake. Hunting-and-gathering people's long-term survival strategies center on intergroup cooperation, facilitated by marriage between bands. Food resources can be variable from year to year. Each band's territory was sooner or later subject to difficult years when resources were diminished, perhaps even unavailable. Bands experiencing difficulties would ask other groups for access to their territory and would not be denied, because other bands knew they would face similar resource shortages and would need to ask for help in their turn. Even so, the Pre-Archaic culture that had held sway for more than 3000 years in central Nevada gave way to the Archaic culture.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Surviving the Archaic Period\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Archaic period, which began about 7500 years ago, involved a continued shift toward a way of life in the Great Basin that more closely resembled the survival methods used by the Shoshone and Southern Paiute Indians when European explorers first encountered these peoples in the 1820s. Instead of relying so heavily on one resource area, as the earlier residents of Lake Tonopah had apparently done with Peavine Creek and its delta, the Archaic people adopted what archaeologists call a broad-spectrum subsistence strategy. They became more nomadic, moving from one available food source to another, following the cycle of the seasons as plants ripened and game became available. The new way of life involved spending spring and early summer in the valley, then traveling to the mountains as foods at higher elevations came into season.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Several technological changes accompanied the Archaic period. One of the most important was the introduction of the atlatl, or spear thrower, that enabled a hunter to hurl his spear farther and with more force and accuracy than was possible with the larger javelin. The atlatl appeared in the Great Basin approximately 6000 years ago and greatly improved hunting efficiency (Beck, 1992). At the same time, the production of stone tools\u8212?including projectile points, scrapers, drills, knives, and blades of many types\u8212?exploded. This increase is attributed to the greater number of implements needed to obtain food and other necessities from a wider range of environments.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Some archaeologists (e.g., Kelly, 1978) have suggested that the shift from the Pre-Archaic to the Archaic way of life produced major changes in the way communities were organized. The Pre-Archaic people in lower Smoky Valley were probably more sedentary and ranged over a smaller geographic area during the course of a year, living in small bands of two dozen or more in extended families. In contrast, the increasing nomadism of the Archaic people seems to have forced a disbanding of the larger extended-family groups into smaller groups that were oriented around the nuclear family, as with the Shoshone. Thus, whereas Pre-Archaic people might have lived in small communities along the shore of Lake Tonopah and its delta and along Peavine Creek, Archaic people were compelled to form small family groups that interacted with others only at select times of the year. The formation of small family groups probably led to the development of high levels of self-reliance, differences in child-rearing practices, and changes in religious beliefs and in ideas about proper social behavior and the nature of the world.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Archaeologists usually break the Archaic period in the central Great Basin into three divisions: Early Archaic (5000-1500 B.C.), Middle Archaic (1500 B.C.\u8212?AD. 500), and Late Archaic (A.D. 500-1800) (Elston, 1986:135-148). Each Archaic period is generally divided further. In central Nevada, the Early Archaic includes the Clipper Gap phase (3500-2500 B.c.) and the Devil's Gate phase (2500-1500 B.c.). Although population numbers were low during the Clipper Gap phase and few archaeological sites date from this time, the area was probably not totally abandoned during this period; it is more likely that most residents moved away from the vanishing lake and that those few who remained simply left scant record of their presence. The Clipper Gap phase was transitional. Its beginning was apparently marked by the growth of the pinon-juniper woodland in central Nevada and by the introduction of a new food supply\u8212?the pine nut. This was also the first period during which aboriginals occupied caves in central Nevada. People of the Clipper Gap phase are known to have lived in the Gatecliff Shelter, located on the north side of Mill Canyon in Monitor Valley (Elston, 1986:139). Hearths containing pinion charcoal and burnt pinon needles dating to about 5350 years ago have been found at Gatecliff Shelter, establishing the presence of the tree and its use at the site by that time (Grayson, 1993:216).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The second phase of the Early Archaic in central Nevada, the 1000-year Devil's Gate phase, indicates a sharp rise in population, possibly owing to the increasing abundance and use of pine nuts. This time period is marked by the use of the Gatecliff series of projectile points found in relatively large numbers in the Reese River and Monitor Valleys (Elston, 1986:138-139).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Middle Archaic (1500 B.C.\u8212?A.D. 500), which spans the Reveille phase in central Nevada, is characterized by a cool, moist climate. The transition from the Early to the Middle Archaic was gradual and was marked by an increase in population density, with winter and seasonal camps being constantly reoccupied. Winter sites contained pit houses 6.5 feet to 13 feet (2 to 4 meters) in diameter that had hearths, storage pits, and burials of the dead. The storing of tools at base camps and in specialized cache sites in caves and rock shelters suggests the regular exploitation of limited territories (Elston, 1986:142). The number of grinding stones found at the sites demonstrates that seeds played a central role in the diet. Nonetheless, rabbit bones are abundant in most archaeological sites from the Middle Archaic. Big-game hunting was also important, with a probable focus on mountain sheep and, to a lesser extent, antelope and deer. Bison and elk were also hunted. Archaeological discoveries reveal that there was regional trade during the Reveille phase, involving obsidian and marine shell beads (Elston, 1986:142).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ During the Late Archaic, Great Basin residents benefited from the introduction of an innovation that superseded the atlatl: The bow and arrow enabled a hunter to reduce the size of his dart, tip it with smaller points, and fire more arrows with greater accuracy and force. The Late Archaic people apparently emphasized the production of simple flake stone tools from locally available materials; pottery was introduced about A.D. 1100 (Elston, 1986:145). The Underdown phase of the Late Archaic in central Nevada lasted from A.D. 500 to about A.D. 1300, and contact with the Anasazi culture to the south and with the Fremont culture to the east in Utah occurred during this phase. The Yankee Blade phase, which began about A.D. 1300 and lasted to historic times, witnessed an increased focus on gathering and a more intensive exploitation of pine nuts. Dwellings increased in size and settlements grew larger as populations became increasingly sedentary. This trend led to the establishment of the large Western Shoshone villages found on the valley floors when whites first entered the area (Elston, 1986:146).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Before A.D. 600, cultures in the Smoky and Owens Valleys made use of the Toquima Range and the White Mountains. Hunting blinds and sites containing remains of projectile-point manufacture testify to such use on a limited basis (Bettinger, 1991:656). Beginning about A.D. 600, the valley inhabitants began to use the high-altitude resources in the Toquima Range and the White Mountains intensely. Small villages that date from this period had circular houses with stone footings and timber or pole-and-thatch construction; such villages are found from about 10,250 feet to 12,650 feet above sea level, all above the modern tree line. These are believed to have been warm-season base camps or villages occupied for periods of one or two months by nuclear families and perhaps even by multifamily units or bands. A diverse inventory of stone tools for plant and animal procurement and processing has been found at these sites, along with considerable stone debris from tool manufacture (Bettinger, 1991:657) .\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Numic Spread Theory\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Living at high altitude reduces plant and animal as well as human performance. There is a decrease of about 10 percent for every 3000 feet above the 6500-foot elevation level in a plant's ability to photosynthesize and in human endurance, reasoning ability, and visual acuity. In humans, sea-level standards are restored after a few days in higher elevations for some measures\u8212?for example, for visual acuity\u8212?but for other measures, such as endurance, there is little or no improvement with increased time spent at the elevation (Bettinger, 1991:676). Archaeologists have wondered why people would move to a higher elevation where efficiency is reduced if resources at lower elevations were available. Why would people construct villages at such high altitudes for plant collection and hunting? Game was probably too scarce to warrant lengthy occupation of a high-altitude village, even if plant foods were abundant. One theory suggests that although the human population and the environment had been in relatively stable equilibrium for a long period, drought drove the population to higher elevations. Regional climatic deterioration, some theorists believe, brought about similar responses in eastern California in the White Mountains and in central Nevada in the Toquima Range (Bettinger, 1991:674).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Another possible explanation for the movement to higher elevations has been offered by Robert L. Bettinger, an archaeologist at the University of California at Davis. His suggestions bear on a controversy that has been raging since the late 1950s among researchers who study the prehistory of the Great Basin. In 1958, the linguist Sydney M. Lamb suggested on the basis of linguistic evidence that speakers of the Numic languages, a branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family that includes such languages as Chemehuevi, Ute, Northern and Southern Paiute, and Shoshone (which are Great Basin languages), as well as Kawaiisu and Comanche, did not originate in the Great Basin. These Numic speakers either migrated to or invaded the area, originating from somewhere around the Mojave\u8211?Death Valley area in southern California (Lamb, 1958:95-100). This theory, called the Numic spread theory, suggests that ancestors of those who occupied the Great Basin at the time of European contact, including the present Western Shoshone and Southern Paiute, moved in and in some way replaced by expulsion, killing, or intermarriage the original occupants, who presumably had been there since the Pre-Archaic Clovis people.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Exactly what might have happened to the original occupants is an unsettled issue. Bettinger (1991:674) proposes that the people who built the high-altitude villages in the White Mountains were Numic speakers who replaced the original occupants. This wave of immigrants advanced northward and eastward into the Great Basin from a California homeland near or in the Owens Valley. The immigrants, Bettinger believes, are the ones who constructed the Alta Toquima village on the east side of the Toquima Range. Bettinger's theory holds that the former occupants of the area, including those of Smoky Valley, had chosen particular resources for consumption, such as mountain sheep, that cost an individual less effort per calorie gained. In contrast, the Numic people had evolved a way of life that emphasized harvesting low-quality resources, such as seeds, which required more work for each calorie harvested. The Numic people had the advantage in that they could produce greater quantities of food from a given area\u8212?though with more effort per calorie\u8212?than could the area's traditional occupants. Because the Numic people used more available resources and were thus more efficient at making a living, the pre-Numic people were powerless to stem their immigration. The alpine environment in the White Mountains and Toquima Range vas therefore an efficient food production zone for the Numic people (Bettinger, 1991:674). Bettinger believes that the Numic groups could have spread from eastern California :o central Nevada in 100 or 200 years' time, bringing with diem their more efficient culture. According to this theory, -.he less economically productive residents of the Great Basin, including those of Smoky Valley, were thus replaced about 1000 years ago by a more efficient culture, the ancestors of the Shoshone. Most linguists agree with this theory, for it fits with what they know about the development and spread of the Numic languages (Charney, 1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The idea of Numic expansion out of southern California is hotly debated among archaeologists, however. Other theories extend Shoshone residency farther back into antiquity. One school of thought, based on similarities between pre-Numic and Numic archaeological sites in the central Great Basin, holds that during the Archaic, prior to 1000 years ago, Archaic Numic people living in the central Great Basin\u8212?including Smoky Valley\u8212?expanded in numbers, moving out to the northwest and southeast. Another view holds that the Numic speakers, including the Western Shoshone of Smoky Valley and the Southern Paiute of Southern Nevada, have been present in the Great Basin for at least 10,000 years\u8212?and may be descendants of the Clovis people, the first known human occupants of the area (Rafferty and Blair, 1984; Rafferty, 1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Regardless of which theory of the origin of the Shoshone one accepts, the Shoshone first encountered by European explorers in the Great Basin in the 1820s had been in the region for a very long time and were admirably adapted to survival in an environment that could hardly be called abundant.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Western Shoshone\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Western Shoshone Indians occupied Smoky Valley and much of the Great Basin when Europeans first arrived in the West. The Western Shoshone were hunter-gatherers and skillfully used natural resources to sustain their relatively small populations. They were seminomadic, moving from one part of their territory to another as foods became available. \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1830, Western Shoshone territory resembled a large teardrop on the Great Basin, covering most of eastern Nevada and northwestern Utah and stretching across the southern California\u8212?Nevada border into Death Valley and the Owens Valley to below Owens Lake. The western margin of Western Shoshone territory was marked by a line stretching from the Oregon border through Tonopah and south to Owens Lake in California. On the northeast, the territory of the Western Shoshone included the Great Salt Lake and its environs, as well as all of eastern Nevada north of the Muddy River drainage system. All of Nye County north of Beatty was Western Shoshone territory (Thomas, Pendleton, and Cappannari, 1986:264).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Local customs and food-collection practices varied from one part of the vast Western Shoshone territory to another according to the resources available in different regions and the relative isolation of individual groups. Labor among the Newe, as the Shoshone call themselves, was divided according to sex. Men were largely responsible for hunting; women's activities focused on the collection of plant foods, which provided the bulk of the diet (Thomas, Pendleton, and Cappannari, 1986:276-277). Women gathered wild onions on hillsides in early spring. They collected watercress, morning-glory roots, sago roots, cattail roots, young cattail stems, wild carrots, and wild asparagus, which could be dried and eaten in winter. Women dug camas roots, piled them in small mounds, and stored them when dry for winter use (Newe, 1976:5-6). In canyons and on mountainsides, they collected fruits and berries, including the buffaloberry, serviceberry, chokecherry, gooseberry, and wild currant. Buckberries were ground and made into a pudding eaten fresh or dried for winter use (Nave, 1976:7). Seeds were collected from sand bunchgrass, wild rye, and sunflower plants. The Smoky Valley Western Shoshone collected pine nuts on the east side of the Toiyabe Range as far up as the summit line; they also collected in the Toquima Range.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Pine nuts, the most important food to the Western Shoshone, were collected in the late fall. A celebration was held before the pine nut harvest began. After participants from camps in the surrounding area had arrived, the pine nut chief, or "doctor," began the ceremony "by throwing a handful of pine nuts in four directions and asking the Maker to provide a good harvest" (Newe, 1976:7). Under the pine nut chiefs direction, people danced for three nights, then bathed and departed for the pinion groves to pick pine nuts. The nuts could be eaten fresh, but most were stored for winter use; often the cones were placed in caches in the ground and covered with pine branches. Pine nuts were roasted over coals, shelled, and ground into flour. The flour was stored; when used later, it was mixed with water to form a gravy (Newe, 1976:8).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Fall was an important time for hunting. The annual antelope drive was directed by a medicine man, and the event required considerable cooperation among the hunters. A corral of rocks, sagebrush, and cedar trees with brush wings was constructed. Antelope were driven into the corral and were shot with arrows. A sinew-backed bow made of juniper and a quiver of wildcat skin were widely used by Western Shoshone hunters. The rabbit drive also took place in the fall, with people of all ages participating. Rabbits were driven into a net and killed. Their fur was cut into long strips and woven into blankets; some of the meat was dried for winter use. Deer were hunted in both summer and fall but were fatter in fall. Venison was cut into long strips free of fat, dried, and stored in a cool, dry place. Bighorn sheep, which were hunted with the assistance of dogs, were probably the most important large game animal (Thomas, Pendleton, and Cappannari, 1986:267). The Western Shoshone hunted groundhogs in the early spring and roasted them over hot coals in their skins when snow was still on the ground. Sage hens were taken with nets in the early spring during their mating season. Birds of many species and trout from mountain streams supplemented the diet. Food was stored in caches at selected sites for use during the winter (Newe, 1976:5-11).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Western Shoshone made an assortment of blankets and baskets. Baskets covered with pine pitch were used as water jugs, and conical twined baskets were used for seed collection (Thomas, Pendleton, and Cappannari, 1986:269). Each household kept a large grinding stone, a small handstone, and a flat willow basket, all used for preparing pine nuts and other seeds.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Western Shoshone usually spent every winter at their permanent campsite, which was most often positioned near water and in the low foothills, off the valley floors with their colder temperatures. Several families customarily wintered at the same campsite, creating a small village with a fairly stable population. Winter dwellings were constructed of juniper branches and insulated with leaves and other dry materials (Newe, 1976:11). People slept under rabbit-skin blankets, with heated stones at their feet. Food supplies were usually cached at sites within one or two hours' walk from a winter camp. When warm weather returned and harvest time approached, families dispersed to food-collecting areas, where temporary camps were set up.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In general, the Western Shoshone lived in small, relatively isolated family-based groups that met with others only on special occasions. This mode of social organization was a functional response to the highly fluctuating food supply. The nuclear family was the basic social unit, and family members developed strong bonds. The Shoshone language, unlike most European languages, distinguishes between maternal and paternal grandparents; first cousins are called brothers and sisters. Families belonged to small local districts, with their dwellings frequently centered in a valley or in a cluster of winter villages. Groups were sometimes named after prominent geographical features or food resources in their territory. For example, the Western Shoshone of Smoky Valley were called vviyambitukanu, meaning "eaters of buffalo berry" by the other Shoshone (Steward, 1970:100). Social stability was greatest where food resources were most abundant, although people did move between local groups (Thomas, Pendleton, and Cappannari, 1986:276).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Marriage established strong relations between families. Bride price\u8212?what the groom paid the bride's family upon marriage\u8212?was common, and good hunters were allowed to take more than one wife, the second usually being a younger sister of the first wife. Newlyweds lived in the territory of either marriage partner. Occasionally, a man, aided by friends, obtained a wife by abducting her from her home. Although no group owned the seed areas, women owned the seed harvest and were responsible for the group's welfare at the winter camp. The Western Shoshone economy and way of life was peaceful and did not promote killing and warfare. Individuals were occasionally killed, but they were most likely to be strangers (Thomas, Pendleton, and Cappannari, 1986:277-278).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Western Shoshone, like hunter-gatherers around the world, developed a religion that involved direct interaction with the supernatural. Religious belief affected all activities: The Western Shoshone practiced a religious approach to life, as compared to the secular approach characteristic of the descendants of Europeans. There was no formal priesthood, and anyone could acquire supernatural powers through visions and dreams (Thomas, Pendleton, and Cappannari, 1986:271). Both men and women could be shamans, but men were more commonly practitioners. There were three different types of shaman, each with particular expertise in curing specific ailments, general curing, or using power only for personal benefit. A considerable variety of plants and substances were used for treating illness, but many plants used for curing by the Western Shoshone are now believed to be extinct.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Puberty rites were restricted to females. During childbirth, rituals were followed to ensure the welfare of the child. A shamanistic midwife assisted the birth and carefully disposed of the placenta and umbilical cord. When twins were born to Western Shoshones, one infant was sometimes killed to increase the chances of survival for the remaining child, a fairly common practice in many societies. The dead were sometimes cremated, and in mountain areas they were buried in rock slides (Thomas, Pendleton, and Cappannari, 1986:270-271).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Round Dance ceremony was held when food supplies were abundant, usually in the fall, coinciding with the pine nut harvest, rabbit drive, and antelope drive. The dance provided opportunities for courtship and the cementing of social bonds, and it allowed people to exchange information on available resources (Thomas, Pendleton, and Cappannari, 1986:272-273). Following the pine nut harvest, a five-day fall festival in Smoky Valley was held at Hot Creek, Manhattan, the Millett Ranch, or elsewhere (Steward, 1970:110). In Smoky Valley, the fall festival was followed by a ten-day rabbit hunt held at various places in the valley Steward, 1970:110).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ It is estimated that during the 1860s the population density of the Western Shoshone ranged from 44 square miles per person in the Beatty area to 1.7 square miles per person in the Reese River Valley, one of the most abundant environments in the Western Shoshone territory. In comparison, in 1861 the population density of the entire state of Nevada was 15.6 square miles per person (Steward, 1970:48-49). In 1874, in the Reese River Valley\u8212?densely populated by Western Shoshone standards\u8212?virtually every canyon on the west side of the Toiyabes and on the east side of the Shoshone Range had a winter village. Smoky Valley, however, had a somewhat less favorable environment for the Western Shoshone. The lower end of Smoky Valley south of Peavine, for example, seems to have been unoccupied, as was the northern end of the valley. However, along the middle and south end of the Toiyabes, there was a permanent camp on nearly every small creek that flowed out of the range into the valley, at intervals of every mile or two. The largest villages were at Millett's Ranch, on the South Twin River, at Darroughs Hot Springs, and at Peavine Creek (Steward, 1970:109).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Coming of the White Man\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The arrival of the white man, or {\i
Taibo} in Shoshone (Newe, 1976:1), had an immediate and devastating effect on most Western Shoshone. Peter Skene Ogden and members of the Snake Country Expedition were the first whites known to enter Western Shoshone territory. When Ogden passed through in 1828, he found Indian dwellings lining the banks of the Humboldt River. By the end of 1829, only one year later, beaver were practically extinct in Western Shoshone territory\u8212?members of the Snake Country Expedition had trapped almost all of them. In 1833, Joseph R. Walker referred to the Humboldt River as the "Barren River" (Newe, 1976:15-17).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The trickle of white explorers into Western Shoshone territory soon became a torrent. In 1845, between 250 and 300 immigrants crossed through Western Shoshone territory along the Humboldt River (Newe, 1976:21). More immigrants traveled through in 1846 than had in the previous five years altogether\u8212?most were heading for California. In summer and fall 1846, wagons could be seen from the Missouri River to the Sierra Nevada (Newe, 1976:22). The many travelers and their teams soon destroyed much of the lush environment along the Humboldt River. The Western Shoshone fought back, sometimes harassing the intruders by stealing their traps, sometimes engaging in hostilities. In 1849, following the discovery of gold in California, 25,000 immigrants traveled down the Humboldt River bound for the California goldfields.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Mormons first appeared in the Salt Lake Valley on July 24, 1847, and between 1849 and 1852 the number of Mormons in the Great Basin rose from 6000 to 20,000 (Newe, 1976:24). The continuing influx of whites led to decimation of the game and the plant-collecting areas upon which the Western Shoshone depended.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The first few decades of contact with whites, from 1830 to 1860, may have been the hardest for the Shoshone Forbes, 1991:77). These years brought the most change and the greatest amount of degradation of Shoshone culture, especially along the Humboldt River. Because they were relatively isolated from the Humboldt area, the Western Shoshone of Smoky and Reese River Valleys were slower to experience the full effect of the arrival of the whites, but after Austin was established in 1862, the Western Shoshone of Smoky Valley felt the full effect of the white influx. As prospectors moved south out of Austin and down the Toiyabe, Toquima, and Monitor Ranges, they established small communities wherever gold and silver were found. Horses and cattle trampled the riparian environment along mountain streams, wild game was killed and scattered, and streams were diverted and polluted. Whites declared ownership of naturally watered sites in the valley, and the areas ere fenced and plowed. The prized Western Shoshone collecting and hunting grounds were unimaginably damaged. The effect on the Western Shoshone was catastrophic. At the same time, miners and farmers were moving north up Smoky Valley from San Antonio in the San Antonio Mountains\u8212?and the consequences were the same. In a few years, the very foundation of Western Shoshone culture had been undermined, and by 1900, the culture was only a remnant of what it had been.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As the Western Shoshone became increasingly impoverished, there was sporadic talk of setting aside land for them. A treaty in 1855 established a reserve in the Ruby Valley, but it had little benefit for the Western Shoshone. Another treaty, signed on October 1, 1863, allowed whites to use and settle certain lands and required that the Western Shoshone move to a reservation within their homeland, but the government was slow in setting up reservations and the Western Shoshone were hesitant to give up what was left of their traditional way of life. In 1867, an Indian agent held a meeting at Belmont that was attended by approximately 300 Western Shoshone. It was discovered at the meeting that the Indians had little knowledge of what the government was doing or intended to do (Newe, 1976:51-56).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As their traditions were destroyed, the Western Shoshone became increasingly dependent on the whites for survival. By 1869, approximately 10 percent of the Western Shoshone were working for whites. Knowledge of the old ways was gradually lost, and the culture became increasingly fragmented. By the 1860s, or at the latest the 1870s, it was very difficult, if not impossible, for a Western Shoshone to live according to aboriginal ways, even assuming that knowledge of that way of life had not been lost. Between the mid-1870s and the 1940s, the federal government established a number of reservations and reserves in Nevada, including those at Carlin Farms (1870-1879), Duck Valley (1877), Goshute (1914), Battle Mountain (1917), Elko (1918), Ely (1931), Yomba (1937), Duckwater (1940), and South Fork (1941), as well as enclaves at Wells and at Death Valley, California (Newe, 1976:59-104).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Indian Reorganization Act passed by Congress in 1934 allowed the federal government to acquire land for Indian groups. The federal government purchased several ranches in the Reese River Valley between 1937 and 1941 and established the Yomba Reservation for the Western Shoshone. Between 1940 and 1944, the government purchased 3785 acres of ranch land at Duckwater, Nevada, at the north end of Railroad Valley in Nye County for the same purpose. In 1940, 21 families were assigned land at the Duckwater Reservation; of the 21, 12 were from Smoky Valley. Several Western Shoshone families from Smoky Valley also moved to the Yomba Reservation.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Members of several Indian families still reside in Smoky Valley. Although the human population of the valley (excluding Tonopah) now stands at higher levels than ever before in its history, the number of Indians is only a small fraction of what it was before the arrival of the whites. Today a few Western Shoshone at communities like Duckwater and Yomba struggle to keep alive what is left of their traditional culture.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Notes\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
1. Some archaeologists believe it is unlikely early entrants into the New World would have been able to move south down the ice-free corridor between the two immense continental glaciers. Numerous lakes and swampy areas would have provided little forage for animals, making it difficult for humans to survive. What seems more plausible to some experts is that humans may have entered the New World by following the southern coast of Beringia until they reached the northwest coast of North America. Advocates of this view, which is called the coastal refugium theory, point out that the existence of the great glaciers during the last ice age would have lowered the world's oceans 300 to 400 feet from their present levels. The exposed continental shelf would have been ice-free, providing refuge for numerous species of plants and animals. Beginning perhaps as long as 40,000 years ago, small waves of migrants could have left Siberia, following the coast south, possibly all the way to South America. It is postulated that these migrants from Siberia would have had an arctic-adapted way of life and may have had access to kayak-like or umiak-like craft, making their journey over water easier as they proceeded down the coast, dispersing as they went into the abundant new world they had discovered (Rafferty, 1995; Fladmark, 1979).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~
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\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
{\qc
CHAPTER 3\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Exploration of\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Central Nevada\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Of all the European nations, Spain was by far the most active in exploring the New World in the decades following Columbus's arrival. In 1513, Ponce de Leon made the first recorded visit by a European to Florida. While coasting westward along the northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico in 1519, Alvarez de Pineda discovered the Mississippi River. In an incredible journey that lasted from 1528 to 1536, Cabeza de Vaca ventured from the west coast of Florida across the Gulf Coast to west Texas. In the 1540s, Francisco Vasquez de Coronado explored the lower Colorado River and Hernando de Alacon navigated some distance up :he Colorado River from the Gulf of California. There is a common supposition that Spaniards explored southern Nevada, but Alvin McLane, perhaps the leading authority on :he exploration of the Great Basin, states that no documentary evidence for this exists (McLane, 1993:6).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Phantom River\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By 1750, Euro-Americans had explored much of the North American continent. One important exception was a vast area now known as the Great Basin\u8212?including what is now western Utah, the southwest corner of Wyoming, the southeast corner of Idaho, part of southeastern Oregon, part of southern California, and most of Nevada. On the expedition at the beginning of the nineteenth century that took them from the mouth of the Missouri River northwest to the mouth of the Columbia River, Lewis and Clark discovered the great northwestern river drainage system that empties into the Pacific Ocean. In the following decades a legend developed about another mighty river\u8212?the "San Buenaventura"\u8212?which was said to drain an enormous area that stretched from the Rocky Mountains westward to the Pacific Ocean, bisecting the western one-third of the continent. The legendary river appeared on maps of the time and attracted explorers much as the myths of gold and the Seven Cities of Cibola had attracted Spanish explorers to the Southwest. The search for the San Buenaventura River was one facet of a European dream to find a water passage across North America from the Atlantic to the Pacific\u8212?a "waterway to Cathay [China]" (Cline, 1988:22-24).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Between 1768 and 1771, Father Francisco Garces, a Franciscan monk who had been sent to Sonora, Mexico, made a number of forays alone on horseback into the lower Colorado River country, searching for an overland route to link Monterey, California, with the missions in Sonora, and later, with those in Santa Fe, New Mexico. In 1776, Garces traveled up the Colorado River to the Mojave villages at present-day Needles. With Mojave Indians as his guides, he explored the southern perimeter of the Great Basin from the San Bernardino Mountains to the Hopi villages west of Santa Fe. Garces is thought to have reached the approximate southern tip of present-day Nevada. In Santa Fe that same year, Father Silvestre Velez de Escalante and his superior, Father Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, were preparing to search for their own route to Monterey. Discouraged by the aridity of the land and by belligerent Indians to the west of Santa Fe, they sought a better way using a route to the north and west. Dominguez and Escalante never reached Monterey\u8212?in fact they never even went beyond present-day St. George, Utah\u8212?but they learned much valuable information during their exploration of the Colorado Plateau, and their trek contributed to the first European map based on empirical knowledge that depicted a part of the Great Basin Weber, 1992:250-255). Although Dominguez, Escalante, and Garces explored the southern and eastern margins of the Great Basin, that vast, inhospitable region remained untouched by and very much a mystery to Euro-Americans.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The location of the legendary San Buenaventura continued to baffle explorers. On their 1776 expedition, Dominguez and Escalante discovered a large stream that they named the San Buenaventura; in fact, they had discovered the Green River, a tributary of the Colorado River (Cline, 1988:43-45). Then in 1825, representatives of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, led by General William H. Ashley, a prominent St. Louis businessman and politician, arrived at the Green River and believed it to be the same San Buenaventura that Dominguez and Escalante had found almost 50 years earlier (Cline, 1988:195). For nearly another generation, the search for the elusive San Buenaventura, flowing from the Rockies to the Pacific, continued\u8212?always, of course, to no avail. The river, like the legendary cities of gold, would forever lie somewhere in the distance.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Another dream motivated the next Euro-American explorers to reach the Great Basin area. This time the dream was not of gold and silver, or of overland routes and waterways, but of beaver fur. That dream would also go unfulfilled, at least concerning the Great Basin. It is a great historical :ropy that although the first Spanish explorers did not find cities laden with gold when they entered the American West, centuries later it was indeed gold and silver that fueled the development of the Great Basin. Unlike the gold and silver that the Spanish stole so easily from the Aztecs and Incas, the gold and silver in Nevada and California had to be dug from the ground in locations that were, in some instances, some of the remotest on earth.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
A White Man Crosses the Great Basin\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Jedediah Strong Smith, one of the great explorers of all time, was a remarkable figure in the history of the American West. He is credited with being the first white man to reach California by an overland route, to cross the Sierra Nevada, and to cross the entire Great Basin and what is now the state of Nevada. He also discovered South Pass in Wyoming and was the first to reach Oregon by traveling north up the California coast. According to Dale L. Morgan, Smith's biographer, Smith saw more of the West than any other man of his time\u8212?he knew the Missouri, Columbia, and Colorado Rivers, and he explored the West from Canada to Mexico (Morgan, 1964b:7).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Smith was born January 6, 1799, in Jericho (now Bainbridge), New York. In 1822, at age 23, Smith signed on in St. Louis, Missouri, with General Ashley of the Rocky Mountain Fur Company, determined to make his mark in the fur trade (Brooks, 1977:18). Smith's reputation for courage and dependability grew quickly, and he soon became an important figure in the fur trade business, eventually becoming Ashley's partner.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On August 7, 1826, Smith began a journey that took him in a great circle similar to the one John C. Fremont was to trace 18 years later {\ul
(see Figure 3.1}). From the rendezvous in southeastern Idaho at the bend of the Bear River north of the Great Salt Lake, where he and two of his partners in a fur trading company had met up, the men split into two parties, having decided that would be best for their business. Two of the partners set off toward the north. Smith and his men headed south toward the Great Salt Lake and moved on to Utah Lake. They continued south to Soldier's Summit and Price, Utah; down the Sevier River Valley through Cove Fort; south to the Virgin River; and on to the Colorado River. They turned west at the Mojave villages north of Needles, California, and journeyed across the Mojave Desert to San Pedro. They then headed east out of the Los Angeles Basin to Victorville and north to the Central Valley, and turning eastward at the Stanislaus River, crossed the Sierra Nevada at Ebbetts Pass in May 1827.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Smith's exact route from the Bear River to southern California and east over the crest of the Sierra Nevada across central Nevada had been the subject of conjecture (Morgan, 1964b:210) until a collection of items offered to the Missouri Historical Society in 1967 was found to contain a 96-page manuscript that ended the mystery. The document was a first-person account by Jedediah Smith of his 1826-1827 expedition (Brooks, 1977:map).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Smith begins his account on August 7, 1826, when he was at the rendezvous point in Idaho, and he ends with his return to the same site on July 3, 1827, 11 months later. Concerning the trip, Smith remarked that he "hoped to find parts of the country as well stocked with beaver as some waters of the Missouri." In addition to his commercial motives, Smith had personal reasons for undertaking a journey into such remote and unexplored country.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
In taking charge of our S western Expedition I followed the bent on my strong inclination to visit this unexplored country and unfold those hidden resources of wealth and bring to light those wonders which I readily imagined a country so extensive might contain. . . . I wanted to be the first to view a country on which the eyes of a white man had never gazed and to follow the course of rivers that run through a new land.} (Brooks, 1977:23)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
{\qc
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
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}}
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Figure 3.1. Approximate routes across Smoky Valley followed by Smith (1827), Fremont (1845), Simpson (1859), and Burton 1860). Counties and towns shown for orientation. (Jeanne Sharp Howerton)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
{\qc
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Smith had two companions, Robert Evans and Silas Goble, on his trip across the Sierra Nevada. The trio had six horses and two mules, about 60 pounds of meat, and hay. On May 20, 1827, they set out on their journey east from a camp on the Stanislaus River near present-day Oakdale, California, where they had left the main trapping party, crossed Ebbetts Pass one week later, then descended the east side of the Sierra Nevada and made their way across West Walker River on May 30. While crossing the mountains, the men encountered snow eight feet deep and a storm that forced them to remain in camp. Smith remembered this as being "one of the most disagreeable days I have ever passed" (Brooks, 1977:169).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Upon completing his descent of the east side of the Sierra Nevada on June 1, Smith sighted Walker Lake (near present-day Hawthorne, Nevada) and encountered Indians, who ran off after realizing the travelers were not other Indians. That night in camp, Smith and his companions were awakened by 20 or 30 horsemen, who surrounded them "with their Bows strung and their arrows in their hands" (Brooks, 1977:174). Smith commented, "If my horses had been tied I should most certainly have fired on them, but as they were loose . . . I thought it prudent not to be the aggressor but to hold ourselves in readiness to beat them off or sell our lives as dear as possible" (Brooks, 1977:175). After several hours, the Indians, who possessed buffalo robes, knives, and Spanish blankets, became more peaceable and accepted tobacco. Smith continued, "It will be readily conjectured that I kept a verry [sic] close watch during the remainder of the night. I do not know how to account for the singular conduct of the [I]ndians. They did not appear unanimous for the massacre and perhaps saw our intention of making our scalps bear a good price. [W]e should not have fallen without some of them in company" (Brooks, 1977:175).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On the next morning, June 2, the Indians appeared friendly and gave instructions that water could be found to the east, in the direction Smith wished to travel. Smith traveled for 20 miles in the direction the Indians indicated but found no water. He concluded, "The [I]ndians no doubt well knew there was no water and intended to deceive me and send me where I might perish for want of it" (Brooks, 1977:176) .\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Smith recorded that on June 2 he had seen a "snowy hill" and had steered toward it. Experts believe that the three men made a dry camp at a spot in Soda Springs Valley about 5 miles northwest of present-day Luning. Although it has been suggested that the snowy hill was Arc Dome in the Toiyabe Range, the great peak is not visible until the pass above Luning is reached (Brooks, 1977:176-177). Smith apparently left Soda Springs Valley, crossed northeast through the Gabbs Valley Range and continued east down a wash into Ione Valley, camping near the base of the Shoshone Mountains. It is likely he then crossed the Shoshones in the vicinity of Willow Springs and crossed the south end of the Toiyabes near Barrel and Mud Springs. He camped at Peavine Creek on June 6.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Smith's entry for June 7 describes his course across Smoky Valley: "E 15 miles crossing a plain and at the foot of a hill found water where I stopped for dinner. [T]hen crossing the range of hills and following an [I]ndian trail N 10 miles found water and good grass and encamped. [S]aw an [I]ndian today" (Brooks, 1977:178). Smith stopped for lunch just west of present-day Manhattan, then crossed the Toquima Range directly east of Manhattan on a route approximating that of today's Nevada Route 377 (Brooks, 1977:178).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On June 7 and 8, the group is believed to have camped near what is now Belmont. Smith's June 8 entry describes the terrain:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
As my horses were much fatigued and the grass was tolerable good I concluded to rest. The general Character and appearance of the country I have passed is extremely Barren. High Rocky hills afford the only relief to the desolate waste for at the feet of these are found water and some vegetation while the intervals between are sand barren Plains. (Brooks, 1977:178)}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ }On June 9, the party traveled northeast across Monitor Valley and took McCann Canyon through the Monitor Range, then proceeded across the north end of west Stone Cabin Valley. However, it is possible they crossed the Monitors at Barley Creek.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On June 10, Smith and his party noticed a fire and moved toward it. There they found an Indian woman and two children who were understandably frightened by the appearance of the strange men. The woman and children appeared to be travelers, and they shared their water with the explorers. The Indian woman prepared scorpions to eat, the first time Smith had witnessed such a practice. Smith and his party moved down Hot Creek Canyon into Hot Creek Valley and entered the Pancake Range about where U.S. Route 6 does today. He negotiated Black Rock Summit and crossed Railroad Valley at or slightly north of Blue Eagle. From there, they probably crossed the Grant Range at Johnson Canyon and camped on June 14 about 3 miles south of present-day Lund. From Lund, the travelers apparently crossed Connors Pass and Sacramento Pass on their way to the south shores of the Great Salt Lake.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although Smith's firsthand accounts of his arduous travels across Nevada are not graphic, they are valuable in that they provide the first written descriptions of the Great Basin and northern Nye County. The courage that Smith and his companions exhibited in crossing such an inhospitable and uncharted land is testimony to their indomitable spirit. The trepidation that a modern motorist sometimes feels when setting out to cross the long stretches of Nevada's highways pales when compared to the uncertainty that Smith and his companions must have experienced.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ At age 32, Smith was killed by Comanches on May 27, 1831, along the Cimarron River on a dreaded stretch of the Santa Fe Trail. One year later, in June 1832, an item about Smith appeared in the Illinois Monthly Magazine:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
And though he fell under the spears of the savages, his body has glutted the prairie wolf, and none can tell where his bones are bleaching, he must not be forgotten. One, at least, who knew his worth, and who had listened with childlike delight to his tales of daring deeds and perilous adventure, can never forget him. But after all, his character as a traveller\u8212?as the greatest American traveller\u8212?must depend upon his works. When they are published, exactly as he left them, there are thousands in our country, who, thirsting for more knowledge of the "farthest west," will delight to render him all the honor that is justly due him. }(as cited in Brooks, 1977:10)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Ogden's Snake Country Expeditions\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ It is a peculiar coincidence that more than 300 years after the Spanish exploration of North America began and nearly 50 years after the first Euro-American set foot in what is now Nevada, the second and third Euro-Americans to enter the state did so independently of each other in the same month.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As Jedediah Smith was crossing the southern tip of Nevada from the east in the fall of 1826, another group of trapper-explorers, led by Peter Skene Ogden, entered the state from the north (Funk, 1982:7L). Ogden, born in Montreal, Quebec, in 1790 into a family of legal practitioners, gave up a possible career in law to enter the fur trade (Cline, 1974:11). He joined the Hudson's Bay Company and became a brigade leader for the company's Snake Country Expeditions. Ogden trapped thousands of beaver along the Snake and other major rivers in territory that is now part of Montana, California, Idaho, Oregon, Utah, and Nevada. The beaver pelts supplied the fur used to make felt, much in vogue then in European men's fashion (Funk, 1982).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ During the second Snake Country Expedition (1825-1826), Ogden and his men trapped the Snake River tributaries in Oregon and eastern Idaho. The exploration of this area in May 1826 took Ogden briefly into Nevada, into northern Elko County in the vicinity of Jarbidge, but because the men were short of supplies and had found the country relatively barren, they returned to Vancouver (Cline, 1974:76).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On his fifth Snake Country Expedition (1828-1829), Ogden discovered the Humboldt River, and on his sixth (1829-1830), he returned to Nevada and in 1829 discovered where the Humboldt River, known then as the "Unknown River," discharged into the Humboldt Sink. Authorities disagree on the route taken by Ogden from there. According to one scenario, Ogden and his party traveled southward to Walker Lake, and moving parallel to the present-day California-Nevada border, continued on as far south as the Gulf of California (Cline, 1974:93). Alvin McLane, who cites a letter Ogden wrote, believes Ogden's route from the Humboldt Sink out of Nevada took him first east, then south. He thinks Ogden may have passed along the Elko and White Pine County boundary, traveling from the frozen lakes of the Unknown (Humboldt) River to, as Ogden later wrote in his letter, the "Great Sandy desert of the Great Salt Lake" (McLane, 1982:283; Pendleton et al., 1982:167-168). From there, McLane believes, Ogden traveled south through Utah to the Gulf of California (McLane, 1995). By either account, Ogden seems never to have made it to the Smoky Valley, but his efforts helped clear the way for future explorers.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Walker's Expedition to California\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The next important expedition to enter central Nevada was organized by a young French-born army officer, a graduate of the military academy at West Point, Captain Benjamin Louis Eulalie de Bonneville. Bonneville's expedition was outfitted in St. Louis, and in May 1832 his party headed west with 110 well-equipped men and 20 wagons. Bonneville and his party attended the trappers and traders' rendezvous at the Green River in 1833. There, Bonneville arranged for one of his captains, Joseph R. Walker, to lead an expedition to California to search for western streams reputed to be filled with beaver.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Walker's expedition set out from the area of the Green River on July 24, 1833, with instructions to meet Bonneville at the Bear River the following summer. Walker headed west to the Ruby Mountains, then traveled along the Humboldt River. From the Carson Sink the group crossed the Sierra Nevada into the San Joaquin Valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On his return east, Walker left California on February 14, 1834, and crossed the Sierra Nevada at Walker Pass, which he discovered (named for him later by John C. Fremont). He proceeded up the Owens Valley to Benton Hot Springs and thence to Sodaville, south of Walker Lake, along what later became the railroad route. North of Sodaville, Walker believed he recognized a landmark from the year before, and he turned northeast, thinking to shorten his trip to the Humboldt (Fletcher, 1980:69-86). This shortcut resulted in great hardship for Walker's party. Walker corrected for the error, turning back to the northwest. The party found the Walker River, north of Walker Lake, and continued north, eventually rejoining Bonneville at the rendezvous (Fletcher, 1980:86-90). Although Walker did not set foot in Smoky Valley, he helped set the stage for its later exploration.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Walker expedition was a big failure from a financial point of view; however, it was a huge success in that it expanded understanding of Great Basin geography. The information that Walker provided helped Bonneville construct his well-known map of the region adjacent to the Great Salt Lake. Walker also concluded, as Smith had earlier, that the San Buenaventura River did not exist; there were rivers flowing from both sides of the Sierra Nevada, but none passed through that mighty chain of mountains (Fletcher, 1980:88).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the wake of the expeditions across the Great Basin by Smith, Ogden, and Walker, stories about the abundance of land and resources in California spread. In 1840, hundreds of people joined the Western Immigration Society, and its members made plans to head west the following year. John Bidwell and John B. Bartleson, both inexperienced in travel to California, led the expedition. They journeyed up the Missouri River from Independence, Missouri, eventually reaching the Bear River north of the Great Salt Lake. From there they traveled southwest to Pilot Peak, on what is now the eastern border of Nevada. They reached the Humboldt River and followed its waters to the Carson Sink, then traveled to a point north of Walker Lake where they crossed the Sierra Nevada near Sonora Pass (Hulse, 1981:52). In the ensuing years, this route along the Humboldt became the established path across the western Great Basin to California.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Fremont Names the Great Basin\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Colonel John Charles Fremont has been variously described as the "West's greatest adventurer" and as the "pathfinder." Because his explorations of the Great Basin and much of the West were preceded by those of Smith, Ogden, Walker, and others, it has been suggested that Fremont was not so much a pathfinder as a pathmaker (Cline, 1988:215). One of Fremont's biographers, Allan Nevins, titled his book Fremont, Pathmaker of the West (Nevins, 1955). However, in the matter of exploring Smoky Valley, which lies close to the center of the Great Basin, the title of pathfinder is much deserved.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Fremont led an incredible and full life. He was born January 21, 1813, in Savannah, Georgia. Fremont was a precocious child. He entered Charleston College (South Carolina) as a junior when he was 16 years old but never graduated, being dismissed within three months of graduation for neglect of his studies; apparently he spent too much time with a young woman with whom he had fallen in love. His reputation for brilliance helped him escape the worst consequences of his expulsion (Nevins, 1955:13-17). After a stint as a mathematics teacher, he took a position as assistant engineer with the U.S. Topographical Corps, doing surveys for a projected railway from Charleston, South Carolina, to Cincinnati, Ohio (Fremont, 1887:19, 23). In 1841, he married Jessie Benton, the vivacious 17-year-old daughter of the powerful senator from Missouri, Thomas Hart Benton (Egan, 1985:46). Fremont was chosen as California's first senator in 1849. In 1856, he stood as the Republican Party's candidate for president of the United States (Egan, 1985:33, 508). Although Fremont attained unusual fame and notoriety during his lifetime, both he and his beloved wife died in near poverty. This true "man of the West," lying on his deathbed in New York City, on July 13, 1890, told his doctor, "If I continue as free from pain, I can go home next week." Leaning over, the doctor asked him which home he meant; Fremont replied, "California, of course." Those were his last words (Egan, 1985:524).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Between 1842 and 1854, Fremont made five expeditions across the western United States, three of which took him across Nevada. Fremont applied the coup de grace to the legend of the San Buenaventura. On his second expedition (1843-1844), he made a great circle from the northern shore of the Great Salt Lake up through Idaho to the Columbia River, down central Oregon to western Nevada, west across the Sierra Nevada south of Pyramid Lake, down the Central Valley of California, then across the Mojave Desert to the Las Vegas Meadows, and finally north through western Utah back to the Great Salt Lake. In making this immense circle, he encountered no great river like the mythical San Buenaventura, with its headwaters in the interior of the continent. When camped at Utah Lake on May 23, 1844, he concluded that the San Buenaventura did not exist and that the vast territory between the Wasatch Range and the Sierra Nevada had an interior drainage system and was, in fact, a "Great Basin." Thus was the Great Basin named (Cline, 1988:215). Fremont commented that the existence of\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
the Great interior Basin . . . is vouched for by such of the American traders and hunters as have knowledge of that region. . . . Mr. Joseph Walker . . . informed me that, from the Great Salt lake west, there was a succession of lakes and rivers which have no outlet to the sea. . . . The structure of the country would require this formation of interior lakes; for the waters which would collect between the Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevada, not being able to cross this formidable barrier, nor to get to the Columbia or the Colorado, must naturally collect into reservoirs, each of which would have its little system of streams and rivers to supply it. It would be the natural effect; and what I saw went to confirm it. . . The existence of the Basin is therefore an established fact in my mind; its extent and con-tents are yet to be better ascertained. It cannot be less than four or five hundred miles each way, and must lie principally in the Alta California; the demarcation latitude of 42\u176? probably cutting a segment from the north part of the rim. Of its interior, but little is known. It is called a desert, and, from what I saw of it, sterility may be its prominent characteristic; but where there is so much water, there must be some oasis.} (Fremont, 1845:275-276)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When Fremont first traced the perimeter and named the Great Basin at the end of his second expedition, he had not explored its interior. Although travel across the Great Basin along the Humboldt River was becoming fairly common during the mid-1840s, no whites had crossed through central Nevada since Jedediah Smith had done so in 1827.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Fremont's third expedition (1845-1846) took him directly across the heart of the basin, the great inland drainage area. The purpose of the expedition was to explore \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
that section of the Rocky Mountains which gives rise to the Arkansas River, the Rio Grande del Norte of the Gulf of Mexico, and the Rio Colorado of the Gulf of California; to complete the examination of the Great Salt Lake and its interesting region; and to extend the survey west and southwest to the examination of the great ranges of the Cascade Mountains and the Sierra Nevada, so as to ascertain the lines of communication through the mountains to the ocean in that latitude.} (Fremont, 1887:422)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Among those Fremont selected to be part of the third expedition were 12 Delaware Indians, two of whom were chiefs. The Delawares, Fremont felt, were "good hunters and brave men" (Fremont, 1887:424). Fremont also had three courageous and experienced fellow explorers in his company: Kit Carson, Alex Godey, and Richard Owens. Fremont left Bent's Fort on the Arkansas River in mid-August of 1845 with a party of 60. Moving northwest, the group crossed the Colorado and Green Rivers on the way to the south shores of he Great Salt Lake. After crossing the Salt Desert to Pilot Peak, as Fremont then named it, the expedition moved on to tributary of the Humboldt River, which he named after Baron Alexander von Humboldt, the great German geographer and statesman. There Fremont divided the party. The main group, led by Lieutenant Theodore Talbot and guided by Joseph Walker, went directly west in search of the Humboldt River, planning to follow the river to its terminus at the Humboldt Sink and then to continue along the eastern foothills of the Sierra Nevada to Walker Lake.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Fremont chose to leave the main party, selecting 10 men to accompany him, including some of the Delawares. This group traveled south around Spruce Mountain, then :raveled west to the Ruby Valley and crossed the Ruby Mountains at Harrison Pass. After camping at what was likely -Th.vin Creek, Fremont went south, crossing into Diamond Valley by way of Chokup [Overland] Pass. After crossing the Antelope Valley and skirting the Monitor Range, he traversed the Toquima Range into Smoky Valley, where he named a small stream at the north end for Basil Lajeunesse, one of his party. He traveled south directly down Smoky Valley, where he camped at Darroughs Hot Springs, then moved around the south end of the Toiyabe Range and went on to Walker Lake (Morgan, 1964a: xxvii\u8212?xxviii). Thus Fremont and his men became the first whites to traverse the valley from north to south. As the group traveled, each day involved this routine:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
The early morning began the day's work by the usual careful study of the ground ahead for indications to the best line of travel, and so soon as they were ready the hunters started out to the right and left, scouring the country as we advanced. When anything worthy of note was discovered a shot was fired, or the horseman would make a few short turns backward and forward as a signal that something requiring attention had been found}. (Fremont, 1887:435)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Simpson's Better Route to California\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By the mid-1840s, the Humboldt River had become the preferred route to northern California. Following the discovery of gold on the south fork of the American River at Coloma in 1848, California was admitted (in 1850) into the Union, and westbound traffic along the Humboldt increased. The problem with following the Humboldt, though, was that it took a traveler far to the north of the most direct route between the Salt Lake Valley and San Francisco. A better route was found in 1859, when an expedition led by Captain James H. Simpson of the U.S. Army Corps of Topographical Engineers crossed the Great Basin on its way to California.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Simpson, born in New Jersey in 1813, entered the U.S. Military Academy at the age of 15. He fought in the Seminole War in Florida in the 1830s before he was transferred to the newly created topographical corps in 1838. Experienced in surveying wagon roads, Simpson was sent to the Utah Territory in 1858, where his duties were to examine the region's roads. In October, he made a reconnaissance of the territory west of Camp Floyd, Utah, about 40 miles south of Salt Lake City, where he found unexpected mountains.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the winter of 1858-1859, Simpson planned a more ambitious survey of the Great Basin and proposed to the U.S. War Department an expedition to find a more direct wagon route from Salt Lake City across the Great Basin to California (see Figure 3.1). The expedition was authorized, and on May 2, 1859, a party of 64\u8212?including two junior officers, a noted geologist," a taxidermist, a photographer, an artist, and a military escort\u8212?headed west from Camp Floyd (Zink, 1983:6a-6b). John Reese, who had founded the community of Genoa in Nevada (the first permanent settlement in the state) and a Ute Indian named Pete were expedition guides. On June 13, having crossed the Great Basin, the expedition reached the base of the Sierra Nevada and arrived in Genoa, where the party was welcomed with a huge celebration. On June 24, the entire party began the return trip to Camp Floyd.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Within days of Simpson's return to Camp Floyd, :immigrants began to follow the new route across the Great Basin, which saved over 250 miles and two weeks' time in the journey to California. Within a year, heavy traffic marked the trail\u8212?so much so that the army was sent out to protect travelers. When the Pony Express was established in April 1860, it followed Simpson's northernmost route. The Over-And Mail and the Overland Telegraph, which linked California and Nebraska, as of October 1861, also followed the Simpson route. Today U.S. Route 50 parallels much of Simpson's trail.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On the trip west through central Nevada, Simpson and his men crossed the Diamond Mountains at Chokup Pass and continued southwest, crossing the Roberts Mountains south of Cooper Peak, moving on to the north end of the Antelope Range. They then went west, crossing the northernmost portions of the Toquima Range and Smoky Valley and ascending the Toiyabe Range a little north of present-day Austin. It was Simpson's rule to preserve the native names of geographical features. He thus called Smoky Valley "Won-a-ho-nupe Valley." He described it as being from 9 to 12 miles wide, with "soil areno-argillaceous, and is very thinly covered with {\i
artemisia}. At the south it appears uninterrupted; at the north [it] is closed by a low range" (Simpson, 1983:76). The expedition members saw a number of antelope in the valley. On May 27, they camped in the valley at Won-a-ho-nupe Canyon on the east side of the Toiyabes at an altitude of 5870 feet and found the spot "quite luxuriant with willow and grass, the latter appearing in places quite green. . . . The stream in the canyon is quite pure, and I think there must be trout in it. . . . The landscape here [is] quite pretty and very unique for this country" (Simpson, 1983:76-77). On May 28, Simpson camped at 6355 feet near the crest of the Toiyabes at a place later named for him\u8212?present-day Simpson Park. In his report, Simpson described the pasture at the campsite: "The grass in the pass [is] very abundant and of the finest character. This fine mountain bunch-grass fattens and strengthens our animals like oats. The pass at summit is as much as a mile wide, and both backward and forward the views are beautiful" (Simpson, 1983:78). The expedition then descended the west side of the Toiyabes, crossed the Reese River, and continued west across the valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Simpson called the Western Shoshone Indians living in the Smoky Valley area "Diggers." In the Kobeh Valley, south of the Roberts Mountains, he encountered 15 or 20 Diggers from whom he obtained the Indian names for some of the mountains and streams. He described them as\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
the most lively, jocose Indians I have seen. Say two rats make a meal. Like rabbits better than rats, and antelope better than either, but cannot get the latter. Have no guns; use bow and arrow. They occasionally amuse us very much in their attempts to ride our mules, which are, however, so much frightened at their rabbit-skin dress as to cause them to run off with them. One of them from this cause caught to-day a tumble}. (Simpson, 1983:75)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ While the party was camped on the east side of the Toiyabes, an Indian visited the camp:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
An old Digger . . . represents that we are the first white persons he has ever seen. He says there is a large number of Indians living around, but they had run away from fear of us. I asked him why he had not been afraid. He said he was so old that it was of no consequence if he did die. I told him to say to them that we would always be glad to see them, and whenever they saw white men always to approach them in a friendly way, and they would not be hurt. He has been around eating at different messes, and at length had so gorged himself as to be unable to eat more until he had disgorged, when he went around again to renew the pleasure. I showed him my watch, the works of which he looked upon with a great deal of wonder. He said he would believe what I told him about the magnetic telegraph the next time he was told it. He is at least sixty years old, and says he had never had a chief. I asked him if his country was a good one. He said it was. He liked it a good deal better than any other. I asked him why. Because, he said, it had a great many rats. I asked him if they ever quarreled about their rat country. He said they did. So it would appear that civilized nations are not the only people who go to war about their domains.} (Simpson, 1983:77)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On the return trip in July, Simpson did not retrace his outbound route but instead diverged to the south once he was east of the Antelope Range. While camped at the mouth of Won-a-ho-nupe Canyon in Smoky Valley, eight or ten Diggers followed the party to camp, each carrying two "rat sticks," used to dig out and catch rats. Simpson commented that "several of them are entirely naked, except the breech-cloth. Quite a heavy shower of rain has been falling, but, although it came down cold and chilly, these Indians seem to take it as if it was not an extraordinary occurrence" (Simpson, 1983:111). On July 9, when Simpson was about to break camp at Antelope Creek, he observed:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Just before leaving, the Indians (some twenty) amused us with a specimen of one of their dances, all entering into it with a great deal of zest, and shouting with the utmost delight. The appearance of so many white men and wagons in their country is quite an epoch in their lives, and they are correspondingly elated}. (Simpson, 1983:111)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The outbreak of the Civil War delayed the completion and publication of Simpson's manuscript. In 1869, Simpson published an abridged account of his exploration, calling it The Shortest Route to California, but an official report was not published until 1876. Because of the long delay in the report's publication, Simpson did not receive the recognition he deserved for his explorations, despite the fact that his 1859 expedition was one of the first direct treks across the state of Nevada by whites (Zink, 1983:6d).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Burton Describes Smoky Valley\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Sir Richard F. Burton, who was born in 1821, became an explorer extraordinary, diplomat, spy, and writer. One of the greatest adventurers of his day, he is said to have spoken twenty-nine languages and a dozen more dialects. As a young man he disguised himself as a Muslim and made a pilgrimage to Mecca, thus becoming the first infidel to complete such a charade. He traveled throughout Africa in search of the source of the Nile\u8212?which he never found\u8212?and assisted Indian scholars in translating (from Sanskrit to English) the {\i
Kama Sutra}, the ancient Hindu treatise regarding sensual pleasure, love, and marriage.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1860, Burton, who wrote extensively about his travels, visited Salt Lake City and then traveled overland to California, tracing the path that Simpson had taken a year earlier. Burton crossed the Diamond Mountains in early October and, on October 12, crossed the north end of Smoky Valley, and made his way up the Toiyabes to Simpson Park.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As far as can be determined, Burton was the first to record the name Smoky Valley. He described the valley and its environs:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Shortly after 8 A.M. we were afield, hastening to finish the long divide that separates Roberts' Creek Valley from its western neighbor, which, as yet unchristened, is known to the b'hoys as smoky Valley. . . . Crossing the north end of Smoky Valley, we came upon rolling ground, with water\u8212?willows and cedars "blazed"\u8212?barked with a gash for sign-posts. Ensued a long kanyon [sic] . . . a gate by which the swift shallow stream had broken through the mountains: in places it was apparently a cul de sac; in others, shoulder after shoulder rose in long perspective, with points and projections behind. . . . The granite walls were of Cyclopean form, with regular lines of cleavage, as in the Rattlesnakes Hills, which gave a false air of stratification. The road was a mere path along and across the rivulet bed . . . and where distance appeared, smokes upcurling in slow, heavy masses told us that man was not far distant.... Descending [from Simpson's Pass] by rugged road, we sighted every where on the heights the fires of the natives. They were not symbols of war, but signals\u8212?for which smokes are eminently adapted\u8212?made by tribes telegraphing to one another their being en route for their winter quarters}. (Burton, 1862:484-486)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the Roberts Mountains area, Burton encountered Indians who belonged to a branch of Western Shoshone known as White-Knives and were said to be under an independent chief.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
About the station loitered several Indians of the White-Knife tribe, which boasts, like the old Sioux and the modern Flatheads, never to have stained its weapons with the blood of a white man. . . . The dress was the usual medley of rags and rabbit furs: They were streaked with vermilion; and their hair\u8212?contrary to, and more sensibly than the practice of our grandfathers\u8212?was fastened into a frontal pigtail to prevent it falling into the eyes. These men attend upon the [Pony Express] station and [they] herd the stock for an occasional meal, their sole payment. They will trade their skins and peltries for arms and gun-powder, but, African-like, they are apt to look upon provisions, beads, and tobacco in the light of presents}. (Burton, 1862:481-482)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Burton's accounts of his travels across central Nevada are not known to have significantly influenced other travelers, but they provide colorful information about the Great Basin in the mid-1800s.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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A Collision of Cultures\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ It is not surprising that relations between the first explorers in the Great Basin and Native American inhabitants were not always smooth. In the view of the whites, the Great Basin was essentially unoccupied territory and was thus open for the taking\u8212?even if there were Indian settlements scattered here and there. The whites thought that the Indians had attained only a low stage of human cultural development. For a century or more following the first contact, Indian ownership and occupation of the Great Basin territory was not considered a significant impediment either to passage through the Great Basin or to the extraction of the resources there. To complicate matters, the first white explorers in the Great Basin justifiably viewed the Indians with some fear\u8212?and the Indians must at times have viewed the white interlopers with fear and foreboding. Experience had shown that when motivated, the Indians would attack the whites. The Indians' sparse settlement of the Great Basin and the whites' lack of respect for Indian ways, coupled with mutual fear, combined to lead ultimately to the demise of the Indian culture.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ An incident during Fremont's second expedition, in the Virgin River area, east of the Las Vegas Meadows, demonstrates the volatility of explorer-Indian relations. On May 5, 1844, a man whom Fremont said appeared to be chief and several other Indians "forced themselves" into Fremont's camp. The chief approached Fremont with great confidence:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
When shown our weapons, he bored his ear with his fingers, and said he could not hear. "Why," said he, "there are none of you." Counting the people around the camp, and including in the number a mule which was being shod, he made out twenty-two. "So many," said he, showing the number, "and we\u8212?we are a great many"; and he pointed to the hills and mountains round about. "If you have your arms," said he, twanging his bow, "we have these."} (Fremont, 1887:379)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Fremont related the difficulty he had in restraining his men, who viewed the chiefs actions as insulting. Kit Carson\u8212?among those especially affronted\u8212?said that he "felt an insult of this kind as much as if it had been given by a more responsible being." "Don't say that, old man," Fremont admonished, "don't you say that\u8212?your life's in danger." Fremont noted that when Carson spoke these words the old Indian was probably "nearer his end than he will be before he meets it" (Fremont, 1887:379).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although there are many instances in which Fremont showed compassion toward the Indians, his kind behavior was offset by a fundamentally harsh judgment of the value of the Indian way of life. On his third expedition, a day or two after camping at what was apparently Darroughs Hot Springs, Fremont and his party had set up camp by a spring on the bench in the Garfield Hills southeast of Walker Lake. They had just finished a meal of freshly killed antelope and were gathered around the fire enjoying a smoke. Fremont demonstrated his charitable side when he described what happened next:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
A good supper and a pipe make for them a comfortable ending no matter how hard the day has been. Carson, who was lying on his back with his pipe in his mouth, his hands under his head and his feet to the fire, suddenly exclaimed, half rising and pointing to the other side of the fire, "Good God! look there!" In the blaze of the fire, peering over her skinny, crooked hands, which shaded her eyes from the glare, was standing an old woman apparently eighty years of age, nearly naked, her grisly hair hanging down over her face and shoulders. She had thought it a camp of her people and had already begun to talk and gesticulate, when her open mouth was paralyzed with fright, as she saw the faces of the whites. She turned to escape, but the men had gathered about her and had brought her around to the fire. Hunger and cold soon dispelled fear and she made us understand that she had been left by her people at the spring to die, because she was very old and could gather no more seeds and was no longer good for anything. She told us she had nothing to eat and was very hungry. We gave her immediately about a quarter of the antelope, thinking she would roast it by our fire, but no sooner did she get it in her hand than she darted off into the darkness. . . . Starvation had driven her to us, but her natural fear drove her away as quickly, so soon as she had secured something to eat. Before we started we left her at the spring a little supply from what food we had. This, with what she could gather from the nut-pine trees on the mountain, together with our fire which she could easily keep up, would probably prolong her life even after the snows came}. (Fremont, 1887:436-437)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ However, Fremont's prejudice shows in the journal entry he made discussing his view of the Indians (Southern Paiute) who had threatened him and his men while camped in the Virgin River area on May 5, 1844. Fremont reflected:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
In these Indians I was forcibly struck by an expression of countenance resembling that in a beast of prey; and all their actions are those of wild animals. Joined to the restless motion of the eye there is a want of mind\u8212?an absence of thought\u8212?and action wholly by impulse, strongly expressed, and which constantly recalls the similarity}. (Fremont, 1887:378)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Fremont was equally harsh in describing the Indians he encountered in the vicinity of Walker Lake on his third expedition:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
In this region the condition of the Indian is nearly akin to that of the lower animals. Here they are really wild men. In his wild state the Indian lives to get food. This is his business. The superfluous part of his life, that portion which can be otherwise employed, is devoted to some kind of warfare. . . . In the Great Basin, where nearly naked he travelled on foot and lived in the sage-brush, I found him in the most elementary form; the men living alone, the women living alone but all after food.} (Fremont, 1887:438)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Richard Burton was especially outrageous in his criticism of the appearance of the Indians of central Nevada, singling out the children of Western Shoshone from the Roberts Mountains area for a grossly offensive comparison: "They may be a respectable race, but they are ugly: they resemble the Diggers, and the children are not a little like juvenile baboons" (Burton, 1862:484-486).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Such prejudice against the native inhabitants of the Smoky Valley area was not only the province of the white man. On his third expedition, Fremont and his men were traveling along the foot of a mountain when they saw smoke rising from a nearby ravine, and upon investigating the source, discovered an Indian cooking squirrels in an earthen pot over a sagebrush fire. The Indian saw the intruders too late to make a run for it and instead made an effort to appear friendly, offering the unexpected visitors part of his meal. Fremont stated that the Delaware Indians who were on the expedition would most certainly have killed that Western Shoshone had he and the other whites not been present. As the party turned to leave the Western Shoshone to his meal, Fremont noted in his autobiography (1887:436), "The Delawares lingered as we turned away, but I would not let them remain. Anyhow they regard our journey as a kind of war-path, and no matter what kind of path he is upon a Delaware is always ready to take a scalp when he is in a country where there are strange Indians."\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ After departing in the company of the Delawares, the group had only gone a short distance when Fremont noticed that the Delawares had taken the Western Shoshone's bow and arrows ("the bow strong, and made still stronger with sinews, and the arrows were all headed with obsidian worked into the usual spear shape . . . sharp as steel" [Fremont, 1887:436]). Fremont asked his Delaware companions to return the bow and arrows to the Western Shoshone, which they did. He then reminded them that in taking the hunting gear "they had exposed the poor fellow to almost certain starvation"\u8212?something the Delawares no doubt understood very well when they took the man's gear.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The cruel treatment of Native Americans by Euro-Americans is one of the great tragedies in all of human history\u8212?no amount of analysis or rationalization can erase this sad fact. Nevertheless, the fate of the American Indians can be viewed in a larger context. Human beings are a violent species\u8212?and neither Native Americans nor Euro-Americans personify all that is good in humanity. The Indians of the Great Basin dealt in slaves, for example, and engaged in killing and warfare before the arrival of the whites. The fate of the American Indians at the hands of Euro-Americans is explained in great measure by a larger phenomenon\u8212?the migration of cultures from one area to another. Tragedy often occurs when populations collide during such movement.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
{\line }
{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
{\qc
CHAPTER 4\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
California Gold Sets the Stage\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The discovery of gold in California in 1848 has been called "the most portentous event in the history of modern mining" (Rickard, 1932:20). It was the seminal event in the history of the American West, and it was arguably one of the most important events in American history (including the Civil War and World Wars I and II); its impact may have been second only to the American Revolution. In addition to providing local economic stimulus, the gold that was discovered in California in 1848 supplied the nation with the capital needed for industrialization. And the event led directly to the settlement of the Far West. The California gold rush provided those who flocked to the goldfields between 1848 and about the end of 1850 with a unique view of life and society that has been passed down through the generations in the West, especially in rural areas. Westerners today\u8212?if not in fact, at least in spirit\u8212?are very much children of the California gold rush. The values to which westerners now generally subscribe\u8212?that is, the ways in which they perceive society and the world\u8212?are traceable in large measure to the first years of the California gold rush. The California gold rush was, without doubt, the most important single influence on Nevada history.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Precious Metals in Early America\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Native North Americans encountered by Europeans in the New World had no understanding of metallurgy and in a few cases only a rudimentary mastery of techniques of mining. Anasazi Indians, for example, residing in and around the Las Vegas Valley in southern Nevada from about A.D. 500 until around the twelfth century established salt and turquoise mines in the region, perhaps with the assistance of the ancestors of the present-day Southern Paiute. Copper in its native state was used by Native Americans prior to the arrival of the Europeans. From 1497 on, explorers observed American native peoples wearing ornaments and using tools made of native copper in such diverse places as Newfoundland, Nantucket Island, the St. Lawrence River, and the Arctic Coast. Beginning approximately 7000 years ago and lasting until about 1000 years ago, copper was mined by Native Americans in the Keweenaw Peninsula area of Lake Superior near Houghton, Michigan. The nearly pure copper was extracted from holes as deep as 35 feet using hammer stones, and was traded throughout the eastern United States. Authorities believe most, if not all, the copper found in the possession of native peoples on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts came from the Keweenaw area (Fink, 1996). When Pamphilo Narvaez landed at Tampa on the west coast of Florida in 1527, he was told that much gold could be found in a region named Apalache. Ponce de Leon landed in Florida in 1573 and was told of an Indian chief who possessed much gold. In 1564, Rene Laudonniere described the methods the natives used to recover gold in the Apalatcy Mountains (Rickard, 1932:3-5, 18).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In his classic volume A History of American Mining (1932), T. A. Rickard states that the mining of gold in the southern states by Euro-Americans had its beginning when a nugget was found at the Reed Mine in North Carolina in 1799. Thomas Jefferson mentions (in his "Notes on Virginia") the finding of a quartz specimen containing 17 pennyweights of gold on the Rappahannock River in 1782. Until 1828, all the gold produced in the United States was from North Carolina, and between 1793 and 1828 that state yielded a total amount valued at about $110,000 (Rickard, 1932:18-19). In 1829, a small rush to a gold-discovery site in Georgia occurred, and in 1833-1834, gold obtained in Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia was worth about $1 million per year. These early mining operations in the South were based upon placer deposits and digging on soft outcrops. Between 1804 and 1866, the Appalachian goldfield, extending over five states, yielded approximately $19.4 million. Gold mining in the South, Rickard says, "was relatively unimportant, but it played a useful part in preparing American miners for the bigger developments in the West" (Rickard, 1932:19). After 1848, southern diggings were completely eclipsed by events in California and the Far West.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Early Gold Discoveries in California\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On the west coast of America, the first mention of gold in California is in Hakluyt's account of the voyage of Sir Francis Drake, who spent five weeks in June and July 1579 in a bay near latitude 38\u176?. Some question whether the bay was Drake's Bay or San Francisco Bay. Hakluyt said, apparently quite seriously, "There is no part of the earth here to be taken lip wherein there is not a reasonable quantity of gold or silver" (as quoted in Browne and Taylor, 1867:13). Authorities dispute the veracity of this claim, believing that it was embellished in order to magnify the importance of Drake and the country he claimed to have added to the English crown. By 1867, when J. Ross Browne and James W. Taylor's government monograph Reports Upon the Mineral Resources of the United States was published, it had been concluded that neither gold nor silver existed "in reasonable quantity" near the ocean at latitude 38\u176?.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Despite Drake's unsubstantiated claim, there were numerous instances of gold being both discovered and mined in California before 1848. At various times from 1775 to 1828, small deposits of placer gold were found and worked by Mexicans near the Colorado River. In 1828, gold was discovered at San Isidro in what is now San Diego County. In 1802, a mineral vein said to contain silver was discovered at Olizal in the district of Monterey; although this attracted some attention, as the deposit at San Isidro did, no profitable mining took place. In 1816 in Edinburgh, Scotland, Robert Jameson published a book entitled A System of Mineralogy. In it he describes a plain on the coast of California "fourteen leagues in extent, covered with alluvial deposits, in which lumps of gold are dispersed" (Rickard, 1932:20). Authorities have suggested that the "plain" to which Jameson referred was a site 40 miles northwest of Los Angeles. It has even been alleged that Jedediah Smith found gold near Mono Lake in 1825, but the source of this report is so confused and filled with error that it is of no value (Rickard, 1932:21; Browne and Taylor, 1867:305). Despite these discoveries, a history of California written in 1835 incorrectly stated, "No minerals of particular importance have yet been found in Upper California, nor any ores of metals" (Browne and Taylor, 1867:13).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In March 1842, Francisco Lopez, a herdsman, who was digging for wild onions with a knife near the Santa Feliciana Canyon 40 miles northwest of Los Angeles, discovered gold. The goldfield at Santa Feliciana Canyon generated considerable interest, and the site was profitably worked on a small scale until 1854. By 1843, there were 2000 ounces of gold in circulation in the small community of Los Angeles (Rickard, 1932:21). In 1841, James D. Dana, a mineralogist who was hired to accompany an expedition of Commodore Wilkes, traveled overland from the Columbia River by way of the Willamette and Sacramento Valleys to San Francisco Bay. In 1842, Dana wrote a book on mineralogy in which he mentioned that gold was found in the Sacramento Valley, although he did not regard this discovery to be of practical value. Nevertheless, the idea that there was gold in California had been formally established by the mid-1840s, as evidenced by a letter dated May 4, 1846, from Thomas 0. Larkin, U.S. counsel in Monterey, to James Buchanan, then secretary of state: "There is no doubt but that gold, silver, quicksilver, lead, copper, sulfur, and coal mines are to be found all over California, and it is equally doubtful whether, under their present owners, they will ever be worked" (Browne and Taylor, 1867:14).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ One can only wonder why the Mexicans (to whom California and much of the Southwest belonged prior to 1848) ignored these discoveries of gold and silver and made no substantial effort to fully develop them. They may have feared the excitement of a gold discovery would draw labor from the rancheros or that hordes of Americans would be attracted if a substantial gold rush developed. Moreover, the Spanish and subsequent Mexican occupation of California was not characterized by the encouragement of commerce and development of the area's resources. All in all, the Mexicans seem to have been content to pursue California's gold resources in only the most modest way; they showed no interest in enthusiastic development of existing sites, and they did not systematically look for other sites where gold or silver might occur. Worst of all, T. A. Rickard suggests that the Spaniards missed the gold treasures of California because they were too busy stealing gold from those who had already expended the effort to wrest it from the earth; the Spaniards sought gold with the "sword and spear, instead of the pick and shovel" (Rickard, 1932:22).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Gold at Sutter's Mill\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ James W. Marshall, a carpenter and jack-of-all-trades, is credited with the discovery of gold in California that led to the California gold rush. Marshall was employed by John A. Sutter, a Swiss merchant adventurer who had come to California in 1839 and persuaded the Mexican authorities to grant him a large tract of land in the Sacramento River Valley. Sutter built a hacienda on land that is now part of Sacramento, California, and named it New Helvetia. He had a tannery, a ranch, and a trading post on his property. Sutter had employed Marshall to construct a sawmill at Coloma on the South Fork of the American River about 40 miles northeast of Sacramento. The mill was almost completed when Marshall noticed that a channel, or tailrace, was not deep enough to divert water properly to the mill. On the afternoon of January 23, 1848, he opened the water gate to permit the stream to run during the night to deepen the channel. The next morning, while the workers were having breakfast, Marshall went down to the river to check the tailrace and detected bits of bright yellow metal in the channel. He picked up the largest flake, which was about the size of a melon seed and, suspecting it might be gold, pounded it on a rock; it was soft. He surmised that it was not pyrite but gold, and gathered several other flakes in his hat and exhibited them to the mill hands\u8212?five white men and three Indians. As he approached them, he exclaimed these now-famous words: "Boys, by God, I believe I found a gold mine."\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Marshall then conducted some tests for gold. He went to the camp cook, Jenny Wimmer, who was making soap, and asked her to boil the largest flake in lye. The next morning, when the flake was cut from the soap, it evidenced no discoloration. Next, Marshall took the flake to the blacksmith, who beat it on an anvil\u8212?and it was still malleable (Rickard, 1932:23-24; Paul, 1963:12-13). On January 28, Marshall traveled to Sutter's hacienda to discuss his discovery. After entering Sutter's office, Marshall locked the door and exhibited his yellow flakes of metal. Sutter first tested the flakes with nitric acid, which he had in his apothecary. He then consulted an old encyclopedia he had and read the entry on gold. After that, he weighed the flakes in water and compared their specific gravity with silver coins. He there-upon pronounced the metal to be 22-carat gold. The next day, Sutter followed Marshall back to Coloma to examine the tailrace and picked up some bits of the precious metal himself. Sutter was impressed enough with the results to ask his employees at the mill not to say anything about the discovery for six weeks because he feared the excitement might cause workmen at his ranch to quit. Most of the workers at the millsite did not appreciate the discovery's significance, and many of them supposedly left California shortly afterward (Rickard, 1932:26).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ One man, however, did pursue the matter. Charles Bennett, a carpenter working on the sawmill, took some flakes from the site and went to San Francisco\u8212?which at the time had a population of less than 1000\u8212?determined to learn whether the metal was really gold. In San Francisco, he was introduced to Isaac Humphrey, who had had experience in the goldfields in Georgia. Humphrey recognized immediately that the yellow flakes Bennett showed him were gold\u8212?and he also realized the diggings must be rich. That night, Bennett and Humphrey made plans to return to the mill. Humphrey tried to persuade some of his friends to go with him, but they refused, thinking such a trip would be a waste of time and money.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Bennett and Humphrey arrived in Coloma on March 7, not knowing that they were about to participate in one of the great events in human history. On March 8, Humphrey went to the millrace (where work was proceeding normally), spaded up some gravel, and washed it in a pan. In a short time, he found more gold specimens, and after a few hours declared that site to be richer than any in Georgia (Browne and Taylor, 1867:14-15). Humphrey then made a rocker\u8212?the simplest of mechanical apparatuses for concentrating placer gold. It resembles and is about the size of a baby's cradle; it can be rocked from side to side. It has a shelf, called a riddle, at one end, into which gravel is shoveled. Fine material falls through a sheet iron punched with holes at the bottom of the riddle. Material falling through the riddle is washed by the rocking motion and by water flowing down the rocker's bed and out one end. The heavier gold collects behind transverse cleats, or riffles, along the rocker's floor; the lighter gravel particles wash out the end. The operator rocks the cradle with one hand and pours water into the riddle with the other, stopping periodically to shovel more gravel into the riddle and clean the waste material, or tailings, away from the lip of the rocker. Using his newly built rocker, Humphrey then went to work washing gold in the river, obtaining an ounce or two of the metal each day. Once Humphrey had demonstrated that gold in paying quantities could be obtained by a man working alone, others in the vicinity soon followed his example, constructing their own rockers and obtaining their own gold. At the end of each day, the fruit of each man's labor was satisfyingly measurable (Browne and Taylor, 1867:14-15).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Gold! Gold! Gold!\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The first printed notice of the discovery of gold at Sutter's mill appeared in the {\i
Californian}, a San Francisco newspaper, on March 15, 1848. Under the heading "Gold Mine Found," the text read \par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
In the newly made race-way of the saw-mill recently erected by Captain Sutter, on the American fork, gold has been found in considerable quantities. One person brought 30 dollars worth to New Helvetia, gathered there in a short time. California, no doubt, is rich in mineral wealth; great chances here for scientific capitalists. Gold has been found in almost every part of the country.} (quoted in Rickard, 1932:28)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ San Francisco's other newspaper, the {\i
California Star}, denounced the excitement about the gold as "superlatively silly," "all sham, [as] superb [a] takein as was ever got up to guzzle the gullible" (quoted in Paul, 1963:13). However, the enthusiasm continued to build, and on May 29, the {\i
Californian} announced that it would suspend publication, stating,\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
The whole country, from San Francisco to Los Angeles, and from the seashore to the base of the Sierra Nevada, resounds what the sordid cry of gold! gold! gold! while the field is left half planted, the house half-built, and every thing being neglected but the manufacture of picks and shovels, and the means of transportation to the spot where one man obtained one hundred and twenty-eight dollars' worth of the real stuff in one day's washing; and the average for all concerned is about twenty dollars per diem.} (quoted in Browne and Taylor, 1867:15)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The rush to the sites where gold was found was unlike anything the world had ever known. Whole towns were virtually abandoned in the quest for gold. Most of those who hurried to the placer sites had no experience in mining, but it did not matter. The process of separating the gold from the gravel was simple. No special equipment or machinery was required\u8212?all a man needed was a shovel or some other means for scooping the gravel out of the riverbed and some device for concentrating it. A shallow pan or a skillet would suffice for washing gravel, but most miners built or obtained rockers as soon as they could. Of course, the places where gold-bearing gravel were most accessible were worked first. When deposited, the gold tended to concentrate on bedrock by the streams and rivers; cracks and crevices in bedrock could be particularly rich.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ During the first months of the rush, on average, one man could obtain about one ounce of gold per day. It was not uncommon for one man working alone to take out $500 in one day. It was also not uncommon for the amount of gold obtained in a week's work to be measured in tin cups.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In a matter of months following Marshall's discovery, gold-seekers were working promising sites up and down the west slope of the Sierra Nevada, a stretch of land measuring 150 miles, from the Feather River to the Tuolomne River. By summer 1849, primitive camps and embryonic towns were scattered throughout the canyons and the valleys of the west side of the Sierra Nevada, where not a single claim or settler could be counted in January 1848 (Paul, 1963:16).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In January 1848, the entire non-Indian population of what is now the state of California is estimated to have been about 14,000, but by the end of 1849, the non-Indian population had swelled to 95,000. By the end of 1852, it had grown to 250,000, and in 1860, the population was estimated to have been about 380,000. By contrast, the population of what is now Oregon was about 12,000 in 1848, 13,200 in 1850, and only 52,000 in 1860. The increase in numbers of settlers in California between 1848 and 1860 is due almost entirely to the impact of mining. By the end of 1848, it is thought that there were about 5000 miners at work in California, and one year later, the number had grown to 40,000. By 1850, an estimated 50,000 miners were working in California, and in 1860, 100,000 (Paul, 1963:15-16).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ News of the gold discovery was first received in the Atlantic states and in foreign countries with doubt and even ridicule. But as gold shipments began to be received, doubt turned to enthusiasm, and an excitement virtually without parallel in human history ensued. Gold-seekers from nations and territories throughout the world made plans to go to California and take the chance to become prosperous. People from Oregon, the Hawaiian Islands, Sonora, Latin America, Australia, China, and Europe and Americans from the eastern seaboard states and the Midwest headed for California and the new El Dorado (Browne and Taylor, 1867:15-16).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ It is a matter of great historical irony that Mexico signed the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, in which the territories comprising the area that would become the states of California, Nevada, New Mexico, Arizona, and parts of Colorado and Wyoming were ceded to the United States on February 2, 1848, only nine days following Marshall's initial discovery. Mexico was paid $15 million for the territory\u8212?and the California gold fields produced three times that in 1849.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Because the Mexican government had been removed from authority in California at the time of Marshall's discovery and no territorial government had yet been established to replace it, the territory encompassing the California goldfields was largely without government. The new territory was officially under military rule, with Colonel Richard B. Mason in command. Technically, the mines were located on public lands, and legally, they belonged to the U.S. government. However, Colonel Mason made a decision that had a profound effect on the course of the history of the American West. He decided that though the gold that lay in the gravels on the west side of the Sierra Nevada technically belonged to the U.S. government, it was best "not to interfere, but to permit all to work freely" in extracting the gold (quoted in Rickard, 1932:32). Colonel Mason's successor, General Persifor F. Smith, concurred, believing that allowing free extraction of the gold by the miners would lead to a greater public benefit through the encouragement of trade than would any effort by the government to attempt to control the enterprise. Smith, a general in command of the Pacific Division, remarked in 1849:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
I do not conceive that it would be desirable to have the mines worked for the benefit of the public treasury. To do that would require an army of officers and inferior agents, all with high salaries, and with opportunities and temptations for corruption too strong for ordinary human nature. The whole population would be put in opposition to government array, and violent collisions would lead even to bloodshed. . . . If the government shall desire revenue enough to pay the expenses of executing the laws passed on the subject, it is the most that should be proposed. The advantage the whole country will derive directly from opening of the mines, and the indirect advantage to the treasury from augmented commerce, will, in my opinion, more than compensate for any outlay it has made or may make.} (quoted in Rickard, 1932:33)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
An Experiment in Genuine Democracy\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the absence of any established social order, including a legal system, those who arrived in the California goldfields from 1848 to 1850, relying upon their inborn ability to govern themselves, quickly developed a unique social order. This new social order, grounded in economic opportunity, had not previously existed anywhere. In America between 1848 and 1850, the most an average person could hope to earn in a day was $1 or less. In the California goldfields after June 1848, a placer miner could earn 20 times that, on average. To obtain that required little capital and no expensive equipment or unusual technology. Moreover, disposing of the gold a miner produced required no special understanding of arcane markets and no imposition of the heavy hand of a middleman to take a lion's share of the profits\u8212?gold has always been the most marketable substance in world commerce. In the first months following Marshall's discovery, the wage labor system was uncommon. Why would a man work for wages when he could be self-employed digging gold? Why would he work for another for only a share of the profits? Likewise, few would hire another to dig gold on their claims when an employee would only steal a sizable proportion of the gold produced.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ T. A. Rickard, an authority on the history of American mining and a former editor of the Mining and Scientific Press, has called the society that quickly evolved in the California goldfields during the first two years of the California gold rush (1932:36) "the nearest approach to a genuine democracy that history records" (1932:36). For about two years, society there may have been as close to ideal as has ever been achieved outside the Garden of Eden or an island paradise. There was no federal or state government, and military officials took a hands-off approach, leaving the miners free to evolve communities that best suited the situation. The miners had been preconditioned for self-government and, to a certain extent, were self-selected by the journey to the goldfields. The long trip to California, whether over land or by sea, was arduous and typically required cooperation and interaction with others who were also making the journey.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Travelers learned to cooperate on the trip to California in order to maintain the necessary social order to survive on the way. The long trip required them to developed skills in settling disputes. Self-governing travelers became adept at taking shortcuts to preserve a state of law and order, for example, by administering punishment to offenders. Once at the placer diggings, skills and attitudes that they had acquired during the journey were put to use.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Few who arrived in the goldfields from other parts of the United States had experience with or understood the special requirements of mining law. Europeans, however, had experience with codes devised to regulate mining. Cornishmen and Germans who came to the goldfields were familiar with the well-developed European codes that had been based on generations of experience. Spanish-Americans also had worked under mining ordinances in Mexico that had, in turn, been derived from European codes. Drawn on European precedents, the rules the California miners used eventually became the basis for the mining laws of the United States enacted by Congress in 1866 (Rickard, 1932:33; Paul, 1963 :23 ).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Mining District\u8212?A Community of Equals\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The mining district became the basis of government. Residents of a local area where the diggings were promising would initiate a meeting and form a "district" by vote. A presiding officer would be elected and a code of laws drafted. A recorder was chosen to keep a list and a description of all mining claims filed. All disputes and complaints were settled on the spot, and the magistrates, chosen by majority vote, had the power to summon juries. The result was that by 1849, 100,000 people who did not have a "real" government, regular laws, rules, or military or civil protection, who lacked even locks and bolts and jails, and who possessed wealth in gold such as the world had never seen, managed not only to govern themselves but to provide for the public safety so well that a person in the goldfields could be as safe as anywhere in the United States. As one observer in 1849 said, "The capacity of a people for self-government was never so triumphantly illustrated" (Rickard, 1932:34).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Initially, the communities were at least 90 percent male, with most of the men being below middle age. There were few older people present because conditions were too harsh and the trip to California too arduous. Residents were thus self-selected for certain traits, among them vigor, the ability to work hard, and optimism regarding the future and their chances of being successful. As a sense of prosperity prevailed, generosity surfaced as another important characteristic.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The mining camps from 1848 to 1850 were governed by popular tribunals. When disputes arose, the miners dropped their picks and shovels and assembled, listened to the facts of the quarrel, and rendered a verdict. The judgment of the majority was accepted and enforced. In important matters, all the citizens of the district were summoned. In this way, community problems were solved. There were no jails\u8212?there was no time to build them since the citizens of a district were too busy digging for gold. Punishment was swift. Offenders were banished from the camp, whipped, or even executed (Rickard, 1932:35-36) .\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The basis of life in the gold camps was the right to own a mining claim and any gold found on it. The right of ownership of a claim was derived from the first locator. It was necessary to do a specified minimum of work in order to retain title of ownership, for example, by working the claim "one day in three" (Paul, 1963:23). Title to a valid claim could be passed from the owner to another person. In order to give everyone a chance, in keeping with the democratic spirit of the camps, early laws held that no man in a district could hold more than one claim at the same time. There were relatively few southerners in the gold camps, and no man was permitted to own a claim in the name of a slave; slave labor was forbidden. The maximum permitted claim size varied according to conditions in the district and ranged from 30 to 100 square feet (Paul, 1963:23, 26; Rickard, 1932:34).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ To an unusual extent, the mining districts were communities of equals. In the first years, there was no time for pretense, and class distinctions meant little. On one day, a person might be dead broke and have no place to sleep, but on the next, he might hit a rich pocket of gold. The opportunity to find gold existed for one and all\u8212?and that situation formed the basis of social structure and values. The one deficiency of the society was the persistent antagonism shown toward Mexicans and South Americans, with Frenchmen, Kanakas, and Indians also being targets. The Chinese, who by 1860 represented nearly 10 percent of the population in California, did not begin coming to the goldfields until 1851 and 1852 (Paul, 1963:25, 35).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Technology Brings Social Change\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ A society based on equality and pure democracy did not last long in the gold camps. Grounded as it was in economic opportunity, in the use of inexpensive mining equipment, and in the relative ease of first finding and then extracting the gold, the egalitarian society that prevailed from mid-1848 through 1850 gradually gave way as the gold became more difficult to find, more capital was required to extract it, and the price of wage labor dropped. Wages were determined by what a man could earn through his own effort. As the easy gold was extracted and the rich, accessible claims were located and worked dry, wages dropped. In 1848, a miner could earn $20 a day; by 1849 the figure had dropped to $16 a day (Paul, 1963:35). By 1852, wages were down to $6 or $7 a day, and in 1853, they were $5 a day (Browne and Taylor, 1867:21). By 1856, the figure was about $3 per day, and by the mid-1860s, it ran from $2 to $3.50 a day (Browne and Taylor, 1867:21; Paul, 1963:35).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Between 1848 and the early 1850s, there was also a rapid evolution in the equipment and techniques used to extract gold from the gravel. Initially, all a miner needed to work the placers was a shovel or a scoop of some sort and a pan. The skillet-sans-handle evolved into the placer miner's pan, which was made of sheet iron and was approximately 12 inches in diameter and about 6 inches high with inclining sides. The rocker, probably first used in California by Humphrey at Sutter's mill, was more efficient than a gold pan for concentrating gold. The concept of a rocker led to the development of a device known as the "long Tom," essentially a trough about 8 to 10 feet long, about 10 inches deep, and 15 to 30 inches wide. A riddle of sheet iron perforated by holes one-half inch in diameter was placed at the upper end of the Tom, into which gravel was shoveled. Material less than one-half inch in diameter fell into the Tom and was washed along its length by fast-moving water. Transverse cleats, or riffles, along the bottom of the Tom caught the heavier gold as the lighter gravel was moved along the length of the Tom and was washed out the end. Several men could shovel gravel into the riddle while men with shovels removed the gravel that had been discharged at the far end of the Tom. Thus, whereas the rocker had been at most a two-man operation, the Tom could employ the labor of several men.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The sluice box was essentially a longer version of the Tom and could be from 100 to 1000 feet long; sometimes a Tom was placed at the head of the sluice. Gravel was placed at one end of the trough and was carried along the trough. Gold was caught behind the transverse riffles that lined the sluice's bottom. Later, a technological advance involved placing quicksilver, or mercury, behind in the riffles so that the gold became amalgamated, or alloyed, with the heavy metal, preventing small particles of gold from escaping. The sluice thus greatly expanded the placer miner's ability to process gravels in volume and made possible the working of gravels that bore less gold. The sluice, however, required increased labor to keep gravel and water moving through it.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Ditches soon became more common as miners discovered gold in gravels lying in banks above the existing water channels. When that gold was processed, they could get water to the higher banks only by constructing ditches that took in water upstream of the gold deposits, above the elevation of the higher gravel banks. The use of ditches led to the development of flumes, or water pipes, whereby water could be taken in upstream and, when captured in an enclosed pipe, would develop pressure as it descended. Flumes led to the technology of hydraulic mining, in which large volumes of lower-grade gravels could be processed by using a water stream under pressure to dislodge the gravel and transport it to large sluices.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ All of these advances in technology increased the need for laborers. Ever-larger amounts of capital were required to construct and operate the mechanical apparatuses. More gravel containing less gold per ton was processed, resulting in thinner per-ton profit margins. The goldfields quickly became more industrialized, and as that happened, wage laborers were increasingly exploited. The halcyon days of mid-1848 through 1850 were gone forever.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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A Coterie of Prospectors\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As the high-grade placer gravels in California became exhausted, more miners turned to working the quartz veins in which gold was embedded. An interesting legend persists that the first miners who found gold in quartz veins were puzzled about how gold could have escaped from the placers into the veins in solid rock. Quartz, or hard-rock, mining, is expensive and requires extensive capital and wage labor. As opportunities for the common man diminished, and with steadily falling wages for a day of any kind of work, many miners turned\u8212?or at least dreamed of turning\u8212?to prospecting for both placer and quartz lodes as their only hope for maintaining the independent life and opportunity they had once known in the goldfields. These miners were aware of the prosperous days of 1848-1850, either through their own experience or through the tales of others. Some of them had been lucky in the goldfields, and some had foolishly squandered what wealth they did acquire, but both the lucky and the unlucky had been replaced or marginalized by the increasing industrialization of the gold mining industry. Thus, in the California goldfields a kind of informal mobile unit of prospectors and would-be wealth-seekers stood ready to take advantage of any opportunity for locating and cashing in on newly discovered deposits of gold or silver. At the end of the 1850s, this group was ready to move. It did so in 1859 upon the discovery of silver and gold on the east side of the Sierra Nevada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Western Mindset\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The first two wild and heady years of the California gold rush provided common men with economic opportunity such as the world had never known. Those who got there early had an opportunity many, if not most people in the world, long for\u8212?to prosper economically free of the constraints and interference of government, the privileged, and large corporations. Although these circumstances lasted for only about two years, they had a profound effect on the mentality of the participants and the subsequent development of the culture of the settlers in the Far West, including those who later settled in Smoky Valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Biologists and cultural anthropologists are familiar with what is called the "founder effect," which means, in essence, that the first one on the scene makes the rules and set the standards. Through the founder effect, the experiences of the gold-seekers between 1848 and 1850 created a cultural template for the settlement of the West and determined to a large extent how subsequent settlers would experience and perceive their world. The first miners who rushed into the goldfields of California brought with them the desire to prosper. This desire was rewarded in the common man to a degree not previously seen in history. Communities formed by the miners evolved in an environment unusually free of any sort of external control. The rules of these communities were based on immediate needs. During the first two years of the California gold rush, people were perhaps as free as it is possible to be and still live in society. Because of the founder effect, subsequent settlers adopted these cultural values, which in turn were handed down through the generations. This culture, this way of looking at the world, contains a unique mix of beliefs emphasizing freedom, individualism, personal initiative, economic opportunity, social equality, democracy, open attitudes toward land use, resentment toward monopoly, prohibition of slavery, and a voiced, if not always enacted, impatience with criminal behavior.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Those who left the California goldfields seeking opportunity in Nevada, Idaho, Montana, Utah, Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and Alaska carried the culture spawned in the first days of the California gold rush with them. Because this culture has been passed down the generations in western America, the California gold rush is still alive: The people of the American West, particularly those living in rural areas, remain very much the children of the California gold rush. In California in 1859, the miners-turned-prospectors and opportunity-seekers were spoiling for a new opportunity and new excitement; these men could no longer earn the returns in California to which they had once been accustomed. They were impatient and willing to go anywhere\u8212?if the diggings were thought to be rich enough\u8212?rather than submit to a life of wage labor. They had become unfit for the routine and ordinary life of laborers (Paul, 1963:36). An opportunity came in 1859 with the discovery of an incredibly rich deposit of silver and gold in the Washoe District on the east side of the Sierra Nevada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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Part Two\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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SMOKY VALLEY\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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CHAPTER 5\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Settlement of\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Smoky Valley\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ There are two deceptively simple principles of gold prospecting that help explain how Nevada was settled. The first one states: You only find gold where you look for it. This assumes that if you do not look for gold, you cannot find it, and if you are not sensitized to its properties, a discovery cannot be made, even though the element might lie right underfoot. The second principle states: The discovery of gold usually draws a crowd. If it does not, you may be sure there is a good reason why it does not. This second principle acknowledges that people direct their attention and activity toward things of great perceived value.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As we have seen, most of Nevada lies within a vast arid region that at first was bypassed by most explorers and travelers. Some did make an effort to determine what the area's desert valleys and mountains held, but they did so hurriedly and under great personal hardship. When brief reconnaissance found little of value, people quickly moved on. The area's potential was played down; California was assumed to hold greater riches. Until 1859, Nevada was generally perceived as a region that travelers aimed to cross as quickly, and with as little cost, as possible.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the 1830s in southern Nevada and in the 1840s in northern Nevada, a corridor was established that led travelers across those largely unoccupied territories. The Spanish-Mormon Trail crossed the state's southern tip, passing through the Las Vegas Valley. In the north, the Humboldt Trail, which was very heavily traveled following the 1848 California gold discovery, traced the Humboldt River to the foot of the Sierra Nevada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Comstock Lode and Virginia City\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1859, an immensely rich deposit of silver and gold was discovered at Mount Davidson in western Nevada at the foot of the Sierra Nevada, not far from where travelers on the Humboldt Trail crossed from Nevada into California. This deposit of precious metal, called the Comstock Lode, was one of the richest ever found.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The circumstances of the discovery are well known. A party of emigrants on their way to the California goldfields discovered placer in Gold Canyon, a small tributary of the Carson River, in 1849. A permanent mining camp was established there in 1852. In 1853, brothers Hosea and Allen Gorsh arrived in the area and by 1856 reported in letters sent back to the East that they had found silver ore. They continued working gold, however, because they had no money and knew, as the old Spanish proverb says, "It takes a gold mine to develop a silver mine." Unfortunately, Hosea died in September 1857 from the effects of accidentally sticking a pick in his foot, and Allen died in early 1858 from overexposure to cold and snow; the valuable nature of their discovery remained hidden a little longer. In 1859, two Irishmen, Patrick McLaughlin and Peter O'Riley, located placer claims at the head of Spanish Ravine above Six Mile Canyon, located just to the north of Gold Canyon. In early June, a talkative trickster by the name of Henry T. P. Comstock, known as "Old Pancake," happened along, guessed something rich had been found, and bluffed his way into a partnership in the claims for himself and his partner, Emanuel Penrod. Meanwhile, efforts by others were under way that same month to organize the Washoe Mining District. In late June, a specimen of the ore was sent over the mountains to Grass Valley, California, for assay. It showed rich values\u8212?$3,000 in silver and $876 in gold. Word of the discovery spread quickly, and the "great Washoe rush" had begun (Lincoln, 1982:222-223; Rickard, 1932:82-96; Paul, 1963:58-62; Browne and Taylor, 1867:27-28).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although it was already well into summer by the time of the discovery, hundreds crossed the mountains to the Comstock in 1859; the next year, thousands followed. Ultimately, nearly 17,000 claims were "located" in the area (Paul, 1963:62). The rush to Washoe, of course, had been predicated on the California gold rush, which provided the necessary population base of wealth-seekers. Most of those who joined the stampede to the new El Dorado "were refugees from the decaying placer camps in California." Some were disappointed men returning from the excitement on the Frazier River in British Columbia, "or inexperienced hands from east of the Missouri frontier, or the usual assortment of speculators, saloon-keepers, merchants, and drifters who always accompanied any rush" (Paul, 1963:61-62).'\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The majority of those who found themselves in Nevada following the discovery of the Comstock in 1859, especially in western Nevada, including Smoky Valley, came mainly from the west and not from the east. (Exceptions were easterners who had settled in the Salt Lake Valley and had created Mormon communities south of Salt Lake City, including small settlements along Nevada's eastern border and at the present site of Las Vegas.)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although the Comstock Lode was rich beyond dreams, its treasure was highly concentrated geographically. California's gold bonanza was distributed over more than 150 miles up and down the west side of the Sierra, with plenty of room for all miners who were willing to take a chance; in contrast, half of the Comstock's total production and four-fifths of its dividends came from two pairs of mines, so relatively confined was the ore. There was not enough room for many players to become owners of profitable mines at the Comstock. In the first years of the California placers there were many opportunities for a man to labor on his own profitable mine, but at the Comstock there were relatively few discovery-owners of profitable mines, and many opportunities to work for others for wages. Thus, because there were few opportunities for men who rushed to Washoe to become discoverers and owners, a small army of prospectors almost immediately fanned out from Virginia City to the north, east, and south, searching for other sites where the desert's treasure might lie buried. Within three years, two major booms in Nevada followed in the wake of the Comstock\u8212?the first at Aurora, the second at Austin.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Booms at Aurora and Austin\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The first Nevada territorial legislature in 1861 created nine counties in the Territory of Nevada, one of which was Esmeralda County (Angel, 1958:80). The first big silver discovery following the Comstock took place in 1860 at Aurora, about 125 miles due south of Virginia City in what became Esmeralda County. Aurora was located on the west side of Mount Hicks, about 25 miles southwest of present-day Hawthorne, along the California-Nevada diagonal border. The silver discovery is attributed to three Californians, J. M. Corey, James M. Braly, and E. R. Hicks, who had gone on a prospecting trip to Washoe that spring. Trouble with Indians prevented them from leaving Virginia City until late July, when they traveled north to prospect near Pyramid Lake. They then turned south, traveling along the Pine Nut Mountains to the west fork of the Walker River. In late summer, they passed through Bodie, California, which was being "worked" (mined) at the time. They planned to travel far to the south\u8212?to Arizona, perhaps even to Mexico\u8212?but they were forced to turn west to find water. They eventually found a spring and camped there for the night.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The next morning, August 25, 1860, Hicks set out looking for game. Near the camp, he passed over a high, craggy area, later named Esmeralda Hill, and noticed the peculiar presence of quartz ledges. He broke off some pieces and brought them back to camp. Hicks's companions were well versed in mineralogy and recognized the blue streaks in the quartz as sulphurets of silver. They ran tests on the samples and found silver in abundance. Further prospecting revealed the hills to be ribbed with quartz veins from top to bottom. They staked out seven veins, including the one Hicks had initially sampled. The group then hastened to Monoville (probably Mono, California), 25 miles southwest, and informed others of the discovery, returning with a company of 20 and setting up a mining district. Corey named the district Esmeralda (Spanish for emerald), perhaps after some beautiful woman, as the term was commonly used in those days to describe green-eyed girls. Word of the discovery spread to the Carson City\u8211?Virginia City area, and despite the severe winter weather at the discovery site, with its 6600-foot altitude, and even though the only dwellings were either canvas tents or rude huts constructed of stone, enthusiasts kept arriving all winter.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By 1862, Aurora was a prosperous town with a population of not less than 5000, a city government, two daily newspapers, two fire companies of 60 men each, and two military companies. Moreover, Aurora had the reputation, apparently justified, of being infested with bad characters, gamblers, and thieves prone to getting drunk and killing each other. It is said that "man for breakfast" became so common an occurrence that citizens lost interest in the identity of the newly slain and in whether he had met his end deservedly (Angel, 1958:421-422; Ashton, 1913: 847-855).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the hyperbole generally used to describe new discoveries at the time, the First Directory of Nevada, published in 1862, noted that the mineralized veins Hicks found at Aurora in 1860 "will be memorable as having brought to light one of the most extensive mineral districts ever discovered" (Angel, 1958:415). Between 1861 and 1896, production of gold and silver at Aurora totaled about $30 million. Another approximately $4 million was produced between 1910 and 1920 (Browne and Taylor, 1867:125-127; Angel, 1958:416; Lincoln, 1982). At least 18 mills (probably steam-powered stamp mills) were constructed at Aurora during the first years of the boom. There were also arrastras (primitive ore-grinders that used a horse or other animal to drag a large rock in a circle over the ore) and two small smelting works in the region. Unfortunately the veins at Aurora did not go deep, and those that did were hard to follow because of interruption and displacement. By 1867, most of the mills around Aurora had been idle for two or three years. Mills that had originally cost $250,000 would not sell for one-third of that amount, and mines that, under "the stimulus of popular excitement and the artful machinations of speculators," had sold for $300 to $400 per foot would not sell for $1 per foot, most being considered largely worthless.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ William M. Talcott had been a rider for the Pony Express before its one and one-half year operation was superseded by the telegraph in 1861. The Pony Express route, which followed Simpson's route, crossed the Reese River at Jacobs Station and continued northeast across the Toiyabe Range by way of Telegraph Canyon Pass to Simpsons Park Station, the next relay station. This route was also used by the Overland Stage and Mail Company beginning in summer 1861. About 10 miles east of Jacobs Station there was a cutoff from the Overland Road called Pony Canyon that Pony Express riders sometimes used (Angel, 1958:461). On May 2, 1862, Talcott was hauling wood in Pony Canyon for the stage station when he discovered a vein of gold- and silver-bearing quartz. The sample was sent to Virginia City for assay; it proved to be rich, and another boom in the wilderness was under way. As a result, the Reese River Mining District was organized in May 1862. In December 1862, Lander County was created out of portions of Humboldt and Churchill Counties, and in September 1863, residents selected the new town of Austin, built in the midst of the mines in Pony Canyon, as the county seat (Angel, 1958:105, 461).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The first cabin in Austin was constructed of logs in 1863. City lots sold for between $100 and $8000 apiece, and business boomed. Lumber from Sierra Nevada trees sold for $250 per thousand board feet, Reese River lumber for $125 to $150. There were 1.6 million shingles and shakes shipped in from the Sierra Nevada, with shingles costing $20 per thousand and shakes priced at $80 to $100 per thousand. Some 2.5 million bricks were manufactured locally and sold for $12 to $18 per thousand. Initially, water was scarce, and a bath\u8212?"two inches of cold water in a big tub, a piece of brown soap," and a napkin\u8212?could be very expensive, at $1.50 (Angel, 1958:465-468). In July 1863, Austin's population stood at 1052 men, 110 women, and 2 children. If prospectors and immigrants were included in the count (immigrants were not entitled to vote and were not included in the census), the population was estimated to be more than 2000. The first mill opened in August 1863, and by the beginning of 1865, 15 mills with 110 stamps (heavy metal pestles moved up and down by a cam) were in operation in the county. By spring 1866, there were 29 mills with 444 stamps. In 1865, $6 million passed through the Wells-Fargo & Company Express office at Austin. In the same year, the Overland Mail Company charged $40 per passenger, carrying 5840 travelers between Virginia City and Austin. The post office received about 400 letters daily (Angel, 1958: 462-468).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Prospectors spread out from Austin into the surrounding mountains looking for other gold and silver deposits, working their way down the Toiyabe and Toquima Ranges. From 1863 on, mining districts were created and communities were quickly established wherever there was any significant indication of gold or silver. Some settlement occurred to the north of Austin, but most such activity was in the Toiyabe Range south of Austin.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Mining Districts Multiply\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the wake of the Austin boom of 1862-1863, a number of mining districts were established in the northern part of the area that was to become Nye County when it was carved from Esmeralda County in 1864. The existence of a mining district often was ephemeral\u8212?created as a result of the initial discovery of valuable minerals, abandoned a few months or years later when the deposits either did not live up to expectations or were seen to have played out. Later, new enthusiasts might come in and create a new mining district in the same area with a new name whose borders might overlap one or more older districts. {\ul
Figure 5.1} shows some of the first mining districts located in southcentral Nevada and the dates of their establishment.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The year 1863 saw the creation of the Summit District (later known as the Kingston District), 30 miles south of Austin in the Toiyabe Range on the southeast side of Bunker Hill; the Washington District, which adjoined the Kingston District southwest of Austin in the Toiyabes; the Millett District, also known as the Smoky Valley, Blue Spring, North Twin River, and Twin River District, which was organized on the east side of the Toiyabe Range northwest of Darroughs Hot Springs; and the Union District (also called the Ione, Berlin, and Grantsville District), on the west slope of the Shoshone Range, which led to the founding of the town of Ione, named Nye County seat in 1864. The North Union District, also known as the Jackson District, on the west slope of the central Shoshone Range, was also organized in 1864 and was reorganized under the Jackson District in 1878. In 1865, the Belmont District, located on the southeast flank of the Toquima Range, also known as the Philadelphia, Silver Bend, Spanish Belt, and Barcelona District, was created following a rich strike, and a prosperous mining camp had developed there by 1867. The Manhattan District, located on the west side of the southern Toquima Range, was first organized in 1867 and again in 1905.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ To the east, the Hot Creek Range was the location of the Morey and Tybo Districts, established in 1865; the Danville District, established in 1866, was situated in the Monitor Range.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Jett District, also known as the Toiyabe, Pablo Creek, and Hot Springs District, at the southern end of the Toiyabes was organized in 1876 but did not become active until 1880. Although silver was found in Jefferson Canyon on the west side of the Toquima Range in 1866, that district did not become active until 1871. The Northumberland District, created in 1866, was also in the Toquimas (Angel, 1958: 516-519; Lincoln, 1982:160, 171-178, 195; Tingley, 1992.).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ We cannot be certain that all the mining districts established in the vicinity of Smoky Valley resulted from the Austin boom. It is possible that at least some of the settlement in Smoky Valley, especially that in the lower end of the valley, may have been a consequence of prospectors moving north, either off the Mormon Trail or out of Death Valley. We could speculate that these prospectors may have been associated with discoveries leading to the formation of the Lone Mountain and San Antonio Districts. The discovery of values at San Antonio and Lone Mountain may also have resulted from activity at Aurora, and it is important to note that these discoveries were made by Mexicans (Haas and Haas, 1992).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Lone Mountain District is named for the solitary mountain standing at the southern end of Smoky Valley. The discovery of record was made there in 1863, and a district was organized in 1864. The mines were abandoned in 1866 and new mines opened in 1878, when ore was transported to Belleville, where it was milled. Freight was brought from Austin, 120 miles distant.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The San Antonio District, also known as the San Antone, Liberty, and Royston District, situated on the west side of the San Antonio Mountains (really a southern extension of the Toquima Range), was organized in 1863. In 1865, a 10-stamp mill was built at San Antonio Station in Smoky Valley. The Liberty Mine, 12 miles away, and the Potomac Mine were the district's principal mines. In 1881, the Liberty featured a 400-foot shaft (Angel, 1958:518).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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}}
\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Figure 5.1. Smoky Valley area mining districts and dates of organization (if available). Many districts went though more than one incarnation under different names at different times. (R. McCracken; after Tingley 1992)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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Towns and Mines in the Toiyabes\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Between 1863 and 1865, a score of communities sprang up in the Toiyabe Range, like a string of little pearls on the rugged slopes south of Austin, usually at intervals of several miles apart. There was Lander City, followed to the south by Canon City, Geneva, Clinton, Globe, Kingston, Bunker Hill, Millett, Park Canyon, Ophir City, and finally, Pueblo.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Geneva, 10 miles south of Austin on Birch Creek, is said to have been founded in 1863 by Charles C. Breyfogle, former assessor of Alameda County, California. In Nevada and southern California, Breyfogle is legendary for having lost the gold mine he had stumbled upon in the Amargosa Valley area but could never find again. By 1864, Geneva had a population of 500. It had a post office from June 1867 to September 1868, although a short time later the town was abandoned (Ashbaugh, 1963:225).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In comparison to Geneva, Kingston, on the east side of the Toiyabes, was a booming milling metropolis. It was located on Kingston Creek near the mouth of Kingston Canyon about 20 miles south of Austin. By 1867, the town boasted two water-powered 20-stamp mills; eight years later it had four amalgamating mills. George Hearst, a California mining tycoon (and progenitor of the Hearsts of newspaper fame), optioned a property in Kingston at one time. A dispute, however, led to Hearst's abandoning the property and taking his money to South Dakota, where he purchased the Homestake Mine (Ashbaugh, 1963:225-226). Kingston had a post office four different times between 1865 and 1907. The Victorine Mine was established there around 1862. Although the ore was low-grade and the local mines were never terribly successful, sporadic activity continued in Kingston Canyon after the turn of the century. Remains of some of the mills were still visible in 1942 (Berg, 1942:27-29).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Nearby Globe, 17 miles south of Austin, was supported largely by a sawmill. Mexicans discovered silver 1 mile south of Globe, founded the town of Guadalajara there in the early 1860s, and constructed stone cabins.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Millett, a freighting center for mines in the Toiyabe and Toquima Ranges, was located 42 miles south of Austin in Smoky Valley, west of the alkali flat. Originally called the Scheel Ranch, its name was changed to Millett when Charles Scheel's widow married Albion Bradbury Millett in the mid-1890s. The early-twentieth-century mining boom in central Nevada prompted Mrs. Millett to open a store and lay out a townsite. Millett had a saloon, a general store, wagon repair shop, and the Lakeview Hotel; Millett's post office lasted from May 1906 to July 1930 (Carlson, 1985:168).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Park Canyon, 4 miles west of Millett, was founded at the mouth of the canyon bearing the same name. The Reese River Reveille reported that a "sprightly little town" grew up there where the La Plata Company had built a mill in 1867. The story goes that for a time a deposed Hawaiian monarch owned mining properties there and resided in the community (Ashbaugh, 1963:226). Park Canyon had a post office in 1886 for less than one year.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Values were discovered in Last Chance Canyon, the next canyon south of Ophir Canyon, in August 1865. Hercules Canyon, on the east side of the Toiyabes just south of Last Chance, was the site of the discovery of a "monster ledge" that same year. Neither discovery amounted to much, however. In 1865, the "hills and canyons swarmed with prospectors" according to the Nye County News, but the ever-hopeful did not find enough to make the search worthwhile (Berg, 1942:25).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Belmont newspaper noted in 1868 that the Buckeye Mine, discovered in 1865, was producing. The Buckeye was located in Summit Canyon, the second canyon north of Ophir. A company had built a mill there before the mine was developed, "showing the folly of the managers," as Berg says (1942:26), though the activity may have been more the result of promotion than folly.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Silver ore was found in Jett Canyon in 1876 by John Davenport, and a town named for him was established about 3 miles from the mouth of the canyon. Good quality ore was transferred to Jefferson for reduction. The small town had several well-built cabins and a butcher shop. The mine, which produced silver and lead, was located behind the town, but it never amounted to much (Berg, 1942:45-47).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Murphy Mine and Mill at Ophir City\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ During the early 1860s, the most important town in the Toiyabe Range above Smoky Valley was Ophir City, 45 miles south of Austin. Ophir City featured a school and a church, various lodges, and several saloons, and it had a post office from June 1867 to December 1893. The town's population probably never exceeded 500 (Ashbaugh, 1963:226). The Murphy Mine and the Murphy Mill were the big employers in the district. In 1863, a party of Frenchmen, led by S. "Henri" Boulerond, called "Old Bullro," had discovered a ledge of silver-bearing ore in the mouth of Ophir Canyon about halfway down the east face of the Toiyabes. The following year, G. H. Willard, Joseph Patty, and John Murphy discovered the Murphy Lode farther up the canyon, and the Twin River District was organized (Lincoln, 1982:194; Angel, 1958:526; Myles, 1969:Part 2).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Toiyabe City, later called Ophir City, or Ophir Canyon, whose post office was known as Twin River, was quickly settled. In 1866, an enthusiastic reporter from the Territorial Enterprise in Virginia City visited the district and noted that "there are seven canyons in the district. . . . At the junction of the Twin Rivers is the infant town of Claghorn, already a thriving business place. Four miles away, in Ophir Canyon, is Toiyabe City, chief business place of the district. Here is the celebrated Murphy ledge with which scarcely a silver mine in the state can compare." Beautiful specimens of native silver were found in the vein, which was from 8 to 40 feet in width, with ore occurring in pockets near the hanging wall. With the boosterism so characteristic of mining camps, the reporter added: "The permanency as well as the richness of the Twin River district is now established beyond a question. Not only the future of this district but the whole state is full of encouragement to the industrious miner and to all classes of business men" (Myles, 1960:6). Old Bullro never profited from his discovery. He stayed in Ophir Canyon into his old age, until he was committed to a state hospital in the early 1890s, where he died.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ A wagon road costing $8000 was constructed to connect to the stage road in the middle of Smoky Valley. In 1865, local residents successfully petitioned for a new road to be built from Ione across the Reese River Valley and up over the summit into Ophir Canyon, a distance of 16 miles. Supplies and machinery for construction of the Murphy Mill were transported on this road, which shortened the trip by 100 miles. The Twin River Mining Company, which owned the Murphy Mine, completed a 20-stamp mill in 1865 that cost over $200,000 (Angel, 1958:526). The stamps weighed 850 pounds each. Bricks for the chimney and mill were produced in Smoky Valley at the future site of the RO Ranch and were shipped the 10 miles to the construction site. By August of that year, ore worth $114 per ton was being extracted from a 30-foot shaft. Construction of an experimental Stetefeldt furnace, the first ever built, was completed at the millsite in April 1868. It cost $25 per ton to ship freight from Austin (Angel, 1958:526).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By 1868, the Murphy Mill was operating at full capacity, which required a workforce of 41 men. Including miners, ore sorters, and woodchoppers, the mine employed more than 100 men. Most of the miners were natives of Cornwall, England. Some of the ore ran over $100 per ton; in one month, 417 tons of ore were milled, producing $36,865 (Browne, 1868:417). The mine and mill produced $750,000 in bullion between 1867 and 1868, and by 1880, over $2 million had been taken out of the mine (Angel, 1958:526; Lincoln, 1982:194).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The mill was housed in a sturdy stone structure and was driven by a 95-horsepower steam engine. The ore was first crushed into pieces less than one cubic inch in size. The ore was then dried using gasses passing from the roasting furnace to the smokestack. Then it was crushed enough in the 20-stamp mill to pass through a screen containing 3600 holes per square inch, after which it was transported to one of eight furnaces, each capable of roasting 16 tons in 24 hours. The ore was mixed with the necessary amount of salt, which could vary from 8 to 15 percent depending on the composition of the ore. Seven hundred to 900 pounds of ore mixed with salt composed a charge for the furnace; the mixture was roasted and stirred constantly for five to seven hours. The roasted pulp was then transported to an amalgamation room where it was mixed with water and quicksilver. The mixture was agitated and ground for six hours, then drawn off. More water was added, followed by more agitation; the quicksilver bearing the silver was drawn off, and the pulp, absent the silver, was allowed to run off as waste. When pressed through leather bags, the quicksilver filtered through the pores of the bag\u8212?and the silver remained. The quicksilver was retorted to regain any leftover silver. The crude bullion remaining in the leather bags was taken to the smelting room, where it was once again melted. In the final step, it was poured into ingots, now ready to be assayed and sold (Browne, 1868:416-417).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although the Murphy Mine produced considerable amounts of bullion, it never paid a dividend to its stockholders, who became discouraged and permitted it to go into bankruptcy. In 1868, the mine ceased production and Ophir City became deserted (Lincoln, 1982:194; Angel, 1958:526) . The mine reopened in 1873 but failed in 1880. The steam quartz mill was put up for sale in November 1874, and by December, only two watchmen, a gardener, and the storekeeper and his wife remained at the Murphy Mine and Mill. Operations were sporadic until December 1879. A vein lost due to faulting, water in the mine (the shaft was only 300 feet deep), and the low price of silver caused the mine to shut down in about 1880.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1881, with only four mines still operating in the district, the following was written about what remained of the Murphy Mill: "The massive stone walls of the costly and splendid mill, and the brick walls of the elegant office and mansion connected with the works, mark the scene of the once busy place, monuments of great expectations and wasteful extravagance" (Angel, 1958:526). In 1907, the lost vein was reported to have been found (although according to Berg [1942:24], this was not the case), and the Murphy Mine was reopened. There were other flurries of activity in 1909 and 1917. By 1942, only the walls and chimney of the mill remained. A few stone cabins were left, some with roofs, others with only a wall or two (Berg, 1942:22-25).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Life in Toiyabe City\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Life in Toiyabe City is said to have been relatively free from conflict and strife, more so than in most mining towns of that period. Among the most dramatic events that occurred in Toiyabe City was the shooting of Richard P. Ryan on August 31, 1867. Ryan, who was engaged in the mercantile business at Ophir Canyon, had allowed two brothers, William and Robert Tweddel, ages 24 and 22, to become indebted to him. The brothers had been employed chopping wood in the vicinity of Toiyabe City, and it was said they were malting preparations to leave the area. In order to protect his interests, Ryan obtained a writ of attachment on a mule belonging to the brothers. A constable served the writ on the Tweddel brothers, who made arrangements to accompany the officer to Toiyabe City to settle the matter. William Tweddel rode the mule that had been attached. The brothers took a few drinks of whiskey along the way and became boisterous and noisy, asserting they would like to see the man who was big enough to take the mule. Soon, the Tweddels were sitting at Donney's Store in Toiyabe City.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ About this time, Richard P. Ryan came up the canyon from his home a mile or two below Toiyabe City. Below town, he met the constable, who informed him that he would be unable to get the mule. Angered, Ryan said, "Give me the attachment and I will get it." Ryan walked on up to Donney's Store, where the mule was standing just outside, with William inside, partially hidden behind the door, holding the mule's bridle. Ryan approached, jerked the reins from Tweddel's hand, and started to lead the mule away. Tweddel immediately jumped up and asked Ryan if he knew who owned the mule and what he intended to do with it. Ryan threw the writ of attachment at Tweddel's feet and told the young man to read it. Almost simultaneously, Ryan drew his revolver and fired at Tweddel. Tweddel drew his gun and fired at Ryan; two shots were exchanged by each man, none hitting their mark. Ryan then stepped into the doorway in pursuit of Tweddel, and as he did, Tweddel fired a third shot\u8212?the fifth in all\u8212?and hit Ryan in the arm, with the bullet passing into Ryan's chest. Ryan staggered to the door, leaned for a few minutes against the side of the house, and fell, dead. His final words were, "Farewell, my dear," apparently referring to his wife.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Immediately after the shooting, the Tweddel brothers dashed for the hills. Excitement ran high in the canyon, and there was talk of a lynching. A subscription was circulated; in a short time, $500 had been pledged as a reward for capture of the fugitives, dead or alive. The next day, the brothers were apprehended at Deckers Ranch in Smoky Valley by Frank Sealy. When told to surrender, both men drew their revolvers, declaring they would not be taken alive. Once Sealy exhibited a Henry rifle, however, the fugitives' resolve weakened, and they gave up their weapons and were escorted back to Toiyabe City. They were held for a hearing with a grand jury, transported to Belmont, and placed in jail. Since Robert Tweddel was not involved in the shooting, he was soon released.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On September 7, 1867, the Belmont newspaper, the Silver Bend Reporter, stated that the young men had come from the Salt Lake City area and had "gained the ill will of nearly every resident of Ophir Canyon by the foolish brags that they were destroying angels and that they had participated in the Mountain Meadows Massacre." The article noted that the massacre had occurred just ten years before that, so they could have been no more than children when the event took place, which added to their reputation as bigmouths and braggarts ("Homicide at Ophir Canyon," 1867). Despite the prejudice against him, William Tweddel was eventually acquitted of the shooting (Myles, February 2, 1969:4).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Every old boom camp had its hangers-on, usually old miners who refused to believe the camp was truly dead and remained in the district, steadfastly holding to the belief that there would be a revival of the camp's fortunes. Johnny Martin, who was a native of Canada, held on to such a belief for Toiyabe City. He arrived in the camp in the early 1880s, not long after taking out American citizenship papers in Austin. From the time of his arrival, Martin probably exhibited more faith in the potential of the Murphy Mine than anyone. Although Toiyabe City had been virtually abandoned because of the loss of the Murphy vein due to faulting, Martin stayed on, his belief in the property unshaken. For 28 years, he called Ophir Canyon his home. He periodically left to work elsewhere in order to earn enough money to support what he considered his "real job," which involved driving a tunnel into the hillside in an attempt to crosscut\u8212?and thereby locate\u8212?the lost Murphy vein.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Martin used to walk the five miles from his home in the canyon to Myrtle T. Myles's father's station in Smoky Valley to pick up his mail, eat a home-cooked meal, and purchase his supplies of bacon, beans, prunes, and flour. Someone always gave him a lift back up the hill to his home. He was also a frequent visitor at the Rogers Ranch, which became known as the RO Ranch later. Once, he missed a trip for his mail, and someone went up the canyon to see if he was all right. His bed had not been slept in and his stove was cold; there was no sign of him. He was found working in his tunnel by candlelight, totally oblivious to the passage of time.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Martin, who claimed he was an atheist, enjoyed arguing about religion and collected numerous books on the topic. Also something of a poet, he wrote a verse for Daisy Hunt, an area schoolteacher:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\qc
Ralston Valley cold and hazy,\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Raised a golden-headed daisy,\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Hair of gold and eyes of love\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
She's a daisy, she's a dove!\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the springtime, Martin picked wildflowers to decorate graves in the cemetery at the mouth of the canyon. By 1919, Johnny Martin was an old man in failing health. Yet, he continued to work in his tunnel, searching for the faulted Murphy vein. Around Christmastime, he was not seen in the valley, and friends checked on him. He was found in his bunk in the cabin where he had lived for so many years; he had a deep slash across his arm and there were indications that he had bled to death from a self-inflicted wound. The last day marked on his calendar was December 25. He was buried in Round Mountain (Myles, February 2, 1969:4-5).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Towns and Mines in the Toquimas\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Of all the towns resulting from the Austin boom, Belmont, situated on a sloping 8000-foot plateau on the east side of the Toquima Range, was the most important. Ore was discovered by an Indian in 1865, and the first locations were made that fall. The Philadelphia District was soon organized. The town established there in 1865 was first called Silver Bend, but the name was soon changed to Belmont from the French bellemont, meaning "beautiful mountain." The Nye County seat was moved from Ione to Belmont on February 6, 1867 (Angel, 1958:519; Carlson, 1985:49). There were five sawmills in the district in 1866. In 1868, salt was discovered in Smoky Valley, much to the benefit of camps in the area because salt was needed for refining silver ore. By 1874, Belmont had 1500 residents (Angel, 1958:520). A new two-story brick courthouse was constructed in 1876, and the telegraph from Eureka to Belmont was completed that September (Berg, 1942:33-35). By 1885, Belmont is said to have produced over $15 million, but following the demonetization of silver, the town gradually declined. In January 1903, about 150 people remained, with the county as the primary source of employment (Berg, 1942:37-39). Belmont had a post office from April 1867 to May 1911 and again from September 1915 to August 1922.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ At the north end of the Toquima Range, the community of Northumberland developed after silver was found by Herbert Henry in 1866. The ore ledge was reputed to be nine feet thick. The ore, which ran from $500 to $1000 a ton, shipped to Austin until a mill could be moved in. Northumberland hit its peak in 1879 and had a post office from February 1885 to July 1886. Learnville sprang up on the west side of the mountains, facing Monitor Valley, but the mines there became inactive in 1870, although they reopened in 1908 when ruby silver was found (Berg, 1942:30-32).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Jefferson was located on the southern flank of Mount Jefferson, about 2 miles northeast of present-day Round Mountain (Ashbaugh, 1963:227). By 1874, the town had grown large enough to have a post office, and in 1876 had a population of 800, with 600 votes cast in an election there. There were two mills, one for each of the principal mines, the Prussian and the Jefferson (also known as the South Prussian). The Jefferson produced $363,000 in 1875 and 1876.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Jefferson Mill had 15 stamps, and the Prussian, 20. As much as 85 to 90 percent of the ore values could be saved in the furnace; milling cost $2 per ton. A specimen of silver from Jefferson Canyon was sent to the centennial celebration at Philadelphia in 1876, where it was judged the finest of its kind at the exhibit. Both mines closed by 1878, due, it is said, to mismanagement, nationwide financial problems, and perhaps underground water in the mines (Berg, 1942:50; Angel, 1958:525). After 1876, only leasers worked the mines.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Once the mines were established, a toll road was constructed over Jefferson Summit from Belmont. Lumber was scarce, so houses were built of stone, with mud and branches used for roofing; most of the wooden houses were moved in from Ophir City. Some of the machinery for the mines in Jefferson Canyon was obtained from Ophir City, but most came from San Francisco.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Two towns were built, one at the site of the two mills and the other about three-fourths of a mile up the canyon. The lower town was founded first. In 1874, the townsite included about 100 houses as well as a butcher shop, brewery, barbershop, lumberyard, and blacksmith shop. There were two general stores, seven saloons, three restaurants, two stables, and two bakeries (Berg, 1942:47-49). Gradually the lower town became depopulated, with most people moving to the upper town because the canyon was wider there.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1864, 200 miners were reported to be working in the San Antonio Mountains, just south of the Toquimas. The ore was taken 100 miles north to a mill in the Washington District on the Reese River side of the Toiyabes. In 1865, Hunt's Mill, with 10 stamps, was constructed at Indian Spring (later called San Antonio Station), about 12 miles from the Liberty Mine. In 1868, the mill was moved to Northumberland. A 4-stamp Rigby Mill was built in 1867 and ran for about one year. By 1875, only 10 men were left working in the San Antonio District, and by 1876, no mills remained at San Antonio, so ore was shipped to Jefferson Canyon. The San Antonio camp was revived in 1902 and again in 1909-1911, but high expectations for renewed production were never realized (Berg, 1942:42-45).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Ranchers Service the Boom at Smoky Valley\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Prospectors rushed to the mountains surrounding Smoky Valley following the boom at Austin and, perhaps to a lesser extent, at Aurora. Wherever they found indications of gold and silver, they began digging. Teamsters and shippers, merchants and barkeepers, promoters and politicians, lawyers and investors, wives and children, flim-flam men and prostitutes followed. Each was part of the crowd looking for a way to cash in on the excitement. Communities sprang up almost overnight, and as they formed, one thing was certain: All their residents had to be fed, and it was a long way\u8212?more than 180 miles\u8212?to established farms. Some people sought to earn a living by providing goods or services, for example, by selling dry goods or liquor, or by setting up laundries or businesses that provided other essential services. Others turned to producing food for the ready markets the communities represented. Within a few years, all land capable of growing a crop or sustaining livestock was quickly claimed.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Ranching began in Smoky Valley about 1863. Messrs. H. Robinson and William Shea were the first ranchers. They may have constructed the stone building at Darroughs Hot Springs that has "1863" carved on one of its foundation stones (Berg, 1942:56). The water from the hot springs tends to moderate the cold of winter, which makes it likely that this was the first ranch site in Smoky Valley. In 1878, a man named H. Hawkins owned the hot springs, and the Belmont Courier reported that people were encouraged to go there to bask in the sun and bathe in the warm waters (Berg, 1942:57). Not long afterward, James Darrough took over both the hot springs and the cold springs, which were about 3 miles apart. He sold the property containing the cold springs, which watered a large meadow, to John A. Moore. In 1908, a second building\u8212?a 10-room hotel that cost $12,000 \u8212?was constructed at Darroughs Hot Springs. Later, several people tried to operate the springs as a resort, but these efforts were never successful (Berg, 1942:60-61).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Most of the best land in the valley was claimed in the early 1860s for farms and ranches. These years saw the establishment of the Wine Glass Ranch north of present-day Carvers by A. H. Wilson in 1863; the Triple-T Ranch in northern Nye County by W. H. Spaulding and associates in 1864; the Blue Springs Ranch in northcentral Smoky Valley in 1864; and the Peavine Ranch in 1868. The Cloverdale Ranch, at the mouth of Cloverdale Canyon at the south end of the Toiyabes, was established in 1866. Carl and Del Haas, who did extensive research into the early settlement and ownership of property in Smoky Valley, believe the Cloverdale Ranch may have been a stage stop similar to San Antonio Station for travelers coming from the Mono Lake area (Haas and Haas, 1995). In 1863, John L. Smith, A. H. Wilson, George H. Sharp, and W. S. Wilson laid claim to the irrigation waters of Summit, Wisconsin, Ophir, and Last Chance Canyons for use on the North Twin River Ranch; in 1864, Richard Charnock made a similar claim for water for the Charnock Ranch on the east side of central Smoky Valley. South Twin Rivers Ranch was settled by Hiram Reed, the Robinson brothers, William Newel, and Eli Steninger prior to 1865. Situated at the confluence of the North and South Twin Rivers, it encompassed between 1000 and 1500 acres, 150 of which were planted in grain (Haas and Haas, 1995). Thus, by 1865, mining and ranching, the twin economic engines that had powered the settlement of the central Nevada frontier, were firmly in place in Smoky Valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When work in Ophir Canyon slacked off, John McLeod, superintendent of the Ophir Mine, purchased ranch land 5 miles south of Millett in about 1880. At roughly the same time, George W. Schmidtlein bought ranch land north of the mouth of Kingston Canyon. Kingston Creek, North and South Twin Rivers, and Peavine Creek supplied water for two or three ranches each; only two ranches in Smoky Valley obtained their water from sources in the Toquima Range. In 1881, there were 13 ranches, with 40 inhabitants, in Smoky Valley, with 500 acres under cultivation (Berg, 1942:57; Angel, 1958:516).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Berg reports that corn and other vegetables; wheat, rye, and alfalfa; and many fruits and berries\u8212?apples, peaches, pears, apricots, strawberries, raspberries, and gooseberries\u8212?were grown on Smoky Valley farms. Soil in the valley was fertile despite the presence of two alkali dry lakes. People say that in 1940 in the valley some sagebrush grew higher than an automobile. Horses, cattle, pigs, sheep, and chickens were found on almost every ranch. Only one or two ranches had large herds of cattle, but many ranches had sheep in the early 1900s (Berg, 1942:58).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Smoky Valley Stations and Stages\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By the mid-1860s, wagon roads ran down Smoky, Reese River, and Monitor Valleys\u8212?the great valleys that stretched south of Austin. Many of these roads may have begun as Indian trails, which always led from one water hole to another. Indian trails became horse trails, and as traffic grew heavier, they were used by wagons. Stations where travelers could stop and rest or change their horses were established at propitious locations where water was ample. Among the earliest stations in central Nevada were those at San Antonio (also called San Antone) and Darroughs Hot Springs, both built in 1863. San Antonio Station was a large adobe-and-brick structure containing 15 or 20 rooms. It had previously been called Bradley's (and before that, it was known as Indian Spring) and was a convenient stopping place for travelers to the nearby mines. Camel trains, which were still in existence as late as 1872, carried salt across the desert from the Columbus Salt Marsh to nearby mills on Peavine Creek (Myles, 1960:8).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Minimum Station, a stage stop on the Austin-Belmont route, was located in Smoky Valley north of Millett near the Kingston Mining District; the station operated from the 1860s until 1890 (Carlson, 1985:169). In describing the stage traffic between Austin and Belmont, Myles says:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Smoky Valley stages plyed [sic] between Austin and Belmont, with Minnimum's [sic] as a stop-over, and from this point crossed over Northumberland Pass in the Toquimas, thence down Monitor Valley to Belmont. At Minnimum's a "pony" met the tri-weekly stage and carried mail, first class only, south across San Antone desert to Silver Peak. and Lida. Two riders operated this "pony," meeting and passing at Desert Wells not far from the present site of Miller's. Later the wagon stages continued down the valley and near Cold Springs turned east to the towns of Jefferson Canyon, thence over the summit to Belmont. The old Northumberland route was no longer used after the Seventies when the Jefferson mines were booming}. (Myles, 1960:8)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Tate's Station, built in 1886 at the halfway point on the Austin-Belmont line, was another stage stop in Smoky Valley. That station also serviced a short line to the booming camp at Ophir City (Myles, 1960:8).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In spring 1874, when mining was becoming active in Jefferson Canyon, a road was built over the Jefferson Summit so that mail could be routed via Smoky Valley rather than by way of Monitor Valley, thereby providing better service to Smoky Valley ranchers. Freight took two months to get from San Francisco to Belmont; it was moved by ox or mule team from Wadsworth through Ione, then to Cloverdale, San Antonio, and Baxter Springs. It took from 17 to 24 days to move freight from Wadsworth to Belmont. Once the Eureka and Palisade Railroad was in operation in about 1874, freight was hauled from the railroad terminus at Lodi to Belmont by teams; the trip took two weeks, and shipping cost 6 cents per pound (Berg, 1942:34-35).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By 1880, there were numerous stage lines that operated in central Nevada. Connections could be made with the Central Pacific Railroad, which had been completed along the Humboldt River, and with the Eureka and Palisade Railroad and the Nevada Central Railway, which linked Battle Mountain and Austin. The latter two railroads connected with the Central Pacific Railroad, and their track stretched south of the Humboldt River. The stage lines were generally well equipped and conducted their business with great spirit, enterprise, and energy. All important towns and mining camps in the state not on railroad routes were supplied with mail facilities. There was a daily stage (except Sunday) from Eureka to Belmont, which went on to Morey, 80 miles away, then to Hot Creek, Tybo, and back to Belmont. There was a stage from Morey to Duckwater that ran twice a week. In 1881, there was triweekly service from Austin to Ione, 55 miles distant; that stage continued on to Grantsville and Candelaria. There was triweekly service as well from Austin southwest to Junction, Pine Creek, and Belmont. The stage traveled three times per week from Mason Valley to Aurora, Cambridge, and Washington. Daily mail (except Sunday) was carried from Aurora to Columbus, passing through Marietta, 50 miles away, then going on to Belleville, Candelaria, Metallic, and Columbus. There was biweekly stage service from Columbus to Silver Peak, 36 miles away, then to Lida and on to Montezuma. There was also mail service between Aurora and Bodie (Angel, 1958:107-108).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Smoky Valley Salt Field\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1866, Congress authorized the secretary of the treasury to collect "reliable statistical information concerning the gold and silver mines of the western States and Territories" and appropriated $10,000 for this endeavor (Browne and Taylor, 1867:8). Special Commissioner J. Ross Browne, who had previously visited nearly every mining district in the Far West, began collecting the data. During the following year, Browne produced a preliminary report detailing mining activities in the Far West. In 1868, he submitted a massive final report to the U.S. Treasury Department. That work has become a classic information source for those interested in the history of western mining. Browne discussed several mining districts in the Smoky Valley area, including the Smoky Valley Salt Field, located near Blue Springs. It encompassed 2000 acres on the flat of old Lake Toiyabe. Much of the salt used in eastern Nevada both for domestic purposes and for refining silver ore came from this salt field. A light rain would drive the salt beneath the surface of the flat, but it would reappear with the sun. The salt would rise to an efflorescence of one-half inch or more on the surface and was then gathered. Hundreds of tons were obtained annually and were sold for between $30 and $50 per ton. Browne noted that similar salt deposits were found in many locations throughout Nevada. The Smoky Valley salt deposit was close to the towns and mills in the nearby mountains, which prompted Browne (1868:414) to comment on "the beneficence of a Divine Providence in furnishing it [salt] in such vast deposits and at convenient localities throughout the district."\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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John Muir Visits Smoky Valley\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1878, the famous naturalist John Muir traveled south down Smoky Valley, then headed east across central Nevada. Fascinated by Nevada and the many ghost towns that he encountered in the late 1870s, he wrote:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Nevada is one of the very youngest and wildest of the States; nevertheless it is already strewn with ruins that seem as gray and silent and time-worn as if the civilization to which they belonged had perished centuries ago. Yet, strange to say, all these ruins are results of mining efforts made within the last few years. Wander where you may throughout the length and breadth of this mountain-barred wilderness, you everywhere come upon these dead mining towns, with their tall chimney-stacks, standing forlorn amid broken walls and furnaces, and machinery half buried in sand, the very names of many of them already forgotten amid the excitements of later discoveries, and now known only through tradition\u8212?tradition ten years old.} (Muir, 1918:195)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In one canyon in the Toiyabe Range not far from Austin, Muir reported seeing "no less than five dead towns without a single inhabitant. The streets and blocks of 'real estate' graded on the hillsides are rapidly falling back into the wilderness. Sage-brushes are growing up around the forges of the blacksmith shops, and lizards bask on the crumbling walls" (Muir, 1918:196-197).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Muir took note as well of the boom-and-bust character of development in Nevada:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Adventurous prospectors who came from the exhausted placers of California would discover some rich ore\u8212?how much or little mattered not at first. These specimens fell among excited seekers after wealth like sparks in gunpowder, and in a few days the wilderness was disturbed with the noisy clang of miners and builders. A little town would then spring up, and before anything like a careful survey of any particular lode would be made, a company would be formed, and expensive mills built. Then, after all the machinery was ready for the ore, perhaps little, or none at all, was to be found. Meanwhile another discovery was reported, and the young town was abandoned as completely as a camp made for a single night; and so on, until some really valuable lode was found, such as those of Eureka, Austin, Virginia, etc., which formed the substantial groundwork for a thousand other excitements.} (Muir, 1918:198)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ After noting the wealth in gold and silver that Nevada had produced up to that point, Muir remarked, "In full view of the substantial results achieved, the pure waste manifest in the ruins one meets never fails to produce a saddening effect" (Muir, 1918:202). He went on to discuss the beauty of the ruins of past civilizations in Europe:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Their picturesque towers and arches seem to be kindly adopted by nature, and planted with wild flowers and wreathed with ivy; while their rugged angles are soothed and freshened and embossed with green mosses, fresh life and decay mingling in pleasing measures, and the whole vanishing softly like a ripe, tranquil day fading into night.} (Muir, 1918:202)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Muir felt the same to be true of the older ruins in the eastern United States and, to some degree, of the dead mining towns of California. However, with what seems to be a fickle turn of the pen, he was quite critical of the ruins he found in Nevada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
But those lying to the eastward of the Sierra throughout the ranges of the Great Basin waste in the dry wilderness like the bones of cattle that have died of thirst. Many of them do not represent any good accomplishment, and have no right to be. They are monuments of fraud and ignorance\u8212?sins against science. The drifts and tunnels in the rocks may perhaps be regarded as the prayers of the prospector, offered for the wealth he so eagerly craves; but, like prayers of any kind not in harmony with nature, they are unanswered.} (Muir, 1918:203)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Muir continued, describing the Nevada prospector of but a few years earlier as "the raving, wandering ghoul of ten years ago rushing in random lawlessness among the hills, hungry and footsore" (Muir, 1918:203). Muir did, however, concede that some effort, however misapplied, might be better than stagnation: "Better toil blindly, beating every stone in turn for grains of gold, whether they contain any or not, than lie down in apathetic decay" (Muir, 1918:203). He also noted that in the decade before his visit prospectors had become more skilled in their work, that capitalists had become less likely to be fooled by false dreams of wealth, and that the ratio between growth and decay had improved.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The U.S. Geodetic Survey Station on Arc Dome\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1871, Congress ordered the U.S. Survey of the Coast (renamed the U.S. Coast and Geodetic Survey in 1878) to conduct a geodetic survey between the Atlantic, Gulf, and Pacific coasts. (A geodetic survey is a survey of a large area of land in which corrections are made to account for the curvature of the earth.) A 2500-mile arc of triangulation along the 39th parallel\u8212?the first large-scale trigonometrical survey of the nation\u8212?was calculated and was completed in 1895. It was considered a major achievement in the history of geodesy. The survey's results led, among other things, to an increased understanding of the size and shape of the earth. The survey involved selecting peaks whose summits would serve as stations, whereby the earth's surface could be divided into a system of triangles. By measuring the vertices of triangles whose points were at the tops of the mountains, one could calculate the positions and distances between the points of the triangles (Unrau, 1990:61).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the Far West, the scheme of triangles stretched from Yolo base in the Coast Range of California to Mt. Nebo in the Wasatch Mountains of Utah. The network from the California coast to Utah consisted of a system of linked polygons across the Great Basin. Arc Dome in the Toiyabe Range was a central triangulation point in the Great Basin for the network. Other prominent peaks in central Nevada used in the system included Mount Grant, in the Wassuk Range (Walker River Range) in Mineral County; Lone Mountain, south of Arc Dome and west of Tonopah; Mount Callaghan, northeast of Austin; Diamond Peak, in the Diamond Mountains north of Eureka; Troy Peak, in the Grant Range east of Tonopah; and Mount Wheeler, in the Snake Range on Nevada's eastern border. At 11,775 feet in elevation, Arc Dome was the second-highest peak (after Mount Wheeler) in this network.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In summer 1880, Arc Dome was selected as a home base peak, to be the center of a huge polygon. The area within a 100-mile radius from the top of a home base peak could be triangulated by flashing signals of reflected sunlight from that peak to other high mountaintops in the region. The altitude, longitude, and latitude of each site could thus be precisely determined. The instrument used to take the readings was a theodolite, a sophisticated long-distance signaling device. It is essentially a telescope mounted on a fully adjustable surveyor's transit, with a small, adjustable plate-glass mirror, 1 to 6 inches in diameter, that catches the sun's rays and reflects them to an observer in the distance. On a clear day, the reflection can be distinguished up to 150 miles away (Unrau, 1990:72). Thousands of such measurements were taken; the results were averaged, and both longitude and latitude along a line of sight were determined. The measurements did not vary by even as much as one-half inch. The Eureka Evening Leader of September 28, 1880, observed that a light reflected from Arc Dome to another mountaintop 100 miles away resembled "an immense blazing star glittering from the far-distant horizon."\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ It was necessary for workers to live on the mountaintops used as triangulation stations during the years this survey was being conducted. Facilities were constructed on the tops of the observation peaks. In most cases, freight wagons and pack animals were the only means of transporting equipment. Lower camps were established at the base of the mountains, and materials were packed to upper camps on mules and horses. Sometimes it was necessary to fell timber and blast rock for passage or build bridges across gullies to make wagon roads passable. About 10,000 pounds of outfit, instruments, and provisions had to be transported to the upper camps. Five to seven pack mules were used, each carrying about 150 pounds.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The station's occupation party included three officers and a recorder, as well as packers, drivers, and cooks, making a total of about 12 or 13 persons. The theodolite operators were stationed in pairs at distant stations. Observations were made from sunrise until 8:00 A.M., resumed in the afternoon at 4:30 P.M., and continued until sunset. The work season generally lasted from June to November, but usually a party at one of the peaks was weatherbound by storms in October. In 1882, for instance, the party on top of Mount Wheeler was buried in a snowdrift 10 to 12 feet deep, while temperatures plummeted to 20 degrees below zero. The snowdrifts covered the tents in which the researchers were living to within one or two feet of their tops\u8212?but the snow kept the party from freezing to death. In order to continue research at Mount Wheeler after the blizzard, deep trenches had to be cut through the snowdrifts in the line of sight (Unrau, 1990:71-72).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Remains of the survey station at the top of Arc Dome are still visible (Weeks, 1990). Some people believe that these ruins are the remains of a signal station used by the U.S. Army in the Indian wars in the American Southwest during the 1860s, but this is not so; they are part of the observation station built for the geodetic survey done during the 1870s and 1880s (Unrau, 1990:73).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Nevada\u8212?The Last Chance to Strike It Rich\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Myrtle T. Myles (1960:11) reports that the 1870s were largely years of frustration for silver miners, including those in the Smoky Valley area. The discovery of the big bonanza on the Comstock in 1859 apparently flooded world silver markets, bringing down the price of silver. Then the Panic of 1873 resulted in the closing of many silver camps. After the mid-1870s, there was intermittent activity at mines in the Toiyabe and Toquima Ranges, but it took the turn of the century and the boom at Tonopah to breathe new life into the flagging prospects of the ranchers and prospectors in Smoky Valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Once Jim Butler had made his fabulous strike at Tonopah in 1900, the rush of people and new money into the area revived old mines and led to the discoveries at Goldfield (1902), Rhyolite (1904), Manhattan (1905), and Round Mountain (1906). For about two decades following Butler's discoveries in 1900, the Tonopah\u8212?Smoky Valley area was a focal point for worldwide interest in gold and silver mining and was the locus of the last flowering of the American frontier. Tonopah, Goldfield, Manhattan, and Round Mountain were among the last places in America where a person of pioneering spirit could, through good fortune, make a major discovery of gold or silver and set off a rush of enthusiasm in which large numbers of people would converge with the sole purpose of getting rich\u8212?either from new discoveries of pockets of precious metal in the mountains or from the pockets of others who were also seeking their fortune. The rush into central Nevada was the last real chance in the mining West for an ordinary person of limited means to strike it rich. In fact, not many got rich, but a few did. And, of course, it was the possibility of riches that was the attraction. Several discoveries gave rise to communities that were among the largest in Nevada at that time. After Frank "Shorty" Harris and Ed Cross made their discovery at Rhyolite in 1904, the focus of attention shifted north again with the discovery of two wondrous deposits of gold in the Smoky Valley\u8212?first at Manhattan, then at Round Mountain.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Notes\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
1.\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As is so often the case with those who make great discoveries, the four partners who set off the rush to Washoe did not profit greatly from their discovery. The site of McLaughlin and O'Riley's prospect became the Ophir Mine, which yielded $17,650,000. O'Riley did the best of the four men. He held on to his share and, with dividends, earned a sum of $50,000. McLaughlin sold out in September 1859 for $2,500. Penrod sold his share for $6,200, and Comstock sold his for $11,000, with only $100 down. Comstock died by his own hand in 1870 and O'Riley and McLaughlin ended their lives as "unhonored paupers" (Richard, 1932:96).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
2.\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When Muir expressed his unreserved preference for the ruins of Europe and the eastern United States, he failed to mention that those ruins, after all, had been abandoned decades, centuries, or even millennia before\u8212?time had softened their once-sharp edges; time had removed most of the traces of past environmental abuse. Muir perhaps did not realize that the price paid for the ruins in the eastern United States that he admired had been the destruction of a forest that had stretched unbroken from the Mississippi River to the eastern. As to the "dead mining towns of California," they dated from the 1850's and were already 20 years old at the time of Muir's writing. Yet Muir could not accept the ghost towns of the Great Basin, such as those he found in the Smoky Valley area - where environmental disruption had been minor in comparison to areas that he admired more. the abandoned mines and towns in Nevada were to "new" for him, and the small environmental sins (if they were that) impinged too strongly upon the great naturalist's sensibilities. thus, ruins of ancient civilizations in Europe were "picturesque," whereas ruins of recent origin in Nevada were "monuments of fraud and ignorance." Muir might have considered that time would also "heal" the ruins of the Nevada ghost towns, allowing future generations from around the world to appreciate them much as Muir himself had enjoyed the ruins of Europe. Muir failed to recognize that differences in perception can turn one man's "monuments of fraud and ignorance" into another's "ripe, tranquil day fading into night."\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Muir's characterization of the Nevada prospector of the 1860's as a "raving, wandering ghoul" represents a gross misunderstanding of the heart and spirit of the prospectors and miners of the American West. They were men of immense courage and vigor. Most, no doubt, were of humble origin and were only trying to better themselves. Muir never acknowledged - and seemed oblivious to - the fact that it was the prospectors who had opened Nevada for settlement with their discoveries. He likewise did not understand what procedures were necessary in mining. Even today there is no way to determine the value of a mineral deposit without earth-invasive techniques - and even John Muir would not deny that minerals are needed for the maintenance of civilization. Prospectors in those days sank shafts and drove tunnels (today they drill small holes) on a promising site to determine the size and character of an ore body; such activity required a labor force and the construction of a town to maintain the workers. Living in the wilderness as miners did usually involved building a milling facility nearby. It is true that mills were often erected before the ore body was proven, but that was due to the nature of raising capital. Prospectors and developers of mines, like all entrepreneurs, found capital where and as they could - and used it before it was withdrawn.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Muir's comments on Nevada are important because of his deserved stature as a naturalist. they are even more important because his criticisms of mining in Nevada and his characterization of the prospector and miner are views still strongly represented in the environmentalist movement and government today. Such underserved criticisms are no less out of touch with the reality of modern life in the Great Basin than Muir's were in his time.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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{
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\~ {
{\qc
CHAPTER 6\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
A Digression on Prospectors,\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Leasers, and Promoters\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The beginning of the mining industry on the Western frontier, which followed the discovery of gold in California in 1848, gave rise to a number of new occupational specialties in North America. Some of these specialties, which might have existed in analogous, yet less specialized, forms in industries other than mining, have to do with the manner in which gold and silver deposits, as well as those of other minerals, are found and developed. On the Western frontier, mineral deposits were usually discovered by an individual, perhaps with a partner or two, working either for himself or for someone who had grubstaked him. Once a deposit was found, either the property was sold or capital was sought to develop the mine. At that point, there was a need for labor; miners were needed to work in the mines. More-over, men working on rich veins of gold and, to a much lesser extent, silver, would\u8212?human nature being what it is\u8212?steal some of the gold and silver before the mine owners could get their hands on it. Thus developed the occupations of the prospector, the promoter, and the leaser, and the activities of the high-grader.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Desert Prospector\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As a character of the frontier West, the desert prospector never achieved the popularity and admiration the cowboy did. Yet the prospector's lifestyle embodied the same admired values attached to that of the cowboy: being free of restrictions and living close to nature. If a frontier prospector was willing to live for an extended, indefinite period of time at a minimal economic level (most depended on the "four Bs"\u8212?bacon, beans, blanket, and burro\u8212?and had an occasional encounter with the "Oh Be Joyful" whiskey), he was about as free as a human being can be. He plied his trade in an environment unusually free of social restrictions.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Typically, prospectors avoided populated areas, where the chances of finding gold or silver were significantly reduced. Given a largely unoccupied area, a prospector on the American frontier (from 1860 to 1910) could move about more or less as he desired, limited only by his own physical needs and courage. The most inaccessible environment was therefore most inviting\u8212?looking for gold in remote places probably increased the likelihood of finding undiscovered lodes\u8212?because others would not yet have picked over the area.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Still, behavioral freedom was not total. A prospector had to behave well enough to stay out of jail, and he had to avoid seriously offending colleagues while in their company in order to prevent becoming an outcast. Further, there were rules about laying claim to gold or silver finds. Like most cowboys, most prospectors were poor; and both usually died poor. But the prospector, unlike the cowboy, stood a chance, however remote, of striking it rich.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Ed Cross, co-discoverer of the Rhyolite gold deposit, and Bob Montgomery, a well-known prospector and miner in the Death Valley area, both walked away from their discoveries in the Bullfrog Hills with large sums of money. Shorty Harris, Cross's partner in the Bullfrog discovery, could have retired on the proceeds of the discovery, as Cross did. But Harris\u8212?typically, as far as the prospector stereotype is concerned\u8212?celebrated the discovery by getting drunk and selling his interest in the Bullfrog claim for $1,000. Cross eventually sold his interest in the discovery for a reported $125,000. Often, prospectors were less interested in either accumulating wealth or developing mines than they were in the simpler thrill of finding gold or silver. As Harris said, "It's the game, man, the game" (McCracken, 1993:32).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In central Nevada, cattlemen were often part-time prospectors. The Cliffords, a ranching family in Stone Cabin Valley, provide a good example: Joe Clifford, Sr., was deeply interested in mining and frequently prospected, always hoping to make the big strike. There are numerous instances where part-time prospectors struck it rich with a lucky find. Jim Butler, who discovered the Tonopah bonanza, is the best central Nevada example. Butler was a Monitor Valley rancher and the district attorney of Nye County when he made his discovery at Tonopah; he and his wife, Belle, were set for life.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1907, an article in the Mining and Scientific Press by an anonymous contributor pointed out that finding mineral deposits in the "isolated peaks and broad mesas" was still difficult in Nevada, even though elsewhere in the country people had modern transportation and most of the luxuries of modern civilization. Concerning prospecting in south-central Nevada, the author wrote:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Prospecting in the desert is hard work. There is no grain, no timber, and but little grass or water. . . . The necessity for carrying everything is a serious drawback. There are few places that cannot be approached by wagons, but the everlasting question of water supply is always at hand. Two prospectors often take all their available supplies on burros, but not uncommonly one man spends all his time packing water, while his partner is prospecting. The straying of horses or burros (donkeys) is a constant trouble in the desert. Often they are taken to wells to pack water and to get a drink, but all the persuasive powers of the prospector will be useless to make them imbibe, although he knows that as soon as they get back to the camp, they will drink half of the water they have carried on their backs.} ("The Renaissance of Nevada," 1907:573)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
How a Prospector Staked a Claim\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the early 1860s, the laws and customs of Nevada, which were fully recognized by the U.S. government, permitted miners who had discovered metal-bearing lodes in an occupied locality to organize a mining district, designate its boundaries, and set codes to regulate the location and tenure of ownership of the mining claims within the district. A mining district was usually 10 to 20 miles long on each side, depending both on whether there were contiguous districts and on local geography (Browne, 1868:396). Mining laws varied somewhat from one district to another, according to how the miners saw the needs of the district. For example, when the Reese River District was organized in 1862, miners initially adopted a code that gave locators of claims the rights not only to the discovery vein but also to all minerals present within a 200-foot-wide strip on either side of the located vein; the code was later amended to restrict ownership to the lode or vein actually located. The locator was allowed to occupy the surface area necessary to work his mine. The mining laws of other districts in eastern Nevada at that time did not differ significantly from those at the Reese River District (Browne, 1868:397).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The locator of a mining claim was permitted to explore public land and take possession of promising-looking properties without any interference. By 1868, there were over 6000 claims made in the Reese River District alone, many hundreds of which were of known value. Possibly one-sixth of the claims filed had already been developed to determine if they were of value (Browne, 1868:397-398).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Once a miner found a promising vein, he would usually explore it by sinking an incline shaft, beginning where the ore appeared on the surface and following the vein into the earth. If the vein proved worthwhile, a perpendicular shaft was sunk at some distance from the initial outcrop, as determined by whether the ground could hold a shaft. Shafts varied in dimension, the best being 5x15 feet. The goal was to pierce the vein at a point 100 feet below the surface. Miners always tried to get below the ore they were mining because by drilling and blasting from underneath they could make the ore fall into wooden chutes; from there the ore could easily be loaded into cars and hoisted to the surface, eliminating the backbreaking task of shoveling. Sinking a 5x15-foot shaft in 1868 cost about $60 per foot (Browne, 1868:397).'\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Leasing System\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The typical prospector usually lacked the financial resources and business acumen to turn a discovery into a producing mine and had to depend on others for capital. Most prospectors recognized their limitations, and many sold out to speculators before their claims were developed.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ One method prospectors could use to bypass the need for outside development capital, at least initially, was to attract leasers to work the claim. The leaser contributed his labor for a percentage of the profits from the ore he extracted, which eliminated the need for the owner to pay wages. When an ore deposit was rich, for example, as it was initially in\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Tonopah, the leasing system was a good way for an owner to accumulate cash to further develop his property and at the same time provide an opportunity to others who had arrived on the scene too late to stake claims on valuable ground. Jim Butler developed his Tonopah claims this way, and some of his leasers made big money. Many mine owners in Manhattan used the leasing system to develop their mines, including John C. Humphrey and his partners on the April Fool and Tip Top claims.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Leasers were quite common in the big mining camps in central Nevada\u8212?at Tonopah, Goldfield, Manhattan, and Round Mountain\u8212?and they could still be found in the 1950s in precious metal mines in the West. The demise of under-ground mining and the rise of large corporate mining operations employing the open-pit method put an end to the leasing system.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ A leaser typically took a lease on a small parcel or block of ground at an established mine. Most leases were not taken with the idea of getting rich; the idea was rather to put "a nice little bundle" or "a good stake" together. Many leasers in the West, from Cripple Creek, Colorado, to Round Mountain, Nevada, experienced the thrill of drilling into a pocket of high-grade ore or of striking a rich seam. And some walked away fixed for life.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The leaser, of course, enjoyed fewer of the advantages the prospector did because the leaser was enmeshed in rules and regulations at the mine where he worked and in the community where he lived. The leaser, like the miner, spent most of his waking hours underground, in darkness, drilling and mucking in drifts and shafts lit only by candle or carbide lamp. Although the leaser gave up some of the prospector's freedom, he gained in the increased probability of a payoff, perhaps even a big one, and he also stood a good chance of making better than a miner's wages. The leaser's chance of success depended on his skill in predicting where the ore could be found in a mine and on how hard he could work. In mines using wage labor where there were many opportunities for high-grading (the practice of workers removing small quantities of valuable minerals from a mine without the owner's permission), workers had some of the best of both worlds: the security of wage labor and the chance to make more than wages, like the leaser and prospector.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The leasing system was used by the mine owners at Manhattan and Round Mountain. Most owners also chose to attempt to attract outside development capital\u8212?either from Goldfield interests, as with the formation of the Round Mountain Mining Company, or from capitalists from as far away as Boston. Even Jim Butler, who in Tonopah profited handsomely from the leasing system, sold out to eastern capitalists after 18 months. In a typical lease, the mine owner furnished the mine, equipment, and such necessities as blasting caps, fuses, and blasting powder. The owner hoisted the ore and waste rock to the surface for 50 percent of the ore's value minus shipping, milling, and smelting charges. The miner furnished his labor. Once true capitalists became mine owners, they were usually unwilling to "give away" a large percentage of their profits to workers under the leasing system when they could maximize their returns by employing miners at the lowest possible wages (McCracken, 1955).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Local business interests in the central Nevada mining towns supported use of the leasing system. Not long after the founding of Manhattan, the Tonopah Daily Sun noted in an editorial that the leasing system had been "universally adopted" in Manhattan, and the system was "a great auxiliary :o every mining camp." Leasing, the editorial stated, should be "expressly encouraged by the business community, recognizing, perhaps, that money in the pockets of leasers was more likely to be spent in town, than were dividends of stockholders" ("Leasing System Should Be Encouraged," 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The leasing system produced an atmosphere of speculation and enthusiasm in a mining camp. In contrast, a camp controlled by outside money with mine work done on an hourly or daily wage basis tended to be more stable and had a less volatile atmosphere. Where wage labor predominated, most people expected less, which affected the town's spirit. Merchants made money and stock speculators could liven things up, but there was no substitute for the enthusiasm of a worker who thought he had a chance to get rich. The leaser and the wage-labor types of communities doubtless self-selected for different kinds of residents. A mining camp that bootstrapped its way to development without outside money probably attracted risk-oriented, independent people with a frontier spirit, whereas a wage-oriented community was likely to appeal to family types interested in a safe, predictable life\u8212?people willing to trade the chance of getting rich for a steady paycheck.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Usually during the last stages of a mining camp's productive life (and this was true in Tonopah, Goldfield, Manhattan, Round Mountain, and in the Cripple Creek District in Colorado), as known ore resources became depleted and the mines began to be less profitable, capitalists turned to leasers in a last-ditch effort to keep the mine open. The leaser then risked his labor for the opportunity to locate remaining undiscovered pockets of ore, and the company was willing to forgo a large share of the potential profit on ore that might not otherwise be discovered. The philosophy was: Better to have part of something than all of nothing. In mines where rich ore had been found, especially in gold and silver mines with extremely rich pockets or small veins of high-grade ore\u8212?as were to be found in both Manhattan and Round Mountain\u8212?a miner working for a day's pay was not likely to tell the company the presumed location of a rich pocket. However, under the leasing system, both the miner and the company could profit\u8212?and good miners often possessed extensive knowledge of a mine, sometimes as much as or more than professional engineers employed by a company.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
The Role of the Promoter\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ A prospector or mine owner who wanted to sell or develop a mine was often dependent upon the services of a promoter. The role the promoter played in the development of western mining camps, including those in central Nevada, was, and still is, viewed by local residents with mixed emotions. There are very few instances in the history of Nevada's mining boom camps in which the original locator of a substantial property was able to develop and bring the property to its full productive potential. The promoter essentially acted as a middleman between the prospector or mine owner and the investment sources. Promoters varied greatly, not only in their sales skills and financial contacts but also in their honesty. Some promoters\u8212?for instance, Billy Douglas of Tonopah and Joshua Irving Crowell of southern Nye County\u8212?were fastidiously honest and were only interested in seeing that a mine they had faith in was properly developed.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ There were other promoters, of course, who were con men, swindlers, and crooks. Such people would promote ground they knew to be worthless, exaggerate the potential of a modest prospect, and even salt a worthless claim with gold so that it would appear to be more valuable than it was.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Both the mine owner and the investors had to distinguish between the honest promoter and the crook\u8212?not always an easy matter. Dishonest promoters profited from the knowledge that the most naive investor could see no farther into the ground than could the best geologist. Highly qualified mining engineers were often wrong in their assessments of a property. Occasionally, what a dishonest promoter said would actually prove to be a good evaluation, through no virtue of that promoter. Everyone knew that in a rich mining district a shaft sunk in the most improbable spot could hit a bonanza. Promoters always had this advantage: People believe what they want to believe\u8212?especially when it comes to gold and silver.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The positive and negative roles promoters played in Nevada's mining camps were well known and were discussed by the leading mining authorities of the day, as in the Mining and Scientific Press in 1907:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
The question of capital in Nevada is perhaps rather a delicate subject. It has been hinted that the desert is a favorite resort for wild-cats, and that its value as a mining country is overestimated. . . . It is necessary to draw a sharp distinction between small stock corporations that put the money obtained by the sale of stock into the ground, and those that sell stock with no intention of mining in a serious and legitimate way. The former have done much to develop the country and must not be confused with the parasites of the mining industry. They may show bad judgment, employ incompetent men, and many will choose hopeless prospects and fail. . . .}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Of the nondescript wild-cat schemes little need be said. They are an unsavory element in every new mining camp that should be diagnosed by serious investors. ("The Renaissance of Nevada,}" 1907:574)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
On High-Graders\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ No matter how determined a mining company was to limit and control miners' share of wealth in a mine through wage-labor policy, the opportunities in some mines for workers to "high-grade," or remove gold or other valuable specimens from mines without the knowledge or permission of the company, were sometimes too numerous for the company to prevent it. In mines throughout the West, many, and perhaps a majority, of the miners who knew anything at all about gold\u8212?given the least opportunity\u8212?would never confine themselves strictly to income from wage labor. No matter how difficult company rules might make it for miners to high-grade, the ingenuity of the miners always kept them one jump ahead of management. High-grading was common at Round Mountain.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Round Mountain gold tended to be "pockety"\u8212? narrow veins and small pockets of high-grade gold were interspersed here and there throughout the mountain. When a Round Mountain miner was underground, if he uncovered a beautiful gold nugget, or perhaps a mesh of wire gold, or some small rock covered with gold, and if he was determined, he could usually get it out of the mine\u8212?and immediately sell it. It was not uncommon for Round Mountain miners to double or more than double their income by high-grading. Thus, though Round Mountain was controlled by mining companies, the men who worked the mines were not strictly wage laborers. They in effect had the best of both worlds \u8212?the world of the day laborer and the world of the leaser: As day laborers, they were guaranteed a living wage; as crypto-leasers, they took a percentage of what they found by stealth. Yet a miner was always willing to share high-grade found in the mine with the mine's owners. He would leave a share of any rich specimens he found for the company\u8212?as long as he could pick his own share first. After all, the company had to stay economically healthy or the miner would lose his high-grading opportunity (Coombs, 1991-1992).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Notes\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
1. The costs for sinking a shaft currently (1996) are estimated to be $1200 per foot (Snel, 1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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{
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{\qc
PART THREE\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
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{\qc
THE TOWN OF MANHATTAN\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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{\qc
CHAPTER 7\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\qc
Manhattan's First Years\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Manhattan, along with Tonopah, Goldfield, Bullfrog-Rhyolite, and Round Mountain, was one of the great central Nevada turn-of-the-century mining boom camps. These camps not only helped revive the state's sagging economy but may have saved Nevada from reverting to territorial status because of a lack of both population and economic production.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Early Mining in the Manhattan Area\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Manhattan sits in the western foothills of the Toquima Range, about 45 miles north of Tonopah in Nye County. The town and its underground workings lie at the head of Manhattan Gulch (sometimes called Manhattan Wash), a shallow gulch that stretches for several miles from the western flank of the Toquimas into Smoky Valley.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although the town of Manhattan as we know it today was not founded until after the turn of the century, mining activity in the area dates from 1866, when George Nicholl discovered silver ore, whereupon a mining district was created. About 50 locations were made in the Manhattan District immediately following the discovery; the principal mines developed were the Mohawk and the Black Hawk. The ore produced there is said to have contained no trace of gold\u8212?the ore was "base," a mixture of silver, copper, and iron, and it averaged about $100 per ton in value. The Black Hawk Mine had a 60-foot shaft; the Mohawk, a 100-foot tunnel. Freight came from Austin by team at a cost of $60 per ton; the ore was milled at Belmont. Very little work was done in the district after 1869 (Angel, 1958:518).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1877, lead and silver were found in the vicinity, and the Eagle District was organized. Silver values in the ore from the Eagle District ran as high as $2500 per ton. A town, now known as Old Manhattan, was established near Manhattan Spring in a gulch running toward Timber Mountain. In an interview published in the Tonopah Bonanza in 1905, a former resident of Old Manhattan said that in the early 1870s the community had three working mines and a population of 2500. Lucile Rae Berg (1942:96) thought that the population was more likely to have been 25.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Financial trouble for the mining company and a decline in the price of silver led to the abandonment of Old Manhattan. In 1879, there was talk that the town would be revived, but this did not happen. Around 1896, Nye County Treasurer Adam McLean owned the Manhattan Mine, which had supposedly previously produced $200,000. He stole funds from the county to develop the mine, but before he could make it a paying enterprise, his thievery was discovered and he committed suicide. The county eventually secured ownership of the mine and around 1899 sold it to Tasker Oddie of Belmont and Joe Miller of Austin. In 1905, the Tonopah Bonanza reported the presence of an 80-foot ledge with low-grade values on the property, and some believed the ore would increase in value with depth ("Manhattan Mecca of Prospectors," 1905). As of 1942, there were still several stone cabins at the site of Old Manhattan (Berg, 1942:95-96).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Ledges of Gold\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Accounts of how gold discoveries were made usually vary slightly in their details, and this is so with Manhattan. According to one version, on a spring day in 1905, John C. Humphrey, whose family's ranch was at Peavine, was out looking for his cattle and found rock that looked as though it might carry gold values. He staked five claims in Manhattan Gulch, about 3 miles up from Old Manhattan. Humphrey gave E. E. Seyler one-half interest for having the sample assayed. In June, Humphrey and his brother Frank, along with Seyler and George "Shorty" Maute, returned to the property to do some location work. While eating lunch, Humphrey examined a nearby ledge and broke off a piece that was covered with gold. This specimen assayed at 1000 ounces in silver and $10 per ton in gold; another sample, taken from a 12-foot ledge nearby, yielded 68 percent lead, $50 per ton in silver, and $8 in gold. These finds were located on one of Humphrey's earlier claims, the April Fool. When the news got out, the boom was on (Berg, 1942:96-97).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In another rendition of the tale, Humphrey, Seyler, Maute, and an unidentified man stopped to eat lunch on the road between Belmont and the Seyler Ranch on Peavine Creek. Humphrey found specimen-grade gold ore in an outcrop within 100 feet of the road. The group staked out several claims and formed the Seyler-Humphrey Gold Mining Company. Each man is said to have netted $800 from the original ore they broke off the outcrop (Kral, 1951:114).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In December 1905, the Tonopah Daily Sun ran an article that presented still another version of the story. In April 1905, Humphrey and a small party of men were returning from Belmont to Humphrey's ranch when they stopped at the head of Manhattan Gulch. On the strength of assays previously run on samples of surface rock, they staked out the April Fool and the War Eagle claims, the first in the new district. At lunch, Humphrey broke off more gold-bearing samples from one of the outcroppings at the site. He returned in July for more prospecting on the newly staked claims. Humphrey and his associates had been working on silver-lead prospects in the Palo Alto area, to the west at the edge of the valley, which had produced surface assays running as high as 1350 ounces in silver and 60 percent lead. The April Fool and War Eagle claims were enticing enough for them to drop the Palo Alto venture and focus on the new claims. Between July 15 and August 15, 24 leases were let on the April Fool and Tip Top claims ("Six Months of Discovery in the District of Manhattan," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In summer 1905, Cada C. Boak, a Tonopah mining man, sent Howard Burr, a prospector, to Manhattan to locate some promising claims. Among other properties Burr located was the parcel that would later be the site of the Manhattan Consolidated Mine. In September, Boak and Burr went to Manhattan. Boak found a specimen containing free gold on a site he named the Consolidated Ledge. He immediately formed the Manhattan Consolidated Mines Company (Beatty, 1907:229-231).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ An important strike was made by Dan McNamara and Bill Davidson in early October 1905, when they located the Liberty claim. Assay values ran up to thousands of dollars per ton. Eighteen sets of leasers were soon working on the property, but then it became entangled in litigation. The next rich strike was on W. C. Smith's Stray Dog claim. Leasers were also put to work on this claim, and by December they had made a shipment of 225 sacks of ore, with many leasers on the claim sacking rich ore. Then, Deahl and Murphy made a strike on what they called the Frisco claim, which was also known as the Union No. 9. Again, leasers began to work this claim. This was followed by another good strike\u8212?on the Jumping Jack, owned by Darrough and Powers. High-grade ore was being produced by leasers there by the end of December. Other claims located before Christmas 1905 were the Mayflower, Indian Camp, Big Pine, Annie Laurie, Iron King, Iron Queen, Big Chief, Turtle Dove, Big Mogul, and Hooligan. By December, miners working at Manhattan were assured that a mill would be built, and "representatives of capital" were visiting the camp ("Six Months of Discovery in the District of Manhattan," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Manhattan Becomes a Town\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ News of the discovery at Manhattan spread quickly. By August 1905, there were about 500 people in the district, and 50 tents had been pitched. Eight townsites had been planned. By late summer 1905, roughly 3000 claims had been staked out in the vicinity. The first settlement in the immediate area was Palo Alto, near Bull Spring (known to local cattlemen) on the edge of Smoky Valley, but because the water there was of poor quality, a better location for the town was soon found up the gulch. This became the permanent site for Manhattan, which was also called Pine-tree Camp for a time. There was no water available at the new site, but water was unexpectedly encountered while a shaft was being sunk (Berg, 1942:97-98).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Manhattan was located in a canyon between the mountains that formed the Manhattan Mining District; it was the boss camp of the area. The town is at an elevation of about 7000 feet, which provides a cooler, moister climate than is found farther south. Manhattan was platted on a site "immediately on and adjacent to the Humphrey and Seyler claim," according to the Tonopah Daily Sun ("Town of Manhattan Located," 1905). L. C. Bell was the general manager of the Manhattan Townsite Company, which had offices in Manhattan and Tonopah (Berg, 1942:97-98).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In September 1905, Humphrey and Seyler found a ledge with gold-bearing rock that was assayed at $10,000 per ton. Good ore was being found at the April Fool, including rich ore on lease Nos. 3, 6, and 11. That fall, multi-ton shipments averaging from $1000 to $2000 per ton were shipped out by team. Such shipments attracted further attention, and the camp continued to grow. By October, the fledgling town featured a number of lodging houses and a general store, three boardinghouses, and five saloons\u8212?a total of 70 tents and four wooden buildings. By December, there were 75 frame buildings in town. A four-horse stage negotiated the 45-mile trip to Tonopah. Huge wagons with 14 or more horses or mules transported lumber, which was in great demand, from the railhead at Tonopah to Manhattan\u8212?where a load of the valuable building material would sell out in a few minutes (Berg, 1942:98-100).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By December, Manhattan's population had grown to about 800. One of the Humphrey brothers and a man named Harris established an addition to the original townsite; lots there sold rapidly. By mid-December, more new frame buildings had been constructed and plans for a hotel were underway. By Christmas, lots that had originally sold for $75 were hard to find for $500. An application for a post office had been made to the federal government. At least two stage lines and several freight companies were doing a booming business operating between Tonopah and Manhattan at year's end ("Great Stampede to Manhattan's Rich Mines," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By late December, there was so much traffic on the sadly inadequate road to Tonopah that a call went out to shorten or otherwise improve the road\u8212?or Tonopah would lose out to business interests in Austin, 10 miles closer to Manhattan, given the current roads. It was announced three days after Christmas that up to $2000 would be raised by subscription among businessmen to do the road repairs, including taking out tight turns and removing large boulders ("Must Improve Road to Manhattan," 1905; "Manhattan Road Will Be Improved," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On a typical day in early January 1906 during the Manhattan boom, 40 people were camped at San Antonio on their way to Manhattan, with an additional 20 stage passengers bound for the new camp. The Tonopah Bonanza reported that "the road between Tonopah and Manhattan is literally lined with burros, teams, broncos, freight teams and automobiles. It is a wonderful sight" ("Headed for Great Manhattan," 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Residents of Tonopah and Goldfield saw opportunities for new businesses in Manhattan. Two former employees of Tonopah's Mizpah Cafe moved to Manhattan and built their own restaurant. A Goldfield entrepreneur, Charles Cussin, headed for Sacramento, California, to buy goods to stock his new store in Manhattan. James Fowlie of Tonopah opened a saloon in Manhattan. "Ikey" Knudson, a popular barber in Tonopah, moved to Manhattan and set up shop ("Headed for Great Manhattan," 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Important businesspeople during Manhattan's first year included John H. Miles, who was the local representative of the Tonopah Lumber Company, owned by Tonopah businessman Albert Revert. Miles also held an interest in several of the best claims in the district. J. H. Gage and R. H. Long, agents for the American Smelting and Refining Company, erected and outfitted a fine large store in the center of town. Mrs. Mitchell operated the popular Pioneer Restaurant; Hugh Madden, who had run saloons from Alaska to Manhattan, opened a bar; Mrs. E. Tate managed a cafe and hotel. Billy Rice and Mr. Tate ran the Manhattan Pioneer Livery. Stratton and Company, owned by S. C. Stratton of Tonopah, established the first building and contracting firm. Mr. W. Busby operated the Manhattan Club; two brothers, George W. and T. J. Dron, were proprietors of the War Eagle Club. T. D. Livingston, a pioneer contractor and builder in the camp, had plans for a two-story hotel with a 36-room second story. Peter Bart ran a bar; Frank Irving, a cafe. The San Juan, another popular bar, was operated by Messrs. F. H. Wiley and H. Gould ("Pioneers in Business at Manhattan," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Good wages were paid in Manhattan in 1906. In February, the miners' union accepted a wage scale that provided for miners engaged in drifting, stoping, and trenching to be paid $4.50 per day; those sinking a shaft or working on a raise were paid $5 per day, with work in water earning 50 cents extra. Tool dressers and blacksmiths made $5.50 per day; timbermen with no helpers made $5 per day. Those drilling with pneumatic equipment received 50 cents more than those drilling by hand. Carpenters earned $8 per day (Berg, 1942:106).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By February 1906, considerable mining activity was taking place on hills near the lower end of town. The Mustang and Bronco properties were located on Mustang Hill. Gold Hill, across the gulch from Mustang Hill, had the deepest workings at that time and was producing more ore than any other hill in the camp. This was the location of the Manhattan Dexter Mining Company and its famous Union No. 1 property. The Vermilyea and Associates properties, the Stray Dog and the Indian Camp Mines, were located there as well. Gold Hill was a veritable network of veins, all of which seemed to converge on the Stray Dog. Other Gold Hill claims included the Iron King, Iron Queen, Manhattan Cow Boy, Little Grey, Nellie Grey, Gold Wedge, Jumping Jack, Big Pine, and Big Four. On April Fool Hill, closer to Manhattan, were the April Fool and the Tip Top, and farther up, the Aurora, Bald Eagle, and Kosmopoge claims. East of April Fool Hill was Litigation, or Injunction, Hill. Claims there had been tied up in litigation in 1905, among them those on the Big Chief, owned by Malcolm McDonald (Sprague, 1906). By early 1906, the Stray Dog was considered the great mine of the Manhattan camp, so said the Goldfield News ("Manhattan District News," 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Rounsevell's Observations\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Nelson Rounsevell, a newspaper publisher and writer who had worked in Panama and Peru, was living in Oakland, California, in December 1905 when a telegram came from Tonopah, Nevada, with this message: "BIG STRIKE IN MANHATTAN COME AT ONCE." Rounsevell borrowed $100, got together an outfit of carpenter tools, bought some food and three quarts of whiskey, and started on the 24-hour railroad trip to Nevada to join, as he characterized it, "one of the most spectacular gold rushes since the Klondike." He arrived in Tonopah on New Year's morning 1906. Conveyance of any kind was hard to obtain in Tonopah. Rounsevell and five other would-be travelers teamed up to hire mules and a spring wagon at a "fabulous price," loaded their tents, food, trunks, and prospecting outfits, and headed for Manhattan at dawn on January 2. Rounsevell (1933:47-48) remarked that they arrived there at 11:00 P.M. "after as cold, dreary and tiresome a trip as I have ever made"\u8212?but his initial impression was good.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Manhattan was the prettiest and most picturesquely situated camp in all Nevada. It was squeezed into a narrow winding gulch with its main street meandering up the canyon, following the twists and bends. There was scarcely room for a row of buildings on either side of the street, and the narrow shacks were scattered among tents and cabins. The rocky hillsides were covered with scraggly nut-pines----almost the only patch of green in the entire stretch of southern Nevada desert. The mouth of the canyon opened onto the broad expanse of Smoky Valley and led up into the Toyabe [sic] Range.} (Rounsevell, 1933:48)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ At the time of Rounsevell's arrival, there were fewer than one dozen frame shacks in the camp, not one of which was more than a few weeks old.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
They were mostly one-story, board-and-batten affairs which housed saloons, restaurants, lodgings, gambling houses, brokerage offices, general stores, a couple of banks and a post office\u8212?quite a variety for a two-weeks-old town. . . . The hills on either side of the gulch were spotted with eight-by-ten and ten-by-twelve tents which served as the residence section of the camp. Two townsites had been surveyed and staked out on mining claims which crossed the gulch and lots were being sold and resold on paper titles which represented nothing more than an agreement to sell government land when and if patented title was obtained}. (Rounsevell, 1933:48)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the following colorful prose, Rounsevell described his first meal in Manhattan:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Unloading my carpenter tools in the snow just before midnight, I dragged the box into a corner of "The Horseshoe," then the leading saloon and gambling house in camp. The place, a large half-board, half-tent affair, was packed to overflowing with a noisy, drinking, gambling crowd of boom followers of every type.}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On one side of the room was a long bar built of pine boards, behind which a corps of bartenders served bottled beer and straight whiskey to a line-up of customers which filled the place 24 hours a day. On the opposite side of the room were crap games, roulette wheels, twenty-one tables and faro bank lay-outs, all surrounded with as many players as could elbow their way close enough to lay a bet. In between this swarm of drinkers on one side and gamblers on the other, a motley crowd milled up and down, in and out, back and forth from game to game and from the bar to a restaurant counter at the rear.}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ There, behind a plain board counter, greasy, fast-working cooks with sleeves rolled up fried steaks and ham and eggs for customers perched on tall stools. Strong coffee, pork and beans, hot cakes, bread and canned peaches made up the remainder of the bill of fare. No napkins, finger bowls, silverware or frills here. Cans of evaporated milk were opened with one blow of a cleaver and the contents poured into a dozen smoking cups of coffee. No waiters, no cashier, no overhead\u8212?just an abundance of good food at a high, boom-camp price, and Lord, it tasted good after a 16 hour trip across the snow-covered desert.} (Rounsevell, 1933:48-49)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Rounsevell prospered in Manhattan during the first six months of 1906.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
On the crest of a boom, everything makes money. It was a period of inflation at the peak of Na general, nationwide prosperity. The spectacular discoveries at Goldfield, Manhattan and Round Mountain, coming almost simultaneously and following close upon the development of extraordinarily rich silver and copper mines in Tonopah, had focused the attention of stockbrokers, speculators, gamblers and promoters on southern Nevada. Sucker money from all parts of the world came pouring in to augment the substantial income from actual mineral production. . . .}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Just at the opportune time a rich new strike was made at Round Mountain, 18 miles north of Manhattan. Some prospectors drove into Manhattan one afternoon in an old "buckboard" [spring wagon] in which was a single piece of quartz about the size of an office desk. It was literally plastered with free gold, the alluring yellow metal being visible in every crevice. It was the largest and most spectacular specimen of "picture" gold ever found in Nevada and created a sensation in Manhattan, Tonopah and Gold-field, where it was displayed. Overnight a new "rush" was on and for a few days it promised to outrival the Manhattan rush of a few months before.} (Rounsevell, 1933:56-57)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In 1906, with money borrowed from a Manhattan banker, Rounsevell established the Round Mountain Banking Corporation, but the enterprise failed. He returned to Manhattan, where he opened a lumberyard; profits ran as high as $500 a week\u8212?surely he was on the road to certain wealth. In 1909, however, he set off on what he called a "periodical," beginning with a drunken binge, after which he "decided to ramble and started on a tour which lasted several months and cost many thousand dollars" of his savings, as he wrote checks with "reckless abandon" until he finally wound up broke in New York. He then returned to Nevada (Rounsevell, 1933:71).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Because the Nevada legislature outlawed gambling in 1909, Rounsevell commented, that was a dull, stagnant summer, and "most of the old timers predicted that it was the death knell to good times and what little prosperity the state had known since 1907" (Rounsevell, 1933:73). In 1909, a placer boom in Manhattan collapsed. Rounsevell returned to Manhattan on the first of September and found the economy sinking. "Hurriedly and relentlessly I slashed prices on everything left in the lumber yard, sold every piece of real estate and property I had for whatever price it would bring\u8212?a house and lot with furniture complete for less than the piano alone had cost\u8212?and settled accounts receivable for whatever sum I could collect" (Rounsevell, 1933:73). Having paid off his bills, he departed Manhattan and headed for Klamath County, Oregon, with only a few hundred dollars in his pocket.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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DeWolfs Portrait of Manhattan\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Lester W. Haworth founded Manhattan's first newspaper, the Manhattan Mail, on January 10, 1906. The paper was issued as a 12-page weekly every Wednesday; a subscription cost $5 per year. The printing press Haworth used was historic itself, having done service for the Marysville, California, Appeal, the Carson City Register, Appeal, and Independent, and the Belmont Courier. In 1907, Haworth leased the paper to Frank F. Garside. After changing hands several more times, the Manhattan Mail folded on June 24, 1911 (Lingenfelter and Gash, 1984:128, 148, 242).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The most vivid surviving descriptions of life in Manhattan appeared in the Manhattan Mail in articles by W. P. DeWolf. DeWolf was a keen observer of Manhattan life and a skilled wordsmith, no stranger to the hyperbole and flowery language that marked the journalistic style of the time. On June 20, 1906, under the headline: "Vivid Word Picture of People and their Activities . . . make up the Mosaic of Existence in the Gold Mountains," DeWolf described the great variety of "types" drawn to Manhattan.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Adventurers . . . men who have followed the blazed trail of the prospector over icy wastes and across sun-scorched desert sands that they might garner the golden fruit of his arduous toil. . . . Feminine fraility [sic], trailing the gift of God given beauty through the hell of a life of shame. . . . Grizzled old prospectors, with the humor as biting as a winter's blast, and with sympathetic ear for the cry of the unfortunate. Hospitable, whole souled fellows, imbued with the spirit of the Great Out Doors, and possessed of an honesty as rugged as the eternal hills in which they delve. . . .}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Ministers of the gospel, bearing the message of the Son of God over sun-shriveled alkali plains and snow-capped peaks. . . . Mothers, living amid the solitude and grandeur of tree clad slopes, in teaching little children the lesson of gentleness that the south wind breathes to the whispering pines. School teachers starting tiny feet aright at the outset of the trail of knowledge.}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
Miners, bluff, deep chested, iron muscled. Hard workers and sometimes rough in their hours of recreation. . . . Capitalists from the money centers of the world; dignified in bearing, cautious in investing.}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Merchants, mule skinners, mine promoters, wild-catters, professional men, panderers, newspaper men, millionaires, hobos\u8212?the entire gamut from . . . every walk in life\u8212?jostle each other along the sinuous length of the main street of the camp. On the sidewalks, in the roadway, they crowd and press, each bent upon some errand of moment to himself. From every class and every clime they came, all drawn hitherward by the beckoning finger of the Goddess of For-tune.} (DeWolf, 1906)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As DeWolf observed, life in a gold camp was different from that in any other community\u8212?a lucky strike, a quick business deal, or the turn of a card could mean fortune and fulfillment of all one's dreams. Further, the social environment was open and without prejudgment. "Socially," DeWolf wrote, "Manhattan has not passed from the khaki of everyday life to the pretentious dignity of a dress suit standard." As he noted, there were no "preconceived ideas of social status" (DeWolf, 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Every man is measured at his true worth or lack of worth, and in making its estimate the community plays no favorites. If a man is right he's right, and if he's wrong he's wrong when weighed in the Manhattan balance, and in either event the fact that he be the grandson of his grandfather is never considered a handicap. . . . The "busted" prospector of today may be the millionaire of tomorrow, so it is not wise to draw too fine a distinction. The waiter you tip at dinner may strike it rich and may be cracking champagne within the week, and the hoboe [sic] who "bones" you for four bits may wander into the hills and find a pay crack.}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
{\i
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ All dreamers, this heterogeneous Manhattan crowd; and 'tis the most fascinating of all dreams that has lured them into the Nevada wilderness\u8212?the dream of fortune.} (DeWolf, 1906)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ DeWolf also observed that honesty was highly valued on the mining frontier. Exaggeration was one thing, but to lie outright was to invite disrespect. To break one's word was a serious breach of the moral code; verbal agreements were considered binding.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ DeWolf suggested, perhaps stretching the truth some, that Manhattan had a population of 3500 in the summer of 1906. Every class of mercantile pursuit was found along its meandering Main Street. The town featured a telephone system, electric lights, and a telegraph. There was a score of hotels and rooming houses. Main Street was lined on either side with busy brokerage offices. Mining "stock" from exchanges in Goldfield, Oakland, and San Francisco was available within ten minutes following the close of a call. The typical Manhattanite, DeWolf said, was willing to take a chance: "And there are no more zealous speculators in Manhattan mining securities than are the residents of Manhattan themselves" (DeWolf, 1906). The cost of living in Manhattan was high, but wages were also high.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ On Manhattan vice, DeWolf commented wryly that a particular feature of the community was the\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
remarkable thirst with which a considerable percentage of the population is afflicted, or blessed. . . . There are as sincere drinkers in Manhattan as ever brushed the bloom from a cocktail or took an observation through the bottom of a glass; and the frequency with which they line up at the bar is only equalled [sic] by the facility with which they stow a cargo.} (DeWolf, 1906)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Gambling was in progress at all hours, with the ceiling the limit. The games, DeWolf felt, were "on the square"\u8212?an opinion one must question, as games throughout the state of Nevada during that period, as skilled observers knew, were crooked. Throughout the night, a crier hoarsely shouted, "Well, come on boys; free ride to the dance hall!" There was a band at the dance hall, and girls in abbreviated skirts and bodices urged visitors to dance. Tunes such as "Mule Skinner's Delight" set feet tapping. Nearby were the brothels, where "reside the women of the half-world. Frail Magdalens beneath whose robe of scarlet often beats an aching heart" (DeWolf, 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In contrast, there was the side of Manhattan life that centered on families, love, and children: "Clustering amid the pines on the hill slopes which mark the boundaries of the main street of the. camp are hundreds of happy homes; none of them pretentious, but each the abiding place of peace and deep content" (DeWolf, 1906). Neighbors gathered at each others' homes in the evenings to pass the time singing or playing cards. The Cotillion Club held a weekly youth dance. The Toquima Club, which became a Manhattan institution, was founded in spring 1906; it had an initial membership in excess of 100, with the name of nearly every prominent female resident on its roster. The Masonic Fraternity and the Aerie of Eagles also existed by 1906 (DeWolf, 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Manhattan took pride in having at least six attorneys, four physicians, a real estate broker, an assayer, a druggist, and even a funeral director (who also served as embalmist). William Carol Humphrey, whose son made the first strike at Manhattan, loaded his house at Crow Springs on a wagon and moved it to Manhattan in the first days of the boom. He also assisted in laying out a cemetery that he named Mount Moriah ("History of Manhattan Is Told," 1977:13-14). Father James Butler of St. Brendan's Parish in Eureka followed the boom to Tonopah, where he was given permission to settle and construct a frame church for St. Patrick's Parish. By 1907, the population of Manhattan had grown sufficiently for Father Butler to move there and establish the Sacred Heart Mission (Olson, 1983:166).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Manhattanites were proud of their new jail, a stone building measuring 18x26 feet with two steel cells that had come from Belmont. Formerly, when a man had become rowdy during a celebration, he had been handcuffed to a pine tree located at a conspicuous spot on Main Street. However, a vengeful transgressor had chopped down the tree after spending a night cuffed to it. DeWolf noted that Manhattan had a single deputy sheriff to preserve the public peace (DeWolf, 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Travelers to Manhattan used various forms of transportation. Automobiles dashed between Manhattan and Tonopah. There were travelers on horseback and prospectors with their burros along the way; the automobiles' noxious smells and noisy horns made the burros act up. An old Concord coach, which was pulled by horses and carried a strongbox stowed behind the driver, arrived from Tonopah at the Wells-Fargo office every afternoon. Its passengers were usually coated with an inch of alkali dust (DeWolf, 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ With scarcely a year gone by since the first gold discovery in 1905, DeWolf (1906) concluded: "Since the days\u8212?but a few months ago\u8212?when the first band of pioneers pitched their tents on the present townsite, Manhattan has outgrown its swaddling clothes and is primping up with substantial wooden business blocks and with comfortable, well-appointed residences."\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
Glowing Reports\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ During Manhattan's first months, the continuous boosterism promoting the new camp would have pleased any advocate of the power of positive thinking. Isolated as the camp was, news of Manhattan's promise reached the outside world through visitors who came to Manhattan, looked over its mines and undeveloped claims, assessed their potential, and then reported the findings in more established towns like Tonopah and Goldfield. All through summer and fall 1905, the Tonopah papers were filled with reports by respected mining men who had visited Manhattan. In early August 1905, for example, J. Gross returned to Tonopah from Manhattan and told the Tonopah Daily Sun that "as yet, there is nothing done on any of the claims beyond the location work, but the showing eclipses anything I ever saw. . . . I think the district will prove to be among the best, if not the very best. . . . The surface indications are as good and perhaps better than the older camps of Tonopah, Bull Frog, and Goldfield" ("Placer and Quartz at Manhattan," 1905). In December, Harry Sheldon, a well-known broker, visited Manhattan and returned filled with enthusiasm, reporting that he had made "fully a hundred pannings from all parts of the camp, with splendid results" ("Manhattan," December 22, 1905). On December 30, in "Great Stampede to Manhattan's Rich Mines," the {\i
Tonopah Daily Sun} confirmed the gold-rush atmosphere that pervaded Tonopah.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ S. E. Vermilyea, a prominent Goldfield attorney, and Harry Hudson, who prospected and hauled freight on the desert, were among the first to go to the new camp at Manhattan. They were the first to send out a shipment of ore, from their leased property on the Stray Dog claim (later purchased by Vermilyea).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Vermilyea, interviewed by a {\i
Goldfield News} reporter in January 1906, estimated that upon his arrival only two months previously, the population of Manhattan was between 50 and 100; there were two board cabins and a few tents on the townsite. By January, the population had exploded to about 1500, with more than 150 wooden buildings and hundreds of tents. More and more newcomers were coming to Manhattan; most were from Tonopah and Goldfield, but many were from other sections of the country. Vermilyea said that, like all mining camps, the town was "filled with hustlers." Sleeping accommodations were scarce; he advised anyone heading for Manhattan to bring along bedding. Restaurants were often crowded\u8212?an hour's wait was not unusual. Manhattan, he said, offered excellent opportunities for making money. Lots that had sold for $250 each in November were bringing $2500 in January. There were many stock promotions afloat in the camp, most of them legitimate. Vermilyea did warn people that there would be many wildcat offerings in the near future based on "unstable mining enterprises," thus purchasers should be cautious and carefully examine personnel and company holdings before investing. He remarked that Manhattan had established its first newspaper in January; the first copy had sold to a Goldfield man for $45. The next 200 copies of the paper had sold for 25 cents each, but they could readily have brought $1.00 per copy. The pay area of the Manhattan district, he said, was a 1-mile square within which ore was being sacked at 20 different workings. Finally, "Diamondfield Jack" Davis had visited the camp, he noted, and had felt optimistic about its future. Sol Camp, superintendent of the January Mine in Goldfield, visited Manhattan about the time Vermilyea had and returned convinced it would "become one of the great mining districts of the world" ("The Land of Heart's Desire," 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
There Were Problems\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Still, despite the enthusiasm, accounts varied. As early as September 1905, the Goldfield News commented that most Goldfield prospectors and investors who had investigated the Manhattan district had returned to Goldfield. Although none condemned the camp, most agreed that there was little chance of staking a good claim because "the territory had been staked for miles around the original discovery" ("Manhattan Mining District," 1905). In December, the Tonopah Daily Sun ran a cautionary article. In the story, C. A. Humphrey, brother of J. C. Humphrey, the locator of the Seyler-Humphrey claims at Manhattan, tempered his enthusiasm for Manhattan's future with a word of advice for those who got there too late to cash in on a good claim: "Keep yourself ready for a rush when a new strike is made and try and get in, in time to get a good lease" ("Manhattan Leasers into the Money," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Others questioned the extravagant claims made about Manhattan and its future. For example, Martin Herff, who had mined in Leadville, Colorado, in 1878 and had worked in British Columbia, in Mexico, and throughout the Southwest, visited Manhattan in August 1905. He returned to Tonopah, commenting in an article that "people are expecting -,00 much from Manhattan and Palo Alto for the time that they have been worked. They are young and it is just as hard to say what kind of a camp a young camp is going to make as a is to figure out what kind of man a child will become" ("Straight Talk on Manhattan," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Herff discussed Manhattan's problems, noting that the district had been handicapped from the beginning because the area had been staked out for the most part by wildcat speculators who had no interest in developing a mine but who were intent on selling their claims for a profit. He felt that "the promoter of this class, who rides for ten miles through the country with a pencil and pad of paper locating a bunch of claims, can only do the district harm. It is the very common custom to give away one claim for doing the work on two or three others, then when the work is done the place lies fallow until a possible sale is made, and real mining interests are kept out." Herff stressed that he was not just a "kicker" who had no claims and had been left out of the rush; he, in fact, owned several claims. A bogus claim locator, he said, would dig his location hole in the soft ground on the claim\u8212?where there was no hope of finding minerals: "Such location work is a bluff and shows on the very face of it that the locator is simply a dog in the manger and does not mean business." Herff called for a law requiring location holes to be ten feet deep, as was the case in Colorado, because "when you see a hole ten feet long, six feet wide and only four feet deep you may take it for granted that the owner is not there for business from a mining point of view" ("Straight Talk on Manhattan," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Many who observed Manhattan in 1905 tried to present a balanced view of the camp's potential, tempering their optimism with critical commentary, but were themselves then subjected to criticism. The Tonopah Bonanza, for example, took a dim view of such critics\u8212?those practicing the "gentle art of 'knocking"'\u8212?remarking that these were people who had been left out of the bonanza, who had not been able to secure a solid position in the new community. Not only were they sore losers, the newspaper suggested, they were really playing the old game of knocking, that is, running down something desirable in the hope of reducing its value in order to get it at a reduced or cheap price: "It is not the good old fashioned 'knock' straight from the shoulder that is employed, but the 'knock' of the shrug and insinuation, the meanest kind of 'knock.'" "The ore may not go down!" was the most common cry, the Bonanza pointed out\u8212?the same knock that was heard when Tonopah was trying to prove itself. Indeed, that very knock was heard in Goldfield, Bullfrog, Silver Bow, Kawich, Liberty, and Gold Mountain, the article concluded ("Manhattan Is Talk of Town," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Charles S. Sprague, a reporter for the Goldfield News, visited Manhattan and wrote a two-part series in spring 1906. The big money had not yet come into Manhattan when Sprague visited the camp; it was still primarily a community based on the labor of leasers. He noted that fully 150 leases were in operation in the mines around Manhattan; however, he was not favorably impressed with the quality of the mining. Because of the richness of the ore on the surface, he noted that\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
leasers are content to "gopher" around, like pocket hunters, looking for rich specimens or bunches of high grade. . . . I found one leaser on his belly working in a cave dug on his ground, under a roof of rock not more than two feet thick hanging close above his head. He was gouging around with his prospectors' [sic] pick, extracting now and then beautiful specimens of free gold-bearing rock, some of which he gave me. To my astonishment I found this little cavern to be the celebrated lease No. 7 . . from which the most sensational specimens of the camp had been taken, and which set all the country afire. From this hole, 35 pounds of rock were taken which sold for $200. Of course when returns like this can be had at the surface, there is little inducement for the poor prospector\u8212?or rather the prospector with little means and in need of ready money, to do serious mining.} (Sprague, 1906)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ During his visit, Sprague found only one whim (a device powered by a horse that was used to hoist a bucket holding ore from a shaft) in the entire camp and that was on one lease with a 150-foot shaft. All the other holes were worked by windlass (a small hand-cranked hoist). The result, he said, was that not much ore had been produced (Sprague, 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In spring 1906, A. H. Halloran, a writer for the Mining and Scientific Press, a leading mining-trade periodical of the day, prepared a report on Manhattan. Halloran was unusually critical of the promotional activities taking place in the camp. He noted that there were good indications of ore in many localities in the area but that their economic value remained to be proven. Halloran criticized the boom atmosphere that had caused the camp to mushroom from 100 to 3000 people in six months' time. Stockbroker and "real estate boomer" alike had realized how attractive the Manhattan site was to investors who had missed the chance to get in on "the ground floor of other Nevada excitements." In the following six months, little mining had been done. "Claims have been located, other claims have been re-located over them, and still other claims staked on the snow covering pre-existing claims, all blanketed with claims newly recorded since the snow has melted. Yet to many companies merely mining on paper this is as satisfactory as though they actually did own a few square feet of ground." The situation offered, he suggested, "a pleasing prospect to an ambitious lawyer." Moreover, Manhattan was "the best-advertised camp in America." Halloran reported that some high-grade ore had been mined and sacked, "forming an imposing barricade around the whim or windlass." Much of the ore, however, had not been shipped but remained stacked at the mine. Pictures of sacked ore, Halloran contended, were worth more to "wild-cat" companies than smelter returns; too many companies had been formed with the "only mining being confined to working possible investors." There were a few legitimate companies in operation, but until the existence of mineral at depth was proved, Manhattan would remain "a precarious gamble." He recommended sinking a 1000-foot shaft to determine the continuous depth of the ore (Halloran, 1906:380-381).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Claim jumping was a problem in Manhattan. Often a miner or prospector who was interested in filing a legitimate mining claim in order to develop a mine would find that subsequent to his own locating of a claim, claim jumpers had filed claims that overlapped or completely included his own claims. In most instances claim jumpers were not interested in mining; their purpose was to blackmail the rightful claimant by tying him up in court and preventing him from either working his property or selling it. By paying off the claim jumper, the legitimate miner could free up his property legally and proceed with his business.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In mid-December 1905, meetings were held in Manhattan to discuss what could be done about claim lumping, which many felt was giving the camp a bad name. Speeches were given by some of the community's most important citizens, including W. Humphrey, W. J. Clark, and S. E. Vermilyea, regarding methods of dealing with claim jumpers. Everyone agreed that uncertainty regarding title to property was keeping investors out of the camp, and many people thought claims were being jumped by an organized band of extortionists. A majority at the meeting advocated more drastic and summary methods" to deal with the thieves. At one meeting attended by over 100 "determined men" packed into a hall "like sardines," the temper of the proceedings suggested that thereafter the man who jumped Maims in Manhattan "not only jeopardizes his fortune, but takes his life in his hands," which referred to the willingness of some present to use "hemp" (meaning hemp rope) to solve :he problem. No doubt Vermilyea's calling as an attorney influenced him to join those advocating peaceable methods, such as arbitration, to settle claim disputes. Under Nevada law on mining claims, Vermilyea pointed out, if a prospector wanted to make a truly legal and secure claim, an attorney and a civil engineer would have to be present on the property when the claim was made. Vermilyea further suggested that miners would be better off if Nevada mining law were discarded and U.S. mining law adopted instead ("Manhattan," December 7, 1905; "Manhattan Miners Declare War Against Claim Jumpers," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Despite such cautionary statements, Manhattan did attract outside money. In January 1906, Patrick, Elliott, & Camp, a Goldfield brokerage house, announced that it would act as agent for the Seyler-Humphrey Gold Mining Company and its famous April Fool property. Within five days the entire allotment of treasury stock was sold out, with offers for purchase of stock coming by telegraph from New York, Pittsburgh, and Chicago. That same month, the company sold out 75,000 shares for the Manhattan Combination Mining Company within a few hours at 15 cents per share. By March, one Manhattan company, the Greater Manhattan Consolidated Mining Company, was controlled by Los Angeles capitalists ("Record Made on Big Manhattan Flotation," 1906). In February, the Jumping Jack, owned by J. T. Darrough and J. W. Power, the former Nye County sheriff, was sold for $90,000 and one-fifth of the stock in the new company, which was headed by a Tonopah banker; the sale price was a high-water mark for the new camp ("Manhattan Jumping Jack Sold to Goldfield Man for $90,000," 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In February, the Goldfield News noted the beneficial association that could develop between a stock promoter and a mining camp\u8212?provided the stock promoter was honest. However, the newspaper cautioned that when enthusiasm and expectations rose above realistic levels concerning how much money could be made through stock investment, the possibility of fraud also rose, which was bad for the community. The newspaper appointed itself watchdog for fraudulent stock flotation\u8212?but with a disclaimer: Even though the Goldfield News carried an advertisement for flotation, that did not necessarily mean the paper endorsed it ("As to Manhattan Promotions," 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In early spring 1906, the Goldfield News announced enthusiastically that two great mining authorities, Walter Janney and 0. P. Posey, had examined Manhattan exhaustively and were pleased with its showing. By late summer 1906, it was reported that a $250,000 stamp mill would be constructed in Manhattan. Fifty mining properties in the vicinity of Manhattan were said to have milling ore stored on the dumps or blocked out in the mines. By mid-October 1907, at least three mills were under construction in Manhattan, with the Wolf Mill scheduled to be in operation by the first of November ("Stamp Mill for Manhattan," 1906; "News of Manhattan District," 1906; "Renewed Interest in Manhattan Manifested," 1907).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ During summer 1906, there was talk of building a railroad to Manhattan. Two possibilities were discussed. If the Southern Pacific Railroad could buy the Nevada Central Railroad connecting the Southern Pacific with Austin, then the railroad could be extended to Tonopah and Goldfield. In another scenario, the Southern Pacific could construct a parallel line from Wells to Austin, then continue south to Tonopah and Goldfield. Some said surveys had been completed and materials for the new railroad ordered. There was also speculation that "Borax" Smith would seek an outlet for his Tonopah and Tidewater line in Manhattan. Smith had been in Manhattan in summer 1906 and had made an inspection of all possible routes for the line. Smith was said to be contemplating extending such a line up Smoky Valley to the main line of the Western Pacific Railroad on the Humboldt River. None of these options ever materialized ("Railway to Manhattan," 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The fact that Manhattan began to attract the interest of outside capitalists in 1906 not only spoke well for Manhattan's future, it provided a basis for improving community services, including the development of a community water system for which wells would be dug, a reservoir constructed, and water mains laid in the streets ("New Water System for Manhattan," 1906).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Manhattan Electric Light, Power, and Telephone Company was incorporated in January 1906; telephone service was established between Manhattan and Tonopah in March 1907. Some effort was made to obtain subscribers for electric service, but power from the outside did not reach Manhattan until 1909. In the interim period, some electricity was generated by locally based equipment (Earl, 1980:2).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Electric power produced outside Manhattan reached the town after a $25,000 advance was made by the Manhattan War Eagle Mining Company (representing Manhattan) and the Round Mountain Mining Company (representing Round Mountain), located north of Manhattan. An agreement was reached with the California-Nevada Power Company in February 1909 that power would be turned on at the War Eagle Mill in May. Lines were extended from Tonopah to Manhattan and then on to Round Mountain, as the Manhattan Mail reported in early spring 1909 ("Electric Power Here by May 15," 1909).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Manhattan Weathers Disasters\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By spring 1906, central Manhattan was about seven blocks long, stretching up Manhattan Gulch. The town had stores and restaurants; several two-story buildings were under construction. There were two banks: the Tonopah Banking Corporation, and the Nye and Ormsby County Bank, which occupied Manhattan's first stone building. By March, two clerks were needed to handle business at the post office. People said the Manhattan boom was the biggest in Nevada since the Bodie boom in 1879 (Berg, 1942:105-106).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Much of the boom in Manhattan had been financed by San Francisco money. San Franciscans had ridiculed investing in Tonopah and Goldfield and had been dubious about Bullfrog-Rhyolite, but the success at Tonopah and Goldfield had stimulated many to speculate. Legend has it that mining promoters from Nevada used to stand on the streets in San Francisco with samples of ore. However, too much of the mining in Manhattan was being done on paper\u8212?there was relatively little actual mining done to back up the promotion. As a consequence, the earthquake in San Francisco on April 18, 1906, had a disastrous effect on Manhattan. The money supply dried up because many of the California investors in Manhattan rushed back to San Francisco when they heard the terrible news. Within two weeks, the town was almost depopulated. To make matters even worse, the ore seemed shallow, appearing to pinch out at about 12 feet below the surface. Of course, the worst thing that can be said about a mining camp is that the ore does not go deep. In May 1906, there were only about 100 people left in town, some of whom held on and dug deeper. With minimal capital, they kept some of the best mines going. They kept digging and opened more mines. Several rich strikes were made in the interim, one at Monte Carlo at the foot of Timber Hill not far from the old Manhattan Mine. People began to filter back to Manhattan by fall 1906 (Berg, 1942:107-108; Beatty, 1907:226).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Tests that fall showed that the Manhattan ore could be refined by cyanide processing and mill construction began. The first mill in Manhattan was owned by the Manhattan Ore Reducing and Refining Company, later called the War Eagle Mill. The second was established by the Nevada Ore Purchasing Company and was sometimes called the Lemon Mill. The two mills were located below Manhattan, on opposite sides of the canyon. In January 1907, a contract was let for a 12-inch water pipeline from Jett Canyon across the Smoky Valley on the east side of the Toiyabe Range (Berg, 1942:108-109).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Because San Francisco banks owned about one-half of the property in Manhattan, the financial Panic of 1907 dealt another blow to the fledgling community. As banks in San Francisco folded during the Panic, many mining enterprises were forced to shut down. The Nye and Ormsby County Bank failed, but the Manhattan bank hung on, in no small part because James Darrough refused to withdraw his $10,000 from it in October\u8212?Darrough even sent word that he would deposit more money in the bank if needed. The town struggled hard to survive the earthquake and the Panic\u8212?and managed to do so. In 1908, there were 368 registered voters in Manhattan (Berg, 1942:111-112).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Towns near Manhattan\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Manhattan had competition. The communities of Palo Alto and Central had boosters, too, who touted the advantage of their town over the others. Silver-bearing lead ore was found near what became the community of Palo Alto about the same time gold was found on April Fool Hill. It was located near Bull Spring at the edge of the valley, about 4 miles east of Manhattan. In summer 1905, the Tonopah Daily Sun reported that Palo Alto claimed a population of 200, but Manhattan supporters were confident that the district could support "two or more good towns." Palo Alto was abandoned by late 1905. By 1917, only a few tin cans marked the site (Ferguson, 1917:167; Berg, 1942:97).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ East Manhattan was located about 2 miles east of Manhattan. It sprang up in 1906 shortly after the new discoveries in the district. There were a few promising ledges near the community, which at its height had two stores, two saloons, and a restaurant. With the exception of one wooden blinding, The town was composed of large tents. The veins of ore proved to be shallow, so the community was abandoned by the end of 1906 (Hall, 1981:36).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Central (or Central City) was one of many small camps that developed quickly in the Manhattan District in 1906 and then vanished almost as rapidly. It was located a little more than 2 miles west of Manhattan and could be reached from Tonopah either via Rye Patch, which was the shorter route, or by way of San Antonio, which was somewhat longer but had no heavy grades and was better for transporting freight. Automobile travelers also favored the San Antonio route.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By the end of December 1905, Central had two assay offices. Lumber was stacked and ready for the construction of a two-story hotel. Stage lines connecting Tonopah and Austin passed through Central, and large freight teams of 12 to 20 horses or mules pulling three wagons always stopped overnight there for feed and water. There was an abundance of pure water at the site. The owners of the townsite, with "rare good judgment" as the Tonopah Daily Sun put it, placed sale of the lots in the hands of a Tonopah agency. At its peak in early 1906, the town featured five saloons, two stores, two hotels, a lumberyard, and a bakery; it probably had a population of about 100. Central had a post office from March to September 1906. With the revival of Manhattan in fall 1906, Central lost out and vanished from the map. Most of its buildings were moved to Manhattan (Hall, 1981:30; "The Town of Central," 1905).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Gold was discovered at Baxter Springs, 18 miles south of Manhattan, east of San Antonio, in January 1906. A town was quickly established, and within several weeks the small tent town had grown to include four saloons, a lodging house, and two grocery stores. One of the stores placed its merchandise on the ground because there was no shelving. By the end of February, 400 people were reportedly there. Samples from one ledge averaged $30 per ton, with selected samples running as high as $1154 to $6712 per ton. The ore was said to be identical to that found at the Mustang and Stray Dog Mines in Manhattan, with Baxter Springs thought by enthusiasts to have been the south end of the Manhattan ore zone. Some rich assays were obtained, but the values were shallow. Placer gold was discovered in 1907, but even so, the town soon faded (Berg, 1942:120-121).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Ranchers in the Smoky Valley provided a plentiful supply of fresh fruit and vegetables in season to the residents of Manhattan-area communities. Beef and mutton were also available from the local ranches.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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The Important Mines and Mills\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The distribution of gold at Manhattan was spotty. Although there were exceptions, gold tended to occur in numerous small narrow veins of unpredictable length and in small pockets; usually the gold streaks did not go deep. In early 1907, DeWolf (1906-1907) stated that there was mining activity along a 10-mile line running east and west of Manhattan; there were more than 50 mining operations in Manhattan. The most developed properties at that time were the Consolidated, Stray Dog, Indian Camp, Jumping Jack, Pine Nut, Dexter, Consolidated Extension, Seyler-Humphrey, Little Grey, Paymaster, Manhattan Butler, Gold Wedge, Giant, Original Manhattan, Mustang, Mustang Extension, and Buffalo. Some of the other mines being worked were the Mammoth, Red Top, Cow Boy, Bronco, Amethyst, Desert Queen, Cash Rock, Happy Hooligan, Joker, As-You-Like-It, Granny, Cat Bird, and Hindocraft.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Manhattan Dexter Mining Company, which owned many mining claims but never produced a great deal of ore, holds the distinction of having launched the biggest promotional effort at the Manhattan mining camp. The principal owners of the company included George Wingfield, several prominent local people, including Hugh H. Brown, Ray Pittman, A. G. Raycraft, and A. D. Nash, as well as other well-known residents of Tonopah and Goldfield. A supplement to the Goldfield News in early 1907 that provided considerable detail on the towns and mines of the central Nevada boom area stated:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
By far and away the best recommendation for the camp [Manhattan] and the surest guaranty of its future is the renewed activity of the Manhattan Dexter Mining Company. . . . If you take the map of the Manhattan district you can cover the holdings of Manhattan Dexter right in the heart of the mineral belt with one hand. You cannot walk over the company's ground without stepping on the best paying properties in the district.} (Goldfield News, 1906-1907:90-91)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The article went on: "The holdings of Manhattan Dexter were so vast and so valuable, that early last year it was decided by the directors to segregate the property and divide it up into subsidiary companies, of which the parent corporation should be the holding company" (Goldfield News, 1906-1907:90-91). Nevertheless, the company never really had any good ore, and though it probably made money as a promotion, as a producing company it was a flop (Coombs, 1991-1992).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The following overview of the principal mines and mills of the Manhattan area derives primarily from the recollections of Norman Coombs (Coombs, 1991-1992), a native and resident of Tonopah, who spent his life as a hardrock miner, much of it in the mines at Manhattan, Round Mountain, and Tonopah. Coombs began working in the mines at Manhattan and Round Mountain in the late 1920s and continued to work in them periodically for more than 50 years.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The April Fool, the first mine in Manhattan, began producing in 1905. April Fool ore tended to occur in high-grade streaks of milky quartz one-half to two inches wide; sometimes the streaks were wider than two inches, but when they were, their gold content was lower. A shaft about 60 to 70 feet deep can still be seen on the property, which is behind the old post office, and part of the first streak that attracted attention is still visible running up a hill from the shaft.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Manhattan Consolidated Mine, located above town on the road to Belmont, had a 500-foot shaft. The ore there occurred in veins in siliceous limestone, and mining was expensive because of the water in the lower depths of the shaft. In addition, the rock contained barite, which, when drilled by the miners, produced a foul smell, something like feces. By 1938, the mine had been taken over by leasers. The Manhattan Consolidated Mill ground ore in a Chilean mill rather than in a stamp mill. A stamp mill operated on the mortar-and-pestle principle, except that the stamp was held rigid and was moved up and down by a motor-driven cam shaft. As the stamp moved up and down, it smashed rock in the stamp box, or pestle, portion of the apparatus. Water in the stamp box carried away material fine enough to pass through a screen around the top of the box. The Chilean mill was based on the principle of the arrastra, where one or more large stones were dragged in a circular motion over a hard-surfaced bed by means of a horizontal arm hooked to a pivot at one end. In a Chilean mill, large wheels made of metal were substituted for the stones. They were easier to set up and required less power to run than a stamp mill. Chilean mills were eventually replaced by ball mills and rod mills, which were more efficient grinders of ore.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Manhattan Gold Mine was also located above town. It consisted mostly of several levels of tunnels, some of which were as long as 2000 feet. Much of the ore found in the Manhattan Gold was high-grade, with the gold having a silvery look and being only about 600 fine (60 percent gold). The veins ranged from two to six feet wide, but they were not uniform and were really two separate veins. One was on the footwall side, and the other was on the hanging wall side, with the material in between being mostly barren. As is usually the case, the footwall side of the split vein carried much higher values than did the hanging wall side. This mine was also associated with a stamp mill located below town.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Big Four Mine was located on Big Four Hill (also known as Gold Hill) at the lower edge of town. The Big Four was also composed mostly of tunnels, with raises (vertical branches) coming off the tunnels. Some of the tunnels were up to 1000 feet long and went nearly all the way through the mountain. The ore in the Big Four tended to be very pockety. A pocket of ore could produce 15 or 20 tons that would run as high as $1000 per ton with gold at $20 per ounce\u8212?meaning about 50 ounces of Manhattan gold per ton. The gold from the Big Four often formed a dendritic pattern in rock, with the small seams of gold in a specimen branching out into a fanlike shape. The gold was present in "blurred" or "drusy"(covered with crystals) quartz and at times was so rich that it would clog the screens at the mill. The Big Four Mine processed ore at Musket's Mill, named for the man who built it.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The White Caps Mine (part of the Manhattan Dexter holdings) was by far the biggest-producing "lode." or hardrock, mine in the Manhattan camp. It was one of the first in the camp and was discovered because of its outcrops. The mine was owned by the Tonopah Extension Mining Company, whose executives included John G. Kirchen and Homer Williams, as well as many other prosperous Tonopah residents. The White Caps primarily mined low-grade ore. The ore occurred in big veins from 5 to 14 feet wide and ran $30 to $40 per ton with gold at $35 per ounce. However, the White Caps shaft bottomed out at 1300 feet, and there were always serious problems with water in the mine. If it was not pumped from the shaft, water would rise up and flood the mine as far as the 500-foot level. In the bottom of the shaft, water came into the mine at the rate of 1000 gallons per minute; of course, pumping such large quantities of water was an added operational expense. Tonopah businessman John Connolly took over the mine in the mid-1930s (after it had been shut down because of the water-pumping expense), and he opened the mine to leasers. The mill associated with the White Caps Mine had both stamp and ball mills and could process about 100 tons of ore in 24 hours. The mill also had a roaster to roast the ore concentrates. There was a considerable amount of arsenic in the rock and water in the White Caps, which created a constant health hazard for the miners there. A miner who got a small cut or nick and was then exposed to water from the mine found that the wound would not heal, and even worse, the arsenic would cause it to form a large open sore that would not heal until the miner stopped working in that mine. Treating the sore with a tarlike medicine kept it from getting worse, but it still would not heal if the miner continued to work in the mine. Miners in Butte, Montana, had similar problems with arsenic-caused sores.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Reliance Mine, which opened in the mid-1930s, was the second-biggest producer in the Manhattan District. The shaft at the Reliance eventually reached a depth of 600 feet. Again, there was water in the shaft. Reliance ore became lean below the 500-foot level, but the mine had both high-grade and low-grade ores, with the former running $1000 per ton and the latter, $20 to $30 per ton with gold at $35 per ounce. Coombs estimated that more than $1 million in gold was taken from the Reliance, whose ore occurred in veins that sometimes became very rich. In all, the Reliance Mine operated for no more than six or seven years. Interestingly, the Reliance was first located as a placer operation in the gravels in Manhattan Gulch below town, and subsequent discoveries led to the sinking of the big shaft. The War Eagle Mill, also known as the Red Mill, processed the Reliance Mine ore. Like all of the mills in the Manhattan area, it used either groundwater from Manhattan Gulch or water pumped from the deep shafts.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Many years later, in the 1980s, the Echo Bay Mining Company, which had bought up a number of the gold mines at Round Mountain, also acquired the Reliance property. Drilling proved that the entire area near the Reliance shaft could be mined using open-pit methods. At first Echo Bay tried to heap leach the ore from the open pit, but the company found that more gold could be recovered if the ore was run through a ball mill and then treated in cyanide tanks. The Reliance Mine stood on the right side of the road going into Manhattan (Coombs, 1991-1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}
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CHAPTER 8\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Placer Mining in\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Manhattan Gulch\par\pard\plain\hyphpar}\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Geology shows us that the gold deposited in the hills around Manhattan was spotty, tended to occur in small veins and pockets, and was not unusually extensive. By the time the last of America's frontiersmen arrived in Manhattan in 1905, much of that gold had eroded from the mountains where it had originally been deposited and had washed for several miles down Manhattan Gulch, or Manhattan Wash, as it was also called. The best Manhattan mines were good producers\u8212?and Manhattan placer was among the finest in Nevada.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The topography in the vicinity of Manhattan differs from that near many other mining camps in Nye County, especially around Tonopah and Rhyolite, where the surrounding peaks are jagged and craggy, which indicates mild erosion. In comparison, the hills around Manhattan are well rounded, which shows extensive erosion. It was this erosion that produced the gold in the gravels of Manhattan Gulch. Over the millennia, gold that eroded from the mountains at the head of Manhattan Gulch was stirred up countless times. Torrents of water coursing down Manhattan Gulch polished the bedrock, which acted like a huge natural sluice box. As the churning mass of mud, rocks, and water moved down the valley, the gold, which was heavier, sank to the bottom. The surface of the bedrock featured ridges and crevices that acted as natural riffles trapping the gold. As the water churned in the channel, the mass picked up momentum on the outside and little gold was deposited there. On the inside turns, the mass lost momentum and the heavier gold sank to the bottom and was readily deposited.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The average width of the gulch is about 300 feet. Its grade is approximately 4 percent, and the slope of the rimrock is 30 to 50 percent. The bedrock in the gulch is composed mainly of schist and shale. The depth of the gravels ranges from 20 to 100 feet, with an average of about 30 feet. Roughly 60 percent of the gravel is larger than one inch; the rest is sand and smaller gravel. When placer miners worked the gulch\u8212?and eventually 5 to 6 miles of it was mined\u8212?the pay streak (the lens of gravel containing gold values) was 2 to 4 feet thick in most of the shafts that were dug into the gravel. Shafts were usually sunk at intervals of about 300 feet, and drifts (tunnels that follow a vein) were constructed at bedrock level at the bottoms of the shafts. Tramming in the tunnels below Manhattan Gulch was done with wheelbarrows or small mine cars (Vanderburg, 1936:126-127).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In fall 1905, the Dexter Company found flashes of gold, called "colors" in mining terminology, in pannings while digging a well at the lower end of town in Manhattan Gulch, but no one paid attention to this find. Later, a miner named Burns discovered nuggets on the surface of a gravel bench above Manhattan Gulch in 1906. This bench had once been at the bottom of the gulch, but subsequent erosion left it suspended above the new bottom.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In April 1908, William McDonald, who Bob Bottom 1995) believes should be cited as William Alexander Donald, a placer miner from California, believed gravel in the gulch would produce good placer values, so he obtained a lease on the Nellie Grey claim. He sank a shaft and hit bedrock at 23 feet. The pay streak was from 5 to 7 feet thick and averaged $10 per yard in value. Donald cleared several thousand dollars before his lease expired. Placer gold had been found in the gravel in a 45-foot well dug at Central in 1905, but in the rush for lode claims it had been overlooked. After McDonald's success, the owners of the well at Central sank a shaft and found a pay streak 3 feet thick. Observers at the time dated the real inception of placer mining at Manhattan to the sinking of this shaft at Central in 1908 (Jones, 1909:103; Vanderburg, 1936:125).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Thomas "Dry Wash" Wilson, who had been hugely successful with placer mining at Round Mountain beginning in early 1906, became a local celebrity in the Round Mountain\u8211?Manhattan area. Wilson heard about the good luck with placer at Central and immediately purchased an interest in several leases in the vicinity. Naturally, Wilson's endorsement of Manhattan Gulch placer caused much excitement (Jones, 1909:101-104). The Manhattan Mail proclaimed in a headline on February 17, 1909: "Bucket of Gravel from Davis-Wilson Lease Washes out $8 in Gold Nuggets. Each Day Brings Forth News of Rich Finds All Along the Gulch \u8212?Warmer Weather Causes Renewed Activity." The accompanying story was reassuring:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
Interests in ground are being sold at big figures and general excitement prevails along the entire [Manhattan] gulch. "Dry-wash" Wilson is acquiring interests up and down the gulch and according to reports is paying big money for them. Mr. Wilson is one of the best posted placer men in the camp and the fact that he is putting his money so lavishly into the placer ground has had a magical effect on the doubting Thomas. Mr. Wilson made a fortune in placer at Round Mountain and has left that camp for the placers of Manhattan.} ("Bucket of gravel . . . ," February 17, 1909)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ A nugget obtained from one of the placers in May 1909 measured 2.5x3.5 inches and was 0.5-inch thick. It was reported that gold was being used as a commercial medium of exchange in Manhattan and that leasers were spending bottles of nuggets. Although in April 1908 mining was practically at a standstill in Manhattan, by May 24, a little more than a month after Donald made his discovery, there were 60 shafts sunk to bedrock in Manhattan Gulch that varied in depth from 35 to 90 feet. Some of the placer mines were worked for two, even three shifts, though some by only one or two men. Nearly all had 2- to 4-foot-thick pay streaks, which ran from $5 to $30 per yard. In May 1909, there were 150 men working in Manhattan Gulch (Berg, 1942:113-115; Jones, 1909:103-104).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Gold from the placers was coarse; in a typical sample, a few particles would weigh less than one-half grain, and the rest would weigh up to several pennyweight, with occasional heavy nuggets as well. The gold particles were generally flat Dr only partially rounded, which indicated they had not been moved far by the water. Manhattan placer gold ran about -50 fine (75 percent gold), the balance being mainly silver. One ounce of gold yielded about $15, with gold at $20 per ounce (Jones, 1909:104; Bottom, 1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The miners and prospectors in Goldfield and Tonopah ere not overly impressed with the news of placer in Manhattan, perhaps because both were hardrock camps. At that Tonopah was a robust boom camp, one of the largest in 1..merican history; Goldfield was also a spectacular success, a population even larger than Tonopah's. The {\i
Tonopah Daily Sun}, which had always been a strong supporter of Manhattan, noted on February 13, 1909, that the people of Tonopah were "overlooking a bet" when they failed to pay more heed to the Manhattan placers. "Little do they seem to realize the importance of this discovery and they are neither making an effort to take a hand in the operations nor making use of it as an advertisement for Tonopah." The Sun predicted, correctly, that $2 million or $3 million would be a low estimate for the amount of placer gold that would be produced from Manhattan Gulch. Writing in the prestigious Engineering and Mining Journal, Charles Colcock Jones (1909) was even more optimistic\u8212?overly so\u8212?saying, "I estimate that the main gulch alone should produce gold in excess of $20,000,000 and capable of being extracted in a reasonable time."\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Good News from Manhattan\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ From spring 1908 on, regional newspapers produced a steady stream of favorable reports on placer activity at Manhattan. There was regular news on Manhattan placer in the newspapers at Rhyolite, Nye County's other new gold camp 150 miles to the south. It was almost as though each new report had to top the previous one. The Bullfrog Miner noted on October 19, 1908, that "placering has become quite the fad in the Manhattan district, and nearly every gulch in the camp has machinery on the surface, extracting gold from the rich placer deposits." "Manhattan Placers Promise Great Gold Production" in the Rhyolite Herald on June 2, 1909, informed readers that placer gravel being mined in Manhattan Gulch ranged in value at the sluice box from $4 to $22 per cubic yard, with an average of slightly above $12 per yard. One outfit broke into gravel reported to run from $2 to $10 per pan. That summer, "Happy Charlie" Birimisa encountered gravel that ran as high as $125 per yard, and, as the Herald put it, "The entire populace sat up, rubbed their eyes and declared that the biggest thing had been struck" ("Placer Gold Runs $10 a Pan at Manhattan," 1909). Ninety percent of the holes dug in Manhattan Gulch produced pay dirt (Berg, 1942:114), and there were some spectacular finds. The Griffen nugget, the size of a deck of cards, was recovered only because it would not pass through equipment. When a worker reached in to throw away what he thought was a rock, he recognized it as gold. It was solid gold and, at 11.13 ounces, may have been the largest nugget ever recovered in Manhattan (Berg, 1942:115).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Between 1906 and 1915, the hardrock ore lode mines in Manhattan officially produced $2,065,072 in gold and silver. More than 12,000 ounces of gold were produced in both 1908 and 1910. The peak year was 1911, when just over 20,000 ounces were produced. Thereafter, production declined\u8212?by 1915, to under 8000 ounces. In contrast, the placer mines in Manhattan produced $924,906 between 1908 and 1915. The peak production years for placer at Manhattan were 1912 and 1913, when over 8000 ounces per year in gold were being produced (Ferguson, 1917:167-168). However, the above figures are undoubtedly low, because of both high-grading by miners and underreporting by leasers of the real amount of gold found. After 1913, placer mining in Manhattan Gulch declined slowly as those richer portions of the deposit that could be worked by hand became exhausted Vanderburg, 1936:126) .\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ There was further good news for Manhattan. In March 1909, the California-Nevada Power Company announced the opening of bids for construction of 37 miles of a 50,000-volt, 3-phase power line to connect Millers with Manhattan, thus making electricity available to the placer miner. An additional 13 miles would extend the line to Round Mountain. Constructing the line was expected to employ 30 to 40 men. Old poles from the Rhyolite Light, Heat, and Power Company were to be used for the new line. New insulators would weigh 30 pounds apiece. The contract was expected to be completed on June 1, 1909, according to the Rhyolite Daily Bulletin of March 3, 1909. The California-Nevada Power Company was also contemplating extensions to the Keane Wonder, Mayflower, and Flourine sections in the Rhyolite region, the Rhyolite Herald reported on November 11, 1909.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Placer Mining Was Hard Work\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Extraction of the gold from the gravels at Manhattan was hard work. About 25 percent of the pay streak consisted of subangular boulders composed of limestone, quartz, and quartzite. Their volume rarely exceeded 1-1/2 cubic feet, making them relatively easy to handle. The other 75 percent of the pay streak was made up of sand, gravel, and small pieces of shale and limestone. Above the pay streak was a layer of micaceous siltlike mud, usually one or two feet thick, resulting from the erosion of schists. Between the mud and the surface, the balance of material was composed of limestone, lime dust, and flat pieces of shale. The gravel in Manhattan Wash stood well, requiring little timber except for cribbing (a mining term for support framing) at the mouth, or collar, of the shaft. Two or three hewn poles stood upright above the collar of the shaft to support the windlass. Two men with a windlass could remove enough gravel to sink a 4x6-foot shaft about 8 feet per day, down to about 40 feet (Jones, 1909:104).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Once the pay streak gravel had been lifted to the surface, it had to be processed to remove the gold. Water was hauled to the site in barrels, dumped into a large holding tank, and drawn off the tank into a sluice box. The gravel was shoveled onto a platform, then shoveled from there into the sluice. After the water washed down the sluice, it was trapped in a pit at the end that contained a box attached to a long pole. When the box had been filled with water, the man shoveling the gravel into the sluice jumped off the platform, grabbing the other end of the pole. His weight lifted the water box above the tank, the box opened, and the water fell back into the tank, to be reused in the sluice.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Miners claimed that this method saved over 70 percent of the gold values in the gravel and was much more efficient than the dry washing methods used previously at Round Mountain (see Chapter 11) (Packard, 1907:151). Of course, sluicing took place only when temperatures were above freezing and water could flow freely. Mining continued during the winter all the same, but the pay streak was stockpiled for sluicing when weather permitted.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Dry Wash Wilson's Manhattan Placer Outfit\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ By late summer 1913, Dry Wash Wilson held rights to more than 1 mile of the pay channels in Manhattan Gulch. Wilson got his nickname from the primitive mechanical apparatus he used to separate the small quantities of gold from the placer gravel without using water. However, after coming to Manhattan, Wilson was not completely satisfied with that process. He therefore developed an innovative water-using placer plant, which he located about one-third of the distance downhill of the upper boundary of his holdings.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Perhaps the most interesting feature of Wilson's new setup was the method used to hoist the gravel from the bottom of the shaft. In his system, miners working on the pay channels in the drifts that led out from the bottom of the 60-foot shaft brought the gravel to a 35-yard capacity ore bin there. A 20-inch-wide double-chain elevator with shallow buckets every 2 feet continuously moved the gravel from the storage bin at the bottom of the shaft to a 25-yard holding bin on the surface. This eliminated the need to hoist the gravel in a single bucket, which was extremely time-consuming. With the elevator, the diggings of many miners could be brought to the surface with the expenditure of minimal effort.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ From the storage bin on the surface, the gravel was slowly fed into a trommel screen, in effect a large revolving barrel turned on its side, with walls made of heavy screening. As the gravel was fed into the trommel screen, a steady jet of water broke up the loose clay and dirt that contained the gold. Material finer than 1-1/2 inches fell through the holes in the screen. The oversize gravel passed out the far end of the trommel, fell into a chute, and accumulated as waste. The undersize material that had passed through the screen fell into another chute, then into a 12-foot shaking sluice box with deep riffles every 2 inches. The sluice was set on an incline. As it shook, the water moved the gravel along and the larger pieces of gold, which were heavier than the gravel, sank and were trapped behind the riffles. Fine gravel falling from the shaking sluice passed over three quicksilver, or mercury, amalgamation plates set at the lip of the sluice. Any fine gold not trapped by the riffles was caught by these plates, and the gold was picked up, amalgamating with the quicksilver. It was estimated that Wilson's shaker caught 90 percent of the gold. Below the quicksilver plates, extending for another 150 feet, were conventional sluice boxes, all containing riffles that caught the small percentage of gold the shaker and the amalgamation plates had missed.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ A 15-horsepower electric motor provided the power for the elevator, trommel screen, and shaker. Water for the operation was pumped from an upper shaft at the rate of 15,000 gallons per day and was gravity-fed to the sluices; water also came from a lower well in about the same volume. The placer plant could process 150 cubic yards of gravel per day, at an estimated cost of about 30 cents per yard. Wilson's operation employed 15 miners working three shifts. In August 1913, Wilson was working three pay channels in Manhattan Gulch, with a distance of 25 to 75 feet between the rims of each channel ("Ingenious Placer Operations near Manhattan, Nevada," 1913:200).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Three Men Killed in a Placer Shaft\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Working in the small Manhattan placer shafts was dangerous. There was the ever-present possibility of a cave-in, which could bury a man alive beneath 20 to 100 feet of gravel. The placers were small operations that nearly always lacked proper financing, and their equipment was usually jury-rigged. Many miners could not afford to buy timber to properly shore up their shaft and tunnels.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ But dangerous as the mines were, it was a gas explosion and not a cave-in that took three lives in July 1909. The following description of the events that led to this disaster is based on "Three Killed in Mine Disaster," a re-creation of the event published in the Manhattan Mail on July 14, 1909.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Two men in their twenties, Albert J. Elton and K. Edward Hopf, came to Manhattan from Tonopah in February 1909 to try their luck at placer mining. Elton had graduated only a year earlier from an Oregon university where he had studied mining and civil engineering. He worked for several months as a timberman in the Belmont Mine at Tonopah. Hopf had lived in Alameda, California, and had been a student at Stanford University. The two men obtained a lease on the Charlie Boy placer claim in Manhattan Gulch from Charles Humphrey. They sank a 50-foot shaft, and when they hit bedrock, they began drifting east, where they hoped to find a good pay streak. They had run the drift about 35 feet when they began to encounter too much water for a hoist and bucket to handle. They realized that it would be necessary to install a pump, so they secured one and experimented with five different engines to run it. Four engines had been lowered into the shaft but had proved inadequate. They then lowered a fifth engine into the mine, a 2-cylinder, 16-horse\u172?power automobile engine. Elton and Hopf were working on a Sunday, something they ordinarily did not do because they usually observed the Sabbath. This day was an exception because of the water problems in the mine\u8212?and they were having trouble getting the fifth engine to run. At about 1:30 P.M., they climbed out of the shaft. Hopf headed for town to fetch a mechanic who knew more about engines. As luck would have it, he was able to find Roy Parr, a good engine mechanic. Parr had been born and had spent his early years in Bodie, California; he later moved to Oakland, California.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ While Hopf was finding a mechanic, Elton decided to reenter the shaft to try to start the engine again. He descended to the bottom and set to work. He removed one of the spark plugs, whereupon gas began escaping from the engine cylinder, and the fumes quickly became intense in the small, poorly ventilated confines of the shaft. Soon the fumes were so strong that Elton became frightened and hurried up the ladder to the surface. He left so quickly that he forgot to replace the plug. He went to his nearby cabin, where he chatted with two friends who had come to visit.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Meanwhile, unbeknownst to Elton, Hopf had returned with Parr, and the two men had climbed down the shaft, which by then was dangerously filled with gasoline fumes. Back at the cabin, Elton suddenly jumped up and shouted, "I smell gas, and it's coming from the mine!" He and his two friends rushed to the shaft and looked down. Dense bluish smoke was pouring from the hole, and they could hear stifled groans.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Elton started down the shaft with one of his friends, Frank Cooper, close behind. As they descended, they agreed to keep within speaking distance because the cloud of smoke was making it increasingly difficult to see. Near the bottom of the shaft, Cooper, separated from Elton, called out to him twice. He had scarcely spoken the second time when he heard a splash\u8212?as though a body had fallen in the sump. Cooper could hardly see; he was choking on the fumes and smoke, and there was no sign of Elton. Using all his strength, he started up the ladder and managed to make it to the top. Later, Cooper described going into the shaft:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
The smoke was so thick that we could not see a foot ahead of us, and we had to feel our way down the ladder. When we were near the bottom I called to Elton, but got no response. I called a second time, but still no reply came. . . . I realized that in order to save myself from certain death, I must climb as hard as I could while my strength remained. The ladder is about 50 feet long, but it seemed like a mile and that an age had elapsed before I was again out in the fresh air, where I collapsed. It was an experience that I shall never forget, and the agonies that I suffered while I was in the shaft are indescribable. }("Three Killed in Mine Disaster," 1909)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ After catching his breath, Cooper made another attempt to reach the bottom of the shaft, but his previous experience had weakened him, and he once more had to flee the mine. Rescuers soon appeared on the scene. Two large blowers were hooked to rubber hoses to force air into the mine. About an hour after Cooper and Elton had first entered the workings, the air in the mine was improved enough for rescue attempts to begin. Volunteers, including the deputy sheriff, climbed down the ladder with safety ropes tied to their waists.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The rescuers came upon a gruesome sight. At the edge of the sump, the bodies of Elton and Parr, locked in each others' grasp, were lying in about two feet of water. It appeared that Elton, who had entered the shaft to rescue Parr and Hopf, had found Parr and had clasped him in his arms, attempting to get him to the ladder before he collapsed. Hopf s body was found about 18 feet farther into the drift. Both Parr and Hopf were burned on the face and other exposed skin areas, but those burns would not have been fatal. It was later surmised that one of the men probably struck a match to light a candle and the gas fumes had exploded, burning them and filling the shaft with the by-products of the explosion. The fumes had probably exploded with a flash rather than with a noisy explosion, which the men in the cabin would have heard. The two men in the shaft were quickly overcome. The Manhattan Mail reenactment ended the tale by commenting that Elton thought not of the danger that might befall himself, his only thought was to lend assistance to his partner and his companion, whose lives were in danger. Rushing down the ladder which he and Hopf had scaled so many times before, he reached the bottom, crossed the sump and found Parr. Clasping his arms about the unconscious man he attempted with what little strength he had remaining to carry him to the ladder and then to the surface\u8212?to life. But the death-infested gases were quickly, surely, getting in their work. He tottered and fell. He nor his companion never moved again. In an instant life was extinct. He died a true martyr to the cause. ("Three Killed in Mine Disaster," 1909)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Joint services for Elton and Hopf were held at the Rogers Undertaking Parlor in Manhattan with assistance from the Manhattan Volunteer Fire Department, of which both men had been members. A choir from a local Protestant church sang "Where Is My Wandering Boy Tonight?" Both the viewing of the bodies and the funeral services were held on the walk in front of the funeral home because of the establishment's limited seating capacity. A memorial was held for Parr in which members of the Manhattan Fire Department, the Manhattan Athletic Club, and over 200 friends marched in a procession headed by the Manhattan band to the Rogers funeral home, with the band playing "Golden Gate Funeral March" and "Old Church Organ." At the services, a baritone, accompanied by two comets and a trombone, softly rendered "Nearer My God to Thee," which, as the notes "floated out on the still night air, caused many a heart to ache" ("Three Killed in Mine Disaster," 1909).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Manhattan Placer Mining in the 1930s\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ After Franklin Delano Roosevelt became president in 1933, one of the first acts of his Democratic administration was to raise the price of gold from $20 to $35 per ounce. This price increase produced a revival in placer mining at Manhattan Gulch. Central Nevada native Jim Larson, who worked the Manhattan placer mines as a young man, recalled that between 1934 and 1938 anyone in Manhattan who wanted to work could become sufficiently prosperous through mining to be able to buy a new car. In those Great Depression years, a new pickup truck cost about $600 and a new car, under $1000 (Larson, 1990). Miners usually did not own the claims they worked but instead took six-month leases. Royalties paid by the leasers to the owners averaged 10 to 15 percent of gross returns (Vanderburg, 1936:130). During that time period, there were as many as 25 sets of leasers working in Manhattan Gulch, employing essentially the same methods used a generation earlier (Larson, 1990).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Sinking a shaft in the gulch was a hit-and-miss affair. A 100-foot-long pay streak was considered good because of the meandering deposit. The surface features gave no indication where gold might lie on bedrock. The best values were found directly on and in the crevices of bedrock (Vanderburg, 1936:129), and the best gold was found on the slack-water side of the old river channel. Larson (1990) reported finding gold in a pay streak on the fast side of the bend only once. He thought that in that case the gold had been moving so fast that it had flipped out of the channel.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ As is the case with most placers, the gold values in a pay streak are found immediately above bedrock, and the layers of gravel above the pay streak usually carry very little gold. In Manhattan, the pay streaks were seldom more than three or four feet thick; thus tunnels were kept low. Manhattan placer tunnels were never tall enough to stand up in but were just high enough for a dolly with a bucket to be pushed through. The gravel through which the tunnels were driven usually stood well without timber; nevertheless, swinging a pick vigorously into the gravel face dislodged it.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The size of a lease was commonly 300x300 feet. Because of the dangers in mining, men usually worked in pairs, although sometimes there were as many as four men working one lease. On a typical day, a placer miner at Manhattan Gulch worked on his hands and knees in a tunnel 30 to 100 feet long, picking away at the gravel, loading it into a bucket on a dolly, and pulling the dolly out to the shaft. Some mines used a wheelbarrow in the mine instead of a dolly (Vanderburg, 1936:132-133). The filled bucket was then hoisted to the surface by an electric hoist whose motor and drum sat to one side at the bottom of the shaft in a little dugout. That way the miner did not have to climb out of the shaft to operate the hoist. Hoists used a Model T Ford transmission driven by an electric motor. Dollies were made of four mine-car wheels with two 6x6-inch or 8x8-inch braces between them, arranged so that the bucket would not slip off. Eight-pound light mine track was used. The hoist cable had a mark on it, so the miner knew when the bucket had reached the top of the shaft. There, a mechanical attachment emptied the bucket automatically, and the miner then lowered the bucket back down the shaft. A placer shaft was usually 5x7 or 7x7 feet wide, although company-owned shafts were sometimes larger.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Very little timber was used in Manhattan placer mines. A timbered set at the collar helped hold the gallows frame, and timber posts, known as stulls in the mining trade, were used to hold the hoist in place in the dugout at the base of the shaft. A ladder, made of 2x4-inch lumber with 1 x4- inch rungs, extended from the surface to the bottom of the shaft. It was placed with the rungs toward the wall of the shaft so that the legs of the ladder could serve as skids along which the buckets slid when being hoisted and lowered. A typical bucket was 3 feet tall and about 20 inches in diameter and usually held 200 pounds or so of muck (mined rock or gravel).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Once a shaft reached bedrock, workers tunneled out from there. Two men working underground could dig out about seven yards of gravel per day if everything went just right, as Larson (1990) recalled. It took about 30 minutes at the end of the shift to run the day's diggings through the sluices and obtain the gold. In the 1930s, Larson and a partner could sink a 40-foot shaft in about one week. Larson remembered that there were amazingly few accidents in the shafts then. "When a man went out and earned his own keep, he was a pretty sharp cookie; very few of them got killed that way" (Larson, 1990:15).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Picking all day in the gravel was hard on a miner's hands. Larson said, "I'm telling you, your hands get . . . you can't even move them, when you wake up in the morning, your hands feel like they'll fit a pick handle. You've got to knead them" (Larson, 1990:8). Most miners knelt while working, which caused constant circulation problems in a man's legs. Larson's knees would not take that, so he worked sitting on a 6x6-inch block, swinging his pick from that position.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When miners found a pay streak, they always left pillars of gravel to keep the tunnels from caving in. Once the tunnel had been extended as far as the miners intended to go, they worked back toward the shaft, removing the pillars, which were a part of the pay streak. Typically, the roof of the tunnel could not be made more than 8 feet wide and was arched to add strength. When pay streaks were wider than 8 feet, miners would sometimes drive a tunnel parallel to the first, or they might drive little crosscuts (cuts across the vein) off the main tunnel into the pay streak. The usual strategy in tunneling out from the bottom of the shaft was to crosscut the gulch looking for the slack-water channels along bedrock. There was no systematic effort to separate the pay streak from the barren gravel layers above it while working. Miners always panned as they worked, and all diggings from the pay streak in a tunnel were run through the sluicing equipment. In the 1930s, a typical pay streak ran about $4 to $6 per yard but could sometimes go as high as $7 to $10.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ In the 1930s, the method for extracting gold from the placer was essentially still as it had been in Dry Wash Wilson's day, except that no mercury was used. After the ore had been brought to the surface, it was dumped into a hopper that held about 10 yards. A door on the hopper allowed the gravel to move out onto a shaker screen. The fine gravel that contained the gold went through the shaker screen; the coarse material went into a mine car to be dumped as waste. The undersize gravel containing the gold went from the shaker screen to a sluice box. At the end of the sluice, a half-barrel caught any nuggets that had not been trapped in the sluice box (Vanderburg, 1936). As might be expected, the farther one went down Manhattan Gulch, the finer the grains of the gold and the greater the proportion of gold to silver, because the groundwaters and natural soil acids had leached out a portion of the silver.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Sluices were about 12 inches wide and not more than 70 feet long. They were constructed of 1x12-inch or 2x12-inch lumber on the bottom with 1x6-inch sides. Riffles in the floor of the sluice that trapped the gold were usually placed 4 inches apart and were made of 2x2-inch boards. Because of the constant abrasion by the gravel passing down the chute, some sluices used angle irons on the riffles to keep them from wearing out. Muddy gravel took longer to run through than clean gravel (Larson, 1990:30-32). Some of the outfits used a shaking sluice box 6 feet or so in length in preference to a longer ordinary sluice that did not move.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Water pumped from the White Caps Mine (and perhaps from another shaft at the head of Manhattan Gulch) ,was used for sluicing. Water was also obtained from the railings (waste rock from milling) of the Matt Kane Mill located above the placer area (Vanderburg, 1936:132-133).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Not everyone who tried placer mining in Manhattan made money during the 1930s when gold was selling for $35 per\~ ounce. James "Jim" Boni described his disappointing placer experience this way:\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ {\i
I thought I'd take a little placer mining on. So we had a pretty good little spot, and we got a little equipment together\u8212?that was when we were still in the trucking business. We got a gravel plant and had a truck and we had a little power shovel. We went down and started digging and we had to put pumps in, and everything's run by gas, of course. So we started digging. Well, the first day we made an ounce of gold. That was pretty good. We figured if we could make an ounce in those days we could get by. So about the second day, we didn't make an ounce. And we kept pouring gas in the pump, pouring gas in the truck, pouring gas in the shovel, and it kept getting less and less-3/4 of an ounce and a 1/2 of an ounce. . . . It finally got down so we just couldn't go\u8212?we had to fold her up. So that ended our placer mining.} (Boni, 1990:52)\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When a large gold dredge was constructed in 1938, nearly all the placer mines of Manhattan Gulch ceased operating (Larson, 1990).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Manhattan's Gold Dredge\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ It became clear early in Manhattan's development that the placer gravels stretching for miles below town in Manhattan Gulch could be mined using mechanized equipment. It was not until the mid-1930s, however, that drilling and test holes made by the Natomas Company, headquartered in Sacramento, California, revealed that approximately 25 million yards of auriferous gravel, not including the high benches above the main channel, could be removed by a floating bucket-line dredge (Clark, 1946:2).'\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Natomas Company was experienced in gold-dredging operations. The company handled nearly 19 million cubic yards of gravel in 1937, with an average recovery of 10 cents per yard. In 1938, Natomas operated seven of its own dredges and held an interest in two other dredges operated by affiliated companies. With that kind of track record and with the proven reserves in Manhattan Gulch, it was not surprising that the company decided to undertake a large-scale gold-dredging operation there. In the late 1930s, construction began on a mechanized gold dredge that was among the largest and most modern of its day. That dredge was a forerunner of the giant mechanized equipment used later at Manhattan and Round Mountain.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The large mechanical dredger did to placer mining in Manhattan Gulch what a large national chain store can do to retail businesses in a small community. Like the large national chain store, the dredger was modern, high volume, and to some degree efficient. Whereas formerly 25 or more sets of leasers had made a living digging on placer claims in Manhattan Gulch, the big dredge came in and replaced most of the leasers, eliminating not only the miners' livelihoods but also their self-reliant lifestyle. A few of the leasers in Manhattan went to work for the dredge, but as Jim Larson recalled, many just "seemed to disappear" (Larson, 1990).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although a large company moving into a small mining community always creates excitement and validates residents' belief in the economic potential of the area, many people in Manhattan were aware of the potentially negative consequences arising from such a big operation and realized the source for their livelihoods would likely be badly damaged, or even destroyed. Many of the old-timers, who had "washed out livings, ranging from bacon-and-beans up, with ground-sluices, rockers, and pans," were critical of the change (Clark, 1946:2). The old placer miners' grumblings were briefly discussed in an article in the prominent mining industry publication Mining World on April 30, 1946. In advocating the dredge over the placer miner, the article cast aside the opposition to the dredge with an invidious comparison: "The ensuing rumblings," the author said, "were reminiscent of those against steam-powered looms from the old-time hand weavers in England" (p. 4).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The Natomas Company organized the Manhattan Gold Dredging Company in late 1937, retaining 20 percent ownership and receiving 5 percent of net earnings as a management fee. The dredge was designed by Leland S. Rosener of San Francisco and was erected by the Natomas Company. Fabrication took place at the Bethlehem Steel Company plant in Alameda, California. Parts were transported to Manhattan to be assembled on site in a large depression that had been carved out of the lower end of Manhattan Gulch. The dredge was electrically operated; the total connected power for the entire plant was 2000 horsepower, supplied by the California Electric Power Company. To create the necessary pond, 1000 gallons of water per minute were pumped 12 miles with a 1000-foot lift up to the pond through a 14-inch pipeline from wells at Peavine, on the west side of Smoky Valley. The electric power bill to run the dredge and pumps on the pipeline exceeded $8000 per month (Clark, 1946:1-2).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The boat itself was 172 feet long and 60 feet wide; it drew 9 feet of water and weighed 2000 tons. It floated on its man-made pond on 39 steel-hull pontoons bolted together, 17 on each side and 5 in the center. It had a 150-foot steel boom on the bow. The boom could be lowered 75 feet below the surface of the pond, and by varying the pool's depth, the dredge could dig even deeper. A chain of 105 buckets, each with 10-cubic-foot capacity, was mounted on the boom. The chain could move 37 buckets of gravel per minute and could deliver as much as 6580 yards of gravel from the bottom of the pond in an eight-hour shift.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ To operate the dredge, the boom was lowered into the water, where the buckets began picking up the gravel and moving it to the boat deck. As the buckets cut through the gravel, they eventually hit bedrock, digging into the soft schist to assure that all of the gold on the bottom of the channel that had worked its way into cracks in the schist was moved to the surface. The boom was hinged laterally so that it could move back and forth across the bow of the boat. As the buckets dug, they extended the banks of the pond in front of the boat as it moved up Manhattan Gulch. Jim Boni recalled being able to hear the dredge digging on bedrock from his home in town: "You could hear that thing just squeal and grind" (Boni, 1990:55). Once on board, the gravel was processed, the gold extracted, and the waste ejected.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ At the stern of the boat there were two 125-foot twin tailing stackers that were also hinged so that they could move laterally. They deposited the processed gravel behind the boat, in effect filling in the pond. To prevent the boat from moving about as the long boom at the bow reached into the pond and lifted the gravel to the surface, anchor lines were run from the boat to the shore and were hitched to heavy weights, known as dead men. Because the boat was not self-propelled, it took a great deal of skill to guide the boat using only the lines hitched to the shore as the booms on the bow and stern swung back and forth across the pond.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Once the gravel was brought on board, it went through a large cylindrical trommel screen that was horizontally inclined and measured 8 feet in diameter and 48 feet in length. Fine material passed through holes of various sizes in the trommel screen, the smallest being seven-eighths inch. Gold-bearing gravel that had passed through the trommel screen then passed over 16 Pan-American Engineering Company placer jigs, with beds consisting of steel shot. The shot sat in water and the jig pulsated with a suction motion in the water, causing the gold and other heavy material to accumulate on the bed of shot while the lighter material, including mud, sand, and gravel, was carried away by the water. Then the overflow material from the jigs passed over large, flat, slightly tilted tables with lengthwise riffles, charged with quicksilver. Water flowing over the tables caused the heavier gold to lodge in the riffles and amalgamate with the quicksilver, while the lighter matter was washed away. Next, the overflow from the tables passed through a ball mill to scour any dirty or rusty gold, and the material flowing out of the ball mill was passed over amalgamation plates. Twenty flasks of quicksilver were used at various points in the process to collect the gold. All rejected matter eventually wound up in the stackers and was deposited at the rear of the boat (Clark, 1946:2-4).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The dredge was constructed during summer 1938 just below the mouth of Manhattan Gulch at a cost of $700,000. The pipeline and pumping equipment cost an additional $300,000. That same summer, a small community called Jamestown was built at the site. John L. James, for whom the town was named, was the engineer and manager of the dredging operation. He had begun his career on gold dredges in 1906 on the Feather River about 6 miles from Oroville, California, where 45 boats were in operation. His wife raised fruits and vegetables in a garden at their Jamestown home and grew tropical flowers in her front-porch hothouse. James was also a rock hound and a skilled lapidary (Clark, 1946:4).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ At the beginning of World War II, the federal government issued War Production Board Order L-208. The order decreed that all gold mines had to be shut down and mining production limited to minerals essential to the war effort (Grover, 1984:6L). But the Manhattan dredge managed to avoid the order and operated through the war, from October 1938 until 1946. With so many able-bodied men serving in the military, however, the owners were forced to employ older, less physically fit men who were inexperienced in operating a dredge. One consequence of the crew's inexperience was that the boom on the bow was not swung very far from side to side as it dug, thus carving a narrower channel up the gulch (Bottom, 1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Bob Bottom, a resident of Manhattan and an expert on its mines and placer who continues to work the gravels in the gulch for gold, can point out the spot in the tailings in the wash where the dredge was operating when War Production Board Order L-208 went into effect\u8212?the tailings are narrow from that point on. One reason why the dredge's wartime crew failed to swing the boom on the bow as wide as it had previously been swung is that they were afraid of cutting the large electric cable that supplied the dredge, and risk electrocuting all the workers on board.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The gold-dredging operation in Manhattan Gulch involved more than just operating the dredge. Before dredging, an average of 30 feet of overburden that was barren of precious metal had to be removed. Big Caterpillar tractors, Le-Tourneau "pushdozers," and scrapers worked in front of the dredge scraping away the overburden and pushing the gravel banks containing gold above the channel down into the dredge's path. La Plant-Choate "Carrimor" scrapers (huge for their time, with their 17- and 34-cubic-yard capacity) manufactured in Iowa were used with the bulldozers. The large-sized equipment created quite a stir when it was moved through Tonopah to the job site. Test holes were also sunk in and on the sides of the wash to determine the gold content of the gravels. Up to January 1943, 400 churn drill holes and 165 shafts were sunk, ranging up to 175 feet deep.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ The dredge employed only 6 men per shift, and it operated 24 hours a day, as the Reno Evening Gazette reported on December 17, 1938. Eight thousand dollars worth of gold could be produced in a week. The dredge had an impressive operation record. In 1940, it averaged a daily running time of 21 hours and 59 minutes, including time off for holidays, repairs, and clean-up and 15 minutes daily for lubrication ("Manhattan: Where Stripping Constitutes a Major Element in Gold Dredging Operations," 1941:20).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Although the era of the dredge put an end to most future placer mining in Manhattan Gulch, it is remembered with fondness by many former residents of the community as well as by many old-timers in other central Nevada towns. Before heap leaching was introduced on a huge scale in the 1980s, the Manhattan dredge was for years the largest tonnage-producing mechanized operation in the area (with the possible exception of the Basic Magnesium open-pit mining operation at Gabbs during and after World War II).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ When Natomas undertook the Manhattan dredging project, company officials estimated that a total of $3.5 million might be recovered after eight years of continuous operation, according to a report in the Reno Evening Gazette on December 17, 1938. In fact, the company's expectations were exceeded. Between 1938 and 1946, an official total of $4,596,427 was recovered by the Manhattan Gold Dredging Company. It is estimated that the yield was 21 cents per yard (Kral, 1951:115). Bob Bottom and other authorities on Manhattan history estimate that perhaps 50 percent or more of the gold extracted by the dredge was high-graded by the employees and thus was never included in the official tally. So pervasive was high-grading at the operation that John L. James, the manager, served time in prison for high-grading while in charge (Bottom, 1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Early fears to the contrary, the dredge was not as efficient in extracting gold as had been assumed by some. There were several reasons for the dredge's lack of efficiency. First, the dredge's screens were of small mesh, and only gravel smaller than 7/8 of an inch in size was processed. Nuggets that would not go through the trommel screen were rejected with the waste\u8212?and a significant percent of the gold in Manhattan's placer exists in larger nuggets (Bottom, 1995).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Second, considerable gold accrued on the high banks where the dredge's boom could not reach. There were limits to how much of the gravel in the high banks could be moved down into the channel by the dozers and scrapers as they graded. Of this total, hardrock mines produced $5,765,862 from 402,300 tons of ore. The Natomas dredge, with its recorded production total of $4,597,427, was the largest producer in the district, with the White Caps Mining Company coming in a distant second, producing $2,635,008 from 144,043 tons between 1918 and 1940. The Reliance Company produced $1,077,939 from 59,108 tons from 1935 to 1941 (Kral, 1951:115).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Bob Bottom's Placer Operation\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Dreams of the gold miner still live in Manhattan. Although the gulch no longer echoes with the sounds of scores of miners tenaciously following the pay streaks of fabulous glitter, Bob Bottom has been digging there for the past 15 years, maintaining the traditions of the small placer miner dating back nearly 150 years to the California goldfields: the small, independent miner digging on claims belonging to him and his partner, Gail Durland, free, beholden to few, his own man, doing his own work, finding what has always been civilization's most basic standard of value, gold!\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Bottom and Durland's placer claims are located at the upper end of Manhattan Gulch. Working alone, or perhaps with a hired hand or two, Bottom must first determine where on his claims chances are good that gold can be found. Bottom knows the gravel in Manhattan Wash the way a wine connoisseur knows vintages or a diamond cutter knows diamond crystals. He is keenly aware of the conditions under which gold is likely to be found in the wash and where it is not. Large boulders in the gravel and a layer of coarse gravel near bedrock, for example, indicate the presence of gold. Using a gold pan, Bottom can estimate how much gold the gravel at a site will contain to an accuracy of a few cents per yard. It is this skill, as much as anything, that makes his operation possible. Overestimating the gravel's gold content would mean wasted time and effort.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ Once he has selected a good spot to dig, Bottom must first strip off the barren overburden above the gold-bearing gravels. After the overburden has been stripped off with a dozer, he loads the gold-bearing gravel into his dump truck and hauls it a short distance to his small placer mill, where he dumps the load on the ground. He tries to process ore that contains at least one-twentieth of an ounce of gold per cubic yard. On a good day, he can haul and process about 80 yards of gravel.\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~\~ At the placer mill, the gravel is loaded into a hopper with a front-end loader and from there it is fed automatically to a trommel screen. Oversized material that will not pass through the screen goes to the dump. Later he will go over the dump with a metal detector to make sure no nuggets too large to pass through the screen have gotten away. Undersized material goes to a shaking sluice box. Gold in the gravel is trapped behind riffles in the sluice and the waste goes out the end. Both oversize and undersize tailings are periodically moved back to the gulch. Water to operate the mill comes from a nearby well, and the discharge from the mill goes to a pond where it can be recycled or drained back into the gulch. Because the water used in the process never comes into contact with anything but gravel and steel in the machinery, it is clean enough to drink when it comes out of the mill. The mill can be operated only in warm weather\u8212?from late spring to early winter\u8212?when water and gravel will not freeze.'\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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Notes\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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I. There had been other attempts to dredge gold in Nevada before the dredging at Manhattan. Two dredges operated briefly around 1909 on the Colorado River at El Dorado below the present-day Hoover Dam. There was also a dredging venture on a stream at Dayton in the Carson River Valley around the turn of the century. Both of these operations were largely unsuccessful (Grover, 1984). A small wooden-hulled dredge operated successfully in Spring Valley in Pershing County northeast of Lovelock between 1912 and 1914, reportedly producing $10.9 million worth of gold (Vanderburg, 1936:160-161).\par\pard\plain\hyphpar} {
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2. Bob Bottom, a native of Tonopah, learned much of what he knows about mining from other Tonopah miners, notably Norman Coombs and Louie Meyer. Although by almost any measure Bob Bottom is about as free and independent as a person can be in this day of big government and large corporations, he must deal with challenges of which earlier miners would never have dreamed, even in their worst n