Ekho Moskvy board shuffled ahead of Russian election

The Russian blogosphere erupted with comments today
following an announcement
that the board of directors of the iconic radio station, Ekho Moskvy, will be
changed. The timing of the development--weeks before presidential elections--and the
potential consequences for Ekho's editorial policy threw listeners into a frenzy
of worry and speculation.

The purported initiator of Ekho's board shuffle,
Gazprom-Media, is the media arm of the state gas monopoly Gazprom; with 66
percent of shares, it is the majority owner of Ekho Moskvy. Responding to suggestions
that the move was masterminded by the Kremlin in order to hush criticism of
Vladimir Putin in the run-up to the March 4 vote, Gazprom-Media said the
shuffle stemmed from "internal corporate procedure" and the need to adjust the makeup
of Ekho Moskvy's board to "corporate standards." But Gazprom-Media also said
the move was hastened by "the recently heightened attention from various sides
to the radio station."

Gazprom-Media did not clarify what it meant by "various
sides" or "heightened attention," fueling conjecture of political interference.

In an open
letter to listeners, the staff of Ekho Moskvy said the board shuffle was
conducted inexplicably prematurely -- before the scheduled June annual board
meeting, at which such procedural issues were to be discussed. The staff posed
the question: Why the urgency?

"We are expressing concern," the open letter said, "that, as
a result of these events, two independent directors -- [Aleksandr] Makovsky and
[Evgeny] Yasin -- who have helped develop Ekho Moskvy for 11 years, were forced
to leave. We believe that their removal from the board of directors is unjust."

In an interview with the independent news website Gazeta, now-former Ekho Moskvy Director
Yasin said he believes authorities "wish to attain the obedience of Ekho Moskvy
and establish control of its editorial policy." Yasin said the move could only
be orchestrated by the high echelons of power because Gazprom has had a hands-off
attitude to the station in the past. "The government apparently wants to
establish control over independent media," Yasin told Gazeta, "and Ekho Moskvy is, in a sense, a flagman. If it changes
course, all others would either be falling in line or resist."

Ekho
Moskvy was created in the years of Glasnost by a group of
independent-minded journalists as the first station in a new Russia to embrace
news and debate as its main format. It was a different kind of radio that required
a new crop of reporters -- not indoctrinated in the old ways but intellectually
curious and able to think outside the proverbial box.

The founders tapped Aleksei
Venediktov, then a history teacher with a deep interest in politics and
sharp analytical abilities, to join the station. Venediktov eventually became
Ekho's editor-in-chief. He has proved apt at navigating the treacherous waters
of Russian politics for two decades, surviving periods of intense pressure on
independent media coupled with brutal
attacks on journalists who cover sensitive subjects. Venediktov has been
able to deflect various accusations by the Kremlin and other Russian top
agencies, and protect his journalists and commentators.

Ever since its inception, Ekho Moskvy has been regarded as a
phenomenon -- it has remained on the air while retaining its critical approach,
a plurality of voices, and trademark irreverence to authorities. As The New Yorker's David Remnick put it in
a 2008 profile piece, "in the authoritarian ecosystem of Vladimir Putin, [Ekho
Moskvy] is one of the last of an endangered species, a dodo that still roams
the earth."

Does today's announcement signal the beginning of the end of
Ekho as we know it? What does the change mean? Listeners -- in Russia and
abroad -- are trying to make sense of it.

In a lengthy interview
with the anchors of Ekho's popular political show "Razvorot," Venediktov tried
to quell fears that editorial changes are imminent. While calling on listeners
to "stop panicking," he confirmed that the board shuffle means
that Gazprom-Media can now easily dismiss the editor-in-chief. "The balance [of
the votes] has changed," Venediktov said, "to the benefit of Gazprom-Media."

Will the Kremlin go as far as ordering Venediktov's sacking?
No doubt, a move that blatant would be unspinnable -- even for Putin's slick press secretary, Dmitry
Peskov. Venediktov was right when he said the board changes are more likely
meant as a warning to other independent outlets -- a warning to not criticize
Putin (who is favored to win the vote) or the ruling United Russia party; to
remember that, no matter how tolerant the Kremlin may seem, it can still pull
the plug.

But today's development is also a sign that Russian
authorities are jittery about losing control of public opinion. Faced with unprecedented
opposition that has taken to the Moscow streets, they are placing a
strategic claim on the one independent broadcaster with ability to influence en
mass. This causality is best explained by Putin himself. In one famous
interview from 2004, he told his interlocutor: "Authority, like a man, must
always try, and the press, like a woman, must always resist." If anyone is
capable of resisting, it is Ekho Moskvy.

Nina Ognianova is coordinator of CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia Program. A native of Bulgaria, Ognianova has carried out numerous fact-finding and advocacy missions across the region. Her commentaries on press freedom have appeared in the Guardian, the International Herald Tribune, the Huffington Post, and the EU Observer, among others. Follow her on Twitter @Kremlinologist1

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In the photo caption, is that really the grim reaper, or is it the witch who gave Snow White the apple?

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