Contact the author for
permission to use images and text from this essay.

THE LIBERATION OF
VII A

by Jim Lankford, Deputy National
Historian

Note: An edited version of this article was
published by the Army Historical Foundation in the Fall 2005
issue of On Point: The Journal of Army
History.

On 30 April, 1945 the New York Times reported; "Huge
Prison Camp Liberated...27,000 American and British prisoners
of war at a large camp at Moosburg." The report was correct,
the camp was huge, but it was also wrong. The following day,
the Times printed a correction; "The Fourteenth Armored
Division liberated 110,000 Allied prisoners of war at Stalag
7A at Moosburg, instead of the 27,000 prisoners previously
reported. This was Germany's largest prisoner of war
camp."[1]

On 28 April the 14th Armored Division crossed the Danube
River at Ingolstadt, and passed through the 86th Infantry
Division, which had established the bridgehead on the
previous day, with the mission of securing crossings of the
Isar River at Moosburg and Landshut. Combat Command A (CCA)
was on the right of the division's line of advance, Combat
Command R (CCR) was on the left, and Combat Command B (CCB)
was in reserve.

Large numbers of German troops were falling back on
Moosburg to cross the river. Among them were the remnants of
the 17th SS Panzer Grenadier and 719th Infantry Divisions.[2]
It was, as it had been for much of the way across France and
Germany, a race to capture a crucial bridge before retreating
German units got safely to the other side, and blew it up in
the faces of the oncoming Americans.

Under its commanding officer, Brig. Gen. C.H. Karlstad,
CCA moved quickly towards Moosburg. The order of battle
consisted of the 47th Tank Bn., the 500th Armored Field
Artillery Bn., D Troop, 94th Cavalry Squadron, C Company,
125th Armored Engineers Bn., B Company, 68th Armored Infantry
Bn, and B Battery, 398th Antiaircraft Bn.[3] Total strength
of the command was about 1,750 men, including support
units.[4] With only one company of infantry at its disposal,
the combat command was significantly under strength in
infantry.

The combat command advanced nearly 50 miles on the 28th,
against sporadic resistance. CCA Headquarters settled in for
the night at Puttenhausen at 2300 hours. The main force,
including the 47th Tank Bn. and the infantry of B-68, was
eight miles to the southeast at Mauern. They were only four
miles from Moosburg.[5] The entry into Mauren had not been an
easy one. Not long before midnight, the infantry went in
ahead of the tanks to clear the town, and were ambushed by SS
soldiers using machineguns and automatic antiaircraft guns.
The enemy resistance was eliminated in a short, but intense
fire fight. B-68 lost several men before the town was finally
secured.[6]

During the early morning hours of the 29th, a car
approached a roadblock on the southeast side of Mauren from
the direction of Moosburg. The car was not fired on as it was
seen to be flying a white flag. In the car were four men who
asked to speak with a senior officer. They were escorted to
Lt. Col. James W. Lann, the commanding officer of the 47th
Tank Bn.[7]

The party included a representative of the Swiss Red
Cross, a major in the SS, Col. Paul S. Goode (U.S. Army), and
Group Captain Willets (RAF).[8] The latter two were the
senior American and British officers from Stalag VIIA, a
prisoner of war camp near Moosburg. The SS major carried a
written proposal from the area commander, which he was to
present to the commanding officer of the American force.
After a brief discussion, Lt. Col. Lann escorted the group to
Puttenhausen to meet with Gen. Karlstad.

The combat command's intelligence officer (S-2), Major
Daniel Gentry, was on duty in CCA headquarters when Lt. Col.
Lann arrived. Lt. Col. Lann went in, leaving the delegates to
wait outside. He told Major Gentry about the delegation, and
asked if Gen. Karlstad was available. Major Gentry told him
that the general had just awakened, and would be in the
command post shortly. Gen. Karlstad walked in a few minutes
later, and heard Lt. Col. Lann's report before the delegation
was brought in.

The delegation entered the command post just before 0600.
Col. Goode and Gen. Karlstad immediately recognized each
other. They were old friends, and greeted each other warmly
by their first names. Major Gentry was somewhat dismayed at
Col. Goode's appearance. His jacket was not the right color,
and was made of a coarse, poor quality wool. The rest of his
uniform was badly worn, and in generally poor condition. Col.
Goode was wearing a single insignia of rank which was pinned
to his jacket collar. It was crude, and appeared to have been
cut from a piece of tin. In contrast, Group Captain Kellet's
uniform was in excellent condition. He was even carrying an
officer's swagger stick.

After the introductions, the Red Cross representative and
the SS major discussed the German proposal with Gen.
Karlstad. Col. Goode and Group Captain Willets did not take
part in the discussion, and for the most part, spent their
time talking with various officers in the command post. At
some point during the discussions, Col. Goode left the room
to get something to eat. Since it was actively engaged in
combat operations, and far ahead of Division Trains, the
combat command was on C Rations. Learning that Col. Goode was
a prisoner of war, some the men, who had acquired a few fresh
eggs for their personal use, cooked him a breakfast of fried
eggs, bacon, and toast.

The German proposal was written in English. It called for
an armistice in the area around Moosburg, using as a reason,
the presence of a large prisoner of war camp. It also called
"...for the creation of a neutral zone surrounding Moosburg,
all movement of allied troops in the general vicinity of
Moosburg to stop while representatives of the Allied and
German governments conferred on the disposition of the Allied
prisoners of war in that vicinity." Prior to this, no one in
the division had even known there was a prison camp at
Moosburg, much less how large it was.[9]

On learning the details of the German proposal, Gen.
Karlstad sent a radio message to division headquarters at
Manching, asking the division commander, Maj. Gen. Albert C.
Smith for instructions. It was clear that if accepted, the
proposal would prevent CCA from capturing the bridge across
the Isar River, as it was located within the proposed
"neutral zone." It would also give the retreating Germans
more time to withdraw across the river, and provided them
with the opportunity to move at least some of the Allied
prisoners with them. Gen. Smith rejected the proposal, and
added a demand for the unconditional surrender of all German
troops at Moosburg. Gen. Karlstad relayed Gen. Smith's
response to the SS major. He did not issue a deadline by
which the German commander must respond or make any
allowances that might further delay the combat command in the
fulfillment of its mission. After the delegation left the
command post to return to Moosburg, Gen. Karlstad issued
orders for the attack on Moosburg to proceed.

In his message, Gen. Smith had ordered Gen. Karlstad to:
"Lead your troops into Moosburg." The order was unusual, and
not in keeping with the way Gen. Smith typically worded
orders to his officers. As a result, there was some
discussion in the command post regarding Gen. Smith's
meaning. Gen. Karlstad decided that it was his superior's
intention that he was to actually lead the attack. He
subsequently climbed into his peep (jeep), along with his
aide, 2nd Lt. William J. Hodges, and accompanied by Lt. John
Sawyer of D Troop, drove to the 47th Tank Bn. headquarters at
Mauren.[10] There he joined Lt. Col. Lann, and with him,
moved with the tank battalion in its attack on
Moosburg.

There was no further discussion regarding the prison camp
or its capture. The combat command was to continue with its
primary mission of seizing a useable bridge across the Isar
River.[11] Regardless, the liberation and security of the
Allied prisoners of war was clearly of great importance, and
the combat command would take the necessary steps to ensure
this was accomplished. The men of the division had done this
sort of thing before. Three weeks earlier, they had fought
their way into Hammelburg to liberate Stalag XIIIC and Oflag
XIIIB.[12]

As soon as its units were in position, CCA attacked down
the main road between Mauern and Moosburg. The infantry
platoons of B-68 were attached to the tank companies. The
tanks of C-47, along with the 2nd platoon of B-68, were in
the lead. They were followed by the tanks of B-47, with A-47
in support. Simultaneously, a platoon of tanks from C-47, and
a platoon of infantry executed a flanking maneuver on the
right of the main line of attack. Lt. Col. Lann took command
of the main force, and Major Alton S. Kircher, the 47th's
Operations Officer (S-3), led the flanking force.[13] Since
there were so many Allied prisoners of war in the area, the
risk of casualties due to "friendly fire" was high. As a
result, the attack was made without the powerful guns of the
500th Armored Field Artillery Bn.[14]

The main force advanced without meeting any resistance to
a point about 1 mile west of Moosburg, where the road crossed
the Amper River. It was there, on the east bank of the
stream, that the SS decided to make their stand.[15] The
first tank to move across the bridge came under intense small
arms fire from SS troops located on the far side of the
stream. The infantry quickly took cover behind the tank,
while the rest of the tanks and infantry took up positions
along the bank of the river, and opened fire on the enemy
positions. Several infantrymen on the bridge were wounded by
the first bursts of enemy fire. After they were evacuated
from the bridge, the American tanks and infantry moved
forward into the fight.[16]

The SS fought from dug-in positions in the fields leading
to the town, and from positions behind a railroad embankment
on the American's left flank. The embankment was about 500
yards from the bridge, and lay on a direct line between it
and the prison camp.[17] Resistance was stiff, even fanatic,
but short lived. The SS had no tanks or antitank guns, and
were armed only with small arms, machineguns, mortars, and
panzerfausts. The battle-hardened Americans fought their way
through the SS positions in the fields with relative ease,
while returning the fire coming from the railroad embankment.
The Germans surrendered when the Americans reached the edge
of Moosburg, and by 1030, "... the SS were lying dead in
their foxholes or going to the rear a prisoner...."[18]

The tanks of C-47, and their supporting infantry, moved
out at once to seize the bridge across the Isar. They raced
through the streets at 20 miles an hour without meeting any
resistance. On arriving at the bridge, the force came under
small arms and machinegun fire from the far side of the
river. The infantry dismounted from the tanks, and returned
fire while the lead tank rolled out onto the bridge. Just as
the tank got fully onto the bridge, the Germans set off the
demolition charge, and the center of the bridge disappeared
in a massive explosion. The section of the span under the
tank began tilting precariously down, towards the water. The
driver brought his 32 ton vehicle to a halt, and slammed its
transmission into reverse. With the tank's treads spinning,
he skillfully backed the tank off the tilting portion of the
bridge, and onto firm ground, before it slid into the
river.[19]

Col. Goode and Group Captain Willets had arrived back at
the camp shortly before the engagement at the Amper River
bridge. They told their fellow prisoners that an armored unit
was coming to free them, and while the German resistance was
expected to be light, they should keep their heads down. The
prisoners and guards watched as the SS took up defensive
positions in the area. It was not long before the sounds of
battle came from the distance. The fight for Moosburg was
underway. Fire from the American tanks and infantry, aimed at
the SS who were firing from behind the railroad embankment,
came into the camp. Prisoners and guards alike hurriedly
sought cover in ditches, under buildings, and behind brick
walls[20]. Adding to the commotion was the sound of the
demolition charges exploding as the Germans destroyed the
bridge across the Isar. As soon as it had started, it was
over. The firing ceased except for the occasional sounds of
small arms and machinegun fire from the direction of the
bridge.

While the effort to capture the bridge was underway, Gen.
Karlstad went into Moosburg with the main body of his force.
"Large numbers of German prisoners were being rounded up by
Lann's tank and infantry platoons, including one large group
that stated it was the guard of the prison camp." Gen.
Karlstad and his staff questioned some of the German officers
regarding the prison camp, "... and selected a German captain
to act as his guide to the prison camp."[21]

Gen. Karlstad....

With 1st Lieutenant Joseph P. Luby of the 68th Armored
Infantry Battalion and 2nd Lieutenant William J. Hodges,
and their 3 "Peep Drivers", this party started out across
town, guided by the German captain. As this little convoy,
carrying one mounted .30 caliber machine-gun, approached
the camp gate, the alarming sight of a large number of
armed "Heinies" in the outer yard of the great camp was
noted, but Lt. Luby took exactly the right action. Without
slackening his speed but with both hands on the business
end of his machine-gun he rolled into the middle of the
German formation, brought his peep to a sudden halt and
called "Actung." [sic] The German guard of 240 men was
ordered to line up and to drop their weapons in front of
them. The two young officers and 3 drivers went rapidly
down the line receiving the pistol belts from officers and
making a quick search of arms in the pockets of the
guards.[22]

Moments later, a battle-scarred medium tank joined them at
the main gate. Still others, carrying infantrymen on their
backs, took up positions outside the camp.

Gen. Karlstad called for the German Camp commander [Col.
Otto Burger] and received an unconditional surrender of the
German garrison and the camp. The first allied prisoners to
present themselves were Group Captain Willets and Colonel
Goode, .... In a few moments an enterprising American
produced a United States Flag – from where, perhaps
only he knew – and amid thunderous cheers from the
prisoners, ran it to the top of the camp flag pole. It was
a dramatic moment."[23]

The liberators had arrived, and the prisoners were now,
finally safe. As the realization of this sank in:

Scenes of the wildest rejoicing accompanied the tanks as
they crashed through the double 10-foot wire fences of the
prison camps. There were Norwegians, Brazilians, French,
Poles, Dutch, Greeks, Rumanians, Bulgars. There were
Americans, Russians, Serbs, Italians, New Zealanders, South
Africans, Australians, British, Canadians, - men from every
nation fighting the Nazis. There were officers and men.
Twenty-seven Russian Generals, sons of four American
Generals. There were men and women in the prison camps ....
There were men of every rank and every branch of service,
there were war correspondents and radio men.[24]

They rushed to greet their liberators. So many flowed
around and over the tanks, peeps, and half-tracks, that even
the huge Sherman tanks completely disappeared beneath a mass
of jubilating humanity.

"You damned bloody Yanks, I love you!" shouted a
six-foot four Australian and threw his arms around a peep
driver.

A weary bearded American paratrooper climbed onto a tank
and kissed the tank commander. Tears streamed from his
cheeks.

Italians and Serbs, tired and drawn, jammed around the
vehicles, eagerly thrusting out their hands to touch their
liberators, weeping.

An American Air Corps lieutenant kissed a tank. "God
damn, do I love the ground forces," he said.

"This is the happiest day of my life!"

"You were a long time coming, but now you are here!"

"Endlich frei, endlich frei,"[25]

Here the division found many of its own soldiers, some of
whom had been listed as Missing in Action since mid-November
when the division first went into combat. The tankers of C
Company were thrilled to see eight of their comrades who had
been captured the previous January. Tech 5 Floyd G. Mahoney,
also of C Company, "... was particularly overjoyed upon
finding that his son, an air corps lieutenant, was a prisoner
there."[26]

Most of the American soldiers who fought at Moosburg never
actually saw the prison camp. They did not have much time to
join in the celebrations or even to reflect on what they had
accomplished. That would come later. That afternoon the
infantry of B-68 crossed the Isar on a footbridge built by
the engineers, and began patrolling the far side of the
river. They took some more casualties when they came under
sporadic fire from small arms, mortars, self-propelled guns,
and artillery.[27] The rest of the combat command set up a
defensive perimeter around Moosburg, and began patrolling the
west bank of the Isar. Virtually everyone became involved in
the task of rounding up the thousands of German soldiers who
had been trapped in the area when the bridge was destroyed.
Even Gen. Smith brought in a prisoner. Early in the afternoon
he arrived at the CCA command post in Moosburg with an SS
major riding on the hood of his peep. In one of those strange
coincidences of war, it was the same SS major who had led the
delegation to CCA headquarters early that morning.[28]

CCA failed in its mission to capture a bridge across the
Isar, but this was soon overshadowed by the magnitude of the
liberation of Stalag VIIA. It did not hold 27,000 prisoners
of war, as was originally reported, but 110,000.[29] Among
them were 30,000 American soldiers, sailors, and airmen![30]
Word of the massive liberation spread quickly, and even
General Patton visited the prison camp with an entourage of
high ranking officers.[31]

Combat Command B closed in on Moosburg that afternoon,
along with elements of the 395th Regiment. The following
night they crossed the Isar River on a bridge which had been
built by C-125th Armored Engineers Bn. and the 998th Treadway
Bridge Company. "... tanks and endless lines of silent
infantrymen, ..., faces set and hardly seeing the weaving
scene about them, eyes straight ahead ...." moved forward,
across the Isar River, and deeper into Germany.[32] Behind
them the war was over, but ahead, although it was entering
its final days, the war was still very much alive. For the
soldiers of the 14th Armored Division, there was a little
more fighting and liberating, and some dying, left to be
done.[33]

Postscript

In its advance across Germany, the 14th Armored Division
liberated approximately 200,000 Allied prisoners of war from
German captivity. Among them were more than 30,000 Americans
or about forty percent of the total number held in
Germany.[34] The division also liberated some 250,000
"displaced persons," as well as the large Dachau sub-camp at
Ampfing. Shortly after the end of the war, the nickname
"LIBERATORS" was suggested for the division in an article
which appeared in Army Times.[35] Understandably, the
nickname stuck, and "LIBERATORS" became the division's
official nickname.[36]

Author's
Comments

The author wishes to thank James F. Kneeland, Ray F.
Lohof, Samuel R. Glenn, Robert A. Allwein, John Sawyer,
Charles Franklin, and Col. Bob E. Edwards, former commanding
officer of the 68th Armored Infantry Battalion, for sharing
their experiences, and expanding on their personal memories
and observations during interviews. Daniel R. Gentry deserves
special recognition for sharing with the author, his clear,
unvarnished recollections and observations of the events
which occurred at the Combat Command A command post on 29
April, 1945. A special debt is owed to Col. George England
Jr., former commanding officer of the 94th Cavalry
Reconnaissance Squadron, who so generously shared with the
author his vast knowledge of the 14th Armored Division's
combat history and its personnel, and for guiding the author
to those veterans who could best relate the events
surrounding the liberation of Stalag VIIA. The author also
wishes to thank Lt. Gen. Arthur P. Clark for his time and
patience in answering the author's questions about his
experiences "inside the wire" at Stalag VIIA. Any errors
contained in this article are the sole responsibility of the
author.

3. Historical Report, 47th Tank Bn., April 1945.;
Historical Report: 94th Cavalry Squadron (Mechanized), April
1945.; History: 125th Armored Engineers Bn., p.89; History of
the 68th Armored Infantry Bn., p.32.; Combat Command A:
History; European Operations, p.17. The 68th AIB was attached
to CCA when it crossed the Danube River, but late on 28 April
the battalion, minus C Company, was attached to CCR in
preparation for an attack on the city of Landshut.

4. The strength estimate is based on data from, Stanton,
Shelby L. World War II Order of Battle, (Galahad Books, New
York) 1984. p. 18.

7. Ibid. Mr. Kneeland recalls that the units at the
roadblock had been warned to expect a vehicle flying a white
flag, and not to fire on it.; Combat Command A: History, p.
21.

8. Interviews with author: Lt. Gen. Albert P. Clark, 16
June and 8 July, 2005. Gen. Clark, was a Lt. Col. during
WWII. He was the second most senior American officer at Luft
III, and later at Stalag VIIA. Gen. Clark served as the
Intelligence/Security officer in both camps. According to
Gen. Clark, Group Captain Willets is sometimes confused with
a Group Captain Kellet, who was also a prisoner at Stalag
VIIA.; Interviews with author: Daniel R. Gentry, 20 June and
7 July, 2005. At the time in question, Mr. Gentry held the
rank of Major, and was the Intelligence Officer (S-2) of
Combat Command A. Due to an unusual set of circumstances, he
also functioned as the Operations Officer (S-3). Mr. Gentry
was present in the CCA command post during the entire time
that the delegation was there, and was involved in the later
discussions regarding Gen. Smith's orders and the impending
attack on Moosburg. According to Mr. Gentry, Willets was the
Group Captain who traveled to CCA Headquarters with the
delegation.; Combat Command A: History,
pp. 21-22.

9. Combat Command A: History, p. 21.; Interview with
author: Daniel R. Gentry, 20 June and 7 July, 2005. Mr.
Gentry recalls that this sort of intelligence often did not
reach the division level, and its lack contributed to the
frequent "surprises" experienced by the advancing units.

10. "Peep" was used by the U.S. Armored Forces instead of
the more common term, "jeep."

17. Durand, Arthur A., Stalag Luft III: The Secret Story,
(Touchstone, New York) 1989., p. 353.; Clark, Albert P., 33
Months as a POW in Stalag Luft III, Fulcrum, Golden, CO)
2005., p. 173.; Interview with author: James F. Kneeland, 20
June, 2005. Prior to crossing the bridge over the Amper
River, Mr. Kneeland recalls being cautioned by a superior not
to fire to the left because stray rounds might go into the
prison camp. Evidently, the admonition was promptly forgotten
when the SS troops opened fire from behind the railroad
embankment.

18. Carter, History of the 14th Armored Division.; 47th
Tank Battalion: History, p. 37. The size of the SS force
which defended the town is unknown, but 6,000 German
soldiers, including many SS, were taken prisoner at
Moosburg.

19. Interview with author: James F. Kneeland, 20 June,
2005.; Interview with author: Robert A. Allwein, 11 June,
2005. At Moosburg, Mr. Allwein was the Asst. Driver of the
tank which nearly slid off the bridge into the Isar
River.

20. Durand, Stalag Luft III: The Secret Story, p. 353.

21. Combat Command A: History, pp. 22.

22. Ibid., p. 22.; Major Gustov Simoleit, the Assistant
Commandant of the camp, presided over the surrender of the
prison guards.

23. Ibid., p. 22.

24. Ibid., p. 22.; History of the 14th Armored Division.
Both sources state that there were 27 Russian generals at
Stalag VIIA. In his book, Lt. Gen. Clark gives the number as
"about ten," and includes a photo of ten Russian generals
taken after the liberation. (pp. 178-179.)

29. Combat Command A: History, p.22. This source states
that according to "German estimates" the number Allied POWs
was 110,000.; Interviews with author: Lt. Gen. Albert P.
Clark, 16 June and 8 July, 2005. Only about 30,000 POWs were
held in the main camp (stammlager). The majority, who were
enlisted men and NCOs, were held in temporary camps in the
immediate area of Moosburg, and were used as workers on
farms, factories, and construction projects in the area
between Landshut and Munich.

30. U.S. Air Force Oral History Interview; Lt. Gen. Albert
P. Clark, 20-21 June, 1979. Albert F. Simpson Historical
Research Center, Office of Air Force History, Headquarter
USAF, Washington, p.127..; Interview with author: Lt. Gen.
Albert P. Clark, 16 June and 8 July, 2005. Gen. Clark
believes that it is impossible to know the exact number of
American POWs at Moosburg, but he thinks 30,000, "is a good
number."; Carter, History of the 14th Armored Division .

31. Combat Command A: History, p.21;

32. Carter, History of the 14th Armored Division.

33. Ibid. The 14th Armored Division moved quickly forward,
and establish two bridgeheads across the Inn River before the
end of the war.

34. The total number of American prisoners of war
officially reported in enemy hands at the end of the war was
75,034. (Statistical Review, World War II: A Summary of ASF
Activities, Headquarters, Army Service Forces, Washington,
1945, p. 157.)

35. Army Times, Vol. 6, No. 8, 29 September, 1945,
p.15.

36. The list of Army units with officially authorized
Special Designations (nicknames) can be seen at:
http://www.army.mil/CMH-PG/lineage/SpcDes-123.htm .; The 14th
Armored Division is also recognized as a "Liberation Unit" by
the U.S. Memorial Holocaust Museum.