Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) is a non-partisan political, economic, social and democratic accountability movement founded in 2011 in pursuit of the realization of the societal objectives enunciated by the Zimbabwe People’s Charter adopted at the Peoples Convention on 9 February 2008 in Harare, Zimbabwe.

Today, 19
October, 2015, marks exactly 29 years to the day President Samora Machel of
Mozambique was killed in yet unclear circumstances, though of course the
greatest suspicion has been placed on apartheid South Africa. He was 53 years
and had been in power for 11 years.

As a Zimbabwean,
and from my born-free perspective, I never had an opportunity to see or meet
Cde Machel; when he passed on I was only a few years old. But growing up, I
came to know more about this foreigner just through the sheer recognition and
appreciation, albeit posthumously, that was so apparent within the broader
Zimbabwean society.

My understanding
of the legacy that Samora Machel left has become deeper over the years, as I
have sought to really understand why a person, a foreigner for that matter, can
be such a celebrated figure in a foreign country. It is this interaction with
history as told by others that has expanded my appreciation of this legacy that
we celebrate today.

Today, as we
commemorate this life well lived, there are a number of things that stand out
about this great African revolutionary. I associate Cde Machel with
organizational excellence particularly for his role firstly in the independence
struggle of his country Mozambique and also his role in the bloc known as the
frontline states. Indeed, he led from the front in defeating the Portuguese
colonial hegemony in Mozambique, which victory became a strategic turnaround
and precursor to the eventual demise of the Rhodesians.

This is coupled
with orchestrating the revolutionary self-sacrifice that was shown by the
people of Mozambique, who having got their independence earlier were able to
understand that you can never enjoy your independence to the full when your
neighbour is still in bondage. It takes great organizational and persuasive
guile to convince a people to sacrifice for another, moreso given the poor
state of their country at that particular time. We all know and acknowledge today
how Mozambique became a strategic base for liberation fighters fighting the regime
of Ian Smith in Rhodesia.

Though today
Chimoio and Nyadzonia stand out as key low moments in the struggle when the
settler regime, sought to inflict collateral damage on its direct opponents and
those offering them support by launching an attack on foreign territory; the
truth of the matter is that the people of Mozambique suffered a lot more
through incursions into their territory by both Rhodesian and South African
forces.

There is a lot
to learn and much more to say from the relationship that existed then and still
exists to this day between Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Even Dr Thomas Mapfumo
acknowledges in his song ‘Zimbabwe-Mozambique’ these strong brotherly and
sisterly ties.

The challenge I
find today and I have also seen for many of my own contemporaries – the youth
of today – is what lessons we can take in building our future from the story of
Zimbabwe-Mozambique and as told from the Machel perspective.

From Zimbabwe’s
current context, with its challenges, and told from various angles, there are a
number of lessons to be drawn from the Machel legacy.

1. African
brotherhood – as defined then by Machel and his contemporaries in the frontline
states, which definition I content still remains relevant today – still stands
as a critical pillar in addressing the various challenges that Africans across
the continent face. Though these may differ according to local national contexts
and conditions, the story of the frontline states still stands as an
inspiration to how working together as Africans is the greatest panacea to
Africa’s common problems.

2. No African
country can claim developmental success when other African countries have not
attained the same – at least a basic level of development. Today the continent
boasts of extremes in terms of poverty and opulence. Even here in Zimbabwe,
this is true. And the xenophobia that has become an occasional problem in South
Africa and other countries is testimony to how the inequality scourge
re-invents itself as a problem in perpetuity.

3. Genuine
collective development will only be driven and delivered by the younger
generation. This is not to say the elders have no role to play. But a cursory
look at how the liberation struggle played out in Zimbabwe and other frontline
states, Zimbabwe and Mozambique included, is testimony to the power in the
youth. Unfortunately today, we have that unfortunate situation where the youth
are a disjointed lot and cannot identify what the common challenge(s) is/are
and how they can over-ride their differences to address their common
challenges.

Let me end by
thanking the organizers of this event, the Committee of the Peoples Charter,
for creating the space to honour one of Africa’s finest revolutionaries. It is
an honour as a young person, to be able to share valuable lessons we all get
from this foreigner who sacrificed a lot for other ‘foreigners’. And as was his
great catch-phrase, ‘áluta continua –
the struggle indeed continues’.

I thank you.

Nationalism and feminism: a time to define our role in our ‘new’
African struggle

By Koliwe Majama

My presentation will focus on the socialist connections between
national ‘liberation’ and women’s emancipation. This presentation, I hope, will
ignite a flame in Zimbabwe’s feminist movement, and particular in the younger
section of that community of Zimbabwean women especially. This is obviously the
recognition that as young women we are obliged to have an active definitive role
within our national socio, economic and political struggles.

The significance of our participation, as women, in todays struggle
should be linked to the acknowledgement of the symbolism of the role that young
Zimbabwean women played during our liberation struggle. There is need to pick
from where they left and carry forward what will be generation continuity of
equality for men and women.

In my presentation, I will make reference to, Samora Machels, socialist
perspectives on the significance of women within, at the time, liberation
movements- making the linkages within our context today – our current status,
challenges and making proposals on a way forward in this path of redefinition
and action. I will however, in making the linkages, also make reference to
other African experiences and writings to put into perspective why it is
important that we are having this conversation today.

Samoras’ legacy is evidently and undoubtedly relevant to us a
Zimbabwean people, particularly when you revisit the chronicles of The
Chimurenga; His role as an individual – and the overall sacrifices made by the
people of Mozambique in contributing to the Zimbabwe that we are today. Let me hasten to say that as a social
democratic movement, the CPC, we have commemorated today consistently since our
formation as recognition of not only that role in the context of the
liberation, but the relevance of his words and action in an entirely different
time and place.

So what is significant about women’s participation in the liberation
war in Zimbabwe? It is important to note that during the liberation war,
Zimbabwean women rose above the traditionally subordinated gender positions in
order to fight equally with men in the struggle for national independence. And
for this they were heralded internationally.

At independence Robert Mugabe
acknowledged this when he acknowledged that Zimbabwe had learnt through the
liberation that the country learnt through the liberation struggle that success
and power are possible when men and women are unites.

The attainment of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, ironically, coincided
with the United Nations decade for women, and subsequently the mid-term Women’s
conference in Copenhagen, which in actual fact made the socialist connections between
national liberation and women’s emancipation. It focused on women in South
Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe.

Much earlier in Guinea Bissau, Amilar Cabral had argued that a that
a revolution would not be complete without the social transformation of both
men and women, and that women had to fight
for and earn their right to equality
with men.

So the big question now is - With all that recognition and socialist
feminist hope for women in Southern Africa is this reflective of the equality,
confidence and determination today – years after the gaining of national
independence?

Samora argued at the time that the liberation of women is a fundamental necessity for the revolution,
the guarantee of its continuity and
the precondition for its victory.

The answer is no!

Broadly speaking Zimbabwean women today are probably more
subordinated in todays struggle for a democratic Zimbabwe than they were
fighting for a liberated one. The women that we celebrate today as liberation
sheroes – were young at the time Zimbabwe was at war.

The question is, and in
reference to Samoras words, was that participation guaranteed to continue? To
what extent does their participation as young women influence our participation
today as young Zimbabwean women?

2.Interaction and mentorship by
female comrades – The case of Freedom Nyamubaya and Margret Dongo/ Wrings of
Takura Zhangazha on the power that is yielded by Grace Mugabe/Joice Mujuru (Samora speaks to continuity)

3.Youth movements – juvenile (in political parties) The case of Hon.
Annastacia Ndlovu and young womens’ participation (in social movements)

4.Opinions on socio, economic and
political issues vs. utilization of more readily available spaces. (The
internet) – Her Zimbabwe experience on women and inboxing.

Like it or not,
patriarchy is going to take longer to deal with. Women no matter how empowered are,
without breaking the barriers we will still feel subjugated and not publicly
have an opinion on potentially controversial issues – and this is despite the
many opportunities that we have been offered – which include Education/
employment opportunities/voting rights/participation in ‘most spheres’.

But the socialist feminist perspectives which were key in defining
the women’s liberation and equality within their the context of a war – that is
in liberation movements should take a shift today so that we are able to
extend/ move forward what they began – for generational continuity.