This section provides a global overview addressing enrolment
growth and the gender gap followed by regional summaries. The
information presented here is gleaned from country EFA assessments
as they became available. Because assessments were by necessity
not carried out identically, comparable information was often
not available across countries.

Net enrolment ratios (NER) have risen in some countries in all
regions of the world . While in developed countries net enrolment
rates were already universal or close to it in 1990, the average
level of NER in the developing countries was 85.6 percent for
boys and 77.2 percent for girls. The levels are projected to
be 87.9 percent for boys and 81.5 percent for girls in 2000.

Primary net enrolment ratios for primary school girls have risen
in all regions since 1990 and are projected to increase further
up to 2010. This also means that the absolute number of girls
in school has risen in all regions since 1990 and is projected
to increase further up to 2010. However, because of population
growth and the tendency for less progress to have been made
in the areas with higher growth, the absolute number of girls
of primary age (worldwide) out of school has risen since 1990
and is expected to continue rising up to 2005.

Enrolment
Growth

Net enrolment ratios have grown overall, and girls' enrolment
ratios have grown substantially over the past decade. As Table
1 indicates, girls' enrolment has grown more than boys' in all
regions of the developing world, particularly in East Asia and
the Arab States. However, the growth has not been 'accelerated'
and girls are still less likely to be in school than boys.

In the Arab States, there appears to have been a contraction
in the net enrolment rates of boys at the primary level at the
same time as there has been an increase at the secondary level.
The reasons for this are unknown and it should be a cause for
concern. Girls' enrolment levels at primary level have increased
at above average rates and there has been significant growth
for females at secondary level within the region.

In all regions, the secondary level has grown more strongly
than the primary. Without a more in-depth analysis, it is impossible
to state precisely the reasons for this. The expansion of the
more expensive secondary level may indicate that the more affluent
members of society are disproportionately enrolling their children
in secondary school. Another explanation could be that the different
starting levels are the reason for the higher growth rates at
secondary level; the primary level would be more constrained
by ceiling effects. Since the primary level enrolment is higher
to start with, an increase of a given size would form a smaller
proportion of the enrolment .

Gender
Gap

It is sometimes argued that if the general trend in girls schooling
is up, then one should not worry unduly about whether the gender
gap is narrowing or widening. Why it matters refers to the basic
reason why differentials exist in the first place. A persistent
gender gap is highly suggestive that the underlying causes of
disadvantage and discrimination against women and girls are
not being addressed meaningfully.

It is sometimes argued that if the general trend in girls schooling
is up, then one should not worry unduly about whether the gender
gap is narrowing or widening. Why it matters refers to the basic
reason why differentials exist in the first place. A persistent
gender gap is highly suggestive that the underlying causes of
disadvantage and discrimination against women and girls are
not being addressed meaningfully.

Worldwide, the gender gap in enrolment ratios is closing. However,
this overall figure masks considerable regional variation in
both the starting level and the degree of improvement. As can
be seen in Table 2, in 1990 South Asia and the Arab states had
the highest gender differentials, (17 and 12 percentage points
respectively). Both regions have narrowed this differential,
by approximately 5 percentage points. Sub-Saharan Africa was
the third highest in terms of gender gap, but despite the fact
that net enrolment ratios for both boys and girls have risen,
the gender gap has widened by 0.7 percentage points in this
part of the world.

Gender parity in all aspects of education is a goal for universal
basic education. However, if countries are characterised by
gender parity this does not necessarily mean that equitable
conditions exist for girls and boys in school; neither does
gender bias in favour of girls (as in Botswana, the Philippines,
Lesotho, and countries in the Caribbean) indicate that conditions
have become inequitable for boys. Qualitative aspects of schooling,
such as, leadership opportunities for girls in the classroom
and school, equal access to resources--including the teacher's
time and attention, parents' and teachers' attitudes toward
girls' aspirations and education, and the respect teachers and
other students accord to girls (and boys) all factor in to the
quality and equity of pupils' school experiences. Indicators
of these qualitative factors have yet to be consistently developed,
but descriptive information (less easily quantified) is also
needed to point to gender equity in a school or an education
system. These kinds of data are valuable, necessary, and need
to be considered in future assessments

For reasons of economy, the data presented above are generally
geographically aggregated. Urban and rural populations, populations
of different traditions, religions, those living in remote mountain
villages as well as those living in exclusive urban suburbs
are all summed together. This aggregation frequently obscures
the radical differences, not only in actual levels of educational
participation but also in the constraints to participation and
the kinds of strategies that can be used to address them. This
is present even in small countries, but is particularly acute
in large countries where remote and/or minority populations
may have strikingly different rates of female and male educational
participation than is the norm. Muslim populations in majority
Christian countries (or vice versa), nomadic groups, or other
minority groups may for all intents and purposes be living in
a completely different country. The growth of the urban under-class
living in slums and squatter settlements on the fringes of large
urban areas in most developing countries is a notable development
of the last decade. Girls and boys in these communities are
very unlikely to attend school.

Some of this variation within regions and within countries is
discussed below. This variation and the fact that some regions
and nations are not making progress in this area make it very
important that the closing of the gender gap remain an important
objective within the Education for All movement.

Regional
Profiles

Girls' disadvantaged position within the education sector is
revealed through limited access; lower rates of representation
at particular levels, rates of completion and rates of achievement,
i.e., how well they do in learning assessment exercises. In
addition, girls' representation in 'higher status' areas of
study, the kinds of careers that they are able to enter, and
in which careers they can advance are other indicators of girls'
relative position in the system. The supports that encourage
girls to succeed include inter alia literate women (including
and especially literate mothers) and the presence and number
of women in the teaching force. The profiles below take these
factors into account as they reveal trends across the geographical
regions of the world.

Eastern Asia and Oceania: Primary net enrolment rates have
been increasing in all countries, although much variation exists
in this broad region. Korea DPR and the Cook Islands have achieved
universal access to primary education. China, Indonesia, Fiji,
Samoa Thailand, and Malaysia are close to that goal. Other countries
such as Cambodia and Viet Nam are making steady progress. Countries
such as Malaysia, the Philippines, and Korea DPR show gender
parity in achievement as well as in access. In China, absolute
gender disparity in NER narrowed from 1.8 percent to .14 percent,
indicating that disparity in access between girls and boys basically
has been eliminated.

On the other hand, gender imbalance characterizes most measures
of education attainment in Papua New Guinea. Significant cultural
attitudes militate against girls' education; approximately 10-15
percent more boys than girls entered first grade between 1992
and 1997. If young women do complete an education, the work
culture provides few opportunities for them to be employed in
supervisory and management positions.

In countries where important gains have been made there are
still stubborn pockets of marginalized children--those belonging
to ethnic or religious minorities or living in geographically
remote regions. In these communities girls are particularly
vulnerable to being left out of school . For example, in Lao,
PDR, the gender balance of student enrolment nationally is 45
percent girls and 55 percent boys, but gender differences in
primary school are even more prevalent in provinces with a high
ethnic minority population. In one region males have a 114.7
percent GER compared with 76.2 percent for females; in another,
75 percent of the unenrolled children are girls.

The economic slump in this part of the world and the growing
tendency for the state to partially or completely withdraw from
funding even primary education forces parents to make a financially-driven
decision about sending their daughters to school-a calculus
that generally does not favour girls .

The situation for the region at the secondary level is less
positive than for the large numbers of primary school children
in the East Asia/Oceania region. Not only are overall rates
of participation lower, but the gender gap is also wider--13
percentage points in favour of boys in Cambodia, 12 in Laos
and 9 in China and Indonesia . Mongolia is an exception with
a 20 percentage point gap in favour of girls. In Indonesia the
transition rate for boys is increasing (currently 74.5 percent)
but girls' transition rate has dropped dramatically from 74
percent (1992) to an expected 56 percent in 2000--below the
1990 rate of 57.7 percent.

Literacy rates vary widely between and within countries as well.
Gender disparity in illiteracy rates in China has narrowed by
6.3 percent, yet regional disparities remain significant. Relative
gender gaps in illiteracy rates have increased in 17 provinces
and autonomous regions. Adult illiteracy rates in Qinghai and
Tibet are as high as 43.6 percent and 54.1 percent respectively;
gender disparities in these areas are even more striking. In
Vietnam, there is an 8 percentage point gender gap in literacy
rates for the 15-35 age group, but in the main labour force
literacy rates have increased from 86 percent in 1990 to 95.6
percent in 1998, with no gender gap registered. Papua New Guinea
reports a low literacy rate for females at 38 percent. There
are more qualified women teachers than men in such countries
as the Philippines, Kiribati, and the Cook Islands.

South Asia: In South Asia more than one-third of girls are
unlikely to ever receive a formal education and adult women
have the lowest literacy rate in the world. There have been
some signs of improvement, however, with girls' enrolment at
the primary and secondary levels growing more rapidly than boys'.

Variations within and between countries are particularly sharp
in this region. In 1999 all countries except Maldives and Sri
Lanka still fell under the World Bank low-income group with
GNP per capita less than US$675. In Maldives, access to schooling
is no longer an issue, but quality of education is, especially
for schools on the outer islands. Primary enrolment rates in
Bangladesh have climbed to 75 per cent for both boys and girls
and the total enrolment level for all Bhutanese children of
school-going age is 95 percent. Schooling rates for girls in
Afghanistan have plummeted, however, following massive closings
of girls' schools. Within India, the state of Kerala has an
enrolment rate of 90 per cent while the rate for Bihar (due
west of Bangladesh) is approximately 50 per cent.

Innovations to address these dramatic differences and low rates
include a multi-sector partnership in the Indian city of Mumbai
and The Intensive District Approach to Education for All (IDEAL)
program in Bangladesh. The Pratham Mumbai Education Initiative
has set up 1,600 pre-schools and renovated 1,200 primary schools
in Mumbai. IDEAL promotes more child-friendly classrooms through
training teachers about children's individual learning patterns.
Also in India, the state of Andhra Pradesh conducted a "Back
to School" programme; that is, transition classes for working
children and 16,000 summer schools for 360,000 children in Grade
One. Nepal and Bangladesh have designed policies and programmes
to bring more women teachers into schools as a means of offering
safety to and role models for girl students.

Nepal's 1991 census showed a literacy rate of 25 percent
for girls six years and above. The literacy rate for women of
the 18 and older age group was 18 percent. Most illiteracy in
Nepal is found in the rural population that consists of both
adults and school-age children who can not attend school. In
Bhutan, issues around female literacy are not well known due
to lack of research, but over 10,000 adults have been enrolled
in non-formal education programmes, 70 percent of whom are women.

Attention to girls' education in South Asia is a "must." This
region has the largest number of out-of-school children in the
world-two thirds of whom are girls. Without concerted action
in this region EFA will never be achieved.

Central Asia and Eastern Europe: A tradition of generally
equal access to education exists in all of the post-socialist
countries of Central Asia and Eastern Europe. In many countries,
gender equality is written into fundamental laws or the national
constitution. Women made significant advances in education under
socialist forms of government, and current statistics on gender
parity in education in most of the region reflect this progress.
Some nations in the region such as Georgia and Kyrgyzstan report
universal primary education along with gender parity on indicators
such as persistence and literacy.

Education systems of most countries in this area are undergoing
major changes, however. Most have suffered serious economic
and social destabilization during the present transitional period.
In the education sector, this has led to reduction in availability
of teaching materials, diminished purchasing power for teachers,
and increased numbers of dropouts. In Tajikistan, the number
of drop-outs is increasing at all levels of education. Approximately
20 percent of boys and 25 percent of girls between 7 and 17
years old in rural areas did not attend school in 1996. The
percentage of female students has fallen to almost one-third
of the high school population and it is decreasing annually,
as a result of material difficulties within the family, shrinking
job opportunities for women, and educational priority being
given to young men. Despite these grim statistics, the transition
period in Central Asia has also allowed for some positive developments,
such as, policy reform, and the introduction of new curricula
and instructional methods.

Turkey's countrywide NER is 87.5 percent total, but the
rate for girls lags behind boys by 10.3 percentage points. In
Romania, a 1994 study of the Institute for Sciences of Education
on functional illiteracy showed that 11 percent of the total
functional illiterates among graduates of compulsory education
were girls, while boys represented only 8.9 percent. Girls in
this group are at a particular disadvantage, since non-formal
education is more available to the male population (e.g., courses
are organised for young men by the Ministry of National Defence
during their military service).

In some of the countries struggling the most to develop a new
economic and social environment, the introduction of higher
educational fees have coincided with lower family incomes and
sharp reductions in state support for education generally. In
Bulgaria, for example, state funding fell by three quarters.
In Kyrgyzstan, the Republic of Moldova and the former Republic
of Macedonia heating of schools in winter is now very problematic.

A recent study conducted by UNICEF's International Child Development
Centre suggests that not only are the standard of education
and the enrolment levels falling, but that the egalitarian feature
of the former system is also rapidly eroding. Ethnic and religious
minorities and rural populations are being disproportionately
affected, as are girls.

Western Europe: Nearly universal access to education has
been achieved in Western Europe, with boys and girls equally
represented in early childhood and primary education. Indeed,
girls often achieve higher levels of education than boys. Persistent
rates of high unemployment have plagued many parts of this region,
however, so the focus of educational reform has centred on education
for employment in information-based economies.

In many Western European countries, including Norway, high rates
of illiteracy among minority and immigrant populations is of
special concern. In Cyprus, overall illiteracy dropped from
6 percent in 1991 to 4 percent in 1997 and women's illiteracy
rate dropped from 10 percent to 6 percent. In spite of the decrease
in illiteracy in the female population, this percentage remains
relatively high. This may be attributable to the fact that social
conventions kept many older women, especially those in rural
areas, from attending school.

One half of Ireland's population aged 25-64 years had not completed
upper secondary education in 1996 compared to 62 percent per
cent in 1989. The low relative ranking in this indicator reflects
the low level of educational investment in Ireland up to thirty
years ago. Women in this age group have more average years of
schooling than men. However the position improves for the younger
age groups. One-third (34 percent) of Ireland's population aged
25-34 years had not completed upper secondary education in 1996,
and among young people aged 20-24 the percentage declined by
the equivalent of 12 percentage points (from 38 percent to 26
percent) between 1989 to 1995.

In Finland, as in several other Western European countries,
women have surpassed men in both enrolment and graduation rates,
especially in tertiary education. Both education and employment
continue to be divided into men's and women's fields, however,
and have not become substantially less segregated over the past
20 years. In another example, vocational education in the Netherlands,
only 11.5 percent of girls were enrolled in technical courses
in 1997/98, while 86.8 percent were enrolled in non-technical
fields of preparation. This represents only a slight change
from 1990, when the figures were 10 percent and 90 percent respectively.
Women in adult education, however, represented 63 percent of
all participants in 1997/98.

Women's participation in the work force has contributed to the
growth of early childhood education in a number of countries.
In Sweden, for example, the majority of children between 1 and
12 years old now have a place in publicly funded childcare centre.
In Ireland, by contrast, education for children under 4 years
old is not well developed but nearly all 5-year-olds and more
than half of 4-year-olds attend primary school. The participation
rate among 4-year-old girls is four to five percentage points
greater than that for boys.

In France as in many other countries in Europe, the majority
of teachers are women. In 1998, about 77 percent of French teachers
were women. In the Netherlands, the percentage of female teachers
in primary education rose from 64 percent in 1991 to 76.8 percent
in 1997, though at secondary level women accounted for only
25 percent in 1993 and 28 percent in 1997.

Arab States and North Africa: Early childhood care and development
is receiving greater attention in this region, especially in
Tunisia, Egypt, Jordan and Iraq. Other countries like Palestine,
Lebanon, Syria, Iran and Djibouti are moving in the same direction.
Iran has made great strides in rural areas and girls' attendance
is now over 90 percent. In both Bahrain and Syria the gender
parity index for early childhood care in pre-schools favors
males, although the index for Syria has increased from .89 to
.91.

Female primary net enrolments have improved except in Yemen,
Djibouti and Mauritania, but girls in the 6-10 age group still
have lower rates than boys (except in Jordan and Lebanon). The
gap is widest in Yemen and Morocco. For the 11 to 15 year age
group in the region, there has been an increase in the gender
gap at primary level since 1995 . Egypt's primary education
enrolment represents an increase in basic education of 12 percent
over a five-year period. With 55.4 percent males and 44.6 percent
females, this also represents a slight increase in gender parity,
Girls are still more likely to drop out or repeat in this region,
although there are exceptions. In Iraq repetition rates among
males were higher than for females, but grade 4 achievement
rates favoured males (57 percent) over females (43 percent).
At the secondary level male enrolment ratios still exceed that
of females everywhere except Jordan.

Based on achievement data from nine countries, girls scored
higher than boys in the area of life skills and Arabic language.
The results for mathematics were mixed, with girls outscoring
boys in Oman, Palestine, U.A.E., Jordan and Kuwait.

Literacy rates vary widely. The rates are increasing in Bahrain
but there is still a marked gender difference in the rates of
80.4 percent for men and 73 percent for women (according to
population estimates of 1996). Iraq's literacy rate is 27.4
percent for males and females ages 10 and older, 20 percent
for males and 34.5 percent for females. In Syria females' ability
to read and write has risen strikingly from 60 percent to 73
percent over the past five years, an increase averaging 2.5
percent per year.

Regional efforts are being undertaken to make the promotion
of girls' education a regional imperative with the creation
of the Regional Task Force on Girls' and Women's Education,
made up of women leaders from Jordan, Morocco, Egypt, Syria,
Sudan, Yemen and Iran. However, the persistent conflicts in
some countries (Algeria, Sudan, the West Bank) and the sanctions
against Iraq have disrupted schooling, particularly for girls.

The
Republic of Yemen: Addressing Gender Disparities

The
republic of Yemen faces special challenges in improving
educational access, equity, and quality, since Yemen
has one of the largest disparities in access in the
world. In 1997, gross enrolment rates for boys and girls
at the basic education level were 81 percent and 31
percent, respectively -- a 42 percentage point difference.
The government, with World Bank support, is actively
working to improve girls' enrolment rates. Central to
the country's efforts are initiatives to build more
schools in under-served areas, including girls-only
secondary schools; increase the number of qualified
women teachers and school administrators in rural areas;
engage parents in the management of schools; and improve
the quality of education. The government is also actively
seeking ways to reduce the direct and opportunity costs
of girls' education, since these are known to be key
factors underlying girls' low enrolment and retention
rates. Ministry of Education initiatives to decentralise
and to increase efficiencies in education administration
will also promote girls' school participation by loosening
up resources for system expansion and improvement.

Source: World Bank: The World Bank and Girls' Education

Sub-Saharan Africa: Despite notable gains by African countries
to ensure that every African child has access to quality basic
education, only about 10 countries have achieved universal primary
education. An estimated 41 million school age children are out
of school, 56 percent of them are girls. Approximately 20 to
29 percent repeat a grade or more, and the number of students
dropping out of school is increasing.

Most Sub-Saharan African countries have a gender gap that disadvantages
girls. Chad's general enrolment increased by 14 percent from
1996 to 1998 but the gender gap widened by six percent from
1997 to 1998, after narrowing by two percent in 1997. The gender
gap remains at 26 percent in both Chad and Benin.

Some countries in East and Central Africa experienced declining
enrolments in early and mid 1990s (Kenya and Tanzania) but appear
to be reversing this trend in the latter part of the decade.
Swaziland had a large drop in net enrolment, decreasing from
93 to 80 percent between 1993 and 1996, due in part to the serious
impact of HIV/AIDS on Swaziland. The pandemic costs Swaziland's
educational system an estimated three to four teachers each
week.

Adolescent girls are increasingly being seen as a group vulnerable
to educational disruption-there is a high demand for their labour
in the household, and many girls are still being married in
their mid-teens. For those outside marriage, their age and gender
make them easy targets for sexual exploitation, and consequently
they generally record the highest rates of HIV/AIDS infection
. All these factors; household labour, early marriage, unwanted
pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases-threaten their schooling
and make them a priority target group for increased education
in the next 10 - 15 years.

Sub-Saharan Africa had the second highest gender gap in 1990.
Since then several regional initiatives have emerged; the Forum
of African Women Educationalists (FAWE), the Female Education
in Mathematics and Science in Africa (FEMSA) the NGO Alliance,
the African Girls' Education Initiative (AGEI), and others.
Advocacy and awareness-raising activities have brought about
remarkable progress, and girls' enrolment has risen markedly
in sub-Saharan Africa. Nevertheless, despite excellent progress
in some countries (Guinea, Benin and Senegal) there has been
a slight overall widening of the gender gap.

Adult illiteracy, particularly among females, continues to grow,
fuelled by high population growth and inadequate supply of educational
services.

Latin America & Caribbean: Latin America has the highest
literacy rates in the developing world--87 per cent, with women's
literacy at 85 per cent. Enrolment rates for girls and boys
at primary and secondary levels are high throughout the region.
Quality is an important issue, however. Gross enrolment rates
are usually over 100, implying a large percentage of overage
students as well as high levels of repetition. In nearly half
of the 21 countries for which data is available, at least 10
percent of the children are repeating grades. In Brazil the
rate of repetition exceeds 15 percent. Guatemala's repetition
rate is 28.4 percent nationally, ranging from 19 percent in
Guatemala City to 36 percent in the department of PetÚn. The
rates are slightly higher for boys than for girls.

Dropout rates are also high. One quarter of children entering
primary school drop out before reaching the fifth grade. In
Colombia, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Haiti and Nicaragua
the dropout rate is at least 40 per cent . In Bolivia, primary
enrolment slightly favors girls but only 42-54 percent of girls
or boys finish fifth grade. Girls' rate of promotion in primary
is slightly higher and the dropout rate is slightly lower for
girls than for boys. More significantly, forty-two percent of
girls finish school, compared to a mere 35 percent for boys.

Throughout Latin America, the enrolment levels are relatively
lower and the gender gaps higher among certain parts of the
population, particularly the indigenous Indians. Rural girls'
dropout and repetition rates are twice as high as those of boys
and the gender gap in primary completion is widest in rural
areas.

Over the last two decades Brazil has experienced a rapid
increase in the schooling of the female population. Net enrollment
rates in primary education are high, graduation rates in primary
education are going up, and more Brazilian females are also
enrolled in secondary education. Most important is the rapid
decline of illiteracy rates among younger women. The proportion
of illiterates is significantly lower now among women than among
men in all population groups up to the age of 39. Among the
reasons for this are the entry of women into the labor market
and the increasing professionalisation of the female work force,
associated with higher aspirations for girls; and the reality
that male children and adolescents are more often forced to
leave school and work to increase the family income.

Latin America is also home to some of the most innovative educational
initiatives, including community schools in Colombia (Escuela
Nueva) and Guatemala (Nueva Escuela Unitaria) where girls actively
participate in learning and have increased opportunities for
leadership throughout primary school. New kinds of business
and community partnerships support education in Brazil. And
as Honduras recovers from the devastation of Hurricane Mitch,
it has elected to restructure its education system, engaging
in yet another innovation. Middle school education is being
provided by radio to citizens throughout the country through
partnerships with churches, private enterprise, donor partners,
and NGOs.

North America: The United States has achieved education
for all at the primary level and virtually all adults now have
at least a primary education. However, not all students obtain
a high school diploma. Among persons 25 to 34 years old, 87.9
percent of females but only 85.9 percent of males have completed
secondary education.

As in most industrial countries, men and women in the United
States persist in school at similar rates, though in recent
years females have had a slight and growing edge. The event
dropout rate for males in grades 10 to 12 rose from 4.0 to 5.0
between 1990 and 1997 and the rate for females rose from 3.9
to 4.1 during the same period.

Achievement presents a somewhat more complex picture, with girls
doing better in reading and boys in mathematics and science,
especially at advanced levels. Male students usually outscore
female students in mathematics and science; in reading and writing
female students tend to outperform males. In science, mathematics
and reading the gender gaps in 1996 were not significantly different
from those in early 1970s. As in almost every other country,
academic achievement in the United States correlates closely
with socio-economic status, that is, children from higher socio-economic
backgrounds score higher on measures of achievement. Other inequities
relate to the racial and ethnic background of students, gender,
geography, mother tongue, and immigrant status. For children
with disabilities, U.S. legislation has required since the early
1970s they be provided with the sort of education that will
enable them to develop their skills and knowledge to the fullest
extent possible. Programs at the national, state, and local
levels support this policy for girls and for boys.

After Jomtien the USA set a goal of reducing the adult illiteracy
rate, especially the disparity between male and female rates.
In the International Adult Literacy Survey initiated in 1994
by nine countries, approximately one-fifth of U.S. adults scored
at or above level 4 on all three scales (only Sweden scored
higher). However, a disproportionate number of adults scored
at level 1 (only Poland had a greater percentage of adults scoring
at this lowest literacy level). Further analysis of the U.S.
data showed a strong correlation between parental education
and the literacy levels of youth

Key
Aspects of the Girls' Education Discourse

In addition to changes in trends enrolment and dropout rates,
gender parity indices, and other indicators of quantitative
change over the past decade, key aspects of the discourse on
girls' education have also shifted.

International awareness of girls' education as an issue has
increased significantly. Educators, politicians, donors, and
others--especially from countries with significant gender differentials--are
now much more likely to cite gender specific data on enrolment,
dropout, and achievement. Some countries have only recently
begun to disaggregate data by gender and only a small minority
of countries submitting EFA reports did not mention some aspect(s)
of gender and education (e.g., gender parity in early childhood
development, enrolment, repetition, completion, women teachers,
women's literacy rates, gender-sensitive curriculum development).

Emphasis has also shifted from documenting barriers to engaging
in advocacy and action. Practical aspects of girls' education
issues have evolved from problem identification to moving into
action. As a basis for advocacy and as a means of documenting
girls' education issues early in the decade, it was often important
for actors to 'discover' barriers and constraints to girls'
education and to present the information to national or regional
workshops of policy makers. But the key issues rapidly turned
into questions of programming and implementation: What strategies
could be adopted? How could they be monitored and evaluated
for impact?

The formation of networks and partnerships developed widely
over the decade, as awareness has grown of the complexity of
the issues and the importance of networks for women's empowerment
and for basic questions of democracy and freedom. Partnerships
between organisations promoting girls' schooling and those promoting
literacy for adult women, education on legal rights, economic
empowerment, environmental protection and democracy are critical
to those networks.

Educators now have a deeper understanding of the barriers to
girls' education. Earlier conventional wisdom assumed that parents
did not send daughters to school because parents felt girls
were not worth educating. It is now obvious that relatively
modest incentives have been sufficient to transform girls' enrolment
rates. Tuition waivers in Malawi and organizing community schools
with respected women teachers for girls in Balochistan, Pakistan
are examples of this. We now know that if parents believe that
schools are appropriate, safe, and of good quality, they usually
will send the girls to schools willingly.

Finally the agenda has shifted from one of "making girls better
mothers" to an agenda that encourages the autonomy and empowerment
of women and girls. As Ramirez suggests, the discourse has moved
from extolling the virtues of education in making girls better
mothers, to asserting girls' and women's rights to education
as their due as citizens of nation states to be on a par with
fellow male citizens, to demanding education in areas and for
purposes that will empower and liberate them; for example, in
controlling their fertility.