Until the last few years, the proportion of pensioners living in
low-income households had been falling sharply, from 29% of all pensioners
in 1998/99 to 17% in 2005/06. There was, however, no further reduction
between 2005/06 and 2008/09.

The fall has been particularly sharp for single pensioners: 18% of single pensioners are now in low-income households compared
with 37% a decade ago. The proportion of
pensioner couples in low income has also fallen, but more slowly, from 22% to 15%.

As a result of the falls, pensioners are now less likely to be living in low-income households than
non-pensioners - their rate being lower than for all other family types
except for working-age couples without dependent children.

Single female pensioners are more likely to be in low income than either
single male pensioners or pensioner couples.

Pensioners aged 75 and over are more likely to live in low-income households than younger pensioners. This is not, however, because the
risks of low income for single pensioners rise with age. Rather it is
because of a combination of a) the proportion of pensioners who are single
rises with age and b) the risks of low income for pensioner couples rises
with age.

Around half of the pensioners in low income are in
pensioner couples and the other half are single pensioners.

Unlike working-age adults, relatively few low-income pensioners have a very low income
(below 40% of median household income). Part of the reason for these
differences can be seen looking at how out-of-work benefit levels compare
with the low-income thresholds for different family types (see
the indicator on benefit levels)

Inner London has a much higher proportion of working-age adults in low-income
households than any other region (29% compared with an average for the
United Kingdom as a whole of 18%).

All the points above use the same low-income threshold as that used
elsewhere and are therefore after deducting housing costs. However, because many older people own their homes outright, they
often have very low housing costs. Such people, even if not in low income
using the 'after deducting housing costs' measure, are sometimes in low income
using the alternative 'before deducting housing costs' measure. After
deducting housing costs, as discussed above, pensioners are now less likely to be in low income
than non-pensioners. Before deducting housing costs, however,
pensioners are more likely to be in low income than non-pensioners.

Although pensioners on average enjoy better incomes than
they have in the past, this rising average conceals a large minority who have no
additional resources other than the state retirement pension and means tested
benefits.

The first graph shows the risk of a pensioner being in a low-income household (defined as the proportion of people with incomes below 60% of
median household income after deducting housing costs), with the data shown
separately for single pensioners and pensioner couples.

The second graph shows how the risks have changed for people
in different family types, including pensioners. Note that a couple (and therefore both of its
adults) is classified as a pensioner couple if either of the adults is of
pensionable age.

The third graph shows the proportion
of pensioners living in low-income households for different combinations of
age group (less than 75 and 75 & over) and family type (pensioner couple, single female pensioner and single male
pensioner).

The fourth graph shows the share of the pensioners living in low income
for different combinations of age group and family type.

The fifth graph shows, by family type, the number of people living in
low-income households. For simplicity reasons, some of the family types
from the second graph have been grouped together. Note that working-age
adults living with a pensionable-age spouse are counted in the pensioner family
type.

The sixth graph shows the risk of pensioners being in low-income households by region.

All the graphs above use the same low income threshold as that used
elsewhere and are therefore after deducting housing costs. However, because many older people own their homes outright, they
often have very low housing costs. Such people, even if not in low income
using the after deducting housing costs measure, are sometimes in low income
using the alternative before deducting housing costs measure. This issue is
explored in the seventh graph which compares the proportions of single
pensioners, pensioner couples and non-pensioners who are in low-income
households using both the after and before deducting housing cost measures.

The data source for all the graphs is
Households Below Average
Income, based on the Family Resources Survey (FRS). For 2002/03
onwards, the data relates to the United Kingdom whilst the data for earlier
years is for Great Britain (FRS did not cover Northern Ireland until 2002/03).
Income is disposable household income after deducting housing costs and the low-income threshold is the same as that used elsewhere, namely 60% of contemporary
median household income (the two exceptions being the fifth graph, where the 40%
and 50% thresholds are also shown, and the seventh graph where the results before
deducting housing costs are also shown). The data is equivalised (adjusted) to account for differences in household size and composition. Note that in 2007 DWP made
some technical changes to how it adjusted household income for household
composition (including retrospective changes) and, as a result, the data is slightly different than previously
published figures. The averaging over three-year periods has been done to
improve statistical reliability.

The map shows how the number of people in receipt of the guaranteed part of
Pension Credit (previously called the Minimum Income Guarantee) as a proportion
of the pensionable-age population varies by super output area.
The data is for February 2009. The data source is the
DWP Work and Pensions Longitudinal Study.

Overall adequacy of the indicator: high. The FRS is a well-established annual government survey designed to be representative
of the population as a whole. However, since it only covers people living in
private households, and not residential institutions (such as
nursing homes), it does leave out a significant group of older people.

Overall aim: Tackle poverty and promote greater independence and well-being in later
life

Lead department

Department for Work and Pensions.

Official national targets

None.

Other indicators of progress

Employment rate age 50-69: percentage difference between this and overall employment rate.

Pensioner poverty.

Healthy life-expectancy at age 65.

Over 65s satisfied with home and neighbourhood.

Over 65s supported to live independently.

Previous 2004 targets

By 2008, be paying Pension Credit to at least 3.2 million pensioner households. While maintaining a focus on the most disadvantaged by
ensuring that at least 2.2 million of these households are in receipt of
the Guarantee Credit.