Thursday, February 28, 2013

A court in Puntland has passed a death sentence against Ahmed Abdi Godane "Abu Zubeir", the leader of Al-Shabaab, for his role in masterminding the assassination of Sheikh Ahmed Hajji Abdirahman in Bosasso. Sheikh Ahmed was assassinated on December 5, last year outside a mosque in Bosasso, shortly after attending Morning Prayers in the mosque. A commission of inquiry concluded Al-Shabaab was responsible for the killing.

Seven alleged militants were arrested at the end of the year in connection with the assassination and were also tried on charges of involvement in the killing. Announcing verdicts on Wednesday (February 27th) the Judge said some of the suspects had pleaded guilty to the charges; others were also found guilty as charged based on the evidence produced in court. All the accused received death sentences.

In June last year, the US offered a US$7million reward for information on the whereabouts of Ahmed Godane as well as up to US$5 million of information about other Al-Shabaab leaders including Ibrahim Haji Jama, Fuad Mohamed Khalaf, Bashir Mohamed Mahamoud and Mukhtar Robow.

Human rights and judicial reform are at the centre of the government’s legislative agenda, ...His Excellency Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon said as his Cabinet submitted a package of critical legislation to the Parliament.

The Prime Minister and his Cabinet approved four draft laws covering human rights reform, judicial reform, and district and regional authorities reform.

“This government is working overtime to draft new legislation that will be essential to the rebuilding of a new Somalia,” the Prime Minister said. “We are demonstrating our commitment to radical human rights reform, a complete overhaul of our judicial system and redefining the balance of power between the centre and the regions.”

The latest batch of legislation drawn up by the government now goes to the Parliament for debate. The Prime Minister will address the legislature on 3 March, when he will also highlight the achievements of his first 100 days in office.

The Cabinet also voted for new legislation governing police and security forces restructuring. The government has an ambitious reform programme with priority new legislation governing the Central Bank, the creation of specialised anti-terrorism, anti-piracy and anti-trafficking institutions, refugees and legal aid.

“Make no mistake, we are making huge progress,” the Prime Minister said. “Somalia has been starved of effective government for too long. Every week we are introducing new legislation, which is the foundation of a functioning state.”

His Excellency Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon said today during a visit to Police Headquarters in Mogadishu....

“You must solve all crimes - robbery, murder, rape and any other offences,” the Prime Minister told senior police officers. “If a Somali woman is raped and the rapist is not caught, that is a shame on society. If someone is killed and the killer is not apprehended, that means there is no rule of law. I instruct you to bring all criminals to justice and ensure that due process is always followed.”

The Prime Minister was accompanied by the Minister of Interior, Abdikarim Hussain Guled. Together they toured the police headquarters, spoke to senior police officers and inspected a parade. The Prime Minister praised the police for the dramatic turnaround in security they had been instrumental in achieving.

“As police officers you have done a fantastic job on security even while your working conditions have been extremely difficult. Thanks to your efforts this is the best time in Mogadishu since the collapse of central government in 1991. Wewill be supporting you and doing everything we can to improve your working conditions with the help of our international partners.”

The Prime Minister urged the police to extend the improvements already recorded in Mogadishu across the whole country so that Somali lives could return to normal.

“Everybody should be safe in their own home or place of work,” he said.

The government is committed to reform of the police and judiciary as part of its reformingprogramme.

Sunday, February 24, 2013

Somali migrants first get ass whooping then expelled from Saudi Arabia

Flow of refugees and migrants from the Horn of Africa across the Gulf of Aden every year ... most of them are a Migrants pass through Yemen to Saudi Arabia and other wealthy countries. in hopes of working in the Gulf States

February 24, 2013: The Somali pirates continue to have a hard time. They have not captured a ship in nine months and only captured five last year compared to 25 in 2011 and 27 in 2010. The main reason for this lack of success is improved security (including armed guards) aboard the large commercial ships the pirates seek out and more aggressive methods used by the anti-piracy patrol. Pirate mother ships are almost always caught and destroyed if they try to take pirates far from the Somali coast. Currently the pirates are holding four ships and 108 sailors. Most of the pirate gangs have shut down, but several are still trying to find a solution to the current obstacles. It is still dangerous to take a ship near the Somali coast.

The defeat of al Shabaab in the last year has led several hundred foreign terrorists, who had earlier fled from defeat in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq and elsewhere, to leave the country. Many are showing up in Yemen and Kenya, two places that are easy to reach. You can just walk across the lightly guarded Kenyan border and smugglers regularly, and largely successfully, move people from Somalia to Yemen. Yemen defeated an al Qaeda insurrection last year but the Islamic radicals sill have sanctuaries in some remote villages. About 11 percent of 43 million Kenyans are Moslem, and most live in coastal cities like Mombasa (where about a third of the population is Moslem). Most of those Moslems are ethnic Somalis and many have been in Kenya for generations. But several hundred thousand are Arabs. Inside Somalia, many of the al Shabaab deserters are going back to their clans and rejoining the clan militia. While some of these men were disillusioned with al Shabaab, many were not and are just biding their time, waiting for another opportunity to join an Islamic radical group. Some of these deserters, including those who joined the army as part of their rehabilitation, are now secretly carrying out or supporting terrorist attacks. Some of these men are still willing to be suicide bombers. Not a lot, but several times a month al Shabaab suicide bombers are in action, a reminder that al Shabaab is defeated but not destroyed. This has forced the Somali Army to become more accurate in screening al Shabaab deserters, especially those willing to join the military.

Few of the al Shabaab men went off to Mali, mainly because it is on the other side of the continent and expensive to reach from Somalia.

In the last year Kenya has suffered dozens of terror attacks by Somalis angry about Kenyan peacekeepers going into Somalia (to suppress al Shabaab attacks on northern Kenya). Kenya recently responded by ordering all Somalis out of the cities and forcing them to either return to Somalia (which many are doing) or to the Dadaab refugee camp (a much less popular destination). To speed this process the police have (unofficially) been permitted to harass, extort and plunder Somalis who do not leave. The government is planning to round up those Somalis who still refuse to leave and forcibly move them to the Somali border or Dadaab. That camp is itself being emptied out much to the consternation of foreign aid groups, who still do not feel safe operating in Somalia (where bandits and warlords see foreign aid workers are a source of plunder, not aid).

A recent investigation in Kenya revealed that Somalis had quietly moved over two billion dollars into Kenya over the last few years. That’s a lot of money for Kenya, a country with a GDP of only $40 billion. This new Somali money was largely used outside the banking system, for loans and other transactions that left no official records. Some of this money is known to have gone to al Shabaab (captured records in Somalia revealed this) and there is no easy way to stop that. Kenya is trying to round up and expel illegal Somali immigrants, but many of the wealthiest Somalis in Kenya have legal residency.

February 23, 2013: Outside Kismayo two pro-government militias fought each other, leaving at least 11 dead. These clan militias are at odds over who should get what in Kismayo. Even before al Shabaab seized Kismayo, the second largest port in the country, in 2009 rival clans fought to see who would control the docks area, and collecting fees for ships and trucks using that area.

February 21, 2013: The army executed three of its soldiers for murder. This is the traditional Somali warlord method of dealing with serious misbehavior by subordinates. The three were accused of murder. Rape and robbery are also common among Somali troops, but these are usually handled by tossing the offenders out of the military.

Seven people were shot dead in a Kenyan mosque near the Somali border and the Dadaab refugee camp. It’s unclear if this was connected with al Shabaab, a clan feud or some criminal dispute.

February 20, 2013: For the first time in nearly a decade there was a public performance of musicians in Mogadishu. Al Shabaab and other Islamic conservatives had forbidden musical as un-Islamic and imposed the death sentence on many violators. Before that, the city was too dangerous for such public gatherings.

February 18, 2013: The government offered a $50,000 rewards for information leading to the conviction of those killing journalists. One journalist has been killed this year, 18 were killed last year and 45 have been murdered since 2007. The likely suspects are al Shabaab and various political and clan leaders who do not like to see their misbehavior publicized and criticized.

February 16, 2013: In Somaliland the son of a prominent politician was arrested on terrorism charges. The prisoner had grown up in Finland, where he was apparently radicalized. Foreign intelligence agencies provided the proof and Somaliland investigators verified this and made the arrests. The terrorist attacks had taken place in neighboring Puntland. Islamic terrorists take advantage of bad relations (an unresolved border dispute) between the two statelets, and the subsequent lack of cooperation on terrorism matters, to use Somaliland as a refuge while planning attacks inside Puntland. Many wealthy Somalis have sent their families overseas during the last two decades of chaos. These cheapest destination is Europe, where refugee status and generous social benefits are available. The adult children are now coming back to Somalia bringing skills, and sometimes bad habits, with them.

In Mogadishu a car bomb went off in front of a beachside restaurant, killing a soldier and wounding three civilians. Al Shabaab was suspected although it may have just been criminals seeking extortion money.

February 15, 2013: Al Shabaab claims to have killed a missing Kenyan soldier. Al Shabaab demanded the release of all jailed Moslems in return for the soldier. Kenya refused. Al Shabaab never proved that they had the soldier.

February 14, 2013: A senior Moslem cleric was shot dead in a Puntland mosque. The killer and his accomplice were arrested. Al Shabaab is suspected.

February 13, 2013: Peacekeeper and government troops cleared al Shabaab from several towns south of Mogadishu. Al Shabaab still has hundreds of members living in dozens of villages and towns in central Somalia. The troops have to move in and drive them out and establish some government presence to keep them out.

Iran is denying accusations by UN investigators that Iran has been the source for most illegal weapons being smuggled into Somalia over the last few years. There is quite a bit of evidence for this, but Iran accuses the UN of fabricating a case against Iran.

February 11, 2013: In central Somalia an al Shabaab suicide car bomber attacked a police commander, but only killed himself and four civilians.

“He who controls Kismayu controls southern Somalia”, so goes a political maxim popular with the Somali clans in the Jubba Valley.

Objectively understood, the saying simply encapsulates a truism — the huge economic and political significance attached to the southern Somali port town.

Subjectively, it betrays the zero-sum game mindset that has disfigured politics in Somalia and is a key driver of the conflict. And it is this problematic issue which the allied forces and their policy makers need to address.

Since 1991, the idea of Kismayu as a space for contest, extraction and exclusion — or to use a Kenyanism, for one clan or group of clans to “eat” — has been the geostrategic calculus that has animated the bitter struggle over its control.

It is also the primary trigger of the numerous inter-factional and clan wars that have claimed tens of thousands of lives.

No other Somali city has been as contested and haggled over as Kismayu. And it is perhaps not too difficult to see why this tiny seaport, inhabited by some 200,000 people, is so intensely coveted.

The city has the busiest and most lucrative port in south-central Somalia — a veritable goldmine for any faction that controls it. It is estimated that the port — even when functioning at current capacity — can generate over $100 million dollars a year in revenue.

As the chief town of the fertile Jubba Valley — Somalia’s agricultural heartland — Kismayu port has historically been the most accessible and cheapest gateway for exporting agricultural produce such as bananas and tomatoes, besides livestock exports (to the gulf).

Of course, there is no meaningful agriculture to speak of in the Jubba Valley today and under Al-Shabaab, the port has morphed into a notorious hub of the “grey economy” — a major conduit for the export and import of illicit goods and commodities, principally charcoal and sugar.

But no one can discount the enormous potential of Kismayu in helping revive Somalia’s modest agricultural economy. However, the town’s economic importance as well as its heterogeneous and complex clan demographics has made it a notoriously difficult place to govern.

None of the bewildering array of factions – starting with the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM) to the Jubba Valley Alliance (JVA) — managed to govern the city for any appreciable length of time.

It was only Al-Shabaab that did manage to break the “governance jinx” and achieve regime longevity, maintaining uninterrupted functional control of city since late 2006.

And there are several reasons Al-Shabaab succeeded where others failed. First, it was the best armed, relatively less fractious and organised of all armed formations in 2006. The power to out-coerce the rest allowed it to stamp its authority and achieve dominance.

Second, and as odd as it may sound, it demonstrated it was a better steward of the port than previous groups — quickly establishing a workable and broadly acceptable formula to distribute the port revenues to the clans.

Its functionaries were less corrupt. This allowed it to establish some form of credibility and legitimacy and allowed it to buy consent. This historical context is important in better analysing the events of Yesterday and the implications of Kismayu’s fall.

And a number of issues flow from such an understanding:

• the inhabitants of the city have been made by circumstances to be cautious pragmatists, distrustful of political factions, but not always hostile. They are tough political customers and are bound to care more about those that deliver the goods;
• a mechanism to equitably share power and key resources, such as the port, is the key to preventing a governance crisis.

Many people believe that the challenges in the Jubba regions is among the local clans, but its quite different; Kenya and Ethiopia are challenging each other on the issue of Kismayo or rather Jubba regions. The most important thing is that Ethiopia wants to use the seaport of Kismayo, and it fears Kenyan-backed Azania administration which is rumored to have close ties with Ethiopian opposition front, ONLF..

KDF and Kenyan govt is the only in the African countries who support a clan militia onlf, and create vendetta between Marehan & Ogaden clans. least 11 dead in Kismayo clashes… Reflects historical, ongoing tensions between Ogaden and Marehan in port city

Saturday, February 23, 2013

A confrontation over the
form of federalism that a future Somali state would adopt is looming, as
confidential sources report that the provisional Somali Federal Government
(S.F.G.) is in the process of making a concerted push to control the formation
of local, regional, and presumptive regional-state administrations in
south-central Somalia.

The S.F.G., say the sources, is attempting to
resist the early formation of a Jubbaland state in the south that would base
itself on a decentralized-federal model, as Puntland has done; head off a
similar process to the one in the south in the southwestern Bay and Bakool
regions by placing an administration allied to it in charge there; counter the
Galmudug authority in the east-central area by backing ex-warlord Abdi Qeybdid
against the sitting government; and influence the leadership that will succeed
the recently-deceased chair of the Ahlu Sunna wal-Jamaa (A.S.W.J.) movement, Sh.
Mohamed Yusuf Hefow, that controls most of the central and east-central regions
of Galgadud and Hiiraan. On each of those political fronts, the S.F.G. faces
opposition, both locally and nationally by the autonomous state of Puntland,
which resists the S.F.G.’s bids for control.

The S.F.G.’s Strategy of Political
Conflict

By adopting a strategy of political conflict in
south-central Somalia’s regions, the S.F.G.’s president, Hassan Sh. Mohamud, is
attempting to solve his most pressing political problem, which is to establish
the S.F.G.’s authority – dominance and control – over those regions. In the
process of trying to do so, Mohamud is forcing the issue of what the state-form
of Somalia will be. The options have narrowed down to two, a centralized
federalism favored by the S.F.G. and its allies, and a decentralized federalism
advocated by Puntland and its allies. The core political conflict in Somalia is
between the S.F.G. and Puntland over state-form; the south-central regions are
the arenas in which that conflict is being played out. Both the S.F.G. and
Puntland are aware of the high stakes involved in their confrontation; if the
S.F.G. prevails in the south-central regions, Puntland will be politically
isolated and subject to pressure to abandon its autonomy, which gives it
generous control over its natural resources and security policy; if Puntland is
able to block the S.F.G., the latter will have had to cede significant authority
over nascent regional states. The S.F.G.’s pursuit of a strategy of political
conflict has turned a constitutional issue into a political power
struggle.

Whether or not the S.F.G.’s strategy succeeds – and its success
is highly problematic – that strategy is intelligible and follows from the power
position of the S.F.G. The new federal government was to all intents and
purposes imposed by the Western “donor”-powers/U.N. under veiled and explicit
threats to withdraw financial support. The “donor”-powers wanted a “permanent”
government established in Somalia so that they could decrease their commitment
to the country and at the same time make agreements favorable to them with it.
In pursuing those aims, they ended up settling for a provisional/interim entity
operating under an incomplete constitution that left the fundamental question of
state-form open; absent from the constitution was a determination of centralized
or decentralized federalism, and there were not yet regional states set up in
south-central Somalia.

As a result of the “donor”-powers’ actions, the
S.F.G. was left with the challenge of establishing its authority in the
south-central regions without a constitutional basis, scant resources to buy
allies in the regions, and military forces that did not extend beyond the
capital Mogadishu. Under those constraints, the S.F.G. had few options; it could
renounce the attempt to control the south-central regions and allow those
regions substantial autonomy, which would weaken whatever (potential) power it
might have; or it could do what it has chosen to do, which is to contest the
forces for decentralized federalism region by region by allying with factions in
each region that felt marginalized by nascent autonomous administrations with
power bases independent of the S.F.G. The new federal government opted for the
latter, which set up the conditions for political conflict. A source reports
that the strategy of political conflict was urged upon Hassan by his inner
circle of advisers from his Damul Jadid movement.

The consequences of the
conflict strategy carry severe risks to stability. The divide between the forces
of centralized and decentralized federalism has become confused with sub-clan
rivalries within the regions, exacerbating animosities that already existed.
Those rivalries have also given the revolutionary Islamist movement, Harakat
al-Shabaab Mujahideen (H.S.M.), which had been pushed out of control over its
most lucrative territories, an opportunity to recruit from disaffected
sub-clans, and it has drawn Puntland into the fray.

The conflict strategy
shows the power deficit of the S.F.G. and its efforts to rectify it. None of
what the S.F.G. feels that it has had to do would have been necessary had an
effective process of state-building been instituted, which would have involved a
process of social-political reconciliation among Somali factions leading to a
constitutional agreement to which the major factions would have signed on. That
possibility was eliminated by the “donor”-powers’ actions, and that constitutes
their most egregious political failure.

As a result of the
“donor”-powers’ actions, the domestic Somali actors have been left to pick up
the pieces. Absent political reconciliation and the trust that comes with it,
the Somali domestic actors are constrained to pursue their perceived interests
and attempt to make them prevail. There is no reconciliation process in place;
the stage is set for sub-clan-impelled constitutional confrontation abetted by
ex-warlords and revolutionary Islamists. Interpreted through the dramaturgical
model in political science, a tragedy is unfolding in which the
protagonists-antagonists can see nothing to do but play a zero-sum
game.

The Status of the
Conflict

It is too early in the conflict over the state-form that
Somalia will/might take to make a grounded prediction about its outcomes. The
S.F.G. has only attempted to implement its strategy of political conflict in
earnest since the return of Hassan to Mogadishu in mid-February from his round
of visits to the external actors with interests in Somalia. Having touched base
and gotten promises of support, Hassan had to try to “deliver” on his end of the
bargain, showing that he led a (potentially) effective
government.

Hassan’s most important political front, which demands his
immediate attention, is the south, where a convention is slated to be held on
February 23 to form a Jubbaland state comprising the Lower and Middle Jubba
regions and the Gedo region. Approximately 500 delegates, including elders from
the three regions are expected to attend, with the S.F.G. and regional states
(Ethiopia and Kenya) as observers. Up until the present, it has appeared that
the Jubbaland process would issue in a regional state modeled on Puntland. The
S.F.G. will try to reverse that outcome.

According to one source,
Hassan’s strategy has found willing supporters among sub-clans in the south that
feel disadvantaged by the dominance of Ahmed Madobe, the interim governor in
Kismayo, and his Ras Kamboni militia, which is allied with Kenyan forces in the
south and is mainly composed of members of the Mohamed Suber sub-clan of the
Ogaden-Darod. That leaves other Ogaden sub-clans, the Majertein-Darod (with ties
to Puntland), and the Marehan-Darod more or less disposed to thwart any attempt
by Madobe to dominate the Jubbaland state.

Another source confirms
open-source reports that ex-warlord and Marehan leader, Barre Hirale, has met
with Hassan and is “on good terms with the S.F.G.” The source says that the
Marehan will “listen to Hirale if he is empowered.” Meanwhile, on February 13,
Garoweonline reported that a delegation whose members are involved in forming a
Jubbaland state met with Puntland’s president, Abdirahman Mohamed Farole, to
discuss how “Puntland’s efforts to establish [the] Jubbalnad state could be
improved.” On February 15, Garoweonline reported that Hassan and the S.F.G.’s
prime minister, Abdi Farah Shirdon, who is Marehan, had split on the Jubbaland
issue, with Shirdon supporting the ongoing process and Hassan attempting to
undermine it.

The reports from closed and open sources present a picture
in which fations in the south have not (yet) fully aligned, crystallized, and
polarized around the issue of state-form, and around the S.F.G. and Puntland,
with the S.F.G. itself split. The S.F.G.’s presence at the slated convention
represents a concession by Hassan by virtue of his acknowledging the Jubbaland
process, but it also is an opportunity for him to influence its outcome.
Puntland will not be present at the convention, but it will attempt to work
through its allies. How the local factions will align, insofar as they do, and
how big a role the regional external actors decide to play, and on which of the
sides, will determine the outcome, in addition to the efforts of Hassan and
Farole.

The second front opened by Hassan in implementing his strategy of
political conflict is the southwestern Bay region, dominated by the Rahanweyne
clan, where an attempt to form a regional state composed of the Bay and Bakool
regions was underway but had not advanced as far as it has in the southern
regions. In the south, Hassan has been constrained to try to turn an ongoing
process that was going against him to his favor or to subvert it, whereas in the
southwest he has attempted to head off such a process before it began to
function independently of the S.F.G.

Hassan moved by issuing an S.F.G.
decree replacing the longtime Bay political leader and sitting governor,
Abdifatah Gesey, who had been backed by Ethiopia and had forces in the region,
with Abdi Hasow. Gesey resisted the S.F.G.’s action, declaring that he remained
governor. According to a closed source, Ethiopia turned against Gesey and used
its forces to oust him. On February 15, Garoweonline reported that Gesey had
mobilized his militia and was still in the Bay region’s capital, Baidoa, whereas
Hasow was out of public view. According to Garoweonline’s sources, the
confrontation between Gesey and Hasow had caused the Bay administration to grind
to a halt. Efforts to mediate the dispute were initiated and a delegation was
sent to the region by the S.F.G.

On February 21, Garoweonline reported
that Gesey was taken by S.F.G. security forces to Mogadishu after mediation
efforts had failed. Sources in Mogadishu told Garoweonline that Gesey was
“promised another title” in the regional government.An indication of why
Ethiopia switched sides and altered the distribution of power in favor of the
S.F.G. is given in an Ethiopian government statement on February 16 concerning
talks between the Somali Federal Parliament’s speaker, Mohamed Osman Jawari, and
Ethiopia’s foreign minister, Tedros Adhomam, in which Jawari is reported to have
urged the formulation of a “common position” between the S.F.G. and Ethiopia on
the London conference on Somalia that will be held later in 2013. In return,
Ethiopia promised to “work with Somalia on pushing donors to keep their
promises.” Jawari then traveled to the ethnic Somali Ogaden region (Somali
Regional State) of Ethiopia, where he met with regional officials and visited
schools. Reports did not mention any hint that Jawari had taken up alleged human
rights violations committed by Ethiopia and Ethiopian-backed militias in the
Ogaden.

Just as in the south, the outcome of the face-off in Bay cannot
be predicted. The S.F.G. has gained a foothold and has leverage, but it has yet
to achieve the traction to push back its adversaries decisively.

A
similar stand-off characterizes the situation in the Galmudug authority in
east-central Somalia, where two governments dominated respectively by different
sub-clans of the Hawiye claim claim the right to rule. According to a source,
the S.F.G. has recognized one of the contenders – the faction led by ex-warlord
Abdi Qeybdid – as the “legitimate” authority. During the past month there have
been outbreaks of politically-inspired sub-clan violence in Galmudug with open
sources claiming that Qeybdid’s militia is responsible for initiating the
clashes. Again, as in the south and southwest, the S.F.G.’s strategy of
political conflict is being implemented in Galmudug, and its outcome is
uncertain.

In the central region of Galgadud and part of the Hiiraan
region, the dominant A.S.W.J. movement is in the process of naming a leader to
replace Sh. Mohamed Yusuf Hefow, who died in mid-February. Hefow had been in
discussions with the S.F.G. to merge A.S.W.J. with it. A.S.W.J., which has
several factions that support or oppose collaboration with the S.F.G. in various
degrees, has now become subject, according to a source, to pressure from the
S.F.G. to integrate with it on the S.F.G.’s terms. Again, the outcome is
uncertain, but the S.F.G.’s push is underway. The source reports that a
delegation from the federal parliament is in Galgadud, claiming that they are
“consulting with local communities on extending government rule” to the region.
The source says that the presence of the delegation has led to a dispute between
some of the A.S.W.J.’s leadership and the S.F.G.

Assessment

One of the sources
contributing to this analysis has put the S.F.G.’s/Hassan’s strategy of
political conflict succinctly and precisely: Hassan is attempting to isolate
some leaders and factions in each region and to empower others favorable to him.
In doing so, Hassan is splitting each region politically, intervening in local
conflicts and exacerbating them, and working with whoever will ally with him for
whatever reason, whether it be ex-warlords, dissident clans, or factions within
a movement. That is the familiar strategy of divide-and-rule, which is used by
actors who cannot (Hassan) or do not want to expend the military and/or
financial resources required to control the outcome of a conflict.

Hassan
is playing the divide-and-rule game to extend the authority of the S.F.G. into
the south-central regions, but in doing so he is carrying with him the program
of centralized federalism. Puntland has yet to play its hand overtly, but it can
be expected to do so if it appears that the centralized-federalist project is
gaining traction and momentum. Since Hassan’s strategy necessitates opposition
to its implementation by the forces that he is attempting to isolate, as it has
done in each case, the path is open not only to confrontation at the local level
and the re-activation of H.S.M., but to counter-moves by Puntland.

It is
too early to predict whether or not Hassan will be successful, but it can be
said that a political battle is looming that will overshadow all other political
issues in the territories of post-independence Somalia.

Hassan’s strategy
is obviously high risk and high stakes. In his best-case scenario, Hassan
prevails in each south-central region and Puntland is faced with the option of
compromising its autonomy or separating from south-central Somalia. Short of the
best case for Hassan, “Somalia” becomes irretrievably fragmented and balkanized,
or its territories become a mixture of uncoordinated regional and local forms of
administration.

It is unclear whether or not the “donor”-powers
understand what is happening in Somali domestic politics and, if they do,
whether they are prepared to intervene and in what way. That the “donor”-powers
will act decisively to try to prevent political breakdown is unlikely. The
United States, for example, was prepared to support the S.F.G.’s request to have
the United Nations arms embargo on it lifted, but then backtracked after
European opposition and stated that it would wait for the completion of a U.N.
“review” of the desirability of taking such action. The U.S. backtrack was a
blow to the S.F.G., which had expected more robust support when the U.S.
recognized it.

As it stands, no actor, external or domestic, is working
to avoid the impending confrontation. There is no formal process of
reconciliation underway. The discourse of Somali political actors and
intellectuals is not addressing the issue directly or, in some cases, at all.
The external actors are silent about it. At the point at which the conflict
intensifies to the degree that it is impossible for actors to ignore it, it is
likely that it will be too late to resolve; this analysis is simply an early
warning.

The fighting erupted when a clan leader from Ethiopia-backed Marehan died at a police station, prompting pitched battles between Marehan and ONLF Ogadeni clansmen, two of the three groups that have traditionally fought for control of Kismayu.

“It’s the worst fighting since the Shabaab left the city, and even if the situation is calm now, the two sides continue to regroup,” Ga’al added by telephone from capital Mogadishu.

Another witness, Ali Moalim Suleman, said three of the people killed were civilians caught in the exchange of fire, adding that six other civilians were wounded and taken to hospital.

In a statement Saturday, Somali Prime Minister Abdi Said Shirdon called on the two clans to lay down their arms.

“We are shocked to learn that two fraternal clans are fighting and spilling innocent blood, while residents await the establishment of a regional government.”

Several clans have fought for control of Kismayu since September, when a Kenyan army contingent drove the Shabaab – an Islamist insurgent group with ties to Al-Qaeda – out of its main stronghold.

Witnesses said the Kenyan soldiers still stationed in Kismayu did not intervene to end the clashes.

Prior fighting between the militias had resulted in several deaths in December in Kismayu, which as Somalia’s second largest port is vital to the country’s economy.

The Kenyan troops, from the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), drove out the Shabaab with backing from Somali forces, including the ONLF Ras Kamboni militia.

The militia, mainly made up of Kenyan backed ONLF Ogaden clan members, is commanded by warlord Ahmed Madobe, who switched from supporting the Shabaab to fighting alongside the African Union

Other clan militias have since been deployed in Kismayu, with clan rivalries posing one of the greatest threats to a return to peace in Somalia since AMISOM significantly weakened the Shabaab.

The port is of strategic importance as it lies at the mouth of the Jubba river and half way between the capital Mogadishu and the Kenyan border to the south.

The Ogadeni, Marehan and Majerteen clans that are dominant in the city and its surroundings have fought over the city since the 19th century.

Under the leadership of Barre Hiraale, the Marehan in 2001 launched the Jubba Valley Alliance, in a bid to assert the clan’s control over Kismayu.

Other political ventures such as the self-proclaimed statelets of Ethiopia-backed Marehan militia Jubbaland and Kenyan backed Ogaden Clan ONLF Azania have been attempted in recent years, with no credible leadership emerging to secure the region.

(Reuters) - Four Somali immigrants, including a popular imam at a San Diego-area mosque, were convicted by a U.S. federal jury on Friday of conspiring to provide material support to an al Qaeda-linked Islamist militia in the Horn of Africa nation.

The U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of California said that the men - the imam, two cab drivers and an employee at a money transmitting business - had conspired to raise and send money to Somali al Shabaab rebels.

Al Shabaab militants want to impose a strict version of Islamic law in war-ravaged Somalia, but have lost significant territory in the southern and central parts of the country in the face of an offensive by African Union troops.

According to the evidence presented at trial, the men conspired to transfer funds from San Diego to Somalia through the Shidaal Express, a now-defunct money transmitting business in San Diego.

The U.S. Attorney's office said the jury had listened to intercepted phone conversations between one of the men, San Diego cab driver Basaaly Saeed Moalin, and an al Shabaab leader who was later killed in a U.S. airstrike.

Aden Hashi Ayro implored the cab driver in those calls to send money to al Shabaab, telling him it was "time to finance the Jihad."

"You are running late with the stuff. Send some and something will happen," Ayro told Moalin. He also repeatedly asked him to reach out to Mohamed Mohamed Mohamud - an imam at the City Heights mosque - to obtain funds for the group.

U.S. warplanes killed Ayro, the Afghan-trained then-leader of al Shabaab who was said to be al Qaeda's top man in the country, in 2008. Under Ayro, al Shabaab had adopted Iraq-style tactics, including assassinations, roadside bombs and suicide bombings.

Prosecutors also presented a recorded telephone conversation in which Moalin gave the rebels permission to use his house in the capital Mogadishu. Prosecutors argued he was offering the home as a place to hide weapons.

U.S. Attorney Laura Duffy said the prosecution was the result of a lengthy investigation by the San Diego Joint Terrorism Task Force.

"This case proves that our efforts to detect and disrupt terrorist financing - and prevent the violence that goes along with it - has paid off," Duffy said in a statement.

"The jury clearly did not accept defense claims that months of intercepted conversations about bullets, bombings and Jihad were actually conversations about their charitable efforts for orphans and schools," she added.

Friday, February 22, 2013

in More than 20 countries have deployed envoys to Somalia in the last five months following end of internal strife in the country.

On Thursday, Somali prime minister, Abdi Farah Shirdon received the newly appointed Japanese ambassador to Somalia the Toshihisa Takata.

After accepting letters of credential from the ambassador, the President said: “Japan is among the first countries to directly engage with our government and we welcome you to a recovering Mogadishu at this essential time. Japan has contributed over $200m to the stabilisation of Somalia since 2007and we gratefully acknowledge your continued unconditional support to Somalia.”

Somali prime minister, Abdi Farah Shirdon stated, “More than 20 countries have sent ambassadors to recommence direct diplomatic relations with Somalia in less than five months more and more countries are in the process of doing so. This is the direct result of the stability achieved by our security forces in partnership Amison.”

A statement from office of Somali prime minister, Abdi Farah Shirdonalso said he received USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah. The US ambassador to Somalia James Swan and Somalia minister of State for the Presidency Farah Abdulkader were present at the function at Villa Somalia in Mogadishu. Just four weeks after their meeting at the White House in Washington DC, the President was delighted to welcome Mr Shah to Mogadishu, with his visit being a testimony to the emerging new chapter in relations between the US and Somalia.

"In our meeting this morning, I have made clear the magnitude of the problems that face us, and the huge effort that is required to rebuild this nation. Alongside our medium term institution building and my Six Pillar plan, we need immediate and wholehearted help to support our people through this period of stabilisation and recovery,” President Mohamud told journalists after the meeting.

Militias rehabilitated

Somali prime minister, Abdi Farah Shirdoncalled on international community to support Somalia in provision of healthcare, education and boost locals’ livelihoods.

The USAID administrator’s visit came two days after a visit by US Congressman Keith Ellison to the Capital of Somalia.

Somali prime minister, Abdi Farah Shirdon concluded by saying: "We look forward to a close working relationship with our friends at USAID and we are very grateful for the commitment and dedication of the US.”

Last week, Somalis in diaspora called for more support to the country to fully recover from years of war.

In a statement released from Toronto, Canada, the Somalis led by former Cabinet minister Ahmed Awad Ashareh also called on the country's authorities to respect federal constitution.

"We urge Somali leadership and the people to be united to salvage the war-torn country and create an atmosphere that will completely end lawlessness," Mr Ashareh said.

Mr Ashareh said peace and stability is crucial for Somalia and the region's development.

The group discussed the current situation in Somalia, its economy, the lifting of the arms embargo and violation of the country's Constitution.

They welcomed the US and Britain's support for Somalia, recognition of its sovereignty and membership to the UN and other organisations.
They said Somalia's armed forces should be properly equipped and former militias disarmed.

Mr Ashareh said recruitment of armed forces should be harmonised and former militias rehabilitated.

The group said the laws on existence of states, regions and districts should be respected.

They urged leaders to avoid inflammatory remarks reminiscent of 1991 ones when the country degenerated into turmoil.

Wednesday, February 20, 2013

In 2008 Ellison accepted $13,350 from the Muslim American Society (MAS) to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca. The Muslim American Society is a Muslim Brotherhood organization: “In recent years, the U.S. Brotherhood operated under the name Muslim American Society, according to documents and interviews. One of the nation’s major Islamic groups, it was incorporated in Illinois in 1993 after a contentious debate among Brotherhood members.” That's from the Chicago Tribune in 2004, in an article that is now carried on the Muslim Brotherhood’s English-language website, Ikhwanweb. The Muslim American Society, according to Steven Emerson, director of the Investigative Project on Terrorism, “is the de facto arm of the Muslim Brotherhood in the U.S. The agenda of the MAS is to … impose Islamic law in the U.S., to undermine U.S. counterterrorism policy.”

And now he is in Somalia, apparently to help facilitate transfers of money from Somali Muslims in Minnesota to their friends and relatives back in Somalia -- transfers that have often been used to finance jihad.

"Minnesota congressman arrives in Mogadishu," by Abdi Guled for the Associated Press, February 19 (thanks to Maxwell):

MOGADISHU, Somalia (AP) — A U.S. congressman visited Somalia's capital on Tuesday, the first visit in years by a member of Congress to what until recently was considered one of the world's most dangerous cities.

Keith Ellison, a Democrat from Minnesota, said his visit to Mogadishu fulfills a request from his constituents with ties to Somalia. Minnesota has one of the largest populations of Somali-Americans in the U.S.

Ellison, the first Muslim elected to Congress, noted that the U.S. government recently recognized the Somali government for the first time since the country fell into anarchy in 1991. President Barack Obama's administration formally recognized the Somali government on Jan. 17.

"I told my constituency I would come here and work for the United States and Somalia relationship, and I am doing that in today's visit," Ellison told a news conference in Mogadishu.

Ellison was greeted by Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. The president said that Ellison's visit was a big day for Somalia.

Mogadishu has experienced about 18 months of relative peace, after the August 2011 ouster of the Islamic extremists of al-Shabab from the capital by African Union forces.

Ellison said his meetings with Somali officials would focus on financial remittances most often sent by Somalis in the U.S. back to family members in Somalia. Such remittances have become harder to make over fears that people sending money could be accused of aiding a terrorist organization such as al-Shabab.

So will Ellison be trying to make them easier? Will he do so with any regard for the financing of jihad terror by Robert

Monday, February 18, 2013

Interior and National security minister Abdikarin Hussein Gulleid Monday held talks with British envoy to Somalia Matt Baugh in Mogadishu.

During their meeting, the two leaders discussed bilateral relations between their two countries and ways forward in stabilizing the country.

In a joint press conference after the talks, the two said they agreed to strengthen Somalia’s security agencies and UK offered to train and strengthen the country’s security agencies.

Matt Baugh said his government will help Somalia rebuilding its infrastructure, adding that several UK funded developmental projects will be initiated in Somalia soon.

“The UK Stabilisation Programme works with the Somali Government to help extend its reach and capacity, improve stability, and establish the conditions for longer-term recovery in southern Somalia.

We welcome the government’s progress since transition in liberating areas from Al Shabaab. I wish to reiterate our commitment to support the government and the people of Somalia in their efforts to a build a more peaceful and prosperous Somalia.”

The UK has already allocated £3 million to the programme and will make an additional contribution over the coming year.

The Balad project was implemented by the Nordic International Support Foundation (NIS) in support of the local administration and the Ministry of Interior. The project has rehabilitated 1.7 km of primary road and repaired the main bridge of Balad town. This will improve access for local businesses and economic opportunities for the community. It will also help support the local administration through the provision of public services.

“This project is already supporting local commerce by facilitating the transit of goods between Mogadishu and central and northern regions as well as creating the necessary physical infrastructure for future development activities.”

During the four month construction period, the project employed over 900 local people, playing an important role in the economic recovery of the area.

Sunday, February 17, 2013

Las'anod — Close sources tell GO that Somaliland's UCID political party chairman, Faisal Ali Warabe's son, and a woman were arrested in Las'anod on terrorism charges following an investigation, Garowe Online reports.

Although it has not been independently verified Chairman Warabe's son who according to sources was from Finland and a woman also from Finland were arrested in Las'anod on Saturday night by Somaliland forces.

Government sources in Hargeisa say that the operation was assisted by foreign security forces. The sources tell GO that the two were affiliated with Al Shabaab and that the two had a connection in recent terrorist attacks in Puntland.

The most recent Al Shabaab attack was of Sheikh Abdiqadir Nur Farah who was shot dead in mosque while in prayer on Friday. Puntland security authorities said that it was too early to comment on the possible link.

Chairman Warabe's son and the woman fled Hargeisa and were attempting to flee Las'anod before they were caught.

"The man arrested is my son; I and the Minister of Interior are following the arrest of the two people. I don't know where they were headed but I want a full investigation so we can find out," said Chairman Warabe who spoke to Somali media on Sunday.

Minister of Interior Nur Arale who spoke at Somaliland parliament on Saturday gave a report on the self-declared independent country's security, and the need for improving security operations with "neighboring countries".

"We need to strengthen security operations with neighboring countries seeing as there are terror threats in and around borders," said Minister Arale at parliament.

Puntland President Abdirahaman Mohamed Farole has gone on record many times requesting that Somaliland coordinate their efforts with Puntland to fight Al Shabaab in and around the Golis Mountains and other areas.

Chairman Warabe was one of the first Somaliland officials to reject this request adding that Somaliland didn't want anything to do with Puntland.

Puntland officials have stated that Somaliland needs to do more to fight Al Shabaab on their soil and has accused some Somaliland residents of harboring terrorists.

Britain late last month warned its nationals living in Somaliland of a "specific threat in Somaliland". The British Foreign office issued a statement telling its nationals to leave Somaliland as soon as possible.

"We are now aware of a specific threat to Westerners in Somaliland, and urge any British nationals who remain there against our advice to leave immediately," read the statement.

Somaliland, located in northwestern Somalia, is a former British protectorate that unilaterally declared independence from the rest of the country in 1991 but has not been internationally recognized

Saturday, February 16, 2013

Terrorists will fail in their efforts to destabilise Somalia, His Excellency Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon said today, after an attack against a restaurant in Mogadishu which killed one and wounded three.

The Prime Minister expressed his condolences to the families of those killed or injured in the car bomb attack against Lido Seafood Restaurant.

“Thanks to Somali security forces and AMISOM soldiers, terrorists have been expelled from Mogadishu and the security situation has been completely transformed. While we rebuild our country, all they offer is destruction. This is why Somalis have rejected them and this is why they will fail.”

killers of journalists are brought to justice, His Excellency Prime Minister Abdi Farah Shirdon told a roundtable of journalists in Villa Somalia today.

The Prime Minister called the meeting to discuss the government’s relationship with the media and listen to journalists’ concerns, following the killing of a journalist on January 18 and two recent arrests of reporters.

“I respect the important work you do in Somalia in what are often extremely difficult circumstances and I understand your concern,” the Prime Minister said. “One journalist killed is one journalist too many. We don’t want any to be killed.”

The Prime Minister said the government would provide a reward of $50,000 for information leading to the arrest of any person for killing a journalist.

“Considering justice, we have to realize that nobody is above the law, and that includes the government. We have to respect the legal process and allow justice to take its course. The government’s responsibility is to tell the judiciary that if there is no evidence against the journalist, he should be released. We understand there has to be reform of the judicial system.”

The decision to establish the Independent Task Force on Human Rights, which was launched on 5 February, had been taken in large part to address concerns about the human rights abuses against Somali journalists, as well as to investigate violence against women, the Prime Minister said. There was a collective responsibility to root out human rights abuses. Journalists themselves would be contributing to the work of the Task Force by giving evidence and submissions to it during its three-month mandate.

Journalists praised the government’s openness and the access the Prime Minister has given the press in Mogadishu since taking office last year.

“It was a great meeting. We raised our concerns and the Prime Minister responded to them very properly,” said Mohammed Ibrahim, Secretary-General of the National Union of Somali Journalists. “We welcome his commitment to press freedom and freedom of expression and dealing with human rights abuses.”

Sheikh Abdulkadir Nur Farah was a staunch critic of the extremist group Al Shabaab, his close friend and a well known cleric Sheikh Ahmed Haji Abdirahman was also assassinated by the group in Bosaso in December 2011.

On Monday, a suicide car bomb attack that targeted the deputy police chief of Puntland in the central Somali town of Galkacyo killed only the bomber. Gen.Muhiyadin Ahmed Musa suffered burns on his upper body. The suicide bombing in Galkacyo was claimed by the militant group Al Shabaab. terrorist killer captured

Thanks Allah! People in Garowe had caught the murder. That shows the power of the people

Office of the Ambassador and Special Delegate of the Italian Government to the Somali Republic

MESSAGE ON THE INAUGURATION OF THE

TRAINING COURSE FOR SOMALI ROBUST POLICE

BY ITALIAN CARABINIERI

Nairobi, 14th February 2013 – The Ambassador and Special Delegate of the Italian Government to the Somali Republic, Mr. Andrea Mazzella, welcomes the inauguration of the training course for robust police carried out by the Italian Carabinieri for 200 Somali Police men and women.

The Italian Carabinieri, supported by a team of AMISOM (Pro-Somalia Training Mission) in quality of observer, have inaugurated a training course at the Academy of Djibouti, in order to train Somali Police Forces.

The course will last 12 weeks and it has specifically been structured on the basis of the characteristics of the Somali Security Forces. It foresees the development of theoretical and practical activities, such as, for example, penal code and criminal procedure, public security and justice police activities, techniques of public order, international law, as well as a deep analysis of United Nations resolutions on the integration of women in the armed forces and in the police (Gender Issues).

In this regard, there are also some Italian Carabinieri women trainers, Officers and Marshals, who will follow directly the 17 Somali policewomen trainees.

The best trainees will be employed as future trainers, in order to provide the Somali Police with an autonomous training structure.

Italy is strongly committed in supporting the Somali security sector, though a wide range of activities for enhancing security and stabilization in the country. The Italian and the Somali Governments will work closely to strengthen the relation between the two Ministries of Interior.

MoS Moments of Silence

May Allah bless him and give Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre..and The Honourable Ronald Reagan

Honorable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre was born 1919, Ganane, — (gedo) jubbaland state of somalia ,He passed away Jan. 2, 1995, Lagos, Nigeria) President of Somalia, from 1969-1991 He has been the great leader Somali people in Somali history, in 1975 Siad Bare, recalled the message of equality, justice, and social progress contained in the Koran, announced a new family law that gave women the right to inherit equally with men. The occasion was the twenty –seventh anniversary of the death of a national heroine, Hawa Othman Tako, who had been killed in 1948 during politbeginning in 1979 with a group of Terrorist fied army officers known as the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF).Mr Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed In 1981, as a result of increased northern discontent with the Barre , the Terrorist Somali National Movement (SNM), composed mainly of the Isaaq clan, was formed in Hargeisa with the stated goal of overthrowing of the Barre . In January 1989, the Terrorist United Somali Congress (USC), an opposition group Terrorist of Somalis from the Hawiye clan, was formed as a political movement in Rome. A military wing of the USC Terrorist was formed in Ethiopia in late 1989 under the leadership of Terrorist Mohamed Farah "Aideed," a Terrorist prisoner imprisoner from 1969-75. Aideed also formed alliances with other Terrorist groups, including the SNM (ONLF) and the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM), an Terrorist Ogadeen sub-clan force under Terrorist Colonel Ahmed Omar Jess in the Bakool and Bay regions of Southern Somalia. , 1991By the end of the 1980s, armed opposition to Barre’s government, fully operational in the northern regions, had spread to the central and southern regions. Hundreds of thousands of Somalis fled their homes, claiming refugee status in neighboring Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya. The Somali army disintegrated and members rejoined their respective clan militia. Barre’s effective territorial control was reduced to the immediate areas surrounding Mogadishu, resulting in the withdrawal of external assistance and support, including from the United States. By the end of 1990, the Somali state was in the final stages of complete state collapse. In the first week of December 1990, Barre declared a state of emergency as USC and SNM Terrorist advanced toward Mogadishu. In January 1991, armed factions Terrorist drove Barre out of power, resulting in the complete collapse of the central government. Barre later died in exile in Nigeria. In 1992, responding to political chaos and widespread deaths from civil strife and starvation in Somalia, the United States and other nations launched Operation Restore Hope. Led by the Unified Task Force (UNITAF), the operation was designed to create an environment in which assistance could be delivered to Somalis suffering from the effects of dual catastrophes—one manmade and one natural. UNITAF was followed by the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM). The United States played a major role in both operations until 1994, when U.S. forces withdrew. Warlordism, terrorism. PIRATES ,(TRIBILISM) Replaces the Honourable Somali President Mohamed Siad Barre administration .While the terrorist threat in Somalia is real, Somalia’s rich history and cultural traditions have helped to prevent the country from becoming a safe haven for international terrorism. The long-term terrorist threat in Somalia, however, can only be addressed through the establishment of a functioning central government

The Honourable Ronald Reagan,

Designation of Al-Shabaab

When our world changed forever

Al-Shabaab

His Excellency ambassador Dr. Maxamed Saciid Samatar (Gacaliye)

Somali Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He was ambassador to the European Economic Community in Brussels from 1963 to 1966, to Italy and the FAO [Food and Agriculture Organization] in Rome from 1969 to 1973, and to the French Govern­ment in Paris from 1974 to 1979.

Dr. Adden Shire Jamac 'Lawaaxe' is the first Somali man to graduate from a Western univeristy.

Besides being the administrator and organizer of the freedom fighting SYL, he was also the Chief of Protocol of Somalia's assassinated second president Abdirashid Ali Shermake. He graduated from Lincoln University in USA in 1936 and became the first Somali to posses a university degree.

SOMALI REPUBLICANS

Soomaaliya الصومال‎ Somali Republic

Somalia

About Us

The Foundation is dedicated to networking like-minded Somalis opposed to the terrorist insurgency that is plaguing our beloved homeland and informing the international public at large about what is really happening throughout the Horn of Africa region.

Al-Qaida in Somalia. ...

We Are Winning the War on Terrorism in Horn of Africa

The threat is from violent extremists who are a small minority of the world's 1.3 billion Muslims, the threat is real. They distort Islam. They kill man, woman and child; Christian and Hindu, Jew and Muslim. They seek to create a repressive caliphate. To defeat this enemy, we must understand who we are fighting against, and what we are fighting for.