Heidegger’s anti-Semitism is “historial” because it attributes to the Jewish people a task that is both world-historical and philosophically significant, having to do with the uprooting of beings. ...
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Heidegger’s anti-Semitism is “historial” because it attributes to the Jewish people a task that is both world-historical and philosophically significant, having to do with the uprooting of beings. Why, according to Heidegger’s logic, must this be attributed to the Jews, since the process described involves multiple agents? Because the Jews are the racialized people that brings about a “deracialization” of humanity, a levelling and equivalence in indifference. This process can be compared by analogy with Marx’s analysis of money as the general equivalent, and of the proletariat as the agent and figure of revolution. For Heidegger, the new beginning of humanity requires a figure, a type, embodied in a people capable of hastening the end. For every singular beginning requires a people, as does every end.Less

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Jean-Luc NancyJeff Fort

Published in print: 2017-03-01

Heidegger’s anti-Semitism is “historial” because it attributes to the Jewish people a task that is both world-historical and philosophically significant, having to do with the uprooting of beings. Why, according to Heidegger’s logic, must this be attributed to the Jews, since the process described involves multiple agents? Because the Jews are the racialized people that brings about a “deracialization” of humanity, a levelling and equivalence in indifference. This process can be compared by analogy with Marx’s analysis of money as the general equivalent, and of the proletariat as the agent and figure of revolution. For Heidegger, the new beginning of humanity requires a figure, a type, embodied in a people capable of hastening the end. For every singular beginning requires a people, as does every end.

The distribution of incomes in South Africa in 2004, ten years after the transition to democracy, was probably more unequal than it had been under apartheid. The authors of this book explain why this ...
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The distribution of incomes in South Africa in 2004, ten years after the transition to democracy, was probably more unequal than it had been under apartheid. The authors of this book explain why this is so, offering a detailed and comprehensive analysis of inequality in South Africa from the mid-twentieth century to the early twenty-first century. They show that the basis of inequality shifted in the last decades of the twentieth century from race to class. Formal deracialization of public policy did not reduce the actual disadvantages experienced by the poor nor the advantages of the rich. The fundamental continuity in patterns of advantage and disadvantage resulted from underlying continuities in public policy, or what the authors call the “distributional regime.” The post-apartheid distributional regime continues to divide South Africans into insiders and outsiders. The insiders, now increasingly multiracial, enjoy good access to well-paid, skilled jobs; the outsiders lack skills and employment.Less

Class, Race, and Inequality in South Africa

Jeremy SeekingsNicoli Nattrass

Published in print: 2005-12-14

The distribution of incomes in South Africa in 2004, ten years after the transition to democracy, was probably more unequal than it had been under apartheid. The authors of this book explain why this is so, offering a detailed and comprehensive analysis of inequality in South Africa from the mid-twentieth century to the early twenty-first century. They show that the basis of inequality shifted in the last decades of the twentieth century from race to class. Formal deracialization of public policy did not reduce the actual disadvantages experienced by the poor nor the advantages of the rich. The fundamental continuity in patterns of advantage and disadvantage resulted from underlying continuities in public policy, or what the authors call the “distributional regime.” The post-apartheid distributional regime continues to divide South Africans into insiders and outsiders. The insiders, now increasingly multiracial, enjoy good access to well-paid, skilled jobs; the outsiders lack skills and employment.

This chapter examines the practice and the consequences of race-neutral campaign strategies in America. More specifically, it looks at the origins of race-neutral campaign strategies among black ...
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This chapter examines the practice and the consequences of race-neutral campaign strategies in America. More specifically, it looks at the origins of race-neutral campaign strategies among black politicians in the early 1980s and how race-neutral black candidates, particularly Barack Obama, tackled racism or racial inequality during their election campaigns. It also considers the informal wink-and-nod agreement forged between race-neutral black candidates and black voters who supported them, along with its implications for black politics. Finally, the chapter discusses “deracialization” as a campaign strategy adopted by race-neutral black candidates.Less

Wink, Nod, Vote

Fredrick C. Harris

Published in print: 2012-06-15

This chapter examines the practice and the consequences of race-neutral campaign strategies in America. More specifically, it looks at the origins of race-neutral campaign strategies among black politicians in the early 1980s and how race-neutral black candidates, particularly Barack Obama, tackled racism or racial inequality during their election campaigns. It also considers the informal wink-and-nod agreement forged between race-neutral black candidates and black voters who supported them, along with its implications for black politics. Finally, the chapter discusses “deracialization” as a campaign strategy adopted by race-neutral black candidates.