Louis R. Browning: “The United States, it would seem, is the primary seat of worldwide Jewish power, and U.S. cultural, economic, and military power is the fulcrum by which the Jewish extended phenotype leverages itself against gentile—particularly European gentile—interests. . . . The ‘end of the Cold War’ has not ended the threat of Marxism; paradoxically, as the Marxist Soviet states of Eastern Europe collapsed, alternative ‘softer’ forms of Marxist totalitarianism, in the form of ‘political correctness’ and ‘racial sensitivity’ (that is, sensitivity to the needs of all peoples except Europeans) spread throughout the West, usually with Jewish assistance. Thus we have reached a point at which, in many European nations, political dissent that is critical of Jewish interests is prohibited, and bizarre forms of coercion are in place to stifle such forms of dissent. We may well ask which side really won the ‘Cold War.’”“Bioculture: A New Paradigm for the Evolution of Western Populations,”The Occidental Quarterly (Spring 2004), 31-46 at 42.

Jewish power, de facto policies of genocide, anti-White racism, and freedom of speech and association are the overriding issues of our time. The Jewish faction in the West has evolved into a mafia—albeit a mafia protected by, and exercising control over, government, police, prosecutors, the judiciary, and society’s opinion-molding apparatus. Its power is nearly absolute, unfettered by law (external constraint) or morality (internal constraint).

It is by this yardstick that Ronald Reagan’s legacy must be measured. The verdict: Ronald Reagan failed his people, his nation, and his civilization.

On Reagan’s watch, the U.S.:

· Pursued anti-South-African policies that within a decade destroyed a White, First World nation.

· Furthered the ongoing institutionalization of anti-White hatred and discrimination in law and government.

· Made Martin Luther King, Jr. Day a national holiday.

· Viciously persecuted elderly Whites through the “Justice” Department’s Jewish Office of Special Investigations (OSI), in the process defaming everyone of European descent.

· Facilitated the transfer of hundreds of thousands of privileged Soviet and Eastern European Jews to the United States, thereby intensifying the rigid intolerance and totalitarianism of American elites.

(White) Racism and Anti-Semitism as “Sins:” The Nature of Reagan’s Racial Beliefs

"The myth about myself that has always bothered me most is that I am a bigot who somehow surreptitiously condones racial prejudice. . . . For some reason, this myth stuck to me . . . Whatever the reasons for the myth that I'm a racist, I blow my top every time I hear it." (An American Life, 401-2)

Reagan’s statement is unquestionably true. A careful analysis of the record proves that Ronald Reagan was not a “racist” in the accepted sense of the term. Never in his life did he intentionally defend the interests of Whites as a group—notwithstanding the massive media, academic, and political propaganda to the contrary. The media, politicians, and academics lied.

Naturally, Reagan (like everyone else) was racist—he was a politically correct racist: anti-White, but favoring racial discrimination in favor of Jews and non-Whites. Society’s pretense that such prejudices and hatreds are not racist—or are even “anti-racist”—is laughable.

In his autobiography, Reagan boasts that he appointed more Negroes to high office in California than “all the previous governors combined.” As president, “our administration filed plenty of cases to correct civil rights abuses—as many as or more than any previous administration in history. Funding for enforcement of [anti-White] civil rights laws went up eighteen percent over my eight years in office. We took the lead in developing new civil rights legislation that strengthened the Fair Housing Act of 1968 [thereby violating free association and free market principles]. And, proportionally, blacks benefited more than any other racial group from our economic policies.” (401)

Reagan’s very first political speech, delivered at the Santa Ana Municipal Bowl in December 1945—a propaganda event dubbed “United America Day” by its promoters—was spoken in honor of “a dead, slant-eyed American hero, Staff Sergeant Kazuo Masuda,” writes Edmund Morris. “On the dais were the Masuda family, fresh from wartime internment, and a [racially] variegated party representing at least nine subcategories of the national census. Ronald Reagan, wearing uniform for the last time, handsomely projected a Caucasian rosiness that no suntan could darken.”

Reagan thanked Masuda’s parents for their son’s sacrifice: “The blood that has soaked into the sands of the beaches is all one color,” he said. “America stands unique in the world—a country not founded on race, but on a way and an ideal. Not in spite of, but because of our polyglot background, we have had all the strength in the world. That is the American way.” (June Masuda Goto’s November 19, 1987 letter to President Reagan.)

We must never forget that no government schemes are going to perfect man. We know that living in this world means dealing with what philosophers would call the phenomenology of evil or, as theologians would put it, the doctrine of sin.

There is sin and evil in the world, and we're enjoined by Scripture and the Lord Jesus to oppose it with all our might. Our nation, too, has a legacy of evil with which it must deal. The glory of this land has been its capacity for transcending the moral evils of our past. For example, the long struggle of minority citizens for equal rights, once a source of disunity and civil war is now a point of pride for all Americans. We must never go back. There is no room for racism, anti-Semitism, or other forms of ethnic and racial hatred in this country.

I know that you've been horrified, as have I, by the resurgence of some hate groups preaching bigotry and prejudice. Use the mighty voice of your pulpits and the powerful standing of your churches to denounce and isolate these hate groups in our midst. The commandment given us is clear and simple: "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself."

Significantly, these prejudiced remarks were part of Reagan’s famous “evil empire” speech (the term “evil empire” occurs in the eighth paragraph up from the bottom [i.e., the end of the speech], the paragraph beginning, “So, I urge you . . .”). The quoted paragraphs immediately precede and introduce by way of analogy (right after these remarks, Reagan says, “And this brings me to my final point today . . . ”) Reagan’s much-decried depiction of the Soviet Union as an “evil empire.” Thus, White “racism” and Soviet totalitarianism are paired in this landmark speech as epitomes of “sin” and “evil.” By implication, “racism” and “anti-Semitism” are entirely illegitimate, fair game for suppression by God’s representatives on earth—including “anti-racist” (i.e., anti-White) government officials.

(Note: Some Internet sites, including Professor Paul Halsall’s Modern History Sourcebook, mistakenly identify a different speech, the President’s address to the House of Commons on June 8, 1982, as the “evil empire" speech. Though Reagan does invoke the concept of “evil” in that speech, the term “evil empire” is not used. Furthermore, Reagan’s 1990 autobiography identifies the address to the NAE, not the address to Parliament, as the speech in question—as does the President’s own website: “This is the ‘evil empire’ speech that was so often quoted as defining my attitude toward the Soviets.”)

Reagan believed that opposition to Jewish tyranny, and resistance to the genocide of the White race and Western civilization, was evil. (Of course, he would not have framed it that way.) White racial pride, consciousness or even commitment to ethnic preservation were stigmatized, literally, as sin (he frequently invoked the concepts “sin” and “evil” in this regard). Furthermore, the elevation of Jews to the role of Christ crucified (by allegedly Satanic Nazi/German/White racists during the “Holocaust”), with non-Whites in the role of “Jew, Jr.,” meant that the President would, without compunction, utilize the power of the state to crush “White racism” in accordance with God’s injunction.

The essence of Reagan’s anti-White racism and philo-Semitism appears to have been a crusader, or warlike, zeal to oppose “evil.” The wild card in such cases is the particular notion(s) individuals who think that way happen to adopt as evil or sinful in their minds. Once Reagan was convinced something was evil, he became a determined and formidable crusader against it. Reagan’s sharp swing from Leftist to anti-Communist suggests that a substantial element of chance is involved in the process. If he hadn’t had revelatory clashes with Communists in the 40s and 50s, he would presumably have continued labeling anti-Communists as evil fascists for the rest of his life—and behaved accordingly. Instead, he ended up doing just the opposite.

In this regard, Reagan is highly representative of Whites as a group. His intransigence toward anything he denominated “evil” is basically the same kind that possessed both sides in the endless internecine conflicts that have decimated the European gene pool over the centuries—Protestant versus Catholic, North versus South, Allies versus Axis, you name it. In World Wars I and II, full-blooded German-Americans slaughtered full-blooded Germans (and vice versa), each side convinced the other was “evil” (or they would not have been killing each other). Reagan’s anti-White racism was not akin to the Puritanical, hate-filled fanaticism of a Jane Elliott or a David Stannard, however. The latter are representatives of a different (and less prevalent) psychological type.

Reagan’s good (Jews, non-Whites) versus evil (Whites) mindset on the race question is best illustrated by way of example. In 1946, the Attorney General of California, Robert Kenny, claimed there was an upsurge of White “hate” in the state: “Negroes have been beaten, fiery crosses have been burned, synagogues have been defaced, signs and symbols of the Klan have appeared in minority group neighborhoods.”

According to Stephen Vaughn (2002), however, Los Angeles authorities “claimed they found little evidence of KKK activity. The violence had been perpetrated by ‘juveniles ... the work of pranksters,’ according to Mayor Fletcher Bowron.”

To assist in the fight against alleged racist evil in California, Reagan participated in a radio program, “Operation Terror,” part of an anti-White series called It’s Happening Here that aired on KLAC radio in September 1946. Vaughn recounts: “Reagan beheld a conspiracy. ‘Are these just isolated cases of mob hysteria? Not on your life. There is a plan behind all this,’ he declared, ‘a capably organized systematic campaign of fascist violence and intimidation and horror.... The mobs are being stirred up; hopped up by racial hatred that is deadlier than marijuana.’ The violence was the work of a lunatic-fringe, ‘the kind of crackpots that became Reich Fuehrer; the kind of crackpots that became El Duce; the kind of crackpots who know that “divide” comes before “conquer.”' Terrorism had to be stopped. ‘I have to stand and speak,’ he said, ‘to lift my face and shout that this must end, to fill my lungs to bursting with clean air, and so cry out “stop the flogging, stop the terror, stop the murder!”’”

California State Senator Jack. B. Tenney is an unsung American hero. Beginning with investigations into Communist activities in California in the 1940s, and such books as Red Fascism: An Expose and Manual of Communist Strategy (Los Angeles: Federal Printing Co., 1947), he evolved into an early and courageous opponent of Jewish power per se (something Reagan never did), penning articles like “Anti-Gentile Activity in the United States: A Report and Appraisal” (1954). (On the first page of this article he calls Jewish assaults upon White society and individuals “organized bigotry” and “anti-Gentile bigotry.”)

Reagan’s “Operation Terror” speech, spoken in the passion of youth, vividly conveys the good versus evil mindset that characterized Reagan’s attitude toward White survival, and still found expression decades later in the more measured tones of the “evil empire” speech. What John Meroney (2004) observes of a Reagan film aptly describes his lifelong racial views as well: “Reagan took on a role in a picture called Storm Warning (1951). He played a crusading prosecutor in the Deep South who becomes a saviour to those victimised by another subversive group—the Klan. Had the Communist Party been substituted for Southern white supremacists, Storm Warning would have been a fairly accurate representation of what Reagan was doing in real life.”

The anti-White Storm Warning, incidentally, was made by Reagan’s employer, Warner Brothers studio, owned and operated by Jews Jack, Harry and Albert Warner. The film’s producer was Jew Jerry Wald. Co-scriptwriters were Jews Daniel Fuchs and Richard Brooks (Brooks was also a homosexual). Director: Stuart Heisler. Since they’re God’s chosen children, of course, no racial animosity could possibly have tainted the making of that film. Only Mel Gibson can “hate.”

Jews raised a huge stink over Reagan’s characterization of the Soviet Union as an “evil empire.” (His characterization of White—but not Jewish—“racism” as equally evil did not trouble them.) It must be presumed that Jews consciously understood the importance of preventing Reagan from classifying something vital to their interests as “evil,” since it was apt to fuel his crusader zeal. In the future, Whites must offer equally powerful disincentives to those who insist upon stigmatizing White “racism” and “anti-Semitism”—i.e., freedom of speech, democracy, and opposition to cultural and biological genocide—as evil.

First in a series. Upon completion, the individual entries will be republished in their entirety on this site, possibly with emendations and additional text, as a single unit. Abbreviated citations in parentheses refer to selected sources, a list of which will be posted later. Many parenthetical citations, however, are self-explanatory or, when referring to sources available online, hyperlinked upon first appearance.

During this period, more immigrants came to America than since the first decade of the 20th century. A total of 7.4 million newcomers arrived in the 1980s, representing an approximately 70 percent jump from the 1970s. Immigration patterns in the Reagan years were similar to those in 1970s, with nearly 91 percent of the immigrants coming from Asia, Mexico, and the Caribbean.

America's Hispanic population increased by 50 percent, from 14.6 million to 22.4 million. Los Angeles was home to about a million Latinos. Furthermore, the number of Asian Americans nearly doubled, from 3.5 million to 7.3 million, and nearly forty percent of that ethnic minority population lived in California. Perhaps 2 million immigrants were undocumented, or illegal newcomers, largely Hispanics. Responding to public and political concerns about this part of the population, Congress passed the Immigration Reform and Control Act in 1986. A difficult law to enforce, the act required employers to vouch for the legal status of their workers. The law also offered amnesty to all undocumented workers who had arrived prior to 1982.

washington | Ronald Reagan’s presidency was a time when U.S. Jewish power grew to new levels of influence — and when Jews learned of its limits.

Thanks to Reagan, who died Saturday, June 5, at age 93 after a long struggle with Alzheimer’s, the years 1981-89 saw the consolidation of bipartisan support for the causes Jews held dearest: a secure Israel and the freedom of Soviet Jews.

It also saw the Republican Party become an acceptable option for Jews, ensuring that no single party could take the Jewish vote for granted.

washington | Some Jewish officials said they had a certain perception of Ronald Reagan when they walked into the White House during the 1980s: that the 40th president of the United States was aloof and unfamiliar with the complexities of the issues of the day.

But when they walked out of meetings with Reagan, those perceptions often had changed.

“He was far brighter than he was given credit for,” said Shoshana Cardin, former chairwoman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations. “He was far more knowledgeable.”

Title I -- Policy of the United States with Respect to Ending Apartheid
Policy Toward the Government of South Africa
Sec. 101. (a) United States policy toward the Government of South Africa shall be designed to bring about reforms in that system of government that will lead to the establishment of a nonracial democracy.
(b) The United States will work toward this goal by encouraging the Government of South Africa to --

(1) repeal the present state of emergency and respect the principle of equal justice under law for citizens of all races

(3) permit the free exercise by South Africans of all races of the right to form political parties, express political opinions, and otherwise participate in the political process;

(4) establish a timetable for the elimination of apartheid laws

(5) negotiate with representatives of all racial groups in South Africa the future political system in South Africa, and

(6) end military and paramilitary activities aimed at neighboring states.

(c) The United States will encourage the actions set forth in subsection (b) through economic, political, and diplomatic measures as set forth in this Act. The United States will adjust its actions toward the Government of South Africa to reflect the progress or lack of progress made by the Government of South Africa in meeting the goal set forth in subsection (a).
Policy Toward the African National Congress, etc.
Sec 102. (a) United States policy toward the African National Congress, the Pan African Congress, and their affiliates shall be designed to bring about a suspension of violence that will lead to the start of negotiations designed to bring about a nonracial and genuine democracy in South Africa.
(b) The United States shall work toward this goal by encouraging the African National Congress and the Pan African Congress, and their affiliates, to --

(1) suspend terrorist activities so that negotiations with the Government of South Africa and other groups representing black South Africans will be possible;

(2) make known their commitment to a free and democratic post-apartheid South Africa --

(3) agree to enter into negotiations with the South African Government and other groups representing black South Africans for the peaceful solution of the problems of South Africa --

(4) reexamine their ties to the South African Communist Party.

(c) The United States will encourage the actions set forth in subsection (b) through political and diplomatic measures. The United States will adjust its actions toward the Government of South Africa not only to reflect progress or lack of progress made by the Government of South Africa in meeting the goal set forth in subsection 101(a) but also to reflect progress or lack of progress made by the ANC and other organizations in meeting the goal set forth in subsection (a) of this section.

Policy Toward the Victims of Apartheid

Sec 103. (a) The United States policy toward the victims of apartheid is to use economic, political, diplomatic, and other effective means to achieve the removal of the root cause of their victimization, which is the apartheid system. In anticipation of the removal of the system of apartheid and as a further means of challenging that system, it is the policy of the United States to assist these victims of apartheid as individuals and through organizations to overcome the handicaps imposed on them by the system of apartheid and to help prepare them for their rightful roles as full participants in the political, social, economic, and intellectual life of their country in the post-apartheid South Africa envisioned by this Act.
(b) The United States will work toward the purposes of subsection (a) by --
(1) providing assistance to South African victims of apartheid without discrimination by race, color, sex, religious belief, or political orientation, to take advantage of educational opportunities in South Africa and in the United States to prepare for leadership positions in a post-apartheid South Africa;

(2) assisting victims of apartheid;

(3) aiding individuals or groups in South Africa whose goals are to aid victims of apartheid or foster nonviolent legal or political challenges to the apartheid laws;

(4) furnishing direct financial assistance to those whose nonviolent activities had led to their arrest or detention by the South African authorities and (B) to the families of those killed by terrorist acts such as "necklacings";

(5) intervening at the highest political levels in South Africa to express the strong desire of the United States to see the development in South Africa of a nonracial democratic society;

(6) supporting the rights of the victims of apartheid through political, economic, or other sanctions in the event the Government of South Africa fails to make progress toward the removal of the apartheid laws and the establishment of such democracy; and

(7) supporting the rights of all Africans to be free of terrorist attacks by setting a time limit after which the United States will pursue diplomatic and political measures against those promoting terrorism and against those countries harboring such groups so as to achieve the objectives of this Act.

Policy Toward Other Countries in South Africa

Sec 104. (a) The United States policy toward the other countries in the Southern African region shall be designed to encourage democratic forms of government, full respect for human rights, an end to cross-border terrorism, political independence, and economic development.
(b) The United States will work toward the purposes of subsection (a) by --
(1) helping to secure the independence of Namibia and the establishment of Namibia as a nonracial democracy in accordance with appropriate United Nations Security Council resolutions;

(2) supporting the removal of all foreign military forces from the region;

(3) encouraging the nations of the region to settle differences through peaceful means;

(4) promoting economic development through bilateral and multilateral economic assistance targeted at increasing opportunities in the productive sectors of national economies, with a particular emphasis on increasing opportunities for nongovernmental economic activities;

(5) encouraging, and when necessary, strongly demanding, that all countries of the region respect the human rights of their citizens and noncitizens residing in the country, and especially the release of persons persecuted for their political beliefs or detained without trial;

(6) encouraging, and when necessary, strongly demanding that all countries of the region take effective action to end cross-border terrorism; and

(7) providing appropriate assistance, within the limitations of American responsibilities at home and in other regions, to assist regional economic cooperation and the development of interregional transportation and other capital facilities necessary for economic growth.
Policy Toward Frontline States

Sec 105. It is the sense of the Congress that the President should discuss with the governments of the African "frontline" states the effects on them of disruptions in transportation or other economic links through South Africa and of means of reducing those effects.

Sec. 106. (a)(1) United States policy will seek to promote negotiations among representatives of all citizens of South Africa to determine a future political system that would permit all citizens to be full participants in the governance of their country. The United States recognizes that important and legitimate political parties in South Africa include several organizations that have been banned and will work for the unbanning of such organizations in order to permit legitimate political viewpoints to be represented at such negotiations. The United States also recognizes that some of the organizations fighting apartheid have become infiltrated by Communists and that Communists serve on the governing boards of such organizations.

(2) To this end, it is the sense of the Congress that the President, the Secretary of State, or other appropriate high-level United States officials should meet with the leaders of opposition organizations of South Africa, particularly but not limited to those organizations representing the black majority. Furthermore, the President, in concert with the major allies of the United States and other interested parties, should seek to bring together opposition political leaders with leaders of the Government of South Africa for the purpose of negotiations to achieve a transition to the post-apartheid democracy envisioned in this Act.

(b) The United States will encourage the Government of South Africa and all participants to the negotiations to respect the right of all South Africans to form political parties, express political opinions, and otherwise participate in the political process without fear of retribution by either governmental or nongovernmental organizations. It is the sense of the Congress that a suspension of violence is an essential precondition for the holding of negotiations. The United States calls upon all parties to the conflict to agree to a suspension of violence.

(c) The United States will work toward the achievement of agreement to suspend violence and begin negotiations through coordinated actions with the major Western allies and with the governments of the countries in the region.
(d) It is the sense of the Congress that the achievement of an agreement for negotiations could be promoted if the United States and its major allies, such as Great Britain, Canada, France, Italy, Japan, and West Germany, would hold a meeting to develop a fourpoint plan to discuss with the Government of South Africa a proposal for stages of multilateral assistance to South Africa in return for the Government of South Africa implementing --
(1) an end to the state of emergency and the release of the political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela;

(2) the unbanning of the African National Congress, the Pan African Congress, the Black Consciousness Movement, and all other groups willing to suspend terrorism and to participate in negotiations and a democratic process

(3) a revocation of the Group Areas Act and the Population Registration Act and the granting of universal citizenship to all South Africans, including homeland residents; and

(4) the use of the international offices of a third party as an intermediary to bring about negotiations with the object of the establishment of power-sharing with the black majority.

Policy Toward International Cooperation on Measures to End Apartheid
Sec. 107. (a) The Congress finds that --

(1) international cooperation is a prerequisite to an effective anti-apartheid policy and to the suspension of terrorism in South Africa; and

(2) the situation in South Africa constitutes an emergency in international relations and that action is necessary for the protection of the essential security interests of the United States.

(b) Accordingly, the Congress urges the President to seek such cooperation among all individuals, groups, and nations.
Policy Toward Necklacing
Sec. 108. It is the sense of the Congress that the African National Congress should strongly condemn and take effective actions against the execution by fire, commonly known as "necklacing", of any person in any country.

United States Ambassador to Meet with Nelson Mandela Sec. 109. It is the sense of the Senate that the United States Ambassador should promptly make a formal request to the South African Government for the United States Ambassador to meet with Nelson Mandela.
Policy Toward the Recruitment and Training of Black South Africans by United States Employers

Sec. 110. (a) The Congress finds that --

(1) the policy of apartheid is abhorrent and morally repugnant;

(2) the United States believes strongly in the principles of democracy and individual freedoms;

(3) the United States endorses the policy of political participation of all citizens;

(4) a free, open, and vital economy is a primary means for achieving social equality and economic advancement for all citizens; and

(5) the United States is committed to a policy of securing and enhancing human rights and individual dignity throughout the world.

(b) It is the sense of the Congress that United States employers operating in South Africa are obliged both generally to actively oppose the policy and practices of apartheid and specifically to engage in recruitment and training of black and colored South Africans for management responsibilities.

Title III -- Measures by the United States to Undermine Apartheid
Prohibition on the Importation of Krugerrands
Sec. 301. No person, including a bank, may import into the United States any South African krugerrand or any other gold coin minted in South Africa or offered for sale by the Government of South Africa.
Prohibition on the Importation of Military Articles
Sec. 302. No arms, ammunition, or military vehicles produced in South Africa or any manufacturing data for such articles may be imported into the United States....
Prohibition on Computer Exports to South Africa
Sec. 304. (a) No computers, computer software, or goods or technology intended to manufacture or service computers may be exported to or for use by any of the following entities of the Government of South Africa:
(1) The military.
(2) The police.
(3) The prison system.
(4) The national security agencies.
(5) ARMSCOR and its subsidiaries or the weapons research activities of the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research.
(6) The administering authorities for controlling the movements of the victims of apartheid.
(7) Any apartheid enforcing agency.
(8) Any local, regional, or homelands government entity which performs any function of any entity described in paragraphs (1) through (7).
(b) (1) Computers, computer software, and goods or technology intended to service computers may be exported, directly or indirectly, to or for use by an entity of the Government of South Africa other than those set forth in subsection (a) only if a system of end use verification is in effect to ensure that the computers involved will not be used for any function of any entity set forth in subsection (a).
(2) The Secretary of Commerce may prescribe such rules and regulations as may be necessary to carry out this section.
Prohibition on Loans to the Government of South Africa
Sec. 305. (a) No national of the United States may make or approve any loan or other extension of credit, directly or indirectly, to the Government of South Africa or to any corporation, partnership or other organization which is owned or controlled by the Government of South Africa....
Prohibition on Air Transportation with South Africa
Sec. 306. (a) (1) The President shall immediately notify the Government of South Africa of his intention to suspend the rights of any air carrier designated by the Government of South Africa under the Agreement Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Union of South Africa Relating to Air Services Between Their Respective Territories, signed May 23, 1947, to service the routes provided in the Agreement.
(2) Ten days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall direct the Secretary of Transportation to revoke the right of any air carrier designated by the Government of South Africa under the Agreement to provide service pursuant to the Agreement.
(3) Ten days after the date of enactment of this Act, the President shall direct the Secretary of Transportation not to permit or otherwise designate any United States air carrier to provide service between the United States and South Africa pursuant to the Agreement....
Prohibitions on Nuclear Trade with South Africa
Sec 307. (a) Notwithstanding any other provision of law --
(1) the Nuclear Regulatory Commission shall not issue any license for the export to South Africa of production or utilization facilities, any source or special nuclear material or sensitive nuclear technology, or any component parts, items, or substances which the Commission has determined, pursuant to section 109b. of the Atomic Energy Act, to be especially relevant from the standpoint of export control because of their significance for nuclear explosive purposes....
Prohibition on Importation of Uranium and Coal from South Africa
Sec. 309. (a) Notwithstanding any other provision of law, no -- (l) uranium ore, (2) uranium oxide (3) coal, or (4) textiles produced or manufactured in South Africa may be imported into the United States.
(b) This section shall take effect 90 days after the date of enactment of this Act.
Prohibition on New Investment in South Africa
Sec. 310. (a) No national of the United States may, directly or through another person, make any new investment in South Africa.
(b) The prohibition contained in subsection (a) shall take effect 45 days after the date of enactment of this Act.
(c) The prohibition contained in this section shall not apply to a firm owned by black South Africans.
Termination of Certain Provisions
Sec 311. (a) This title and sections 501(c) and 504(b) shall terminate if the Government of South Africa --
(1) releases all persons persecuted for their political beliefs or detained unduly without trial and Nelson Mandela from prison;
(2) repeals the state of emergency in effect on the date of enactment of this Act and releases all detainees held under such state of emergency;
(3) unbans democratic political parties and permits the free exercise by South Africans of all races of the right to form political parties, express political opinions, and otherwise participate in the political process;
(4) repeals the Group Areas Act and the Population Registration Act and institutes no other measures with the same purposes; and
(5) agrees to enter into good faith negotiations with truly representative members of the black majority without preconditions.
(b) The President may suspend or modify any of the measures required by this title or section 501(c) or section 504(b) thirty days after he determines, and so reports to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, that the Government of South Africa has --
(1) taken the action described in paragraph (1) of subsection (a),
(2) taken three of the four actions listed in paragraphs (2) through (5) of subsection (a), and
(3) made substantial progress toward dismantling the system of apartheid and establishing a nonracial democracy, unless the Congress enacts within such 30-day period, in accordance with section 602 of this Act, a joint resolution disapproving the determination of the President under this subsection.
(c) It is the policy of the United States to support the negotiations with the representatives of all communities as envisioned in this Act. If the South African Government agrees to enter into negotiations without preconditions, abandons unprovoked violence against its opponents, commits itself to a free and democratic post-apartheid South Africa under a code of law; and if nonetheless the African National Congress, the Pan African Congress, or their affiliates, or other organizations, refuse to participate; or if the African National Congress, the Pan African Congress or other organizations --
(1) refuse to abandon unprovoked violence during such negotiations; and
(2) refuse to commit themselves to a free and democratic postapartheid South Africa under a code of law, then the United States will support negotiations which do not include these organizations.
Policy Toward Violence or Terrorism
Sec. 312. (a) United States policy toward violence in South Africa shall be designed to bring about an immediate end to such violence and to promote negotiations concluding with a removal of the system of apartheid and the establishment of a non-racial democracy in South Africa.
(b) The United States shall work toward this goal by diplomatic and other measures designed to isolate those who promote terrorist attacks on unarmed civilians or those who provide assistance to individuals or groups promoting such activities.
(c) The Congress declares that the abhorrent practice of "necklacing" and other equally inhumane acts which have been practices in South Africa by blacks against fellow blacks are an affront to all throughout the world who value the rights of individuals to live in an atmosphere free from fear of violent reprisals....
Source: U.S. Statutes at Large 100 (1986): 1086.

I specifically remember reading that Reagan gave his veto to South African sanctions. Bush was the one who I believe signed them.

Edit: a quote from the link you provided in the previous post:
"in 1986 Congress overrode a presidential veto to ban the importation of South African goods and prohibit American business investments in South Africa."

I specifically remember reading that Reagan gave his veto to South African sanctions. Bush was the one who I believe signed them.

Edit: a quote from the link you provided in the previous post:
"in 1986 Congress overrode a presidential veto to ban the importation of South African goods and prohibit American business investments in South Africa."

Well whatever scam they worked out the point is that it happened on his watch. A true White man would have never let that happen.

I'm sick of people saying, "He was just a President" that's Orwellian as hell.

They always have deals that both parties agree to, Reagan also could have easily sent troops on his own to South Africa to help the Afrikaners, instead he chose Lebanon.

This is an interesting post. I always thought that Reagan might have been a white nationalist deep down but had to bend to jewish power against his own will. But evidently that isn't the case as this thread reveals. Reagan is starting to look a little creepy.

It is a fairy tale that Ronald Reagan was anti-homosexual—another lie (like Reagan’s nonexistent “racism”) perpetrated by the Establishment.

A good example of such a lie, illustrating how brazen these people are, is The Reagans (2003), a TV movie starring James Brolin as Reagan. Behind the film, a Jewish-homosexual production, were Viacom, owned and operated by Jew Sumner Redstone; CBS, the Viacom subsidiary headed by Jew Leslie Moonves; and Jewish homosexuals Neil Meron and Craig Zadan of Craig Zadan-Neil Meron Productions.

“According to the screenplay for The Reagans,” Patti Davis wrote, “my father is a homophobic Bible-thumper who loudly insisted that his son wasn’t gay when Ron took up ballet, and who in a particularly scathing scene told my mother that AIDS patients deserved their fate. ‘They who live in sin shall die in sin,’ the writers and producers had him say.” She added: “Not only did my father never say such a thing, he never would have.”

It is worth digressing for a moment to comment upon Jewish “facts” and “evidence.” The masters of the lie find it supremely easy to pull the wool over the eyes of the gullible goyim.

In depicting Reagan, the producers, according to Davis, “never consulted any family member, nor did they speak to anyone who has known us throughout the years. In the New York Times on October 21st [2003], one of the writers admitted that the line about AIDS victims was completely fabricated. In that same article, Jim Rutenberg reported that the producers claimed no major event was depicted without two confirming sources.”

This bit about “two confirming sources” frequently turns up. (Significantly, the “sources” are often anonymous.) I believe Watergate reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein employed the device as long ago as 1976 in their book The Final Days. (Bernstein’s parents were Jewish Communists.)

What is the significance of “two confirming witnesses”? Where does that come from?

It is an evidentiary rule lifted from Jewish law. But Jews are a weird bunch. It is self-evident that to have probative force, what matters is not two confirming witnesses, but the honesty and factual accuracy of any testimony, regardless of the number of witnesses. And yet, here we have a totally fabricated scene (and statement), unsupported, apparently, even by two anonymous liars to back it up!

The moral: If you listen wide-eyed to Jews, with your critical thinking apparatus packed away in a box gathering dust, you will quickly become discombobulated. (The New York Times: “The producers said no major event was depicted without two confirming sources.” How weighty! How impressive!) But do you really want to be as addled as your family, friends, and neighbors?

Patti Davis then related an incident that occurred in the family’s Pacific Palisades home when she was eight or nine years old. She told her father that Rock Hudson kissing co-star Doris Day looked “weird.” (In real life, Hudson, who died from AIDS, was a promiscuous homosexual.)

“My father gently explained that Mr. Hudson didn’t really have a lot of experience kissing women; in fact, he would much prefer to be kissing a man. This was said in the same tone that would be used if he had been telling me about people with different colored eyes, and I accepted without question that this whole kissing thing wasn’t reserved just for men and women.” (Emphasis added.)

Quite a lesson to teach your nine-year-old child in 1960—or today.

Judeo-“Christian” pundit Cal Thomas noted: “Columnist Jim Pinkerton, who worked as an aide in the Reagan White House from 1981 to 1983, said on Fox News Watch (where I also appear): ‘Reagan was the opposite of a gay-basher. . . . He was a guy from Hollywood. He dealt with gays all his life. He was not a homophobe and a bigot.’”

All of which casts a weird light on the intersection of two little-known homosexual—indeed, pedophiliac—rings with Reagan administrations in California and Washington. (Recall that Reagan opposed legislation in California designed to prohibit homosexuals gaining access to children via teaching positions.)

While serving as Governor of California, Kitty Kelley relates, Reagan was presented with evidence that two male staffers, “both married with children, had been involved in homosexual activity, some of which involved boys under the age of eighteen. Professing shock, the governor summoned the men and told them they were out. No charges were pressed, and the men resigned quietly.”

Unfortunately for Reagan, a column by Drew Pearson appeared in the New York Post, reporting that “‘a homosexual ring had been operating out of Governor Reagan’s office’ for six months with his full knowledge and that the governor did not act until pressured by aides into firing the men. The columnist alleged that Art Van Court [Reagan’s bodyguard, later a federal marshal, who conducted the investigation into the affair] had a tape recording ‘of a [homosexual] sex orgy which had taken place at a cabin near Lake Tahoe, leased by two members of Reagan’s staff.’”

Reagan “denied everything and called the columnist a liar.” At a press conference he “slammed his fist on the lectern and yelled at reporters,” refusing to identify the two men.

“The Reagans immediately adopted a censorious public stance toward homosexuality. He condemned it as ‘an abomination in the eyes of the Lord,’ and she denounced it as a ‘sickness’ and an ‘abnormality’ Yet privately, they continued to patronize their astrologer, Carroll Righter, a homosexual, and to socialize with a homosexual male couple who were frequently invited to the [Jewish] Bloomingdales’ dinner parties. Nancy maintained close relationships with [Gentile author] Truman Capote, [Jewish attorney and former aide to Senator Joseph McCarthy] Roy Cohn, and [Jew] Jerry Zipkin, who once lived with [English novelist] Somerset Maugham; she depended on homosexual men like her hairdresser and interior decorator to define her style and execute her taste.” (Kelley, 165-167) (“Right after the presidential election,” an Adolfo executive told Kelley, “when she came to New York, she was trying on dresses, and Jerry Zipkin screamed and flapped his arms: 'Nancy, take it off. I don’t like it. Quick. Take it off. Off! Off! Off!' She immediately took the dress off and refused to get it.”) (295)

Presidential adviser Michael Deaver wrote, “Not many people knew how close Nancy was to the writer Truman Capote. They met through Jerry Zipkin,” a “New York society fixture.” When Capote was arrested for “disorderly conduct,” Nancy phoned Deaver at home to have Capote released from prison. “She could not abide the thought of this frail, lisping little man in a jail cell. I called [U.S. Attorney General] Ed Meese, and he arranged for Capote’s release.” (Deaver, 106)

Fags, like Jews and non-Whites, are more equal than thee and me. Our jobs and lives and freedom can be placed in jeopardy merely for exercising our fundamental rights. The same legal system that casually, at the whim of the Attorney General of the United States, springs sodomite Capote from prison when he commits a crime, classifies core, protected First Amendment expression as “hate speech” and association as “terrorism” when White Europeans oppose genocide, discuss the facts of World War II, or publicize the effects of current immigration policies.

The shadowy homosexual ring allegedly involving underage boys associated with top Reagan officials in California in 1967 was paralleled by another ring in the upper echelons of the Reagan White House two decades later.

An explosive 1989 Washington Times investigative report by Paul M. Rodriguez and George Archibald revealed that a Washington, D.C. homosexual prostitution ring was then under investigation. The ring, which operated in the nation’s capital, numbered among its clients “high officials of the Reagan and Bush administrations” (including Charles K. Dutcher, associate director of presidential personnel, who placed “Reagan-oriented conservatives into the career Civil Service during the closing years of Mr. Reagan’s presidency”), as well as members of major news organizations and top Pentagon officials. (“Homosexual prostitution inquiry ensnares VIPs with Reagan, Bush: ‘Call boys’ took midnight tour of White House,” June 29, 1989. Reproduction of article [.gif images]: 1st page | 2nd page)

“In addition to credit card fraud,” Rodriguez and Archibald noted, “the investigation is said to be focused on illegal interstate prostitution, abduction and use of minors for sexual perversion, extortion, larceny and related illicit drug trafficking and use by prostitutes and their clients.” (Emphasis added.)

One former top-level Pentagon officer said that for the past eight years [i.e., Reagan’s entire Presidential tenure –P.W.], military and civilian intelligence authorities have been concerned that ‘a nest of homosexuals at top levels of the Reagan administration may have been penetrated by Soviet-backed espionage agents posing as male prostitutes,’ said one former top-level Pentagon official.

A major concern, said the former official with longtime ties to top-ranking military intelligence officers, was that hostile foreign intelligence services were using young male prostitutes to compromise top administration homosexuals, thus making them subject to blackmail.

One homosexual client of the prostitution ring was lobbyist Craig J. Spence [.gif image], who represented Japanese business interests in Washington. Spence conducted a 1 a.m tour of the Reagan White House on July 3, 1988 for six friends, including two homosexual call boys.

In a remarkable book, The Franklin Cover-Up: Child Abuse, Satanism, and Murder in Nebraska, 2nd edition (Lincoln, Nebraska: AWT, 1996), attorney and former Republican Nebraska State Senator John W. DeCamp adds that Craig Spence himself “maintained a call boy ring that catered to the political elite and, unlike most D.C. call boy rings, offered children to its clients.” (169)

Spence turned up dead in a Boston hotel room five months after the Times broke the story quoted above—a “suicide,” authorities said. (The same authorities who zealously enforce “hate crime” and “hate speech” laws? You bet they are!)

During the Vietnam War, DeCamp, today married to a Vietnamese, was an assistant to Deputy Ambassador to South Vietnam (in reality, CIA Station Chief and, later, director of the CIA) William E. Colby, who developed and ran the murderous Operation Phoenix program. Colby was DeCamp’s friend and mentor.

Colby died in a suspicious canoe accident in 1996. DeCamp asks: “Was he killed because of his involvement in Franklin? I don’t know. What I do know is that Bill Colby was the heart and soul of the Franklin investigation. . . . Without him, this book would never have been written.” (277)

DeCamp’s exposé centers on Lawrence E. “Larry” King, Jr., former manager of Omaha, Nebraska’s Franklin Community Federal Credit Union. King was also a prominent Negro Republican with close ties to the Reagan Administration. According to DeCamp’s detailed account, King operated a child sex ring and was a “business partner” of Spence’s in that endeavor. (169)

Larry King sang the national anthem at both the 1984 (Reagan) and 1988 (George H. W. Bush) GOP national conventions. During the 1984 Dallas convention, King “hosted his extravagant party [for Republican VIPs] at Southfork Ranch [the setting of TV's popular Dallas series], where I saw Maureen Reagan draped over King all evening like a big blanket.” (164) (DeCamp was a Reagan delegate from Nebraska.)

“In the Republican Party, King had a meteoric rise. He sang the Star-Spangled Banner at a National Black Republican Council event in 1982, where President and Mrs. Reagan were the guests of honor. . . . Stepping inside the Franklin Credit Union, visitors were greeted by a four foot high picture of Larry King with Ronald Reagan.” (164-165)

DeCamp quotes Omaha’s Negro newspaper, the Omaha Star, November 24, 1983: “Chairman King has accepted a position in the [1984] Reagan/Bush campaign. He was appointed . . . coordinator of all the activities to bring out the Black vote. In brief this means that Mr. King will be responsible for meeting with the Party officials and the Black Republican leadership within each of the 17 targeted states. He will coordinate the efforts of these groups in support of the Reagan/Bush campaign. . . . Mr. King will also be traveling to the 17 targeted states when President Reagan does, to draw state party officials and Black Republican leadership together.” (165)

Contrary to Establishment lies, Ronald Reagan was not anti-homosexual.