Just West Yorkshirehttp://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk
Promoting racial justice, civil liberties and human rightsFri, 24 Jul 2015 15:03:05 +0000en-UShourly1http://wordpress.org/?v=4.1.2JUST West Yorkshire Racial Justice Bulletin – 23 July 2015http://us4.campaign-archive1.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=1b354d32b4&e=befd9ff8b1
http://us4.campaign-archive1.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=1b354d32b4&e=befd9ff8b1#commentsThu, 23 Jul 2015 18:30:10 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3186The post JUST West Yorkshire Racial Justice Bulletin – 23 July 2015 appeared first on Just West Yorkshire.
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]]>http://us4.campaign-archive1.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=1b354d32b4&e=befd9ff8b1/feed/0Tackling Extremism in Britain: Challenging Cameron’s Ideashttp://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/tackling-extremism-in-britain-challenging-camerons-ideas/
http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/tackling-extremism-in-britain-challenging-camerons-ideas/#commentsThu, 23 Jul 2015 18:23:50 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3179Following a keynote speech by David Cameron, on the government’s response to the extremist and terrorist threat, Dr. Joshua Skoczylis, Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Lincoln, argues that […]

Following a keynote speech by David Cameron, on the government’s response to the extremist and terrorist threat, Dr. Joshua Skoczylis, Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Lincoln, argues that the PM has failed to address the conditions and context that lead individuals and groups to support such ideologies.

Many will not be surprised by Cameron’s remarks on extremism and terrorism. Indeed, the rhetoric used was predictable as he further outlined the Conservative Government’s responses to non-violent and violent extremism and terrorism. No longer held down by the shackles of their late coalition partners, the Conservative government believes it can finally ‘confront and defeat this poison.’ Although, different forms of extremism are mentioned throughout, his message focuses on jihadi extremism and all other forms of extremism that undermine the Conservative’s ideology of neoliberalism, which are embodied by the ambiguous notion of British values. His message however, is flawed for two reasons (1) there is a denial about the real root causes of extremism; (2) Cameron’s solution is based on surveillance and intimidation of those who oppose British values, while failing to take the radical steps needed to tackle extremism.Cameron challenges the notion that extremism is a response to social injustice, inequality and other real and perceived grievances. In his short sighted and significantly flawed historical account of Western interventions abroad he completely ignores the negative influence colonialism and globalization have had on many developed nations around world, and indeed British communities. Rather, neoliberal market reforms that have pushed millions into poverty are seen as desirable, as ‘social good’. Cameron, of course, denies the link between neoliberalism and extremism. Many extremist ideologies are being shaped by anti-neoliberal ideas and are on the rise in Europe and across the globe. Yet, Cameron denies that UK government policy, including the Iraq war, had anything to do with the rise of jihadi extremism in the UK and abroad. There is ample evidence to suggest otherwise. Isis rise is, for example, a direct failure and rejection of the neoliberal experiment imposed on the Iraqis by the US and the UK. Putting mountains of evidence aside, Cameron still insists that it is extremist ideologies, which are to blame and not conditions and context that led individuals and groups to support such ideologies.The reasons for someone searching out such ideologies are varied and usually include real and perceived grievances, which are often linked to perceptions of social injustice, inequality and an affiliation with the victim whether they be an individual, group, community, nation or identity. Extremism ideologies facilitate expressions of discontent rather than being the cause of it. This difference is significant, as tackling the expression will only lead to more extreme positions on both sides. Cameron’s response assumes that there is a linear connection between extremism and violence; hence the government must crack down on all forms of extremism that challenge the status quo. Interestingly, the evidence suggests that most people will go through a phase of supporting some sort of extremist ideology in their life time. Only a very tiny minority will ever engage in activism, resulting in peaceful protest or civil disobedience rather than violence. There is certainly no linear relationship between radicalism and violence. When it comes to Islamism, however, this relationship is presented as fact – hence it must be supressed, unless of course they conform to ambiguous British values.However, there is nothing British about these values. Rather, they are universal values, which were used as early as the 18th century by French revolutionaries. Giving them the prefix ‘British’ leads to division within society. Those considered British, and those perceived as subversive. Being a devout Muslim may mean you fall foul of the high bar set. This debate feeds into and legitimates anti-immigration rhetoric. Doings so pushes the blame on to the other, which are usually ethnic groups and migrants, while we remain blameless as extremism is cast as a ‘foreign import’. This sort of rhetoric is another cover for the ‘us versus them’ agenda: you are either with us or against us – you cannot be both. As Hobsbawm noted, we all have multiple identities; you can be Scottish and British, and European, you can be a father and friend. Multiple identities can be complementary and not necessarily opposites. Yet, this does not seem to apply to immigrants and Muslims, who are coerced into forsaking their identities having to espouse British values, which most already do anyway. On the one hand, Cameron argues that ‘we respect different faiths’ but then emphasises that this is conditional on them supporting ‘the British way of life.’ This assumes that there is one British way of life. Believes and lifestyles in Britain are diverse and vary significantly from community to community, from region to region, and will also differ dramatically depending on our religious and political ideologies.Cameron’s solution is to crack down on those who oppose British values. Cameron’s strategy is built around surveillance and restricting the rights of those who are perceived to oppose the status quo. The rights of the few are trampled upon for the security of the many. Cameron assumes that restricting the rights of the few will actually enhance security. But what it will do is the exact opposite, as marginalised groups are driven towards extremist ideologies rather than away from them. This is the case not only in Muslim communities, but also for other groups who feel they have been left behind by globalisation. Current Conservative government policy towards the young will create exactly the type of spaces this extremism strategy is hoping to tackle. Young people are being sold the ‘American Dream’ while removing the opportunities for the young to achieve this. Such policies will create fertile breading grounds for all forms of extremism, sowing the path towards future civil unrest.

In their attempts to stem extremism, this government will draw on an ever-increasing net of agencies, private and voluntary organizations, and individuals to share information under the banner of ‘safeguarding’. In some ways, it is moving down a very authoritarian pathway using methods very similar to those used in Eastern Germany. There will be little real engagement with the root causes, rather individuals will be coerced to adopt British values or find themselves treated as extremists and/or terrorists. Real debate will be absent and there will be little effort in tackling the social and economic conditions that may lead people down the route of extremism. Proposed legislation will provide the police and security with evermore powers, and the police will lock up ever more individuals for minor thought crimes, which have caused little or no harm. But what happens when they are released? The seed of extremism has been planted; the scene has been set and extremism will flourish not because of extremism ideology but because consecutive governments have failed to address the root cause of extremism here and abroad.

]]>http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/tackling-extremism-in-britain-challenging-camerons-ideas/feed/0Progress of Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse in the Family Environmenthttp://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/progress-inquiry-child-sexual-abuse-family-environment/
http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/progress-inquiry-child-sexual-abuse-family-environment/#commentsThu, 23 Jul 2015 18:22:36 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3176Following a partnership initiative between JUST and the Office of the Children’s Commissioner in June this year, Sandra Gulyatri, Senior Research Advisor, writes exclusively on the progress of the Inquiry […]

]]>Following a partnership initiative between JUST and the Office of the Children’s Commissioner in June this year, Sandra Gulyatri, Senior Research Advisor, writes exclusively on the progress of the Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse in the Family Environment.

In November 2013, the Children’s Commissioner completed an Inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation by Gangs and Groups. In almost 100% of evidence submissions to this Inquiry, we heard of victims of child sexual exploitation who had been sexually abused in the family environment. As a result, the Children’s Commissioner launched a two-year Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse in the Family Environment (CSAFE) in July 2014. This followed publication of “It’s a lonely journey” A rapid evidence assessment on Intrafamilial child sexual abuse, a research report we commissioned from Middlesex University, which identified gaps in knowledge about the prevalence, effects of and how best to address CSAFE.For the purposes of the Inquiry, CSAFE is defined as child sexual abuse perpetrated or facilitated in or out of the home, against a child under the age of 18, by a family member or someone linked to the family. Early and Forced Child Marriage is included within the scope of the Inquiry because sexual abuse in the family environment follows forced marriage. In its first year, the Inquiry is shining a light on the scale and nature of CSAFE in England. We are gathering data and evidence in a number of ways:

We have used our rights under the Children Act 2004 to request data from police forces, including details of all individual cases of CSAFE known to them over the previous two financial years. We are matching them with individual cases known to local authorities obtained from the Department for Education and data from the NSPCC’s ChildLine, which will enable us to accurately assess police and local authority responses.

We have ‘called for evidence’ from all voluntary sector agencies, children and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) and other agencies working in this area. This evidence will improve understanding of the scale and nature of CSAFE, particularly within ethnic minority communities, religious groups and marginalised groups who might be under-represented in data from the statutory sector.

Members of the Inquiry panel have been on a series of visits to local authorities to develop an understanding of frontline issues relating to the identification of CSAFE and multi-agency working.

We have commissioned the University of Bedfordshire and NSPCC to undertake a large-scale qualitative study on children and young people’s experiences of CSAFE and getting help.

Many victims of CSAFE will not be identified by statutory or voluntary services so we are gathering evidence directly from victims and survivors of CSAFE, in order to improve understanding of it. A carefully constructed, anonymous, online ‘survivor survey’ was launched on 20 May to gather evidence for the Inquiry from adult survivors on individual experiences of abuse, recognition and getting help, and the wider impact of abuse.

We have conducted focus groups with specialist organisations working with minority groups to hear about the experiences of children and young people from minority groups, in order to improve our understanding of their needs.

]]>http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/progress-inquiry-child-sexual-abuse-family-environment/feed/0JUST West Yorkshire Racial Justice Bulletin – 16 July 2015http://us4.campaign-archive2.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=833f557ce8&e=befd9ff8b1
http://us4.campaign-archive2.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=833f557ce8&e=befd9ff8b1#commentsFri, 17 Jul 2015 00:31:14 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3173The post JUST West Yorkshire Racial Justice Bulletin – 16 July 2015 appeared first on Just West Yorkshire.
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]]>http://us4.campaign-archive2.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=833f557ce8&e=befd9ff8b1/feed/0The Human Rights Act: Where Are We Now?http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/the-human-rights-act-where-are-we-now/
http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/the-human-rights-act-where-are-we-now/#commentsThu, 16 Jul 2015 23:10:07 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3167The British Institute of Human Rights (BIHR) assesses the current climate around the protection of our civil liberties, emphasising the historically crucial role the Human Rights Act has played in […]

]]>The British Institute of Human Rights (BIHR) assesses the current climate around the protection of our civil liberties, emphasising the historically crucial role the Human Rights Act has played in the protection of such freedoms. BIHR outlines the implications of the replacement of the Human Rights Act with a British Bill of Rights.

It has now been over a month since the Queen’s Speech and people are still concerned about what government proposals mean for the protection of human rights here at home. The new Government has made clear commitments to fundamentally change the legal protection of our human rights. Ministers in government have recently made it clear that they intend to push forward with ‘restoring common sense to human rights’.

Here at BIHR, we are clear that human rights are not about party politics. We are concerned with making sure that people are clear on what human rights are and how they work, yet these basic but crucial details are often overlooked in current debates. Yet clarity about both shines a real spotlight on why current debates about changing the law should be approached with caution.

What are the “human rights” we’re talking about?

Our Human Rights Act makes universal human rights law here at home, by “bringing home” the 16 freedoms we helped draft in the European Convention on Human Right after World War II. Back then, the world community had witnessed what happened when governments get to pick and choose who has rights. Universal human rights, agreed the world over, draw a line which says never again will any government have the power to say who counts and who doesn’t. This means human rights are not a privilege or within the gift of governments; they are the basic minimums every person should have, and which governments are responsible for upholding.

The Human Rights Act: what and how?

The Human Rights Act is the law, which protects people in the UK against the Government and public officials when they over step the mark. This could be helping victims of sexual violence get justice for failures in police investigations, protecting older people, or stopping drastic cuts to care packages for disabled people. Whilst many people will never need to rely on the HRA it is there working in the background, making sure power is exercised fairly and respectfully.

What changes might we expect?

There are many facets to a ‘British Bill of Rights’. A Bill of Rights is about setting down the basic rights people have and the duties of their government to respect these…sound familiar? This is what the Human Rights Act does. The idea of “British” rights takes us away from universal human rights, the rights we expect other countries to uphold. It takes us into the territory of what rights the Government wants to grant, which is made all the clearer by proposals to restrict rights depending on criteria set down by Government.

The language being used in the debate to ‘scrap’ the Human Rights Act mirrors the direction of travel – a negative one. There have also been threats to withdraw from the European Court of Human Rights. A basic tenant of ensuring justice is a court to make sure people have access to independent judges to hear their cases. Given that human rights place limits on power, it’s hardly surprising that the Court will throw up decisions that governments don’t like – the judgements are against them. But that is what it means to live in a democracy, where no one is above the law, including those with power.

What will happen?

There has been much discussion about what format a British Bill of Rights will take and what rights it will contain. This detail will obviously be important, when it emerges, but those of us who value universal human rights must not get so caught up in the technicalities that we are (inadvertently) co-opted into the cause for getting rid of our protections.

Ultimately, universal human rights are challenging. Universal means everyone, and that includes people who are liked and not liked. That’s why human rights are not simply about being nice, or treating people how you’d like to be treated, and we need to be honest about that. Human rights are about more; they are the cornerstone of a democratic and fair society, a safety-net for us all, a rule book for our Government. Moves that take the UK away from these universal standards, the ones we tell other countries they must obey, risks what protects us all.

There is much work to be done to make sure that universal human rights are protected and respected here in the UK. BIHR’s mission is to bring human rights to life here at home by empowering people to know what human rights are and speaking up will be vital. Now is the time to stand Together for Human Rights. You can sign up to join here: www.bihr.org.uk/together.

]]>http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/the-human-rights-act-where-are-we-now/feed/0Race Equality: Time For A Radical New Approach?http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/race-equality-time-for-a-radical-new-approach/
http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/race-equality-time-for-a-radical-new-approach/#commentsThu, 16 Jul 2015 23:08:11 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3165Brap makes a clear distinction between the strategies borne out of the pressure felt by institutions to deliver on race and diversity quotas and iniatives adopted that genuinely have the […]

]]>Brap makes a clear distinction between the strategies borne out of the pressure felt by institutions to deliver on race and diversity quotas and iniatives adopted that genuinely have the potential to create long-lasting, real change. Brap’s use of clear and evidenced statistics trumps any claim that we live in a post-racial society.

The Chancellor has generated a lot of positive headlines in the last week with his pledge to introduce a ‘Living Wage’. What has gained a lot less attention is how low pay is distributed amongst different ethnic groups. Recent research by the University of Manchester, for example, shows that about one in six Bangladeshi workers is paid less than the minimum wage. In joint second place are Chinese and Pakistani workers, of whom one in ten are paid below the minimum (for comparison, 3% of White workers are in this position).

The reasons for this are obviously complex and relate to a number of factors, such as the sectors in which Black and minority ethnic (BME) people work. However, the figures are a stark reminder that whenever conditions improve or whenever progressive changes are made, there are some groups who typically feel the benefits less than others.

For example, despite welcome improvements in the employment rate, non-White people are still twice as likely to be unemployed than White people. Despite satisfaction rates with the NHS improving, BME people are still less likely to be treated with dignity and respect when they go to hospital. And despite falls in most types of crime, over 100 race hate crimes take place on the streets of England and Wales every day.

A number of Fairness Commissions have been set up across the country to explore this issue and understand why inequality still persists. As powerful as their findings have been, many have ignored the nuts and bolts of how local authorities have gone about promoting equality – the training they provide, for example, or the action plans they put in place.

We thought this was a serious gap because it’s difficult to understand why inequality persists in particular communities without understanding the strategies public bodies have used to tackle the situation. As such, we recently looked at how one Council has approached equality down the years. There are lots of potential lessons here for Councils up and down the county. Based on what we found, here are the top three things you need to know:

First, public bodies’ responses to equality and cohesion issues have usually been responsive rather than the proactive. The classic example is the formulation of community cohesion as a model of community relations after the riots in Bradford, Oldham, and Burnley in 2001. A whole series of programmes were funded and delivered as a response to specific problems that affected particular communities at the turn of the century. Rather than anticipating problems, rather than trying to shape our collective futures, public bodies have usually found themselves playing catch-up, desperately trying to devise activities that respond to new legislation, or an influx of migrants, or riots.

Second, these actions have remained remarkably similar down the decades. Reviewing council equality policies from the 1980s, we found six key activities that have formed the cornerstone of such strategies up until the present day. These include things like training, creating new policies, and monitoring service outcomes. We don’t want to suggest nothing has changed – there is a new and welcome emphasis on changing leadership and organisational culture, for example. But the fact remains that we tend to fall back on a handful of actions that have delivered only limited progress down the years.

The third and final point relates to the approaches we can take instead. Our approach to equality needs to allow for greater buy-in from local communities. What we need is a new contract between people and the organisations that serve them – one that is underpinned by people’s fundamental concerns and based on the rights they have as citizens. Crucially, this will require a conversation about the common (and different) needs and concerns we all have, regardless of our background or community. A shared list of entitlements would provide a strong shared vision about what needs to be done to improve equality in a local area. It would be made up of entitlements that people (from lots of different backgrounds) recognise are important to them in their day to day life. This can then be measured to see whether all people are enjoying this or whether more work needs to be done to secure those entitlements for some groups. All communities in a city have a collective interest in bolstering protection of that shared list of basic entitlements for residents.

That is not to say we should ignore difference. There is no shortcut for this process of identifying a shared vision of needs and entitlements across communities. It is crucial people are engaged in a conversation about their interests, needs and emotions and that disagreements are managed in such a way that still helps a shared vision for a city to emerge. In this way, rather than equality being something that is done to people, it can be something that is done with people. A productive city-wide conversation of this kind will require public agencies to develop new skills. They’ll need to have tricky conversations with people when their demands (or those of their wider ‘community’) impinge upon the rights of others. They’ll need the capacity to see how human rights can be translated into quality standards for public services. And they’ll need the skills to help people see the shared interests, needs, and hopes we all have as human beings.

This is a radically different approach to the one most public bodies have taken in the past. No doubt some will find it risky. But considering the problems facing many communities today, surely it’s a risk worth taking.

Brap explores these ideas in more depth in their new report, From Benign Neglect to Citizen Khan.Download a free copy here: www.brap.org.uk/about-us/blog/526-from-benign-neglect-to-citizen-khan. You can watch brap’s CEO discuss the report’s key findings here: www.youtube.com/watch?v=TM6bQv8bic4. Let Brap know your views on Twitter (@braphumanrights) or Facebook (brap.human.rights).

]]>http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/race-equality-time-for-a-radical-new-approach/feed/0JUST West Yorkshire Racial Justice Bulletin – 9 July 2015http://us4.campaign-archive2.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=a06b72d798&e=befd9ff8b1
http://us4.campaign-archive2.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=a06b72d798&e=befd9ff8b1#commentsThu, 09 Jul 2015 18:22:21 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3157The post JUST West Yorkshire Racial Justice Bulletin – 9 July 2015 appeared first on Just West Yorkshire.
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]]>http://us4.campaign-archive2.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=a06b72d798&e=befd9ff8b1/feed/0An Ideological Struggle Between ‘Us’ And ‘Them’http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/an-ideological-struggle-between-us-and-them/
http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/an-ideological-struggle-between-us-and-them/#commentsThu, 09 Jul 2015 18:20:31 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3154A decade on as Yorkshire continues to try to come to terms with the fact that three of its young men were directly involved in the 7/7 bombings which took […]

]]>A decade on as Yorkshire continues to try to come to terms with the fact that three of its young men were directly involved in the 7/7 bombings which took 52 lives , Dr. Chris Allen, Lecturer in Social Policy at Birmingham University, reflects on the event’s legacy as Britons commemorated the event’s 10th anniversary.

The tenth anniversary of 7/7 rightly drew our attention to the sheer horror of the terror attacks, the carnage and chaos that resulted in 52 civilians being killed and more than 700 being injured. From memorial services attended by the British political hierarchy through to more people-led initiatives such as #WalkTogether, the day’s focus was on remembrance and commemoration.Aside from this, it is necessary to reflect on the legacy of 7/7, the profound changes it wrought and how this has impacted on the way we live our lives, as individuals and communities and also a nation.On one level, this can be seen in the relatively mundane, for example in the form of increased security checks at airports, more CCTV cameras in our towns and cities, and the reinforcing of public buildings. 7/7’s legacy has a much greater reach however, seen in how new counter-terror legislation has placed a duty on public sector workers to spot ‘tell-tale signs’ of extremism or how schools are required to promote a greater sense of ‘British values’.

The ‘tell-tale signs’ also illustrate the rather more insidious legacy of 7/7. Having been first posited a decade ago by the then Home Secretary, John Reid, he told Muslim parents that they needed to be more vigilant in looking out for the ‘tell-tale signs’ of extremism in their children. Oft repeated since, no politician has yet been able to produce a definitive list of what these might be. Unsurprisingly, neither does the new PREVENT guidance.

Such an approach is, of course, as naïve as it dangerous in that for some, the ‘tell-tale signs’ of extremism will be largely equitable with being ‘more Muslim’. Whether visual – in growing a beard or wearing the hijab for example – or vocal – being more religious or speaking out about British foreign policy or Palestine for instance – those who just look ‘Muslim’ may find themselves increasingly being perceived to be extremists.

This is borne out in the findings of a YouGov poll published this week which showed that more than half of Britons now regard Muslims as posing a threat to the UK. Worryingly, this is higher than it was in the immediate aftermath of the 7/7 attacks. In trying to explain this one must go back to the fact that the bombers were British born, popularly referred to as ‘home-grown’. Because of this, especially in the wake of the botched 21/7 attacks a fortnight later, the threat felt much closer and far more real. Prompting an initial backlash where British Muslims were treated with greater suspicion and mistrust, this has since been allowed to ferment not least through political discourses that have routinely reified the notion that extremism is inherent within Britain’s Muslim communities. So much so that accept without question the view that Muslims and Islam pose a direct threat to ‘our’ culture, ‘our’ values, ‘our’ institutions and ‘our’ way of life. ‘They’ are clearly against ‘us’.

This, of course, has been extremely detrimental. Feeling increasingly scrutinised and questioned, Britain’s Muslims have responded by expressing concerns about their sense of belonging and identity, and also by what they believe to be ever more marginalisation and exclusion from wider society. Not only has this resulted in many British Muslims now finding it increasingly difficult to participate in everyday activities, but so too are they experiencing ever greater levels of discrimination and hate manifested in a variety of unwanted ways.

In fact, since 7/7 British society has become much less tolerant. This stretches beyond Muslim communities, seen in the fact that the 2014 British Social Attitudes Survey showed that levels of racial prejudice were at a 20 year high. Likewise too in relation to Antisemitism, the Community Security Trust stating that in 2014 the number of attacks against British Jews was its highest since monitoring began. Neither can we dismiss the ever more overt anti-immigrant sentiment that is now a staple of certain media outlets and political figures. At a time when Britain is becoming ever more diverse, so it would appear that Britain is also becoming ever more intolerant.

One final point in relation to reflecting on the legacy of 7/7 is to note the shift that appears to have occurred in the past year or so as some British Muslims have gone to Iraq and Syria, to fight with Islamic State, become a ‘jihadi bride’ or just seemingly wanting to live there as the recent family from Luton would seem to suggest. While 7/7’s home-grown bombers were perceived to be posing a threat to Britain from ‘within’, now that threat has become rather more globalised. Drawing comparisons between the barbaric killing of Lee Rigby with the atrocities committed by Islamic State means that the threat – and fear associated with this – is not only greater but so too rather more existential.

Far from being restricted to young, male British Muslims as the threat was perceived to be in the wake of 7/7, nowadays that threat is perceived to be posed by all Muslims without differentiation, whether here in Britain or indeed elsewhere. To illustrate this, while the old racist adage used to be that ‘all black people look the same’ today’s equivalent might be that ‘all Muslims are the same’.

While the tenth anniversary has therefore sharpened our thoughts over the past few days, the shadow of 7/7’slegacy is unlikely to go away in the immediate future.

]]>http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/an-ideological-struggle-between-us-and-them/feed/0JUST West Yorkshire Racial Justice Bulletin – 2 July 2015http://us4.campaign-archive1.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=c92a46b0ba&e=befd9ff8b1
http://us4.campaign-archive1.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=c92a46b0ba&e=befd9ff8b1#commentsThu, 02 Jul 2015 23:30:59 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3146The post JUST West Yorkshire Racial Justice Bulletin – 2 July 2015 appeared first on Just West Yorkshire.
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]]>http://us4.campaign-archive1.com/?u=1dd3151e2b96ae09cfa7ad759&id=c92a46b0ba&e=befd9ff8b1/feed/0An Inclusive Women-Led Mosque and Centre of Excellencehttp://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/an-inclusive-women-led-mosque-and-centre-of-excellence/
http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/an-inclusive-women-led-mosque-and-centre-of-excellence/#commentsThu, 02 Jul 2015 23:27:12 +0000http://www.justwestyorkshire.org.uk/?p=3141Bana Gora, CEO of the Muslim Women’s Council, argues that places of Muslim worship for women need to be revitalised. She believes that her organisation’s proposal for a women-led mosque […]

]]>Bana Gora, CEO of the Muslim Women’s Council, argues that places of Muslim worship for women need to be revitalised. She believes that her organisation’s proposal for a women-led mosque will challenge the underrepresentation of women in mosque structures and tackle the chronic shortage of female scholars.

Muslims in the UK have had a significant and positive impact since their arrival in large numbers in the early 60’s. Their contribution to the social and economic fabric of the UK has been significantly undermined by the actions of a minority around the world, who deliver their political message through acts of violent terrorism. They are not generally accepted as being Muslim by the overwhelming majority of Muslims.Events of recent days have reminded us, that the threat is global and local. The youngest suicide bomber from the UK, identified as Talha Asmal is from Dewsbury, a town only ten miles from Bradford, as well as a family of 12 (including 9 children), from Bradford, suspected of travelling to Syria to join the so called Islamic State.

In addition to this, we have seen acts of despicable brutality carried out in Tunisia, Kuwait and France. The Tunisian killings have become the largest atrocity committed against UK citizens since the 7/7 bombings. 38 people have been killed in Tunisia, of which the majority are British. In less than a week we will have the 10th anniversary of the 7/7 bombings.

These actions bring into sharp focus the backdrop to the work of the Muslim Women’s Council. However, this is not our only lens, we are equally as concerned with the everyday lives of women, which receive fewer headlines.

As Muslims in the UK, we are at a critical juncture, where we are fighting a battle against the very real threat posed by so called Islamic State (Daesh), which is leading to radicalisation amongst young people, as well as dangerous levels of Anti-Muslim sentiment fed by a daily diet of negative news stories in the media. This, of course, fuels Islamophobia, which is not helped by increased rhetoric from the government backed up by stringent Counter Terrorism measures. It is a vicious cycle, which is proving difficult to break.

Latest statistics indicate that there are approximately 3 million Muslims in the UK. Muslims are the second largest faith based community in the UK. Over the past few decades, the UK has seen major demographic, social and cultural changes with Muslims being at the heart of critical debates and analysis with particular reference to mainland and global security, integration, and immigration.

Across the Bradford District the population stands at 522,452 of which 24.7% are Muslim. Bradford is one of the few metropolitan districts across the country that is facing a growing young population alongside an ageing population. Are we ready for the challenges these changes will bring?
Projections indicate that Bradford is tipped to become the first majority Muslim city in 2030. What we should be collectively focussing on across the district is how we can reap the benefits of this change.

Amongst the major challenges facing Muslims today, is the need to revitalise our places of worship. Women’s representation on governance structures is nonexistent, and access is the biggest problem that female worshippers face. Gender segregated spaces, which are how many UK mosques are traditionally structured, are dated and unwelcoming. The alienation that women feel has profound consequences for younger generations, who are taught that Islam treats both men and women as spiritual equals, yet the practice within mosques contradicts these principles.

Based on feedback and after much introspection and internal debate, the Muslim Women’s Council has proposed to open an Inclusive Mosque with a Centre of Excellence. The cornerstone of which will be based on the principles of openness, inclusivity, social justice and sanctuary. Our mosque is also unique in that it will be led by women and governed by women. Currently, no such structure exists anywhere in the UK to our knowledge.

Given the population growth forecasts, coupled with the incessant focus on the Muslim community by the media and the government, the founding principle that drives our vision is inclusiveness. We want a place that is fully accessible to all communities (Muslims and non Muslims) and all schools of thought. It will be a safe space for women, a centre for learning and promoting shared values and social and political engagement.

Although we have some excellent Mosques in Bradford, some with good access, for example Madni Mosque or Doha Mosque, the majority do not cater to women and their families. We believe that this situation must be addressed. One of our key aims is to address the gap in female scholarship. Our research has clearly highlighted a dire lack of female scholars, who are prepared to engage in public and cascade their knowledge.

Our Centre of Excellence is aimed at addressing this chronic shortage in female scholars who are confident, articulate and can convey the true message of Islam, one of peace, coexistence, tolerance, compassion and justice.

The Centre of Excellence will not only be a centre for learning but much more. We envisage a comprehensive package of services that meet the needs of women and is holistic in nature, ranging from spiritual development, Islamic learning to advice and counselling services covering family mediation, marriage counselling to domestic abuse support services to social enterprise and employment training and much more.

At a time when Muslims are under unbearable scrutiny socially, politically and legislatively, it is essential that Muslims in the UK are able to have a strong sense of their values and confidence in their identity as British Muslims. Creating bottom up institutions such as the Inclusive Mosque and Centre of Excellence will not only develop capacity but also create the resilience to withstand Islamophobia and growing negativity and also promote community cohesion and strong communities.

Our vision appears to have captured the imagination of many and the level of media interest around the project has been huge. There have been diverse opinions from fellow Bradfordians, Muslim and non Muslim.

We are currently holding consultations in Bradford over the next few months to continue to share our vision and for the public to further help shape this initiative.

We invite you to hear from our experts and engage in the debate and discussions with an open heart and mind on Sunday 2nd August 2015 at Carlisle Business Centre from 1:30pm – 3:30pm.