THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. I
want to speak for a few moments about the crisis in Haiti, the
challenge it poses to our national interests, and the new steps I am
taking to respond.

Three and one half years ago, in free and fair
elections, the people of Haiti chose Jean-Bertrand Aristide as their
President. Just nine months later, their hopes were dashed when
Haiti's military leaders overthrew democracy by force. Since then,
the military has murdered innocent civilians, crushed political
freedom and plundered Haiti's economy.

From the start of this administration, my goal has been
to restore democracy and President Aristide. Last year, we helped
the parties to negotiate the Governors Island Accord, a fair and
balanced agreement which laid out a road map for a peaceful
resolution to the crisis. But late last year, the Haitian military
abrogated the agreement, and since then they have rejected every
effort to achieve a political settlement.

At the same time, the repression and bloodshed in Haiti
have reached alarming new proportions. Supporters of President
Aristide, and many other Haitians, are being killed and mutilated.
That is why, six weeks ago, I ordered a review of our policy towards
Haiti.

As a result of this review, we are taking several steps
to increase pressure on Haiti's military while addressing the
suffering caused by their brutal misrule. We are stepping up our
diplomatic efforts, we are intensifying sanctions, and we are
adapting our migration policy.

Let me describe these steps. First, to bring new vigor
to our diplomacy, I am pleased to announce that Bill Gray, the
President of the United Negro College Fund, former House Majority
Whip and Chair of the House Budget Committee, has accepted my
invitation to serve as special advisor to me and to the Secretary of
State on Haiti. (Applause.)

Bill is here with his wife, on his way to the
inauguration of President Mandela in South Africa, and I will ask him
to speak in just a few moments. But let me just say that he is a man
of vision and determination, of real strength and real creativity.
And I appreciate his willingness to accept this difficult and
challenging assignment. He will be the point man in our diplomacy,
and a central figure in our future policy deliberations.

As part of our diplomatic efforts, we will work with the
United Nations to examine the changes in the proposed U.N. military
and police mission in Haiti. We want to ensure that once Haiti's
military leaders have left, this mission can do its job effectively
and safely.

Second, the U.S. is leading the international community
in a drive to impose tougher sanctions on Haiti. On Friday, the U.N.
Security Council unanimously adopted a resolution we had proposed to
tighten sanctions on everything but humanitarian supplies; to prevent
Haiti's military leaders and their civilians allies from leaving the
country; to promote a freeze of their assets worldwide; and to ban
nonscheduled flights in and out of Haiti. U.S. naval vessels will
continue to enforce these sanctions vigorously.

We are also working with the Dominican Republic to
improve sanctions enforcement along that nation's border with Haiti.
To shield the most vulnerable Haitians from the worst effects of the
sanctions, we will increase both humanitarian aid and the number of
U.N. and OAS human rights monitors in Haiti.

While these stronger sanctions will cause more hardships
for innocent Haitians, we must be clear: The military leaders bear
full responsibility for this action. They can stop the suffering of
their people by giving up power, as they themselves agreed to do, and
allowing the restoration of democracy and the return of President
Aristide.

Third, I am announcing certain changes in our migration
policy towards Haiti. Currently, Haitians seeking refugee status,
including those interdicted at sea, are interviewed only in Haiti and
not beyond its shores. Our processing centers, which have been
dramatically expanded in this administration, are doing a good job
under bad circumstances.

In 1993, we processed and approved about 10 times the
number of refugee applicants as in 1992. In recent months, however,
I have become increasingly concerned that Haiti's declining human
rights situation may endanger the safety of those who have valid
fears of political persecution, who flee by boat, and who are then
returned to Haiti where they are met at the docks by Haitian
authorities before they can be referred to in-country processing.

Therefore, I have decided to modify our procedures. We
will continue to interdict all Haitian migrants at sea, but we will
determine aboard ship or in other countries which ones are bona fide
political refugees. Those who are not will still be returned to
Haiti, but those who are will be provided refuge. We will also
approach other countries to seek their participation in this
humanitarian endeavour.

The new procedures will begin once we have the necessary
arrangements in place. This will take some weeks. Until then, the
Haitians must understand that we will continue to return all boat
migrants to Haiti. Even under the new procedures, there will be no
advantage for Haitians with fears of persecution to risk their lives
at sea if and when they can assert their claims more safely at a
processing center in Haiti.

The ultimate solution to this crisis, however, is for
the military leaders to keep their own commitment to leave, so that
Haiti's people can build a peaceful and prosperous future in their
own country.

I am committed to making these new international
sanctions work. At the same time, I cannot and should not rule out
other options. The United States has clear interests at stake in
ending this crisis. We have an interest in bolstering the cause of
democracy in the Americas. We have an interest in ensuring the
security of our citizens living and working in Haiti. We have an
interest in stopping the gross human rights violations and abuses of
the military and their accomplices. And we clearly have a
humanitarian interest in preventing a massive and dangerous exodus of
Haitians by sea.

The steps I have announced today are designed to relieve
suffering, redouble pressure and restore democracy. Working with the
Haitian people and the world community, we will try to advance our
interests and give Haiti an opportunity to build a future of freedom
and hope. They voted for it and they deserve the chance to have it.
(Applause.)

Mr. Gray.

MR. GRAY: Thank you, Mr. President. I am honored to
accept this great and important challenge. I am glad for the
opportunity to serve my country and work on resolving one of the
greatest challenges we face today. I share the President's
determination to help end the suffering of the Haitian people at the
hands of their military leaders. I will work towards that end with
commitment and with determination.

In accepting this assignment, I want to stress publicly,
as I have stressed to you, Mr. President, that I am a private citizen
and will remain a private citizen during this work. I have also
insisted on serving without pay. My reason for taking on this work
is straightforward and very simple. For me, it is an article of
faith that when a person is asked by his President to be of service
to the nation, he should do so. And today, I respond to that request
to serve from my President.

In the months ahead, I look forward to working with you,
Mr. President, and your national security team to carry out your
policy, promote our nation's interests, and restore freedom and
democracy, and above all, hope to the people of Haiti.

Thank you. (Applause.)

Q Mr. President, what makes you believe that these
sanctions -- these new policies on returning Haitian refugees to
Haiti will work this time? Haven't they been tried before and found
to be unreliable or to encourage people to --

THE PRESIDENT: Before, when they were tried, the
circumstances were somewhat different. First of all, let me answer
the question about why we would undertake to change the policy even
though there is clearly some logistical challenge involved in doing
so.

I ordered the review of this policy six weeks ago when
we began first to get intelligence reports and then clear news
reports that there was increasing violence against citizens of Haiti
who did not agree with the policies of the military regime -- and,
indeed, some of them seem to not be political at all -- of people not
only being killed but being mutilated. It seems to me reasonable to
assume that some of the people who were fleeing by boat are in that
group of people who also are fearful of their lives. And the way the
boat return has worked so far is that we take the people back, let
them off at the dock at Port-au-Prince. They are then -- by and
large, they have been free to go to the in-country processing. But
they are subject to the authority of the Haitian police at that
moment. And I simply think that the risks of that cannot be
justified, given the increased level of political violence in the
country. Therefore, I think we have to change the policy.

Now, why do I think it will work? First, we've studied
what happened before when the policy of inspection of people at sea
occurred, and we have determined that two things ought to be done.
First, we ought to look for a third-country processing center. And
second, if we do it at sea, we ought not to do it on the Coast Guard
cutters, which can be quickly overrun in their capacity, but to do it
on bigger ships.

We believe if we can -- given a little time to organize
this logistically, we can handle it. Also, it will be clear that we
are not changing our policy, which is the law of the United States
with regard to economic refugees. People who seek to come to the
United States for economic reasons only are not eligible for this
kind of status.

So we will do these reviews. We think we can do them
fairly quickly, in a matter of a few days, and then return those who
should be returned and take those who should be taken into the United
States.

Ron.

Q Are you in danger, sir, of sending signals that
could open the floodgates for Haitian refugees? And how much, if
any, did the fast play into your decision-making process?

THE PRESIDENT: First let me answer your first question.
I hope that we will not have a flood of refugees, but we are
increasing our naval resources to deal with them. We are not
changing our policy about who can come and who cannot. That is a
matter of American law. We are not able to do that, nor should we do
that.

But I don't believe the policy we have now is
sustainable, given the level of political violence against innocent
civilians in Haiti. We have to try to implement this policy. I
believe we can, and I think, as we do it firmly, the Haitian people
will see we are not opening the floodgates for indiscriminate refugee
migration into the United States, but that we are going to try to
find those people who have left because they have a genuine fear.

The review of this policy began before Mr. Robinson's
fast, but if you will go back and when I was first asked about it I
said that I did not mind his criticism of our policy, it obviously
had not worked. I said that from day one. And I respect his
conviction and his courage and his conscience. And I was gratified
by the comments that he said today. And I'm glad that on this
Mother's Day he's going to be having dinner with his wife tonight.

Q Mr. President, on sanctions, your former envoy to
Haiti warns that the stricter sanctions will -- could so ruin the
situation on the ground in Haiti. I would make it impossible for
President Aristide or for anyone Mr. Gray works with to set up there
to bring democracy back. What kind of confidence do you have that
economic sanctions are going to bring the military leaders out?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think the economic sanctions
will have to be coupled with a vigorous and aggressive and broadbased
diplomatic effort. And we are exploring all alternatives.

As you know, we have been reluctant to impose the more
severe sanctions, although President Aristide and many of the Friends
of Haiti group -- the French, the Canadians, others who have worked
with us on this for a long time, since -- have advocated this course.
In my view, we must exhaust all available alternatives as we try to
resolve this diplomatically. And I think it is an appropriate thing
to do now.

If we are successful in trying to bring back democracy
and to restore not only President Aristide, but the concept, the
spirit that was in the Governors Island Accord -- that is, a broadbased,
functioning representative government that can relate to the
business community as well as to the ordinary citizens of Haiti --
then we will have to get ourselves in gear to try to make sure that
that economy comes back as quickly as possible. We're trying to do
that with South Africa and others. I think we'll be able to do it.

Q? Mr. President, I don't understand why the
administration is saying that it does not expect a large influx of
Haitian refugees now. Are you saying effectively that you expect the
results of the new policy will be the same as the results of the old
policy?

THE PRESIDENT: No, I'm saying -- I think there will be
more -- some more people in the sense that we will be reviewing more
people simultaneously. That is, we will be reviewing people not only
in the in-country processing centers, but we'll be interviewing
people either on boats or in a third country. But what I'm saying is
that we have not broadened the criteria of eligibility for coming to
the United States.

I want to make this very clear. The problem with the
present policy is -- the present policy worked in 1993 up through the
abrogation of the Governors Island Accord and for sometime thereafter
in the sense that we did not have evidence of widespread
indiscriminate killing of civilians. And we increased by tenfold, by
tenfold, the number of people processed and the number of people
approved for refuge in this country for 1993 over 1992.

But when all this killing started, when it became
obvious that the military leaders had no earthly intention of
honoring Governors Island or anything approaching it, or keeping
their commitments, but instead were going to tolerate, organize and
abet increased killing in Haiti, it is logical to assume that some of
those who get on the boats include not only economic refugees, who
are the vast majority of them, but also some who genuinely fear for
their lives. The only way we can get those people to the in-country
processing is to let them off at the dock in Port-au-Prince where the
police have jurisdiction. I do not believe that is a sustainable
policy, either practically or morally, given the level of
indiscriminate violence.

So there may be some more people who get in because
we'll be reviewing even more people. But it would be a great mistake
for Haitians who want to come here for economic reasons to just take
to the boats, because we are not changing the standard by which we
admit people.

Gwen.

Q It seems there are two outstanding problems. One
is that Lieutenant General Cedras said this morning he doesn't really
have any intention of stepping aside in order to replace -- in order
to make room for President Aristide; and that even your supporters on
this policy are concerned that there is still no equivalency between
what happens with the United States and Cuban immigrants and the
United States and Haitian immigrants. How do you address those two
things?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I think we are going to have -- we
do have an equivalency in terms of people who get here. But we have
an obligation to try to let the people who genuinely fear for their
lives into this country. We are now going to do that without regard
to whether they're processed in country or on boats. Therefore, the
legal standard is what it ought to be.

The Cuban situation is unique in the sense that there is
an act of Congress which has certain specifics about the Cuban
situation which changes our relationship with Cuba to some extent.
But this will alleviate the legitimate concern with regard to the
Haitians, and I hope will minimize the likelihood that hundreds of
people will die at sea innocently.

Q And about Lieutenant General Cedras?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, of course, he's going to say that.
That's what he's been saying ever since -- that's what he told us
when he abrogated the Governors Island Accord. "I gave my word. I
never expect President Aristide to keep his word. President Aristide
called my bluff, kept his word, and so I'm going to shaft the
agreement." That's what he said on September 30th. So he hasn't
changed his mind since then. But we may be able to do better now,
and I think the gentleman to my right is a person of extraordinary
ability; maybe he can do some things we haven't done yet. We're
going to give it our best shot.

Q Mr. President, I am very pleased for your
determination today. I have been very uncomfortable because I am a
Cuban boat American -- the founding father of my country. They leave
-- in the second world war. I have been here since 1959. As the
leader of the democratic body, I had to leave when Baptista left.
And I have been listening to people in connection with my country.
The country of Cuba is dominated by the Cuban communists, and there
is legislation that you have to pursue that course.

However, it is a reality that in 1779 and 1781, 1,100 --
Cubans came here and made this country free -- (inaudible.) Now, in
this situation I congratulate you --

THE PRESIDENT: Thanks.

One more.

Q How long are you willing to give sanctions to take
the desired effect?

THE PRESIDENT: I think I have to let Mr. Gray do a
little work before I can answer that question.