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Weekly Ohio State journal (Columbus, Ohio : 1858), 1859-11-01

Weekly Ohio State journal (Columbus, Ohio : 1858), 1859-11-01 page 1

VOLUME XLIX. COLUMBUS, 0., TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1S59. NUMBER 32. (Dht State gturnal. DAILY, TRT-WKEKLT AND WKKKT.T, BT HBNRV D COOKS CO. ffios In Millar's Duililii, Ni. til Rut Town street. Term Invariably hi Adva.nt.. Sailt, W W r yr. Hy the Carrier, per wmIi, t'i'ct. Tiii-Wkklt, 3 on wr yew. Wkmt.t 1 Ml " KKMBOP PAlTiT ADVKRT1SIN0 BV THE SQlTAUB. T1K UXBS OK I.KM 11 It k Mil' A HI,) Oim square 1 fw, lia o" Uu stpiM-c il weeks, 4 One " months, IK on fin " 2 wwk, 3 ' Otu 0 months, 16 W On " l wk, 1 75 Um llmuatlw, l't "n " Kiluvs, 1 On " t montlii, H K Hw 2 dnyi, 76 Ou " 1 mouth. 6 ' " " 1 Uy. 60 WKKKIjT AllVKltTISlNrt. Per Rnmn, of em mow or ls, three eke tr Stiiarw, cu h we. In 1ll1fn 3S nUpUyed AilwtlMroMiU half more than th above num. AilTf rtlwimcntM lwwll ul pn In the column of Special Notiom, rfMiM A orrfirKtrjf mfra. All noil- rriiinl t l iiil.lthrl Itv law, leg! rates. If nnlerwl on the insMe eirbwlvrlv it tier th" Art w-ek, 6l pnrwnt. more than the ! mini; hut all such will HiiM r In the Tri-Wi-ckly without uliurue. Ilimini Tarda, not eirwillng flvti Hues, per year, foslJe, 12.60 per line; cnitilat2. Nolle of ratip, charitable societies, Bio companm. ftc., hair irfe. AU TmnHrnt AdeMi'm'HU mutt fcJ Mi'l 01W. rule will i"t I rM from. N. Advert iwnwnt taken exrept for a definite perlo-l, This The Cincinnati Demonstration. Sperclie of Gov. Irnnlson and Got. t'haNtn. The Republicans of Cincinnati, met Thursday night to exchange congratulations upon the result of the recent election' in this State. Smith ami Nixon's Hall was ftill. The newspapers of Cincinnati gave but partial reports of the admirable speeches delivered by the Governor and Governor elect of Ohio. Wo give below full and correct reports of thesespeeches, Mr, DeuoiBon spoke first, as follows: SPEECH OP HON. MM. VKN MHOS, Jll, Ineednotaav, Mr. President and gentlemen, that I am glad to he here to night glad of the opportunity of joining in your congratulations upon the cheering results of our election, so full of favorable omens for the future of the Republican party, and br the steady progress and early triumph of the great principles that underlie and vitalize the organization of that noble party. It rimy be that I attach too much significance to this verdict of the people of Ohio. It would not. be extraordinary were 1 lo do so, Ws arc very ant to exaggerate the importance of what ever is directlv interesting to us. Hut allowing for this, it seems to me that rarely has it hap- poucd in this Stale, or in uuy other suite ot the confederacy, that an election lus been held whose consequences have been more potent in controlling the destinies of politiuil parties, or in giving shape and direction to the policy of the Federal Government, than will result from our election of yeslcrdny week. What means this victory we have met here to celebrate? It Is not simply the condemnation, by a large majority of the people of this n't ate, of the principles and practices of our opponents as particularly applied to our State affairs not merely a deliberate and indignant rebuke because of their violated pledges in needlessly increasing the expenses of our Slate government in failing to protect the Treasury from peculation and plunder in legislating for the promotion of mere partisan interests, regardless of the interests of the people, and for their shameless servility to their southern allies in their disreputable legislation of tlie vast two years. Not only in these does our victory consist, nor is it confined to a condemnation or t tie general policy, home and foreign, of the Federal Ad ministration. It is true this condemnation has been indignantly and sternly pronounced by the people of Ohio, and it is not one of the least noticeable features of the canvass through which we have passed, that hardly a word of defense of the administration has hcen heard from our Democratic speakers, or from the Democratic press of the State. The extraordinary expenditures of the government upon a bankrupt treasury; the inexcusable conduct of the President in failing to recommend and urge upon Congress such a reduction of the expenses, or the increase of the revenues of the government as would prevent any augmentation of the public debt; the Utah War, gotten up ami carried on at the expense of several millions of dollars, merely for the boned t of partisan contractors; the wicked efforts of the administration to force tlie Lecomp ton constitution upon the people of Kansas against their overwhelming opposition; the declared readiness of the administration to sacrifice to the monarchical systems of Europe the rights of American citizenship in the persons of our naturalised eitisens: these, and all (he other acts of nial-adrainistra- tion of Mr. Iluclmnnn were buried in the tomb of the Capulets by our adversaries. No gnlvan-ism was sufficiently powerful to revive them in their memory. Uut tl e people remembered them, i and deltberatel) passed their condemnatory verdict upon them in this State on yesterday week. lint far more than all this was done. Ify our election the people of Ohio, by an overwhelming majority, have again proclaimed their inflexible opposition to the furl her progress of slavery within the existing limits of the Union, and their invincible determination to encourage the spread of free institutions, and to strengthen and promote the interests of free labor wherever and whenever they can, under the constitution nnd laws of the United States. They have solemnly re-alurmed their devotion lo (he glorious truths proclaimed in lite Declaration of Independence, that all men are born equal; that nil just governments have their origin in the consent of the governed, nnd that the paramount objects and office of government are to protect the life and liberty, nnd to promote tne Happiness of the people. They have said, that these great truths underlie the whole structure of our federative svstoin of government : that in their light must the federal constitution bo interpreted, and that to live them practical force and eifeel in our national administration, all federal legisla tion must be shape"! and directed by them. Hence, the penplo have again said, that Con cress, representing the sovereignty of the poo- pie of all the United Stales, must oxereiso its clearly constitutional power to preserve uie territories from the domination, nnd even from the presence, of slavery. It mus-t prevent the extension of this baleful institution into any free terriirry now owned, or that may ever be owned, by the general government, it must as- territory of Indiana ihe prohibitory elnuse of the ordinance of '87, even for the brief term of ten years, though earnestly applied for by the lerri-torial authorities and a Urge number of the In-lmbiantsof the territory? How else account for the Missouri Compromise, forever abolishing slavery in nn almost boundless extent of territory; the numerous acts of i o.'gress organmng territorial governments in the north western territory, andjin Iowa, Minnesota nnd Oregon, running through nlmost every Administration from Washington 'nlk, and in all of which slavery is forever prohibited? And yet for askmg Iho restoration or the policy that gave birth to all this and kindred legislation on the part of Congress, and to which we are indebted for the organization and marvelous prosperity of all the free Hintes west of the Alleghanies, and for much of the pros perity ot all the Htatos in the Confederacy, slave as well as free, we are told that wo are seeking to deprive the slavcholding States of their con-situtional rights; that we are threatening to disturb the harmony of the Union; that wo are a sectional party, reckless agitators of the slavery question, and aiders and abettors of insurrection nnd rebellion, of Blavei against their roasters.How long must our patlencd be abused by such miserable calumnies, iterated and reiterated in our midst by servile leaders of the North ern democracy In obedience to the demands of their haughty masters of the South? How long will the honest masses of the democratic party inthisSiato, nnd In all of tho States of the Union, free and slave, permit themselves to bo deceived by such unmeaning cant, hud se tine-less vituperation; such instills to the memories of the Fathers of the Republic and to Ihe sacred cause of Constitutional liberty which they so heroically defended, and for the maintenance and transmission of which to us ami our posterity forever, they poured out their Wood and treasure like water, flttingsacrificcn forso noble an inheritance? 1- What constitutional rights of the South are we availing? Do we deny the legal claim of tlie owner lo Ins slave in Kentucky or in any other slartdiolding State? Are we asking the Federal, or encouraging the StateUnvernmeiiis lo UiHt tirb, in any way, tlie relation of master and slave in any tdiiveholding State? Are we seeking to prevent Congress from passing all needful laws for developing the resources nnd im proving tho condition of the slnvehohling slates Piotliing ot the kind. What, then, ar we initiating upon, and determined to secure? Why, simply, thai slavery shall be held and treated na a local institution, with no more na tional recognition than that accorded to it by the leiieral constitution, as interpreted by the con current judgment of every department of the federal government, from the administration of Washington to that dark period of our his tory when a mnjority of the i mitres of the Su preme Court of tho United States declared in ihu Dred Scott case, that the constitution recognizes properly in slaves, and, by its own vigor, carries slavery into the territories, and gives it a legal habitation, beyond Die control of nny power, federal, Suite, or territorial, wherever it is not prohibited by positive law; and exprevsly denying lo Congress or a territorial legislature Uie power to exclude it from the territories. This is our offense; this our treason. Ho it so. e hhall take no backward step. We will con tinue to stand, where we now stand, in the foot steps of the Fathers, asking nothing they did not demand, yielding to nothing they would not yield to. Hut we are agitators of the slavery onestion. How and when? Was it because we resolutely resisted the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, that had been on your statute book for more thnn a third of a century; had given peace to tho country when threatened with the most alarming discord, if not disunion, and which had acquired a sanctity in the hearts of the Ameri can people only second to that they feel for the tonstitution itself? Was it because we de nounced the conspiracy against the freedom of Kansas, encnitrnged nnd stimulated by the President of the United Stales, and souziit to be executed by all the corrupt and violent agencies winrn border rnmanism and Soul horn cupidity could organise? Is it because wo are invincibly opposed to the enactment of taws by uongress to protect slavery in the territories, now so imperiously demanded by tho South, or determined, by all the constitutional means In our power, to prevent the re-opening of the Alrican slave trade: If unyielding opposition to such invasions of Ihe rights ot freedom be agitating the slavery question, let messy to our southern friends, that the agitation will certainly continue. They must not look for a servile, submis sion by Ihe Republican party to their threaten cd encroachments upon the rights of the free States. Ihcy have the power to promptly tcr- minute all agitation of the slavery question, if such really exist, by abandoning all further attempts to extend the institution of slavery into our national territories; by rejecting all constructions of Ihe constitution in relatiou to slavery, in conflict with those given by its framers; hy uniting with us in repealing tho fugitive slave act of lHoO, which is of no practical value lo them, but is insulting to ihe dig- inty and an outrage upon the conviction or the people of the free States. Let the Ho n Hi go back to the old pathways of the Fathers, and all will lieqiiietand harmony. Northern servility will no longer have occasion for iis disgraceful exhibitions. Slavery will continue in tho Slates where it now exists, so long as the peoplo there choose lo retain it the territories will be free and the States formed out of them will be free. and (he great and humane ends of i ho govern ment will be speedily attained. The hopes of American civilisation and constitutional liberty will be fully realised, free labor will be secured in all its rights, and the inauguration here of a truer democracy than ihe world has everseon, will be our noble triumph and our crowning glory. llui 1 am trespassing loo long upon your time. Let ui o close my remarks, by returning you and my political nnd personal friends, of your city and comity, my sincere nuinks tor tbc generous support you and they gave me for the ofiicowiih which I am to be honored by the people of the State. Having been born in your beautiful city, and having here passed the years of my boyhood ami my earlier manhood, I confess, I was anxious to receive surli n vote here an would express a confidence on your part in my fidelity to the interests of your city, and an earnest de sire to he instrumental in promoting ihe prosperity of the State. Such n vote you gave me, fur which I repeat I return my grateful thanks; and while counciotis that I will bring to the discharge of my official duties little experience in our State allairs, aud au ability inferior to that of in niv, nnd it may he to all of my predecessors, I will yield to none of ihem in ihe earnestness of pnrpfite lo faithfully protect and promote the interests of all tho people of the Stale, without, regard to llieir party associations, or would vindicate, at length, the very humblest of i the people may exercise "in obedience to the its servants. (Cheers.) In this confidence organio act." Every really self-governing peo-have not been disappointed. I see helore me j pie must exercise, lliroiigh agents appointed by to-night veiy many whom I once encountered as itself, in such form as itself may prescribe, leg- adversaries, but whom I now rejoice to meet as friends, animated by a common love for a great and noble cause. The few thousand who stood by mo in this county when I was first entrusted with the standard of Freedom and lleform in Ohio, now doubled and trebled in numbers, join in acclaims which announce great victories won nnd predict greater victories yet to he achieved. My fneim (Mtt. iiansm'kkk, who has just addressed you, hasslyled tho result of ihe recent election a llcpublican victory; 1 prefer to call it a popular vrrJirt. Cheers.) The. cause of Freedom and Reform against Slavery and Maladmin istration has been on trial be I ore Ihe people or Ohio. The verdict has just been rendered the judgment hns been already announced : tho process of execution has been awarded, j lu those of us who have been ontrusU'd with the conduct of our State affairs during thu last four years, there is special cause for graduation in this result. We have endeavored to administer the government economically and honestly. To the best of our ability we have faith fully served the state. Hot the disclosure, in I IHO?, of the now welt-known defalcation, and1 the false representations by which it had been concealed by the State Treasurer elected by tho Kepuhhcans in loob, bad exposed bis associates in the State government to misrepresentations of which our opponents did not scruple to avail themselves lo the utmost. Challenging investi gation and courting scrutiny, we submitted our official aciinn to tho decision of the people. May we not well rejotco in tlie judgment winch has vindicated us? 1 Nalional questions hnvt.-, of course, entered largely into ihe rerentcmn r"'s. Tlie great issuo of Slavery or Freedom has more iIi m- any other commanded and engrossed pubMcattcittioii. On our side we have distinctly auti-uuiced our purpose to prevent, by all constitutional means, ihe extension of Slavery beyond Stato limits, and to put an cud to the domination of tho power and interest of Slavery in the national government. Our opponents have met us with but one plea tho plea of popular sovereignly. They have not defended their national administration. Like ttio man without friends whom everybody may kick, that Administration has been abandoned to general contempt, it ml ignominy. Kven thote who set up some claim to bo its special champions have hy a sort of common consent allowed the buttle lobe fought under the banner of tlio uuthor or tho Nebraska Hill. .Mr. Douglas himself emm into the Stale to pay. as he said, n debt of gratitude lie owed lo me for my visits to Illinois. He spoke at. Columbus, in this city, ami at Woodier. Kvery where he was followed by eager crowds' of now-a-diiys Democrats, who sought by every menus to givo the greatest possible eclat to his advent and his teachings. Now it is not to be denied that this was skillful itianagment on the part of our opponents. If there is nny cloak at all that will serve to cover from public indignation tho deformities of el li ve ry extension, that cloak is the one fabricated by Mr. Douglas. If there it any excuse at till for not prohibiting the extension of slavery, that excusu is to bo found in the doctrinu that the people of a territory moy safely be left lo protect themselves against llic evil, tlie wonts Popular Sovereignty are good words; Iho idea whicn they embody is a good idea. Tho liold assertion that the so-called Democratic party are the champions, and that Ihe Republican party aro the enemies of ropular Sovereignty, is the cunningest device which could possibly be contrived to cover up the propogandism of slavery and the usurpations of the slave power. It is the old plan of "stealing tho livery ot Heaven to serve the devil in. We love Hopular Sovereignty, for it is the bulwark of Human Rights. We revere the Power of the People, because we see in it every man s sulest defense ngatnst wrong. Now, just so far as the people of Ohio could be made to believe that the true idea of Popular islative, judicial and executive Dowers. In other words, it must wake, construe and execute its own laws. Now we have already seen that with the mak ing of its fundamental law the people of Kansas or Nebraska had nothing whatever to do. Mr, ifougiah and Congress made it. nut, passing over this, how mueh legislative, judicial and executive power does thcorganio act allow to the people? It vests "thu legislative power in the governor and a legislative assembly;'' fixes tho number of members of each branch of the legislature; provides for their pay; determines how' many days they may sit; and, then, subjects all their nois lo the veto of the governor. Not much popular sovereignty here! Not much power ot sclf-governmcut in obedience to Ihe organio act," where no bill ean become a law without Iho approval of the Governor, unless passed by a vote of two-thirds of the members of each House! Hut this is not the worst of it. The Governor, thus made a constituent element of the Legislative Power, and clothed with the prerogative of the veto, is aot lecV by-the people of tho territory, but appointed by the Federal Government throupb the President. Thus we see that this ny-idic net allocs tlie people next to no Lcgisinrye power. What Executive power does it give them? Ni ne whatever. That power is vested in a Governor, or in his absence, in a Secretary, and both are appointed by tho President There then, finally, does the organic act veal the supremo judicial power? In a Supreme Court. Do you say, then, "Well, tho people corto inly elect their own judges.'' If you do you arc mistaken; for the judges are all appointed ' j the President. What powers of It-government, then, I repeal, have the people of a territory "in obedience to the organic law?" No executive power, no judicial power, nnd practically, no legislative power, except in subjugation to tho Federal Executive. In other words, here is a people, organized as n political community, by ncl of CongrcFfl, without power lo make, construe or execute their own laws. Can we fnil to ml mire, in the or ganic Inw by which they are thus nibji. gated, ' wiy doclrine of Popular Sovereignly?'' Now, these violations of every just, principle of true sell'-goveriniu'tit wit" t. inadvertent or accidental. Wlmn this bursas Xnbraskft bill of Mr. Doug1 as was under discussion I, as vour Senator, otij"cted to (ho vi-i'i i wer pr ii iiscd to be given the Governor, but without avail. I jnoos-cd amendments giving to the people tlie power to elect their own Governor, their ownSei-rcti-ry nnd their own Judges, nnd these amend ments wen voted down by Mr. Do i si 'is and his con fed ur; ta in the repnil i.fthe Missouri Prohibition ng iinst the exU-uMou of Slavery. It was a premeditated tiling- this slrpp ng of (he people of every aUributo and filiation of sovereignty, and this suVjugutinti ot ihem to the will ami control of the Pi'e:denf. Nor is the purpose hard to guess. The "resident was the servant of tho Slave Power, au-l Ins will and control was the will andconirol of ino oligarchy. Just one thing further in this cuniectiou. Does this organic act cnaldo the people lo exclude Slavery.' Mr. Douglas tells us that he regards slaves as property, recognised as such by the Kedcrulcotistitutiuii; that slaves taken into the territories remain property; nnd t lint neither n terriloral nor n Slate legislature has ft right to deprive an owner of his property without his consent, except for public use, upon due compensation. Still, lie says, a territorial legislature, by unfriendly legislation or by nonaction, may control slavery so as to make slaveholding impracticable, or what is tho same thing, inconvenient and unprofitable. Hut this is not what we want. Such legislative action, if we admit that slaves taken into a territory remain properly and that this property in man is recognized by tho Constitution, can hardly he vindicated as honest or constitutional. What we want for die people of a territory what they want for them selves is a substantive, sufficient and efficient was the glorious distinction of American In-1 Let me urge you. finally, men of Hamilton stiiutions, and invited the oppressed of all county, to work heartily together for Ihcse nsuuoB to seen ine saie sneuer oi ineir protec- l great ends. Organise your city, your townships, tion. In this sign they conquered. Inspired : your wards and vonr school districts. Scatter ny mis latin, nauve-norn and loreign-norn nocked to their standards, and achieved splendid tri- Sovereignty includes thu right to enslave, and ! power, plainly recognised in tlie orgrtii 1, to umphs. Uut now, who looks for a Democratic victory in a truly free State? Now and then, perhaps, when tho people are asleep, such a thing may happen; but a Democratic majority in a free State is now an except ion to a gcnoral rule, occasioned and explained by some special circumstances. 7'Ae normal eondiliunnf modern Dmwrary it defnat. This weakness is the logical result of its desertion of fundamental principles. It is thedec!ine in fait hand power which inevitably follows when the ministers of freedom desert her shrines and otter forbidden worship at the altars of slavery. And thin decline is permanent in itB nature. There is, therefore, no fu-turo for the Democratic party, unless, indeed it shall return to its old fait h,rovive its ancient worship and resume the defense of its original principles. Of this there appearB no ground for hope. For the vindication of the fundamental principles of personal liberty and constitutional government; for reform iu national as well as State adtuinistratiou-lor the safeguard ofalUheir material interests, the people must, therefore, in T V itidgment, for years lo come, at least, looi: to tin-republican organisation. I do not doiit't Um this organization now deserves pop. uUr confidence, nor do I doubt that it will be retained as long as it is deserved. Permit me now, and in this connection, to say a few words to you about matters in this county connected wiih thoorganization and action of parties. I shall speak frankly, and shall trust your kindness and generosity fur a candid hearing.In 1HM, Immediately after Iho repeal of tha Missouri Prohibition, we all united, native nnd naturalized, in a common determination to rcdrc.-s that wrotur. We knew no bucIi distinctions ns American or Republican. Wo trusted each oilier frankly and generously, nnd 'ho result was a complete and signal victory. The next year, while the great mass of tho Ameiicans of the State gave a liberal and uiibc-iliit.iiig support to all the nominees of the anti-Nebraska Si me Convention, the majority of ihe Aiucrictiiis of this county refused their support lo ine as nominee, for Governor. It iB useless to discuss the reasons for this refusal, U is a gnu itimitiou to me to know that far the greater iiuinher to whom those reasons then seemed Huflieienl, have since seen i anst to change their "pinions, and per mit mo now to c until them among my friends. In that year, however, notwithstanding the disagreement as 'o governor, an union was at tempted u po ii county iui.1 legislative ticket. A tickei was nominated, ihe nominees were almost all opponents of mine, hut my friends had united in their nomination, and I permitted no personal feeling to intluctice my action. 1 voted lor them all, without nn exception. Siiicotlmt lime, whenever the Republicans and Americiuis have seen til to organize in this county an united opposition lotlio pro-slavery Democracy, I have given lo the Opposition my earliest support. You all remember how cordial and how etlVclivc was that union a year ago. I then saw with inexpressible gratification, native born and foreign bom rivaling each other in earnest exertions for the common cause. It given mo pleasure now, as it gavo me pleasure then, lonckuowledgn the activity, ihe generous zeal and tlie great efficiency of tlie Americans who contributed so largely to tho triumph then achieved by Iho Opposition ; nnd the Americans themselves, I nm sure, would he the last to refuse deserved praise to the e(iiat zeal, activity nnd etliciency of our naturalised fellow citizens. It was my hope, I confess, that a like anion might be effected this fall. Of course it was not for me, being for the present ft resident of another county, to Interpose in political movements here. I did not. in terpose in nny form, nor in the most insignificant degree, unless uniform endeavors, by manifestations of sincere good will and just ap- information broadcast among the people. The harvest will be sure. Tho result of this fnil will be reversed. Only labor In faith and patience and the voice of Old Hamilton will, ere long, be heard loudest among those of her sister counties in proclaiming the devotion of our whole State to the glorious principles which we cherish and defend. that to restrict the extension of slavery is to restrict the just power of Iho people, it is obvious enough that they would bo enlisted on the side of the self-styled Democratic party. Our opponents were sagacious enough, therefore, when they iterated and reiterated the cry of Popular Sovereignty, and, by bold and clam orous insertions, sought to create the belief that exclude slavery; to prevent its intro.luetiin;--to keep it out. Have they got this power under Air. lJoiigias organio net.' lie will not say so. He may say that ihe peoplo may exclude slavery by making it inconvenient and unprofitable to hold slaves, nnd may thus force slavery out after it has come in. Hut he will not say that they can exclude slavery by keeping it out by pre- the Republicans, in seeking to arrest the spread venting its introduction. He cannot say so and of slavery, were assailing tho right of the pen- pic to govern themselves. It was the only1 course, indeed, which offered the slightest possibility of success; for tho defenders of Slavery, as the best relatiou between capital and labor, arc yet few in the free Slates, oven among those who call themselves Democrats. It is not lobe denied that many were misled by that cry anil by those assertions. We can never be obliged to maintain our Republican positions under grentrr disadvantages than those produced by the misconceptions thus created. Tuero was, however, one great advaniago in all this. It compelled a general and thorough discussion of the position taken by Mr.liougla nnd his friends. It led to universal inquiry, What is this Popular Sovereignty which is so vehemently asserted? Is it a reality or a sham? Is It Ihe old doctrine handed down to us by our fathers in the immortal Declaration, or is it somo modern counterfeit, got up to serve base narty necessities? Wo looked for the description of the specific given by the I'liteutce himsell. vte inquired, How does "my doctrine of popular sovereignty," described in ''my Kansas-Nebraska Hill, agri be consistent with himself. Now all this throws light upon ft somewhat remarkable passage in the history of theKansas-Nebraska bill. You will remember that I proposed to auiond it by declaring distinctly and in so many words, that "tinder the Constitution the people may, through their legal representatives, if they seeflt,oxcludeslavery." You wilt remember that this amendment was voted flown by Mr. Douglas and his fellow-repealers. I charged then, and 1 have frequently charged since, that it was nevor intended that the people should be allowed, under the bill the organic act to exclude slavery, l on now see how well founded that charge was. The Drel Scott decision the universal construction of the oligarchy Mr. Douglas's own statements, all demonstrate that I was right. Here, then, we have popular sovereignty ac cording to "m; doclrine, as Bet forth in "my Kansas Nebraska bill: a people with a subju-gated legislature; with a Governor appointed by the President in whoso election they have no voice; with judges also appointed by Ihe President; without power to protect themselves ngainst the introduction of tho great moral, sert and resolutely maintain the interests of .i..,;.. ..i,. ,c birth, mid freedom wherever and however it can lie don ; l!U;ir,( t,e dignity an I the cousiitniional right's consiBienuy wiin mi consunmonai rigiim oijnf iho Stale as a Sovereign member of iho the siavenoiuing oiaics, u nuiH hukuhmi am- j Unje-ri, very as our fathers looked upon it, and as the instincts of the human heart regard It afl an inherent evil, politically, socially nnd morally, without sanction in tho laws of nature, mischievous lo tho owner and brutalizing to the slave, and irreconcilably at war with the rights, the dignity and the prosporily of free labor. Can there be any doubt of such having been the universal sentiment of the men of tho He volution? How else can we account for the denunciations of Washington and Jefferson, of Mason aud Madison, and their illustrious compa triots, againsttheinstitution and theintlueureof slavery; denunciations thai will be reinemnored and inscribed on the brightest pages of our country's history, when the foot-prints of tho slave will be no longer seen in any State or Territory of the Uniou. And can there be nny more doubt of the ancient and continued policy of our govern- ment, for more than half a century, to exclude slavery from our territories by Congressional prohibition, the return to which policy is the primary aud peraisteut denmud of ihe Republican party ? How else can ws account for the effort of Mr. Jefferson and his colleagues of the Continental Congress of KM tofurevet prevent slavery not only in the territory then owned by tho government, but In all the territory that might thereafter be acq tit red ? How else account for ihe adoption of the ordinance of 17H7; tho ratification of (hat Immortal charter of freedom by the first Congrem under the Constitution; tho express stipulation in the deeds of territorial cession of North Carolina and Georgia, that Congress should not prohibit slavery In the territories they ceded, and now including the Stales of Tennessee and Mississippi? How else account for the repeated act of Congress fromlTI'Hto H'2 forbidding, under heavy penalties, the importation of slaves, brought from without the limits of Ihe United States, into the slave territories of Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida; the repeatedrefusals of Cougress to suspend in the with or differ from the doctrine of the Fathers of social and political evil of Slavery. What cruel the Republic embodied by Thomas Jefferson in mockery it is! What a monstrous absurdity is the nation s creed of human rights? I the attempt lo vindicate such legislation in the We rend Mr. Douglas' Woostcr Speech, and 1 name of Popular Sovereignty! How palpable it we found him positively asserting that ho "never j is that the cry of Popular Sovereignty Is a cheat uttered any such nonsense as that a territory and a fraud, mid nil belief in tho sham a miser- was a sovereign power.'' How then, we nsked, able delusion I can there bo popular sovereignly in alerritorv ? We have to thank Mr. Douglas for tho dis- Where there is no "sovereign power" can there ; mission (lor his coming provoked it,) which has be any sovereignty or the people? W hy talk, exposed hub pretension ami deprived it. of all then, of popular sovuroigutv in a territory ?! power to do further mischief. The verdict of Clearly it seemed for no honest purpose. Ohio this Fall is against this wretched counter- We sought, lo know what rights Mr. Doiiglns , feit of a great and vital truth. It will no longer tlul claim for ihe people of a territory. Wc I pass current among her people. All attempts found his own statement in a Senate Report, ! to give it circulation will only discredit those made by himself as chairman of the committee i who make ihem. For this, I repeat, we may nn Territories, and quoted by him in thank Mr, Douglas. I cheerfully admit that he that same Wooster speech. "Tho sovereignty , has more than Paul the debt be owed me. of a Territory." besavs in that report, "remains I Another lesson has been deeply impressed on in abeyance, suspended in the United Stales, in the minds of the people of Ohio by the discus-(rust for Ihe people, until they shall be admitted i sions of this Fall It is this: That tho Democracy Into tho Union as a H'ate. In the meantime they ! of 1NVJ is neither in faith nor practice tho Do- are permitted to exercise and enjoy all the rut hi ! moerary of IH III. Tho party name is preserved. and vrivtttntt of trlf'fimmmrnL to ho exercised ! but neither ihe men nor the principles of tin in ul,ordinalin to tho Constitution and in ohf, party remain tho samo. The Bo-callo l Demo- di'tfi to the organic taw," cralirpartyufto-dayrenouneesitBolddoctrinesof Here we have it. This ii the Douglas equal rights nnd exact justice to nil, guarded ibchino of Populnr Sovereignty tho "right ! ud secured by equal laws and just admltustra- of self-government in subordination t' tlie lion, and substitutes for them the dogmas of tho Constitution and in obedience to thu organ- propagandists nnd perpcmalists id slavery, law." The people of a Territory lia no Sovereignty. It is suspended it is no) very clear where but certainly suspended. i cannot be vested iu iho People until they come into the I iin)ii us a Mate, "in iho meantime. NEWS AM) III MOIt OF THE MAILS. Jamm Bimliaiiaii, A young lawyer of Philadelphia, and nephew to the President, has been appointed the private secretary of that official. Who are the Incendiary Kmltlial Among the letters in Capf. Hrown's carpet bng, The. Washington Statu mentions "several from Henry Smith and John Smith, prominent Northern Abolitionists." Who are these "prominent" members of the great Smith family? Negro Inferiority. j Dr. John 8. Rock, a colored man, whose literary acquirements are said to bo considerable, lately delivered a lecture in Hoston on the Char-1 acter and Writings of Madam do Stael. Some1 of Ihe Hoston papers speak of the performance as evincing critical powers of no mean order. Death of a ThrorUt. Miss Delia Hacon, author of the Hacon theory aB to the authorship of Shakespeare's nlnvs. died a short time since in the Insane Retreat at Hartford, where sho has been nn inmate since hcrreturn from England last. Spring. Commerce and Ilrltglon. Henry Ward Needier said the other evening, in a lecture at Philadelphia: Commercial experience wa beginning lo teach men that liberty is pmjitablf; and, said he, lei every storekeeper in the laud once get the idea that this is true that the dollar-and-eents interest of the world teaches lihrrh nnd every doctor of divinity will swear that Ihe Jidde leaches the same thing! Laughter. Ho did not mean a profane oaih, of course, but a snuc- tiinry oath. Itetieweu laughter. J Atit-fdoU- of Mr. Webiter. Wendell Phillips, in ono of his speeches during tho Compromise excitement iu IS-.tl, illus trated tho relation to Mr. Webner of his Hoston friends, who swallowed the professions of years in biipportmg him tlirouL'h that crisis, by the story of what the tipsy Ibiko of Norfolk said once to a boon companion whom he found dead drunk in the kennel. The Ihiko was reeling home from the tavern one night (for even Dukes used to haunt taverns sixty years since), and. totiiid one oi ins jolly mends prostrate in the mud. Ilo wns himself loo far gone to assist him, bo he said lo liitn, "My dear fellow, 1 can t i help you up, bill I'll do the next best thing for! you lie down by your nid'!" which he did. The facetious Hoston correspondent of the Anti-Slavery Standard revives the story and says: "There was no one in these United Stales that enjoyed (he excellent felicity of this illustrative , story more than Mr. Webster did.' I have been assured, from the best authority, that when sealed at table, after dinner, ho would often call on one of his friends, who is a capital raconteur, for Wendell Phillip s story of Ihe Duko of Norfolk, and was never tired "f hearing and laughing at it. Of course, it was the humiliation of his Retainers in his behalf that gave point and pungency lo Ibis eternal jest." Not a Laughing Matter. The Cleveland Rational Democrat, anxious that, the Harper's Ferry insurrection should not bo made the subject of indecent merriment, publishes the following solemn warning: When Mr. Giddings is able to clear hia skirts of participation in what seems, from his speech es, to have been the darling project of his life piTcialbhrM'infttivManHfi'Miin.toeoneiliHtemaj when thu men ibat 1) doino-l Urowu hu4 bt Wlirnthe l"lni wm Cnncocieil. The Philadelphia Yen has published Ihe fol lowing from tho pen of a leading anti-slavery man of that city: "You ask me what I know in regard to this outbreak at Harper'B Ferry. I answer I know nothing; and yet lam not altogether ignorant concerning it. ".More than a year ngo, when tho Kansas troubles had come to an end, a gentleman for such he was by birth and breeding fresh from the scene of strife, nnd ready for another contest, called to see me at my oflice. lie was a soldier by profession; had fought for freedom in Hungary and on ihe plains of Kansas, mid was uow ready, if an opportunity would otl'er, to draw his sword iu the same behalf in the mountains of Virginia, or in the swamps of South Curolina. On this last point lie, wanted in know my opinion, which, of course, 1 was prompt to give, "Our enterprise," I said, "is a moral one. It rejects (he sword. It seeks to accomplish its end by ideas. It appeals to the understanding, the heart, tho conscience, the purse. Its object Is, by changing public opinion, to effect a moral revolution; that to be followed by a proper political reconstruction, tho same to be accomplished by ihe least possible exercise of force." This, he said, wns all well enouph in theory, but it would not work in practice. II wns too Blow. In the initiatory stages of the movement it might do well enough, but- tho tttuo had come when something more decisive was called for. He was not an Aholitionist in tho common nenso of the word, but ho was a friend to freedom tho world over, nnd wna ready, at any time, to unsheathe hi sword against oppression. Did I know John Drown, cf Ossawaitamie? No, 1 did not know him, though 1 hint often heard of him. Well, said he, 1 don't liko him; he and I don't agree. He has treated me badly; but he is a brave man and an efficient soldier. He has come home burning uudcra sense of the wrongs he and his countrymen suffered in Kausns at the hands of the slaveholders, and is determined to mal.c reprisal. He wants to organize a baud to go South, establish himself iu ihu mountains, and inaugurate a species of guerilla warfare for the liberation of slavery. Are there any amongst your friends thai would co-operate in such an undertaking? To the best of my knowledge and belief there was not one. Well, he would find them somewhere: for he was bent on fighting the slaveholder with their own weapons llic use of which tlicy had o well taught him in the buttles of Knimas, ''Such, in substance, waB tho conversal ion between Captain and myself, of whom ot from whom I have never heard since that time. Hut soon after this, I heard from another sourco, that John Hrown was still meditating a descent on the slaveholders, and was only waiting coud- itttors. And about six weeks ago, a highly res pectable gentleman, just returned tioni loreigu trnvel, slopped in tins cuy, and, in me course of a conversation 1 had with him. dropped ex pressions implying bis knowledge, of Hrown's intention, and, what surprised me timst, of his approval of them. Ascertaining my sentiments on the subject, he did not make me a confidant, and not anticipating nny serious result, nor any immediate result ot any Kind, I made no particular iniiuirics. 'Thii is the extent of my knowledge in regard to this startling affair, n hen 1 heard the fi rumor yesterday. I credited it, and believed that John Drown had a hand in it; subsequent, disclosures have proved that I was right. "This is ihe begiiiing of tho end, ihe drngon's teeth which have been so profusely sown have sprung up and are bearing their natural trutt. Siringtciiow and Dulord initialed ihe movement; who will bo tho men to consummate it?" with such excellent guaranties fur its sustained repute nnd tasteful conduct. Accordingly, the literary community rejoiced whin the bargain was concluded. The November number will bo Issued on Saturday, and its contents offer an unusual variety of subjects. "4'lglUnce at Wellington." Ridiculous performances of the patriots at tho Capital when the news of Brown's Rebellion first reached that devoted city, continue to become public. The Capitol Buildings were watched all night; and Huchanan actually hurried to the depot on a dog-trot to soe the marines ofT. Everybody, particularly if colored, was ordered to be searched. As an evidence oflhe rigor with which this order was carried out, Bome watchmen arrested a colored man soon after 10 o'clock, and proceeded to search him, when ho cried out, "Kress God, nasBa, no use to search dis nigger; I'se been sopi hed (tpc limes afore to-night." ' Ho wb ct, ,t jned ty make tracks for home, and released Premonltlous ItenlUed. " ' " " Tho Iudianapolis Journal saystlmt Mr. Jimes Wood, the engineer killed a few days Bino, on the Hellefontaine railroad, b:id had for several weeks, premonitions of his death, and but a fow days since emptied his trunk of all iis le rs and burned tliem, making remarks at the time, In a rather playful manner, when interrogated, ns to the motivo for destroying hia correspondence, that it was best lo make that disposition of such documents before he died. He fancied he saw several times n red light tho railroad signal for danger near the spot where the rataslvophe happened, but treated the matter as an illusion. wretchedly disguised under the hollow preten ces of popular sovereignly. This chango of principles aniiouiicns a change iu men. Ot lliose who most boldly and xcalouslv maintained tin' Democratic fail hiii iHp.i, vast numbers have At Ihe condition of Mr. Dennlson's speech, Mr. Hassaurek made a few telling remarks, and was followed by Gov. Chase, who was enthusiast lent ly received. W'hen the President, of Iho meeting said that an Introduction by him of S. P. Chase to the people of Hamilton County would bo likenn Introduction of the old Napoleon to Frenchman, by a corporal of his army, the audience made the old hall ring with their cheers of welcome. Aa soon as silence was restored the Governor spoke nearly as follows ; M'EKt II OK GOV. CII ASF. I should bo mora Insensible than atone, fel low citizens, if 1 were not deeply grateful for the kindness constantly evinced towards me by ihe friends ot rieidom in Ohio, of winch your re ception of me lo-nighi is oue more token and manifestation. .My beatt swells Willi graieiui emotion whenever I think with what Head fast seal, and against what formidable opposition llic great principles of which I havo been, 1 trust, a faithful though inadequate representative, have been sustained by you who hear me to-night, and by your compatriots throughout the State. I am not Ignorant that it has been my misfortune, as It has be on the misfortune of other public men, to be misconstrued and misappre hended. I know, only too well that here, inline city, dear tome ns the home of my boyhoood nnd of my manhood, many excellent men nave aiiriouieu to me sentiments and views which I have niver entertained, and have mndo this misconception the fuiindsiion oi earnest and persistent opposi tion, I never blamed them. Their error was an honest error. I never permitted mysslf lo cherish an unkind sentiment toward those who. misunderstanding, bnnostly opposed mo. 1 felt sure that II 1 lived these misconceptions would bo rectified, and that (ho great cause 1 served and a very man time it is "they are admit- been eompidlod by simple fidelity li that faith to tnd how gracious that is "lo exorcise and join ihe Republican ranks. And who have taken enjoy tho rights of self-government in subordi-1 their place in the miscalled Demooraey of to-day nation to tho Constitution nnd in obedience to j Look around and see. You know tlie men. They the organic law.'' I pass over, to-night, the ' are Whigs, who, cither fruni inistakim views of limitation of 'suhnrdiunthvi tothoCousiituiiou,'' (obligation or from mistrttst'of the people, nnd though the whole wickednesa of tho Died, dislike of the doctrine of hqmil Hights, were Scott Decision is covered up iu il, and ask your attention to (hat oilier limitation, "obedience to (lie organic Inw." The people of a territory must obey "tho organic law. ' They have only such rights of self-government as they may exorcise in oltcdi-euce lo thai. The Popular Sovereignly taught hy Jefferson consisted in the derivation of the powers of government from ihe consent of tho governed. There can be nn genuine popular sovereignty, according to his leaching, where the people do not institute, their own government frame their own "organic law." Now, how is it with "my doclrine?" Why, "my doclrine" refers the puwor of organising the government of the territories to Congress. Mr. Douglas himself framed the organio bo( the fundamental law tho cnnttitutum of Kansas and Nebraska. Cun great, by enactment, gave il being and vitality. Neither the people of Kansas nor the people ol Nebraska were consulted at all about their Institutions, The consent of tho governed had nothing lo do with the powers of tho government. Those powers are derived in Kansas and Nebraska and every other territory, from the net of Congress which Mr, Douglas calls the organio law. When he sayi, therefore, that (he rights ofself-government are to be exercised in obedience to the organic law, he says, in reality, they are to be exercised In obedience to Congress. What kind of popular sovereignty hare we here? Does not (his sham cut rather a sorry figure by the side of tho grand old verily of Thomas Jetlorsotif Hut now let us look Into "ray Kansas-Nebraska bill" and see what powers of solf-guvorumcut pro-tlavcry in their feoling-s Americans of like mind and sentiment; and some Free Suiters, I tun sorry lo add, who have forsaken the doctrine and party of Freedom for tho creed and piny of Slavery. These aro the men who till up, in part, the ranks of Democracy, broken and thinned been use of iis own apottaey from its own faith. 1 say, in part, for we all know that tho Democratic party which, while profess ing hosiihiy to shivery extension and a sent for enfranchisement, limited only by respect for tho rightsof sovereign States, commanded large maiorilies. has. ever bIiico its apostacy from iis principles was made manifest, been reduced to a minority in unto, lira men who ihitw jumnu the tartv'onmi)onsate neither by number nor by vigor for the men who have been constrained to leave it rather than abandon their principles. It is nowcleartv seentbal when the Democratic parly enjoyed t he'oonfldence of the people, it pro claimed the doctrines Wllicniiie nrjuiunoaii (mn j now nrnidAimii. It respected ihe rightsof man ns man. It declared their origin to bo, not from society nor from institutions, but from Ood. U held them to be, therefore, sacred and inviolable. No matter how humble or obscure iha individual. It was enough that God had given to him manhood, In establish for him, beyond allqueslioiiorcavil.au inalienable title to life, lilierty And the pursuit of happiness. The weaker, the humbler, ihe more oheoure the Individual, the more snored the duty ol the gov-vernment, deriving iis just powers from the consent of tho governed, lo protect and defend him In these rights HtareH to him nho hn Uttl betide. Democratic lead-re everywhere proclaimed that this doctrine of the rights of man, guarded by tho powor or the people, unite all Ihe opponents of the present national administration in this county ns well na elsewhere, may be called interposition. Vt her. the union was formed I rejoiced in ft. When called lo this city to advocate the election of its nominees I promptly responded to the call. When the canvass terminated in defeat, no one regretted the result more deeply or sincerely than I did. Hut in tins defeat ttrrcisa lesson, it now seems evident that while the great majority of the Americans cordially united ia support of the common ticket, a minority, comparatively inconsiderable, not only refi-sed lo support it, hut joined the self-styled Democracy to defeat it. Tho union of the Opposition has thus fniled of its object; nor docs there appear to be much probability of success with a similar union between the two parties as at present organized, hereafter. Henceforth, therefore, it is likely that ell parties will act under their own hannors. (Cheers.) Nor is it probable that there can be no moro than two parties. No candid American denies that the American party has become loo weak in numbers toetfect, by itself, nny important practical results. Its organiza tion, in fact, has been almost everywhere aban doned by the Americans themselves. Is it not plain, then, that there onn be no effective union of the opposition iu 'ho Democratic parly and tho federal administration, except under Ihe old banner of t recdomand Itelortti still displayed by the Republicans.' u hy abould wenot iiuito under that banner now, a we did in 1 HA-4 ? Why should not sincere and liberal Americans here, follow the example of their brethren elsewhere, and join now, ns they did then, in achieving a glorious victory for "the right ? They will be welcomed as brothers in the common cause They will share an honorable struggle, and partake, I doubt not, in a glorious triumph. Is not this Ihe best as well as tho most ctlectivo union of the opposition? It is true that In such a union none but friends of Freedom and Reform can bo included. Thero are a few, doubtless, to whom this fact will mako it unacceptable. There are somo Ainoricuns, as I have already said, as well as somo old Whigs, end some renegade free soilcrs, who have no heart for an earnest struggle for freedom and reform. They arc pro-slavery in their sympathies. They naturally belong lo the so-called Democratic party. Let (hem go lo it if I hey will. Let us ask no man lo go with us who has not those two essential elements of a man, a head And A heart; a head tounderstnnd our principles, And a heart to cherish them. (Cheers.) While men of pro-script ivo,- intolerant and pro-slnvery spirits nnd these qualities arc oftenest found together join our opponents, troops of good nnd true men, native ami naturalised, Democrats, Americans and Whigs, will unite with us, bet us organize, then, for tho great struggle. The hearts, tho judgments, the consciences of (he peoplo arc with us. Go into your strets, observe your noble architecture, contemplate your prosperous, industry, consider the schools where your children receive the blessings of education, and the churches where you worship the com mon Father of us all; behold these monuments of free labor, and refuse, If you can, join iu defenso of tho great principle which works out those splendid results the principle oi i tie mnttenablc right of every man lo liberty, to tho freest exercise of all tho powers and faculties which God has given lnm lor his own good and the good of his IVIlnW-iueii. 11 iib not bo told that in ihus maintaining iho rights And interests of free labor, we act nn unfriendly part to our fellow citizens of the slavs States. It Is not so. We propose no interference with them or with their slavery. So far as we aro concerned, they ami their States shall have every right which the Constitution gives them, I have always said so. 1 never refined to measures, for the promotion of the Interests of citizens of slave States as oordial support as 1 have given to like measures tor the benefit of the citizens of ray own. We wage no war with any seel ion of our common country. Wo insist onl that the few shall not bo permitted to control the many mat tlie government of the people snail he In the hands of the people, and not in the hands of a privileged class that the slave holders of the slave States shall not force their slavery, either into the free States or the free territories of the Repuhlic. Have not the masses of free white men in the slave States ss deep an interest in these objects as we have? Is there anything in these purposes of ours hostile even to any constitutional rights of the slaveholders themselves? Let us unite, then, for Ih est) purposes of Freedom. It ub unite, too, for Reform, lo arrest the fearful tendencies of tho federnl government to corruption and prodigality, to secure lo labor Its just lewards, to protect and cherish our nets by vote at his lecture in this city, nnd those who gave money to excite a servile war, begin, ns they do uow, to realize tho criminal folly of their acis, wo respectfully BiiggeHt to tho yio iVu(e Journal, nandtisky Keauter, and other sheets of tho same reckless sump, that the time for laughter and fun has gone by. The whole matter will be probed to tho bottom men who gave money, kuowiug the use that it was to bo put to, are accessories to tho murder, belore tho fact, and will doubtless be put upon trial, and change tho fun of these editors into sorrow. Cierril Smith lit Congress. "Occasional," of Furney Veil, describes this distinguished philanthropist aa follows : Gcrrit Smith, while in Congress, made a vory favorable impression. His nppearancc was ex ceedingly striking. A very handsome man, of about ntty-live years of age, with hisshirt-collar laid broadly over his neck; a fine, healthy, llorid face, and portly, erect, and dignified form, ho was a study. Hiving received a classical education, aud being possessed of uncommon advantages as a popular orator, ho was quite a Cicero in debate. He delighted in the most elo-gant hospitalities, spending Lis money with a frequency nnd freedom that was a subject of general remark, lie was ready to gratify every appetito except that which expected wines or spirits, and ho presided at lus board with ino dignity of lung Arthur at bis "round (able.'' The most welcome guests nt lus house wero Southern men, nnd nicy, with their generous, out-spoken warmth, spoke of Smith as one of the best fellows iu the capital, as one, although well known as nn abolitionist, still as ono lo be tolerated. Some of Its Workings. Tho Washinglon correspondent of the Inde pendent, under date of Oct. ID, says: This very day a poor woman, who has bought herself and ono son, came to see mo about tho redemption of another child. Ho is a likely lad, and wns waiter at one of our hotels, but getting unensy in his sorvitiido he planned a tour in the direction of tho North Star. His owner a lady belonging lo one of our ortho dox churches, and who rends the new l otk cr-wrrer every week hearing of his proposed trip, fold him oil' to Alabama so quickly (hat ho could not even hid Ins good old mot her good oi e, This woman works out as a cook at SlOa month, and has already saved $:tOO towards buying her second boy. Manuel Msaon. another of Africa s sous (by descent), is bogging money to pay. off hiflfino for harboring his child said line having been paid into the cotfurs of the United States! Tho brokou-duwn old man has poor success here, there Is such a multiplicity of liko casea in the District. God pity him nnd the country too when such things abound. Repentance or terriblo retribution must soon come to put an end to these outrages. Pitinloea In Aahtnlmla Comity. The pntatoe crop in this county will bo larger Ibis vear ihan for many years before. In local ities where the rot has so often destroyed them heretofore, there are no indications of its ap-pearouce. The yield per acre is very groat. On our sandy soils the crop ib nui iair, tnoiign the number of acres planted wo think is far more than usual. t'uimeaut J?p. Ohio fllrntorhli. An Ohio correspondent of the New York Timet (Douglas) dii-ctisscs Senatorial probabilities iu this Slate, ns follows: The Republican majority in the Legislature leads at onco lo the conclusion that Mr. Pugh will be dismissed from his service in ihe Senate, and a sound Repuhlican put in his place. For ihe Setintorhip Hirer persona have been named Governor Chaw, Mr. Corwin.und Mr.Sehenok. The latter has but just renewed his acquaintance with polities, having been comparatively quiescent since his return from Uracil to which Km pi re ho Vnl recollect, our Ambassador. He has done good service iu this campaign, nnd is a gentleman of marked abilities and high character and experience, having served in the Legislature, in ongress and in diplomacy. It is not likely, however thai he will be seriously brought forward. Some effort, will probably be made for Mr. Corwin, though I think not very tiitrsistently, unless Governor Chase doclines. The latter is, in fad, the present favorite of the Itcptihlican parly, and If be desires it will, in all probability, bs returned to the Senate. No man in public life has better justified the con fidence of the penpls by his ability, his dignity, prudence and moderation, In the performance of duties entrusted to him, John Brown la the fat her of twenty-two children a force sufficient, itself, to takt Virginia and frighten Industry, to elevate the tone and aoope of our the slaveholders everywhere. We suppose lome foreign intercourse, to cultivate a higher and 0f these children wore girls, but we dont think nobler sentiment of nationality, to make our .. .. . coun-ry the glory of all lands and the example ! ,luit difference. Women would of all nations. These are objects worthy the I r tho lrginiaus 'babes in arm" would labors of patriots. Let tlietn be ours. ' do it. Who Is Capt. Cookl John K. Cook, or Captain Cook, ns he is now moro familiarly known, from his alleged connec tion with ibis Harper's Ferry insurrection, was born in Haddaro, Conn., where his parents, who are highly respectahlo and worthy people, now reside, lie is n young man, of about nr-'b ybarSofuge, well educated, and ol rctiurdihm--tiers, and ia a brother-in-law of a well-known merchant in this city. lie taught school, some flvo or bIx years ago, nt Harper's Ferry, from which place he came to Williamsburg, nnd commenced the study of law with Mr. John M. Stenrnes. Three years ngo, ho went to Kansas, and remained there one year, during which time he distinguished himself in tho Free State cause. At the expiration of that time, ho returned to W illiamsburg, where he remained for a- few weeks, when he again set out for Kansas; since which lime his friends hereabouts have heard nothing from him until now, when his namo appears inconnection with Old Hrown's deplorable attempt. Ar. 1'. Tribune. ' Death of n lilitlngulalittl Physician. Dr. W. Pnlteney Alison, bile professor of the practice of physic in tho University of Edin burgh, died at Ldinbiirg recently, aged sixty-lii no. The deceased was tho brother of Sir A. Alison, and wiib ihe son of the Rev. Archibald Alison, an Episcopal clergyman iu Lditiburgh who shout the end of last century obtained a considerable literary reputation by the publi cation of his "r.ssaya on lasie. Iho funeral was held on the liTth of September, railing Away." Forty-tivo of the chattels of the "peculor Institution'1 passed down Locust street yesterday morning, on their way (o tho "sunny South.'' They wero a inoilcy group, composed of men, women nnd children, whose ages ranged, apparently, from five to forty years. The procession was composed of fn titers and mothers, with their chidren by the hand, young girls and men, arm inarm. On tho one hand the sight was suggestive of tho "good lime coming" for Missouri, but on (he other hand awakened (be liveliest sympathy for Ihe condition of this gang of miseruhle beings. Nearly every Sabbath morning witnesses tho exodus of those par-tics from our Bhorcs. St. houit Vtmocra Hth. Literary Goaalp. It has been said that those enterprising publishers, Ticknor & Fields, of Hoston, have paid leu thousand dollars to the ussigneesof Phillips, Sampson & Co., for tho copyright and hack numbers of the Atlantic Monthly. It was offered to an oxtensive and enterprising house in this city, (Chi Ids & Peterson,) amlhy them declined. Undoubtedly, its proper loeafe is Hoston, where its leading contributors reside. Mrs. Stow's New England Komnnce, " The Minister's Wooing," will be closed in Ihe November number, now nearly ready, and has already been published in hook form by Derby & Jackson, of New ork, and Target, ltrown & Chase, or Hoston. The admirable "Professor at the llreakfast Table," by Dr. O. W. Holmes, will bo completed In tho December number. Tho Actual circulation is said to bo about forty-five thousand n month, but tho cost paid for editorial labors nnd to contributors averages eighteen thousand dollars per annum, which is double tho amount paid, in its palmiest days when Wilson, Uck-liart, lloir nnd Maginn wrote largely by JUa-kirvod't Magazine. I'hiUullphia Prist. Mr. Edward Robert Lylloii Hulwer Lytton, better known as "Owen Meredith, has a new volumo of poems in press. Mrs. Siowc'b "Minister's Wooing" is Issued in London in two editions one at 7s od, and ono nt 'Js till. The first has D illiiflrniioiiM, and the second only one by H. K. Riowne. So far, tho Bale of the" book is said to he o,invi copies. Col. Hiram Fuller, the disiinnib-hed American traveler and author, is the subject of a sharpish nilirlo in the London Saturday K.vint. The gallant Colonel s l ite work on "Life and l.iboiiv in Europe." we are told, abounds "iu tho puerilities, Iho bnd taste, and the flimsy I fiissiness, which are so apparent in iuferori American writings. ' "The whole book is written iu (ho spirit of a foolish boy.' In short,, the Saturday iteview finds llint Col. F. is a fool, and infers' that Americana generally havo a strong tendency in that direction. Wo are bound, however, to say, in defense of our countrymen, that there cannot bo found among thorn all a person capaMo of greater foolishness than the articles mi American politics which appear in the same Stturdatf tfTirtr. On ihe other hand, however, that journal does Justice lo Mr. Palfrey s "History of New England," and to lis author, who is described as "one of that school of hisiorisns of which ibis age has a just right to be proud." The Sale nf the Atlantic." The Hoston correspondent of ihe New York JW, says: The chief topic In literary circles here is the transfer of the Atlantic Monthly to Ticknor & Fields. It has been a subject of congratulation among the many friends of that favorite periodical, identified as this house I a with literature in the beat sense of (he term; enjoying remarkable facilities both at home and abroad, for enlisting the best talent in its service; and associated, as their Imprint is, with the leading bellet-ltttret authors, both English and Ameri can, It was generally felt, here and elsewhere, that no publisher oould continue the Atlantic Haw a Southerner Tnlha about our InstU liillom. Wo take the following extracts from an editorial letter by W. F. SwHsler to tho Missouri Statesman, at Columbia, dated at tho Neil House Oct. 9, lSo!f. After remarks upon the city, generally, ho Bays : The State House is tho chief obje of Interest hero, and it is really n very beautiful structure, An ornament to the City and (barring the Democratic stealings that are associated with it) an honor to tlie State. It is situated in the heart of the City, nud occupies the centre of a grass pint of ten acres aroifhd which there is hcing built a very tasteful iron railing. It is a very large, stone building, and has cost an immense sum, at least a half million more thnn it should have cost, and that much more thnn it would under any other than Democratic mismanagement and favoritism. The Dayton Oatrtte now before mo charges that tlieDemocratsproposed to give Sam Medary, for many years editor of the Ohio Statet-man, here, "the job of 'grading Ihe Stnte House gouuds nts";,fHi(, while die same work has been executed by the Republicans at $;i,mK).'' Also "another job flic Democrats were going to give out wns tho construction of a fence around the State House grounds. They had figured the cost of ibis fence ns ?7n ihhuh they d got it to the very cents but the Republicans have done half the woik fur less than $14,)(H, and the whole will bo completed for loss than &'2H- Otiit." These added to the swindles under the regime of Hreslin, Morgan, E Igerton & Co., sociato with tho Capitol of Ohio, many drawbacks to its proud and boastful mention, posi tively beautiful aa is the gigi'.ntic structure. At 11 o'clock this morning. I attended preaching nt the Presbyterian Church, a fine building fronting on State House Square. The singing, with the organ accompaniment, was very pood indeed, and contributed no little to j tho solemn interest of the ocrasion. Tim min-j isier, a young man ahiut thirty, whom 1 after J wards learned was the Rev. Edgar V ood,preschi .. rnrsvVlfc 4Jm. U"1 thou thy burden on the Lord, and he shell thee sustain: Yea, lie shall cauw the righteous man unmovea to remain. We never heard from so young a man, a moro impressive, ablo and truly eloquent discourse. While his lnnguage was copious and cn.sy of utterance, and some of his tropes and figures most beautiful, there was a strength and earnestness and solemnity in both word and manner which rivited the attention of all present, while this promising man of God enforced tho great truths, in the shape of admonition and promiac, which underlies tho text. Let me mention, too, that 1 have never seen a more orderly congregation, even on the solemn occasion of a funeral. Those that come in remained till the services were over, and all wore tn their seats at the commencement. No getting up and stalking up tho aisles to tho door, disturbing the worship of tlio congregation and the public ministration of tho Word. And after the benediction wns pronounced, tho whole audience re tired slowly and orderly, no one uttering a word, no one stopping to talk and thus blocking up the aisles: no conversation, no laughing, no frivolity. 1 could but mark the Christian propriety and solemnity of all, and wished that some .if our western congregations, even some of those in Columbia, had been preacnt to overlook the scene. Letter of linn. .1. R. Olddlnira In the Phil, i ailelphla North American. I A CARD. I While coming to this city, on Saturday, I first read a telegraph dispatch from Washington saying "that John Hrown (thepriBonercaptufed at Harper's Ferry,) refused in the presence of Senator Mason and Messrs. Faulkner and Val-laudighnm, to answer the question, whether he had consulted Mr. Giddinga about Ins Virginia expedition ?" It is evident that the object of these gentlemen was not to obtain facta on which to predicate a charge of crime, or of any immoral or dishonorablo act. Had such been their object they would not have published what was nofaaid; but they proclaim their suspicions, and hy such iniiendocs and insinuation seek to Impugn the character of one who was not present. I do not feel called on to reply fto such attempts to cast reproach upon myself. I say to these questioners: gentltintn, lam your peer, I have served my country aa long and I hope as honestly as either of you; and yon know, and tho country known, that any question yon may propound to me touching tho government, ita paat or present position, will liefrankly, promptly and fully answered, lo the extent of my knowledge and belief; And I pronounce this attempt, to assail me dishonorable, unworthy of your positions, unworthy of honorable men. Hut you must not expect to escape the responsibility of your own conduct by thus assailing one who has for years cautioned you of Ihe results that must follow the etlorU of yourselves-"' and party to extend slavery, and your determined purpose to involve the people of the free States in tho disgrace and crime of supporting an institution which all honest and independent men of those States repudiate. No men of onr nation has done more than one of yon to produce the results which have recently attracted Ihe attention of the people. They are the immediate nud unmistakable effects of the efforts of yourselves and party to establish slavery ia Kansas. Murderers there were rewarded by Executive appointments to ofhoe. Hrown's sons Wf ro tho victims of that despotism which your party exerted in favor of an institution which tlie people nbhorred. l hese facts do not rest on suspicion, nor on the refusal of a victim to answer any question. They rest upon the records, and the history of thu government itself. No evasion, no tergiversation, can chango the enduring trmhi to which I refer. And you would bettor subserve tho public good by exciting your influence and occupying your time in corroding tlie evils you and your party have brought upon the country, than by vain efforts to involve others in the crimes which you and your associates have com milted. To the public I will asy that Hrown never consulted me in regard to his Virginia expedition, or auy other expedition or matter whatever. J, R. 0IDD1N0S. Girard House, Philadelphia, Oct. 'J4, 1N!. Democratic Nominations In Kansas. Leavivwohtu, Oct. 2tt. The Democratic Btate Convention at Iwrenct yesterday nominated Samuel Medary for Governor, John P. Slough Lieut, Governor, John A. llaldcman for Congress, Williams, preaent associate Judge, Chief Justice. Esau'i OrnjPATio. At a Hebrew School 'In this citv. a aIbh nf lUti. .i-i. lesson in Scripture History. The Ucher asked -sf nine Mary "What was Eaaus occupation? The little one s eyea sparkled, and ihe replied brisk- ly. "tit Kept a clotnmy ttore on Maut Stnttl tA Cincinnati Com.

VOLUME XLIX. COLUMBUS, 0., TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 1, 1S59. NUMBER 32. (Dht State gturnal. DAILY, TRT-WKEKLT AND WKKKT.T, BT HBNRV D COOKS CO. ffios In Millar's Duililii, Ni. til Rut Town street. Term Invariably hi Adva.nt.. Sailt, W W r yr. Hy the Carrier, per wmIi, t'i'ct. Tiii-Wkklt, 3 on wr yew. Wkmt.t 1 Ml " KKMBOP PAlTiT ADVKRT1SIN0 BV THE SQlTAUB. T1K UXBS OK I.KM 11 It k Mil' A HI,) Oim square 1 fw, lia o" Uu stpiM-c il weeks, 4 One " months, IK on fin " 2 wwk, 3 ' Otu 0 months, 16 W On " l wk, 1 75 Um llmuatlw, l't "n " Kiluvs, 1 On " t montlii, H K Hw 2 dnyi, 76 Ou " 1 mouth. 6 ' " " 1 Uy. 60 WKKKIjT AllVKltTISlNrt. Per Rnmn, of em mow or ls, three eke tr Stiiarw, cu h we. In 1ll1fn 3S nUpUyed AilwtlMroMiU half more than th above num. AilTf rtlwimcntM lwwll ul pn In the column of Special Notiom, rfMiM A orrfirKtrjf mfra. All noil- rriiinl t l iiil.lthrl Itv law, leg! rates. If nnlerwl on the insMe eirbwlvrlv it tier th" Art w-ek, 6l pnrwnt. more than the ! mini; hut all such will HiiM r In the Tri-Wi-ckly without uliurue. Ilimini Tarda, not eirwillng flvti Hues, per year, foslJe, 12.60 per line; cnitilat2. Nolle of ratip, charitable societies, Bio companm. ftc., hair irfe. AU TmnHrnt AdeMi'm'HU mutt fcJ Mi'l 01W. rule will i"t I rM from. N. Advert iwnwnt taken exrept for a definite perlo-l, This The Cincinnati Demonstration. Sperclie of Gov. Irnnlson and Got. t'haNtn. The Republicans of Cincinnati, met Thursday night to exchange congratulations upon the result of the recent election' in this State. Smith ami Nixon's Hall was ftill. The newspapers of Cincinnati gave but partial reports of the admirable speeches delivered by the Governor and Governor elect of Ohio. Wo give below full and correct reports of thesespeeches, Mr, DeuoiBon spoke first, as follows: SPEECH OP HON. MM. VKN MHOS, Jll, Ineednotaav, Mr. President and gentlemen, that I am glad to he here to night glad of the opportunity of joining in your congratulations upon the cheering results of our election, so full of favorable omens for the future of the Republican party, and br the steady progress and early triumph of the great principles that underlie and vitalize the organization of that noble party. It rimy be that I attach too much significance to this verdict of the people of Ohio. It would not. be extraordinary were 1 lo do so, Ws arc very ant to exaggerate the importance of what ever is directlv interesting to us. Hut allowing for this, it seems to me that rarely has it hap- poucd in this Stale, or in uuy other suite ot the confederacy, that an election lus been held whose consequences have been more potent in controlling the destinies of politiuil parties, or in giving shape and direction to the policy of the Federal Government, than will result from our election of yeslcrdny week. What means this victory we have met here to celebrate? It Is not simply the condemnation, by a large majority of the people of this n't ate, of the principles and practices of our opponents as particularly applied to our State affairs not merely a deliberate and indignant rebuke because of their violated pledges in needlessly increasing the expenses of our Slate government in failing to protect the Treasury from peculation and plunder in legislating for the promotion of mere partisan interests, regardless of the interests of the people, and for their shameless servility to their southern allies in their disreputable legislation of tlie vast two years. Not only in these does our victory consist, nor is it confined to a condemnation or t tie general policy, home and foreign, of the Federal Ad ministration. It is true this condemnation has been indignantly and sternly pronounced by the people of Ohio, and it is not one of the least noticeable features of the canvass through which we have passed, that hardly a word of defense of the administration has hcen heard from our Democratic speakers, or from the Democratic press of the State. The extraordinary expenditures of the government upon a bankrupt treasury; the inexcusable conduct of the President in failing to recommend and urge upon Congress such a reduction of the expenses, or the increase of the revenues of the government as would prevent any augmentation of the public debt; the Utah War, gotten up ami carried on at the expense of several millions of dollars, merely for the boned t of partisan contractors; the wicked efforts of the administration to force tlie Lecomp ton constitution upon the people of Kansas against their overwhelming opposition; the declared readiness of the administration to sacrifice to the monarchical systems of Europe the rights of American citizenship in the persons of our naturalised eitisens: these, and all (he other acts of nial-adrainistra- tion of Mr. Iluclmnnn were buried in the tomb of the Capulets by our adversaries. No gnlvan-ism was sufficiently powerful to revive them in their memory. Uut tl e people remembered them, i and deltberatel) passed their condemnatory verdict upon them in this State on yesterday week. lint far more than all this was done. Ify our election the people of Ohio, by an overwhelming majority, have again proclaimed their inflexible opposition to the furl her progress of slavery within the existing limits of the Union, and their invincible determination to encourage the spread of free institutions, and to strengthen and promote the interests of free labor wherever and whenever they can, under the constitution nnd laws of the United States. They have solemnly re-alurmed their devotion lo (he glorious truths proclaimed in lite Declaration of Independence, that all men are born equal; that nil just governments have their origin in the consent of the governed, nnd that the paramount objects and office of government are to protect the life and liberty, nnd to promote tne Happiness of the people. They have said, that these great truths underlie the whole structure of our federative svstoin of government : that in their light must the federal constitution bo interpreted, and that to live them practical force and eifeel in our national administration, all federal legisla tion must be shape"! and directed by them. Hence, the penplo have again said, that Con cress, representing the sovereignty of the poo- pie of all the United Stales, must oxereiso its clearly constitutional power to preserve uie territories from the domination, nnd even from the presence, of slavery. It mus-t prevent the extension of this baleful institution into any free terriirry now owned, or that may ever be owned, by the general government, it must as- territory of Indiana ihe prohibitory elnuse of the ordinance of '87, even for the brief term of ten years, though earnestly applied for by the lerri-torial authorities and a Urge number of the In-lmbiantsof the territory? How else account for the Missouri Compromise, forever abolishing slavery in nn almost boundless extent of territory; the numerous acts of i o.'gress organmng territorial governments in the north western territory, andjin Iowa, Minnesota nnd Oregon, running through nlmost every Administration from Washington 'nlk, and in all of which slavery is forever prohibited? And yet for askmg Iho restoration or the policy that gave birth to all this and kindred legislation on the part of Congress, and to which we are indebted for the organization and marvelous prosperity of all the free Hintes west of the Alleghanies, and for much of the pros perity ot all the Htatos in the Confederacy, slave as well as free, we are told that wo are seeking to deprive the slavcholding States of their con-situtional rights; that we are threatening to disturb the harmony of the Union; that wo are a sectional party, reckless agitators of the slavery question, and aiders and abettors of insurrection nnd rebellion, of Blavei against their roasters.How long must our patlencd be abused by such miserable calumnies, iterated and reiterated in our midst by servile leaders of the North ern democracy In obedience to the demands of their haughty masters of the South? How long will the honest masses of the democratic party inthisSiato, nnd In all of tho States of the Union, free and slave, permit themselves to bo deceived by such unmeaning cant, hud se tine-less vituperation; such instills to the memories of the Fathers of the Republic and to Ihe sacred cause of Constitutional liberty which they so heroically defended, and for the maintenance and transmission of which to us ami our posterity forever, they poured out their Wood and treasure like water, flttingsacrificcn forso noble an inheritance? 1- What constitutional rights of the South are we availing? Do we deny the legal claim of tlie owner lo Ins slave in Kentucky or in any other slartdiolding State? Are we asking the Federal, or encouraging the StateUnvernmeiiis lo UiHt tirb, in any way, tlie relation of master and slave in any tdiiveholding State? Are we seeking to prevent Congress from passing all needful laws for developing the resources nnd im proving tho condition of the slnvehohling slates Piotliing ot the kind. What, then, ar we initiating upon, and determined to secure? Why, simply, thai slavery shall be held and treated na a local institution, with no more na tional recognition than that accorded to it by the leiieral constitution, as interpreted by the con current judgment of every department of the federal government, from the administration of Washington to that dark period of our his tory when a mnjority of the i mitres of the Su preme Court of tho United States declared in ihu Dred Scott case, that the constitution recognizes properly in slaves, and, by its own vigor, carries slavery into the territories, and gives it a legal habitation, beyond Die control of nny power, federal, Suite, or territorial, wherever it is not prohibited by positive law; and exprevsly denying lo Congress or a territorial legislature Uie power to exclude it from the territories. This is our offense; this our treason. Ho it so. e hhall take no backward step. We will con tinue to stand, where we now stand, in the foot steps of the Fathers, asking nothing they did not demand, yielding to nothing they would not yield to. Hut we are agitators of the slavery onestion. How and when? Was it because we resolutely resisted the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, that had been on your statute book for more thnn a third of a century; had given peace to tho country when threatened with the most alarming discord, if not disunion, and which had acquired a sanctity in the hearts of the Ameri can people only second to that they feel for the tonstitution itself? Was it because we de nounced the conspiracy against the freedom of Kansas, encnitrnged nnd stimulated by the President of the United Stales, and souziit to be executed by all the corrupt and violent agencies winrn border rnmanism and Soul horn cupidity could organise? Is it because wo are invincibly opposed to the enactment of taws by uongress to protect slavery in the territories, now so imperiously demanded by tho South, or determined, by all the constitutional means In our power, to prevent the re-opening of the Alrican slave trade: If unyielding opposition to such invasions of Ihe rights ot freedom be agitating the slavery question, let messy to our southern friends, that the agitation will certainly continue. They must not look for a servile, submis sion by Ihe Republican party to their threaten cd encroachments upon the rights of the free States. Ihcy have the power to promptly tcr- minute all agitation of the slavery question, if such really exist, by abandoning all further attempts to extend the institution of slavery into our national territories; by rejecting all constructions of Ihe constitution in relatiou to slavery, in conflict with those given by its framers; hy uniting with us in repealing tho fugitive slave act of lHoO, which is of no practical value lo them, but is insulting to ihe dig- inty and an outrage upon the conviction or the people of the free States. Let the Ho n Hi go back to the old pathways of the Fathers, and all will lieqiiietand harmony. Northern servility will no longer have occasion for iis disgraceful exhibitions. Slavery will continue in tho Slates where it now exists, so long as the peoplo there choose lo retain it the territories will be free and the States formed out of them will be free. and (he great and humane ends of i ho govern ment will be speedily attained. The hopes of American civilisation and constitutional liberty will be fully realised, free labor will be secured in all its rights, and the inauguration here of a truer democracy than ihe world has everseon, will be our noble triumph and our crowning glory. llui 1 am trespassing loo long upon your time. Let ui o close my remarks, by returning you and my political nnd personal friends, of your city and comity, my sincere nuinks tor tbc generous support you and they gave me for the ofiicowiih which I am to be honored by the people of the State. Having been born in your beautiful city, and having here passed the years of my boyhood ami my earlier manhood, I confess, I was anxious to receive surli n vote here an would express a confidence on your part in my fidelity to the interests of your city, and an earnest de sire to he instrumental in promoting ihe prosperity of the State. Such n vote you gave me, fur which I repeat I return my grateful thanks; and while counciotis that I will bring to the discharge of my official duties little experience in our State allairs, aud au ability inferior to that of in niv, nnd it may he to all of my predecessors, I will yield to none of ihem in ihe earnestness of pnrpfite lo faithfully protect and promote the interests of all tho people of the Stale, without, regard to llieir party associations, or would vindicate, at length, the very humblest of i the people may exercise "in obedience to the its servants. (Cheers.) In this confidence organio act." Every really self-governing peo-have not been disappointed. I see helore me j pie must exercise, lliroiigh agents appointed by to-night veiy many whom I once encountered as itself, in such form as itself may prescribe, leg- adversaries, but whom I now rejoice to meet as friends, animated by a common love for a great and noble cause. The few thousand who stood by mo in this county when I was first entrusted with the standard of Freedom and lleform in Ohio, now doubled and trebled in numbers, join in acclaims which announce great victories won nnd predict greater victories yet to he achieved. My fneim (Mtt. iiansm'kkk, who has just addressed you, hasslyled tho result of ihe recent election a llcpublican victory; 1 prefer to call it a popular vrrJirt. Cheers.) The. cause of Freedom and Reform against Slavery and Maladmin istration has been on trial be I ore Ihe people or Ohio. The verdict has just been rendered the judgment hns been already announced : tho process of execution has been awarded, j lu those of us who have been ontrusU'd with the conduct of our State affairs during thu last four years, there is special cause for graduation in this result. We have endeavored to administer the government economically and honestly. To the best of our ability we have faith fully served the state. Hot the disclosure, in I IHO?, of the now welt-known defalcation, and1 the false representations by which it had been concealed by the State Treasurer elected by tho Kepuhhcans in loob, bad exposed bis associates in the State government to misrepresentations of which our opponents did not scruple to avail themselves lo the utmost. Challenging investi gation and courting scrutiny, we submitted our official aciinn to tho decision of the people. May we not well rejotco in tlie judgment winch has vindicated us? 1 Nalional questions hnvt.-, of course, entered largely into ihe rerentcmn r"'s. Tlie great issuo of Slavery or Freedom has more iIi m- any other commanded and engrossed pubMcattcittioii. On our side we have distinctly auti-uuiced our purpose to prevent, by all constitutional means, ihe extension of Slavery beyond Stato limits, and to put an cud to the domination of tho power and interest of Slavery in the national government. Our opponents have met us with but one plea tho plea of popular sovereignly. They have not defended their national administration. Like ttio man without friends whom everybody may kick, that Administration has been abandoned to general contempt, it ml ignominy. Kven thote who set up some claim to bo its special champions have hy a sort of common consent allowed the buttle lobe fought under the banner of tlio uuthor or tho Nebraska Hill. .Mr. Douglas himself emm into the Stale to pay. as he said, n debt of gratitude lie owed lo me for my visits to Illinois. He spoke at. Columbus, in this city, ami at Woodier. Kvery where he was followed by eager crowds' of now-a-diiys Democrats, who sought by every menus to givo the greatest possible eclat to his advent and his teachings. Now it is not to be denied that this was skillful itianagment on the part of our opponents. If there is nny cloak at all that will serve to cover from public indignation tho deformities of el li ve ry extension, that cloak is the one fabricated by Mr. Douglas. If there it any excuse at till for not prohibiting the extension of slavery, that excusu is to bo found in the doctrinu that the people of a territory moy safely be left lo protect themselves against llic evil, tlie wonts Popular Sovereignty are good words; Iho idea whicn they embody is a good idea. Tho liold assertion that the so-called Democratic party are the champions, and that Ihe Republican party aro the enemies of ropular Sovereignty, is the cunningest device which could possibly be contrived to cover up the propogandism of slavery and the usurpations of the slave power. It is the old plan of "stealing tho livery ot Heaven to serve the devil in. We love Hopular Sovereignty, for it is the bulwark of Human Rights. We revere the Power of the People, because we see in it every man s sulest defense ngatnst wrong. Now, just so far as the people of Ohio could be made to believe that the true idea of Popular islative, judicial and executive Dowers. In other words, it must wake, construe and execute its own laws. Now we have already seen that with the mak ing of its fundamental law the people of Kansas or Nebraska had nothing whatever to do. Mr, ifougiah and Congress made it. nut, passing over this, how mueh legislative, judicial and executive power does thcorganio act allow to the people? It vests "thu legislative power in the governor and a legislative assembly;'' fixes tho number of members of each branch of the legislature; provides for their pay; determines how' many days they may sit; and, then, subjects all their nois lo the veto of the governor. Not much popular sovereignty here! Not much power ot sclf-governmcut in obedience to Ihe organio act," where no bill ean become a law without Iho approval of the Governor, unless passed by a vote of two-thirds of the members of each House! Hut this is not the worst of it. The Governor, thus made a constituent element of the Legislative Power, and clothed with the prerogative of the veto, is aot lecV by-the people of tho territory, but appointed by the Federal Government throupb the President. Thus we see that this ny-idic net allocs tlie people next to no Lcgisinrye power. What Executive power does it give them? Ni ne whatever. That power is vested in a Governor, or in his absence, in a Secretary, and both are appointed by tho President There then, finally, does the organic act veal the supremo judicial power? In a Supreme Court. Do you say, then, "Well, tho people corto inly elect their own judges.'' If you do you arc mistaken; for the judges are all appointed ' j the President. What powers of It-government, then, I repeal, have the people of a territory "in obedience to the organic law?" No executive power, no judicial power, nnd practically, no legislative power, except in subjugation to tho Federal Executive. In other words, here is a people, organized as n political community, by ncl of CongrcFfl, without power lo make, construe or execute their own laws. Can we fnil to ml mire, in the or ganic Inw by which they are thus nibji. gated, ' wiy doclrine of Popular Sovereignly?'' Now, these violations of every just, principle of true sell'-goveriniu'tit wit" t. inadvertent or accidental. Wlmn this bursas Xnbraskft bill of Mr. Doug1 as was under discussion I, as vour Senator, otij"cted to (ho vi-i'i i wer pr ii iiscd to be given the Governor, but without avail. I jnoos-cd amendments giving to the people tlie power to elect their own Governor, their ownSei-rcti-ry nnd their own Judges, nnd these amend ments wen voted down by Mr. Do i si 'is and his con fed ur; ta in the repnil i.fthe Missouri Prohibition ng iinst the exU-uMou of Slavery. It was a premeditated tiling- this slrpp ng of (he people of every aUributo and filiation of sovereignty, and this suVjugutinti ot ihem to the will ami control of the Pi'e:denf. Nor is the purpose hard to guess. The "resident was the servant of tho Slave Power, au-l Ins will and control was the will andconirol of ino oligarchy. Just one thing further in this cuniectiou. Does this organic act cnaldo the people lo exclude Slavery.' Mr. Douglas tells us that he regards slaves as property, recognised as such by the Kedcrulcotistitutiuii; that slaves taken into the territories remain property; nnd t lint neither n terriloral nor n Slate legislature has ft right to deprive an owner of his property without his consent, except for public use, upon due compensation. Still, lie says, a territorial legislature, by unfriendly legislation or by nonaction, may control slavery so as to make slaveholding impracticable, or what is tho same thing, inconvenient and unprofitable. Hut this is not what we want. Such legislative action, if we admit that slaves taken into a territory remain properly and that this property in man is recognized by tho Constitution, can hardly he vindicated as honest or constitutional. What we want for die people of a territory what they want for them selves is a substantive, sufficient and efficient was the glorious distinction of American In-1 Let me urge you. finally, men of Hamilton stiiutions, and invited the oppressed of all county, to work heartily together for Ihcse nsuuoB to seen ine saie sneuer oi ineir protec- l great ends. Organise your city, your townships, tion. In this sign they conquered. Inspired : your wards and vonr school districts. Scatter ny mis latin, nauve-norn and loreign-norn nocked to their standards, and achieved splendid tri- Sovereignty includes thu right to enslave, and ! power, plainly recognised in tlie orgrtii 1, to umphs. Uut now, who looks for a Democratic victory in a truly free State? Now and then, perhaps, when tho people are asleep, such a thing may happen; but a Democratic majority in a free State is now an except ion to a gcnoral rule, occasioned and explained by some special circumstances. 7'Ae normal eondiliunnf modern Dmwrary it defnat. This weakness is the logical result of its desertion of fundamental principles. It is thedec!ine in fait hand power which inevitably follows when the ministers of freedom desert her shrines and otter forbidden worship at the altars of slavery. And thin decline is permanent in itB nature. There is, therefore, no fu-turo for the Democratic party, unless, indeed it shall return to its old fait h,rovive its ancient worship and resume the defense of its original principles. Of this there appearB no ground for hope. For the vindication of the fundamental principles of personal liberty and constitutional government; for reform iu national as well as State adtuinistratiou-lor the safeguard ofalUheir material interests, the people must, therefore, in T V itidgment, for years lo come, at least, looi: to tin-republican organisation. I do not doiit't Um this organization now deserves pop. uUr confidence, nor do I doubt that it will be retained as long as it is deserved. Permit me now, and in this connection, to say a few words to you about matters in this county connected wiih thoorganization and action of parties. I shall speak frankly, and shall trust your kindness and generosity fur a candid hearing.In 1HM, Immediately after Iho repeal of tha Missouri Prohibition, we all united, native nnd naturalized, in a common determination to rcdrc.-s that wrotur. We knew no bucIi distinctions ns American or Republican. Wo trusted each oilier frankly and generously, nnd 'ho result was a complete and signal victory. The next year, while the great mass of tho Ameiicans of the State gave a liberal and uiibc-iliit.iiig support to all the nominees of the anti-Nebraska Si me Convention, the majority of ihe Aiucrictiiis of this county refused their support lo ine as nominee, for Governor. It iB useless to discuss the reasons for this refusal, U is a gnu itimitiou to me to know that far the greater iiuinher to whom those reasons then seemed Huflieienl, have since seen i anst to change their "pinions, and per mit mo now to c until them among my friends. In that year, however, notwithstanding the disagreement as 'o governor, an union was at tempted u po ii county iui.1 legislative ticket. A tickei was nominated, ihe nominees were almost all opponents of mine, hut my friends had united in their nomination, and I permitted no personal feeling to intluctice my action. 1 voted lor them all, without nn exception. Siiicotlmt lime, whenever the Republicans and Americiuis have seen til to organize in this county an united opposition lotlio pro-slavery Democracy, I have given lo the Opposition my earliest support. You all remember how cordial and how etlVclivc was that union a year ago. I then saw with inexpressible gratification, native born and foreign bom rivaling each other in earnest exertions for the common cause. It given mo pleasure now, as it gavo me pleasure then, lonckuowledgn the activity, ihe generous zeal and tlie great efficiency of tlie Americans who contributed so largely to tho triumph then achieved by Iho Opposition ; nnd the Americans themselves, I nm sure, would he the last to refuse deserved praise to the e(iiat zeal, activity nnd etliciency of our naturalised fellow citizens. It was my hope, I confess, that a like anion might be effected this fall. Of course it was not for me, being for the present ft resident of another county, to Interpose in political movements here. I did not. in terpose in nny form, nor in the most insignificant degree, unless uniform endeavors, by manifestations of sincere good will and just ap- information broadcast among the people. The harvest will be sure. Tho result of this fnil will be reversed. Only labor In faith and patience and the voice of Old Hamilton will, ere long, be heard loudest among those of her sister counties in proclaiming the devotion of our whole State to the glorious principles which we cherish and defend. that to restrict the extension of slavery is to restrict the just power of Iho people, it is obvious enough that they would bo enlisted on the side of the self-styled Democratic party. Our opponents were sagacious enough, therefore, when they iterated and reiterated the cry of Popular Sovereignty, and, by bold and clam orous insertions, sought to create the belief that exclude slavery; to prevent its intro.luetiin;--to keep it out. Have they got this power under Air. lJoiigias organio net.' lie will not say so. He may say that ihe peoplo may exclude slavery by making it inconvenient and unprofitable to hold slaves, nnd may thus force slavery out after it has come in. Hut he will not say that they can exclude slavery by keeping it out by pre- the Republicans, in seeking to arrest the spread venting its introduction. He cannot say so and of slavery, were assailing tho right of the pen- pic to govern themselves. It was the only1 course, indeed, which offered the slightest possibility of success; for tho defenders of Slavery, as the best relatiou between capital and labor, arc yet few in the free Slates, oven among those who call themselves Democrats. It is not lobe denied that many were misled by that cry anil by those assertions. We can never be obliged to maintain our Republican positions under grentrr disadvantages than those produced by the misconceptions thus created. Tuero was, however, one great advaniago in all this. It compelled a general and thorough discussion of the position taken by Mr.liougla nnd his friends. It led to universal inquiry, What is this Popular Sovereignty which is so vehemently asserted? Is it a reality or a sham? Is It Ihe old doctrine handed down to us by our fathers in the immortal Declaration, or is it somo modern counterfeit, got up to serve base narty necessities? Wo looked for the description of the specific given by the I'liteutce himsell. vte inquired, How does "my doctrine of popular sovereignty," described in ''my Kansas-Nebraska Hill, agri be consistent with himself. Now all this throws light upon ft somewhat remarkable passage in the history of theKansas-Nebraska bill. You will remember that I proposed to auiond it by declaring distinctly and in so many words, that "tinder the Constitution the people may, through their legal representatives, if they seeflt,oxcludeslavery." You wilt remember that this amendment was voted flown by Mr. Douglas and his fellow-repealers. I charged then, and 1 have frequently charged since, that it was nevor intended that the people should be allowed, under the bill the organic act to exclude slavery, l on now see how well founded that charge was. The Drel Scott decision the universal construction of the oligarchy Mr. Douglas's own statements, all demonstrate that I was right. Here, then, we have popular sovereignty ac cording to "m; doclrine, as Bet forth in "my Kansas Nebraska bill: a people with a subju-gated legislature; with a Governor appointed by the President in whoso election they have no voice; with judges also appointed by Ihe President; without power to protect themselves ngainst the introduction of tho great moral, sert and resolutely maintain the interests of .i..,;.. ..i,. ,c birth, mid freedom wherever and however it can lie don ; l!U;ir,( t,e dignity an I the cousiitniional right's consiBienuy wiin mi consunmonai rigiim oijnf iho Stale as a Sovereign member of iho the siavenoiuing oiaics, u nuiH hukuhmi am- j Unje-ri, very as our fathers looked upon it, and as the instincts of the human heart regard It afl an inherent evil, politically, socially nnd morally, without sanction in tho laws of nature, mischievous lo tho owner and brutalizing to the slave, and irreconcilably at war with the rights, the dignity and the prosporily of free labor. Can there be any doubt of such having been the universal sentiment of the men of tho He volution? How else can we account for the denunciations of Washington and Jefferson, of Mason aud Madison, and their illustrious compa triots, againsttheinstitution and theintlueureof slavery; denunciations thai will be reinemnored and inscribed on the brightest pages of our country's history, when the foot-prints of tho slave will be no longer seen in any State or Territory of the Uniou. And can there be nny more doubt of the ancient and continued policy of our govern- ment, for more than half a century, to exclude slavery from our territories by Congressional prohibition, the return to which policy is the primary aud peraisteut denmud of ihe Republican party ? How else can ws account for the effort of Mr. Jefferson and his colleagues of the Continental Congress of KM tofurevet prevent slavery not only in the territory then owned by tho government, but In all the territory that might thereafter be acq tit red ? How else account for ihe adoption of the ordinance of 17H7; tho ratification of (hat Immortal charter of freedom by the first Congrem under the Constitution; tho express stipulation in the deeds of territorial cession of North Carolina and Georgia, that Congress should not prohibit slavery In the territories they ceded, and now including the Stales of Tennessee and Mississippi? How else account for the repeated act of Congress fromlTI'Hto H'2 forbidding, under heavy penalties, the importation of slaves, brought from without the limits of Ihe United States, into the slave territories of Mississippi, Louisiana and Florida; the repeatedrefusals of Cougress to suspend in the with or differ from the doctrine of the Fathers of social and political evil of Slavery. What cruel the Republic embodied by Thomas Jefferson in mockery it is! What a monstrous absurdity is the nation s creed of human rights? I the attempt lo vindicate such legislation in the We rend Mr. Douglas' Woostcr Speech, and 1 name of Popular Sovereignty! How palpable it we found him positively asserting that ho "never j is that the cry of Popular Sovereignty Is a cheat uttered any such nonsense as that a territory and a fraud, mid nil belief in tho sham a miser- was a sovereign power.'' How then, we nsked, able delusion I can there bo popular sovereignly in alerritorv ? We have to thank Mr. Douglas for tho dis- Where there is no "sovereign power" can there ; mission (lor his coming provoked it,) which has be any sovereignty or the people? W hy talk, exposed hub pretension ami deprived it. of all then, of popular sovuroigutv in a territory ?! power to do further mischief. The verdict of Clearly it seemed for no honest purpose. Ohio this Fall is against this wretched counter- We sought, lo know what rights Mr. Doiiglns , feit of a great and vital truth. It will no longer tlul claim for ihe people of a territory. Wc I pass current among her people. All attempts found his own statement in a Senate Report, ! to give it circulation will only discredit those made by himself as chairman of the committee i who make ihem. For this, I repeat, we may nn Territories, and quoted by him in thank Mr, Douglas. I cheerfully admit that he that same Wooster speech. "Tho sovereignty , has more than Paul the debt be owed me. of a Territory." besavs in that report, "remains I Another lesson has been deeply impressed on in abeyance, suspended in the United Stales, in the minds of the people of Ohio by the discus-(rust for Ihe people, until they shall be admitted i sions of this Fall It is this: That tho Democracy Into tho Union as a H'ate. In the meantime they ! of 1NVJ is neither in faith nor practice tho Do- are permitted to exercise and enjoy all the rut hi ! moerary of IH III. Tho party name is preserved. and vrivtttntt of trlf'fimmmrnL to ho exercised ! but neither ihe men nor the principles of tin in ul,ordinalin to tho Constitution and in ohf, party remain tho samo. The Bo-callo l Demo- di'tfi to the organic taw," cralirpartyufto-dayrenouneesitBolddoctrinesof Here we have it. This ii the Douglas equal rights nnd exact justice to nil, guarded ibchino of Populnr Sovereignty tho "right ! ud secured by equal laws and just admltustra- of self-government in subordination t' tlie lion, and substitutes for them the dogmas of tho Constitution and in obedience to thu organ- propagandists nnd perpcmalists id slavery, law." The people of a Territory lia no Sovereignty. It is suspended it is no) very clear where but certainly suspended. i cannot be vested iu iho People until they come into the I iin)ii us a Mate, "in iho meantime. NEWS AM) III MOIt OF THE MAILS. Jamm Bimliaiiaii, A young lawyer of Philadelphia, and nephew to the President, has been appointed the private secretary of that official. Who are the Incendiary Kmltlial Among the letters in Capf. Hrown's carpet bng, The. Washington Statu mentions "several from Henry Smith and John Smith, prominent Northern Abolitionists." Who are these "prominent" members of the great Smith family? Negro Inferiority. j Dr. John 8. Rock, a colored man, whose literary acquirements are said to bo considerable, lately delivered a lecture in Hoston on the Char-1 acter and Writings of Madam do Stael. Some1 of Ihe Hoston papers speak of the performance as evincing critical powers of no mean order. Death of a ThrorUt. Miss Delia Hacon, author of the Hacon theory aB to the authorship of Shakespeare's nlnvs. died a short time since in the Insane Retreat at Hartford, where sho has been nn inmate since hcrreturn from England last. Spring. Commerce and Ilrltglon. Henry Ward Needier said the other evening, in a lecture at Philadelphia: Commercial experience wa beginning lo teach men that liberty is pmjitablf; and, said he, lei every storekeeper in the laud once get the idea that this is true that the dollar-and-eents interest of the world teaches lihrrh nnd every doctor of divinity will swear that Ihe Jidde leaches the same thing! Laughter. Ho did not mean a profane oaih, of course, but a snuc- tiinry oath. Itetieweu laughter. J Atit-fdoU- of Mr. Webiter. Wendell Phillips, in ono of his speeches during tho Compromise excitement iu IS-.tl, illus trated tho relation to Mr. Webner of his Hoston friends, who swallowed the professions of years in biipportmg him tlirouL'h that crisis, by the story of what the tipsy Ibiko of Norfolk said once to a boon companion whom he found dead drunk in the kennel. The Ihiko was reeling home from the tavern one night (for even Dukes used to haunt taverns sixty years since), and. totiiid one oi ins jolly mends prostrate in the mud. Ilo wns himself loo far gone to assist him, bo he said lo liitn, "My dear fellow, 1 can t i help you up, bill I'll do the next best thing for! you lie down by your nid'!" which he did. The facetious Hoston correspondent of the Anti-Slavery Standard revives the story and says: "There was no one in these United Stales that enjoyed (he excellent felicity of this illustrative , story more than Mr. Webster did.' I have been assured, from the best authority, that when sealed at table, after dinner, ho would often call on one of his friends, who is a capital raconteur, for Wendell Phillip s story of Ihe Duko of Norfolk, and was never tired "f hearing and laughing at it. Of course, it was the humiliation of his Retainers in his behalf that gave point and pungency lo Ibis eternal jest." Not a Laughing Matter. The Cleveland Rational Democrat, anxious that, the Harper's Ferry insurrection should not bo made the subject of indecent merriment, publishes the following solemn warning: When Mr. Giddings is able to clear hia skirts of participation in what seems, from his speech es, to have been the darling project of his life piTcialbhrM'infttivManHfi'Miin.toeoneiliHtemaj when thu men ibat 1) doino-l Urowu hu4 bt Wlirnthe l"lni wm Cnncocieil. The Philadelphia Yen has published Ihe fol lowing from tho pen of a leading anti-slavery man of that city: "You ask me what I know in regard to this outbreak at Harper'B Ferry. I answer I know nothing; and yet lam not altogether ignorant concerning it. ".More than a year ngo, when tho Kansas troubles had come to an end, a gentleman for such he was by birth and breeding fresh from the scene of strife, nnd ready for another contest, called to see me at my oflice. lie was a soldier by profession; had fought for freedom in Hungary and on ihe plains of Kansas, mid was uow ready, if an opportunity would otl'er, to draw his sword iu the same behalf in the mountains of Virginia, or in the swamps of South Curolina. On this last point lie, wanted in know my opinion, which, of course, 1 was prompt to give, "Our enterprise," I said, "is a moral one. It rejects (he sword. It seeks to accomplish its end by ideas. It appeals to the understanding, the heart, tho conscience, the purse. Its object Is, by changing public opinion, to effect a moral revolution; that to be followed by a proper political reconstruction, tho same to be accomplished by ihe least possible exercise of force." This, he said, wns all well enouph in theory, but it would not work in practice. II wns too Blow. In the initiatory stages of the movement it might do well enough, but- tho tttuo had come when something more decisive was called for. He was not an Aholitionist in tho common nenso of the word, but ho was a friend to freedom tho world over, nnd wna ready, at any time, to unsheathe hi sword against oppression. Did I know John Drown, cf Ossawaitamie? No, 1 did not know him, though 1 hint often heard of him. Well, said he, 1 don't liko him; he and I don't agree. He has treated me badly; but he is a brave man and an efficient soldier. He has come home burning uudcra sense of the wrongs he and his countrymen suffered in Kausns at the hands of the slaveholders, and is determined to mal.c reprisal. He wants to organize a baud to go South, establish himself iu ihu mountains, and inaugurate a species of guerilla warfare for the liberation of slavery. Are there any amongst your friends thai would co-operate in such an undertaking? To the best of my knowledge and belief there was not one. Well, he would find them somewhere: for he was bent on fighting the slaveholder with their own weapons llic use of which tlicy had o well taught him in the buttles of Knimas, ''Such, in substance, waB tho conversal ion between Captain and myself, of whom ot from whom I have never heard since that time. Hut soon after this, I heard from another sourco, that John Hrown was still meditating a descent on the slaveholders, and was only waiting coud- itttors. And about six weeks ago, a highly res pectable gentleman, just returned tioni loreigu trnvel, slopped in tins cuy, and, in me course of a conversation 1 had with him. dropped ex pressions implying bis knowledge, of Hrown's intention, and, what surprised me timst, of his approval of them. Ascertaining my sentiments on the subject, he did not make me a confidant, and not anticipating nny serious result, nor any immediate result ot any Kind, I made no particular iniiuirics. 'Thii is the extent of my knowledge in regard to this startling affair, n hen 1 heard the fi rumor yesterday. I credited it, and believed that John Drown had a hand in it; subsequent, disclosures have proved that I was right. "This is ihe begiiiing of tho end, ihe drngon's teeth which have been so profusely sown have sprung up and are bearing their natural trutt. Siringtciiow and Dulord initialed ihe movement; who will bo tho men to consummate it?" with such excellent guaranties fur its sustained repute nnd tasteful conduct. Accordingly, the literary community rejoiced whin the bargain was concluded. The November number will bo Issued on Saturday, and its contents offer an unusual variety of subjects. "4'lglUnce at Wellington." Ridiculous performances of the patriots at tho Capital when the news of Brown's Rebellion first reached that devoted city, continue to become public. The Capitol Buildings were watched all night; and Huchanan actually hurried to the depot on a dog-trot to soe the marines ofT. Everybody, particularly if colored, was ordered to be searched. As an evidence oflhe rigor with which this order was carried out, Bome watchmen arrested a colored man soon after 10 o'clock, and proceeded to search him, when ho cried out, "Kress God, nasBa, no use to search dis nigger; I'se been sopi hed (tpc limes afore to-night." ' Ho wb ct, ,t jned ty make tracks for home, and released Premonltlous ItenlUed. " ' " " Tho Iudianapolis Journal saystlmt Mr. Jimes Wood, the engineer killed a few days Bino, on the Hellefontaine railroad, b:id had for several weeks, premonitions of his death, and but a fow days since emptied his trunk of all iis le rs and burned tliem, making remarks at the time, In a rather playful manner, when interrogated, ns to the motivo for destroying hia correspondence, that it was best lo make that disposition of such documents before he died. He fancied he saw several times n red light tho railroad signal for danger near the spot where the rataslvophe happened, but treated the matter as an illusion. wretchedly disguised under the hollow preten ces of popular sovereignly. This chango of principles aniiouiicns a change iu men. Ot lliose who most boldly and xcalouslv maintained tin' Democratic fail hiii iHp.i, vast numbers have At Ihe condition of Mr. Dennlson's speech, Mr. Hassaurek made a few telling remarks, and was followed by Gov. Chase, who was enthusiast lent ly received. W'hen the President, of Iho meeting said that an Introduction by him of S. P. Chase to the people of Hamilton County would bo likenn Introduction of the old Napoleon to Frenchman, by a corporal of his army, the audience made the old hall ring with their cheers of welcome. Aa soon as silence was restored the Governor spoke nearly as follows ; M'EKt II OK GOV. CII ASF. I should bo mora Insensible than atone, fel low citizens, if 1 were not deeply grateful for the kindness constantly evinced towards me by ihe friends ot rieidom in Ohio, of winch your re ception of me lo-nighi is oue more token and manifestation. .My beatt swells Willi graieiui emotion whenever I think with what Head fast seal, and against what formidable opposition llic great principles of which I havo been, 1 trust, a faithful though inadequate representative, have been sustained by you who hear me to-night, and by your compatriots throughout the State. I am not Ignorant that it has been my misfortune, as It has be on the misfortune of other public men, to be misconstrued and misappre hended. I know, only too well that here, inline city, dear tome ns the home of my boyhoood nnd of my manhood, many excellent men nave aiiriouieu to me sentiments and views which I have niver entertained, and have mndo this misconception the fuiindsiion oi earnest and persistent opposi tion, I never blamed them. Their error was an honest error. I never permitted mysslf lo cherish an unkind sentiment toward those who. misunderstanding, bnnostly opposed mo. 1 felt sure that II 1 lived these misconceptions would bo rectified, and that (ho great cause 1 served and a very man time it is "they are admit- been eompidlod by simple fidelity li that faith to tnd how gracious that is "lo exorcise and join ihe Republican ranks. And who have taken enjoy tho rights of self-government in subordi-1 their place in the miscalled Demooraey of to-day nation to tho Constitution nnd in obedience to j Look around and see. You know tlie men. They the organic law.'' I pass over, to-night, the ' are Whigs, who, cither fruni inistakim views of limitation of 'suhnrdiunthvi tothoCousiituiiou,'' (obligation or from mistrttst'of the people, nnd though the whole wickednesa of tho Died, dislike of the doctrine of hqmil Hights, were Scott Decision is covered up iu il, and ask your attention to (hat oilier limitation, "obedience to (lie organic Inw." The people of a territory must obey "tho organic law. ' They have only such rights of self-government as they may exorcise in oltcdi-euce lo thai. The Popular Sovereignly taught hy Jefferson consisted in the derivation of the powers of government from ihe consent of tho governed. There can be nn genuine popular sovereignty, according to his leaching, where the people do not institute, their own government frame their own "organic law." Now, how is it with "my doclrine?" Why, "my doclrine" refers the puwor of organising the government of the territories to Congress. Mr. Douglas himself framed the organio bo( the fundamental law tho cnnttitutum of Kansas and Nebraska. Cun great, by enactment, gave il being and vitality. Neither the people of Kansas nor the people ol Nebraska were consulted at all about their Institutions, The consent of tho governed had nothing lo do with the powers of tho government. Those powers are derived in Kansas and Nebraska and every other territory, from the net of Congress which Mr, Douglas calls the organio law. When he sayi, therefore, that (he rights ofself-government are to be exercised in obedience to the organic law, he says, in reality, they are to be exercised In obedience to Congress. What kind of popular sovereignty hare we here? Does not (his sham cut rather a sorry figure by the side of tho grand old verily of Thomas Jetlorsotif Hut now let us look Into "ray Kansas-Nebraska bill" and see what powers of solf-guvorumcut pro-tlavcry in their feoling-s Americans of like mind and sentiment; and some Free Suiters, I tun sorry lo add, who have forsaken the doctrine and party of Freedom for tho creed and piny of Slavery. These aro the men who till up, in part, the ranks of Democracy, broken and thinned been use of iis own apottaey from its own faith. 1 say, in part, for we all know that tho Democratic party which, while profess ing hosiihiy to shivery extension and a sent for enfranchisement, limited only by respect for tho rightsof sovereign States, commanded large maiorilies. has. ever bIiico its apostacy from iis principles was made manifest, been reduced to a minority in unto, lira men who ihitw jumnu the tartv'onmi)onsate neither by number nor by vigor for the men who have been constrained to leave it rather than abandon their principles. It is nowcleartv seentbal when the Democratic parly enjoyed t he'oonfldence of the people, it pro claimed the doctrines Wllicniiie nrjuiunoaii (mn j now nrnidAimii. It respected ihe rightsof man ns man. It declared their origin to bo, not from society nor from institutions, but from Ood. U held them to be, therefore, sacred and inviolable. No matter how humble or obscure iha individual. It was enough that God had given to him manhood, In establish for him, beyond allqueslioiiorcavil.au inalienable title to life, lilierty And the pursuit of happiness. The weaker, the humbler, ihe more oheoure the Individual, the more snored the duty ol the gov-vernment, deriving iis just powers from the consent of tho governed, lo protect and defend him In these rights HtareH to him nho hn Uttl betide. Democratic lead-re everywhere proclaimed that this doctrine of the rights of man, guarded by tho powor or the people, unite all Ihe opponents of the present national administration in this county ns well na elsewhere, may be called interposition. Vt her. the union was formed I rejoiced in ft. When called lo this city to advocate the election of its nominees I promptly responded to the call. When the canvass terminated in defeat, no one regretted the result more deeply or sincerely than I did. Hut in tins defeat ttrrcisa lesson, it now seems evident that while the great majority of the Americans cordially united ia support of the common ticket, a minority, comparatively inconsiderable, not only refi-sed lo support it, hut joined the self-styled Democracy to defeat it. Tho union of the Opposition has thus fniled of its object; nor docs there appear to be much probability of success with a similar union between the two parties as at present organized, hereafter. Henceforth, therefore, it is likely that ell parties will act under their own hannors. (Cheers.) Nor is it probable that there can be no moro than two parties. No candid American denies that the American party has become loo weak in numbers toetfect, by itself, nny important practical results. Its organiza tion, in fact, has been almost everywhere aban doned by the Americans themselves. Is it not plain, then, that there onn be no effective union of the opposition iu 'ho Democratic parly and tho federal administration, except under Ihe old banner of t recdomand Itelortti still displayed by the Republicans.' u hy abould wenot iiuito under that banner now, a we did in 1 HA-4 ? Why should not sincere and liberal Americans here, follow the example of their brethren elsewhere, and join now, ns they did then, in achieving a glorious victory for "the right ? They will be welcomed as brothers in the common cause They will share an honorable struggle, and partake, I doubt not, in a glorious triumph. Is not this Ihe best as well as tho most ctlectivo union of the opposition? It is true that In such a union none but friends of Freedom and Reform can bo included. Thero are a few, doubtless, to whom this fact will mako it unacceptable. There are somo Ainoricuns, as I have already said, as well as somo old Whigs, end some renegade free soilcrs, who have no heart for an earnest struggle for freedom and reform. They arc pro-slavery in their sympathies. They naturally belong lo the so-called Democratic party. Let (hem go lo it if I hey will. Let us ask no man lo go with us who has not those two essential elements of a man, a head And A heart; a head tounderstnnd our principles, And a heart to cherish them. (Cheers.) While men of pro-script ivo,- intolerant and pro-slnvery spirits nnd these qualities arc oftenest found together join our opponents, troops of good nnd true men, native ami naturalised, Democrats, Americans and Whigs, will unite with us, bet us organize, then, for tho great struggle. The hearts, tho judgments, the consciences of (he peoplo arc with us. Go into your strets, observe your noble architecture, contemplate your prosperous, industry, consider the schools where your children receive the blessings of education, and the churches where you worship the com mon Father of us all; behold these monuments of free labor, and refuse, If you can, join iu defenso of tho great principle which works out those splendid results the principle oi i tie mnttenablc right of every man lo liberty, to tho freest exercise of all tho powers and faculties which God has given lnm lor his own good and the good of his IVIlnW-iueii. 11 iib not bo told that in ihus maintaining iho rights And interests of free labor, we act nn unfriendly part to our fellow citizens of the slavs States. It Is not so. We propose no interference with them or with their slavery. So far as we aro concerned, they ami their States shall have every right which the Constitution gives them, I have always said so. 1 never refined to measures, for the promotion of the Interests of citizens of slave States as oordial support as 1 have given to like measures tor the benefit of the citizens of ray own. We wage no war with any seel ion of our common country. Wo insist onl that the few shall not bo permitted to control the many mat tlie government of the people snail he In the hands of the people, and not in the hands of a privileged class that the slave holders of the slave States shall not force their slavery, either into the free States or the free territories of the Repuhlic. Have not the masses of free white men in the slave States ss deep an interest in these objects as we have? Is there anything in these purposes of ours hostile even to any constitutional rights of the slaveholders themselves? Let us unite, then, for Ih est) purposes of Freedom. It ub unite, too, for Reform, lo arrest the fearful tendencies of tho federnl government to corruption and prodigality, to secure lo labor Its just lewards, to protect and cherish our nets by vote at his lecture in this city, nnd those who gave money to excite a servile war, begin, ns they do uow, to realize tho criminal folly of their acis, wo respectfully BiiggeHt to tho yio iVu(e Journal, nandtisky Keauter, and other sheets of tho same reckless sump, that the time for laughter and fun has gone by. The whole matter will be probed to tho bottom men who gave money, kuowiug the use that it was to bo put to, are accessories to tho murder, belore tho fact, and will doubtless be put upon trial, and change tho fun of these editors into sorrow. Cierril Smith lit Congress. "Occasional," of Furney Veil, describes this distinguished philanthropist aa follows : Gcrrit Smith, while in Congress, made a vory favorable impression. His nppearancc was ex ceedingly striking. A very handsome man, of about ntty-live years of age, with hisshirt-collar laid broadly over his neck; a fine, healthy, llorid face, and portly, erect, and dignified form, ho was a study. Hiving received a classical education, aud being possessed of uncommon advantages as a popular orator, ho was quite a Cicero in debate. He delighted in the most elo-gant hospitalities, spending Lis money with a frequency nnd freedom that was a subject of general remark, lie was ready to gratify every appetito except that which expected wines or spirits, and ho presided at lus board with ino dignity of lung Arthur at bis "round (able.'' The most welcome guests nt lus house wero Southern men, nnd nicy, with their generous, out-spoken warmth, spoke of Smith as one of the best fellows iu the capital, as one, although well known as nn abolitionist, still as ono lo be tolerated. Some of Its Workings. Tho Washinglon correspondent of the Inde pendent, under date of Oct. ID, says: This very day a poor woman, who has bought herself and ono son, came to see mo about tho redemption of another child. Ho is a likely lad, and wns waiter at one of our hotels, but getting unensy in his sorvitiido he planned a tour in the direction of tho North Star. His owner a lady belonging lo one of our ortho dox churches, and who rends the new l otk cr-wrrer every week hearing of his proposed trip, fold him oil' to Alabama so quickly (hat ho could not even hid Ins good old mot her good oi e, This woman works out as a cook at SlOa month, and has already saved $:tOO towards buying her second boy. Manuel Msaon. another of Africa s sous (by descent), is bogging money to pay. off hiflfino for harboring his child said line having been paid into the cotfurs of the United States! Tho brokou-duwn old man has poor success here, there Is such a multiplicity of liko casea in the District. God pity him nnd the country too when such things abound. Repentance or terriblo retribution must soon come to put an end to these outrages. Pitinloea In Aahtnlmla Comity. The pntatoe crop in this county will bo larger Ibis vear ihan for many years before. In local ities where the rot has so often destroyed them heretofore, there are no indications of its ap-pearouce. The yield per acre is very groat. On our sandy soils the crop ib nui iair, tnoiign the number of acres planted wo think is far more than usual. t'uimeaut J?p. Ohio fllrntorhli. An Ohio correspondent of the New York Timet (Douglas) dii-ctisscs Senatorial probabilities iu this Slate, ns follows: The Republican majority in the Legislature leads at onco lo the conclusion that Mr. Pugh will be dismissed from his service in ihe Senate, and a sound Repuhlican put in his place. For ihe Setintorhip Hirer persona have been named Governor Chaw, Mr. Corwin.und Mr.Sehenok. The latter has but just renewed his acquaintance with polities, having been comparatively quiescent since his return from Uracil to which Km pi re ho Vnl recollect, our Ambassador. He has done good service iu this campaign, nnd is a gentleman of marked abilities and high character and experience, having served in the Legislature, in ongress and in diplomacy. It is not likely, however thai he will be seriously brought forward. Some effort, will probably be made for Mr. Corwin, though I think not very tiitrsistently, unless Governor Chase doclines. The latter is, in fad, the present favorite of the Itcptihlican parly, and If be desires it will, in all probability, bs returned to the Senate. No man in public life has better justified the con fidence of the penpls by his ability, his dignity, prudence and moderation, In the performance of duties entrusted to him, John Brown la the fat her of twenty-two children a force sufficient, itself, to takt Virginia and frighten Industry, to elevate the tone and aoope of our the slaveholders everywhere. We suppose lome foreign intercourse, to cultivate a higher and 0f these children wore girls, but we dont think nobler sentiment of nationality, to make our .. .. . coun-ry the glory of all lands and the example ! ,luit difference. Women would of all nations. These are objects worthy the I r tho lrginiaus 'babes in arm" would labors of patriots. Let tlietn be ours. ' do it. Who Is Capt. Cookl John K. Cook, or Captain Cook, ns he is now moro familiarly known, from his alleged connec tion with ibis Harper's Ferry insurrection, was born in Haddaro, Conn., where his parents, who are highly respectahlo and worthy people, now reside, lie is n young man, of about nr-'b ybarSofuge, well educated, and ol rctiurdihm--tiers, and ia a brother-in-law of a well-known merchant in this city. lie taught school, some flvo or bIx years ago, nt Harper's Ferry, from which place he came to Williamsburg, nnd commenced the study of law with Mr. John M. Stenrnes. Three years ngo, ho went to Kansas, and remained there one year, during which time he distinguished himself in tho Free State cause. At the expiration of that time, ho returned to W illiamsburg, where he remained for a- few weeks, when he again set out for Kansas; since which lime his friends hereabouts have heard nothing from him until now, when his namo appears inconnection with Old Hrown's deplorable attempt. Ar. 1'. Tribune. ' Death of n lilitlngulalittl Physician. Dr. W. Pnlteney Alison, bile professor of the practice of physic in tho University of Edin burgh, died at Ldinbiirg recently, aged sixty-lii no. The deceased was tho brother of Sir A. Alison, and wiib ihe son of the Rev. Archibald Alison, an Episcopal clergyman iu Lditiburgh who shout the end of last century obtained a considerable literary reputation by the publi cation of his "r.ssaya on lasie. Iho funeral was held on the liTth of September, railing Away." Forty-tivo of the chattels of the "peculor Institution'1 passed down Locust street yesterday morning, on their way (o tho "sunny South.'' They wero a inoilcy group, composed of men, women nnd children, whose ages ranged, apparently, from five to forty years. The procession was composed of fn titers and mothers, with their chidren by the hand, young girls and men, arm inarm. On tho one hand the sight was suggestive of tho "good lime coming" for Missouri, but on (he other hand awakened (be liveliest sympathy for Ihe condition of this gang of miseruhle beings. Nearly every Sabbath morning witnesses tho exodus of those par-tics from our Bhorcs. St. houit Vtmocra Hth. Literary Goaalp. It has been said that those enterprising publishers, Ticknor & Fields, of Hoston, have paid leu thousand dollars to the ussigneesof Phillips, Sampson & Co., for tho copyright and hack numbers of the Atlantic Monthly. It was offered to an oxtensive and enterprising house in this city, (Chi Ids & Peterson,) amlhy them declined. Undoubtedly, its proper loeafe is Hoston, where its leading contributors reside. Mrs. Stow's New England Komnnce, " The Minister's Wooing," will be closed in Ihe November number, now nearly ready, and has already been published in hook form by Derby & Jackson, of New ork, and Target, ltrown & Chase, or Hoston. The admirable "Professor at the llreakfast Table," by Dr. O. W. Holmes, will bo completed In tho December number. Tho Actual circulation is said to bo about forty-five thousand n month, but tho cost paid for editorial labors nnd to contributors averages eighteen thousand dollars per annum, which is double tho amount paid, in its palmiest days when Wilson, Uck-liart, lloir nnd Maginn wrote largely by JUa-kirvod't Magazine. I'hiUullphia Prist. Mr. Edward Robert Lylloii Hulwer Lytton, better known as "Owen Meredith, has a new volumo of poems in press. Mrs. Siowc'b "Minister's Wooing" is Issued in London in two editions one at 7s od, and ono nt 'Js till. The first has D illiiflrniioiiM, and the second only one by H. K. Riowne. So far, tho Bale of the" book is said to he o,invi copies. Col. Hiram Fuller, the disiinnib-hed American traveler and author, is the subject of a sharpish nilirlo in the London Saturday K.vint. The gallant Colonel s l ite work on "Life and l.iboiiv in Europe." we are told, abounds "iu tho puerilities, Iho bnd taste, and the flimsy I fiissiness, which are so apparent in iuferori American writings. ' "The whole book is written iu (ho spirit of a foolish boy.' In short,, the Saturday iteview finds llint Col. F. is a fool, and infers' that Americana generally havo a strong tendency in that direction. Wo are bound, however, to say, in defense of our countrymen, that there cannot bo found among thorn all a person capaMo of greater foolishness than the articles mi American politics which appear in the same Stturdatf tfTirtr. On ihe other hand, however, that journal does Justice lo Mr. Palfrey s "History of New England," and to lis author, who is described as "one of that school of hisiorisns of which ibis age has a just right to be proud." The Sale nf the Atlantic." The Hoston correspondent of ihe New York JW, says: The chief topic In literary circles here is the transfer of the Atlantic Monthly to Ticknor & Fields. It has been a subject of congratulation among the many friends of that favorite periodical, identified as this house I a with literature in the beat sense of (he term; enjoying remarkable facilities both at home and abroad, for enlisting the best talent in its service; and associated, as their Imprint is, with the leading bellet-ltttret authors, both English and Ameri can, It was generally felt, here and elsewhere, that no publisher oould continue the Atlantic Haw a Southerner Tnlha about our InstU liillom. Wo take the following extracts from an editorial letter by W. F. SwHsler to tho Missouri Statesman, at Columbia, dated at tho Neil House Oct. 9, lSo!f. After remarks upon the city, generally, ho Bays : The State House is tho chief obje of Interest hero, and it is really n very beautiful structure, An ornament to the City and (barring the Democratic stealings that are associated with it) an honor to tlie State. It is situated in the heart of the City, nud occupies the centre of a grass pint of ten acres aroifhd which there is hcing built a very tasteful iron railing. It is a very large, stone building, and has cost an immense sum, at least a half million more thnn it should have cost, and that much more thnn it would under any other than Democratic mismanagement and favoritism. The Dayton Oatrtte now before mo charges that tlieDemocratsproposed to give Sam Medary, for many years editor of the Ohio Statet-man, here, "the job of 'grading Ihe Stnte House gouuds nts";,fHi(, while die same work has been executed by the Republicans at $;i,mK).'' Also "another job flic Democrats were going to give out wns tho construction of a fence around the State House grounds. They had figured the cost of ibis fence ns ?7n ihhuh they d got it to the very cents but the Republicans have done half the woik fur less than $14,)(H, and the whole will bo completed for loss than &'2H- Otiit." These added to the swindles under the regime of Hreslin, Morgan, E Igerton & Co., sociato with tho Capitol of Ohio, many drawbacks to its proud and boastful mention, posi tively beautiful aa is the gigi'.ntic structure. At 11 o'clock this morning. I attended preaching nt the Presbyterian Church, a fine building fronting on State House Square. The singing, with the organ accompaniment, was very pood indeed, and contributed no little to j tho solemn interest of the ocrasion. Tim min-j isier, a young man ahiut thirty, whom 1 after J wards learned was the Rev. Edgar V ood,preschi .. rnrsvVlfc 4Jm. U"1 thou thy burden on the Lord, and he shell thee sustain: Yea, lie shall cauw the righteous man unmovea to remain. We never heard from so young a man, a moro impressive, ablo and truly eloquent discourse. While his lnnguage was copious and cn.sy of utterance, and some of his tropes and figures most beautiful, there was a strength and earnestness and solemnity in both word and manner which rivited the attention of all present, while this promising man of God enforced tho great truths, in the shape of admonition and promiac, which underlies tho text. Let me mention, too, that 1 have never seen a more orderly congregation, even on the solemn occasion of a funeral. Those that come in remained till the services were over, and all wore tn their seats at the commencement. No getting up and stalking up tho aisles to tho door, disturbing the worship of tlio congregation and the public ministration of tho Word. And after the benediction wns pronounced, tho whole audience re tired slowly and orderly, no one uttering a word, no one stopping to talk and thus blocking up the aisles: no conversation, no laughing, no frivolity. 1 could but mark the Christian propriety and solemnity of all, and wished that some .if our western congregations, even some of those in Columbia, had been preacnt to overlook the scene. Letter of linn. .1. R. Olddlnira In the Phil, i ailelphla North American. I A CARD. I While coming to this city, on Saturday, I first read a telegraph dispatch from Washington saying "that John Hrown (thepriBonercaptufed at Harper's Ferry,) refused in the presence of Senator Mason and Messrs. Faulkner and Val-laudighnm, to answer the question, whether he had consulted Mr. Giddinga about Ins Virginia expedition ?" It is evident that the object of these gentlemen was not to obtain facta on which to predicate a charge of crime, or of any immoral or dishonorablo act. Had such been their object they would not have published what was nofaaid; but they proclaim their suspicions, and hy such iniiendocs and insinuation seek to Impugn the character of one who was not present. I do not feel called on to reply fto such attempts to cast reproach upon myself. I say to these questioners: gentltintn, lam your peer, I have served my country aa long and I hope as honestly as either of you; and yon know, and tho country known, that any question yon may propound to me touching tho government, ita paat or present position, will liefrankly, promptly and fully answered, lo the extent of my knowledge and belief; And I pronounce this attempt, to assail me dishonorable, unworthy of your positions, unworthy of honorable men. Hut you must not expect to escape the responsibility of your own conduct by thus assailing one who has for years cautioned you of Ihe results that must follow the etlorU of yourselves-"' and party to extend slavery, and your determined purpose to involve the people of the free States in tho disgrace and crime of supporting an institution which all honest and independent men of those States repudiate. No men of onr nation has done more than one of yon to produce the results which have recently attracted Ihe attention of the people. They are the immediate nud unmistakable effects of the efforts of yourselves and party to establish slavery ia Kansas. Murderers there were rewarded by Executive appointments to ofhoe. Hrown's sons Wf ro tho victims of that despotism which your party exerted in favor of an institution which tlie people nbhorred. l hese facts do not rest on suspicion, nor on the refusal of a victim to answer any question. They rest upon the records, and the history of thu government itself. No evasion, no tergiversation, can chango the enduring trmhi to which I refer. And you would bettor subserve tho public good by exciting your influence and occupying your time in corroding tlie evils you and your party have brought upon the country, than by vain efforts to involve others in the crimes which you and your associates have com milted. To the public I will asy that Hrown never consulted me in regard to his Virginia expedition, or auy other expedition or matter whatever. J, R. 0IDD1N0S. Girard House, Philadelphia, Oct. 'J4, 1N!. Democratic Nominations In Kansas. Leavivwohtu, Oct. 2tt. The Democratic Btate Convention at Iwrenct yesterday nominated Samuel Medary for Governor, John P. Slough Lieut, Governor, John A. llaldcman for Congress, Williams, preaent associate Judge, Chief Justice. Esau'i OrnjPATio. At a Hebrew School 'In this citv. a aIbh nf lUti. .i-i. lesson in Scripture History. The Ucher asked -sf nine Mary "What was Eaaus occupation? The little one s eyea sparkled, and ihe replied brisk- ly. "tit Kept a clotnmy ttore on Maut Stnttl tA Cincinnati Com.