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PUBLISHED BY THE
NATIONAL CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION,
CHICAGO ILL.;
1891.

INTRODUCTION.

IN consenting to write an introduction to the Autobiography
of one whom I have long known and honored, I desire
to say that the nineteenth century has not been more remarkable
for its discoveries in science, art, and all forms of material progress,
than it has for the moral heroism of many men and women whose
courage, faith, patience and self-sacrifice have done so much
to promote justice and humanity, and for the advancement of the
Redeemer's kingdom. Among these Christian patriots there is one
whose long life of consecration to the good of his fellow men
ought to be not only an example but an inspiration to the youth
of our land. John G. Fee, of Berea, Ky., was born and raised under
the influences of slavery and was surrounded by those powerfully
conservative forces that held many good men to the defense of
oppression.

Perhaps no other institution ever did so much to pervert
all sense of justice and to deaden all feelings of compassion
as that which declares that under a republican government
men might hold their unoffending fellow men in bondage.

"Chain them, and task them, and exact their sweat,
With stripes that Mercy with a bleeding heart
Weeps when she sees inflicted on a beast."

Nay, more, it held that this right of property in man
carried with it the right to set at naught the family relation
and doom men to the perpetual ignorance of God and his
word.

The youth of our land can have little conception of the
absolute control that half a century ago the system of
slavery had on the minds and consciences of the nation.
Nothing but a sublime faith in God enabled the men and
women of that day to cheerfully accept reproach, ostracism
and ridicule as inevitable consequences of the defense of
the poor and needy whose special claim was that they

were at once the feeblest and most despised of the children
of men. Nor has this been the sole, possibly not the greatest,
of the moral conflicts that have demanded and developed a
true, moral heroism. The spirit of caste, the outgrowth of
slavery, was and is not less exacting and iniquitous. To
regard a fellow man simply in his relation to his Maker, and
to accord to him just that appreciation that his intelligence
and moral worthiness demand, to do this without regard to
sect or color, is still held in large sections of our country
to be a crime against society which will not be tolerated when
there is power to suppress it. So, too, the moral protest against
oathbound secret societies, - the uncompromising hostility
to the liquor traffic and to any form of legislative approval of it,
and above all, the opposition to divisions in the church of
Christ as seen in the sects and denominations, demand a moral
heroism which needs to be not less steadfast and self-sacrificing
than that which wrested from slavery its scepter of power.

Because Mr. Fee was in all these points most
uncompromising and true, and because of his indomitable
perseverance amidst abounding obstacles, he has achieved a
large measure of success, and won the appreciation of even his
sometime enemies. But Bro. Fee is now advanced in life. His
labor, though still efficient and valuable, cannot in the nature
of things much longer continue. His reward is in his works that
will follow him. In the language of the poet reformer, John G.
Whittier, as applied to another, we may say, "Thanks for the
good man's beautiful example."

"His faith and works, like streams that intermingle,
In the same channel ran;
The crystal clearness of an eye kept single
Shamed all the frauds of man.
The very gentlest of all human natures
He joined to courage strong,
And love outstretching unto all God's creatures
With sturdy hate of wrong."

PREFACE.

Some six years since a friend requested that I prepare articles
for the Berea Evangelist, on the topic, "Berea: its History and
its Work." I did so. The articles appeared in the Berea Evangelist during the years 1885-6. Since that time friends have
urged that I prepare a sketch of my leadings and labors up to
my coming to Berea, and embody the whole in a volume. To do
so will now be labor and care; yet in this way I may be able to
do continued good, - utter truth when my tongue shall be silent.
I may be able in an emphatic way to say to the reader, Trust God - trust him for success, for support, for life. If in this way
you will trust God, he by his word, by his Spirit and by his
providence, will lead you into the highest usefulness of which,
in your day and generation, you are capable. Often trials will
come, friends fail, and the heavens above appear as brass and
the earth beneath as iron, yet if you will hold on with Jacob, or
stand still with Moses, you will see the face of God; the Red Sea
of difficulties will open before you, and you will walk through
dry shod. The future journey may indeed be a barren, stony
wilderness, yet the manna will be fresh every morning and the
shekinah of God will go before you and lead you across the
Jordan, where you will eat the "new corn" in the land of
promise. To this my own consciousness bears testimony; were I
to say less I would not be faithful.

CHAPTER I.

Parentage. - Conversion. - College Life. - At the
Theological Seminary. - Deep Conviction and
Consecration. - Field of Labor. - Burden of Spirit.
- Sealing of the Holy Spirit. - Wife Chosen. -
Betrothal. - Search for the Field of Labor. -
Marriage. - Called to the Church in Lewis
County. - Anti-Slavery Sermon. - Cast out of a
Boarding-place.

I WAS born in Bracken County, Kentucky,
Sept. 9, 1816.

My father, John Fee, was the son of John Fee,
senior. He was of Scotch and English descent.
His wife, formerly Elizabeth Bradford, was of
Scotch-Irish descent. My father was an
industrious, thrifty farmer. Unfortunately he
inherited from his father's estate a bondman -
a lad bound until he should be 25 years of age.

My father came to the conclusion that if he
would have sufficient and permanent labor he
must have slave labor. He purchased and reared
slaves until he was the owner of some thirteen.
This was a great sin in him individually, and to
the family a detriment, as all moral wrongs are.

My father was observant, and by his reading
kept himself familiar with passing events. He
saw that the effects of slavery were bad; that it
was a hindrance to social and national prosperity;
and consequently invested his money in lands in
free States and early deeded portions of these
lands to each of his children. He did not see the
end from the beginning, - what was to be the
after-use of some of these lands.

My mother was industrious and economical;
a modest, tender-hearted woman, and a fond
mother. I was her first born. She loved me very
much, and I loved her in return.

Her mother, Sarah Gregg, was a Quakeress
from Pennsylvania. Her eldest son, Aaron Gregg,
my wife's grandfather, was an industrious free
laborer, an ardent lover of liberty, and very
outspoken in his denunciations of slavery. This
opposition to slavery and his love of liberty
passed to his children and children's children,
almost without exception.

In my boyhood I thought nothing about the
inherent sinfulness of slavery. I saw it as a
prevalent institution in the family life of my
relations on my father's side of the house. These
were kind to me, and occupied what

were considered good social positions. I was
often scolded for being so much with the slaves,
and threatened with punishment when I would
intercede for them. Slavery, like every other evil
institution, bore evil fruits, blunted the finest
sensibilities and hardened the tenderest hearts.

By false teaching, unreflective youth can be
led to look upon moral monstrosities as harmless;
as even heaven-approved institutions. Vivid now
is the impression made on my youthful mind on
seeing a Presbyterian preacher, who was a guest
in my grandfather's house, rise before an immense
audience and select for his text, "Cursed be Canaan; a
servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren."
Of course the drift of the discourse was after the
plea of the slaveocracy - "God decreed that the
children of Ham should be slaves to the children
of Shem and Japheth; that Abraham held slaves,
and Moses sanctioned such."

All this was intensified by seeing a much
venerated neighbor, and slaveholder, who
had represented the people in the State
Legislature, mount his horse, then uncovering his
gray hairs, cry out in a loud voice, "The

greatest sermon between heaven and earth." The
providence and truth of God led me, in after
years, to a very different conclusion.

In the year 1830, when I was fourteen years
old, Joseph Corlis, an earnest Christian man, took
a subscription school near to my father's house,
and insisted with great earnestness that he be
allowed to board in my father's family. There was
a providence in this. Under his prayers and faithful
labors, I was deeply convicted of sin and gave
myself to God. My desire was to connect myself
with the M. E. church. My father opposed, saying
I was too young. He was not himself a Christian.
Some two years after this he was awakened,
joined the Presbyterian church near to his home,
and requested that I go with him. I desired a home
with God's people, and gladly embraced the
opportunity. After the lapse of some two years I
was impressed that it was my duty to prepare for
the Gospel ministry. I soon entered as a student in
Augusta College, then located in Augusta,
Bracken Co., Ky., my native county. I prosecuted
my studies there for about two and a-half
years, then went to Miami University, at
Oxford, Ohio, and there finished my

course of classical study save the review of the
last term of study; and finding I could do this at
Augusta College, and enter Lane Theological
Seminary at the beginning of the term of study
there, I returned to Augusta College and took my
diploma there. I entered Lane Seminary in the year
1842. Here I met in class one of my former
classmates, John Milton Campbell, a former
student at Oxford, Ohio. He was a man of marked
piety and great goodness of heart. Years
previously he had consecrated himself to the work
of missions and chose West Africa as his field.
Another member of the same class was James C.
White, formerly of Boston, Massachusetts, late
pastor of the Presbyterian church on Poplar St.,
Cincinnati. These brethren became deeply
interested in me as a native of Kentucky and in
view of my relation to the slave system, my father
being a slaveholder. They pressed upon my
conscience the text, "Thou shalt love the Lord thy
God with all thy heart, and thy neighbor as thy
self," and as a practical manifestation of this, "Do
unto men as ye would they should do unto you." I saw
that the duty enjoined was fundamental in the religion

of Jesus Christ, and that unless I embraced the
principle and lived it in honest practice, I would
lose my soul. I saw also that as an honest man I
ought to be willing to wear the name which would
be a fair exponent of the principle I espoused.
This was the name Abolitionist, odious then to
the vast majority of people North, and especially
South. For a time I struggled between odium on
the one hand, and manifest duty on the other. I
saw that to embrace the principle and wear the
name was to cut myself off from relatives and
former friends, and apparently from all prospects
of usefulness in the world. I had in the grove near
the seminary a place to which I went every day
for prayer, between the hours of eleven and
twelve. I saw that to have light and peace from
God, I must make the consecration. I said, "Lord,
if needs be, make me an Abolitionist." The
surrender was complete. I arose from my knees
with the consciousness that I had died to the
world and accepted Christ in all the fullness of his
character as I then understood Him. Self must be
surrendered. The test, the point of surrender, may
be one thing to one man, a different thing to
another man; but it must be made, - all given to
Christ.

In this consecration - this death to the
world - I also made up my mind to accept all that
should follow. Imperfect as has been my life, I do
not remember that in all my after difficulties I
had to consider anew the questions of sacrifice
of property, of comfort, of social position, of
apparent failure, of personal safety, or of giving
up life itself. The latter I regarded as even
probable. This, with the rest, had been embodied
in my former consecration. I felt that "my life
was hid with Christ in God."

Soon after the submission and consecration
referred to, the question arose, Where ought I to
expend my future efforts, and manifest forth this
love to God and man? I had invitations to go with
class-mates into the State of Indiana, into
communities thrifty and prosperous, with
multiplied schools and growing churches. This
was enticing to young aspirations, even to those
who intended to do good. I was also considering
seriously the duty of going with J. M. Campbell,
my classmate, to Western Africa; and was in
correspondence with the American Board of
Commissioners for Foreign Missions in reference
to my going as a missionary abroad.

Whilst these fields of labor were being
considered, there came irresistibly the
consideration of another field: that part of the
home field which lay in the South, and especially
in Kentucky, my native State. Then came before
me my relation to the slave. I had shared in the
fruits of his unrequited toil; he was blind and
dumb, and there was no one to plead for him.

"Love thy neighbor as thyself" rang in my ears.
I also considered the condition of the slave-owner.
I knew he was willingly deceived by the
false teachings of the popular ministry. I knew
also that the great part of the non-slave-owners,
who were by their votes and action the actual
slaveholders, did not see their crime; that they
despised the slave because of his condition, and
that these non-slave-owners were violently
opposed to any doctrine or practice that might
treat the slave as a "neighbor," a brother, and
make him equal before the law. I knew also that
the great body of the people were practically
without the fundamental principle of the Gospel,
love to God and love to man; that, as in the days of
Martin Luther, though the doctrine of justification
by faith was plainly written in the Bible,

yet the great body of people did not then see it;
so now the great doctrine of loving God
supremely and our neighbor as ourselves, "on
which hang all the law and the prophets," though
clearly written in the Bible, was not seen in its
practical application by the great mass of the
people. Such was my relation to this people, and
theirs to God and the world, that I felt I must
return and preach to them the gospel of impartial
love.

In my bedroom on bended knee, and looking
through my window across the Ohio river, over
into my native State, I entered into a solemn
covenant with God to return and there preach
this gospel of love without which all else was
"as sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal."

I had kept up correspondence with my father,
and told him my convictions and purposes. He
was greatly incensed, and wrote, saying,
"Bundle up your books and come home; I have
spent the last dollar I mean to spend on you in a
free State."

At the end of my second year of theological
study I returned to my home, intending to do
what I could for my father's conversion and that
of the family. I spent ten months with my father
and the community around. I felt

during this time a great burden of spirit in view of
the condition of society and the work which lay
before me. I spent at one time, alone, in an open
field on my father's farm, a whole night in prayer.
On two other occasions, in prayer, alone, in a
distant part of the farm, I had to my soul two of
the fullest revelations of the glory of God in my
life's history. These were not my first conversion,
nor second conversion, nor sanctification.
Conversion is committal to Christ, soul, body,
and spirit. Of this I had been conscious previous
to these after sealings of the Spirit.

Sanctification is none the less by faith than
justification, but it is continuous. There may arise
to-day a new duty, a new apprehension of a habit
un-Christ like, but not seen before. With this new
apprehension comes the necessity of a new
committal to Christ, with full assurance of
sustaining grace.

There was another incident, a providence of
good to me in these months of stay and labor.
During a series of religious meetings held in
the church house where I had previously made
my own public profession of Christ, I saw
the conversion of the one to whom I gave
my best affections, and the one I then

decided to make, if possible, the sharer of my
future joys and sorrows. I had known her from
her childhood, and her mother before her; yet
with all her attractions and merits in my eyes, I
had no thought of choosing her previous to her
conversion, as the partner of my life. I knew no
one could be happy with me, nor a help-mate in
the life I had resolved to live, unless she was
converted, and thus one in spirit and purpose with myself.

On that day of her conversion and espousal to
Christ (for I heard her experience and
consecration) I decided to seek with her future
oneness. I had before me a governing purpose,
and to this all my plans conformed. Marriage to
me was not a mere impulse nor a mere business
transaction. I believed then, as now, that in order
to true and wise marriage there is some one in
the world in whom there is, first, that peculiar
combination of qualities which form the basis of
peculiar and exclusive affection; and then there
must be that purpose of soul and habit of life that
fit for future harmony and usefulness. This I
found in her: that affection, sympathy, courage,
cheer, activity, frugality and endurance, which
few could have combined, and which greatly

sustained me in the dark and trying hours that
attended most of our pathway. This much is due
to truth and may be suggestive to others.

By this time it became apparent that my work
in trying to convert my father to sentiments of
justice and liberty was ended. He had supplied
himself, from every possible source, with pro-slavery
books and pamphlets, and became violent
in his opposition to all efforts for the freedom of
the slave. He still hoped to efface my convictions
and lure me from my purpose. He offered to pay
all bills if I would go to Princeton, New Jersey,
and spend a year in the Theological Seminary in
that place. This offer I declined. I said, I will not
by any act of mine bid God-speed to an institution
in which the teaching and practice is subversive
of the fundamental principles of the Gospel,
- love to God supreme, and to our neighbors
as ourselves.

I was offered the pastorate of two churches in
the county (Bracken), with abundant support,
but on the condition that I would "go along and
preach the Gospel and let the subject of slavery
alone." I replied, "The Gospel is the good
news of salvation from sin, all sin, the sin of
slave-holding as well as all other sins;

and I will not sell my convictions in reference to
that which I regard as an iniquity, nor my liberty
to utter these convictions for a mess of pottage."

I saw that my work in that region was ended.
But my covenant was upon me to preach the
gospel of love in Kentucky. I needed therefore to
look for another field.

Ecclesiastically I was connected with the New
School Presbyterian "church" or sect. The
ministerial brethren of that body at that time, in
Kentucky, were relatively few. Several of these
brethren earnestly solicited my co-operation. I
told them my convictions in reference to the
sinfulness of human slavery; of its utter
subversion of the great fundamental principles of
the Gospel. Some replied, "Yes, slavery is a bad
thing; so was polygamy; but God tolerated it, and
sent his prophets to preach principles that
ultimately supplanted it. So," they said, "we must
deal with slavery." I replied, Principles can be
effective only as they are seen and applied.

I was fettered with the notion that if I would
purify the church, or sect, I must stay in it and
there apply the principles, hold up the truth.
Soon, however, an "eye-opener"

came. I was invited to attend a meeting of the
presbytery within the bounds of which I was then
living. This was near to Cynthiana, Harrison Co.,
Ky. I went. I saw there, as elsewhere, the blight
of slavery on every thing around me; the
degradation of the slave, the idleness of the
youth, the pride of the people, the spirit and
manner of the ministers themselves. Sabbath
came; and the hour to commune, to eat at the
Lord's table, came. With this came to my mind
the text, "If any man that is called a brother be a
fornicator, or covetous, or an idolater, or a railer,
or a drunkard, or an extortioner; with such an one
not to eat." I said, If the slaveholder be not an
extortioner, then no man under heaven is. I left
the church house, and went out into an adjoining
woodland and sat down on a log and wept as I
thought of my condition, - that of holding
ecclesiastical connection with men with whom I
could not eat at the Lord's table. The pastorate of
that church was offered to me. I saw in the
eldership and leading members determined
opposition to the freedom of the slave. I saw
there was not to me, in that place, an open
door, and returned to my home.

After a few days I took my horse and started
on an exploring tour through the interior of the
State. Then, like most other ministers, I was
working in the narrow groove of sect, and that a
small one in Kentucky. Going from place to
place, I traveled on horseback between three
and four hundred miles. I heard, in my journeying,
of a small church in the city of Louisville,
Kentucky, then without a pastor. I visited the
church and found the membership small -
twenty-one in number. In this church there was to me
one hopeful feature, and that was that there was
but one slave-owner in the membership, and she
the widow of a former preacher, who was
represented as having been an anti-slavery man.
I said, This people will probably hear the truth
spoken in love. I agreed to come and labor with
them for a season. I then returned to my home in
Bracken County.

Soon a letter from the church followed me,
saying, "If you will be useful among us, you must
separate yourself from that abolition presbytery
at Cincinnati." By that presbytery I had been
licensed to preach the Gospel, and my
connection, ecclesiastically, was yet with that
body. I replied, If my usefulness

with you depends upon my separating from
godly men, then with you I cannot be useful.

Again I was apparently without a field of
labor; but my purpose was unchanged, and my
willing covenant to preach the gospel of love in
my native State was yet upon me, but in what
place to preach I knew not. With me it was then
true that I must go forward, "not knowing
whither I went."

As previously suggested, my life's future was
merged with that of another, and hers with mine:
She had decided to go where I should go, and if I
roamed in keeping my covenant, I should not
roam alone. Accordingly with her consent,
Matilda Hamilton and I were married September
26, 1844.

Soon after this, two brethren, S. Y. Garrison
and E. P. Pratt, extended to me an invitation to
assist in a meeting to be held in Lewis County,
Kentucky. I accepted the invitation and went at
the time appointed. I found a new church house
just completed, and a large concourse of people.
As I was informed, most of the people were
descendants of Pennsylvanians, and but few
slave-holders were in the community. The
membership of the church was small, but to me

hopeful. There were at the beginning of the
meeting only three members. These were
women, wives of men who were not
slave-holders. During the meeting two persons, on
the profession of their faith, were added to the
church. These were not slave-holders. I preached
to the people, found attentive ears, and
immediately an urgent solicitation to labor with
them.

In that community there was but one other
church, a small band of Old School
Presbyterians. The man who preached to them,
once in each month, lived many miles distant, and
was pro-slavery in his teachings. I said, These
people are practically without the Gospel; this is
missionary ground; there is an open door and I
will come. Efforts were made to secure for me a
partial support. Nearly one hundred dollars were
pledged by the people; application was made to
the American Home Missionary Society for
additional aid; and, as I now recollect, the sum
was two hundred dollars. I returned to Bracken
County, where I had previously left an
appointment to deliver a lecture on the subject
of slavery, in the court house in Brooksville
the county seat. This appointment

produced great commotion. Threats of
violence were made, and with these came
entreaties from relatives and friends to withdraw
the appointment. During life, in all new or
responsible engagements, I have been slow and
careful in making them; but once made, as far as
I can now remember, I have met my
appointments, or made a vigorous effort in
trying to do so.

I went to the appointment, - my wife with me.
James Hawkins, then the nominal slave of my
father-in-law, went also, but "followed afar off."
He went not to be seen as a hearer, but to guard
the horses and saddles of myself and wife, and
this of his own devising; - not known to us. We
found in the court house a small audience of
men. I delivered my lecture and we came quietly
home.

My father was so incensed that he said,
"Enter not my door again." After some two
weeks I preached a sermon in Sharon church
house. My father was present. After sermon
he invited me and Matilda, my wife, to go
home with him. Though he opened, for
a time, the door of his house, he never opened
the door of his heart to the sentiments of
freedom to the slave, or to the doctrine of doing

The prospects of the newly-begun life, to
my wife, were not flattering, and all I could then
do was to walk by faith and not by sight. After the lapse of a few more weeks we went to
Lewis County, to enter upon the work as previously
arranged. We took board in the house of
Benjamin Given. He was a member of the M. E.
Church.

Soon after entering upon my work in Lewis
County, John D. Tully, then husband to Ruth
Tully, who was a member of the little church,
requested that I would preach a sermon on the
subject of slavery. I at once consented, and
announced my purpose to do so at Union church
house, four weeks from that time. I had then an
engagement to attend in the meantime, the
then-called "Southwestern Anti-slavery Convention,"
to be held in the city of Cincinnati, Ohio, in the
month of April, 1845. At that convention I made
my first acquaintance with Salmon P. Chase, and
was with him on the committee of resolutions
there discussed and adopted. There I heard
George W. Clark sing in his inimitable manner,
that soul-stirring song, "Be free! O man,

be free!" There I heard read a letter of great
eloquence and power from Elihu Burritt, for
whom I afterward named my firstborn son,
Burritt.

I returned to Lewis County, Kentucky, my
then chosen field of labor. At the appointed time
I went to the church house where I had engaged
to preach a sermon on the subject of slavery. I
found there more people than could be seated in
the house. I selected the text, "Thou shalt love
the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all
thy soul, and with all thy mind, and thy neighbor
as thyself." I showed that human slavery was
plainly a violation of this fundamental principle of
the Christian religion. I then considered the
various texts in the Old and New Testaments
assumed as sanctions of slavery. I showed that
such assumptions were wrong; that the precepts
of Christianity must be construed in harmony
with its fundamental principles, and that slavery
was sinful as certainly as anything in human
action could be sinful. I invited the congregation
to come back the next Lord's day and we would
then consider the various schemes for the
removal of this evil; I then dismissed them.

On the next Lord's day the congregation was
not so large as on the previous occasion. I
reminded my audience that we had shown on the
previous occasion that human slavery was a
violation of the law of love, and therefore a sin;
that this sin, like all other sins, needed to be
repented of, and that immediately; just as we
should immediately repent of any other great sin.
I then considered the plea for colonization. I
showed that to banish a man from the land of
his birth, guilty of no crime, was gross
injustice - only adding iniquity to crime. I
showed that to do right is always safe; and
that emancipation in the West Indies was an
acknowledged good to all; that the slaves in our
country, as a general rule, were patient,
long-suffering, receptive, trusting, and, withal,
acclimated; and would be more quiet laborers
than those we would import from abroad. The
verdict was soon rendered: "He is an
Abolitionist, in favor of 'nigger' equality; his
teaching is dangerous to our property, and will
breed insurrection and rebellion; he ought to be
moved."

That Sabbath afternoon was not a quiet one in
that part of Lewis County where we then were.
No violence as yet; only jeers and

taunts. My wife was as quiet as if all around her
had been serene. The next morning our landlord
informed me that his wife was unwilling to keep
us any longer. We had not a home of our own.
My covenant was still on me to spread the gospel
of love, justice and mercy, in Kentucky, my
native State; where, I knew not. My purpose was
unchanged. I could only stand still and see the
salvation of God. It came.

MONDAY morning found us absolutely
without a home. My wife picked up her bonnet and
went across the stream, Cabin Creek, to the
house of "Uncle" Robert and "Aunt" Lydia
Boyd. They were "Disciples" - disciples indeed.
My wife said to Aunt Lydia, "We are without a
home; can we stop with you for a few weeks?"
The reply was, "Certainly; come in." In a sense
we were "strangers," and "they took us in." In
less than two hours our little effects were
removed and we were under another roof.

I said to my wife, "My covenant is upon
me to stay in Kentucky and preach this gospel
of love. If I do so I must have a home of my
own, a place where I shall be a fixture, a taxpayer;

have a claim to citizenship and protection."
I had 409 acres of land in northern Indiana which
I could then sell for six dollars per acre. I sold
half of the tract and bought half of an acre of
ground adjoining the lot of the friend with whom
we were stopping. I found two men who said
they would build for me a house if they had to
"hold the sword in one hand and the trowel in the
other; the pistol in one and the saw in the other."
These were ungodly men - "the earth helped the
woman." To secure material, even for a small
house, was then, to me, a tedious business. Some
of this lumber had to be hauled ten miles - not by
railroad, or on turnpikes, but on jolt wagons and
over mud roads.

After some weeks my wife and I, "on
horseback," went twenty-five miles to the house
of her parents, where she tarried a few weeks,
until our first child was born.

I immediately returned to my field of labor,
filling appointments from Sabbath to Sabbath. My
audiences were small, ranging from eight to
twelve persons. Two persons who had united
with the original three, went back as soon as
persecutions arose. Two others, converted by the
power of truth and Spirit of God,

were added. These endured until death called
them away. The church at a regular meeting
resolved to treat slave-holding as they would any
other practice plainly contrary to the Word of
God, and refuse church fellowship to all persisting
in the practice of slave-holding. I continued my
appointments at Union Church house and at
private houses where I could find an open door.
The one hundred dollars, pledged toward my
support, were ciphered down to twenty-five. One
of the preachers, who knew my condition, and
had known me for many years, had often been at
my father's house. He had urged me to go to
that field, and had pledged twenty-five dollars of
the one hundred promised for my support, but
when he heard I had uttered my convictions in
sermons against human slavery, he declined to
pay what he had pledged, saying "he had intended
to give to me a colt worth twenty-five dollars, but
it had died"; "moreover, if I should find myself
taken out some night, ridden on a rail and ducked
in a pond, I would receive only what my folly
deserved." This action of his need not now be
surprising when we consider that this man had a
rich farm, in an adjoining county, worked by

slaves, and the women were driven to the
hempfield whilst their babes lay crying on the
kitchen floor. This I saw in passing. To some it
will now seem horrid that I should have had any
ecclesiastical association with such a man. I did
not long retain such.

In the month of October, 1845, I attended the
annual meeting of the Synod of Kentucky,
Presbyterian, New School, at Paris, Ky. The
Synod in reviewing the records of Ebenezer
Presbytery considered the action of the church in
Lewis Co., of which church I was then pastor.
The church had by a unanimous vote declared
that they would regard slave-holding as a sinful
practice - a plain violation of the law of God, and
refuse church fellowship to those persisting in the
practice of slave-holding. This action was
pronounced unwarranted and my part in it as
reprehensible.

A prominent member of the Synod and its
Corresponding Secretary immediately entered
upon a defense of slave-holding, and this in the
light of Bible teaching, and with this a severe
reflection upon me for teaching the opposite
doctrine. In reply I gladly accepted the
discussion of the subject of slavery, and
that in the light of the Bible. After the

second round the moderator decided we must not
discuss the subject in the light of the Bible, but in
the light of the constitution of the church, the
"denomination to which we belonged." I replied,
even in the light of this constitution slavery is
wrong. This constitution declares an offense to be
"any thing in the principle or practice of a
church member which is contrary to the Word of
God; or which, if it be not in its own nature sinful,
may lead others to sin or mar their spiritual
edification." I said, as we have shown,
slave-holding is contrary to the Word of God,
violates the law of love in taking away natural
rights, and also tempts others to sin. The
discussion was stopped by the moderator. A
peroration was given by a venerable member,
Dr. C______ , who said, "If the young man shall
find himself some day taken out, ridden on a
rail and ducked in a pond, he need not
be surprised."

The Synod then passed four resolutions.

1. "That the action of the church in Lewis
County, in declaring slave-holding as sinful, and
refusing church fellowship to slave-holders, is
unwarranted.

encouraging such action is censurable in thus
disturbing the peace of Zion, and in breaking his
covenant vows to study the peace of Zion.

3. That the A. M. Society be requested not to
give aid to him as an evangelist in our midst.

4. That Ebenezer Presbytery be requested to
appoint a committee to visit and labor with the
church in Lewis County." The committee came
not.

At the next meeting of the Synod, which
meeting was held at Midway, Ky., my action in
connection with the church in Lewis Co., Ky.,
was again taken up. I had said to the brethren of
the Synod I had believed it to be my duty to stay
with my brethren for a time and do what I could
to induce them to cease from the practice or
sanction of the sin of slave-holding. A prominent
member replied: "A man may hold a black-eyed
pea so near his eye that he will shut out of vision
the whole world." Application was made.

It was then said, "On our part there is no
hope for repentance, and you have done all you
can unless it be by withdrawing and consistently
going where you belong." It was then
added, "The constitution of the church," the

denomination, "to which you belong says nothing
against slavery and it is your duty to construe the
constitution of the church as the body you belong
to construes it." I replied, "It is now manifest that
my work with you is done. Also, the position you
assume is practical popery; you interpose
between me and the Word of God a human creed
and then demand that I construe that creed as the
body to which I belong construes it. This takes
away the right of private interpretation. This is the
very essence of popery." I said, "Give to me a
letter of dismission." This they did, as "in good
and regular standing save agitation of the slavery
question." With this separation ended, on my part,
all direct connection with slave-holding bodies.

As it now is, my work has been small, but had
I consented to remain in the Synod of Kentucky,
and to pursue the policy advised and adopted by
the brethren in that Synod, my work would have
been an utter failure. So far as I now know every
church that consented to the conservative
position, yea, proscriptive position of that Synod,
has gone down. It either died for want of life or
went over to the Old School body in its unqualified

fellowship of slaveholders. This failure was not to
be attributed to want of ability in the ministry.
Such men as Clelland, Gallaher Dickerson, Mills,
Pratt and others were men of acknowledged
ability. The majority of the ministers acknowledged
the wrong of slavery in comparing it to
concubinage, but said it was to be worn out by
preaching principles. These brethren were
negative, conservative. The slave power was
positive, aggressive, and wore out these
conservative ministers and their churches. When
sins are gross and incorporated into the organic
law of the land, nothing short of unqualified
condemnation and refusal to support will be
sufficient.. Ministers must speak out as Nathan to
David, "Thou art the man." "The blood of a
murdered man lies at your door." "Put away the
evil of your doings." Nothing short of such
faithfulness will ever succeed.

An important question was now before us as a
church - what ecclesiastical position shall we
assume? what shall we do for ecclesiastical
co-operation? We had a lingering feeling somewhat
like that of the children of Israel in the days of
Samuel, when they said: "We must be like the
nations round about us." But God led and taught
us otherwise.

We saw that to succeed in Kentucky we
must have the co-operation of all true
Christians, who trusted in Christ as their
Savior from sin - all sin. Bro. G. came
across the Ohio river and said, "Bro.
Fee, we Free Presbyterians have so
amended our Confession of Faith that
we shut out all slave-holders; join with us."
I said: "To do so would leave us but a
little handful in Kentucky; also there are
good brethren here who would not like
your creed, in other respects; nor the
name Presbyterian.

Bro. W., a Wesleyan of good ability
and of true piety, came. He said: "Bro.
Fee, Wesleyans have no connection with
slave-holding and our creed is small; join
with us." I said: "We are glad of your
protest against slave-holding and hope
your creed will grow still smaller so that
it will shut out no true child of God who
accepts Christ in all the fullness of
his character; but there are brethren
here who would not like to accept your
creed nor take the name Wesleyan." We
said that it is manifest that in order to
success we must have a creed so simple
that all true followers of Christ can unite
on it. And we must have a name so catholic
that all the true followers of Christ

can wear it. This must be Christian as
designating individual character; and church
of Christ at ______ as designating the local
church. Thus were we led by the logic of events
to see the wisdom of the plan long before
marked out by our Lord when he said: "Neither
pray I for these alone, but for all them
that believe on me through their word, that
they may be one."

The basis of union was Christ, a person -
not opinions - but a PERSON. "Other
foundation can no man lay than is laid, which is
Jesus Christ." The reason for fellowship was
manifested faith in Christ as the Savior from
sin. On this foundation came together those
who had been known as Presbyterians,
Disciples, Methodists and Baptists.

A question now arose in my mind as to the
propriety of my receiving aid from the American
Home Missionary Society. I gave to the
Society my reasons why I must decline further
aid: They were as follows:

1. In securing and sending an annual
contribution to your Society I will thereby help
sustain and build up slave-holding.

2. However small my influence may be,
my continued reception of your aid would be

The society replied they thought I ought
to be satisfied if they were willing to give aid
to me in my protest against slave-holding;
and in reference to pastors aided, their work
of inquiry was ended when the pastors are
regarded as "rectus in ecclesia," "right in
church." This was Congregationalism "with
a vengeance."

I replied: "Christ is not the minister of sin
and you ought not to be, and I may not help
you in this."

Just at this time, Jan. 17, 1846, Bro. A. A.
Phelps, who was secretary of the Union
Missionary Society, merged soon after this into
the American Missionary Association, wrote
to me saying, "I think you should stay where
you are and itinerate three or six months, as
you can. I hope you will, on no account,
withdraw your application for a re-commission
from the Home Missionary Society; if they
refuse, they make Abolitionism a test of church
standing as Dickerson has in his refusal to
recommend you. Do not let them off - urge
and insist on a decision of the 'new case.'"

I felt I must let them off. Whilst they manifestly,
for some reason, desired to help sustain
one anti-slavery church in the South they were
at the same time sustaining fifty two
slave-holding churches in the South. This was
blowing hot and cold - serving God and the
devil - doing evil on a large scale, that good
might come on a small scale. I said: "I may
not bid you God speed in your wicked policy,"
and returned their commission.

The little church established on the one
foundation, Christ, and its pastor disenthralled
from all slave-holding alliances, and the little
cottage now enclosed, one room with one coat
of plastering on and that not dry, the humble
pastor, wife and first-born child entered.
With a small case of books on the right, a
small cupboard on the left, our little Laura in
a cradle in the middle, a bed behind, at nightfall
Matilda and I sat down before a cheerful
fire in an open fireplace, without a cloud of
the unseen future before us.

In this little room sixteen feet square, with bed
and table extending a plank from one chair to
another, we had preaching Sunday evenings after
I returned from distant appointments. Monday

morning whilst I made fires, fed the horse and
milked the cow, my wife swept out dirt from
previous muddy shoes and scrubbed out stains
from tobacco spit as far as she could. The
one end to be attained, at whatever sacrifice,
was the lodgment of fundamental truth in the
minds of the people.

As we began to plant ourselves more fixedly
in the State, the slave power busied itself in
efforts to stir up opposition and mob violence.
A plot was arranged to waylay me on my
way to an appointment some fifteen miles
distant. Some men who were friends proposed
to go and defend me from assailants;
but said they would not go without arms. I
said: "I carry no weapons; I know retaliation
will destroy society. If I suffer I will make
my appeal to the civil courts." These
friends declined going. My wife said she
would go. The babe was left with a kind
neighbor woman.

Saturday morning found Matilda and me each
on horseback, winding our way through the
hills of Lewis to our appointment fifteen miles
distant on the banks of the Ohio river. No
molestation that day. That night during the
hour of preaching some "roughs" took our

horse out of the stable, took him off into the
forest, tied some billets of wood to his tail and
started him, thinking he would be greatly
frightened and they see some fun. "Ben"
took the matter so gently that they declared
he had "religion" and let him go at pleasure.
When my wife found that her horse was gone,
the horse her father had given to her, and that
he was probably being abused, she was
troubled and "sweat at the eyes." Old Father
Rankin, John Rankin, had come across the
Ohio river to attend the meeting; and byway
of comfort to my wife, said: "Why, Sister
Fee, I have had my horse's tail shaved and
mane cropped and one ear cut off, and he
rode just as well afterward as before." Not
long after "Ben" was found quietly browsing
among the bushes and waiting to do his part
in further evangelization.

The next day it was confidently asserted
assault would be made on our way home.
The proposed assault, however, had been
disconcerted by the sudden death of the leader,
who was killed in a saw-mill. As angry members
of the proposed mob two men waylaid
us, but were hindered from personal violence
by the presence of a sturdy farmer, who had

purposely planned to return home with us.
One of the assailants, with a club in hand,
rode rapidly up to me in a threatening attitude;
but my wife, dexterous on horseback as
he, at each moment interposed herself between
me and H. After two or three passes,
the sturdy farmer rode up and said: "Hannahs,
if you do not clear out from here, I will
get down and beat you till there shall not be a
sound bone in your body." Hannahs contented
himself by dismounting and throwing
stones, one of which struck me, but without
serious injury to me.

Whilst not seriously injured, I saw this was
my opportunity to show, that whilst I did not
avenge personal injury I would show respect
to civil law by appealing to it for protection
and gaining, if possible, a decision of the
courts in favor of free speech and personal
security. I brought the case before the grand
jury, and through that into the circuit court.

The judge was a slaveholder. He said to
the court: "Gentlemen, Mr. Fee is an
Abolitionist, and if slave-holding is sinful, then
the Abolitionists are right. They say, repent of
sin immediately; and you would not say to
pickpockets, quit your sin gradually." But

having called for a Bible, he opened it and
said: "Slavery is not sinful; the Bible
sanctions it," and referred to the case of
Abraham, and the instruction of Moses to
buy of the heathen round about, and of Paul
as returning Onesimus, "a runaway slave."
Closing the book, he said: "But, gentlemen, free
speech must be had; and Mr. Hannahs ought
to be ashamed of his conduct, and the court
must fine him."

This decision gave to me a measure of
protection in Lewis County, but did not wholly
suppress the spirit of violence in adjoining
counties.

About this time, at my suggestion, a
petition was sent to Cassius M. Clay, requesting
him to come to Lewis County, July 4th, 1846,
and make to us an address on the subject of
slavery and emancipation. The call was
signed by twenty-seven citizens, to be sent to
Mr. Clay.

Mr. Clay accepted the invitation,
commended highly the courage of the men who
had made the call, but sent back the sad
intelligence that he must defer the purposed address
until his return from the war with Mexico.

neighbor, saying: "The anti-slavery sentiment
of the community will soon be embodied,
and it will be made known that no man, Whig
or Democrat, can have their votes who is a
practical slaveholder, or an apologist for
slavery." This was sent to Mr. Clay and
published in the True American. This stirred
the slave power, especially in Mason County,
the adjoining county. An article appeared in
the Maysville Eagle, which in some respects
misrepresented the statement of the former,
by saying: "This is as rank Abolitionism as
was ever uttered by Birney or Tappan. No
slaveholder is hereafter to receive the votes
of these simon-pure liberty men; and they
who dare to apologize for the institutions of
our country are thus denounced and
proscribed, and this is heralded forth as the
sentiments of Lewis County." This was a
misrepresentation. The sentiments only of
those organized were declared.

Mr. Clay, having declined then to come,
and the slave power raging, some ten men of
the twenty-seven who had signed the call
inviting Mr. Clay to come, took back their
names; and upon myself, Mr. Clay's
correspondent, were gathered the severest

anathemas, and threats of violence and of the
utter destruction of my house. The night for
the work of desperation was fixed. My
friends expected the threatened violence,
and a man whom we knew as a friend and
one who had opportunity to know the
movements of our enemies came three times
during the day and entreated that I leave my home
or I would certainly be killed. At night we
went to bed as usual. The night was one of
terrific darkness, thunder and lightning.
Many, with purposes of violence, did gather
at the place of rendezvous, but dispersed
before the frowning elements. Soon after this
the prime mover was killed by a tenant. The
slain man, though a major, a slaveholder with
large property, was so little esteemed by his
neighbors that, as I was informed, scarcely
enough gathered to give to him a decent
burial. Another man who shot at me whilst
I was sitting in my house, was soon afterward
drowned in the Ohio river.

For reasons manifest my audiences were
small. Many whose sympathies were with
the principles of justice and liberty were
afraid to be seen listening to me in public
audiences. I saw I must try and reach the

people at their homes, at their firesides; and I
decided I would write and publish an anti-slavery
manual, a hand-book showing the testimony
of God's Word against slavery, - the evil
consequences of slavery upon society,
and with these show the unity of the human
race - that verily "God hath made of one
blood all nations of men." The matter for
this manual I prepared, and, for best effect,
decided to publish in Kentucky, - in Maysville,
a city near by.

Whilst preliminary arrangements were
being made, a man of wealth and influence in
that city wrote to me a letter, saying that if I
should come to that city and attempt to
publish an anti-slavery book he would head a
band of sixty men, ride me on a rail and duck
me in the Ohio river. I went on with my
publishing, and attended to proof-reading
there in the city. Whilst there the conductor
of the press said to me: "My father, Judge
Chambers and John A. McClung, will this
forenoon make speeches in the court house.
Come, go down." I went.

I had a few days previously headed a
petition to Congress praying that Texas might be
admitted as a free State and thus delivered

from slavery, which our own statesman,
Henry Clay, admitted to be a curse. As the
meeting was about to adjourn, a little fellow,
a practicing attorney at the bar, well known
as Tom Payne, jumped to his feet and said:
"There is a matter here that ought to be now
attended to. There is," said he, "a certain
man by the name of John G. Fee up here in
the edge of Lewis County, who has headed a
petition to Congress in which he denounces
Henry Clay, the son of Kentucky. It is time
such men were silenced and driven out of the
county." As he ended this sentence, I arose
to my feet, and addressing the chairman,
Judge Reed, the noted defender of slavery
and free speech previously referred to, said:
"Mr. Chairman, I happen to know something
about that petition. I drafted it and know
that Henry Clay is not denounced. So far as
he is concerned, his words are commended."

Cries went up: "Take him out; take him
out." Instantly almost the whole house arose
to their feet. Some tried to get me into the
aisle. I refused. I knew that was not the
place of security to me. A stout man, a
stone-mason, stepped to my side, and with
an uplifted, brawny arm, said: "Men, I have

been in one war (1812), and will be in
another before this man is taken out." He
knew me.

Judge Reed, with stentorian voice, cried
out: "Sit down, men, sit down. I would be
ashamed to preside in a meeting where a man
is publicly assailed and yet not allowed a
word in defense. One of old said: 'Though
you slay me, hear me.' Speak on, speak on."
I did so, and the audience dispersed quietly.
We here scored another count for free speech
and personal security.

I went on with the publication of my book,
and distributed with my own hands many copies
in the city.

Afterward the American Missionary
Association abridged the book and distributed
many copies in this and other States.

I wrote, for more general distribution, a
tract on the sinfulness of slave-holding; another
on the duty of non-fellowship of slaveholders
in church relationship, and another on the
folly of colonization as a plan of emancipation.

Just about this time the occasion for another
protest came, - a protest against secret orders.
We had a union temperance society, into
which all, young and old, rich and poor, could
come, "without money and without price."

It was proposed that there be formed in our
school-house a society known as "Sons of
Temperance." I was requested to join and
give my influence. I declined the invitation
to join, and in a public discourse gave my
reasons for so declining.

First, impracticable. The form of organization
- initiation fees, with passwords and closed
doors, - such will shut out a large portion
of society, will fail to meet the needed end, -
the reclamation of the masses.

Second, the secret principle is wrong. (1)
It is contrary to the genius of republican
institutions, where every movement affecting
the interests of society is supposed to be open
to the view of all.

2. Unfair. Such societies being secret,
give one class of men an unknown and an
undue advantage over the other members of
society, - an unfair advantage.

3. Dangerous. Such societies give
opportunities not only for unfair advantages, but
opportunities to bad men to devise measures
not only injurious to society but perilous to
governments. Such sad experiences have
occurred.

contrary to the spirit and letter of Christianity.
(1) They reject the very objects of charity -
"the halt, the lame, the blind," - help those
who help the society and can help themselves.
(2) Usually they reject men in this country
simply because they are colored. This fosters
the spirit of caste. (3) This society, as such,
hides from the world whatever light or good
it may have, - "puts it under a bushel."
Christianity requires that we let our light
shine; if we have good works let them be seen.
If there be any thing good, society ought to
have the benefit of it. (4) This was the
precedent of our Lord, who said: "I spake
openly in the temple, and in secret have I said
nothing." He is our pattern.

It was then said: "The amount of secrecy
is small." I said, the principle is just as
certainly vicious when small as when large;
a poison is the same, little or much. I said
the devil tempts not to vice in its gross form:
at first only in small proportions, and that
veiled by some assumed good; "he comes as
an angel of light." I said: "Some of you
know that it is just in this way Jesuitism now
works. It does evil that good may come."

movement. It was concocted almost
exclusively by Free-masons and Odd-fellows."
These men knew that temperance was a good
and reputable thing, and that if the youth of
the land could have their minds familiarized
with the secret principle, made reputable by
association with acknowledged good, then it
will be easy, after a time, for such to step into
other orders with larger measures of secrecy,
even those associated with blasphemous oaths,
a false religion, a religion like that of Free-masonry,
which claims to fit men for the lodge above,
- "a religion in which all men can agree,"
- Jews and pagans, Mohammedans and
Parsees; a religion of mere sacrilegious
rites; a religion in which the name of Christ
is excluded from every official prayer; Christ
treated as Mohammed, Zoroaster or Confucius;
yes, worse, the name expurgated from
Scriptures quoted. - See Mackey's Ritual, pp.
384-5. I said to my hearers: "Beware of
those stepping stones that lead to institutions
that are blaphemous, delusive, and perilous to
society and republican institutions."

The "Sons" did not live long in that region.
Afterwards, when I had moved to Madison
Co., where I now live, I was told by an influential

friend, who was a Free-mason, that if I
would join the Masons I would be protected
from the mobs. I replied: "If my protection
and immunity from violence is to be secured
by connection with orders at once delusive,
selfish, perilous to society and treacherous to
Christ, then I cannot have protection from
such men." Before I came to Madison, I was
waylaid, shot at, clubbed, stoned; by force
kept out of church houses; and since I came
to Madison, have been in the hands of six
regularly organized mobs of violent men, yet
have I not shown the secret sign of distress,
nor muttered the words, "Is there no help for
the widow's son?"

I have by these persecutions been brought
into deeper sympathy with Him whose
judgment was taken from Him and who said:
"Blessed are ye when men shall revile you
and persecute you, and say all manner of evil
against you falsely for my sake." His
gracious benediction was more than the
maledictions of men. I yet live, and live to praise
Him for that abundant grace which, like the
"red thread," has run through the cordage of
my life.

CHAPTER III.

Commission from the A. M. A. - Preaching and
Church Building. - Redemption of a Slave
Woman. - Her Effort to Free her Children. -
Her Capture and Imprisonment.

IN 1848 I received a commission from the
American Missionary Association - appropriation
$200, as I now remember. Previous
to this, for more than a year, my wife and I
had lived on our own small resource. My
wife was industrious; and I believe no man
ever accused me of being idle. Aside from
necessity, we had resolved that we would not
only advocate free labor, but also, as far as we
could, we would dignify labor by the work of
our hands.

By this time we had a little frame house
built by the community to be used as a
school-house and church house. The Lord
granted to us a manifestation of his
presence. Twenty-one persons were
converted, a prayer meeting and
Sunday-school sustained.

in Bracken County, my native country and
the native country of my wife. The place
for preaching was in a school-house, distant
from my home in Lewis twenty-five miles.
To this appointment I came every second
week. Here Wm. Goodell visited us and
preached two or three sermons. I continued
regular preaching. The first person who
there came forward to confess Christ, was my
mother-in-law, Elizabeth Hamilton. Next
came John D. Gregg, her brother, a faithful
man. One after another came. In process
of time came Mary Gregg, mother of the first
two who came. She had secured to a bondman
a deed of emancipation before she joined
the church. Thus the testimony of the
church was kept clear from any appearance
of connivance at any form of oppression.

Soon it became manifest that we must have
a larger house. We decided to build. We
were all of one mind that the highest security
demanded that we build a brick house. We
so decided. I asked the question: "Shall
the seats be free?" The question was
apparently a surprise. One after another said:
"Certainly." "But," I said, "do you mean what
you say?" The reply was: "We suppose

we do." I said: "If when the house shall
be erected, a colored man, free or slave, shall
come in and seat himself as any other man,
where he thinks he can hear to the best
advantage, will that with you be all right?"
John D. Gregg said, "Yes;" some others said
"Yes." After a silence a good brother whose
probity was known all over the county, said:
"Bro. Fee, that is my rule in my house; and
when Billie C____ comes in he sits down at my
table as I do; but in a place of public worship
as you here propose, you cannot do this. If
you attempt it one brick will not be left on
another." I said, "In the light of your own
example to do so is right, is it not?" "Yes,
Bro. Fee; but all things that are lawful are
not expedient." I said: "In mere measures,
that may often be true, but in questions of
morals - a religious movement like this -
it will be wise to do what is confessedly
right." He then said he had subscribed $100,
and would now leave $50 for us to try with.
Another took back part of his subscription.
Others increased theirs. A young man then
living in the community, an earnest, active
Abolitionist who loved to buttonhole every
conservative preacher he could get his hands

on, said, "You put up the walls and I will put
on the roof." The walls went up, and I.B.C. put
on the roof. The little brick church yet stands.
At the end of entrance, above the doorways,
is a white marble slab, placed there by John
D. Gregg; and of his own devising are
inscribed these words, "Free Church of
Christ." The sentiment it expressed was,
church of Christ, undemoninational, free
to all men.

The church was blessed. A generation of
young people was raised up there who, with
their children, and even children's children,
have gone out to disseminate sentiments there
learned and to bless society wherever they
have gone. The church there, with its long
protest against slavery, caste, sectarianism,
still lives. It is like the church in Lewis
County, feeble and without a pastor. If there
is any thing I desire in this world, it is to find
some faithful man who will go and minister to
that people, and then some faithful men and
women who will sustain that man.

In the midst of this season of church
planting and church building, there arose a sudden
and an unexpected duty; one which speedily
involved much perplexity of mind and then

anguish of spirit, not to me alone, but to others
also; and this not for a day, a week, a month,
but, more or less, for years. The relationship
once entered upon could not be relinquished
without moral delinquency.

The incipient duty was the redemption of a
woman, a slave then in my father's family.
This woman had lived for years with her
husband in the same family and was then the
mother of mothers in the same family - the
mother of daughters who were mothers.
This grandmother, yet comparatively young,
was a member of the same church where my
father, mother and sister were members.
Here, slaves, though members with their
masters, were not allowed to sit in the same
part of the church house nor at the same time
partake of the Lord's Supper with their white
fellow Christians. The slaves at this time sat
in a gallery at the end of the church house,
and when white Christians had been served,
one of the elders would say: "Now you black
ones, if you wish to commune, come down."
This they did by an outside, uncovered
rough stairway, and then around outside the
house came on to the doors of entrance, and
facing the congregation came to the seats

vacated for them, and thus ate the Lord's
Supper. Thus did slaves indeed "strive to
enter into the kingdom of heaven."

Intelligence came to me that my brother
had advised my father to sell the woman
referred to, for the reason that there were more
women in the family than were needed.

I said to my wife: "I cannot redeem all
slaves, nor even all in my father's family, but
the labors of Julett and her husband
contributed in part to the purchase of the land
I yet own in Indiana, and to sell those lands and
redeem her will be in some measure returning
to her and her husband what they have toiled
for." My wife said: "Do what you think is
right." I took my horse, rode twenty-five
miles to my father's house and spent the night.
In the morning of the next day I sought an
opportunity when my father was alone, and
having learned that he would sell, asked what
he would take for Julett. He fixed his price.
I said: "Will you sell her to me if I bring to
you the money?" He said yes. I immediately
rode to Germantown and borrowed the
requisite amount of money by mortgaging my
remaining tract of land for the payment.
Whilst there I executed a bill of sale, so that

without delay my father could sign it, before
he even returned from the field at noon. I
tendered to him the money and the bill of
sale. He signed the bill of sale, and took the
money. I immediately went to "Add," the
husband of Julett, and told him I had bought
Julett and should immediately secure by
law her freedom. I said to him: "I would
gladly redeem you but I have not the means."
He replied: "I am glad you can free her; I
can take care of myself better than she can."
I went to the house, wrote a perpetual pass
for the woman, gave it to her, and said, "You
are a free woman; be in bondage to no man."
Tears of gratitude ran down her sable cheeks.
I then told her that at the first county-court
day I would take her to the clerk's office,
where her height could be taken and she be
otherwise described, and a record of her
freedom made. This was just before the
amendment to the State Constitution that
forbade emancipation in the State. At noon my
father came in and told my mother of
the transaction. My mother was displeased,
- did not want to spare the woman from
certain work for which she was fitted.
My father came to me and requested that I

cancel the contract and give up the bill of
sale. I said to him, "Here is my horse, and I
have a house and lot in Lewis County; I will
give them to you if you so desire; but to sell
a human being I may not." He became very
angry and went to the freed woman and said
to her, "When you leave this house never put
your foot on my farm again, for I do not
intend to have a free nigger on my farm." The
woman, the wife and mother, came to me and
said, "Master says if I leave here I shall never
come back again; I cannot leave my children;
I would rather go back into slavery." I said,
I have done what I regarded as my duty. To
now put you back into slavery, I cannot. We
must simply abide the consequences. The
woman was in deep distress and helpless as a
child. Although I had my horse and was
ready to ride, I felt I could not leave the
helpless one until a way of relief should open.
After a time Julett came to me and said, "As
long as mistress shall live I can stand it; I
would rather stay." I said, "You are a free
woman and must make your own decision.
If my father will furnish to you a home, and
clothe and feed you, and you shall choose as a
free woman to stay, all well; but to sell you

back into slavery, I cannot." To this proposition
to furnish a home to the freed woman
my father agreed. There was now a home
for the freed woman, and this with her
husband and children and grand-children.

That day of agony was over and eventide
had come. I spent the night. The next
morning just as I was about starting back to
my home, my father said to me, "Julett is
here on my premises, and I will sell her
before sundown if I can." I turned to him and
said, "Father, I am now that woman's only
guardian. Her husband cannot protect her,
- I only can. I must do as I would be done
by; and though it is hard for me to now say
to you what I intended to say, yet if you sell
that woman, I will prosecute you for so doing,
as sure as you are a man." I saw the peril
of the defenseless woman. I would gladly
have cast from me the cup of a further contest,
but I saw that to leave her, though now
a free woman, was not the end of obligation.
I felt forcibly the applicability of the words,
"Cursed be he that doeth the work of the
Lord negligently, and cursed be he that
keepeth back the sword from blood." Jer. 48: 10.
I mounted my horse and rode twelve miles

where I could get legal counsel, - counsel on
which I could rely. I found that if I left the
woman on my father's premises without any
public record of her having been sold, the fact
of her being then on his premises would be
regarded as "prima facie" evidence that she
was his property and that he could sell her.
I also found that in as much as he had sold
her to me, I could, by law, compel him to do
that which was just and right, - make a record
of the fact of sale. I rode back twelve miles,
told my father what was his legal obligation,
and asked him to conform to it. He said he
would not. I then said to him, "It will be a
hard trial for me to arraign my father in a
civil court, for neglect of justice to a helpless
woman, and also for a plain violation of law;
but I will do so, as sure as you are a man, if
you do not make the required record of sale."
After hesitancy and delay he made the record.
These were hours of distress to me, to my
father, to my mother, and to the ransomed
woman; but the only way to ultimate peace,
was to hold on rigidly to the right; though in
so doing I had, in the Gospel sense, to leave
father, mother, brother, sisters, houses, lands,
- all, for Christ's sake. I was conscious that
no other motive impelled me.

The legal process ended, the woman was
then secure, and in a home, for the time being,
with her husband and children. Not long
after this my mother died. The services of
the freed woman were the more needed
where she then was. To her were born, into
freedom, three more children. About this
time her husband, through a friend, found the
record of the time of his bond service. He,
by legal process, secured his freedom and
recovered several hundred dollars, as
compensation for services rendered beyond the
time he should have enjoyed his liberty.

After a time the freed woman decided to
take her three free children, and go to Ohio,
where she could have better opportunities for
herself and her little ones. The war of 1861-
5 was approaching. Information came to her
that my brother, whose home was in New
Orleans, La., would, on his return from New
York, take all the slave children South. This
mother determined to try to save her children
from such a fate, and get them, if possible,
into freedom. She came to Kentucky to the
old home. In the night season she gathered
together two sons, three daughters and four
grand-children. (Another son had previously

been sold, another slave had gone "to parts
unknown".) One of these daughters and three
grand-children had to be gathered from an
adjoining county. Monday morning the
mother, with five children and three
grandchildren, appeared on the banks of the
Ohio river. The sun had already risen and the
friends on the other side had gone. The
mother, her children and grand-children were
captured and put into jail for safe keeping.
My father immediately sold all but the freed
woman to a slave trader, who shipped all of
them to the South. From these we have
never heard even a trace.

At the time of this sad occurrence I was
eastward, attending a meeting of the A. M.
Association. On my way home, and whilst at
Cincinnati, Levi Coffin said to me, "John,
Julett is in jail, and thy father hath sold all of
her children to the slave trader." Instead of
going home to my family then out in Madison
Co., and, as I had reason to believe they were
not in jail, I went up to Bracken County to
my father's house. I enquired into the facts.
He said, "Yes, I have sold them and have the
money in my pocket." I immediately went to
see that faithful man, John D. Gregg, and

asked him to bail the woman. He agreed to
do so. He went to the county judge and
offered to be security for the woman's presence
at the time for her trial. The judge accepted
the offer, and was preparing an obligation for
Brother Gregg to sign, when a young
attorney came up and served a writ on the
woman for stealing slaves (her own child and
three grand-children) from another county.
The woman was immediately remanded to
prison.

My wife was in Bracken County at the
time. She went to the prison and asked the
privilege of seeing Julett and her children.
The wife of the keeper only was there. She
told my wife that no one was allowed to go
into the jail but the keeper himself. My wife
then asked if she could speak to Julett. The
wife of the keeper said, "Yes, you can speak
through the floor," and turned aside a piece
of carpet that covered a crevice in the floor.
My wife approached and called. Julett knew
her voice and cried out, "Oh, Mis' Tilda;
where is Master Gregg?" (Gregg is my
middle name; I was known by that name in
boyhood days.) My wife said, "He is
eastward, - in Massachusetts." Then she cried

out, "Oh, Mis' Tilda, what will they do with
me?" My wife replied, "They can do no
more than send you to the penitentiary; don't
be distressed. You have committed no
crime; for what mother would not try to get
her children out of slavery?" My wife said
she could then hear the young mothers and
their children crying and sobbing below. My
wife again said to Julett, "They can only
send you to Frankfort" (the place of the
State's prison). "We will come to see you
there." By this time white men at the door
were cursing, and the jailor's wife was
manifestly uneasy. My wife left. As previously
stated the children and grand-children were
sold and shipped South. The mother had her
trial, and was sentenced to the State's prison.

Here, let me say, the torture of the body is
terribly cruel, and yet it is the smallest part
of the crime of human slavery. I have seen
women tied to a tree or a timber and whipped
with cow-hides on their bare bodies until their
shrieks would seem to rend the very heavens.
I have seen a man, a father, guilty only of the
crime of absenting himself from work for a
day and two nights, on his return home
whipped with a cow-hide on his bare flesh

until his blood ran to his heels. Thousands
of slaves have been whipped and beaten to
death even for trivial offenses, as that of a
slave in a county adjoining to this, whipped to
death for going, in the hour of night, to see
his wife, in violation of the master's
commands. Yet this torture of the body was the
least part of the agony of slavery. The acme
of the crime was on the soul. The crushing
of human hearts, sundering the ties of husband
and wife, parent and child, shrouding all
of manhood in the long night of despair, -
the crime was on the soul! The agony of our
Lord in Gethsemane was that of the soul, not
that of the body.

The youth of this generation cannot
comprehend the enormity of human slavery,
- the effect of it upon society, - how it blunted the
sensibilities, outraged every element of justice,
fostered licentiousness, violence and crime of
almost every description. And yet those who
practiced and sustained this iniquity, often
occupied commanding positions both in church
and state! And here I wish to say, that the
same misrepresentation of Christianity is seen
in those who maintain the spirit and practice
of caste, - a relic of the barbarism of slavery.

To crush by slight or invidious conduct, in
church or in civil society, any man or woman
of merit, is as truly oppressive and wicked as
slavery itself. I speak of conduct toward
meritorious persons. As to what our conduct
should be we need only to ask what our
Lord, our great Exampler, would do were he
here in flesh.

Our family visit to Julett Miles, whilst yet
in prison, will be given in another chapter.

CHAPTER IV.

Imprisonment of a Colporter. - Assault on
Myself. - House Burning. - Church House. - Baptism. -
Consideration of the Subject. - Baptism of
Myself and Wife. - Invitation to Madison County.
- Organization of a Church. - Call to the Church.
- Selection of a Place. - Name, Berea.

OTHER scenes of trial awaited us whilst
yet in Lewis County. We had colporters in
the field who were distributing Bibles,
publications of the American Tract Society, and
anti-slavery documents. One of these colporters
was charged falsely with telling a slave how
he might get into a free State. The offense
was alleged to have been committed in the
adjoining county, and the colporter was
therefore arrested and taken to that county
and there imprisoned to await his trial. I
went to Maysville, Ky., the county seat of
that county, that I might minister to the
comfort of the prisoner and secure counsel for
his defense. On my way home, in a retired
place, Thornton H., a violent man, living not

far from my home and openly charged with
having more children by a slave woman in his
kitchen, than by his lawful wife, rushed suddenly
upon me, and with a club he had gathered
from the woods, struck me across my
head, cutting through a Panama hat and
leaving a severe bruise. He struck so near his
hold on the club that he broke it. Had he
struck me on the back of my head he would
have killed me. For some unaccountable
reason he said not a word, turned his horse
suddenly from me, and plunged down a very
steep embankment and escaped into a forest.
Not long after this, in a re-encounter with
another violent man, he was cut across the
abdomen, his bowels gushed out, and he died.
Thus was the Scripture verified before the
people, "the bloody and deceitful man shall
not live out half his days." A like fatality
followed the men in Bracken, Mason, and
Lewis counties, who in like manner had laid
violent hands upon me. In common with
borne others, I had the conviction that God
was my shield.

In the midst of this excitement, the little
house used as a school and church house was
burned by a poor white man, who was afterward

known as a "hired tool." I said to the
friends that we must have a larger and a better
house in which to worship. The church
members were poor, and means small. One
young man who afterwards prepared for the
ministry, said, "I have not money, but I have
two strong hands, and will give fifty days'
work toward the erection of the house." My
wife said, "Obed, I'll board you." I procured
a cross-cut saw, went with neighbors to the
woods, cut logs and helped get them to the
sawmill, secured contributions, employed
carpenters, put on shingles, employed
plasterers and made mortar; and it now
being winter season, I made and kept up fires
until midnight to keep the plastering from
freezing. I shared in the work until seats
were in the house, and a rough desk was
made from which to speak.

Just at this time came a providence which
has no small share in shaping the convictions
and activities of my life for the past thirty-five
years. On one occasion, as I was passing
from an appointment in Bracken County to
my home then in Lewis County, I called
to see Bro. Grundy, the pastor of the
Presbyterian church in Maysville. As I was

leaving he said to me: "I have a little book I
would like to have you read. It is the work
of Moses Stuart on Baptism. Stuart," said
he, "is, as you know, one of the greatest
scholars in America."

I took the book, and rode on ten miles to
my home. In my theological course I had not
considered the subject of baptism. In my
ministry, up to that time, I had been engaged
in pressing the claim of the law of love in its
application of slave-holding, spirit of caste,
secretism and sectism. The church houses
built and a measure of quietude secured, I
then opened the book and found on page 50
this concession: "In classical use the Greek
word baptizo means, to dip, plunge or
immerse in any liquid; all lexicographers and
critics of any note are agreed in this." He
then passed to the use of the word in the
Septuagint. The Septuagint is the Greek version
of the Old Testament. In 2 Kings 5: 14 he
rendered ebaptizeto by the English word
"plunged." "Naaman plunged himself seven
times in the Jordan." The propriety of this
rendering is seen from the fact that here the
verb baptizo is the synonym of the Hebrew
word tabal. To this word Gesenius gives as

the only meaning the words "dip", "immerse."
I said, If the word means dip, immerse, in the
Old Testament, it means the same in the New;
for in both the word is used in its religious
sense, not merely in its secular sense, but in
its religious sense; and in this it means "dip,"
"immerse." Also the Septuagint version was
the version Paul evidently used in his reading
of the Scriptures to Greeks in Corinth, in
Rome and in all Asia Minor. In addressing
a writing to them he would not use the word
in a different sense from that in which he
read it in the Septuagint. This sense was, as
shown by Stuart, the meaning of the word in
its classical use, which did not differ from the
use of it by the common people. Also let it
be noted that to make a revelation to the
people, Paul had to use words in the sense in
which they were understood by the people.
Confessedly in the case of baptizo this was "dip," "immerse."

I then passed with Stuart on to his consideration
of the word in the New Testament. I saw
he accepted "dip" as the proper rendering
of Bapto as found in Luke 16: 24. In
Mark 7:4 he rendered baptismous by the,
word, washings - admissible only as a resultant

meaning; - not a proper meaning when
the word is used to designate action; and
here we know the pots, to secure the result
of washing, cleansing, were dipped. (See
Lev. II: 32, Num. 31: 23.) He further added
that the word in its figurative use, as in Luke
12: 50, Mark 10: 39, means "overwhelm, and
is so used in the classics."

Stuart, in his closing consideration, adds
the testimony of the early fathers of the church,
as Pastor of Hermas, Justin Martyr and
Tertullian; the latter as saying, "There is no
difference of consequence between those
whom John immersed in the Jordan or Peter
in the Tiber"; and then sums all up by saying:
"The passages which refer to immersion are
so numerous in the fathers that it would take
a little volume merely to recite them"; then,
closes by a quotation from F. Brenner, a
Catholic writer "of learning and ability," as
saying that for thirteen hundred years baptism
was Generally and ordinarily performed by
the immersion of a man under water. This
concession, said Stuart, is the more important,
from the fact that sprinkling is the present
practice of the Roman Catholic church.

Moses Stuart, I took up my Bible and turned
to Isa 52: 15; the text so often quoted in
favor of sprinkling.

In our version, the rendering is: "So shall
he sprinkle many nations." I saw from the
connection that the passage had no reference
to the Gospel ordinance, and that the word
translated sprinkle, as I have shown in my
book on Christian Baptism, when applied to
mind, as there used, cannot mean scatter in
particles, but refers to the joys of salvation
through Christ, as there referred to. Literally
rendered, it reads, "So shall he cause many
nations to leap for joy." The context demands
such a rendering. (See Gesenius, word, Naza.)
I then turned to Ezek. 36: 25. I saw that this
text also had no reference to the ordinance of
baptism under the Gospel dispensation, but to
the moral purification of the Jews when they
should be gathered from the heathen nations.
Let the reader study the connection. The
water of "separation" or of purification as
designated in the Hebrew text is not mayim hayim, pure water, but mayim tahorim, water of purification, - a fluid made of the ashes of
a red heifer and pure water. Barnes, in his
comment on this passage, says: "The practice

of sprinkling with consecrated water is
referred to as synonymous with purifying,"
- moral purification.

The sprinkling of the water of "separation"
was a part of the process of ceremonial cleansing;
(see Num. 19: 19) - here used figuratively -
"synonymous with purifying." "From
all your idols will I cleanse you," - you Jews.
There is here no reference whatever to Christian
baptism. In my personal review, I passed
to the New Testament, - saw that John baptized
the people, not with the river Jordan,
but in the river Jordan (Mark 1: 5); and that
our Lord, as stated in the ninth verse, was
baptized - literally "plunged into the Jordan,"
- that as recorded in Acts 8: 38, 39, Philip
and the eunuch went down into the water and
Philip baptized him, and they came up out of
the water. I passed to Rom. 6: 3, 4, where
Paul represented believers as having been
baptized into death, i.e., into the relation of
dead ones, and therefore properly, by symbol,
buried with Christ by baptism into this relation
of dead ones - that as the bread and wine
set forth the body and blood of our Lord, so
the burial and resurrection of believers in
their baptism set forth, not only their spiritual

death to sin and resurrection to newness of
life, but also the burial and resurrection of
our Lord.

I noticed the uniform concessions of such
authorities as Tholuck, Lange, Whitby,
Macknight, Clarke and others that the word
baptizo means immerse; that Calvin himself said,
"The word baptize means immerse entirely;
and it is certain that the custom of thus entirely
immersing was anciently observed in
the church"; but he then assumes the papal
dogma, "that the church has reserved to
herself the right to change the form somewhat,
retaining the substance." I saw, what is true,
that no man, and no set of men, have a right
to change a positive command, an ordinance
of divine appointment. To do so is fearful
sacrilege: also in changing the form of a
symbol we lose the truth thus symbolized. This
is treachery though good men and women
see it not. I saw something of my responsibility
as a preacher of the Gospel - that it
behooved me to get all the light I could on
this divinely appointed ordinance. Dr. Edward
Beecher had published a book which
among pedo-baptists, was held in high repute.
I ordered the book and read his argument

about "purifying." I said, His mistake is that
he takes the import of the rite for the
meaning of the word, when used to designate
the action of the rite. To illustrate, - the import
of the rite of sprinkling is that of cleansing, as
"hearts sprinkled, cleansed, from an evil
conscience." But the meaning of the word when
used to designate action means not to purify,
but to scatter in particles; so the word
baptize, when used to designate action, means
immerse - not purify - which is the import of
the rite itself.

I saw many preachers do as Dr. Edward
Beecher, baptize their fingers in water, then
sprinkle a few drops on the head of the
penitent (rhantize); - and then call this totally
different act baptism; saying, "The thing to
be done is to symbolize purification." I said
if that had been the thing commanded, then
the penitent might have been "passed through
the fire"; for such was a symbol of purification.
But God commanded a specific thing,
"Go baptize, immerse"; and the connection
shows that the immersion was in water; and
this not merely for the purpose of symbolizing
purification, but also other important facts; as
our own spiritual death to sin and resurrection

to "newness of life," the burial and resurrection
of our Lord (Rom. 6: 4), and our own
resurrection (1 Cor. 15:29. ) I said, Sprinkling
cannot emblematize these important facts.

Other good men say the word means
"wash"; and accordingly baptize their hands
in water and take up enough to effect a local
washing on the head; then assume that such
a transaction is the fulfillment of the command,
"Go baptize them," - the person, - the entire man.

We may here properly notice that wash is
a resultant meaning; as wet is a resultant
meaning of sprinkle, though not the meaning
of the word when used to designate action.
When used to designate action, the word
sprinkle means scatter in particles. So wash
is not the proper meaning of the word baptize,
when used to designate action. Then the
word as applied to men means "dip,"
immerse (see 2 Kings 5: 14). The word here
translated dip, immerse, is the same word
which our Lord used when he said, "Go disciple
all nations Baptizonites] - baptizing them."
And if the word in 2 Kings 5:14 means immerse,
then as found in Matt. 28:19, it means

immerse. Also if immersion is baptism, which
all admit as true, then a totally different act,
like sprinkling or pouring, is not. I also saw
that in positive commands as "eat," "drink,"
"circumcise," "baptize," we must have specific
words indicating specific actions, or we would
not know what to do - we would be without a
revelation, - in this matter. I saw that this
following or resultant meaning was the source
of much of the confusion among the sects.

I also saw some were following the traditions
and opinions of men. Others were following
their feelings, - considering what
would be most pleasant to themselves.
Others were following their own reasoning
to what would be sufficient. I said, All this
is going in the "way of Cain": and cannot be
pleasing to God. I must do the thing he
commands.

I told my wife my convictions, - that I
believed our Lord was immersed, and that
his commission was that disciples be baptized,
immersed, in his name. She replied: "I
have been feeling so for two years." We
had both been consecrated to the Lord by
sprinkling - rhantism - but not by baptism.
By this time "baptism" by sprinkling was to

me as much a solecism as immersion by aspersion.
We decided to live up to our convictions of duty
and be baptized. But the question arose, whom
shall we ask to baptize us? We did not know a
minister in the State who would at that time be
willing to baptize us, nor did we know one, with
his practice of, or conservative notions about,
slavery by whom we would be willing to be baptized.

Through Wm. Goodell I had learned something
of the history of Francis Hawley, a native of North
Carolina, and who, whilst there, maintained, as a
Baptist minister, a strong protest against human
slavery, and was at that time ministering to
undenominational churches near to Syracuse,
New York. I wrote to him and requested that he
come to Kentucky and baptize me and my wife.
He came; and near to our little cottage, and in the
presence of our dear children and a large
concourse of people, he buried us by baptism in
the waters of Cabin Creek, Lewis Co., Ky.

By that transaction we said to our children
and to our neighbors, we believe Christ our
Lord was buried, that he rose again, and
that we in like manner will rise again and
walk with him in glorified form.

As opportunity allowed, I studied the
subject of baptism still more fully. I saw
clearly that the ordinance of baptism was
designed to emblematize great facts in the
Gospel; like the burial and resurrection
of our Lord, which sprinkling could not
do, - that the truths thus set forth needed
to be presented in a brief manner to
young and old. Accordingly I prepared
matter for a small book, on the topic
of Christian Baptism, Action and Subjects,
and published it.

As a justification for this form of labor
let me say, that whilst my life has been
devoted to the maintenance of the
fundamental principles of Christianity, love to
God and love to man; and whilst I insist
upon the fact that the inner, the spiritual is
the vital feature of Christianity, I do not
forget that the external rites of Christianity
are important. They not only symbolize
the internal, but the observance of them
is also a demonstration to the outside
world, but is that which actualizes to the

I have baptized all of my children, save
Tappan, who died when in his third year.
I baptized my eldest son Burritt, when he
was seven years old. At five he would read
the Scriptures and pray with the family. He
knew what trust in Christ was and the
symbolic import of his burial in baptism. The
four other children I baptized on profession
of their faith in Christ; with this coincidence:
each one at the time of his or her baptism
was between the years of ten and eleven.
Early in life children may be trained, - trained
to love and serve the Lord.

As opportunity allowed, I studied the subject
of baptism still more fully. I saw that the
ordinance of baptism was designed to
emblematize great facts in the Gospel, like the
burial and resurrection of our Lord, which
sprinkling could not do; that the truths thus
set forth needed to be presented in a brief
manner to young and old. Accordingly I
prepared matter for a small book, on the subject
of Christian Baptism, - Action and Subjects,
and published the book.

I never sprinkle, because I believe our Lord
in his great commission commanded me to do
something else, - baptize, not sprinkle. I say

to believers, Study God's Word; live up to
your convictions; I must live up to mine. I
recognize the fact that our word baptize is
not a translation, but simply the Greek word
transferred with an English termination
affixed and must therefore be interpreted by
the reader of English. True believers may
differ in the interpretation. I feel that as a
true Protestant and Christian, I must grant to
a true believer the right of "private
interpretation." I therefore fellowship in church
relationship those who manifest true faith in
Christ as their Saviour from sin, though they
may make a mistake in the action they design
as baptism. The mistake in the act of
consecration does not destroy Christian character.
Our Lord prayed for the union of all true
believers (John 17:21). We can be united on
Christ: on opinions we cannot. We may
expect that with human creeds and sects out
of the way, men and women, delivered from
the bias of party teaching, will, in the light
of other parallel passages, come to see the
truth alike in reference to this rite of divine
appointment, and as in apostolic times, there
will yet be "One Lord, one faith, one baptism"
- not that several different acts were

regarded as baptism, but that to Gentiles as
well as to Jews, one and the same rite was
applied; and that, as I believe, not a rhantism,
but a baptism.

Prior to my baptism, Mr. C. M. Clay had
returned from Mexico and had requested that
I send to his care a box of my "Anti-slavery
Manuals." I had done so. He distributed
these largely in this part of Madison County.
Friends of freedom here had united in a
request that I visit them and preach to them. I
did so early in the spring of 1853. After I
had preached to the people some nine sermons,
thirteen persons came out as professed
followers of Christ. Most of these had been
baptized and came from their former
slaveholding fellowships. The others were
baptized, and all united as a church and for a
time worshiped in the old Glade meeting
house. After some days, I left the little flock
and returned to my home in Lewis County.

In the new church was a brother who, in
capacity to speak, was an Apollos. The
church invited him to preach to them. After
some months, brethren in the church wrote
that their pastor was not doing well, and
entreated that I come to their help or the church

would be scattered, lost. I saw that if this
church, planted as it was in the interior of the
State and avowedly on the principle that
Christ is no respecter of persons, and is not
the minister of sin in any form, should now be
allowed to fail, such failure would be a
calamity. I said to my wife, For us now to
leave these churches on the border of the
State, just at the time when they are springing
up into a measure of prosperity and
efficiency, - to sell out our small effects, take
our little ones and go 140 miles into the
interior and into a place comparatively a
wilderness, without schools, railroads, or even
turnpikes, will be a privation, to say the least. But
I said, My mission is to preach the gospel of
love in Kentucky. To go to the interior would
enlarge my sphere of labor, and apparently
increase my power at home and abroad. I
said, I have no right to please myself at the
expense of the interests of Christ's kingdom.
My wife said, "If you feel that it is duty so to
do, we will go, and leave the future with
God."

Just at this time a Bro. J. S. Davis, a native
of Virginia, a graduate from Galesburg, Ill.,
afterward from the theological school at

Oberlin, Ohio, expressed a desire to enter
into the work in Kentucky. The churches
on the border accepted his labors, and thus
the way was made clear for me to go into
the interior.

I sent forward an appointment, and then
took my horse and rode to the interior and
engaged in preaching for a few days. Mr. C.
M. Clay had bought a tract of land containing
some 600 acres; the tract included most of
the ground on which the village of Berea
now stands. Mr. Clay was very desirous that
the church should be sustained, and offered to
give to me a farm out of the 600 acres if I
would come and become the settled pastor. I
never made a bargain with any man or people
to come for a price, but always decided first
where duty called and then took what, in the
providence of God, should come. So I did
in this case. During the meeting, our mutual
friend, H. Rawlings, came to me and said:
"Clay wants you to go and select a farm as a
home." Though I had decided in my own mind
I would come, and would need a place
as a home, yet I said to Rawlings, "I will not
go and select, for in so doing I may spoil the
sale of a lot for Mr. Clay; and especially I

will not divert my mind with anything until
this meeting is over." Rawlings said: "The
surveyor is here." I said, "Then you go and
mark me off a spot." He and Bro. W. B.
Wright came to the extreme corner of the
600 acre tract and surveyed off for me ten
acres of land.

When the meeting had ended, I took my
horse and rode to the place selected, the
selection of which I had left to the guidance
of providence, rather than leave what I then
thought to be the post of duty. When I came
to the place I found about one acre of hillside,
half cleared, and the rest of the land covered
with a dense undergrowth of "blackjacks"
and a frog pond in the midst. A human
habitation could not be seen from the place. I
got on my horse and rode back to the place
where Mr. Clay then was and said to him,
"The lot selected by our friends is a dreary
spot to which to bring a family, and is more
than a mile from the place where we propose
to build a church house." Mr. Clay quickly
asked, "Is there any other spot to you more
desirable?" I said, "The Maupin House is
near to the site for the proposed church
house, and more desirable."

He replied: "I have just sold that to Dave
Kinnard", and standing there as he was by
Kinnard's shop, he cried out: "Dave, come
out here; what will you take for your house
and lot I sold to you?"

Kinnard asked, "What do you want it for?"
Mr. Clay replied, "For the preacher." Said
Kinnard, "He may have it." I knew Kinnard
was a "trading" man, and whether he
designed the property as a home or for
speculation, I knew not. I said to him, "Come
aside"; and then asked, "Why did you buy
that piece of property?" He had another
property alongside of it. He replied, "It is
my 'rosy'." I saw in a moment that to take
the house and lot would be to covet my
neighbor's property. I said at once, "I will not
take it." I rode back to the selected spot.
There I found the two friends, H. Rawlings
and W. Stapp, sitting each on an old fallen
tree. I said, "This is a dreary spot to which
to bring a family." All was silence for a
moment. Rawlings, who was not a Christian,
then broke the silence by quoting the
familiar couplet:

I said to Stanton Thompson, who had that
moment come up, seeking employment, "Take
your axe and drive a stake by that little hickory,
and we will build a house there."

Looking around for a moment I saw, what
I had not previously noticed, the absence of
water, and said, "There is no water here for
man or beast." Silence again for a moment,
when Rawlings gravely replied, "Moses smote
the rock and the waters gushed out." I said
to Thompson, "Dig a well beside that dogwood
tree." He did, - found water, - and the
well has never been dry.

I RETURNED to my family then in Lewis
County. After a short time, I gathered our
household goods into a two-horse wagon, and
my wife, two children and I, in a one-horse
carriage, started for the new home, one hundred
and forty miles in the interior. There was no
railroad to Berea at that time. In the evening
of the third day we camped in the new house,
then without a chimney, or glass in the
windows, or fence around the yard. Believing,
as we did, that we were exactly where the
Lord would have us, we lay down and slept
calmly, sweetly.

After a few days, with chimney up, glass
in the windows, and yard enclosed, we began
to plan for a school-house, and a place for
preaching up on the ridge. Lumber was

secured and the eastern part of what is now
known as the "old District School-house" was
constructed.

About this time Bro. George Candee came;
and whilst he and I were chopping wood,
then piled up in my yard, we talked up the
idea of a more extended school - a college -
in which to educate not merely in a knowledge
of the sciences, so called, but also in the
principles of love in religion, and liberty and
justice in government; and thus permeate the
minds of the youth with these sentiments.

With a purpose to survey the field and look
out the best location, we took our horses and
rode out into Rockcastle County, and visited a
community in which I had preached a few
discourses during the preceding year. We
thought we had there found the place, and
unfolded our plans to a friend. He entered
with commendable zeal into the plan and was
ready to deed lands for the enterprise.

As a preparatory step we induced friends
to help in the erection of a house as a place for
the school, and for public worship. The
building was speedily enclosed, a few sermons
preached, and Otis B. Waters, a student from
Oberlin, Ohio, was introduced as

teacher of the school. Soon some enemy of
the movement reduced the building to ashes.

Friends there were intimidated and wholly
unwilling to make any other effort at building.
I kept up a monthly appointment in the
community, in groves and private houses.

Brother Candee went into Pulaski County
and started a school there. Speedily the
house there was burned. From thence he
went to McKee, the county seat of Jackson
County. I kept headquarters at Berea, with
regular appointments there, and in three other
adjoining counties.

A Bro. Richardson, a man of excellent
spirit, came. He went on to Williamsburg,
the county seat of Whitley County, where
Bro. Myers has successfully labored. Bro.
Richardson there began a school, but soon
felt the unfriendly embrace of a mob and left.

One of my appointments for regular preaching,
at this time, was at Dripping Springs, in
Garrard County, near to Crab Orchard. The
slave power was, as ever, vigilant - called a
meeting of citizens at Crab Orchard, and a
venerable minister of the Gospel (?) presided
over their deliberations. They gravely
resolved that I should not further preach nor
distribute Abolition documents in that county.

On coming to my next appointment, I
found, as I had been told I would, a crowd
not very benignant in looks. I went into the
house with friendly salutations for all, and
with quiet purpose to meet faithfully whatever
providence might reveal. I was informed
that there was, in the hands of Dr. _____ , a
batch of resolutions I would be requested to
hear. I expressed a readiness to listen. At
the close of the reading the demand was that
my reply be yes or no. I said, "I have given
to you a quiet, respectful hearing, and have a
right to the same from you"; and without
pause for them to accumulate wrath replied
to each resolution - six in number.

In my reply I said: "I am a citizen, a native
of the State; my interests are your interests;
your interests are my interests; and as a
servant of the living God, and deprecating, as I
do, the institution of slavery in all its forms,
I cannot pledge to you that I will not preach
in this county what I conceive to be the truth
of God, or refrain from scattering abroad
tracts and other publications containing
sentiments of justice and liberty." A significant
pause ensued. The crowd sought, through a
"go-between," to pile up the sad consequences

that might follow if I did not then quietly
withdraw. I replied, "You all know I am not
a man of violence, - I carry no weapons of
defense. If any person is hurt, the guilt and
responsibility will be on those who do the
'hurting.'" After much counciling and
hesitancy, one swore he could move me;
another swore he could - and another - and
the three clamped me; and with the crowd
pressing they soon hustled me from the house.
As they were passing with me out of the yard,
I laid hold of a bar-post, deciding as I did, in
my mind, that if they got me away it should
be a case of "assault and battery." This they
soon made, by breaking my hold. They
took me to my horse, which they had brought
from the stable, and asked me to get on. I
declined, saying: "I can not, with any degree
of propriety, comply with demands so
unreasonable, unjust and illegal." They then
put me on my horse and asked me to ride; I
declined. They then led and drove, and thus
escorted me one or two miles on my way
home.

I made my appeal, as I had done in similar
cases before, to the Civil Court. I got no
redress. When my friend Rawlings enquired

of the foremen of the Grand Jury why they
did not bring in a true bill against the mob,
the foreman replied, "The proof was clear,
but we could not do any thing."

Other trials, by which to sift friends, and
indicate the place for the proposed college
and continued church, seemed to be necessary.

Soon after the mobbing at Dripping Springs,
Garrard County, I went again eighteen miles
distant, to my regular monthly appointment
in Rockcastle County. My wife taking her
babe in her arms, leaving our other little
ones at home with a good friend, went with
me. When we arrived, we found an orderly
congregation of people, and larger than we
had expected, assembled in the grove,
according to previous arrangement.

Soon after I had commenced preaching, a
band of men, about thirty in number, rode up,
dismounted and posted themselves outside
the congregation. Soon it was manifest that
they were in doubt as to what was the better
course to pursue. Unobserved by me, and
without any previous knowledge of his intent,
there stood behind me a strong, robust man;
and, though it was now early summer, he had
on a large overcoat, with large side pockets,

evidently not empty. Under his overcoat, as
I was afterward informed, there was seen the
handle of a huge knife, evidently not made
by Wostenholm & Sons. This man (Roberts)
said not a word, nor moved a step. His
known sympathy with liberty and free speech,
bespoke to others his silent purpose. I
followed the plan of my sermon, concluded,
and knelt down, with many others, and called
on a brother to lead in prayer - he was silent.
I then called on a venerable minister of the
Gospel, usually fervent in prayer, and he, too,
remained silent. I prayed, and then, after
further conversation with some three persons
who had confessed sorrow for sin and trust
in Jesus, we went with the congregation to a
stream of water near by, and there, upon the
repeated profession of their faith in Christ, I
baptized the three, in the name of the Father,
Son, and Holy Spirit.

Soon after the baptism and before we left
the ground, my wife, other friends and myself,
were warned not to return - that if we did,
we would certainly meet a large force, and I
not be allowed to speak. I replied, "The
Lord willing, I will meet my appointment."
My wife told them that, if living, I would
come.

In the meantime, I went in person to see
two civil officers - justices of the peace.
They were personal friends. Each promised
to attend the next meeting and demand order
in the name of the Commonwealth.

I sought at all times to secure to myself
and to others protection of person and liberty
of speech, by appeal, not to arms, but to civil
magistrates and to civil courts. This was, as
I believed, not only wise policy, but religious
duty. Civil authority is from God. "The
powers that be are ordained of God." Rom.
13:1. Parental authority is of God. It may
be, and often is, abused. So may civil authority;
still it is right to recognize and honor the
civil authority, thus educate public sentiment
to a right course, and secure in this way the
only substantial peace.

My appeals to the magistrates referred to,
though they were personally friendly, were
of no avail.

Between the meeting referred to and my
next appointment in Rockcastle County, there
came a severe crisis in the history of the work
at Berea and the region roundabout.

A short time previous in that year, 1856,
Hon. C. M. Clay had proposed a Republican

ticket for Kentucky; a convention in which it
might be adopted and sent forth. In his
introductory speech he said: "The National
Government has nothing more to do with
slavery than with concubinage in Turkey." I,
in reply, said, "The National Government is
responsible for the strength and perpetuity of
slavery and this by the enactment of the
Fugitive Slave Law."

The Fourth of July was near at hand. We
had previously, on this national birthday,
celebrated liberty prospectively - Mr. Clay
leading and I following.

The place for the celebration had, by
previous arrangements, been fixed at Slate Lick
Springs, Madison County. The day came,
and hundreds of people gathered. Mr. Clay
and I were on hand, and when the hour for
addresses came, Mr. Clay said that I must
speak first. I declined. He insisted. I
thought I saw his policy - have me utter my
radical sentiments, and he then review me.

I decided, in my own mind, to meet the
issue squarely; and rising with a copy of the
Declaration of Independence in my hand, I
repeated the words, " 'All men are created
free and equal,' and 'endowed by their Creator

with certain inalienable rights.' " I said, "If
inalienable, then such are man's relations to
God, to himself and family, that he cannot
alienate; society cannot; governments cannot
alienate. 'Endowed by their Creator,' if so,
then it is impious in us to attempt to take
away." I added, "This invasion of human
rights is condemned by the highest judicial
authorities"; and I quoted from Blackstone,
Judge McLean, and others. Then I said,
"What is stronger than all, the Word of God
forbids it," and quoted various passages. I
further said, "That which thus outrages
natural right and divine teaching is mere
usurpation, and, correctly speaking, is incapable of
legalization." I then showed that under the
Mansfield decision there was no legal slavery
in any of the British colonies - that when
the American colonies became States of
this Union, they did not attempt to legalize
slavery - it exists only by usurpation. I then
concluded by saying, "A law confessedly
contrary to the law of God ought not by
human courts to be enforced"; and referred
to the Fugitive Slave Law, and said that I
would refuse to obey; then suffer the penalty.

high personal regard for me, in many respects,
he said to others, "As my political friends, I
warn you; Mr. Fee's position is revolutionary,
insurrectionary and dangerous." He continued
by saying, "As long as a law is on the
statute book, it is to be respected and obeyed
until repealed by the republican majority."
He elaborated his position. When he came
to the Fugitive Slave Law he said, "So far as
this is concerned, I would not obey it myself;
it is contrary to natural right, and I would
not degrade my nature by obeying it," -
a manly, noble utterance. I seized the
concession and the opportunity and in my reply
said, "My friend, Mr. Clay, has conceded the
whole point at issue - that there is a Higher
Law." He, now seated in the midst of the
congregation, cried out, "The Fugitive Slave
Law is unconstitutional." Yet it was on the
statute book and unrepealed by the republican
majority; and to be logically in harmony with
his previous premises, he would be under
obligation to enforce and carry it out. There
was manifest confusion in the crowd. A
slaveholder standing by W. B. Waight said,
"Fee has got him." The slaveholder was
sorry that it was so. I refer to this simply

to show that even slaveholders saw the
absolute right; but, with many others, were
unwilling to stand up for the right.

The provisions in the baskets were spread,
but eaten without exhilaration. The friends of
slavery were not pleased, and the friends of
freedom were divided. Some went away
saying, "Fee is religiously right; Clay is
politically right."

Many whose consciences were in favor of
freedom, but who had not yet counted all but
loss for Christ in the person of his poor, fell
back, one by one.

Mr. Clay himself came not to my house for
thirteen months; and when the time came for
me to go back to my next appointment in
Rockcastle County, not only were the
magistrates, alluded to previously, secure at
home, but many others also remained. The
prospect for a college, a living church, life
itself, was waning. The "narrow way" still
existed.

Soon after the celebration at Slate Lick,
the time for my next appointment in Rockcastle
County came. That the now drooping
spirits of remaining friends might be cheered
by my personal presence, and that all things

might be in readiness for worship on Lord's
Day, I mounted my horse the day previous,
and rode out, some eighteen miles, to the
place appointed for preaching. On my way
I called at the house of one of the magistrates
previously referred to. He could not be
found. I then rode on to the house of the
man who had been apparently most interested
in our work. I saw in a moment that he, too,
was utterly discouraged, - no spirit in him -
afraid to go to the place appointed for preaching,
though on his own premises. He was
willing to shelter me for the night, - but that
was all.

Then next morning the heavens themselves
were overcast with clouds; and about the
time for the gathering of the people, the rain
commenced descending. The house provided
for the expected congregation was
small and soon filled, almost exclusively with
women. The arbor, constructed as a shade
for men, in front of the house, would not
shield them from the falling rain. They
dispersed to neighboring houses. This was
the opportunity for the mob foretold at the time
of the previous appointment.

at this time lying in ambush, waiting to see if
Mr. Clay and his personal friends would be
present. They knew that immediately after
the mob at Dripping Springs Mr. Clay had
said, "Free speech shall be maintained, and
Fee shall be heard"; and strong demonstrations
for the maintenance of such had been
made; but these men also knew that since
that time Mr. Clay, as at the celebration at
Slate Lick, had expressed disapproval of my
radical sentiments in regard to the Higher
Law. They were now waiting to see if
Mr. Clay's difference of sentiment would
neutralize his zeal for free speech, and
cause his absence on this occasion. Finding
him not present, and no armed forces
ready to defend me, some forty or fifty men
quickly surrounded the house in which I was
preaching; and a portion of them, with show
of previously-concealed weapons, rushed into
the house, and with violence pulled me out of
it, tearing my coat, and one man struck me a
violent blow, but without inflicting lasting
injury.

The mob had taken the precaution to have
my horse in readiness, and demanded that I
mount and be ready to march. I saw that

this, under existing circumstances, was probably
the best thing to do.

The leader of the mob said to me, "We
will now take you out of this county; and if
you return again it will be at the peril of your
life." I calmly replied, "I am in your hands,
but I will make no pledges to men, for the
present or the future." The crowd started
with me for Crab Orchard, nine miles distant.

The men having me in charge were not
silent. Like all others conscious of guilt,
they sought to justify themselves by criminating
others. I was neither sullen nor silent.
I vindicated my right as a native citizen, and
as a Christian minister, to speak as occasion
offered, and appealed to their own sense of
honor and of right. One by one of the
number dropped out of the crowd.

We had not proceeded many miles until
suddenly there descended upon us a drenching
rain; - like the dew on Nebuchadnezzar: as
described by Milton, it "dipped us all over."
By common consent we all took shelter in a
farm house near to the roadside. The "man
of the house" had a kind look and a pleasant
manner. Seeing a large Bible on a small
table, I said to him, "We can not travel whilst

the rain is falling so heavily, and if you are
willing we will read a portion of Scripture
and pray." He assented pleasantly, and I
turned to the fifty-eighth chapter of Isaiah,
and read, "Cry aloud, spare not, lift up thy
voice like a trumpet, * * * Is not this the fast
that I have chosen? to loose the bands of
wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and
to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break
every yoke? * * Then shalt thou call and the
Lord shall answer"; - and so to the end of
that chapter, so full of instruction and precious
promise. I knelt down and prayed. Soon
the rain ceased. We all mounted our horses;
but seven of the number turned back. Nine
persevered in their purpose to take me out
of the county, and brought me to Crab
Orchard, where, much to my comfort, I saw
no crowd of hostile men waiting to receive
me, as was expected.

The mission of the nine to take me out of
the county was now ended; but feeling that
they must say something they asked me if I
would "take something to drink," - they
meant whisky.

These men, as their manner indicated,
doubtless thought they were acting

magnanimously to offer a "treat" - even to an
Abolitionist. I, in a quiet manner, replied, "I drink
nothing stronger than cold water; and if you
will give me a cup of that I shall be much
obliged." This they quickly brought to me,
and after drinking it, I bade them good evening
and started toward my home.

It was now near sunset. I rode on some
two or three miles, and coming to the small
log-house of a poor man, I asked the privilege
of spending with him the night. This he
kindly granted. Early the next morning I
was again on my horse, and in a few minutes
was in the well known road leading from
Dripping Springs to Berea.

During the night a friend, James Waters,
came across the country, and came to my
house exactly as the clock was striking twelve.
My wife recognized his voice and said, "Mr.
Fee is taken"; for all night long she seemed
to have had an apprehension of my condition.
Waters, after some minutes of delay, said,
with a tremulous voice, "He is in the hands
of a violent mob, and where they have gone
with him God only knows."

Our dear Burritt, now gone before us, then
a boy seven years old, said, "Mother, we can

all pray for Pa." The mother and children,
with Miss Tucker, a lady friend from Oberlin,
Ohio, all knelt down and offered earnest
prayer.

Soon, Mrs. W. B. Wright, the wife of our
nearest neighbor, was at the door of our house,
and promptly offered to go with my wife in
search of me; and by dawn of day, twenty-two
men were ready to go with the women.

Waters, who knew the character of the
men who had seized me, had expressed the
belief that I would not be found alive.

In less than three hours the company was
near to the place where I had been last seen
in the hands of the mob. Just at this moment
a friend rode up and informed them that I
had been seen that morning riding quietly
toward my home. All quickly retraced their
steps, and soon found me quite happy with the
little ones, who had been left in the care of
Miss Tucker. Thus ended another episode
in the history of Berea and its work.

It was now manifest that the place for the
contemplated college was not in Rockcastle
County; at least in that part of it. The women
of true faith in God were few there; and the
men of courage were still less in number.

Providence seemed to say, fall back on Berea;
and though there were then few in Berea
with depth of piety, there were others who
had physical courage, and who believed that
free speech is right and had determined it
should be maintained. Thus "the earth helped
the woman" - for a time.

Other trials were in reserve, by which to
test the faith and patience of the church and
people at Berea. In the years 1857-8 I had
appointments for preaching at Lewis Chapel
in this county, in the region known as Big
Bend of Kentucky River. In this region
Bro. Robert Jones had also traveled as a
colporter, selling the publications of the
American Tract Society, and also distributing
anti-slavery documents, - tracts written
by myself and others.

In the month of February, 1858, I went to
the house of a Mr. Fields, an excellent man, a
substantial farmer; and on Friday evening
preached at his house.

I had been warned not to come again into
that region; but my covenant was upon me to
preach the Gospel of Christ in this my native
State - a gospel that is not the minister of sin;
- and there was thus far an open door, and I

felt, as ofttimes before, "woe is me if I preach
not this Gospel"; and that I had no right to
"count my life dear unto myself."

Saturday morning was one of comparative
comfort for that month of the year. After
breakfast I retired to an adjacent forest for
prayer and reflection. On returning to the
house, Mr. Fields said to me, "Mr. C_____,
ex-member of the Legislature, has been here,
and advises me not to go to the chapel; 'for,'
said he, 'There will be trouble to-day.'"

Just at this moment a man rode by carrying
before him three double-barreled shotguns.
"There," said Mr. Fields, "do you see that
half-Injun? He lives at C_____ O______'s:
there is something up." Turning to me and
looking gravely he said, "Shall we take guns?
I have one rifle, and my brother has two." I
replied, "No, I carry no weapons but the
gospel of truth; and then, three rifles will only
provoke greater violence. If we shall be disturbed
I will make my appeal to the Civil Courts,
as I always have done." He assented.
In due season we took our horses and started
for the chapel, - the place for preaching.

When we arrived, Mr. Marsh, a friend,
who was outside waiting for us, advancing,

said, in a very subdued tone, "We shall have
trouble here to-day." I replied, "Let us do
our duty, and leave the results with God";
and passed on into the house; for when duty
is clear, it is not wise to counsel with fears.
Mr. Marsh followed in, and seated himself
near to the desk where I stood. He seemed
to desire to be near to me. Exactly on time,
eleven o'clock, we commenced the service of
the morning. I had advanced about half way
in my sermon, when I noticed restiveness in
the congregation, and some young men left
the house. I knew the occasion, for I was so
situated that I, too, could see the crowds of
men, on horseback, with guns on their
shoulders, riding rapidly toward the chapel.

In a moment the house was surrounded
with armed men. I said to the congregation,
"Sit still"; and I preached on. Soon Mr.
C____ came in, and seated himself by Mr.
Marsh. C_________ commenced whispering to
Marsh. Marsh shook his head, and C_______
got up and retired from the house. I continued
preaching as though all was right. Soon
C_______ came in, and advancing to me said,
"Mr. Fee, there are men here who want you
to stop and come out." I said, "Mr. Covington,

I am engaged in a religious duty and in
the exercise of a constitutional right; please
sit down and do not interrupt." He turned
on his heel, and went out. Soon three men
entered the doorway, with guns in their hands,
and with horrible oaths cried out, "Stop, G-d
d-n you, and come out here." I preached on.
Marsh, Fields, and others - men and women -
remained, still apparently listening. Soon
the men referred to rushed forward, and
seizing me by the collar of my coat, and by
my arms, dragged me to the door. There a
stout man, S_____ , stepped up, and pulling a
new rope from his pocket, swore he would
"hang me to the first limb, if I did not then
promise to leave the county and never come
back again." I replied, "I am in your hands,
men; you know I would not harm one of you;
if you harm me, upon you will be the responsibility."
With violence they pulled me out into the highway,
- the county road.

The captain of the company, coming up,
said, "I am captain of this company; leave him
in my hands." They surrendered. The captain
led me aside, and with the concurring
entreaty of Mr. C____ , advised me to promise
these men that I would leave the county and

not come back again; assuring me if I would
do so they would not hurt me. I replied, "I
am not hasty in this my purpose to preach
this gospel of impartial love, and bear my
testimony against this great perversion of it,
human slavery. I cannot pledge myself to
leave where I believe duty calls."

They then brought my horse and demanded
that I mount. I did so. They then went
back into the chapel and brought out Bro.
Jones; and the captain of the company took
him behind him on his horse, and they started
with us for Kentucky River, distant, perhaps,
two miles, swearing they would duck me as
long as life was in me. The ducking I
dreaded, for the weather was cool, - in
February - the river at full tide, and I not an
expert swimmer. Soon after starting, the
captain, addressing himself to me, commenced
talking obscenely. I turned to him and asked
if he had a mother. - He replied, "Yes." I
then asked, "Have you a wife?" He again
replied, "Yes." I said, "I hope, out of respect
to your mother and your wife, if not to others,
you will speak as a son and husband ought
to." He was silent for a time. Slavery was
a corrupt tree, and bore corrupt fruit, - made

many of those who consented to it, not only
lawless, but lecherous and vile. Faithful men
and women needed to cry out against it.

When the crowd had advanced about half
the distance to the river, the captain called a
halt, and again demanded that I promise to
leave the county and not return again; and
added, "You have said that the men engaged
in mobs are generally poor and irresponsible
men; but we will have you understand that
the men in this crowd are men of property
and standing." I replied, "So much the
greater peril to society, when men of property
and standing will consent to disregard law and
order." I again said, "I can make no pledges
to leave." They then started again for the
river.

I had been in the hands of several organized
mobs before. I had been in the midst of
infuriated crowds not organized, who seemed
ready to rush upon me, but were in some way
hindered. I had been often waylaid and suddenly
assaulted. I had been stoned on the
highway; but this was the most formidable of
all, and, apparently, "meant business." The
mob took us near to the bank of the river.
There the leaders left me in the care of others,

and turned off to counsel with men who were
for some reason already on the ground.

The men left to guard me were manifestly
poor men, with some young men. These
seemed to enter into sympathy with me, and
in an undertone one said to me, "Just promise
these men to leave, and they will not hurt
you." I replied, "It is not fitting that I, a
native citizen, pledge to these men that I leave
my home and the work to which I believe
God has called me." I said, "You cannot see
my motives now; you will at the Judgment
Day." By this time the leaders had returned,
and men were around me in circles three deep,
and heard these last words. One cried out,
"We did not come here to hear a sermon, let
us do our work." They then took Bro. Jones
and myself nearer to the bank of the
river and ordered Bro. Jones to strip himself.
He took off his coat. The captain cried out,
"Take off your jacket." He did so. "Now
your shirt - strip to the red." Jones hesitated.
The captain stripped him to the bare back,
bent the man down, and with three sycamore
rods, heavy and thick, struck the unoffending
man many severe blows, leaving the marks
on his body as distinct as the fingers on a

The captain then turned to me, and, with
an oath, said, "I will give you five hundred
times as much if you do not promise to leave
this county and not come back again." I said
to him, "I will take my suffering first," and
knelt down. One of the crowd, whom I then
knew not - who "held the clothes" - now an
official in the county, and a very estimable
citizen, cried out, "Don't strike him." Then
another cried out, "Don't strike him." O____
said, "I feel that I ought to, but don't like to
go against my party; - get up and go home."

I got on my horse, and took Bro. Jones
behind me, for he was so disabled by the
whiping that he could not walk.

The retreat of these men of "property and
standing," from their work at the Big Bend of
Kentucky River, was ludicrously orderly.
The captain ordered all to march away in
double file. The column was quite long and
imposing. Bro. Jones and I, two unarmed
men on one horse, in the middle, the men of
"property" in front, and the men of "standing"
in the rear.

some two or three miles. On coming to
Covington's factory, the command was given,
"Right about, wheel." This was meant for
those who had enlisted for the previously
described "service." Bro. Jones and I had not
thus enlisted; hence we kept the straightforward
road, as all then desired us to do.

After a ride of one or two miles, we came
to a forest. There we dismounted and read
the fourth chapter of the Book of Acts, and
had a season of prayer. We then again
mounted the one horse, and rode on quite a
number of miles to the house of a relative of
Bro. Jones. There we stopped for the night.

After supper we had a season of worship.
I felt led to speak at length, - stood up and
did so. At the end of the discourse the head
of the family and his wife came forward, and I
professed faith in Christ Jesus as their
Saviour. That night was one of very great
peace and joy to me. I had quiet communion
and fellowship with Christ Jesus, my Lord.

In the morning Bro. Jones was not able to
travel. That portion of his body - his back -
which had been bruised by the whipping was
purple because of the bruising and stagnated
blood. I left him, only sorrowing that I had

not shared some of his suffering, and thus
been brought more fully into sympathy with
our once suffering Lord and his then suffering
poor. Of this experience I was conscious.

Alone I started for my home, some ten or
twelve miles distant. Terror had spread its
pall over all the country. No glad faces
greeted, until I came to my little home. Wife
and children were glad to see me, - wife not
apparently surprised nor dismayed. Violent
persecution was to both of us no new thing;
it had been of frequent occurrence during the
past twelve years.

I had anticipated something of this, when,
fifteen years previously, I had entered into
covenant with God to preach in this, my
native State, this gospel of love, of justice, of
liberty. I had then counted the cost, and did
not then, nor in the hands of any mob, have
to decide what to do.

In these trials my wife was more cheery
than I. This cheered life's pathway. I did
not habitually rejoice as it was my privilege
and duty to do. (See Matt. 5:12.)

We remained at our home in great quietude
for two days. I then took my horse and rode
to Richmond, the county seat, and engaged

the services of two lawyers to aid Bro. Jones
in the prosecution of the leaders of the mob.
I chose to make the prosecution in his behalf
rather than in my own. He was regarded as
a Republican, and I as a "Radical." I also
thought that in this way I would secure Mr.
Clay's co-operation, and addressed a letter to
him, requesting his aid in behalf of Bro. Jones.
He declined, saying, "To do so would be only
'robbing Peter to pay Paul,' " and then advised
me to leave the county. He kindly offered to
take care of my family and property.

I returned home. Speedily large numbers
of the mob came to Richmond, and, as I was
informed, swore they would give five hundred
lashes to the lawyer who would dare to
defend Fee or Jones. As a matter of fact, no
prosecution was made. The Circuit Judge,
a kind man, afterward a Republican, witnessed
the bravado of the threatening mob; the
Grand Jury took no notice of the occurrence;
the civil arm was paralyzed by the slave
power.

A crisis came to Berea. For weeks there
was a reign of terror. The male members of
the church, with others who were friends,

held three formal councils, to which I was
invited. These men entreated that I leave;
saying, "There is an overwhelming feeling
against you; your friends cannot protect you;
the mob will kill you and destroy your property."
I replied, "I came here to do my duty, and when
the mob shall come they will find me at my post."

For weeks, not a man came through our
little rustic gate, save Otis B. Waters, the
teacher, and "Ham" Rawlings, the tried friend
oft referred to. He would come "every few
days," and on leaving, would say, "Quist
(Christ) was a Wadical (Radical)," and drop
large tears of affection over our little children
as he was bidding them "good-by."

These were dark days, - days in which we
could walk only by faith, not by sight, - taught
to "endure as seeing Him who is invisible."

I kept up appointments for preaching in the
school-house. For a time the congregation
was composed of women, save one or two
male members. Some men who were friends
stood around in the forest, some with guns
near by.

came in, some souls were converted, the little
school went on until the close of the term.
Then Bro. Waters returned to Oberlin, Ohio,
to further prosecute his studies in preparation
for the Gospel ministry.

It was notoriously true that sudden destruction
came upon the leaders of these latter
mobs, as had been true in Lewis, Mason and
Bracken Counties. Here in Madison County,
one of the violent men in the mob was stabbed
six times and fell dead; another was shot in
his yard; another shot whilst sitting in his
house; another stabbed, and after lingering
some days died.

So of the Dripping Spring mob: - two of
the leading violent men were shot; a third
cut to pieces with a bowie-knife. So in the
Rockcastle mob the destruction came speedily
and numerous. Men of that reckless class
faintly saw a providence, and among themselves
banded around the saying, "Old Master
is against us."

EARLY in the year 1858 Bro. J. A. R.
Rogers, a graduate from Oberlin Institute,
literary and theological, came to Berea. He
was an earnest Christian worker. He saw
something of the future power of the proposed
school. He entered at once into this, and by
his efficiency and enthusiasm brought it into
high repute. Pupils flocked in from Madison
and adjacent counties.

The closing exhibition of the school, under
the supervision of Bro. Rogers, was at hand.
On the day preceding this exhibition, Cassius
M. Clay had an appointment to deliver an
address to the people of Berea and vicinity. He

had not been at Berea since our difference of
opinion at Slate Lick, July 4, 1856. Not many
persons were present, and in the defense of his
conservative position he was without his
former enthusiasm. After the address he
walked with me into the woodland, then before
my door, and as we sat down on a log,
he remarked, "Fee, things look better than I
thought they would. I am in heart as much a
higher law man as you are, and if we were in
Massachusetts we could carry it out; but here
we cannot." I replied, "The utterance of moral
truth should not be confined to geographical
limits, especially in a national canvass."

The reader will allow me to here say, that,
in my judgment, this notion of expediency in
the non-utterance of moral truth, lest it should
seem to hinder success, as exhibited in this
remark of Mr. Clay's, was the great mistake of
his life, and that it took from him that moral
power that was necessary for success, and did
more at that time to hinder his advancement
to the highest position which the people of
this nation could give, than any other cause.

Take as another illustration of his
expediencies - his going to the war with Mexico.
At the time of his enlistment he was editing the

True American, published then in Lexington,
Ky. His exposition of the evils of slavery
was just; his style vigorous; and his courage
admired by all lovers of liberty. No star in
the horizon of the American people was rising
so rapidly. In his manly journal he had
denounced the aggression upon Mexico as a
scheme for the extension of American slavery;
and yet, whilst editing the most effective
journal in the nation, and enrapturing crowded
audiences by his lectures on the "social and
political evils of slavery," he volunteered to go
into that war, waged for the wicked intent -
"the extension of slavery." He went; was
captured, imprisoned, returned. He expected
an ovation. Such as he had hoped for he did
not receive.

He said to me, "Fee, I expected by going
to Mexico to convince the South that I was
not their enemy, but the enemy of slavery;
but they gave me no thanks for it." However
wise he may have thought his enlistment was,
the nation saw that it was "doing evil that
good might come."

This apprehension of the people threw him
out of line with the moral element that was
then moving the nation to the overthrow of

slavery - to victory in the line, not of
expediencies, but of absolute right.

It is sometimes true that a man must "stand
still and see the salvation of God" - commit
himself to that only which God can use, the
absolute right, and then work and wait until
God can vindicate the right. Then the man
will have the confidence of righteous men, -
the only men God can use as the true builders
of His work. Then will he have that conscious
unity with God that gives quiet, true courage
and endurance; then, too, he will be kept
from drifting into other departures from God
and right - his "seed," his holy purpose to be
one with God and the right, "remaineth in
him" to keep him.

The narrative concerning Saul was written
for our admonition and instruction. He had
at one time a commanding position. God,
through his prophet, told Saul, as God's
minister and the executive of the nation, to
go and "hew down the Amalekites, - men,
women and children; ox and sheep." Saul
spared Agag and the best of the sheep and
oxen for sacrifice - an attempt to atone for
neglect of absolute obedience by a large
sacrifice. God said, "To obey is better than

sacrifice; and to hearken, than the fat of
rams." He took His Spirit and the kingdom
from Saul.

Other departures from God and right
marked the after career of Saul. So of my
friend C. M. Clay; and there will not be safety
to any man except as he is anchored fully
in God.

We would not have made this personal
allusion but for the fact that the struggle with
Mr. Clay and his views of expediency were a
part, and the severest part, of the history of
Berea and its work. Also, we believe that
readers, especially the youth, ought to have
the benefit of our observations, experiences
and suggestions. History should have its
lessons.

Mr. Clay at this time was the most
conspicuous character in the history of Berea.
His known opposition to us was a power
more potent and depressing than all the mobs
in the State. His position seemed wise to
many, whilst that of the mobs was at all times
simply brutish and cowardly. Also, at that
time, Mr. Clay had a national reputation for
courage, patriotism, philanthropy, and a high
social position. With all this he was as strong

in condemning my position as he had been
previously free in commending. He took
pains to publish to the world that he had
"denounced Mr. Fee's position," (though he
had substantially conceded it at the Slate Lick
celebration, and had confessed that he was
with me "in heart,") and that my position was
"insurrectionary, revolutionary and dangerous";
though I had been careful to say, "I make
no rebellion, or armed resistance - only,
exercise my province as a minister for God to
utter moral truth - that human slavery is
contrary to natural right, and, as such, statutes
enforcing it are without the elements of true
law, exist by mere usurpation, and are confessedly
contrary to the law of God, and as such ought
not by human courts to be enforced."

Mr. Clay did not intend to misrepresent,
but only to state his opinion of what would be
the tendency of my utterances. This opinion
of his was, at that time, a great weight - a
weight to be endured, until God, by His
providence, should "break every yoke, and let
the oppressed go free." This He did, and
then everybody said, Amen.

of the "races" - the impartial feature of
the school and church at Berea - was well
known. He did not believe such a school
could be a numerical or a financial success
Also he feared evil results to virtue. We had
then no sufficient precedent to guide, and no
theory to maintain, save that it is always safe
to do right - follow Christ; and we knew He
would not turn away anyone who came seeking
knowledge, even if "carved in ebony."
We knew that whilst He is a respecter of
character, he is not of persons. As His
followers, there was to us but the one course
to pursue - open the school to all of virtuous
habits. Also we believed that the best way
to inspire woman, colored or white, with
virtuous sentiments, and establish in her habits
of purity, was not to treat her invidiously -
shut her up in pens, schools, by herself, but
treat her like other women of respectability
and thus inspire her with hope and noble
resolve, and lift her above the seductive
influences of a vicious life. In other words,
practice the Golden Rule - "do unto all as
you would they should do unto you."

The wisdom of following this rule has been
verified in the history of the school and

church at Berea, and we have occasion to
know that Mr. Clay greatly rejoices in this
fact. Mr. Clay thought that he was pursuing
the wisest course, but he was misled, as many
are now, by his notions of expediency.

There were other facts of interest connected
with the closing exercises of the first term of
the school in 1858, indicating a change of
public sentiment, and strong sympathy with
the school, and kind regard for those conducting it.

In the grove in front of the school-room a
large and beautiful bower had been prepared,
and hand-bills posted, announcing the order of
exercises for the forenoon, and the speakers
for the afternoon. The sun on the 24th day
of June, unveiled by a single cloud, rose upon
us in great beauty and glory. All around
was quiet and lovely. Nature was arrayed in
her most beautiful dress. At an early hour
the people came from this and adjoining
counties to witness the exhibition. At the
appointed hour the exercises were opened by
singing from well-trained voices, and by
prayer to Almighty God for his guidance
and blessing.

school, was delivered by a young man, bright
in intellect, amiable in spirit, and upright in
conduct; the son of a man who was first in
the formation of the church at Berea, and in
every good work. That only and loved son
fell on the battlefield at Bellmont, Mo. In his
allusion to teachers and fellow-students, he
was completely overcome with emotion, and
many in the audience were moved to tears.

An excellent dinner had been prepared and
spread on long tables in the grove. All were
invited to partake. Among those who partook
were men who had been engaged in
former mobs. Without any ostentation they
were kindly treated, and they seemed to
appreciate the kindness.

Dr. Chase, a native of New Hampshire, and a
relative of S. P. Chase, once Secretary of U. S.
Treasury, was there. He was then a practicing
physician in this county, and was announced
as the first speaker. As he came upon the
platform, a portly and venerable-looking man
from an adjoining county, and an ex-member
of the State legislature, arose in the audience
and cried out, "Dr. Chase, I want to speak,
and to speak now; for I cannot tarry until
your exercises are all through." Dr. Chase

gave place. The ex-legislator, then the
owner of quite a number of slaves, came on
to the platform, and began by saying, "When
I came up here with my friend Mason,"
(another slaveholder and then a citizen of
this county,) "I expected to see a little handful
in the bresh," (brush,) "but when I saw this
large assembly, orderly, and listening with
marked attention and interest, and when I
saw the marked progress of these pupils, and
the manifest sympathy between teachers and
pupils, my heart was touched. I thought of
the days when I was a teacher of youth in
Virginia."

Turning to parents, he said, "Teach your
children to make their bread by the sweat of
their brow; give them education, and teach
them virtue and morality; and the best of all
rules is, 'Whatsoever ye would that men
should do unto you, do ye even so to them.'"
To such utterances, on such an occasion, we
were not averse. The rest of his short
address was pertinent and good.

He stepped from the platform, and walking
to the outskirts of the crowd, he met an old
acquaintance, then a patron of the school, and
taking him by the hand said, "Jimmy, I believe

in my soul the 'niggers' will be free yet;
but, d--n it, I mean to hold on to mine as long
as I can." He did; but in 1864, Uncle Sam
came along and gave them all a blue coat.

After this unexpected episode in the closing
exercises of the school, Dr. Chase and others
made addresses, and the large and orderly
assembly dispersed, evidently deeply impressed
in favor of Christian education - slavery or no
slavery. The outlook, on that day, was good
for Berea.

Hundreds now continue to express their
surprise at the interest manifested by the
people at the commencement exercises of
Berea College. Usually from three to five
thousand people attend. Two-thirds of these
are white. The large tabernacle, which seats
some two thousand people, will not seat more
than half the people who come. Good order
generally prevails. The delivery on the
platform of essays and orations from colored
and white students, male and female, is an
educational force to the thousands who attend.

In all these efforts there was a continuous
purpose to establish in interior Kentucky a
college for the education of the youth of the
land. Adverse circumstances had all the

while been threatening to thwart any such
effort. These, however, only served to make
more apparent the necessity of such an
educational agency, and to make strong the
purpose of its original projectors.

Now that possibly the severest effort to
intimidate had passed by, and the reaction in
favor of liberty and education was manifest, it
was deemed wise to make an advance movement.
Accordingly, as shown in the minutes
of the conventions that devised ways and
means to the end, on Sept. 7, 1858, John G.
Fee, J. A. R. Rogers, John G. Hanson, John
Smith, Wm. Stapp, and John Burnham, Sr.,
met at the study of John G. Fee, and after
prayer and consultation appointed J. A. R.
Rogers, John Smith and Wm. Stapp a committee
to draft Preamble and Constitution, to
be considered at next meeting, which meeting
was held Dec. 1, 1858. At this meeting the
proposed Constitution was considered, and
after some modification adopted. Other
meetings were held, a board of trustees was
appointed, and officers were elected as follows:
John G. Fee, president; J. A. R. Rogers,
vice-president; John G. Hanson, secretary;
T. E. Renfro, treasurer.

Other meetings of the board followed,
additional trustees were added, and on July 14,
1859, the Constitution was reaffirmed and
by-laws adopted. It was the firm belief of the
projectors of this college that an institution
designed for the education of youth should
not merely teach the classics and so-called
natural sciences, but also moral science -
the religion of the Bible, that puts man in
harmony with God and His laws in reference to the government of man - that science that
teaches that God is the source of all true law,
that men are only legislators, that is, law
bringers, as the word imports; and that man,
universal man, is entitled to the full benefit of
these laws.

It was to be expected that a Constitution with
by-laws for the government of such an institution,
would be in harmony with such sentiments. The first
by-law declared, "The object of this college shall
be to furnish the facilities for thorough education
to all persons of good moral character." The second
by-law was more specific, and is as follows: "This
college shall be under an influence strictly
Christian, and as such, opposed to sectarianism,
slave-holding, caste, and every

other wrong institution or practice." Opposition
to caste meant the co-education of the (so-called)
"races." This has been the continued
practice of the college.

There were some of the friends of liberty who could assent to the general principles of
justice and love, who thought it not expedient
to make a literal, specific application of them;
that whilst the rule, "do unto men as you
would that they should do unto you," was a
good rule in general, it was not expedient to
practice upon it in the co-education of the
races.

Among these was our friend, C. M. Clay.
He declined to act as a trustee. Soon two,
and then after a time a third one of those who
first agreed to be trustees, dropped out.
Thus the caste issue sifted the very board of
trustees themselves.

There were many others who were opposed
to slavery and desired the entire liberty of
the negro, yet were unprepared to give to
him that position which merit required, and
which is a great incentive to noble and
virtuous conduct. Such Christ-like treatment
would tend to the harmony of society, the
solidification of the social forces of the nation,

and present a proper exhibition of the Gospel
of Christ, who is Himself no respecter of
persons. (He is of character - not of
persons.) The incorporation of the principle
of impartial conduct to all, in institutions for
the public good, was to the founders of Berea
College the only course at once Christian,
patriotic, and philanthropic. This now
incorporated feature of the college made the
school, and community in which it was
nestled, still more odious to an unregenerate
public sentiment; and as we shall hereafter
notice, subjected us to still greater outrages.

Another hindrance to reform and progress
was sectarianism. The founders of the college
saw that in every community where they,
raised their voices against slavery, caste,
secretism, rum-selling, any popular vice,
immediately members of the sects would be found
shrinking from the proclamation of truth and
the utterance of their own convictions, lest by
so doing they should peril the safety of their
sects, or denominations. With the semblance
of piety they would say, "Peace is best," and
thus smother truth. The founders also saw
that everywhere the shelves of libraries and
book-stores were bending beneath the volumes

written on theological dogmas, whilst
"truth [practical truth] was fallen in the
streets, and equity could not enter." Ministers
were spending their energies in zealous
debates and fervid, eloquent pleadings over the
shibboleths of party, whilst the slave was
groaning in his bondage, and the masters were
deluded with false hopes and a perverted
Bible.

The founders of Berea College not only
felt that the fountains of all good, of true
religion, should be opened, but that the great
barrier, sectarianism, should be removed.
They also saw that no influence is so potent
for the removal of error and the establishment
of truth, as that of chartered institutions,
having the prestige of men of learning and
piety. They resolved "that Berea College
should be under an influence strictly Christian,
and, as such, opposed to sectarianism,
slave-holding, caste, and every other wrong
institution and practice." In declaring that
the institution should be opposed to sectarianism,
the trustees, as explained in the minutes
of the meeting that adopted the Constitution
and by-laws, were careful and explicit; saying,
"In the election of president, professors,

or teachers, no sectarian test shall be applied,
but it shall be required that the candidate be
competent to fill the office, and have a Christian
experience with a righteous practice."

The trustees further added, "To be anti-
sectarian is to oppose everything that causes
schism in the body of Christ, or among those
who are Christians, - those who have a
Christian experience with a righteous practice";
so that it is requisite that a president, professor,
or teacher of Berea College be not merely
negative on this issue, - simply not sectarian,
but positive, - that he shall oppose sectarianism
as he would slave-holding, caste, rum-selling, or
any other "wrong practice."

To help in the removal of the sin of schism
is one of the missions of Berea College, and no
person as "president, professor or teacher," is
faithful to the spirit or letter of the Constitution
of the college who adopts or defends
sectarianism, - yea, does not oppose and seek
to correct the "evil practice." The interests
of society and the kingdom of Christ require
this.

The Constitution and by-laws of Berea
College having been adopted, the trustees
decided to raise funds and erect buildings for

school purposes as speedily as possible. With
the consent of the trustees, the prudential
committee, composed of J. G. Fee, J. A. R.
Rogers, J. G. Hanson, and Thomas Renfro,
decided that, making themselves personally
responsible, they would contract for 117 acres
of land, including the present site of Berea
College, and that on which part of the village
of Berea now stands. Soon after the information
of this purchase I went to Worcester,
Mass., to attend the annual meeting of the
American Missionary Association. The Association
was at that time undenominational, and
not doing avowedly the work of any one
denomination, as it now is doing.

I decided that on my way to Worcester,
Mass., I would take my family to visit Julett
Miles, the imprisoned mother, yet in the
State's prison at Frankfort, Ky., as narrated
in chapter third.

We arrived at Frankfort on Saturday afternoon.
We went to the prison and saw the
keeper, Mr. South. We inquired for "Julett,"
the colored woman sent there from Bracken
County for attempting to get her children
into freedom. "Yes," said he, "she is at my
house. I took her out of prison to help my

daughter. I thought she looked like a Christian
woman." The reader will note the fact
that men and women were deemed valuable in
proportion as they had Christ in them, - in
proportion as they were temples of the Holy
Spirit, - they were the more trustworthy.
The keeper of the prison having assured us
that we should see the woman at the prison
the next morning, we then repaired to our
hotel.

That night, leaving my wife with the three
smaller children at the hotel, I took Laura,
my daughter, then fourteen years old, and
went to the colored Baptist church, and listened
to a very effective sermon delivered by a portly,
fine-looking colored man, whose name was
Monroe. I was present in the early part of the
services. I heard the earnest prayers, the
familiar songs, the low, plaintive symphonies
of the women, - of mothers whose bosoms
had been the seats of sorrows. I had heard
these low wailings before; but a series of
experiences, and my situation at that time,
all conspired to bring me more fully into
sympathy with the sorrowing. I sat and
quietly wept - wept with continuous weeping.
I was in deep sympathy with burdened

spirits. At the close of the service I went forward
and shook hands with the preacher, and
told him I had been greatly benefited by the
service. Laura and I returned to the hotel.
The next morning, about 10 o'clock, we all, as
a family, went to the prison. "Julett" was there.
She was overjoyed at seeing my children. She
had always manifested much affection for
them. We were privileged to sit down and
have a very free and extended conversation
with her about her nine children, their unknown
destiny, And her own future.

We then inquired of the keeper for Calvin
Fairbanks, a white man, who was then in the
prison under sentence for aiding away slaves.
We were told that he was in his cell, - "not
well." My wife heard the whisper from some
one of the employes that he had been whipped
and kept in his cell for not completing his
task of work the day before. Fairbanks, who
usually led the worship in the chapel, not
being present, I was requested to conduct the
worship. I did so, and preached to the
assembled convicts. I had this observation
whilst there: that Fairbanks was the leader
of worship, and Julett Miles the house maid.
The Negro stealers were, by the keeper himself,

adjudged as having the highest measure
of piety, and therefore given the posts of
trust.

The next morning we were privileged to
see Fairbanks for a short time. Calvin Fairbanks
was a native of the State of New York.
He had been sentenced to twenty years
imprisonment for aiding slaves to escape. He
remained in prison twelve years. During the
war, in the absence of the Governor, he was
pardoned by the Lieutenant-Governor. He
is now living in his native State, honored and
loved.

After seeing Fairbanks we had another
interview with "Julett." I had procured for her
a pair of spectacles and a New Testament,
with large type. Giving these to her, we
bade her farewell for all time.

Not long after this she died, - disease said
to have been of the heart. Thousands of
slave-mothers have died with broken hearts,
whilst political parties catered to the slave-master,
and professing Christians heeded not the
wailings of the bereaved. Is poor, depraved
humanity any better now? Are not
political parties as servile before the Rum
Power, as they were fifty years ago before

the Slave Power? Are not the many professing
Christians as indifferent to the weepings of the
Rachels, who refuse to be comforted because
their children and husbands are not?

My wife and three of our children returned
to our home in Madison County. I took
Laura, our eldest child, and went on to Worcester,
Mass., to attend an annual Meeting of the American
Missionary Association.

Immediately after the meeting of the
Association, I commenced the work of soliciting
funds with which to procure lands and erect
buildings for Berea College. A few subscriptions
were secured at Worcester.

At the suggestion of Lewis Tappan, a
request came to me from Henry Ward
Beecher, pastor of the Plymouth Church,
Brooklyn, N. Y., to come to that church and
present the claims of Berea College. This
was at the time of the John Brown raid in
Western Virginia. The country was in a
state of intense excitement.

In my address before the church I said,
"We want more John Browns; not in manner
of action, but in spirit of consecration; not to
go with carnal weapons, but with spiritual;

men who, with Bibles in their hands, and tears
in their eyes, will beseech men to be reconciled
to God. Give us such men," I said,
"and we may yet save the South." My
words were carefully reported and published
in the N. Y. Tribune. The Louisville
Courier, then conducted by Geo. D. Prentiss,
garbled my words and misrepresented my
real attitude by saying, "John G. Fee is in
Beecher's church, calling for more John Browns."

These words were copied by the Lexington
Observer, published in Lexington, Ky., and
by the Mountain Democrat, published in
Richmond, Ky. To this first misrepresentation
was added a straight-out falsehood - that
"at Cogar's landing was found a box of
Sharp's rifles directed to John G. Fee." These
falsehoods, added to the consciousness that men
were sleeping over a magazine, the outraged
feelings of thousands, were enough
to alarm the slave power. Speedily were
gathered into Richmond, the county seat of
this county, seven hundred and fifty men - so
reported at the time. These pledged themselves
to the removal of John G. Fee, J. A. R. Rogers,
and their co-laborers, "peaceably if

they could, forcibly if they must." A committee
of sixty-five, composed of the "wealthiest"
and "most respectable" citizens of the county,
was commissioned to visit Berea and deliver
the demand of those who had decided to take
into their control the liberty of white men, as
well as that of black men.

I had not yet returned from my trip eastward.
The committee, on the 23rd day of Dec., 1859,
proceeded to the house of Bro. Rogers, then
principal of the school. The leader of the clan
delivered to Bro. Rogers a document, demanding
in the name of the committee, that he should
leave the State within ten days. He attempted
to reason with the committee, setting forth his
claims as a law-abiding citizen, to the undisturbed
exercise of his rights. The committee turned
abruptly away, and delivered a like demand to
ten other families, most of whom were native
Kentuckians. These thus warned to leave
the State, and others interested in the work
of building up the school and church, met
together for prayer and deliberation.

These friends decided at once to make
their appeal to the Governor of the State, for
protection. This they did, in the form of a

short address, borne by two of their number
to the Governor, setting forth their obedience
to law, and their devotion to the highest
interests of society, and as such asked for
protection. The Governor replied that the
public mind was deeply moved by the events
in Virginia, and that he could not engage to
protect them from their fellow citizens, who
had resolved that they must go. Many of
these thus threatened saw that they must
yield before an overwhelming force.

After committing themselves to God in
humble prayer, most of these thus warned
retired from the State, believing that "God
would make the wrath of man to praise Him."

At this time I was on my way home from
New York. Friends at Berea importuned
my wife to go and meet me, if possible, and
tell me not to attempt to come home now, for
men were waylaying me at three different
places. Along with my daughter Laura I
met my wife at Cincinnati, Ohio. The next
day we met the exiles from Berea. It was
deemed wise now to hold meetings in
Cincinnati. From this place we went to an
appointment, previously made for me, in
Bethesda church-house, in Bracken County,

Ky. Here, whilst in the stand preaching,
some of my exiled children, not previously
seen for months, came into the church-house.
With these came other exiles. Among them
was John G. Hanson and family.

The Monday following this meeting was
county court day in Bracken County. Already
Bro. Jas. S. Davis had been driven from the
church in Lewis County. J. M. Mallett, a
teacher in the school at Bethesda, had been
mobbed and driven out of Germantown,
Bracken County. In sympathy with the slave
power, public feeling was at white heat. It
was estimated that 800 people gathered on that
county court day at Brooksville, the county
seat of Bracken County. A special meeting
was called. Inflammatory speeches were
made, referring to the John Brown raid in
Virginia, the expulsion of Abolitionists from
Berea, in Madison County, and from the
"Abolition" church in Lewis County, and the
expulsion of the "Abolitionr" teacher in
Bracken County; and now it was claimed that
the security of property and peace of society
demanded that John G. Fee, John G. Hanson,
and others associated with them, be not
allowed to tarry, even for a short time, in

Bracken County, their native county. Such
a resolve against men unconvicted of any
crime, present or past, and now in their native
county, in the midst of relatives and life-long
acquaintances, was as dastardly as it was vile.
But the slave power was in its very nature
one of oppression and outrage; and the great
mass of the non-slave-owners had become
servile; and, though not slave-owners, had
consented to be slaveholders, and joined with
or consented to the demand of the slave-owners.
A committee of sixty-two men, of "high standing,"
was appointed to warn John G. Fee, John G.
Hanson and others associated, to leave
the county, "peaceably if they would,
forcibly if they must." On the day appointed,
the committee of sixty-two rode up to the
yard fence in front of the dwelling-house of
Vincent Hamilton, my father-in-law, where
with my wife and children I was then stopping.
These men then sent in a request that
I come out. I did so, and listened to their
resolutions. The committee then demanded
from me a reply. I said, as my custom was
on such occasions, "I make no pledges to
surrender God-given and constitutional rights
to any man or set of men. If I shall be convicted

of crime, before an impartial jury,
then I will submit to adequate punishment."
I then proceeded with further defense of my
claim to citizenship and free speech, when the
captain of the band ordered, "Forward,
march."

One of these men I took by the arm. He
had been a member of the State Legislature.
In his house my wife, in girlhood days, had
boarded whilst attending school. With his
sons I had studied in the school-room and
played on the playground. This man was
then an elder in the Presbyterian "church" at
Sharon church-house, where my wife and I,
years previously, had made profession of
faith in Christ, and from the hands of this
man we had received the emblems of the
broken body and shed blood of our Lord. I
referred to these things, and said to him, "Is
this the treatment that we, convicted of no
crime, should expect from one who has known
us from childhood, with whom we have lived
as neighbors, and who is now an office-bearer
in a professedly Christian church?" He replied,
"It is not worth while for us to talk," and
rode off in pursuit of the committee-men.
These committee-men served a like notice
upon J. G. Hanson and others.

At first I thought I would not go from
Bracken County, though it was not then my
home. I had so expressed myself. Two
members of the church there, John D. Gregg
and John Humlong, men whose courage,
fidelity and piety perhaps no man questioned,
said, "Our first impulse was to take our rifles
and stand with you; but other friends warned
to leave have decided to go, and we find that
we will be utterly overwhelmed by the opposing
power, and if you stay we shall all be
driven away." My father-in-law made the
same remark. This put a new phase on the
issue. I might peril my own home, and had
done so. I might no peril the home of another,
especially when he had expressed his fear.
A day of fasting and prayer was appointed,
and a meeting of brethren and sisters
in Christ was held at the church-house. The
conclusion was, "There is now such a reign
of terror all over the State that you cannot
get a hearing anywhere in the State." The
same was the response from friends
in Madison County. Thus persecuted,
the admonition seemed pertinent,
"When they persecute you in this city,
flee ye into another." I said, "It is
possible I cannot reach my own home,

and could not get the friends together, even if
there; but 'tis a time not to be silent."
Therefore, John G. Hanson, myself and others,
retired with our families for a time to the North
and took up our abode in the suburbs of
Cincinnati, Ohio.

Notwithstanding the intense excitement in
the country, my wife believed she could get
back to our home and get out our household
goods. Accordingly, taking a carriage and
our eldest son, then ten years old, she started,
and on the third day, after overcoming severe
difficulties, reached her home. She boxed up
our goods, shipped them to Cincinnati, and
returned to her father's house. From thence,
with her children, she came to me, into a
house I had secured near to Cincinnati, Ohio.

Soon after this my youngest son, Tappan,
then four years old, from exposure in the
exodus in mid-winter, took a cold, which
culminated in diphtheria and death. This was
an hour of great sadness. With the impression
that I would yet return to my fields of
labor in Kentucky, and as Joseph requested
that his bones be taken back to Canaan, so
with this Scripture in my mind, I decided to
carry back the body of my dear boy, "bone

of my bone, and flesh of my flesh," and thus
strengthen my purpose to return, and my
claim upon this, my native soil and field of
labor, chosen in sacred covenant years
previously. In great sorrow I brought the dear
form and buried it in the little graveyard
adjoining Bethesda church-house - a place
ever dear to me.

After the interment of the dear body we
returned to Ohio. A few weeks later my wife
and I returned to Bracken County, Ky., bringing
with us head and foot stones with which
to mark the resting-place of our dear boy.

Soon after leaving the boat that landed us
at the town of Augusta, I was surrounded by
a mob, a gathering of citizens, many of whom
considered themselves respectable people;
and for a time I was not allowed to proceed
farther. The only cause of this detention
was mere hostility to me as a known
Abolitionist. I had been born and reared in that
county, and had preached to the people at
Bethesda most of the ten preceding years.
No man could prefer a charge of crime, and
the object of my visit was humane and
Christian. Detention under such circumstances
was an outrage too gross; and after a time I

was allowed to go on my way. I visited the
grave of my child, preached on Lord's day,
and, after a day or two, returned to my
family, then in Ohio.

The unfinished work on my hands was the
collection of money with which to pay for the
land previously bought, as a site for Berea
College. This money I succeeded in raising,
and paid for the land on which most of the
buildings of Berea College now stand.

By this time the rebellion became imminent.
The enmity on the part of many so-called
Union men was more intense against
Abolitionists than against rebels themselves.
By many undiscerning men, the Abolitionists
were charged with bringing on the war -
precipitating the great calamity. This charge
was as senseless as that of those who, with
Ingersoll, charge Christianity with the
persecutions waged by paganism and the papacy.
Nevertheless, passion raged. The most that
could be done was still to call upon the nation
to obey God and "let the oppressed go free";
- remove slavery, the festering cause. This,
neither political party then intended to do.
The cry on both sides was, "a white man's
war" - "let the nigger stay where he is."

Even Abraham Lincoln then said, "Let us
save the Union, slavery or no slavery."

The Bull Run defeat came, and one reverse
after another. The "before breakfast spell"
of Wm. H. Seward lasted months and years.
Slowly the people began to think that they
must obey God, must "break every yoke and
let the oppressed go free"; - that it was folly
to attempt to conquer a people in their own
territory and in their own fastnesses, without
a vastly superior force. John C. Fremont had
the sagacity to see this and act upon it. He
made a proclamation of freedom to slaves in
his department. The President of the nation,
as commander-in-chief, revoked the
proclamation as premature. The step taken by
Fremont was in the right direction; and one
from which the heart and judgment of the
discerning part of the nation did not go back.
Some of us thought we saw in this "the beginning
of the end" - that blood and treasure
was not henceforth to be spent in vain.

Physical disability at this time forbade my
entering the army and bearing arms. I also
had a conviction that there must be a change
of public sentiment before there would be a
vigorous change of tactics; and that therefore

my work was moral rather than physical; and
that I must give myself to this in the most
effective way - must do what I could to
change public sentiment in free and slave
States.

After some months I said to my wife, "Let
us go out into Kentucky on a tour of
inspection and see for ourselves actual
condition of society there." We came to Berea.
We found John Morgan raiding the country,
and society in a turmoil: still we found a few
friends, natives of the State, who were here,
and not wholly discouraged. We decided
to go back, gather up our children, and come
out to Berea and resume our previously-chosen,
and, in purpose, never relinquished work.

CHAPTER VII.

Effort to Get Back. - Battle at Richmond, Ky.
- Again Mobbed at Augusta, Ky. - Mobbed at
Washington, Ky. - Return of my Wife to Berea.
Her Stay There. - Return to the Border. -
Stay at Parker's Academy. - Return to
Berea. - Resumption of the Work. - Moved
to go to Camp Nelson. - My Work There.

We came up to Bracken County, and my
wife, taking her horse and carriage, took the
two eldest children and started across the
country for Berea. I took the younger son
and started around by Cincinnati, that I might
there arrange for the publication of another
anti-slavery tract, and also ship our household
goods back to Berea. I found that our goods
could not then be shipped. The government
had the entire use of the railroad in shipping
munitions of war. My son and I got as far as
Richmond, Ky. There I engaged a single
horse on condition that I would not take the
horse into rebel lines. We mounted the
horse, - Howard behind me, and came seven
miles toward our home.

We there met the Union forces retreating
before the advance of Kirby Smith's invading
army. Some Union troops were gathered at and
near to Richmond. These resisted the approach
of the rebel army, but were over-powered and
fell back to Richmond, thence to
Lexington, and afterwards dispersed in
various directions. I fell back with the Union
forces to Lexington, and from thence to
Bracken County. There I left my son Howard,
then eleven years old, with his grandfather.
I went on to Augusta, a town on the
Ohio river, intending, if possible, to get
around to my wife and the other children,
then at Berea.

Whilst waiting on the wharf for the down
packet I was there seized by a mob and
brought up into the town and taken into the
office of Dr. Josh Bradford, a man who professed
to be a Union man, and was then helping to raise
a regiment of men. These professedly Union
men hated Abolitionists more than they did
the rebels. They demanded that I pledge
to leave the State and never come back
again. I said, "I make no pledges to
men." A great crowd was outside. Bradford,
a relative on my father's side, went out,

and soon returned, and calling me by name,
said, "We are going to put you across the
river, and if you come back again I will hang
you if it be the last act of my life." I said,
"Do your duty, and I will try to do mine."
Eight of the company took me to a flat boat,
which they had in readiness. They suffered
no others to get into the boat. As the crowd
turned away I heard the leader say, "We will
whip him like hell." They started off for
other boats, - skiffs. The eight men put me
across the river. As the boat struck the
shore on the Ohio side I stepped on to the shore,
and seeing the rabble as pursuers lower down
the river, I walked quickly up the bank, and
seeing a cornfield before me leaped the fence
and was soon out of sight of pursuers. I
could hear the men who were seeking for me
passing up and down the banks. I passed
across the field and ascended the hill rising
from the banks on the Ohio side. I sat
down. It was now the month of August.

The moon was full, and shone brightly
on "Olimba's silver wave." Over on the
opposite side was the town of Augusta. There
stood the old college building, where for years
I had pursued the early part of my college

course. There, too, was the little brick building
where my wife, boarding with her aunt,
had spent part of her early school days. I
said, Why am I thus an exile, and hunted like
a wild beast? I have injured no man. I have
violated no law. My only offense is that I
have plead for the slave, and ask that men
obey the command of their Lord, "Do unto
men as ye would that they do unto you." I
thought of my wife and children far in the
interior of the State, in the midst of rebel
forces, and there without bread to eat or a
bed on which to sleep, only as others might
share with them.

I did not dare compare myself with our
Lord; but I thought of him in Nazareth,
where those who were relatives, and knew
him from childhood, sought to kill him, -
dash him headlong over a deadly precipice.

I sat there thinking of the slave-father,
sundered far from his wife and children, with no
hope of ever seeing them again. I then said,
A loving Father will overrule all this for
good. I shall be the better prepared for my
work, and by these and like events moral
forces will be prepared by which good will
break this system of iniquity to pieces as a
potter's vessel is broken.

At early dawn I left the spot of commanding
view, and the place of mingled sorrow and
joy, and went down to the house of a friend,
and the mother of one who had been with me
as college mate. With this mother and family
I took breakfast. By first down boat I
went down to Covington, Ky., and out into
Lew. Wallace's camp. He had here the
command of Union forces by which to prevent
the advance of Kirby Smith's army on
to Cincinnati. After a few days I went to
Oberlin, Ohio, that I might there attend a
meeting of the American Missionary
Association.

From Oberlin I came back to Bracken
County, Ky., and to the house of my
father-in-law. Taking my son, Howard, I came
up to Washington, Mason County, hoping there
to take the stage coach. We went to the house
of a Presbyterian minister who had often
been at my father's house, and with whom I
had often broken bread around the table of
our Lord. This man was not at home when
we first went to his house, and stage time
having not yet come, we tarried.

When the minister arrived I saw I was not
a welcome guest. He soon said, "I am sorry

you are here"; and then turning said, "Do you
see those men gathering?" I had not noticed
them. He added, "They do not intend to let
you pass." Soon the men were in his yard
and had surrounded me. The preacher said,
"Some of these men are members of my
church. They will not hurt you." Resistance
was useless, - escape impossible. We were
surrounded and borne along down into the
town. The crowd continued to increase, and
it became manifest they could not afford to
stay there all night. I had committed no
breach of the peace; there could be no legal
action against me, and the question arose,
"What shall we do with him?" The decision
was, "Take him back to Augusta." At that
place I had been previously in the hands of
two different mobs; and I had no desire to be
hauled twelve or fifteen miles at that hour of
night, in order to revisit the town of Augusta.

The captain of the crowd ordered his slave
man to go out to his farm and bring horse and
spring wagon. Whether by design or otherwise,
the slave was a long time gone. In the
meantime young B., the captain of the crowd,
was boasting his courage at the bar of the
hotel near by. At length the team came, and
further preparations were being made.

All this while my then little son was moving
to and fro in the crowd, hearing each
word and watching each action. This quiet
vigilance, together with the manifest injustice
to me, touched the sympathy and aroused the
indignation of a noble man who stood as a
spectator. He occupied a high social position,
and yet lives, and loves to inquire about that
"little boy." He determined to protect the
boy and save me from the proposed outrage.
He communicated his purpose to three others
who felt as he did, and they agreed to aid
him. When the team was ready, he and his
men offered their service to the captain, and
stepped into the wagon. In a few moments
we were off and the team moving rapidly on.

When the team came to the road leading off
to Augusta, friend H. took hold of the
lines and said, "No! let's take him to Maysville
and deliver him up to Judge C."

This, to the then drunken owner of the
team, seemed like "business." He yielded.
Our friend kept the reins, and soon we were
in Maysville, and in the room of Judge C.
The Judge, having over me no jurisdiction,
after a friendly shake hands with me took the
young drunken man aside and told him what

might be the serious consequences of his
action. I and my son tendered our friend H.
our thanks for his kind interposition, and we
walked down the street, and crossed over the
river to a quiet hotel in the town opposite,
slept well, arose in the morning, took breakfast,
and then returned to Maysville, on the
Kentucky side, and conferred with friends. I
was assured that I could not travel in Kentucky
at that juncture, and that my family was
safer without me than with me, and that what
Union men were left about Berea, were either
seized and paroled, or carried off into rebel
States. If any escaped these conscriptions,
they were so only as they were for the time
hid in the caves and the mountains. It seemed
to be the part of wisdom that I tarry until the
"cloud should rise."

Ten weeks had elapsed since I had seen my
wife and the two eldest children. These
were weeks of commotion, anxiety and peril.
As previously stated, when I started around
by Cincinnati, my wife, with her two children,
had started in her private carriage across the
country for our inland home. The country
at that time was full of soldiers, Union and
Rebel. The first day she came as far as five

miles south of Blue Licks, a noted
"watering-place." The next day, after
long delays, because of soldiery and
government teams, she came to
a country store and "tavern" - eighteen
miles from her home. The next morning,
after securing a small supply of groceries for
a destitute home in a destitute region, she
started for home. On coming through Richmond,
our county seat, the people, men and
women, expressed surprise at seeing a woman
driving along the highway. She had not proceeded
more than three miles when she was
halted by Union pickets, who at first suspected
she might be a rebel spy, conveying
news to Kirby Smith's men, who were already
near to her home. Her frank manner, her
commendation of "eternal vigilance as the
price of liberty," her story of who she was
and where she was going, together with the
Union flag painted on her carriage, and
manifestly, not recently, painted for effect, but of
previous design - all these considerations
constrained the officer to say, "Let her go; she is
all right." She came to her humble home,
constructed a bedstead, filled a tick with straw,
borrowed a blanket to sleep under, lay down
with her two children and slept. The next

day whilst out hunting up some simple cooking
utensils which two years previously she
had distributed among neighbors, rebel soldiers
came into her house, took her borrowed
blanket, her coarse and fine comb, her better
shoes and Burritt's hat, and the carriage harness.
The horse and carriage were hid in the
woods. My daughter Laura had a very nice
Union flag which her mother had made, and
with this a set of silver spoons her grandfather
had given to her; these she had hid up
in the eaves-trough. These the rebels did not
find; so the present loss of the little family
was not great, and they could say with Col.
Slack's slave, "Blessed be nothing; I has
nothing to lose, and nothing to be sorry for."

Thousands of Kirby Smith's men were then
encamped near by. With some other women
my wife went to the encampment to see the
complexion of the rebel soldiery. Whilst
sitting with other women a rebel officer rode
up, and addressing himself politely, inquired of
my wife for her home, and then for the "politics"
of the region. My wife said, "My home is
near by; and, as for politics, we are for
the Union, and believe slavery is wrong, and
that the rebels are fighting for a lost cause."

The officer inquired, "Madam, ain't you from the
North?" She replied, "No, this is my home
and my native State." Again he inquired in
a tone derisive, "Madam, are you an Abolitionist?"
She replied, "I am." "Well," said he,
"I have seen some men who were Abolitionists,
but I never before this saw a woman who was."
My wife then asked, "Why are you here with the
uniform of our men on you?" He had a Union belt
on him with U. S. inverted. He replied, "Madam,
don't you see that is S.U. - Southern Union?"
and rode off. Not long after this she heard the
Cannon's roar at Perrysville. Soon this was followed
by the retreating rebel army with trains of
wagons laden with plunder, and herds of
lowing cattle famishing for the want of water.

Three rebel officers came up to her house
and asked for food. My wife had some
potatoes, meal, coarse flour and milk. She gave
to them bread and milk, with baked potatoes.
They received this kindly, and were very respectful.
Soon after they were gone my wife
learned that some rebel soldiers were in her
potato patch, grabbling her potatoes.

time, left for her a small plat of ground
planted with potatoes. Taking her son Burritt
with her, she went for her potatoes. Something
to live on then was an item of concern. She
came to the fence and said, "Men, I have fed
your officers, and now you are taking the last
potato I have; this is no credit to you." One
young fellow looked up pertly and. said,
"Madam, credit has gone up long ago." They
filled their haversacks and went on.

Scenes of privation, anxiety and toil went
on from day to day. At the end of ten weeks
my wife's mother came, informing her where
I was, and helped her and the children back
to the border of the State.

In Kentucky society was in turmoil. There
was no opportunity for consecutive work.
We passed over into Clermont County, Ohio,
put our children into Parker's Academy, and
tarried there some months ourselves, and
found true friends whom we shall ever hold
dear.

After a few months the government began
in some of the Gulf States the work of enlisting
colored men. I then began to have hope of
a speedy and successful termination of
the war. I had from the beginning of the

war continuously said, "I do not believe we
will succeed until we begin enlisting men as
men, - not merely white men." With this
dawning light I said to my wife, "We will try
it again; gather our children and go to
Berea." To this place we came in 1864.

The friends previously exiled had not yet
returned. With a desire to keep alive the
original purpose, and to resuscitate, to some
extent, the school previously broken up, I
gathered together, as far as possible, the children
of the few sympathizing families, took
charge of a class myself, and committed the
other classes to my wife and eldest daughter.

Soon after this arrangement, whilst sitting
in my study, thinking of the political and
social condition around me, these words came
to me with wonderful force, "Prepare thy
work without, and make it fit for thyself in
the field; and afterwards build thine house."
Prov. 24:27. I did not remember to have
seen the text before; but of course I had, in
general reading, though at that moment I was
not reading my Bible. The text came to me
in such manner and with such force, that I
could not but regard it as from the Spirit of
God; and therefore a call to the work indicated.

The thing indicated to me was this:
Until the work on the battlefield shall be first
settled, there will be no permanency, or
marked progress in your work here, either in
school or church; - go do your part. That
part, as I then believed, was moral, religious;
rather than physical, - the actual bearing of
arms. I had hitherto no confidence that the
government would succeed, until it began to
"break every yoke and let the oppressed go
free"; until it began to enlist men as men, -
and not merely as white men. I also knew
that just at that time colored men were being
enlisted in Kentucky. I believed I knew more
about the movements of the government and
the feelings of the people North, than these
colored men did, and that there were reasons
why I could instruct, comfort and encourage
them, - reasons why they would hear me, and
also reasons why loyal white men would hear
me.

Without counsel from, or commission from
any board, I immediately prepared to go;
took my eldest son, my dear Burritt, then living,
and on the next Saturday started for Camp
Nelson, thirty-five miles distant.

forming, - not complete. The next day, Lord's
day, I mingled freely with these colored soldiers
and their officers; and at night preached
to a large assemblage of them. This was to
me, and to many of these men, a melting occasion.
We saw then, in its first unfolding, what we
had long and anxiously prayed for, -
"the beginning of the end" - the freedom of
men, white and colored; freedom in such
manner as would give prestige to the latter,
and sympathy from the former.

On Monday morning I went to the office
of the Quartermaster, then in Camp Nelson,
Ky., to secure, if possible, a place for religious
service and regular preaching. I found
the Quartermaster at his post, - a live man. I
told him who I was, and what I wanted. He
immediately replied, "I know you, - all about
you, and have for years. My home is Holden,
Mass. I will give you every facility I can.
But," said he, "we want teaching for these
colored men as well as preaching. They,
especially the non-commissioned officers, need
to be taught to write, - sign their names to
their reports." I said, "Furnish me a house
and desks, and I will secure teachers, - do the
work." He agreed to do so. I then went to

the commandant of the camp, Gen. S. S. Fry,
whose home was then in Danville, Ky. He
was and is a Christian gentleman. He gave
to the proposed work his hearty endorsement;
and within eight days Capt. T. E. Hall, who
had three saw-mills and hands "ad libitum" at
his command, had enclosed a school-room
thirty feet wide and a hundred feet long,
furnished with writing tables. Teachers were
secured, and the colored soldiers instructed.

At my request Edward Harwood, of
Cincinnati, forwarded a large bell, - the bell that
now hangs in the belfry of Howard Hall,
Berea. This was speedily mounted on a derrick,
and at stated hours called soldiers to
class, and, at other hours, the people to worship.

I secured instructors for these men. They
were intensely eager to learn how to make
reports and write their names. Gen. Fry was
interested in this help to his soldiery, and
occasionally by his personal presence and words
of exhortation encouraged the men to efforts
of perseverance. There was now no fear
that these men would write passports for freedom.
They were in the enjoyment of the
long-prayed-for boon.

This was a time of thrilling interest to me.
There was now not only the fair prospect that
the nation would be delivered from the perils
of a wicked rebellion, but with this, the freedom
of the then five million of slaves. These
were now, by the demand of loyal men, and
the proclamation of the nation's chief executive,
to go forth as free men and free women;
- a consummation for which I, in common
with others, had long prayed and labored.

The event came in a way we had not prayed
for; it came in blood, yet in a way of individual
and national peril that overcame former
antipathies and race distinction, and engendered
mutual sympathies that nothing short of
the superabounding grace of God, - another
sheet from Heaven to bigoted Peters, - could
have overcome.

There were additional thrills of interest to
me. I had long been shunned, through fear
of others, by those who had a secret sympathy
with me, and had long been hated and persecuted
by others. Now, to meet the benignant
smiles and grateful benedictions of colored
men, and the friendly, hearty grasp of hand
by loyal white men was a revelation as grateful
as new, - to be felt but not described. It

was also a providence by which I became personally
acquainted with officials and privates, colored and
white, and my face and character
known to thousands, yet in the State, and a
providence by which I can yet do good to
them and their children. Nor should any one
be surprised if, from associations of the past, I
should be greatly attached to that beautiful
spot, Camp Nelson; the cradle of liberty to
central Kentucky. There the thousands, men, women and children, received their
passports from government officials, into that
freedom which naturally is the heritage of all
men. May that place, as well as Berea, be a
fountain of good to the State, and ever free
from Rum, Caste, Sect and Secretism. I
wish some one, by his or her means, would
lift the school and church there into yet
higher efficiency.

There was another phase of the work at
Camp Nelson, then of interest to me, and
connected by principle and effect with the work
at Berea. The enlistment of colored men at
Camp Nelson was soon followed by the coming
of their wives and children. These were
at first driven out of the camp at the point of
the bayonet. Thus sent back, they were exposed

to the cruelty of their former masters.
I saw indignation rising in the hearts and
showing itself in the actions of the colored
soldiers. I went to the officials and said to
them, "This driving back of wives and children
will breed mutiny in your camp unless
you desist." The reply was, "What will you
do? - will you leave the women and children
with the soldiers? That will never do."
I said, "No; I would draw a picket line and
put the women in the west end of the camp,
which is abundantly large and encircled by
Kentucky river and cliffs four hundred
feet high. Such a natural fortification,
high, beautiful, and well-watered, was not
anywhere else found in the State." "But,"
said the Quartermaster, "I can do nothing
in the way of shelter without an order
from the Secretary of War." I replied, "I
know Secretary Chase personally. I will
prepare a paper to be sent to his care." "Do
so," said the Quartermaster, "and I will sign it."
The paper was forwarded. Quickly an order
came from Stanton, the Secretary of War, for
the construction of buildings; and in a short
time the Quartermaster had ninety-two cottages
erected as homes for families, two larger

buildings as hospitals for sick women and
children, and other buildings as school-rooms
and offices, boarding hall, and dormitory for
teachers, steward and family.

Spending, as I did, a Sabbath in a neighboring
city, I saw in the congregation (colored)
a young woman of light complexion, whose
manner, as she came to the altar to partake of
the Lord's Supper, favorably impressed me.
I inquired of the pastor who she was. He
told me she was a member of that church,
with fair education and good parentage.
Immediately it occurred to me that she was the
woman with whom to test the caste question
among the teachers at Camp Nelson, and set
the precedent of giving positions to colored
persons as fast as prepared for such. Monday
morning I called on her parents and told
to them my wish and plan. I suggested to
them and the daughter what might be the
opposition; but such, I said, would be
un-Christ-like, and the sooner met the better,
and that perhaps the daughter was "raised
up for a time like this." They consented to the
arrangement, and on Wednesday the young
lady was at the office of the school-building.
Immediately I assigned to her a room in the

dormitory, and put her in charge of a class of
pupils. At the dinner hour I gave to her in
the common dining-hall a chair and place at
the table at which I presided. The presence
of this young lady at one of the several tables
in the common dining-hall, produced a
sensation. A chaplain to one of the regiments,
whose home was down in Maine, together
with some army officials also boarding at the
hall, protested against this young woman's
eating in the common boarding-hall. All the
lady teachers (white) sent there by the
American Missionary Association and the
Freedman's Aid Society, refused, with two
exceptions, to come to the first tables whilst
the young woman was eating. She was, in
person, tidy, modest, comely. It is just to say
that the secretaries of the American Missionary
Association would not have endorsed the
action of those teachers, who thus refused to
eat at the common table with such a teacher
as the one referred to.

A major, whose home was in Illinois, and
the steward, whose home was in the same
State, came to me and suggested that I
remove the young woman. I saw the moment
for decision had come, and in a quiet manner

said, "I will suffer my right arm torn from
my body before I will remove the young
woman." And that they might see that I was
not arbitrary in my decision, I said, "The
young woman is fitted for her position; she is
modest and discreet; she is a Christian, and
as such, Christ's representative. What I do
to her I do to him." Both of these men were
professing Christians, and one of them a local
preacher, at home.

The steward said his wife would not give
the young woman a plate. I replied, "Then
she shall have mine, and I will have another";
for the control had been given to me, and I
meant to keep it, and use it.

That one, who was then a young woman, is
now the wife of one of the trustees of Berea
College. Events, like summer clouds, often
cast their shadows before them.

During the latter part of the war, for some
fifteen months, I gave most of my time and
labor to the work in Camp Nelson, Ky.
Whilst there I organized a school and
gathered together believers into a church,
delivered from rum, secretism and sect.
The church and school remain free from rum,
sect and secretism up to the present time. I saw

then, as now, the importance of such a church
and school in that central part of the State;
in the midst of an immense colored population,
and in a region fertile and beautiful. I
tried to induce others to buy lands there, parcel
out and give facilities for a self-sustaining
community. No one would do so. My own
patrimony was spent. By my wife selling
what land she had in a free State (where there
was progress) and myself borrowing five
hundred dollars, we could then secure there
for the purpose suggested, 130 acres of land.
Knowing that the investment must be relatively
and largely a sinking fund, we secured the
land, and divided it into lots and small tracts.

Forty-two families have now their own
homes there, and thus give home patronage to
school and church. The Academy has 107
acres of land, and two good buildings. A
charter has been secured from the State
Legislature for the village and the Academy.
Some man or woman could now do a good
work there by building up a good industrial
department.

CHAPTER VIII.

Return to Berea. - Resumption of the Work. -
The American Missionary Association. - Work
Denominational - Divisive. - Association of
Ministers and Churches. - Kentucky Missionary
Association. - A Convention of Christians. - An
Address, "Wherein We Differ from the
Denominations."

AT THE close of the war I came back to
Berea and gave most of my time and strength
to the work of helping to build up the school
and church at Berea. This work has been
sheltered and prospered. The College has
ample grounds, good buildings, and an
endowment of a hundred and six thousand
dollars. Most of the time for the past fifteen
years there have been here from three to four
hundred pupils. Of these not less than one
hundred and fifty go out each year to take
charge of as many schools. These teachers
impart the sentiments they have here imbibed
and thus become a leavening, moulding
influence throughout the land.

The church here, numbering now some
two hundred and twenty-three members, is

the one church of the place - now as from the
beginning, in the year 1853, undenominational
and unsectarian. Here those converted from
the world, colored and white, together with
those who once were Methodists, Baptists,
Presbyterians, Congregationalists or Disciples,
drop their denominational and divisive
names, unite on Christ, and thus constitute
the one church of the place. Hundreds go
out from this place as one in Christ to carry
this gospel of love and unity to others.

We believe that God by his Word and
Spirit and his providence, has led to this
unity, as it existed in the primitive church.
We have been jealous of, and have repeatedly
resisted and sloughed off, any and every
denominational or ecclesiastical encroachment
that might in any wise hinder the divine plan.
This will be seen from further efforts and
actions.

The American Missionary Association, with
which I had been for many years associated,
had in its early history been undenominational.
In the year 1865 the Association was adopted
by Congregationalists as an agency and society
of that denomination, and the Association
accepted the adoption, thus forsaking those who

in the past had aided in its organization and
growth, and in part, at least, because of its
undenominational character. The Association
is now in its official reports declared to be "the
left wing of the Congregational corps" (see
report, 1872) - also "as one of two Congregational
missionary societies in the South," the
A. M. A. and the A. H. M. S., and that "this
association, debarred from its distinctive work
at the first, wisely began efforts of its own."
This "distinctive work of church planting"
began in 1867. (See report of 1883.) "It was not
a felt want of the South that there should be
planted another denomination." The secretaries
of the A. M. A. said: "Our Congregational
churches, whilst it is important to plant
them, are not the first need. They can enter
but slowly. The people do not appreciate
them nor ask for them." (See report for
December, 1882.) They might have added
that, except in the cities or where there was a
large Northern population such churches have
been very small. The truth is, that Congregationalism,
like Methodism or Presbyterianism, is a sect, a
part of the body, named and recognized as such;
not worse than others, but one of them. The churches in

this denomination have their creeds, and
these, as a rule, are sectarian, so
uniformly so that the national council at
Burial Hill declared: "We are Calvinistic in
our faith." Samuel Wolcot says: "The
Methodists receive what is called the
Arminian system; we the Calvinistic."
Joseph E. Roy, secretary of the
American Missionary Association, in his
Manual for Congregational Churches, says:
"We adhere to the faith of the primitive
churches held by our fathers and substantially
embodied in the confessions and platforms as
set forth in the synods of 1648 and 1680."
These platforms are intensely Calvinistic.
Again, he says we are "one branch of
Christ's people, adhering to our peculiar faith and
order." Again he says, "Congregationalists
hold that baptism should be given to the
infant children of believers." (P. 13.) The
National Council of churches appointed a
committee of twenty-one eminent divines, to
draft a creed and confession to be submitted
to the Congregational churches. That part
of the eleventh article thus prepared, which
refers to baptism, reads as follows: "We believe
that baptism is to be administered to believers
and their children." Joseph Cook regarded

this creed as divisive. He said: "It
would shut out Dr. Hackett, Pres. Wayland
and thousands of others." This creed had a
national endorsement at the National Council
at Worcester, Mass., in 1890. Certain
delegates from Georgia were accepted because
it was declared that "they have adopted our
creed and our polity." It proves nothing to
say that Congregationalists are less sectarian
than others. It is not the amount of evil, but
the fact that an evil principle is supported.
We have long since known that it was the
moderate slaveholders that made slavery
respectable.

I had in 1847 withdrawn from the
Presbyterian church because of its persistent
connection with slaveholding, and in the same
year refused aid from the Home Missionary
Society because of its persistent support of
slaveholding churches; - and for the same
reason the founders of the American Missionary
Association withdrew their support and
all association with that society. And now I
feel that I must refuse all aid from the American
Association because of its support of
sectarianism, and its aggressive work in
building up denominationalism; confessedly a

I said, too, "Congregationalism, like the
other denominations, is an ecclesiasticism,
having more or less control over its ministers and
churches. In the language of its own authorities:
'Congregationalists do not approve of
the name Independents, and are abhorrent to
such principles of independency as would
shut them from giving an account of their
matters to neighboring churches regularly
demanding it of them.' 'Congregationalism is
a communion of churches bound together by
ties similar to those which bind together members
of a single church.' All this designates
a party - associated on opinions to which all
believers could not subscribe. As such it is
a division in the body of our Lord."

I said, "The division of Christians into sects
and denominations is contrary to the letter and
the spirit of the Gospel, a hindrance to reforms,
and to the greatest progress of Christ's
kingdom. As such, I may not bid it Godspeed."
It was said to me, "Neither you nor
the local church need take the name of
Congregationalist - stand as you are." But I
replied, "While I do not question your motives

nor depreciate the good work you are able to
accomplish, in some respects, I cannot approve
of your methods. I shall be reported in the
Congregational Year Book; and as receiving your
aid. It would not be acting in good faith with
you or with my own conscience to accept
your beneficence and protest against your
policy as radically wrong." I declined the aid
of the Association. We are not "Congregationalist"
- we accept no denominational arrangement or title.

THE ASSOCIATION OF MINISTERS AND CHURCHES.

Some of us who were workers here in Berea
went, though with expressed objections,
into another effort for what we then conceived
might be necessary to the maintenance
of truth and the highest efficiency. We
formed "an Association of Ministers and
Churches," bound together by a constitution
which, though on a very catholic basis, was
nevertheless an ecclesiasticism and a departure
from what now seems to us the primitive
order, and which involved church responsibilities.
The objections to this arrangement were set
forth in an article in the Berea Evangelist, and
in the following words:

Churches" is a departure from the primitive
order. The primitive order was to leave each
church strictly independent. Each local
church chose its own officers, disciplined its
own offenders, and tried its own teachers.
The local church, after the canon of Scripture
was established, was the sole judge of fitness
of order, of doctrine, - no space left for
hierarchies or ecclesiasticisms. The divine
pattern was complete and sufficient. This seems
to us the New Testament doctrine, and while
we do not make its acceptance a condition of
our fellowship, it ought at least to be a rule
for our own conduct.

2. Organizing "ministers and churches" -
a class - into an association, on a basis which,
however catholic, if the usage prevails of
extending the immunities and privileges of the
Association only to those who are members of
the body, and only to such members of the
churches as are delegates, shows that the
Association is a sect, - separated from others;
then they become a clan.

Individual Christians may come up from all
parts of the district, meet in convention,
deliberate and devise, and return to their
respective homes or churches, and not be a
clan.

3. By organizing as an "Association of
Ministers and Churches" we incur associate
responsibilities, and guilt, if crime is
persistently fellowshipped in the Association.
God holds churches responsible for the
conduct of their members. (1 Cor. v:13: 2
John II; Rev. 2:14.) Not individual ministers
only, but churches, are members of the
Association, and we, as members of the body,
are responsible for their conduct in bidding
God speed to wrong doers, - such as swear to
conceal crime, take blasphemous oaths, and
expurgate the name of Christ from the
Scriptures they use, or the prayers they offer in
their lodges. Some of the churches of the
Association we then had, held and received
such persons to their membership. But if
individuals or churches are not constituent parts,
then they are not responsible for each other's
actions. If one or a dozen individual members
of a church should, of their own accord,
go to a Christian convention, and the
convention should do any wrong or unwise thing,
the church of which those individuals are
members would not be responsible. These
individuals would not go as delegates, or
representatives, or agents of the church. But

if that church should be an integral part of an
ecclesiastical association, and send to a
meeting of this association delegates as
representatives, - agents, - for the church, then
the church would be responsible for the acts of
the association so long as it should continue
fellowship with it; and if the association, or any
part of the churches composing it, should
commit sin, all the members of the association
would be partakers of the sin so long as the
should fellowship the sinner.

The Association of Churches and Minister
was abandoned. Most of the members
favored the calling of conventions of
individual Christians, to promote mutual
fellowship and to extend the work of
evangelization. Such a convention was
called and adopted the plan for a missionary
association presented in the following circular:

THE CHRISTIAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION
OF KENTUCKY.

The reader will ask, Why another organization?
We answer, that while the religion denominations,
and the missionary societies that represent
them, seek to convert men to Christ, they
make a distinction between denominational
and Christian fellowship by appending

doctrines, polities and characteristics
not essential to Christian life and character.
Such a distinction is manifestly unwarranted
by the Word of God, is contrary to the
command of the apostle, "that there be no schism
in the body" (1 Cor. 12: 25), and the prayer
of our Saviour, "that they may all be one"
(John 17: 21). Such denominational divisions
beget weakness, and tempt men for sake
of numbers to receive to their fellowship persons
living in un-Christ-like practices, such as
connection with the secret lodge system, the
use, manufacture and sale of intoxicating
drinks, and the spirit and practice of caste in
the "household of faith." Because so many
Christians have been "carnal and walk as
men," they have separated those whom God
hath joined together, and divided the Body
wherein "there is neither Greek nor Jew,
circumcision nor uncircumcision, Barbarian,
Scythian, bond nor free, but Christ is all and
in all."

There are in Kentucky and other States,
churches that are now, and for years have
been, separate from these denominational
organizations and un-Christ-like practices.
They need aid in pastoral support and in their

efforts to extend the Gospel. They propose
no separation from the whole family of Christ
nor even an association with each other as
a distinctive body. They find no warrant for a
separate association of churches in the Word
of God, and believe that such separate
associations tend only to a forbidden schism
in the body of our Lord.

The Christian Missionary Association which
asks your aid, is made up not of churches, a
such, but of individuals. This association has
been regularly incorporated, as an association
by the Legislature of Kentucky. This Association,
at their regular meetings, will hear reports, audit
accounts, vote appropriations, appoint
missionaries, and an executive board
to aid in its objects, who also may send out
laborers and who shall supervise the work of
evangelization.

This association seeks the unification of a
believers in Christ, and their united opposition
to all known iniquity. We aim to conserve
the material and moral resources of the church
by bringing together, as far as practicable, all
Christians in any given locality, on the basis of
a common unity in Christ. Whilst we shall
give aid to those seeking the suppression of

the use of and traffic in intoxicating drinks, and
in opposing all secret orders, we shall especially
seek to send out and assist those evangelists
who shall preach Christ in all the fullness of his
character, baptizing all thus converted into his
name, and organizing them into undenominational
churches, whose only head is the Lord Jesus
Christ. The present Executive Board is located at
Berea, Madison County, Kentucky, and will
receive and disburse all funds as directed by the donor.

The readers will see in all these efforts
there has been a continuous purpose to have
the church free from all complicity with wrong
doing, - have it free from all ecclesiasticisms
that embarrass the utterance of truth, or
hinder reforms and involve associate
responsibility or guilt, - an effort to plant
churches as planted by our Lord and his apostles,
- independent and undenominational. The divine
pattern will yet be found to be the wisest and
most efficient. Perhaps, on this point, I can

do the reader no better service than by directing
his attention to an address the writer
delivered before the Christian convention
held in Dayton, Ohio, May 21-23, 1890.

AN ADDRESS, BY JOHN G. FEE.

Delivered before the late Christian Union Convention.
held in Dayton, Ohio, May 21-23, 1890.

The object of this convention, as set forth in
the call, is to suggest ways and devise means
by which to secure the visible union of all
true Christians in any given locality, as the
one church of that locality; and this union on
the basis of manifested faith in the Lord
Jesus Christ, the Son of God, as the Saviour
from sin.

As announced in the programme, I propose
to show "wherein this movement differs from
the denominations around us."

All the denominations, in all that is peculiar
to them as such, begin with opinions - opinions
about a doctrine, about a rite, a polity, and in
their distinctive work build upon these opinions.
We begin with and build upon a person, - the
Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, the Saviour
from sin; and "other foundations can no man lay"

Belief on him is the condition of salvation.
"Believe in the Lord Jesus Christ and thou shalt
be saved."

Manifested faith in him, as the Saviour from
sin, is the reason for fellowship and co-operation.

This faith in a person, the Lord Jesus
Christ, induced as it is by the truth and Spirit
of God, carries with it a radical change in the
believer; an entire conformity of will, of
affection, of life to the Lord Jesus.

This is seen from the very import of the
original word (Pisteuo), translated "believe."
This word implies not mere intellectual assent
to a fact, even the fact that Jesus is the Son of
God, but the word, when used to designate
faith in, or belief on a person, implies more:
it implies committal. This is so clearly true
that the word is sometimes translated commit,
"Jesus, knowing the hearts of all men,
committed not himself to them." John 2:24.

The soul that thus believes on, commits
itself to the Lord Jesus, opens the door of the
heart to Christ, and in so doing becomes "a
new creature." Pertinent are the words of

the apostle, "He that believeth that Jesus is
the Christ" (commits himself to Jesus as the
Christ) "is born of God."

Such a believer is more than a mere
moralist; more than a mere humanitarian; more
than a mere professor; he is "a new creature."

Opinions about a doctrine, a rite or a polity,
however correct, carry with them no such
radical change of heart and character; no
sense of forgiveness, peace and joy in the Holy
Ghost.

Again, this faith in Christ is simple; a child
can comprehend it; a child knows what faith
in a person is. It can believe on and trust in
a parent or a friend. Also a child exercising
this faith can have a conscious experience and
can tell that experience, - can tell that it trusts
in Jesus as its Saviour. But this child, whilst
it can confess, trust in Jesus, and be fitted for
baptism and a place in the visible Church of
Christ, cannot say it understands the five
points of Calvinism, nor the twenty-five
articles of Methodist Discipline, nor the
thirty-nine articles of the Episcopal Church.

Again, this faith in Christ is all comprehensive,
secures all moral excellence. Faith in
Christ, belief on him, is committal to him who

is holy, harmless and undefiled, the one "in
whom dwells all the fullness of the God-head
bodily." This faith then secures all moral
excellence. Not so with mere opinions; they
have no transforming power.

The devils believe facts concerning Christ;
give intellectual assent, but no committal to
Christ, and are devils still. Many of the
slaveholders were orthodox, "sound in the
faith," in the sense of opinion, but were still
monsters of iniquity.

Whilst it will be conceded that faith in a
person, the Lord Jesus Christ, is simple and
comprehensive, the question will be asked,
"What about baptism and all good works?"
We reply, the soul that believes on Christ
(commits itself to him) must, from the very
nature of the case, obey Christ, - in baptism,
in all things commanded by him, must
conform readily to his entire life; and thus in the
word and the life of the living person, have a
moral standard in the light of which to test
the character of secret orders, caste spirit,
intemperate habits, all individual acts and social
customs. Thus the creed we avow is divine,
simple, and all comprehensive.

creed and this faith in Christ in common with
you. True; but they add to the divine plan
- add something else; and build distinctively
on this something else. They "lay other
foundations" as the basis of fellowship and
co-operation, and whilst they recognize true
believers as Christians, they co-operate
ecclesiastically only with those of certain
opinions, and thus build parties, sects. Every
denomination is an illustration of the fact
stated. We begin with the Lutheran. A bit of
history will vivify the illustration.

For the first thirteen years of the
Reformation Protestants were undivided.
They had union on Christ. D'Aubigne
says there existed at that time in the
evangelical body no sects, hatred or
schisms; Christian unity was a reality.
The renewed disciples of Christ
presented themselves to the Pope, to the
emperor, to the world and to the scaffold as
forming one body. Carlstadt, speaking of
Protestants, said, "We are but one body, one
house, one people; we live and die by one and
the same Saviour."

There was union on Christ but difference in
opinion in what Zwingle termed "secondary
matters." Luther and Zwingle differed in

opinion about the eucharist, the Lord's
Supper. At the conference at Marburg, Luther
said, "I believe that Christ's body is in
heaven, and that Christ's body is in the bread,
as the sword is in the scabbard." * * "The
sacrament of the altar is the sacrament of the
very body and the very blood of Jesus
Christ." This opinion of actual presence he
reaffirmed at Augsburg, Smalcald, and at
Wittemburg. At the latter he added, as a
modification, the phrase "spiritual
manducation." To this modified opinion he prefixed
other opinions about depravity, original sin,
inability and imputation. With these opinions,
which he afterward again modified, he formed
a creed for a party, which party soon took a
name by which to designate the party from
the rest of the body. Thus began sects and
denominations early in the Reformation.

Lutheranism has undergone many
modifications in different countries and
at different times. These frequent modifications
of the creed, like the continued modifications
of the creeds of all other denominations, show
that these creeds are but the fluctuating
opinions of men. The divine creed changes not.

denominations begin with and build upon
opinions may be drawn from the Presbyterian
denomination. The brethren in this denomination
are of the opinion that the government of
the Church should be by elders; that the
authority of their ministers to preach the Gospel,
administer the ordinances and feed the flock,
is through the Holy Ghost by the imposition
of the hands of the Presbytery.

These Presbyterian brethren are also of
the opinion that the five points of Calvinism
are the correct interpretation of certain
portions of the Word of God. With this polity
and with these opinions of doctrine they form
a creed and build a party upon it.

The denomination known as Congregationalists
present another illustration. Congregationalists
are of the opinion that the government of the
local church should be by the congregation;
that local churches should be in ecclesiastical
fellowship, united in associations or councils.
(See report of Committee of the National Council
in 1889.)

For a creed, Congregationalists first
adopted the Savoy platform; then in this
country, after a time, adopted the Cambridge
platform - both platforms are intensely

Calvinistic. In the National Council of 1865 the
Congregationalists there declared that their
faith, as a denomination, "is Calvinistic." The
creed drafted by the commission appointed by
the National Council in 1884 is a modified
creed of twelve articles, - articles which many
Christians cannot accept. A clause in the
eleventh article affirms that "baptism is to be
administered to believers and their children,"
a clause which Joseph Cook said would
exclude Francis Wayland, Dr. Hackett and
thousands of other Christians.

The creed received a national sanction at
the recent meeting at Worcester, Mass.,
where, as a reason for receiving delegates
from the State of Georgia, it was said "they
accept our polity and adhere to the creed set
forth by our Commission in 1884." Thus
Congregationalism has its polity, its
association of churches and its amended
creed, - a creed built upon the shifting
opinions of men and the distinctive features
of a party.

The formation of the Methodist
denomination affords another illustration.
For some fifteen years before our Revolutionary
war, vigorous missionary efforts were carried on in
several of the Southern States of this Union

under the labors of Wesley, Whitfield and
others. The converts worshipped for a time,
not as a denomination, but in local churches
or societies; some of them simply with
Wesley's rules. Efforts were made to form a
denomination. These were as often resisted.
At length, in 1784, under the labors of Coke
and Asbury, a convention was called, a
proposition for a distinct ecclesiastical
association was submitted and accepted.
Twenty-four articles of faith, with an
episcopal form of government, and the name
of Methodist Episcopal as that by which to
designate the body, was also accepted. The
polity, the name, and a fourth part of the
articles of faith were then and now are such
that thousands of Christians cannot accept
them; they are divisive. The denomination,
like other denominations, is built upon
opinions, and is a schism in the body of Christ.

The Baptist denomination presents another
illustration. The Baptist brethren are of the
opinion that the original Greek word, Baptizo,
when used to designate action, means
immerse; and should have been translated so in
our version; and that the right of baptism
should be administered only to believers.

This, after much care and study, is my own
opinion, and I act accordingly, - strive to live
up to my convictions. Here I must stop, for
I recognize the fact that in our version we
have not a translation of the original word, but
only the original Greek word, with an English
termination affixed. I also recognize the fact
that ninety and nine out of every hundred
true believers are unable to translate; and that
they must of necessity interpret. As a
Protestant, as a brother, I must grant to
manifest believers the right of private
interpretation; especially when it is conceded
that the mistake in interpretation may be
consistent with Christian life and character.

I believe our Pedo-baptist brethren have
made a mistake in their act of confession and
consecration, but they have nevertheless made
confession and consecration, though they have
erred in the form of the act. The mistake in
the manner of action does not destroy Christian
character, - evidence of true faith in Christ
as the Saviour from sin. Again, my belief is
that our Pedo-baptist brethren, in their act
of consecration, have omitted an important
feature of a true baptism; the symbolization
of "death to sin and resurrection to

newness of life"; nevertheless, by their trust
in Christ they have the fact, death to sin and
resurrection to a new life. They have failed,
as I believe, to symbolize the fact.

It is my opinion that my Pedo-baptist
brethren have omitted the impressive emblem
of the death, burial and resurrection of our
Lord; but I know that from other sources in
God's Word they do teach these precious
facts.

It will be said, you insist upon correct
opinions about Christ; why not about the
word baptize? I reply, I do believe and teach,
as revealed in God's Word, that Christ is the
"eternal life," and not a secondary or after
existence; that he is the "Word who was
with God and was God" - "God manifest in
the flesh"; but the thing I insist upon is not
opinion about Christ, but the actual fact of
trust in committal to him as the personal
Saviour from sin. This is vital to life and
character; but correct opinions about the
import of the word baptize, or the design
of baptism, are not vital in the case of the
true believer; the mistake does not destroy
Christian character.

says, "There are Christians among the
sects." We think it is best to treat these
Christians as such; believing that if anxious
inquirers shall be freed from the bias of sects
and denominational teachings, they will
generally apprehend the truth of God's Word
in reference to the action and design of
baptism. Our Baptist brethren, however, are of
the opinion that church fellowship should be
extended only to immersed believers; and
upon this opinion form a party, and take a
name by which to distinguish the party from
the rest of the body.

What we have said of the denominations
previously referred to, is true of all other
denominations, even of those who have
no written creed, or those who call
themselves by the Catholic name "Christians."
A creed may be as real when oral, as when written.
We may take an illustration - opposition to the
doctrine of the Trinity, or the doctrine of the
"distinct personality of the Son from the
Father," or baptism for the remission of sins,
or immersion of a believer as a condition of
fellowship and co-operation, and make
acceptance of any one of these opinions the
condition of fellowship and co-operation, and then

take some name by which to designate the
association, and you will have the essential
elements of a denomination, though there be
no written creed.

The Catholic name "Christian" does not
alter the nature of the association. The name
Christian may be prostituted from its high
purpose of designating Christian character, -
a follower or followers of Christ, to that of
designating a party, - a part of the body of
Christ, separated on an opinion not necessary
to oneness in Christ, This may be with or
without an association of churches.

The error, then, of denominationalism is in
taking an opinion about some doctrine, rite or
polity, and making a party on that opinion,
rite or polity, and taking a name, however
Catholic, by which to designate that party
from the rest of the body of Christ.

The question will be asked, "Is not the
local church you advocate a section, a part
of the body, and that, too, with a name by
which to designate it?"

We reply, yes; but not in the reprehensible
sense of the word; the sense condemned by the
Word of God. It is right that the followers
of Christ be separated from the world, - be in

this respect a section, and that the church thus
separated wear the name of Christ, its head.

Whilst, then, the true followers of Christ
are, by their new birth, their baptism, their
worship, their lives, separated from the world,
they are not to be separated one from another;
they are to be one body, wearing the one
name, - the name of Christ, their head. But
the division of the body of believers into sects,
parties, and this on mere opinions about
doctrines, rites or polities, with names by
which to designate these separate parties,
is not right. Such separation is the sin of schism, condemned by the Word of God, and
deplored by good men and women. We then
build on Christ, a person, and seek to convert
men to him in all the fullness of his character,
baptize in his name, and gather together for
worship and thus constitute the one church of
the locality; not as a party, but as a part of
the whole body of Christ, wearing his name,
and his name only.

For evangelization we may have Mission
Boards appointed by conventions composed
of individuals, and thus be as undenominational
as the American Bible Society itself.