Brian Calle: Unions fight reforms, tooth and nail

Thousands of public school teachers rally outside the Chicago Public Schools district headquarters on the first day of strike action over teachers' contracts on Monday, Sept. 10, 2012 in Chicago. SITTHIXAY DITTHAVONG, ASSOCIATED PRESS

Public-sector employee unions, faced with mounting evidence and growing public opinion in opposition to their compensation levels and political influence, are responding, in many instances, with defiance.

The Chicago Teachers Union strike last week is an apt example but far from the only instance of union resistance to necessary changes to public policy.

Instead of embracing the inevitable necessity of reform, however, unions more often are digging in, even resorting to publicity stunts to improve their image instead of addressing the issues.

Just prior to the start of the Democratic National Convention this month in Charlotte, N.C., labor unions set up a "Hug a Thug" booth at an associated festival as a way to manipulate public impressions about organized labor. The event was a tacit recognition that public outcry against unions has grown. But actions speak louder than either words or public-relations ploys.

Unions for government employees have conceded little in political battles throughout the country. In Wisconsin, not only did workers stage massive strikes at the state Capitol against reforms pushed by Republican Gov. Scott Walker, but, after those tactics failed, they launched an expensive, bitter and, ultimately, failed campaign to recall Walker.

In California, unions have filed lawsuits against pension-reform ballot measures passed by voters in June in San Jose and San Diego. Those are just a few widely discussed examples of widespread brashness.

One of the most unfortunate examples of union bullying tactics occurred recently in the city Manhattan Beach. Teachers there decided to protest the pace of contract negotiations with the school district by refusing to write letters of recommendation for students applying for college. The Manhattan Beach Unified Teachers Association defended teachers' actions by chastising parents for not helping teachers win raises.

Addressing parents directly, the union statement read, "[T]o the people that most affect your child's future, the teachers, you have been silent in the face of the erosion of their compensation. You haven't spoken out on our behalf. You haven't advocated for us. While we have tried to educate, we have been met with silence, at best, hostility, at worst."

The union continued: "We are angry that our kids in our families, thanks to the decisions you have allowed to happen over 10 years, will not even reach the stage of having to ask for a recommendation for college."

Returning to the teachers strike in Chicago, the union initially rejected a 16 percent raise over four years. Furthermore, "[t]he average teacher who retired in 2011 after 30 or more years of employment – what passes for a full career in the public sector – had a final salary of $105,888 and will receive an annual guaranteed pension of $78,576," wrote American Enterprise Institute scholar Andrew Biggs. "The salary puts the average Chicago teacher in the top 5 percent or so of workers nationwide, while even fewer private-sector workers will receive a pension that generous."

This defiance by unions risks further diminishing public support and could precipitate even more-sweeping reforms. Statehouses and municipalities are facing a tightening fiscal vise due, in large part, to the lack of foresight in negotiating contracts with their employees. The reform process, no longer optional, would proceed more smoothly with union cooperation but there are too few examples of that so far, except for small token gestures here and there. In fact, unions even oppose the puniest of tweaks to the public employee pension system such as those enacted and signed by California Gov. Jerry Brown last week, though one could posit their opposition, in this case, are merely crocodile tears.

It is no secret that the Holy Grail for unions is defined-benefit pension packages that guarantee a certain payout, typically based on years of employment, regardless of whether the retirement fund's investments earn enough to cover the costs. Example: The Orange County Employee Association is backing a candidate for the governing board of its pension system, specifically citing the fact that the candidate supports "the preservation of the defined-benefit system." California currently has shortfall of up to $500 billion for its government employee pensions.

Of all of these displays of resistance and defiance, the most disturbing and frightening example came from the city of Costa Mesa, where Mayor Pro Tem Jim Righeimer, a vocal critic of city worker unions and persistent advocate for reform (think of him as a municipal-level version of New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie) had police in his city come to his house and ask him to take a field sobriety test, in front of his wife and children – he was sober – based on a 911 call from a man who turned out to be a private investigator for a law firm that represents police unions in several California cities, including Costa Mesa. The Orange County District Attorney's Office launched an investigation of the incident.

Reform of a failing and unsustainable government system at the state and local levels is essential, and unions for the employees in those governments must start to embrace its inevitability. The pendulum of power, influence and the resulting spoils had swung far in the favor of public employees, but the public, which pays for the whole system, now supports correcting the imbalance – with or without the unions' buy-in.

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