1624 to the death of James I

After this, the King purposing to signisie to the King of Spain, That his Parliament had advised him to break off the Treaties, and to recover the Palatinate by War: The notice of a sharp Petition against Popish Recusants framed by the House of Commons, and sent up to the Lords for their Concurrence did a little stagger his Resolution, as appeareth by the following Letter written with his own hand to Secretary Conway.

King James his Letter to Secretary Conway touching a Petition against the Papists.

I Doubt not but you have heard what a stinging Petition against the Papists, the Lower House have sent to the Higher House this day, that they might joyntly present it unto me. Yet know my firm resolution not to make this a War, of Religion; and seeing I would be loth to be Cony-Catched by my people, I pray stay the Post that is going to Spain, till I meet with my Son, who will be here to morrow morning: Do it upon pretext of some more Letters ye are to send by him; and if be should be gone, hasten after him to stay him upon some such pretext; and let none living know of this, as you love me. And before two in the afternoon to morrow, you shall without fail here from me, Farewel.

James R.

The Petition which the King called a stinging one, was intended to be presented to his Majesty from both Houses in form as followeth,

The Petitition.

May it please your most Excellent Majesty,We your Majesty's most humble and loyal Subjects, the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, having to our singular Comfort received your Princely Resolution upon our humble Petition, to dissolve the two Treaties of the Match and of the Palatinate; and having on our parts with all alacrity and readiness humbly offered our assistance to your Majesty, to maintain the war which may ensue thereupon; yet withal sensibly finding what Seditious and Craiterous Positions those Incendiaries of Rome, and prosessed Engins of Spain, the Priests and Issuits, insuse into your natural born Subjects; what numbers they have reduced, and do daily reduce, to make their dependance on the Pope of Rome and King of Spain, contrary to their Allegiance to your Majesty their Leige Lord; what daily resort of Priests and Iesuits into your Kingdoms; what concourse of Popish Recusants, much more then usual, is now in and about the City of London; what boidness, yea, what insolency they have discovered out of the opinion conceived of their foreign Patronage; what publick resort to Masses, and other Exercises of the Popish Religion, in the houses of foreign Ambassadors there is daily to the great grief and offence of your good Subjects; what great preparations are made in Spain, fit for an Inbasion, the bent whereof is as probable to be upon some of your Majesty's Dominions as upon any other place; what encouragement that may be to your Enemies, and the Enemies of your Crown, to have a party, or but the opinion of a party within your kingdoms, who did daily encrease and combine themselves together for that purpose; what disheartning of your good and loving Subjects, when they shall see more cause of fear from their salse hearted Countrey men at home, than from their prosessed Adversaries abroad; what apparent dangers by God's providence and your Majesty's wisdom and goodness they have very lately escaped, which the longer continuance upon those Treaties, upon such unfitting Conditions, somented by your own ill-affected Subjects, would surely have drawn upon your Majesty, and your State; Do in all humbleness offer unto your sacred Majesty these their humble petitions following.

I. That all sesuits and Seminary Priests, and all others having taken orders by any Authority derived from the See of Rome, may by your Majesty's Proclamation be commanded forthwith to depart out of this Realm, and all other your highnes's Dominions; and neither they, not any other to return or come hither again, upon peril of the seberest Penalty of the Laws now in force against them; and that all your Majesty's Subjects may hereby also be admonished not to receive, entertain, comfort, conceal any of that viperous blood, upon penalties and forseitures which by the Laws may be imposed upon them.

II. That your Majesty would be pleased to give streight and speedy charge to the Justices of the Peace in all parts of this Kingdom, that (according to the Laws in that behalf made, and the Orders taken by your Majesty's Privy-Council heretofore for policy of State) they do take from all Popish Recusants legally convited, or justly suspected, all such Armor, Gunpowder, and Munition of any kind, as any of them, have either in their own hands, or in the hands of any other for them, and to see the same safely kept and disposed, according to the Law, leaving for the necessary defence of their house and persons so much as by the Law is prescribed.

III. That your Majesty will please to command all Popish Recusants and all other who by any Law or Statute are prohibited to come to the King's Court, forthwith under pain of your heavy displeasure and severe execution of your Laws against them, to retire themselves their wives and families from or about London, to their several dwellings, or places by your Laws appointed, and there to remain consined within five miles of their dwelling places, according to the Laws of this your Realm: And for that purpose to discharge all By-past Licences granted unto them for their repair hither; and that they presume not any time hereafter to repair to London, or within ten miles of London, or to the King's Court, or to the Prince's Court, wheresoever.

IV. That your Majesty would forbid and restrain the great resort and Concourse of your own Subjects, for the hearing of Mass, or other Exercises of the Romish Religion, to the houses of foreign Ambassadors, or Agents, residing here for the service of their several Princes or States.

V. That where of late in several Counties of this Realm some have been trusted in the places of Lord Lieutenants, Deputy-Licutenants, Commissioners of Dyer and Terminer, Justices of Peace, and Captains of their Countreys, which are either Popish Recusants of non-Communicants, by the space of a year now last past, or which do not usually resort to the Church to Divine Service, and can bring no good Certificate thereof; that your Majesty would be pleased to discharge them from these places of trust, by which they have that power in the Countrey where they live, as is not fit to be put into the hands of persons so affected.

VI. That your Majesty would be pleased generally to put the Laws in due Execution, which are made, and stand in force against Popish Recusants; and that all your Judges, Justices, and ministers of justice, to whose care these things are committed, may by your Majesty's Proclamation be commanded to do their duty therein.

VII. That seeing we are thus happily delivered from that danger which these Treaties now dissolved, and that use which your illaffected Subjects made thereof would certainly have drawn upon us; and cannot but forcee and fear left the like may hereafter happen, and unevitably bring such petil to your Majesty's Kingdoms: We are most humble Suitors to your Gracious Majesty, to secure the hearts of your good Subjects by the ingagement of your Royal word unto them; That upon no occasion of Marriage or Treaty, or other request in that behalf from any foreign Prince or States whatsoever, you will take off, or slacken the Execution of your Laws against the Popish Recusants.

To which our humble Petitions, proceeding from our most Loyal and dutiful affections toward your Majesty, our care of our Country's good, and our confident perswasion that this will much advance the Glory of Almighty God, the everlasting honour of your Majesty, the safety of your Kingdom, and the encouragement of all your good Subjects: We do most humbly beseech your Majesty to vouchsafe a gracious Answer.

This Petition after a Conference between both Houses, was reduced to another form, and so presented to the King.

To which is Majesty returned this Answer.

My Lords and Gentlemen of both Houses,

His Majesty's Answer to the Petition.

I Cannot but commend your zeal in offering this Petition to me, yet "on the other side, I cannot but hold my self unfortunate, that I should be thought to need a Spur to do that which my Conscience and Duty binds me unto. What Religion I am of, my Books do declare, my prosession and behaviour doth shew; and I hope in God I shall never live to be thought otherwise; surely I shall never deserve it; and for my part, I wish it may be written in Marble, and remain to Posterity as a mark upon me, when I shall swerve from my Religion; for he that doth dissemble with God, is not to be trusted with men.

"My Lords, for my part, I protest before God, that my heart hathbled when I have heard of the increase of Popery;God is my Judge, it hath been such a great grief to me, That it hath been as Thorns in my Eyes, and Pricks in my Sides; and so far have I been, and shall be from turning another way. And my Lords and Gentlemen, you shall be my Consessors, that one way or other it hath been my desire to hinder the growth of Popery; and I could not be an honest Man if I should have done otherwise. And this I may say further, that if I be not a Martyr, I am sure I am a Consessor; and in some sense I may be called a Martyr, as in the Scripture Isaac was presecuted by Ishmael by mocking words: for never King suffered more ill Tongues than I have done, and I am sure for no cause; yet I have been far from persecution; for I have ever thought that no way more encreased any Religion than persecution, according to that saying, Sanguis Martyrumest semen Ecclesiœ.

"Now my Lords and Gentlemen, for your Petition, I will not only grant the substance of what you crave, but add somewhat more of my own; for the two Treaties being already annulled (as I have declared them to be) it necessarily follows of its self, that which you desire, and therefore it needs no more; but that I do declare by Proclamation (which I am ready to do) that all jesuits and Priests do depart by a day; but it cannot be as you desire by our Proclamation to be out of all my Dominions; for a Proclamation here extends but to this Kingdom.

"This I will do and more, I will command all my Judges when they go
their Circuits, to keep the same courses, for putting all the Laws in Execution against Recusants, as they were wont to do before these Treaties; for the Laws are still in force, and were never dispensed with by me: God is my Judge, they were never so intended by me; but as I told you in the beginning of the Parliament, you must give me leave as a good Horsman, sometimes to use the Reins, and not always to use the Spurs; so now there needs nothing but my Declaration for the disarming of them; that is ready done by the Laws, and shall be done as you desired: and more, I will take order for the shameful disorder of the resorting of my Subjects to all foreign Ambassadors; for this I will advise with my Council how it may be best reformed. It is true that the Houses of Ambassadors are priviledged places; and though they cannot take them out of their Houses, yet the Lord Mayor and Mr. Recorder of London, may take some of them as they come from thence, and make them examples; another point I will add concerning the education of their Children, of which I have had a principal care as the Lord of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Winchester, and other Lords of my Council can bear me witness, with whom I have advised about this business; for in good faith it is a shame their Children should be bred here, as if they were at Rome. So I do grant not only your desire, but more. I am sorry I was not the first mover of it to you, but had you not done it, I would have done it my self.

"Now for the second part of your Petition, you have here given me the best advice in the World; for it is against the Rule of wisdom that a King should suffer any of his Subjects to transgress the Laws by the intercession of other Princes: and therefore assure your selves that (by the Grace of God) I will be careful that no such conditions be soisted in upon any other Treaty whatsoever; for it is fit my Subjects should stand or fall to their own Laws.

The Spanish Ambassadors accuse Buckingham to the King of matters of high concernment.

This Petition was furthered by the Duke of Buckingham, who still retained the memory of his ill-usage in Spain, and the Spanish Ambassadors being nettled thereat, accused him to the King, not without some reflection upon the Prince himself; with some difficulty they procured a secret entercourse with the King, and suggested unto him matters of near and high concernment to his Royal dignity and person. They tell him, that being besieged, and closed up by the Duke's Servants and Vassals, he was no more a Freeman: That he was to be consined to his Country House and Pastimes, the Prince having years and parts answerable for publick Government. That the Duke had reconciled himself to all popular men, such as Oxford, Southampton, Essex, Say, and others, and sought to raise an opinion of his grow less; and that all looked towards the rising Son. Hereupon they advise the King to free himself from this Captivity, and imminent danger, and to cut off so ungrateful an affector of Popularity, and greatness, and so he should shew himself to be as he was reputed, the oldest and wisest King in Europe.

These secrets were quickly blown abroad, and brought to the Duke's Ear. But whatsoever impression the King received from them, the thing whereupon he insisted openly, was the demand of particular proofs. But all their Answers consisted of arguments against declaring the names of the Conspirators; whereupon the King's Privy-Coun
sellors, and other principal Subjects were examined upon Oaths, and Interrogatories most pertinent to the accusation were propounded to them; but this examination discovered nothing. The King turned again to the Ambassadors, with new instances to make a clear discovery; but they still resolved to conceal the Authors.

And it was alledged by their Partakers, and intimated to the King, that the things were such, as could not be evidenced by legal profs, because the persons, by whose testimony they may be confirmed, do, for fear of a most potent Adversary, withdraw themselves, and the Ambassdors never had the freedom personally to speak to his Majesty in the absence of the Duke of Buckingham; an example (say they) unusual with other Kings, and never to be taken well, except when the King is weak in judgment, and wants exeperience, and a man wise and circumspect supplies his place. But here (said the Ambassadors) is a prudent King, and a Favourite young, rash, and heady, whose continual presence did argue guilt and fear; and his Majesty's most faithful Servants dare not so much as disclose their minds. Moreover they suggest, that the business of the Palatinate was by him taken out of the hands of the King's Council, and referred to the Parliament; that he did arrogate to himself the thanks of all things acceptable, and was stiled the Redeemer of his Country; and he would have it belived, that he hath a dominion over the King's and Prince's will. And things standing thus, though many may be found that will speak against the King, yet none will appear to speak against the Duke: For which causes these close Informers besought his Majesty to free his Vassals from fear and diffidence, who otherwise will dare discover nothing for his preservation.

The issue of those Accusations.

But these dark intelligences had no other issue, then the moving of King James to represent to the King of Spain the miscarriages of his Ambassadors, remitting the cause unto him, with a demand of justice and reparation, for that the Information was sufficient to put impressions in him of perepetual jealousies to the Duke. Hereupon when the Ambassadors were returned home, they suffered, a few days confinement, but were afterwards rather rewarded and further employed: For in the Court of Spain, Buckingham's name was odious, and the Prince's honour of little value, and the King's reputation at a low ebb: divers particular Enmities were already begun between the Subjects of both Crowns, the English Merchants were oppressed in the Spanish Ports.

The Earl of Bristol protests against the Duke's Narration, is imprisoned in the Tower.

Notwithstanding the Duke's vast power and popularity, the Earl of Bristol refused to bow before him. The Earl, though his Charge were heavy, and his Cause strongly prejudiced, did not abandon his own defence, but protested against the Duke's Narration of the Spanish affairs, and was committed to the Tower, being not admitted into the King's presence, nor to plead his Cause before him. He was to the Duke a stout and dangerous Enemy; insomuch that he was said to violate the Rules of the prudent Marriner, who in a strom and foul weather, is accustomed rather to pull down, then to hoise up Sails.

Saturday the 29 of May, the King being come to the House of Peers, and his Majesty and the Lords in their Robes, Sir Thomas Crew Speaker, being come to the Bar, and the Commons present, he made this Speech.

The Speaker's and the King's Speech at the Adjournment of the Parliament.

"That God to his own great glory, had brought this Session of the Parliament, so happily begun, to so happy an end, that both Houses, and every particular Member thereof, hath given their willing assent, even with one voice, unto the Advice which his Majesty was pleased so low to descend as to demand of them. As there was not an hammer heard in the building of the House of God, so in this great business, there was not a Negative voice, nor any jarring amongst them: But their time was wholly spent in the business of Parliament, in which they had prepared many Bills profitable for the Common wealth, and shewed the several natures of those Bills: some for the service of God, and restraint of Recusants; some to redress the Enormities of the Common-wealth; others of his Majesty's grace and bounty to his people; and some concerning the Prince's Highness touching his own Lands; and others to settle strise in particular Estates: All which do wait for, and humbly desire his Majesty's Royal assent.

"He shewed also what great joy they all received for the Dissolution of the two Treaties with Spain; and that Commissioners are required to see the Edicts perform'd against Recusants and Jesuits, the Locusts of Rome, wherein will consist his Majesty's chiefest safety. And they do render him humble thanks for their ancient Priviledges, which they fully enjoy'd this Parliament, and their so often access unto his Majesty's presence; and more especially for his Majesty's general, large, liberal, and free Pardon, shewing the benefit thereof, and reciting the particulars. He also presented the Bill of Three entire Subsidies, and Three Fifteens and Tenths granted this Session, and declared the cheerfulness of the grant therof: And making his earnest prayers unto Almighty God to direct his Majesty's heart to make his own Sword his Sheriff, to put his Son-in-law in Possession of his Palatinate, the antient Inheritance of his Royal Grand-children, he ended, humbly craving pardon for himself and his own errors committed this Session.

"Unto which his Majesty presently made answer, beginning with the last of the Speaker's Speech touching their freedom, which he promised to continue unto them in as large a manner, as ever they enjoy'd the same. And for the Restitution of his Son-in-law, protested his continual care thereof, and his great grief if he should not see an assured hope before he died; and vowed, that all the Subsidies, for which he heartily thanked them, though it had not been so tied and limited, should have been bestowed that way. His Majesty remembred them, that nothing was given to relieve his own wants; which he expecteth at the next Session the beginning of Winter. He acknowledgeth the obedience and good respect of the Commons in all things this Parliament, for which (as he was pleased to say) he thanks them heartily, and without complement; and if they please to contine the same at the next meeting, it will make this the happiest Parliament that ever was.

"His Majesty spake also of the Grievances presented unto him yesterday by the Commons at Whitehall, promising them a full answer at their next meeting: That he had looked over them, and was glad they were of no greater importance. His Majesty remembered the House to handle Grievances at their next meeting, and to hunt after none, nor to present any but those of importance: He promised to go over them all, and to give a free answer, such as should be good for his People, not respecting any
Creatures whatsoever, and that he will advise herein with his Council and Judges. At this time his Majesty said, he would shew them his grievances; first, that they grieve at the Reformation of Building about London with Brick, which he intended only for the Beauty and more safety of the City, therefore he will go through with it; and if the Commissioners offend herein, let the party aggrieved complain, and he will redress it; and that the form of proceedings used by the Commons in this Parliament is also a Grievance unto his Majesty, for that they did not call the Commissioners, whom they complained of, before them touching their complaint against Doctor Aynan; his Majesty said, their Oath of Supremacy forbids them to meddle with Church matters: besides, they complain against him, and never heard him; touching their complaint agianst the Apothecaries, his Majesty protested his care therein to be only for his people's health; it is dangerous for every one to meddle with Apothecary's ware, and the Grocers have a Trade beside.

"His fourth Grievance is, that Seditious Books are so frequently printed, which he will be careful to prevent hereafter.

"Fifthly, for calling so many Patents, appointing the Patentees to wait so many days with their Council, and never to hear them; wherefore his Majesty warned them to call for no more hereafter, unless they first knew them to be grievous to the People. And so his Majesty concluded with thanks for the Commons good carriage towards him and his Lords this Session.

Then the Lord Keeper spake to the particulars of the Speaker's Speech and by his Majesty's command approved them all, alluding the general consent of both Houses to the Septuagint directed by the Holy Ghost; and touching the Speaker's desire for the King's assent to the Bills past both Houses, he said, the Royal Assent is proper to the Law-giver; and shewed, that it is best for the people, that this is in his Majesty's power, and not in themselves; for the King knoweth what is best to be granted unto his people, as may appear by the Petition that Bathsbeba made to King Solomon, to give unto Adonijah Abishag to wife; which had Solomon granted, he had given Adonijah means to usurp the Kingdom, contrary to Bathsbeba's meaning; and such is his Majesty's intent this day, for such Bills which he will not pass. That his Majesty hath given his consent to all the Bills of Grace, and to the Bill of the continuance of some Statutes, and repeal of others, so necessary, and for the good of the people. That his Majesty accepteth in good part their thanks for his general Pardon, which he hath so freely grantly unto his Subjects; but his especial command is, That those that are in Office, do look strictly to the excution of Laws against Recusants: The Subsidies his Majesty graciously accepteth, and therefore imitates not the story in Macrobius, of one who had all his debts paid, and instead of thanks, answered, mihi nihil: Though this be given to the Palatinate, his Majesty interpreteth it as given to himself, and rendreth to you all hearty thanks for the same.

The Lord Keeper having ended his Speech, the Clerk of the Crown stood up, and read the Title of the Bills passed both Houses; and the Clerk of the Parliament read his Majesty's Answer to each Bill, which being done, his Majesty remembred the breaking up of three Parliaments together, and the happy conclusion of this Session, and puts the Commons again in mind, that at the next meeting they do so carry themselves, that this Parliament may be as happily continued to the end.

At the Parliament holden at Westminster, by Prorogation, the Nineteenth day of February, Anno Regis Jacobi, Angliæ, Franciæ, & Hiberniæ vicesimo primo, & Scotiæ quinquagesimo septimo, these Acts were passed.

1. An Act for making perpetual an Act made, Anno 39 Eliz. Entituled, An Act for the Erecting of Hospitals and Work-houses for the Poor.

2. An Act for the quiet of the Subjects agianst Concealments.

3. An Act concerning Monopolies, and Dispensations with Penal Laws.

4. An Act for cafe of the Subjects concerning Informations upon Penal Statutes.

5. An Act, that Sheriffs, their Heirs, &c. having a Quietus est, shall be discharged of their Accompts; with the Judges opinion therein.

6. An Act concerning Women convict of small Felonies.

7. An Act to repress Drunkenness, and to restrain the haunting of Inns, &c.

8. An Act to punish abuses in procuring Supersedeas of the Peace out of the Courts at Westminster, and to prevent the abuses in procuring Writs of Certiorari out of the said Courts, &c.

9. An Act for the Free Trade of Welsh Clothes, &c. in England and Wales.

10. An Act to repeal a branch of the Statute An. 34 H. 8. Entituled, An Act for certain Ordinances in the King's Dominions, and Principality of Wales.

11. An Act for confirmation of a Judgment given for his Majesty in a Scirefacias against Henry Heron, and for Declaration of the Letters Patents therein mentioned to be void.

12. An Act to make perpetual the Act for cafe in pleading against troublesome Suits, prosecuted against Justices of the Peace, Mayors, &c.

13. An Act for the further reformation of Jeofails.

14. An Act to admit the Subject to plead the general Issue in Informations of Instrusion brought on the King's behalf, and to retain his possession till Trial.

15. An Act to enable Judges and Justices to give restitution of Possession in certain Cases.

16. An Act for limitation of Actions, and for avoiding of Suits in Law.

17. An Act against Usury.

18. An Act for the continuance of a former Statute made 40 Jac. Entituled, An Act for the true making of Woollen Clothes.

19. An Act for the further description of a Bankrupt and relief of Creditors against such as shall become Bankrupts, and for inflicting of Corportal Punishment upon them in some Cases.

20. An Act to prevent Swearing and Cursing.

21. An Act concerning Hostlers and Inholders.

22. An Act for explaining a Statute, An. 3,4, & 5 E. 6. concerning the Traders of Butter and Cheese.

23. An Act to avoid Delays, by removing of Actions out of Inferior Courts.

24. An Act for relief of Creditors against such as die in Execution.

25. An Act for relief of Patentees, Tenants, and Farmers of Crown-Lands, and Dutchy-Lands.

26. An Act against such as shall levy any Fine, suffer any Recovery, knowledge any Statute, Recognizance, Bail or Judgment, in the name of any person not privy thereunto.

27. An Act to prevent the murthering of Bastard-children.

28. An Act to continue divers Statutes, and repeal others.

29. An Act to enable Prince Charles to make Leases of Lands, parcel of the Dutchy of Cornwal, or annexed to the same.

30. An Act to assure Tork-house and other Lands to the King, and to assure the Manors of Brighton, Santon, and other Lands, to the Archbishop of Tork, &c.

31. An Act for the good Government of the Makers of Knives in Hallam-shire in the Country of Tork.

32. An Act to make the Thames Navigable from Bercot to Oxon.

33. An Act for the Subsidies of the Clergy.

34. An Act for Three Subsidies, Three Fifteenths, and Tenths, granted by the Temporality, with the Judges opinions.

35. An Act for the King's General Pardon.

Private Acts.

36. An Act for the Confirmation of Wadham-College in Oxon, and the Possessions thereof.

37. An Act for the Naturalizing of Philip Burlemacchi.

38. An Act for the Naturalizing of Giles Vandeput.

39. An Act to enable William Earl of Hereford, and Sir Francis Seymor Knight, to sell Lands for the payment of Debts; and establishing other Lands.

40. An Act for the Naturalizing of Sir Robert Anstrother, Sir George Abercromy, Knights; and John Cragg Doctor of Physick.

41. An Act to confirm the Copy-holders Estates of Stepney and Hackney, according to a Decree in Chancery, between the Lord of the Manor and the said Copy-holders.

42. An Act to confirm an Assurance of Lands sold by Sir Thomas Beaumont, Knight, and his Wife, to Sir Thomas Cheek, Knight.

43. An Act to Erect a Free-School and Alms-house, and House of Correction in Lincolnshire.

44. An Act to enable Martin Calthrop to sell Lands, for preferment of younger Children, and payment of Debts.

45. An Act for settling the Manor of Goodneston, and other Lands of Sir Edward Ingram, Knight.

46. An Act to enable Dame Alice Dudley, Wife of Sir Robert Dudley, Knight, to assure the Manor of Killingworth and other Lands, to Prince Charles.

47. An Act to confirm an Exchange of Lands between Prince Charles, and Sir Lewis Watson, Knight and Baronet.

48. An Act for the settling of the Lands of Anthony Vicount Montague, for payment of his Debts, and raising of Portions.

49. An Act to enable Sir Richard Lumley Knight, to sell Lands for the payment of his Debts, and preferment of Children.

50. An Act to confirm a Decree in Chancery, made by the consent of the Lord of Painswick in Com. Glouc, and his Customary Tenants there.

51. An Act for the Naturalization of Sir Francis Steward Knight, Walter Steward, James Maxwel, William Car, and James Levingston, Esquires.

52. An Act for the Naturalization of John Toung, Doctor of Divinity.

53. An Act for the Naturalizing of Jane Murry Widow, and William Murry Esquire.

54. An Act to make good a Conveyance of Little Munden, made from Sir Peter Vanlore Knight, and Sir Charles Casar Knight, unto Edmond Woodhall Esquire, and his Heirs.

55. An Act to enable Vincent Low to sell Lands, for payment of his Debts.

56. An Act to enable Toby Palyvicine to sell Lands, for the payment of Debts, and preferment of Children.

57. An Act for Naturalizing of Sir Robert Carr, Knight.

58. An Act to confirm the Mannor of New Langport and Seavans, and other Lands, late being the Inheritance of Sir Henry James Knight, in a Pramunire convicted, unto Martin Lumley, Lord Mayor of London, Alice Woodriff Widow, and Edward Cropley, &c.

59. An Act for Naturalizing of Sir Stephen Leisure.

60. An Act for Naturalizing of James Marquis of Hamilton.

61. An Act for Naturalizing of Sir William Anstrother Knight, Doctor Balcanqual, and Patrick Abercromy.

62. An Act to confirm the sale of Lands made by Sir Edward Heron Knight, unto Bevel Mouldsworth Esquire, and to enable the said Sir Edward to sell other Lands for payment of Debts, and to settle other Lands upon Robert and Edward Heron.

63. An Act for the Naturalizing of Abigal Little, and William Little her Son.

64. An Act for the estabishing of Lands upon John Mohun Esq; son of Sir Rowland Mohun, Knight and Baronet, according to the agreements made between them.

65. An Act to enable Edward Alcock to sell the Mannor of Rampton, and other Lands.

66. An Act to explain a Statute made Anno 13 Eliz. for assuring of Eighty two pounds ten shillings per ann. to the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield for ever, out of Mannors and Lands thereby assured to Edmund Fisher and his Heirs.

67. An Act for the establishing of three Lectures in Divinity, according to the Will of Thomas Wettenhal Esquire.

68. An Act for the repairing the River running to Colchester, and paving the Town there.

69. An Act to enable Frincis Clerk Knight, to sell Lands, for the payment of Debts, and raising of Portions.

70. An Act for altering of Gavel-kind-Lands, being late the Lands of Thomas Potter Esq; Sir George Rivers Knight, and Sir John Rivers Baronet, and to settle the Inheritance of them upon Sir John Rivers and his Heirs.

71. An Act to make the Lands of Thomas Earl of Middlesex subject to the payment of his Debts.

72. An Act for the sale of the Mannor of Abbots-Hall, late the Possessions of Sir James Pointz deceased, that the Moneys thereby raised may be distributed amongst his Creditors, according to his last Will.

73. An Act for the Naturalizing of Elizabeth Very and Mary Vere, the Daughters of Sir Horatio Vere, Knight.

This Summer four Regiments of Foot were raised for the service of the United Provinces, to be employed against the Emperor, under the Command of four Noble Colonels, the Earls of Oxford, Essex, and Southhampton, and the Lord Willoughby.

King James demands the Town of Frankendale deposited in the Archdutchess hands.

The Town of Frankendale having been sequestred into the hands of the Archudutchess Isabella Clara Eugenia, Infanta of Spain, for the term of Eighteen Months, and that time now growing to an end, being to expire about the middle of October next; the King commanded those Lords and others, that were commissioners in that Treaty between his Majesty and the Archdutchess, to assemble and deliberate what was fit to be done, concerning the remanding, receiving, and ordering of that Town. The Commissioners unanimously were of opinion, That it was fit for his Majesty, both in Honour and Interest, to remand it, and according to the Capitulation, to place therein a Garrison of Fifteen hundred Foot, and Two hundred Horse, with sufficient Victuals for six Months, and a sufficient quantity of all Munition. The Infanta having accorded in the Treaty to give them a passage through the King of Spain's Low Countries; the King approved, and resolved to follow the advice, and gave order to the Council of War to consider and discuss the manner of demanding the Town, and the way and means of raising the Men, and conducting them thither, and of maintaining and supplying the Garrision with Munition and all things necessary.

Spinola marches out of the Town, and immediately re-enters.

On the day that Frankendale was to be re-delivered, Spinola with his Forces marcheth out of the Town; and finding none of the King of Great Britain's Forces ready to enter it, instant re-enters, and takes possession, pulls down the King of England's Arms, and sets up the King of Spain's. Yet did the Noble Spaniard leave standing the Monument of two Brothers fighting, and stout Enemies of theirs; in opposition of whose valour the Spaniard had gained much honour, but overcame them at last. The Monument is standing in the Dutch Church in Frankendale, upon a fair Tomb, with this Inscription,

This Monument was erected by the Town of Frankendale, in memory of those two Brothers, who were Uncles to Thomas Lord Fairfax.

King James very desirous of a Match with France.

In France, the Marriage-Treaty was not so fair, smooth and plausible in the progress, as in the entrance. King James admiring the Alliance of mighty Kings, though of a contrary Religion, as also fearing the disgrace of another breach, desired the Match unmeasurably; which the French well perceived, and abated of their forwardness, and enlarg'd their Demands in favour of the Papists (as the Spaniards had done before them) and strained the King to the Concession of such Immunities, as he had promised to his Parliament he would never grant, upon the mediation of Foreign Princes.

The Cardinal Richlieu being in the Infancy of his favour, and appointed to the managing of the Treaty, assured the Catholicks of Great Britain, that the most Christian King remembering, that he was born and raised up no less for the propagation of the Catholick Cause, than for the enlarging of his own Dominions, was resolved to obtain honourable Terms for Religion, or never to conclude the Match: And for his own part, such was his compassion towards them, that if he might work their deliverance, or better their condition, not only with Counsel, Interest, and Authority, but with his Life and Blood, he would gladly do it.

The Match with France concluded.

However, this Treaty held fewer months, than the years that were spent in that of Spain. Indeed, the Motion from England had a braver expression, seeing a Wife was here considered as the only object of the Treaty; whereas that of Spain was accompanied with a further expectation; to wit, the rendring of the Palatinate to King James his Children. In August the Match was concluded, and in November the Articles were sworn unto by King James, Prince Charles, and the French King. The Articles concerning Religion were not much short of those for the Spanish Match. The conclusion of the Treaty was seconded in France with many outward expressions of joy, as Bonfires, and the like: Whereupon the Privy Council sent to the Lord Mayor of London, requiring the like to be done here.

Count Mansfield arrives in England; 12000 Foot and 200 Horse raised to go under his command.

This year Count Mansfield arrived in England, whose reception was splendid and honourable: he was entertained in the Prince his House in St. James's, and served in great State by some of the King's Officers. A Press went through the Kingdom for the raising of Twelve thousand Foot, with two Troops of Horse, to go under his Command, for the recovery of the Palatinate. These Forces were intended to pass through France into Germany, the French having promised, as well an addition of strength, as a free passage.

In the mean while there were those, that secretly sollicited the King to return into the way of Spain, and raised suspicions of Mansfield's Enterprise, saying, he was the Palsgrave's Scout and Spy; and if the Puritans desired a Kingdom, they did not wish it to the most Illustrious Prince Charles, his Majesty's best and true Heir, but to the Palatinate. That it was the Duke's Plot, and the Parliament's fury, to begin a War with Spain; but it will be the glory of his Majesty's blessed Reign, that after many most happy years, that Motto of his [Blessed be the Peace-makers] might even to the last be verified of him in the Letter, and be propounded for the imitation of the most Illustrious Prince, and that the experience of his happy Government should carry the Prince in a connatural motion to the same Counsels of Peace.

And at the same time, the more circumspect party in the Spanish Court, held it fit to continue the state of things in a possibility of an Accommodation with the King of Great Britain; and Gondomar was coming again for England to procure a Peace; notwithstanding the Duke of Bavaria used all diligence, to combine himself with that Crown, offering to depend wholly thereon, so that he may be thereby protected in his new acquired Dignity. But in these motions the Elector of Saxony with many Reasons, advised the Emperor to apply himself to the settling of a peace in Germany, and with much instance besought him not to destroy that ancient House of the Palatinate.

Count Mansfield was at this time in England, and the Forces raised in the several parts of the Kingdom for the recovery of the Palatinate, were put under his Command; and marching to their Randezvous at Dover, commited great Spoils and Rapines in their passage through the Counties. At the Rendezvous the Colonels and Captains were assigned to receive their several Regiments and Companies from the Conductors employed by those several Counties where the Men were raised.

A List of some of the Regiments of Foot designed for that Expedition.

I.

Eerl of Lincoln, Colonel.

Lieut. Col. Allen.

Serjeant Major Bonithon.

Sir Edward Fleetwood.

Capt. Wirley.

Capt. Reynolds.

Capt. Babbington.

Sir Mathew Carey.

Capt. Barlee.

Capt. Cromwell.

II.

Viscount Doncaster, Colonel.

Sir James Ramsey, Lieu. Colonel.

Alexander Hamilton, Serjeant Major.

Capt. Archibald Duglas.

Capt. Zouch.

Capt. John Duglas.

Capt. Pell.

Capt. William Duglas.

Capt. George Killwood.

Capt. Andrew Heatley.

III.

Lord Cromwell, Colonel.

Lieut. Col. Dutton.

Serjeant Major Gibson.

Capt. Basset.

Capt. Lane.

Capt. Vincent Wright.

Capt. Jenner.

Capt. Vaughan.

Capt. Owseley.

Capt. Crane.

IV.

Sir Charles Rich, Colonel.

Lieut. Col. Hopton.

Serjgeant Major Killegrew.

Sir Warham St. Leiger.

Sir W. Waller.

Capt. Burton.

Capt. Francis Hammond.

Capt. Winter.

Capt. Goring.

Capt. Fowler.

V.

Sir Andrew Grey, Colonel.

Lieut. Col. Boswel.

Serjeant Major Coburne.

Capt. David Murray.

Capt. Murray.

Capt. Forbois.

Capt. Carew.

Capt. Ramsey.

Capt. Williams.

Capt. Beaton.

VI.

Sir John Burrough, Colonel.

Lieut. Col. Bret.

Serjeant Major Willoughby.

Captain William Lake.

Capt. Roberts.

Capt. Webb.

Capt. Skipwith.

Capt. Thomas Woodhouse.

Capt. George.

Capt. Mostian.

The Duke of Buckhingham, Lord Admiral, was required to employ those Ships that were now in the Narrow Seas, or in the Havens ready bound for any Voyage, for the Transporting this Army from Dover.

Count Mansfield received his Commission from King James, bore date the Seventh of November, One thousand six hundred twenty and four, and was to this effect, That his Majesty at the request of the Prince Elector Palatine, and the King's Sister his Wife, doth impower Count Mansfield to raise an Army for the recovering of the Estate and Dignity of the Prince Elector, and appoints that the Forces so raised should be under the Government of the said Count Mansfield for the end aforesaid. And his Majesty further declares, by way of Negative, That he doth not intend that the said Count shall commit any spoil upon the Countries or Dominions of any of his Majesty's Friends and Allies; and more particularly, He doth require the said Count not to make any invasion, or do any Act of War against the Country or Dominion, which of right appertain and are, in truth, the just and lawful possession of the King of Spain, or the Lady Infanta Isabella; and in case any such Hostility shall be acted contrary to his Majesty's intention, all such Commissions which shall be granted to that purpose by the said Count Mansfield, his Majesty doth declare to be void; and that all payments shall cease: That on the contrary, if obedience be given hereunto, the King wisheth the Count all good success for the recovery of the Palatinate, and reestablishment of the Peace in Germany against the Duke of Bavaria, and those that are the troublers of the Peace.

And for the performance hereof, the King caused Count Mansfield to take an Oath, That he would conform according to the contents of the said Commission and Declaration of his Majesty; which Oath was almost in Terminis of what is before expressed.

Searce the third part of Count Mansfield's Army came safe to Land.

This Army, consisting of Twelve Regiments, was intended to Land in France; but being ready for Transport, the French notwithstanding their promise, and the Treaty of Marriage demurred (yet not plainly denied) their passage. Nevertheless, the whole Army was Shipped, and put over to Calice, and after a tedious stay in hope yet to land and pass through the Country, they were forced to set fail for Zealand. Neither were they suffered to land there, coming so unexpectedly upon the States, and in a hard Season for Provision of Victuals.

Thus they were long pent up in the Ships, and suffered the want of all Necessaries, by which means a Pestilence came among them, and ranged extremely, so that they were thrown into the Sea by Multitudes; insomuch, that fearce a third part of the Men were landed; the which also afterward mouldred away, and the Design came to nothing.

Richard Smith made Bishop of Calcedon, and sent into England with Episcopal Jurisdiction.

The Papist formerly daunted by the Breach of the Spanish Match, was now again revived by the Marriage-Treaty with France. And at this time upon the Death of William, Titular Bishop of Calcedon, most of the English Secular Priests did Petition the Pope, that another Bishop might be sent over into England, there to Ordain Priests, give Confirmation
And exercise Episcopal Jurisdiction. Among others, Mathew Killison and Richard Smith were presented.

And though the Regulars were opposite to the Seculars in this matter, yet those of the Order of St. Benedict joyned with the Seculars, and Rudesin Barlo, President at the English Benedictines of Doway, wrote a Letter in their behalf at the Congregation at Rome, named of the Propagation of the Faith. Dated the Twelfth of December, One thousand six hundred twenty and four.

In which Letter was this passage, that there were above Sixty Benedictine Monks in England; and that it is not to be doubted (said he) [For that it is already seen, the good success under the first Bishop.] That another Bishop being Constituted, there would be more joyful fruits within two years in the English Mission, than hitherto hath been for Sixty years now elapsed.

But not long after, the Episcopal Party prevailing, Pope Urban the Eigth created Richard Smith Bishop of Calcedon, and sent him into England with Episcopal Authority over the Priests within the English Dominions.

King James after he had been troubled with a Tertian Fever four Weeks finding himself near the end of his days, called unto him Charles Prince of Wales, his only Son, to whom he recommended the Protection of the Church of England, advised him to love his Wife, but not her Religion; and exhorted him to take special care of his Grand-children, the Children of the Elector Palatine by his daughter; and to employ the power he left him, to reestablish him in the Estate and Dignities of their Father: And lastly, he recommended to him his Officers who had faithfully served him, and on the Seven and twentitieth of March gave up the Ghost.

And shortly after Bishop Laud delivered to the hands of the Duke of Buckingham, brief Annotations or Memorables of the Life and Death of King James, (viz.)

I. He was a King almost from his Birth.

II. His great Clemency, that he should Reign so long, and so moderately, that knew nothing else but to Reign.

III. The difficult times in Scotland, during his Minority, as much perplexed with Church and State Factions.

IV. His admirable Patience in those younger times, and his wisdom to go by those many and great difficulties, till God opened him the ways to his just Inheritance of this Crown.

V.His peaceable Entry into this Kingdom, contrary to the fears at home, and the hopes abroad not without God's great blessing both on him and us.

VI. His ability as strong in Grace as Nature, to forgive some Occurences.

VII. The continuance of full two and twenty years Reign all in Peace, without War, from Foreign Enemy, or Rebellion at home.

VIII.The infinite advantage, which People of all sorts might have brought to themselves, and enriching of the State, if they would have used such a Government with answerable care, and not made the worse use of peace.

IX.God's great mercy over him in many deliverances from private Conspirators, and above the rest, that which would have blown up his Posterity and the State by Gunpowder.

X. That in all this time of his Reign of England, he took away the life of no one Nobleman, but restored many.

XI. That the sweetness of his Nature was scarce to be paralel'd by any other.

XII. It is little less than a Miracle, that so much sweetness should be found in so great a heart, as besides other things, sickness and death it self shewed to be in him.

XIII. Clemency, Mercy, Justice, and holding the State in Peace, have ever been accounted the great Virtues of Kings, and they were all eminent in him.

XIV. He was not only a preserver of Peace at home, but the greatest Peacemaker abroad; to settle Christendom against the Common Enemy the Turk, which might have been a glorious work, if others had been as true to him as he was to the common good.

XV. He was in private to his Servants, the best Master that ever was, and the most free.

XVI. He was the justest Man that could sit between Parties, and as patient to hear.

XVII. He was bountiful to the highest pitch of a King.

XVIII. He was the greatest Patron to the Church which hath been in many Ages.

XIX. The most learned Prince that this Kingdom hath ever known for matters of Religion.

XX. His integrity and soundness of Religion, to write and speak, believe and do, live and die one and the same, and all Orthodox.

XXI. His tender love to the King his Son, our most gracious Soveraign that now is, and his constant Reverence in performance of all duties to his Father, the greatest Blessing and greatest Example of this, and many Ages.

XXII. The education of his Majesty whom we now enjoy (and I hope and pray we may long, and in happiness, enjoy) to be an able King as Christendom hath any, the very first day of his Reign; the benefit whereof is ours and the honour his.

XXIII. His sickness at the beginning more grievous than it seemed, a sharp melancholy humour set on fire, though usbered in by an ordinary Tertian Ague.

XXIV. He was from the beginning of his sickness scarce out of an opinion that he should die; and therefore did not suffer the great Affairs of Christendom to move him more than was sit, for he thought of his end.

XXV. His devout receiving of the blessed Sacrament.

XXVI. His Regal Censure of the Moderate reformation of the Church of England, and particularly for the care of retaining of Absolution, the comfort of distressed Souls.

XXVII. His continual calling for prayers, with an assured confidence in Christ.

XXVIII. His death as full of patience as could be found in so strong a death.

XXIX. His Rest, no question is in Abraham's Bosom, and his Crown changed into a Crown of Glory.

Another writes thus of that King in the Book entituled, the Reign of King Charles.

In the stile of the Court he went for Great Britains Solomon; nor is it any Excursion beyond the Precincts of Verity to say, That neither Britain nor any other Kingdom whatsoever, could ever, since Solomon's days, glory in a King (for recondite Learning and abstruse Knowledge) so near a Match to Solomon, as he. And though he was an Universal Scholar, yet did he make other Sciences (their most proper employment) but Drudges and Servitures to Divinity, wherein he became so transcendently eminent, as he notoriously soiled the greatest Clerks of the Roman See. Nor did his Theological Abilities more advantage the cause of Religion abroad than at home, they keeping the new sangled-Clergy aloof, and at distance, as not daring to insuse into so solid a Judgment their upstart and erroneous Fancies, no, nor disquiet the Church's peace with Heterodox Opinions. A stout adversary he was to the Arminians and Semipelagians, whom he called as Prosper before him, The Enemies of God's Grace. And as slender a Friend to the Presbytery, of whose Tyrannical and Antimonarchical Principles, he had, from his Cradle, smart experience. He was an excellent Speaker, the Scheme of his Oratory being more stately than pedantick, and the expressions argued him both a King and a Scholar. In his Apparel and Civil Garb, he seemed naturally to affect a Majestick careleness, which was so Hectick, so habitual in him, as even in Religious Exercises, when the extern Demeanour is a grand part of that sacred Homage, he was somewhat too incurious and irreverent. He was indulgent a little to his Palate, and had a smack of the E-picure; in Pecuniary Dispensations to his Favourites, he was excessive liberal; yea though the exigence of his own wants pleaded Retention. Studious he was of Peace, somewhat overmuch for a King, which many imputed to pusillanimity; and for certain, the thought of War was very terrible unto him; whereof there needs no further demonstration, than his management of the Cause of the Palatinate: For had he had the least scientillation of Animosity or Majestick Indignation, would he have so long endured his Son-in-law exterminated from his Patrimony, while the Austrian Faction (to his great dishonour) cajoled and kept him in delusory Chat with specious fallacies? Would he, in those several Negotiations of Carlisle, Bristol, Belsast, and Weston, have trisled away so vast sums, the Moiety whereof, had they been disposed in Military Levies would have Modelled an Army able (when Heidelburgh, Manheim, and Frankendale desended themselves) to have totally dissipated all the Forces of the Usurpers, to have mastered the Imperious Eagle, enforcing her to forego her Quarry, and re-estated the Palsgrave? Would he so shamefully have Courted the Alliance of Spain, to the very great regret of his Subjects, whom his Predecessors had so often bassled, and whom England ever found a worse Friend than an Enemy? What stronger evidence, can be given in of a wonderful defect of Courage? As this lipothymie this saint-heartedness, lost him the reputation and respects of his people, so his heavy pressures upon them, and undue Levies by Privy Seals, and the like, alienated their affections, especially considering how those Monies were mis-employed, indeed rather thrown away; partly in the two dishonourable Treaties of Spain and Germany, and the Consequential Entertainments; and partly in largesses upon his Minion Buckingham. Between this disaffection and contempt in his People, there was generated a general disposition to turbulent and boisterous Darings and Expostulations, even against his Darling Prerogative: And though those
dismal calamities which besel his Son, were doubtless ampliated by a supersetation of Causes; yet was their first and main existency derivative from those seminalities. Let Court-Pens extol the calmness of his Halcyonian Reign with all artifice of Rhetorick, yet can they never deny but that admired Serenity had its set in Cloud; and that he left to his Successor, both an empty Purse, and a Crown of Thorns.

Sir Francis Bacon, when King James was living, gave this Character of him.

Wherefore representing Your Majesty many times unto my mind and beholding you not with the eye of Presumption to discover that which the Scripture tells me, is inforutable; but with the observant eye of Duty and Admiration, leaving aside the other parts of your Virtue aud Fortune, I have been touched, yea, and possessed with an extreme wonder at these your Virtues and Faculties which the Philosophers call Intellectuals, [ The largeness of your Capacity, the faithfulness of your Memory, the swiftness of your Apprehension, the penetration of your Judgment, and the faculty and order of your Elocution.] And I have then thought, that of all the Persons living that I have known, your Majesty were the best instance to make a man of Plato's opinion, That all knowledge is but Remembrance, and that the Mind of Man by nature knoweth all things, and hath but her own Native and Original Notions (which by the strangeness and darkness of the Tabernacles of the Body, are sequestred) again revived and restored. Such a Light of Nature I have observed in your Majesty, and such a readiness to take flame and blaze from the least occasion presented; or the least spark of another's Knowledge delivered. And as the Scripture faith of the wisest King, That his heart was as the Sand of the Sea, which though it be one of the largest Bodies, yet it consisteth of the smallest and finest Portions: So hath God given your Majesty a composition of understanding admirable, being able to compose and comprehend the greatest Matters, and nevertheless to touch and apprehend the least; wherein it should seem an impossibility in Nature for the same Instrument to make it self fit for great and small Works. And for your gift of Speech, I call to mind what Cornelius Tacitus faith of Augustus Cœsar, Augusto profluens & quœ Principem deceret Eloquentia suit: For if we mark it well, Speech that is uttered with labour and difficulty; or Speech that favoureth of the affection of Arts and Precepts; or Speech that is framed after the imitation of some pattern of Eloquence, though never so excelent; all this hath somewhat servile and holding of the subject. But your Majesty's manner of Speech is indeed Princelike, flowing as from a Fountain, and yet streameth and brancheth it self into Nature's order, full of Facility and Felicity, Imitating none, and imitable by any, &c. And there seemeth to be no little contention between the excellency of your Majesty's gifts of Nature and universality and perfection of your Learning; for I am well assured of this, that what I shall say is no amplification at all, but a positive and measured truth, which is, That there hath not liv'd since Christ's time, any King or Temporal Monarch, which hath been so learned in all Literature and Erudition, Divine and Humane: For let a man seriously and diligently revolve and peruse the Succession of the Emperor's Rome, of which Cœsar the
before Christ, and Marcus Antonius, were the best learned; and so descended to the Emperors of Grœcia, or of the West, and then to the Lines of France, Spain, England, Scotland, and the rest, and he shall find this Judgment truly made: For it seemeth much in a King, if by the compendious extractions of other Men's Wits and Learning, he can take hold of any superficial Ornaments, and shews of Learning; or if he countenance or prefer Learning or Learned Men. But to drink indeed of the true Fountain of Learning, may to have such a Fountain of Learning in himself, in a King, and in a King born, is almost a miracle; and the more, because there is met in your Majesty a rare conjunction as well of Divine and sacred Literature, as Prophane and humane. So as your Majesty stands invested of that Triplicity which in great veneration was ascribed to the ancient Hermes, The Power and Fortune of a King, the Knowledge and Illumination of a Priest, and the Learning and Universality of a Philosopher. This Propriety, inherent and individual Attribute in your Majesty, deserveth to be expressed not only in the Fame and admiration of the present time, nor in the History or Tradition of the Ages succeeding, but also in some solid Work, fixed Memorial, and Immortal Monument, bearing a Character or Signature, both of the Power of a King, and the Difference and Perfection of such a King.

Memoria Justi cum laudibus, & impiorum nomen putrescit.

He that hath lately writ the History of Great Britain, thus epresseth himself concerning King James.

He was a King in understanding, and was content to have his Subjects ignorant in many things; as in Curing the King's Evil, which he knew a device to ingrandize the virtue of Kings when Miracles were in fashion; but he let the World believe it, though he smiled at it in his own Reason, finding the strength of imagination a more powerful agent in the Cure, than the Plaisters his Surgeons prescribed for teh Sore. It was a hard question, whether his Wisdom and Knowledge exceeded his Choller and Fear; certainly the last couple drew him with most violence, because they were not acquisitious, but natural; if he had not had that allay, his high towering and mastering Reason had been of a rare and sublimed excellency; but these earthly dregs kept it down, making his Passions extend him as far as Prophaneness (that I may not say Blasphemy) and Policy Superintendent of all his Actions, which will not last long, (like the violence of that humour) for it often makes those that know well, to do ill, and not to be able to prevent it.

He had pure notions in Conception, but could bring few of them into action, though they tended to his own preservation; for this was one of his Apothegms which he made no timely use of, [Let that Prince that would beware of Conspiracies, be rather jealous of such whom his extraordinary favours have advanced, than of those whom his displeasure hath discontented. These want means to execute their pleasures, but they have means at pleasure to execute their desires.] Ambition to rule is more vehement than Malice to revenge: Though the last part of this Aphorism he was thought to practice too soon, where there were no causes for prevention and neglect too late when time was full ripe to produce the effect.

Some parallel'd him to Tiberius for Dissimulation, yet Peace was
maintained by him, as in the time of Augustus, and Peace begot Plenty, and Plenty begot Ease and Wantonness, and Ease and Wantonness begot Poetry, and Poetry swelled to that bulk in this time, that it begot strange monstrous Satyrs against the King's own person, that haunted both Court and Country; which expressed, would be too bitter to leave a sweet perfume behind him. And though bitter ingredients are good to imbalm and preserve dead Bodies, yet these are such as might endanger to kill a living Name, if Malice be not brought in with an Antidote. And the Tongues at those times more fluent than my Pen, made every little miscarriage (being not able to discover their true operations, like small seeds hid in earthy darkness) grow up and spread into such exuberant Branches, that evil report did often pearch upon them. So dangerous it is for Princes by a remiss comportment, to give growth to the least Error; for it often proves as fruitful as malice can make it.

The 'Bishop of Lincoln, then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England, in his Sermon at King James's Funeral, speaking of Solomon and King James, (his Text being I Kings 11. 41, 42, 43.) hath these Expressions.

I Dare presume to say, you never read in your lives, of two Kings more fully parallel'd amongst themselves, and better distinguished from all other Kings besides themselves. King Solomon is said to be Unigenitus coram Matre sua, the only Son of his Mother, Prov. 4. 3. So was King James. Solomon was of a Complexion white and ruddy, Cant. 5. 10. So was King James. Solomon was an Infant King, puer parvulus, a little Child, 1 Chron. 22. 5. So was King James a King at the age of Thirteen Months. Solomon began his Reign in the life of his Predecessor, 1 Kings 1. 32. So by the force and compulsion of that State, did our late Sovereign King James. Solomon was twice crowned and anointed a King, 1Chron. 29. 22. So was King James. Solomon's Minority was rough, through the quarrels of the former Soveraign; so was that of King James. Solomon was learned above all the Princes in the East, 1 Kings 4. 20. So was King James above all the Princes in the Universal World. Solomon was a Writer in Prose and Verse. 1 Kings 4. 32. So in a very pure and exquisite manner was our sweet Sovereign King James. Solomon was the greatest Patron we ever read of to Church and Churchmen; and yet no greater (let the House of Aaron now confess) then King James. Solomon was honoured with Ambassadors from all the Kings of the Earth, I Kings 4. alt. And so you know was King James. Solomon was a main improver of his home Commodities, as you may see in his Trading with Hiram. I Kings 5. 9. And God knows it was the daily study of King James. Solomon was a great maintainer of Shipping and Navigation, I Kings 10. 14. A most proper Attribute to King James. Solomon beautified very much his Capital City with Buildings and Water-works. I Kings 9. 15. So did King James. Every man lived in peace under his Vine and his Fig-tree, in the days of Solomon, I Kings 4. 25. And so they did in the blessed days of King James. And yet towards his end, King Solomon had secret Enemies Razan, Hadad, and Feroboam, and prepared for a War up on his going to his Grave, as you may fee in the verse before my Text. So had, and so did King James. Lastly, Before any Hostile Act we read of in the History, King Soloman died in Peace, when he had lived about
Sixty years, as Lyra and Tostatus are of opinion; and so you know did King James.

And as for his words and eloquence, you know it well enough; it was rare and excellent in the highest degree, Solomon speaking of his own faculty in this kind; divides it into two several Heads; a ready Invention, and an easy Discharge and Expression of the fame. God hath granted me to speak as I would, and to conceive as is meet, for the things spoken of, Wisd. 7. 15. And this was eminent in our late Soveraign. His Invention was as quick as his first Thoughts, and his words as ready as his Invention. God hath given him to conceive; the Greek word in that place is &, that is, to make an Enthymem or a short Syllogism; and that was his manner. He would first wind up the whole substance of his discourse, into one solid and massie Conception; and then spread it and dilate it to what compass he pleased; Profluenti & quœ Principem deceret eloquentia (as Tacitus said of Augustus) in a flowing and a Princely kind of Elocution. Those Speeches of his in the Parliament, Star-Chamber, Council-Table, and other publick Audiences of the State, (of which as of Tully's Orations, Ea semper optima, quœ maxima, the longest still was held the best) do prove him to be the most powerful Speaker that ever swayed the Scepter of this Kingdom. In his Stile you may observe the Ecclesiastes, in his Figures the Canticles, in his Sentences the Proverbs, and in his whole Discourse Reliquum verborum Solomonis, all the rest that was admirable in the Eloquence of Solomon.

How powerful did he charge the Prince with the care of Religion and Justice, the two Pillars (as he termed them) of his future Throne? How did he recommend unto his love, the Nobility, the Clergy, and the Commonalty in the general? How did he thrust, as it were, into his inward bosom, his Bishops, his Judges, his near Servants, and that (fn. 1) Disciple of his whom he so loved in particular? and concluded with that Heavenly Advice to his Son, concerning that great act of his future Marriage, To Marry like himself, and Marry where he would: But if he did Marry the Daughter of that King, he should Marry her Person, but he should not Marry her Religion.

Having in our Collections met with the Transcript of a Letter from King James to Pope Clement, dated Anno 1599. We have thought fit (though it, be not placed in order of time) to conclude his Reign with it and with the Instructions given to Mr. Drummond, who was sent with the same to Rome.

Most Holy Father, having understood by several Reports how dilligent the Rivals of our Condition have been, that the Sword of your Authority, should be unsheathed against us, and with what constancy your Prudence hath hitherto refused it; we would do no less than return thanks for such a good turn received; especially upon so fair an occasion, when the Bearer of these, a Scotchman by Nation, but a Roman by Adoption, was returning unto your Dominions; we recommend him to your Holiness (to whom for his good parts you have already been beneficial) that you would attentively hear him in those things which he shall deliver in our Name: And because we know there is no better remedy against the Calumnies of ill willers (who, by commemorating our injures done to Catholicks, procure envy to us, and thank to themselves) than that some of our Countrey-men zealous of the Truth, though differing from the Religion which we have sucked from our Infancy, should have an Honourable occasion of making their abode in the Court of Rome, from whom your Holiness may be certainly informed of the state of our affairs. In this regard we recommend unto you the Bishop of Vazion, who as he doth impute whatsoever increase of his condition to your Holiness alone; so we are earnest Suitors, that for our sake especially, the Honour of a Cardinal's Cap may be added to his former advantages. By this means the Calumnies of our Enemies will cease, when such are present with you, who may be able to assert the truth of our doings. We do not desire any of our actions should be concealed from just Arbitrators; for though we have been bred up in the truth of that Religion which we now profess, yet we have always

determined that there is nothing better and safer, than piously and without ostentation, to endeavour the promoting of those things which really belong to the glory of God's Name; and laying aside the Goods of Envy, and applying the warmth and fomentation of Charity, diligently to consider what belongeth not to the empty name of Religion, but to the Holy Symbol of true Piety. But because we have discoursed more at large of these things with the bearer hereof, a Man not unlearned, and indifferently well conversant in our Affairs, we have thought best to be no more tedious by a long Letter.

That although we persist in the Religion which we sucked in from our Infancy, yet we are not so void of Charity, but to think well of all Christians if so be they continue in their duty, first towards God, and then towards the Magistrate, whose Subjects they are.

And because it doth very much concern us, and we may be able to assert the truth by our Friends and Subjects, with the same diligence that slanderers lye; therefore you shall endeavour to the utmost to perswade the Pope, as well at our entreaty, as for the desire of these most Illustrious Princes, whom in our Letters we have sollicited in our behalf, to make the Bishop of Vazion Cardinal, wherein if you be successful, as soon as we shall be certified thereof, we will proceed further. You must be cautelous not to proceed any further in this business, either. with the Pope or the most Illustrious Cardinals, unless there be a certain hope of our wished event.