The newspapers admit the possibility of the occupation of Lemberg, but at the same time as an unavoidable and inconsequential chance occurrence.1 Let us hope so, for it would be nonetheless imaginable that our victorious left flank threatens the Russian center and, in this way, can lead to an ultimate victory!2

In the meantime, the German army has celebrated Sedan Day3 with another splendid victory between Verdun and Reims; and it will probably not be much longer before Paris is besieged.
— England is ever more affected by admiration for the German army.

*

First visit to Mama who, thank God, looks very well and still is responsive enough to be able to follow all stories. It is gratifying that not only Mozio but also Wilhelm are able to continue their contributions at the same level.

*

[in HS's hand:] ""Mobilization as an Artwork"," title of an article by Herbert Ihering in the Berliner Tageblatt from September 1 or 2.5 Nice amusing title, and equally attractive realization.

*

Finally a telegram from the war correspondent reveals that extensive Russian-friendly espionage was discovered in East Galicia, which caused much damage.5 Similar traitorous machinations by the Slavs in southern regions have already been known about for some time. As simple as it may be to condemn it, the statesman must find such espionage understandable from a higher point of view. One must certainly not forget that the national principle was created and promoted around the middle of the previous century as dogma, and moreover as a dogma of state formation. It was on the basis of the national principle that the unification of Germany and of Italy took place. {680} The great swell of the new idea finally reached the Slavs, too; and it is sufficiently characteristic of the latter's indolence that they are seeking to pursue the principle in their own way only after so many decades. But here the difference between genius and talent comes to the fore: Bismarck achieved the unification of Germany in the name of the nationality principle but nonetheless, for higher reasons, uncoupled the Germans of Austria; the Russian fools are themselves undertaking a forced unification above and beyond nationally alien or even reluctant states. In other words: the genius drew from a given situation a compromise solution between the principle of nationality and that of the state, and thus accepted the state of Austria alongside a unified Germany. From this solution one learns that, as much as national unity can be the basis of a state, from time to time other factors besides merely that of nationality can be determinants. In fact, precisely today one proclaims the higher value of that idea of statehood that at least does not take into consideration a national unity. One can therefore say that Bismarck’s creation expresses both ideas simultaneously and gives to each that which belongs to it. But the Russians are applying the idea of nationality too schematically, and are unable, as a mere talent, to take into account the special situation of the Balkan states. This error of pan-Slavic politics is the very thing that at the moment is avenging itself in Russia so severely, and at the same time is opening the eyes of the world to the fact that there are more compelling reasons for the idea of statehood than mere nationalistic ones. "If two are doing the same thing, it is still not the same"; all the more so when one is a genius, the other a talent or merely a half-talent.

But how should one demand of the Russian or Ruthenian peasants that what they have barely heard or learned must now be given up and forgotten overnight?! While the history of the world raises up precisely the higher idea of statehood, the Russian peasant cannot keep step with it. Just when he is at the point of applying the principle of nationality for the first time, should he comprehend and put into practice an idea of statehood of higher standing? This is probably the ultimate reason for the disagreeable experiences that Austria-Hungary is experiencing in its border territories. In a further 50 years, even the Russian peasant may for once understand the concept of state – but not sooner!

The newspapers admit the possibility of the occupation of Lemberg, but at the same time as an unavoidable and inconsequential chance occurrence.1 Let us hope so, for it would be nonetheless imaginable that our victorious left flank threatens the Russian center and, in this way, can lead to an ultimate victory!2

In the meantime, the German army has celebrated Sedan Day3 with another splendid victory between Verdun and Reims; and it will probably not be much longer before Paris is besieged.
— England is ever more affected by admiration for the German army.

*

First visit to Mama who, thank God, looks very well and still is responsive enough to be able to follow all stories. It is gratifying that not only Mozio but also Wilhelm are able to continue their contributions at the same level.

*

[in HS's hand:] ""Mobilization as an Artwork"," title of an article by Herbert Ihering in the Berliner Tageblatt from September 1 or 2.5 Nice amusing title, and equally attractive realization.

*

Finally a telegram from the war correspondent reveals that extensive Russian-friendly espionage was discovered in East Galicia, which caused much damage.5 Similar traitorous machinations by the Slavs in southern regions have already been known about for some time. As simple as it may be to condemn it, the statesman must find such espionage understandable from a higher point of view. One must certainly not forget that the national principle was created and promoted around the middle of the previous century as dogma, and moreover as a dogma of state formation. It was on the basis of the national principle that the unification of Germany and of Italy took place. {680} The great swell of the new idea finally reached the Slavs, too; and it is sufficiently characteristic of the latter's indolence that they are seeking to pursue the principle in their own way only after so many decades. But here the difference between genius and talent comes to the fore: Bismarck achieved the unification of Germany in the name of the nationality principle but nonetheless, for higher reasons, uncoupled the Germans of Austria; the Russian fools are themselves undertaking a forced unification above and beyond nationally alien or even reluctant states. In other words: the genius drew from a given situation a compromise solution between the principle of nationality and that of the state, and thus accepted the state of Austria alongside a unified Germany. From this solution one learns that, as much as national unity can be the basis of a state, from time to time other factors besides merely that of nationality can be determinants. In fact, precisely today one proclaims the higher value of that idea of statehood that at least does not take into consideration a national unity. One can therefore say that Bismarck’s creation expresses both ideas simultaneously and gives to each that which belongs to it. But the Russians are applying the idea of nationality too schematically, and are unable, as a mere talent, to take into account the special situation of the Balkan states. This error of pan-Slavic politics is the very thing that at the moment is avenging itself in Russia so severely, and at the same time is opening the eyes of the world to the fact that there are more compelling reasons for the idea of statehood than mere nationalistic ones. "If two are doing the same thing, it is still not the same"; all the more so when one is a genius, the other a talent or merely a half-talent.

But how should one demand of the Russian or Ruthenian peasants that what they have barely heard or learned must now be given up and forgotten overnight?! While the history of the world raises up precisely the higher idea of statehood, the Russian peasant cannot keep step with it. Just when he is at the point of applying the principle of nationality for the first time, should he comprehend and put into practice an idea of statehood of higher standing? This is probably the ultimate reason for the disagreeable experiences that Austria-Hungary is experiencing in its border territories. In a further 50 years, even the Russian peasant may for once understand the concept of state – but not sooner!

Footnotes

2 This entry refers to the Battle of Galicia (August 23 to September 11, 1914), a larger series of battles between Russia and Austria-Hungary during the early stages of World War I. The Austro-Hungarian armies were initially successful (Battles of Kraśnik and Komarów), but finally defeated (Battles of Gnila Lipa and Rawa) and forced out of Galicia, while the Russians captured Lemberg and, for approximately nine months, ruled Eastern Galicia.

3 Sedantag: semi-official memorial holiday in the German Empire, celebrated on the second day of September to commemorate the victory in the Battle of Sedan in 1870 during the Franco-Prussian War. At this battle, which also made the unification of Germany possible, the French emperor Napoleon III was taken prisoner with 100,000 of his soldiers.