The American Revolution and the Swedish Church in the Delaware Valley

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND THE
SWEDISH CHURCH IN THE DELAWARE
VALLEY
GRANT W. ANDRESEN
The Bicentennial of the United States has reawakened interest
in the various ethnic and cultural groups involved in the Amer­ican
Revolution. Persons of Swedish background may take special
interest in the activities both of Swedish-Americans and of the
Swedish government. Generally the position of the Swedish
crown in relation to the League of Armed Neutrality of 1780, as
well as the roles played by Swedish nationals in the conflict, is
well known. However, a close look at the Swedish church in
the Delaware Valley during this period affords insight not only
into the problems of that institution but into those encountered
by Swedish Americans and by the Swedish government itself.
The Revolutionary period would culminate in political change for
the Swedes in America, but would bring religious change as well.
As the last vestige of Sweden's seventeenth-century colony, the
Swedish church on the Delaware maintained four congregations
as late as the beginning of the American Revolution. Swedish
settlers who had chosen to remain in America after the Dutch
conquest of New Sweden in 1655 were forced to rely on the serv­ices
of only two clergymen until about 1700. In fact, for a few
years prior to 1700 they had no minister at all.
In the early eighteenth century a reawakened interest in Amer­ica
on the part of the Swedish church and crown led to the
sending of carefully selected clergymen to the Delaware area.
These ministers were initially so successful that new edifices for
worship were erected in Philadelphia and Wilmington, later in
Raccoon (now Swedesboro) and Pennsneck, New Jersey. In
addition, throughout the century the Swedish ministers were
called upon to act as leaders in ecclestiastical affairs involving
not only Swedish Lutherans but Anglican and German Luther­ans
as well.
261
However, the revolutionary period in America brought
changes that had important implications for the Swedish L u ­theran
congregations in America, leading ultimately to the sev­ering
of their ties with the Swedish state church.
Despite their affirmations of loyalty to Swedish ecclesiastical
leadership, the Swedish congregations in America drew further
and further away from the mother church. One reason was the
anglicization of the formerly Swedish-speaking population. By
1770 only the elderly members of the congregation spoke the
Swedish language. Due to the inability of many of these older
members to attend services in the winter, English was used al­most
exclusively during much of the year.1
Another, more subtle impediment to the relationship between
the mother church and her American mission was meanwhile
of growing importance. For years there had been dissatisfaction
with the Swedish policy of transferring ministers without regard
to American sentiments. This discontent was limited to New
Jersey until 1768, when Gustaf Wrangel's recall evoked a sim­ilar
reaction along the west bank of the Delaware River. The
congregations of Gloria Dei at Wicacoa (Philadelphia) and Holy
Trinity in Wilmington viewed the popular minister's removal as
interference on the part of Swedish authorities. Adding to the
displeasure of the Americans, the Swedish Consistory refused to
appoint in his place a German minister named Kuhn, who had
been trained by Wrangel.2
Soon overshadowing the previous problems of the Swedish
ministers was the issue of the American Revolution. It is im­possible
to ascertain the sympathies of the members of the sev­eral
Swedish congregations. However, it is apparent that as
in similar congregations of other denominations throughout
America, opinion was divided. This cleavage between Loyalist
and Patriot proved a problem for the Swedish ministers, who
tried to remain neutral. Nicolas Collin, the Swedish pastor
at Raccoon (Swedesboro), arrived in America in 1770 and
remained for sixty-one years. During the Revolution, despite
his protestations of loyalty only to the king of Sweden, Collin
was the target of both Loyalist and Patriot. He explained his
predicament:
I could not, like other American clergymen in the place,
262
urge the people to revolt. This was against my conviction and
quite contrary to my official duties. I took no part in their
factions, but to chastise godless persons and to prevent arson
and theft is the duty of a true servant of the Lord, even if
it cost him his life.3
Collin faced a number of risks in his uncomfortable position.
Local Patriots were suspicious of his reluctance openly to ad­vocate
revolt. He refused to sign a loyalty oath presented by
the Patriots but also refused to go to the British camp when told
to do so by these same revolutionaries. In 1777 the Raccoon and
Pennsneck area came under attack by Hessian troops, who were
repulsed with great losses. Collin was accused of being a Hes­sian
spy and taken into custody. He was released only after
giving the captain of the militia his p a r o l e d ' h o n n e u r . 1
Although certain Patriots may have been suspicious of Collin,
the Swedish minister cultivated the friendship of at least one
important colonial military leader. Anthony Wayne and a de­tachment
of three hundred men camped near the church in
1778. Collin found Wayne to be well-bred and respectful, and
as result invited the American general to stay with him during
his encampment.
Collin did not praise the conduct of the British troops that ar­rived
several days later in pursuit of Wayne. The English re­spected
Collin's neutrality but looted the town of Raccoon.
Collin gave their conduct as a reason for lack of pro-British sym­pathies
in the area. "This was one of the main reasons for their
slight success, because both friend or foe were robbed in a most
despicable manner, and some times with permission of the of­ficers."
5
Collin did not save his criticism for the British. As the con­flict
wore on the Patriots began to take revenge on those who
had traded with the British. Several people in Collin's area
were caught and one was whipped to death. The severity of
the punishment and subsequent Patriot conduct while using his
church at Raccoon prompted Collin to be openly critical. He
remained suspect by both groups.
Swedish churches at Philadelphia and Wilmington were also
greatly inconvenienced by the war. Lars Girelius, the pastor
at Holy Trinity, was harassed for his attempts at neutrality.
263
Roving bands of British troops frequently used his church as
their headquarters and forced the Swedish minister to hold
services for them. During the years 1776 and 1777 no services
were held due to the quartering of British troops in the church."
Political sympathies continued to divide the congregations
during and after the war, complicating the task of the ministers
who attempted to placate both factions. After the cessation of
hostilities some of the parishioners of the Raccoon congregation
would not attend services, claiming that the sight of their former
enemies angered them.
Events occurring in America were likewise important for the
Lutheran congregations because of the attitude of the Swedish
authorities toward the American Revolution. This was especially
true with regard to the Swedish monarch himself, since the
American parishes depended upon the charity of the Swedish
church and crown for ministers and other support.
The American Revolution presented King Gustav III of Swe­den
with a difficult problem. He certainly did not favor an
American movement which challenged the rights of kings. Gus¬
tavus shared the views of his brother monarchs toward revolu­tion.
The Swedish king thus wrote to his minister in Paris in
1778, "I cannot admit that it is right to support rebels against
their king. The example will find only too many imitators in
age when it is the fashion to overthrow every bulwark of author­i
t y . " 7
Considering this prejudice against the stated principles of the
American Revolution, what prompted Gustav and Sweden to
support the Americans—at least indirectly—by joining the
League of Armed Neutrality? Gustav was a pragmatist. He
saw the opportunity to harass Great Britain as a protest against
her maritime policies. A second motive was Sweden's traditional
alliance with France, which openly aided the Americans.
These reasons do not totally explain the active participation of
a relatively large number of Swedish individuals in the American
Revolution. Such participation did not necessarily signify sym­pathy
for republican ideas. It was quite possible to be a repub­lican
in America and remain an aristocrat in Sweden. Love of
adventure in addition to a desire for military and naval ex­perience
provided sufficient motives for many Swedes. Revolu­tion
remained an unpopular word under Gustav III.8
264
Gustav's suspicion of republican government, and of revolu­tion
in general, would appear to have led to the rupture of
relations with the Lutheran congregations in America. The
Swedish king evidently believed that following the success of
the revolution congregations in a republic would not wish to
continue their special relationship with monarchial Sweden. In
addition we may surmise, in light of the letter previously
quoted, that Gustav feared republican ideas might be exported.
Young Swedish ministers living in America for several years
before returning to Sweden may have appeared to him as an
invitation to trouble.9
By 1770 the number of Swedish ministers had increased to
four with the arrival of Nicolas Collin at Raccoon. The Raccoon
parish was then served by the Reverend Johan Wiksell, who
also held the position of provost of the Swedish congregations
in America. Gloria Dei Church at Wicacoa (Philadelphia) and
Holy Trinity in Wilmington retained Pastor Anders Göransson
and Lars Girelius respectively. Wiksell returned to Sweden in
1773, leaving his parish to Collin and reducing the number of
ministers to three.10
The number was further decreased when Anders Göransson
decided to return to Sweden in 1779. Collin was thereupon
transferred to Wicacoa, thus causing another vacancy at Raccoon.
Collin held services in New Jersey periodically for several
months before another minister could be obtained.
Collin's transfer to the Wicacoa parish in Philadelphia prompt­ed
the first reference in the church records to the possibility
of cessation of the Swedish mission. The Wicacoa records
state that the congregation was happy to accept Collin but that
it reserved its right to call all following clergymen. In addition,
the congregation stated that an American minister might be
preferable to one from Sweden. Collin had apparently given
some thought to returning to Sweden, since the records men­tion
the possibility of his leaving. Perhaps the most unexpected
and abrupt statement concludes the letter.
As Mr. Collin has expressed a desire of returning to his
native country shortly whenever his Majesty of Sweden shall
think it proper and convenient to grant him his recall the
mission to this congregation will undoubtedly cease.11
265
What precipitated this terse statement? The records of the
congregation offer no complete answer. The recall of Wrangel,
which has previously been mentioned, had aroused resentment
in the Wicacoa congregation while the continuing revolution
surely also affected its decision no longer to rely upon Swedish
supply of clergymen.
The situation in the other parish then served by a Swedish
clergymen was somewhat different. Disgusted by the hard­ships
he attributed to inflated American currency, Girelius
determined in 1779 to return to Sweden. The Holy Trinity con­gregation
in this instance stated its desire for a replacement
from Sweden.12
Sweden apparently did not wish to encourage continued ties
with America. In 1782 the archbishop abrogated the position of
provost for the American congregations and announced new
rules governing travel expenses for ministers. If the Americans
wanted Swedish ministers they would henceforth have to pay
all travel expenses between London and America.1 3
Girelius, however, remained at Holy Trinity for several more
years until he received his recall in 1785. The recall came not
only for Girelius, but for Collin as well. Bishop Otto von Troil
very briefly stated Sweden's position: "His Majesty finds the
reasons sufficient for what the congregation would prefer there­after,
to choose themselves teachers from the natives of their
country, [rather] than that they should be sent from Sweden.'"4
Collin chose to remain in America. He had married while in
Wicacoa and had developed friendships with several notables,
including Benjamin Franklin. The one remaining Swedish
clergyman outlived his church in America. Collin served Gloria
Dei parish, with the aid of several assistants, until his death in
1831.
The Swedish Lutheran congregations thus became independent
after the cessation of aid from Sweden. Several problems con­fronted
them. Where would they find clergymen? What doc­trines
would they formally espouse? The history of the Episco­pal,
Swedish Lutheran, and German Lutheran churches in
America were closely intertwined. There appeared to be little
difference in doctrine between them, except in regard to the his­toric
episcopate, which the German church rejected. It seemed
266
likely that the former Swedish churches would cast their lot with
either the Episcopal or German Lutheran church.
Upon first finding itself without a minister the Raccoon
Church attempted to obtain the services of a Lutheran pastor.
A Reverend Streit from "Virginia was called but declined be­cause
of ill health. Several months went by before Raccoon ob­tained
the services of a full-time clergyman. An Episcopalian
minister and friend of Collin, John Craes, then became its rector.
The vestrymen of Raccoon decided that any Lutheran or Epis­copalian
clergyman would be eligible for the position. This be-became
a permanent rule.15
Raccoon was the first of the former Swedish churches to de­velop
a semi-official relationship with the Episcopal church,
although it was not actually recognized as an Episcopal parish
until 1792, when its rector, Craes, attended the convention of
the Protestant Episcopal Church of New Jersey, held in New
Brunswick. On this occasion Craes brought with him a letter
denoting his official position.
We the church wardens do certify that the Reverend John
Craes has been duly chosen Rector of Trinity Church in the
town of Swedesborough.
Mourse Keen
Benjamin Rambo16
Holy Trinity Church in Wilmington followed much the same
course as the Raccoon congregation in Swedesboro. After the
departure of Girelius in 1785 Holy Trinity congregation decided
that either a Lutheran pastor or Episcopalism clergyman could
be rector of the church. This decision was made at a meeting
in 1795 and recorded in the church records.
Vestry men and church wardens were authorized to choose
and appoint for one year, and from year to year, a pastor or
preacher provided he be ordained according to the Lutheran
or Episcopal Church and hold the faith of the same.17
Joseph Clarkson, an Episcopalian minister, became the first
rector under the new arrangement. Clarkson had served as
Reverend Collin's assistant at Wicacoa before coming to Holy
Trinity. The congregation continued to choose Episcopal clergy­men
but did not form any official bonds with the Protestant
Episcopal Church until 1816, when the first lay delegate from
267
Holy Trinity attended the Episcopal convention of Delaware.
The transision at Gloria Dei Church in Philadelphia involved
Collin. As he grew older his duties at Gloria Dei became more
onerous, causing him to ask for an assistant. Joseph Clarkson,
an Episcopalian and later rector of Holy Trinity, was given
the position, followed by other clergymen of his denomination.
Upon Collin's death in 1831 the assistant became the rector of
the church and all succeeding clergy have been Episcopalians.
The transition from Swedish Lutheran to Episcopalian appears
to have been accomplished with little difficulty. The problem
of language, which had been the major difference between the
two denominations, disappeared in the later eighteenth century.
When the Swedish ministers began conducting the liturgy in
English they found it was convenient to use the English Book
of Common Prayer. Since the Swedish pastors continued to use
it until the end of the mission, the Episcopalian rectors were
not required to change worship practices.1 8 The episcopal form
of government used by the Swedish church also facilitated the
drift into the Protestant Episcopal church. It is apparent that
by 1800 an anglicized Swedish Lutheran Church was so similar
to the Protestant Episcopal Church that the differences between
them were practically unrecognizable.
Today all the former Swedish churches are Episcopalian. The
dioceses of New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania each in­clude
part of the former Swedish mission. Although they have
broken all official connection with their Lutheran background
they remain monuments to the Swedish colonial presence in
America.
FOOTNOTES
1 H o l y T r i n i t y C h u r c h R e c o r d s , H. Burr, trans., (Wilmington: Historical
Society of Delaware, 1890), p. 501.
2 Lars Qaulben, The L u t h e r a n C h u r c h in Colonial A m e r i c a , (New York:
Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1940), p. 162.
3 A. Johnson, T h e J o u r n a l and B i o g r a p h y of N i c h o l a s C o l l i n , (Philadel­phia:
The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1936), p. 238.
'Ibid., p. 240-241.
"ibid., p. 234.
' H o l y T r i n i t y R e c o r d s , pp. 500-510.
' A . Benson, S w e d e n and t h e A m e r i c a n Resolution, (New Haven: The
Turtle, Morehouse, and Taylor Co. 1926), p. 19.
8 Ibid., pp. 19-20; H. A. Barton, "Sweden and the War of American In­dependence,"
W i l l i a m and M a r y Q u a r t e r l y , 3rd. ser., XXIII (1966), 408-30.
" H o l y T r i n i t y C h u r c h R e c o r d s , p. 517.
268
1 0 N. Rightmeyer, T h e A n g l i c a n C h u r c h in D e l a w a r e (Philadelphia:
Church Historical Society, 1947), pp. 107-110.
" J . Clay, Annals of t h e S w e d e s o n t h e D e l a w a r e (Philadelphia: 1838),
p. 134.
1 2 Rightmeyer, op. cit., p. 106.
13 H o l y T r i n i t y C h u r c h R e c o r d s , pp. 510-516.
"Ibid., p. 517.
1 6 Rightmeyer, op. c i t . , pp. 107-110.
1 0 C. Evans, A m e r i c a n B i b l i o g r a p h y S e r i e s : Journal of t h e C o n v e n t i on
of t h e P r o t e s t a n t Episcopal C h u r c h i n N e w J e r s e y , 1 7 9 2.
"Rightmeyer, op. cit., pp. 107-111.
"Ibid., 108-110.
289

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THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND THE
SWEDISH CHURCH IN THE DELAWARE
VALLEY
GRANT W. ANDRESEN
The Bicentennial of the United States has reawakened interest
in the various ethnic and cultural groups involved in the Amer­ican
Revolution. Persons of Swedish background may take special
interest in the activities both of Swedish-Americans and of the
Swedish government. Generally the position of the Swedish
crown in relation to the League of Armed Neutrality of 1780, as
well as the roles played by Swedish nationals in the conflict, is
well known. However, a close look at the Swedish church in
the Delaware Valley during this period affords insight not only
into the problems of that institution but into those encountered
by Swedish Americans and by the Swedish government itself.
The Revolutionary period would culminate in political change for
the Swedes in America, but would bring religious change as well.
As the last vestige of Sweden's seventeenth-century colony, the
Swedish church on the Delaware maintained four congregations
as late as the beginning of the American Revolution. Swedish
settlers who had chosen to remain in America after the Dutch
conquest of New Sweden in 1655 were forced to rely on the serv­ices
of only two clergymen until about 1700. In fact, for a few
years prior to 1700 they had no minister at all.
In the early eighteenth century a reawakened interest in Amer­ica
on the part of the Swedish church and crown led to the
sending of carefully selected clergymen to the Delaware area.
These ministers were initially so successful that new edifices for
worship were erected in Philadelphia and Wilmington, later in
Raccoon (now Swedesboro) and Pennsneck, New Jersey. In
addition, throughout the century the Swedish ministers were
called upon to act as leaders in ecclestiastical affairs involving
not only Swedish Lutherans but Anglican and German Luther­ans
as well.
261
However, the revolutionary period in America brought
changes that had important implications for the Swedish L u ­theran
congregations in America, leading ultimately to the sev­ering
of their ties with the Swedish state church.
Despite their affirmations of loyalty to Swedish ecclesiastical
leadership, the Swedish congregations in America drew further
and further away from the mother church. One reason was the
anglicization of the formerly Swedish-speaking population. By
1770 only the elderly members of the congregation spoke the
Swedish language. Due to the inability of many of these older
members to attend services in the winter, English was used al­most
exclusively during much of the year.1
Another, more subtle impediment to the relationship between
the mother church and her American mission was meanwhile
of growing importance. For years there had been dissatisfaction
with the Swedish policy of transferring ministers without regard
to American sentiments. This discontent was limited to New
Jersey until 1768, when Gustaf Wrangel's recall evoked a sim­ilar
reaction along the west bank of the Delaware River. The
congregations of Gloria Dei at Wicacoa (Philadelphia) and Holy
Trinity in Wilmington viewed the popular minister's removal as
interference on the part of Swedish authorities. Adding to the
displeasure of the Americans, the Swedish Consistory refused to
appoint in his place a German minister named Kuhn, who had
been trained by Wrangel.2
Soon overshadowing the previous problems of the Swedish
ministers was the issue of the American Revolution. It is im­possible
to ascertain the sympathies of the members of the sev­eral
Swedish congregations. However, it is apparent that as
in similar congregations of other denominations throughout
America, opinion was divided. This cleavage between Loyalist
and Patriot proved a problem for the Swedish ministers, who
tried to remain neutral. Nicolas Collin, the Swedish pastor
at Raccoon (Swedesboro), arrived in America in 1770 and
remained for sixty-one years. During the Revolution, despite
his protestations of loyalty only to the king of Sweden, Collin
was the target of both Loyalist and Patriot. He explained his
predicament:
I could not, like other American clergymen in the place,
262
urge the people to revolt. This was against my conviction and
quite contrary to my official duties. I took no part in their
factions, but to chastise godless persons and to prevent arson
and theft is the duty of a true servant of the Lord, even if
it cost him his life.3
Collin faced a number of risks in his uncomfortable position.
Local Patriots were suspicious of his reluctance openly to ad­vocate
revolt. He refused to sign a loyalty oath presented by
the Patriots but also refused to go to the British camp when told
to do so by these same revolutionaries. In 1777 the Raccoon and
Pennsneck area came under attack by Hessian troops, who were
repulsed with great losses. Collin was accused of being a Hes­sian
spy and taken into custody. He was released only after
giving the captain of the militia his p a r o l e d ' h o n n e u r . 1
Although certain Patriots may have been suspicious of Collin,
the Swedish minister cultivated the friendship of at least one
important colonial military leader. Anthony Wayne and a de­tachment
of three hundred men camped near the church in
1778. Collin found Wayne to be well-bred and respectful, and
as result invited the American general to stay with him during
his encampment.
Collin did not praise the conduct of the British troops that ar­rived
several days later in pursuit of Wayne. The English re­spected
Collin's neutrality but looted the town of Raccoon.
Collin gave their conduct as a reason for lack of pro-British sym­pathies
in the area. "This was one of the main reasons for their
slight success, because both friend or foe were robbed in a most
despicable manner, and some times with permission of the of­ficers."
5
Collin did not save his criticism for the British. As the con­flict
wore on the Patriots began to take revenge on those who
had traded with the British. Several people in Collin's area
were caught and one was whipped to death. The severity of
the punishment and subsequent Patriot conduct while using his
church at Raccoon prompted Collin to be openly critical. He
remained suspect by both groups.
Swedish churches at Philadelphia and Wilmington were also
greatly inconvenienced by the war. Lars Girelius, the pastor
at Holy Trinity, was harassed for his attempts at neutrality.
263
Roving bands of British troops frequently used his church as
their headquarters and forced the Swedish minister to hold
services for them. During the years 1776 and 1777 no services
were held due to the quartering of British troops in the church."
Political sympathies continued to divide the congregations
during and after the war, complicating the task of the ministers
who attempted to placate both factions. After the cessation of
hostilities some of the parishioners of the Raccoon congregation
would not attend services, claiming that the sight of their former
enemies angered them.
Events occurring in America were likewise important for the
Lutheran congregations because of the attitude of the Swedish
authorities toward the American Revolution. This was especially
true with regard to the Swedish monarch himself, since the
American parishes depended upon the charity of the Swedish
church and crown for ministers and other support.
The American Revolution presented King Gustav III of Swe­den
with a difficult problem. He certainly did not favor an
American movement which challenged the rights of kings. Gus¬
tavus shared the views of his brother monarchs toward revolu­tion.
The Swedish king thus wrote to his minister in Paris in
1778, "I cannot admit that it is right to support rebels against
their king. The example will find only too many imitators in
age when it is the fashion to overthrow every bulwark of author­i
t y . " 7
Considering this prejudice against the stated principles of the
American Revolution, what prompted Gustav and Sweden to
support the Americans—at least indirectly—by joining the
League of Armed Neutrality? Gustav was a pragmatist. He
saw the opportunity to harass Great Britain as a protest against
her maritime policies. A second motive was Sweden's traditional
alliance with France, which openly aided the Americans.
These reasons do not totally explain the active participation of
a relatively large number of Swedish individuals in the American
Revolution. Such participation did not necessarily signify sym­pathy
for republican ideas. It was quite possible to be a repub­lican
in America and remain an aristocrat in Sweden. Love of
adventure in addition to a desire for military and naval ex­perience
provided sufficient motives for many Swedes. Revolu­tion
remained an unpopular word under Gustav III.8
264
Gustav's suspicion of republican government, and of revolu­tion
in general, would appear to have led to the rupture of
relations with the Lutheran congregations in America. The
Swedish king evidently believed that following the success of
the revolution congregations in a republic would not wish to
continue their special relationship with monarchial Sweden. In
addition we may surmise, in light of the letter previously
quoted, that Gustav feared republican ideas might be exported.
Young Swedish ministers living in America for several years
before returning to Sweden may have appeared to him as an
invitation to trouble.9
By 1770 the number of Swedish ministers had increased to
four with the arrival of Nicolas Collin at Raccoon. The Raccoon
parish was then served by the Reverend Johan Wiksell, who
also held the position of provost of the Swedish congregations
in America. Gloria Dei Church at Wicacoa (Philadelphia) and
Holy Trinity in Wilmington retained Pastor Anders Göransson
and Lars Girelius respectively. Wiksell returned to Sweden in
1773, leaving his parish to Collin and reducing the number of
ministers to three.10
The number was further decreased when Anders Göransson
decided to return to Sweden in 1779. Collin was thereupon
transferred to Wicacoa, thus causing another vacancy at Raccoon.
Collin held services in New Jersey periodically for several
months before another minister could be obtained.
Collin's transfer to the Wicacoa parish in Philadelphia prompt­ed
the first reference in the church records to the possibility
of cessation of the Swedish mission. The Wicacoa records
state that the congregation was happy to accept Collin but that
it reserved its right to call all following clergymen. In addition,
the congregation stated that an American minister might be
preferable to one from Sweden. Collin had apparently given
some thought to returning to Sweden, since the records men­tion
the possibility of his leaving. Perhaps the most unexpected
and abrupt statement concludes the letter.
As Mr. Collin has expressed a desire of returning to his
native country shortly whenever his Majesty of Sweden shall
think it proper and convenient to grant him his recall the
mission to this congregation will undoubtedly cease.11
265
What precipitated this terse statement? The records of the
congregation offer no complete answer. The recall of Wrangel,
which has previously been mentioned, had aroused resentment
in the Wicacoa congregation while the continuing revolution
surely also affected its decision no longer to rely upon Swedish
supply of clergymen.
The situation in the other parish then served by a Swedish
clergymen was somewhat different. Disgusted by the hard­ships
he attributed to inflated American currency, Girelius
determined in 1779 to return to Sweden. The Holy Trinity con­gregation
in this instance stated its desire for a replacement
from Sweden.12
Sweden apparently did not wish to encourage continued ties
with America. In 1782 the archbishop abrogated the position of
provost for the American congregations and announced new
rules governing travel expenses for ministers. If the Americans
wanted Swedish ministers they would henceforth have to pay
all travel expenses between London and America.1 3
Girelius, however, remained at Holy Trinity for several more
years until he received his recall in 1785. The recall came not
only for Girelius, but for Collin as well. Bishop Otto von Troil
very briefly stated Sweden's position: "His Majesty finds the
reasons sufficient for what the congregation would prefer there­after,
to choose themselves teachers from the natives of their
country, [rather] than that they should be sent from Sweden.'"4
Collin chose to remain in America. He had married while in
Wicacoa and had developed friendships with several notables,
including Benjamin Franklin. The one remaining Swedish
clergyman outlived his church in America. Collin served Gloria
Dei parish, with the aid of several assistants, until his death in
1831.
The Swedish Lutheran congregations thus became independent
after the cessation of aid from Sweden. Several problems con­fronted
them. Where would they find clergymen? What doc­trines
would they formally espouse? The history of the Episco­pal,
Swedish Lutheran, and German Lutheran churches in
America were closely intertwined. There appeared to be little
difference in doctrine between them, except in regard to the his­toric
episcopate, which the German church rejected. It seemed
266
likely that the former Swedish churches would cast their lot with
either the Episcopal or German Lutheran church.
Upon first finding itself without a minister the Raccoon
Church attempted to obtain the services of a Lutheran pastor.
A Reverend Streit from "Virginia was called but declined be­cause
of ill health. Several months went by before Raccoon ob­tained
the services of a full-time clergyman. An Episcopalian
minister and friend of Collin, John Craes, then became its rector.
The vestrymen of Raccoon decided that any Lutheran or Epis­copalian
clergyman would be eligible for the position. This be-became
a permanent rule.15
Raccoon was the first of the former Swedish churches to de­velop
a semi-official relationship with the Episcopal church,
although it was not actually recognized as an Episcopal parish
until 1792, when its rector, Craes, attended the convention of
the Protestant Episcopal Church of New Jersey, held in New
Brunswick. On this occasion Craes brought with him a letter
denoting his official position.
We the church wardens do certify that the Reverend John
Craes has been duly chosen Rector of Trinity Church in the
town of Swedesborough.
Mourse Keen
Benjamin Rambo16
Holy Trinity Church in Wilmington followed much the same
course as the Raccoon congregation in Swedesboro. After the
departure of Girelius in 1785 Holy Trinity congregation decided
that either a Lutheran pastor or Episcopalism clergyman could
be rector of the church. This decision was made at a meeting
in 1795 and recorded in the church records.
Vestry men and church wardens were authorized to choose
and appoint for one year, and from year to year, a pastor or
preacher provided he be ordained according to the Lutheran
or Episcopal Church and hold the faith of the same.17
Joseph Clarkson, an Episcopalian minister, became the first
rector under the new arrangement. Clarkson had served as
Reverend Collin's assistant at Wicacoa before coming to Holy
Trinity. The congregation continued to choose Episcopal clergy­men
but did not form any official bonds with the Protestant
Episcopal Church until 1816, when the first lay delegate from
267
Holy Trinity attended the Episcopal convention of Delaware.
The transision at Gloria Dei Church in Philadelphia involved
Collin. As he grew older his duties at Gloria Dei became more
onerous, causing him to ask for an assistant. Joseph Clarkson,
an Episcopalian and later rector of Holy Trinity, was given
the position, followed by other clergymen of his denomination.
Upon Collin's death in 1831 the assistant became the rector of
the church and all succeeding clergy have been Episcopalians.
The transition from Swedish Lutheran to Episcopalian appears
to have been accomplished with little difficulty. The problem
of language, which had been the major difference between the
two denominations, disappeared in the later eighteenth century.
When the Swedish ministers began conducting the liturgy in
English they found it was convenient to use the English Book
of Common Prayer. Since the Swedish pastors continued to use
it until the end of the mission, the Episcopalian rectors were
not required to change worship practices.1 8 The episcopal form
of government used by the Swedish church also facilitated the
drift into the Protestant Episcopal church. It is apparent that
by 1800 an anglicized Swedish Lutheran Church was so similar
to the Protestant Episcopal Church that the differences between
them were practically unrecognizable.
Today all the former Swedish churches are Episcopalian. The
dioceses of New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania each in­clude
part of the former Swedish mission. Although they have
broken all official connection with their Lutheran background
they remain monuments to the Swedish colonial presence in
America.
FOOTNOTES
1 H o l y T r i n i t y C h u r c h R e c o r d s , H. Burr, trans., (Wilmington: Historical
Society of Delaware, 1890), p. 501.
2 Lars Qaulben, The L u t h e r a n C h u r c h in Colonial A m e r i c a , (New York:
Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1940), p. 162.
3 A. Johnson, T h e J o u r n a l and B i o g r a p h y of N i c h o l a s C o l l i n , (Philadel­phia:
The Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1936), p. 238.
'Ibid., p. 240-241.
"ibid., p. 234.
' H o l y T r i n i t y R e c o r d s , pp. 500-510.
' A . Benson, S w e d e n and t h e A m e r i c a n Resolution, (New Haven: The
Turtle, Morehouse, and Taylor Co. 1926), p. 19.
8 Ibid., pp. 19-20; H. A. Barton, "Sweden and the War of American In­dependence,"
W i l l i a m and M a r y Q u a r t e r l y , 3rd. ser., XXIII (1966), 408-30.
" H o l y T r i n i t y C h u r c h R e c o r d s , p. 517.
268
1 0 N. Rightmeyer, T h e A n g l i c a n C h u r c h in D e l a w a r e (Philadelphia:
Church Historical Society, 1947), pp. 107-110.
" J . Clay, Annals of t h e S w e d e s o n t h e D e l a w a r e (Philadelphia: 1838),
p. 134.
1 2 Rightmeyer, op. cit., p. 106.
13 H o l y T r i n i t y C h u r c h R e c o r d s , pp. 510-516.
"Ibid., p. 517.
1 6 Rightmeyer, op. c i t . , pp. 107-110.
1 0 C. Evans, A m e r i c a n B i b l i o g r a p h y S e r i e s : Journal of t h e C o n v e n t i on
of t h e P r o t e s t a n t Episcopal C h u r c h i n N e w J e r s e y , 1 7 9 2.
"Rightmeyer, op. cit., pp. 107-111.
"Ibid., 108-110.
289