Weak party and trade union organizations have been fragmented by fascination with revolutionary rhetoric despite recourse in practice to reformism. Following a contrast between anarchist outsiders ...
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Weak party and trade union organizations have been fragmented by fascination with revolutionary rhetoric despite recourse in practice to reformism. Following a contrast between anarchist outsiders and Radical insiders, the vicissitudes of partisan French socialism are recounted. The secular decline of the sectarian Communist Party has coincided with the collapse of Marxism's ideological hegemony.Less

Adversaries on the Left: Revolutionary Rhetoric and Reformist Realities

Jack Hayward

Published in print: 2007-04-01

Weak party and trade union organizations have been fragmented by fascination with revolutionary rhetoric despite recourse in practice to reformism. Following a contrast between anarchist outsiders and Radical insiders, the vicissitudes of partisan French socialism are recounted. The secular decline of the sectarian Communist Party has coincided with the collapse of Marxism's ideological hegemony.

The first chapter begins by exploring the scope for metropolitan anti-imperialism in around 1900, in particular the vulnerability of the British raj to a ‘linked-up’ agitation which united British ...
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The first chapter begins by exploring the scope for metropolitan anti-imperialism in around 1900, in particular the vulnerability of the British raj to a ‘linked-up’ agitation which united British Radicals and Indian nationalists in a single campaign. It analyses the successes and failures of the early efforts of the Indian National Congress and its British supporters to deliver such a double blow, first in the form of an agency arrangement with William Digby and Charles Bradlaugh, and later through vicarious championship by the Radicals and Liberals of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress.Less

Liberal Anti‐Imperialism: The Indian National Congress in Britain, 1885–1906

Nicholas Owen

Published in print: 2007-11-01

The first chapter begins by exploring the scope for metropolitan anti-imperialism in around 1900, in particular the vulnerability of the British raj to a ‘linked-up’ agitation which united British Radicals and Indian nationalists in a single campaign. It analyses the successes and failures of the early efforts of the Indian National Congress and its British supporters to deliver such a double blow, first in the form of an agency arrangement with William Digby and Charles Bradlaugh, and later through vicarious championship by the Radicals and Liberals of the British Committee of the Indian National Congress.

This chapter begins with a discussion of the electoral system, which changed dramatically as the century progressed, transforming Britain from an oligarchy into something like a democracy in little ...
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This chapter begins with a discussion of the electoral system, which changed dramatically as the century progressed, transforming Britain from an oligarchy into something like a democracy in little over fifty years. It then describes the core ideals of the three political groupings: the Conservatives, the Whigs, and the ‘nationalist’ Radicals.Less

The Lineaments of Politics

Matthew Cragoe

Published in print: 2004-06-17

This chapter begins with a discussion of the electoral system, which changed dramatically as the century progressed, transforming Britain from an oligarchy into something like a democracy in little over fifty years. It then describes the core ideals of the three political groupings: the Conservatives, the Whigs, and the ‘nationalist’ Radicals.

Historians have long debated the issue of why Britain did not experience a ‘middle-class revolution’. In the mid-Victorian years, in the aftermath of the Great Reform Act and the repeal of the Corn ...
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Historians have long debated the issue of why Britain did not experience a ‘middle-class revolution’. In the mid-Victorian years, in the aftermath of the Great Reform Act and the repeal of the Corn Laws, it seemed that a decisive shift of power from the aristocracy to the middle class might take place. This book shows how many MPs from business backgrounds, the so-called ‘entrepreneurial Radicals’, came to Westminster determined to impose their own values and priorities on national life. Some wanted to return public manufacturing establishments to private ownership; others hoped to create an ‘educational market’. Nearly all of them worried about how best to safeguard the truths of political economy should the franchise be extended to the propertyless masses. Their partial successes and many failures helped determine the political culture of modern Britain.Less

Entrepreneurial Politics in Mid-Victorian Britain

G. R. Searle

Published in print: 1993-03-25

Historians have long debated the issue of why Britain did not experience a ‘middle-class revolution’. In the mid-Victorian years, in the aftermath of the Great Reform Act and the repeal of the Corn Laws, it seemed that a decisive shift of power from the aristocracy to the middle class might take place. This book shows how many MPs from business backgrounds, the so-called ‘entrepreneurial Radicals’, came to Westminster determined to impose their own values and priorities on national life. Some wanted to return public manufacturing establishments to private ownership; others hoped to create an ‘educational market’. Nearly all of them worried about how best to safeguard the truths of political economy should the franchise be extended to the propertyless masses. Their partial successes and many failures helped determine the political culture of modern Britain.

This chapter discusses how free trade continued to embody the single most popular element in Liberal and Radical politics, both as a defence of the community and of individual welfare. The ideology ...
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This chapter discusses how free trade continued to embody the single most popular element in Liberal and Radical politics, both as a defence of the community and of individual welfare. The ideology of free trade survived not only successive attacks of fair traders, foreigners, faddists, and federationists, but emerged reinvigorated from the Boer War through its interlocking with the New Liberal ideology of social reform.Less

‘The Free Trade Fetish’: Gold, Sugar, and the Empire, 1886–1903

Anthony Howe

Published in print: 1998-01-15

This chapter discusses how free trade continued to embody the single most popular element in Liberal and Radical politics, both as a defence of the community and of individual welfare. The ideology of free trade survived not only successive attacks of fair traders, foreigners, faddists, and federationists, but emerged reinvigorated from the Boer War through its interlocking with the New Liberal ideology of social reform.

In England, the Whig government during the late 1830s was moderate but weak, so that it was beholden to the small knot of middle-class and Irish Radicals in the Commons, and that subservience, too, ...
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In England, the Whig government during the late 1830s was moderate but weak, so that it was beholden to the small knot of middle-class and Irish Radicals in the Commons, and that subservience, too, swayed the electorate against ideological politics. An alternative view suggests that it was the Whigs who paralysed the Radicals, rather than vice versa. Under either interpretation, Whigs and Tories are seen to be rallying together against the threat from below and groping towards the ‘Victorian compromise’ of moderate liberalism. Lord John Russell was fully aware of the need for a Whig legislative programme which would contribute to the progress of improvement and restore popular confidence in government. He had by 1837 got to grips with the Home Office and had already set in train a series of ambitious social reforms covering Poor Law, public health, and factory legislation. His engagement with social policy was to culminate in a frontal assault on the education question.Less

Whig Government, 1835–1841

Peter Mandler

Published in print: 1990-07-05

In England, the Whig government during the late 1830s was moderate but weak, so that it was beholden to the small knot of middle-class and Irish Radicals in the Commons, and that subservience, too, swayed the electorate against ideological politics. An alternative view suggests that it was the Whigs who paralysed the Radicals, rather than vice versa. Under either interpretation, Whigs and Tories are seen to be rallying together against the threat from below and groping towards the ‘Victorian compromise’ of moderate liberalism. Lord John Russell was fully aware of the need for a Whig legislative programme which would contribute to the progress of improvement and restore popular confidence in government. He had by 1837 got to grips with the Home Office and had already set in train a series of ambitious social reforms covering Poor Law, public health, and factory legislation. His engagement with social policy was to culminate in a frontal assault on the education question.

Viewed from the outside, the prospects for a Whig government did not look good in 1846. The Whig party's will to resist coalition with the Peelites seemed very weak, as its liberal wing had grown ...
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Viewed from the outside, the prospects for a Whig government did not look good in 1846. The Whig party's will to resist coalition with the Peelites seemed very weak, as its liberal wing had grown very moderate and the old Whig families seemed to be withdrawing from active leadership altogether. The alternative to coalition with the Peelites, some kind of agreement with the Radicals as in 1835, was no longer feasible. If an aggravated reprise such as that of the late 1830s was to be avoided, a liberal–conservative coalition — certainly bringing together Robert Peel and Lord John Russell, and possibly roping free-trade Radicals into the bargain — seemed inevitable. This chapter focuses on the last Whig government (lasting from 1846 to 1852), the Condition of England politics, the Condition of Britain politics, the rise and fall of the General Board of Health, and the passing of the Whigs.Less

The Last Whig Government, 1846–1852

Peter Mandler

Published in print: 1990-07-05

Viewed from the outside, the prospects for a Whig government did not look good in 1846. The Whig party's will to resist coalition with the Peelites seemed very weak, as its liberal wing had grown very moderate and the old Whig families seemed to be withdrawing from active leadership altogether. The alternative to coalition with the Peelites, some kind of agreement with the Radicals as in 1835, was no longer feasible. If an aggravated reprise such as that of the late 1830s was to be avoided, a liberal–conservative coalition — certainly bringing together Robert Peel and Lord John Russell, and possibly roping free-trade Radicals into the bargain — seemed inevitable. This chapter focuses on the last Whig government (lasting from 1846 to 1852), the Condition of England politics, the Condition of Britain politics, the rise and fall of the General Board of Health, and the passing of the Whigs.

Entrepreneurial Radicalism ultimately failed in its mission, and Richard Cobden and John Bright lived long enough to discern this melancholy truth. Meanwhile, some historians claim, nothing had come ...
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Entrepreneurial Radicalism ultimately failed in its mission, and Richard Cobden and John Bright lived long enough to discern this melancholy truth. Meanwhile, some historians claim, nothing had come from the attempts of the old Anti-Corn Law League leaders to find the ‘big idea’ that would sustain their campaign against the aristocracy. Financial reform, parliamentary reform, and the freehold purchase movement were all broached — without much success. As for the involvement of Cobden and Bright in the peace movement, this not only lacked popular support but was also repudiated by most of their one-time middle-class followers. Since no other middle-class politicians were prepared to take their place, entrepreneurial politics quickly ran into the sands.Less

Conclusion

G. R. Searle

Published in print: 1993-03-25

Entrepreneurial Radicalism ultimately failed in its mission, and Richard Cobden and John Bright lived long enough to discern this melancholy truth. Meanwhile, some historians claim, nothing had come from the attempts of the old Anti-Corn Law League leaders to find the ‘big idea’ that would sustain their campaign against the aristocracy. Financial reform, parliamentary reform, and the freehold purchase movement were all broached — without much success. As for the involvement of Cobden and Bright in the peace movement, this not only lacked popular support but was also repudiated by most of their one-time middle-class followers. Since no other middle-class politicians were prepared to take their place, entrepreneurial politics quickly ran into the sands.

The so-called entrepreneurial Radicals of mid-Victorian Britain hoped to reshape the world in the image of the new manufacturing class ‘entrepreneurial politics’. Their main concern was to undermine ...
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The so-called entrepreneurial Radicals of mid-Victorian Britain hoped to reshape the world in the image of the new manufacturing class ‘entrepreneurial politics’. Their main concern was to undermine aristocracy and to create a world in which monopoly would be replaced by competition and merit would take precedence over inherited position. Many members of the Victorian middle class also resented intensely the prevalent assumption that ‘government’ was some arcane mystery best left to a hereditary caste of landowners and higher professionals. Were the entrepreneurial Radicals primarily concerned to further their material interests? What did their beloved laws of political economy really mean? And were they really willing to follow the implications of these ‘laws’ to their logical conclusion? More basically still, to what extent did the needs of ‘capitalism’ coincide with the actual political and economic demands that were being advanced by flesh-and-blood capitalists? And why did so few businessmen force their way to the top in politics? These questions are tackled in the present book.Less

Introduction

G. R. Searle

Published in print: 1993-03-25

The so-called entrepreneurial Radicals of mid-Victorian Britain hoped to reshape the world in the image of the new manufacturing class ‘entrepreneurial politics’. Their main concern was to undermine aristocracy and to create a world in which monopoly would be replaced by competition and merit would take precedence over inherited position. Many members of the Victorian middle class also resented intensely the prevalent assumption that ‘government’ was some arcane mystery best left to a hereditary caste of landowners and higher professionals. Were the entrepreneurial Radicals primarily concerned to further their material interests? What did their beloved laws of political economy really mean? And were they really willing to follow the implications of these ‘laws’ to their logical conclusion? More basically still, to what extent did the needs of ‘capitalism’ coincide with the actual political and economic demands that were being advanced by flesh-and-blood capitalists? And why did so few businessmen force their way to the top in politics? These questions are tackled in the present book.

In late 1847, Britain was in the throes of a commercial depression; many banks failed, among them the Royal Bank of Liverpool, which closed its doors in October. In that same month, the government ...
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In late 1847, Britain was in the throes of a commercial depression; many banks failed, among them the Royal Bank of Liverpool, which closed its doors in October. In that same month, the government temporarily suspended the Bank Charter Act. This commercial distress reawakened the militancy of the class-conscious urban Radicals, while the agricultural depression stimulated a pronounced Protectionist revival. To appease restless MPs, the Whig government proposed a revised budget, which renewed income tax for three (rather than five) years and left the existing rates unchanged. This triggered a renewal of the bourgeois revolt, and leagues sprang up all over the place. The middle class launched a series of protests, channeling their anger by forming provincial pressure groups. One such group was the Liverpool Financial Reform Association, which criticized the monarchy and the armed services. This chapter looks at the economy campaign of the LFRA and the budget policies of Benjamin Disraeli and William Gladstone in 1852 and 1853, respectively.Less

Financial Reform, 1848–1853

G. R. Searle

Published in print: 1993-03-25

In late 1847, Britain was in the throes of a commercial depression; many banks failed, among them the Royal Bank of Liverpool, which closed its doors in October. In that same month, the government temporarily suspended the Bank Charter Act. This commercial distress reawakened the militancy of the class-conscious urban Radicals, while the agricultural depression stimulated a pronounced Protectionist revival. To appease restless MPs, the Whig government proposed a revised budget, which renewed income tax for three (rather than five) years and left the existing rates unchanged. This triggered a renewal of the bourgeois revolt, and leagues sprang up all over the place. The middle class launched a series of protests, channeling their anger by forming provincial pressure groups. One such group was the Liverpool Financial Reform Association, which criticized the monarchy and the armed services. This chapter looks at the economy campaign of the LFRA and the budget policies of Benjamin Disraeli and William Gladstone in 1852 and 1853, respectively.