The crisis continues with Temer. The importance of municipal elections for PSOL.

Roberto Robaina and Israel Dutra

The interim and illegitimate government of Temer couldn’t softened the profound political crisis that takes over the country. Despite of counting with an important fortress like the unity with strong segments of the bourgeoisie, Dilma’s political wear and mainstream media in his behalf, Michel Temer haven’t pass the slightest idea of stability in his first weeks. With a dramatic economical picture – unemployment, high prices and tight state finances – most people think that nothing has changed for the better.

However, the most important fact in this last weeks was the revelation brought by Sérgio Machado’s wires of something that we have already known: there is a current operation to defend the political caste, end the Lava Jato Operation, thus continuing with the regime’s corruption. The revelation of the ex-senator and Transpetro’s ex-president first dialogues hit Romero Jucá.

The “political core” minister was the first fall in the interim government. Right after Jucá, Fabiano Silver, minister of Transparency (!) was also removed by the same audio wires. The following contents, combined with Pedro Correa’s new denunciations,Cerveró’s and the most important of all, Marcelo Odebrecht’s are going to implode the caste even more .

The impact of these new audios even changed the argument of some segments opposed to Lava-Jato Operation, which legitimates a lot the operation’s defense. This defense had been already fundamental, but now it has entered even more in the national political center. It’s a truly dividing line between the people’s and the corporative’s interests.

Temer’s government reveals its fragility in its first shocks: it backed off in the attempt of ending the Ministry of Culture, when a great movement involved artists and producers ; it also backed off in the nomination of a new president for EBC (Brazil Communication Enterprise); reconsidered the canceling of 11,000 houses of the program Minha Casa Minha Vida after a great pressure from MTST (homeless movement) and now guaranteed the approbation of public service readjustment. .

On the other hand, the Worker’s Party now presents a more opponent profile, promoting caravans that combines “Temer Out” with “Come back, Dilma”.. Despite of its certain success based on the anger against the government, its expression is limited and its problems are much bigger. New denunciations threaten to get in PT’s top commanders, and maybe even Dilma. That would explain Lula’s exhaustion and lack of appearance. Bene’s denunciation, PT’s prior operator, can hit not only Fernando Pimentel, but also more members in the PT’s national summit.

Meanwhile, there is more action going on in the streets. The most important was the manifestation of June 1st, against the rape culture, that reunited tens of thousands of women, mostly young, in more than 50 cities in the country. This campaign was arranged by women’s organizations, when Juntas! have had a major role. The occupation of the artists in the movement OcupaMinc (Occupy Ministry of Culture) was also victorious. There are other conflicts still going on, like the schools occupation in several states, strikes like in the São Paulo’s Federal University, among others.

This background of spread conflicts heats the temperature without finding a space for centralized action or a direction capable of fighting against the adjustment.

We keep on insisting on the solidarity and coordination of struggles, encouraging the self-organization like the wonderful women’s manifestation.

The contradictions opened by Lava Jato in the regime.

Although we have always alerted that the people have no reasons to trust in the Brazilian judiciary system, a system dominated by the bourgeoisie, we consider that Java Jato was not an invention of the ruling classes, but an expression of the contradiction of the bourgeois regime and the democratic breachs. This could only be opened by popular participation, including the great protests on June 2013, when the rewarded denunciation was instituted for white collar crimes, therefore opening a new situation, where the political and bourgeoisie agents caught in corruption scandals blow the whistle one to another. Lava Jato’s support was our main politics, whilst PT’s was to associate Lava Jato to fascism.

PT’s summit bet everything in National Congress, trusting in negociations with deputees and senators. As we predicted, this negociations were defeated. In spite of the failure, PT still refuses to defend general elections. .

Temer’s government, in turn, has shown why has came for: it tries to silence Java Jato and grown the economical adjustment. It tries to stabilize the bourgeois domination, adopting mechanisms that stops the grown of a new left, like PSOL . Fortunely Lava Jato cannot be controled. Two ministers were already taken down. PMDB’s summit is shaken. Even Aécio Neves, PSDB’s leader had been hit.

The operation, instead of being silenced, became stronger. Our characterization made before the impeachment that the Lava Jato operation was disorganizing the bourgeois regime and its parties was widely confirmed.

It became clear that we won’t have stability in the next years. That doesn’t mean, although, that the socialist spaces won’t be legally restricted. Even though we have more influence in the streets (and because we have more influence in the streets), the bourgeoisie tries to difficult our institutional growth. That’s why they are already thinking in imposing a electoral threshold and created the gag law against PSOL, planned and voted by Cunha’s command and sanctioned by Dilma.

But politics is the land of incertitude, in such way that we have three possibilities: Temer may conclude the mandate, Dilma may come back and we may have new elections. Our position still defends new general elections, so we can change the Congress dominated by corruption.

The open possibility opened by municipal elections

In this instable scenario, the issue of municipal elections becomes stronger in the communication channels, in the organized segments and among the militancy.

Our party has a strategical place in three cities, defined as our top priorities: Porto Alegre, Rio de Janeiro and Belém. There are other important cities where we have good chances in the race, like São Paulo with Luiza Erundina.

PSOL must fight to be the expression of the third field in the municipal elections: neither PT nor PSDB/PMDB. We must point that PMDB was the second party of the first field, allied to PT, and now command the second field that is ideologically dominated by PSDB. Our party has two advantages: we can actually win in some capitals like Belém, Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro. And, in the country’s main state, we have an extraordinay candidature.

It will be a political phenomenon, the expression of the third field in the capital of Brazil. The third field means that we won’t accept the illegitimate and reactionary government of Temer, but we won’t defend the old government. Dilma’s government was applying the adjustment, resulting on 11 million unemployed and a truly chaos in the national education. It was also trying, with PT’s summit help, to silence the Lava Jato operation, which became clear after Delcídio Amaral’s denunciation and the exposure of Lula’s wires.

In this election, we have an open window to produce novelties that really means change: the postulation of a new democratic left in the country that won’t accept govern with bankers and big industries. Although is not a national race, it can represent in a local level the idea a fresh start, a strenghtening of the third field.

In Spain the unity between Podemos, Izquierda Unida and other local groups was a positive sign of people’s desire of unity. We take by example the government of Madri and Barcelona to learn how to govern with direct participation of the people.

We are also organizing competitive candidatures with popular leaderships, workers and youth representations that really defines our party, with a rebel and democratic profile. . We must bet in the women and youth’s struggle, with the fight against adjustment as our focus. The workers class starts to resist the tough measures apllied by Temer in strategical fields like Petrobrás, also fighting against the welfare reform.

More than never the defense of a wide investigation, new elections and new politics in the cities, new constitution for the country are subjects that MES and PSOL must support.