Aboriginal youth in Winnipeg's inner city experience poverty,
unemployment, as well as the effects of colonization, racism, and
alienation. To meet their families' economic needs, many have been
pushed into activities that place them at high risk for contact with the
justice system. Typically, these young men are not seen as community
builders; the personal, family and community issues they experience
while working to build community illustrate the multiple barriers faced
in enhancing the physical and social health of neighbourhoods. We
interviewed young Aboriginal men who had grown up in the inner city, to
understand their past experiences, current realities, and how they saw
the future of their neighbourhoods. Together, multiple challenges exist
for Aboriginal youth in disadvantaged urban neighbourhoods that serve as
barriers to community health.

A growing number of Aboriginal youth live in cities. Their families
move to urban centers for different reasons but often in search of
employment and educational opportunities. The majority experience
multiple challenges. However, the strengths of urban Aboriginal youth
have received very little attention in the literature, and we could find
no published research on their perceptions of a healthy community.

What is a healthy community? There are multiple interpretations and
uses of this term. Some models of health focus solely on the absence of
illness. Other models focus on the presence of wellness. Communities are
based on geography, affiliation, or both. However, both public and
grassroots organizations have used very inclusive, and similar,
definitions. For example, the Centres for Disease Control (2005) define
a healthy community as one "that is continuously creating and
improving those physical and social environments and expanding those
community resources that enable people to mutually support each other in
performing all the functions of life and in developing to their maximum
potential" (pg. 1). This differs little from the Ontario Healthy
Communities Coalition (2005), which defines health, as "a state of
complete physical, mental and social well-being", and goes on to
indicate that "social, environmental and economic factors are
important determinants of human health and are interrelated; people
cannot achieve their fullest potential unless they are able to take
control of those things which determine their well-being" (pg. 1).
Finally, "all sectors of the community are inter-related and share
their knowledge, expertise and perspectives, working together to create
a healthy community" (pg. 1).

Many Canadians live in cities. As of the last census, the combined
proportion of city dwellers in Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Manitoba, has
grown to approach 60% (Statistics Canada, 2005a). The downtown core areas in major prairie cities--including Edmonton, Calgary, Saskatoon,
Regina and Winnipeg--where low income neighbourhoods cluster,
experienced a stable or declining population while remaining at the
bottom of a widening gap in average neighbourhood incomes (Heisz and
McLeod, 2004). In Winnipeg, the Canadian city with the highest
proportion (12%) of individuals of Aboriginal identity who are not
living on reserves (Norris and Jantzen, 2003), also has the highest
degree of residential segregation of Aboriginal peoples of all Canadian
cities (Maxim and Keane, 2003). Distasio and colleagues (Distasio,
Sylvester, Jaccubucci, Mulligan, and Sargent, 2004) found that the
majority (85%) of Aboriginal peoples who moved into Winnipeg, moved into
the inner city. Half of the Aboriginal population in Winnipeg is under
the age of 25 years (Statistics Canada, 2005b).

Inner-city youth are rarely depicted in the popular media as
community assets, yet they are future leaders and best positioned to
maintain momentum of long-term renewal efforts underway in urban
neighbourhoods. Aboriginal youth in inner cities face multiple issues
associated with a history of colonization and racism such as poverty,
unemployment, and institutionalization. These challenges serve as
barriers to their own well-being and seriously hinder the progress
toward enhanced community health. It is crucial to hear the voices of
Aboriginal youth in order to understand their challenges and
opportunities for social change in disadvantaged urban neighbourhoods.

The paper will begin with a brief review of the challenges faced by
inner-city youth before describing the qualities and uses of
participatory research. The review of literature is followed by the
methodology and context of the study, before turning to the results and
implications for inner-city communities.

Literature Review

As noted in the Senate Report on Urban Aboriginal Youth (Chalifoux
and Johnson, 2003), their lives "are profoundly influenced by both
historical injustices and current inequities. Issues facing youth are
rooted in a history of colonization, dislocation from their traditional
territories, communities and cultural traditions, and the
inter-generational impacts of the residential school system" (pg.
2). It is important to recognize the past as well as present.

At the time of contact, cultural differences between the Europeans
and the first inhabitants of Canada were significant, but not as great
as they came to become. Dickason (1992) notes that although both
Indigenous and Western societies varied substantially in their own
beliefs and practices, there were general differences between the two
worldviews. For example, in Indigenous societies humour and hospitality
were highly valued (Caley, 1983). Beliefs in the unity of all living
things, harmony, and reciprocity were of central importance (Miller,
1982). In contrast, the European settlers came from societies where
capitalism, accumulation of wealth, and individual rights were
emphasized (Grant, 1984).

Differences are also apparent in perspectives on the history of
Europeans and Canada's first peoples. While Eurocentric accounts
describe the relationships as a series of attempts to
"civilize" inhabitants (Higham, 2000), Dockstator (1993), an
Oneida scholar, described the time following contact through a series of
stages including: cooperation, displacement and assimilation, and
finally, negotiation and renewal. Initially, social, political, and
cultural differences were maintained, but as tolerance of the
distinctiveness of Aboriginal societies waned among the colonists, a
variety of methods were used to promote assimilation. These methods were
described in the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, and included
relocations, residential schools, and making cultural practices illegal
(Indian and Northern Affairs, 1996):

Regardless of the approach to colonialism practiced, however,
the impact on indigenous populations was profound. Perhaps
the most appropriate term to describe that impact is
'displacement'. Aboriginal peoples were displaced physically--they
were denied access to their traditional territories and in
many cases actually forced to move to new locations selected
for them by colonial authorities. They were also displaced socially
and culturally, subject to intensive missionary activity and the
establishment of schools--which undermined their ability to
pass on traditional values to their children, imposed male-oriented
Victorian values, and attacked traditional activities such as
significant dances and other ceremonies ... they were also
displaced politically, forced by colonial laws to abandon or at
least disguise traditional governing structures and processes in
favor of colonial-style municipal institutions (Chapter 4, pg. 6.).

These attempts to assimilate Aboriginal peoples were not
successful. However, their effects continue to challenge urban youth.
One important area is relationship to government.

Aboriginal people are recognized in the Canadian constitution
(Government of Canada, 1982) to include the North American Indian,
Inuit, and Metis peoples. The Department of Indian and Northern Affairs
maintains a list of Registered Indians (Indian and Northern Affairs,
2005). People who were entitled to registration may have lost it for a
variety of reasons. Bill C-31 allowed some to have it restored.
Membership in a band that signed a treaty gives its members treaty
status. However, not everyone who registered or had band membership has
treaty status (Indian and Northern Affairs, 2005).

Metis peoples are a distinct Aboriginal Nation of Aboriginal and
non-Aboriginal decent. Inuit peoples are Aboriginal peoples who
generally resided in the north, including the Northwest Territories,
Quebec, and Labrador, in communities north of the tree line. Each group
has a different relationship with government. Metis and Inuit people are
not entitled to registration. Only people who are registered North
American Indians are entitled to provisions under the Indian Act, and
those with treaty status are entitled to whatever terms of agreement
were made between government and their bands.

Urban Aboriginal Youth

To find a better life for themselves and their families, many
Aboriginal people move to the city. The non-reserve Aboriginal
population has grown, and as of 2001 made up about 70% of the total
Aboriginal identity population in Canada; 68% of Aboriginal peoples in
Canada were living in urban areas (O'Donnell and Tait, 2003).
However, it is unclear who is constitutionally responsible for urban
Aboriginal issues: federal, provincial or territorial, civic, or
Aboriginal governments. Indeed, "Aboriginal people who reside off
reserve and in urban areas, irrespective of status, can be said to be
the poor man of the Canadian constitution" (Chalifoux and Johnson,
2003, pg. 16).

The situations of urban Aboriginal youth are complex. They may or
may not be living with family. They may have experience with, or
interest in Traditional or Western values and practices, or both. For
some youth, the city has been their only home. They may be second- or
third-generation urban residents. Others may be in the city only
temporarily for educational, employment, health, or judicial reasons.
Some may have made the move to the city for the first, second or more,
times. Others may be re-entering an urban setting after a period of
institutionalization. Their age also influences available choices. For
example, at age 13, employment opportunities are very different than
they are at 21 years of age. But youth at both ages may have similar
life experiences. At 18, one is legally an adult, and before that a
child. The term "youth" overlaps both age categories, and has
been defined in a variety of ways between the ages of 10 and 29 years.

Residential mobility is high. Youth who move to cities, move
frequently both within and between urban settings as well as rural and
reserve communities. High rates of residential change suggest that
experience with consistency is, for many, modest. Urban Aboriginal youth
who move may move between family members, friends, motels, foster and
group homes, institutions, shelters, abandoned buildings and the street
(Lerner, Brown, and Kier, 2005). Norris and Clatworthy (2003) describe
this as a "chum" effect, which has been strongly associated
with the lack of adequate and affordable urban housing (Gareau, 2002)
and social isolation.

While there is a great deal of diversity among urban Aboriginal
youth, data show that poverty levels and health problems are higher,
education levels, employment rates and salaries are lower than the
non-Aboriginal urban population (Hanselmann, 2001). The promise of
opportunities in the city often can be overshadowed by harsh realities,
and good intentions outweighed by challenges. High rates of
institutionalization in corrections facilities (Aboriginal Initiatives
Branch, 1999) and overrepresentation of Aboriginal youth in child
protection caseloads (Trocme and Blackstock, 2004) suggest that more
work is needed to recognize the strengths, capacities, and contributions
that Aboriginal youth make to healthy communities.

Participatory Research

We could find very little information from the perspectives of
Aboriginal youth themselves on the issues they faced living in
inner-city neighbourhoods or their visions of healthy urban communities.
Multiple research reports were located (e.g. Carter and Polevychok,
2004), all documenting various social challenges such as housing,
poverty, health, and crime, but none were based on residents'
voices. As well, we were sensitive to the history of academic-community
relations, cross-cultural relations, and the monopoly that, until
recently, White middle class researchers have enjoyed over research
agendas in Aboriginal communities. Indeed, very few inner city
Aboriginal residents have had positive experiences with
"research". It has often meant being asked a few
unintelligible or irrelevant questions by someone who had never been to
the community before and was not going to return. Typically, the results
have had no connection to, or use by the local community.

Participatory research (Gayfer, 1981) seemed to hold promise as a
framework to guide our work. A review of the literature revealed many
hits on the topic. It has been developed and used by researchers who
were dissatisfied with dominant paradigms that maintained the status quo of "researcher as expert" and "subject as
recipient", and instead employed anti-oppressive methods that
embraced subjectivity and change (Tandon, 1981). Canadian use of
participatory research approaches are evident in a range of topics
including women's issues (Rose, 2001), people with disabilities
(Barnsley and Ellis, 1992), as well as issues experienced by Aboriginal
families and communities (Boston et al., 1997).

Bennett (2004), Director of Research for the First Nations Child
and Family Caring Society of Canada, describes some common values for
participatory research based on the work of Hall (1975). The problem
originates in the community itself and the problem is defined by the
community. The goals of the research are transformative and
beneficiaries are the community members. Members of the community are
involved in the research through all phases. The research involves a
range of people from oppressed communities. The process can create
greater awareness of resources among those involved. The results are a
more accurate and authentic analysis of social reality. Finally, the
researchers are committed learners and participants in the process.

Method

Understanding the "problems" of groups facing multiple
barriers has long been of interest to researchers. However, these groups
have historically had few connections to the university community
through which to influence research agendas (Greenwood and Levin, 2000).
We used the principles of community-based participatory (CBPR) research
to guide this study. CBPR is defined as "a collaborative approach
to research that equitably involves, for example, community members,
organizational representatives, and researchers in all aspects of the
research process. The partners contribute unique strengths and shared
responsibilities to enhance understanding of a given phenomenon and the
social and cultural dynamics of the community, and integrate the
knowledge gained with action to improve the health and well-being of
community members" (Israel, Schulz, Parker, and Becket 1998, p.
175).

Specifically, we followed a variation of a model called the mutual
engagement model (Petras and Porpora, 1993). In this interactive model
the researcher is directly involved in community activities and the
community is directly involved in the research process, including what
is studied, how it is studied, and for what purpose it is studied. The
researcher teams up with organized community groups to investigate
issues of concern. Academic and community partners contribute time,
effort, particular knowledge and skills to the research, and through an
inclusive and dynamic process, local credibility of the results is
promoted. The involvement of community members in setting the research
agenda and carrying out the research ensures that the results can be
used to lobby for social change (Petras and Porpora, 1993).

We partnered with the North End Housing Project (NEHP), a
not-for-profit community agency mandated to revitalize the
neighbourhoods of Winnipeg's North End by renovating and building
houses. NEHP operates the Aboriginal Youth Housing Renovation Project
(AYR), which trains Aboriginal youth and young adults in housing
renovation and construction.

Neighbourhood Context

The study was conducted in three neighbourhoods in Winnipeg's
Point Douglas South cluster that were served by our partner agency,
North End Housing Project. The neighbourhoods include William Whyte (see
Figure 1), Lord Selkirk Park (see Figure 2), and North Point Douglas (see Figure 3). A brief demographic overview of Point Douglas South
follows, and selected statistics are presented in Table 1.

[FIGURES 1-3 OMITTED]

In Point Douglas South, poverty is a primary problem. According to 2001 Census data, the incidence of low-income households was 58.4%
compared to 20.3% for Winnipeg as a whole. The median household income was $18,249, which was approximately $25,000 less than the Winnipeg
median. Residents relied on government transfer payments as a
significant proportion of their total income (34.9%) (City of Winnipeg,
2001).

On average, North End residents had lower levels of educational
attainment. Of those aged 20 and over, 23.2% residing in Point Douglas
South had less than grade nine compared to 7.8% for Winnipeg.
Conversely, only 4.7% residents held a university degree compared to
18.3% of Winnipeg residents. There were also significantly higher
unemployment rates in Point Douglas South (16.8% compared to 5.7% for
Winnipeg). Neighbourhood youth aged 15 to 24 years experienced even
higher rates of unemployment (21.2%). Residents who are employed still
earn approximately $10,000 less per year than the Winnipeg average (City
of Winnipeg, 2001).

An examination of population characteristics revealed that it is a
youthful community with 38.4% of residents under the age of 25. Compared
to the Winnipeg average, Point Douglas South residents are less likely
to be married and more likely to be single, separated, divorced, or
widowed. These findings may partially explain the high incidence of
female-headed single parent households (30.5%). Point Douglas South had
a significantly larger Aboriginal population with 37.6% reporting
Aboriginal origins compared to 9.6% for Winnipeg as a whole (City of
Winnipeg, 2001).

Housing is another important problem in the area since almost half
of the housing stock was built before 1946. As a result, 16.3% of homes
are in need of major and 32.2% minor repairs. Two thirds of all
residents in Point Douglas South were renters, which was a significantly
higher rate than the Winnipeg average (36.4%). Core housing need in
which residents spend 30% or more of their income on housing was
experienced by 47.8% of renters and 17.6% of homeowners in Point Douglas
South (City of Winnipeg, 2001).

Aboriginal Youth Housing Renovation Project

The AYR program provides trainees with transferable work
experience, cultural support, employment income, and an opportunity to
give back to their community by improving the housing stock in
neighbourhoods where they grew up. The youth are paid to turn
uninhabitable houses into homes for people who could not otherwise
afford to own one. They participate in a variety of activities including
on-site education and supervised experience related to all aspects of
housing rehabilitation, including "gutting" an uninhabitable
building, to the finishing work on the interior and exterior. Crucial to
the success of this program are the cultural education and support
components, in which all youth participate. Youth graduate from the
program as healthier people, skilled employees, and experienced
community-builders.

Research Team and Process

Our research team was composed of two university researchers, a
graduate and undergraduate student, the AYR coordinator, and a group of
Aboriginal youth involved in the AYR. We met as a team on several
occasions to determine the questions that should be asked, who they
should be asked of, and what to do with the results. As we were all
getting to know one another the meetings started out as very general,
and gradually, became more specific. The team determined that Aboriginal
men and women as well as social agencies in the North End should be
interviewed to get their perceptions of community health, including
their past experiences, present realities, and what they saw for the
future of their neighbourhoods. The AYR participants were interested in
interviewing each other during a series of group interviews, and meeting
individually with the coordinator and university researchers for
interviews. The group felt that a woman from the community would be
better placed to interview other women and the team decided to hire
another local resident to be involved in the other interviews. It was
seen as important by the AYR participants to get the results of this
study out in different ways, including written and oral. Together, the
team drafted a paper and gave a group presentation at an international
academic conference in Toronto and hosted a local community gathering
attended by about 150 people, to recognize the contributions made in
their own neighbourhood to housing and community health.

Participants

The results that follow are based on large group and individual
interviews. We conducted a series of four focus group interviews with a
core group of between 8 and 12 participants. In addition, we interviewed
six focus group participants one-on-one in order to expand the data by
probing deeper into issues raised during the focus groups. Participants
were between the ages of 21 and 33 years. All had done time during their
adolescence and/or adulthood. Between the twelve young men, over 100
years had been served in corrections facilities. Most had spent a
significant proportion of their childhood in the North End and only one
no longer resided in the neighbourhood. All had interrupted or disrupted
histories in school and few had gone beyond a grade seven or eight
education. The majority of participants had large families with up to
five children that included multiple parenting responsibilities for
biological offspring, stepchildren, and younger siblings; all of whom
these young men cared for as their own.

The data were reviewed and analyzed by the team, including
university researchers, graduate and undergraduate students, the AYR
coordinator, and participants. Participants also viewed the findings and
provided feedback, which was incorporated into the final report.

Findings

The youth described a variety of experiences growing up in the
inner city, the challenges they faced reintegrating into the community
after a period of incarceration, their sources of strength, efforts they
were making to enhance community health, and the visions for the future
of their neighborhoods.

Experiences Growing Up

Most of the young men in our study were raised by their mothers and
had a very deep respect for them. Several reported feeling abandoned or
mistreated by a parent, usually their fathers, which caused some anger
and resentment. Others had positive relationships with parents.

She [mother] taught me how to care for people and look after
things. She was the only person I looked up to.
It bothers me. 1 feel pissed off about this. I never had a dad to
be there for me. I just had friends and brothers. I had a step-dad
for a bit.
My step-dad is a medicine man. I go and visit him for a week
each winter. We talk and hunt.
My step-dad used to beat me up.

Many had parents who had grown up in the residential school system,
which participants identified as contributing to the oppression of
Aboriginal people. They said that the residential school system started
the intergenerational cycle of abuse and neglect.

If you don't deal with your issues you just pass it on. Residential
schools resulted in lots of anger, grief, hurt. This produces a
cycle you can't get out of.

All of the young men in our study reported growing up in poverty.
They said that "there were too many needs, not enough
resources." At an early age they adopted a personal motto:
"You do what you have to do to survive." For most, surviving
required them to supplement their families' incomes through
involvement in the drug trade, which started as early as
eight-years-old. These activities often brought them into contact with
the youth justice system and many "grew up in the system."
Several participants spent the entire span of their teenage years
incarcerated. For example, one participant reported that he was locked
up between the ages of twelve and twenty, while another was in from
fourteen to twenty-three. Boredom was another reason these young men got
into trouble in their youth. They noted a lack of recreational
facilities in the area particularly ones open at night.

You don't understand how fucking poor we are. If necessary
you bend the law in order to survive.
I never got birthday or Christmas presents ... I was terrorized
by my brother who was ten years older than me so I was
never home. I found the streets.
There was no community centre or place to hang out. Any that
were around were too far away. You hang out with bad people
at night. That's how gang life starts.

All of the young men in our study had left school before
graduating; some did so as early as grade seven. Most said they dropped
out for economic reasons; namely they could not afford the things they
needed to go to school and fit in. A few reported that they were not
liked by teachers, which contributed to their decision to leave school.
Some alluded to difficulties with learning while others reported that
school was easy and they got good grades. Finally, being incarcerated
was another reason for leaving school although many upgraded while
serving time.

When you're poor, you look shaggy. You've got holes in your
pants. You need to feel good about yourself. Lots of kids' quit
going to school. They're embarrassed because they're from
poor families.
I started grade 12 but I dropped out because it was a money
thing. I had a hard time because I had no lunch money and no
bus money.
At school, the teachers didn't like me. They passed me to
get rid of me, but the principal stuck up for me. I missed a
lot of school. I was stubborn and lazy. I can't read fast and
I write slow.
I ended up in jail, got a record, dropped out of school.

For most of the young men in our study, their lack of education and
history with the police were barriers to the lives they wanted to lead
as adults.

Challenges Reintegrating

Upon leaving an institution, our participants said that they
encountered difficulty in re-establishing their lives. The first barrier
they often faced was overcoming their reputations in the neighbourhood.
They perceived that other community residents did not want them living
there.

People in the neighbourhood think we're pretty bad. They look
at us as criminals who kill people.

Some were worried they would be pulled back into the system because
of their records and associates. They were required to avoid contact
with others who had justice system involvement; however, since many
members of their social networks had records, they were torn between
meeting the conditions of their parole and getting the social support
they needed.

I'm looking for freedom and peace and keeping both feet out
of the [justice] system.
Probation officers separate bros because they're gang
associated.

Several reported that they would not be working without the AYR
because their criminal records and lack of education presented a
significant barrier to finding employment. They also said that work was
needed to break down stereotypes between Aboriginals and
non-Aboriginals. Racism was cited as a factor that limited their
opportunities to find work and education programs. When they were able
to find work, it often paid minimum wage, which they said was
insufficient to support themselves and their families.

I feel hopelessness because of my criminal record. I know I
threw a lot away. I'm searching for a purpose. I don't know
what it is yet, but it makes me want to try harder. I want to
give back to my family and friends.
We need more interaction with White people because there's
a lot of racism. People have to remember that there is good
and bad in both camps.
The jobs in the neighbourhood are inadequate. Minimum wage
just isn't enough to live on. We face a lot of barriers because
of our records and racism.

Without decent employment, many were forced to look at other ways
to support themselves and their families. Several said that they had too
much pride to "take handouts" and rely on the welfare system
because they wanted to rebuild their lives on their own terms.

Without a job how will I get money? The only way I know is to
sell drugs. This is my very first job [AYR]; my first training
program. It's a whole new way of being and thinking.
The people I used to know are either in jail, in another city, or
dead. I feel like my future is pretty limited because I used to do
B & Es, jack people.
Welfare is belittling because you always have to answer to
someone. You have to beg.

Often, their female partners received benefits from the income
support system, which undermined the young men's traditional roles
as provider and protector. The women were collecting welfare as single
parents, which meant that if their male partners were caught staying or
living with them they would be cut off. The young men did not have
adequate, stable employment that would enable them to fully support
their families without social assistance. As a result, they were forced
to lead double lives in which they sometimes lived as single men with
their friends and other times played the role of family man with their
partners and children. This double life often led to conflicts with
partners who resented the freedom the men had while living as bachelors.
The instability in their relationships with partners strengthened their
bonds to friends who took care of one another.

The welfare system captures and imprisons you. Poverty
doesn't allow the men to provide for their families. It tears you
down as a person and family.
On welfare you can't have a personal life. She gets cut-off if
they [welfare workers] find out the guy is staying there. She
gets pissed off and kicks him out. He needs to find someplace
else to live.
I have to keep my friends because I'm not sure if she [partner]
will be with me at the end.

Despite the considerable challenges these young men faced in their
lives, they were deeply concerned with the state of their community and
the well-being of its residents. Their overall attitude was that they
could take care of themselves, but someone had to look out for others in
the community, especially children. It was this desire to give back to
their community that motivated them to participate in the AYR.

Personal Motivations and Strengths

A key theme that emerged from our interviews was that the young men
regarded their parents' generation as a "lost cause" and
their children as the generation that would usher in a new era for
Aboriginal peoples. They saw their roles as being "the guardians of
the future"; they took personal responsibility for providing for
and protecting the children in their communities. Their own childhood
experiences strengthened their resolve to give their children the things
they never had. All said that their children were their motivation for
staying out of jail. Participants said that they wanted their children
to be proud of their accomplishments.

If I didn't have kids, I'd be in jail.
My kids make me feel better. I don't know what I'd do without
them. I take them to school and I pick them up from daycare ... It's
really hard to keep things going but they're mine. Even if I
go drinking, I check on them. I miss them if I'm away all day.
I'm trying to be a role model. I can't do anything for my kids in
jail. I do the best I can.
I visit my kids to get my head straight and refocus. I vowed
that my kids would never see me in jail.

Another resource about which our participants talked extensively
was being "rich in family." When asked to define who made up
their families, most included extended family members, stepchildren, and
non-relatives. The most important group in the non-relatives category
were their friends. For many their male friends were among the most
stable and close relationships they had. They also discussed the
importance of sharing resources, which they said they did freely and
with no expectation of repayment. They collectively took on the
responsibility of policing the neighbourhood in order to protect those
who were vulnerable because the police did not give people in their
community the same level of service as White, middle-class communities.

We're all brothers with different mothers.
[My bro] helps me out as an older brother. I live at his place
and he looks out for me.
The bros share money and everything else.
Sharing is important. It's important to know people and keep
friends because somebody will have resources when you don't.

Most participants said that Aboriginal cultures and traditions were
resources upon which they drew guidance and strength. Some said that
residential schools had robbed their families of cultural knowledge and
parenting experience, which prevented them from learning the ways of
their people. Several noted that they had to go to prison to learn about
their culture from Elders who worked in the corrections system, which
they found ironic.

Tradition is important enough to die for--the ceremony, the
tobacco, the sun dance. It's been a way of life for thousands
of years that provides direction, but it's hard to maintain.
I take the Red Road. I grew up with it, but I chose that path
seven or eight years ago. I was jumped and put in a coma for
a month. A pipe ceremony was performed that helped me
recover. I felt no power with the Christian traditions. When I
started following the Red Road positive things have happened
for me. I sought help from Elders and culture in order to get
my kids back [from ex-wife].
God took my culture away ... My mother wouldn't teach me
our language because the residential schools taught her it was
evil. She was afraid that she would go back to residential school
if she learned her language.

A final resource was the inner strength and determination of the
young men in the AYR to seek out different ways of "being" and
"living." Participants said that they wanted to stop negative
cycles for the good of themselves, their families, and their community.

I keep me from all that [drugs, alcohol, and violence]. I see
what it's done to other people and I'm not going there.
I wouldn't raise kids under the circumstances I was. I can't
care for myself let alone children. I don't want my kids to
grow up in a single parent family like I did. I want them to have
a loving family.
You have to deal honestly with yourself and other people. You
have to deal with yourself and become a straight arrow. You
have to make things happen.

An integral part of the transformation through which these young
men were going was the AYR. Not only did the program give them money,
work experience, and training in the trades, it also gave them hope for
the future and an opportunity to play an active role in rebuilding their
community.

Building Community

Our participants credited the AYR as the primary reason that they
were succeeding in re-establishing themselves in the community. They
said the program gave them an opportunity to give back.

We're giving back. We didn't have the best backgrounds, but
there were people who helped us. We wanted to give back to
the community and look after the kids. Kids are very
impressionable. Some people here really want to make change
and they can still have an influence.
I feel good about giving back to the community. Having a job
has built my self-confidence and self-esteem. I'm inspired by
the accomplishments of the other guys in the program.
It's [AYR] keeping me out of trouble. It keeps my mind going
on things; stops you from being bored. If you're bored and
there's no excitement then you do crime.
Working's not so bad. It's close to home. You know everyone
in the area. You work with friends. You get along great with
the bosses. It's a very tight neighbourhood.

The men in the AYR talked about the reasons that the program worked
for them. They said it was important to work with people who had
"been there and done that;" in other words, to have co-workers
and supervisors who understood their histories and realities. An
important feature of the program was that the young men guided the
program by making decisions such as who was accepted into it. The
program gave them something to do; boredom was cited as a reason for
getting into trouble. It also enabled the men to earn money in order to
support their families. Finally, it acculturated them to a new way of
life that they said helped them to transcend a "party
lifestyle."

I like the job because of the guys. We laugh. It's North End
Housing [Project]; it's close by. It's the path I took; it fits.
It's carpentry and I have the right training for it. I work with
friends and family. It puts money in my pocket.
Too many programs are based on timelines, but they have to
be portable in order to move with reality. This program works
because it's flexible. At most jobs when family responsibilities
get in the way, no one asks, "Why did you miss work?" I was
at home with the kids because my old lady left.
Each person finds a different way to escape from the stresses
of and pressures of life. Some people drink. They do drugs.
It's no good for the real self. You can't really do that and be
part of the program.

Youth saw their participation in the AYR as a tangible way of
contributing to their community in a positive way; however, their vision
extended beyond the revitalization of houses.

Visions for the Future

They were deeply concerned with the well being of others in the
community, particularly children. The youth discussed the following as
community needs: affordable housing; daycares; activities for children;
supervised parks with green space; street lights and crosswalks; higher
minimum wage; opportunities to learn about Aboriginal cultures; home
childcare; community activities, such as barbeques, feasts, or Pow Wows;
libraries and computers for kids; university in the neighbourhood where
kids can go when they finish school; and a North End "mayor"
or community leader.

Kids need big brothers; people they can trust. People who will
look after them, watch over them, and make sure they're okay.
The neighbourhood needs lots of things--daycare, better
schools, more work, less cops. There are too many cops around
here. They're always riding up our ass.

One participant described the primary issue in the community by
saying:

There's little opportunity in the inner city. Someone has to give
us a chance. We need to help each other out. It needs to go
bigger to repair the community.

Discussion

As our participants demonstrated, many inner city residents are
working toward building a healthy community. However, they also faced
many barriers, including experiences with racism, family histories with
residential school experiences, the need to help support their families
at a young age, as well as difficulty with school and the law. After
doing time and returning to their neighbourhoods, they wanted to look
after themselves and their families. But the stigma of a record posed an
obstacle to finding employment. They looked after each other and their
families the best they could, without much money, and drew upon the
strengths of Traditional people and teachings to help themselves and
others. When presented with the opportunity to work in their own
neighbourhood, learn a trade, and make a contribution to the poor
housing situation their community faced, they saw it as a chance to give
back. Seeing the children as the future of the neighbourhood, they
worked toward a vision of community health where the children were
looked after and had more opportunities than they themselves had.

Like others who have defined "healthy communities"
(Centres for Disease Control, 2005; Ontario Healthy Communities
Coalition, 2005), the youth in this study saw the need for resident
self-determination and opportunities that promote well-being, as well as
participation, inclusion and interdependence. Having been denied
opportunities themselves, they saw the need to promote opportunities for
others. They were also quite clear about the barriers they faced and
must be addressed for the next generation to live in healthier
communities.

The young men we spoke to faced racism, stigma associated with
their past justice involvement, as well as their young age. The program
they were involved in was one of the few organizations where they were
included in major decisions. Opportunities for inclusion in other
community agencies as decision-makers would broaden their involvement in
organizational and community change. Due to many experiences of
exclusion, particular effort must be made to build relationships and
trust in order to extend a meaningful invitation to participate in
community decisions. For example, these men know a lot about affordable
housing from their work experience and experience as residents who have
encountered multiple barriers to obtaining decent housing for themselves
and their families. They should be consulted by policymakers at the
federal, provincial and municipal levels for their perceptions about how
government housing money should be spent.

The results highlight the benefits of community economic
development strategies that increase opportunities for education,
training, and employment generate skills within the neighbourhood and
improve resident well being. The AYR is a stellar example of a program
that provides skill development and employment for residents, as well as
cultural education and support to local families. Another asset of this
program is the product. Residents are building homes for their
neighbours who would not otherwise have the opportunity to own a home.
The benefits of this program extend beyond those directly involved on
the front lines of delivery to the families of those involved, as well
as other residents who inhabit the homes they build and to those who
live in the same block and neighbourhood. However, the results are not
quickly obtained nor easily measured. Funders should recognize this by
providing a long-term investment strategy and establish creative and
culturally sensitive indicators of short-term impact (e.g. youth
involvement in community events).

Inner city communities need amenities that have a positive
orientation, such as recreation facilities. All participants described
themselves in relation to their families. There is a need for
family-centered services that are sensitive to the issues faced by men
who have been involved in the justice system, such as reunification with
partners and children after months or years of institutionalization, the
impact of having a criminal record on getting a job, or the effect of a
limited work history and lack of housing references. Mandated services
through corrections or child protection require compliance with someone
else's rules about how they should behave, and enforce rule with
the threat of punishment. This does little to promote or reinforce
responsibility to one's family. Rather, it promotes responsibility
to systems. Advocates for these men as "family men" are
necessary so that the systems they are or may become involved with take
the needs and strengths of partners and children, as well as other
family members, into account.

Agencies can play a vital role in community building by serving as
a bridge between community and government, which will ensure the voices
of residents are heard. Assisting residents in overcoming multiple
barriers requires coordination between agencies offering different
services in order to provide the appropriate resources. Finally,
government needs to consult with inner city residents, collectives, and
agencies about funding and policy needs and gaps.

Conclusion

Aboriginal youth who live in urban core areas have not been
depicted as assets to their communities. Yet they are the future leaders
and active contributors who are well positioned to speak out about the
needs and challenges they face, as well as the potential they see for
healthy neighbourhoods. Participatory research provided a way to engage
youth and influence the research agenda so that their wisdom was
respected and their voices heard. It took time to build a relationship
and develop the study, but the process and results have added
credibility because of the support of both the community and the
researchers. We believe that participatory approaches to research with
Aboriginal youth in urban communities work, but not without a lot of
effort by all involved.

In this study we found many examples of youths' personal
strength through adversity, the respect and maintenance of cultural
values such as sharing and caring for others, despite multiple personal,
family and systemic challenges. The stories of youth show their concern
for future generations. They see their actions as paving the way for
children of the community to have a better life than they did. They put
those words into action by building homes for their neighbours, families
and children. Clearly, they believe that building healthy communities
depends on words and actions.

Acknowledgements

This research project was financially supported by the Winnipeg
Inner-city Research Alliance (WIRA) which is funded by the Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHC) and Canada Mortgage and
Housing Corporation (CMHC).

Carter, T. and C. Polevychok. 2004. Literature review on issues and
needs of Aboriginal people to support work on "scoping"
research on issues for municipal governments and Aboriginal people
living within their boundaries. Winnipeg: Institute for Urban Studies.

Tandon, R. 1981. Participatory research in the empowerment of
people. Convergence: An International Journal of Adult Education
8:44-53.

Trocme, N., and C. Blackstock. 2004. Pathways to the
overrepresentation of Aboriginal children in Canada's child welfare
system. Paper presentation at Promoting Resilient Development in
Children Receiving Care, 5th National Child Welfare Symposium, Ottawa,
August 18.

Jason Brown

Nancy Higgitt

Susan Wingert

Christine Miller

Department of Family Social Sciences

University of Manitoba

Larry Morrissette

North End Housing Project

Table 1: Selected Point Douglas South
Neighbourhood Cluster Demographics (2001)
Point Douglas City of
South Winnipeg
Total Population 11,350 619,544
Proportion Reporting Aboriginal Origin 37.6% 9.6%
Proportion of 15-24
Year Olds Attending School 48.6% 58.6%
Proportion of Population
20+ with Less than Grade 9 23.2% 7.8%
Employment Rate (15 years and older) 42.2% 64.2%
Average Annual Employment Income $17,870 $29,165
Proportion of Families
with Low Income (2000) 51.5% 15.5%
Dwelling Tenure-Rented 66.7% 36.4%
Proportion of Dwellings in Need of Repair 48.5% 38.0%
Average Monthly Rent $425 $541
Proportion who Moved Between 2000 and 2001 23.8% 15.1%
Source: City of Winnipeg Neighbourhood Profiles, 2001

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