From the moment that the French defenses at Sedan and on
the Meuse were broken at the end of the second week of May, only a rapid retreat to Amiens
and the south could have saved the British and French Armies who had entered Belgium at
the appeal of the Belgian King; but this strategic fact was not immediately realized. The
French High Command hoped they would be able to close the gap, and the Armies of the north
were under their orders. Moreover, a retirement of this kind would have involved almost
certainly the destruction of the fine Belgian Army of over 20 divisions and the
abandonment of the whole of Belgium. Therefore, when the force and scope of the German
penetration were realized and when a new French Generalissimo, General Weygand, assumed
command in place of General Gamelin, an effort was made by the French and British Armies
in Belgium to keep on holding the right hand of the Belgians and to give their own right
hand to a newly created French Army which was to have advanced across the Somme in great
strength to grasp it.

However, the German eruption swept like a sharp scythe
around the right and rear of the Armies of the north. Eight or nine armored divisions,
each of about four hundred armored vehicles of different kinds, but carefully assorted to
be complementary and divisible into small self-contained units, cut off all communications
between us and the main French Armies. It severed our own communications for food and
ammunition, which ran first to Amiens and afterwards through Abbeville, and it shore its
way up the coast to Boulogne and Calais, and almost to Dunkirk. Behind this armored and
mechanized onslaught came a number of German divisions in lorries, and behind them again
there plodded comparatively slowly the dull brute mass of the ordinary German Army and
German people, always so ready to be led to the trampling down in other lands of liberties
and comforts which they have never known in their own.

I have said this armored scythe-stroke almost reached
Dunkirk-almost but not quite. Boulogne and Calais were the scenes of desperate fighting.
The Guards defended Boulogne for a while and were then withdrawn by orders from this
country. The Rifle Brigade, the 60th Rifles, and the Queen Victoria's Rifles, with a
battalion of British tanks and 1,000 Frenchmen, in all about four thousand strong,
defended Calais to the last. The British Brigadier was given an hour to surrender. He
spurned the offer, and four days of intense street fighting passed before silence reigned
over Calais, which marked the end of a memorable resistance. Only 30 unwounded survivors
were brought off by the Navy, and we do not know the fate of their comrades. Their
sacrifice, however, was not in vain. At least two armored divisions, which otherwise would
have been turned against the British Expeditionary Force, had to be sent to overcome them.
They have added another page to the glories of the light divisions, and the time gained
enabled the Graveline water lines to be flooded and to be held by the French troops.

Thus it was that the port of Dunkirk was kept open. When
it was found impossible for the Armies of the north to reopen their communications to
Amiens with the main French Armies, only one choice remained. It seemed, indeed, forlorn.
The Belgian, British and French Armies were almost surrounded. Their sole line of retreat
was to a single port and to its neighboring beaches. They were pressed on every side by
heavy attacks and far outnumbered in the air.

When, a week ago today, I asked the House to fix this
afternoon as the occasion for a statement, I feared it would be my hard lot to announce
the greatest military disaster in our long history. I thought-and some good judges agreed
with me-that perhaps 20,000 or 30,000 men might be re-embarked. But it certainly seemed
that the whole of the French First Army and the whole of the British Expeditionary Force
north of the Amiens-Abbeville gap would be broken up in the open field or else would have
to capitulate for lack of food and ammunition. These were the hard and heavy tidings for
which I called upon the House and the nation to prepare themselves a week ago. The whole
root and core and brain of the British Army, on which and around which we were to build,
and are to build, the great British Armies in the later years of the war, seemed about to
perish upon the field or to be led into an ignominious and starving capacity.

That was the prospect a week ago. But another blow which
might well have proved final was yet to fall upon us. The King of the Belgians had called
upon us to come to his aid. Had not this Ruler and his Government severed themselves from
the Allies, who rescued their country from extinction in the late war, and had they not
sought refuge in what was proved to be a fatal neutrality, the French and British Armies
might well at the outset have saved not only Belgium but perhaps even Poland. Yet at the
last moment, when Belgium was already invaded, King Leopard called upon us to come to his
aid, and even at the last moment we came. He and his brave, efficient Army, nearly half a
million strong, guarded our left flank and thus kept open our only line of retreat to the
sea. Suddenly, without prior consultation, with the least possible notice, without the
advice of his Ministers and upon his own personal act, he sent a plenipotentiary to the
German Command, surrendered his Army, and exposed our whole flank and means of retreat.

I asked the House a week ago to suspend its judgment
because the facts were not clear, but I do not feel that any reason now exists why we
should not form our own opinions upon this pitiful episode. The surrender of the Belgian
Army compelled the British at the shortest notice to cover a flank to the sea more than 30
miles in length. Otherwise all would have been cut off, and all would have shared the fate
to which King Leopold had condemned the finest Army his country had ever formed. So in
doing this and in exposing this flank, as anyone who followed the operations on the map
will see, contact was lost between the British and two out of the three corps forming the
First French Army, who were still farther from the coast than we were, and it seemed
impossible that any large number of Allied troops could reach the coast.

The enemy attacked on all sides with great strength and
fierceness, and their main power, the power of their far more numerous Air Force, was
thrown into the battle or else concentrated upon Dunkirk and the beaches. Pressing in upon
the narrow exit, both from the east and from the west, the enemy began to fire with cannon
upon the beaches by which alone the shipping could approach or depart. They sowed magnetic
mines in the channels and seas; they sent repeated waves of hostile aircraft, sometimes
more than a hundred strong in one formation, to cast their bombs upon the single pier that
remained, and upon the sand dunes upon which the troops had their eyes for shelter. Their
U-boats, one of which was sunk, and their motor launches took their toll of the vast
traffic which now began. For four or five days an intense struggle reigned. All their
armored divisions-or what Was left of them-together with great masses of infantry and
artillery, hurled themselves in vain upon the ever-narrowing, ever-contracting appendix
within which the British and French Armies fought.

Meanwhile, the Royal Navy, with the willing help of
countless merchant seamen, strained every nerve to embark the British and Allied troops;
220 light warships and 650 other vessels were engaged. They had to operate upon the
difficult coast, often in adverse weather, under an almost ceaseless hail of bombs and an
increasing concentration of artillery fire. Nor were the seas, as I have said, themselves
free from mines and torpedoes. It was in conditions such as these that our men carried on,
with little or no rest, for days and nights on end, making trip after trip across the
dangerous waters, bringing with them always men whom they had rescued. The numbers they
have brought back are the measure of their devotion and their courage. The hospital ships,
which brought off many thousands of British and French wounded, being so plainly marked
were a special target for Nazi bombs; but the men and women on board them never faltered
in their duty.

Meanwhile, the Royal Air Force, which had already been
intervening in the battle, so far as its range would allow, from home bases, now used part
of its main metropolitan fighter strength, and struck at the German bombers and at the
fighters which in large numbers protected them. This struggle was protracted and fierce.
Suddenly the scene has cleared, the crash and thunder has for the moment-but only for the
moment-died away. A miracle of deliverance, achieved by valor, by perseverance, by perfect
discipline, by faultless service, by resource, by skill, by unconquerable fidelity, is
manifest to us all. The enemy was hurled back by the retreating British and French troops.
He was so roughly handled that he did not hurry their departure seriously. The Royal Air
Force engaged the main strength of the German Air Force, and inflicted upon them losses of
at least four to one; and the Navy, using nearly 1,000 ships of all kinds, carried over
335,000 men, French and British, out of the jaws of death and shame, to their native land
and to the tasks which lie immediately ahead. We must be very careful not to assign to
this deliverance the attributes of a victory. Wars are not won by evacuations. But there
was a victory inside this deliverance, which should be noted. It was gained by the Air
Force. Many of our soldiers coming back have not seen the Air Force at work; they saw only
the bombers which escaped its protective attack. They underrate its achievements. I have
heard much talk of this; that is why I go out of my way to say this. I will tell you about
it.

This was a great trial of strength between the British
and German Air Forces. Can you conceive a greater objective for the Germans in the air
than to make evacuation from these beaches impossible, and to sink all these ships which
were displayed, almost to the extent of thousands? Could there have been an objective of
greater military importance and significance for the whole purpose of the war than this?
They tried hard, and they were beaten back; they were frustrated in their task. We got the
Army away; and they have paid fourfold for any losses which they have inflicted. Very
large formations of German aeroplanes-and we know that they are a very brave race-have
turned on several occasions from the attack of one-quarter of their number of the Royal
Air Force, and have dispersed in different directions. Twelve aeroplanes have been hunted
by two. One aeroplane was driven into the water and cast away by the mere charge of a
British aeroplane, which had no more ammunition. All of our types-the Hurricane, the
Spitfire and the new Defiant-and all our pilots have been vindicated as superior to what
they have at present to face.

When we consider how much greater would be our advantage
in defending the air above this Island against an overseas attack, I must say that I find
in these facts a sure basis upon which practical and reassuring thoughts may rest. I will
pay my tribute to these young airmen. The great French Army was very largely, for the time
being, cast back and disturbed by the onrush of a few thousands of armored vehicles. May
it not also be that the cause of civilization itself will be defended by the skill and
devotion of a few thousand airmen? There never has been, I suppose, in all the world, in
all the history of war, such an opportunity for youth. The Knights of the Round Table, the
Crusaders, all fall back into the past-not only distant but prosaic; these young men,
going forth every morn to guard their native land and all that we stand for, holding in
their hands these instruments of colossal and shattering power, of whom it may be said
that

Every morn brought forth a noble chance
And every chance brought forth a noble knight,

deserve our gratitude, as do all the brave men who, in so
many ways and on so many occasions, are ready, and continue ready to give life and all for
their native land.

I return to the Army. In the long series of very fierce
battles, now on this front, now on that, fighting on three fronts at once, battles fought
by two or three divisions against an equal or somewhat larger number of the enemy, and
fought fiercely on some of the old grounds that so many of us knew so well-in these
battles our losses in men have exceeded 30,000 killed, wounded and missing. I take
occasion to express the sympathy of the House to all who have suffered bereavement or who
are still anxious. The President of the Board of Trade [Sir Andrew Duncan] is not here
today. His son has been killed, and many in the House have felt the pangs of affliction in
the sharpest form. But I will say this about the missing: We have had a large number of
wounded come home safely to this country, but I would say about the missing that there may
be very many reported missing who will come back home, some day, in one way or another. In
the confusion of this fight it is inevitable that many have been left in positions where
honor required no further resistance from them.

Against this loss of over 30,000 men, we can set a far
heavier loss certainly inflicted upon the enemy. But our losses in material are enormous.
We have perhaps lost one-third of the men we lost in the opening days of the battle of
21st March, 1918, but we have lost nearly as many guns -- nearly one thousand-and all our
transport, all the armored vehicles that were with the Army in the north. This loss will
impose a further delay on the expansion of our military strength. That expansion had not
been proceeding as far as we had hoped. The best of all we had to give had gone to the
British Expeditionary Force, and although they had not the numbers of tanks and some
articles of equipment which were desirable, they were a very well and finely equipped
Army. They had the first-fruits of all that our industry had to give, and that is gone.
And now here is this further delay. How long it will be, how long it will last, depends
upon the exertions which we make in this Island. An effort the like of which has never
been seen in our records is now being made. Work is proceeding everywhere, night and day,
Sundays and week days. Capital and Labor have cast aside their interests, rights, and
customs and put them into the common stock. Already the flow of munitations has leaped
forward. There is no reason why we should not in a few months overtake the sudden and
serious loss that has come upon us, without retarding the development of our general
program.

Nevertheless, our thankfulness at the escape of our Army
and so many men, whose loved ones have passed through an agonizing week, must not blind us
to the fact that what has happened in France and Belgium is a colossal military disaster.
The French Army has been weakened, the Belgian Army has been lost, a large part of those
fortified lines upon which so much faith had been reposed is gone, many valuable mining
districts and factories have passed into the enemy's possession, the whole of the Channel
ports are in his hands, with all the tragic consequences that follow from that, and we
must expect another blow to be struck almost immediately at us or at France. We are told
that Herr Hitler has a plan for invading the British Isles. This has often been thought of
before. When Napoleon lay at Boulogne for a year with his flat-bottomed boats and his
Grand Army, he was told by someone. "There are bitter weeds in England." There
are certainly a great many more of them since the British Expeditionary Force returned.

The whole question of home defense against invasion is,
of course, powerfully affected by the fact that we have for the time being in this Island
incomparably more powerful military forces than we have ever had at any moment in this war
or the last. But this will not continue. We shall not be content with a defensive war. We
have our duty to our Ally. We have to reconstitute and build up the British Expeditionary
Force once again, under its gallant Commander-in-Chief, Lord Gort. All this is in train;
but in the interval we must put our defenses in this Island into such a high state of
organization that the fewest possible numbers will be required to give effective security
and that the largest possible potential of offensive effort may be realized. On this we
are now engaged. It will be very convenient, if it be the desire of the House, to enter
upon this subject in a secret Session. Not that the government would necessarily be able
to reveal in very great detail military secrets, but we like to have our discussions free,
without the restraint imposed by the fact that they will be read the next day by the
enemy; and the Government would benefit by views freely expressed in all parts of the
House by Members with their knowledge of so many different parts of the country. I
understand that some request is to be made upon this subject, which will be readily
acceded to by His Majesty's Government.

We have found it necessary to take measures of increasing
stringency, not only against enemy aliens and suspicious characters of other
nationalities, but also against British subjects who may become a danger or a nuisance
should the war be transported to the United Kingdom. I know there are a great many people
affected by the orders which we have made who are the passionate enemies of Nazi Germany.
I am very sorry for them, but we cannot, at the present time and under the present stress,
draw all the distinctions which we should like to do. If parachute landings were attempted
and fierce fighting attendant upon them followed, these unfortunate people would be far
better out of the way, for their own sakes as well as for ours. There is, however, another
class, for which I feel not the slightest sympathy. Parliament has given us the powers to
put down Fifth Column activities with a strong hand, and we shall use those powers subject
to the supervision and correction of the House, without the slightest hesitation until we
are satisfied, and more than satisfied, that this malignancy in our midst has been
effectively stamped out.

Turning once again, and this time more generally, to the
question of invasion, I would observe that there has never been a period in all these long
centuries of which we boast when an absolute guarantee against invasion, still less
against serious raids, could have been given to our people. In the days of Napoleon the
same wind which would have carried his transports across the Channel might have driven
away the blockading fleet. There was always the chance, and it is that chance which has
excited and befooled the imaginations of many Continental tyrants. Many are the tales that
are told. We are assured that novel methods will be adopted, and when we see the
originality of malice, the ingenuity of aggression, which our enemy displays, we may
certainly prepare ourselves for every kind of novel stratagem and every kind of brutal and
treacherous maneuver. I think that no idea is so outlandish that it should not be
considered and viewed with a searching, but at the same time, I hope, with a steady eye.
We must never forget the solid assurances of sea power and those which belong to air power
if it can be locally exercised.

I have, myself, full confidence that if all do their
duty, if nothing is neglected, and if the best arrangements are made, as they are being
made, we shall prove ourselves once again able to defend our Island home, to ride out the
storm of war, and to outlive the menace of tyranny, if necessary for years, if necessary
alone. At any rate, that is what we are going to try to do. That is the resolve of His
Majesty's Government-every man of them. That is the will of Parliament and the nation. The
British Empire and the French Republic, linked together in their cause and in their need,
will defend to the death their native soil, aiding each other like good comrades to the
utmost of their strength. Even though large tracts of Europe and many old and famous
States have fallen or may fall into the grip of the Gestapo and all the odious apparatus
of Nazi rule, we shall not flag or fail. We shall go on to the end, we shall fight in
France, we shall fight on the seas and oceans, we shall fight with growing confidence and
growing strength in the air, we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we
shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never
surrender, and even if, which I do not for a moment believe,
this Island or a large part of it were subjugated and starving, then our Empire beyond the
seas, armed and guarded by the British Fleet, would carry on the struggle, until, in God's
good time, the New World, with all its power and might, steps forth to the rescue and the
liberation of the old.

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