Two enduring viewpoints compete

The organization of the government was no small task. Congress quickly created departments of
State and of the Treasury. Washington appointed Thomas Jefferson as Sec- retary of State and
Alexander Hamilton, his aide during the Revolution, as Secretary of the Treasury.
Simultaneously the Congress established the federal judiciary, setting up not only a Supreme
Court, with one Chief Justice (John Jay was named to the post) and five associate justices, but
also three circuit courts and thirteen district courts. In the -first administration, both a Secretary
of War and an Attorney- General were also appointed. Since Washington generally preferred to
make decisions only after consulting those men whose judgment he trusted, the American cabinet
(consisting of the heads of all the departments that Congress might create) came into existence,
although it was not officially recognized by law until 1907.

Just as revolutionary America had produced two commanding figures of world-wide
renown-Washington and Franklin -so did the youthful republic raise to fame two brilliantly able
men, Hamilton and Jefferson, whose reputations were to spread beyond the seas. It was not their
sterling personal gifts, great though they were, which entitle these men to a place in history.
Rather it was their representation of two powerful and indispensable, though to some extent
antagonistic, forces in American life. Hamilton tended toward closer union and a stronger
national government; Jefferson leaned toward a broader, freer democracy.

The keynote of Hamilton's public career was his love of efficiency, order, and organization.
Indeed, the evidences of weakness and inefficiency he saw from 1775 to 1789 explain his
dominant impulse to serve the young nation. Hamilton had bold plans and definite policies where
others had cautious notions and vague principles. In response to the call of the House of
Representatives for a plan for the "adequate support of public credit," Hamilton laid down and
supported principles not only of public economy as such, but of effective government. America
must have credit for industrial development, commercial activity, and the operations of
government. It also must have the complete faith and support of the people. Many men wished to
repudiate the national debt or pay only a part of it. Hamilton, however, insisted upon full
payment of the debt of the union government and also upon a plan by which the federal
government took over the unpaid debts of the states incurred in aid of the Revolution. He devised
a Bank of the United States, with the right to establish branches in different parts of the country.
He sponsored a national mint. He argued in favor of tariffs based upon the protection principle
in order to foster the development of national industries. These measures had an instant
effect-placing the credit of the federal government on a firm foundation and giving it all the
revenues it needed. They encouraged commerce and industry, thus creating a solid phalanx of
businessmen who stood fast behind the national government and were ready to resist any attempt
to weaken it.

Thomas Jefferson, on the other hand, was a man of thought rather than action. As Hamilton's
talents were executive, Jefferson's were meditative and philosophical, and among contemporary
political thinkers and writers, he was without peer. Politically, he was frequently at odds with
Hamilton. When he went abroad as Minister to France, he realized the value of a strong central
government in foreign relations, but he did not want it strong in many other respects, fearing it
would fetter men. Born an aristocrat, but by inclination and conviction an equalitarian democrat,
he fought always for freedom-from the British Crown, from church control, from a landed
aristocracy, from inequalities of wealth.

Hamilton's great aim was to give the country a more efficient organization, Jefferson's to give
individual men a wider liberty, believing that "every man and every body of men on earth
possess the right of self-government." Hamilton feared anarchy and thought in terms of order;
Jefferson feared tyranny and thought in terms of liberty. The United States needed both
influences. It required both a stronger national government and also the unfettering of men. It was
the country's good fortune that it had both men and could in time fuse and, to a great extent,
reconcile their special contributions.

Their differing points of view, made manifest shortly after Jefferson took office as Secretary of
State, led to a new and profoundly important interpretation of the Constitution. For when
Hamilton brought forth his bill establishing a national bank, Jefferson objected, speaking for all
believers in state rights as opposed to national rights, and for those who feared great
corporations. The Constitution, he declared, expressly enumerates all the power belonging to the
federal government and reserves all other powers to the states. Nowhere was it empowered to
set up a bank. Hamilton contended that all the powers of the national government could not be set
down in words because of the intolerable detail this would neces sitate. A vast body of powers
had to be implied by general clauses, he stated, and one of these authorized Congress to "make
all laws which shall be necessary and proper" for carrying out other powers specifically
granted. The Constitution declared the national government should have the power to lay and
collect taxes, pay debts, borrow money. A national bank would materially assist in carrying out
these functions efficiently, and Congress was therefore entitled to set up the bank under its
"implied powers." Washington and the Congress accepted Hamilton's measure and established a
precedent.

Though its first tasks were to strengthen the domestic economy and make the union secure, the
young country could not ignore political occurrences abroad. The cornerstone of Washington's
foreign policy was the preservation of peace- peace to give the country time to recover from the
wounds it had received during the war and to permit the slow work of national integration to
continue. But events in Europe threatened the achievement of this goal. Many Americans were
watching the French Revolution with the keenest interest and sympathy. And in April 1793, news
came that made this conflict an issue in American politics. France had declared war on Great
Britain and Spain. Citizen Gendt was coming to the United States as Minister of the French
Republic.

America was still formally an ally of France, and war would enable Americans to discharge
both their debt of gratitude to her and their feeling of resentment against Britain. But though most
of the executive department of the United States wished the French well, it was more anxious to
keep America out of war. And so Washington now proclaimed to the belligerents of Europe the
neutrality of the United States, and when Genêt arrived, he was greeted with stern formality.
Angered by this treatment, he attempted to disobey an order forbidding him to use American
ports as bases of operations or French privateers, and after a time a request for his recall by the
French government was granted.

In this period-from 1793 to 1795-came the crystallization of the
two poles of American public opinion. For the rench Revolution seemed to some a clean-cut
contest between onarchy and republicanism, oppression and liberty, autocracy nd democracy; to
others, a new eruption of strife between narchy and order, atheism and religion, poverty and
property. The former joined the Republican Party, ancestor of day's Democratic Party, the latter
joined the Federalists, om whom the present-day Republican Party is descended.

"We have met the enemy and they are ours", reported Captain Oliver Perry, whose energy and skill won the Battle of Lake Eire for the American forces.

As a result of the Genêt incident, American ardor for France cooled somewhat. At the same time, relations with
eat Britain were far from satisfactory. British troops ill occupied forts in the west; property
carried off by British soldiers during the Revolution had not been restored or paid for; and the
British navy was playing havoc with American commerce. To settle these matters, Washington
sent to London as American envoy extraordinary, John Jay, an experienced diplomat, who was at
the same time Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Acting with moderation, Jay negotiated a
treaty whereby he secured the withdrawal of the British from western forts and some slight
trading concessions. Nothing was said, however, about returning property, about the seizure of
American ships in the future, or about "impressment"-the forcing of American sailors into British
naval service.

Jay's treaty caused general dissatisfaction, but as the end of Washington's second administration
approached, it was evident that marked achievement had been made in other fields-the
government was organized, national credit was established, maritime commerce fostered, the
northwest territory recovered, and peace preserved.

Washington retired in 1797, firmly declining to serve for more than eight years as the nation's
head. John Adams, able and highminded, stern and obstinate, was elected as the new President.
Even before he entered the presidency, Adams had quarreled with Hamilton who had contributed
so much to the previous administrations. Thus Adams was handicapped by having a divided
party behind him and a divided cabinet at his side. To make matters worse, the international
skies were again heavily clouded. For France, angered by Jay's recent treaty with Britain,
refused to accept Adams' minister. When Adams sent three other commissioners to Paris, they
were met with fresh contumely, and American indignation arose to an excited pitch. Troops were
enlisted, the navy was strengthened and, in 1798, after a series of sea battles with the French in
which American ships were uniformly victorious, war seemed inescapable. In this crisis, Adams
thrust aside the guidance of Hamilton, who wanted war, and sent a new minister to France.
Napoleon, who had just come to power, received him cordially and the danger of conflict
disappeared.