Bonanzaville and Baseball: Metaphorical and Cultural
"Sites" of Preservation and Entertainment

Abstract

This article critically investigates and assesses two
prominent "sites" of rhetorical/cultural significance in the Red
River Valley: Bonanzaville U.S.A. and Redhawks baseball. Through
rhetorical/critical engagement, the authors contend that these two
places represent two significant rhetorical/cultural themes:
preservation and entertainment. We assess both of these themes in
relation to how Bonanzaville U.S.A. metaphorically emphasizes the
theme of preservation and how Redhawks baseball metaphorically
signifies entertainment. The analysis is aided by metaphor theory
that posits those human beings think, act, and ultimately
communicate metaphorically. Finally, the authors profile the
implications of the analysis.

Introduction

In her forward to the spring/summer 1998 issue of Prairie
Portraits, co-editor Elizabeth Blanks Hindman invites readers to
enjoy the various aspects of culture represented in the Red River
Valley by engaging their senses. Hindman invites Prairie Portraits
readers to: "see summer thunderstorms roll in from the west
smell the early flowers of spring [and] taste the
traditional foods of the cultures represented here, and [we]
feel a sense of belonging." Hindman's invitation to "sense" Red River
Valley culture is enticing, yet, as Hindman would agree, we
experience culture in ways other than sensory. Not unlike others, we
here in the Red River Valley spend a lot of time creating,
reinforcing, maintaining, and perpetuating our culture, our heritage,
and our "way of life." As noted literary critic Kenneth Burke reminds
us in his book Attitudes Toward History (1984), we preserve our
history and culture by setting aside those places and spaces that
occupy our most treasured memories. Thus, as we experience culture in
the Red River Valley, as Hindman's eloquent invitation entices us to
do, we also preserve and protect our culture by reverently visiting
those most "sacred" of places in the Valley: Newman Outdoor Field
home of the Fargo-Moorhead Redhawks, and Historic Bonanzaville U.S.A.
located in West Fargo.

In this essay, we discuss Newman Outdoor Field (with emphasis on
Redhawks baseball) and Bonanzaville U.S.A. as metaphorical places. We
contend that these two places metaphorically represent two cultural
themes cherished in the Red River Valley: preservation and
entertainment. Aiding our interpretation of these places are the
insights provided on metaphorical theory provided by Burke and
linguist I. A. Richards. Moreover, we discuss the scholarly work
focusing on visual metaphors to reinforce both the linguistic and
visual "function" of metaphors. Finally, we discuss the metaphorical
themes of preservation and entertainment as we see them manifested at
Newman Outdoor Field (Redhawks baseball games) and at Bonanzaville
U.S.A., and draw some critical implications.

Bonanzaville and Baseball

We focus on Bonanzaville U.S.A. and Newman Outdoor Field as
significant places of cultural significance for two reasons. First,
both are popular places in the Red River Valley that many people
visit. It is estimated that in 1997, over 600,000 people visited
Newman Outdoor Field basically for entertainment purposes (Redhawks
website, 1998). Whether to watch a baseball game or to attend a
blue's festival, Newman Outdoor Field is certainly a popular site
where people from diverse backgrounds join together. Bonanzaville
U.S.A. receives the same sort of popularity, not necessarily in the
numbers of people who visit, but because it houses many of the
cultural and historical artifacts that many people associate with Red
River Valley culture. Second, both places provide a good comparison
of the cultural complexity in the Red River Valley. Newman Outdoor
Field exists precisely because it offers people the opportunity for
entertainment. On the other hand, Bonanzaville U.S.A. exists to
preserve cultural history. It is this tension between entertainment
and preservation where we contend a further understanding of the
culture of the Red River Valley and how communication impacts,
reinforces, and maintains it, takes shape.

Before moving into a discussion of metaphors, and specifically the
metaphorical themes of preservation and entertainment, we provide a
brief orientation to both Bonanzaville U.S.A. and Newman Outdoor
Field.

Located adjacent to the Red River Valley Fairgrounds in West
Fargo, North Dakota, Bonanzaville U.S.A. is home to a variety of
historical artifacts and re-constructions ranging from ancient Native
American bone-tools to a 1952 Packard prominently exhibited in the
automobile collection. Bonanzaville U.S.A. is a restored pioneer
village and site for the Red River and Northern Plains Regional
Museum, both operated by the Cass County Historical Society (Freed,
1989). Inside the forty-five museum buildings, visitors discover
antique cars, farm machinery and horse-drawn vehicles, airplanes
dating from early as 1911, a railroad depot with an original steam
locomotive, and a model train exhibit. Other attractions include a
display tracing the development of the telecommunications industry
from the invention of the telephone in 1876 to the present, and a
large doll collection featuring figurines of many nationalities. The
village's other builds include replicas of a country school, church,
town hall, jail, creamery, doll house, sod house, log homes, hotel
and bar, blacksmith shop, print shop, drug store, general store, and
barber shop. In all, Bonanzaville U.S.A. has over 150 exhibitions
dotting its "Main Street" decor.

Approximately five miles northeast of Bonanzaville U.S.A. and
located on North Dakota State University's campus in Fargo is Newman
Outdoor Field, home of the Fargo-Moorhead Redhawks Professional
Baseball Club. Built as a joint venture between the Redhawks, the
City of Fargo, and North Dakota State University, Newman Outdoor
Field comfortably seats over 4, 500 fans and contains twelve luxury
boxes and a full-sized press box on the stadium's third level.

Construction for the 4 million dollar stadium began in 1995.
Besides housing various concession and food vendor sites, Newman
Outdoor Field also features a rentable hot tub, a scoreboard that
features a six-foot high display screen with manual running score,
and a playground/recreational facility for kids ("Fargo firm
awarded," 1995). The development and construction of Newman Outdoor
Field received much public support in 1995. Yet, some dissension for
the project arose when a group of citizens petitioned for a public
vote arguing that the eventual price of the completed stadium would
exceed the 3.7 million dollar price tag put up by the cities of Fargo
and Moorhead, MN, and North Dakota State University (Pantera, 1995).
As mentioned above, the completed price for the stadium was 4
million. To raise the additional funds needed to pay for the stadium
without burdening taxpayers, city officials put forth a public
relations campaign seeking corporate sponsorship for the stadium. In
return for paying off the debt from under budgeting the cost of the
completed stadium, the corporate sponsor's name would grace the
stadium's official name. In March 1998, the Newman Outdoor Sign
company provided the needed corporate sponsorship for the stadium,
and on July 30, 1998, the stadium was officially dedicated as Newman
Outdoor Field before a sellout crowd (Schnepf, 1998). Besides hosting
over sixty Redhawks and North Dakota State University baseball games
per year, Newman Outdoor Field also holds the annual Fargo-Moorhead
Blues Festival in mid August.

Metaphor Theory

Historically, the study of metaphor has been chastised as well as
championed as a linguistic device (Gill, 1994). Yet, recently, much
scholarly attention is being paid to the rhetorical function of
visual metaphors (Aden, 1994; Foss, 1996; Kaplan, 1990, Meister,
1997). Our discussion of metaphor first begins with its traditional
association as a linguistic device. Next, we profile the concept of
visual metaphor.

According to Gill (1994), the study of metaphor's linguistic
function has received mixed reviews. Some scholars banish metaphor to
"a role as mere embellishment and argue that it obfuscates the search
for truth" (Gill, 1994, p. 65). Other scholars elevate linguistic
metaphor as the foundation principle of language and, in some cases,
defining the operation of metaphor as the process of human
intelligence. Disregarding linguistic metaphor as simply
ornamentation or "pretty rhetoric," metaphor arguably offers insight
into how we create, re-create, and assign meaning (Burke, 1984).

In his work Poetics, Aristotle mentions that "Metaphor
consists in giving the thing a name that belongs to something else;
the transference being either from genus to species, or from species
to genus, or from species to species, or on grounds of analogy" (as
cited in Gill, 1994, p. 66). Metaphor for Aristotle is a borrowing of
proper meaning from another name, another word. That is, metaphors
add to the connotative meaning of a statement, beyond the "proper" or
intended meaning (Farrell & Goodnight, 1981; Gill, 1994; Ivie,
1986; Osborn, 1967).

German philosopher Ernest Cassirer argues that "[l]anguage
is, by its very nature and essence, metaphorical" (as cited in de
Saussure, 1959, pp. 23-24), while Burke defines metaphor as "a device
for seeing something in terms of something else" (1969, p. 503).
Metaphors, says Burke, are used to gain perspective.

The notion that metaphors aid in the creation of meaning and
perspective is the basic thesis behind George Lakeoff and Mark
Johnson's book Metaphors We Live By. Lakeoff and Johnson (1980)
suggest that "the essence of metaphor is understanding and
experiencing one kind of thing in terms of another" (p. 5). Here we
see the prominence and importance of metaphor as a linguistic
construct in everyday lives. Simply put, we create and assign meaning
to our lives metaphorically. Both thought and experience (language
usage) become meaningful precisely because of the rhetorical function
metaphor plays in our lives. One of the first modern students of
metaphor, I. A. Richards reinforces the importance of metaphor as
fundamental in the creation of meaning by contending that metaphor
use is innate in all language speakers (Gill, 1994). Richards (1965)
discusses two components of a metaphor whereby the underlying idea or
principle subject of the metaphor is called the "tenor." The
"vehicle" is the means of conveying what the tenor resembles (or
intends to resemble). For Richards, metaphor is not ornamentation
added to language; it is the constitutive form of language (Langer,
1953). Thought is metaphoric and "proceeds by comparison, and the
metaphors of language derive therefrom" (Richards, 1981, p. 94).

As the above discussion illustrates, metaphor is a highly
significant linguistic device. The saliency of metaphor exists
because the essence of assigning meaning is predominantly
metaphorical. Basically, we speak, think, and act metaphorically.
Because metaphor is a fundamental mode of conceiving reality, it is
logical to assume that we not only use metaphors in our language use,
but also in assigning meaning to those objects, places, and scenes we
see (Berger, 1998).

Foss (1996) points out that rhetorical scholars are increasingly
becoming interested in the rhetorical aspects of visual imagery.
Visual imagery has recently replaced written texts in many pieces of
rhetorical criticism. In particular, visual images and artifacts such
as space (Aden, 1994; Foss & Gill, 1987; Katriel, 1994;
Rosenfield, 1989), architecture (Foss, 1986; Twigg, 1992), art (Foss,
1988, 1993; Reid, 1990), film (Fretz & Rushing, 1993), and
advertising (Goffman, 1980; Jhally, 1987, Kaplan, 1990; Williamson,
1978) have replaced verbal and written artifacts in rhetorical
scholarship. According to Berger (1998), "[w]e communicate
through images. Visual communication is a central aspect of our
lives, and much of this communication is done indirectly, through
symbolic means: by words and signs and symbols of all kinds" (p. 1).
Moreover, places, and cultural sites are interpreted metaphorically.
In their book Place, Culture, Representation (1993), James Duncan and
David Ley argue that we experience and understand certain places,
geographies, landscapes, and spaces by drawing interpretive metaphors
on how they shape culture. Just as in metaphorical language use,
"seeing" a metaphor often represents other than an intended or
desired meaning. "Seeing" metaphors in the places we visit are often
related to cultural experiences (Sack, 1992; Soja, 1989).

This point is reinforced by Blair, Jeppeson, and Pucci (1991) in
their analysis of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and by Meister (1997)
in his analysis of Jeep Cherokee advertisements. As a site of
cultural reflection, "the Vietnam Veterans Memorial is an instance of
an emergent discourse within the cultural rhetoric of public
commemorative monuments" (Blair, Jeppeson, & Pucci, 1991, p.
290). Metaphorically, the memorial facilitates an emotional response,
and represents what the Blair, Jeppeson, & Pucci call a
"postmodern commemorative text" (1991, p. 290). Meister (1997) argues
that the United Nations discourse on sustainable development is
metaphorically represented in advertisements for Jeep Cherokees.
Since the language of sustainable development (achieving global
economic prosperity through environmental engagement) is highly
ambiguous, it invites visual representations. In print advertisement
for Jeep Cherokees, the visual image of technology (the Jeep) is
always set upon the highly aesthetic image of nature. It is in this
visual manifestation whereby print advertisements can function
metaphorically.

Baseball and Bonanzaville as Preservation and Entertainment

Recall that we are interested in the cultural tension that exists
between two significant cultural themes: preservation and
entertainment. Arguably, these themes reinforce, implicitly and
explicitly, cultural values. That is to say that as a species, human
beings are preoccupied with symbolizing their culture in ways that
function to preserve it and be amused by it. Neil Postman (1985) in
his book Amusing Ourselves to Death, argues that to understand
culture, in all its mediated visual manifestations, one must
understand the visual function of metaphor and its impact on culture.
Notes Postman (1985): "[f]or although culture is an
expression of speech, it is recreated anew by every medium of
communication, from painting to hieroglyphics to the alphabet to
television. Each medium, like language itself, makes possible a
unique mode of discourse by providing a new orientation for thought,
for expression, for sensibility" (p. 10). Since the visual medium is
highly communicative, as Postman points out, it potentially also
functions to anchor, in the visual-cultural, not only our need for
tradition and preservation, but also quenches our consumer-biased
appetites and fetishes for entertainment.

The irony existing between preservation and entertainment is
slight at first glance, yet striking upon closer examination.
Cultural preservation, argues Raymond Williams (1981) in his book The
Sociology of Culture, reinforces the histories, traditions,
institutions, commonplaces, and ideologies of a culture by seeping
them in public memory, thus insulating them and protecting them from
extinction. Whereby preservation is labor-intensive, we,
consequently, also strive for pleasure, comfort, and entertainment.
In the modern commodity-focused world of consumer demand, cultural
theorist Robert David Sack (1992) argues that present cultural
affairs reflect the need for relaxation. The demands associated with
the labor-intensive acts of cultural preservation (pursuing "legacy
insurance" as coined by political scientist Murray Edelman)
encourages a bias for folly (Edelman, 1988). Simply put, our
tendencies toward cultural preservation (maintaining our jobs, caring
for our families and homes, celebrating our religions, paying our
taxes, voting for public officials, appreciating our pasts, etc.)
generally makes us yearn for the mind-numbing and comical
(professional wrestling and other sporting entertainment, shopping,
travel, etc.).

To further elaborate on this tension between cultural preservation
and amusement we begin discussing how Bonanzaville U.S.A. represents
the metaphorical theme of preservation. To clarify this theme, we
discuss Bonanzaville U.S.A. using "church" metaphors. We then discuss
the entertainment theme and discuss Redhawks baseball using circus
metaphors.

Bonanzaville U.S.A. as a Church

Arguably, religion exists not only to facilitate faith, charity,
and redemption, but also to preserve the histories and traditions
associated with faith. Religious ceremonies, symbols, hymns, and
sacraments all aid to encourage faith, but also to perpetuate and
preserve it well into the future. The sacrament of baptism in the
Christian tradition, for example, is significant because it is a
demonstration of faith. But it is also functions to preserve the
faith in that the baptized (usually an infant) becomes associated
with the rich history and tradition associated with the Christian
faith. Religion is concerned with sharing the faith, but also in
preserving it.

The church, synagogue, temple, or mosque is generally the place
where faith is preserved. Faith is manifested in religious statues
and symbols (crucifix, Star of David), and books (Bible, Koran, and
hymnals) that are displayed and placed throughout the church. In many
ways, the place of religion (church, synagogue, mosque, and temple)
houses a collection of significant relics that represent the faith.
Religion as a practice is preserved in a museum of sorts--the place
we call "church."(1)

Bonanzaville U.S.A. is in many ways a church. Instead of
preserving religious faith, Bonanzaville U.S.A. houses those relics,
mementos, artifacts, and fossils that represent a cultural faith in
tradition and institution. Where a religious church is a place of
religious significance, Bonanzaville U.S.A. is a place of historical
significance, yet both operate to preserve faith (in religion or in
historical/cultural significance). Just like a church, the
Bonanzaville U.S.A. collection of artifacts reminds its patrons of
the intense labor, treacherous living conditions, and overly simple
lifestyles (all compared to today's standards) of those living in the
early years of the Red River Valley. Just as the church is a place
for celebrating the supernatural, Bonanzaville U.S.A. (and other
museums for that matter) is a place for celebrating and preserving
human culture. We come to appreciate human progress when visiting
Bonanzaville U.S.A. The simple hand tools found in many of the
Bonanzaville U.S.A. exhibits, for example, were shaped and pressed
either by the Native American chisel or by the blacksmith's hammer
and fire, and not pressed by contemporary machinery and technology.
This reminds us to appreciate the past's work ethic legacy--a legacy
built upon not only religious and moral faith, but also upon a faith
in human potential. We are reminded when looking at the rusty hand
plane or the oak-shaft ax protected by a glass case, that the energy
to work such tools came from the human machine and not from the
technological machines of today.

We are reminded that early life in the Red River Valley was
certainly not easy. Several exhibits discuss and recreate the living
conditions for early Red River Valley settlers who challenged the
vicious winter forces of nature. Notes one placard discussing early
weather conditions in the Red River Valley:

The winter of 1889 was the worst winter to date in the Valley. It
was said that it was so cold for so long that the trapping industry
in the area literally froze up because most of the animals to be
trapped were froze up. From October to April a thick haze of ice and
wind encased the Valley.

Just as a religious church preserves human spirituality, the
Bonanzaville U.S.A. church preserves human potential. Regardless of
the obstacle to faith or natural circumstance, the human potential,
epitomized through the legacy of labor, perseverance, and tradition,
is preserved in history at Bonanzaville U.S.A. We are reminded when
walking across the dirt floors of the sod-house exhibit that early
trappers in the Red River Valley fought daily for survival. In
visiting Bonanzaville U.S.A. we understand the complexities and
perplexities of life, where the simplicity of hard work contributed
not only for survival, but promoted the quality of life we presently
enjoy as residents of the Red River Valley.

It is not surprising, then, that all roads and paths, whether dirt
or concrete, at Bonanzaville U.S.A. lead to St. John's Lutheran
Church. The church, located within the grounds of Bonanzaville
U.S.A., is much more than an exhibit housing historical relics and
artifacts. Visiting St. John's is a reminder of the contribution of
faith and work ethic that Bonanzaville U.S.A. not only represents
metaphorically, but also preserves.

Redhawks Baseball as Circus

Unlike the symbolic activities surrounding the church, the circus
symbolically represents a different human preoccupation. Whereby the
church preserves faith, and the "church" of Bonanzaville U.S.A.
preserves work ethic traditions, a Redhawks baseball game at Newman
Outdoor Field, quenches our thirst for entertainment. Just as the
circus is a commodification and celebration of the extraordinary
(animal acts, tight rope walkers, clowns, etc.), Redhawks baseball
revels in the extraordinary antics of baseball players, coaches,
umpires, concessionaires, and spectators, whose "acts" all contribute
and promote entertainment.

Each Redhawks baseball game includes a souvenir program whereby
spectators can anticipate and participate in the circus of minor
league baseball. The Redhawks souvenir program is more than simply a
listing of player names and profiles; it is an in-depth litany of
what spectators can expect as the circus of baseball unfolds.
Spectators are encouraged by the "ring-master" public address
announcer to "check your lucky number program at the end of each half
inning to see if you have won a gift from one of our outstanding
sponsors." Just like the circus "ring-master" who introduces the
clown acts, tight-rope walkers, or the trapeze artists, the Redhawks
baseball "ring-master" introduces the baseball players, the
scoreboard operator, the umpires (who sometimes take on the role of
circus clowns as evident by the many jeers directed at them by
players, coaches, and spectators), and corporate sponsors who all
contribute to the circus atmosphere.

In between innings, spectators, not unlike those opportunities
offered at a circus, are asked to participate in an entertaining and
light-hearted competition. Those chosen from the crowd entertain the
entire gathering by attempting to run to first base after spinning,
head down around a bat, ten times. The folly is complete when the
dizzy participants inevitably fall on their way to first base and the
crowd cheers and laughs in appreciation. In yet another thrilling
competition, a spectator is blindfolded, spun around ten times, and
asked to find a cellular phone placed somewhere close around them.
The larger audience cheers loudly when the participant, now
blindfolded and crawling on their hands and knees, is close to
finding the phone. When the participant is not close to finding the
phone, the crowd's cheers subside.

Newman Outdoor Field, the circus "tent" of Redhawks baseball, also
contributes to its entertainment bias. The circus spectacle is
obvious as spectators watch the baseball game unfold because it is
impossible to not notice the huge signs for local business that cover
the outfield fence at Newman Outdoor Field. Advertising for
television and radio stations, public utility companies, local
taverns and eating establishments, and sporting good stores catch the
spectators eye as it moves from left to right field. Walking through
the concession level at Newman Outdoor Field, the spectator cannot
escape the influence of advertising. Pizza, beer, brats, hot dogs,
cotton candy, and the entire genre of circus "fare" are at the
spectator's disposal. Even the children's playground, complete with
sandboxes, swing-sets, and slides (not a usual activity center found
at most baseball parks) has corporate sponsorship. The children's
playground is sponsored by Ponderosa Restaurant. Consequently,
parents who wish to actively participate in the circus atmosphere by
watching the game can allow their children to play in the
playground.

Besides the clear association between advertising and Redhawks
baseball, what also contributes to its circus atmosphere is its focus
on consumption. People come to watch Redhawks baseball for
entertainment, and entertainment at Redhawks baseball games
inevitably includes consumption. Like spectators at a circus who
watch (consume) extraordinary events unfold, Rehawks baseball
spectators watch (consume) the fantastic skills of the baseball
players. Watching a thrilling catch or home run is entertaining
because spectators witness it at it unfolds. Spectators consume and
admire the skill associated with a diving catch or in turning a
double play. Most significantly, however, spectators identify with
the Redhawks most clearly when they win.

Conclusion and Implications

From our analysis of Bonanzaville U.S.A. and Redhawks baseball, we
propose three critical insights. First, the seemingly "ironic"
emphasis on preservation (work ethic) and entertainment apparent in
an analysis of Bonanzaville U.S.A. and Redhawks baseball, second, an
emphasis on the consumption of history and entertainment, and
finally, the highly mythic and symbolic function associated with the
metaphoric themes of preservation and entertainment.

Is not the dual tendency to emphasize cultural preservation and
entertainment ironic? Irony, according to Burke (1984) implies
contradiction. Thus, is it not contradictory to promote a cultural
identity in the Red River Valley in terms of preservation and
entertainment? Our analysis of each cultural text illustrates the
seemingly ironic nature of Red River Valley culture: in one respect,
the place of Bonanzaville U.S.A. metaphorically champions work and
faith in human potential. Distinctly, Redhawks baseball
metaphorically champions entertainment and faith in human
consumption. The irony is stark when we think of these places as a
church and circus respectively. Yet as Burke (1984) points out, the
human impulse to symbolize and communicate is precisely the means by
which we work out these seemingly contradictory positions. According
to Burke (1984) this process is called "casuistic stretching" whereby
"one introduces new principles while theoretically remaining faithful
to old principles" (p. 229). Moreover, according to Burke (1984) "all
'metaphoric extension' is an aspect of casuistic stretching" (p.
230). The nature of language, for instance, allows us to emphasize
the contradictory notions of preservation and entertainment. Yet, the
focus on human potential illustrated at Bonanzaville U.S.A. allows us
to presently focus on entertainment by attending a baseball game.
Simply, our faith in the "church" of history allows us the redemption
of entertainment. We metaphorically make sense out of seemingly
contradictory cultural themes because as Burke points out, we remain
faithful to old principles--those associated with work ethic and
perseverance. Because of our faith in such cultural values and
because of their prominent representation at Bonanzaville U.S.A. we
metaphorically redeem ourselves with such pleasurable activities such
as participating in the circus of baseball.

So in very significant ways, we can as visitors at Bonanzaville
U.S.A. and as spectators at Redhawks baseball games come to symbolize
with the dual and contradictory notions of preservation and
entertainment. Through consuming the history at Bonanzaville U.S.A.
we come to better and more appreciative understanding of early life
in the Red River Valley. It is because we come to understand the
trials and tribulations of early Red River Valley settlers by
visiting Bonanzaville U.S.A., that we are able to entertain ourselves
by participating in the circus of Redhawks baseball. The consumption
of history offers the opportunity for entertainment. Such
transformation and such "stretching" of symbolic dualities provide an
opportunity for our present preoccupation with consumption. Viewing
such a large collection of historical remnants from such a broad time
frame at Bonanzaville U.S.A. allows the visitor to experience history
broadly.

Finally, we find the themes of preservation and entertainment
highly mythic symbolic constructions in our analysis of Bonanzaville
U.S.A. and Redhawks baseball. Mythic rhetorical conceptions provide
legitimacy to a culture because the stories they tell are timeless
"lessons" which serve to reinforce the culture (Osborn, 1990,
Solomon, 1990). Although we do not assess the mythic qualities of the
preservation and entertainment themes in reference to Bonanzaville
U.S.A. and Redhawks baseball, a more in-depth mythic analysis may
reveal how such themes are reinforced culturally. Rather our
assessment has focused on the metaphoric qualities of these themes.
Future study of cultural metaphors, we suggest, should focus on their
mythical qualities.

It is our hope that this article provides some critical insight
into the Red River Valley culture, and how communication symbolically
contributes in emphasizing preservation and entertainment. This essay
profiles the symbolic tension between the cultural metaphors of
preservation and entertainment by critically interpreting the
Bonanzaville U.S.A. and Redhawks baseball.

1. We have chose the term "church" rather than
"temple," "mosque," or "synagogue" because we feel that it is a
general term that encompasses all other places of religious practice.
Although the term "church" is generally associated with Christianity,
we do not wish to imply that it is the only or proper term for a
place of religious practice. Rather, as a general term, "church" is
highly metaphorical, easily malleable and understood regardless of
the religious practice. (Return to text.)

References

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