Will Catalonia secede from Spain? Montserrat Guibernau explores why many Catalonians now hope that it might. She argues that Catalonia’s subsidization of less affluent regions, which leaves the region worse off, is a major root of discontent.

With 23% unemployment (rising to 40% among young people), the deepening of the economic crisis is hitting Catalans hard. Resentment against the Spanish government’s economic policies and dissatisfaction with politics prevail: In the Catalan society, those who are ‘dissatisfied with democracy’ rose to 49% in March. Catalonia, a traditionally prosperous region, sees its wealth and status downgraded as it looses competitiveness and lacks resources and saving for infrastructure while accumulating annual deficit of 8% of GDP due to the financial arrangements imposed by the Spanish state. In this context, support for Catalan fiscal autonomy (Pacte Fiscal) is rising fast and secession, for the first time in Catalan history, appears as a legitimate option.

Catalan nationalism emerged in the 1960s as a progressive social movement defending democracy and freedom against Franco’s dictatorship, demanding a Statute of autonomy for Catalonia and amnesty for the regime’s political prisoners. Franco’s death in 1975 allowed a transition to democracy led by members of his own regime. Catalonia played a key role in the democratization of Spain by strongly supporting EU membership; providing economic and industrial leadership and being committed to solidarity towards Spain. Vitally, Catalan nationalism was instrumental in overcoming the 1993 crisis and strongly supported Spain to fulfil the conditions to join the Euro. However, it was felt by many that Catalan loyalty and support did not pay off as Spain reinforced centralism.

In my view the roots of secessionism and the so-called ‘right to decide’ originate in the second mandate of Prime Minister Aznar and the landslide victory of his Popular Party (PP) in 2000. Soon after the election, sympathy and understanding towards Catalan demands for further autonomy and recognition were replaced by hostility embedded in a neo-centralist, conservative and neo-liberal political discourse. The Popular Party was dismissive of claims for greater autonomy for the historical nationalities (Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country) and adopted an arrogant attitude towards former political allies. In this period a boicot against Catalan products –in particular ‘cava’ (sparkling wine) – developed in Spain.

In Catalonia, growing dissatisfaction with the Aznar government guaranteed strong support for J.L. Rodriguez Zapatero, the leader of the Socialists Workers Party (PSOE) in the 2004 election. Most people received the PSOE’s victory with joy and regarded Rodriguez Zapatero as sympathetic to Catalan political aspirations; an assumption which proved wrong after he was unable, or unwilling, to stand up by his promise to support the new Statute of Autonomy to emerge from the Catalan Parliament; a project led by fellow socialist and President of Catalonia, Pasqual Maragall.

The draft Statute of Autonomy – supported by 90 per cent of the Catalan Parliament – was significantly modified by the Spanish Parliament and Senate to fully comply with the Constitution prior to being approved by both chambers. The Statute was finally endorsed by the Catalan people in a referendum 18th June 2006. However, the Statute was immediately challenged in the Spanish High Court: the PP challenged 51 per cent of the text and the Spanish Ombudsman (PSOE) challenged 48 per cent.

The Spanish High Court issued its verdict 28th June 2010: it suppressed 14 articles of the Statute and modified a further 30 relating to symbolic, financial and judicial aspects as well as state investment in Catalonia, creating an unprecedented situation. On July 10th 2010, over one million people demonstrated in Barcelona against the Spanish Hight Court decision. Their motto: ‘We are a nation. We decide’. The demonstration was led by Jose Montilla, the then president of Catalonia. Shortly after that, fresh elections to the Catalan government resulted in a change of government; Artur Mas, leader of the nationalist party CiU, became president of Catalonia.

According to the latest available data Catalonia’s average contribution to the Spanish Central Administration and Social Security corresponds to 19.40 per cent of the total. In contrast, Catalonia receives 14.03 per cent. After contributing to Spain’s Solidarity Fund, Catalonia is worse off than those autonomous communities subsidized by the Fund and finds itself below average in per capita spending.

The 2012 Budget presented by Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy does not contemplate the State paying back its pending debts to Catalonia. According to the Statute these include, €759 million for 2008 and €219 million for 2009. In addition, the State’s investment in infrastructure in Catalonia has been reduced by 45 per cent, and now stands at 11 per cent of the total, far from the 18.6 percent that would be an equal share for Catalonia.

In December 2009, with the support of 15000 volunteers, 166 Catalan cities held referendums on Catalonia’s independence. The referendums were not legally binding, but they contained an important symbolic content. Participation amounted to 27 per cent, and 94.71 per cent voted in favor of Catalonia’s independence. To date the Spanish State forbids the holding of a legally binding or consultative referendum in Catalonia.

In 2011, 42.9 per cent of Catalans supported independence, and at present support has risen to 44.6 per cent. In Catalonia the enthusiasm for democracy associated with the initial phase of the transition to democracy is gone. Lack of trust in politicians and institutional politics accompanied by central bad economic management and open hostility to Catalan demands has alienated a rising number of citizens. Only 4.4 percent of Catalans consider that they have too much autonomy, 24 per cent are satisfied with the current level and 65.7 per cent are frustrated by insufficient autonomy. Today 30.8% are in favor of Catalonia becoming a state within a federal Spain and 29% want it to become an independent state.

The rise of secessionism in Catalonia emerges out of the will to decide upon its political destiny as a nation. It questions the assumption that it is possible for a nation without its own state to flourish and develop within a larger state containing it, and within which it is not considered as an equal partner.

Montserrat Guibernau– Queen Mary University of LondonMontserrat Guibernau is Professor of Politics at Queen Mary University of London. Her most recent publications are For a Cosmopolitan Catalanism (Angle, 2009), The Identity of Nations (Polity Press, 2007), Catalan Nationalism (Routledge, 2004), Nations without States (Polity, 1999) and The Ethnicity Reader (Polity, 2010). She is Co-editor of Nations and Nationalism, and Política y Sociedad, and a member of the Scientific Committee of the Canadian Research Chair in Quebec and Canadian Studies (UQAM), and a member of the managing council of the

Some remarks have to be made about the point of the referendum on independence.

First of all it has to be stated that the Spanish state does not forbid referenda, it does however not delegate the authority to hold them to the autonomous communities.

On December 13, 2009, votes were cast in 166 municipalities (mostly towns, not cities). Indeed the turnout was some 27%. However, this referendum was done in several waves until 2011. The author refers only to the day in which the turnout was highest, the overall turnout was at about 20%.

In addition to that it has to be mentioned that it was not a referendum on the independence of Catalonia proper, but on the independence of what one calls in Catalonia Països Catalans, or Catalan Lands. Those run through 4 other Spanish autonomous communities, apart from Catalonia, and reach into France, Andorra and Italy.

Certainly, the vote was only held in Catalonia proper, which was not precisely a show of democracy. Thus one wonders how the author can incorrectly, apparently uncritically and maybe even in a positive tone refer to this referendum and on the other hand decry that “in Catalonia the enthusiasm for democracy associated with the initial phase of the transition to democracy is gone”.

Yet what is more worrying is the outlook that should Catalonia become independent, and it would be that Catalonia proper we now know as an autonomous community of Spain, it would be born with territorial claims over its then neighbours.

Whatever grievances there might be in Catalonia, and there are some quite reasonable ones, the independence pill seems to be quite a dangerous cure.

Well, I don’t know if it’s a dangerous cure, but it’s the only cure. Why not simply allowing people to say yes or no in a referendum? Quite easy, isn’t it? But no, the Spanish so-called democracy will not allow such a thing. We’ll have to do it ourselves, because someone has to do it.

Many democratic countries do not contemplate such an option. This is hardly a litmus-test for the degree of democracy, or it would be for many countries.

Unlike Germany, Spain does allow parties whose aim it is to break the constitutional order. You can vote them, and like in any democracy parties can offer the political solution the people demand. Catalan separatists often refer to Kosovo as a precedent, well there you have your precedent.

It is certainly not very attractive that while you demand more democracy and perceive the state as not responding, you say “we’ll have to do it on out own” and then are unable to comply with even the most basic standards of democracy.

“You” already did it on your own, actually “you” keep doing it, but “you” also keep failing at it. Don’t tell me that less than 19% turnout in one town, Altafulla, is enough of a mandate for the City Hall to go separatist. Or that 20% turnout overall is any kind of an argument.

If you criticise a lack of democracy in Spain, you might want to consider trying to be better instead of worse. This level of maths is not an exclusive to the ones in power.

By the way, as to the second part of your reply, “we” have done nothing, for “we” have never been asked in a real referendum. Why not just trying? Oh, no! That’s too undemocratic. Is that what you mean?

Jordan
June 10, 2012 at 6:46 am

Xavier, what does he/she mean, indeed. It is rather like a head-scratching riddle trying to make sense of your mate’s cryptic analysis. It seems that everyone wants to play at being a psychoanalyst these days, and part of the game entails using baffling terminology. I wouldn’t let it worry me. What’s kind of worrying though, is if we end up with more psychos than analysts out there.

Xavier
June 10, 2012 at 11:48 am

Yes Jordan, you are right. And it’s a bit boring too. I’ve heard Candide’s “arguments” a hundred times. The difference is that now I see them in English rather than Spanish. That’s great news! It means that we are finally becoming visible.

Yes you have. You have said that it is perfectly sound that “we” have no right to hold a referendum because Spain is a democratic country and many democratic countries do not contemplate such an option. This quite obviously means that calling a referendum would be an undemocratic thing for us, because in this very act we would be breaking the constitutional order of a democratic state.
However, if you did not mean so, even if you said so, there is no point in arguing further. I am happy to agree with you, for that’s exactly what we want: exercising the democratic right to hold a referendum.

(OMG, we’ve brought a piece of Spain to this blog: the rubbish-debate.)

Xavier
June 22, 2012 at 12:10 am

“the Spanish state does not forbid referenda, it does however not delegate the authority to hold them to the autonomous communities”

“Many democratic countries do not contemplate such an option. This is hardly a litmus-test for the degree of democracy, or it would be for many countries.”
Since this is a reply to my post in which I said that the Spanish government will not allow a referendum, such option must be that of allowing referenda.

“It is certainly not very attractive that while you demand more democracy and perceive the state as not responding, you say “we’ll have to do it on our own” “

If this does not mean that it is perfectly democratic that we have no right to hold a referendum, because this is a prerogative of the Spanish perfectly democratic state, and as a consequence if we do it on our own we will be simply impinging on the Spanish democratic right to retain such prerogative, then I must admit that I do not understand you.
Be it as it may, as I said in my previous post, if you do not believe that it is perfectly sound and democratic and rightful (in short, as it should be) that we do not have the right to hold a referendum to decide on our possible separation from Spain, then we agree and there is no need to go on with this discussion. Rather, when the day comes in which we will have our referendum, you and I could perhaps toast the health of democracy.

Now that we have established that I did not remotely say anything like what you put in my mouth, namely (quoting you) “calling a referendum would be an undemocratic thing for us”, let’s look at reality again.

You can call for any unofficial referendum you like. I advise you do it differently from last time, i.e. in a democratic manner. Last time you asked about the independence of a Greater Catalonia only in part of that territory. See my first comment here.

Please do do better.

More importantly, you can work for independence in many other ways. Keep in mind that e.g. the Constitution of Germany makes it possible to forbid parties that threaten the constitutional order. In Spain separatist parties exist freely.

Which leads me to the last point: describing Spain as an intrinsically undemocratic state is neither correct nor does it lead your argumentation anywhere. In this, too, you can do better.

On a personal note: this debate has shown that you and others should gear up your grasp on logic. Fallacies do not make any point in your favour.

Xavier
June 23, 2012 at 1:01 am

Well, Candide, I now think it’s really time to put an end to this. I try to be polite and don’t like to leave people without a response, but now I think this is really becoming rubbish.
What we have clearly established is that either you cheat or you do not control your own writing. You might not have meant that, but, as my quotations showed, you did say (and you still say in your latter reply) that it is perfectly right that we don’t have the right to hold a referendum –by which, of course, I mean a real official referendum, the only thing that counts, not just partial consultations scattered here and there throughout the country, organized by a few volunteers with no official support, expressly banned by both the Spanish government and law courts, which resulted in the organizers not having access to the electoral roll (which of course results in consultations with a poor participation).
We have also clearly established that you, besides not controlling your own writing, are unable to admit that you have written what you have written. Just one more example from one of your earlier posts: “Then there’s the likening of a point made (ignorance on a matter) to a point that was not made (people are ignorant) in order to construct a straw man.” You did say that people in Catalonia are generally ignorant about what a dictatorship is (“I must say I do observe a widespread ignorance about such things in Catalonia”), and then several times in other posts that they are quite ignorant as well about what democracy is. Is this not (what democracy is) what you have been struggling to teach me? Response to this was given to you by someone else: some people regard as ignorant those who do not share their own views.
It is just possible that it is all due to the fact that you do not know well the situation in Spain. I cannot know whether this is the case, but this is perhaps the likeliest hypothesis, given that your last post contains a gross mistake: we cannot call for any unofficial referendum we like (if we want to observe the democratic laws of Spain, of course). This is why the Catalan parliament is preparing a law regarding so-called “consultations” (non even referenda, unofficial or otherwise). The Spanish government has already said (even before knowing it, by the way) that they do not think that we have the right to do so and has already stated their intention to bring it to the Constitutional Court (which means, if you know the Spanish practice, and quite independently from the final resolution, that it will remain suspended probably for years).
Well, Candide, fortunately we (without quotation marks) do not depend on you to decide on our future. Now I don’t think you will be eager to drink a toast to the health of democracy.
Best

Cabdide says : “the Spanish state does not forbid referenda, it does however not delegate the authority to hold them to the autonomous communities”
This is like saying “I don’t forbid anything, but no one can move without first obtaining my blessing … or else”. It doesn’t get much more dictatorial than this ! But then again, we’re talking about Spain, aren’t we ?

“Dictatorial”. I must say I do observe a widespread ignorance about such things in Catalonia, while it is indeed quite easy to read the press and get informed about such phenomena.

How comes the rest of the world does know what a dictatorship is, while many in Catalonia, having suffered one not so long ago, do not? Ideology, like in many others case before, seems to be blinding them.

Some people regard as ignorants those that do not agree with their views, quite so. Nothing new about that “phenomenon”. And yes, I agree that certain but luckily shrinking ideologies, such as hatred for a particular race or ethnicity, can easily blind some individuals. Let’s hope they’re able to find a way to overcome their bigotry, as the world has seen enough intolerance, the likes of which suffering Catalans have been made to endure. That would really be a good sign.

In a highly ideology-laden debate fallacies are common. The “dictatorial” hyperbole is one. Then there’s the likening of a point made (ignorance on a matter) to a point that was not made (people are ignorant) in order to construct a straw man.

The third one closely follows: presenting one’s own group as the eternal victim.

It is often accompanied by the non sequitur that the victims are better or right.

To better understand the situation of Catalona, that suffers a true economic and cultural apartheid from Spanish governments, it could be true useful to see the numbers that write the CCN (catalan center of bussiness), ever based in official data. You can visit their web (http://www.ccncat.cat/) or obtain any of their books, and you’ll become atonished that something as this would be happening in a “democratic” european country.

I am not surprised that LSE authorizes a publicaction of a bunch of lies like this, it´s is not their responsability. The problem is that the separatist media and webs in Catalonia use it as an OK from LSE to the political and economical separation of Catalonia from Spain when the majority of spaniards(all the catalonians are spaniards) disagree with that project as we´ve demonstrated year by year in the elections.

See the headline of the enclosed article to check the political use of LSE name.

I am no Spaniard despite my passport saying so…unless you force me to, that is. I don’t feel like one at least. I have nothing in common with Spaniards: I use a different language, I dance a different dance, I live in a country with a clearly distinct culture, food, history…And please,no demagogic oratory: the elections do not prove a single thing as no such question as “independence yes or not” was asked…

You’re absolutelly right, Ricard. Most spaniards doesn’t support the independence of Catalonia. But mostly because they get about the 8% of the PIB from this autonomous comunity, that represents about 17.000 MM to 23.000 MM € each year.
Only with the 1% of this bounty, spaniards can pay a lot of people to write comments like yours here and try to distort the reality but, as nobody disagrees -even studies from spaniard main banks agree with this amout- is about 20.000 MM € what’s yearly stolen from Catalonia…Curiously, the same amount needed to rescue Bankia! And what is the actitude of Spain concerning Catalonia? Just put more pressure on catalan’s culture and administration.
Soon catalan people will vote for freedom

Ha ! so … “the majority of Spaniards disagree with that project (ie Catalonia’s independence)”, well that’s a good one ! The majority of Spaniards disagreed with Cuba’s and The Philippines’ independence too, so what’s new ? The majority of Spaniards also disagree with Gibraltar remaining British as they want it to be a part of Spain, but guess what … it’s not what “the majority of Spaniards want” that counts, it’s what the people of Gibraltar democratically choose to be, that counts. If it were up to the colonising powers to decide, none of their colonies would have gained independence. That’s a no-brainer.

Dear friend, you’re wrong,
Not ALL Catalans are spaniards. Most of catalans have a Spanish PASSPORT (or DNI) and others have a French one. Make no mistake , feelings are apart from imposed legal status.

Too right Joan Selles, too right ! And just for the record, there are Catalans all over the world with all kinds of different nationalities, and whilst we may be true blue Americans, Mexicans, South Americans or even dinky-die Aussies (here’s a hint for you), we’re also Catalans because … we choose to be !!! You may nail a Royal Decree to a tree proclaiming it to be a rock, but that little piece of paper won’t make the tree be less of a tree.

Freedom is a great responsibility; however, once you start thinking of it, you just cannot resist striving for it thoroughly until you fully have it.

It is fantastic to see that such a great number of Catalan people are openly expressing their opinion. Great! I would like you to know that I support all the Catalans on their way to freedom they rightfully deserve like so many other different nations (and “interested religious organizations” like Vatican!) that already achieved it and today live happily in their own prosperous state – which is the most important basis for the long-term peaceful economic prosperity in Europe!

Xavier, what does he/she mean, indeed. It is rather like a head-scratching riddle trying to make sense of your mate’s cryptic analysis. It seems that everyone wants to play at being a psycho-analyst these days, and part of the game entails using baffling terminology. I wouldn’t let it worry me. What’s kind of worrying though, is if we end up having more psychos than analysts out there.

As someone born into a working-class family from Mataró, I would ask the middle-class, Barcelona-born, educated or based elites to stop pretending that they represent all Catalans, or even a majority of us. For Prof. Guibernau to refer to a so-called “referendum” in which three quarters of Catalans did not bother to vote is misleading. To refer to pro-independence figures without citing the source, which in essence is an institution controlled by the Government of Catalonia, is outright unprofessional.

Why not refer instead to the figures published annually by the ICPS from the UAB, which clearly show that the height of pro-independence feeling in Catalonia was in the mid-1990s and peaked at around 20% of the population of the region, who in 1993-94 thought that Catalonia should be independent from Spain? Perhaps because a scientific survey conducted every single year since 1991 shows that this elite-driven, pro-independence movement is only supported by a minority of people in our region?

And why does Prof. Guibernau fail to refer to the fact that participation in Catalan regional elections tends to be around 20% lower than in Spanish national elections? Participation has not even reached the 60% threshold in the past few regional elections. Which is not surprising, given that most Catalans are far more displeased with regional politicians than national ones. But I guess that referring to this would discredit Prof. Guibernau’s bogus argument about a supposed disaffection with the central government, which actually is disaffection with middle-class elites living in their own bubble, be it regional or national.

It would have also been interesting for Prof. Guibernau to acknowledge that a vast majority of the Catalan population is against our regional government investing in projects in which to place their friends, such as so-called “embassies” and centres for Catalan studies overseas (like the one at LSE) when mossos, nurses or teachers (I have family working in the first two groups) are suffering pay cuts. For many Catalans, this is a far bigger problem than supposedly not receiving enough funds from the central government. Regardless of this argument having its merits or not, most of us would like that whatever Catalonia receives is spent on projects helping the population as a whole, not only those close to politicians. But I can imagine it is better not to bite the hand that feeds you.

In any case, the fact that pro-independence elites have been resorting to an economic argument in their push for secession for the past twenty years shows that they know that most Catalans do not feel particularly distinct from the rest of Spain. A vast majority feels both Catalan and Spanish. So their narrative of “us” (Catalans) paying for “them” (Spaniards) without receiving enough in return is the only argument these elites have left. But as the current crisis has shown, it is not us against them, but rather elites, be them in Barcelona or Madrid, pushing for whatever political projects they have in mind without regard with the population as a whole.

Ultimately, the pro-independence project being implemented by political and academic elites who control most of the regional media in Catalonia, and who until the current crisis also controlled our regional banks through political appointees, necessitates the support of the population as a whole. Since this is yet to be forthcoming, these elites intent to internationalise their petty project. Prof. Guibernau’s is but a small part of this project. It would be nice to see the LSE now invite someone who represents the vast majority of Catalans who want to remain in Spain to write here as well.

My dear Albert, you may, if you want, invent a reality for you, but please don’t try to fool people into believing that this is the true reality. In the mid-1990s around 20% of the population was for independence, that’s right. But, according to the last survey published by the ICPS you mention, 41.4% would have voted for independence in 2011, and 22.9% against it (http://www.icps.es/sondeigs.asp, p. 25). According to several other no less “scientific” polls, support for independence is now around 45%, whereas the will to remain in Spain does not go beyond 25%. Many people do still not know or not say, but figures are figures.
Besides I don’t know why you say that this is a preoccupation only with the elites, when your respected ICPS, in the same 2011 survey, says that this is a very important matter to 20% of the population, and quite important to 42.4%; only 26% find it of little importance, and 10% of no importance (again p. 25).
Anyway, instead of speculating whether this has a higher support than that or the other way round, why not simply asking the people in a referendum, and then of course accepting the people’s decision? Now you say that we are few, I say that we are many, whereas then we would know. Is this not the best, knowing? Is this not what you would like, to know, instead of just believing?
Best wishes from Mataró (such a coincidence!)

The survey that you refer to quite clearly shows that 29.8% of Catalans think that Catalonia should be independent, 61.5% think that it should be part of Spain in one form or the other, and the rest do not know/answer. This is the question that the ICPS has been asking since 1993, using exactly the same wording. Thus, as any proper, unbiased social scientist will tell you, this is the question that should be used as a point of comparison. The question you refer to has only been asked in 2011, and therefore it cannot be used to construct a valid argument, only an ideological one. It might be possible to construct a valid argument using your question of choice in five or (better) ten years time, but not now.

Taking this into account, the results from the ICPS are very clear – the number of people who think that Catalonia should be independent has never been below 15% and never above 30%, while the number of people who think that it should be part of Spain in one way or the other has never been below 60% or above 70%. For example, 21.8% of Catalans thought that Catalonia should be independent in 2010. In 2011, the figure jumped to 29.8%. However, there is no obvious, long-term trend towards greater support for independence. Indeed, the ICPS surveys quite clearly show that sustained support for independence went up in the mid-1990s (economic crisis in Spain), then went down (recovery from the crisis), then went up (second term of Aznar’s government), then went down again (boom years), and only increased in the last year (with the worst of the crisis affecting Spain). In short, there has not been any discernible increase in support for independence in the 1993-2011 period.

As for the article by Prof. Guibernau itself, it is the usual dribble from the nationalist bourgeoisie scattered around different parts of Catalan politics, media, academia and business – plus FCB, of course. The only interesting development is that this bourgeoisie now uses platforms overseas, paid by all Catalan taxpayers, to spread their message – be it the Catalan Observatory, so-called “embassies” or similar institutions. This shows their contempt for the plight of working class Catalans suffering from record unemployment and deindustrialisation, a feature of Catalan nationalism for a few decades now.

I’ve included the link, so people can go and see for themselves.
As to the rest, the last part of my previous message still holds: why not asking the people in a real referendum instead of tirelessly, relentlessly spreading the notion that this is a concern just with the nationalist bourgeoisie? Then we would know. Is this not what you would like, to know, instead of spreading propaganda?

I will now entirely disregard your fallacious misrepresentations of my words.

Sure you can organise a perfectly legal private event in which people come and have their say on any matter. It’s called freedom of association and freedom of speech. What you cannot do, because it would be illegal and illegitimate, is hijack a public office for such end; it would then no longer be a private event.

And what do you want with a voters roll if anyway you lower voting age and included foreigners?

Well, in Catalonia there was an intent to have such private event, as I have pointed out above it was not up to democratic standards, and therefore it can and must be criticised.

If you don’t listen to criticism, then you’ll never do it better. Yes, you don’t need me.

Ha ha!! I’m sorry to break at the first opportunity my promise to myself to leave it at that, but you have really made me laugh and I feel like I have to share my gratitude with you. A good joke is always appreciated.
Yes, I can go to my friends and ask their opinion. And in general people can ask other people what they think, and if they feel like answering they will answer. Wow! That’s great! And then? Is this a litmus-test for the degree and the quality of democracy? Answering this question would be like insulting the intelligence of whoever might read this, so I won’t do it.
Now that’s really all. Thanks for your time.

As I have pointed out above, your political side looks much to Kosovo as a precedent. But I say you are comparing the wrong details: the way how Kosovo finally achieved independence is highly particular.

What can be compared though is the Kosovo referendum on independence of 91. It shows that even though such a referendum is organised outside of the local legal framework (no general likening of Yugoslav legality to Spanish one intended) it can attract a huge turnout and create a legitimacy that is ultimate even recognised internationally. In the mid to late 90s it was much used as a point of reference among journalists and diplomats.

If Kosovans (i.e. Kosovo Albanians) could, all the easier to follow this example under the conditions of a democratic state.

But the referendum in Catalonia only got a very low turnout. This is an uncomfortable truth. A scapegoat has to be found.

So your political side takes to whining about the “rights” it does not have even after using its very fundamental democratic rights of freedom of association and speech. The right of self-determination is not only exercised in the form of a referendum, but in many other ways, and you are not barred from using them.

So use them well, and the next time you make an unofficial referendum, and plans are already in the making, simply do it in a democratic way. That can’t be so hard. And obviously it would be for your own good.

[…] Blunder‘) appear to be seriously considering whether the province should secede from Spain.The LSE has published an article by Montserrat Guibernau on the topic which we highly recommend as a thorough overview of the rise of the secessionist […]

[…] to recover funds they claim the federal government is allocating disproportionately. According to Montserrat Guibernau, “Catalonia’s average contribution to the Spanish Central Administration and Social […]

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