I see that some of you
noticed that I'm walking here with a cane. And although the Director
of the CIA job is very dangerous, it was a[n] engagement with a
patch of black -- black ice a few weeks ago that led to a facture of
my hip. So that's why I have a cane here.

But it is a pleasure to be
back at the
Council on Foreign Relations and, as I look out in the
audience, to see so many familiar
faces. I would like to thank
Richard Haas for inviting me to speak
to this very distinguished group, and I also thank
Andrea Mitchell
for lending her considerable knowledge and insight to our
discussion this morning.

Now just over a year ago, I
had the privilege of placing my hand on the very first printed copy
of the Constitution -- a draft edited and
annotated personally by George
Washington himself that is one of the most treasured items held in
the National Archives. With my hand on that document, Vice President
Biden swore me in as the Director of the Central Intelligence
Agency. I chose to take my oath on that precious piece of history as
a clear affirmation of what the Constitution means to all of us at
the Agency. We have no higher duty than to uphold and defend the
rule of law as we strive every day to protect our fellow citizens.

Like so many things
involving CIA though, people read nefarious intentions into my
decision to take my oath on an early draft of the Constitution that
did not contain the Bill of Rights -- our Constitution's first ten
amendments. So at the risk of disappointing any conspiracy theorists
who might be here today, let me assure all of you that I, along with
my CIA colleagues, firmly believe in and honor not only the
Constitution but also the Bill of Rights, as well as all subsequent
amendments to our Constitution. I just happen to be guilty of being an ardent
admirer of George Washington and of the historical foundations of
this great country.

My first career at CIA
began in 1980, so when -- when I returned to the Agency last March, I was
already well acquainted with its people and its mission. Having
spent the previous four years at the White House, I also had the
benefit of experiencing firsthand the enormous challenges
confronting our policymakers as they deal with the myriad challenges
our Nation faces in the 21st century.

As a result of the
tremendous opportunities I was given over more than 30 years working
on national security issues, I could see the Agency from outside as
well as inside our headquarters in Langley, Virginia. I could see
how the Agency's work informs policymaking, shapes our intelligence
and security relationships with countries around the world, and,
working with other departments and agencies in the U.S. Government,
helps keep our country safe from harm. And although I had plans to
retire from government service at the conclusion of President
Obama's first term in office, I was humbled by the opportunity to
lead the Agency I was part of for a quarter-century and
hopefully to play a role in ensuring that the CIA's future is even
more accomplished than its storied past.

So thank you for being
here with me this morning, and I would like to offer a few brief comments
before I address the many questions that I know are on your mind.

First of all, being CIA
Director means that I have a front-row seat to the dynamic and often
dangerous world stage. While I was at the White House, I often spoke
publicly about the terrorist -- terrorist challenges we face as a Nation. After a
year as CIA Director, I unfortunately remain convinced that the U.S.
Government and the American people will be dealing with terrorism in
one form or another for many years to come, as too many individuals
and groups remain inclined to use violence for political,
ideological, or purported religious reasons.

And despite rampant
rumors that the CIA is getting out of the counterterrorism business,
nothing could be further from the truth. CIA's global mission, our
intelligence collection, analytic, and covert action authorities and
capabilities, as well as our extensive liaison relationships with
intelligence and security services worldwide, will keep CIA on the
frontlines of our counterterrorism efforts for many years to come.

At the same time, I
fully expect CIA's role to evolve as the capabilities and
political will of our overseas partners continue to grow in the
coming years. Building the capacity, enhancing the knowledge, and
empowering the operations of our partners will be key to mitigating
the terrorist threats that the world collectively faces in the
decade ahead.

Similarly, the
intelligence mission on the cyber front will evolve as well, as
sovereign adversaries, criminal networks, terrorist organizations,
and hacktivists explore new ways to do our country and our people
harm via the digital domain -- our planet's new and relatively
unchartered frontier.

Much of what makes cyber
so challenging is that technology is changing so rapidly -- and
society along with it. In many respects, the world is transforming
before our eyes, as more and more human activity migrates to that
cyber/digital domain and more and more of our daily lives depend on
that domain for social interactions, financial transactions,
commerce, trade, communication, education, information,
entertainment; and the list goes on and on.

But the fact remains
that many technological and scientific advances have proved
throughout history to be double-edged swords. The power of dynamite
that can move mountains and pave the way for road networks, tunnels,
and bridges also can bring destruction and death in the wrong hands.
The irony of Alfred Nobel's two lasting legacies, the invention of
dynamite and the
world's most famous peace prize, is testament to
both edges of the sword of technological advancement. Today, the
websites and smartphones that enable Syrians to organize themselves
against Assad's regime and show the world the brutality of that
regime also help
al-Qa‘ida and other terrorist groups communicate as well as to carry
out
terrorist attacks.

Recent events have
brought into stark relief the national -- indeed, the international
-- debate about the appropriate role of government, and specifically
intelligence and law enforcement agencies, in this new cyber
frontier that is clearly full of wonder and opportunity but also
fraught with great risk.

In the year since my
return to CIA, technological advances and their profound
implications for both the Agency I lead and the world we study have
been very much on my mind. If I had the opportunity to start my
career all over again, I believe I would start out as a data
scientist or engineer in CIA's
Directorate of Science and
Technology. Like any other information-based and technology-enabled
profession, intelligence is undergoing a profound transformation,
and the women and men of our Science and Technology Directorate are
tackling some of the most fascinating issues head-on.

For example, we are
looking at how we can protect the identities, activities, and
missions of our clandestine officers. These are the officers who
operate internationally on a daily basis, yet increasingly have
digital footprints from birth.

We are also looking at
how we appropriately leverage the seemingly infinite amount of
publicly available and not-so-publicly available information so that
we can detect the threats to our national security and to the
American people while staying true to those cherished
principles of liberty, freedom, and privacy upon which our great
country was founded. As someone who bears at least partial
responsibility to keep my fellow Americans safe, these are the
challenges and the questions that truly hurt my head.

Now as challenging as
counterterrorism and operating in the cyber domain are, they are but
two of the many issues that CIA and the rest of the Intelligence
Community have to follow. Since returning to government in 2009, the
number of issues of major significance to U.S. national security
interests demanding constant attention from both policymakers and
intelligence officers is staggering.

The political turmoil
and upheaval attendant to the so-called
Arab Spring has
fundamentally changed the political and social landscapes in
Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, and Yemen. The tremendous loss of life,
humanitarian disaster, and destruction of the -- some of the world's most
beautiful ancient cities in Syria is nothing short of a modern-day
catastrophe. The political dynamics underway in Iraq, Iran,
Afghanistan, North Korea, Venezuela, South Sudan, Central
African Republic, among others, reflect internal tensions, economic
stress, sectarian conflicts, and global ambitions. And Russian and
-- and Chinese strategic pursuits, in both their near and far abroad,
demand the constant attention and vigilance of our national security
experts.

Ukraine provides a
real-life example of why it is so important to preserve our
intelligence capability to stay on top of the world's events in their
totality, rather than just a few key issues. Over the past several
months, the CIA and its Intelligence Community partners have closely
followed events in Ukraine, keeping policymakers informed of
unfolding developments on the ground, scenarios for escalating
tensions, and options available to Ukrainian, Russian, and other
world leaders.

Now I know that many
of you would like the CIA to predict the future -- such as "Will Crimea secede and be annexed by Russia?"
And, "Will Russian forces move into Eastern Ukraine?" But the plain and simple truth
is that, with virtually all events around the globe, future events
-- including in Ukraine -- are shaped by numerous variables and
yet-to-happen developments as well as leadership considerations and
decisions. While we do not have a crystal ball, it is our
responsibility to identify those variables and considerations, and
point to the key drivers that will ultimately determine future
events.

Let me conclude by
offering a few final words about CIA as a learning organization. We
were born in 1947 as the Cold War was just getting underway. Over
the past 67 years we have had the great fortune to play a role in
helping keep this country and -- country great and its people safe. And while we
are exceptionally proud of the work we do, we have not been a
perfect organization -- far from it. We have made mistakes, more
than a few, and we have tried mightily to learn from them and to
take corrective actions whenever and wherever appropriate.

It is no secret that
many of the things that the Agency has done over the years -- things
that it was asked to do, that it was directed to do, that it alone
had the authority and responsibility to do -- remains subjects of
intense scrutiny, debate, and controversy. The rendition, detention
and interrogation program --
the RDI program -- of nearly a decade ago is a case in point. Now, there have been
many things written and many things said, including, I understand,
this morning, about the program --
some fact and some pure fiction. And these remarks have addressed
the CIA’s views and actions related to the Senate Select Committee’s
report on the RDI program.

So I want to take this
opportunity to say two things.

First, my CIA colleagues
and I believe strongly in the necessity of effective, strong, and
bipartisan Congressional oversight. We are a far better organization
because of Congressional oversight, and as long as I am Director
of CIA, I will do whatever I can to be responsive to the elected
representatives of the American people. Our Congressional overseers
ask us the tough questions, hold our feet to the fire, and work
every day to ensure that American taxpayer dollars are being spent
effectively and efficiently to keep our country strong. Most
important, they work to ensure that the CIA and other intelligence
organizations are carrying out the responsibilities and activities
faithfully and in full accordance with the law. I don't always agree with them,
and we frequently have what I would call "spirited" and even "sporty" discussions.
But I believe we are fulfilling our
respective Executive Branch and Legislative Branch responsibilities.

Second, the CIA has more
than enough current challenges on its plate, which is why -- far
more than any other institution of government -- the CIA wants to
put the rendition, detention, and interrogation chapter of its
history behind it. The Agency's detention facilities have long been
closed. President Obama officially ended the program five years
ago, by which time the CIA had already ceased its interrogation activities.
Over the past decade, there have been numerous internal and external
reviews of the program, and the CIA has taken steps to address the
shortcomings, problems, and performance deficiencies that became
evident in those reviews.

Now, the Senate Select
Committee on Intelligence has conducted an extensive review of that
program, a review that CIA has devoted considerable resources to
supporting over the last several years. CIA has tried to work as
collaboratively as possible with the Committee on its report. We
will continue to do so, and I have talked extensively to Chairman
Feinstein and Vice Chairman Chambliss about the report and the way
forward.

CIA agrees with many of
the findings in the report, and we disagree with others. We have
acknowledged and learned from the program's shortcomings, and we
have taken corrective measures to prevent such mistakes from
happening again. But we also owe it to the women and men who
faithfully did their duty in executing this program to try to make
sure any historical record of it is a balanced and accurate one. We have
worked closely with the Committee to resolve outstanding issues,
and we look forward to working with the Committee should it submit
any portion of its report to us for classification review. Even as we have
learned from the past, we must also be able to put the past behind us so
that we can devote our full attention to the challenges ahead of us.

I arrived at CIA in 1980
fresh out of graduate school and was sworn in as a GS-9 officer,
never ever believing in my wildest dreams that one day I would have the
honor and privilege of leading the courageous, dedicated, and
exceptionally talented women and men of CIA. Now, as CIA Director, I
go down to the main lobby at our headquarters in Langley once a
month to administer the oath of office to our newest employees.

I am always struck by
the quality of these women and men. Many speak several languages. Some have already had successful careers in the private sector and
now want to give something back to their country. For all of them,
this moment is the culmination of years of hard work, and you can
see the enthusiasm in their eyes. They look focused, confident, and
eager to make a difference.

As I watch them raise
their right hands, I feel an extraordinary sense of obligation to
these officers. They have chosen a profession that is filled with
great rewards, but also steep challenges, and sometimes grave
danger. It is my job to prepare them for it. And from day one, I
want them to understand that they are joining more than an
organization; they are also joining a tradition of service and
sacrifice unlike any other in Government.

For this reason, I
always administer the Oath of Office in front of our
Memorial Wall.
There are...107 stars on that wall, each one representing an Agency
hero who made the ultimate sacrifice on behalf of our Nation. And I
emphasize that we all have a responsibility to remember the officers
and the sacrifices represented by those stars, and to carry on their
work in a way that would make them proud.

I am sharing this with
you because it underscores a defining trait of CIA: our profound
commitment to the Nation we serve. For more than six
decades, the women and men of CIA have devoted themselves to
protecting our Nation and to advancing American interests around the
globe. Their contributions often go unrecognized, but let there be
no doubt that CIA officers are essential to the strength and
security of our Republic.