Beginning
with the initial phase (separation),Turner asserts that
a passage in space,
or physical relocation, occurs to symbolize the individuals
transition from pre-ritual to post-ritual status. He indicates
"the spatial passage may involve a long exacting pilgrimage"
(Turner, Ritual 25). A separation process fitting this
criteria is indeed a significant aspect of the rave event. The
actual location of the rave is usually kept a secret until the
last moment, both to avoid interception by anyone who might
want to prevent it from happening, and also to reinforce its
underground nature. The journey to the event itself often involves
a long drive to a remote location. Making
this "pilgrimage" to the rave further "exacting,"
ravers can expect to arrive at the designated location only
to find themselves at a decoy venue, faced with an additional
trek to the real venue. Ive been told this can happen
several times before the true location of the event is reached,
and that it is an accepted element of the night-long process.

The transition
phase of van Genneps three-part model is the point where
participants enter an ambiguous, unstable, in-between state.
Here the concept of real time is altered, participants are rendered
anonymous by various means, and all manner of inverted behaviors
occur (Turner, Ritual 24). The realization of communitas,
which, according to Turner, is closely related to liminality,
is an important aspect of this phase. In keeping with this goal,
ritual participants are often cloaked in anonymity, or rendered
invisible, by one means or another (Turner, Ritual 26).
Once again, parallels may be drawn between this theoretical
stage and things that occur in the rave context. One of the
main objectives of rave participants is to reach an altered,
transformed, or ecstatic state, in which it may be fair to say
that the perception of time is affected. As previously mentioned,
this altered state is accomplished through a combination of
means designed to effect sensory bombardment. Note the objectives
expressed at hyperreal.orgs
FAQ website regarding how music functions at these events:

In
general, the purpose of the music played at raves is to
make people dance. But it is more than that: the music has
to take people to another place. Most music played at raves
is intended to Lose yourself in. Techno played at raves
is a faceless, nameless organism, Time stops when the minds
clock of frequent distractions is disconnected by the surreal,
hypnotic Syncopated rhythms being woven around your head
by the DJ. Time stops and the Vibe begins. (Brown par. 9)

With regard
to inverted behaviors at raves, I would suggest the following:
the activity typically begins when most people are going to
sleep and lasts all night long; abnormally loud volume levels
of music are an essential element; and, commonplace sexual behaviors
and posturing, which would seem normal for this age group (young
people primarily in their teens and twenties), are decidedly
taboo and deemed "uncool." Although
there is an element of conformity amongst
some ravers in terms of attire, there can also be a carnival-like
approach to dressglitter makeup, the attachment of wings,
plastic beads, etc.depending upon which of the various
rave subcultures a participant is oriented towards.15
This intention is illustrated by the following posting to the
San Francisco raver internet discussion
list sfraves:16

Dressing up for a rave is an act of anticipation. For me,
it means a conscious effort to contribute to the vibe of
the party. It means wearing something I would not be comfortable
wearing on the street. By dressing up, you become part of
the visuals team. "Candy
rave" is by no means the only option for contributing
to a rave by what you wear, but it is a style that lends
itself particularly well to the environment. Basically any
outfit that is something different from how you would normally
dress in public, that shows a certain amount of effort or
creativity, that shows a predilection for fun, zaniness,
irreverence, etc., is something I would probably delight
in seeing at a rave. (posted 11 Dec 1998)

Such costuming,
as well as conformity of dress, can point to a desire for anonymity.The
fact that the event as a whole takes place in near darkness
contributes further
to a goal of invisibility on the part of ravers. The generally
playful and theatrical atmosphere of the liminal phase of rave
is illustrated by this posting during the planning stages of
an event:

According
to Turner, the liminal phase of ritual is functional in two
ways: it serves as a forum for social commentary (or "letting
off steam"), and for the generation of "liminoid"
phenomena (Ritual 32). "Social commentary"
includes expressions of resistance to social norms or the status
quo. Turner suggests that particularly in "technologically
complex societies," behavior in this phase can take the
form of subversion (Ritual 41). It doesnt take
much imagination to identify resistant or radical behaviors
within the context of rave: illegal drug use, disturbance of
the peace (aurally speaking), and anti-mainstream rhetoric are
just a few examples. Regarding the second function of the liminal
phase, Turner uses the term "liminoid" to refer to
the creative products of a liminal state of being. I would suggest
that examples of liminoid phenomena produced at raves include
the developed styles of individual DJs, the elaborate hi-tech
animations of laser artists, and the building of fantastical
"sets" in various rooms or spaces of the rave site,
including the hanging and draping of homemade banners, strings
of lights, and other miscellaneous materials and objects.

Within
the elaborate playground of the rave space, Turners concept
of liminality is applicable. For Turner, though, the absurdity
of the liminal phase of the rite of passage ritual is meant
to bring into dramatic relief the "the culturally defined
proper order of things." In the utopian "ideology"
of raving, by contrast, the rave event points to an idealized
version of how the world should be. However, the "pointed
to" in rave is not the result of a dramatic representation
of its opposite or inversion, as in Turner's model. The inversions
and absurdities of raving are more simply part of playing.

In the
final theoretical stage of the ritual process, the aggregation
or reintegration phase in Turners model, participants
engage in "cooling down" behaviors through which they
are restored to the mundane world in a changed state (Turner,
Anthropology 9). I have personally never stayed at a
rave all night long, but I recall the intensity with which a
raver friend of mine describes the feeling:

Its
almost a rite of passage every time you go through one of
these all night things. You stumble out into the cold light
of dawn with this crowd of people that has been through
this amazing experience together. And the bonds between
the people is just incredible. I mean, you dont really
experience it if you go [leave] at 2:00 [a.m.] but if you
go all the night. You sort of force yourself to keep awake,
and have been through these ecstatic moments together, and
been on this journey together, and now you sort of come
back to reality in the morning. Sort of stumble out the
door and the lights and the sun will be out and you
just kind of look at each other. Theres this incredible
bond, you know its like youre a big family thats
sort of gone through this together (Personal interview,
21 May 1998)

Although
rave is generally considered to be a secular phenomenon, it
should be recognized that a strong element of spiritualism is
associated with the rave experience for many participants. Note
the following testimonial in which a raver describes the enlightenment
vibe he experienced with his initiation into the rave scene.

It
wasnt until I was 25 that I discovered the scene.
It was like becoming color for the first time . . . The
first thing I did was run out to my truck to go for a drive
and listen to "follow me." found myself unable
to resist shouting with joy, dancing with all available
limbs, and grinning madly at the people next to me at a
traffic light! Think about it - the beauty of everything
around you that you might have taken for granted (or may
still): the moon shining down on the trees, the soft glow
of a neon light, the beautiful fluidity of a person walking,
a woman laughing; the smell of fresh air, the taste of cold
water There is no predictability, there is no order
- there is only exquisite randomness of the universe and
this amazing existence that we find ourselves in. I love
being awake, I love having my eyes open, I love every moment
that Im alive. Ive been painted by the brush
of raving with a palette of vibes, people, love, music,
unity, movement, peace, and togetherness. I am in color.
(posted to sfraves 13 June 2000)

Development
of rewarding alternatives, including a sense of belonging
in "straight" society, is
a critical aspect in treating young people involved
in these drug-dominated cultures.

Effusive
testimonials describing a first rave experience are quite common.
This may be connected to an intense feeling of communitas
often experienced (related to PLUR),
a level of heightened sensory/aesthetic gratification perhaps
not previously experienced, a mind-expanding drug experience,
or perhaps a combination of these. William
Wedenoja, in discussing the psychosocial effects of ritual stimulation,
suggests that the emotional, physiological and cortical states
of a collective group may be "synchronized" when group
members are all exposed to the same "driving stimuli,"
and that a sense of communitas might result from this
synchronization (Wedenoja 285).18
He adds that a state of exhilaration may serve as a reinforcement
agent in group cohesion. Along these same lines, Judith Becker
states that rhythmic entrainment "invokes realms of knowledge
to which we otherwise have little access and provides a deep
and sometimes abiding sense of well-being" (Becker 50).

Whatever
the causes of this euphoric or oceanic experience within rave,
it is important to note and (for the purposes of this discussion)
that this state is relatively temporary and does not constitute
a change in the social status of the individual. Unlike the
rite of passage model, ravers dont really transition from
one social status to another during the course of a party and
emerge permanently changed in the eyes of society. (Yet in a
larger sense, rave might be viewed as a playing with the transition
from adolescence to adulthood.) Rather, it seems, rave-goers
enter a ritual, liminal, play-inducing space, they do their
thing, and then they exit that space. Ravers do indeed reenter
the mundane world after a rave, and although there is much testifying
to a personal and perhaps even a spiritual transformation as
a result of raving, a transformation in the kind of social status
that rites of passage theoretically incur (e.g., marriage, transition
to the afterlife, adulthood) is more difficult to argue.

With regard
to specific "cooling down" behaviors indicated in
the third stage of Turners model, the post-performance
period of the rave is formalized through a "chilling out"
that takes place in virtual space the day after the event. Raves
usually take place on Friday and Saturday nights. Over the course
of the remainder of the weekend, rave participants "meet"
on the internet to discuss what they liked or didnt like
about the event, and to submit informal reviews about particular
DJs or other aspects of the experience. Note the following examples:

Oh yeah, I forgot to mention that the visuals were out of
this friggin world!!!!!!!!!! Not only was the whole video
game thing totally cool, but did anybody see the faces that
were slowly morphing into other faces, or what looked like
time-elapsed photography of a vine wrapping around a stick
or some weird stuff like that? I wasnt even f-ed up
but the visuals were making me trip out. (posted to sfraves
23 November 1998)

I do gotta say that Warmth was one of the best raves Ive
been to since the last Warmth I know tha music was
going off in all three rooms, but I was completely stuck
in tha jungle room for about the entire night with the exception
of a few fruit runs (tell me you dont love pineapple
when youre on e). So as you know, the music in the
jungle room was sick as fuck. At Audio Impact Jamalski kicked
this dope ass flow to me about ecstasy and mushroom tea
(the music was off the hook there too) and he was fucking
shit up at Warmth Hak and Siphon all REPRESENTED and
showed this girl much love with some SICK ASS BEATS!!! Lord
knows I was loving it. Yeah so if you were in there I was
in a snakeskin print dress dancing my ass off loving every
beat in front and behind the turntables like 4 tha whole
night. (posted to sfraves 22 November 1998)

Turners
post-industrialized version of the rite of passage ritual differs
from van Genneps model in another significant way, making
it more applicable to rave. Unlike "tribal" rites
of passage, asserts Turner, members of post-industrial societies
engage in ritualized cultural performances by choicemainly
the result of leisure time and a desire to be entertained. Participation
in tribal ritual, by contrast, is obligatory. Here, ritual activity
is the critical "work" of the tribal community, the
performing of "symbolic actions and manipulating symbolic
objects" in the service of a seriously important outcome
such as fertility, averting illness, etc. (Turner, Ritual
32). A great deal is at stake, as tribal celebrants are seekingin
many waysassurances of survival. Ravers, by contrast,
attend parties by choicethey are not required by their
communities to participate in raving. And although some rave
participants may view the return of post-industrial society
to an innocent, primordial phase as the symbolic "work"
of raves, this non-obligatory and largely entertaining cultural
performance is not intended to be efficacious in the same critical
sense. Rave participation is more in keeping with Turners
concept of liminal "play," as party goers are more
likely seeking a particular kind of social, aesthetic, or emotional
experience.

Another
model of ritual experience, namely, T.J. Scheffs psychoanalytic
theory of catharsis in ritual healing, offers what may be a
more useful analytic frame for this discussion of rave as ritual.
Scheffs work, an adaptation of Freuds well-known
catharsis theory, has been used by Carol Laderman in an analysis
of Malay shamanistic healing,19
and referred to by William Wedenoja in conjunction with his
work with the Revival ritual trance cult in Jamaica. According
to Scheff, there are three elements or stages in the ritual
cathartic process: an "emotional distress" (classically
caused by a repressed emotion from a past traumatic experience),
an aesthetic "distancing element" (something that
allows an individual to be simultaneously both participant and
observer of a re-enactment of that bad experience), and finally,
a cathartic discharge or release of emotion. Scheff extends
the application of this model from the individual psychotherapeutic
context to mass entertainment rituals such as watching movies
and sports games, hypothesizing that these activities fill a
void in modern society created by the severance of "the
connection between strong emotion and ritual" (Scheff 128).
If we broaden the definition of "emotional distress"
and allow for distancing elements that do not necessarily represent
re-enactments of bad past experiences, this model may work well
for rave.

If we cast
rave as a cathartic ritual, what can we identify as the "emotional
distress" in need of release?
Unlike the healing rituals described by Laderman and patients
undergoing psychoanalytic "treatment" discussed by
Scheff, there is no identifiable overt "sickness"
that needs to be healed, or particular repressed emotions of
past trauma to be relived, in the case of rave participants.
As Wedenoja in fact suggests, an abnormal psychic conflict or
illness need not be a prerequisite to ritual participation (Wedenoja
298). Scheff himself posits that rituals provide "occasions
of repeated catharsis" for all members of society who in
the normal course of life need to release accumulated "distressful
emotion" (Scheff 116). I suggest that rave enables the
release of normal youthful energy, rebelliousness, and social
anxietyand perhaps the reliving of childlike play in an
emotionally safe environment. Considering the age group involved,
one might also acknowledge the stress of transitioning from
adolescence to adulthood, which can be quite tumultuous.

According
to Scheff, in order for cathartic ritual to be optimally effective,
the distancing element must strike a perfect balance between
belief and disbelief in the minds of participants. Functioning
in this "double vision" mode, the ritual communicant
must be both participant and observer of the drama in which
s/he is engaged (Scheff 119). If either "underdistancing"
or "overdistancing" takes place, the cathartic process
will fail. In the case of rave, the participants knowledge
that s/he is performing/playing in a temporary time-space removed
from the non-rave world, serves as a distancing device. Through
the anonymity afforded by darkness, dress-up, clowning, and
other liminal playing in a self-consciously childlike fantasy
world, liminality itself also functions as a distancing element.
Ravers are provided the opportunity for dramatic play with identities
and ways of being that they dont normally engage in, within
a safe space set aside for this purpose. Play with belief in
supernatural entities (such as the Technology Goddess), with
romantic images of perfect, primordial communities and consciousness,
and with the myth of dancing the world to its former state of
perfection, are also examples of aesthetic distancing found
in rave.

We might
say that the catharsis that takes place in what Turner would
call the liminal phase of rave results in an emotional transformation
of the participant, who likely enters the event with normal
tensions and pent-up youthful energy and exits having blown
off a good deal of steam. Activities resulting in cathartic
release of rave are easy to identify. Hours of unrestrained
dancing to the point of exhaustion, the satisfaction of engaging
in "subversive" and/or hedonistic behaviors, and a
general sensory exhausting, are examples that easily come to
mind. Therapeutic results of raving may include escape from
everyday life situations, the experience of others on an emotionally
intense level or with a closeness that may not be available
in ordinary social life, a sense of group belongingness, and
the socially validating sense of being a part of something "special"
that is different from what most people experience.

In the
distancing phases of Scheffs cathartic process, (in both
ritual healing and mass entertainment rituals) there is a structural
separation between the individuals that are undergoing a particular
rite, the healer or shaman who enables the cathartic process,
and the "audience" in attendance. In the case of rave,
this separation doesnt really exist. Ravers are both actors
and audience simultaneously participating in a cathartic ritual.
Although much has been made of the "cult of the DJ,"
attention has also been given to the "leveling" of
rave participants regardless of role. Rave presents a situation
where there is no star and no differentiation between performers
and audience. Note the following quote by a DJ posted on sfraves:

Someone once asked me if I felt like a pilot when I DJ and
if everyone dancing felt like my passengers. No,
I said, everybody dancing should be a pilot. I want
to be the weather. (DJ Lotus, Toronto, date unknown)

Rave as a
cultural performance is constituted by participants
performing for each other and feeding off each other, creating
a dynamic exchange of creativeand sometimes transcendent
and ecstaticenergy. This phenomenon is perhaps similar
to what Jihad Racy describes as an "ecstatic feedback model"
of Arabic music performance.20
I would argue for an expansion of existing cathartic ritual
theory to include performance structures that accommodate less
differentiated roles among actors such as rave.

In summary,
although rave does not hold up to scrutiny as a rite of passage
ritual in particular, this examination suggests that rave as
a cultural performance nevertheless makes use of ritual elements
that are powerfully efficacious and meaningful to its participants.
Turners position that cultural performances are ritualistic
is compatible with Scheffs presentation of the theory
of catharsis in ritual. Each model has been useful here. With
reference to Scheffs idea that rituals provide opportunities
for repeated catharsis, it would be interesting to investigate
at which point in an individuals "raving career"
does rave ritual cease to function in this capacity. When does
the cathartic power of the ritual lose its effectiveness? At
what point does a party-goers experience of rave become
"underdistanced" or "overdistanced" leading,
in Scheffs theory, to its failure? And does this loss
of efficacy signal a personal transition in the life of a rave
participant?