"The Right of the People to Keep and Bear Arms shall NOT be infringed."
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"The God who gave us life gave us liberty at the same time: the hand of force may destroy, but cannot disjoin them." --Thomas Jefferson
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Shredding the lies one slice at a time....

How is it that the MASTERS need 'permission' from their hired servants, before the MASTERS can exercise their Constitutionally secured right to keep and bear arms? For We The People ARE the MASTERS in our Constitutional Republic. And those in our government(s) are in reality nothing more than our hired servants.

The right to keep and bear arms is inseparably tied to the inalienable and reservedright of Self-Defense. Both of which rights were Constitutionally intended to be forever placed beyond the grasp of government 'power' and 'control'.

"Besides, it is well undrstood and received as a commentary on this provision of the liberty of the press, that it was intended to prevent all such previous restraints upon publications as had been practised by other governments, and in early times, to stifle the efforts of patriots towards enlightening their fellow subjects upon their rights and duties of the rulers. The liberty of the press was to be unrestrained, but he who used it was to be repseonsible in case of its abuse; like the right to keep fire-arms, which does not protect him who uses them for annoyance or destruction.[1]"

[A Treatise on the Constitutional Limitations which Rest Upon the
Legislative Power Of The States Of The American Union. By Thomas M.
Cooley, One Of The Justices Of The Supreme Court Of Michigan, And Jay
Professor Of Law In The University Of Michigan. Boston: Little, Brown,
And Co., 1868. Pg. 421]

We have time and again, during this campaign, called the attention of our readers to what we consider the real issue in this contest, and at this, the eleventh hour, we hope it is not too late to ring into the ears of the doubtful, and of the wavering supporters of the Buchanan Slaveocracy the unchangeable and oft-repeaied truths of the campaign, which, in case of the election of James Buchanan, (an event may God, in his goodness and kindness to our land, forbid!) will assume almost the point and appearance of prophecy.

Let us, while we have yet a little time, consider, with hearts free from party prejudice, and devoted to our country its honor at home and abroad, its welfare and the prosperity of its matchless institutions, the grave issue which has been forced upon us by the falsely styled Democratic party, by the administration of Franklin Pierce, which was unqualifiedly endorsed by the Convention that nominated James Buchanan,--an administration, to which none now feel so politically poor as to do reverence.

The issue, when stripped of the verbiage with which it has been clothed by political sophists and humbugs, of its sugar-coating, (for the taste of the independent portion of the party North) is: Shall Kansas be Slave or Free?

Gentlemen Buchaneers, you may dodge it as you will, it is nevertheless the true issue before the people of this country. The election of your candidate will, as certainly as effect follows cause, consummate the end so much desired by the controlling portion of your party--the making of Kansas into a Slave State--to save the Union?--an end for which you work with a zeal worthy of a better cause, and to accomplish which the ballot-box has been stripped of its sacredness, and the ignorant, priest-ridden hordes of new-comers to our land are gregariously tolled to the polls. The election of our Candidate will, by a wise, impartial and national direction of the affairs of that distracted Territory, infallibly make it free.

When Gov. Geary went out to Kansas, we were told that with the assumption of the purple by him, would commence the reign of peace; that he was Buchanan's choice, appointed at the recommendation of Buchanan himself; that his administration of the affairs of the Territory should be after the plan of the Democratic party revised. And this is the test, too. It is no newspaper fiction. Well, what have we had but a repetition of Shannon's doings, and the more fatal to the interests of freedom there, too, for the reason that the Free State men thought that the climax of wrong having been reached, any step made would surely be a step backwards, and were inclined to trust in the specious appearances which were made to herald the new, the Geary Administration into power. But the sceptre passed from the one to the other losing nothing of its despotism thereby.

Free State men, since the advent of Geary, seeking peaceably their way into the 'Eden of the West,' with all the accompaniments of the emigrant whose business and object is agriculture and not war, have found the roads leading into that Territory bristling with the bayonets of United States soldiers--an impassible barrier.

Free State men in large numbers have been arrested and put upon their trial for the highest crimes, while pro-slavery men are suffered to remain at large, although it is not denied that crimes of every grade and some of the most savage atrocity have been committed by them against the persons and property of Free State men and against all law.

Free State men have, since the same advent, been robbed of their horses, their cattle, their money and their scanty provisions, by squads of armed pro-slavery men, and to the complaints of these injured citizen the ear of his Excellency has seemed to be deaf, and the strong arm (strong only when brought against the Free State men,) of the United States army, has been impotent io their relief.

Free State men, under this same Buchanan Admisistration, have been denied their constitutional rights; the "freedom of speech, of the press;" the "right to be secure in their persons, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures," and the "right to keep and bear arms," without which they have been, and are now, unable to vindicate for themselves that other right, known to the law of this land, the law of Nature, and the law of God--the right of Self-defence.

With such an administration in Kansas we cannot expect the Tree of Liberty there to take root and grow, for it must needs be nursed and watered by the hands of the Free Men of the North; it will inevitably be choked out by the weeds by the "sedge grass" of the "peculiar institution." There is no hope, then, but in the election of John C. Fremont, and to that end it behooves every friend of Free Kansas, regardless of past party associations and attachments, earnestly, devotedly, and untiringly, to work the short time that remains; and what is of most importance, to vote on the coming 4th of November.

We know our cause is just; we know the great majority of tbe people of the North, desire the end we seek and with this knowledge we feel an abiding faith in the result of the struggle. Nothing but negligence on the part of our friends can lose us a victory already won in the hearts of the people. If we all do our duty, we are quite sure we shall never as a Journalist be compelled to write the words "Doomed Kansas." May God avert the Catastrophe!

Deputy U.S. Marshal Wm. J. Preston, "The party retained their side arms, some rifles, (common and Sharpe's patent,) and guns. . . . P.S.--No private arms were taken; or, if so, by the personal application of the owners they were returned--I mean rifles, shot-guns . . . U.S. Army Captain and Brevet Major H.H. Sibley, "Agreeably to your excellency's instructions, I have restored such of the arms as have been claimed as individual property. . . .Gov. Jno. W. Geary, "the immigrants were provided with shot-guns, rifles, pistols, knives, & c., sufficient for the ordinary uses of persons travelling in Kansas, or any other of the western Territories."

KANSAS AFFAIRS.--OFFICIAL REPORT OF GOV. GEARY TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE.

The following official report of Governor Geary to the Secretary of State furnishes a crushing answer to the many falsehoods propagated by the abolition press in regard to the recent arrest of two hundred and fifty pretended immigrants into Kansas. We venture to assert that no right-minded man can read these authentic facts without admiring and applauding the impartiality, vigilance, promptness, and leniency which marked Governor Geary's whole conduct. It is really amazing that even abolition leaders can resort to such disgraceful perversions and fabrications as are now industriously circulated through their journals in regard to an occurrence which reflects the highest credit upon Governor Geary. But his official report has come in time to expose the base falsehoods and to add another proof that black republicanism has lived for the lst year upon a succession of similar frauds and fabrications.

Reported Invasion of the Northern Frontier.

In consequence of numerous well-authenticated reports having been brought to the executive department that large bodies of organized men, armed and provided with munitions of war, were about to enter the Territory from Nebraska with no peaceful intentions, a requisition was made upon the commander of the United States forces stationed here for a sufficient number of troops to repel or disperse the intruders. Accordingly, a large force, under command of Col. Cook, and accompanied by a United States district marshal, left Lecompton for the North on the 28th ult. The following is the marshal's report:

Lecompton, Kansas Territory,
October 12, 1856.

His Excellency J.W. Geary, Governor of Kansas Territory:

Sir: In accordance with your orders "to accompany the United States troops to the northern frontier, and to see that your proclamation was carried into effect," I have the honor to state that I have been located for the past two weeks at or in the vicinity of a place called Fort Plymouth, some five or six miles south of the line dividing Kansas from Nebraska.

On the evening of the 9th inst. I was informed by some United States officers that there was a body of 250 men, with wagons, &c., at a little place in Nebraska called Archie, some five miles north of the territorial line, and that they proposed entering Kansas. On the morning of the 10th instant Colonel Cook, commanding the United States troops, sent for me. I obeyed his summons, and found him engaged in conversation with General Pomeroy and Colonels Eldridge and Perry, who were in command of this party of 240, more or less, represented as emigrants. I introduced myself to the parties in command, and asked if they had seen your proclamation, &c. They replied in the affirmative, and showed me a letter from your excellency, in which you advise your officials of the coming of this party, and in which you command your officers to allow them to pass unmolested if they come as bona fide settlers, and for lawful and peaceful purposes, and not in violation of your proclamation.

There was nothing in the appearance of this party indicating that they were peaceable immigrants. They had no stock of any kind, except those of draught. There were only some seven families among them, and no visible furniture, agricultural implements, or mechanical tools; but, on the contrary, they were amply supplied with all the requisite articles for camping and campaigning purposes. These were seen protruding from their vehicles. Considering their appearance antagonistic to the spirit of your proclamation, fifth paragraph: "And I command all bodies of men, combined, armed, and equipped with munitions of war, without authority of the government, instantly to disband or quit the Territory, as they will answer the contrary at their peril," I requested Colonel Eldridge, who appeared to be in command, to satisfy me as to the peaceful mission of the party by showing me the contents of the wagons, &c. He declined in such a manner as to induce me to suppose that the wagons (some twenty in number) were loaded with munitions of war. Everything went to show that they were organized, and they acknowledged this fact themselves.

I then requested Col. Cook, commander of the United States forces, to examine and to give me a written report of how the party was furnished. The following is his reply and accompanying report:

Headquarters Camp on Pony Creek,
Kansas Territory, Oct 10, 1856.

Sir: I give you my opinion that this party of two hundred and forty men, more or less, under Col. Eldridge, Gen. Pomeroy, & c., is a combined party or body, furnished completely with arms and munitions of war.

The recent troubled state of the Territory, and your proclamation, and Colonel Cooke's reply, authorized me to consider the party as one entering our midst for no peaceful purposes. Hence, in accordance with your orders regarding your letter as giving me some margin for discretion, I took the arms into my possession. and delivered them to Colonel Cook, subject to your order. The party retained their side arms, some rifles, (common and Sharpe's patent,) and guns.

The party then complained, and expressed some fear in travelling with what arms they retained. I consequently requested Col. Cook to give them an escort to their place of destination. He acquiesced; but the immigrants (as they styled themselves,) after consultation, declined accepting the escort, but persisted in going as an organized body. Whereupon, after promising to suit their convenience in travelling, and as regards route, I arrested them as a body allowing individuals to go where they pleased and when they pleased.

In arresting them I had nothing to do with tbe families, offering them the liberty which you guaranty to all--of travelling through or settling in any part of the Territory which they might think proper. This privilege they refused to accept, replying that "the party to which they were attached was an organized one, and they would not leave their comrades, as some of their property was in every wagon." I also took into consideration their personal convenience, doing everything in consonance with my position for their comfort, and promising them that I would use every endeavor with your excellency to have you meet them on the route, that you might satisfy yourself as to the character and objects of their mission; and if you should regard it as warlike, I would be subject to your further order; and if a peaceful and colonization tendency, my interruption would be light as possible. They were detained three-quarters of a day when first stopped and by my request Col. Cook issued a day's rations to them. They have met with no further delay. It was raining on the day of tbe arrest, which subjected us all to a drenching. It was to be regretted, but could not be prevented.

Very respectfully, your excellency's obedient servant,

WM. J. PRESTON,
Deputy United States Marshal.

P.S.--No private arms were taken; or, if so, by the personal application of the owners they were returned--I mean rifles, shot-guns, some few sabres, &c. No one claimed the muskets. I would also call your attention to the following note handed me by Colonel Cook.

Truly yours, &c.,
WM. J. PRESTON.
Deputy United States Marshal.

"No trunks or ordinary packages were opened. A large quantity of new saddles were found in boxes, supposed to match the sabres. Sixty or seventy-five others of the party are several days behind with ox-teams.
"P. ST. GEO. COOK."
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Sir: Colonel Preston, deputy marshal, has arrested, with my assistance, and disarmed a large party of professed immigrants, being entirely provided with arms and munitions of war; amongst which two officers and sixty-one privates' sabres, and many boxes of new saddles. Agreeably to your requisition of September 28, 1856, I send an escort to conduct them, men, and arms, and munitions of war, to appear before you at the capital.

Col. Preston will give you the details.

I have the honor to be, with high respect, your obedient servant,
P. ST. GEORGE COOK,
Lieut. Col. 2d Dragoons, Commanding in the Field.
To his Excellency Jno. W. Geary,
Governor of Kansas Territory.

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The following was forwarded by mail to St Louis, and thence despatched by telegraph to Washington city:

To the Secretary of State.

Executive Department,
Lecompton, (K.T.,) October 13, 1856.

Sir: An official report has just reached me that the troops sent to guard the northern frontier have arrested a party of two hundred and forty men, organised in military order, and liberally supplied with munitions of war. They entered Kansas by way of Nebraska. They brought with them no household furniture, agricultural implements, nor anything to indicate that their intentions were otherwise than hostile. I am now about to proceed to Indianola, where I expect to meet them, and make of them such disposition as circumstances may seem to require. By the next mail I will forward you a full account of the affair. Your obedient servant,

Dear Sir : We, the undersigned, conductors of an immigrant train, who entered the Territory on the 10th instant, beg leave to make the following statement of facts, which, if required, we will attest upon our oaths:

1st. Our party numbered from 200 to 300 persons, in two separate companies, the rear company (which has not yet arrived) being principally composed of families with children, who left Mount Pleasant, Iowa, three days after this train which has arrived to-day.

2d. We are all actual bona fide settlers, intending, so far as we know, to become permanent inhabitants.

3d. The blockading of the Missouri river to free-State emigrants, and the reports which reached us in the early part of September to the effect that armed men were infesting and marauding the northern portion of Kansas, were the sole reasons why we came in a company and were armed.

4th. We were stopped near the northern line of the Territory by the United States troops, acting, as we understood, under the orders of one Preston, deputy United States marshal; and, after stating to the officers who we were, and what we had, they commenced searching our wagons, (in some instances breaking open trunks and throwing bedding and wearing apparel upon the ground in the rain,) taking arms from the wagons, wresting some private arms from the hands of men, carrying away a lot of sabres belonging to a gentleman in the Territory, as also one and a half kegs of powder, percussion caps, and some cartridges; in consequence of which, we were detained about two-thirds of a day, taken prisoners, and are now presented to you.

All that we have to say is, that our mission to this Territory is entirely peaceful. We have no organization, save a police organization for our own regulation and defence on the way. And coming in that spirit to this Territory, we claim the rights of American citizens to bear arms, and to be exempt from unlawful search or seizure.

Trusting to your integrity aud impartiality, we have confidence to believe that our property will be restored to us, and that all that has been wrong will be righted.

Sir: I have the honor to report that, agreeably to the written order of Lieutenant Colonel Cook, commanding the troops on the northern frontier of this Territory, of which the following is a copy, viz:

HEADQUARTERS, CAMP NEAR THE NEBRASKA FRONTIER,
October 10, 1856.

Brevet Major H.H. Sibley will march to-morrow in command of the squadron 2d dragoons for Lecompton, K.T., and will conduct there and deliver to the governor of the Territory the prisoners this day arrested as invaders of the Territory, together with the arms and munitions of war found in their possession and seized.

Major S. will await further orders at camp near Lecompton.
Bv order of Lieutenant Colonel Cook:

J.J. WRIGHT,
Lieutenant and adjutant 2d dragoons.

I took charge of the prisoners (223) referred to in order, together with the arms, munitions of war, &c, and marched the morning of the 11th.

Being accompanied by Deputy Marshal Preston, I discovered very soon that the relative position of the prisoners, the marshal, and myself, was not distinctly understood--the former being under the impression that they were not bona fide prisoners, but merely under military surveillance. This impression I took the earliest occasion to correct by reading to the conductors of the party Lieutenant Colonel Cook's order.

It was then demanded of me that the government should subsist the whole party and forage their animals. I acknowledged the Justice of their demand, but informed them that, as an equivalent for one day's detention in Colonel Cook's camp, and at their own suggestion, he had furnished me with one day's provision for them, which I would deliver in camp at night; that I had no more, and not a grain of forage; but that I would pay both for provision and forage, if either could be procured along the route. I gave them to understand distinctly that I would not suffer myself to be embarrassed on my march by their assertions of scarcity of provisions. I knew they had abundance in their wagons, that they must use them, and make their claims upon the government afterwards. My orders were imperative to take them before the governor, and they should be obeyed. With the general understanding and a better acquaintance with the conductors, every disposition to cavil ceased. I imposed no restraint upon them whatever along the route. Their sick and foot-sore (many of them driven from their own wagons) were permitted to ride in mine. They were assisted in crossing streams, and were permitted to select their own camp grounds within reasonable distance of mine. Upon one occasion I consented to their continuing their route three miles further than the point I had selected. The proposition, however, seemed to have been voted down; for they took the ground I had indicated as the best; and I paid for forage for their animals for two nights out of my own pocket, having no public funds at my disposal.

These trifling circumstances are merely adverted to in order that your excellency may fully understand the position of my command with respect to the immigrant party; and that you may understand that they were never for one moment made to feel the restraint of military discipline; but were, on the contrary, relieved from the onerous duty and necessity of nightly guards, and assisted rather than retarded in their journey.

My first impression upon a cursory view of the party, their outfit, arms, munitions, &c., &c., and the absence of a proper proportion of families--there being only seven women to two hundred and forty men--(less than half the number allowed to the same number of soldiers,) the total absence of farming implements, household furniture, &c., naturally and necessarily pertaining to bona fide immigrants, was that it could be regarded in no other light than as an organised armed party, entering the Territory for any other than peaceful purposes; and, in view of the excitement which prevailed in the Territory at the probable moment of its organization, invasion and war was its original intent. Learning, however, as they approached the line, the true state of affairs, (the happy results of a few weeks of vigorous administration of justice,) and that, instead of war, peace and quiet and protection reigned throughout the land, their character changed; the arms provided for rebellion and opposition to the laws were never unpacked, and, but for their discovery in the wagons, the party would have entered the Territory unmolested.

Agreeably to your excellency's instructions, I have restored such of the arms as have been claimed as individual property. The balance I have turned over to the officer in command of the troops stationed at this point.

Report of Col St. G. Cook.
HEADQUARTERS, CAMP NEAR LeCOMPTON,
October 15, 1856.

The morning after my last communication on the 8th instant, I marched back with the dragoons, and encamped close to the fortified house and '"fort". I caused the vicinity to be again searched. Some dry goods which I heard were found the day before, and marked "Grasshopper Falls," had been removed. They were still working on the house within the redoubt. This they hare commenced to pull down.

Ascertaining the night of the 9th instant that a large body had come by the north within twelve miles, I concentrated the troops early the 10th, and soon after a large force, with twenty wagons, approached.

Their leaders, well mounted, approached me, and announced themselves as "Colonel Eldridge," "General Pomeroy," &c., said they were immigrants, &c. Soon Colonel Preston, deputy marshal, approached, produced the governor's proclamation of September 11th, and said it was necessary to search the wagons for arms and munitions of war. They refusing consent, I immediately caused it to be done, my display of force being such that no resistance was offered.

It was found that there was, with the horses in the wagons, a complete armament for the whole number of men, one-fourth as cavalry, the rest as infantry. A good deal of threat and irritating language was used on their part, unanswered and unnoticed.

I gave the deputy marshal my written opinion that they were a "combined party or body furnished completely with arms and munitions of war."

With some hesitation, I consented to an arrangement being made by the marshal by which escort would be given to them to conduct them to the governor. He found they would not consent, and arrested them. I, therefore, put them under guard, and sent them next morning in charge of Brevet Major Sibley, commanding a squadron of of dragoons, to be brought before you.

"Col. Eldridge," in his explanations to me, said there was a part of them, from "fifty to seventy-five," coming several days behind, with ox-teams; but he did not claim that they were bringing property belonging to those in advance; not to me, certainly. This party had no stock, furniture, &c.,invariably curried by emigrants.

Nothing new had occurred for two days, when, on the morning of the 12th, I left Col. Johnston with 1st cavalry and light artillery company, to remain, until further orders, on that frontier.

I have just arrived, and hasten to give you this information of the affairs of the north.

To the Secretary of State.
Executive Department,
Lecompton, (K.T.,) October 15, 1856.

Dear Sir: Col. Wm. J. Preston, a deputy United States marshal, who had accompanied Col. P. St. Geo. Cook and his command to the northern frontier to look after a large party of professed immigrants, who were reported to be about invading the Territory in that quarter in warlike array and for hostile purposes, returned to Lecompton on the 12th instant.

He informed me that he had caused to be arrested an organized band, consisting of about two hundred and forty persons, among whom were a very few women and children, comprising some seven families.

This party was regularly formed in military order, and were under the command of General Pomeroy, Colonels' Eldridge and Perry, and others. They had with them twenty wagons, in which were a supply of new arms, mostly muskets (with bayonets) and sabres, and a lot of saddles, &c., sufficient to equip a battalion, consisting one fourth of cavalry and the remainder of infantry.

Besides these arms, which were evidently intended for military purposes, and none other, and which were in the wagons, a search of which was strongly objected to, the immigrants were provided with shot-guns, rifles, pistols, knives, &c., sufficient for the ordinary uses of persons travelling in Kansas, or any other of the western Territories.

From the reports of the officers, I learn that they had with them neither oxen, household furniture, mechanics' tools, agricultural implements, nor any of the necessary appurtenances of peaceful settlers.

These persons entered the Territory on the morning of the 10th instant, and met Col. Cook's command a few miles south of the territorial line. Here the deputy marshal questioned them as to their intentions, the contents of their wagons, and such other matters us he considered necessary in the exercise of his official duties. Not satisfied with their answers, and being refused the privilege of searching their effects, he felt justified in considering them a party organized and armed in opposition to my proclamation of the 11th September. After consultation with Colonel Cook and other officers of the army, who agreed with him in regard to the character of the immigrants, he directed the search to be made, which resulted in the discovery of the arms already mentioned.

An escort was then offered them to Lecompton, in order that I might examine them in person, and decide as to their intentions, which they refused to accept Their superfluous arms were then taken in charge of the troops, and the entire party put under arrest, the families and all others, individually,being permitted to retire from the organization, if so disposed. Few, however, availed themselves of this privilege.

But little delay and less annoyance were occasioned them by these proceedings. Every thing that circumstances required or permitted was done for the comfort and convenience of the prisoners. Their journey was facilitated rather than retarded. They were accompanied by a squadron of United States dragoons in command of Major H.H. Sibley. A day's rations were dealt out to them, and they were allowed to pursue the route themselves had chosen.

Being apprized of the time at which they would probably arrive at Topeka, I forwarded orders for their detention on the northern side of the river, near that place, where, as I promised, I met them on the morning of the 14th Instant.

I found them precisely as they had been represented to me in official reports; and whilst I felt disposed and anxious to extend to them all the leniency I could consistent with propriety, duty, and justice. I determined, at the same time, to enforce in their case, as well as that of every similar organization, the spirit and intent of my proclamation of the 11th ultimo, which commands "all bodies of men combined, armed, and equipped with munitions of war, without authority of the government, instantly to disband or quit the Territory, as they will answer the contrary at their peril." This I had done but a short time previous with a smaller body, who entered Kansas as this had done, from an entirely different quarter, and who, upon learning my purposes, not only submitted willingly to be searched, but by my order, without a murmur, and even with cheerfulness, disbanded and dispersed.

I addressed these people in their encampment, in regard to the present condition of the Territory, the suspicious position they occupied, and the reprehensible attitude they had assumed. I reminded them that there was no possible necessity or excuse for the existence of large armed organizations at present in the Territory. Everything was quiet and peaceful. And the very appearance of such an unauthorized and injudicious an array as they presented, while it could do no possible good, was calculated, if it was not intended, to spread anew distrust and consternation through the Territory, and rekindle the fires of discord and strife that had swept over the land, ravaging and desolating everything that lay in their destructive path.

Their apology for their evident and undeniable disregard to my proclamation, though somewhat plausible, was far from being satisfactory. They had made their arrangements, they said, to emigrate to Kansas, at a time when the Territory was not only disturbed by antagonistic political parties, armed for each other's destruction, but when numerous bands of marauders, whose business was plunder and assassination, infested all the highways, rendering travel extremely hazardous, even though every possible means for self-protection were employed.

This excuse loses all its pertinency when it is understood that before the party crossed the territorial line they were apprised, through a deputation that had visited me, that the condition of things above described had ceased to exist, and that such was the true state of affairs that any persons could travel the route they proposed taking without molestation or the slightest cause for apprehension. I informed them, through their messengers, that I heartily welcomed all immigrants from every section of the Union, who came with peaceful attitude and apparently good intentions; and that to all such I would afford ample protection; while, on the other hand, I assured them that I would positively enforce my proclamation, and suffer no party of men, no matter whence they came, or what their political bias, to enter and travel through the Territory with hostile or warlike appearance, to the terror of peaceable citizens. and the danger of renewing the disgraceful and alarming scenes through which we had so recently passed. It was quite evident that this party did thus enter the Territory, in defiance not only of my proclamation, but my own verbal cautions; and I therefore fully approve of the action taken by Col. Cook, Major Sibley, and Deputy Marshal Preston, as well as all the officers of the army who assisted in their detention, search, and guard.

After showing the necessity of so doing, I insisted upon the immediate disbandment of this combination, which was agreed to with great alacrity. The majority of the men were evidently gratified to learn that they had been deceived in relation to Kansas affairs, and that peace and quiet, instead of strife and contention, were reigning here. My remarks were received with frequent demonstrations of approbation, and at their close the organization was broken up, its members dispersing in various directions. After they bad been dismissed from custody, and the fact was announced to them by Major Sibley, their thankfulness for his kind treatment toward them during the time he held them under arrest was expressed by giving him three hearty and enthusiastic cheers.

In concluding this hastily-written letter, I must express my sincere regrets that societies exist in some of the States whose object is to fit out such parties as the one herein described, and send them to this Territory, to their own injury and the destruction of the general welfare of the country. Very many persons are induced to come out here under flattering promises which are never fulfilled; and having neither money to purchase food and clothing, nor trades or occupations at which to earn an honest livelihood, are driven to the necessity of becoming either paupers or thieves; and such are the unfortunate men who have sided materially in filling up the measure of crimes that have so seriously affected the prosperity of Kansas. It is high time that this fact should he clearly and generally understood. This Territory, at the present season of the year, and especially under existing circumstances, offers no inducements for the immigration of the poor tradesman or laborer. The country is overrun with hundreds who are unable to obtain employment, who live upon charity, and who are exposed to all the evils of privation, destitution, and want.

By the next mail I will forward you the reports of Col. Cook, Major Sibley, and the deputy marshal, in relation to the arrest of the party to which reference I herein made, together with such other matters of interest as may in the mean time transpire.

Let's now examine another crucial event concerning our individual right to keep and bear arms that occured in 1856, shall we?

"It would give to persons of the negro race, who were recognised as citizens in any one State of the Union . . .the full liberty . . .to keep and carry arms wherever they went."

"More especially, it cannot be believed that the large slaveholding States regarded them as included in the word citizens, or would have consented to a Constitution which might compel them to receive them in that character from another State. For if they were so received, and entitled to the privileges and immunities of citizens, it would exempt them from the operation of the special laws and from the police regulations which they considered to be necessary for their own safety. It would give to persons of the negro race, who were recognized as citizens in any one State of the Union, the right to enter every other State whenever they pleased, singly or in companies, without pass or passport, and without obstruction, to sojourn there as long as they pleased, to go where they pleased at every hour of the day or night without molestation, unless they committed some violation of law for which a white man would be punished; and it would give them the full liberty of speech in public and in private upon all subjects upon which its own citizens might speak; to hold public meetings upon political affairs, and to keep and carry arms wherever they went."--Chief Justice Taney delivering the opinion of the court, U.S. Supreme Court, [Dred Scott v. Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1856). The Supreme Court ruling was handed down on March 6, 1857.]

. . . Now sir, admitting that slave states, for the support of the barbarism of slavery, within their own limits, may enact laws thus cruel, unjust, and disgusting; still this legislative assembly of Kansas, is but the creature of which the congress of the United States is the creator--the mere instrument, made by congress, to make and execute laws for Kansas, in the place of, and for congress. Therefore, it can pass no law which congress, by the constitution of the United States, is prohibited from passing. Hence all these beastly, disgusting, and infamous slave laws of Kansas, are a nullity and a nuisance, by the express provision of the first article of the amendments to the constitution of the United States. But what care this slave democracy, for the constitution of the United States, where that stands in the way of the extension of human slavery? Just nothing at all! And hence every nerve of this mis-begotten administration, is strained to uphold these unconstitutional and scandalous laws. The whole military force of the government, is put in requisition by the slave democracy, to dragoon the people of Kansas, into submission to these laws; and men, good, and wise, and just men are to be tried by slave democratic judges and juries, and convicted and executed as traitors, for resistance to these laws, the forcible execution of which, is treason, and ought to subject the president, his cabinet, and all advising to their execution, to the trial, and sentence, and doom of traitors.

Second amendment.--"The right of the people to keep and bear anns shall not be infringed."

In this amendment the same spirit of LIBERTY is developed, as was so apparent in the preceding. The right to "keep and bear arms," is thus guarantied, in order that if the liberties of the people should be assailed, the means for their defence should be in their own hands. But this right of the people of the United States, of which the free-state settlers of Kansas are a part, has been torn from them by the treasonable violence of this ill-starred administration, which is used as the mere pack-mule of the slave democracy. . . .

Sect. 1. Be it enacted by the Governor and Legislative Assembly of Kansas, That every person, bond or free, who shall be convicted of raising a rebellion or insurrection of slaves, free negroes or mulattoes, in this territory, shall suffer DEATH.

Sect. 2. Every free person, who shall aid or assist in any rebellion or insurrection of slaves, free negroes or mulattoes, or shall furnish arms, or do any other act in furtherance of such rebellion or insurrection, shall suffer DEATH.

Sect. 3. If any free person shall, by speaking, writing, or printing, advise, persuade or induce any slaves to rebel, conspire against, or murder any citizen of the territory, or shall bring into print, write, publish, or circulate, or cause to be brought into, written, printed, published, or circulated, or shall, knowingly, aid or assist in the bringing into printing, writing, publishing, or circulating in the territory, any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or circular, for the purpose of exciting insurrection, rebellion, revolt, or conspiracy, on the part of the slaves, free negroes or mulattoes, against the citizens of the territory, or any part of them, such person shall suffer DEATH.

Sect. 4. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away out of this territory any slave belonging to another, with the intent to deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, and, on conviction thereof, shall suffer DEATH, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than ten years.

Sect. 5. If any person aid or assist in enticing, decoying, or persuading, or carrying away, or sending out of this territory, any slave belonging to another, with the intent to procure or effect the freedom of such slave, or deprive the owners thereof of the services of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, and, on conviction thereof, shall suffer DEATH, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than ten years,

Sect. 6. If any person shall entice, decoy, or carry away, out of any state or other territory of the United States, any slave belonging to another, with intent to procure or effect the freedom of such slave, or to deprive the owner thereof of the services of such slave, and shall bring such slave into this territory, he shall be adjudged guilty of grand larceny, in the same manner as if such slave had been enticed, decoyed, or carried away out of this territory; and, in such case, the larceny may be charged to have been committed in any county of the territory, into or through which such slave shall have been brought by such person, and, on conviction thereof, the person offending, shall suffer death, or be imprisoned at hard labor for not less than ten years.

Sect. 7. If any person shall entice, persuade, or induce any slave to escape from the service of his master or owner, in this territory, or shall aid or assist any slave in escaping from the service of his master or owner, or shall assist, harbor, or conceal any slave in escaping from the services of his master or owner, he shall be deemed guilty of a felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for not less than ten years.

Sect. 8. If any person in this territory shall aid or assist, harbor or conceal any slave who has escaped from the services of his master or owner, in another state or territory, such person shall be punished in like manner as if such slave had escaped from the service of his owner or master in this territory.

Sect. 9. If any person shall resist any officer while attempting to arrest any slave that may have escaped from the service of his master or owner, or shall rescue such slave when in the custody of any officer, or other person, or shall entice, persuade, aid or assist such slave to escape from the custody of any officer or other person who may have such slave in custody, whether such slave may have escaped from the service of his master or owner in this territory, or in any other state or territory, the person so offending shall be guilty of felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than two years.

Sect. 10. If any marshal, sheriff, or constable, or the deputy of any such officers, shall, when required by any person, refuse to aid or assist in the arrest and capture of any slave that may have escaped from his master or owner, whether such slave shall have escaped from his master in this territory, or any state, or other territory, such officer shall be fined in a sum of not less than one hundred nor more than five hundred dollars.

Sect. 11. If any person print, write, introduce into, or circulate, or cause to be brought into, written, printed, or circulated, or shall knowingly aid or assist in bringing into, printing, publishing or circulating within this territory, any book, paper, pamphlet, magazine, handbill, or circular containing any statements, arguments, opinions, sentiment, doctrine, advice, or innuendo, calculated to produce a disorderly, dangerous, or rebellious disaffection among the slaves of the territory, or to induce such slaves to escape from the service of their masters, or to resist their authority, he shall be guilty of felony, and be punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term not less than five years.

Sect. 12. If any free person, by speaking or writing, assert or maintain that persons have not the right to hold slaves in this territory, or shall introduce into this territory, print, publish, write, circulate, or cause to be introduced into the territory, written, printed, published, and circulated in this territory any book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or circular, containing any denial of the right of persons to hold slaves in this territory, such person shall be deemed guilty of felony, and punished by imprisonment at hard labor for a term of not less than two years.

Sect. 13. No person who is conscientiously opposed to holding slaves, or who does not admit the right to hold slaves in this territory, shall sit as a juror on the trial of any prosecution for any violation of any of the sections of this act.

This act to take effect and be in force from and after the 15th day of September, A. D. 1855.

J. H. STRINGFELLOW, Speaker of the House.Attest, J. M. LYLE, Clerk.

THOMAS JOHNSON, President of the Council.Attest, J. A. HALDAMEN, Clerk.

Was not only about slavery. No, it was more about the labor of free people versus that of slaves. For it is impossible for the labor by those that are free to compete with those that are slaves. Much as like what we see today. For our industry here in the United States cannot compete against the use of, what can rightfully be considered as "slave" labor, in foreign countries.

The founders knew that there would always be articles or merchandise which would need to be imported into the United States. And, they wisely provided for it in our Constitution. That for the good of the "general welfare", foreign articles and merchandise would have a duty or import tax imposed which would make imported goods competitively balance with those that were of domestic manufacture.

These unfair trade practices must be corrected immediately. Or our nation will sink down even further into the abyss than we are already. Our survival as a nation absolutely depends upon it.

Almost all American 'gun control laws', (including "permits"), have their roots in Democrat 'laws' enacted in order to restrict or prohibit arms in the hands of slaves.

“The
right of suffrage is one of which every American citizen is justly
proud. But this right is of no importance, if the power it confers is to
be destroyed by the fraudulent votes of others. In what do the citizens
of this country differ from the subjects of the despots of the old
world? Mainly in the fact that they possess the right of suffrage, and
the right to keep and bear arms in its defence. It is the right of
suffrage and the right to bear arms, which principally distinguishes the
freeman from the slave. It is by means of this right that the people
govern–that they legislate for themselves, and execute the laws when
made, through agents of their own choice. Take this right from us, and
we are no longer free. Preserve it from fraud and corruption, and we
never can be slaves.”–Gov. Wilson Shannon, December 8, 1840. [Democratic Standard, Georgetown, O., Tuesday, December 22, 1840. New Series.–Vol. I. No. 21. Pg. 4 – (Cont’d from Pg. 1)]

The individual "people" can exist apart from the community or government thereof. The community or government thereof on the other hand cannot exist without the individual "people".

The individual "people" are born with inherent rights, rights which belong to them by inalienable birthright. The only 'rights' governments have are those which the "people" have granted to it when the "people" CREATED it, or reformed it.

There is no line of reasoning that can ever justify the creature becoming greater than the one(s) that CREATED it.

Are all guilty of treason. For they are indeed engaged in a long-running conspiracy to deprive We The People of a crucial Constitutionally secured right. And, since We The People with our Constitution, (which they are responsible for subverting and twisting beyond all recognition), ARE the sovereign authority in our nation. They are indeed worthy of prosecution and punishment for the high crime of treason. Oh, and lets not forget the injudicious traitors within the American legal system....

We The People need to do away with the treasonous party system, and finally go with the intendedCONSTITUTIONAL system.

Wednesday, December 09, 2015

We, the people of the Territory of Kansas, by our delegates in Convention assembled at Topeka, on the 23d day of October, A.D. 1855, and of the Independence of the United States the eightieth year, having the right of admission into the Union as one of the United States of America, consistent with the Federal Constitution, and by virtue of the treaty of cession by France to the United States of the Province of Louisiana, in order to secure to ourselves and our posterity the enjoyment of all the rights of life, liberty and property, and the free pursuit of happiness, do mutually agree with each other to form ourselves into a free and independent State, by the name and style of the Sate of Kansas, bounded as follows, to wit: Beginning at a point on the western boundary of the State of Missouri where the thirty-seventh parallel of north latitude crosses the same; thence west on said parallel to the eastern boundary of New Mexico; thence north on said boundary to latitude thirty-eight; thence following said boundary westward to the eastern boundary of the Territory of Utah, on the summit of the Rocky Mountains; thence northward on said summit to the fortieth parallel of said latitude; thence east on said parallel to the western boundary of the State of Missouri; thence south with the western boundary of said State to the place of beginning; and do ordain and establish the following Constitution and Bill of Rights for the government thereof.

Bill of Rights. Article I.

Sec. 1. All men are by nature free and independent, and have certain inalienable rights, among which are those of enjoying and defending life and liberty, acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and seeking and obtaining happiness and safety.

Sec. 2. All political power is inherent in the people. Government is instituted for their equal protection and benefit; and they have the right to alter, reform or abolish the same whenever they may deem it necessary; and no special privileges or immunities shall ever be granted that may not be altered, revoked, or repealed by the General Assembly.

Sec. 3. The people have the right to assemble together, in a peaceable manner, to consult, for their common good, to instruct their representatives, and to petition the General Assembly for the redress of grievances.

Sec. 4. The people have the right to bear arms for their defense and security, but standing armies in time of peace are dangerous to liberty, and shall not be kept up; and the military shall be kept in strict subordination to the civil power.

Sec. 5. The right of trial by jury shall be inviolate.

Sec. 6. There shall be no slavery in this state, nor involuntary servitude, unless for the punishment of crime.

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Sec. 7. All men have a natural and indefeasible right to worship Almighty God according to the dictates of their own conscience. No person shall be compelled to attend, erect or support any place of worship, or maintain any form of worship, against his consent; and no preference shall be given by law to any religious society; nor shall any interference with the rights of conscience be permitted. No religious test shall be required as a qualification for office, nor shall any person be incompetent to be a witness on account of his religious belief; but nothing herein shall be construed to dispense with oaths and affirmations. Religion, morality, and knowledge, however, being essential to good government, it shall be the duty of the General Assembly to pass suitable laws to protect every religious denomination in the peaceable enjoyment of its own mode of public worship, and to encourage schools and the means of instruction.

Sec. 8. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless in case of rebellion or invasion the public safety requires it.

Sec. 9. All persons shall be bailable by sufficient sureties, unless for capital offenses where the proof is evident, or the presumption great. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted.

Sec. 10. Except in cases of impeachment, and cases arising in the army and navy, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger, and in cases of petit larceny and other inferior offenses, no person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime unless on presentment or indictment of a grand jury. In any trial, in any court, the party accused shall be allowed to appear and defend in person, and with counsel; to demand the nature and cause of the accusation against him, and to have a copy thereof; to meet the witnesses face to face, and to have compulsory process to procure the attendance of witnesses in his behalf, and a speedy public trial by an impartial jury of the county or district in which the offense is alleged to have been committed; nor shall any person be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, or be twice put in jeopardy for the same offense.

Sec. 11. Every citizen may freely speak, write and publish his sentiments on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of the right; and no law shall be passed to restrain or abridge the liberty of speech or of the press. In all criminal prosecutions or indictments for libel, the truth may be given in evidence to the jury; and if it shall appear to the jury that the matter charged as libelous is true, and was published with good motives, and for justifiable ends, the party shall be acquitted.

Sec. 12. No person shall be transported out of the State for any offense committed within the same, and no conviction shall work corruption of blood or forfeiture of estate.

Sec. 13. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, except in a manner prescribed by law.

Sec. 14. The right of the people to be sure in their persons, houses, papers, and possessions, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons and things to be seized.

Sec. 15. No person shall be imprisoned for debt in any civil action, on mesne or final process, unless in case of fraud.

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Sec. 16. All courts shall be open; and every person for an injury done him in his land, goods, person, or reputation, shall have remedy by due course of law, and justice administered without denial or delay.

Sec. 17. No hereditary emoluments, honors, or privileges, shall ever be granted or conferred by this State.

Sec. 18. No power of suspending laws shall ever be exercised, except by the General Assembly.

Sec. 19. The payment of a tax shall not be a qualification for exercising the right of suffrage.

Sec. 20. Private property shall ever be held inviolate, but subservient to the public welfare. When taken in time of war, or other public exigency imperatively requiring its immediate seizure, or for the purpose of making or repairing roads which shall be open to the public use without toll or other charge therefor, a compensation shall be made to the owner in money; an in all other cases where private property shall be taken for public use, a compensation therefor shall first be made in money, or first secured by a deposit of money; and such compensation shall be assessed by a jury, without deduction for benefits to any property of the owner.

Sec. 21. No indenture of any negro or mulatto, made and executed out of the bounds of the State, shall be valid within the State.

Sec. 22. This enumeration of rights shall not be construed to impair or deny others retained by the people; and all powers not herein delegated shall remain with the people. . . .

[The Topeka Constitution, the first constitution written for Kansas Territory, was drafted by free state supporters in reaction to contested elections that gave the proslavery party initial control of Kansas' territorial government. Free-staters gathered in convention at Lawrence on August 14 and Big Spring on September 5, 1855 and delegates assembled at Topeka on October 23, 1855, to draft a constitution. The document was approved on December 15 by a vote of 1,731 to 46. The Topeka Constitution prohibited slavery and limited suffrage to white males and "every civilized male Indian who has adopted the habits of the white man." Congress rejected this constitution and the accompanying request for Kansas to be admitted to the Union. While the first original was "filed in the office of the Executive Committee of Kansas Territory" in 1855, the location or existence of that original is not known. The convention made this copy of the original for submission to Congress and the signers verified that "it is a true copy and transcript of the original adopted at Topeka, Kansas Territory on the 12th day of November, 1855." The National Archives located this copy in the records of the U.S. Senate in the Fall of 2013. Citation: Constitution of the State of Kansas (Topeka Constitution), October 23, 1855, Records of the U.S. Senate, National Archives.

“Sec. 16. And be it further enacted . . . And the people of said Territory shall be entitled to the right to keep and bear arms, to the liberty of speech and of the press, as defined in the constitution of the United States, and all other rights of person or property thereby declared and as thereby defined."