"Philanthropos"

The Virginia Journal and Alexandria Advertiser,
December 6, 1787

No. 7 of the Borden Collection

"Philanthropos", an anonymous Virginia Antifederalist,
appeared in The Virginia Journal and Alexandria Advertiser,
December 6, 1787, writing his version of history under the proposed new
Constitution.

The time in which the constitution or government of a nation undergoes
any particular change, is always interesting and critical. Enemies are
vigilant, allies are in suspense, friends hesitating between hope and
fear; and all men are in eager expectation to see what such a change may
produce. But the state of our affairs at present, is of such moment, as
even to arouse the dead ...

[A certain defender of the Constitution has stated that objections to
it] are more calculated to alarm the fears of the people than to answer
any valuable end. Was that the case, as it is not, will any man in his
sober senses say, that the least infringement or appearance of
infringement on our liberty -- that liberty which has lately cost so much
blood and treasure, together with anxious days and sleepless nights-ought
not both to rouse our fears and awaken our jealousy? ... The new
constitution in its present form is calculated to produce despotism,
thraldom and confusion, and if the United States do swallow it, they will
find it a bolus, that will create convulsions to their utmost extremities.
Were they mine enemies, the worst imprecation I could devise would be, may
they adopt it. For tyranny, where it has been chained (as for a few years
past) is always more cursed, and sticks its teeth in deeper than before.
Were Col. [George] Mason's objections obviated, the improvement would be
very considerable, though even then, not so complete as might be. The
Congress's having power without control -- to borrow money on the credit
of the United States; their having power to appoint their own salaries,
and their being paid out of the treasury of the United States, thereby, in
some measure, rendering them independent of the individual states; their
being judges of the qualification and election of their own members, by
which means they can get men to suit any purpose; together with Col.
Mason's wise and judicious objections -- are grievances, the very idea of
which is enough to make every honest citizen exclaim in the language of
Cato, 0 Liberty, 0 my country! Our present constitution, with a few
additional powers to Congress, seems better calculated to preserve the
rights and defend the liberties of our citizens, than the one proposed,
without proper amendments. Let us therefore, for once, show our judgment
and solidity by continuing it, and prove the opinion to be erroneous, that
levity and fickleness are not only the foibles of our tempers, but the
reigning principles in these states. There are men amongst us, of such
dissatisfied tempers, that place them in Heaven, they would find something
to blame; and so restless and self-sufficient, that they must be eternally
reforming the state. But the misfortune is, they always leave affairs
worse than they find them. A change of government is at all times
dangerous, but at present may be fatal, without the utmost caution, just
after emerging out of a tedious and expensive war. Feeble in our nature,
and complicated in our form, we are little able to bear the rough Posting
of civil dissensions which are likely to ensue. Even now, discontent and
opposition distract our councils. Division and despondency affect our
people. Is it then a time to alter our government, that government which
even now totters on its foundation, and will, without tender care, produce
ruin by its fall?

Beware my countrymen! Our enemies -- uncontrolled as they are in their
ambitious schemes, fretted with losses, and perplexed with disappointments
-- will exert their whole power and policy to increase and continue our
confusion. And while we are destroying one another, they will be repairing
their losses, and ruining our trade.

Of all the plagues that infest a nation, a civil war is the worst.
Famine is severe, pestilence is dreadful; but in these, though men die,
they die in peace. The father expires without the guilt of the son; and
the son, if he survives, enjoys the inheritance of his father. Cities may
be thinned, but they neither plundered nor burnt. But when a civil war is
kindled, there is then forth no security of property nor protection from
any law. Life and fortune become precarious. And all that is dear to men
is at the discretion of profligate soldiery, doubly licentious on such an
occasion. Cities are exhausted by heavy contributions, or sacked because
they cannot answer exorbitant demand. Countries are eaten up by the
parties they favor, and ravaged by the one they oppose. Fathers and sons,
sheath their swords in anothers bowels in the field, and their wives and
daughters are exposed to rudeness and lust of ruffians at home. And when
the sword has decided quarrel, the scene is closed with banishments,
forfeitures, and barbarous executions that entail distress on children
then unborn. May Heaven avert the dreadful catastrophe! In the most
limited governments, what wranglings, animosities, factions, partiality,
and all other evils that tend to embroil a nation and weaken a state, are
constantly practised by legislators. What then may we expect if the new
constitution be adopted as it now stands? The great will struggle for
power, honor and wealth; the poor become a prey to avarice, insolence and
oppression. And while some are studying to supplant their neighbors, and
others striving to keep their stations, one villain will wink at the
oppression of another, the people be fleeced, and the public business
neglected. From despotism and tyranny good Lord deliver us.