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Monday, March 31, 2014

JAPAN'S SECURITY AND RECONCILIATION WITH ITS ASIAN NEIGHBORS: RECTIFYING THE PAST AND PROMOTING TRUST. 4/1, 11:10am-12:25pm, Washington, DC. Sponsor: Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University. Speakers: Satsuki EDA, Former President of Japan’s House of Councillors (upper house of National Diet), Former Minister of Justice and Minister of the Environment; Yukihisa FUJITA, Member of the House of Councillors, Former Senior Vice-Minister of Finance; Takashi EZAKI, Member of the House of Councillors, Vice-Chair of Organization Committee.

In his new book, President Carter argues that people's actions are guided by international agreements as well as their own moral values, most often derived from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Bible, the Koran, and other texts that proclaim a commitment to justice and mercy, equality of treatment between men and women, and a duty to alleviate suffering. He also asserts it is not possible to address the rights of women, the human and civil rights struggle of our time, without looking at factors that create an acceptance of violence in our society — violence that inevitably affects women disproportionately.

President Carter will be in Washington, DC on March 26th to discuss his book with Sally Quinn, founding editor of OnFaith in the Washington Post and David Ignatius, Washington Post columnist. You will be able to watch the interview on Washington Post Live.

A NEW PAGE? THE US AND AFGHANISTAN AFTER KARZAI. 3/24, 2:30-4:00pm. Sponsor: American Enterprise Institute. Speakers: Seth Jones, RAND Corporation; Adam Kinzinger, R-IL; David Sedney, Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Asian and Pacific Affairs.

THE TTIP PERSPECTIVES FROM THE USTR AND THE DELEGATION OF THE EU TO THE UNITED STATES. 3/24, 3:30-6:00pm. Sponsors: American Society of International Law; George Washington University Law School. Speakers: David Weiner, Deputy Assistant US Trade Representative for Europe; Adeline Hinderer Sayers, Counselor for Trade, Delegation of the EU to the US; Steve Charnovitz, Associate Professor, GWU Law School; Vanessa Sciarra, Partner, Holland & Knight.

Three years ago yesterday, the Great East Japan Earthquake struck my country, and caused great damage, the effects of which were tripled by the ensuing tsunami and nuclear accident at the Fukushima Daiichi power plant. Amongst all the outpouring of assistance extended to us from around the world, some of the warmest and most important aid was provided to us by the United States. And in the midst of this unprecedented tragedy, Operation Tomodachi was born and with it, the unparalleled assistance which continues to this day. Again, you have my deepest thanks and gratitude for your friendship.

Today, let me share with you how the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) views the Abe Administration, especially as it relates to its foreign policy and economic agenda.

On the topic of foreign policy, let me start by sharing my thoughts on Japan's relationship with South Korea, China, and the US. Next, I will move on to discuss their economic policy and explain the pros and cons of the current policy and provide you some thoughts on the longer term structural problems Japan needs to tackle. Finally, I would like to touch on what our relationship should be and how we can realize that by deepening our alliance.

On foreign policy, our relationship between South Korea and China remains frozen. It is a pity that we have not seen any summit meetings between Japan and South Korea or China, although more than one year has passed since PM Abe assumed office. South Korea is an important neighbor for us especially because we share fundamental values such as democracy, rule of law and a market economy. Both of us are also close allies to the US, and we must cooperate very closely with each other and with the US. This is especially true should something critical happen in North Korea. Having an untested, inexperienced, 31-year old inherit the leadership position who is trying to consolidate his dictatorial powers causes great concern. We must be prepared in case anything imminently dreadful would occur.

During the DPJ Administration, North Korea sank the South Korean warship, the "Chonan", and shelled the South Korean island of Yonpyondo. In response to these incidents, Japan and the United States immediately supported South Korea and helped to deter further North Korean provocation. Most importantly, we should not forget what China did during this time, which was to support the position of the North Koreans. This case very well illustrates the crucial significance of maintaining a strong trilateral cooperation among Japan, the US and South Korea for the security of the North East Asia region.

The DPJ Administration also placed much value on the relationship with South Korea and addressed some key bilateral issues as follows:

1) We made it very clear that the Takeshima Islands constitute an integral part of Japanese territory;

2) We adhered to two key statements on historical matters: the "Murayama Statement" in which Japan expressed apology for our colonial rule, and the "Kono Statement" in which we addressed the issues related to what is called "Comfort Women";

3) At the same time, key officials in the Administration such as the Prime Minister, the Chief Cabinet Secretary, and the Foreign Minister refrained from visiting the Yasukuni Shrine where class A war criminals are collectively honored; and

4) We also committed to make further efforts towards addressing the "Comfort Women" issue from a humanitarian perspective, while we firmly maintained our position that this issue had already been resolved by the Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea.

It is my hope that without further delay, leaders of Japan and South Korea meet one another to re-establish and re-strengthen our relationship, especially from a strategic perspective.

Recently, two of Prime Minister Abe's top aides made statements like these:

Although the US Government said they were disappointed with Prime Minister Abe's visit to Yasukuni Shrine, no one under the Republican Administrations had made such misinterpretation or tried to find fault there. It is rather the Japanese side, which was disappointed by the Americans. The US is getting afraid of saying the right things to China. Americans said they are disappointed because they needed some excuses for China. Why the U.S. does not show more respect to their important ally like Japan.

I don't agree with those people. What I am reminded of here is the words of former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev that "there are no friend or foe in diplomacy, there is only the interest of states." An alliance is formulated not out of charitable consideration. Parties to the alliance must understand respective national interests and respect them. The US-Japan alliance is, regardless of whatever party is on the ruling side, a crucially important bilateral relationship. Of course, the interests of alliance partners may conflict with each other. But what is most important is keeping our internal conflicts private and between ourselves and not allow others to view our disagreements. Behind the scenes, we might fiercely argue with each other, but still we should still showcase our strong bond to outsiders. We have to understand precisely, which country would benefit from a worsening of the Japan-US relationship.

Next, I would like to touch upon our relationship with China. This relationship is also a strategically important one. Again, I wish that the Japanese leader will meet his Chinese counterpart as soon as possible, just as I wished in the case of the Japan-Korea relationship. That being said, I would like to briefly share with you the historical context of the Senkaku Islands so that both Japan and the US can have a common understanding on this issue vis-à-vis China.

The Senkaku Islands were incorporated into Japanese territory in January 1895 via a cabinet decision, after Japan carefully observed the situation for ten preceding years and confirming that there was no conflicting influence or rule from any other country. There is no doubt that the Senkaku Islands constitute an integral part of Japanese territory. Around 1970, China started to claim the islands belonged to them. Coincidently, China's claims came only after the UN made public that there might be underground resources (such as oil and gas) embedded in the surrounding ocean area. Before this time, even the Communist Party's official gazette, The People's Daily referred to Senkaku as "Senkaku of Okinawa" and the maps the Chinese government published did not include Senkaku.

I recall my first meeting with Secretary Clinton after I assumed the post of foreign minister when she clearly assured me that, "Senkaku is within the application of Article 5 of the Japan-US Security Treaty". This was the first statement of its kind made by the Obama Administration. Whenever I think of this, it renews my respect and appreciation to Secretary Clinton and reminds me of the sincere efforts of Assistant Secretary Kurt Campbell to make this happen.

On the Senkaku issue, China claims that:

1) Japan should take back our decision of nationalizing the Senkaku islands;
2) Japan should confirm that there are territorial disputes here, and;
3) Japan and China should jointly develop this area.

However, let me make it very clear that Japan would never ever agree on such claims. The DPJ Administration only acquired ownership of the Senkaku Islands out of the concerns that the quiet control over the islands, (in other words, the status quo) might be undermined by the then Tokyo Governor's statement that the Tokyo regional government might purchase the land and cause unnecessary friction. China's claim that Japan nationalized the Senkaku Islands to reinforce our effective control over the islands has no basis in fact. Japan has and continued to maintain sovereignty over the Senkaku Islands and this was only a transfer of ownership of the islands from a private Japanese owner to the central government. I believe it is important that we persistently work on this issue, while acknowledging that China has a different viewpoint.

In addition, China has also promulgated other problematic issues such as an Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) which China unilaterally set in place, advancing an ever increasing military budget, and continuing their reckless behavior in South China Sea where they could impede and threaten the freedom of navigation on the high seas. In concert with the US and other like-minded countries, we need to say what we have to say in a firm and confident manner. We must continue to communicate and have dialogue with China and work with them to promote a peaceful rise. There is a saying that overall agreement matters more and smaller difference matters less. I very much appreciate the broader perspectives this saying includes and with that in mind, I would like to improve and strengthen our relationship with China.

Let me also offer a few words on Japan-US relations. Needless to say, for Japan, the US is the most important partner and ally in the international community. More than that, not only is this alliance important for our bilateral relationship, but it is extremely crucial for the stability and prosperity of the entire Asia Pacific region; sort of a public good. Many people in this region who share our fundamental values have high hopes for the continuation of our strong alliance. Given the situation on the Korean Peninsula, the rise of China, and a certain level of instability in the domestic politics of various areas within Asia, both Japan and the US need to closely cooperate with each other and further deepen our alliance. From this perspective, I would like to offer three of my thoughts here.

Wednesday, March 19, 2014

Please join the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation for a discussion of ongoing maritime disputes in the East China Sea and their potential wider implications for China-Japan relations, Northeast Asian security, Asian economic development and the U.S.-Japan alliance

The Maureen and Mike Mansfield Foundation was created in 1983 to advance Maureen and Mike Mansfield’s life-long efforts to promote understanding and cooperation among the nations and peoples of Asia and the United States. The Foundation sponsors exchanges, dialogues and publications that create networks among U.S. and Asian leaders, explore the underlying issues influencing public policies, and increase awareness about the nations and peoples of Asia.

The theme of this year's International Women's Day is that “A promise is a promise: Time for action to end violence against women.” This is also an important policy objective of the Obama Administration. On February 25th, the US Secretary of State John Kerry, US Ambassador-at-Large for Global Women's Issues Catherine M. Russell, British Foreign Secretary William Hague, and UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General Zainab Bangura held an armchair Discussion on Ending and Preventing Sexual Violence in Conflict Situations (text and video). They emphasized "there’s really no way to adequately describe the depths of depravity and the extraordinary violence of rape as a tool of war, as violence against women as a tool of intimidation, coercion, submission, and power."

The President on March 5th issued a special fact sheet on Combatting Violence against Women to highlight the funding in the President’s FY 2015 Budget to reduce backlog of untested rape kits and assist prosecution of sexual assault cases. The White House emphasized that "Sexual violence is more than just a crime against individuals. It threatens our families, it threatens our communities; ultimately, it threatens the entire country."

Secretary of State Kerry issued both a statement and op ed for International Women's Day (see below). Asian leaders, in contrast, were largely quiet. It was a holiday for women in China. Japan's Cabinet Minister for Gender Equality MORI Masako issued a statement on how Japan wants to make a world where women "shine." South Korea's government was largely silent.

by Secretary of State John KerryInternational Women's Day is more than a moment marked on a calendar. It is a day not just to renew our determination to make the world a more peaceful and prosperous place -- but to recognize that a world where opportunities for women grow, is a world where the possibilities for peace, prosperity, and stability grow even more.

I see it every single day as Secretary of State. Even as the Assad regime's barrel-bombing of Aleppo continues, showing the world a brutal regime's true colors, with every act of courage and perseverance, Syria’s women show the world their true colors, as well. We heard from some of these remarkable women in Montreux just last month.

Their stories spoke to the bravery of countless other Syrian women. One woman from Idlib worked with the Free Syrian Army to ensure that the people of her village could remain in their homes and till their own land. Another woman from Aleppo got restrictions on humanitarian access lifted by offering food to regime soldiers at the checkpoints. If that isn’t courage under fire, I don’t know what is.

It's not just in Syria that women offer us hope for resolution to conflict. Women are vital to our shared goals of prosperity, stability and peace. That’s as true when it comes to ending our battles as it is jumpstarting our economies. The fact is that women bear the greatest burden in war. But their voices are too rarely heard in negotiating peace.

That has to change.

Countries that value and empower women to participate fully in decision-making are more stable, prosperous, and secure. The opposite is also true. When women are excluded from negotiations, the peace that follows is more tenuous. Trust is eroded, and human rights and accountability are often ignored.

In too many countries, treaties are designed by combatants for combatants. It should come as no surprise, then, that more than half of all peace agreements fail within the first 10 years of signature. The inclusion of women in peace building and conflict prevention can reverse that trend.

So how do we get there?

Evidence from around the world has shown that deadly conflicts are more likely to be prevented, and peace best forged and protected, when women are included as equal partners.

That’s why we are working to support women in conflict and post-conflict areas around the world.

In Afghanistan, we are advocating for the inclusion and election of women at all levels of governance. Afghan women today are marching forward in ways unimaginable just 10 years ago. They’re starting companies.

They’re serving as members of parliament. They’re teaching in schools and working as doctors and nurses.

They are the foundation upon which Afghanistan's future is being built.

As the people of Burma work to resolve the conflict that has plagued their nation for decades, the United States is supporting the meaningful participation of women in the peace process and inter-communal peace initiatives.

We know that the security of women is essential to their participation in peace building. That’s why we are working to ensure women get equal access to humanitarian assistance and relief, wherever we work.

The United States is also leading by example. My sister has worked for many years at the United Nations, following in the State Department footsteps of our father many years before I did myself. She's a trailblazer. But she's not alone. It’s no coincidence that some of our top diplomats and peace negotiators are women -- from National Security Advisor Susan Rice, to U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power, to Deputy Secretary of State Heather Higginbottom, to Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Wendy Sherman. Today, all but one of the State Department's Regional Assistant Secretaries are women.

We celebrate their accomplishments not just because they are women, but because their work around the world will make all people -- men and women, boys and girls –- more secure.

Peace is not the absence of conflict. It is the presence of every member of society working together to promote stability and prosperity.

No country can succeed unless every citizen is empowered to contribute to its future. And no peace can endure if women are not afforded a central role. So today, we mark the miles women have traveled around the world -- but more importantly we commit to the next miles of the journey.

Ms. Rumiko NISHINO, Co-Representative, Violence Against Women in War Research Action Center, Tokyo will discuss the government’s inquiry into the “verification” of the

testimony of the 16 Comfort Women

Background

There has been an acceleration of efforts to delegitimize the Kono Statement*. Last fall, the Sankei Shimbun leaked the confidential testimonies of 16 Korean former “Comfort Women” that had been used to support the 1993 Kono Statement. On January 1, 2014, the Sankei followed by reporting that Kono Statement was prepared in concert with the Korean government. Later that month, the new chairman of NHK Katsuto MOMII brushed off the Comfort Women as a common phenomenon among world militaries.

The Japan Restoration Party (JRP) quickly requested former deputy chief cabinet secretary Nobuo ISHIHARA to testify to the Lower House Budget Affairs Committee regarding the background to the Kono Statement. In his mid-February testimony Ishihara said “An investigation to prove the factual background of the testimony of the former comfort women was never carried out.” Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide SUGA quickly responded that the Government would create a committee to examine “the verification” of their testimony.

It is clear that the ruling and opposition parties are collaborating with the nation’s public broadcasting system to gut and shelve this one Japanese apology to the women swept up in Imperial Japan’s military Comfort Women system. They want to deny the facts that Imperial Japan’s armed forces and government were involved. They want to discredit the witnesses and ignore the documentation. They are trying to destroy the legitimacy of the Kono Statement and the dignity of the victims.

In an era that recognizes the scourge of sexual violence against women in conflict, the Government of Japan should be strengthening not rescinding its apology to Imperial Japan’s military sex slaves. Japan should be taking the lead in combating rape, not rationalizing its propagation. Japan should be confronting not only its past, but also its contemporary responsibilities.

AM
12:00 At official residence (no visitors)
08:00 At official residence (no morning visitors), stayed there throughout the morning

PM
02:25 Interview open to all media: In answer to “Competitor Hanyu Yuzuru won a gold medal in men’s figure skating,” Abe said, “I was deeply moved, watching the scene of his winning run on tv with the flag of Japan on his back.”
02:26 Interview end
03:31 Congratulate Hanyu Yuzuru on the phone
03:35 End phone conversation
03:36 Depart from official residence
03:54 Arrive at private residence in Tomigaya, Tokyo

About Us

APP is a Washington research center studying the U.S. policy relationship with Northeast Asia. We provide factual context and informed insight on Asian science, finance, politics, security, history, and public policy.