After 1949, the British Empire in Hong Kong was more vulnerable than the lack of Chinese demand for return and the success of Hong Kong's economic transformations might have suggested. Its ...
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After 1949, the British Empire in Hong Kong was more vulnerable than the lack of Chinese demand for return and the success of Hong Kong's economic transformations might have suggested. Its vulnerability stemmed as much from Britain's imperial decline and America's Cold War requirements as from a Chinese threat. It culminated in the little known ‘1957 Question’, a year when the British position in Hong Kong appeared more uncertain than any time since 1949. This is the first scholarly study that places Hong Kong at the heart of the Anglo–American relationship in the wider context of the Cold War in Asia. Unlike existing works, which tend to treat British and US policies in isolation, this book explores their dynamic interactions — how the two allies perceived, responded to, and attempted to influence each other's policies and actions. It also provides a major reinterpretation of Hong Kong's involvement in the containment of China. The author argues that, concerned about possible Chinese retaliation, the British insisted and the Americans accepted that Hong Kong's role should be as discreet and non-confrontational in nature as possible. Above all, top decision-makers in Washington evaluated Hong Kong's significance not in its own right, but in the context of the Anglo–American relationship: Hong Kong was seen primarily as a bargaining chip to obtain British support for US policy elsewhere in Asia. Using a variety of British and US archival material as well as Chinese sources, the author examines how the British and US government discussed, debated, and disagreed over Hong Kong's role in the Cold War, and reveals the dynamics of the Anglo–American alliance and the dilemmas of small allies in a global conflict.Less

Hong Kong and the Cold War : Anglo-American Relations 1949-1957

Chi-kwan Mark

Published in print: 2004-08-05

After 1949, the British Empire in Hong Kong was more vulnerable than the lack of Chinese demand for return and the success of Hong Kong's economic transformations might have suggested. Its vulnerability stemmed as much from Britain's imperial decline and America's Cold War requirements as from a Chinese threat. It culminated in the little known ‘1957 Question’, a year when the British position in Hong Kong appeared more uncertain than any time since 1949. This is the first scholarly study that places Hong Kong at the heart of the Anglo–American relationship in the wider context of the Cold War in Asia. Unlike existing works, which tend to treat British and US policies in isolation, this book explores their dynamic interactions — how the two allies perceived, responded to, and attempted to influence each other's policies and actions. It also provides a major reinterpretation of Hong Kong's involvement in the containment of China. The author argues that, concerned about possible Chinese retaliation, the British insisted and the Americans accepted that Hong Kong's role should be as discreet and non-confrontational in nature as possible. Above all, top decision-makers in Washington evaluated Hong Kong's significance not in its own right, but in the context of the Anglo–American relationship: Hong Kong was seen primarily as a bargaining chip to obtain British support for US policy elsewhere in Asia. Using a variety of British and US archival material as well as Chinese sources, the author examines how the British and US government discussed, debated, and disagreed over Hong Kong's role in the Cold War, and reveals the dynamics of the Anglo–American alliance and the dilemmas of small allies in a global conflict.

This chapter locates issues of heritage and preservation in broader debates about ownership of ‘natural’ and ‘cultural’ property and its stewardship (or conservation) as an emerging representation of ...
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This chapter locates issues of heritage and preservation in broader debates about ownership of ‘natural’ and ‘cultural’ property and its stewardship (or conservation) as an emerging representation of good governance. Phases of this relationship are considered at three ‘site-museums’. Initially, some in the United States saw Shakespeare's Birthplace as its own heritage and tried to acquire it. Secondly, Britain, which still spoke for Canada in matters of foreign policy, cooperated with the United States to protect monumental and scenic interest at Niagara Falls. This took place as national parks were emerging as a form of representational culture. Finally, British and American voluntarist groups come together to protect Carlyle's House, London, with government backing behind the scenes as a form of cultural diplomacy.Less

Plunder or Preservation? Negotiating an Anglo-American Heritage in the Later Nineteenth Century in the Old World and the New : Shakespeare’s Birthplace, Niagara Falls, and Carlyle’s House*

Melanie Hall

Published in print: 2013-05-30

This chapter locates issues of heritage and preservation in broader debates about ownership of ‘natural’ and ‘cultural’ property and its stewardship (or conservation) as an emerging representation of good governance. Phases of this relationship are considered at three ‘site-museums’. Initially, some in the United States saw Shakespeare's Birthplace as its own heritage and tried to acquire it. Secondly, Britain, which still spoke for Canada in matters of foreign policy, cooperated with the United States to protect monumental and scenic interest at Niagara Falls. This took place as national parks were emerging as a form of representational culture. Finally, British and American voluntarist groups come together to protect Carlyle's House, London, with government backing behind the scenes as a form of cultural diplomacy.

This chapter covers the years up to the official American entry into World War II on the side of Britain and the Soviet Union against Germany, Italy, and Japan. During the years 1933–41, strategies ...
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This chapter covers the years up to the official American entry into World War II on the side of Britain and the Soviet Union against Germany, Italy, and Japan. During the years 1933–41, strategies were developed by those six countries and then turned into actual policies that determined the shape of the relations of American big business with Britain and Germany during the subsequent wartime and postwar periods. And this decade was also decisive for the organization of both the world economy and world politics for the following fifty years until the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in 1989–90.Less

Nazi Germany, Appeasement, and Anglo-American Big Business, 1933–1941

Volker R. Berghahn

Published in print: 2014-05-04

This chapter covers the years up to the official American entry into World War II on the side of Britain and the Soviet Union against Germany, Italy, and Japan. During the years 1933–41, strategies were developed by those six countries and then turned into actual policies that determined the shape of the relations of American big business with Britain and Germany during the subsequent wartime and postwar periods. And this decade was also decisive for the organization of both the world economy and world politics for the following fifty years until the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in 1989–90.

History, British and Irish Modern History, American History: 19th Century

The Conclusion pulls together the themes that run through the earlier chapters and suggests that for all the variations in thinking about American government by the Victorians, a common strand in ...
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The Conclusion pulls together the themes that run through the earlier chapters and suggests that for all the variations in thinking about American government by the Victorians, a common strand in their opinion was a belief in Anglo-Saxon exceptionalism, that is, that the United States drew heavily on British constitutional traditions and that both countries had a gift for self-government.Less

Conclusion : Anglo-American Exceptionalism

Frank Prochaska

Published in print: 2012-02-02

The Conclusion pulls together the themes that run through the earlier chapters and suggests that for all the variations in thinking about American government by the Victorians, a common strand in their opinion was a belief in Anglo-Saxon exceptionalism, that is, that the United States drew heavily on British constitutional traditions and that both countries had a gift for self-government.

This chapter investigates, in a historical and cultural perspective, the meaning of the word reasonable, and in particular, of the phrases reasonable man and reasonable doubt, which play an important ...
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This chapter investigates, in a historical and cultural perspective, the meaning of the word reasonable, and in particular, of the phrases reasonable man and reasonable doubt, which play an important role in Anglo-American law. Drawing on studies of the British Enlightenment such as Porter (2000), it traces the modern English concept of “reasonableness” back to the intellectual revolution brought about by the writings of John Locke, who (as Porter says) “replaced rationalism with reasonableness, in a manner which became programmatic for the Enlightenment in Britain”. The chapter also argues that the meaning of the word reasonable has changed over the last two centuries and that as a result, the meaning of phrases like reasonable man and beyond reasonable doubt has also changed. It further argues that since these phrases were continually in use for over two centuries and became entrenched in Anglo-American law as well as in ordinary language, and since the older meaning of reasonable is no longer known to most speakers, the change has, generally speaking, gone unnoticed. The chapter also shows how the meaning of the English word reasonable differs from that of the French word raisonable, and how semantic differences of this kind reflect differences in cultural ideals, traditions, and attitudes.Less

Being REASONABLE : A Key Anglo Value and Its Cultural Roots

Anna Wierzbicka

Published in print: 2006-05-25

This chapter investigates, in a historical and cultural perspective, the meaning of the word reasonable, and in particular, of the phrases reasonable man and reasonable doubt, which play an important role in Anglo-American law. Drawing on studies of the British Enlightenment such as Porter (2000), it traces the modern English concept of “reasonableness” back to the intellectual revolution brought about by the writings of John Locke, who (as Porter says) “replaced rationalism with reasonableness, in a manner which became programmatic for the Enlightenment in Britain”. The chapter also argues that the meaning of the word reasonable has changed over the last two centuries and that as a result, the meaning of phrases like reasonable man and beyond reasonable doubt has also changed. It further argues that since these phrases were continually in use for over two centuries and became entrenched in Anglo-American law as well as in ordinary language, and since the older meaning of reasonable is no longer known to most speakers, the change has, generally speaking, gone unnoticed. The chapter also shows how the meaning of the English word reasonable differs from that of the French word raisonable, and how semantic differences of this kind reflect differences in cultural ideals, traditions, and attitudes.

European financial integration imposes a major challenge to insider financial systems of the French and German kind. European monetary union will favour more open systems of the Anglo‐American type, ...
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European financial integration imposes a major challenge to insider financial systems of the French and German kind. European monetary union will favour more open systems of the Anglo‐American type, which will win the battle of the systems.Less

The Political Economy of European Union Financial Integration: The Battle of the Systems

Jonathan Story

Published in print: 2000-03-09

European financial integration imposes a major challenge to insider financial systems of the French and German kind. European monetary union will favour more open systems of the Anglo‐American type, which will win the battle of the systems.

This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the purpose of the book, which is to examine how Britain and America dealt with the vulnerability of Hong Kong in the age of decolonization and ...
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This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the purpose of the book, which is to examine how Britain and America dealt with the vulnerability of Hong Kong in the age of decolonization and the Cold War. It focuses on four dimensions of Hong Kong's vulnerability that had the greatest impact on the Anglo–American relationship: the external defence of Hong Kong; the political consequences for Hong Kong of American–Chinese confrontation; Hong Kong's economic dependence on the mainland; and US overt and covert operations in the Colony. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.Less

Introduction

CHI-KWAN MARK

Published in print: 2004-08-05

This introductory chapter begins with a discussion of the purpose of the book, which is to examine how Britain and America dealt with the vulnerability of Hong Kong in the age of decolonization and the Cold War. It focuses on four dimensions of Hong Kong's vulnerability that had the greatest impact on the Anglo–American relationship: the external defence of Hong Kong; the political consequences for Hong Kong of American–Chinese confrontation; Hong Kong's economic dependence on the mainland; and US overt and covert operations in the Colony. An overview of the subsequent chapters is presented.

In 1881, E. A. Freeman sailed across the Atlantic, one of a number of British historians, scientists, and literary figures to tour the United States in the period between the Civil War and 1900. For ...
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In 1881, E. A. Freeman sailed across the Atlantic, one of a number of British historians, scientists, and literary figures to tour the United States in the period between the Civil War and 1900. For Freeman the financial rewards of touring were balanced by onerous press scrutiny and unwelcome competition from rival celebrities, notably Oscar Wilde. Freeman’s lectures were intended to remind his American audiences of what he insisted was a shared Anglo-American history, one founded in racialist celebration of the birthright of free Teutons. Although resisted by Irish-Americans and those who insisted on American exceptionalism, Freeman’s views were shared by fellow Britons such as James Bryce and Charles Kingsley, as well as by founding fathers of the history as an academic discipline in the United States. This view reassured Britons concerned at the rise of the United States and shaped the understanding of the ‘special relationship’ in both countries.Less

The Consolations of Amero-Teutonism: E. A. Freeman’s Tour of the United States, 1881–2

Jonathan Conlin

Published in print: 2015-10-15

In 1881, E. A. Freeman sailed across the Atlantic, one of a number of British historians, scientists, and literary figures to tour the United States in the period between the Civil War and 1900. For Freeman the financial rewards of touring were balanced by onerous press scrutiny and unwelcome competition from rival celebrities, notably Oscar Wilde. Freeman’s lectures were intended to remind his American audiences of what he insisted was a shared Anglo-American history, one founded in racialist celebration of the birthright of free Teutons. Although resisted by Irish-Americans and those who insisted on American exceptionalism, Freeman’s views were shared by fellow Britons such as James Bryce and Charles Kingsley, as well as by founding fathers of the history as an academic discipline in the United States. This view reassured Britons concerned at the rise of the United States and shaped the understanding of the ‘special relationship’ in both countries.

This chapter shows the importance of German and Dutch investment. It also discusses the success of the first funded loan in Europe. It clarifies the long-term strategic and diplomatic significance of ...
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This chapter shows the importance of German and Dutch investment. It also discusses the success of the first funded loan in Europe. It clarifies the long-term strategic and diplomatic significance of the Anglo-American settlements of the early 1870. It obscures the financial implications of the of the resolution of the Alabama dispute.Less

“Were it not for our Debt,” 1865–1873

Jay Sexton

Published in print: 2005-07-21

This chapter shows the importance of German and Dutch investment. It also discusses the success of the first funded loan in Europe. It clarifies the long-term strategic and diplomatic significance of the Anglo-American settlements of the early 1870. It obscures the financial implications of the of the resolution of the Alabama dispute.

Describes the impact of World War II on Anglo-American-Caribbean relations and the still-nascent decolonization process. Identifies “three R's” of the Roosevelt adminstration's diplomacy regarding ...
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Describes the impact of World War II on Anglo-American-Caribbean relations and the still-nascent decolonization process. Identifies “three R's” of the Roosevelt adminstration's diplomacy regarding the West Indies: “realism” or security concerns, reformism, and race. All three met in the construction of U.S. bases in the islands, in the establishment of the Anglo-American Caribbean Commission (AACC), in the diasporan cooperation between expatriates and African Americans that helped to bring about revision of the Jamaican constitution, and to a lesser extent in the Anglo-American conflict over Jamaican bauxite. The AACC became an arena of “competitive colonialism” as both Washington and London used their respective colonies to prove their good faith as reformers of the colonial regime, and used them as testing-grounds for the competing American and British visions of the postwar world.Less

A More American Lake

Janson C. Parker

Published in print: 2008-05-01

Describes the impact of World War II on Anglo-American-Caribbean relations and the still-nascent decolonization process. Identifies “three R's” of the Roosevelt adminstration's diplomacy regarding the West Indies: “realism” or security concerns, reformism, and race. All three met in the construction of U.S. bases in the islands, in the establishment of the Anglo-American Caribbean Commission (AACC), in the diasporan cooperation between expatriates and African Americans that helped to bring about revision of the Jamaican constitution, and to a lesser extent in the Anglo-American conflict over Jamaican bauxite. The AACC became an arena of “competitive colonialism” as both Washington and London used their respective colonies to prove their good faith as reformers of the colonial regime, and used them as testing-grounds for the competing American and British visions of the postwar world.