2 inmates die per day at Zim's biggest prisons

HARARE - At
least two inmates die everyday due to hunger and disease at two of
Zimbabwe's biggest jails, a grim statistic that a local prisoner's rights
group said on Wednesday illustrates the dire conditions in the country's
badly overcrowded jails.

The Zimbabwe Association for Crime
Prevention and Rehabilitation of the Offender (ZACRO) said conditions in
prisons across the country had deteriorated over the years with the Zimbabwe
Prison Service (ZPS) out of cash to buy drugs to treat HIV/AIDS and
tuberculosis, rampant in jails because of overcrowding.

The ZPS
neither had money to buy enough food for inmates and in some cases even
failed to raise cash to pay for pauper burials for those who succumb to
disease and hunger in jail, ZACRO national director Edison Chiota told
ZimOnline.

At the two worst affected prisons - Chikurubi and Harare
Central - inmates were sometimes given only a meal a day, ZACRO
said.

Chiota said: "There is no nutritional food in all of the country's
prisons. The prisoners just eat in order to survive, especially at Harare
Central prison and Chikurubi prison where the situation is worse because
inmates are sometimes only given one meal a day.

"The two prisons are
losing not less than two people a day and to make matters worse the Zimbabwe
Prison Service is not able to provide a proper pauper burial for some of
these prisoners."

ZACRO is a non-governmental organisation involved in
protecting the rights of prisoners while also working to prevent crime
through rehabilitation of offenders and their re-integration into
society.

Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa and ZPS boss Paradzai Zimondi
were not immediately available to respond to the group's claims of
overcrowding, disease and death in prisons.

Chiota said a survey of
the country's 55 prisons carried out by ZACRO this year showed that the
jails were holding a total of 35 000 prisoners, more than double their
designed carrying capacity of 17 000 inmates.

The ZACRO director said an
amnesty granted to some categories of prisoners by President Robert Mugabe
in June appeared to have had little impact on the inmate overload.

"I
can tell you that a cell designed to carry 10 prisoners is usually packed
with 40 people," Chiota said. "The county's jails are designed to carry a
maximum capacity of 17 000 prisoners but a study we did from January to June
this year shows that there are close to 35 000 prisoners in the country's
jails."

With Mugabe's government preoccupied with trying to find
money to buy food, essential medicines, fuel, electricity and for salaries
for hundreds of thousands of its workers, prisons have been virtually
forgotten.

More often than not, inmates in many of the country's jails
have to survive on a single meal per day of sadza (a thick porridge made of
ground maize) and cabbage boiled in salted water because there is no money
to buy adequate supplies.

An outbreak of pellagra disease in 2007
killed at least 23 inmates at the notorious Chikurubi Maximum Security
prison. Pellagra is a vitamin deficiency disease caused by shortage of
vitamin B3 and protein.

A parliamentary committee that toured Chikurubi
and other prisons in 2006 was shocked to find inmates clad in torn, dirty
uniforms and crammed into overcrowded cells with filthy; overflowing toilets
that had not been flushed for weeks as water had been cut off due to unpaid
bills.

The committee said in a report that the conditions in prisons were
inhuman. However nothing much has been done to date to improve conditions
due to a lack of resources. - ZimOnline

Hastily arranged discussions Wednesday in Harare between
ZANU-PF and the two formations of the Movement for Democratic Change aimed
at overcoming the impasse on appointments to Zimbabwe's next cabinet failed
to yield a breakthrough.

MDC founder and prime minister-designate
Morgan Tsvangirai had convened a news conference Wednesday afternoon at his
home in a Harare suburb but it was called off at the last minute, a party
spokesman explaining that a round of talks had been set.

Reuters news
agency meanwhile quoted caretaker Justice Minister Patrick Chinamasa, lead
negotiator for ZANU-PF, which is headed by President Robert Mugabe, as
saying the MDC was to blame for the deadlock because it was trying to
negotiate through the media.

Chinamasa reiterated his position that that
intervention by former South African president Thabo Mbeki, who mediated the
process leading to the Sept. 15 power-sharing compact calling for a national
unity government, was not required at this juncture.

But Tsvangirai's
MDC formation has said that Mbeki must get involved again to revive the
power-sharing process, which is widely perceived to be
faltering.

Spokesman Nelson Chamisa of the Tsvangirai MDC formation
told reporter Blessing Zulu of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the deadlock
over ministries is becoming entrenched.

Political analyst Glen Mpani
said in an interview from Cape Town, South Africa, that President Mugabe has
met resistance to power-sharing from ZANU-PF hardliners.

Power sharing deal does not provide for people-drive constitution

Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:25BY CLIFFORD CHIRWAOn
September 15 a historic power sharing deal was signed in Harare. Tragically
most of those celebrating the event had been bussed in from faraway places
and did not understand what was happening. Even after the signing of the
deal, many ordinary Zimbabweans did not know what was happening and what it
meant for them.For some it meant that the country would be stuck with
President Robert Mugabe and the deal would set a very bad precedent, whereby
losers of elections can resort to violence and force their way back into
power.This is why the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) is
vehemently opposed to the September 15 deal. It does not bode well for
democracy and is a betrayal of the long struggle for a better and dignified
life.For a truly democratic society to function, a democratic
constitution guaranteeing every citizen full and equal rights is
fundamental. This should be the starting point for the building of such an
ideal society. But the September 15 deal does not address this
truism.Article 6 states that it is important to acknowledge the
fundamental right and duty of the Zimbabwean people to make a constitution
by themselves and for themselves and be aware that the process of making
this constitution must be owned and driven by people and must be inclusive
and democratic and recognise that the current Constitution of Zimbabwe made
at the Lancaster House Conference, London (1979) was primarily to transfer
power from the colonial authority to the people of Zimbabwe.In the
above clause there is the deliberate use of the phrase, "people driven" -
but the agreement does not provide any clue whatsoever of how it hopes to
achieve this people driven process. It also states that it the right and
duty of Zimbabweans to author their constitution. But at the same time
clearly states that this process will be driven by cherry-picked
politicians, who will also have the power to determine its
finality.In the same Article 6, the MDC and Zanu (PF) make reference
to a draft Constitution which they have already authored and adopted in
Kariba on September 30, 2007. It is this draft which the two political
parties are conspiring to foist on the people of Zimbabwe as the new
constitution, yet it almost the same document that was rejected by
Zimbabweans in 1999.The NCA therefore calls upon the people to treat
the incoming political arrangement as a transitional authority leading to
new democratic elections under a new people driven and democratic
constitution leading to the formation of a new government.The MDC
seems to have changed their minds and are now singing the self defeating
tune focusing on the agreement they reached with Zanu (PF). They feel that
the compromise deal should be given space. We believe this is a big blow to
the struggle for a just society. The struggle has been about the people and
why should the people be abandoned at this stage?The NCA is opposed to
the elite constitution-making process that the two political parties are
proposing and suggests that an All Stakeholders constitution making process
be convened to chart the way to a new constitution.The NCA
proposes that an All Stakeholders Conference be called and it should be
jointly convened by the Zanu (PF)/MDC transitional government and civil
society. This conference should be fully funded by the government and
attended by enough people to represent all Zimbabweans.The task of
the conference will be to constitute an All Stakeholders Commission, decide
upon terms of operation and time limits, elect a chairperson and vice
chairpersons who can be individuals of high societal standing.This
commission, which shall be fully representative, should oversee the
Comprehensive Public Participation, Compilation and Dissemination of Draft
Constitution, Production of Final Draft Constitution and Referendum.
This should lead to the Adoption of the new, democratic Constitution of
Zimbabwe.Finally, elections should be held under the new Constitution
and a new government should proceed to govern under the dictates of a new
constitution.

Politics of fear and food still at work

Wednesday, 08 October 2008
13:35BY CHIEF REPORTERHARAREDespite the veneer of
calmness in Zimbabwe, a dense cloud of fear still hangs over the country, a
human rights report has revealed.The damning August 2008 report by the
Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP) chronicles 21 cases of murder, including the
discovery of 18 bodies in the Wenimbi Dam in Mashonaland East.The
report says incidents of murder, rape, kidnapping, assault, looting,
harassment, and displacement have lessened only gradually in the two months
since the run-off election. Food politics remained in all
provinces."With government sources as the main channels of food
and basic commodities, provincial experiences show that the recently
launched Bacossi is fast becoming a new frontier for politically-motivated
food discriminations," said the report. "Access to GSF (government
subsidised food) is reportedly through a very tight and highly centralised
vetting process controlled by an array of political and state actors who
include losing Zanu (PF) councillors, chiefs, village heads, war veterans,
Zanu (PF) youths/militia, Zimbabwe National Army in the case of Maguta, and
RBZ officials in the case of Bacossi."

Delay In Exams Reflects Disarray In Zimbabwe School
System

VOA

By Jonga KandemiiriWashington08 October
2008

The Progressive Teachers Union of Zimbabwe pointed Wednesday
to the failure of the Zimbabwe Schools Examinations Council to begin Grade 7
examinations this week as a vindication of its recent call for all
examinations to be deferred due to disruption during the March-June election
period and an ongoing strike by most teachers.

Grade 7 exams were
supposed to start on Monday while Ordinary and Advanced Level exams were due
to begin in the middle of this month. But the examinations council had yet
to provide timetables and examination material to schools, sources
said.

Union officials said PTUZ representatives met with Education
Ministry Permanent Secretary Stephen Mahere on Monday to urge that exams be
postponed. A ministry spokesman said education officials were still
considering the matter.

PTUZ President Takavafira Zhou told reporter
Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that the exams council was
embarrassed to admit it was unprepared.

Post-election update:
July-September 2008

The report
covers the period from 1 July to 5 October, 2008 and captures the political,
economic and social developments that took place in Zimbabwe. Though ZESN‘s core
business is the promotion of a Zimbabwe where democratic electoral environment
and processes are upheld, the political, economic and social developments in the
country had direct impact on the electoral issues and processes.

Election-Related Court Cases and
petitions: ZANU-PF and MDC-T election petitions seeking to
invalidate results of the March 29 parliamentary elections citing electoral
irregularities continued to crumble at the Electoral Court. The parties’ failure
to comply with the provisions of Section 169 of the Electoral Act which
stipulates a time frame under which one can file a petition resulted in all
petitions being thrown out by the court.

Furthermore, Section 69 of the Electoral Act
stipulates that all petitions are required to be served upon the respondent
personally or by leaving these at his or her residence or place of business and
this should be done within 10 days of the presentation of the petition.
Petitions filed by both parties were dismissed on the grounds of failure to
comply with the electoral law.

Judge President Rita Makarau and Justice November
Mtshiya in their judgements, quoted the then Indian Chief Justice Mahajan, who
said “Statutory requirements of any election law must be strictly observed and
that an election contest is not an action at law or suit in equity, but is
purely a statutory proceeding unknown to common law and that the court possesses
no common law power.”

There are now about 51 out of105
petitions that have so far failed at the Electoral Court since the commencement
of petition hearings in June. The rest of the petitions are likely to face the
same fate because of the precedent set by the former.

Presidential
petitions: Mr
Justine Chiota, a presidential aspirantlodged an application in the Supreme Court for an
order setting aside the Presidential election. On 1 August
2008Mr Chiota and Mr Shumba, another presidential
hopeful won their Supreme Court case against the Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission.

The judgment was that the nomination court’s refusal
to accept the applicants’ nomination papers was not in accordance with the law
and therefore null and void. Mr Chiota is now seeking a Supreme Court order to
nullify the Presidential election results.

The matter has not been set down for hearing. It
has been reported that Mr Chiota has also made a similar application to the SADC
Tribunal. On the other hand Mr Shumba is arguing that he filed the papers on
time and therefore the presidential election result should be annulled.

Proclamation Summoning
Parliament:
Statutory Instrument 119A/2008 was gazetered to proclaim and fix the date for
the swearing-in of members of the House of Assembly and Senators. The House of
Assembly swearing-in was conducted followed by the election of the Speaker and
Deputy Speaker.

The Senate swearing-in was also conducted followed
by the election of the President and Deputy President of the Senate. The oath
was taken by all those who were sworn in as per the First Schedule of the Constitution.
Election of Speaker and President of Senate was through secret
ballot.

It was interesting to note that some
parliamentarians voted against their party candidates and failed to toe the
party line. The election of Lovemore Moyo of the MDC T party as Speaker of the
House saw him garnering 110 votes against MDC party that had gone into an
alliance with ZANU PF to field a single candidate Paul Themba Nyathi who got 98
votes.

This therefore means that 7 people from either the
MDC or ZANU PF voted for the MDC T party. This raffled feathers in both parties
especially the former where the president of the party was viewed as having lost
the mandate and following of his party.

There was
heckling of the President when he read his speech in parliament which drowned
most of the content of his speech. The disturbances were emanating from the MDC
T party who booed and sang songs during the speech. The ruling party
parliamentarians, supporters including the state media condemned the act as
immature and demeaning to the President and called for the arrest of the said
parliamentarians.

Supporters and sympathisers of the MDC T were
pleased that the President was humiliated for the violence that took place
during the presidential run-off election and they felt justified for the act as
parliamentarians in other countries even fight inside parliament.

Professor
Jonathan Moyo, an Independent Member of Parliament and three others from the MDC
party filed a court application to nullify the Speaker of Parliament “s election
arguing that the election of MDC T Lovemore Moyo on 25 August was not conducted
in secret as required by the law.

Lovemore Moyo argued that it was wrong for the
Independent MP to bring the case to court because under the separation of powers
doctrine, courts should not interfere in parliamentary business as the election
was an internal matter and that he should have brought a motion to parliament to
reverse the election.

Attempts for a political
settlement: The talks between the MDC formations and ZANU PF
were initiated and were on and off since 2004. The then President of Nigeria
Olusegan Obasanjo tried to bring about a political settlement without much
success.

The engagement of SADC to resolve the political
impasse between the two major political parties reached a stalemate and
collapsed with the two MDC formations dismissing the talks jointly for lack of
progress. The talks were resumed which culminated in the signing of a Memorandum
of Understanding thereby paving way for the sharing of power among the three
political parties.

There were celebrations and jubilation as people
celebrated the brokering of the political impasse that had brought about
political and economic suffering. Others were sceptical of the deal and wait
with much enthusiasm as to the implementation of the provisions of the deal.

The
growing sceptism was heightened by the delayed appointment of cabinet posts
through sharing of ministries amongst the three parties and this was supposed to
be done jointly by the presidents of ZANU PF and the MDC parties. The delayed
swearing in of the Prime Minister, Vice Presidents and the disagreement on
sharing of the said four critical ministries brought in more sceptism on whether
the deal will hold.

The signing of the deal has paved way for a
political settlement to take place and people await the implementation of the
same in order to restore the political and economic rights of citizens as well
as bring food on the tables of many.

ZESN also waits that the provisions in the deal be
incorporated through Amendment Number 19 but is concerned about the continued
holding of ministerial positions by losing
candidates.

Reports
from provinces indicate that the talks between the two rival political parties
has given some sense of relief to victims of political violence in areas such as
Shamva in Mashonaland Central with displaced victims being allowed back into
their homes and assured of protection by the police.

In areas like Hurungwe, photographs of Morgan
Tsvangirai and Robert Mugabe shaking hands have opened up communities to
dialogue on the political violence that saw the murder of one of ZESN’s short
term observers.

Some sectors have seen the signed agreement as an
elitist pact and that it imprecise language leaving the meaning and scope of
several provisions unclear.However, assuming that the talks
do finally succeed, there is potential for the opening up of democratic space in
most of the country’s rural constituencies, but if they fail, further clamp down
on democratic forces should be anticipated.

The peace and reconciliation measures put in the MOU
need to be immediately be implemented in order to heal the wounds of the
victims. The process must be all inclusive, open and to cascade to the rural
areas. Women and other vulnerable groups must form the core of the process in
order to achieve lasting peace and national development.

The appointment of Provincial
Governors:
The
President appointed 10 provincial Governors from his partyand this will ensure that ZANU PF have the majority
of Senate Seats. The re-appointments of Governors in Matabeleland North and
South, Bulawayo and Harare came as no surprise as well as the appointments of
new governors in the Mashonaland provinces and Manicaland.

The appointments of Martin Dinha (Mashonaland
Central), Aeneas Chigwedere (Mashonaland East), Christopher Mushowe (Manicaland)
and Faber Chidarikire (Mashonaland West) as well as the appointments of Joseph
Msika, Patrick Chinamasa and John Nkomo were expected as these were viewed as
cadres who had worked tirelessly for the party and the latter were senior party
officials.

ZESN notes with concern the lack of gender balance
in the Governors’ appointments. The new appointments were supposed to be in line
with current gender local, regional and international instruments that saw the
country calling for gender equality in decision making
positions.

The premature appointment of Provincial Governors
from the ruling party only is in bad taste given the major strides that were
taken for a political settlement to take place. Although the sharing of
provinces among Governors was not in the agreement, if genuine political will
was fostered, it could have resulted in the appointment of Governors from all
the three political parties.

If the other two MDC parties succeed in pushing for
the appointment of Governors from their parties, it means that some Governors
already appointedwill have to be asked to step
down to pave way for the appointment ofGovernors from other political parties, a move which
may upset the political situation.

Currently
ZANU PF has 30elected Senators and with the 10
new appointments of Governors plus chiefs most of whom have traditionally
votedfor ZANU PF gives it the majority.ZESN recommends the abolition of appointed seats as
these are detrimental to democracy and circumvent the people’s will. It was
inevitable that the President and Deputy President of Senate be ZANU PF cadres
given the executive appointments.Below is a table of balance of power in parliament
including the provisions set in the signed
agreement:

House of Assembly

Number of seats

Senate

Number of seats

MDC
T

100

MDC T
24

MDC6

MDC T 3
appointees

MDCM 3
appointees

36

MDC
M

10

Zanu PF
30 elected

3
appointees

33

Zanu
PF

99

Appointed
18 chiefs 10 provincial governors (all occupied by Zanu PF

5presidential
appointees (2 vacant )

33

Independent

1

Total

210

102

By-elections: There are three vacant seats in the House of
Assembly and three vacant constituency seats in the Senate. The House of
Assembly vacant seats: Gokwe-Gumunyu resulting from the death of the incumbent
and Matobo North seat vacated by Mr. Lovemore Moyo who was elected Speaker of
the House.

The Senate vacant seats are Chegutu seat vacated by
Mrs Madzongwe on election as President of the Senate, Chiredzi seat vacated by
Mr Maluleke on appointment as Provincial Governor of Masvingo Gokwe South
vacated by Mr. Machaya on appointment as Provincial Governor, Midlands and
recently the death of Guruve North Member of
Parliament.

Reports
from the Matobo North constituency say ZANU-PF supporters moved into by-election
campaign mode immediately after Mr Moyo’s election as Speaker and are employing
intimidatory tactics. However the MOU stipulates that there will not be
by-elections because the country is not ready for another election, a
development which will compromise the will of the people.

The agreement suggests that if there in a death or
withdrawal of a candidate the party from which the Member of Parliament was from
will appoint another member. There are however technical aspects of the
agreement to be discussed what if the member is an independent candidate or what
if another party not involved in the agreement decides to field a
candidate.

In the absence of a constitutional agreement, the
Zimbabwe Electoral Commission will have no choice but to call for a by-election
as per the provisions of the Electoral Act and the constitutions which is above
the provisions of the deal.

The death
of Guruve North Member of parliament Mr Cletus Mabharanga brings to six by
elections. There are also heightened fears that ZANU PF will go ahead and
participate in the by-election against the terms of the
agreement.

ZANU PF National Commissisar Elliot Manyika in an
interview with The Chronicle said his party was gearing up for the by elections
in Chegutu and Matobo North and that his party had started the selection of
candidates. The party held a “sensitisation” rally in Maphisa to inform voters
of the impending election.

Manyika noted that his party was awaiting the legal
process of ZEC’S announcement of the vacancy of the seats before primary
elections are held. This is a very disturbing development and a violation of the
agreement which will have severe consequences for the political settlement.

Appointment of
councillors: Mr Chombo, the current Minister of Local
Government appointed nine councillors in Bulawayo among other towns and cities
as per the provision of the Urban Councils Act. The Act allows the appointment
of additional councillors to represent special groups in council.

However, a ratepayer, a Bulawayo
residentand MDC ward Chairperson filed a High Court
application challenging the appointment of the nine and arguing that Chombo
abused his powers as seven out of the nine appointed did not represent special
groups but were just ZANU PF cadres who were being brought through the “back
door”.

The Minister has been accused of interfering with
the management of council business.There have been reports of losing Zanu PF
councillors refusing to hand over to the winning MDC councillors.

The Basic Commodity Supply
Enhancement Programme (BACOSSI) is an initiative of the Reserve Bank of
Zimbabwe where the bank procures food, which is then distributed, to the people
mainly in the rural and high density areas.

The programme was introduced to cushion people
against continuous price hikes that are being effected by the business community
as well as businesses that have been allowed to charge in foreign currency. It
leaves to be seen how sustainable the programme is given the fact that the bank
buys the goods in foreign currency outside the country and more people are now
living below the poverty datum line.

In the interim, the government through the Reserve
Bank of Zimbabwe introduced what has become known as BACOSSI, Basic Commodity
Supply Side Intervention.The initiative originally meant to benefit marginalized
communities access basic commodities, quickly ran out of steam just when it was
supposed to move into towns.

Communities were required to pay the equivalent of
$150 billion old currency to secure a 100ml tube of Colgate, shoe polish,
Vaseline, bathing soap, cooking, flour, sugar and salt among many other things,
the total cost at market rate would be about USD 100.

There are reports from the RBZ suggesting that the
programme is still ongoing but with difficulties in accessing the commodities
which are imports.It is difficult to understand
how feasible it is to continue with such a venture considering the costs of
importation and the little amounts communities are paying to access the
commodities.

On the
other hand Bacossi is viewed as a new frontier for politically – motivated food
discriminations. Reports of partisan distribution of the basic commodities have
been received in most provinces especially Mashonaland East and Central with
allegations that the officials running the project are being instructed by ZANU
PF structures.

The biggest challenge associated with the project is
the use of traditional leaders and what are referred to as local government
structures to distribute the food are widely perceived as
partisan.

The Herald
reported that residents of Ezimnyama in Plumtree have hailed the Government for
introducing the Basic Commodity Supply Enhancement Programme saying it has gone
a long way in helping them access scarce basic commodities at affordable
prices.

In an interview with The Herald at Ezimnyama
Business Centrewhere the residents were waiting
for the distribution of the goods, they indicated that BACOSSI had helped most
of the poor who could not afford the prices being charged by local business
people. Most businesses in the surrounding area import their goods from
Botswana, and re-sell them in foreign currency or in local currency at very high
prices.

The sustainability of the programme is questionable
what is needed are long-term economic strategies. Zimbabwe currently suffers the
world’s highest rate of inflation last estimated at one and half million percent
with millions depending on food aid.

Activities of civil society
organisations: Some humanitarian organizations have resumed their
operations but the delay caused untold suffering to villagers. NANGO is
concerned that the conditions set for NGOs to operate are stringent and will
impact negatively on activities. It is hoped that government will remove the
conditionalities and allow the free flow of humanitarian aid.

Political
Violence:
According to the Zimbabwe Peace Project (ZPP)
politically motivated violence has declined but there are disturbing reports of
cases of violence in most areas where assaults, harassment and intimidation have
been reported.

Tolerance to freedom of expression and different
views is still rampant with clashes over different opinions on the signed
agreement between Zanu PF and MDC supporters. Political intolerance has been
reported throughout the country and opposition supporters still cannot wear
their party regalia.

Despite the signed agreement there is generally fear
and polarisation as the pre-election experiences arestill fresh in many people’s
minds.

Matabeleland was reported to be calm with very
little incidents of political violence. Although the deal has been signed among
the three political parties to pave way for power sharing, the spirit has not
yet cascaded to some communal areas and there is lack of awareness about
it.

Cases of communities demanding instant justice from
perpetrators were reported. It is important for truth, justice and
reconciliation programmes to be put in place as a way to heal the
nation.

Conclusion

Zimbabwe
emerged from the 2008 harmonized election, politically, socially and
economically battered given the political violence that took place during the
run-off.

ZESN calls for electoral and major political reforms
in order to have a conducive environment that will facilitate the conduct of
free and fair elections. – ZimOnline

Dense cloud hangs over Zimbabwe:
NGO

REPORT: Zimbabwe
Peace Project’s (ZPP) August 2008 report on human rights and food monitoring
states that despite the “veneer of calmness” a dense cloud of fear hangs across
the country, noting the alarming cases of violence perpetrated during and after
June 27.

Particular highlights
include the rise in cases of murder which total 21 cases and include the
discovery of 18 bodies in the Wenimbi Dam in Mashonaland East province on August
28. Incidents of murder, rape, kidnapping, assault looting, harassment, and
displacement have lessened only gradually in the two months since the run-off
Presidential election whilst food politics remains pronounced in all
provinces.

Synopsis

While post election violence is reportedly on the
retreat having shaded off some of its traditional characteristics, it is however
still too early to celebrate. Beneath the veneer of calmness is a dense cloud of
fear. The pre-election era mindset is still on the prowl with political targets
still clandestinely victimised. Involvement in opposition politics remains a
highly risky venture, in fact, a de facto zone “where angels fear to tread”.
Tolerance to freedom of expression and diversity of views is yet to take root
with frequent reports of people clashing over different opinions on the ongoing
inter-party talks two months after the volatile elections. Villagers are at high
risk of starvation as state food distribution processes are reportedly heavily
politicised, centralised and opaque with too many political actors involved. In
some areas, Voter Registration Roll Books for the 29 March and 27 June were
reportedly used to vet those who should have access to Bacossi and other related
facilities. Also disturbing is that several months after being sworn in, newly
elected councillors are yet to officially discharge their duties with most
losing councillors[mostly Zanu PF members] reportedly refusing to hand over
council stamps and other materials. An unfortunate mood of revenge violence is
in the air with some victims reportedly promising to mete punishment on known
and suspected violence perpetrators after the Talks while in some areas
villagers are reportedly demanding their livestock and property back from base
commanders. Incidents in which family, community and church members have clashed
over political differences are also reported with a disturbing frequency. Thus
while hopes for a political deal between the erst-while political rivals is in
the air, lasting inter-generational peace and social justice demands that
mechanisms be urgently put in place to ensure social healing. It is also hoped
that the political leadership will embark on a robust nationwide campaign for
peace and reconciliation.

The Background

In
contrast with earlier reports, this August Report is presented at a special time
when prospects for a peace settlement between the main political rivals, ZANU PF
and the MDC are in the air. With the signing of an MOU on 21 July 2008, hopes
for peace and stability scaled new heights with erst-while protagonists under
immense pressure to now walk the talk of peace by concluding a political deal
that should usher in a Government of national unity. August became witness to
protracted high profile inter-party Talks, with negotiators [and in some cases
their principals] shuttling between Harare and Pretoria.

With this
development, the national psyche became more focused on ensuring that peace and
stability prevail, the two main political parties exhorted to publicly condemn
the orgy of retributive violence that had visited the nation during the run up
to the 27 June run-off. National hopes for peace and stability surged even
higher when the political leadership on 6 August 2008 issued a joint communiqué
[for the first time] condemning violence. While inter-party negotiation
experiences had their “booms” and “recessions”, it was refreshing to note that
the nation remained agog with hopes for an immediate political deal.

It is
against this backdrop that ZPP in line with its peace-monitoring mandates sought
to alert the peace-loving public on how far this national quest for peace and
stability has cascaded to all the rural areas of Zimbabwe’s ten provinces, two
months after the volatile June Elections. ZPP sincerely hopes that any
highlighted gaps between social expectations and provincial unfolding scenarios
will serve as a warning shot to the public to remain on high alert for any
developments that may subvert prospects for social peace and
stability.

Unfolding Scenarios and
Issues

While
politically-motivated violence has visibly subsided and shaded off its gross
features, its stubborn retreat traits are still manifest. A cursory survey of
public statements in both print and electronic media as well as snippets from
provincial experiences glaringly show that mostlanguage is yet to be exorcised of retributive
inclinations. The pre-election era mindset is still on the prowl, though with
less impunity this time. State media coverage remains obscenely skewed in favour
of the Zanu PF.

Political tolerance
remains disturbingly on the low side with opposition politics to a large extent
still de facto zone “where angels fear to tread”. Two months after
elections, reports continue to be received about people being assaulted for
flimsy reasons such as celebrating the victory of the MDC candidate as Speaker
of Parliament, expressing different opinions on ongoing inter-party Talks, or
even wearing opposition regalia.

Several months after
being sworn in as councillors, most MDC winningcouncillors are yet to operate as
councillors with losing
Zanu PF
councillors reportedly
refusing to hand over council stamps and materials.

Displaced people who
took long to return to their villagers after the 27 June Elections, found their
homesteads taken over while property including household goods, livestock,
poultry, grain, farm inputs and farm yields looted and
vandalised.

An unfortunate
revenge mood is in the air with some pre-election victims reportedly promising
to mete revenge after the Talks on known perpetrators of violence while some
villagers are reported to have started demanding back their livestock and
property from base commanders, who as gleaned from provincial reports have since
been on the run. ZPP recommends that those aggrieved take recourse to legal
channels in their pursuit for justice.

With
Government sources as the main channels of food and basic commodities,
provincial experiences show that the recently launched Bacossi is fast becoming
a new frontier for politically-motivated food discriminations. Access to GSF
(Government subsidised food) is reportedly through a very tight and highly
centralized vetting process controlled by an array of political and state actors
whoinclude losing Zanu PF councillors, chiefs, village
heads, war veterans, Zanu PF youths/militia, ZNA [in the case of Maguta] and RBZ
officials [in the case of Bacossi]. Given the state of polarization in the
country and the absence of alternative sources of food, extant state food
distribution channels have in some cases reportedly fallen prey to unscrupulous
elements [especially losing councillors] who are allegedly using the GSF as an
avenue to settle their political scores and even make business capital out of
the political plight of the starving villagers.

Prospective food beneficiaries reportedly have to
meet several strict requirements which among others, include being “righteous”
[a euphemism for not being into opposition politics], being on the village
register, being in possession of a Zanu PF card, being regular attendants of
Zanu PF party meetings as well as being fully abreast with the latest slogans of
the Zanu PF.

Provincial
reports also refer to the use of the 29 March and 27 June Voter Registration
Rolls, practices that are said to have further worsened the plight of starving
villagers as non voters were technically left out. In some urban areas, those
who want to access subsidized government supplied maize meal and other basic
commodities were reportedly required to have their purchase books stamped at
Zanu PF Information Centres, which in most cases were houses belonging to senior
Zanu PF members.

The social
externalities of election violence are reportedly rearing their ugly faces in
some urban and rural areas with reported incidents of violence-related dementia,
family and even churches members clashing over political differences while in
some cases, close relatives reportedly refused to attend funerals of those who
belong to the other party. There was also an incident in which a pastor was
reported to have refused to pray for those church members who were suspected to
have been participating in retributive violence. Though these incidents were
isolated, they signal the need for robust post election social healing
processes.

In a yet another
isolated but indicative of how unscrupulous individuals can take advantage of
political lawlessness to commit unethical practices, a man and woman [known
opposition members] were reportedly forced to have sex without condoms while the
perpetrators watched and cheered them. The fact that the July Report also
carried a story of this nature is a worrisome development, particularly so in
this era of the HIV and Aids pandemic. Thus although statistically
insignificant, an incident of this nature has ripple effects. In fact, it
amounts to sentencing the political victims and society at large to death by one
stroke. How these victims are silently coping with these social experiences and
scars should indeed be cause for concern to the caring public.

Cumulative Human Rights Violations by August
2008

By August, a
cumulative total of 18 734 incidents had been recorded, an increase of 5.2 %
from their July cumulative level of 17 815. The table below illustrates these
cumulative scenarios in violations since the month of January
2008:

While politically-motivated violence has lost its
pre-election raging features, cases of assaults, harassments, displacements,
kidnapping, rape, and even murder were still reported. On 4 August 2008, a
suspected MDC member was reportedly found murdered outside Ruura village in
Headlands, allegedly after a dispute with members of the
militia.

The political
intolerance mindset is still evident with members of the opposition commonly
referred to as political criminals while some returnees reportedly found their
homesteads taken over or allocated to others in what the victims viewed as
political punishment.

Politically-motivated
food discriminations remain a cause for concern with August reports suggesting
widespread malpractices in the allocation of the recently launched Bacossi
project as well as the traditional subsidized GMB maize meal distributions.
Victims were commonly accused of playing double standards by seeking to benefit
from a Government which they rejected at the poll, apparently mistaking a
Government program for a party program.

At most food
distribution queues, people were reportedly asked to produce membership cards
while those whose party attendance records was on the low side risked denial of
registration on the Bacossi list. Cases where local businessmen refused to sell
basic commodities to known or suspected opposition members or where people were
being forced to chant Zanu PF slogans before proceeding to buy a bag of maize
were also of concern.

Reports also made
reference to incidents of retaliatory violence with some villagers who had their
livestock taken to bases during the run up to the 27 June Elections reportedly
demanding back their livestock from base leaders while others are reportedly
planning revenge on those who victimised them during the run up to the 27 June
elections.

The post election
aftermaths are reportedly catching on with some church communities with some
members prioritising their political to religious loyalties. On 10 August, a
Buhera Central pastor of the Revival Grace Fellowship Church was reported to
have refused to pray for a Zanu PF mentally-ill church member allegedly because
he had been involved in the perpetration of violence in the run up to the 27
June elections. The victim was also reported to have even stopped the same
pastor from praying for MDC supporters.

Mashonaland West

Tolerance to
political diversity and freedom of expression remain on the low side with
frequent reports of members of the opposition being chided as sell-outs and
ordinary people being harassed for expressing different views on the 27 June
run-off with incidence spread mainly concentrated in Zvimba East, Nyabira
district, Zvimba North, Zvimba West, Zvimba South, Mhondoro Mubaira, and,
Hurungwe West.

Cases in which war
veterans and youths were allegedly involved in cases of retributive violence are
still disturbingly on the high side. On 17 August 2008, war veterans reportedly
assaulted around 183 Madhodho villagers allegedly for “failing to attend local
Zanu PF meetings” while on 14 August a Jakazi village Salvation Army priest was
reportedly assaulted by suspected Zanu PF youths allegedly for preaching
politics during church services.

While in the main,
base camps have reportedly been disbanded, some are reportedly still
operational, one case in point being Mwami base camp in Hurungwe.

Though isolated,
there were reports of some farm evictions in the province. In Chegutu East, a
group of farm workers on 16 August 2008 reportedly chased away a white farm
owner from his Stock Dale Farm allegedly “because they wanted to use the farm on
their own”.

In most wards,
sworn-in MDC
councillors were
reportedly not allowed to operate as councillors allegedly because they are “sell-outs”.

Mashonaland
Central

While
politically-motivated human rights violations are still reported, food politics
were the most recurring issues. Food distribution is controlled by ward
secretaries, cell chairpersons, youths, war veterans, and
losing
councillors [who in most
cases are losing Zanu PF councillors]. They prepare Bacossi beneficiary lists as well as
issuing confirmation letters, a tight system that has reportedly seen several
suspected and known MDC members as well as ordinary individuals being denied
confirmation letters by village heads, war veterans and chiefs. In some cases
Chiefs reportedly refused to sign papers for newly elected
MDC
councillor to enable them
access maize from GMB, although officially it is these
sworncouncillors who should be in control of food distribution.
Though isolated, some RBZ officials were reported to be partisan when
distributing Bacossi commodities.

Masvingo

Though now on a lower
scale, opposition politics is still treated as a political crime with members
commonly ridiculed as sell-outs or assaulted for attending MDC meetings. In
areas such as Bikita East, Bikita South, Chivi Central, Chiredzi South, Mwenezi,
and Zaka West, people are reportedly yet to recover from the fear of retribution
with sad reports of people fearing to attend funerals of their relatives who are
on the other side of politics.

Food politics was a
pronounced recurring issue in all the constituencies. As reported in other
provinces, food allocation is highly politicized and centralized with kraal
heads, headmen and Zanu PF losing councillors in one way or the other influencing one’s access to
Bacossi, GMB Maguta and agricultural input schemes. Permits to buy subsidized
food are mostly issued by members of the Zanu PF while farm implements [ox-drawn
ploughs, wheel burrows] are allocated to farmers by members of the ZNA in
liaison with kraal heads, chiefs and war veterans. Registers for Bacossi were
based on the Voter’s Roll Book for March 29 and June 27 Elections. Reports also
refer to cases where RBZ were said to be partisan in food
allocation.

Cases of wholesale
punishment of areas suspected to be MDC strongholds were also reported. On 1
August 2008 Duma residents were reportedly denied access to GMB Maguta allegedly
accused of having voted for the MDC in the 29 March Elections. On 16 August 2008
residents of Maemura in Bikita East were reportedly chased away from
Mushandirapamwe Garden allegedly because the Garden “belong to Zanu PF” and
accordingly should benefit first and foremost Zanu PF
members.

By end of August,
reports of politically-motivated evictions were still received. On 26 August
2008, a widow from Bushmed Farm was reportedly evicted by war veterans allegedly
for her continued involvement in MDC politics. At Dalwich Farm property worth
millions belonging to Mr. Machirori was reportedly destroyed on 7 August by Zanu
PF youths while on 28 August 2008 plot holders in Dzivarasekwa were forced to
donate contributions for Zanu PF victory celebrations threatened with threats of
plot withdrawals upon failure.

As reported in other
provinces, a revenge spirit is in the air. On 15 August, a Zanu PF activist from
Mupepeti village of Chivi South was reportedly viciously attacked by suspected
MDC supporters as revenge for their perpetration of violence in the run up to
the 27 June elections, losing two teeth in the process.

Midlands

Some areas of
Zvishavane, Gokwe, Chirumanzu, and, Mberengwa West remained steeped in the
pre-election era retributive mindset with some people reportedly still accusing
and assaulting others for being MDC, wearing opposition T shirts, reversing the
gains of independence, and, for refusing to donate for ZANU PF celebrations.

Equally disturbing
were increased reports of people fighting over differences of opinions on
inter-party Talks as well as frequent reports of teachers still being accused of
teaching opposition politics in classes.

Involvement of war
veterans in post election retributive violence is still visible with reports
that some war veterans were on 16 August 2008 moving around in Zvishavane Runde
threatening Chikore villagers while in the same area, a Zanu PF
losing
councillor of ward 4 was
on 7 August 2007 reported to have refused to hand over council stamps and
materials to sworn in MDC ward councillors.

The social aftermaths
of election violence were also reportedly threatening social relations in some
communities with reported cases of families that have broken down because of
political differences. In Kwekwe, a Silobela man reportedly divorced his wife
allegedly because of deep-seated political differences, the wife being a Zanu PF
loyalist while the husband was an MDC activist. The marriage has reportedly
collapsed.

Being one of
Zimbabwe’s drought-hit provinces, food politics emerged a recurring issue in its
August Reports with reported incidents of people being forced to produce Zanu PF
party cards in order to access subsidized GMB maize, people being denied
registration either on the Bacossi or agricultural input schemes for “not being
seen at Zanu PF meetings”. As was experienced in other provinces, common
perpetrators remain losing councillors, headmen, Zanu PF youths and war
veterans.

Mashonaland East

Cases of kidnappings
and harassment have disturbingly remained visible. In Murewa North, MDC
supporters were on 14 August 2008 reportedly kidnapped and forced to attend
party meetings and chant slogans by youths. In Mutoko North, villagers from
Mandeya, Hunhu, Tsiko, and Kabaya were reportedly fined $20 for not attending
Zanu PF Celebrations, with threats of eviction upon
failure.

The province was also
witness to cases of gross forms of violence. In Chi’ono village, a Murewa South
man was reportedly murdered at his homestead by suspected Zanu PF
youths.The case is reportedly still under police
investigations.

As in other
provinces, food politics features as a recurring issue in most reports with
incidents of people being chased way from basic food queues by youth leaders,
people being denied offer letters by kraal heads, as well as people being denied
registration because they “failed to contribute for Celebrations”. Generally,
the Bacossi project is viewed as a party program with food discriminations still
pronounced in Murewa South, Mudzi West, Goromonzi Mudzi, Mudzi South and West,
and Mutoko North.

Harare

Although post
election violence is no longer openly perpetrated, traces of the pre-election
mindset are still evident with reports of assaults arising from different views
on ongoing inter-party Talks, or for wearing MDC T shirts while references to
members of the opposition as sell-outs are reportedly still common. On 25 August
2008 MDC legislators were reportedly harassed and intimidated at Quality
International Hotel by ZRP with Chipinge East MP accused of beating up a war
veteran in his constituency. In Zengeza East, a man was ordered to move from the
house he was leasing by his landlord, reportedly for ‘wearing MDC T
shirts.

Cases where MDC
political meetings were reportedly disrupted by police were still received. On
23 August 2008, an MDC meeting in Mufakose was disrupted by police officers on
the basis that they “did not notify the police of the
meeting”

The heckling in
parliament was also related to the violence that the country had
experienced.

Matabeleland North

In comparison with
other regional provinces, Matabeleland North emerged the most politically
volatile with a record of 60 cases of violence mostly featuring assault and
harassment.

With traditional
supplementary sources of food under ban, drought-hit Matabeleland North became
victim to food politics with Binga, Umguza and Lupane among the most frequently
cited areas.

As reported in other
provinces, there were reports of newly sworn-in MDC
councillors being denied
right of control over maize allocation, practices that led to some losing Zanu
PF
councillors using the
Bacossi facility to settle political scores. In Lupane, Sikali 11 villagers were
on 22 August 2008 reportedly denied registration in Phase 11 Implements Programs
allegedly because they “turned down the Zanu PF by voting for
Tsvangirai”.

Political tolerance
is yet to take firm root with reports of some Lupane West MPs refusing to work
with MDC
councillors while
losing
councillors were
reportedly refusing to hand overcouncil stamps and other
materials .

Matabeleland South

While
politically-motivated violence is generally on the low side,
politically-motivated food discriminations remained visible with losing Zanu
PF
councillors reportedly as
chief perpetrators.

As in Matabeleland
North, newly sworn in councillors are yet to discharge their duties in wards under
their jurisdiction. In the Gonkwe village of Gwanda, a losing
councillor on 10 August
2008 reportedly refused to hand over documents and ward stamps to the
winning
councillor, Headmen were
reportedly under orders of war veterans not to introduce newly elected
MDC
Councillors. In the
Mtshabezi village of Gwanda, villagers were on 13 August 2008 reportedly
directed not to attend meetings coordinated by MDC
Councillors. Although
matters of this nature have been brought to the attention of DAs, their
interventions are yet to be witnessed.

Bulawayo

As in July, the
province emerged the least politically volatile province, however with food
discrimination as its main challenge. Food distribution channels are tightly
controlled, prospective food beneficiaries expected to have stamped their
purchasing books at a Zanu PF Information Centre, reportedly a house belonging
to a senior Zanu PF member in the region.

·Acts spread still maintain
their July stubborn retreat characteristics, having dropped from their July
level of 1333 to 919 by August. Incidents of murder, rape, kidnapping, assault,
looting, harassment, displacements, and MDPs remain statistically visible, two
months after the run off.

·While violence patterns
reflect a significant shift to lesser forms of violence, loss of 21 lives, 3
cases of rape, 16 cases of abductions and 35 cases of MDPs should be viewed with
concern particularly because they are occurring at a time when the political
leadership are engaged in protracted inter-party unity talks. The political
leadership should be strongly exhorted to sell the message of peace to their
grassroots structures.

·Of the 901 gross cases of
violence reported, incidence density is most concentrated in Manicaland with
159, Harare with 139 and Midlands with 132.

·As in July, harassment and
assaults remain the topmost frequently committed political offences with most
incidents occurring in Harare, Mashonaland East, Masvingo, Midlands and
Manicaland.

·Consistent with past
trends, the Matabeleland region remains in the low violence zone with incident
records as low as 13 in Bulawayo, 14 in Matabeleland South and 60 in
Matabeleland North.

Concluding Remarks

August incidents spread
strongly suggest that the war against politically motivated violence is far from
over.

Gender-Victim
Analysis

Observations

·While there is a gross
victim toll drop from its July level of 1385 to 1053 by August, this decrease
was largely attributed to major victim toll declines in the Zanu PF [98] and the
State [7].

·The MDC victim toll [688]
remained significantly high constituting 65% of the gross victim toll. Victim
toll density is still heavily skewed against the MDC.

·Consistent with past
trends, high victim tolls continue to be recorded in Harare Metropolitan,
Masvingo, Manicaland and Mashonaland East with least victim records in the
Matabeleland provinces.

·There are more of male
victims than female victims in both Zanu PF and MDC, however with the number of
MDC female victims still disturbingly high, in fact twicethe Zanu PF male victim toll and 5 times higher that
the Zanu PF female victim toll.

·As was the case in July,
the State–victim toll continues to decline while the victim toll of the Unknown
[260] remained disturbingly high, constituting 25 % of the gross victim toll.
That the Unknown victim toll remains high points to the still widespread nature
of victimisation.

Concluding Remark

Victim toll distribution
strongly indicates that the bulk of the victims are from the MDC camp.
Consistent with trends since March 2008 the ZANU PF victim toll maintained its
sharp decline streak.

Gender-Perpetrator
Analysis

Observations

·While the perpetrator toll
record points to a 62 % drop from the July level of 2218 to 1385 by August, it
is instructive to note that the decline is not across the board. This perceived
significant decline was mainly due to sharp decreases in the number of MDC
perpetrators.Zanu PF perpetrator record
remains disturbingly high across both sexes.

·Of the gross perpetrator
toll of 1385 recorded in August, 1194 of these [86%] were Zanu PF perpetrators
with 108 [8%] being MDC perpetrators.

·Perpetrator density also
remained disturbingly heavy in Harare Metropolitan [319], Masvingo [199],
Mashonaland East [173], Midlands [170], Manicaland [150], Mashonaland West [120]
and Mashonaland Central [117], perpetrator records that are not surprising at
all in view of their traditional hotspot history.

·While perpetrator toll
remains significantly on the low side in the Matabeleland provinces, the
Matabeleland North perpetrator record was disturbingly way above the toll
records of other two provinces.

·Although the Zanu PF
perpetrator toll had a 60% drop from its July level of 1991 to 1194 by August,
Zanu PF perpetrator toll remains incomparable to the MDC perpetrator figure of
108. The MDC perpetrator figure is 9% of Zanu PF perpetrator figure.
Statistically implied here is that two months after the elections, Zanu PF
remained on the lead on the perpetrator race.

·Also trite is to note that
while males remain the main perpetrators in both the Zanu PF and the MDC, the
Zanu PF female perpetrator figure [195] is 181% higher than the gross MDC
perpetrator figure of 108. Perpetrator proclivity within Zanu PF is still
disturbingly high across genders.

Concluding Remarks

While gross perpetrator
toll appears to be on a declining course, it is still too early to celebrate as
the perceived declines are not across board. While the number of MDC male and
female perpetrators has significantly declined, the number of Zanu PF
perpetrators across both sexes remained on an ascent route, two months after the
elections.

·Food politics remains pronounced in all provinces
however with least violations in the Matabeleland regions.

·GSF is the main source of food in all provinces, with
the main traditional supplementary sources of still under an imposed indefinite
suspension.

·As shown on the August ZPP Victims-FMR[6] table, victims of
food discriminations remain MDC [198 Victims] in comparison with Zanu PF [71
Victims]. The food-Victim record of the Unknown [at 118] is also course for
concern underlining the possibility of indiscriminate food
discriminations.

·51% [198] of the gross 387 Food-Victims were MDC while
71[18%] were ZANU PF Food-victims, a trend that is in consonant with
descriptions in provincial reports pointing to widespread denials of known and
suspected opposition supporters to register for subsidized GMB food, Bacossi,
People’s Shops, basic commodities, agricultural inputs[fertilizer, tillage
support, food loan, agricultural credit] allegedly on the basis that they did
not vote in the 27 June Run Off, that they did not appear on local political
meeting registers, fail to produce Zanu PF party cards, fail to chant party
slogans, among others.

·Evidently clear on the ZPP Perpetrator-FMR table, is
that as in July, Zanu PF remains statistically the main perpetrator with 344
[94%] of the total 366 food-perpetrators being Zanu PF members, with 3 [0.008%]
being MDC-Food- Perpetrators. As further gleaned from the table, the Zanu PF
female Food-Perpetrators [at 57] are even 19 times higher than the MDC
gross-Food-Perpetrator toll.

Concluding Remarks

Politically motivated
food discriminations remain a major cause for concern. The highly centralized
nature of state distribution channels is highly prone to political abuse by
unscrupulous party members. The fact that losing
councillors remained in control of
food distributions had a significant contribution to the continued visibility of
food discriminations. The ban on food relief agencies needs to be lifted
urgently to avert a potential food catastrophe in the ten provinces, most of
which are currently reeling under one of the worst droughts in
years.

TENTATIVE
PREDICTIONS AND THE WAY FORWARD

While post election violence has since June been on
the decline, the war against politically motivated violence is far from over.
The pre-election mindset is still disturbingly widespread in most public
speeches and writings. Members of the opposition are still labelled sell-outs. A
revenge mood is also in the air. A robust political reorientation program is
needed to cleanse society of the pre-election era mindset. In the absence of
this, political tolerance and peace are at high risk of becoming a
mirage.

The noble goals of the Bacossi program are at high
risk of being subverted and diverted from original focus. Food distribution
networks are too politicised, opaque and highly centralized. There are too many
actors involved in food distribution processes with losing
councillors [mostly Zanu
PF members] usurping the food distribution control roles of newly
sworn-in
councillors [mostly MDC
members]. The risk of politically-motivated discriminations will remain high as
long as Voter Registration Roll Books for the 29 March and 27 June continue to
determine access to Bacossi and other related facilities. A more professional,
transparent and non-partisan system should be put in place to ensure
impartiality in the distribution of food.

Once the suspension on humanitarian NGOs is lifted,
food agencies must be given enough space to enable them undertake their gap-
filling roles

Post election violence left society disturbingly
polarized along political lines. The re-integration, rehabilitation, and social
healing of Victims of Violence recommended in the July Report must be pursued
with
vigour. Reference has been
made to cases of violence-induced dementia, threats of revenge after Talks, as
well as politically-motivated frictions within churches, families, and
communities.

ZPP, as is the case with all peace-loving
Zimbabweans, fervently hopes that the MOU would be consolidated into a political
deal that should usher in a Government of national Unity. The right to peace,
justice and security is our fundamental and cherished right which should be
jealously guarded by all peace loving Zimbabweans. –
ZimOnline

Military leaders 'major beneficiaries' of fiscal excess - World Bank

Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:31NEW YORK - The Mugabe regime continues
to balk at permitting the MDC to take control of key ministries, including
that of finance, even though observers are in agreement that Zanu (PF) has
in recent years presided over economic degradation on a grand
scale.A recent United States Institute of Peace (USIP) briefing,
economist Raymond Gilpin concluded that the Mugabe government's "failure to
uphold the rule of law created chaos and uncertainty, which eroded business
confidence, led to the misallocation of resources and depressed economic
output."Corruption burgeoned under Mugabe, says Gilpin, and was
evident for example in allocation of prime crop land confiscated from white
farmers to ruling party members and allies with little or no experience in
agriculture.He said politics and economics were "very closely
intertwined in Zimbabwe. Bad governance has fostered a culture of impunity
and helped reinforce the political and economic muscle of the regime's
leadership. This group has become deeply vested in the status quo. They have
demonstrated a capacity to do whatever it takes to maintain their privileged
positions, which guarantee unfettered access to wealth and power - at the
expense of the vast majority of Zimbabweans."Gilpin said Mugabe's
"very close relationship" with Zimbabwe's armed forces had "exacerbated the
fiscal pressures" in the country, and resulted in the state spending a lot
of money on the security sectors, and reducing spending on sectors such as
health, education and job creation.According to Bernard Harborne, Lead
Conflict Specialist at the World Bank, Zimbabwe's military and its leaders
have been "major beneficiaries" of government "quasi-fiscal
excesses.""Substantial transfers and subsidies are made to keep them
loyal and in check. This fiscal drain has reinforced the regime-focused
nature of the military and cultivated a culture of entitlement," Harborne
says.He adds that fiscal reform in Zimbabwe will have "profound
ramifications"for the country's armed forces.Gilpin says
the "paradox" in Zimbabwe presently is that certain people in the country
are getting rich directly as a result of the chaotic state of the
economy."Wherever you have economic policies that impose controls on
currency and trade, those with access to the levers of power are able to use
that for their benefit. They control trade; they impose premiums on currency
transactions. Those are the people who are making the most money. The few
who have access to political power use that to derive vast economic
benefit."The effect of this, Gilpin explains, is that Zimbabwe's
dollar continues to weaken and inflation rises, "meaning that the ordinary
Zimbabwean earns less every day for the same amount of work, and their
savings - particularly if it's in local currency - is devalued on an ongoing
basis." - VOP

Zanu (PF) - Renegades from day one

Wednesday, 08 October 2008
13:24'It is clear that Zanu (PF) was never a revolutionary party, but
a band of opportunistic power-seekers'BY TENDAI RUBEN
MBOFANAIs the self-righteous Zanu (PF) the revolutionary party that it
wants the world to believe? It has dangerously and mischievously touted the
revolutionary flag for so long that some people actually believe
it.In the on-going series to expose Zanu (PF) for who they really are,
it is essential that the party's early activities are highlighted.
In late January 1969, leaders of seven liberation movements met in Khartoum,
Sudan, at a conference organised by the then Soviet Union. These movements
were the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (Frelimo), Zimbabwe African
Peoples' Union (Zapu), South West People's Organisation (Swapo), African
National Congress (ANC) of South Africa, Popular Movement for the Liberation
of Angola (MPLA), PAIGG of Guinea and Cape Verde, and MOLINACO of the
Comoros.These groups became partners, called 'the natural allies', and
were the authentic liberation movements of Africa - guided and united by a
genuine desire for independence and their struggle against colonialism and
neo-colonialism, imperialism and exploitation of man by man.They
were opposed to tribalism, regionalism, divisionism and racialism, insisting
that the enemy was not necessarily white. But Zanu (PF) was not part of this
grouping. They opted to join hands with the late Jonas Savimbi's National
Union for the Total Independence of Angola (Unita).This grouping had
nothing to offer the people of their countries and played the race card to
gain support. This is the only ideology that Zanu (PF) has had to offer the
people to this day; witnessed by their obsession with anti-British,
anti-America and anti-White propaganda, without proffering any solution to
Zimbabwe's economic problems.Independence was not their genuine goal -
but power. Unita even proceeded to launch a civil war after Angola's
independence from Portugal, against the MPLA government - the same way Zanu
(PF) threatens war if its grip on power is under siege.The only
reason these renegade groups acquired assistance from China was that the
formation of the alliance of authentic liberation movements occurred shortly
after the Sino-Soviet split, and the Chinese were more than willing to
sponsor and train these groups, in order to stifle Soviet influence in
Africa. They were, and still are, pawns in China's imperialist
agenda.Frelimo once commented that the main motive behind Zanu
(PF) splitting from Zapu was driven purely by power-hunger, and it (Zanu
(PF)) 'represented dangerous divisions and tribal secessionist tendencies'.
Frelimo viewed Zanu (PF) members as 'racialist and undisciplined.'
How then did a well-meaning, authentic liberation movement as Frelimo end up
assisting a party that they regarded as disgraceful, instead of its fellow
natural ally - Zapu?Zanu (PF) does anything to gain and retain power,
even to the extent of forging strong links with Israel during those years.
Actually, at one point part of the expenses of running Zanu (PF)'s Dar es
Salaam (Tanzania) offices were paid for by the Israeli embassy in that
country.Zanu (PF) forged a partnership with a government that was very
much similar to the Rhodesians whom they claimed to be fighting. Of course,
Zanu (PF)'s alliances were exploitative and 'marriages of convenience' for
the sole purpose of attainment and consolidation of power.Even
after Zimbabwe's independence, Zanu (PF) quickly abandoned its Chinese
sponsors and started eating in the same plate as the former colonisers. That
is why today the targeted sanctions imposed by the West on Mugabe and gang
are mainly to do with their assets and investments in those
counties.Only after he was jilted by the West did Mugabe start
talking about 'looking east'. It is clear that Zanu (PF) was never a
revolutionary party, but a band of opportunistic power-seekers.

Deadlock! Government 'partners' bicker over posts

Wednesday, 08 October
2008 13:33BY CHIEF REPORTERHARAREBickering and
accusations between Zanu (PF) and the MDC over the distribution of key
cabinet posts is holding back the implementation of the unity government
outlined under the September 15 power-sharing deal.On Monday, the two
sides traded accusations over the deadlock amid intense bickering over
cabinet posts. Mugabe has offered the opposition a number of ministries they
feel are second-rate, including Infrastructure Development and Prisons and
Correctional Services, but Morgan Tsvangirai, who is set to become the Prime
Minister of the new unity government, is holding out for the meatier
portfolios, like Finance, Home Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Local Government
and Information.Mugabe's spokesman George Charmba said a meeting
between Mugabe, Tsvangirai and leader of the breakaway MDC faction, Prof
Arthur Mutambara at State House on Saturday ended in failure because of
differences over how to share two key ministries, Finance and Home
Affairs.But MDC spokesman Nelson Chamisa said on Monday: "There is a
deadlock on the allocation of all key ministries. Considering the fact that
it is now exactly 21 days after the signing of the global agreement, the
cabinet deadlock calls for the urgent help and assistance from SADC and AU
as guarantors of the deal to unfreeze the impasse."A senior Zanu
(PF) official told The Zimbabwean that the MDC was making "unreasonable
demands".The MDC says it has to take control of Home Affairs so that
there is fair share of powerful security ministries given that the MDC has
already agreed to Mugabe having control of the army and the Central
Intelligence Organisation.The MDC says the deal leaves sweeping
powers in Mugabe's hands, including the power to declare war and, dissolve
Parliament.Under this deal, Mugabe retains the power to appoint the
police commissioner-general, who has massive powers under the Police Act to
override the minister.The present Commissioner-General, Augustine
Chihuri, along with all other service chiefs, have vowed they will not serve
under nor salute Prime Minister-designate Tsvangirai.There are
simmering divisions in Zanu (PF) over the surrender of the Home Affairs
ministry, which many fear could be used by the MDC to jail prominent
officials who led the crackdown on the opposition that killed 131 people
under transitional justice.The 84-year-old iron-fisted leader has come
up with all sorts of excuses, including an incredible claim that the Home
Affairs ministry was a Zapu portfolio reserved for a former Zapu appointee
as terms of a power-sharing agreement signed between Zanu and Zapu in 1987.
Curiously, all Home Affairs ministers of recent times from Dumiso Dabengwa,
to John Nkmo to Kembo Mohadi are all ex-ZIPRA combatants.On top of
Home Affairs, the MDC is also demanding the powerful Finance ministry so as
to effect central bank reforms. The central bank has been the chief culprit
in fuelling inflation by printing cash to bankroll Zanu (PF)'s patronage
networks, taking over many traditional functions and responsibilities of the
Finance ministry, which has allowed the government to bypass constitutional
requirements for legislative control of public money.Western
donors have made it clear that no rescue package will come Zimbabwe's way
unless there is a new independent central-bank governor and the institution
reverts to its traditional role.

Why the
Zimbabwe deal is deadlocked

Eddie
Cross writes that Zanu-PF are indulging in a last orgy of
plunder

Today it's the 8th of October - nearly 4 weeks since the SADC
brokered deal was signed. It's now 7 months since the March elections took
place and both Zanu PF and Robert Mugabe were soundly beaten by the MDC. Yet
we still do not have a government and Zanu PF continues to behave as if they
had the right to control the State and to make all key decisions. No
Minister is in office legally at this moment of time yet they continue to
drive government vehicles and draw their salaries. Many continue to work in
their old offices as if nothing has happened.

Just as was the case in
Kenya, the Party that should have taken over from the incumbents has been
forced by regional pressure to concede a compromise deal that is proving to
be unworkable. If the experience of the past 4 weeks is anything to go by,
we have learned that the SADC brokered agreement is most likely to produce a
dysfunctional government that simply cannot make the decisions required on a
daily basis to resolve our many problems. It is also clear that Zanu PF does
not have any intention of meeting their obligations in terms of the deal and
is not in the slightest way concerned about the rapid collapse of
Zimbabweans society and the economy.

The economy now slides to a halt
leaving millions of people without an income and no access to even the most
basic necessities, schools close their doors and Universities are unable to
function. While preparations for the next cropping season are simply
non-existent and water and electricity supplies dwindle, while poultry, pig
and dairy farmers watch their stock starve and die; Mugabe and Mbeki fiddle
and procrastinate.

Since the signing, of course, we have had the ANC coup
in South Africa. Unlike the Zimbabwe process there was no quiet diplomacy
involved in that operation! In four days, the ANC very publicly, recalled
Mr. Mbeki, forced him to resign and appointed a new (not elected) President.
Mr. Mbeki and his supporters in the ANC have subsequently embarked on a
political guerrilla war and might shortly announce they are forming a new
alliance grouping to oppose the ANC in elections in early 2009.

I was
asked by the staff in our factory what was happening and I said that the two
bulls in South Africa were fighting and were not interested in the cows next
door - even though the Zimbabwe cow was ready for some sort of consummation
of the agreement. They understood that analogy immediately and saw that this
was what was now holding up progress.

Someone else came to me and asked,
in real sincerity, why was Zanu PF delaying the process of forming a
government? They were right in that final part - they are filibustering this
deal very effectively and it has nothing to do with the fundamentals or
power sharing. The question of why is not so easy to determine. One
ambassador told me that in his view it was quite simple - they wanted time
to loot the store before they handed over the keys. And that they are doing
- in great style with millions of dollars in hard currency leaving the
country daily for safe refuge elsewhere.

The other part, of course is
that they know that the formation of a new government - the resumption of
government by Cabinet selected on a democratic basis (in so far as the deal
recognises the outcome of the March elections), marks the end of years of
luxurious living, access to foreign exchange on special terms, power and
influence and protection from the reach of law enforcement
agencies.

The MDC has appealed to the region and the African Union
several times in the past two weeks for the mediation to resume and for help
with the issues that remain. Each time that Mbeki has looked likely to come
to the country, Zanu PF have said 'no, we do not need his help, the issues
that remain are insignificant', and Mbeki has taken them at their word and
stayed at home. An easy decision when you think that he is trying to pick up
the remains of his life and to rescue what is left of his part of the
ANC.

But the consequences of this delay in the consummation of the SADC
deal are very serious. In an unstable world where markets are collapsing and
rescue efforts are under way on a scale not seen since the 30's in the last
century, the double impact on South Africa of not only the collapse of the
ANC Alliance but the collapse of the Zimbabwe deal, could put southern
Africa into a tail spin. The Rand may have gone through the 9 to 1 barrier
today and looks set to perhaps hit the lows of several years ago. Inflation
is already too high and global commodity prices are falling
rapidly.

The Zimbabwe economy, in my view, is now as close as it has ever
been to real collapse. Companies simply cannot carry on under these
circumstances. I spoke with a young civil servant today about her salary.
She said she was paid $13 000 in local currency credited to her account at a
building society. That is about US$1,50 at the street rate. Even so she had
not been able to draw the money out and was virtually working for
nothing.

Hunger and starvation now stalks the land - even those in
employment are going without food for days on end. The flood tide of
refugees going to South Africa is worse than ever and if allowed to continue
will create mayhem in South Africa shortly. The MDC is ready to tackle all
these problems and has well advanced plans to do so, but it cannot move one
millimetre without the formation of a government headed by the new Prime
Minister.

There is little we can do about this filibustering
operation by Zanu PF - that is the task of regional power brokers. If they
do not come to the party and break the deadlock, the whole thing will
collapse in an ignominious heap and further punish the reputation of Africa
and African leadership. We can ill afford that at this point in our
history.

Eddie Cross is MP for Bulawayo South and the MDC's Policy
Coordinator. This article was first published on his website October 8
2008

Children sell themselves for food

Wednesday, 08 October 2008
13:34BY PINDAI DUBEMBERENGWAYoung children have
turned to prostitution in a desperate bid to get food and money.
Schoolchildren as young as 12 have been seen at Mataga Growth point and
Musume Business Centre in Mberengwa in the Midlands Province.Some
girls who spoke to The Zimbabwean said they had been forced to become
prostitutes because the district was facing starvation."The truck
drivers give us 20kg bags of mealie meal after sleeping with them. There is
nothing we can do because we need to get food and if we don't, we will die
of hunger," said one 15-year-old.She said her parents had died of
HIV/AIDS. Through prostitution, she was able to feed her two little
brothers.A 13-year-old told The Zimbabwean that she goes to school
during the day and sleeps with bus drivers and conductors at night. They
give her Z$3,000 every night.A local councillor, who spoke on
condition of anonymity, said he had instructed bar and club owners as well
as business owners in the two business centres to stop schoolchildren from
their entering their premises, but they had ignored him for fear of losing
trade.

Banks fleece customers with "astronomical" charges

Wednesday, 08
October 2008 13:34BY CHIEF REPORTERHARAREExcessive
bank charges and penalty fees are stinging low-income earners, a central
bank inquiry into banking and credit card fees has found.Some
struggling Zimbabwean families pay as much as Z$20,000 to Z$50,000 for
getting bank statements, while charges for dishonoured cheques range between
Z$100 and Z$50,000. There are also hefty charges for penalties such as late
credit card payments and account overdrafts.Charges for internal
transfers range from ZD100 to Z$30,000, while chequebooks range between
Z$650 and Z$11.4m.The findings have prompted the Reserve Bank to order
all commercial banks this week to immediately keep their charges
down.RBZ Governor Gideon Gono ordered banks to immediately roll back
the charges or risk having their banking licences cancelled.In a
press statement, Gono described the charges as "astronomical and
unjustifiable". He ordered the reimbursement of excess charges billed
between September 1 and October 4 this year.

Commercial
banks revert to old charges

SEVERAL banks have
reverted to their old bank charges following a directive by the Reserve Bank
of Zimbabwe.

The move came after some banks increased their bank charges
by between 50 percent and 1 000.Commercial banks among them, CBZ,
Barclays, Kingdom, NMB Bank and others were charging $500 to $6 000 for Real
Time Gross Settlement transactions while charges for bank cheques ranged
from $5 000 to $51 520 per transaction. ATM withdrawals were ranging from
$75 to $1 000 per transaction.Banks had increased their charges citing
the increase in printing costs and other operational cost that they incur
when providing services to their clients.Officials from Stanbic Bank,
Barclays and ZABG said they have reverted to the old charges following the
RBZ directive.RBZ said in a statement that high bank charges were eroding
confidence in the banking sector since development is detrimental to
financial stability and economic development. It also said no increases in
bank charges beyond the maximum charges directed should be implemented
without the central bank's approval."Every banking institution is
directed to reimburse all customers who were from September 1 and to October
4 charged amounts in excess of the directed limits contained herein by no
later than October 15."Members of the public applauded the scrapping of the
new bank charges saying it has come timeously, and "stopped the broad-day
robbery by the banking sector.""My salary for September was gone and I
have nothing left in my account due to the increase in bank charges", said a
lady who refused to be named.Dadirai Kanengoni of Chitungwiza said she was
confused on what to do as she has to be an account holder but at the same
time she had no money to meet the bank charges."We appreciate the
central bank for being considerate to account holders by ordering all banks
to review their charges downwards unless after approval to do otherwise,"
said Mr Funwell Chimombe of Harare."There reached a time in July when, with
my bank, the daily maximum withdrawal limit was equivalent to an ATM balance
inquiry charge and you would find one was afraid of inquiring for his or her
balance, due to fear of losing the next day's limit to service
charges."It is hence a positive development that banks reduce their charges
in line with directed maximum charges."We also call upon the central
bank to maintain a firm grip on the banking sector as this where our
livelihoods revolve," he said.Last week the central bank scrapped all
electronic transfers, as part of efforts to rid the market of illegal
foreign currency dealings.However, a Stanbic Bank official said the move to
close internal transfer "will hit us badly," as they earned commissions from
the system."Internal transfers have always been there and they benefit
customers of any bank as they will enjoy convenience," said the official.

We have lost our Ubuntu

Wednesday, 08 October 2008 13:24BY
CATHERINE MAKONII was working late last night in my office on Selous
Avenue when something happened, something that is symptomatic of the serious
decay in this country.A woman was screaming for help. Although
this is not unusual in the area due to the prevalence of thieves, we ran out
of the office to look. It appeared to us that thieves were pursuing the
woman, shouting as they went after her. Her screams alerted other office
workers who called out for her to run towards the light.We were
relieved to see an armed police officer who had been checking the nearby
Beverley Bank ATMs for cash emerge and run towards the screams. He stopped
short when the woman emerged under the lights being accosted by three police
officers."Why are you hitting me? Why are you hurting me? What have I
done?" She asked, clutching her handbag to her chest.The officers
continued to attack her without making an arrest as her would-be rescuer
watched helplessly before following them into the night.Security
guards returned to their posts, muttering that she was probably a
prostitute. The implication being that she deserved the abuse. No-one
questioned the inappropriate behaviour of the police who take an oath of
office where they swear to uphold the laws of the country. If someone is
suspected of committing an offence, he or she should be arrested and taken
into custody. The woman was not resisting arrest so there is no
justification for their violence.We felt guilty for keeping silent
when we should have spoken out. We stood back when we should have stepped up
and stepped in. We were relieved that it was not us and we were safe. We
felt sorry for the woman but that was not enough to compel us to act. We
were afraid that the lawless louts would turn on us. We were afraid perhaps
of the inconvenience, so we sacrificed the woman to her doubtful
fate.Our response is part of Zimbabwe's problem. We all know what's
wrong and what's right but no one is willing to do what it takes for the
common good. The shelves are empty, but as long as I am managing to put food
on my family's table, who cares that my neighbour's children are going to
bed hungry?As long as I can access cash through various means, who
cares that someone has been spending days and nights outside the bank
waiting to withdraw their paltry money. We look at them, we feel sorry, we
despair but we are relieved that it is not us standing in the baking sun as
we go about our business. We do not intervene. We do not speak out when we
should. Hatisisina hunhu. We have lost our ubuntu; that which makes us
members of the human family.I hope as the Prime Minister and his
two deputy prime ministers are inspecting their swanky new offices in
Munhumutapa Building, they are thinking of ways of healing our community and
restoring our values.