2015 SOTU Address-FULL-THROTTLE OBAMA-Text And Video

Wednesday, January 21, 2015

State Of The Union Text Remarks As Prepared For Delivery:

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
We
are fifteen years into this new century. Fifteen years that dawned with
terror touching our shores; that unfolded with a new generation
fighting two long and costly wars; that saw a vicious recession spread
across our nation and the world. It has been, and still is, a hard time
for many.
But tonight, we turn the page.

Tonight, after a
breakthrough year for America, our economy is growing and creating jobs
at the fastest pace since 1999. Our unemployment rate is now lower than
it was before the financial crisis. More of our kids are graduating than
ever before; more of our people are insured than ever before; we are as
free from the grip of foreign oil as we’ve been in almost 30 years.

Tonight,
for the first time since 9/11, our combat mission in Afghanistan is
over. Six years ago, nearly 180,000 American troops served in Iraq and
Afghanistan. Today, fewer than 15,000 remain. And we salute the courage
and sacrifice of every man and woman in this 9/11 Generation who has
served to keep us safe. We are humbled and grateful for your service.

America,
for all that we’ve endured; for all the grit and hard work required to
come back; for all the tasks that lie ahead, know this:

The shadow of crisis has passed, and the State of the Union is strong.
At
this moment — with a growing economy, shrinking deficits, bustling
industry, and booming energy production — we have risen from recession
freer to write our own future than any other nation on Earth. It’s now
up to us to choose who we want to be over the next fifteen years, and
for decades to come.

Will we accept an economy where only a few of
us do spectacularly well? Or will we commit ourselves to an economy
that generates rising incomes and chances for everyone who makes the
effort?

Will we approach the world fearful and reactive, dragged
into costly conflicts that strain our military and set back our
standing? Or will we lead wisely, using all elements of our power to
defeat new threats and protect our planet?

Will we allow ourselves
to be sorted into factions and turned against one another — or will we
recapture the sense of common purpose that has always propelled America
forward?
In two weeks, I will send this Congress a budget filled
with ideas that are practical, not partisan. And in the months ahead,
I’ll crisscross the country making a case for those ideas.
So tonight, I want to focus less on a checklist of proposals, and focus more on the values at stake in the choices before us.

It begins with our economy.

Seven
years ago, Rebekah and Ben Erler of Minneapolis were newlyweds. She
waited tables. He worked construction. Their first child, Jack, was on
the way.
They were young and in love in America, and it doesn’t get much better than that.
“If only we had known,” Rebekah wrote to me last spring, “what was about to happen to the housing and construction market.”

As
the crisis worsened, Ben’s business dried up, so he took what jobs he
could find, even if they kept him on the road for long stretches of
time. Rebekah took out student loans, enrolled in community college, and
retrained for a new career. They sacrificed for each other. And slowly,
it paid off. They bought their first home. They had a second son,
Henry. Rebekah got a better job, and then a raise. Ben is back in
construction — and home for dinner every night.

“It is amazing,”
Rebekah wrote, “what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a
strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard
times.”
We are a strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard times.
America,
Rebekah and Ben’s story is our story. They represent the millions who
have worked hard, and scrimped, and sacrificed, and retooled. You are
the reason I ran for this office. You’re the people I was thinking of
six years ago today, in the darkest months of the crisis, when I stood
on the steps of this Capitol and promised we would rebuild our economy
on a new foundation. And it’s been your effort and resilience that has
made it possible for our country to emerge stronger.
We believed
we could reverse the tide of outsourcing, and draw new jobs to our
shores. And over the past five years, our businesses have created more
than 11 million new jobs.
We believed we could reduce our
dependence on foreign oil and protect our planet. And today, America is
number one in oil and gas. America is number one in wind power. Every
three weeks, we bring online as much solar power as we did in all of
2008. And thanks to lower gas prices and higher fuel standards, the
typical family this year should save $750 at the pump.

We believed
we could prepare our kids for a more competitive world. And today, our
younger students have earned the highest math and reading scores on
record. Our high school graduation rate has hit an all-time high. And
more Americans finish college than ever before.

We believed that
sensible regulations could prevent another crisis, shield families from
ruin, and encourage fair competition. Today, we have new tools to stop
taxpayer-funded bailouts, and a new consumer watchdog to protect us from
predatory lending and abusive credit card practices. And in the past
year alone, about ten million uninsured Americans finally gained the
security of health coverage.
At every step, we were told our goals
were misguided or too ambitious; that we would crush jobs and explode
deficits. Instead, we’ve seen the fastest economic growth in over a
decade, our deficits cut by two-thirds, a stock market that has doubled,
and health care inflation at its lowest rate in fifty years.
So
the verdict is clear. Middle-class economics works. Expanding
opportunity works. And these policies will continue to work, as long as
politics don’t get in the way. We can’t slow down businesses or put our
economy at risk with government shutdowns or fiscal showdowns. We can’t
put the security of families at risk by taking away their health
insurance, or unraveling the new rules on Wall Street, or refighting
past battles on immigration when we’ve got a system to fix. And if a
bill comes to my desk that tries to do any of these things, it will earn
my veto.

Today, thanks to a growing economy, the recovery is
touching more and more lives. Wages are finally starting to rise again.
We know that more small business owners plan to raise their employees’
pay than at any time since 2007. But here’s the thing — those of us here
tonight, we need to set our sights higher than just making sure
government doesn’t halt the progress we’re making. We need to do more
than just do no harm. Tonight, together, let’s do more to restore the
link between hard work and growing opportunity for every American.

Because
families like Rebekah’s still need our help. She and Ben are working as
hard as ever, but have to forego vacations and a new car so they can
pay off student loans and save for retirement. Basic childcare for Jack
and Henry costs more than their mortgage, and almost as much as a year
at the University of Minnesota. Like millions of hardworking Americans,
Rebekah isn’t asking for a handout, but she is asking that we look for
more ways to help families get ahead.

In fact, at every moment of
economic change throughout our history, this country has taken bold
action to adapt to new circumstances, and to make sure everyone gets a
fair shot. We set up worker protections, Social Security, Medicare, and
Medicaid to protect ourselves from the harshest adversity. We gave our
citizens schools and colleges, infrastructure and the internet — tools
they needed to go as far as their effort will take them.

That’s
what middle-class economics is — the idea that this country does best
when everyone gets their fair shot, everyone does their fair share, and
everyone plays by the same set of rules. We don’t just want everyone to
share in America’s success — we want everyone to contribute to our
success.
So what does middle-class economics require in our time?

First
— middle-class economics means helping working families feel more
secure in a world of constant change. That means helping folks afford
childcare, college, health care, a home, retirement — and my budget will
address each of these issues, lowering the taxes of working families
and putting thousands of dollars back into their pockets each year.

Here’s
one example. During World War II, when men like my grandfather went off
to war, having women like my grandmother in the workforce was a
national security priority — so this country provided universal
childcare. In today’s economy, when having both parents in the workforce
is an economic necessity for many families, we need affordable,
high-quality childcare more than ever. It’s not a nice-to-have — it’s a
must-have. It’s time we stop treating childcare as a side issue, or a
women’s issue, and treat it like the national economic priority that it
is for all of us. And that’s why my plan will make quality childcare
more available, and more affordable, for every middle-class and
low-income family with young children in America — by creating more
slots and a new tax cut of up to $3,000 per child, per year.

Here’s
another example. Today, we’re the only advanced country on Earth that
doesn’t guarantee paid sick leave or paid maternity leave to our
workers. Forty-three million workers have no paid sick leave.
Forty-three million. Think about that. And that forces too many parents
to make the gut-wrenching choice between a paycheck and a sick kid at
home. So I’ll be taking new action to help states adopt paid leave laws
of their own. And since paid sick leave won where it was on the ballot
last November, let’s put it to a vote right here in Washington. Send me a
bill that gives every worker in America the opportunity to earn seven
days of paid sick leave. It’s the right thing to do.
Of course,
nothing helps families make ends meet like higher wages. That’s why this
Congress still needs to pass a law that makes sure a woman is paid the
same as a man for doing the same work. Really. It’s 2015. It’s time. We
still need to make sure employees get the overtime they’ve earned. And
to everyone in this Congress who still refuses to raise the minimum
wage, I say this: If you truly believe you could work full-time and
support a family on less than $15,000 a year, go try it. If not, vote to
give millions of the hardest-working people in America a raise.

These
ideas won’t make everybody rich, or relieve every hardship. That’s not
the job of government. To give working families a fair shot, we’ll still
need more employers to see beyond next quarter’s earnings and recognize
that investing in their workforce is in their company’s long-term
interest. We still need laws that strengthen rather than weaken unions,
and give American workers a voice. But things like child care and sick
leave and equal pay; things like lower mortgage premiums and a higher
minimum wage — these ideas will make a meaningful difference in the
lives of millions of families. That is a fact. And that’s what all of
us — Republicans and Democrats alike — were sent here to do.
Second, to make sure folks keep earning higher wages down the road, we have to do more to help Americans upgrade their skills.

America
thrived in the 20th century because we made high school free, sent a
generation of GIs to college, and trained the best workforce in the
world. But in a 21st century economy that rewards knowledge like never
before, we need to do more.

By the end of this decade, two in
three job openings will require some higher education. Two in three. And
yet, we still live in a country where too many bright, striving
Americans are priced out of the education they need. It’s not fair to
them, and it’s not smart for our future.

That’s why I am sending this Congress a bold new plan to lower the cost of community college — to zero.

Forty
percent of our college students choose community college. Some are
young and starting out. Some are older and looking for a better job.
Some are veterans and single parents trying to transition back into the
job market. Whoever you are, this plan is your chance to graduate ready
for the new economy, without a load of debt. Understand, you’ve got to
earn it — you’ve got to keep your grades up and graduate on time.
Tennessee, a state with Republican leadership, and Chicago, a city with
Democratic leadership, are showing that free community college is
possible. I want to spread that idea all across America, so that two
years of college becomes as free and universal in America as high school
is today. And I want to work with this Congress, to make sure Americans
already burdened with student loans can reduce their monthly payments,
so that student debt doesn’t derail anyone’s dreams.

Thanks to
Vice President Biden’s great work to update our job training system,
we’re connecting community colleges with local employers to train
workers to fill high-paying jobs like coding, and nursing, and robotics.
Tonight, I’m also asking more businesses to follow the lead of
companies like CVS and UPS, and offer more educational benefits and paid
apprenticeships — opportunities that give workers the chance to earn
higher-paying jobs even if they don’t have a higher education.
And
as a new generation of veterans comes home, we owe them every
opportunity to live the American Dream they helped defend. Already,
we’ve made strides towards ensuring that every veteran has access to the
highest quality care. We’re slashing the backlog that had too many
veterans waiting years to get the benefits they need, and we’re making
it easier for vets to translate their training and experience into
civilian jobs. Joining Forces, the national campaign launched by
Michelle and Jill Biden, has helped nearly 700,000 veterans and military
spouses get new jobs. So to every CEO in America, let me repeat: If you
want somebody who’s going to get the job done, hire a veteran.

Finally, as we better train our workers, we need the new economy to keep churning out high-wage jobs for our workers to fill.

Since
2010, America has put more people back to work than Europe, Japan, and
all advanced economies combined. Our manufacturers have added almost
800,000 new jobs. Some of our bedrock sectors, like our auto industry,
are booming. But there are also millions of Americans who work in jobs
that didn’t even exist ten or twenty years ago — jobs at companies like
Google, and eBay, and Tesla.

So no one knows for certain which
industries will generate the jobs of the future. But we do know we want
them here in America. That’s why the third part of middle-class
economics is about building the most competitive economy anywhere, the
place where businesses want to locate and hire.
21st century
businesses need 21st century infrastructure — modern ports, stronger
bridges, faster trains and the fastest internet. Democrats and
Republicans used to agree on this. So let’s set our sights higher than a
single oil pipeline. Let’s pass a bipartisan infrastructure plan that
could create more than thirty times as many jobs per year, and make this
country stronger for decades to come.

21st century businesses,
including small businesses, need to sell more American products
overseas. Today, our businesses export more than ever, and exporters
tend to pay their workers higher wages. But as we speak, China wants to
write the rules for the world’s fastest-growing region. That would put
our workers and businesses at a disadvantage. Why would we let that
happen? We should write those rules. We should level the playing field.
That’s why I’m asking both parties to give me trade promotion authority
to protect American workers, with strong new trade deals from Asia to
Europe that aren’t just free, but fair.

Look, I’m the first one to
admit that past trade deals haven’t always lived up to the hype, and
that’s why we’ve gone after countries that break the rules at our
expense. But ninety-five percent of the world’s customers live outside
our borders, and we can’t close ourselves off from those opportunities.
More than half of manufacturing executives have said they’re actively
looking at bringing jobs back from China. Let’s give them one more
reason to get it done.

21st century businesses will rely on
American science, technology, research and development. I want the
country that eliminated polio and mapped the human genome to lead a new
era of medicine — one that delivers the right treatment at the right
time. In some patients with cystic fibrosis, this approach has reversed a
disease once thought unstoppable. Tonight, I’m launching a new
Precision Medicine Initiative to bring us closer to curing diseases like
cancer and diabetes — and to give all of us access to the personalized
information we need to keep ourselves and our families healthier.
I
intend to protect a free and open internet, extend its reach to every
classroom, and every community, and help folks build the fastest
networks, so that the next generation of digital innovators and
entrepreneurs have the platform to keep reshaping our world.

I
want Americans to win the race for the kinds of discoveries that unleash
new jobs — converting sunlight into liquid fuel; creating revolutionary
prosthetics, so that a veteran who gave his arms for his country can
play catch with his kid; pushing out into the Solar System not just to
visit, but to stay. Last month, we launched a new spacecraft as part of a
re-energized space program that will send American astronauts to Mars.
In two months, to prepare us for those missions, Scott Kelly will begin a
year-long stay in space. Good luck, Captain — and make sure to
Instagram it.

Now, the truth is, when it comes to issues like
infrastructure and basic research, I know there’s bipartisan support in
this chamber. Members of both parties have told me so. Where we too
often run onto the rocks is how to pay for these investments. As
Americans, we don’t mind paying our fair share of taxes, as long as
everybody else does, too. But for far too long, lobbyists have rigged
the tax code with loopholes that let some corporations pay nothing while
others pay full freight. They’ve riddled it with giveaways the
superrich don’t need, denying a break to middle class families who do.
This
year, we have an opportunity to change that. Let’s close loopholes so
we stop rewarding companies that keep profits abroad, and reward those
that invest in America. Let’s use those savings to rebuild our
infrastructure and make it more attractive for companies to bring jobs
home. Let’s simplify the system and let a small business owner file
based on her actual bank statement, instead of the number of accountants
she can afford. And let’s close the loopholes that lead to inequality
by allowing the top one percent to avoid paying taxes on their
accumulated wealth. We can use that money to help more families pay for
childcare and send their kids to college. We need a tax code that truly
helps working Americans trying to get a leg up in the new economy, and
we can achieve that together.

Helping hardworking families make
ends meet. Giving them the tools they need for good-paying jobs in this
new economy. Maintaining the conditions for growth and competitiveness.
This is where America needs to go. I believe it’s where the American
people want to go. It will make our economy stronger a year from now,
fifteen years from now, and deep into the century ahead.

Of
course, if there’s one thing this new century has taught us, it’s that
we cannot separate our work at home from challenges beyond our shores.

My
first duty as Commander-in-Chief is to defend the United States of
America. In doing so, the question is not whether America leads in the
world, but how. When we make rash decisions, reacting to the headlines
instead of using our heads; when the first response to a challenge is to
send in our military — then we risk getting drawn into unnecessary
conflicts, and neglect the broader strategy we need for a safer, more
prosperous world. That’s what our enemies want us to do.

I believe
in a smarter kind of American leadership. We lead best when we combine
military power with strong diplomacy; when we leverage our power with
coalition building; when we don’t let our fears blind us to the
opportunities that this new century presents. That’s exactly what we’re
doing right now — and around the globe, it is making a difference.

First,
we stand united with people around the world who’ve been targeted by
terrorists — from a school in Pakistan to the streets of Paris. We will
continue to hunt down terrorists and dismantle their networks, and we
reserve the right to act unilaterally, as we’ve done relentlessly since I
took office to take out terrorists who pose a direct threat to us and
our allies.

At the same time, we’ve learned some costly lessons over the last thirteen years.

Instead
of Americans patrolling the valleys of Afghanistan, we’ve trained their
security forces, who’ve now taken the lead, and we’ve honored our
troops’ sacrifice by supporting that country’s first democratic
transition. Instead of sending large ground forces overseas, we’re
partnering with nations from South Asia to North Africa to deny safe
haven to terrorists who threaten America. In Iraq and Syria, American
leadership — including our military power — is stopping ISIL’s advance.
Instead of getting dragged into another ground war in the Middle East,
we are leading a broad coalition, including Arab nations, to degrade and
ultimately destroy this terrorist group. We’re also supporting a
moderate opposition in Syria that can help us in this effort, and
assisting people everywhere who stand up to the bankrupt ideology of
violent extremism. This effort will take time. It will require focus.
But we will succeed. And tonight, I call on this Congress to show the
world that we are united in this mission by passing a resolution to
authorize the use of force against ISIL.
Second, we are
demonstrating the power of American strength and diplomacy. We’re
upholding the principle that bigger nations can’t bully the small — by
opposing Russian aggression, supporting Ukraine’s democracy, and
reassuring our NATO allies. Last year, as we were doing the hard work of
imposing sanctions along with our allies, some suggested that Mr.
Putin’s aggression was a masterful display of strategy and strength.
Well, today, it is America that stands strong and united with our
allies, while Russia is isolated, with its economy in tatters.

That’s how America leads — not with bluster, but with persistent, steady resolve.
In
Cuba, we are ending a policy that was long past its expiration date.
When what you’re doing doesn’t work for fifty years, it’s time to try
something new. Our shift in Cuba policy has the potential to end a
legacy of mistrust in our hemisphere; removes a phony excuse for
restrictions in Cuba; stands up for democratic values; and extends the
hand of friendship to the Cuban people. And this year, Congress should
begin the work of ending the embargo. As His Holiness, Pope Francis, has
said, diplomacy is the work of “small steps.” These small steps have
added up to new hope for the future in Cuba. And after years in prison,
we’re overjoyed that Alan Gross is back where he belongs. Welcome home,
Alan.

Our diplomacy is at work with respect to Iran, where, for
the first time in a decade, we’ve halted the progress of its nuclear
program and reduced its stockpile of nuclear material. Between now and
this spring, we have a chance to negotiate a comprehensive agreement
that prevents a nuclear-armed Iran; secures America and our
allies — including Israel; while avoiding yet another Middle East
conflict. There are no guarantees that negotiations will succeed, and I
keep all options on the table to prevent a nuclear Iran. But new
sanctions passed by this Congress, at this moment in time, will all but
guarantee that diplomacy fails — alienating America from its allies; and
ensuring that Iran starts up its nuclear program again. It doesn’t make
sense. That is why I will veto any new sanctions bill that threatens to
undo this progress. The American people expect us to only go to war as a
last resort, and I intend to stay true to that wisdom.

Third, we’re looking beyond the issues that have consumed us in the past to shape the coming century.

No
foreign nation, no hacker, should be able to shut down our networks,
steal our trade secrets, or invade the privacy of American families,
especially our kids. We are making sure our government integrates
intelligence to combat cyber threats, just as we have done to combat
terrorism. And tonight, I urge this Congress to finally pass the
legislation we need to better meet the evolving threat of cyber-attacks,
combat identity theft, and protect our children’s information. If we
don’t act, we’ll leave our nation and our economy vulnerable. If we do,
we can continue to protect the technologies that have unleashed untold
opportunities for people around the globe.

In West Africa, our
troops, our scientists, our doctors, our nurses and healthcare workers
are rolling back Ebola — saving countless lives and stopping the spread
of disease. I couldn’t be prouder of them, and I thank this Congress for
your bipartisan support of their efforts. But the job is not yet
done — and the world needs to use this lesson to build a more effective
global effort to prevent the spread of future pandemics, invest in smart
development, and eradicate extreme poverty.

In the Asia Pacific,
we are modernizing alliances while making sure that other nations play
by the rules — in how they trade, how they resolve maritime disputes,
and how they participate in meeting common international challenges like
nonproliferation and disaster relief. And no challenge — no
challenge — poses a greater threat to future generations than climate
change.

2014 was the planet’s warmest year on record. Now, one
year doesn’t make a trend, but this does — 14 of the 15 warmest years on
record have all fallen in the first 15 years of this century.
I’ve
heard some folks try to dodge the evidence by saying they’re not
scientists; that we don’t have enough information to act. Well, I’m not a
scientist, either. But you know what — I know a lot of really good
scientists at NASA, and NOAA, and at our major universities. The best
scientists in the world are all telling us that our activities are
changing the climate, and if we do not act forcefully, we’ll continue to
see rising oceans, longer, hotter heat waves, dangerous droughts and
floods, and massive disruptions that can trigger greater migration,
conflict, and hunger around the globe. The Pentagon says that climate
change poses immediate risks to our national security. We should act
like it.

That’s why, over the past six years, we’ve done more than
ever before to combat climate change, from the way we produce energy,
to the way we use it. That’s why we’ve set aside more public lands and
waters than any administration in history. And that’s why I will not let
this Congress endanger the health of our children by turning back the
clock on our efforts. I am determined to make sure American leadership
drives international action. In Beijing, we made an historic
announcement — the United States will double the pace at which we cut
carbon pollution, and China committed, for the first time, to limiting
their emissions. And because the world’s two largest economies came
together, other nations are now stepping up, and offering hope that,
this year, the world will finally reach an agreement to protect the one
planet we’ve got.

There’s one last pillar to our leadership — and that’s the example of our values.

As
Americans, we respect human dignity, even when we’re threatened, which
is why I’ve prohibited torture, and worked to make sure our use of new
technology like drones is properly constrained. It’s why we speak out
against the deplorable anti-Semitism that has resurfaced in certain
parts of the world. It’s why we continue to reject offensive stereotypes
of Muslims — the vast majority of whom share our commitment to peace.
That’s why we defend free speech, and advocate for political prisoners,
and condemn the persecution of women, or religious minorities, or people
who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. We do these things not
only because they’re right, but because they make us safer.

As
Americans, we have a profound commitment to justice — so it makes no
sense to spend three million dollars per prisoner to keep open a prison
that the world condemns and terrorists use to recruit. Since I’ve been
President, we’ve worked responsibly to cut the population of GTMO in
half. Now it’s time to finish the job. And I will not relent in my
determination to shut it down. It’s not who we are.

As Americans,
we cherish our civil liberties — and we need to uphold that commitment
if we want maximum cooperation from other countries and industry in our
fight against terrorist networks. So while some have moved on from the
debates over our surveillance programs, I haven’t. As promised, our
intelligence agencies have worked hard, with the recommendations of
privacy advocates, to increase transparency and build more safeguards
against potential abuse. And next month, we’ll issue a report on how
we’re keeping our promise to keep our country safe while strengthening
privacy.
Looking to the future instead of the past. Making sure we
match our power with diplomacy, and use force wisely. Building
coalitions to meet new challenges and opportunities.
Leading — always — with the example of our values. That’s what makes us
exceptional. That’s what keeps us strong. And that’s why we must keep
striving to hold ourselves to the highest of standards — our own.

You
know, just over a decade ago, I gave a speech in Boston where I said
there wasn’t a liberal America, or a conservative America; a black
America or a white America — but a United States of America. I said this
because I had seen it in my own life, in a nation that gave someone
like me a chance; because I grew up in Hawaii, a melting pot of races
and customs; because I made Illinois my home — a state of small towns,
rich farmland, and one of the world’s great cities; a microcosm of the
country where Democrats and Republicans and Independents, good people of
every ethnicity and every faith, share certain bedrock values.

Over
the past six years, the pundits have pointed out more than once that my
presidency hasn’t delivered on this vision. How ironic, they say, that
our politics seems more divided than ever. It’s held up as proof not
just of my own flaws — of which there are many — but also as proof that
the vision itself is misguided, and naïve, and that there are too many
people in this town who actually benefit from partisanship and gridlock
for us to ever do anything about it.

I know how tempting such cynicism may be. But I still think the cynics are wrong.

I
still believe that we are one people. I still believe that together, we
can do great things, even when the odds are long. I believe this
because over and over in my six years in office, I have seen America at
its best. I’ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates from New York
to California; and our newest officers at West Point, Annapolis,
Colorado Springs, and New London. I’ve mourned with grieving families in
Tucson and Newtown; in Boston, West, Texas, and West Virginia. I’ve
watched Americans beat back adversity from the Gulf Coast to the Great
Plains; from Midwest assembly lines to the Mid-Atlantic seaboard. I’ve
seen something like gay marriage go from a wedge issue used to drive us
apart to a story of freedom across our country, a civil right now legal
in states that seven in ten Americans call home.

So I know the
good, and optimistic, and big-hearted generosity of the American people
who, every day, live the idea that we are our brother’s keeper, and our
sister’s keeper. And I know they expect those of us who serve here to
set a better example.

So the question for those of us here tonight
is how we, all of us, can better reflect America’s hopes. I’ve served
in Congress with many of you. I know many of you well. There are a lot
of good people here, on both sides of the aisle. And many of you have
told me that this isn’t what you signed up for — arguing past each other
on cable shows, the constant fundraising, always looking over your
shoulder at how the base will react to every decision.

Imagine if we broke out of these tired old patterns. Imagine if we did something different.
Understand — a better politics isn’t one where Democrats abandon their agenda or Republicans simply embrace mine.

A better politics is one where we appeal to each other’s basic decency instead of our basest fears.
A
better politics is one where we debate without demonizing each other;
where we talk issues, and values, and principles, and facts, rather than
“gotcha” moments, or trivial gaffes, or fake controversies that have
nothing to do with people’s daily lives.

A better politics is one
where we spend less time drowning in dark money for ads that pull us
into the gutter, and spend more time lifting young people up, with a
sense of purpose and possibility, and asking them to join in the great
mission of building America.

If we’re going to have arguments,
let’s have arguments — but let’s make them debates worthy of this body
and worthy of this country.

We still may not agree on a woman’s
right to choose, but surely we can agree it’s a good thing that teen
pregnancies and abortions are nearing all-time lows, and that every
woman should have access to the health care she needs.

Yes,
passions still fly on immigration, but surely we can all see something
of ourselves in the striving young student, and agree that no one
benefits when a hardworking mom is taken from her child, and that it’s
possible to shape a law that upholds our tradition as a nation of laws
and a nation of immigrants.

We may go at it in campaign season,
but surely we can agree that the right to vote is sacred; that it’s
being denied to too many; and that, on this 50th anniversary of the
great march from Selma to Montgomery and the passage of the Voting
Rights Act, we can come together, Democrats and Republicans, to make
voting easier for every single American.

We may have different
takes on the events of Ferguson and New York. But surely we can
understand a father who fears his son can’t walk home without being
harassed. Surely we can understand the wife who won’t rest until the
police officer she married walks through the front door at the end of
his shift. Surely we can agree it’s a good thing that for the first time
in 40 years, the crime rate and the incarceration rate have come down
together, and use that as a starting point for Democrats and
Republicans, community leaders and law enforcement, to reform America’s
criminal justice system so that it protects and serves us all.

That’s
a better politics. That’s how we start rebuilding trust. That’s how we
move this country forward. That’s what the American people want. That’s
what they deserve.
I have no more campaigns to run. My only agenda
for the next two years is the same as the one I’ve had since the day I
swore an oath on the steps of this Capitol — to do what I believe is
best for America. If you share the broad vision I outlined tonight, join
me in the work at hand. If you disagree with parts of it, I hope you’ll
at least work with me where you do agree. And I commit to every
Republican here tonight that I will not only seek out your ideas, I will
seek to work with you to make this country stronger.

Because I
want this chamber, this city, to reflect the truth — that for all our
blind spots and shortcomings, we are a people with the strength and
generosity of spirit to bridge divides, to unite in common effort, and
help our neighbors, whether down the street or on the other side of the
world.
I want our actions to tell every child, in every
neighborhood: your life matters, and we are as committed to improving
your life chances as we are for our own kids.
I want future
generations to know that we are a people who see our differences as a
great gift, that we are a people who value the dignity and worth of
every citizen — man and woman, young and old, black and white, Latino
and Asian, immigrant and Native American, gay and straight, Americans
with mental illness or physical disability.

I want them to grow up
in a country that shows the world what we still know to be true: that
we are still more than a collection of red states and blue states; that
we are the United States of America.
I want them to grow up in a
country where a young mom like Rebekah can sit down and write a letter
to her President with a story to sum up these past six years:

“It
is amazing what you can bounce back from when you have to…we are a
strong, tight-knit family who has made it through some very, very hard
times.”

My fellow Americans, we too are a strong, tight-knit
family. We, too, have made it through some hard times. Fifteen years
into this new century, we have picked ourselves up, dusted ourselves
off, and begun again the work of remaking America. We’ve laid a new
foundation. A brighter future is ours to write. Let’s begin this new
chapter — together — and let’s start the work right now.