Industries

Introduction

IT would appear from any study of the
industries of Oxfordshire that that
county is prevented, as if by fate, from
ever attaining to the position of a great
industrial or commercial centre. Oxfordshire is, rather, especially adapted to the
requirements and practice of agriculture. There
is little or nothing in the actual nature of the
county that would necessarily create an industrial
district. There are, however, a few qualifications that might be made to the above statement.
In the first place Oxfordshire has for a large
part of its boundary the greatest river of
England. The Thames must undoubtedly in
early times have played a greater part in the
advance of the industries of the county and the
dissemination of its manufactures than it does
at the present time. By means of this river the
products of Oxford, and in particular of Henley,
were easily carried to the metropolis. It is
evident that this was the case from records of
the reigns of Edward I and Edward II, which
point back to an earlier period. From these
records it is to be gathered that the merchants
of Oxford and probably of Burford too (for
here was one of the earliest merchant gilds,
established in 1082) sent their goods by clumsy
barges to London. (fn. 1) From very early times the
malt of Henley was dispatched in the same
manner, and frequent references are to be found
to bargemen and that method of transit. (fn. 2)

Two other rivers of Oxfordshire are both
supposed to have had a direct effect upon the
industries of the county. The Cherwell in
the seventeenth century was a bright and clear
stream, and the purity of the water tempted the
leather-dressers to carry on their industry in
the city of Oxford. (fn. 3) The Windrush is even
more famous. Dr. Plot supposes that 'the
abstersive nitrous water of the River Windrush'
had something to do with the excellent quality
of the Witney blankets. (fn. 4) Whether this is an
actual fact or not, the Windrush water does seem
to play a part. The blanket manufacturers of
Witney tried in recent years to use the same
soft water that is used in the blanket-making
business in the north of England. The result
was most unsatisfactory, and the blanketers
returned to the water of their own stream.

Besides the importance of its rivers, there is
another natural possession of Oxfordshire which
has been of considerable value. The whole
county abounds in stone, and there are about
forty quarries now in use, many of them of great
antiquity. A third important gift of nature is
clay, which is worked for brick-making in many
parts. The fourth and last special qualification
is the presence of iron ore, which was discovered about 1853, and lies in the northern
portion of the county. Except for these
Oxfordshire has no natural reasons for being an
industrial county. What industries there are
have arisen either from purely domestic arts
which were common throughout England, or
because they were made necessary by the
presence of a large and ever-growing university,
which naturally brought trade to a county which
would otherwise have been purely agricultural.

Amongst the industries that are entirely due
to the existence of the University of Oxford is,
in the first place, the University Press. This is
now the largest industrial concern in the whole
county, employing daily over 650 hands. The
press was started in Oxford in either 1468
or 1478, the latter date being now accepted by
most authorities. Its career was at first most
chequered. It lasted for nine or ten years, and
then ceased to exist. After thirty years printing
was once more revived, but only for a short
time. It was not until 1585 that a press was
firmly established, and from that date Oxford
printing has been celebrated. The press of the
seventeenth century owed much to Archbishop
Laud and Dr. Fell, and in the same way the
printing of the eighteenth century would never
have reached the excellence that it did, had it
not been for private enterprise and private
munificence. (fn. 5) At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Charles Lord Stanhope carried
on this idea, and his 'secret process' of stereotyping, together with other of his inventions,
passed into the possession of the university
authorities. In the year 1830 the Clarendon
Press was moved from the Old Clarendon
Building in Broad Street to the spacious premises in Walton Street. The first few years
of printing in the new buildings were extremely
successful owing to the energy of Mr. Joseph
Castle. In 1883 the University Press became
a purely industrial concern, when it was placed
under the capable management of the present
controller, Mr. Horace Hart.

The reason why the university was situated
in so low-lying a position as Oxford is probably
because of the importance of the River Thames.
There can, however, be no question that, as far
as building materials were concerned, it was as
good a situation as could be found. Certainly
the stone used by the ancient stonemasons has
proved itself of a porous character, especially
when brought from Headington, but in more
recent years a better stone has been used which
has been found to 'weather' very satisfactorily.
The building of the Oxford colleges during the
fifteenth, sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries
gave a very considerable impetus to the industry
of quarrying. The presence of a university
naturally meant the building of churches, and
these, together with the collegiate and university
edifices, have been constructed almost entirely
from the stone of the surrounding districts.
The earliest quarry worked was at Chilswell,
and from this the Anglo-Saxon and Norman
buildings of Oxford were constructed. (fn. 6) In the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries both Headington and Taynton stone were used, as is
evidenced by the records of Exeter College
and Thame Church. These quarries continued
to be the two most important well into the nineteenth century. At the present time, however,
Headington is but little used, and Taynton
Quarry is situated on private property and
worked only by the estate masons of Mr. Mervyn
Wingfield. At Burford, too, was a quarry of
repute mentioned by Leland and by Wood. It
is situated in what is now called Upton, and
is locally known as Kitts Bank. It is from this
quarry that traditionally much of the stone was
sent for the building of St. Paul's Cathedral
after the Great Fire of 1666. The eighteenth
century witnessed very little collegiate building,
and the history of quarrying in this county is
correspondingly silent. At the present time
quarrying is carried on in different parts of the
county, but there is a falling off in the amount
produced and the number of hands employed.

The making of parchment and later of
paper was a natural outcome of the university
and the necessity for manuscripts and books. A
very considerable number of the uses to which
dressed skins and hides can be put were familiar
to the traders in ancient Oxford, but probably
none were more important than that of parchment-making, which must have been an industry
from the earliest times. The first year that
can be stated as one in which a 'Studium
Generale' existed in Oxford is 1180, and in that
year there is evidence of parchment makers in
the town. (fn. 7) This parchment-making continued
through many centuries, and parchment sellers
were still fairly common in the reign of Queen
Elizabeth. It is indeed from Tudor times that
the industry of paper-making must be dated, (fn. 8)
and Cecil was an ardent advocate of schemes for
the manufacture of this product. (fn. 9) Macpherson,
in his Annals of Commerce, (fn. 10) would place the date
of white paper-making at the end of the seventeenth century, but it is certain that paper for
books was made at Wolvercote Mill as early as
1666. (fn. 11) It is a recognized fact that the manufacture of paper in England was largely due to
the French immigrants at a later period, for they
had learnt the art in Angoulême, but it would
appear that Wolvercote Mill continued to carry
on the business successfully from the time of its
foundation without any alien interference, though
at that period there were many Frenchmen in
Oxford. At the beginning of the nineteenth
century paper-mills were working at Eynsham,
Wolvercote, and Sandford under the management of Mr. Swann. Later on in the same
century paper for industrial purposes was also
made at Sandford, Shiplake, Oxford, and Henley.

The last industry to be noticed as definitely
connected with and due to the university is that
of bookbinding. The age of this trade is
exactly the same as that of parchment-making,
the name of the first bookbinder being found in
the same document as that of the first parcamenarius. For the early history of this important industry the writer is much indebted
to the work of Mr. Strickland Gibson, Early
Oxford Bindings. A list of those connected
with the book industry of Oxford is also to be
found in Mr. Madan's Early Oxford Press,
published by the Oxford Historical Society.
For the first few centuries of Oxford binding
there is little or nothing to record save the
names of the binders and their place of abode.
The binders seem to have formed a kind of
gild, and their habitations and workshops would
appear to have nearly always been situated in
Cat Street or Schidyerd Way. The earliest
stamped work that can be attributed to an
Oxford binder is a collection of sermons written
in 1460. In the sixteenth century certain
improvements and changes were introduced in
the methods of the binders, for whom the next
century was a veritable 'golden age,' for it was
during this period that Sir Thomas Bodley
established his famous library, and many works
had to be bound. The eighteenth century does
not afford so much history of this industry, but
the nineteenth displayed many points of interest,
and towards the end showed splendid improve
ments as seen in the Morris paper, and the
beautiful vellum bindings of Messrs. Morley
Brothers and others.

Of the industries that owe their origin to
purely domestic arts there were many in Oxfordshire. Some of these have disappeared, or almost
entirely so; others have flourished and become
important business concerns. Of those that
have disappeared, the first to be mentioned is
glass-making. (fn. 12) This seems to have existed
during the seventeenth century and in the early
eighteenth century, but since that time glassmaking in Oxfordshire has been merely a
tradition. A second industry which lasted for
a longer period than the glass-making at Henley
was a small trade in steel articles, which were
manufactured at Woodstock. (fn. 13) It is evident that
this work was carried on in the later years
of Queen Elizabeth, that it flourished in the
eighteenth century, but it had completely died
out by 1850. Silk weaving and winding were
also at one time a small industry in Oxfordshire, and as early as 1677 silk stockings were
woven at Oxford by means of an invention of
Mr. William Lee. (fn. 14) Henley-on-Thames also
had its silk industry, which it carried on as
late as 1856. Another of the extinct industries
is that of Banbury cheese-making. (fn. 15) This was a
milk-cheese, about one inch in thickness, and
evidently well known in the metropolis, as it
was frequently referred to by both authors and
playwrights of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This cheese-making industry gradually
disappeared, and by the middle of the nineteenth
century it had entirely gone. The earliest of all
these industries that no longer exist, but possibly
by far the most important, is that of minting
money. Mr. Stainer, in his Oxford Silver
Pennies, has shown how important the Oxford
mint was during the Anglo-Saxon period, and
indeed up to the reign of Henry III. From
that date there was no mint at Oxford until the
troublous period of the Civil Wars. Between
January, 1643, and June, 1646, Charles I had
much of his money coined in Oxford, part
indeed from the plate of the colleges. But
after the capture of the city by Fairfax, the
necessity for a mint no longer existed, and
Oxford lost an ancient though only an occasional
industry.

The domestic industries of Oxfordshire that
still survive are very numerous, though perhaps
not always of any considerable importance. The
best known at the present time is blanket-making
at Witney. As early as the reign of Henry III
Witney was evidently a town of clothiers. Mr.
Thorold Rogers considers that blanket-making
was already an industry in Witney in 1385. (fn. 16)
During the Tudor period the trade continued to
thrive, and in the seventeenth century the
family of Early began to manufacture blankets,
which they still continue to do. At the beginning of the eighteenth century the formation of
a blanket-makers' company was supposed to be
likely to help on the trade, but the industry
flourished in spite of the company rather than
because of it. Towards the end of that period
a very large quantity of blankets was sent regularly to London by wagons. The introduction
of machinery may have been a temporary inconvenience, but it certainly helped to increase the
output, which to-day is far greater than it has ever
been before.

Very closely allied with blanket-making was
the textile industry in general. This was, in
early times, carried on in most of the homes
throughout the counties of England; but Oxfordshire has a peculiar pre-eminence, as the city
of Oxford was one of the earliest towns to have
a weavers' gild. This gild was certainly in
existence as early as 1130, (fn. 17) and it may possibly
have existed even a few years earlier. Its story
is a varied one, and the number of its members
fluctuated very considerably. In 1159 the gild
was of sufficient importance to obtain a royal
charter, and it seems to have reached the height
of its fortunes in the reign of John, when there
were no fewer than sixty members. Three
years after the accession of Edward I the gild
was in a state of decay, and there were now
scarcely fifteen members on the register.
Weaving did not entirely disappear, however,
for at the end of the fourteenth century there
were twenty to thirty individuals who were
engaged in the craft. During the next century
the celebrity of the Cotswold wool was at its
height and weaving and the woollen industry
were common throughout the county, including
such places as Chipping Norton, Burford, Great
Tew, Bicester, and Oxford. After the dissolution of the monasteries there was a very early
attempt to found a factory for 2,000 woollen
workers in Osney Abbey at Oxford, but there is
no proof that the clothier, Mr. Stumpe, succeeded
in his scheme. In Elizabeth's reign the 'Incorporation of the Misterie of Weavers and Fullers
of Oxford' was in full working order. By the
beginning of the seventeenth century the wool
trade was one of the important industries of
Banbury, where it is still continued. As years
went by it died out in the city of Oxford, but
it seemed to grow and flourish elsewhere as seen
in the foundation of Bliss's Mill at Chipping
Norton, about the middle of the eighteenth
century. The people of Banbury took up, in
particular, one kind of manufacture, viz. worsted
plush, which is still made by Messrs. Cubitt,
Son & Co., while Chipping Norton earned a
certain fame for its tweed. But Oxford has no
coal, and steam-power is a necessity. The cost
of transport is very considerable, and so, though
a few places still maintain their textile industry, the
county has had as a whole to give way to the
more prosperous woollen districts of the north.

Just as the weaving of cloth was done at home
in the middle ages, so, too, leather-dressing under
one form or another was a by-product in most
of the villages and towns of Oxfordshire.
Anthony Wood shows most clearly that the
leather industry was a very considerable one in
this county from early times, and the saddlery
trade of Burford had in the seventeenth century
a European reputation. But of all the uses made
of leather, glove-making is perhaps at the present
time the best known with regard to the county
of Oxford. As early as 1279 (fn. 18) this work
appears to have been done in Oxford itself, and
glove-makers continued to be of some importance
in the city until the seventeenth century.
Previous to this, however, the Woodstock trade
had started, and was already of some size by the
last years of Queen Elizabeth. Here the trade
with many fluctuations has remained to the
present time, and although perhaps the industry
is not as flourishing as it was in former years,
yet it still employs a large number of hands in
the surrounding districts.

The largest trade of all in Oxfordshire is that
of malting and brewing. This business, which
is now carried on by several firms in different
parts of the county, originated in the humble and
homely brewery of the small farmer, householder,
publican or college butler. Brewing was done
in Oxford as early as 1240. (fn. 19) In 1354 the industry came under the strict supervision of the
university authorities, who continued for many
centuries to keep a watchful eye upon the
brewers, who appear, from the records, to
have needed it. Henley was another brewing
and malting centre, and during the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries sent much malt to
London. In the eighteenth century the type of
brewing began to change. The small breweries
which still continued were overshadowed by
larger concerns, as for example the Swan's Nest
Brewery at Oxford, and what is now Messrs.
Brakspear and Sons' at Henley. At the beginning
of the nineteenth century Deddington had a
momentary reputation for the excellence of its
ale, but Burford ceased to have any importance
as a malting town. From that time to the
present day the chief breweries of Oxfordshire
have been either in Oxford itself, or at Henley,
Chipping Norton, Witney, and Banbury.

The brewing of ale in Banbury was carried
on alongside another industry which has a
world-wide renown, though it is perhaps of no
great importance from the economist's point of
view. Ever since the reign of Elizabeth, Banbury
cakes have been made in the old borough of that
name. (fn. 20) They are mentioned by Holland in
1609, by Ben Jonson in 1614, and again many
times during the seventeenth century. They
appear to have been equally well known in the
eighteenth century, and towards its close the
renowned maker was Betty White. During the
last century their fame was spread by the Great
Exhibition of 1851, and now the Great Western
Railway has helped to stimulate their sale.

Before closing this account of the industries
of Oxfordshire which have arisen from the
purely domestic arts, three other industries may
here be briefly mentioned. The first is that of
lace-making, which is to this day only of a
domestic character, and is carried on in the
cottages of the south-eastern portion of the
county, particularly of that part which lies contiguous to the county of Buckingham. In the
second place, there is boat-building, which must
have existed in the very earliest times, for bridges
were few, the river had to be crossed, but above
all goods must go to London. This industry
is now no longer domestic, but carried on by
several builders in the county, Messrs. Salter
Bros., the Saunders Patent Launch Building
Syndicate, Ltd., Messrs. Hobbs, and East's Boat
Building Co., Ltd., being the chief firms. The
last of this class of industries is that of chairmaking, which is of some antiquity, and which
is still carried on at Stokenchurch, Chinnor,
Caversham, and Watlington.

So far we have been solely concerned with
those trades which have arisen from the presence
of the university, or have had their origin in
domestic industries, or with those peculiar and
separate classes of industry which played their
little part in Oxfordshire history and then disappeared. To turn from these, a brief introduction is needed for those industries which
cannot be said to fall under any of the above
classifications, and may be enumerated as industries connected with metal. The first of
these is the iron ore industry, which is confined
to the northern portion of the county, in particular to Hook Norton and Adderbury. Here
brown hematite is worked in fairly large quantities,
but all of it is sent out of the county to the
blast furnaces of South Staffordshire or North
Wales. Agricultural machine-making and ironfounding is, however, carried on in Banbury and
in the city of Oxford. As early as 1841 Banbury
had some fame for its turnip-cutters, and since
that time agricultural machines have been made
by Messrs. Samuelson & Co., Ltd., and Messrs.
Barrows in Banbury, and by the Oxford Steam
Ploughing Company at Middle Cowley, Oxford.
Besides this form of iron work, Messrs. Lucy &
Co. have a foundry at the Eagle Iron Works,
Oxford, which was originated as far back as
1760. The third of these metallic industries is
that of bell-founding, which has been carried on
with varying fortunes from the beginning of the
seventeenth century to the present time, at
Burford, Witney, Woodstock, and Oxford.

Thus Oxfordshire may be said to have had
about twenty industries, many of which still
remain. But in no sense can the county be
regarded as a true industrial centre. Most of the
trades, as has been shown, arose either as a natural
growth from domestic industries, or from the needs
of Oxford as a university town. The fact that
Oxfordshire was far removed from the modern
centres of industry has prevented that county
excelling in any particular industry, and except
for the stone, and iron ore, the county is lacking
in mineral wealth. The university on the one
side, and agriculture on the other, have afforded
sufficient employment for the people without any
large number being driven into what may be
called extraneous industrial concerns.

The Oxford Press

The largest industrial establishment in the city
of Oxford at the present time is the University
Press in Walton Street. Here several hundred
workpeople are regularly employed in the printing,
folding, and cutting of the Bibles, Prayer Books,
and educational works that bear upon them the
famous name of the Clarendon Press. Like many
other large and successful concerns the University
Press started under very humble circumstances.
When first printing was carried out in Oxford
no man could have imagined the strides in progress that were to be made in the next 430
years.

'Towards the close of the fifteenth century
there was a meteor-like appearance of an Oxford
Press.' (fn. 21) In its origin this Oxford Press was, as
far as can be ascertained, quite independent of
Caxton's printing. The battle which has been
waged about the date of the first book printed at
Oxford has made this book 'a veritable typographical battleground, and in Henry Bradshaw's opinion
a touchstone of intellectual acumen.' (fn. 22) This
book bears the date 7 December, 1468. It is an
exposition of the Apostles' Creed, ascribed to
St. Jerome, but is in reality a treatise on the creed
by Tyrannius Rufinus. (fn. 23) It is now supposed that
the date ought really to be 1478, and that in the
hurry of printing an x was omitted. In 1664,
Richard Atkyns, a Gloucestershire gentleman,
propounded what is known as the Corsellis forgery,
by which he tried to prove that a printer, Frederick
Corsellis, had printed in Oxford ten years before
Caxton set up his presses at Westminster. Mr.
Madan says, 'as no one believes in this story it is
not worth while to do more than to point out
that no corroboration of it has ever been found.' (fn. 24)
Conyers Middleton in his Dissertation on the
Origin of Printing, published in 1735, was the
first to throw doubt upon the year 1468. From
that time the opinion has steadily grown that
1478 and not 1468 ought to be the date of the
first printed book at Oxford. Mr. Madan treats
the subject with the greatest care in his History of
the Early Oxford Press. He takes into consideration the question of signatures; he shows that there
are no signs of progress in the first three Oxford
books; he points out that the same type is used,
the same sized page, and the same number of lines
in a column; he remarks, with numerous examples, that mistakes of dates are common, and
finally he considers that the books bound up with
the Jerome would show rather the date 1478
than that of 1468. He considers that it is conceivable, but not probable, that printing was done
in Oxford previous to the year 1477. (fn. 25) In the
Chart of Oxford Printing Mr. Madan would
appear even more definite when he says 'the fact
remains that the greater the bibliographer the
more certain he is that the true date is 1478.' (fn. 26)

The Press that probably produced this book
lasted from 1478 (?) to 1487. The second work
produced was Aretinus's Latin Translation of
Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics. Of this there are
eight copies in existence and several fragments,
but all the copies are very poorly printed; it was
published in 1479. In 1480 a work on Original
Sin by Aegidius de Columna of Rome was printed.
One of its interests lies in the fact that the colophon is printed in red, this being the only instance
of colour-printing in this early Oxford Press.
This was followed in the same year by the first
English printed classic, Cicero pro Milone, which
remained the only printed classic until in 1497
a Terence was issued to the world.

The next publication is only known from two
leaves in the British Museum, acquired late in
1871 or in the spring of 1872. It is a fragment
of a Latin grammar printed probably in 1481.
The author might be perhaps John Anwykyll,
who was master of Magdalen College Grammar
School in 1481 (?)–87; it has been supposed that
the grammar was written by either Holte or
Stanbridge, but it has been practically decided
that this was not the case. In 1481 a commentary on the De Anima of Aristotle, by Alexander
de Hales, was printed, and it is in this work that
the earliest woodcut border appeared. In the
following year John Lathbury's Latin Commentary
on the Lamentations of Jeremiah came from the
Oxford Press, to be followed in 1483 by another
Latin grammar again believed to be by John
Anwykyll. In the same year a commentary on
the burial service by Richard Rolle of Hampole
was printed, and it was again produced at Paris
in 1510 and at Cologne in 1536. It is rather
doubtful whether the Nineteen Logical Treatises
were printed in 1483; and the doubt also exists
for the Provincial Constitutions of England, written
in Latin, with a commentary by William Lyndewoode. A considerable interest is attached to
this work from the fact that it contains a large
wood engraving of Jacobus de Voragine writing
the Golden Legend. In 1891 another work
ascribed to the year 1483 was discovered in the
British Museum, and this was the Counsels of
Alms-giving by St. Augustine. Of a Latin translation of the spurious Epistles of Phalaris printed
at Oxford in 1485, three copies are known and
several fragments; while fragments of two leaves
of the Textus Alexandri printed in the same year
exist at St. John's College and Corpus Christi
College, Cambridge. The last work printed by
this early Press was a Festiall, in the 'yere of our
lord mcccclxxxvi the day aftir Seint Edward the
Kyng,' which would seem to be 19 March,
1486–7. (fn. 27)

Throughout this period the printers seem to have
been two in number. Between 1480 and 1482
four books were printed by Theoderic Rood, who
came from Cologne and described himself as
'Theodericus Rood de Colonia in Alma Universitate Oxon.' Between 1483 and 1487 Theoderic took into partnership Thomas Hunte who is
described as 'Universitatis Oxoniae stacionarius'
and who lived 1477–9 in Haberdasher Hall.
Suddenly, however, in the winter of 1486 or
spring of 1487, the printing press at Oxford
ceased its work, and no reason for this stop is at
present known. It is interesting to notice that
the printing at St. Albans, which had started about
1480, ceased in the same year as at Oxford. (fn. 28)

The printing press which was used by Rood
and Hunte was of course a wooden hand-screw
one, and though the earliest engraving of a press is
of about the year 1500, yet there can be little
doubt that it was much the same as the press of
fifteen years before. The types employed were
of seven kinds, but Reed (fn. 29) considers that these
reduce themselves to four principal founts and
one fount of initial letter. The character of the
founts were Cologne black, used in the Jerome,
Aretinus, and Aegidius; narrow, Dutch black,
the origin of which may be looked for near
Cologne; heading and initial black, a large
special type; small lower-case Dutch black;
large lower-case Dutch black; a church type,
going with the small Dutch black; small Caxtonian black; large Caxtonian black; a church
type, going with the small Caxtonian black.

For thirty years Oxford was apparently without a press, but in December, 1517, the second
press was established, lasting for a peculiarly
short period. (fn. 30) Its position is fairly well known,
being 'in vico diui Johannis Baptiste,' or St.
John's Street near Merton College. In 1518
it is connected with the name John Scolar, who
ten years later probably printed at Abingdon.
In 1519 the last book of the second press was
printed by Carolus Kyrfoth, but nothing is
known of either of these two printers, either why
they came or why they ceased to print, and it
can only be conjectured that they were foreigners.
It is remarkable to notice that the first Oxford
press had printed much theology, whereas the
second press ignored that subject, printing rather
grammars, logics, arithmetics, and works on
natural science. (fn. 31) Seven works are in existence
as the output of this press. Copies exist in the
Bodleian and St. John's College, Oxford, of Burley on Aristotle, printed 4 December, 1517. Half
a dozen copies of the Ethics, under the name of
Johannes Dedicus, still exist, being printed in
May, 1518. Three copies of the De Luce have
been found, and were printed on 5 June, 1518.
Walter Burley's Principia was printed two days
later; and in the same month De Heteroclitis
nominibus by Robert Whittington. Jasper Laet's
Prenostica was probably printed in 1518, and in
1519 a system of arithmetic known as the Compotus was issued to the world. (fn. 32)

Once again Oxford was left without a press,
but it was not alone in its misfortune. It appears
that for the central forty years of the sixteenth
century, Oxford, York, Tavistock, Abingdon, and
Cambridge, all of which had had presses, ceased
entirely to print. (fn. 33) In November, 1585, however, The true difference between christian subjection
and unchristian rebellion by Thomas Bilson was
issued, and in this book, on page 263, Greek type
is used for the first time. (fn. 34) The year 1585 saw
the firm establishment of the press at Oxford.
It was erected by the Earl of Leicester, who was
then chancellor, and the first book printed was John
Case's Speculum moralium quaestionum in Universum
Ethicen Aristotelis. It is interesting to notice
'that neither the vice-chancellor nor the printer
of this volume had any suspicion that there had
been printing in Oxford previous to the publication of the present volume.' (fn. 35) The printer at
the new Press was Joseph Barnes, who remained
sole printer to the university from 1585 to 1617.
It is evident, however, that he exercised other
trades as well, for he was granted a licence to
sell wine from October 1575 to at least
October 1596. (fn. 36) The university now began to
exhibit some interest in printing, and on
10 January, 1586, a Committee of Convocation
was appointed to consider de libris imprimendis. (fn. 37)

Any chance, however, of printing on a large
scale was at once stopped by an ordinance of the
Star Chamber, which allowed only one press at
Oxford and only one apprentice. (fn. 38) Printing,
nevertheless, seems to have thriven, for in 1588
the Oxford press issued its first édition de luxe. (fn. 39)
In 1596 Joseph Barnes applied for a licence to
exercise the monopoly of printing all inedited
Greek and Latin books, (fn. 40) and in the same year,
as a proof of the enterprise of this printer, Hebrew
type was introduced for the first time. (fn. 41)

At the beginning of the seventeenth century
there was a considerable increase in the output
of printed matter in Oxford, but Madan considers
that this was partly due to the interest of James I in
literature. (fn. 42) In 1617 Joseph Barnes, the printer for
thirty-two years, was succeeded by John Lichfield
and James Short. The Lichfield family continued to print almost to the middle of the next
century. At this time there is no proof of a
special printing house being used, 'and there are
as yet few signs of actual academic patronage or
interference, and the failures and successes of the
printers and publishers . . . are the ordinary
fluctuations of trade.' (fn. 43) From 1624 to 1640
William Turner was a university printer in conjunction with the Lichfields. (fn. 44) The fame of the
Greek matrices of Sir Henry Savile, which had
come into the possession of the printers at Oxford,
had spread abroad, and they were borrowed by
the University of Cambridge in 1629 and returned
two years later. (fn. 45)

Oxford owed much of her early success in the
industry of printing to Archbishop Laud, who
especially concerned himself in the development
of the 'Learned' Press. (fn. 46) In 1632 the first charter
to Oxford which allowed printing was presented. (fn. 47)
It considerably extended the ordinance of the
Star Chamber, for three printers were granted to
the city, and by an amplification dated 13 March,
1632–3, each of the three might possess two presses
and train two apprentices. By the same amplification unauthorized reprints were forbidden to
be made for twenty-one years. The university was
now beginning to take a keener and truer interest
in the Oxford Press, and in 1633 a committee of
convocation 'ad audiendum, statuendum et determinandum de negotio impressorum et Praeli
& eorum quae ad imprimendum pertinent' was
appointed. This idea was subsequently followed
out by the appointment of delegacies in 1653,
1662, and 1691. (fn. 48) About this time, but certainly
not before the year 1634, Laud applied the £300
fine, inflicted on the printer of the 'Wicked' Bible
in 1631, to purchase a fount of Greek type which
was to be used for printing in either Oxford,
Cambridge, or London. As a matter of fact it
was not used at Oxford but in London. (fn. 49) To
still further improve the Press and its relations
with the university a statute was passed in 1636,
known as 'de Typographis Universitatis,' and in
this is the first mention of the Architypographus,
though no one held the office for twenty-two
years. (fn. 50) On 12 March, 1637, the university
handed over for three years all its rights of printing Bibles, Lily's Grammar, &c., in consideration
of receiving £200 a year, to the London Stationers' Company. This agreement was renewed
on several occasions, viz. 12 August, 1639;
1 October, 1661; 29 November, 1664; and
6 August, 1667. (fn. 51) It was in the year 1637 that
an important decision was come to with regard to
printing, and Mr. Hart records that type-founding
was first authorized in England during this year. (fn. 52)
On 5 May, Laud, who had in every way facilitated the acquisition of good Oriental and other
type, was able to write to the vice-chancellor,
'You are now upon a very good way towards
the setting up of a learned Press.' (fn. 53)

The Civil War broke out in 1642, and unlike
other places and other industries at Oxford, printing naturally flourished more strongly than ever
before. This was due to the fact that from
October 1642, after the battle of Edgehill, to
April, 1646, when Charles I fled to the Scots,
Oxford was the head-quarters of the king, and
many royal proclamations and other documents
were issued from the Press. The output in
1642 was 147, while at the end of the war,
after the king's execution, in 1649, only seven
works were issued. (fn. 54) During the king's stay at
Oxford the printing house had stood in what
was then called Butcher Row, now known as
Queen Street. Here on 6 October, 1644, a
disastrous fire broke out and Oxford was for
the moment deprived of her Press. Printing,
however, was soon resumed, and in 1648 the
University Press used for the first time Arabic
type. (fn. 55) It has been asserted in Bigmore's Bibliography of Printing that during the Commonwealth
and for the first nine years of the reign of Charles
II, printing was carried on in the old Congregation House of St. Mary's Church. (fn. 56) Mr. Madan,
however, finds no confirmation of this, and says
that the printers used their own hired premises
chiefly in or near Cat Street. (fn. 57) It was during this
period that the first Architypographus was elected
according to the Laudian Statutes of 1636.
Samuel Clarke, M.A., was elected to this highsounding office on 14 May, 1658, and held it
until he resigned in December 1669, when he
was succeeded by Norton Bold. This office
was to be held, according to the statutes, by 'a
person set over the printers who shall be well
skilled in the Greek and Latin tongues, and in
philological studies.' His duties were—
to supervise and look after the business of Printing and
to provide at the University expense all paper, presses,
type, &c., to prescribe the module of the letter, the
quality of the paper, and the size of the margins, when
any book is printed at the cost of the University, and
also to correct the errors of the press. (fn. 58)

The period of the Restoration was naturally a
very busy one for the Press. There was an
enormous outburst of literature upon the return
of the monarchy and the appearance of a lasting
peace. The surplus schools money was granted
by convocation for the creation and maintenance
of a 'learned Typographie' in 1660. A year
previous, Anglo-Saxon type had been introduced,
and the year of the Restoration saw the introduction for the first time of music type. Ever since
1635 Leonard Lichfield had been printer to the
university, and in 1665 his son had the honour of
printing the first copy of the oldest still existing
newspaper. The London Gazette, as it is now
known, began as the Oxford Gazette on Wednesday, 15 November, 1665; the court then being
at Oxford. It was last printed at Oxford by the
university printer on 22 January 1666, and even
after that, for the first two numbers printed elsewhere, it bore its original title of the Oxford
Gazette. (fn. 59)

Just as Archbishop Laud did his utmost for
the University Press in the reign of Charles I,
so Dr. Fell was as great a benefactor under
Charles II. Between the years 1666 and 1672
Dr. Fell made several valuable gifts of matrices. (fn. 60)
These for the most part came from Holland,
the Dutch having long been famous for this
kind of work. Bagford wrote, 'The good Bishop
provided from Holland the choicest Puncheons,
Matrices, etc., with all manner of Types that
could be had.' (fn. 61) The burgomaster of Amsterdam
also assisted Fell in his attempt to help the
Press, by presenting to the university a fount
of Coptic type. There is no question that
Dr. Fell's gift was of a most munificent character. Amongst the many appurtenances of
printing it may be noticed that he gave thirtyfour boxes of matrices, a large number of puncheons, hammers, moulds, vices, shears, blocks, and
332 dressing sticks. Besides these there were
seven printing presses, two rolling presses, many
cases, and an anvil and engine. (fn. 62) In 1667 the
first type-founding was successfully carried out
at Oxford. Mr. Madan considers that the
actual founder was a Dutchman from Batavia,
Peter Walpergen. (fn. 63) Mr. Hart thinks that
Dr. Fell had two Dutch founders, one of whom
was possibly Peter Walpergen. (fn. 64) At any rate
Walpergen did found type in Oxford at this
time and he was succeeded first by his son and
then by Mr. Sylvester Andrews. In September,
1669, the University Press was transferred to
the Sheldonian Theatre, on the floor of which
printing was carried on. (fn. 65) What was quite as
important was that the new type-foundry was
placed in the basement of the theatre. The
place was very ill-chosen, as all printing was disturbed at Commemoration and other festivals
when the theatre was required for university
purposes; on such occasions the presses and all
the materials required had to be carried into the
large loft and stored until work could be resumed. The cost of the Press at this time was
a heavy burden upon the university, and to
relieve it on 16 November, 1671, Dr. John
Fell, Sir Leoline Jenkins, Dr. Thomas Yate,
and Sir Joseph Williamson took over the working of the Press, paying the university chest
£200 per annum. (fn. 66) That Dr. Fell did his best
is shown by his own words referring to the
period between 1672 and 1679. He mentions
that the Press was taken over—
and at the expense of above four thousand pounds
furnisht from Germany, France, and Holland, an
Imprimery with all the necessaries thereof, and pursued the undertaking so vigorously, as in the short
compass of time which hath since intervened, to have
printed many considerable books in Hebrew, Greek,
and Latin, as well as in English, both for their
matter and elegance of paper and letter, very satisfactory to the learned abroad and at home. (fn. 67)
It is curious to notice that at this time many of
the compositors were Frenchmen.

Dr. Fell may be said to have launched the
University Press upon an assured path of progress. Step by step advance was made, and new
ideas and fresh gifts helped on the work so ably
started. The year 1674 saw the beginning of
the splendid series of Oxford Sheet Almanacks
that are now known throughout the world. The
year 1675 was even more famous, for it was
then that the Oxford Bible Press began, and the
first Oxford Bibles and Prayer Books bear the
date of that year. Following the noble example
of Dr. Fell, Francis Junius in 1677 gave to the
press his Gothic, Runic, Icelandic, and AngloSaxon punches. All this time the university
put up with the inconvenient situation of the
Press in the Sheldonian Theatre. It was only
when in 1688 it was realized that the fine
building was threatened by the continued working of the heavy presses that a situation elsewhere
was found to be necessary. The two sides of
the Press were divided; the 'Learned' Press was
placed in a building at the northern end of Cat
Street, while the 'Bible' Press was sent to a
house in St. Aldate's. It is worthy of notice
that although this most necessary change had
been instituted, yet the famous Sheldonian imprint was still used. (fn. 68) The history of the Press
during the seventeenth century closed with a
most suitable memorial, for it was in 1693 that
the first specimens of type ever published in
England were issued from the University Printing House.

During the first two decades of the eighteenth
century it is remarkable that in Oxford as elsewhere in England there was far more Dutch
type in use than type made in English foundries. (fn. 69)
Examples of these are well known, and Mr. T. B.
Reed writes:—

Specimens of Dr. Fell's and Junius's gifts, and an
account of the foundry with its recent acquisitions,
were frequently printed in the early part of the
eighteenth century. Rowe Mores mentions four
between 1695 and 1706. In the latter year the
document had grown to twenty-five leaves, and included a great primer and a two-line great primer
purchased in 1701, and other additions. The inventory mentions twenty-eight moulds as being the
number still in use in the foundry, and seven presses
in the printing house. It also distinguishes certain
types as being of the Dutch height, a discrepancy to
which, in all probability, may be traced that unfortunate anomaly of 'Bible' height and 'classical'
height, which to this day hampers the operations of
a foundry where, in perpetuation of a blunder made
two centuries ago, types are still cast to two different
heights agreeing neither with one another nor with
any British standard. (fn. 70)
In 1713 the two 'sides' of the Press were once
more placed within the same building. For
about two years (1711–13) a heavy rectangular
structure had been in process of building at the
eastern end of Broad Street. It was designed
by Nicholas Hawkesmoor, one of Wren's pupils,
and it was paid for out of the profits of the sale
of Lord Clarendon's History of the Rebellion, and
for this reason is known to the present time as
the Clarendon Building. It was here that the
university carried on printing until 1830.

For the first thirty or forty years during which
printing was done in the Clarendon Building,
the Press seems to have been at a low ebb, a
fact which is proved by a letter written by
Dr. William Blackstone to the Vice-Chancellor. (fn. 71)
But the prosperity of the Press only waned for a
time, and the generosity of individuals was almost
as marked in the eighteenth century as it had
been in the previous century. In 1753 Mr.
William Bowyer presented to the university the
Anglo-Saxon type belonging to Miss Elizabeth
Elstob. This remarkable lady, born in 1683,
was the daughter of Ralph Elstob, merchant of
Newcastle, and sister of the Rev. William Elstob
of Oxford. In 1715 she published her AngloSaxon Grammar which helped to prove her great
industry and learning. Mr. William Bowyer
having become possessed of the type used for
Miss Elstob's grammar sent it to Rowe Mores
to be forwarded to the university officials.
Mores took the type for repair to the famous
foundry belonging to Mr. Caslon, where it was
kept for four or five years without being touched.
Mr. Bowyer, learning this, reobtained possession
in 1758, and entrusted the type to Mr. Cottrell,
who had it 'fitted up' and made ready for use.
Once again this valuable type was sent to Rowe
Mores to be given to the university, but in
1760 Bowyer found that it was still in Mores's
hands. It was not until 1764 that the type was
handed over, and it was not until exactly a
quarter of a century after its original presentation that the university acknowledged the gift,
this being at last done in August, 1778. (fn. 72) If
proof were wanted that Oxford was not behindhand in the famous revival of printing it is to be
found in that admirable specimen of typography,
Blackstone's Charter of the Forest, printed in
1759. In this work the copper-plate initials
and the vignettes containing views of many of
the colleges and public buildings of Oxford are
of extreme beauty. There is no doubt that this
wonderful revival received very considerable
impetus from the taste and genius of Baskerville.
This founder was employed by the university
about this period, and his Greek punches,
matrices, and types, still preserved at Oxford, are
supposed to be the only relics in the country of
the great Birmingham foundry. (fn. 73) Dr. William
Blayney's folio edition of the Bible, printed in
1769, marks an epoch in the history of the Press,
for this Bible remained the standard one for
many years. The very fact that the Press had
as early as 1770 an Oxford Bible warehouse in
Paternoster Row proves that the 'low-water'
period had been successfully passed. Once again
before the century closed a generous gift assisted
the advance of the Press, for in 1785 Lord
Godolphin bequeathed £5,000 to the university,
the interest of which was to be applied to the
benefit of printing and learning. (fn. 74) The Press of
the eighteenth century might be justifiably proud
of its work, and during the last half of the century several specimens of type were issued. One
of these included Baskerville's Greek type and
the long-primer Syriac purchased from Caslon,
1768–70. Another specimen, issued in 1786,
showed that many of the old founts had been
discarded in favour of more modern letters. In
1794 a still further specimen was printed which
included amongst many others a great-primer
Greek cut by Caslon. (fn. 75)

Mr. Hart, in his article 'Charles, Lord Stanhope, and the Oxford University Press,' (fn. 76) gives
an interesting account of the arrangement and
methods employed by the university printers
when they carried on their work at the end of
the eighteenth century in the Clarendon Building. The room that is situated on the right-hand
side of the top of the steps leading from Broad
Street contained the hand presses for printing
classical works. The room to the south was
the Board Room. Above these were rooms for
the compositors and for the readers of the
'Classical' or 'Learned' Press. The storage for
this side was still made in the loft above the
Sheldonian Theatre. On the East side of the
Clarendon Building the Bible Press was located,
and its storage room was a very lengthy one
adjoining the Tower of the Five Orders. The
methods employed were very primitive. 'The
"casting" or jerking the hot metal into the
mould, in making the type, was still done by
hand.' The press itself can only be described
as a 'crazy structure' of wood, except where 'a
stone slab made a bed upon which the form of
the type was placed.' Mr. Reed records that at
this time there were five presses and one proof
press. One of these presses is spoken of as
'mahogany, set up in the year 1793,' and another as 'the new construction which works
with a lever,' set up in the same year. (fn. 77) The
ink was applied by an extremely slow process
and was put on to the type by a ball of leather.
On dark and gloomy days all the light that was
given to the printers and compositors was by
means of a few guttering tallow candles.

The progress of the eighteenth century continued in the nineteenth. In 1805 Charles,
earl of Stanhope, offered to the university his
so-called 'secret process' of stereotyping, his iron
hand press, his system of logotypes and his logotype case. (fn. 78) In October of this year two of
Stanhope's presses were set up at Oxford. Mr.
Hart says—

Lord Stanhope was the first in the field with a new
press made of iron, and with a system of compound
levers for raising the platen after the pull in lieu of
the 'squeezing and unsqueezing' described by
Luckombe, (fn. 79) or of a rope and weight.

An iron press 'of the first construction' at the
present Clarendon Press has letters sunk deep in
the front of the principal iron casting, declaring
'Stanhope invenit,' while lower down in a more
modest place is an inscription which is cut into
the metal and which records 'Walker fecit.'
The first construction, however, proved too
weak in the frame, and so, says Hart—

the Stanhope iron press was immediately improved
upon by other makers. Its inventor claimed no
monopoly and refused to protect his invention; indeed, as in the case of stereotyping, he almost invited
others to exploit it. The Stanhope press was soon
superseded by the Columbian and other iron presses;
and these again were displaced by Cope's Albion press
which has a spring in addition to the levers.

Stanhope's inking process was far inferior
to that employed at the present time; he
used rollers covered with leather, not as now
rollers of a compound of treacle and glue. (fn. 80)
Other signs of progress were shown by a Parliamentary Paper issued in 1815. By this means
it was demonstrated that during the seven preceding years the number of Bibles printed at the
University Press at Oxford was 460,500. Besides these, 400,000 Prayer Books, 386,000 New
Testaments, and 200,000 Catechisms and Psalters
had also been issued. The total value of these
was computed to have been £213,000; while
the total value of non-sacred books issued during
the same period was placed at £24,000. (fn. 81)

It is obvious from the figures quoted above
that the University Press was issuing an enormous number of books, and that it was fast
outgrowing the capabilities of the Clarendon
Building. New buildings had therefore to be
provided, and the Press was removed to Walton
Street, where the fine erection originally designed
by Daniel Robertson and completed by Edward
Blore was opened in September, 1830. The
building consists chiefly of two main blocks, each
of which is three stories in height and connected on the eastern side by others of one story.
In the centre of the principal front there is an
entrance of three arches, with an entablature and
parapet supported on Corinthian columns. The
south wing is devoted to the printing of Bibles,
while on the north the 'Learned' or classical Press
is situated. (fn. 82) Six years after the removal of the
Press to Walton Street, Mr. Joseph Castle, senior,
carried out several important changes. The
first cylinder printing machine, known as Lloyd's,
was introduced, followed almost immediately by
the first steam engine. It was, indeed, due to
Mr. Castle's talent and ingenuity that machine
work was successfully introduced, and it is
equally due to him that many other mechanical
contrivances were undertaken at this early date,
and are, in fact, still in use. In 1838 the first
double-platen printing machine was employed,
and it was well that these rapid processes of
printing were introduced, as between 1840 and
1842 there was a large increase of production
owing to the Tractarian movement. It was in the
latter year that Oxford India paper was first
used. Stereotyping by the paper process came
in about 1860, to be followed in 1863 by
electrotyping. From 1863 to 1880 Messrs.
Macmillan and Co. were the publishers for the
university for the 'Learned' Press; they were
succeeded by the present publishers, the firm of
Messrs. Henry Frowde, (fn. 83) which had published
for the Bible side since 1874. During this
period the Rev. Bartholomew Price did much
for the University Press. He was appointed
secretary in 1867, the year when the 'Clarendon
Press Series' was started. In 1872, on the
death of Mr. Thomas Combe, the Rev.
Bartholomew Price assumed the general management, and it was under his control that on 30 June,
1877, The Caxton Memorial Bible was published. One of the greatest days in the history
of the Press was 17 May 1881, when the Revised New Testament was issued, and upwards of
a million Oxford copies were sold on the first
day. At this time, however, the Press was by
no means the large industrial concern that it is
now. This change and improvement is largely
due to the new system of management that was
inaugurated on the appointment of the present
controller, Mr. Horace Hart. When he undertook the management in 1883 there were only
278 workpeople employed, by 1894 these numbers had increased to 550, and at the present
day there are about 650. In 1883 there was no
photo-mechanical department, this being introduced in 1885. The first Russian type to be
employed by the University was acquired in
1888, and two years later the first Burmese type
came into the possession of the Press. It was
not until 1900 that the type of hieroglyphics
(Lepsius) was acquired. (fn. 84) The reputation of the
University for its Oriental and learned type has
ever been maintained, and by these numerous
additions, together with the fact that the foundry
still remains a part of the Press, it is obvious
that the Clarendon Press can hold its own against
the world, for it possesses probably the largest
collection of 'polyglot' matrices of any foundry
in the kingdom. (fn. 85)

The history of the University Press may
from one aspect be put in a nutshell. The
number of books that have from time to time
been issued shows to some extent the advance or decline of printing in Oxford. The
total number of works printed between 1478
and 1900 is 19,475. If this total is broken into
groups it will be found that 148 works were
printed between 1478 and 1600; 1,161 between 1601 and 1650; 1,428 between 1651 and
1700; 1,108 between 1701 and 1750; 1,365
between 1751 and 1800; 4,449 between 1801
and 1850; and 9,816 between 1851 and 1900. (fn. 86)

Bookbinding

It is interesting to notice that the earliest
document which affords circumstantial evidence
of a studium generale at Oxford contains the name
of the first Oxford binder—Laurencius. (fn. 87) Dr.
Rashdall records this document and shows that
it was a transfer of property in 'Cattestreet.' (fn. 88)
It was in this part of Oxford, now somewhat
arbitrarily known as St. Catherine Street, that the
bookbinders had their head-quarters for 500 years.
The appearance of the name Laurencius in
about the year 1180 shows that Oxford was
carrying on a trade at a time when that trade
was particularly good, for the English bindings
produced in the second half of the twelfth century
were of an extremely fine character. (fn. 89) It is,
however, noticeable that there are no records
concerning the bindings of Oxford until the
fifteenth century, except the names of the binders,
who were apparently fairly numerous. In the
first half of the thirteenth century the name of
Reginald the bookbinder occurs in an old deed
preserved in the Oxford University Archives. (fn. 90)
In 1226 William the binder of books is mentioned, (fn. 91) and about the same time Augustine carried
on his binding trade in the parish of St. Peter's in
the East. (fn. 92) About the years 1230 and 1240
Walter the bookbinder dwelt in the same
parish, (fn. 93) and this is probably the same
Walter who is mentioned in the cartulary of
the convent of St. Frideswide in or about
the year 1246. (fn. 94) Between the years 1252
and 1290 Stephen the bookbinder lived in the
parish of St. Peter's; (fn. 95) he is very frequently
mentioned in ancient records, definitely called
'Le Bokbindere' in 1275, and dwelt in the
corner house within the Eastgate.' (fn. 96) At identically the same time William de Pikerynge,
known as a 'laminator,' dwelt in Oxford. It is
presumed that he died before 1308. His motto
has been preserved, and was Vivite innocue, lumen
adest. (fn. 97) His contemporaries and workers in the
same craft were Symon and Jon (fn. 98) and a certain
William. (fn. 99) It was to the first of these three that
the prior and convent of St. Frideswide's leased a
messuage in the parish of the Blessed Mary, and
he is mentioned as Symoni librorum ligatori.' (fn. 100) It
is evident that the William mentioned above did
not carry on his work in the usual neighbourhood, and it is more than probable that his workshop was near the castle. (fn. 101) The Hundred Rolls
of 1279 not only show that bookbinding was
done in Cat Street, but they also mention
another binder—Stephen, who resided in the
parish of St. Peter's. (fn. 102) Besides these private
binderies there was as early as 1283 a tannery
and probably a bindery used by the binders of
Oxford within the precincts of Osney Abbey. (fn. 103)

At the beginning of the fourteenth century
Walter, Augustine, and Adam, three bookbinders,
were witnesses to an undated deed now preserved
in the Oxford University Archives. (fn. 104) The last
of these had his tenement in the neighbourhood
of the present Oriel Street, (fn. 105) the place being then
known as Schidyerd Way. (fn. 106) Some years later
within the Schidyerd Way a tenement was called
'Bokbynders,' (fn. 107) and Mr. Strickland Gibson says
that this 'seems to denote a binder or gild of
binders there.' (fn. 108) It was probably in this neighbourhood that William, a bookbinder, had his
premises in 1338, (fn. 109) and Simon and John Faunt
were binding at much the same time. (fn. 110) The
earliest entry in a book stating that it was bound
at Oxford occurs at this period. The inscription,
which is of about the year 1340, states 'Istum
librum Oxonie fecit Ricardus de Redyng ligari.' (fn. 111)
The Osney Abbey bindery still continued, and
close by was what was called the Bookbinders'
Bridge, the first mention of this being in 1377.
To-day the bridge is nameless, but the passage
leading to the tenements adjoining is still known
as Bookbinders' Yard. (fn. 112) Between 1370 and 1380
individual bookbinders seem to have been few
in number, only one apparently being recorded,
namely Robert 'Bokebynder.' (fn. 113)

The fifteenth-century records open with a
distinct proof of the conservative settlement of
bookbinders in Cat Street. In the Osney Roll
a 'Tenementum Bokbyndere' in this street is
recorded for the year 1402. It was rented first
by Henry the 'lymner' (fn. 114) and later by Richard
the parchment-seller. (fn. 115) It was about this period
that the Oxford bookbinders probably used white
sheepskins for their bindings and little else. (fn. 116) From
this time onwards there are many records of
Oxford binders, and in a university it was only
natural that the trade should have been a flourishing one. For the year 1424 there is a record
that shows John Dolle, a bookbinder, lived in
Cat Street, and this is probably the same man
who occurs in 1453 under the name of John
Delle or Dolle. (fn. 117) In 1436 Stephen was ligator
librorum de Oxonia, (fn. 118) and his contemporary was
John More. This man seems to have been a
bookbinder for many years. He is frequently
mentioned in 1440 (fn. 119) and 1444. (fn. 120) From the
accounts of the church of St. Mary the Virgin,
John More, like many of his fellow craftsmen,
lived in Cat Street in the years 1460 and 1461,
and also between 1468 and 1469. (fn. 121) A neighbour of More's, 'Thomas Bokebynder de Catys
Street,' was imprisoned in 1446 for saying that
the mayor and townsfolk were not under oath
to respect the rights of the university. (fn. 122) Three
years later John Pradte or Pratt, 'bokebynder of
Oxford dwellyng yn Katstrete,' was paid five
shillings 'for mending of the bokys'; this being
an early record of payment is of some considerable interest. (fn. 123) In the will of Dr. Richard
Brown 'Johannes Bokebyndere Oxoniae' is
mentioned in the year 1452; (fn. 124) and 'William
Bokebynder' occurs as the name of a witness in
the year 1459. (fn. 125) The last date brings the history
of Oxford bookbinding to an important event.
Mr. Strickland Gibson writes:—

The earliest stamped work which can be attributed
to an Oxford binder is on a collection of sermons
written at Oxford in 1460 . . . . The dies are
disposed in the traditional English manner and two
of them are of very early design. . . . The back of
the volume is tooled with intersecting fillets and small
roundels arranged in sets of three.

These roundels are very distinctive of Oxford in the fifteenth century. (fn. 126) The next
earliest Oxford binding is to be found on an
MS. of J. Goolde belonging to University
College and bound in 1462. (fn. 127) Previous to 1734
the MS. Royal D. 6 II in the British Museum
bore the following interesting inscription, which
disappeared owing to rebinding—

Between 1480 and 1482 books were printed
by Theoderic Rood, and between 1483 and
1487 Rood seems to have been in partnership
with Thomas Hunte. These two printers
had their typical kind of decoration on the
bindings of their books, and on all the
volumes printed by the first Oxford Press
foreign influence can be traced in the type of
binding. Mr. Strickland Gibson writes: "Some
bindings, almost certainly produced at Oxford,
are not only decorated with foreign stamps, but
are absolutely foreign in design as well.' (fn. 129) The
two binders at this period were Thomas
Uffynton and John Bray, and it must have
been one or other of these who bound for 12
pence the copy of Antonius Andreae which still
retains its original covers and is preserved in
Magdalen College. (fn. 130)

During the sixteenth century some changes
were introduced in the system of binding in
Oxford. Instead of white sheepskin, from 1450
calf was almost universally used, and this remained the chief article for covering the boards,
which up to 1600 were as a general rule of oak. (fn. 131)
Besides this change, owing to the greater demand
for books 'a labour-saving tool called a roll came
into use. It consisted of a wheel engraved with
a design, which could therefore be repeated indefinitely. Many bindings decorated in this
manner are not inferior to stamped work, and
for a few years the old style was but slightly
modified, but when smaller rolls came into use
this class of binding quickly deteriorated and
soon lost its distinction.' (fn. 132) The names of the
bookbinders in this century are not so numerous
as in the preceding hundred years. There may
be two reasons for this. In the first place the
Oxford Press closed its interesting career for a
very large portion of the period; and secondly,
many bookbinders were probably classed as
stationers. In 1525 one Gressop was a binder, (fn. 133)
and in 1556 there is a record of fourteen pence
being paid to 'Cavy for bynding of a boke for the
accomptes.' (fn. 134) Another binder's name, Rowland
Jenckes or Jenkes, has been preserved to
posterity by the fact that in 1577 he was condemned at Oxford for sedition. (fn. 135) One of the
longest-established and best known bookbinders
of this period was Dominick Pinnart or Pinart.
He was admitted a bookseller in 1574, and
occurs in the Oxford University Archives as a
bookbinder in 1583. (fn. 136) He is mentioned by
Wood as a binder in 1619, (fn. 137) and probably died
in 1627, when he was buried in the university
church of St. Mary the Virgin. In the same
year in which Pinnart was admitted as a bookbinder, one Carre is mentioned in the archives
as carrying on that trade. (fn. 138) The last of the
Elizabethan bookbinders was Stephen Wilson,
who is recorded as a bookseller in 1590, and a
binder in 1591. (fn. 139) At the close of the sixteenth
century the use of clasps on bound volumes,
which had been general, now began to disappear.

The seventeenth century opened in Oxford
with a magnificent addition to its public buildings and its possession of books. In 1598 Sir
Thomas Bodley, diplomatist and scholar, began
the formation of the Bodleian Library, which
was opened in 1603, and endowed by Bodley in
1611. (fn. 140) This munificent gift led to an enormous
increase of binding work in Oxford, and there
was a consequent increase of binders. Robert
Billingsley is the earliest binder mentioned in
the seventeenth century, and he was engaged in
his trade about 1601, but he was certainly dead
before November, 1606. (fn. 141) Between 1602 and
1613 Edward Miles bound for the Bodleian
Library, (fn. 142) and for the early part of that period
Nicholas Smith did likewise, but he died in or
about 1609. (fn. 143) John Westall was also a binder,
and practised his trade as late as 1640. The name
of John Allam appears in 1610, but he did not
bind for the Bodleian later than 1631. (fn. 144) Between
1610 and 1633 Henry Blewet or Bluett lived as
a binder in St. Mary the Virgin's parish, (fn. 145) and a
contemporary, John Adams, (fn. 146) was employed for
five years by the Bodleian Library between 1613
and 1618; he also bound for Magdalen College
between 1610 and 1620. He lived close to the
historic position of bookbinders in the past, for
his house was on the north side of the schools
quadrangle, and it was here probably that he
trained his apprentice John Kearsley in 1613. (fn. 147)
In the same year Francis Peerse or Elias Peerse
and Christopher Barbar were also binders for the
Bodleian. The library in fact kept a great
number employed, and between 1615 and 1626
there were William Webb, William Johnson,
John Hill, William Davis, William Wildgoose,
William Spicer, Sampson Bele, and Robert
Nixon; the latter had been apprenticed to the
already-mentioned Robert Billingsley. (fn. 148) Roger
Barnes, of the parish of All Saints, (fn. 149) was especially
famous for his bindings, and to this day they
exhibit very skilful tooling, and the leather has
proved to be of a most durable quality. (fn. 150) He
was engaged in the trade in 1626, (fn. 151) and was
assisted by his son John Barnes, whose apprentice
was Ralph Beckford. This man bound a book
for the University Archives in 1647, and was still
a bookbinder in 1675. It is said that he was
the last to use the old-fashioned roll, (fn. 152) just as he
employed 'hatching' almost to the time of the
Commonwealth, although this 'hatching' at the
head and tail of a book had been a distinct
feature of Oxford bindings between 1598 and
1620, (fn. 153) and had then slowly gone out. Another
binder of this period who carried on his work for
many years was the already-mentioned William
Webb, who continued to bind until 1652. (fn. 154)
Seale of the Eastgate also bound for the Bodleian
Library between 1636 and 1637, and he is
probably the man whom Wood mentions for
the year 1659. (fn. 155) A William Ingram bound for
the Bodleian in the year of the Restoration,
and another William Ingram was a binder about
1680, but he died before 1684. A third Ingram
carried on the name into the eighteenth century,
binding in the years 1700 and 1701. (fn. 156) Meantime there had been several other binders, as for
example Richard Heart, who dwelt in St. Mary's
parish in 1666, and Francis Oxlade, who bound
for the library between 1668 and 1669. In
March, 1681, the bookbinder to Prince Rupert
was in Oxford, but possibly only for a short time.
Four years later James Short was a binder, and
in the year previous to the Revolution there is
the first mention of Mr. Thomas Sedgeley.
During the last seven years of the century
Thomas Churchill, William Jenkinson, George
Chambers, E. Skinner, Anthony Hall, Thompson,
and Thomas Wildgoose all carried on this
industry. (fn. 157)

Two changes in binding were introduced in
the seventeenth century. The first of these was
the gradual disappearance of the heavy oak boards
which gave way to pasteboard about 1600,
though wooden boards were used as late as 1609;
and the second was the almost general use
between 1620 and 1730 of rough calf for the
covering of the book. (fn. 158)

The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
were linked together in the history of bookbinding at Oxford by Mr. Sedgeley. He died in
October, 1719, at the ripe old age of seventytwo years. Hearne records in his diary that 'he
was an extraordinary good binder.' (fn. 159) Another
of his name must have carried on the trade, for
there are references to a Thomas Sedgeley, bookbinder, in 1721, 1727, 1738, and between 1740
and 1749. (fn. 160) Two of the original Sedgeley's
contemporaries were Cornelius Llewellyn, who
is recorded as a binder in November, 1710, and
William Thompson, who may have been the
Thompson of the previous century. Besides
these, there were West and Francis Oxlade in
1712, and Doe and William Smith between
1717 and 1719. (fn. 161) In that same year another
binder, Mr. Sele, or Seal, is entered in Hearne's
diary, (fn. 162) and he describes the style in which one,
at any rate, of his books was bound. It was
covered in 'calf's skin with red leaves, roll'd and
letter'd.' (fn. 163) Two other men, who had evidently
been binders for some time, are recorded by
Hearne for 1720 and 1721. The first case is
that of Richard Higges, concerning whom
Hearne tells us nothing except the date of his
death. (fn. 164) But the second entry is more interesting, as it records the fact that the bookbinding
fraternity, even in the eighteenth century, still
seems to be settled in its old haunt, Schidyerd
Way. Here Richard Webb continued to live
for some years, though he had retired from exercising his handicraft. (fn. 165) During the next ten
years Abbott, Henry Jones, Edmund Allin,
and G. Wightwick were binders in Oxford, (fn. 166)
besides Andrew Hanley, who was apparently
much disliked. The annoyance of the university binders in May, 1721, was owing to a
special honour having been conferred upon this
Andrew Hanley. In that year the vicechancellor matriculated this man, who had served
his apprenticeship in London and had not been
resident in Oxford very long. This action,
according to Hearne, was 'to the great mortification of the Oxford bookbinders.' (fn. 167) Hanley,
however, seems to have prospered, for when he
came to Oxford he had apprenticed himself to the
widow of a bookbinder of the name of Smith,
and in about 1725 he married Mrs. Smith and
carried on the business. (fn. 168)

During the period 1730 to 1745 there are
only four names left on record, as far as can be
ascertained, and these are Fletcher, Richard
Gillman, Alexander Thompson, and E. Willoughby. After this date the Bodleian binders
are fairly numerous. In 1745 the name of
Thomas Parker occurs, and he is again found as
a regular binder from 1751 to 1793. In 1745,
too, William Hayes bound for the library, and
the name occurs continuously from 1790 to
1830. The firm of Messrs. Hayes & Sons still
carry on the work, and as their premises are in
Oriel Street they preserve the tradition of the
bookbinders of Schidyerd Way. The last forty
years of the eighteenth-century records contain
the names of Doe and Thompson in 1762;
Wood in 1782; Joshua Cooke between 1785
and 1791; J. Padbury between 1785 and
1789, and from the New Universal Directory
it is evident that the latter was still a binder
between 1791 and 1798. Elmsley and Bardgett (?) bound for the Bodleian in 1792, but
their names do not apparently occur again. (fn. 169)
The last two binders of the eighteenth century
were Thomas Barrott and Thomas Wood. (fn. 170)

The bookbinders in Oxford during the first
twenty years of the nineteenth century seem to
have been about fifteen in number. (fn. 171) Amongst
these were Barrott in 1805, Couldrey and Elsbury in 1815, who bound for the Bodleian, but
in particular J. Saunders, whose good bindings
are still remembered by some, (fn. 172) and who continued to carry on the business well into the
century. In 1895 Edwin Hickman died, after
being a bookbinder in Oxford, and especially
binding for the Bodleian Library for many years.
He had been apprenticed to a firm belonging to
Messrs. Fred. Kile & Sons. The founder of
this firm is thought to have been a Bavarian who
had been settled in Oxford for some time before
Hickman went as his apprentice. The business
was carried on at 6 High Street, St. Clement's,
and was at one time very well known and prosperous, but before Mr. Kile died, in 1854, at the
age of eighty, it was only in a small way. A
contemporary business was that of Mr. Charles
Richards, who was both a bookseller and binder.
He sold his business to Messrs. Henry Maltby
& Bloxham, but after Mr. Bloxham died the
firm dissolved. The present business of Messrs.
Alfred Maltby & Son goes back to much the
same period, and they bind for the Bodleian.
In this work they succeeded, in 1877, Mr.
Richard Hall, who had in turn taken over the
concern of Mr. Richard Omath. About the
middle of the nineteenth century 'Mr. John
Graham had his binding shop in the New Inn
Yard, St. Aldate's.' This business was sold to a
Mr. Henry Hammans. At very much the same
time Mr. Bellamy in Paradise Square did all
Mr. Parker's pamphlet work, which was then
very considerable, and kept several hands in
constant employment. The firm of Messrs.
Bellamy & Co. is still in existence in New Inn
Hall Street. Mr. Wheeler was also a binder in
High Street in the central period of the nineteenth century, and sold his business to a Mr.
William Mansell, by whom it was again sold to
Messrs. Swadling & Ovenell. Since Mr. Swadling's death it has been carried on by Mr. E.
Ovenell in Holywell Street. 'Jerry' Ward,
William Salter, and Robert Hartley were also
binders, but their businesses were not as important as that of Messrs. Thomas & George
Shrimpton, who were originally binders in
Church Street, St. Ebbe's. They then removed
to Ship Street, and soon after sold the business to
Messrs. Morley & Brewer. (fn. 173) This Mr. Morley
was the founder of the firm now known as
Messrs. Morley Brothers, and was apprenticed to
Messrs. William Hayes & Son, in or about the
year 1845. In 1853 Mr. Morley, in partnership with Mr. Brewer, re-started the business of
Messrs. Shrimpton in Ship Street. From that
moment the firm has always had a great reputation for its particularly beautiful work in vellum
and morocco bindings. Twelve years after the
foundation of the firm the bookbinding factory
was moved from Ship Street into larger and more
commodious premises in Long Wall. (fn. 174) In 1883
Mr. Morley, senior, carried out one of the greatest
of his bookbinding undertakings, when he bound
for presentation to the Queen, Mr. Eastwick's
folio edition of The Kaisarnamah i Hind; or the
Lay of the Empress of India. The binding was
of blue morocco leather, very elaborately tooled;
in the centre was the monogram 'I.V.R.' and
in each of the four corners was the Star of India.
Some idea of the skill and labour of the designer
may be gathered from the fact that the gilding
on the book was the result of over 3,000
toolings. (fn. 175)

About sixteen or eighteen years ago Mr.
Morley obtained from the north some old spiritmarbled paper of French character. This was
shown to Mr. Morris, printer, of New Inn Hall
Street, and he was so struck by its beauty that
he was determined if possible to reproduce something of the kind. After twelve months' indefatigable labour, Mr. Morris was successful, and
produced the now well-known 'Morris paper,'
for the 'fly' or 'end' papers of books when
bound. This was at first used solely by the firm
of Morley, but it has since been taken up by
other binders. In 1897 Mr. Morley, senior,
died, and the firm, which had for some time been
known as Messrs. Morley & Sons, took the name
of Messrs. Morley Brothers. The present head of
the firm has been in the business for fifty years,
and throughout his experience no artist has ever
been employed, for the Brothers Morley execute
all their own designs and superintend the whole
work of binding, the toolings and inlayings of
which are well known in both hemispheres.

There are at the present time, besides those
already mentioned, numerous other binders who
still carry on in Oxford one of the earliest trades
that was connected with the university.

Parchment And Paper Making

In a county within the bounds of which was
situated a large and ever-increasing university,
it is only natural to expect, and to find, in early
days parchment-makers and in later times several
paper-works. The earliest year that can be
given for a studium generale in Oxford is, too,
the first year in which a parchment-maker is
mentioned. In or about 1180, Reginald, a
parchment-maker, occurs in a deed of Elias
Bradforth now preserved in the Oxford University Archives. During the reign of Richard I,
Roger pergamenarius, or parchment-maker, had
his dwelling within the parish of St. Mary the
Virgin. It would appear, from the few records
that exist, that in early times the parchmentmakers, like the bookbinders, dwelt for the most
part in or about Cat Street. It was in this street
that Simon parcamenarius, had his abode between 1240 and 1290. Here too dwelt
Stephen percamenarius, between 1251 and
1252. The names of Simon and Peter also
occur at this time as the makers of parchment. (fn. 176)
The powers of the university were gradually
extended over some of the trades which came
into intimate contact with the members of the
university, and in 1290 all the parchmentmakers of Oxford were placed under the jurisdiction of the chancellor. (fn. 177)

During the fourteenth century several names
of individuals trading in parchment are to be
found, though the exact date is not always to be
ascertained. In 1303 John de Warham is recorded as a parchment-maker. (fn. 178) The name of
Adam de Walton occurs in the University
records, and Simon, who was engaged in the
same trade, was a witness concerning land in the
parish of St. Mary the Virgin. (fn. 179) In 1377 a
John is recorded as a maker of parchment, (fn. 180) and
it is possible that he was the John Hyrys mentioned with Richard and Edward in 1380. (fn. 181)
That parchment-making continued is, of course,
an obvious fact, for books were a necessity; but
the meagre records on the subject only supply a
very few names in the fifteenth century: these
were Richard senior and junior in 1410, and
Hawkins and Alexander, who are called parchment sellers, in 1482. (fn. 182)

The next century witnessed a considerable
falling off in a trade which had evidently
flourished in the thirteenth century. During
1556 and 1594 only five names occur of men
engaged in the industry. These were James
a Wood in 1556; Thomas Wadloffe in 1564;
Gilbert Burnet alias Cornyshe in 1567; Thomas
Gowre, who resigned his office of parchmentseller in 1593–4, and was succeeded by William
Jennings or Fenninge. (fn. 183) In the first twenty years
of the seventeenth century three names are left
on record. John Cooke was followed by Henry
Dockin, who was succeeded in turn by Richard
Parne. (fn. 184) But by the seventeenth century it is
probable that white paper for books was well
known, (fn. 185) though Macpherson would place the
date of its introduction at the end rather than
the beginning of that period. (fn. 186) At any rate, by
1666 the Wolvercote paper-mill, the fame of
which is at the present day world-wide, was
established. Just as Dr. Fell exhibited so much
interest in the creation of a great Press at
Oxford, so he exercised his influence and encouraged the fitting up of the paper-mill at
Wolvercote by Mr. George Edwards, at that
time a well-known engraver. (fn. 187)

From this time forward, with several fluctuations in its history, the Wolvercote mill was
famous for paper. Hearne mentions the mill in
May, 1722, (fn. 188) and has already made an extremely
interesting remark in his diary concerning the
paper made there in 1718. 'John Beckford,'
he records, 'and his wife are now living in
Wolvercote paper-mill; he is famous for making
paper. Some of the best paper in England is
made at Wolvercote Mill.' (fn. 189) If the present
fame of the Wolvercote paper is taken into
consideration, it is worth noting that it has
been of such excellent quality for so long a
period.

There is something of a blank in the history
of Oxford paper-making during the eighteenth
century, but it is evident that it existed, and in
1792 a journeyman paper-maker was arrested for
joining in a conspiracy with ten others to demand
higher wages. (fn. 190) At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the most celebrated paper-maker
of Oxfordshire was Mr. Swann. During his
career he had control of the three paper-mills at
Wolvercote, Eynsham, and Sandford. He was
in possession of the Wolvercote mill as early as
1813. In that year he had a hot dispute with
the people of Yarnton about the water. A lawsuit was started, as the people of that place
accused the owner of the mill of having raised
the lasher during the night and let the water
through. (fn. 191) About 1850 Mr. Swann gave up the
Wolvercote mill, which at this time belonged to
the Duke of Marlborough. In 1855 it was taken
over by Mr. Combe, and he rebuilt the mill,
erecting the smaller of the two chimneys with
that date upon it. (fn. 192) In 1870 the Delegates of the
Clarendon Press determined to control their own
paper-making, and so purchased the Wolvercote
mill, which they still hold. (fn. 193) The mill is under
the guidance of the controller, Mr. Joseph Castle.

Mr. James Swann also held the mill at Eynsham, and he was a paper-maker there previous
to 1823. (fn. 194) As late as 1852 Swann & Blake
were paper manufacturers in this town, (fn. 195) and the
mill is of interest, as within its walls some of the
earliest experiments were made for making paper
from Esparto. (fn. 196) After Mr. Swann gave up the
mill it was taken by Mr. Wakefield, and it is
now tenanted by Mr. Bugg, a manufacturer of
leather boards.

The paper-mill at Sandford passed into the
hands of Mr. James Swann on 24 June, 1823. (fn. 197)
The Sandford mills are of very considerable
antiquity, but they were originally corn-mills, as
is stated in a document of 1865, in which a
reference is made to the mills having been
destroyed by fire at an earlier date and having
been almost entirely rebuilt. In a document in
the possession of the Delegates of the University
Chest, Sandford Mills existed in 1694, but it is
evident that as late as 1805 they were still corn
mills, as Joseph Hill, who was then holding the
mills, is spoken of merely as a miller. (fn. 198) The old
corn-mill was probably first converted into a
paper-mill when taken over by Mr. Swann. The
work done at first was, of course, confined to
hand-made paper. Machinery for making paper
was, however, coming in, and about the year
1840 Mr. Swann introduced a 52-in. papermaking machine with one drying cylinder. (fn. 199)
The paper duty was still being levied, and in
1853 the proprietor's machinery was seized and
sold, as he was unable to meet the demands of
the Government. (fn. 200) The next year the mill passed
from the control of the Swann family, and was
taken over by Mr. John Thomas Norris, a paper
manufacturer of Sutton Courtenay. It is in the
conveyance of this year that there is a mention
of the 'Paper-mill' yard. (fn. 201) In the same year
Mr. Park of Bury, well known to the past
generation of paper-makers, installed at Sandford
a 72-in. machine, and this was worked for many
years, but of course with numerous improvements. In 1872 a very disastrous fire broke out
in the mill, the construction of the wooden upper
stories and drying lofts rendering ready fuel to
the flames. Practically the whole of the mill
was destroyed except the steam boiler-house. (fn. 202)
Eight years after this disaster the mill was sold
by the Rev. Walter Kitching to the University
of Oxford. (fn. 203) In 1881 it was let to Alfred
Cannon, paper-maker, and he produced thick and
thin browns in rolled sheets and double-caps with
two machines of 68 and 72 in. respectively.
Two years after this a Hercules 'turbine' was
introduced by Mr. Cannon, and this was followed
in 1886 by steam engines of 120-horse power. (fn. 204)
On 27 February, 1903, a lease was drawn up
between the University and Cannon & Clapperton,
Ltd., which is the present title of the firm at
Sandford. (fn. 205) In 1905 Mr. Clapperton introduced
a second Hercules 'turbine,' but in addition to
these there is one water-wheel, for the mill is
mainly dependent upon water power. The chief
ingredients in the Sandford paper are wood pulp
and paper waste, and the different papers made
are very numerous, including 'glazed casings,'
'duplex papers,' 'cover papers,' and any coloured
tint paper.

The Weirs mill near Oxford was also in
former years a paper-making establishment. Like
so many of the others it had originally been a
corn-mill, but about the year 1824 it was converted into a paper factory. The type of paper
made was purple needle paper and coloured wallpapers, but as a general rule these were manufactured without any decorative pattern. In a few
cases, however, patterns were employed, but
these were always stamped on by hand. After
many years of this kind of work the mill began
to produce shop papers or coloured wrappers, and
this industry was carried on until 1885. In that
year the paper-making machines were taken out,
and Mr. John Towle turned the mill into a
board manufactory. Here that work is still
carried on in conjunction with Hincksey Mill,
where cardboard-making has been executed since
1825. In fact, this latter mill was one of the
earliest to produce boards for the manufacture of
portmanteaux. (fn. 206)

The neighbourhood of Henley is also well
known for its paper-mills. In 1852 Thomas
and John Hunt were paper-makers at Shiplake, (fn. 207)
and a paper-mill is still worked there by Mr. T.
Neighbour. Another paper-mill was formerly
worked at Rotherfield Peppard. Previous to 1890
it was destroyed by fire, but having been re-built
it was taken by Messrs. C. H. Smith & Sons.
During their tenancy they made fine, small, handpaper, and employed about twenty hands. Their
lease ran out in March, 1904, and they then
retired to their warehouse in Henley, where they
carry on paper-bag making as one branch of their
business. (fn. 208)

Textile Industries

Weaving in some form must have been done
in Oxfordshire in the earliest times. It existed
in Witney as early as 969, but the first record
for the city of Oxford itself is not to be found
until 1130. By the end of the reign of Henry I
gilds had been formed in many of the large towns,
and the members were most probably foreigners
who were banded together in these corporations. (fn. 209)
The Pipe Roll of 30 Henry I shows the existence
of such a gild in Oxford, and states:

The weavers of Oxford return their account of one
mark of gold for their gild. In the treasury £6 for
one mark of gold and they are quit. (fn. 210)

The names of one weaver and one fuller have
been preserved for the year 1139 in the cartulary
of the monastery of St. Frideswide. In a charter
of Stephen for that year Thomas the fuller held
land in Oxford, (fn. 211) and Ernald the weaver is also
mentioned, both in this year and again between
1180 and 1190. (fn. 212) For the first year of the reign of
Henry II Anthony Wood quotes the same words
as given in the Pipe Roll of 30 Henry I, (fn. 213) and
in the Liber Rubeus de Scaccario it is recorded,
'Telarii Oxoniae j m auri pro gilda sua.' (fn. 214) Five
years after this entry the weavers of Oxford
obtained a royal charter. (fn. 215)

Weaving industries flourished in the reign of
King John, and the number of weavers is considered to have been more than sixty. (fn. 216) During
the same period there was a fulling mill at Osney. (fn. 217)
There was some trouble between the weavers'
gild and the town authorities, for in 1224 the
weavers of Oxford paid a cask of wine as a fine
to be allowed to carry on the manufacture of
cloth as they had done under Henry II and John,
and they were no longer to be obstructed in their
craft by the mayor of the town. (fn. 218) The names
recorded of those engaged in the textile industry
during the reign of Henry III are by no means
numerous. Between 1210 and 1230 there were
Thomas and Segrim, both weavers, (fn. 219) and at the
same time Robert the fuller held land in the parish
of All Saints. (fn. 220) Another fuller named Thomas
is also mentioned between 1247 and 1250. In
1270 John the weaver obtained a messuage, (fn. 221)
and at some uncertain period of the reign Andrew
Halegoth sold cloth within the city. (fn. 222)

So large a number of weavers as existed
between 1199 and 1215 was never again
reached. In 1275 the weavers' gild was found
to be fast decaying. In this year they obtained
a reduction of their fee-farm rent from one golden
mark annually to 42s., on account of their small
numbers, now scarcely fifteen. (fn. 223) The Hundred
Rolls of 1279 preserve the names of a few of
these weavers. There were John and Roger;
William living in the parish of St. Peter-leBailey, and Augustine in the parish of St.
Michael. (fn. 224) The mayor and bailiffs of Oxford
attempted in 1284 to resuscitate the declining
trade by gaining an order to permit weavers, who
were probably foreigners, to ply their trade in
the town and suburbs of Oxford. (fn. 225) Excellent as
this would appear to be, the scheme evidently
failed, for six years later the fifteen weavers or
Oxford had so decreased that there were only
seven left to petition the king that they might
pay half a mark annually instead of 42s. (fn. 226) A
very probable reason for the falling off of the
Oxford trade at this period is to be found in
the bad means, or total lack of means, of communication. The Thames had in the past been
an excellent way of transporting merchandise,
but in the reign of Edward I or of his son
Edward II this method had become dangerous,
as is shown by a petition of the merchants of
that period. They said that the Thames passage
was blocked by 'gors, locks and mills, often to
their great peril'; they also pleaded that justices
should be appointed to see the matter remedied. (fn. 227)
But the trade was doomed, for the time at any
rate, and by 1323 the weavers of Oxford were
all dead. The burgesses, however, continued
to be charged with the 42s. a year payable to
the barons of the Exchequer. (fn. 228) It is interesting
to notice that twelve years later Walter de
Farndon was a dyer and bailiff of Oxford, a
fact which points to the existence of some trade. (fn. 229)
This can have been but very little, for in 1352
the burgesses of Oxford were released from the
arrears that they ought to have paid on behalf of
the non-existent weavers. The arrears had by
this time amounted to the considerable sum of
£63 10s. (fn. 230)

According to the records for the poll tax in
1380 better times had undoubtedly come, for
there were resident in Oxford between twentyfive and thirty weavers, and fourteen or fifteen
fullers; (fn. 231) and in about 1400 there was an eyot
near to Osney known as 'Fullingmill eyt.' (fn. 232)
That the trade continued in the next century is
evidenced by the existence of a dyer in 1444, (fn. 233)
and that the annual 42s. due from the weavers'
gild of Oxford was among the sums assigned by
Parliament to meet the expenses of the king's
household in 1450. (fn. 234) The records of Bicester
Priory give some evidences of price in the reign
of Henry VI, for £10 18s. 6d. were received
for 23 tods of pure wool sold to a certain
merchant at Oxford. The same account proves
the existence of a clothier at Great Tew of the
name of John Bandye who was paid for blue
cloth the sum of £7 15s. 2d. (fn. 235) This was the
period when the Cotswold wool was at the
height of its fame, and Chipping Norton, as
being on the edge of the Cotswold county, vied
with Chipping Campden as a woollen market.
Previous to 1451 John Yonge was a celebrated
woollen merchant in Chipping Norton. (fn. 236) But
the great day in the history of weaving in
Oxfordshire was reached in 1546, when William
Stumpe, clothier, of Malmesbury, rented Osney
Abbey. It may be regarded as one of the earliest
attempts to create a factory on a very large scale,
for Stumpe's intention was to employ 2,000
hands. Leland mentions that Stumpe was a rich
clothier, who, after the dissolution of the monasteries, between 1536 and 1539, bought the abbey
of Malmesbury of the king. It is said that all the
offices of this ancient monastery were filled with
looms for the weaving of cloth. Stumpe intended
to use Osney Abbey in the same way. It is.
however, uncertain that he occupied his Oxford
'factory' for very long, though in all probability
he did expend a certain amount on the fitting up
of the premises as a mill. In the Records of
the City of Oxford the minute recites 'What
Mr. Stumpe must have at Osney,' and then
continues with 'What Mr. Stumpe must do
havyng Osney.'

Fyrst he must paye yerely for rent in the whole xviij li
by equall partes at the foure usuall termes. Second,
he shall make noo undertenant, nor leave hit to ony
man withowt the consent of the Deane and chapter
there, provided that the Deane and chapter shall gyve
their consent withowt difficultie, yf the undertenant
be honest and hable to occupye the said howses and
mylles accordyngly to the meanyng of thes indentures.
Thyrdly, he must bynd hymself to fynd work for ij M
(2,000) persons from tyme to tyme, if they may be
gotten, that wyll do their worke well contynually in
clothemakyng, for the succour of the cytye of Oxenford and the contrey about yt, for the which intent
the mylles were made. (fn. 237)

The impossibility of carrying out this last clause
was sufficient reason for the total failure of the
scheme.

The price of wool was said to be raised about
the middle of the sixteenth century by rich
graziers combining and keeping in the supply. (fn. 238)
But the trade flourished in Oxfordshire, particularly in Oxford, Chipping Norton, Burford,
and Banbury. Burford was described in the
reign of Edward VI as 'a very great market
toune and replenished with much people.' (fn. 239) The
great woollen merchants of Burford were the Sylvesters, and they had been engaged in this industry
for many years. (fn. 240) Connected with the clothing
industry of the same town was Symon Wysedome, (fn. 241)
who resided in Burford in the reign of Queen
Elizabeth. At the same time a 'wole-house'
in Shepe Street, in Banbury, is mentioned, and
William Richardson was appointed aulnager in
1552. (fn. 242) Three years later in Oxford a fulling
mill was 'set upp betweene the hygh brydge and
Ruly Wall by Mr. Mallyson.' On 14 February,
1572, the minutes of the corporation record 'the
Orders of the Incorporation of the Misterie of
Weavers and Fullers of Oxford.' The Records
of the City of Oxford contain the following
account—

These orders are engrossed in 3 parchement skinnes,
under seale confirmed and approved by Edward
Saunders, Knight, Lord Cheife Baron of the Exchequer, and William Lovelace Esquyer Serieante at
Lawe, Justices of ye Assize for Oxfordshire 27 Feb.
A° Eliz: 14°'

They have a circuit of 5 miles allotted them
about Oxford and ye suburbes thereof, wthin which
bounds no man must worke in ye misterie of weavers
and fullers unlesse he be of their fellowship.

They are to chose 2 wardens every yere, the one
a weaver, ye other a fuller, uppon ye feast of ye exaltation of ye Crosse beinge ye 14 day of September,
uppon which day they are all to goe to church
togeather to heare some prayer or homilie red there to
them etc.; that beinge done then they are to goe to
ye choice of their 2 wardens and 4 bedells or warners.

Those 2 wardens are to make search at times
convenient after any kind of weavers or fullers worke
not well and competently done, and to see that every
weaver have in his house or shop from the summe of
16 bores to the summe of 700 harneyses and slayes,
3 beares betweene every harnys; and yt every fuller
have eleven corse of handells and 2 payre of sheres at
ye least etc. under ye payne of 2s. 6d. etc. No fuller
within ye sayd circuite may kepe or occupy in their
houses journeymen, otherwise called cardes, uppon
payne of 6s. etc.

They may keepe their courts uppon their 4 usuall
quarter dayes every yeare, 14 to be sworne of ye jury
to enquire if their orders be well kept.' (fn. 243)

By an order of 1575 woollen cloth might be
bought and sold by anyone in Oxford, (fn. 244) and
in the next year by the Act of Parliament
18 Elizabeth, c. 21, it was—

lawful for every person to buy and sell within the
Borough of Woodstock all manner of wools and yarns
brought into the Borough in the usual market and
fair days. (fn. 245)

The chief clothiers elsewhere were Edmund
Sylvester the elder (fn. 246) and John Floyd (fn. 247) of Burford,
and Walter Jones (fn. 248) and John and Stephen Collier
of Witney. (fn. 249)

James I in 1608 granted by a charter a wool
market to Banbury. The profits gained by the
town authorities by means of this market were
to be expended for the public good, and for the
sustenance of the poor and the infirm. (fn. 250) Two
years later, for the advancement of this market,
a wool house was erected in Banbury, where
the trade was carried on with some briskness. (fn. 251)
White cloth seems to have been the chief
industry in Oxfordshire in these early years of
the seventeenth century, (fn. 252) and although the trade
had spread to different towns it is evident that it
was still carried on in Oxford itself, as one
Thomas Almont, a bailiff of the city for 1620,
was a fuller by trade. (fn. 253) But Banbury, besides
being famous for its Puritanic leanings, must also
have been celebrated for its wool industry, for it
is referred to in 1636 by Sir William Davenant
when he wrote—

The weaver of Banbury, that hopes
To intice Heaven by singing, to make him lord
Of twenty looms. (fn. 254)

As to Chipping Norton, its woollen industry
still continued, and Kirtland infers that many of
the fine houses in the centre of the town were
occupied by merchants of position. (fn. 255) With
regard to Oxford itself, Anthony Wood not
only records the existence in 1660 of one John
Clarke a dyer, (fn. 256) but he definitely shows that
Oxford in former times 'was a town of clothing.' (fn. 257) He again writes—

The woll market according to tradition [was]
formerly in Halywell Green and on part of the ground
(included in Magdalen College Grove) sometimes
known by the name of Parys Mede. Here it seemes
according to an old booke which belonged sometimes
to the weevers of Oxon hath bin 23 loomes at once
working and barges passing thereby and coming up
to it on the river Charwell. As also according to a
certain note that I have seen 70 fullers and weevers
were altogeather sometimes there inhabiting. (fn. 258)

At the beginning of the eighteenth century
Banbury came forward with rapidity as an
industrial centre for textile manufactures. In
or about the year 1701 Messrs. Cobb & Co.,
manufacturers of webs and horse-clothing, were
founded; (fn. 259) and about the same time it is evident
that dyeing was done in Banbury, for Josiah
Franklin, father of the famous Benjamin Franklin,
broke away from the family tradition, and deserted
the hereditary smithy and his birthplace in
Northamptonshire, to follow the occupation of
a dyer in Banbury. (fn. 260) In 1718 a fresh charter,
somewhat similar to that of James I, was granted
by George I to Banbury, and by it the town
was allowed to continue the woollen industry. (fn. 261)
During the reign of George I there are references, but certainly only a few, in the parish
registers to jersey combers, jersey weavers,
worsted, silk, linen, and garter weavers. (fn. 262) Chipping Norton was not to be left behind, and in
1746, according to more modern sources, (fn. 263) or,
at any rate, in 1757, according to Kirtland, (fn. 264)
Messrs. Bliss and Sons founded their well-known
mills, at first for the manufacture of tilting
and linsey wolseys. In 1776 the villages round
Oxford were busily engaged in handloom weaving, and one such that was particularly well
known was that of Charlbury. (fn. 265) In the same
year the Oxford Journal, by means of its advertisements, reveals the fact that the weaving
industry was in a flourishing condition, both in
the city of Oxford and the surrounding neighbourhood. On 7 June there occurs the
following:—

Notice is hereby given to all spinners of Yarn, Hemp
and small flax within 25 miles of the city of Oxford,
that they may have employment from August next.
N.B. Several hundreds may have employment: The
sooner application is made the better. (fn. 266)

The woollen trade of Burford had not as yet
disappeared, and well into the nineteenth century
this town continued its manufacture of duffles
or duffields and rugs. (fn. 267) And in the Antiquarian
Itinerary there is a plate of the year 1816
which shows the large warehouses of the
Sylvesters as still standing. (fn. 268)

Banbury was the chief centre, however, and
its trade was evidently extensive for Mr. Philip
Rusher to mention it in 'Crouch Hill, a Poem.'

Here flourish manufactories and arts,
And num'rous workmen ply their useful parts;
Swift fly the pointed shuttles through the looms,
And moving beams reverb'rate round the rooms.
Quick industry, with busy air and face,
Presides o'er all and moves from place to place. (fn. 269)

The manufacture for which the town of Banbury was particularly famous was worsted plush, (fn. 270)
though there were others such as web and girth
making. This plush was generally spoken of as
a coarse velvet, and was also made in the villages
of Bloxham, (fn. 271) Bourton, Wardington, and West
Shefford. (fn. 272) In 1831, from the population returns, it appears that 125 men were employed in
Banbury in the plush and girth trade. This
return, however, was distinctly misleading, as the
Banbury employers sent their work out into the
neighbourhood, and it is conjectured that at the
least 550 men, women, and children were engaged in some portion of these manufactures.
According to the Report of the Commissioners
on Municipal Corporations, the Banbury trade in
1835 was regarded as having declined. If this
were not actually true at that date it was certainly
the case between 1841 and 1851, as the census
return of the latter year points out that the
population of Adderbury was gradually decreasing
owing to the emigration of the plush weavers to
Coventry. (fn. 273) Before 1841, however, the trade
was fairly progressive, and it is best shown by
the report of 21 December, 1838, from the secretary of the Assistant Hand-loom Weavers' Commissioners. Of this document Beesley says that
a report
was made to Parliament respecting Banbury. From
this it appears that, at that date, the manufacture of
plushes and other very heavy fabrics of worsted and
cotton, variously intermingled, chiefly for exportation,
was in the hands of three different firms—Gillett,
Harris, and Baughen—and employed 430 looms. These
firms were stated to be the only plush manufacturers
in England making rough articles for clothing, except
one house at Manchester, which made a few sealiottes
for waistcoating and caps. All the articles produced
in Banbury in the plush trade were in the style of
velvets, and were made in looms of the oldest construction with the shuttles passed by hand. Coarse
wires, inserted between the warp threads in weaving,
form the pile, the threads across the wires being cut
with a lance to form the pile of those which are
strictly plushes; while other articles variously designated have a curly surface formed by simply withdrawing the wires without cutting the threads which
cross them. Many of these fabrics go through the
hands of merchants to Portugal, Spain, Italy, and
the south of Europe generally. 'A man,' says one of
the accounts reported, 'ought to make a piece of from
forty-two to forty-four yards of livery plush in a
month, for which he would receive about £3.'

The report further states that the manufacture of
webs or girthing and horse-cloths had been carried on
in Banbury by the family of Messrs. Cobb for about
140 years. The manufactured articles are supplied
to Birmingham, Walsall, Glasgow, Bristol, &c., whence
they find their way into general consumption. The
number of persons employed in 1838 in weaving and
winding was about forty. The weavers were chiefly
men and boys, but there were five girls weaving
light articles, the looms being all single-handed and
making only one breadth at a time. All winding,
warping, and filling of quills, were done by hands
expressly employed by the master. The men had
merely to put in their warps and shoot down the
weft. The average weekly earnings of the boys
winding these were then 1s. 10½d., and the average
weekly earnings of the weaver by piece work were
11s. 0¾d.; they worked on an average 9½ hours a
day, six days a week. (fn. 274)

In 1852 there were three plush manufacturers,
Messrs. Baughen, Messrs. Haynes, and Messrs.
Lees. In the same year the webbing, horsecloth, and girth manufacturers were Messrs. Cobb,
Messrs. Taylor, Messrs. Laurance & Walker,
and the spinning of worsted and mohair was
carried on only by Thomas Baughen at Victoria
Mills. (fn. 275) Eight years later the manufacture of
plush is said to have been extensive, employing
120 families. (fn. 276)

Meantime, in Chipping Norton, Messrs. Bliss
& Sons carried on their woollen industry.
About 1821 they made kerseys, webs, and horseclothing, and a few years later took up the
manufacture of serges and tweeds. (fn. 277) In 1852
they employed 150 hands. In 1867 they received
the gold medal in Class III at the Amsterdam
Exhibition, and in the same year Napoleon III
wished to bestow upon them a new order of
reward. At the present time no member of the
Bliss family is in the firm; it has been made into
a limited liability company, and the work done
tends much to the prosperity of the old woollen
centre of Chipping Norton. Banbury is still famous
for its plush. The firm of Messrs. Cubitt, Son &
Co. continues to carry on business, while Messrs.
W. Wrench & Co. manufacture plush at the
neighbouring village of Shutford. The old industry of horse-cloths is now in the hands of
Messrs. James Walker & Sons. (fn. 278) But of the
ancient weaving that was formerly carried on
either in Burford or in Oxford there is now no
trace, and the textile industries of the county in
general may be said to have given way before the
great businesses of South Lancashire and the
West Riding of Yorkshire.

Blanket-Making

The blankets of Witney are celebrated throughout the world, and their manufacture is probably
the best-known industry of Oxfordshire. It is
satisfactory to learn that unlike so many of the
other trades of this county, blanket-making is
more flourishing than ever before. (fn. 279) That weaving has long been established in Witney has been
well proved by a mention of the 'fullers' isle' in
a charter of King Edgar of the year 969. (fn. 280) According to Mr. Monk (fn. 281) there is every reason for
believing that the woollen industry was carried
on in Witney and most of the neighbouring
villages at the time of the Norman Conquest.
This was certainly the case elsewhere in the
county, and Witney, with its splendid stream the
Windrush, was as well situated for the cleansing
of the wool as any other of the Oxfordshire townships. The same reasons that now make Witney
the centre of the blanket industry held good in
this early period. Here was a small town in a fine
wool-growing district with a clear atmosphere
and pure water. From very early days the Bishop
of Winchester had a palace at Witney, the site
of which is now occupied by a house called 'The
Mount.' In 1221 Henry III stayed with the
then Bishop of Winchester in this palace, and
from an account of his visit it may be inferred
that Witney, even in these early times, was
famous for the manufacture of woollen goods,
and it points to a flourishing trade that must have
been carried on in that valley for many generations. Henry expended the then enormous sum
of 'xx pounds upon his wardrobe during his visit
to Peter des Roches at Wittenage.' (fn. 282)

Up to this time there is no sign of blankets
being made. It is not until about the year 1320
that one Thomas Blanket at Bristol is traditionally supposed to have invented a woollen
fabric with the nap raised and of a length hitherto
unknown. The story goes that from this invention, and from the name of the inventor, the soft
woollen covering, now such a necessity, had its
origin, and a new word was added to the English
language. Mr. Thorold Rogers considers the
manufacture of blankets to have existed in Witney
for 500 years, (fn. 283) and he records that 319 fleeces
were sent from Heyford and 262 fleeces from
Radcliffe to Witney in 1385, the carriage for
which was 1s. 4½d. (fn. 284) Witney, however, was
nearer to the famous wool-growing country of
the Cotswolds than either Heyford or Radcliffe.
In the next century the Cotswold sheep were
particularly celebrated for their fine wool, some
of which was no doubt purchased by the 'blanketeers' of the valley of the Windrush. So
valuable, indeed, were these sheep that they were
considered worthy gifts from one sovereign to
another, and Edward IV presented some in 1464
to Henry of Castile, and four years later some
more were sent to John of Aragon. (fn. 285) At this
time and for a century before there had been a
general influx of foreigners from Flanders, and
from the ecclesiastical accounts at Witney the
names that are recorded at the beginning of the
reign of Henry VIII show distinct Flemish
origin. (fn. 286) In 1521, however, there is one English
name recorded, namely, that of John Baker, who
was a weaver in Witney at that time. (fn. 287) Under
Queen Mary in 1555 the Weavers Act was
passed, (fn. 288) and the Witney people were affected as
all other weavers in the country. But under
Elizabeth an Act was passed with reference to a
few special counties where the woollen industry
was carried on. By the Act the breadth of
white woollen cloths was determined for the
counties of Wiltshire, Gloucester, Somerset, and
Oxford. (fn. 289)

The Witney woollen trade was in a flourishing
state during the latter part of the sixteenth century; and early in the seventeenth century
Walter Jones had amassed so great a fortune, as
a wool merchant of Witney, that he was able to
purchase the Chastleton Estates, and became a
large landowner. (fn. 290) Amongst others connected
with the trade at this time were John Collier,
clothier, and Stephen Collier, (fn. 291) fuller, members
of a family well known in Witney for many
generations.

Blankets were made to some extent in the
reign of James I, and it was evidently an extremely flourishing trade in 1641, because of the
number of petitions sent from Witney during
that year. On 12 August the blanket-makers
petitioned against a misuse of the sealing of their
bundles.

Wm. Howes now deceased and his son Wm. Howes
have for the last 30 years forced petitioners to have
every bundle of blankets sealed at a rate which has
been raised from 2d. to 6d. per bundle, besides fines
and exactions proceeding, and have therefore enriched
themselves. (fn. 292)

This petition is referred to in the Journals of the
House of Lords as follows:—

Upon reading the Petition of the Blanket Makers of
the toune of Witney, in the County of Oxon, complaining of a patent for the sealing of their Blankets,
which is a great oppression for them; it is ordered
that the Patent, by which the same are sealed, shall be
brought into this House, and that the Patentees shall
appear before their Lordships, on Thursday the 26th
of this instant, and that the patentees shall forbeare to
lay any imposition upon the said Blankets made or to
be made in that Toune until the pleasure of this
House be further known. (fn. 293)

As a sign, however, of the extensive trade of
Witney, the petition asking that the rights and
privileges of the Royal African Company might
be protected is peculiarly interesting. There
can have been no reason for the manufacturers of
Witney to have interfered in this matter, unless
they had already started their trade in rugs and
blankets with the natives of Africa. (fn. 294)

By the year 1677 the foreign trade of Witney
was well established, and Dr. Plot leaves an excellent account of the trade at this time:—

The Blanketing trade of Witney is advanced to that
height that no place comes near it; some, I know,
attribute a great part of the excellency of these Blankets to the abstersive nitrous water of the River
Windrush where they are scoured . . . . but others
there are again that rather think they owe it to a
peculiar way of loose spinning the people have hereabout, perhaps they may both concur to it: However
it be 'tis plain they are esteemed so far beyond all
others, that this place has engrossed the whole trade of
the Nation for this Commodity; in so much that the
wool for their use, which is chiefly fell wool (off from
sheep-skins) centers here from some of the furthermost parts of the kingdom, viz. from Rumney-marsh,
Canterbury, Colchester, Norwich, Exeter, Leicester,
Northampton, Coventry, Huntingdon, etc., of which
the Blanketers, whereof there are at least three score in
this town, that amongst them have at least 150 looms,
employing near 3,000 poor people, from children of
eight years old to decrepit old age, do work out above
a hundred packs of wool per week.

This Fell wool they separate into five or six sorts,
viz. long fell wooll, head wooll, bay wool, ordinary,
middle and tail wooll: Long fell wooll they send to
Wells, Taunton, Tiverton, etc., for making worsted
stockings; of head wool and bay wool, they make the
blankets of 12, 11, 10 quarters broad, and sometimes send it, if it bear a good price to Kederminster
for making their stuffs, and to Evesham, Parshore, etc.
for making yarn stockings; or into Essex for making
Bays, whence one sort of them, I suppose, is called bay
wool: of the ordinary and middle they make blankets
of 8 and 7 quarters broad; and of these mixed with
the courser locks of fleece wooll a sort of stuff they
call Duffields (which if finer than ordinary, they make,
too, of fleece wooll) of which Duffields and blankets
consists the chief trade of Witney.

These Duffields, so called from a town in Brabant,
where the trade of them first began (whence it came
to Colchester, Braintry, etc. and so to Witney) otherwise called shags, and by the Merchants, trucking
cloth; they make in pieces about 30 yards long and
one yard ¾ broad, and dye them red or blue, which
are the colours best please the Indians of Virginia
and New England, with whom the merchants truck
them for Bever, other Furs of several Beasts, etc., the
use they have for them is to apparel themselves with
them, their manner being to tear them into gowns of
about two yards long, thrusting their arms through
two holes made for that purpose and so wrapping the
rest about them as we do our loose coats. Our merchants have abused them for many years with so false
colours that they will not hold their gloss above a
month's wear; but there is an ingenious person of
Witney that has improved them much of late, by
fixing upon them a true blue dye, having an eye of
red, whereof as soon as the Indians shall be made
sensible, and the disturbances now amongst them over,
no doubt the trade in those will be much advanced
again.

Of their best tail wooll, they make the blankets of
6 quarters broad commonly called cuts, which serve
seamen for their Hammocs, and of their worst Wednel
for collar-makers, wrappers to pack their blankets in,
and tilt-cloths for Barge-men. They send all sorts of
Duffields and Blankets weekly in waggons up to
London, which return laden with fell-wooll from
Leaden-hall and Barnaby Street in Southwark, whither
'tis brought for this purpose from most places above
mentioned; Oxfordshire and the adjacent counties
being not able to supply them. (fn. 295)

During this century and even as early as the
sixteenth century the Wenman family were
connected with the wool trade in Witney, and
also represented the county in the House of
Commons on several occasions. (fn. 296) At the end of
the seventeenth century the Early family had
started their business, which they have continued up to the present time. Five generations
of this family have had a large share in the
history of blanket-making for the past 250
years, (fn. 297) and they are said to be the oldest manufacturing family of one trade in England. (fn. 298) About
the same time John and Thomas Brookes were
blanketers at Witney, but they failed in 1707. (fn. 299)
A few years previous to this Witney was
honoured by a royal visit, for James II, according
to Wood, in 1687 'afterwards went to Yarnton,
Cassington, and then to Witney where they presented him with a pair of blankets with golden
fringe.' (fn. 300) That trade was very prosperous in
Witney at this time is evidenced by the number
of tokens that still exist. (fn. 301)

The 23rd of May, 1710, was a great day in
the history of blanket-making. On that day a
charter was granted to the Company of Blanketweavers. It was intended by this means to
foster the blanket manufactory, but it really
smothered the trade instead. It restricted competition; laid down rules that soon became obsolete; and the free manufacturer naturally refused
to be so checked. According to the charter
the company was 'to encourage and promote all
arts and manufactures.' Only those who were
legally entitled to be blanket-weavers were 'to
use and exercise the art and mystery of blanketweaving in Witney aforesaid, or twenty miles
round the same.' The company itself was to
'be incorporated by the name of the Master,
Assistant, Wardens, and Commonalty of blankett
weavers, inhabiting in Witney in the county of
Oxon.' It was also ordained that the company
'may have and use a common seal for the affairs
and business of the said Corporation.' This
seal is now in the possession of the firm of Charles
Early & Co., and has been recently introduced
into their registered trade mark. Besides the
actual officers of the company, a high steward
was appointed, and on this occasion he was
Henry, earl of Rochester. The first master was
John White, senior, while the assistants were
Thomas Early, Thomas Johnson, Edward Bird,
Michael Baughin, William Rogers, William
Jones, William Townsend, and Thomas Boulton.
As wardens, the company, 'ordain, nominate,
constitute and appoint' William Baughin and
John Cowell; 'our well-beloved subject, James
Hall, gent.,' was appointed clerk or secretary
for life. The company was given the right 'to
prepare, make, ordain and constitute such and
so many good and wholesome by-laws.' (fn. 302)
Amongst these laws were those concerning
apprenticeship, the last of these apprentices being
Mr. Charles Early, whose indenture was drawn
up in the year 1838. By this document the
apprentice was bound not 'to contract matrimony
within the said Term, he shall not play at Cards
or Dice Tables or any other unlawful games
. . . he shall not haunt Taverns or Playhouses nor absent himself from his said Master's
service.' (fn. 303)

On 12 January, 1711, the first meeting of
the Blanket Company was held under the
Master White. (fn. 304) Amongst the original members
there were several whose names are still well
known in Witney. There were John Dutton,
Robert Collier, Edward Busby, Thomas Ffuller,
William Marriott, Richard Deane, Thomas
Ffreeman, Joseph Basson, Thomas Brookes the
Younger, Richard Collins, John Early and John
Wiggins. The last two were not sworn in
because they were Quakers and so 'made the
solemn declaration instead of taking the oath.'
The second master, William Early, was appointed
this year. (fn. 305) At this time the trade over which
the company exercised jurisdiction was very considerable, and in 1712 there were 115 members.
From 1700 to 1730, the industry seems to have
employed 3,000 persons from eight years old and
upwards, and 150 looms were in constant use. (fn. 306)

Within ten years of the first meeting of the
company a Blanket Hall was erected. This
probably took place in or about the year 1721. (fn. 307)
At this hall all the blankets made at Witney
were weighed, measured, and marked. Here,
too, meetings were held, fines were imposed, and
the company exercised the rights and privileges
granted by the charter. (fn. 308) Among the records in
the minute book, of fines inflicted, and other
matters, there are many curious and quaint
entries. In March, 1711, 'One George Green,
a member of the company, was fined five shillings
for working with his daughter in his loom, and
at the same time refusing to give work to a
journeyman who applied for it.' Another case
that came up for judgement on the same day
was that of Edward Dutton, who 'was fined 20s.
for making a stockful of Blanketting or stuff for
pettycoats 36 yards long 8/4 and half wide, contrary to the good rules and orders of the company.'
On another occasion 'Thomas Early is fined
20s. for making a stockful of coarse middles two
and a half yards in each blanket.' This same
Thomas Early and Michael Baughin were fined
1s. each for 'leaving the court without leave
of the master.' From 1730 to 1740 the
number of members began to decrease. It
was seen by the more energetic manufacturers
that the company restricted rather than assisted
the trade. The members of the company also
seem to have looked to the festive side of the
gatherings rather than to the manufacture of
blankets. Thus in 1732 a minute records,
'Ordered for the future that the Company's
Dinner be ready on table by twelve of the
clock, and that such of the Company as shall
not appear by one o'clock (whether the books be
brought up or not) to be fined a shilling each, and
no excuse except sickness or London journeys.' (fn. 309)
It is not surprising that some members revolted.
Thus William Dutton and Thomas Wiggins
were fined 2s. each, for they 'gave vile scurrilous
and opprobrious language to the master and
assistants.' In much the same way in 1738
William Bird called the master a fool, reviled
the company, and dared to say that he would
'never bring any more goods to the Hall.' (fn. 310)
The company sometimes refused the right of
blanket-weaving to certain individuals. It is
recorded in 1738:—

that the wardens give notice forthwith unto John Coxeter
and Thomas Silky, not to presume to follow the trade of
blanket weavers in Witney or within 20 miles thereof,
and in case they shall presume to offend against this
order it is further ordered that an action be brought
in the name of this Company to recover the several
penalties by them respectively incurred, by not
observing the By-laws of this Company, as well as
for all past offences as for those which shall hereafter
be committed, the expenses whereof to be paid by
the master for the time being, out of the stock of
this Company.

Although the members quarrelled among themselves, yet they were willing to support their
country at a time of need. In 1745 it is
recorded in the Book of the Company:—

Whereas it was agreed that this Company should
raise 30 men for the service of his majesty in suppressing the present unnatural rebellion, and it
appearing to be agreeable to the government to have
the same paid in money (to wit) one guinea for each
man, it is agreed and ordered that the present master
do pay the sum of thirty guineas into the hand of the
proper officer and take a receipt, in lieu of the 30
men to serve as their quota in the Oxfordshire Regiment of Foot commanded by the Right Honourable
Lord Viscount Harcourt. (fn. 311)

In 1754 the company was obliged to elect a
new High Steward. For some years this purely
honorary position had been held by the Earl of
Clarendon, but on his death the Duke of Marlborough was elected. Twelve years later a
great national question caused much rejoicing
in Witney, for in 1766 the blanket-makers
lighted bonfires and expressed their delight at
the repeal of the Stamp Act. (fn. 312) About this time
the blanket trade was not as flourishing as it had
been. Although Mr. Monk (fn. 313) writes an account
of a visit to Witney in 1769, in which the
trade seems to be extremely good, yet Arthur
Young (fn. 314) does not show the same figures a
year previous. Young proves that there were
only 500 weavers in Witney in 1768. He says
that 7,000 packs of wool were made up; that the
wages ranged from 10s. to 12s. a week; and
that some of the blankets cost as much as £3 a
pair. In 1775 the blanket-makers of Witney
were regarded as sufficiently important to be
listened to in the House of Commons, and they
succeeded in their petition for the reduction of
the heavy duties on rape seed, the oil from which
was used in the manufacture of blankets. (fn. 315)
Machinery was now coming into use. In 1764
Hargreaves had introduced the spinning jenny,
and other machines had been invented. That
the blanket-makers were ready to take up these
machines is evidenced by an entry in the Court
Book of the Company in 1782 in which it is
stated:—

It is unanimously agreed to purchase, erect and set
up an engine for rowing Blankets upon the same construction as the Company are informed are used at
Colchester, etc., and that Mr. Richard Lardner be
empowered to take a stockful of kersey blankets to be
rowed by the said Rowing machine. (fn. 316)

Edmund Wright and Thomas Townsend were
the first two manufacturers at Witney to use
machinery. It is clear, however, that in this
trade as in others the taking up of machinery
was very slow. The people of the villages for
14 miles round Witney continued to spin by
hand, but it was gradually found that they could
not produce enough to keep up with the demand
for Witney blankets. In 1792 it is recorded that
a large quantity of wool was consumed weekly
and that the foreign orders were very extensive.
The home trade was also good, and Witney
blankets were brought before the notice of
royalty when John Early, the master of the
Blanket Company, with several others, went to
Nuneham, near Oxford, and presented George III
and Queen Charlotte with a pair of blankets. (fn. 317)

In 1802 400 hands were employed in this
manufacture, (fn. 318) but in 1805 Macpherson in his
Annals of Commerce records that 3,000 of both
sexes were engaged in sorting, spinning, and
weaving. (fn. 319) At about this time Giles quotes an
interesting account of the trade:— (fn. 320)

Witney is very famous for its woollen manufacture
which consists of what they call Kersey-pieces, coarse
bear-skins and blankets. The two first they make
for the North-American market, vast quantities being
sent up the river St. Lawrence, and also to New
York, Boston, etc. The finest blankets, which rise in
price to three pounds a pair, are exported to Spain
and Portugal; but all of them are first sent to
London in broad-wheel waggons, four or five of which
go every week. The finest wools they work come
from Herefordshire and Worcestershire, and sell from
eight-pence to ten-pence a pound. The coarsest is
brought from Lincolnshire; they call it Daylocks and
purchase it for about four-pence half-penny a pound;
it is used in making the coarse bearskins. There
are about five hundred weavers in the town
who work up seven thousand packs annually.
Journeymen in general earn on an average from ten
to twelve shillings a week, all the year round; but
they work from four in the morning to eight at night.
The work is of that nature that a boy of fourteen
years of age earns as much as a man. Boys and
girls of seven or eight years of age earn from eighteen
to twenty pence a week by quilling and cornering.
Old women of sixty or seventy earn sixpence a day
by picking and sorting the wool. A strong woman
can earn from tenpence to a shilling a day by
spinning; and a girl of fourteen four-pence or fivepence. They weave according to the season; in
winter kerseys and bearskins, ready for shipping in
the summer for the St. Lawrence; and in summer
blankets for home consumption and to supply the
markets of Spain and Portugal. The blankets usually
purchased at home are about three and twenty and
four and twenty shillings a pair, ten quarters wide
and twelve long.

Arthur Young, writing in 1807, says that
the Witney trade was considerably improved by
the invention of the 'Spring Loom,' by which
one man was able to do the work of two.
Previous to this invention the looms were of the
most primitive description; the journeyman
stood on one side with the apprentice opposite,
and the shuttle was thrown from one to the
other. After the introduction of the spring
loom, trade was considerably increased. The
machinery was said to earn £4,000 a year,
though wages kept at very much the same rate
as in 1768, viz. 12s. a week. Some of the
blankets made at this time cost as much as
£5 a pair, (fn. 321) and Witney was as celebrated as
ever for the fine quality of its productions. (fn. 322)
Immediately before this period the businesses
in Witney had been in the hands of many
small capitalists employing a few weavers and
sending the yarn to the cottages in the neighbourhood to be spun. By 1826, however, this
seems to have been changed, and the few larger
capitalists had succeeded in gathering together the
scattered and numerous smaller concerns. Cobbett remarked this on 30 September, 1826, when
he wrote, 'There were, only a few years ago,
above thirty blanket manufacturers at Witney;
twenty-five of these have been swallowed up
by the five that now have all the manufacture
in their hands.' (fn. 323) That this was good for the
neighbourhood and for the industry can scarcely
be doubted. Between 1841 and 1851 the
population of Coggs increased because of the
blanket industry. At Hailey and at Crawley
blankets were made, and Giles records the existence of tucking or fulling mills at Minster Lovel,
Worsham, Swinbrook, Widford, and Burford.
At this time the average of blanket-pieces and
pilot cloth at Witney was 10,000 in number,
and the average value per piece £9. The
six chief manufacturers were, in 1852, John
Early & Co., Richard Early, Edward Early,
Richard Early junior, Early Brothers, and
Horatio Collier. These six firms consumed
weekly 120 packs of wool, weighing 240 lb.
each. Every year about 93,000 blankets were
made, and on the premises belonging to the firms
800 men, women, and children were regularly
employed. (fn. 324)

This prosperous state of affairs continues. In
1899 it was recorded that about 800 hands
were employed and 250 looms. (fn. 325) Charles Early
& Co., the oldest of the firms now in Witney,
employ about 400 factory hands in their wellappointed and up-to-date mills. The next oldest
firm is that of William Smith & Co., and besides
this there is another well-known Witney family
now engaged in the trade, namely, that of James
Marriot & Co. The wool used in blanketmaking is drawn from various sources. Both
English 'fleece wool' shorn from the live sheep,
and 'skin wool' taken by the fellmongers off the
skins of sheep killed by the butcher, are used;
and besides there are the wools from Australia,
New Zealand, India, and other wool-producing
countries. The first process is to blend the
various sorts of wools. The wool is then put
into the 'willey' or willow to prepare it for the
carding machine. There are two 'willeys,' the
one the 'shake' willey, filled with iron spikes to
beat and roughly open the wool, the other the
'teazer,' with curved steel teeth which further
open the wool. From the machines the wool
is passed on to the 'scribbler' and 'carder,'
leaving the latter in loosely-formed 'slivers,'
which are in turn passed between leather rubbers
to give them some consistency when they are
wound on long wooden bobbins. These bobbins
are placed on the spinning mule, where the
threads are stretched and receive the necessary
amount of twist, being finally wound on to
wooden spools ready for the weaver's shuttle.
The woven piece when cut from the loom has
still several processes through which to pass
before it resembles the fleecy Witney blanket.
In the stock house it is passed through an alkaline solution, and then is placed in the fulling
stocks, where it is pounded by the heavy hammers which shrink the fabric and leave it spotlessly clean. In the milling machine the
shrinking process is completed, and the cloth is
then of the right substance. To brighten the
colour of the piece it is finally washed, placed
in the centrifugal machine, whirled round a
thousand times a minute, and left dry enough for
bleaching. In the bleaching house the blankets
are hung in sulphur fumes for about ten hours,
and it is from this process that they get
their somewhat pungent smell. In dry weather
they are stretched out of doors on tenter-hooks,
but in wet weather they are placed in steamheated chambers. Clean, dry, and white, the
heavy fabric is passed 'under a revolving cylinder clothed with a spiral wire cord the teeth of
which draw out the fibres of wool from the surface of the cloth.' The piece is finally cut up
into separate blankets, the edges are whipped or
bound; each blanket is scrutinized and smoothed
over, and is packed for home or foreign use
under the title of what it truly is—'a real
Witney blanket.' (fn. 326)

Silk weaving and winding

The people of Oxfordshire have never engaged to any great extent in this industry, and
at the present time there is no silk weaving or
winding done in the county as far as the writer
has been able to ascertain. The silk industry is
first mentioned by Dr. Plot in 1677, when he
records that silk stockings were woven at Oxford.
This industry was carried on by means of a new
invention due to the mechanical genius of Mr.
William Lee, M.A. (fn. 327) How long this industry
remained in the city it is impossible to say. In
the reign of George I it would appear that a
certain number, though very few, silk-weavers
were dwellers in Banbury, as shown by the
parish registers of that reign. (fn. 328) At Henley-onThames a silk industry was carried on at the
beginning of the nineteenth century. In 1823
two silk-factors had their works in this town;
Messrs. Barbel & Beuzeville had their premises
in Friday Street, and Mr. G. Skelton carried on
this trade in Mann Lane. (fn. 329) As late as 1856
Henley continued to do a certain amount of
business in silk. For several years previous to this
date a silk-winding mill had stood in Phyllis Court
Lane. The silk was sent from London and wound
by women and girls, but the factory could only
have been on a very small scale as the total weekly
wages amounted only to between £30 and £40. (fn. 330)

Lace-making

Lace-making in Oxfordshire is an industry of
small size, but of great importance to many of
the women of the villages, particularly on the
eastern and southern sides of the county. The
lace that is made in Oxfordshire does not bear
the title of the county, but is known to the
world as Buckinghamshire lace, for it is exactly
the same as that extremely charming threadwork named 'Bucks pillow-point.' Mrs. Palliser in her History of Lace describes the process
of making in clear terms:—

The pillow is a round or oval board, stuffed so as
to form a cushion, and placed upon the knees of the
work-woman. On this pillow a stiff piece of parchment is fixed with small holes pricked through to
mark the pattern. Through these holes pins are
stuck into the cushion. The threads with which the
lace is formed are wound on bobbins, formerly bones,
now small round pieces of wood, about the size of a
pencil, having round their upper ends a deep groove,
so formed as to reduce the bobbin to a thin neck, on
which the thread is wound, a separate bobbin being
used for each thread. By the twisting and crossing
of these threads the ground of the lace is formed.
The pattern or figure, technically called gimp, is
made by interweaving a thread much thicker than
that forming the groundwork, according to the design
picked out on the parchment. Such has been the
pillow and the method of using it, with but slight
variety, for more than three centuries. (fn. 331)

Lace-making dates back to the sixteenth
century, and tradition has always ascribed its
introduction to Queen Catherine of Aragon,
who, it is said, did much to develop the art in
the villages. Whether this is true or not, lacemaking seems to have been well understood by
the time of Queen Elizabeth. To this day in
Oxfordshire there is a lace which is commonly
made, with a graceful fern pattern interwoven
on the groundwork, and this is always known
amongst the women-workers as the Queen
Elizabeth pattern. It is interesting to notice
that this pattern is identical with the lace carved
on the statue of Elizabeth at Cumnor, and as
far as can be ascertained from the workers, the
pattern is of great age and has been handed
down from mother to daughter through many
generations.

It is more than probable that the Flemings had
much to do with the lace-making in this part of
England. Between the years 1570 and 1580,
these Flemings escaped from the despotism of
Alva and Philip II, and took up their residence in Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire and
came over the border into Oxfordshire. (fn. 332) In this
county the industry was, of course, never a large
one, but it seems to have been carried on by a
few workers, and the art was never lost, being
continued through the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In 1778 a new style of lace
was introduced which gave a slight encouragement to the trade, and this was called 'point
ground' lace. (fn. 333) After the outbreak of the French
Revolution in 1789, there was a steady influx of
French émigrés to this country, and it is well
known that in Buckinghamshire they engaged
in the lace trade, and it is presumed that they
undertook the same art in the immediately
adjacent counties. (fn. 334)

Both Arthur Young and Mr. Brewer record
the fact that lace was made at the beginning of
the nineteenth century at Thame; (fn. 335) and it is
evident that the industry was still fairly common
in that neighbourhood in 1820. (fn. 336) But between
1810 and 1830 many lace-making machines
were introduced, especially those of Joseph
Heathcoat, with the result that the demand for
hand-made lace began to decline. By about
the year 1850 the lace industry of Thame had
practically disappeared. In 1851, however,
better times came. The Great Exhibition of
that year gave a very considerable impetus to all
forms of lace-making, and the hand-made lace
industry revived by means of the introduction
and great demand for Maltese guipures. (fn. 337)

In the four lace-making counties of Buckingham, Bedford, Northampton, and Oxford, there
were in 1862 25,000 lace-makers, but only a
very small proportion of these lived in Oxfordshire. (fn. 338) From this date until very recently there
was again a great falling off in the number of
those employed in this beautiful art. It is proposed by one who is deeply interested in the
industry that this decline was due to the fact
that the old parchment patterns of their ancestors had by that time been completely worn out
by frequent use, and that the women-workers
lacked the proper training for the creation of
really good and perfectly accurate new patterns,
for when they did trouble to prick out new sheets
these were generally carelessly done, and many
errors were to be found in the lace. On the
other hand, a writer in the Connoisseur would put
the cause of the decline down to a very
different fact, and says:—

The great fault of our English lace-workers is that
they do not move with the times in producing up-todate shapes, preferring to keep the same parchments
and patterns that their grandmothers did, and which
are not at all suitable for present day fashions. (fn. 339)

Much, however, to revive the industry has
been done in recent years by purely private
enterprise on the part of certain Oxfordshire
ladies. The excellent results of this were to be
seen in 1905 at the Albert Hall, where there was
an exhibition of the Thame lace industry. At
the present time lace is made in many other
villages besides Thame. A very little is made in
Banbury and its neighbourhood. It has never
died out at Chinnor, and now there are about a
dozen workers producing very excellent lace.
At Sydenham, near Thame, the lace-making is
also of a high standard, and in fact has been
regarded of such capital quality as to gain prizes.
In the neighbourhood of Henley the lace-woman
still plies her craft, and at Stokenchurch fairly
good lace is also being produced. In neither of
these districts has lace-making ceased since its
first introduction. In Wheatley this is not the
case, for here lace-work died out completely, and
has only been revived in recent years. The lace
produced is now becoming extremely good and
is being sold outside the village. This state of
affairs is largely due to private enterprise and to
the fact that there are technical classes for instructing the girls of Wheatley to keep up an industry which was the pride of their grandmothers.

Leather

Mr. Thorold Rogers has said that the tanning
of leather was probably a by-product in most
villages in England. (fn. 340) It may be safely concluded
that since the early middle ages tanning and the
other adjuncts of the leather industry have been
undertaken by the people of Oxford, Burford,
Witney, and Bampton. As early as the Norman
Conquest there were probably leather-dressers in
Oxford itself. Wood says:—

Cordwainry or Cordiners Rew (in ancient evidences
written 'cordwanaria,' 'corviseria,' 'corniseria,' and
'allutaria'); soe called from those that employ themselves about leather, that is to say, tanners, curriers,
and shoemakers, having bin all probably in antient
times of the same gild.

Those that are called 'allutarii,' I suppose are the
same that tan the skins of beasts and provide them for
the 'corviserii' or 'corearii,' which are called curriers;
and those that are 'cordwanarii' are those that work
upon the leather soe provided either for shoes or
bootes . . .

The place therefore for the Cordwayners in Oxon
(whose fraternity is as antient as the Norman Conquest,
if not before) as also thes here called 'corviserii'
and 'allutarii' were in the parishes of St. Michael's at
Northgate and St. Martin's as divers antient scripts
testifye. . . . 'Tis evident that their shops were on
the east side of North Gate Street. (fn. 341)

The antiquity of the Cordwainers' gild is well
shown by the fact that it was reconstituted in
1131. (fn. 342) Liber Rubeus de Scaccario stated the
fees paid by this gild in 1155, (fn. 343) and mention of
these is also made by Anthony Wood.

Several of the names of these early leatherdressers have been preserved. Thus in the last few
years of the reign of Henry II, Lambert was a
cordwainer in Oxford. (fn. 344) Under King John,
Hugh practised the leather trade in the parish of
St. Edward's, (fn. 345) and Richard the cordwainer became an alderman of the city. (fn. 346) Under Henry III
Hugh the cordwainer was evidently of some considerable importance in the parish of St. Edward's,
as the chaplain acted with Hugh's 'consensu et
consilio.' (fn. 347) This Hugh had probably a son who
afterwards carried on the same trade, for between
1235 and 1248 there is mention of Hugh the
cordwainer, junior. (fn. 348) Besides these were Ralph, (fn. 349)
and Walter the currier; (fn. 350) Thorold and James
flourished as tanners about 1240; (fn. 351) Robert Bonnallet was a cordwainer about the same time; (fn. 352)
while James the currier held property in Oxford
ten years later. (fn. 353) By means of the Hundred
Rolls of 1279 still further names may be added
to the above list. James was a cordwainer, (fn. 354)
while the tanners for the most part lived in
St. Ebbe's, two women being amongst them,
Maud and Agnes, the men being John and
Richard. The other tanners at this time were
Jordan, Gilbert, Philip, and Roger. (fn. 355) Five years
later, in 1283, it is recorded that leather was prepared within the abbey of Osney, which at that
time possessed its own tannery. (fn. 356)

The ordinance for Oxford market was passed
in 1318, and the tanners and cordwainers were
arranged for as in the case of all other trades.
Their situation was precisely that described by
Wood. (fn. 357) On 18 January, 1321, Edward II
issued a writ concerning the cordwainers. The
gild of leather traders had prayed the king to
confirm their charter from King Henry (III), and
to grant further that they may use their franchises within the suburbs of Oxford. They
specifically ask that a declaration shall be made
that no one shall cut leather tanned or of Cordova,
nor shall anyone be allowed to sell such leather
within the town or its suburbs unless he be
a member of the gild. (fn. 358) The king by his writ
would appear to have been most anxious to encourage the gild of the industry of leather-dressing, and Ogle says that the writ
expresses the King's stern displeasure with the Bailiffs
for their disobedience to his repeated injunctions in
favour of the guild of Cordwainers and Corvisors
(leather cutters and shoe-makers), prohibiting foreigners
to the guild from following their trade in the city or
suburbs. The guild is to pay 2s. annually to the
crown beyond their ancient fee of an ounce of gold
and 5s. The Bailiffs are to appear before the King
on Feb. 9 to answer for any neglect of this order.

On 18 July these injunctions were once more
repeated. (fn. 359) Only two names are left on record
as being connected with the leather trade in the
reign of Edward III, viz. John Peggy a cordwainer, and John a tanner. (fn. 360) But that there
were many more than these is shown in the reign
of Richard II by the poll tax records of 1380,
where there are mentioned twelve tanners, twelve
cordwainers, twenty skinners, and four saddlers. (fn. 361)

Burford had by this time taken up the leather
industry, as is proved by the mention of John
Dyze or John Dye in the years 1378 and 1385. (fn. 362)
Almost a hundred years later, in 1481, William
Kempe, a leather-dresser, held a tenement in
Burford. (fn. 363) The trade, however, still flourished in
Oxford during the same period. In 1432 William
Michel was a skinner; in 1439 William Chynnour is mentioned as engaged in the same craft;
in 1442 John Barton was a 'corvysere,' and
William Wykeham a skinner; in 1451 Gye
Capellyn was a shoemaker; in the same year
Thomas Martin was a 'corsere,' and in 1458
Thomas Awfyn, 'corveyser,' was a surety for
Plomer Hall. (fn. 364) In 1512 the craft of cordwainers
was still in existence, as seen by an award of that
year, (fn. 365) and also by the fact that Richard Balle, a
tanner, was possessed of lands in Oxford in 1514. (fn. 366)
The saddlery trade continued, and in the Lay
Subsidy Records of 1524 there are three men
recorded as engaged in this business. (fn. 367) Henley,
though by no means particularly famous for the
leather industry, had at this time a tanner of its
own. (fn. 368)

It was during the seventeenth century that Oxford and Oxfordshire became noted for their leather
goods. Within the city the leather industry led
to municipal honours on many occasions. In
1604 the mayor, Thomas Cossham, was a cordwainer; (fn. 369) in 1607 Richard Paynter, a fellmonger,
was elected bailiff; (fn. 370) in 1624 Robert Wilmott
held the same office, (fn. 371) and so also Thomas Tredwell in 1633. (fn. 372) Matthew Langley, a tanner, was
bailiff in 1644, (fn. 373) and was succeeded by John
Newman, saddler. (fn. 374) In 1648 Richard Mellor, fellmonger, became bailiff, and mayor in 1652. (fn. 375) In
1654 Anthony Kendall, (fn. 376) and in 1658 Richard
Philipps, (fn. 377) both engaged in leather, became bailiffs
of the city. These lists of city honours in themselves prove how popular the leather industry was,
and by the time of the Restoration Oxford had a
great reputation for its leather work, but in particular for its saddles. (fn. 378)

Burford, however, was soon to take away from
Oxford its celebrity for saddles. Even at this
time it was known for the excellent make and
pattern, and Plot says in 1677, 'Burford has
been famous out of mind for the making of
saddles.' (fn. 379) The pride of the Burford people in
their chief industry was exemplified on two occasions. The first was in March, 1681, when
Charles II was going to a race-meeting. On his
way he visited the ancient borough of Burford;
he was met by all the members of the corporation and solemnly presented with a rich silverlaced saddle, holsters, and bridle. (fn. 380) The second
occasion was in 1695. At this time one of the
inhabitants of the town was reputed by the English
to be the best saddler in Europe. 'Two of his
masterpieces were respectfully offered' to King
William III, 'who received them with much
grace and ordered them to be specially reserved
for his own use.' (fn. 381) Chamberlayne in 1700 (fn. 382)
noted that Burford was famous for saddles, and in
about 1730 Cox (fn. 383) remarks the same.

Meantime Bampton and Witney had become
well known for their leather-dressing. At Witney in 1677, Plot says that there were
a great many Fell-mongers out of whom at the
neighbouring Town of Bampton there arises . . .
considerable trade, the Fell-mongers' sheepskins, after
dressed and strained, being here made into wares, viz.
Jackets, Breeches, Leather linings, etc., which they
chiefly vent into Berkshire, Wiltshire, and Dorsetshire,
no town in England having a trade like it in that sort
of ware. (fn. 384)

In the eighteenth century Cox says that the
leather was dressed by means of a kind of amber
that was found in the quarries at Bladen and
Water Perry. (fn. 385) But the leather trades of Oxfordshire lost their celebrity as the century drew to a
close, though between 1791 and 1798 there were
in Burford several fellmongers. (fn. 386) Certainly a
saddlery business belonging to Mr. Minchin was
founded at Chipping Norton in 1795 and continues still; so also in the 1806 edition of Gough's
Camden's Britannia, Burford is said to be famous
for saddles, but the industry was then very
different from what it had been in former times.
In Oxford itself Mr. J. R. Green records the
existence of the Cordwainers' Company as late as
1720, but it was a relic of the past. (fn. 387) A cordwainer of the name of John Ducker held four
messuages in the parish of St. Ebbe's in Oxford
in 1773, (fn. 388) but now tanning in Oxford has become
a bygone trade, though some dozen saddlers at
the present time help to keep up the old fame of
the city for its saddlery and harness, while over a
hundred boot and shoe shops and warehouses
carry on a trade which has been so long established there.

Glove-Making

Many of the inhabitants of the county of Oxford are still interested in the making of gloves.
The industry is of the greatest antiquity, probably
going back to Anglo-Saxon times. At the present day Woodstock is the centre of the manufacture of these particular articles, but that ancient
royal manor has only been connected with the
making of gloves since the sixteenth century. (fn. 389)
For many hundreds of years before that time the
city of Oxford itself was busied in the glove industry, and several of the city officials were
'gaunters' or glove-makers.

From the Hundred Rolls of the year 1279 it
is evident that glove-making was practised, if not
actually within the city walls, at least close by,
for Adam the glove-maker is shown to be living
within the parish of St. Clement's. (fn. 390) Thirteen
years later there were regular glovers' shops established within the city itself, and these were
attacked by an unruly mob, described as 'rude
varlets.' The cause of this outrage is not, however, clear. (fn. 391) The gloving industry was not
checked by this riotous conduct, and under the
regulation of the market in 1318 the glovers
were granted a regular position for the sale of
their wares. (fn. 392) 'The sellers of gloves and whitawyers,' we are told, 'shall stand between All
Saints' church and the tenement which was sometimes John le Goldsmyth's.' The exact spot indicated has been identified as being very near to
the present Mitre Hotel. At this period, however, gloving does not appear to have been taken
up by any great number of the inhabitants, and
there are but few scattered references to the
trade, as for example the mention of one John
the glover in 1358. (fn. 393) And even at the time of
the Poll Tax in 1380 there were apparently only
eight men engaged in this occupation, (fn. 394) one of
whom, at any rate, seems to have been a man of
property, as in 1381 he was engaged in a suit for
the recovery of land. (fn. 395)

Brighter times dawned for the glovers in the
fifteenth century, although two only are actually
mentioned, namely, in 1439 David Clowdesley,
and in 1450 John Karyn; (fn. 396) yet their numbers
were evidently on the increase, and by the first
year of Edward IV they had become sufficiently
important to form a gild of their own. (fn. 397) Still,
their success is a mere matter of speculation, and
there is a blank in the records of gloving until
the Tudor period, except for the fact that the
manorial records of Bicester state two prices for
gloves during the fifteenth century; one pair of
gloves cost 20 pence, while twelve pair, evidently
of a poorer quality, were purchased for 5s. (fn. 398) That
Oxford gloves were well known and valued is
evident from a reference in January, 1512, in
the king's Book of Payments, where it is recorded that a scholar bought Oxford gloves valued
at 6s. 8d. (fn. 399) It is possible that these were made
by John Palmer, one of the glovers of the day. (fn. 400)
This man must have either given up business or
died before 1524, because in that year he is not
mentioned as a glover in the records of the Lay
Subsidy, the only three glovers being John Brigeman, John Hulckyns, and John Pye. (fn. 401) Fifteen
years later the mayor of Oxford was one John
Berry or Barry; he was a native of Eynsham,
and carried on the industry of gloving. (fn. 402)

After the accession of Queen Elizabeth, John
Redshaw was one of the Oxford glovers, and
practised his craft in St. Ebbe's between 1568 and
1585. (fn. 403) Glove-wearing now appears to have
become more common than ever before; the
gloves were heavily scented, and were frequently
given as gifts. Thus Sir Thomas Pope and his
wife were on several occasions presented with
gloves by the university. (fn. 404) The city accounts
illustrate this same practice:—

Item, payed to Wylliam Asley for v payer of gloves,
viz. iij payer for Sr Fraunces Knolles and two payer
for the Quene's soliceter, delivered to Mr Mayer,
xxxs.(fn. 405)

In 1575 a rather cheaper kind of glove was presented 'unto my Lord Dallawar's sonn.' (fn. 406) That
Oxford gloves varied very considerably at this
time both in price and in material is shown in a
letter written by Owen Lloyd to William Pryse,
on 13 October, 1580. The latter is desired to
send sixteen pair of Oxford gloves of the very
finest kind. They are to cost from five to six
groats each, and are to be made of 'double chevrell.' Six pair are for women and six for men,
while the remainder are for 'very ancient and
grave men spiritual.' (fn. 407) This should be compared
with a reference in the city records where the
prices mentioned are very different, and where it
is evident that gloves were regarded as well worth
keeping. On 2 July, 1583, it is recorded:

At this Counsell was delivered unto Mr Baylie Lane
and Edmunde Barton iiij payre of gloves of viijli and
one payre of a marke, to be safelie kepte or solde to
the best advantage and to thuse of this Cytie. (fn. 408)

Meantime these good prices seem to have brought
the glovers' gild into notice once again. On
19 June, 1562, it was enacted by the whole of
the city council that the town seal should be put
to the book of the Mystery of Glovers so that
the same should be allowed before the justices of
assize. (fn. 409) From this date up to 1581 there are
more frequent references to the glovers themselves, such as William Asheley, Rowland Barber,
William Inglesbe, Henry Wylkes, Robert Andros,
Jenken Appowell, and Reynold Savige. (fn. 410)

It has been shown by Anthony Wood why
it was that Oxford was so celebrated for its
gloves. Writing in the latter part of the
seventeenth century, he says definitely that the
industry was largely due to the excellence of
the water of the Cherwell.

'Besides also,' he writes, 'it hath soe great vertue
therein that all skins of a more delicate kind (as it
hath bin generally observed) are soe well seasoned
with it for the making of white leather that none
whiter, softer or better is hardly found.' (fn. 411)

It is probable that there were other reasons,
not the least being the nearness of the Cotswold
sheep, the wool of which went to the woollen
districts, but the skins were sent into Oxford.
The deer of Wychwood Forest also supplied
much of the material, and at this period the
forest borders came within easy reach of the
city. Although in Wood's time there was still
a master glover in the person of Mr. Harrison (fn. 412) at
Oxford, yet there can be little doubt that the real
centre of the glove industry had passed from the
university city to the royal borough of Woodstock, situated on what were then the confines of
Wychwood. Even as late as 1677 Plot speaks
of Oxford and Bampton as being celebrated for
gloves, and Cox says the same at the beginning
of the eighteenth century, (fn. 413) but Woodstock had
now become the headquarters of the trade.

Dr. Brewer, in his topographical account of
Oxfordshire, (fn. 414) speaks of the glove industry as being
introduced into Woodstock about the middle of
the eighteenth century. He has either omitted
an important reference to an earlier period, or
perhaps means that the industry was taken up
on a particularly large scale. As a matter of
fact from a view of frankpledge as early as the
year 1580 it is very evident that gloving was
well known at Woodstock, and had probably
been practised there for some time. In that
year, 1580, it was laid down—

That no glover dwellinge within this toune shall
from henceforth have above twoe buyers uppon any
markett or fayer daye, and that no foren glover shall
have anye buyer but himself or one for him, and non
of them shall buye anye fell or fells before they be
brought into the markett place appointed for the
same (that is to saye) betwene the corner of Richard
Lowe's house, the markett stone pitched against the
Guild Hall unto the upper end of Crowne Lane,
uppon payne to forfett for every offence to the
contrary iiis. iiijd. (fn. 415)

Gloving having been once introduced into
Woodstock, it has remained there with fluctuating
fortunes to the present time. It is most likely
that the gloves presented to James I by the
university in 1616 were made in Woodstock,
though there is no absolute proof. (fn. 416) Throughout
the eighteenth century Woodstock was the chief
centre of the industry; it was, however, surrounded by many rivals. At Oxford, for
example, there was one Jenks a glover in 1721,
and at Burford Jabez Wall & Son were glovemakers as early as 1755, (fn. 417) while the trade also
continued at Bampton, but here it was fast
decaying.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century
Arthur Young remarks upon the trade at Woodstock, only bestowing upon it a cursory glance
and noting the fact that twenty or thirty dozen
pairs of gloves were made every week within
the borough and the neighbouring villages.
But he pointed out what a great increase there
had been between 1803 and 1813. In the latter
year sixty to seventy men were regularly employed
as 'grounders' of leather and cutters of gloves;
their wages ranged from £1 1s. to £1 10s.
a week. At the same time there were between
1,400 and 1,500 women and girls earning a
weekly wage of between 8s. and 12s. He
remarks that the particularly famous glove was
one of doeskin, which would still be in a good
state after using it regularly for driving for a
whole year, and only cost 5s. The output
was between 360 and 400 dozen pairs. The
principal manufacturers were Mr. Cross,
Mr. Dewsnap, and Mr. Eldridge. (fn. 418) But there
were many others, as, for example, James
Benham, Sarah Cross, Sarah Green, Joseph
Groat, W. Hedges, J. Mears, N. Money,
T. Morley, Nolder & Baughen, T. Taylor,
J. Willis, and W. Windus. (fn. 419) The fame of
Woodstock continued to spread, (fn. 420) but besides the
industry gaining in notoriety, (fn. 421) it also played an
important part in staving off the fear of 'unemployed' in the district. Thus in 1818 there
is an entry in the vestry books of Burford to this
effect: 'Agreed that a person shall be engaged
to learn (sic) one person in every poor family to
make gloves.' (fn. 422) But while the industry increased
in some parts it steadily decreased in others.
Between 1841 and 1851 the populations of
Charlbury and Wootton increased considerably,
and the census return of that period puts this
increase down to the fact that people were
attracted by the glove industry. (fn. 423) On the other
hand in Bampton in the year 1848 there was
only one glove-maker left, whereas in previous
times there had been several. (fn. 424)

About the year 1850 the gloving industry
at Woodstock was extremely thriving. The
weekly output was 500 dozen pairs, and the
numbers employed were about 100 men and
1,500 women. (fn. 425) At this time amongst other firms
there were those of Money and also of Godden,
two firms that exist in the present year, and
have been in Woodstock for close on a century.
In the following year Edmund Webley started
his business, which still continues. At this
time the 'splitting' was done almost entirely
by hand, and practically no machinery was used.
The period spent in learning the trade was
longer than at the present time, for five years'
apprenticeship had to be served to learn the
most difficult process of the trade—cutting. It
was probably a few years before this period
that what is now known as the Manor Farm,
Old Woodstock, was used as a glove factory. (fn. 426)
Woodstock has ever had its rivals. There were
two glovers at Banbury in 1852 and two also
at Witney. (fn. 427) The present firm belonging to
Mr. Pritchett at Witney was one of these. It
was founded from 80 to 100 years ago by
Mr. Pritchett's great-uncle. The founder had
learnt his trade at Woodstock, then almost at the
height of its fame, and had migrated to Witney. (fn. 428)
Another important firm in the county for almost
the last hundred years is that of Messrs. B. Bowen
& Son, glove manufacturers, at Chipping Norton. (fn. 429)
It was founded in 1825 by the father of the
present senior member of the firm, who has been
mayor of Chipping Norton on more than one
occasion. The Historical Gazetteer of Oxfordshire for the year 1852 reports that a very large
quantity of gloves were made at Chipping
Norton by this firm, the fame of which had
been spread throughout the country by their
exhibits of gloves.

The gloving industry of Oxfordshire is at the
present time scarcely as flourishing as it was
fifty years ago. At the right time of year,
however, the hedges are still covered with sheepskins and goatskins bleaching in the sun, while
at the cottage doors both at Woodstock and in
the neighbouring villages the women may be
seen plying their needles. (fn. 430) This practice is
more common in the Stonesfield district than
elsewhere, for in the neighbourhood of Witney
machine sewing is most general. (fn. 431) In 1904 it
was estimated that about 2,000 women and
girls worked at gloving (fn. 432) in this part of the
county. At the glove-factory at Witney the
chief manufactures are buckskin (made from
reindeer-skin), imitation buck, doeskin (made
from sheep and lamb skins dressed in oil), and
driving gloves (made from tanned sheepskins
imported from Cape Colony). In addition to
supplying the home trade various kinds of gloves
are manufactured for export to the colonies,
the Continent, Japan, and the United States of
America. The hands actually employed on the
premises in Mr. Pritchett's works are about
sixty, but from 200 to 300 makers and finishers
are also continually busy in Witney itself, and
in such villages as Hailey, Leafield, North Leigh,
Fulbrook, Ducklington, and Finstock. Nearly
all the work in this neighbourhood is paid for
by 'the piece,' and the rates average about the
same as those paid in other gloving districts in
England. One great advantage of the gloving
industry is that it is a very healthy one for
those engaged in it, and accidents are practically
unknown. (fn. 433)

At Chipping Norton the gloving is still
carried on by two or three firms, (fn. 434) the chief one
being that of Messrs. Bowen & Son, already
mentioned. In the factory here, which is
situated in the High Street, the most approved
and modern developments in machinery and
appliances are to be seen. The leather used
by this firm for making their gloves is of their
own dressing in the tanyard and dressing works
near the parish church. The gloves are sewn
and finished by hand, and consist principally of
patent cut driving and military gloves. (fn. 435) At
Charlbury there is (in 1905) a factory belonging
to Messrs. Fownes, and in all the neighbouring
villages lying on the borders of the forests of
Cornbury and Wychwood the industry is still
carried on. (fn. 436) Here the women buy their own
machines, making five dozen pair of gauntlets
and earning about £1 per week. (fn. 437) Besides the
firms already mentioned as existing at Woodstock, there is also the factory of R. & J. Pullman, Limited. This firm succeeded about
sixteen years ago to the business of Messrs.
Russell & Sons. They prepare their own leather,
having two mills at Godalming, where they are
known as leather-dressers. Both English and
foreign skins are used, but 1905 was a rather
bad year for gloves, as the skin market was
extremely high. Messrs. R. & J. Pullman
make all kinds of gloves, real buckskin, mock
buckskin, Cape gloves, and particularly all
classes of athletic gloves. Their goods are sent
from Woodstock all over the world, and every
attempt is made to keep up to date. The
number of hands employed is about sixty in the
factory and from 150 to 200 in the villages. (fn. 438)

The chief difficulty in the gloving industry
is to get good cutters. The cutter is he who
cuts out from the leather the 'trank'; he then
forms the 'fourchette' or slip between the
fingers, and also the 'quirk' or gusset near the
thumb. The tan driving gloves are made with
the greatest care and prepared by a peculiar
method in which the yolk of eggs imported
from Normandy, Ireland, and even Russia, plays
an important part. (fn. 439) Every piece of the glove
is numbered, and carefully fitted. The machine
sewing is wonderfully accurate, and machines
have now been invented to execute every kind
of stitch. In all the factories in the neighbourhood a very perfect system of supervision is
exercised, and it is impossible for anything of an
inferior description to leave any of the establishments.

Malting and Brewing

The county of Oxford has been time out
of mind celebrated for its brewing, and to-day
the fame of Oxford ales is still widespread. The
industry has been carried on in most of the
towns, but in particular in Oxford, Witney,
Henley, Banbury, and Deddington. In the city
of Oxford itself the trade of brewing has been
long established, but it was conducted under
somewhat unusual circumstances. The brewers
of the city were forced to compete with the
private college breweries, and were at the same
time under the strict surveillance of the university authorities. Although most of the colleges
had at one time or another their brewhouses, yet
the breweries of New College and of Brasenose
College will ever remain the most famous. The
latter ceased to brew in 1889 when the new
buildings necessitated the removal of the brewhouse, but the remembrance of former days has
been perpetuated by the collection of verses
which were annually presented on Shrove Tuesday by the butler of the college. (fn. 440)

The brewing carried on in colleges can, however, only be regarded as a private undertaking,
and not as an industry of the county. In 1240
Ralph the brewer was a man of substance, and
land was conveyed to him by the prior and
convent of St. Frideswide. (fn. 441) The price of beer
about this time was determined by the assize of
ale of 1251. In cities two gallons of beer
were to be sold for a penny, while about half the
price was to be charged in country districts. A
strict watch was kept upon the brewers, and by
an order of 1255 all men making beer for sale
were to expose a sign, failing which they were
to lose their beer. (fn. 442) Already there was an ancient
brewhouse within the castle, for it is mentioned
in Wood's City of Oxford for the year 1267. (fn. 443)
The methods of the brewers do not appear to
have been altogether exemplary, for on 21 May,
1293, they were forbidden to use the 'corrupt
water' of Trill Mill Stream. (fn. 444) As in the case of
the other industries brewing also fell under the
ordinance of the market, and in 1318 the sellers
of beer were to dispose of the liquor between
St. Edward's Lane and the Chequers Inn. (fn. 445)

It is interesting to notice that the great fight
in the streets of Oxford in 1354 between
'Town' and 'Gown' arose from a dispute
between a scholar and a taverner over a quart of
wine. The great feature of the affray as far as
brewing was concerned lies in the fact that the
powers of the university authorities were
extended, and as an outcome of the riot the
king granted 'to the Chancellor of the University, excluding the mayor entirely, the
complete supervision of the assize of bread, ale
and wine, and all victuals.' (fn. 446) About 1356 the
assize of beer was issued and two gallons of
beer were to be sold for a penny. If, however,
malt rose in price twelve pence a quarter the
price of beer was to rise or fall accordingly one
farthing a gallon. (fn. 447) This interference on the
part of the university did not in any way check
the brewing trade. At this time Henry and
Aubrey his wife are recorded as brewers in
Cheney Lane, and in 1331 William Pirye had a
brewhouse near St. Mary's Church. (fn. 448) In 1380
there were no less than thirty brewers in
Oxford. (fn. 449) Twenty years later Mr. John Sprunt
brewed ale in Shoe Lane. In 1405 he was
fined for throwing out dirty water and ashes,
and when he died in 1419 his will was found to
contain a list of taverner's plant consisting of
vessels of wood, lead, and brass. He was
evidently a wealthy man, for he possessed houses
in the parishes of St. Michael's and St. Mary's.
The brewers once again do not seem to have
practised their trade with strict honesty, for in
the Munimenta Academica for the year 1434 it is
recorded as follows:—

Seeing how great evils arise both to the clerks and
the townsmen of the City of Oxford, owing to the
negligence and dishonesty of the brewers of ale,
Christopher Knollys, commissary, assembles the
brewers together in the Church of the Blessed Mary
the Virgin and commands them to provide sufficient
malt for brewing; and that two or three shall twice
or thrice in the week carry round their ale for public
sale under a penalty of 40s.; and John Weskew and
Nicholas Core, two of their number, are appointed
supervisors of the brewers. (fn. 450)

Some years later the brewers again supplied
poor ale, and in 1449 they were forced to swear
to let their ale stand for twelve hours before
sending it into college. (fn. 451) The manorial records
of Bicester for the reign of Henry VI show
that brewing was carried on during that
period in that town. On one occasion 132½
gallons of beer were bought from John Spinan,
Alice Bedale, and other brewers, and for this
large quantity the astounding sum of 4s. 10d.
was paid. (fn. 452) A common trouble at this time was
the refusal of the brewer to brew unless it suited
him. This refractory conduct was generally
punished by suspending the offender from practising the trade of brewer, and this was what
happened to Alice Everarde in 1439. (fn. 453) A few
names of brewers in Oxford during this century
have been preserved. In 1447 there were
Thomas Whithicke, John Clif, John Keele,
Robert Wode, John Wilmott, Agnes Treders,
John Walker, Henry Ffelipe, William Hans,
Ricard Coore, John Milton, Thomas Bertone,
William Hanell, Thomas Hanell, John Blakethorne, John Belymasone, John Skynnere,
Thomas Sherman, William Dagvile, and Henry
Barwike. (fn. 454) Several of these in 1449 were
accused of violating the assize and of making
their beer weak and unwholesome. (fn. 455)

In 1452 W. Angle is recorded as a 'brewer,' (fn. 456)
and in 1458 the name of John Bek or Beek
occurs as a brewer and surety. (fn. 457) Nicholas Bishop
was a wealthy brewer at this time and flourished
between the years 1429 and 1460. He is
famous as desiring to be a historian, as he prepared a treatise on the subject of North Gate
Street. (fn. 458) In 1460 Robert Heth was one of the
chief brewers in the city; (fn. 459) but he, like all the
others, was not able to regulate the price by
open competition, but had to abide by the price
fixed by the commissary. This official in 1462
was David Husbond, and he fixed the price on
12 November at 19d. 'pro quarter melioris
cerevisiae.' (fn. 460) The appointed officers for the
regulation of beer were then sworn in; they
were ordered to test the quantity and quality of
the beer in the colleges and halls; and it was
further ordained that the beer shall be allowed
to cool before being sold. (fn. 461) From documents
preserved at All Souls College, it is evident that
there was a brewery in St. Mary's parish, which
on 1 September, 1466, was leased by the college
to Richard and Joan Frier, together with all the
utensils required for brewing. (fn. 462) The parish of
St. Mary's, however, was not the head-quarters
of this industry in the fifteenth century, but
Grandpont Street during this period was the
chief situation for the Oxford breweries, two of
which in the reign of Henry VII had in
previous years been residences for scholars, the
one Trill Mill Hall, the other Woodcock Hall. (fn. 463)

At the beginning of the reign of Henry VIII
the best-known brewers were George Havile, (fn. 464)
who had a brewhouse in Broad Street, and
Robert Dynham, (fn. 465) but the trade was now under
the double restriction of the Vice-Chancellor of
the University and the Brewers' Corporation.

On 22 February, 1513, the vice-chancellor
held a court at the house of the Master of the
Brewers' Corporation, and there certain ordinances for regulating the brewing of beer in
Oxford were confirmed by the university. (fn. 466)
But these were not sufficient, and in 1525 it was
ordained that sixteen brewers were to brew in
Oxford and no others. (fn. 467) The brewing craft had
thus become a monopoly, and the gild did its
best to shut out any who wished to brew. In
1530, when William Frear the mayor was a
brewer, (fn. 468) the commissary of the university complains of the restrictive principle, and he remonstrates against the conduct of some of the
members of the gild, pointing out
that Mychaell Hethe and other of the brewers of
Oxford, will let no man entre unto the crafte of
bruers, unlese all or the more parte of the said craft
will agree thereunto. (fn. 469)

It was probably due to such complaints as these
that the town council in 1534 agreed that
brewing was to be done under the fixed scale of
the town. (fn. 470) On 23 November, 1533, Thomas
Munday, butcher, took up the trade of brewer,
as on that day All Souls College sold to him the
implements of their brewhouse in the parish of
St. Peter le Bailey. (fn. 471) Between 1545 and 1552
the three brewers recorded were Ralph Flaxney,
who had a brewhouse in the parish of St.
Michael, (fn. 472) Richard Gunter, (fn. 473) and John Brooks. (fn. 474)

Brewing had been carried on in Witney for
some time, (fn. 475) but in the reign of Edward VI definite laws were laid down in that town for the
regulation of the trade. Thus in 1549—

At a cortt holden ye 19 day of April hytt ys agred
byffore ye Cort, ffor ye assysse of ale, to sell ytt yff hytt
be good and holssomly brewed to be rated at 20d. ye
dossin.

A order taken at ye same courte ffor ye assise of
alle. Item ytt every brewer sshawle brew good and
holssom alle, and to ssell from and after this day by
order of the same courte, every dossen of alle beynge
brewed, ye som off 2s. 1d. ye dossen, and ye typlar to
sell one thurdyndale (3 pints) off good alle at ½d.

Item, also ytt is agred by order of the same courte
ytt every brewer shall provide for ye comfort of ye
pore people, good and holesome drynke, and to allow
a gawne and a half for a 1d., and every brewer to
allow of small drynke ffor ye brewyng off a quarter of
mawlt 12 gawnes. (fn. 476)

In 1552 brewing was still further restricted in
Witney. In that year a decree was
made at this Courte that all brewsters in this toune,
shall sell a dozen of ale not above 11s. viiid. and the
ganyker (innkeeper) shall sell a thurdyndale for a
penny, as well within the dore as wt owte the dore.

In 1558 it was
ordered that every brewer and tippler that breweth
ale to sale, shall send, and give sufficient warning to
the ale taster, at every time of their brewing to taste
their ale under payne of forfeyting iiis. ivd. (fn. 477)

The brewing at Witney does not seem to have
affected that industry in Oxford. Christopher
Arundell brewed in the parish of St. Peter-leBailey in 1558, his landlord being the college of
All Souls. (fn. 478) In 1562 a brewhouse existed in
the parish of St. Thomas, (fn. 479) but the brewers were
still liable to annoying restrictions, as, for example, the order laid down in 1568 that all
Oxford brewers were bound to have their grinding done at the old Castle Mill. (fn. 480) For their
better protection on 4 February, 1571, the ordinances of the Company of Brewers were enrolled
by Nicholas Todde, the mayor, and the rest of
the council. The supplication of the brewers
to the City for their establishment consisted of
seventeen articles. The following six are the
most important:— (fn. 481)

Art. 1°.

The master and wardens of this craft or
mistery of brewers is to be chosen the
Sunday next after the nativitie of
St. Mary the Virgin, accordinge to the
grants of the progenitors of our soveraigne lady the Queene that nowe is etc.

Art. 5°.

No man must entice away one another's
customers under the payne of xs.

Art. 6°.

No brewer to serve any typler or hucster
with bere or ale unless he is suer that
ye sayde typler or hucster standeth
clearly out of danger for ale or bere with
ye person he is indetted to, or at the
least hath compounded for it; nor
unless the said typler hath entred into
recognisance for kepinge good rule in
his house etc. under payne of forfeyture
of xxs. for every such offence.

Art. 7°.

No customer, typler, or hucster may lend,
sell, breke, or cutt any brewers vessell or
put therein any other ale or beare then
of ye owners, of the same vessell, under
the payne of 3s. 4d. to the fellowship
of the brewers.

Art. 8°.

None but freemen may brewe ale or bere
under peyne of forfeyture of their
drinke to the Baylives and 40s. to the
company.

Art. 15°.

Journeymen out of service or ale bearers
must by 6 of the cloke in the morninge
present himselfe at St. Peter's Church
dore in the Bayly, there to be hired.

On 16 February, 1571, the Brewers' Corporation was confirmed and sealed, (fn. 482) and on 30 October of the following year the town clerk was
appointed to act as their solicitor. (fn. 483) The brewers
were by no means freed from the authority of
the university. In 1574 the Earl of Leicester,
as chancellor, ordered ale to be sold for 3d. 'the
gallone and not above uppon (payne) of forfetting
of every such mesure.' (fn. 484) The formation of the
Brewers' Corporation proved a mistake. It was
viewed with jealousy on all sides, and in May,
1575, it was brought to an end because it had
been—

newly devysed to the disturbance of the liberties of
the Universitie, is and hath bin one of the chief and
originall causes of the variance and strife betwixt the
Universitie and citie. (fn. 485)

Their great rival in the regulation of brewing
having been done away with, the university
authorities continued to set the price of ale, and
in May, 1579, the vice-chancellor decided that
best strong ale should be sold at 3s. 4d. a kilderkin, best double beer at 3s., best single at 1s. 6d. (fn. 486)
The retail price per gallon was to be 4d. (fn. 487) Still
further commands were issued in 1581 by the
university, and certain days were appointed for
brewing. It is not surprising to find that one
brewer at least refused to obey, and for his refusal Thomas Smith of St. Aldates was imprisoned
in the castle. (fn. 488)

At the end of the sixteenth and beginning of
the seventeenth centuries Henley commenced its
celebrity for malt and brewing, which it has retained to the present day. In 1587 one Evans
Arderne, described as a gentleman, 'was authorized and allowed to be beerebrewer, and to brew
good and holsome drink for man's bodye' in the
town of Henley. (fn. 489) On 23 December, 1608,
orders were issued in Henley concerning the
price of the beer. Barrels of the best beer were
to be sold at 8s., and small beer was priced at 5s.
a cask. A full quart of best ale was to cost 1d.,
while two quarts of small ale were to be sold at
the same price. (fn. 490) From a letter written by
Sir Bulstrode Whitelocke in 1637 it is evident
that the Earl of Berkshire was a man of some
inventive genius, and while possibly hoping to
benefit himself he also proposed a scheme for the
assistance of the Henley brewers. Whitelocke,
however, did not approve either of the inventor
or of the scheme, and wrote:—

The Earl of Berks hoping to repair his indigent fortune by setting on foot and engaging in new projects
and monopolies, had gotten a patent from the King
for the sole making of a new kind of kiln, for making
of malt, and laboured to bring the same in use, particularly in Henley, a great malting town; and he
was to have money of all those who got up the new
kiln. The better to persuade those of Henley to
make use of his new kiln, which he pretended woul.
save them much money in expense of firing: he
offered me a share in his project, that by my interest
in Henley it might have the better reception. But
I looked upon such projects as dishonourable and
illegal and little better than cheats. (fn. 491)

Dr. Plot, writing in 1677, had evidently heard
of some such contrivance as the one proposed by
the Earl of Berkshire, and there is reason to suppose that the invention had been taken up by
some of the inhabitants of the town, for Plot
wrote—

The malt kilns of Henley are so thriftily contrived
that the kiln-holes are placed in the backs of their
kitchen chimnies, so that drying their malt with their
wood the same fire serves for that and all other uses
of their kitchen beside. (fn. 492)

He regarded the malting industry of Henley-onThames at this time as very considerable.

From the lists of mayors and bailiffs of Oxford
during the seventeenth century, brewing and
malting must have been the most popular trades
of the time. In 1603 Richard Hans was a
brewer and bailiff; (fn. 493) in 1615 and 1618 William
Blake and William Willis were the same. (fn. 494)
Oliver Smyth, a brewer, was mayor in 1619,
1624, and 1631. (fn. 495) Henry Bosworth, a brewer
and maltster, waselected mayor in 1625. Thomas
Wicks was a brewer in 1628, (fn. 496) and William
Dewy is mentioned of the same trade in 1635. (fn. 497)
Oliver Smyth's son Thomas not only followed
his father in the brewing industry, but was also
elected mayor in 1638 and 1643. Another son
of Oliver, John by name, was a maltster, and
succeeded as mayor in 1639, one of his bailiffs
being Walter Cave, a brewer, who became mayor
in 1650. (fn. 498) In 1643 Ralph Chillingworth was a
brewer; (fn. 499) in 1657 Francis Heywood was a
brewer and bailiff, and he was succeeded by
Thomas Tipping. (fn. 500) Arthur Dimock was the
next bailiff connected with the trade in 1661,
and three years later the mayor was John Wyhte. (fn. 501)
In 1671 Francis Heywood, a former bailiff and
brewer, was appointed mayor. (fn. 502) About this time
a brewery belonging to Mr. Carpenter stood in
Brewers Street, and a brewhouse and malthouse
were also situated in Paradise. (fn. 503) In 1678 and
1685 the bailiffs were selected from the maltsters;
in the first case Badger and Fertrey, in the
second Walker and Neale. As bailiffs for the
year 1688 Richard Carter, brewer, and John
Willer, maltster, were appointed, the former
being elected mayor in 1690. (fn. 504)

Meantime the university continued to exercise
its authority over the brewers of Oxford. In
1615 the price was once again altered by the
then vice-chancellor, Dr. Goodwin, and he
ordered that a barrel of double beer was to cost
10s., while a quarter of ale was priced at 5s. 4d. (fn. 505)
The university seems to have struggled almost in
vain for the production of good and wholesome
ale, and although Dr. Plot says that the 'maulting trade of Oxford' was considerable, yet the
brewing industry does not seem to have been
carried on to the advantage of the consumers.
This is particularly clearly shown by the notice
issued by Vice-Chancellor Bathurst on 22 June,
1676:—

Whereas it hath been observed yt the Common
Brewers of this place consulting more yr own private
gain than the health and benefit of others, have not
of late years made ye beer and ale of equall goodness
with that in former times: And whereas severall
complaints have been made to me of the unwholsomness both of beer and ale, occasioned chiefly by the
rawness of such worts as were never boyled (the alebrewer (as I am informed) not boyling his first and
the Beer-Brewer his 2d wort) Whereby a mixture of
crude and sweet with bitter wort, both become less
wholsome for man's body. For remedy whereof these
are straitly to require and command all the public
Brewers of this place upon forfeiture of their respective Licenses, That after the 24th day of this instant
moneth of June, they and every of them well and
sufficiently boyle or cause to have so boyled, all their
several worts for the making of double Beer, middle
Beer and Ale: and that they also take particular care,
yt the said sorts of Beer and Ale in all other respects
be made good and wholsome and agreeable to the
assize which from time to time be printed and presented them.' (fn. 506)

It is interesting to notice how the university
kept to the same price for beer. In 1615 the
price had been, as shown, 10s. a barrel. In
November, 1701, Roger Mander, the vicechancellor, issued an order—

that no public Ale Brewers nor Beer Brewers within
the precincts of this University, presume to sell their
double Beer or Ale for more than ten shillings the
Barrel (besides the duty of Excise) and so proportionately for any other vessel. (fn. 507)

At the beginning of the eighteenth century
Henley is as famous as ever for its malt industry, (fn. 508)
and Burford had now a large malting business,
and it was here that malt mills of stone were
first made by Valentine Strange. (fn. 509) One name
left on record as a brewer at Henley in the
eighteenth century is that of John Blackman,
who is mentioned in the minutes of the corporation for 1721. (fn. 510) The next year Henry Stevens,
a brewer, died in Oxford, but little or nothing
is known of him. (fn. 511) But by this time a wellknown brewery had been established in Oxford
itself, known as the Swan's Nest Brewery. From
the original deeds still in the possession of Hall's
Brewery this old firm was in existence in 1718. (fn. 512)
Its name was probably due to its situation, for
close to the castle where the brewery afterwards
stood there was a place called the Swan's Nest,
which is mentioned for the years 1571 and 1576.
It is probable that the city kept a flock of swans
at this point, and bred them for the table. (fn. 513) The
brewery continued to flourish, and malt-making
was also carried on to a very considerable extent,
the malt being conveyed by barges to London. (fn. 514)
Some time previous to 1780 the Swan's Nest
Brewery passed into the hands of Sir John
Treacher, (fn. 515) who was both an alderman and mayor
of Oxford, and came of a well-known Oxford
family. (fn. 516) In 1795 Mr. William Hall purchased
the brewery from Sir John Treacher, and many
of the old public-houses that had been connected
with the old brewery, and some, indeed, that
had been licensed as far back as the seventeenth
century, now became connected with Mr. William
Hall's firm. In the first year of Queen Victoria's reign the brewery passed to Henry Hall,
and in 1860 it came into the hands of the father
of the present manager. On 15 December,
1896, the Swan Brewery, that had so long retained at least part of its ancient title, was converted into a company, under the name of Hall's
Oxford Brewery, Limited, with its head offices at
the Swan Brewery. During the year, the firm
purchased Wootten's Brewery in St. Clements,
and on 25 January, 1897, they also completed
the purchase of Weeving's Eagle Brewery. By
1898 they had added Hilliard's Brewery of
Wallingford and Shillingford's brewing business
at Bicester. On 2 February of that year they
purchased the City Brewery. (fn. 517) This had been
founded at the beginning of the nineteenth century by David Hanley of Oxford. Under the
management of his two sons Charles and Edmund Hanley a new brewery was built. It was
turned into a limited company about 1890, (fn. 518) and
then became the property of Hall's Oxford
Brewery, Limited. This firm, made up of so
many amalgamations, has a share capital of
£300,000; the debenture stock is £250,000.
The chairman of the company is Mr. A. W.
Hall, and the managing director Mr. A. N. Hall. (fn. 519)

Previous to the purchase of the Old Swan's
Nest Brewery by Mr. William Hall, there were
several brewers in Oxford of some repute. One
of these was Henry Drought, while Benjamin
Tubb, whose relatives were closely connected
with Oxford, had a malthouse in Grandpont. (fn. 520)
At this time the price of beer went up, and
Mr. J. R. Green records the fact that in 1793
there was a meeting of the bursars of the different
colleges for taking into consideration the advance
of 2s. per barrel laid on beer by the Oxford
brewers. (fn. 521) Amongst these brewers would be the
already-mentioned Sir John Treacher, and John
Archer, Edward Tawney, Thomas Sutton Hood,
and Anne Turner. (fn. 522) It would appear that at
this time there were few maltsters in Oxford, for
in the Directory for 1791–8 there only occur the
two names of William Burrows and Thomas
Ward. (fn. 523) Soon after the beginning of the nineteenth century the brewery now known as
Morrell's (Trustees) Lion Brewery, in High
Street, St. Thomas's parish, came into existence.
It then belonged to Mr. James Morrell, and he,
together with Mark Morrell, are recorded as
partners in 1823. (fn. 524) It has always been in its
present situation, and it is said to be one of the
largest single-handed breweries in England. (fn. 525)
In 1807 a brewery is recorded to have been
under the control of a Mr. Davis, and both
Hall's and Archer's breweries were flourishing
concerns, the former in St. Thomas's, the latter
in St. Aldates. (fn. 526) In 1823 two new names appear
amongst the brewers of Oxford, namely, Edward
Micklem in Brewhouse Lane, and James Wicken
in Corn Market. (fn. 527) Malting again seems to have
revived, (fn. 528) and several maltsters are recorded, such
as Thomas Baylis, William Burrows, William
Rowland, William Sheldon, and Henry Ward. (fn. 529)
The last of the Oxford breweries to be mentioned is that of W. G. Phillips & Sons,
Limited, who have carried on for some years the
industry at the Tower Brewery.

Meantime brewing was a flourishing industry
in other Oxfordshire towns. About 1756, the
present firm of W. H. Brakspear & Sons,
Limited, came into existence under the title of
Messrs. Hayward & Brakspear, in connexion
with the old Henley bank of Messrs. Hayward,
Fisher & Brakspear. This brewery has been
famous for many years for the excellence of its
beer, owing to a most interesting reason. The
water from which the beer is brewed is obtained
from a well of very great depth situated on the
premises. The water closely resembles the
Burton water in its constituents and purity.
The firm is also very careful to purchase only
the very best bred barleys and finest hops, thus
ensuring that the beers shall be of the purest
possible character. (fn. 530) In 1823, besides Messrs.
Brakspear's firm, there were two other brewers,
Joseph Appleton & Co. in New Street and
Henry Byles in Friday Street, and at the same
time there were eleven maltsters. (fn. 531) In 1852
the brewing firms in Henley were Brakspear's,
and those of Edmund Chamberlain, R. Cox, and
Messrs. Byles & Sons. (fn. 532) Later on, the firm of
Messrs. Holmes & Steward were engaged in
brewing at Henley, but their business was taken
over by Messrs. W. H. Brakspear & Sons,
about 1896. (fn. 533)

About the end of the eighteenth century
Deddington was famous for 'the goodness of its
malt liquors,' (fn. 534) and in the early part of the nineteenth century the two maltsters residing here
were J. Arlidge and G. Petty. (fn. 535) Chipping Norton was also famous for its ale, and as early as
1796 the firm of Hitchman & Company
Limited was founded. Their premises at Chipping Norton, known as 'The Brewery,' occupy
a wide area of ground, and steam-power
machinery and the most modern improved appliances are employed. The brewing industry
affords a good deal of work for those who live
in the ancient town. (fn. 536) Besides the business of
Messrs. Hitchman & Co. there were two other
maltsters in Chipping Norton in 1823, namely
T. Mathews and J. Phillips. (fn. 537) Witney is also
celebrated for its brewery. At the beginning of
the nineteenth century there were five maltsters
in the town, one of whom was Mr. J. Clinch. (fn. 538)
Giles in his history of Witney speaks of
Mr. Clinch's famous brewery in 1852, and it
still continues to flourish. (fn. 539) Bicester has been a
centre for brewing and malting for many years.
In 1823 there were two brewers of the names
of J. Bache and W. Phillips, (fn. 540) besides seven
maltsters, and later there was the brewery of
Messrs. Shillingford taken over by Hall's Oxford
Brewery in 1898.

In Banbury and its neighbourhood brewing
has been carried on for many years. In Banbury itself in 1823 there were three maltsters, (fn. 541)
and by 1852 these had increased to fourteen. (fn. 542)
Meantime in or about 1840 Mr. Thomas Hunt
founded a brewery upon a still more ancient
private brewhouse attached to one of the old inns
at Banbury. Shortly after the foundation,
Mr. Hunt was joined by Mr. William Edmunds,
and these two successfully carried on and largely
increased the business. In 1896 it was converted into a limited company under the style of
Hunt, Edmunds & Co., Ltd., and the buildings
of the brewery now cover about 6 acres of
ground in Bridge and Fish Street, Banbury. (fn. 543)
At Shutford, near Banbury, a brewery was
founded by Mr. George Cross in 1840. It was
successfully conducted by his son Mr. V. G.
Cross and is now in the hands of the grandson
of the original founder. (fn. 544) In 1849 Mr. John
Harris established the Hook Norton Brewery,
which was rebuilt according to modern requirements in 1899. In the following year the
business was converted into a limited liability
company with a share capital of £67,000. It
employs about 50 men, and is under the
management of three directors, one of whom is
the son of the original founder. (fn. 545)

The ancient town of Burford had for many
years a reputation for its malting business, but
at the end of the eighteenth century this
industry seems almost to have died out, and by
1799 the malting houses of Burford appear
to have been in a state of decay. Certainly in
1823 there were still two maltsters left Mr. W.
Arthur and Mr. J. Tuckwell, (fn. 546) but by 1891 all
the members of the old trade had gone. Since
that date, however, some of the bygone industry
has been restored by Messrs. Garne and Sons,
brewers, who have established their business in
the town of Burford. (fn. 547)

Quarries

The county of Oxford is peculiarly rich in
stone-quarries, and materials for building abound
in all districts. Quarries of freestone are very
numerous; limestone is plentiful, and slate is
found in several places. The antiquity of these
quarries is well established, and their importance
has been recognized from very early times. It is
extremely probable that the remnants of AngloSaxon buildings that still exist are composed of
stone that came from the neighbouring quarries.
In fact the stone used in the tower of St. Michael's,
and in the early portions of St. Peter's in the
East, together with the Norman foundations
of Carfax Church, came from a very ancient
quarry at Chilswell. (fn. 548) In 1303 there was a
quarry of some repute near Wheatley, known as
'Cherlegrave,' (fn. 549) and here quarrying was carried
on for some considerable time. But this quarry
was quite overshadowed by the far more important quarries of Headington near Oxford and
Taynton near Burford. These two quarries
have continued up to the present time as valuable
depositories of stone. That Taynton stone was
used very early in Oxford itself has been proved
by the library building account of Exeter
College, in which it is recorded that 'William
the mason' was paid 'for stone from Teynton
12 marks 7 sh.' There is, too, another reference
showing a large purchase of stone—'carriage of
stone from Teynton £7 0s. 10d.' (fn. 550)

During the fifteenth century the quarry-owners
of Oxfordshire were particularly busy, as, during
this period, there was a great demand for stone,
both for the building of the colleges, and also for
the erection or restoration of certain churches in
the county. Between the years 1437 and
1442 (fn. 551) the college of All Souls was built from
the two chief quarries of Headington and
Taynton. On 26 October, 1438, Edmund
Rede sold to John Dinell, master of the works
of All Souls College, part of his quarry at
Hedendon.' (fn. 552) In 1442 Thame Church building
account affords an excellent insight into the
current prices for stone, and also shows from
what parts the stone came. Headington stone
was used chiefly, but for carvings and ornaments
the church builders fell back upon the less
perishable stone of Taynton. From the following selections some idea of the prices may be
obtained: (fn. 553)—

'ffor caryage of ye same stone and
stone for ye boteras from teynton to
oxsynforde 8 lods, from oxsynforde to
tame 6 lods

17

4

'To the wyndow John beckely of
hedyndon stone

15

6

'To a man of yekeford for a lode

1

0

1443

'ffor 2 lods of stone from hedyndon to
Jon mechel of resborow

2

2

'ffor 2 lods of stone from hedyndon to
Jon borne of Yekford

2

4

The steady demand for Headington and
Taynton stone continued. Merton College
purchased in 1449 a very large quantity from
both quarries. Taynton supplied 1,200 square
feet, and 159 loads were ordered from Headington. The Taynton stone cost £10 10s. 6d.,
the carriage being 2s. a load; the carriage from
Headington was naturally much less, varying
from 5d. to 5½d. a load. The wages for the
quarrymen were from 4d. to 4½d. per day, and
the total wage bill was £12 13s. 2d. (fn. 554) The
Manorial Records of Bicester in the reign of
Henry VI also show the price of stone during
that period, for the following entry occurs: 'To
William Skerne and his fellows hired to dig
stones for the walls at the quarry beyond
Crokkewell 23s. 4d. (fn. 555) Magdalen College was
the next great purchaser from the Headington
quarries. In 1467 the outer walls of the
college were built from material that came from
the quarry. (fn. 556) Six years later stone for the
college itself was obtained from the same spot.
There seem to have been three quarries then in
use. One of these was royal property and
rented by the college from the king; a second
was rented from Sir Edmund Rede; a third was
owned by the college itself. These three, however, were not sufficient, and stone was also
brought from Wheatley, Thame, and Milton,
the last of which is well known at the present
time. (fn. 557) In 1495 Magdalen College had still the
ownership of the quarry at Headington, and an
agreement was drawn up on that subject between
the president and scholars of the college and the
prior and convent of St. Frideswide. (fn. 558)

The early part of the sixteenth century still
witnessed a considerable demand for stone for
college buildings, and the ownership of Headington quarries remained in several hands. Among
the muniments of Magdalen College there is a
quaintly worded document of 1513 that illustrates this fact. Several men from Oxford
walked out to 'Hedington Quarry, and called all
the said men working in diverse men's quarries
together, and they all sat down upon a green bank
and did drink a pennyworth of ale.' (fn. 559) These
'diverse men's quarries' at Headington supplied
stone to Cardinal Wolsey when he began to
build Cardinal College, and the stone used for
Christ Church came not only from Headington
but also from Burford, Taynton, and Holton,
near Wheatley. The lime that was also necessary was brought into Oxford from the neighbouring villages of Beckley and Stanton St. John. (fn. 560)
About the same time a quarry was also worked
in North Hincksey. (fn. 561) Two or three decades
later Leland refers most probably to the quarry
at Taynton or at Upton when he remarks, 'There
is a notable quarry of fine stone about Burford. (fn. 562)

Although there were so many quarries in
Oxfordshire, yet the Headington quarries held
their own against the many competitors, partly
because of their proximity to Oxford, and partly
owing to the ease with which the stone was
worked. Thus, early in the seventeenth century, Merton College purchased stone from
Headington for the Fellows' quadrangle, which
was built between 1608 and 1610; (fn. 563) and in 1613
Wadham College was erected, and is regarded as
one of the best examples of a building made
from Headington stone. (fn. 564) Stonesfield was at this
time the district from which slates were procured, though University College in 1635
employed Robert Perry, of Burford, as their
'slatter,' paying him for the slates and the labour
16s. a hundred. (fn. 565) A new quarry had by this
time come into existence at Handborough, where
stone is still obtained. As early as 1619 stone from
this quarry had been brought into Woodstock,
at 2s. a load. (fn. 566) The Burford and Taynton quarries
during the latter part of the seventeenth century
were probably more famous than at any other
period either before or since. Wood speaks of
the Taynton quarry as the 'Leper's Quarry,'
and the quarries half a mile south-west of Burford were called Christopher's or Kitt's quarries.
It was from these quarries that Sir Christopher
Wren is said to have obtained much of the stone
for the re-building of St. Paul's Cathedral after
its destruction in the Great Fire in 1666. It was
here, too, that one of the master quarrymen,
named Kempster, having made sufficient money
in his transactions with Wren, built a large
stone house in 1698. (fn. 567)

Dr. Plot, in his Natural History of Oxfordshire, published in 1677, supplies more information than any other historian on the subject of
Oxfordshire quarries. Writing of Headington
quarry, he says:

Of the stone afore-mentioned consists the gross of
our buildings; but for Columns, Capitals, Bases,
window-lights, door-cases, cornishing, mouldings, etc.,
in the chiefest work they use Burford stone, which is
whiter and harder and carrying by much a finer arris
than that at Heddington: but yet it is not so hard as
that at Teynton, nor will it like that endure the fire
of which they make mault kills and hearths for Ovens;
but then they take care to 'surbed' the stone, i.e.,
set it edg-ways contrary to the posture it had in the
bed, for otherwise there will be some danger of its
flying.

Besides the fire it endureth the weather, for of this
mixed with another sort dug near Whately on the
Worcester Road side as it passes betwixt Holton and
Sir Timothy Tyrrils, are all the oldest colleges in
Oxford built, as Baliol, Merton, Exeter, Queen's,
Canterbury (now part of Ch. Ch.) College, Durham
(now Trinity) College, New College, Lincoln, All
Souls, Magdalen, Brazen-nose, and the outermost
quadrangle of St. John Bapt. Coll. Yet it endures
not the weather so well as Heddington, by reason, I
suppose, of a salt it has in it which the weather in
time plainly dissolves, as may be seen by the Pinnacles
of New College Chapel made of this stone and thus
melted away. . . . Other quarries there are also of
considerable use, as Bladen, Little Milton, Barford,
and Hornton, whereof the last has the best firestone of
any in the county. . . . At Cornbury Park there was
a sort of stone, the quarry whereof is now quite
exhausted, that never would sweat in the moistest
weather, of which the pavement of the Hall in the
house there still remains as sufficient testimony. (fn. 568)

Dr. Plot speaks of the well-known slates of
Stonesfield, an industry which at that time was
far greater than it is now. There are still pits
in the neighbourhood, and slates are still obtained
in much the same way as that described by
Plot, but it is only on a small scale. One of
the best-known buildings roofed by these slates
is a portion of Balliol College, which work was
carried out in 1856. (fn. 569) Writing of the method
of obtaining the slates, Plot says that the stone

is dug first in thick cakes about Michaelmas time or
before, to lye all the winter and receive the frosts,
which make it cleave in the spring following into
thinner plates, which otherwise it would not do so
kindly. But at Bradwell they dig a sort of flat stone,
naturally such, without the help of winter, and so
strangely great that sometimes they have them of 7 ft.
long and 5 ft. over. (fn. 570)

During this time limestone was quarried at
Charlton, Langley, Little Milton and Shotover.
At Bletchingdon a grey marble was obtained
which was used for the making of chimneypieces, and 'the pillars of the portico at St. John's
College.' (fn. 571) At Clifden Hampden a peculiar
stone of the 'pyrites aureus' character was also
found. This struck fire very plentifully, and
was sought after for 'carbines and pistols, whilst
wheel-locks were in fashion.' (fn. 572) Another and very
peculiar form of quarrying is recorded by
Dr. Plot at Kidlington. He gives the following
account, and says that

the scarcity of firing has induced some people to burn
a sort of black substance. . . . called Lignum fossile
. . . . it consumes but slowly, and sends forth very
unpleasant fumes: it is found in a pit or quarry
called Langford Pitts, in the parish of Kidlington, not
far from Thrup, about 18 ft. deep under the rock,
where it lies in a bed about 4 in. thick. (fn. 573)

The Taynton quarry was used very extensively for the building of Blenheim Palace
between 1710 and 1722, (fn. 574) but the great buildings of
Oxfordshire were now almost complete, and there
is little further mention of that quarry. During
the eighteenth century a stone pit was opened
at Hardwick and worked by the parish. It was,
however, used up by the year 1855. (fn. 575) In 1748
there is evidence of a quarry at Breck, near
Banbury, but no returns are available. (fn. 576) Throughout this period the old quarries continued to be
worked, and at the beginning of the nineteenth
century Headington was used for both freestone
and ragstone. It cut 'soft and easy' when
in the quarry, but hardened on exposure to the
weather. In 1813 the vein was from 12 to
14 ft. deep, but at the bottom the stone was
found to be too soft and sandy for use. This
stone then, as now, was too coarse and porous
for ornamental work; it varied much in quality,
both soft and hard stone lying indiscriminately
mixed in the quarry. (fn. 577) In 1852 the Headington quarries were worked by Mr. Thomas
Snow, (fn. 578) but at the present time they are but
little used. This is not the case in other
parts. From Banbury there still comes the
famous limestone locally known as 'Banbury
marble,' and a somewhat similar coarse marble
is found in the Forest of Wychwood. (fn. 579) The
Milton quarries mentioned by Plot in 1677 are
still worked, and it is from these that Portland
stone (fn. 580) is obtained, and has been used to reface
parts of the colleges where the Headington
stone has been weather-worn. Great as was the
work in the Oxfordshire quarries during the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, yet now the
business is a declining one. At the present
time there are thirty-nine quarries in Oxfordshire,
but only 127 quarrymen in the whole county to
carry on what was formerly a celebrated and
important industry. (fn. 581)

Iron Ore Industry

The workable iron ores of Oxfordshire belong
to the marlstone rock of the middle Lias, and
this is extremely well developed in the country
round Banbury, being met with as far south as
Fawler, and stretching out of the county to the
west to the Edge hills. (fn. 582) By the year 1850 it
was thought that the available supplies of raw
material for the iron and steel industry were
well ascertained. With regard to large supplies
this was certainly the case, but it is since that
date that the iron ore of Oxfordshire and of
a few adjacent counties has been worked as a
profitable business. (fn. 583) The iron ore at Fawler
and at Adderbury has been obtained intermittently ever since the year 1859, but since the
opening of the Banbury and Cheltenham railway
line the ore has been worked regularly at both
Hook Norton and Adderbury. (fn. 584) In 1874 the
brown hematite got out at Adderbury was valued
at £7,721, and weighed 36,808 tons. In 1879,
however, there was a falling off, for only 1,233
tons were worked, and these were valued at
£266. (fn. 585) Since that period Hook Norton has been
the scene of a busy industry. The ore obtained
in this neighbourhood at points where the beds
come to the surface is in most cases a hydrated
peroxide of iron or brown hematite. The
metallic iron in the workable ore varies from
about 18 to 32 per cent.; the richer ore in
most cases being more siliceous than the
poorer stone, which contains much lime.

Owing to the high percentage of moisture
which this ore contains, and also because of the
heavy railway rates, it has been found advisable
to calcine it before sending it away. For this
purpose, during the last seven years, calcining
kilns have been erected at Hook Norton by Lord
Dudley and the Brymbo Steel Co. Three of
these kilns are still at work, those of the
Brymbo Steel Co. being fired by produce-made
gas. This is a very important matter for the
company concerned, as by this means the ore is
reduced in weight for railway carriage, and the
percentage of iron is increased.

The majority of the ore from Oxfordshire is
sent to the blast furnaces of South Staffordshire
and North Wales, but the industry is not as
fully developed as it might be owing to the
heavy railway rates. Nevertheless, about 150
men are being employed, and the output from
the mines is fairly considerable. (fn. 586) The government returns are, however, only available for
Oxfordshire and Rutland taken together, and
the amount in 1904 was 132,579 tons. (fn. 587)

Agricultural Machine-Making and Iron-Founding

Banbury, situated in the northern portion of
Oxfordshire, stands supreme as the home of
agricultural machine-making in this county.
Mr. Beesley in 1841 records in his history of
Banbury that that ancient borough had already
some reputation for machine-making. He says,
'Various patent turnip-cutting machines, a
patent land-presser or roller made on the lever
principle, a patent drill on the same principle, a
steel drill, a cake crusher, and a hand-threshing
machine, all by Banbury inventors,' were fairly
well known at this date. (fn. 588) It was, however, due
to Sir Bernhard Samuelson rather than to anyone else that Banbury obtained its industrial
character. In 1841 the population of the town
was only 7,241, while twenty years later it
had increased to 10,238. During this period
Banbury, a dormant borough, had blossomed into
an active centre of industry, and had gained for
itself a notoriety among engineers. Sir Bernhard
Samuelson was not only the man who founded
Banbury's present prosperity, but he has been
well called 'its presiding genius for half a
century.'

The development of Banbury as a centre for
agricultural machine-making was due in part to
the French Revolution of 1848. Owing to the
disturbed state of France, Sir Bernhard Samuelson
found it quite impossible to carry on the railway
works which he had established at Tours in
1846. For this reason he returned to England
and found that a small implement factory at
Banbury was for sale. For some years previous
Mr. James Gardner had carried on with success
the manufacture of agricultural implements, particularly the 'Banbury' turnip-cutter, which
was his own invention, and owing to which he
had won a considerable reputation. Mr. Gardner
died and his business was put on the market at
exactly the moment that Sir Bernhard Samuelson
required an opening. The business was at once
bought, energy was devoted to the concern, its
operations were extended, and the 'Britannia
Works' were founded. At first the works
that did so much to transform Banbury were
of a very humble character, and Sir Bernhard
was his own manager, his own correspondent,
and even his own commercial traveller. It is
recorded that his wage bill for the first week was
£32 paid to twenty-seven employés. This was
only for a time, because the proprietor saw the
needs of the agriculturists, and by patience and
skill soon succeeded in producing those laboursaving machines which have so ably assisted the
English farmer. So rapidly did the works
expand that it is said that if necessary 120 reaping machines could be laid down and finished
in one day. In the year 1872 the Britannia
Works produced the enormous number of 8,000
reaping machines. (fn. 589) Sir Bernhard devoted his
attention for a good many years to the development of this business, and many of the implements still made owe their existence to his
inventive genius. At first mowers, reapers, and
automatic sheaf-binders were the firm's specialities, but in later years the list of the manufactures of the firm has been extended in several
other directions. In 1887 Roots blowers were
taken in hand, (fn. 590) and the various parts of these and
the exhausters are now fitted with the most perfect
mathematical precision. The internal beaters
have to be so adjusted that barely a sheet of
ordinary notepaper can pass between them as
they revolve. (fn. 591) The Roots blower was followed
by the Longworth patent pneumatic hammer,
moulding machines, and other types of agricultural machinery. Another special feature of the
Britannia Works is roller milling machinery.
In this connexion, however, the firm does not
manufacture for the consumer direct, but only
for the well-known firm of Messrs. Briddon and
Fowler of Manchester, to whose designs the
machinery is made. (fn. 592) In 1888 the concern was
converted into a limited company, the shares
being privately held; it is now under the management of a board of directors, which was presided over, until his death in May, 1905, by the
Rt. Hon. Sir Bernhard Samuelson, bart.

The extensive Britannia Works occupy three
sites, known respectively as the 'Upper' works,
the 'Canal Side' works, and the 'Lower'
works. All these are connected by a tramway,
which affords convenience for the transport of
machines. The 'Upper' works consist of a
group of buildings ranged round the original
shop, extensions having been made as the necessities of the business outgrew the existing accommodation. In these works are the lathe and
drilling shop, the erecting shop, the mowerfitting shop, the beam shop, the binder and
reaper erecting shop, the blower shop, and
gallery, &c. In the 'Canal Side' works there
are long lines of sheds, providing ample accommodation for stocking all kinds of machinery, the
smithy, the engine shed, grinding, fettling, and
carpenters' shops, the stores, and foundry. In
this last are annealing furnaces, capable of producing about ten tons per week, for a large
quantity of malleable castings is used by the
firm. In the 'Lower' works several thousands
of machines are stocked awaiting the season's
trade. (fn. 593)

The firm of Messrs. Samuelson & Co. is by
no means the only one in Banbury. Other
agricultural implement makers have carried on
their industry with success. In 1852 Mr.
Charles Lampitt was engaged as an iron-founder
at the Vulcan Foundry, Neithrop, and Joseph
Parnell and William Riley, are recorded as
agricultural implement makers. (fn. 594) About fifty
years ago Mr. Barrows established the firm that
is now known as Messrs. Barrows & Co. Ltd.,
engineers and boilermakers. The particular
work carried on by this firm is the construction
of portable engines, mortar machines, water
carts, and threshing machines. A great deal of
the machinery that is here manufactured is
exported abroad, particularly at the present time,
to Greece, India, South America, and Australia.
This firm has supplied the government departments of the War Office and the India Office;
and has gained prizes and medals not only in the
United Kingdom, but also in France and
Germany. (fn. 595)

Banbury is not the only place in Oxfordshire
where iron-founding and agricultural machinemaking are carried on. In the city of Oxford
itself there are a few firms that are engaged in
these industries, and one is at any rate of some
antiquity. The firm now known as W. Lucy
& Co. Ltd. was first of all founded as far back as
the year 1760. The headquarters of the business
are in the Eagle Ironworks, near Walton Street.
The present company was formed in 1897.
The work in this case is not agricultural
machine-making, but rather iron and steel bookcases, and some of these are in the Bodleian
Library, the Cambridge University Library, the
Patent Office, and His Majesty the King's
private library at Windsor. But besides bookcases this firm makes a very large number of
lamp posts, both for are lights and incandescent
gas; the former have been supplied to numerous
places in the United Kingdom, and to Port
Elizabeth; while the latter are common throughout England, and have also been exported to
Johannesburg. (fn. 596)

The Oxfordshire Steam Ploughing Company
is another important firm in Oxford, having its
headquarters at Middle Cowley. The business
was founded in 1868, when agriculture was in
an extremely prosperous state, and when there
was a considerable demand for steam-ploughing.
From 1868 to 1878 the business became one of
importance purely as a steam-ploughing concern.
After the very wet season of 1879 there was a
falling off in steam-ploughing, and this lack of
demand continued until 1886. At that date
more energetic management was introduced, and
the business has gradually developed, not only in
steam-ploughing and in steam-rolling machines,
but most particularly in the engineers' department. The works at Cowley now cover three
acres of ground, and are complete with every
modern appliance necessary for the building of
ploughing or traction engines. The number of
those employed is considerable, for 200 hands are
engaged in the industry. The business, the sole
proprietor and general manager of which is
Mr. John Allen, of Iffley, has fulfilled several
contracts for the government, and during the late
war considerable orders were placed with this
firm by the War Office. (fn. 597)

Bell-Founding

The numerous industries carried on in Burford
have for the most part disappeared, but bellfounding, for which the ancient town had
formerly some reputation, still continues. Bellfounding has not been a very considerable
industry in Oxfordshire, because most of the
bells of this county, or at least of the northern
portion, owe their origin to the famous foundry
of the Bagleys just over the border in Northamptonshire at Chacombe. (fn. 598) During the reign
of Charles I there was, however, a bell-founder
of repute at Burford, Henry Neale by name.
He was buried in Burford Church, and the
north transept still preserves his memory under
the title of the Bell-founder's Aisle. (fn. 599) Henry
Neale recast the bells of Burford in 1636, and
the churchwardens' book of that date contains
the accounts for this work. (fn. 600)

Chardges layed out for the new casting of four bells
as followeth:

For three hundred weight of Bell
Mettell at iiiili. vs.

xiili.

xvs.

For carriage

vis.

viiid.

For 44li. and a halfe at viid. of
the pound

xxvs.

id.

xxiiili. more of mettle at viid.
the pound

xvs.

Payed to the Bell founder for the
takinge down, castinge, and
hanging up of the four bells

xvli.

xvis.

Bringing the Bells from the Church
and carriage back again

iiis.

Pd. for making Scales to weigh
the Bells

iis.

Pd. for a piece of oake for the
Stocke of the Bells

iis.

Pd. for rent for the Roome where
the Bells were cast

vis.

At the time of the Restoration bell-making was
still an industry in Burford, (fn. 601) and probably the
name of Simon Neale, which is inscribed on the
tenor bell at Milton, (fn. 602) records a relative of the
Henry Neale of that ancient borough. During
the nineteenth century the firm of Mr. Henry
Bond continued Burford's celebrity for bellcasting, and in 1885 they recast the fourth bell
of Witney Church. (fn. 603) From that time to the
end of 1905, Mr. Bond continued his work,
which only ceased with his death; the firm,
however, is stated to be likely to continue an
industry which, though perhaps not of great
size, is at least historically connected with that
interesting town.

Bell-casting was by no means confined to
Burford, for the industry was carried on both
at Woodstock and in Oxford. Lukis, in his
'Account of Church Bells,' speaks of Richard
and James Keene as having a foundry at Woodstock which flourished between 1626 and 1681. (fn. 604)
There is evidence, however, to show that the
foundry continued at least as late as 1686. (fn. 605)
These two bell-founders were celebrated throughout the county, and cast many of the bells for
the Oxford churches. (fn. 606) On the fourth bell of
King's Sutton Church there is the following
inscription:—

Know all men that doth me see
That James Keene made me.—1626.

The fifth bell of the same church was also made
by James Keene. (fn. 607) In 1638 one of these bellfounders was paid by the churchwardens of
Yarnton 2s. quarterly to look after the bells. (fn. 608)

One of the bells at Kidlington was cast by
Richard Keene in 1661, (fn. 609) and he also made the
sixth bell at Thame in 1664, as evidenced by the
inscription: 'Richard Keene cast me, 1664.' (fn. 610)
The fifth bell at St. Michael's, Oxford, the first
and second at Holywell Church, were cast by
Keene in 1668 and 1677. (fn. 611) This same Richard
Keene in 1679 received £89 8s. for 'new
casting the bells of Carfax and adding mettle to
make the five bells six, and for making the frame
for them and hanging them up.' (fn. 612) Richard
Keene's last work in this neighbourhood would
seem to be in 1686, when he received £19 18s.
for casting a bell for Stow-on-the-Wold. (fn. 613)

Before closing this account of bell-casting a
few notices which concern the industry in
Oxford itself may here be briefly mentioned.
In 1611 and in 1619 the bells of Yarnton
were recast in Oxford. (fn. 614) But the Keene foundry
seems to have had most of the work in the
southern part of the county, and the next bellcaster to be heard of in Oxford was William
Rose, who during the period of 1791–8 was
engaged in this industry as well as that of brassfounding. (fn. 615) At the beginning of the nineteenth
century bell-founding was carried on in the city
by Messrs. W. and J. Taylor, brass, iron, and
bell founders. Their works in 1823 were
situated in St. Ebbe's, (fn. 616) and one of these Taylors
is recorded to have recast the bells of Enstone
in 1831. Since this period, bell-founding, which
was never very extensive, has been steadily on
the decline in this county.

Steel-Work

The steel-work of Woodstock had in former
years considerable notoriety, and the excellent
workmanship was known in many parts of
England. Small portions of this type of industry
are still in existence, as for example very beautifully executed swivels for watch-chains; but all
these must have been created before 1850, (fn. 617) as
no steel-work has been done since that date in
Woodstock or the neighbourhood. The remarkable feature of the articles of polished steel
lies in the fact that they were entirely made
from the old nails of horse-shoes. These were
formed into small bars before being applied to
the various purposes of the delicate workmanship.
The lustre of the different articles that were
thus tediously wrought was eminently fine, and
the polish was restored at a trifling expense.
The neatness of the execution, the cleverness of
the design, and the ingenuity of the designer
were all remarkable. There can be but little
doubt that this industry was of considerable
antiquity, dating at least as far back as the reign
of Queen Elizabeth. It has been proposed by
one writer that the date of this work can only
be traced to the third decade of the eighteenth
century, (fn. 618) but this is an obvious error, for in 1598
there is a clear reference to this steel-work in
John Marston's Certaine Satyres. He is anxious
to describe the ruff of a beau of his day and
says:

His ruffe did eate more time in neatest setting
Than Woodstocke work in painfull perfecting.

Mr. T. Warton (fn. 619) in discussing this matter says
of Marston's description: 'The comparison of the
workmanship of a laced and plaited ruff to the
laboured nicety of the steel-work of Woodstock
is just.' It is presumed that the work was continued in the seventeenth century, and certainly
it was in full swing in 1720, when it was under
the management of Mr. Metcalfe, who has been
regarded by some as the inventor of the trade.
There, are, however, practically no records concerning the industry, but it is well known that
the prices obtained for some of the specimens of
the Woodstock steel were very considerable.
These prices convey perhaps better than anything else the skill and labour bestowed upon the
small bars before they became ornamental and
useful articles. In 1813 Mr. Brewer records that
a chain weighing only two ounces was sold in France
for £170 sterling. A box in which the freedom of
the borough was presented to Lord Viscount Cliefden
cost thirty guineas; and for a garter star made for his
grace the Duke of Marlborough, fifty guineas were
paid. (fn. 620)

From a reference in the Gentleman's Magazine
it is obvious that the trade still continued up to
1820, (fn. 621) but from that time it began to disappear,
and had entirely ceased to exist before the
middle of the nineteenth century.

The Oxford Mint

The history of Oxford previous to the
Norman Conquest is for the most part shrouded
in the mists of antiquity. It is almost impossible
to find anything concerning the ancient trades
of this city before 1066, and it is only by studying
the history and progress of the moneyer and his
'pennies' that imagination can be drawn upon
to furnish some idea of the extensive trade
that centred in Oxford. Fortunately the study
of the moneyer and his handicraft in Oxford
has been considerably lightened and the path
made clear by Mr. C. Stainer's excellent work
on 'Oxford Silver Pennies.' (fn. 622) The first pennies that have been found and are known to
have been minted in Oxford are for the reign
of Athelstan. At the beginning of this reign,
about 925 to 930, there was possibly only one
moneyer in this city, (fn. 623) but in the later portion of
the reign there were eight men who carried on
this industry, their names being, Ingelri, Mathelwald, Raegenward, Sigeland, Eardulf, Uthelric,
Wynelm and possibly Othelric. Under Edmund
there were evidently moneyers who lived in
Oxford, the only name left on record being that
of Reingrim, who is also to be found in the
reign of Eadred with a co-worker Wynnelm.
Suddenly between the years 955 and 959
there is a gap in the history of minting in
Oxford. This gap is probably due to the fact
that no pennies have been discovered for the
reign of Eadwy, it being most unlikely that the
moneyers' industry had been checked by any
sudden stoppage either in the national progress
or in the commercial advance of Oxford itself.
From 959 to 975 Edgar was ruler of all England
and his pennies were coined at Oxford as elsewhere, the moneyers being Æthelwine, Leofsige,
and Wulfred, the latter extending his work into
the reign of Eadweard II.

The evidence afforded by the number of
Oxford pennies that were minted in the reign
of Æthelræd II and still exist, should show that
the city was advancing and taking up an important position in the country. There are no
fewer than sixty-one of these Oxford pennies
for this reign mentioned in Hildebrand's Catalogue of the great national collection at Stockholm, besides others in Copenhagen, Christiania,
Helsingfors, the British Museum, and the Bodleian Library. These pennies were minted by
numerous moneyers, and several names have
been preserved, though sometimes it is extremely
likely that the same name occurs in a varying
form. The names known are as follows, Ælfmaer, possibly the same as Æthelmaer; Æthelric
or Æthlric; Alfwold; Brihtwine or Brihtwin
or Brihtwen or Bryrhtwine or Byrhtwne; Coleman; Eadwi; Godine; Leofman or Leoman;
Leofwine, and Wulfwine. There are no pennies
of the reign of Edmund Ironside, while those of
the reign of Cnut appear to be most common
though rarely found in England. In Hildebrand's Catalogue the number of Oxford pennies is fifty-eight, the moneyers being more
numerous than in the reign of Æthelræd;
and, excluding the same names as those already
mentioned, although they need not have
been the same men, there were in Oxford
Algelric, Coleman, Edwig, Godman, Godwine,
Lifinc, Saewine, Sibwine, Wulmaer and Wulwi.
Under Harold Harthacnut and Edward the
Confessor the industry continued, and during
the reign of the last of these kings the legend
Pac or Pacx first occurs on a penny. This is
said to refer to the great meeting of the
Witenagemot which was held in Oxford in
a.d. 1017–18. Mr. Keary remarks that:

The terms of this agreement of Oxford were to a
certain extent embodied in a series of statutes identical
with or similar to those which bear the name of Cnut
in the collection of Anglo-Saxon laws. We may
assume that the coins with the legend 'pax' have
some reference to the agreement at Oxford, or to the
promulgation of Cnut's laws, and to the theory
that the peace of Edgar had been re-established. (fn. 624)

At the period of the formation of Domesday,
minting was still carried on at Oxford, but it
appears that there was no profit attached to the
work. In the reigns of William I and II
Æglwine and Ægelwi and probably about
the same time also Brihtred and Godwine
were moneyers. (fn. 625) The mint continued up
to the reign of Henry III and then ceased. (fn. 626)
Sagrim and Sawi were the moneyers under
Henry I. The latter was probably followed by
his son, and the name survived in Sewy's Lane.
Sweting struck Oxford pennies for Matilda.
Gahan or Gihan, Sweting, and Walter minted
in the city during the reign of Stephen, while
Adam, Ashetil, and Rogier did the same under
Henry II. Geoffrey de Stockwell, Henry
Simeon, Adam Feteplace, and William le Saucer
were all moneyers in the reigns of John and
Henry III, and they all appear to have held at
one time or another high official positions in the
city. (fn. 627)

A very considerable period now elapsed before
Oxford was again famous for its mint. The
Civil War, of Parliament against the king, broke
out in September, 1642, and Charles I was
driven to make his head quarters in the loyal
city. Here in January, 1643, a mint was
erected for turning into money for the payment
of the soldiers all the plate from the different
colleges, and this mint was situated at New
Inn Hall. (fn. 628) The mint had been originally established, on the outbreak of the war, at Aberystwith. (fn. 629) Thomas Bushell was master of that
mint and lessee of the silver mines there. It
was then moved to Shrewsbury, where a good deal
of the university plate was turned into coin.

But for want of good workmen and instruments
it was found that only £1,000 a week could be
coined here, and so the mint was removed to
Oxford. (fn. 630) Here it was placed under the direction
of Sir William Parkhurst and Mr. Thomas
Bushell, and the regular workmen of the mint
were brought to Oxford. (fn. 631) It had been agreed
that all coins made at Aberystwith should have
the plume on both sides, but this does not seem
to have been very strictly adhered to, though
when the mint was removed to Oxford the
minters retained this peculiar mark. (fn. 632) But there
were, of course, variations, for the plumes on
the Shrewsbury coins sprang from a large coronet
with no bands under it; those on the Oxford
ones from a smaller coronet with bands. It is
most likely that no gold coins were minted at
Shrewsbury, but at Oxford between 1642 and
1644 £3 gold pieces were regularly issued. (fn. 633)

The coin peculiarly called the Oxford crown [says
Hawkins], is very beautifully executed by Rawlins,
with great spirit and attention to details; underneath
the horse is a view of Oxford with its name oxon.
and R, the initial of the artist's name. (fn. 634)

One of the mint masters was Mr. Robert Hunt,
who died on 19 October, 1643. (fn. 635) In this year
what were called Oxford double crowns were
issued, but all forms of coins down to pennies
were minted in New Inn Hall. (fn. 636) The workmanship of the latter part of 1643 was very superior to
that at the beginning of the year. In 1644 the
gold coins were marked with OX and the date
was placed below; but in the following year the
letters OX were omitted. In 1646, however,
the OX marking was once again instituted, but
on coins of this year the date is placed above the
letters and not below. (fn. 637) As Oxford surrendered
to the Parliamentary forces on 24 June, 1646,
the royal mint naturally came to an end, and the
history of minting at Oxford ceased for ever.

Tiles and Bricks

From very early times tiles have been made in
Oxfordshire, and thirteenth-century tiles were
discovered amongst the foundations of Carfax
Church. (fn. 638) In 1380 there were apparently four
tilers in Oxford, as is shown by the poll-tax of
that year. (fn. 639) From the manorial records of
Bicester, in the reign of Henry VI, tiling seems
to have been carried on at Banbury, for there is
the following entry: 'To John Coventry of
Banbury, tiler for roofing . . . £4:0:1.' (fn. 640)
During the same period the cost of tiles at
Oxford was 2s. 6d. a thousand.

Brick-making is not so old an industry in the
county as tile-making, but it is now carried on
in many parts. In 1604 bricks at Woodstock
cost 10s. a thousand, (fn. 641) and from this time onwards
brick-kilns and clay-kilns seem to have existed.
Between 1642 and 1644 the clay at Shotover does
not seem to have been used so much for bricks as for
making tobacco pipes for the king's soldiers then
quartered at Oxford. (fn. 642) The clay, too, at Marsh
Baldon and Nuneham was, according to Dr. Plot,
used for making some kind of pottery, but he
remarks that it was abandoned before his time.
In 1677, however, he records two places where
bricks were made.

About Nettlebed [he says] they make a sort of brick
so very strong that whereas at most other places they are
unloaded by hand, I have seen these shot out of carts,
after the manner of stones to mend the Highways,
and yet none of them broken.

At Caversham they also made bricks at this
period, and these were of a somewhat peculiar
shape, being 22 in. long and 6 in. broad; they
were called Lath bricks. (fn. 643) At both these places
brick-making continues to be carried on, together
with the manufacture of tiles and drain-pipes.

In 1852 it is recorded that at Nettlebed 'are
manufactured by steam power every description
of sanitary stone-ware pipes, pipes for agriculture,
tiles for roofing, etc.' At this time the business
was under the management of Mr. William
Thompson. At Leafield, too, there were potteries worked by Mr. Philip Franklin, and in
Banbury there were as many as ten brickmakers. (fn. 644)

Clay is dug for brick-making in the neighbourhood of Bicester, at Finmere, Goring, Long
Handborough, and at Caversham and Nettlebed.
The kilns and brickworks at the latter place
are known as the Soundless Kiln, and were
until a short time ago under the superintendence
of Mr. George Eustace. Besides these there
are also brickworks at Sandford-upon-Thames,
belonging to Messrs. Benfield & Loxley; at
Wheatley, belonging to Messrs. J. A. & J.
Cooper; at Headington Quarry, Milton-underWychwood, Deddington, Shiplake, Culham,
Wolvercote, Banbury, and Great Milton.

Glass-Making

There are but very few references to this
industry, which has now entirely disappeared.
It is first mentioned by Dr. Plot in 1677, who
records the fact that glass was made at Henley
by a Mr. Bishop and then by a Mr. Ravenscroft.
The learned historian describes the materials used
by these glass-makers—

The materials they used formerly [he says] were the
blackest Flints calcined and a white christalline sand,
adding to each pound of these . . . about two ounces
of niter, Tartar and Borax. (fn. 645)

Between the years 1700 and 1720 Cox, in his
account of Oxfordshire, seems to have known
of these glassworks at Henley. He speaks of a
certain sand at Nettlebed being sent to the glasshouse at Henley. He also records that sand for
glass-making was to be found at Finstock, Ledwell, and Shotover. (fn. 646) When the glassworks at
Henley came to an end seems to be unknown;
certainly in 1861 there was no trace of this
glass-making business, though the tradition of it
still lingered, as Burn says that the glass-making
of Dr. Plot's reference was probably carried on
at the north end of Bell Street. (fn. 647)

Boat-Building

The county of Oxford being situated as it is
with regard to England's greatest river, there can
be little doubt that the art of boat-building must
have been known to the very earliest inhabitants.
That boat-building was a necessity is obvious,
and that many barges and lumbering boats plied
between Oxford and the metropolis in very early
times is shown by petitions from the merchants
to Edward I or Edward II. (fn. 648) But the very fact
that boats were common was sufficient for their
history to have been placed on one side, and there
is little or nothing to show that there was any
real boat-building industry in Oxford or the riverside towns previous to the end of the eighteenth
century.

Between the years 1791 and 1798, Stephen
Davis is recorded as a boat-builder of Oxford, (fn. 649) and
either he or his son probably entered into partnership about the beginning of the nineteenth century
with a Mr. King. After a time the firm became
that of Isaac King only, and in 1858 Mr. John
Stephen Salter purchased the business. Meantime
there was another firm belonging to Mr. Hall,
and this was also purchased by Mr. Salter
in 1870. In 1874 the firm was known as John
Salter, but since 1890 it has been known as
Messrs. Salter Brothers. In past years this boatbuilding firm executed orders for both the
University crews, and for seven or eight years in
succession they built the boats used in the Interuniversity Race. Besides building all sorts of
pleasure boats, they now build motor, electric,
and steam launches of both steel and wood, and
they have recently constructed a steel sternwheeler for the Congo Mission. At the present
time they have an order for fifteen boats for the
Orange River Colony, and in the past they have
sent many boats to India, Ceylon, and China;
but in the last two cases there is no longer so
great a demand for English-built boats, as the
natives have learnt to construct them on the
same lines. One of the chief parts of the business
of Messrs. Salter Brothers is the running of
pleasure steamers from Oxford to Kingston
during the summer months. These steamers
are built by the firm at Folly Bridge, Oxford. (fn. 650)

In 1871 Mr. Clasper established a boat-building business in Oxford, which was taken over by
Mr. F. Rough in 1883, in whose hands it still
continues. At the works, near Long Bridges on
the towpath, Mr. Rough constructs rowing
boats, but a speciality is made of racing craft,
both for the college rowing clubs and also for
purchasers in Ireland, Norway, Sweden, Germany, Australia, and America. Mr. Rough has
also invented and patented an improved method
for making joints water-tight, and this is especially used in carvel-built boats, ships' decks, and
punts. Besides these two firms at Oxford there
are several other boat-builders who carry on the
industry. (fn. 651)

Oxford is not the only town in the county
celebrated for boat-building, for there are firms
at Goring, Shiplake, and Henley. Saunders's
Patent Launch Building Syndicate, Ltd., have
their chief, works at Cowes in the Isle of Wight,
but they also build at the Springfield Works,
Goring. These are situated on the Thames,
about half a mile above Cleave Lock, and about
one and á half miles from Goring station, with
500 ft. frontage to the river. They have a wellequipped and powerful slipway, capable of dealing with craft from 25 to 30 tons. The business
was originally established in 1830, but the firm
of Saunders was started some thirty-five years
ago by Mr. S. E. Saunders, who is the inventor
and patentee of the sewn construction. Four
years ago the firm was formed into a syndicate
for the purpose of extending and fully exploiting
the patent. This patent system of construction
consists of either two, three, four, or more skins,
the total thickness being from one-eighth of an
inch upwards. First the stringers are placed in
position, then a skin is placed diagonally, then a
fabric waterproofed with the firm's own solution;
next, a reverse diagonal skin is put in position
followed by another solutioned waterproofed
fabric; lastly (in the case of three skins) the
outer skin or planks are placed horizontally. All
these are sewn together with specially annealed
copper or bronze wire, with stitches varying from
half-inch pitch upwards, and are countersunk by
a process which is part of the patent. The result of the whole is a hull of uniform strength,
which, while possessing great elasticity, is free from
vibration. All the launches and boats (up to
60 ft. in length) are built at the Springfield
works bottom up. When the skin is sewn they
are turned right way up for finishing. The firm
have carried out contracts for the King, the
Admiralty, the colonies, Trinity House, the
Eastern Telegraph Company, and many yacht
clubs. (fn. 652)

The firm at Shiplake is that of East's Boat
Building Co., Ltd., but its head quarters are not
in Oxfordshire, being situated at Reading, where
it was founded some twenty-eight years ago.
Since 1890 the firm, which then belonged to
Mr. A. H. East, established a branch at Shiplake,
and eight years later the business was turned
into a limited liability company. Boats have
been dispatched to every part of the world, and
all kinds of launches and boats are constructed.

Chair-Making

This industry is not of any great size, but
affords a certain amount of employment in the
eastern and south-eastern portions of the county.
As early as 1380 one chairmaker is recorded as
having his business in Oxford. (fn. 653) The history of
the industry is, however, a blank from this time
until the nineteenth century. Pigot, in his Commercial Directory, gives the name of J. Langbourne
as a chairmaker at Henley in 1823. (fn. 654) At
Kingston Blount, Chinnor, Oakley, and Stokenchurch, chair-making was carried on in 1852, (fn. 655)
and about the same time Thame had some
celebrity for its beechen chairs. The principal
centre of the industry is now at Stokenchurch,
though it is also carried on at Chinnor, Watlington, and Caversham. The chief types of
chairs made are low, plain wooden chairs with
rush seats, and a large number of church chairs
are also manufactured.

Banbury Cakes

Banbury is perhaps best known to the commercial world as a centre for the manufacture of
agricultural implements, but to the ordinary man
it is most celebrated for three things—the Banbury Cross, Banbury cakes, and Banbury cheese.
Ever since the days of Queen Elizabeth Banbury has been famous for its cakes. (fn. 656) In 'a
treatise by T. Bright, doctor of physic, 1586',
the following paragraph proves how early Banbury cakes were known to the outside world,
though probably they had long been familiar to
the inhabitants of that town.

Sodden wheate [wrote Dr. Bright] is a grosse and
melancholie nourishmente, and bread especiallie of
the fine flower unleavened: of this sorte are baggepuddings or panne puddings made with flower, frittars, pancakes, such as we call Banberrie cakes, and
those great ones confected with butere, egges, etc., used
at weddings. (fn. 657)

Philemon Holland, the celebrated translator, (fn. 658)
records in his edition of Camden's Britannia,
1609, that Banbury amongst other things was
celebrated for its cakes. Thus early was the
cake trade connected with the town, and it is
evident that the connexion was sufficiently appreciated in England, because Ben Jonson in his
Bartholomew Fair in 1614 introduced a character formerly a baker of Banbury. Thus the
baker's enemy is made to say—

I remember that too; out of a scruple he took,
that in spiced conscience, those cakes he made were
served to bridalls, maypoles, morisses, and such
profane feasts and meetings. (fn. 659)

In 1615 Richard Braithwait published A
Strappado for the Divell, and compared Banbury
to Bradford and mentioned the cakes. (fn. 660) In the
next year title-deeds were drawn up that prove
the shop now in Parsons Street to have existed
as early as 1616, and it is most probable that
cakes were made in what is now a parlour, but
what was then perhaps a bakehouse. (fn. 661) Whether
the cakes were made here or in another shop, they
are mentioned in 1627, and again in 1636 by
John Taylor the Water Poet. (fn. 662) The industry
undoubtedly continued with variations and fluctuations, and it would be gathered from Addison
in the Tatler in 1710 that the cake trade was
not as flourishing as it had been at the beginning of the seventeenth century. (fn. 663) But on
10 March, 1711, Hearne remarked that Banbury was celebrated for its cakes and that the
judges, when on the Oxford assize, were presented with a cake. (fn. 664) During this century the
White family were the celebrated cake-makers,
and towards the close of the century Betty
White was perhaps the most famous of all cakemakers, her reputation and name being still well
remembered in Banbury. (fn. 665)

During the nineteenth century the cake trade
flourished even more than ever before. In 1838
the fame of the cakes was spread abroad by a
consignment being sent from Banbury to India.
The shop that had previously belonged to the
White family passed into the hands of Mr.
Samuel Beesley, and in 1840 he sold 139,500
of the twopenny cakes, and during the month
of August they were sold at the rate of 5,400
weekly. Besides this wonderful output, it is
noticeable that some cakes were sent to
America and Australia. (fn. 666) So famous had the cake
trade become, and so small was the agricultural
machine-manufacturing business, that in 1847
Banbury is recorded as being principally known
for its cakes. According to the Directory of Oxfordshire for the year 1852, there were two
well-known cake-makers living in the town,
Mr. Claridge and Mr. William Betts, the grandson
of Betty White. Mr. Claridge was said at that
time to be the oldest cake-maker. His business
was very extensive, for besides having a contract
for a weekly supply of cakes to the Great Exhibition in Hyde Park in 1851, he also had to satisfy
the demands of about 150 sellers in London, and
others in the principal towns, and at the same
time he exported 150 boxes of these articles of
pastry to Calcutta. (fn. 667) The coming of the railway must have benefited the cake-makers very
considerably. The trade still continues in Banbury, there being three chief cake-makers, two
of the name of Betts, and one of the name of
Brown at 12, Parsons Street, which house, according to Mr. Evans, is said to have been the
'original cake shop.' (fn. 668)

Banbury Cheese

The celebrity of Banbury for its cakes still
remains as widespread as in the past, but this is
not the case with regard to Banbury cheese,
which was once so famous, for now the industry
has practically disappeared. From the corporation books of Banbury it is evident that the Banbury cheese was well known in 1556, and 8s.
were paid for 'vj copull of ches yt wer sennt to
London.' (fn. 669) Camden speaks of the town as being
famous for its good cheese in 1586. To the
playgoers of the Elizabethan period the Banbury cheese must have been a familiar object, for
Shakespeare in The Merry Wives of Windsor
makes Falstaff's companion, Bardolph, compare
Master Slender with a Banbury cheese. (fn. 670) This
reference is somewhat elucidated by another in Jack
Dunn's Entertainment where the phrase 'You are
like a Banbury cheese, nothing but paring,' is
introduced. (fn. 671) As a matter of fact the cheese for
which Banbury was so justly celebrated was a
rich milk cheese about an inch in thickness. (fn. 672)
Philemon Holland, in his edition of Camden's
Britannia, also mentions Banbury's famous
cheeses, and in this he is followed in 1636 by
John Taylor the Water Poet. (fn. 673)

Burton, in his Anatomy of Melancholy, bestows
upon the cheeses of Banbury a high encomium
when he says, 'Of all cheeses, I take that kind
which we call Banbury cheese to be the best.' (fn. 674)
In 1677 the studious Dr. Plot refers to the
cheeses of Banbury just as he does to so many of
the industries of the county. (fn. 675) As late as the
eighteenth century Banbury still retained its
fame. In 1700 Chamberlayne remarks that
'the rich and fine town of Banbury' is celebrated for cheese; (fn. 676) and a few years later Defoe
writes, 'Banbury has a considerable trade, especially in cheese.' (fn. 677) A recipe for making this
particular cheese is to be found in the MS.
Sloane, 1201, fol. 3. (fn. 678) The fame of Banbury
cheese slowly disappeared, and by the middle of
the nineteenth century it had entirely gone,
though another kind of cheese was made about
1841 which, to a certain extent and for a short
period, replaced the old kind. This was a very
rich kind of cheese made at a late season, never
before Michaelmas. It was called 'latter-made'
cheese, and cost from 1s. 6d. to 1s. 10d. a
pound. (fn. 679) In the sixteenth century the name of
Banbury at once brought to the mind of the
hearer the famous cheeses, but in the twentieth
century this is no longer the case.

42. Ibid. 15. There were several interesting works
printed in the first forty years of the seventeenth
century, e.g. Wycliff's Treatises (1608); Captain
John Smith's Map of Virginia (1612); Burton's
Anatomy of Melancholy (1621); Field on the Church
(1628); Sandys's translations of Ovid's Metamorphoses
(1633); The University Statutes (1634); Chaucer's
Troilus and Cressida in English and Latin (1635);
Chillingworth's Religion of Protestants (1638); Bacon's
Advancement and Proficience of Learning, in English
(1640).

70. Reed, Old Engl. Letter Foundries, 155. He says
as a footnote, 'The Bible-side height is slightly above
the ordinary English height. The Learned-side
height is about the same as the French height.
Ancient jealousies between the two rival "sides" have
much to answer for in the growth of this anomaly.
Happily the difference of "height" is now the only
difference between the Bible and Learned Presses.'

78. Charles, earl of Stanhope, was born in 1753;
entered Eton in 1763. He was brought up at
Geneva, and died in 1816. Wraxall says, 'His person was tall and thin, his countenance expressive of
ardour and impetuosity, as were all his movements.
. . . He possessed stentorian lungs and a powerful
voice always accompanied by violent gesticulation.'
Again he says that he was 'a man who at every
period of his life, whether as a commoner or as a peer,
displayed the same ardent, eccentric, fearless, indefatigable and independent character.'

148. Ibid. 48–50. The name William Wildgoose is
of particular interest, as he was the craftsman who
bound the First Folio Shakespeare in 1624, which has
been (April, 1906) bought by the Bodleian Library.

187. Madan, Chart of Oxf. Printing, 17. Harl. MS.
5901, fol. 89. George Edwards is here described as 'a
cutter in wood of the great letters, and engraved many
other things made use of in the printing of books, and
had a talent in maps, although done with his left hand.'

280. Lecture given in 1862 by Mr. Langford, of Highgate, at Witney, supplied to me by Mr. W. S. Miller,
as follows: 'In another of King Edgar's charters
dated 969 appears the following (in Latin), "In a
place much frequented (or very celebrated) denominated by the term, 'at the Witan isle.'" Then follows
a description of the bounds of Witney at that time,
part as follows: "The route then follows the river
Wenrise to Fulenige—the isle of the Fullers, a meadow well known at Fulney—to the south of Farm
Mills." A curious proof that a fulling mill existed
here at least 900 years ago.'

290. Evans, Highways and Byways in Oxford and the
Cotswolds (1905), 142.

291. Cal. S.P. Dom. 1591–4, 569. '1594,
Dec. 20. Declaration by Sir George Delnes and
William Fitzwilliam, to whom the queen has granted
the alnage of the new Draperies by patent of July last,
of their appointment of Rich. Baker of Hawstead,
Essex, as deputy aulnager in that town (i.e. Witney)
from Xmas to midsummer next, so that he perform the
office honestly and do not needlessly molest the subject. Endorsed, John Collier of Witney, clothier;
Stephen Collier of the same place, fuller.'

341. Oxf. Hist. Soc. xvii, 479, 483, 484, 485. Clark
proposes that Wood meant the west side of North Gate
Street. He also asks, 'Is Shoe Lane a reminiscence
of the Cordwainers?' The Cordwainery was in the
position stated by Wood in 1190, 1286, and 1318.

407. Cal. S.P. Dom. 1547–80, p. 683 (33). The
variation in price is clearly shown by Mr. Thorold
Rogers in Agriculture and Prices, v, 728–9. In 1584
New College presented two pair at 6s. the pair. In
1585 All Souls gave away five pair costing £3. A
year later they presented to the lord treasurer and his
wife two pair at 32s. In 1590 Magdalen College
gave as much as 15s. for a single pair, while exactly a
year later a single pair cost New College 40s. But
even these prices rose in the next century, for St. John's
College paid 55s. for a pair of gloves in 1633, and in
1660 the pair given to the chancellor by New College
cost 85s. The ordinary glove, however, in Wood's
lifetime, cost 1s., 1s. 2d., or 1s. 10d.

466. Rec. of City of Oxf. (1880), 10. 'Md that
at a court holden in the house of Robert Donham,
master of the craft or occupation of brewers in
Oxford, the 22 of February in the 4th yere of the
raigne of Kinge Harry the Eight, it was enacted,
established and statuted for evermore hereafter, that if
any bruer of Oxford which hath refused or else hereafter doe refuse to brue, and give over his house by
the space of a hole yere and afterward will take a
brue house and bryw againe wthin the towne of
Oxford and the suburbes of the same, or else if that
any bruer in time of derth of malte doe refuse and
will not brew, and afterwards in time of good cheap
of malt will take uppon him to bryw againe, that
then the person or persons so taking apon them
to bryw shall first make such fyne to the occupation of bruers aforesaide as the hole body of the
said occupation or the more part of them shall
putt to him, of forfetor and losse XLs for every
borden or brywinge made to the contrary, halff
thereof to be applied to my Lord Chancellor of the
Universite or his commissary for the tyme beinge,
and Xs parcell of the other halfe to the use and
profytt of the sayd occupation of bruers, and Xs the
residue thereof to be applied unto the use of the
master and wardens of ye saide occupation for the
time being. In witnesse whereof, &c.'

553. Gent. Mag. 1865, pt. i, 181–9. The above
references are only a few selected from a large number. The whole account is very interesting and
useful as showing the prices that were usual at the
beginning of the fifteenth century.

593. The Machinery Market, supra. Sir Bernhard Samuelson was born 22 November, 1820, at Hamburg.
His father was an English merchant, and his grandfather was connected with the City of London. He
was educated at Skirlaugh, Yorkshire. From 1842
to 1845 he was employed by Sharp, Stewart & Co. on
the Continent. In 1853 he started his furnaces in
the Cleveland district. In 1870 he constructed the
Britannia Works at Middlesbrough. He first sat in
Parliament in 1859, and resigned his seat in 1893.
Died 10 May, 1905.

596. Beesley, Hist. of Banbury, 538, says in a footnote:
'Most of the bells in the neighbourhood were cast at
Chacombe by the Bagley family; the principal of
whom, Henry Bagley, who died in 1684, lies buried
in Chacombe churchyard. The foundry stood in
what is now (1841) the malt-house garden; no
vestige remains. Tradition says that the descendants
of Henry Bagley left Chacombe in consequence of the
loss occasioned by the bursting of his mould while
casting a bell. Henry Bagley lost his life while
testing a piece of ordnance at Woolwich.'

620. Stainer, Oxford Silver Pennies. Oxf. Hist. Soc.
xlvi. Mr. Stainer does not agree with the opinion
of some writers with regard to the 'Orsnaforda'
coins of King Alfred. A controversy still continues
as to whether these coins were minted at Oxford or
not.

627. Oxf. Hist. Soc. xlvi, passim. Mr. C. Stainer's
work is of the highest value to all students of early
English coins, and for this early history of the mint
the writer is deeply indebted to that author.

645. Oxf. Hist. Soc. xxxii, 109. Compare Oxf. Hist.
Soc. iii, 214, where the people of Abingdon are
shown to have placed a toll on boats passing to
Oxford, as early as 1060. Burcot was the great
harbour, and frequently goods were carried from here
by road to avoid this toll.