The IKEA Effect : When Labor Leads to Love

Transcription

1 The IKEA Effect : When Labor Leads to Love Michael I. Norton Daniel Mochon Dan Ariely Working Paper Copyright 2011 by Michael I. Norton, Daniel Mochon, and Dan Ariely Working papers are in draft form. This working paper is distributed for purposes of comment and discussion only. It may not be reproduced without permission of the copyright holder. Copies of working papers are available from the author.

3 IKEA Effect Abstract In a series of studies in which consumers assembled IKEA boxes, folded origami, and built sets of Legos, we demonstrate and investigate the boundary conditions for what we term the IKEA effect the increase in valuation of self-made products. Participants saw their amateurish creations of both utilitarian and hedonic products as similar in value to the creations of experts, and expected others to share their opinions. Our account suggests that labor leads to increased valuation only when labor results in successful completion of tasks; thus when participants built and then destroyed their creations, or failed to complete them, the IKEA effect dissipated. Finally, we show that labor increases valuation of completed products not just for consumers who profess an interest in do-it-yourself projects, but even for those who are relatively uninterested. We discuss the implications of the IKEA effect for marketing managers and organizations more generally.

4 IKEA Effect The IKEA Effect : When Labor Leads to Love When instant cake mixes were introduced in the 1950 s as part of a broader trend to simplify the life of the American housewife by minimizing manual labor, housewives were initially resistant: The mixes made cooking too easy, making their labor and skill seem undervalued. As a result, manufacturers changed the recipe to require adding an egg; while there are likely several reasons why this change led to greater subsequent adoption, infusing the task with labor appeared to be a crucial ingredient (Shapiro 2004). Similarly, Build-a-Bear offers people the opportunity to construct their own teddy bears, charging customers a premium even as they foist assembly costs onto them, while farmers offer haycations, in which consumers must harvest the food they eat during their stay on a farm. One view of the impact of labor on valuation suggests that asking customers to assume production costs should result in reduced willingness to pay once customers subtract the value of their labor from the overall cost of the product; the above examples instead suggest that when people imbue products with their own labor, their effort can increase their valuation. And while some labor is enjoyable (building a bear with one s nephew) and some labor allows for product customization (making a bear with one s alma mater s logo) both of which might increase valuation we suggest that labor alone can be sufficient to induce greater liking for the fruits of one s labor: Even constructing a standardized bureau, an arduous, solitary task, can lead people to overvalue their (often poorly constructed) creations. We call this phenomenon the IKEA effect, named in honor of the Swedish manufacturer whose products typically arrive with some assembly required. In the studies presented below, we have three primary aims. First, we document and explore the magnitude of the IKEA effect: The increased valuation that people have for self-

5 IKEA Effect assembled products compared to objectively similar products which they did not assemble. Second, we differentiate the IKEA effect from other effects shown to increase valuation, such as the endowment effect. Third, we explore boundary conditions for the IKEA effect, examining whether completion of a project is necessary for the effect to emerge, as well as whether the IKEA effect holds only for consumers who see themselves as do-it-yourselfers, or for all consumers. Labor and Love A large body of research has pointed to the centrality of labor to people s well-being (Blustein 2008), with the feeling of productivity serving as an important goal for many people (Hsee, Yang, and Wang 2010; Keinan and Kivetz 2011). For example, being deprived of labor in the form of unemployment has clear financial repercussions, but also lasting psychological consequences; even when people obtain future employment, the adverse impact of job loss on well-being remains (Clark and Oswald 1994; Feather 1990; Lucas et al. 2004). But this link between labor and well-being does not explain why people might come to overvalue the things on which they have labored. One hint as to this relationship comes from research which demonstrates that, although people rate their jobs as among their least pleasurable activities, they also rate them as among their most rewarding (White and Dolan 2009). This ironic link between the arduous, unpleasant nature of tasks and their simultaneously rewarding properties has received extensive attention by researchers exploring effort justification. This research has demonstrated that the more effort people put into some pursuit, the more they come to value it (Festinger 1957), in domains as varied as psychotherapy (Axsom 1989; Axsom and Cooper 1985) to brainwashing (Schein 1956) to becoming a nicer person (Labroo and Kim 2009). The link exists for non-humans as well, with rats and starlings preferring sources of food

6 IKEA Effect which require effort to obtain (Aiken 1957; Kacelnik and Marsh 2002; Lawrence and Festinger 1962). Labor leading to value thus appears to be a very basic process, and an effort justification account predicts that effort and valuation increase in lockstep. We suggest, however, that the psychological process by which labor leads to love requires consideration of an additional crucial factor: The extent to which one s labor is successful. Indeed, in Aronson and Mills (1959) classic experiment on effort justification in which women were forced to undergo either no initiation, a mild initiation, or a severe initiation (reading aloud provocative words) before joining a discussion group all participants were allowed to successfully join the group, such that the study compared how much those who had undergone different levels of effort subsequently liked the group they had been allowed to join. Thus the factor that we suggest is crucial for the emergence of the IKEA effect successful completion of labor is not varied in this classic experiment, nor in the subsequent experiments addressing limitations of this original experiment (e.g., Gerard and Mathewson 1966). We base our prediction that the success of one s labor is crucial for the IKEA effect to emerge on a large body of literature which demonstrates a fundamental human need for effectance an ability to successfully produce desired outcomes in one s environment and one means by which people accomplish this goal is by affecting and controlling objects and possessions (Belk 1988; Dittmar 1992; Furby 1991). Indeed, in his seminal research on selfefficacy, Bandura (1977) specifically pointed to successful completion of tasks as one means by which people can meet their goal to feel competent and in control (see also White 1959). Just as completing tasks has a positive psychological impact, failure to complete tasks has corresponding negative psychological consequences: People ruminate more on tasks that they

7 IKEA Effect failed to complete than on those that they successfully completed, leading to negative affect and regret (Savitsky, Medvec, and Gilovich 1997; Zeigarnik 1935). Thus our account suggests that only when people successfully complete a labor-intensive task do they come to value the fruits of that labor the products they have created. We manipulate the success of labor in several ways to test our model of theoretical interest to our understanding of the link between effort and liking, but also of practical interest to marketers considering engaging consumers in co-production exploring when and why labor leads to love. Overview of the Experiments In the studies that follow, we demonstrate the IKEA effect by encouraging consumers to exert effort in the production of three different products: building IKEA boxes, folding origami, and constructing sets of Legos. Experiment 1A demonstrates the basic effect, showing that participants who assemble utilitarian products value them more highly than identical preassembled products. In Experiment 1B, we replicate this effect with more hedonic products, and compare participants estimates of the value of their origami creations to other s estimates of their value, to benchmark the increased value consumers lend to their self-made creations. In Experiment 2, we differentiate the IKEA effect from other phenomena known to increase valuation of products, including the endowment effect and the impact of mere touch on valuation. In both Experiments 2 and 3, we show that unsuccessful labor either by assembling and then disassembling a product, or failing to complete the assembly process does not increase valuation. Finally, Experiment 3 demonstrates that value from assembling products oneself accrues equally to both consumers who profess to be do-it-yourselfers and those who

8 IKEA Effect do not, suggesting that the link between successful labor and valuation occurs regardless of one s intrinsic inclination to engage in labor. Experiment 1A In this first experiment, we establish the IKEA effect consumers increased valuation for goods they have assembled when compared to objectively similar goods not produced by the self by comparing participants willingness-to-pay and liking for utilitarian products they had assembled themselves to identical pre-assembled products. We used a standardized, utilitarian product in Experiment 1A IKEA boxes in order to differentiate our findings from two related literatures. First, firms increasing tendency to allow consumers to customize their products, particularly through internet channels (Gilmore and Pine 1997; Pine 1993; Wind and Mahajan 1997), is effective in part because consumers are willing to pay a premium for products that they have customized to their idiosyncratic preferences (Franke and Piller 2004; Schreier 2006); with standardized IKEA boxes, however, no opportunity for customization exists, suggesting that any increase in valuation due to labor we observe is likely not due to customization. Second, some research suggests that consumers value their selfdesigned products more than those designed by others over and above the value derived from matching their preferences (Franke, Schreier, and Kaiser 2010); these studies, however, use products that are hedonic and intended for public display such as t-shirts, wristwatches, and cellphone covers such that the value likely derives in part from the opportunity to show off one s products to others. We use mundane, utilitarian products that are intended for private consumption to demonstrate that labor can lead to valuation even in the absence of additional sources of value.

9 IKEA Effect Method Participants (N = 52; 20 male, M age = 19.9, SD = 1.4) at a university in the southeastern United States were paid $5 to participate in the experiment. We randomly assigned some participants our builders to assemble a plain black IKEA Kassett storage box. These participants were given an unassembled box with the assembly instructions included with the product. Other participants our non-builders were given a fully assembled box and were given the opportunity to inspect it. After the initial stage either building or inspecting the box we solicited participants reservation price by asking them to make a bid on the box. We told them that at the end of the experiment, we would draw a random price (from an unknown distribution); if their WTP was equal to or above that price, they would pay us that amount and take the box, while if their bid was below the price, they would not purchase the box. This technique, a variant of the Becker- DeGroot-Marschak (1964) procedure, is an incentive compatible value elicitation method. After stating their willingness to pay, participants rated how much they liked the box on a 7-point scale (1: not at all to 7: very much), and the extent to which they thought the product was hedonic or utilitarian on a 9-point scale (1: completely utilitarian to 9: completely hedonic; see Dhar and Wertenbroch 2000). Results and Discussion As we expected, participants saw the IKEA boxes as more utilitarian than hedonic, rating them (M = 3.13, SD = 1.83) significantly lower than the midpoint of the scale, t(51) = 7.36, p <.001. We found that builders bid significantly more for their boxes (M = $0.78, SD = 0.63) than non-builders (M = $0.48, SD = 0.40), t(50) = 2.12, p <.05. Thus, while both groups were given

10 IKEA Effect the chance to buy the same product, those who assembled their own box valued it more than those who were given the chance to buy an identical pre-assembled box. We observed similar effects for subjective ratings of liking for the IKEA box, with builders reporting greater liking (M = 3.81, SD = 1.56) than non-builders (M = 2.50, SD = 1.03), t(50) = 3.58, p <.001. Experiment 1B: Magnitude Having demonstrated that the IKEA effect occurs even for mundane, utilitarian products, in Experiment 1B we switched to a new product category to begin to generalize our results. We asked some participants to create either an origami frog or crane, and offered them a chance to buy these creations with their own money. Most importantly, Experiment 1B was designed to benchmark the magnitude of the IKEA effect by comparing participants willingness-to-pay for their own creations to two different standards. First, we asked a different set of participants to bid on our builder s origami, examining how far above the market price our builders priced their own creations. Second, we asked experts to make origami and solicited bids for these creations, allowing us to see how closely in value our novice participants placed their amateurish creations to those made by experts. Method Participants (N = 106; 71 male, M age = 23.4, SD = 7.6) at a university in the northeastern United States volunteered to complete the experiment after being approached in a student center, and were told they would have a chance to buy an origami creation if they participated. We randomly assigned one set of participants our builders to make either an origami crane or an origami frog. We gave participants an instruction sheet (see Figure 1) and a piece of high-quality origami paper, and participants were given as much time as they wished to complete

11 IKEA Effect their creation. After they finished, we solicited their reservation price with a variant of the Becker-DeGroot-Marschak (1964) procedure, asking them to make a bid on their product between 0 and 100 cents (pretesting revealed that no participant bid more than $1.00). We told them we would draw a random number between 0 and 100; if their number was equal to or above that number, they would pay us that amount and take their creation home, while if their bid was below the number we would keep their origami. Before we drew these random numbers, builders then completed an unrelated experiment in another part of the student center while we asked a different set of participants non-builders, who were blind to both builders identity and bids how much they would pay for our builders origami, soliciting their reservation prices using the same BDM procedure. After placing their bids, these non-builders were told that the origami they bid on was actually going to be given to the builder, and they were given origami paper and an instruction sheet as compensation. Finally, we asked two research assistants with a great deal of experience with origami to make several high quality frogs and cranes, and asked an additional set of non-builders to bid on these expert creations. We used the same BDM procedure such that these non-builders bids were again incentive compatible. Results and Discussion We conducted a 2 (product type: frog or crane) X 3 (bid type: participants bids for their own creations, others bids for participants creations, others bids for experts creations) ANOVA. There was no main effect of product type and no interaction with bid type, Fs <.21, ps >.79.

12 IKEA Effect We did, however, observe the predicted main effect of bid type, F(2, 100) = 5.34, p <.01. We expected our builders to value their origami more than others did, and this was the case: Builders valuation of their origami (M = $0.23, SD = 0.25) was higher than non-builders were willing to pay for these creations (M = $0.05, SD = 0.07). Thus, while the non-builders saw the amateurish creations as nearly worthless crumpled paper, our builders imbued their origami with value. Indeed, builders valued their origami so highly they were willing to pay nearly as much for their own creations as the additional set of non-builders were willing to pay for the wellcrafted origami made by our experts (M = $0.27, SD = 0.26). Non-builders bids for builders origami were significantly lower than both builders bids for that origami and non-builders bids for expert origami, ts > 2.91, ps <.01, while the latter two bids did not differ, t < 1, p >.45 (Figure 2). *** Figure 2 *** It is possible, however, that these results do not indicate that our participants truly believed that the market price of their creation was $0.23, but merely that they were willing to overbid for their creation to avoid losing it. However, we asked an additional set of students (N = 14) to fold origami cranes and collected their bids, and also asked them to estimate what the average student at their university would bid for their creation. The bids were strikingly similar, (M self = $0.19; M others = $0.21), t(13) =.45, p >.65, offering some evidence that participants truly believed in the value of their creations. Experiment 2: Differentiating the IKEA Effect

13 IKEA Effect Experiment 1B suggests that the IKEA effect is large enough to cause people to value their creations as highly as the creations of experts, offering support for the considerable magnitude of the effect. In Experiment 2, we further explore the magnitude of the valuation that participants place on their self-made products compared to other products by using a different standard. While Experiment 1B showed that participants WTP for their own creations was higher than that of dispassionate outside bidders, in Experiment 2 we examine how participants bids for their own products compare to their bids for objectively similar products created by others. Our account holds that participants imbue products they have created with value, and thus we predict that participants bids for products they successfully complete themselves will be higher than their bids for the products that others have successfully completed. In Experiment 2, therefore, participants bid for their creations not using the BDM procedure, but against another participant using a sealed first price auction in which each bidder submitted a bid for each product, where the bidder with the highest bid for each product would receive that product and pay the price they offered. In addition, Experiment 2 also differentiates the IKEA effect from two other plausible explanations for the impact of labor on valuation. First, previous research demonstrates that people prefer goods with which they have been endowed (Kahneman, Knetsch, and Thaler 1990; Langer 1975), and thus some of the overvaluation we observed in the previous studies may have been due merely to perceived ownership of the product rather than effort expended in creating it. We therefore included a condition in Experiment 2 that replicates standard endowment effect manipulations, predicting that successful completion would create value over and above mere possession. Second, research suggests that time spent touching objects can increase feelings of ownership and value (Peck and Childers 2003; Peck and Shu 2009); we therefore included a

14 IKEA Effect condition in which participants both built and then unbuilt their creations, increasing their length of ownership and physical contact with the product, but undoing their successful completion of the task. This build and unbuild condition also allows us to begin to document the important role of task completion in the emergence of the IKEA effect. Ariely, Kamenica and Prelec (2008) demonstrated the demotivating effects of seeing one s labor undone by others; in Experiment 2 we examine the value-destroying effects of undoing one s labor oneself. We predicted that the builders would value their creations more than individuals simply endowed with pre-built products but that building and then unbuilding products, thereby undoing one s successful completion of a task, would lead to lower valuations. Method Participants (N = 118; 49 male, M age = 19.7, SD = 1.7) were undergraduates and graduate students at a university in the northeastern United States who were approached in the student center and dorms. In this experiment, we used sets of Legos of 10 to 12 pieces. When completed, the sets resembled the shape of a helicopter, a bird, a dog, or a duck. Participants were run in pairs, and were randomly assigned one of the four Lego sets (members of each pair were always assigned different sets) and to one of three conditions. In the endowment condition, participants were provided with a pre-assembled set; in the build condition, participants assembled a set themselves; in the unbuild condition, participants built a set and then took that set apart.

15 IKEA Effect All participants were then told to place bids on both their and their partner s set, and were told that the highest bidder for each would pay their own bid amount and take the set home. Thus, the bidding procedure used in Experiment 2 required participants to take into account their own willingness to pay and their partner s bids a kind of market price. Results and Discussion We conducted a 4 (product type: helicopter, bird, dog, or duck) X 3 (condition: endowment, build, or unbuild) X 2 (bid type: own Legos or other s Legos) ANOVA, with repeated measures on the final factor. We observed a main effect of set, F(3, 106) = 6.61, p <.001, such that participants preferred helicopters and birds to dogs and ducks; this variable did not interact with our manipulations, however, Fs < 1.49, ps >.22, and so we do not discuss it further. We observed a main effect of bid type, such that people were willing to pay more for the sets that they had been assigned (M = $0.54, SD = 0.69) than those assigned to their partners (M = $0.33, SD = 0.53), F(1, 106) = 11.07, p <.01; replicating the general pattern of the endowment effect, participants valued a set they had been randomly assigned more than a set assigned to another person. In addition, we observed a main effect of condition, F(2, 106) = 7.68, p <.01, such that bids overall were highest in the build condition than in the unbuild and endowment conditions. Importantly, however, these two main effects were qualified by the predicted interaction between bid type and condition, F(2, 106) = 3.20, p <.05, indicating that the magnitude of the difference in bids was impacted by our manipulations (Table 1). Only in the build condition, as predicted, were participants bids for their own creation significantly higher than their bids for

16 IKEA Effect their partners creations, t(39) = 3.08, p <.01; building and then unbuilding sets, however, caused this difference to become non-significant, t(39) = 1.20, p =.23. This effect of destroying one s labor is particularly notable given that Lego sets are designed to be assembled and taken apart, and participants could have quickly and easily reassembled their set had they bid enough to own it. Finally, while directionally consistent with the endowment effect, bids for the two sets in the endowment condition were not significantly different, t(37) = 1.30, p =.20, offering evidence for the magnitude of the IKEA effect being over and above that due to endowment. *** Table 1 *** Experiment 3: Who Shows the IKEA Effect? Thus far, we have randomly assigned participants to build and in Experiment 2, unbuild their creations. In the real world, of course, consumers frequently self-select into either building products themselves or choosing to have others build those products for them. From both a theoretical and managerial perspective, understanding whether the IKEA effect occurs regardless of a consumer s intrinsic interest in building products is essential. Our account is that there is a basic and fundamental relationship between the completion of tasks and valuation of the products of that labor such that whenever marketers can facilitate consumers building their own products, their willingness-to-pay should increase. To test this account, in Experiment 3, we allowed some participants to build an IKEA box, while others were allowed to complete only half of the steps to complete the box. We expected, consistent with the results from Experiment 2, that failing to finish a product would lead to lower valuations than completing it. Most importantly, we measured participants general interest in building things themselves asking

17 IKEA Effect them to rate the extent to which they were do-it-yourself people in order to examine whether the boost in valuation from completing the box occurred only for those interested in building, or for all consumers regardless of their stated interest. Method Participants (N = 39; 16 male, M age = 21.5, SD = 2.4) at a university in the southeastern United States were paid $5 for completing the experiment. We randomly assigned some participants our builders to assemble an IKEA Kassett box. These participants were given an unassembled box with the assembly instructions that come with the product. Other participants our incomplete builders were given the same unassembled box with the same instructions, but were asked to stop before completing the last two steps. Thus these participants also worked on their box, but were not able to complete their creation; note that participants in this condition had all of the pieces needed to complete the box, and little effort would be required on their part to complete the box if they chose to purchase it. After the initial stage, we solicited participants willingness-to-pay price by using the same incentive-compatible method as in Experiment 1A. Finally, participants were asked to rate the extent to which they were a do-it-yourself person (DIYer), on a 7-point scale (1: not at all a do-it-yourself person to 7: very much a do-it-yourself person). Results and Discussion As predicted, builders bid significantly more for their boxes (M = $1.46, SD = 1.46) than incomplete builders (M = $0.59, SD = 0.70), t(37) = 2.35, p <.05. Thus, while both groups were

18 IKEA Effect given the chance to buy the identical product, those who were given the chance to complete their creation imbued it with significantly more value and were willing to pay more to keep it. Most importantly, this increase in valuation was not limited to only participants who considered themselves DIYers. We conducted a regression predicting willingness-to-pay with condition, self-rating on the DIY scale, and the interaction between these two variables as predictors. Reflective of the above analyses, there was a significant effect of build condition, β =.44, p <.05, such that participants who completed the project valued it more than those who were not allowed to finish. Not surprisingly, there was a marginally significant effect of participants DIY rating, β =.35, p =.06; consumers who reported liking to build products rated the boxes higher than those who were relatively less interested in building products. Most importantly, there was no evidence of an interaction between condition and DIY rating, β =.09, p >.60, suggesting that both people who did not see themselves as DIYers showed the same increase in valuation when completing their products as those who did identify as DIYers (Figure 3). *** Figure 3 *** General Discussion In four experiments, we demonstrated the existence and magnitude of the IKEA effect, which occurs for both utilitarian and hedonic products, and is sufficient in magnitude that consumers believe that their self-made products rival those of experts. Adding to previous literature on effort justification, we also show that successful completion is an essential component for the link between labor and liking to emerge; participants who built and then unbuilt their creations, or were not permitted to finish those creations, did not show an increase in willingness-to-pay. In addition, our experiments addressed several possible alternative

19 IKEA Effect explanations for the increased valuation that people hold for their own creations. We show that successful assembly of products leads to value over and above the value that arises from merely being endowed with a product, or merely handling that product; in addition, by using simple IKEA boxes and Lego sets that did not permit customization, we demonstrated that the IKEA effect does not arise solely as a result of participants idiosyncratic tailoring of their creations to their preferences. What psychological mechanisms underlie the increase in valuation when participants self-assemble their products? In the introduction, we suggested that the increase in liking that occurs due to effort (Aronson and Mills 1959) coupled with the positive feelings of effectance that accompany successful completion of tasks (Dittmar 1992; Furby 1991) is an important driver of the increase in willingness to pay that we observe. Of course, effectance itself has multiple psychological components: actual control over outcomes and mere perceived control over outcomes (Bandura, 1977). Given that our participants are in control by building their own products yet assembling them according to preset instructions (i.e., not in control ), further exploration of perceived and actual control is likely to lend insight into the IKEA effect. In addition, there are likely additional underlying mechanisms that vary by the type of product being assembled. For instance, the assembly of more hedonic products often results in the opportunity to display one s creation to others (Franke et al. 2010). Indeed, many of our participants who built Legos and origami in Experiments 1B and 2 mentioned a desire to show them to their friends, suggesting that the increase in willingness-to-pay for hedonic products may arise in part due to the social utility offered by assembling these products. We suggest, however, that social utility is likely to play a more minor role in increased liking for self-assembled utilitarian products like the storage boxes used in Experiments 1A and 3, given that the social

20 IKEA Effect utility gained from displaying products decreases as product complexity decreases (Thompson and Norton, in press). It is also possible that the enjoyment of the assembly task itself is a contributor to the IKEA effect building Lego frogs is more fun than building storage boxes such that task enjoyment is another contributor to valuation that varies by product type. Future research is needed to unpack what are likely to be multiple drivers of the IKEA effect. We note that we used generally small ticket items, and the question of whether the IKEA effect occurs for more expensive items is important both practically and theoretically. While future research should empirically examine the magnitude of overvaluation as a function of price, we suggest that, even for very costly items, people may continue to see the products of their labor as more valuable than others do. For instance, people may see the improvements they have made to their homes such as the brick walkways they laid by hand as increasing the value of the house far more than buyers, who see only a shoddily-built walkway. Indeed, to the extent that labor one puts into one s home reflects one s own idiosyncratic tastes, such as kitchen tiling behind the sink that quotes bible verses, labor might actually lead to lower valuation by buyers, who see only bible verses that must be expunged even as that labor leads the owner to raise the selling price. Managerial Implications Our exploration of the value that participants attach to their own labor is part of a broader trend in research exploring the psychology underlying consumer involvement, as companies have shifted in recent years from viewing customers as recipients of value to viewing them as cocreators of value (Firat, Dholakia, and Venkatesh 1995; Holbrook and Hirschman 1982; Prahalad and Ramaswamy 2000, 2002; Vargo and Lusch 2004). Companies now actively involve

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