IV

The Political Parties and the Forthcoming
Elections in St. Petersburg

Itis clear now that there will be three main lists at the elections: the
Black-Hundred list, the Cadet list, and the Social-Democratic list.

Thefirst will be supported by the Octobrists; the second, probably, by the
Mensheviks and the Popular Socialists; the third, perhaps, by the Trudoviks and
the Socialist-Revolutionaries, although it is quite possible that these
vacillating parties, which have not given a definite answer, so far, will also follow
the Cadets (partly owing to the split among the Social-Democrats).

Isthere a Black-Hundred danger in St. Petersburg, i.e., a danger of the Black
Hundreds winning the elections? The Mensheviks, who are now going over from the
socialists to the Cadets, say that there is.

Theyare telling a downright lie.

Evenin the Cadet Rech, that cautious, diplomatic
news paper,
which protects the interests of the liberals in every detail, even in
Rech we read in an article by Mr. Vergezhsky that at the election
meetings the Octobrists are entirely in the background and that the voters are
wavering between the Cadets and the socialists.

Allthe information we get about the election meetings and about the impression
created by the Lidval case,[2]
the trial of the murderers of Herzenstein,[3]
the exposures of Black-Hundred outrages, etc.,
clearly shows that the Right parties enjoy no respect among the voters.

Thosewho still talk about a Black-Hundred danger in the elections are deceiving
themselves and deceiving the masses of the workers. It is now obvious that the
cry about the Black-Hundred danger is a Cadet attempt to gain the support of the
ignorant masses.

TheBlack-Hundred danger does not lie in a Black-Hundred vote, but in the
possibility that the government will resort to violence, in the possible arrest
of electors, etc. The remedy for this danger is not agreements with the
Cadets,
but the development of the revolutionary consciousness and the
revolutionary determination of the masses. And it is the Cadets who more than
anyone else are hindering the development of this consciousness and this
determination.

Thereally important fight in St. Petersburg is that between the Cadets and the
Social-Democrats. The Trudovik parties have proved their weakness by following
the most moderate and semi-Cadet “Popular Socialist Party”, and also
by the fact that they are not displaying any independence or firmness at all.

Ifthe Mensheviks had not betrayed the socialists on the eve of the elections,
there is no doubt that the Trudoviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries would
have accepted our terms. There is no doubt that the balk of
the voters, who in St. Petersburg, as everywhere, are poor people, would have
followed the socialists and the Trudoviks, not the Cadets. The elections in
St. Petersburg would then have had the significance of a major battle, which
would clearly and definitely have put before the whole of Russia the
fundamental questions of the future of the Russian
revolution.[1]

Thetreachery of the Mensheviks makes our election campaign more difficult, but
this increases the importance in principle of an independent
Social-Democratic campaign. The proletariat does not have, and cannot have,
any other means of combating the vacillation of the petty bourgeoisie than that
of developing the class-consciousness and solidarity of the masses, of training
them through experience of political development.

Whilethe Trudoviks are wavering and the Mensheviks are haggling, we must throw
all our energies into independent
agitation. Let everyone know that the Social-Democrats are putting forward
their own list without fail, under all circumstances. And let all the poor
sections of voters know that the choice before them is between the Cadets
and the socialists.

Thevoters must ponder over this choice. At all events, this reflection will
help very much to develop the political consciousness of the masses,
which is of far greater importance than obtaining a seat for X or Y from the
Cadets. If the masses of the urban poor are taken in once more by the promises
of the Cadets, if they are carried away once more by the clamour of liberal
phrase-mongering and liberal promises of “peaceful” progress and
“peaceful” legislation by Gurko, and Kutler and
Milyukov—events will soon shatter their last illusions.

Therevolutionary Social-Democrats must tell the masses the whole truth and
unswervingly pursue their own path. All those who cherish the real gains
achieved in the Russian revolution by proletarian struggle, all who possess the
instinct of those who work and are exploited, will follow the party of the
proletariat. And the correctness of this party’s views will become clearer and
clearer to the masses with every new stage in the development of the Russian
revolution.

Notes

[1]
An interesting event in this connection was the meeting of voters held
in Kolomna the other day. The “Trudovik” Vodovozov (who, apparently,
became a Trudovik only for the purpose of harnessing the Trudoviks to the
Cadets) proposed and secured the adoption of a resolution in favour of
giving the Cadets two seats out of six in a general bloc of Left
parties. What simplicity! Before one can offer the smaller share of seats,
one must win first, Mr. Vodovozov, and not trail behind the
Cadets! But even such a meeting, with such a “chorus
leader”, showed by the way it voted that the masses are inclined more to
the Left than the Cadets. We are obliged to put before these masses the
alternative: either for the liberal bourgeoisie, or for the revolutionary
proletariat.—Lenin

[2]Lidval case—the case of B. Lidval, big
businessman and speculator, and V. I. Gurko—Deputy Minister of the
Interior. With Gurko’s assistance Lidval made a deal with the government to
supply during October-December 1900, 10,000,000 poods of rye to the
famine-stricken provinces of Russia. Lidval received a large sum of
government funds from Gurko as advance payment but by mid-December 1906 had
brought up to the railways less than one-tenth of the total amount of
grain. The discovery of the embezzlement of government funds and
speculation on the famine became common knowledge and the government was
forced to bring the matter to the courts. But the case never came to trial
and the only result for Gurko was that he was removed from his
post. Lidval case helped to expose the anti-popular policy of the
tsarist government, and to bring about the failure of the Right-wing
parties in the elections to the Second State Duma.

[3]
Lenin is referring to the tsarist government’s farcical
trial of the murderers of M. Y. Herzenstein, a Cadet member of the First State
Duma (killed by Black-Hundred agents in Finland on July 18 (31), 1906). In spite
of the fact that wide circles of the public knew who were responsible for the
murder, the tsarist government did every thing to prevent the murderers from
being convicted. The investigation was deliberately dragged out, the trial was
several times postponed and finally, on April 3 (16), 1907, the case was
dropped.