mcreagan1

affected them personally. Stakeholder interviews asked some similar questions aboutneighborhood dynamics and development management, but also focused on broaderquestions of policy goals and implications. Interviews were recorded digitally andtranscribed in their entirety, then coded for analysis using the NVivo qualitative dataanalysis software program. Documentary data, in particular data from 318 structuredobservations of community meetings, programs, events and interactions, allow usto contextualize interview data within the specific dynamics of each site, providingboth a check on and new insights into the dynamics described by interviewees (seeTable 3).4Findings: the dynamics of space and placeOur findings focus on three dimensions of community tension around space and place inthese three mixed-income communities. First, we explore perspectives of crime anddisorder in the three sites, and the relationship between perspectives regarding issues ofsafety and threat on the one hand, and more general ‘incivilities’on the other. Second, weanalyse the kinds of behavioral expectations and cultural assumptions lying behind theseperspectives, and the relationship between them and considerations of use and exchangevalue. Finally, we investigate the ways in which formal rules, rule enforcement and4 Differences in the relative distribution of observations at each site largely reflect their differentiallevels of activity.Table 2Resident sample characteristics, 2007–09

Potential conflict is very easy to see from this table. There are way too many variances in income, education level, and family style. The notion of positive gentrification aims to create an environment where people of different ages, classes, and races can not only coexist but thrive as well. However, people naturally segregate themselves for reasons. They like to be around other people in the same conditions as themselves. It is not for lack of opportunity necessarily that people choose to live in certain areas. A lot of the reason people choose to move to an area is because they feel comfortable their due to the presence of people much like themselves. For example, when searching for my apartment, my roommates and I looked for places that were not only affordable and close to campus but also for places with a high student population.

Some focus on the ways in which suchintegration represents access to resources and benefits the city provides that were deniedin the context of social isolation and concentrated poverty

In theory gentrification always sounds like a positive change. This article as a whole desribes how the wealthier residents could help the less-fortunate residents, but it is never discussed what benefts the former would receive from the latter. If there are no benefits, then what incentive do the wealthy people have to live in these mxed-income communities? And on what grounds do these planners determine that the residents living in "social isolation" dislike their condition?

These design choices and rules are partially effective at curtailing some of the behaviorsdevelopment stakeholders and higher-income residents wish to limit, enforced boththrough vigilance on the part of property management (who send out letters, callresidents in violation into the office for warnings and counseling, hold meetings to hearresidents’ concerns and mediate disputes) and through the actions of residents (whoreport transgressions to management, intervene informally with their neighbors, call thepolice)

This proposal brings up the idea of changing the behavior of people to mimic a high-income neighborhood. People are unable to stand on their own porches or walk around their own neighborhood because of the social implications such harmless actions have on the identity of a neighborhood. Residents are being reprimanded for such trivial things. This causes me to question, then, if there even is such thing as "positive gentrification"? Who exactly does it benefit if the residents themselves can't even sit on their own porch?

it also generates a set of basic tensions betweenintegration and exclusion

In mixed-income areas like the one proposed, there are many different kinds of people interacting with one another. While diversity is a positive thing, there is potential for a lot of conflict surrounding differences in culture across the income levels. As mentioned in my comment above, class plays a large role in this proposal, and it plays a large role in the way communities function. What is deemed acceptable in one community is not acceptable in another. With such a diverse place, it would be hard for people to feel a sense of community amongst one another. Community is one of the things humans strive for most as a sense of comfort. Without that shared sense of community, these mixed-income homes will ultimately fail.

I don’t like that part of the area, where people sort of just hang out and theygather, because it’s not — there’s nowhere to sit. There’s no — I mean it’s not really a goodplace for people to gather, right outside the door

As discussed in previous articles we've read, city planners often use design to make certain areas unavailable to certain people. In this example, the area has no benches, tables, etc. in the area, and that is why people "hang out" in the streets or near doorways. The absence of places to sit and gather is most likely intentional. The planners for this area knew that if there were places for people to leisurely sit or gather, there would be an issue regarding loitering and possibly illegal group activities. The result was one that was not intended; people chose to gather around doorways and in the streets instead, which ultimately made for this unwelcome feeling as mentioned in a previous annotation.

This quote from the Asian American woman is a perfect example of how certain factors can affect the built environment of a location. The woman has difficulty explaining why the loitering, swearing, and fighting contributes to an overall uneasy feeling in the area. One thing the built environment descriptions we do focus on these small details that alter the feeling of a space. While there are no illegal actions occurring, the presence of certain individuals within a public space can make it seem scary or unwelcoming.

These tensions — between integration and exclusion, use value and exchange value,appropriation and control, poverty and developmen

The problems outlined here are some of the many issues that often surround concentrated urban settings. For this reason, the Elevate series was created by the Mayor's Office of Cultural Affairs in Atlanta.

This photo is from Elevate, showcasing one of the many performance artists of the event.

Blake Flournoy's article "Examine Atlanta with Microcosm" identifies that the South's prized jewel of a city has some major flaws. While Atlanta is the home to a very diverse population with very active art and political movements, there are many issues that have yet to be solved. Through the Elevate series, the city has created an outlet to both inform and entertain the public, The event, held in the middle of October, took place on downtown's very own Broad Street. During this event, different art pieces, performing arts, lectures, and forums allowed the people to show their discontent on the issues that plague the beloved city. Issues from sexuality tensions to gentrification were addressed throughout many different media.

The two articles highlight problems that exist in all urban settings. There are shared issues of poverty, gentrification, racial tensions, etc. that cities across the world face. Movements such as the one in Chicago and Atlanta's Elevate series attempt to shed light on the problems and offer various solutions.

Deconcentrating poverty has been a significant focus of urban policy over the pasttwo decades, with the issue of public housing at its core.

While this article highlights recent efforts to rid cities of run-down, low-income neighborhoods, the city of Atlanta has been fighting this same battle for over half a century. In the 1950s and 1960s in Atlanta, poor neighborhoods were being bought our and entirely demolished. The intent was to create newer housing and areas of commerce as most of these older homes were deemed unfit living conditions. Most of the neighborhoods that were destroyed were bought for below market pricing, leaving the previous inhabitants poor and homeless. The largest example of this process came with the extension of the interstate system through the city. Where large highways sich as I-75, I-85, and I-20 now lie, there were previously entire neighborhoods.This scenario is considered negative gentrification, which is what this article is attempting to counteract.

The second floor contains the street-galleries. . . . Along the length of the great avenues, . . . they form street-salons. . . . The other, much less spacious galleries are decorated more modestly. They have been reserved for retail businesses that here display their merchandise in such a way that passersby circulate no longer in front of the shops but in their interior.” Tony Moilin, Paris en Pan 2000

This passage reminded me of a topic we discussed in our Mapping class. We talked extensively of how in the 1950s and 1960s, a lot of buildings were demolished for being multipurpose establishments, much like the ones discussed here. A lot of the buildings were occupied for retail purposes on the bottom floor and housing purposes on the top floors. This was deemed and unfit living condition due to the fact that people in the mid-1900s believed that it was bad for one's mental health to live in such an establishment. It is interesting to see how similiar multipurpose buildings began to spring up in the late 1800s and were subsequently demolished, in the US at least, just 50-odd years later. Ironically enough, more and more of the same building models are beginning to resurface today. Atlanta is growing at such a rapid pace that developers are having to contiually expand upward.

The king, the queen, the royal family, when they get into or out of their carriages, are forced to get as wet as any petty bourgeois who summons a cab before his shop. Doubtless the king will have on hand, in the event of rain, a good many footmen and courtiers to hold an umbrella for him . . . ; but he will still be lacking a porch or a roof that would shelter his party. . . .

This note of Benjamin's highlights the equalizing power that arcades held. While the Royal family may have certain commodities that others don't, it is very likely that when visiting the markets, they will become wet and muddy just like all the commoners. The arcades show no bias to its visitors. The Royal family is just as succeptable to all the gross, dampness of the arcades on a rainy day as anyone else would be. This note is particularly important because it emphasizes how diverse the arcades are in regards to their customers. Because of such diversity, the markets create a sense of community between the rich and the poor, withering away at the extremely classist nature of French society.

Lining both sides of these corridors, whichget their light from above, are the most elegant shops, so that the arcade is a city,a world in miniature □ Flaneur □, in which customers will find everything theyneed

Arcades are large buildings that house a plethora of small shops and merchants, selling to the general public. The stores offer a wide variety of goods, ranging from clothing to food and drink. A parallel in society today would be Atlanta's city markets, such as the Ponce City and Krog Street Markets.

In other respects as well, the theater in those days provided the vocabulary forarticles of fashion.

One main argument being presented in this article is that the cityscape in a certain time period can be credited for altering certain aspects of that time's culture as well. Here, the author is arguing that theater had an effect on women's clothing choices. Heavier fabrics were exchanged for lighter ones, even in winter. This shows how the built environment contributes to the culture of the region of the area, similarly to how these arcades were indicative of behavioral patterns in French society.

The argument by M. Pour in favor of the arcades takes the form of verse. An extract:We whom they would banish—we are more than useful.Have we not, by virtue of our cheerful aspect,Encouraged all of Paris in the fashionOf bazaars, those marts so famous in the East?And what are these walls the crowd admires? These ornaments, these columns above all?You’d think you were in Athens; and this temple Is erected to commerce by good taste. (Pp. 29—30

French poets and playwrights of this time seem to surround a large amount of their writings around the arcades. Arcades could be the beginning of the cutural importance modern society puts on shopping. It brings many people to a crowded place, increasing potential for socializing or even romance.

Pierre Francois Lacenaire was a notorious French murderer and poet. He did a lot of his writing while in prison, awaiting trial. After his death, there were many poems, plays, and other literature written about him. It was within an arcade, located at 271 Rue Saint-Martin in Paris that he committed a double murder.

Because in this street the juices slow to a standstill, the commodityproliferates along the margins and enters into fantastic combinations, like thetissue in tumors.

As stated by Muschamp in the article from the New York Times, Benjamin was a strong advocate for arcades. He believed "the Paris arcade was the most important building type of the 19th century." If that is true, then why does he compare the Parisian arcade to a tumor? He implies that the arcades block the ebb and flow of the city, much like a tumor disrupts normal functions within the human body. It is a very intriguing point for him to add to his novel, making me wonder what it's purpose is within his collection.

Muschamp, Herbert. "ART/ARCHITECTURE: The Passage of Paris And of Benjamin's Mind." New York Times 16 Jan. 2000: n. pag. New York Times. Web.

Evidently people smoked in the arcades at a time when it was not yet customary to smoke in the street. “I must say a word here about life in the arcades, favored haunt of strollers and smokers, theater of operations for every kind of small business.

As mentioned in my last annotation, arcades were extremely diverse establishments. However, they provide variety not only in the array of stores available, but also in the kinds of people that frequented them. Socially, arcades were progressive in nature, accepting certain customs, such as public smoking, that weren't necesssarily accepted elsewhere. These places were more than simply shopping plazas; they were imperative to the identity of French society at the time. Arcades were facilitators of both commerce and community.

Evolution of the department store from the shop that was housed in arcades.Principle of the department store: “The floors form a single space. They can betaken in, so to speak, ‘at a glance.’” Giedion, Bauen in Frankreich, p. 34. [A3,5]

Here, Benjamin is trying to convey the lasting importance of arcades. He notes how these mini markets are the beginning of a culture centered on consumerism. One of the main components of consumerism are large-scale department stores, holding a wide variety of goods and services under the same roof. The arcades offered a more primitive version of similar large stores that we see today, such as Macy's and Target to name a few.

The magic columns of these palaces Show to the amateur on all sides,In the objects their porticos display,That industry is the rival of the arts.

Herbert Muschamp's analysis of "The Arcades Project" offered an incredible amount of insight in to the structure of and ideas surrounding this work of literature. Muschamp first gives a background of author Walter Benjamin's life and ultimate tragic death in 1940. Benjamin's work was described as a series of notes and quotes he gathered in preparation to write an incredible novel about the life and culture of the French arcades. Unfortunately, he was unable to finish it, but from his notes alone, scholars were able to piece together his thoughts and identify his inspirations. Benjamin's inspiration were loosley gathered from Marxism, Surrealism, and the Enlightenment schools of thought. Much like the Surrealists, Benjamin wanted to rebel against conventional literature and art, and his collection is referred to by Muschamp as the "ultimate anti-book". Benjamin attempts to clear the air of the fog of romanticism and unveil the issues surrounding the Parisian markets beloved by so many. He addresses these areas with heavy skepticism in an effort to see the ugly side, consisting of debauchery, gambling, and prostitiution. In doing so, Benjamin created a very artistic collection of thoughts and notes, making a very paradoxical piece of literature many scholars regard very highly to this day.

This article made this passage easier to comprehend. The scattered nature of the reading is extremely off-putting initially, but the article offered a lot of clarification. It is very easy to see how Benjamin's background and various ideologies play a part in his writings. A lot of the points he makes are very obviously from the Surrealistic school of thought. The way in which Benjamin sees these arcades is one of admiration, but at the same time, he is still wary of their effect on French society. He does not put them on a pedestal; instead he analyzes the arcades to the nth degree in order to truly understand these things he finds so fascinating. Many of the notes he gathered include the darker side of Parisian arcades, including prostitution and gambling. It almost seems as if he finds these arcades to be a kind of necessary evil in the evolution of French society at the time.

Muschamp, Herbert. "ART/ARCHITECTURE: The Passage of Paris And of Benjamin's Mind." New York Times 16 Jan. 2000: n. pag. New York Times. Web.

.Wood-splint basket making was not a solitary effort; it was one that involved contributions of labor from within the community

The Mohegan people were very social and relied on one another for everything from survival to basket-making. Such a heavy emphasis on community helps to keep the traditions of the Mohegan people alive and ensures they are passed from generation to generation. For example, Indian culture is also very community-centric, particularly in regards to family. Cooking traditional Indian food is generally a task that involves help from the whole family. My grandmother has kept this tradition alive and as a result, she has passed down recipes that I make with my roommates in our apartment together. Community keeps traditions like these alive and help to facilitate the passing down of such traditions.

Mohegan culture has stood the test of time. They are still a very traditional and active people. I found this picture of one of the elders of the Mohegan tribe, showing that even in the modern day, the Mohegans are fully rooted in their heritage.

The baskets and other objects are often covered with symbolic designs containing insightful readings into the particular culture from which they originate.

The symbolic designs captured on the baskets tell their own stories, and therefore make a very convincing argument to include them as texts. The longstanding tradition of making these baskets can provide centuries worth of information about the Mohegan way of life. As stated in the first annotation referencing the supplemental text, these baskets contain a plethora of information that could provide much insight into Mohegan life.

In the article, "Mini Object Lession: Gender in Flight", author Christopher Schaberg addresses how gender is essentially irrelevant when it comes to air travel. Airplanes have gender-neutral bathrooms, and previous stereotypes depicting female stewardesses and male pilots have recently faded. Schaberg's major point in the article is that there is more to a person than their gender. Likewise, the reading about the baskets makes it very clear that there is more than meets the eye when it comes to these baskets. There is a much deeper meaning to these baskets than just a means of carrying fruit. They are decorated with intricate designs and paintings that have their own separate meanings; some even tell stories about historical events. Schaberg argues as well that when a woman seated in the exit row is asked if she is willing and able to help other passengers exit, she is not being accused of weakness for being a female. She is quite literally being asked if she is willing and able-- physically and mentally. Similarly, it matters more whether or not your neighbor on the flight is "an armrest hog, an endless talker, or if they are emitting an overpowering fragrance" than if they are male or female. (Schaberg). When the deeper, more important qualities are overlooked, there doesn't seem to be more to a person or a basket than their gender or basic function. In reality, most things---not just baskets and people-- are more than what is first perceived.

ize, form, style, and varying degrees of decoration all play a role in the making of the meaning and function.

This portion shows how detailed the Native way of communication was, which provides us with evidence of their sophistication. By this point in history, the baskets and complicated language are indicative of how art and leisure played a role in the formation of the Mohegan culture and ways of life. They weren't a people that were starving and therefore only focused on hunting and gathering; they had the time to develop sophisticated ways of storytelling.

The Mohegan word for painting, wuskuswang, is the same word used for writ­ing, inducting painted baskets in a long textual tradition that includes decora­tive birch bark etching, beadwork, wampum belts, and the written word.

The Mohegans included the words "painting" and "writing" under their meaning for the work wuskuswang. This shows how they viewed art forms other than writing as being in the same category, such as "decorative birch bark etching, beadwork, [and] wampum belts".(Fitzgerald, 52) The Mohegans felt as if all of these different forms were appropriate ways of retelling history.

It was performed by women to the accompani­ment of stories and songs, which in turn become part of the basket, joining together two traditions, oral and textual.67

Women are described as having the same duty as ancient scribes: to document oral histories and other stories into some form of writing. At the time the Mohegans were making these baskets, most of the scribes in other countries were exclusively male. Writing and documenting stories was seen as something scholarly that could only be done by men. This shows how the Natives possibly valued women more so than most European and other Eastern societies did.

3 Through the use of this symbol, the basket pattern offers a view into traditional Mohegan belief and cosmolog

This seemingly small symbol opens up a lot about the Mohegan culture and beliefs. It relates them to not only the Earth and nature, but to space as well. Their spirituality is rooted in this sort of compass through their souls.

What would a history of Native print culture look like if it included three-dimensional texts such as baskets or tipi

Three-dimensional texts have the possibility to expose so much more about the lives of the Natives than most written texts. As discussed in English 2130, objects have much more meaning than is apparent at first glance. The emotional symbolism that is held in objects, such as these baskets, far exceeds that of the written word. Therefore, these baskets hold more information and would be a more accurate representation of Native print culture.