2 First Published 2002 ISSN Copyright TRL Limited This report has been produced by TRL Limited, under/as part of a contract placed by the Department for Transport. Any views expressed in it are not necessarily those of the Department. TRL is committed to optimising energy efficiency, reducing waste and promoting recycling and re-use. In support of these environmental goals, this report has been printed on recycled paper, comprising 100% post-consumer waste, manufactured using a TCF (totally chlorine free) process.

5 Executive Summary Increasing the amount of cycling and improving the safety of cyclists are key aims of the Government s transport strategy, as set out in the White Paper A New Deal for Transport Better for Everyone (DETR, 1998). Previous research has shown that one of the main deterrents to cycling is a fear of traffic, often attributed to the attitudes and behaviour of drivers. This report summarises the methodology and results of a research project that investigated drivers perceptions of cyclists. The key aims of the research were to: l compare the views of the identified driver types; l compare the views of drivers within different geographical areas; l investigate driver tolerance of cyclists and behaviour towards different types of cyclists; l investigate driver behaviour in different driving situations; l explore levels of knowledge of cycling facilities; l investigate drivers suggestions for improving the driver/cyclist interaction; and l examine levels of driver and cyclist adherence to the Highway Code. The research was phased and broadly categorised to ensure coverage of all the essential aspects of the topic and to allow for development of understandings and concepts as the project progressed. Each research phase was completed prior to commencement of the subsequent phase to allow for interim findings to guide the direction of the following work. The research methodology was as follows: l Qualitative Research This phase began with a review of relevant literature and analysis of STATS 19 accident data. The findings from the initial work were then used to direct the composition and content of eight group discussions and twenty individual depth interviews that were held with a representative sample of the public. l Quantitative Research With input from the Qualitative Research phase, interview questionnaires were designed and completed with a controlled sample of 620 drivers. These interviews were held to gather more precise data on drivers attitudes, intentions and behaviours towards cyclists. l Testing of the Research This phase allowed for clearer linking of attitudes and perceptions with actual driver behaviour through simulated trials and effectiveness of interventions to change driver responses. At each phase of the research, findings were explored with respect to a number of psychological theories, particularly the Theory of Planned Behavior. This theory posits that human intentions are formed as a result of the interaction of three elements: l attitude; l social norm; and l perceived behavioural control. The data gathered from each of the research phases are highly supportive of the conceptual framework and suggest that the Theory of Planned Behavior could provide an appropriate structure for steering future research in this area. Throughout the research it was observed that drivers do not have particularly strong feelings towards cyclists compared to their level of feelings towards other groups of road users. However, when prompted, it is clear that motorists hold negative views of cyclists and tend to classify them as an out group with significantly different characteristics from most other road users. Analysis of the research suggests that the unpredictability and the inherently or deliberately different behaviour of cyclists are seen to be particular sources of irritation to drivers when those issues then compromise the drivers own convenience. When encountering a cyclist in circumstances that require care, most drivers appear to recognise that they should give consideration to the cyclist. However, their actual behaviour may be affected by their perception of the social norm and the related pressure that they feel from other drivers as part of their in group. This research has also revealed evidence that the response of drivers when encountering cyclists is influenced by the context of the encounter. The apparent lack of understanding of how to use certain types of infrastructure leads to a diversity of improvised driver responses at these locations that may be unsettling or alarming to cyclists. Where infrastructure is understood and clearly defines ownership of the road space, this appears to increase driver confidence when encountering cyclists. Where a cyclist is encountered within a context that causes a driver to slow down or deviate, drivers estimation of the cyclist s discourtesy was seen to increase regardless of the cyclist s actual behaviour. On the basis of this research, a number of recommendations may be made relating to highway design, awareness raising, enforcement and areas for future research: l physical road features that force cyclists and drivers into close proximity should be avoided, or where this is unavoidable, motor vehicle speeds at such locations should be reduced; l highway designs that deliberately require cyclists to obstruct traffic in order to produce a traffic calming effect should be avoided as they are likely to cause particular frustration to drivers; l education of drivers should focus not on helping them to predict cyclist behaviour but on understanding the circumstances, including driver behaviour, that will influence cyclist behaviour; l training to improve awareness of required behaviours at road features and cyclist facilities may be helpful for both drivers and cyclists; 1

6 l the current low level of enforcement of traffic law with regard to both drivers and cyclists should be increased; l further research should be conducted in order to establish whether the frustration experienced by drivers is translated into negative behaviour; and l further research into the regional variations in attitude to cyclists may be useful in identifying practices likely to promote a better relationship between cycle users and motorists. 2

7 1 Introduction 1.1 General background Previous work on attitudes to cycling and cycling facilities was commissioned by the Department and carried out by TRL Limited. These projects focussed on attitudes from the point of view of cyclists and potential cyclists. The general aim of this study was to probe other people s perception of, and attitudes towards, cyclists when driving, i.e. drivers perception of cyclists. The earlier attitudes work revealed that one of the main reasons for people dismissing cycling as a genuine form of transport was fear of actual and perceived road danger. Cyclists said it was the attitudes and behaviour of many drivers that contributed to this fear. Conflicts between drivers and cyclists could also be a result of difficulties in spotting a cyclist against a background of a complex traffic environment. It was proposed that changing drivers attitudes and, at the same time, making cyclists more conspicuous by changes in road conditions, could contribute to more people taking up cycling. The earlier work also showed that cyclists are not perceived to be high on most drivers road user status hierarchy. This perception also has implications for driver behaviour and safety of cyclists, as other research has shown that road users who are deemed to be of low status are treated with less care and consideration. TRL led the research project with extensive input from The University of Strathclyde and also Ipsos-RSL. 1.2 Overall methodology The main stages of the study methodology are as follows: l review of literature; l cluster analysis of STATS 19 accident data to identify driver types more likely to be involved in cyclist casualties; l focus groups with drivers; l qualitative individual depth interviews with drivers; l quantitative interviews with drivers; l analysis of self-reported driver behaviour; l development of ideas for improving cyclists safety, based on the above; l prioritisation and feasibility testing of ideas; l testing drivers and scenarios using the TRL Virtual Reality equipment; l testing driver responses to different interventions using video clips; and l to produce recommendations for measures, initiatives and programmes that will change drivers perception of cyclists and create a better and safer environment for cycling, which will in turn encourage more cycling. 1.3 Theoretical framework The following theoretical framework has been established to guide the research. It is based on a model that has been developed in the United States over the last fifteen years called the Theory of Planned Behavior. The Theory of Planned Behavior states that behaviour is the endpoint of cognitive decisions. Intentions (which precede behaviour) are influenced by the following three factors: l attitude; l social norm; and l perceived behavioural control. These elements may be briefly explained as follows: l Attitude encompasses a range of factors but may be summarised as general orientation towards, in this case, cyclists and the degree to which they are viewed as legitimate road users. Attitude also encompasses the subjective assessment of the characteristics of cyclists as sharers of road space. l Social Norm arises when a decision is required and reflects what the individual believes to be the prevailing social consensus on the appropriate response to a given set of circumstances. l Perceived Behavioural Control is the degree to which the individual believes that they have the ability to act as they would wish. For example, an individual may wish to travel by train rather than drive and may appreciate that this would have a moral benefit that would accord with the social norm. But they may believe that they are unable to exercise this option (i.e. to behave in a certain way) because the train service is too unreliable. They may therefore choose to drive but that behaviour is not necessarily indicative of a negative attitude towards train travel. Rather their level of perceived behavioural control is too low for them to follow the prompting of their own attitude and those of society. Perceived behavioural control has important implications for research programmes as, to bring about a change in behaviour, it is important to influence inappropriate perceived behavioural control. The background to and relevance of the Theory of Planned Behaviour is discussed in more detail in Appendix A. This appendix contains details of and findings from the review of conceptual and applied psychological literature that was conducted by the University of Strathclyde as part of the study s Literature Review. 2 Qualitative Research (Phase One) 2.1 Review of literature A literature review was an important first step in the project. It established and clarified the key points of the existing knowledge and research methods relevant to drivers perceptions of cyclists. The output from the literature review also assisted in the design and focus of subsequent stages of the project. The literature review provided information on the following: l driver behaviour of concern to cyclists; l locations, road design and conditions of concern to cyclists; 3

8 l types of driver involved in accidents with cyclists; l previous studies of driver attitudes and behaviour, of relevance to this project; and l the psychological conceptual framework for analysing driver attitudes and behaviour pertinent to this project (summarised in Appendix A). The review drew on previous cycling and behavioural research and a new study of national accident data compiled by TRL and was undertaken jointly by TRL and the University of Strathclyde Driver behaviours of concern to cyclists Many of the TRL cycling research reports have drawn attention to the issue of cyclists concern about driver behaviour. Attitudes to Cycling (Davies et al., 1997) discovered that one of the most important factors contributing to non-cycle use (other than car dependence) was the fear of danger from motor vehicles (specifically driver behaviour and traffic speeds). Some of the drivers who took part in the discussion groups readily admitted to getting annoyed with cyclists and to driving in an aggressive way as a result. In the New Cycle Owners report (Davies et al., 1998), many of those new cyclists who had ventured onto main roads described the experience in a very negative way ( absolutely petrifying, traffic thunders past ). A quarter of those involved in the project said that their experience of cycling on busy roads had caused them to reduce the amount of cycling that they did. Several TRL reports have looked at specific traffic situations that are known to cause problems for cyclists. These have often revealed some of the specific problems that underlie the general concerns about traffic danger and rider behaviour. For example, a study into Further Developments in the Design of Contra-Flow Cycling Schemes (Ryley et al., 1998) found that cyclists could feel intimidated by oncoming motor vehicles which came too close, vehicles that drove at excessive speed, and vehicles emerging from side roads or accesses. TRL s summary report Achieving the Aims of the National Cycling Strategy (Davies et al., 1998) concluded that ways were needed to ensure far higher levels of driver care toward vulnerable road users, rather than just seeking engineering solutions Locations, road design and conditions of concern to cyclists The Literature Review identified some specific issues relating to drivers perception of cyclists, driver behaviour at road narrowings, road design and road user training and education. These issues had implications for the project as follows: Problem locations There are a number of physical settings and facilities where cyclists experience problems as a result of driver behaviour. These include: l narrow lanes, including those created by parked cars (where drivers may be tempted/pressurised to overtake cyclists without sufficient space); l on the approach to pedestrian refuges/traffic islands (where drivers may be tempted/pressurised to overtake cyclists without sufficient space); l at T-junctions (where drivers from the minor road may pull out in front of cyclists approaching from the right on the main road); l at roundabouts (where drivers sometimes fail to see cyclists who are circulating on the roundabout); l at junctions (where drivers sometimes overtake the cyclists and then turn left across them); l cycle lanes (which some drivers treat as parking bays); and l contra-flow cycle lanes (where oncoming drivers are driving too fast). Problem driver behaviours The identified set of problem locations generated a complementary list of driver behaviours that cause problems to cyclists: l drivers attempting to overtake cyclists without sufficient space; l drivers overtaking cyclists and then turning left across them; l drivers from the minor road pulling out in front of cyclists on the major road; l drivers failing to see cyclists who are circulating on the roundabout; l oncoming traffic failing to give way to cyclists (when the cyclist has right of way); l excessive speed and rapid acceleration/braking by drivers; l obstructive parking and opening of car doors; l apparent inattention by drivers (causing cyclists to question has he seen me? ); and l aggressive behaviour involving some of the above. 2.2 Analysis of STATS 19 accident data While it is appreciated that this is not an accident study, it was felt it would be very valuable to analyse the accidents involving pedal cyclists over the three years , using the national STATS 19 accident database for Great Britain, with respect to two main dimensions: l what types of driver, vehicle, location and light and weather conditions are most frequently involved in accidents with cyclists? l are there differences in the distribution of these factors between accidents involving cyclists and those that do not? The analysis of the accident database was not intended to provide a detailed study of cyclist accidents but to provide information to help decide which driver types to include in the group discussions and the individual depth interviews. It was also useful in selecting the traffic scenarios on which drivers were to be questioned. The key findings of the analysis of the accident data are as follows: 4

9 l 10% of all reported injury accidents involve a cyclist; l 8% of all reported injuries are to cyclists; l most drivers involved in accidents with cyclists are aged 25 to 49, particularly 25 to 39; l younger drivers (17 to 24) are less likely to be involved in accidents with cyclists whereas older drivers (40 and over) are more likely to be involved, relative to accidents not involving cyclists; l most drivers (almost 70%) involved in accidents with cyclists are male. This is similar to the general ratio of male to female drivers involved in all accidents; l three-quarters of accidents involving cyclists occur on single carriageway two-lane roads; l almost three-quarters of accidents involving cyclists occur at or close to a junction: T-junctions (40%), crossroads (10%), roundabouts (9%), and private drives (6%); and l most accidents involving cyclists occur in daylight (79%) and in good weather conditions (84%). The STATS 19 analysis showed some differences between the distribution of types of driver, vehicle, location, light and weather conditions found in accidents involving cyclists and those not involving cyclists. However, these differences are at least partly explained by differences in the distribution of cycling and driving activity over the road network, over the day and as affected by weather and lighting conditions. One may conclude therefore that accidents involving cyclists share many of the attributes of other accidents Driver types and cycle accident involvement Given the evidence of car drivers salience in cycle accident involvement, (as part of Phase Two of the research study,) accident statistics for the year 2000 were analysed for any more information about the types of driver involved. Transport Statistics Great Britain provides details of the proportion of the population holding a full car-driving licence divided by age group and sex. Factoring these percentages by estimates of the Great Britain population in 2000 (the year of the data used in this section of analysis) gives an estimate of the number of drivers licensed to drive cars. These numbers can be combined with casualty data to develop tabulation showing cyclists injured in two vehicle collisions against car driver sex and age groups. Analysis by each driver group compared to all licensed drivers shows significant gender and age dependent variations. Table 1 shows that adult cyclists are much more likely to be injured by a male driver than a female driver even after allowing for the fact that more drivers are male. The odds ratios suggest that the odds of a male driver being involved in a collision with a child cyclist are about 1.2 times higher than the odds of a female driver being involved. For an adult cyclist casualty this ratio is even higher at about 1.6. The effect of driver age is also significant in the year 2000 data: the data are shown in Table 2. Drivers aged are more likely to be involved in collisions with cyclists Table 1 Drivers involved in car collisions with a cyclist (two-vehicle) by sex, for the year 2000 Cyclist casualty Sex of driver Child Adult None Total Male 2,875 5,687 18,315,514 18,324, % 67.6% 56.5% 56.5% Female 1,800 2,729 14,092,462 14,096, % 32.4% 43.5% 43.5% Total 4,679 8,416 32,407,976 32,421, % 100% 100% 100% Table 2 Drivers involved in car collisions with a cyclist (two-vehicle) by age, for the year 2000 Driver Cyclist casualty age group Child Adult None Total ,175,256 1, % 6.1% 3.6% 3.6% ,695 5,068,875 5,071, % 20.1% 15.6% 15.6% ,340 2,243 7,838,207 7,841, % 26.7% 24.2% 24.2% ,740 6,531,922 6,534, % 20.7% 20.2% 20.2% ,216 5,586,782 5,588, % 14.4% 17.2% 17.2% ,650,009 3,650, % 6.8% 11.3% 11.3% ,556,926 2,557, % 5.1% 7.9% 7.9% Total 4,679 8,416 32,407,976 32,421, % 100% 100% 100% than drivers of other ages. A driver in the two oldest groups, 60 and above is much less likely to collide with cyclists. Some caution is needed when using these data. Risk is being assessed implicitly against licensed driver numbers but not mileage. Driver traffic includes learner drivers and other unlicensed drivers so that these two tables underestimate total driver numbers. In addition, driver mileage varies with both sex and age. Part of the apparent excess casualties generated by male drivers and the reduced number of casualties involving older drivers may reflect differences in driver mileage Self-reported driver behaviour An extension to the questionnaire survey carried out in Phase Two of this work was conducted in order to ascertain whether drivers with different characteristics were more likely to behave in negligent or deliberately 5

10 unsafe ways. Although this work was carried out some months after the Phase One Focus Group work and was based on the questionnaire sample described in the summary of Phase Two work, below, it is appropriate to report on the findings in this report section. The areas surveyed in Phase Two were Hull, York, Leamington Spa, Bristol and Camden. The drivers were divided into two groups - domestic drivers and professional drivers with quotas for each. These groups were then stratified: domestic drivers by age and sex; professional drivers by vehicle types (HGV, van and company car). At the end of each survey the respondents were handed a single sheet driver behaviour questionnaire (DBQ) and post-paid envelope addressed to TRL. They were asked to complete the questionnaire and post it to TRL. From a total of 620 interviewees, TRL received 313 driver behaviour questionnaires, a response rate of 50 per cent. There were no significant differences between the sample returning a DBQ and the rest of the interview sample in terms of age or sex: 38 per cent of each sub-sample was female, and the ages were distributed across a span from 17 to 75. There were differences in the response to a question about the respondent s income: 9 per cent of the DBQ sample had refused to provide information about their income or said that they did not know what it was compared with 28 per cent of the total 620 interviewees. Respondents, who did not provide income data, were less likely to return a driver behaviour questionnaire than those who did provide income data (odds ratio about 1:5). The questionnaire left with respondents was the most recent version of the Manchester Driver Behaviour Questionnaire (MDBQ) (Lawton et al., 1997). There are twenty questions: each starts with the description of a driving fault and respondents are asked to indicate how frequently they perform each fault. In designing the scale the faults were characterised as Highway Code violations (HCV), aggressive violations (AV) and driver errors (E) Analysis of the data gathered via this questionnaire revealed no significant associations between driver characteristics and self-reported tendency to commit errors, Highway Code violations or aggressive violations. Nevertheless, it must be borne in mind that this data related to self-reported behaviour and there is a significant likelihood that respondents may have been tempted to give correct rather than strictly honest answers. 2.3 Focus groups and individual depth interviews with drivers The key stage of the study s Qualitative Research took the form of eight group discussions, or Focus Groups, followed by twenty individual depth interviews held with individuals. In total, 78 drivers were involved. Focus groups Focus groups are recognised as an established technique for producing quality qualitative information at an early stage of a project, where the topic is relatively unresearched. For this study, each Focus Group comprised of between eight and ten people and lasted between ninety minutes and two hours. Visual stimuli were used to promote discussion and where feasible, videos of situations of concern to cyclists were used. A topic guide was devised based on the results of the Literature Review and the STATS 19 analysis. Individual depth interviews The purpose of the individual depth interviews was to investigate in greater detail the issues arising from the Focus Groups, and to see if there were any other aspects of driver perception and behaviour that needed to be included in subsequent stages of the study. The sample Qualitative research does not aim to represent the general population in the way that quantitative surveys do, but rather to concentrate on the types of people who would be most likely to provide a spectrum of opinions relevant to the subject of the research. The Literature Review and the STATS 19 analysis gave indications for the types of driver that are of concern to cyclists, and should therefore be questioned in this section of the study. These included: l high mileage/low mileage drivers; l domestic (car) drivers and professional (goods and passenger) drivers; l large car/small car drivers; l young/old drivers; and l experienced/inexperienced drivers. Other categories of drivers that were investigated included: l drivers who cycle; and l drivers who do not cycle. The sample of driver types was also structured to provide a good regional and socio-economic representation. The five areas of the country used were: l York; l Hull; l Leamington Spa with Coventry; l Camden; and l Bristol. Method of analysis All research sessions (Focus Groups and individual depth interviews [IDIs]) were audio recorded. Notes were taken at all of the Focus Groups and transcripts were made from the audio recordings of the IDIs. These notes and transcripts were then translated onto content analysis grids whereby the different groups and IDIs could be compared easily. The content analysis forms the basis of the conclusions from this section of the study. When looking at the different attitudes towards cyclists it was important to bear in mind the different variables of the sample and any effect that these may have had on responses. These variables include: 6

11 l interview methodology used (i.e. the differences in response that may be caused by the group environment of the Focus Groups as opposed to the one-to-one rapport of the IDI); l gender any difference in the responses of men versus women; l age; l driver type differences between professional and domestic drivers, and within these two groups; l cyclists versus non-cyclists; and l geographic location of the Focus Groups and IDIs. Presentation of the research findings in this report generally relates to both the results of the Focus Groups and the IDIs. Differences in responses according to any of the aforementioned variables is highlighted where relevant Drivers perceptions of road users Problem areas for motorists Initially the discussions were focussed on problems for drivers in general, rather than prompting specific consideration of cyclists. When discussing problems facing the motorist, those that were most readily identified (in both the Focus Groups and the IDIs) were: l The general and overall increase in traffic congestion, with numbers of vehicles growing faster so that existing roads can no longer accommodate them, was the main preoccupation for most. It was stated that the driver now has to allow more time for everyday journeys and travel, when other demands on time are also becoming greater and greater. l With the increasing number of vehicles on the roads, what was called inconsiderate driving became not only more in evidence but also more unacceptable. It was felt that arrogance (such as hogging the middle or fast lane), unpredictable behaviour (such as failing to signal intentions) or generally not behaving in a courteous and generous manner (allowing traffic in from the side, etc.) could only exacerbate the problems caused by the increasing numbers of vehicles on the roads. Also relevant here were comments made regarding the speed travelled at by elderly drivers and the more uncertain novice drivers. It was notable that some respondents definition of unacceptably slow seemed to include those drivers travelling at the speed limit. It appears that drivers are demanding more uniform and predictable behaviour from other road users to cope with the growing traffic congestion. As the traffic environment becomes more volatile, drivers may increasingly appreciate other road users who demonstrate awareness of their immediate and upcoming situations, including other users intentions. Also, reliance on compromise with and courtesy from other road users may be considered more critical to the duration and ease of a journey. Those attending the Focus Groups expressed a general tendency to be critical of other road users, regardless of mode. Respondents would claim to be considerate of other drivers, but perceived many other drivers as being inconsiderate of them. This displays the typical psychological trait that people like to think they act better than what they perceive as the social norm. Road users hierarchy Respondents were asked to consider whether they believed a hierarchy existed according to different types of road users. They could base it on any variables they saw most appropriate. The responses given indicated that hierarchies were generally based on a logical order in relation to size of vehicle i.e. the larger the vehicle, the more respect it received from other road users; the smaller the vehicle, the more likely it was to come off the worst in an altercation. (Respondents considered motorcycles as an exception to this rule as their speed and manoeuvrability were thought to compensate for their lack of size.) It is significant that when discussing other road users, motorists seldom mentioned cyclists spontaneously, their immediate associations being with drivers of other motor vehicles such as the white van, taxis and HGVs. Often, respondents had to be prompted before they thought of cyclists. When the moderator, in both the Focus Groups and the individual depth interviews, entered cyclists into the discussion, they were the subjects of rather negative imagery, which may suggest an underlying conflict between drivers and cyclists. Respondents placed cyclists, perhaps not surprisingly, at the bottom of the road user hierarchy. (It should be noted though that respondents completely excluded pedestrians from their hierarchies, as the subjects did not consider pedestrians as true road users.) Respondents justified the low positioning of cyclists not only by their size and lack of speed but also because of their seeming oblivion to the motor vehicles around them. Respondents expressed that the respect that drivers of larger vehicles demonstrate towards other vehicles diminishes in proportion to the other vehicle s size i.e., the smaller the other vehicle, the less their respect. However, it should be clarified that this did not necessarily mean that they would behave discourteously towards these smaller road users. Size was also reported as having other implications: such as, the fact that cycles are smaller meaning that they are harder to see. Drivers accused cyclists of not being aware of this and respondents who were drivers of larger vehicles reported that this tended to infuriate them (particularly HGV and bus drivers). Those respondents who were cyclists (and the drivers of other smaller vehicles) said they were unaware that the size of the larger vehicles impacted on their ability to see other vehicles beside and behind them. It was stated that the mass of larger vehicles results in many blind spots, of which other motorists and road users seemed to be unaware. When prompted, all the professional drivers, regardless of whether they were carrying goods or passengers, tended to be less accepting of cyclists presence on the roads they were using. They felt their livelihood was being interfered with particularly if they were held up by a cycle, which was obviously slower than other vehicles, within their lane. It was reported that being caught behind a cyclist added further to the pressure on their work schedules. 7

12 2.3.2 Driver behaviour towards other road users Respondents were asked what they understood by considerate driving, and which factors determined what was good or bad behaviour in relation to other road users. The main characteristics which were felt to distinguish a considerate driver from an inconsiderate one, were as follows: l awareness of others; l being aware of what is happening a long way ahead/ reading the road; l awareness of speed and space ratios (braking distances and times needed by other types of vehicles); l smooth, constant speed (erratic speed was seen as irritating for example, hesitancy of learners); l respect of the road rules; l proper signalling of intentions; and l proper use of the vehicle: giving way when required, but also giving way when one has the right of way, i.e. letting people in from side roads, or allowing oncoming traffic to turn right in heavy traffic; visible gratitude for other s courtesy (a wave, flashing one s lights) and acknowledgement of kindness; and courteous behaviour encouraged courteous behaviour. (Note that all the above attributes were perceived by respondents to be absent from most cyclists behaviour on the roads.) While courtesy forms a key component of this list of characteristics of a considerate driver, motorists then went on to justify drivers lack of courtesy to cyclists by seeing cyclists not as being proper road users. Although according to the law cycles and motor vehicles are equals on the road, many drivers involved in the study, particularly those driving for a living, did not accept this fact. Reasons behind this lack of acceptance included the perception that cyclists were apparently not obliged to financially contribute to the road usage (no road tax, no insurance). As well as feeling that cyclists were getting special treatment by not having to contribute financially, other aspects of cyclists behaviour were felt to exacerbate bad feeling towards them. These included cyclists apparent disregard for the rules of the Highway Code (such as passing through red lights) as well as general inconsiderate and potentially dangerous behaviour, such as failing to signal before manoeuvring. It appears that confusion regarding the road user status of cyclists may contribute to drivers inconsistent treatment of cyclists, compared to other motorised road users. Cyclists are classed as equals on the road in one aspect of the law, yet appear to be exempt from some of the enforcement issues and other requirements (such as licensing) faced by other road users. Also, the actions of some cyclists, such as riding on the footway, are in obvious breach of the Highway Code rules that other road users must physically and legally abide by. This may further aggravate the cyclist/driver relationship Perceptions of cyclists Respondents were asked to consider the case of cyclists in more detail and gave their spontaneous associations. Reasons for cycling In the individual depth interviews, drivers were asked why they thought people used cycles to get around. It was felt that they were doing it for: l economy; l enjoyment; l to get fit; and l convenience. It was not felt that environmental issues motivated many cyclists, or that the ability to get through urban gridlock was a motivator, but that these were considered as fortunate by-products. First impressions/associations of cyclists As noted in other sections of this study, when drivers were asked to specifically focus on cyclists, associations with them were found to be predominantly negative rather than positive. It is important to note that although some level of negativity appears to exist, there does not appear to be any over-riding hostility shown by drivers towards cyclists. Respondents provided the following reports of their immediate impressions of and associations with cyclists: Positives l Healthy in terms of personal and environmental benefits; and l Brave cycling in motorised traffic despite their lack of any real protection. Negatives l Vulnerable perceived greater potential for involvement and then injury or death from traffic accidents; l Irresponsible due to an absence of training or formal commitment to lawful behaviour; l Despised cycling should be provided for through separate facilities and not allowed on roads; l Dangerous cyclists pose risks to themselves and other road users; l Erratic/Unpredictable for example: weaving in and out of traffic, not signalling intentions, etc.; l Arrogant it was felt that cyclists seemed to believe they were invincible or that other road users were responsible for their safety; and l Inconvenient basic characteristics of cycling were perceived as fundamentally different and delaying to motorised road use. The respondents first impressions of cyclists are on the whole negative and are consistent with the images that came out of the hierarchy projective exercise explained above (Section 2.3.1). Many of these impressions could 8

13 suggest resentment towards cyclists, such as the feeling that cyclists, unlike other road users, lacked responsibility (having no road tax, insurance, or licence). Interestingly, there was no mention even among those who cycled that cyclists pay taxes indirectly, such as through council tax and other general taxation; or that many cyclists are also car owners and therefore do pay road tax; or that some cyclists do choose to carry third party liability insurance Reactions to sketches of different cyclist types findings In the group discussions, sketches of different types of cyclist were handed out, participants asked to describe them and to say what sort of behaviour they would expect from each type of cyclist. The pictures shown to the Focus Groups showed: l a family cycling, where each member of the family wore a helmet; l a girl on a cycle with a helmet on; l a young man on a cycle, without a helmet on; l an older woman on a cycle with a pet riding in the cycle s front basket, the woman was not wearing a helmet; l a pack of professional-looking cyclists, all with helmets on; and l a young boy riding a BMX cycle on one wheel whilst wearing no helmet. It was found that how the cyclist looked had a definite effect on the way motorists believed the cyclist would behave. Pictures of cyclists wearing helmets were generally considered to be more serious and sensible on the road than those without. Respondents identified one exception to this feeling; packs of racing cyclists, though wearing helmets, were not considered to be as sensible as lone cyclists in helmets, but this was because the erratic behaviour of the group outweighed the positive associations of a cycling helmet. In general it was felt that people who had arranged appropriate and/or specialist cycling equipment and clothing were more likely to have also the experience and/or training to employ correct cycling behaviour. However, there was also a contrasting (minority) feeling that cyclists wearing helmets might be more timid and cautious than those without, wearing a helmet out of fear rather than as a sensible precaution. Ideal cyclists When respondents were asked to define characteristics of an ideal cyclist, it was found that the ideal cyclist had to be a responsible one. Respondents suggested that this would be demonstrated through awareness and courtesy towards other road users, as well as abiding by the Highway Code, as motorised vehicle drivers are required to do. A cycling proficiency test certificate or licence was seen as a good indication of responsibility acceptance and the concept was welcomed by cyclists and drivers alike. However, the enforcement of such a system was acknowledged as difficult or even impossible. A sizeable minority of respondents suggested that a minimum cycling age could be introduced to reduce the numbers of inexperienced children on cycles on the road. (No estimates of an appropriate minimum cycling age were specified.) Drivers, particularly those that did not cycle themselves, felt that having the proper kit was an indication that the cyclist was likely to behave responsibly. The proper kit was deemed to include: l wearing a helmet, for protection and prevention of injury; l having working lights and reflectors, for visibility; and possibly l the addition of mirrors (as on a motorcycle), to enable the cyclist to see behind them. The obligatory wearing of cycle helmets (as with seatbelts) was felt by many respondents to be a step that should already have been taken. In fact, a minority of respondents had assumed that it was already mandatory with enforcement of the law being extremely lax. It was felt that an ideal cyclist, to justify their right to the road, would provide some financial contribution or road tax, however minimal. Again there was some call for the requirement of insurance for cyclists, to protect drivers from solely having to pay for the costs of a collision that may not be their fault. At the time of conducting this Qualitative Research, the only method of recovering costs from the cyclist was to pursue a potentially expensive and time-consuming civil law suit. 9

14 Visibility issues One of the problems with cyclists in traffic had been identified as their seeming invisibility in certain situations and conditions. Discussion was held on the factors that were believed to conceal cyclists and the following were identified: l external factors such as poor weather conditions or lack of lights; l inherent factors such as the small size of a bicycle relative to most other vehicles; l poor cycling behaviour such as lack of signalling and coming up on the inside of vehicles; l physical barriers to perception such as blind spots caused by vehicle dimensions and lack of noise of cycles; and l driver unfamiliarity with cyclists and therefore their not expecting to see cyclists. Previous research had suggested that a reason behind poor visibility of cyclists during the daytime could be due to drivers not expecting to see them and therefore not looking out for them. This suggestion was put to respondents. Many agreed that this could be true, as drivers already had a number of things to be aware of when driving. However, according to a number of individual interviews this was felt to be no more than a poor excuse for blatant disregard. These respondents felt that some drivers who did not perceive cyclists as being an equal road-user did not treat cyclists with due care and attention, purposefully disregarded them, and if challenged about their behaviour they would simply claim that they had not seen the cyclist Cyclist/driver interaction Respondents now addressed the subject of types of driver behaviour which they believed were of most concern to cyclists and what types of situation contributed to driving which was less considerate to cyclists. Drivers were asked what they thought were the most problematical occasions for cyclists on the roads. The situations that they felt were most hazardous for cyclists are: l left turns in general: either the left turning motorist cutting in on a left turning cyclist; or more dangerously; cutting in front of the cyclist who was going straight ahead, with the motorist believing he could make a left turn prior to the cyclist reaching the junction. l right turns: the cyclist having to cut across the flow of traffic to make his turn. l roundabouts: motorists were more used to concentrating on motor vehicles, therefore not being aware of or overlooking cyclists; and cyclists were expected (and it was believed that they were obliged by the rules of the road) to act like motorists on roundabouts, but it was very difficult for them to do so in competition with motor vehicles. l poor visibility: rain, fog, dusk times when cyclists visibility was reduced even more than usual particularly since many motorists appear to not actively look for cyclists. l uneven road surface: pot holes, drains, grates all areas where cyclists could suddenly veer into the road in front of motorists. l parked cars/car doors opening: situations where cyclists could be forced to swerve into the motorists path. l bollards and pedestrian refuges: narrowings where motor vehicles have to slow down. cycle lanes suddenly coming to an end with no clear route for the cyclist to follow; forcing them back into the mainstream of traffic. l ignoring the rules of the road: cyclists going the wrong way along a one way street; cyclists jumping red lights; or cyclists riding on pedestrian footways. l knots of cyclists emerging suddenly into the traffic flow: outside schools and factories. It is interesting to note that drivers identified that cyclists put themselves at particular risk when ignoring the rules of the road. In response to this statement, it may be important that the education and publicity exists to ensure that cyclists are aware of the correct and legal behaviour. Such training should be extended to include all road users, including drivers. Respondents were also asked for their opinions on general road design and the road environment. One problem area that was identified was the lack of knowledge about the correct use of cycle facilities on the roads, not only on the motorists part but also on the cyclists. This lack of knowledge was felt to be a result of insufficient publicity regarding the correct usage of such facilities and a lack of enforcement of any rules that may apply. Thus, for example, neither cyclists nor motorists knew if it was anything more than extremely inconvenient if motor vehicles drove or parked in the cycle lane, or pulled up to the advanced stop line (ASL) if there were no cyclists in the ASL area. Inconsistencies in the design of cycle facilities were also an important factor in confusion over their usage. For instance, cycle lanes were found to differ in four ways: l coloured green; l coloured red; l no colouring at all; or l no colour and no boundary line (solid or otherwise), only an intermittent cycle symbol. 10

15 Also, the actual facilities provided were not always seen to be adequate. For example, (from a cyclist s point of view) they tended to lack continuity, stopping and starting without warning. They were also felt to be incompatible with bus routes, in that buses legitimately had to block cycle lanes in order to pull up at bus stops. On a more positive note, however, no matter how inadequate the facility, its existence was felt to raise the awareness of cyclists on the road to at least some degree. Conversely, there was some underlying feeling that nonuse of cycle lanes where they did exist may cause resentment, fuelling such attitudes as cyclists get all this special treatment and then don t use them. On the other hand, ASLs were felt to legitimise cyclists action of sitting in front of traffic (to get a head start) but this could cause two possible reactions: l cyclists were no longer breaking the law by crossing the white line (something which could annoy drivers); or l cyclists were now encouraged/permitted to slow down traffic and cause delay and thus frustration and resentment. It appears that cycle facilities had their own set of issues to be considered. A lack of awareness and knowledge of usage among drivers coupled with a lack of enforcement of correct usage certainly seemed to be a common problem. These facilities also seemed to be a potential cause of resentment towards cyclists, due to issues over their perceived funding by drivers and not cyclists, but also because of their existence and the way they legitimised some of the more annoying behavioural aspects of cyclists, such as holding up traffic by sitting in front of vehicles at ASLs. In conjunction with other suggestions that there was some element of disregard for cyclists because of their lack of importance (in terms of the hierarchy) and issues of inequality with regard to the lack of cyclist contribution to road maintenance and facilities etc. it could be inferred that some drivers may purposefully disregard cyclist facilities because they fail to respect cyclists Reactions to video clips of different scenarios findings The research sessions consisted of general discussion of road user behaviour and interaction, which included looking at scenarios (in video and still photograph formats) which depicted situations where cyclists and other road users would come into contact and potentially conflict. Respondents were then asked to describe their likely behaviour and that of other road users (such as the average driver) in such situations. The scenarios used in this section of the Qualitative Research included: l narrow traffic lane (road works) - This showed a cyclist travelling along a road narrowed to a single lane of traffic by road works. The cyclist was being followed by a line of vehicles apparently trying to judge whether it was safe to overtake; l pedestrian refuge This scenario was of a cyclist approaching a pedestrian refuge with cars overtaking him close to the narrowing; l roundabout Here two cyclists were travelling on a roundabout. A car at an entry to the roundabout pulled forward in front of the cyclists causing them to swerve around; l left-turning vehicle This showed a van driver turning left directly in front of a cyclist who was intending to go straight ahead; l advanced stop line with central cycle lane This showed a cyclists advanced stop line (ASL) at traffic lights, which allows cyclists to position themselves ahead of the motor vehicles. This particular ASL had a central feeder cycle lane to allow cyclists to reach the right-hand lane; l advanced stop line with left-hand cycle lane This was an example of a mandatory cycle lane (on the left-hand side) feeding into an ASL facility at the traffic signals; and l cycle track crossing a side road This scenario showed a cycle track on the footway that crossed a side road junction. The side road had an additional set of giveway markings, intended to control road users and allow cyclists to continue uninterrupted across the side road. A car had crossed the first set of markings and was thus blocking the cycle track; cyclists used the main road in order to get past. A key finding which should be noted was that, when commenting on the scenarios it was usually the behaviour of the cyclist that was criticised no matter how small the misdemeanour. Few links were made between the cyclist s behaviour and any external influences that could be affecting their choice of behaviour; i.e. the respondents comments indicated that they thought the cyclist s actions were inherent and dispositional behaviours. In contrast, the motorists misdemeanours were excused or justified in terms of the situational influences. As this tendency seemed to continue across the groups and the individual depth interviews and was unprompted, it is unlikely that group dynamics had any significant effect on this finding. Another overall finding from these scenarios was that people were not familiar with cycle lanes and advanced stop lines at traffic lights so they were not commonly understood. It seemed that implementation of cycle facilities is accompanied by little publicity, so how the facilities are to be used is little known. According to the respondents reactions to the scenarios, the majority of drivers claimed they would behave with consideration when coming into contact with cyclists within the different types of situation. How true this was is hard to say. Perhaps more interesting is the way in which drivers tended to criticise the behaviour of cyclists before that of the drivers depicted within each scene. This aligns with the psychological prediction of targeting of members of an out group Summary of general tendencies (attitudes and behaviours towards cyclists) When respondents were generally asked which road users they found irritating, until prompted, cyclists did not 11

16 particularly feature in discussions. This would tend to contradict the view of some cyclists that drivers habitually adopt an aggressive posture towards them. Only when prompted were drivers prepared to discuss cyclists at all, although once initiated, discussion showed attitudes towards cyclists and cycling were generally negative for the majority of respondents (as seen during both the hierarchy exercise and through the drivers first impressions of cyclists). For the purposes of this research project, it was necessary to direct respondents to particularly focus attention on their opinions of and reactions to cyclists. The reporting on this research may create the impression that drivers opinions of cyclists were particularly negative, in relation to views of other road users, however this is not intended and the context of the responses and data should always be remembered. The vulnerability of cyclists was a concern expressed by many and had two aspects: l with regard to a fear of injuring the cyclist in an accident; and l with regard to the damage that could be caused to an involved vehicle and the ultimate liability (no insurance for cycles). Professional drivers were undoubtedly the most negative in their views towards cyclists. Those driving larger vehicles in particular (HGVs and buses) were less accepting of cyclists as legitimate road users, due to lack of insurance, a lack of financial contribution (no road tax), and a lack of some sign of proficiency (no licence or test certificate). These respondents tended to be of the opinion that cyclists should not be on the road at all. The slowness of cycles was frustrating for those with time pressures on their jobs (both goods and passenger carriers). The attitudes and behaviour of cyclists was seen to exacerbate this frustration. Cyclists were described as being arrogant, especially when they were seen to be flouting the rules of the Highway Code (jumping red lights, riding on footways, riding the wrong way along a one-way street), and getting away with it, but also when they were seen to be acting irresponsibly (coming up the inside of a vehicle, changing lanes or direction without signalling or checking behind). Unpredictability was also a criticism levelled at the cyclist from the majority of respondents. However, this stirred different reactions in different road user types. Women and those drivers who also cycled tended to sympathise with this unpredictability, understanding or speculating on the difficulties that cyclists were perceived to face: l lack of consideration from other road-users; l difficult road conditions; l lack of visibility etc. In contrast, professional drivers and some male domestic drivers tended to blame the cyclist for not knowing what he was meant to do, apparently through a lack of proper training and the absence of any obligatory cycling test. These groups also felt that cyclists were not responsible for the consequences of their actions, as they did not pay insurance and were generally free from enforcement, and so did not care about their behaviour. As previously mentioned there was no recognition of the fact that cyclists pay general taxes, may have cars and therefore pay road tax and that some cyclists do in fact hold insurance. Cyclists and non-cyclists Whether a respondent cycled or not, not surprisingly, had an important effect on responses and attitudes. Those who were cyclists were in the favourable position of being able to see things from both the cyclist s and the driver s point of view. These respondents were better able to distinguish between different types of cyclists, separating the good from the bad. Non-cyclists, on the other hand, were generally guilty of linking all cyclists to the same (usually negative) behaviour by association. This phenomenon is typical of the psychological tendency to regard members of a group as more similar to each other than is actually the case (as documented by Tajfel and Turner, 1986). On the whole, however, the attitudes of those who cycled did not vary significantly from those who did not cycle. They tended to see things from the driver s perspective and could be just as negative about cyclists as other drivers who were non-cyclists. Cyclists therefore tended to have similar views to most other non-cycling domestic drivers. It was non-cycling professional drivers (as mentioned above) that tended to hold more extreme views. Nonetheless, those drivers who cycled did have greater insight than other drivers did in some aspects. For example, they, not surprisingly, tended to know more about cycling facilities and how they operated. When looking at the scenarios, they could rely more on personal experience and talk about how they had reacted in real life. They could identify with such issues, as they knew that they were more commonplace than other non-cyclingdrivers thought (such as being cut-up by a motor vehicle). They were more realistic when it came to how they expected cyclists to react and behave in cycle lanes. Group dynamics As in all research studies, it is noted that the methodology used can have an effect on the results. Possible influencing of results may have occurred in the following ways: l being in a group of peers can encourage posturing and subservience whereby more dominant members views are taken up by the less confident majority who do not wish to appear stupid or admit to an unpopular viewpoint. l conducting a lengthy discussion on a similar topic can also affect opinions. Boredom of repeating opinions can in some cases lead to respondents saying anything to placate the moderator. However, this cannot be attributed to where respondents were assessing the different scenarios (video clips) as the criticism of cyclist behaviour was common across all groups and most individual depth interviews. l a related factor was the way in which the stimulus materials used was different in the groups compared to the individual depth interviews. The fact that stills of a particular point in the scenario were shown in the 12

17 individual depth interviews, whereas group respondents were commenting on the wider situation shown on video, affected respondents perceptions of what was going on in the scenario and therefore their opinions of driver and cyclist behaviour. However, it should be noted that the true effect of group dynamics cannot be categorically accepted or denied. As with all elements of qualitative research, interpretation and supposition are major factors. 2.4 Findings from the Qualitative Research phase The eight group discussions and twenty individual depth interviews provide a detailed account of the attitudes and behaviour of drivers, both towards driving generally and specifically towards cyclists. Some of the main points to emerge are: l cyclists do not feature amongst the main concerns of drivers; l when asked about cyclists specifically, most drivers had a low opinion of cyclists; l professional drivers have a lower opinion of cyclists than domestic drivers; l driver annoyance with cyclists seems to be greater in congested conditions; l drivers think that cyclists are unpredictable and ignore the Highway Code; l drivers are inclined to criticise cyclists for relatively minor matters and to overlook or excuse driver transgressions; l vehicle size (and relative danger) is considered an important determinant of driver behaviour; l cycle facilities seem to make drivers more aware of cyclists but are often criticised; and l on the whole, those drivers who cycle seem to have a better appreciation of the issues but still adopt a driver s perspective towards cyclists. 2.5 Findings in relation to social psychological theory From a social psychological perspective, analysis of the Qualitative Research points to two key conclusions. Firstly, to the limited extent that drivers perceived cyclists as posing problems, the main cause for concern was the apparent unpredictability and difference of cyclists behaviour. This left drivers unsure of how to respond. There were hints that drivers responded by veering between caution, on the one hand, and incaution born of frustration and pressure from other drivers, on the other. In terms of the Theory of Planned Behavior, the problem was not primarily with drivers attitudes towards cyclists (these were not unduly negative), but with drivers perceived behavioural control when interacting with cyclists. This was exacerbated by what drivers considered to be an important social norm governing road use, namely not slowing down (and thereby inconveniencing) following traffic any more than absolutely necessary. Secondly, the underlying unpredictability of cyclists behaviour was seen by drivers as stemming from the attitudes and limited competence of the cyclists themselves, rather than from the difficulty of the situations that cyclists are often forced to face on the road (i.e. drivers made a dispositional rather than a situational attribution). Despite their own evident difficulties in knowing how to respond, drivers never attributed these difficulties to their own attitudes or competencies, nor did they do so in relation to other drivers (i.e. they made a situational attribution about their own and other drivers behaviour). This pattern of assignment of responsibility is characteristic of how people perceive the behaviour of those they consider to be part of the same social group as themselves, versus those seen as part of a different social group (see Pettigrew, 1979). In other words, drivers saw cyclists as an out group, and blamed them accordingly for what was seen as negative behaviour, whilst exonerating members of the in group, namely themselves and other drivers. 3 Quantitative Research (Phase Two) The Quantitative phase of the research aimed to provide statistical reinforcement and further insights to the conclusions of the Qualitative Research. A twentyminute face-to-face questionnaire was designed and then conducted with 620 subjects from five different areas of the country. The regions used were five of those used during the Qualitative Research phase: l York; l Hull; l Leamington Spa; l Camden; and l Bristol. In each of the five areas, the composition of the sample of respondents was the same, in terms of: l age; l driver type; l gender; l working status; and l income. Thereby, meaningful comparisons could be made between the regions. 3.1 General perceptions of other road users In order to gauge the annoyance factor of cyclists relative to other road users, respondents were asked to cite three categories of road user that annoyed them. Across the five areas surveyed, taxis were cited by 47% of the sample as annoying. Annoyance with taxis was particularly high in Hull, where 68% of respondents included taxis in their selection of three types of annoying road users. Overall, 37% of those surveyed stated that buses/coaches annoyed them and this was fairly constant across the five surveyed areas. Cyclists appeared as the third most commonly identified annoying road user group, being specified by 30% of respondents. Annoyance with cyclists was highest in Hull 13

18 where 37% of respondents specified cyclists in their selection of annoying road users. In contrast, only 26% of respondents from Leamington Spa included cyclists as an annoying road user group. While vans and lorries were identified by 26% and 25% (respectively) of the sample s respondents as being annoying road users, annoyance with these groups was particularly high in Camden: 35% of Camden s respondents identified vans in their selection of three annoying road users and 34% identified lorries. Cars were identified least frequently amongst the selections of annoying road user groups, being identified by only 13% of respondents. From a psychological perspective, it is interesting to note the low citing of car drivers as annoying. This pattern is consistent with a well-established inclination to regard the behaviour of out group members more negatively than the behaviour of in group members. 3.2 Reasons for the perceived annoyance of cyclists The Qualitative Research revealed that, when prompted, drivers generally hold negative perceptions of cyclists. In order to explore this matter further during the face-to-face interviews, respondents were asked to give reasons why cyclists annoyed them. Statistically, the major irritant is the cyclists weaving in and out of traffic, as identified by 29% of respondents. However, a quarter of the sample (25%) cited a lack of proper signalling, and approximately one fifth (22%) said that cyclists annoyed them because they get in the way. Approximately one fifth of respondents (19%) identified that cyclists ignorance of the Highway Code was a factor in their annoyance. A greater proportion of respondents from Hull cited each of these reasons for annoyance than was observed in any other of the surveyed areas. The unpredictability of cyclists only featured as the sixth most frequently cited reason for their causes of annoyance, being only mentioned by 15% of respondents. This section of the research indicates that drivers find instances of cyclists not adhering to road rules, thereby acting differently from other road users, the greatest factor in the general annoyance of cyclists, particularly when those actions are seen to inconvenience drivers. 3.3 Perceptions of cyclist types Respondents were shown three images of different cyclists, arbitrarily named everyday, stunt and professional cyclists (although respondents were not provided with these titles on the cartoons). Respondents were then asked which (if any) of the three they would give more space to, slow down, or treat with more caution when overtaking. Figure 1 Images shown to respondents to illustrate cyclist types 14

19 Drivers consistently awarded space, speed reduction and more caution to the stunt cyclist than to the professional cyclist or the everyday cyclist (although the differences between the everyday cyclist and professional cyclist were marginal). It was also found that, with the everyday and professional cyclists, drivers were more likely to concede speed than space and more likely to concede space than caution. Similar proportions of all driver types said they would drive more cautiously, slow down and give more room when overtaking the stunt cyclist the general impression being that this cyclist is less predictable and therefore warrants special attention. Professional drivers of larger vehicles were more likely to drive more cautiously when overtaking any of the three cyclists than other driver groups. This ties in with the Qualitative Research in which drivers of larger vehicles commented on their vehicle bulk and concomitant lack of manoeuvrability, which would necessitate greater caution when dealing with cyclists. With respect to the researched Reasons for the perceived annoyance of cyclists (Section 3.2), even though drivers may award more caution, space and speed reduction for the stunt cyclist, it may also be this cyclist who causes the most annoyance to drivers because of their different behaviour and perceived unpredictability. 3.4 Driving situations In order to investigate the links between driver attitudes and behaviour in relation to drivers encountering cyclists on the roads, respondents were shown photos of two separate scenarios and asked a series of questions Scenario One: Pedestrian refuge slow down and wait behind the cyclist. A quarter reported that they would check if there was enough room to overtake, then do so, whilst only a tiny minority (1%) said they would attempt to overtake even if room were tight. Analysis by driver type reveals some subtle differences in driving behaviour. Professional drivers of larger vehicles were more likely than other drivers to say that they would act more cautiously (86% reported they would slow down and wait behind the cyclist). The responses of professional drivers of smaller vehicles, in contrast, indicated this group was slightly less likely than other drivers to act cautiously, and slightly more likely to check there was enough room to overtake and then do so (34% of professional drivers of smaller vehicles chose this option). Area analysis reveals similar responses from each of the areas with few significant differences. However, it appears that drivers in Leamington Spa may act less cautiously where 61% said they would wait behind the cyclist, compared to an average of 78% across the other areas. The second question about the scenario related to perceived behavioural control (identified as a key factor in the Theory of Planned Behavior ), and respondents were asked what might stop them carrying out their plan. 38% of respondents stated that nothing would stop them from carrying out their plan and 34% of respondents stated that the behaviour of the cyclist could change their actions. Around a quarter of respondents (26%) mentioned that the behaviour of other drivers would cause them to change their own behaviour. This indicates that drivers can regard themselves as trying to adhere to cautious behaviour around cyclists as an accepted response to the situation and yet still feel themselves to be pressurised by other drivers into behaving incautiously. This suggests that the perceived social norm legitimises incautious behaviour, but leaves individual drivers free to attribute the cause of that behaviour to external influences rather than to their own attitudes. Responses to the second question were generally consistent between areas. However, the opinions of drivers in Leamington Spa again varied somewhat from the average response. Thus, drivers in the area were less likely to cite that the behaviour of the cyclist could change their actions (22% versus an average of 37% from the other areas) and more likely to say that conditions on the road ahead could be an influence (16% versus an average of 4% from the other areas). Plate 1 Cyclist approaching a pedestrian refuge Respondents were shown a photo of a cyclist approaching a pedestrian refuge with a car behind. The road is narrow due to the refuge. Respondents were asked to imagine they were driving the car and had been travelling at the 40mph speed limit. When asked how they would try to deal with the cyclist, three-quarters of respondents reported that they would 15

20 3.4.2 Scenario Two: Advanced stop line claimed that other drivers would behave with substantially less caution and consideration than they would themselves, this is readily interpretable in terms of what is called a norm positioning effect (see Lamm and Myers, 1978). This effect occurs when people identify the norm for a particular behaviour and attempt to boost their self-esteem by adopting a position that is even more normal (i.e. which makes them seem to be a shining example of the normative behaviour in question). Since drivers are probably aware from their own observation that the norm for driver behaviour towards cyclists is a somewhat impatient caution, they are probably positioning themselves with a rather more tolerant and global caution than they perceive to be typical of drivers as a whole. An important point following from this analysis is that it seems unlikely that drivers own behaviour actually is as cautious as they claimed it to be, since the norm Plate 2 Advanced stop line for cyclists positioning effect entails adoption of a somewhat artificial stance. In other words, the true social norm for behaviour around cyclists is probably less tolerant and less cautious. A second photo scenario asked respondents to report how they would behave at traffic lights with an advanced stop line for cyclists. In this scenario drivers were much more united about what they would plan to do and there was less variation of response. A strong majority of 90% reported they would wait behind the first stop line. 4% of respondents said that they were not sure about what they were supposed to do. Asked what might affect their choice of position at the lights, over half of respondents (53%) said nothing. However, a quarter (25%) said that the presence of cyclists at the lights might affect their choice of position, while around a tenth (13%) said that the behaviour of other vehicles would influence their decision. Area analysis showed little variation in responses. However, respondents in Bristol were less likely than other people to say that nothing would affect their choice of position (41% compared to an average of 56% over the other areas), and more likely to say that the presence of cyclists would influence their position (42% compared to an average of 21% over the other areas) Drivers perception of the average driver For both the Pedestrian Refuge and Advanced Stop Line scenarios, respondents were asked what would a typical or average driver do in this situation? This question was devised in order to monitor the perceived social norm and investigate its effect on driving behaviour. In both photo scenarios there was a correct response, dictated by the Highway Code, and the majority of respondents (75% for the Pedestrian Refuge and 90% for the Advanced Stop Line ) could identify this response in each case. However, when asked how the average driver would behave, respondents attributed a high level of driving deviancy. Many drivers appeared to see the average driver as more maverick and less law-abiding than himself or herself. This finding can be expanded to gain understanding of the perceived social norm component of the Theory of Planned Behavior. When respondents Comparative perceptions of cyclists and drivers The effect of attributing less law-abiding behaviour to others (as revealed through the Drivers perception of the average driver findings presented in Section 3.4.3) is also shown when respondents were asked the extent to which cyclists and drivers obey the Highway Code. Indeed, having established that many respondents think other drivers are less law-abiding than they are, the findings suggest that they think that cyclists are worse still. When asked how much of the time cyclists and drivers obey the Highway Code, half of the respondents (49%) judged that drivers obey the Highway Code most of the time while only 30% of respondents thought that cyclists obey the Highway Code most of the time. Only 3% of the respondents said that drivers obey the Highway Code rarely or never compared to nearly a fifth (16%) who judged that cyclists obey the Highway Code rarely or never. It is interesting to note that 31% of the respondents involved held two perspectives, being both drivers and regular cyclists. (For the purposes of analysis, regular cyclists were defined as those who had ridden a bicycle within the year 2000, and did so with a minimum frequency of two or three times a month.) The results from this question showed that drivers who cycled regularly held similar views to non-cyclists or irregular cyclists regarding compliance with the Highway Code. To better understand respondents views regarding cyclists and drivers lack of adherence to the Highway Code, the interview allowed respondents to provide feedback. This was recorded as a verbatim response by interviewers and coded at a later date. Respondents conceded that some drivers are aggressive (21%) and drive above the speed limit (40%). Against this are the infractions exclusive to cyclists riding on the pavement (19%), without lights (14%), irresponsibly (7%), and not keeping to single file (4%). Forms of road deviance practised by both drivers and cyclists were stated to include: abuse of rules, taking incorrect road position, not

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