II. DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATING STOW'S LIFE

1. How Stow began to write History, and quarrelled with Richard
Grafton.

[Amongst John Stow's private papers now bound up in Harley MS. 367
are several disordered fragments (ff. 1–3 and ff. 11, 12) relating to his
controversy with Richard Grafton. For the most part they deal with
alleged errors of Grafton's, and such points as the extent of his debt to
Hall. But f.3, which deals with the beginning of the quarrel, contains
autobiographical matter of a wider interest, and helps to explain the
prefaces printed on pp. lxxvi to lxxix; it is therefore given in full. The
most interesting portion of f. i is given on pp. xi, xii above.]

1563.

Richard Grafton published his first boke, intituled 'An abridgment
of ye cronicles of England', anno 1563. In ye epistle wherof (dedi
cated to ye right honorable lord Robert Dudley &c.), he contemnyth
all ye abrydgments before tyme publyshid, saythe yt therin was contayned lytle trewthe & lesse good order, wt ye vncertaynty of yeres to ye
deceyvynge of all, & vniust dishonoringe of mayny; but in this boke,
quod he, you shall fynd these abusys reformyd, & trewthe more
symply vtteryd &c. This boke thus publyshyd was, not wt stondynge
ye glorios tytle, of moaste men, or rathar of all (except hym selffe)
more myslyked then ye former abridgments of othar.

1564.; 1565.; 1566.

Richard Grafton reprintyd yesame his Abridgment Anno 1564 wt
excuse to ye readers that in ye first imprecion partly by miswritynge,
partly by misentrynge and mystakynge of yeres, but chefly by mysprintinge, divars and sondry fautes wer commytted, whiche (nowe)
aftar he had well parused, he had wt dilygence reformyd and amendyd,
in suche maner as he trustyd would apeare in ye imprecion to ye first
contentaction of all those yt are desyrus to vnderstund ye trew notes
& discorse of tymes &c. This boke beinge little bettar than ye first
(nay rathar worse) was as myche or more of all men myslyked,
thrwghe occasyon wherof mayny sitisens & othars knowynge yt I had
bene a serchar of antiquitis, (whiche were devinite, sorencys, &
poyetrye, but nevar extemyed history wer it offeryd nevar so frely)
movyd me for ye comoditie of my contry somewhat to travaile in
settynge forth some othar abrydgment or somarye, and also to write
agaynst & reprove Richard Grafton. To ye first at ye lengthe
I grauntyd, but to ye othar I vtterly refusyd; about ye same tyme (fn. 1) it
haponyd that Thomas Marche printar requiryd me to corecte ye old
comon abridgment, which at ye first was collectyd of Langwit &
Copar's epitomy, but then moche coruptyd wt oft reprintynge, and
therfore of Richard Grafton so contemnyed as is afore sayd. To this
request I grauntyd on condicion yt some one whiche were bettar
learnyd mowght be ioyned wt me, for yt it was a stody wherin I had
nevar travayled; and for my parte I wolde gyve my labores in that
mattar frely wt out takynge for my paynes ye valew of one peny.
Shortly aftar Thomas Marche apoynted to me William Baldwyn,
mynistar & parson of S. Michels at Powles gate; but or evar we wrote
one word of ye mattar it plesyd God to call ye sayd W. Baldwyn to
his mercy; (fn. 2) wherupon, I thynkynge myselffe dischargyd of my promys
to Thomas Marshe, he nevartheless required me to begyn a letyl, for
he wold shortly apoynt one to be ioynyd wt me, whiche promys as
yet was nevar performed. But I, aftar I had once begone, I cowld
not rest tyll ye same were fully endyd. And then I of myne owne
mynd wente to Grafton's howse, & shewyd hyme my boke, requirynge
hym not to be offendyd wt my doynges for I ment not to gyve eny
suche occasyon. Aftar I had shoyd hym what movyd me to travayle
in that mattar I also shewyd hym his owne abridgment of ye laste
imprecion, whiche I had coatyd in ye margen, wherin he had not only
mysplacyd all moaste all ye yeares of our lord god, but also ye yeres
of ye begynengs & endyngs of all ye kyngs of this realme, and of mayne
kynges had lefte out how longe they severally reygnyd, but in one
place he left out iij kynges togithar, that is to say, Didantius, Detonus,
and Gurguinus, (fn. 3) he dothe not so moche as name them, fo. 6. There
also lakynge Sygebert, who reygnyd iij yeres, fo. 25. When he
comyth to the accompte of ye baylyves, maiors, sheryves of London,
he eythar myse placethe them or levithe them owt, in some place one,
some place ij, iij, iiij, ye v. togither, fo. 66, wt also ye yeres of our
lord, & ye reynes of ye kyngs, & all that was done in those yeres.
For ye folowynge of his awctor one noate shall suffyce. Thomas
Copar saythe yt xxx garmaynes tawght ye abrogation of ye sacraments of ye awltar, baptisme & wedlocke. (fn. 4) fo. 211., and Grafton
saythe they tawght a reformation &c. fo. 42. For ye sterlynge money
he saythe it was coynyd beinge & (fn. 5) ounce of silvar, & it had ye name
eythar of ye bird cawlyd a starre havyng perhaps ye same put in, or
else of a starr in ye element, fo. 94. For ye well placynge of his
mattar in fo. 96 he placethe ye conduyte in Grasious strete to be
buylded by Thomas Knoles in anno 1410, whiche conduyt was
begane to be buylded by ye executors of Sir Thomas Hyll in anno
1490 & finishyd anno 1503. Also in ye same lefe & ye same yere
1410 he saythe K. Henry ye fourthe endyd his lyfe ye 12 yere of his
reigne and was buryed at Canterbery, and then declarethe what was
done in ye 13 and 14 yeres of his reigne, for yt he makythe hym to
raygne ij yeres aftar he was dede and beryed. In folio 154 he
placethe ye deathe of kynge Edward ye 6 aftar ye lady lane, ye aftar
qwene Mary was proclamed, and yeduke of Northombarland aprehendyd. In ye2 yere of qwen Mary & ye 1 of kynge Philype he
saythe ye emperour sent ye Cownty Egmount & othar embassadors
into england to make a parfet conclusyon of maryage bitwene kynge
Philype & qwene Marye. And as thes fewe thynges are placyd, so is
almoste all his whole boke. Ye printar in fo. 97 hathe printyd iiij lynes
twyse togethar &c. Aftar I had thus shewyd my owne boke, & also
Grafton's late abridgment so coatyd as I have partly declaryd, to the
fyrste Richard Grafton sayd he lykyd yesame very well,yt I had bothe
taken great paynes and also desarved great commendacion; for ye
othar he sayd he had folowyd Fabyan, which was a very nowghty
cronycle, and Coper whiche was x. tymes worse, and cursid yetyme
ytevar he had sene Copar's cronycle, for ythad cawsyd bym to comyt
all thos errours, & Copar was not worthy to be accomptyd learnyd;
& then he shewyd me wher Copar had written ij negatyves in on
sentence, which was not ye part of a learnyd man; he addyd forthar:
'I do not'(quod he)' write ij negatives in one sentence; I can tell
how to wryt, I trowe & c.' To be short he gave me thankes, and
professyd his frindshype in eny thynge that lay in hym to do, & so we
partyd. Then aftar I had got my boke pereusyd & lycensyd by
ye wardens of ye Stacionars, I requirid foord [er] my lord of Caunterbery his grace to auctoryze ye same, and then put ye same in print. (fn. 6)
Aftar yecomynge owt wherof, for ytyesame was well vtteryd by
ye printar, & well lyked of in ye comon weale, Grafton began then
to chaffe and dyvysyd wthym selffe, & toke counsell of mayny othars,
whiche way to brynge me out of credyt, and at lengthe toke one of
my bokes namyd yeSummarie of Englysche chronicles, and drew out
ther of (all togithar leavyng his owne abridgment) a smale boke
whiche he printed in desimo sexto, & in ye frontar he entitelythe it,
A manuell of yeChronicles of yeworld tyll anno 1565; to ye redar 1565.
he cawlethe it a brydgyd abridgement, and over ye page of ye leves
cawlethe it a brefe colation of history. This boke he dedicated to his
loveynge frends yemastar & wardens of yecompany of yemoste
excelent arte & science of Imprintynge, reqwestynge them to take
swche ordar wttheyr whole company ytther be no brefe abridgements
or manuels of Chronicles imprintyd, but only that &c. To yeredar
he saythe, I hope ytnone will showe them selves so vngentle, nor so
vnfrindly as to abuse me in this my little labor & goodwill, as of laye
I was abusyd by one ytcounterfeacted my volume & order of ye
abridgment of yechronicles, & hathe made my travayle to passe vnder
his name, (fn. 7) also by omittynge some thynges of myne & worsse put in
place, & by alteracion of some thynges & by addicion of some other,
whiche kynd of dealynge is not comendable &c. Afftar ytI had
viewid this preface & yewhole emanull(six), I havnge also abridged
my summery and cawsed yeto be ready pryated, I made a preface
ther vnto, wher in I aunsweryd (as reson movyd me) Grafton's vntrew
reportyng preface, and dedicatyd my boke (named ye summary of
yeChronacles of England abridgid) to yeryght honorable Sir Richard
Champion lorde maior of yecity of London,yeworshipfull aldarman
&c., in yebiginninge of Anno 1566. Aftar yepublishynge of this my
abrigid sommary Grafton marvelowsly stormyd & cawsyd yemastar
&wardens of yestacionars to threaten Thomas Marche, my pryntar,
&and also to request me to come before them at theyr comon hawle,
wher I should, they sayd, talke wt Grafton face to face; but I comynge
often thythar Grafton allways made excusys, &drave them of from
tyme to tyme &nevar came at them; wherupon yemastar &wardens
desyryd me not to be offendyd, for they wer sory they had trobelyd
me so ofte, but they wold no more trust to Grafton's worde sythe he
had so ofte disapoynted them.

Aftar this in yesame yere 1566 I repryntyd my summary wt
adytions. And then Grafton seythe that neythar his great abridgment
nor his small emanuell were of eny extemyd, he alltogether forsoke
them bothe, & toke my summary of yelast edition laynge that for his
grownd worke, whiche sarvithe hym for ye accompte of yeres, for ye
reuygnes of kyngs for ye names &years of yebayles maiors & shrives
&and also for mayny speciall noates, which by great labour & not wt
Robart Fabyon, Iohn Frosart, Edward Hall, & Thomas Copar, tyll he
had finishid a great volome, whiche he intituled, 'A Chronicle at large
&mere history of yeaffayres of England, and kyngs of yesame,
deduced from ye creacion of ye worlde vnto yefirst hacbitation of thie
Island &c,. On yesecond page he, counterfeitynge my cataloge of
awctors, namethe to yenombar of thre score and odd, the moste
parte wherof were devyns &wrote no matar of history towchynge this
Realm; the othar beinge historigoraphers; to increase his nombar he
resitethe twyse: as in ye letter A. he writethe Antoninus, in ye letter B.
byshope, which is all one &c (fn. 8) Also it is easy to vnderstond Grafton
nevar saw mayny of thos awctors; for profe wherof I saye yt
T. Newton (fn. 9) drewe out of those devyne awctors in the catalog alledgyd
almoste all ye matar conteyned in vi partes of his boke, &mastar
Keyes (fn. 10) of Oxford few ye seventhe part tyll about ye end of Henry
ye second, when the same (being venperfecte) was taken away from
hym by Rychard Grafton, who at his pleasar patched it vp wt his
foure awctors afore namyd, Fabian, Frossard, Hall &Copper, all comon
bokes, tyll ye and of kynge Edward ye 6, and then Mastar G. F (fn. 11)
pennyd ye story of qwene mary, wher Grafton endithe his great
volume. of this great boke I will make no great descourse, but only
by y e way a litle &c.

2. Of Stow's quarrel with his brother Thomas, and how his mother
allered her will.

[From Harley MS. 367, ff. 6, 7. The date is June-October, 1568.
The begining, middle, and end of the story are all missing.]

f. 6 vo; f. 7 ro; f. 7 vo

… I care not what it be. So I sent for ye best ale and bread, and
a cold lege of mutton was put before hir, wherof she eate very hungerly,
and thearfter fell both to butter and to cheese. In the end when we
departyd she promisyd, that as God had placed me to be the principall
of all her children, for that I was the eldyst, she would not conteme
me but confyrme the same, and when eythar man or woman should
go about to persward hir, for the naturall love yt she owght to beare
vnto me she would cry out vpon them, avoyd dyvel. But aftar hir
comynge home, Thomas and his wyfe would nevar suffer hir to rest
tyll she had could them all the talks that had passed betwixt hier and
me. And when her had hard that I lamentyd his beinge matched wt
an harlot, he would never let my mother erst tyll he had foarsyd hir to
break hir will, wher in she had bequethyd me x. li (equall wt all ye
yongar children, except Thomas, whiche had all indede), and to put
me in nothinge at all; but even then she could not get William Eyre,
to whom she had gyven Rowlands house in Fynkes lane, nor Henry
Johnson, whom she had made hir ovarseer, to put theyr hands vnto ye
will except I were at ye least put in x. li., and I was afore. And thus,
seinge no remedy, Thomas put in v. li., and then said he had put in
as it was afore, for theyr pleasure. And so they set theyr handes to
it, (fn. 12) and aftar hard it rede, wherin they found but v. li., and wold have
wt drawne theyr hands agayne, but was to late. And William Eyre
hathe told me synce yt he will take his othe, that lie did beleve that I
had some part in x. li., or elles he wold have nevar set his hand to yt
and offeryd them xl.s., out of his purse to have put out his hand
agayne. Thus was I condemnyd and payd v. pounds (Thomas
beinge his owne bayly, whiche is both agaynst law and reasone) for
namynge Thomas his wyfe an harlot, prevely only to one body (who
knew ye same as well as I); but yf he could so ponysshe all men yt
wyll more openly say so moche, he would sone be rychar then eny
lord maior of London. yt this … ye hym selfe no longe aftar (as he
had done ofttymes before) called her an owld … whores in ye harynge
of all his neyghbours … suche and suche, and namyd a great nomber
of her customers saynge that he had taken hir from ye … and had
thought to have made her a honest woman, but it was past cure,
and therefore he thruste hir out of ye dores. (fn. 13) And aftar yt she being
convayed agayne into ye house through one of ye nebours wyndows,
he bett hir, and threwe hir ageyne into the streat; and all ye neyghbours could not get him to take her in agayne; for he sayd that she
would robe hym to kepe her bastardis, be his deathe as she was her
other husbands, for she styll went to wytchis and sorcerars. Yet
agayne she was conveyed into the house, and at x of ye cloke at nyght
he, being bare leggyd, serchyd and found her cropte in to yejakes
entry, and then fell ageyn a beatynge of hir, so that my mother lyinge
syke on a palet was fayne to crepe vp, and felt about ye chambre for
Thomas his hosyn and shewes; and crept downe ye stayres wt them
as well as she could, and prayd hym to put them on lest he shuld cache
cold. So my mother stode in hir smoke more than an owre entretynge
hym for ye lordes sake to be mo quiet. So yt at this tyme my mother
toke suche a could yt she nevar rose aftar; but he and his wyffe went
to bed and agreyd well i-nowghe. Afftar this Thomas perswadinge
hym selfe y t my mother drew nere hir end causyd hir on S. Iames
evenes eve (fn. 14) to receyve ye communion, wt whome amongst othar he
hymselfe receyved. The ministar of ye parishe, althoughe he were
but a stranger, new come out of ye contry, desyryd to se hir wyll, and
fyndynge therin yt she had geven me, her eldyst sonn, but v. li. and
ye othar children x. li. ye peace, excepte Thomas, to whome she had
geven all hir howsys and goodes, and made hym full and sole executer
he so moche myslyked therof, yt he desyryed to know ye cause, whiche
when by none othar meanes they could excuse, Thomas forcid my
mothar to say that I was very ryche and nedyd no parte of hir goodes;
wherunto ye mynistar answeryd that yf I should be nevar so ryche yet
she must nedes make me equall wt eny othar hir children, or elles
should show hir selfe bothe vnfryndly and vnnaturall, for so moche that
by reason I was ye cheffe and ought to have ye distributyng of all.
Then Thomas cawsyd my mothar to answer yeshe had lyne syke in
yecase yespace almost of vj yeres, in all which tyme I had nevar
come, nor sent to her, allthoughe she had sent to me by all yefrendes
I had, more ovar that I had not axed hir blyssynge in xx yeres; and
that I should say; 'wherefore should I care for her, she had done nothynge
for me' (and of whiche I may not write, but for reverens of nature,
God forgeve hir); (fn. 15) ); and I pray God gyve hym grace to repent ytcaused
hir so myche at that tyme and othar to endanger her owne sowle for
his filthy pleasure; and more over she sayed, ytall most vj yeres
Thomas lyke a good natural child had kept hir to his great charges,
or ytshe mought have starvyd, and she was not able wtall hir goodes
to make hym amendes, yfit were v. tymes more. This talke beinge
all together vntrue (as knoythe God)was allso to this strange ministar
vncredible for ythe required that I should be sent for, which was vterly
denayed. Then he requeryd to know where I dwelt that he mought
go and talke to me, which was allso denayed hym. Wherupon he
refusyd to mynystar the comunion to them, but in yeend they wt
meny glosys perswadyd hym, and so he mynysteryd. The same day
Mystar Rolfe, a priest, who had ma[rried] one of my systars, told me
that he had often tymes parswadyd wtmy mother to set thynges in
a bettar ordar, and not to gyve all to me and nawght to yeother &c.
And(as he said)she always had hym hold his peace, or else speake
softly, for hir sonnes wyfe was in one cornar or othar harkenynge, and
she should have a lyffe x. tymes worse than deathe yfThomas or his
what I would, but as they wyll, excepte yelorde rayse me that I may
go abrode, and then I wyll vndo that I have done, and do yt whiche
shall pleas bothe God and ye worlde, but two worthe that wicked woman
(meaninge Thomas his wyffe) for she wyll be my deathe; (the lyke
awnswer she mad to hir brothar, her systar, her cosyn Cutlar, Henry
Iohnson, and many othars). Also this Mystar Rolfe told me that my
mothar that day should receyve yecommunyon, for she had sent for this
wyfe to receyve wther,and so we partyd. And I consyderyd my selfe
ytit was tyme for me to atempte some way to speake agayne wtmy
mothar, thought it not good that day to do eny thynge. But on Ye
morow, beinge Seint Iames even (fn. 16) in ye afternoon I sent my wyffe wt
a pot of creme and an othar of strawberys; but ye present beinge no
betar she was kept out wt great threats. Wherupon (as I commaundyd
hir) she sayd to Thomas: 'why, brothar, are you ye same man ye ye
wer wont to be? I had thought ye had bene changyd, become a new
man. how dyd yow receyve ye communyon yesterday?' Then he
swar wt byttar othes, and sayd: 'how dost thou know yt? by God
sowle, thou art a witche, and knowst it by witchcraft.' And she
answeryd agayne: 'Nay, I know it not by witchecraft.' 'Yes, by
God's sowle,' quod he, 'thou knowyst it by witchecraft, or else that
false knave, thy husbond, hathe coniurid for it; but I wyll make the
vyllayn be handelyed for it, or it shall cost me an hunderyd poundes.
I will make all ye world to know what artes he practysythe; and get
ye out of my dores, or by peter, I will lay the at my fete.' Wherupon
my wyfe returnyd, and tould me. In ye morows morninge, beynge
seynt Iames daye, (fn. 17) I went to my mother's paryshe chirche, and
inqueryd for ye parson. Wher it was aunsweryd me that he servyd
not ther, but had put in a mynystar. So I taryenge in ye chirche,
tyll the mynystar came at vij of ye cloke, and sayd vnto hym: 'I vnderstond ye mynisteryd to my mothar but ij days passyd.' The whiche he
confessyd, and told me all that is afore sayd of ye talke betwixt my
mother and hym, and how that he perseyvyd my mother durst not
speake one word but as Thomas bad her; and yt agaynst his conscience he mynestred to them; moreover he promysyd, when so evar
I would, to go wt me to my mother. But on the morow morninge ye
same curat (fn. 18). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . be the furnacis and ye facis I told you of. And then
Thomas put ye great boke of lese (fn. 19) then one quyer of papar, bygar
then ye great byble, into the poket of his hose, tryomphinge and
swarynge as afore. But mystar Wyntrap (fn. 20) wt myche ado gat ye boke
agayne from hym, aftar that he had whisperyd a lyttle. For then
Thomas his great heat was alayed, and he was bothe could and quiet.
This boke, beinge compilyd by Thomas Norton, (fn. 21) in short vearse, of ye
alteracion of certayn mettaylles, I desyryd Mst' Wyntrap to show to
some learnyd man for my discharge, as to ye byshope, deane, or arch
deacon, Mystar Foxe, (fn. 22) or Mystar Whithed, (fn. 23) which last Thomas vtarly
denayed to be judge, for, say the he, he is one that practysethe ye same
arte. Thomas, havynge his purpos of ye byll, which he rent in pecis
and burnyd, sent for a pynt of ale, and causyd me to drynke, and
bothe professyd frindshype and sorowe for his doynges passyd. And
my mothar sayd: 'the lord be praysed, for now my children yt were
dead ar alyve agayne.' After this tyme I repayryd dayly to my
mothar durynge hir lyfe, whiche was not longe, and allways awaytynge
to speake wt hir in secret. one tyme I had longe taryed thar,
she cried out, as she dyd allwayes (when I was there) 'Ye lorde send
me some drynke. O ! that I had some kynd of drynke, what some
evar it were.' And at ye last she sayd to Thomas his wyfe: 'Dowghter,
for ye lordes sake gyve me some drynke.' Wherunto after many
suche callyngs she answeryd: 'I cannot tell what drynke I should gyve
you, for yffe I seche eny of owre owne drynke ye wyll not lyke it.'
'Yes, dowghter, yes,' quod she, 'ye lorde knows I would fayne have
some drynke.' And then she fetchinge halfe a pynt of small drynke
(beare as I supose) my mother sayd: 'good dowghter, for ye lordes
sake loke in my cobard for a lytle gyngar, and put into it.' Whiche
she dyd. Then my mother desyryed hir to warme it a lytle. Whiche
she dyd, and went into ye kitchin whiche was iij romes of, for ye ther
was no fyer in ye thoughe it were at Mychelmas. Then
I sayd to my mothar in this sort folowynge: 'Mothar, yow know that
I and my brothar Thomas ar now become professars of frindshype,
and I shall desyre yow for Gods sake so to do towards us yeye frindshipe professyd may become perfecte and vnfaynyd; yow know yt for
one word whiche I spake to yow in secret, whiche ye promysyd not to
open, he hathe made yow put v.li. out of yowr wyll, whiche yow had
gyven me … (fn. 24) is but a small mattar in comparison of yt he hathe
deceyvyd me in othar ways…pray yow to consyder yt it must nedes
offend me moche to pay v. pound for spekynge a word secretly, & in
ye way of… fryndshype lamentyng his… estate, and yf ye wyll not
be good to me for ye love ye ought to beare to… pore fathar your
husbond, nor for ye love you ought to beare to me your naturall sonne
& yowr fyrst, yet I pray yow to consydar yt I wax old & dekay in myn
occupation, & yt I have a great charge of children, and a wyfe yt can
neythar get nor save, & be good to me for theyr sakes. Ye,
yf ye wyll not be good to me for all thes cawsys afore shewyd,
yet be good to me for Thomas his sake, yt we maye by that meanes
contynue, & encrease in fryndshype. I crave no more but to
be put in ye v. li. agayne, and so to be made equall wt the rest
of yowr children, yt be moste inferiour, and not to make me
an inferior vnto them. And Thomas hym selfe, yf he beare eny
frindshype at all towards me, or enithinge regard his owne quietnes,
he would rather of his owne parte spare xx. pound, than to let me
lake that v. pound; for he knowythe yt I must evar while I lyve
grudge to pay so deare for so small an errour. I pray you to consydar
how you shall pleas God to make peace & vnity amonge yowr chyldren'. And then I red vnto her ye 133 psalme, whiche I had writen,
& would have lefte it wt her, but she would not take it. Then
I desyryd hir to cawse hir sonn Thomas to read it, whiche she sayd
she daryd not do. Ye psalme beginithe thus: 'behold how plesaunt
and how ioyfull a thynge it is bretherne to dwell together & to be of
one mynd &c.' And this is a spesyall note to be markyd; all the
tyme yt I was thus talkynge wt hir, to breake me of my talke she lay
as she had bene more afearyd then of deathe, lest hir sonn Thomas or
his wyffe shuld here eny of our talke. And styll she cryed to me:
'Peace, she comyth; speake softly; she is on ye stayres harkenynge
&c.' And at ye last made me this answer: 'I trust have done,
& they shall. not know of it; but excepte ye lord rayse me I can do
no thinge for I dare not speake for my lyfe, this wykyd woman (wo
worthe hir) wyll be my deathe &c.' Also myn vnkle, & my mothar's
brother, contynually perswadyd my mothar from mayny thyngs, as
from ye gyvynge an house to a servynge man (who was not kyne to
eny of our kyne) and ye rest of hir howsys & goods to hir sonne
Thomas from me and ye rest of hir children &c. And she would all
ways yeld to her brothar & promes to do aftar his counsell; but as
sone as he was gone she was worse than afore, so yt myn vnkell would
come to me, and wtwepynge byttarly parswad me to take all things
paciently for yt ther was no remandy, he had don what he could, &
would do as longe as she lyvyd, but it would not helpe for she was
bywitchid to the sayd Will. Eyre and Thomas Stowe. The greffe
wherof was suche to my pore vnkle, yt it shortenyd his lyfe. Moreovar Henry Johnson, hearynge moche talke whiche he lykyd not, for
yt my mothar had made hym ovarseer of hir last wyll, on a tyme…
my mothar alone, he knelynge by her bed sayd yt he had many evyll
words of her doynges, and all men cried out on hym for yt he beinge
great wt hir gave hir not bettar counsell (whiche fore tyme he dyd,
but all prevaylyd not): 'Mystris Stow,' quod he, 'ye have made
Willyam Eyar one of yowr children, for ye have gyven hym an howse;
it had bene more mete to have gyven it to your sonn Iohn Stowe, to
whom, as I have learnyed, ye nevar gave ye valewe of one peny, and
now yow had gyven hym but x. pound, and ye have throwghe your
sonn Thomas put out v. pound of that, and ye have made your sonne
Thomas the … twayne, who hathe bene a deare child to yow, &
allwayse spent yow moche money. I praye… to put in ye v. pounds
agayne & make your sonn Iohn Stowe x. pound as he was afore.'
Vnto whiche she answeryd yt she cowld not put in one peny, for she
had it not. Wherupon Henry Iohnson sayd; 'Mystris Stowe, every
man cane tell me yt yow could gyve your sonne Thomas xx. pounds
to renne away wt an othar mans wyffe, and wyll yow now say ye are
not able to gyve Iohn Stowe x. pound &c.' All this talke my mothar
told aftarward to Thomas and his wyfe. And he on ye morow,
being ye Sonday aftar Barthlmew day, sent for me, and when I cam
at my mothars, he sat hym doune on the one syd of my mothar, & his
wyfe on ye othar; and I, standynge as a prisonar, he examinyd me as
yf he had bene a Iustice, and chargyd me yt I should set Henry
Iohnson to have that talke afore sayd wt my mothar; whiche I uttarly
denayed, as well I mowght, for yt was ye first tyme yt evar I had hard
yt Henry Iohnson had bene so playn wt her. Amonst many fowl
words and great threats of Thomas towards me he sayd: 'Mothar,
every body grutchid at yt which ye have; breake yowr wyll and make
a new, & gyve them ynowghe; ye may gyve them what yow wyll, but
yf I pay one peny, I forsake God; Gods sowle, have ye eny more then
ye cowche ye ly on, and who wyll gyve xl.s. for it. How say you,
have ye eny? yf ye have eny, speake.' Wherunto she answeryd:
'No, sonne. It is true I have no more.' 'No, by Gods sowle,' quod
he, 'nor all that nothar, for ye kyveringe (whiche was but frise) is
Mege Fyne (I had lent her money on it); every body thynkythe that
ye have gyven me myche, whereas ye have gyven me nothynge at all
to speke of, and it is not worthe "god have mercy" (fn. 25); and yf my mothar
had gyven me this howse throwly well furnyshyd to me and myn eyrs
for evar, and an hundrend pound or twayne of redy money, it had
bene worthe "god have marci", but yf evar I say "god have marcy"
for this, I forsake God & gyve my selfe to ye divell, body and sowle.'
Then sayd his wyfe: 'I wyll nevar say "god have marcy" for this
house and all that is in it, for we have but howse and have loade, &
I would not wash hir shiten clowts to have it. I forsake God, yf I have
not washyd x. buks of shitten clowts that she hathe shytten.' Wherunto my mothar answeryd: 'Ye, dowghter, ye lord reward you; I
have gyven yow all that I have, and wold it war an hunderyd pound
bettar for yow.' (fn. 26) [Aftar I was departyd from my mothar, remembrynge
yt Richard Brison, a fyshermonger, who stayed Thomas & Richard
Kemps (fn. 27) wyfe when they were rennynge away into Flandars, lay at ye
marci of god, & ytye bell had told for hym, I toke ij of our neyghbours & went to the sayd fyshemongar, & tould hym how I had that
day bene chargyd and threatenyd by Thomas Stow, for that I should
(as he sayd) set Henry Iohnson to speak the thynges afore sayd to my
mothar. Wherupon ye sayd fyshemonger.] My mothar deceasyed
a fortnyght aftar mikellmas Anno 1568, and ye morow aftar hir buryall,
whiche was sattardaye, (fn. 28) I met Thomas Stowe, my systar Iohn (fn. 29) 'Rolf
allias Froyke, (fn. 30) and Henry Iohnson at leden hall. So we went to ye
mayden hed, and dranke a pynt of wyne or twayne. At whiche tyme
Henry Iohnson sayd to Thomas: 'I pray you be good to your brothar
Iohn. Consyder he your eldar… (fn. 31)

3. Of Willyam Ditcher alias Teleforde.

[This is the draft of a petition, addressed apparently to the Alderman
of the Ward, perhaps in June, 1569; since Stow was still in business it
cannot have been much later. See p. xxxiii. Harley MS. 367, f. 5.]

Pleasethe it your worshipe to vndarstond how your pore orator Iohn
Stowe, hathe of late bene more then to to mutche abusyd by one
William Ditcher alias Tetforde, and his wyfe. The proces whereof is
to longe to write, but briefly to tuche some parte thereof.

In primis. At Christmas last past the same W. being by the wardemote inqweste forbiden to set his frame with fetharbends in the strete
sayd vnto them that the sayde Iohn had complayned on hym, where
vnto the forman aunsweryd that he was deceyved, for the sayd Iohn
had spoke no word of it. This notwithstandynge when the sayd
Iohn went toward his owne house the same W. and his wyffe rayled
at hym, first as he passyd by them, and aftar at his owne dore to
shamefull and slaunderous to be spoken & hard.

Itm. When the Wardemote enqwest had gyven vp theyr endenture,
the same W. dyd arest the sayd Iohn of ij C. pound action, where
vnto the sayd Iohn put in surties to aunswer.

Itm. On the next morninge ye same W. & his wife before the
stawll of the sayd Iohn rayled agaynst hym more then a longe
howre wt ye moaste slaunderous speches that man or devell cowld
devyse, but the sayd Iohn to avoyd the breache of peace kepte hym
selfe above in his house wt out eny aunswere makynge.

Itm. iij nightes after the same W. causyd his landlorde, Master
Ritche, to intreat the sayde Iohn to forgyve the same W., and to
gyve hym leave to withdraw his action; where vnto the sayde Iohn
graunted wt conditions to have his costs and that ye same W. shuld
justifie the talke which he at that tyme vsed, that is, that he had bene
procuryd by Thomas Stowe to do all what so evar agaynst ye sayd
John Stowe.

Itm. The same W. contrary to his promis made and hand gyven,
denayethe to all men that evar he was procuryd by the fore namyd
Thomas Stowe to do or say eny thinge agaynste the sayde Iohn
Stowe. And also moaste slaunderowsly saythe that the sayde Iohn
was fayne to intreat Mastar Ritche to take vp the matar, or eles the
same William would have coersed the sayde Iohn, before he would
hav wt drawne his accion.

Itm. The same W. hath not payde one peny to ye sayd Iohn
towards his charges.

Itm. The same W. continually thretinithe to do such notable acts
of displeasure agaynst the sayd Iohn as the lyke hathe nevar bene
done to eny man, and that all England shall speake of it, and of this
he hathe assurid his frind Thomas Stowe, where of he greatly
braggethe.

Itm The same W. slaunderowsly hathe reportyd to the parson of
ye parishe, and deputy of the warde, as to all othar he comithe in
company wt, that ther comithe none but Roages and Rascalls, the
vylest in this land to the howse of the sayde Iohn, which Rascalls &
Roages have hym from ale house to ale howse every day and night
till ij of the cloke in the morninge.

Itm. The same W. comonly and dayly Raylynge on the sayde
Iohn callyth hym prike lowse knave, beggarly knave, Rascall knave,
vyllayne and lyenge knave, addinge more ovar that the sayd Iohn
hathe made a cronicle of lyes &c.

Itm. The same W. often tymes calendginge to fight wt ye sayd
Iohn, one tyme sodaynly lept in his face, foarcyd to have dygged out
his eyes, fowly scrate hym by the face, drew blod on hym, and was
pullyd of by the neyghbours.

Itm. For that the same W. cannot get his apretises & other servants
to fight wt the aprentice of the sayde Iohn, he hym selfe on the 24 of
May last past threw tyllshardes and othar stones at the sayd aprentis
tyll he had driven hym of the stawll from his worke; and then the
same W. cam to the stawll of the syde Iohn, and ther thretened that
yf he cowld catche the sayd aprentice abrode he would coarce hym, he
wowld provyd for hym, and he wowld accuse hym to have kyllid the
man on the Miles end in whitson weke &c.

Itm. The 9 of Iune at x. of ye cloke in the night the same W.
callid ye sayd Iohn comon promotor, comon barrator, comon dronkard,
Rascall vyllayne &c.; and sayde more ovar he wowld make hym to be
cartyd owt of the towne for such a one &c.

Itm. At that tyme he also sayde, as he hath done dyvars othar
tymes, that the wyfe of the sayde Iohn had two children by one man
before she was maried, to the great slaunder of the sayde Iohn, his
wyfe, and hinderaunce of theyr children, iij dowghters mariageable and
in sarvyce wt Right worshipfull parsonages.

Itm. On the x. of Iune the same W. cawsyd William Snelynge at
that tyme beinge dronken to come to the stawlle of the sayd Iohn, and
there to cawle hym by suche a name as hym selfe far bettar deserved.

Itm. The xi of Iune the same W., Raylynge at the sayde Iohn,
sayde that he was the falsest man in England, and thretenyd to coerse
hym yf he cowlde get hym owt of hys dores, callendgynge hym oft
tymes to come owt yf he durst &c. All this he dyde in presence of
Mastar Fostar one of the lord maior's officers.

4. A Dispute over a Bill.

[This is a rough memorandum preserved in Harley MS. 247, f. 209,
presumably drawn up by Stow, when Crowche took him into court.
Crowche may be the Michael Crowche who was churchwarden of
St. Michael, Cornhill, 1574.]

1576. Somewhat before Christmas Mst.' Crowche sent vnto me
a bill contaynynge parcels to the sume of vs. id., vs. whereof I payde to
Iohan his mayde on Christmas evene next folowinge, and sayde
I would be his debtor of the odd peny. Where vnto she aunswered
and sayde: 'I pray yow to be our debtor of goodwill, and be not
angry that I sent for so small a some, for other wyse ye are even with
my master, and owe him nothinge.

1577. After this more then halfe a yere, to wite iij or iiij dayes
before bartylmew tyde, Mst' Crowche sent me to bylls in one, the first
contaynynge parcells to the some of viis. id. due on the xv of Iune
1576, the othar vs. id. due (and confessyd to be payde) at Christmas
next folowynge in the same yere.

Aftar the recept whereof, to wit on bartilmew day, I met with Iohan
his mayd nere to the wrestelyng place, where I demaundyd of hir
what hir master meant to send me suche a bille for money which I had
payde. She aunswered: 'Alas I Mst.' Stowe, ye must make smale
accompte of my mastar's doinges now, for his heade is intoxicate; he
hath maried a wife for Riches, but he had done bettar to have maried
a pore wench.'

Sens this tyme Mst. Crowche, metynge me in the strete hath
sayd: 'When shall we reoon' ? (sic). Whereunto I have aunswered:
'When ye will: ye demaund of me money, which I have payde longe
sence.' 'Well,' quod he, 'I fynd it in my boke, and I will warne you
to the corte of conscience.' (fn. 32) Quod I: 'Rathar name to honest indiferent
men to here the mattar, and as they shall iudge I will be content.'
'Say you so,' quod he, 'Well one of thes dayes we wyll drynke a
qwart of wyne and make an ende of it.' But then have I hard no
more of it in one whole yere aftar. The last tyme he spake to me
therof was about Eastar last, when he came home to my howse, where
we agreyd that Mastar Rickford, his ovarwarte neyghbour, whom he
named, shold here and ende the mattar on the Twesday next folowinge;
but I gyvynge myn attendaunce that Twesday, I hard no more of it tyll
thursday last that I was warned to the [co] rtes, which I take to be no
good dealinge towardes me.

5. The Aleconners' Complaint of a disordered Tippler and Unworthy
Constable in Castle Baynard Ward in 1584–5.

[This document (Harley MS. 367, f. 4) is in Stow's writing, and since
it is written in the first person, is composed in his manner, and found
amongst his private papers, it is not unreasonable to suppose that he was
personally concerned. If there is no proof that he was one of the
surveyors, there is also nothing to show why he should have taken any
interest in the matter if he were not.]

In primis. On Wednesday ye 21 of October anno 1584, survayenge
the ward of Castle Baynard we found in the house of Iocelyne Turnar,
typlar, his gests to be served by vnlawfull measure. Whereupon we
gave charge to such of the howse as were then present, that they
shuld from thens forthe sell no more sortes of ale & bere but twayne,
to wite doble and single, the best for a peny the qwarte, the smale
for a peny the potle, by sealed measures and not othar wyse, which
charge they promysed to observe in presence of a conystable and the
bedle of that warde.

Itm. On friday the 9 of July 1585, agayne surveyenge the same
ward of Castle baynard we found in dyvers places ale to be sold in
stone pottes and bottles conteyning the pece not a full ale qwarte
for 3d., but the offendars promysynge reformation, delt the more
favorably with them, as we can shew by writynge, when tyme shall
serve; seven barells of beare we have sent into Christs Hospitall, &
wold ere this have sent as many more had not bene the late interruption of Iocelyne Turnar, & and his vnlawfull supportars, of the same
Castle baynard warde. Into this house of this Iocelyne Turnar we
enterid on the day above named, wt one Iohn Topalie constable;
where callynge for a bottle of ale we were promysed it; but the conystable perswadynge vs that ther was no bottle ale to be solde, we went
farthere into the house, where Turnar's wyfe was, and there vsed suche
speeches that she forthwith loked the dore, where hir bottles were, and
sayd to vs she had none, whiche speeche of hers the conystable affermyd
to be trewe. Then Mastar Symson requerynge her to open the dore which
she had locked, she aunswered she woulde not; and we demaundynge
to speke with her husbond she sayd he was not within. Then willinge the conystable to loke further into the house for hym, he aunsweryd he would do nothing without warrant vnder my lord maiors
hand, for he knew no authority we had, and therefore willed us to
loke we ded no more then we mowght well aunswer, for the goodman
of the house would put vs to it. At lengthe ye sayd Iocelyne Turnar,
beinge amongst vs and vnknown to vs, he sayd: 'I am he, ye seke
for. What would you?' We told hym it was reported he sold bottle
ale contrary to ordar, which he denyed not, but seyd he ded as othar
men ded. Whereunto we answered we had reformed some and
wanted to reforme the rest. We told hym how his wyfe had denyed
to have eny bottle ale, how she had locked vp the dore, and denyed
the openynge there of, which was a resystance &c. Quod he: 'I will
not aunswer for my wyfe, nor eny othar then for my selfe; and I had
nevar warninge to reforme thos things ye myslyke of.'The conystable also affirded the same with many stowte words. In the end
Ioscelyne Turnar opened the dore whiche his wyfe had locked, where
we found a 60 pottes and bottles filled with ale, where of we measured
one which the wyfe sayd was thre farthinges, and found it not to contayne a full pint of sealed measure. Where vpon Mystar Coad sayd:
'this is inowghe to forfaite all ye ale in yowr house.' We then takyng
Iocelyn Turnar asyde willed him to reforme, and sell no more suche
vnlawfull measure, which charge he promysed to observe, but would
graunt none amends for the fawlt passed. 'Loke, (quod he), what
yowr authoritie will serve yow to, and spare me not. I will not resiste
yow.' Where vpon we departed with Browne, an officer to the
L. maior, & Payne, Ye bedle, who are witnesses that this was the
effecte of that days dowynge in that place.

Itm. On Monday the 12 of July we cam agayne to Iocelyne
Turnar, and demaundyd of hym, yf he yet would be conformable, and
what beare he would send into Christe hospitall for trespase comytted,
whose aunswere was that he had not offended nor would make satisfaction, but willed vs agayne to vse our authoritie so far as we would
aunswere it, demaundinge whethar the same were by parlyament or by
statute. Where vnto we aunswered it was by act of comon counsayle,
whereat he made a pufe. Aftar many words vsed by us to perswade
hym Topelye, ye conystable, vncalled for cam out of the innar parte of
the house with a brewar, as was sayde; this conistable with vehement
words charged vs with offeringe wronge to the sayd brewar, for that we
had nevar gyven hym warning; addyng that they lyed, that sayd
they had gyven eny warninge there, and tellynge Master Symson
that he lyed thoward hym. Where vpon Mastar Eliot, barynge his
right hand on Toplye left showlder, sayd: 'Ye, mystar conystable, is
that well sayd of yow, beinge an officer to gyve a man the lye? I had
letle thought to have hard such a worde of your mowthe.' 'What !'
(quod Toplye), 'dost thou stryke me?' 'I stryke yow?' quod Mastar
Eliot, 'Wherefore should I stryke yow?' 'Why,'quod Toplye,
'I fele myn eare smart yet.' William Lathe, officer to my L. maior,
and Payne, the bedle, are witnesses to this.

Thus and othar wayes beinge there abused, we departed thens, and
aftar declared to my L. maior, and courte of aldarmen, how we had
bene delt with, cravynge to have his honor and theyr worships ayde in
this case, or els to be discharged of owr trowblesome offyce. Where
vpon my L. maior and cowrte by warrant comytted the sayd disordered
typlar, and vnworthy constable to ward. But by meanes of such as
neythar hard or saw, nor inquired aftar the lewde demeanor of them,
they were forthe with delyvered, and evar sence have bene stowtly
suported with great threates agaynst vs, whereof we are to crave
remedy in this courte.

6. A Petition for a Pension.

[In Harley MS. 367, ff. 8, 9, there are two drafts of petitions to the
Lord Mayor and Aldermen. In the first Stow says that it was 'almost
thirty years', in the second 'twenty-five years' since he set forth his
Summary. But from the first it appears that Stow was sixty-four years
of age, and from the latter that the Annales were in preparation. This
seems to fix them to a common date in the earlier part of 1590. Perhaps
the drafts were alternatives. The second draft has been printed already
by Strype in his Life of Stow, prefixed to the Survey, i, p. vii, but with
his own orthography.]

Pleasethe it your honor and worships to vndarstond that where
your orator Iohn Stowe citizen &c., beinge now of the age of threescore yeres fowre, hathe for the space of almost xxx yeres last past
(besyds his Chronicles dedicated to the Earle of Lecestar) set forth
divars somaries dedicated to the lord maiors, his brithren thaldarmen,
and comoners of the Citie. In all whiche he hathe specially noated
the memorable actes of famows Citizens by them done to the greate
benefite of the comon welthe, and honor of the same Citie. As also
(in showynge themselves thankefull vnto God for his blessynges) have
left a godly example to the posteritie by them to be embrasid and
Imitatid. And for as moche as the travayle to many places for
searche of sondry records, whereby the veritie of thinges may come to
lyght, cannot but be chargeable to the sayde Iohn more then his
habilitie can aforde, he now craveth your honor and worships ayde as
in consideracion of the premises to bestowe on hym some yere pention
or othar wyse, whereby he may reape somewhat towards his greate
charges. And your orator according to his bounden dutie shall here
aftar, God willinge, employ his diligent labor to the honor of this citie
and comoditie of the Citizens there of, but also dayly pray for your
honor and worships prosperitie during lyfe.

Pleasethe it your honor and worships to vnderstond that where yowr
orator John Stowe, Citizen of this Citie, hathe heretofore, (to wite for
the space of these 25 yere last past) besydes his Chronicle, dedicated
to the right honorable the earle of Leicestar, set forthe dyvers summaries dedicate to the lorde maior, his brithren the aldarmen, and
comoners of this Citie: In all which he hathe specially noated the
memorable actes of famous citizens, by them done to the greate benefite
of the comon welthe, and honor of the same Citie, as also in shewinge
themselves thankfull vnto God, have lefte a godly example by the
posteritie to be imbrasid and ymitated. In consideration where of the
sayke Iohn Stowe mindithe shortly, yf God so permite, to set forthe
a farr larger somary or chronicle of this Citie and Citizens there of,
then heretofore hath bene published. And for as moche as the searche
of records in the Arches and elsewhere, cannot but be chargable to
the sayd Iohn, as heretofore for many yeres it hathe bene altogethar
of his owne charges, besids his other travayls and studie, he now
humbly cravithe your honors and worships ayde. As in consyderation
of the premises to bestowe on hym the benefite of two fre men, such
as yowre honor and worships shall lyke to be admitted into the fredome of this Citie, whereby he may reape somewhat towards his
Charges &c. And yowr orator shall dayly pray for yowre honors and
worships prosperitie during lyfe.

7. Royal Benevolence.

[From a printed copy of James I's Declaration of his royal benevolence,
in pursuance of his Letters Patent, ap. Harley MS. 367, f. 10, where there
is a note of 7s. 10d. received from S. Mary Woolnoth parishioners. The
Declaration has been printed by Strype, and by Thoms in his edition
of the Survey, p. xi. The Letters Patent are given by Strype, Survey,
i, pp. xii, xiii.]

Iames, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France
and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. To all our well-beloued
subjects greeting.

Whereas our louing subiect Iohn Stowe (a very aged and worthy
member of our city of London) this fiue and forty yeers hath to his
great charge, and with neglect of his ordinary meanes of maintenance,
(for the generall good, as well of posteritie as of the present age),
compiled and published diuerse necessary bookes, and Chronicles;
and therefore we in recompense of these his painfull laboures, and
for encouragement to the like, haue in our royall inclination ben
pleased to graunt our Letters Pattents, vnder our great seale of England, dated the eighth of March 1603, thereby authorizing him, the
sayd Iohn Stowe, and his deputies to collect amongst our louing
subjects theyr voluntary contribution and kinde gratuities: as by the
sayd Letters Patents more at large may appeare: Now, seeing that
our sayd Patents (being but one in themselues), cannot be shewed
forth in diuerse places or parishes at once (as the occasions of his
speedy putting them in execution may require), we haue therefore
thought expedient in this vnusuall manner, to recommend his cause
vnto you; hauing already, in our owne person, and of our speciall
grace, begun the largesse for the example of others. Giuen at our
palace at Westminster.

10. Thomas Caius or Keyes (d. 1572) who was Master of University
College, Oxford, 1561–72. See Dict. Nat. Biog., viii. 225. The association of Newton and Caius with Grafton does not appear to be elsewhere
noted.

11. George Ferrers, the Poet. in his Annales (p. 1070, ed. 1605) Stow
writes of the loss of Calais; 'Whereof Master George Ferrers hath
written at large, for he collected the whole history of Queene Mary as the
same is set downe vnder the name of Richard Grafton.'

12. On 27 June. Compare the extracts from the will on pp. xliv, xlv above.

13. The MS. is damaged, and several words marked by blanks above
cannot be deciphered.

23. The association with Foxe makes it likely that this is David Whitehead (1492–1571), the Puritan divine. In Bernard's Catalogus MSS.
Angliae i. 332, a translation of Riplay's Medulla Alchywriae (ap. Ashmole
Ms. 1480, III, B. 6) is attributed to 'David Whitehead, doctor of physicke';
but in the MS. the ascription is merely to D.W (Black, cap of
Ashmolean MSS., p. 1319). See Dict. Nat. Biog., lxi. 96–8.