Mr.
President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, I address
you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress of Congress, at a moment unprecedented
in the history of the union. I use the word "unprecedented" because at no previous
time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is
today.

Since the permanent formation of
our Government under the Constitution, in 1789, most of the periods of crisis
in our history have related to our domestic affairs. Fortunately, only one of
these - the four-year War between the States - ever threatened our national
unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States, have forgotten
points of the compass in our national unity.

It is true that prior to 1914 the
United States often had been disturbed by events in other continents. We had
even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared
wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance
of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. In no case had
a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

What I seek to convey is the historic
truth that the United States as a nation, has at all times maintained opposition
to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession
of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children,
we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.

That determination of ours was
proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following
the French Revolution.

While the Napoleonic struggle did
threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the
West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate
our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor
Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

In like fashion, from 1815 to 1914
- 99 years - no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against
our future or against the future of any other American nation.

Except in the Maximilian interlude
in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere, and
the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength.
It is still a friendly strength.

Even when the World War broke out
in 1941 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American
future. But as time went on the American people began to visualize what the
downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

We need not overemphasize imperfections
in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to
deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace
of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of "pacification" which began even
before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny
that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably
set their faces against that tyranny.

Every realist knows that the democratic
way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world
- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by
those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still
at peace.

During sixteen long months this
assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling
number of independent nations, great and small. The assailants are still on
the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

Therefore, as your President, performing
my constitutional duty to "give to the Congress information of the state of
the union," I find it necessary to report that the future and the safety of
our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond
our borders.

Armed defense of democratic existence
is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all
the population and all the resources of Europe, Asia, Africa, and Australia
will be dominated by conquerors. The total of those populations and their resources
greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole
of the Western Hemisphere - many times over.

In times like these it is immature-and incidentally untrue-for anybody to brag
that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied behind its
back, can hold off the whole world.

No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity,
or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression,
or freedom of religion-or even good business.

Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. "Those who
would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve
neither liberty nor safety."

As a nation we may take pride in
the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed.

We must always be wary of those
who, with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement.

We must especially beware of that
small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in
order to feather their own nests.

I have recently pointed out how
quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical
attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.

There is much loose talk of our
immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously,
as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if
there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid
enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands
of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

But we learn much from the lessons
of the past years in Europe-particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential
seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

The first phase of the invasion
of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary
strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes, and
great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America.

As long as the aggressor nations
maintain the offensive, they, not we, will choose the time and the place and
the method of their attack.

That is why the future of all the
American Republics is today in serious danger.

That is why this annual message
to the Congress is unique in our history.

That is why every member of the
executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great
responsibility-great accountability.

The need of the moment is that
our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively-to
meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of
the great emergency.

Just as our national policy in
internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the
dignity of all of our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in
foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity
of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win
in the end.

Our national policy is this :

First, by an impressive expression
of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive
national defense.

Second, by an impressive expression
of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full
support of all those resolute peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression
and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support, we express
our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen
the defense and the security of our own nation.

Third, by an impressive expression
of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the
proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security
will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored
by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other
people's freedom.

In the recent national election
there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect
to that national policy. No issue was fought out on the line before the American
electorate. Today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere
are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious
danger.

Therefore, the immediate need is
a swift and driving increase in our armament production.

Leaders of industry and labor have
responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these
goals are being reached ahead of time; in some cases we are on schedule; in
other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and in some cases-and I
am sorry to say very important cases-we are all concerned by the slowness of
the accomplishment of our plans.

The Army and Navy, however, have
made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving
and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's
best is not good enough for tomorrow.

I am not satisfied with the progress
thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training,
ability and patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made.
None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

No matter whether the original
goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

To give you two illustrations :

We are behind schedule in turning
out finished airplanes; we are working day and night to solve the innumerable
problems and to catch up.

We are ahead of schedule in building
warships; but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

To change a whole nation from a
basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production
of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at
the beginning of the program, when new tools and plant facilities, and new assembly
lines and shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins
to flow steadily and speedily from them.

The Congress of course, must rightly
keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there
is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which,
in the interests of our own security and those of the nations we are supporting
must of needs be kept in confidence.

New circumstances are constantly
begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased
new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

I also ask this Congress for authority
and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies
of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war
with aggressor nations.

Our most useful and immediate role
is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need
manpower. They do need billions of dollar's worth of the weapons of defense.

The time is near when they will
not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and will not, tell
them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for
the weapons which we know they must have.

I do not recommend that we make
them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons-a loan to be repaid
in dollars.

I recommend that we make it possible
for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States,
fitting their orders into our own program. Nearly all of their material would,
if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

Taking counsel of expert military
and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are
free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad
to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us
time in which to make ready our own defense.

For what we send abroad we shall
be repaid, within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, in similar
materials, or, at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce
and which we need.

Let us say to the democracies,
"We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting
forth our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to give you the
strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing
numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge."

In fulfillment of this purpose
we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard
as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies
which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not an act of war, even if
a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

When the dictators are ready to
make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did
not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.

Their only interest is in a new
one-way international law which lacks mutuality in its observance and, therefore
becomes an instrument of oppression.

The happiness of future generations
of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make
our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations
that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when
the nation's life is in danger.

We must all prepare to make the
sacrifices that the emergency-as serious as war itself-demands. Whatever stands
in the way of speed and efficiency in defense preparations must give way to
the national need.

A free nation has the right to
expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look
to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in
stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

The best way of dealing with the
few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic
example; and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

As men do not live by bread alone,
they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind
them who build our defenses, must have the stamina and the courage which come
from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty
action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things
worth fighting for.

The nation takes great satisfaction
and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious
of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America.
Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith
and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

Certainly this is no time for any
of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the
root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world.

There is nothing mysterious about
the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

The basic things expected by our
people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are :

Equality of opportunity for youth
and for others.

Jobs for those who can work.

Security for those who need it.

The ending of special privilege
for the few.

The preservation of civil liberties
for all.

The enjoyment of the fruits of
scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

These are the simple, the basic
things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity
of our modern world. The inner and abiding straight of our economic and political
systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

Many subjects connected with our
social economy call for immediate improvement.

As examples :

We should bring more citizens under
the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

We should widen the opportunities
for adequate medical care.

We should plan a better system
by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

I have called for personal sacrifice.
I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call.

A part of the sacrifice means the
payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget message I recommend that a greater
portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are
paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of this
program; and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay
should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

If the congress maintains these
principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead of pocketbooks, will give you
their applause.

In the future days which we seek
to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human
freedoms.

The first is freedom of speech
and expression everywhere in the world.

The second is freedom of every
person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world.

The third is freedom from want,
which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will
secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants everywhere
in the world.

The fourth is freedom from fear,
which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments
to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position
to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor-anywhere in the
world.

That is no vision of a distant
millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own
time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called
"new order" of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of
a bomb.

To that new order we oppose the
greater conception-the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of
world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

Since the beginning of our American
history we have been engaged in change-in a perpetual, peaceful revolution-a
revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions-without
the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which
we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly,
civilized society.

This nation has placed its destiny
in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and
its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy
of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those
rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.