This chapter provides a taxonomy of widely endorsed conditions on a priori justification. The conditions fall into two broad categories: epistemic, which includes defeasibility, strength, and source ...
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This chapter provides a taxonomy of widely endorsed conditions on a priori justification. The conditions fall into two broad categories: epistemic, which includes defeasibility, strength, and source conditions; and nonepistemic, which involves the concepts of analyticity or necessity. Two major claims are argued: (1) nonepistemic conditions are neither necessary nor sufficient for a priori justification, and (2) if a theory imposes epistemic conditions on the a priori that differ from those it imposes on the a posteriori, they must be supported by independent argument or rejected as ad hoc. Two defensible conditions on a priori justification emerge: justification by a nonexperiential source, and justification that is not defeasible by experience.Less

Introduction

Albert Casullo

Published in print: 2003-04-03

This chapter provides a taxonomy of widely endorsed conditions on a priori justification. The conditions fall into two broad categories: epistemic, which includes defeasibility, strength, and source conditions; and nonepistemic, which involves the concepts of analyticity or necessity. Two major claims are argued: (1) nonepistemic conditions are neither necessary nor sufficient for a priori justification, and (2) if a theory imposes epistemic conditions on the a priori that differ from those it imposes on the a posteriori, they must be supported by independent argument or rejected as ad hoc. Two defensible conditions on a priori justification emerge: justification by a nonexperiential source, and justification that is not defeasible by experience.

This chapter stresses that, assuming performers have mastered their instruments, the study of each piece of music must from the onset be directed toward its expressive content; each piece makes its ...
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This chapter stresses that, assuming performers have mastered their instruments, the study of each piece of music must from the onset be directed toward its expressive content; each piece makes its own individual demands. Certain technical difficulties are equated with difficult life-situations, and the performer is admonished not to simplify but to overcome them. In aphoristic style, evenness of touch, ingenious fingerings, tempo questions, hearing oneself are all considered. The chapter closes with a fervent plea to the performer to eliminate any anxiety and to “infuse the tones with genuine life”.Less

On Practicing

Heinrich Schenker

Published in print: 2002-06-20

This chapter stresses that, assuming performers have mastered their instruments, the study of each piece of music must from the onset be directed toward its expressive content; each piece makes its own individual demands. Certain technical difficulties are equated with difficult life-situations, and the performer is admonished not to simplify but to overcome them. In aphoristic style, evenness of touch, ingenious fingerings, tempo questions, hearing oneself are all considered. The chapter closes with a fervent plea to the performer to eliminate any anxiety and to “infuse the tones with genuine life”.

This book presents a “360-degree” view of SFBT in school settings from meta-analytic, intervention research, and practice perspectives. This book is divided into sections within each chapter to allow ...
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This book presents a “360-degree” view of SFBT in school settings from meta-analytic, intervention research, and practice perspectives. This book is divided into sections within each chapter to allow access to information easily so that SFBT ideas can be applied. The section The history provides the background information on the specific area of SFBT being discussed in the chapter. The section The research explains what the best and most current evidence has to say. The skills provides specific SFBT skills needed for the concepts discussed in the chapter. The Application uses case studies and other tools in each chapter which will show how to implement the techniques and ideas discussed in the chapter. The future shares the information on current trends in SFBT research and practice.Less

Solution-Focused Brief Therapy in Schools : A 360-Degree View of Research and Practice

Michael S. KellyJohnny S. KimCynthia Franklin

Published in print: 2008-04-24

This book presents a “360-degree” view of SFBT in school settings from meta-analytic, intervention research, and practice perspectives. This book is divided into sections within each chapter to allow access to information easily so that SFBT ideas can be applied. The section The history provides the background information on the specific area of SFBT being discussed in the chapter. The section The research explains what the best and most current evidence has to say. The skills provides specific SFBT skills needed for the concepts discussed in the chapter. The Application uses case studies and other tools in each chapter which will show how to implement the techniques and ideas discussed in the chapter. The future shares the information on current trends in SFBT research and practice.

This book presents an approach to therapeutic contact with clients that capitalizes on people's resilience, strengths, and capacities. The helper works in collaboration with the individual to ...
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This book presents an approach to therapeutic contact with clients that capitalizes on people's resilience, strengths, and capacities. The helper works in collaboration with the individual to identify and amplify these capacities to resolve problems and improve quality of life. Clients are empowered to find their own answers and solutions that will fit their particular worldview and their unique strengths (De Jong & Miller, 1995). These principles are operationalized through solution-focused therapy and motivational interviewing. The helper also identifies areas in which clients can use education on how to meet more effectively life's challenges. A focus on coping skills is represented by cognitive-behavioral therapy. These theoretical approaches are woven together for the purpose of maximizing a person's ability to enhance the strengths they bring and also learn new skills that can help them. The resultant strengths- and skills-building model is applied, throughout the book, to various problems and populations that helping practitioners may encounter.Less

Building Strengths and Skills : A Collaborative Approach to Working with Clients

Published in print: 2004-09-16

This book presents an approach to therapeutic contact with clients that capitalizes on people's resilience, strengths, and capacities. The helper works in collaboration with the individual to identify and amplify these capacities to resolve problems and improve quality of life. Clients are empowered to find their own answers and solutions that will fit their particular worldview and their unique strengths (De Jong & Miller, 1995). These principles are operationalized through solution-focused therapy and motivational interviewing. The helper also identifies areas in which clients can use education on how to meet more effectively life's challenges. A focus on coping skills is represented by cognitive-behavioral therapy. These theoretical approaches are woven together for the purpose of maximizing a person's ability to enhance the strengths they bring and also learn new skills that can help them. The resultant strengths- and skills-building model is applied, throughout the book, to various problems and populations that helping practitioners may encounter.

This book analyzes in a developmental context understanding, assessing, and treating child maltreatment within the ecological framework. This framework is used to help systematically organize and ...
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This book analyzes in a developmental context understanding, assessing, and treating child maltreatment within the ecological framework. This framework is used to help systematically organize and integrate the complexity of the child maltreatment and developmental empirical literature by the following developmental stages: infancy, early childhood, middle childhood, and adolescence. Two chapters cover each developmental stage: the first chapter presents a comprehensive discussion of normal development and the developmental consequences of child maltreatment; and the second chapter applies this knowledge to the assessment and intervention strategies of child maltreatment. Research has yielded support for viewing child maltreatment from an ecological perspective, in that a spectrum of factors has been found to be correlated with protective and risk factors of abuse and neglect of children. These factors interact to create potentially protective or harmful conditions for children. Throughout the book, consideration of multiple risk and protective factors are utilized in assessing child maltreatment at each stage of development within the ecological perspective. This framework enables assessment of individual, family, and environmental elements and their interactions. To assess completely child maltreatment, all potential categories of contributory factors are considered. In addition, a case illustration at the end of each major chapter allows for the application of information presented in those chapters to enhance learning.Less

Maria ScannapiecoKelli Connell-Carrick

Published in print: 2005-03-03

This book analyzes in a developmental context understanding, assessing, and treating child maltreatment within the ecological framework. This framework is used to help systematically organize and integrate the complexity of the child maltreatment and developmental empirical literature by the following developmental stages: infancy, early childhood, middle childhood, and adolescence. Two chapters cover each developmental stage: the first chapter presents a comprehensive discussion of normal development and the developmental consequences of child maltreatment; and the second chapter applies this knowledge to the assessment and intervention strategies of child maltreatment. Research has yielded support for viewing child maltreatment from an ecological perspective, in that a spectrum of factors has been found to be correlated with protective and risk factors of abuse and neglect of children. These factors interact to create potentially protective or harmful conditions for children. Throughout the book, consideration of multiple risk and protective factors are utilized in assessing child maltreatment at each stage of development within the ecological perspective. This framework enables assessment of individual, family, and environmental elements and their interactions. To assess completely child maltreatment, all potential categories of contributory factors are considered. In addition, a case illustration at the end of each major chapter allows for the application of information presented in those chapters to enhance learning.

This book provides a unified account of the will, pulling together a diverse range of phenomena that have typically been treated separately: intention, resolution, choice, weakness and strength of ...
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This book provides a unified account of the will, pulling together a diverse range of phenomena that have typically been treated separately: intention, resolution, choice, weakness and strength of will, temptation, addiction, and freedom of the will. Drawing on recent psychological research, it is argued that rather than being the pinnacle of rationality, these components work to compensate for our inability to make and maintain sound judgments. Choice is the capacity to form intentions even in the absence of judgment of which action is best. Weakness of will is the failure to maintain resolutions in the face of temptation, where temptation typically involves a shift in judgment as to what is best, or, in cases of addiction, a disconnection between what is judged best and what is desired. Strength of will is the corresponding ability to maintain a resolution in the face of temptation, an ability that requires the employment of a particular faculty or skill. Finally, the experience of freedom of the will is traced to the experiences of forming intentions, and of maintaining resolutions, both of which require effortful activity from the agent.Less

Willing, Wanting, Waiting

Richard Holton

Published in print: 2009-04-23

This book provides a unified account of the will, pulling together a diverse range of phenomena that have typically been treated separately: intention, resolution, choice, weakness and strength of will, temptation, addiction, and freedom of the will. Drawing on recent psychological research, it is argued that rather than being the pinnacle of rationality, these components work to compensate for our inability to make and maintain sound judgments. Choice is the capacity to form intentions even in the absence of judgment of which action is best. Weakness of will is the failure to maintain resolutions in the face of temptation, where temptation typically involves a shift in judgment as to what is best, or, in cases of addiction, a disconnection between what is judged best and what is desired. Strength of will is the corresponding ability to maintain a resolution in the face of temptation, an ability that requires the employment of a particular faculty or skill. Finally, the experience of freedom of the will is traced to the experiences of forming intentions, and of maintaining resolutions, both of which require effortful activity from the agent.

This chapter examines the potentially best fitting cognitive and affective positive capacities for being included in the future. Specifically, cognitively-oriented creativity and wisdom, and the ...
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This chapter examines the potentially best fitting cognitive and affective positive capacities for being included in the future. Specifically, cognitively-oriented creativity and wisdom, and the affective, emotionally-oriented positive strengths of subjective well-being, flow, and humor are selected. Each of these potential psychological capital (PsyCap) capacities is analyzed in terms of the criteria of valid measurement, development, and performance impact. Except for empirically demonstrating performance impact in the workplace, these are judged to generally meet the PsyCap inclusion criteria. The concluding section notes some needed future research for these cognitive and affective positive capacities to more fully meet the PsyCap criteria.Less

Selected Cognitive and Affective Strengths : Potential PsyCap?

Fred LuthansCarolyn M. YoussefBruce J. Avolio

Published in print: 2006-09-21

This chapter examines the potentially best fitting cognitive and affective positive capacities for being included in the future. Specifically, cognitively-oriented creativity and wisdom, and the affective, emotionally-oriented positive strengths of subjective well-being, flow, and humor are selected. Each of these potential psychological capital (PsyCap) capacities is analyzed in terms of the criteria of valid measurement, development, and performance impact. Except for empirically demonstrating performance impact in the workplace, these are judged to generally meet the PsyCap inclusion criteria. The concluding section notes some needed future research for these cognitive and affective positive capacities to more fully meet the PsyCap criteria.

This chapter selects the potentially best fitting social and higher-order strengths to be included in future psychological capital (PsyCap). In particular, the socially-oriented strengths of ...
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This chapter selects the potentially best fitting social and higher-order strengths to be included in future psychological capital (PsyCap). In particular, the socially-oriented strengths of gratitude, forgiveness, emotional intelligence, and spirituality, and the higher-order strengths of authenticity and courage are analyzed in terms of the PsyCap criteria. As in the case of the cognitive and affective strengths identified in Chapter 6, these six social and higher-order strengths generally fit the PsyCap criteria except for empirically demonstrating the impact on performance in the workplace. The final section suggests directions for future research and practice.Less

Possible Social and Higher-Order Strengths : Future PsyCap?

Fred LuthansCarolyn M. YoussefBruce J. Avolio

Published in print: 2006-09-21

This chapter selects the potentially best fitting social and higher-order strengths to be included in future psychological capital (PsyCap). In particular, the socially-oriented strengths of gratitude, forgiveness, emotional intelligence, and spirituality, and the higher-order strengths of authenticity and courage are analyzed in terms of the PsyCap criteria. As in the case of the cognitive and affective strengths identified in Chapter 6, these six social and higher-order strengths generally fit the PsyCap criteria except for empirically demonstrating the impact on performance in the workplace. The final section suggests directions for future research and practice.

Recent years have seen increasing interest in the needs of children facing bereavement, and a corresponding increase in services to support them. This book addresses and explains the theoretical ...
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Recent years have seen increasing interest in the needs of children facing bereavement, and a corresponding increase in services to support them. This book addresses and explains the theoretical concepts and practical implications behind the idea of brief work with bereaved children and families. Flexible and accessible short-term services delivered at the right time underpin the strengths of bereaved children, supporting their recovery rather than pathologizing the grief process. In this way the book also speaks to the current interest in the concept of resilience and working with families' strengths and possibilities, rather than merely identifying their problems. This second edition of the text within the growing field of childhood bereavement contains new chapters that discuss managing situations with learning disability, supporting very young children and emotional literacy. The book also presents cases from the service user's perspective. It looks at different approaches to intervention, such as the importance of assessment and the value of group work, and also covers work with children and families before a death. The editors have more than twenty-five years experience as practitioners within the field, as service providers and educators. The book features chapters from contributors with backgrounds in healthcare, education, social work, and the police, alongside theoretical and practice-based chapters from workers in the field of bereavement care for children.Less

Brief Interventions with Bereaved Children

Published in print: 2009-11-26

Recent years have seen increasing interest in the needs of children facing bereavement, and a corresponding increase in services to support them. This book addresses and explains the theoretical concepts and practical implications behind the idea of brief work with bereaved children and families. Flexible and accessible short-term services delivered at the right time underpin the strengths of bereaved children, supporting their recovery rather than pathologizing the grief process. In this way the book also speaks to the current interest in the concept of resilience and working with families' strengths and possibilities, rather than merely identifying their problems. This second edition of the text within the growing field of childhood bereavement contains new chapters that discuss managing situations with learning disability, supporting very young children and emotional literacy. The book also presents cases from the service user's perspective. It looks at different approaches to intervention, such as the importance of assessment and the value of group work, and also covers work with children and families before a death. The editors have more than twenty-five years experience as practitioners within the field, as service providers and educators. The book features chapters from contributors with backgrounds in healthcare, education, social work, and the police, alongside theoretical and practice-based chapters from workers in the field of bereavement care for children.

What is motivation, and what is its place in the lives of intelligent agents? This is Mele's guiding question. His search for an answer is sensitive to the theoretical concerns of philosophers of ...
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What is motivation, and what is its place in the lives of intelligent agents? This is Mele's guiding question. His search for an answer is sensitive to the theoretical concerns of philosophers of mind and action and moral philosophers, and is informed by empirical work in psychology. Mele defends answers to a web of questions about motivation and human agency, including the following: Will an acceptable moral theory make warranted conceptual or metaphysical demands of Kantian or other kinds on a theory of human motivation? Where does the motivational power of practical reasoning lie? How are reasons for action related to motivation? What do motivational explanations of different kinds have in common? What room will an acceptable view of the connection between motivational strength and intentional action leave for self‐control? Will a proper account of motivated, goal‐directed action be a causal account, and can a causal theory of the nature and explanation of action accommodate human agency par excellence? His answers collectively provide a distinctive, detailed, comprehensive, causal theory of human agency.Less

Motivation and Agency

Alfred R. Mele

Published in print: 2003-02-13

What is motivation, and what is its place in the lives of intelligent agents? This is Mele's guiding question. His search for an answer is sensitive to the theoretical concerns of philosophers of mind and action and moral philosophers, and is informed by empirical work in psychology. Mele defends answers to a web of questions about motivation and human agency, including the following: Will an acceptable moral theory make warranted conceptual or metaphysical demands of Kantian or other kinds on a theory of human motivation? Where does the motivational power of practical reasoning lie? How are reasons for action related to motivation? What do motivational explanations of different kinds have in common? What room will an acceptable view of the connection between motivational strength and intentional action leave for self‐control? Will a proper account of motivated, goal‐directed action be a causal account, and can a causal theory of the nature and explanation of action accommodate human agency par excellence? His answers collectively provide a distinctive, detailed, comprehensive, causal theory of human agency.

The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their ...
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The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.Less

Were Traditional Labour Voters Disillusioned with New Labour?

Anthony F. HeathRoger M. JowellJohn K. Curtice

Published in print: 2001-04-05

The central hypothesis tested in this chapter is that Labour's traditional constituency in the working class did not respond with enthusiasm to New Labour's apparent lack of concern with their interests and may have shown some reluctance to turn out and vote for the party. The authors emphasize the smallness of the changes that occurred in the patterns of abstention and strength of partisanship in 1997, but nevertheless, they find some strong hints from the data presented in the chapter that New Labour's move to the centre was, albeit in a rather modest way, responsible for muted enthusiasm among the party's traditional supporters. The analysis also suggests that the changes were specific to Labour and were not part of a general trend towards civic disengagement or political cynicism. The authors discuss the short‐term and the long‐term electoral consequences of these changes—the loss of Labour votes that this muted enthusiasm entailed would have been more than compensated by the extra votes won from the new recruits to Labour in the middle classes. In the longer term, however, this could lead to increased apathy and disengagement among the disadvantaged sectors of society and to a gradual rise in class non‐voting.

The Euro‐zone represents the single most important step in European integration since 1957 and one of the boldest economic, monetary, and political projects in modern history. This book examines the ...
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The Euro‐zone represents the single most important step in European integration since 1957 and one of the boldest economic, monetary, and political projects in modern history. This book examines the main political questions raised by the birth of the Euro‐zone on 1 January 1999, and argues for a more informed analysis and assessment of its nature, operation, and prospects. How does it operate? What does it mean for European states and the strategies of their governments? What are its prospects for stability? What kinds of measures are needed to strengthen its capacity to withstand crises? The book stresses the central role of the European Central Bank (ECB) in the Euro‐zone, and explains the extent of the ECB's authority and power as an engine of European integration. An innovative aspect of the book is its application of a strength–strain model for assessing the Euro‐zone's stability. It concludes that such stability will be a function of three factors: first, how far its political culture proves to be influenced by the principles of Kant, rather than of Locke or Hobbes; second, the quality of its policy instruments for tackling liquidity as well as debt traps; third, the speed and efficiency of its mechanisms for bench‐marking, policy‐transfer, and lesson‐drawing.Less

The Politics of the Euro-Zone : Stability or Breakdown?

Kenneth Dyson

Published in print: 2000-09-28

The Euro‐zone represents the single most important step in European integration since 1957 and one of the boldest economic, monetary, and political projects in modern history. This book examines the main political questions raised by the birth of the Euro‐zone on 1 January 1999, and argues for a more informed analysis and assessment of its nature, operation, and prospects. How does it operate? What does it mean for European states and the strategies of their governments? What are its prospects for stability? What kinds of measures are needed to strengthen its capacity to withstand crises? The book stresses the central role of the European Central Bank (ECB) in the Euro‐zone, and explains the extent of the ECB's authority and power as an engine of European integration. An innovative aspect of the book is its application of a strength–strain model for assessing the Euro‐zone's stability. It concludes that such stability will be a function of three factors: first, how far its political culture proves to be influenced by the principles of Kant, rather than of Locke or Hobbes; second, the quality of its policy instruments for tackling liquidity as well as debt traps; third, the speed and efficiency of its mechanisms for bench‐marking, policy‐transfer, and lesson‐drawing.

The central claim of this work is that the diverse and fast-growing environmental justice movement in the United States embodies the newly emerging concepts and practices of critical pluralism, so ...
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The central claim of this work is that the diverse and fast-growing environmental justice movement in the United States embodies the newly emerging concepts and practices of critical pluralism, so this chapter turns to the environmental movement for examples of this in practice. Specifically, it looks at the new network structures and processes that have been adopted by grassroots environmental movements, which make connections, and create solidarity out of an understanding and respect for both differences and similarities, and work from a variety of places with a wide array of tactics. The chapter begins by exploring the value of difference (plurality) in the movement, and continues by examining the bases of the environmental justice movement in a number of pre-existing social and political networks, looking at how these networks link issues and establish alliances among diverse groups, how they form in order to deal with environmental issues of varying dimensions, and how they are structured organizationally. The author also examines some of the reasons why this form of organizing is a tactical strength, as it confronts (mirrors and maps) itself onto changing practices in capital movement and political oversight. Finally, in an initial attempt to evaluate the network form, some of the difficulties in, and criticisms of, networking as a social-movement strategy are explored.Less

The Politics of Networking in the Grassroots Environmental Justice Movement

David Schlosberg

Published in print: 2002-08-22

The central claim of this work is that the diverse and fast-growing environmental justice movement in the United States embodies the newly emerging concepts and practices of critical pluralism, so this chapter turns to the environmental movement for examples of this in practice. Specifically, it looks at the new network structures and processes that have been adopted by grassroots environmental movements, which make connections, and create solidarity out of an understanding and respect for both differences and similarities, and work from a variety of places with a wide array of tactics. The chapter begins by exploring the value of difference (plurality) in the movement, and continues by examining the bases of the environmental justice movement in a number of pre-existing social and political networks, looking at how these networks link issues and establish alliances among diverse groups, how they form in order to deal with environmental issues of varying dimensions, and how they are structured organizationally. The author also examines some of the reasons why this form of organizing is a tactical strength, as it confronts (mirrors and maps) itself onto changing practices in capital movement and political oversight. Finally, in an initial attempt to evaluate the network form, some of the difficulties in, and criticisms of, networking as a social-movement strategy are explored.

Chapter 6 and the corresponding Ch. 11 in Part Three of the book provide the layout of the Federalist argument that Congress had to possess an unlimited power to raise men and money from American ...
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Chapter 6 and the corresponding Ch. 11 in Part Three of the book provide the layout of the Federalist argument that Congress had to possess an unlimited power to raise men and money from American society without any intervention from the states. While the following chapter looks more closely at Antifederalist objections to the military clauses of the U S Constitution, here the concern is only with the proposals for amendments to the Constitution that Antifederalists suggested, or that Federalists suggested as concessions to Antifederalist objections; the purpose of the chapter is to address the question of why the Federalists refused to accept limits to the army clauses of the Constitution. When the first Congress presented the states with the proposal for what would become the Bill of Rights, this contained a guarantee against the disarmament of the people, as well as a specification of what was involved in Congress's power to govern state militias; it also contained a restriction on the right of the national government to quarter troops in private houses. The first ten amendments, however, made no attempt to restrict the right of the national government to raise an army, and not because of oversight, since neither James Madison, nor anyone else present at the first Congress, could have been unaware of the strong reservations that Antifederalists had expressed against the unlimited power to raise and maintain armies that the Constitution vested in Congress. This power was central to the national state that the Federalists attempted to form, and in the debate over ratification they made clear why no limits could be placed on Congress's power of military mobilization.Less

Independence, Commerce, and Military Strength

Max. M Edling

Published in print: 2003-10-09

Chapter 6 and the corresponding Ch. 11 in Part Three of the book provide the layout of the Federalist argument that Congress had to possess an unlimited power to raise men and money from American society without any intervention from the states. While the following chapter looks more closely at Antifederalist objections to the military clauses of the U S Constitution, here the concern is only with the proposals for amendments to the Constitution that Antifederalists suggested, or that Federalists suggested as concessions to Antifederalist objections; the purpose of the chapter is to address the question of why the Federalists refused to accept limits to the army clauses of the Constitution. When the first Congress presented the states with the proposal for what would become the Bill of Rights, this contained a guarantee against the disarmament of the people, as well as a specification of what was involved in Congress's power to govern state militias; it also contained a restriction on the right of the national government to quarter troops in private houses. The first ten amendments, however, made no attempt to restrict the right of the national government to raise an army, and not because of oversight, since neither James Madison, nor anyone else present at the first Congress, could have been unaware of the strong reservations that Antifederalists had expressed against the unlimited power to raise and maintain armies that the Constitution vested in Congress. This power was central to the national state that the Federalists attempted to form, and in the debate over ratification they made clear why no limits could be placed on Congress's power of military mobilization.

Chapter 7 and the corresponding Ch. 12 in Part Three of the book present the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, with this chapter looking ...
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Chapter 7 and the corresponding Ch. 12 in Part Three of the book present the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, with this chapter looking closely at Antifederalist objections to the military clauses of the US Constitution. The opponents of the Constitution never accepted the Federalist claim that the independence, liberty, and prosperity of the American republic depended on the creation and maintenance of a peace establishment consisting of regular troops, and did not believe that the union faced as serious threats as the Federalists claimed, keeping to the view that standing armies in time of peace were a threat to liberty. Both ancient and modern history had taught that “almost all” nations in Europe and Asia had lost their liberty because of the establishment of a standing army, so it hardly made sense for Americans to imitate them. To Antifederalists, it seemed that if the military clauses of the Constitution were adopted and the Federalists realized their plan to raise a standing army, the people of America would soon find that the Constitution's supporters would make use of it on the domestic rather than the international scene. The Antifederalist criticism of the army clauses therefore said little about commercial treaties and the importance of military strength in international relations; instead, they approached the issue from the traditional British Country perspective, claiming that standing armies in time of peace posed a threat to liberty, that transfer of military power from the states to Congress threatened both the state militia and the state assemblies, and that a standing army would make it possible for the national government to deprive people of their property without their consent by levying and collecting arbitrary taxes – in other words, a standing army in a time of peace was to the Antifederalists an objection to the centralization of power at the expense of the people's ability to withhold consent through their control of strong local institutions.Less

A Government of Force

Max. M Edling

Published in print: 2003-10-09

Chapter 7 and the corresponding Ch. 12 in Part Three of the book present the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, with this chapter looking closely at Antifederalist objections to the military clauses of the US Constitution. The opponents of the Constitution never accepted the Federalist claim that the independence, liberty, and prosperity of the American republic depended on the creation and maintenance of a peace establishment consisting of regular troops, and did not believe that the union faced as serious threats as the Federalists claimed, keeping to the view that standing armies in time of peace were a threat to liberty. Both ancient and modern history had taught that “almost all” nations in Europe and Asia had lost their liberty because of the establishment of a standing army, so it hardly made sense for Americans to imitate them. To Antifederalists, it seemed that if the military clauses of the Constitution were adopted and the Federalists realized their plan to raise a standing army, the people of America would soon find that the Constitution's supporters would make use of it on the domestic rather than the international scene. The Antifederalist criticism of the army clauses therefore said little about commercial treaties and the importance of military strength in international relations; instead, they approached the issue from the traditional British Country perspective, claiming that standing armies in time of peace posed a threat to liberty, that transfer of military power from the states to Congress threatened both the state militia and the state assemblies, and that a standing army would make it possible for the national government to deprive people of their property without their consent by levying and collecting arbitrary taxes – in other words, a standing army in a time of peace was to the Antifederalists an objection to the centralization of power at the expense of the people's ability to withhold consent through their control of strong local institutions.

Chapter 8 and the corresponding Ch. 13 in Part Three of the book show how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, ...
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Chapter 8 and the corresponding Ch. 13 in Part Three of the book show how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was proper to American conditions. In their defense of the military clauses of the US Constitution, the Federalists argued for the need to maintain a peace establishment of regulars, also arguing that the national government had to possess an unrestricted power over mobilization; in Federalist minds, both military professionalism and the unlimited power over mobilization were necessary to preserve the independence, liberties, and interests of the American nation. The Antifederalists, by contrast, raised objections to the right of Congress to create and maintain a standing army in time of peace, and were also concerned about the unrestricted nature of Congress's military powers. Their objections can be subsumed under three headings: first, they believed that the new system of government would change the administration of the laws from an administration based on the consent of the governed to an administration based on coercion or the threat of force; second, they believed that the national government would create a large army while neglecting the state militia, so that as a consequence, the national government would become independent of the people and be able to establish tyrannical rule; and third, the critics of the Constitution believed that Congress had been granted too much power to interfere in the private lives of the citizens through its command over the militia. In the debate over ratification, the Federalists answered these objections, and in doing so, they argued that it was possible to create a strong state without abandoning traditional Anglo‐American ideals about free government; their answers are the subject of this chapter.Less

Government by Consent

Max. M Edling

Published in print: 2003-10-09

Chapter 8 and the corresponding Ch. 13 in Part Three of the book show how the Federalists responded to the Antifederalist objections to a stronger national government in the “fiscal‐military” sphere, thereby creating an understanding of the kind of state that was proper to American conditions. In their defense of the military clauses of the US Constitution, the Federalists argued for the need to maintain a peace establishment of regulars, also arguing that the national government had to possess an unrestricted power over mobilization; in Federalist minds, both military professionalism and the unlimited power over mobilization were necessary to preserve the independence, liberties, and interests of the American nation. The Antifederalists, by contrast, raised objections to the right of Congress to create and maintain a standing army in time of peace, and were also concerned about the unrestricted nature of Congress's military powers. Their objections can be subsumed under three headings: first, they believed that the new system of government would change the administration of the laws from an administration based on the consent of the governed to an administration based on coercion or the threat of force; second, they believed that the national government would create a large army while neglecting the state militia, so that as a consequence, the national government would become independent of the people and be able to establish tyrannical rule; and third, the critics of the Constitution believed that Congress had been granted too much power to interfere in the private lives of the citizens through its command over the militia. In the debate over ratification, the Federalists answered these objections, and in doing so, they argued that it was possible to create a strong state without abandoning traditional Anglo‐American ideals about free government; their answers are the subject of this chapter.

This chapter aims to identify the critical variables conditioning the vulnerability of the Euro‐zone to systemic breakdown. It outlines a strength–strain model of stability, which points to an ...
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This chapter aims to identify the critical variables conditioning the vulnerability of the Euro‐zone to systemic breakdown. It outlines a strength–strain model of stability, which points to an apparent paradox in the Euro‐zone. Underlying the model is a conception of the operation of the Euro‐zone as being neither wholly deterministic nor wholly chaotic, but as exhibiting a fundamental order subject to random influences. The subtlety and complexity of causes and the potential for instability is far more difficult than many analysts, whether pro‐ or anti‐EMU, are prepared to allow. It is this element of randomness that calls for resort to a strength–strain model, which explicitly sets out to classify the variables conducive to stability and instability—in particular, those relating to historical memories, the professional ideologies of central bankers, and the culture of capitalism.Less

The Prospects for a Stable Euro‐Zone: A Strength–Strain Model

Kenneth Dyson

Published in print: 2000-09-28

This chapter aims to identify the critical variables conditioning the vulnerability of the Euro‐zone to systemic breakdown. It outlines a strength–strain model of stability, which points to an apparent paradox in the Euro‐zone. Underlying the model is a conception of the operation of the Euro‐zone as being neither wholly deterministic nor wholly chaotic, but as exhibiting a fundamental order subject to random influences. The subtlety and complexity of causes and the potential for instability is far more difficult than many analysts, whether pro‐ or anti‐EMU, are prepared to allow. It is this element of randomness that calls for resort to a strength–strain model, which explicitly sets out to classify the variables conducive to stability and instability—in particular, those relating to historical memories, the professional ideologies of central bankers, and the culture of capitalism.

Argues that although many Third World countries have experienced democratic openings, a large part of them are stuck in the initial phases of a democratic transition. International actors have ...
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Argues that although many Third World countries have experienced democratic openings, a large part of them are stuck in the initial phases of a democratic transition. International actors have contributed to this outcome in the following ways: (1) failing to appreciate the role of nationalism and political community; (2) overemphasizing economic and political liberalism; (3) supporting elite‐dominated democracies. It explores the connection between democratization and state strength, citing examples of transitions in Africa.Less

The Impasse of Third World Democratization: Africa Revisited

Georg Sørensen

Published in print: 2000-08-31

Argues that although many Third World countries have experienced democratic openings, a large part of them are stuck in the initial phases of a democratic transition. International actors have contributed to this outcome in the following ways: (1) failing to appreciate the role of nationalism and political community; (2) overemphasizing economic and political liberalism; (3) supporting elite‐dominated democracies. It explores the connection between democratization and state strength, citing examples of transitions in Africa.

Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New ...
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Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 Sept 2001. The further tensions that have arisen since then over the Afghanistan and Iraq wars are discussed, as is the crisis over North Korea and the huge expansion in NATO and in the EU through the entry of Eastern European countries. The author presents speculations on the future of the American–Western European relationship, and forecasts an even further drift apart. This he bases on eight primary reasons, which he discusses in detail. These are: the Cold War is over; unilateralism is growing stronger in the US; the EU is slowly but steadily taking on an ever stronger role; out‐of‐area disputes are becoming increasingly frequent and they have been notoriously difficult to handle for the two sides of the Atlantic; redefinitions of leadership and burdens are always difficult to do; economic disputes are proliferating; even cultural disputes are becoming increasingly numerous; and finally, demographic changes are taking place, particularly on the American side of the Atlantic, that in the long run are likely to challenge the existing relationship.Less

Transatlantic Drift: The Present and the Future

Geir Lundestad

Published in print: 2003-09-04

Discusses the transatlantic drift (or split) that has occurred between the US and Western Europe since the election of George W. Bush in December 2000, and the attack on the World Trade Centre in New York on 11 Sept 2001. The further tensions that have arisen since then over the Afghanistan and Iraq wars are discussed, as is the crisis over North Korea and the huge expansion in NATO and in the EU through the entry of Eastern European countries. The author presents speculations on the future of the American–Western European relationship, and forecasts an even further drift apart. This he bases on eight primary reasons, which he discusses in detail. These are: the Cold War is over; unilateralism is growing stronger in the US; the EU is slowly but steadily taking on an ever stronger role; out‐of‐area disputes are becoming increasingly frequent and they have been notoriously difficult to handle for the two sides of the Atlantic; redefinitions of leadership and burdens are always difficult to do; economic disputes are proliferating; even cultural disputes are becoming increasingly numerous; and finally, demographic changes are taking place, particularly on the American side of the Atlantic, that in the long run are likely to challenge the existing relationship.

Returns to the general question of what sort of science public management is or can be and how cultural theory can contribute to that science. Concludes by taking stock of the cultural‐theory ...
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Returns to the general question of what sort of science public management is or can be and how cultural theory can contribute to that science. Concludes by taking stock of the cultural‐theory approach as a framework for analysing public management, surveying its strengths and weaknesses. It does not claim there are no problems with the approach—on the contrary, there are major gaps and ambiguities and some of the underlying logic needs attention, but in spite of such weaknesses, the claim is that a cultural‐theory framework has much to contribute to a way of thinking about the art of the state that is neither sham science nor mere craft. To assess the cultural‐theory approach, this concluding chapter discusses three sorts of objections to the cultural‐theory framework as a way of analysing public management. One possible line of criticism might be called the ‘nursery toys’ objection—the claim that cultural theory is too simple for sophisticated analysis and is therefore better suited for the elementary stages of understanding than for advanced or professional analysis; a second possible line of criticism might be called the ‘soft science’ objection—the claim that, whatever its level of sophistication or applicability to management, the theory is, even on its own terms, limited, ambiguous, and perhaps even unfalsifiable; a third line of criticism might be called the ‘wrong tool’ objection—i.e. the claim that cultural theory, however sophisticated, cannot be an adequate basis for a theory of management, because ultimately it has little to say about the central what‐to‐do questions of organization that management and managers need to be concerned with—and by this view, it is the wrong tool for the job.Less

Taking Stock: The State of the Art of the State

Christopher Hood

Published in print: 2000-02-03

Returns to the general question of what sort of science public management is or can be and how cultural theory can contribute to that science. Concludes by taking stock of the cultural‐theory approach as a framework for analysing public management, surveying its strengths and weaknesses. It does not claim there are no problems with the approach—on the contrary, there are major gaps and ambiguities and some of the underlying logic needs attention, but in spite of such weaknesses, the claim is that a cultural‐theory framework has much to contribute to a way of thinking about the art of the state that is neither sham science nor mere craft. To assess the cultural‐theory approach, this concluding chapter discusses three sorts of objections to the cultural‐theory framework as a way of analysing public management. One possible line of criticism might be called the ‘nursery toys’ objection—the claim that cultural theory is too simple for sophisticated analysis and is therefore better suited for the elementary stages of understanding than for advanced or professional analysis; a second possible line of criticism might be called the ‘soft science’ objection—the claim that, whatever its level of sophistication or applicability to management, the theory is, even on its own terms, limited, ambiguous, and perhaps even unfalsifiable; a third line of criticism might be called the ‘wrong tool’ objection—i.e. the claim that cultural theory, however sophisticated, cannot be an adequate basis for a theory of management, because ultimately it has little to say about the central what‐to‐do questions of organization that management and managers need to be concerned with—and by this view, it is the wrong tool for the job.