Named Entity Results, Abraham Lincoln

Enter the name of a place, like "Springfield" or
"Athens", to find all locations matching the name, or enter a state
("Illinois") or country ("Canada") to find all places within that state or
nation. You may also enter more than one of these to narrow your search
("Athens, Greece" or "Springfield, Illinois, United States").

Note that abbreviations ("USA", "Ill.") do
not work at present--please stick to full names!

Search for a person:

In:

Forenames
Surnames
Full name

Searching for "Washington" in "Forenames" and
"Surnames" will return all people with Washington as a first or last name,
respectively. A full-name search will find anyone who matches the entire
search string ("Washington Irving").

Search for dates:

From:

,

Month

Day

Year

To:

,

Enter a month, day and/or year to search for references to that date.
You do not need to fill out every field: searching only for "1863" will
find all references to the year 1863, while searching for "July 4" will
find all references to the 4th of July, regardless of year.

Enter a starting date and an ending date to find
all occurrences of dates in between.

ps in all directions, and are now lying in frowsy heaps among the ruins of their curious artifices.
Nothing can restore them to their places in the popular estimation; nothing could have kept them there but the rapid and complete success of their policy, and the speedy fulfilment of their prophecies.
The sword they have drawn is held over their heads by the hands of some coming man whose face no one can see yet, but his footsteps are audible, and the ground shakes beneath his tread.
If Mr. Lincoln were indeed a despot, with the genius to lead or direct an army, now would be his time.
All the odium which could be heaped upon him by his enemies, all the accusations that could have been preferred, North and South, have been fully urged, and he could not add to them by leading his army to victory, while with victory would certainly come the most unexampled popularity, and perhaps an extraordinary and prosperous tenure of power.
The campaign would be one worthy of a Napoleon, nor coul

8,000, though some think it was less.
The number engaged upon the other side, taken from the admission of captured officers, was about 37,000.
What was the secret of our success against such odds?
The enemy fought bravely — there can be but one opinion about that — and forced our lines back more than half a mile.
Our success can alone be attributed (beyond that which Divine Providence acceded to us) to the dauntless bull-dog courage of our men. They could not quit fighting.
Said one of Lincoln's officers: What sort of men are yours?
We broke your regiments all to pieces, and yet we did not whip you.
And so it was. Scattered as they were, every man was for fighting on his own hook, and you could have picked a thousand at any time out of the pine thickets who did not know where their companies were, but kept loading and blazing away.
From these scattered fragments of companies General Johnston gathered several hundred, and requested Colonel Thomas to take them to a position, whi

as gone the other way,--and, behold, the laurels that have been woven for President Lincoln are proffered to President Davis.
Yet, not quite so. We who were in the gland, as a whole, will make it to be felt wherever the just authority of President Lincoln is recognized, that we grieve when they are humbled — that we confide in land are to be determined by the merits of the contest now waging between President Lincoln and President Jefferson Davis, we shall be glad, especially at this seasoident at Washington or by the general at the head of the army in the field.
Mr. Lincoln, it is admitted, has travelled far beyond the principles of the Constitutiont perfectly justifiable. The indemnity acts of Congress prove them to be so. Mr. Lincoln can delegate to the chief of the army any power which the head of the Execut and for the purposes of the. campaign it matters little, we repeat, whether Mr. Lincoln or General McClellan exercises powers which are beyond the strict letter of

atriotic men. It was not a party question, nor a question involving partisan policy; it was a question of government or no government; country or no country; and hence it became the imperative duty of every Union man, every friend of constitutional liberty, to rally to the support of our common country, its government and flag, as the only means of checking the progress of revolution and of preserving the Union of States.
I am unable to answer your questions in respect to the policy of Mr. Lincoln and cabinet.
I am not in their confidence, as you and the whole country ought to be aware.
I am neither the supporter of the partisan policy nor the apologist of the errors of the Administration.
My previous relations to them remain unchanged; but I trust the time will never come when I shall not be willing to make any needful sacrifice of personal feeling and party policy for the honor and integrity of the country.
I know of no mode in which a loyal citizen may so well demonstrate

time will be when 200,000 will volunteer for a like purpose, should resistance be made to his legitimate authority, no matter by what party he may be elected.
There seems to me to be, in the course recommended to the South, in the event of Mr. Lincoln's election to the presidency, a fatuity little short of madness.
Would you pull down the canopy of heaven because wrong and crime exist beneath it?
Would you break up the earth on which we tread because earthquakes sometimes heave it and pesvered its ascendency in the North, and an united party, embracing two-thirds of the North and of the South, would now have been marching to certain victory next November.
What ought to have been the preventive, must now be the remedy.
Should Lincoln, in November.next, secure a majority of the electors, patriotic men, North and South, without waiting for his inauguration, irrespective of party lines and throwing aside all minor considerations, must band together for the triple purpose of pre

section Judge Douglas, and in the other to promote the cause of Mr. Lincoln, was made by Mr. Benjamin, in May, 1860, with his specious abiliquence.
That gentleman on that occasion endeavored to show that Mr. Lincoln was more conservative and true to the South than Mr. Douglas.
made again, within the last few days, of this discussion between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas, to find that Mr. Lincoln is A far more conservaMr. Lincoln is A far more conservative man, unless he has since changed his opinions, than I had supposed him to be. There was no dodging on his part.
Mr. Douglas started with his questions.
Here they are with Mr. Lincoln's answers:
Question 1.--I desire to know whether Lincoln to-day stands as he did in 18Lincoln to-day stands as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law?
Answer.--I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditionould not aggravate the slave question among ourselves.--Debates of Lincoln and Douglas, p. 88.
The distinguished Senator evidently did no

nty of the National Government.
It is a thing so clear, that nobody this way has doubted it None will ever doubt it, but those who wish to annul the National Government.
I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend, John Adams. His Honour Lt.-Governor Lincoln.
New York, June 19, 1789.
Dear sir:--I am honoured with yours of the 30th of May, and find we are well agreed in opinion in all points.
Nothing, since my return to America, has alarmed me so much as those habits of fraud in the usernor Clinton at the head of New York, and Governor Henry in Virginia, so near to North Carolina, there is some reason to be jealous.
A convulsion with such men engaged openly, or secretly, in favor of it, would be a serious evil.
I hope, however, that my fears are groundless, and have too much charity for all of them to imagine that they mean to disturb the peace of our Israel.
With great regard,
I am, Sir, your most obt. John Adams. General Lincoln.
--Boston Advertiser, June 19.

Doc.
51.-the compromise petition at New York, June 28.
To his Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States:
The undersigned, citizens of New York, beg leave to present to you, most respectfully and earnestly, the following considerations:
While they hold themselves ready to sustain and defend their Government, and you as its legal head, they respectfully suggest that the only remaining honorable position for you to take to prevent the horrors of civil war and preserve the Union, is to adopt the policy of an immediate General Convention of all the States, as suggested in your Inaugural.
This course would secure a peaceful solution of our national difficulties, and if any State refused to join said Convention to amend the Constitution, or adjust a peaceable separation, it would stand unanimously condemned before the civilized world.
Earnestly deprecating civil war among brethren, we implore and beseech you to adopt this course, which you may rest assured i

he election.
The people themselves and not their servants can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions.
As a private citizen the Executive could not have consented that these institutions shall perish, much less could he in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own life in what might follow.
In full view of his great responsibility he has so far done what he has deemed his duty.
You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours.
He sincerely hopes that your views and your actions may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in their rights, of a certain and speedy restoration to them under the Constitution and laws, and having thus chosen our cause without guile, and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts. Abraham Lincoln. July 4, 1861.

nger any distinction of citizenship, according to State lines.
The confidential counsellors of the Administration, and the press, proclaim that it will be the chief duty of Lincolnism to efface the old colonial geography, and to abolish the admitted powers of States, as the source of all present evils.
The creation of a nationality by the removal of State power, is the end proposed by this war, and the means are not less boldly avowed.
In the language of one of the foreign Ministers of Mr. Lincoln, it is by national unity and power, combined, condensed, and concentrated in army and navy.
These are open war upon every principle of freedom which the Declaration of 1776 asserted and the Revolution won. They go further: they are war upon every principle of freedom which existed and was nurtured in the colonies before the war of independence, and by which the people had been trained up in the knowledge of virtue and heroism, which instructed them in the value of independence and enab