By far the most serious coup administered against freedom in Canada was the seizure of control of the federal Liberal Party by Pierre Elliott Trudeau and his leftist clique in 1968. Since Trudeau seized the levers of federal power Canada has been politically, constitutionally, and now economically in turmoil and disintegration. Language problems have been exacerbated, regional issues have been aggravated and the feeling of alienation and separation has spread across this country. And, of course, in foreign policy, Trudeau has shifted us onto the side of Castro and close to the Soviet Union. Forget the possibility of ‘revolution’ in our country. In Canada, the revolution was!

Now, this should not be too surprising to Canadians if they really knew the background of their Prime Minister. This background was carefully researched, documented, and published in the March 1968 issue of The Canadian Intelligence Service — before Mr. Trudeau was even leader of the Liberal Party. While this revelation evoked in lib-left circles a great deal of teeth-gnashing, superficial denials, and smear against the Service and its publisher, the background documentation has never been refuted, and today may be found even in Hansard. Following, are excerpts from that original report:

1940: “Booted out of the Canadian Officer Training Corps (COTC) during the War for lack of discipline.” (Toronto Star, Mar. 3, 1968)

1941: Associated with anti-War and Red-supported Bloc Populaire in undermining war effort.

1945: Enrolled at Harvard, spawning ground of leftist intellectuals.

1947: Attended London School of Economics. Told Norman DePoe that Prof. Harold Laski, the Marxist, was “the most stimulating and powerful influence he has encountered.” (Weekend Magazine No. 13, 1966)

1950: Was in Shanghai when the Communists took over, and became a rabid admirer of Mao Tse-tung and his Red regime.

1951: Back in Montreal, he launched the leftist publication Cité Libre. Among the well-known Reds who collaborated, we note: Prof. Raymond Boyer (convicted of Soviet espionage in the Gouzenko Case); Stanley B. Ryerson, leading theoretician of the Communist Party and editor of Marxist Review; Pierre Gelinas, Quebec director of Agitation & Propaganda (“Agitprop”) of the Communist Party.

1952: Led delegation of Communists to the Moscow Economic Conference.

1953: Barred entry into the USA as an “inadmissible” person.

1955: Launched Le Rassemblement, a leftist “united front” rally in Quebec, but the CCF refused to join because it was too leftist.

1960: Led a Communist delegation to Peking for Red victory celebration.

1961: Social Purpose for Canada, the socialist handbook written by Marxist and NDP leaders, was published, containing a chapter by Mr. Trudeau in which he lauds Mao Tse-tung, urges socialists not to “water down” their socialism but to make its approach more “flexible,” and to welcome federalism “as a valuable tool which permits dynamic parties to plant socialist governments in certain provinces, from which the seed of radicalism can slowly spread.”

1962: Amidst protests, this millionaire leftist succeeded in gaining appointment as a professor at University of Montreal, which became a pro-Castro stronghold. Appointed to executive of Red-line Canadian Peace Research institute.

1963: Campaigned with NDP against Liberals, whom he called “idiots” because they had decided to accept nuclear defence weapons.

1965: Having decided to use the Liberal Party as an instrument to propel himself to political power, he and leftists Jean Marchand and Gérard Pelletier became ‘Liberals’ and were elected to Parliament, where they formed the “New Guard” of the Liberal Party.

1966: Appointed Parliamentary Secretary to P.M. Lester Pearson.

1967: Named Minister of Justice. Credited in Communist press with intervening personally to reinstate hippie rag Georgia Straight, which had been banned by Vancouver Mayor Campbell for obscenity.

To the left of Canadian Prime Minister Trudeau is the report of the Reds’ International Economic Conference held in Moscow in 1952. To the right is the part of that report listing Canadian delegates. Former Communist Marcus Hancock has testified that the Canadian delegation, headed by Trudeau, was organized by Canada’s Communist Party, which paid the delegates’ bills. Hancock, himself a delegate, says everyone he knew in the delegation was a Party member.

Introduced bill to legalize abortion and homosexuality, spearheading drive to shift Canadian justice from Scriptural to Humanistic basis.

Within 24 months of wresting control of the federal Liberal Party, our new Fabian-Socialist* Prime Minister had already begun to surreptitiously change the course of our country. Ottawa columnist Lubor Zink, in his May 25, 1971 column, let the cat out of the bag when he wrote:

Two years ago, discussing his operation of the ship of state, Prime Minister Trudeau told an interviewer: ‘One has to be in the wheelhouse to see what shifts are taking place. I know that we have spun the wheel and I know that the rudder is beginning to press against the waves and the sea . . . but perhaps the observer, who is on the deck and smoking his pipe, or drinking his tea, sees the horizon much in the same direction and doesn’t realize it, but perhaps he will find himself disembarking at a different island than the one he thought he was sailing for.

So steadily, but gradually, in the best Fabian style, did the Prime Minister spin the wheel and change our course, that an examination of our Canada just 13 years later reveals staggering evidence of an incredible revolutionary change.

But let us examine a few more aspects of national security and the cover-up of subversion under the Trudeau regime.

One incident stands out vividly in my mind which gives an insight into the secret of Gagnon’s success as a Communist infiltrator. In 1952 I was returning from a meeting of the National Committee of the Canadian Peace Congress in Toronto, and met Gagnon in the diner of the train going to Quebec City. The diner was practically deserted and we could talk freely. Somehow the converstion turned to the Alger Hiss-Whittaker Chambers affair — and, of course, Gagnon did not know that he was speaking to an RCMP Special Branch undercover agent. In his eyes I was one of the outstanding Communist fellow-travelers in Canada. He understood the fact that I was not, like him, a card-carrying member only because of tactical considerations. Consequently, he had no need to guard his words with me. “Hiss made one big mistake, Pat,” he confided as he looked around the diner, “and that mistake was when he sued Chambers for libel.”

A few years later Gagnon was to prove that he would not make a similar mistake. When I publicly called him a Communist in 1956 and produced a photostat of a letter of his which he had once written to me, showing beyond any shadow of a doubt that he was a Communist, he refused to be goaded on to sue me for libel — although he did bluff a libel suit on a few prominent politicians who had repeated my statements. But, significantly, when the time for the trials came along Mr. Gagnon failed to show up and the suits were dismissed. He knew only too well that I could easily prove he had been, and was still, a Communist.

A number of Liberals were disturbed by the references in the press to his Communist record. As the Quebec Liberal Party was trying to recoup its lost political prestige, and Gagnon was the virtual head of the Provincial Liberal publicity department, many sincere anti-Communist Liberals were convinced that he was more of a liability than an asset to the Liberal cause. Some of the more outspoken Liberals were always urging Gagnon to sue newspapers for libel whenever any reference to his Communist past or to his participation in the Gouzenko affair was mentioned.

But Jean-Louis Gagnon knew all the details of two of the most famous trials of recent history: the libel suit of Oscar Wilde against Lord Queensbury (in which Queensbury turned the defence into a prosecution which led to Wilde’s imprisonment), and the Hiss-Chambers trial (in which Chambers was instrumental in turning his defence into a prosecution which led to Hiss’ imprisonment for perjury). Somehow these two trials had become an obsession with Gagnon! And, on the other hand, he was not the only ‘Liberal’ involved, and the same situation that existed in Democratic circles in the USA was being paralleled in Canada. As Chambers said in his book, Witness (page 473):

Every move against the Communists was felt by the liberals as a move against themselves. If only for the sake of their public health record, the liberals, to protect their power, must seek as long as possible to conceal from themselves and everybody else the fact that the Government had been Communist-penetrated.

To get back to our conversation in the diner in 1952, Gagnon stated that he was “better protected” than even Alger Hiss, who even after conviction enjoyed the support of the Secretary of State and Supreme Court Justices! After a furtive look-around, Gagnon exultingly whispered across the dinner table, “What I have more than Alger Hiss had to protect me from exposure is the fact that I did work for British Intelligence at one time.” Obviously he thought that nobody could ever believe he had been a Communist because of the fact that he had worked for British Intelligence during the war.

The mere fact that Gagnon was first recommended to the British Foreign Office by Donald Maclean (the Soviet agent in the British Foreign Office who later fled to the Soviet Union) is rather significant. And the fact that whilst in London and other cities he seemed more interested in looking up Soviet contacts than in carrying out the work he was paid for (radio programs for the BBC, British double-checking of North African ‘contacts,’ etc.) was one of the reasons the British Intelligence dropped him like a hot potato. His pro-Soviet past was even too unsavoury for the French in North Africa, and neither he nor his wife was allowed to stay in Algiers after the Allied landings.

Whilst this writer was working for the RCMP Special Branch, he continually received specific instructions to supply as much information as possible on Gagnon’s underground Communist activities; and the late Superintendent, John Leopold, expressed disgust when the name of Jean-Louis Gagnon was ‘omitted’ from the final report of the Royal Commission pursuant to the Gouzenko revelations. In one of the Gouzenko documents it was plainly indicated that Jean-Louis Gagnon had supplied the ‘D-Day’ date [June 5th-6th] to Colonel Zabotin after Gagnon had received this information from the famous ‘missing papers.’. . .

So much for the excerpts from my report published in that 1960 CIS issue. Following, are extracts from a most revealing letter (original in French) which Gagnon wrote to me in 1940:

I haven’t got a drop of national glory in my veins, but I have a lot of hot red blood that demands vengeance …

“I believe that revolt is the law of the slave, and one must die according to his law — but I do not believe anymore that there are races that are born to reign or to dominate…

“Nationalism leads to useless wars; class struggle leads to the liberation of the oppressed… the class struggle is a liberating factor…

“I believe that we will find ourselves, inevitably, on the same side of the barricades; because, first of all I believe that one day there will be barricades, and finally because I believe that lead [bullets], fire and blood will suffice to ensure our agreement… ”

Should any reader still doubt the incredible pro-Red background of Mr. Gagnon, who has held so many top posts under the Pearson and Trudeau ‘Liberal’ regimes, I invite a close examination of the following photographic reproductions:

At the left is a photographic reproduction of a 1943 flier, promoting a Communist Youth Convention at which the featured speakers were none other than Jean-Louis Gagnon and Fred Rose, the Communist MP and Soviet spy.

Immediately below is a reproduction from an issue of the Communist organ, La Victoire, in which Jean-Louis Gagnon honours this Red publication. Two other ‘leading citizens’ who similarly ‘honoured’ this Red organ were Fred Rose and Bob Haddow, both notorious Red leaders.

NOTE: Over the years, both The Canadian Intelligence Service and On Target have published many reports on this incredible Gagnon case, giving more details and documentation. Several of these articles and reports have been gathered together and are available in a “packet” for $2. Order from: Canadian Intelligence Publications, Box 130, Flesherton, Ontario NOC 1EO.

In the Hansard report at the right, MP Dufresne is asking PM St. Laurent: “Is the Prime Minister aware that a radio commentator and newspaperman by the name of Jean-Louis Gagnon, who has been closely associated with Fred Rose and other well known Canadian Communist leaders, is presently one of the main publicity agents of the Liberal Party in Quebec, and chief editor of the party’s official publication in that province?”

The prevalence of homosexuals in government enabled the Soviet Union’s KGB spy network to score its greatest post-war successes in Ottawa.

—Columnist Bob Reguly, Toronto Sun, March 30, 1981

The publication of Chapman Pincher’s book, Their Trade is Treachery, dealing with the penetration of the Free World’s secret defences by the Soviet KGB secret police, has created concern throughout the Free World. This book was also responsible for the startling revelation that John Watkins, Canada’s ambassador to Moscow for 1954-56, and his successor, David Johnson, were both blackmailed by the KGB through set-up pictures of homosexual encounters.

The RCMP Security Service has likewise disclosed that a third ambassador, his name unrevealed, had also been blackmailed in similar circumstances by the KGB.

Further revelations by investigative reporter Bob Reguly in the Toronto Sun in the spring of 1981, quoted a former top-level RCMP officer to the effect that the Watkins “affair” had unleashed a large-scale clean-out of homosexuals in government as security risks, with the hunt focusing on the External Affairs Department in Ottawa. RCMP sources indicated that they had identified 3,000 homosexuals in middle and senior positions in the civil service and wanted them all weeded out, but didn’t succeed.

Many Canadians were somewhat puzzled in 1967, when the then Justice Minister, Pierre Elliott Trudeau, spawned his Criminal Code amendments which included legalizing homosexuality. Bob Reguly and others have claimed that when he became Prime Minister, Trudeau was instrumental in easing up the security restrictions on homosexuals, especially in External Affairs. It was around this time that the first inkling of a “Featherbed File” became known, and for the next 13 years all attempts by the Opposition MPs and the mass media to have the “Featherbed File” made public was thwarted by the Trudeau regime.

However the on-going security investigation pursuant to the “Gouzenko revelations ” of 1945-46 (which led to the arrest of fifteen top civil servants involved in Soviet espionage) brought out other aspects which have been carefully concealed by successive federal governments over a 60-year period.