May
3, 2000

MURRAY
N. ROTHBARD  AN ENEMY OF THE WAR PARTY

I
am often asked what inspired me to help launch Antiwar.com,
turn it into the focal point of anti-war activities on the Internet, and write
literally hundreds of columns in a little over a year. I can only point to the
picture hanging over my desk: a portrait of a man sitting at a typewriter (remember
them?). His sleeves are rolled up, and his shirt slightly rumpled, but the bow-tie
gives him an incongruous air of formality. His gaze is fixed on the sheet of
paper unfolding in the stylized shape of a banner waving in the background,
a bemused smile faintly tugging at the corners of his mouth. Underneath this
portrait is the caption: "Murray N. Rothbard, greatest living enemy of coercive
government."

TRULY
AWESOME

If
only he were here to see how far we have come. Rothbard died on January 7, 1995.
During the course of his sixty-eight years, he had written 28
books and hundreds of articles that, taken together, are the foundation
stones of a mighty ideological edifice outlining a paradigm of pure liberty.
As the leading student of Ludwig
von Mises, the greatest figure of the "Austrian"
or pure free market school of economics, Rothbard almost single-handedly implanted
the Misesian flag on American soil  and not only that, but, building on
the achievement of his mentor, Rothbard's monumental Man,
Economy, and State clarified and expanded what Mises had wrought; Power
and Market pioneered new frontiers in refuting the legitimacy and efficiency
of state action in every possible realm of human endeavor; America's Great
Depression exposed the role of bank-credit expansion, and not free market
capitalism, as the true villain of that catastrophe. And then there is the capstone
of his career, the two-volume Austrian
Perspective on the History of Economic Thought [Vol. I, Classical
Economics; Vol. II, Economic Thought Before Adam Smith]  a
work that gives new meaning to the word "awesome."

KNOWING
MURRAY

If
Rothbard's economic insights were the sum total of his contribution, that would
have been enough for any man: but with Rothbard, that is just the beginning.
As a social theorist, his interests  and encyclopedic knowledge 
encompassed all of social science. There is Rothbard the historian: his four-volume
set on the American Revolution, Conceived
in Liberty, puts the first successful libertarian revolution in history
in its political, economic, and socio-religious context, and is a veritable
treasure house of knowledge, packed with nuggets of fascinating historical facts.
There is Rothbard the political economist: his recently-republished The
Ethics of Libertyis a model of theoretical and stylistic elegance.
Then there is Rothbard the polemicist and best builder of an ideological movement:
For a New Liberty:
The Libertarian Manifesto is still the best introduction to libertarianism
as a political worldview and program. Indeed, one could write a whole book on
the subject of Rothbard and his intellectual impact  and that indeed is
what I have done. An
Enemy of the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard will be published
in July by Prometheus Books. As a thinker and a towering figure in the libertarian
movement, Rothbard had an enormous impact on my development as a writer and
an activist. I met him in 1978, when he was the leading intellectual light of
the Cato Institute, then based in San Francisco. As part of a group of self-styled
"radical" libertarians centered in and around the libertarian student organization,
I was amazed and delighted when Rothbard took a personal interest in our intellectual
and political development: here was this intellectual giant who not only paid
attention to our juvenile polemics, but also was a whole lot of fun to be around.
Knowing Murray was an education and a joy  the two things most
young people today assume are opposites in a dichotomy. The bonds of our friendship
were both personal and ideological, and as far as the latter is concerned what
really struck me, at the time of our first meeting, was the great emphasis that
Rothbard put on opposition to globalism and imperialism. It was really the key
to understanding his politics, and his ideological odyssey from the Old Right
to the New Left and back again.

A
YOUNG OLD RIGHTIST

In
the late forties and early fifties, when Rothbard came of age and began producing
the veritable flood of political journalism that supplements his more scholarly
work, the old "isolationist" (that is, noninterventionist) conservative movement
was passing away, its defeated leaders and publicists either retiring or forced
out by the triumphant (and vengeful) War Party. As an economics student at Colombia
University, young Rothbard had entered this overwhelmingly leftist milieu as
a convinced free marketeer of the "limited government" variety  and he
was literally a minority of one, at least on a campus where the Social
Democrats constituted the "right-wing," the Stalinists occupied the "Center,"
and the Trotskyists claimed the Left. Where was a budding young libertarian
scholar to find solace and support? The answer came, one day, as he perused
the Colombia University bookstore newsstand, bulging with the usual Trotskyist
newspapers and Stalinist tracts  and perhaps the latest edition of The
New Leader  when his eyes locked on to a pamphlet whose title stood
out as if on fire: "Taxation is Theft!" It was a pamphlet by Frank
Chodorov, a disciple of Albert
Jay Nock, and Rothbard fell upon it like a starving man on a morsel. Chodorov
had just been fired from his job as editor of the Georgist periodical The
Freeman for his opposition to World War II and was living in a loft in lower
Manhattan, eking out a precarious living as editor of Analysis, a broadsheet
with at most 1500 subscribers  and Rothbard eagerly joined their ranks.
"This," recalled Rothbard years later, "was it"  he had found his
libertarian lodestar, and his course was set.

CHODOROV,
THE TEACHER

Chodorov
was an impressive man, a great raconteur and teacher, and he made a huge impression
on young Murray Rothbard: he also ran a small libertarian book service: and
their correspondence is filled with Rothbard's book orders along with a detailed
account of his joy at discovering H. L. Mencken, Nock, Garet Garrett, Isabel
Paterson, all the libertarian greats. Chodorov was a keen critic of the globalist
policies of our ruling elites: in launching a crusade against Communism, we
would absorb and mimic not only the methods but the ideology of the enemy. Just
as Americans fought and beat the national socialists in the trenches, and then
came home to discover that they had lost the battle for liberty on the home
front, so the foresaw that they would come home from the great war against the
Reds facing a similar anomaly. In "A Jeremiad," published in 1950, at the height
of the cold war, Chodorov saw where it would all lead: "the net profit of The
War will be a political setup differing from that of Russia in name only." War
(or the hysteria that precedes it) would stunt and threaten to destroy whatever
hope there was for human liberty. "There will be a resurrection," he wrote,
"for the spirit of freedom never dies. But its coming will take much time and
travail." Rothbard absorbed this insight and saw clearly, early on, the centrality
of the war question, proudly referring to himself as an "isolationist," an epithet
that he wore as a badge of honor. Now this label was in the category of a political
swear word in the postwar period, even more than it is today: the War Party,
having dragged us successfully into the European conflict, was intent on driving
anyone who had ever opposed them out of politics and into disgrace. As I detailed
in a previous column, they even staged sedition trials in the wake of their
great "victory," and the triumphalist mood was inescapable  and oppressive
especially to Rothbard, who instinctively rebelled against the atmosphere of
intellectual conformity and intimidation that permeates a country in wartime.

A
MINORITY OF ONE

He
struck back in the pages of Faith and Freedom, a libertarian journal
put out by Spiritual Mobilization, a Christian group that had developed a consistently
anti-statist ideology based on their interpretation of the fundamentals of Christian
doctrine. Rothbard, a New York Jew, not to mention an agnostic, was perfectly
willing to find any allies he could in a world dominated by collectivism, mostly
of the left, be they Protestant, Catholic, Greek Orthodox, or Buddhist 
as long as they opposed the depredations of the State, and especially its penchant
for periodic bouts of mass murder, his tolerance and willingness to work in
a coalition was practically unbounded. This was in part due to his essential
good humor, and in part the legacy of long years of being a member of a small
minority  all too often, in those days, a minority of one, a lone anarcho-capitalist
and isolationist living in the postwar world of collectivism and global intervention.
But his voice did not go unheard. Writing under the pen-name "Aubrey Herbert,"
Rothbard wrote a monthly column in which he plugged away at the idiocies of
the cold war: in "The Real Aggressor," published in 1954, Rothbard attacked
the conservatives who had jumped on the cold war bandwagon with such unseemly
alacrity. Once champions of peace and noninterventionism, these very same people
"have now become outright internationalists." Stating his case with characteristic
directness, he wrote:

"Here
I think one point should be made and made bluntly. Some people may prefer death
to communism; and this is perfectly legitimate for them  although death
may not often be a solution to any problem. But suppose they also try to impose
their will on other people who might prefer life under communism to death in
a 'free world' cemetery. Is not forcing them into mortal combat a pure and simple
case of murder? And is not anti-Communist murder as evil as murder committed
by Communists?"

WAR
PSYCHOSIS

Conservatives
were "sinking into a war psychosis" and fast abandoning their devotion to free
markets and individual liberty in the interests of pursuing the anti-Communist
jihad. This was, he believed, because they misconceived the nature of
the State as a policeman, instead of a criminal gang with a monopoly on crime,
a legitimized and considerably more powerful version of the Mafia  except
without their code of honor. After all, Mafia hit men only carryout small
scale massacres: a dozen at a time, at most. The State is truly the engine of
mass murder  and this insight was what drove Rothbard to swim determinedly
against the tide and make one last isolationist stand against the rising tide
of "anti-Communist" interventionism. At Rothbard's suggestion, an all-isolationist
issue of Faith and Freedom was published, featuring not only "The Real
Aggressor" but a gem of a piece by Garet Garrett and an excellent article by
the industrialist Ernest T Weir. This unusual event  a sudden resurgence
of dreaded "isolationism" on the Right  brought the nascent libertarian
movement to the annoyed attention of The New Leader, the semiofficial
organ of social democratic anti-Communism. In its pages William Henry Chamberlin
charged that Rothbard had "laid down a blueprint for American policy tailor-made
to the specifications of the Kremlin."

BACKGROUND
TO BETRAYAL

It
was a shock being red-baited, but the shock soon wore off. Here he was, sitting
at the feet of Ludwig von Mises, absorbing the profoundly anti-collectivist
doctrines of the most consistent and radical advocate of the free market 
and at the same time researching and writing his own seminal works that would
be the foundation stones of a thoroughgoing philosophy of freedom  and
the conservatives of the "New Right" variety were calling him a Commie! The
great irony was that William Henry Chamberlin had been highly critical of US
intervention in World War II, and had in fact staunchly opposed it, even going
so far as to write an entire book detailing the reasons for his stance: America's
Second Crusade, as Rothbard pointed out in a letter to The New Leader.
But the irony was lost on the humorless and fanatical wackos who were in the
process of taking over the conservative movement. Most of them were ex-Communists
or some kind of exotic anti-Stalinist leftist, and were consumed with a desire
to wreak vengeance on the god of their youth, which had so conspicuously failed
and betrayed them.

ROTHBARD
RED-BAITED

Rothbard
took up the cudgels on behalf of the old isolationism, but it was a struggle
he was doomed to lose  at least for the moment. In column after column
he lashed out at the bloody and profitable business of the cold war  bloody
for most of us, profitable for a few. In 1955, he took on the powerful China
lobby, which had built up a large base of support in the American conservative
movement: "Why Fight for Formosa?" was published in the summer of 1954, and
it caused a controversy that led to Rothbard's departure from the magazine.
How would we react if there was a large Communist contingent parked on a island
somewhere very close to the American coast, just bristling with weaponry?
It would be a few years yet before Americans  horrified by the Cuban missile
crisis  would be able to answer such a question with any honesty. At any
rate, such impertinence caught the eye of one Willi Schlamm, an ex-Commie turned
"conservative" who had once edited Red Flag, the official newspaper of
the Communist Party of Germany: Schlamm attacked Rothbard in the pages of
Faith and Freedom: it was yet another cheap red-baiting slur. "Why do the
pro-war conservatives," asked Rothbard, in his rebuttal, "supposedly dedicated
to the superiority of capitalism over Communism, by thirsting for an immediate
showdown, implicitly grant that time is on the side of the Communist system?"
Schlamm sneeringly replied:

"The
trouble with libertarian economists is that they presume everybody else to be
guided by their own genteel value system (in which productivity excels). They
are right as economists, but fatally wrong as theologians: they do not perceive
that the Devil is real and that he can generously satisfy powering human cravings."

THE
MTYH OF SOVIET POWER

As
a student of Mises, Rothbard knew that communism could not endure: Mises had
demonstrated the economic impossibility of socialist economic planning as early
as 1926, and all attempts to refute him had failed. What Schlamm and his ilk
did not realize is that being right as an economist is quite enough;
that productivity is not only a nice luxury to have around but absolutely necessary
to human survival. While the socialist Devil is indeed real, the great paradox
is that he defeats his own followers to the extent that they are successful.
Communism had to fail: it could not possibly compete with the relatively
free economies of the West, and would soon fall behind in every respect. But
the Potemkin village of the old Soviet Union was, at the time, pictured in the
Western media as a mighty colossus by both the Left and the Right, albeit for
different reasons. The Left because they admired this power, or wanted to, and
the Right because they feared it: both contributed to the myth of Soviet invincibility.

THE
NEW DISPENSATION

Chodorov
had gone on to edit yet another journal titled The
Freeman, this one run by the libertarian Foundation
for Economic Freedom. But this new position did not last very long, for
he would not go along with the holy war against the Soviet Union, and in a spirited
exchange with the indefatiguable Willi Schlamm Chodorov declared once again
his implacable opposition to the new internationalist dispensation: the old
isolationists of the 1940s, he wrote, had accurately predicted the results of
the late world war: conscription, centralization, confiscatory taxation, the
loss of individual liberties, inflation and mountains of debt. "All this the
isolationists of the 1940s foresaw," he concluded,

"not
because they were endowed with any gift of prevision, but because they knew
history and would not deny its lesson: that during war the State acquires power
at the expense of freedom, and that because of its insatiable lust for power
the State is incapable of giving up any of it. The State never abdicates."

THE
GREAT PURGE

Words
to remember  but they were written to no avail. Chodorov was soon out
as editor of The Freeman, and shortly after that Rothbard's column at
Faith and Freedom discontinued. With the death of Garet Garrett, and
the legendary Colonel Robert R. McCormick, the isolationist publisher of the
Chicago Tribune, and the retirement of others such as John T Flynn, the
purge of the old isolationists from the American Right was complete. The America
First generation gave way to the William Buckley generation  a degeneration
that Rothbard found increasingly intolerable.

THE
GREAT DEBATE

The
really juicy details of the Rothbard-Buckley encounter  as well as Rothbard's
stormy relationship with Ayn Rand  are between the covers of my book,
and I won't spoil it for you: suffice to say that he passed rather quickly through
these circles, writing a lot of book reviews for National Review and
socialized to some extent with the Buckley circle. But he soon found the atmosphere
of cold war hysteria prevalent among the editors to be utterly intolerable.
In a memoir of that time, he recalls listening to an argument between a National
Review editor and his wife over luncheon: the subject of their debate was
whether, upon launching a nuclear first strike against the Soviet Union, we
should or should not give them some warning.

A
LETTER TO BILL BUCKLEY

In
a letter to Buckley, Rothbard detailed the reasons for his optimism that the
Soviet state was even then withering at its core. The revolutionary spirit had
gone out of the Soviet rulers, and while they make motions in the direction
of the old Marxist icons, "the point is that the new opportunists do not care
anymore." The old dream of a world communist revolution has been abandoned by
the nomenklatura, which is only concerned with feathering its own nest.
Far from overthrowing capitalism in the West, the Soviets were faced with the
high probability of a revolt at home  and soon. "I am not expert enough
to say how far this process has already gone in the Soviet Union," he wrote,

"But
the point is that it must, in the nature of things, be underway already, and
its importance will grow as time goes on. If we realize this, and remember also
that revolutionary inspiration has always, historically, died out after a time,
we will see that Time is on our side, and we will realize that we need not dig
in for a long and bloody battle to the death with an enemy that is even now
withering from within."

A
RADICAL PROPOSITION

In
the winter of 1957, with the cold war never colder, this was a radical proposition.
It was also radically right. But Buckley, who has strongly implied if
not actually stated that he was working for the CIA at the time  and I'm
inclined to believe him, since they were apt to pick up any number of intellectuals-for-sale
at this time  was not at all amenable to this view, and so they parted
ways. Rothbard also parted ways with Ayn Rand: The occasion was a silly "trial"
staged by the Randians, in which he was cast into the outer darkness for the
sin of refusing to give up his Episcopalian wife (the Randians were atheists).
But another major reason for the break was Rand's ignorant endorsement of the
cold war, and her crazy contention that the West had a moral right to launch
a military invasion of any communist country at any time. As Americans went
about their business while a nuclear sword of Damocles hung over their heads,
the "Objectivists" (as Rand's followers called themselves) sat at the feet of
the Master and absorbed her abysmal ignorance of and indifference to foreign
affairs.

THE
NEW TURN

The
growth of the movement against the Vietnam war and the draft was the impetus
that set an independent libertarian movement on its course, and Rothbard
was the catalyst. With Leonard Liggio, he developed a new analysis of American
corporatism and its relationship to foreign policy, with an emphasis on historical
revisionism. He and Leonard, who became prominent in New Left circles, were
applying the insights of the Old Right to a new situation in which war, once
again, was the number one topic of discussion. Together they founded Left
and Right, the seminal journal of modern American libertarianism, devoted
to creating a New Left-Old Right alliance against imperialist war, featuring
scholars from all sides of the political spectrum, as well as the work of libertarians
and the important essay, "Left and Right: The Prospects for Liberty," Rothbard's
manifesto breaking with the old conservatism and raising the banner of a reborn
classical liberalism. Strategically, this meant an alliance with the New Left
against the liberal-conservative pro-war "center." Later Rothbard recalled his
jubilation at the first big demonstrations against the Vietnam war:

"Here
at last was not a namby-pamby 'peace group like SANE [the Committee for a Sane
Nuclear policy, made up of cold war liberals] but a truly radical antiwar movement
which zeroed in on the evils of American warmaking; and here was a movement
that excluded no one, that baited neither reds nor rightists, that welcomed
all Americans. Here, at last, was an antiwar Left that we could be happy about!"

ROTHBARD
AND THE NEW LEFT

Anti-militarism
pervaded the New Left critique of the university, Rothbard noted, with the left-libertarian
complaints of anarchists like Paul Goodman echoing the Nockian analysis of mass
education as a contradiction in terms. Conservatives had criticized the massification
of education and its increasing subordination to the State for years 
yet now that the students were finally rebelling, the Right could only demonize
them. Some people are just so hard to please, but Rothbard was clearly
delighted with this new upsurge of protest. Left and Right took off,
and wound up in the back pockets of growing numbers of libertarian activists
organizing on campuses nationwide. Merging the insights of the New Left historians,
such as William Appleman Williams and his students, with the wisdom of his Old
Right forebears, Rothbard evolved a comprehensive analysis of imperialism as
a function of corporate state capitalism. Using the State as their instrument,
"big business, big labor, and the Big Intellectuals" had entered in a Tripartite
Alliance for the perpetual maintenance of their mutual power and profit. The
Marxist analysis of the state and revolution was a mild, centrist compromise:
the Left recognized the criminal character of the State, but only wanted to
have it "wither away" over a long period of time  during which, as the
Leninists would have it, we would be subject to the vagaries of the "dictatorship
of the proletariat." Rothbard was fully confident that libertarians could more
than hold their own against this kind of confused centrism. In view of the fact
that ruling elites never give up their power voluntarily, the prognosis
for the commie State "withering away" of its own accord was poor, at best: libertarians,
on the other hand, insisted that it be abolished (or at least radically reduced
in size) as soon as possible. Next to libertarianism, the recycled Marxism
of the Maoists, Panther-worshippers, and dime-store Stalinists was tame stuff
indeed. This, at least, is what Rothbard expected would happen if libertarians
entered the antiwar movement, and joined with the New Left in opposing the bloody
debacle then unfolding in Southeast Asia: that the Marxists would lose
the intellectual competition, and that libertarians would make substantial headway.
And he was right: hundreds and then thousands were won to the libertarian movement
in this period. Left and Right, a quarterly, became the Libertarian
Forum, a biweekly, and then the organized libertarian movement really
took off. But then radical movements for social change were springing up all
over the place, and in relation to the others libertarianism went practically
unnoticed for a long time, until well into the seventies.

MINUS
THE JUICY DETAILS

By
then, the Libertarian Party (LP) had been founded, and I will leave even the
basic outlines of that long story to readers of my Rothbard biography. But it
needs to be said here that, for years, it was Rothbard and his close friend
and colleague Williamson Evers who  almost alone  successfully fought
the Randians in the party who had inherited Rand's unreasoning militarism and
sought to enshrine their ignorance of foreign policy in the LP platform. Throughout
his long association with the LP, Rothbard fought to keep Libertarians in the
forefront of any and all opposition to war: it was an often lonely and difficult
fight, but he won it and the LP  whatever its other problems  has
to this day strictly adhered to noninterventionism. This is also true in the
case of another institution he was in on the founding of: the Cato Institute,
which was born basically in Rothbard's fertile brain, where the dream of a libertarian
thinktank (properly endowed) had long incubated. Without going into any of the
juicy details, once again, Rothbard's relationship with the Cato Institute was
seminal  and stormy, eventually leading to a break. While not acknowledging
the man who is for all intents and purposes their founder, the Cato Institute,
like the LP, has stuck to its early noninterventionism with admirable consistency.

A
STEP AHEAD

Rothbard
was always one step ahead of his followers, often so far ahead that they lost
sight of him: such was the case when his prediction of the Communist collapse
came true and the Berlin Wall came tumbling down  and, with it, the political
boundaries and labels that had kept him out of the conservative movement for
as long as the cold war lasted. The great Thaw meant that the isolationist and
nationalist impulses of American conservatives were reawakened  and here
Rothbard saw a great opportunity, one that was not to be missed. Getting back
to his Old Right roots  to a conservative movement that once more had
room for an old isolationist  Rothbard started new periodical, with his
friend and colleague Llewellyn H. Rockwell
Jr., the Rothbard-Rockwell Report, and announced the formation of
a paleo-libertarian movement, which hearkened back to its Old Right origins
and rejected the cultural nihilism of the counterculture, which had come to
predominate in libertarian circles. He found new allies: in the paleo-conservatives
of the Rockford Institute, whose
brilliant magazine Chronicles lights up the darkness of our neo-barbarian
culture  and also in the 1992 presidential campaign of Patrick
J. Buchanan.

THE
OLD RIGHT 
TOGETHER AGAIN

Against
the smears of the rabid neoconservatives, who hate any and all manifestations
of "isolationism," Rothbard defended Buchanan in broadsides of increasing length
and passion: Buchanan had won his support on the basis of his stalwart noninterventionism,
particularly his brave and very public stance against the Gulf War. He put together
an "Encyclopedia of Anti-Buchananiana" that catalogued all the various smears
against Pat, categorized them by type, and then systematically refuted them.
He attended the 1992 Republican convention as the guest and toast of the Buchanan
Brigades, where he schmoozed with Phyllis Schlafly, and, although later somewhat
disappointed by what he considered undue emphasis on protectionist economic
nostrums, always had a great admiration and liking for Buchanan.

THE
OPTIMIST

Rothbard's
turn toward the New Left in the sixties had been prefigured by his support for
Adlai Stevenson in 1956 against the far more ominously militaristic Eisenhower.
Stevenson had been for taking steps toward nuclear disarmament, and the aggressive
behavior of the US during the Eisenhower years  typified by the infamous
U-2 incident, in which an American spy was shot down flying over Soviet territory
and the pilot captured  horrified Rothbard because it raised the real
possibility of nuclear war. Rothbard's turn toward the revived Old Right in
the nineties was prefigured by his enthusiasm for Buchanan, who explicitly invoked
the spirit of the old America First Committee and those brave isolationists,
of Chodorov's rank, who had stood up to the War Party in the 1940s. Ever the
optimist, he always gave his champions the benefit of the doubt  and if
he was disappointed, his optimism, based on an inner certainty, was easily revived.

THE
LEITMOTIF

Of
course, the Murray Rothbard story cannot be told in a single column  after
all, my book is some 360 printed pages, not including a section of photographs,
and it's useless to try to fit it all into the space of this piece. I can only
add that, if Rothbard was an enemy of the State, then he was also  as
a corollary  an enemy of the War Party; indeed, among the biggest. And
that is why his memory, and his work, is of interest to today's antiwar movement,
and indeed to anyone who finds our forced march to the New World Order just
a little bit ominous. In his writings, and his actions, Murray N. Rothbard was
an exemplar of the antiwar activist: his passionate opposition to the mass-murdering
foreign policy of imperialism and New World Order-ism was the leitmotif of his
politics and vital to understanding his conception of libertarianism.

CHECK
IT OUT

At
this year's fantastically successful Antiwar.com conference, the question I
heard the most was: what inspires you to write so much, and still be able to
organize events like this convention? I could only shake my head, look tired,
and shrug. Now that An
Enemy of the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard is finally coming
out, all I have to do is point to it and ask: "Have you read my book?"
Inspiration is hard to come by, these days, but take my word for it: you won't
be disappointed. Not only libertarians, but antiwar activists of all hues will
be fascinated and charmed by Rothbard the man and the thinker. Just click on
the above title and check it out.

Please
Support Antiwar.com

A contribution
of $25 or more gets you a copy of Justin Raimondo's Into the Bosnian Quagmire:
The Case Against U.S. Intervention in the Balkans, a 60-page booklet packed
with the kind of intellectual ammunition you need to fight the lies being put
out by this administration and its allies in Congress. And now, for a limited
time, donors of $40 or more receive a copy of Ronald Radosh's classic study
of the Old Right conservatives, Prophets on the Right: Profiles of Conservative
Critics of American Globalism. Send contributions to