It has been an historical year for the United States: two frontrunners in the race to become the Democratic Party’s presidential nominee were a black man and a woman. Without simplifying the accomplishments of Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, the impact of their candidacies on the future political environment of America should not be lost on the citizens of this country. Alas, there was something else this year that had never played such an important role in a presidential election cycle: the issue of health care.

Despite the temptation to suggest that it was Michael Moore’s SicKo that provided the impetus for this national discussion, I believe that it was a result of a tacit agreement between Mr. Obama, Mrs. Clinton and the other frontrunner, John Edwards – who exited the race in its early stages – to finally address a frequently ignored problem. Consequently, health care became a central campaign issue for all three Democrats and each candidate had detailed plans on how they would make health care accessible to a greater number – if not all – Americans.

The relevance of this campaign issue became especially poignant to the Armenian-American community when, tragically, AYF member Nataline Sarkisyan lost her life because the deplorable policies of Cigna Health care prevented her from getting a potentially life-saving organ transplant. Cigna’s purposeful obstruction of the procedure led to an outpouring of Armenian-American activists, along with health care advocacy groups and individuals, protesting the insurance company’s decision to place more importance on their finances than to save an individual’s life. The ensuing debacle was nationally televised and the Edwards campaign even flew the Sarkisyan family to New Hampshire to share their harrowing experience with the state’s constituents in an effort to show voters the seriousness of America’s health care woes.

As the only industrialized Western country to not offer universal health care and as the country with the most expensive health care system in the world, the debate in the United States has intensified. This article will endeavor to explain what is wrong with the health care system in America, what can be done to change it, and how this is all relevant to the Armenian-American community.

What About Health Care?

In America, health care is the responsibility of each individual or head of household, in the case of families with children. That means that, in most circumstances, a person pays for their own health care and that of their children out of their own pocket. The problem with this system is that since health insurance is provided mostly by private companies, they can charge whatever they like to those wanting to buy it and oftentimes, those prices are too expensive for middle-income to low-income workers. First, this can make it difficult even for a person who has a job that pays enough to take care of their family’s basic needs (e.g. housing, food, transportation) but who does not have much money to spend on other expenses. So, buying health insurance for oneself or one’s children becomes a “luxury” that only some can afford, although a person may be working full-time. Unlike other luxuries, health care is a service necessary for all segments of the population and its availability should not be limited solely to those who have extra money to spend.

Also, just like the weather, the economy is cyclical. Most of you reading this have probably been through a few of these up-down economic cycles and you know about the consequences of each: typically, high employment and market growth during up cycles, low employment and market decline in down cycles. The primary concern here is with those who do not have jobs, not because they do not want to work, but because there is no work available to them. A person in this situation is simply negatively affected by circumstance and he or she cannot be expected to buy health insurance in order to be able to go to the doctor, if need be.

In the most loathsome scenarios, insurance companies will refuse their health care plans to those with preexisting conditions. This means that if a child has leukemia or if a woman has breast cancer or if a man has a brain tumor before they have insurance, the insurance company can – and most likely will – deny an applicant because of the higher likelihood of death. Because of the exorbitant cost of uninsured health care, this is essentially a death sentence signed by the insurance companies.

What Can Be Done?

There have been numerous proposals of how to solve the problem of uninsured Americans and, fortunately, a few were made on the presidential campaign trail. Because of the varied living situations of the American populace, most of the proposals have been multifaceted. For example, people would have the choice to either keep the insurance plan provided by their employer or buy into a reasonably-priced program offered by the U.S. government. Most universal health care programs would provide coverage regardless of employment status, making sure that unemployment does not result in the loss of health insurance.

Included in the health care coverage would be regular and unexpected doctor visits, access to necessary pharmaceutical drugs and insurance for health-oriented (i.e. not plastic) surgeries. Also, it would guarantee that those with preexisting conditions would still be able to afford health care, giving them a higher chance of surviving their illness. Such a system would ensure that everyone would receive, at least, basic medical attention required for a normal, healthy life – or, at least, its pursuit.

Where Do We Fit In?

Very simply, any of the aforementioned issues can apply to Armenian-Americans; unfortunately, one of them did and we lost Nataline Sarkisyan because of it. As Americans, we need to be concerned that many people who need medical attention do not receive it although they contribute their fair share to the economic well-being of the country and duly pay their taxes.

As Armenians, the tenets of our culture which have given us an admirable reputation as hospitable and respectful people should be parlayed into a sense of social justice that can be partially achieved through the implementation of universal health care.

It is, as I said, an historical time in the United States and if we, as Armenian-Americans, can agree that health care is the right of each individual, we can be a part of that history – a part of potentially the greatest social change this generation of Americans will ever see.

HAYTOUG: Can you tell us a little bit about your background growing up?

SERJ TANKIAN: I was born in Beirut, Lebanon in 1967. I went to Chatalbashian Varjaran in Beirut, Alex Pilibos in Hollywood, CA, and got my bachelors in Business from California State University of Northridge.

H: How did System of a Down come to form? Were you guys expecting the super-stardom that System achieved?

S.T.: We all met through rehearsal situations where one band was sharing rehearsal space with another. Daron [Malakian] and I were in different bands and met first, then met Shavo [Odadjian], and finally John [Dolmayan], when his band was rehearsing with System. We all just wanted to make a living doing what we loved to do. The rest just happened.

H: Tell us about the inspirations behind your new solo album, Elect the Dead?

S.T.: There are many inspirations from personal, to social, theoretical to political. All open to interpretation, as good art should be. The concept of the ending of civilization is also very apparent throughout the record and my thoughts of last.

H: Who will you be supporting in the upcoming American presidential election and why?

S.T.: Obama. He’s the only real candidate of choice and honesty. Originally I had supported Dennis Kucinich for his anti-imperialist and pro-working man stance.

H: Tell us about your work with Axis of Justice?

S.T.: Check out www.axisofjustice.org and you’ll see. We’ve had this non-profit since 2002 and have done tremendous work in both worlds of philanthropy (feeding the homeless, supporting food shelters, donating to environmental disasters), to our political work (labor, anti-war, environmental, human rights, genocide recognition, labor rights, etc).

H: Your music has brought an incredible amount of attention to the Armenian Cause; what is the best way young people today can raise consciousness of the importance of Genocide awareness?

S.T.: By being aware and contributing to the halting of genocide around the world now and in the future anywhere on the planet.

H: What message would you impart to those Armenian youth that feel powerless or are uninterested in issues pertaining to Genocide recognition or US policies in general?

S.T.: Everyone has a vision on this planet and not all of us are destined to deal with any specific issues or causes. I would advise people to find their own vision and pursue it with a hunger unseen to achieve their own state of transcendence. Everything on this planet is connected. And if that’s the case, then working towards justice should be one of our primary goals as humans here.

H: What are your plans for the future?

S.T.: More music, more politics, and much more love… Musically, I’m working on composing for a play, films, video games, and another solo record of jazz/orchestral elements.

The South American Armenian community emerged as a consequence of the Armenian Genocide. It had been created by the first refugees that arrived to the region between 1918 -1928, escaping from the atrocities that the Ottoman Empire was committing against the Armenians. After establishing and starting a new life far from their ancestral homes and belongings, they founded Armenian community organizations and institutions as a way of sticking together and maintaining their cultural identity.

Throughout years, the Armenian population in the area has increased quite a bit and, currently, a fourth generation of Armenians is taking root. The Armenian community in Argentina is the largest with a population of 120,000. The major concentrations are in the capital Buenos Aires, with 105,000, and in Cordoba, with 15,000, but also include such smaller cities as Rosario, Mar del Plata, and so on.

Coming in behind Argentina is Uruguay, with somewhere around 15,000 to 20,000 Armenians. Next is Brazil with 3,500 and, finally, Chile with 1,000. However, these numbers do not accurately portray the level of Armenians who are actively involved in the community. Unfortunately for us, a low percentage—most guess about 10% to 20%—participate consistently in Armenian community life.

In South America, the Armenian Youth Federation is known as UJA, Unión Juventud Armenia. It was founded in 1941 in Buenos Aires and, soon after, many other chapters arose in the region, creating a South American network of UJA’s. Today, we have chapters in Buenos Aires, Uruguay, Cordoba and Brazil, and our total number of active members in the region is approximately eighty.

Unfortunately, the task of fending off assimilation has been a difficult one for us outside of the homeland. In the late 1990s, our organization was in a state of flux and struggling to stay active. Also, at the same time, our region was suffering the social and economic consequences of failed neoliberal policy measures applied by the governments in power and this affected Armenians of the region quite strongly, as well.

By 2002, the tide began to turn and there was a rejuvenation of UJA activism in the region. Many chapters saw an influx of new members and a reinvigorated spirit of commitment to the Armenian community. In my hometown of Buenos Aires, there is even a new chapter, “Sahigian” in Flores, in addition to the already existing “Soghomon Tehlirian” chapter in Valentín Alsina and “Arshavir Shiragian” chapter in Palermo.

The names of all of the chapters in the region are as follows:

Buenos Aires, Argentina:

Arshavir Shiragian

Soghomon Tehlirian

Sahigian

Córdoba, Argentina:

Aram Yerganian

Montevideo, Uruguay:

Misak Torlakian

San Pablo, Brazil:

Tr0

These chapters often have meetings once a week, usually at nights in the agump or in a local Armenian school. After having had our discussions we like to take time to go out together to either eat pizza or go to an Armenian restaurant or just relax and have fun with friends. In my opinion these types of outings are a great idea because, after a tough and busy week, getting to relax with friends is truly priceless.

In addition, we hold several seminars annually where all the chapters in the region participate. In these regional seminars, we attend lectures about such topics as Hai Tad, Armenian history, socialist ideology, how to be better community leaders, world affairs and developments in Armenia.

In order to accommodate everyone and make the organizational and travel issues as fair as possible, we try to have these seminars in a different city each time. Often, when deciding upon the next city and date, there tend to be intense discussions due to every representative wanting to defend their chapter’s interest. In each city or country the holidays are different, so it is very difficult to come to an agreement but, somehow, we always do and manage to continue being friends in the process.

We also have our regional summer camp which, if schedules and conditions permit, we try to have consistently every summer. Unfortunately, last summer we could not organize the camp due to the logistical difficulties. However, I am glad to report that the camp will be taking place this year from December 27-29 (our seasons our reversed) in Colonia, Uruguay and we are all anxiously awaiting this gathering. Such occasions are very important for us in our region since we very rarely have the opportunity to see our friends from different cities and, each time, we have a lot of fun renovating our ties as Armenian youth.

Another occasion which we look forward to just as much is the opportunity to meet our fellow ungers from other parts of the world. Our region has had the pleasure of attending various international meetings, like the World Social Forum in Brazil in 2005 and Venezuela in 2006, alongside other Armenian youth. We have also sent delegations to the American Social Forum in Ecuador in 2006 and the Pan-Armenian AYF Camp in Armenia in 2007, where we had one member from Buenos Aires and another from Cordoba participate.

For us, being so far from our homeland and having certain difficulties in raising money to travel it is a significant problem. So, when some of us do have the opportunity to travel abroad it is a major event for us and we feel that, in a way, our whole region is accompanying those individuals fortunate enough to make the trek. It is a bit difficult to explain this feeling but I am sure that our South American ungers understand very well what I am talking about.

In the area of communications, our regional media is also growing through the use of new mediums and resources. For example we have a blog, yeridasartagan.blogspot.com, where we upload documents, speeches and different things that may interest the youth. The same is true of our web page, www.ujafra.org (currently being updated). What’s more, we have our magazine Gamk which is published twice a year. In it we try to deal with topics related to Armenia, Argentina, human rights and world events. In our blog, we feature various issues of Gamk in digital format in order to extend our mission to as many people as possible.

Of course, as the youth of our community, we also lead many Armenian Genocide recognition efforts. Perhaps the largest April 24 commemorative event in all of South America is the march we organize every year in front of the Turkish ambassador’s residence in Buenos Aires. During the march, we lead a procession of over 1000 Armenians with torches and candles towards the residence, from where he hold a rally featuring speeches and demonstrative cultural acts.

Finally, we have two very important other activities on the regional level that are soon to be especially significant for the community. The first one is a campaign called “I WANT TO BE A CITIZIEN” which is related to the Armenian Dual Citizenship Law promoted by the ARF. This consists of making this law a reality for the Armenians living in South America. The main goals are to make Armenians aware of this important issue and encourage them to strive for Armenian citizenship.

The other activity we are working on is collaboration with a major Jewish student organization. The project is a competition in which the participants have to write essays about human rights for the 60th anniversary of the UN Declaration of Human Rights. We have carried out similar cooperative efforts with non-Armenian organizations in the past and believe that being aware of other issues not exclusively Armenian is very important. It is also important to build bridges and alliances with other groups sharing similar concerns.

To sum up, our region continues to face the daunting problem of assimilation because, as I explained before, we are a long-standing community and the pressures to stray away from Armenian life and latch on to non-Armenian organizations and institutions are very big in our region.

The Armenian Youth Federation of South America is working to attract those young people that are not participating actively and also to keep the youth as the main character of the community. This is a complicated goal but I think that working together simultaneously and improving our every-day communication to overcome the distance barrier will lead us ultimately to success.

Can you imagine trying to understand the depopulation of Nakhichevan or Kharabakhs struggle for self-determination without considering the impact of Stalins decision to carve up these regions from Armenia in 1921? Better yet, can you imagine trying to understand the present state of Armenian-Turkish relations without looking at the facts of the Armenian Genocide? Although some parties, such as Turkey and Azerbaijan, would prefer that we look at issues through such an ahistorical lens, those concerned with truth would be wise to realize the importance of history.

Simply put, history matters. Those who do not properly understand and acknowledge history are not only doomed to repeat it, they are setting themselves up for even graver outcomes in the future. As historian Howard Zinn has suggested, not being aware of history is like being born yesterday. In his words, If you forget history, if you were born yesterday, then youll believe anything.

In the case of the present day Republic of Armenia, understanding history means taking a critical look at the previous 70 years of Soviet rule over this land. Only then can we properly understand the current fabric of social and political life and contemplate ways of moving forward.

The Working Class

Contrary to the rhetoric and official proclamations of the Soviet Empire, the USSR was about as socialist as it was democratic. Rather than empowering workers and freeing them from conditions of oppression, Armenia under Bolshevik rule witnessed the domination of workers by the state and its appointed overseers.

Under the Bolshevik regime, workers were placed into arbitrary unions used by the government to control industries and ensure the implementation of party policies. Those who did not obey would face the danger of losing their job, income, benefits, or worse. In effect, the Soviet factory managers replaced the previous owners of capital as the new exploiters of the working class.

In this environment, Armenian workers never had the opportunity to organize independently and exercise their class-consciousness. Perhaps even worse, appeals toward class sensibilities and trade unions themselves became largely discredited by the experience of the Soviet era, which carried out its subjugation under the false banner of socialism.

Meanwhile, in the countryside, Stalins brutal collectivization forced peasants against their will into collective farms controlled by local Communist party officials. Those who resisted were executed while many Armenias ended up being forced to leave their homes in the countryside and crowd into urban areas.

The countryside itself was left sacrificed for the sake of heavy industry and military production. Virtually no investment was made in the rural economy or infrastructure, resulting in severe decay still felt to this day. In fact, with over 30% of the current population in Armenia working the land, one of the most pressing needs in the area of poverty reduction is investing in infrastructure, such as rural roads and irrigation systems.

A further problem in todays Armenia is that institutions such as trade unions and worker cooperatives continue to be negatively associated with the repression of the Soviet past. Overcoming this legacy and organizing workers independently to protect their interests will undoubtedly be one of the major tasks for the foreseeable future.

Political Participation & Ideology

In the arena of political participation, the Soviet era has also left an indelible mark on Armenia. Not only were political decisions dictated from above (via Moscow) but even those democratic institutions which did exist served largely as empty, ceremonial devices for validating the Communist regime. For example, there were elections in the USSR but they were virtually all uncontested races, where participation was considered part of the ritual of being a Soviet citizen.

In addition, mass organizations such as youth groups, student organizations, political parties and trade unions were seen simply as stepping-stones for career advancement. Participants usually joined these groups to enhance their future and gain the support of party bosses, not to make a difference in politics or join with like-minded individuals to affect change. As a result, for decades, Armenia was almost completely deprived of the valuable practice of voluntary civic association and engagement.

In turn, the heavy political repression of the Soviet period transformed politics into a nuisance that was to be avoided, not embraced. Naturally, people preferred to keep their true political ideals private and relied the most heavily on close family ties and social networks. The economic hardships and political persecutions of the post-Soviet leadership in Armenia only reinforced this pattern of disillusionment with politics and political participation.

Along these lines, ideology also became a negative connotation for many in post-Soviet Armenia. The USSRs stated mission of building communism and being driven by ideology discredited the promotion of such ideals in general. People came to expect that their leaders would make ideological proclamations in public but practice something completely different in private. Not surprisingly, ideology in general became negatively associated with Bolshevism and its deceit.

We can see the pitfalls of this phenomenon playing out today, with the opposition of Levon Ter-Petrossian having no real platform or ideology to speak of besides calling for a regime change in his favor. Reversing this trend and reinstituting an appreciation for political platforms and clear visions of a more decent future will be a key factor in ensuring a more rapid and healthy democratization process in Armenia.

Corruption

Of course, the fundamental problem of corruption in Armenia also has its roots in the Soviet era. Given the fact that the Communist Party relied on its managerial class (the apparatchiki) to govern affairs, distribute appointmens, and hand out benefits, many regional and local leaders used their power to expand their own personal gain. If a citizen had a problem, he or she had to turn to the local or city party committee for a solution. Getting help from such highly concentrated centers of power required some sort of connection, favoritism, or bribe to those in authority.

Thus, getting by in the Soviet system inherently required political influence, social connections, and personal networks. The totalitarian, top-down nature of management also led to the wasteful distribution of supplies and constant shortages. People were conditioned to set aside national concerns and look out, instead, for their own narrow personal and familial interests.

It was also during the Soviet era that a black market economy developed in Armenia, which then ballooned out of control following independence. This was precisely because the only people who had experience with the market in the Communist period were those who operated illegally. As one can imagine, such individuals were the best skilled at evading laws and taking advantage of circumstances to pull a profit.

Today, people continue to view patronage and family networks as key channels for getting ahead and money, in many ways, has become the new way to get around bureaucratic difficulties and daily obstacles. It is no secret that businessmen who operate in the hadows and evade regulation are also prevalent in the economy.

A serious campaign to combat corruption and bring market activity within legal parameters is one of the most important challenges facing the country. This struggle must be waged if we want to see a more prosperous and equitable Armenia.

Moving Forward

The Soviet State had a severe impact on countless other facets of Armenian life; everything from the education system and media to national identity, culture, and relations with the Diaspora. The list is too long to be covered here.

The main point, however, is that the legacy of the Soviet Union must be well understood when analyzing conditions in todays Armenia. Seventy years of rule behind the Iron Curtain had dramatic effects on the development of the Armenian Republic, just as the respective host country each community has been forced to develop under has shaped life in the Armenian Diaspora.

So how do we move forward? One simple starting point would be to reverse the negative trends and artificial characteristics imposed on Armenia during the Soviet period. Returning Armenia to its natural course of development without interference from abroad (whether it be from Moscow, Washington, or anywhere else) would seem to be one of the most basic lessons drawn from the Soviet experience.

The recent political turmoil in Yerevan also suggests that political organization in Armenia needs to focus more on the root causes of social injustice and inequality. The discrediting of class-consciousness, political ideology, and civic organization during the Soviet era is very dangerous and must be overcome soon. Otherwise, as we saw with the campaign of Levon Ter-Petrossian, discontent and political anger in the country can be diverted into demagoguery, sensationalism, and attacks against national unity.

Reviving the true values and ideals of socialism becomes even more critical in this light. This revival can best be assured through democratic, bottom-up organizing around principles of economic equality, accountability, social justice, and national (not personal) priorities.

Achieving such progress will require not only a proper understanding of history but, more importantly, the willingness to change it.

For its Fall issue, the Armenian Youth Federations Haytoug publication sat down with Dr. Ara Khanjian for a candid discussion on the socio-economic realities in Armenia and how the nation could overcome the challenges that have relegated many of the countrys population to a life of poverty and social inequality.

Dr. Khanjian is a Professor of Economics at Ventura College and a Lecturer in Money and Banking at California Lutheran University, Thousand Oaks. In 1991, he worked at the Economic Institute of the Economic Ministry of Armenia, developing economic legislation, such as labor laws. He currently serves on the Executive Board of the Armenian International Policy Research Group (AIPRG) and is the former editor of the Armenian Journal of Public Policy.

******

Haytoug: Armenia has been recording steady levels of economic growth and expansion for several years now. How much of this growth has trickled down to the average population and those at the very bottom of the economic totem pole?

Ara Khanjian: During the past ten years, when Armenia was experiencing a double-digit GDP growth rate, the official poverty rates went down significantly. In 1999, 56.1% of the population was officially considered poor. By 2006 that rate had dropped to 26.5%. However we have to make a few observations here.

First, there are regional disparities. A visitor to Armenia would realize that most of the improvement is occurring within the getron (center) of the capital, Yerevan. Outside the center of Yerevan, the improvemens are less visible and tend to be the poorest areas. In general, rural areas are doing better than the urban areas outside of Yerevan, because agricultural production is increasing and, during the past few years, agricultural prices were rising faster than non-food prices.

Second, it could be argued that the official poverty line is very low, and it underestimates the true amount of poverty in Armenia. In 2006 the poverty line was 21,555 dram per month, which implies that someone earning 22,000 dram ($73) per month would not be considered poor. However with 22,000 dram someone would have a very low standard of living and would be living in practical poverty.

Haytoug: What specific policies aimed at reducing poverty and increasing economic equality has the ARF advocated or implemented since joining the coalition government?

A.K.: First we should emphasize a philosophical issue. The ARF being a socialist political party does not believe in the Darwinian concept of the survival of the fittest or the law of the jungle, where the strong survive while the weaksuch as the young, elderly and the unfortunateperish. Therefore, poverty is a major concern of the ARF, while for other political parties poverty is a secondary issue, because they believe that the poor are responsible for their conditions and that they should improve their own economic situation.

The ARF is convinced that the government has an important role to play in generating an environment where the poor would have the opportunity to improve their standard of living. It is safe to claim that economic growth alone is not sufficient to reduce poverty in a country. It is essential for the government to adopt pro-poor economic policies. The ARF promoted the following pro-poor policies:

Increase government expenditures on education, health care, housing and social programs.

Increase in the pension paymens.

Increase in the minimum wage.

Increase government regulations and restricting monopolies.

Improve public infrastructure, such as rural roads and water resources.

Provide easy access to credit by the poor.

Reduce corruption

This last point is considered an important factor. Corruption deteriorates the businesses environment and it slows down economic growth. Also corruption increases inequality. Armeniashould aggressively reduce the level of corruption.

Haytoug: The official political coalition agreement of the current Armenian government and much of the statemens coming from President Serj Sarkisyan acknowledge the need for the state to fight corruption, combat the shadow economy, promote jobs, reduce inequality, alleviate poverty, and so on. In your view, what are the prospects for the current coalition government to effectively tackle these socio-economic issues in Armenia and what role does the ARF play in these efforts?

A.K.: With our focus on poverty, we were able to influence the government and make it more aware of the needs of the poor. During the opening ceremony of the ARFs 30th World Congress, one of the first concerns mentioned by Prime Minister Dikran Sarkisyan in his speech was the fight against poverty. This was not a coincidence. Prime Minister Sarkisyan, knew that the ARF cares about the poor; therefore he explained to the ARF World Congress delegates that he also is concerned with the conditions of the poor.

In addition, the government of Armenia, similar to many other developing countries, with the cooperation of the World Bank, has adopted a Poverty Reduction Strategic Paper, PRSP, which is a long-term plan for reduction of poverty in Armenia. http://www.prsp.am

Under the pressure of the IMF, the government of Armenia was trying to reduce the budget deficit by reducing government expenditures on social programs. The ARF actively advocated increasing government pro-poor expenditures, such as on health care, education, pension etc. In order to finance these pro-poor expenditures, the ARF advocated a reduction in corruption and collection of the correct amount of taxes from rich families and large businesses.

Meanwhile the ARF was and still is arguing that the government could afford to generate a slightly higher level of budget deficit and could allocate the additional borrowed funds on education, health care, pension benefits and other pro-poor government expenditures.

Haytoug: How much of the disillusionment and dissatisfaction that exists in Armeniaas witnessed during the post-election turmoil in late February and early Marchdo you think is attributable to social inequality and real or perceived injustice in the economic sphere?

A.K.: Social inequality, high rates of poverty and real injustices in the economic sphere are causing significant amount of discontent. The almost annihilation of the middle class during the 1990s and the emergence of the very rich made people feel much poorer.

At the same time it seems to me that in Armenia the very rich are not hiding their substantial amount of wealth. Instead, they are showing it off and making the poor feel even worse. Also the rich and the powerful sometimes are violating the laws blatantly making the ordinary citizen feel even more helpless. For example, sometimes you will notice that a young person driving a luxury car in the streets of Yerevan is violating basic traffic laws arrogantly. In this sense it is essential to apply the law to everyone, including the rich and the powerful.

Recently we should note that, along these lines, there has been some reduction in petty bribery that traffic cops used to collect from ordinary citizens.

Haytoug: The Armenian governments budget has reportedly seen a 35% increase in tax revenue in the first half of this year and the government has promised to increase spending on social programs as a result. How best do you think increased tax revenue should be used to alleviate economic hardships in Armenia?

A.K.: Even with such increases, the level of tax revenue in Armenia is still relatively very low. It is important that in the near future, the government of Armenia collects the correct amount of taxes from large enterprises.

In order to reduce the economic hardship of the poor in Armenia, government expenditures on education, research and development, health care, and rural infrastructure, such as roads, electricity, running water, schools, health clinics, etc., should increase.

Probably the top social spending priority should be on education, because an adequate type of education improves the potential for individuals to find jobs and be productive members of society. In general, historically speaking, when a socialist government comes to power in a developing country, one of the first major goals becomes improving the level of education, because education is the best way to reduce poverty.

Haytoug: Is there anything you would like to add in sum of our discussion on economic issues facing Armenia?

A.K.: Let me make a few suggestions and statemens.

When we discuss economic issues I think it is useful to keep in mind that our concern should be the economic interests of the masses in Armenia and not just the interests of the upper middle class and the rich.

During this summer I had to read the Jungle by Upton Sinclair. It is the most famous socialist novel in the U.S. The novel is based on the conditions of the meat production industry in Chicago around 1905. I strongly advise you to read this novel. You will see the extreme poverty that existed in the U.S. at the turn of the century and how the system was so unfair. It took generations of socialists, union members and workers to fight and struggle in order to have the labor rules and regulationssuch as coffee break, vacation time, eight hour work-day, safer working conditions, some amount of job security, retirement benefits, etc. that we take for granted. None of these things existed one hundred years ago. We should appreciate them and be thankful to the past socialists and union members who struggled, and even died, in order for us to enjoy these working conditions today.

Each one of us should feel that it is our duty to take steps in order to generate a fair economic system, where poverty in Armenia is eliminated, where everyone has access to adequate level of education, health care, public transportation, child care, housing, adequate retirement, etc. and where everyone in Armenia has at least an acceptable standard of living.

Can you imagine trying to understand the depopulation of Nakhichevan or Kharabakh’s struggle for self-determination without considering the impact of Stalin’s decision to carve up these regions from Armenia in 1921? Better yet, can you imagine trying to understand the present state of Armenian-Turkish relations without looking at the facts of the Armenian Genocide? Although some parties, such as Turkey and Azerbaijan, would prefer that we look at issues through such an ahistorical lens, those concerned with truth would be wise to realize the importance of history.

Simply put, history matters. Those who do not properly understand and acknowledge history are not only doomed to repeat it, they are setting themselves up for even graver outcomes in the future. As historian Howard Zinn has suggested, not being aware of history is like being born yesterday. In his words, “If you forget history, if you were born yesterday, then you’ll believe anything.”

In the case of the present day Republic of Armenia, understanding history means taking a critical look at the previous 70 years of Soviet rule over this land. Only then can we properly understand the current fabric of social and political life and contemplate ways of moving forward.

The Working Class

Contrary to the rhetoric and official proclamations of the Soviet Empire, the USSR was about as socialist as it was democratic. Rather than empowering workers and freeing them from conditions of oppression, Armenia under Bolshevik rule witnessed the domination of workers by the state and its appointed overseers.

Under the Bolshevik regime, workers were placed into arbitrary unions used by the government to control industries and ensure the implementation of party policies. Those who did not obey would face the danger of losing their job, income, benefits, or worse. In effect, the Soviet factory managers replaced the previous owners of capital as the new exploiters of the working class.

In this environment, Armenian workers never had the opportunity to organize independently and exercise their class-consciousness. Perhaps even worse, appeals toward class sensibilities and trade unions themselves became largely discredited by the experience of the Soviet era, which carried out its subjugation under the false banner of ‘socialism.’

Meanwhile, in the countryside, Stalin’s brutal collectivization forced peasants against their will into collective farms controlled by local Communist party officials. Those who resisted were executed while many Armenia’s ended up being forced to leave their homes in the countryside and crowd into urban areas.

The countryside itself was left sacrificed for the sake of heavy industry and military production. Virtually no investment was made in the rural economy or infrastructure, resulting in severe decay still felt to this day. In fact, with over 30% of the current population in Armenia working the land, one of the most pressing needs in the area of poverty reduction is investing in infrastructure, such as rural roads and irrigation systems.

A further problem in today’s Armenia is that institutions such as trade unions and worker cooperatives continue to be negatively associated with the repression of the Soviet past. Overcoming this legacy and organizing workers independently to protect their interests will undoubtedly be one of the major tasks for the foreseeable future.

Political Participation & Ideology

In the arena of political participation, the Soviet era has also left an indelible mark on Armenia. Not only were political decisions dictated from above (via Moscow) but even those democratic institutions which did exist served largely as empty, ceremonial devices for validating the Communist regime. For example, there were elections in the USSR but they were virtually all uncontested races, where participation was considered part of the ritual of being a Soviet citizen.

In addition, mass organizations such as youth groups, student organizations, political parties and trade unions were seen simply as stepping-stones for career advancement. Participants usually joined these groups to enhance their future and gain the support of party bosses, not to make a difference in politics or join with like-minded individuals to affect change. As a result, for decades, Armenia was almost completely deprived of the valuable practice of voluntary civic association and engagement.

In turn, the heavy political repression of the Soviet period transformed politics into a nuisance that was to be avoided, not embraced. Naturally, people preferred to keep their true political ideals private and relied the most heavily on close family ties and social networks. The economic hardships and political persecutions of the post-Soviet leadership in Armenia only reinforced this pattern of disillusionment with politics and political participation.

Along these lines, ideology also became a negative connotation for many in post-Soviet Armenia. The USSR’s stated mission of building communism and being driven by ideology discredited the promotion of such ideals in general. People came to expect that their leaders would make ideological proclamations in public but practice something completely different in private. Not surprisingly, ideology in general became negatively associated with Bolshevism and its deceit.

We can see the pitfalls of this phenomenon playing out today, with the ‘opposition’ of Levon Ter-Petrossian having no real platform or ideology to speak of besides calling for a regime change in his favor. Reversing this trend and reinstituting an appreciation for political platforms and clear visions of a more decent future will be a key factor in ensuring a more rapid and healthy democratization process in Armenia.

Corruption

Of course, the fundamental problem of corruption in Armenia also has its roots in the Soviet era. Given the fact that the Communist Party relied on its managerial class (the apparatchiki) to govern affairs, distribute appointmen’s, and hand out benefits, many regional and local ‘leaders’ used their power to expand their own personal gain. If a citizen had a problem, he or she had to turn to the local or city party committee for a solution. Getting help from such highly concentrated centers of power required some sort of ‘connection,’ favoritism, or bribe to those in authority.

Thus, getting by in the Soviet system inherently required political influence, social connections, and personal networks. The totalitarian, top-down nature of management also led to the wasteful distribution of supplies and constant shortages. People were conditioned to set aside national concerns and look out, instead, for their own narrow personal and familial interests.

It was also during the Soviet era that a black market economy developed in Armenia, which then ballooned out of control following independence. This was precisely because the only people who had experience with the market in the Communist period were those who operated illegally. As one can imagine, such individuals were the best skilled at evading laws and taking advantage of circumstances to pull a profit.

Today, people continue to view patronage and family networks as key channels for getting ahead and money, in many ways, has become the new way to get around bureaucratic difficulties and daily obstacles. It is no secret that businessmen who operate in the ‘hadows’ and evade regulation are also prevalent in the economy.

A serious campaign to combat corruption and bring market activity within legal parameters is one of the most important challenges facing the country. This struggle must be waged if we want to see a more prosperous and equitable Armenia.

Moving Forward

The Soviet State had a severe impact on countless other facets of Armenian life; everything from the education system and media to national identity, culture, and relations with the Diaspora. The list is too long to be covered here.

The main point, however, is that the legacy of the Soviet Union must be well understood when analyzing conditions in today’s Armenia. Seventy years of rule behind the ‘Iron Curtain’ had dramatic effects on the development of the Armenian Republic, just as the respective host country each community has been forced to develop under has shaped life in the Armenian Diaspora.

So how do we move forward? One simple starting point would be to reverse the negative trends and artificial characteristics imposed on Armenia during the Soviet period. Returning Armenia to its natural course of development without interference from abroad (whether it be from Moscow, Washington, or anywhere else) would seem to be one of the most basic lessons drawn from the Soviet experience.

The recent political turmoil in Yerevan also suggests that political organization in Armenia needs to focus more on the root causes of social injustice and inequality. The discrediting of class-consciousness, political ideology, and civic organization during the Soviet era is very dangerous and must be overcome soon. Otherwise, as we saw with the campaign of Levon Ter-Petrossian, discontent and political anger in the country can be diverted into demagoguery, sensationalism, and attacks against national unity.

Reviving the true values and ideals of socialism becomes even more critical in this light. This revival can best be assured through democratic, bottom-up organizing around principles of economic equality, accountability, social justice, and national (not personal) priorities.

Achieving such progress will require not only a proper understanding of history but, more importantly, the willingness to change it.

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Editor’s Note: This article appears in the Fall issue of Haytoug, the Armenian Youth Federation’s official publication. The Fall 2008 issue can be found at community centers, schools and local bookstores. Pick up a copy or download it in PDF format.

A book on Vahan Cardashian, the man who set the foundation for Armenian political advocacy in the United States, has long been overdue. Finally, earlier this year, the Center for Armenian Remembrance (CAR) released a compilation documenting some of this man’s legendary work.

Born in Caesarea around 1880, Cardashian made his way to the United States in 1902. After graduating with a law degree from Yale in 1908 he went on to open a successful legal practice in New York.

Interestingly enough, Cardashian actually later became the representative for the Ottoman Embassy in the US. As he learned of the Turkish government’s plans to exterminate his own people–including his mother and sister, who became victims of the Genocide–he resigned his post and transformed himself into a “one-man army” fighting for the Armenian Cause.

Cardashian was most well known as the founder of the American Committee for the Independence of Armenia (ACIA), the precursor to today’s Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA). Working alongside the likes of Armen Garo (Armenia’s then Ambassador to the US), he succeeded in rallying countless prominent Americans in support of pro-Armenian issues.

The book features both a biography and synopsis of Cardashian’s life and work. It also features excerpts of his reports, correspondence and writings during his advocacy with the ACIA. These writings offer direct insight into the issues and argumen’s being fought over in US policy at the time. They also reveal the nature of the battles an Armenian patriot such as Cardashian had to confront. Ironically, the lessons of these battles are as relevant today as they were back then.

Cardashian eventually passed away in 1934, in pursuit of the Armenian Cause until his very last breath. Although he was not able to shift US policy against collaboration with Kemalist Turkey, his efforts helped lead to such successes as Woodrow Wilson’s push for a viable Armenia in the Treaty of Sevres, official White House recognition of the Armenian Republic and the blocking of American ratification of the Treaty of Lausanne.

More importantly, the standard of sacrifice, political influence, and integrity that he established became the blueprint for future generations of Armenian activists in the United States. Understanding his legacy and ideas should be paramount to anyone concerned with the future of Armenian American political action. If you’re one of those people, you should definitely consider picking up this book.

Editor’s Note: This Book Review appears in the Fall issue of Haytoug, the Armenian Youth Federation’s official publication. The Fall 2008 issue can be found at community centers, schools and local bookstores. Pick up a copy or download it in PDF format.

For its Fall issue, the Armenian Youth Federation’s Haytoug publication sat down with Dr. Ara Khanjian for a candid discussion on the socio-economic realities in Armenia and how the nation could overcome the challenges that have relegated many of the country’s population to a life of poverty and social inequality.

Dr. Khanjian is a Professor of Economics at Ventura College and a Lecturer in Money and Banking at California Lutheran University, Thousand Oaks. In 1991, he worked at the Economic Institute of the Economic Ministry of Armenia, developing economic legislation, such as labor laws. He currently serves on the Executive Board of the Armenian International Policy Research Group (AIPRG) and is the former editor of the Armenian Journal of Public Policy.

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Haytoug:Armenia has been recording steady levels of economic growth and expansion for several years now. How much of this growth has trickled down to the average population and those at the very bottom of the economic totem pole?

Ara Khanjian: During the past ten years, when Armenia was experiencing a double-digit GDP growth rate, the official poverty rates went down significantly. In 1999, 56.1% of the population was officially considered poor. By 2006 that rate had dropped to 26.5%. However we have to make a few observations here.

First, there are regional disparities. A visitor to Armenia would realize that most of the improvement is occurring within the “getron” (center) of the capital, Yerevan. Outside the center of Yerevan, the improvemen’s are less visible and tend to be the poorest areas. In general, rural areas are doing better than the urban areas outside of Yerevan, because agricultural production is increasing and, during the past few years, agricultural prices were rising faster than non-food prices.

Second, it could be argued that the official poverty line is very low, and it underestimates the true amount of poverty in Armenia. In 2006 the poverty line was 21,555 dram per month, which implies that someone earning 22,000 dram ($73) per month would not be considered poor. However with 22,000 dram someone would have a very low standard of living and would be living in practical poverty.

Haytoug: What specific policies aimed at reducing poverty and increasing economic equality has the ARF advocated or implemented since joining the coalition government?

A.K.: First we should emphasize a philosophical issue. The ARF being a socialist political party does not believe in the Darwinian concept of the survival of the fittest or the law of the jungle, where the strong survive while the weak–such as the young, elderly and the unfortunate–perish. Therefore, poverty is a major concern of the ARF, while for other political parties poverty is a secondary issue, because they believe that the poor are responsible for their conditions and that they should improve their own economic situation.

The ARF is convinced that the government has an important role to play in generating an environment where the poor would have the opportunity to improve their standard of living. It is safe to claim that economic growth alone is not sufficient to reduce poverty in a country. It is essential for the government to adopt pro-poor economic policies. The ARF promoted the following pro-poor policies:

—Increase government expenditures on education, health care, housing and social programs.

–Increase in the pension paymen’s.

–Increase in the minimum wage.

–Increase government regulations and restricting monopolies.

–Improve public infrastructure, such as rural roads and water resources.

–Provide easy access to credit by the poor.

–Reduce corruption

This last point is considered an important factor. Corruption deteriorates the businesses environment and it slows down economic growth. Also corruption increases inequality. Armenia’should aggressively reduce the level of corruption.

Haytoug:The official political coalition agreement of the current Armenian government and much of the statemen’s coming from President Serj Sarkisyan acknowledge the need for the state to fight corruption, combat the shadow economy, promote jobs, reduce inequality, alleviate poverty, and so on. In your view, what are the prospects for the current coalition government to effectively tackle these socio-economic issues in Armenia and what role does the ARF play in these efforts?

A.K.: With our focus on poverty, we were able to influence the government and make it more aware of the needs of the poor. During the opening ceremony of the ARF’s 30th World Congress, one of the first concerns mentioned by Prime Minister Dikran Sarkisyan in his speech was the fight against poverty. This was not a coincidence. Prime Minister Sarkisyan, knew that the ARF cares about the poor; therefore he explained to the ARF World Congress delegates that he also is concerned with the conditions of the poor. In addition, the government of Armenia, similar to many other developing countries, with the cooperation of the World Bank, has adopted a Poverty Reduction Strategic Paper, PRSP, which is a long-term plan for reduction of poverty in Armenia. http://www.prsp.am

Under the pressure of the IMF, the government of Armenia was trying to reduce the budget deficit by reducing government expenditures on social programs. The ARF actively advocated increasing government pro-poor expenditures, such as on health care, education, pension etc. In order to finance these pro-poor expenditures, the ARF advocated a reduction in corruption and collection of the correct amount of taxes from rich families and large businesses.

Meanwhile the ARF was and still is arguing that the government could afford to generate a slightly higher level of budget deficit and could allocate the additional borrowed funds on education, health care, pension benefits and other pro-poor government expenditures.

Haytoug:How much of the disillusionment and dissatisfaction that exists in Armenia–as witnessed during the post-election turmoil in late February and early March–do you think is attributable to social inequality and real or perceived injustice in the economic sphere?

A.K.: Social inequality, high rates of poverty and real injustices in the economic sphere are causing significant amount of discontent. The almost annihilation of the middle class during the 1990s and the emergence of the very rich made people feel much poorer.

At the same time it seems to me that in Armenia the very rich are not hiding their substantial amount of wealth. Instead, they are showing it off and making the poor feel even worse. Also the rich and the powerful sometimes are violating the laws blatantly making the ordinary citizen feel even more helpless. For example, sometimes you will notice that a young person driving a luxury car in the streets of Yerevan is violating basic traffic laws arrogantly. In this sense it is essential to apply the law to everyone, including the rich and the powerful.

Recently we should note that, along these lines, there has been some reduction in petty bribery that traffic cops used to collect from ordinary citizens.

Haytoug: The Armenian government’s budget has reportedly seen a 35% increase in tax revenue in the first half of this year and the government has promised to increase spending on social programs as a result. How best do you think increased tax revenue should be used to alleviate economic hardships in Armenia?

A.K.: Even with such increases, the level of tax revenue in Armenia is still relatively very low. It is important that in the near future, the government of Armenia collects the correct amount of taxes from large enterprises.

In order to reduce the economic hardship of the poor in Armenia, government expenditures on education, research and development, health care, and rural infrastructure, such as roads, electricity, running water, schools, health clinics, etc., should increase.

Probably the top social spending priority should be on education, because an adequate type of education improves the potential for individuals to find jobs and be productive members of society. In general, historically speaking, when a socialist government comes to power in a developing country, one of the first major goals becomes improving the level of education, because education is the best way to reduce poverty.

Haytoug:Is there anything you would like to add in sum of our discussion on economic issues facing Armenia?

A.K.: Let me make a few suggestions and statemen’s.

When we discuss economic issues I think it is useful to keep in mind that our concern should be the economic interests of the masses in Armenia and not just the interests of the upper middle class and the rich.

During this summer I had to read “the Jungle” by Upton Sinclair. It is the most famous socialist novel in the U.S. The novel is based on the conditions of the meat production industry in Chicago around 1905. I strongly advise you to read this novel. You will see the extreme poverty that existed in the U.S. at the turn of the century and how the system was so unfair. It took generations of socialists, union members and workers to fight and struggle in order to have the labor rules and regulations–such as coffee break, vacation time, eight hour work-day, safer working conditions, some amount of job security, retirement benefits, etc.– that we take for granted. None of these things existed one hundred years ago. We should appreciate them and be thankful to the past socialists and union members who struggled, and even died, in order for us to enjoy these working conditions today.

Each one of us should feel that it is our duty to take steps in order to generate a fair economic system, where poverty in Armenia is eliminated, where everyone has access to adequate level of education, health care, public transportation, child care, housing, adequate retirement, etc. and where everyone in Armenia has at least an acceptable standard of living.

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Editor’s Note: This interview appears in the Fall issue of Haytoug, the Armenian Youth Federation’s
official publication. The Fall 2008 issue can be found at community
centers, schools and local bookstores. Pick up a copy or download it in PDF format.

Today, with the fall of the Soviet Union and an independent Armenian Republic, one of our leading concerns is finding ways to bolster our homeland’s statehood and development. Paramount in this concern is the need to ensure equality and a decent standard of living for the entire people of Armenia. Defending social justice and seeking ways to support a just economic system-where human values are placed above profit and citizens have a say in the decisions affecting their lives-are critical to any conception of a strong and prosperous Armenia.

With that very serious reality in focus, the Armenian Youth Federation this week released the Fall 2008 issue of its quarterly Haytoug Publication.

Written from the keen perspective of our community’s youth, the upcoming issue runs a gamut of topics focusing on the theme of social justice–from an examination of the bleak economic reality in Armenia to a revealing look at the ravages of a profit-driven healthcare system in the United States.

This week we begin a new section in Asbarez. In collaboration with the Armenian Youth Federation, we will be previewing the Haytoug, by featuring some articles from the upcoming edition.

The Fall 2008 can be found at community centers, schools and local bookstores. Pick up a copy or download it in PDF.

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Envisioning and Ensuring a Just FutureA Message from the Haytoug Editors

One of the reasons for our organization’s longevity has been our ability to adapt to the changes of our times–both in the US and the Armenian nation. In the era surrounding our creation, we focused on gathering the youth and keeping our sense of identity alive. As time went on, the AYF became much more active in the struggle for Genocide recognition and political activism. Today, with the fall of the Soviet Union and an independent Armenian Republic, one of our leading concerns is finding ways to bolster our homeland’s statehood and development.

Paramount in this concern is the need to ensure equality and a decent standard of living for the entire people of Armenia. Defending social justice and seeking ways to support a just economic system–where human values are placed above profit and citizens have a say in the decisions affecting their lives–are critical to any conception of a strong and prosperous Armenia.

The worldwide diaspora can play a significant role in this process not only through material assistance but also through the sharing of knowledge, skills, experiences, and solidarity. In order to do this adequately, however, we must come to a clearer understanding of not only the current conditions in Armenia but also the historical context in which they were spawned.

Indeed, if anybody should realize the importance of remembering history, it us, the Armenia’s. We must learn the lessons of history when it comes to the legacy left on Armenia by the Soviets and the past two administrations; we must learn the lessons of history when it comes to the struggle for Hai Tahd and the sacrifices of those such as Vahan Cardashian and the Lisbon 5; and we must learn the lessons of recent history here in our own backyard, when we see the ravages of a profit-driven health care system taking the lives of our very own.

Only by paying attention to history and drawing the obvious lessons it teaches us can we make certain that the future will be a more just and equitable one.

We agree with the words featured in this issue from musician, activist and former AYF alumnus Serj Tankian when he says, “Everything on this planet is connected. And if that’s the case, then working towards justice should be one of our primary goals as humans here.”

It is in this spirit that we present this current issue. It is also in this spirit that we call on all Armenian youth to join together to create a more righteous future for our people.

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The following are the three preview articles published in this week’s Asbarez:

* Economic Justice in Armenia * Armenian Activism in South America * A Chat with Serj Tankian * A look at Women in the Armenian Revolutionary Movement * A look back at the 2008 Youth Corps Program in Gyumri * A feature on the tycoons of Armenia * The Soviet legacy left on Armenia * The Health Care system of the United States * A look back at the Armenian Olympics team * A book review on the life of Vahan Cardashian