International visits, bilateral relations with major powers and possible outcomes. A sudden move of comparison between the two regional powers.

When I found out, earlier this week (13-18 May 2013), that while Prime Minister Samaras would make an official visit to China, Prime Minister Erdogan would hold simultaneous, meetings in the USA, I felt that we are back to ‘traditional rivalry, business rivalry’ between the two states. Only this time, the “Game of Thrones” would be slightly different. Concentration would be provided, on who is more capable of creating strong bonds and alliances, to hold positions, initially, as key regional players, due to location, strategic or tactical effectiveness, interests and fiscal viability of investment, whether these are reasons of economic, religious, political or social/historical concern.

The latest uprisings in North Africa pose a significant challenge in international affairs and especially in international and regional security. In a time of change, the US and the European Union must react in a positive way towards this rapid shift of power that is taking place as we speak in some countries of the Arab world.

For decades the status quo in the region of North Africa and the Middle East- the historical lands where the Arabs reside- had been unchallenged by democracy and social pluralism. These lands were governed by autocratic regimes that distanced themselves from the number one Arab problem in our time, Islamic fundamentalism. While it is not the intention of this article to analyze the reasons for the appearance of the phenomenon of Islamic fundamentalism, it is an absolute necessity to point out its importance as a fire of freedom sweeps the Arab world.

Although it has been correctly signaled by the diplomacy of the US and other European countries, that the struggle for democracy in the Arab world is widely welcomed by all, a possible dynamic takeover of these countries, especially Egypt, by Islamic fundamentalists poses a terrible danger to regional and global stability. In Egypt particularly, the head of the Arab world, such a potentiality is crucial. So far, the autocratic regimes have been collaborating with the West on security issues given the sensitivity of the West to Israel's security concerns and its lawful right to existence, something that has been denied by a potential ruling of these countries by Islamic fundamentalism.

The US, the European Union and its collective security organizations must react now and react in a positive direction. It is widely known that any delay in international affairs is costly and sometimes a painful luxury that the West cannot afford. It's time for the West to dare and trust the will of the Arab peoples for democracy and social liberalism. The fears and reservations that have rightfully come to the surface within the circles of policy making elites in the West must not translate to a policy of mistrust towards these uprisings. Should we react offensively or give our trust to the instinct of the Arab people? Now is the time for the Western world to dare!

The resignation of President Mubarak without doubt opened the way for a promising future. The intervention of the number one guarantor for the cohesion of the nation, the Egyptian army, offers a unique opportunity for stability and order to be restored.

Of course, the inner political struggle for power in Egypt will be fierce and one of the big players will be the Islamic brotherhood. Whether its aim is a rapid islamisation of political life towards the patterns of the Islamic revolution of Iran is not explicit yet. The people of Egypt particularly, must not be confronted with reservation from the West, but rather enjoy its trust. We must dare to provide our helping hand and stand next to the Egyptian people by any means, but at the same time to make clear that fundamentalism is not welcomed in our new trustful relation. It is them who aspire for democracy and is undemocratic to use a parliament in order to impose a religious autocracy. This new trustful relation must be forged through practical means of intergovernmental collaboration and well-known canals of policy- making procedures especially during this critical period of Egypt's National dialogue opened by the vice-president Omar Suleiman. This will inspire the newly born Arab democrats towards democracy and at the same time will prevent any inclination towards Islamic fundamentalism.

It is generally accepted that it is too early to have secure results out of this struggle in Egypt. The complexity of the Arab politics and the potential players in this struggle for power leave no room for safe predictions. But one is for sure, if we dare, we will win. We will win a new trustful relationship with the Arab world, a relationship which can prevent Islamic Fundamentalism more effectively, rather than a confrontational relationship, and that is the primary target of a successful western Diplomacy.