Producing the ConventionIn preparing a national party convention, much groundwork is done before
the nominee is actually chosen; the candidate can then be "plugged in"
later. Democrats began their site selection process back in December
1997, and the Democratic National Convention Committee (DNCC) started gearing
up in September 1999. It was fairly certain that Vice President Al
Gore would be the Democratic standard-bearer from the outset of the 2000
season. Gore's sweep of the March 7 primaries finalized matters.

By late April 2000 the production team had been named and the actual
work of developing the podium program began.1 In the middle
of the activity was executive producer Gary Smith. Smith, a partner
in the L.A.-based production firm Smith-Hemion, brought a wealth of experience
to the job; he has served as executive producer/director for the 1988,
1992 and 1996 Democratic National Conventions.

As with the proverbial kitchen and its many different cooks, many individuals,
all with their own agendas, weighed in with ideas for the convention.
During a post-election interview, Smith noted that what matters is often
"whose idea it is, not what idea it is."2 There are times
when a good idea is "not executed because it wasn't the right person's
idea," he said. In 2000, for the first time, the Democratic convention
was largely financed by private contributions. A number of individuals
who put up or helped raise big money felt they should have some input,
and as a result there were perhaps even more people venturing opinions
than for past conventions.

"The best ideas are the ideas that the networks cover."-Gary Smith, Executive Producer of the 2000 Democratic
National Convention

The bottom line objective for the convention was to make the case: Why
Al Gore Should Be President. The producers had a lot of time to work
with; the Los Angeles convention unfolded over four days with roughly 30
hours of podium activity. "Keeping an energy in the hall" posed a
major challenge. Of course major networks covered only a fraction
of this. Although the networks have pared back their convention coverage,
and there are thousands of news organizations of all types providing coverage,
getting the best possible network coverage remains a pre-eminent focus.
The convention producers want the networks to cover what they have so carefully
planned for the podium; meanwhile the networks have the view that, "We're
going to cover what we cover." That includes analysts talking, cut-aways
to show bored delegates, ad breaks and so forth.

An example of how the networks have a mind of their own could be seen
in their coverage of President Clinton's entrance on the convention's first
night. A solo camera showed Clinton's walk through the dark, narrow
corridors of Staples Center and out to the podium (this was similar to
his entrance at Madison Square Garden in 1992). The walk took over
a minute; the effect was dramatic, conveying a behind-the-scenes atmosphere
and an excitement that grew as he approached the podium.3
Unlike the original walk in 1992, this time the producers added captions
highlighting Clinton administration accomplishments. Viewers in the
hall saw Clinton walking and the captions. Television viewers had
a different picture. "The networks interpreted the captions as hard
sell," Smith said. "They showed the walk clean [without captions]."
What the television audience sees differs, sometimes markedly and sometimes
in small but significant ways, from the experience in the hall.

Networks are after "good television." One idea that did not work
as well as planned in this respect was the attempt to incorporate town
meeting concept into the convention. On the first three nights elected
officials talked with groups of three to five citizens in what were billed
as "American Dialogue" segments. The conversations, under themes
such as "Prosperity and Progress" and "The Promise of Tomorrow," illustrated
Clinton-Gore policies and priorities and how they had benefited and would
benefit ordinary citizens. This highlighting of ordinary citizens
is a familiar technique, but it did not make for good television.

Although conventions are highly scripted exercises, producers must make
countless spur-of-the-moment decisions that affect the flow of the show.
To take a general example, if the convention production team notices that
all the networks are on a commercial break, they will hold off presenting
anything big on the stage until the networks return. There are other
unplanned and unforeseen developments that crop up; these minor glitches
for the most part go unnoticed by the delegates and the viewing audience.

For example, on the convention's second day as Rev. Jesse Jackson was
about to speak, Sen. Joe Lieberman appeared outside the hall and was about
to make his entrance. If Lieberman had come in while Jackson was
speaking, the resulting distraction could have created a difficult situation
with Jackson.

Another example. There were many videos for use in downtimes.
One of these featured theoretical physicist Stephen Hawking, who is confined
to a wheelchair due to Lou Gehrig's disease. About 30 seconds before
the end of this moving video, Sen. Lieberman walked in the hall.
Of course, the network cameras immediately abandoned the video and went
to Lieberman. Later, a caller to C-SPAN asked if the Democrats had
planned it that way.

"It ain't all clockwork," said Smith. "You plan as much as you
can," he said.

The planning paid off. After the first three days, the stage was
set for Gore's acceptance speech on August 17. His celebrated
kiss of wife Tipper created a stir for days afterwards, and he delivered
a well received acceptance speech, declaring "I stand here tonight as my
own man." The fall campaign began on a positive note. "The
convention really scored well," concluded Smith.

Notes:1. After the election, a member of the production team
noted that program planning would have been greatly facilitated if the
Gore campaign had plugged in directly with the producers a month earlier
than actually happened. As it was, communication between the producers
and the campaign proceeded through the intermediary of the DNCC.
Some of the DNCC people and Gore people, lacking convention experience,
did not realize the importance of direct communication. This "bottlenecked
the process." The Gore team was painfully slow in finalizing the
program. Frequent refrains were "we can't give you a sign off" and
"it hasn't been vetted yet." Direct communications and the go-ahead
for major parts of the program did not come until about two weeks out from
the convention.2. For example, in view of the Elián González
saga, which had dogged Gore in the first part of 2000, Smith wanted to
book Cuban American singer Gloria Estefan to perform a patriotic piece.
He believes Estefan, whom he described as "a good Democrat," would have
performed if asked, but the Gore forces were apparently not happy with
Estefan. "We don't want her," he was told. In retrospect, given
what happened in Florida, Smith believes a performance by Estefan, Jon
Secada or another member of that community could have helped Gore win critical
votes. "Part of our job is entertainment," Smith said, but, "There's
meaning behind it; there's a reason why people are asked to perform."

3. In Divided We Stand, Roger Simon wrote of the
walk that it was "cooked up [by Harry Thomason] in order for Clinton to
look like Gary Cooper in High Noon." Joel Achenbach, in It
Looks Like a President Only Smaller, described Clinton's "rockstar
entrance" in withering terms: "To my limited knowledge it was the most
egregiously self-aggrandizing and pretentious moment in the history of
the presidency."