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Tuesday, October 29, 2013

The essay that follows was an original draft of an essay on 'The Democratic Mixed Economy' - written for “Turning Left or Right – Values in Modern Politics”: a book edited by Carlo Carli, Tim Wilson and Paul Collits, and published by Connor Court. That essay was very significantly cut back to provide something more concise; so I am hoping readers may get some idea of the intentions of the original draft.

But firstly – the abstract below is an account of that book, and I urge readers to consider purchasing it; The “Democratic Mixed Economy” essay follows:

Democracy is about choice. But today it can appear to be a choice between personalities as major political parties squabble over different shades of the same policy. Is the great political contest of ideas over? Or are the divisions less obvious than they once were?

How does the left balance competing ideas like free speech and avoiding offence? Why do classical liberals want to abolish the ABC and Australian Institute of Sport? And where do the left, liberals and conservatives agree, and why?

Turning left or right asks these questions, breaks through the wall of sound bites and explores how century-old political philosophies connect to practical policy for the 21st Century.

Each chapter includes three essays from some of Australia’s most engaged political thinkers who explore contemporary policy issues, find the dividing lines and reinject values and ideas. Importantly, every author’s essay provides insight into the solutions they think are needed to make Australia a better country for future generations.

The Left has had an often ambiguous relationship with the State when it came to matters of political economy. Marxists sought centralisation of industry in the hands of the State under socialism en route to ‘stateless communism’. Yet there were those among them who believed that under capitalism the ruling classes would never allow socialisation of any form to progress beyond what was necessary to protect their own economic interests. In the Marxist view the state was not seen as an impartial arbiter between civic interests nor as a ‘neutral’ vehicle for the common good. Marxist views of the state as a vehicle for specific class interests contrasted with the socialism of Ferdinand Lassalle – the German socialist who – after the German philosopher Hegel – saw the State as a vehicle for reconciliation and ‘the universal interest’. And both Lassalle and Marx were at odds with libertarian anarchists such as Proudhon who saw in the co-operative movement the potential to transcend capitalism without the trappings of the State.

In the 20th Century, however, Greek Marxist Nicos Poulantzas was to suggest that states themselves could be marked by internal contradiction due to the logic of class conflict. This went both beyond liberal notions of a ‘neutral’ state and beyond orthodox Marxist notions that state apparatuses under capitalism by their nature served only narrow bourgeois interests. From this it follows that contested states could advance working class and civic interests even under capitalism depending on the balance of class forces. It is on this basis that this author intends to argue that a ‘historic compromise’ is possible in the form of a ‘democratic mixed economy’. Universal suffrage is one potential basis for working class power – and affects the ‘balance of class forces’ - but is best utilised under circumstances of high social democratic and class consciousness and organisation.

Regardless of all this, however, in the course of the twentieth century progressive liberals and socialists alike became associated with ideas of (relatively) ‘big government’ – of a progressive public sector and social wage. Successive World Wars had demonstrated the potential of central economic planning; indeed of ‘state capitalism’. And classical economic liberalism stood discredited by the experience of Depression. This lent a degree of prestige to social democracy and its ambitions of strong welfare states, and an advancing public sector. Much of the world adopted a Keynesian approach involving a key role for the state sector in bringing forward public works: stimulating aggregate demand to counter cyclical downturns. This also required higher (often progressive) taxes – in order to source public investments and service debt. As opposed to the classical economic liberals and Austrian School economists, for the Keynesians there was no natural ‘equilibrium’ – achieved through the winding back of so-called ‘distortions’ such as tax, the public sector, labour market regulation and so on. The classical Keynesian economy was ‘mixed’ – but as yet not democratic – in the sense of delivering true popular control.

In Sweden especially Rudolf Meidner and Gosta Rehn developed an approach to economic management involving full employment, growth, high incomes and the containment of inflation. In Sweden security and growth went hand in hand as a steadily expanding welfare state developed alongside one of Europe’s most robust economies. Strong industry policies aimed to create high wage jobs in the place of unviable industries which could not survive without cheap labour. Full employment was accepted by both employers and employees as part of the Swedish ‘historic compromise’. This was opposed to the previous reality: of capitalism founded on insecurity – with a ‘reserve army of labour’ resulting in ‘labour market discipline’ – but at great economic and social cost.

Swedish social democracy was to advance steadily for decades – achieving ‘political citizenship’ (through universal suffrage) and ‘social citizenship’ (through the welfare state): and finally attempting to achieve a regime of “economic citizenship” through innovative measures of economic democratisation and socialisation. But Sweden’s march forward was brought to a halt over the issue of Meidner wage earner funds. Through these funds, Rudolf Meidner and the powerful unions who promoted the cause sought to compensate Swedish workers for past wage restraint – which had resulted in ‘super profits’ and concentration of ownership – by according to them collective capital share. This held the potential of gradually socialising investment in Sweden – leading to what in retrospect could legitimately have been called a “democratic mixed economy”. The defeat of the Meidner initiative by militant employers, here, was ‘the high water mark’ for Swedish social democracy.

Around about the same time (the 1970s and 1980s) social democracy underwent a succession of defeats through much of the advanced capitalist world. The First and Second Oil Shocks hit western capitalism hard, underscored by an ongoing tendency of profits to fall as anticipated by Marx as far back as the 19th Century.. (This ‘falling rate of profit’ remains the consequence of the cost of constant revolutionising of the means of production; although capitalists can get away with intensifying the rate of exploitation as a response - in a context where new technology improves productivity and living standards in absolute and qualitative terms at the same time; Favourable terms of trade can also serve as a protection at a national level – as historically with Sweden - but not a comprehensively global level) Wage restraint and a falling wage share of the economy, as well as attacks on industrial liberties were promoted as a means of restoring profitability. So too was ‘corporate welfare’ – funded through attacks on the welfare state, implementation of ‘user pays’, reduction of corporate taxation and like measures. Profits were restored and inflation contained – but through much of the world this was at tremendous social cost. (Sweden was not unaffected, being forced to drastically reduce the value of the Krona to remain competitive; but its welfare state remained resilient, and cushioned vulnerable Swedes against the ‘economic storm’)

The rise of neo-liberal ideology meant the progressive stigmatisation of the public sector; of the welfare state and social wage; of industrial rights and of progressive taxation. User pays and more regressive tax mixes hit the vulnerable hard. Even in Australia the Accords entered into by the unions and the Hawke Labor Government did not deliver the ‘Nordic’ outcomes some had hoped for. Wage restraint was rewarded with tax cuts – but those very tax cuts also reduced the revenue base from which the social wage and welfare state might otherwise have been expanded. Stigmatisation of labour militancy – on the grounds of ‘reconciliation’ – also led to a growing intolerance for industrial action. Furthermore – the most rudimentary ideas of social democratic redistributive justice became virtually ‘unspeakable’ – let alone a more robust critique of capitalist instability, exploitation, waste and centralisation of power.

Fast forward to 2013, however, and there were growing ‘cracks in the neo-liberal ideological edifice’ despite decades of its Ideological hegemony. In Australia robust intervention by the Rudd Labor government managed to steer Australia through the 2007-08 ‘Global Financial Crisis’ relatively unscathed. But stigma against major tax reform remained; and an ill-timed attempt to introduce a ‘super profits’ tax on mining saw the end of Rudd Labor with Prime Minister Kevin Rudd’s replacement by Julia Gillard. Following this, Prime Minister Gillard’s carbon tax was successful in reducing emissions – and yet its introduction was politically damaging in light of previous promises not to introduce such a tax; and with Conservative disinformation about the proportionate effect of the tax on cost of living pressures)

What kind of Democratic Mixed Economy for Today?

All this said, what kind of ‘democratic mixed economy’ should Leftists be aiming for today? Certainly the Left would be well advised to exploit any weak points in the ‘neo-liberal edifice’ as the basis for and ideological counter-offensive. Importantly: many arguments for the old kind of mixed economy remain relevant – and Labor needs to reassess its previous commitment to the neo-liberal Ideology; including its own past rejection of the mixed economy.

Firstly we will observe the centrality of the welfare state and social wage for ‘social citizenship’.

Public sector intervention can provide ‘social insurance’ – for example in aged care, disability support and services, comprehensive socialised medicine, legal aid, social housing and various forms of welfare. Arguably these services must be provided to all on the basis of need – as a matter of human decency, and of distributive justice. At the moment the quality of aged care in Australia is a hidden shame; and one which would spur much greater social outrage if working class voters realised what quite possibly awaited them and their loved ones in their final years.

The strongest welfare states are found in the Nordic nations (Sweden, Finland, Norway, Denmark) as well as in the Netherlands. Australian social democracy as embodied in the Labor Party has a long way to go to deliver Nordic levels of social security; and falls short in its scope of social expenditure compared to many other OECD countries as well. And yet the class base necessary as a foundation for a strong welfare state remains viable in Australia. Tax reform aimed at the wealthy and the upper middle class (in the vicinity of the top 15% income demographic) – would have a broad enough base to deliver tens of billions in funds for comprehensive social wage and welfare reform to the benefit of the remainder of the population.

Modern abundance also provides the economic foundation for greater cultural development and popular cultural participation than ever before.

As early as 1892 the Marxist scholar Karl Kautsky proclaimed:

“We must not think of the socialist society as something rigid and uniform, but rather as an organism, constantly developing, rich in possibilities of change, an organism that is to develop naturally from increasing the division of labour, commercial exchange, and the dominance of society by science and art.” (my emphasis) (Kautsky, P 141)

In the information age Kautsky’s words appear prophetic. And yet modernity in its capitalist guise also warps culture, including science and art themselves. Even science and art are increasingly commodified to fulfil the ends of profit maximisation. In the field of academia, Arts and Social Sciences not ‘functional’ to capitalism are increasingly marginalised. But free education, including liberal education and education for ideological literacy and active and critical citizenship - could accommodate a plurality of wide ranging criticism – including of capitalism itself - as part of the project for a ‘democratic mixed economy’.

This brings us to the matter of public infrastructure and enterprise.

There are ‘natural public monopolies’ – especially in the area of infrastructure – where competition just doesn’t make sense - and private monopoly even less so. To elaborate – competition can duplicate cost structures – the physical cost of infrastructure; the cost of duplicated administration; the cost of profit margins. And private infrastructure (also Public Private Partnerships) tend to pass on an increased cost of borrowing on to consumers. On the other hand private monopoly can be just as damaging – lacking the corrective functions of competition, and also potentially leading to profit gouging and abuse of market power. To be specific, current areas of potential natural public monopoly include communications infrastructure; as well as water and energy; roads and public transport; ports and airports. In Melbourne it is notable that emerging working class suburbs are lacking crucial infrastructure including public transport, health services and schools because the state has abrogated its responsibilities – in order to hold down tax. Private infrastructure is the more-costly option; and if funded through user pays mechanisms can be highly regressive.

Large public sector corporations can also potentially compete in the global marketplace – delivering social dividends to the public – and made viable by the economies of scale provided in the context of government investment - without removing the corrective and refining influences of competition. Social investment in mining via a Sovereign Wealth Fund could potentially capture tens of billions for social purposes which otherwise are largely diverted overseas. It could even be financed in part via a reformed mining tax.

There are other areas where public sector intervention makes sense – not always to form a ‘natural public monopoly’ – but to enhance competition and outcomes in otherwise monopolistic or oligopolistic sectors. Sometimes there is also the need to counter possible collusion. Examples include public sector banking; state owned general insurance; state-owned private health insurance. State enterprises have also historically involved cross-subsidisation for the disadvantaged. Municipal as well as co-operative and not-for-profit child care and aged care can also ‘deliver a better deal’ to consumers. (where necessary with state subsidy)

State funding can also be essential in areas of pure scientific research where the immediate commercial gains are not clear. And public sector media and broadcasting can provide a corrective influence – pursuing goals beyond mere profitability, or the ‘cultural power-plays’ of a handful of billionaires. This can include the goals of an authentic and inclusive pluralism, as well as ensuring quotas for local content, and the genuine promotion of participatory media.

Finally, today most Australian families would prefer to own their own home. But the Howard-era housing bubble has put housing out of reach for many. Substantial investment in social housing could provide for disadvantaged families, pressing urban consolidation, while also increasing housing supply, and helping to correct the market failure of unaffordable housing.

But the public sector alone is not ‘the last word’ on the democratic mixed economy. To be truly ‘democratic’ an economy must rest on real popular control. There is no ‘play of class forces’ favourable enough currently to result in the socialisation of the big transnational corporations – the ‘economic commanding heights’. (for instance as envisaged in the 1970s by British Labour thinker Stuart Holland) And engagement with the transnationals is necessary in order to make available their innovations for the general public. But there are a number of possible strategies which could gradually extend the ‘democratic sector’ of the economy. We will mention co-operative enterprise, mutualism and collective capital formation, co-determination and economic regulation.

Karl Marx had argued at one point that co-operative productive enterprise attacked capitalist exploitation “at its very roots”. Though socialist revisionist Eduard Bernstein observed that co-operative enterprise under capitalism faced the same contradictions as private enterprise. To elaborate, Bernstein – who had refuted important parts of the Marxist orthodoxy – nonetheless observed of Marxian economic analysis:

“The fall of the profit rate is a fact, the advent of over-production and crises is a fact, periodic diminution of capital is a fact, the concentration and centralisation of industrial capital is a fact, the increase of the rate of surplus value is a fact.” (Bernstein, Pp 41-42)

So as opposed to comprehensive socialisation under socialism, co-operatives under capitalism would face competitive pressure due to the economies of scale of their private sector rivals – who tended increasingly towards monopolism. They would be affected – and potentially ruined – by cyclical crises. And they would have to reserve greater proportions of their profits for investment (ie: internally financed investment) in the means of production – to retain co-operative status and still remain competitive.

Bernstein also feared co-operatives – for instance as anticipated by Lassalle - could become ‘corporate interests’ which actually gouged and exploited consumers. Specifically he considered the scenario of union-run co-operatives coming to dominate “whole branches of production”.

In reality, though, co-operatives have achieved nowhere near monopoly status. Even the largest co-operatives can be held to account through competition in local and global markets. Corporate monopolisation on a global scale is the real threat. And mutual societies have no incentive to ‘maximise profits’ – as all revenue is reinvested for the benefit of members. Canadian economist and labour movement activist, Jim Stanford has observed several examples of successful co-operative enterprise. As of 2007 this included ‘Rabobank’ in the Netherlands, with 55,000 staff and 600 billion Euros under management. Also notable was the ‘Mondragon Co-operative’ in Spain – a worker-owned co-operative network employing over 80,000 people. (Stanford, p 329)

While subject to capitalist pressures, existing co-operatives do away with the expropriation of surplus value by capitalists. Generally under the co-operative model any profits are duly socialised; and workers maintain democratic control. And while small co-operatives may be subject to greater risk, participation in that context can be rewarding insofar as direct control overcomes the kind of alienation resulting from the division of labour under capitalism.

Meanwhile consumer co-operatives can provide ordinary people with greater market power; and mutual societies can provide voluntary social solidarity while cutting out the profit motive and indeed the profit mechanic entirely. Mutualised automotive societies, mutual credit and mutual insurance all have long histories.

Arguably, though, robust state-aid is necessary to support these endeavours, and ensure such democratic enterprise retains strong market share, and a higher market profile. Ideally this should involve concessional loans, financial advice, tax concessions, and assistance with marketing. This is suggestive of potentially visionary policies favouring economic democracy by a future Australian Labor government, and other potentially progressive future governments worldwide.

Collective Capital formation

Another area of potential economic democratisation is collective capital formation. This involves workers and citizens coalescing to invest in the economy; and in the process potentially delivering economic power to those people collectively. Collective capital formation can take many forms: some radically redistributive; others barely challenging the logic of capitalism.

In Australia it is true to argue that industry superannuation funds (private pensions) hold the potential of delivering economic power to organised labour – which administers many funds on a not-for-profit basis. This is a common argument. And yet there is a downside as well. Public pension funds hold the advantage of socialising (rather than privatising) risk faced by workers; and also of not replicating labour market inequalities in retirement. Policy makers also have to deal with the future prospect of an Aged Pension marginalised along class lines. And there is the potential for rent-seeking behaviour when it comes to fund involvement in Public Private Partnerships which simply cannot provide the best value infrastructure for citizens.

However: returning to ‘Meidner’; wage eager funds in Sweden were based on far more radically redistributive premises, with 20 per cent of annual company profits set aside for workers. In decades, this would have led those democratic funds to a dominant position in the Swedish economy. But Meidner was arguably flawed in its apparent ‘productivism’ – its focus on Swedes in their capacity as employees - as opposed to their capacity as citizens. Arguably ‘citizens funds’ – marked from the start by a cap on the projected level of fund ownership – may have won over more voters, and averted the unflinching opposition of employers. At the time they were ‘wound up’ the funds only controlled 7 per cent of the Swedish stock market. (see: http://newleftreview.org/II/34/robin-blackburn-capital-and-social-europe )

But learning the lessons of Meidner, the time could be right for a reconsideration of democratic and redistributive forms of collective capital formation.

‘Peeling the Onion’ of bourgeois property rights: Nils Karleby

Swedish social democrat Nils Karleby was well-known for his characterisation of economic ownership of the means of production not as an ‘indivisible’ phenomenon – but rather as a ‘bundle of rights’. The consequence of this is that socialisation ought be approached piecemeal – and that infringements upon the ‘prerogatives’ of private ownership can proceed gradually – with labour market regulation, health and safety standards, accident insurance, an eight hour day and so on. (Tilton, pp 79-81)

Hence there was Karleby’s powerful metaphor that: Social Democrats should:

“[strip] away the prerogatives of capitalists, like layers of an onion, until nothing remains.” (Karleby in Tilton, pp 80-81)

However in Australia far-reaching economic deregulation – including labour market deregulation – and tax cuts contributing to a regime of ‘corporate welfare’ – have restored these prerogatives. Meanwhile Financial deregulation and uncontained finance market speculation led to the Global Financial Crisis disaster in 2007-2008. (the legacy of which we are still living with)

A democratic mixed economy does not simply leave these matters to ‘the market’ when the consequence is an intensification of exploitation. Restrictions on union rights of organisation, withdrawal of labour, and access are intended to facilitate this intensification and overcome resistance.

Growth is always considered ‘good’ as it facilitates the endless expansion of consumption and of the world market on which capitalist self-reproduction depends. But proponents of a democratic mixed economy question the assumed “rights of property” and the social consequences of this. Increasing levels of over-time for some and promoting casualization and job insecurity for others; with a steadily-rising retirement age - all contribute to the logic and imperatives of capitalist accumulation - to the detriment of the ‘life-world’ of real people. Work/Life balance across peoples’ entire lifetime conflicts directly with these ‘prerogatives of capital’.

Further – neo-liberal capitalism is self-destructive in the sense that the inequality it produces dampens aggregate demand – and hence the very growth upon which its systemic logic depends. (as those on lower incomes tend to spend a greater portion of their income)

In response to these phenomena strong unions could be well advised to pursue an optional shortened working week for those unionised workers who so choose; and a more robust minimum wage; with recognition of the hardship faced by some workers enduring unpleasant and or inconvenient hours and conditions. (for example cleaners) Further government subsidy of wages in areas such as child care and aged care - largely feminised industries currently involving high levels of exploitation for skilled workers - could also comprise a welcome reform. (as of writing the Gillard Labor government had made some progress on this front; but the new Conservative Abbott government is rescinding subsidies for Aged Care workers)

Also co-determination as has been attempted in some countries – very notably Germany – could involve mandatory employee representation on the boards of major companies and employee input into safe work practices amongst other areas - ameliorating the ‘absolutism of capital’. Though it is no permanent or comprehensive solution for antagonisms of class interest.

Conclusion

Looking back to the 1950s it is interesting to note that the conservatives and ‘centrists’ of that time were often more ‘radical’ on the economy than today’s avowed social democrats: and even of some avowed members of the Socialist Left.

In his important work, ‘Hayek Versus Marx’ former Australian Communist leader Eric Aarons considers the “social market” model – as embraced by the German Christian Democrats in 1950s, and the German Social Democrats “after 1959”. As Aarons explains, this approach suggested “a social vision couched in moral as well as economic terms…”, and “recognition of the fundamentally social nature of organised production”. Further, it implied a “moral community” “required to legitimate the social order…” , and the“[prevention] of the emergence of a ‘two-tier’ society” including a layer of permanently poor. A consequence of this was that “resources are allocated through both the political and economic system.” And yet it also involved “recognition that desirable public ownership should not be seen as a bridgehead to full public ownership and a traditional socialist society”. (Aarons pp 33-34)

Talk of a “traditional socialist society”, here, is presumed to infer comprehensive state ownership and central planning. This author does not seek to replicate the errors of the old Communism – for instance the virtual usurpation of peoples’ right to determine their own needs structures to a reasonable extent via market-mediated channels of consumption. Even though increasingly there are many areas – for example the energy market – where the promise of ‘choice’ has rung hollow – simply providing a cover for needless duplication, profiteering and waste. And while comprehensive central planning stifled individual consumer choice, it did make more sense in economies marked by greater scarcity.

A moderate form of the ‘democratic mixed economy’ could well conceive of itself in the tradition of the ‘social market’. Although what this author does aspire to – at least in principle – is significantly more radical. As Leftists we should probably seek to shift the whole relative centre of political discourse – ultimately striving for a new hegemony. So when we speak of a ‘democratic mixed economy’ there is a potential plurality of interpretations. But a common denominator should be a robust public sector, and a commitment to substantial democratisation in a wide array of forms as outlined in this chapter.

Again: in addition to an strategically extended public sector this could involve a mix of co-operatives, mutualism, collective capital formation, co-determination, economic regulation, a progressive tax system, welfare state and social wage; extension of liberal rights to the industrial sphere; and appropriate economic regulation – including labour market regulation – to ensure fairness.

Importantly: the language of a "democratic mixed economy" brings together a notion which is still relatively mainstream - (the mixed economy) - in combination with "economic democracy" - which has radical connotations. In so doing, that combination is creating a space for radical and progressive ideas - possibly introducing radical ideas to a broader audience. The ‘democratic mixed economy’ has strategic value both as a political discourse and as a strategy for economic management, democracy and liberation.

Concluding, though: Arguably there is a place for co-operation and competition: planning and markets. And yet large scale co-operation (at the level of the largest multinationals, say) looms as ‘the economic undiscovered country’. Who is to say that the refining logic of competition and self-interest is the only guarantor of quality, and will remain so forever? What future potential is there for economic activity based on altruism and co-operation? Only the future will tell.

Saturday, October 12, 2013

With a 'mixed mandate' from the ALP's first experiment with a rank and file component in electing the parliamentary leader, Bill Shorten needs to move straight away to implement the reforms he promised to 'Local Labor', Race Mathews and others - in order to keep the Party unified and with high morale - as we rebuild and aim to retake government in three years.

Tristan Ewins

With Albanese getting about 60% of the membership vote there's a 'mixed
mandate' here. Importantly, I read that the Right was enforcing 'pairing' to
ensure their members were voting for Shorten in the caucus. That said, I don't
know why some members of the parliamentary Left decided to vote for Shorten. Hopefully
the full story will come out in the coming days and we’ll have a fuller
appreciation of how this process has panned out….

But we agreed to this process, and this is what we've got to work with. 50% of
the vote for the rank and file is still a step forward. Especially if we get
more far-reaching reforms as part of the deal over the coming months......

Another matter is that with Albanese recording such a strong vote
amongst the members he deserves recognition. There's the option of the Deputy
Leadership. Though Shorten has already committed there to Plibersek - and
Plibersek is certainly incredibly talented - and could have had a go at the
leadership herself if she'd been inclined to do so. Perhaps whoever misses out
should receive a shadow ministry of their choice? Though that's complicated by
the fact Bowen did a good job as Treasurer.

Albanese overwhelmingly won the rank and file vote on the basis of unequivocal
support for direct election to Conference and other reforms. Shorten supported
reform too - giving personal guarantees to Race Mathews which were then
communicated to the membership and to ‘Local Labor’.

Perhaps Albanese could also be given the job of heading a Committee to oversee
democratic Party organisational reform between now and the next Conference. And
maybe Conference could be brought forward so that whatever policy positions we
adopt - we have plenty of time to campaign on difficult issues which
nonetheless are a matter of principle. (for example: increasing Newstart in the
face of Conservative attacks)

On the plus side Shorten will make a very articulate leader; But he has to
overcome the 'Bill the Knife' tag; He needs to break through against those
perceptions early on to stop it from undermining his position.

If we get direct election for National Conference the victory for Party
democracy will still be great. (so long as the Parliamentary Party then accepts the
policy parameters set by Conference)

At Facebook Glenn L. McGrath reports that: "Bill won by 4 MP votes,
55/86 = 63.95, it would need to have be 51/86 = 59.3% for Albo to have
won." So if the Left had held it really would have been down to the wire.
I'm trying to confirm whether there were three Left supporters of Shorten or
more.

In any case – again, it is done now; Bill will be an articulate leader;Bill Shorten has tried to overcome the ‘Bill
the Knife’ tag today; And I hope he succeeds
- for him and for the Party. On the night Shorten supported Rudd he looked like
a ghost. I'm certain it was a very difficult decision which weighed heavily on
him.

Of great importance:With such a
close vote the pressure needs to be on to implement further internal democratic
reform quickly - starting immediately; With such a strong rank
and file vote for Albanese Shorten needs to move quickly on democratic reform
to keep the party unified at this point and into the future.

A Committee made up of members genuinely committed to democratic reform ahead
of the next National Conference – and with a brief to achieve this - would be a
the best thing;So long as it isn’t
distorted into a mechanism for ‘burying’ reform rather than implementing it
ASAP.

If Albanese is at the helm of such a committee here’s hoping that won’t
happen that way…

PLS Debate!!!nb: 'Christian Kunde' at Facebook writes: 1 caucus vote = 350 member votes. Albo lost by 700 votes/2 caucus votes. If 3 from the Left voted Shorten, that would have easily been enough"I'm still trying to work out just how close it really was...

Sunday, October 6, 2013

Just to let readers know we have been made aware of statements by Anthony Albanese and Bill Shorten – both claiming they will work to implement organisational reform if elected as Labor Leader. This was in response to the "Local Labor" Survey of Candidates. (There is a joinable group at Facebook for 'Local Labor'; and Readers may be interested in joining the 'ALP Socialist Left Forum' group there as well - if they haven't already)

Nb: In the two posts immediately preceding this one I published a series of policy questions which unfortunately have not been answered.I also wrote an analysis of the commitments made by Shorten and Albanese.

The following is a summary of many of the commitments both Albanese and Shorten made in recent Statements:

Albanese

·Albanese specifically indicates he will implement the recommendations of the 2010 Carr/Faulkner/Bracks Review.

·He argues he will maintain the direct election component for parliamentary leader.

·He indicates he will “give members a direct vote in electing ALP National Conference delegates”. (A crucial commitment for this ALP member)

·He says he will provide grassroots members with“training, resources and support”;

·He supports further trials “of community preselections”.(I’m not so sure of this one for reasons I’ve given in the earlier article)

·Heindicates he will bring National Conference forward to 2014 to discuss these organisational issues, and policy issues as well.

Shorten

I sent some questions to Shorten on these and other issues and didn’t receive a reply(and not from Albanese either!!) ; but upon having found a statement by Shorten I believed it important to let readers know what his stated positions were.

·Shorten argues he will “act on the reform commitments made at [the] last National Conference; and will maintain the direct election component for ALP Parliamentary Leader

·He argues he will ; work for “a bigger ALP”, with “discounted rates” for pensioners, the unemployed, students and union members; and with “training” with regard the party’s “history, structures, principles and processes”Also he claims he wouldcreate a “supporters” category – a “low cost option” that would aim to turn Labor into a larger mass party.

·He argues he will provide flexible options for involvement (eg: internet) for people who have trouble regularly attending branch meetings

·He also argues he will involve members in policy development

·Like Albanese he would continue the “community pre-selection trials” (which I personally fear would divert our resources and lead to the scenario where the ‘big fundraisers’ would dominate.)

nb: I hope this update is useful to ALP members who have yet to vote! Importantly it seems to me that while Shorten is making some very constructive commitments to mobilising and involving the grassroots (and Albanese likewise), I could not find an explicit commitment to Direct Election for National Conference from him. (ie: Shorten) If I am mistaken I would appreciate being corrected - because I want to get accurate and comprehensive information out to members! But we really need a direct statement from Shorten in order to confirm his position on this issue.Tristan Ewins

UPDATE; DICUSSION AT 'LOCAL LABOR': posted here 7/10 1:07pmAt the "Local Labor" Facebook Group Stuart J Whitman has posted the following:"FINDING COMMON GROUND Yesterday, BILL SHORTEN gave his commitment to support direct elections of delegates to National Conference. This had not been spelled out in his original response to the Local Labor ALP Reform Survey. Now I wonder if we can get ANTHONY ALBANESE to address gaps in his response and commit to establishing an Implementation Committee to ensure the reforms are achieved in the coming year, and to open the way to further review of standards of integrity and conduct in the application of rules and Party office holders carrying out their responsibilities? Then we have a Win-Win for reform."

But Don Alma McAllister responds: "I'm confused here. Albo's response seems to be unequivocal support of the 2010 National Review document (31 recommendations excluding the withheld sections.) But Shorten is saying "I will:• act on the reform commitments made at our last National Conference;• encourage our state branches to align their commitments and rules with these changes; and ..etc etc “which seems to be offering support only for the remnant bits cherry-picked out of the document by his faction at the 2011 Nat. Conf."

Yet Race Mathews has written at 'Local Labor':

Memorable day – in fact the day for which I’ve been waiting ever since writing my first party reform paper, back in 1965. Full house attendance at the ALP leadership contestants debate in the Trades Hall Council Chamber. Heard great contributions from Anthony Albanese and Bill Shorten to frequently passionate applause. Proud to belong to a party that can produce prospective leaders of so outstanding a quality. Realised halfway through Bill’s speech that he and Albo now on the same page in support of direct election of conference delegates. Couldn’t catch Chair Jane Garrett’s eye for a question, but confirmation in brief conversation with Bill and aide Steve Michaelson following the meeting. So grateful to have been present after all these years at the true dawning of the party’s democratisation. Or as Bill has it, not just a party but a movement. Music to my ears. Tears in my eyes.New Update:Race Mathews of 'Local Labor' and the Australian Fabians has said that Shorten and Albanese are "on the same page" on Conference Direct Election. But in light of this I'm not certain what to make of Don Alma McAllister's contribution. Race wrote to me this afternoon that Shorten had indicated to him personally that he would support some form of direct election - But he did give specifics on implementation, including what model.

SO the offer still stands - for a clear statement from both candidates on the issue of direct National Conference delegate election - and what specific form they would have this take.LATEST UPDATE: 9/10/13

The following has come through from the Sydney Morning Herald; It reports Shorten is NOT prioritising Rank and File Direct Election of ALP National Conference delegates.

But Race Mathews insists Shorten had given him a personal guarantee. He's trying to clear things up today; I will post again here if we get a clarification - some kind of direct clarification from Shorten.

QUOTE: "Mr Shorten said he wanted to make it easier to join the party, commenting that it was ''crazy in the 21st century that it's difficult to join the Labor Party online''. He also said he wanted to involve more people in preselections.

''I believe that we do need to open the party up, that we do need to make it easier to participate in and we do need to give people more say,'' Mr Shorten said.

But a spokeswoman for Mr Shorten's campaign later contacted Fairfax Media to clarify that while Mr Shorten supported the recommendations of the Bracks, Carr and Faulkner review ''in principle'', allowing members to elect conference delegates was not one of his priorities. His focus was on growing and diversifying the party membership, the spokeswoman said.

I guess we're not going to get a direct and public confirmation from Bill Shorten on ALP National Conference Direct Election and we'll have to deal with that; Given what one of his staffers said, it may well just be as they put it "it is not a priority". Such that he felt no urgent need to clear that up with a direct, public and personal statement. A lot of people will already have voted for Bill Shorten on the understanding he WILL introduce direct election to Conference. It will be incredibly demoralising and divisive if Bill doesn't try and push it through after this - try and get the Party and the factions behind him on the reform apparently he has promised privately to Race Mathews.... I hope Race Mathews and other people are right! But why else would Shorten not make a public statement?

Thursday, October 3, 2013

What follows is a
discussion of the policy positions of the candidates for the Australian Labor
Party parliamentary leader – as we approach the deadline for the casting of
ballots, with around a week to go…Unfortunately Albanese and Shorten did not respond to our questions; but
I am hoping the following commentary is somehow useful to ALP members and
others interested in the debates and the process that is going on…

Tristan Ewins

In the first
televised leader aspirants debate Albanese talked about “big ideas” and big
infrastructure projects.Judging from
Albanese’s past statements, this could mean anything from preparing for fast
rail to finishing the National Broadband Network.

Both
Albanese and Shorten made reference to the rights of aged care workers – the
improvement of their conditions being crucial in holding on to skilled staff in
an important and highly demanding sector.Albanese also talked of addressing the quality of life of residents in
Aged Care,and Shorten suggested “new instruments” to fund aged care services.But because both candidates were light on
detail we do not know what form funding would take.Talk of additional superannuation levies is a
worry because depending on its implementation it could have regressive
distributive effects compared with some kind of progressive levy. With
approximately a week to go for members to vote both candidates need to provide
more detail on the policy leadership they would provide here – if voters want
tomake an informed commitment.

Bill Shorten
drew liberally on the role he played in implementing the NDIS/Disability Care –
but would he – or Albanese – support comprehensive and progressively-funded National
Aged Care Insurance?

Shorten
talked of increased support for victims of domestic violence; of real equal pay
for women; of flexible childcare.And in
addition to pursuing 40% affirmative action for women ALP candidates, he went
further – suggesting quotas for queer and indigenous candidates. Though there is
the argument that were quotas provided for every important demographic how
would this affect the internal democratic process?

In addition
we could well argue: What room would be left for election of candidates by rank
and file members based on their policy commitments more so than their identity?
Were quotas implemented, for instance, what about representation of the poor
and the economically under-privileged?One option would be not to focus purely on the parliament, but on civil society
– providing financial support for social movements as part of a strategy to
empower the disenfranchised, and promote pluralism and active citizenship for a
healthy democracy.

Another
option could be an emphasis in self-government for the disenfranchised –
including indigenous Australians – at a variety of levels. Parliament is not
the be all and end all.

There were questions directed to the candidates about
engaging young people, also, and Shorten spoke again and again about standing
up for the “powerless”.But neither
candidate drew the conclusion that education for active and informed
citizenship, including political literacy – should be part of this process.Shorten also needed to be more specific about
the policy ramifications of such a stand.What about reforming Newstart?What about restoring pension rights to Sole Parents, and restoring pension
coverage for the disabled?

And again: What about National Aged Care Insurance – funded progressively
– and ensuring the necessary minimum staff quotas, monitoring a variety of
health and quality of life indicators, ensuring more vigorous accountability when
it comes to providing quality food, social interaction and so on?What about pleasant surrounds; all the
necessary heating and cooling; all the necessary medical/dental care; changes
of scenery; and access to Information Technology and books for those who are
interested? And what about greater
financial and other support for Carers – to assist the aged in staying home as
long as they wish to and are capable of?But also incorporating robust social interaction programs – greatly
ameliorating one of the greatest challenges the Aged can face – chronic loneliness?

Both candidates were short on detail when it came to Aged
Care policy.

From the
QandA Debate

At the QandA debate on the Labor leadership Shorten started
by accepted that tax reform is part of the picture when it comes to funding
crucial programs.He used the NDIS (or
Disability Care) as an example where the electorate will support tax reform
where the social gains are clear.Though
he didn’t use the term ‘social insurance’, he made an effective defence of the ‘social
insurance model’, arguing that every individual might be affected by
disability, either directly, or as a consequence of having an unfortunate family
member.Interestingly, while he argued against
adopting the mantle of the “class warriors of the past” he did support a role
for redistribution.It is a shame for a
Social Democratic party to deny class struggle – as arguably class struggle is
key for democracy, pluralism and the self-organisation of workers – but supporting
the principles of social insurance and distributive justice is a ‘step forward’
from the usual hopeless equivocation in the face of Conservative rhetoric on
so-called class-warfare.(for the
Conservatives it’s only ‘class warfare’ when we fight back…)

Defending progressively redistributive taxation, welfare
services and social welfare payments is crucial to Labor’s mission.And we need more detail on what – if anything
specifically – the candidates would like to see done on this front in
government.Will either candidate break free
of the ‘small government framework’ which inhibits real growth in the welfare
state and social wage?(and which
determines a constant policy of ‘robbing Peter to pay Paul’ on welfare and
services)

Shorten referred to dental care, for instance: But
comprehensive public dental would cost billions.We need to ‘get the job done’ on socialised
health, for instance: but we also need to be clear where the money is coming
from.Abbott could face this challenge
himself when it comes to implementing the NDIS.

The candidates spoke of ‘aspiration’: but often this is used
as a rationale to abandon distributive justice; or to suppose the pursuit of educational
equal opportunity is enough – when there are aged care workers, child care and
hospitality workers, cleaners – all working hard for little gain, and not enough
respect.

Regardless of the ‘aspirational’ Ideology both candidates
paid lip service to, many people will not break out of poverty, or will spend
their lives in important, dignified working class jobs.These people also need recognition, respect
and distributive and social justice.

One dyed-in-the-wool Liberal voter asked the candidates at
QandA ‘what they would do to win his vote’.He suggested ‘small government’ as one of the issues that motivated him
most. But Labor cannot be ‘everything to everyone’.An ageing population and a growing population
means the size of government MUST increase if we are to maintain
infrastructure, services and quality of life for all.And indeed, programs like Disability Care
demonstrate how we must increase the scope of social expenditure to provide all
citizens with dignity, happiness and security.Both candidates should be open to expanding recurrent tax-funded social expenditure
by perhaps 1.5% of GDP in their first term: or by around $22 billion in a $1.6
trillion economy in today’s terms.Depending on circumstances an even larger
commitment may also be desirable.We
need to ‘seize the nettle’ to implement the maximum reform program we can
sustain; but also to be aware of ‘the art of the possible’.

On the
infrastructure front, in the QandA debate Albanese indicated an
encouraging willingness to “borrow to build”.Clearly Albanese has grasped that the gains in terms of productivity and
quality of life from big infrastructure investments (like the NBN, or
potentially fast rail) outweigh the ‘down-side’ of needing to service and
gradually repay debt.Spending on
infrastructure is a productive INVESTMENT for our long term infrastructure
needs.Albanese is probably especially
passionate about this as a consequence of his years as a Minister for
infrastructure…

Importantly, Shorten suggested drawing upon superannuation
funds to build infrastructure – with guarantees for the funds.The problem with this, though, is that it is in
some ways similar to a traditional ‘Public Private Partnership’. And as with many PPPs, despite the rhetoric
the people still shoulder the risk.What
is more, public finance is still by far the most efficient mechanism.Public infrastructure projects also don’t
need to deliver a profit to shareholders!While calls to mobilise superannuation in this way gives the impression of
‘innovative thinking’ – and would benefit union-managed funds - public finance
is still the cheapest way of building infrastructure because of the credit rating
of governments ; and is still in the public interest because of this.

Party
Reform

Both Albanese and Shorten appeared uncertain about the
position developed under Rudd – that it would take a full 75% of Caucus to
replace an elected Prime Minister. Perhaps there should be some room to move,
here: though reverting to 50% would effectively nullify the reforms with which we’re
concerned here – the contribution of the rank and file in electing the leader.

On the down-side, Shorten appeared to be seriously
considering US Style Primaries in order to mobilise and include Labor’s
electoral base.While this is a noble
principle, the apparent mechanism is a worry because of the potential to
entrench the power of wealthy fundraisers with ‘big money’; and also divert
Labor’s human and financial resources more than is desirable or sustainable.

But more promisingly on this front – according
to the Sydney Morning Herald Shorten has argued that:

“the party
should offer discount memberships for union members, students, pensioners and
people out of work, and allow people to join online.”

Building Labor into a genuine mass party again – and renewing
Labor by attracting younger members - is a seriously challenge if Labor is to
survive in the coming decades.

BUT MOST
IMPORTANTLY:Albanese has come out
unequivocally in favour of direct election of ALP National Conference
delegates; and much broader involvement of the rank and file in policy
development.This could be THE ground-breaking
reform which will deliver meaningful power back to the ALP’s rank and file: and
in so doing not only further democracy – but also revivify Labor’s previously
flagging membership.This is this issue
which so far has me tending towards supporting Albanese.I am still waiting for Shorten to match Albanese
on this front.And I am waiting for both
candidates to say something of greater substance on responding to Aged Care
needs.For instance, Albanese mentioned
the ageing population as a crucial challenge.But we need specifics on ‘Disability
Care’ style National Aged Care Insurance.

Final
Observations

The debate on the Labor leadership has not been anywhere near
as vigorous and wide-ranging as this ALP member had hoped for.Despite some encouraging rhetoric on the role
of progressive taxation and the principle of social insurance, neither candidate
has been willing to promote ‘signature policies’ in the extension of the social
wage and welfare state in areas such as Aged Care. Neither candidate has overtly drawn the
conclusion that ‘small government has to go’: not only to respond to an ageing
and growing population – but to extend the rights of all Australians –
including the unemployed, students and the disabled – but also including all
workers.

There is also the question whether or not either leader would
remain true to their previous rhetoric once in the leadership position.Would Shorten actually back progressive
taxation and social insurance extension in the leadership?Or would he succumb to pressure from the
Right faction for an ‘electorally safer’ option of continued small government –
despite the fact small government CANNOT deliver to the disadvantaged and
vulnerable he aspires to stand up for?

Would either candidate seek an expansion of the social wage
absolutely and relatively: or would they both continue the usual policy of ‘robbing
Peter to pay Paul’ on social services and welfare?

Again: For this ALP member the current ‘deciding factor’ is
Albanese’s support for democratic internal party reform: specifically direct
election of National Conference delegates, and much broader – and deeper –
involvement of the rank and file in policy development. In addition to this we
also need to support an expansion of the size of Conference – and while I am
uncertain of the candidates’ positions and that specifically – Albanese’s
position on the aforementioned and related issues is impressive for me as a
grassroots activist.

Albanese was also encouraging by arguing in Melbourne for “the
next NBN” and “the next ‘Disability Care Australia’; Yet why was he not more
specific?Aged Care is the obvious
contender for our attentions over the coming term in Opposition – and to
promote a positive agenda for the next Federal election. Indeed - by applying
pressure we may even make progress under the Abbott government – If we recall
that Abbott gave bipartisan support for the NDIS – quite possibly “to
neutralise it as an issue”. “Getting policy done” is what matters most!

Albanese also talked in Melbourne about addressing “the
urgent necessities of today” and what families were talking about around their
own dinner tables.This is part of the
picture, certainly – Though sometimes Labor needs to lead debate as well – and put
issues ‘on the agenda’ that otherwise would never receive a hearing.

But addressing the cost-of-living pressures faced by poor and
working class families will require redistributive measures through welfare and
the social wage.Ideally it would also
involve a rejection of inappropriate privatisations which add to those
pressures.Equal opportunity in
education requires that we not ‘drop the ball’ on the quality of state
secondary education.And we should also
be required to see ‘equal opportunity’ beyond the frame of ‘life chances in the
labour market’.We need to prepare our
young people to be active and informed participants in a democracy; and to
develop their capacities to appreciate culture, express themselves and lead
fulfilling lives.

Shorten says again and again that he wants to stand for the
disadvantaged and the powerless.In
addition he needs to stand for the average worker! Shorten’s rhetoric is nonetheless encouraging.Though he needs to be more specific on social
wage, welfare and social insurance POLICY aspirations if he wants to appeal to
potentially-swinging, progressively-inclined ALP rank and file members.Concrete commitments by Shorten on this front
– real absolute and relative social wage, social insurance and welfare expansion
–could swing many members.As could a
clearer stand on the front of internal democratic Party organisational reform.Such perspectives would have this member
considering Shorten again.And despite the media rhetoric – sometimes Labor
does need to talk about itself.That is,
in the sense of putting in place the internal participatory mechanisms that
will see us develop the best policy positions we can put to the Australian
people.And which will grow Labor as a
movement, and lay down deeper roots in workplaces and communities.

This is the first chance ALP members have had to contribute to
the direct election of the ALP Leader.Let’s hope it’s the first of many important internal reforms that
remobilises our movement by empowering the Party’s greatest asset – its Party
activists.

THE RED FLAG IS STILL FLYING HERE

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About Me

Tristan's areas of expertise include Australian and world politics, social theory, education, history, and computer gaming for PC. He considers himself a liberal, and also a socialist, but has also referred to himself as a left social democrat. He says such - conscious that there was once a time when 'social democracy' and 'socialism' were synonymous. Furthermore, Tristan is a long-time member of the Australian Labor Party - specifically its Socialist Left wing. He is also involved in the Australian Fabian Society. Tristan has written for many publications - including a stint freelancing for 'The Canberra Times': the daily broadsheet of the Australian Capital. Tristan's Personal Homepage is here: http://sites.google.com/site/tristanewinsfreelancewriter