84

862.00/5953

Memorandum by the
Secretary of State Regarding a Conversation With the Italian Ambassador (Suvich)

[Extracts]

[WASHINGTON,] July 6, 1937.

I then launched into the strongest possible
discussion of nationalism in its extreme form, carefully distinguishing between
sane, practical nationalism within reasonable limits and the extreme type which
during the post-war period has constituted the worst disease that could
overtake the human family. I repeated my illustration of a community of
families, as set forth in a radio address of mine during Foreign Trade Week, in
which I pointed out what happened to a family that undertook to live a hermit
existence without a single friend among the families of the same community, how
it stagnated and steadily became hopelessly decadent. I said, This is the great
curse of the world today and threatens civilized nations with still more
disastrous effects, unless the nations immediately begin at least to move in a
different direction with a definite and sound program. I remarked that our
entire program promulgated at Buenos Aires contains a reasonable, practical and
most urgent set of principles and policies as the single alternative to the
present disastrous course of affairs in Europe,--that is, a peaceful settlement
and adjustment and rehabilitation of all worthwhile and indispensable international
relationships. I said that it is nobody's fault in particular that after
eighteen years the only foundation which Europe presents for a restored
international order is the narrowest, cutthroat, trouble-breeding method of
trading and a wild, runaway race in armaments; but that this is in striking
contrast with the program of the 21 American nations, and of several European
countries which have approved it in the main, which does provide a solid and
permanent foundation for a stable structure of business, of peace, and of
government; that the single question is--whether the civilized nations will wait
until it is too late before proclaiming and pursuing this practical and
constructive course. I elaborated further with my usual arguments in support of
this program and especially emphasized the extreme necessity for its support by
European countries generally, before too late.

I said, ". . . all of the nations never get fully armed under a
policy of rearmament races; one or more always desires longer time to get more
fully armed and equipped; and, in the end, an explosion inevitably

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occurs." I continued. "This is the situation in Europe
today. It is to avoid just such a cataclysm that the 21 American nations have
offered a program and are pleading to all other civilized nations to embrace it
and give it support without a day's delay." . . . I said that there was
never before such an opportunity for some important country in Europe to
furnish leadership with just this sort of a program as I had outlined; that a
few addresses proclaiming it and supporting it would result in an amazing
awakening of peace and good neighbor sentiment and that a wave of grateful
public sentiment would sweep over Europe and over the entire Western World. . . .
He again came back to the question of the time not being propitious for a
movement in support of an alternative program for economic and peace
restoration. I replied that if each nation waits until the time is exactly
right from its standpoint, then I must again repeat that the time never would
become propitious; that the experience of recent years in Europe clearly
demonstrates this view; that it has not been possible for the nations of Europe
to settle any one or two of the 7 or 8 point program involved, or, in other
words, the situation is merely drifting amidst increasing turbulence and uproar
in Europe, as well as in certain other parts of the world. . . .

I elaborated here on the general situation in
Europe, referring to it as serious and what many would call dangerous. I
remarked that either another war or a deep-seated economic panic would be
utterly destructive of all that is worthwhile in the affairs of the western
world, and yet absolutely nothing in Europe is being done in the way of permanent
planning in the direction of peace and general stability. I said that today
there are probably 4 million wage-earners in Germany engaged in armament
production, who, with their families, comprise 15 to 20 million of the entire
German population of 70 million; that relative numbers in the United States,
Great Britain, Italy, France, and other countries, are likewise engaged; that
within another eighteen months, when the resources of most countries necessary
for further increased armaments are exhausted, it would not be humanly possible
to find other gainful and productive employment for all the millions and
millions and millions of wage-earners now engaged in military production; and
that yet, with the roar of the economic and the military Niagara below, now
within distinct hearing, and with the certain knowledge that the happening of
either catastrophe would be fatal, nations are drifting and drifting and
drifting with no broad or permanent or peaceful planning.

I said that it is in these circumstances that
this country, as stated before, while taking every precaution to keep aloof from
political

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and military involvements abroad, strongly
feels that each civilized country right now has the unshirkable responsibility
of making a real contribution to promote peace and normal international
relationships; that therefore it and the other American nations are behind the
broad economic program and its kindred provisions to which I had referred, and
that naturally we are looking longingly to leading countries in Europe to offer
a similar contribution to peace and economic well-being; that unless they do
awaken and give support to such a program and movement, an economic collapse in
Europe within 18 to 24 months is inevitable.