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1 Compositionality without word boundaries: (the) more and (the) most Anna Szabolcsi SALT22 University of Chicago, 5/18 20/2012. Compositionality The meaning of a complex expression is a function of the meanings of its parts and how they are put together. What are the parts? This question can be asked in many ways: Surface constituents? LF constituents? Only audible parts? Also phonetically empty ones? What about type shifters? Etc. Today s question Are phonological words necessarily parts, even minimal (primitive) parts, that a compositional grammar should take into account? If not, what parts are to be recognized? 2 Lessons from Distributed Morphology and some versions of Minimalist Syntax Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1994; Embick 2010; and others) Hierarchical syntactic structure all the way down to roots; Late Insertion of vocabulary items. The architecture is compatible with various different theories of locality and linearization. The typological differences between polysynthetic and isolating languages do not require the postulation of radically different mechanisms in UG. The phonological word has no special status in semantic interpretation. 3 The phonological word has no special status in semantic interpretation 4 Lessons from Distributed Morphology and some versions of Minimalist Syntax Some versions of Minimalist syntax (Julien 2002; Kayne 2005a,b, 2010; Koopman 2005; Koopman & Szabolcsi 2000; Sigurðsson 2004; Starke 2009; many others) Each syntactic head carries one and only one feature. Then, phonological words correspond to potentially large chunks of syntactic structure. Especially when remnant movement is allowed, many words will not even correspond to complex heads assembled by head movement in syntax, because at least some of the building blocks are phrases. 5 Many words will not even correspond to complex heads assembled by head movement in syntax Example: jede Frau `every woman (Leu 2009) jeder je `distributive particle d `relative complementizer adjectival agreement gut er Mann je d er Mann gut e Frau je d e Frau gut es Kind je d es Kind d er Mann d ie Frau d as Kind 6

2 Moral Words are not distinguished building blocks in syntax or morphology. Then, we do not expect words to be distinguished building blocks for compositional semantics. Specifically, word boundaries are neither upper bounds nor lower bounds for compositional semantics. Not lower bounds Words are not compositional primitives. Complex meanings cannot be simply written into the lexical entries, without asking how the parts of the word contribute to them. Not upper bounds Parts of a word may reach out to interact with, or operate on, the rest of the sentence. (NB Barker s parasitic scope formalizes a very similar kind of action.) 7 Moral Words are not distinguished building blocks in syntax or morphology. Then, we do not expect words to be distinguished building blocks for compositional semantics. Specifically, word boundaries are neither upper bounds nor lower bounds for compositional semantics. Plan for this talk Recap why amount superlative most is a poster child for the no word boundaries approach (Heim 2001, Hackl 2009), and reap some further benefits by pursuing that approach even more vigorously. For more adventurous applications see Szabolcsi (2010: Ch 12.5) and subseq. 8 Background: Superlatives Who expects to climb the tallest mountain? Absolute reading, ABS `Who expects to climb the mountain that is taller than any other mountain [in the area]? Relative reading, REL `Who expects to climb a taller mountain than how tall a mountain anyone else expects to climb? Heim 1985, Szabolcsi 1986, Hackl 2009, others: In ABS, est has DP internal scope. In REL, est has sentential scope. Calls for setting aside word boundaries. 9 Most as a superlative: many est Like tallest, most and fewest have relative readings: Who expects to climb the most/fewest mountains? `more/fewer than anyone else expects to climb Like tallest, most has an absolute reading, which is equivalent to the classical proportional reading: Most (of the) men snore = MEN SNORE > MEN NOT SNORE But fewest doesn t: * Fewest (of the) men snore Hackl 2009: A decompositional analysis can explain these; one that takes most, fewest to be lexical primitives cannot. 10 (Hackl 2009) MANY (d)(mtns) = x[mtns(x) x d] `the set of pluralities x with a property (e.g. mountains) and with cardinality at least d If defined, EST(C)(B)(x) is true iff y[(y C y x) max{d : B(d)(x)} > max{d : B(d)(y)}] `in the set C of pluralities, x has a greater degree of B ness than any y x EST(C)(B)(x) is defined iff x has an alternative in the context set C of things with some degree of B ness. (If B=blue, then members of C are somewhat blue, if B=numerous, then members of C are not empty,...) Note: same EST in both relative and absolute readings 11 absolute [the] tallest : relative [the] tallest = proportional most : relative [the] most Who climbed the tallest mountain? a. `a mountain C taller than ABSOLUTE any other mtn C b. `a mountain taller than RELATIVE how tall a mtn anyone C else climbed Who climbed die meisten Berge? a 1. `more mountains C than PROPORTIONAL how many mtns C he didn t climb = a 2.`a mountain set C with greater cardinality ABSOLUTE than the cardinality of any other mtn set C b. ` a mountain set with greater cardinality RELATIVE than the mtn sets anyone C else climbed 12

3 Is the best good enough? The view from suppletion The Comparative Superlative Generalizations (Bobaljik, to app) ABB good better best H. sok több a legtöbb many more the most ABC bonus melior optimus AAB * good gooder best ABA * good better goodest The Containment Hypothesis: The representation of the superlative properly contains that of the comparative. [[[ adjective ] comparative ] superlative ] `Adj + more than + all others * [[ adjective ] superlative ] `Adj + more than all others 13 (Bobaljik, to app) Together with DM s Late Insertion (Realization), Underspecification, Elsewhere Ordering, and Locality, Containment accounts for the Comparative Superlative Generalizations (and the Root Suppletion Gen.) Why Containment? Not part of UG. Due to intrinsic limits on possible morpheme meanings. Related to the Complexity Condition (no more than one interpretable feature per head). If Containment is correct, Hackl s MANY EST does not decompose enough (ought to be MANY ER T) It accounts for ABB and ABC, but not for *ABA or *AAB. 14 This talk will pursue the analysis [[[ MANY ] comparative ] superlative ] especially with reference to relative superlatives (with an appendix on absolute superlatives) I hope to show that [[[ MANY] comparative] superlative] facilitates revisiting / resolving / discovering some interesting further issues #1 Mountains compared, or climbers compared? #2 A definite article in indefinites? #3 Absolute, non partitive most is generic in English and Hungarian, but more and relative the most aren t Not too difficult to build [[[ MANY ] comparative ] superlative] with Heim Hackl semantics Recap: In relative superlatives, est takes sentential scope Who watches the most films? MARY watches the most films. `Mary watches more films than anyone else does MARY [ est C] watches d many films (Context set C will be suppressed where possible) 17 We build [[[ MANY ] comparative ] superlative] with Heim Hackl semantics Step 1: Comparative er(watch d many films) = watch more films Step 2: Relative superlative (the t)(er(watch d many films)) = watch the most films Step 3: Absolute superlative special case of relative sup, with = in the place of watch * (1) Mari tö bb filmet néz meg, mint Zsuzsa. Hungarian (2) MARI nézi meg a leg tö bb filmet. (3) Mari meg nézi a leg tö bb filmet. Mary pfx watches the sup many comp film acc 18

5 Preview of two analyses Hackl 2009 Krasikova 2011 climbers degree sets of mountains [ est C] [ d x. x climbed d many mtns] [[ est]] = C D x. y C[x y max{d: D(d)(x)} > max{d: D(d)(y)} ] C = {x: d. x climbed d many mtns} the is interpreted as [the C] *[ d. JOHN climbed [d many mtns]~c] [[the]] = C. D[C(D) D [C(D ) D D] C = {D: x[d= d Y[mtns(Y) & climbed(y)(x) & Y d]} est is an uninterpreted feature on most (worlds left out by AS) 25 Preview of the argument The Heim Hackl analysis and the Krasikova analysis of relative superlatives are most likely truthconditionally equivalent, but they seem to be built off of two different comparative constructions, and inherit their properties. Heim Hackl (compare climbers) is built off of more, Krasikova (compare mountain heights) is built off of the more. 26 Meet the players more Context: Bill made $100. John made MORE money. John made MORE money than Bill (did)/than $100. Relative comparative more Context: John and Bill worked. WHO made more money? Of the two, WHO made more money? WHO made more money than the other? Did JOHN make more money, or did BILL? # WHO/JOHN made more money than Bill = vs. a 3 rd guy JOHN made more money than BILL. = just narration 27 Plain stressed MORE calls for a than clause whose content is freely chosen (than Bill, than $100, etc.) But there is a relative comparative more that doesn t have such a than clause. At most than the other can be added. (Elsewhere it s probably accompanied by a silent `than the other. ) I submit that Heim & Hackl s superlative is intuitively built off of this latter construction, with more than anyone else in the place of more than the other. 28 the more (non conditional) Naturally occurring examples Sarah wrote the more books, but Elizabeth is the better remembered. Bunker Hill was not won by the side which had the more courage, but by that which had the more ammunition. Who makes the more money, football players or baseball players? [W]e all know who has the more medals between these two soldiers. In the event of a tie, the team that has the fewer points scored against it will win. 29 Many of you won t accept the the more examples but you will agree regarding this contrast: JOHN made more money than the other. John made MORE money than Bill. * JOHN made the more money than the other. * John made the MORE money than Bill. The inability of `the more to take a than clause is replicated in languages in which `the more by itself is normal, e.g. French and Hungarian. 30

6 French, Hungarian the more [of the two] * the more than Qui a bu plus de vin, Jean ou Pierre? Qui a bu le plus de vin, Jean ou Pierre? Qui a bu plus de vin que Marie? * Qui a vu le plus de vin que Marie? Ki ivott több bort, Jani vagy Pali? Ki itta a több bort, Jani vagy Pali? Ki ivott több bort, mint Mari? * Ki itta a több bort, mint Mari? le plus de is also the superlative superlative is a legtöbb 31 How do the meanings differ? Hungarian speakers and English speakers who accept both `more and `the more say, Who drank more wine? Ki ivott több bort? Who drank the more wine? Ki itta a több bort? interested in what people did interested in the greater amount of wine drunk and who it was drunk by Intriguingly reminiscent of the two views regarding what relative superlatives compare. 32 Relative most alongside the most? Naturally occurring examples When only one promotional. code can be used pick the one that saves you most money! [I]t s good to keep track of all your expenses in a spreadsheet, so you can see what you are spending most money on in the garden. Which animal has most hair per square inches on its body? Most races are won by the guy who has most luck at the collisions at the start. Exists, but fairly rare outside headlines. But perfectly fine with adverbial and predicative superlatives: Who spoke most / loudest?, Who was loudest? 33 Why are there two views on relative superlatives? compares compares climbers (cardinalities of) mtns 2 more mtns (than ) % the more mtns (*than ) >2 % most mtns the most mtns Heim, Hackl `more than any other Krasikova `the largest D associated with any 34 Two truth conditionally equivalent views Hackl 2009 Krasikova 2011 climbers degree sets of mountains [ est C] [ d x. x climbed d many mtns] [[ est]] = C D x. y C[x y max{d: D(d)(x)} > max{d: D(d)(y)} ] C = {x: d. x climbed d many mtns} the is interpreted as `more than any other cf. Russian bol she vsex / vsego [the C] *[ d. JOHN climbed [d many mtns]~c] [[the]] = C. D[C(D) D [C(D ) D D] C = {D: x[d= d Y[mtns(Y) & climbed(y)(x) & Y d]} est is an uninterpreted feature on many `the largest D associated with any 35 Who is right? The Heim Hackl analysis and the Krasikova analysis of relative superlatives are most likely truthconditionally equivalent, but they seem to be built off of two different comparative constructions. Probably each is right for some languages, and both may coexist in (varieties of) the same language. Because they are built differently, they correspond to different intuitions and, probably, to different processing strategies. Assuming Interface Transparency (Hackl et al. and Lidz et al.), this might be experimentally testable. 36

7 Both analyses ought to be broken down more Krasikova 2011 writes all the semantics into the (unique maximal degree set) and its restriction (degree sets assoc. with mountain climbers). Her est is a primitive, and uninterpreted. Hackl 2009 writes all the semantics into est, treated as a primitive. He has no use for the. (Correct, if the analysis is really one of bare %most, i.e. bol she vsex/vsego `more than all. May be a problem, if intended for the most, etc.) 37 On to Issue #2 What is the definite article doing in relative superlatives, which are indefinite by various indefiniteness tests (Szabolcsi 1986, 2010)? Relational have: Does SUE have the most siblings? Adnominal each: Who gave the children the most books each? `Who gave more books per child than how many books per child anyone else gave? Amount expression split: János DOKTORRAL találkozott a legtöbbel. John DOKTOR WITH met the most with. 38 Indefiniteness explained In Krasikova 2011, unicity pertains to degree sets, not to individuals: Who has the tallest sibling / the most siblings? `The maximal degree set s.th. someone has some sibling(s) with smartness/cardinality of that degree is a degree set s.th. WHO has some sibling(s) with smartness/cardinality of that degree? Cf. Cresti 1995 How many people (should) I talk to? l Also has an edge over Farkas & Kiss (2000: fn 15) when Sue s sibs are 6 4 and 6 2 ; all others <6 : SUE has the tallest sibling true, not undefined 39 t many people: Q m x[person (x) Q(x)] wh how: R p n[num(n) R(n)(p)] wh how t many people I talk to: p n[num(n) p = ^ n x[person (x) talk (I, x)]] 40 Proposal: relative more/most money, delivering Heim Hackl semantics cf. slides d much N d a[n(a) & (a) >d] er2 P y x. max(p(x)) > max(p(y)) ER, EST Than clause: quantifier over the y bound argument: Mary makes MORE money than Sue [does] Silent quantifiers ER, EST accompany er in the absence of an overt quantifier. MARY makes more money than the other of the two % MARY makes most money of all 41 Proposal: relative the more/the most money, delivering Krasikova(ean) semantics from same or compatible bits as my Heim Hackl semantics d much N d a[n(a) & (a) >d] er1 G F[max(F) > max(g)] Let H be d much money that z made = z d a[made(a)(z) & money(a) & (a) >d] C = D x[d=h(x)] Replace K s [[the C]] with [[the of all er1 C]] = D[C(D) D [C(D ) (D=D er1(d )(D))]] Finish, as Krasikova, with [[the of all er1 C]] *[H(Mary)] Similarly for %the more money, with of the two. 42

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