A History of Tatamagouche, Nova ScotiaChapter III The French at Tatamagouche

WHEN the waters of our
harbour and rivers were first ploughed by the rude sailing craft of some
bold European, or when civilized man. with almost insurmountable
difficulties, made his way through the pathless forests to gaze for the
first time upon this broad expanse of waters, is a matter of conjecture
only. Even tradition is unwilling to come to our aid and by silence
refuses to throw light upon these questions which still remain shrouded
in mystery.

John Cabot and Jacques Cartier, in their early voyages, missed our port.
Indeed, neither of these entered the Northumberland Strait at all. In
the days of the French explorers who followed these two men, it seems
hardly conceivable that Tatamagouche was not visited. Records which
cannot be disputed show that about the middle of the seventeenth century
a small French vessel, engaged in the work of exploration on the north
coasts of Acadie, sailed up the Harbour, while those on board eagerly
scanned the shores of a district which to them was nameless and unknown.
The sturdy Denys, whose name is inseparably linked up with the early
exploration of this Province, particularly of Cape Breton, was in
charge. He was not only a sea captain. He was also a scholar of no small
merit. No day of exploration passed without his faithfully and
accurately recording its events. The day he sailed up Tatamagouche
Harbour he made no exception to his accustomed rule. Hence it is that
today we have. a description of Tatamagouche as it appeared to this bold
and adventurous Frenchman of two hundred and fifty years ago. After
leaving what is now Pictou Harbour, he says:

“Passing eight or nine leagues along, the coast is high with rocks,
[and] it is necessary to keep a little off shore. One finds here,
nevertheless, an occasional cove, where the land is low; but there is
not much shelter for boats and the sea breaks strongly. Then there is
another river met with, which has abundance of rocks at its entrance;
and a little off shore towards the sea is another little island covered
with woods which is called Isle L’Ormet Before entering into this river
one finds a large bay of two good leagues of depth and one of breadth.
In several places the low land is ail covered with beautiful tracts. In
the extremity of this bay one sees two points of land which approach one
another and form a strait and this is the entrance of the river. It
comes from three or four leagues inland. It is fiat at its entrance
[and] boats cannot go far into it. The land there is rather fine. Some
hills appear inland but of moderate height. An abundance of oysters and
shell fish is also taken here.”

Wm F. Ganong, Ph.D., who translated and edited, the record of Denys’
voyage, thinks that “Isle L’Ormet” was what is now known as Ainet
Island. This is what he says in reference to it:

“L’Ormet. This is the earliest use of the word. Its origin is not known
though possibly it may have been suggested by some resemblance to ‘armet’,
a helmet. The little island is rapidly being washed away by the sea and
is now much smaller than when our author saw it.”

The rocks at the entrance of the harbour and to which Denys referred,
are not in existence today unless, as is probable, he was referring
either to the Amet or to the Waugh shoals.

The first settlers of Tatamagouche were French Acadians, of whom,
unfortunately, there is little known, history having preserved the name
of one alone. What few details we have of their attempt at a settlement,
we owe for the most part to observations which were made by the first
Protestant settlers who, on their arrival here in 1772, found many
indications of a once flourishing community.

Tatamagouche was selected as a settlement by the French as a point of
communication between their Annapolis and Cobequid settlements and their
colonies in what is now New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island and .Cape
Breton. But there were other reasons.f At that time Tatamagouche was
remote from any British settlement and possibly had been represented to
them by the Indians as a suitable place for a settlement, and the French
love of the smell of the tide and the marsh, of which there is plenty at
Tatamagouche, may have influenced them to go there. They were no friends
of rock and hill, but preferred the alluvial soil which is found along
the shores of this river and harbour. As one writer has said:

“Thither they came with their cattle and seed grain and dyking shovel;
there they set up their household goods, their simple machinery for
grinding corn, and their little house of prayer.”

The date of the first French settlement at Tatamagouche is unknown.
There is a letter in the Archives de La Marine at Paris, written by Abbe
de Loutres from Tatamagouche on the 1st day of October, 1738, which
translated, reads thus;

“My mission is that of OhigabenaKadi, that is to say, the Acadian
Indians, together with the French of Tahand8oche| of Gobekitck and all
the French scattered and distant from whatever priests there are in that
country. The [care of] savages proved quite a burden to me, and yet I
have also charge of the French. It may be too much for me if the Lord
does not lend his aid. Still I place all my c mi ienee in Him done. I
left Louisburg for my mission on the 22nd day of September. On the
eighth day, after having passed through high winds and tempests, I
fortunately reached dry ground and I take this advantage of writing you
and to give you news of myself. ‘Tahami8oche, this 1st day of October,
1738.’ ”

Thus, from this letter, it appears that as early as 1738, the French had
not only settled at Tatamagouche, but they had also established it as
part of the Cobequid mission. In another letter, written nine years
iater, describing the same mission, the following quotation is found:

“M. Girard is the priest in charge. There is a portage ten leagues in
length from Cobequitk which leads to Takamigoush. There is a road
through the woods in good shape and finely built. Cattle, sheep and fowl
pass over it when sent to Louisbourg. This part is under Cobequitk. The
number of communicants is one hundred and fifty."

From maps made by C. S. Robert de Vaugondy in 1753 and 1755, it would
appear that at that time there were three French settlements m the
vicinity of the present village of Tatamagouche. One of these was known
as Patemagouche which was presumably situated near the site of the old
burying-ground; another was at Cape John and a third somewhere between
Brule and River John. One of the last two was designated as “Viiiage des
Sauvages”. The road before mentioned in the letter of Le Loutre is also
shown on the maps of 1753.

When the first permanent settlers arrived in 1771-2, they found that
considerable land had already been cleared from McCully’s Hill to the
Presbyterian Church. This had also been ploughed, and put under
cultivation, as was evidenced by the ridges still visible among the fast
growing bush. On the hill back of the old school house lot the French
had erected a small chapel, and in the adjoining field they had buried
their dead. Crosses which bore silent witness that the sleepers were of
“The Faith” still were standing at the heads of the graves. It was
generally believed that the exact location of this burying-ground was
directly adjoining the back of the old schoolhouse lot, and for that
reason the late William Campbell, the subsequent owner, regarding it as
sacred, refused to put the land there under cultivation. Hence it
remains till this day grown up in shrubs and wild bushes. Mounds of
earth which resemble graves can be plainly seen, but it may have been
that these were made by other than human hands, and that the grave-yard
was nearer the chapel, which was farther down on the slope of the hill.

The French had also cleared, to some extent, the intervales of the
French and Waugh’s Rivers, particularly of the former, which ever since
has borne their name. On the latter they had begun the mining and
smelting of the native copper ore which was found exposed on the banks
of the river at various places, particularly at the Mine Hole, about a
mile above Murdock’s, where the river takes a sharp turn at the junction
of its two branches. The subsequent settlers believed that the turn was
an unnatural one caused by the river’s overflowing into the old mine,
and that the stream covered the original workings. Acting on this
belief, an American company took over the property and diverted the
stream into its natural course, but failed to discover any great bed of
copper. The late William Wilson many years ago, when ploughing the
adjacent fields, found considerable half-smelted ore along with the rude
implements with which the French had been carrying on their feeble
attempts at mining and smelting.

Ruins, or rather indications, of several mills were still to be seen.
One of these was on a small brook which crosses the main highway a
little west of Mrs. William Waugh’s. Even today one can see the remains
of their old dam, which, now grown over with grass, resembles a dyke.
Another mill was on the Blockhouse Creek near the road bridge. The third
was at Gouzar and the other two on the French River, one on Mil! Brook
'and the other on the main stream.* The presence of so many mills would
seem to indicate that the little colony was rapidly growing and that it
had every prospect of a bright future when in the years to come, the
enemies of His Majesty the King of France would be vanquished and they,
in peace, would enjoy the land for which they had made many sacrifices.
Vain dreams which never were to be realised!

There are also stories which tell of the finding of French coins on
Waugh’s River intervale. Two muskets were found in the early days
in the field north of the old Gass house. These had lain there so long
that the barrels were rusted through, and when picked up the wooden
stocks fell away from the barrels. This happened so long ago, that it is
impossible to obtain an accurate description of the weapons, but the
finders and others who saw them, expressed the belief that they were
French muskets. Then there is the prevalent idea that the willows,
growing on the intervales of Waugh’s River, were planted by the French.
Some say this idea is erroneous and contend that they were planted by
the early Scotch settlers, even though it is true that the willow is a
native of France, and was frequently planted by the early French in
various places of Nova Scotia where they had made settlements.

In Campbell’s History of Nova Scotia, there is one reference to a French
settlement at Tatamagouche. Mr. Campbell, quoting from a report of
Governor Hobson sent to the Home Government in 1752, says: “There are
sixty-five families at Cobequid, Rimchigne, Tatamagouche and Cape
Sable.” This would allow' on an average about fifteen families for this
place, and this is further borne out by a report of Judge Morris in
1755, in which he estimates the number of French families at
Tatamagouche to be twelve.

Some references to the settlement and its inhabitants are to be found in
the records of the military expedition of de Ramezay in 1747, which
culminated in what is generally known as the “massacre of Grand Pre”. At
that rime the French had a fort at Chignecto and from that point they
fitted out a strong expedition to surprise and defeat the British
Colonial forces which early in the winter of 1746-7, had arrived at
Grand Pre with the intention of pushing forward and capturing Chignecto.
Among the officers of the French forces which set out from Chignecto on
the 21st of January, 1747, were de Villiers, who afterwards defeated
Washington at Fort Necessity, the Chevalier de la Corne, and others who
subsequently were to play important parts in the struggle which, twelve
years latex, resulted in victory for the British on the Plains of
Abraham. Diaries of their expedition were kept by Beaujeur and La Corne.
These officers relate that on the morning of January 27, 1747, they
stopped at the village of Tatamagouche, where they were joined by a
number of Acadians. Here they mended their broken sledges. Resuming
their journey, they at five o’clock in the afternoon arrived at a place
called Bacouel, at the beginning of a portage which led some twenty-five
miles across country to Cobequid, now Truro. The location of this place,
Bacouel, is not known, but apparently it was somewhere on the French
River, and the expedition probably went by a trail following the course
of the river, or possibly by the river itself, which at that time of the
year would be mostly frozen over. At Bacouel they were met by Girard,
priest of Cobequid, who seemed unwilling to assist the French, fearing
trouble with the English authorities. They spent the morning of the 28th
mending their sledges, and in the afternoon were joined by another party
of Acadians and Indians, whereupon they again set out and towards
evening reached a village near Cobequid. From the rapid progress made by
the expedition and the information received at various points concerning
the numbers and equipment of the British, it seems clear that convenient
lines of communication in the nature of a highway, extended from the
French settlements of Chignecto to those in the Annapolis Valley; and
the journals indicate that a number of Acadiansf were at that time
settled at Tatamagouche and in the country now-making up the northern
part of the County of Colchester.

In the journal of Captain William Pote, who was brought by the French as
a captive to Tatamagouche, there is given not only an account of his
journey from Annapolis, but as well an interesting narrative of an
encounter In the Harbour between several British vessels and a number of
Indians, assisted by the French.

Pote had been in command of the schooner “Montague” which was engaged in
carrying supplies to Annapolis, and on May 17th, 1745 was captured at
that place by the French and Indians. On the 9th of June, he arrived in
their custody at Cobequid, from whence all proceeded overland to
Tatamagouche, having Louisbourg as their prospective destination.

According to Pote, the party set out from Cobequid at 5 a. m. of Monday,
the 10th and arrived here a little before sunset of the same day. The
journey, 'he says, being “over high mountains and low valleys” was very
tiring and “Verey much fatigued both Indians and English, with Ye
Extream heat and Ye sun, yt Beat upon us with So much Vehemency. Some of
ye Indians yt carried Oonnews, was almost melted and obliged to Gave out
before the Night.”

About the settlement itself, Pote has only the following remark:

“At this place (Tatamagouche] there Livd an old Gentleman yt had been a
prisoner in queen Anne's War in boston, and Spoke Verey lood Emglish, ye
old Gentleman Saemed Very Kind to me, and Gave me a piece of Bread and
told me he was Verey Sorrev for our Misfortune and wished it was in his
power to Contribute any thing to our Consolation.”

On the following day, while they remained here, many of the Indians went
into the woods, where they busied themselves in making canoes and
providing food for their voyage to Louisbourg.

Describing their method of curing meat, Pote says: “there manner of
curing moate that they Design to keep any considerable time is to Cut it
in Large fletchers, and lay it over ye fire, till it is so Smoake-dryed,
and Rost'ed, yt one Cannot perceive any manner of moisture in it more
then in a chip, this ye Custom of both french and Indians, when they
Design to Carrey their provisions any considerable Distance."

On the next day, Wednesday, the French officers from Louisbourg heard
further news which caused them the greatest concern. The truth they
carefully concealed from the Indians, who believed that nothing was
amiss.

On Thursday, the 13th, preparations for the voyage to Louisbourg were
continued.

“Ye Indians Imployed in making Connews and paddles, and ye French In
Transporting of their bagage and all yt was heavey Carrige on board of
the Vessels, this Day there Came many horses Loaden with Provisions from
Quebecet [Cobequid] Viz. meal, flower, meat and Biskett and Liquor, the
french officers Seemed Exceeding Urgent to make all possible Dispatch."

On the next day (Friday) the party took its departure. The Indians
proceeded ahead in canoes which were

“so large yt Sum of them would carrey Very Comfortably fourteen men, and
their Bagage So yt ill of them Could Com-paddle, or Row, without
Discommoding Each other In ye Leaste.”

The French and their officers embarked on two vessels which it seems had
been sent to Tatamagouche to be at their disposal. Pote was taken into a
canoe with the Indians. In his narrative he gives no hint as to the
exact place of embarkation; he merely says, “We took our Departure from
Togmiguish”.

After the Indians had proceeded two or three leagues (which in any case
would take them well out into the Harbour) they learned that the vessels
bearing the French had grounded. Therefore they concluded it was best
“to Go on Shore and Stop for ye General.”f (who was on one of the French
vessels). They therefore landed “in a sandy cove, Behind a Point of Land
yt sheltered it from Ye Sea.” If they embarked on the river anywhere
near the site of the present village, this landing was in all
probability somewhere on the Malagash shore which is well sheltered, and
has, for the most part, a sandy beach, but from the few details given,
no definite conclusion regarding this and their subsequent movements can
be safely arrived at.

Next morning, as they sailed out and turned round the point, they saw
but a short distance from them three sloops which at once began to bear
directly down upon them. Great speculation then arose among the Indians
as to the nationality of the approaching craft. Some feared that they
were English, while others believed them to be French vessels bearing
supplies for Louisbourg. The Indians, who numbered two hundred or more,
kept a course close to shore which “brought ye Sloops to Hear almost a
Stern” of them and at a distance of six miles. The sloops gradually
began to overhaul the Indians who, for the first time, discerned the
French colours flying on the nearest craft. They were now firmly
convinced that it was a French ship and consequently were in a state of
great elation, but Pote says he was “firmly perswaeded to ye Contrary.”

In going round a large cove one of the sloops suddenly shot ahead and
sailed directly in the course of the canoes. The Indians, whose
suspicions were again aroused, decided to land on the beach, but before
they could do so they were overhauled by the sloops. And as they drew
near.

"Down Domes ye French colors on the one Side and up ye English on ye
other and knocked open their portes and almost in the Twinkling of an
Eye,”

they fired three of their cannon. Among the savages a great confusion
followed, and as Pote rather quaintly expresses it, “he was ye Best Alan
yt could Get on Shore first.” According to his narrative all safely
escaped on shore and when they had drawn their canoes out of the water
they sought safety behind what he terms a “seawall”. He describes the
encounter as foliows:

“Ye Bullets Continued flying amongst us, but by bad Fortune they all
Escaped Safe on Shore, and Never a man hurt. we hailed our Connews up
behind a Sea Wall. Ye Sloops Stood Near ye Shore uni Came to anker, and
fiered Verey Briskly unon us, But we being Behind ye Sea Wall it was to
no purpose, for as Soon as they Saw ye Flash of A Cannon they Tumbled as
quick as though they had been Shoot Down, ye Indians Lay Scatered along
Shore Some Considerable Distance and to Shew there Great Co wage, would
Sometimes Crawl from behind ye Sea Wall, and hoop and Yell, and make ye
most hellish Noise that is possible to proceed from he main Creature--at
Length there Came a ball, that passed through one of their Bodys and
Carried part of his powdter horn, that hung by his Side with it. the
Sloop yt Stood back for ye General, and those that was behind us, began
to firr Yerey briskly ye Indians began to [be] much Concerned for ye
General, and Sent Messengers Back by Land to Inspect how affairs Stood,
who Returned in a Very Short time, and gave Intelligence, that they
would Soon Take ye privatear. if they had a few Cannon But Nevertheless
if it Continued Callm, they would Soon take her with Small armes, for
they was then In Chase of her with all four of their resells, end Intend
to board her. ye two Sloops that was with us, hearing ye Continual
fireing come to Sail, and made all possible Kxjx'dction to ye others
assistance, as Soon as they Saw ye Sloops oaks towards ye General, ye
French officers that was with us, and Likewise ye Indians Changed their
Countenances and Exactly Imetated Beltcshaier ye Great King of Babylon
and Said one to another, that they was verey much Concerned at what they
feared would be ye Event, for they was Sensible there would be much
Blood Shed, if they was not all Destroyed, as Soon as ye French General
Saw ye other two Sloops, he Gave orders to make for ye Shore with all
possible Expedition, the Sloops gave Chase and followed them, Verey
Clost but by ye help of their Gars they made their Escape, and arrived
Safe Into their Lurking place, a Small Crick where ye Sloops could not
follow, ye Sloops followed Clost in to ye mouth of ye Crick, and Came to
anker. So that they Could by no means Come out. When we Saw ye Course
was Cleai we Embarqued In our Connews. In order to Return to Togmiguish.
In Expectation ye General and all yt was with him, was Either Taken or
killed, when we Came in Sight of ye Harbour, we found ye Three Sail of
Privetears, where Come to anker in ye Entrance, and we Could not by any
means pass, without being Exposed to ye danger of their Cannon, and we
was obliged to Go Round to another place and Transport our Connews by
Land Into ye harhour, this Night we Incamped at ye Head of a Small
Crick, arid Could not arrive to Togmcguish nor hear any News from ye
General, this Night I sought for an opportunity to make my Escape, but
ye Indians kept So Good a watch, I found it would be but Imprudent to
make ye attempt.”

It is probable that the place of retreat for the French vessels was
Gouzar an I that the creek referred to was Dewar’s Itiver. The British
ships to watch thorn would anchor near the bar which Pote correctly
terms the “entrance.”

The English captain, David Donahew, however, gives a rather different
version of this affair. It reads thus:

"On the 15th Instant [June, 1745] in Askmacouse Harbour, up the Bay [Tatamagouche
Bay], my Luck was to meet with two sloops and two schooners and an
unaccountable number of Indian Canoes. At six the same morning the
Captains Beeket [or Beckwith] and Fones [Daniel Fonrs] who were
consorted with me, being to Leeward saw some smoke which they pursued,
and soon lost sight of me. I pursued my Chase, and at Ten o'clock came
up with, and fired at them, they strove to decoy me and catch me in
shoal water, which I soon perceived and I accordingly stood away from
the Shore, they being a Thousand in number and I but Forty odd. We spoke
to Each other for two hours and a half; they knowing mv name they
desired me to make ready my Fast for them and I telling the cowards they
wTere afraid to row' up; the weather start ealm; as they come to Hand I
killed but the number I know not. I fired two hundred four Pounders
double round and Partridge fifty-three Pounders, my swivel and small
Arms continually playing on them. My stern by force of filing is down to
the water edge. Round House all to pieces but bold hearted; had it not
been so calm I should have done as I would, but not one Breath of Wind,
and they rowing all round me, both Head and Stern; but Capt. Becket and
Capt. Fones appearing in Sight they retreated and turn into shoal water
I followed them withm pistol shot till 1 ran aground; but blessed be
Cud, have got safe off. This was the army that besieged Annapolis and
was ordered to assist Louisbourg but their Design is prevented.”

Next morning the Indians joined the French where “they had hauled all
four of their Vessells ashore in a Criek and incamped by them.”

On Monday, the 17th another English ship arrived and anchored in the
harbour.

On Tuesday, Pote writes as follows:

“This Day ye French and Indians Imployod In falling Trees Hound their
Camps. In Expectation of ye English Comming to attack vm on Shore, there
was also Spies from our Camps, continually passing and repassing, to
Inspect wcither there was any Danger of their Handing, to attack ym
which the French and Indians told me they wished they would attempt & I
Should Soon have more of my Countrymen In there Camps with me for
Company.”

A conference of the Indians and French was held on Thursday. At this
meeting Marin proposed a scheme whereby they could steal past the
English ships and thus bring relief to the hard pressed Louisbourg, but
the Indians had had enough of fighting and insisted on proceeding by
land to Canada. The next day they began the journey and in due time
reached Quebec.

This incident which we have just noted can claim more than local
significance. It deserves mention in any provincial history, for in no
small measure it contributed to the fall of Louisbourg. Had the French
ships succeeded in escaping from the harbour and bringing relief the
result of the New Englanders’ expedition to Louisbourg might have been
entirely different. As the author of ‘‘Pote’s Journal” says:

“This exploit of Captain Donahew contributed very materially toward the
capture of Louisbourg. For had Marin arrived during the siege, he would
have harassed the New England troops not a little, and Duchambou
distinctly stated that Marin’s failure to appear proved disastrous to
him at a time when succour would have meant victory.”

Historians, as a rule, have been mistaken as to the place of the
engagement. Murdock in his history of Nova Scotia states that the
engagement took place oft of Cape Sable. “Douglass calls the place
‘Asmacouse’ and Donahew ‘Askamacouse Harbour’” But the publication of
“Pote’s Journal” removes all doubt as to the place and significance of
the engagement, and we trust that future historians of Nova Scotia will
not fail to give it the mention which it deserves.

There is another interesting letter written from Tatamagouche during
this period and which is still preserved.

in the French archives. The author was apparently an agent of the French
government who had gone to Tatamagouche for the purpose of inciting the
French and Indians against the British authorities. Late in December he
ventured to Tatamagouche without being molested. He found “that the
villagers were engaged in celebrating the festival of Christmas. It had
assumed an orgy of great dimensions. They had several great casks of rum
[fire water, cognac] from the Caribbean Islands and the people, freed
from the labours of the harvest, had abandoned themselves to the
enjoyment of the feast.” He admonished them severely but to no avail. He
found it impossible to expect any help from them in his projected
enterprise, and was obliged to return home without having accomplished
the object of his visit. Later on the Indians bitterly complained to him
of the treatment of their squaws by the French.

In 1714 the French settlers at Tatamagouche were joined by a number of
Acadians from Cobequid, who, evidently fearing that they soon would be
molested by the British, burned all their buildings and retired to
Tatamagouche, Itamsheg (Wallace) and other places on the north shore.

It was in 1755 that the British Government decided to expel the Acadians
and in July 31st of that year, we find Governor Lawrence writing as
follows to Col. Monckton:

. . but I am informed those will fall upon ways and means in spite of
all our vigilance to send off their cattle to the Island of St. John and
Louisbourg (which is now in a starving condition; by way of Tatamagouche.
I would, therefore, have you without loss of time, send thither a1
pretty strong detachment to beat up that quarter and to prevent- them.
You cannot want a guide for conducting the party, as there is not a
Frenchman at Chignecto but must perfectly know the road. . . I would
have you give orders to the detachment you send to Tatamagouche to
demolish all the houses which they find there, together with all the
shallops, boats, canoes or vessel of any kind which may be lying ready
for carrying off the inhabitants and their cattle, and by this means the
pernicious intercourse and intelligence between St. John Island and
Louisbourg and the inhabitants of the interior part of the country will
be in a great measure prevented.”

There is no official record that this order was ever carried out, but
the first settlers related that from observations, which they were able
to make, they believed that- the departure of the previous inhabitants
had been made in haste. When forced to leave Tatamagouche, the French
joined many of their compatriots who had previously settled at Arichat
Harbor au Bouche and other places in the eastern part of the province,
where their descendants still live.

After expelling the French from Tatamagouche, the British, in order to
frustrate any future attempt on the part of the French to re-occupy it,
erected a smail fort on that point of land at the head of the bay which
is still known as the “Blockhouse”. It was Governor Shirley of
Massachusetts who suggested that this fort should be erected. In a
letter written by him to Governor Lawrence, and dated at Boston, March
13th, 1756, he says:

“I would propose for your consideration whether taking possession of the
harbour of Tatamagouche and erecting a small fort “there, to be
garrisoned with one hundred and fifty men, may not be necessary.

There is no record that this suggestion of Shirley’s was ever acted
upon, but even today, an examination of the ground at this point of land
clearly shows that some kind of fortification was once there. Mounds of
earth, and remains of excavations are still plainly seen. It would thus
appear that this suggestion of Shirley’s met with the approval of the
Government, and that a fort was duly erected5.

The strategic importance of a fort at Tatamagouche at that period can be
easily understood. It guarded the terminus of the road leading from
Cobequid over the mountain, a road which as early as 1747 had been
opsned by the French. Had there been any endeavour on their part to
re-occupy this province, nothing would have been more probable than that
an expedition equipped at Quebec or Louisbourg, would disembark at
Tatamagouche and then proceed over this road to Cobequid, just as de
Ramezay’s expedition had done a few years previously. It was to meet
such an emergency that this fort was erected. It is to be remembered,
too, that at that time Prince Edward Island and Cape Breton were still
in the possession of the French, and a fort at Tatamagouche would tend
to prevent all communication between those colonies and any Acadians who
remained, or who might return to the mainland. With the capture of
Prince Edward Island and Louisbourg, and final surrender of the French
forces in Canada in 1760, all further need of a fort at Tatamagouche was
at an end, and consequently it was allowed to fall into ruin.

The attempt to settle this place by the French resulted in failure—a
failure not due to any want of industry or forbearance on the part of
the Colonists, but entirely to the inability of the King of France to
recapture and hold Nova Scotia as a French Province. Nothing was
accomplished except the clearing of a few scattered acres, the erection
of several small water-mills, a little fur trading, and the cutting of
timber and masts for the Navy of France.

“They departed and others entered into the reward of their labours. The
land was taken from them and given to another who, while speaking the
same language, worshipped at a different altar, and honoured another
king."

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