I'm truly grateful for the privilege of
addressing you. This week, millions of Americans, not all Republicans, will weigh our
claim on their support for the two men who have led our country in these
challenging times with moral courage and firm resolve.

So I begin with the words of a great American
from the other Party, given at his Party’s convention in the year I was born. My purpose is not imitation, for I can’t match
his eloquence, but respect for the relevance in our time of his rousing summons
to greatness of an earlier generation of Americans.

At a time of deep distress at home, as tyranny
strangled the aspirations to liberty of millions, and as war clouds gathered in
the East and West, Franklin Delano Roosevelt accepted his Party’s nomination by
observing: “There's a mysterious cycle in human events. To some generations
much is given. Of other generations much is expected. This generation of
Americans has a rendezvous with destiny.”

The awful events of September 11, 2001 declared a
war we were vaguely aware of, but hadn’t really comprehended how near the threat
was, and how terrible were the plans of our enemies. It’s a big thing, this war. It’s a fight between a just regard for human
dignity and a malevolent force that defiles an honorable religion by disputing
God’s love for every soul on earth. It’s a fight between right and wrong, good
and evil.

And my friends -- And my friends, should our enemies acquire for their arsenal
the chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons they seek, this war will become a
much bigger thing. So it is, whether we wished it or not, that we
have come to the test of our generation, to our rendezvous with destiny. And much is expected of us. We are engaged in a hard struggle against a cruel
and determined adversary. Our enemies have made clear the danger they pose
to our security and the very essence of our culture -- liberty.

Only the most
deluded of us could doubt the necessity of this war. Like all wars, this one will have its ups and
downs. But we must fight. We must. The sacrifices borne in our defense are not
shared equally by all Americans. But all Americans must share a resolve to see
this war through to a just end. We must not be complacent at moments of success,
and we must not despair over setbacks. We must learn from our mistakes, improve on our
successes, and vanquish this unpardonable enemy. If we do less -- If we do less we will fail the one mission no
American generation has ever failed: to provide to our children a stronger,
better country than the one we were blessed to inherit.

You remember how we felt when the serenity of a
bright September morning was destroyed by a
savage atrocity so hostile to all
human virtue we could scarcely imagine any human being capable of it. We were
united -- first, in sorrow and anger, then in recognition; we were attacked not for a
wrong we had done, but for who we are -- a nation united in a kinship of ideals,
committed to the notion that the people are sovereign, not governments, not
armies, not a pitiless theocracy, not kings, mullahs or tyrants, but
the people.

In that moment -- In that moment, we were not different races. We
were not poor or rich. We were not Democrat or Republican, liberal or
conservative. We were not two countries. We were Americans. All of us, despite the differences that enliven
our politics, are united in the one big idea that freedom is our birthright and
its defense is always our first responsibility. All other responsibilities come second. We must not lose sight of that as we debate
among us who should bear the greatest responsibility for keeping us safe and free. We must, whatever our disagreements, stick
together in this great challenge of our time.

My friends in the Democratic Party
-- and I’m
fortunate to call many of them my friends -- assure us they share the conviction
that winning the war against terrorism is our government’s most important
obligation. I don’t doubt their sincerity. They emphasize that military action alone won’t
protect us, that this war has many fronts: in courts, financial institutions, in
the shadowy world of intelligence, and in diplomacy. They stress that America needs the help of her
friends to combat an evil that threatens us all, that our alliances are as
important to victory as are our armies.

We agree. And as we’ve been a good friend to other
countries in moments of shared perils, so we have good reason to expect their
solidarity with us in this struggle. That is -- That is what the President believes.
That is what the President believes. And thanks to his efforts we have received
valuable assistance from many good friends around the globe, even if we have, at
times, been disappointed with the reactions of some. I don’t doubt the sincerity of my Democratic
friends. And they should not doubt ours.

Our President -- Our President will work with all nations willing
to help us defeat this scourge that afflicts us all. War is an awful business.
The lives of a nation’s finest patriots are sacrificed. Innocent people suffer.
Commerce is disrupted. Economies are damaged. Strategic interests shield[ed] by years of
statecraft are in danger, as the demands of war and diplomacy conflict. However just the cause, we should
mourn for
all that is lost when war claims its wages from us.

But there is no avoiding
this war. We tried that, and our reluctance cost us dearly. And -- And while this war
has many components, we can’t make victory on the battlefield harder to achieve
so that our diplomacy is easier to conduct. That is not just an expression of strength. It
is a measure of our wisdom.

That’s why I commend to my country the
re-election of President Bush, and the -- and -- and -- and the steady, experienced, public-spirited man
who serves as our Vice-President, Dick Cheney.

Four years ago -- Four years ago in Philadelphia,
I spoke of my confidence that President Bush would accept the responsibilities
that come with America’s distinction as the world’s only superpower. I promised he would not let America “retreat
behind empty threats, false promises and uncertain diplomacy;” that he would
“confidently defend our interests and values wherever they are threatened.”

I knew -- I knew my confidence was well-placed when I
watched him stand on the rubble of the World Trade Center, with his arm around a
hero of September 11th, and in our moment of mourning and anger, strengthen our
unity and our resolve by promising to right this terrible wrong, and to
stand up and fight for the values we hold dear.

He promised -- He promised our enemies would soon hear from us.
And so they did. So they did. He ordered American forces to Afghanistan and
took the fight to our enemies and away from our shores, seriously injuring al
Qaeda and destroying the regime that gave them safe haven. He worked effectively to secure the cooperation
of Pakistan, a relationship that’s critical to our success against al Qaeda. He encouraged other friends to recognize the
peril that terrorism posed for them, and won their help in apprehending many of
those who would attack us again, and in helping to freeze the assets they used
to fund their bloody work.

After years of failed diplomacy and limited
military pressure to -- to restrain Saddam Hussein, President Bush made the difficult
decision to liberate Iraq. Those -- Those who criticize that decision would have us
believe that the choice was between a status quo that was well enough left alone,
and, war. But there was no status quo to be left alone.

The years -- The years of keeping Saddam in a box were coming
to a close. The international consensus that he be kept isolated and unarmed had
eroded to the point that many critics of military action had decided the time
had come again to do business with Saddam, despite his near daily attacks on our
pilots, and his refusal, until his last day in power, to allow the unrestricted
inspection of his arsenal. Our choice wasn’t between a benign status quo and the
bloodshed of war. It was between war and a graver threat.

Don’t let
anyone tell you otherwise. Not -- Not our political opponents.

Not -- And certainly not -- And certainly not a disingenuous filmmaker who
would have us believe -- who would have us believe -- who....

[Sustained audience reaction and chanting of, "Four
more years...!"]

That line was so good, I'll use it again:
Certainly not a disingenuous filmmaker who would -- who would have us believe,
my friends, who would have us believe that Saddam’s Iraq was an oasis of peace when in fact
-- when in fact it
was a place of indescribable cruelty, torture chambers, mass graves, and prisons
that destroyed the lives of the small children inside their walls. Whether or not
-- Whether or not Saddam possessed the terrible
weapons he once had and used, freed from international pressure and the threat
of military action, he would have acquired them again.

My friends, the central security concern of our time is to
keep such devastating weapons beyond the reach of terrorists who can’t be
dissuaded from using them by the threat of mutual destruction. We couldn’t afford the risk posed by an
unconstrained Saddam in these dangerous times. By destroying his regime we gave hope to
a people
long oppressed that if they have the courage to fight for it, they may live in
peace and freedom. Most importantly -- Most importantly, our efforts may encourage the
people of a region that has never known peace or freedom or lasting stability
that they may someday possess these rights. I believe as strongly today as ever, the mission
was necessary, achievable, and noble.

For his -- For his determination to undertake it, and for
his unflagging resolve to see it through to a just end, President Bush deserves
not only our support, but our admiration. As the President rightly reminds us --
As the President rightly reminds us, we are safer
now than we were on September 11th, but -- but we’re not yet safe; we're not yet
safe. We are still closer to
the beginning than the end of this fight. We need a leader with the experience
to make the tough decisions and the resolve to stick with them; a leader who
will keep us moving forward even if it's easier to rest; and this President
will not rest until America is stronger and safer still, and this -- and this hateful
iniquity is vanquished. He has been tested and has risen to the most important
challenge of our time, and I salute him. I salute his determination to make this world a
better, safer, freer place. He has not wavered. He has not flinched from the
hard choices. He will not yield. And neither will we.

I said earlier that the sacrifices in this war
will not be shared equally by all Americans. The President is the first to
observe -- most of the sacrifices fall, as they have before, to the brave men and
women of our Armed Forces. We may be good citizens, but make no mistake, they
are the very best of us. It is -- It’s an honor -- It's an honor to live in a country that is so
well and so bravely defended by such patriots. May God bless them, the living and the fallen, as
He has blessed us with their service. For their families -- For their families, for their friends, for
America, for mankind, they sacrifice to affirm that right makes might; that good
triumphs over evil; that freedom is stronger than tyranny; and that love is greater
than hate.

It's left to us -- It's left to
use to keep their generous
benefaction alive, and our blessed, beautiful country worthy of their courage. We should be thankful for the privilege. Our
nation's security doesn’t depend on the
heroism of every citizen. But we have to be worthy of the sacrifices made on our
behalf. We have to love our freedom, not just for the
material benefits it provides, not just for the autonomy it guarantees us, but
for the goodness it makes possible. We have to love it as much, if not as heroically,
as the brave Americans who defend us at the risk, and often the cost, of their
lives.

No -- No American -- No American alive today will ever forget what
happened on the morning of September 11th. That day was the moment when the pendulum of
history swung toward a new era. The opening chapter was tinged with great sadness
and uncertainty. It shook us from our complacency in the belief
that the Cold War’s end had ushered in a time of global tranquility. But an
absence of complacency should not provoke an absence of confidence. What our
enemies have sought to destroy is beyond their reach. It cannot be taken from
us. It can only be surrendered.

My -- My friends, we are again met on the field of
political competition with our fellow countrymen. It's more than appropriate: It's necessary that
even in times of crisis we have these contests, and engage in spirited
disagreement over the shape and course of our government. We have nothing to fear from each other. We are arguing over the means to better secure
our freedom, and support the general welfare. But it should remain an argument among friends
who share an unshaken belief that, in our great cause, and in the goodness of each
other.

We are Americans first, Americans last,
and Americans
always.

Let us -- Let us argue -- Let us
argue our differences. But remember we are not enemies, but comrades in
a war against a real enemy, and take courage from the knowledge that our
military superiority is matched only by the superiority of our ideals, and our
unconquerable love for them.

Our adversaries are weaker than us in arms and
men, but weaker still in causes. They fight to express -- They fight to express a hatred for all that is
good in humanity. We fight for love of freedom and justice, a love
that is invincible. Keep that faith. Keep your courage. Stick together. Stay
strong. Do not yield. Do not flinch. Stand up. Stand up
with our President and fight.