Treaty Like It’s 1999: Connecting the Dots on Trade

Although it seems they fell out of
fashion after the 1999 WTO protests, trade agreements are still being
drafted. Every few months, urged by chambers of commerce and under cover
of darkness, legislators ink up new pacts to make it easier for goods
to flow and workers to be shed.

Last year, the US Korea Free Trade Agreement
was passed. This year, making the Korea deal look piddly, the Trans-Pacific Partnership is expanding. The TPP began in 2006 as a hardcore
trade agreement between the most trade-dependent countries around the
Pacific: Chile, New Zealand and Singapore. Brunei joined the
negotiations near their conclusion, rounding out the "Pacific 4." Their
zeal to reduce tariffs, harmonize standards, and prevent subsidies goes
far beyond the ambitions of the World Trade Organization. And now six
other countries want in: the U.S., Australia, Japan, Malaysia, Peru, and
Vietnam.

In part, the reason that news about trade agreements doesn’t hit front pages is because, er, it’s news about trade agreements.
Not the stuff of which editors’ dreams are made. But just because the
agreements don’t make the front pages doesn’t mean that people haven’t
heard the news. There have been protests against the TPP across the
Asia-Pacific region. And at the protests, people are connecting the
dots. Like here in Okinawa, Japan.

This month, I visited a rally commemorating the 40th anniversary of this
small Pacific island being transferred from the U.S. to Japan. Although
Japan runs the prefecture, there’s a rather large U.S. base still here.
And there were plenty of people ready to make the connection between an
oppressive base and an oppressive trade agreement.

Okina Gaja is a 22-year-old representative from JA (Japan
Agricultural Cooperatives, the national association of agricultural
cooperatives). He doesn’t like the Trans-Pacific Partnership because
farmers will be hit to the tune of $20 billion in rice alone [ref in Japanese].
What he really wants is some autonomy in setting the agenda of the
island on which he lives. The TPP will prevent that. And the U.S. base
will too. “I want the U.S. base out of Okinawa because without that,
Okinawan economic independence is impossible,” he said.

If Gaja and the farmers he works with are to win their autonomy,
they’ll have to defeat some of Japan’s most powerful interests. The country’s export industry is very excited by the TPP, and it’s
worth understanding precisely why their enthusiasm has nothing to do
with trade tariffs.

"Deregulation is
always organized by the privileged. Workers always lose, and the rich
always win. It’s the same with war. Workers become soldiers while the
privileged stay where they are."

Remember that according to the economics textbooks, free trade
agreements reduce the tariffs, the border taxes, that countries charge
one another, thus making everyone better off. The tax that Japanese cars
pay on entering the U.S. is 2.5 percent. Getting rid of the tariff will do
little to address the Japanese car industry’s bigger problem: the
exchange rate.

The Yen has appreciated against the dollar by 50 percent in the
past five years, which makes Japanese cars that much more expensive in
the U.S. But what the TPP does do is make social protections,
the kinds that workers like but bosses would rather snip away, less
tenable. It’ll be easier under the TPP for companies to challenge
environmental and health safeguards, and financial regulations, among many other protections they’ll be able to shrug.

The bone of contention for the U.S. car industry is the thicket of fiddly
and difficult domestic regulations that mean most foreign cars are not
allowed to be sold here. The TPP will make the economic roads in Japan
safer for U.S. companies to sell their SUVs, thus making the actual
roads in Japan more dangerous.

The Tricks of the Trade DealsThree new agreements are predicted to kill jobs and solidify corporate power. It's our turn to have a say in how we trade.

Hirofumi Ochiai is a 43-year-old bus driver with the Odakyu
company’s Bus Workers Union. He experienced firsthand the force of
neoliberal economic policies under the Prime Ministership of Junichiro
Koizumi in the early 2000s, when bus subsidies for rural transport
networks were cut and workers’ conditions deteriorated. The result: On
the most lucrative inter-city bus routes, fares fell. But crashes went
up, and services deteriorated on routes that mattered, but weren’t
profitable.

So Ochiai came on the march with his fellow drivers to help join the dots.

Ochiai has an incredibly articulate analysis. Deregulation, he says, is
always organized by the privileged. Workers always lose, and the rich
always win. It’s the same with war. Workers become soldiers while the
privileged stay where they are. So, in solidarity with the workers
inside the U.S. bases on Okinawa, he’s outside asking that they be freed
to fight their fights back home in the U.S., and so that he can fight the
same fight here in Japan.

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Raj Patel is an award-winning writer, activist, and academic. He is the author of Stuffed and Starved: The Hidden Battle for the World Food System and The Value of Nothing, a New York Times best-seller. He blogs at rajpatel.org