“Pakistan needs to grow oil seeds and pulses to help alleviate poverty,” Iqrar Ahmad Khan, the University of Agriculture Faisalabad (UAF) vice chancellor, said on Monday.

He was addressing a meeting of deans and directors. Stressing a need for creating awareness among farmers about latest technologies, Khan said Pakistan had a lot of room for development in oil seed and pulses.

Talking about weak areas of the sector, he said the agriculture sector also lacked educated manpower.

He praised the government for taking steps for the improvement of the agriculture sector.

He also praised the chief minister for providing foreign scholarships to students from the University of Agriculture.

He asked the deans to suggest names of best students for scholarships abroad. He also stressed the need for increasing literacy through distant learning.

Blasphemy law and vigilantes who enforce it terrorize Pakistan's religious minorities

BY KATHY GANNON, THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

In this Friday, Jan. 10, 2014 photo, Pakistani Christian girl, Zaira, 6, whose mother and father were arrested on charges of sending text messages that insulted Islam's Prophet, cries during an interview with The Associated Press, in Lahore. Pakistan’s blasphemy law has become a potent weapon in the arsenal of Muslim extremists, who use it against adherents of minority religions. (AP Photo/Anjum Naveed)

LAHORE, Pakistan - The elderly man's troubles started when two young men milling inside his homeopathic clinic casually asked him about his religion. He thought they were merely curious. In fact, they belonged to an outlawed militant group and were carrying hidden tape recorders.

Within hours, police officers showed up at Masood Ahmad's clinic and played back the tape in which he explained the tenets of the minority Ahmadiyya sect, rejected by mainstream Muslims because it disputes the basic tenet of their faith that Muhammad is Islam's last prophet.

Ahmad, who returned from Britain to his Pakistani homeland decades ago to open the clinic, was charged with blasphemy — which can carry the death penalty. The 72 year old has been jailed since his arrest this month, awaiting a trial that could take months or even years to begin.

He is not alone. Just last week, a Pakistani court sentenced a mentally ill British man, Mohammad Asghar, to death on blasphemy charges after he allegedly claimed to be Islam's prophet.

Pakistan's blasphemy law is increasingly becoming a potent weapon in the arsenal of Muslim extremists. Although Pakistan has never executed anybody under the law, vigilantes frequently entrap and sometimes kill adherents of minority religions accused of blasphemy. They have created a climate of fear, forcing frightened judges into holding court sessions inside jails and keeping witnesses from coming to the defence of those on trial.

"At the moment, there are more and more pending blasphemy cases," said I.A. Rahman, one of Pakistan's leading human rights activists. "Extremist organizations demonstrate and raise slogans, and judges are afraid. They agitate all the time, creating hatred, and the government is not doing anything. Successive governments have failed."

The U.S.-based Human Rights Watch chastised Pakistan's record of protecting its religious minorities, saying in its 2014 world report that "abuses are rife under the country's abusive blasphemy law, which is used against religious minorities, often to settle personal disputes."

The federal religious affairs ministry refused to comment. Government officials did not return calls for comment.

Maulana Abdul Rauf Farooqi, secretary-general of Jamiat Ulma-e-Islam, an organization with close ties to many members of the Afghan Taliban's leadership, rejected allegations that the law is widely misused to settle personal disputes, though he said he supports a rigorous police investigation before charges are filed. He said those who were physically attacked had brought the violence upon themselves by enraging Muslims' sentiments.

According to the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, 34 people were charged with blasphemy last year. A government statistic says 27 were charged in 2012. At least 16 people are currently on death row for blasphemy, while another 20 are serving life sentences, according to Human Rights Watch.

"In the last three years we have seen a large increase in the number of cases of blasphemy," said Keith Davies, head of RescueChristians, a U.S.-based charity that started operations in Pakistan four years ago.

Pakistan's blasphemy law predates the founding of the country in 1947, but during the 1980s the U.S.-backed military dictator, Gen. Mohammed Zia-ul-Haq, amended it to add the death penalty and single out Islam as the religion that may not be insulted, among other changes.

Pakistan is not the only nation with such laws on the books. Blasphemy offences are punishable in more than 30 countries, including some with predominantly Christian populations, such as Poland and Greece, as well as Muslim countries like Indonesia and Pakistan, according to a 2012 report by Rev. Chloe Breyer, executive director of the Interfaith Center of New York.

Most of Pakistan's 180 million people are Sunni Muslims who do not support the militants' violence or their abhorrence for religious minorities. Nevertheless, the minorities, including Muslims who belong to the Shiite sect of Islam, say even the smallest quarrel can land them in jail on trumped-up blasphemy charges.

Abbas Kamaili, a leading Shiite cleric, told The Associated Press that he supported the idea of a blasphemy law but criticized the Pakistani version as "ambiguous" and easily distorted by militant Sunnis who want to rid the country of Shiites.

The violence associated with Pakistan's blasphemy law has been brutal. Three years ago, liberal Gov. Salman Taseer was assassinated by his own guard after defending a Christian woman charged with blasphemy. In a separate attack, militants gunned down Minority Affairs Minister Shahbaz Bhatti after he campaigned for changes in the law. Last July, two brothers charged with defaming Islam's prophet were shot and killed as they stepped out of a courtroom.

Tariq, a Christian, is currently in hiding after authorities charged him with blasphemy. He said the charges came over a quarrel he had with two customers who bought faulty firecrackers from him. When he refused to apologize, he said the customers went to the police in Lahore and told them a lie that he had stuffed the firecrackers with pages torn from the Qur’an. Fearing capture by Pakistani authorities while he seeks asylum outside of the country, he spoke on condition that he be identified by his first name only.

The Pakistani representative of RescueChristians, speaking on condition of anonymity for his personal safety, said several Christians are waiting for travel documents to secretly leave Pakistan, while others are in jail awaiting trial and targeted for death by militant groups.

The two young men who entrapped Ahmad at his homeopathic clinic in the eastern Punjab provincial capital of Lahore belong to a banned militant group, Lashkar-e-Taiba, according to local police. Lashkar-e-Taiba and other Muslim extremist groups consider adherents of the Ahmadiyya sect to be heretics.

The Ahmadiyya sect contends that the Mehdi or saviour, who is prophesized in Islam, came about 100 years ago. This belief challenges Prophet Muhammad's position as Islam's last prophet, a basic tenet of the faith. Pakistan amended its constitution in 1974 to make it a crime for Ahmadis, as they are called, to identify themselves as Muslims.

But businessmen nearby Ahmad's clinic said he never preached his religion. They said the police, who are required by a government order issued last year to rigorously investigate allegations of blasphemy before filing charges, never spoke with them or took their statements.

His neighbours said they were saddened by his arrest but would not dare testify on his behalf.

Mohammad Ershad, a barber, called Ahmad a "thorough gentleman," but added: "People don't want to say anything. Everyone feels it is better to save oneself."

Habib, who runs a nearby photocopying business, said he has known Ahmad for 30 years. Too afraid to be identified by his full name, he said: "No one wants to be on the target hit list of the mullahs. No one stops them. No one is safe."

It seems B-town beauties have been taking inspiration from their Hollywood counterparts as the 59th Idea Filmfare Awards saw the desi divas rocking some couture-savvy gowns.

We do miss the charisma of the traditional sari at the Filmfares but nonetheless, the red carpet still looked hot and fashionable. Here is our round-up on the best dressed at the Filmfare Awards:

Kajol

Film-maker Mahesh Bhatt may have called her an over-rated actor on Koffee with Karan, but the incredible Kajol looks surreal on the red carpet, and we are so no over-rating her! Unlike the young lot, Kajol chose to wear a printed Nandita Mahtani one-shoulder gown and she looks younger than ever in it! Her subtle front-puff and refreshing make-up looks flaws and makes her look youthful. While she is sporting Swarovski earrings and a black clutch, her real accessory is that gorgeous smile!

Deepika Padukone

Bollywood’s current style diva was blazin’ hot in this Gaurav Gupta, figure-hugging, gold dress. It was definitely the most daring dress seen on an Indian red-carpet. Also, it appears that the actor drew direct inspiration from UK socialite Lady Victoria’s Golden Globes’ look. From the retro, side-swept waves to the gown, everything was exactly the same except for the colour of the dress.

Priyanka Chopra

Hubba Hubba! Actor Priyanka Chopra was undoubtedly the star of the evening in this black Alexander McQueen gown. With that vintage short wavy hairdo and gold drop earrings, she deserves to be on the Oscar red carpet instead of the Filmfare. Her make-up is downright sexy and while there is nothing we would like to change in her look, a cuff bracelet would have taken it to the next level.

Soha Ali Khan

Saif Ali Khan’s baby sis was another treat in gold. The strapless Ken Ferns gown, with a corset-like top half and bandeau detailing, looked spectacular on her petite figure. The knuckle duster gold clutch also adds an extra oomph to her look. While the make-up looks fine, we would have appreciated if she went for a more creative up do instead of letting her loose to one side because that almost covers part of her gown.

Neha Dhupia

She may have not been so successful on the silver screen, but she is hardly ever wrong on the red carpet. We love how the Punjabi bombshell fuses traditional with contemporary in this black sleeveless blouse by Payal Singhal and cream skirt by Anju Modi. The statement gold accessories and the slick updo does wonders to her look. There is no doubt that Neha can be safely called one of the Bollywood style icons of the decade!

Preity Zinta

Actor Preity Zinta reminds of why we miss her so much on the silver screen in the outstanding ensemble. The one-shouldered blue gown by Indian designers Gauri and Nainika looks stunning on this curvaceous beauty and while that side bow-tie gives a more prom-like feel, the gorgeous colour just simply knocks it out of the park. Her updo and smoky eye make-up seem simply effortless.

Obama must chart clearer course on surveillance policy

President Barack Obama talks about National Security Agency surveillance on January 17. (AP/Carolyn Kaster)

Tonight President Obama has another opportunity to redirect the country's out-of-control surveillance programs during his annual State of the Union address. He should seize it. The president's much-anticipated January 17 speech about U.S. surveillance policy, which came in response to outrage over National Security Agency spying, left much unsaid--and many of the commitments he did make were lacking the clarity needed to lift the chill on journalism and other forms of free expression that such programs create.

In one recent illustrative development, the U.S. Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) issued its first substantive report since the watchdog was established in 2007. Released less than a week after Obama's speech, the report slams the NSA bulk telephone records program as "not sustainable from a legal or policy perspective." The report illuminates the growing gap on surveillance policy between the White House and the American public, members of the judiciary and of Congress, technology companies,security experts, the president's own intelligence policy review group, and even theRepublican National Committee.

The directness of the PCLOB report, which focuses exclusively on the NSA's mass collection of telephony metadata, is striking when compared to more modest reforms proposed by Obama:

As outlined in this Report, the program lacks a viable legal foundation under Section 215, implicates constitutional concerns under the First and Fourth Amendments, raises serious threats to privacy and civil liberties as a policy matter, and has shown only limited value. For these reasons, the government should end the program.

This disconnect has become a recurring theme in Obama's handling of the six-month-old spy scandal. Although reform faces political challenges, the president has yet to articulate a clear, comprehensive vision that addresses some of the most serious concerns raised by observers within and without the government.

To be sure, the president has committed to several substantive reforms. Yesterday, the U.S. Justice Department and a number of major information and communications technology companies announced an agreement that would allow more detailed reporting of the government's secret data requests. And in his speech and an accompanying policy directive, Obama vowed to curtail bulk telephony metadata surveillance, generally increase transparency around spy policies, and make other tweaks important to restoring faith in America's expansive intelligence apparatus.

Nonetheless, as the PCLOB report shows, Obama must work more decisively to repair the public's trust. Although the reforms the president announced last week constitute an important first step, as cybersecurity expert Fred H. Cate put it in an interview with The New York Times, the president "took a report [from his own policy review group] that had 46 recommendations, and touched on three or four of them."

Of the suggested reforms the president ignored, many are crucial to newsgathering in the digital age, as CPJ outlined in a recent blog post. Among the most fundamental questions are whether the U.S. government will continue to stockpile so-called "zero-day" vulnerability exploits, as well as whether the NSA will continue to undermine encryption standards. The persistence of security loopholes and the sabotage of encryption subvert the privacy of all Internet communications, including but not limited to those the NSA chooses to target. Equally important, the president did not promise wholesale changes to the NSA's omnipresent (if not omniscient) data vacuum, the pervasiveness of which seriously harms freedom of the press.

Without meaningful reform in these areas, among others, Obama threatens the foundational principles of journalism in the United States and abroad. Journalists, sources, human rights advocates, and ordinary citizens rely upon and deserve secure online communications as a vehicle to seek the truth, as well as for basic communication. While the president eschews decision-making on the vast majority of the issues before him, the free flow of information between the press and the public will suffer.

San Francisco-based CPJ Internet Advocacy Coordinator Geoffrey King works to protect the digital rights of journalists worldwide. A constitutional lawyer by training, King also teaches courses on digital privacy law, as well as the intersection of media and social change, both at UC Berkeley. Follow him on Twitter at @CPJInternet. His public GPG encryption key can be found here.

More light shed on 'China's tougher tactics'

Chinese policemen manhandle a foreign photographer outside the trial of Xu Zhiyong, founder of the New Citizens movement, in Beijing on January 26. (AP/Andy Wong)

Since CPJ blogged on Monday that tougher tactics are emerging in China toward local and foreign media--and the situation looks to get worse--a few more developments have arisen.

On Tuesday, the Foreign Correspondents' Club of China issued an email statement that it "strongly regrets" the forced departure from China of New York Times correspondentAustin Ramzy because of delays in his journalistic accreditation. The FCCC called the government's claims that the reporter had not complied with visa regulations "disingenuous."

"Ramzy is the third New York Times journalist not to have been given journalistic accreditation or a resident journalist visa in 18 months. In these circumstances it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the authorities are punishing TheNew York Times for articles it published concerning [former] Premier Wen Jiabao and his family. Such behavior falls well short of international standards," the FCCC pointed out in its message.

Meanwhile, our colleagues at the International Federation of Journalists on Tuesday used the Foreign Correspondents' Club in Hong Kong to launch its 2013 Annual Report on Press Freedom in China and Hong Kong. This, the sixth edition of the report, is entitled "Back to a Maoist Future: Press Freedom in China 2013." Enough said. (The English version is here, the traditional Chinese character version is here, and the simplified character version is here. IFJ also has posted a useful Press Freedom Violations in China interactive map.)

And in Monday's post we mentioned that Hong Kong publisher Yao Wentian, 73, was grabbed in Shenzhen, just across the border from Hong Kong, in October, but the situation only recently came to light. China Digital Times has a roundup of the details of Yao's case, which are somewhat murky.

Bob Dietz, coordinator of CPJ’s Asia Program, has reported across the continent for news outlets such as CNN and Asiaweek. He has led numerous CPJ missions, including ones to Afghanistan, Pakistan, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka. Follow him on Twitter @cpjasia and Facebook @ CPJ Asia Desk.

Al Jazeera's senior political analyst and host of the Al Jazeera program 'Empire'

Time for Journalists to Unite: The Years 2012 and 2013 Have Been the Worst on Record for Reporters

Here we go again; three of our colleagues who've been arrested in Egypt for allegedly communicating with the recently banned Muslim Brotherhood, decreed a "terrorist" organization, have had their arrests extended. Peter Greste, Mohamed Fadel Fahmy and Baher Mohamed are the latest victims of a series of crackdowns on journalists in the Middle East and beyond. Two other Al Jazeera journalists Mohammed Badr and Abdullah al-Shami have been in prison since July 2013.

In response, scores of renowned journalists from around the world have signed a letter demanding the release of our colleagues. The letter states:

We, the undersigned correspondents and editors of international news organizations covering Egypt, hereby call for the immediate release of our colleagues Peter Greste, Mohamed Fadel Fahmy and Baher Mohamed, who have been arbitrarily imprisoned since December 29. We are deeply concerned to learn that our colleagues, all three of whom are well respected journalists, may face charges that include belonging to a terrorist organization and spreading false news that could endanger national security.

We also call for the release of other journalists who have been detained in Egypt, some of whom have been arbitrarily imprisoned for over five months.

The arrest of these journalists has cast a cloud over press and media freedom in Egypt. We strongly believe that upholding the rights of journalists and permitting the free flow of information is vital to bringing about greater understanding and serves the best interests of all Egyptians and the world.

Such collegiality is as ethical as it is strategic.

CNN's most internationally familiar face, Christiane Amanpour, who signed the letter, complained on air last week about the fact that "three of my colleagues are in jail for doing their job." (Thanks to Amanpour's gesture, I almost forgot that CNN has hired Michael Oren, the former Israeli ambassador to the U.S., to provide, in his words, a "balanced" perspective to viewers of the cable news network.)

Controlling the message
Our imprisoned colleagues join a long list of reporters who have been killed, injured and imprisoned in recent years. Paradoxically, while the media has grown ever more influential in recent times, its foot soldiers are ever more exposed as they are targeted.

According to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ), 211 journalists were jailed in 2013, and 232 in 2012; the two worst years on record. Moreover, almost 100 journalists were killed in 2013; 70 where the motive was confirmed, and 25 where the motive was not confirmed. That's almost two journalists killed a week.

The three countries with the worst and deadliest record are: Syria, Iraq, and Egypt. And while extremists groups were accountable for a great deal of harm, the regimes were politically, legally and morally responsible for the deteriorating situation.

Since the July 3, 2013 coup d'etat, Egypt's generals have been particularly eager to silence their critics in the local and international media. The genie had to be put back in the proverbial bottle after the wave of Arab uprisings unleashed the momentum towards freedom of expression.

According to a leaked video, General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has been keen on restraining the media: "It takes a long time before you're able to affect and control the media. We are working on this and we are achieving more positive results, but we are yet to achieve what we want."

Needless to say, controlling information in the age of the technological revolution is rather improbable, especially in Egypt where new and social media have connected millions of citizens. But the regime is adamant on undoing the damage caused by what it believes was "unfair" coverage by foreign journalists.

Ironically, after hiring a number of Washington public relations firms to improve its image,according to The Economist, "one firm sent a film crew to Egypt to shoot some pretty footage of order and progress. Within hours of setting foot on the streets of Cairo, they were arrested."

You just can't make this stuff up! But comical as it may be, the situation is so utterly tragic, it requires a serious response from those most affected, the journalists.

United we stand
Regardless of the competition between news organizations, cooperation and solidarity among journalists is the only way to protect the messenger and safeguard the message.

Indeed, intra-institutional rivalry can be as aggressive as inter-institutional competition. And it's certainly the case in our network, Al Jazeera. A multi-national, multi-ethnic, and multi-denominational organization with veterans from CNN, BBC and countless other networks from around the world, it's a microcosm of today's global media.

We may differ over pay, say or sway, but that has never deterred us from having each other's back. We're all in this together, and we must make it clear to all those in power that targeting any one of us would be targeting us all.

Indeed, the greater the competition and the deeper the rift, the more important it is for us to support each other's freedom from repression. It is normal to defend those with whom we work or agree, but the real test of our ethics is to defend those with whom we disagree.

We may differ in many ways, but we all belong to the same honorable profession. And it's increasingly under attack.

That's why journalists around the world must unite in solidarity to deter repression. They need to defend the liberty to carry out their mission ethically and professionally. Fear of intimidation leads to self-censorship and the failure to reveal injustices and the abuse of power, which affect countless people around the world.

And when it comes to solidarity and pacifist protest, the media, our own medium, is the most potent of all. In fact, all other ways and means to generate public pressure depend largely on the media to be effective.

That's not to suggest that we have a right to exploit the forum provided to us for narrow ends. Rather, the medium should be used for its own protection. The international media reaches every household, every company and every government; our outreach capacity can never be overstated.

Imagine if the White House, Whitehall or the Elysee Palace correspondents were to stand for a moment of silence in memory of killed colleagues, or make any simple gesture in solidarity with their imprisoned colleagues during one of the countless press conferences.

That would surely get governments' attention and perhaps begin to generate some pressure to end the suffering of their fellow journalists.

If you told us you're not at all curious what the "Fifty Shades Of Grey" movie is going to look like and that you don't care which actor is playing Christian Grey, we'd definitely suspect you of lying.

Then we'd turn and show you these photos. Jamie Dornan, the hunk chosen to play Mr. Grey in the film adaptation, is the star of Hogan's Spring 2014 campaign, and he's giving his best smoldering look in the pics.

If he looks like a natural, it's because he is. The 31-year-old Irish actor actually signed with Select Model Management about a decade ago and scored several campaigns, including a Calvin Klein shoot with Kate Moss and an Asprey campaign with Keira Knightley, who he ended up dating for two years afterward.

Now he's moved on to acting (and has a child with his wife, Amelia Warner). But he hasn't lost those modeling skills -- check out your on-screen Christian Grey below.

If you told us you're not at all curious what the "Fifty Shades Of Grey" movie is going to look like and that you don't care which actor is playing Christian Grey, we'd definitely suspect you of lying.

Then we'd turn and show you these photos. Jamie Dornan, the hunk chosen to play Mr. Grey in the film adaptation, is the star of Hogan's Spring 2014 campaign, and he's giving his best smoldering look in the pics.

If he looks like a natural, it's because he is. The 31-year-old Irish actor actually signed with Select Model Management about a decade ago and scored several campaigns, including a Calvin Klein shoot with Kate Moss and an Asprey campaign with Keira Knightley, who he ended up dating for two years afterward.

Now he's moved on to acting (and has a child with his wife, Amelia Warner). But he hasn't lost those modeling skills -- check out your on-screen Christian Grey below.