Introduction

Translated by Jerrold Landau

A monument to the community of Stanisławów which excelled in its vitality and
energy, a cultivating ground for Jewish experience, love of Israel and love of
Zion; a dwelling for the awakening in the struggle for selfhood  in
nationalism, economics and culture; a center for pioneering leadership and
aliya to our Land; a memorial candle to its personalities, leaders, guides,
rabbis, scholars, scribes, teachers, philanthropists, activists, and the masses
of warm-hearted people who were active in their various factions and streams; a
memorial to the houses of Torah and prayer, as well as of Haskalah and
education, social institutions and organizations, political groups and
factions, charitable and benevolent institutions  a wonderful cross
section of life that was cut off by the hands of Amalek[1*]. This is so that
the natives of the city and its environs, who recognize its fine qualities and
renown will know, and so that the younger generation will recognize what once
was.

This monument and memorial candle to Stanisławów  this was the purpose of
the committee of its natives, who merited to live in our State and to actualize
their aim. This book that is now being published is edited by Dov Sadan and
Menachem Gelerter.

The committee gives over this book to the public domain with a word of thanks
to those who toiled for it  the compilers who each wrote a section about
the chronicles of the city; the late Rabbi Dr. Mordechai Zeev Broida, a rabbi,
preacher, activist and educator who gave over of his light to this community;
and, may they live long, the elders of the community Reb Yeshayahu Halevi Ish
Horowitz and Aharon Leib Shusheim; the activist and writer Meir Henish; the
historian Dr. N. M. Gelber; and the Holocaust survivors Vita Kaswiner and Lusia
Weisberg, the final witnesses to the death throws of the community; the
researcher Dov Sadan; and finally Menachem Gelerter, who gave over great effort
to this enterprise, with his exemplary dedication, generosity and diligence.

May Mossad Harav Kook, the publishing house of this book, be blessed.

The Committee forthe Publication of this Anthology

[Page 9]

The History of the Jews of Stanisławów

by N. M. Gelber

Translated by Jerrold Landau

A.

The city of Stanisławów was founded in the year 1654 by the Hetman (commander)
and Starosta (County Administrator) of the Halicz region, Jedrzej Potocki, and was named after
his son Stanisław. The era during which the city was founded was a very
difficult one. Internally, the Polish nation was engulfed in an internecine
struggle, and externally, the Polish state was surrounded by many enemies. It
seemed as if the last days of the Polish state had come, for the invasions and
attacks from all sides of its borders did not cease.

Due to its good geographical situation, since it was located on the main road
that connected the city of Lwów with the southeastern region[1], Stanisławów
became within a short period a main commercial center in southeastern Poland.
Since it was located near the border of the Polish republic, it also had the
important task of protecting the homeland. Not too many years passed before the
city was considered to be a main fortress in the eastern part of the Polish
republic. Due to its strategic importance, it superseded the other well-known
fortresses in this area, such as Halicz, Terebovlya (Trembowla), Brzerżany
(Brezan)[2*], Złoczów, Śniatyn, and Tyśmienica (Tishminitz), all of which excelled in the protection of the
state[2].
Therefore it should be no surprise
that the interests of the residents of this city received special attention[3], such as being exempted from taxes and monetary payments, for they had to
bear the difficult yoke of protecting the border fortress and the
republic wall (antemurus Reipublicae)[4].

In order to develop the city into a center of commerce, the owner of the city
Jedrzej Potocki invited Armenians from Moldavia and Hungary. They arrived in
the city in the years 1663-1664, and settled in it on the basis of a charter
that promised them special rights as an independent community. Both the
Armenians and the Jews were promised, in the founding charter of the city of
May 7, 1654[5], the right to
settle in the city. They were also granted the right to establish a house of
prayer on the land that was given to them.

[Page 10]

In a special charter from November 9, 1654, which established the rights from
the Catholic Church, its priests were promised the right to not permit any
person to worship in accordance with his religious faith (neminem ad exercitum
liberum religionis admittendi); however it explicitly stated that the
Unitarians, Greeks, and Jews would be excepted from this. In a special charter
from September 17, 1662[6], Jedrzej Potocki granted the Jews (Żydzi talmudowi)
the right to settle permanently in the city and the right to engage in commerce
and crafts in the same measure as the members of the Polish, Ruthenia and
Armenian nations, as well as the right to leave in accordance with their
own will. He also freed them from tolls and taxes. According to this charter,
the Jews were given in the city itself on the Street of the Jews near the
ramparts, three houses for the clergy, as well as yards and houses to build a
synagogue, Beis Midrash, pharmacies, stores, which everyone could build in
accordance with their desire, and it was permitted to own business and conduct
business in gold, silver, textiles, furs, clothing, hats, and all varieties of
merchandise. It was also permitted for them to purchase and sell saffians[3*],
black hides, shoes, and all sorts of merchandise in retail trade. They can sell
anything in their homes and buildings. However, they were forbidden to
conduct any business in the market square. They were permitted to conduct
business on any day, with the exception of the Christian holidays of Christmas
and Easter. They were allowed to open their stores on the days of Christian
festivals only after the conclusion of church services. The Jews were given a
plot of land for a cemetery near the city, behind the fortifications on the
road that led to Tyśmienica, as well as a plot for a bathhouse.

This charter also gave the Jews rights to build workshops as well as
distilleries for liquor, mead and brandy, on the condition that 2 guilder be
paid for each half barrel, and 3 guilder a year for brandy. Aside from this, it
was set that Jews who owned mills were required to pay special payments to the
owner of the city from every batch of wheat. All rights of serving liquor
belonged to Potocki, who was obligated in his name and the name of his heirs to
guard the rights that were leased to Jewish lessees. The charter also
established the matters of jurisdiction with respect to the general charter
that was given to the Jews of Poland. One paragraph was dedicated to the
organization of matters regarding craftsmen. Their rights were similar to those
of the Christian craftsmen. They were obligated to belong to the general guilds
and to pay all general taxes; but as Jews they were exempt from the duties
imposed on Christian craftsmen, such as attending church, conducting oneself in
accordance with religion, and giving candles to the churches. It is self
evident that the Jews were obligated to pay all of the dues for candles, etc.

In accordance with the charter, the following were found among the Jews
artisans: shoemakers, tailors, smiths, butchers, engravers, plasterers,
tanners, musicians and makers of tar. The Jewish butchers and bakers were given
special places in the market square. They had to pay dues for this to the owner
of the city, such as providing fats for the palace and church. The butchers
received a special privilege from Jedrzej Potocki on April 24, 1664, setting up
a guild to which Jews were also allowed to belong. However, the head of the
guild could only be a Polish Catholic.

[Page 11]

The Jewish butchers received half (12) of the stalls in the market square. On
May 28, 1722, they received another 12 stalls.

The Jews were permitted to purchases homes from Christians and to sell homes to
Christians. In the event of a fire, the Jewish residents were required to serve
alongside the Christian residents in firefighting and rescue work.

Potocki explicitly promised the Jews protection, and exempted them from various
taxes and tolls, such as conscription for labor, tithes, payments for road
improvement, and tolls that were paid for horned cattle. However the Jews were
required, as were the rest of the population, to participate in the expenses for
guarding the streets. Householders would pay to the owner of the city 3 guilders
annually for each house, and tenants would pay 1.5 guilder for each dwelling.

Aside from restrictions in the economic activity that was permitted to them,
the privilege explicitly stated that the Jewish community would have the same
rights and freedoms as the Christians had.

At the end of the privilege that was signed by he and his wife (Anna z Rysin
staroscina Halicka, Leżajska, Kołomyjska), Potocki promised that he would
fulfill all of his promises, and he obligated his heirs in the same manner[7].

Potocki, who was interested in the economic development of the city of
Stanisławów, made every effort to improve the physical and economic conditions
for the Armenian and Jewish communities, for he saw this as the only factor
which might help him actualize his economic goals[8]. This privilege, from the
year 1662, established the basis for the Jewish community in Stanisławów.

At the end of the 17th century, the Jewish quarter was located near Trynitarski
Square (Plac Trynitarski) and was marked by the defensive ramparts (wały). Next
to the ramparts, the Jews built the first synagogue in Stanisławów, a Beis
Midrash, bathhouse, and residences for the rabbi, shamash and doctor. The
settlement of Jews in the city was impeded, of course, by the great opposition
of the Christian citizens, who, as in other cities of Poland and Lithuania, saw
in them the most difficult of competitors. Jedrzej Potocki, who understood the
situation very well, granted the Christian citizens many rights in order to
satisfy them and assuage their anger that arose when they saw Jews streaming
into the city. However, he also knew how to esteem the Jews, in that he
recognized that only they would be able to make a significant contribution
toward the development of the city as a center of commerce along the main road
of southeastern Poland. Many legends arose in the Jewish community about
Jedrzej Potocki, who was beloved by them. One of them tells that he loved
Jewish Kabballah, and studied it from the Kabbalist Reb Eliyahu who came from
Turkey, and lived in a cave around Stanisławów, in which he decided to await the
coming of the Messiah. The Jews knew how to accommodate themselves to the
situation, and to establish friendly relations with the citizens, who were for
the most part Armenians.

[Page 12]

The latter left their mark on the city to such an extent that the French
traveler d'Aleyrac, who passed through Stanisławów in the year

1886, wrote that he saw there many wealthy Armenian wholesale merchants who
were in control of all of the markets.

First, the Jews built a synagogue. As was customary in those days, it was made
of wood. It was built in Plac Trynitarski, and the Jewish quarter was built up
around it. The French traveler Verdum, who visited Poland at that time, related
that he saw a synagogue in Stanisławów in 1672.

The Jews were occupied for the most part in small scale trade, tavern keeping,
and trades. Their sphere of economic activity was limited due to the ascendancy
of the Armenians, in whose hand at the time was the entire wholesale trade in
Potocki's regions, including trade in grain, cattle, horses, and fish, which
were sent to Silesia and Danzig. They also owned the factories of Berus[4*],
saffians, and valuable belts. It is self evident that it was hard to define
boundaries between the economic activity of the Jews and Armenians, so that each
one would not encroach on the other. It is clear that the competition led to a
difficult economic battle.

The crafts were for the most part in the hands of the Ruthenians and Poles;
however the Poles dominated in the guilds. The entire government was in the
hands of the Poles, and they were like patricians amongst the craftsmen. These
two streams, the Ruthenians and the Poles, always united in their struggle
against the Jewish craftsmen and made efforts so as not to give them any
possibility of economic rootedness.

In the meantime, the city suffered from the wars and defeat that were part of
the lot of the country at the end of the 16th century. The invasion of the
Hajdamaks[5*] and the war
between Poland and Turkey in the years 1683-1699 caused a decline in the city and
also its destruction. The situation became so desperate that the Sejmik (small
Sejm / parliament) in Halicz instructed the Sejm representatives of the Halicz
region to advise the Sejm to free the residents of Stanisławów from all tax
payments for three years, due to its great suffering as a fortress city. During
these years, the Jews were enlisted to join along with the rest of the
population in the defense of the city. In accordance with a decision of the town
council, it was obligatory on all the residents that “everyone, be they Jew or
Christian, must have a proper gun and two liters of gunpowder”. Shooting
exercises took place from time to time, in which the Jews also participated. The
residents of the city also suffered during the war of August II against
Stanisław Lecinski, with whom Józef Potocki was also allied. After the victory
of August II, his armies invaded the city and fell upon and pillaged the
residents, without discrimination based on religion. The military command
imposed a large fine upon the city. Many Jews fled the city due to the gravity
of the situation.

The economic decline of the city pushed the citizens to reign in the Jewish
population, for they saw them as the cause of their economic misery. After
attacks on the Jews in 1719, the relations between the Jews and non-Jews became
so shaky that the Chevra Kadisha (Burial Society) forbade its members to rent
stores in Christian homes. The epidemic in 1712 was also a significant
contributing factor to the economic decline. This epidemic killed a large
segment of the population of the city.

[Page 13]

With this background, a serious economic battle broke out between the citizens
and the Jews, particularly after the conclusion of the wars at the beginning of
the 18th century, when Potocki began reconstructing the city. In 1716, the
Polish citizens came to Józef Potocki with a complaint against the Jews,
claiming that they were guilty for the physical decline that came upon them
after the conclusion of the wars. They demanded a new division of taxes that
would reflect the true economic situation. For the Jews have pushed
themselves into all types of business, and they rule over us. The Christians
have no possibility to improve their situation and to improve their economic
conditions. On the contrary, they have no sources of livelihood, and they are
forced to lease their houses to Jews. The Armenians did not become
involved in this struggle between the Polish citizens and the Jews, for they
became especially rich during the time of the war by providing horses to the
army.

The claims of the Poles were not correct. The Jews had suffered more than they
did during these wars. Furthermore, the tax burden that was imposed on them was
significantly greater than that of the rest of the citizens. Nevertheless,
Józef Potocki had no choice but to come down on the side of the citizens, and
he forbade the Jews from buying lots from the non-Jews, and from running
taverns and inns in the homes that had rented from Christians. Despite all
this, the Jews were not subdued. On the contrary, despite the difficult
conditions and the economic pressure, they spared no effort to expand the
sphere of their economic activities. Their efforts were also impeded by the
Armenians, who had until this time stood at the side of the Jewish-Polish
struggle, and now regarded the participation of the Jews in commerce as a
threat to their economic status.

In the meantime, the community grew. A second bathhouse was built in 1718 next
to the Chevra Kadisha which was founded in 1692[9]  the first bathhouse
having being build in the year 1662. In those years, a charitable fund was
established that gave out interest free loans, in return for surety of valuable
objects. When enemy armies invaded Stanisławów during the years 1714-1716, and
the community could not pay the contribution that had been imposed upon it by
the Russian army, they borrowed the money from the charitable fund after
pledging all of the valuable objects of the synagogue as surety[10]. In 1732,
the Jewish population was 1,470 souls from among a total population of 3,321
(1,518 Poles and Ruthenians, 333 Armenians, 1,470 Jews). It is self evident
that the Armenians were afraid that due to their numbers, the Jews would pose a
threat to them. Therefore they presented a written complaint to Józef Potocki
on May 9, 1736, claiming that the Jews, in their diligence, grabbed hold of all
branches of business and tavern keeping, and posed so much competition against
the Christian merchants that many of them were forced to rent their houses to
Jews or to abandon them, for they were not able to earn a livelihood or to
perform all of the required repairs to the houses. Potocki was forced to
appoint a committee to conduct a detailed investigation regarding the fields of
business that should be allowed to the Jews. The investigation of this
committee resulted in restrictions upon Jewish business. From that point, it
was forbidden for Jews to acquire immovable property in the city without a
special permit from the owner of the city.

[Page 14]

It was also forbidden for them to run taverns and inns in the houses that they
rented from Armenians. Based on the decisions of this committee, the city
council issued a decision against the Jews on June 25, 1736, which claimed
that, due to the Jews who jumped into the hides trade and made shoes, boots,
etc., the Armenian merchants were pushed out of all fields of business, and
were completely devastated economically. Against this, the Jews claimed that,
in accordance with the charter that was given to them, they were permitted to
conduct business in hides. Although they were forbidden to make shoes and sell
them in their stores, they were permitted to give the hides to shoemakers. The
city council forbade the Jews from that time to make any hides purchases and to
produce shoes. They were permitted to purchase cattle wholesale in return for
hides, but they were forbidden to sell them wholesale or retail
locally, and they were forbidden to purchase animal hides from the farmers in
the marketplace. This decision, which took effect immediately, cancelled in
essence the privilege that was given to the Jews on September 17, 1662, which
granted them the same freedoms as the rest of the population had. It goes
without saying that this decision caused a decline in the situation of the
Jews, who were forced to transgress the bans and restrictions without paying
attention to the consequences, for the concern for livelihood was above all
else. If we add to this that during those days, starting from 1727, there were
also fierce struggles between the Jewish and Christian tanners, we can
understand how aggravated were the relations between the various segments of
the population.

The decision of the town council was in essence a hindrance against the
livelihoods of the Jews and an obstacle before their economic existence. This
can be seen from the fact that, despite their lowly economic situation, all
sorts of taxes and tolls were demanded of them. Since they were required to pay
them, they fell into great debt. Furthermore, they were forced to pay various
bribes in order to circumvent the legal restrictions. The situation here, as in
all communities of Poland of that era, was that the Jews were burdened under
the weight of debts, and interest upon interest.

Józef Potocki, who provided support to the Armenians[6*] in particular, gave
them permission to build a church. In order to cover the building expenses, he
imposed upon the Jews, in an ordinance from April 24, 1743, a special tax of
1,000 guilders a year, that they were required to pay in two payments per
year: one payment on March 1, and the second on September 1, to the hands of
the Armenian priest, until the building of the church is completely
finished.[11]. Since the building of the church went on for twenty
years, the Jews were required to pay 1,000 guilders per year as their
contribution toward its building, until 1762. This was aside from the general
taxes that were owed by all Jews. However, even when the church was already
standing, the Jews were not freed from this tax. On the contrary, the owners of
the city decided that the tax should continue into the future at the same sum,
for the benefit of the church, so that they will pray for the peace and
wealth of the Potocki family.

Józef Potocki, who did not pass up any opportunity to extract taxes and various
tolls from the Jews, attempted also to support them and fulfill all of their
communal requests. One of their requests was for a new synagogue building,
which became a great necessity after the community grew in a significant
fashion.

[Page 15]

The old synagogue, built in 1665, was not able to meet the needs of the
community. Furthermore, in 1680, when Jedrzej Potocki built his new palace
behind the walls of the city and wished to transfer the center of the city to
that place so as to unite his residence with the city fortifications, it became
clear that the Jewish quarter separated the palace from the center of the city.
The question arose as to whether to transfer the Jewish quarter to another
area. However, this plan only came to fruition during the days of his son, the
Hetman of the crown, the above mentioned Józef Potocki. He gave the Jews a
large area in another edge of the city, at the fortifications to the left of
the gate to Tyśmienica in the place where today Meizels Street meets Potocki
Square. At the time of the reorganization of the administrative apparatus
during the years 1717-1721, Potocki granted a new privilege to the Jews[12].
This privilege allowed them to build a large synagogue after they receive the
new quarter, and also authorized all rights that were granted to them in the
charter of 1662. He did not satisfy himself with merely providing the
permission, but also gave of his own money for the building of the synagogue,
and even gave them wood and other building materials.

However, this synagogue, which was made of wood, was not able to satisfy the
community. After several years, it was two small for its congregation, for the
Jewish population had grown in a significant manner. During that time, Potocki
made great efforts to improve the appearance of the city. He encouraged the
population to destroy the wooden buildings and to build brick structures in
their stead. The heads of the Jewish community of Stanisławów wished to
capitalize upon this opportunity, and expended great effort in order to obtain
from the owners of the city the required permit to build a new synagogue out of
brick. However, in accordance with the legal situation in those days, there was
also a need to obtain a permit from the ecclesiastical diocese of Lwów, to
which Stanisławów belonged. It was headed by Archbishop Mikołai Ignacy Wyżicki.
To this end, Leib the son of Nissan (Nisonowicz) the lessee of Halicz
(arrendator Tabernalis Haliciensis) traveled to Lwów and requested from the
Archbishop that he permit the Jews of Stanisławów to build a brick synagogue for
their community. The Archbishop granted the requested permit on June 12, 1745,
but he agreed in essence only to an external renovation of the old synagogue,
and that the building be done in accordance with the regulations of the synod[13], which had become the law of the land with the passage of time. In
accordance with these regulations, Jewish synagogues were not permitted to
differ from other Jewish buildings in external appearance and building height.
In addition, they could not be built close to churches, so that their
chattering should not disturb the Catholic prayers. The Jews of Stanisławów
were forced to content themselves with these renovations of the old synagogue,
for due to their difficult conditions and economic struggle with the citizens,
they had no power to undertake a fundamental renovation.

[Page 16]

During the 1750s, the Armenians began to give over to the Jews the taverns and
stores that they occupied, for they did not feel themselves competent enough to
occupy themselves with them. The citizens wished to view this occurrence as a
result of the craftiness of the Jews. They employed means against
the Jews to destroy their economic situation. This economic battle, which was
not only an issue in Stanisławów alone, but was rather one in a long chain of
battles between the Jews and the citizens in all of Poland, continued until the
time that Lesser Poland (Małopolska) was transferred to Austria. It did not end until a long
time after the Austrian conquest.

The Jews of the city also suffered from attacks from the noblemen. On May 19,
1751, Józef Potocki, the owner of the city who treated the Jews well, died. On
the day of his funeral, the Starosta (County Administrator) Mikołaj Potocki killed one Jew in
Stanisławów. When the son of the late owner of the city chastised him for his
deed, he answered in the Ruthenian language: Quiet, don't shout, in
return for the one Jew, I will return to you a wagon full of Jews. He
then traveled to his native city of Buczacz, gathered a large number of Jewish
youths, loaded them upon a wagon, sent them to Stanisławów, and unloaded them in
front of Potocki's palace. This event  which was characteristic of the
relationship between the Polish noblemen and the Jews  frightened the
Jews of the city, for they understood the spirit of the noblemen very well, and
feared other attacks and pillaging of property from them.

During the days of the rule of Stanislaw  the son of Józef Potocki 
the economic situation of the Jews improved. They succeeded in becoming
involved in many fields of business, and in accustomizing the citizens to their
expanded fields of economic endeavor. They were able to renew their efforts to
obtain a permit for the building of a new synagogue. On June 28, 1761, the
Archbishop of Lwów Wacław Sierakowski received the delegation of the
community, consisting of Rabbi Dov Berish the son of Yaakov Avraham and the
heads of the community Chaim the son of Yaakov and Yisrael the son of Aharon.
They presented him with the permit that had been granted to them by Wyżicki and
requested that he authorize it, for they had not been able actualize it and to
build a brick synagogue. General Eustachy Potocki also interceded on behalf of
the community, and in his merit, the archbishop decided to authorize the
permit. However, he added a few restrictions, including that in the event of
the destruction of the synagogue or a fire, they were forbidden to rebuild the
synagogue without the approval of the archbishop. In addition, they were
forbidden to employ a Christian to clean the chandeliers, and the Jewish
innkeepers and bakers were forbidden to sell their wares on Sundays and
Christian holidays. The Jewish storekeepers were forbidden to open their stores
on those days. During the time of the parade on the holiday of Boże Ciało, and
during the time that the Christian church goes out to such a parade, Jews are
forbidden to be seen on the streets, and must remain at home with their windows
shut. They were also forbidden to make weddings with musical instruments, but
must do so quietly and modestly. Christians were forbidden to attend Jewish
celebrations and to eat and drink at the table of a Jew. Transgressors would be
excommunicated from the church. Aside from these restrictions, the permit
contained other restrictions, such as the ban upon insulting Christians, of
hiring them as watchmen for the cemetery[14],
of conducting funerals after sunset, etc.

[Page 17]

Right after they received the permit, the Jews immediately began the work of
dismantling the synagogue, and they began collecting the needed money for
building. The building of the synagogue continued for sixteen years. The new
synagogue was dedicated in 1777, that is already in the time when the city was
already within the realm of the Austrian Kaiser.

The political events that took place in Poland between 1764 and the eve of the
first partition (1772), the invasion of the armies of the Confederation of
Noblemen of Halicz and of the Russian army, severe oppression, and pillage of
Jewish property by both the invading enemy armies and the local residents all
were signs of the setting of the era of Polish independence in Stanisławów.
Indeed, already on the eve of the partition of Poland, when the Polish and
Armenian citizens complained about their business decline, Józef Potocki
claimed in 1769 that the Jews had succeeded in overtaking all branches of
business and trade, not due to subversion, but rather due to the lack of
ability of the Armenian merchants. For they were burdened by all sort of
protocols that bore the stamp of the Middle Ages, and therefore it is no wonder
that the number of Jewish merchants and stores grew to such an extent that in
the stores of the tower of the town hall there were only 5 Armenian merchants
and 19 Jewish merchants at the time of the partition[15].

Similarly, the number of Jewish craftsmen increased. At the end of the 18th
century, the number of Armenian and Polish guilds, which still held significant
positions in the fields of tailoring, shoemaking, fur making, and textiles,
declined. In these fields as well, the Jews had succeeded with the passage of
time in capturing significant positions. At the end of the 18th century, there
were 220 craftsmen in the city. Of these, 151 (68.6%) were Christians who lived
in the suburbs of the city, and 69 (31.4%) were Jews[16] who lived in the
city. They engaged in the following crafts: tailoring, gold making, glass
blowing, baking, smithiery, basket making, butchering, barbering, engraving, and
bookbinding. One of the two watchmakers was Jewish.

[Page 18]

B.

The annexation of Galicia to the Hapsburg Monarchy brought many changes to the
lives of the Jews. The Austrian administration wished to change the Jews all at
once, and to accustom them to the new conditions. Nevertheless, the plethora of
directives, ordinances and dictates, which spread out to the Jews of Galicia
through the efforts of the local government and with the authorization of the
central government in Vienna, only caused chaos. Slowly, the Austrian
bureaucratic apparatus began to recognize and understand that it is impossible
to effect an improvement in the lives of the Jews through directive and
patents.

The lot of the community of Stanisławów[17] was the same as the lot of all
Jewish communities of Galicia. Despite various difficulties, the Jewish
population began to develop both economically and numerically. In 1776, there
were 17,500 Jews in 1,577 houses in the region of Stanisławów. That is to say,
eleven souls lived in each house. If we take into account that the homes of the
Jews were small and poorly built, we can imagine the degree of crowding in the
Jewish homes. With regard to the occupation of the Jews, there was the adage:
every fourth Jew in the city was a tailor[18]. This was a slight
exaggeration, but was more or less justified in Stanisławów.

The Potocki family of the owners of the city spread its wings over the Jews. In
the ledgers of the government it stated explicitly that in the merit of this
protection, German merchants who came from all other lands of the monarchy were
not able to settle in Stanisławów. However, this protection did not last long for
the Jews. The Austrian government wished to unite their states with respect to
the Jewish population. After arranging the organizational unity, they wished
first and foremost to organize the economic conditions. The central government
regarded one of the important problems to be the liquidation of the Jewish
tavern keepers of Galicia. Only eight of the eighteen regional heads agreed to
this, one of them being the head of the Stanisławów region, Baron Levenvalde. His
reasoning was that such a liquidation would bring great benefit in Bukovina[19], and that the liquidation of the tavern keepers would force the Jews to be
employed in productive professions.

All of the experiments that took place during the reign of Empress Maria Teresa
did not succeed in bringing recognizable changes and improvements to the
economic life of the Jews of Galicia. Therefore it is no wonder that the
economic situation during the era of her successor Kaiser Franz Josef II
declined to such an extent that the authorities deliberated about the difficult
question of what to do to improve the difficult situation of the Jews.

[Page 19]

Josef II, who was a physiocrat in terms of his economic and political outlook,
wished to ease the Jewish problem by settling the Jews as farmers on the land.
In 1781, the Galician representatives asked if it would be possible to give the
Jews lands on government property in order that they might work the land. In
1782, a directive was issued from Vienna that Jewish farmers would only pay
half of the marriage tax. After a short time, they were completely exempted
from this tax. The founding of Jewish settlements only began in 1785, after a
directive was issued by the Kaiser on July 16. In the spring of 1786, the first
Jewish agricultural settlement was established in the village of Dąbrówka near
Nowy Sącz (Neisandz, Tzanz). Afterwards, the agricultural settlement Neu
Babylon was established near the city of Bolechow. Other such settlements were
established, which did not last long. In accordance with a directive of the
government, it was established that from among the agricultural settlers in all
of Galicia  1,410 families  Stanisławów and its region must provide
147 Jewish families. However, in actuality, only 143 families were settled,
which included 377 adults and 260 children younger than 18. The property of
these settlers included 143 houses, 156 silos and barns, 1,964 plots of land,
241 horses, 238 oxen and 217 cows. The communities in the regions of settlement
were expected to provide the budget in such a manner that the expenditures for
the settlement of one family would total 250 Florin[20]. In 1822, the number
of Jewish settlers from Stanisławów and its area included 56 families that
settled the land  20 of which were funded by the community and 36 were
funded by themselves. It is obvious that the tax burden served to lower the
economic situation of the Jews of Stanisławów, just as happened in other regions
and cities in Galicia. We should remember that, aside from the Tolerance Tax
(Toleranzsteuer)[21], the Jews paid all sorts of other tolls and taxes. Most
of the Jews earned their living from tavern keeping, and the number of Jewish
families was similar to the number of taverns. The government did not oppose
this, for the distancing of Jews from taverns led to a decline in government
income.

During those days, the importance of a city was determined by the level of
taxes collected, or according to the number of personnel employed in their
collection. From this perspective, during the early period of Austrian rule,
Stanisławów was numbered, along with Złoczów, Zaleszczyki, Brody, Tarnopol and
Lwów, among the largest communities, that were allowed to employ, due to their
large Jewish population, a special official (Excisist) to arrange all maters
regarding the collection of the meat tax. His annual salary was 200 Florin.
They also were allowed to employ a Jewish clerk whose annual salary was 350
Florin[22].

In the year 1788, there were 11 communities with 3,530 Jewish families,
numbering 17,342 souls in Stanisławów and its region. Of these, there were 8,584
men and 8,758 women. In accordance with status, there were 2,962 families of
type I, 212 of type II, 137 of type III, and 255 poor families[7*].

[Page 20]

In 1790, there were 3,351 families in Stanisławów and its region, and they paid
13,404 Florin in tolerance tax[23]. In 1792 there were 3,252 families,
numbering 15,420 souls, including 7,618 men, and 7,802 women. In accordance
with types, there were 2,664 of type I, 269 of type II, 126 of type II, and 193
poor families[24].

As has been stated, the Jews were employed for the most part in running taverns
and retail trade. In 1788, a very significant branch of business was taken away
from them  tobacco growing. During the days of Polish independence, the
farmers around Stanisławów grew tobacco. For many years, its sale was centered in
the hands of Jews. Aside from tobacco, these Jews were also involved in the
salt trade. After the government of Austria made trade in tobacco and salt into
their own monopoly, the farmers stopped growing tobacco, since the government
paid them such low prices that it no longer brought them any profit. With this
monopoly, the source of livelihood of many Jews was sealed off.

There were also a significant number of craftsmen among the Jews. Originally,
they were primarily involved in the tailoring and baking trades. During these
years, the textile field opened up, and a small number of Jews also became
involved in wholesale trade. The wealthy wholesalers included Shlomo Sachs
(Zaks), Abel Arnold, Aharon Ergler[25], and Naftali Hertz the son of the rabbi
and head of the region of Lwów, Aryeh Leib of Buczacz.

In 1791, the government forbade the Jews to live in villages and to run inns
and liquor stills. This ban was very difficult economically. The communities of
Galicia, Stanisławów among them, approached the authorities through their leaders
Yaakov Landau and Meir Schener, with a request to annul the ban. The government
rejected this with the claim that the Jews were not allowed to choose their own
leaders without a special permit from the government[26].

On account of the difficulty of the economic situation and the lack of
livelihood, a large scale emigration of the Jews of Stanisławów began at the end
of the 18th century to Moldavia and Wallachia. This became so strong that the
government in Vienna gave instructions to its consulate in Iasi to refuse to
grant consular protection to these émigrés[27]. The main factor that pushed
the Jews to emigration was, according to the view of the government, the
charter of Josef II from March 20, 1785. Indeed, aside from the political
conditions, it imposed a decree to the Jews of Galicia that they must establish
public schools for the Jewish youth. A Jewish public school was established in
1788 in Stanisławów, as happened in other communities. This school was in
accordance with the curriculum of Hertz Homburg, and was acceptable to the
authorities (Jüdische Normalschule).

The Jewish wholesale merchants participated in fairs in Germany during those
years. For example, in 1772, eleven Jewish merchants from Stanisławów visited the
Breslau fair. See Breslauer Messgaste, by Bernard Brilling in Judische
Familienforschung, Berlin 1935, page 680. Starting from the beginning of the
18th century, Jewish merchants from Stanisławów went to the fairs in Kiev and
Neisin in Russian Ukraine (Zadnieprze). In 1725, the merchants Yisrael
Chaskilowicz and Mordechai the son of Yitzchak participated in these fairs.
See: Prof. Wladymir Rybinski: Do Istorji Zydiw na liwobereznij Ukrainy w polow.
XVII st. Zbirnik prac zydiwskoj istoriczno-archaelgraficznoj Komisji. Kiew 1928
t. I Document Nr 1 s. 20, 16. Return

Kaiser Josef II, who visited Galicia after its annexation, visited Stanisławów on
August 6, 1773. Return

In page 66 of Rohrer: Versuch über die Stanisłau jüdische Bevölkerung der
österreichischen Monarchie, in a register that was produced in the Halicz
region in 1765, 847 adult Jews were registered in the town of Stanisławów along
with 78 children, totaling 925 souls. In the villages in the region of
Stanisławów (Rybno, Jamnica, Uhrynów, Pasieczna, Zagwoźdź, Pacików, Krechowce, Zukalówka, Opryszowce), 61 adult Jews and 3 children were registered. See Dr. Majer Balaban, Spis Zydow I Karaitow Ziemi Halickiej, Krakow 1909
s. 9. Return

See the articles in: History of the Jews in Bukovina during the years
1775-1785, in Zion, 5702 -1942. Return

Dr. N. M. Gelber: Statistics from Poland at the end of the Eighteenth Century
in Writings of Economics and Statistics, Berlin 1920, volume 1,
page 188. Return

The Austrian Government retained the Polish head tax, and increased it from 30
Kreitzer to a Florin. Return

Archives of the Interior Ministry in Vienna, number 147, from October 1787,
carton 2648 11, T. IV. Return

The archives of the Interior Ministry in Vienna, number 67, from August 1790.
Ausweis ex anno. Return

The archives of the Interior Ministry in Vienna, number 2,579, carton IV
T. 11. Return

The Hebrew word here is suchtianim, with (saffians) included in
English characters at the side. On the online Collins Dictionary, this is
translated as hides tanned with sumach and usually dyed a bright color.
[via Russian and Turkish from Persian sakhtiyan goatskin, from sakht hard] Return

A Ukrainian Cossack movement from the 17th and 18th centuries. The word
originates from the Turkish word for to rob. Return

[6*]

The word here is actually 'umanim'  craftsmen, which differs in one
letter from 'Armanim'  Armenians. However, due to the context, I expect
that there was a typographical error in the text here, and the intention was
Armenians. Return

[7*]

Evidently, this is some type of ranking based on income or means.
Return

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