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WAR ST
BC. 13. Spru^ac on Thc
Our < ?v
[.'rom The Advocate of I
Looking back upon four years of
jontiuuous soldier life, recalling its
ntermingled lights and shadows, its
triumphs sud disasters, iuspiriug !>:it
tle scenes and humiliating corpse
strewn fields, beautiful parado and
hideous prison dens, glorious deaths
and heartbreaking funerals, large
.nanties and bitter agonies, redeem
ing heroisms and savage horrors, keen
lelights and immedicable wounds,
fre< d slaves and maddened masters,
union; peace and law restored willi
unspeakable losses of treasure, 1"V<
ami life-pondering al! the.---, a:: ! rc
curring to first principles, one whose
. inmediate ancestors wera members of
thc Society of Frieuds is quite likely
lo find himself reverting more and
mort, to their anti war tenets, and to
conclude that in the great conflict
both North and South were in the
.\rr0ng.
As to the proper attitude in general
if one nation toward another, .Milton's
theory wculd universally bc recogniz
ed a" correct: "Ah, sir, a common
wealth ought to bc but as one huge
'Jhristian pers?nate, one mighty
growth and stature of an honest man,
as big and compact in virtue as in
body!-' For the special business of a
warrior, perhaps wo should accept thc
-ule l;.id down by .John the Baptist,
when soldiers anked him: "What
8 h eli wc do?" end hr answered: "l>o
violence to no man." If that reply
be rmi preposterous, it must mean,
''Von 'mi/ ward ulfa blow, but jnu
,.\.1,1 .- .._.""""_;.,. ., ii.,.
iiiiuu.ii uuv ui uuuccusa&ri i? ti i. i at
one." For tho behavior of one who
?"t* been wronged, shall wc not respect
-ho view of Socrates "Wo must not
retaliate, nor render evil for evil.''
"Plato's Crito," 411.) For tho Angl o
.^axon's disdainful bearing toward
what he deems inferior races is not
--'aul's doctrine at once a corrective
and ii sharp reproof: "(?od hath made
of one blood all nations of men?"
And ought we not to find a perpetual
solvent and transformer of all hateful
clements in thc spirit of him who re
joined: "Lovo your enemies," and
who, on a memorable occasion, when,
if ever, violent assault might seem
justifiable, commanded, "Fut up
again thy sword into his place, for al'
they that take tho sword shall perish
with the sword??'
Lord Bacon strongly commends the
war. He says: "No body can be
healthful withoutexorcise; and . . and
.ertainly to a kingdom <>r c?tate a just
and honorable war is thc true exer
cise." On the 13th of last November
Gen. S. M. B. Young, already, as it
acorns, tho highest officer in our army,
wrote for publication these words:
"To carry on war, disguise it as we
may, is to be oruol: it is to kill and
burn, burn and kill, and again kill aud
burn." To the same effect is Gen.
Sherman's oft-quoied remark, "War
is bell." Can an exeroise that is es
sentially cruol and hellish bc health
. ful?
Exoept in the German military ma
chine, in that of tho French *od some
others, and among half-oivilizcd peo
ple, or in tho oaso of ? few "degener
ates" and persons of arrested mental
and moral development, the time has
gone by when disputes between indi
viduals were settled dog-fashion.
Personal fighting ia uow unlawful,
.and, if it results fatally, is severely
punished. But if private mortal com
bat is felonious, why is not national
duelling as much more so as the at
tempted murder of a hundred or a
thousand is worse than that of one?
War is often excused aa tho only
means of securing justice. But does
it not invariable perpetrate moro in
justice than it punishes, prevents, or
cures? ]>oca it not always let tho
most guilty go unscathed, while thc
most innocent suffer unspeakably? Ts
it Toot commonly a mere test of physi
cal strength and satanic skill? Does
it ever settle permanently a question
of right? With a professedly Chris
tian Dation should not the truth be re
garded as axiomatic that, except to
defend its very life against deadly
violence, a nation bas no more warrant
in the sight of Heaven to lift tbe
sword against a nation than a brother
has to wield a club against a brother?
Was not Benjamin Franklin nearly
right when he declared, "There nevtr
iwas a good v;-- . a bad peace? '
Wo would not belittle the heroism
?of one who, at the risk of his life and
without majtee, strikes a blow, not
for fame, bat for bis home, his coun
try and the rights of man. Wo dwell
lovingly on the memory of Leonidas,
of Winkeiried, of Sidney, of Hamp
den, and of Washington. In thc sharp
struggle for existence their work seem
ed absolutely indispensable. Let
?their glory be undimmed forever. We
sty with Titomas Francis Mcagher,
our Irish patriot, when ho added to
hie requested autograph while await
? Ivi<j;lii and Wrong in
il War.
'cace, September, 1' O.'J.
irJ*r sentence of death:
. Whether on ihe scalio?d high
1 ?r in tho battle's van,
The littest place for man t" die
Is where he dies f.<r man.'
In |?a~.t ages riot only wan tin*?
generally a plausible excuso for bloodj
belligerency in that tin r. seemed no
honorable alternative, but there'was a
superstitious belief, often a prayer,
that the Almighty would miraculously
interpose to give victory tu the most
devout. Kven today, with a sort of
Louis XI piety, some nations engaged
i-j 'injust warfare keep up that mock
. ry, as if hy copious blandishments
the Lord might be coaxed into lending
a hand!
There was no impartial umpire then.
We have one- now. The Hague Tri
bunal ought soon to cud both thu
bloodshed and the blasphemy. Once
recognized as the Supreme Court of
lhc world, with (dt'.ier party to any
international dispute nt liberty to ap
peal to it without waiting for the con
sent of the other, thereupon proceed
ing in its discretion to tnko cogni
sance and jurisdiction of the issue;
after due invitation to all concerned,
investigating, taking testimony, scru
Uniting the facts, weighing thc argu
ments, surely tho hasty roflort to hu
man slaughter, with its essential sav
agery and its mocking appeals to Mo
loch, misnamed (?od, weald soon dis
appear muong peoples claiming to be
loovo ilii< reptile Klai'o in evolution.
F.X (Hiri?, such Irihiiit'il, or SMIIH
?tiled Congress of Nation:;, might
properly formulaic definitions and
step by step elaborate a code. It
might well, for instance, decide when
rebellion becomes revolution, and
when, if ever, one government has u
right to destroy another by force.
There is at times a sore need of such
judicial or legislative action.
Take an illustration from our owu
history:
High authority has recently declar
ed that in our Civil War both North
and South were in thc right, and we
are constantly hearing that the strug
gie was entirely unavoidable, that it
was glorious to all concerned, and that
nobody was to blame. Young Amcri
ca's orators now seek to concilliate
bulb sides by ?imply boasting how
big and how brave we aro. Too '.often
the moral element is ignored, the vi
tal truth is unreoognized, the mind of
tho masses is befogged, tho public
conscience is H tu pi ti od . as if the groat
est evil war in history had no lesson
for user for the world! It is high
time that we open our oyes and do
some oarcful thinking, "Agaiust stu
pidity tho gods are powerless."
One whom all now love and honor,
by many esteemed our wisest and best
president since Washington, had re
peatedly asserted in rmost emphatic
terms the right of revolution. On
ono occasion he spoke as follows:
"Any pooplo anywhere, being in
clined aud'having the power, have the
right to riso up and shake otf tho ex
isting government and form a new one
that suits them better. This is a
most valuable, a most sacred right, a
right which we hope and believe is to
liberate thc world. Nor is this right
confined to cases in which the whole
people of an exisling government may
choose to exercise it. Any portion of
sush people that can, may revolution
ize and make their own so much terri
tory as they inhabit."
These are the words of our truly
groat and justly revered Abraham
Lincoln. They express, too, the oen
tral doctriuo of Jefferson, Madison
and Frankin, and of nearly all Amer
inan statesmen before our Civil War
They show how our nation and all the
Central and South American State
sprang iuto existence ns orgauized re
publics.
But when Mr. Lincoln br?ame Fros
dent he looked at revoluti* nary gov
ernments from a diff?rent standpoint.
Ile had sworo to execute the laws; but
a new body politic had suddenly
arisen and interposed to prevent. It
had followed exactly the process he
had clearly outlined and sanctioned
lt distinctly based its action on what
he had affirmed to be "a most val
uable, a moat sacred right." Note the
undeniable facts.
On tho 120th of December, 1SG0,
South Carolina, by a unanimous vote
of the Convention called by her Legis
lature, passed the ordinance of seoes
sion. In less than two months the
six Gulf States followed her example.
Within three months, and before Lin
coln's inauguration, the seven se
ceded Statos had thrown off tho Uni
ted States Government, organized a
new one, and dcolarod themselves as
au independent nation, under the titlo
of the Confederate States of America.
Within its territorial limits all oppo
sition ceased; unity and enthusiasm
prevailed; the Confederate Govern
un :.t ;va . . , ti; j" il, if .--tall ed arni i (ri
iib nily nt work. N ? attribute of si i -
ercigiity wa* lucking. A ri a t i o ri hat!
bec ii ''born in u day." Thc South
emera claimed lo bc aliens. They
were terribly in earnest.
President Lincoln's oflielal oath re
quired bini tu perform what circuin
Btanecs now rendered both an iuipos
sibility and an apparent violation of
what he had alarmed to bc "a most
valuable, u most sacred right." What
to do with thc now Republic was the
problem. "All wo ask," said Presi
d? ni Pavia, "is to bc let alone." J'ut
the whole North deman led action.
What policy hhall our clear-headed,
tender-hearted Lincoln adopt? Con
sistently with his favorite doctrine,
he may advise to recognize the new
power, and to enter into diplomatic
relations willi it in thc hope of even
tually winning it back; er he may
undertake to annihilate i tn govern
ment by force, conquer its people and
rcanncx its territory.
Conscientiously he chose the latter
course. [inmediately the shooting
began and four other Stales joined
the Confederacy.
Mr. Lincoln denied, ?and most peo
ple at the North always denied, that
the eleven seceded .States constituted
a nation. Hut ?how in a definition
that r-hall not include under that ap
pellatioD the Confederate States. "Tho
State," says 1'rof. Bluntschli, "is the
politically organized people (Volk
person) of a peculiar laud." "Ana
tion," says President Woolsey (Introd
to Study of International Law,) "is ar
organized community wiihin a certalt
territory." Says thc Standard Die
tionary, "A nation is an organized po
iitical community considered with ref
renco to the persons composing it.'
Webster's International Dietionar:
defines it as "thc body of tin
inhabitants of a country, united un
der an independent government o
their own." The Century Dietionar
nuke* it "un orginizcd cia-nunit
inhabiting a eenuin cxtuut of teri
tory, within which its sovereignty i
exercised." The oldest, ablest an
most impartial of living historian:
1'rof. Goldwin Smith, always a stron
champion of the North in its ooo Hit
with the South, explicitly aud ri
pcatcdly insists that the Conf?d?ral
was a bona fied nation, and that tl:
war was "really international, ni
civil."
What, then, was tho duty of tl
Washington Government?
Guided by its fundamental princ
pies, bearing in mind its own origi
recalling its uniform action in ni mil
cases, and acting in the spirit of Iii
who is tho "Author of Peace and tl
Lover of Concord," should it not
least have recognized the Richmoi
Government, received its oomm'.ssio
ers and listened to its overture
Was it not as truo then as when o
lamented McKinley uttered it in 181
that "forcible annexation is erimia
aggression?" Was it any the less
because tho Southern people had i
ways been our associ?tes, friend
kinsfolk? Somo nations may seem
have repudiated that doctrino no
but who will say that forty-two yea
ago every honorable expedient sbou
not havo been tried, every fair ai
kindly concession have been made, i
possible patience exhausted, befo
recourse was had to violence again
our brothers?
Instead of that 770 ehut our ey
and clenched oar fists. We deni
that they were a nation either
facto or do jure. A remark witti
than wise., made by our quarterns
ter, Bromley, during the war to
Southern lady who was eloquently e
tolling the Confederacy as an ?dc
nation in contrast with the North, e
pressed tho persistent nominal at
tude of the Union authorities-"Pi
mit mc to suggest, madam, that 1
Southern nation, whioh you so beau
fully describe, is amore imagination
Nono of us, at tho time, openly ?
mittcd thc genuineness of that t
tionality; fow of us frankly oonoede
today; perhaps some of us nevor wi
but from the first all the South olai
td it; most of them claim it inda
probably many of them always will.
Because of our reverence for t
laws and the Constitution, all
whioh we felt that tho South Ii
most wantonly violated, and of (
belief that ^slavery aud secession wi
utterly indefensible, and that the
fore tho South had no right to est:
lish au independent existence, we 1
Died tho reality of that existen
When we found out our error,
were too proud to acknowledge it 0
too angry to recede.
If tho principle bo truo that war,
bc justifiable, must always be stric
defensive, never in tlie slightest
grce aggressive, a shield, not a ja
lin; is it not evident that tho Sta
?vhielrremained loyal, and whioh 8
constituted tho Union, should hi
restricted \heir efforts to warding
violent attacks? Ought wc to hi
undertaken to compel the "wayw;
sisters" at the point of tho bayo:
to como back into tho family? I
we not take a position untenable
morals when we entered upon a oar
of conquest ?and subjugation? Gra
lng that wo were justly indignant
even sublimely patriotic at heart, ;
when we. said to tho citisens of i
new country, "Submit, or die," w
I
wc ri..r, ?ri two hf ns'.-H <t thc terni,
mail? Should eil I; tr an individual 01
a nation bo quick t ? avenge a wrong?
it-it tim Confederates were no bel
ier. The;/ thought themselves pa
triot}?. They believed that their
cause was just, and they were eager to
fight for it. Hieb saw thc other's
mistake, neither its owu. So minded,
both piously invoked the Prince of
Peace, and then tho opposing hosts
begau to kill each other at sight. At
th?.- momeut of secession the I'nited
States was right, < vcr afterwards dur
ing the war, quite wrong. The Con
federates were wrong at the outset,
and ever afterwards till they surren
dered at Appomattox.
Although it may seem to savor of
prolixity, this matter is so important
that we may be pardoned for dwelling j
on it a little longer
Wc should base recognized thc'
truth that they were a nation do facto.
Tiiey should have recognized tho truth
that they wert- never a nation de jure.
We ought not to have attempted mili
tary compulsion; they ought not to
have resisted military compulsi?n,
t?aeh should have placed itself at thc
point of view of tho other, and charit
ably giving full credit for sincerity,
should have remembered that it is bet
ter for a man or a nation to suffer
wrong than to do wrong. But the
command, "Put up thy bword again
into his place," was unheard for tho
diu of battle, tho blare of bugles and
the beat of drums, Deaf and blind,
both trusted in God and gunpowder,
lead and stool, muscle and grit.
It will be said that having begun to
fight it was necessary to fight strenu
ously to a finish. It must be oon
fessed that whether such instinct be
human or brutish, angelio or devilish,
as we are constituted, there is at firet
.lush something splendid io Buer,
persistence. But upon second thought
it is clearly not manly; still less god
like. It is the rule with bulldogs
gamecocks, gorillas, snakes and beast
geucially, including haman hrutes
Butas Socrates demonstrates that i
is "better to bo refuted thac to con
tinue in error,'' so nothing is noble
than frankly to confess and forsak
evil doing; and thero never was a
hour during tho war when it woul
not have boen honorable for the Nort
to withdraw 'ita armies from Souther
soil; never an hour when it woul
not have been honorable for the Soul
to acknowledge that it made a mistak
in quitting tho Union, a mistake i
constituting itself a new nation and
mistake in refusing to submit to th
old authority. Why not acknowledg
tho fact? Even feeble-minded due
lists, when one of them has draw
blood, often declare ?their "honor
satisfied, and they part friend.3.
Few may be disposed to conccd
that, as the Federal Govcrnmeut wt
magnanimous af ter conquest, it woul
have been magnanimous not to hav
attempted conquest at all. But a
will allow that tt was proper and hoi
orable for General Lee and his sube
dinatesto yield obedience to our Ni
tlonal Government at the end of tb
four years' war. It is difficult to sc
why it would not have been equally f
at any prior moment. Nay, it wot)
have been vant ly moro appropriai
and more honorable to have submitte
long before; for voluntary acquie
oenoe in rightful authority is ev<
more manly than extorted oompliano<
and countless miseries, shames an
horrors would have been avertei
Did years of battle butohery in ac
wiso help matters? Did the sea i
blood wash avay the guilt of wagir
unnecessary and futile war? Is tl
tiger instinct altogether lovely whe
it impels one to battle to thc dcatl
oven when warring against ruase,
against justice, against God?
That tho North was blameworthy i
not'stopping sooner will be denied t
thoso who superstitiously nieasu
merit by material prosperity; as
sueoess in maiming or stranglii
proved the Lord to bs on our side. \\
I kept mercilessly closing in upon the
with fast serpent ooils of fire and ste
till we triumphed. : But duos tl
_. "V :_-? i_._-.?.. .? .?.
vtuauitig C* UUUCD ul lut) CUUKlllg IQ
insensibility prove the anaconda moi
lovely than tho tiger?
? Let us olear away some of the r
maining misapprehensions.
The question for the Sooth siwa,
waa whether they should continue
be a nation. The question for tl
North was whether we should contine
to be a nation. True, it is often s
serted-we havo affirmed it ourselves
that we were fighting for life, th
tho existence of the Union was
stake, that if the South had final
prevailed thc nation woul i have go:
all to pieces. Oo the contrary, is
not probable that the loyal Stat
would soon have been more eompa
than ever? Slavery having been sa
stantially eliminated by thc seoessio
there would have been no suffioie
cause for further disintegration. Tl
North would have continued a gre
Republic, able to put two million st
diers into the field; States unit?
still, held together consolidated 1
consanguinity, by preoious memorie
by a o immunity of fundamental psi
eiples, laws, language, liberties, hope
fears, tho Christian religion, by ti
of friendship, by self-interest, n
mainly by foroe.
But suppose that a let-alone pol l
? .ti the p-?rt of thc North would cer
tainly hayo h cc ri followed hy a di vis- ?
ion of the old Union into two. three, i
Leo, twenty independent nationalities, i
Better, far Letter such resumption of
State sovereignty, such distribution
of go\ emmental authority, thau the
internecine war iuto which wc angrily
plunged. The dissevered States would
soon have coalesced again, sisters in
one family.
Hut the Constitution ! what of
that?
We were not battling to save the
Constitution. As the great common
er, Thaddeus Stevens, leader of tho
House of Representatives, often de
clared, all through tho war wc were
"travelling outside of the Constitu
tion.'' In the presence of "military
necessity" for four years the Consti
tution and laws were nowhere.
Nor were we, as some of us fondly
believed, lighting to destroy slavery.
Lincoln always btoutly denied such a
purpose. Emancipation was with
him ?in afterthought, a last resort, a
means, not an end. Whichever side
should be victorious, slavery was
doomed. If the South had succeeded
no fugitive thence would ever havo
been restored to his master. Soon
the northern bordor of the Confeder
acy- Virginia, North Carolina, Ten
nessee, Arkansas-denuded of slaves,
would have beoomo ?reo soil; and
South Carolina and tho Gulf States,
sensitive to publio opinion, would not
have held out long against tho unani
mous moral sentimejt of tho civilized
world. Gradually and peacefully at
length, and perhaps very soon, the
canoor would have been extirpated.
Had it really been intensely desired
by our people to ond slavery, for the
existence and growth of which the
North was as muoh to blame as thc
South, we could probably have accom
plished that result by kindly and per
sistent effort without shedding a drop
of blood. A sum of money equal to
one fifth of the pecuniary loss caused
by our Civil War would have sufficed
to pay their masters more than twioc
the averugo market value of every
black man. woman and child. More
than once, in 18G2, Lincoln urged
such action, but in vain.
No; our end was not the abolition
of slavery, but the speedy annihilatiot
of the new government. We thought
we coald accomplish it by a few hare
blows. Accordingly we employee
not diplomacy, conciliation, mora
suasion, entreaty, the just, liberal
equitable use of purchase money; bu
cavalry, infantry, artillery, sh'ips o:
war, fire, famine, slaughter. Ant
whoo tho destruction of Souther]
commerce, the crippling of Southeri
industries, and the devastation o
Southern fields failed to break dowi
all resistance, the Washington Gov
ernmeot deliberately adopted the san
guinary policy of "attrition." Th
armies of the Southern nation mus
be ground to powder. The armed mei
must be killed off. To our brothers ii
grey the alternative presented wa
submission or extermination. A
Cold Harbor, June 3, 1864, sevet
thousand Union soldiers and thre
thousand Confederates were sho
down in thirty minutes. "If this is
fight of the Kilkenny eats," remarket
Gen. Grant, "it's a comfort to kno\
that ours has the longest tail I"
Had the North stood wholly on th
defensive, and not attempted to de
8troy the independence of the soutl
by invasion and conquest, all we con
tended for would probably have bee
attained by peaceful means; for, a
their wisest statesman, their Vic
President, A'exandtr H. Stephen?
assured us, the seceded States woul
eventually havo returned to their alic
gianee. Had the South stood strict!
on the defensive, and not pushed it
armies into Maryland, Kentucky an
Pennsylvania, its independence woul
ab last have been recognized, an
would havo continued until it chos
to como back in peace.
And now, shutting cur ears to th
eloquent exaggeration of Memorii
Day and the yetreverbrating thundoi
of a thousand battles, what has bee
the net upshot of it all?
The Union has been re-established
for awhile; but our victory like tl
triumph of Cortes, in Mexico, ac
Pizarro, in Peru, proving nothing bi
physical superiority, did not so touo
the consoiecces of the Southern pc
pie, did not so fill their hearts wit
love for their conquerors, did not i
sanctify in their souls the principli
of unity, as to insure against all po
sible future attempts at disruptioi
A distinguished Southern gentlemai
our college classmate, a eolonel on tl
staff of Jefferson Davis, wiliia:
Preston Johnston, president of Ti
lane University, widely known an
everywhere honored, intimately ai
quai&ted with men and measure
throughout the South, wrote us oigl
years ago-"I know of no man in tl
South who has changed his opinion i
to the rightfulness of our cause durin
the Civil War, unless it nras for hi
advantage to change it." All bt
unanimous as Southern men and w<
men still are in the conviction thi
?oir cause was just and purs unjust
what would prevent them fro at tryin
the same issue again, shou'd change
circumstances appear to make it fe
ti cir interest aid to guarantee sm
COBS?
Slavery is D om i u all y gooe, aud with ?
it the kindly fooling between master '
ind servant, but au alarming race ha- <
trod thatdid not existbefore has sprung
jp, and a determination to keep the
negro down. As is natural where
human beings are slaughtered like cat
tle by tho thousand, our reverence for
uan as man seems everywhere to have
liminishcd, and our foolish couccit of
superiority to black, brown, red and
yellow men, and poor whites of foreign
latiooalities, appears to increase.
This thought gives rise to gainful re
lections.
To what shall we attribute the dispo
sition, moie apparent, wc trust than
.eal to excuse injustice by pointing to
jusiness prosperity; to gloss over iui-1
luity alleging subsequent righteou.s
?ess; to justify, if they exist, lying
ind treachery, torture and massacre,
?avoc and devastation, imprisonment
ind starvation of non-combatants, by
?bowing that such inflictions were
?indly meant to "make the enemy
want peace and want it badly," to im
pute our sins to Divine Providence,
fondly persuading ourselves that *'it
is tho Lord's doing," and " we must
not shrink from our responsibilities?"
If, as many allege, there exists in
some quarters a craze for military
glory and naval supremacy ; a supersti
tion that degrades our glorious flag
into a miserable fetish; an adoption
of the God-defying minto: "Our
country, right or wrong!" an am
bition to have our Republic armed to
the teeth, strut like a turkey cock
among the nations and dominate land
iud sea; a warping -.od twisting, belit
:ing, ignoring, or defying of thc Unit
d Slates Constitution; or an easy po
i i i cal virtue that forsakes the guide
)f our nation's youth and forgets the
covenant- cf our fathers' God, scout
ng thc underlying principles of Lib
?rity and the essence of Christianity,
.o coquette and wanton with
mperial despotism-to what shall wo
tscribe all these ominous tendencies
nore than to that tremendous struggle
nto which we plunged with unthinki
ng haste, and which, first and last, in
jattle or by disease or hardships,
shortened the lives of a million bravo
nen, draped in mourning three million
iresides, filled with "curses not loud
out deep" ten million hearts, and flung
tway twenty thousand million dollars?
All this obtensibly and in good
raith, to save the Union, maintain tho
Constitution, and destroy slavery 1
We meant well. "But the pity of itt
oh, the pity of it!" Could not states
manship, forbearance, patience and
charity have found a better way thaa
that?
Wc had no Hague Tribunal then;
but we might have heard and heeded
thc golden words of the great Irish
liberator, the illustrious O'Connell,
echoing the voice of the master-"No
political chango i J worth a single
crime, or, above all, the shedding of
a single drop of human blood!"
Homer B. Sprague.
Newton, Mass.
- Frost IB a good thing so long as
it is impersonal.
GET THE HABIT!
To Buy Your Shoes
AT
THE BOSTON SHOE STORE
4
WE have the strongest line of Boys' and Children's Shoes
that ever came to Anderson.
You find the best Plow Shoe to the very finest Dress Shoe.
We eell only-Shoes which we can guarantee.
Why should you buy others when you can get the VERY
BEST wear at the very least money.
Do not buy before you have seen our Shoes.
Buy your 8hoes in a Shoe Store. You get the right fit.
If 5?ou have corns or bunions we can shape your [Shoes BO
that you will be relieved of pain.
We have a Shoe for Sunday.
We baie a pair for Monday for work.
Surely we have a pair to please you.
Respectfully,
j MARTIN SELICMAN. ?
i Next to the Farmers and Merchants Bank.
<?V ? w w *** VT vTTTTV TfT^vt y f w va
THE SOUTH'S GREATEST SYSTEM!
Unexcelled Dining Car Service.
Through Pullman Sleeping Cars on all Trains.
Convenient Schedules on all Local Trains.
WINTER TOURIST RATE3 axe now in effect to all Florida Points
For fnll information as to rates, routes, etc., consult nearest Southern
Railway Ticket Agent, or
R. W. HUNT, Division Passenger Agent, Charleston, S. C.
fl ft ?>TniAMfl aaBa
H. b. dlflRbALANU,
DENTIST.
Oftlce Over Farmers and Merchante
Bank.
SPECIAL attenttong?ven to the higher
classes of Dental work. Crowns, Bridges
and Porcelain Inlays, Such as are done in
the larger cities.
AU kinda or Plates made. Gold Fill
ings ia artificial teeth any time after
Plates are made.
Oxygen Gas and Local Anaesthetics
given tor the Painless Extraction of teeth.
Bleeding ami diseased gum? treated.
??f- All calla to the country and near
by Towna for the Painless Extraction of
.Teeth promptly attended to by a compe
tent assistant
A LQHQ LOCK AHEAD
A man thinks it it when the matter of life
? tuen rance aoggesta itself-bat drcumst&n
Ott of late hews shown how life hangs by a
thread when war, tood, hurricane and five
soddenly ovnnakea yeo, and the only way
to be sure that year fiunUy is protected io
cnee of c&la?4i?y ovcartftking you ia to ?n
sure in a aobd Company like
The Mutual BenenT??fe Ins. Co*
t "~"rT ??31 SSS?? ,i_ i _.
^ Drop in and see QB about it,
ra. ra. ra ATXISON,
' . STATE AGENT,
Pooplee'Bao k Build leg, AWDKK?ON, C 8.