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1 1 Summer 2006 Volume 13 Number 1 Newsletter of the Sociology of Law Section of the American Sociological Association. SOCIOLOGY OF LAW SECTION OFFICERS Chair Mark Suchman, University of Wisconsin Chair-Elect Kitty Calavita, UC-Irvine Past-Chair Joachim Savelsberg, University of Minnesota Secretary/Treasurer Robert Granfield, SUNY Buffalo Council Members Fiona Kay (2006), Queens University; Rebecca Sandefur (2006) Stanford University; Kim Lane Scheppele (2006), Princeton University; John Sutton (2007), UC-Santa Barbara; Richard Lempert (2006), University of Michigan; Erin Kelly (2007), University of Minnesota Publications CHAIR: Matthew Silberman, Bucknell University; Newsletter Editor, David Shulman, Lafayette College; Christine Horne, Washington State University; Bruce Price, University of Denver; Lara Cleveland (Student Member), University of Minnesota Ad Hoc Sub-committee on a Sociology of Law Anthology CHAIR: Mark Suchman, University of Wisconsin; Elizabeth Quinn, Montana State Nominations CHAIR: John Skrentny, UC-San Diego; Elizabeth Hoffmann, Purdue; Jennifer Earl, UC-Santa Barbara; Virginia Mellema (Student Member) UC- Berkeley Membership Chair: Patricia Ewick, Clark University; Jonathan Simon, UC-Berkeley; Anna-Maria Marshall, University of Illinois; Sandra Levitsky (Student Member), University of Wisconsin; Daniel Steward, (Student Member), University of Wisconsin Mentorship Coordinator Elizabeth Boyle, University of Minnesota AMICI 13:1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Suchman Empirical Legal Studies 1 Silverstein The Ground Game 4 Uggen & Vuolo Getting the Truth 6 PhD Spotlight on Mary Nell Trautner 9 Presentations & Section Events at ASA 9 New Books 16 Empirical Legal Studies: Sociology of Law, or Something ELS Entirely? Mark Suchman University of Wisconsin-Madison I have just returned from the annual meeting of the Law and Society Association, an organization with deep roots in the sociology of law -- and a second (or even first) home for many of us in the Sociology of Law Section of the ASA. At this year's LSA meetings, however, the buzz was not primarily about sociology of law, nor about any of the other social science disciplines that comprise most of the LSA's membership. Rather, the words on everyone's lips -- whether enthusiastically or sarcastically -- were empirical legal studies. Some members of our section, no doubt, are more familiar with the empirical legal studies movement (or ELS ) than I; others may have encountered it in passing but not yet given it much thought; and still others may not have encountered it at all. But with ELS on the rise, we would do well to begin taking notice and making sense of this new player in our intellectual field. ELS Ascendant Empirical legal studies have formed the backbone of the sociology of law since the days of Durkheim and have been at the core of the law and society tradition since its inception in the 1960s. The Empirical Legal Studies movement, however, dates only to the mid-1990s at the earliest. In 1996, Harvard opened what may have been the nation's first self-proclaimed ELS program, and in 2004, Blackwell launched the Journal of Empirical Legal Studies (edited at Cornell). Empirical Scholarship was the theme of the 2006 AALS meeting, and later this year the University of Texas will convene the First Annual Conference on Empirical Legal Studies. There is now even

2 2 a ranking of the top ELS law schools (George 2005) and a lively ELS blog. (Said blog, by the way, will feature some of our own section members as guest bloggers in the coming months -- see: At the LSA meetings, presenters proudly proclaimed allegiance to ELS, and law schools touted their ELS bona fides. Everyone, it seemed, was confident that ELS was the wave of the future and that they, themselves, were riding the crest. No one, however, seemed quite as confident of what, exactly, ELS is. People who merely parsed ELS's self-proclaimed moniker wondered aloud whether ELS might simply be the sociology of law in new clothing. Or more menacingly, law and economics in sociologists' clothing. Or more cynically, the legal professoriate in the emperor's new clothing. But the uninitiated were hardly alone in their uncertainty. Even some editors of the ELS blog could be heard soliciting others' opinions about what exactly the enterprise should entail. ELS may be all the rage, but in Meadian terms, it is still an I in search of a me. Membership, Method and Mission It may seem a bit unfair to pigeonhole a movement whose flagship journal is less than two years old. But as ELS becomes a growing presence on our campuses and in our reading, sociologists of law will increasingly encounter the question of how this emerging tradition fits with (or within) our own. ELS, we are told, promotes legally sophisticated empirical [analysis,]... to inform litigants, policymakers, and society as a whole about how the legal system works (Eisenberg 2004). But as our friends in science and technology studies would remind us, such statements gain substance only when instantiated by a particular scholarly community, with a particular methodological style, on a particular intellectual mission. In its social origins, ELS is closer to law schools than to disciplinary social science departments. That, presumably, is what legally sophisticated means. But since law schools historically have done little to train empirical scholars, ELS is quite open to participants from the social sciences. To date, ELS's largest contributing disciplines seem to be psychology and economics, but sociology could certainly claim a place at the table if we so chose. In its methods, ELS is more quantitative than qualitative and more contemporary than historical. But these affinities are contested, and no one yet seems to be excommunicating any method, as long as it is empirical. ELS may slight some of the more interpretive and humanistic approaches that have recently gained footholds in the legal academy and in the Law and Society Association, but most sociological ethnography and historiography should easily pass muster. If quantitative (and particularly experimental) methods currently have the upper hand in ELS circles, this may be due more to the kinds of audiences that ELS wants to address than to the kinds of evidence that ELS is willing to consider. This brings us to ELS's mission, which appears to be the application of rigorous empirical methods to questions of legal (as opposed to disciplinary) import. This, I take it, is what ELS means by informing litigants, policymakers, and society as a whole about how the legal system works. ELS is the empirical study of all those phenomena that have long commanded the attention of legal scholars and practitioners, but that have heretofore been known only through doctrine, personal experience, and common-sense assumptions about human nature. Thus, for example, ELS might ask whether an increase in the number of lawyers leads to an increase in litigiousness; whether videotaped confessions elevate the likelihood of conviction; or whether understaffed trial courts push more cases toward out-of-court settlement. In contrast to the sociology of law, however, ELS would be far less likely to ask whether professional occupations gain status in postindustrial societies; whether confessions depart from the speech patterns of conversational storytelling; or whether

3 3 mimetic isomorphism fosters new logics of dispute resolution. These latter questions arise not from the concerns of the legal community but from the theoretical program of sociology as a discipline -- an agenda that many legal scholars would find rather arcane. Often, of course, this difference is merely a matter of framing. Many studies could presumably fit equally comfortably into either ASR or JELS, with a few revisions to their introductions, literature reviews and conclusions, but with their data, methods and results sections largely unchanged. (Attention publication-hungry assistant professors!) At the same time, however, framing can drive practice: ELS's orbit lies well within the gravitational pull of the policy audience (Sarat & Silbey 1988), and this presumably privileges the types of questions that lawyers might ask, the types of evidence that courts might admit, and the types of answers that legislators (and other people of action) might find useful. ELS and Us What then should be our stance toward this new movement? Part of me (and, I'm sure, part of us) welcomes this development and hopes that the sociology of law can find a seat on the ELS bandwagon. If ELS shakes up the routines of the legal academy and injects some empirical humility into traditional doctrinalism, that can only be to sociology's benefit -- as well as to the longrun benefit of doctrinalism itself. If, beyond that, ELS bolsters the resources, the visibility, and the impact of empirical social scientists who study law and legal institutions, the sociology of law would almost certainly stand to gain. At the same time, however, I see cause for caution as well, because in clambering aboard the ELS bandwagon, we may be tempted to leave behind many of the trappings that identify us as sociologists. Often, the questions that ELS asks are not the questions of sociology as a discipline, and the answers that ELS obtains are of only limited disciplinary relevance. ELS is hardly the crass empiricism that we were warned about in graduate school, but neither is it the sort of theory-driven basic scholarship that defines what Burawoy (2005) has labeled professional sociology. Rather, at least in its early incarnations, ELS appears to be largely policy sociology -- to the extent that it is sociology at all. In this, ELS differs more from the sociology of law than from the law and society movement, which was also not particularly theory-driven in its early days. But law and society has always harbored a deep commitment to the sorts of reflexive scholarship that Burawoy labels public and critical sociology, as well as to selfcritique and thoroughgoing interdisciplinarity. It remains to be seen whether ELS will follow this same arduous path, or whether instead it will become a more complacent, insular, and technocratic endeavor. Moreover, there is some risk that as ELS gains traction, the sociology of law, as we know it, may become even more marginal in the legal world than it is today. As legal scholars become more and more methodologically skilled, they may have less and less patience for disciplinary social scientists who cannot estimate a regression or run a mock jury experiment without citing Marx, Weber, and Durkheim. And as legal scholarship becomes more and more empiricist, it may leave less and less room for theoretical analyses that critique the social foundations of the legal enterprise itself. In tandem with the law and society movement, the sociology of law has spent half a century linking empirical studies of law to broader concerns about inequality, power, social order and social change. ELS may yet turn toward such questions itself; but if not, we could be headed back to a future in which the impact study would once again be the ne plus ultra of sociolegal inquiry. For better or worse, however, the one stance toward ELS that we cannot afford to adopt is a posture of willful ignorance. ELS is both an important new audience for our scholarship and an important new discourse reshaping the perceptions of old and new

4 4 audiences alike. A greater appreciation for empirical work within the legal academy is almost certainly a good thing, and a more diverse intellectual ecology is surely a healthier one. After all, not all interesting empirical questions are sociological in the disciplinary sense. But regardless of whether we choose to embrace ELS or to confront it, we will face new tasks of definition and translation, new challenges of differentiation, assimilation, justification and persuasion. For now at least, ELS seems more friend than foe. And in the short run at least, ELS and the sociology of law seem to be traveling along largely congruent paths. But we should keep our eyes open. Objects in the mirror are often closer than they appear. And that is perhaps why, amid the hubbub of enthusiasm and fellow-feeling at the The Ground Game: Dismantling Rule of Law Ideology Helena Silverstein Department of Government and Law Lafayette College I am struck by the fortitude of ideology. Who isn t? But it s one thing for these fabrics to wield their voodoo on the unsuspecting hoi polloi and quite another for the victim to be a grad school hardened, semi-accomplished, mid-career social scientist. For the past decade I ve been researching laws that mandate parental involvement in the abortion decisions of pregnant teens (coming soon to a bookstore near you). The basic deal, fashioned by the Supreme Court, is that states can require parental consent or notification as long as there s a way for minors to get around this involvement, say in cases where telling one s parents would be dangerous. Almost all of the 34 states that have such a requirement make judges the arbiters of the bypass processes. My question: Can minors who want bypass hearings actually get them? The Court has pretty clearly set out what an acceptable bypass process is supposed to look like, saying that states must provide an expedited and confidential avenue for a LSA, one could detect just the slightest undertone of nervous laughter. References Burawoy, Michael (2005), For Public Sociology, American Sociological Review 70:4-28. Eisenberg, Theodore (2004), Why Do Empirical Legal Scholarship? San Diego Law Review 41: George, Tracey (2005), "An Empirical Study of Empirical Legal Scholarship: The Top Law Schools," Indiana Law Journal 81(1): Sarat, Austin, and Susan Silbey (1988), The Pull of the Policy Audience, Law and Policy 10: minor to prove either that she is mature enough to proceed with an abortion on her own or that the abortion is in her best interest (see, e.g., Bellotti v. Baird II, 1979). And states have pretty much borrowed the Court s language in writing their laws. Often states go the Court one or two better, codifying such protections for minors as appointed counsel, which is not mandated by the Court. On paper, everything looks oh so reasonable. Reality, though, does not much resemble what the law promises (see, e.g., Silverstein 1999; Silverstein and Speitel 2002; Silverstein, Fishman, Francis, and Speitel 2005). A lot of times, local courts don t even know that it s their responsibility to handle bypass cases. Individuals designated to aid minors are often unavailable. Sometimes anti-abortion judges make up their own rules, some forcing minors to endure pro-life counseling or appointing lawyers to represent the interests of the fetus. Other judges leave minors in the lurch by refusing, on ideological grounds, to hear these petitions. It s really quite a mess. The results I uncovered were not unpredictable. We have a recalcitrant and powerful state regulating an almost powerless population. Couple that with run

5 5 of the mill bureaucratic inefficiency and a few zealots, and it s going to be bad news for the powerless population. My reaction to these results was somewhat less predictable. Thirty-five years ago, Stuart Scheingold introduced us to the myth of rights, an alluring ideology that rests on a faith in the political efficacy and ethical sufficiency of law as a principle of government (1974, 17). Subscribers to this ideology believe that the political order in America actually functions in a manner consistent with the patterns of rights and obligations specified in the Constitution. The ethical connotations of this rule of law system are based on a willingness to identify constitutional values with social justice. It encourages us to break down social problems into the responsibilities and entitlements established under law in the same way that lawyers and judges deal with disputes among individuals. Once the problem is analyzed, the myth, moreover, suggests that it is well on its way to resolution, since these obligations and rights are not only legally enforceable but ethically persuasive, because they are rooted in constitutional values. (Scheingold 1974, 17). Now, I know Stu Scheingold. Stu Scheingold is a friend of mine. Hell, my work gets a mention in the preface to the new and improved anniversary edition of The Politics of Rights (2004). Nevertheless, apparently, I m no Stu Scheingold, because instead of meeting my results with an unfiltered cigarette, a small bitter coffee, and a knowing shake of the head (perhaps while muttering pas bien under my breath), I feel betrayed. But the law is so clear, I want to say. How can they get away with this? How undergraduate! It doesn t seem to matter that much of my professional career has been about deflating the pretensions of rule of law ideology. It s not that I don t believe that it s all about politics, power relationships, and social control. I believe it. I know the Kafka, the Foucault, the Wittgenstein. And yet, as I went about the business of figuring out how court personnel handle bypass inquiries, my jaw dropped anew each time I encountered a court administrator who said, Honey, I have no idea, or an intake officer who self-assuredly declared, She needs to hire a lawyer, or a judge s secretary who asked, Has she prayed about it? What seems to be the case is that debunking mythologies is only partially about changing beliefs. Sure, myths have doctrines, and showing those doctrines to be false is part of the project. But myths also have majesty, and poetry, and music, pomp and circumstance. I remember when Pope John Paul II died. My husband, an educated man and an equal opportunity antitheist, was transfixed. Break the ring, puffs of smoke it was fascinating to watch him be fascinated. Well the law, too, has its pageantry. Marble columns and black robes. Sacred texts and pithy, profound aphorisms. We are a country of laws, not men. Popular culture also adds its two cents. Consider Law and Order, and before that Matlock and Perry Mason. Glorifications and hegemonifications. It s enough to make you want to hug a porcupine. I sometimes wonder about the value of work like mine, horizontal, intra-paradigm studies that lend empirical support to previously articulated theoretical landscapes. But, it seems, contests over meaning are not settled in one session. They play themselves out, perhaps over a generation or more. We are not all generals. We pick our sides and we fight our little battles. If we are lucky, we shall be able to convince ourselves. References Scheingold, Stuart The Politics of Rights: Lawyers, Public Policy, and Political Change. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Scheingold, Stuart The Politics of Rights: Lawyers, Public Policy, and

6 6 Political Change. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press. Silverstein, Helena Road Closed: Evaluating the Judicial Bypass Provision of the Pennsylvania Abortion Control Act. Law and Social Inquiry 24: Silverstein, Helena, and Leanne Speitel Honey, I Have No Idea : Court Readiness to Handle Petitions to Waive Parental Consent for Abortion. Iowa Law Review 88: Silverstein, Helena, Wayne Fishman, Emily Francis, and Leanne Speitel Judicial Waivers of Parental Consent for Abortion: Tennessee s Troubles Putting Policy into Practice. Law & Policy 27: Helena Silverstein is Professor of Government and Law at Lafayette College. Her book on parental involvement mandates is due out in 2007 from New York University Press. She is the author of Unleashing Rights: Law, Meaning, and the Animal Rights Movement (University of Michigan Press, 1996). Getting the Truth about Consequences Christopher Uggen and Mike Vuolo Department of Sociology University of Minnesota Anyone who spends time with those who have done time soon hears two types of questions: (1) when do I stop being a felon? and, (2) what did my crime have to do with X? in which X refers to some restriction imposed upon felons but not other adult citizens. One study puts the number of former felons in the United States at 11.7 million (Uggen, Manza, and Thompson 2006), many of whom never entered prison gates. Though they are off-paper and no longer under correctional supervision, they remain stigmatized in both a formal and informal sense. Depending upon where they live, many cannot vote, see their children, work in their chosen occupations, obtain Pell grants for school, possess firearms, reside in public housing, serve on juries, run for office, receive public assistance, public housing, or student financial aid, or enjoy other of the taken-for-granted rights and responsibilities of citizenship. The concomitant penalties resulting from felony convictions are called collateral consequences or civil disabilities. Such sanctions are not imposed by judges at sentencing, but are instead governed by a sociolegal spider s web of constitutional and statutory law, executive orders, administrative rules, and local practice. We here consider collateral consequences through the lens of some classic and emerging questions in the sociology of law and related fields. Rulemaking. Such sanctions are often taken for granted, as part of the dusty legal furniture surrounding criminal punishment. Yet the imposition of collateral restrictions is ultimately a social choice and a productive research setting for studying the dynamics of rulemaking. With the exception of certain federally mandated sanctions, such as student financial aid restrictions for drug felons, collateral sanctions differ dramatically across space and time. For example, Maine and Vermont currently permit prisoners to vote while Florida and Virginia disenfranchise former prisoners and felony probationers for life. Though all states restrict some felons from some occupations, the specific exclusions vary dramatically across the states. In many cases, however, this variation has yet to be described or modeled, with little sociological attention to the rulemaking process that drives their passage and persistence. Criminology. Do collateral sanctions reduce crime and recidivism? While restricting felons firearms rights likely enhances public safety, it is difficult to see how prohibiting them from working as barbers meets the same standard. Indeed, to the extent that sanctions impede successful reintegration, they could compromise public safety. For individuals, they represent barriers to reentry and reintegration (Mauer and Chesney-Lind 2002; Travis 2005). For families, the inability to receive public

7 7 assistance or reside in public housing directly impacts felons children, while occupational restrictions and disenfranchisement likely bring wideranging and indirect intergenerational effects. We do not yet know which collateral consequences bring a net gain and which bring a net loss to public safety, although some sanctions appear to be linked to more crime, not less (Manza and Uggen 2006). Broader Impacts. For larger communities, collateral consequences can affect labor markets, democratic institutions, and civic life more generally. Had former felons been allowed to participate in the 2000 presidential election, for example, candidate Al Gore would almost certainly have been elected president (Manza and Uggen 2006). How might bans on employment, housing, and jury service exert similar effects on important institutions? Inequalities. As imprisonment has become a more common life event for lesseducated African-American males (Pettit and Western 2004), collateral consequences strike communities of color with particular force. In fact, power appears to motivate passage of some sanctions, particularly the dilution or suppression of African-American social and political power. More generally, collateral sanctions may operate as an interconnected system of disadvantage that amplifies existing disparities (Wheelock 2005). Lawyers and the Bar. Perhaps the greatest need for researchers is a detailed cataloguing of these sanctions, such as the specific occupations prohibited in each jurisdiction. Many in the American Bar Association are beginning to ask whether public defenders and other attorneys have a duty to inform their clients about the consequences of such sanctions. During plea negotiations, courtroom actors focus on whether and where the client will do time. Nevertheless, collateral consequences are sometimes even more consequential for defendants, sometimes resulting in deportation, termination of parental rights, or the termination of a valued career. There is currently no comprehensive list of, say, prohibited occupations, which attorneys could reference or provide to clients. Deviance and Stigma. Given their broad range and tendency to go unnoticed, the number of ex-felons subject to each sanction is unknown. Yet information technology has today rendered the stigma of felony conviction -- and even simple arrest -- increasingly public. Some states list photos, maps, and home addresses of sex offenders and other felons. Vigilantes have employed such information to hunt down former felons. Michael Mullen, who confessed to killing two former sex offenders, detailed his method in a hand-written note to the Seattle Times: "The State of Washington like many states now lists sexual deviants on the Net. And on most of these sites it shares with us what sexual crimes these men have been caught for... We cannot tell the public so-and-so is 'likely' going to hurt another child, and here is his address then expect us to sit back and wait to see what child is next." Registries now target methamphetamine makers and garden-variety felons as well as sex offenders. The erosion of privacy rights in the Internet age is a much broader issue, linked to a highly charged political debate about the extent and nature of punishment. Although life course criminology has shown us that almost every delinquent ultimately desists from crime (Laub and Sampson 2003), sociolegal research on collateral sanctions could show us whether, when, and how they might stop being felons. References Laub, John, and Robert J. Sampson Shared Beginnings, Divergent Lives: Delinquent Boys to Age 70. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Manza, Jeff, and Christopher Uggen Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy. New York: Oxford University Press. Mauer, Marc, and Meda Chesney-Lind (eds.) Invisible Punishment: The

8 8 Collateral Consequences of Mass Imprisonment. New York: The New Press. Pettit, Becky, and Bruce Western Mass Imprisonment and the Life Course: Race and Class Inequality in U.S. Incarceration. American Sociological Review 69: Travis, Jeremy But They All Come Back: Facing the Challenges of Prisoner Reentry. Washington, D.C.: Urban Institute Press. Uggen, Christopher, Jeff Manza, and Melissa Thompson Citizenship, Democracy, and the Civic Reintegration of Criminal Offenders. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 605: Wheelock, Darren Collateral Consequences and Racial Inequality: Felon **JOBTRAK** Status Exclusions as a System of Disadvantage. Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 21: Christopher Uggen is Distinguished McKnight Professor and Chair of Sociology at the University of Minnesota. He studies crime, law, and deviance; especially how former prisoners manage to put their lives back together. With Jeff Manza, he is the author of Locked Out: Felon Disenfranchisement and American Democracy (Oxford, 2006). Mike Vuolo is a graduate student in the Department of Sociology and the School of Statistics at the University of Minnesota. His research interests include incarceration, legitimacy of the criminal justice system, and drug use. Caroline Lee has completed her PhD in Sociology from the University of California San Diego and is now an Assistant Professor of Anthropology and Sociology at Lafayette College. Mary Nell Trautner has finished her PhD at the University of Arizona and is headed to the University at Buffalo, SUNY as Assistant Professor of Sociology. Annette Nierobisz, Assistant Professor of Sociology at Carleton College, has been invited to be a Senior Researcher at the Canadian Human Rights Commission (CHRC) in Ottawa, Ontario. In this two-year position, Annette will develop and coordinate research on human rights issues in Canada. PANEL DESCRIPTION BUILDING JUST, DIVERSE AND DEMOCRATIC COMMUNITIES: The Case of Academic Freedom Saturday, August 12 th 10:30-12:10 Academics in general and sociologists in particular have long been advocates of those excluded in U.S. society, including the poor, the non-white, the non-christian, the disabled, women, gay men, lesbians, bi and transsexuals. Recently, the radical Right has been actively seeking not only to dismantle social programs, abandon civil rights, and increase economic inequality but also to undermine the very freedoms that academics have shared to speak out against such injustices. This panel explores how academic freedom, as the right to speak out against injustice and inhumanity in its various forms, might be ensured in today s political climate. Melanie Bush from Adelphi University begins by providing an overview of where we stand today. Bart W. Miles and Stephen J. Sills from Wayne State University describe three strategies that faculty researchers have used to challenge the oppressive structures of Institutional Review Boards. G. Anthony Rosso, Academic Freedom Officer for the Southern Connecticut State University chapter of the AAUP, will discuss Association principles of academic freedom and collective bargaining strategies. Gerald Turkel, Chair of AAUP's Committee on Government Relations, will discuss AAUP noncollective bargaining approaches to resisting political attacks on academic freedom. And last but certainly not least, Jameel Jaffer, an attorney for the American Civil Liberties Union who is currently litigating a case filed on behalf of the American Academy of Religion, the American Association of University Professors and PEN American Center, and that names as a plaintiff in the lawsuit Professor Tariq Ramadan, a Swiss intellectual who is widely regarded as a leading scholar of the Muslim world, will discuss the methods of the ACLU. Consistent with SSSP President Claire M. Renzetti s vision for the 2006 meeting, it is hoped that this panel, sponsored by the Standards and Freedom of Research, Publication and Teaching Committee, will encourage scholars devoted to the eradication of social injustice to energize, mobilize and strategize in an effort to thwart current threats to our academic freedom.

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