Drop false narrative, GOP is to blame for debt ceiling deadlock

By Eugene Robinson/eugenerobinson@washpost.com

Updated 12:02 am, Wednesday, July 13, 2011

Washington has many lazy habits, and one of the worst is a reflexive tendency to see equivalence where none exists. Hence the nonsense, being peddled by politicians and commentators who should know better, that “both sides” are equally at fault in the deadlocked talks over the debt ceiling.

This is patently false. The truth is that Democrats have made clear they are open to compromise on budget cuts and revenue increases. Republicans have made clear they are not.

Put another way, Democrats reacted to the “grand bargain” proposed by President Barack Obama and House Speaker John Boehner by squawking, complaining and highlighting elements they didn't like. This is known as the way to begin a process of negotiation.

Republicans, by contrast, answered with a definitive “no” and then covered their ears. Given the looming Aug. 2 deadline for default if the debt ceiling is not raised, the proper term for this approach is blackmail.

Yet the “both sides are to blame” narrative somehow gained currency after Boehner announced Saturday that House Republicans would not support any increase in revenue, period. A false equivalence was drawn between the absolute Republican rejection of “revenue-positive” tax reform and the less-than-absolute Democratic opposition to “benefit cuts” in Medicare and Social Security.

The bogus story line is that the radical right-wing base of the GOP and the radical left-wing base of the Democratic Party are equally to blame for sinking the deal.

It is true that House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi howled like a blindsided politician when she learned that entitlement programs were on the table. But her objections and those of Democrats in general are philosophical and tactical, not absolute.

Progressives understand that Medicare and Social Security are not sustainable on their current trajectories; in the long term, both must have their revenues and costs brought into balance. Pelosi's position is that each program should be addressed with an eye toward sustainability.

It's also true that Democrats believe they can win back a passel of House seats next year by highlighting the GOP plan to convert Medicare into a voucher program. They don't want Republicans to be able to point and say, “See, the Democrats want to cut Medicare, too.”

There's nothing in these Democratic objections, however, that couldn't be creatively finessed. You can claim you haven't actually “cut” a benefit, for example, if what you've done is restrain the rate at which its cost will grow. You can offset spending with new revenue, and you can do so in a way that gives low-income taxpayers a break. Democrats left the door open.

The story on the Republican side is entirely different. There are ways to finesse a “no new taxes” pledge, too. Instead of raising tax rates, you close loopholes in the name of reform; you add an enhancement here, a “user fee” there, and you can manage to get the revenue you need and still claim you haven't voted to raise taxes.

But Republicans are taking the position that not a cent of new revenue can be raised and are refusing to negotiate.

Meanwhile the clock ticks toward Aug. 2 and the possibility of a catastrophic default. And no one should be confused about what the president confronts: On one side, grousing and grumbling. On the other, a brick wall.