This study aims to clarify whether children can adhere to so-called definiteness restriction of DP in there-construction focusing on observation of natural production data. Due to little occurrence of utterance violating definiteness restriction in the adult input, children have to rely on indirect negative evidence where adults never violate definiteness restriction. According to my observation of the CHILDES corpus (MacWhinney 2000), children’s production data of there-construction are all in accordance with this rule. Results of this study show that this is a clear example of indirect negative evidence accessible to children as generative grammar has ever expected.