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Law, Constitution, Jurisprudence

Constitutional Law

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This paper aims to analyse the existent legal and political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the viewpoint of effective applicability of international law. It first deals with the general issue of the relationship between international law, domestic political structures and the individual, consequently moving to the specific case study of the Dayton system. The question arises whether such an excessive intervention was at all capable of establishing a stable institutional framework and of uprooting the enmities between the sides to the conflict. Certain criteria for the effective application of international law are drafted, in light of which the presented data are evaluated. A critical conclusion follows, defining the key setbacks of the Dayton system and hinting to possible alternative approaches.

The article addresses the issue of alterations to the bill preventing sexually motivated crime in relation to the constitutional rights. The author presents and analyses the new regulation with emphasis on the unknown for the polish legal system solutions such as Sex Offenders Registry which will be accessible in two versions: with limited access and to the general public, and a publicly available map of sexual crime threats. What is more, doubts are raised as to the effectiveness of the measures to reduce sexual offenses.

The aim of this paper is to trace back the origins of the two conflicting traditions that exist within the framework of the Romanian constitutional history. Between 1822 and 1947, the Romanian constitutional dynamics has been shaped by the aspiration to borrow extensively from the belgium, french and english public law, with the purpose to set up a political regime of constitutional monarchy and ideological moderation. The 1866 constitution is the climax and the coronation of this prolonged effort. There is, however, an alternative legal paradigm evolving in the same period, an alternative promoting the idea of autocracy. By eliminating the checks and balances guarantees and by curtailing severely human rights, this autocratic approach managed, between 1938 and 1944, to impose its own agenda, by dismantling the rule of law state. The legal and political conversation between these two traditions is at the the very centre of Romanian modernization.

The Republic of Moldova, a small country landlocked between Romania to the west and the Ukraine to the east, is arguably the most complex of the fifteen countries born out of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Moldova is a borderland that is deeply divided between Romanian speakers drawn towards the European Union and Russian speakers who continue to feel the tug of old ties to Moscow. While Moldova may be on the path toward European integration, in many ways it is a country stuck in the unresolved problems of a Soviet past, especially with respect to territorial and national integrity. Our research will focus on the devolved region in the Republic of Moldova: Gagauzia. Much scholarship is devoted to study of the de facto state of Transnistria, but the situation in the autonomous region of Gagauzia is no less important. Upon the 20th Anniversary of the Gagauz Autonomy, we will provide an overview of the developments in Gagauzia from the proclamation of the Gagauz Republic and the conflict it generated to the present state of affairs in Gagauz Autonomy. We will then evaluate problems and prospects for devolution in Moldova, identifying some acute issues in Chisinau‐Komrat relations. Onceconsidered a success and a potential model for settlement of other conflicts in post‐ Soviet space, we will consider whether autonomy in Gagauzia has been achieved.

This is the second Alternative Progress Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s path towards the EU membership. The report is a joint effort of dozens of individuals and organizations whose common goal was to show the current state of integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina from the perspective of civil society organizations. Having in mind that the official Progress Report on Bosnia and Herzegovina is a political report of the European Commission, we believe that the publication of the Alternative report can affect its content. Because of this, we are publishing this Alternative Progress Report nearly three months before the publication of the official one, hoping that it will have an impact on the formulation of the formal report. The report completely relies on the so-called political criteria, focusing on the following questions: - Democracy and the functionality of the State, - Rule of law and corruption, - Human rights, especially the rights of minorities and vulnerable groups, and - Transitional Justice During the 2013 and 2014, we have witnessed that no relevant progress has been achieved. The process of implementation of the Sejdić and Finci v. Bosnia and Herzegovina ruling is completely displaced from the Parliament. Performance of the democratic parliaments and governments on state, entity and cantonal levels is extremely low. The work of the institutions is characterized as unstable, inefficient and with notable lack of transparency. The decisions of the constitutional courts are still not implemented. No significant and systematic policies to combat human rights violations have been adopted. Judicial reform has been stopped and Structured Dialogue on Justice between B&H and the EU does not show any progress. Not a single significant case of corruption has been processed. Minority and vulnerable groups still live in difficult conditions. Discrimination and violence are all-present, and the law on prohibition of discrimination did not show the expected results, having in mind that five years after the enactment of the law, only two final judgments were passed. Comprehensive anti-discrimination policies for social integration either do not exist, or are almost never applied. Floods additionally hit the most vulnerable groups in society. Furthermore, the most vulnerable groups in society have been affected by the recent floods. The prosecution of war crimes and dealing with the past, as prerequisites for creating a healthy environment and building a common state, represent an additional problem. Political support for war criminals by the leaders of political parties only further divide the already highly fragmented society. We hope that the general elections in October of 2014 (although held by discriminatory rules) will bring more stable political structure, ready to face different problems. Initiative for the Monitoring of the European Integration of Bosnia and Herzegovina will certainly advocate change, in terms of adopting new laws and policies, and the implementation thereof. We also hope that the BiH authorities and the EU institutions will support a stronger representation of civil society within the various forums within the EU integration. Civil society must become the third actor in this process along with the State and EU institutions.

On Some Aspects of the Exclusive Systemic Exercise of State Power with Regard to Constitutional Law, International Law, and European Law

Author(s): Imre Vörös / Language(s): English
/ Publication Year: 0

The Fundamental Law, drafted in 2011 and instituted on 1 January 2012, was amended no less than five times over a year and a half.Hungary’s sitting prime minister since 2010 had formulated his intent to stay in power for an extended period of time in his state-of-the-nation speech delivered in Kötcse, as early as 9 September 2009. As well, he expounded the necessity of building a system of political institutions that could guarantee the realization of this plan, practically by establishing a one-party state. His idea of a “central field of power,” especially if designed for the long term, was neither reconcilable with democracy, nor with a multiparty system, let alone with the electoral law which was in force until 2010.

The aim of the article is to present two opposing visions of the common good (value) in the history of political and legal doctrines. Such outline of extreme positions allows the author to assess the wide range of doctrinal differences in particular epochs and to impose the principles of the rule of law expressed in art. 2 of the Constitution in the historical tradition derived from the ancient republicanism and political and legal thought of the Middle Ages and which absorbs the postulates of modern liberalism, republicanism and conservatism, based on the democratic model.

The lecture analyzes the changes in the functions of public broadcasting within the digital era. It demonstrates the control models of public broadcasting with a special focus on Eastern Europe. In addition, it gives a detailed insight into the Hungarian experience: starting from the regime change, until its practical burnout in the illiberal state. In the author's opinion, despite the negative experience, there are very strong arguments for the maintenance of public media broadcasting in a country like Hungary that is so isolated language-wise, and that has such a small media market. To make this happen, the author thinks that cheap and professional control system is needed.

The Hungarian Observant Franciscan vicary, established in 1448, underwent a thoroughgoing reorganization at the end of the 15th century. The chapter (capitulum vicariale) held in 1499 at the monastery of Atya (today Šarengrad, Croatia), accepted constitutions which determined in detail the organisational structure and functioning of the vicary. These, in fact, are the earliest known decisions of the vicary. The author of the regulation was Osvát Laskai, much better known as a writer of sermons, who was three times elected for the two year vicarial office (1497–1499, 1499–1501, 1507–1509). The long work consists of two parts: while the first defines the offices of the superiors, that is, of the vicar, the custodes, the guardians and the visitors (visitatores), the second regulates the everyday life of the friars through an explanation of the Franciscan rule. The constitutions of Atya are not available in a modern critical edition, its only edition of 1827 being based on one single manuscript. That important milestone in the history of the Franciscan Order, the Roman capitulum generalissimum of 1517, and Pope Leo X’s Bull of Ite vos in vineam meam, naturally effected considerable changes in the life of the Hungarian vicary as well. For instance, the Hungarian vicar also became a minister, and the area under his supervision was consequently called a province. In reaction to the changes, the friars of the new province gathered in 1518 for an extraordinary chapter, under the leadership of provincial minister Albert Dereszlényi, at the tomb of Giovanni da Capestrano at Újlak (Ilok, Croatia). The importance of the constitutions of Atya is reflected by the fact that in 1518 the regulation of 1499 was merely updated in accordance with the new conditions. Among others, the necessary terminological modifications were carried out: vicary was changed to province, vicar to minister, and capitulum vicariale to capitulum provinciale. The text of the constitutions of Újlak has never appeared in print. The two sets of constitutions are thus closely connected to each other. The present study offers the description and edition of their respective prologues, a preliminary to the forthcoming critical edition of the two regulations.

On the face of things, a living Constitution definitely sounds better than its counterpart, a dead Constitution ‐ as William H. Rehnquist playfully puts it, “it would seem that only a necrophile could disagree”. If the question is worth asking a future Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, it surely still deserves to be analysed, especially given the rejuvenation of the debate thanks to the Obergefell v. Hodges case (2015) and the almost simultaneous recent publication of two antagonist studies: Jack Balkin’s Living Originalism (2011) and David Strauss’s The Living Constitution (2010) which, despite both having the word “living” in their titles, offer two current and opposing alternatives on the battlefield of legal interpretation of the Constitution.

From the independence of the Republic of Macedonia at the beginning of 90s by adopting the new Constitution in 1991 until now, the country is permanently under domestic and international pressure to promote competent and professional public institutions and public administration workforce. The successful reforms of the judiciary and public administration are still one of the key criteria for the Macedonian full integration in the European Union. The EU annual reports in the last decade still put the accent on the development stages of these reforms that are of extreme importance for the overall democratic development and improving the rule of law in the country. The goal of the research in the paper is the analysis of the performances or the effectiveness of the work of the Administrative Court in the country during the last decade (2008-2017). From the effectiveness in resolving administrative cases based on administrative disputes in the country depends the overall public confidence in administrative judiciary and is a key indicator for the degree of improvement of the rule of law i.e. the overall administrative development. Besides many constraints of legal and professional nature, the results during the years are somewhat mixed but promising. The conclusions are that the administrative judiciary in the country needs further improvement in terms of professionalism and additional sources of support from the official authorities.

In the second century B.C. a theory was developed to justify the legitimacy of the Roman Empire before the conquered people. The essence of this conception is the following: the rule of a state over another is righteous if their relationship also serves the interest of the subject country, and this is possible if the ruling state is superior, and makes the subjugated better, governs it more adequate than if it ruled itself. In the first part of the study I argue for ascribing this theory to the Rhodian Panaetius, the path-breaker exponent of the middle period of Stoic philosophy. Thereafter I show that Polybius who wrote about Rome’s becoming the most powerful empire of the world, and who knew Panaetius, and often discussed political questions with him, saw the relationship of Rome and the subject countries according to the conception of Panaetius.

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