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center. Several volunteer health workers
told me that a large amount of donated
medicine had been removed without per-
mission, probably to be sold on the black
market. When I visited the entrance to the
storeroom for drugs, at the back of the
mosque, it was guarded by men whose
source of authority was unclear, apart from
the fact that they were armed with make-
shift weapons. They had detained a sus-
pected police agent who they claimed had
stabbed somebody. They said that they
hadn't decided what to do with him yet.
He was sitting on the ground, playing
cards. People outside the front door of the
mosque offered to sell me hash. The night
before the scissors incident, a young man
and a woman had been caught having sex
in a tent on Tahrir. A mob beat them so
badly that the woman had to be taken to a
hospital; the man was dumped off at the
mosque. "He was crawling on all fours
when they brought him in," Waleed told
me. "He felt better after a while. I gave
him some milk and juice."
Around this time, I started wondering
about Sharia. But I noticed that most of
the Salafis had made themselves scarce,
and the sheikh who had talked to me
about how the revolution would lead to
strict Islamic law seemed to have gone
home. (I also noticed that during this
period nobody cared whether or not I
shaved.) Sheikh Samy, who had spoken
with honesty and sympathy about the
young people on the square, had tried to
break up a fight and was injured. The last
time I saw him, his head was heavily ban-
daged; I was told that he left Cairo to re-
sume a teaching job in another city.
It was hard to imagine what lessons the
young people on T ahrir would take away
from this stage of the revolution. Virtually
everybodywith authority-the imams and
the politicians, the progressives and the
fundamentalists-had washed their hands
of the demonstrators. In the mosque,
volunteers were overwhelmed, and they
struggled to manage an institution that felt
even more directionless than the country
as a whole. And yet from a distance it was
clear that the protests had served a valuable
purpose. They reminded the Egyptians of
the original goals of the Arab Spring, and
they proved to the military and the politi-
cal parties that there was still a deep well-
spring of anger. Considering all the unrest,
it was remarkable that the first round of
the elections, which were held on the elev-
enth day of the protests, were civil and
well organized. When I spoke with peo-
ple at polling stations, many said that they
appreciated the demonstrators. It was also
common to hear citizens remark that
this was the first time in their lives that
they had bothered to vote. At one site in
the Cairo suburb of Maadi, I counted
twelve hundred and seventy people
waiting patiently in line.
According to preliminary results, the
Muslim Brotherhood drew the most sup-
port in the initial round, as expected. But
the Salafis did surprisingly well, with
early results indicating that their party, AI
Nour, would finish in second place. Given
that these results included a number of rel-
atively progressive parts of Egypt, it seems
clear that the Islamists will enjoy a major-
ity after the parliamentary election cycle
finishes, in January. But it's hard to tell
how religious the policies will be in a gov-
ernment dominated by the Brotherhood's
party, Freedom and Justice. The official
party platform emphasizes free-market
policies, and it clearly advocates equality
regardless of faith or gender, although
women and young people had tradition-
ally played little role in the Party leader-
ship. In Cairo, I spoke with many sup-
porters who emphasized stability rather
than Islam, and they believed that the or-
ganization's reputation for discipline made
it less likely to succumb to the corruption
and cruelty ofMubarak's regime. Candi-
dates themselves were careful to downplay
religion. "We are not concerned with
speaking about Islam and pulling people
to the mosque," Hazem FaroukMansour,
a candidate in the Cairo district ofShobra,
told me. "That is not the job of a political
party. We know that well."
I mentioned that some observers, in-
cluding those overseas, worried that the
Brotherhood would act on the fundamen-
talist impulses that had helped shape the
group during many of the years when it
was banned. ''You are right to think like
that," Mansour said. He was an oral sur-
geon who continued to practice medicine.
'We have been underground for eighty
years," he said. 'When I speak to you now
and I'm under the light, then you can
know me well. rve been under the light for
only six to eight months." He emphasized
that repression in the past had sometimes
pushed people toward extremism. This
made sense, but it was also true that no-
body knew how such an organization