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87 But children who grow up on the kibbutz cannot even understand why someone would stand up against the community in this way. Ideas and ideals mean very little to them. At debates in the kibbutz general assembly, there was a stark contrast between the founding generation and the people who were born on the kibbutz. The founders and those who moved onto the kibbutz as adults argued with gusto and enjoyed the ideas for their own sake, apart from the practical results of the debate. 88 Likewise, the first generation often read several newspapers to get diverse opinions, even though they believed firmly in their own leftist politics.

74 Even if they are not experts, most people can see that suicide and violence among young people have not increased dramatically just because we failed to spend enough on health education classes. They can see that the decline of the family and the changing ways in which we have raised our children over the past decades have had a deep effect on our national character. Americans are no longer willing to support the left’s usual therapeutic programs, but they may be ready to see that real social and economic changes are needed to preserve the family.

And they want to go further than ever before: It is now acceptable to put children a few months old in day-care centers, and our most progressive cities keep schools open from 6:30 in the morning until 6:30 at night so that parents can drop off their children at extended-care programs before they commute to work and pick them up after they get back. The changes that have been going on since the beginning of the twentieth century are reaching their logical conclusion. Yet the feeling of tech- 28 WHAT’S WRONG WITH DAY CARE nological optimism that buoyed progressives a century ago is now gone.