This doctoral thesis presents a comparative study of the ideological evolution and political praxis of the sectors in the right at Barakaldo (Vizcaya) and Vilanova i la Geltrú (Barcelona). The study starts at 1898 and focuses on the rise of nationalist proposals which responded widely to the common concerns of the right about the growth of political liberalism. Basque nationalists and Catalanists joined at a local level into coalitions with the whole right against the left. The pressure from new mobilised sectors brought about a complex period of mutations inside these groups by 1917. This development caused the division of the right into two factions: nationalists and Catalanists, on one side, and sectors which were getting progressively, an by reaction, defined as Españolistas, on the other. Primo's Dictatorship leaned on these sectors. At Barakaldo he achieved the permanence of local politics around the non nationalist right. At Vilanova, on the contrary, instability presided the period. During the Second Republic, the right of Basque nationalist and Catalanist forces lost their former monopoly over national demands in its opposition to the new Catalanists and nationalists allied with the left. After their first withdrawal on common basic values of the right, the orthodox nationalist and conservative Catalanists focused on reorganising and expanding their basis. However, the different nature of both movements fostered divergent evolutions. The interclassist character of its basis allowed the orthodox Basque nationalism to adapt itself to particular situations and supervise their strategies according to new aims. Thus, the orthodox Basque nationalism was shifting towards the political centre, and achieving the dominion over the rest of the right at Barakaldo. Vilanova's evolution was quite the contrary. In its traditional role as representative of the dominant elites, conservative catalanism here was dragged to the general panic that affected its well off social basis. The Catalanist right made its positions radical since October 1934 and ended up changing relativist positions of catalanism. These radically shifted towards acquiescence in authoritarian rectification of the situation. This divergent evolution was further confirmed when orthodox Basque nationalists and conservative Catalanists opted for opposite factions at the Civil War. Two different political models coexisting under Franco's regime are analysed as well. At Barakaldo, the local power of the right was rebuilt and rested on non nationalist grounds, specifically on carlists which held the monopoly of power for almost 20 years led by José M. Llaneza. The nationalist right, instead, was segregated from power and actually from any public space. This constrained model implied consequently the aperture to social sectors of small significance which shared ultra-right's ideological principles. These contributed to the establishment of a relative social basis for the system of election by thirds. On the contrary, at Vilanova Francoism's social victory restored sectors previously threatened by republican reformism. Since these groups had been Catalanists, the traditional right hastened to take positions in the new power structures, although at the cost of accepting subordination to the Españolista right which had won the war. The fact that Antonio Ferrer Pi was a major for such a long period of time illustrates the success of this integrated formula. Vilanova's political model even achieved the deterrence of conflicts deriving from Catalanist cultural and symbolic loyalties in the traditional right. Renewed vilanovism hushed the stridency coming from the ultra-españolismo and falangist regime in favor of the affirmation of basic values which laid the foundations for the consensus over Francoism at Vilanova.