The son of a Methodist Episcopal Church minister, Gilbert Haven (1821-1880) gained renown for his work as a minister, bishop, abolitionist, and advocate.

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Presentation on theme: "The son of a Methodist Episcopal Church minister, Gilbert Haven (1821-1880) gained renown for his work as a minister, bishop, abolitionist, and advocate."— Presentation transcript:

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The son of a Methodist Episcopal Church minister, Gilbert Haven (1821-1880) gained renown for his work as a minister, bishop, abolitionist, and advocate of racial and gender equality. A graduate of Wesleyan University, Haven served as a Chaplain with the Eighth Massachusetts Regiment between 1861 and 1862. Retiring from the field for the sake of his health in 1862, Haven traveled to England to recuperate, where he published widely on the justness of the Union cause. In the wake of the war, Haven became a staunch public supporter of equal rights for African Americans in both the North and the South, and a fierce opponent of the Ku Klux Klan. After being appointed as a bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1872, Haven made visits to both Mexico and Africa. He continued to advocate for equal rights for African Americans and women until his death in 1880. Anti-Slavery

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In the 19th century, the spread of democracy and the rise of the middle class changed the equation. The salon became the important institution which allowed artists to present an immense variety of visions and messages, judged and driven by a rising middle class that could now afford to patronize the arts. Annual exhibitions, or salons were held, and the public avidly followed the latest innovations. The Slave ship, coming from Africa to the New World. Slaves, curly mistreated, and had no rights. This ship is headed to the new European Colonies. These ideals led to the birth of Modernism in the later 19th century through such movements as impressionism, expressionism, and Symbolism. Modernism is a concept born in the industrial revolution. It was the expression of an urge to embrace the new realities and materials of the industrial age, and was expressed through literature, art, decorative arts and design. Underlying most of the modernist movements have been earnest efforts at social engineering- utopianism for the new industrial state that was taking shape.

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I am an Abolitionist! Oppression's deadly foe; In God's great strength will I resist, And lay the monster low; In God's great name do I demand, To all be freedom given, That peace and joy may fill the land, And songs go up to heaven! I am an Abolitionist! No threats shall awe my soul, No perils cause me to desist, No bribes my nets control; A freeman will I live and die, In sunshine and in shade, And raise my voice for liberty, Of nought on earth afraid I AM AN ABOLITIONIST AIR — Auld Lang Syne I am an Abolitionist! I glory in the name: Though now by Slavery's minions hiss'd And covered o'er with shame, It is a spell of light and power— The watchword of the free:— Who spurns it in the trial-hour, A craven soul is he! I am an Abolitionist! Then urge me not to pause; For joyfully do I enlist In FREEDOM'S sacred cause: A nobler strife the world ne'er saw, Th'enslaved to disenthral; I am a soldier for the war, Whatever may befall! Black and white abolitionists in the first half of the nineteenth century waged a biracial assault against slavery. Their efforts proved to be extremely effective. Abolitionists focused attention on slavery and made it difficult to ignore. They heightened the rift that had threatened to destroy the unity of the nation even as early as the Constitutional Convention. Although some Quakers were slaveholders, members of that religious group were among the earliest to protest the African slave trade, the perpetual bondage of its captives, and the practice of separating enslaved family members by sale to different masters. As the nineteenth century progressed, many abolitionists united to form numerous antislavery societies. These groups sent petitions with thousands of signatures to Congress, held abolition meetings and conferences, boycotted products made with slave labor, printed mountains of literature, and gave innumerable speeches for their cause. Individual abolitionists sometimes advocated violent means for bringing slavery to an end. Although black and white abolitionists often worked together, by the 1840s they differed in philosophy and method. While many white abolitionists focused only on slavery, black Americans tended to couple anti-slavery activities with demands for racial equality and justice.

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In the 19th century Matthew Arnold stated that "We mean by art not merely an aim to please, but also pure and faultless workmanship." Arnold, who was the foremost establishment arbiter of taste in the later 19th c. was being a little defensive here. He was reaffirming the importance of skill, while acknowledging that art should also aim to please; that is, create something beautiful. The ideals of art as stated by Arnold are exemplified by the painting on the right. But why was he being defensive about this well established idea that artists exhibit skill? Because in the 19th century for the first time we have dissent from this idea, expressed in the idea of the Avant Garde- the notion that the creative powers of the individual artist are at the center of what art is. The artist was now seen as the leading edge, the prophet of new cultural ideas-- and this meant that the artist had begun to take more extensive liberties with established ideas of technique, interpretation, and suitable subject matter.

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The Winter of Their Discontent Between late February 1848 and early 1849 civic unrest rocked countries across Europe This sparked an enormous march against the king, who promptly abdicated and fled the country. Soon, the movement for increased political rights and against absolute monarchies spread from France to the German states, Austria, Hungary, and Poland. The present movement shares many characteristics of its 19th century predecessor. First, it is a trans-national phenomenon affecting similar but distinct countries across an entire region. Second, it is a popular, grass-roots movement tapping deep social discontent. Third, it is based on a variety of local and international factors: domestic political repression, corruption, governmental ossification, and rough economic times. As in 1848, people are protesting for a political voice through representative government and a free press. They are spurred by difficult economic conditions, joblessness, and poor living conditions. If we can draw predictive parallels with the revolutions of 1848, it would seem that the mass social movements of today will have some immediate political effect. This does not, however, mean that their gains will be permanent or that their new political structures will be stable. The protest movements will probably not change domestic social and economic structures in the short-term, but will have long-term effects for each country and for the region as a whole. Reform will be a long and difficult road.