Speech at the 1943 Conference of the Workers' International League

I think that the Conference today is proof of the fact that we have travelled
quite a good distance - since our last Conference of 14 months ago. The number
of delegates, the fresh forces we have at the present time, the fact that we are
meeting when the campaign against Trotskyism on the part of the bourgeoisie
seems to be on the order of the day—all this indicates the gravity, and the
necessity for ourselves, as the vanguard, if we are to be the vanguard of the
working class, to take stock of the period through which we have passed in the
last 12 months, and of the days, and years, momentous days and years, which we
believe lie ahead of us in the coming period.

This document [source?] sets out to put, as Comrade Trotsky has expressed it, to
put in the plainest and most condensed form possible, the basic principles and
basic ideas, the underlying conceptions that form our theoretical understanding,
and our theoretical attitude towards world events, and towards the tasks of
history which are posed in front of the working class, and in front of all
toiling humanity at the present time.

The Conferences which we hold are not at all like the Conferences of the
I.L.P. and the Stalinist Party, which are held at an exceedingly low level, in
which agitational and demagogic speeches are given from the Platform. We have to
examine events from a world point of view, to take into account the whole world
movement of history itself. We have to examine our conceptions, our programme,
our programme in the light of events, and on that basis to restate the
fundamental propositions and ideas of Marxism, if, as we believe, they have been
proved to be correct in that period.

The first point made in the resolution is the fact that basically the
conceptions of Bolshevism and Internationalism, as developed by our movement,
have been proved correct through the course of the experience of the last
decades, and in particular through the course of the experience of the present
world war. In the last world war, Lenin had to reformulate the basic ideas of
Marxism, and even harden and sharpen them[,] but in correspondence with the
changed relationship of forces.

We know that Marx, in the period of the France-Prussian War had actually
supported one group of the bourgeoisie against another group of the bourgeoisie,
because of the relatively progressive nature of the tasks of national
unification which faced Germany, but that Lenin looked at the first world war as
proof of the fact that capitalism was now an outmoded system, that it had ceased
to play a progressive role in the development of society, and the development of
mankind, and from that analysis Lenin and the Bolsheviks came to the conclusion
that it was impossible to support any group of the bourgeoisie.

We see that that conception, which has been developed by Lenin and Trotsky,
was proved to be correct in the events which followed during and after the last
world war. It came at a time when the proletariat was relatively immature, was
not yet in certain senses subjectively prepared for the carrying through of the
tasks which society had imposed on its shoulders. As Lenin had foreseen this
immaturity was expressed in the fact that even in Czarist Russia, the
overwhelming mass of the people supported their own imperialists.

The crime of the last world war exacted its retribution in the revolution of
1917, and the world revolutionary wave which followed in 1917-1921. We know that
only the Russian proletariat succeeded in solving the problems with which they
were faced, nevertheless the fact that this world revolutionary wave affected
the entire mass of the population in almost every part of the globe in itself
was proof of the fact that capitalism had become a brake on the development of
the productive forces, and that it was now the task of the proletariat to
inaugurate a new order of society. The national state was completely outmoded by
the development of the forces of production.

We know that the period which followed the last world war, despite the
calculations of Lenin and Trotsky, was not followed by a series of successful
revolutions, as it should have been, and that the main responsibility for the
epoch of reaction, of terrible distress, of terrible failures for the world
proletariat, rests on the outmoded leadership of the working class, of the
Second International on the one side, and the Third International on the other.

During this period, the armistice period, we had, for international
socialism, for those who remained true to the tradition of Marxism and
Bolshevism, an exceptionally difficult period, a period when they were swimming
against the stream, when there was no possibility to do anything else but to
prepare the theoretical basis for the formation and building of the new
International. We can say, in a certain sense, that Mankind has had to pay the
price of this new terrible slaughter of the peoples, in the last four years, as
a means of preparing, no longer the material basis—that has already been
prepared in the decades after the last world war, (and a ready world society
relatively, if not absolutely, was materially prepared for the socialist
revolution)—that the new defeats and new destruction, was necessary, in a
certain sense, because of the failure of the old leadership of the working class
to train and build up the working class to prepare them to fulfil their
historical mission.

The world bourgeoisie regarded the war with horror and dismay. It was their
absolute impasse which forced them on to the road of a new slaughter of the
peoples, despite the fact that the leadership of the bourgeoisie recognised
clearly the consequences which would flow from the movement in the direction of
a new world war.

As a consequence of the terrible shocks which the proletariat has received
even with the Italian working class prostrate, the German working class
prostrate, the greater part of the world faced with terrible defeats, when this
war began we have an entirely different psychological attitude on the part of
the masses from that at the outbreak of the last world war. It was greeted with
dismay and distress, nowhere in any part of the globe was any great enthusiasm
for capitalism manifested, or any support for the ruling class, in Britain,
Germany or any other country. The masses of the people had to be dragged to the
slaughter, and could only be pushed, precisely because they could see no other
course, because for the time being, they saw no other way out than support of
their own ruling class.

The terrible period of reaction through which mankind has passed during the
last 20 years, perhaps the worst in the history of the working class, all this
resulted in the degeneration of those who did not base themselves in full on the
strength of the proletariat and its forces, those who looked with irony, with
distrust, with scepticism to the proletariat. The Stalinists, the Labour
leaders, the Burnhamites, all claimed at one time to stand on the platform of
world revolution; all turned and pointed to the apparent apathy and sheepishness
of the working class, who in the first, second, third, and apparently fourth
years of the war were completely passive.

We know that the Old Man had believed that the second world war would not
last so long as the first, because the revolution would come. This was falsified
by events, and sceptics have taken this as proof of the incapacity of the
working class. The revolutionary Marxists, although our forces were small,
although we had been subjected to the terrible pressure of the reaction, in
building up our forces—and we can say that this war is a result of the
immaturity of the revolutionary forces of the proletariat—nevertheless, we and
we alone understand the profound process of change that was taking place within
the ranks of the apparently apathetic and cowed working class.

Looking below the surface, we can see that a similar process, except now on a
world scale, was taking place as took place in Russia after the defeat of 1905.
The revolution was defeated, and for a number of years, reaction raged. The
Bolshevik party and all the forces of the working class were shattered. It took
a number of years before they could recover, and by 1912-14, they had moved
forward once again in the direction of the revolution of October.

So, on a world scale, we can see the same process taking place underneath the
whip of reaction. We can see that the mass of the population of the entire globe
was pushing forward in the direction of revolution, that the events of the war
were preparing the way for a new revolutionary upsurge, a new swing on the part
of the proletariat, which would dwarf even the wonderful revolutionary wave of
1917-21.

If we examine the question from the point of view of exactly what forces are
at the disposal of the bourgeoisie on a world scale, if we examine the question
from the potentialities which the bourgeoisie possess to solve the world crisis,
the death agony of capitalism, what do we see? During the course of the war
itself, all the forces are being speeded up for a mighty wave of revolt on the
part of the masses. War, as well as revolution, has always been the locomotive
of history. Despite this, the bourgeoisie on a world scale has been compelled to
place the proletariat in a position where they can be revitalised and renewed.
Millions of unemployed, demoralised by years of reaction and defeat, have been
placed either into the Army or into industry. The proletariat, the living force
of the revolution, has been renewed and revitalised in the course of the war.

The middle class, too has been under the impact of war. The concentration of
capital into a few giant monopolies, observed by Lenin in the last world war,
has reached almost its greatest pitch in this.

It is gathering up speed. The middle class is being ruined, not only in the
countries of the west, but even in India. In Germany, under the brutal regime of
Hitler, the middle class has been practically wiped out, the very class which
provided a basis for Fascism. In Britain, an acceleration in its ruin is now
taking place.

The contradictions which compelled the imperialists to go to war, far from
finding a solution, are actually aggravated. Britain entered the war to maintain
her failing hold on her empire, to retain the markets of the world. The result
has been that she has lost everything. That is not only the plight of Britain.
The productive forces of America alone have increased at least 30 to 40% during
the course of the war. The same applies to other countries. For world
imperialism it is impossible to solve the contradiction between the productive
forces, and the national state and private ownership of the means of production.

From a psychological point of view, during the course of the fourth year, a
turning point has been reached in the war, in the revolution in Europe, and we
might add, in the revolution in Britain. We get the situation where, after 20
years of Fascism, and the rule of monopoly capitalism in Italy, in 48 hours the
Italian proletariat has shown its strength, the Italian proletariat has shown
its potentialities. Overnight, Soviets have appeared in Italy, a workers'
militia has appeared, the masses have moved instinctively in the channels of
revolution. It is merely the first break in the chain of world capitalism. It is
just the beginning.

Hitler can see the foreshadowing of his own fate in the fate of Mussolini. We
can see that the factors making for the world revolution for the success of the
proletariat, has reached a new stage of development, far more mature and
developed than 25 years ago. With the coming fall of Hitler, the revolution in
Germany, what possible basis will the bourgeoisie have in Europe? In all Europe
today there is not one single army, including the British, which can be relied
upon for the purpose of counter-revolution. In the world there is only one that
can be relied on, and that probably only for a short time, and that is the
army of American imperialism. Every country, every single nation in Europe will
be defeated. We get the whole character of the epoch, of the change in the
social relationship, revealed in the fact that mighty imperialist states change
sides with no more ceremony than a Balkan principality would have done in the
last world war. France and Italy have changed sides. Every country will be
defeated.

Even if we assume that the Allies succeed with the aid of the Stalinist
counter-revolutionaries, in imposing their will on Europe, what will be the
outcome? The American and British soldiers will be fired by the European
revolution. Even today, with all the forces of repression at his disposal,
Hitler cannot prevent 100 illegal newspapers in the small countries of Europe.
How can the bourgeoisie hold down Europe?

And that is not all their problem. They still have Asia to deal with. There
is a psychological preparation for revolution on the part of the proletariat in
Asia. Once the revolution begins, it will spread from one country to another,
from one continent to another. There is no possibility whatever for the
stabilisation of capitalism, on a permanent or semi-permanent basis.

One of the main factors in the revolutionisation of Europe and the world is
the wonderful resistance and victories of the Red Army, victories for the ideas
of the October Revolution, testimony of the strength of October which still
remains in Soviet Russia today. These victories, which world imperialism did not
count on, pave the way for tremendous revolutions in Europe, and the overthrow
of the Stalinist bureaucracy as well. The revolution will inevitably sweep over
the frontiers into the Soviet Union, and the masses there will soon deal with
the corrupt bureaucracy which has now gone over to the position of pure
Bonapartism, where they lean on the military club ("Marshal" Stalin) and the
spiritual club (the restoration of the Church), based on the backward
masses of the peasantry, to hold the working class in check.

Revolution for Asia is inevitable. In the first stages, in Europe, the
gangsters of Stalinism and Social Democracy, who paved the way for reaction,
will inevitably find themselves at the head of the masses. That is according to
the laws of history.

Events repeat themselves, in that sense we will have a repetition of events
after the last world war, but now on an entirely different basis. It is sure
that it will not be long-lasting. The Social Democrats split, and prepared the
way for the regeneration of the vanguard in the Communist International. The
Communist International will be raised to the crest of the wave in Europe—that
is the most likely development—but the misunderstanding of the masses that these
people represent Communism will soon be dissipated, and the C.P. will split into
pieces, paving the way for the Fourth International, paving the way for the
conquest of power by the workers of the world.

When we turn to the situation in Britain we see that the British working
class, and we, as its vanguard, have been exceedingly lucky in the favourable
development of events. We can say without a shadow of doubt that in Britain
today there is the most favourable outlook for revolution in any country in
Europe, or the world. In Britain today, all the objective conditions for the
possibility of the conquest of power by the proletariat are actually in
existence at the present time. While we are meeting, we see a strike wave up and
down the country, and if we are to understand the significance of the strike
wave; if we are to understand the significance of the development of events
here, we have to turn our attention to the developments that were taking place
before the war.

At last year's conference we pointed out how already before the war had
begun, the British proletariat was moving in the direction of the social
revolution, was moving towards civil war, and towards the conquest of power, and
we based this on certain small strikes taking place at that period. In every
single case, the T.U. bureaucracy, who had become integrated into the capitalist
machine[,] lost complete control of the development of events, lost control of
the working class. In every case, the working class instinctively took the
correct steps.

The sober bourgeois press at that time, with ourselves, were the only ones
who understood the significance of these events. Immediately they issued a
warning to the Union bureaucracy that unless they restored control, unless they
could keep their men in check, then they would have to resort to other methods.
The war itself apparently interrupted this development of events. In this war,
up to the present year, we have had less strikes, less industrial disputes on
the part of the working class than took place in the last imperialist war. There
was a complete lull in the class struggle—or that seemed to be the position on
the surface, but the very calm, the very fact that the masses were not moving in
the direction of struggle was far from indicating the strength of British
Imperialism, that we were in for a period of stable conservative development,
but that the period we were entering was entirely opposite.

If we examine the reason underlying, why the mighty working class was so
quiescent, one of the reasons is that the conditions of the working class as
compared with the last world war are probably much better. At the other side was
the fact that the mass of the workers, with their hatred of Fascism, could not
see any other alternative, that the treachery of the Labour bureaucrats in going
over to the side of the capitalists, and later the treachery of the Stalinists,
imposed exceptional difficulties in the way of the movement of the working
class.

But already with the victories and the improved position of Britain, we get
the situation that the mass of the working class have taken the victories of the
Red Army and even the British victories, as their victories, in the sense that
it frees their hands for the struggle against the enemy at home. It is an
interesting fact that as Britain has gained victories, at a time when in the
last war it would have been a period of chauvinist intoxication, the masses have
moved against the ruling class.

Today we have a series of strikes; the biggest since the general strike of
1926. The working class is girding itself for the struggle against the bosses.
The strikes in Barrow and the Clyde, all this indicates the profound process of
change, the fundamental change in the psychology of the masses. There is not one
single industry in which the working class is not seething with industrial
unrest. Not only that, the material basis of British Imperialism is shattered
beyond hope of repair; they are the satellite of American imperialism. As the
workers begin to sense that the war is approaching its close, they are not
particularly concerned about the struggle against Japan, the masses are
preparing for the mighty industrial sweep which will push completely into the
background the struggles of 1926.

On the other side, the middle class is completely ruined, and is even looking
towards the left, looking towards the social revolution. Common Wealth is an
indication of the complete failure of the working class leaders to give a lead
to the middle class, in their tremendous push towards the left. That process is
taking place in front of our eyes today. The ruling class has less basis in the
mass of the population than at any other time in history; even during the
General Strike, they could still rely on a large section of the middle class.

The middle class is moving to wards the revolution. The whole character of
social relations is completely changed. For 100 years, the mighty Tory Party has
stood like a rock, a rock of reaction, remaining while the Liberals were
shattered. In Britain today, the basis for conservatism is finished. It rested
on Britain's privileged position among the nations. Britain is now a second-rate
satellite of American imperialism, and with this we see a complete change in the
psychology of the masses. The Tories are losing support in by-elections, not
only in industrial areas, but also in the rural constituencies. It is possible
that in the post-war General Election, Churchill might succeed in getting a snap
victory, and gain a majority for a National Government or the Conservative
Party. That is not excluded, but even if that should take place, it will not
alter the course of events. All that it will mean is that the struggle will
immediately assume an extra-parliamentary form. Such a Government would not last
one or at the most a couple of years.

Even to talk about Fascism in the coining period would be ridiculous. The
ruling class has no basis for setting.up reaction. That is if the leadership
came forward with a fighting policy. The Gallup Poll reveals that there is a
Labour majority, in spite of the reactionary policy of its leadership.
Inevitably the Labour leaders will be taken by the scruff of the neck, and
thrust into power by the masses.

But the position is even better than that, because this movement is only
taking place because the mass of the working class do not see, and do not have
any real alternative. We get the amazing development of events that there is
more hatred for the Union bureaucrats and the labour leaders, among the ranks of
the advanced workers today than at any period in history. The moment the Labour
Party comes to power will be already its period of decline, of splitting and
breaking up. There is more socialist consciousness, a more radical attitude on
the part of the masses, than at any other period in history. The armed forces
are more revolutionary, look more to the working class and socialism than even
the ranks of the working class themselves. That class-consciousness is expressed
in the fact that, in relation to the Negro and Indian questions we see
solidarity between the Army and the working class.

We have a victorious Army in North Africa, and Italy, and I say, yes, Long
live the Eighth Army, because that is our army. One of our comrades has spoken
to a number of people who have had letters from the Eighth Army soldiers,
showing their complete dissatisfaction. We know of incidents in the Army, Navy
and other forces that have never been reported, and that it is impossible for us
to report. It is OUR Eighth Army that is being hammered and tested and being
organised for the purpose of changing the face of the world. This applies
equally to all the Forces.

But wehave been given an even greater gift than our comrades on the
Continent. We are far more fortunate in the sense that long in advance, before
the revolution has begun, Stalinism has revealed itself as a dread disease, the
syphilis of the working class. To tens of thousands of workers, whom we have not
been in connection with and are not in connection with at the moment, its
counter-revolutionary role has been revealed by its strike-breaking attitude.
The militants have been inoculated against this disease. This gives us an
opportunity to train and prepare. The Stalinists will still gain, but the votes
they have are not votes for Stalinism, but for communism, for the revolution. In
the more backward strata they will play a tremendous role in the period opening
up. The I.L.P. is gaining tremendous support, as a reflection of the
radicalisation of the workers.

The I.L.P. will reveal its centrist nature, show that it is incapable of
facing up to events, as they have already shown in regard to the Italian
Revolution. From their ranks we will gain tremendous forces.

Industry is the key to the situation. Bevin and the Trade Union bureaucracy
have already given testimony to the correctness of our point of view, in the
fact that already in the initial stages of the Militant Workers Committee, they
are threatening action against it, and against us. They remember the experience
of the last world war. Perhaps even more than their masters, they have
recognised the danger of such a movement for them. Bevin thinks he will destroy
the movement by arresting and battering down the strikers; we know that it will
have the opposite effect. It is certain that we will gain our best supporters
among the industrial militants. That will be the recruiting ground.

The most encouraging and important point of all—when the war began we were an
entirely insignificant sect. No-one noticed or bothered about us. We were still
in the stage of complete isolation from the masses. That has completely altered.
Today we are a tendency, a significant tendency in the life of the working
class. The attacks of the Stalinists, the Labour leaders and the bourgeoisie
reflect the fact that our small forces have succeeded, to a certain extent, in
orienting themselves correctly and integrating themselves into the movement of
the working class. Whether repression will be imposed upon us, or we can succeed
in maintaining our organisation as a legal organisation, and our leadership
without arrest—in the long run this will not make the slightest difference.

Wonderful days. Wonderful possibilities open up in front of us. You can feel
revolution in the air. That attitude must permeate our Conference. The
correctness of our viewpoint should give us confidence in preparing ourselves
for our role in the coming revolution. Whatever its fate may be, it is certain
that we can, we must, we will play our part, and stamp our tendency as an
influence, as a serious factor in the situation, as an organisation that will
play its part in the revolution. When, twelve months ago, we called our thesis
"Preparing for Power";[source]
this was not a mad gesture. That is the serious problem
with which we are faced. The objective situation poses for the British working
class the imperative task of taking control. We know that this will transform
the situation.

The British working class has the finest fighting forces at the present time.
Given a fighting lead, they could push the bourgeoisie aside without resistance.
We know that the revolution will not be so easy because of the treachery of the
leadership. But we have the possibility of transforming ourselves into the mass
party of the Socialist Revolution into THE organisation of the British working
class.

We know the alternative. The fate of France will be the fate of Britain. The
very life of the proletariat is at stake. Britain will be destroyed if the
revolution does not succeed. A great part of the population will be surplus.

Our Conference, which is far more representative than that of last year, has
to go back with the enthusiasm which understanding gives, to prepare to push
forward on the basis of our document, and prepare to integrate ourselves with
the masses of the workers, as the only guarantee against repression, and to
prepare the working class for its historic role in the coming British
revolution.