accordingly. Reality. in general. scho larship
(main ly )
—
. particularly that sector of it concerned with International Relations. substantiality and positive resistance to human purposes Realism is imbued with moral.
. Hence also This is the general context on which an emerging critical social theory literature in International Relations has focused regarding the historical and philosophical circumstances that saw positivism emerge as the foremost articulation of the Enlightenment pursuit of a rational-scientific foundation for modern human life." trusting only in the forces of "law and order.g.
. and their maintenance by force. Lakatosian). in the face of generations of counterargument and vibrant debate in other areas of the humanities. At this point the second.
(e. by its own logic at least." 24
. meanwhile.
27
. This is the necessity theme. The major target of critical social theory has been an International Relations orthodoxy influentially manifested in the scientific neoRealism but also in its British Traditionalist counterpart that continues to represent as the reality of International Relations a narrow self-affirming. contradiction. palpable.. I will argue here.their descriptions are not neutral and objective. in the 1980s and 1990s. with control.
. for example. is the representation of a partial. observable realities of this (external) world. of reading history. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. or totalized understandings of it can the question of reality be exhausted by reference to the facts of the world or any simple aggregation of them because reality is always characterized by ambiguity. remains "heroically pessimistic. which continues the futile_guest for a grand(non) theory of existence beyond specific time.
. Realism in International Relations constructs its explanatory agenda upon one variant or another of a "spectator" theory of knowledge in which knowledge of the real world is gleaned via a realm of external facts that impose themselves upon the individual scholar-statesman. is marked by dualism and dichotomy. has invoked a
As a consequence. meaning.
. essentialist. ." around
us and disclosed to us by sensory information. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. Hence the increasingly critical response to the dichotomized crudity of International Relations scholarship that. it stands as a dangerous source of analytic/policy paralysis. unity. and selfenclosed image of the world "out there. continues to represent its theory and practice in universalist and essentialist terms—as "corresponding" to an
the growing frustration with the tendency within the discipline to fail to seriously confront the simplicity of its approach to fundamental analytical issues concerning. Australian National University. contrary to any Realist doctrine. and reality the issues of how we think and act in the world—have been largely confined to the primitive Realist framework described earlier. totalized.
. two rather primitive subthemes have become integral to the question of political reality in International Relations projects reality as existing "out there" and is articulated through the language and logic of immediacy. gravity. 'n this sense. as a consequence. above all. space. N. accordingly. philosophical.” p. Nor
. is that which is immediately . S. above all. Inadequacy. Realism in International Relations thus becomes the commonsensical accommodation to the tangible. perceptible things or objects The real world. An adequate political realism. prosperity. and of change Hence the attempts speak in a more sophisticated and insightful manner about givens such as the sovereign state. primitive. ." this Realist approach represents logical and analytical inadequacy in that in detaching itself from theory and interpretation it effectively detaches itself from the context of everyday human existence Even in its most sophisticated form a positivist-Realist approach represents an anachronistic residue of the European Enlightenment and mainstream Western philosophy. The knowledge form integral to this Realist philosophy is that concerned. its philosophical identity." It becomes moral in that it observes
certain rules of conduct integral to the reality of human behavior. cultural. George ’94 (Jim. as a permanent and ever precarious holding operation [understanding] peace. but are instead political and contingent. and even religious connotations in its confrontation with the real world "out there
. consequently. during the Cold War). objectivity. in this circumstance. . inevitable and in the last resort inexorable occurrences. to . The first
on this basis. this positivist-Realist identity is represented as the opposition between the forces of rationality. . of power. At its most powerful (e.
26
As Berki suggests. It is material and concrete. and difference The problem. however.
(e. problematic. tranquility. of (rational) choice. Berki suggests. ambiguous. resigned manner of.
. particularistic image of reality as (irreducible."there Realist theme reaffirms the first and.g. of the need for the law and order proffered by the sovereign state in a post-Renaissance world of states. and uncontestable) reality itself. and progressive purpose and an anarchical realm of danger
The Realist.
(historical. grants it greater legitimacy.. infused with (primarily) Popperian insight and behavioralist training rituals since the 1960s.
and threat in permanent need of restraint. is the observer of the world "out there" aware.
22
On this basis. the relationship of "knower" and "known" and the nature of individuality. entirely coherent "thing. of interstate anarchy) who is then constrained by the analytic/policy "art of the possible. freedom [as] a special bonus. is a world of "tangible. disunity. the scholar-statesman contemplating the often unpalatable "is" of the world.
species of intuitionist inductivism often more sensitive in tone to the various critiques of positivism but ultimately no less committed to its perpetuation.. and as R. More precisely. language. for example. accruing to people as a result of living in a well ordered society. a world of eternity. Popperian/ ce . —
.
More immediately. A genuine (positivist) Realist. . consequently. a complex. or political purpose. is that it has been precisely this inadequate and "primitive" representation of reality that has dominated within the Anglo-American intellectual community As a consequence." accessible to universalized. that. in 'the face of the extraordinary events associated with the end of the Cold War and in the face of widespread recognition that it is seemingly incapable of moving beyond its primitive intellectual agenda. which
is fundamentally detached from the everyday experience of so much of that world. this has resulted in a Realism set upon the enthusiastic invocation of falsificationist scientific principles. the utilitarian nature of the (anarchical) state system. is one that above all recognizes its limitations in this regard and acknowledges its partial. the questions asked and (historicophilosophical) issues raised by International Relations scholarship have been severely limited.
. universalized image of the "real" world. AM)
(anarchical) and unchanging reality—detached from and largely irrelevant to the complexities of domestic theory and practice." In its (mainly) North American variant." Its philosophical status is established as Realists.Se(k)urity 1. to the extent that complex epistemological/ ontological debates over knowledge. to a simplistic. in International Relations intellectual and policy circles. discrepancy. 11-13. which confirms the need for accommodation to the facts of reality but accords them greater historical and philosophical facticity Reality now becomes "the realm of the unchangeable.
. The (mainly) British alternative. and heterogeneous matrix of existence has been reduced. and the overall closure of an approach to theory and practice rendered static by an uncritical adherence to Western experience. post-Renaissance historical and —most intellectual
21
of (main ly ) U. the knowledge form integral to a Realism of this kind is positivism.0 7/224
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The 1AC's realist logic is founded upon genocidal exclusion. acknowledging the need for accommodation. and linguistic)
—fro m the so ci al and int ellect ual lifeblood of reality. It can take on a religious dimension in that reality is understood as an accommodation to an inexorable destiny emanating from the realm of ultimate "necessity.g." reality is never a complete. represent their understanding of reality in the serious.
always contestable nature."25 In this manner.

A movement of enlightenment and liberation that was to have freed us from superstition and tyranny has led in the twentieth century to a world in which ideological fanaticism and political oppression have reached extremes unknown in previous history. Even a rudimentary appreciation of silenced histories implies as much—the histories of. 1994 (“Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. too. in the poverty of so much of
the world and in the growing underclasses in First World societies.0 8/224
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Realism secures its place as the hegemonic understanding of the world through violence. that the issue of ethnic cleansing. It is important also because it connects the broader social theory debate starkly and directly to an International Relations context. the Huron.the claim to intellectual mastery is the root cause of conflict Jim George. the Oglala. Australian National University. Ethnic cleansing is in this sense an integral feature of the story of modernization and Western triumph over "traditional" ignorance. where neoclassical and neo-Marxian "scientific" approaches have dominated the economic debates. has given us the power to destroy all life on earth. and freedom. rightly condemned by the Western powers in the 1990s (and resisted in the 1940s). and a growing awareness of the costs as well as the benefits of scientific "progress. for example. and the Pitjantjatjara. including those associated with anti-Enlightenment sentiments. 140-141. And while many in the 1990s celebrate the end of the Cold War—as the victory of one Enlightenment-based economic doctrine over another—the other side of this particular coin must also be confronted. who in 1985 spoke of some of the paradoxes of modern life. often tyrannical third world reaching for the first rungs of modernity. homogeneous state system and the eradication of (anarchical) difference. the revolt of other cultures against white Western hegemony. an oppressive and archaic communist statism. The first comes from Robert Bellah. concerning.Se(k)urity 1. Examples of this critical perspective have come from a whole range of intellectual locations in recent years. and a poor. And the globe today is divided between a liberal world so incoherent that it seems to be losing the significance of its own ideals. shifts in the balance of economic and political power within the world economy. for example. such as Nietzsche. The point here. This is an important theme in a critical social theory context concerned to open up closed theory and practice. all victims of ethnic cleansing for the greater good of a unified. The demise of the old is being hastened by the end of colonialism. is an integral part of modern Western history. modernity's master idea. is that a celebration of the age of rational science and modern technological society cannot simply be disconnected from the weapons of mass slaughter and the techniques of genocide. Science. It is worth pondering. in this context.1 These themes have been taken up even more profoundly by Jane Flax.
. the major Cold War foes. progress. which celebrates the process of state making. the connection between the rational modern subject and the experiences of Hiroshima and Auschwitz. that peoples everywhere are becoming increasingly awakened to the dangers of the Enlightenment narrative of reason. Western culture is in the middle of a fundamental transformation: a "shape of life" is growing old. who has captured the sense of the critical social theory challenge to modernity with her proposition that something has happened. Progress. rational man. the uprising of women.2 For Flax this is a crisis of contemporary society that reflects a growing recognition that the Enlightenment dream is over. is happening to Western societies. of the triumphant march of modern. in that it allows for (effectively) silenced voices to be heard again. It does so when the progressivism of the post-Enlightenment period is confronted with some of its more sinister dimensions. AM)
1NC
The critical social theory challenge to orthodox theory as practice has centered generally on the proposition that there are major silences and dangers inherent in the way that we ask our questions of the modern world and construct our (rational-scientific) answers. seems less compelling today when it appears that it may be progress into the abyss. The beginning of this transition can be dated somewhat arbitrarily from after the First World War in Europe and after the Second World War in the United States. given their explicit concern with the crisis of modern thought and post-Enlightenment political practice. of course. which was to have unlocked the the bounties of nature. the Mandika. Nor can the language and logic of liberty and emancipation be
easily detached from the terror waged in their names by.” p. knowledge. each proclaiming itself the natural systemic heir to the Enlightenment dream." [Moreover] Western intellectuals cannot be immune from the profound shifts now taking place in contemporary social life. The two examples to follow have particular thematic significance in a critical social theory context. for example. particularly via its Realist narrative. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. in these terms: There is a widespread feeling that the promise of the modern era is slipping away from us.

the realist one. There are powerful mechanisms of control precisely in this ability to determine meaning and rationality.’8 It separates the possible from the impossible and directs the theory and practice of international relations on a particular path. of theoririzing world politics beyond the agendas. A successful challenge to orthodox IR stories must do more than merely critique their narrow and problematic nature. in this case discourse ow power politics and their positivist framing of the political practice. This approach is capable of overcoming the structural inertia of dominant geopolitics Bleiker 1
(Senior lecturer and co-director of Rotary centre of International studies in Peace and Conflict resolution. Ronald. They are accepted as fact for their metaphorical dimensions have vanished from our collective memories. Indeed the most powerful potential of critical scholarship may well lie in the attempt to tell different stories about IR. to tell new stories that are not constrained by the boundaries of established and objectified IR narratives. Exploring the origins of problems.
. issues and terminologies that are prest by orthodox debates. edited by Stephen Chan. into reality per se. Most challenges against dominant IR stories have been advanced in the form of critiques. Realist perceptions of the international have gradually become accepted as common sense. critique must be supplemented with a process of forgetting the object of critique. to the point that any critique against them has to be evaluated in terms of an already existing and objectified world view.pg 38-39)
The power to tell stories is the power to define common sense. Prevalent ire stories have been told for so long that they no longer appear as stories. they may well open up spaces for a more inclusive and less violence prone practice of real world politics. is not to critique but to forget them. 'is the ultimate act of political power. the chapter argues. it is not sufficient. 'Defining common sense'. As a result dominant ir stories have successfully transformed one specific interpretation of world political realities. We have become accustomed to our distorting IR metaphors until we come to lie. Peter Mandeville. The most effective way of doing so. To be effective. cannot overcome all the existing theoretical and practical dilemmas By articulating critique in relation to arguments advanced by orthodox IR theory. “The Zen of International Relations”. Such an approach diverges from many critical engagements with world politics. and Ronald Blieker. as Nietzsche would say “herd-like in a style obligatory for all. for once theres stories have become validated . The prime objective of this essay is to challenge prevalent ir stories. Steve Smith argues.0 9/224
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Voting negative "forgets" the dominant IR framing of the 1AC.Se(k)urity 1. While Critiquing orthodox IR stories remains an important task. the impact of critical voices remaitns confined within the larger discursive boundaries that have been established through the initial framing of debates.

is a fallacy. but of what kind?"23 They continue: "for positivists. The latter is amenable to conclusions that might be described as "true" in a way that is not available to the former." The real is out there for . and its potentiality for change. To claim that critical theorists stand outside a given framework is not the same as the claim of objectivity (the ideal of traditional theorists). it is not self-replicating. including world
politics. the aim is to achieve a position of critical distance.25 The defining feature of critical
approaches is that they reject the idea that human social behavior can be studied with the same scientific method as the study of the behavior of glaciers. Carr Professor and head of the Department of International Politics. that is. sense-experience is real. This gives enormous scope for analysis and political action. Immanent critique is the idea that instead of trying to move forward on the basis of Utopian blueprints 27 one should look for the unfulfilled potential already existing within society. because it is always possible to find some emancipatory potential.everybody. I prefer to consider the issue at hand in terms of naturalism and postnaturalism. This. the study of security from self-consciously critical perspectives attempts to stand outside the given local or global framework. Sophisticated positivism has a role within critical theorizing. *
***LINKS*** ***AFGHANISTAN***
."28 We do not have to live oppressed by human wrongs. offers critiques. but it comes in varied forms and is contested. for reasons that will become apparent below. Unlike problem-solving theory.0 10/224
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The burden of proof is on the affirmative. for example) claim that their conception of positivism is compatible with value-oriented enquiry and recognize the differences between the study of the natural and the social sciences. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. University of Wales.26 Political realism is the classical problem-solving approach to security in world politics. Critical distance is a means of engaging in "immanent critique" with the aim of promoting emancipatory politics. but also of their overly narrow conception of the political Booth 5 Ken Booth is E. Some positivists (various peace researchers. but those who claim objectivity are the furthest of all from that traditional scholarly ideal. institutions. Heikki Patomaki and Colin Wight were exactly right when they wrote that what is at stake among contending theories of international relations is "not whether one should be a realist. for postpositivists. the well-established methods of the natural sciences can be transposed into the study of human society. Truth is elusive and disputed. discourses or intersubjectivity is real. and is understood more or less dogmatically. His numerous
publications include Strategy and Ethnocentrism. but it is essential for the functioning of human relations at all levels. In this respect.theory is always for someone and for some purpose. theories that argue that claims about what is true in human society cannot be finally decided against any ultimately objective or perfectly neutral standard. the term postpositivism is one I do not like or any more use. by proponents and critics alike. somewhere. and there is evidence to prove it. The general term critical theory has come to apply to those schools of thought that have challenged what is often generalized to be the positivist orthodoxy in Western social science.Se(k)urity 1. not postpositivism. Voting negative acknowledges the contingency not just of their threatening rhetoric. it does not accept the inherited or given framework as its parameters. and then explores the immanent potentialities in order to provide ideas that might promote the emancipation of people(s) from oppressive situations and structures. Aberystwyth. Human social behavior can be studied systematically and with critical distance. Naturalism is the idea that since human society belongs to nature. These critical approaches are labeled antifoundational.H. 10-11) Critical Promises Critical approaches to international relations and strategic studies have sought to challenge realism's
conceptualizations of the world not by rejecting the idea of the real but by claiming access to a more sophisticated realism. So for
me. In other words. however unpromising an existing situation might seem to be. what is real in the social universe is created by the theory conceiving it. development. Positivism comes in various guises. it is postnaturalism that unites critical theories. Consequently. Contemporary Strategy: Theories and Policies and New Thinking About Strategy and International Security “Critical Explorations” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. The ideas of immanence and emancipation in critical theory were expressed pithily by Kenneth Boulding when he noted the historical and anthropological truth that "whatever exists is possible.24 Critical approaches are also sometimes known as postpositivist theories to distinguish them from the flaws of positivism. Critical theory attempts to stand outside the framework of analysis
or action it is exploring and seeks to appraise it in terms of its origins. in contrast.

90 The danger of such theories. neoliberal age. This is problematic for several reasons: 1) It forecloses and discourages thinking “outside the box” and instead relies upon the “master’s tools” which include violent military force. Crowe. Debrix explains how narratives around humanitarianism serve an ideological purpose in that it
“contributes to the reinforcement of neoliberal policies in ‘pathological’ regions of the international landscape. and reconstruction and foreign aid – alternative strategies are deemed “radical”.”87 This colonizer/colonized dichotomy is key to the civilisational justification the US administration pursues (“We wage war to save civilization itself”88) which. the experiences of those living in the region are obfuscated and devalued. As Canada stepped up its role in direct combat operations (which included an increase of combat
economics enables globalized militarization”. ‘secure’ ‘prosperous’ and ‘civilized’ free world: These terrorists kill not merely to end lives. and Militarized (in)Security . Canadians and British today.eu/uploads/Crowe-loricrowe. irrational. etc) and devalues alternative epistemologies including those of the Afghan people. uncivilized. insofar as neoliberal globalisation relies on the institutionalization of neo-colonialism and the commodification and (re)colonization of labor via militarized strategies of imperial politics. this element represents an continuity of colonial power. but to disrupt and end a way of life…Al Qaeda is to terror what the mafia is to crime. fighter jets. quantification of data. emmanating from the ‘objective gaze’ of the ‘problem-solving’ Western world. During the cold war. presenting the one correct truth or resolution. “unworkable”. the Soviet and the Americans used Afghanistan as the battleground for power. the installation of a democratic regime. 3)it reproduces a colonial hierarchy of knowledge production.83 It also emerges in the militarization myth.0 11/224
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AFGHANISTAN “SOLUTIONS”
The affirmative creates the assumption that the West is somehow “better” than the Afghans. The West’s practical engagement in Afghanistan reveals how it has served to reporoduce this neo-colonial myth as well as the complexities and paradoxes which simultaneously de-stabilize that myth. and the self-sustaining war-economy that persist today. For example: “Consider the language which is being used…Calling the perpetrators evildoers.
Bush portrays the irrational Other as Evil and retributive seeking to destroy the ‘developed. That is.84 troops. initiated after September 11th” explains Nahla Abdo “has crystallized all the ideological underpinnings of colonial and imperial policies towards the constructed ‘other’. Researcher. and I would want to say also every Aboriginal person. They hate freedom. Moreover.”89 This production of othering and reinstitutionalization of colonial discourse has been enabled by and facilitated ‘culture clash’ explanations.”82 This emerges in the “heroism” myth mentioned above. is motivated by a constructed medieval evil that threatens American freedom and democracy. intent on destroying democracy. intent on destroying civilization. “The US campaign to ‘fight terrorism’."86 (my italics)
Proposed solutions to the conflict(s) in Afghanistan have been framed and justified not only as ‘saving backwards Afghanistan’ but also as generously bringing it into the modern. Old colonial narratives of have re-surfaced with renewed vigor in the case of Afghanistan is contingent on and mutually reinforced by opposing narratives of a ‘civilized’ and ‘developed’ ‘West’. choosing to sponsor and condemn various regimes as they saw fit. Representations of Afghanistan present Western voices as the authority and the potential progress such authority can bring to the ‘East’ as naturally desirable. But its goal is not making money. An example of this is the use of
rentier incomes during the early 1900’s that were used as a means of control and coercion. and imposing its radical beliefs on people everywhere. we are told. York Centre for International and Security Studies. its goal is remaking the world. and tanks with long-range firing capacities85). but also on its reliance on the Enlightenment narrative and notions of European moral superiority that justify the use of force. prosperous and modern country. of civilization versus the forces of darkness. In his Speech to Congress on September 21. Stephen Harper appealed to troop morale on the ground in Afghanistan. this history of foreign engagement contributed to state fragmentation.sgir. This ‘rationality’ also presumes an inherent value of Western methodology (including statistical analysis. lies not only in their decontextualization and dehistoricization. 2007.
language of us versus them. Every person of colour.Interrogating dangerous myths of Afghanistan and the ‘West’” http://archive. percetages of voters. By relying on tallies of deaths. underdevelopment. and. The
the apotheosis of modern civilization. Historical myths. calling them the forces of darkness. York University. 2) it prioritizes numbers and statitistics over lived experiences. 2001. this discourages effective policy and promotes colonialism to the detriment of Afghan stability Crowe 7
(L. warns Razack. A. and therefore must be disciplined/civilized. “The “Fuzzy Dream”: Discourse. This is evident in the unproblematic way in which outside forces have assumed a right of interference in the region spanning from the 18th century when imperial powers demarcated the Durrand Line (which created a border between British India and Afghanistan with the goal of making Afghanistan an effective ‘buffer state’for British Imperial interests91) to the American intervention that began in the Cold War.Se(k)urity 1. followed by the Soviets in the 1980’s and the Americans. and thus more capable of determining the correct action to take. stating: “Canada and the international community are determined to take a failed state and create a "democratic. for example.92
. and “anti-American”. In fact. and numbers of insurgents for example.pdf)
These elements of oppositional binaries is closely related to the second element:
contemporary discourse has developed from and further perpetuates a particular ideology that emmanates from a neo-liberal capitalist and imperial agenda that is founded upon neo-colonialist attitudes and assumptions. peacekeeping. as Agathangelou and Ling point out. as Agathangelou and Ling explain. capitalist. will recognize that language. “Neoliberal
Embedded in this normalization of neo-colonial frames are the elements of linearity and thus assumed rationality of reasoning in the West. this language is rooted in the colonial legacy.

but also proves quite useless when it comes to the elaboration of oppositional political strategy" (1991b. representations.S. were suddenly everywhere. 20). and women fleeing persecution (Kensinger 2003. ignore cultural context and endorse the logic of colonialism Ayotte and Husain ‘5 (Kevin and Mary. "[t]o assume that the mere practice of veiling women in a number of Muslim countries indicates the universal oppression of women through sexual segregation not only is analytically reductive. Mojab 1998. U. variety. we argue that U. Contrary to popular misconceptions. Epistemic Violence. its use as an expression of agency (e. 72). these cultural practices originated prior to the rise of Islam (Ahmed 1992. Securing Afghan Women: Neocolonialism. potent political symbols of the "evil" of the Taliban. 7). In some Middle Eastern countries.." a phrase that seems oxymoronic in light of the often homogenous portrayal of Islam in Western media (Abu-Lughod 2002. Rather. Post-9/11 archetypal representations of oppressed
burqa-clad women often ignore its utilization by Afghan feminists.0 12/224
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BURQA/ WOMEN
Representations of Afghani women. efforts to "liberate" Afghan women according to an explicitly Western model of liberal feminism. discourses homogenize an extraordinarily diverse population of Muslim women.S. Moghissi 1999. Assistant Professor in the Department of Communication at the California State University. MUSE) AM
Postcolonial feminists have long recognized that paternalistic Western representations of third world women in need of saving by white Europeans are not benign (Mohanty 1991b.S.
. 786). in the aftermath of 9/11 the circulation of images of veiled females reached epic proportions. covering signifies the initiation of women into fundamentalist resistance movements (Franks 2000.5 Some feminists have vehemently challenged the idea that these practices can be "empowering" (e. 21). Our intent is neither to support nor repudiate Islamic covering practices. Noticeably rare in the U. Fresno. media quickly capitalized on the veil as a visual and linguistic signifier of Afghan women's oppression.. as Mohanty remarks.Se(k)urity 1. For example.4 The monolithic image of the Taliban-imposed burqa is also just one among many covering "styles. cameras for documenting Taliban abuses. 919).S. 67). and Iran) has been elided by Western media (Mojab 1998.
Lecturer in the Department of Communication at the California State University. a brief foray into their variety will help to highlight the false homogeneity of U. Egypt. and the Rhetoric of the Veil. 67. Although the West's appropriation and construction of the third-world Muslim woman is not a new phenomenon. in
the resistance movements against secular governments in Turkey. Meanings of oppression are certainly not intrinsic to Islamic covering practices but are socially constructed through discourse. Although an exhaustive description of covering practices would be impossible." or as a means of expressing their solidarity with working-class women (Mohanty 1991b. 67). 42–7). Covering has functioned in a multiplicity of ways throughout time. However. specifically the burqa.g. construction of the Afghan woman is an explication of the origins. 5). and underlying meanings of these practices that have shifted across historically specific cultural contexts (Mohanty 1991b. Burqa-clad figures. homogenization of Muslim covering practices partakes
in exactly the paternalistic logic that underlies the neocolonial politics of U. The burqaprovided an effective cover for smuggling books
and supplies to a network of underground schools.S. Algeria. middle-class Iranian women "veiled themselves" as a symbol of protest against the Shah and "Western cultural colonization.g. During the 1979 revolution. Fresno. The consequences of such analytical reductionism are not merely theoretical.

and displaces ‘terrorism’ to others elsewhere.“peace”.0 13/224
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IMPERIALISM
American understandings of Afghanistan are imperialist at heart Gurbuz 10 (Mustafa Gurbuz. Thus.
.”30 The danger thus lies in the portrayal of whole or partial truths and in their imperial logic which often denies the existence or silences alternate ‘myths’ and competing voices. “security”. has become a catch-all term for any enemy who challenges US imperialism. ‘IDENTITY’ PROBLEMATIQUE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
THEORY. Master of literary arts at Bilking University .”29 Other such words as “development”. Published by the University of Connecticut)
‘Terrorism’ explains Eisenstein. According to Eisenstein.Se(k)urity 1. “rhetoric” is a large part of the problem contributing to dangerous myths: Hannah Arendt provides a disturbing example of the po“The US appropriates ‘democracy’ for it’s own global agenda. region. and “fundamentalism” have similarly been utilized to facilitate certain historical myths in the current situation in Afghanistan which become normalized as a common discourse that naturalizes particular types of practical engagements. language or discourse plays a critical role in the strategic construction of particular narratives that inform our understandings of a particular event. or people.

Myth has thus becoming the very real enemy of true humanitarianism. “foreign aid”. Jean Baudrillard states “There is no possible distinction. The role of the media and consciously generated and disseminated images is particularly
pronounced here. political conversations and media productions are saturated with calls to “win the hearts and minds” of the people of Afghanistan and of the necessary and benevolent role the West must play in instilling ‘freedom’. that is. no possible distinction between the ‘crime’ and the crackdown”. Historical myths. for Western media. etc. sentiment. this has resulted in real humanitarian and moral issues being overlooked. This narrative constructs foreign engagement in a region as spectacle and as prized commodities to be admired and ‘sold’ to the public. as passion and spectacle are valued in the commodification of images over content and history. have indeed become prized commodities for globalizing neoliberal policies of Western states and international organizations to sell to ‘myth readers’: “They give Western states and the UN the opportunity to put their liberal humanistic policies into practice. reinforcing the paternalism and neo-colonialism behind US actions Crowe 7
(L. as the victim in need of saving. the mission was entitled “Operation Enduring Freedom”. offers an analysis of what he calls “the global humanitarian spectacle” to demonstrate how medical and humanitarian NGO’s simulate “heroism.61
. Today. and Militarized (in)Security . at the level of images and information. while. accomplished through images and tales of passion and
fervour that often pathologize the other and valorize the Western interveener. medical catastrophes and civil conflicts. images are being purged of their content. A. bombed Afghanistan in 2001in response to the events of September 11th.Se(k)urity 1.pdf)
The ‘heroism’ narrative can be called by several names: the ‘saviour syndrome’.eu/uploads/Crowe-loricrowe. First. between the spectacular and the symbolic. When the US. Researcher.60 Additionally. humanitarianism simply sells”. while simultaneously hiding the paternalistic and neocolonialist ideologies in humanitarian garb. in this case Afghanistan. “humanitarian intervention”. ‘justice’ and ‘democracy’ in the war-torn and poverty stricken region. Second. as reconstruction and ‘peace-
building’ efforts are underway in Afghanistan in tandem with military operations. with the support of the UN.0 14/224
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“SAVING” AFGHANISTAN
The affirmative continues the discourse of “saving” Afghanistan.59 There are several repercusions of this myth. Debrix. he explains. York University. this narrative reinforces a victimology of the ‘Other’ and in fact capitalises on it. “mediatically generated” or “hybrid techno-medical” humanitarianism58.Interrogating dangerous myths of Afghanistan and the ‘West’” http://archive. “The “Fuzzy Dream”: Discourse. and compassion”. York Centre for International and Security Studies.sgir. 2007. it constructs the West as ‘saviours’ and the ‘Other’. we’ve become so inundates with superhero mythologization of real world events that the embedded paternalism and unrealistic goals go unnoticed. explains Debrix. Crowe.

democracy. 2) to show through an analysis of the discourses around the intervention in Afghanistan. and after the military intervention in Afghanistan.
***IRAQ***
. Master of literary arts at Bilking University . picture. and. and policy-making is irrefutable. successful
policy making relies on maintaining public support and myth-making is playing a key role in producing a complicit/nationalistic/ignorant/fearful audience: Der Derian provides some useful insight in light of a discussion of a global “in terrorism” thrust into
the spotlight following the 9/11 attacks on the US World Trade Center: “People go to war because of how they see. during.8 The intimate relationship between discourse. imagine. ‘IDENTITY’ PROBLEMATIQUE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
THEORY)
By complicating. and speak of others. interrogating.0 15/224
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TERRORISM
Fighting terrorism in Afghanistan normalizes the population Gurbuz 10 (Mustafa Gurbuz. nationalist military response has been legitimized in the name
of liberation. that is. perceive. the media. The second section of the paper illustrates these arguments through an analysis of the myths that dominated the media before. Through this case study I critically engage in a
discursive analysis of the elements that are deployed in the dominant myths which serve to legitimize a long history of imperial intervention especially in the Middle East context.Se(k)urity 1. and development while simultaneously occluding the role of the West in Afghanistan’s self-sustaining war economy. and historicizing particular narratives and representations of Afghanistan and contrasting narratives of the ‘West’7 it simultaneously reveals how the recent foreign interventions in Afghanistan have reflected commensurability with these narratives and how the West’s practical engagement with the site of Afghanistan has refelected and served to reproduce them. I do this first through a theoretical discussion of myth/discourse and the mediums through
which they can be deployed such as the media. how they construct the difference of others as well as the sameness of themselves through representations”. My goal is twofold: 1) to reveal the importance of critically interrogating discourse which is
infused with hierarchical power structures that influence political action and perpetuate violence on particular bodies. At this critical moment in world politics.

or equalling.actions there are only to legitimize or regain power Callinicos ‘5 (Alex. issued by the Bush administration in September 2002.'27
.” Third World Quarterly. which warns: 'Our forces will be strong enough to dissuade potential adversaries from pursuing a military build-up in the hopes of surpassing. Director of the Centre for European Studies at King's College London “Iraq. Fulcrum of World Politics.org/stable/3993710) AM The same thinking dominates The National Security Strategy of the United States of America. Gaddis suggests that these consequences were intended primarily within the Middle East: 'If future terrorist acts were to carry with them the certainty of devastating reprisal.0 16/224
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DETERRENCE/ MILITARY CRED
Iraq is simply a stage for the grand American power opera. then that should generate resistance to those acts within the societies that spawned them possibly even before they had been committed. 'Shock and awe'-the expression widely used to refer to the purely military effects of the rapid and dramatic use of the Pentagon's hitech weapons systems also embraced the much broader political impact of the spectacle of American military supremacy during the short campaign of March-April 2003.' But he concedes that 'the resulting shock and awe extended beyond its Middle Eastern targets'. Rice Conquering Iraq also had the function of demonstrating the scale of that might and the cost of defying it. the power of the United States'. helping to produce a dramatic change in international perceptions of American power: 'within little more than a year. the United States exchanged its long-established reputation as the principal stabilizer of the international system for one as its chief destabilizer.jstor.Se(k)urity 1. http://www.22 This remarkable document was drafted by Condoleezza Rice's staff at the National Security Council.

We were told that it was a simple fight between ‘good’ and ‘evil’. 1
http://www. although in Britain’s case the memories of the Falklands have eased this task. Area Magazine. the subsequent Allied launch of Desert Storm and the short land war that followed in highly dichotomous terms (for accounts of the war. Saddam Hussein was cast as the villain. professor at UofLondon (March.. Indeed the parallels between the discursive response of the Thatcher government to the 1982 War and the Gulf Crisis were alarmingly similar (Dillon 1989). The memories of Vietnam and Suez could thus be
banished. “Geopolitics. MacArthur 1991. Halliday 1991. Experts and the Making of Foreign Policy”. 25 no. evil” dichotomy of war deters evaluation of alternate causalities Dodds 93 – Klaus J. vol.jstor. By drawing on the memories and scripts of World War II. the Western Alliance was able to depict the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.0 17/224
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GOOD/EVIL DICHOTOMY
Simplicity of bilateral “good vs. Luke 1991.org/stable/20003214?seq=4 )
The recent Gulf War provided ample evidence that the geographical representations of peoples and places have the utmost significance.Se(k)urity 1. another ‘Hitler-like’ figure who had demonstrated the bankruptcy of his regime by invading a small nation (Kuwait) that was rapidly transformed into a latter day Czechoslovakia or Poland – a country far away about which we know little. The narratives of World War II were used because it is the last ‘good and just war’ that exists unproblematically in the collective memories of American and British citizens. see Freedman and Karsh 1991.
. Simpson 1991 and Woodward 1991).

importantly.org/stable/20003214?seq=4 ) I do not wish to discuss the Gulf War any further except to note that the
geographical depictions of Iraq made by the West were highly arbitrary and ultimately effective in the way they were able to contribute to a story of unprovoked aggression by Iraq and the need to reverse the wrong-doing.0 18/224
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GEOPOLITICAL IDENTITY
Simplifying Iraq into “singular unit” for geopolitical purposes destroys original identity of nation Dodds 93 – Klaus J.. in a more general sense. if it is possible. 25 no.
. ‘The irony of practical geographical representations of place is that.jstor. 1
http://www. As a consequence these descriptions tend to transform places into singular and predictable units.Se(k)urity 1. vol. As O’Tuathail and Agnew (1992. However. Area Magazine. Experts and the Making of Foreign Policy”. in order to succeed. they actually necessitate the abrogation of genuine geographical knowledge about the diversity and complexity of places as social entities. professor at UofLondon (March. In times of war it is perhaps easier to appreciate how the depiction of places and peoples within foreign policy is important. 202) concluded.’ Although it remains to be
explained what form ‘genuine’ geographical knowledge might take and. these depictions are continuously in operation as policy professionals attempt to simplify the world and its regions into more malleable forms. “Geopolitics.

Richard Cobden held that bringing down barriers to trade also brought down barriers between nations. 260). feelings which nourish the poison of war and conquest" (quoted in Howard 1987. hatred and jealousy .Se(k)urity 1. he argued. free trade and
liberal governance. repeated and sustained use of force. those tendencies to war generated in a world being made liberal and modern in diverse and important ways. For classical liberals. 30). 43). pg. that is. The defeated Chinese state was forced to sign a number of unequal treaties with the British and other European powers that facilitated the expansion and deepening of circuits of merchant capital. security. For example. and free trade fuelled prosperity. revenge.0 19/224
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LIBERALISM
Our relations with Iraq are modeled on the notion of promoting liberalism. wars were essentially atavistic.S. university lecturer in international security at the Centre of International Studies. University of Cambridge.S. . political.-Middle East free trade zone. which in turn created the conditions for liberty and security "among the inhabitants of the country. . W. “Globalization. Freedom is the way to peace. Bush's call for a U. In particular. and their consequences were quite different from the expectations of classical liberalism. which involved widespread use of force. "Over time. the expansion of liberty throughout the world is the best guarantee of security throughout the world. who had before lived almost in a continual state of war with their neighbors" (1776. wars civil and foreign would pass into history. European imperial expansion. in the middle of the nineteenth century. Creating and maintaining a free-trading world required."1 The association between liberalism in politics and economy and peace drew on core Enlightenment themes and their construction of war. which. and continue to generate.
Culture. 115-147MUSE) AM
Liberal thought has long made an explicit connection between free trade and peace. at home and abroad. Easily obscured from view in this vision of a pacific liberal modernity is the role of force in making liberal the illiberal as well as specifically liberal tendencies to war. would "drain the bitterness" from the region and increase U. "the relics of a dying age that had not yet been illuminated by the dawn of the Enlightenment" (Joas 2003. Imperialism set in train modernization processes that generated. "those barriers behind which nestle the feelings of pride. and continues to require. As "reform" and "progress" overcame despots and the warrior castes of the aristocracy. Adam Smith thought that the rise of commerce and manufacturing led to the introduction of order and good government. in the wake of the U. These forceful processes provided the essential social. For classical liberalism.this masks coercive violence Barkawi ‘4 (Tarak. promised both peace and prosperity.S. Britain fought two opium wars in China for the explicit purpose of opening up Chinese markets. In turn. Agitating for an end to the Corn Laws in 1843. the Europeans propped up
the now more pliant Chinese government against internal uprisings generated in part by the increased presence of the Europeans and their products. and War. 48. and cultural contexts of modern globalizations. conquest of Iraq. A similar logic appeared in
President G.” Cultural Critique no.
. social and political tensions that often take violent form. was fundamental to the creation of the modern international economy.

both politicians and intellectuals had deluded themselves that playing a “starring role” (nujuniyya) on the political stage was “enough.” in turn.. In an article on “Saddamism” (Saddamiyya). the article continued. it called on the other Arab countries to adopt the Iraqi cultural and politic aal Language and thus to replace “the Nasseritc discourse” that had coll aaseed in the wake of the 1967 defeat. and the ministers and counselors had carried it into the schools and universities. he went on. By contrast. was different from the earlier period of being “dragged along” (tab'iyya) by foreign influences.
. The poer Karim Abd. enslaved. “Uncouth language had spread our from the presidential pala ace. . Saddams Word. and IR Babil called “the ‘no' project (mashru' Ia|”—thar is. the Bathi national (qawmi) discourse had firm foundations of its own. he wrore. people had said “yes”—fully or partially—to the strangers and had accepted—fully or partially—foreign solutions and foreign proiects.0 20/224
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MARGINALIZATION
The discourse of the 1AC marginalizes Arab political engagement and represents the west as the best Ofra Bengio. has started to deal with it since the Gulf War and in doin8 so has paid special artention to Iraq. . This period had lasted from the fall of Baghdad in 1258 to the rise of the Ba'th. The new era of “Saddamisnn.’ Such articles infuriared expatriate Iraqi opposition quarters.’ the Iraqi daily Babil (a recent found daiio." Arabic. published a scathin8 critique of the Iraqi "discourse of the rulers” (khitab al-sulta). had become convol luted. “Saddatnism”—born from Ba'thism—differed from all other earlier forms of discourse in the Arab world in the following two ways: its "mission" was nor lirnited to a short period bur would extend over “hundreds of years. professor of comparative politics at Oxford University.. 2002. a Kurd belonging to one of the opposition groups.Se(k)urity 1. .” But. The Arabic press. Until then. and had a future-oriented outlook. to snatch a quick victory from the enemy. As such it deserved comp Llete Arab popular support and had indeed received it during the
Gull War. lying had become heroism. and oppressed. in Iraq and elsewhere. Until then. pg 148 The public discussion of the Arabic political discourse (aI-khitab als iiass)) is only beginning in the Arab countries. Under the Ba'th. and murder had become polished speech (fasaha).. saying “no” to the American epoch (zaman). possessed great depth.. It had turned self-contradictory because it attempted to suit itself to all conditions and fit all circumstances. The Arabic language started to groan from the pages of the
newspapers and to sound like a death rattle from the lips of announcers and commentators. owned and published by Husayn's son ‘Udayy) has taken a leading part in prompting the theme. which launched a counterattack.

occupation of Iraq. but they do not want to join what is perceived as an American 'occupation.S. vol. Dower contends. Assistant Professor in the Edmund A. no.51 New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman quotes United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan as saying. pre-emptive actions Edelstein ‘8 (David."
.50
Although the occupation of Japan was essentially unilateral. and social reconstruction. "Other nations are
prepared to help.0 21/224
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MULTILATERALISM
Attempts to remove American presence under the guise of multi-lateralism is simply a tactic to give legitimacy to U. the United States must pursue the occupation of Iraq more multilaterally.S.N. Dower contends that other states in East Asia. Dower argues. the broader
international community. it was viewed as legitimate because Japan had clearly been the aggressor in World War II and was in dire need of political. The argument that the United States must act multilaterally in the Iraqi occupation to reclaim legitimacy is widespread. like in Bosnia. Secretary 53 of State Colin Powell has acknowledged that UN involvement is needed in Iraq to provide "international legitimacy. economic. they can still be commanded by an American. the current U. occupation of Iraq is viewed by many as illegitimate. occupiers faced little resistance from other states or the Japanese population. easing the process of occupation.S.” International Security. but it will be perceived differently and provide the legitimacy for others to join.S. occupation.S.Se(k)urity 1.' If the forces in Iraq are put under a U. To appear legitimate.S.S. and the U. mandate. In this context. In contrast. 29. few challenged the legitimacy of the U. 1. occupation of Japan as legitimate. and the occupied population viewed the U. British Prime Minister Tony Blair and French Foreign Minister Dominique de Villepin have both emphasized the need to include the United Nations in operations in Iraq for reasons of legitimacy. pg 49-91 MUSE) AM
Historian John Dower forwards this normative legitimacy argument by comparing the post-World War II occupation of Japan with the current U."52 Even U. Walsh School of Foreign Service and the Department of Government at Georgetown
University “Occupational Hazards: Why Military Operations Succeed or Fail.

In other words.
.in the post-cold-war era — still finds itself on the other side. 317) AM There is strong evidence that news coverage of the Persian Gulf war made ample use of Orientalism or what has been discussed at some length in the second part as the “idealized cognitive model” that dominates western thought and action with regard to the Orient. As the Gulf war has shown. professor of linguistics in Spain.0 22/224
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ORIENTALISM
Representations of Iraq predicated on Orientalism. It should be clear now that the West continues to be used as a label in the aftermath of the cold war to refer to the dominant political. in terms of traditionally rich association with the Orient. "Metaphor and metonymy at the crossroads: a cognitive perspective" pg. and cultural world system. and Islam as an integral part of it. it is the “club” that everyone wants to belong to in order to share the prerogatives ha come with membership. in order to justify the war as a way to protect western civilization and its way of life. it is the west that determines who qualifies for members ship by defining what is “west”. the analysis of East-west relations against this Orientalist background helps to understand why Iraq . Iraq.Se(k)urity 1. My thesis in this study has been that Orientalist metaphors conceptualized the enemy.all our policy decisions revolve around membership into the Western “Club” Barcelona 2K (Antonio. economic. Since the Orientalist stereotypes had disastrous implications for the way the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait was handled.

the international financial institutions and national aid agencies. set prices and fix factor incomes. As Balakrishnan Rajagopal contends. through such devices as forced privatization of key national industries and increased unemployment._%20Mike_%20-_Political_Economy_of_Peacebuilding.’[10] Together with the interim Iraq constitution perhaps the most striking example of external imposition has been in Kosovo.uk/acad/twe/papers/Pugh. for the British Academy. displacements of vast populations. there
is plentiful evidence that choices made for war-torn societies are both inappropriate and poorly implemented.[11] The economic principles were only sketched out at Rambouillet. External actors determined Kosovo’s framework constitution.[12]
. The political economy of peacebuilding: a critical theory perspective. Although varying in their degrees of enforcement and consensus. economic policy has been determined by the EU. International Journal of Peace
Studies. its international status and its official economic development. with: social costs.brad. and became integral to the NATO/KLA war aim of securing the territory from Serb authority. the peoples of Kosovo are entitled to protect their ethnic. no. Indeed. in spite of its status as a province of Serbia in the state of Serbia–Montenegro. religious and linguistic identities. Security
Council resolution 1244 of 10 June was less presumptuous. Under the constitutional framework. and to be free from economic discrimination. great waves of migrations including to urban areas.ac. In contradiction to numerous declarations that
Kosovo was to be governed in accordance with democratic principles.pdf )AM However. NATO came armed with an economic vision that its most powerful members had already inserted into the Rambouillet ultimatum of 23 February 1999 before the war. elimination of subsidies for food and services and the introduction of user fees. speculative bubbles in international finance transactions that have massive impact on real estate and housing markets. which in turn specified free market economies throughout the region of south-east Europe. development interventions have been divisive. War results in destabilising changes in employment. it aggravates the vulnerability of sectors of populations to poverty and does little either to alleviate people’s engagement in shadow economies or to give them a say in economic reconstruction if they expect outside help. but supported economic development through the Balkan Stability Pact.[9] Market price adjustment alone cannot correct disequilibria. vol 10. production and prices.Se(k)urity 1. but it was assumed that they were valid and should be imposed. ‘The ensuing collapse of market entitlements for large groups of people makes it highly dangerous to rely exclusively on the market to allocate resources. military-backed impositions. 2http://www. The liberal project not only ignores the socio-economic problems confronting war-torn societies. cultural. both Iraq and Kosovo have experienced top-down. This diktat stated that ‘the economy of Kosovo shall function in accordance with free market principles’. But NATO’s war aims curtailed their right to choose an economic future.0 23/224
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PEACE-BUILDING
Restructuring of Iraq is rooted in economic goals that marginalize the Iraqi people Pugh ‘5 (Michael.

President Bush stated that: Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast. In these circumstances.’ to liberate Iraq by ‘ending a dangerous. this articulation of Hussein as
state sponsor of terror. magazines. If we must begin a military campaign. eﬀective for its visceral meaning. When addressing the nation at the start of the war on 17 March 2003. His brutal regime has reduced a country with a long and proud history to an international pariah that oppresses its citizens. universally lacking food. these arguments appeared in a wide variety of sources including Foreign Aﬀairs. Colin Powell. Professor at VTech. and journals. And we will help you build a new Iraq that is prosperous and free. from the previous ﬁve years. rich culture. then US Secretary of State. Equally threatened and oppressed by his apparatus of terror. helped cement Iraq as the central site for reconstruction eﬀorts. but the more speciﬁc threat of a terrorist. We will tear down the apparatus of terror. and the convenient (and often purposeful) slippage between terrorism as a generic term and its close association with Osama bin Laden in American political narratives. and Newsweek. remarked that the goal in Iraq was to establish a ‘free representative government that serves its people and ﬁghts on their behalf. Political Science Quarterly. 2001. As our coalition takes away their power we will deliver the food and medicine you need. Such statements portray the Iraqi population as homogenous and monolithic. suggesting that the construction of Iraq as a signiﬁcant security threat transcended the di ﬀerent political ideologies of these sources. “Reconstructing Iraq: Merging discourses of security and development.
***IRAN***
. and individual autonomy. In February 2003 we found over 1. Foreign Policy. and freed to determine for themselves the future of their country.tion in Iraq was necessary to ‘stabilize the situation in Iraq and give the Iraqi people a chance to establish ‘‘institutions of liberty’’ ’ and ‘to rebuild their country in freedom’. That Saddam Hussein no longer just presented the vague security threat of a rogue state. plausibility for Americans since 9/11. 33. In a speech given later at the US Institute of Peace. In short. and tremendous potential have been hijacked by Saddam Hussein. displaced the older construct of him as a murderous dictator who threatened regional stability.Se(k)urity 1. Along with inﬂating Iraq as a
security threat. Iraqi citizens are viewed as uniformly helpless. according to a later speech given by Bush at the Atlantic Summit: Iraq’s talented people. and requiring Western development. medicine. New York Times. Washington Post. the people of Iraq were often labelled and discussed as one helpless and monolithic entity.0 24/224
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SAVIOR
The western model of “saving” Iraq is rooted in security logic Sovacool and Halfon ‘7 (Benjamin and Saul. assistant professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University
Singapore. Following September 11th. Collectively opposed to
Hussein and his regime. where Martin
Indyk explained that interven.000 di ﬀerent articles in popular newspapers.over. unanimously in need of freedom. and thus a direct threat to the security of the American ‘homeland’. evil regime’ and ‘restoring sovereign self-rule to the Iraqi people. it will be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not against you. 223– 243
These sentiments of deconstruction were quickly entrenched in the popular media. 47More.51And. Economist. we would undertake a solemn obligation to help the Iraqi people build a new Iraq at peace with itself and its neighbors.” Review of International Studies (2007). The Iraqi people deserve to be lifted from insecurity and tyranny. ’50Similar comments were made at the University of California Los Angeles during a Brookings Institute seminar. that gave voice to constructions of Iraq as an urgent security threat to the United States requiring military intervention. And I have a message for them. The language of terrorism has increasingly become the generic signiﬁer of threat within reconstruction discourse.

Iraqi. it is and it should be. December 2009.
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FRIEND-ENEMY DICHOTOMY
Representations of Iran are rooted in failed state and terror discourse Arshin Adib-Moghaddam. it is not that moral taboo that represents a country or movement as terroristic. Afghan. I am saying that in the reality invented for us. but by its representation in the political and media discourse of a particular period. Lebanese. pp. The normative difference between these categories cannot be measured and defined in terms of the type of political violence unleashed. 512-526 To those
who would immediately interject by saying that Iran was associated with terror because the country supported a range of movements. are the terminological surface effect of discursive representations: they are concepts that emerge out of a particular politico-cultural configuration which commands its own signifying powers out of which the terror label and its derivatives are distilled. allow me to respond that 'terrorism' as a noun and 'terroristic' as an adjective. 3. but the discourse which signifies the fundamental categories of friend and foe. HAMAS and Hezbollah that use political violence in order to further their political aims.” Critical Studies on Terrorism.. of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London. terrorists and freedom fighter. 2 No. “Discourse and Violence: The
Friend-Enemy Conjunction in Contemporary Iranian-American Relations. organisations such as Fatah. Prof. I am not saying that killing civilians is not immoral and taboo of course. Vol. etc. Palestinians.

4) authorised
assisting individuals and groups 'sympathetic to U. The
Israeli government of Shimon Peres. the deal was necessary in order to secure the supply of arms and weaponry during a period when the chemical weapons attacks by Saddam Hussein's troops were beginning to demoralise the Iranian army. a bifurcated
syntactical order within which the fundamental boundary between subject and object. the acknowledgement of the 'trustworthiness' of the other side (Booth and
Wheeler 2008. the discourse of the Islamic Republic has become entirely dependent on invented images of the United States in particular and the concept of the 'West' more generally.Se(k)urity 1. or friendly. acted on the premise 'that moderate elements in Iran can come to power if these factions demonstrate their credibility in defending Iran against Iraq and in deterring Soviet intervention. p. “Discourse and Violence: The
Friend-Enemy Conjunction in Contemporary Iranian-American Relations. December 2009. It should not come as a
surprise that these young people are accused of colluding with the 'West': within contemporary Iran it is inevitable that 'you' reappear as a major focal point of the political discourse. Note that I am accentuating the effects of discourse. By defining Iran's new 'self' in relation to the American 'other'. 2) obtaining from them significant intelligence … and 3) furthering the release of the American hostages held in Beirut'. Iran was named a part of the 'axis of evil' and a major target in the global 'war on terror'
pronounced by the administration of George W. our language towards the other. it could be charged with negative or positive energy. the results he and his supporters envisaged. Rather the contrary. marg bar
Israel (death to Israel).S. Governments interests … for the purpose of: 1) establishing a more moderate government in Iran. self and other has been cemented with layers and layers of narrated inventions. Revolutionary Iran was adamant to define the Islamic Republic in strict juxtaposition to the West in general and the United States in particular. The subject that emerges out of the turmoil of the revolution and the subsequent devastating war between Iran and Iraq (1980-88). It should become clear that in this clandestine transaction none of the stakeholders were interested in pursuing strategic trust-building measures. I am emphasising that a discursive field is always social. intimate.). In response to this memo. Thus. pp. Israel and Britain guarantees their syntactical existence in the here and now. pp.
The first major step towards that direction after the revolution in Iran was made by former President Mohammad Khatami (1997-2005) via the 'dialogue amongst civilisation' initiative which did not yield. 2 No. In other words. To achieve the strategic goal of a more moderate Iranian government'. it is stated in a White House Memorandum (1986. I am re-emphasising this because Iran and the United States did occasionally reach out to each other out of expediency without changing their language towards the other side. as the main source of trust building measures. they remained just that: staunch antagonists who made a deal not in order to engender trust. as I mentioned. It is their belief that by so doing they can achieve a heretofore unobtainable penetration of the Iranian governing hierarchy'. This discourse has suggested. calling for the 'death' of America. but that sociality could be violent. but as a means to achieve divergent strategic interests. When the 'Great Satan' and the 'mad mullahs' colluded via Israel in what became to be known as the Iran-Contra Affair in 1986. President Reagan (White House Memorandum 1986.
. which would have involved. the political independence of Iran has been achieved via a discursive dependency. part 3). 3. however. Vol. In the case of the Iranian leadership. but it always remains the loci within which shifts from enemy to friend or ally to foe can be signified. all of which were meant to solidify the fundamental difference between the two states. Bush in the aftermath of the terror attacks on the country in September 2001 (Adib-Moghaddam 2008a. 229ff. Thus far. the supporters of Ahmadinejad who utter those slogans and whose iron fist is crushing Iranian pro-democracy activists at the very moment I am writing these lines. neutral. but to accentuate difference. 'the Israelis are prepared to unilaterally commence selling military material to Western-oriented Iranian factions… . 1) authored by then US National Security Advisor John Poindexter. at minimum. p. on the other side. does not
speak to the American side in order to mitigate conflict. particularly amongst the rightwing. So the 'West' has a rather pronounced presence in Islamic Iran indeed.” Critical Studies on Terrorism. of Oriental and African Studies at the University of London. 512-526 Let me return to the beginning of this essay and recapture
the issue of trust now within such an untrustworthy discursive field. marg bar engelis (death to England). this narrative-counternarrative dialectic has not delivered a pacified discursive field
in which a strategic leap towards trust could be signified. Prof.0 26/224
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PROLIFERATION
Depictions of Iran as a dangerous proliferating causes anti-American backlash Arshin Adib-Moghaddam. an oppressive syntactical dependency has been created which demands that Iran takes the US and the West permanently into account at each and every twist and turn of the country's official political discourse: Marg bar Amrika (death to America).

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not to mention human security discourse.” etc. Meanwhile. say. Academics and policymakers alike seem to acknowledge. is essentially a state-centered exercise precisely for the reason that it is deployed for the ongoing inscription or production of the state as an ontological entity apart from the practices – discourse being but one such practice – that go into its constitution.0 28/224
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GEOGRAPHY
The framing of a geographical Japan is the epitome of security logic Seng et al 1 (Tan See Seng. along with human security. we must include the so-called “given and visible facts of global life” enumerated above – are regularly deployed in regional security discourse is as if they are uncontested. state-centered doctrine specifically in the interests of human security is one such plausible instance. Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies Singapore. is therefore less about the security of humans per se than a practice of statecraft insofar as it “crafts” into “existence the state and other foundational genera that aid to realize the socially-lived truth of the political world of Asia-Pacific. However. Statecraft. pg 9)
Indeed. often reveal an unflagging commitment to the state seemingly at odds with their at times radical promises. the manner in which “essentially contested” notions – and
here. if Pol Pot’s killing fields in Cambodia. are any indication – partly because of an obdurate allegiance to state-bound metaphysics.” “sovereignty.” “AsiaPacific. as performed within the context of ongoing regional security dialogues. All of this raises – or at least it should raise – serious questions for the very grounds upon which the bulk of IR and foreign policy study and practice. Invitations
to redefine and enhance security thinking. they must refuse to pursue the transgressing implications of their own concepts for fear that the “given and visible facts of global life” – “natural”
categories such as “the state.Se(k)urity 1. the significance of the issues that I have raised above.” “the post-Cold War world.
***JAPAN***
. Human security discourse. notwithstanding well-intentioned efforts by academic and policy communities to theorize and effect into policy meaningful programs to protect and improve the lot of humans beings.” “security. – upon which they stake their claims concerning Asia-Pacific security will unravel.” “anarchy. Former Australian Foreign Minister Gareth Evans’ call to revise and broaden doctrinal foundations of the UN Charter beyond “traditional. Emancipation. human security discourse. Human Security: Discourse.
in varying degrees and if only implicitly. Scholars invariably alert us in their preambles to the fact that human security remains a “poorly understood and contested” notion. various individuals and groups throughout the Asia-Pacific are
continually marginalized – at times even brutally exterminated. beyond the cursory glance.” “danger. To that end. understood in these terms. stands.

and depictions of Japanese foreign policy as “abnormal.” the Chinese have transformed themselves from diehard socialists to exuberant capitalists beginning less than three years after Mao’s death in 1976. the region has so far avoided both major
and minor interstate conºict. and by 1874 Japan had emerged from centuries of isolation to occupy Taiwan. Providing a causal logic that explains how and when scholars
can expect changes is an important aspect of this response. Vol 27. thus the conditions necessary to produce costly all-out balancing efforts do not yet exist. the “just wait” response is unfalsiªable. The Meiji restoration in Japan in 1868 was a remarkable example of governmental response to European and American encroachment. predictions of an expansionist and revisionist China. Indeed Asian nations have historically shown an ability to respond quickly to changing circumstances. its causal logic. China should be provoking balancing behavior.20 In the absence of a speciªc time frame. Some scholars have smuggled ancillary and ad hoc hypotheses about preferences into realist.
. the lack of Japanese rearmament. Moreover. the “just wait” response is mere rhetorical wordplay designed to avoid troubling evidence. Kang 03.0 29/224
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IMPERIALISM
Our imperial viewpoint of the Pacific is one where we must domesticate the Japanese to create objective truth. scholars typically respond: Just wait. This dramatic power transition has evoked hardly any response from China’s neighbors. are the critical factor. however. and its predictions.Se(k)urity 1.
especially if predictions ºowing from it fail to materialize.Japanese Economic isolationism proves. is intellectually ambiguous. Most signiªcant. when Deng Xiaoping famously declared. including: assumptions about an irrational North Korean leadership. “To get rich is glorious. Exploring why scholars have misunderstood Asia is both a fruitful and a necessary theoretical exercise. with the introduction of market reforms in late 1978. Although it would be unfair to expect instantaneous national responses to changing international conditions.21 By realist standards. is the rigorous assessment of the theory.”18 Social science moves forward from the clear statement of a theory. and reasonable scholars will accept that change may not be immediate but may occur over time. however.19 More recently. institutionalist. in less than two decades China has evolved from being a moribund and closed middle power to the most dynamic country in the region. First. China’s relatively slow military modernization and limited power projection capabilities suggest that its potential threat to other Asian countries is growing only slowly. merely because its overall size and projected rate of growth are so high. International Policy. when confronted with the nonbalancing
of Asian states against China. with an economy that not only will soon surpass Japan’s (if it has not already) but also
shows many signs of continuing growth. and constructivist theories to make them ªt various aspects of the Asian cases. This reply. (Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks. not timing per se. Two major problems exist with many of the pessimistic predictions about Asia. David Kang professor at USC. and ªve decades of noninvasion by North Korea. Just as important. Without such a time frame. a dozen years would seem to be long enough to detect at least some change. In this view. A more
rigorous response in the Chinese case would be to argue that conditions of balancing. Number 4. even though many of the conditions that theorists argue can lead to conºict do already exist in East Asia. however. pg
57-85)
The case of Asian security provides an opportunity to examine the usefulness of accepted international relations paradigms and to determine how the assumptions underlying these theories can become misspecifieded.

2). 5). I do not think this is possible. that they were rapidly transformed into angels.
military bases have stationed in Japan since then. and cultural hegemony of the United States” (1993.Se(k)urity 1. Scholars such as Miyoshi and Harootunian even argue that although the American occupation ended long ago. this thesis explores what are the determinants or driving forces of those images. of domination. As a
result. therefore. World War II. It is not surprising. and that today they may be en route to becoming devils again. with Japanese business practices. For example. the continuity of certain themes can be recognized. The study of American images of Japan is deeply related to analysis of U. I would like to examine American images of Japan by focusing on power relations between the two countries. however. and of hegemony can be seen in the history of U. therefore. Japan’s post-war recovery under the instruction by the American Occupation. and Technology at Georgetown University.0 30/224
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ORIENTALISM
Construction of Japan as the other is rooted in oriental understandings of the east Teramoto 01 (Fukimo Teramoto. that scholars and analysts tend to discuss images of Japan from the perspective of Orientalism or Western cultural imperialism.-Japan relations. Sheila Johnson writes: If American attitudes toward Japan were an accurate reflection of the Japanese essence. Japan was also a completely defeated country and under the control by the American Occupation from 1945 to 1952.S. The focus of
Said’s work is on European Orientalism and Islamic Orient. of varying degree of complex hegemony…” (1978. In other words. Japan was a colonial power in Asia from the end of the nineteenth century to the mid-twentieth century. When closely examining Japan’s image.-Japan interactions. I assume that popular stereotypes are greatly influenced by immediate events. (1988. iv-v) Immediate incidents between the two countries such as World War II and trade conflicts undoubtedly had an enormous impact on American perceptions of Japan. and mutually interdependent economic relations since the midtwentieth century can not be discussed without American intervention or help. U. Nonetheless. “Japan has not yet been able to achieve true independence and autonomy” and “Japan has been wholly under the political. of domination.S. then one would have to believe that from 1914 to 1945 the Japanese were devils. The historical relation between Japan and the West differs greatly from that between the West and Said’s Orient. ‘Orient’ and ‘Occident’ are “man-made” and “the relationship between Occident and Orient is a relation of power. Masters in Communication. Although the number has been reduced. This continuity reveals that American perceptions are not merely from immediate incidents but also from certain historical perceptions of Japan. I would like to explore what underlies such contradictory
and volatile images of Japan in the United States.
.
economic. Japan in an American
Mirror: A Critical Study of American Perceptions of Japan) In this thesis. Culture. a relation of power. pg 1-4. Japan’s early modernization during the Meiji era following Commodore Perry’s arrival in 1853.S. As Said writes.

the theory of national trauma is insufficient to explain American attitudes towards Japanese Americans in those days.Se(k)urity 1. the events in question became stereotyped and selectively distorted as they become embedded in collective memories” (1998. which caused American national trauma. Halbwachs views collective memory as being “under the influence of the present social milieu” (1992. Japan in an American
Mirror: A Critical Study of American Perceptions of Japan)
The analysis of psychology of national trauma explains American attitudes toward Japanese Americans immediately after the Pearl Harbor incident and the outrage of the American public following the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. The strong identity of Americans grew out of the trauma of the Pearl Harbor. World War II memories have remained unchanged not only at the personal level but also at the national level in the United States. Nonetheless. Said raises an example
of controversial attempt of the Enola Gay. Although national traumas cause collective fear. (1998. Not only in the
United States but also in many countries public ceremonies or monuments in commemoration of war can be seen as a symbol of collective fear. When identity. 25). the past is reconstructed in the framework of the present society. 67) It is thus possible to say that the racial prejudice was awoken and took a hostile form through the war. and community” among Americans (1998. That is. In other words.that prevents true co-operation Teramoto 01 (Fukimo Teramoto. belonging. a historical event such as World War II. sadness. Both incidents can be categorized as national trauma and both strong responses were resulted from collective sadness and anger. and sense of unity have become weak in the course of the socio-cultural changes. Halbwachs discusses collective memory as the
form of the reconstruction of the past. collective memory might have filled the sense of American identity. This sense of collective identity can be another reason for long-enduring memory of World War II in the United States. From a more critical standpoint. Neal points out that collective memories are frequently drawn upon to
support a political position and that memories of World War II and the Vietnam War were reflected in the policy on the Gulf War. In his further discussion. community.0 31/224
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RELATIONS
Our understandings of Japan are rooted in our understandings of WWII-era Japan. Masters in Communication. and anger. 49). According to Neal. Undoubtedly. and anger and also collective identity of the time and of subsequent times. has become embedded in collective memories. sadness.
***KOREAS***
. While Halbwachs suggests the social restriction of collective memory. membership. Neal writes that “in telling and retelling the stories of our past. 201). Neal describes American attitudes to the internment of Japanese Americans as follows: The deep-seated racial prejudice toward Orientals prior to the war now became ethically embellished and perceived as justified. on the same footing. pg 5-7. they also forge the collective identity of any given group of people. which will reshape and even distort memories to a large extent. the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor followed by World War II “produced nationally unprecedented feeling of cohesion. Culture. which is an ultimately negative form of interactions between the two countries. The combination of
extreme racism with anger and fear produced a highly volatile situation. it is obvious that different perspectives are
required to understand each response appropriately. as I discussed above. and Technology at Georgetown University.

David (Professor of International Relations and Business. Spring 2003. and proud history as countries independent from China. gritty determination.72 From this perspective. Number 4. 57-85 MUSE
Realist theories would predict that both South Korea and Vietnam should welcome the United States and fear China. it
would probably be more surprising if they tried to balance against China by siding with the United States than it would be if they found a means of accommodating Beijing
. Historically. Both South Korea and Vietnam.Se(k)urity 1. pp. Volume 27. and this will most likely be true in the future as well.0 32/224
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ASSUMES DEPENDENCE
The aff assumes South Korea’s dependency on the US—simplifies the real political climate. both have been forced to adjust
to China even while attempting to retain autonomy. 3. Both South Korea and Vietnam are known for their stubborn nationalism. Yet this understates the historically complex relationship between these two countries and China. Kang. Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New
Analytical Frameworks International Security. are not obviously balancing against it. Director of Korean Studies Institute). while wary of China.

The Meiji restoration in Japan in 1868 was a remarkable example of governmental response to European and American encroachment.”18 Social science moves forward from the clear statement of a theory. Japan. pp. a dozen years would seem to be long enough to detect at least some change.tent it could. This reply. Without such a time frame.15 terrorist or missile attacks from a rogue North Korea against South Korea.turn of arms racing and the possibility of major conflict
among Asian coun.bling evidence. and by 1874 Japan had emerged from centuries of isolation to occupy Taiwan. Although it would be unfair to expect instantaneous national responses to changing
international conditions. or even the United States. Japan. some scholars in the West began to predict that Asia was “ripe for rivalry.14 conºict or war over the status of Taiwan. Social scientists can learn as much from events that do not occur
as from those that do. In contrast to the period 1950–80. yet none of these pessimistic predictions have come to pass. Asian countries do not fear for their survival. and the lack of international institutions. 3.pect of this response. scholars envisaged a re. however. Indeed
Asian nations have historically shown an ability to respond quickly to changing circum. 57-85 MUSE
Following the end of the Cold War in 1991. the “just wait” response is mere rhetorical wordplay designed to avoid trou. scholars typically respond: Just wait.
. its causal logic. when Deng Xiaoping famously declared. Providing a causal logic that explains how and when scholars can expect changes is an important as.tries. David (Professor of International Relations and Business. though powerful. Exploring why scholars have misunderstood Asia is both a fruitful and a necessary theoretical exercise. prompted in part by unresolved territorial disputes. the “just wait” response is unfalsiªable.17 More than a dozen years have passed since the end of the Cold War. In addition. And no Asian country appears to be balancing against China.cades when conºict in Asia was dominated by the Cold War tension between the United States and the Soviet Union. and its predictions. Just as important.Se(k)urity 1.0 33/224
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COLD WAR CONCEPTIONS FALSE
Cold War conceptions of Asia aren't true any more-. Indeed there has not been a major war in Asia since the 1978–79 Vietnam-Cambodia-China conºict. especially if predictions flowing from it fail to materialize. and constructivist theories to make them fit various aspects of the Asian cases.20 In the absence of a speciªc time frame. ranging from democratic to totalitarian. Number 4.formed themselves from diehard socialists to exuberant capitalists beginning less than three years after Mao’s death in 1976.13 increased Chinese adventurism spurred by China’s rising power and ostensibly revisionist intentions. and with only a few exceptions (North
Korea and Taiwan). Director of Korean Studies Institute). and depictions of Japanese foreign policy as “abnormal. China seems no more revisionist or adventurous now than it was before the end of the Cold War. with the introduction of market reforms in late 1978.”12 They based this prediction on the following factors: wide disparities in the levels of economic and military power among nations in the region. and reasonable scholars will accept that change may not be immediate but may occur over time. rather than dismissing them. Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New
Analytical Frameworks International Security. The case of Asian security provides an opportunity to examine the usefulness of accepted international relations paradigms and to determine how the assumptions underlying these theories can become misspecified. predictions of an expansionist and revisionist China. Spring 2003. the lack of Japanese rearmament. Two major problems
exist with many of the pessimistic predictions about Asia. the past two decades have witnessed enduring regional stability and minimal conºict. when confronted with the nonbalancing of Asian states against China. and five decades of noninvasion by North Korea. historical animosities. Many scholars thus
envisaged a return of power politics after de. almost all of which had rapidly changing internal and external environments.19 More re. has not rearmed to the ex.cently. Volume 27. however. More specific predictions included the growing possibility of Japanese rearmament.” the Chinese have trans.16 and arms racing or even conflict in Southeast Asia. their different political systems. Kang.assessing why the misrepresentations of a rogue North Korea ready to irrationally strike at any time are false is key. however. including: assumptions about an irrational North Korean leadership. “To get rich is glorious.stances. institutionalist. is intellectually ambiguous. Scholars should directly confront these anomalies. is the rigorous assessment of the theory. First. Some scholars have smuggled ancillary and ad hoc hypotheses about preferences into realist.

which unwittingly had brought anti-American sentiment to a new peak throughout South Korea. No. which many Koreans seemed to consider interchangeable with U. it entails a formal transformation from within First World discourse.trated (October 10. dehumanizing gaze of the "mega-media. had become the villain of the Games. where the American reporters can jest at the broken English and quaint customs of the scurrying.. glibly summarizes it with a visit to a shopping market or a snake-soup shop.perial
sameness should and will pervade this liberally Americanizing zone of postmodern interpellation into hard labor and shopping-mall bliss. Cultural "out. 18. Novem. values.perialist in their assumption that American standards and customs should pervade far crannies of the globe: "American Express. Such representations are monological.ber 30.gual and bicultural reporter to its reportorial team?" (Korea Herald. Vol. in such uneven translations into Eurocentric language games.
. in. as de-centering and insufferable as such judgments may feel. 1988). facile. "NBC. by poststructural definition of any context-situated sign. and viewpoints emerging from outside any mimetically closed or would-be dominant system. Now. 1988). foreign. as William Oscar Johnson summarized in Sports Illus.S.Se(k)urity 1." more openness to cross-cultural differences. into Rolling Stone and NBC icons of the primitive. Rob (Professor of English at the University of Hawaii) Theory's Imaginal Other: American Encounters with South Korea and Japan in
boundary 2." which. using "counterpunches. tones. the weaker historical subject can contend against the stronger representational power by recognizing what is at stake in such symbolic dominations. 1991). 220-241
Nowadays.16 As Lee Kyung-won soon asked about NBC's Olympic coverage.sidedness" is more than just an appeal to dialogue and language games of poetic justice." such as the Korean news media's parading of U.0 34/224
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DIFFERENTIAL CULTURE
Media represents Koreans as foreign without investigating the differential culture—this form of domination changes the values and viewpoints of policy makers. too. half-comprehending natives. still. and customs that comprise the ethnographic-poetic real. Or. The West. rites. genuinely being effected and translated ("recoded") by the alien languages. signs. arrogant behemoth that had insulted them with its portrayal of South Koreans and their games. and unconsciously im. Wilson. so to speak. these restless natives of radical otherness. uninformed. The net. literacies. must see itself from the point of view of the East.A. "But is it too much of asking to add one bilin. are contesting their facile and dehistoricized "translation" into such re.ductive English and mediated Americanese. 3. ceremonies. no one culture can ever fully articulate the differential
system and interiority of another culture. in an era of postmodern textuality. there can and should be more sensitivity to what Bakhtin called dialogical "outsidedness.
the natives of postmodern culture are growing increasingly restless under the stereotypical. athletes stealing and rudely cavorting to counter NBC's image of the boxing fiasco as a way of summarizing the latent anarchy and fraternal belligerence of Korean culture. 91." Clearly. or weird.work was described by a variety of citizens-from high school students to a peddler of dried squid-as a mean-minded.stead of talking to Korean journalists or Korean students about their political situation and culture. Don't Leave Home Without It" might serve as the slogan of this bland assumption that im. Granted. pp. Japan in the World (Autumn.S. nuances.

the garlic and hot-pepper sauerkraut that's breakfast lunch and dinner in Korea" (RS. no. 93). in blood on his fancy white ski jacketI think that was the first time I ever really felt like a foreign correspondent. to subhuman.tural. pp. cul. anti-imperialist demonstration."''15 O'Rourke's arrogantly American political cynicism and sense of cultural repugnance toward the nonwhite. yet thrill-seeking. 228
As O'Rourke's hyper-cool. "most of all. Wilson. Vol.0 35/224
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NEOCOLONIALISM
American discourse about Korea simplifies them to a subhuman race subject to neocolonialism. 3. Far from being exceptional. they really all do look alike'-the same Blackgama hair. overwhelmed by the amazing stink of kimchi. the same high-boned pie-plate face. and style to a catalog of racial. the same sharp-focused look in one-million anthracite eyes. here was something really fucking foreign. he claims he was. neocolonial venom smugly insulated from such emancipatory struggles. and dietary inferiorities: A whole people and historical process are summed up in a stream of reductive epithets reeking not only of ignorance but of white. For O'Rourke's sardonic narrator. I mean. the same tea-stain complexion. Rob (Professor of English at the University of Hawaii) Theory's Imaginal Other: American Encounters with South Korea and Japan in
boundary 2.Se(k)urity 1. Stone Age people-"anthracite eyes"?-though O'Rourke is squeezed and heaved when riot police emerge to break up what (under. 18. "When the kid in the front row at the rally bit off the tip of his little finger and wrote. and I was thinking. nonindividuated natives soon register a thoroughgoing reduction of these demonstrating Koreans from foreign." Amid such a stone-like.standably) soon became an anti-Chun. 1991). 'Oh. behavior to style. piece infamously opens. No. however. 91. to robotic undifferen. Japan in the World (Autumn. the will to politics is reduced to spectacle. isn't O'Rourke tapping into some deeply nationalist vein of cultural venom and a neo-Roman style of geopolitical crisis management?
. KIM DAE JUNG.tiation: "And as I was looking at this multitude [at a political rally].

after Lyotard's imperative of capitalist culture discarding forms and collaging narratives. bipolarized by the Cold War "language game" whose power struggles and outcomes are weightier than the difference of textual terms.Se(k)urity 1. "Korea" by no means equals "Japan. if not the collective worship. Rob (Professor of English at the University of Hawaii) Theory's Imaginal Other: American Encounters with South Korea and Japan in
boundary 2. as Edward Said contends in a critique of the most textually self." whatever the share of orientalism
blandly obtaining. the divided and American-policied terrain of South/North Korea still troubles the con.logue" or "travel. worse yet. While visiting imperial Japan and colonized Korea in the early 1930s as the self-ironical "barbarian in Asia.scrupulous or "postparadigm" anthropology. and the train are the real missionaries from the West" (BA. Or. for example. Nevertheless. it may now be the case that "Korea.' In terms of cultural capital and geo.sumerist bliss of the suburban shopping mall like the return of the Cold War repressed."4 As Michaux shrewdly claimed when confronting this Asian will to modernity. "Korea" gets produced and projected as a cultural sign and
occidental distortion from within some redemptive master narrative of global modernization.sidered the first culture that we could nominate. 3. pp. 70). 91.tics of twentieth-century history that have divided this pre-Perry "Hermit Kingdom" into a tormented landscape of belligerence and self-division: half. Japan in the World (Autumn." must be warily inflected in quotation marks.6 Lest we forget.Capitalist. 18." like "Japan. "Korea" resists such an easy assimilation into this deconstructive
paradigm of "Japan" as a postmodern condition of "infan. this conflicted nationstate can be articulated only from within unequal structurations of capital/symbolic capital under the gaze of Empire. No. Vol. had presciently intuited that "the Japanese [culture] has been modern for ten centuries" not only for the precision and geometry of their uncluttered architecture and art but also for their uncanny ability to imitate." tying any poststructural flights of "satellited reference" down to the dialec. half-imperial nothingness that serves so well the dynamics of the commodity form. Haunted by the American political imaginary. half-Communist.2 Estranging Western logic or selfhood in exotic otherness can posit little cure from such skewed narratives of geopolitical encounter as "dia." the French surrealist poet Henri Michaux.3 If such is the case. mimic.
. 1991). and assimilate "things Western" into their own techno-poetics.tile capitalism".0 36/224
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ORIENTALISM
Conceptions of Korea are tainted by orientalist distortion—they are further skewed by the North/South and Asian/modern dichotomies. the phonograph. 220-241 Negotiating the postmodern terrain of the 1990s. this allows the Japanese to be con. With the trauma of "Vietnam" re-coded into family melodrama and uplifting sagas of self-redemption.5 that is. of a half-Zen. "postmodern" before they were ever even "premodern." although such strategies in defamiliarization may disturb a certain discursive inertia. that is to say. national sublation into one hypercommunicative and brand-name glutted "empire of signs" encapsulating the imaginal presence. "The cinema.political clout. Wilson. "South" and "North" must be affixed as differential prefixes to "Korea.

and even South Asia.Se(k)urity 1.sionist tendencies. Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New
Analytical Frameworks International Security. since then there has been no major in.0 37/224
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REALIST UNDERSTANDING OF ASIA
Realists misunderstand power politics in North Korea—they should employ a comprehensive historical view of the world to figure out why the misconstruction came about. David (Professor of International Relations and Business. Southeast. Although the years 1950–80 saw numerous armed conºicts.terstate war in either Northeast or Southeast Asia. 65 MUSE
More than a dozen years after the end of the Cold War. and
North Korea has neither imploded nor exploded.
. there are fewer challenges than before and most of the re.gion’s disputes and conºicts have stabilized. Because China
has such an impor.tive outline of such an explanation in the following section. Kang. Director of Korean Studies Institute).main muted. Japan has not rearmed. As Muthiah Alagappa writes. In Northeast Asia. I offer the tenta. Countries do not fear for their survival in either area. Southeast Asia. Although Asia still faces serious internal and inter. China shows little sign of having revi.tant inºuence on Northeast. as well. much of Asia bears little resemblance to the picture painted by the pessimists. Spring 2003.national challenges. pp. “Viewed through the ahistorical realist lens. remains free of the kinds of arms races and power poli. the contemporary security
challenges could indeed suggest that Asia is a dangerous place.”23 The field of international relations would be better served if the pessimists not only admitted this reality but also asked why this might be the case.tics that some have expected. Number 4. But a comprehensive historical view would suggest otherwise. 3. rivalry and power politics re. Volume 27.

as Cumings and John (Indeed. with America holding the economic cards and calling the democratic shots in the South. In other words. and maintained in a once-unified country and culture. 1991). and choice. anthropologist or tourist. Japan in the World (Autumn. confronting the return of the Cold War repressed to a level of symbolic reengagement. whether historian or poet. No. Whatever the rhetoric of liberty and populist pluralism that was used to disseminate and liberally cloak its historical origin. pp. with the 38th parallel and the DMZ. like those in the Communist North.bilizing of land in the power elite (who had for the most part survived under Japanese colonization) and everything to do with repressing the
emergence of "people's collectives" seeking land reforms from Seoul. the way Ameri. "Korea" was reinvented as a Cold War bastion of unresolved and belligerent polarities
between two powerful worldviews and alternative hegemonies. Rob (Professor of English at the University of Hawaii) Theory's Imaginal Other: American Encounters with South Korea and
Japan in boundary 2. Can any seriously engaged writer or scholar. 3. mystify. warps. These allied misrepresentations have taken place at least since the Korean War ended unresolved in 1953. As a function of Cold War oppositionality.
. These historical origins called for. much American forgetting. political strategist or journalist. still distorts. Wilson. an "unknown war" once took place.0 38/224
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STABILIZATION RHETORIC
US creation of and involvement with South Korea is rooted in a stabilization of the land for Western gain. by working "North/South Korea" up into language. and thereby further entrench the American presence and purpose in inventing and differentiating the Republic of South Korea from its communist rival to the North? Despite this once-hermit country's tormented
engagement as a geo. 18. 220-241
The larger question of textual misrepresentation.graphical bargaining chip in the Cold War struggle between America and the Soviet Union for postwar hegemony. can any writer do anything but misrepresent. and pressures the cross-cultural inter. the invention of "South Korea" by the United States in 1945 had much to do with a right-wing sta. or assume some cloak of textual immunity from distortion when treating ("representing") these Cold War ma. this language of bipolarity had to be invented. propagated. as I have outlined in several genres. Representations of the region entrench American purpose and further unnecessary dichotomies.actions and political dynamics obtaining between America and South Korea. and have resulted in.can discourse uses "Korea" to refer to South Korea alone effectively elides the ongoing claims of the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea to be known as "Korea" at all. and even notwithstanding the spectacles of modernity of the 1988 Olympics held in Seoul. 91.Se(k)urity 1. North/South "Korea" still comprises for
postmodern Americans a forbidding and for-
gotten landscape of belligerency wherein. misrecognize. power. despite long-standing claims from the grass-roots level for a redistribution of land. liberalize.)
Halliday now document. Vol. nowadays claim a stance of neutrality or objectivity. wealth.terials of South Korea from the perspective of the political and economic victor? In other words.

might as well be re-coded into the blatantly guiltier and specular term "misrepresentation." thereby suggesting a shared predicament of narrative construction that.tal for discipline and self. experimental. heterogeneous riches. likeness. purposes. as is proclaimed. representation entails an attempt to posit a total field of otherness and difference and yet to articulate the times and spaces in which this cultural difference can emerge. difference. and unsaid? Fearful of cross-cultural misrepresentation. as symbolic strategies and discursive practices. remoteness. unrecuperable difference. imagining enclaves of dialogue.Western alternative models of subjectivity and new regimes of rationality as well as to disseminate counter-hegemonic modes of cultural production. and staunch unlikeness (as in Noel Burch's fascinated re-coding of Japanese film techniques in To the Dis.perial L'Empire des signes). is an unimaginable post-Kantian otherness better left untheorized. positing semiotic enigmas of affinity. Emerson's characters are "repre. 18. 1991).ments of theory's mastery and control? Understanding entails representing the cultural other.ness can emerge to voice constructs of geopolitical poetics with often dimly perceived or misrecognized projects and agendas accruing cultural capi. (To cite an American usage of this double
sense of "representation" as textualized affiliation. is the post. and "representing otherness" necessarily involves both a theorizing and a historiciz. For "represen. and sameness (as in Roland Barthes's semiotically im.tant Observer) break with Western tactics enforcing symbolic domination? 19 Can the
most self-reflexively radical cross-cultural poetics (as in Henri Michaux's A Barbarian in Asia or American avant-garde ethnography) exonerate the maker from strategies of imperial appropriation and disciplinary design? Are we just fated to produce/reproduce
glitzy optical illusions of sameness/difference as a way to install/deconstruct Western models of specular subjectivity.Se(k)urity 1. 91. but of emerging national power and expansionist willing. or liberal selfhood.) So
theorized." for all practical purposes within paradigms of poststructural textuality. such "(mis)representations" of cross-cultural other.0 39/224
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THEORIZATION/HISTORIZATION NECESSARY
Representing Korea requires theorization and historization—engaging these is key to recognize incorrect agendas and end Western discourse hegemony. or goodwilled. 220-241
Is "sublime Japan" or "beautiful Korea" just a Western projection of exotic immensity.
. the sense of representing powers. Yet the very notion of "rep. 3. in effect enforcing further entrench.sentative men. or." and what each represents is some aspect not only of the over-soul and of transcendental egotism. unsay.ing of this other: that is.modern future threatened with various versions of linguistic solipsism or the semiotic warfare of re-essentialized nationalism?18 Can such comparative speculations.tation" further carries within its claims the charges and burdens not only of deconstructive textuality but of political situatedness. these anxious textualizations function.resentation. and designs beyond intentional choice or communal willing. pp. to create non. Rob (Professor of English at the University of Hawaii) Theory's Imaginal Other: American Encounters with South Korea and Japan in
boundary 2. seems fated to the mutual construction of fictive otherness. Japan in the World (Autumn. No.able. however principled. Vol.The logic of the affirmative precludes this Wilson. that is. in effect. furthermore. Beyond the quest for agonistic individuation and marketplace sublimity. on the other hand. in short.

to move beyond dominations of cultural capital and imaginal constructions of "Korea" and "Japan" dispersed at the borders of the field.0 40/224
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WESTERN WORLD ORDER
Ending the otherization of Korea and thereby enforcing power/knowledge structures through representations will end the production of a dominant Western culture. 18. I would suggest. 220-241
Trapped in the postmodern predicament of re-essentializing nationalism and positing cultural otherness as a symbolic defense against global homogenization. No.
. 1991). the American scholar nevertheless has to supplement his/her disciplinary Emersonianism and stance of liberal goodwill toward America's global sublimity with critical doses of Michaux and ethnographic poetics. Crossing nation-state boundaries and enforcing uncontested constructs of power/knowledge. then the often unconscious labors of producing and managing a postindustrial Empire of Sublimity will have been interrupted ever so slightly.Se(k)urity 1. 91. Japan in the World (Autumn. pp. Wilson. symbolic representations of otherness can masquerade more invidious forms of material domination. 3.actions can be resisted at the level of signs. Vol. Rob (Professor of English at the University of Hawaii) Theory's Imaginal Other: American Encounters with South Korea and
Japan in boundary 2. and if these trans.

and South Korea. Number 3. Great Powers and Hierarchical Order in
Southeast Asia Analyzing Regional Security Strategies in International Security.lowing preferred power distribution:121 (1) superpower overlay: United States. the price is uncertainty about the U. and thus a hierar. and (4) major regional players:122 ASEAN.0 41/224
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WESTERNIZED HIERARCHY
Western conceptions of Asian security create a hierarchy that they assume is objectively correct when approaching issues such as the Korean peninsula. which. pp. especially since 1989. 8.military presence in the region indicates that they still recognize the relative benignity of the aims of the United States in the region. and its management and containment of hot spots such as Korea and Taiwan. commitment at crucial times. This uncertainty has lain at the heart of Southeast Asian dilemmas about regional security order.gion. (2) regional great power: China. Volume 32. Winter 2007/08. such as after the end of
the Vietnam and Cold Wars.S.S.S. 150-151 MUSE
The Southeast Asian states’ post–Cold War strategy of involving in regional security affairs all the major powers that have a stake in East Asian security has helped to facilitate a hierarchical regional order that
approximates the fol. preponderance makes it essentially a unipolar system. have centered on better securing this superpower overlay by deepening U. This view of the United States as a sheriff or “honest broker” of regional security relies on its position as a superpower external to the Asian re.Se(k)urity 1. Evelyn (Director of Graduate Study at the University of London in International Relations). (3) major regional powers: Japan and India. This notion of a regional
hierarchy is significant because the perpetuation of U. While this mediates threat perceptions. involvement and integration into the region. Australia.128
. its lack of territorial ambition. Goh.

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***TURKEY***
.Se(k)urity 1.

2001). Ph. The following section uses the debates on Turkey–EU relations to illustrate how different actors tap geopolitics to justify pursuit of conflicting positions. International Politics. Econ. 1971] and [Uzun.Sc. 2003]. the “central state” metaphor has evolved from a tool of domestic politics (produced and used by the military) to one of foreign policy (used by civilians). Bilkent University. M. 2003] and [Yilmaz. Davutoğlu's (2001) book Stratejik Derinlik (Strategic Depth) went through several prints in a manner unusual for a book of academic nature and generated debates (see.D. from a tool advising caution (military authors) to one calling for activism (AKP actors' twist on the military's pro-status quo construct). been
frequently deployed by various actors (see. Erdoğan's resort to a geopolitical notion produced and disseminated by the military is illustrative of the flexibility of geopolitics as a tool. 2004b]. 2005.proxy. who has articulated the need for activism in foreign policy to realize the potentiality of Turkey's location as a “central state” (Davutoğlu. Master of International Relations.
. [Davutoğlu. [Akyol. Professor Davutoğlu was appointed as Ambassador without portfolio by the AKP government when it came to power in late 2002. Associate professor of
international relations at Bilkent University.Se(k)urity 1. 2001]). http://www. 2001. 2002] and [Özdağ. B. in the process of re-working Mackinder's “Heartland” into “Turkey as a central state”. That is to say. [Kömürcü. 1989]. Emerging in the discourse of military geopoliticians (who offered it as an upshot of the ideas and theories of Classical Geopoliticians). In these writings. Their texts presented the “central state” metaphor as an upshot of the ideas of Halford Mackinder. [Doğanay. [Türsan.edu/science?_ob=ArticleURL&_udi=B6VG2-4NXGS8H1&_user=99318&_coverDate=09%2F30%2F2007&_rdoc=1&_fmt=high&_orig=search&_sort=d&_docanchor=&view=c&_acct=C000007678&_versio n=1&_urlVersion=0&_userid=99318&md5=02ce3d9f85412560e505fdce520b4846) The “central state” metaphor was first offered in a text authored by the Office of the Commander of the Military Academy (1963) and has. More recently. Having said that it is no more ironical than AKP leader (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi—
Justice and Development Party) and Prime Minister Erdoğan's (2005) embrace of the notion of Turkey as a “central state”. 1981]). University of Wales. it into an affirmation of its centrality for world politics. Davutoğlu has called for a “new strategic theory” that would help Turkey's policy-makers to make use of the opportunities created by the post-Cold War “geopolitical and geoeconomic vacuum” (Davutoğlu. Middle East Technical University. since then.lib.com. 2004a]. Prime Minister Erdoğan's discourse is informed by the ideas of his chief foreign policy advisor Professor Ahmet Davutoğlu.0 43/224
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Turkey’s depiction as a “central state” used by the West deny it its “natural sphere of influence” Bilgin 7 – Pinar (“Only Strong States Can Survive in Turkey's Geography”: The uses of “geopolitical truths” in Turkey”. Aberystwyth. International Relations. 2003]. University of Wales.sciencedirect. was through building upon the “central state” metaphor that military authors had emphasized the need for caution in and “expert” input into Turkey's statecraft. [Okman. these authors seem to need to appeal to the authority “Western” geopoliticians. The irony here is that in order
to substantiate their warnings about “Western” schemes plotted against Turkey.Sc. the significance Mackinder attaches to the region surrounding Turkey is somehow transformed
[Hacisalihoğlu. Stratejik Öngörü. Critical of Euro-Atlantic Cold War policies (that were based on the axiom of “Turkey's
geopolitical significance for the West”) for “denying” Turkey its “natural sphere of influence” and its “strategic depth” (which he locates in the former Ottoman territories by implicit reference to the state-as-organism metaphor). for example. 2003]. [Davutoğlu. 2004). He has also served as the chief foreign policy advisor to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Strategic Studies. Given AKP's “conservative democrat” credentials and tense relations with the military.umich. At the time. for example. what Mackinder “says” is less relevant than what cursory references to his works allow these authors to “say”. it has been employed by civilian and military actors to argue against Turkey making the reforms required by EU conditionality. Clearly.

University of Wales. Turkey employs a multi-dimensional foreign policy that reconciles the West with the East and the North with the South and is active in all continents. what the EU gains Turkey loses. In making this argument. Econ.Sc.Se(k)urity 1. Associate professor of
international relations at Bilkent University. where he lays out what the European Union stands to
gain “geopolitically” from Turkey's membership: it enhances its horizons and sphere of influence to include the
Caucasus.edu/science?_ob=ArticleURL&_udi=B6VG2-4NXGS8H1&_user=99318&_coverDate=09%2F30%2F2007&_rdoc=1&_fmt=high&_orig=search&_sort=d&_docanchor=&view=c&_acct=C000007678&_versio n=1&_urlVersion=0&_userid=99318&md5=02ce3d9f85412560e505fdce520b4846) Membership to the European Union is not a vision shared by all in Turkey. Those who
oppose Turkey joining the EU have deployed similar notions to arrive at different conclusions. in General İlhan's zero-sum thinking. Aberystwyth. The official webpage of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs reads: As a cosmopolitan state in a multi-cultural global community. Indeed. Turkey's geography constitutes enough reason to say “no” to the European Union. the purpose of its geopolitical identity is only to serve the EU Bilgin 7 – Pinar (“Only Strong States Can Survive in Turkey's Geography”: The uses of “geopolitical truths” in Turkey”. recent years have been characterized by heated debates on EU conditionality and the reform process. Articulated as such. As the prospect of Turkey's accession to European integration became clearer with the 1999 decision of the EU to grant Turkey candidate country status. •
Those who favor Turkey's membership to the European Union have deployed the metaphor of “bridge” to substantiate Turkey's case when talking to EU audiences. International Relations.0 44/224
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Turkey depicted as a “bridge” between East and West.D.proxy. attains the opportunity to enhance and reinforce the advantages created by the Customs Union treaty…prepares the ground for the resolution of the Turco–Greek dispute in favor of Greece…paves the way for carving out Turkish territories via
endeavors in “minority rights”. Ph. Middle East Technical University. M. This is because. International Politics. Strategic Studies. 2000: 22). Central Asia. B.lib.
. Master of International Relations. continents and cultures have resonated with some EU actors as well in that they invoked similar notions to convince the skeptics within the EU of the virtues of Turkey's membership. Consider the following quote from General İlhan's (2000) book entitled Why No to the European Union: The Geopolitical Perspective. Middle East.Sc. debates became even more heated with various participants tapping geopolitics to justify different positions.sciencedirect. Bilkent University. and generates hope for the resolution of the “Eastern Question” by way of sidetracking Turkey (İlhan. http://www.umich. She serves by way of her geographic disposition and close historical and cultural ties across a vast landscape as a crucial bridge and interaction between civilizations at the heart of Eurasia. University of Wales. İlhan invokes an understanding of geopolitics as “science” thereby rendering his recommendation the geo-politically correct course of action.com. Such representations of Turkey as a “bridge” between regions.

as the Westernizing elite’s ‘hand’ was weakened as a result of the ambivalent attitude of their EU counterparts. B. http://www. In response to
this perceived betrayal of their EU counterparts. those who sincerely believed in the EC/EU route being a ‘way of no return’ for Turkey were faced with a major problem. it was only natural for Turkey to aspire for inclusion in the new European architecture which it helped to build’.pdf) When the Cold War ended. the European Union made use of the security umbrella provided by NATO and
adopted a unique approach to security building by putting a broader range of issues on the agenda (such as economic. the debate on Turkey’s geopolitical location and identity was re-opened. Turkey’s policy makers sought to play the security card. which seeks to remind readers that ‘having played an active role in the demise of the Soviet bloc.
. Thus. many in Turkey felt betrayed by their EU counterparts. Middle East Technical University. Master of International Relations. As
the European Union sought to relocate itself in the evolving map of world politics. This feeling of betrayal is captured nowhere better than the website of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs.D.tr/~pbilgin/Bilgin-geopolitics2004. Accordingly. Econ. This enabled EU policy makers to find a common ground in the solution of a broad range of problems without getting entangled in East–West confrontation. EU policy makers’ aforementioned skepticism regarding Turkey’s place in the European Union has been viewed by many in Turkey as a challenge to its Western and/or European identity. Strategic Studies. What seemed to have escaped Turkey’s policy makers was the extent to which the European Union’s conception and practices of security were transformed throughout the years and that Turkey and its EU counterparts grew increasingly apart from each other. In the immediate aftermath of the declaration of Agenda 2000
which did not put Turkey on the list of candidate countries. During the Cold War. Bilkent University. environmental and human rights issues) without labeling them as security issues. which had previously secured Turkey’s membership in many European institutions during the Cold War. University of Wales.Se(k)urity 1. Aberystwyth. Turkish policy-makers discovered to their dismay that the place accorded to Turkey might not fall within the boundaries of ‘new Europe’.Sc. University of Wales.edu.0 45/224
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Fundamental discrepancies in Turkish identity in its Islamic and European roots shape its securitizing policies Bilgin 4 – Pinar (“A Return to ‘Civilizational Geopolitics’ in the Mediterranean? Changing Geopolitical Images of the European Union and Turkey in
the Post-Cold War Era”.Sc. International Politics. in the absence of the (communist) ‘East’—the ‘other’ against which Turkey substantiated its claim to membership of the ‘West’ and/or ‘Europe’— the long-standing discrepancy between Turkish policy-makers’ preferred geopolitical location and that accorded by their European counterparts forced itself unto the post-Cold War agenda of Turkish policy-makers. M. International Relations. During the 1990s.bilkent. Associate professor of international relations at Bilkent University. Ph.

this diversity has been presented as an asset by Turkey’s policy makers.
. Indeed. Traditionally. Ph. It is both the lock and the key to this hinge. Ole Wæver has insight into the reason why Turkish policy makers are so wary of over-emphasising the non-European dimensions of Turkey’s identity.D. Bilkent University. is that ‘in accordance with traditional European prejudices. University of Wales. Master of International Relations.Sc. M. over the years. International Politics. Strategic Studies. There is also some evidence that the United States and to a lesser extent the European Union are interested in investing in Turkey’s future as Central Asia’s ‘gateway to the West’. argues Waever. International Relations. and historical disputes with neighbouring countries which have diverse strategic cultures). The website of the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs describes Turkey’s geographical position as follows: [Turkey]
lies at the ‘crossroads’ where two continents. Middle East Technical University.Se(k)urity 1. It connects the Mediterranean and the Black Sea . the less it will be deemed “European” ’. Caucasus and the Middle East. Turkey’s geographical
position is presented as offering unique opportunities (such as the potential to play the role of a bridge between different civilisations) whilst constituting unique vulnerabilities (such as claims on Turkey’s resources and territory. Suffice it to note here that the diversity in Turkey’s geopolitical imagining and positioning that was already apparent during the Cold War became only more apparent in its wake. Associate professor of international relations at Bilkent University. Turkey sought to use the BSEC (Black Sea
Economic Cooperation) initiative and its s with Central Asian countries to increase its value regarding the economic ambitions and security concerns of the European Union and not as an alternative to membership. maintained Özdem Sanberk. B. Caucasian and Asian identities all at the same time. It brings together and keeps apart the Balkans.edu. Middle Eastern.bilkent. . meet. heterogeneous population make-up. then Turkey’s ambassador to London.Sc. In other words. Europe and Asia. A retired general of the Turkish armed forces (who is also the author of many books on Turkey’s geopolitics) describes Turkey’s location in more stark terms: Turkey constitutes the hinge of the world island that is made up of three continents. http://www. What seems common to all such representations is the emphasis put on the
diversity in Turkey’s geopolitical positioning as reinforcing Turkey’s claim to a European identity: ‘Turkey is not searching for alternatives to Europe. Aberystwyth. This unique position gives her European. Mediterranean. such alternative geopolitical images were almost always used to bolster Turkey’s geopolitical location in Europe by enhancing its value for EU (or US) interests in the aforementioned regions.pdf) Hence the aforementioned struggle for (re)locating Turkey in the post-Cold War geographical terrain of world politics. University of Wales. The reason. and also where cultures and civilisations come together.0 46/224
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EAST/WEST REPS
Turkey’s mergence of three distinct cultures dictates its policy and role in global sphere Bilgin 4 – Pinar (“A Return to ‘Civilizational Geopolitics’ in the Mediterranean? Changing Geopolitical Images of the European Union and Turkey in
the Post-Cold War Era”. . This sense of being at the crossroads of two (or three) continents has had diverse implications for Turkey’s foreign and security policies as viewed in the discourses of Turkey’s policy makers. A discussion of Turkey’s many geographical positions and identities is beyond the confines of this article. Balkan. Econ. the more Turkey is seen to turn towards the East. Our European policies have always been complementary to the other dimensions of our foreign policy and vice versa’.tr/~pbilgin/Bilgin-geopolitics2004.

Cypriots”. For the first time. effectively closing the possibility of a political discussion. successfully securitized and insulated from the public domain. and the policy of security towards the island was to be based on technical know-how. the Chief of General staff argued that an acceptance of the Annan Plan would mean the complete entrapment of Turkey in Anatolia (Kaliber 2005). configuring a shift from a hard-line security stance. “partners” and expressing preference for a “win-win” approach to the conflict (Kirisci 2006). “the others” and the “enemy” with “Greek.Se(k)urity 1. is represented as vital
to Turkey’s national security due to its proximity to the Anatolian heartland and therefore as a potential source of a fatal threat to the Turkish state. The Cyprus issue remained confined to “experts”. much of the Foreign Affairs and the presidency (Robins 2007). p. Professor at VTech.” Review of International Studies (2007). the government succeeded in winning over the military over to their side on the Cyprus issue. 33. is dominant in the island. 325) if an unfriendly power. the Cyprus issue was a matter “above politics”. The AKP discourse towards Cyprus avoided the
securitisation of the issue. in the traditional security discourse. In the
end. the Greek-Cypriot side voted against reunification along the lines of the plan). The idea is that Cyprus could be used as a “springboard for the conquest of Anatolia from the South” (Kaliber 2005. The AKP promoted a complete change of approach to the matter. 326). In any case. this discourse of encirclement by the state elites did not change: “Cyprus continued to be imagined as the cornerstone of Greece’s policy of enveloping Turkey with a strategic belt of hostile states” (Kaliber 2005. Throughout the 1990s. In January 2003. “Reconstructing Iraq: Merging discourses of security and development.0 47/224
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GEO-STRATEGIC DISCOURSE
Placing Turkey at the center of Western military strategy is the root of security logic Sovacool and Halfon ‘7 (Benjamin and Saul. This fear of encirclement was aggravated by the military cooperation agreement between the Greek-Cypriots
and Armenia. Government leaders began to replace terms such as “them”. The Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV) and the TUSIAD’s reports and position documents favouring the look for a solution to the issue were of great importance. 223– 243) AM One of the issues which had been successfully securitized throughout the years was the Cyprus case and therefore it is one of the areas in which the different stance supported by the AKP was more visible. Therefore. The discourse of the Turkish military regarding the Annan Plan softened after 2004 and the NSC issued a statement in January of that year in support of the UN-backed plan for the political solution on the island. not “daily political haggling”. Civil society groups and the media also helped the establishment of a new stance on Cyprus.
which was a fly in the face of the military. it is significant that the opening of EU talks was considered more important than the continuation of the traditional policy towards Cyprus. at odds with the traditional view of “no solution is the solution” and thus supported the Annan Plan and encouraged the Turkish Cypriots to endorse the referendum help in April 2004 (which they did. assistant professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University
Singapore. p. Cyprus. This shift could be attributed to political opportunism on the part of the AKP. namely Greece. the government recognised the need for a solution to the Cyprus dispute. since the resolution of the Cyprus issue was an important condition to the opening of membership talks with the EU.
. However.

In the latter half of the 1990s. Master of International Relations. Wilfred Martens.bilkent. http://www. University of Wales. a prominent German Christian Democrat.D.Sc.edu. pronounced in 1997 that ‘the EU is in the process of building a civilization in which Turkey has no place’. Although many prominent EU politicians distanced themselves from such remarks. the EU observer commented that ‘even the moderate Christian Democrats. Strategic Studies. asked themselves during the 1990s. International Politics. International Relations. too embarrassed to use the “religious” argument. For example. the skeptics wondered aloud as to whether a semi-developed Islamic country could in fact be regarded as European – the boundaries to the New Europe had to be set somewhere. The article will turn in the conclusion to look at Turkey–EU relations in
the post-Helsinki era. after all – and also
whether post-Cold War Turkey’s strategic significance was now so compelling. are referring to Turkey’s backward economy’.tr/~pbilgin/Bilgin-geopolitics2004.pdf)
A similar language of cultural symbols was used by some EU policy makers in discussing Turkey’s application for membership during the 1990s. when Turkey’s
membership was not on the horizon. B. Econ. some others chose not to. More recently. the opposition CDU–CSU coalition warned the government against giving
‘false hopes’ to Turkey at Copenhagen. the German conservative party CSU (Christian-Social Union of Bavaria) declared that ‘the accession of a country that does not share the same religious or dominant values as the EU is “unimaginable” ’. University of Wales.0 48/224
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GEOPOLITICAL IDENTITY
Turkey/EU relations centered on religious implications of including Islamic nation Bilgin 4 – Pinar (“A Return to ‘Civilizational Geopolitics’ in the Mediterranean? Changing Geopolitical Images of the European Union and Turkey in
the Post-Cold War Era”.
. Ph. Bilkent University. What follows is an analysis of geopolitical imaginations of various actors in Turkey as
reflected in their reactions to EU policies during the 1990s. as well as others in Turkey. Reporting on the developments. Middle East Technical University. Associate professor of international relations at Bilkent University.Sc. Aberystwyth. In the run up to the Copenhagen Summit. M.Se(k)urity 1. This was indeed what Turkish policy makers.

Sc. The discrepancy between Turkish policy makers’ ‘preferred geopolitical location’ and the one accorded to Turkey by their EU counterparts became a source of contention between the European Union and Turkey during the 1990s. may often be the cause for conflict and tension within the global system’. Strategic Studies. the European Union’s ambivalence regarding the issue of Turkey’s membership was viewed by some in Turkey as a rejection of Turkey’s ‘civilizational commitment’ to the West – a
commitment that has its roots in Kemal Atatürk’s foreign and domestic policies.pdf)
The 1990s turned out to be a period of ‘ontological insecurity’ for Turkish policy makers who questioned Turkey’s identity and its geographical location. as reflected in its geopolitical imagination(s). Master of International Relations. Associate professor of international relations at Bilkent University.Sc. such as the Mediterranean or the Middle East). ‘the fact that the position accorded the state does not necessarily coincide with the preferred geopolitical location of the state. http://www. As David Newman has argued.bilkent. International Politics. B.Se(k)urity 1. Indeed. University of Wales. M. University of Wales. Econ. This ambivalence is rooted in a discrepancy between Turkish policy makers’ ‘preferred geopolitical location’ for Turkey (Turkey in Europe) and the ‘position accorded to Turkey’ in EU policy makers’ discourse (Turkey in ‘non-Europe’. Middle East Technical University. Aberystwyth. Ph.tr/~pbilgin/Bilgin-geopolitics2004. Bilkent University.D.0 49/224
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GEOPOLITICAL IDENTITY
Discriminatory discourse stemming from intersection of European and Islamic ideals inherent in Turkish policies Bilgin 4 – Pinar (“A Return to ‘Civilizational Geopolitics’ in the Mediterranean? Changing Geopolitical Images of the European Union and Turkey in
the Post-Cold War Era”.
.edu. International Relations.

Legitimation crisis weakens the normative principles of the state and makes it vulnerable because the state itself fears that it will lose loyalty to its ideas and institutions (Buzan.
. The elite. ‘IDENTITY’ PROBLEMATIQUE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
THEORY. the resentment against the Sultan rapidly gained a momentum when even the religious intellectuals
started to criticize his policies.0 50/224
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FOREIGN POLICY OBJECTIVE
Construing Turkey as a security threat destroys domestic politics Gurbuz 10 (Mustafa Gurbuz.24). al. which represents the political order. It was this belief. which ‘fed the underground opposition to the sultan between 1878 and 1908’ (Mardin. the
Young Ottomans believed that Sultan Abdulhamid had perpetrated a crime by suspending the constitution because its proclamation was ‘the genesis of which owed something to their propaganda and the substance of which incorporated some of their ideas’ (Mardin.14 This was the ‘legitimation crisis’ of Abdulhamid’s regime. i. this process mostly makes the situation worse and sometimes causes the entire regime to collapse. By leading to alienation and discontent. Master of literary arts at Bilking University . 1962: 403). The elite thus becomes ‘securitizing actors’.e. those defining the security threats. Published by the University of Connecticut) As Mardin asserts. requiring emergency measures and justifying actions outside the normal bounds of political procedure’ (Buzan et. the process of defining an issue ‘as an existential threat.. ‘would not have been
widely held before the appearance of the Young Ottomans’. however. 1998: 23. Mardin notes.Se(k)urity 1. which responds by engaging in a securitization process in order to retrieve that legitimacy. Thus. 1962: 403). The weakness in the legitimacy thus exacerbates the perceptions of threat by the regime. 1991: 73). and whose primary agenda is ‘securitization’. engages in a struggle to regain legitimacy or to control the implications of the legitimation crisis.

lib. Aberystwyth. In the “National Security” textbook (as with the other texts quoted above) politics does not come into the picture when considering what Turkey should do (note the definition of geopolitics quoted above) thereby leaving no room for “politics” (or “politicians”) in Turkey's statecraft. which is currently used in high schools.
Since then.sciencedirect. 2004 Lise Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi [National security knowledge for high school students] (2004) (7th ed. shortly after the 1971 intervention.umich. designed and taught by the military. opens as
follows: The Turkish Republic. University of Wales. Turkey is represented as responding to external stimuli in an attempt to maximize its life chances. each time the textbook was revised in 1980 and 1998 (which coincided with the “third” and “fourth” military interventions)13 the geopolitics component was further beefed up (Altınay. Master of International Relations. The 1998 textbook.Sc. Strategic Studies.Se(k)urity 1. and proposing itself as the master of this perspective. International Politics. M. renders interventions inevitable Bilgin 7 – Pinar (“Only Strong States Can Survive in Turkey's Geography”: The uses of “geopolitical truths” in Turkey”.0 51/224
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MILITARY STATE
High school curriculum frames Turkey as an exclusively military state. İstanbul: Devlet Kitapları.edu/science?_ob=ArticleURL&_udi=B6VG2-4NXGS8H1&_user=99318&_coverDate=09%2F30%2F2007&_rdoc=1&_fmt=high&_orig=search&_sort=d&_docanchor=&view=c&_acct=C000007678&_versio n=1&_urlVersion=0&_userid=99318&md5=02ce3d9f85412560e505fdce520b4846) Instrumental in this process of dissemination has been the compulsory high school course. 2004 [1998]: 7). the text constructs them as aggressors in opposition to Turkey that is represented as acting out of defensive urges. http://www.proxy.
. Ph. Bilkent University. Middle East Technical University. Econ. that a geopolitics
component was added with geopolitics described in the textbook as “the definition and administration of government politics in accordance with the necessities and inclinations of geography” (quoted in Altınay. B. because of its geopolitical position.D. disseminating a particular framing of geopolitics as a privileged perspective on statecraft. To recapitulate. 2005: 133). University of Wales. The text thus depoliticizes foreign policy-making and presents Turkey's statecraft as mere responses to threats. the military has helped to (re)produce the centrality of its role in shaping political processes.Sc. The Turkish youth needs to be prepared to deal with such schemes (Lise Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi.). International Relations. “National Security”. Turkey's Military has been far from being merely the beneficiary of a culture of militarism that renders its interventions inevitable and helps its forays into day-to-day politics seem “normal”. has had to face [political] schemes devised by external powers. In assigning insidious intentions to “external powers”.com. which are taken as pre-given. Associate professor of
international relations at Bilkent University.Lise Milli Güvenlik Bilgisi. 2005: 133). True to the logic of the “state-as-organism” metaphor of Classical Geopolitics. it was in 1973. Although the course has been in the curriculum of all high schools since 1926. Through introducing geopolitics as a “science”.

.Se(k)urity 1. turning a blind eye to the city's modern establishments and communities. he gives his audience the exotic scenes that they expect. the city's appeal emanates from this quality. but a walk down any back-street will be enough to convince you that you have entered a completely alien environment. Asian otherness lies at the base of Théophile Gautier's Constantinople (1852). all the while supporting the city's Europeanized establishments."Arriving in Istanbul comes as a shock. "you may still be in Europe. Research Fellow at the Center for the Humanities at Oregon State University. Concealment. Depopulated Cosmopolitanism:
The Cultures of Integration. and Evacuation in Istanbul. from hotels to designer boutiques. Western guidebooks like The Rough Guide seduce tourists to experience the seedy charm of Istanbul. only the city's most saleable details capture Gautier's writerly gaze. Istanbul offers the Western visitor a taste of Asia on the European continent. de Maupin. We—as urbane tourists—should visit Istanbul because of its compelling Asian otherness. a founder of the French Aestheticist (Parnassien) movement and author of transgressive novels like Mlle. MUSE) AM
Istanbul pervades the Western tourist's imagination as a place of difference. an illuminating
travel journal that highlights the city's narrative possibilities—at least where intrigued Europeans are concerned. . the journal includes long sections seductively entitled "Le Sérail" and "Les femmes. a descent intothe exoticism of Asia. [. Ironically. Following the logic of The Rough Guide. In Constantinople. most Westerners continue to understand Istanbul around Oriental clichés."
. In his journal Gautier.] And this is before you even begin to cross any bridges into Asia. from the hubbub and grime of its streets to its intriguing residents. exploits Istanbul's compelling
differences. Istanbul necessarily belongs to the world of the Near East. To captivated Western outsiders." 29 These savvy editors warn their readers to expect jarring moments when they enter the city." states The Rough Guide to Turkey (a trendy British version of the many touring books about Turkey). As was the case in the nineteenth century. From the whirling dervishes to the dilapidated cemetery at Üsküdar (Scutari). Religious and ethnic equality and
the Ottoman urban reforms of the mid-nineteenth century do not concern this famous author of tales of transvestism and the supernatural.0 52/224
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ORIENTALISM
We understand Turkey only through western institutions and oriental clichés Komins ‘2 (Benton Jay.

Se(k)urity 1.
. responsible for the majority of all air delivered cargo in support of Operation IRAQI FREEDOM.google.0 53/224
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RELATIONS. As the United States fights two wars in the region and attempts to rebuild its reputation in Europe and the Middle East. this was the source of much of the post-conflict chaos and difficulty in Iraq. With the rise of the EU and Turkey’s painstaking attempts to integrate
with Europe. A better understanding of Turkey can certainly improve future outcomes for United States
diplomacy. specifically NATO and the precursors to the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). and Israel.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:vz7Bkc0LYNQJ:www. this crucial ally is little understood by U. Konya Range hosts joint air operations exercises that in the past included the air forces ofthe United States.S. but the nation is anything other than the pliant locale of U. While much lower than its Cold War footprint. The transformation of the map of Europe only increased the importance of Turkey
in the world that has dawned. and which now demands its tribute in terms of analytical energy and some degree of effort to understand the world as seen by Turks themselves. Turkey is critical both for its location and its military capabilities. bases as in the glory years of the 1960s. Finally. It continued its relationship with NATO after the Cold War and throughout NATO’s transformation of the 1990s from Cold War defense to regional peace and stability force.pdf+America+security+Turkey+critical+theory&hl=en&gl=us&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEEShWDqpb3VI3qyN6PMATLs7PASAaoF9jQanfG6tl GuGmdaoS_jaj6g9uxdATbgtZBCpjXeam9M1d7gsTftepo_6sMmEkH2KCErTAvCAwNOoNZjTXMIcpDjg-vQn3nNsQL_h45fn&sig=AHIEtbSil6Se_oWcMPHSpZpJItqF7oxFcg) AM\
Turkey’s relationships with the West. Turkey is once again central to America’s plans. the Caucasus. a command led by an American 3-star General. Turkey is a nation.dtic. One need only look at Turkey’s refusal to allow a Northern invasion route through Turkey during Operation IRAQI FREEDOM. In addition to Incirlik. graduate candidate at the Naval College. Turkey is an active participant in EU security operations and deployments. Turkey hosts Izmir Air Base.S. Turkey has a long relationship with Euro-Atlantic security institutions. Turkey boasts a highly strategic location.pdf+America+security+Turkey+critical+theory&hl=en&gl=us&pid=bl&srcid=ADGEEShWDqpb3VI3qyN6PMATLs7PASAaoF9jQanfG6tl GuGmdaoS_jaj6g9uxdATbgtZBCpjXeam9M1d7gsTftepo_6sMmEkH2KCErTAvCAwNOoNZjTXMIcpDjg-vQn3nNsQL_h45fn&sig=AHIEtbSil6Se_oWcMPHSpZpJItqF7oxFcg) AM
Turkey’s importance to U. Currently. Why is Turkey important to the United States and the DoD is a question that reveals more about the person who asks it than about the actual state of war and peace at the crossroads of Europe and Asia.CONTEXTUAL
“Relations Advantages” are simply policy tools to keep Turkey in the fold of Western Security Institutions Scheer ‘9 (Aaron. Turkey hosts the American military’s Iraq Cargo Hub at Incirlik Air Base. The city of Eskisehir is also home to a NATO Combined Air Operations Center. Placating Turkey is not benevolent.”
http://docs.S. policy makers. there is an embedded presence at the NATO Rapid Deployment Cell in Istanbul.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc%3FAD%3Dada497187%26Location%3DU2%26doc %3DGetTRDoc. A better
understanding of Turkey by American decision makers at that key decision point would have led to a better outcome and perhaps improved the strategic picture in Iraq. Turkey joined NATO together with Greece in 1952 and served as its southern flank against the Soviet Union throughout the Cold War. According to former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. which many Americans have simply taken for granted as an ally. Turkey’s refusal to allow American troops to assault from the north forced an entire reworking of the invasion. Turkey. strategic interests cannot be overstated. particularly its relationship with Western security institutions. graduate candidate at the Naval College. are today more important than ever. Despite not being a member of the EU.S.dtic. “TURKEY AND EUROPEAN SECURITY INSTITUTIONS. Ankara is the home of Balgat Air Base that provides support to the American Embassy and the Office of Defense Cooperation. Turkey allows the use of its airspace and bases for the U. Yet. “TURKEY AND EUROPEAN SECURITY INSTITUTIONS. astride Europe. which provides logistical support to NATO Headquarters Izmir. For the United States and specifically the DoD. and the Mediterranean.We meet their demands only so that we can continue to impose our dominance on the region Scheer ‘9 (Aaron.com/viewer?a=v&q=cache:vz7Bkc0LYNQJ:www. air bridge in support of Operation ENDURING FREEDOM.”
http://docs. this relationship grew to include the ESDP.google. Additionally. the Middle East.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc%3FAD%3Dada497187%26Location%3DU2%26doc %3DGetTRDoc. Turkey fields the second largest military within NATO and the largest in Europe.

the very root of our interactions with Turkey are quests to make Turkey like “us” Ahiska ‘3 (Meltem. The Western "model" and Turkish "copy" have been recurring themes not only in journalistic representations but also in social theory for a long time.
24
insufficient "copies. It reads that Turkey. 27 Once again. The Turkish hegemonic imaginary has been structured within an encounter with the West. University of London. and which has always reproduced itself through
The present is very much haunted by beginnings. their envisaging Turkey as the "sick man" of Europe implies a double meaning: While pointing to the present—to the poor condition of health of Bülent Ecevit (then prime minister of Turkey)—it invigorates the latenineteenth-century phrase that the Europeans used to denigrate the Ottoman Empire. The distinction historically made between the model and the copy lies at the heart of the hegemonic imaginary concerning the constructs of the East and the West. which imposed a "model" for modernity in its colonialist and imperialistic history. 25 The fantasy still informs the present images of Turkey utilized by Westerners.Se(k)urity 1. this is not a new perspective. is now like Europe. Occidentalism:
The Historical Fantasy of the Modern. 26 For example. It is not at all a coincidence that Western journalists also made reference to the "beginnings" of Turkish national identity in their comments on Turkey's membership to the EU. Another "classical" type of comment that came from the Western journalists and infiltrated the Turkish media raises doubt about the authenticity of Turkish modernity. PhD in sociology at Goldsmiths College."
. after the enactment of the reforms. as accounted by Edward Said's Orientalism. It has its dialogical references to the fantasy of "the East" produced in the historical encounter of the West and East. MUSE) AM
The timeless fantasy of "the West" in contrast to "the East" is not a construction in void.0 54/224
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The West’s interactions with Turkey are modeled on the model/copy identity dichotomy.

securitization (Buzan et. legitimation is not a belief in the legality of the system. Despite the efforts of Abdulhamid and some conservative state elites. Starting their military education at their age of 14 or 15. This construction requires a linguistic space with an arcane language.e.0 55/224
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Saving Turkey’s from external threats is fundamentally securitizing Gurbuz 10 (Mustafa Gurbuz. Habermas. in a true constructivist fashion.Se(k)urity 1. i. the establishment of War Colleges caused Ottoman military education to enter a state of transition.al. The traditional strong role of the military in the Ottoman Empire was reinforced by the modernization project. Thus. The fact that a significant number of students
were from lower class families in the society magnified the effects of this type of education.
. Master of literary arts at Bilking University . usually lasting about 8-12 years. 2000: 60). a legitimation crisis is likely to occur. speech act through ‘national security discourse’. in which the students were under the strict influence of their constructed identity. it is also ‘a general interpretation which supports the system of authority as a whole’ (Quoted in Savvides. students from different social classes and divergent cultures were gathered into a long training program. By putting a linguistic space. which Nicholas Onuf (1989) calls ‘speech act’. The Land Forces were strongly affected by the German military organization and practices. 1992: 9). In the life of these young students. interpretation as ‘speech act’ always occurs whether legitimation crisis appears or not. ‘IDENTITY’ PROBLEMATIQUE IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
THEORY)
According to Habermas. or a special kind of discourse. Western types of military institutions were emulated. As Habermas suggests. the crisis itself paves the way to another interpretation. At the end of 1870’s.. the military indoctrination that they received replaced the family education by transmitting the western types of norms and cultures. Wendtian physical gestures in the process of interactions between states can be replaced by a ‘social’ explanation. 1998). 2000: 60. while the Naval Forces were under British influence especially after the introduction of the Second Constitution in 1909 (Alkan. Yet. professionalism in the army had
produced a modernization in the form of westernization. When this interpretation is absent. legitimacy is not the exogenous property of the state and the regime but rather ‘an endogenous attribute constructed and reconstructed by political and social actions which make a political order worthy to be recognized’ (Savvides. 1979: 178). This new type of education facilitated an ‘indoctrination process’.

In the second part. Aberystwyth. In search for an answer to the question of whether the discourse of civilizational geopolitics is likely to prevail in the post-Cold War era. Ph. The first part will look at the European Union’s construction of the Mediterranean as a region and ask whether the EU’s post-Cold War policies could be viewed as a return to the discourse of civilizational geopolitics.tr/~pbilgin/Bilgin-geopolitics2004.Sc. Strategic Studies. The article falls into two parts. Yet every time an EU policy maker makes an ambivalent statement it
is perceived (by the pessimists and optimists alike) as a challenge to Turkey’s ‘European vocation’ and evidence of EU prejudices against Muslim Turks. Econ. University of Wales.pdf) It is indeed possible to view the Helsinki and Copenhagen summit decisions and the invitation extended to Turkey to participate in the convention on civilizational geopolitics in the Mediterranean the future of the European Union as suggesting that the EU is open to the idea of Turkey’s membership provided that Turkey fulfills the necessary requirements. Turkish policy makers’ reactions to these developments will be analyzed within the context of their efforts to locate Turkey geographically in the post-Cold War map of world politics. The concluding part will cast doubt upon the potential for the adoption of an alternative security discourse by the European Union and Turkey in the post-11 September era. International Politics.) What often goes unnoticed is the way in which Turkey’s policy makers themselves resort to the discourse of civilizational geopolitics in an attempt to locate themselves in Europe as opposed to the Mediterranean or other non-Western geographical locale. Middle East Technical University. at times. B. 95 percent of its population is outside Europe.0 56/224
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Civilizational discourse of Turkish/EU relations prompts Turkey to westernize and abandon its Islamic roots Bilgin 4 – Pinar (“A Return to ‘Civilizational Geopolitics’ in the Mediterranean? Changing Geopolitical Images of the European Union and Turkey in
the Post-Cold War Era”.Se(k)urity 1.edu. International Relations.
. http://www. University of Wales. Associate professor of international relations at Bilkent University.D. whilst criticizing their EU counterparts for erecting walls between European and Islamic or Western and non-Western peoples. Master of International Relations.Sc. Bilkent University. this article will limit itself to Turkey–EU relations and their respective policies towards the Mediterranean. it is not a European country’. engage in similar ‘boundary-drawing practices’ between ‘Turks’ and other ‘Islamic’ and/or ‘non-European’ peoples. Turkey’s policy makers.bilkent. (An example is Valéry Giscard d’Estaing’s comment that ‘Turkey’s capital is not in Europe. M. Thus.

and authoritarian rule as "Asian corporatism. Confucist-identified culture.47 In turn. demonstrate how important it is to analyze globalization and social change "as a process of situated transformation.
***GENERIC LINKS***
. the statement was especially concerned with distinguishing Asian values as community-oriented. that is.42 Lily Ling labeled the mix of rapid economic growth.Se(k)urity 1."44 These studies. reproducing Asian difference through Asian values. This critique is counterhegemonic in that it claims both competence (and therefore independence) and suggests
reasons for then-perceived comparative Western decline."38 This transformation
from a powerless. raised questions concerning the nature of Asian capitalism. for example. ignoring their shared history Pettman 5
Jan Jindy.S. colonized Asia to an empowered Asia was often seen as threatening by outsiders. while coming to rather different conclusions concerning the relation between culture and political economy. searched for the key to Asian success—finding it.S.
So. Aihwa Ong interrogated narratives of Chinese nationalism and capitalism and notes that "visions of Chinese modernities depend on self-orientalising strategies that critique Western values like individualism and human rights. domination of the Asia Pacific. and the cultural assertions of difference they generated.S. This neo-Orientalism has been played out through complex identity dynamics. While distinguishing between different ethnic communities.40 The dramatic changes in East and Southeast Asia. market socialism in Vietnam." and saw these narratives as intersecting with counterhegemonic voices raised against U. building on family virtue and individual duty. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. but not a cancellation. which overlooks the hybrid character of the history of the region. though. and order and supported state developmental strategies. often. military presence. of the parameters of the discourse of the West versus the rest. and those states that had until recently hosted.0 57/224
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Viewing Asian growth as a threat creates conflict. at times exhibiting a kind of colonial/race memory. ing "market fundamentalism" to the emergent middle classes and regime consolidation. It was largely directed against the United States. prompting some to prophesy intensifying civilizational conflicts. 168-169) The prosperity and economic ascendancy that led to a growing cultural self-confidence among East and Southeast Asian elites through the 1980s and 1990s marked "a transformation. stability. resting on "a sharp distinction between
East and West and on a generally fixed conceptualization of culture/race. Particular Asian state identities were reconfigured in part through disassociation with the West. in cultural values or distinctive relations between state and people and between state and market. a strong U. and bemused Western commentators."45 Too often. the Singapore government's statement "Shared Value"39 expressed its fears that foreign (U. and high-tech developmentalism in Singapore. He argued that "Chinese culture conceived homogeneously provides an ideological alibi to new developments within [global] capitalism. South Korea in its client status after the civil war. Director of Centre for Women’s Studies The Australian National University “Questions of Identity: Australia and Asia” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. or the Asian way. or still host./Western) values were threatening Singaporean community values. as Asian elites and their friends."43 Arif Dirlik cautioned against culturalist explanations of Chinese capitalism. especially by those whose states have most felt the effects of U. Some claimed that "Asian countries have discovered divergent trajectories of modernisation. These Asian values were posited as communitarian rather than individualist. whether Asian authoritarian and interventionist states represented an adaptation of Western or global capitalism or a distinctively Asian form of capitalist development."46 The rising wealth and power in the region created considerable alarm in the West.S."41 A study of Southeast Asian modernity identified market corporatism in Malaysia. hegemony: Japan through postwar occupation and reconstruction. laying the groundwork for articulating a kind of community corporatism that both legitimized authoritarian rule in the name of culture. as well as a means to check the disruptive effects of capitalist development in Chinese societies. Asian difference remains essentialized. Asian assertion of exceptionalism or difference has been articulated as an explicit critique of the West.

more trendily. Hume remained incarcerated within the modernist (Cartesian) dualism of either/or. and men would remain in a total lethargy until the necessities of nature. All that is ever known. Sadly. The point for now is that whatever else David Hume's skeptical positivism represents for Western Philosophy. is not logically possible because "the mind has never anything present to it but perceptions and cannot possibly reach any experience of their [emphasis added] connection with objects. it refers only to relations between "internal" ideas. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. The supposition of such a connection is therefore without any foundation in reasoning.30 The implication of this position is clear enough: there is no logical basis. on the other great pillar of modernist thought—cogito rationalism.
And nowhere is there evidence that its implications are understood by those within the disciplinary mainstream who ritually and confidently invoke their positivist-Realist dogma.” p. of course. and
a priori inference is ruled out by Hume because.0 58/224
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Reject their causality arguments. Nowhere. when I enter most intimately into what I call myself [emphasis added]. Indeed." Whatever the case.the assumptions they make are flawed. we cannot possibly know a reality. love or hatred. repass. would put an end to their miserable existence.31 The problems with this position were touched on in Chapter 1. with devastating results. for example. 52-54. by perception alone. No work that I am aware of explains Hume's final decision to remain committed to the positivist approach he had so devastatingly undermined—other than his own. a space virtually ignored by orthodox social theory and by International Relations scholars committed to the simpler. Hume proposed the following: The mind is a kind of theatre where several perceptions successively make their appearance. in fact." More pertinent. has this issue been raised in any serious way in a mainstream International Relations context.Se(k)urity 1. centered on a series of ingenious attempts to construct a scientific philosophy that avoided the paradoxical consequences e x p o s e d b y H u m e . are mediated perceptions of thinking man. Hence to infer that external bodies cause our sense impressions we must have experienced a constant conjunction between such bodies and our impressions. this ought to be a crucial issue for a contemporary International Relations community that in the 1990s remains
committed to the dictates of an "empiricist metaphysic. perhaps the quintessential modernist." discredited in devastating fashion by arguably the greatest of all positivist empiricists in the eighteenth century. glide away. how do we know that our sense impressions are. But to experience a conjunction of two things we must experience both [emphasis added] things. There is properly no simplicity in it at one time nor identity in [its] differences—whatever natural propension we may have to imagine that simplicity and identity. when one recalls that the critical potential in Hume's critique of empiricism and rationalism was ultimately undermined by a process of self-closure. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. which
in his case was represented either as the pursuit of "assurance and conviction" or as a situation in which "all discourse. it has been the search for assurance and conviction. derived from the physical world of reality. this is understandable. he argues. and mingle in an infinite variety of postures and situations. for the proposition that knowledge of reality is directly derived from an independent world "out there. even of the "self" as cogitator. precisely. in celebrating the
"postpositivist" insights of Popper or. In Hume's work doubt abounded. Lakatos. for our memory is of that which we have perceived. external to the mind. logic and reason must always remain secondary to "belief. of heat or cold. of course. to my knowledge. and I will return to the issue briefly at the completion of this chapter and in the critical discussion of neo-Realist scholarship in Chapter 5." It is. points to "experience. this was the indu-
batable basis of certainty—that which could not be doubted. all action. Since we never directly [emphasis added] experience external bodies. [Consequently] I may venture to affirm of the rest of mankind that they are nothing but a bundle of or collection of different perceptions. however. because his attention was also turned.
. I always stumble on some particular perception or other.
external to us? The empiricist's answer. searching even at the critical margins for assurance and conviction in the face of the "necessities of nature. it seems. it is not." As the previous chapter indicated. and there’s no way we can actually deduce causality George ’94 (Jim. here too Hume undermined the givens of his age and of those to follow. even in positivism's own terms."34 In this acquiescence before the foundational power of the "Cartesian anxiety" Hume was." to "passion."29 The point is that if we know the world only via perception. would immediately cease. On the odd occasion when the question of positivism is raised. it signifies for the International Relations Tradition and discipline in the 1990s another site of embarrassing backwardness. in which he suggested that finally.33 There is then in Hume's skeptical position more than a glimmer of critical "thinking space. we cannot experience a correlation between those bodies and the impressions they are believed to cause.32 And in a passage that has profound implications for the confident articulations of sovereignty in Realist logic and the associated invocation of identity in a world of difference. I never can catch myself [emphasis added] at any time without perception and never can observe anything but the perception. What then of the basic argument of modern science—that we understand the real nature of the world via experiment and the knowledge derived from the conjunction between cause and effect? Well. Hume suggests. light or shade. Nor can memory provide the answer. For Descartes. knowledge of external objects is transformed into meaningful fact by the individual subject. as with all rationalist formulas. Australian National University. unifying features of the Humean contribution to modernism. it is commonly as part of a retrospective enterprise." But this. Consequently. AM) Hume's skepticism centered on the question of how. unsatisfied. perhaps. primarily because of his insistence that it was not possible to actually know the "thing" (man) that thinks. Hume's position on this issue is explained by Bruce Aune: To
infer that A is the cause of B we must have experienced a constant conjunction between cases of A and cases of B. pass. pain or pleasure. But Hume's skepticism has other disturbing implications for mainstream scholarship in International Relations. after all. if there is one theme that can be said to characterize the narrative of modernity in the period since Hume. At one level. it seems that for all his skepticism. is there cognizance of the major paradoxes at work when these scholars dismiss criticism of their incapacity as (mere) "reflectivism" or "abstract" theorizing. nowhere. More specifically.

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24 By the early 1990s.25
There has been increasing world unemployment and underemployment. 144) We are living at a time of underlying but largely unrecognized economic and financial crisis. There is a growing search for meaningful alternatives and complementary forms of community in the face of the manifest problems and limitations of the state. as this chapter illustrates. international political economy. they have weakened their own ability to offer anything other than system-supporting analyses. Visiting Professor of International Relations at City University “The Missing : Security. and Srf Lanka—which together had a combined population of more than 1 billion. have destroyed onethird of our natural habitat since 1970 and are also destroying the ozone layer at rates previously thought impossible. embedded and institutionalized at every level of government and economy. Bangladesh. Nepal. Other manifestations of this larger problem include the massive and increasing disparities of wealth and poverty that have accompanied the overall growth of the world product
—both within and between national political economies.23 Suddenly. and values. but not solely. economic crises just temporarily amplify this instability. past orthodoxies. That being the case.
the crisis that CSS has identified in common-sense IR with respect to security converges dramatically with the crisis that a critical IPE reveals in orthodox IPE. president Bill Clinton has described this time as offering the biggest challenge facing the world economy for over fifty years. we do not seem to be getting much help from those academic disciplines that we might have expected to have had the expertise and critical distance to provide analyses and understanding. Former U. Together. on the implicit basis of problem-solving theory. derived from universal and nomological categories. a time when the world economy is affected by uncertainty. we can see the hardening of the global scientific consensus on the conclusion that human beings.28 He makes and uses the fundamental distinction between two types of theory defined by their purpose: critical theory and problem-solving theory. critical conceptions of political economy have any chance at achieving true security Tooze 5
Roger.0 60/224
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Capitalism is structurally inclined toward creating instability for most of its members. and economics. these are the people to whom we—as concerned and aware citizens—invariably turn to for knowledge. but most of whom have simply accepted the values and assumptions of a neoliberal economism). Yet from the gaze of a critical IPE this concern is just one element of a larger problem that very few of the analysts and commentators on the world economy acknowledge or.S. This is particularly the case when the prevailing structures of neoliberal capitalism are under threat or are under conditions of longer-term change. Critical International Political Economy. In these first years of the twenty-first century. Despite this. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. the total is now more than 1 billion people. are no longer automatically seen by academics and policymakers alike as the common sense they have been portrayed as.S. and governance of the world political economy are now part of the problem rather than part of the solution. this is to mistake the symptoms for the structural imperatives of the embedded logic of neoliberalism. and the 400 richest individuals listed by the U. Moreover.Se(k)urity 1. and in posing some of the essential questions for a critical IPE. namely. one-third of all possible employees. with all the implications of these conditions. and the impediments to economic activity imposed in the search for security. only alternative. as shown both by the efforts of regional organizations and subnational social movements. institutions. international relations. who properly claim
democratic legitimacy. Our societies have seemingly given them legitimacy to be the only bona fide interpreters of these matters (apart from politicians. whose interests are
being served by theory and whose purpose is this theory for? What is clearly at stake within the gyrations of the world political economy is our security as individuals and groups. can even recognize given their assumptions. The continuing concern over financial structures and the failure of the post-2001 Doha Round of the World Trade Organization are fundamental in the sense that these structures and their associated modes of behavior are a necessary and integral part of the system of advanced financial capitalism. and trading structures are creaking. risk. Practitioners of orthodox disciplines (particularly. Although it often seems easy to put the blame for problems on the intransigence or self-interest of the United
States or the European Union. indeed. economics) are content
to offer us their solutions. these elements making up the contemporary global situation indicate a far broader and a far deeper problem than the myriad economists and business analysts who regularly pontificate in and on our media are able and willing to recognize and discuss. the world's
financial. the top 1 percent of earners in the United States received more income than the combined total of the bottom 40 percent.27 Robert Cox has developed an important and original
critical perspective on political economy. whereas critical theory stands apart from and questions the historical and structural context of problems and attempts to make clear the broader and more long-term forces at work in political economy. It’s a time of high drama and much talk of systemic risk and threats to security. To the extent that these disciplinary practices of knowledge in their mainstream or orthodox manifestations have accepted particular values and assumptions. The values and policies that have driven the operation.29 Cox's two categories are helpful in distinguishing between theories. For Cox problem-solving theory takes the existing institutions and structures as given and attempts to resolve problems within this existing framework. and Community” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. in setting up different ontologies. through our economic activities. for which the world's governments are desperately seeking solutions. What happens in and to the world political
[CONTINUED]
. In particular. Forbes magazine had a net worth equal to the gross domestic product (GDP) of India. concepts. investment. By buying into the assumptions of a capitalist way of “solving” economic insecurity they stop any true chance for true security. And not least.26 rather than acknowledge the limitations and inappropriateness of such knowledge for the conditions in which we now find ourselves. for example.

It is the apparently increasingly arbitrary. This in turn inhibits our understanding of the s between economy. many of whom are now living off the contents of municipal rubbish dumps. including the government of the United States. The threat often appears to be in the conditions of high instability. high risk. In 1998. and that impact can be life-threatening or merely lifestyle-threatening. sudden. have all worked to obscure this fact. the daily insecurity of child labor in India. because of the inherent limitations of his approach."34 The human consequences of the structural insecurity of the current world political economy are unfortunately all too easy to illustrate: the closing of factories in Scotland and the North-East of England through the global restructuring of the silicon chip industry. which together construct the basis and framework for common sense. the former chairman of the U. organizations. rather than constituting the economic security that they and neoliberal commentators claim. direct or indirect. through their understanding of what constituted common sense. can be and are seen by many as a threat.37 the focus on economic security also reflects the widely held perception that there is a global economy and that it is largely uncontrollable by any of the actors who claim to be able to exert control.Se(k)urity 1. In David Korten's view. and/or any combination of these. and the results clearly impact on the security of individuals. his ontological categories. security of
employment and income. the key element of security has come to be understood and constituted as economic security—security of sustenance and shelter.38 Economic theory. which throw whole families and towns out of work. But as we said earlier. and personal lives and spaces. Yet. "The protection of people and communities from predatory global corporations and finance is arguably the central security issue of our time. Barry Buzan argued that "competitive capitalism is ."30 The crisis of the war on terror and the overwhelming mass of debate. and the millions directly affected by the problems of the Indonesian economy. and community. This does not mean that other aspects of social existence35 are not constituted as relevant to security. the major disruptions in and the coming closures of automobile and steel factories in the new "old industrial areas" of the United States. Paul Volcker. But it is a core feature of capitalism. immediate or long-term. firms. companies. political. as a result. Buzan was unable to resolve the more intractable problems of the political economy of security. and his understanding of reality. . directionless change (with the possibility of systemic crisis and meltdown). use. Nor are they merely instruments through which we can discover an autonomous preexisting reality of political economy. states). and security of the global economic system. and states and governments. founded on a considerable degree of permanent insecurity for all the units within it (individuals. Indeed. Federal Reserve Board—in effect. the activities of global corporations. it reflects the total failure of the mainstream view (what became labeled the Washington Consensus) on how the world political economy actually works and how it should work. And notwithstanding all the debates on the nature and extent of globalization. random. security of energy supplies. The very operation of the system of global financial capitalisir/creates significant insecurity for many through the spread of uncertainty but principally through the growth of inequality and poverty. it would be wrong to focus only on the crisis. for many in the world. However. security of the economy. and political noise following developments associated with it. . and unpredictable nature of the workings of the global economy that have heightened the sense that these matters concern our security. the enormous and unprecedented mass migrations in China from country to city in search of jobs. and language are constitutive of reality. this is only too well demonstrated through the problems faced by the poor and the
[CONTINUED]
. the world's most powerful financial institution—wrote that "the problems we see with such force today are systemic—they arise from the ordinary workings of global financial capitalism. those ordinary workings in and of themselves increasingly constitute insecurity. Each of these illustrations is a powerful indictment of the abstract and formal analysis offered to us daily. but it does reflect what I understand as the economization of both material and ideational life. families. and the demonstrated propensity for rapid."31 He concluded: "Without a substantial level of insecurity the system does not work. The concepts and language we use to describe and interpret what is going on in the world political economy are not neutral—in their origin."32 This is an important and often forgotten conclusion which highlights a key structural feature of security within a capitalist
system.33 In this way. because it is not only in crisis that our security may be challenged. discussion. the corruption of Colombia by a drug cartel whose legitimacy derives from the fact that the world demand for cocaine provides a better living for the people than the subsistence agriculture under which they previously existed. where whole families become dependent upon their children because their parents' labor is too expensive in the global marketplace.0 61/224
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economy today has an impact on most of the world's population. security. making the idea of economic security within capitalism seem a contradiction in terms. At the heart of the problem of making sense of these developments is the limitation on our understandings imposed by the theories and concepts we use. I mean the way in which the values and language of economy have come to dominate and construct all our social. security of savings. concrete or ideational. concepts. The impact
of normal systemic crisis amplifies the ordinary workings of the world political economy. or purpose. market values
become the sole criteria for social and personal behavior.S. these stem from his misunderstanding of history.36 By this.

and defining sphere of human life. or the failure of Japanese policymakers to reflate the Japanese economy. Here. have been widely discredited by other—and I believe—more reflective economists43 and also attacked by political economists. BBC. in most of the media has been through what I call a socialized form of economics—notably economists employed by banks and investment houses. as such. No less a successful capitalist than George Soros has clealrly identified the centrality of this mutuality when he writes. the knowledge most used to comment on the situation.39 In this epistemology. validity. concepts."42 The 1997 global economic crisis was portrayed as a major threat to economic stability and hence to our security. However. or whatever broadcasting system. Consider. in an article
entitled "The Capitalist Threat. disinterested. takes "one part of the human experience— the interaction between buyers and sellers—and makes it the narrow and fragile base for a rickety and unstable Theory of Everything. that over the period of the most recent crisis in global finance. The crisis was portrayed as the result of contingent factors and not a
product of the political. It was explained as a failure of Asian
governments to supervise and regulate their banking sectors. or a failure in the architecture of governance of the world financial system.Se(k)urity 1." that markets must be understood “reflexively” because "buyers and sellers in financial markets seek to discount a future that depends on their own decisions. The analyses of the latter are characteristically offered as neutral. the nature of the analysis offered. social. objective. rational. The most significant import of these economic theories and concepts for our understanding of security
and political economy is that they define and then describe a world of rational economic man in which economics is both separated from polity and society and made the dominant. and knowledge used in these expert analyses. factually based comment by technical experts. the authority given to these experts serves not only to insulate the system of global financial capitalism from its
critics but also to maintain the legitimacy. the distinction between theory and practice held by orthodox neopositivist international political economists such as Stephen \ Krasner40 is dissolved. and to make public analyses of it. for example.0 62/224
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dispossessed in the world political economy."41 The change in our understanding that is brought about by such a recognition of a
constitutive theory of IPE is as dramatic as it is fundamental. and nonpolitical realm of activity and. objective. self-contained. whose public beginnings were in July 1997. based on assumptions and concepts of rationality and of the market. Think of this when you next watch TV news and see who is brought forward by Fox News. It is dramatic because it should make us reflect on our own daily lives as a place where the struggles of world political economy are carried on—not at some distant
and abstract level of globalization. and economic forces of the very system so lauded by mainstream analysts. It will normally be an individual working for a bank or financial organization such as NatWest or Morgan Grenfell. privileged.44 Even so.
. The knowledge that is put before viewers and listeners constructs
economics as an autonomous. and social and political hegemony of the theories. theory and practice are mutually constitutive. CNN. in line both with the social status of economics and the presumed scientific status of the knowledge so promulgated.

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CHINA THREAT
The affirmative views China as a security threat to be contained or stopped, based on orientalist assumptions which over-inflate China’s goals Latham 1(Andrew A., assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at Macalester College, in St. Paul, Minnesota. He has a PhD from
Yotk University, Toronto. “China in the contemporary American geopolitical imagination” Asian Affairs: “An American Review, 2001, Academic OneFile) China in the U.S. Geopolitical Imagination How does China fit into this new geopolitical imaginary? The rhetorical representations circulating in connection with the April 2001 U.S.--China spy plane incident provide perhaps the clearest answer to this question. Simply put, this episode revealed two (related) elements of the contemporary U.S. cultural framing of China. First, as became abundantly clear during the spy plane crisis, China is

now viewed by many Americans as failing to meet the standards of civilized international conduct that would qualify it for full membership in the global "family of nations." During the crisis, for example, China was routinely represented in policy, media, and academic circles as being unable to grasp or play by the rules of civilized international society (especially those regarding aircraft in distress, sovereign immunity of damaged military aircraft, and international property rights); undemocratically contemptuous of universal human rights; irresponsible; dangerous; irredentist; militaristic; childishly nationalistic; technologically backward; and willfully blind to America's benign/stabilizing role in the Asia-Pacific region. In the new U.S. geopolitical imaginary, then, although China does not quite make it into the category of "rogue" state, it is
clearly represented as sharing with states like North Korea and Iraq some of the characteristics of an 'irrational and threatening rogue. At a minimum,

there is a widespread belief that China is a dangerous state that cannot be counted on to act in accordance with the norms of civilized international relations. Second, the rhetoric surrounding the spy plane incident also clearly revealed a powerful tendency within the United States to view China as a country that poses an actual challenge to American regional leadership and that harbors ambitions of becoming a global peer competitor of the United States. Media commentary on the crisis repeatedly made reference to China's regional hegemonic ambitions, :suggesting over and over again that
China wanted not only to reintegrate Taiwan but also to deny the United States military access to sensitive areas like the South China Sea and ultimately to realize military dominance in the region. Some have even suggested that in the not-too-distant future China will have economic and military capabilities that will allow it to threaten U.S. interests beyond the Asia-Pacific region. The rhetorical exaggeration displayed in the U.S.

media during this crisis--especially when set against China's actually quite limited military and political capability to pursue such goals--suggests that this view of China was less a rational appraisal of an objective threat than an artifact of a profoundly interpretive exercise that was powerfully conditioned by a geopolitical imaginary that had already framed China as an aggressive, militaristic, and expansionist near-rogue state. To sum up: In this new geopolitical imaginary China figures somewhere between a rogue state and a global strategic rival on the order of the old Soviet Union. Underpinning this contemporary framing is a centuries-old set of orientalist assumptions about the nature of Chinese society, as well as a more recent discourse related to the threat of (and need to contain) communism. To be sure, not all Americans accept this view of China; many see the possibilities associated with engaging China. Even here, however, the dominant geopolitical imaginary retains its grip; for the purpose of engagement in the minds of many Americans is to transform China via expanded trade and investment ties into a democratic country that will become a responsible member of the international community

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CHINA THREAT
Representations of China as a security threat are self-fulfilling prophesies Pan 4(Chengxin Pan, Chengxin Pan is Lecturer in International Relations at Deakin University, Australia. He received his B.A. and M.A. from Peking
University and Ph.D. from the Australian National University. His research interests include Chinese foreign policy, Sino-American relations, and Australia-China relations. “The "China Threat" in American Self-Imagination: The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politics”; Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 29, 2004, via Academic OneFile) More specifically, I want to argue that U.S. U.S. policymakers/mainstream China

conceptions of China as a threatening other are always intrinsically ed to how specialists see themselves (as representatives of the indispensable, securityconscious nation, for example). As such, they are not value-free, objective descriptions of an independent, preexisting Chinese reality out there, but are better understood as a kind of normative, meaning-giving practice that often legitimates power politics in U.S.-China relations and helps transform the "China threat" into social reality. In other words, it is self-fulfilling in practice, and is always part of the "China threat" problem it purports merely to describe. In doing so, I seek to bring to the fore two interconnected themes of self/other constructions and of theory as practice inherent in the "China
threat" literature--themes that have been overridden and rendered largely invisible by those common positivist assumptions.

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CHINA THREAT
Construction of a “China threat” is based on realist assumptions that anything that is unpredictable is a threat, which denies unique Chinese identity and creates us/them dichotomies which deny alternative actions legitimacy Pan 4(Chengxin Pan, Chengxin Pan is Lecturer in International Relations at Deakin University, Australia. He received his B.A. and M.A. from Peking
University and Ph.D. from the Australian National University. His research interests include Chinese foreign policy, Sino-American relations, and Australia-China relations. “The "China Threat" in American Self-Imagination: The Discursive Construction of Other as Power Politics”; Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 29, 2004, via Academic OneFile) Having examined how the "China

now to the issue of how this literature represents

threat" literature is enabled by and serves the purpose of a particular U.S. self-construction, I want to turn a discursive construction of other, instead of an "objective" account of

Chinese reality. This, I argue, has less to do with its portrayal of China as a threat per se than with its essentialization and totalization of China as an externally knowable object, independent of historically contingent contexts or dynamic international interactions. In this sense, the discursive construction of China as a threatening other cannot be detached from (neo)realism, a positivist, ahistorical framework of analysis within which global life is reduced to endless interstate rivalry for power and survival. As many critical IR scholars have noted, (neo)realism is not a transcendent description of global reality but is predicated on the modernist Western identity, which, in the quest for scientific certainty, has come to define itself essentially as the sovereign territorial nation-state. This realist self-identity of Western states leads to the constitution of anarchy as the sphere of insecurity, disorder, and war. In an anarchical system, as (neo)realists argue, "the gain of one side is often considered to be the loss of the other," (45) and "All other states are potential threats." (46) In order to survive in such a system, states inevitably pursue power or capability. In doing so, these realist claims represent
what R. B. J. Walker calls "a specific historical articulation of relations of universality/particularity and self/Other." (47) The (neo)realist paradigm has dominated the U.S. IR discipline in general and the U.S. China studies field in particular. As Kurt Campbell notes, after the end of the Cold War, a whole new crop of China experts "are much more likely to have a background in strategic studies or international relations than China itself." (48) As a result, for those experts to know China is nothing more or less than to undertake a geopolitical analysis of it, often by

asking only a few questions such as how China will "behave" in a strategic sense and how it may affect the regional or global balance of power, with a particular emphasis on China's military power or capabilities. As Thomas J.
Christensen notes, "Although many have focused on intentions as well as capabilities, the most prevalent component of the [China threat] debate is the assessment of China's overall future military power compared with that of the United States and other East Asian regional powers." (49) Consequently, almost by default, China emerges as an absolute other and a threat thanks to this (neo)realist prism. The (neo)realist emphasis on survival and security in international relations dovetails perfectly with the U.S. self-imagination, because for

the United States to define itself as the indispensable nation in a world of anarchy is often to demand absolute security. As James Chace
and Caleb Carr note, "for over two centuries the aspiration toward an eventual condition of absolute security has been viewed as central to an effective American foreign policy." (50) And this self-identification in turn leads to the definition of not only "tangible" foreign

powers but global contingency and uncertainty per se as threats. For example, former U.S. President George H. W. Bush repeatedly said that
"the enemy [of America] is unpredictability. The enemy is instability." (51) Similarly, arguing for the continuation of U.S. Cold War alliances, a highranking Pentagon official asked, "if we pull out, who knows what nervousness will result?" (52) Thus understood, by its very uncertain

character, China would now automatically constitute a threat to the United States. For example, Bernstein and Munro believe that "China's political unpredictability, the always-present possibility that it will fall into a state of domestic disunion and factional fighting," constitutes a source of danger. (53) In like manner, Richard Betts and Thomas Christensen write: If the PLA [People's
Liberation Army] remains second-rate, should the world breathe a sigh of relief? Not entirely.... Drawing China into the web of global interdependence may do more to encourage peace than war, but it cannot guarantee that the pursuit of heartfelt political interests will be blocked by a fear of economic consequences.... U.S. efforts to create a stable balance across the Taiwan Strait might deter the use of force under certain circumstances, but certainly not all. (54) The upshot, therefore, is that since China displays no absolute certainty for peace, it must be, by definition,

an uncertainty, and hence, a threat. In the same way, a multitude of other unpredictable factors (such as ethnic rivalry,
local insurgencies, overpopulation, drug trafficking, environmental degradation, rogue states, the spread of weapons of mass destruction, and international terrorism) have also been labeled as "threats" to U.S. security. Yet, it seems that in the post-Cold War environment,

China represents a kind of uncertainty par excellence. "Whatever the prospects for a more peaceful, more democratic, and more just
world order, nothing seems more uncertain today than the future of post-Deng China," (55) argues Samuel Kim. And such an archetypical uncertainty is crucial to the enterprise of U.S. self-construction, because it seems that only an uncertainty with potentially global consequences

such as China could justify U.S. indispensability or its continued world dominance. In this sense, Bruce Cumings aptly
suggested in 1996 that China (as a threat) was basically "a metaphor for an enormously expensive Pentagon that has lost its bearings and that requires a formidable 'renegade state' to define its mission (Islam is rather vague, and Iran lacks necessary weights)." (56) It is mainly on the basis of this selffashioning that many U.S. scholars have for long claimed their "expertise" on China. For example, from his observation (presumably on Western TV networks) of the Chinese protest against the U.S. bombing of their embassy in Belgrade in May 1999, Robert Kagan is confident enough to

speak on behalf of the whole Chinese people, claiming that he knows "the fact" of "what [China] really thinks about the United States." That is, "they consider the United States an enemy--or, more precisely, the enemy.... How else can one interpret the Chinese government's response to the bombing?" he asks, rhetorically. (57) For Kagan, because the
Chinese "have no other information" than their government's propaganda, the protesters cannot rationally "know" the whole event as "we" do. Thus, their anger must have been orchestrated, unreal, and hence need not be taken seriously. (58) Given that Kagan heads the U.S. Leadership Project at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and is very much at the heart of redefining the United States as the benevolent global hegemon, his

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confidence in speaking for the Chinese "other" is perhaps not surprising. In a similar vein, without producing in-depth analysis, Bernstein and Munro invoke with great ease such all-encompassing notions as "the Chinese tradition" and its "entire three-thousand-year history." (59) In particular, they repeatedly speak of what China's "real" goal is: "China is an unsatisfied and ambitious power whose goal is to dominate Asia.... China aims at achieving a kind of hegemony.... China is so big and so naturally powerful that [we know] it will tend to dominate its region even if it does not intend to do so as a matter of national policy." (60) Likewise, with the goal of absolute security for the United States in mind, Richard Betts and Thomas Christensen argue: The truth is that China can pose a grave problem even if it does not become a military power on the American model, does not intend to commit aggression, integrates into a global economy, and liberalizes politically. Similarly, the United States could face a dangerous conflict over Taiwan even if it turns out that Beijing lacks the capacity to conquer the island.... This is true because of geography; because of America's reliance on alliances to project power; and because of China's capacity to harm U.S. forces, U.S. regional allies, and the American homeland, even while losing a war in the technical, military sense. (61) By now, it seems clear that neither China's capabilities nor intentions really matter. Rather, almost by its

mere geographical existence, China has been qualified as an absolute strategic "other," a discursive construct from which it cannot escape. Because of this, "China" in U.S. IR discourse has been objectified and deprived of its own subjectivity and exists mainly in and for the U.S. self. Little wonder that for many U.S. China specialists, China becomes merely a "national security concern" for the United States, with the "severe disproportion between the keen attention to China as a security concern and the intractable neglect of China's [own] security concerns in the current debate." (62) At this point, at issue here is no longer whether the "China threat" argument is true or false, but is rather its reflection of a shared positivist mentality among mainstream China experts that they know China better than do the Chinese themselves. (63) "We" alone can know for sure that they consider "us" their enemy and thus pose a menace to "us." Such an account of China, in many ways, strongly seems to resemble Orientalists' problematic distinction between the West and the Orient. Like orientalism, the U.S. construction of the Chinese "other" does not require that China acknowledge the validity of that dichotomous construction. Indeed, as Edward Said point out, "It is enough for 'us' to set up these distinctions in our own minds; [and] 'they' become 'they' accordingly." (64) It may be the case that there is nothing inherently wrong with perceiving others through one's own subjective lens. Yet, what is problematic with mainstream U.S. China watchers is that they refuse to acknowledge the legitimacy of the inherent fluidity of Chinese identity and subjectivity and try instead to fix its ambiguity as absolute difference from "us," a kind of certainty that denotes nothing but otherness and threats. As a result, it becomes difficult to find a legitimate space for alternative ways of understanding an inherently volatile, amorphous China (65) or to recognize that China's future trajectory in global politics is contingent essentially on how "we" in the United States and the West in general want to see it as well as on how the Chinese choose to shape it. (66) Indeed, discourses of "us" and "them" are always closely ed to how "we" as "what we are" deal with "them" as "what they are" in the practical realm. This is exactly how the discursive strategy of perceiving China as a threatening other should be
understood, a point addressed in the following section, which explores some of the practical dimension of this discursive strategy in the containment perspectives and hegemonic ambitions of U.S. foreign policy.

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CIVILIZATION DISCOURSE
Civilization discourse deepens the dichotomy between the West and the rest of the world. as the history of Western colonialism so clearly reveals. Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University).
Sovereignty and Humanity p 165. has of. explicitly rules out complacency regarding the achievements of Western modernity (see Fletcher 1997: 83). A second point is that the
civilizing process. and the
supporting observation that the key ‘question is to what extent one of the two directions is dominant’. Elias’s claim that ‘civilizing processes go along with decivilizing processes’. Critical Theory and World Politics: Citizenship. Modern peoples may regard constraints on physical violence as evidence of their advancement beyond other social systems.ten been advanced by social groups that employed invidious distinctions between the ‘established’ and the ‘outsiders’ to achieve their ends (see Mennell 1996b: 126). However. 7. Later. Elias’s analysis of the civilizing process does not validate their collective
self-images but rather highlights their hypocriti.
. Indeed. contrasts that have frequently provided the grounds for acts of violence.Se(k)urity 1. the very idea of civilization is only possible through contrasts with the less civilized.cal and violent qualities in relations between members of the same society and in relations between separate states. humiliation and exploitation. though usually ‘unplanned’.

and the role and belief in an American exceptionalism. finds unnecessary to precede its dissection of legitimizing discourses by an initial overview of the character of the current global economy. But this is
essentially resignation in the face of a dominant power rather than enthusiastic embrace of its proclaimed values and promises. And if the price for such prosperity for some is rising inequality and deprivation for substantial others. unlike those in the capitalist past. research fellow at the Centre for Contemporary Studies. Empires
COERCED CONSENT
are always constructed for the purposes of accumulating power and wealth for some. so be it. is an informal one. local elites and middle classes and even sections of the population lower down must be persuaded to believe that such indirect domination or "influence" is good because they have come to share the values that the hegemonizer claims to uphold. be these the fight against terrorism. These are the two sides of the same coin.0 68/224
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Coerced and manipulated consent denies the ability to question judgments and underlying assumptions Vanaik 7 (Achin. essentially of the software of empire. The second form of consent— passive—will do. Professor of International Relations and Global Politics in the Political Science Department of Delhi
University. There is then always an economic of empire.
. through the organization of consent. assistant editor in Mumbai for The Times of India. the assurance of democracy. An expanding neoliberalism (as economic doctrine and policy direction) promotes and helps stabilize the project of Jing US political hegemony globally through the recruitment ort groups materially benefiting from such expansion. 3-4) These six chapter presentations—the section on the ideological banners—are preceded by three other chapters. live characteristics. “Selling US Wars”. which itself is of three types. The third form is bought consent—not just the promise of
prosperity for collaborating groups but the institutionalized realization of such benefits. or the promise of prosperity. and therefore carries the potential of being somewhat politically unstable for empire. This is where current neoliberal economic globalization and the US imperial project converge. which is the best of all. The American imperial project today.Se(k)urity 1. This means even this survey. p. US political expansion also aims to expand liberalism. and the roles played by US capital economically and financially and by its dominant classes through the US government. There is active consent. Here. even if many seek to justify empire in the name of prosperity for all. It is not a formal colonization project of establishing long-term direct foreign but of ensuring indirect domination and enduring and significant influence on local elites and their governments. How is this to be achieved? Why. This initial overview is followed by two other chapters that examine the ideological preconditions of both the global ascendance of neoliberalism as the social "common sense" of our times.

the four undividable causes that await ordering are gathered together contemplatively to manifest something that can depart. telic finality.
. (2) causa formalis (the form into which matter is shaped). 314). Heidegger finds that if we understand the essence of causality as occasioning. Heidegger remarks. 312) as typically thought in contemporary times. to fall. 318). For Heidegger. Heidegger states: The principle characteristic of being
responsible is this starting something on its way into arrival. as the sole means that produces effects and attains outcomes. unveiling causality along with corresponding conceptions of technology is necessary to move beyond the correct toward uncovering technology's essence. To think about technology in its essence. He explains that
'whenever ends are pursued and means employed. the four causes are aition'that to which something else is indebted' and 'being responsible for something else' (p. and (4) causa efficiens (that which brings the finished effect). then we can question further the nature of technology. 314).
sets the standard for all causality. there reigns causality' (p. in a time of modern technology. that which bound the creation to beginning its purposeful life. to which the word causa belongs. Heidegger includes notions of responsibility and indebtedness. Highlighting the difference between causality in a more complete sense as occasioning and the limited
modern sense of causality that is related to technology. obscured by an instrumental definition of technology. Heidegger draws attention to our current state in which 'the causa efficiens. Heidegger states. in conjunction with the four modes of occasioning. whenever instrumentality reigns. Considering causality as falling rather than producing an effect or outcome determined in advance suggests other ways of occasioning than notions of a linear projection of means to end brought about by the collected elements of the four causes through human mastery. from which technology derives. “Concerning technology: Thinking with Heidegger” p 242-250)
Seeking the 'true' through the correct provides a path into unveiling the essence of technology. we must 'take
seriously the simple question of what the name "technology" means' (p. He probes the deeper significance of technology. If we recognize that technology is not merely an instrumental means to an end for human enterprises. Heidegger questions the notion of technology. The deeper and broader significance of causality are disclosed by Heidegger through recovering the Aristotelian four causes: (1) causa materialis (the matter of which something is made). even in theologies 'God can sink to the level of a cause. It is in the sense of such a starting something on its way into arrival that being responsible is an occasioning or an inducing to go forward. Heidegger points out that the notion of cause as producing predetermined effects or outcomes conceals all other dimensions of causality. contained in our attempts to master technology as an instrument is the intent to order all which can be subject to technological causality.0 69/224
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COST BENEFIT ANALYSIS
Their obsession with causality and the breakdown of linearized outcomes precludes other modes of knowing Hilde Zitzelsberger 2K4 (Faculty if nursing at university of Toronto. as causality' (p. 331). Heidegger questions: 'What is the instrumental itself? Within what do such things as means and ends belong?' (p. The primal meaning of causality. (3) causa finalis (the telos which binds together the aspect (eidos or idea) and matter that gives bounds to the form and begins the purposeful life of the creation). 313).' (p. 314). Taking ourselves to be the domineering cause efficiens.Se(k)urity 1. a bringing-forth into arrival by way of the four causes. as thought by the Greeks
and to which means and ends belong. 313). Technology is held up as the instrumental means by which we bring about ends which we have scientifically projected as possible. The four causes together are coresponsible and indebted to one another for the presencing of what appears. through an etymological understanding of the Greek word techne. Significant to our contemporary situation. The revealing movements of the four causes are
punctuated by Heidegger through revisiting the verb cadere. Expanding the complex forces and elements by which things come forth into appearance. of causa efficiens' (p. 316) In the creation of
something. In Greek thought to which Heidegger returns us. then we grasp causality as responsibility in the sense that the Greeks thought it. but one of the four causes. was once known more completely. He states that 'this goes so far that we no longer count the causa finalis. Moreover though. with us at the helm. (p. we view ourselves
as fundamental agents of production. an instrumentum' (p. beginning its life and purpose. When everything is viewed within this schema of means–ends. Heidegger states that techne once meant more than technology as a
'contrivance – in Latin.

Williams
a Department of Geography. Durham. 2003: 86). one
contradiction between the moral cartography of terror and the spatiality of globalization can be found in the attention US national security discourse pays to the deepening connectivity between domestic US space and burgeoning circuits of computer communication.0 70/224
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CYBER-TERRORISM
Worries about cyber-terror are rooted in its opposition to geographies of exclusion Bialasiewicz et al 7. United Kingdom. United Kingdom c School of Geography. flow and rhizomatic. their efforts to clamp down on transitional financial dealings of alleged terrorist sympathizers. Durham University. Alison J. These bring into being a world in which ‘‘everything and everywhere is perceived as a border from which a potentially threatening Other can leap’’ (Hage. 2002a).
. via sciencedirect.Se(k)urity 1. Such a world of porosity. Stephen Graham b. Stuart Elden b.Luiza Bialasiewicz a.com) Abroad. fibrous connectivities is deeply at odds with the imaginative geographies of exclusion and their moral cartography. University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. and organized criminal activity. Royal Holloway University of London. “Performing security: The imaginative geographies of current US strategy” Political Geography 26 (2007) 405e422. United Kingdom b International Boundaries Research Unit. Alex Jeffrey c. . Geography Department. David Campbell b. electronic transaction. DH1 3LE. Politics and Sociology. Significant here is the US military’s discussion of the risk of cyber-terrorism. or their analyses of the biological pathogens which routinely flow around the world’s airline and shipping systems (The White House.

is nothing new: the United States has long constituted its identity at least in part through discourses of danger that materialize others as a threat (see Campbell.0 71/224
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DEMOCRACY
Constructing regions as problems which need to be democratized in turn produce them as being threats Bialasiewicz et al 7 Luiza Bialasiewicz a. as threats. David Campbell b. it
is essential that we conceptualize these strategies as both containing and making imaginative geographies. Stephen Graham b. ‘‘states of concern’’. 2003. United Kingdom. University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Benjamin & Simon. Alex Jeffrey c. as ‘‘global hotspots’’. the translation of such imaginations into actual practice (and certainly results) is never as simple as some might like to suggest. Of course. as well as the associated suggestion that by bringing these within the ‘‘integrated’’ zones of democratic peace. US security e both economically and militarily e can be preserved. Equally. produce the effect they name. United Kingdom c School of Geography. 2005.com) Again. as zones of instability. Durham University.
. Politics and Sociology. Royal Holloway University of London. United Kingdom b International Boundaries Research Unit. Litwak. Stokes. 2000). popular imaginations as well as political strategy. DH1 3LE. This goes beyond merely the military action or aid programmes that governments follow. on the genealogies of the idea of ‘‘rogue states’’ see Blum. Our concern lies specifically with the ways in which the US portrays e and over the past decade has portrayed e certain parts of the world as requiring involvement. Geography Department. These performative imaginative geographies are at the heart of this paper and will re-occur throughout it. “Performing security: The imaginative geographies of current US strategy” Political Geography 26 (2007) 405e422. Nonetheless. actively (re)making that same world. Alison J. much has been written about the new set of
threats and enemies that emerged to fill the post-Soviet void e from radical Islam through the war on drugs to ‘‘rogue states’’ (for a critical analyses see. in so doing. 1992).Se(k)urity 1. specifying the ways ‘‘the world is’’ and. what we wish to highlight here is how these strategies. via sciencedirect. This. in essence. which percolate through media. Williams a
Department of Geography. Stuart Elden b. again. as rogue states. Durham. among others. but indicates a wider concern with the production of ways of seeing the world. 2002.

however. “Beyond the gap: relevance. In the described situation. increasing the likelihood of the application of emergency measures. Rather.palgravejournals.Se(k)urity 1. the democracy–peace . The case of democratic peace stresses a process similar to the normative dilemma of writing security. With hindsight and after the widespread legitimation of military action on the grounds of the
‘democratic peace fact’ this hidden dilemma is becoming increasingly clear: the US-led Iraq war and other contemporary military peace operations testify to a dilemma of vast proportions. held the potential of being turned upside down. Our claim was that the certainty that researchers gave to a philosophical thought of democratic peace helped weave the web tighter. Their creation of the binaries of democracy/peace and non-democracy/war contributed to constructing non-democracy as a threat. established and produced with the intention of offering a road to peace. Scientific authority became an essential resource in establishing the democratic peace as a strong principle of contemporary security politics. Journal of International Relations and Development. but did not dictate it. In the end. but they did not govern it. Peace researchers’ translation and depolitization of Kant’s utopia opened the floor for securitizing democracy. https//secure. Peace researchers did not establish a direct between security and non-democracy. the logic seems to
be more subtle or hidden. democratization became a security issue. nor did they explicitly utter the signifier ‘security’.com/jird/journal/v10/n4/full/1800136a. 24. we discussed the example of the democratic peace thesis. We sought to raise the possibility that ‘ivory tower scientists’.
. US foreign policymakers and NATO
politicians and bureaucrats hang together in a web and use each other as a resource.html) To give empirical flesh to the theoretical discussions and to demonstrate the difference a practice theory approach makes. fields of
practice and the securitizing consequences of (democratic peace) research” pg.0 72/224
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DEMOCRACY
The affirmative sits in an ivory tower and creates a security discourse through the spread of democracy/peace Burger and Villumsen 07 (Christian and Trine.

Absent that. shrink the gap and thus face up to the reality of the new world situation (Barnett. Barnett’s cartography thus serves as both a description of today’s world and a prescription for its proper ordering. 2004: 249. US interventions are thus presented as inevitable. United Kingdom b International Boundaries Research Unit. 2004: 173. Stuart Elden b. above all. for Barnett the
United States’ role is predicated upon. all those refusing their (prescribed) place on the map. Stephen Graham b. As Roberts et al. Either the Core assimilates the Gap. the map’s ‘‘lines and labels not only rationalize the current [Iraqi] occupation. Barnett suggests that the stakes are high e ‘‘One of us must die. but is even more explicit in the follow-up volume. Durham University. they simply need to dedicate enough defense spending to develop similar capabilities. 2004). 2005). Williams a
Department of Geography. This understanding was clearly articulated in Barnett’s first book (Barnett. United Kingdom c School of Geography. a privileged knowledge of the rule sets (the ability to define ‘‘good’’ and ‘‘bad’’ states).Se(k)urity 1. Durham. this geopolitics of absolutes is at play beneath the talk of global integration and ‘‘neoliberal world vision’’.com) As for Robert Kagan. 174). via sciencedirect. University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. but also the willingness to enforce those rule sets. 2004: 174). David Campbell b. Barnett suggests that it is not a question of American ‘‘exceptionalism’’ but rather the fact ‘‘that America needs special consideration for the security roles it undertakes inside the Gap. we don’t want fellow Core members applying their Kantian rule sets to our behavior inside the Hobbesian Gap’’ (Barnett. “Performing security: The imaginative geographies of current US strategy” Political Geography 26 (2007) 405e422. United Kingdom. America earns a certain right for unilateralism in the Gap’’ (Barnett. Politics and Sociology.0 73/224
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DIVIDING THE WORLD
Division of the world into good and bad states justifies pre-emption and makes war inevitable – the aff is not a response to a specific other but a generalized worry about those who fail to integrate Bialasiewicz et al 7Luiza Bialasiewicz a. (2003: 890) argue. DH1 3LE. Alex Jeffrey c. As Roberts et al. (2003: 888) suggest. a privileged understanding of ‘‘the ways the world works’’. In effect. descriptive of the recent past and predictive of future action’’. America is the Gap’s Leviathan: ‘‘if other Core powers want a greater say in how we
exercise that power. Similarly echoing Robert Kagan’s dismissal of Europeans’ ‘‘Kantian illusions’’. 2005: 222). Alison J. until the
messiness of the world is made to match the geometries of the Pentagon’s New Map. As Monmonier puts it. Conflict is therefore inevitable: it is a foundational truth confirmed by the severed map. Barnett is even
more resolute in affirming that such ‘‘illusions’’ have no place in today’s chaotic and dangerous world.
. Royal Holloway University of London.but also argue for future interventions throughout the Gap’’
(Monmonier. Insecurity comes not from a specific threatening other but from all those unwilling to integrate. 250). ‘‘the map is both that which is to be explained and the explanation itself. Geography Department. or the Gap divides the Core’’ e and that the only response is to exterminate the ‘‘cancer’’. In justifying the United States resistance to the International Criminal Court. revealingly entitled Blueprint for Action (Barnett.

based international political economy lie in the very dissatisfaction felt with the limitations of a traditional military security-focused study of international relations. quantifiable. orthodox IPE cannot take into account the intersubjective basis and realities of power in the world political economy. in the context of the argument here. a theoretical commitment to methodological individualism. including rational choice theory. A detailed epistemological critique of orthodox IPE has been articulated elsewhere54. realism. multilayered world we live in (as exemplified by some of the problems we have already identified). and a fixation with formal.Se(k)urity 1. Its growth has reflected events in the world political economy and the perceived needs of policymakers (again mainly in the United States). based around the state and the shared commitment to a method of positivism. modeling. It is now a substantial field of knowledge. an ontological commitment to the state. and a domination by the agenda and interests of the United States. and microsystems explanations. in which a contest between the competing perspectives of liberalism. under the hegemony of economics in the social sciences in general.
the following analysis will focus on the principal ontological questions and the core problem of the theorization of politics and economics. By denying the social construction and reproduction of reality (and the social reproduction of itself). My sense is that it cannot yet do this.0 74/224
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Positivist.-dominated IR. with all of the professional structures necessary to that success. Moreover. with its particular philosophical and political values and assumptions. particularly in the United States. All these elements constitute a deep commitment to positivist epistemology. Critical International Political Economy. and Marxism has veiled a basic orthodoxy constructed around an epistemological commitment to positivism.
.51 As it has been primarily located within the larger field of international studies.S. state-based economics create a flawed understanding of the world which can’t challenge power or create true security Tooze 5Roger.50 IPE as a distinct field of knowledge has been an academic growth industry since the early 1970s. My negative conclusion is all the more disappointing given that the origins of
modern IR. it places a fundamental epistemological barrier to the integration of political economy and (critical approaches to) security. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. positivist epistemology entails a claim that the only legitimate knowledge of IPE is gained through the objective testing of propositions against an external and know-able reality. the exponents of IPE have increasingly also transposed the assumptions and methodologies of economics. The influence of this double and mutually supportive hegemony52 has produced a distinct form of IPE. 146-147) The Failure of Orthodox IPE One would hope that the disciplinary knowledge of IPE could provide the required analysis. coupled with the inability and unwillingness of economics and international economics to handle questions of power. Visiting Professor of International Relations at City University “The Missing : Security. and
Community” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. Moreover. the
core theoretical frameworks of a U.5 The commitment to positivism is a serious limitation on the ability of orthodox IPE to construct a knowledge sufficient to suggest adequate understandings of security and community under today's conditions and therefore appropriate to the complex.49 Mainstream IPE grounds its analysis in a world in which the state is the fundamental unit and legitimate knowledge is gained through the objective testing of propositions against an external and knowable reality. The reason for this is the failure of critical thinking: mainstream IPE is still locked into an ontology and epistemology that
reproduces a very specific and partial interpretation of international political economy. nationalism. have been transposed into IPE itself. As defined above.

. The emergence of a realm of human economic activity that required and requires a special knowledge of economics in order for it to be made sense of within society is the province of capitalism. My sense is that the fundamental basis of this economism is already laid down."81 The construction of the market and its corollary. particularly given the primacy of politics that is embedded in both fields. Ashley's work helps us to understand the deep relationship between politics and economics laid down within and prefigured by a statist. moreover. .88 to the political triumph of a specific and partial view of human rationality at the beginning of the twentieth century.86 Polanyi then shows how the existence of a separate economic system is a
specific and historically distinct creation of nineteenth-century English capitalism and indeed is a political creation. Critical International Political Economy.89 and to the ability of those with wealth to wield the power to reproduce and enhance those structures that guaranteed and enhanced that wealth.85 As Karl Polanyi has pointed out.Se(k)urity 1. the separation of economics from politics. with which the fields of IR and security studies had and have a very ambivalent and troublesome relationship. J Richard Ashley has done most to identify the problematics of knowledge and the consequences of economism for real political agency. . . . neutral. To assert the primacy of politics. the ever-socommonsensical realist depiction of international politics in terms of an autonomous power-political logic lost its magic. Yet as important as Ashley's insights are. including the separation
of political and economic spheres. A self-regulating market demands nothing less than the
institutional separation of society into an economic and political sphere. and
Community” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. is thus political. "the outcome of a conscious and often violent intervention on the part of governments which imposed the market organization on society for noneconomic ends. Visiting Professor of International Relations at City University “The Missing : Security. especially since the 1970s. inevitable. This is because a specific notion of economics has become hegemonic.
orthodox IPE framed by neorealism. They directly to the professionalization of knowledge.81 For Ashley the move from classical political realism to IR's neorealism was the formal manifestation of a powerful and relentless economism. of the existence of a self-regulating market. as nonpolitical. If the construction of an economics separate from politics and society is itself a political act and remains a political act in that economic structures and processes serve particular interests. we find
even greater resistance to an integrated political economy than in traditional political analysis and hence great resistance to an integrated theory and practice of security. not in the
theories of IR and IPE but in the construction of a hegemony of legitimate knowledge driven by the emergence of economics as a sphere of human activity and the market as its institutionalized form within the overall development of capitalism. merely the restatement. Suffice to say that the thirty-year
hegemony of neoliberalism in the world political economy has constructed the economic sphere in such a way as to claim that a neoliberal economic way of organizing society within its scale of values is natural. incompletely regulated. In matters of resource vulnerability and petroleum embargoes. the claim that economics is nonpolitical is a political claim. as Polanyi calls it. world economy"84 but also the prior separation of politics and economics as distinct spheres of activity. with no indication of the inherently and structurally political nature of economics itself. monetary crises and worldwide recession. 153-155) Turning to the problem of the conceptualization of economics. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. in effect. Such an inference would be based on a fallacy. embedded within which is a logic of economy and technical rationality. The historical processes by and through
which the construction of such a depoliticized political economy has occurred are complex. and as natural.0 75/224
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ECONOMICS
Economics isn’t separate from politics at all – the separation of the economy and politics is a political construction to justify the oppression of society under Capitalism Tooze 5 Roger. This is an important critical uncovering of hidden theoretical assumptions.83 The rise and consolidation of capitalism is one. from the point of view of society as a whole.82 The resulting
theorization was the statism of neorealism. the economic sphere comes to be in turn constructed and justified as neutral. It might be argued that the separateness of the two spheres obtains in every type of society at all times. Among critical theorists. Suddenly. above politics. This separation is a necessary and integral part of the process of the construction of self-regulating markets in the dynamics of capitalist growth. presupposes not only the ontological separation of the interstate political system and "a highly integrated. as we saw in the discussion of politics and economics in the last section. rapidly growing . In Ashley's words: The "given" order. was no longer self-evident. economic processes and relations no longer seemed independent of political interventions. In other words. and rational. perhaps they do not go far enough. . Such a dichotomy is. expressed under and through the same conditions that in orthodox IPE gave rise to the concern with economic security. it is highly problematic when.

what matters when all states have adopted the goal of long-term economic growth are threats to the economic security of the state.61 The studies of economic security stemming from the crises of the
1970s defined their focus principally in terms of the interests of the state. After all. has taken place on the basis of prevailing discourses in economics. the early intimations of the failure of U. 148-149) Economic Security The
consideration of the economic in the theory and practice of security. that is. and
Community” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. IPE and IR (including that branch conceiving itself as security studies) meekly adopted the agenda of U. in terms of the ability of the state to deliver on its claimed economic goals. hegemony that was articulated and developed on the public basis of a liberal trade and investment order with a constituting. it was only to
the extent that a strong. for twenty years after IR and economics were theoretically ed in mainstream academic practice.Se(k)urity 1. Such is particularly the case when this ability is made vulnerable by an apparent change in trade relationships or is made more sensitive to the problems of deepening economic interdependence. policy to keep apart the Bretton Woods institutional twin-track system set up after World War II—separating international politics (as politics) and international economics (as technical management)—manifested themselves in the problems of the dollar and U. are inseparable and complementary. brought forth a large number of studies on the issue and problems of economic security. But the way that the economic is then related to the political (and vice versa) seems to depend upon prior ideological
commitments as to the nature of the relationship between economics and politics. vulnerability. a state basis.58 Notwithstanding the mercantilist imperative for both states and theorists. power and wealth. which brings together the twin tracks by grafting the agenda of economics onto the classic concerns of state security via neorealism. or economic nationalism.S. Visiting Professor of International Relations at City University “The Missing : Security. epistemology.S. and international political economy. One track starts with politics (the traditional concerns of security) but with economic added on as a new domain of threat to states. payments in the late 1960s. normally expressed in paradigmatic terms of perspectives or contesting approaches. production. they also construct both economics and politics. particularly in what are regarded as strategic industries. Critical International Political Economy. This seems to
have led to the possibility of a twin track for investigations into security by political economy and into economics by security. political science. and only on. The unwillingness of the United States to tolerate a massive outflow of dollars forced a reconnection at the policy level of politics and economics. However. in very particular ways.S. In effect.59 But the real spur to the study of what became labeled "economic security" came with action by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1973 and the resultant oilsupply threats and related price shocks for the international economic system. from the perspective of this approach. In this sense. the tradition of mercantilist thinking. For instance. and security in the theory and practice of political economy.60 The changing structure of the international political economy at that time. positivist IPE. and this led to an upswing of interest in the international politics of economic conflict. broad-based modem economy was regarded as necessary to maintain security. and legitimating ideology of liberal political economy. economic security as a concept and as an issue has been clearly constructed as an extension of statist.S. As we have seen. as Robert Gilpin prefers to describe it. their definition of economics prioritized issues of trade and trade relations and tended to ignore other potentially significant elements. Of course.
. and knowledge62—and the changing international division of labor (and its implications) were not seen as part of this conception of economic security. and the relationship between them. political economy. and ontology. with the move to floating exchange rates and the rediscovery by the West (and the South) of economic vulnerability. The other track starts with a (repoliticized) economics. those industries whose healthy development is considered necessary for the maintenance of national military-political security. these discourses not only embody deep commitments to specific (orthodox) methodology. Equally significant. The possibility of trade wars was mooted. rationalizing. and hence national security. policy economists. and the territorial economy of the state. and systemic risk (with particular reference to the global financial system). the post-1945 international economic structure emerged as a U. In this tradition. clearly locks economic security into physical security—but on. leading to a whole literature on economic security. Hence.0 76/224
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ECONOMIC SECURITY
The affirmative’s notion of “economic security” based on the states is paired with and supports traditional conceptions of IR Tooze 5Roger. This meant that deep structures of international political economy— finance. a liberal interpretation of economic security is conditioned by the prior assumption of the between economic prosperity and war based on the assumed beneficial rationality of markets. Edited by Ken Booth (pg.

issues of political economy must be treated as elements of the new security order rather than as simple issues of welfare maximization."69 This achieves (in my view) the necessary elevation of economic matters above the secondary level afforded by most analyses of security and makes the between security and political economy equally important. that is. it clearly does. as it argues for a redefinition of security in that "the European security system has two mutually constitutive elements. I would argue that the move to butter—social welfare—is the product of much more complex forces than they identify.g."1
Does the achievement of stability really mean that issues of political economy are magically depoliticized and/or stripped of their power content. politics is defined as what is done by governments. environmentalist) have no relevant power in Europe? Does the European economy exist in isolation of the world market economy? One would think so from this analysis.68 This is an important article. both for security studies and IPE. Economics is analyzed as a purely rational activity to which a technical solution is possible. for example. Shell. Quite simply.Se(k)urity 1.0 77/224
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ECONOMIC SECURITY
Focus on national economic security through a positivist lens fails – can’t account for non-state actors and puts issues of major concern to all in purely economic terms Tooze 5 Roger. Sperling and Kirchner maintain a particular conceptualization of both politics and economics but inadvertently contradict their own assertions through the assumed definitions and predefined relationships that they (and all orthodox IPE) import into their political economy from the discipline of economics. does not matter. for example. Visiting Professor of International Relations at City University “The Missing : Security. Credit Suisse) or mass social movements (e. which seems to specify the problem in order to make it amenable to rational analysis. employs a resolutely rationalistic and economistic
argument. note the argument that "until transition (to stability) is completed and consolidated. the approach of Sperling and Kirchner shares with orthodox IPE the characteristic of importing into political economy a particular theorization of economics that has major consequences for our ability to understand political economy. Yet despite discussing societal security in a spatial political economy that is more integrated than within many states. but only if one understands how simple issues of welfare maximization are treated in economics and if we accept the argument of Sperling and Kirchner. Volkswagen. the support for agriculture.
. But are agents of European states the only institutions relevant to comprehensive security? Do the large corporations and banks (e. This limits its epistemological
and political constructivism to the activities of states and state-based institutions. or those involved in formal political structures and roles.g. however defined. and
Community” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. economics is accepted as defined by and for economists. to make them amenable to technical rational economic resolution? Can. the political-military and the economic. theorized only through positivist methodology and where the economic is defined in the way it is by orthodox IPE. agents of states. and is increasingly partial and inappropriate. be defined as a simple issue of welfare maximization when it is clearly and necessarily a concern of the democratic polity? It can. which directly affects the price of food.70 Moreover. Here. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. in effect. antiglobalization. but it is that a sole focus on national economic security. An exemplar of this weakness is the otherwise excellent analysis of economic security and the problem of cooperation
in post-Cold War Europe by Jonathan Sperling and Emile Kirchner. In holding this position. claims too much. and despite the extensive discussion of European institutions. is too narrow. The article offers a powerful argument showing the mutually constitutive structures and processes that together may bring about comprehensive security in Europe. The analysis of the guns-versus-butter issue by Sperling and Kirchner. Critical International Political Economy. this is all too often ignored by mainstream IPE outside the specific focus on economic security. antinuclear. 150-151) To restate the basis of the argument: it
is not that national economic security. this argument still relies on a statist ontology..

a resurfacing of barbarisms and ethnic hostilities inconceivable in the more "civilized" parts of the world. neoliberal forms of economic
globalization demand that states greatly reduce their involvement in the economy but bemoan their failure to overcome the negative consequences neoliberal recipes for growth and development—rising debt. immense difficulties in establishing and giving effect to collectively binding decisions—are clearly recognizable. led by the US. these places would become hotbeds of terrorism and retrograde forms of development antithetical to the needs of a globalizing economy and to the associated stability that only the West (led by the US) could provide. For Sogge. the power and authority of the US. Geopolitical rather than moral considerations have usually been a much stronger
spur to direct military interventions. which therefore needed the benevolent guardianship of the US and the Atlantic Alliance." Yet those who most talk of the dangers of state failure and its spreading ambit refuse to recognize the reasons most responsible fir it. whether in Sudan or Rwanda or in the Republic of Congo. interventions can be covert as well as overt. crisis states.the threat of external intervention —hanging over them. often connected to issues of control over scarce or valued material resources (minerals. After all. indirect as well as direct.
and Africa reflected an encroaching "anarchy. According to some right-wing ideologues. diamonds. 6-7) State failure. “Selling US Wars”. Left to fester. great country-wide lawlessness.Se(k)urity 1. or South Asia. While some of the characteristics of a weak state—inadequate provision of vital public services.
. these fears were further accentuated. have not been taken as realities that compel military interventions by the US or other Western powers." "state-building. sub-Saharan Africa. For them "success" is measured by the degree of "fit" of other states in the developing world (whether in the Balkans. p." a "re-primitivization" of man's behavior. Before that the West. Countries at Risk of Instability. where internecine strife." and "institution-building. they can fit a very wide array of countries. and greater poverty in much of Africa and elsewhere. or the Americas) to the current scheme of things— neoliberal globalization stabilized by. human rights abuses. This has drawn in the Western powers. Central. and led to direct or indirect (via the UN) forms of military intervention. Thus recalcitrant states unwilling to accept the rules as laid down by the US as well as those states well-endowed with valuable raw materials but poorly governed. But at another level. above all. can all be designated as "failed" or "failing" states with the sword of Damocles . In the 1990s "state failure" became the source of danger. David Sogge tells us. low-intensity warfare against "undesirables" (be they the forces of politicized Islam or other anti-US currents) will
do. show clearly that the two sources for state breakdown and deep instability are rising socieoeconomic inequalities (not just poverty) and the criminalization and informal privatization of state apparatuses mean to serve the public but now suborned to the pursuit of powerful sectional interests. escalating inequalities. senior analyst of Focus on the Global South and professor of sociology at the University of the Philippine. was much more concerned about the "threats" represented by "strong" but enemy states to the world order. The US has generally seen the strategic importance of these regions in terms of the resources they possess rather than considering them of geopolitical significance." But it is a term that panders to Western condescension and to its strong sense of superiority. says Sogge. et cetera) of considerable importance to Western powers. there are two crucially important reasons for this. fragile states.0 78/224
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FAILED STATES
The concept of “failed states” is derived from a Western ideal of success – targets states modeled by non-American principles Bello 7 (Walden. After 9/11. what was happening in the Balkans. Low-income Countries Under Stress. timber. state failure comes in many degrees and guises and the response to it need not always be regime change but different forms of "nationbuilding. This discourse of state failure emerges really after the end of the Cold War. West. partial as well as comprehensive. has been of great intensity.
Thus. Asia. the Caribbean. The more important question is "failure for whom"? Who decides the norms according to which failure
is to be judged? And why? The disturbing answer here is that it is invariably the powerful countries of the West who decide. Unmotivated dependent studies. oil. has many labels—"weak states. -The part of the world where the stigma of "failed states" is most likely to be applied (though far from being the only geographical area) is sub-Saharan Africa. First. Export-oriented primary production as the main source elites only reinforces their disregard for widespread domestic development. Moreover. Direct intervention is one way of "punishing" recalcitrant states and creating "friendly" ones. including the US.

These three groups are the state’s privileged story tellers. It is they who legitimate foreign policy. First is puts the notion of space back into the center of international politics. foreign policy professionals and media people. we can actually begin to challenge them. How a state draws discursive and political boundaries to establish an identity over ‘sovereign’ territory should draw our attention to the role of experts.0 79/224
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“FOREIGN” LANGUAGE
Labeling of “foreign” nations prompts creation of difference through policy – challenging discourse of border identities is key Dodds 93 – Klaus J. and it is they who promote their mutual expertise.jstor. Representations of places and peoples as ‘foreign’ are clearly crucial in the execution of foreign policy. Instead of seeking to legitimate or encourage these discourses. “Geopolitics.org/stable/20003214?seq=4 )
The making of foreign
policy has profound geographical and geopolitical implications. critical geopolitics can draw attention to how places and peoples are scripted by foreign policy discourse. Adopting the metaphor of a script or performance usefully draws attention to how the self and the other are made familiar.
.Se(k)urity 1. By refusing to treat space as simply a backdrop or stage for international affairs we can draw attention to how the construction of space is crucial to sustaining the drama of international life. The contribution of critical geopolitics can be seen in two different ways. Experts and the Making of Foreign Policy”. http://www. Secondly. a state is inevitably involved in the production of difference. In construction a policy for the ‘other’. (March.

Minority nations and indigenous peoples spearhead the politics of identity in which dominant conceptions of national community are challenged and the public recognition of group rights is demanded. Connolly
1992. Held 1993. They are discussed here not in order to reach any definite conclusion about the future of the sovereign state but to outline some important sociological questions from a critical–theoretical point of view. The obsolescence of force
between the major industrial powers is one develop. it is hardly surprising that the pacification of the Western or Western-inclined regions of the world-system has been accompanied by calls for greater political represen. Walker 1993). New con. as noted. Recent literature has focused upon the developments that are weakening the ties between citizens and states and undermining tightly bound communities in many parts of the world ( later 1995).tation and voice from minority nations and migrant groups that feel marginalized by dominant conceptions of the national community. freer to
develop. Critical Theory and World Politics: Citizenship.tion are interconnected in important respects as Rosecrance (1986) observes in the analysis of the rise of the trading state. Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University).
Sovereignty and Humanity p 52-53. Globalization and pacifica. For these reasons. Centripetal forces are. in consequence. community and sovereignty are invited by these changes.Se(k)urity 1. If the conquest of territory is no longer necessary for economic growth but is actually detrimental to it.ism. But. The social bond that simultaneously unites and divides is also weakened by the challenge to a
dominant theme in the ideology of state-building. the immanent possibility of new forms of political community has become apparent – a possibility that neo-realism b ered by the immutability thesis cannot explore.ment with substantial implications for the bond between citizens and the state. namely national assimilation. centrifugal forces are also more able to emerge. Later.
. then the cult of violence is less likely to feature strongly in the self-image and behaviour of the great powers. Given the role that war has played in the creation of national communities. and especially in Western Europe new constructions of community have already begun to appear (Kymlicka 1989.ceptions of citizenship. 7. Globalization fragments national cultures as some groups embrace what Bull and Watson (1984) described as ‘the cosmopolitan culture of modernity’ while others rebel against the encroachment of predominantly Western images and symbols.0 80/224
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HEGEMONY
Great powers use representations of threats and promote national assimilationism and oppress minorities.

narratives of intervention were also created (on the part of Western actors mostly). What she finds is that the power of naming. Her turn to language to describe international relations is infused with the spirit of nonfoundationalist investigation. Narratives of war were thus constructed. of assigning words to phenomena. Interestingly. two dominant speech acts. Several Western actors (the United States. 469). these interfacing language games did not remain constant either. or others) while. the European Union) mobilized a rhetoric of threat vis-a-vis the local agents involved in the conflict (Bosnians. the recognition of
political deeds facilitated the deployment of language. Fellow at the Oxford University. As a reply to these linguistic/empirical reactions. This was Wittgenstein's point about language. pg. these opposing truths formulate the same atrocities of the Bosnian conflict. made possible the development of multiple actions. Politics. were simultaneously deployed and gave rise to different political responses and expectations (on the part of local actors/agents. and this is more largely the constructivist point too. Fierke contends that "language
is at the heart" of the attempt to provide analytical alternatives to structural realism (1996.” “shelling. and the international community). Serbs. Both these speech acts were the product of the Western actors' understanding of the
conflict and of their interactions.0 81/224
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HUMANISM
The Humanist Discourse of the 1AC is one of threat and promise. or adjusted speech acts (the Bosnian Serbs turned to the language – often supported by actions – of “blocking. Francois Debrix. Ascribing language to action constructed political deeds. Western interventionists. Agency.
." were used and juxtaposed (or interfaced). This means that arriving at a greater level of agreement/coherence between speech acts (achieving communi-cability) requires an understanding of the rules of language and of their workings. differential. They vary from agent to agent. These interfacing/interlocking speech acts.Se(k)urity 1.
as the speech acts evolved through contact with other speech acts. from words to words. but similarly. (f I what needs to be done is to detail the "rules of language within which a set \ of practices are constituted in relation to one another" (1996. although contradictory at times. 19)
By contrast. In Bosnia's conflict. Fierke I goes on to detail several identities and political strategies that were the I product of various language rules deployed by Western actors in their description of the Bosnian conflict. 482). a narrative of "threat" and another of "promise. Fierke affirms and uses Wittgenstein's theory of language by interpreting language as a "form of ^ action" that manifests deeds that are proper to the context of the utterance To make sense of political realities through the language of human agents. at the same time. But among these linguistic games. Speech acts may clash or be contradictory. As the product of the actor's actions. language is responsive to the deed of the actor only. 469). for example). some of these deed narratives or speech acts were in apparent contradiction of one another. other Western actors turned to a language of promise (as the United Nations did. and. not to an external system of
ideological coherence. Language (in use) underwent some transformations as every agent situated within the Bosnian context reacted to these linguistic productions with new.” or “hijacking” for instance. and Vietnam. Debrix 95 (Language. Furthermore. Fierke identifies several "interfacing language games" (1996. in return.

emerging post-na. Critical Theory and World Politics: Citizenship. This approach to international society can be criticized for regarding respect for sovereignty as more important than the protection of human rights.
.
Sovereignty and Humanity p 81. those who intervene in other’s internal affairs create dangerous precedents which ease the way for predatory states to extend their power under the guise of promoting humanitarian principles (Roberts 1993). Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University).tional and post-sovereign states with pretensions to be good international citizens should respect the sovereignty of other powers even when they are committed to totalizing politics. These are the central tenets of statism. Consequently.Se(k)urity 1. but it does rule out military force for humanitarian ends. Tempting though it may be to intervene to assist
other peoples. or economic sanctions and embargos in extreme cases.ary between humanitarian war and military aggression lies. the fact is that there is no agreement about how the line should be drawn between grave and less serious violations of human rights. From this standpoint. Later. and there is no consensus about where the bound. Its supporters frequently reply by stressing the dangers of humanitarian intervention. 7.0 82/224
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HUMANITARIANISM
Any attempts of humanitarian projects using the military justify predatory extensions of power. Regard for sovereignty does not preclude diplomatic efforts to persuade societies to behave differently.

Identities are the product of discourses that function by establishing linguistic oppositions such as developed/underdeveloped. justified the adoption by the United States of a new internationalist and colonialist policy. Once again. Doty's emphasis is on the discourses produced in the context of the encounter between the Filipino population and the US colonizing forces." Doty writes (1996. Francois Debrix. These discourses of foreign relations were instances of discursive
power. This point about the power of discourse is directly derived in Foucault's analysis of disciplinary power described above. Politics. halfhuman Filipino subject in eed of guardianship. They
ascribe a relation Slower (hierarchy. For Doty. Before identities become socially engraved. more crucially. The idea of mobilizing such linguistic instruments was to modify international political practice so that the United States' new colonialist power could be justified/normalized. Those depictions were produced by the American Colonizers who of course had a distinct interest in manipulating language. childlike. Taking ifr granteds Foucaultian understanding of disciplinary and discursive power Doty goes on to demonstrate that the development of a potent colonialist and internationalist identity by the United States in the early 900s
was achieved through discursive/textual depictions and denotations of a weaker. as they were concerned with mobilizing specific linguistic instruments and manipulating certain terms that would then produce privileged meanings and ultimately yield powerful political results for the United States. objects. authority. Discourses do not merely reflect power constructs found in social practices. "Subjects. by extension.0 83/224
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IDENTITY POLITICS
The totalizing assumptions of identity politics creates the very violence they are out to stop Debrix 95 (Language. On the contrary. deed. discourses create power.Se(k)urity 1. social identities are never outside language. We discursively mobilize
dichotomies that privilege the first term to the detriment of the second. 28) Doty's aim is to apply a discursive and performative approach to] identity construction to a specific situation: the US colonization of the Philippines in the 1890s and 1900s. Agency. and often in an elementary fashion. Her point is not merely that discourses create reality. nonwhite. multiple textual sources at that time (congressional
reports. They c helped to create a sense of us versus them in US relations with the Philippines and. statements by "politicians. they must have been discursively fabricated. and practices are not brute facts. dominant race/inferior race. "in fixing names to things we establish their existence and their relationships to other things" (333). 333). self-governing beings/tutored subjects. Rather. pg. discourses "naturalize" representations of self and other. She posits that identities are not naturally given but that they are
not completely social either. American literature) played a crucial part in implementing dichotomous representations of the American and the Filipino. They normalize identities. But.
. They draw their power from language and are reaffirmed through linguistic/textual practices. those discourses are inherently bout power. and physical force) to the represented ^tfcal reality. Fellow at the Oxford University.

Later. Significantly. 7. Carr and Foucault have answered this question by arguing for extending the boundaries of
moral and political community.Se(k)urity 1.munity – coextensive with humankind – raise the important question of whether the principles of foreign policy might move further along the spectrum from moral exclusion to moral inclusion. On some occasions. few have couched their claims to legitimacy in these terms alone.
Sovereignty and Humanity p 42. thinkers as diverse as Kant.
Although modern states appeal to national political loyalties to justify their foreign policy behaviour. These references to a wider moral com. the welfare of the entire species is invoked as a principle of foreign policy. and for enlarging sympathy and solidarity.
. and attendant obligations are concretized in numerous international practices and institutions. Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University). Critical Theory and World Politics: Citizenship.0 84/224
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IMPACT DISCOURSE
Need for security is normalize into foreign policy language and legitimized with threats of extinction. The need to defend international order is reflected in the language of foreign policy.

overthrow apostate regimes in Muslim lands. central
to the discourse is an underlying assumption that violence and terrorism is inherent to Islam. there are also more implicit ways of associating Islam with violence and terrorism. this creates the impression that Islam itself is a source of threat. shari’a. as if all ‘Islamist’ groups naturally have a ‘terrorist wing. because unlike Christianity.uk/disciplines/politics/researchgroups/cip/publications/documents/Jackson_000. democracy. Similarly. published in a prominent terrorism studies journal. Dar al-Harb. it is also a revivalist religious social movement. which is in turn caused by ‘Arab rage’ and a sense of impotence brought about by the failure of the Muslim world to achieve economic
. Dar al-Islam. a noted terrorism expert. refers to ‘the Islamist movements and their respective armed “terrorist” wings’ without any qualification at all.155. jahiliyyah. tolerance and diversity).ac.’27 it is not uncommon to
find discussions of ‘the inherent.’ 34 One such study begins with the assertion that ‘Al Qaeda and the radical fundamentalists that constitute the new “global jihadi movement” are not theological outliers’. html version from google created in 2010 is at http://74. http://www. as if it were a self-evident fact – that terrorism is directly ed to. ‘Islamic terrorists’ are said to be motivated by a deep ‘hatred’ of America and the West. there are also a great many overt expressions of this narrative. Benjamin Barber argues that ‘These Jihadic warriors detest modernity – the secular. a respected
terrorism expert. it is asserted that ‘Islamic terrorists’ aim primarily to destroy Israel and the West. Politics and Terrorism: A Critical Analysis of Narratives of “Islamic Terrorism””2007. shahada.’36 Another core narrative of the discourse is that ‘Islamic terrorism’ is motivated largely by religious or ‘sacred’ causes
rather than political concerns. a great many
‘Islamic terrorism’ texts contain detailed discussions of Islamic doctrines of jihad. Islam purports to regulate both the public and private lives of Muslims. In particular. Walter Laqueur for example.125. and guides its tactics.and Arabinspired terrorism is still striking’. Centre for International Politics University of Manchester “Religion. 24 This narrative is frequently expressed indirectly in observations about Islam’s prominent status in the field of religious violence. Magnus Ranstorp suggests that. the use of the term ‘Islamic terrorism’ for example. suggests that while there is ‘no Muslim or Arab monopoly in the field of religious fanaticism… the frequency of Muslim. arguing that ‘Salafi ideology determines its mission. scientific. Islamic doctrine and practice. it is considered axiomatic that ‘Islamist’.’29 Directly related to this.0 85/224
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Notions of “Islamic terrorism” assume that Islam is naturally violent and a major security threat to the west. Barak Mendelsohn notes that ‘religious extremists who wish to impose religious order exist in all religions. Shaul Mishal and Maoz Rosenthal for example. but evidently. +Politics+and+Terrorism:+A+Critical+Analysis+of+Narratives+of+%E2%80%9CIslamic+Terrorism%22%22&hl=en&as_sdt=80000000&as_vis=1) First. argue that Islamic extremists’ ‘more far-reaching goal is the
replacement of the existing non-Islamic social and political order in the Arab nations with an Islamic state ruled by the Islamic law.’33 The terrorism-extremism association contained in these discursive formations works to construct the widely-accepted ‘knowledge’ that certain forms of Islam are by nature violent and terroristic.’ 38 Associated with this discursive formulation of religiously-motivated aims is
the frequent portrayal of ‘Islamic terrorism’ as anti-modern.com/+%22Religion. ‘Wahabist’ and ‘Salafist’ groups
are ed to or directly involved in terrorism. stated: ‘the Islamic world’s rejection of democracy and
modernity as well as their ongoing Islamic resurgence and propensity to violence’ was because ‘the concept of nation-state and democracy is. even organic connection that has always existed between Political Islam and violence’ due to the fact that ‘Islam does not separate the realms of religion and politics.’25 Similarly. suggesting that radical Muslims aim at ‘uniting all Muslims into one state. and in the
words of The Foreign Policy Centre think-tank. sets its goals. Intentional or not. Magnus Ranstorp for example. religious terrorism looms larger in Muslim societies. takfir and the like. these groups are motivated by a ‘xenophobia against everything alien or secular’ and a ‘vehement rejection of western culture. This stops any attempts to negotiate with these groups and justifies their extermination as the only possible strategy Jackson 7
(Richard. to most contemporary Muslim nations.socialsciences. In turn.’ 40 An extremely crass expression of this narrative. Marc Sageman.google. anti-secular and antidemocratic. Typically. However.35 thereby implying that they emerge from mainstream Islamic doctrine. return the Muslim world to a true and pure form of Islam and reestablish an Islamic Caliphate.’32 Moreover.’39 Similarly.132/scholar?q=cache:X-mxfLmPLMMJ:scholar.’41 Moreover. as well as analyses of Islamic scholars and writers such as Sayyid Qutb and Ibn Wahhab – all within the context of discussing the origins of ‘Islamic terrorism. makes no distinction between church and state and has never discarded the notion of religious war.’ However. ‘the threat of secularization from foreign sources’ is the ‘catalyst for springing religious
terrorists into action’. discursively s the religion of Islam with terrorism. it is most frequently assumed – often without any evidence provided. refers to ‘the global Salafi jihad’ and ‘Salafi terrorist groups’ led by al Qaeda. or is indeed rooted in. Apart from Samuel Huntington’s crude assertion that ‘Islam has bloody borders. rational and commercial civilization created by the Enlightenment as it is defined… in its virtues (freedom. these studies
function to reinforce the perception that contemporary ‘Islamic terrorism’ somehow emerges from.pdf. Obviously. emerges from or is inspired by extremist and fundamentalist forms of Islam. ‘Al Qaeda is not only a
terrorist political organization. as alien to them as pork rinds. that ‘the “jihadists” can be found in almost any place that Muslim communities can be found. Additionally. according to Sageman. and dominating the world. doctrines and activities’ 31 – assuming that violence is central to Islamism. and while ‘a discussion of religion-inspired terrorism cannot possibly confine itself to radical Islam… it has to take into account the Muslim countries’ pre-eminent position in this field.’30 Reuven Paz of the International Policy Institute for CounterTerrorism (ICT) writes of the ‘Islamist terrorist culture’ and ‘violent Islamist ideologies.Se(k)urity 1. ummah.manchester.’28 A prominent counter-terrorism think-tank publication argues that ‘in the Islamic world one cannot differentiate between the political violence of Islamic groups and their popular support derived from religion… the present terrorism on the part of the Arab and Muslim world is Islamic in nature.’37 David Cook goes even further. thereby forming an unconscious and seamless association between the two.

driven by hatred. particularly the notion that the world is facing a ‘new terrorism’. civilisation and our entire way of life. Benjamin Barber argues that ‘their purposes can be neither rationalized nor negotiated’ and ‘the terrorists offer no terms and can be given none in exchange. and the World Wide Web. Jessica Stern argues that ‘Religious terrorist groups are more
violent than their secular counterparts and are probably more likely to use weapons of mass destruction. Armed with modern technology.0 7 Week Juniors 86/224 development and modernisation. RAND Corporation analysts argue that: ‘Terrorism seems to be evolving in the direction of violent netwar. there is no possibility of negotiation.S. compromise or appeasement. modern technology and the internet would have been reduced to throwing stones at local sheiks. 2001.000 and 50. fanaticism and extremism rather than by political ideology. flexible network structures. instead. between 70.’59 The ‘Jihadi’ ‘networks’ moreover.’ 56 Tony Blair similarly argues that ‘you only have to read the demands that come out from Al Qaeda to realise that there is no compromise with these people possible. its broader agenda of rectifying humiliation. some 100 to 150 million persons worldwide. global financial systems. coordinate activities.’43 Consequently.’60 It is often seen as ironic that such groups use modern technology in pursuit of a return to a medieval way of life. driven by networks of fanatics determined to inflict maximum civilian and economic damages on distant targets in pursuit of their extremist goals.000 ‘Al Qaeda operatives’ in the world today.
employing several of the primary ‘Islamic terrorism’ narratives. The threat narrative borrows heavily from terrorism studies. because they lack ‘any moral constraints in the use of violence. indoctrinate individuals.’57 Another
element of the ‘new terrorism’ narrative is the notion that unlike the hierarchically organised traditional terrorist groups. They target the West. Daniel Pipes suggests that the ‘Islamist
element constitutes some 10 to 15 percent of the total Muslim world population of roughly one billion – that is.’53 Similarly. however.000 radical
Muslims had graduated from Al Qaeda training camps. and a poisoned worldview that glorifies jihad as a solution. Takeyh and Gvosdev suggest that ‘Radical Islamism is an ideology of wrath directed against an existing order. Terrorism without its reliance on credit cards.Se(k)urity 1. he opines that although ‘reliable statistics on opinion in the Muslim world do not exist.’ The logic of
this language implies that bringing terrorists ‘to justice can only take the form of extirpation – root. share operational information. In most texts.51 The picture created by these kinds of discursive constructions return us
to the notion that Islam and ‘the Muslim world’ constitutes a direct and major existential threat to the West. Moreover. are facilitated by the internet and various other modern technologies which extremists use to propagate their message.000 and 110. they are capable of devastating destruction worldwide. It is therefore a more murderous form of terrorism than the world has seen before. describes the threat thus: A new type of terrorism threatens the world. ‘Bin Laden without modern media would have been an unknown desert rat.’ In addition.
Magnus Ranstorp states that religious extremists are ‘relatively unconstrained in the lethality and the indiscriminate nature of violence used’. the new ‘Islamic terrorists’ operate in decentralised. many of them in ‘independent “sleeper” cells committed to waging holy war against the West’50 and who are supported by over six million more radicals worldwide. semi-independent cells that have no single commanding hierarchy. ed together in a global ‘jihadist network’ of terror.’58 Chatham House similarly describes al Qaeda as ‘a network of networks and affiliates with a presence in at least 60 countries.47 The narrative of the threat posed by ‘Islamic terrorism’ is also
closely tied to a pervasive mythology surrounding the ‘al Qaeda’ network and the so-called ‘Afghan jihad. many of whom trained in the Afghan campaign. Crucially.’ which means that ‘the United States has over 100 million Islamist enemies. In a typical expression of this
narrative for example. but their operations mercilessly slaughter thousands of people…46 Officials in particular. eradication. national security in particular.’ Typically. This has been dubbed ‘techno-terrorism. deterrence and forceful counter-terrorism are the only reasonable responses. For example. it is seen as axiomatic that ‘Islamic terrorism’ remains ‘one of the
most significant threats to the Western world in general and U. raise funds and elicit support. it is assumed that ‘Part of the mission of jihad is thus to restore Muslims’ pride in the face of a humiliating New World Order. are apt to suggest that ‘Islamic terrorism’ is such a potent force that it threatens
to destroy Western democracy. email.52 The ‘new terrorism’ thesis argues that.’49 Others have suggested that there may be between 35. are driven to sacrifice themselves in murderous suicide attacks and would be willing to employ weapons of mass destruction.’55 Similarly. the above narratives imply that because ‘Islamic terrorism’ is fanatical. successive military defeats by Israel and an inability to resist intrusive processes of globalisation and
secularisation. Islamic fundamentalist organizations like Hamas and the bin Laden network consist of groups in loosely interconnected. or the use by terrorists of satellite communications. you either get defeated by them or defeat them. after identifying the enemy as ‘militant Islam’. it is asserted that there are thousands of militant ‘jihadists’. is that it poses a massive threat to the security of the West. As Benjamin Barber acerbically notes. ‘Islamic terrorists’ are said to have the support of several dangerous ‘rogue’ regimes and hundreds of millions of Muslim sympathisers across both the Muslim and Western worlds.48 Jessica Stern states that ‘by September 11. today’s religiously-inspired terrorists are determined to cause mass casualties among civilians. appeasing al-Qaeda is difficult in theory and impossible in practice.’61 Ultimately.’45 Marc Sageman. Daniel Byman states: ‘’Because of the scope of its grievances. trunk and branch.’ 42 while Bernard Lewis argues that ‘Islamic fundamentalism has given an aim and a form to the otherwise aimless and formless resentment and anger of the Muslim masses at the forces that have devalued their traditional values and loyalties. murderous and irrational. the purpose of this language is to
reinforce how dangerous these groups are. religiously-motivated. how difficult they are to counter-act and how extermination is a necessary response
.’44 Perhaps the most important narrative of ‘Islamic terrorism’ however. my sense is that one half of the world’s Muslims – or some 500 million persons – sympathize more with Osama bin Laden and the Taliban than with the United States. find new recruits.

decontextualise and dehistoricise the grievances and political struggles of a great many groups and sometimes.ing the motives of the terrorists from the policies of Western states or their allies. That is. Perhaps most importantly.S. html version from google created in 2010 is at http://74. Centre for International Politics University of Manchester “Religion.google.132/scholar?q=cache:X-mxfLmPLMMJ:scholar.
.Se(k)urity 1.155. entire societies. contributing to the complete acceptance of US Heg Jackson 7
(Richard.ac. The discourse of ‘Islamic terrorism’ similarly functions politically to reify hegemonic power structures. thereby de.com/+%22Religion. it always works for someone and for something.socialsciences.uk/disciplines/politics/researchgroups/cip/publications/documents/Jackson_000. it is an exercise in social and political power. Politics and Terrorism: A Critical Analysis of Narratives of “Islamic Terrorism””2007. locating the source of terrorism in religious extremism functions to deny and obscure its political origins and the possibility that it is a response to specific Western policies. cosmic aims to violent groups.pdf.125.0 87/224
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Discourse of Islamic terrorism blocks the political struggles of so-called “terrorist” groups from view. http://www. the discourse works to depoliticise. Such ‘knowledge’ of ‘Islamic terrorism’ therefore facilitates the uninterrupted exercise of U. assigning nonrational. and British power in the international sphere by obviating the need for policy re-appraisal. +Politics+and+Terrorism:+A+Critical+Analysis+of+Narratives+of+%E2%80%9CIslamic+Terrorism%22%22&hl=en&as_sdt=80000000&as_vis=1)
Discourse and the ‘knowledge’ it produces is never neutral or objective.manchester.

murderous ‘Islamic extremists’ for example. suicidal ‘Islamic terrorists’ functions to amplify rather than allay the fear that terrorist acts aim to create because it reinforces the impression that the attackers are inhuman killing machines who cannot be deterred or reasoned with. based in large part on the logic of the ‘Islamic terrorism’ discourse. a waste of limited resources and in some cases. a shoot-to-kill policy. there is little doubt that Western counter-terrorism policies in the war on terrorism. not least because it actually assists certain terrorist groups to promote their message that there is a fundamental conflict between Islam and the West.0 88/224
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ISLAMIC TERRORISM
Discourse of “Islamic terrorism” creates a warped plane for constructing policy. the language of fanatical. all appear reasonable.com/+%22Religion. the practice of extraordinary rendition and public support for Israel’s war against Lebanon – among others – are creating further political grievances which will more than likely lead to further campaigns of terrorism. the Guantanamo prison camp. The main problem is that the central terms and narratives – the accepted ‘knowledge’ – underpinning these policies is. More broadly.uk/disciplines/politics/researchgroups/cip/publications/documents/Jackson_000. This is primarily because the discourse restricts the legitimate ‘knowledge’ that is allowed to inform policy debate while simultaneously establishing the parameters of legitimate action.ac. counter-productive – particularly when innocent Muslims are publicly victimised by them. the possibility of diplomacy or policy reform appears both nonsensical and illegitimate.
. are intensifying cycles of violence and instability: the Iraq invasion. the destruction of Falluja. control orders. html version from google created in 2010 is at http://74. as I have demonstrated.125. within the confines of discussion about how to deal with religiously-inspired. Islamic youth outreach programmes and prosecuting the glorification of terrorism. highly dubious. murderous. In addition.socialsciences. restrictions on Islamic preachers. the Abu Ghraib abuses. it is safe to predict that these policies are going to be largely ineffective. +Politics+and+Terrorism:+A+Critical+Analysis+of+Narratives+of+%E2%80%9CIslamic+Terrorism%22%22&hl=en&as_sdt=80000000&as_vis=1)
The ‘Islamic terrorism’ discourse is also proving to be counter-productive in terms of its effects on the counterterrorism campaign.155. Centre for International Politics University of Manchester “Religion. http://www. The discourse is also counter-productive in other ways.manchester. while racial profiling.Se(k)urity 1. surveillance of mosques and schools. shutting down extremist websites and bookshops.132/scholar?q=cache:X-mxfLmPLMMJ:scholar. Based on a misdiagnosis of the nature and causes of contemporary political violence therefore. banning radical groups. Politics and Terrorism: A Critical Analysis of Narratives of “Islamic Terrorism””2007.google. creating ineffective and counter-productive anti-terrorism policies which create spiraling cycles of violence – makes the aff impacts inevitable Jackson 7
(Richard. Thus.pdf.

Royal Holloway University of London. 2003). What is more. United Kingdom c School of Geography. 2002: 7). DH1 3LE. Kagan’s essay detailed what he argued was the increasingly evident disparity between American and European worldviews. Stuart Elden b. This state of affairs. lauded and refuted by academics and political leaders alike (see.
. left to deal with the Saddams and the ayatollahs. or to put it a little differently. make ‘‘indispensable’’. due to its power-position. howevere and it is to his work that we now turn. Durham. and its exercise wherever and
however necessary. for Kagan claims.Se(k)urity 1. moreover.com) Yet another of PNAC’s co-founders chose to remain on the ‘outside’. Durham University. The ‘scribe’ in question is Robert Kagan. for Kagan. [where] Europeans have stepped out of the Hobbesian world of anarchy into the Kantian world of perpetual peace’’ (2002: 11) was made possible only by American power which assured the Cold War peace. Kagan’s claims have been widely discussed. David Campbell b. creating perpetual war Bialasiewicz et al 7
Luiza Bialasiewicz a. 2002: 1). that Europeans believe in diplomacy and multilateralism because they are ‘‘weak’’: ‘‘Europeans oppose unilateralism [. But his analysis. but also the only state able. the world’s geo-politican and its geo-police. that in essential ways they can be understood as occupying different worlds: ‘‘Europe is turning away from
power. 2006). so we will present them here only in brief. Kagan spends a significant part of his paper (and later book) analyzing what he terms ‘‘the psychology of power and weakness’’. United Kingdom.0 89/224
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KAGAN/UNILATERALISM/HEGEMONY
Discourses of hegemony and the need for unilateralism (by Kagan) place the US as the only “rational” actor. reiterating a set of shared understandings. 1992) ‘‘The End of History?’’ had been 13 years before. Stephen Graham b. In the early 1980s he was a member of the Department’s policy planning unit. the construction of the European ‘‘paradise’’. the ‘‘geopolitical fantasy [of] a postmodern system [where] the age-old laws of international relations have been repealed. indeed. Kagan’s article was highly influential. As we have argued elsewhere. and because Kagan (as Fukuyama) was speaking to friends and colleagues e and. is not the result of the strategic choices of a single administration. Williams a Department of Geography. “Performing security: The imaginative geographies of current US strategy” Political Geography 26 (2007) 405e422. At the time. he claims. because of his profile within the foreign policy establishment. at once. University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.] because they have no capacity for unilateralism’’ (Kagan. leaving the happy benefits to others’’ (2002: 16). US unilateralism and its doctrine of pre-emptive action. to perceive threats clearly. but a persistent divide and the reflection of fundamentally different perspectives on the world e and the role of Europe/ the US within it (Kagan. the US is thus invoked into a number of positions: as global leader (faced with Europe’s failings/ withdrawal). the Kim Jong Ils and the Jiang Zemins. Politics and Sociology. And while Europe has withdrawn into a mirage of Kantian ‘perpetual peace’. Entitled ‘‘Power and Weakness’’. America continues to hold this role because ‘‘post-historical Europe’’ will not e and cannot. Geography Department. and worked in the first Bush Administration as Secretary of State George Schultz’s speechwriter. Alex Jeffrey c. Kagan was a political commentator for the Washington Post and a writer for a number of conservative monthlies. just as
Fukuyama’s (1989. for example those referenced in Bialasiewicz & Elden. United Kingdom b International Boundaries Research Unit. later expanded as a book (Kagan. and had served in the State Department from 1984 to 1998. It is thus. Kagan’s analysis e as part of a wider ‘‘understanding’’ of the ways in which the post-Cold War world ‘‘works’’ developed by neoconservative intellectuals e would prepare the ground. particularly with regard to the conduct of international affairs. at base. the only one with a God’s eye view of international affairs. Kagan’s central claim was that Europeans and Americans no longer share a common
view of the world and. who in June 2002 published a highly influential piece in the foreign policy journal Policy Review. the US is forced to remain ‘‘stuck in history. as we will argue here. constituted above all a justification for American power. in many ways. the US has no choice
but to act in a Hobbesian world of perpetual war. Alison J. it is moving beyond power into a self-contained world of laws and rules and transnational negotiation and cooperation’’. It is a deeply troubling argument. via sciencedirect. the only state with the ‘knowledge’ but also the capability to intervene.

Even in Europe. and deepen the US’s political dominance. there is a greater willingness than in decades past to talk of the “benevolence of empire” or of the US as the “benevolent” imperial power. the colonized. the terms of discourse have now shifted so dramatically that the language of
empire and empire-building can be considered respectable. The major lines of division within the elites are on how to go about doing this. the liberated rather than the exploited or the oppressed!
. of how the expansion of this empire can now be understood as the pre-condition for the “expansion of freedom”. a view worthy of a hearing in the mainstream media in the US. “Selling US Wars”. p. Who can doubt this? Nor should
anyone be surprised that it s leading elites seek to sustain.Se(k)urity 1. 1)
The US today is militarily far and away the most powerful country in the world. rather than to the colonizers. research fellow at the Centre for Contemporary Studies. Indeed.0 90/224
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MASKING . assistant editor in Mumbai for The Times of India. Niall Ferguson’s recent works are but one
striking example of this turn toward a modern from of the “White Man’s Burden” – the claim that British imperialism was (and by analogy US imperial behavior today is) in fact primarily of benefit to its supposed victims.LINGUISTICS
Manipulation of linguistics misrepresent oppressive nature of imperialism – assume US and Western ideals are superior Vanaik 7 (Achin. A side consequence of the emergence of this new kind of
political discourse is also a much greater willingness to reassess in a much more favorable manner previous imperialisms such as the Pax Britannica with a view to providing historical insights and advice on how a Paz American can be instituted. The former were the real beneficiaries. extend. Professor of International Relations and Global Politics in the Political Science Department of Delhi
University.

Professor of International Relations and Global Politics in the Political Science Department of Delhi
University. Such overlaps mean that the US can and does shift from “weapons of mass destruction” to “regime change” to “fighting terrorism”. analyze. But they also have their areas of over lap and reinforcement. These discourses have their separate dynamics. the latter two themes.Se(k)urity 1. and combinations of. there is one overarching imperial
project and though the legitimizing discourses differ. which therefore need to be uncovered. research fellow at the Centre for Contemporary Studies. they remain part of an overall package. At the same time.
. thereby exposing their role in relation to how the US’s overall empire project is unfolding in different parts of the world. They aim to highlight different “dangers” and “concerns” to the US. 2) This book therefore aims to delineate.0 91/224
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MASKING – IDEOLOGICAL BANNERS
The US packages its ultimate goal of domination by using noble aims such as democracy and fighting terrorism – Iraq invasion proves Vanaik 7 (Achin. and the Bush administration has continued to justify its occupation via periodic slippages between. assistant editor in Mumbai for The Times of India. all “in the name of democracy”. and evaluate these discourses separately in chapter treatments. “Selling US Wars”. p.

Three is the domestic population of the United States itself – a terrain of very great importance.0 92/224
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The US uses “ideological banners” of solving international problems to mask empire-building agenda Vanaik 7 (Achin. There are the elites. Some are more useful than others in this regard even when their political and geographical terrains of application are separated and do not overlap. 3-4) The thematic structure of the book. 4) the necessity and justice of external and forcible humanitarian intervention. or critics of the US. In
MASKING – IDEOLOGICAL BANNERS
place of one overarching ideological banner of the Cold War era – defending the “free world” against the communist threat – six ideological banners have emerged. These are: 1) the global war of terror (GWOT).
. 2) weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) in the “wrong hands”. research fellow at the Centre for Contemporary Studies. and general public of the target areas of US imperial activity themselves. They all refer to concerns that actually predate the end of the Cold War. neutrals. need to be addressed in their own right. where they could achieve a much stronger public and international resonance. they all represent genuine problems and dangers that. regardless of how the discourses about
them may be manipulated. That is why the extent to which each banner is functional for empire also varies. There is finally the rest of the world. assistant editor in Mumbai for The Times of India. 5) regime change in the name of democracy. be these Central and West Asia (the Middle East) or the countries of Upper Amazonia. p. Professor of International Relations and Global Politics in the Political Science Department of Delhi
University. but whose governments and publics need also to be persuaded of the righteousness of American behavior. 3) failed states. The domains in which consent is to be elicited through use of these banners are threefold. governments. comprised of countries that might be allies. None of these six themes are purely or solely functional for the purposes
of empire-building. is as follows. which to greater or lesser extent serve the interests of US empire-building. then. Moreover. “Selling US Wars”. and 6) the war on narcotics. though it was not until after the collapse of the Soviet Union that a calculated US projection elevated most to a newer and much higher status.Se(k)urity 1.

December 14. Orientalist specialising in East Asia who is currently Emeritus Professor and Visiting Fellow.0 93/224
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NORTH KOREA – ROGUE STATE
Labeling North Korea as a terrorist or rogue state constructs it as a threat.
. The formal presidential statement of strategy presented to Congress in September 2002 referred only to two 'rogue states'. war. were Iraq and North Korea. sponsor terrorism. The January 2002 'Axis of Evil' speech and the June 2002 commitment to preemptive war were stark signals from Washington to Pyongyang. 'reject basic human values and hate the United States and everything for which it stands. "North Korea" ZNet: The Spirit of Resistance Lives
North Korea ranks high on the Bush administration's list of 'terror states'. strive to acquire weapons of mass destruction. Saturday. It is true that the acts to which Kim Jong Il confessed in September 2002 . which constituted 'a looming threat to all nations'. 'Normalcy' has not been known in the area of East Asia surrounding the Korean peninsula for a hundred years. meaning states that brutalize their own people.Se(k)urity 1.kidnapping and spying . 2002. Colonialism.' These states.could be described as 'terroristic'. Cold War and confrontation have profoundly distorted the frame of state and inter-state relationships. ignore international law. division. Yet simply to label North Korea in such terms is neither to understand the burden of the past nor to offer any prescription for the present or future. The warping has affected not only state systems but also minds and souls. He is also a coordinator of an award-winning open access journal The Asia-Pacific Journal: Japan Focus. Division of Pacific and Asian History of the Australian National University. warping policy McCormack 2
Gavan McCormack.

suggests Havel. imagination. they must address the "technocratic. at the moment of their greatest triumph. when in the search for a secure (secular) foundation for understanding the modern world. as in the Fukuyama thesis). in both the liberal West and communist societies. in unique technological circumstances."17 Havers position. accordingly. More precisely. the demise of the Soviet empire does not.
. centered on "the proud belief that man. Rather. notwithstanding its significance for global life. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Scence. as the pinnacle of everything that exists.Se(k)urity 1. 8-9. continue to express themselves as the "historical symbol[s] for the dream of reason. it appeals to the most powerful Western societies (particularly the United States). and closures integral to it.16 From Havel's perspective. and of possessing the one and only truth about the world. It is in these terms."19 This is a significant insight in relation to this work. it is understood as having major implications for the way in which the dominant articulators of modern thought.18 The specific proposition here is one rarely encountered in any International Relations text. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. AM) One final commentary on the issue of post-Cold War theory as practice might provide the most explicit indication yet of why this situation continues in the 1990s and might help direct the discussion more precisely to central themes in this book. explaining and controlling everything that exists. while confronting the most profound of modernity's philosophical illusions. because in its particular representation of the dominant approach to modernity—as the philosophical pursuit of objectivity. that this
book seeks to explain the significance for contemporary global "practice" of that historicophilosophical process by which International Relations has framed its dominant images of self and Others in the world. when a particular image of real knowledge. to a significant extent. the discourse of meaning associated with human history and political life was appropriated by the scientific project. an appeal for serious critical reflection upon the fundamental philosophical premises of Western modernity. To speak of International Relations in these terms is to recognize as integral to it the complexities and tensions of a period when. is capable of objectively describing. by necessity. It represents. the prospect of meaningful democratic change taking place in the wake of the Cold War depends. indicate any sense of progressive linear movement toward liberal capitalist synthesis (e. costs. in this sense. More precisely. utilitarian approach to Being" that characterized Cold War power politics. and flexibility. Australian National University. more explicitly. to reflect upon not just the great achievements of modern political life but also upon the dangers.g. via the influences of Popper.0 94/224
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OMNIPOTENCE
The affirmative’s belief that they can objectively describe all events globally is rooted in enlightenment belief that rational man is the center of all things George ’94 (Jim. centered on the natural sciences. and control—it adds contextual coherence to a discussion that locates the dominant Tradition of International Relations in precisely these terms. is that instead of engaging in simplistic triumphalism. a narrowly based interpretation of social reality was transformed into a universal agenda for all theory and practice. International Relations. silences. [in which] the two selfproclaimed superpowers propped each other up against the storm blowing from the abyss of a world dissolved. The relative positions of the Cold War
superpowers are the focus of attention here. on the capacities of the most powerful global actors to confront those aspects of their theory and practice that continue. Most significant.. will be (re)introduced here as a microscopic representation
of a larger process of "knowing" and "meaning" intrinsic to modern social life since images of cogito rationality became fundamental to self-identity and the rational pursuit of foundational certainty became the raison d'être of modern theory and practice. in the 1990s. Indeed. in short.” p. changing global environment.. Vaclav Havel' s ruminations on this question and the contrast they evoke with mainstream Western approaches are of most significance.. in terms that continue to restrict its capacity to think and act with genuine tolerance. omnipotence. to restrict their understanding of a complex. the Western "victors" of the Cold War must now begin to confront the aspects of their own societies that saw them bound together with the Soviet Union for so long in a kind of alliance between the last citadels of the modern era [emphasis added] making a common cause against the ravages of time and change. became embedded at the core of our understanding of human society.

not such as man's own reason would have it be. was important in this regard as the first to formulate a conception of science. and in terms that bring the knowledge/power nexus more starkly into focus (particularly Foucault's focus). Bacon's search for an objective knowledge of the world was stimulated by the desire to gain "command over things natural over bodies. particularly in Western Europe and Britain.0 95/224
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POWER-KNOWLEDGE
Humanist enlightenment assumptions simply are a vessel to control the world around us George ’94 (Jim. based on experimentation and quantitative laws. Australian National University. ."18 In the same vein."17 Accordingly. AM)
With the development of a modern physics in the seventeenth century. mechanical power and infinite others of this kind. 49-50. for all its philosophical contemplation.” p. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. the iments of an empiricist theory of knowledge were emerging. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations."19
. medicine. in particular. insisted Bacon. such as it is in fact. it had not "adduced a single experiment which tends to relieve and benefit the condition of man.l6 In England. the real purpose of modern knowledge was "the building in the human understanding [of] a true model of the world. Galileo. Francis Bacon was pronouncing the "old" tradition of Greek philosophy as of no more value than "prattle . moreover.Se(k)urity 1. . characteristic of boys" because.

and Community” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. the realm of the state).e.
. And although it is an attempt to bridge the gap between international relations and international economics.Se(k)urity 1. with force and economics ( ed to civil society). 147) In terms of the basic structure of assumed entities and their relationships. there is a willingness to recognize that other entities are possibly significant and other forms of politics may occur. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. but all are subservient to state structures. as it involves the commitment to the state as the only legitimate framework for political economy. Within IPE statism is more than putting the state at the center of analysis (state-centrism). In this ontology. processes. Visiting Professor of International Relations at City University “The Missing : Security. with rule by consent.57 With regard to the argument of this chapter. In this equation the politics of interstate economic relations was already demonstrating the power of the yet-to-be-articulated neoliberal ideology and neorealist IR theory. and the realm of economics being given the generative role in the construction of the issues and concerns of governments.56 Even after the politics of international economics became international political economy (around the same time that mainstream IR moved to embrace neorealism) the academic mainstream of IPE continued to conceive the state as the ontological core entity. it also shares with IR a marked tendency to equate politics (i. At the same time. Critical International Political Economy. the politics being intergovernmental. with the unit of analysis being the territorial economy of the state. and purposes. the nature and limitations of this statism are best understood in relation to the way in which the joining together of economics and IR in the concept and issue of economic security has been theorized by orthodox IPE. IPE draws upon classical political realism for its statism and liberal economic theory
for its understanding of economics.."55 In other words.0 96/224
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POLITICAL ECONOMY
Mainstream analyses of political economy are tied to the same assumptions as realist IR Tooze 5
Roger. IPE was initially constructed as "the politics of international economic relations. the focus was to be the politics of interstate economic relations. Statism remains the core ontological commitment for orthodox IPE.

Such a position makes the articulation of an international political economy of security highly problematic because the conceptions of economics and politics used are contentious and contradictory. and the world of consensus (transnational social relations and economic cooperation). and Community” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. and the contention cannot be resolved by merely reframing the problem as one of "competing perspectives" (paradigmatism) in which either politics determines economics or economics determines politics.
The move to security. Enrico Augelli and Craig Murphy73 in their discussion of Gramsci's notion of civil society provide the basis to suggest that such a conception of economics reinforces the distinction between two worlds of power constructed by different social processes: the world of force (realist states in a condition of anarchy). absolutely politically defined. Most of the practitioners
. the view of economics imported from the economics profession—both the corporate and academic worlds—is largely neoliberal. Critical International Political Economy. it must be stressed. however. This might be a common-sense definition or view of economics. and it reflects and influences who gets what. self-serving activity with economic issues amenable to technical resolution. in the sense that it acts as an authoritative allocator of value.0 97/224
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POLITICAL ECONOMY
Orthodox political economy accepts neoliberal economic assertions which prevent conceptualization of political economy of security Tooze 5
Roger. and not outside of the realm of power. 151-152)
of orthodox IPE. This notion is. but common sense is constructed. politics. whereas politics is regarded as both residual and irrational. Visiting Professor of International Relations at City University “The Missing : Security.72 Essentially. not natural. Nor can it be resolved by the otherwise reasonable assertion about the "mutually constitutive" meaning and practices of both spheres. in the sense that the intervention of politics prevents the efficient operation of the market. and economics is desirable and important. have accepted a predefined notion of what constitutes economics and what the social role of economics is and should be. when. However.Se(k)urity 1. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. and how. where. and is therefore clearly not neutral. This means that economics is separated from politics and is regarded as a rational.

the practice of orthodox IPE reproduces by way of discourse both a specific conception of politics and a specific imported conception of economics. 152) The foundations of this strand of the argument are laid in the critique of conventional security studies mounted by CSS itself. as Robert Cox points out.
.76 If (as in the case in IPE) ontology provides for a fixed and historically continuous framework. then a problem-solving theory based in positivism is perfectly adequate.-
centered. but for most purposes a critical approach would find such problem-solving theory inappropriate and inadequate. positivism is perfectly suited to supporting and explicating an ontology that argues for the fundamental continuity of an IPE based solely on states. This means that it can never capture or understand the power of institutionalized ideas. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. US-based political economy can’t grasp and change power relations and security Tooze 5
Roger."75 As such.S. Visiting Professor of International Relations at City University “The Missing : Security. such as the view of the world political economy put forward and supported by the World Bank.Se(k)urity 1. statist IPE privileges a particular. "positivism is less well adapted to inquiry into complex and comprehensive change. Because people behave as if the World Bank view is real and right. Each of these conceptions resists the integration of politics and economics that is necessary if a real understanding of security is to be achieved.74 The core elements of this critique are that a primarily U. Moreover—and crucially—the orthodox combination of ontology and epistemology is not fortuitous or accidental. Critical International Political Economy.0 98/224
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POLITICAL ECONOMY
Statist. it is also evident in the critique of orthodox IPE that has begun but has yet to be fully articulated. This orthodox IPE is both made possible by and uses instrumentally an empiricist epistemology that in buttressing its limited understanding fails to take account of any form of the intersubjective construction and understanding of world political economy. and ahistorical conceptualization of the structure of the world political economy and that the explication of this structure offered by the mainstream is not sufficient to produce any real understanding of the political economy it purports to address. Finally. fundamentalist. and Community” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. it has enormous power.

within this universe.78 Unless and until we can redefine our understanding of the nature of politics to be more than simply state-based and referenced. This conception is one in which there is an identity between state and politics that is reflected in the meaning of the political concepts we use. 153)
The statist nature of orthodox IPE is one of the major constraints in working toward an international political economy in which security is an integral factor. politics is "no longer confined to the state.Se(k)urity 1. Critical International Political Economy. and often works directly against emancipation. but also because statist orthodox IPE contains and reproduces an ahistorical universalized conception of politics in which politics is forever embedded in and contained by the state and its territorial trap. such as authority—the meaning of which is embedded firmly in a practice of state politics. that constantly help to reproduce the situation that we are hoping to change.77 Hence the ontological underpinnings of statist IPE privileges a particular universe of structure and process and."79 She asks: "Why should we imagine that states are the only institutions which exercise authority over others in setting not only the rules but also the norms and customary procedures?
. This is not only because statist IPE seems to preclude the kind of security that CSS envisages. we are stuck with language and concepts. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. including notions of authority and security. Visiting Professor of International Relations at City University “The Missing : Security.0 99/224
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POLITICAL ECONOMY
Statist political economy reproduces the current system and ignores non-statist forms of politics Tooze 5
Roger. a very specific politically and historically defined conception of politics. to the functioning of government by states. As Susan Strange has forcefully argued. and Community” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics.

in some cases. 1997. In ‘speaking back’ their representation of a foreign policy issue. which is normalized as official knowledge and creates “objective” truths and threats. leading to less diversity in terms of the representations argued. it is not a matter of deciding upon a proper social science epistemology as in the rationalist. Hansen 1996. and academic analysis. and popular culture reinforce or contest each other (Hansen and Wæver 2002. It would. but authority is also built on knowing about a particular issue.8 In making s to older texts. 1997. the media.
. political oppositional parties. One might therefore be prone to focus the analysis on official policy and discourse as not much new will be uncovered when including a larger set of actors and media. new texts rely upon the status of the older. the media. If representations of identity are always employed in the legitimization of foreign policy. institutions. An intertextual understanding of foreign policy argues that texts build their arguments and authority through references to other texts: by making direct quotes or by adopting key concepts and catchphrases. media coverage. Der Derian 1992. at least not in democratic societies. as different genres—policy speech. as well as more popular forms of writing. University of Copenhagen) Security as
Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War.
Shapiro 1988. and media outlets. Top politicians rarely have detailed knowledge about the issues put before them and therefore rely upon their advisors. for instance— establish particular forms of knowledge as acceptable. Neumann 1996a). This is not to say that there is necessarily a complete congruence between
official foreign policy discourse and the representations argued from other sources: politicians do not always (or even rarely) reproduce media and expert representations slavishly.6 But. Official foreign policymakers seek to constitute themselves as having authority to speak about a foreign policy issue: their formal authority is derived from their institutional location. Holm 1993. and public intellectuals? Poststructuralist discourse analysis argues that foreign policy decision-makers are situated within a larger political and public sphere. but weave them into the present context and argument. nor does official discourse determine which representations can be argued by other sources and agents. and media discourses. p 6-7. That different genres of foreign policy writing adopt different forms of knowledge becomes particularly salient when foreign policy discourses are seen as intertextually ed. 6. Department of Political Science.0 100/224
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POLICY-MAKING
Top politicians rely on academic and media representations to determine their knowledge. Director of the Ph. be extremely unlikely—and politically unsavvy—for politicians to articulate
foreign policy without any concern for the representations found within the wider public sphere as they attempt to present their policies as legitimate to their constituencies. but this process of reading and ing also produces new meaning: references never reproduce the originals in a manner which is fully identical. becomes important for establishing authority. and that
their representations as a consequence draw upon and are formed by the representations articulated by a larger number of individuals.constructivistpoststructuralist debate. Understanding official foreign policy discourse as situated within a wider discursive field opens up a theoretical and empirical research agenda that examines how foreign policy representations and representations articulated by oppositional political forces.d. where do representations come from and how do official representations relate to those argued by oppositional political parties and groups. also points to the importance of genre. journalistic reportage. and. such a hegemonic situation might also be seen as worthy of
an extensive study of nongovernmental sources in as much as this generates important knowledge of the way in which governmental representations are dispersed and reproduced. Program. politicians are in turn influencing what count as proper representations within a particular foreign policy issue. therefore. background literature to establish a representational framing of the policy (to be) adopted. How texts
construct acceptable knowledge becomes an empirical question in need of analysis.7 To study foreign policy by examining patterns of reproduction and contestation across official discourse. Some foreign policy questions are less contested than others. and this in turn creates a new analytical optic for discourse analysis of foreign policy. Knowledge.Se(k)urity 1. Lene (Associate Professor. however. academe. Hansen.

Blieker 86 (Senior lecturer and co-director of Rotary centre of International studies in Peace and Conflict resolution. Drawing on Aristotles' concept of teleological action. a reality that exists independently from human perceptions.41 Sophists like Hui Shih and Kung-sun Lung as well as the later Mohists. of several approaches to the study of conflict.52 Most non-realist Western schools equally rely on reason for their solution. Chuang Chou. Peirce's contention that experiences have no relevance as such. Dut i aid not Know that I was Chou. stories or aphorisms. that they were preoccupied with narratives while being ignorant of the 'empirical-etiological'. It
has been common in the West to argue. instinct. Hence. as long as our theoretical and analytical approaches are rational and systematic enough.pg 187) Drawing on the (post-Sophist) Greek tradition. in his view. an assessment of a particular societal phenomenon should be based on such factors as detached awareness. a situation in which the individual acts rationally and is able to assume that everyone else does so too. Hence. in an almost mirror-like image of the early Wittgenstein. and Ronald Blieker. reason and logic prevail in analyses and solutions of most theoreticians. Chuang Tzu's famous butterfly story exemplifies this scepticism about the existence of single
reality: Once I. egoistic as well as rational Para-doxically. if not the dominant. which one could call post-positivist in contemporary theory-speak.49 Contrast this mystical approach. with the core principles of Western social science: realists generally presuppose the existence of a concrete and objective world. dreamed that I was a butterfly and was happy as a butterfly. Waltz argues. subconscious and instinctive factors decide the outcome of the decision-making process. Suddenly I awoke. called 'The sorting which evens things out'. “The Zen of
International Relations”. but that its most influential schools knowingly opposed or at least rejected an unlimited faith in it. Graham concludes that Chinese philosophy was not unaware of the power of reason and logos. between Waltz and Chuang Tzu. Chuang Tzu's story rejects the distinction between reality and unreality. object and subject. Ronald.50 One key difference remains. through the use of “rational” thought making war inevitable. it is
the
egoistic nature of individuals and the resulting occur-rence of increasingly destructive wars which inevitably drive human beings towards greater respect for justice based on rationality. approach to the study of politics and international relations in North America. 'rational-formalist' and 'speculative-systematic' approaches that were essential to Hellenic. rely heavily on reason and logical puzzles in their analyses. This contrasts with Hans Morgenthau's contention that 'a theory of politics must be subjected to the dual test of reason and experience'. 'one who knows does not speak. cannot test
(realist) theories because experiences are always judgements which are already mediated by a moral prejudice about what is right and wrong. S. that the power of logos. As a result. at the very least.46 Confucians and particularly Taoists point out that the process of choosing between goals or options is often a spontaneous and intuitional rather than a rational process. I was conscious that I was quite pleased with myself. Theories are only convincing if empirical examinations can validate them or. and there I was. he would undoubtedly argue. but also questions the relevance of experiences for illuminating the issue of war and peace. that explanatory power is gained not by staying close to reality. Experiences. edited by Stephen Chan. Confucians and Taoists thus favour a discursive. the
belief in reason. such as balance-of-power and game theories. wisdom and spontaneity. one who speaks does not know'.44 Following from this assumed rational behaviour of states. They assume that before making an apparently conscious decision. IR theory does not diverge from this pattern.0 101/224
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RATIONALITY
The affirmative makes assumptions about the world.54 Reason is also crucial to the
. visibly Chou. the Ying Yang school and Taoism. correlative or narrative approach which takes the form of poems.42 This scepticism towards reason is most pronounced in Confucianism. This assumption is the fundamental base. in an almost Taoist way. Rather.40 More recently researchers have claimed. I do not know whether it was Chou dreaming that he was a butterfly or the butterfly dreaming that it was Chou. become one of the most influential.Se(k)urity 1.51 These differences also left their mark on the respective searches for peace.48 In its typical non-dualistic form. the
realist tradition generally assumes that under normal circumstances individuals and states act rationally.53 Immanuel Kant s reason to a didactic process. to break free from the prejudices and delusions built up by intellectually acquired and semantically conditioned thought-patterns. which is to say that policies result from a thought process that attempts to maximise utility through cost-benefit' analyses. despite its limited relevance to political practice. It finds its most explicit representation in Chuang Tzu's anti-rationalism. however. or even the raison d'etre. if they successfully pass the scrutiny of Popperian falsification tests. Basing his
theory-building on C. a reality that can be understood as well as assessed. the former opts for a rational analysis while the latter employs an anti-rational and intuitive approach. occidental. The only way out of
the security dilemma is. as Lao Tzu has expressed it. aesthetics and the search for emptiness through meditation become essential in the establishment of truth or. While both reject the possibility of gaining theoretical knowledge from examining (subjective) experiences. Thus. 'his' rational nature leads 'him' to conform to a global order based on morality. but by moving away from it. Chinese philosophers tend to consider a rational
and logical analysis inappropriate for examining the dynamics of human thought and (interaction. without question. however.45 This belief appears so attractive that rational choice theory has. logic and science guides Western thought.47 Chuang Tzu not only repudiates the utility of reason to a philosophical endeavour. or Robert Gilpin's application of economic (rational choice) theory to international politics. The only way to liberate oneself entirely from these misleading structures is to undo and
overcome the dualistic pairings.43 Variations in the attitude towards reason influence the study of con-flict in several ways. Waltz is sceptical of purely empirical and heuristic methodologies. the realist tradition concludes that the actions of states can also be understood in rational terms. Martin Wight points out that theories which assert conceptions of global justice are
based on the supposition that 'man' is a rational and social animal. contained in his second of seven 'Inner Chapters'. Middle Eastern and Indian philosophies. as Max Weber did. and of reasoning was unknown to Chinese philosophers. Peter Mandeville. right and wrong. of defining. Despite the prevalence of these positivist ideas within the realist tradition. that rational discourses were much more prevalent in ancient China than previously assumed. Human beings are. in Waltz's interpretation of Rousseau's stag hunt parable.

as 'unreasonable'. solutions cannot be based on reason because there is nothing that is not the 'that' and there is nothing that is not the 'this. but should be based on such factors as detached awareness.. and so forth) but illuminates the matter with Nature. there is the wrong. instinct and wisdom. Chuang Tzu would refute such solutions as misleading and. in a Western sense. there is the right.0 7 Week Juniors 102/224 solution advocated by the utilitarian tradition.57
. they only know what they themselves know.55 These rational approaches to conflict resolution are much less prevalent in Chinese philosophy.. holds that beside public opinion. Confucius equally rejects the establish-yjment of peace through rational institutions such as laws. according to Bentham. Because of the right.56 Relying again on Chuang Tzu's ability to capture the essence of the matter in a few words. require reason. a rational body of international law is essential for the avoidance of war. An assessment of a particular problem and the solution to it does not. This is reason. as already mentioned. which. Therefore the sage does not proceed along these lines (of right and wrong. preferring • I instead an aesthetic approach that
sustains a harmonious order through such elements as rituals and music. and because of the wrong.' Things do
not know that they are the 'that' of other things.Se(k)urity 1.

2002: 9). for Example.0 103/224
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SEX TRAFFICKING
The affirmative engages in discourse that has made sex trafficking and/or drug trafficking to be a threat.
. Crimes and Migration (Bigo. for Example.” International organizations.11 as We Will See Below. Organized Crime and Illegal Trade. Jackson 06 (lecturer in security Studies and International Affairs in the Department of politics and International Studies. and Separatism’. Organized Crime Groups and Terrorists Alike’. They Verbally Packaged Terrorism with Transnational Crimes in Central Asia. with the s Between Them Sometimes Exaggerated (Jackson. Smuggling Drugs. Irregular Migration Also Was Associated with
the Trafficking of Both Narcotics and Persons. Terrorism Was Grouped with Narcotics Trafficking. Security Studies. 2002). Terrorist Forces and Their Support Groups Operate in Close Liaison with Transnational Crime Networks. as Well as Narcotics Trafficking (Xinhua News Agency. Especially After 9/11. in Particular.
2002). They Also Use Different Terms to Lump Illicit Activities Together into a Single Rhetorical ‘Threat Package’. Which are Termed ‘the New Risks and Challenges to Our Security’. International Organizations and Central Asian States Used Rhetorical Language to Securitize Trafficking by ing It with ‘Terrorism’. International Institutions Have Encouraged the Adoption of Similar Traditional Security Strategies to Counter These Largely Distinct Activities. Around the World.10 the OSCE Stresses the Need to Promote Human Rights and to
Counter Terrorism. the SCO’s Main Security Goals are to Combat the ‘Three Evil Forces of Terrorism. by Packaging the Threats Together. Thus. Arms and Human Beings’ (European Union. 1994: 164. the Unodc Focuses on Central Asia Because It ‘Occupies a Very Special Place in International Efforts Against the “Uncivil Forces” of Our Time: Drug Traffickers. Security Dichotomies and the Trafficking of Persons and Narcotics in Post-soviet Central Asia”.Se(k)urity 1. and to Put Forth Their Agenda. Pg 309)
International Organizations in Central Asia Often Use the Language of Security to Define the Trafficking of NarCotics and Persons. Nicole. the EU Strategy Paper States That ‘in Central Asia and the Wider Region. Security Professionals Articulated a ‘Security Continuum’ Between Terrorism. Extremism. The university of
Warik. 2005). and Thus Has Become Widely Perceived as a Security Threat. International Organizations Involved in Central Asia Acted on the Assumption That s or ‘Networks’ Existed Among Terrorists and Traffickers to Justify New Policies.

The distinction between criminal and non-criminal activities in the former Soviet Union states is very fuzzy
. Thus. their perceptions of these activities are not merely undefined (or ambiguous). if the state itself. in which there is a symbiotic relationship between criminals and politics whereby they provide each other with mutual benefits (Goodson &
Williams. both activities allow people to work (abroad or domestically) and survive in a poor home economy when the state cannot help them. it can also provide employment. Security Dichotomies and the Trafficking of Persons and Narcotics in Post-soviet Central Asia”. 2006). particularly in a period of crisis or economic trans. through key officials and departments. for them. lack of education about trafficking and poverty. a significant percentage of the state budgets of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan comes from narcotics trafficking. Security Studies. For example. This again points to a security dichotomy.” International organizations. trafficking in persons and narcotics are ‘security dichotomies’. However. in that they provide alternative areas of employment that may be helpful or even necessary. they do not want to be exploited. There may be a variety of reasons for this. In this study. Perceptions of narcotics trafficking as a threat are further compli. The IOM states that some of the trafficked women who have returned home choose to re-enter trafficking rings. but continue to work in exploitative conditions). At the same time.dictory understandings of a security issue. is involved or complicit in the trafficking business (Cornell.Se(k)urity 1. It certainly makes it difficult for states to ‘securitize’ narcotics trafficking. A security dichotomy refers to a duality of perceptions. for some individuals. trafficking activities can be viewed as positive. approximately 30% of the popula.tion is estimated to be financially dependent on the illicit drug business. 1998). However. In other words. Similarly. one negative and one positive.
Nicole.cated by the fact that some of the Central Asian states seem to be developing what Roy Goodson and Phil Williams have called a ‘political–criminal nexus’. even when they want to. they can also be a source of direct revenue for the states themselves. Pg 309) Compared to international organizations. trafficking was perceived by individuals and states in Central Asia to have positive elements or benefits as well as the negative ones examined thus far.e. Finally. Central Asian states and individuals did not have clear-cut motivations to securitize trafficking activities. narcotics trafficking can lead directly to serious health
problems and indirectly to a culture of crime. In Tajikistan. This is largely because. the ‘real’ threats to individuals come from the conditions that sustain trafficking. individuals have seen it as necessary for survival Jackson 06 (lecturer in security Studies and International Affairs in the Department of politics and International Studies. it does indicate that individuals’ perceptions and goals are not always clearcut and may in fact be opposed (i.formation. a division into two contra. For Central Asian states as well. there is also the related legal and definitional question of how to identify trafficking as illegal. they are often contradictory. trafficking in persons has positive benefits may even be necessary for survival. for example. The university of Warik.9 In many cases.0 104/224
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AT: SEX TRAFFICKING IS BAD/THREAT REAL
They only think that sex trafficking is bad because of a realist mindset they engage in. In the positive sense. including lack of employment.

as its critics have noted. public diplomacy is emerging as "a crucial theater of strategic operations for the renewal of American hegemony within a transformed global order. government to separate the domestic public from overseas audiences for American propaganda. and they can afford your tuition.–Iraqi relations simply vanishes in the still-dominant bipolar emphasis on U. Moreover.0 105/224
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SOFT POWER
Soft power theorists rooted in securitized methods of knowledge production Penny Von Eschen. lacks the same history of colonization and decolonization shared by Asia and Africa.S. I first want to emphasize the difficulty of constructing even the most rudimentary context for the story of Ellington in Iraq. knowledge production is indeed proceeding apace. The real money. power. went to war with Iraq in 2003. even more unaccountable and amorphous than their cold war predecessors.6 Yet. are closely tied to U. were for export only. about how negatively people in the Middle East perceive Americans. but the experience reprised that of Dave Brubeck and his quartet. the moneyed elite from the Gulf states keenly desire degrees from American universities. where U.2 pg. but they shape the conditions of knowledge production and the terrain on which American studies circulates. As they contended with the retrenchment and possible collapse of their programs. reaching back to the 1953 CIA-backed coup ousting Mussadeq in Iran and the tyrannical rule of Idi Amin in Uganda. along with other Gulf states. Dizzy Gillespie toured Afghanistan and Pakistan in 1956." Following Kennedy and Lucas's call for collaboration with other fields. As Rashid Khalidi has pointed out. CNN. The program. not the "culture" of Islam. [End Page
337] The urgency of the authors' questions about "the conditions of knowledge-formation and critical thinking…in the expanding networks of international and transnational political cultures" was impressed upon me when I recently spoke to a group of deans and directors of international study abroad programs. as Kennedy and Lucas suggest. administered by the State Department. in addition to Brubeck's and Ellington's Iraqi performances.S. imperialism. if the state and civil society lines of cold war public diplomacy were often deliberately blurry. and Duke Ellington visited those same countries in 1963.” American Quarterly 57. It drops out. global media and technology have made public diplomacy an open communication forum. will be crucial for such an endeavor. such "public diplomacy. The first was partnership with countries entering the "competition" for the George W. the United States Information Agency and the Voice of America. security interests and do not favor the programs that would promote sustainability." arguably as
we cannot wish the term away. Mamdani's account of the post–1945 world takes us
. as Americanists. imperialism had long beleaguered formally independent states. Many worked at underfunded institutions. The second possibility for funding dangled before the audience appeared even more sinister. During the cold war. the standard of former adherence to World Bank and IMF dictates as a criterion of eligibility seemed an especially harsh case of tough love. Rest assured.S. Its funding priorities. through technologies of the Internet and expanded corporate power. If the resonances between the cold war and present-day public diplomacy are readily apparent. who had been in Iraq on the eve of the coup in 1958 that had brought Abd al-Karim Qassim to power.S. Invoking Rowe. was established in 2003 ostensibly as a poverty reduction program through funding growth and development initiatives. two possible paths of salvation were presented to them. Particularly jarring was the language of assessment used in the competitive application process.
making it impossible for many Middle Eastern scholars to attend the American Studies Association meeting (as occurred in 2004 to name just one example). To mention only the examples from the Middle Eastern and adjoining states. the State Department sent jazz musicians to tense situations in countries and regions that have been neglected by historians yet were constantly in the news as the U. Not only had the Ellington band stumbled into the 1963 Iraqi crisis. Along with the work of Tariq Ali and Rashid Khalidi. the roots of contemporary terrorism must be located in politics."7 Yet if Iraq.S. the differences are also striking. Associate Prof of History @ UMich. Most had worked in the field for nearly two decades. As Kennedy
prominent as it was during the cold war." as the authors contend.S. along with excellent work by Iraqi specialists. With surprising frequency. If we. 335-343. the speaker continued. within the more neglected frame of anticolonialism. is rendered at once "more global by communications technology but also more local by interventions in selected conflicts. Yet today. Despite the fine work of such scholars as Douglas Little and Melani McAlister on the United States and the Middle East. Dave Brubeck toured Afghanistan.S. Any consideration of public diplomacy must take into account the greater difficulty of the U. If "transparency" seems an ironic request from the secretive Bush administration. and Microsoft all circulate as "America" with more authority than state agencies. Pakistan. these current efforts in public diplomacy. Political scientist Mahmood Mamdani locates the roots of the current global crisis in [End Page 339] U. when the Duke Ellington orchestra visited Iraq. it is an understatement to say that the story of Iraq has been very much on the periphery for Americanists interested in the global dimensions of U. public diplomacy has taken on unprecedented shape-shifting characteristics. cold war policies. At a moment when journalists and scholars are denied visas and entry into the country. Focusing on the proxy wars of the later cold war that led to CIA support of Osama Bin Laden and drew Iraq and Saddam Hussein into the U. Halliburton. orbit as allies against the Iranians. Kennedy and Lucas's sobering portrait of
the challenges faced by practitioners of American studies make all the more urgent their invocation of John Carlos Rowe's call for the international field of American studies to devote its attention to the critical study of the circulation of America. examine public diplomacy
in this context of the consolidation of U.S. Kennedy and Lucas argue. the government's official disseminators of overseas propaganda. Such collaborations are crucial in the foregrounding and tracking of processes of U. one critical task for American studies scholars is to engage with the legacies of the institutional relationships between public diplomacy and American studies as a field. and offer an important alternative to [End Page 338] attempts to "internationalize" American studies that manifest themselves as a "distorted mirror of neoliberal enlargement. and Iran in 1958. empire. Africa. public diplomacy and empire in Iraq can be constructed only through engaging fields outside the
sphere of American studies.–Soviet conflict. or nation of Iraq before British statesmen created it in the wake of World War I. An account of U. it was illegal to distribute and broadcast their programs and bulletins within the United States. it remains a central terrain for contemporary struggles over who controls the resources of the formerly colonized world. I want to return to the story of Duke Ellington in Iraq as a means of decentering the "American" in critical American studies. and Latin America as well." Hence." For Kennedy and Lucas. and the Middle East. not
only trace the contours of the new imperium. a fund-raising expert told the gathering. Kennedy and Lucas propose collaborations with related disciplines in a critical American studies.S. For Mamdani. hegemony in its quest for control over resources. The tumultuous history of U. the educators were instructed.S. Muse //ZE)
Yet while public
diplomacy has historically operated as a mystifying smoke screen. "by the new configurations of U.S. "there had never been a state. for all its absurdities and contradictions. is in the Gulf states. Mamdani also reminds us of disrupted democratic projects and of the arming and
destabilization of Africa and the Middle East by the superpowers. the United States was already deeply implicated in the unfolding events in Iraq and the region. as well.S. empire. 2005 (“Enduring Public Diplomacy.Se(k)urity 1. and Lucas demonstrate. While the "fake news" of the Bush administration recently revealed by the New York Times has plenty of cold war precedents. Bush administration's Millennium Challenge Corporation. and the contemporary reshaping of these relationships in conditions not of our choosing. Don't believe a thing you hear in the media. the work of specialists on Asia.S.

Militarism" reveals
the human and environmental destruction wrought by U.S.8 Stretching across multiple regions. military practices in Iraq. These scholars provide a critical history for what otherwise is posed as an "Islamic threat.
. Kennedy and Lucas join such scholars in furthering the project of viewing U. with interventions and coups portrayed as unfortunate anomalies.S.10 Taken together. For these scholars. They [End Page 340] expose the insularity that has been an abiding feature of U.11 In recommending that American studies scholars collaborate with those in other fields and areas of study and by articulating warnings about how easily attempts to "internationalize" can hurtle down the slippery slope of
neoliberal expansion. politics and public discourse. torture. power in the creation of undemocratic military regimes has often been overlooked.S. but just as crucial for reading U.S.S. these events belong at the center of twentieth-century history. and Africa. Yoko Fukumura and Martha Matsuoka's "Redefining Security: Okinawa Women's Resistance to U. military bases in Asia through the living archive of activists who are demanding redress of the toxic contamination and violence against women endemic to base communities. inviting us to revisit the imposition of U." placing the current prominence of Pakistan in the context of its longtime support from the United States as a countervailing force against India.S. and debasement at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq in a history of military practices. these works are exemplary. regions where the instrumental role of U.0 106/224
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through those places where U. or intervened clandestinely. rather than on the periphery.9 Attention to the development of exploitative and violent sex industries allows us to place such recent horrors as the abuse. power in East and South Asia. as in Pakistan and Iraq. That none of these works has been produced by scholars who were trained in American studies is perhaps not accidental. the Middle East.S. from Iraq and throughout the Middle East to Afghanistan and the Congo.Se(k)urity 1. hegemony from the outside in. policy has supported and armed military dictatorships. but rather symptomatic of a field still shaped by insularity despite increasing and trenchant critiques of this insularity by such American studies
scholars as Amy Kaplan and John Carlos Rowe.S.

” citizenship provided indivudals with the security that facilitated the development of a kingdom of ends within the state while jeopardizing the goal of a kingdom of ends at the global level. It was necessary now for individuals to behave merely as citizens and to ignore the ties of humanity. for Rousseau each one of us is “in the civil state as regards our fellow citizens.0 107/224
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STATES-SYSTEM
States-system justifies security of a group at the expense of the Other. Rousseau and Kant made the important claim that universal ethical obligation were
compromised by forms of competition and conflict that were inherent in a world of sovereign states. The species’ condition was transformed totally by the experience of living in and among states. and … in joining a particular group of men. Classical theory itself conceded that the processes of establishing special bonds.
.
Sovereignty and Humanity p 17. but in the state of nature as regards the rest of the world. Later.” Extending this theme. Kant wrote that “the same unsociableness which forced men into (a
Commonwealth) becomes again the cause of each Commonwealth assuming the attitude of unconstrolled freedom in its external relations. Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University). Thus. In this way. 7. we have really declared ourselves the enemy of the human race. A second stage in the history of international thought highlighted an endemic weakness in these proposed solutions to the problem of relating two types of moral experience. Critical Theory and World Politics: Citizenship. the contradiction between citizenship and humanity came to be regarded as the key ethical problem of international relations.” The states of Europe exhibited “glaring contradictions” between “our fair speeches and our abominable acts. Within states were concluded without contractors conforming with their natural duties. we have taken all kinds of precautions against private wars only to kindle national wars a thousand times more terrible.Se(k)urity 1. the boundless humanity of our maxims and the boundless cruelty of our deeds.

feminism and philosophical hermeneutics (Shapcott 1994) are involved in a common political project. Three of these forms of understanding are relevant for the emancipatory project. 7. postmodernism.Se(k)urity 1. Anthropological understanding is relevant because it requires the empathetic skill of appreciating what is unique or different about the other. Coming to an understand-
ing may not culminate in a moral consensus.0 108/224
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STRATEGIC UNDERSTANDING
The aff’s strategic understanding of the world precludes the true understanding the alt provides.
. Moral–
political understanding is relevant as it maintains that principles of inclusion and exclusion and rules of coexistence can acquire univer. Socratic understand. The accusation that critical theory is driven towards the cancellation of difference misreads the nature of its commitment to ‘the goal of coming to an understanding’ (Habermas 1979a: 3).
Sovereignty and Humanity p 56.ing is relevant because actors can only arrive at principles that are true for all if they first embrace Cartesian doubt about their standpoints and accept the need for ‘reciprocal critique’. Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University).sal validity only through open dialogue embracing all points of view. Later. But it is the idea of reaching an understanding that captures the most important respect in which critical theory. Strategic understanding alone clashes with the emancipatory project because it is geared towards controlling others (and
belongs to the sphere of strategic as opposed to moral–practical learning). Critical Theory and World Politics: Citizenship.

19 John Ashcroft called it a new ‗reign of terror‘. University of Warwick. The exact nature of the new dangers revealed themselves on September 11.20 What Cheney and Ashcroft are doing is attaching significance and meaning to the attacks that goes far beyond their physical and psychological impacts: these were not just acts of dissident violence. 2004. As if this is not enough to induce paralysing terror.‘21 This language is clearly and unambiguously designed to generate maximum fear. or Outbreak). they may well […] direct chemical agents or diseases at our population. [N]o rational person can doubt that terrorists would use such weapons of mass murder the moment they are able to do so. As Cheney contends. or attempt to detonate a nuclear weapon in one of our cities. unsuspecting men. the discourse goes on to reconstruct them as the start of an era of ‗superterrorism‘ or ‗catastrophic terrorism‘ where terrorists use weapons of mass destruction to try and kill not just thousands of innocent people. it is only possible by severing all s between this act of terrorism and the countless others preceding it—by decontextualising it from previous attacks. Lecturer in International Security at the Centre for International Politics at the University of Manchester “The Politics of Threat and Danger: Writing the War on Terrorism*” Paper Presented at the British International Studies Association (BISA) 29th Annual Conference. but millions.0 109/224
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SUPER-TERRORISM
Construction of “super-terrorism” or nuclear terror is designed to create fear Jackson 4
(Richard.ac. ‗9/11‘ was discursively constructed without a pre-history and now stands alone as a defining act of cruelty and evil (‗infamy‘).Se(k)urity 1. we are not just looking at a new era in national security
policy. women and children right here at home‘. In a sense. without openly acknowledging that the source of that vision is the only atomic attack on a city in history (Hiroshima)—committed by America itself. they were a dawning.000 innocent.pdf)
The initial construction of the terrorist threat involved fixing the attacks of September 11. the threat of terrorism is supremely catastrophic: 7 The attack on our
country forced us to come to grips with the possibility that the next time terrorists strike. [W]e are dealing with terrorists […] who are willing to sacrifice their own lives in order to kill millions of others. 12 Monkeys. Moreover. They were events of metaphysical proportions. Related to their significance as the harbinger of a new age of terror. we are actually living through it. any ‗rational person‘ should fear a terrorist-induced nuclear holocaust.aber. with the murder of 3.
. a rupture in time. reflecting the most terrifying of Hollywood movies: the
detonation of a nuclear bomb in a city. or the release of a deadly chemical or
biological agent—resulting in millions dead (it is reflective of The Sum of All Fears. http://cadair. Cheney then makes it seem a perfectly
reasonable fear to have. This rhetorical association
between the dawn of the new age and the threats posed by terrorists is deliberate and specifically designed to script a discourse of danger. 2001.uk/dspace/bitstream/2160/1947/1/BISA-2004-Paper. 20-22 December. It is important to note how the discourse employs the vision of a city devastated by a nuclear attack. The language constructs a terrifying fear while consigning
the source of the fear to historical amnesia. 2001 as the start of a whole ‗new age of terror‘—the dawning of ‗a new era‘ of terrorist violence which contained ‗unprecedented dangers‘. The visions presented are apocalyptic. Vice President Dick Cheney constructs a powerful image of the new age: ‗Today.

and their terrorist allies. 2001). Politics and Sociology. Above and beyond the dismissive
pronouncements of Rumsfeld about Europe’s ‘‘Old’’ and ‘‘New’’ e a conception that was inchoately articulated as early as the 1992 DPGethe dissent of (even some)Europeans is a problemfor theUSin itsworld-making endeavours (seeBialasiewicz&Minca. This works more widely through a combination of threats and
promises. especially in Europe. noting not trans-Atlantic differences but ‘‘the great alliance of freedom’’ that unites the United States and Europe (Bush. Alex Jeffrey c. Gusterson. David Campbell b. It warns those failing to adopt US values (principally liberal ‘representative’ democracy and market capitalism). different actors are granted different roles and different degrees of agency in the global script: the place of key European allies is different from that bestowed upon the peripheral and semi-peripheral states that make part of the ‘‘coalition of the willing’’. Both. United Kingdom c School of Geography. Indeed. Durham. that they will be excluded from an Americancentric world. the distinctive thing about recent National Security Strategies is their deployment of integration as the principal foreign policy and security strategy. but suggested that ‘‘states like these. Iran and Iraq as its members. they can count on American support for the creation of a Palestinian state’’ (The White House. then. Bush and Condoleeza Rice embarked almost immediately on a ‘‘bridge-building’’ tour across Europe. Stuart Elden b. It is telling that Bush’s claim of ‘‘either you are with us. Likewise. as in this statement about the Palestinians: ‘‘If Palestinians embrace democracy and the rule of law. as is sometimes suggested. ‘‘shoulder to shoulder’’ (Blair. the ‘lone
superpower’ has little influence in the absence of support. 2005). Durham University. see White & Wintour.George W. 2001) relies not on a straightforward binary.com) As we argue throughout this paper. United Kingdom. The place of US allies in these representations is not unimportant. 2005).0 110/224
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SUPPORT FOR ALLIES
Discourse that constructs the roles for US allies legitimates the exclusion of others Bialasiewicz et al 7
Luiza Bialasiewicz a. Laffey. Alison J. but a process of incorporation. via sciencedirect. “Performing security: The imaginative geographies of current US strategy” Political Geography 26 (2007) 405e422. are vital in sustaining the representation of the US as the leader of a shared world of values and ideals. 1999). The construction of the United States’ world role relies also on the selective
placement and representation of other international actors who are ‘‘hailed’’ into specific subject positions (see Weldes. Geography Department. United Kingdom b International Boundaries Research Unit. Stephen Graham b. 2002b: 9). Of course. that following his re-election. A comparison of the like. University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Africa and Iraq. constitute an axis of evil.Se(k)urity 1.
. but with us. It is not simply us versus them. Equally Bush’s notorious ‘axis of evil’ speech did not simply name North Korea. & Duvall. For although the United States may construct itself as the undisputed leader in the new global scenario. a mode of operating alongside. the strength of the US discourse relies also on its reflection and reiteration by other key allies. Indeed. arming to threaten the peace of the world’’ (Bush. DH1 3LE. Williams a Department of Geography. and firmly reject terror. however. alongside the ‘‘with the terrorists’’ is actually a more complicated approach to the choosing of sides and the drawing of lines than is generally credited. or. 2001. confront corruption. 2002a. emphasis added). It is not surprising. or you are with the
terrorists’’ (Bush. Royal Holloway University of London. its ‘‘right’’ e and the right of its moral-political ‘‘mission’’ of spreading ‘‘freedom and justice’’ e relies on its amplification and support by allies. in the words of one of Bush’s most enthusiastic supporters. Simple binary oppositions are less useful to an understanding here than the process of incorporation and the policy of integration. These examples indicate the policy of
integration or exclusion being adopted by the US and followed by certain allies. it can be found in some of remarks of the British Prime Minister Blair (2004) about the significance of democracy in Afghanistan.

27
. 2004. In the first instance.25 This unholy trinity offers an even more terrifying spectre 8 than simply ‗super-terrorism‘: terrorists are no longer lone dissidents scattered across the
world. it simultaneously assists the pursuit of geo-strategic objectives in crucial regions such as the Middle East under the banner of counter-terrorism.0 111/224
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TERRORISM AND ROGUE STATES
Discourse ing terrorism and “rogue states” serves to transmute the “war on terror” into actions against these states Jackson 4
(Richard. I will not wait on events.26 Bush begins by constructing an alliance between terrorists and certain regimes that appears natural and unquestionable.pdf) In a discursive variation.Se(k)urity 1. to a flag-waving public display of awesome military firepower that rebuilds the American military‘s dented self-confidence. weapons of mass destruction and terrorists‘. they have the resources and capabilities of rogue states with which to enact their evil purposes. are now spread throughout the world like ticking time bombs. as peril draws closer and closer. this
threat of ‗super-terrorism‘ is from a very early stage conflated with and discursively ed to the threat of ‗weapons of mass destruction‘ and the ‗rogue states‘ who might give them to the terrorists. University of Warwick. As Powell puts
it. and their terrorist allies. by the end of the speech the initial terrorist element of the construction is left out and forgotten. giving them the means to match their hatred. constitute an axis of evil. http://cadair. By seeking weapons of mass destruction. I will not stand by. Thousands of dangerous killers. set to go off without warning. In effect.ac. it allows America to re-target its military from a war against a tiny group of individual dissidents
scattered across the globe (an unwinnable and unglamorous war) to a number of territorially defined states who also happen to be the target of American foreign policy designs. Lecturer in International Security at the Centre for International Politics at the University of Manchester “The Politics of Threat and Danger: Writing the War on Terrorism*” Paper Presented at the British International Studies Association (BISA) 29th Annual Conference. The rhetorical strategy of making terrorists and ‗rogue states‘ synonymous is an ingenious discursive slight of hand. what we are left with is ‗the world‘s most dangerous regimes‘ threatening to deploy ‗the world‘s most dangerous weapons‘. 20-22 December. Interestingly. often supported by outlaw regimes. This is simply a fact. the threat lies in the ‗potentially catastrophic combination of a rogue regime. instead.
One of the most powerful articulations of this construction comes in George W. Bush‘s State of the Union address where he first mentions the ‗axis of evil‘ (the embodiment of the alliance between terrorists and ‗rogue regimes‘): States like these. The United States of America will not permit the world’s most dangerous regimes to threaten us with the world’s most destructive weapons. these regimes pose a grave and growing danger. arming to threaten the peace of the world. it transforms the war against terrorism from a largely hidden and unspectacular intelligence gathering and criminal apprehension programme. schooled in the methods of murder. He states categorically that he knows that there are thousands of terrorists supported by ‗outlaw regimes‘ spread throughout the world and that terrorists and regimes are actively seeking weapons of mass destruction. They could provide these arms to terrorists. we must act against ‗rogue regimes‘—especially those identified as
belonging to the ‗axis of evil‘. Of greater concern.uk/dspace/bitstream/2160/1947/1/BISA-2004-Paper.aber. and as if we wouldn‘t notice. The logic of the language has brought us to exactly the place Bush intended: in order
to deal with the threat of ‗catastrophic terrorism‘. while dangers gather.

2006). United Kingdom b International Boundaries Research Unit. there is a direct relationship and tension between securing the homeland’s borders and challenging the sanctity of borders elsewhere (see Kaplan. and ‘terror cities’ demonstrate how integration goes hand in hand with e and is mutually constitutive of e new forms of division. in the imaginations of the security analysts we highlight here. Williams a Department of Geography. David Campbell b. United Kingdom. Geography Department. “Performing security: The imaginative geographies of current US strategy” Political Geography 26 (2007) 405e422. Stuart Elden b. 2003: 87). Alison J. and that it will seek to persuade such major powers to change their policies and behaviours to fit the American modus operandi. Alex Jeffrey c.Se(k)urity 1.com) That the US is no longer prepared to tolerate regimes that do not mirror its own democratic values and practices. the proliferation of new terms of antipathy such as ‘axis of evil’. Politics and Sociology. Durham University.0 112/224
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“THE HOMELAND”
Discourse of protecting “the homeland” justifies interventions elsewhere Bialasiewicz et al 7
Luiza Bialasiewicz a. Much of this imagined geography pivots on the idea of ‘the homeland’. Indeed. ‘rogue states’. is not without historical precedent (Ambrosius. Barnett’s divide between the globalised world and the non-integrating gap is reflected and complemented by Kagan’s divide in ways of dealing with this state of affairs. United Kingdom c School of Geography. Durham. Nor
does the differently imagined geography of integration replace completely previous Manichean conceptions of the world so familiar to Cold War politics. Royal Holloway University of London. Stephen Graham b. Rather.
. DH1 3LE. via sciencedirect. University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne.

41-42) Aside from the inherent uncertainties and complexities of the international environment that may prevent decision makers from recognizing change. p.0 113/224
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THREATS BY FEAR/BIAS
Cognitive constraints and predispositions elevate threat perception and anxiety – promotes hostility towards perceived perpetrator Schweller 6 (Randall L. people are predisposed to see what they expect to be present. Hence. they cast about for some concrete object to fear.
there are various ways by which cognitive constraints can impair threat assessment an prudent strategic adjustment to environmental incentives. John M. they become predisposed to perceive threat…In times of national dislocation. and premature cognitive closure. when anxieties rise. or c) discounted or written off entirely as invalid. a
predisposition to perceive threat may be caused by personal or group anxiety. b) distorted so that it confirms. “Unanswered Threats: Political Constraints on the Balance of Power”. does not contradict one’s preexisting beliefs. As Dean Pruitt points out: “There is an obvious relationship between expectant dread and threat perception. editorial board of International Security.Se(k)urity 1. not on what they should see. the normal and rational way to process information is ambiguous and can be understood only through subjective inferential logic.. And yet this way of perceiving is rational. Third. an entire population may begin to overinterpret minimal evidence of threat from another nation. First. These so-called motivated biases cause elites to distort or selectively interpret incoming information according to what they want to see.”
. decision making in a crisis situation often induces high levels of stress and associated psychological dysfunctions.
Olin Post-Doctoral Fellowship in National Security at the Center for International Affairs. and they interpret information in a way that is consistent with their preexisting beliefs. or at least. Second. Intelligent
decision-making in any sphere is impossible unless significant amounts of information are assimilated to pre-existing beliefs. selective search of information. Harvard University. and related to the first two. This process of drawing inferences based on predispositions and expectations (or evoked sets) often means that discrepant information is a) consciously ignored or simply goes unnoticed. such as defensive avoidance. When people are anxious.

Critical Theory and World Politics: Citizenship. This criticism is invariably ed with the contention that there is no immutable and universal human reason. Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University). Later.
Sovereignty and Humanity p 33-34.Se(k)urity 1. no transcendent observation point or Archimedean perspective. moral codes are incommensurable. that grounds universal moral truths and justifies the inclusion of all persons in one ethical community.munity cannot be extended by appealing to universalizable norms because there is.
These criticisms take several forms. in short. Morality is social. 7.0 114/224
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UNIVERSAL NORMS
The aff ignores the fact that their “universalizable” norms don’t function in other societies. One objection is that
. Com. which assume that their moral practices are valid for the entire human race. no common ethic to extend.
all universalistic codes inevitably reflect the preferences of specific cultures or civilizations.

Moreover.
. Disregarded here is any nuance integral to the social and political history of Guatemala (e.31 This is regarded as a valuable historical analogy with the way Guatemala is constituted within U.S.Se(k)urity 1. to understand how the Guatemalan Other is represented as a threat in U. then there is an added (Western. therefore. the United States simply treats Otherness with the contempt of the conqueror. foreign policy to locate Guatemala as
a knowable part of a power politics agenda of meaning centered on the anarchy problematique and a world of threat "out there."33 In discursive terms. of colonial
and class relations) in an approach that depoliticizes and dehistoricizes the whole prac tice of state making in Central America by which "Guatemala" was made. AM) The first theme is raised by Shapiro in the context of Todorov's Conquest of America (1984). 205. self in International Relations. on the basis that.
foreign policy is to understand the representation of the U. ethnocentric) dimension to the reality of this threat scenario. like Spain in the sixteenth century. more precisely. Or. it is to appreciate how the "United States" has come to be represented as a sovereign actor in the Realist security/strategic discourse.S. foreign policy discourse. as in the case of the United States.S. the self is identified in terms of a worldwide security dilemma.S. On the other hand. then all other actors in the discursive system will be located somewhere within this threat agenda. reducing a complex social existence to an objectified threat "out there. then states such as Guatemala are identified as indirect threats whose potential for disorder must be disci plined and controlled. Australian National University 1994 (“Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. The answer is intrinsic to the modernist constitution of the identity/difference dichotomy.even the smallest states with no threatening intention have to be marginalized and constructed as threats Jim George.32 And if identity is also imbued with a (Realist) sense of morality and natural hierarchy.. if. [thus] conduct towards the Other becomes more exploitative. Accordingly." this still begs the question of what precise danger a small state like Guatemala could possibly pose to the United States and its way of life. this simplistic analytical reductionism allows U.g. "to the
extent that the Other is regarded as something not occupying the same natural/moral space as the self.” p. if the self is construed in terms of contemporary security discourse (the anarchy discourse). Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science." which must be disciplined and made acquiesent.0 115/224
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US = THE BEST
The United States views the rest of the world through the lens of the conqueror. which
problematizes the conventional notion of "discovery" and shifts attention to a representational practice of Spanish imperialism.

But thinking about
peace is not as simple as it may seem. People who speak or write about peace often mean simply the absence of war. 1987. namely war. if people focus on peace. mutual regard. In the first place. one in terms of what is happening. is important.
(Paths to peace: exploring the feasibility of sustainable peace. either looking forward to the victory or fearing the catastrophe. in subtle ways they may act to make war more probable. Thus thinking about peace is important. Conversely. Even focusing on how to avoid a war may tend to postpone it rather than to transform the underlying conditions that give rise to it. perhaps more so than is immediately apparent. the word itself is ambiguous. This sate of peace is one of harmony. and indeed active cooperation among the groups or nations involved—and ultimately the whole world. professor of political science.Se(k)urity 1.0 116/224
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WAR
Trying to solve wars rather than create peace reinforces the root psychological causes of their impacts Richard Smoke. not just the avoidance of war. Less common but ultimately
more satisfactory is a “positive” definition. and Willis Harman.
. It is both common sense and a profound psychological truth that people tend to create in reality the situations they imagine in their minds. they contribute toward peace. This “negative” definition conceives peace in terms of something else that is not happening. If people focus on war. president of the Institute of Noetic Sciences. page 2)
Peace. especially if they are realistic as well as imaginative in their thinking.

to use its immense power to share this vision and its construction with all who also wish to be truly modern. The US is merely the leading power in a global project to bring prosperity and dignity to all. which others should seek to substantially emulate – really. p. Professor of International Relations and Global Politics in the Political Science Department of Delhi
University. Many countries or societies have their own versions of exceptionalism.
. indeed insists on the necessity and desirability of being emulated. assistant editor in Mumbai for The Times of India. 6-7) “Americanism” or “American
Exceptionalism” is the belief in the special worth and mission of the US globally. But who can doubt its fundamentally good intentions or the importance and validity of its global project? There is no way then that this US imperial project can be undermined intellectually and politically without attacking the self-deluding and self-serving character of this belief in American uniqueness. nay duty. It is a lumbering giant. It is the belief that the US is uniquely equipped to be the best model of a modern and humane society. It even sometimes abuses its enormous power. It needs sympathetic but also critical friends. Empire then is a misnomer. It makes mistakes. They cannot be exported. American exceptionalism is different because it also claims to be inimitable universally. that the US must take on the responsibility of helping other countries and societies to move in this direction. “Selling US Wars”. the best that a modern capitalist democracy has to offer (though some lessons from the European experience can also be imbibed) – and furthermore. research fellow at the Centre for Contemporary Studies. But their exceptionalisms reside in their past and make them inimitable.Se(k)urity 1. The fact that the US might consider itself exceptional is not exceptional.0 117/224
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WESTERN SUPERIORITY
Egocentric rationale behind US foreign policy actions assumes US superiority and need for US as “savior” of unlike states Vanaik 7 (Achin. It is the emblem of “modernity” without parallel and the US has the responsibility. Hence the innate connection of Americanism to the US’s current empire-building project.

the purpose of which is the security of individuals rather than states. they value international
order knowing that its collapse will bring widespread suffer. Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University).ing to peoples everywhere. progress in controlling the power to harm. Later. and international order may or may not promote world order. Critical Theory and World Politics: Citizenship. we can inquire into how far they cooperated to protect individuals everywhere from unnecessary harm. ch.Se(k)urity 1. Its members regard the society of states as crucially concerned with restraining violence. the need for order can easily come into conflict with the goal of justice.
Sovereignty and Humanity p 146.0 118/224
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WORLD ORDER
Maintaining world order creates a culture of securitization.
***ALTZ***
. 7. 4) argued. and can make. The English School has addressed this question in its prominent study of humanitarian intervention and human rights. But as Hedley Bull (1977: 22. So in
addition to asking how far states have made progress in maintaining international order. The English School has been at the centre of these disputes about how far states have made.

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ALT SOLVES – CRISES
The alt can solve actual crises – continual questioning means effective action can be reached – Bosnia proves Smith 5 Steve. we cannot opt out of involvement. that is. he believes that "a range of political options informed by deconstructive thought might possibly better address the conflict. He is the author of some 80 academic papers and chapters in major international journals and edited collections. 51) In a later book. Campbell shows how a deconstructive approach can say something detailed about what to do in a case like Bosnia. which furthered the violence in Bosnia. deconstructive approaches see these as the contradictions "necessary for a politics. This is because Levinas's conception of responsibility toward the Other is not an add-on to already existing identities and subjectivities."126 He gives two reasons for this claim: the first is that whereas others might see contradictions as obstacles to a just politics. the more important. Pro Vice Chancellor (Academic Affairs) and Professor of International Politics at the University of Wales Aberystwyth. and as such they have to be contested and negotiated rather than transcended and escaped. Thus. and he argues powerfully that deconstructive thought allows politics to be politics rather than a "predetermined technology or an undemocratic program hostile to the ethos of the Enlightenment. Campbell offers an illuminating account of the Bosnian war using Emmanuel Levinas and Jacques Derrida to discuss the nature of responsibility to the Other. From 1
October 2002 he will be Vice Chancellor of the University of Exeter. Rather. National Deconstruction.Se(k)urity 1. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. He has recently been elected to be President of the International Studies Association in 2003-2004. based on realism.
. deconstructive thought is never satisfied with claims that a lasting solution to problems can be."127 The second. because ethics "has been transformed from something independent of subjectivity—that is. and. and he is the author/editor of 13 books “The Contested Concept of Security” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. by making it an effect of the relationship with the Other. the war in Bosnia gives us a lack of choice. from a set of rules and regulations adopted by pregiven. Levinas also reconfigures ethics. autonomous agents—to something insinuated within and integral to that subjectivity. "subjects are constituted by their relationship with the Other. he claims. reason is that all political proposals "have to be preceded by the qualification of a 'perhaps' and followed by an insistent and persistent questioning."122 By reconfiguring subjectivity in this way."124 Crucially. or has been. Campbell argues that Levinas's work makes it impossible for anyone to say that
the Bosnian war was not their concern."128 In other words."125 In contrast to the international community's response."123 Campbell argues that this form of thinking "can help identify and energize the political ethos through which the development of a political life adequate to the complexities of Bosnia might be possible. reached.

all of which question the simple story of the "true" gTradition. The fifth concentrates on the dramatic impact upon diplomatic culture of both the French and the Russian revolutions. More
precisely. AM)
To understand diplomacy. The sixth theme.0 120/224
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ALT SOLVES – DIPLOMACY
Conducting a genealogy of diplomacy critical to challenge realism George ’94 (Jim. narrow orld of the diplomatic elite but on that much broader historicopolitical process by which diplomacy is discursively constructed and its rules and boundaries are legitimated. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations.Se(k)urity 1. and linguistic practices—it becomes more possible to question its universalized (power politics) image of reality and open up its practices to those. Australian National University. in its confrontation with its hated Other (Islam). for example. 198. encompasing the present period. The result. thus. and to begin to problematize its givens reading the state system.” p.''20
. is a genealogy of diplomacy that 5 includes rather than excludes historical themes and ideas that challenge the 4. political. investigates the transformation of Traditional diplomatic practices in the age of "technodiplomacy. he contributes to a rather mundane literature a broad-ranging and incisive historical argument illustrating at least six different ways the contemporary reality of diplomacy can be understood.1' uniform identity of the Realist narrative. In this way—in explicitly reconnecting diplomacy with its historical. cultural. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. it is necessary to focus not on the closed. The first and second
themes stress the impact of Judeo-Christian 15 perspectives upon diplomatic discourse and the significance of the struggles of an estranged Christianity both within the Holy Roman Empire and outside it. in Der Derian's case. who suffer by their estrangement from them. The third and fourth themes emphasize that increasingly complex period associated with the breakdown of
Christendom and the emergence of a modern state system.

The only transhistorical and permanent fixture in human society is the individual physical being. in the spirit of emancipation. This exploration. In the pursuit of this objective. Such rethinking. requires students to embrace a global perspective. 263-264) Theme four: the
test of theory is emancipation.Se(k)urity 1. It is revealed in the extent of structural oppression suffered on account of gender.H.
. locally and globally. it is apparent in the threats to the very environment that sustains all life. as ever. A radical rethinking of the theories and practices that have shaped political life is an essential foundation for the reinvention of human society. The
smaller social units of universal human society will not be predictably secure until the whole is systematically secured. in some social context or other. steadily squeezing the space for violent behavior in all its direct and indirect manifestations. in which he underlined how so much hinges on the way in which political community is constructed. discourse ethics—wherein communication (the basis for community) rather than
traditional politico-military strategizing (the medium of conflict)—must therefore be a priority. or race. and. Human society in global perspective is shaped by ideas that are dangerous to its collective health. its politics seeks to denaturalize and overcome oppressive social divisions in human society at all levels.0 121/224
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The alternative promotes emancipation. linkages between
community and security were explained in Andrew Linklater's chapter (Chapter 5). solving a multitude of problems for human life Booth 5 Ken Booth is E. this is one reason why what is called political studies (or even science) should be logically regarded as a subfield of the study of world politics or international relations (broadly defined) and not the other way around. class. A notion of community remains the best way of expressing how this can be translated into living
a good life. begins with critique. Emancipation for critical theorists is both a critical device for judging theory and
the continuing goal of practice. A more just society in global perspective would be one that progressively limits the power of regressive structures and processes. The evidence for the latter is widespread. Such reverence for the person—the singular body—should be understood as synonymous with the idea that people exist collectively. University of Wales. it is seen in the risks arising out of the unintended consequences from developments in technology. to be true to the spirit of emancipation. Aberystwyth. is the biggest institutional challenge faced by a critical theory of security. new opportunities would open up for the exploration of what it might mean to be human. Carr Professor and head of the Department of International Politics. it is experienced in the regular recourse to violence to settle political differences. and so this must naturally be the ultimate referent in the security problema-tique. in this process. His numerous
publications include Strategy and Ethnocentrism. The search for multilevel emancipatory communities. Some of the key. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. Contemporary Strategy: Theories and Policies and New Thinking About Strategy and International Security “Beyond Critical Security Studies” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics.

ing minority groups in democratically constituted international institutions. 1995).ing this development. Linklater 7 Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University). it favours arrangements that combine these two developments by represent. minority nations and racial minorities emphatically reject (Kymlicka 1989. The ‘politics of recognition’ denies that the citizens of modern states must share the same cultural identity or possess exactly the same rights.
. Sovereignty and Humanity p 98-99)
The discourse theory of morality therefore challenges traditional notions of sovereignty and citizenship with a view to realizing the prospects for new forms of political community that are immanent in modern societies.similationist logic that indigenous peoples. critical theory supports the development of new social bonds in con.munity in which outsiders have greater representation. Critical theory recognizes that traditional ideas of statehood possessed an as.0 122/224
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The alt is key to redefining the current conception of the citizen that enforces the internal/external dichotomy. Critical theory imagines new forms of political com. but it also defends a new social contract with the members of traditionally marginal groups. More radically still.Se(k)urity 1. But while support.nection with the extension of moral and political community. Critical Theory and World Politics:
Citizenship. it does not forget the extent to which most societies have excluded the members of minority groups from full participation in their affairs. Rethinking citizen.ship is crucial as this concept has been central to the social bond that unites the members of the sovereign state and sets them apart from the rest of the world. Troubled by political structures that fail to take account of the interests of other societies.

When one is already embroiled in a crisis. however. threatened. like earthquakes. to help humankind. with the aim of maximizing the opportunities for enhancing security. some people. to help us think more constructively about ethical commitments. concerned with improving the conditions of political possibility in the issue area of security. Carr Professor and head of the Department of International Politics. 274-276) There are. but also Alker's suggestion about the scope for pragmatic concrete projects that are possible across cultures and political theories (what he calls "existential redemptions from the violence of the past"). to move away from the structural wrongs that ensure that crises. and what can be done (praxis). The outcome for world society is as uncertain as it has ever been—perhaps even more so. Old thinking is guaranteed to replicate: Can a critical theory move beyond this and help to emancipate? Security studies will contribute—however remotely or indirectly—to replicating or changing peoples' conditions of existence. and praxeologically varied. As students of security. University of Wales. In order to deal with such difficulties. Human society in the decades to come is threatened by a future of complex insecurity. human society needs a theory of world security that is ontologically inclusive. and emancipation in the human interest. Confronted by the threat of complex insecurity.0 123/224
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The K is the only way to stop recurrent crises of traditional security – our critique of security policy as academics has real implications for the world Booth 5 Ken Booth is E. and sites of change. will periodically rent the political landscape. whether one is new to the subject or has been studying it for decades.
there is reason for rational hope. community. or we can decide to study in ways that seek to help to lift the strains of lifedetermining insecurity from the bodies and minds of people in real villages and cities. Reconstruction requires engagement with concrete issues in world politics.
. as these very words are being read.Se(k)urity 1. agents. and increasingly
overcrowded. policies. His numerous
publications include Strategy and Ethnocentrism. regions and states. irrationalities and extremisms of one sort or another. more overheated. realistic options are massively reduced. Critique entails critical explorations of what is real (ontology). The critical theory project in security studies—committed to the development of scholarship relating to the in/security of real people in real places— can be translated into the two tasks of critique and reconstruction. for example. though the obstacles to benign change should not be underestimated. Hayward Alker in Chapter 8 showed why. The framework of critical security theory outlined above is policy-relevant. despite everything. the realities of security are becoming more complex as politico-economic and technocultural globalization interacts with traditional conflicts arising out of international competition and mistrust. resources for benevolent change. Contemporary Strategy: Theories and Policies and New Thinking About Strategy and International Security “Beyond Critical Security Studies” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. are being starved. Not only is there Kenneth Boulding's argument about the possibilities revealed by historical actualities. Runaway science.H. epistemologically sophisticated. Aberystwyth. and growing pressures on resources threaten to add more combustible fuel to the already dangerous global situation. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. one would not want to start from here. oppressed. The one world in which we all live is getting smaller. The stakes could not be higher. One
familiar difficulty from any critical perspective in this respect is the fact that current crises are the symptoms of particular structural wrongs and so are deeply embedded in the workings of society. or killed in the name of some theory of international politics or economics— or security. given current and future destructive capabilities. we have a choice: we can decide to study in ways that replicate a world politics that does not work for countless millions of our fellow human beings. Meanwhile. in whole and in part. The main contribution of critical approach must
therefore be precrisis. as the old saying goes.
Immanent critique points to the growing voice of global civil society.44 Where one stands on these matters is a scholarly responsibility to be considered with utmost seriousness because somewhere. what is reliable knowledge (epistemology).

which permit the expansion of community. the accent falls not upon the internal ordering of com. The purpose of the analysis is to understand how the interaction between different forms of social
learning shaped the moral bounda. as do inter-civilizational encounters between the West and Islam and the West and China. Linklater 7 Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University).) As with so much contemporary social theory. The reasons for exclud. are central to the whole exercise. but upon the moral conceptions that arise in the relations between different societies. (The rise of universalism in the moralities of
the ‘axial’ age is a case in point. the following principle applies.0 124/224
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Analyzing exclusion of the Other allows comprehension of boundaries and external relations and finds the key ground between universality and particularity. or upon logics of moral exclusion. community and communication at the heart of the empirical enterprise. logics of moral universalization can be analysed in each of the international states-systems.ries of interdependent bounded communities. the project outlined here places culture.munities. A range of more specific concerns can then be identified. Critical Theory and World Politics:
Citizenship.
. Yet it is different from both classical sociology and modern social thought in one important respect.
and the significance of culturally defined differences between insiders and outsiders for the conduct of external relations.cal principles as opposed to excessively particularistic and exclusionary norms. (Relations between the ‘civilized’ West and the ‘preliterate’. ‘historyless’
and ‘uncivilized’ societies outside Europe provide a wealth of examples.) The move beyond inegali.tarian conceptions of the other in the more abstract and universal
worldviews is also a matter of special significance.) Whether the inquiry focuses upon logics of moral inclusion. Sovereignty and Humanity p 40. which perpetuate or revive cultural closure.ing the ‘other’ from moral consideration and the rules that lead to the imposition of inferior moral status are important fields of investigation. Here. states and civilizations. However. the social construction of the ‘other’ in different cultures.Se(k)urity 1. By way of example. or on change within an increasingly transnational society. it is also to comprehend systemic potentials for organizing external relations in accordance with universalistic ethi.

sadly. confusing. we need to
understand it in discursive terms. irreducible reality. the tragedy that is Bosnia. privileging a particular knowledge form. and bloody conflict with a people it initially sought to save from the ravages of starvation.only stepping back and engaging in the alternative can we even begin to confront global problems George ’94 (Jim. global environment in the 1990s. there are no easy. for all_its laserdirected fascination for some sectors of the community. is that the deep. and in recognizing the intrinsic connections between theory and practice. occurring in that space beyond the Cold War. and essentialism that has provided illusory certitude for so long and which.
. with particular attention paid to the conflicts in the Gulf War of 1990-1991. in mid-1993. again firing cruise missiles into the suburbs of Baghdad to deter Saddam Hussein from acting in the manner it once encouraged in the name of balance diplomacy. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. nor even the most fear-inspiring display of contemporary technorationalist savagery. in this regard. This connection represents the most powerful contemporary articulation of a much larger philosophical theme." The primary
suggestion. consequently. and with the UN. and space be facilitated for thinking and acting beyond its boundaries of "possibility" and "meaningfulness. as this work has sought to illustrate in a number of ways. ready-made solutions for situations
like these. events such as these.0 125/224
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Status quo IR can’t comprehend or explain global developments. its closures be exposed and opened for questioning. of exploding ethnic hatreds in the Balkans. acknowledged also its opportunities and potentials. and knowledge and power. gender. Rather. in Somalia. engaged in another vicious. It emphasized the need for a serious and sustained reassessment of the way we think and act in relation to global politics. multifaceted problems of the Middle East region. its analytical protocols. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. interpretation and action. Hence this critical (re)introduction to International Relations. he challenges of the post—Cold War era defy the simplistic reductionist universalism. As I explained at the outset. and its normativepolitical commitments in terms of a more inclusive historical and philosophical agenda. of warlordism and famine in the Horn of Africa. we might begin
to address the problems and potentials of the present in something other than the narrow. and the more generalized anxieties associated with the breakup of the Soviet empire. emphasis was placed upon the discursive connection between
the dominant Anglo-American social theory perspective—positivism—and the dominant Tradition of International Relations—Realism/neo-Realism. in order that its major silences be spoken. expose ever more starkly the inadequacies and dangers of Traditional thinking and behavior within the International Relations community. cannot be "solved" by recourse to crude power politics dogma. changing. of culture. More specifically. which (discursively) binds together orthodox readings of the modernist historical narrative and the disciplinary rituals of
contemporary International Relations scholarship. It ends in the same vein. dichotomy. and caricatured terms of a Realist-dominated International Relations Tradition and discipline.” p. More precisely. with the United States.Se(k)urity 1. transmigration. cultural experience. (re)introduced International Relations by relocating its dominant ways of understanding. and identity to a generation in the West. it emphasized the need to critically reassess the social and intellectual processes by which (modern) images of a singular. particularly among the "victors" of the Cold War. this book brought a positive and wide-ranging critical social theory
dimension to the International Relations debates of the 1990s. Australian National University. is now exposed as a serious impediment to dealing with a complex. in acknowledging its dangers and tribulations. continues to characterize orthodox approaches to International Relations to the present. In this latter context. which sought to explore the crisis of theory and practice of the current age in a manner that. not just in its more immediate (Cold War/Anglo-American political science) context but in terms of a broader and more profound discursive commitment. was that to begin to understand the silences and dangers of International Relations. The point. intolerant. and global economic crisis. This
book. as a way of framing the basic categories and experiences of modern social life in a manner that represents a particular knowledge/power matrix as universally and irreducibly "real. AM) This book began with a discussion outlining my concerns about the contemporary state of global politics. nor do such situations easily fit the patterns of understanding and explanation by which we have traditionally confronted the vicissitudes of global existence." Here. which has seen a particular "meaning of humanity" become International Relations per se. In this way. 221-222. and mode of life. simply put. the theory as practice of violence. and global containment that defined the post— World War II world and gave coherence. meaning. has framed our understanding of the world "out there" and determined our analytical and politicostrategic responses to it.

the objective remains elusive. “is minoritarian” (Deleuze and Guattari. I begin with a conceptual clarification of postmodernism that is advanced. If one resorts to an explanation written in postmodern ways. indeed. They may come closest to what Deleuze and Guattari called a rhizome: a multiplicity that has no coherent and bounded whole. Its purpose lies in disclosing the dangers that are entailed in elevating
a majoritarian position to the level of truth. They are the very processes through which abstraction reveals different facets of factual occurrences and thus opens up possibilities to rethink and redirect political practice. and morally imperative this compulsion appears. consists of seeking a language that can facilitate dialogue . then one may well annihilate the very substance they contain. hopelessly removed from the everyday realities that are supposedly being addressed (Gilpin. A debate presupposes the existence of a language that can link up the various voices and thus allow them to speak to each other and communicate meaning and understanding. one runs the risk of losing a reader who has not yet gained an appreciation of the linguistic subversion that sustains this approach. along with
its pretenses to universalism or transhistoricism. My own presentation takes the shape of aphorisms grouped in clusters. 1996/1980:106). Abstraction. at first sight. in a relatively straightforward. And “all becoming. often to the point that these representations have become the events themselves. Critics of
postmodernism often point out that the language of such inquiries disturbs a reader. for
example. then. postmodern approaches to world
politics increase awareness of the choices we have made or the ones that have been made for us. 1996/1980:3–25. Banished from our collective memory is the actual construction and objectification of social reality. Aphorisms refuse to impose sovereign and final judgments.L Jarvis: PhD in International Relations from University of British Columbia. “Living
with Rupture: Postmodern Perspectives on International Events” from “International Relations and the Third Debate” Edited by Darryl S. logical.Se(k)urity 1. 17-18) Through deeply entrenched practices of speaking and writing we have grown accustomed to familiar representations of events. then. 377). He works at the University of Queensland. But
such interferences are not necessarily faddish ravings or an unpleasant side product of postmodern theory. They do not achieve meaning in a linear way.
. Postmodernism is critique. or seems. however. The second half of the chapter moves into writing strategies that themselves reflect and
enact some of the stylistic critiques that are being advanced in postmodern approaches to world politics. (p. no matter how insightful. What purpose such a writing strategy fulfills and how it may help to illuminate world political events can only emerge out of the rhizome itself. Critique is thus always becoming. 1986:303). But critique does not always take place within a debate. Often. By exploring how realities achieve meanings and turn into events. The task of critique is to challenge the dominance of one thought form. assumes too much in the context of contemporary metatheoretical debates. there is no common vocabulary that can provide the preconditions for a fruitful exchange between established and postmodern approaches to world politics. only a middle from where it expands and overspills (Deleuze and Guattari. on purpose. If. They may be right. disturb. They are self-contained but advance no claim to totality. is a means of shedding light on various pathways that lead from concrete political dilemmas to equally concrete manners of understanding and dealing with them. conventional way.” Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari say. This is why I am employing two parallel writing strategies in this chapter. but only in a constant crossfertilization with each other. The challenge that confronts us. This ideal speech scenario. Its objective is to locate and increase the understanding of a body of
theory that is more often critiqued than read. by contrast. one tries to summarize postmodern ideas in a conventional manner. Postmodern approaches do. no beginning or end. 2002: PhD in International Relations from the Australian National University. In both cases.0 126/224
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Postmodern critiques are key to changing our perception of reality given to us by poor representations Bleiker 2 Roland. Such is the stylistic task of this chapter—a task that faces a variety of obstacles.

Look around. Likewise. or political power as opposed to individual challenge and adventure. is engaged in elective danger. and scope to choose to be or become. other than merely surviving as human biological organisms. Security. Security is an important dimension of the process by which the human species can reinvent itself beyond the merely biological. is a powerful political concept. Two interrelated conclusions follow from this. it frees its possessors to a greater or lesser extent from life-determining constraints and so allows different life possibilities to be explored. military. As an instrumental value. 23)
The best starting point for conceptualizing security lies in the real conditions of insecurity suffered by people and collectivities. paradoxically. security can be understood as an instrumental value. This allows for individual and collective human becoming—the capacity to have some choice about living differently—consistent with the same but different search by others. Contemporary Strategy: Theories and Policies and New Thinking About Strategy and International Security Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. To the extent an individual or group is insecure. it is the sort of word that energizes opinion and moves material power. Security might therefore be conceived as synonymous with opening up space in people's lives. These particular bodily risks are not part of life's inexorable insecurities. not imposed. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. First. It is something over which people(s) have been willing to fight. a person might choose to engage in a dangerous (threatening) activity—such as rock climbing or skydiving—but these activities can only be pursued by a person with the time. It is a means by which individuals and collectivities can invent and reinvent different ideas about being human. the risks are chosen. this is because of the resources and energy they need to invest in seeking safety from domineering threats—whether these are the lack of food for one's children or organizing to resist a foreign aggressor. Carr Professor and head of the Department of International Politics. Because the condition of security is of such importance to societies— because it is primordial and deeply politicized—to have something labeled security is to give it priority on the agenda. security is not synonymous simply with survival. as would be the case when fighting in selfdefense following an invasion of its territory.H. is universal. It is motivated by ambition—like the rock-climber—but for increased economic. One of the things security allows people(s) to choose. The corollary of the relationship between insecurity and a determined life is that a degree of security creates life possibilities. for example). to that extent their life choices and chances are taken away. security is sought because it frees people(s) to some degree to do other than deal with threats to their human being. Aberystwyth. This is because it represents instrumental and political value and demands the committing of appropriate collective resources. What is immediately striking is that some degree of insecurity. however threatening. the plus being the possibility to explore human becoming. it is not acting out of insecurity.Se(k)urity 1. is danger. it should be clear that a
critically informed definition will be much broader and deeper than any offered by the mainstream. as a life-determining condition.1 From the discussion above. they are the dangers elected as a result of the possibilities created by security. energy. One can survive without being secure (the experience of refugees in long-term camps in war-torn parts of the world. In rock-climbing or long-distance aggression. At the level of the individual. above all. not core values. are to be
distinguished from structural and contingent insecurities. Second. a great power choosing to attack and invade a foreign country. when it is not directly threatened itself. not determined. Accordingly. and in Chapter 1. Troops and interests are put at risk. The traditional definition of security in the literature of international politics emphasizes the protection of the territory and core values of states against foreign imposition. His numerous
publications include Strategy and Ethnocentrism. Elective dangers. education. and resources to participate in such activities. energy.
. The achievement of a level of security—and security is always relative—gives to individuals and groups some time. the risks to one's life in these cases are elective. It is important here to distinguish between security threats and bodily risks. Security is therefore more than mere animal survival (basic animal existence).0 127/224
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The alternative achieves true security – this allows increasing time for the world populace to exploring possibilities and increasing their value to life Booth 5 Ken Booth is E. It is survival-plus. not the dangers imposed by domineering threats. University of Wales. my definition is as follows: Security in world politics is an instrumental value that enables people(s) some opportunity to choose how to live.

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The alternative would create a better.pg 196) What.Se(k)urity 1. Increased awareness of the theoretical choices we have made. Instead. edited by Stephen Chan. greater awareness of its inevitably subjective and culturally specific dimensions may help IR theory to become more effective in its search for the causes of war and its effort to overcome them. This is why focusing our energies towards expanding or creating a new historic and all-encompassing theory would not greatly improve our understanding of conflict or the prospects for peace. these decisions are never based on authentic . peaceful world Blieker 1 (Senior lecturer and co-director of Rotary centre of International studies in Peace and Conflict resolution. then one must also acknowledge that the differences between neorealism and Chinese philosophy are neither a result of cultural indoctrination nor a matter of mere coincidence. “The Zen of
International Relations”.
.
it is clear that neorealism is shaped and driven by values and political motives that are linked to a specific time and place. Ronald. individually or collectively.( insight into the realities of life. then. But if
one compares this phenomenon with the striking similarities that exist between the two systems of A thought. But they are nevertheless the produce of human will. Peter Mandeville. and Ronald Blieker. is the first and perhaps most important step towards creating an alternative and less violence-prone vision of world politics. is to be learned from such a specific cross-cultural and cross-temporal comparison of war and peace? For one. They are at
least partly the expression of deliberate decisions taken by agents. Of course. and of the cultural context within which they are translated into practice.

it could not question the discursive process that saw a range of alternative perspectives—all articulating empirical facts about Soviet capacity and intent—reduced to an unambiguous. there was indeed no strategic or humanitarian value in seeking a more sensitive dialogue with the Soviet enemy. In summary then. for all their professed knowledge of Soviet thought and behavior. at the end of the Cold War. and its crude ideological bias. though hardly
surprising. Thus. arrogant unself-consciousness abounds as those who disallow. and the potential perils of the greenhouse effect. Australian National University. neoRealist arguments designed to provide antireductionist and structuralist explanations of the world are invoked in the crudest of reductionist and atomized terms (e. sought to impose its developmental Realism (i.g. Unable to think and speak outside a primitive logic of (objectified. questions of human security were reduced to simplistic and inadequate modeling techniques and pseudoscientific representations of (utilitarian) rational action.g. In the age of internationalized processes of production. in (re)introducing International Relations as discourse. an internally generated. disavow. It was. This. in the new/old age of structuralist Realism. that doctrine which for nearly half a century represented its god's-eye view of the world in the most authoritative of (positivist-Realist) terms is now increasingly exposed for what it always was—a discursive emperor at best. support for neofascist thuggery. therefore. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations.
via its ethnocentric arrogance. and strategic orientations so tragically wrong in Vietnam. ethical. deterrence strategy. by Keohane). as Modernization Theory) upon an objectified Third World in the 1960s. the neo-Realist mainstream continues to represent its analytical insight in terms of anarchical state-centric conflict. The inability of mainstream analysis to predict the demise of the Soviet superpower is intrinsically connected to the interpretive silences and inadequacies at the core of the Realist discourse of International Relations in the 1950s. detached from the traditional premises of Newtonian physics.e.the alternative is the only way to truly address the problems of the status quo George ’94 (Jim. by Gilpin). from within this sector that. externalized) reality. only scantily clad. largely voluntary process of self-destruction by the Soviet people was never part of the predictive agenda. the "billiard ball" logic of the 1950s." which gave unity and identity to Western scholars and policy practitioners and a simple self-affirming meaning to the Cold War. more specifically. Likewise. globalized drug cartels. in the foreign policy interests of the United States. not only in their own terms but in terms of the silenced discursive agenda that has produced their real meaning for International Relations indicated how crucial analytical and policy options were irrevocably and systematically closed off within an International Relations community constrained by the discursive practices it left unquestioned. explosive nationalist reawakenings. nor was there any other rational choice for Western policy planners than arms racing. The major concern in the 1990s is that nothing much appears to have changed.. Consequently. and Vietnam.” p. Realists actually knew very little about the primary Cold War Other beyond the restricted boundaries of their discourse of Otherness. sensitivity. neo-Realism.S. It is troubling. the crudity and analytical silence of the erstwhile "Wizards of Armageddon" is now replicated in the false (scientific) rigor of neoRealism's updated advocation of U. Thus. And from this perspective. and simple utilitarian models of economic behavior. From this (objectified/demonized) perspective. moreover.0 129/224
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The simplistic realist narrative has failed. 223-225.
. Meanwhile.g. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. after all. in the "golden age" of positivist-Realist strategic thinking. that commentators assess the political spectrum in the post–Cold War period are expressing their concern at the lack of understanding. singular narrative of "fact.. And it was in line with the eternal power politics wisdom of (the great majority) of this sector that the United States got its political. and decry "reflection" illustrate their overwhelming need for it. and incisive behavior within elite sectors of the International Relations community. The point is that. It did so in confronting a range of "concrete" events and
issues. is the scholarly/policy elite that.. and for all its jargonized appropriation of (neoclassical) economic insight. are advanced in terms derived directly and crudely from Newton (e. the (illusory) certainties of its technorationalism. proxy war fighting. Consequently. large-scale works on the international political economy are projected in mediated power politics terms that predictably ignore and marginalize the impact of global capital upon the lives of the great majority of humans (e. proposals for a sophisticated postpositivist (neoRealist) theory. this book sought not only to speak of it as it has never spoken of itself but to illustrate some of its limitations and dangers and indicate how they might be resisted. hegemonic rule. by Waltz). as world hegemon. AM) Accordingly. the dominant representation of global life in the 1990s..Se(k)urity 1. retains its Traditional interest in status quo order and patterns of domination and control and.

Se(k)urity 1. In International Relations. critical theory ex. The theme of dialogue is one area in which different strands of post-positivist theory can converge in charting future possibilities for the study of international relations and in envisaging forms of community that overcome the moral deficits of bounded sovereign states. Critical Theory and World Politics:
Citizenship. and exclude others from. First.
***FRAMEWORK***
. This project denies that class power is the fundamental form of social exclusion or that production is the key determinant of society and history. Particular emphasis is placed on the different forms of social learning.0 130/224
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Critical theory rejects the aff’s objectivity and recognizes the fluctuations of power and creates possibility for nonexclusionary politics with an emancipatory purpose. It rejects the utopian assumption that there
is an unchanging universal ethical yardstick for judging social arrangements and recognizes the constraints upon radical change stressed by perspectives such as neo-realism but avoids the latter’s resignation to international political fate. which envisages the use of unconstrained discourse to deter. Fourth. critical theory has four main achievements. their
bounded communities and also how they can develop the capacity to engage others in open and potentially universal dis. that have shaped the contours of human history.ment and emancipation reworked to escape the familiar pitfalls of early twentieth century idealism.
critical theory stands opposed to empirical claims about the social world which assume that existing structures are immutable. Having overcome the flawed dichotomy between realism and idealism that has lent a peculiar structure to so much debate within the field. Third. critical theory learns from and overcomes the
weaknesses inherent in Marxism. Second.course. and by analysing the variety of forces.mine the moral significance of national boundaries and to examine the possibility of postsovereign forms of political life.munities must deal with one another in the currency of military power are rejected by critical theory. Its orientation towards existing constraints is shaped by the Marxian assumption that all that is solid eventually melts into air and by the belief that human beings can make more of their history under conditions of their own choosing. Critical theory investigates the prospects for new forms of political community in which individuals and groups can achieve higher levels of freedom and
equality. Post-Marxist critical theory extends conventional Marxist analysis by considering axes of exclusion other than class. Linklater 7 Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University). recovery of a project of enlighten. The analysis of boundedness opens up new possibilities for constructing a historical sociology with an emancipatory purpose (see Chapter 11). The project of reconstructing historical materialism associated with the writings of Habermas is especially significant in this regard. these themes have been crucial elements in the critique of neo-realism and in the gradual
As a strand of social theory and as an approach to international relations. Realist and neo-realist arguments that com. including production. Sovereignty and Humanity p 45-46)
critical theory takes issue with positivism by arguing that knowledge does not arise from the subject’s neutral engagement with an objective reality but reflects pre-existing social purposes and interests. The central objection to these claims is that notions of immutability support structured inequalities of power and wealth which are in principle alterable. Critical theory invites analysts to consider how claims about neutrality can conceal the role that knowledge plays in reproducing unsatisfactory social arrangements. critical theory judges social arrangements by their capacity to embrace open dialogue with all others and envisages new forms of political community that break with unjustified exclusion.amines the prospects for greater freedom and equality that are immanent within existing social relations. Recent analysis stresses how human beings learn to include some within.

shape manifold self-understandings and spheres of activity.. rational agents whose existence and interests are ontologically prior to society' (Dietz 1987: 2). or sexual preference (1994). Again.. ethnicity. reduce identity to race. teacher @ Dept of Political Science at the University of Wales and Véronique Pin-Fat. She points out that '[although gender may be determinative to some ends and purposes. Here she is in disagreement with. the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Professor of Social and Political Ethics at the University of Chicago (The Future of
International Relations. For Elshtain subjects do not possess asocial. Nor does Elshtain accept that subjects can be reduced to a single identity marker. she criticizes some
advocates of a 'politics of difference' who. political and social contexts in which subjects learn a variety of discourses.13 The multifarious cultural. and thereby privileging. for example. Knowledge and
understanding will always be partial. For example..0 131/224
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F: DISCOURSE MATTERS
There is no privileged epistemic position—identity and reality are constructed via discourse.
. gender. has a privileged epistemological standpoint. edited by Iver B. on her view. 1997. Page 307.Se(k)urity 1. As such we should resist the temptation of universalizing. an urban Catholic or a rural Baptist'. is the basis of. Jenny Edkins. former teaching assistant in Philosophy. humanness' (1981b: 327). it also matters where one is American or Russian. Cites Jean Bethke Elshtain. for example (1986b: 18). the liberal notion of human beings as 'atomistic. whether male or female. First. Elshtain refutes any kind of reductionist interpretation of what it is to be human. but of others. fundamental characteristics. Neumann and Ole Wæver. it suggests that no human being. This presents us with a number of features of what it is to be human on Elshtain's view. our own contextually bound understandings of humanity. '[0]ur use of
language..) We are already familiar with her view that human beings are meaning-bearing
and meaning-creating agents and that therefore our linguistic practices inform our understandings not only of ourselves.

in a Foucaultian sense. knowingly or unknowingly make sure that
the discipline’s discursive boundaries remain intact. are subtle mechanisms that frame our thinking process They determine the limits of what can be.” It is not my intention here to provide a coherent account or historical
survey of the exclusionary academic conventions that have been estab. and Ronald Blieker. One easily recognises an (anti)philosophical stance that attempts to separate subject and object. but also decide what issues are worthwhile to be assessed in the first place. at times gradually.39 Such procedures not only suggest on what grounds things can be studied legitimately. they are mere value statements. George Canguilhem argues. Such a positivist position assumes only that which is manifested in experience. Admittance cannot be granted at the moment to those who are eager to investigate the process of knowing. talked and written of in a normal and rational way. Robert O. a unity that dominates and transgresses individual authors. policies of hiring and promoting teaching staff or publishing criteria determined by the major or journals in the field. if the doorkeepers did not inform us that their methodological suggestions emerged from years of teaching a core graduate course at one of North America's foremost research institutions. why 'all things that live long are gradually so saturated with reason that their origin in unreason thereby becomes improbable'.Se(k)urity 1.ments that are considered proper for the pursuit of knowledge. They have the power separate from irrational from irrational stories. at times abruptly. organized and diffused by certain procedures. edited by Stephen Chan. I want to illustrate the process o disciplining thought by focusing on an influential monograph by the well-placed academics. The warning is loud and clear: 'A proposed topic that cannot be refined into a
specific research project permitting valid descriptive or causal inference should be modified along the way or abandoned. texts or social practices. In every society the production of discourses is controlled. Although the boundaries of discourses change. Discourses.40 The doorkeepers of IR remind the women and men from the country who pray for admittance
to the temple of IR that only those who abide by the established rules will gain access.ledge. They readily admit that we seek not dogma. In other words.” Indeed. then just try to go in despite our veto. of deserves the name know.42 Or could it be that these allegedly unimportant research topics need to be silenced precisely because they run the risk of turning into politically significant questions? The dominant IR stories that door keeping
functions uphold are sustained by a wide range of discipline related procedures linked to aspects such as university admittance standards teaching curricula.” Instead. But take note. Within these margins each discipline recognizes true and false propositions based on the standards of evaluation it established to assess them. or to those who even have the audacity of questioning what this 'real world' really is. the outcome of the discussion is
. that 'qualitative' and 'quantitative' research approaches do not differ in substance for both can (and must be) systematic and scientific. The criteria of admittance.32 Academic disciplines are powerful mechanisms that direct and control the production and diffusion of discourses. 47) The doorkeepers of IR are those who. They establish the rules of intellectual exchange and define the methods. for ultimately all research topics that have no 'real-world importance' will run 'the risk of descending to politically insignificant questions'. Peter Mandeville.” One does not need to be endowed with the investigating genius of a Sherlock Holmes to detect positivist traits in these pages. they fulfil important and powerful doorkeeping functions. one could easily mistake their claims as parodies of positivism.lished by the discipline of IR. 2001 (“The Zen of
International Relations”. Gary King. to those who intend to redraw the boundaries of 'good' and 'evil' research. At least the doorkeepers of IR have not lost a sense of (unintended) irony. Keohane and Sidney Verba. a topic has to fulfil a number of preliminary criteria before it can even be evaluated as a legitimate IR concern. as detached observer. that believes the social scientist.'41 And if you are drawn to the temple of IR after all.38 Hence the doorkeepers inform us that what distinguishes serious research about the 'facts' of the 'real world' from casual observation is the search for 'valid inferences by the systematic use of well-established procedures ofjnaiiuyl.0 132/224
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F: DISCOURSE FIRST
Discourse First*** Ronald Bleiker. They create systems of exclusion that elevate one group of discourses to a hegemonic status while condemning others to exile. legitimate or illegitimate. are twofold. but disciplined thought'. unprovable speculations. selected. A research topic must 'pose a question that is "important" in the real world' and it must contribute to the scholarly literature by 'increasing our collective ability to construct verified scientific explanation of some aspect of the world'. the doorkeepers notify us. Senior lecturer and co-director of Rotary centre of International studies in Peace and Conflict resolution. which emerges from observing ‘reality’.
Academic disciplines discipline the production of discourses. to come back to Nietzsche. Even if one is to engage the orthodox position in a critical manner. can produce value-free knowledge. We are told that the goal of research is 'to learn facts about the real world' and that all hypothesis 'need to be evaluated empirically before they can make a contribution to knowledge' Which facts? Whose 'real' world? What forms of knowledge? I— The discursive power of academic disciplines. examination topics. They force the creation and exchange of knowledge into preconceive spaces. techniques and instru. All other utterances have no cognitive and empirical merit. p. They explain. These functions emerge as soon as the authors present their main argument. we are powerful and we are only the least of the doorkeepers. the doorkeepers laugh. By
outlining the methodological rules about how to conduct good scholarly research. they maintain a certain unity across time. called debates. normative claims. works such that a statement has to be 'within the true' before one can even start to judge whether it is true or false.

0 7 Week Juniors 133/224 already circumscribed by the parameters that had been established through the iniital framing of the debates.Se(k)urity 1.
. Thus. as soon as one addresses academic disciplines on their own terms one has to oplay according to the rules of a discursive police which is reactivated each time one speaks.

and absorbed. but also our actions.Se(k)urity 1. even if they have not yet happened. of “whats. even if they are long past. of course. The “how” is as important as the “what. To examine events is to scrutinize how one particular interpretation of them has been objectivized and elevated to the level of factuality. 1986:16).” Language assigned a place to each of
us. of seeing and feeling reality. It certainly does not happen always. Only a few raw “hows” float outside the matrix of delineations. Words took their place long before we were thrown into a void 1. “Inventions from the unknown. We never will. Language has no outside: only different insides. We don’t know all that. It may reshape the events themselves. obscurities and frustrations. It polished the edges of “whats” and placed them into square boxes. It may not even happen. We still don’t. There is no easy language. Seeing. Opening up different ways of identifying events. felt. I have scrutinized
this case in more detail in a project that seeks to understand practices of dissent that defy national sovereignty and challenge the spatial logic of global politics (Transversal Dissent: Rethinking Human Agency in Global Politics. Questioning processes of identification and interference reorients not only our thoughts about events. There are only worn out metaphors. 28-29)
To examine events is to locate the interferences that have occurred through their identification and to highlight the consequences that issue from them. It is never complete. PhD in International Relations from the Australian National University.
. 2002 (“Living with Rupture:
Postmodern Perspectives on International Events” from “International Relations and the Third Debate” p.” the poet Arthur Rimbaud says. University of Queensland. and absorbing take place within language.0 134/224
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F: DISCOURSE KEY TO TRUTH/KNOWLEDGE
Language key to determining truth and knowledge Roland Bleiker. New forms of speaking create preconditions for new forms of acting. “demand new forms” (Rimbaud.” The “what” cannot be separated from how it is seen. forthcoming). There is no space here for elaborating on the transversal complexities that made up the collapse of the Berlin Wall. It is a process saturated with obstacles and contradictions. feeling. can only occur through language.

more unequivocally than these perspectives. authentic) conception of the rea1. A discourse. illusory certitude. postmodernists stress that reality is in a perpetual state of flux—of movement. Discourse analysis seeks. and therefore. at the core of Western history and philosophy is a textual "past" framed in terms of a whole series of dichotomies that demarcate that which is real and that which.there’s no alternative Jim George. unity. Accordingly. generates the categories of meaning by which reality can be understood and explained. it is rather. and it establishes. realism/idealism. Like all other claims to know the world and its (singular.80 This discursive representation of reality in the world is. consequently. as noted earlier. as identifiable. This is not the common understanding of the nature of reality. Understood this way. a way of producing that something as real. derived. Social theory in general and International Relations in particular have. essential) reality. a process of textual/social representation. establishes the sociolinguistic conditions under which realistic theory and practice can take place. rather. Discourse creates the conditions of knowing [emphasis added]. change. of course. is to interrogate the
conditions of knowledge as power. this is not surprising. a discourse of Realism. to explain how power is constituted and how its premises and givens are replicated at all levels of society and to reveal its exclusionary practices in order to create space for critical thought and action. and Realist knowledge as International Relations. A major task for postmodernist scholars. in this sense.82
. From a postmodernist perspective. Discourse in ' this context is not synonymous with language as such. initially. a discourse makes "real" that which it prescribes as meaningful.0 135/224
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DISCOURSE SHAPES REALITY
Discourse decides everything. in this way. But. that which. does not correspond with reality. stable. knowable reality has been an integral part of a dominant post-Enlightenment story. This story. identity/difference. So doing. and universalist terms. this is regarded as a narrative fiction.81 In this way. understood reality in essentialist. for postmodernism.Se(k)urity 1. aggregated and institutionalized via its articulations across the contemporary social theory disciplines. 25-26)
The question of reality and realism in postmodernist literature is confronted in terms similar to the (broadly) Hegelian approach of Berki and other critical social theory approaches. A discourse. is what Derrida sought to do in locating the dominant modernist discourse in the post-Enlightenment search for an essential. singular. is not a way of learning "about" something out there in the "real world". It refers. knowable. classifiable. a story of certainty and identity derived from a dominant discursive practice that reduces the flux of existence to a strategic framework of unity and coherence. to a broader matrix of social practices that gives meaning to the way that people understand themselves and their behavior. which creates identity. simply put. an integral part of the relations of power that are present in all human societies. the process of discursive representation is never a neutral. by its definitional relationship with prescribed reality. it is maintained. is the modernist metanarrativethe discourse of self/other. and instability. and universalized meaning by excluding from the "meaningful" that which does not correspond to the logo (original. simultaneously. unitary. by discursive definition. because. Australian National University. from classical Greek scholarship. cannot be. to be engaged in a discourse is to be engaged in the making and remaking of meaningful conditions of existence. universal rationality. detached one but is always imbued with the power and authority of the namers and makers of reality—it is always knowledge as power. More precisely. meaningful. 1994 (“Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. the notion of a singular. then. including Habermas's Critical Theory. for example.” p. This he described as the logocentric process. in which the ascent of Western "rational man" is located as integral to the gradual historicophilosophic unfolding of the world's "real" nature. This.

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REPS KEY
Representations are a critical component of International Relations and security discourse Jim George. 209 AM) This is not to suggest some simple cause-and-effect scenario. as did Shapiro's.S. But what Campbell's contribution suggests. Accordingly.
. must be included if the United States. and the International Relations discipline centered therein. I
want to turn briefly to some postmodern scholarship that seeks to reconceptualize the dominant security/strategic discourse in the era that has seen the demise of its Cold War raison d'etre. systematically excluded from foreign
policy discourse.Se(k)urity 1. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. Australian National University. 1994 (“Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. theory as practice. in the post—Cold War era. is that modernist "theory" is intrinsic to the "practice" of International Relations and that postmodernist critical perspectives have something important to contribute to the opening of that theory as practice. is that questions of representation. nor any conventional class/elite-based design at the core of U. What it suggests. is to be more capable in the future of understanding itself and the world in which it lives. more generally in relation to the present discussion. This is particularly so in relation to the discourse of strategy and security.” p.

rather that such contestations need to engage with the dominant construction of identity already in place (Wæver 1995:45). Whether a discourse articulates a stable relationship between identity and policy is to be posed not only as a question of internal stability but also as a matter of whether the discourse is supported or criticized by other discourses. Moreover. is not a closed system.’
and ‘America’ is seen as supporting the war against Iraq is to be analyzed both at the level of the textual construction of identities and how they are linked with policy and at the level of the wider responses to Bush’s policy and discourse. as argued above. Goldsworthy 1998). practices which vary and depend on human agency.0 137/224
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F: LANGUAGE SHAPES POLICY
Discourse constructs identity and directly influences policy implementation—this link is stabilized by both the initial construction and the response to it.
. Department of Political Science.)
Foreign policy. like that of the body. through this deployment of ‘the Balkans. The contextualized and mutually adjusted
character of the policy—identity constellation implies furthermore that their link is not a functionalist nor an essentialist one: stable links are constructed through and in response to discursive practices. however. 2006
(Security as Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War.’ the ostensibly trans. ‘The Balkans’ was powerfully employed within the Western debate of the 1990s as a
representation of the war in Bosnia. as established discourses are mobilized anew. University of Copenhagen. Beginning with the construction of identity. Director of the Ph. For example.Se(k)urity 1. not on abstract functionalities. the fact that foreign policy questions are always articulated within a partially structured discursive field is. they reinforce and potentially modify the identity on which they are centered. Put in more programmatic terms.’ ‘the Iraqi people. both enabling and constraining for those constructing foreign policies. This is not to say that established identities cannot be contested. Lene Hansen. Program. The construction of the link between identity and policy is more specifically confronted by a set of external constraints that impact the deliberation of identity as well as policy. This implies that the internal stability of a policy-identity construction cannot be determined in isolation from the broader social and political context within which it is situated. Yet.’ ‘the free world.historical concept was itself slightly modified. politically contextualized discourse analysis combines the analysis of how texts seek to create stability with analysis of whether these constructions are being accepted or contested within the political and public domain. p 26-27. Associate Professor.11 For example. and this representation drew upon a concept of ‘the Balkans’ which had been coined and developed from the late nineteenth century onwards (Todorova 1997. but is formulated within a social and political space. the extent to which Bush’s construction of the identities of ‘Saddam Hussein.D.

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.Se(k)urity 1.

poststructuralism argues that foreign policy discourses articulate and intertwine material factors and ideas to such an extent that the two cannot be separated from one another. Lene Hansen. impossible to define identity as a variable that is causally separate from foreign policy or to measure its explanatory value in competition with non-discursive material factors. It also argues that policy discourses are inherently social because policymakers address political opposition as well as the wider public sphere in the attempt to institutionalize their understanding of the identities and policy options at stake. but this book will show that poststructuralist discourse analysis can indeed create a theoretically vibrant and rigorous research agenda that speaks to pertinent political issues. Program. 2006 (Security as Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War. Associate Professor. and political anarchy. but it is also through the formulation of foreign policy that identities are produced and reproduced.
. Director of the Ph. p 1. University of Copenhagen.0 139/224
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F: IDENTITY KEY TO FOREIGN POLICY
Examining the concept of identity is key to foreign policy. This approach to identity sets poststructuralism apart from liberal and constructivist studies of ideas as a variable in foreign policy analysis by arguing that identity is not something that states. Katzenstein 1996). have independently of the discursive practices mobilized in presenting and implementing foreign policy (Goldstein and Keohane 1993.
Laffey and Weldes 1997. It is. Department of
Political Science. It is a research agenda
which engages classical questions of foreign policy—how do states generate responses to the problems they face and how do politicians rally support for their calls for action?—as well as bridges to the importance of media and political opposition for how political debates unfold.D.) The relationship between identity and foreign policy is at the center of poststructuralism’s research agenda: foreign policies rely upon
representations of identity. or other collectivities. methodological.Se(k)urity 1. Critics of poststructuralism and discourse
analysis have often portrayed this absence of causal epistemology as the road to theoretical. as a consequence. Understanding foreign policy as a discursive practice.

This allows some room for ‘description’ as inspiration and data for theory-building. Rationalism.’ Yet it is problematic to move from the rigid conception of King. In Wendt’s words. Department of Political Science.Se(k)urity 1. and the absence thereof with intellectual insularity.10 King. 89). 282. Lene Hansen. not causally related classes of phenomena. Wendt 1999:55–6. the first part of the book formulates a general theoretical framework for the study of the processes through which identities and policies are constitutively or performatively linked
while simultaneously insisting that applications of this framework need to be historically and contextually grounded. Director of the Ph. as comprehensively
stated by King. There is no scope.
. and Verba and to the vaguer everyday use as this would make the concept of causality so broad as to be virtually meaningless: there would be virtually nothing which would not be considered a causal relationship as humans—and institutions
run by humans—almost universally describe their actions as driven by causes. but that they do not stand
in a causal relationship with one another as representations of identity are simultaneously the precondition for and (re)produced through articulations of policy.’ and that some measure of causality and variability is necessary to assess the importance of discourses and identity (Price and Reus-Smit 1998:279.
Constructivists have argued in response that the separation between description and causal theory is misleading: constitutive theories of foreign policy might not make causal claims. The debate over what constitutes the proper conception of causal epistemology and how rigidly and fully IR research programs should comply with it is extensive and inconclusive. and Verba. Causal epistemology is therefore a particular discourse of knowledge. which cannot sustain its privilege outside of its own historical and political location
(Foucault 1970. p 8-9. In contrast to conventional constructivism’s embrace of causal epistemology. and Verba stress that building good causal research design is often a complex task—social life is much more multifaceted. and descriptive theories concerned with relationships between sets of phenomena. but their theorization of the constitutive relationship between structures and agents or identity and foreign policy make them theories rather than mere descriptions (Wendt 1999:87). agents employ ‘discursive causality’ in explaining their actions. italics in original). One should also distinguish between description as the gathering of ‘raw’ or disjunctive data. they still mobilize causal concepts of testing to assess theoretical validity. single observations. this book argues that representations of identity and policy are linked through discourse. and Verba demand that research projects. and require. 1994:87.0 140/224
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F: EPISTEMOLOGY
Framework should concern identity and the formation of political articulations. and how it is described depends on a selection of particular aspects of a phenomenon. That is. and its patterns of influence more interwoven. University of Copenhagen. Associate Professor. argues that social science theories should generate falsifiable hypotheses about the relationship between dependent and independent variables. in short. Keohane. such as levels of armament. Campbell 1999). 1994:34). Program. This is not to say that there
is one undisputed conception of causality that should be honed by everyone at all times. but description ‘loses
most of its interest unless linked to some causal relationship’ (King et al. in addition to being concerned with ‘the real world.
(Security as Practice: Discourse Analysis and the Bosnian War.’ where ‘the same outcome can be caused by combinations of different independent variables. 1974). Engaging rationalism’s and constructivism’s faulting of poststructuralism for its unwillingness to engage in causal theorizing. than the experiments in the controlled laboratory of the hard sciences allow—but it should be noted that their concept of causality is itself narrowly and rigorously defined. 1994:15. Keohane. while conventional constructivists allow more scope for non-causal theory as part of a research agenda incorporating
multiple epistemological ambitions (Katzenstein 1996).D. from a sociology of knowledge perspective it is doubtful whether ‘pure
description’ ever exists as what is described. Yet. and it stands as the model around which constructivist and poststructuralist scholarship have had to cast themselves. not uncommon to encounter vaguer conceptions of ‘causality’ as pointing to the ‘impact’ or ‘influence’ of identities and discourses on policies and state action. That said. King. Price and Reus-Smit argue that constructivism should ‘answer the hard and good question inevitably asked by traditional scholars—“show me your discourse matters and how much”.’ can be difficult.11 It is. 2006
but the delineation of which questions can and should be asked is intertwined with questions of epistemology. The conception of causality has a history of its own.) Deciding the scope and research questions is at the core of building a research agenda.
Keohane. however. Keohane. and Verba is not the only one which can be
uncovered (Kurki.’ should ‘make a specific contribution to an identifiable scholarly literature by increasing our collective ability to construct verified scientific explanations of some aspect of the world’ thus privileging causal epistemological research projects over those which use. this conception has become the ideal of social science research. for poststructuralists what constitutes ‘proper knowledge’ is not a theory’s ability to uncover causal
truths as knowledge is historically and politically situated. within the rationalist epistemological position for
research projects that cannot be conceptualized in causal epistemological terms. other forms of knowledge (King et al. and the Humeian one of King. from an epistemological perspective. Contrary to rationalism’s and constructivism’s linkage of causal epistemology to
theoretical and methodological rigor. Determining the
causal mechanisms between variables in situations of ‘multiple causality. constitutive theories ‘imply hypotheses about the world that can and should be tested’ (Wendt 1999:87). conceptions which draw upon the everyday use of the word ‘(be)cause. Keohane. but these are. or that there are no important conceptual questions to be pursued in the space between the rationalist conception and everyday use. Wight 1999. however this should not lead to the abandonment of causality but to a definition of ‘the counterfactual conditions making up each causal effect very precisely’ (King et al. Furthermore. forthcoming).

" whereby the former term is privileged (1989. In many other ways. 57). That is. off-sidedness. Such frameworks miss another qualitative transformation unfolding behind the quantitative growth of world trade." as Pierre -Bourdku worries. Onsidedness. between the internal and external. this discursive reduction turns such concepts into key strategic
Of course. like Great Britain. drives the same Toyota trucks. 290). where the command.. hierarchy. transnational culture. Agency. pork or chicken? Today's sterile division of scholarship on foreign affairs into disparate disciplinary domains that are beholden to various analytical cliques pledging loyalty to realism.. or coperformativity. yens. In any case. or idealism is quite problematic. commotion. implicitly implodes this spatialization with what coincides at their elisions and congruencies. How different and discontinuous is an "other" who watches the same CNN feeds." "economy. Indeed." and "globalization'' or "environment. it is not a random motion of conflicting and colliding bodies. it seems apparent that international relations is.. Concursivity. and residedness easily mingle
centers and boundaries beyond clear demarcations at the "coincidedness" of insidedness/outsidedness. because those confusions then circulate widely in political rhetorics. Concursive constructs confound the Cartesian predicates of modern agency. structuralism. pg. & As everyone listens to these "ready-made phrases all day. at best. eats the same ConAgra grains. Japan. Fellow at the Oxford University." and "explanation"—until they ^become disturbing chokepoints in the free flow of professional analysis. focusing upon such extraordinary peaks of statalized power would only perpetuate shopworn realist codes that center sovereignty and anarchy at the heart of all international relations thinking for the two hundred or so weak minor states. and their doxic effects on politics must not be discounted
***IMPACTS***
. often without privilege." As Ashley asserts. cooperativity. " "description. plans the same Euro-Disney
vacation. however. how identifiable and continuous is "a self whose sharp boundaries and hierarchical order of its decisionistic ego must calculate its desires in euros. Alone. or Ph.D. or US dollars. France.D." or "a whole philosophy and a whole worldview which engender fatalism and submission" (1984.Se(k)urity 1. calories. Germany.D. interoperationality. communication. 1995 (Language. or differentiation. these disciplinary divisions spin around particular words—like "discourse. global migration. Such divisions continuously confuse many phenomena in their common modes of interpretation. or perhaps. economic arguments. China. ordered. and international technoscience in all of the world's supposedly separate and independent countries.0 141/224
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A2: STATE KEY
Our everyday linguistic representations of the other is the pre-requisite to the state Francois Debrix. BTUs. Few moves can be more disarming than the discursive reduction of the world into such preprocessed categories. the precepts of
realism can easily become a "doxosophy. and intelligence functions of transnational commerce are highly concentrated. Is this where the geopolitanizing conditions of global life emerge from the concursive formations underpinning the planet's human and nonhuman life?
assets for anyone who is intent upon prevailing in these cultural struggles. or kilojoules. Politics. J. and cultural controversies. this maneuver imposes the expectation that there shall be an absolute boundary between "inside" and "outside. a reasoning self spatializes cognition and action around an "inside" and an "outside. or the United States. however. Cooperativity assumes that boundaries are fused. fears the same ozone holes. control. 189) Once the concursivity of relating internationally is recognized. at worst. beef. M. and worries about the same bioengineered clones? Likewise. or broken as selves and others interact. The facts of inside and identity with outside and otherness are increasingly infested by the artifacts of the coincide. there is a handful of truly majofstates. " "data.

Ole Waever. and. these implications arise directly from the securitization of the issue."37 A successful securitization attempt requires that the actor has the position of authority to make the securitizing claim. Thus. This is clear in the British reaction. the antiterrorist measures being introduced in many Western countries after September 11 threaten to erode significantly individual security in the name of the state. Pro Vice Chancellor (Academic Affairs) and Professor of International Politics at the University of Wales Aberystwyth. as a speech act."36 In one Copenhagen School book. security is best understood as a discursive act. removing them from the security agenda. Similarly. for example. and that the securitizing speech act follows the grammar of security. and de Wilde then relate this securitization approach to the five sectors outlined by Buzan back in 1983 and to a regional focus. Waever proposes desecuritizing issues. on security^J
Insert Freedom !
. for whom (referent objects).S. that the alleged threats facilitate securitization.. By this he means that labeling
something as a security issue imbues it with a sense of importance and urgency that legitimizes the use of special measures outside of the usual political process to deal with it. Bany Buzan."35 and the events of September 11 illustrate the salience of this idea. not least. Bush made the overthrow of Al-Qaida a military rather than a legal or political action. why.e. by securitizing the attack. that is. the administration of George W. response to the September 11 bombings fear. under what conditions (i. for the Copenhagen School the center
of analysis is "the practice of securitization. President of the International Studies Association 5 (“The Contested Concept of Security” Book: Critical Security Studies and
World Politics. Edited by Ken Booth pg. rather than. on what issues (threats). with what results.Se(k)urity 1. rather than a state focus. This is exactly what many critics of the U. and so responses to September 11 fall outside standard political practices. where the government under Tony Blair suspended age-old laws concerning detention without trial as a means of defeating terrorism. Wasver is concerned that securitization results in a militarized and confrontational mind-set. which defines security questions in an us-versus-them manner. Weever. Buzan. treating it as a criminal act. Instead. The implication is that the usual political procedures do not apply in a state of war. and Jaap de Wilde define the focus as follows: "securitization studies aims to gain an increasingly precise understanding of who securitizes. 34) Crucial in this move toward societal security has been Ole Waever's work on the idea of "securitization. what explains when securitization is successful). For Waiver.0 142/224
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INDIVIDUAL FREEDOM
Securitization destroys individual freedom – 9/11 proves Steve Smith. Vice Chancellor of the University of Exeter.

the state would cease to exist. President of the International Studies Association 5 (“The Contested Concept of Security” Book: Critical Security Studies and
World Politics. .Se(k)urity 1. Pro Vice Chancellor (Academic Affairs) and Professor of International Politics at the University of Wales Aberystwyth. Vice Chancellor of the University of Exeter. The issue. Instead of presuming their existence and meaning. For Campbell. Ironically.S. such as the states system— the West—are. indeed.
foreign policy has served to articulate danger and difference to construct a specific identity for the United States as an international actor. .S. The result is a very different account of state security. then. and domestic/foreign—these moral spaces made possible by the ethical borders of identity as much as the territorial boundaries of states—are constituted through the writing of a threat." Campbell wants to trace how the rituals of U.S. 50-51) David Campbell has written some of the best empirical work in post-structuralist security studies. Pro Vice Chancellor (Academic Affairs) and Professor of International Politics at the University of Wales Aberystwyth. is not whether they are true or false but how they have acquired their meaning.. strategic studies itself is part of the process of defending the state.. is instead a specific political move aimed at the defense of the state. in short.117 he looks at how the practices of U."118 Using
Michel Foucault's notion of writing a "history of the present."2 Klein's aim look at strategic studies as a discourse closely allied to the processes of
state formation and maintenance." Security discourse creates the identity of the state – ensures violence Steve Smith.. Klein shows convincingly how the literature of strategic studies. for Klein. it is always in the process of becoming and "should the state project of security be successful in the terms in which it is articulated."119 The book traces the ways in which U.0 143/224
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STATE VIOLENCE
Conventional security studies support the state and state violence Steve Smith. an ongoing process of defining state boundaries.. for Klein. The first is the work of Bradley Klein. power develop over time. is first and foremost a performative discourse constitutive of political order. cultural constructs "made intelligible to social agents through the medium of language. the inability of the state project of security to succeed is the guarantor of the state's continued
success. rather. . Instead of the usual survey of how external dangers threaten the United States."114 These principles. .'11 What I will do is to point to two illustrative examples of work in this area. . Edited by Ken Booth pg. Edited by Ken Booth pg. Vice Chancellor of the University of Exeter. the very thing that
is the starting assumption for traditional approaches
. In his 1992 book. specifically his book Strategic Studies and World Order: The Global Politics of Deterrence. 49-50) It is difficult to summarize the main themes of poststructuralist work because the picture of the world involved is so fundamentally different to that of mainstream and. "this book offers a non-essentialist account of danger which highlights how the
very domains of inside/outside. far from being a neutral evaluation of the ineluctable condition of international anarchy."115 Thus. "What else is Strategic Studies about but the political-military defense of the state? ."120 The bulk of the book consists of a series of discussions of how this identity of the United States has been performed. "security . self/other. foreign policy construct the identity of the United States."113 This view is informed by poststructural writings because they encourage "an attitude of skepticism whenever certain key organizing principles are invoked. one that argues precisely against the consensus of the mainstream that state security policy is directed at protecting the state. This identity is never fixed and never final. As he puts it. A good discussion can be found in articles by Jef Huysmans and Lene Hansen. Writing Security. President of the International Studies Association 5 (“The Contested Concept of Security” Book: Critical Security Studies and
World Politics. most alternative approaches. which is for him the very first question that should be posed: How do states capable of organizing violence emerge in the first place? "Strategic Studies relies uncritically on what most needs explanation. Strategic violence is less a function of the state than an instance of its own assertion . Campbell shows most effectively how that policy constitutes
the identity of the state. we ought to historicize and relativize them as sets of practices with distinct genealogical trajectories.

as well as from traditional realists. The price for old thinking about world security is paid. we need a clear understanding of what we mean both by "critical" and "security" if we want to develop a coherent critical theory of security. poverty. For a start. Carr Professor and head of the Department of International Politics. disease. Edited by Ken Booth pg. E.Se(k)urity 1.H. The spirit informing the theoretical framework to be outlined in this chapter is therefore very different to that of Krause and Williams. I do not share at this point the worry of Krause and Williams about invoking "a new orthodoxy".0 144/224
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STRUCTURAL LAUNDRY LIST
Realism causes systematic oppression Ken Booth. in the death. It will attract attacks from some ostensibly critical quarters. I do however fear the consequences of perpetuating old
orthodoxies in a fast-moving political landscape. daily. 260) There are times when definite lines have to be drawn. His numerous publications
include Strategy and Ethnocentrism. But research strategies and political projects require a focus and a sense of direction. University of Wales. and oppression of millions
. and these are not offered by eclectic rejectionism. Contemporary Strategy: Theories and Policies and New Thinking About Strategy and International Security “Beyond Critical Security Studies” 2005 (Critical Security Studies and World Politics. Aberystwyth.

derived (crudely) from the scattered textual utterings of the Greeks.
. totalitarian counterparts. more explicitly. and social coherence and a realm of (international) anarchy. as Traditionalism.0 145/224
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VIOLENCE
Realist IR constructs threats that must be disciplined in the name of upholding the violence of the status quo Jim George." which must be disciplined. open. The point. a homogeneous "self" confronts a threatening Other.g.” p. and eternal and that which is prejudiced by history. static social formations) of their world. This theme—the projection of reality in terms of a (rational) separation between that which is foundational. Christian theology. In the European Enlightenment it became more intrinsically associated with the pursuit of an indubitable social reality. from which analytical protocols might be gleaned and scientific. irreducible. or neo-Realism). irrationality. From the
nineteenth century on. systemic good.Se(k)urity 1. This. a free. Articulated in logocentric terms. and the foundationalist approach to knowledge has become the only legitimate way of understanding global human society. this narrative remains. in general. more precisely. which has seen knowledge of global humanity reduced to a singular.. the positivist-Realist image of the world "out there" has become reality. ordered. AM) This theme. is that this particular discursive representation of human life at the global level has become International Relations. and controlled for the common. rationality. has been a site of discursive primitivism. in the wake of the "death" of God. 1994 (“Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. rigidly state-centric and centered on the opposition between a realm of (domestic) sovereign identity. behavioralism. was articulated. it has energized the more precise quest for a social theory purged of (traditional) metaphysics. In its various positivist-Realist guises (e. 222-223. fragmentation. Australian National University. and post-Renaissance Europe. culture. this theme has had some crucial implications for the way International Relations scholars and practitioners have framed their questions of global life and applied their answers to its complex problems. and language—remains at the ontological
heart of modernist social theory and the dominant (Realist) Tradition and discipline of International Relations. self-affirming narrative of Western (primarily Western European) eternal wisdom. lawlike statements invoked about modern human life. pluralistic social system can be distinguished from its closed. as Cartesian
rationalism accelerated the modern search for a secular foundation for certainty in an increasingly uncertain world. Under this discursive regime an "us" is easily identified and opposed to a "them". integral to the attempts of the Greeks to (rationally) distance themselves from the traditional objects (Gods. distortion. rational-scientific) way of knowing the world can be intellectually and institutionally legitimated in its struggle against the forces of ideology. < and threat "out there. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. independent of the distortions of specific time and place but imbued with laws of thought and behavior analogous to the axioms of natural science. and untruth. and a particular (Western. in the 1990s.

are the narratives of
genocide. inside/outside. incarceration within a Cold War discursive identity centered on the notions of modernist sovereignty and the anarchy problematique. which are also part of the United States." These have been the identifying characteristics by which the United States has framed its identity in global life and designated its enemies. it becomes clear that a number of other narratives have been excluded in order that a particular kind of self is here represented as the "United States. a more immediate danger is the primary focus
of Campbells’ critical attention—the danger of continued U." Necessarily excluded.S. while ignoring or treating as epiphenomenal issues of culture. foreign policy in discursive terms. . self/other. in orthodox terms. and domesticate a particular meaning of humanity . but as part of a much larger regime of framing concerned with the disciplining of dangers within the state. and interpretive ambiguity at the core of the sovereign state.43 The "particular meaning of humanity" privileged in the United States is that centered on political pluralism. ambiguity. sexuality. limit.
. 1994 (“Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. these are themes that must be explored if we are to begin to confront the policy paralysis of the present and enhance the possibilities for sensitive and more appropriate foreign policy options in the future. extraordinary state surveillance. Of particular concern in this regard is the continuing propensity to conceive of security in terms of (sovereign) territorial integrity. and the struggles of gender.S.S.S. is intrinsic to the process by which the United States has been constructed in International Relations.S. expansionism. it incorporates the form of domestic order. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. 121. . The proposition here is that a logocentric framing regime that
opposes. and domestic anarchy. foreign policy is constituted by dimensions other than “external” necessity and to reconceptualize U. for example. contingency.” p. (ostensibly) "free to choose. His critical project. the social relations of production. and politicized.0 146/224
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NO CHANGE
Cold War Identity Logic ignores domestic issues and forecloses any possibility of change Jim George. difference. AM) These concerns aside. However. ideology.42 Hence the value of Campbell's contributions to the debate
that locates U. the practices of [U. as a derivative of the anarchy problematique. foreign policy not just in terms of the danger between states.] foreign policy serve to enframe. In this sense. which limits conventional foreign policy discourse to a narrow analytical agenda and Traditional geopolitical practices.Se(k)urity 1. representation. identity/difference. is to illustrate that U. reread. for example. accordingly. when this narrative of self-identity is
questioned. As this book has emphasized from its beginning. Australian National University. and the modern sovereign individual. rehistoricized. capitalist economics. and the varying subjectivities to which they give rise. dispossession.

one modern tradition after another has legitimated its own foundationalist position. the overwhelming purpose of modernist thinking has become the search for an Archimedean point upon which we can ground our knowledge of the real world. simultaneously. has transformed the lives of peoples and cultures in every corner of the planet." Critical attention has been particularly focused on the way that the post1945 discipline of International Relations has framed its understanding of reality in this manner..” p. to revolutionize—but at a cost. has been used to liberate. and the suppression of "difference. It is in this quest—to impose a singular."
Accordingly.Se(k)urity 1. often brutally."
. it focuses on discourses that define and exclude the "subversive" and the "terrorist" and that." (our) "reality" from (their) "idealism/ utopianism. intolerance. Realism/idealism. postmodern scholars (following Nietzsche's lead) have pointed to some of the dangerous dimensions emanating from such beliefs and purposes. to empower." (our) identity from (their) "difference. and in proclaiming its new secular rational-scientific substitute. has become more and more intolerant of Otherness. This concern with the knowledge/power nexus has a number of dimensions. in its quest to master the natural and social worlds. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. legitimate their destruction on behalf of the sovereign state.g. AM) Consequently." a search for the hidden. The modernist authority vested in "rational man.85 More specifically. order/anarchy. essential meaning of life. its singular reality. 1994 (“Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. underlying. by reducing nearly three millennia of discursive struggle to a series of simple oppositions in which (our) "facts" are distinguished from (their) mere "values. modernist theory
and practice.0 147/224
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BRUTAL CONTROL
Existence predicated on violent dichotomies results in brutal control methods to “civilize” the rest of the world Jim George. its unified frame of reference about the good life. modernist
history and philosophy have become a "hermeneutics of suspicion. 31-32." for example. of that which cannot be "rationally" controlled." (our) "rationality" from (their) "irrationality." The argument here is that in the post-Enlightenment era. the central government. For in spreading the word of the (post-Cartesian) death of God. Australian National University. domestic/international). set upon scientific foundations. its insistence on sovereignty. Western theory as practice has. The more general concern is with a modernist knowledge form that. its discipline. foundational
reality upon miscreants and unbelievers—that the post-Enlightenment "will to knowledge" has quite literally become the "will to power. and its bulwarks against nihilism. At one level. Of particular concern is the connection between the knowledge that assumes a single foundation for reality in the world and the power regimes characterized by closure. postmodernists have argued (since the European Enlightenment in particular). in reducing the complexities of global life through the ages to a series of simplistic dualisms (e. invoked its strategies of control. the vanguard of the party. with each coupling legitimating a range of
power politics practices.86 And while belief in Archimedean points or external gods or the pursuit of ultimate foundations for reality might not be particularly dangerous phenomena.

tions of future developments which – precisely because they are ‘imag.0 148/224
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SELF-FULFILLING PROPHECY
Worst case scenarios constructed out of fear create a self fulfilling prophecy of destruction Michael C. perceptions of reality (and thus actions) are determined not by current
material circumstances alone. Logic. by Steve Smith (managing editor) et al.Se(k)urity 1. they create the very conditions of dis.ined’ – give rise to fears and actions that bear little necessary relation to current realities or developments. Williams.tion to the ‘real’ situation facing actors. becomes the source of a destructive self-fulfilling prophecy: an illogical war of each against all.
. Aberystwyth 2005
(The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations. In so acting.trust that they fear. and which may be out of all propor. Acting within the logic of worst case scenarios. Senior Lecturer in the Department of International Politics at the University of Wales.. page 26) From this perspective. but by projec. ed. Hobbesian individuals create an anarchic state of nature in part out of their fear of future harm rather than the calm appraisal of current realities. so necessary for prediction and preservation.

Senior Lecturer in the Department of International Politics at the University of Wales.’21
. the essence of politics – what he terms ‘the politi. or other antithesis transforms itself into a political one if it is sufficiently strong to group human beings according to friend and enemy. as he phrases it even more starkly: ‘Every religious.. the political entity.cal’ – lies in the relationship between friend and enemy. ‘is the most intense and extreme antagonism.. Whether issues are viewed as ‘political’ or ‘non-political’ (treated instead as ‘economic’ or ‘religious’. that of the friend-enemy grouping. Williams. page 86-87)
Schmitt’s claim that the essence of sovereignty lies in the act of deci. ed.tive decision. ‘The political’. ed. economic. the specificity of politics cannot be inferred from the specific substantive content
of any given issue. throughout history.’20 Or. that underpin the capacity for effec. For Schmitt. Williams. and back again.0 149/224
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FRIEND/ENEMY
The friend-enemy relationship spurs mortal conflict Michael C.’16 Every conflict-religious to economic-turns political into friend-enemy relationships. and in the possi. Such a commonality.sion merges powerfully with his famous vision of ‘the concept of the political’. Senior Lecturer in the Department of International Politics at the University of Wales.Se(k)urity 1. If such an entity exists at all. The commonality of friendship – and the limits prescribed by enmity – define the parameters within which values can be decided upon and the decisions of a ‘sovereign’ actor or institution accepted by the society at large. page 88) In this vision.bility of mortal conflict. for example) cannot be determined from the nature of the issues themselves – a fact amply demonstrated by the ways in which these issues have moved from being political to non-political. by Steve Smith (managing editor) et al. makes them more vicious Michael C. even if it is the exception. In its fullest form this intensification yields an absolute divide between friend and enemy in relation to a (any) given issue. Aberystwyth 2005
(The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations. Friendship and enmity provide the foundational structure of allegiance.19 What makes an issue ‘political’ is the particularly intense relationship that actors feel toward it. and every concrete antagonism becomes that much more political the closer it approaches the most extreme point. must always necessarily reside there. and it is sovereign in the sense that the decision about the critical situation. as he puts it. ethical. by Steve Smith (managing editor) et al. ultimately. is inextricable from enmity – from a group which is ‘not us’ – and from the possibility of life and death struggle with that enemy. Aberystwyth 2005
(The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations. of solidarity. moral. it is always the decisive entity. and ‘This grouping is therefore always the decisive human grouping.

Enmity presents life and death as an absolute-the excluded will be subject to domination and alienation Michael C. liberalism is thus left with a ‘depoliticised’ conception of politics. and forms of domination. he argues. people will be tempted to turn to competing non-liberal.. What is more. as he calls it) lies the claim that in its reduction of politics to individualistic calculation and the advancement of purely subjective values. Aberystwyth 2005
(The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations. or alienation. Senior Lecturer in the Department of International Politics at the University of Wales. and choices over others. In the resulting conditions of domination. arenas valued only to the degree that they promote the furtherance of particular interests. are central to Schmitt’s critique of liberalism. exclusion. Aberystwyth 2005
(The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations. anarchy. and is thoroughly lacking a cogent theory of political decision and the centrality of the state.mentarism’. social groups. Liberalism. But in its subse. become little more than venues for the pursuit of narrow sectoral interests. in this sense. ed. In Schmitt’s view. Senior Lecturer in the Department of International Politics at the University of Wales. cannot be separated from evil in the sense of the necessity of degrees of manipulation.quent development liberalism has obscured these origins and presented itself as the natural and consensual political vision of an enlightened humanity.cific interests. entropy. Williams. and the concept of the political. In such conditions. It is also fun. the possibility of the good. liberalism reduces politics to a process of technical calculation and competition lacking in any larger meaning. once liberalism had vanquished its defining opponents – the rule of the aristocracy and the threat of religious violence – its essentially empty vision of the political realm (or its role as an instrument in pur. Par. all politics is inevitably exclusionary. ed.dominance of some wills. truth and error.30 Those who are disadvantaged or excluded from the process become ever more cynical and alienated. and an ultimate harmony of interests. and imposition. Enmity and conflict are portrayed as belonging to a bygone era now replaced by pluralism. valued by those who partic.31
. emerged in a context of enmity – of a life and death struggle with absolutism.28
At the centre of Schmitt’s critique of liberal-democracy (or ‘parlia. The nature of politics. Williams. likewise. any capacity to decide authoritatively upon substantive values. and political parties to liberal-democratic institutions is both fragile and eroding. and no properly political understanding can avoid the conclusion that forms of violence will be necessary for political order to be possible at all..26 All politics. page 91-92)
These arguments concerning sovereignty as decision. the significance of the exception.Se(k)urity 1. or becomes deadlocked in an intractable clash of interests and incapable of effective decision-making. or both. The questions of the substantive determination of values and the social capacity which underlies them
mean that no universal resolution can be found. Even a politics of toleration will involve some form of imposition. since the limits of that which is tolerable must ultimately be decided. involves ‘evil’. by Steve Smith (managing editor) et al.0 150/224
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DOMINATION
Exclusionary politics acts in forms of domination and violence Michael C.liamentary institutions.ipate in them only to the degree that they advance their interests. or a simple psychological desire for domination. As a result. values. page 90)
This is a very different view from that which emerges from a sim. the promotion of spe. opposition.ple opposition between good and evil. and – crucially – lacking any broader commitment to liberal-democratic structures in themselves. by Steve Smith (managing editor) et al. the commitment of individual citizens.27 Historically speaking. and that the good in political life will always involve the evils of imposition.tures of representation and competition. political alternatives which do promise comprehensive visions.29 Liberal-democratic structures are thus reduced to purely formal struc. The impossibility of absolute consent and consensus mean that all political life – where decisions must be made – inevitably involves the pre. liberal parliamentarism descends into either a mask for the rule of a limited number of powerful groups that control the state. providing both the conditions for the emergence of opponents who do not accept tolerant liberal premises and placing barriers in the way of effective societal mobilisation for the support of liberal democracy itself. or particularly anti-liberal.suit of divisive individual interests or class politics)
became increasingly apparent.damentally different from positions that see evil as another word for the inescapability of ‘Darwinian’ drives for competitive advantage. peaceful competition.

It's convenient to forget ." often requiring intensive psychotherapy
treatments. The widespread use of torture by the West has undoubtedly shocked some of its citizens. Amal Kadham Swadi. The model was a mixture of Gaza and Guantanamo. Other long-term consequences of rape include self-destructive behavior." Intellectual amnesia is widespread. "Rape is unique among acts of violence: it shatters not only a victim's physical well-
being but also her emotional world. it is estimated that a rape is reported every two to six minutes and that one of every six women will be raped at some point in their lives. It had better moments. impaired self-esteem. Fall. 25 Am. "Child Rapists Beware! The Death Penalty and Louisiana's Amended Aggravated
Rape Statute". L. vying with each other to be helpful. The Eastern European states have now become Washington's willing satellites.0 151/224
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HUMANITARIAN WARS
Promotion of “humanitarian wars” justifies brutalities such as torture and rape to reach stability Tariq Ali. American Journal of Criminal Law. ‘97 [Yale. told the Guardian: She was the only woman who would talk about her case. independent writer. When they know that dead Iraqi bodies are not even counted. "We need electricity in our homes not up the arse. Orders had come from above. She had tried to fight them off. Guantanamo and the renditions
with full EU collaboration have shown us the world as it is. This is imperial rule at its most raw and we've seen it before. the majestic against the cruelty of torture. later. Humanitarian torture. security and basic trust may be irreparably damaged. Yesterday "heroes" Adam Michnik and Vaclav Havel support US policies even more blindly than their predecessors supported the Soviet Union (Imre Nagy and Alexander Dubcek. For a start it might heed the prudent words of an Iraqi prisoner. too. both physically and emotionally. Asia.Se(k)urity 1. She told us. X Foreward) Where the empire has suffered a serious blow is in its ideological pretensions. The women prisoners sent messages to the resistance pleading with them to bomb and destroy the prison and obliterate their shame and suffering. For God's sake don't tell anyone this. what else can explain the genuine surprise that was People when the torture was made public? One doesn’t expect most people to remember the Inquisition or the ordeal by fire or the heresy-hunters of Christianity who tortured and killed Cathars and Albigensians or. She showed us the stitches. six months later. is qualitatively
different from authoritarian torture.'' It is another memento from the occupation: a photograph soldier having sex with an Iraqi woman. The soldiers were wrong to obey orders. we must understand. and they hurt her arm. Crim. might have remained hidden had not a US network decided to air them. Women often experience "intense attacks on [their] psychic equilibrium. All talk of "humanitarian" wars has been seen for what it is a mask designed to make the new imperial offensive more palatable. Rape often induces a cycle of behavioral problems that extend well beyond the time when the physical damage from the assault has healed. and a greater likelihood of becoming a drug or alcohol addict. p. an Iraqi woman lawyer who had been given permission in November 2003 to visit a US military base in Baghdad. 79] Rape is one of the fastest growing violent crimes reported in the United States. interpersonal problems. victims often suffer extreme trauma. often involving sexual humiliation and physical abuse. member of editorial board of the New Left Review.
. Bush’s inherent power” it is pointless to pretend that the fun-loving GIs were indulging in some spontaneous fun. why the surprise that the live ones are mistreated? And now that we have been told that “US lawyers said that torture laws could be violated” (Front-page headline Financial Times 8 June 2004) and “legal statutes against torture could not override MR. The Taguba inquiry also confirmed independent reports that US soldiers had raped women prisoners. 2007 (“Selling US Wars”. Psychologists say that the surviving victim's sense of self-esteem." Rape has been called a "fate worse than death. The Geneva Convention should be altered accordingly. Studies of rape show it to be a violent and brutal crime. but who will punish their leaders? Rape is a fate worse than death and causes traumatic long-term psychological problems Glazer 97 Assistant District Attorney of Bronx County. She told us she had been raped. "we daughters and husbands. and Africa less than fifty
years ago? Former US President Clinton had to apologize publicly to the people of Central America for the horrors inflicted on them by the security services of their own countries. But what about the last century? citizens of the North forgotten what happened in South America. J. Hence the global impact of the
torture photographs that. The symptoms experienced by rape victims have been compared in severity to post-traumatic stress disorder observed in war veterans. armed. She was crying. to name but two. Several American soldiers had raped her." As a result of being raped. trained. War as pornography. Some of them were forced to bare their breasts for the camera. did resist the Soviet Union). and back by those of the United States. And it certainly could be.

p. They could easily be fortified.” Thus. Thus in vain. in fact he could conceive of no use for them except as naval bases…The entire mandate…would. Schweller.0 152/224
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REPLICATES HARMS
Securitizing justifies and necessitates compromising the security of others – replicates security dilemma Randall L. [Wilson] confided to one of his closest advisors. 25-26) A related problem is raised by the security dilemma: “many of the means by which a state tries to increase its security decrease the security of others. will likely engender security dilemmas or intensify existing ones.”
.” The rise of new great powers.Se(k)urity 1. particularly when they have or seek to acquire empires and/or less formal far-flung interests and commitments. menace the security of the Philippines. John M. The mandated islands were nearer Hawaii than was the California coast. it found that its new Pacific possessions could not be protected
without threatening the security of Japan’s home islands and insular colonies. Olin Post-Doctoral Fellowship in National Security at the Center for International Affairs. Yet there is the danger of just this being done. editorial board of International Security. President Wilson objected to the Council of Four’s decision on May 7. when the US emerged as a world power after the Spanish-American war. They are all that makes the present situation with Japan dangerous …To keep the islands without treating them generously and at the same time without adequately fortifying them and without building up a navy second only to that of Great Britain would be disastrous in the extreme. Despairing over the US acquisition of the Philippines and the security dilemma it created with Japan. Harvard University 2006 (“Unanswered Threats: Political Constraints on the Balance of Power”. Whitney Griswold paraphrases Wilson’s concerns: “The Japanese mandate. Theodore Roosevelt prophetically observed in 1907: “The Philippines form the heel of our Achilles. lay athwart the path from Hawaii to the Philippines. As Jervis pus it: “Any state that has interests throughout the world cannot avoid possessing the power to menace others. Japan’s quest for East Asian hegemony also could not be achieved without seriously
compromising the security of the United States. A. in the hands of a naval rival. For its part. 1919 to mandate to Japan the German islands in the Pacific north of the equator.

there can hardly be a mobilization of defensive resources. 33-34) Aside from domestic politics. threat may be perceived where none exists.0 153/224
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REPLICATES HARMS
Realism’s anarchy breeds misperception and wariness of states – strengthens need to securitize Randall L. in contrast to the deterrence model. Schweller. which is the central concern of this book.” Conversely. Olin Post-Doctoral Fellowship in National Security at the Center for International Affairs. Thus. One conception of threat. only a vicious cycle of distrust and exaggerated fears of the other side’s aggressive intentions. John M. a spiral model view would dictate various cooperative strategies that provide the opponent an opportunity to demonstrate that it is not an aggressor but merely a security seeker. editorial board of International Security. Scholarly discussion of threats has generally taken two forms. p.Se(k)urity 1. threat perception is a crucial intervening variable between changes in relative power and reaction in the form of balancing behavior.
. Specifically. Harvard University 2006 (“Unanswered Threats: Political Constraints on the Balance of Power”. either because the opponent’s capabilities or one’s own vulnerabilities are exaggerated or because the opponent does not possess hostile intent. even in the face of apparently objective evidence. the spiral model prescribes cooperative policies to reassure the other side of one’s benign intentions. is based on conventional interest. For when threat is not perceived. typically employed by game theorists and defensive strategists.

war is one social practice that remains largely free from human control. 461).ality of nation-states’ normative codes’.34 ‘On this level’.0 154/224
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VIOLENCE
The security dilemma causes unbridled violence that is not under human control. and often actively encourage. Andrew (Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University). to describe this condition in the modern world (see Elias 1996: 154ff. Elias used the expression. ‘we are basically still living exactly as our forefathers did in the period of their socalled “barbarism” ’ (see also Elias 1987a: 74). 7. Only rarely has this condition of endemic distrust and conflict been ‘tempered’ by the ‘fear of retaliation by superhuman agencies’ (Elias 1996: 137–8). The Hobbesian response that Elias often gives to these questions is that inter. . Sovereignty and Humanity p 169-170. He drew on Bergson’s writings to argue that.national politics have persistently lagged behind developments within modern states with the result that ‘a curious split runs through our civilization’ (Elias 1996: 177).35 Just as formerly each tribe was a constant danger for the other tribes. and only rarely have societies recognized ‘that
if they want to live without fear of each other . Linklater. and ‘unbridled use of violence’ when leaders ‘expected an advantage and were not afraid of retaliation’. most societies have possessed moral codes that condone. He maintained that the formation of stable monopolies of power was crucial for the pacification of modern
societies.36
. they can only do so by imposing certain common rules of conduct and the correspond. acts of violence towards other peoples that are usually proscribed within the in-group (see also Elias
1996: 461). . has been almost ‘normal throughout the ages’. He added that the ‘vicious circle’ of ‘mutual distrust between human groups’. ‘the du. Moreover. Elias (1996: 176) argued.). so nowadays each state represents a
constant danger for other states.ing restraints upon themselves’ (ibid. Critical Theory and World Politics:
Citizenship.Se(k)urity 1. but added that the absence of a global monopoly of power has meant that relations between states have largely consisted of ‘elimination contests’ in which political actors respond to what Elias called the ‘double-bind process’ – or the security dilemma as it is called in International Relations (1996: 176–7.tory..
throughout human his. 1978: 30).

Professor of Critique of Political Economy @ Brunel University (UK). the fascist potential within liberal democracy has always been more dangerous than the fascist tendency against democracy. thriving in the crises of liberalism. A number of writers have noted that there is a real Schmittian logic underpinning security politics: that casting
an issue as one of ‘security’ tends to situate that issue within the logic of threat and decision. 2008 (“Critique of Security. more often than not expressed
as crises threatening the security of the state and the social order of capital.’ says Jef Huysmans. This
potential for fascist mobilization underlines once more that far from being a distinct political force outside of liberalism and capital. bear witness to this.” Pg. ‘it always risks contributing to the opening of a window of opportunity for a “fascist mobilization”’. fascism is in fact liberal capitalism’s doppelganger. and so magnifies the dangers and ratchets up the strategic fears and insecurities that encourage the construction of a certain kind of political reason centred on the violent clampdown of the moment of decision.Se(k)urity 1. of friend and enemy.0 155/224
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FASCISM
Security logic makes fascism inevitable Mark Neocleous. reveal the potential for the rehabilitation of fascism. The lesson of the twentieth century is that the crises of liberalism. reactionary and fascist potential within the capitalist order and one of its key political categories. It seems abundantly clear that any revival of fascism would now come through the mobilization of society in the name of security. )
A final introductory word on fascism. Events since 11 September 2001.
Insert Fascism !
. ‘Speaking and writing about security is never innocent. 9. The critique of security being developed here is
intended as a reminder of the authoritarian.

lacks the internal and external conditions necessary to make it highly probable. delegation to the six-party talks from 2006 to 2007.-ROK efforts to convey deterrent threats are understood in Pyongyang. First.S. 20 02. He served as Director for Asian Affairs at the National Security Council from 2004 to 2007 and as Deputy Head of the U. 16 Second.Se(k)urity 1.0 156/224
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WAR
Securitization of a region creates two paths both leading to probable conflicts formed by power shifts Victor D.
In both cases. they are motivated more by fear than by a tendency toward aggressive behavior. Sometimes they take mad decisions. . Insecurity spirals and reciprocal fears of surprise attack can propel security-seeking states toward conflict even in the absence of aggressive intentions. In a preemptive situation.S. ." 17 If any situation. doing nothing means growing
inferiority and eventual defeat. 14 Although preemption and prevention represent two discrete paths to conflict. states can rationally choose to fight even when there is little hope of victor.
. S. The danger is not that the regime would commit suicide knowingly.S.
Winston Churchill once assessed Japan's 1941 decision to attack Pearl Harbor as one that "could not be reconciled with reason. Implicit is the view that the North Korean leadership still values state survival and
U. choice despite recognition that the DPRK has little chance of winning. The decision to preempt or prevent hinges as much on misperception and images of the adversary as on the objective military situation. however. “Hawk
Engagement and Preventive Defense on the Korean Peninsula” “Project Muse” The logic of these counterarguments is powerful. . and ROK military responses) would be collapse.
that Moreover.
But governments and peoples do not always take rational decisions. The regime collapse scenario. Third. The logic of preemption/prevention suggests conditions under which aggression can be seen as rational even if objective factors weigh against victory . the expected costs of peace are higher than the potential costs of conflict. is better than the current one. doing nothing means being the victim of imminent aggression. both are acts of anticipation. even optimal. though plausible. Song Professor and Director of Asian Studies at Georgetown University. 15 they are similar in at least three respects. but that it could regard "lashing out" as its only option—the unintended consequence of which (given the likely U.
States perform an expected-utility calculation in which the costs of not acting in a particular situation are higher than the costs of taking action. it still leaves unanswered the question of what circumstances or actions by Pyongyang might trigger such an event. Belligerent actions are largely the result of reduced opportunity or increased vulnerability created by relative power shifts. both types of belligerency stem from a fundamental assessment that inaction is suboptimal. is D. I argue that the
North Korea leadership could perceive some use of limited force as a rational. In a preventive situation. Cha.

13 The logic of these counterarguments is powerful.S. Food aid from China and international lacks the internal and external conditions necessary to make it highly probable. Furthermore.0 157/224
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WARS/ FAMINE
The assumption of the other being a rational actor creates multiple scenarios for extinction turning case Victor D. I argue that the North Korea
ROK efforts to convey deterrent threats are understood in Pyongyang. Beijing and Moscow no longer support aggression by Pyongyang. S.
relief agencies as well as interim fuel supplies from the United States have kept the regime on "life-support" in a crippled but less ominous state. would entail .S. delegation to the six-party talks from 2006 to 2007. responses) would be collapse. though plausible. 20 02. “Hawk
Engagement and Preventive Defense on the Korean Peninsula” “Project Muse”
The conventionally argued threats to peace on the Korean Peninsula have been (1) the "irrationality" of the DPRK and (2) the potential for regime collapse. The regime collapse scenario.
and ROK
military
. coupled with questions about the political transition after Kim Il-sung's death. Cha. Implicit is the view that the North Korean leadership still values state survival and that U. Song Professor and Director of Asian Studies at Georgetown University. it still leaves unanswered the question of what circumstances or actions by Pyongyang might trigger such an event . These conditions. He served as Director for Asian Affairs at the National Security Council from 2004 to 2007 and as Deputy Head of the U. choice despite recognition that the DPRK has little chance of winning. especially the huge costs that absorption. raised serious concerns about the possibility of a Romania-type regime collapse in North Korea and what this would mean for regional stability . the DPRK has been able to "muddle through" largely because no state (including South Korea) has wanted to deal with the potential consequences of its collapse. Thus the conditions that prompted Kim Il-sung to exploit windows of vulnerability in June 1950 are now tightly shut. for example. a premeditated all-out North Korean assault on South Korea remains unlikely. The danger is not that the regime would commit suicide knowingly. however.-
leadership could perceive some use of limited force as a rational. but that it could regard "lashing
out" as its only option—the unintended consequence of which (given the likely U. despite its weakened state.S.S. The first derives from the opacity of the North Korean regime and the perceived recklessness and unpredictability of its leadership . heavy artillery. security
guarantee to the ROK is firm. even optimal. and nuclear-biological-chemical weapons potential . 12 The U. when the DPRK started to register negative economic growth and revealed the extent of its chronic food and energy shortages. long-range missiles. in the end. is D.-ROK war-winning exercise in which the regime in Pyongyang would ultimately collapse. may do so again given its forwarddeployed forces. 11 As regional and military experts have argued. however.Se(k)urity 1.S. The second argument held sway particularly in the early 1990s. despite the many premature eulogies written about the regime in the early 1990s. and the military balance on the peninsula favors the combined U. Moreover. North Korea has done "crazy" things in the past and.
it would amount to a U.S. A renewal of hostilities would no doubt be bloody.-ROK forces in terms of both quality and firepower.

and consider -. the total securitization of everyday life. 2008. "through the mouths of the Sarrauts and the Bardes. this "thingification" of life is not
an accidental byproduct of European liberal humanism. State University of New York. sadism. brainless elites. can be abused. “Imagining Extraordinary Renditions: Terror. and in his equation. in a very real sense. contempt.. intimidation. The other is constituted in opposition to everything that the sovereign. through the mouths of all those who considered -.the sovereign subject -necessitates an other against which to define legitimate subjectivity. the Mullers and the Renans. "colonization = thingification".it lawful to apply to non-European peoples 'a kind of expropriation for public purposes' for the benefit of nations that were stronger and better equipped. forced labor. as Césaire and many other colonial and post-colonial thinkers suggest. necessitated by the Enlightenment and the western metaphysical tradition of which it is a product. like colonization. swinishness. conceptually transforms people into objects through (and against) which to define state authority.33 This radical objectification manifests as "force. as Césaire demonstrates.. the worst forms of violence are.0 158/224
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Securitization transforms people into objects that defines the states power creating cruelty Nathan Gorelick. self-complacency. rational. professor at University at Buffalo. it was already Hitler speaking!"35 Moreover. brutality. arrogance. cruelty.. as
extraordinary rendition demonstrates. mistrust.Se(k)urity 1. The irrational other.
Torture and the Possibility of an Excessive Ethics in Literature” “Project Muse” Aimé Césaire noted this phenomenon in his articulation of the full brutality of colonialism."34 Yet. autonomous self supposedly is not. pressure. thus devalued. Instead.
. erased or exterminated with impunity.. In Césaire's words. the cultivation of the fundamental
unit of political and moral account -. degraded masses.

it is not the totalitarian communist or the uncontrollable terrorist -. their unknowability. while the destroyer watches. they come. There are also enemies in the bowels of the earth. are infected by this kernel of terror. "rather it is I who sleep. the irrationality and disorder against which knowledge and order are opposed and which their systems nevertheless and necessarily contain. you hear the scratching of their claws just under you in the ground. the other night. security against the untamed outside. I have never seen them. not even legend can describe them. "it is what one never joins." a tale about a different kind of dark chamber inhabited by a creature in search of total intimacy. State University of New York.0 159/224 Securitized terrorism causes extinction Nathan Gorelick.the Manichean double. I do not watch over my own sleep. draws the terror ever closer. radical
intimacy. the void from
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TERRORISM
Extraordinary Renditions: Terror. This other night is not a recognizable object. the sparkle of something baseless and without depth.who reacts to the violence of empire with empire's own obscene methods. an effort which amounts to containment. "No. satiety that has nothing."39 Here.38 Blanchot elaborates through Kafka's "The Burrow.Se(k)urity 1. Here it is of no avail to console yourself with the thought that you are in your own house. which is their element. it is the 'no-thing' of Being. impervious to the other night and its "always more threatening threat. because it knows that there is
something which it does not and cannot know.to constitute the globe as an impenetrable burrow."37 It is the interminable insecurity at the heart of every systematic securitization. total safety. Rather. but rather to their invisibility. professor at University at Buffalo. the absence at the center of rationality. The United States' recent efforts -following European colonialism's lead -." are ultimately efforts to hem liberal democracy into a coffin with this threat. "it
is not only by external enemies that I am threatened."40 Kafka's creature knows the impossibility of self-containment. "Their very victims can scarcely have seen them. and already you are
lost. or dialectical antithesis. as I imagined" the creature says. “Imagining
Torture and the Possibility of an Excessive Ethics in Literature” “Project Muse” Maurice Blanchot calls this failure the night. Its ceaseless efforts to permanently secure its burrow."
. to
surveil its dark territory. 2008. far rather are you in theirs. of tranquil and interminable security. They are creatures of the inner earth. the horror does not respond to the actual nature of the unseen creatures. it is repetition that will not leave off.
which the light of the will to knowledge desperately attempts to escape. but legend tells of them and I firmly believe in them. Kafka writes. the narrator's own inability to
describe them. unintelligible pebble of darkness which cannot be lighted by the force of reason. of liberal democracy -. it is the unknowable.

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.Se(k)urity 1.

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The best evidences proves that there's an innate human potential for cooperation and nonviolence Mark Busser, Masters Candidate at the Dept of Political Science at York University. Aug 2006. (“The Evolution of Security: Revisiting the Human Nature Debate in International Relations ”, http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser.pdf)
Clark describes the African concept of ubuntu or botho, which carries a range of virtuous meanings. Clark

COOPERATION POSSIBLE—SCIENCE

relays Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s explanation of the concept’s essence: “My humanity is caught up, is inextricably bound up, in yours... A person is a person through other persons... I am human because I belong. I participate. I share.”77 For differences to coexist peacefully, Clark suggests, it is necessary to build societies that foster recognition of the connectedness of the human experience and the value of difference. “The only compromise (if we must call it that) is to accept the possibility of – and then give respect to – beliefs different than one’s own.”78 The focus on human propensities and needs put forward here lays out a framework for thinking about social and political problems by paying attention to the underlying stresses which result from people’s lack of freedom. When human beings are freely able to negotiate their social bonds, their autonomous movements, and to invest in meaning systems, they have the potential for peaceful and harmonious living. Key to this argument is a political ethic of difference, where Otherness is not only tolerated, but embraced and respected. Clark may not necessarily see this as an ethical assertion. Her book is constructed upon scientific evidence (however contested) and the concluding remarks are framed in terms of a practical argument. Human beings have evolved the psychological, biological, and intellectual tools for social interaction, which provide the potential for peace and for conflict. Alternate outcomes depend on which meaning systems are adopted in a culture. Some particular meaning systems add stress, disrupting the basic human needs as discussed above, and leading to conflict. The most valuable and lasting way to ensure peace and stability, Clark asserts, is to adopt social frameworks wherein different systems of meaning can co-exist without hierarchy. Clark’s message resonates quite closely with recent theoretical writing in the international relations subfield of critical security studies. Recent postmodernist-poststructuralist scholars like Jim George and David Campbell have advanced an approach to international ethics which mirrors many of the same intellectual impulses that seek to find ways to favour approaches and outlooks that embrace difference rather than expelling and confronting it.79 In fact, by developing this argument from a scientific point of view, Clark offers a complementary piece to the puzzle, albeit from what is perhaps an unlikely direction. Her argument connects with these writings in two ways. First, it offers support for a concept of radical interdependence, and second, it does so in a way that does not seek a totalizing discourse or a ‘meta-narrative.’ Jim George has challenged the ‘egoism-anarchy thematic’ he sees as dominating the conceptualization of ethics in international relations theory. Targeting classical realists like Morgenthau, Niebuhr, and Waltz, George suggests that this thematic has been reinforced by the realist presentation of pessimistic views of human nature, as described earlier.80 Bradley Thayer injects this egoism-anarchy thematic heavily into his sociobiological arguments. In National Deconstruction, Campbell, writing in the aftermath of the Balkan conflicts and international interventions, has argued that this egoistic conception of ethics contributes to an international political atmosphere where state-centric political communities are seen as the only legitimate form of political organization. The received view suggests that struggles involving issues of identity and culture can only be solved by creating territorial barriers and encapsulating differences in bordered spaces. Multiculturalism, when it is employed, is presented as a social mechanism for homogenizing differences and encouraging ‘tolerance’ as opposed to ‘respect.’81 In traditional approaches to security, the authors argue, differences are something to be reconciled, translated, and erased. Tolerance is held up as a virtue, but tolerance only demands one to turn a blind eye to differences and to avoid conflict. According to observers like Thayer the tendency to detest difference is rooted in human genetics, the result of evolutionary selection. For Niebuhr, it was sinfulness and for Morgenthau it was the animus dominandi. Even where the ‘natural’ repulsion of difference does not result in violence, difference must be managed. The theoretical other, under this ethical paradigm, is understood by projecting one’s own identity onto her or him and turning differences into similarities. “Consequently,” George writes, “the purpose of knowing the other in ethical terms becomes a process of control.”82 This seems to be an automatic response stemming from the ubiquity of a dominant paradigm that focuses on egoistic unitary rational actors, as implied by realist interpretations. Both George and Campbell frame an alternative ethical basis for interaction in terms of inter-subjectivity and interdependence. They see the tendency to reject and detest difference as far more socially contingent than it is natural or unavoidable. For inspiration, they turn to the writing of Emmanuel Lévinas, whose ethical ideas portray being human as an inherently interdependent experience. Lévinas’ concept of radical interdependence suggests that human beings are endlessly responsible to their others because it is only by relation to another that an individual can define herself or himself.83 While
traditional ethics always takes place in a self/Other opposition, Campbell and George use Lévinas’ ideas to suggest that other approaches are possible. George quotes Foucault, who suggests that the best alternative scheme is to “disavow one’s modernist God-like status and seek not to speak from universalist certitude, for others, but to utilize one’s particular capacities to help others speak for themselves.”84 Using this approach, it may be possible

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to conceive of political solutions and conceptual frameworks that escape the egoism-anarchy thematic.

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George envisions “an engaged postmodern politico-ethical perspective concerned to open up closed discursive practices to the creativity and critical capabilities of peoples seeking to understand and change their worlds in their own ways and through their own struggles.”85 Similarly, Campbell suggests that pursuing this type of thinking will assist in “Developing political modes and strategies through which our responsibility to the other can be democratically if imperfectly realized, and articulating conceptions of community that refuse the violent exclusions and limitations of identity politics.”86 These ideas reflect in many direct ways the values expressed in Mary Clark’s concluding chapters. The concept of ubuntu she describes, for example, corresponds very closely with Lévinas’ concept of radical interdependence, grounding individual subjectivity firmly in connection with social relationships. For Lévinas, this is a metaphysical prerequisite of being; for Clark it is a part of our biological and psychological needs as humans. An examination of Clark’s arguments about human needs and their
importance in healthy social structures can provide a ‘scientific’ counterpart to Lévinas’ assertions of radical interdependence as a universal phenomenon. On a certain level, Lévinas’ philosophy must be accepted or denied: he presents a series of claims about the nature of subjectivity and the implications for social life which the reader must evaluate. While philosophically rich, Lévinas’ statements may leave some thoughtful

readers, even sympathetic ones, questioning on what basis to accept his assertions as true. Read together, Clark’s science complements Lévinas’ metaphysical and philosophical ideas with very similar concepts, rooted instead in the basic human need for bonding and meaning as explored through psychology and evolutionary theory. She offers what might be, to some students of international relations theory, a more grounded explanation for why the ideas of Lévinas (and
then perhaps Campbell and George) can and should be accepted. The later chapters of Clark’s book describe in everyday terms how ‘egalitarian’ societies can function without excluding, reconciling, or ranking differences.

Realism masks the interworkings of society because of its spatialization of the genealogies of truth Debrix 95 (Language, Agency, Politics; Francois Debrix, Fellow at the Oxford University, pg. 160)

The basis of concursivity is the embedded intelligence, order, and work represented bv large sociotechnical systems, global markets, embedded machineries, and transnational cultures (Luke 1994). At this moment, the inhabitants of hundreds of large and small qties in nearly two hundred political jurisdictions all over the the traditional and modern economies of every continent simply by living as they ordinarily do everyday within the vast logistic global exchanges mediated by about . As they exert their global and local demands in such 'localized" spaces (Luke 1994, 613-28) for energy, foodstuff, information- lion, labor, and material, something greater than anarchy, even if it is not spatialized, is taking hold in everyday life. Perhaps it is the concursive pull of coincident choices exerted by these forces, rather than the threat of conflictual action amidst anarchical despoliation, that so often orders everyday existence? The greater these concurrences become, the more one finds anarchy being
extolled by the realists. This realist move only creates dense cloaking containments that occlude these larger concursive operations (Kaplan 1996; Kennedy 1992; Fukuyama 1992). This study recognizes that its answers are not discovered solely in the world. Instead, discursive workups of what the work of the world is taken to be are always already used to help decide something to say about the world in words. The utility of discursive approaches to explaining international politics is quite significant. Language is a form of action. Speaking organizes activity. And listening,

interpreting, and understanding are integral elements of all political events. Yet, once this is said, do ways of saying and doing gel into recursive patterns that force concourse out of discourse? Such queries are meant to unsettle the certainties blindly shared by many in the realist realm. And, once unsettled, new approaches propose alternative means for interpreting how international affairs are experienced and understood at this juncture in history.

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RATIONAL ACTOR THEORY WRONG
Rational actor theory is a narrow interpretation of reality and can’t explain crisis management or war George ’94 (Jim, Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science, Australian National University, “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations,” p. 101, AM)

On the issue of the Realist rational-actor premise, for example , ic . Vasquez's study found that Realist scholarship at best provides ambiguous evidence in support of its claims and, at worst represents a dogmatic and narrow representation of reality, replete with danger and paradox. This is particularly the case concerning Realist presumptions that (1) decisionmakers will act in similar ways in response to a single (external) reality and that (2) these decisions can be deduced in terms of a utilitarian model of rational self-interest. This universalized and essentialist perspective is found wanting,
Vasquez concluded, immediately one confronts it with a range of studies not encompassed within its narrow analytical boundaries (e.g., social psychology).55 This concerned Vasquez in relation to the analytical/policy silences of the Cold War, but his concerns remain relevant in the age of the

Gulf War and Bosnia, particularly that which suggests that under conditions of crisis, "new information that conforms to existing images tends to be emphasized, and information that is dissonant with the images is often not seen, ignored or explained away."56 Ultimately, Vasquez proposed, rational-actor models simply cannot explain behavior in the two situations where Realism projects its predictive power most assertively—in terms of crisis management and the onset of war.57 This finding is particularly significant given the enormous literature that has explained issues of political crisis and war in terms of the game-theorized logic of deterrence for more than three decades. On the issue of war, more generally, Vasquez's study found that, even in relation to the behavior of the United States during the Cold War, the rational choice approach was inadequate in its own terms and, accordingly, "one cannot help but doubt its relevance for decision makers who
have a different culture, history, language and ideology."

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War isn't human nature—archeology proves Richard Smoke, professor of political science, and Willis Harman, president of the Institute of Noetic Sciences. 1987.
(Paths to peace: exploring the feasibility of sustainable peace, pg 81) Historically speaking, it is not in fact true that humanity has

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nearly always been engaged in wars. According to the archeological evidence, warfare scarcely existed among any known tribe or group prior to approximately 5000 B.C. Sometime around this date, war was "invented." If there was a time in humanity's past when war did not exist, it is not unrealistic to imagine a time in its future when war again does not exist. However, as long as we can only
theorize about why war was invented some 7,000 years ago, this historical fact, while significant, is not directly useful.

Their analysis is selective and oversimplifying Mark Busser, Masters Candidate at the Dept of Political Science at York University. Aug 2006. (“The Evolution of Security: Revisiting the Human
Nature Debate in International Relations ”, http://www.yorku.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser.pdf)

According to Thayer, the goal of evolutionary theory is to understand the ultimate causes of behaviour, and because these causes are testable they provide a solid foundation for a realist approach to the study of politics.32 This description oversimplifies the goals of evolutionary science and conflates evolutionary theory writ large with the specific intentions and goals of sociobiology, a controversial field. Furthermore, Thayer exaggerates the scientific consensus about sociobiology within evolutionary studies, as Duncan Bell and Paul MacDonald have noted.33 This is not a minor point, for while his argument seeks to unify the natural and social sciences, Thayer has selectively chosen his scientific sources (both social and natural), read them selectively, and turned a blind eye to alternative explanations and interpretations. His article rests on two major claims, both underpinned by arguable sociobiological
evidence.

These arguments. evolutionary psychology. (“The Evolution of Security: Revisiting the Human Nature Debate in International Relations ”. and the game-theory experiments which seek to prove them are often created with such assumptions in mind. are fundamentally political because they frame their major questions in terms of an assumed individualism. and because of the political writings of many sociobiologists.’ or “the attempt to understand all physiological and behavioural traits of an organism as evolutionary adaptations. suggesting that too often analysts choose a specific behaviour and read backwards into evolutionary epochs in an attempt to rationalize explanations for that behaviour. Jim George quotes the English School scholar Martin Wight as writing that “hope is not a political virtue: it is a theological virtue. Bell and MacDonald write.47 Too firm a focus on sociobiological arguments about ‘natural laws’ draws attention away from humanity’s potential for social and political solutions that can counteract and mediate any inherent biological impulses. discourse about human nature seems to generate self-fulfilling prophesies by putting limits on what is considered politically possible.”45 The danger inherent in arguments that incorporate sociobiological arguments into examinations of modern political life.0 165/224
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Not only is this bad science. In an insightful article. and tend to carry forward their assumptions and biases.”48 George questions the practical result of
traditional realsist claims. Even if certain behaviours are found to have a biological drives behind them.44 Because sociobiology naturalizes certain behaviours like conflict. it's another link—“scientific” arguments about human nature are based on flawed political assumptions. is that such arguments naturalize variable behaviours and support discriminatory political structures.’ there is still a problem with employing adaptionism to ‘explain’ how existing political structures because conclusions tend to be drawn in terms of conclusions that assert what ‘must be’ because of biologicallyingrained constraints. Jason Edwards suggests that sociobiology and its successor. Duncan Bell and Paul MacDonald have expressed concern at the intellectual functionalism inherent in sociobiological explanations. but similar problems remain with his ‘scientific’ conclusions. biology can be overcome. Thayer’s argument rejects the religious version of the fallen man for a scientific version. dismissing those behaviours as ‘natural’ precludes the possibility that human actors can make choices and can avoid antisocial.yorku. arguing that the suggestion that fallen man’s sinful state can only be redeemed by a higher power puts limitations on what is considered politically possible. Sociobiology in particular has been widely interpreted as a conservative politico-scientific tool because of these basic assumptions. or undesirable action.
. While sociobiologists tend to distance themselves from the naturalistic fallacy that ‘what is’ is ‘what should be. Aug 2006.46 While the attempt to discover a geneticallydetermined human nature has usually been justified under the argument that knowing humankind’s basic genetic programming will help to solve the resulting social problems.Se(k)urity 1. suggest that it “sets the stage for legitimation of things as they are. Mark Busser. A revived classical realism based on biological arguments casts biology as destiny in a
manner that parallels the neo-realist sentiment that the international sphere is doomed to everlasting anarchy. http://www. These arguments are seen by their critics as politicized from the very start. often fall into what Richard Lewontin and Stephen Jay Gould have called ‘adaptionism. Lewontin et al. the authors say. Masters Candidate at the Dept of Political Science at York University. whatever they may be. Edwards suggests that the main question in both sub-fields is: “given human nature. violent. These representations justify violence and systems of domination.pdf) Responding directly to Thayer. how is politics possible?”43 The problem is that the ‘givens’ of human nature are drawn backward from common knowledges and truths about humans in society.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser.”42 Arguments such as these are hand-crafted by their makers. inequality and prejudice.

. must this necessarily come in the form of hierarchical.51 However. Worse. Thayer implies that science is progressing at a rapid pace towards making this a reality.0 166/224
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It gets worse—their evidence is a distortion of the scientific ideas it cites and reifies patriarchal systems of domination. crucial to Thayer’s point. as a kind of generalization of favoring your own close family as opposed to other individuals. Masters Candidate at the Dept of Political Science at York University. Thayer’s argument is exactly the sort of reading of sociobiology about which its critics like Lewontin and Gould have been uncomfortably anticipating. there are also problems with his proposed epistemological project of consilience.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser. saying something like this. Thayer’s treatment of his theories seems remarkably crude and shallow. It does not favor a generalization of nepotism towards millions of other people who happen to be the same color as you. “kin selection provides the basis for favoring your own race as distinct from other races. where known genetic programs could be weighed against known environmental influence. Dawkins suggests that
The word selfish is used as a shorthand to describe a more complex phenomenon: genes that give their organic vessel advantages in survival and reproduction are successfully transmitted into future generations.
http://www. In many ways. Using sociobiology to unite the social and natural sciences (and to give bases to a revitalized classical realism) would depend on achieving a near omnipotence. http://www. and there is a strong basis for the argument that humans have developed a need to belong to social groups.pdf)
Beyond the problems with the scientific evidence behind Thayer’s ontological claims
. Aug 2006. His argument about an egoistic human nature relies on a tiresomely common oversimplification of “a classic Darwinist argument. Thayer’s argument about the ubiquity of hierarchical structures of power rely on a dichotomous hypothetical choice between eternal conflict and structures of dominance. Aug 2006. patriarchal structures? The case is not made convincingly. As I shall discuss below. that “humans readily give allegiance to the state. Yet evolutionary explanations for specific behaviours become incredibly problematic given all of the possible factors and externalities which might have affected evolutionary outcomes.yorku.52 [unquote] In light of a careful consideration of the intricacies of Dawkin’s thinking
.50 In The Selfish Gene. contrary to Thayer’s argument. because evolution has produced a need to belong to a dominance hierarchy. It is also clear that humans have the mental capacity to understand and technologies for operating within dominance hierarchies. “the selfishness of the gene increases its fitness.”53 This line.54 As presented.” Thayer writes.pdf) The political and philosophical debates that surround sociobiology in general are the least of the problems with Bradley Thayer’s article. in which pre-social actors sought the refuge and protection of a larger social order. (“The Evolution of Security: Revisiting the Human Nature Debate in International Relations ”. Science isn't advanced enough to support Thayer's claim Mark Busser.” Kin selection doesn’t do that! Kin selection favors nepotism towards your own immediate close family.Se(k)urity 1. or embrace religion or ideologies such as liberalism or communism.’ Rather than viewing genes as an organism’s tool for generating. Dawkins himself has had to distance himself from groups who interpreted his focus on kin selection as a reification of ethnocentrism: The National Front was
it is wiser to look at the development of complex organisms as genes’ method of replicating themselves. 49 Thayer’s citation of Richard Dawkins’ selfish gene theory to provide “the second sufficient explanation for egoism” is also incredibly problematic. an important part of Dawkins’ work is that the ‘selfishness’ of genes translates into decidedly unselfish behaviours. human culture. At the outset of his essay. alternate understandings of the connection between basic human needs. using science to predict the results. and environmental stresses can provide an understanding of dominance hierarchies that does not naturalize their ubiquity.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser. Even Thayer feels the need to qualify this argument in a footnote. Mark Busser. In fact. Dawkins suggests that at the beginning of
micro-organic life genes that promoted survival were key to making basic life-forms into simple ‘survival machines. Thayer seems to be reconstructing the Leviathan using sociobiology rather clumsily to justify broad generalizations. Yet these possibilities together do not suggest.yorku. and so the behaviour spreads. Thayer’s exercise demonstrates a misreading of many evolutionary arguments drawing conclusions with which the theorists he cites would likely distance themselves.” crudely linking natural selection to the assumption that selfishness encourages evolutionary fitness. all of which are impossible to map into even the most complex mathematical theoretical games. (“The Evolution of Security: Revisiting the Human Nature Debate in International Relations ”. Broad conclusions seem to materialize as if from thin air: “In general. The suggestion that the ubiquity of maledominated hierarchies ‘contributes to fitness’ in the present tense comes dangerously close to naturalizing and reifying patriarchal structures of human social organization. Masters Candidate at the Dept of Political Science at York University. the argument reads very much like Hobbes’ Leviathan. is such a brazen oversimplification and misinterpretation of Dawkin’s work that Thayer’s arguments about a provable natural human egoism are rendered essentially baseless in terms of scientific evidence.”55 If humans do depend on social connectedness. It is certain that some mix of biology and culture have led to male-dominated cultures in the past.

then it may not be the realist project that is best supported by a deep and sustained interdisciplinary exploration.yorku.58 As Mary Clark observes. as he had intended to do. Clark describes the complex signals and activations which occur at the genetic level. social behaviour.59 Just how important are the influences culture. the human genome is more like an ecosystem. Aug 2006. Rose.
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Genetics don't have enough of an impact on human nature to justify this claim Mark Busser. and can be responsive to its microscopic – and perhaps even the macroscopic – environment. In fact. and Kamin have asserted that sociobiology’s grand argument is discredited since no aspect of human social behaviour has ever been linked to a specific gene or set of genes. (“The Evolution of Security: Revisiting the Human Nature Debate in International Relations ”. one of the major results of the human genome project was the falsification of the supposition that each protein produced in a human cell was coded by a separate gene. as distinct from biological programming? In many caveats and footnotes within Thayer’s own argument. with the same gene recurring along the chromosome and causing different outcomes depending on its position and neighbouring genes.60 On the ontological side. many of the scientific foundations Thayer employs to support his epistemological program are indeterminate because they cannot explain when cultural or environmental factors will play a role.Se(k)urity 1.pdf) Because of these complications. genes often work
interdependently. concluding that
rather than a linear unidirectional blueprint. Thayer certainly comes a long way from proving that human nature is defined by and limited to egoism and dominance.ca/yciss/publications/documents/WP40-Busser. Masters Candidate at the Dept of Political Science at York University. how strong is the scientific support for Thayer’s revived realist project? As Bell and MacDonald have suggested. http://www. and environment to the human condition. he includes statements that acknowledge the importance of cultural factors in the shaping of modern human societies. If knowledge borrowed from evolutionary biology and other natural sciences suggests that culture and environment play a significant role in shaping human behaviours. If all behaviour cannot be explained by sociobiology and other evolutionary arguments because behaviours are contingent on cultural and environmental factors. Lewontin.

like molecules . the faraway superpower became the natural ally -analogously to the example of western Europe in the wake of the Second World War mentioned above. the theory is blind to the unit/system cleavage (see Figure 3.i. but they are about secondary states. but avoiding internal unit attributes. Hans Mouritzen. This should not necessarily jeopardize
Among two theories of equal simplicity. As always. the polarity in Cambodia's salient environment was tripolar much of the time . manageability. But what happened? Instead we got the Sino-American rapprochement during the 1970s and 1980s. But in fact. Mouritzen 1994) . 180. Mouritzen 1996b: 262-3. isn't that so? SC: Yes. it is evidently meaningful to discuss their degree of correspondence with this something (which Waltz sometimes does in his actual practice.. By contrast. But
Waltz is making it too easy for his theory both by rejecting would-be falsifications and by blocking a discussion of assumptions' realism. Among two theories with equal explanatory power. Even during the height of systemic bipolarity.
. I have also observed bandwagoning rather than balancing behaviour in some of those studies that I have carried out in depth. but also Weber's or Popper's classic 'situational explanation' of unit behaviour. saying that the sparse observation opportunities in the social sciences entail that we can hardly afford the luxury of neglecting the realism of intermediary reasonings and assumptions. It cannot survive meetings with reality (note the lack of quotation marks. if this impedes their simplicity. but these are tendencies over several decades. The cleavage actually invites theorizing and explanation of unit behaviour on these assumptions. a major power like China. rather than with exposing it to constant danger in Popper's spirit (not very uncommon among theory constructors. stressing the unit's environment/situation and typically assuming unit rationality. although neither Weber nor Popper has had international politics specifically in mind. According to balance of power theory. or even negate. whether a system's units are mutually mobile or non-mobile.especially not a structural theory. on the average. if the units are non-mobile. In particular the combination of anarchy and non-mobility creates a system
undamental implicit assumption in Waltz's theory seems to be that units are mobile .18 The point is instead that assumptions need not be descriptively accurate. after a reasonable time-span. Mouritzen 1996a: 17-19. One thing is that falsificationism is probably too harsh a doctrine. rather than more or less compulsory references behaviour. Waltz's doctrine that assumptions cannot be true or false is inconsistent with his metaphysical realism. That contradicts your theory-derived expectation. for instance.e. and over-simplistic.20 roughly speaking). Page 78. KW: Aha. Then. each unit will be characterized by a specific location in the system's structure. that doesn't revert the overall systemic tendency in the direction of balancing
If only a small fraction of the IR Waltz references had represented (well-designed) case-studies. This neglect is apparent already in MSW: '.and together with a structural theory that is vague in its implications . unstated assumptions are more interesting (and dangerous
their simplicity. is not descriptively accurate does not entail that it is completely out of tune with reality. is not only its simplicity and. I shall briefly explain why. You have misunderstood what theory is all about. (Walt 1988: 280) As should appear. but also the fact that economic actors. the opposite happened.would have avoided the prediction failure of balance of power theory. But Waltz has overlooked the fact that between the extremes of holism and reductionism are not only his own 'structural' explanation. our lack of an exchange rate between simplicity and explanatory power becomes highlighted. The cleavage and the set of intervening variables that it represents tend to blur. this is an unrealistic assumption for international politics: the freedom of choice is limited by the actions of some others . Waltz seems preoccupied with building grand fortifications in its defence.Se(k)urity 1.because the theory is imported from a field with no such cleavage (an economic market). This means that all units face one and the same system and units' respective salient environments can be neglected (as has been the tendency in much IR theorizing since Kenneth Boulding. each unit will face a relatively stable salient environment consisting of the major units in its geographical proximity (power waning with distance). China should support the weaker of the two superpowers . or . we should prefer the one with the stronger explanatory power. I am sure that we should know by now that Waltz's theory.i. 204).)
AT: WALTZ
. Hence. Mouritzen 1996a: 17-19) .
whose units are strongly affected by their salient environment at the expense of the systemic structure as a whole (Mouritzen 1980: 172. The f the effects of the structure (subject to modifying conditions. that the freedom of choice of any one state is limited by the actions of all others' (p. environment. But in
Consider. But the fact that 'economic man'. as we presuppose Popperian realism!). I shall briefly try to indicate this non-correspondence between theory and reality. 124). 1997 (The Future of International Relations. of course. the trend in the US/Soviet balance of power in China's salient environment. the implication of the third image is. we should prefer the simpler one. TIP: 93-5. the unit/system cleavage should apply to all powers. 274-7).n a gas or firms and consumers in a market. Given the deterioration of Sino-Soviet relations. I agree with SC in this second half of the conversation. my theory is one of international politics rather than foreign policy. Unless we conceive of systems of nomadic tribes.that it would be meaningless to discuss its degree of correspondence with reality. at least in the social sciences (Mouritzen 1988: part VI). edited by Iver B.0 168/224
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Waltz's theory is inconsistent. the USA. Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of International Studies. but you have actually predicted (systemic) balancing behaviour also for secondary states [TIP: 127]! KW: Yes. hence. see below). in spite of all its virtues described above. It cannot explain what happened last Tuesday or Wednesday . then each unit's average environment will.. SC: No. not least given her extensive border with that country. also note 6).except for some special circumstances.
Neumann and Ole Wæver. The reason why 'economic man' has been a good assumption in economic theory. A consideration of the 'local balance of power' (Boulding 1962: Mouritzen 1988: part III. are not altruists and do not deviate from the idealtype in other systematic and significant ways.3) in international politics (Mouritzen 1980. a metaphysical realist should let assumptions' realism decide. the Soviet Union and China were poles of roughly equal relevance to Cambodia's situation. and I am familiar with further cases of bandwagoning or local balancing than my own. there is actually a 'fourth layer' of structure that has not been addressed. nonfalsifiable.19 If the units are mobile. Western Europe should have tried to balance the US superior capability at the time by joining the Soviet camp. The one fortification that is illegitimate in the case of Waltz is that pertaining to assumptions' realism. KW: Now wait a minute.which was the Soviet Union even as her capability culminated. is empirically false . be the system as such rather than any particular segment of it.e. cf. SC: But what then about Western Europe in the wake of the Second World War? According to your theory.those in the state's salient environment.e. Below. but listen. that the Soviet Union (allied with Vietnam) was the major power in China's salient
principle. i. Even if some secondary states should choose to bandwagon. The reason was. But if the simpler theory has the weaker explanatory power (actually the typical situation). I agree with Koop-mans' response
(1968) to Friedman. one should add). I shall seek to elucidate the unrealistic nature of one of Waltz's (unstated) assumptions and discuss the implications of this. however. .even less . it is simply a (tactically convenient) slip of the tongue (cf.they tend to raise the theory above empirical challenge. to inquiry) than those made explicitly . As assumptions deal with something 'out there'.most Waltz critics have focused on the latter. as I understand it.21 The unit/system cleavage is most visible to those of us who have studied non-essential powers with geographically limited concerns. Let us first listen to the continuation of the construed conversation above: SC: The cases of balancing that I have seen in my empirical research have been made in response to local power conditions rather than systemic ones. In combination . for instance. Basically.

it "provides no means by which to account for. AM)
Waltz's perspective has not escaped criticism. in proposing that Waltz's structuralist theory is so inadequate that not only is it unable to explain where individual states came from. or even describe.0 169/224
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AT: WALTZ
Waltz is a total noob.66Ruggie's point is that. A similar sort of criticism has come from Alexander Wendt. Accordingly. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations.Se(k)urity 1. for all Waltz's protestations to the contrary.can’t even explain where states come from George ’94 (Jim. 126-127.
time. that Waltz's
approach does not allow for different forms of anarchical relations. his structuralism is static and ahistorical."67 Ruggie does not question the anarchy theme at the core of Waltz' s structuralism. Australian National University.68 The claim. and linguistic practice—fundamentally misunderstands the heterogeneous and historically dynamic nature of political systems. who has focused more explicitly on the confusion and paradox of Waltz's approach to the agent/structure conundrum. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. characteristic of different historical epochs during the development of the state system. suggests Wendt. He argues. in other words. has seized 47 on the rather dramatic lapses in logic in Theory of International Politics.70
. rather. is that Waltz's version of the structuralist recurrence and repetition theme—relevant across space. culture. even from within the International Relations mainstream. John Ruggie.” p. fails to deal adequately with this crucial issue because it is ultimately about a one-sided structuralist determinism. This is a rather damning criticism of a work that seeks to remedy all that has gone before in the discipline—in systemic terms. for example. which sees Waltz simply ascribe ontological priority to (individual) states without explaining their precise relationship to the structure as a whole. the most important contextual change in international politics in this millennium: the shift from the medieval to the modern international system.69 Waltz's argument. it cannot explain where the contemporary state structure came from.

. to date these works are mostly criticism and not much
with postmodernist scholarship being summarily dismissed by a primitive positivist of the Realist mainstream." Acknowledging that these new perspectives still fit "comfortably within the familiar realist paradigm. is all about "the development of logically related causal propositions explaining a particular phenomenon of interest. indeed backward. Rather. I hope. in particular.78 The difficulty for Walt here is that his understanding of the issues at stake in the "third debate" stretches only as far as his (positivist) understanding of theory
Kenneth Waltz's Theory of International Politics is praised as a "powerful reformulation" of Realism.” p. which once again sees history represented as an ahistorical object in the past. AM)
Throughout this work I have emphasized that "practices" such as these do n t take place in a theoretical/interpretivist void. while This omission is less surprising when one takes into account Walt's own commitment to the crude positivism that characterizes Waltz's neoRealism. "attempts to verify."81 At
the completion of the fourth chapter of this book. 104-106." This process. remarkably. he explains. no need for further comment on Walt's perspective. he then proceeded to represent the sophisticated alternative in typically unsophisticated terms. Accordingly. "theorizing" in the strategic/security debate is important." Then there is the question of the "application" of theory. there is.
.his theory justifies the creation of facts to test his theory George ’94 (Jim. encompassing "the use of existing knowledge to illuminate a specific policy problem.Se(k)urity 1.
allows. to emphasize the qualitative difference between the earlier (behavioralist) Realist perspectives and the more sophisticated contemporary variant. methodologically sophisticated and
Walt's major aim is to establish that while in the 1960s strategic/security analysis might have suffered from the lack of "reliable information" and a paucity of "systematic evidence. nowhere is any attention paid to more nuanced works that have come to rather different conclusions as to its status.82 On this note. [moreover] issues of peace and war are too important for the field to be diverted into a prolix and self indulgent discourse that is divorced from the real world [emphasis added]. In this regard he pointed to the (perceived) fundamental changes that took place after the Vietnam War. and refine competing theories by testing their predictions against a scientifically selected body of evidence. Walt invokes it as the search for "cumulative knowledge about the role of military force. In order to effectively challenge these practices accordingly. which contrary to [its] proponents' claims . careful and consistent use of terms." The paradox associated with this position. . It concerns his commentary on critical social theory contributions to the current debates in which (presumably on the basis of his close reading of such literature) he felt compelled
to warn. in the "more n urous.7
74 75 76 77
most explicit when he turns his attention to the broader agenda in International Relations in the 1980s and 1990s. It
comes from Stephen Walt and represents an attempt.0 170/224
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AT: WALTZ
Waltz is a fool." This is an ambition well within the reach of the new breed ofsecurity/strategic analysts of the 1990s." The focus then falls upon a process of "theory testing." is seemingly lost on Walt. except perhaps to suggest that in itself it is a testament to the need for International Relations to take seriously the sheer backwardness of its mainstream literature in the current period. because "the field [now understands that it] must follow the standard canons of scientific research." which I have sought to illustrate throughout this book." concerning. in 1991 Walt's "new" security/strategic discourse is finally represented as a three-dimensional (positivist) project concerned initially with the process of "theory creation. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. nevertheless. always theory as practice. in celebrating the use of "historical cases as a means of generating. ha[s] yet to demonstrate much value for comprehending world politics.
the events and issues starkly represented here are always discursive practices. One more theme from Walt's work is nevertheless of significance here. Chiding earlier scholarship for its "ahistorical" tendencies. and public documentation of theoretical and empirical claims." this problem has now been solved by a body of scholars enjoying a renaissance in their craft centered on "systematic social science research rather than on unverified assertion or argument. Thus. one needs to challenge the discursive process that gives them their meaning and directs policy/analytical/military responses to them. They represent particular ways of framing "reality" and of responding to that framed reality. of the threat posed by postmodernism. unbiased measurement of critical concepts. when scholars began to abandon their "relatively simple assumptions" in favor of a new sensitivity on historical issues." Summarizing this new. falsify. Australian National University. testing and refining theories." Walt sought. But the limitations of Walt's position are
theoretically inclined" 1990s.79
80
more sophisticated approach to security/strategic issues at the end of the Cold War.
theory . . to illustrate how any analytical problems that might have hindered strategic and security analysis in the past have now been overcome. generating facts that can then be tested to create "theory. which is why this final example of static. in 1991. . “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. the most constructive response might be to register Walt's contribution as a prime example of the continuing poverty of security/strategic discourse and as evidence of the broader continuity between modernist "theory" and International Relations "practice.

the State and War. It is an important silence for other reasons. threat. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. This is an important issue because it is via this silence that Realists and neo-Realists continue to demarcate an anarchical world "out there. AM)
In Man. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. of course. too. and disorder (e.. like so many Realists before him (and since). in that it marks the site of Realist identity (as the "knowers" of anarchy) and of an illusory homogeneity and unity in the world." which must be responded to in power politics terms.g.Se(k)urity 1. the Waltzian "great text" is ultimately just as limited and theoretically unself-conscious as its mainstream Realist counterparts. Waltz is silent on the issue of domestic anarchy. (These
issues will be addressed in more detail and from a number of angles in Chapters 7 and 8). during the Cold War). Thus. wanting only to speak about "external" factors concerning the systemic constraints imposed upon states. however. constructed and defined in relation to anarchy.
. this thesis on structural anarchy is presented in terms that allow for a modicum of interpretive space within Realist discursive boundaries.” p.0 171/224
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AT: STRUCTURAL REALISM
Structural Realism ignores the domestic sphere George ’94 (Jim. 121. A Realist logocentrism remains. for 41( example. concerning the domestic/international antimony. In Waltz's case this results in (1) the proposition that order in the international system is dependent upon a central governing authority (a leviathan) and (2) no assessment whatsoever of the anarchical nature of domestic societies that do have strong governing authorities. In qualitative terms. Australian National University.

Behavioralists. [in that] policies offered by candidates are viewed as hypotheses. after all. By this criterion. North American) societies lay in their pluaralist political systems and the capacity for objective evaluation and incremental correction of any lingering socio-ideological problems. who proclaimed that Anglo-American
societies have "some of the characteristics of a laboratory.e. and social justice were deemed "meaningful" only if couched in the language and logic of the value-free analyst responding to the data. Australian National University. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. and with a piecemeal approach to social issues that increased the conviction. the Cold War was justified "scientifically.0 172/224
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AT: BEHAVIORALISM
Behavioralism can’t explain the bulk of Cold War events George ’94 (Jim. Watergate. moral activity. and it was integral to the rise in status of social theory scholarship in the United States. had objectively described the nature of the "new society" in the United States. This was undoubtedly an irresistible logic for many during the Cold War struggles between (Popper's) "open" and "closed" societies. and a crisis in confidence within U.” p. The behavioralist perspective on this issue was well articulated by Gabriel Almond. as they engaged in escalation strategies in Vietnam designed to overcome a (premodern) "traditional" Third World Other. as it celebrated the "end of ideology" and the triumph of pluralist democracy. as tested. rather than "political" analysis.
At one level this led to an overwhelming concern with research methodology and scientific technique. statements about political judgment." with Western political and economic systems accorded superior status.. not because of any normative commitments on behalf of the scientific testers but precisely because they were societies open to systemic testing. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. Then came the Vietnam War."45 At another level. social life that permeated even the logical haven of behavioralist positivism.
.Se(k)urity 1. and the consequences of legislation are rapidly communicated within the system and constitute a crude form of testing hypotheses."46 On this basis the superiority of
Western (i. "whereby a certain kind of political analysis was read out of the realm of respectable inquiry and then largely ignored as useless to the affairs of realistic people. that any alternative approach must be committed to traditional (metaphysical) philosophy and "normative" theorizing. Accordingly. Questions were now posed about the precise status of positivist approaches to (social) science. Popperian-influenced behavioralism narrowed down the realm of the real and the meaningful in its social analysis.S. also of continuing significance for International Relations. And behavioralist techniques and scholarship had been integral to the policymaking sectors in International Relations. where government chicanery was subject to pluralist testing procedures. More pertinently. within behavioralist circles. to the extent that questions of modern life could be asked and answered only in falsificationist terms. it led to a situation entirely familiar to any critically inclined observer of the International Relations community.

” p. This. particularly in regard to security issues. And like all of the Realisms that his structuralism sought to supersede. This is particularly the case if one ponders Waltz's attempts to project his structuralist logic in game-theoretical terms. Waltz acknowledges two major caveats to his theoretical enterprise that exemplify its weaknesses. is hardly a major contribution. The first caveat recognizes that the anarchical "systems game" is not necessarily a zero-sum game. This is important because it is upon this individualized parable that Waltz constructs his
contemporary image of an anarchical world "out there. The charitable answer. with the security game. except the suggestion that sometimes they act in ways congruent with the Rousseauian security dilemma4 This. [For example. begs the question of what precisely Waltz's early structuralist "great text" did contribute in 1959. this is because they concede that within certain limits (which in practice turn out to be very wide indeed) the impact of anarchy on the behaviour of states varies according to determinations quite outside the purview of a Realist theory [emphasis
added].46 he point here is that.
. where it contends with serious internal challenges. there is still nothing approaching a general explanation for why states act in the way they do.49
For now I am more concerned to illustrate the general discursive continuity between Man. which maintains that "Waltz's theoretical Realism is little more than a banality which merely reaffirms that inter-state behaviour can [emphasis added] be understood as a recurring Prisoners Dilemma. Australian National University."47 Waltz's Man. the State and War and the first "great text" of neo-Realism. even in its own terms. even if all the "games" played by all the states are governed by the rules of structuralist anarchy. it may undertake the
military defence of a transnational socio-economic system which leads it routinely to exceed the requirements of the visible "national interest".48 This theme has received critical attention from a variety of sources." simultaneously.0 173/224
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Game theory is wrong George ’94 (Jim. as Waltz insists. a less charitable but more accurate reading of Man. taken together. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. except occasionally and under certain circumstances and then only in retrospect. of course. they fundamentally undermine the whole Waltzian schema (and structuralist neo-Realism per se). it may even fail properly to resist an external aggressor [while] certain security interests may simply be overridden because their pursuit is judged too costly in either domestic or international terms. 122-123 AM)
AT: GAME THEORY
Suffice it to say for now that while Waltz's logocentric strategy might have impressed an uncritical discipline since 1959. abstractionism. it is less than impressive when critically examined.Se(k)urity 1. via the famous "stag hunt" parable (of systemic rational action). This is never
clearer than in regard to the lingering (and paradoxical) individualism at the foundation of Waltz's structuralism. the status of which is immediately problematic when one understands it as predicated upon the aggregated rational decisions of individual (presocial) actors. the State and War thus represents little more than an embroidered representation of Realist primitivism. perhaps. while the second caveat allows that states are engaged in other "games. The problem with these caveats is that. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. for example. it must be said. in extreme cases." and indeed his whole structuralist scenario.] a state may choose or be forced to behave quite otherwise than predicted by the logic of balance of power: it may be prepared to countenance large scale retreat internationally in order to release resources for urgent domestic goals. which in Man. the State and War is represented in terms of Hobbesian-like actors in some presocial state of nature. if its anarchical premise and its balance-of-power postulate cannot account for international behavior. as articulated. Waltz's arguments in Man. some of which will be considered shortly. Here. the State and War is Rosenberg's. As Justin Rosenberg explains. and unself-consciousness of modernist discourse. Consequently. is that it provided a useful counterpoint to Morgenthau's Realist grand theory centered on original sin propositions about human nature. Waltz's Theory of International Politics (1979). the State and War resonate with the metaphysics.

133. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations." and the Tradition and discipline is saved from the horrors of critical self-reflection by neo-Realism.
. The change
to regime institutionalism in the post–World War II period. is in reality an illusion. in essence. recorded by regime theorists. still corresponds with the world "out there. Moreover. can be understood only as the
pragmatic (rational-actor) response of self-seeking actors to conditions in which utility maximizing is sometimes best served by some sort of collective decisionmaking scenario. Australian National University. AM)
The analytical results are predictable and disturbing in their simplicity and narrowness.” p. is consequently no more than a pragmatic readjustment of power politics behavior. change can come only from above—from the rational action of the major powers following rational self-interest. because the world "out there" is made up of sovereign states. the pursuit of individual self-interest on the part of sovereign states. celebrated by some as fundamental change. as the Realist Tradition has always insisted. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. on this basis. Realism. two conclusions must logically flow from this: (1) the cooperative/communitarian impulse within the state system. in short. Regime behavior. following selfish interest. following Traditional "self-help" principles. and (2) all "meaningful" international behavior is.Se(k)urity 1. Thus.0 174/224
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AT: NEO-REALISM
Neo-realism contradicts classical realist theory and still relies on the same fundamental tenants George ’94 (Jim.

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AT: POPPER
Popper’s attempt to distance himself from classical positivist is fruitless. provided (logical) positivists their "protocol sentences" of real meaning. Western scholars required confirmation of their identity as the agents of progressive "scientific" knowledge in the struggle with "ideology" and closure.. 61-62 AM)
The question of Popper's relationship to positivism is. as logical positivism) and the way that he sought to detach himself from this definition. but basically it concerns an intellectual sleight of hand on Popper's part. above all. and the inductivist methodology built upon it. Popper rejected Positivism (i. he repudiated the phenomenalism (or sensationalism) that. Moreover.)
.Doesn’t reject the fundamental thesis George ’94 (Jim. the extreme nominalism that underpinned it. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations.Se(k)urity 1.” p. He argued. in confronting seriously the Humean self-critique of positivism. This sleight of hand concerned the way Popper defined positivism (in a narrow 49 and restricted way. logical positivism) on the basis that it misinterpreted the essence of the Enlightenment and the modern quest for scientific philosophy. again. in the process. Popper (ostensibly) repudiated logical atomism. Just as significant. a complex issue. In short. that the (logical) positivist insistence on a 'dichotomy between science and metaphysics lacked logical credibility. Australian National University. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science.e. carried out for an uncritical audience at a time when. via direct sensory experience.

(International Society of Political Psychology. cognitive psychologists have compiled decision heuristics that powerfully and
AT: PSYCHOLOGY
predictably influence human choice. Findings suggese to t that decision-makers do not always maximize objective outcomes. Virtually all of this research runs counter to the assumption. common in theories of international relations. Berejikian. Bell.0 176/224
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Realism wrong—two decades of psychological research prove that humans aren't rational utility maximizers Jeffrey D. “Model Building With Prospect Theory: A Cognitive Approach to International Relations ”. and scholars studying international politics have recently taken it up.
.jstor.org/stable/3792366?origin=JSTOR-pdf) For more than two decades. and that they tend to be riskaverse in the domain of gains and risk-acceptant in the domain of losses. Plous. Assistant Professor of International Affairs at the University of Georgia. http://www. 1993).g.. It is perhaps the most celebrated result of this research and now stands as a leading alternative to classic rationality as an explanation for choice under conditions of risk. 1988. Instead. Considerable research applying prospect [end page
759] theory outside political science exists. Dec 2002.Se(k)urity 1. that they are apt to overvalue losses compared to equivalent gains. & Tversky. findings suggest that choices are as much a function of consistent heuristics and biases as they are the result of calculated costs and benefits (see. Prospect theory is part of this larger investigation into the actual structure of human choice. Raffa. e. that human agents are rational maximizers.

expansionism. it becomes clear that a number of other narratives have been excluded in order that a particular kind of self is here represented as the "United States. Australian National University." Necessarily excluded." These have been the identifying characteristics by which the United States has framed its identity in global life and designated its enemies. but as part of a much larger regime of framing concerned with the disciplining of dangers within the state. it incorporates the form of domestic order. The proposition here is that a logocentric framing regime that
opposes. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. the social relations of production.43 The "particular meaning of humanity" privileged in the United States is that centered on political pluralism. rehistoricized. in orthodox terms. Of particular concern in this regard is the continuing propensity to conceive of security in terms of (sovereign) territorial integrity. which limits conventional foreign policy discourse to a narrow analytical agenda and Traditional geopolitical practices. for example. a more immediate danger is the primary focus
of Campbells’ critical attention—the danger of continued U. and domestic anarchy. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. accordingly.0 177/224
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DOMESTIC PROBLEMS
Realist identity logic ignores domestic issues and forecloses any possibility of change George ’94 (Jim. the practices of [U. contingency. ideology. self/other. and the struggles of gender. representation. as a derivative of the anarchy problematique. dispossession. is to illustrate that U. is intrinsic to the process by which the United States has been constructed in International Relations. while ignoring or treating as epiphenomenal issues of culture. these are themes that must be explored if we are to begin to confront the policy paralysis of the present and enhance the possibilities for sensitive and more appropriate foreign policy options in the future. when this narrative of self-identity is
questioned. . and domesticate a particular meaning of humanity .S.S. extraordinary state surveillance. (ostensibly) "free to choose. difference. limit. However. identity/difference. In this sense. and politicized. foreign policy is constituted by dimensions other than “external” necessity and to reconceptualize U.
***IMPACTS***
. incarceration within a Cold War discursive identity centered on the notions of modernist sovereignty and the anarchy problematique. ambiguity. and the modern sovereign individual. and the varying subjectivities to which they give rise. for example. . AM) These concerns aside. sexuality.” p.S. inside/outside.] foreign policy serve to enframe. foreign policy in discursive terms.Se(k)urity 1. reread.S. foreign policy not just in terms of the danger between states. which are also part of the United States.S. capitalist economics. His critical project. are the narratives of
genocide. and interpretive ambiguity at the core of the sovereign state.42 Hence the value of Campbell's contributions to the debate
that locates U. 121. As this book has emphasized from its beginning.

in that it allows for (effectively) silenced voices to be heard again. the Oglala. who has captured the sense of the critical social theory challenge to modernity with her proposition that something has happened. rightly condemned by the Western powers in the 1990s (and resisted in the 1940s). including those associated with anti-Enlightenment sentiments. It is worth pondering. the connection between the rational modern subject and the experiences of Hiroshima and Auschwitz. progress. and a poor. in these terms: There is a widespread feeling that the promise of the modern era is slipping away from us. where neoclassical and neo-Marxian "scientific" approaches have dominated the economic debates. the revolt of other cultures against white Western hegemony. of the triumphant march of modern. for example. Science. all victims of ethnic cleansing for the greater good of a unified. for example. such as Nietzsche. who in 1985 spoke of some of the paradoxes of modern life. This is an important theme in a critical social theory context concerned to open up closed theory and practice. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. The two examples to follow have particular thematic significance in a critical social theory context. Ethnic cleansing is in this sense an integral feature of the story of modernization and Western triumph over "traditional" ignorance. shifts in the balance of economic and political power within the world economy. Australian National University. which was to have unlocked the the bounties of nature. in the poverty of so much of
the world and in the growing underclasses in First World societies. the major Cold War foes. is happening to Western societies. A movement of enlightenment and liberation that was to have freed us from superstition and tyranny has led in the twentieth century to a world in which ideological fanaticism and political oppression have reached extremes unknown in previous history. for example.0 178/224
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ETHNIC CLEANSING
Realism’s celebration of state building enables ethnic cleansing George ’94 (Jim. And the globe today is divided between a liberal world so incoherent that it seems to be losing the significance of its own ideals. of course. too. in this context.Se(k)urity 1. and freedom. The beginning of this transition can be dated somewhat arbitrarily from after the First World War in Europe and after the Second World War in the United States. the uprising of women.” p. rational man." [Moreover] Western intellectuals cannot be immune from the profound shifts now taking place in contemporary social life. is an integral part of modern Western history. And while many in the 1990s celebrate the end of the Cold War—as the victory of one Enlightenment-based economic doctrine over another—the other side of this particular coin must also be confronted. Western culture is in the middle of a fundamental transformation: a "shape of life" is growing old. and a growing awareness of the costs as well as the benefits of scientific "progress. is that a celebration of the age of rational science and modern technological society cannot simply be disconnected from the weapons of mass slaughter and the techniques of genocide. It does so when the progressivism of the post-Enlightenment period is confronted with some of its more sinister dimensions. often tyrannical third world reaching for the first rungs of modernity. The first comes from Robert Bellah. the Huron. AM)
The critical social theory challenge to orthodox theory as practice has centered generally on the proposition that there are major silences and dangers inherent in the way that we ask our questions of the modern world and construct our (rational-scientific) answers. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. Examples of this critical perspective have come from a whole range of intellectual locations in recent years. Progress.
. knowledge. 140-141. modernity's master idea. given their explicit concern with the crisis of modern thought and post-Enlightenment political practice. The point here. The demise of the old is being hastened by the end of colonialism. that the issue of ethnic cleansing. seems less compelling today when it appears that it may be progress into the abyss. that peoples everywhere are becoming increasingly awakened to the dangers of the Enlightenment narrative of reason. concerning. Nor can the language and logic of liberty and emancipation be
easily detached from the terror waged in their names by. has given us the power to destroy all life on earth. particularly via its Realist narrative.2 For Flax this is a crisis of contemporary society that reflects a growing recognition that the Enlightenment dream is over. Even a rudimentary appreciation of silenced histories implies as much—the histories of. homogeneous state system and the eradication of (anarchical) difference. an oppressive and archaic communist statism. and the Pitjantjatjara. It is important also because it connects the broader social theory debate starkly and directly to an International Relations context. the Mandika.1 These themes have been taken up even more profoundly by Jane Flax. each proclaiming itself the natural systemic heir to the Enlightenment dream. which celebrates the process of state making.

So. 102-103. which could be rationally defended only in a (discursive) environment where peoples have ceded their responsibility to think critically about the world to a contemporary orthodoxy offering an (illusory) certitude in cornplex times. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science.49 Among nuclear strategists. the answer is simple enough: a fraction of the (approximately) fifty thousand warheads (still) stockpiled around the world. for example.68 The problem has not disappeared with the demise of either the Reagan administration or its Soviet raison d'être.S. Influential works by Herman Kahn introduced new levels of complexity to deterrence logic while prompting International Relations scholars to think the "unthinkable"—the use of nuclear weapons as an ultimate deterrent.Se(k)urity 1. as Carol Cohn has so vividly illustrated. It continues.” p.terms. Meanwhile. the literature of International Relations specialists resonated with rational deductive approaches and game-theorized models derived largely from neoclassical economic theory and utilitarian assumptions about human nature and behavior. This scenario depicted the Soviets as having both the intent and the capacity to destroy U. for example. is that a modernist discourse continues to dominate in the current period and continues to limit strategy/security debate in significant and dangerous ways. the logic that gave the nuclear arms race its lethal legitimacy in a Cold War conflict for nearly fifty years remains integral to the post–Cold War era and at the heart of the strategy/security debate in International Relations. Aside from the closure and paradox of this position. the major powers encourage the proliferation of increasingly destructive nonnuclear weaponry. In the mid-1980s. which amounts to around four metric tons of TNT for every man. the two superpowers." effectively independent of the strategic analyst. first] the logic.S. this has increased the systematic desensitizing of the horrors of nuclear warfare. and it has increased the (political. it was argued." In this regard.
66 67
. who merely describes the anarchical reality of international affairs and explains the need for a power politics response to it. AM)
Throughout the behavioralist period the issue of nuclear war loomed large.
has been borne by the global population to a staggering degree.51
50
Realism lowers the threshold for nuclear weapon use George ’94 (Jim. In five-year period alone (1983-1988). ethical) distance between the strategic "expert" and the nearly five billion nuclear hostages around the globe.68 Thiswasapreposterousscenario. Via game theory techniques.) on weapons of mass destruction. The result. Australian National University. Nuclear weapons will remain integral to the lives of every generation to come. with the advent of the Committee for the Present Danger to a central analytical position within the U. It was a scenario without credibility. at one level. even in the most basic of c. the technology remains to quickly replenish depleted arsenals. quantifiable methods and policies. the "window of vulnerability" theme was resurrected in an environment where the dominant discourse was so strong that it became official policy. did the question of nuclear deterrence. was a frighteningly simple manipulation of the strategy/security debate. the really preposterous aspect of the "window of vulnerability thesis" was its "expert" analytical assessment that presumed that. when it would have required only sixty of the former and fifteen of the latter to have effectively destroyed the SovietUnionasafunctioningentity." Throughout the 1960s. If one then asks precisely what was purchased in this time. from the perspective of this present discussion.” p.S. the aims of nuclear strategic analysis were to construct a "nuclear strategy as a science [in which. AM)
What these diverse interrogations illustrate. given both the potency of the TRIAD defense structure and a generation-long insistence on the (power politics) rationality of the
Various works have confirmed this in recent times. to allow analysts and policymakers to represent their perspectives in ostensibly value-neutral terms. To put this in perspective for those distressed nightly by images of starving. too. from a number of angles. Thus. 100. strategic problems could be reduced to "a manageable form in which the dilemmas and paradoxes of the age could be bared and solutions explored. it represents the equivalent of $1 million spent every day on weapons of mass destruction for the past seven thousand years. has been a familiar representation of the world "out there. however. for example. even when it was clearly preposterous. and child on the planet. struggling humanity around the globe. accordingly. dynamics and management of nuclear war and its deterrence can be explained and controlled by precise. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. spent almost $3 trillion (U. as power politics logic makes its contemporary compromises with the dictates of a global war economy. The result. even in the unlikely event of Soviet success in disarming a thousand or so ICBMs. land-based missiles in their silos." At the broader level (echoing logical positivism).we’ll destroy until there’s no threats left George ’94 (Jim. The cost of this abrogation of responsibility. then. This was illustrated most blatantly during the Reagan administration. aside from an enormous upscaling of the nuclear arms race and SDI. policy framework. “Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to
International Relations. and while the immediate danger of nuclear holocaust seems to have passed.61
62 63 64
Soviet actor in the deterrence "game. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. it was the rationality premise associated with game theory that proved most appealing as the basis for scientific theorizing about human behavior and decisionmaking processes in the nuclear age. the Soviet decisionmakers would gamble on the lack of response 4dfrom the fleet of B-52s and submarines. woman. Australian National University. even in its own terms.0 179/224
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NUKEWAR
Realism justifies nuclear first use as the ultimate deterrent.

after all. in the contemporary equation. Moreover. However. and the new reality of neo-Realism is calculated (in Weberian terms) as the sum of the rational decisions made by all (recognized) sovereign actors.g. It was on the basis of the anarchy "out there" that people's aspirations were brutally repressed in the name of revolutionary socialism. like all other actors. it is via the anarchy problematique that a sovereign presence (the state) is still identified as the principle of neo-Realist interpretation." In the 1990s. establishing for International Relations ahierarchical distinction between
that which is rational and meaningful (i.” p. Accordingly.e. the sovereignty narrative. but more broadly they mark a crisis of modern representationalism starkly evoked. It was. of course. it is on the basis that they are essentially individual. and the same logic. mark a crisis in International Relations to be sure. OPPRESSION
Anarchy principle results in nuclear arms races and global oppression George ’94 (Jim. while the state is no longer explicitly represented in Traditional terms.. As indicated in earlier chapters. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. rational-choice-making objects in the world "out there. 203-204.. Australian National University.Se(k)urity 1. in this sense. it is the anarchy problematique that ensures that when neo-Realists ask the central questions of the contemporary agenda (e." transparent to the similarly endowed subjects of International Relations. conceptually imbued with the kind of rational. the state is now projected as one sovereign actor
among a multiplicity of sovereign actors (including nonstate actors). and the politics of representation. unspoken)
core of its logocentric discourse. in the age of interdependence and regime interaction it remains. The state.0 180/224
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NUKEWAR. How can there be governance without an international government? How can there be order without an orderer? How can there be lasting regime cooperation in a situation of endemic anarchy?) the answers are already given—at the (hidden. “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations. Rather. Contemporary challenges to the sovereign state.
. And it is the anarchy problematique that allows neo-Realist problem solvers to assume as axiomatic the problems of an anarchical world of states they purportedly seek to solve. albeit it in reformulated fashion. It was the logic of anarchical struggle that gave coherence to the most costly arms race in human history. continues to legitimate the truncheon in the hands of the "world's policeman. this leaves the dominant approach within the International Relations community effectively mute on a whole range of human activity that does not easily fit the discursive patterns of knowledge associated with sovereign man become the sovereign state For postmodernists this has implications not just for the immediate post–Cold War struggles of Realism to reinvoke its inadequate images of reality but for modernity in general faced with widespread challenges to the narrative of sovereign rational man. which can be known scientifically and whose behavior can be mediated) and that which is "outside" the realm of rational. postmodernists have been concerned to critically reevaluate foreign policy theory as practice in these terms. upon these premises that a Cold War logic was articulated for a generation on both sides of the East/West divide. AM)
There is no more explicit example of International Relations theory as practice than this anarchy problematique. regimes)
are examined. meaningful discourse and is a danger to it.. perceived as it is—a major site of the anarchy problematique. This is why. in recent times. sovereign identity and utilitarian decisionmalcing impulses that characterize the dominant narrative of modern sovereignty.g. is not privileged as it once was. when newly recognized actors (e.

More significant. Drawing out some of the implications of this situation on the central question of war and peace. not peace. [thus] the attempt to balance power is itself part of the very behaviour that leads to war. Vasquez had a chilling statement to make on the orthodox answer—the alliance system and balance of power.” p. in the most comprehensive survey of the International Relations literature yet undertaken. crude power politics image has been superseded. . have been dominant at the (North) American disciplinary center. AM)
The dangers of this approach were starkly illustrated in a work entirely ignored by mainstream scholarship. Vasquez concluded that. power politics promotes certain kinds of behavior and often leads to self-fulfilling prophecies. since 1945.Se(k)urity 1. . “Discourses of
Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to International Relations.31 Setting aside the quantitative idiom at the end of his study. centered on its third "great debate. the most likely (statistical) outcome of Realist anarchical "theory" in "practice" is war."
***AFF
.turns the case George ’94 (Jim. .0 181/224
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WAR
Realism and power-balancing theory promotes war. he maintained. . His findings were that power politics is an image of the world that encourages behaviour that helps bring about war. indicated clearly enough the problems of understanding and explaining global life in Realist grand theoretical terms. Australian National University. which. In the wake of the Vietnam War in particular the scholarly literature has been characterized by a succession of claims to have gone beyond (primitive) Realism and (unreflective) positivism. it did so in the falsificationist terms that. Here. . John Vasquez's The Power of Power Politics (1983). it has been in this period that the discipline has understood itself as engaged in the third major stage of its
(rational/ progressive) development. as a particular image of the world employed by Realist policymakers.33 Indeed. Senior lecturer in international relations in the Department of Political Science. [Consequently it] is now clear that alliances do not produce peace but lead to war 32 [emphasis added]. 13-14.

But the celebration of difference is a process.
“Living with Rupture: Postmodern Perspectives on International Events” from “International Relations and the Third Debate” Edited by Darryl S. postmodernism must deal with its own will to power and subvert that of others. but to pay at least as much attention to linkages among than as to contents of mental resting places. Heidegger continues.0 182/224
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PERM SOLVENCY
Perm solves. it’s the only way to view the world in multiple ways to find truth Bleiker. Such an approach recognizes that the key to circumventing the ordering mechanisms of revealing is to think in circles. but in the acceptance of the will to power. an ideal. expresses a will to power. There is no all-encompassing gaze. He works at the University of Queensland. runs the risk of making us forget that enframing is a claim. “it drives out every other possibility for revealing” (Heidegger. and sometimes
incommensurable. one conceals everything that is invisible from this vantage point. 1993/1977:332). forms of insights. not an end
point. All social orders. no matter how insightful it is. but that no form of knowledge can serve as the ultimate arbiter for thought and action. the formulation of theoretical positions and practical action requires modesty. Roland. not to rest too long at one point. exclude what does not fit into their view of the world. Often there is no common discursive ground. As a critical practice. oppress. By opening up a particular perspective. but to take on responsibility in the form of bringing modesty to a majority. This is not to avoid accountability. 2002: PhD in International Relations from the Australian National University.Se(k)urity 1. not an end point. a disciplinary act that “banishes man into that kind of revealing that is an ordering. Every process of
revealing is at the same time a process of concealing. A call for tolerance and inclusion cannot be void of power.L Jarvis: PhD in International Relations from University of British Columbia. (p. 1996:24). some international theorists recognize. no language that can establish a link between the inside and the outside. 33-34) In the absence of authentic knowledge. a will that cannot but “privilege. in the recognition that we need to evaluate and judge.
. This is why one must move back and forth between different. even the ones that are based on the acceptance of difference. But dialogue is a process. Every form of thinking. Accepting difference
and facilitating dialogue becomes more important than searching for an elusive truth. Martin Heidegger argues. Inclusiveness does not lie in the search for a Utopian all-encompassing worldview.” And where this ordering holds sway. an ideal. The link has to be searched for first. The enframing that occurs by such
processes of revealing. and create in some manner” (Saurette.

Edited by Ken Booth (pg. “Political Community and Human Security” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. teacher @ Dept of Political Science at the University of Wales and Véronique Pin-Fat. It is difficult to conceive of whole discourses changing. Approaches that distinguish between immediately binding duties to promote confidence-building measures and the longerterm goal of negotiated demilitarization rest on the same dichotomy. these are also the means by which the more demanding normative aspirations of critical theory can be embedded in political institutions and practice Perm solves—we can't change discourse. If autonomy is given to discourse.60 The key point behind this distinction is that common interests may permit limited experiments in transparency and reciprocity from which more radical commitments to publicity. renowned international relations academic. mobile and continually contested. When autonomy is given to subjects.
. Jenny Edkins. Her requirement that grammars be entirely replaced for substantive change to occur is too stringent.0 183/224
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PERM SOLVES-REALISM
Perm solves – short-term problem-solving approaches can be combined with long-term institutional change Linklater 5
Andrew.Se(k)urity 1. Discourses are not homogenous. In 2000. We would argue that change may take place gradually. as estrangement and suspicion yielded to mutual respect and trust (such as abolishing standing armies). (The Future of International Relations. Issues of power and domination are treated as surmountable. change is seen as relatively straightforward. within the discourse.59 Kant advocated several transitional strategies that were divided into two main groups: those that were immediately binding on political subjects (such as ensuring the ethical conduct of war). Kant's inventory is obviously dated. and those that could only be realized gradually. only reinterpret the hegemonic framework. 125)
His answer blended realism with more Utopian concerns. as Elshtain requires. and is the current Woodrow Wilson Professor of International Politics at Aberystwyth University. former teaching assistant in Philosophy. but his act of dividing strategies of transition into two main groups has more contemporary illustrations. change becomes problematic. 1997. he was featured as one of the fifty thinkers in Martin Griffith's Fifty Key Thinkers in International Relations. Change can then be seen as taking place by the rearticulation and repositioning of fragments of one discourse with another (Staten 1985: 88. and consent may develop in time. dialogue. uniform and grounded but shifting.) The two conditions for social change we have discussed demonstrate a tension in Elshtain's work between giving autonomy to discourse and giving autonomy to subjects. Neumann and Ole Wæver.61 Problem-solving responses to conditions of insecurity should be informed then by the longer-term ethical aspirations of critical theory. conceivably over centuries. as Elshtain assumes. Page 312. regardless of whether some elements of the hegemonic discourse that is being challenged are still accepted. Hall 1982 and 1986). This transforms the hegemonic elements into something other: they are no longer playing their original role. edited by Iver B.

a defining element of necessity at the core of both action by the relevant agents. as in traditional versions of Realism. but utterly essential role. that necessity is not applicable.. and the Centre of International Studies. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. However. in terms of logical reasoning.
. In Neo-Realism
the argument is that structure creates necessity for states. Columbia University. that process is not without either empirical foundation or rationality. then the relevant interactions and relationships must be constitutive. responding to and redefining relevant structures. and the concept of Constructivist Realism.that is. based on empirical understanding of the relevant structures or agents.Se(k)urity 1. necessity
plays a notably different. then. The identification of threats and challenges. The structure of state relations joins other factors in a pattern of contingencies. al-Qa'ida's challenge to the West. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. state authorities might otherwise be deeply reluctant to take any kind of action. The patterns of social relations and inter-subjective relations that constitute international security are defined by necessity. That necessity might derive from material requirements. in the twenty-first-century security environment. That is the fundamentally Realist point. Change will not come simply because somebody ideologically wants it.C. Change comes because it has to come. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. as well as Reflectivist and other approaches based in social theoretical approaches. and of rogues and opponents. for example. Structure is a product of construction . Necessity distinguishes Constructivist Realist theory from general Constructivism. Polity Press (pg. In the Constructivist Realist searchlight. particularly the hard decisions involved in matters of security and the use of armed force. Necessity is the key because people act when they have to. is not merely an arbitrary or entirely contingent matter. Structure through evolving processes of construction can change. Necessity lies at the core of the social construction of Realist understanding. But it might equally derive from the sphere of values. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. it will not be founded contingently and arbitrarily. But in any case. the interaction of agents with each other and with structure. 34-35) If there is no necessity. or in the dependent correlation of states in the international system to a stable order.
Only a socially constructed approach.0 184/224
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PERM SOLVES. that can be claimed for the mutual antipathy in. Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. can provide the perspective needed to tackle the real security problems in the contemporary world. There is. Book: Defending the West. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. And it might involve a combination of each. Indeed. Professor of International Peace and Security. It will rest on need. Princeton University. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. While the identification of threats involves a social process.REALISM
Realism allows for change of the system based on material or value-based necessities Gow 5
James.

should be protection of these. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel.which is at the root of the Realist construction . and framing acceptable ways of dealing with threats to them.C.
. Constructivist Realism permits this kind of adaptation. When this happens. as opposed to an essentialist material phenomenon to be discovered rather than created.. Professor of International Peace and Security. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. and the Centre of International Studies.Se(k)urity 1. without necessarily threatening others). Columbia University. Understanding of the world and of the rules operating in it can change as
circumstances in it change. the key point in maximizing power and security. involving inter-subjective interaction.and other states that value stability and order . Princeton University. is that it permits two things. at its root will be the protection and promotion of physical security and values. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. The first is a more complex and subtle understanding (perhaps more in line with Morgenthau) that includes various strands. The second is that it permits greater adaptability. Book: Defending the West. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. That adjustment is a social process. apart from mere physical survival . However.to do so. have impelled a radically new approach towards protection of the state because it was in the interest of Western states . Cases such as Kosovo and Iraq. or the emergence of non-state 'rogue' actors in the 1990s. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme.0 185/224
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PERM SOLVES
Perm solves – allows for adaptability while still solving real-world crises Gow 5
James. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. Princeton University. adjustment is necessary. 36) The value of recognizing the constructed character of Realism. including the importance of values and rules (after all. Polity Press (pg.

) The two conditions for social change we have discussed demonstrate a tension in Elshtain's work between giving autonomy to discourse and giving autonomy to subjects. former teaching assistant in Philosophy. Issues of power and domination are treated as surmountable.
AFF—PERM
. change becomes problematic.0 186/224
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Perm solves—we can't change discourse. Her requirement that grammars be entirely replaced for substantive change to occur is too stringent. Jenny Edkins. Neumann and Ole Wæver. regardless of whether some elements of the hegemonic discourse that is being challenged are still accepted. change is seen as relatively straightforward. Page 312. (The Future of International Relations. 1997. teacher @ Dept of Political Science at the University of Wales and Véronique Pin-Fat. mobile and continually contested. Discourses are not homogenous. Hall 1982 and 1986). as Elshtain requires. It is difficult to conceive of whole discourses changing. uniform and grounded but shifting. within the discourse. We would argue that change may take place gradually. edited by Iver B. Change can then be seen as taking place by the rearticulation and repositioning of fragments of one discourse with another (Staten 1985: 88. When autonomy is given to subjects. If autonomy is given to discourse. This transforms the hegemonic elements into something other: they are no longer playing their original role. as Elshtain assumes.Se(k)urity 1. only reinterpret the hegemonic framework.

and applauded or opposed as such. subjectivity. are historical. page 9)
The core of this Realist tradition thus does not lie in the concepts of anarchy and rationality as they have come to dominate International Relations theory. perhaps its most fundamental assumption). The Realism I explore in this study is not a rationalist theory of anarchy that presupposes certain forms of knowledge. by Steve Smith (managing editor) et al. For these reasons. It does not lack or assume a theory of domestic politics: it is a theory of domestic politics. providing a sophisticated attempt to understand politics at both the domestic and international levels. consequences.tices and objectives of wilful Realism. empiricism.0 187/224
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AT: PERM STILL LINKS
The Perm Avoids the Links Williams. and for many others which I hope will become apparent in the chapters that follow. ethical. par. Willful realism avoids their K of rationality/rational actors
Williams. states. a clear divide between ‘classical’ and contemporary Realism provides a misleading understanding of wilful Realism and its implications for current debates.imate political authority. a theory of the political at its most basic level. that of a self-interested rational actor. What are often taken as assumptions of rationalist Realist theory (materialism. It lies instead with questions of the construction of social action and political orders. seek to create them. and limits of this strategy as a basis for politics. however.egy of objectification. and political prac. For these thinkers. at both the domestic level (particularly in questions of obligation and commitment) and at the international level. it does... rationalism is a social construction – what I call a will to objectivity and a political strat. It does not lack. ed. a theory of subjectivity – a rational actor: it is a reflection on the constitution and limitations of precisely such a construction of subjectivity. A working out of the possibilities.ticular. and with the consequences of different. 05-Senior Lecturer in the Department of International Politics at the University of Wales. The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations.Se(k)urity 1. rational actors). with the conditions of stable and legit. 05-Senior Lecturer in the Department of International Politics at the University of Wales. Aberystwyth (Michael C. Aberystwyth
(Michael C.. The Realist Tradition and the Limits of International Relations.
. or assume. page 14) The third and perhaps most paradoxical rejoinder concerns one of rationalism’s core assumptions (in
fact.. ed. by Steve Smith (managing editor) et al. The wilful Realist tradition does not assume the existence of rational actors. It is a reflection on the politics of the construction of knowledge. and anarchy. and historically contingent resolutions to these broad political challenges. is one of its most important concerns.

is doubtful whether the expenditure of intellectual effort involved is worthwhile. inequality is legitimated. and it is according to its adequacy for this task that critical theory must be judged.Se(k)urity 1.
. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. and Concrete Utopias” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics.48 Furthermore. It is enough to note that the extent to which reciprocity is denied is the extent to which popular sovereignty is subverted. Bronner's comments are well taken. providing a persuasive account of human capacity is one thing. it is important that
those critical theorists who choose to concentrate their efforts on metatheoretical activity habitually remind themselves that practical struggle offers insights for theory-building just as surely as vice versa. and the subject's security is lost. material existence and experiences of individual human beings. His argument is that
a simple review of the historical record is sufficient to justify certain institutions and practices over others: It is enough to look back at real systems and see that. as Bronner recognizes."51 Furthermore."49 The starting point for critical theory should not be some abstracted notion of emancipation and human potential but rather the corporeal. its importance must be measured in terms of its contribution to the generation of theory that is oriented toward real-world social transformation. "It is in the crucible of political practice that critical theories meet the ultimate test of vitality. Capacity. Put another way. Director of Department of International Politics at the University of Wales. for one. in good dialectical fashion. with few historical 4 exceptions. but it is the realization of that potential that must be the ultimate concern. It is this social transformation that is the point of critical theory."50 While metatheory is important. 227-228) Bronner." Bronner argues that the interests of critical theory injustice and happiness are validated by those who suffer from their denial. the extent to which the liberal rule of law is employed is the extent to which grievances are open to consistent forms of equitable redress. in a statement that resonates with the sentiments of the 'early" critical theory of "Traditional and Critical Theory. As Nancy Fraser argues.0 188/224
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PRAGMATISM GOOD
Creating perfect theory is irrelevant – all that matters is the advancement of good conditions and working systems Jones 5
Richard Wyn. Aberystwyth “On Emancipation: Neccessity. It is enough to know from the past that the arbitrary exercise of power is grounded in terror. They are a salutary warning against the persistent tendency of critical theory to collapse into "nothing more than an academic exercise.

it has been said that international ethics is important enough to be a clear field of its own.
. but for the intellectual history of the discipline itself. Kantian. however. with a US emphasis on neorealism and neioliberalism (both in its categorizations and its positivistic tendencies not a considerable departure from the interwar debate between realists and idealists) and a British concern not only for a historicized discipline.can't change the system Chang 01(Professor of International Relations at the University of London. to problematise in temrs of Western schools of though its not to understand everybody. Methodologically. with normative theory. Nor is it clear how normative theory. at least its normative wing. on both sides of the Atlantic. or from Habermasian critical theory. perhaps. edited by Stephen Chan. It says little about actual emancipation beyond the scholar. Within Western international relations. the discipline
of international relations has struggled to establish the rigor of its methodological base in the academy. and Ronald Blieker. and it has struggled to establish whether and how it might have any moral place in the world. and which have not so much a distinction between instrumental and ideal speech. This meant to both rigorous and emancipator-although how it
emancipates is not satisfactorily defined’ in the postwar struggles. there has been a growing concern on both sides of the atlantic. Peter Mandeville. but an ideal that one day it might be free to speak. a word is in order on the mirage methodology has created. At the begininning of the twenty-first century. First. can establish norms for (let alone emancipate) those considerable parts of the globe where the Western enlightenment project never settled (such as china). the number of international relations scholars who have fed a dying child or cleaned a Kalashnikov can be counted on the fingers of one hand.pg 69-70) Since its inception. the discipline has begun a transatlantic separation. What it articulates then will not be Heglian.0 189/224
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2AC ALTERNATIVE
Their alternative isn't emancipatory. Nevertheless. which are pre-modern (such as the rural areas of much of Africa). or from postmodern figures such as Foucualt. and in mervy frost’s work from south Africa. What. is meant by such work is not that the work itself emancipates but that it frees the worker. but seldom philosophy at the barricades. in Australia. the scholar. Foucualtian or Habermasian. people may have needed idealogy or religion. Steve smith has written on ten selfimages that international relations has held. little about praxis-since in the Anglophonic discipline at least. At the beginning of the twenty-first century both struggles have reached a high point. a dreadful ambivalenc: to problematise freedom is to free nobody. If it takes a clear field to do this it says much for chains the discipline has spun with its own attempts at methodology.Se(k)urity 1. A painful way beyond this ambivalence is the subject of this chapter. to think about emancipation. Simultaneously. but seven types of ambiguity. there hangs over international relations. “The Zen of
International Relations”.Steven . there are not ten self images at all. drawn from enlightenment origins such as Hegel and Kant.

If so. 4 and Charles Osgood's GRIT strategy.Se(k)urity 1. In the late 1950s and early 1960s. when they choose to undertake it. “Breaking out of the Security
Dilema: Realism. reassure potential adversaries. 151-2 AM)
Defensive realism's main observations indicate that hard-line policies often lead to self-defeating and avoidable consequences. but this gesture was unreciprocated and the competition continued. 3 cooperation theory.” International Security. the Soviet Union substantially reduced its conventional forces. a security seeker can adopt a more defensive military posture and demonstrate its preference for maintaining rather than challenging the status quo.0 190/224
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ALT FAILS. Several scholars have elaborated this intuitive logic.D. Drawing on
rational-choice deterrence theory. 5 they argue that benign states can reveal their motives. yet the United States did not view these reductions as proof of benign motives." How can scholars and policymakers understand why states often avoid military reassurance. however: If states can reduce
uncertainty by altering their military posture. why it fails.OTHER COUNTRIES
Ending our own securitization doesn’t affect other countries. This argument generates an obvious puzzle. have adopted defensive weapons to de-escalate an arms race or demonstrate their intentions. 7 and repeated efforts to restrain the Cold War competition between the United States and the Soviet Union either failed or produced strategically negligible agreements that. for example. at least until its final years. Reassurance. why has this form of reassurance been both uncommon and unsuccessful? Few states. "proved incapable of moderating the superpower rivalry in any deep or permanent way. by engaging in arms control agreements or unilateral force reductions. and the Problem of Uncertainty. and when it can succeed? In 1906 Britain tried to prevent a further escalation of its naval race with Germany by decreasing the number of battleships it planned to construct.
.
Montgomery 6 (Evan Branden. Ph. In particular. and avoid unnecessary conflict with costly signals—actions that greedy actors would be unwilling to take. then conciliatory policies should have the opposite effect.they’ll just see it as a weakness and an opportunity to attack. candidate in the Department of Politics at the University of Virginia.

Robert Cox. Hoffman 1987: 233) Despite this very ambitious declaration. There have been no systematic considerations of how critical international theory can help generate. by its
no way of redeeming some of its central epistemological and methodological claims and thus that it is a fatally flawed enterprise. CIAO Net AM) Because emancipatory political practice is central to the claims of critical theory. It is both descriptive and constructive in its theoretical intent: it is both an intellectual and a social act. (M. but to understand society and change it. who is being guided) and thus how the theory can hope to become a part of the political process (see R. However. or sustain emancipatory politics beyond the seminar room or conference hotel. Hoffman gives no suggestion as to how this “force for change” should be operationalized and what concrete role critical theorizing might play in changing society. Security. Yet their thinking on this issue thus far does not seem to have progressed much beyond grandiose statements of intent.. little enlightenment to be gleaned from Mark Hoffman’s otherwise important contribution. has
hardly in a position to justify the assertion that “it represents the next stage in the development of International Relations theory” (M. Indeed. Given the centrality of practice to the claims of critical theory. one might expect more guidance as to whom he believes might do the emancipating and how critical theory can impinge upon the emancipatory process. one can argue that critical international theory. Andrew Linklater has argued that “a critical theory of international relations must regard the practical project of extending community beyond the nation–state as its most important problem” (Linklater 1990b: 171). Hoffman 1987: 244). for example. although the critical international theorists’ critique of the role that more conventional approaches to the study of world politics play in reproducing the contemporary world order may be persuasive. without a more convincing conceptualization of the theory–practice nexus. support.” Indeed. There is. It is not merely an expression of the concrete realities of the historical situation. Strategy. he has not explicitly indicated whom he regards as the addressee of critical theory (i. Similarly. his main point is to suggest that the role of critical theory “is not to offer instructions on how to act but to reveal the existence of unrealised possibilities” (Linklater 1990b: 172). their account of the relationship between their own work and emancipatory political practice is unconvincing. once again. likewise. Thus.Se(k)urity 1. Without some plausible account of the
mechanisms by which they hope to aid in the achievement of their emancipatory goals. proponents of critical international theory are
own terms.e.IMPLEMENTATION
Their alternative fails— critique is worthless without a method of implementation Jones 99 (Richard. but also a force for change within those conditions. he has little to say about the role of theory in the realization of this “practical project. Although he has also gone on to identify possible agents for change and has outlined the nature and structure of some feasible alternative orders.0 191/224
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ALT FAILS. Cox 1981: 130). professor of International Politics at the University of Wales. one might expect that proponents of a critical approach to the study of international relations would be reflexive about the relationship between theory and practice.
. reveal to whom? Is the audience enlightened politicians? Particular social classes? Particular social movements? Or particular (and presumably particularized) communities? In light of Linklater’s primary concern with emancipation. and Critical Theory. Cox 1981. this is a very significant weakness. 1996). 1983. He argues that critical international theory seeks not simply to reproduce society via description. has described the task of critical theorists as providing “a guide to
strategic action for bringing about an alternative order” (R. But the question still remains.

Se(k)urity 1. It does not tell us which referents to prioritize in world politics. The next stage is to move beyond studying this body of knowledge to developing a distinctive theory of security. but also beyond CSS. it needs to go not only beyond
political realism. Carr Professor and head of the Department of International Politics. University of Wales.0 192/224
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JUST REJECTION FAILS
Just rejecting realism doesn’t solve – need a full theory Booth 5
Ken Booth is E. His numerous publications include Strategy and Ethnocentrism. Edited by Ken Booth (pg. or which threats to watch. or who might be the agents for change. developing a body of knowledge that exposes the weaknesses of prevailing ideas and at the same time opens our minds to different ways of thinking and doing—is an important step in itself.
. This is because the latter is a body of knowledge and not a theory of security as such. or even how security should be defined. Contemporary Strategy: Theories and Policies and New Thinking About Strategy and International Security “Beyond Critical Security Studies” Book: Critical Security Studies and World Politics. Aberystwyth. 259-260) Toward and Then Beyond If critical theorizing about security is to advance as an academic project. but it does not go far enough.H. Moving "toward critical security studies"3— that is.

Se(k)urity 1. professor of political science. and Willis Harman. and war is unlikely to be abandoned until another and more acceptable way of coping with severe conflicts is developed. One of the important errors of past peace movements has been to overlook this fact. The Kellogg-Briand Pact was a conspicuous example. president of the Institute of Noetic Sciences. (Paths to peace: exploring the feasibility of sustainable peace. It "abolished" war without providing a substitute way of resolving conflict other than relying on existing international law. 1987.0 193/224
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AT: DELIGITIMIZE WAR ALT
The alt fails because it doesn't provide another mechanism to resolve conflicts—their authors Richard Smoke. pg 65) Humanity needs a way to resolve its serious conflicts. the shortcomings of which were already well known. these movements have tended to make the assumption that doing away with war would also mean doing away with serious human conflict and hence have paid little attention to how conflict would be resolved in the future.
. Perhaps unconsciously.

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AT: REALISM SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED
Social construction of realism doesn’t make it any less useful – it has survived against so many challenges because it builds on real concepts – just because they can deconstruct realism doesn’t mean they can replace it with whatever they want*** Gow 5
James, Professor of International Peace and Security, and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute, Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C., the Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University, and the Centre of International Studies, Princeton University. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council, a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel, Book: Defending the West, Polity Press, (pg. 26-27)

While various proponents of Idealist views have tilted at Realism, as have those of Socialist, Marxist, Critical and other perspectives, the reality of International Relations, an academic subject, dominated by US scholars, has been that each has confirmed the status of Realism as the primary ideology in the field. In doing so, each has confirmed the failure of any competitor to supplant it, simply by pitching criticism and analysis against it. While narrow Realism might not fit the world as such, given that there is more to life than material interest and benefit, if nothing else, there can be little doubt that material interest and benefit, including security, constitute a necessary part of the equation. In practice, elements of both Realism and Idealism play a part. This is recognized by those who implicitly, or explicitly, embrace elements of each, beginning with the Dutch international lawyer Hugo Grotius, who saw the inevitability of brute power, but
also saw the importance and possibility of rules in tempering it and developing into and beyond the 'international society' identified by Hedley Bull.18 The basis of Bull's international society - that which makes a society, rather than anything else - is mutual recognition of rules, crucially, as the base of everything else, the quality of sovereignty and the rules that pertain to it. This, in a sense, is a form of social construction. Rules are the result of intersubjective agreement, or alternatively of processes involving declaration or action, precedent and acceptance. Such processes may be formal, or they may come through custom and practice - in legal terms, for example, the rules might be treaties, or they might be customary law. At certain points, aspects of this inter-subjective process become so embedded, or reified, that the actors are not conscious of the process, or the prevalent interpretation it has produced. The analytical strength of a Constructivist approach should be in understanding processes and

dominant interpretations. However, the problem with the way in which Wendt introduced the approach to the International Relations repertoire is that he sought consciously to situate it in the Idealist tradition as a counter to Realism.19 His focus was not on the mechanism and understanding of how interpretations of whatever kind emerged, but on how that understanding could be used to unpick Realism. As others writing in other fields, such as gender and nationalism, had done, Wendt sought to apply Constructivist analysis to show that Realism was not scientific, material and necessary, but social, cultural and contingent; that it was, in some sense, an invention, not an inevitability. However, following George Schopflin's challenge to those applying Constructivism to nationalism, the only reasonable response to this might be: 'So what? That does not make it any less real.'20 The point, for some,21 in Constructivism has been ideological: because reality is constructed, the fallacious reasoning seems to be, this means that it can be re-constructed in whichever way a particular author or group wishes. This, indeed, is one of the hopes that Wendt, who did most to raise the profile of Constructivism, holds.22 However, Wendt's
approach is regarded as being shallow and too engaged in seeking a dialogue with Realism by some other proponents of Constructivism, who take a more strongly Reflectivist position.23 This means that (in a similar manner to Critical and Postmodern theorists) they reject arguing on the same ground as the Realists - and indeed their 'Rationalist' counterparts in Liberalism and elsewhere. This view takes a

purely and avowedly normative approach, in which there is no independent reality that can be tested by Positivist Scientific rationality. 'Facts' are not established through empirical testing (although some concessions might be made for the physical world), but are socially
agreed.24 This is misguided, though, as the real analytical strength of Constructivism is in identifying the social process and that applies equally to Realism, Idealism and any other school of thought, or practice. Any product of social construction (and there should be no confusion here with social engineering, or even ideological manipulation is

still 'real' in two senses: in its underpinnings and in the way it is felt or perceived. That Realism is constructed does not make it arbitrary, or necessarily wrong. Indeed, while a skeptical approach is important as a check on the merit of any interpretation, it is probably fair to judge that Realism, although socially constructed, has remained dominant, as a function of inter-subjective processes, precisely because it builds on something 'real' - the need for security and viability and the relevance of power in securing them.

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AT: REALISM SOCIALLY CONSTRUCTED
Constructed nature of realism irrelevant – creation of value around the material world means it has merit Gow 5
James, Professor of International Peace and Security, and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute, Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C., the Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University, and the Centre of International Studies, Princeton University. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council, a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel, Book: Defending the West, Polity Press, (pg. 28-29)

Acknowledging that Realism is neither natural, nor as fixed as its proponents and its critics would maintain, is to recognize it for the social construction that it is. However, this does not invalidate it, as both Realists and some of their
opponents have proposed. In addition, the Constructivist perspective can enhance Realism, permitting it greater variety and flexibility, as well as allowing legitimate scope to values and other elements than power. As Sabrina Ramet has argued, albeit from an avowedly Idealist position, there

is a need to avoid simplistic and reified interpretations of the international environment, such as the archetypal 'Othering' of Realists and Idealists by each other in international relations theory and caricature.30 The reality of the world is complex, and a sensitive, composite theoretical approach, recognizing both the necessity of rules and the importance of change, is apposite - hence the framework of 'Constructivist Realism' introduced here. ^ Constructivist Realism as a notion actually only confirms that which Realism always was in many ways. The focus on material aspects in traditional realism while giving an apparent a priori foundation to a scientific approach is actually more important as a focal point for the attribution of value - the conventional Realists and NeoRealists are right to focus on the material to a large extent, but not because it necessarily has independent and intrinsic force. Rather, the material counts because that is where value is attributed. To acknowledge that Realism is socially constructed is absolutely not to say that it is merely invention for the sake of it. The construction of value around the material is what counts.31

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AT: REALISM CANNOT EXPLAIN NON-STATE ACTORS
Realism and a state-based focus is still relevant with non-state actors – these non-state actors are relevant because they effect states Gow 5
James, Professor of International Peace and Security, and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute, Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C., the Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University, and the Centre of International Studies, Princeton University. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council, a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel, Book: Defending the West, Polity Press (30-32) The problem of intra-state conflict, which was not new but gained greater attention with the decline of the Cold War, could not be accounted for by reference to Neo-Realism and the emphasis on structured state relations. As there were various attempts to grapple with the somewhat unhelpfully labelled 'ethnic conflicts', Barry Posen made the sensible effort to apply a Realist approach to the actors in non-state

armed conflicts.34 The essential point in doing this was to register that the protagonists in such an armed conflict, or indeed prior to the outbreak of war, were structured in the same kind of relationship as they would be if they were states. While Posen to some extent appeared not to have mastered the shift in a wholly comfortable manner, the trajectory certainly made sense. This can be confirmed by reference to a similar shift that could be introduced regarding the second trinity of Carl von Clausewitz. Circumstances at the end of the Cold War also seemed to lead some scholars to assume that
Clausewitz was also redundant in a world where states were less important - or at least where they were not the most immediately apparent focus for armed conflict.35 However, the triangulation of government or state, armed forces and people could easily be translated to political leadership or political community, armed forces and supporters, validating the eternal wisdom of Clausewitz's insight into the harmony required for strategic success in war.36 The logic of this applied to the attempt by Posen to relocate the logic of Realism to the level of

participants in intra-state conflict. However, while the logic was there, it did mean a shift away from the state level at the core of the Waltzian model. That shift did not, however, remove the importance of the state' wholly either. In fact, statehood remained central to armed conflict. These were statehood clashes. The issues at their heart concerned control of existing states and how they should be run. They involved the absence of central enforcing authority in such states. Or they were about the redistribution of territory, populations and resources within, or across, the boundaries of existing states, and with the aim of changing the contours or the status of borders as the purpose of at least one of the belligerents.37 Thus, while the structured relationship required of states in Neo-Realist theory did not apply in many important cases, as such, a quasi state and structure position emerged, and the State retained central importance as the prime actor and so the prime focus for study in international life. The second and third
challenges to the Neo-Realist model were more Problematic, although they both, in the end, also served to confirm the continuing relevance of the state as the nodal point of analysis of international politics. In addition to sub-state actors in internal armed conflicts, other non-state actors emerged with salience on the international scene. Some of these were international and transnational bodies, often non-governmental, but in some cases sponsored by governments but having an independent character of their own beyond collective governmental sponsorship. The most striking example, as the twentyfirst century began (and quite in contrast to other would-be benign bodies), was the al-Qa'ida network (discussed in chapter 4). At the same time, there were other forces in international life that, while given meaning in social contexts, were somewhat independent of them. These included - by no means exclusively - environmental degradation, in particular the much discussed global warming, and the effects of a highly integrated global financial system (again, matters of relevance in later chapters, where issues of order and threat are discussed more fully). The sum of growing international concern over and attention to these issues led to the third trend, the changing approach to state sovereignty. Each of these issues did not mean the end

of state relevance. Indeed, the point was that they confirmed the continuing centrality of the state, once the surface of issues was broken and a little perspective added, because the reason any of these issues arose at all was that they impacted on particular states, groups of states, state capacities, or the concept and meaning of the state. In the end, an array of non-state actors and phenomena gained increasing attention because they affected the state, in one way or another. And, most strikingly of all, the changed approach to the protection offered traditionally under the scheme
of mutual recognition of sovereign rights was relevant only where the needs of states and of international society as a whole were to reinforce the state in one way or another. The only way to achieve this and to preserve the order and stability upon which states generally depended in an integrated and interdependent world was by overriding the traditional protection offered by sovereignty in the system. The traditional rules of the

sovereignty arrangement were amended in order to preserve the position of the state, generally, rather than to
undermine it. (Once again, this is a topic developed in later chapters.) States required stability in international order. If that order was absent and the solution lay in taking action within or across borders in order to protect states and their order, then this had to happen. '

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AT: THE K AGREES WITH REALISM
The K doesn’t capture realism – whatever their authors say, the ultimate goal is its destruction Gow 5
James, Professor of International Peace and Security, and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute, Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C., the Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University, and the Centre of International Studies, Princeton University. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council, a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel, Book: Defending the West, Polity Press, (pg. 28)

The majority of students of international relations using a Constructivist approach have been opposed to Realism - and indeed to Idealism and other traditions and schools of thought. Constructivist Realism, therefore, represents, I believe, a radical step in
the appreciation of international politics. The term is unique and meaningful,25 but it is not necessarily the first attempt to deploy Constructivism while acknowledging merit in Realism. By referring to 'interactions' Wendt, in popularizing the notion of Social Constructivism in the

study of international relations and seeking avowedly to present a normative-driven, Idealist challenge to Realism, nonetheless acknowledges that he is a 'realist' to the extent that his focus is on the state.26 This is a deeply qualified nod to Realism – one that is considerably outweighed by the overall aim of undoing and revising the dominant Realist position. A more notable example is that of the 'Copenhagen' Constructivists Barry Buzan, Ole Weaver and Jaap
de Wilde, who go some way towards taking a similar position to Constructivist Realism, but fall short of doing so. Although their purpose and primary focus is the broadening of the security agenda, while also setting boundaries to its expansion, the approach they take is both avowedly Constructivist and openly Realist. It is Constructivist to the extent that they view 'securitization' as 'an essentially inter-subjective process', which means that in all but the most immediate and extreme cases, threats could not be objectively identified.27 It is Realist to the extent that they seek to identify their position as 'post-sovereign realism'.28 However, their attention to the social processes that determine security seems ultimately driven by the same desire to temper the Realist predicament. By taking a partly Constructivist approach, they maintain, 'it will sometimes be possible to maneuver the interaction among actors and thereby curb security dilemmas'.29 The reflexively engaged use of Constructivism, even with a foothold in

Realism, makes clear that their ultimate agenda is a similar desire to use the power of knowledge and understanding to tame and change the Realist beast to that expressed by Wendt. In the end, their mission is to change Realism, if not eventually to transform security relations and remove that concept's dominance. It is not to situate Realism in an inter-subjective context, where the soundness of their analysis on the constituted and changeable character of Realism makes clear that Realism is not necessarily an inherent or 'natural position, whatever its strengths and merits. S

. comparing and critically examining similar UN missions in Haiti – UNMIH (1993–95). “Review Essay: Human Security: The Dog That Didn't Bark” International Peace Research Institute. an independent real world (see the first sentence). much less positive outcomes in situ’ (Muggah & Krause. which tends to characterize instrumentalists5). where there is no human security discursive framework. 39.
models/theories may be more or less useful.0 198/224
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REPS NOT FIRST
No Link/Impact – discourse doesn’t shape reality. In an excellent brief study of the European Union’s use of the human security approach with regard to intervention in Africa. 10). in the Tony Blair approach of spouting human security rhetoric and a ‘feel-good’ human security doctrine about Africa rather than making ‘hard choices’ and stumping up ‘hard cash to protect and make safe EU citizens’ (Keane. together with broader human security objectives’ (Keane. relativism. description. n. since it is not refutable as a scientific theory should be. 1997..Se(k)urity 1.davidchandler. particularly Cooper’s (2003) arguments about ‘enlightened self-interest’ in Breaking of Nations. edited by Iver B. they are first and foremost about something. Neumann and Ole Wæver. They are instruments. but instruments that can make us apprehend some part of the world. as well as to EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana). Referring to the work of Robert Cooper (policy adviser to former British prime minister Tony Blair. Arguments can be given in its favour. they are instruments that we design in order to apprehend some part of it. Page 70.)
The doctrine of metaphysical realism asserts that reality exists independently from our language and theories about it (contrast: idealism. He argues that ‘EU foreign policy-making appears as a cocktail of realistdriven assumptions. and MINUSTAH (2003–05). 2006: 46–47). Professor of International Relations at the Centre for the Study of Democracy. shaped by the human security agenda – and concluding that this shift in ‘paradigms’ ‘has not necessarily translated into radically new practical strategies. University of Westminster. although this label is never used: A theory. Keane (2006: 46) argues that the EU’s Security Strategy ‘can be endorsed by a realist practitioner or a human security practitioner. however: 'human language is always essentially descriptive.. the rhetoric about African ‘local ownership and capacity-building’ and ‘home-grown solutions’ – might be realist self-interest about not overcommitting and evading policy responsibilities (Keane.Rationality. which tends to characterize idealists/relativists.. and a pragmatic theory of truth. as the line between intervention based on peace and development versus intervention based on regime change becomes ever murkier’. Oslo Security Dialogue 2008.org/pdf/journal_articles/Security%20Dialogue%20-%20Human%20Security%20I. He also makes the point that it is difficult to say what motivations are selfless or selfish: realist theorists could argue for or against any selfinterest. Therefore. What seems like human security – for example. Reps don't influence reality—they're just descriptive Hans Mouritzen. Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of International Studies. and editor of the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding. 2006: 115. are all about some reality' (Popper 1973: 41). without examining the link to actual practices’ (Muggah & Krause. http://www. and can be interpreted or meant different ways – the impact of human security discourse proves Chandler 8
David Chandler. (1975: 8) This might for a second bring doubt to one's mind about Waltz's view: Are theories mere
instruments that can be more or less useful in virtue of their ability of produce adequate predictions and.7
. cites Kenneth Waltz. argument. that truth is correspondence with the facts (or with reality)' (Popper 1973: 44) (contrast a coherence theory of truth. hence.. father of structural
realism and Ford Professor Emeritus of political science @ University of California (The Future of International Relations. 2006: 47–48).of some state of affairs which may be real or imaginary. informed by what the authors see as
the weakness of ‘constructivist/critical International Relations’ – the tendency to ‘treat discourses as significant themselves. In an attempt to consider the relationship between discourse and practice.. while related to the world about which explanations are wanted. for example. for our subject matter does not fit the model closely enough to make the model useful—One must choose an appropriate to the subject matter' (Waltz 1975: 72). London. Muggah and Krause seek to examine the differences between pre. and an unambiguous description is always of something . language. A corollary of
realism is the correspondence theory of truth. 2006: 43). always remains distinct from
that world. instrumentalism)4 It is labelled 'metaphysical' by Popper.6 A further corroboration of this interpretation appears from Waltz's occasional reference to the nature of 'subject-matter' as an argument: 'The attempt to follow the general-systems model has been a misfortune.and post-human security interventions. Rory Keane (2006: 42) makes the point that it is ‘difficult to ascertain whether the EU looks at subSaharan Africa through a realist post-colonial lens or a human security lens’. 2006: 122). 'I accept the commonsense theory. In other words. guide our practice? The answer is no. Waltz obviously presupposes metaphysical realism.pdf
The chapter by Robert Muggah and Keith Krause is one of the strongest. Good theories reveal the causal mechanisms in this world. 427. Theories are not descriptions of the real world. but that is because of some kind of relation (or lack of relation) with the segment of reality at stake.

as will be seen in greater detail below. namely 'analyzing causal regularities in history' by comparing historical phenomena such as social revolutions. According to Badie there is. for instance . Badie points out that the factors most relevant to explanation vary with the context. Yet. Historical change may
invalidate a universal framework.have made a valuable contribution by defining and refining abstract concepts in order to operationalize them. This gives the criticism continued relevance.Se(k)urity 1. their concepts suffer from being based on a method designed to provide confirmation of an a priori theory. with the concomitant institutionalization and practice. On Weberian lines. Since societies do not function in a single way. In addition. but a plurality of modernities. A caricature of monocasual explanation that Badie often uses as an example is Robert Dahl's early claim that GNP growth determines the development of democracy. Badie argues that relations between social groups have to be looked at in context. Culture already gives rise to variations in behaviour among countries and regions in the western world. It is.0 199/224
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AT: ROOT CAUSE
No Root cause of conflict Anna Leander. a claim Badie challenges (1989a: 350). in many subjects. A theory developed in a context different from the one under analysis may obscure more than it clarifies. strong state) then B (development of a modern state. The 'less developed' will not necessarily evolve into the 'more developed'. 'pointing to the fact that political processes cannot be studied without reference to cultural variables' (1989a: 343). For this purpose Badie reverts to a specific brand of historical sociology. concepts are blithely transferred from one cultural and historical context to another and theories applied to widely different realities. including IR. so any deep-going sociological analysis must 'account for the totality of evolutive and devolutive factors'. There is little check on other possible causal factors. However. generalizing explanations are shaken by a third crisis which Badie refers to as 'a crisis affecting the relation to history'. account not only for that which develops but also for that which disappears (Badie and Birnbaum 1979: 92). with its gamut of concepts. democratization. however. a method to do so must also be developed. indicates possible future development. in addition to the difficulties caused by spatial expansion. methods and categories. but when we look
beyond it. The relevant factors for understanding 'state-building' in present-day developing countries are fundamentally different from those underlying the historical development of the states in western Europe. economic development) . A revolution in China is presumed to be the same as a revolution in Russia. Standardized categories pave the way for misleading parallels and impede understanding. Badie refutes the all too common teleological assumption that history is governed by 'historical laws'. However. Moreover. This approach aims at identifying common causes and structures underlying the events. or revolutions from above. the second crisis is a crisis of space provoked by the expansion of political science beyond the 'West'. In this sense. This first crisis leads to a second. Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Southern Denmark. Page 146. On the contrary. economic development.
. A main cause is sought and given a central position in an explanatory framework granted genera validity. in
other words. This type of explanation assumes that there is a specific logic underlying a system wherever and whenever that system operates. it is necessary to account for culture. Next Badie criticizes the approach of Skocpol and others.
Modernities in the Islamic world 'defy all known models. not one modernity towards which all countries evolve. linked to the cultures within which they have evolved. Badie explains this in terms of the plurality of rationalities. Neumann and Ole Wæver. To declare war on unicausal monodirectional theories may strike one as flogging a dead horse. or. which Badie calls a 'crisis of explanation'. The missing elements: history and culture The causes underlying the crisis Badie discerns in the social sciences clearly indicate the elements which have to be introduced to resolve it: history and culture. time changes the relevance of different variables. In more subtle forms the use of
monocausal explanations in academia remains widespread. According to Badie it assumes that the phenomena studied are essentially the same despite the underlying cultural diversity.1 First Badie argues that authors who use a general model to explain historical events . and their values are defined by culture. Badie sees this as the most common procedure in political science. edited by Iver B. Like culture. implicit in most monocausal explanations is the unidirectional assumption if A (differentiation. 1997. Finally. The past of these relations. it is almost inevitable that myopia will lead him to observe the causal relations posited by the model from the outset. can adequately explain events. its significance becomes even clearer.)
Badie's first crisis is the 'crisis of universalism' or the crisis of monocausal explanations. Having posited that social science can no longer apply a universal framework. What develops out of the present may be not a version of what already is. respect for history entails recognizing that we have no means of knowing the future. Since the model defines what the historian looks for. no single theory. In most cases it is the specific combination of construction of new structures and destruction of old ones which is important. there is an inbuilt inclination to select and interpret material to make it 'fit' the categories defined by the theory.which disregards the evidence that similar events or developments might have not only varying but opposite effects in different contexts. or in other words a crisis related to time. professor of IR (The Future of International Relations. by taking new forms which in no way repeat the history of the western state-building' (1987a: 219).Wallerstein. but something else.
History is necessary to place social groups and institutions in their proper context. Cites Bertrand Badie. Systemic theories as well as
reductionist and ahistorical forms of Marxism seem discredited and abandoned along with Grand Social Theory in most academic camps. not enough to stress that concepts must be historically contextualized. Badie argues that since people's
motivations and behaviour are linked to their values. for instance. democracy or dictatorship.

Neumann and Ole Wæver. MA in Interantional Economics and Global Theories from John Hopkins University. When one reads his advice to the reflectivists .0 200/224
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Abstract criticisms are academically invisible and irrelevant—only policy questions can accomplish anything. Princeton University.one can get the impression of a writer who is very much aware of how pragmatic one needs to be in order to be heard by mainstream scholars of International Relations. (The Future of International Relations. professor of International Affairs.that they are too marginal. Cites Robert O. But with the rationalistic turn in the second campaign in the 1980s Keohane had become an agenda-setter for which reason his research orientation must be considered as more than merely adaptation to actual development in the world. Be sensitive especially to the politicians' agenda.interdependence and the decline of American hegemony .
. are invisible . Keohane. 1997.)
AFF FWK
What does Keohane's success tell us in terms of how to pursue academic careers? Three thoughts come to mind.Se(k)urity 1. When Keohane entered both the first and the second campaigns the underlying topic he dealt with . Michael Suhr.was on the political agenda. First. edited
by Iver B. Page 114. it tells us to be topical.

He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield.
. In some senses.that of the President and many of the young people. adding to the potential for internal turmoil. were welcome and signs of common sense. Book: Defending the West. or possession of. Polity Press (pg. both mullahs in the mosques.Se(k)urity 1. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute.C. The West could not ignore such a conflict and it could not assume that an Islamist Iran would be benign.. or those with more international horizons. anti-Western tendencies. Princeton University. the underlying reality in the first years of the twenty-first century was murder and imprisonment of dissidents after 1998. preaching narrow political-religious doctrine. correctly) as being un-Islamic for sponsoring terror. and anti-US rhetoric means even with a US rhetoric change it would remain a problem Gow 5
James. 65-66) North Korea and Iraq were accompanied by Iran in President George W. Professor of International Peace and Security. whether local terrorist groups in the Middle East. still developing clear and other weapons capabilities. as
protestations that its programmes (aided inter alia by the Russian Federation) were purely for civilian purposes did not really add up. WMD. capability. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. given that the country is so overwhelmingly rich in other sources of energy that nuclear energy could not be necessary. Iran's quest for a nuclear capability could not really be disguised. The reason to link the three was WMD/I. Princeton University. Bush's 'Axis of Evil'. has to be a concern for the West: the Islamist mullahs may have largely lost the young people in Iran . Moderate impulses to agree to extensive and intrusive inspections of nuclear programmes. While Iran under Khatami has moved towards democracy and has taken on its form and institutions. murder and maiming. This indicated an authoritarian system. and that of
remnants of the revolutionary old guard. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. That prospect of internal violent conflict. While Iran's reformist
leadership under President Khatami had been seeking to move the country away from the Islamist revolution of the 1970s and towards a form of democracy. aiding and abetting others. with
WMD/I available. even if they did not prevail. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. particularly the
quest for. accompanied by anti-US. especially nuclear weapons. but there remain strong and powerful Islamist elements. But these also put pressure on the political moderates. and the Centre of International Studies. this was not the whole picture. torture.and many of them might have followed the line of the mullahs who since 2000 have had the courage to denounce their Islamist colleagues (on any reasonable understanding of Islam. and while ever Iran continued its pursuit of WMD/I. Columbia University. there were two Irans . with power structures still dominated by Islamist ideology in many respects .and in crucial ways.the majority of the population is under nineteen years of age . assisting international terrorists and generally oriented against the West. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. a nuclear capability.0 201/224
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IRAN IS AN OBJECTIVE THREAT
Islamist Iran is a threat – internal tensions. it constituted a considerable threat to the West. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. following the US-led action against Iraq in 2003. who could wreak havoc in an internal conflict. Until there was real political change. and in the intelligence and security services.

whether seeking to prevent it. an ambition held since the 1948 Partition that created Pakistan by the authorities in Islamabad. with India mobilizing around 1 million
troops and moving them towards the LoC and the Pakistani border. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. or. To outsiders.. particularly by promises to India from the US on behalf of Pakistan. Following attacks on the Indian parliament in December 2001. And for both sides and for the world. Book: Defending the West. then India. Thus the prospect of a new cycle of confrontation remained . Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. would be in a position to respond. Polity Press (pg. a period of tension grew. Pakistan might well have assumed that it could use its nuclear capability to neutralize India's largely airborne nuclear arsenal before it could be used . let alone that of the other side. Both countries had covertly acquired a nuclear weapons capability. 66-67)
The problem with proliferation of WMD/I was most clearly posed in June 2002 in South Asia.0 202/224
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INDO-PAK WAR IS AN OBJECTIVE THREAT
India-Pakistan war is a threat to the world – we have to deal with it Gow 5
James.
. Princeton University. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel.C.Se(k)urity 1. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. the Pakistani Inter Service Intelligence agency sponsored and organized an insurgent terrorist campaign against Indian forces on New Delhi's side of the LoC. The June 2001 confrontation was stopped a week before it started through international diplomacy.and Pakistan's use might well have been without political safeguards on the decision to fire. regarding control of the insurgents. Divided by a line of Control (LoC) following the 1971 war over the province between the two countries. where India and Pakistan went to the brink of nuclear war. that the Americans could not be sure to deliver. it was still limited in understanding its own position. Columbia University. should it occur. to take action to protect Western security. to complement India's apparent judgements regarding the prospects for using nuclear weapons.and the prospect of a threat to international peace and security that the West could not afford to ignore. Professor of International Peace and Security. With long-term pressures between the countries focused on Kashmir. and the Centre of International Studies. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. it appeared that neither side had adequate Command and control arrangements and policy communities that understood both this and their own capabilities.probably at an early stage. The result appeared to be that. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. a province formally in India but with a largely Muslim
population and political activists seeking transfer of the province to Pakistan. consistent with its no-first-use policy. there was the prospect of a war that would go nuclear . while refusing to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and eventually revealing their capabilities with highly publicized tests. the reality was quite likely otherwise. Princeton University. the capital. While Pakistan might well have had the better overall understanding. While India presumably calculated that an attack would not meet with a nuclear response and that if it did.

and the Centre of International Studies. Columbia University. Book: Defending the West. the hypothetical worst-case scenario of revanchist views dominating policy must be addressed by Western security policies. and the possibility that despite co-operation at some levels . He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. There are those in Moscow who would see Russia's
present position as being akin to that of Germany in the late 1920s: it is waiting to reconstitute its power and regain that of which it has been stripped.Se(k)urity 1. 67-68) 'WMD/I have also been a concern regarding the former Soviet Union. it does not mean that Russia can be ruled out when considering defence of the West. it was certainly a risk factor concerning the potential problems of weak state control and adverse social and economic impact. meaning that for some time ahead there will be nothing resembling the Soviet threat. it could re-emerge in a different light. was not very likely. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. as well as the scare of WMD/I falling to the wrong hands. its leading-edge research and development in some areas of technology (in all probability. while the complete collapse of Russia.notably political and economic Moscow still regards itself as being in strategic competition with the West. and military capability (although significantly diminished from the past) mean that it cannot be ignored in defence planning. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. For present purposes. economic and know-how assistance. the Institute of War and Peace Studies.. Equally. the likelihood of this view coming to dominate thinking in the political elite is of limited relevance. While each of these is inevitably tempered to a considerable degree by Russia's essential reliance on the West for
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RUSSIA IS A THREAT
Even if Russia is being peaceful now. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. the major former Soviet state. Princeton University. this aspect was of greater concern than any potential threat emanating from Russia's military inheritance from the Soviet Union. Moscow has
remained a chief concern in terms of Western defence for two reasons: its general prominence. has the largest armed force of any country between the Atlantic and the Urals and that while ever this is the case and the country is not solidly locked in an alliance.
. To some extent. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. given its record). even though Russia seems a waning military power. In some regards. What is crucial is the physical reality that Russia. Despite considerable co-operation since the end of the Cold War. Russia might emerge as a strong European partner. Princeton University. Presently in a period of convalescence and transformation. the West has to account for it defensively – risk of impact is too large Gow 5
James. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. Polity Press (pg. Professor of International Peace and Security. whatever its problems.

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CHINA IS A THREAT
Western defense strategy must account for all potential scenarios in Chinese development – even if a very dangerous China is unlikely, resource needs mean it can’t be counted out Gow 5
James, Professor of International Peace and Security, and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute, Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C., the Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University, and the Centre of International Studies, Princeton University. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council, a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel, Book: Defending the West, Polity Press (pg. 69-71)

China presents a bigger potential problem than appears to be accepted by many. In terms of its interest in aircraft carriers during the 1990s, Beijing gave some sign of being interested in a projection capability. Bearing in mind that for the Chinese the equivalent of the six-months view that constitutes 'long-term' for most Western policy makers could well be five or twenty-five years, the prospects for 2030 need to be considered judiciously. China already has enormous demographic problems and potential. As it develops economically and industrially, against the backdrop of its demographic position, it certainly cannot be excluded - and might well be very likely - that China will seek access to resources, especially in the Pacific. It is possible that this may be done through business, but there is some possibility that armed forces may be a relevant instrument in this context. Threats over Taiwan may not be the limit of Chinese coercion two or three decades hence - indeed action against Taiwan may be the first step in any programme to secure China's future. As noted in the UK Ministry of Defence's Strategic Context Paper in 2000,12 resource issues in the Asia-Pacific region can be anticipated. It should also be anticipated that China would be implicated in such questions. Any developments involving Chinese military power and projection would require US attention. At a minimum, a consequence of this would be reduced US attention to Europe, including the UK, balanced by the possibility of a need for as much European partnership with the US (inevitably including a number of countries, such as the UK). A gloomier (and, of course, extreme) scenario could see the US severely weakened by internal problems, including relations between Chinese communities and other groups, undermining domestic US strength. Bogged-down and drained in a complex struggle with China, the UK and Europe would be left in a strategic environment where the US notionally remained a member of NATO, but would already be diminished as an influence over the intervening period. The weight in European security, in this scenario, would have shifted to European
states – possibly with stronger and more positive links developing to Asia, in light of any US-Chinese conflict. This is an extreme scenario and one that may remain quite unlikely - especially if preventive action is taken to ensure that it does not emerge. However, as a worst-case scenario for planning, it may well be more likely than, say, the resurgence of a Russian threat, given that China is waxing, where Russia continues to wane, and that China will inevitably have to confront and find solutions for a number of major problems, including its

population and its economic development, as well as its enormous and increasingly enhanced military capability. It might be noted that an alternative, equally extreme scenario cannot be excluded - and would equally pose a major headache for Western
policy makers in 2030, or beyond. A Chinese puzzle of this kind might well lead to an implosion under the strain 6f change and growth that would see something akin to Yugoslavia -writ large. With communist rule and military command established on a provincial basis, there is a superficial similarity to the Yugoslav situation. This is compounded by similar kinds of social, econpmic and political disparity to those which characterized the Yugoslav federation in the 1980s, with the wealthier, modernizing, coastal areas apparently content for the time being to have wealth re-distributed to the poorer northern internal regions. The discrepancies between Shanghai, at one extreme, and Xiang province, at the other (and with the

latter also affected by elements of inter-communal unrest and local terrorism, possibly with links to the international network that is al-Qa'ida), are such that it is hard not to imagine a point where, one way or another, the pressures create more widespread difficulties and force a divorce that will implicate all provinces. In such a case, just as the break-up of the Yugoslav federation and the fall-out from the war that went with it posed immense challenges for the wider international community, it would be impossible to avoid Western involvement, politically or militarily, in the Chinese fission. While developments regarding China are too complex to foresee accurately, neither of the polar extremes considered above can be excluded. Defence of the West must be predicated on the capacity to deal with either possibility, or any other that might emerge. At one extreme, the outcome might
be a major power, acting in its interests and expanding its regional and international influence (entirely understandable and acceptable, from its own perspective - but a challenge to the West). At the other extreme, there could be a massive internal collapse under the pressure of transition. Or there could be challenging developments at any of the points on the scale in between. Most of all, following the logic of partnership advocated in chapter 6,

there might even be co-operation in the defence sphere, as an economically booming and politically adjusted, democratic China worked with the West. Whatever the outcome, China will be a major concern for Western security

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WATER WARS CAN’T BE IGNORED
Water wars could be a threat requiring intervention – they could spread Gow 5
James, Professor of International Peace and Security, and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute, Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C., the Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University, and the Centre of International Studies, Princeton University. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council, a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel, Book: Defending the West, Polity Press (pg. 71-72)

In terms of freshwater shortage and the consequent impact on local food production, the salience has been present in the Middle East and in parts of Africa for a long time - water rights was among the key Obstacles to Palestinian agreement to the Camp David peace terms in late 2000. Given the essential importance of water, there can be no doubt that one political actor or another might have reason at some point to use armed force in an attempt to secure a supply for itself. It might well be that another political actor's approach to control and distribution of water, in the context, could constitute a threat. Equally, in terms of rising water levels, it might well be that one political actor's behaviour could be judged as contributing to the potential for rising water levels and actual or potential flooding - with consequences for property, human life and, among other things, food production. That too might be deemed to be a threat and to require a response involving the use of armed force. And in an interconnected world, wherever there might be an issue that can be, or be seen as, a threat to one or more political actors and possibly requiring armed action, there is a problem for those with an interest in international stability as a whole.

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OIL/GAS SECURITY IS A MAJOR THREAT
Even with perfect relations from a change in discourse, intervention for oil or gas might still be necessary
Gow 5
James, Professor of International Peace and Security, and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute, Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C., the Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University, and the Centre of International Studies, Princeton University. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council, a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel, Book: Defending the West, Polity Press (pg. 72-73) What applies to water also applies to hydrocarbon fuels. The developed world depends to a considerable degree on oil and gas supplies, even though there is also considerable potential regarding recycled and renewable forms of energy. The key issue in terms of Western security is openness and stability in the countries and regions that produce and export these resources. In terms of gas production, by mid-century the main sources are likely to be Russia and parts of Central Asia, Iran and North Africa - notably Algeria - and possibly China. Western Europe could be almost entirely reliant on these sources and their supplies. At once, this can create a strategic vulnerability. In

part this vulnerability concerns hostile action by any one of the governments in question, which might simply terminate supplies -generally unlikely given mutual economic and business concerns, but not impossible. In part it concerns the potential for supplies to be impeded by political instability and armed conflict. In extremes, as with water, this might involve armed hostilities over those resources themselves - particularly where offshore fields are concerned, as well as where exploitation still has considerable scope for development, notably in the Asian Pacific. There is a similar situation, though perhaps even more aggravated, when it comes to oil. Again, the main issues are stability and openness (not control and price, as so many seem to believe).13 While the number of countries and regions involved on the supply side is perhaps more diverse, it remains fairly limited - and, as with gas supplies, the shadow of political change and instability hangs over the decades ahead Turning to alternative sources, at least in the short term, might well circumvent trouble in any particular case. This assumes a
diversity of suppliers and the possibility of maintaining good relations with all, or at least a majority, of them. In part, this can mean encouraging new alternatives - so Brazil, Mexico, Russia and Central Asian countries, as well as some African countries, might be some kind of alternative to traditional dependency on the Middle East for oil. However, the reality is and is likely to remain that the bulk of oil reserves will be in that region.

While good diplomacy and political relations could go some way towards safeguarding Western needs in general, and diversity is essential to avoid dependency on particular sources, there can be no doubt that situations might emerge which will require the use of armed forces to protect Western interests. This might be because of openly hostile political action, or it might be contingent on political fractiousness and armed conflict over those resources or surrounding them. The major
hypothetical example is probably Saudi Arabia, if it were to turn against the West under the influence of anti-Western ideologies supported by many in the country, or if there were political violence, a revolution, or armed conflict involving supporters of such ideologies, hostile to the al-Saud dynasty and the regime itself. In either hypothetical case, as well as seeking supplies and good relations elsewhere, action to restore regional stability and security might well be necessary. In situations short of this - and in the interest of avoiding such situations - the maintenance and development of good relations and partnerships that can foster stability and change is of great importance.

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ECONOMIC GROWTH IS A SECURITY CONCERN
Maintaining economic growth is a genuine defense concern – it’s the basis of stability Gow 5
James, Professor of International Peace and Security, and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute, Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield, the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C., the Institute of War and Peace Studies, Columbia University, and the Centre of International Studies, Princeton University. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council, a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel, Book: Defending the West, Polity Press (pg. 74-75)

Economics underpins any society - and the Western market system has been particularly successful in providing for social development and growth. As the twentieth century progressed, Western economies became ever more interdependent and reliant on openness and free trade. Historically, this applied to development within the borders of a state. This remains true and in some cases such

development continues to be protected. However, to a large extent trade and finance have become internationalized and transnational (the former means that they occur between two or more countries, while the latter means that they involve actors and activities crossing boundaries). The phenomenon of economic interconnectedness is often dubbed globalization, although much of the time the developments in question are more appropriately described as international. Globalization exists in a narrow range of economic (and related) activities, mostly depending on rapid means of communication. The principal example of this is the electronic linkage between different financial markets around the world, while the development of the internet more generally has created a global space with few breaks in the chain. However, even the internationalization of economic activity means that most Western countries - including the US - are vulnerable in some respects (and the details might differ) to international

pressures and change. This can mean business losses, job losses, inflationary pressures, or currency depreciation. It can mean a single business that conducts its operations across the borders of different states deciding to shift investment, employment and profits from one place to another. And it can mean networks of communication, information and benefit that are at once an asset and a strategic vulnerability to hostile action - if damaged in some way, the overall impact might be deeply wounding. Moreover, in an increasingly interconnected world, enormous disparities are likely to remain between those who benefit most and those who apparently lose out. Closer links can mean a sharper sense of differences - and so the potential for resentment that can be mobilized to support anti-Western political violence. Seeking to address these disparities proactively will be important, but being prepared to deal with any threats that emerge is vital. Connections count. The answer to the question 'Why does X problem in Y country affect me? Why should I care if we do something about it, or not?' is often not immediately apparent, but can emerge contingently through a handful of links. Maintaining international economic stability is a priority for Western governments and cannot be excluded from the defence equation

for NATO. as well as the creation of the international criminal tribunals for former Yugoslavia and Rwanda. however. both inter-communal and across borders. The risks.) From the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent Kurdish crisis in northern Iraq. would be more important for the preservation of stability than others. It was important that there was emphasis on consolidation of the state and the management of non-state-specific challenges to international peace and security. Book: Defending the West. the UK and their allies should uphold the ethics and values upon which their societies were based. which. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. Rwanda. The role of defence was to assist in the management of stability. Princeton University. terrorism. and the Centre of International Studies. the reality of international security became the need to limit the disorder essentially within the boundaries of those states. What some saw as a growth in armed conflict and disorder was really only a shift in focus. the spread of Weapons of Mass Destruction and the behaviour of so-called 'rogue states'. or nuclear attack. in line with US needs. These catalysed a process of creating new layers of stability
in the international system. this meant in Europe and on its periphery. or aspects of life. This understanding reflected the change resulting from a series of events in the early 1990s. Thus disorder in the Euroatlantic region and on its periphery was more likely to oblige Western countries to take action to maintain order than. NATO's role did not have to be exclusive to Europe and its periphery . human rights abuses. Defence was defence against instability. a question of homeland protection from massive physical threat. Professor of International Peace and Security. unconventional and terrorist type.indeed. it probably could not be.6 In short. With the basic position of the state within the international system firmly secured. 102-103) The approach adopted in the Strategic Defence Review took as its starting point the removal of any direct threat of attack on the UK with the end of the Cold War and the need to remove the straightjacket that the Cold War had imposed on strategic thinking. Polity Press (pg. which would also serve to limit the growing inevitability of physical attacks of an occasional.C. regarding the protection of the state from outside aggression. This did not mean. thereby demonstrating the nature of international order built through overlapping layers and interdependent actors:' A series of random encounters between critical situations and an international environment locked together by strata of
order and/depending on stability generated rapid and radical change. strike at the heart of security policy needs. Columbia University. Haiti and Angola. emphasis was inevitably placed on other sources of instability. It was a matter of responsible contributions to the maintenance of international peace and security. recognized the reality of interdependent order and formed new layers of international
peace and security. Above all. Not to do so would be to concede
democracy's high ground to those who would undermine it and to risk internal corrosion. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. it was vital that countries such as the US. Thus it was the risks to stability which required attention: the break-up and the break-down of states and concomitant conflict. Defence was no longer solely. While the need for stability characterized the international system broadly. whether a conventional
invasion. as instability: national security and prosperity were said to depend on 'stability. the experience of Western
countries demonstrates that there may be apparently low priority questions. freedom and economic development'. With direct action by one state against another unlikely to cause disruption in the international system.. disruption in Central Africa. or primarily. economic and normative well-being relied.0 208/224
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TERROR AND ROGUE STATES ARE THE BIGGEST THREAT
Their conception of the world is wrong – stability is the new form of security. the world. (See chapter 2. And it certainly did not mean that security in the Middle East or Asia would not matter. It then went on effectively to define the threat to the UK. in addition to dealing with those who posed physical threats to peace and stability. Somalia. the September 11 attacks and beyond. political. particularly the Western Allies. through the international engagement in Bosnia.-given the internationalized character of security challenges facing the West. as to all similar countries in a modern. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. it was undoubtedly the case that order in some parts of the world. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. following the end of the Cold War. that order in Africa did not matter and could not have impact. in reality.Se(k)urity 1. among other things. challenges and threats in all of these lay in the fact that the consequences of them 'may spread dramatically in an ever more interdependent world'. The allies had to be true to themselves. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. Princeton University. But. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Moreover. as it turned out.
. and interconnectivity means terror and rogue states are the major blockers of that Gow 5
James. international crime. interdependent world. to the most radical changes regarding Libya. The fulfilment of any one state's security policy requirement is a function of the credible and efficient operation of a collective body as a whole. It was vital for the Western democracies to preserve the stability upon which their interdependent physical. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel.

therefore. By redefining the notion of threat to international peace and security . the needs have become diametrically opposed. 58) The new use of Chapter VII powers.C.most notably armed aggression . to the states that formed international society . The scope and types of these threats to order and stability in general. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. turning on the nexus of international security and international law.the UN Security
Council had revolutionized the governing principle that protected states and the order upon which they depended'. The priority was the need to tackle problems with an internal source. and the Centre of International Studies. underpinned by sovereignty. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. Princeton University.and by definition.39 It also meant tackling regimes that posed questions for the international system.. Columbia University. This meant preventing internal disturbance from infecting the international body and affecting the majority of states that depend on the order. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. had been to protect the state against interference within its domestic jurisdiction and to maintain order by taking measures to stop external action . Princeton University. Now. Professor of International Peace and Security. represented a new stage in efforts to protect states and international society. The old notion. which thereby disturbed the peace. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. The critical challenge to peace and security has come to be protecting the order upon which states mostly depend from the disorderly repercussions of events inside the borders of problem states. And it meant tackling more nebulous non-state threats. Book: Defending the West. is the subject of the following chapter
.against states. and to Western
interests in particular. irrespective of the state boundaries from which they emanated. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. where this was contingent overspill from internal conflicts disrupting order.0 209/224
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AT: FAILED STATES AND TERROR ARE CONSTRUCTED
Failed states and terrorism are the major security threats – must be dealt with materially Gow 5
James. Polity Press (pg. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.Se(k)urity 1.

by 'weak'. as well as airliners. or destroy. but conceptually discrete. Iraq highlighted the logical dangers of a cocktail comprising anti-Western transnational terrorists. also took on a transnational character that is. or the quest for self-determination and changes to the map of relevant countries and the world. Its mission was to destroy the modern Western state system and replace it with
an Islamist pan-Islamic world. which dominated Afghanistan until late 2001 and which harboured al-Qa'ida and its leader. In some senses. on the other. Columbia University. This requires some attention to situations of weak statehood that give rise to an impact of this kind.
. within the limits of availability. Al-Qa'ida emerged in the 1990s as a phenomenon unlike any other. Equally. Book: Defending the West. While a key part of that threat concerns the damage that its politically motivated violence might cause. Princeton University. the latter might well be happier to offer that support in a grey zone rather than on territory they control. 'failing' or even 'failed' states (or a combination of the two).) Nonetheless. Second is that the ideology is inherently anti-modern and anti-Western . This was clearly one of the principal concerns over Iraq in the early part of 2003. then. for which they might be subject to sanction. Al-Qa'ida seeks to hijack Islam. is that of internationalized 'terrorism'. the problems of instability and weak statehood in one place can easily disrupt the position of Western countries -dependent on open communications and free trade. or to win the support and commitment of individuals anywhere. although there were always doubts in some well-informed quarters regarding the extent to which Baghdad and al-Qa'ida could work together. it is an international amalgam of groups which. one that crosses boundaries. particularly that governed by highly ideological Islamism and embodied in the al-Qa'ida network of Usama bin Ladin. In an 'interconnected' world. both its ideology and its composition. There are two vital aspects to understand about al-Qa'ida. or weak statehood. self-reproducing and propagating
qualities of a virus or the internet. in their transnational nature. (See chapters 1 and 7. Professor of International Peace and Security. by 'rogue' and.even where there is assistance of some kind from states. the Institute of War and Peace Studies.and those qualities make it inimical to the West and so a major threat. that makes the link with transnational communities. It has an organizational framework linking various local and regional groups into an international consortium promoting what for other Muslims is a perversion of the faith as the basis for destruction and suicide-mass murder. It has been described as a virtual state. and the Centre of International Studies. Al-Qa'ida is unlike anything outside a James Bond movie. because of its bases in com-munities in over sixty states. The problems associated with an outfit such as al-Qa'ida are contingently compounded by the challenges posed. narrowly focused on the aim of forcing US forces from the Holy Land of Saudi Arabia.whether these involve ineffective government and administration. The armed forces. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. but this is augmented by the possibilities of their fostering.0 210/224
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THREAT OF AL’QAIDA JUSTIFIES PRE-EMPTION
Al’Qaida is built to destroy the West and reshape the world order – means intervening in failing or rogue states which help al’Qaida is justified Gow 5
James. This meant the overthrow of governments in Islamic-dominated countries. The latter constitute a problem per se. could be used proactively and preventively in state-strengthening capacities. perhaps even more important is the capacity it gains through such action and through its strong antiWestern position to add smaller. lie outside any traditional framework of international peace and security. coupled with the international profile of al-Qa'ida. as well as perhaps needing to be involved in more belligerent roles to address conflicts or other threats emerging from weak states. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. And it has a structure characterized by the flexibility and mitotic. local groups to its network. as well as the maintenance of key values. from Mecca. on one side. Polity Press (pg. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield.whether for commercial gain. The first is that the movement is ideologically
driven. Statehood. if not the largest.3 There is something in this from a narrowly Clausewitzian trinitarian perspective. as Afghanistan showed above all. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. the support it builds can also be corrosive in the social fabric of the states it seeks to transform. a weak state can provide the opportunity for those involved in international terrorism to operate. However. This transnational character gives it a particular edge in terms of competition with modern states. promoting a narrow worldview that does not represent Islam (indeed. many senses). Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute.. security challenge in the world over the first half of the century. ideological commitment or the political convenience of an Alliance of sorts with an enemy's enemy. aiding and abetting al-Qa'ida or any similar group .Se(k)urity 1.C. or the nature of statehood and governance. Any places where formal state control does not run can be the breeding ground for such a group . it excludes large Parts of that faith and its adherents in the contemporary world. This was a worldview shared by the Taliban movement. To ensure economic and spiritual prosperity. Instability in many regions derives from problems of statehood . a world predicated on the vision of the seventh-century Middle East. the West needs a stable environment in which disruption of communications is minimized or non-existent. Princeton University. It is this last aspect. this movement was far more ambitious than this. constitutes perhaps the single most pervasive. a weak or antiWestern 'rogue' state and nightmare weapons systems.4 In reality. outside a normal state framework. 61-62) A major factor linked to the issue of transnational communities. at least.

7 This was simply a matter of economic collapse. or rogue states with WMD are a major security issue – WMD have massive destructive potential. given the degree to which internal cohesion was lacking. because of the type of damage they can inflict. however. more importantly. British Petroleum lost out heavily when its US$0. despite the major differences between them. particularly concerning mineral fuel resources. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. or related material and know-how . The major concern for such states has come to be the possibility that failing states. it is also these states that have generated the concerns and controls to minimize the possibilities of their use. failing. The second problem concerns 'rogue' states (which might also be weak
ones). He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. psychologically and politically.5 While it is the most advanced and modern states that have traditionally researched and developed the most dangerous weapons. Columbia University. their peculiar status. biological and nuclear. the
term 'rogue' denotes an actor who does not observe the rules and conventions of international society and might be regarded as actively seeking to challenge and disrupt that order and the stability and possibilities for communication and openness that it offers to others in that society. The first is that instability
and state breakdown. reflecting initial Prejudices and certainly creating a 'labelling' effect that limits possibilities for positive change . although it is both more general 1(1 less immediate. Weak statehood and access to WMD/I became a continuing concern with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and its succession by fifteen states.) The more important concern. Polity Press (pg. or an already weak state were to collapse completely.6 Importantly. but their impact is vast in other ways) are a major concern in and of themselves. There are two major concerns from a Western perspective. based on an understanding of what they might achieve.0 211/224
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WMDS MEAN WEAK AND ROGUE STATES ARE A THREAT
Weak. Princeton University. weak states and what might be called 'rogue' states. allowing weapons transfers either from the state's own capabilities. There are two problems with failing or weak states in this regard.. but.the T for 'impact' is because the destructive capability of these weapons is quite limited. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. However. Professor of International Peace and Security. However.Se(k)urity 1. each of which had some challenges to the quality and strength of statehood and all of which had previously been caught in the net of Soviet defence capabilities. (This was already a question before the deployment of US troops there in 2002 to assist the authorities in dealing with forces in the country linked to al-Qa'ida. The term
WMD/I covers three separate types of weapon .C. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. Each of these weapon types has different characteristics and potential and the issues they raise and how to deal with them can differ. At the mild end
of this scale.chemical. is the possible seepage of WMD/I weapons. Book: Defending the West. not only physically. weak states increase risks of spread. and the reason they are generally considered together.5 bn investment was lost in the desert of chaos and collapse. The term 'rogue' is potentially problematic. might create disruption in terms of population movements or damage communications. 'Rogue' states are a decisive threat if they are developing and possessing these weapons and can
use them to disrupt order and to confront Western power. and rogue states don’t follow norms to stop use Gow 5
James. it is not impossible that situations in a country
such as Georgia might have significant physical impact if further conflict were to affect it.and how to stem their proliferation
. 63-64)
Weapons of mass destruction or impact (WMD/I . Princeton University. to confront the West with these types of weapon. In each case. whoever possesses them.an attribute of nuclear weapons . especially regarding chemical and biological systems. and the Centre of International Studies. might be the source of WMD/I weapons transfers or development. But preventing their acquisition or use by anti-Western actors is paramount.or to have an impact. rests on their going beyond destruction to the capability to affect life mechanisms themselves so that their use is broadly regarded as unacceptable around the world. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. The first is that controls over whatever might exist regarding such weapons do not operate. already an issue in some of the former Soviet states. that which unites them is their potential either literally to
cause 'mass' "destruction .and states of concern (to the West) might be a more appropriate term. above all those at its Western political and economic core. or simply taking place on its territories because the state is not in a position to exercise control. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. or states of concern.

but as it turned out on a legitimate contract with the Yemen government. Professor of International Peace and Security. suggested inter alia by the electoral performance in Algeria of the Front Islamique du Salut at the end of 1991. sometimes also falling into the rogue category.. is a factor that makes these weapons an issue that Europeans cannot afford to ignore. it has also maintained a conventional military threat to its southern neighbour and it has developed a nuclear weapons capability. and the Centre of International Studies. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. given its strong presence in that country. Even the degree to which the Yemen authorities had begun to co-operate with the US to combat that organization's presence rather than face attack by the US might still only have tempered concern as the country had previously indulged Usama bin Ladin's network. North Korea certainly fits the weak or failing traditional pattern. Both of these systems would be capable of striking continental European targets. Chemical weapons may be a particular interest. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. The possible strength of Islamists. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. these concerns are both framed by the political character of the region. While failing states present the most serious challenges in terms of disorder and environments in which other threats can develop. That weapons capability plus a hostile anti-Western outlook would make it a threat. nuclear or other weapons of mass impact capabilities might pass into the control of other actors who might be more proactively hostile to Western interests. To some extent the same problem may apply regarding nuclear weapons.8 The latter include the Libya’s al-Fatah and Egypt's Badr 2000. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. However. is a particular strategic concern for Europe.
. to sign the Chemical Weapons Convention in January 1993. present serious challenges with a more traditional aspect. Polity Press (pg. as well as parts of the Middle East. or even around the Mediterranean. The compound of internal weakness and potential collapse makes it especially troublesome. Columbia University. the Middle East. Princeton University. such as Asia. the fear must have been that the weapons were destined for al-Qa'ida. However.9 The boat was headed for Yemen. Underpinning the development of chemical and possibly nuclear capabilities in North Africa and the Middle East are two other factors.C. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. There are several areas where proliferation might be a concern. Reluctance in North Africa. The risks include the possibility that either for money or simply through inability to maintain control. This may well be
why US forces intercepted a North Korean vessel carrying ballistic missiles on the high seas in 2002. While it has hovered on the verge of internal collapse for many years. because their immediate and significant impact could only be on European countries. Book: Defending the West. against a background of knowledge and well-founded suspicion about capabilities cannot be ignored as a factor shaping the strategic environment. The existence of
delivery systems. The uncertainty about their potential warheads adds to this. These are the political evolution of the region and the development of Tactical Ballistic Missile delivery systems. in itself.0 212/224
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WEAK STATE PROLIF MUST BE CHECKED
Unchecked weak or rogue state prolif causes nuclear attacks or terror against the west Gow 5
James. Princeton University. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. counter-proliferation issues are considerable. 64-65) Whether nuclear or chemical and biological.Se(k)urity 1. a range of weak states.

held emotionally as well as intellectually. there is in the end no way to decide whether a movement is critical or not. except by Walker's declaration of its status." We will pay particular attention in this chapter to the feasibility of developing a conviction. Equally. know 'that to challenge a specific dam is to challenge the economic. and it ties state. for a reason: In
the 1980s there is a widespread absence of this kind of conviction with respect to either the abolition of the global nuclear threat or to operational peace. it becomes difficult to understand why the sovereign state has been such a long-lasting principle. Critical movements have a consciousness of the way means and ends are dialectically related. inward. People need a
"picture" of the world in the not-distant future that shows. backward-looking. nor annihilating histories as do the reactionary movements. If definite and visible progress were being made toward these goals. and people and political identity are located outside the state. nationalistic movements? And why is it necessary that a critical movement should have a knowledge about the whole. that he recently warned against 'a romantic strategy of "listening to the movements" '. political. who 'the people' are seems to have little status outside Walker's own choice. Page 328. 'tells the people who they are'. (The Future of International Relations. but to visualize strategies they never thought of before to achieve it. he seems in other words to be moving towards a more critical perspective on the critical movements (Walker 1994a: 674
The alt fails without a roadmap—specific strategies are key to mobilizing change. that we really can achieve peace—thus converting the "vicious circle" to a "virtuous circle. They might romanticize the will of the people (a trap that One World. second. it 'tells us who we are'. the belief in their possibility would be more widespread. ignore the conflicts of interest that can arise between social movements. The account of critical movements can be criticized on several points. edited by Iver B. The
problem here is a circular one. Many Worlds tends to oppose people to states. they are not (only) concerned with state power as are conventional movements. and cultural assumptions of a whole society' (Walker 1988a: 67)? In Walker's defense it
should be added. Richard Smoke. Finally they explicitly reject violence (Walker 1988a: 78-9. Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of Copenhagen. and peoples that do not enter significantly into the calculations of conventional political actors or that are denied by movements of a more reactionary character' (Walker 1988a: 3). Critical social movements can potentially rearticulate political identity in ways which question the identity provided by the sovereignty. It is also difficult to see why critical movements should have a higher knowledge about the world. social. But making a dichotomization of state versus people goes against Walker's own theoretical account of the principle of state sovereignty which argues that the major reason why the principle of state sovereignty is so powerful is because it answers the question of political identity. Many worlds itself is not wholly successful in avoiding).)
Walker distinguishes between critical social movements and conventional or reactionary ones. This current situation is a "vicious circle. One World. processes. concretely. are not closed. pg 75) We dwell on this point. 1997. Neumann and Ole Wæver. and third. We believe that the widespread absence of this belief in real possibility is one of the most important hindrances to actual progress toward these goals. and critical social movements to elites. That belief would in turn motivate many talented individuals to work on these challenges—the result of which would probably be further progress! Instead. optimistic. General concepts such as our nine paths to peace are not enough. ). When 'the state' is restricted to purely institutional. Theories or ideas— about. a future world system—are not enough. and they appear therefore as a or sometimes even the positive actor.0 213/224
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AT: WALKER
Social movements fail—either devolve into violence or assume a flawed model of identity. and Willis Harman." The presence of such a belief would motivate serious. Lene Hansen. governmental definition. forward-looking work that could accomplish much. which may perhaps seem obvious. and their own action in it. at least in the foreseeable future. "People who have felt helpless in the face of the nuclear confrontation between the superpowers and for whom a weapon-free world simply is not thinkable have found themselves not only able to picture a demilitarized social order. Experimentation shows that a plausible image of a task accomplished or being accomplished is much more powerful in convincing people of the real possibility than theories and concepts alone are. professor of political science. First.Se(k)urity 1. for instance. the contemporary absence of clear progress discourages individuals from such work. People wish for these things."6
. Toward the Belief in Possibility How might a real belief in the possibility of peace be attained? Most people seem to need an image of how peace could be achieved. One has to wait until p. however. but many lack conviction that they are achievable. say. president of the Institute of Noetic Sciences. 111 in the celebration of critical social movements before the temptations for these movements are listed. despite the attempt to define them as 'distinguishable in part by their capacity to recognize and act creatively upon connections among structures. people and political identity together. than.
(Paths to peace: exploring the feasibility of sustainable peace. mistake the interests of particular groups for universal interests. thus contributing to the absence of progress. As one researcher explains the effect of this image. the goal achieved or being achieved. as it is no longer answering the decisive question of political identity. 1987.

resource depletion. It brought together 50 Councilors from all continents. The danger posed by nuclear weapons in any hands must be confronted directly and urgently through a new initiative for the elimination of these instruments of annihilation.org/articles/2007/05/17_krieger_Responsibility_In_An_Era. At the conclusion of the four-day meeting.
David Krieger. reps. 2007 AM)
to building a better world. These weapons would destroy cities. Our actions – and our failures to act – will decide the future of life on earth for thousands of years. countries. May 17. Those of us alive now have the responsibility to pass the world on intact to the next generation. 2007.” online: http://www.” The Call to Action is a challenge to each of us to take responsibility for assuring a positive future for humanity and for preserving life on our planet. President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation. It began. but also the effects of what we are doing upon future generations. a document calling for action to protect the future of all life. civilization and possibly humanity itself. pollution and global warming. or kritikal implications-we have an ethical obligation to pass the world on to future generations.
The inaugural meeting of the World Future Council was recently held in Hamburg. The decision lies with each one of us. if not forever. and to assure that our actions do not foreclose the future.wagingpeace. the Council released the Hamburg Call to Action. co-operate and innovate together in building a world worthy of our highest aspirations. We must share.”
. The Hamburg Call to Action is a great document and I urge you to read and reflect upon it. Germany.htm. “Responsibility in an Era of Consequences.” We are challenged to consider what we are individually and collectively doing not only to radically undermine our present world through war and its preparation.Se(k)urity 1. chosen for their diversity and pioneering commitment
“Today we stand at the crossroads of human history. But I draw your attention specifically to the section on nuclear weapons: “Nuclear weapons remain humanity’s most immediate catastrophic threat. The document states: “Today there is no alternative to an ethics of global responsibility for we are entering an era of consequences.0 214/224
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CONSEQUENCES/ FUTURISM OUTWEIGHS
A discussion about nuclear consequences comes before any discourse. accessed August 12.

however. into their overall moral assessments. (William. because of the complex factual issues and number of Persons likely to be affected. For one thing.
. Although it is clearly good even on utilitarian grounds that we have a repugnance to making threats of immoral behavior. consequences of the contemporary practice of deterrence— nuclear proliferation—and on assessing accurately the feasibility of alternatives to the current arms race. even where P6 would condone it. nuclear policy is the one that. such as the chances of a nuclear accident. historical and political (as opposed to merely game-theoretically supposed). A moral theory with significant consequentialist strands would seem to be necessary to give these sorts of considerations their due.2 1984 AM) Of all the moral issues that face us today." Ethics. "Nuclear deterrence and deontology. most cries out to be handled in consequentialist terms. Ethics.0 215/224
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NUCLEAR UTIL GOOD
Nuclear policy requires utilitarianism. 94. Political and Social Philosophy Professor.Se(k)urity 1. Much hangs on the real.deontological focuses ignore the realities of nuclear weapons Shaw ‘84. such discussions do not easily integrate finely grained factual issues or questions of probability. the limits of a narrowly deontological perspective are soon obvious. London School of Economics.

geography. The West has to be understood primarily in terms of values. 6-7)
Defending the West matters to Humaira. Princeton University. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. Professor of International Peace and Security. Columbia University. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C. which means that ultimately it is a shared sense of security.0 216/224
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WEST K2 ALL PEOPLE
Defending the West key to all people – 3 warrants Gow 5
James. would have knock-on effects. Book: Defending the West. And the final level comprises the undermining of openness and the liberal values that allow them to grow as individuals. of that which needs to be defended. Hasan and all the others on three levels. multivalent communities. and the Centre of International Studies. that defines the West. The first of these is physical attacks on Western countries that might hit them or their families directly.. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council.Se(k)urity 1. and those values have to be defended along with sociopolitical stability and both persons and property. The second involves the way in which the ripple-effect of disruption and instability in some other part of the world threatens their livelihood and well-being. and if not. (pg. Princeton University. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. within living.
. Polity Press.

this less than rigid definition of 'the West' has to take account of the major features that can be generally described as characterizing the West.the West . a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel.indeed it would be hard to produce a better or more condensed reading of that which has fed into and constitutes the West.and self-perception of security. This sense.C. this might also be unsatisfactory when considering defence of the West. While it would not be impossible to seek through rigorous logic to pin down a
narrow definition of the West. There are key features that can be described as being generally applicable to the content of the West -especially their co-occurrence. However. Book: Defending the West. Princeton University.. of course. who nonetheless provides an excellent discussion of the West and its
complements and competitors .0 217/224
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AT: WEST=EXCLUSIONARY
West isn’t exclusionary – it has fuzzy edges based on self-perception Gow 5
James. Huntington's context for the use of that term is a little more problematic and leads him to miss reflexivity
as one of the essential qualities of 'the West' whatever its content. It is a phenomenon created by factors such as
geography. philosophy and identity. the West has fuzzy edges for security purposes and is ultimately to be defined in terms of other. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. religion. of the West is somewhat more flexible and open than that offered by Samuel Huntington. Polity Press. and the Centre of International Studies. Princeton University. This is one of the reasons to recognize the need for a flexible and inclusive approach to definition of the West (while acknowledging that ultimately any
such terms will always of necessity be exclusive10). is to offer a soft definition of the West. 7)
That which needs to be defended .is.9 as discussed below. but one that is defensible. politics. as can be seen below. Thus. The West to be defended is a construction emerging from the interaction of those who believe themselves to be part of that which is threatened or part of the collectivity that must participate in protecting the West. both in intellectual terms for the present purpose and (because of that purpose) for those engaged in the practice of defending the West. a construction. Professor of International Peace and Security.
. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. Those interactions include the political discourse of security and practical and operational security commitments. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. culture. However. (pg. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. To take this approach. history.Se(k)urity 1. Columbia University.

and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. Polity Press. and the Centre of International Studies. It is the openness to enquiry and the space allowed for individual intellectual development that has been a spur to the evolution of the West. This core value gives rise to the way in which others manifest themselves in Western societies . or pluralist and representative politics. McNeill celebrated as The
Rise of the West. that ultimately makes the West different. the core of the ideological conflict between the West and the communists was that of the
individual versus the collective. there have been moments of presumed infallibility in the West. Book: Defending the West. where change is assumed on the grounds that no rulers can be perfect. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. Princeton University.the 'clash' between the Islamist ideology coupled with political violence sponsored by the al-Qa'ida network of Usama bin Ladin (UBL) and its affiliates. and the West. the rule of law. whatever the defects in practice over time. All of this constitutes values that both represent and generate Western power. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. as the bull's eye.0 218/224
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WEST IS SELF CORRECTING
West is self-correcting – means West will divert toward democracy and good rule Gow 5
James. The focus on individualism.a focus on the individual rather than the collective. McNeill demonstrated the growth of Western technical culture in relation to the emergence and dominance of Western power.or because of . He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield.Se(k)urity 1.16
. Of course. scientific enquiry. that marks out the West is at the core of the values
and culture on which Western societies depend. or. is the sense of fallibility and self-correction. coupled with . including the Spanish Inquisition and the Third Reich. omniscient or comprehensive. with America . To a large extent the same is true in terms of the conflict that came to dominate the globe in the early twenty-first century . Professor of International Peace and Security. 9-10) Perhaps the
greatest hallmark of the Western way. the natural scientific investigation that led to the technological mastery that underpinned what William H. both in analysis and in practice.15 In his magisterial analysis. or politics and liberties. (pg. Princeton University.C. though often overlooked. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel.. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. indeed.whether artistic creativity. But it is the sense of fallibility and so of testing knowledge theoretically and empirically. This is the case whether in terms of art and high culture. In the twentieth century. Columbia University. rather than collectivism. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute.

and the Centre of International Studies. it would take little to spread the impact among alleged-kin communities in a world of transnational communities that have homes or links in at least two countries. above all within the EU. It is a clash between
ideologies. reflecting different interpretations of the faith. no matter whether its role in the world is actually beneficial or harmful. for example.21 There is not a clash of civilizations. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. would be to mobilize support among co-religionists. and between those who embrace the Western-dominated international state system and international society. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute.C.. like other religions or international social movements. but there is a clash. One point of this. apparently corrupting a great faith along the way. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield.22 The use of 'Islamist' indicates a particular ideology. would have undoubted impact on others. and so legitimate targets. 11-13) And yet there is perhaps something to Huntington's analysis. Polity Press.
focused around promotion and protection of the individual and concomitant values. including the prospect of further terrorist activity. American power. Book: Defending the West. Countries might be ipso facto Islamic. no matter
what their ethnic. even within Islamism. but concern might justifiably emerge in the West if Islamist pressures in a country were to shape that country's exterior policy . Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. This could happen simultaneously in many countries. and to foster internal tensions. Professor of International Peace and Security. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. This means. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. one of the central issues for Islam in the Islamist trend is the degree to which it indicates
diversity of opinion and debate. and those who advocate collectivism and insularity. as well as the relevance of that kind of input in the contemporary cultural and political environment.0 219/224
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WEST GOOD: NEED TO DEFEAT ISLAMISM
Failure to defeat radical Islamism causes a return to pre-modernity. there is a need to balance problems of security . politics and the world. who would return to the seventh century. above all. has considerable variety within it. This difference is between those who regard violence as being unacceptable. increased terrorism. there is an imperative for Western governments to acknowledge the role of various
cultural inputs. While the benefits of inter-communal mixing and interaction can be immense. Indeed. because it is the US which. Thus. and acute social fissures Gow 5
James. Given the effect of modern communications in conjunction with images as messages. Above all. Columbia University. one of the biggest challenges to stability for the West concerns social cohesion. in which modernity is a corrupting force and in which the representatives of modernity – including Muslims contaminated by it – are enemies.241
. such as using terrorist means. Those who do adopt violent means are only a minority even among those who accept this apparently radical version of the faith. but reflecting a particularly narrow view of Islam.the human faithful . which. historically. Princeton University. including Islam. political-security forces and between civilization and anti-civilization. There
is a clash of armed ideologies and worldviews. There is an important political dimension to this
because the brand of Islamist extremism in question is founded on discontent and anti-Western sentiment.dealt with in the final chapter . It is a clash between modernity and the political-religious Luddites of Islamism. chemical weapon attacks. cultural or political background otherwise.Se(k)urity 1. Princeton University. if
mis-manipulated by those seeking to bring down the West. and those who regard the infidels as not being God's creatures. there is a division.as was the potential in Algeria.23 This ideology is distinguished from Islam.or not. (pg. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. This analysis assumes that Christopher Coker's notions of 'postAtlantic' and 'post-Western' fall into line with the judgement that any sense of 'cultural' or 'civilizational' clash is predicated on the understanding that this means 'a distinctive mode of existence' not an 'ideal'. The impact of violent Islamist action in one Western state. claiming to derive from the teachings of the Prophet. placing pressure on governments at both the national and institutional level. the result might be to create social fissures. It is a clash between those who embrace modernity (and even postmodernity) and those who are anti-modern. or to make them more acute. while the proponents of Islamism seek to monopolize the truth and promote only one view of the world. and those who reject the state system and seek an ideologically defined realm. Indeed.with those of inclusion and openness. This might be either as an act of coercion (to gain a political response) or as an act of destabilization (the presence of significant Arab communities in France and Spain would put internal stress on those societies and their character as political communities). Adoption of the ideology does not necessarily connote a commitment to political violence. The potential success of the Front Islamique du Salut in the 1990s might have resulted in a situation where the use of chemical weapons against southern Europe became conceivable. However. given that the Prophet teaches that it is wrong to harm any of God's creatures whether among the umma . Recognizing that this is essential to
the West is also relevant in managing reactions to Western power. is the focus for jaundiced rejection of that which is American and Western. between those who embrace ideas of individualism and openness. from the perspective of the Islamist terrorists.

tolerance and self-limitation. political and security concerns are shared broadly by most governments around the world . at a broader
level.although a comparison between Islam and the West is additionally problematic. there are common bonds which. who emerged from emigration from Europe. Nonetheless. individual rights. there are over 30 million Muslims living in the European Union's Member States potential not necessarily harnessed for the greatest strengthening effect by European political leaders to date. Indeed. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. which webs and the layers of stability on which they rest are the product. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. Polity Press. These values are not geographically specific and may be wholly or partially relevant to politics. cannot be set aside. interpreted as
a non-geographic label. of Western achievement. the West is defined primarily as a set of values.Se(k)urity 1.and virtually all of them depend on webs of interaction that rest on international stability. are its flag-bearers. Columbia University. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. cultural. Book: Defending the West. given the moment at which he was writing. 13-14) America sits at the political core of the West in the early twenty-first century and has done so for much of the previous century. The West. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. Indeed.0 220/224
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WESTERN WAY OF LIFE BROADLY ACCEPTED
Western way of life is inclusive and broadly accepted – its focus on values is the basis for inclusion. if the success of fast food and films. watch Hollywood films and wear jeans while planning how to blow up an American airliner. effectively. finance and business. This is true whether it is Western Christianity's reaction to the emergence
of Islamic faith around 700. This is because Islam is part of the West. for example. and its social and material products are desired worldwide Gow 5
James. acceptance and consumption of Western
products does not mean being part of a wholly shared realm. Of course. it is clear that the benefits of the Western way. (pg. Princeton University. It has the potential to be universal in some aspects -and some in the West seek to achieve this. Western Europe occupies its historical and cultural wealth. Sets of values might be compared . in terms of culture and values. This is in contrast to the somewhat facile approach taken by some who ask how. the historical impact of Islamic-oriented cultures in Europe (such as the grandeurs of Granada. on the political hand. are attractive almost everywhere they go. Economic.the core value. The West is a way of life. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. At its core is a set of values predicated on openness . a geographical region can be 'compared' to Islam as a religion. economics. much of that which makes the West has made it dynamic and open. are fair measures. while not necessarily absolute and certainly not irrespective of cultural specificities. But the
West is not necessarily exclusive.C. and democracy. These qualities constitute material interest and values (and the latter themselves constitute an interest).. on the popular cultural hand. which must be preserved and promoted through security policy. it should be understood. Princeton University. However. or the contemporary role of various Muslim communities in Western societies. For example. as Huntington astutely points out. and the Centre of International Studies. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. Western states depend on a stable order and openness. and create shared interests in a system predicated on the openness characteristic of the West. Rather. and above all the American way.
. Professor of International Peace and Security. or the Turkish baths and cuisine of Central Europe). Because of this. as well as politics. it is possible to drink Coca Cola. society or ethics. fallibility. Other 'settler' communities around the globe. founded on qualities such as openness.

3-4) UK Prime Minister Tony Blair sought to set a 'new style' for British politics and for his own leadership when he addressed the UK House of Commons Liaison Committee in July 2002. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. certainly. he said. while there has been limited discussion over the legality and the wisdom of action regarding Iraq. nor of the logic that requires further change. In the course of this session he also raised two issues. and all who benefit from international order.including the practical 'how' part of the equation noted by Blair. that offered the prospect of changes in international affairs that would be far more substantial and important than any changes in British politics. perhaps immediate. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. in particular. if possible. by the rights pertaining to sovereignty. action is required.2 This chimed with statements from US Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. generally. One concerned proaction to bring about 'regime change' in Iraq. (pg. liberal approach to the use of force and the protection traditionally offered. if circumstances dictated..the only question was how this was to be done. Facing the threats and challenges that confront the US. Columbia University. rather than to continue unaware of change. Polity Press. Professor of International Peace and Security.3 It also chimed with an earlier declaration (made in passing) by UK Secretary of State for Defence Geoff Hoon that the legal framework had been changed and would be again. if the West. The events of 11 September 2001 had made it clear. This is probably the most radical change in international society for over 300 years. that there could be no sense in waiting for something to happen before responding .Se(k)urity 1.C. Princeton University. and the Centre of International Studies. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. reflected in the US National Security Doctrine. But the concept of self-defence has not been changed with the times and so needs to be modernized and made appropriate to twenty-firstcentury conditions. and the definition and needs of defence have already
changed. The other suggested a radical change in the concept of self-defence. and. both in response to questions on Iraq. But the change involved is necessary. Princeton University. International order has already changed. the change raises a series of questions which have to be addressed .4 Hoon's statement reflected the considerable change that had already taken place regarding the concept of self-defence. Yet. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. political and security terms. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. the UK and others demands pre-emption. urging a doctrine of 'pre-emptive' action. Book: Defending the West.debate that could create dangerous delays at moments where timely. or to be distracted with debate over whether change is appropriate or not .0 221/224
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A2: K OF CRISIS – MUST ACT NOW
Can’t debate the validity of pre-emption – must act now to solve Gow 5
James. reflecting an inevitable seismic change in the Western. The need therefore is to understand the altered parameters of
self-defence as a legal-political-security concept.it would be better to act first. though they would also constitute a 'new style'.
. as well as pre-figuring even greater change to come. there has been no sense of the vast change in the notion of self-defence that occurred after 11 September. To be sure. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. are to be defended. to stop Iraq's potential to use Weapons of Mass Destruction . in legal.

They were.
at root. in legal terms.although the US implicitly allowed that this might be a complementary reason. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. nuclear weapons with which to challenge the West could not be dismissed. crucially. But. (pg. Iraq's uncompromising. even though the armed action against Iraq was not pre-emptive self-defence. Professor of International Peace and Security. 4-5) Sharp . Princeton University.though Washington.. the same action would have been necessary. Princeton University. defined by obsession with the worst of weapons and pitiless violence. there was also the more contentious and debatable issue of its harboring and fostering links with al-Qa'ida. an enforcement action. made him the real threat. Book: Defending the West. and other capitals even including London. the Institute of War and Peace Studies. held different views on the significance of those links. Columbia University.mostly negative .
whose personality.8 And. even if it was not actually the basis for action . mostly concerning the US National Security Doctrine of September 2002 and looming action over Iraq. The combination of personality. perhaps the core of the problem was Saddam Hussein himself. Thirdly. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. finally. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. irredeemable leader.discussion of pre-emption marked discourse around the world in late 2002 and early 2003.6 The group that had turned 11 September 2001 into the event known as September 11. rogue state and potential collaboration with al-Qa'ida was such that pre-emption was relevant. it could have been. DC. They were about persistent non-compliance with international legal obligations and defaulting on the terms on which international military action against Iraq had ceased in 1991. and the prospect of potential collusion with it. Iraq was judged to be a threat. and the Centre of International Studies.5 The US-led military operations against Iraq in spring 2003 were not really pre-emption. And it would have to have been just as pre-emptive self-defence. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel.Se(k)urity 1. its continuing pursuit of chemical. First. biological and. on different levels. it posed a threat in terms of its anti-Western position (perhaps the only regime to celebrate September 11 publicly). Polity Press. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D.C. Secondly. Without
the compliance framework.0 222/224
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IRAQ INVASION ETHICAL
Iraq invasion was ethically necessary – non-compliance and a multitude of threats justifying pre-emption Gow 5
James.7had some links
with Baghdad . He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield.
. or 9/11.

That means an adjustment of the rules to define the acceptable terms for pre-emption.0 223/224
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PRE-EMPTION ETHICALLY NECESSARY
Pre-emption ethically necessary – self-defense should be re-defined Gow 5
James. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. if the essence of the West is to be retained. Princeton University. it needs to be changed. The point should not be to say that pre-emptive action is against the rules.
. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. rather than set aside. who stated the raw case for pre-emption. While the necessity of action has to be recognized. has to change. it is important also to preserve the Western ethos in doing so. Where the law is
anachronistic. embedded in customary international law and politics. and in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. while vital. and the Centre of International Studies.C. such as US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld. needs to be founded on recognition of rules. (pg. Princeton University. For the twenty-first century. Book: Defending the West. But that shift to pre-emptive self-defence.Se(k)urity 1. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. nor that the rules
do not matter. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. Columbia University.needs a shift to embrace pre-emptive self-defence. which appeared to be the position of some.and international society as a whole . Polity Press.. Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. The traditional concept of self-defence. defending the West . the Institute of War and Peace Studies. as so many politicians and commentators did in the context of Iraq. Professor of International Peace and Security. 5)
Necessity and power are not sufficient.

the Institute of War and Peace Studies. Polity Press. To many of those who reject pre-emption. there is no point arguing that the rules do not permit pre-emptive action.especially experts and political activists.Se(k)urity 1. Columbia University.. believed. Pre-emption without attention to the rules would indeed be dangerous. Princeton University.C. The dangerous fantasy. it was a dark spectre.
. the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington D. folded in with a range of fears about peace and stability in the world and worries about apparent or potential misuse of American military power. is not to articulate pre-emption. 5-6)
Pre-emption is highly controversial. a member of the British Film Institute In-View Advisory Board and a member of the ESRC/AHRC ‘Global Uncertainties’ Development Panel. but what the parameters of that change must be. However. It worries many people as a matter of principle . Gow is a permanent nonresident scholar with the Liechtenstein Institute. to many of them the idea that rules were being broken was of vital importance and gave great energy to concerns and protests -including the largescale protests involving millions of people in different countries in the run-up to the Iraq operations in 2003. The crux of this is to understand the evolutionary character of international law and its relationship to politics -politics. practice and precedent contribute to the maintenance and the development of international humanitarian law. Princeton University. as I shall argue ultimately in this volume. as well as political activists. The real issue is not whether to change the scope of the right to self-defence to accommodate pre-emption. At the same time. And
it is a matter of concern to ordinary people. But the need for preemption was real and necessary. or that its advocacy can be sustained without attention to changing the rules. Professor Gow is currently Chair of the Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism Advisory Council. And there is equally no point at the other end of the spectrum w believing that the rules do not matter. (pg. He has held visiting positions at the University of Sheffield. Book: Defending the West. as many ordinary people. but rather to believe either that its adoption is not a genuine imperative. and Director of the International Peace and Security Programme. The rules do matter.0 224/224
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PRE-EMPTION DOESN’T VIOLATE I-LAW
Pre-emption doesn’t violate international law – I-law must change Gow 5
James. advocated by what
were thought to be dangerous fantasists of American imperialism. and the Centre of International Studies. But they can and have to change to accommodate the new realities of international security. Professor of International Peace and Security.