Interview with former member of GNC

Eqzeet: Abusahmain solely holds the responsibility of hundreds of lost lives and the waste of millions - Internet

Eqzeet: I was the first who said that the HoR members are our brothers.

The former member of the General National congress, GNC, Belqasem Eqzeet has accused the GNC of forging people’s wills dto extend the unrecognized government headed by Khalifa Al-Ghweil.

Al-Wasat Website has published the interview* with Eqzeet, LIBYAPROSPECT is translating here, noting that he “opens the black box” of the last period after he left the GNC.

The interview:

Why did you leave the GNC?

I am not who walks with a flock wherever it goes regardless of vision. The main reason was the GNC’s view of the Libyan problem and the drastic disagreement with its chief, Nuri Abusahmain. Our vision lack common points. I and devoted colleagues have tried to give advices to the chief who appeared to be fanatic and stubborn.

When did the disagreement start? and what are its main points?

“Al-shorouk” operation was the focal point; I was of its main opponents while Abusahmain and his group presented weak explanations. All in the GNC, the House of Representatives (HoR), and the local council of Misrata had no knowledge of the matter. I believed the operation was a national disaster and Abusahmain used the Misratans for suspicious purposes.

Later, I was in a deep conflict with the chief in February 15th and demanded its stop and urgent investigations. The operation was ordered by the supreme leader Abusahmain and not a GNC decision, so he solely holds its responsibility of hundreds of lives and the waste of millions. We are about to forming a team of lawyers to file a lawsuit against the responsible.

Why did you attack the GNC chief? Are there specific decisions behind your stance?

Frankly, the GNC’s stance about terrorism is confused, we told the chief earlier about that, but he didn’t respond. When the Islamic State group (IS) appeared in Sirte, our suspicions turned real as the GNC chief refused to describe their suicidal attacks as criminal rather than terrorist.

We, in the consensus block, hold the presidency the responsibility of what happened in formal statement and suggested the operation to be turned into an operation to secure Sirte and fight the IS. But fighting terrorism wasn’t on top of Abusahmain’s list.

Thirdly, a big reason is Abusahmain’s insistence on fighting reconciliation led by Misrata battalions; Al-Halbos, Al-Mahjoub, and Janzour with Wersheffana. In a meeting with committee chiefs, Abusahmain accused the Al-Halbos and Al-Mahjoub battalions of disloyalty and receiving funds from Emirates through Salem Juha, Fathy Bash-Agha and Fawzy Abdul-Aly. I learned this from an Arabic intelligence agency.

Fourth, the GNC sessions were guided by pressure and intimidation. Some members were threatened by phone too.

The fifth was forging the people’s will, through changing resolution after voting or lying about attendance and bills quorums.

For example, the GNC voted on appointing Al-Ghweil for one month after Omar Al-Hassy was removed. It should have been chosen replacement for Al-Ghweil. Al-Ghweil or someone else may have forged the decision and enabled Abusahmain to renew terms without consulting the GNC.

Why didn’t you object on decision in time?

We objected to violence inside the GNC and outside it, through all available channels. A media siege was imposed including Al-Naba TV, Radio Misrata, Al-Tadhamon agency and others. Some of these outlets blacklisted us after we were favorable voices.

On what does Abusahmain depend in his stubborn stance?

He bets on our desire to save Libyans whom he doesn’t care for. He frightens us from a war in Tripoli, but we know for sure that his supporters are a minority.

Who is the nominee for heading the State Council?

There is no clear nominee, but we wish for having one who serves the interests of Libya rather than presenting words and slogans. He must be able to achieve the council’s goals; national reconciliation, resettling the displaced and working in harmony with the government and the HoR. We have written down goals, and we have to find the man capable of leading the council to achieve it.

Do you expect Abusahmain to be elected?

I don’t think he will be accepted as a chief of the State Council.

What is your vision, concerning security arrangements, to enable the government to work from the Capital?

I followed the political negotiation steps, but security has its experts. I believe it is a little behind the political course, but now I can see faster steps.

Is there any communication with a wide spectrum from the HoR, especially the group of 92?

We communicate with other groups; history will mention that I was the first to say that the HoR members are brothers, when everyone was accusing them of disloyalty, before the Libyan-Libyan conflict appeared one year ago. Anyway, visiting Tobruk and Al-Baida and coordinating efforts with brothers in the East is on our agenda for facing upcoming challenges.

Do you support the political isolation law?

Yes, that was before I became a member of the GNC, I supported the law regarding the concept of protecting the revolution. We expected a law that isolates tens or hundreds in worst cases but the law turned out in a very negative way.

How is that?

It is too broad. It included symbols of February revolution, no matter we loved or hated them. The law gave advantage to revolution over the state. The revolution is even taking itself down by eliminating some of its symbols.

The revolution that takes its symbols out is thankless, February revolution isn’t that kind of revolutions, the law is unfair; it excludes the first strikers as Naser Al-deasy calls it. So any law isolates symbols like Mustafa Abdul-Jalil, Mahmoud Jibril, Abdulrahman Shalgam, Al-Magarief, Atiga, Al-Zwawy and other else, is unfair law.

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