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and of putting in execution the plans of Mari, the mathematician, for thenavigation of the Mincio from Mantua to Peschiera.

He stopped two days at Mantua, and the morrow of his arrival was devotedto the celebration of a military funeral solemnity, in honour of GeneralHoche, who had just died. His next object was to hasten the execution ofthe monument which was erecting to the memory of Virgil. Thus, in oneday, he paid honour to France and Italy, to modern and to ancient glory,to the laurels of war and to the laurels of poetry.

A person who saw Bonaparte on this occasion for the first time thusdescribed him in a letter he wrote to Paris:--"With lively interest andextreme attention I have observed this extraordinary man, who hasperformed such great deeds, and about whom there is something which seemsto indicate that his career is not yet terminated. I found him very likehis portraits--little, thin, pale, with an air of fatigue, but not ofill-health, as has been reported of him. He appears to me to listen withmore abstraction than interest, and that he was more occupied with whathe was thinking of than with what was said to him. There is greatintelligence in his countenance, along with which may be marked an air ofhabitual meditation, which reveals nothing of what is passing within.In that thinking head, in that bold mind, it is impossible not to believethat some daring designs are engendering which will have their influencean the destinies of Europe."

From the last phrase, in particular, of this letter, one might suspectthat it was written after Bonaparte had made his name feared throughoutEurope; but it really appeared in a journal in the month of December1797, a little before his arrival in Paris.

There exists a sort of analogy between celebrated men and celebratedplaces; it was not, therefore, an uninteresting spectacle to seeBonaparte surveying the field of Morat, where, in 1476, Charles the Bold,Duke of Burgundy, daring like himself, fell with his powerful army underthe effects of Helvetian valour. Bonaparte slept during the night atMaudon, where, as in every place through which he passed, the greatesthonours were paid him. In the morning, his carriage having broken down,we continued our journey an foot, accompanied only by some officers andan escort of dragoons of the country. Bonaparte stopped near theOssuary, and desired to be shown the spot where the battle of Morat wasfought. A plain in front of the chapel was pointed out to him. Anofficer who had served in France was present, and explained to him howthe Swiss, descending from the neighbouring mountains, were enabled,under cover of a wood, to turn the Burgundian army and put it to therout. "What was the force of that army?" asked Bonaparte.--"Sixtythousand men."--"Sixty thousand men!" he exclaimed: "they ought to havecompletely covered these mountains!"--"The French fight better now," saidLannes, who was one of the officers of his suite. "At that time,"observed Bonaparte, interrupting him, "the Burgundians were notFrenchmen."

Bonaparte's journey through Switzerland was not without utility; and hispresence served to calm more than one inquietude. He proceeded on hisjourney to Rastadt by Aix in Savoy, Berne, and Bale. On arriving atBerne during night we passed through a double file of well-lightedequipages, filled with beautiful women, all of whom raised the cry of"Long live, Bonaparte!--long live the Pacificator! "To have a properidea of this genuine enthusiasm it is necessary to have seen it.

The position in society to which his services had raised him rendered itunfit to address him in the second person singular and the familiarmanner sometimes used by his old schoolfellows of Brienne. I thought,this very natural.

M. de Cominges, one of those who went with him to the military school atParis, and who had emigrated, was at Bale. Having learned our arrival,he presented himself without ceremony, with great indecorum, and with acomplete disregard of the respect due to a man who had rendered himselfso illustrious. General Bonaparte, offended at this behaviour, refusedto receive him again, and expressed himself to me with much warmth on theoccasion of this visit. All my efforts to remove his displeasure wereunavailing this impression always continued, and he never did for M. deCominges what his means and the old ties of boyhood might well havewarranted.

On arriving at Rastadt

--[The conference for the formal peace with the Empire of Germany was held there. The peace of Leoben was only one made with Austria.]--

Bonaparte found a letter from the Directory summoning him to Paris. Heeagerly obeyed this invitation, which drew him from a place where hecould act only an insignificant part, and which he had determined toleave soon, never again to return. Some time after his arrival in Paris,on the ground that his presence was necessary for the execution ofdifferent orders, and the general despatch of business, he required thatauthority should be given to a part of his household, which he had leftat Rastadt, to return.

How could it ever be said that the Directory "kept General Bonaparte awayfrom the great interests which were under discussion at Rastadt"? Quitethe contrary! The Directory would have been delighted to see him returnthere, as they would then have been relieved from his presence in Paris;but nothing was so disagreeable to Bonaparte as long and seeminglyinterminable negotiations. Such tedious work did not suit his character,and he had been sufficiently disgusted with similar proceedings at Campo-Formio.

On our arrival at Rastadt I soon found that General Bonaparte wasdetermined to stay there only a short time. I therefore expressed to himmy decided desire to remain in Germany. I was then ignorant that myerasure from the emigrant list had been ordered on the 11th of November,as the decree did not reach the commissary of the Executive Directory atAuxerre until the 17th of November, the day of our departure from Milan.

The silly pretext of difficulties by which my erasure, notwithstandingthe reiterated solicitations of the victorious General, was so longdelayed made me apprehensive of a renewal, under a weak and jealouspentarchy, of the horrible scenes of 1796. Bonaparte said to me, inatone of indignation, "Come, pass the Rhine; they will not dare to seizeyou while near me. I answer for your safety." On reaching Paris I foundthat my erasure had taken place. It was at this period only that GeneralBonaparte's applications in my favour were tardily crowned with success.Sotin, the Minister of General Police, notified the fact to Bonaparte;but his letter gave a reason for my erasure very different from thatstated in the decree. The Minister said that the Government did not wishto leave among the names of traitors to their country the name of acitizen who was attached to the person of the conqueror of Italy; whilethe decree itself stated as the motive for removing my name from the listthat I never had emigrated.

At St. Helena it seems Bonaparte said that he did not return from Italywith more than 300,000 francs; but I assert that he had at that time inhis possession something more than 3,000,000.

--[Joseph says that Napoleon, when he exiled for Egypt, left with him all his fortune, and that it was much nearer 300,000 francs than 3,000,000. (See Erreurs, tome i. pp. 243, 259)]--

How could he with 300,000 francs have been able to provide for theextensive repairs, the embellishment, and the furnishing of his house inthe Rue Chantereine? How could he have supported the establishment hedid with only 15,000 francs of income and the emoluments of his rank?The excursion which he made along the coast, of which I have yet tospeak, of itself cost near 12,000 francs in gold, which he transferred tome to defray the expense of the journey; and I do not think that this sumwas ever repaid him. Besides, what did it signify, for any object hemight have in disguising his fortune, whether he brought 3,000,000 or300,000 francs with him from Italy? No one will accuse him ofpeculation. He was an inflexible administrator. He was always irritatedat the discovery of fraud, and pursued those guilty of it with all thevigour of his character. He wished to be independent, which he well knewthat no one could be without fortune. He has often said to me, "I am noCapuchin, not I" But after having been allowed only 300,000 francs onhis arrival from the rich Italy, where fortune never abandoned him, ithas been printed that he had 20,000,000 (some have even doubled theamount) on his return from Egypt, which is a very poor country, wheremoney is scarce, and where reverses followed close upon his victories.All these reports are false. What he brought from Italy has just beenstated, and it will be seen when we come to Egypt what treasure hecarried away from the country of the Pharaohs.

Bonaparte's brothers, desirous of obtaining complete dominion over hismind, strenuously endeavoured to lessen the influence which Josephinepossessed from the love of her husband. They tried to excite hisjealousy, and took advantage of her stay at Milan after our departure,which had been authorised by Bonaparte himself. My intimacy with boththe husband and the wife fortunately afforded me an opportunity ofaverting or lessening a good deal of mischief. If Josephine still livedshe would allow me this merit. I never took part against her but once,and that unwillingly. It was on the subject of the marriage of herdaughter Hortense. Josephine had never as yet spoken to me on thesubject. Bonaparte wished to give his stepdaughter to Duroc, and hisbrothers were eager to promote the marriage, because they wished toseparate Josephine from Hortense, for whom Bonaparte felt the tenderestaffection. Josephine, on the other hand, wished Hortense to marry LouisBonaparte. Her motives, as may easily be divined, were to, gain supportin a family where she experienced nothing but enmity, and she carried herpoint.

--[Previous to her marriage with Louis, Hortense cherished an attachment for Duroc, who was at that time a handsome man about thirty, and a great favourite of Bonaparte. However, the indifference with which Duroc regarded the marriage of Louis Bonaparte sufficiently proves that the regard with which be had inspired Hortense was not very ardently returned. It is certain that Duroc might have become the husband of Mademoiselle de Beauharnais had he been willing to accede to the conditions on which the First Consul offered him his step-daughter's hand. But Duroc looked forward to something better, and his ordinary prudence forsook him at a moment when he might easily have beheld a perspective calculated to gratify even a more towering ambition than his. He declined the proposed marriage; and the union of Hortense and Louis, which Madame Bonaparte, to conciliate the favour of her brothers-in-law, had endeavoured to bring about, was immediately determined on (Memoires de Constant).

In allusion to the alleged unfriendly feeling of Napoleon's brothers towards Josephine, the following observation occurs in Joseph Bonaparte's Notes on Bourrienne:

"None of Napoleon's brothers," he says, "were near him from the time of his departure for Italy except Louis who cannot be suspected of having intrigued against Josephine, whose daughter he married. These calumnies are without foundation" (Erreurs, tome i. p. 244)]--

On his arrival from Rastadt the most magnificent preparations were madeat the Luxembourg for the reception of Bonaparte. The grand court of thePalace was elegantly ornamented; and at its farther end, close to thoPalace, a large amphitheatre was erected for the accommodation ofofficial persons. Curiosity, as on all like occasions, attractedmultitudes, and the court was filled. Opposite to the principalvestibule stood the altar of the country, surrounded by the statues ofLiberty, Equality, and Peace. When Bonaparte entered every head wasuncovered. The windows were full of young and beautiful females. Butnotwithstanding this great preparation an icy coldness characterized theceremony. Every one seemed to be present only for the purpose ofbeholding a sight, and curiosity was the prevailing expression ratherthan joy or gratitude. It is but right to say, however, that anunfortunate event contributed to the general indifference. The rightwing of the Palace was not occupied, but great preparations had beenmaking there, and an officer had been directed to prevent anyone fromascending. One of the clerks of the Directory, however, contrived to getupon the scaffolding, but had scarcely placed his foot on the first plankwhen it tilted up, and the imprudent man fell the whole height into thecourt. This accident created a general stupor. Ladies fainted, and thewindows were nearly deserted.

However, the Directory displayed all the Republican splendour of whichthey were so prodigal on similar occasions. Speeches were far from beingscarce. Talleyrand, who was then Minister for Foreign Affairs, onintroducing Bonaparte to the Directory, made a long oration, in thecourse of which he hinted that the personal greatness of the Generalought not to excite uneasiness, even in a rising Republic. "Far fromapprehending anything from his ambition, I believe that we shall one daybe obliged to solicit him to tear himself from the pleasures of studiousretirement. All France will be free, but perhaps he never will; such ishis destiny."

Talleyrand was listened to with impatience, so anxious was every one tohear Bonaparte. The conqueror of Italy then rose, and pronounced with amodest air, but in a firm voice, a short address of congratulation on theimproved position of the nation.

Barras, at that time President of the Directory, replied to Bonapartewith so much prolixity as to weary everyone; and as soon as he hadfinished speaking he threw himself into the arms of the General, who wasnot much pleased with such affected displays, and gave him what was thencalled the fraternal embrace. The other members of the Directory,following the example of the President, surrounded Bonaparte and pressedhim in their arms; each acted, to the best of his ability, his part inthe sentimental comedy.

Chenier composed for this occasion a hymn, which Mehul set to music. Afew days after an opera was produced, bearing the title of the 'Fall ofCarthage', which was meant as an allusion to the anticipated exploits ofthe conqueror of Italy, recently appointed to the command of the "Army ofEngland." The poets were all employed in praising him; and Lebrun, withbut little of the Pindaric fire in his soul, composed the followingdistich, which certainly is not worth much:

The two councils were not disposed to be behind the Directory in themanifestation of joy. A few days after they gave a banquet to theGeneral in the gallery of the Louvre, which had recently been enriched bythe masterpieces of painting conquered in Italy.

At this time Bonaparte displayed great modesty in all his transactions inParis. The administrators of the department of the Seine having sent adeputation to him to inquire what hour and day he would allow them towait on him, he carried himself his answer to the department, accompaniedby General Berthier. It was also remarked that the judge of the peace ofthe arrondissement where the General lived having called on him on the6th of December, the evening of his arrival, he returned the visit nextmorning. These attentions, trifling as they may appear, were not withouttheir effect on the minds of the Parisians.

In consequence of General Bonaparte's victories, the peace he hadeffected, and the brilliant reception of which he had been the object,the business of Vendemiaire was in some measure forgotten. Every one waseager to get a sight of the young hero whose career had commenced with somuch 'eclat'. He lived very retiredly, yet went often to the theatre.He desired me, one day, to go and request the representation of two ofthe best pieces of the time, in which Elleviou, Mesdames St. Aubin,Phillis, and other distinguished performers played. His message was,that he only wished these two pieces on the same night, if that werepossible. The manager told me that nothing that the conqueror of Italywished for was impossible, for he had long ago erased that word from thedictionary. Bonaparte laughed heartily at the manager's answer. When wewent to the theatre he seated himself, as usual, in the back of the box,behind Madame Bonaparte, making me sit by her side. The pit and boxes,however, soon found out that he was in the house, and loudly called forhim. Several times an earnest desire to see him was manifested, but allin vain, for he never showed himself.

Some days after, being at the Theatre des Arts, at the secondrepresentation of 'Horatius Cocles', although he was sitting at the backof a box in the second tier, the audience discovered that he was in thehouse. Immediately acclamations arose from all quarters; but he kepthimself concealed as much as possible, and said to a person in the nextbox, "Had I known that the boxes were so exposed, I should not havecome."

During Bonaparte's stay at Paris a woman sent a messenger to warn himthat his life would be attempted, and that poison was to be employed forthat purpose. Bonaparte had the bearer of this information arrested,who: went, accompanied by the judge of the peace, to the woman's house,where she was found extended on the floor, and bathed in her blood. Themen whose plot she had overheard, having discovered that she had revealedtheir secret, murdered her. The poor woman was dreadfully mangled: herthroat was cut; and, not satisfied with that, the assassins had alsohacked her body with sharp instruments.

On the night of the 10th of Nivose the Rue Chantereine, in whichBonaparte had a small house (No. 6), received, in pursuance of a decreeof the department, the name of Rue de la Victoire. The cries of "ViveBonaparte!" and the incense prodigally offered up to him, did not howeverseduce him from his retired habits. Lately the conqueror and ruler ofItaly, and now under men for whom he had no respect, and who saw in him aformidable rival, he said to me one day, "The people of Paris do notremember anything. Were I to remain here long, doing nothing, I shouldbe lost. In this great Babylon one reputation displaces another. Let mebe seen but three times at the theatre and I shall no longer exciteattention; so I shall go there but seldom." When he went he occupied abox shaded with curtains. The manager of the opera wished to get up aspecial performance in his honour; but he declined the offer. When Iobserved that it must be agreeable to him to see his fellow-citizens soeagerly running after him, he replied, "Bah! the people would crowd asfast to see me if I were going to the scaffold."

--[A similar remark made to William III. on his lending at Brixham elicited the comment, "Like the Jews, who cried one day 'Hosanna!' and the next 'Crucify Him! crucify Him!'"]--

On the 28th of December Bonaparte was named a member of the Institute, inthe class of the Sciences and arts.

--[Napoleon seems to have really considered this nomination as a great honour. He was fond of using the title in his proclamations; and to the last the allowance attached to the appointment figured in the Imperial accounts. He replaced Carnot, the exiled Director.]--

He showed a deep sense of this honour, and wrote the following letter toCamus; the president of the class:

CITIZEN PRESIDENT--The suffrage of the distinguished men who compose the institute confers a high honour on me. I feel well assured that, before I can be their equal, I must long be their scholar. If there were any way more expressive than another of making known my esteem for you, I should be glad to employ it. True conquests--the only ones which leave no regret behind them--are those which are made over ignorance. The most honourable, as well as the most useful, occupation for nations is the contributing to the extension of human knowledge. The true power of the French Republic should henceforth be made to consist in not allowing a single new idea to exist without making it part of its property. BONAPARTE.

The General now renewed, though unsuccessfully, the attempt he had madebefore the 18th Fructidor to obtain a dispensation of the age necessaryfor becoming a Director. Perceiving that the time was not yet favourablefor such a purpose, he said to me, on the 29th of January 1798,"Bourrienne, I do not wish to remain here; there is nothing to do. Theyare unwilling to listen to anything. I see that if I linger here, Ishall soon lose myself. Everything wears out here; my glory has alreadydisappeared. This little Europe does not supply enough of it for me. Imust seek it in the East, the fountain of glory. However, I wish firstto make a tour along the coast, to ascertain by my own observation whatmay be attempted. I will take you, Lannes, and Sulkowsky, with me. Ifthe success of a descent on England appear doubtful, as I suspect itwill, the army of England shall become the army of the East, and I willgo to Egypt."

This and other conversations give a correct insight into his character.He always considered war and conquest as the most noble and inexhaustiblesource of that glory which was the constant object of his desire. Herevolted at the idea of languishing in idleness at Paris, while freshlaurels were growing for him in distant climes. His imaginationinscribed, in anticipation, his name on those gigantic monuments whichalone, perhaps, of all the creations of man, have the character ofeternity. Already proclaimed the most illustrious of living generals,he sought to efface the rival names of antiquity by his own. If Caesarfought fifty battles, he longed to fight a hundred--if Alexander leftMacedon to penetrate to the Temple of Ammon, he wished to leave Paris totravel to the Cataracts of the Nile. While he was thus to run a racewith fame, events would, in his opinion, so proceed in France as torender his return necessary and opportune. His place would be ready forhim, and he should not come to claim it a forgotten or unknown man.

CHAPTER XII.

1798.

Bonaparte's departure from Paris--His return--The Egyptian expedition projected--M. de Talleyrand--General Desaix--Expedition against Malta--Money taken at Berne--Bonaparte's ideas respecting the East--Monge--Non-influence of the Directory--Marriages of Marmont and La Valette--Bonaparte's plan of colonising Egypt--His camp library--Orthographical blunders--Stock of wines--Bonaparte's arrival at Toulon--Madame Bonaparte's fall from a balcony--Execution of an old man--Simon.

Bonaparte left Paris for the north on the 10th of February 1798--but hereceived no order, though I have seen it everywhere so stated, to gothere--"for the purpose of preparing the operations connected with theintended invasion of England." He occupied himself with no suchbusiness, for which a few days certainly would not have been sufficient.His journey to the coast was nothing but a rapid excursion, and its soleobject was to enable him to form an opinion on the main point of thequestion. Neither did he remain absent several weeks, for the journeyoccupied only one. There were four of us in his carriage--himself,Lannes, Sulkowsky, and I. Moustache was our courier. Bonaparte was nota little surprised on reading, in the 'Moniteur' of the 10th February, anarticle giving greater importance to his little excursion than itdeserved.

"General Bonaparte," said the 'Moniteur', "has departed for Dunkirk with some naval and engineer officers. They have gone to visit the coasts and prepare the preliminary operations for the descent [upon England]. It may be stated that he will not return to Rastadt, and that the close of the session of the Congress there is approaching."

Now for the facts. Bonaparte visited Etaples, Ambleteuse, Boulogne,Calais, Dunkirk, Furnes, Niewport, Ostend, and the Isle of Walcheren.He collected at the different ports all the necessary information withthat intelligence and tact for which he was so eminently distinguished.He questioned the sailors, smugglers, and fishermen, and listenedattentively to the answers he received.

We returned to Paris by Antwerp, Brussels, Lille, and St. Quentin. Theobject of our journey was accomplished when we reached the first of thesetowns. "Well, General," said I, "what think you of our journey? Are yousatisfied? For my part, I confess I entertain no great hopes fromanything I have seen and heard." Bonaparte immediately answered, "It istoo great a chance. I will not hazard it. I would not thus sport withthe fate of my beloved France." On hearing this I already fancied myselfin Cairo!

On his return to Paris Bonaparte lost no time in setting on foot themilitary and scientific preparations for the projected expedition to thebanks of the Nile, respecting which such incorrect statements haveappeared. It had long occupied his thoughts, as the following facts willprove.

In the month of August 1797 he wrote "that the time was not far distantwhen we should see that, to destroy the power of England effectually, itwould be necessary to attack Egypt." In the same month he wrote toTalleyrand, who had just succeeded Charles de Lacroix as Minister ofForeign Affairs, "that it would be necessary to attack Egypt, which didnot belong to the Grand Signior." Talleyrand replied, "that his ideasrespecting Egypt were certainly grand, and that their utility could notfail to be fully appreciated." He concluded by saying he would write tohim at length on the subject.

History will speak as favourably of M. de Talleyrand as hiscontemporaries have spoken ill of him. When a statesman, throughout agreat, long, and difficult career, makes and preserves a number offaithful friends, and provokes but few enemies, it must be acknowledgedthat his character is honourable and his talent profound, and that hispolitical conduct has been wise and moderate. It is impossible to knowM. de Talleyrand without admiring him. All who have that advantage, nodoubt, judge him as I do.

In the month of November of the same year Bonaparte sent Poussielgue,under the pretence of inspecting the ports of the Levant, to give thefinishing stroke to the meditated expedition against Malta.

General Desaix, whom Bonaparte had made the confidant of all his plans attheir interview in Italy after the preliminaries of Leoben, wrote to himfrom Affenbourg, on his return to Germany, that he regarded the fleet ofCorfu with great interest. "If ever," said he, "it should be engaged inthe grand enterprises of which I have heard you speak, do not, I beseechyou, forget me." Bonaparte was far from forgetting him.

The Directory at first disapproved of the expedition against Malta, whichBonaparte had proposed long before the treaty of Campo-Formio was signed.The expedition was decided to be impossible, for Malta had observedstrict neutrality, and had on several occasions even assisted our shipsand seamen. Thus we had no pretext for going to war with her. It wassaid, too, that the legislative body would certainly not look with afavourable eye on such a measure. This opinion, which, however, did notlast long, vexed Bonaparte. It was one of the disappointments which madehim give a rough welcome to Bottot, Barras' agent, at the commencement ofOctober 1797.

In the course of an animated conversation he said to Bottot, shrugginghis shoulders, "Mon Dieu! Malta is for sale!" Sometime after he himselfwas told that "great importance was attached to the acquisition of Malta,and that he must not suffer it to escape." At the latter end ofSeptember 1797 Talleyrand, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, wrote to himthat the Directory authorized him to give the necessary orders to AdmiralBrueys for taking Malta. He sent Bonaparte some letters for the island,because Bonaparte had said it was necessary to prepare the public mindfor the event.

Bonaparte exerted himself night and day in the execution of his projects.I never saw him so active. He made himself acquainted with the abilitiesof the respective generals, and the force of all the army corps. Ordersand instructions succeeded each other with extraordinary rapidity. If hewanted an order of the Directory he ran to the Luxembourg to get itsigned by one of the Directors. Merlin de Douai was generally the personwho did him this service, for he was the most constant at his post.Lagarde, the Secretary-General, did not countersign any document relativeto this expedition, Bonaparte not wishing him to be informed of thebusiness. He transmitted to Toulon the money taken at Berne, which theDirectory had placed at his disposal. It amounted to something above3,000,000 francs. In those times of disorder and negligence the financeswere very badly managed. The revenues were anticipated and squanderedaway, so that the treasury never possessed so large a sum as that justmentioned.

It was determined that Bonaparte should undertake an expedition of anunusual character to the East. I must confess that two things cheered mein this very painful interval; my friendship and admiration for thetalents of the conqueror of Italy, and the pleasing hope of traversingthose ancient regions, the historical and religious accounts of which hadengaged the attention of my youth.

It was at Passeriano that, seeing the approaching termination of hislabours in Europe, he first began to turn serious attention to the East.During his long strolls in the evening in the magnificent park there hedelighted to converse about the celebrated events of that part of theworld, and the many famous empires it once possessed. He used to say,"Europe is a mole-hill. There have never been great empires andrevolutions except in the East, where there are 600,000,000 men." Heconsidered that part of the world as the cradle of all religious, of allmetaphysical extravagances. This subject was no less interesting thaninexhaustible, and he daily introduced it when conversing with thegenerals with whom he was intimate, with Monge, and with me.

Monge entirely concurred in the General-in-Chief's opinions on thispoint; and his scientific ardour was increased by Bonaparte's enthusiasm.In short, all were unanimously of one opinion. The Directory had noshare in renewing the project of this memorable expedition, the result ofwhich did not correspond with the grand views in which it had beenconceived. Neither had the Directory any positive control overBonaparte's departure or return. It was merely the passive instrument ofthe General's wishes, which it converted into decrees, as the lawrequired. He was no more ordered to undertake the conquest of Egypt thanhe was instructed as to the plan of its execution. Bonaparte organisedthe army of the East, raised money, and collected ships; and it was hewho conceived the happy idea of joining to the expedition mendistinguished in science and art, and whose labours have made known, inits present and past state, a country, the very name of which is neverpronounced without exciting grand recollections.

Bonaparte's orders flew like lightning from Toulon to Civita Vecchia.With admirable precision he appointed some forces to assemble beforeMalta, and others before Alexandria. He dictated all these orders to mein his Cabinet.

In the position in which France stood with respect to Europe, after thetreaty of Campo-Formio, the Directory, far from pressing or evenfacilitating this expedition, ought to have opposed it. A victory on theAdige would have been far better far France than one on the Nile. Fromall I saw, I am of opinion that the wish to get rid of an ambitious andrising man, whose popularity excited envy, triumphed over the evidentdanger of removing, for an indefinite period, an excellent army, and thepossible loss of the French fleet. As to Bonaparte, he was well assuredthat nothing remained for him but to choose between that hazardousenterprise and his certain ruin. Egypt was, he thought, the right placeto maintain his reputation, and to add fresh glory to his name.

On the 12th of April 1798 he was appointed General-in-Chief of the armyof the East.

It was about this time that Marmont was married to MademoisellePerregaux; and Bonaparte's aide de camp, La Valletta, to MademoiselleBeauharnais.

--[Sir Walter Scott informs us that Josephine, when she became Empress, brought about the marriage between her niece and La Vallette. This is another fictitious incident of his historical romance.--Bourrienne.]--

Shortly before our departure I asked Bonaparte how long he intended toremain in Egypt. He replied, "A few months, or six years: all depends oncircumstances. I will colonise the country. I will bring them artistsand artisans of every description; women, actors, etc. We are but nine-and-twenty now, and we shall then be five-and-thirty. That is not an oldage. Those six years will enable me, if all goes well, to get to India.Give out that you are going to Brest. Say so even to your family." Iobeyed, to prove my discretion and real attachment to him.

Bonaparte wished to form a camp library of cabinet editions, and he gaveme a list of the books which I was to purchase. This list is in his ownwriting, and is as follows:

6. POLITICS AND MORALS.--The Old Testament. The New Testament. TheKoran. The Vedan. Mythology. Montesquieu. The Esprit des Lois.

It will be observed that he classed the books of the religious creeds ofnations under the head of "politics."

The autograph copy of the above list contains some of thoseorthographical blunders which Bonaparte so frequently committed. Whetherthese blunders are attributable to the limited course of instruction hereceived at Brienne, to his hasty writing, the rapid flow of his ideas,or the little importance he attached to that indispensable condition ofpolite education, I know not. Knowing so well as he did the authors andgenerals whose names appear in the above list, it is curious that heshould have written Ducecling for Duguesclin, and Ocean for Ossian. Thelatter mistake would have puzzled me not a little had I not known hispredilection for the Caledonian bard.

Before his departure Bonaparte laid in a considerable stock of Burgundy.It was supplied by a man named James, of Dijon. I may observe that onthis occasion we had an opportunity of ascertaining that good Burgundy,well racked off, and in casks hermetically sealed, does not lose itsquality on a sea voyage. Several cases of this Burgundy twice crossedthe desert of the Isthmus of Suez on camels' backs. We brought some ofit back with us to Frejus, and it was as good as when we departed. Jameswent with us to Egypt

During the remainder of our stay in Paris nothing occurred worthy ofmention, with the exception of a conversation between Bonaparte and mesome days before our departure for Toulon. He went with me to theLuxembourg to get signatures to the official papers connected with hisexpedition. He was very silent. As we passed through the Rue SainteAnne I asked him, with no other object than merely to break a long pause,whether he was still determined to quit France. He replied, "Yes: I havetried everything. They do not want me (probably alluding to the officeof Director). I ought to overthrow them, and make myself King; but itwill not do yet. The nobles will never consent to it. I have tried myground. The time is not yet come. I should be alone. But I will dazzlethem again." I replied, "Well, we will go to Egypt;" and changed theconversation.

--[Lucien and the Bonapartists of course deny that Napoleon wished to become Director, or to seize on power at this time; see Lucien, tome 1. p. 154. Thiers (vol. v. p. 257) takes the same view. Lanfrey (tome i. p. 363) believes Napoleon was at last compelled by the Directory to start and he credits the story told by Desaix to Mathieu Dumas, or rather to the wife of that officer, that there was a plot to upset the Directory, but that when all was ready Napoleon judged that the time was not ripe. Lanfrey, however, rather enlarges what Dumas says; see Dumas, tome iii. p. 167. See also the very remarkable conversation of Napoleon with Miot de Melito just before leaving Italy for Rastadt: "I cannot obey any longer. I have tasted the pleasures of command, and I cannot renounce it. My decision is taken. If I cannot be master, I shall quit France (Miot, tome i. p. 184).]--

The squabble with Bernadotte at Vienna delayed our departure for afortnight, and might have had the most disastrous influence on the fateof the squadron, as Nelson would most assuredly have waited between Maltaand Sicily if he had arrived there before us.'

--[Sir Walter Scott, without any authority, states that, at the moment of his departure, Bonaparte seemed disposed to abandon the command of an expedition so doubtful and hazardous, and that for this purpose he endeavoured to take advantage of what had occurred at Vienna. This must be ranked in the class of inventions, together with Barras mysterious visit to communicate the change of destination, and also the ostracism and honourable exile which the Directory wished to impose on Bonaparte.--Bourrienne.]--

It is untrue that he ever entertained the idea of abandoning theexpedition in consequence of Bernadotte's affair. The following letterto Brueys, dated the 28th of April 1798, proves the contrary:

Some disturbances which have arisen at Vienna render my presence in Paris necessary for a few days. This will not change any of the arrangements for the expedition. I have sent orders by this courier for the troops at Marseilles to embark and proceed to Toulon. On the evening of the 30th I will send you a courier with orders for you to embark and proceed with the squadron and convoy to Genoa, where I will join you.

The delay which this fresh event has occasioned will, I imagine, have enabled you to complete every preparation.

We left Paris on the 3d of May 1798. Ten days before Bonaparte'sdeparture for Egypt a prisoner (Sir Sidney Smith) escaped from the Templewho was destined to contribute materially to his reverses. An escape sounimportant in itself afterwards caused the failure of the most giganticprojects and daring conceptions. This escape was pregnant with futureevents; a false order of the Minister of Police prevented the revolutionof the East!

We were at Toulon on the 8th. Bonaparte knew by the movements of theEnglish that not a moment was to be lost; but adverse winds detained usten days, which he occupied in attending to the most minute detailsconnected with the fleet.

Bonaparte, whose attention was constantly occupied with his army, made aspeech to the soldiers, which I wrote to his dictation, and whichappeared in the public papers at the time. This address was followed bycries of "The Immortal Republic for ever!" and the singing of nationalhymns.

Those who knew Madame Bonaparte are aware that few women were moreamiable and fascinating. Bonaparte was passionately fond of her, and toenjoy the pleasure of her society as long as possible he brought her withhim to Toulon. Nothing could be more affecting than their parting. Onleaving Toulon Josephine went to the waters of Plombieres. I recollectthat during her stay at Plombieres she incurred great danger from aserious accident. Whilst she was one day sitting at the balcony of thehotel, with her suite, the balcony suddenly gave way, and all the personsin it fell into the street. Madame Bonaparte was much hurt, but noserious consequences ensued.

Bonaparte had scarcely arrived at Toulon when he heard that the law forthe death of emigrants was enforced with frightful rigour; and that butrecently an old man, upwards of eighty, had been shot. Indignant at thisbarbarity, he dictated to me, in a tone of anger, the following letter:

HEADQUARTERS TOULON, 27th Floreal, year VI. (16th May 1798).

BONAPARTE, MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE, TO THE MILITARY COMMISSIONERS OF THE NINTH DIVISION, ESTABLISHED BY THE LAW OF THE 19TH FRUCTIDOR.

I have learned, citizens, with deep regret, that an old man, between seventy and eighty years of age, and some unfortunate women, in a state of pregnancy, or surrounded with children of tender age, have been shot on the charge of emigration.

Have the soldiers of liberty become executioners? Can the mercy which they have exercised even in the fury of battle be extinct in their hearts?

The law of the 19th Fructidor was a measure of public safety. Its object was to reach conspirators, not women and aged men.

I therefore exhort you, citizens, whenever the law brings to your tribunals women or old men, to declare that in the field of battle you have respected the women and old men of your enemies.

The officer who signs a sentence against a person incapable of bearing arms is a coward. (Signed) BONAPARTE.

This letter saved the life of an unfortunate man who came under thedescription of persons to whom Bonaparte referred. The tone of this noteshows what an idea he already entertained of his power. He took uponhim, doubtless from the noblest motives, to step out of his way tointerpret and interdict the execution of a law, atrocious, it is true,but which even in those times of weakness, disorder, and anarchy wasstill a law. In this instance, at least, the power of his name was noblyemployed. The letter gave great satisfaction to the army destined forthe expedition.

A man named Simon, who had followed his master in emigration, and dreadedthe application of the law, heard that I wanted a servant. He came to meand acknowledged his situation. He suited me, and I hired him. He thentold me he feared he should be arrested whilst going to the port toembark. Bonaparte, to whom I mentioned the circumstance, and who hadjust given a striking proof of his aversion to these acts of barbarity,said to me in a tone of kindness, "Give him my portfolio to carry, andlet him remain with you." The words "Bonaparte, General-in-Chief of theArmy of the East," were inscribed in large gold letters on the greenmorocco. Whether it was the portfolio or his connection with us thatprevented Simon from being arrested I know not; but he passed on withoutinterruption. I reprimanded him for having smiled derisively at the illhumour of the persons appointed to arrest him. He served me faithfully,and was even sometimes useful to Bonaparte.

CHAPTER XIII.

1798.

Departure of the squadron--Arrival at Malta--Dolomieu--General Barguay d'Hilliers--Attack on the western part of the island-- Caffarelli's remark--Deliverance of the Turkish prisoners--Nelson's pursuit of the French fleet--Conversations on board--How Bonaparte passed his, time--Questions to the Captains--Propositions discussed --Morning music--Proclamation--Admiral Brueys--The English fleet avoided Dangerous landing--Bonaparte and his fortune--Alexandria taken--Kleber wounded--Bonaparte's entrance into Alexandria.

The squadron sailed on the 19th of May. The Orient, which, owing to herheavy lading, drew too much water, touched the ground; but she was gotoff without much difficulty.

We arrived off Malta on the 10th of June. We had lost two days inwaiting for some convoys which joined us at Malta.

The intrigues throughout Europe had not succeeded in causing the ports ofthat island to be opened to us immediately on our arrival. Bonaparteexpressed much displeasure against the persons sent from Europe toarrange measures for that purpose. One of them, however, M. Dolomieu,had cause to repent his mission, which occasioned him to be badly treatedby the Sicilians. M. Poussielgue had done all he could in the way ofseduction, but he had not completely succeeded. There was somemisunderstanding, and, in consequence, some shots were interchanged.Bonaparte was very much pleased with General Baraguay d'Hilliers'services in Italy. He could not but praise his military and politicalconduct at Venice when, scarcely a year before, he had taken possessionof that city by his orders. General Baraguay d'Hilliers joined us withhis division,--which had embarked in the convoy that sailed from Genoa.The General-in-Chief ordered him to land and attack the western part ofthe island. He executed this order with equal prudence and ability, andhighly to the satisfaction of the General-in-Chief. As every person inthe secret knew that all this was a mere form, these hostiledemonstrations produced no unpleasant consequences. We wished to savethe honour of the knights--that was all; for no one who has seen Maltacan imagine that an island surrounded with such formidable and perfectfortifications would have surrendered in two days to a fleet which waspursued by an enemy. The impregnable fortress of Malta is so secureagainst a 'coup de main' that General Caffarelli, after examining itsfortifications, said to the General-in-Chief, in my presence, "Upon myword, General, it is luck: there is some one in the town to open thegates for us."

By comparing the observation of General Caffarelli with what has beenpreviously stated respecting the project of the expedition to Egypt andMalta, an idea may be formed of the value of Bonaparte's assertion at St.Helena:

"The capture of Malta was not owing to private intrigues, but to thesagacity of the Commander-in-chief. I took Malta when I was in Mantua!"

It is not the less true, however, that I wrote, by his dictation, a massof instructions for private intrigues. Napoleon also said to anothernoble companion of his exile at St Helena, "Malta certainly possessedvast physical means of resistance; but no moral means. The knights didnothing dishonourable nobody is obliged to do impossibilities. No; butthey were sold; the capture of Malta was assured before we left Toulon."

The General-in-Chief proceeded to that part of the port where the Turksmade prisoners by the knights were kept.

The disgusting galleys were emptied of their occupants: The sameprinciples which, a few days after, formed the basis of Bonaparte'sproclamation to the Egyptians, guided him in this act of reason andhumanity.

He walked several times in the gardens of the grandmaster. They were inbeautiful order, and filled with magnificent orange-trees. We regaledourselves with their fruit, which the great heat rendered most delicious.

On the 19th of June, after having settled the government and defence ofthe island, the General left Malta, which he little dreamed he had takenfor the English, who have very badly requited the obligation. Many ofthe knights followed Bonaparte and took civil and military appointments.

During the night of the 22d of June the English squadron was almost closeupon us. It passed at about six leagues from the French fleet. Nelson,who learned the capture of Malta at Messina on the day we left theisland, sailed direct for Alexandria, without proceeding into the north.He considered that city to be the place of our destination. By takingthe shortest course, with every sail set, and unembarrassed by anyconvoy, he arrived before Alexandria on the 28th of June, three daysbefore the French fleet, which, nevertheless, had sailed before him fromthe shores of Malta. The French squadron took the direction of Candia,which we perceived on the 25th of June, and afterwards stood to thesouth, favoured by the Etesian winds, which regularly prevail at thatseason. The French fleet did not reach Alexandria till the 30th of June.

When on board the 'Orient' he took pleasure in conversing frequently withMonge and Berthollet. The subjects on which they usually talked werechemistry, mathematics, and religion. General Caffarelli, whoseconversation, supplied by knowledge, was at once energetic, witty, andlively, was one of those with whom he most willingly discoursed.Whatever friendship he might entertain for Berthollet, it was easy toperceive that he preferred Monge, and that he was led to that preferencebecause Monge, endowed with an ardent imagination, without exactlypossessing religious principles, had a kind of predisposition forreligious ideas which harmonised with the notions of Bonaparte. On thissubject Berthollet sometimes rallied his inseparable friend Monge.Besides, Berthollet was, with his cold imagination, constantly devoted toanalysis and abstractions, inclined towards materialism, an opinion withwhich the General was always much dissatisfied.

Bonaparte sometimes conversed with Admiral Brueys. His object was alwaysto gain information respecting the different manoeuvres, and nothingastonished the Admiral more than the sagacity of his questions.I recollect that one day, Bonaparte having asked Brueys in what mannerthe hammocks were disposed of when clearing for action, he declared,after he had received an answer, that if the case should occur he wouldorder every one to throw his baggage overboard.

He passed a great part of his time in his cabin, lying on a bed, which,swinging on a kind of castors, alleviated the severity of the sea-sickness from which he frequently suffered much when the ship rolled.

I was almost always with him in his cabin, where I read to him some ofthe favourite works which he had selected for his camp library. He alsofrequently conversed, for hours together, with the captains of thevessels which he hailed. He never failed to ask whence they came? whatwas their destination? what ships they had met? what course they hadsailed? His curiosity being thus satisfied, he allowed them to continuetheir voyage, after making them promise to say nothing of having seen theFrench squadron.

Whilst we were at sea he seldom rose before ten o'clock in the morning.The 'Orient' had the appearance of a populous town, from which women hadbeen excluded; and this floating city was inhabited by 2000 individuals,amongst whom were a great number of distinguished men. Bonaparte everyday invited several persons to dine with him, besides Brueys, Berthier,the colonels, and his ordinary household, who were always present at thetable of the General-in-Chief. When the weather was fine he went up tothe quarter-deck, which, from its extent, formed a grand promenade.

I recollect once that when walking the quarter-deck with him whilst wewere in Sicilian waters I thought I could see the summits of the Alpsbeautifully lighted by the rays of the setting sun. Bonaparte laughedmuch, and joked me about it. He called Admiral Brueys, who took histelescope and soon confirmed my conjecture. The Alps!

At the mention of that word by the Admiral I think I can see Bonapartestill. He stood for a long time motionless; then, suddenly bursting fromhis trance, exclaimed, "No! I cannot behold the land of Italy withoutemotion! There is the East: and there I go; a perilous enterpriseinvites me. Those mountains command the plains where I so often had thegood fortune to lead the French to victory. With them we will conqueragain."

One of Bonaparte's greatest pleasures during the voyage was, afterdinner, to fix upon three or four persons to support a proposition and asmany to oppose it. He had an object in view by this. These discussionsafforded him an opportunity of studying the minds of those whom he had aninterest in knowing well, in order that he might afterwards confide toeach the functions for which he possessed the greatest aptitude: It willnot appear singular to those who have been intimate with Bonaparte, thatin these intellectual contests he gave the preference to those who hadsupported an absurd proposition with ability over those who hadmaintained the cause of reason; and it was not superiority of mind whichdetermined his judgment, for he really preferred the man who argued wellin favour of an absurdity to the man who argued equally well in supportof a reasonable proposition. He always gave out the subjects which wereto be discussed; and they most frequently turned upon questions ofreligion, the different kinds of government, and the art of war. One dayhe asked whether the planets were inhabited; on another, what was the ageof the world; then he proposed to consider the probability of thedestruction of our globe, either by water or fire; at another time,the truth or fallacy of presentiments, and the interpretation of dreams.I remember the circumstance which gave rise to the last proposition wasan allusion to Joseph, of whom he happened to speak, as he did of almosteverything connected with the country to which we were bound, and whichthat able administrator had governed. No country came under Bonaparte'sobservation without recalling historical recollections to his mind.On passing the island of Candia his imagination was excited, and he spokewith enthusiasm of ancient Crete and the Colossus, whose fabulous renownhas surpassed all human glories. He spoke much of the fall of the empireof the East, which bore so little resemblance to what history haspreserved of those fine countries, so often moistened with the blood ofman. The ingenious fables of mythology likewise occurred to his mind,and imparted to his language something of a poetical, and, I may say, ofan inspired character. The sight of the kingdom of Minos led him toreason on the laws best calculated for the government of nations; and thebirthplace of Jupiter suggested to him the necessity of a religion forthe mass of mankind. This animated conversation lasted until thefavourable north winds, which drove the clouds into the valley of theNile, caused us to lose sight of the island of Candia.

The musicians on board the Orient sometimes played serenades; but onlybetween decks, for Bonaparte was not yet sufficiently fond of music towish to hear it in his cabin. It may be said that his taste for this artincreased in the direct ratio of his power; and so it was with his tastefor hunting, of which he gave no indication until after his elevation tothe empire; as though he had wished to prove that he possessed withinhimself not only the genius of sovereignty for commanding men, but alsothe instinct for those aristocratical pleasures, the enjoyment of whichis considered by mankind to be amongst the attributes of kings.

It is scarcely possible that some accidents should not occur during along voyage in a crowded vessel--that some persons should not falloverboard. Accidents of this kind frequently happened on board the'Orient'. On those occasions nothing was more remarkable than the greathumanity of the man who has since been so prodigal of the blood of hisfellow-creatures on the field of battle, and who was about to shed riversof it even in Egypt, whither we were bound. When a man fell into the seathe General-in-Chief was in a state of agitation till he was saved. Heinstantly had the ship hove-to, and exhibited the greatest uneasinessuntil the unfortunate individual was recovered. He ordered me to rewardthose who ventured their lives in this service. Amongst these was asailor who had incurred punishment for some fault. He not only exemptedhim from the punishment, but also gave him some money. I recollect thatone dark night we heard a noise like that occasioned by a man fallinginto the sea. Bonaparte instantly caused the ship to be hove-to untilthe supposed victim was rescued from certain death. The men hastenedfrom all sides, and at length they picked up-what?--the quarter of abullock, which had fallen from the hook to which it was hung. What wasBonaparte's conduct? He ordered me to reward the sailors who had exertedthemselves in this occasion even more generously than usual, saying,"It might have been a sailor, and these brave fellows have shown as muchactivity and courage as if it had."

After the lapse of thirty years all these things are as fresh in myrecollection as if they were passing at the present moment. In thismanner Bonaparte employed his time on board the Orient during the voyage,and it was also at this time that he dictated to me the followingproclamation:

HEADQUARTERS ON BOARD THE "ORIENT," The 4th Messidor, Year VI.

BONAPARTE, MEMBER OF THE NATIONAL INSTITUTE, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF.

SOLDIERS--You are about to undertake a conquest the effects of which on civilisation and commerce are incalculable. The blow you are about to give to England will be the best aimed, and the most sensibly felt, she can receive until the time arrive when you can give her her deathblow.

We must make some fatiguing marches; we must fight several battles; we shall succeed in all we undertake. The destinies are with us. The Mameluke Beys who favour exclusively English commerce, whose extortions oppress our merchants, and who tyrannise over the unfortunate inhabitants of the Nile, a few days after our arrival will no longer exist.

The people amongst whom we are going to live are Mahometans. The first article of their faith is this: "There is no God but God, and Mahomet is his prophet." Do not contradict them. Behave to them as you have behaved to the Jews--to the Italians. Pay respect to their muftis, and their Imaums, as you did to the rabbis and the bishops. Extend to the ceremonies prescribed by the Koran and to the mosques the same toleration which you showed to the synagogues, to the religion of Moses and of Jesus Christ.

The Roman legions protected all religions. You will find here customs different from those of Europe. You must accommodate yourselves to them. The people amongst whom we are to mix differ from us in the treatment of women; but in all countries he who violates is a monster. Pillage enriches only a small number of men; it dishonours us; it destroys our resources; it converts into enemies the people whom it is our interest to have for friends.

The first town we shall come to was built by Alexander. At every step we shall meet with grand recollections, worthy of exciting the emulation of Frenchmen. BONAPARTE.

During the voyage, and particularly between Malta and Alexandria,I often conversed with the brave and unfortunate Admiral Brueys.The intelligence we heard from time to time augmented his uneasiness.I had the good fortune to obtain the confidence of this worthy man.He complained bitterly of the imperfect manner in which the fleet hadbeen prepared for sea; of the encumbered state of the ships of the lineand frigates, and especially of the 'Orient'; of the great number oftransports; of the bad Outfit of all the ships and the weakness of theircrews. He assured me that it required no little courage to undertake thecommand of a fleet so badly equipped; and he often declared, that in theevent of our falling in with the enemy, he could not answer for theconsequences. The encumbered state of the vessels, the immense quantityof civic and military baggage which each person had brought, and wouldwish to save, would render proper manoeuvres impracticable. In case ofan attack, added Brueys, even by an inferior squadron, the confusion anddisorder amongst so great a number of persons would produce an inevitablecatastrophe. Finally, if the English had appeared with ten vessels only,the Admiral could not have guaranteed a fortunate result. He consideredvictory to be a thing that was impossible, and even with a victory, whatwould have become of the expedition? "God send," he said, with a sigh,"that we may pass the English without meeting them!" He appeared toforesee what did afterwards happen to him, not in the open sea, but in asituation which he considered much more favourable to his defence.

On the morning of the 1st of July the expedition arrived off the coast ofAfrica, and the column of Septimus-Severus pointed out to us the city ofAlexandria. Our situation and frame of mind hardly permitted us toreflect that in the distant point we beheld the city of the Ptolemies andCaesars, with its double port, its pharos, and the gigantic monuments ofits ancient grandeur. Our imaginations did not rise to this pitch.

Admiral Brueys had sent on before the frigate Juno to fetch M. Magallon,the French Consul. It was near four o'clock when he arrived, and the seawas very rough. He informed the General-in-Chief that Nelson had beenoff Alexandria on the 28th--that he immediately dispatched a brig toobtain intelligence from the English agent. On the return of the brigNelson instantly stood away with his squadron towards the north-east.But for a delay which our convoy from Civita Vecchia occasioned, weshould have been on this coast at the same time as Nelson.

It appeared that Nelson supposed us to be already at Alexandria when hearrived there. He had reason to suppose so, seeing that we left Malta onthe 19th of June, whilst he did not sail from Messina till the 21st.Not finding us where he expected, and being persuaded we ought to havearrived there had Alexandria been the place of our destination; he sailedfor Alexandretta in Syria, whither he imagined we had gone to effect alanding. This error saved the expedition a second time.

Bonaparte, on hearing the details which the French Consul communicated,resolved to disembark immediately. Admiral Brueys represented thedifficulties and dangers of a disembarkation--the violence of the surge,the distance from the coast,--a coast, too, lined with reefs of rocks,the approaching night, and our perfect ignorance of the points suitablefor landing. The Admiral, therefore, urged the necessity of waiting tillnext morning; that is to say, to delay the landing twelve hours. Heobserved that Nelson could not return from Syria for several days.Bonaparte listened to these representations with impatience and ill-humour. He replied peremptorily, "Admiral, we have no time to lose.Fortune gives me but three days; if I do not profit by them we are lost."He relied much on fortune; this chimerical idea constantly influenced hisresolutions.

Bonaparte having the command of the naval as well as the military force,the Admiral was obliged to yield to his wishes.

I attest these facts, which passed in my presence, and no part of whichcould escape my observation. It is quite false that it was owing to theappearance of a sail which, it is pretended, was descried, but of which,for my part, I saw nothing, that Bonaparte exclaimed, "Fortune, have youabandoned me? I ask only five days!" No such thing occurred.

It was one o'clock in the morning of the 2d of July when we landed on thesoil of Egypt, at Marabou, three leagues to the west of Alexandria. Wehad to regret the loss of some lives; but we had every reason to expectthat our losses would have been greater.

At three o'clock the same morning the General-in-Chief marched onAlexandria with the divisions of Kleber, Bon, and Menou. The BedouinArabs, who kept hovering about our right flank and our rear, picked upthe stragglers.

Having arrived within gunshot of Alexandria, we scaled the ramparts, andFrench valour soon triumphed over all obstacles.

The first blood I saw shed in war was General Kleber's. He was struck inthe head by a ball, not in storming the walls, but whilst heading theattack. He came to Pompey's Pillar, where many members of the staff wereassembled, and where the General-in-Chief was watching the attack. Ithen spoke to Kleber for the first time, and from that day our friendshipcommenced. I had the good fortune to contribute somewhat towards theassistance of which he stood in need, and which, as we were situated,could not be procured very easily.

It has been endeavoured to represent the capture of Alexandria, whichsurrendered after a few hours, as a brilliant exploit. The General-in-Chief himself wrote that the city had been taken after a few dischargesof cannon; the walls, badly fortified, were soon scaled. Alexandria wasnot delivered up to pillage, as has been asserted, and often repeated.This would have been a most impolitic mode of commencing the conquest ofEgypt, which had no strong places requiring to be intimidated by a greatexample.

Bonaparte, with some others, entered the city by a narrow street whichscarcely allowed two persons to walk abreast; I was with him. We werestopped by some musket-shots fired from a low window by a man and awoman. They repeated their fire several times. The guides who precededtheir General kept up a heavy fire on the window. The man and woman felldead, and we passed on in safety, for the place had surrendered.

Bonaparte employed the six days during which he remained in Alexandria inestablishing order in the city and province, with that activity andsuperior talent which I could never sufficiently admire, and in directingthe march of the army across the province of Bohahire'h. He sent Desaixwith 4500 infantry and 60 cavalry to Beda, on the road to Damanhour.This general was the first to experience the privations and sufferingswhich the whole army had soon to endure. His great mind, his attachmentto Bonaparte, seemed for a moment about to yield to the obstacles whichpresented themselves. On the 15th of July he wrote from Bohahire'h asfollows: "I beseech you do not let us stop longer in this position. Mymen are discouraged and murmur. Make us advance or fall back withoutdelay. The villages consist merely of huts, absolutely withoutresources."

In these immense plains, scorched by the vertical rays of a burning sun,water, everywhere else so common, becomes an object of contest. Thewells and springs, those secret treasures of the desert, are carefullyconcealed from the travellers; and frequently, after our most oppressivemarches, nothing could be found to allay the urgent cravings of thirstbut a little brackish water of the most disgusting description.

--[Some idea of the misery endured by the French troops on this occasion may be gathered from the following description is Napoleon's Memoirs, dictated at St. Helena:

"As the Hebrews wandering in the wilderness complained, and angrily asked Moses for the onions and flesh-pots of Egypt, the French soldiers constantly regretted the luxuries of Italy. In vain were they assured that the country was the most fertile in the world, that it was even superior to Lombard; how were they to be persuaded of this when they could get neither bread nor wine? We encamped on immense quantities of wheat, but there was neither mill nor oven in the country. The biscuit brought from Alexandria had long been exhausted; the soldiers were even reduced to bruise the wheat between two stones and to make cake which they baked under the ashes. Many parched the wheat in a pan, after which they boiled it. This was the best way to use the grain; but, after all, it was not bread. The apprehensions of the soldiers increased daily, and rose to such a pitch that a great number of them said there was no great city of calm; and that the place bring that name was, like Damanhour, a vast assemblage of mere huts, destitute of everything that could render life comfortable or agreeable. To such a melancholy state of mind had they brought themselves that two dragoons threw themselves, completely clothed, into the Nile, where they were drowned. It is nevertheless true that, though there was neither bread nor wine, the resources which were procured with wheat, lentils, meat, and sometimes pigeons, furnished the army with food of some kind. But the evil was, in the ferment of the mind. The officers complained more loudly than the soldiers, because the comparison was proportionately more disadvantageous to them. In Egypt they found neither the quarters, the good table, nor the luxury of Italy. The General-in-Chief, wishing to set an example, tried to bivouac in the midst of the army, and in the least commodious spots. No one had either tent or provisions; the dinner of Napoleon and his staff consisted of a dish of lentils. The soldiers passed the evenings in political conversations, arguments, and complaints. 'For what purpose are we come here?' said some of them, 'the Directory has transported us.' 'Caffarelli,' said others, 'is the agent that has been made use of to deceive the General-in- Chief.' Many of them, having observed that wherever there were vestiges of antiquity they were carefully searched, vented their spite in invective against the savants, or scientific men, who, they said, had started the idea of she expedition to order to make these searches. Jests were showered upon them, even in their presence. The men called an ass a savant; and said of Caffarelli Dufalga, alluding to his wooden leg, 'He laughs at all these troubles; he has one foot to France.'"

CHAPTER XIV.

1798.

The mirage--Skirmishes with the Arabs--Mistake of General Desaix's division--Wretchedness of a rich sheik--Combat beneath the General's window--The flotilla on the Nile--Its distress and danger--The battle of Chebreisse--Defeat of the Mamelukes--Bonaparte's reception of me--Letter to Louis Bonaparte--Success of the French army-- Triumphal entrance into Cairo--Civil and military organisation of Cairo--Bonaparte's letter to his brother Joseph--Plan of colonisation.

On the 7th of July General Bonaparte left Alexandria for Damanhour. Inthe vast plains of Bohahire'h the mirage every moment presented to theeye wide sheets of water, while, as we advanced, we found nothing butbarren ground full of deep cracks. Villages, which at a distance appearto be surrounded with water, are, on a nearer approach, discovered to besituated on heights, mostly artificial, by which they are raised abovethe inundations of the Nile. This illusion continually recurs; and it isthe more treacherous, inasmuch as it presents to the eye the perfectrepresentation of water, at the time when the want of that article ismost felt. This mirage is so considerable in the plain of Pelusium thatshortly after sunrise no object is recognisable. The same phenomenon hasbeen observed in other countries. Quintus Curtius says that in thedeserts of Sogdiana, a fog rising from the earth obscures the light, andthe surrounding country seems like a vast sea. The cause of thissingular illusion is now fully explained; and, from the observations ofthe learned Monge, it appears that the mirage will be found in almostevery country situated between the tropics where the local circumstancesare similar.

The Arabs harassed the army without intermission. The few wells met within the desert were either filled up or the water was rendered unfit foruse. The intolerable thirst with which the troops were tormented, evenon this first march, was but ill allayed by brackish and unwholesomewater. The army crossed the desert with the rapidity of lightning,scarcely tasting a drop of water. The sufferings of the troops werefrequently expressed by discouraging murmurs.

On the first night a mistake occurred which might have proved fatal.We were advancing in the dark, under feeble escort, almost sleeping onour horses, when suddenly we were assailed by two successive dischargesof musketry. We aroused ourselves and reconnoitred, and to our greatsatisfaction discovered that the only mischief was a alight woundreceived by one of our guides. Our assailants were the division ofGeneral Desaix, who, forming the advanced guard of the army, mistook usfor a party of the enemy, and fired upon us. It was speedily ascertainedthat the little advanced guard of the headquarters had not heard the "Quivive?" of Desaix's advanced posts.

On reaching Damanhour our headquarters were established at the residenceof a sheik. The house had been new whitened, and looked well enoughoutside, but the interior was inconceivably wretched. Every domesticutensil was broken, and the only seats were a few dirty tattered mats.Bonaparte knew that the sheik was rich, and having somewhat won hisconfidence, he asked him, through the medium of the interpreter, why,being in easy circumstances, be thus deprived himself of all comfort."Some years ago," replied the sheik, "I repaired and furnished my house.When this became known at Cairo a demand was made upon me for money,because it was said my expenses proved me to be rich. I refused to paythe money, and in consequence I was ill-treated, and at length forced topay it. From that time I have allowed myself only the bare necessariesof life, and I shall buy no furniture for my house." The old man waslame in consequence of the treatment he had suffered. Woe to him who inthis country is suspected of having a competency--a hundred spies arealways ready to denounce him. The appearance of poverty is the onlysecurity against the rapine of power and the cupidity of barbarism.

A little troop of Arabs on horseback assailed our headquarters.Bonaparte, who was at the window of the sheik's house, indignant at thisinsolence, turned to one of his aides de camp, who happened to be onduty, and said, "Croisier, take a few guides and drive those fellowsaway!" In an instant Croisier was in the plain with fifteen guides. Alittle skirmish ensued, and we looked on from the window. In themovement and in the attack of Croisier and his party there was a sort ofhesitation which the General-in-Chief could not comprehend. "Forward,I say! Charge!" he exclaimed from the window, as if he could have beenheard. Our horsemen seemed to fall back as the Arabs returned to theattack; and after a little contest, maintained with tolerable spirit, theArabs retired without loss, and without being molested in their retreat.Bonaparte could no longer repress his rage; and when Croisier returned heexperienced such a harsh reception that the poor fellow withdrew deeplymortified and distressed. Bonaparte desired me to follow him and saysomething to console him: but all was in vain. "I cannot survive this,"he said. "I will sacrifice my life on the first occasion that offersitself. I will not live dishonoured." The word coward had escaped theGeneral's lips. Poor Croisier died at Saint Jean d'Acre.

On the 10th of July our headquarters were established at Rahmahanie'h,where they remained during the 11th and 12th. At this place commencesthe canal which was cut by Alexander to convey water to his new city; andto facilitate commercial intercourse between Europe and the East.

The flotilla, commanded by the brave chief of division Perree, had justarrived from Rosette. Perree was on board the xebec 'Cerf'.

--[Bonaparte had great confidence in him. He had commanded, under the General's orders, the naval forces in the Adriatic in 1797.-- Bourrienne]--

Bonaparte placed on board the Cerf and the other vessels of the flotillathose individuals who, not being military, could not be serviceable inengagements, and whose horses served to mount a few of the troops.

On the night of the 14th of July the General-in-Chief directed his marchtowards the south, along the left bank of the Nile. The flotilla sailedup the river parallel with the left wing of the army. But the force ofthe wind, which at this season blows regularly from the Mediterraneaninto the valley of the file, carried the flotilla far in advance of thearmy, and frustrated the plan of their mutually defending and supportingeach other. The flotilla thus unprotected fell in with seven Turkishgunboats coming from Cairo, and was exposed simultaneously to their fireand to that of the Mamelukes, fellahs, and Arabs who lined both banks ofthe river. They had small guns mounted on camels.

Perree cast anchor, and an engagement commenced at nine o'clock on the14th of July, and continued till half past twelve.

At the same time the General-in-Chief met and attacked a corps of about4000 Mamelukes. His object, as he afterwards said, was to turn the corpsby the left of the village of Chebreisse, and to drive it upon the Nile.

About eleven in the morning Perree told me that the Turks were doing usmore harm than we were doing them; that our ammunition would soon beexhausted; that the army was far inland, and that if it did not make amove to the left there would be no hope for us. Several vessels hadalready been boarded and taken by the Turks, who massacred the crewsbefore our eyes, and with barbarous ferocity showed us the heads of theslaughtered men.

Perree, at considerable risk, despatched several persons to inform theGeneral-in-Chief of the desperate situation of the flotilla. Thecannonade which Bonaparte had heard since the morning, and the explosionof a Turkish gunboat, which was blown up by the artillery of the xebec,led him to fear that our situation was really perilous. He thereforemade a movement to the left, in the direction of the Nile and Chebreisse,beat the Mamelukes, and forced them to retire on Cairo. At sight of theFrench troops the commander of the Turkish flotilla weighed anchor andsailed up the Nile. The two banks of the river were evacuated, and theflotilla escaped the destruction which a short time before had appearedinevitable. Some writers have alleged that the Turkish flotilla wasdestroyed in this engagement. The truth is, the Turks did usconsiderable injury, while on their part they suffered but little. Wehad twenty men killed and several wounded. Upwards of 1500 cannon-shotswere fired during the action.

General Berthier, in his narrative of the Egyptian expedition, enumeratesthe individuals who, though not in the military service, assisted Perreein this unequal and dangerous engagement. He mentions Monge, Berthollet,Andreossy, the paymaster, Junot, and Bourrienne, secretary to theGeneral-in-Chief. It has also been stated that Sucy, the commissary-general, was seriously wounded while bravely defending a gunboat ladenwith provisions; but this is incorrect.

We had no communication with the army until the 23d of July. On the 22dwe came in sight of the Pyramids, and were informed that we were onlyabout, ten leagues from Gizeh, where they are situated. The cannonadewhich we heard, and which augmented in proportion as the north winddiminished, announced a serious engagement; and that same day we saw thebanks of the Nile strewed with heaps of bodies, which the waves wereevery moment washing into the sea. This horrible spectacle, the silenceof the surrounding villages, which had hitherto been armed against us,and the cessation of the firing from the banks of the river, led us toinfer, with tolerable certainty, that a battle fatal to the Mamelukes hadbeen fought. The misery we suffered on our passage from Rahmahanie'h toGizeh is indescribable. We lived for eleven days on melons and water,besides being momentarily exposed to the musketry of the Arabs and thefellahs. We luckily escaped with but a few killed and wounded. Therising of the Nile was only beginning. The shallowness of the river nearCairo obliged us to leave the xebec and get on board a djerm. We reachedGizeh at three in the afternoon of the 23d of July.

When I saluted the General, whom I had not seen for twelve days, he thusaddressed me: "So you are here, are you? Do you know that you have allof you been the cause of my not following up the battle of Chebreisse?It was to save you, Monge, Berthollet, and the others on board theflotilla that I hurried the movement of my left upon the Nile before myright had turned Chebreisse. But for that, not a single Mameluke wouldhave escaped."

"I thank you for my own part," replied I; "but in conscience could youhave abandoned us, after taking away our horses, and making us go onboard the xebec, whether we would or not?" He laughed, and then told mehow sorry he was for the wound of Sucy, and the death of many useful men,whose places could not possibly be filled up.

He made me write a letter to his brother Louis, informing him that he hadgained a complete victory over the Mamelukes at Embabeh, opposite Boulac,and that the enemy's loss was 2000 men killed and wounded, 40 guns, and agreat number of horses.

The occupation of Cairo was the immediate consequence of the victory ofEmbabeh. Bonaparte established his head-quarters in the home of ElfyBey, in the great square of Ezbekye'h.

The march of the French army to Cairo was attended by an uninterruptedsuccession of combats and victories. We had won the battles ofRahmahanie'h, Chebreisse, and the Pyramids. The Mamelukes were defeated,and their chief, Mourad Bey, was obliged to fly into Upper Egypt.Bonaparte found no obstacle to oppose his entrance into the capital ofEgypt, after a campaign of only twenty days.

No conqueror, perhaps, ever enjoyed a victory so much as Bonaparte, andyet no one was ever less inclined to abuse his triumphs.

We entered Cairo on the 24th of July, and the General-in-Chiefimmediately directed his attention to the civil and military organizationof the country. Only those who saw him in the vigour of his youth canform an idea of his extraordinary intelligence and activity. Nothingescaped his observation. Egypt had long been the object of his study;and in a few weeks he was as well acquainted with the country as if hehad lived in it ten years. He issued orders for observing the strictestdiscipline, and these orders were punctually obeyed.

The mosques, the civil and religious institutions, the harems, the women,the customs of the country-all were scrupulously respected. A few daysafter they entered Cairo the French were freely admitted into the shops,and were seen sociably smoking their pipes with the inhabitants,assisting them in their occupations, and playing with their children.

The day after his arrival in Cairo Bonaparte addressed to his brotherJoseph the following letter, which was intercepted and printed. Itsauthenticity has been doubted, but I saw Napoleon write it, and he readit to me before he sent it off.

CAIRO, 7th. Thermidor (25th July 1798)

You will see in the public papers the bulletins of the battles and conquest of Egypt, which were sufficiently contested to add another wreath to the laurels of this army. Egypt is richer than any country in the world in coin, rice, vegetables, and cattle. But the people are in a state of utter barbarism. We cannot procure money, even to pay the troops. I maybe in France in two months.

Engage a country-house, to be ready for me on my arrival, either near Paris or in Burgundy, where I mean to pass the winter.

--[Bonaparte's autograph note, after enumerating the troops and warlike stores he wished to be sent, concluded with the following list:

1st, a company of actors; 2d, a company of dancers; 3d, some dealers in marionettes, at least three or four; 9th, a hundred French women; 5th, the wives of all the men employed in the corps; 6th, twenty surgeons, thirty apothecaries, and ten Physicians; 7th, some founders; 8th, some distillers and dealers in liquor; 9th fifty gardeners with their families, and the seeds of every kind of vegetable; 10th, each party to bring with them: 200,000 pints of brandy; 11th, 30,000 ells of blue and scarlet cloth; 12th, a supply of soap and oil.--Bourrienne.]--

(Signed) BONAPARTE

This announcement of his departure to his brother is corroborated by anote which he despatched some days after, enumerating the supplies andindividuals which he wished to have sent to Egypt. His note proves, moreconvincingly than any arguments, that Bonaparte earnestly wished topreserve his conquest, and to make it a French colony. It must be bornein mind that the note here alluded to, as well as the letter abovequoted, was written long before the destruction of the fleet.