Dossier 22: Traditional Stereotypes and Women’s Problems in Post-Soviet Uzbekistan: A Survey of the Mass Media

Following independence in
1991, the former Soviet republic of Uzbekistan has been undergoing sweeping
social, political and economic changes, all deeply affecting the country's
women. However, women's problems continue to be ignored, while the role of women
has become a battleground between the various forces, including fundamentalism,
which seek to fill the ideological vacuum left by the collapse of Soviet power.
This paper uses the discourse appearing in the local mass media as a case study
to highlight the problems currently confronting the women of Uzbekistan in the
transitional period.

A review of the mass media
in Uzbekistan reveals that problems affecting women are barely discussed.
Meanwhile the representation of women in the media has seen the introduction of
a new, somewhat alarming, element: alongside stereotypical Soviet-style images
of women standing by a machine at a plant, or women on a plantation, there is a
new image, typical of patriarchal discourse - a blushing bride, a mother sitting
by the cradle, an elderly woman surrounded by numerous relatives, and a woman
running her home.

The formation of public consciousness
through mass media

In radio and TV programs
devoted to the revival of national identity, special emphasis is laid on the
image of a shy and modest girl, obedient to her parents' will, who is kind as
well as good at managing the home. These programs provide information on the
activities of women's committees and makhalla (local community) committees, as
well as talks on moral and ethical problems facing women in the family context
and the upbringing of an 'Asian woman'. In a popular TV talk-show, 'A Fiancée
and a Bride', the same stereotype prevails and the show's popularity illustrates
the persistence of the image of an Asian woman as something special, a person
who must be, first and foremost, an obedient daughter and wife and an excellent
mistress of the house. The proponents of traditionalism emphasize the 'special'
destiny of an Asian woman using false statistical data, myths about the past,
misinterpreted information about the allegedly weak feminist movement in the
East; by appealing to women's 'natural and biological' needs, they demand the
revival of polygamy and hold up to shame 'the amorality' of the West. For most
young women participating in these talk shows their ideal is a woman who has
devoted her life to her family, husband and children. Meanwhile, the image of a
modern woman, who in additional to her domestic preoccupations is engaged in
some kind of business or in public activities, is left off screen or mentioned
only in passing. There is also a cycle of TV programs devoted to business, which
features many businesswomen. However, this cycle was meant for Russian speaking
women and is not accessible to the Uzbek-speaking majority. A review of the mass
media in Uzbekistan also reveals that there is little analytical and critical
material which dwells upon women's social problems. The articles that do contain
criticism reflect either a conservative position or attack all models of an
equal woman, whether Soviet or western. While discussing violations of women's
rights, the authors base their stance on moral and ethical perspectives and not
legal perspectives, thus strengthening a traditionalist socialization of women.
At the same time, pre-Soviet family relations are idealized, the role of men in
the family is exalted and the conclusions in such articles are usually directed
at women. The mistress of the house, a wife and mother: this should be a woman's
ideal. The rest is of lesser importance, or is even alien to her destiny, they
seem to argue.

Criticizing women's current
economic position, the authors are all for introducing the norms of the Shariat,
in particular the legalization of polygamy, as a means of providing women social
protection. The only positive conclusion to be made about articles such as the
one titled 'Is Polygamy a Sin?' is that they bear witness to the freedom of
speech in Uzbekistan, since such articles stand in direct contradiction to the
guarantees of women's equality contained in the Constitution of
Uzbekistan.

This paper shall attempt to
analyze the extent to which the mass media in Uzbekistan fails to reflects
current realities and why on the other hand both authors and their audience
accept the image of a 'domesticated woman' as an ideal. It further highlights
the fact that there is a lack of discussion of social problems such as domestic
violence, the violation of women's rights by parents, husbands and in-laws, and
the deterioration of women's economic and educational status. This is instead
supplanted by criticism of the 'Soviet' model of equality, by appeals for the
revival and legalization of polygamy as the only means of protecting women from
social problems, and by the rehabilitation of traditions which violate women's
rights but which are justified as coming from Shariat.

Such a situation is not
accidental. It witnesses the fact that Uzbek society is not homogenous and that
two distinct trends can now be discerned in its development: the modern and the
traditional.

The modern aspects of Uzbek
society began emerging in the early 20th century, heavily influenced
by Muslim reformists. During the Soviet period, modernism formed part of state
policy. However, under totalitarian Soviet rule, modernization was introduced by
force. Examples include the Khudjum (the forced deveiling of women in Central
Asia) in the 1930s, the ideological struggle against religion, collectivization
and industrialization, and the repression launched against part of society. The
modernization of society was also conducted through the educational system and
the policy of russification.

Meanwhile, traditional
society continued to existed in parallel with the new Soviet social structures.
At first openly and subsequently more subtlety it resisted modernization and
upheld a way of life 'bequeathed by our forefathers'. However, Soviet social
scientists ignored the persistence of traditional society and thus its influence
on public attitudes was not studied. The portion of the population adhering to
traditional lifestyles is greater than those who pursue a modern lifestyle. The
majority rural population and part of the urban population, due to their poor
education, the nature of their daily work and their mentality, still pursue a
way of life they identify as their own or the 'Muslim' way.

So, what is a traditional
society? Traditionalism not only stands against the new, it demands a constant
correction of lifestyles in accordance with the 'classical' model, no matter
which model - Islamic, Christian or any other - society is based upon; what is
important for traditionalists is that society must not move away from the
'ideal'. Traditionalism is maintained where there is a socio-economic basis for
it[1]. There is just
such a basis in Uzbekistan, namely: a high proportion of the population is rural
with few of the population employed in industry, among other factors. The
influence of the rural population on the urban population is one of the factors
that Uzbekistan's President Karimov has identified as a threat to national
security, along with the shadow economy that developed during the Soviet period,
the domination of clan identity over n local politics, parochial tendencies, and
corruption.[2]

After independence, when
the revival of national identity became a cornerstone of the new statehood,
certain aspects of traditional society were given some degree of legal cover and
traditionalism was ideologically rehabilitated. It is currently enjoying an
upsurge.

In the
sphere of family relations, traditionalism is re-emerging with a vengeance. From
1989 the traditionalists began promoting their position through the mass media,
mainly 'non-governmental' publications. Meanwhile the state initiated and
promoted the concept of the modernization of society and economic policy; in
order to be successful, it argued, reforms aimed at reviving industry and
agriculture required the introduction of the modern way of life. Yet there is no
open confrontation between 'modernists' and 'traditionalists', since the
'modernists' have accepted an ideological trade-off and have adopted some of the
traditionalists' motifs.

Nevertheless, the state and
traditional society appear to differ regarding the solutions to various social
problems and open discord can be observed in attitudes towards women's issues.
One of the first attacks on the Soviet model of women was a cycle of articles
and other works by well-known literary figures of Uzbekistan during Gorbachev's
perestroika. They targeted family planning and women administrators. These
publications reached their peak in 1991-92 coinciding with the rehabilitation of
Shariat norms regarding women's issues. Events in neighboring Tadjikstan halted
the ideological advance of traditionalism in Uzbekistan. Nevertheless, the
adoption by state 'modernists' of elements of traditionalism in order to
strengthen support for state policy has meant that while Soviet achievements in
modernization have remained targets for conservative criticism, traditionalism
has become a 'sacred cow'. As a result, women's status fell in the period
1992-94, and it was only the return to the path of protectionism towards women
in 1994 that enabled an increase in the number of women in state bodies and a
real consolidation of their rights.[3]

It was in response to the
situation in 1992-94 that the first nongovernmental feminist organizations
appeared, indicating that a stratum of women were against the revival of
traditional society. However, in the mass media, especially in the Uzbek
vernacular, there has been no promotion of modernization trends regarding women,
and this is cause for concern.

The Decree of 2 March 1995
'On Measures Increasing the Role of Women in State and Public Construction in
the Republic of Uzbekistan', signed by President Islam Karimov, gave impetus to
women's committee activities at all levels. However as during Soviet rule, they
use a formal approach and lack a clearly defined position on the issue of
modernization. Moreover the committee women themselves are to a great extent
influenced by traditional stereotypes, with some especially at the lowest level,
being clearly adherents to traditionalism.

The transition to a market
economy has resulted in the financial consolidation of the layer of petty
bourgeoisie connected with the 'bazaar', business and services. This layer
existed during the Soviet period, but under the aegis of the shadow economy.
During perestroika and the transitional period, this sector was partially
legalized and grew owing to the influx of a younger generation, thus giving rise
to family enterprises.

The growing affluence of
this section of society, which invariably only had a mediocre education, has
strengthened the hand of traditional society. Its members started showing their
strength through the open support of religion, traditional rituals and clan
solidarity. It is in this section of the population that the trend of supporting
women's return to the 'domestic' sphere, an increase in veiling and the
withdrawal of women from the labor market became most evident. Several factors
were involved: the real income of state employees fell dramatically, even if
they were highly skilled specialists; women with secondary education were
dismissed (under Soviet rule there was hyper-employment as job positions were
created for this part of the population). This relatively unmotivated section of
the female population was unable to adapt to the new economic conditions. Home
and family became not only a shelter from the storm of transition but also a
means of self-assertion. The rights these women had enjoyed under the Soviet
power were due to positive discrimination, but with the negative effect that
they were considered unreliable employees for they abused their right to
long-term sick-leaves, etc. An additional factor was that the traditionalist
woman's focus on home and family left little time for improving their
professional skills. Therefore, many of them were unable to compete not only
with their male colleagues, but also with their modernist female colleagues. As
a result, employment became burdensome and without reward leading them to prefer
to be 'domesticated'.

The Soviet model in reality
produced a kind of split personality among educated women, who appeared modern
on the one hand, but who still found reference in their families and local
communities on the other. The life of modern women in Uzbekistan has been full
of contradictions, complexes, stress and dramatic social clashes. A woman was
torn between the role dictated by the state and the role defined by the family.
As a result, even educated women often hold strongly traditional views on
women's status with only a half-hearted commitment to modernism.

Analyzing the current
resurgence of traditionalism, one notices that there is almost no writings on
social problems connected with traditionalism. In the post-Soviet period,
information regarding 'national' traditions is merely a panegyric, with no
analysis as to why traditionalism is not viable.

Women's
Problems During the Transitional Period

Even a staunch supporter of
traditionalism would agree that Uzbekistan today, despite all the difficulties
of the traditional period, is significantly more advanced technically,
economically and politically than the states that existed in the 19th and 20th
centuries in Central Asia (Turkestan Province, the Bukhara Emirate and Khiva
Khanate). Therefore, all current social problems must be solved at a level
qualitatively different from solutions pertinent to the distant past. The urge
to reintroduce polygamy is above a male obsession. It equates to a longing to
establish societies such as those that currently exist in Afghanistan, Pakistan
and the like. The call for a return to traditionalism for women witnesses the
civil immaturity and patriarchal mindset of that part of intelligentsia which
are essentially apologists for cultural values: the regard women's inferior
position and the violation of their rights as the norm for Asian lifestyles.
Such an approach to social problems contradicts the policies of the temporal
state directed at the modernization of society and its economy through reform of
the legislative, political and economic bodies, and at the building of a
democratic society.

Traditionalism, however,
opposes all these goals for it strives to preserve the status quo, seeking to
replace statutory law with traditional norms dictated by clan politics,
parochialism and corruption. The current state of society obstructs the dynamic
processes of reform, initiative and pluralism in the economic and social
spheres. The extent of women's rights in the public and private spheres are
indicators of a society's readiness to face economic and social transformation
and as the experience of the advanced states shows, without the active and
conscious participation of women such positive change is impossible. Those who
seek to make women 'domesticated' effectively deny Uzbekistan the opportunity to
achieve the status of an industrially developed state and consign it to the
status of Pakistan, Bangladesh and other impoverished countries.

Those working in local
feminist organizations have observed that the principle of equality is violated
first and foremost in the family. A girl is brought up to see herself as lesser
than a boy. This is a violation of rights taking place within the home and in
society that goes unpunished. In contrast, a boy is brought up so that he
realizes that he is allowed to do many things girls are usually not allowed to
do especially after they attain their majority. With such a consciousness, a man
will never consider a woman an equal partner and will always restrict a woman's
independence and choice, and particularly her promotion up the social ladder to
a decision-making position. Society generally regards women as needing to be
taken care of by a man or an older woman and hence they are denied the
opportunity to learn to make independent decisions. Women too adhere to these
opinions and therefore blame women themselves for the growth in the divorce rate
and for poor upbringing of their children. They believe that a woman does not
deserve an administrative position, for professional responsibility is of only
secondary importance to her. Statistical data show that in Kazakhstan every
fifth man with higher education holds an administrative position, whereas only
every seventeenth woman with the same education attains such a position (we are
using data from Kazakhstan as there is no such data for Uzbekistan; indices for
Uzbekistan appear to be even worse).

But let us return to the
issue of a 'domesticated' woman. In most families, for a girl it is enough to be
attractive and industrious and good at housework. In the traditional family
interest in a daughter's education and the growth of her personality, both
spiritual and physical, is either lacking or insufficient. Education is reduced
to instructions such as "you are a girl, you must be obedient and modest!" Thus
a girl's major merits are physical attractiveness and modesty, seen as the basis
for a happy marriage. Marriage (and all that accompanies it - obsession with
dress and ornaments, etc.) is her primary destiny, with even education
considered just a means of finding a husband. This does not enable a woman to
realize herself as an independent being. Without a good education and
profession, without awareness of their individuality, women strive to realize
themselves through the husband. If never married, such women seek to realize
themselves through a 'beautiful lover' in the form of an elderly and wealthy
man. So, those women who are stigmatized in the press as a negative model of
female behavior are in fact the very same 'domesticated' woman, albeit in a
different form.

Uzbek writers contrast the
model of a 'domesticated' woman with that of a western (modern) woman, ignoring
the fact that an independent career woman is not an obstacle to successful
family life. This model is described only in a negative light provoking
hostility among traditionalist men. Such women are charged with amoral behavior,
but none note their positive features: professionalism, their responsibility for
their behavior, the quality of their work, their active involvement in civic
affairs, and their sense of women's and social solidarity, All of this is
completely lacking in the 'domesticated' woman. While the 'domesticated' woman
was a globally pervasive model at the beginning of this century, after two world
wars and major crises the West has finally accepted the modern model of an equal
woman - but thanks only to the efforts of the women themselves who strive for
their rights.

The Soviet model of
equality, despite its imperfections, gave Uzbek women a great deal. Their
educational status has risen significantly and there is a wide stratum of the
female intelligentsia - scientists, teachers, doctors and artists - which cannot
be replaced in the country's cultural, economic and social life. While women
have the right to be 'domesticated', they must not be deprived of their right to
be equal with men in public life. The socialization of girls should provide them
the opportunity to make choices in life that strengthen their autonomy and
economic independence. For this to be realized necessary to overcome patriarchal
attitudes but the latter is as sacred as national and religious traditions, and
is reproduced in the socialization process. Hence the predominance of
patriarchal motifs in the mass media with the result that topics such as legal
consciousness and the issue of maintaining a balance between one's personal,
family and public interests are not discussed with reference to women. Only
patriarchal solutions to social problems are discussed, i.e., women should be
'domesticated' and all responsibility for them lies on men. But under present
conditions, not every man is able to provide a woman with an adequate living
standard, hence the emphasis on polygamy. Yet there are too few princes to go
round, a popular song goes.

Now let us discuss those
women who are engaged in small business. They came to be called meshochnitsa (or
women selling their goods from sacks) by authors who rage and fume against them.
Admittedly, this kind of business (or 'shuttle business') does not appear to be
part of a civilized society, and is in fact a typical feature of the traditional
economy. But nobody remembers that it is these women who have clothed us all,
and that their business is tough and risky. Nor has anybody mentioned the
corruption that makes their goods more expensive. A study of this phenomenon
would reveal that most of the women involved in the 'shuttle business' have a
higher education and it was their sense of responsibility towards their families
that made them enter this sphere.

On average, a 'shuttle'
businesswoman provides employment to between 3 to 10 persons, her partners being
mainly women. No longer 'domesticated', her business is connected with risk, as
well as psychological and physical burdens. 'Shuttles' have achieved economic
independence outside governmental structures, where there is no protection. In
the course of their work, 'shuttles' gain a knowledge of the law and dealing
with banks and there is no need for the state to waste resources on training her
in economics. Supported by the state's economic policy, the 'shuttle' begins as
a small business but through the accumulation of capital they can develop their
activities into a medium-sized business. Instead of comparing how far these
women conform to traditional stereotypes, writings on the phenomenon would do
better to discuss their business problems, but instead of sound analysis
emotions again prevail.

Another topic which merits
serious discussion is that of women and crime, for during the transition to
market relations it is inevitable that human conflict is aggravated. Living
standards plummet and the worsening situation in the labor market forces some
women to follow the road of crime.

Yet while the discussing
the theme of woman and crime, writings in the mass media again fail to analyze
the social grounds for crime. Before the transition to a market economy, women
were primarily involved in crimes committed in the home, but now they are
involved in organized crime. As studies by lawyers have revealed, women
criminals are found, as a rule, at the lower levels of the hierarchy of
organized crime. They commit crimes, but are seldom the initiators or
organizers, especially of crimes connected with drug trafficking and the arms
trade. Women involved in prostitution should not be regarded as amoral persons,
but as victims of organized crime.

Those authors writing about
prostitution also emphasize the personal attributes of the women involved, with
the problem being regarded as a moral issue concerning only the women
themselves, whereas prostitution is a social problem concerns men as well. The
problems surrounding prostitution are both economic and social. Prostitution is
yielding enormous uncontrolled profits and has become an important feature of
organized crime. Social environments sanctified by traditionalism create the
conditions which allow this business to flourish. Poor regard for spiritual
development and education, and a system of taboos create an atmosphere of sexual
tension on the one hand, and encourage the sexual freedom of males on the other.
Intolerance of 'mistakes' made by women, women low social status and poor
self-esteem, coupled with the cult of wealth create favorable grounds for this
phenomenon. Significantly, the women who advocate polygamy justify this
precisely by referring to women's 'natural and biological' needs. In order to
raise public awareness, publications on the subject of prostitution should
contain the statistical data and an analysis of the psychology of social
relationships but instead tend to focus on the titillating aspects, exposing the
effective illiteracy of the authors.

In many publications the
authors often address the subject of women's dress. And this question is again
treated from the standpoint of women's conformity to the model of a 'gentle and
modest' Asian woman. The position of the authors is traditional and is aimed
against the western model. This problem, however, is much deeper than these
authors' superficial approach. A woman's dress draws an invisible line between
the traditional and the modern. There must be a clear position regarding hijab.
The authors claim these are only white and black kerchiefs. But they mean hijab
and the latter is not simply a form of dress, but a symbol of women's
segregation. A woman wearing hijab recognizes her secondary status and
dependence on men.

Hijab is not a passing
symbol, but one of permanent adherence to a particular way of life which rejects
contemporary change. Hijab can exist as a woman's choice, for it corresponds to
the 'domesticated' woman's inner state and religious ideals. But this dress
often belongs to a woman who is forced to be 'domesticated' or it can act as
camouflage for the cynical manipulation of the symbol of a modest and religious
woman. Whereas such cases might be a real topic for discussion, the authors of
writings on the hijab have their own position.

Foreign radio stations also
discuss the phenomenon of hijab, but here there is also a one-sided approach,
i.e. the defence of the right to wear hijab. Nobody links the growing prevalence
of hijab and the rise in early marriages and polygamy to a decrease in women's
educational status; but there is an obvious link. Women are usually forced to
wear hijab by their parents, husbands and in-laws. But nobody complains about
this violation of women's rights as human rights, since for a woman it is easier
to complain against strangers than her relatives. Women's committees are well
acquainted with all these facts but do not make them public on the request of
the women themselves because for the rest of their lives they have to live with
those who violate their rights.

Violence against women is
rarely discussed by the mass media, but if it is touched upon, it is regarded as
merely the 'misconduct' of individual men. But this problem exists and it
affects, first and foremost, 'domesticated' women. And on this point the authors
are far from understanding what human rights are. While assessing problems such
as violence against women, authors frequently blame the women themselves, which
bears witness to the lack of basic knowledge of international and national legal
standards and a lack of civic consciousness on the part of the
authors.

The
issue of women's health is also ignored. However, this problem is directly
linked to the state of women's rights. Cases of difficult pregnancy and labor,
high maternal mortality and infant mortality are often the result of the unequal
status of a girl or a woman in the family which lead to malnutrition, overwork,
nervous breakdowns. Of course, this is coupled with the state of public health,
but the key to their health lies in the acknowledgment of their rights and
position in the family.

Conclusions

Journalists in Uzbekistan
largely reflect the opinion of traditional society and fail to analyze issues
from the perspective of economic, legal and social development. This analysis is
instead replaced by myth and a superficial approach towards women's problems.
There are a number of reasons why journalists are slaves to traditional
stereotypes: - the Uzbek intelligentsia mainly consists of first generation
urban citizens who have not lost their spiritual and social links with their
rural background. The urban population is involved in the non-productive sphere
while the 'hereditary' intelligentsia constitutes an insignificant part of the
modern intelligentsia.

Legal illiteracy is
characteristic of post-Soviet society. Laws and even the Constitution are
treated with contempt, leading to the ignoring of the basic legislative
principles of a secular state, a highly dangerous trend as the experience of
such states as Algeria shows.

Captive to traditional
stereotypes, the mass media in Uzbekistan tends to propose primitive solutions
to women's problems: women's return to the home and hearth, a revival of
polygamy and the allocating of all responsibility for women's well-being to the
husband.

As a
recommendation, it would be sensible to involve journalists in the work of
feminist organizations so that they, together with the activists of the feminist
movement, will be able to mould public opinion in the direction of social
modernization, and help defend the equality currently granted to women and
protected under law.