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' .'^:»-t f
TheHUNTINGDON GAZETTE
Sir!gie...6cents]
jfan>umniiiwjtiM
Ml m. uifua..m .iijpmp. mv.vuum
HUNTINGDON (TcnmyhaniaJ Printed bv JOHN M'CAHAN.
[S 2 per Annuni
Vol. 8.]
SATURDAY, July 23, 1808.
[No. 20
For the Gazette. Fellow Citizens,
Some objections to Mr. Bard's political character has been offered to the public through the me¬ dium ofthe Hundngdon Gazette. They were, at lirst, thought not to merit no¬ tice but on further reflection, it has
been suggested that if he did not enter appear.ince, he might, possibly, suffer by default. This consideration has in¬ duced me to attempt to vindicate him against these accusations. Tis not ex. peeled that I can reconcile those who have hidierto, and do novv hold differ¬ ent sentiments onthe principles and ad¬ ministration of Government. The ex¬ tent of my expectations goes no further, than to guard if possible, the uninform¬ ed, but honest Republican, against the decepdve artifices of acdve, and influ¬ ential Federalists. Not being in the luhit of writing for newspapers, I un- dert;tketo write novr I may say for the first time in my life, vvith much reluc¬ tance. Butthe times require of every man his honest endeavours to promote the general good.
JNIr. Bard is accused ofvoting for the embargo. And vvith Federalists, this was a criminal vote. It has always happened that he has never studied to gala popularity among diem ; because he never could do it, without sacrificing his conscience, by acting contrary to his judgment; and wiihout betraying the confidence placed in him by his constituents ; nay without doing vvhat he beiicved to be subversive of the ge¬ neral interest and happiness.
In judging ofthe policy or impolicy of thj Embargo, its causes and effects must be examined. And here its op¬ posers are blame vvorthy ; they have con cealed from the people, the trije cause of the embargo, -and assigned such as liever had an existence. For this no a- ]joiogy can be found in the deficiency of their knowledge. They have the means and have improved them suffi¬ ciently to know the grounds on vvhich that act, so offensive to them, vvas pass¬ ed ; and therefore their opposition must neccssariiy be ascribetl to principles wh'tch never have, and never can dwell wiui candour—principles vvhich when discovered, can never fail of subjecting tbera to thc odium of the people whom th'-v have deceived, or attempted to de ceive. In the conduct ofthe tvvo great belhgereni povvers of Europe, England and France, are readily found the rea¬ sons vvhich produced the embargo.-— Since .1793 England has never ceased to disregard the rights of neutral nati¬ ons, her violation succeeded violations, until the d'.jmoHtion of Copenhagen ; and hvr decree nr order of council to ccnip'.'l the whole American commerce to e.itt r her ports, pay a percentage du¬ ty thvr.', an'i, if it chose another mar¬ ket, to take licence to sail under Bridsh authoritv, or permission. On thc other haad France decreed that if our com¬ merce submitted to the aforesaid order restriction and degradation, she would deem it denationalised, and to be good prize. Under these decrees there were neither lattitude nor longitude on the occan vvhere our commerce was not suiiject to disgrace or capture ; our go- vevnmeni insulted, and our merchants plundered.
Had lhe embargo been designed to operate ag-ainst France only, not a Fe¬ deralist would have been heard to utter a sir.gle murmur or sigh, on account of It. So far as it bears on that nation,' they agree vvith us in the policy ofthe me'asure. I shall then take no farther notice of France, because the embargo can be hateful to the Federalists, only as it operates on ourselves, and on Bri¬ tain. Britain by long series of conduct but, particularly, by her order of coun¬
cil of Nov. 1807, had gav c the United States just cause of war ; and in that case it vvas optional vvith them, what course they would take to assert their honor, and obtain redress. Congress might have declared vvar against En¬ gland, and for their justification, plead¬ ed the usages of Emperors, Kings, and princes of Europe : but the manifest impolicy of the measure forbade its a- doption. Thc United States could not protect their commerce on the ocean, against the naval force of either Eng¬ land or Frauce. Nothing then vvas 'j.) be gained by a war—something mig'.it be lost; its duration vvould be do'ab':- and the conditions on vvhich p.;ii would be restored very uncertain. ':•:: sides war would necessarily cucrL.. expences, and taxation—it tciid.s to terrupt agriculture, and the mi arts ; to demoralize society, to I'l dangerous degree of power ii hands, and at the disposal of ¦• magistrate ofthe union ; and -. to change the nature ofour p So numerous are the eviis from a state of war, that i; to be resorted to, exc-pt
perious necessity. Il: ••;
under leflejtions like ¦ representatives in Cci ^. v^:.!
the Bhiiiiargo. If tho •, .jiki i^ri:
tain justified a declal•.^.; ion of .v. partofour governmeni, it c<ii less a justification ofun enibarg-j
The persevrr.uice of Britain i. pressing our citizens fiomon boir ¦ merchant ves.sels ; her audacio'is a on the national ship of vvar Ches the murder of part of her crew, >< friendly negociation on the part of ,rj'- veiuiwent were carrylug on at the E'-;- ttsh court ; and her order of couuc'l of Nov. 1807 already mendoned, chani/ed the relations between the two govern¬ ments, and betrayed an hostility net lo be subdued' by mere arguments, and friendly offices and forbearances ; but required an address to her wants, her necessities, and her feelings. Just cause for the measure I take for-granted, must then be admitted in ths consci¬ ence of every man wno approve of the principles of our goveinrnent,- and real¬ ly desires that America may be a per¬ petual republic. It only remains to judge of its policy, by its adopUon to the proposed end ; or by its actual and probable effects.
Itmight be argued that the embargo has not affected tiie price of our couii- try produce. The duties imposed by the Briti.sh orders, or decrees—the h;t zard of capture and condemnation :>y both the belligerent powers—the 'U- creased premiums to the underwrit-.-r;^ or rate of insurances, wou'd inevi'. >.b'y have reduced our wheat and fl • :-r tJ as low a price, as they bring at pre;ient.--r- The honest and prudent tradei ' uuld cease to venture amidst almost u ivoid able dangers, unless his cargo (o-^t -.->¦;/ little indeed, compared to his profits i , exportation. But suppose all the incon- vcniencies, and privations, of which -^ve complain were solely attributable to the embargo ; yet are they much less th-aa the declaration of vvar vvould have pro¬ duced. Foreign markets would have been equally closed against us, ever)' article exported vvould have became the prey of the enemy. The East and West Indies, all Europe, and the Ocean in its full extent, are under the control of the tvvo povvers England and France, where then, in case of vvar, would you find a market ? What motive exists, to send vour crops, or property abroad ? none ; you are at once, and effectually enclos¬ ed within your own territorial limits.— Besides your young men, and your la¬ bourers vvould be called from your fields to the sea coasts, and great mercantile cides to defeud them against mauraud-
i ir. \ ir
1
ings, invasions, and conflagradons. It must be obvious to all, that of the two measures. War and Embargo, the ef¬ fects of the latter are less gi'ievous—the national debt is not encreasing—the common pursuits of civil society are un¬ interrupted—our peace and social hap¬ piness are not mingled with the calami¬ ties of vvar. And if our produce ia on hand ; there is hope that it vvill yet find a rrvarket vvhich vvill compensate our labour, and the delay of sale. At any rate, if the embargo should have its de¬ sired, and probable effect, durtempora- 'ilvations willbe deemed as a small ^ce, and the policy ofthe measure .'rsally confessed.
'.'hether or p'jc thc cm.bargo vvill se-
'!•(' obj:s.t for whir!- It w.is adopt-
ol perfectly certain—it would be
die CTUreivie to assert it. I a-
y lev its probability of success,
¦oint be established, the poli-
¦leasure must be indisputable.
ilicii ofthe Foderali^ts to the
o far as England is concern
Ul evidenie that that go-
iTectv-d by iidi'ejly. Tnere
-it when thev thought
• w.!b to bo its oil]ecc,
lud at that ninniont
j •.;:• V -.^'Mc US ai.'O' "-e's—hut die in-
|,^¦¦"^r,t. vhey dist'ovr-it.'.¦ a was to operate
iie oiK as well as
tion,they became
•ind iii'lecenuy as-
s vv hieh they knew
tcnce—and the ar-
•:hmen ihemselves in
.VI tare rvldence that
. ilkolv to be still more
iitosuri".
; ' \, nil confidence how
j.ro'-iuced by England,
'•J to its consumption—
. . she has to d';'peud con-
•.ivi.;: i/i, •! .mill sujM'Ues irom fb-
ie;gu couvlii^'?'.
il!. the yenrc. lSO-4., 5, P-c G she pur- ch;isi-d ffoni ii."ou<n(i fk St'Mes of Prussia to t%-. hnionri!. ol 8 v.-i" .ons sterling an¬ nually, besides considerable purcha.-<cs made lit Greece aiil Auieiica—and tlies'^ couutrles bi-ing now all closed a- gcilast her,! ask, and t k;;ow her friends caii-i!)!; tell us, vvtierc she -vill find re¬ sources to int'.-.t the coiisi. -I (.lion ofher people at home—^her am ir.-,, her im¬ mense. lleetH, aud he;' ^vV\*st Indies \ ¦'¦ue, our fi<-ur> in: i- 'ikcdy, will be haiuggied to Soinf ex ' ¦, bat all that Britain can olitain in : the tories a- n'lor.g u.s vvili tae but ¦-; ^ht relief to her vvaji'.f.. On. the -.''loie I thv.ik it probabk-tliat. the waur v.,\)i(;.>..l v/ill in- 'du.::ej •hn iUi'l to coiid-imn die mea- sure.s whiv'i provoked die em.bargo— convince-him '¦In.ix. national hoi->r;sty is its best p;->!iry ; that it is O''- 'ijcerest, as ¦'vVcil HH oitis, that h<- tc ct neutral ng'-;'..-—tind nev-ev iigain ;-. 'ue tliedi- rci .'.ovi u! the cofnmero.c- an inde- pe:ul.t;i>t M'-Uion. Birt why ontcnd for '..Te-expfdiencv cn-poticy-r' .;rj embar- ;¦ ? w»-.r''ih^y.a'uc! vve»ii),.t.id as tothe •. liL, then. wO'.Uiil bt out litde difference in regaid of rh'.i r.^fcr.sr.iC3. Ifthe Fe- ilert'ists -w'il tome oat litirly and can¬ didly, and i-xy thftt t!i<> tvritish orders of Co'.i'p'll, as iV'jU ;ir; th', t'Ve.-ich decrees, are a gross violutt'n:' ;.oui neutral rights —that they mtc a u' i c«use of war— that the h^'i 01 ; i- . crer.t of our go¬ vernment forbid ' ids^ion to them— if they vvill tell u,. ¦ hat th^-.y consider to be the most ;;'v ' respect and ^afvly vve will hear thein
give up the embargo,p;'^vided we are convinced ofthe better policy, and great¬ er efficiency oi dieVr plan. Wc have openly and candidly avovved our senti¬ ments—We have declaici what we think to be right—raid, ro can that no nation shall have tliB direciion of our
means to secure our commerce ; 1 p''..^sure, and
I com cree, while the means of direct- I ing it arc vvidiin our grasp—But, mark it, the Federalists are silent here—they have not condemned the Bridsh Orders —they have not mentioned a substitute for the emiiargo ! Their silence is per- perfectly characteristic-—the cloven foot must be concealed longer if possible—¦ to be candid, and develope their -al sentiments vvould be to commit a Fe- lodisc ; to destroy their system by their ovvn breath—No—They dare not pUunply avow t^^ir object—the disclo¬ sure woulcf defeat their views—every man who is not a tory in bead or heart would go no more with them—he woidd throw on them his scorn, and execra¬ tion, and for ever abandon them as trai¬ tors to their country—But facts speak loudly, and leave no difficulty in know¬ ing, and believing that they vvould cheer- tuUy submit to any injury and insult that Britain may chuse to offer, and practice—yes, they whofav'd Miranda's expedition. Burr's conspiracy—and are novv endeavouring to disunite the eas¬ tern from the southern states, must in I heart be deep and cordially in the Bri- ! tish interest; and cooperate vvilh her to overthrow our government—these are I the men vvho exclaim against the em¬ bargo, and are exciting rebellion aud opposition to the measures of Govern¬ ment that they may paralize its arm ; enleebJe liie vvhole svsti m, and render iiLiccure e\ ery happy fruit of the Ame¬ rican i^cvolulion.
The more Fellow Citizens, you un¬ derstand die real causes of the embargo —the more you weigh its inconvenien¬ ces, and probable consequences—the more you enquire into and learn die motives, and manner of Federal oppo¬ sition ; the less will you object to the law ; the less vvill you suspect the honest patriotism of its advocates.
EPIMANONDAS.
[ The folloxving Extract of a letter, xve publish at thc request of a friend to the Embargo. This, we deem proper^ notxuithstanding the Larv has our own hearty oppo.iition, that its advocates ?nay knoxv extery thing that can be said in favor ofit, not only in this Coun¬ try, but in England. It xvill require all the arguments of its friends in both, to convince the people of this County of the policy ofthe me^tsure.']
— H. Gaz.
The following is an extract of a letter from London, 2d May 1808, to a gendeman in this city. lAuroram
"I need not relate to you the situad¬ on in whicii I am placed in this coun-' try, as you vvill long since have heard the particulars fromothe,r quarters. A- greeaiile to my fears, since my arrival here, the Manchester is condemned for a breach of Blockade in coming out of an enemy's port, after the time limited in the late orders of council, bearing date llth November—the purport of which vou, as well as the people ofthis country, better know than understand; there is scarcely any vessel which is, or can now be brought before the court which does not come under some of its prohibidons, and are accordingly adjud ged. We are asked what our country wants—whether we want to kill admi¬ ral Berkley for doing his duty—or whe¬ ther we wish to destroy this country and come under the government of France—that we have no cause of conn plaint, and that if we have, or pretend to have, we cannot help ourselves—and that this government is determined to adhere to their present measures. So I hope and trust Americans will do, un til we know whether weiare to be fi-ee*-^ men or slaves—we are told that Ame¬ rica is in a most deplorable condidon, and that six months embargo will bring auout a revolatiOii; w« cannot at any

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' .'^:»-t f
TheHUNTINGDON GAZETTE
Sir!gie...6cents]
jfan>umniiiwjtiM
Ml m. uifua..m .iijpmp. mv.vuum
HUNTINGDON (TcnmyhaniaJ Printed bv JOHN M'CAHAN.
[S 2 per Annuni
Vol. 8.]
SATURDAY, July 23, 1808.
[No. 20
For the Gazette. Fellow Citizens,
Some objections to Mr. Bard's political character has been offered to the public through the me¬ dium ofthe Hundngdon Gazette. They were, at lirst, thought not to merit no¬ tice but on further reflection, it has
been suggested that if he did not enter appear.ince, he might, possibly, suffer by default. This consideration has in¬ duced me to attempt to vindicate him against these accusations. Tis not ex. peeled that I can reconcile those who have hidierto, and do novv hold differ¬ ent sentiments onthe principles and ad¬ ministration of Government. The ex¬ tent of my expectations goes no further, than to guard if possible, the uninform¬ ed, but honest Republican, against the decepdve artifices of acdve, and influ¬ ential Federalists. Not being in the luhit of writing for newspapers, I un- dert;tketo write novr I may say for the first time in my life, vvith much reluc¬ tance. Butthe times require of every man his honest endeavours to promote the general good.
JNIr. Bard is accused ofvoting for the embargo. And vvith Federalists, this was a criminal vote. It has always happened that he has never studied to gala popularity among diem ; because he never could do it, without sacrificing his conscience, by acting contrary to his judgment; and wiihout betraying the confidence placed in him by his constituents ; nay without doing vvhat he beiicved to be subversive of the ge¬ neral interest and happiness.
In judging ofthe policy or impolicy of thj Embargo, its causes and effects must be examined. And here its op¬ posers are blame vvorthy ; they have con cealed from the people, the trije cause of the embargo, -and assigned such as liever had an existence. For this no a- ]joiogy can be found in the deficiency of their knowledge. They have the means and have improved them suffi¬ ciently to know the grounds on vvhich that act, so offensive to them, vvas pass¬ ed ; and therefore their opposition must neccssariiy be ascribetl to principles wh'tch never have, and never can dwell wiui candour—principles vvhich when discovered, can never fail of subjecting tbera to thc odium of the people whom th'-v have deceived, or attempted to de ceive. In the conduct ofthe tvvo great belhgereni povvers of Europe, England and France, are readily found the rea¬ sons vvhich produced the embargo.-— Since .1793 England has never ceased to disregard the rights of neutral nati¬ ons, her violation succeeded violations, until the d'.jmoHtion of Copenhagen ; and hvr decree nr order of council to ccnip'.'l the whole American commerce to e.itt r her ports, pay a percentage du¬ ty thvr.', an'i, if it chose another mar¬ ket, to take licence to sail under Bridsh authoritv, or permission. On thc other haad France decreed that if our com¬ merce submitted to the aforesaid order restriction and degradation, she would deem it denationalised, and to be good prize. Under these decrees there were neither lattitude nor longitude on the occan vvhere our commerce was not suiiject to disgrace or capture ; our go- vevnmeni insulted, and our merchants plundered.
Had lhe embargo been designed to operate ag-ainst France only, not a Fe¬ deralist would have been heard to utter a sir.gle murmur or sigh, on account of It. So far as it bears on that nation,' they agree vvith us in the policy ofthe me'asure. I shall then take no farther notice of France, because the embargo can be hateful to the Federalists, only as it operates on ourselves, and on Bri¬ tain. Britain by long series of conduct but, particularly, by her order of coun¬
cil of Nov. 1807, had gav c the United States just cause of war ; and in that case it vvas optional vvith them, what course they would take to assert their honor, and obtain redress. Congress might have declared vvar against En¬ gland, and for their justification, plead¬ ed the usages of Emperors, Kings, and princes of Europe : but the manifest impolicy of the measure forbade its a- doption. Thc United States could not protect their commerce on the ocean, against the naval force of either Eng¬ land or Frauce. Nothing then vvas 'j.) be gained by a war—something mig'.it be lost; its duration vvould be do'ab':- and the conditions on vvhich p.;ii would be restored very uncertain. ':•:: sides war would necessarily cucrL.. expences, and taxation—it tciid.s to terrupt agriculture, and the mi arts ; to demoralize society, to I'l dangerous degree of power ii hands, and at the disposal of ¦• magistrate ofthe union ; and -. to change the nature ofour p So numerous are the eviis from a state of war, that i; to be resorted to, exc-pt
perious necessity. Il: ••;
under leflejtions like ¦ representatives in Cci ^. v^:.!
the Bhiiiiargo. If tho •, .jiki i^ri:
tain justified a declal•.^.; ion of .v. partofour governmeni, it c< friendly negociation on the part of ,rj'- veiuiwent were carrylug on at the E'-;- ttsh court ; and her order of couuc'l of Nov. 1807 already mendoned, chani/ed the relations between the two govern¬ ments, and betrayed an hostility net lo be subdued' by mere arguments, and friendly offices and forbearances ; but required an address to her wants, her necessities, and her feelings. Just cause for the measure I take for-granted, must then be admitted in ths consci¬ ence of every man wno approve of the principles of our goveinrnent,- and real¬ ly desires that America may be a per¬ petual republic. It only remains to judge of its policy, by its adopUon to the proposed end ; or by its actual and probable effects.
Itmight be argued that the embargo has not affected tiie price of our couii- try produce. The duties imposed by the Briti.sh orders, or decrees—the h;t zard of capture and condemnation :>y both the belligerent powers—the 'U- creased premiums to the underwrit-.-r;^ or rate of insurances, wou'd inevi'. >.b'y have reduced our wheat and fl • :-r tJ as low a price, as they bring at pre;ient.--r- The honest and prudent tradei ' uuld cease to venture amidst almost u ivoid able dangers, unless his cargo (o-^t -.->¦;/ little indeed, compared to his profits i , exportation. But suppose all the incon- vcniencies, and privations, of which -^ve complain were solely attributable to the embargo ; yet are they much less th-aa the declaration of vvar vvould have pro¬ duced. Foreign markets would have been equally closed against us, ever)' article exported vvould have became the prey of the enemy. The East and West Indies, all Europe, and the Ocean in its full extent, are under the control of the tvvo povvers England and France, where then, in case of vvar, would you find a market ? What motive exists, to send vour crops, or property abroad ? none ; you are at once, and effectually enclos¬ ed within your own territorial limits.— Besides your young men, and your la¬ bourers vvould be called from your fields to the sea coasts, and great mercantile cides to defeud them against mauraud-
i ir. \ ir
1
ings, invasions, and conflagradons. It must be obvious to all, that of the two measures. War and Embargo, the ef¬ fects of the latter are less gi'ievous—the national debt is not encreasing—the common pursuits of civil society are un¬ interrupted—our peace and social hap¬ piness are not mingled with the calami¬ ties of vvar. And if our produce ia on hand ; there is hope that it vvill yet find a rrvarket vvhich vvill compensate our labour, and the delay of sale. At any rate, if the embargo should have its de¬ sired, and probable effect, durtempora- 'ilvations willbe deemed as a small ^ce, and the policy ofthe measure .'rsally confessed.
'.'hether or p'jc thc cm.bargo vvill se-
'!•(' obj:s.t for whir!- It w.is adopt-
ol perfectly certain—it would be
die CTUreivie to assert it. I a-
y lev its probability of success,
¦oint be established, the poli-
¦leasure must be indisputable.
ilicii ofthe Foderali^ts to the
o far as England is concern
Ul evidenie that that go-
iTectv-d by iidi'ejly. Tnere
-it when thev thought
• w.!b to bo its oil]ecc,
lud at that ninniont
j •.;:• V -.^'Mc US ai.'O' "-e's—hut die in-
|,^¦¦"^r,t. vhey dist'ovr-it.'.¦ a was to operate
iie oiK as well as
tion,they became
•ind iii'lecenuy as-
s vv hieh they knew
tcnce—and the ar-
•:hmen ihemselves in
.VI tare rvldence that
. ilkolv to be still more
iitosuri".
; ' \, nil confidence how
j.ro'-iuced by England,
'•J to its consumption—
. . she has to d';'peud con-
•.ivi.;: i/i, •! .mill sujM'Ues irom fb-
ie;gu couvlii^'?'.
il!. the yenrc. lSO-4., 5, P-c G she pur- ch;isi-d ffoni ii."ou in: i- 'ikcdy, will be haiuggied to Soinf ex ' ¦, bat all that Britain can olitain in : the tories a- n'lor.g u.s vvili tae but ¦-; ^ht relief to her vvaji'.f.. On. the -.''loie I thv.ik it probabk-tliat. the waur v.,\)i(;.>..l v/ill in- 'du.::ej •hn iUi'l to coiid-imn die mea- sure.s whiv'i provoked die em.bargo— convince-him '¦In.ix. national hoi->r;sty is its best p;->!iry ; that it is O''- 'ijcerest, as ¦'vVcil HH oitis, that ht M'-Uion. Birt why ontcnd for '..Te-expfdiencv cn-poticy-r' .;rj embar- ;¦ ? w»-.r''ih^y.a'uc! vve»ii),.t.id as tothe •. liL, then. wO'.Uiil bt out litde difference in regaid of rh'.i r.^fcr.sr.iC3. Ifthe Fe- ilert'ists -w'il tome oat litirly and can¬ didly, and i-xy thftt t!i<> tvritish orders of Co'.i'p'll, as iV'jU ;ir; th', t'Ve.-ich decrees, are a gross violutt'n:' ;.oui neutral rights —that they mtc a u' i c«use of war— that the h^'i 01 ; i- . crer.t of our go¬ vernment forbid ' ids^ion to them— if they vvill tell u,. ¦ hat th^-.y consider to be the most ;;'v ' respect and ^afvly vve will hear thein
give up the embargo,p;'^vided we are convinced ofthe better policy, and great¬ er efficiency oi dieVr plan. Wc have openly and candidly avovved our senti¬ ments—We have declaici what we think to be right—raid, ro can that no nation shall have tliB direciion of our
means to secure our commerce ; 1 p''..^sure, and
I com cree, while the means of direct- I ing it arc vvidiin our grasp—But, mark it, the Federalists are silent here—they have not condemned the Bridsh Orders —they have not mentioned a substitute for the emiiargo ! Their silence is per- perfectly characteristic-—the cloven foot must be concealed longer if possible—¦ to be candid, and develope their -al sentiments vvould be to commit a Fe- lodisc ; to destroy their system by their ovvn breath—No—They dare not pUunply avow t^^ir object—the disclo¬ sure woulcf defeat their views—every man who is not a tory in bead or heart would go no more with them—he woidd throw on them his scorn, and execra¬ tion, and for ever abandon them as trai¬ tors to their country—But facts speak loudly, and leave no difficulty in know¬ ing, and believing that they vvould cheer- tuUy submit to any injury and insult that Britain may chuse to offer, and practice—yes, they whofav'd Miranda's expedition. Burr's conspiracy—and are novv endeavouring to disunite the eas¬ tern from the southern states, must in I heart be deep and cordially in the Bri- ! tish interest; and cooperate vvilh her to overthrow our government—these are I the men vvho exclaim against the em¬ bargo, and are exciting rebellion aud opposition to the measures of Govern¬ ment that they may paralize its arm ; enleebJe liie vvhole svsti m, and render iiLiccure e\ ery happy fruit of the Ame¬ rican i^cvolulion.
The more Fellow Citizens, you un¬ derstand die real causes of the embargo —the more you weigh its inconvenien¬ ces, and probable consequences—the more you enquire into and learn die motives, and manner of Federal oppo¬ sition ; the less will you object to the law ; the less vvill you suspect the honest patriotism of its advocates.
EPIMANONDAS.
[ The folloxving Extract of a letter, xve publish at thc request of a friend to the Embargo. This, we deem proper^ notxuithstanding the Larv has our own hearty oppo.iition, that its advocates ?nay knoxv extery thing that can be said in favor ofit, not only in this Coun¬ try, but in England. It xvill require all the arguments of its friends in both, to convince the people of this County of the policy ofthe me^tsure.']
— H. Gaz.
The following is an extract of a letter from London, 2d May 1808, to a gendeman in this city. lAuroram
"I need not relate to you the situad¬ on in whicii I am placed in this coun-' try, as you vvill long since have heard the particulars fromothe,r quarters. A- greeaiile to my fears, since my arrival here, the Manchester is condemned for a breach of Blockade in coming out of an enemy's port, after the time limited in the late orders of council, bearing date llth November—the purport of which vou, as well as the people ofthis country, better know than understand; there is scarcely any vessel which is, or can now be brought before the court which does not come under some of its prohibidons, and are accordingly adjud ged. We are asked what our country wants—whether we want to kill admi¬ ral Berkley for doing his duty—or whe¬ ther we wish to destroy this country and come under the government of France—that we have no cause of conn plaint, and that if we have, or pretend to have, we cannot help ourselves—and that this government is determined to adhere to their present measures. So I hope and trust Americans will do, un til we know whether weiare to be fi-ee*-^ men or slaves—we are told that Ame¬ rica is in a most deplorable condidon, and that six months embargo will bring auout a revolatiOii; w« cannot at any