There are many urgent issues concerning
the future of traditional landowners in all urban areas that must be addressed
in the next five years or it will be too late. I have written to the Motu
Koitabu Council on some issues and am genuine in my desire to help at the
national level. As a mother and grandmother of Motu Koitabu children, I
genuinely care about the future of the Motu Koitabu people.

I have asked for a select Parliamentary Committee on
Urbanization and Social Development to be established with myself as the
Chairperson. This would be an effective way to address some of the urgent
problems facing landowners in urban areas at a national level. If this happens,
I hope that theMotu Koitabu Council will work closely with me to establish
policies that will benefit not only the Motu Koitabu people, but all the people
of PNG.

Children playing at
Hanuabada village

While researching this paper, one thing that became very
apparent was the lack of information on education specific to the Motu Koitabu.
This also is undoubtedly true for most ethnic groups in the nation, and it is
something that needs to be addressed. If we are to comprehend fully the present
day issues and problems concerning education and the Motu Koitabu then we need
to collect and analyse data as a basis for planning strategies to address the
problems. We need quantitative data such as enrolment and retention rates at
varying levels of education, literacy rates, tracer studies of upper secondary
and tertiary students, and also qualitative data to assess changing attitudes,
perceived needs, constraining factors. This could be addressed in partnership
with the council and the NCDC
Education Committee.

Every human society has its own system to prepare their young
to move into adulthood and acquire the knowledge and skills that they need to
survive. Over the years, traditional education has been mostly informal
representing true life-long learning by example. In some areas more formal types
of instruction would occur particularly for specific knowledge or skills that
may have been the property of a particular person or group.

In the traditional situation, the village community was the
classroom, the teachers were the elders, both male and female, and the main
medium of instruction was by doing. Theory was taught mainly through legends and
stories. The first step in this education was the introduction of
self-discipline or ‘helaga’. Self-discipline is also the first step in
Western education. The Motu Koitabu society had a very functional education
system that served their needs at a particular time. But times have now changed.

‘Vaigana’, the Motu Koitabu hunting ground, has been
transformed into a ‘concrete jungle’ of government offices. There are no
Hiri3 or Tabu
ceremonies except as show pieces during Hiri Maole (the Hiri Cultural Festival).
Our villages are now an integral part of the cash economy and our children must
acquire new skills to survive and prosper in this changed environment. This is
not going to be easy because our children in the NCDare now facing open competition with children from other parts of the
nation, whereas children from Tubusereia, Boera or Porebada and Motu Koitabu
villages outside the city are protected because they belong to another province.
Who is going to shield us and protect us? Is it the Motu Koitabu Council? Is it
the NCDC? Is it the
United Church?

On arrival here in 1966, although I was educated at a
tertiary level in my own society, I was completely uneducated in the Motu
Koitabu society. I was acutely aware of the fact that I did not have the
knowledge nor practical and social skills to survive in the Motu society. I knew
I had a lot to learn and that I would have to make a special effort because I
had missed the years of childhood learning that would have socialized me to be
part of Motu society. My classroom was the society. There have been many changes
over the past 30 years and many of the things that I had to learn are no longer
being learnt by the children in Pari. This is a matter of concern for the future
of the Motu Koitabu people and society.

Identity and pride in one’s heritage are a basic foundation
to true integral human development and social harmony. With the introduction of
foreign education through religious missions and government, people began to
compartmentalize their thinking on education. Education came to be seen as ‘mission
ena gaukara’ (the work of the church) or ‘gavamani ena gaukara’ (the work
of the government). This attitude had a negative impact on the development of
education in the villages because it removed the feeling of responsibility from
the people. The Education Reform attempts to turn this around and bring the
responsibility for education back to a partnership between the community and the
government. As yet the reform has had limited effect in this regard, but it is
an area that has a lot of potential for positive development particularly in the
area of community-based curriculum development.

Development of a Motu Koitabu curriculum, integrated with the
formal curriculum at both elementary and primary levels, is an area that I would
like to address next year both at policy level and in planning and
implementation strategies in the NCD.
There is plenty of expertise in our villages, in our schools and in the
curriculum division. This expertise, with the necessary funding, could make this
a reality and a model for many other ethnic groups throughout the nation.

As with all former colonial nations, the introduction of
formal education had both positive and negative impacts. The Motu Koitabu, by
their geographical location, were advantaged in terms of access to education
because they were centrally located in relation to the early settlement of both
the missions and the colonial government.

The first contact with foreign education was made in 1872 at
Redscar Bay when the London Missionary Society (LMS) installed teachers at
Manumanu. From this time until World War II, education of the Motu Koitabu was
provided by the LMS. The
Administration, in Papua, provided a small grant-in-aid to mission schools that
taught English but beyond that took no responsibility for education and, in
fact, regarded education of the ‘native’ population as unimportant or even
dangerous.

With minimal resources, missions did what they could to
provide school facilities as they saw education as an integral part of their
work of evangelization. At no time did any form of education become generally
available, as each mission operated independently, establishing schools only in
villages where their influence was strongest.

Sponsored by the missions, the local catechist, barely
literate himself and lacking training and equipment, struggled to provide
village children with basic literacy and numeracy skills as well as elements of
hygiene in a vernacular. No thought was given to wider educational horizons.
However, it must be acknowledged that without any element of professional
leadership in education, the hard work and dedication of these early missions
contributed to an improvement of village life in some ways. Since then, the
education theory has gone a full circle and returned to the concept of early
education and literacy being presented in a vernacular familiar to the children.
These early limited advances made in education by the missionaries were swept
away in the havoc of the war years. After the war, there was a change in
attitude towards social development. The two territories were united by the
Australian Government under a single administration and a Department of
Education was established, headed by the anthropologist educator,W. C. Groves,
to carry out a policy of educational expansion.

Groves defined the role of government in education and
established a working relationship with the missions. Mission schools would
continue to enrol the majority of pupils but it was established that the
government would set and maintain acceptable standards. The first territory-wide
curriculum was established; teacher-training programmes were instituted; a
language policy, establishing English as the language of instruction was
adopted; and a system of grants-in-aid and other forms of assistance to the
missions planned.

In many ways, the Motu Koitabu and the Rabaul areas led the
way by the very fact that the first LLGs
were established in those areas. The establishment of the Fairfax LLG
in 1950 paved the way for the advancement of the education process. This early
political development heightened awareness of the need for education so that
people could operate more effectively in the changing political and social
environment. The late Toua Kapena and Mahuru Mahuru Rarua were pioneers in
establishing the relationship between politics and education and the late Mahuru
Mahuru Rarua passionately promoted the concept of ‘free education’ well
before the Wingti Government and the Port Moresby City Administration led by Mr
Phillip Taku.

Motu Koitabu people can also be proud of the late Oala Oala
Rarua who was a real ‘trail blazer’ in the field of professional teaching.
In the early days, he was the only Papua New Guinean allowed to teach with the
Australian teachers, while he climbed the ladder as a professional high school
teacher, and while the late Vincent Eri climbed the inspectoral and
administrative ladder.

Education at that time was guided by the idea to blend
cultures in line with the Assimilation Policy of Australian society. This policy
resulted in a certain amount of cultural alienation. I remember my concerns
about identity, facing the Papua New Guinean students, particularly the Motu
Koitabu, when I first started teaching here in the early 1970s. Among the
students I sensed a feeling of rejection and shame about their own culture, and
a deference to what was at the time presented as a ‘superior’ culture. I
remember how happy I was to see their eyes light up when they realized that I
could identify with their cultural environment and that I was proud of it and
wanted my children to learn from it. It is very pleasing to know that these
attitudes have turned around completely nowadays – perhaps even too much, and
there is a need to develop attitudes of respect for all cultures.

It is important for all groups, not only the Motu Koitabu, to
find a way to strike a good balance between pride in one’s own culture and
understanding of other cultures so that they can interact successfully with
them. It is particularly important for the urban Motu Koitabu because they are
trapped in a rapidly growing cosmopolitan city and must learn to operate and
interact in that city.

Old lady of the Vahoi clan
with ‘babu’,
Hanuabada village

I believe there is an urgent need to bring a political
dimension into education for the Motu Koitabu in NCD.
They must be given the knowledge, skills and affirmative confidence (not
aggression) to fight for their rights in their own land. I am concerned by my
observation that the Motu Koitabu society seems to be becoming more introverted
and insular, while the city races ahead around them. If we do not address this
issue our future generations will become increasingly marginalized in their own
land. We need to ask ourselves ‘What is the classroom for Motu Koitabu
students, particularly in NCD?’
The classroom must not be seen as just inside the four walls of their school.
The city surrounding them must be seen as part of their classroom. They must
learn how to survive as a part of that city and seize opportunities offered by
the city without being intimidated by outsiders and without losing their own
identity.

Reversing this process of marginalization must be addressed
from many angles. I said earlier that geographical location gave the Motu
Koitabu an advantage in terms of access to education during missionary and
colonial times. This factor of location, however, has now turned against our
children in terms of access to higher levels of education. The Motu Koitabu
villages do have the potential to achieve Universal Primary Education and some
probably have achieved it within their villages. However, post-primary access
rates are of major concern. This is an area where data need to be compiled.
Personal impressions indicate that postprimary access rates are very low for
Motu Koitabu students who are forced to compete with the urban elite for the
limited positions from Grade 9 to 12. How can access rates be improved?

Alternatives include a political approach with a minimum
quota of places as a right for the indigenous city residents, or an approach of
academic enrichment and tutoring to ensure that the top Motu Koitabu Grade 8
students can compete on a level playing field. How do we develop and implement
such a programme? The Education Reform aims to equip Grade 8 students to become
productive in their villages and needs a strong vocational emphasis. Again it
becomes a balancing act – how do we achieve the vocational needs without
sacrificing the academic standards that are needed to gain entry to Grade 9? Can
the systems used in missionary times be reintroduced to encourage and assist our
students? Can interested parents organize structured study time each night for
interested students with a roster of adult supervision the way it used to be
done by the missionaries? It is very hard for students to concentrate on
homework and study in crowded Motu households where so many things happen most
nights.

The picture of entry rates to tertiary education is worse.
There seems to be just a handful of Motu Koitabu students at the University of
Papua New Guinea (UPNG) and other tertiary institutions throughout the country.
Data on the entry rates are needed. Strategies must be developed to produce a
solid cadre of Motu Koitabu academics, professional and business people. In the
early days after independence, Motu Koitabu administrators and professionals
dominated the public service and were a driving force in post-independence
development; things have certainly changed nowadays.

What are some of the constraining factors influencing the
lowered access and retention rates in higher levels of education?

Social inequality is a major constraining factor; this
relates to a person’s socio-economic status. If a family is richer, their
children will not only go to school but will stay longer in the system and are
more likely to reach tertiary levels of education. The fact that large numbers
of village people are unemployed, or employed at a basic wage, disadvantages
their children from birth.

Another factor relates to gender, which affects education and
occupational mobility. The chances of girls succeeding in these areas are much
less than for boys. In general, PNG
societies, including that of the Motu Koitabu society, are male dominated and
girls are disadvantaged. There are no legal or institutional impediments to
hinder the progress of girls through the education system. In fact many
donor-funded education projects actually favour the advancement of females.
However, cultural attitudes still place emphasis on the male child. It is argued
that this is the Melanesian way, but to me this is not an acceptable argument.

To be part of modern society, ways of thinking must change.
To ignore or waste the talents of half the population is an enormous waste of
human resources. Factors that cause attrition of females at upper secondary and
tertiary levels include the fact that women and girls carry a heavy burden of
domestic commitment, a load that is not shared by the males. Marriage also
disadvantages the females – it is assumed that a woman should sacrifice her
education for the man even though she may be the more intelligent. Unplanned
pregnancy also disadvantages female students – the girls have to take the full
blame and may be expelled from upper secondary school. In reality, it is too
great a waste of years of expenditure on education of that individual.

It is internationally accepted that educating girls has a
great impact on improving the quality of life of society. Long-term research
studies overseas have established the relationship between female education and
improved health statistics. Future Motu Koitabu education policy should place
strong emphasis on education for girls.

Formal education systems cannot cater to all the educational
needs of society and there is a need for informal education, e.g. a Motu Koitabu
vocational school, and an affordable and modular system of community adult
education. This could help diversify people’s skills to provide them with
income-generating opportunities. Making the community the focus of education for
our children and our adults should involve the churches, NGOs
and existing institutions.

Recommendations

A Motu Koitabu Education Policy should be developed in
line with national and NCD
policy and also address issues specific to Motu Koitabu people and society.

A system to gather qualitative and quantitative data
relevant to education and future education planning should be introduced in
all villages.

A co-ordinated effort should be made to develop a common
Motu Koitabu community-based curriculum for elementary and primary schools.

A strong emphasis should be given to the political
dimension of education to assist the Motu Koitabu Council and individual
villages in establishing and achieving what should be their right as the
indigenous people of the capital city.

A workshop should be held next year to develop strategies
to help remove or modify the constraints faced by many Motu Koitabu students
in their attempt to climb the educational ladder.

A co-ordinated programme should be developed to bring the
responsibility for education back to where it belonged traditionally – at
the very heart of society.

They are our children. They are our people. They are our
future.

3 Hiri
represents the traditional trade between the Motuans and the Elema people of the
neighbouring Gulf Province.