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THE suspension of a Major and the removal of a Colonel from a command following the institution of an enquiry into the death of three youngsters in an allegedly fake encounter on April 30 in the Machil sector in Jammu and Kashmir’s Kupwara district should be enough to send across the message that security personnel indulging in human rights violations will not be allowed to go scot-free. Such Army personnel are guilty of not only killing innocent citizens of the country because of the lure of rewards, but are also responsible for damaging the armed forces’ image. All the good work the armed forces personnel do under trying circumstances loses its lustre if someone from their ranks is found involved in questionable acts. The action against the two Army officers came on the eve of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s two-day visit to Jammu and Kashmir, perhaps, in keeping with his recent statement that he believed in zero-tolerance for human rights violations. The police enquiry into the Machil encounter has yet to unravel the truth, but it has drawn attention to the fact that some people in the Army can go to the extent of stage-managing encounters with “infiltrators” for claiming awards, medals, etc. The controversy over the Machil incident has led to the launching of a probe into all the suspected encounter deaths like what happened at Tanghdar on May 26. This was essential to make it clear that the government has no intention to shield anyone whose name figures in controversies relating to human rights violations. The policy of zero-tolerance to human rights violations must be pursued vigorously to weaken the argument of separatists, extremists and enemies of India on the other side of the LoC, who have been exploiting such incidents to mislead the gullible public in the border state. It would be better if the Army holds its own enquiry into all the controversial encounter cases to punish its guilty officers and men. However, whatever steps are taken to assuage the hurt feelings of the people should not go to affect the morale of the security forces. The difficult circumstances under which they have to function cannot be ignored. There are always chances of their committing mistakes unintentionally. The forces defending the country’s borders need to be dealt with sympathetically.

by Gurmeet Kanwal THE police and paramilitary forces of the state governments and the Centre fighting Maoist terrorism need to inculcate the Army’s professional ethos, operational culture of young officers leading from the front and high standards of personnel and sub-unit training. However, they do not need the Army’s physical presence to boost their morale and achieve operational effectiveness. Nor can the already over-stretched Army sustain another major long-term internal security commitment. The Army has been deployed for counter-insurgency operations in several north-eastern states for over half a century. It has been engaged in counter-proxy war operations against the so-called mujahideen mercenaries sponsored by the Pakistan Army and the ISI in Jammu and Kashmir for two decades. While answering a question in Parliament a few years ago, the Defence Minister had averred that 1,20,000 Army personnel are deployed for counter-insurgency operations. In addition, 65 battalions of the Army’s counter-insurgency force, the Rashtriya Rifles, are deployed in J&K, and 31 of the 46 battalions of the Assam Rifles in the North-East. The Army’s prolonged employment on internal security duties, its secondary role, hampers its preparedness for its primary role of safeguarding the territorial integrity of India’s land borders by defeating aggression and fighting and winning conventional wars against the country’s military adversaries when necessary. It wears out front line weapons and equipment. It also imposes a heavy burden on the Army’s annual budget due to the cost of replenishment of ammunition expended in counter-insurgency operations and frequent replacement of vehicles and other equipment and, consequently, adversely affects the Army’s modernisation programme. The prolonged employment of the Army for internal security duties could encourage inimical neighbours to undertake military misadventures. The Pakistan Army launched large-scale intrusions across the LoC into Kargil in 1999 under the mistaken belief that nine years of counter-insurgency operations in Kashmir would have tired out the Indian Army. Such deployment reduces the peace-time “rest and recoup” tenures of Army units, especially infantry battalions, curtails the time that the troops can spend with their families and eventually — imperceptibly but surely — undermines the morale of individual soldiers and even whole units. No thinking Indian would like to see the latter development take place as its consequences for national security and India’s integrity as a nation-state would be truly horrendous. In 2000, the Group of Ministers (GoM), led by Mr L. K. Advani, then Deputy Prime Minister and Home Minister, had accepted the recommendation of the Task Force on Internal Security to designate the CRPF as the primary Central government’s strike force for counter-insurgency operations. Since then, 10 years have passed and many battalions have been deployed in J&K but, regrettably, the CRPF has not so far done enough to rise to the challenge. This was borne out by the dastardly massacre of 74 of its men at Dantewada. The report of the E.N. Rammohan Enquiry Committee that looked into the incident has reportedly pointed out the major organisational and training lapses in that operation. For success, CRPF units must upgrade the quality of their counter-insurgency tactics, techniques and procedures and be armed with modern weapons for close-quarter battle and surveillance, reconnaissance and communications equipment suitable for jungle terrain. Leadership at the level of commanding officer (CO) should be drawn through lateral induction of volunteers from the Army, as was done when the BSF was initially raised. Young IPS officers must spend the first three years of their service with CRPF battalions on active duty in Maoist-infested areas. This will instil confidence in them and give them valuable operational experience in internal security duties. CRPF units must operate as cohesive battalions under the direct command of the CO and not as independent companies in penny packets, with the CO responsible only for administration. No CO, whose companies are deployed for anti-Maoist operations in Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and Andhra Pradesh and who himself is sitting in his battalion HQ in Allahabad, can be effective in exercising operational control, ensuring high standards of training and boosting the morale of the men under his command. Nor can he be held responsible for operational and administrative lapses under such circumstances. The army must continue to train CRPF and state police personnel for counter-insurgency operations and provide whatever logistics support is possible. However, the DG, CRPF, must ensure that full sub-units are sent for training together and not individual personnel. The CRPF officers must accompany their troops for training, and all of them should be physically fit. Recent experience has shown that many of the CRPF personnel report sick on arrival, the officers rarely accompany them and the men are disinclined to put themselves through the rigorous training regimen. Speculative reports have appeared about the imminent deployment of eight or more Rashtriya Rifles battalions after approval by the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS). These battalions and two or three Sector HQ will have to be pulled out from the counter-insurgency grid in J&K, provided the CCS is convinced of the operational necessity of an immediate surge in anti-Maoist operations. However, it is not sustainable in the long-term. Enough evidence is available to affirm that whenever the counter-insurgency grid in a district is denuded of troops, the insurgents make a rapid comeback. If such deployment is being contemplated by the CCS, it would be better to raise additional Rashtriya Rifles battalions for the purpose. The regular Army should not be employed for internal security and counter-insurgency duties unless it becomes absolutely unavoidable due to the presence of well-trained and well-armed foreign terrorists, and when secessionist tendencies are discerned in a movement. Even then it should only be for short-duration surgical operations under the umbrella of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act with a Unified Command in place. In certain circumstances special forces units should be preferred over infantry battalions, for example, for hunting down the leadership of the politburo of the Maoists. The writer is Director, Centre for Land Warfare Studies, New Delhi.

Vijay Mohan Tribune News Service Chandigarh, June 7 Three senior military doctors, including an Air Commodore, could face a court martial over what the Armed Forces Tribunal has found to be “callous manner, inhuman approach and failure of performance of duty” while handling the case of a jawan who had suffered 100 per cent disability in the line of duty. In a scathing order, the tribunal has imposed a fine of Rs 1 lakh on the doctors and ordered disciplinary action against them. Havildar Moharsingh of Rajasthan had received multiple injuries on head and other parts of the body while travelling in an Army truck during Operation Falcon near Tawang in February 2002. After a six-month hospital stay in Pune, Command Hospital, Lucknow, suggested that he be invalided out. The invaliding medical board assessed his disability of motor neuron disease as 80 per cent for life and attributed it to military service. His case was forwarded to the Principal Controller of Defence Accounts (Pensions), which rejected his claim for disability pension on the grounds that it was constitutional in nature and not related to military service. Moharsingh went for an appeal medical board (AMB), which described the percentage of his disability as nil and held that the disability suffered by him was not attributable to or aggravated by military service. Thereafter, he sought judicial redressal to his grievances. The tribunal summoned the petitioner and looking at his pathetic condition wherein he was brought in on a stretcher, it ordered the Commandant of the Military Hospital, Jaipur, to medically examine him. The medical board held last month assessed his disability as 100 per cent and attributed it to military service. The medical expert opined that Moharsingh was suffering from a progressive, degenerative neurological disorder with no specific treatment. Observing that the report of the AMB, comprising Air Commodore DP Joshi, Col SB Singh and Lt Col Shobana Das, was not only contrary to that of two other boards, but also did not mention the reasons for assessing disability as nil, the Tribunal held that AMB was grossly incorrect and deserved to be deprecated. “We direct that these three officers be subjected to disciplinary action under the Army Act. It is expected that necessary action against them shall be taken at the earliest and the result thereof be intimated to the Tribunal,” the Bench ordered while imposing costs of Rs 1 lakh to be paid to the petitioner by the government to be recovered from the salaries of the AMB members. The incident reflects inhuman treatment that had crossed all boundaries of humanity by superior Armed Forces medical officers, whose actions resulted into injustice and restrained the authorities to grant disability pension to the petitioner, the tribunal observed.

Ajay Banerjee Tribune News Service New Delhi, June 7 In what is a shocker, needle of suspicion is now pointing towards officials at the Army headquarters here for allegedly providing clandestine help to a Major-level officer facing allegation of espionage. The officials have not been identified so far. The attempt could have helped the Major escape the ongoing probe being conducted by the National Investigating Agency (NIA). The Major, belonging to 21 Bihar Regiment, was in possession of more than 2,500 secret and sensitive presentations of the Forces stored on his personal computer. The probe has revealed that the documents were deleted when the computer was supposedly seized by the Army authorities, well placed sources in the government confirmed today. The civilian intelligence agencies, on being tipped-off by their US counterparts in April, had informed the Army that seized the computer, sources said. The Defence Ministry has been informed about the seriousness of the matter, the attempt to delete the files, besides the need to investigate the source of sensitive information that the Major had possessed. When the NIA started its probe, it had sent the computer for an analysis to the Central Forensic Science Laboratory, Hyderbad, which said the files had been deleted from the computer’s hard disc. Using a restoration technique, it was able to find how the files were deleted. The NIA recalled the Major presently posted with the 108 Brigade at Tri-services Command, Andaman Nicobar. Sources here said no names had been pinpointed so far. The Major is under questioning and, in all likelihood, will face the strictest possible action. The documents stored on the computer are not the kinds to be in the possession of a Major. Some of these presentations were contingency plans that the Forces had drawn up to counter Pakistan on Rajasthan and Punjab frontier, besides modes of deploying Forces in battle scenarios. The probe will also cover as to who provided the documents and how did the Major got hold of the sensitive strategic documents normally discussed at the highest level. The Major got the classified data from multiple sources, but has not yet revealed his contacts during repeated questioning. The matter had first come to light when US intelligence, investigating a tip-off from the David Coleman Headley’s interrogation, were keeping tabs on an ISI computer. A huge flow of classified Indian Army data was noticed. The Major, in his initial questioning, had maintained that his computer might had been hacked by the ISI. Sources said it was hard to believe that how the ISI knew that the Major had stored such sensitive data on his computer.

Tribune News Service Bangalore, June 7 Bangalore-based DRDO laboratory Gas Turbine Research Establishment (GTRE), has been certified for ISO 9001:2008 quality management system standard. The GTRE was initially certified in 2002 and subsequently, had successful re-certifications. It is involved in the design and development of Kaveri engine for the Light Combat Aircraft. The ISO 9001:2008 certification aids in the continual improvement of design and development activities of the establishment.

Ajai Shukla / New Delhi June 08, 2010, 0:47 IST Facing sustained criticism for its continuing dependence on foreign weaponry, the Ministry of Defence (MoD) is finalising an ambitious policy for building up India's defence industry, both public and private. The MoD Secretary for Defence Production, R K Singh, has told Business Standard that the country's first-ever Defence Production Policy mandates that weaponry and military systems will be identified several years into the future, to allow Indian companies the time needed to develop and manufacture them. The identified systems will be allocated to specific Indian defence companies as development projects. The MoD will lay down clear time targets and provide 80 per cent of the cost that will be incurred. "We have consulted the army, navy, air force, the Defence R&D Organisation (DRDO), academia, Ficci, CII and Assocham… and noted their comments," says R K Singh. "The new policy will come up before the Defence Procurement Board (DPB) for consideration on June 11. Then the Defence Acquisition Council (the ministry's apex body on equipment acquisition) will clear it. Within two to three months, the new policy will be implemented." The current rulebook for defence procurement - the Defence Procurement Policy of 2008 (DPP-2008) - already lays down a "Make" procedure, which allows the MoD to allocate and fund projects through Indian industry. However, this has not yet led to any domestic orders for defence equipment, partly because equipment requirements have never been identified in advance, to give Indian industry the lead-time to develop them. Pointed to this fact, the Secretary for Defence Production asserted, "But now it is going to happen. We have to make it happen…. because now our industry has the strength. It is interested. We will ensure that the 'Make' procedure becomes very friendly. More and more equipment will now come into the 'Make' procedure." Explaining the working of the new policy, Secretary R K Singh says Indian defence companies will be encouraged to register their technological capabilities in an MoD databank. When a need is anticipated for the army, e.g. a futuristic Main Battle Tank, the MoD will survey the industry and identify at least two major companies, to which it will award development contracts. These two prime contractors, working with a tailor-made consortium of companies, will develop a separate tank prototype and the MoD will select one, or even both, for mass production. A similar system of competitive development contracts is followed by the US defence establishment. The new Defence Production Policy is rooted in the MoD's realisation that its longstanding acquisition model of building weaponry in India, through Transfer of Technology (ToT), has failed to generate indigenisation. Real indigenisation, the MoD now believes, comes from designing weaponry, not just manufacturing foreign designs. "Look at what has happened historically," says Singh. "The (Indian defence) industries which came up, with some exceptions, are manufacturing products that were designed abroad, not here. Our industry has been in the habit of taking transfer of technology and building on licence until the product dies a technological death. There is no expenditure on R&D and no technology absorption. And since the most important components come from abroad, the vendor can turn off the switch any time. If India wants to emerge as a world power, we have to start developing our own products. That is what our industry will have to learn in partnership with the MoD." It remains unclear how large a foreign component will be allowed in defence systems developed under the new Defence Production Policy. While the current "Make" procedure allows 70 per cent foreign component, Business Standard learns from MoD sources that the current thinking is to bring this down to "less than 50 per cent", along with the provison that the Intellectual Property Rights of the foreign component must reside in India. Indian private companies are treating the new policy with some scepticism. "The MoD has always manipulated policy to favour the defence public sector undertakings (DPSUs), which are the main beneficiaries of the old ToT practice," points out the CEO of a private Indian company that is active in defence. "Throwing out ToT and demanding real R&D will leave the DPSUs in the cold. Then we'll see whether the policy stays or goes."

Central security agencies have found about 2,500 defence presentations on a "compromised" computer of an Army Major, posted in Andaman and Nicobar islands, from which information was allegedly being transmitted to Pakistani intelligence agency. Official sources said the seized computer has been sent for forensic analysis to the central laboratory (CFSL) in Hyderabad. The security agencies including the National Investigation Agency (NIA) are also looking into the possible role of others in the case as the Major could not have had access to most of the files himself, they said. "The officer could not have had access to all the defence files. We are looking into who all might have given him the files which could also have been in good faith," the sources said. Also, even when the computer was seized, some files were deleted, they said, adding the entire matter needed a "substantial level" of investigation. "What is most disturbing was the fact that even when the computer was kept in the custody of authorities some files were deleted," a source said. The Major had come under the scanner after it was found that his "personal" computer carrying a number of defence files was being used to transmit information to a computer in Pakistan. Though earlier, it was thought to be a case of hacking, investigators are now probing all angles.

Manu Pubby Posted online: Mon Jun 07 2010, 09:24 hrs New Delhi : The Army is seriously considering the possibility of approaching the Supreme Court against the order of the Armed Forces Tribunal (AFT) asking it to “moderate” the official history of the Kargil War to correct the “bias” shown against an officer. All relevant reports and records have been dug out, and an appeal is under legal consideration, top sources told The Indian Express. The Tribunal had on May 26 ruled that Lt Gen Kishan Pal, 15 Corps Commander during the war, had shown bias against Brigadier Devinder Singh, who was commanding the 70 Infantry Brigade under Lt Gen Pal’s overall command. The Tribunal had asked the Army to modify its records to give Brigadier Singh credit for the victory at Batalik. However, a detailed examination of ‘sitreps’ (situation reports), filed twice a day by every battalion, and after-action reports filed by respective headquarters, has thrown up several questions, sources said. These records, available with the Director General of Military Operations (DGMO), have been examined in the aftermath of the Tribunal verdict. Maha Vir Chakra: To substantiate his charge of bias, Brigadier Singh claimed that he was “cited for award of Maha Vir Chakra”, the second highest gallantry medal, but was instead awarded only the Vishisht Seva Medal (VSM), an award associated with peacetime duties. However, according to the Army’s records, the recommendation was apparently for the Yudh Seva Medal (YSM) that got diluted to VSM as it moved up the command system, on the grounds that a Brigade Commander does not always stay on the battlefront. Under the military’s award recommendation system, these referrals are included in the battle reports. Brigadier Dugal’s role: The official history of the war currently credits Brigadier Ashok Dugal, then Deputy GOC of 3 Mountain Division, for the successes on the eastern flank of the Batalik sector, stating he was asked to “oversee” these operations. Brigadier Singh had pleaded that Brigadier Dugal was present only for 72 hours to help in “coordination”, and did not oversee operations. The Tribunal ordered the alleged injustice to Brigadier Singh corrected. It said: “When Major Gen Budhwar who was GOC has clearly mentioned that Brigadier Ashok Dugal was called to assist and coordinate, therefore the extracts given in paragraphs 37 and 38 also need to be properly modified... We direct that the records may be put in correct perspective...” However, the Army, after examining situation reports and daily war reports of the time, has concluded that Brigadier Dugal was present on the battlefield for seven days. Sources said that Major Gen Budhwar, who wrote the ACRs of both these officers, assessed Brigadier Dugal higher than Brigadier Singh. The Army, sources said, is yet to decide which one of Major Gen Budhwar’s somewhat changing opinions should be taken for the record. But it is, as of now, inclined to go by existing official records. Denial of promotion: The Tribunal ruled that Lt Gen Kishan Pal’s assessment of Brigadier Singh was not objective. “It is obvious that the assessment of Lt Gen Kishan Pal was not an objective assessment of the petitioner and more so respondents have already expunged more than 50% of his remarks. It only shows that the ACRs were not written in an objective and unbiased manner. A person who writes the ACR in biased manner cannot be allowed to sustain. Accordingly, we direct the ACR from 11/98 to 06/99 should be expunged to the extent of Reviewing Officer.” However, the Army seems to be of the opinion that Brigadier Singh was given “sufficient relief” by its official redressal mechanism. The officer, sources said, was considered thrice on the promotion board as is the right of every officer, and each time, one or more reports were expunged. When the Defence Ministry expunged an entire batch of ACRs following his complaint, he was taken up as a fresh case after the three turns, but still did not make the cut. In all, the Army has found, he was considered for promotion at least five times after some “inconsistent ACR markings” were removed. The Army is currently examining these facts to see if they can constitute the legal basis for an appeal. It is awaiting the opinion of the Judge Advocate General (JAG) branch, and may also approach independent experts. It is acutely aware that the credibility of its system of war reporting and the fairness of its promotion redressal system is under a cloud.

Army given new rifles to engage enemies from further away By Kim Sengupta,

The new Sharpshooter will help UK troops to engage insurgents over greater distances in Afghanistan PA The new Sharpshooter will help UK troops to engage insurgents over greater distances in Afghanistan British troops are to be issued with a new infantry combat rifle for the first time in 20 years to cope with the fierce fighting conditions of the Afghan war. The Sharpshooter will use larger 7.62mm bullet rounds in order to engage with Taliban fighters over longer distances. The change comes after the military found that the standard Nato 5.66 rounds lost velocity at ranges over a thousand feet. The 5.56 rounds, used by the SA80 rifles, had proved adequate in previous conflicts in Iraq, Kosovo and Sierra Leone where much of the exchanges had taken place in urban battlegrounds. However, in the valleys and mountains of Afghanistan the insurgents often start shooting matches at distances of up to 2,500 feet. The Taliban, on the other hand, are using guns which can date back to the 1890s but have proved to be effective over further distance and their simpler mechanism makes them easier to maintain. Around 400 of the new rifles have been purchased for £1.5m from funds available under Urgent Operational Requirements (UORs) and will be issued to the most proficient shots. US forces in Afghanistan have also encountered the same problem with firefights over distances and are currently in the process of modifying some of their M-4 rifles to take the 7.62 rounds which were last used in the early days of the Vietnam War, before being replaced because they were considered too unwieldy for close-quarter jungle warfare. IEDs (improvised explosive devices) have become the chosen weapon of the Taliban, accounting for 92 per cent of recent UK and allied deaths in the conflict. However, the two latest British fatalities, Corporal Terry Webster, 24 and Cpl Alan Cochran, 23, of 1st Battalion The Mercian Regiment were killed in a gun battle at Nahr-e-Saraj in Helmand. Successive waves of foreign forces in Afghanistan have experienced difficulties with gunfights in the harsh terrain and conditions. British and Indian troops of the Raj found during two Afghan campaigns in the 19th century that their Brown Bess muskets – the most advanced weapon of its kind at the time – were no match for the long- barrelled flintlock Jezzails used by Gilzai tribesmen. Soviet soldiers fighting in the 1980s found that their AK-47 Kalashnikovs were outgunned in long distance ambushes by the bolt-action Lee-Enfield and Mauser rifles used by the Mujaheddin. Colonel Peter Warden, team leader of the Light Weapons section at the MoD's Defence, Equipment and Support department, said: "The Sharpshooter rifle is very capable and [will] fulfil a specific role on the frontline in Afghanistan. It is a versatile weapon which will give our units a new dimension to their armoury." British forces have also started receiving the first batches of shotguns for close combat. They will be used for clearing compounds in the rural areas. British rifles 1720s-1830s: Long Land Pattern Musket is standard issue for the British Empire's land forces. 1776: Pattern 1776 infantry rifle is designed. One thousand are made and issued to British soldiers fighting in the War of American Independence. 1800-1815: Baker rifle is used in the Napoleonic Wars. It continues to be in service in the British Army until the 1840s. 1836: Brunswick rifle, a muzzle-loading weapon, is introduced to replace the Baker and remains in production until 1885. 1888: Magazine rifle mark I is the first British rifle to incorporate a bolt action and a box magazine. 1916: Pattern 1914 rifle is produced by three US firms after British manufacturers delay production during the First World War. 1939: Rifle number 4 mark I is adopted just after the beginning of the Second World War. 1957: Soldiers begin using the L(12A)1 self-loading rifle, a British version of the Belgian FN FAL. 1976: Britain begins trialling prototypes for the 1980s programme, which aims to create weapons to replace the L(12A)1 and the Bren gun. SA80 rifles have since been standard issue. 2010: Marines in 40 Commando begin using Sharpshooter rifle in Afghanistan.

Dr Raja Muhammad Khan Over the last decade, there has been increase in the military spending of almost all countries of the world. According to Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), estimates, released on June 2, 2010, 1531 billion USD were expended on militaries as the defence budgets. Overall, there has been an increase of 5.9 percent in the defence spending during 2009, as compared to year 2008. However, there been huge increase in the military budgets since 2000. The estimated increase is 49 percent from year 2000 to 2009. For the next financial year, 2010-2011, Pakistan has increased its defence budget by 16.935 percent. In real term, this increase is less than 5 percent, once the over 12 percent infatuation rate is incorporated into it. As per the Finance Minister, the major cause of this marginal increase in the defence budget is that, “We are facing a situation in which our armed forces, paramilitary forces, and security forces are laying down their lives ... They should know from this House that we all stand by them and that Security is our topmost concern”. In the wake of the ongoing counter insurgency operations, in FATA, KP and parts of Balochistan Province, this increase is considered minimum essential. Otherwise, bulk of the budget is expended on the pay and allowances and maintenance expenditures of defence personnel and the current holdings. As compared to 5.2 billion USD Pakistani defence budget 2010-2011, Indian defence budget for the same duration announced in February 2010, is 32 billion USD. Once compared, Indian defence budget is approximately five times more than Pakistani defence budget. Indeed, the Revenue expenditure of Indian Defence has grown from Rs. 10,194 cores in 1989-90 to Rs. 87,344 corer in 2010-11, i.e. an increase of almost nine times during the last two decades. There has been a constant decrease in the defence spending of Pakistan in terms of GDP since 2000. It is now around 2 percent of the GDP as compared to over 4 percent in 1980s and over 3 percent in 1990s. Although, even this budget is unaffordable for the economically poor countries like Pakistan, but, in view of a constant Indian threat on the eastern borders and a state of war since last nine years along the western borders has necessitated this defence spending. Premier Yousaf Raza Gillani has recently said that, “We remain concerned over Pakistan-specific Indian military doctrines such as the cold start envisaging a limited conventional war under the nuclear overhang, huge increase in the Indian military budget and massive weapon acquisition.” As per the Military Balance 2010, issued by the Renowned British Think Tank; IISS, growth in India fell to 7.3 percent in 2008, after have excellent average growth rate of 8.75% annually in previous five years. It has fallen to less than 6 percent in 2009. Nevertheless, despite the tight fiscal background, Indian has not reduced its defence spending. Rather, from 2000 to 2009 the defence budget has been enhanced to 50% in real terms. After the Mumbai attack, November 2008, the defence was increased to another 21%. Furthermore, the immediate impact of the late November attacks can be seen in revised budget figures for 2008, which included a 32% increase in spending by the army over its original allocation. This Indian heavy defence spending has been pointed out by both the Asian Development Bank and the IMF. They have warned that India’s large and persistent budget imbalance threatens fiscal sustainability, and they have urged the authorities to consider a new, stronger budgetary framework when the existing Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management Act (FRBMA) expire in 2010. However, in 2010 budget, there is another increase of 34 percent in the Indian defence Budget in real terms. This heavy Indian Defence expenditure, five times more than Pakistan is primarily being expended on the modernization of its three services. The particular attention is being given to Indian Air Force and Navy. Through the enhancement in its naval and air power, India intends achieving the superiority over Pakistan, which Indian Army could not get in spite of its being two times more than Pak Army is. India is adding latest submarines having the nuclear capability in its naval fleet. These include the sophisticated Akula class and French origin submarines. India air force equally being modernized through the purchase of MiG 35 and F-16/18 aircraft. Its Army is following the Cold Start Doctrine against Pakistan and has more recently threatened to fight a limited war under nuclear overhang. It has even hinted to fight two fronts war against China and Pakistan simultaneously. Under these real time threats and involvement of Pakistani Security Forces all along the Western Borders, and other internal fronts, Pakistan cannot remain aloof to its defence needs. It has to match or at least present minimum credible deterrence to its adversaries. For the maintenance cost and the up dating of its arsenals, it need minimum defence budget. The Government of Pakistan has realized the essentiality of these requirements, thus made the defence allocation to keep its forces worthy to fight the tough challenges ahead.