Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus (D-Mont.) says Tuesday’s Republican victories in Virginia and New Jersey should be a “wake-up call” for Democrats in Congress.

Here are 10 likely to be hearing alarm bells.

Sen. Harry Reid (D-Nev.)

No one noticed the election results more than Reid’s advisers, who know he faces a situation similar to that which befell New Jersey Gov. Jon Corzine.

Like Corzine, Reid is an unpopular incumbent running in a state whose economy is in the tank. And like Corzine, he’ll have to use his massive war chest to create a negative impression of his opponent in order to persuade Nevada voters to send him to the Senate for a fifth term.

But it didn’t work for Corzine, and Reid knows that he’s going to have to create a positive impression of what his influence in Washington has done for regular folks back home.

Adding to Reid’s problems is that he’s suffering in Nevada from being a national leader, meaning that how President Barack Obama’s agenda is perceived back home will have an enormous impact on his ability to win reelection.

On the Senate floor Wednesday morning, Reid made no mention of his party’s big losses in New Jersey and Virginia, instead pointing to the lone bright spots for Democrats — victories in two House special elections, including one in upstate New York that had long been a GOP stronghold.

“Republicans are the ‘party of no,’ and that’s why in New York, a congressional district that for 150 years has been Republican went Democratic,” Reid said. “The American people see what’s going on in this Congress.”

Rep. Thomas Perriello (D-Va.)

Perriello beat Democrat-turned-independent-turned-Republican Virgil Goode in 2008, thanks in large part to heavy turnout from young voters and blacks. But that’s exactly who didn’t turn out to vote for Democrat Creigh Deeds in Virginia on Tuesday.

Perriello voted for the cap-and-trade bill that many conservative Democrats avoided and has been leaning toward voting for the health care overhaul — positions likely to put him at odds with many of his constituents. But while some other Democrats shied away from town hall meetings during August, Perriello has shown a willingness to meet with constituents, and political observers in Virginia and nationally say that could be his saving grace — that he’s willing to explain his positions publicly.

Though Perriello is usually easy to reach, he didn’t return POLITICO’s call for comment on this story.

Parker Griffith (D-Ala.)

No Democrat has gone to greater lengths to emphasize his differences with his national party than this freshman lawmaker from Huntsville, Ala. He won by a hairbreadth in 2008 — with 51 percent of the vote — and has gone as far to say he won’t vote for Rep. Nancy Pelosi for House speaker in the future. He said he wasn’t sure exactly how loud the message from Tuesday’s Democratic losses in the Virginia and New Jersey gubernatorial races were, but he said the point was clear.

“I should be nervous,” he said.

He said the current Democratic agenda has “the potential to cost some of our frontline members their seats.”

He also asks that he be identified as a conservative, independent Blue Dog — rather than as a Democrat.

Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.)

Himes beat long-time incumbent Republican Rep. Chris Shays by 4 points in 2008, largely on the shoulders of strong black turnout in his district’s urban areas and strong anti-Iraq war sentiment. (Shays was a staunch supporter of the war.) But now, Himes says the public perception of his party is nearly the reverse of what it was when he was elected a year ago.

“I think the public is seeing Republicans as fired up and Democrats as sitting around,” he said.

Independents are critical in the well-heeled district.

“I think people in the middle are saying, ‘We sent you down to D.C. to get some things done — health care reform, regulatory reform — and you haven’t done it yet,” he said. “By the way, I think that’s OK. This is complicated stuff, and I think those people are waiting to see whether we do what they sent us here to do.”

Rep. Mary Jo Kilroy (D-Ohio)

Voters ages 18 to 29 made up 21 percent of Virginia’s electorate in 2008 and just 10 percent in 2009, according to exit polls. That could be a serious problem for Democratic incumbents who rode college-town surges to victory in 2008.

Kilroy’s campaigns that year — and in 2006 — focused in part on building a base of support in the Ohio State University community. But if she can’t bring out the kids without Obama on the ballot, her 2010 result could look more like her narrow 2006 loss than her narrow 2008 victory.

“The inspiration that he ignited to get out to the polls among many segments of the voters just didn’t translate, and he won’t be on the ballot in 2010,” says former Republican Rep. Deborah Pryce, who beat Kilroy in 2006 before leaving the seat open in 2008.

Sen. Chris Dodd (D-Conn.)

Dodd is in the middle of the thorniest battles in Congress — health care reform and a crackdown on Wall Street — and if the 2010 election turns on Obama’s domestic agenda, Dodd’s fate will be tied to it.

Dodd has consistently been down in the polls for months, but he’s been running on a number of populist measures — including a credit card reform measure — that has helped him appeal to voters in this liberal-leaning state.

The takeaway from New Jersey for Dodd: If Corzine can lose in a heavily Democratic Northeastern state, he could, too.

Rep. John Adler (D-N.J.)

Adler may be the only New Jersey Democrat who has anything to worry about — and that’s only if he gets a Republican opponent. He and Obama won with matching 52 percent victories in 2008.

Democrats say Republican Chris Christie’s win over Corzine on Tuesday night was an anomaly (and it certainly was for a state that hasn’t elected a Republican senator since 1972, hasn’t voted for a Republican presidential candidate since George H.W. Bush in 1988 and hasn’t elected a GOP governor — until Tuesday night — since 1997).

Adler says he’s not even thinking about politics. “I’m much more focused on reviewing the health care bill, ways to improve our economy,” he said. He’s got $1.2 million in the bank for his first defense of a seat that had been in Republican Jim Saxton’s hands since 1984. Still, a surprise Christie win — and weak Democratic turnout — could not have been pleasant for Adler.

Rep. Glenn Nye (D-Va.)

Like Perriello, Nye watched Republican Bob McDonnell rack up a margin of more than 20 points in his district on Tuesday night. In 2008, Nye benefited from Obama-inspired black turnout. But black voters, who constituted a 20 percent share of the 2008 electorate, cast just 16 percent of the state’s ballots Tuesday.

David Bositis, an expert on black voting trends, says not to read too much into the diminished black turnout from 2008 to 2009 in either Perriello’s district or Nye’s. As incumbents with deep campaign pockets, they should be able to overcome a dip in intensity among blacks.

Nye said he read nothing at all into McDonnell’s rout of Deeds. “I think that election means one thing and one thing only. It means our next governor’s name is McDonnell, and I’ve got a new partner to work with” on creating jobs and building infrastructure, he said.

Rep. Bart Gordon (D-Tenn.)

Gordon’s one of a growing list of Democratic lawmakers who are likely to have a serious challenge for the first time in a long time in 2010. Though Sen. John McCain won his district with 62 percent of the vote in the 2008 presidential race, Gordon, the chairman of the House Science and Technology Committee, voted with Democrats on “party unity” votes 90 percent of the time in the previous Congress, according to CQ.

Lou Ann Zelenik, who just resigned her post as a county party chairwoman, is vying for the right to face Gordon next November. Gordon told POLITICO that the results in Virginia and New Jersey could have a chilling effect on Democratic politics, including the health care legislation working its way through Congress.

“It definitely slows down the Democratic momentum,” Gordon said.

Sen. Blanche Lincoln (D-Ark.)

Lincoln said Tuesday’s election results show that voters are concerned about “jobs and the economy” — and that her record shows she has exactly the same concerns.

“I just think that’s what on people’s minds,” Lincoln told POLITICO. “I think people are really thinking about the economy — we’re not out of the woods yet.”

But Obama lost Arkansas by 20 points in 2008. While she said it would be an honor if Obama — or any other president — came to her state to campaign for her, she’s tried to put some distance between herself and the head of her party with her positions on climate change and health.