I write to you as an outsider who supports Korea, the US-Korea alliance, and our common effort to make progress on the big issues that confront us. The many experiences and values we share are not a little thing; they are the main thing. I am amazed at the clarity, determination and civic openness of your recent demonstrations. Our own demonstrations last week have been important for us, as well. Among other things, both have been attempts to reaffirm deeply held values, and to stand against backsliding in social progress.

Let's say a few things at the beginning. One president does not change bedrock values or real national interests. A look at the recent history of Korea and the US confirms this. We in the US have survived incompetent and corrupt presidents, and so have you. If our current president will not be able to help you much, that's unfortunate, but it's also not new. As for the similarities between Presidents ParkGeun-hye and Donald J. Trump (arguing about crowd size, for instance), we can put that aside for now.

Militarily, both of our governments have been focused on overblown threats from North Korea while refusing to return to credible and sincere talks. If you want to change this dynamic, you had better know a great deal about the issues, and consult with a wide range of experts.Regarding broader military issues, there are important decisions to make regarding force structure, equipment, regional and alliance roles, and of course, OpCon. You can't learn these things later.

Across the range of key issues you will have to address, very few will really be matters of left vs right or progressive vs conservative. You should address this fact now in your public discussions. Both right and left in Korea are emerging from difficult and tragic recent histories. Conservative leaders are still struggling to emerge from an identity tied to Chaebol-authoritarian capitalism, nostalgic anticommunism, and a fear-based, dependent view of national security. President Park has not helped much with this. Progressives are still trying to mend the internal war between Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun groups, started by Roh in 2003.

It makes sense that you and your fellow candidates must now find new language to talk about common goals and interests. One of the signs that you are serious about this election – which could be in April or early May – will be demonstrating that you can unite the public in ways that the last three presidents did not. Roh, Lee Myung-bak and Park, in important ways, were alldivisive. You cannot afford to continue this self-defeating trend. If you cannot authentically bring factions and power groups together, please find something else to do, and step away from this contest.

As you gear up to run as a candidate, you should have a serious, open, and long-term policy shop. In the best case, the parties will have the strongest policy organizations. Most importantly, you should base your candidacy on your program, not on yourself. This is an old dilemma, but right now in Korea it is urgent. Despite the fact that parties often align with individuals, you still have two main worldviews and programs. So a clear campaign at the end, with two candidates, may be best for voters. But that may not happen. You may have four parties running. If democrats have a rigorous primary and select one candidate, you could still have three, with pro- and anti-Park groups running. If the opposite happens, voters could elect a conservative once again. Think hard about those possibilities.

We in the US are right now giving you a negative example of presidential campaigning and governing. Please take our example for the warning that it is. Among the lessons are these:

A campaign based on a personality is fragile and unlikely to move the massive bureaucracy of the state in any clear direction. Base your appeal on a program, and on trusted, experienced and expert allies. You should ally with other figures who embrace your vision for Korea, before the election. Let voters see who you would trust as Prime Minister or Foreign Minister or Economics Minister.

The inequality gap has – finally – become the most important political fact in democracies. That does not require so-called "populist" appeals for free lunches or less military service. Instead it requires that the public, through their government, grow a smart social net of health, jobs and financial security. It also means ending, for good, special treatment of the Chaebol and their ruling families. Slogans will not do here. You must know the issues, and how to improve Korean systems.

The North Korea issue and the US alliance issue will shadow everything that happens from now until the next election. Treat this seriously, by being very careful and listening closely. Try to see US Defense Secretary Mattis when he is here this week, and listen. He is respected in Washington, and he will be important in coming years. You don't have to comment on what the US is doing now, since even we don't know for sure. But you can, and should, think and talk about how Korea can take more responsibility and be more independent in its foreign policy. Such a change, if you explain it well, will improve and strengthen the Korea-US alliance.

It will also improve your power and Korea's ability to remain friends with China. With new flexibility in hand, you can put a full stop to the counterproductive and dangerous bullying by the Xi Jinping government. That is your international priority number one.

Talk about Korean relations with Japan. You should lead this discussion, because it has become twisted by irresponsible governments temporarily in power in Japan and Korea. These two middle powers hold the future of the neighborhood very much in their hands. The reasons for cooperation and common interests are extensive and enduring. Talk beyond current governments to the public, and make the case for coming together on a range of issues.

This will be among the most important presidential votes in Korean history. You don't want to get this wrong. Good luck to you, and Happy Lunar New Year.

Stephen Costello is a producer of AsiaEast, a web and broadcast-based policy roundtable focused on security, development and politics in Northeast Asia. He writes from Washington, D.C. He can be reached at scost55@gmail.com.