Transnational Institute (TNI)http://idpc.net/profile/transnational-institute-tniTNI is an international network of activist-scholars committed to critical analysis of the global problems of today and tomorrow, with a view to providing intellectual support to those movements concerned to steer the world in a democratic, equitable and environmentally sustainable direction.engYes, legalising marijuana breaks treaties. We can deal with that.http://idpc.net/alerts/2017/12/yes-legalizing-marijuana-breaks-treaties-we-can-deal-with-thathttp://idpc.net/alerts/2017/12/yes-legalizing-marijuana-breaks-treaties-we-can-deal-with-that<p><em>By John Walsh, Tom Blickman, Martin Jelsma and Dave Bewley-Taylor.</em></p>
<p>Buzzing in the background of Canada&rsquo;s debate on cannabis legalization is the issue of the three UN drug control treaties, and what to do with them.</p>
<p>The issue arose during the House of Commons&rsquo; consideration of Bill C-45, and may well come up again now that the bill is coming under&nbsp;Senate scrutiny. There is no doubt that legalizing and regulating cannabis markets for non-medical use will mean Canada is no longer in compliance with the obligation under the treaties to restrict cannabis to &ldquo;medical and scientific&rdquo; purposes. And Canada will need to address those treaties &mdash; in due time.</p>
<p>However, what &lsquo;due time&rsquo; should mean has been the subject of some&nbsp;alarmist commentaries. It has been argued that Canada should have initiated the process of&nbsp;withdrawing from the treaties&nbsp;by this past July 1&nbsp;to avoid a breach of international law when cannabis is&nbsp;legal for recreational use in July, 2018, as the government intends. Some have suggested that, by missing this supposed deadline, Canada has now limited its legal options and might even suffer international sanctions if its reforms continue as scheduled.</p>
<p><a href="https://ipolitics.ca/2017/12/11/yes-legalizing-marijuana-breaks-treaties-not-problem/" target="_blank">Click here to read the full article.</a></p>
<p><em>Thumbnail: CC Flickr Tony Webster</em></p>Tue, 12 Dec 2017 16:59:00 +0000Public mood swing: Have Asia’s brutal drug wars hit a nerve?http://idpc.net/alerts/2017/11/public-mood-swing-have-asia-s-brutal-drug-wars-hit-a-nervehttp://idpc.net/alerts/2017/11/public-mood-swing-have-asia-s-brutal-drug-wars-hit-a-nerve<p><span class="intro">An erosion of human rights enables the brutal approach to&nbsp;drug policy taken in some Asian countries, says Mangai Balasegaram, but recent teen deaths in the Philippines have sparked massive public outrage, and she asks if this could mark a turning point in President Rodrigo Duterte&rsquo;s bloody War on Drugs.</span></p>
<p>At 8.45pm on 16 August, Kian delos Santos was gunned down in a dark, dead-end corner in the Manila suburb of Caloocan. He was yet another statistic in a bloody drug war in the Philippines that has left about 7,000 dead. In the preceding week, 90 people had been killed.</p>
<p>This death of delos Santos was different. He was just 17, and CCTV footage conflicted with the account from Police, that this was &ldquo;nanlaban&rdquo;, a common justification for killing, meaning he resisted&nbsp;arrest and tried to fire back.</p>
<p>Witnesses told local media that a&nbsp;defenceless delos Santos was beaten and&nbsp;dragged from near his home to where he was found dead, curled in the foetal position, with bullet wounds in his ear and&nbsp;back. The last words of the high school&nbsp;student went viral: &ldquo;Please stop! Please stop! I have a test tomorrow!&rdquo;</p>
<p>Stories of a responsible, caring teenager who got up at 5.30am to help run the family store cast further doubt on Police claims.</p>
<p><em>Thumbnail: New Zealand Drug Foundation&nbsp;</em></p>Mon, 27 Nov 2017 14:18:00 +0000Colombia Gold: 3 part video series on medical cannabishttp://idpc.net/alerts/2017/11/colombia-gold-3-part-video-series-on-medical-cannabishttp://idpc.net/alerts/2017/11/colombia-gold-3-part-video-series-on-medical-cannabis<div class="intro">
<p>Together with the Cannabis News Network, Martin Jelsma travelled to Colombia to report on the newly emerging medical cannabis industry in the country, specifically looking at the impacts of private investment and licensing on farmers and indigenous communities.</p>
</div>
<div class="metainfo publication-metainfo">
<div class="collaboration">
<div class="label-above">The three part series called&nbsp;<em>Colombia Gold</em>&nbsp;features a wide variety of experts including Martin Jelsma (Transnational Institute), Andr&eacute;s L&oacute;pez (Director National Narcotics Control), Ricardo Vargas (Director de Acci&oacute;n Andina Colombia), Diana Paola Valenzuela (Institute of Studies for Development and Peace), Julian Caicedo (Anandamida Gardens) and more.</div>
</div>
</div>
<div class="body">
<div>&nbsp;</div>
<div><div class="video-embed"><h4><a href="https://youtu.be/aFujJqllXyM" target="_blank" title="Colombia Gold: Cannabis Politics | Part 1 | Cannabis News Network">Colombia Gold: Cannabis Politics | Part 1 | Cannabis News Network</a></h4><iframe width="480" height="270" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/aFujJqllXyM?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="autoplay; encrypted-media" allowfullscreen></iframe><p class="source"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/" target="_blank" title="YouTube">YouTube</a></p></div></div>
<div><div class="video-embed"><h4><a href="https://youtu.be/7aOuiYJkGwU" target="_blank" title="Colombia Gold: Fair Trade Cannabis | Part 3 | Cannabis News Network">Colombia Gold: Fair Trade Cannabis | Part 3 | Cannabis News Network</a></h4><iframe width="480" height="270" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/7aOuiYJkGwU?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="autoplay; encrypted-media" allowfullscreen></iframe><p class="source"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/" target="_blank" title="YouTube">YouTube</a></p></div></div>
<div><div class="video-embed"><h4><a href="https://youtu.be/MIi2ttgZAQA" target="_blank" title="Colombia Gold: Cannabis Valhalla | Part 2 | Cannabis News Network">Colombia Gold: Cannabis Valhalla | Part 2 | Cannabis News Network</a></h4><iframe width="480" height="270" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/MIi2ttgZAQA?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="autoplay; encrypted-media" allowfullscreen></iframe><p class="source"><a href="https://www.youtube.com/" target="_blank" title="YouTube">YouTube</a></p></div></div>
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<div><em>Thumbnail: Cannabis News Network</em></div>Wed, 22 Nov 2017 16:00:00 +0000Edging forward: How the UN’s language on drugs has advanced since 1990http://idpc.net/publications/2017/09/edging-forward-how-the-un-s-language-on-drugs-has-advanced-since-1990http://idpc.net/publications/2017/09/edging-forward-how-the-un-s-language-on-drugs-has-advanced-since-1990<p>Diplomatic processes at the United Nations are notoriously slow and difficult, perhaps increasingly so in a modern world of multi-polar geopolitics and tensions. This is certainly no different for the highly charged and provocative issue of international drug control. After the latest high-level UN meeting on drug control &ndash; the UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on the &lsquo;world drug problem&rsquo; in New York in April 2016 &ndash; many stakeholders came away with mixed feelings at best. Despite acknowledgements of the progress made in certain areas of the debate, and the rich content of some of the country and civil society statements, the UNGASS failed to deliver the &lsquo;wide-ranging and open debate that considers all options&rsquo; that had been called for by the UN Secretary-General at the time, Ban Ki-Moon.</p>
<p>In order to help digest and contextualise the UNGASS Outcome Document, it is useful to take a broader look at how the agreed UN language on drug control has evolved and developed over the last quarter of a century. To this end, this IDPC briefing paper explores a selection of key themes by analysing the consensus-based language agreed by UN member states.&nbsp;The briefing studies the evolution in agreed language on: the success/failure of drug control, harm reduction, human rights, development, civil society engagement, criminal justice responses and fexibilities in the conventions, access to controlled medicines and UN system-wide coherence.</p>
<p>This briefing paper was launched in September at the UN in Vienna at the occasion of a round of CND Intersessional Meetings on the Post-UNGASS process. For more information, <a href="http://cndblog.org/2017/09/side-event-edging-forward-how-the-uns-language-on-drugs-has-advanced-since-1990/" target="_blank">click here</a>.&nbsp;</p>
<p><div class="shortcode-file shortcode-file-pdf"><div class="shortcode-file-thumb"><a href="http://files.idpc.net/library/Edging-Forward_FINAL.pdf" target="_blank" title="http://files.idpc.net/library/Edging-Forward_FINAL.pdf"><img src="http://res.cloudinary.com/netizn/image/fetch/w_100,h_100,c_fill,g_north_west,q_95,f_jpg,dn_50/http://files.idpc.net/library/Edging-Forward_FINAL.pdf"></a> </div><div class="shortcode-file-info"><span class="glyphicon glyphicon-file"></span><p><a href="http://files.idpc.net/library/Edging-Forward_FINAL.pdf" target="_blank" title="http://files.idpc.net/library/Edging-Forward_FINAL.pdf">Report in English</a></p></div></div></p>Thu, 28 Sep 2017 12:21:00 +0100Will Myanmar lead drug policy reform in Southeast Asia?http://idpc.net/alerts/2017/09/will-myanmar-lead-drug-policy-reform-in-southeast-asiahttp://idpc.net/alerts/2017/09/will-myanmar-lead-drug-policy-reform-in-southeast-asia<p><span><span>A commentary on a draft bill recently proposed at Parliament</span></span></p>
<p><span>Myanmar is better known for its serious drug problems - including large-scale illicit drugs production and trafficking and high rates of heroin use - than for implementing progressive drug policies that prioritise the health of its population. However, this could change in the near future.</span></p>
<p>Change is in the air</p>
<p>Myanmar is better known for its serious drug problems - including large-scale illicit drugs production and trafficking and high rates of heroin use - than for implementing progressive drug policies that prioritise the health of its population. However, this could change in the near future. Last year, Police Colonel Myint Aung, head of the International Department of the Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control (CCDAC), commented in an interview that legislative changes were being considered to &ldquo;make [drug use] a health issue, rather than a criminal one&rdquo;.&nbsp;More recently, Major General Aung Soe, the military-appointed deputy Minister for Home Affairs, declared to a Member of the Parliament that &ldquo;prevention and judicial strategies are not enough to solve drug problems,&rdquo; and that &ldquo;the economy, social affairs, health and development must [also] be taken into consideration&rdquo;.</p>
<p>This changing approach to tackling drug issues is reflected in a draft bill that was approved by the upper house of the Parliament (&ldquo;Amyothar Hluttaw&rdquo;) on the 16th of August. The text proposes to introduce several amendments to 1993 Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Law and, most notably, to eliminate prison penalties for drug use. In a country where failing to register as a drug user can lead to 3 to 5 years imprisonment, and where up to 74% of all inmates are in prison for &ndash; mostly minor &ndash; drug-related offences, the step is &nbsp;significant. However, if Myanmar policy makers really want drug users to be seen as people who need help and support, rather than as merely criminals, it is fundamental that they also extend the exemption from prison penalties to include the possession of small amounts of drugs for personal use.</p>
<p>The decriminalisation of drug use has long been advocated for by numerous organisations, including several local and international NGOs and UN Agencies.&nbsp;In February this year, the Drug Policy Advocacy Group &ndash; Myanmar (DPAG), a civil society platform, also released a&nbsp;briefing&nbsp;that recommended ending the criminalisation of drug use and increasing access to health, harm reduction and voluntary treatment for drug users, among other interventions. Indeed, extensive evidence from around the world shows that, while the fear of prison penalties is not an effective deterrent against drug use,&nbsp;it does have a substantial negative impact on the health of drug users and the community at large.</p>
<p><strong><a href="https://www.tni.org/en/article/will-myanmar-lead-drug-policy-reform-in-southeast-asia" target="_blank">Click here to read the full article.</a><em></em></strong></p>
<p><strong><em>Keep up-to-date with drug policy developments by subscribing to the </em></strong><a href="/alerts/subscribe"><strong><em>IDPC Monthly Alert</em></strong></a><strong><em>.&nbsp;</em></strong></p>
<p><em>Thumbnail Flickr CC&nbsp;United Nations Photo</em></p>Thu, 07 Sep 2017 12:20:00 +0100Will Myanmar lead drug policy reform in Southeast Asia?http://idpc.net/alerts/2017/09/will-myanmar-lead-drug-policy-reform-in-southeast-asiahttp://idpc.net/alerts/2017/09/will-myanmar-lead-drug-policy-reform-in-southeast-asia<p><span><span>A commentary on a draft bill recently proposed at Parliament</span></span></p>
<p><span>Myanmar is better known for its serious drug problems - including large-scale illicit drugs production and trafficking and high rates of heroin use - than for implementing progressive drug policies that prioritise the health of its population. However, this could change in the near future.</span></p>
<p>Change is in the air</p>
<p>Myanmar is better known for its serious drug problems - including large-scale illicit drugs production and trafficking and high rates of heroin use - than for implementing progressive drug policies that prioritise the health of its population. However, this could change in the near future. Last year, Police Colonel Myint Aung, head of the International Department of the Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control (CCDAC), commented in an interview that legislative changes were being considered to &ldquo;make [drug use] a health issue, rather than a criminal one&rdquo;.&nbsp;More recently, Major General Aung Soe, the military-appointed deputy Minister for Home Affairs, declared to a Member of the Parliament that &ldquo;prevention and judicial strategies are not enough to solve drug problems,&rdquo; and that &ldquo;the economy, social affairs, health and development must [also] be taken into consideration&rdquo;.</p>
<p>This changing approach to tackling drug issues is reflected in a draft bill that was approved by the upper house of the Parliament (&ldquo;Amyothar Hluttaw&rdquo;) on the 16th of August. The text proposes to introduce several amendments to 1993 Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances Law and, most notably, to eliminate prison penalties for drug use. In a country where failing to register as a drug user can lead to 3 to 5 years imprisonment, and where up to 74% of all inmates are in prison for &ndash; mostly minor &ndash; drug-related offences, the step is &nbsp;significant. However, if Myanmar policy makers really want drug users to be seen as people who need help and support, rather than as merely criminals, it is fundamental that they also extend the exemption from prison penalties to include the possession of small amounts of drugs for personal use.</p>
<p>The decriminalisation of drug use has long been advocated for by numerous organisations, including several local and international NGOs and UN Agencies.&nbsp;In February this year, the Drug Policy Advocacy Group &ndash; Myanmar (DPAG), a civil society platform, also released a&nbsp;briefing&nbsp;that recommended ending the criminalisation of drug use and increasing access to health, harm reduction and voluntary treatment for drug users, among other interventions. Indeed, extensive evidence from around the world shows that, while the fear of prison penalties is not an effective deterrent against drug use,&nbsp;it does have a substantial negative impact on the health of drug users and the community at large.</p>
<p><strong><a href="https://www.tni.org/en/article/will-myanmar-lead-drug-policy-reform-in-southeast-asia" target="_blank">Click here to read the full article.</a><em></em></strong></p>
<p><strong><em>Keep up-to-date with drug policy developments by subscribing to the </em></strong><a href="/alerts/subscribe"><strong><em>IDPC Monthly Alert</em></strong></a><strong><em>.&nbsp;</em></strong></p>
<p><em>Thumbnail Flickr CC&nbsp;United Nations Photo</em></p>Thu, 07 Sep 2017 12:20:00 +0100Coca and the Colombian Peace Accords: A commentary on the pilot substitution project in Briceñohttp://idpc.net/publications/2017/08/coca-and-the-colombian-peace-accords-a-commentary-on-the-pilot-substitution-project-in-bricenohttp://idpc.net/publications/2017/08/coca-and-the-colombian-peace-accords-a-commentary-on-the-pilot-substitution-project-in-briceno<p>Getting to the Brice&ntilde;o region in the heart of Antioquia requires an excellent vehicle, and a lot of time and luck. The week before our journey there in mid-July, heavy rains wiped out part of the road between Brice&ntilde;o and Pueblo Nuevo, stranding folks on one side or the other. We were lucky on the day of our journey &ndash; no rain. But it took a six-hour drive to get from Medell&iacute;n to Brice&ntilde;o, and another three hours of sometimes harrowing curves to Pueblo Nuevo. The dirt-road drive itself was a stark reminder of the challenges Colombia faces as it seeks to eliminate 50,000 hectares of coca this year through the crop substitution program,&nbsp;<a href="http://es.presidencia.gov.co/normativa/normativa/DECRETO%20896%20DEL%2029%20DE%20MAYO%20DE%202017.pdf"><em>Programa Nacional Integral de Sustituci&oacute;n de Cultivos de Uso Il&iacute;cito</em></a>&nbsp;(National Comprehensive Program for the Substitution of Illicit Crops), known by the acronym PNIS.</p>
<p>The PNIS is at the heart of point four of the&nbsp;<a href="http://www.altocomisionadoparalapaz.gov.co/Prensa/Documentos%20compartidos/Colombian-Peace-Agreement-English-Translation.pdf">peace accord</a>&nbsp;signed between the government and the FARC, the part that pledges to bring a &ldquo;Solution to the Illicit Drugs Problem&rdquo; and to eliminate the illicit cultivation of coca, cannabis, and opium poppy. The government is signing accords at the community level as well as with individual families, in which the farmers commit to &ldquo;voluntarily&rdquo; eradicate their coca in exchange for immediate cash compensation during the first year and small project investments in the second year. The accords delineate that each farmer will receive a total of 36 million pesos spread over two years (about US$12,000), and also serve as a government promise to invest in transforming these rural economies in the longer term. About a month before our visit to the Brice&ntilde;o region, about 650 families had each received two million pesos (about US$675) for the first two months, which set the clock ticking. They then had 60 days to uproot their coca bushes (no easy task) or lose their right to receive any further development assistance and potentially face criminal prosecution.</p>
<p><a href="https://www.wola.org/analysis/coca-colombian-peace-accords-commentary-pilot-substitution-project-briceno/"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Click here to read the full commentary</span></strong></a><strong>.<em></em></strong></p>
<p><strong><em>Keep up-to-date with drug policy developments by subscribing to the </em></strong><a href="/alerts/subscribe"><strong><em>IDPC Monthly Alert</em></strong></a><strong><em>.&nbsp;</em></strong></p>
<p><em>Thumbnail: WOLA</em></p>Fri, 18 Aug 2017 09:41:00 +0100Letter from Manguinhos: A global call to protect harm reduction in Latin Americahttp://idpc.net/publications/2017/06/letter-from-manguinhos-a-global-call-for-harm-reductionhttp://idpc.net/publications/2017/06/letter-from-manguinhos-a-global-call-for-harm-reduction<p>At a time when rights violations and threats to democracy are deepening, it is necessary to defend the fundamental role of care. With this in mind, we present this <strong>Letter from Manguinhos<a title="" href="#_ftn1"><sup><strong><sup>[1]</sup></strong></sup></a></strong>, a region of the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where Fiocruz<a title="" href="#_ftn2">[2]</a> and, much more drastically, many favelas and poor communities have been constantly hit by despicable and violent war-on-drugs policies that criminalize drug users and authorize warlike actions on whole populations, like in so many other marginalized regions across Latin America and the world.</p>
<p>The world is currently witnessing a rise in conservative forces which, in Latin America, has translated into the weakening of democratic processes; the deepening of socioeconomic inequities; and an exacerbation of social breakdown and segregation. Taken together, such dynamics risk undermining fundamental rights. One emblematic example is the recent intervention that took place in the District of Luz, in the city of S&atilde;o Paulo. For four years, a multisectoral project inspired by the principles of harm reduction aimed to articulate actions to guarantee the right to housing, work / income and care in the region known as "<em>cracol&acirc;ndia.</em>" A police operation aimed at "social cleansing" took place in May 2017, using moral panic to serve the interests of real estate speculators. This was followed by weeks of violence and arbitrary actions against socially vulnerable people living in extreme poverty, labeled as "crack addicts." A public policy focusing on care, health and promoting rights was thus replaced with repression and rights violations.</p>
<p>Such arbitrariness is not limited to Brazil &ndash; similar cases can be found in many areas of Latin America, where the presence of drugs serves as a pretext for territorial intervention. Other forms of structural violence include difficulties in accessing public services, murders, incarceration, exposure to infectious diseases, lack of access to medicines and absence of policies that aim to protect citizens&rsquo; rights.</p>
<p>Because of their focus on promoting health, citizenship, the right to access the city, social justice and drug users&rsquo; human rights, harm reduction policies have not been exempt from the effects of the conservative juncture. The current drug policy model is implemented selectively, by specifically criminalizing, imprisoning and stigmatizing the poorest groups living in marginal regions, homeless people, black and/or indigenous people, as well as women and youth.</p>
<p>Successful approaches focusing on care reject the interventionist violence defended by conservative policies. The evidences, ethic and political knowhow of harm reduction reject policies that fail to recognize the diversity of human experience and only rely on biomedical rationality and the criminalization of what is considered to be divergent behaviors. The harm reduction interventions that we are carrying out in our daily lives across the continent - and perhaps in other parts of the world - represent a concrete alternative to failed binary and simplistic concepts and interventions. It is nevertheless necessary to move even further towards a multisectoral harm reduction approach that is capable of articulating support for drug policy reform with the struggles of women, blacks, indigenous peoples, LGBTI and youth.</p>
<p>Given this situation, we propose a harm reduction approach grounded in decriminalization and emancipation, in which subjective and corporeal experiences are no longer exposed to repressive and disciplinary actions. Harm reduction is a powerful tool to question current models of control, and includes the promotion and respect for the freedom and autonomy of people who use drugs.</p>
<p>We consider it urgent to share our experiences and resistance, and promote a dialogue in Latin America - and elsewhere - with the view of consolidating our argument in defense of public harm reduction policies as they relate to drug policy reform.</p>
<p>The following organizations and institutions sign the <em>Letter from Manguinhos</em>:</p>
<ol>
<li>Institutional Program on Alcohol, Crack and other Drugs of Oswaldo Cruz Foundation - PACD/Fiocruz (Brazil)</li>
<li>International Drug Policy Consortium &ndash; IDPC</li>
<li>Harm Reduction International &ndash; HRI</li>
<li>Transnational Institute - TNI</li>
<li>Brazilian Association of Harm Reduction Workers &ndash; ABORDA (Brazil)</li>
<li>Brazilian Platform on Drug Policy - PBPD (Brazil)</li>
<li>Brazilian Association of Collective Health &ndash; ABRASCO (Brazil)</li>
<li>Brazilian Association of Mental Health &ndash; ABRASME (Brazil)</li>
<li>Brazilian Network for Harm Reduction and Human Rights &ndash; REDUC (Brazil)</li>
<li>Intercambios Asociaci&oacute;n Civil (Argentina)</li>
<li>Enfoque Territorial (Paraguay)</li>
<li>Programa Andr&eacute;s Rosario (Argentina)</li>
<li>Asociaci&oacute;n Costarricense para el Estudio e Intervenci&oacute;n em Drogas &ndash; ACEID (Costa Rica)</li>
<li>Acci&oacute;n T&eacute;cnica Social &ndash; ATS (Colombia)</li>
<li>Intercambios Puerto Rico (Puerto Rico)</li>
<li>International Network of People who Use Drugs - INPUD</li>
<li>Pares en Acci&oacute;n-Reacci&oacute;n Contra la Exclusi&oacute;n Social - PARCES (Colombia)</li>
<li>Centro C&aacute;ritas de Formaci&oacute;n para la Atenci&oacute;n de las Farmacodependencias y Situaciones Cr&iacute;ticas Asociadas (Mexico)</li>
<li>Associa&ccedil;&atilde;o Brasileira Multidisciplinar sobre Drogas - ABRAMD (Brazil)</li>
<li>Grupo Tortura Nunca Mais Rio de Janeiro &ndash; GTNM/RJ (Brazil)</li>
<li>&Eacute; De Lei (Brazil)</li>
<li>Iniciativa Negra por uma Nova Pol&iacute;tica de Drogas &ndash; INNPD (Brazil)</li>
<li>Coletivo Intercambiantes (Brazil)</li>
<li>Associa&ccedil;&atilde;o Redes de Desenvolvimento da Mar&eacute; (Brazil)</li>
<li>Ag&ecirc;ncia Piaget para o Desenvolvimento - APDES (Portugal)</li>
<li>Federaci&oacute;n Andaluza Enlace (Spain)</li>
<li>Drug Policy Alliance &ndash; DPA (United States)</li>
<li>Washington Office on Latin America &ndash; WOLA (United States)</li>
<li>Stop The Drug War (United States)</li>
<li>Canadian Drug Policy Coalition (Canada)</li>
<li>International Centre for Science in Drug Policy &ndash; ICSDP (Canada)</li>
<li>South Indian Harm Reduction Network &ndash; SIHRN (India)</li>
<li>Transform Drug Policy Foundation (United Kingdom)</li>
<li>Release (United Kingdom)</li>
<li>Union for Improved Services, Communication and Education (Ireland)</li>
<li>Alliance for Public Health (Ukreine)</li>
<li>Teenswatch Community Harm Reduction (Kenia)</li>
<li>Centro de Prevenci&oacute;n de las Adicciones de Bariloche (Argentina)</li>
<li>Fundaci&oacute;n Latinoam&eacute;rica Reforma (Chile)</li>
<li>Empower India (India)</li>
<li>Centro de Orientaci&oacute;n e Investigaci&oacute;n Integral - <em>COIN</em>&nbsp;(<em>Dominican Republic)</em><em></em></li>
<li>Students for Sensible Drug Policy (Jamaica)<em></em></li>
<li>Forum Droghe (Italy)</li>
<li>Adaptation Association (Bulgaria)<em></em></li>
<li>Penington Institute (Australia)</li>
<li>F&eacute;d&eacute;ration Bruxelloise Francophone des Institutions pour Toxicomane &ndash; FEDITO (Belgium)</li>
<li>Association de lutte contre le sida &ndash; ALCS (Marocos)</li>
<li>Amitiel Welfare Society (Pakistan)</li>
<li>Global Call to Action Against Poverty - GCAP (Burundi)</li>
<li>Areal (Slovenia)</li>
<li>Students for Sensible Drug Policy (Australia)</li>
<li>Association des Guides du Congo &ndash; AGC (Congo)</li>
<li>Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies - MAPS (United States)</li>
<li>Help Not Handcuffs (United States)</li>
<li>Washington Heights Corner Project (United States)</li>
<li>New York Harm Reduction Educators (United States)</li>
<li>Community Insite (United States)</li>
<li>Broken No More (United States)</li>
<li>Students for Sensible Drug Policy - SSDP (United States)</li>
<li>Elementa Consultor&iacute;a en Derechos (Colombia)</li>
<li>Canadian HIV/AIDS Legal Network (Canada)</li>
<li>Sociedad Psiqued&eacute;lica <em>M&eacute;xico (Mexico)</em><em></em></li>
<li>Acci&oacute;n Andina (Bolivia)</li>
<li>Andean Information Network - AIN&nbsp;(Bolivia)</li>
<li>AFEW International (Netherlands)</li>
<li>Equis Justicia para las Mujeres (Mexico)</li>
<li>Puente, Investigacion y Enlace - PIE (Bolivia)</li>
<li>Estudiantes por una Pol&iacute;tica Sensata de Drogas (Costa Rica)</li>
<li>Fondo Lunaria Mujer (Colombia)</li>
<li>Proyecto Punto Fijo (Puerto Rico)</li>
<li>Asociaci&oacute;n de Vecinos La Teja Barial (Uruguay)</li>
<li>ReverdeSer Colectivo (Mexico)</li>
<li>Observatorio de cultivos y cultivadores declarados il&iacute;citos - OCCDI (Colombia)</li>
<li>Corporaci&oacute;n Humanas - Centro Regional de Derechos Humanos y Justicia de G&eacute;nero (Colombia)</li>
<li>Justi&ccedil;a Global (Brazil)</li>
<li>Instituto Helena Greco de Direitos Humanos e Cidadania (Brazil)</li>
<li>Alian&ccedil;a Nacional LGBTI (Brazil)</li>
<li>Conselho Regional de Servi&ccedil;o Social do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)</li>
<li>Coletivo Balance de Redu&ccedil;&atilde;o de Danos (Brazil)</li>
<li>Associa&ccedil;&atilde;o Brasileira de Estudos Sociais sobre o Uso de Psicoativos - ABESUP (Brazil)</li>
<li>Laborat&oacute;rio de Estudos Interdisciplinares sobre Psicoativos &ndash; LEIPSI (Brazil)</li>
<li>Centro de Pesquisa, Interven&ccedil;&atilde;o e Avalia&ccedil;&atilde;o em &Aacute;lcool e Drogas &ndash; CREPEIA (Brazil)</li>
<li>Grupo Dignidade (Brazil)</li>
<li>Centro de Refer&ecirc;ncia sobre Drogas e Vulnerabilidades Associadas da UNB Ceil&acirc;ndia (Brazil)</li>
<li>Rede Nacional de Feministas Antiproibiocionistas - RENFA (Brazil)</li>
<li>Associa&ccedil;&atilde;o Multidisciplinar de Estudos sobre a Maconha Medicinal - AMEMM (Brazil)</li>
<li>Grupo Interdisciplinar de Estudos sobre Subst&acirc;ncias Psicoativas - GIESP/UFBA (Brazil)</li>
<li>F&oacute;rum Intersetorial de Drogas e Direitos Humanos de S&atilde;o Paulo - FIDDH (Brazil)</li>
<li>F&oacute;rum Estadual de Redu&ccedil;&atilde;o de Danos de S&atilde;o Paulo - FERD (Brazil)</li>
<li>Acci&oacute;n Semilla (Bolivia)</li>
<li>Dispositivo de Abordaje Territorial Rosario - DIAT (Argentina)</li>
<li>New Parents for Addiction Treatment &amp; Healing &ndash; New PATH (United States)</li>
<li>Moms United to End the War on Drugs (United States)</li>
<li>Grief Recovery After Substance Passing &ndash; GRASP (United States)</li>
<li>Katal Center for Health, Equity, and Justice (United States)</li>
<li>Movimento pela Legaliza&ccedil;&atilde;o da Maconha &ndash; MLM (Brazil)</li>
<li>Latin American Network of People who Use Drugs &ndash; LANPUD</li>
<li>Central de Cooperativas e Empreendimentos Solid&aacute;rios - UNISOL (Brazil)</li>
<li>Associa&ccedil;&atilde;o Inclui Mais (Brazil)</li>
<li>Grupo de Estudos sobre &Aacute;lcool e Outras Drogas &ndash; GEAD/UFPE (Brazil)</li>
<li>Laborat&oacute;rio de Estudos e Pesquisas em Sa&uacute;de Mental e Aten&ccedil;&atilde;o Psicossocial &ndash; LAPS/ENSP/Fiocruz (Brazil)</li>
<li>Grupo de Trabalho em Sa&uacute;de Mental - GTSM/EPSJV/Fiocruz (Brazil)</li>
<li>Projeto Integrado Sa&uacute;de Mental, Desinstitucionaliza&ccedil;&atilde;o e Abordagens &nbsp;&nbsp;Psicossociais (Brazil)</li>
<li>Coletivo Pr&oacute;-Frente em Defesa do SUS e da Reforma Psiqui&aacute;trica do Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)</li>
<li>Canadian Harm Reduction Network (Canada)</li>
<li>Associa&ccedil;&atilde;o Psicod&eacute;lica do Brasil (Brazil)</li>
<li>Women's Global March</li>
<li>Youth Rise</li>
<li>Foundation for Alternative Approaches to Addiction &ndash; FAAAT</li>
<li>Asia Catalyst</li>
</ol>
<div><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref1"><sup><sup>[1]</sup></sup></a> Manguinhos, a neighborhood in which the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (Fiocruz) is located, began to form itself in the beginning of the 20th century, after the removal of favelas and slums from the city center, part of the process of sanitation and modernization of the city of Rio de Janeiro. Today, Manguinhos brings together more than 40,000 inhabitants, and is one of many popular territories victimized by the multiple forms of violence engendered in the context of war on drug policy throughout Latin America.</p>
</div>
<div>
<p><a title="" href="#_ftnref2"><sup><sup>[2]</sup></sup></a> Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (Fiocruz) is the largest brazilian health research institution, founded in the year of 1900. Its main campus in Rio de Janeiro is located a few steps away from many large favelas. Since 2009, it has been more strongly engaging in debate, research and public policy development aiming drug policy reform, as well as supporting the harm and risk reduction approach towards problematic drug use. On may of 2017, the institution organized, through its Institutional Progam on Alcohol, Crack and other Drugs, the <em>Latin American Seminar on Harm Reduction</em> at the Brazilian National School of Public Health, during which the present letter was drafted together with other Latin American organizations. &nbsp;&nbsp;</p>
</div>
</div>Sat, 24 Jun 2017 19:36:00 +0100Morocco and cannabishttp://idpc.net/publications/2017/03/morocco-and-cannabishttp://idpc.net/publications/2017/03/morocco-and-cannabis<p><strong>Key Points</strong></p>
<ul>
<li>Morocco continues to be the world&rsquo;s largest producer of cannabis resin (hashish). Over the past 50 years, the Moroccan cannabis growers shown a remarkable resilience to government attempts to eradicate or reduce cannabis cultivation as well as a noteworthy ability to adapt to changing international market conditions.</li>
<li>Since Morocco&rsquo;s independence the government has practiced a policy of containment regarding cannabis cultivation, allowing no new areas but tacitly allowing those already in production to be maintained.</li>
<li>The rapid increase in illicit cannabis cultivation in the Rif during the last decades, as well as poor soil conservation practices, have taken a heavy toll on the Rif&rsquo;s already threatened forests and fragile ecosystems.</li>
<li>The unregulated cannabis market in Morocco has negative social consequences. Some 48,000 growers have arrest warrants hanging over their heads, which is a source of corruption and repression. An amnesty and decriminalization could be effective measures to diminish negative social consequences and open the debate about regulation.</li>
<li>Cannabis farmers in Morocco should have access to emerging legally regulated cannabis markets that are gaining ground worldwide. The challenge is to find a sustainable development model that includes cannabis cultivation in Morocco, instead of excluding cannabis and ignoring the realities of more than 50 years of failed attempts to eradicate the only viable economic option in the region.</li>
</ul>
<p><strong><em>Keep up-to-date with drug policy developments by subscribing to the </em></strong><a href="/alerts/subscribe"><strong><em>IDPC Monthly Alert</em></strong></a><strong><em>.</em></strong></p>
<p><div class="shortcode-file shortcode-file-pdf"><div class="shortcode-file-thumb"><a href="http://files.idpc.net/library/DPB_49_eng_web.pdf" target="_blank" title="http://files.idpc.net/library/DPB_49_eng_web.pdf"><img src="http://res.cloudinary.com/netizn/image/fetch/w_100,h_100,c_fill,g_north_west,q_95,f_jpg,dn_50/http://files.idpc.net/library/DPB_49_eng_web.pdf"></a> </div><div class="shortcode-file-info"><span class="glyphicon glyphicon-file"></span><p><a href="http://files.idpc.net/library/DPB_49_eng_web.pdf" target="_blank" title="http://files.idpc.net/library/DPB_49_eng_web.pdf">Report in English</a></p></div></div><strong><em></em></strong></p>Thu, 30 Mar 2017 16:58:00 +0100Criminalisation of cannabis in Indonesia might be causing more harm than goodhttp://idpc.net/alerts/2017/03/criminalisation-of-cannabis-in-indonesia-might-be-causing-more-harm-than-goodhttp://idpc.net/alerts/2017/03/criminalisation-of-cannabis-in-indonesia-might-be-causing-more-harm-than-good<p>Indonesia&rsquo;s National Narcotics Board (BNN) together with the Health Ministry recently made a swift move to criminalize&nbsp;<a href="http://lbhmasyarakat.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/280116_Policy-Brief-Fenomena-Ganja-Sintetis_LBH-Masyarakat-1.pdf" target="_blank">synthetic cannabinoids</a>&nbsp;called &ldquo;super tobacco&rdquo;, also known as &ldquo;Gorilla tobacco&rdquo;, as part of their anti-narcotics efforts. However, synthetic cannabinoids will continue to spread as long as cannabis remains illegal. A better approach would be to develop a regulatory framework for the use and production of natural cannabis</p>
<p>Synthetic cannabinoids have gained popularity in Indonesia shortly after President Joko Widodo pledged to intensify the&nbsp;<a href="https://www.tni.org/en/article/indonesia-and-the-new-war-on-drugs" target="_blank">war on drugs</a>&nbsp;in the archipelago. Since then, cannabis seizures and eradication programs have increased. Amid shrinking supply, many users have turned to&nbsp;<a href="http://www.rappler.com/world/regions/asia-pacific/indonesia/english/158680-super-tobacco-synthetic-marijuana" target="_blank">online markets</a>&nbsp;for synthetic cannabinoids, sold as tobacco products with psychoactive effects similar to cannabis.</p>
<p>On Jan. 9, &ldquo;Gorilla tobacco&rdquo; - chemically identified as AB-CHMINACA - was&nbsp;<a href="https://news.detik.com/berita/d-3394164/tembakau-gorilla-masuk-golongan-narkoba-pengguna-bisa-dipidana" target="_blank">included</a>&nbsp;in the strictest Schedule I of Indonesia&rsquo;s 2009 anti-narcotics law, along with 27 other substances. By taking this approach, the BNN neglects the possible &ldquo;<a href="https://unu.edu/publications/articles/balloon-effects-managing-global-commons.html" target="_blank">balloon effect</a>&rdquo; of adding this new layer of prohibition. Criminalizing one type of synthetic cannabinoids (or synthetic drugs and&nbsp;<a href="https://www.tni.org/en/issues/mild-stimulants/item/3619-new-psychoactive-substances-youth-rise" target="_blank">NPS</a>&nbsp;in general) will simply encourage producers to adapt and find new or modified substances; allowing other (and possibly more dangerous) varieties to emerge.</p>
<p><a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2017/02/28/criminalizing-cannabis-in-indonesia-might-do-more-harm-than-good.html" target="_blank"><strong><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Click here to read the full article</span></strong></a><strong><a href="http://www.thejakartapost.com/academia/2017/02/28/criminalizing-cannabis-in-indonesia-might-do-more-harm-than-good.html" target="_blank">.</a><em></em></strong></p>
<p><strong><em>Keep up-to-date with drug policy developments by subscribing to the </em></strong><a href="/alerts/subscribe"><strong><em>IDPC Monthly Alert</em></strong></a><strong><em>.&nbsp;</em></strong></p>
<p><em>Thumbnail: Flickr CC Adria vidal</em></p>Thu, 30 Mar 2017 12:33:00 +0100