The political and social commentaries of a man who embraces and loves life. Politics, Economics, Civil Liberties, Freedom, Nautical events, Sports, Culture, and International affairs thrown in. I am probably best described as a "fiercely independent contrarian environmentally conscious libertarian." Just when you think you have me pigeon-holed, I'll surprise you....

Monday, September 03, 2012

I welcome and endorse the AFL-CIO’s campaign to finally fulfill President Roosevelt’s 1944 call for a second, Economic Bill of Rights, including the rights to jobs, living wages, labor unions, voting rights, health care, education, and retirement security.As the Green Party candidate for President, my Green New Deal platform already has specific proposals to secure these rights.● Jobs: Employ the unemployed in public works projects and federallysupported community-controlled cooperatives and other enterprises; create 25 million green and pink jobs.

● Living Wages: Raise the federal minimum wage to a living wage.● Labor Law Reforms: Repeal the anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act, outlaw permanent striker replacements, and authorize majority card check union recognition.● Voting Rights: Pass the Right To Vote Amendment to establish an affirmative constitutional right to vote and accurate vote counting.● Corporate Power: Pass a constitutional amendment to repeal the corrupting court-ordered doctrines that corporations are people and money is speech and establish that corporations and election campaign finance can be regulated.

● Health Care: Enact single-payer Medicare for All.● Education: Forgive student debt and provide tuition-free public education from pre-school through graduate school.● Retirement Security: Eliminate the cap on Social Security taxes for high incomes in order to secure Social Security’s indefinite fiscal sustainability.The AFL-CIO leadership are demanding that the two corporate-financed parties, the Democrats and Republicans, adopt the Economic Bill of Rights in their platforms at their conventions this year.They must know this a lost cause with the openly anti-union Republicans. They should know that a real commitment to an Economic Bill of Rights is as much a lost cause with the Democrats, who have taken labor’s political support for granted for many decades with no significant pro-labor reforms to show for it.If they didn’t know that, it should have been clear on August 11 when a 40,000-strong AFL-CIO sponsored rally in Philadelphia called for the Economic Bill of Rights. The rally heard by video from President Obama, who made no mention of the Economic Bill of Rights. Meanwhile, in Detroit, the platform committee of the Democratic National Convention put the final touches on the platform to be adopted over Labor Day week that has no planks to secure any of these economic rights.The great victories of labor have always been won by independent actions that pressured the political establishment to make concessions. The landmark National Labor Relations Act, which finally established workers’ right to collectively bargain, was adopted in 1935 under the pressure of independent labor political action in the factories, shops, and streets by the ascendant union movement and in the electoral arena in the form of many union resolutions calling for a labor party. The labor party resolutions had credibility because the labor-backed Farmer-Labor and Progressive parties in the Upper Midwest already had two governors, three Senators, and 12 Representatives in their camp in 1935 and they were considering an independent presidential campaign in 1936.But after the AFL rejected the labor party and went into the Democratic Party in 1936, labor lost its independent vision and its leverage in the political system. It was now part of a coalition dominated by big business.The anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act passed in 1947 with majority support of the Democratic majority in Congress. Every attempt labor law reform since then has failed when there was a Democratic President with Democratic majorities in both Houses of Congress.● Under Truman in 1949, the Democrats failed to repeal Taft-Hartley in 1949. ● Under Johnson in 1965 and 1966, the Democrats twice failed to repeal Section 14b of Taft-Hartley, the section that enabled states to outlaw union shops (so-called “right-to-work” laws).● Under Carter in 1977 and 1978, the Democrats failed to pass one bill that would have repealed the Taft-Hartley prohibition on solidarity picketing at construction sites and another bill to reformthe National Labor Relations Board whose long delays and inconsequential employer sanctions had made it a shield for union-busting.● Under Clinton in 1993, the Democrats failed to pass a ban on permanent striker replacements.● Under Obama in 2009-2010, the Democrats failed to pass the Employee Free Choice Act for majority card check union recognition. Worse, unlike any previous period of Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress, the Democrats failed to even bring the bill to a vote.The AFL-CIO leadership has taken a small step toward independence by saying they will not give money directly to Democratic committees and candidates but instead spend it “independently” on their behalf. Unfortunately, this often means supporting the very same Democrats who are collaborating with the anti-worker forces that dominate Washington. The words “political independence” are just that --words-- that have no power unless it involves running labor candidates who can challenge both corporate parties. Imagine if labor had spent the over $15 billion they spent on the Democrats over the last 40 years instead building an independent labor party and movement. Today we would have scores of labor party organizers in every state supporting a broadly based party of the working class majority. We would have blocks of independent labor representatives in municipal, county, state, and the national legislatures. We would have a national labor daily newspaper and labor networks on radio and cable. The two corporate financed parties would no longer monopolize U.S. politics. Democrats like Obama would not dare to force new free trade treaties upon workers. Badly needed labor reforms would be back on the table. And halting the decline of real wages and living standards would suddenly be more of a priority than protecting the big Wall Street banks.The labor movement in every other industrial nation has formed its own party that is independent of corporate money and control. They have been able to organize the working class majority to takepolitical power, exercise it for the benefit of the working class majority, and secure economic rights, including universal health care, affordable public transit, free public college education, secure pensions, four to six weeks of paid vacation for all workers, paid maternity and family sick leave, and labor laws that protect their rights to organize and strike.Labor has suffered a crushing series of political defeats in recent years and continuing a losing strategy is clearly unthinkable. It is time to practice the politics of courage rather than the politics ofappeasement. Labor unions must offer reliable support to labor candidates running against both the corporate parties. And rank-and-file workers do not have to wait for the leadership to disentangle themselves from establishment politics. They can vote this year for Green Party candidates who refuse corporate funding and are campaigning for a Green New Deal that already incorporates the Economic Bill of Rights. Vote by vote, we can raise the voices of working people until we have overcomethe corporate domination of politics, and set our country on a progressive course.

Saturday, September 01, 2012

In a broadcast to the AFL-CIO merger meeting On December 5, 1955, President Dwight D. Eisenhower said,

“You of organized labor and those who have gone before you
in the union movement have helped make a unique contribution to the
general welfare of the Republic--the development of the American
philosophy of labor. This philosophy, if adopted globally, could bring
about a world, prosperous, at peace, sharing the fruits of the earth
with justice to all men. It would raise to freedom and prosperity
hundreds of millions of men and women--and their children--who toil in
slavery behind the Curtain.
One principle of this philosophy is: the ultimate values of mankind are
spiritual; these values include liberty, human dignity, opportunity and
equal rights and justice.

Workers want recognition as human beings and as individuals-before
everything else. They want a job that gives them a feeling of
satisfaction and self-expression. Good wages, respectable working
conditions, reasonable hours, protection of status and security; these
constitute the necessary foundations on which you build to reach your
higher aims. “

When Eisenhower gave this speech in the 1950s, more than one-third of
all American workers were members of a union. Unions were largely
credited with bringing about the 40-hour work week, the 8-hour day, the
concept of a “weekend,” health coverage, pension reform, and safe
working conditions. But today, union membership in the private sector
has fallen to 7.2% While some of that is due to changes in industry
structure in the US, the single biggest factor that has contributed to
the elimination of union protections and bargaining powers is the
Taft-Hartley Act.

Passed in 1947 over the veto of President Harry Truman, the Taft-Hartley
Act (often known in labor circles as "the slave-labor bill") has been
described by Ralph Nader as "one of the great blows to American
democracy…that fundamentally infringed on workers' human rights" -- most
importantly, their right to unionize.

The includes the following provisions:

- Authorizes states to enact so-called ‘right-to-work’ laws. These laws
undermine the ability to build effective unions by creating a free-rider
problem—workers can enjoy the benefits of union membership in a
workplace without actually joining the union or paying union dues.
Right-to-work laws increase employer leverage to resist unions and
vastly decrease union membership, thus dramatically diminishing unions'
bargaining power. 23 states are currently right-to-work states, with
legislation threatening in New Hampshire and Wisconsin.

- Defines "employees" for purposes of the Act as excluding supervisors.
This diminishes the pool of workers eligible to be unionized. The
exclusion of supervisors from union organizing activity also means they
can be used (and coerced) as management's "front line" in
anti-organizing efforts; what's more, employers can fire supervisors who
try to unionize.

- Defines "employees" for purposes of the Act as excluding independent
contractors. It means that institutions such as colleges can hire
staff, often using grant funds, as ‘independent contractors,’ thus
excluding them from benefits such as health insurance and pension, and
denying them union membership and contractual benefits.

- Requires that election hearings on ‘matters of dispute’ be held before
a union recognition election, thus delaying the election; these delays
enables management to ‘buy time,’ and has been shown to give management
an advantage as over time workers feel coerced into avoiding organizing
activities.

- Establishes the "right" of management to campaign against a union
organizing drive, thereby eliminating the time-honored legal principle
of employer neutrality.

- Prohibits secondary and sympathy boycotts—boycotts directed to
encourage neutral employers to pressure a defiant employer with which
the union has a dispute. Secondary boycotts had been one of organized
labor's most potent tools for organizing, negotiating and dispute
settlement prior to the passage of Taft-Hartley.

- Enables the federal government to move in and demand an 80-day cooling
off period if it deems a strike to be detrimental to the national
interest.

The Act sent a clear message to employers: It is OK to bust unions and
deny workers their rights to collectively bargain. Today, union
membership is at historic 60-year lows, employer violations of labor
rights are routine, and illegal firings of union supporters in labor
organizing drives are at epidemic levels.

The advent of unions created a balance in bargaining power between
‘producers’ of labor (workers) and purchasers of labor (employers),
providing for fairer conditions overall. The attempted destruction of
unions through Taft-Hartley and recent political moves against public
employee unions represents a scary step backwards in American history.
On labor issues, the Republicans are essentially a lost cause, preferring to regularly side with the owners and investors of businesses at the expense of common workers.

But Democrats have not been appreciably better.

The Taft-Hartley Act passed in 1947 with majority support of
the Democratic majority in Congress.

Under Truman in 1949, the Democrats failed to repeal Taft-Hartley.
Under Johnson in 1965 and 1966, the Democrats twice failed to repeal
Section 14b of Taft-Hartley, the section that enabled states to outlaw
union shops (so-called “right-to-work” laws).
Under Carter in 1977 and 1978, the Democrats failed to pass one bill
that would have repealed the Taft-Hartley prohibition on solidarity
picketing at construction sites and another bill to reform the National
Labor Relations Board whose long delays and inconsequential employer
sanctions had made it a shield for union-busting.
Under Clinton in 1993, the Democrats failed to pass a ban on permanent striker replacements.
Under Obama in 2009-2010, the Democrats failed to pass the Employee
Free Choice Act for majority card check union recognition. Worse, unlike
any previous period of Democratic majorities in both houses of
Congress, the Democrats failed to even bring the bill to a vote.
Republicans claim that Democrats have been 'captured' by 'big union bosses.' Democrats promise to deliver in campaign appearances, but those promises have amounted to little more than empty lip-service.

It’s time for hardball politics if Labor - and the middle class - is to survive in this nation.

Monday, September 05, 2011

The following editorial was written by E. J. Dionne, a native of Fall River, a senior fellow in governance studies at The Brookings Institution, a professor at Georgetown University, and an NPR commentator.

In a time when labor is under attack, it is worth a read on this Labor Day weekend....and worth our time, as we prepare to launch a new academic year, to recommit ourselves to support labor's voice and muscle

- Tully

Let’s get it over with and rename the holiday “Capital Day.” We may still celebrate Labor Day, but our culture has given up on honoring workers as the real creators of wealth and their honest toil — the phrase itself seems antique — as worthy of genuine respect.

Imagine a Republican saying this: “Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is only the fruit of labor, and could never have existed if labor had not first existed. Labor is the superior of capital, and deserves much the higher consideration.”

These heretical thoughts would inspire horror among our friends at Fox News or in the tea party. They’d likely label them as Marxist, socialist or Big Labor propaganda. Too bad for Abraham Lincoln, our first Republican president, who offered those words in his annual message to Congress in 1861. Will President Obama dare say anything like this in his jobs speech this week?

As for the unions, they are often treated in the media as advocates of arcane work rules, protectors of inefficient public employees and obstacles to the economic growth our bold entrepreneurs would let loose if only they were free from labor regulations.

So it would take a brave man to point out that unions “grew up from the struggle of the workers — workers in general but especially the industrial workers — to protect their just rights vis-a-vis the entrepreneurs and the owners of the means of production,” or to insist that “the experience of history teaches that organizations of this type are an indispensable element of social life.”

That’s what Pope John Paul II said (the italics are his) in the 1981 encyclical Laborem exercens. Like Lincoln, John Paul repeatedly asserted “the priority of labor over capital.”

That the language of Lincoln and John Paul is so distant from our experience is a sign of an enormous cultural shift. In scores of different ways, we paint investors as the heroes and workers as the sideshow. We tax the fruits of labor more vigorously than we tax the gains from capital — resistance to continuing the payroll tax cut is a case in point — and we hide workers away while lavishing attention on those who make their livings by moving money around.

Consider that what the media call economics reporting is largely finance reporting. Once upon a time, a lively band of labor reporters covered the world of work and the unions. If you stipulate that the decline of unions makes the old labor beat a bit less compelling, there are still tens of millions of workers who do their jobs every day. But when the labor beat withered, it was rarely replaced by a work beat. Workers have vanished.

But we are now inundated with news (and “news”) about the world of capital. CNBC and the other financial media are for investors what ESPN is for sports junkies. We cheer the markets, learn the obscure language of hedge fund managers, and get to know some of the big investors in off-field interviews. Workers are regarded as factors of production. At best, they’re consumers; at worst, they’re “labor costs” cutting into profits and the sacred stock price.

They have faded away in both high and popular culture, too. Can you point to someone “who makes art out of working-class lives by refusing to prettify them”?

The phrase comes from a 2006 essay by the critic William Deresiewicz who observed that we no longer have few novelists such as John Steinbeck or John Dos Passos who take the lives of working people seriously. Nor do we have television shows along the lines of “The Honeymooners” or even “All in the Family,” which were parodies of an affectionate sort. “First we stopped noticing members of the working class,” Deresiewicz wrote, “and now we’re convinced they don’t exist.”

In his extraordinary book “Stayin’ Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class,” Jefferson Cowie spoke of how little we identify working-class people with their labor. “Workers occasionally reappeared in public discourse as ‘Reagan Democrats’ — later as ‘NASCAR Dads,’” he wrote, “or the victims of another plant shutdown or as irrational protectionist and protesters of free trade, but rarely did they appear as workers.”

With the worker disappearing from our media and our consciousness, isn’t it only a matter of time before Labor Day falls off the calendar? As long as it’s there, it should shame us about our cool indifference to the heroism of those who go to work every day.