This is an archive of the former website of the Maoist Internationalist Movement, which was run by the now defunct Maoist Internationalist Party - Amerika. The MIM now consists of many independent cells, many of which have their own indendendent organs both online and off. MIM(Prisons) serves these documents as a service to and reference for the anti-imperialist movement worldwide.

Maoist Internationalist Movement

Where we are at theoretically at the end

February 15 2008

[The masses have less than three days left to break the encirclement of MIM,
and we see them trying, but in case they do not punch through, we
have already started preparations for tidying up. There is a new website,
"MIM Lite."]

In the end, it can be as simple as the politics of death threats
against MIM. It is not accountable for MIM to allow various political
forces to play both sides. People promoting those making death threats
against MIM are not MIM's friends. For this reason MIM is leaving the
field to the leaders the so-called masses deserve. The masses did not
bail MIM out and re-organize the struggle as requested, and so we are
left in a form of intra-bourgeois struggle only, a struggle that might
be better taken up in other ways, perhaps as bourgeois politicians or
single-issue activists. "MIM Lite" will try to organize where there is
still some opportunity.

The Senate's passage of expanded spying powers February 12 is a
typical example of how MIM is correct. We warned our supposed friends
not to make an issue out of spying, because instead of reducing surveillance,
going to Congress only raised an opportunity to increase it. For some,
it is impossible to grasp that Amerika could be so evil that surveillance
is here to stay and not just a passing fad of the Bush regime.

MIM had wanted to take up a stepped up approach to struggles in 2008
and attract additional assassination talk on itself. Yet we found
crypto-Trotskyist circles doing the bidding of U.$. and I$raeli interests
while conniving with Gorbachev-era social democrats. Despite this,
the international ability to judge was lacking or maybe in many cases,
the guts to judge was lacking.

MIM could be in the midst of an intense struggle and find itself
attacked by Joey Crackertopian--and this could be misinterpreted by
people more paranoid than MIM and cause political repercussions beyond
Joey Crackertopian's dreams. Picturing this, it would create potential
havoc despite whatever well- meaning intentions MIM had for making
friends for Maoism internationally. Being assassinated for the right
reasons is important. The oppressed cannot count on the vanguard
otherwise.

The Communist Party of India(Maoist) intervened in our struggle,
whether to make threats more real or to assist ideologically to
prevent a repeat of how they accomplished their merger. One faction
basically killed off leaders of another.

The trouble with the Third World struggles is that none are at the
stage of scaling the heights from socialism to communism and thus
needing clarity on what is proletarian and what is not. Currently, all
Third World struggles are at a bourgeois stage of struggle with
leaders from the bourgeoisie. Thus, the capitalist class in fact
mediates the class struggle globally at this time, whether various
opponents of Mao's Three Worlds strategy want to acknowledge that
reality or not. Typically the Hoxhaites complain that Mao's Three
Worlds idea overlooked the exploiter nature of a man like Saddam
Hussein or even Pinochet. Yet today we can see even in the case of
Stalin or his successors, the imperialists at the very least would
offer bribes equivalent of capitalist status. Hence, at this time,
anyone saying that it is possible to evade capitalist mediation of the
class struggle is unrealistic. Even Hoxha and Mao themselves were
structurally capitalist.

The notion that labor bureaucrats swindle Western so-called workers
became outdated long ago, but the alleged Maoist leaders of the world
easily swindle or sidestep the exploited forces of the Third World,
because of the low stage of struggle that we are in. Thus the idea of
a thin stratum of labor bureaucrats or party officials who mislead the
exploited is still quite relevant globally. This problem is aggravated
by how post-modernism has siphoned off the real intellectuals vanguard
parties need to lead. MIM has pointed again and again to a crisis of
judgment, a lack of discernment and a need for decisively
scientifically-oriented purges to counteract post-modernist siphoning
and the realities of the labor bureaucracy globally. Others seeing the
same problem proposed increased recruiting of the imperialist country
middle-classes for hand-holding purposes and dilution of the
scientific content of the party during this ebb period. MIM holds that
the opposition to quality is in fact lengthening the ebb period, which
has the merit of weeding out lower quality forces, a relative fact
that must be made use of.

Mao's Three Worlds strategy is a strategy, because it is for the
period of time in which capitalists will continue to mediate the class
struggle. The Three Worlds strategy is not a generalization of how to
reach communism. It will come apart as the First World loses its status
as First World. Then a new strategy will be necessary.

Although a portion of labor bureaucrats and other entrenched
professionals can see that China is now capitalist, the appeal of Deng
Xiaoping's theory of productive forces is almost universal in opposing
us. The idea that Westerners are simply more advanced technologically
is easier to accept than the work of understanding surplus-value and
super-exploitation. Immersed in bourgeois struggles themselves, the
bourgeois leaders of the class struggles in the Third World generally
see no reason not to ally themselves with labor aristocracy
organizations of the imperialist countries. Even Trotskyist ideas
about a world party find ready acceptance among capitalist leaders
mediating the struggles of the exploited.

Essentially immersed in an intra-bourgeois struggle with various
bourgeois leaders blocking the will of the exploited, MIM proposed the
Kobe Bryant thought experiment. Now we see what happens when Kobe
Bryant leaves the basketball court. We will see what happens to the
team record without him. Already some negative things have happened as
the enemy perceives MIM's vacation. This is the accountable way to
learn from practice. Some will see no loss at all and they will follow
their leaders of old. Others may see some loss and contemplate how
that should be translated into struggle.

There will be no new content here, no more stepping on toes and no
defense of political gains if any. "MIM Lite" will take up the few
leftover tasks. For the original MIM pages, we will work on spiffing
up the old links and index pages and uploading the old MIM Theory
magazines. Those who have read the MIM magazine materials and website
as it has gone along will find themselves done and bored.