For example, the insurance industry kept a $220 million-a-year tax break when it convinced House Republicans and Democrats to reject a Senate plan to use the money to reduce the vehicle-registration fees paid by Florida drivers.

The House's decision preserved a 25-year-old tax break that saves $32.5 million a year for Blue Cross Blue Shield/Florida Blue and more than $25 million for State Farm — but denied millions of motorists a savings of $12 per year per car.

Jacksonville-based Florida Blue was the biggest single corporate contributor to Florida political campaigns in the 2012 elections, steering $4.9 million primarily to Republicans. And Blue led the insurance-industry charge, arguing forcefully that insurers could shift call-center jobs outside the state if lawmakers ended the break, which allows insurers to claim a 15 percent tax credit for full-time employees.

"Lobbyists have a right to redress grievances. That's protected in the Constitution," said Sen. Joe Negron, the Stuart Republican who tried unsuccessfully to repeal the tax break. "So I don't have a quibble with anyone coming to Tallahassee to advocate for policy on behalf of themselves or on behalf of others."

But some major corporate interests got denied, the Miami Dolphins foremost among them.

On the session's final day, House Speaker Will Weatherford, R-Wesley Chapel, refused to allow a vote on a package that would have allowed the Dolphins, Jacksonville Jaguars, Daytona International Speedway and a potential Orlando Major League Soccer franchise to compete for $13 million annually in sales-tax breaks.

"There was just sort of an organic movement that started slowing things down," said House Speaker-designate Steve Crisafulli, R-Merritt Island. "The fact that it was all bundled together, I think it just couldn't get enough people going in one direction."

The House inaction drew a fiery response from billionaire Dolphins owner Steve Ross, who said he had the votes to pass the bill and insinuated he would be investing in campaigns "to play an important role in fixing the dysfunction in Tallahassee."

But by and large, interests that are major campaign contributors had their grievances heard and often resolved.

Darden Restaurants and Walt Disney won passage of a sweeping prohibition on local governments' ability to adopt paid-sick-leave requirements for businesses, in response to an Orange County signature-petition initiative that could have required them to offer workers five days of paid time off.

Darden had steered tens of thousands in contributions to lawmakers under the corporate name GMRI, through restaurant brands, such as Outback Steakhouse and Red Lobster, while Disney funneled $2.9 million to state candidates, political parties and other committees in the 2012 elections cycle.

Lawmakers brought a cease-fire to the decade-long "eyeball wars" between optometrists and ophthalmologists, passing a bill last month that lets optometrists prescribe a limited array of drugs while also putting in new protections for patients.

The two warring sides — Florida Society of Ophthalmologists and Florida Optometric Association — have given hundreds of thousands of dollars through the years. The Florida Optometric political fund pumped more than $1 million into campaigns last year, prompting eye doctors to complain this session that optometrists were buying their way to victory.

"That probably had an influence on getting people's interest on the issues," said optometrist lobbyist David Ramba, whom four senators took out to a Shula's 347 Grill steakhouse in Tallahassee before the session to thank optometrists for the cash.

Another special-interest settlement was between workers' compensation doctors who sell repackaged medication to their patients and the business and insurance lobbies who said the practice was costing them millions of dollars.

SB 662, carried by Sen. Alan Hays, R-Umatilla, would place more restrictions on the prices doctors can charge, although both sides said after it passed that the cease-fire was likely temporary.