Poland's contribution to the European parliament might turn out to be a source of stability during the coming years. While British voters appear to have used the elections to convey messages to the three main parties, Poles chose to confirm their support for the ruling party and to distance themselves from extremist groups.

Polish voters seemed to want to make good use of their presence in the European parliament to defend Polish interests and to improve Poland's standing. This has been confirmed by preliminary suggestions that the four parties that will be represented may co-operate rather than ally themselves with their European counterparts. This unity may serve the Poles well – they are increasingly hopeful that Poland's ex-prime minister Jerzy Buzek will succeed as leader of the European parliament.

To win the support of the centre-right grouping, Buzek has to defeat Mario Mauro, whose candidacy is supported by the Italian prime minister, Silvio Berlusconi. The brashness and forcefulness of the Mauro-Berlusconi campaign has alienated many European deputies. It may well turn out that the much-respected Buzek – and the general perception that Poles have shown themselves reluctant to support marginal and nationalist groupings – will swing the vote in his favour. To Poles such a victory would be a confirmation of Poland's standing in Europe and a return to European politics. Poland's earlier co-operation with President Bush had alienated both the French and the Germans. A time has come to put that into the past.

The 2004 elections to the European parliament resulted in a motley crowd of populists and nationalists representing Poland. Ten members of the Catholic League of Polish Families and six deputies from the Samoobrona peasant movement went to Brussels determined to challenge the assembly and to demand that it should espouse Christian values. The spectacle of Poles demanding a Catholic chapel and haranguing the deputies by claiming they were controlled by homosexuals did little to dispel the negative stereotype of a state still dominated by extreme ideas. It is therefore surprising that during the present elections, at a time of increasing economic insecurity, Poles appear to have decided to support the ruling party by confirming its major role in the European parliament. Platforma Obywatelska secured 44% of votes, and the opposition Prawo i Sprawiedliwość 27%. Surprisingly, the leftwing vote, which has decreased dramatically in other European countries, remained stable at 12%. The fourth of the Polish parties that will send representative to Brussels is the Peasant Alliance.

One of the intriguing questions generated by the elections is why Poles have lost their appetite for parties based on Christian and nationalist principles. Neither Samoobrona nor LRP will be sending their representatives to Brussels. Nothing could save the anti-European Libertas party from an ignominious defeat. Funded by the Irishman Declan Ganley and endorsed by Lech Wałęsa, the party secured less than 1% of the vote. Moreover, in a country where personalities still play an important role in politics, the results were surprising. Marian Krzaklewski, a Solidarity firebrand from the past, failed to secure a seat.

The picture generated by the results of the elections is not only that of a stable political system, but also that of a mature electorate – one that has rejected wild promises and unrealistic hopes in favour of parties that assured their respective electorates that they will endeavour to secure for Poland the best conditions possible while working on maintaining economic stability at home.