Sweden as a Colonial Power

SWEDEN AS A COLONIAL POWER
N I L S RUNEBY
(Translated by H. ARNOLD BARTON)
1
Emigration enterprises during the early 1840s gave rise
to debate and to concrete projects. In 1841 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n da
proposed a new goal for emigration, besides the United
States, namely Australia.1 The campaign continued the
following year as well and it was not only possibilities for
emigration that the newspaper supported, but also the
widening of commercial connections and even the founding
of Swedish colonies.
In a couple of articles at the beginning of January, 1842,
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a declares that colonies would be bene­ficial
for the mother country. This point is especially worth­while
to make when one hears daily that Swedish vessels
lack employment, despite the fact that the Swedish merchant
marine is small. We have a long coastline, "our growing
iron industry needs new outlets," seafaring stimulates farm­ing
and livestock-raising. The great new markets, where
all possibilities are open, are Australia and the South Sea
Islands. Whaling in particular is stressed, which can be
carried out using New Zealand as a base. That Sweden has
so little maritime commerce is due to lack of skills and of
"the spirit of speculation."2
Already in 1841 S v e n s k a M i n e r v a had taken note of
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a ' s observations concerning "New Holland"
and made certain insinuations: "For the time being, there­fore,
we recommend that one . . . read what A l l e h a n da
1 See for instance D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 30 September 1841. On 7 and
10 October, the newspaper gives excerpts from M. J . Arago's journey
to "New Holland."
2 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 5, 7 January 1842.
59
has to say, then conceal the same in one's heart in await­ing
those things that in time will come about."3 In com­menting
on the later articles in A l l e h a n d a , M i n e r v a becomes
more explicit:
Now that A l l e h a n d a has expressed its opinion that
Sweden does not lack capital for commercial ventures
in the South Seas, but rather the speculative spirit,
we understand, after everything else that has recently
taken place concerning the South Sea question, for
whose benefit the effort is being made. Good luck!4
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a replies by referring to travel literature
and English parliamentary debates and accuses M i n e r va
of drawing persons into a discussion of facts. A l l e h a n da
has always maintained that maritime activity is beneficial
and capital is unquestionably to be found in the country.5
M i n e r v a continues immediately with its insinuations.
A l l e h a n d a does not speak out clearly, it says. Does A l l e h a n d a
know "something more about a much-discussed plan to have
placed at t h e d i s p o s i t i o n of a p r i v a t e p e r s o n a certain num­ber
of inmates from the correctional institutions for a
colonizing venture in the South Seas"? Or does it have
knowledge of some other form of "white slavery"?6
On the same day that M i n e r v a raised these questions
A l l e h a n d a brought forth another article on the subject. It
was purportedly sent in by a contributor and dealt with a
question the newspaper considered important. It is entitled
"Concerning Colonies" and repeats the previously men­tioned
arguments for the beneficial effects of colonies upon
the development of the economy. Besides, many would
find livelihood and occupation in colonies, who at home
would lack the means to support themselves. Others gain
experience and wealth through trade and administration,
which would be useful for the fatherland when they return
home. Love for the fatherland increases when one may
3 S v e n s k a M i n e r v a , 2 October 1841.
4 I b i d . , 15 January 1842.
5 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 19 January 1842.
6 S v e n s k a M i n e r v a , 20 January 1842.
80
move about freely in the world. Colonization is part of the
times. Whoever fails to grasp this fact falls behind in
development.7
Behind the propaganda of D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a and the in­sinuations
of S v e n s k a M i n e r v a lay concrete interests which
can only be briefly sketched in here. Parallel with the ex­change
of views already considered, there ran through the
press an intense debate concerning the adventurous Captain-
Lieutenant Goran Adolf Oxehufvud, an adjutant to the
crown prince. Oxehufvud had fitted out a vessel which
in addition was to serve as a training ship, and had re­cruited
cadets and officers largely from the upper classes.
He had thereupon set out on an extended cruise with South
America as its goal, where he had had a questionable past.
Because of dissension between Oxehufvud and the partici­pants
the whole venture broke up in Buenos Aires and
Oxehufvud sold the school-ship. This action aroused strong
criticism at home and in the press; M i n e r v a , among other
journals, accused A l l e h a n d a of having supported Oxehufvud
but of then having abandoned him when things went wrong.8
During Oxehufvud's time in Sweden he had also been
intensely active as a politician in the House of the Nobility,
with economic freedom as the keynote of his program, in
which the stimulation of trade and seafaring formed the
most important elements. In the R i k s d a g he urged in respect
to seafaring in 1840 that all unnecessary controls be re­moved,
that ship's stores be imported toll-free, that the
consular system be reorganized and that schools for navi­gation
and shipbuilding be established.9 To Oxehufvud's
more widely noted initiatives belonged the foundation of
a so-called seaman's society in Stockholm, an organization to
help needy sailors and their families.10 At the Riksdag of
1840 it was proposed that the state give direct support to
7 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 20 January 1842.
8 For the above, see A. Paulin, O x e h u f v u d — e n s v e n s k v i k i ng
(Stockholm, 1947).
9 R i d d e r s k a p e t o c h a d e l n s p r o t o k o l l 1840, III, 47 ff.
"> Cf. Paulin, O x e h u f v u d , 112 f.
81
this society, and the man who so moved was Wilhelm
Fredrik Dalman, the publisher of D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a . " The
connection between Dalman and Oxehufvud is thus appar­ent
and Oxehufvud's undertakings fit well with the articles
in A l l e h a n d a . It remains only to place Australia into this
context. This too can be done quite easily.
Among Oxehufvud's contacts at the R i k s d a g of 1840-41
was also Lars Johan Hierta. The journalist C. W. Lilje¬
crona mentions in his diary how delighted Hierta was over
a memorandum by Oxehufvud on maritime defense. Lilje¬
crona adds: "Oxehufvud had become unhappy with the
whole situation and fed up with autocracy. He is now
setting forth on a ship he has had built to New Holland and
will be gone for three years."1 2 Liljecrona holds that Oxe­hufvud
wanted from the beginning to sail to Australia. It
is however remarkable that the articles in A l l e h a n d a on
New Holland were published at a time when Oxehufvud
was already in South America and discredited. Yet another
person must be drawn into the affair.
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a had spoken in one of its articles of
whaling around New Zealand and a diary notation by
Liljecrona can provide a further lead. "The wholesale
merchant Liljevalch said today that he had had an audience
with the king yesterday to give him a promemoria con­cerning
the whaling business."1 3 There is reason to note
the name. Carl Fredrik Liljevalch was a well-known per­son
and much written about. In the early 1840s he had
made a widely noted effort to help Norrland, which had
been afflicted with crop failures and where he had invested
money to aid the economy. In this program he had obtained
a state loan and the means of acquiring grain at low prices
through the crown. The grain he then distributed to pros­pective
buyers, who in this way became economically de-
11 R i d d e r s k a p e t o c h a d e l n s p r o t o k o l l 1840, VII, 505 ff.
1 2 C. W. Liljecrona, B a k o m r i k s d a g e n s k u l i s s e r . C. W. L i l j e c r o n as
d a g b o k u n d e r r i k s d a g e n 1 8 4 0 - 1 8 4 1 , ed. G. A . Aldén (Stockholm, 1917),
113 f. Cf. Paulin, O x e h u f v u d , 114.
" Liljecrona, D a g b o k , 50.
62
pendent upon him.
At the Riksdag of 1840-41 Liljevalch sought to have his
debts to the crown cancelled by pointing out the public-spirited
nature of his activities. This was not approved
and it was maintained in debate that among other things
the enterprise was organized like a business and that
Liljevalch had made money from it. Among those who
defended Liljevalch was Oxehufvud, who according to his
own testimony had made a journey to Norrland during which
he had collected names for an address of thanks to Lilje­valch.
1 4 Liljevalch was also one of the financiers behind
Oxehufvud's project and it was at Liljevalch's shipyard in
Luleå that Oxehufvud's ship was built.1 5 The connection
between Oxehufvud, Liljevalch and Dalman is quite appar­ent,
likewise that it was Liljevalch who was behind plans
for colonization even after Oxehufvud's misfortune. It is
clearly Liljevalch against whom S v e n s k a M i n e r v a directed
its insinuations.
Liljevalch also had other plans afoot besides the Oxehuf­vud
affair. In December 1841 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a is able to
announce that the government has granted Liljevalch 8,000
r i k s d a l e r b a n c o " in support of the expeditions he had under­taken
to N e w Holland," on condition that he, drawing upon
his knowledge of trade with Sydney, give to the College of
Commerce a report on the same, "for the benefit of others
interested in trade."1 6
The day after this notice Liljevalch writes a letter to
the Malmö councillor and politician in the Burgher Estate,
C. G. Halling.1 7 It transpires that Halling has told Liljevalch
that rumors concerning emigration have spread to Skåne.
These, Liljevalch now writes, have "misled persons in
14 R i d d e r s k a p e t o c h a d e l n s p r o t o k o l l 1 8 4 0 , III, 11. Liljevalch's at­tempt
to have this debt cancelled was followed attentively and criti­cally
by F r e j a . Cf. F r e j a , 30 June, 25 September 1840.
1 5 Paulin, O x e h u f v u d , 116 f.
16 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 20 December 1841, Cf. D.H.T. Börjesson, S t o c k ­h
o l m s segelsjöfart. M i n n e s k r i f t 1 7 3 2 - 1 9 3 2 (Stockholm, 1932), 364.
"Liljevalch to Halling, 21 December 1841 (copy), Gothenburg
University Library, Peter Wieselgren Collection.
63
Skåne with regard to the purpose of my intended voyage."
There is no question of any plan of colonization; it is only
Liljevalch's own family and servants who will emigrate.
"To be sure, I have already sent off some artisans and
will probably send off more, as well as farm laborers and
herdsmen, but these are especially engaged at the request
of my friends in Australia, on contract for several years
and with free transportation out." It is also only farmers
with adequate capital who can emigrate. These can " in a
most pleasant climate collect together, with proper economy,
a considerable fortune within a shorter time than in Europe."
But they must be persons with ambition. Liljevalch would
certainly act irresponsibly if he were to let his skippers
transport persons "other than such as have given assurance
in advance of their adequate means." Women are also much
in demand in Australia. News of this leaked out when
Liljevalch, "as a joke," read parts of private letters from
Australia to some friends, and his wife has had to receive
a number of inquiries. Altogether, " a strange rage for emi­gration
has come over the people," and Liljevalch daily
receives written and oral inquiries from persons who scarcely
know where it is a question of going to, "or what they
should undertake in their imagined El Dorado."
Prospects for trade in that part of the world are none­theless
said to be brilliant. Liljevalch gives examples of
import and export to Australia, and of what gains may be
counted on. In the letter it is also pointed out that the New
Holland and New Zealand area is a center for whaling.
Here Swedes should be able to undertake profitable ventures,
since to Malmö alone 30-35,000 gallons of whale-oil are
imported annually. No Swede has thus far sailed the Pacific
Ocean except for a skipper from Malmö, for which reason
Malmö has Sweden's first and only circumnavigator of the
world.1 8
1 8 The latter, Nils Werngren, was Liljevalch's own skipper. Cf.
Börjesson, S t o c k h o l m s segelsjöfart, 381 f. Liljevalch had maintained
trade with Australia and the Pacific Ocean since 1839 and his vessel,
MARY ANN, was the first Swedish ship to reach Sydney. See ibid.,
364, 391, 405 f.
64
It is evident that Liljevalch wishes to underplay the
scope of his plans while at the same time he also carries
on clear propaganda for Australia. That his projects also
contained other elements is shown by the Oxehufvud enter­prise.
One might also take note of the notice in M i n e r v a
of plans to transport prisoners from the houses of correction.
This was a classic procedure in the case of Australia.
Another aspect of Liljevalch's designs, which likewise con­flicts
with the contentions in his letter to Halling, can be
illuminated with the aid of a notice in S v e n s k a B i e t of
July 1842, which had been taken from Borås T i d n i n g . The
inhabitants of Älvsborg län, it is here stated, remember
well the wave of emigration for Australia during the past
winter, when people were enticed with favorable work
contracts in New Holland. Those who wished to emigrate
were to address themselves to G. M. Sager, for further
referral to Stockholm and Wholesale Merchant Liljevalch,
who was to go along "to settle somewhere in New Holland
and to be the head of the new colony." "Several hundred
persons" allowed themselves to be duped and were now
left in the lurch, since "the great emigration project has
gone up in smoke and nothing is now expected to become of
it, if indeed anything serious was ever intended with it."
It is known that Liljevalch had sought and received a grant
from the College of Commerce ( K o m m e r s k o l l e g i u m ) for
the establishment of trade relations with Australia, but the
article claims to hope that this has no connection with
"this cruel deception." It is further asked whether all
those who had been duped are now to be considered with­out
means and placed in poor-houses and houses of correc­tion,
and the demand is made that the whole affair be
investigated.19
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a also took note of these developments,
but simply reports that according to Borås T i d n i n g a crowd
19 S v e n s k a B i e t , 13 July 1842. Concerning the grant from the College
of Commerce, it might be mentioned that a son of the president of the
College, C. D. Skogman, took part in the Oxehufvud expedition.
85
of would-be settlers had heeded the appeal to emigrate
and had sold their farmsteads. A corporal was said to have
gone around promising gold and green forests, and saying
that Liljevalch would go along on the journey.2 0 The version
differs from that in B i e t . Liljevalch also replies himself in
a contribution to S v e n s k a B i e t . He says here that the thirty
persons to whom he had promised livelihoods in Australia
had also been received, and he denies responsibility for
the others.21 No investigation of Liljevalch was made. Instead,
the newspapers are able to report in the fall of 1842 that
although Liljevalch had not, to be sure got his debt in the
Norrland affair cancelled, the interest on it had been voided
"in consideration of the benefits to the northern part of
the kingdom achieved through the efforts of Wholesale
Merchant Liljevalch."2 2 By the beginning of August, Lilje­valch
was also able to launch a new vessel at the shipyard
in Luleå. It bore the name AUSTRALIA.2 3
2
A further strand in this whole complex tangle must be
considered and that is Liljevalch's relations with Lars Johan
Hierta. In connection with the Oxehufvud expedition the
newspaper F r e j a , dominated by Johan Johansson and opposed
both to the phalanx that supported the government and to
the major liberal organs, comments on Liljevalch's role in
the affair. When it is known, it says, "that probably no
Swedish merchant draws as many bills of exchange as he
upon the future and its intended court journal, A f t o n b l a d e t ,
it is excusable if people become somewhat anxious over
the winds which should one day fill the sails of the ship
of state itself."24
20 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 13 July 1842.
21 S v e n s k a B i e t , 15 July 1842.
22 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 12 October 1842.
23 A l l v a r o c h skämt (Sundsvall), 4 August 1842.
2 4 Freja, 20 May 1842; also cited in Paulin, O x e h u f v u d , 221. The
circle around F r e j a is in particular dealt with in A. Kjellen, S o c i a l a
idéer o c h m o t i v h o s s v e n s k a författare u n d e r 1 8 3 0 - o c h 1 8 4 8 - t a l e n ,
2 vols. (Stockholm, 1937-50), I, 30 ff., Ch. ii, and II, Ch. 7.
66
Relations between Liljevalch and Hierta did not date
just from 1840-41 but went back to an earlier time. They
had apparently been brought together by C. W. Liljecrona.
In a letter of November 1838 Liljecrona speaks of Liljevalch.
The latter is from Lund and was a university acquaintance of
Liljecrona's, "so that we know each other quite well and
also meet here quite often." Liljevalch "has a very specula­tive
mind — however, as I believe, is quite a spinner of
projects." He has meanwhile done a great deal for Norrland,
belongs to the so-called "men of the future," associates
with the crown prince and speculates over a ministerial
post. He is however deep in debt to the crown. "Skogman
and the prince have actually been the ones to keep him
out of trouble." Liljevalch has now suggested to Hierta —
"they invite each other and associate with each other"—
that A f t o n b l a d e t should carry out a campaign on behalf of
the crown prince, and he had spoken with the crown prince
of Hierta's goodwill. Hierta had nonetheless reacted
cautiously.25
These discreet contacts continued, according to what
Liljecrona had to relate in later letters. "Herr Liljevalch
has gradually become a channel through which various
things of interest transpire from the direction you know,"
he wrote in January 1839, and later that year Hierta and
Liljecrona advised the crown prince of their views via
Liljevalch.2 6 Hierta also became during the 1840s involved
in close business transactions with Liljevalch, but then it
was a question of projects of an entirely different type,
namely the ditching and cultivation of marshes on Gotland.
2 5 Liljecrona to Schoting, 25 November 1838, Lund University
Library. In this letter, Oxehufvud figures in an entirely different
role, namely as Chancellor of Justice Nerman's right-hand man
during the disturbances of 1838. Oxehufvud was related to Nerman.
2 6 Liljecrona to Schoting, 2 February, 22 October 1839, Lund Uni­versity
Library. See also Liljecrona's letter of 18 January 1840, in
which remarks by Foreign Minister G.N.A.A. Stierneld are passed
on via Liljevalch. Liljecrona's letters have previously been utilized
to point out the constellation of Hierta, Liljevalch and the crown
prince by G. A . Alden in L a r s H i e r t a s självbiografi, ed. G. A. Alden
(Stockholm, 1926), Appendix 4.
67
On the basis of these connections Crusenstolpe could,
later in the forties, refer to Liljevalch as Hierta's "over-supercargo."
27
These circumstances must be borne in mind in consider­ing
two major series of articles in A f t o n b l a d e t during the
latter half of 1842. In an article in the middle of June the
colonial question is discussed and a declaration of principle
is made. It must be a national loss for a land poor in popu­lation
to have an emigration of productive manpower, but
one must "consider the advantage, not only for the indi­vidual
to achieve a better economic situation through more
profitable work, but also for society to be freed from in­dividuals
who not infrequently are greatly tempted to do
damage to the social order." Thereupon, Liljevalch's efforts
to arouse interest in Australia are mentioned, as is a rather
adventurous brochure by Ernst Adolf Ortman concerning
an allegedly forgotten Swedish possession in Guiana.2 8 Ort¬
man's brochure had previously been announced in both
A f t o n b l a d e t and D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a . 2 9 Shortly thereafter there
appears in A f t o n b l a d e t an article purportedly by a contribu­tor,
"On Colonizing and Colonies," which directly propa­gandizes
in favor of New Holland and in which the appeal
is made that colonization should be left to "private specu­lation."
3 0 The article is evidently influenced by Liljevalch.
In the fall of the same year a lengthy article from the
Norwegian newspaper C h r i s t i a n s a n d s p o s t e n is published in
A f t o n b l a d e t , "Observations in Connection with the Emi­gration
of our Countrymen to America," according to the
2 7 H. Wieselgren, L a r s Johan H i e r t a . B i o g r a f i s k s t u d i e (Stockholm,
1880), 279n. On the Gotland enterprise, see my D e n n y a världen . . . ,
206f.
28 A f t o n b l a d e t , 16 June 1842. On Ortman, see G. E. Klemming and
J. G. Nordin, S v e n s k b o k t r y c k e r i h i s t o r i a 1 4 8 3 - 1 8 8 3 (Stockholm,
1883), 427 f. and on the background to the Swedish pretentions, see
G. Edmondson, "The Swedish Legend in Guiana," E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l
R e v i e w (1899).
29 A f t o n b l a d e t , 30 November 1841; D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 11 February
1842.
30 A f t o n b l a d e t , 23 June 1842.
68
editors because of the "stimulus" it gave in the colonial
question.31 Here an interesting statement is made. Emigra­tion
"is developing just at a time when the people, freed
from their long civic thraldom, have come of age and every
man begins to feel himself to be an independent citizen."
Efforts have been made to prevent emigration, but in vain.
It is, however, no longer impelled by poverty, despair or
fortune-seeking. It is "the most thoughtful and intelligent"
who leave, and the stream will only increase as long as the
economy is not quickly developed in the homeland and the
government remains passive. It is the intention of the
Creator that men shall spread themselves freely over the
earth.
The only thing the government can do is to seek to turn
the stream to advantage, found a colony and let people
move there. There is meanwhile little hope that the govern­ment
will take such an initiative and patriotic citizens should
therefore join together in some sort of association. Follow­ing
a passionate exposition of the over-population and
economic stagnation of the homeland, there follows the con��clusion:
"With wisdom and civic-mindedness may each
strive t o l e a d t h e p o p u l a r m o v e m e n t for t h e b e n e f i t of m a n ­k
i n d and t h e f a t h e r l a n d ! " The article is not chosen by
chance. The Norwegian C h r i s t i a n s a n d s p o s t e n was headed
at this time by Johan Reinert Reiersen, the most enthusiastic
defender of Norwegian emigration both in theory and prac­tice.
3 2 It fitted in excellently against the background of the
propaganda carried on by D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , A f t o n b l a d et
and Liljevalch.
31 A f t o n b l a d e t , 31 October, 2, 3, 7 November 1842.
3 21. Semmingsen, V e i e n m o t v e s t . U t v a n d r i n g e n fra N o r g e till
A m e r i k a , 2 vols. (Oslo, 1941-50), I, 202 ff. On Reiersen's emigration to
America, cf. S v e n s k a M i n e r v a , 11 March 1843, where it is suggested
that this was caused by his fear of being brought to court or losing
the citizen rights of his town. S v e n s k a M i n e r v a makes the ironical
comment: "Thus our great men move out of the light and into the
shadow."
69
3
In the debate concerning Swedish colonies there appeared
another theme which has played a part in what has already
been discussed and to which there is now reason to return.
This is the debate over Swedish poverty and the inten­sively
discussed problem of poor relief. To summarize the
question one can most simply refer to a motion by C. A.
Agardh at the Riksdag of 1840-41. A new and unknown
phenomenon has afflicted all civilized states — except for
North America — namely pauperism, writes Agardh. Poverty
is a phenomenon that was known previously, but then as
an exception, "not as a rule, not as a continuing and develop­ing
element in society." He now demands that the state
should intervene to counteract this deplorable situation.
Agardh further propounds the theory that "pauperism
follows upon prosperity, enlightenment, civilization, as a
shadow follows its body." It is thus the most highly civilized
lands that suffer from pauperism. Sweden has experienced
an enormous increase of paupers and landless farm laborers.
With pauperism comes demoralization. In the Swedish debate
the distinction has not been made between poverty, which
afflicts individuals and is cured through Christian charity,
and pauperism, which afflicts entire classes of society and
against which measures must be taken affecting "the condi­tions
of the state economy." The reasons for poverty are
many, for pauperism only one: the development of a dis­proportion
"between increase in population and increase
in opportunities for employment." Pauperism "thus follows
altogether mathematical laws," and its fluctuations can be
calculated on the basis of the amount of demand for labor.
Civilization has brought about a greater respect for human
life, for medical care, fewer wars, greater freedom in con­tracting
marriage, and population has increased. The demand
for labor has also increased, but not at the same rate, since
modern industry has caused "the substitution of dead natural
forces in place of living, and machines in place of human
70
labor." For this reason, pauperism is a necessary consequence
of civilization.
The cause of pauperism has been sought in overpopula­tion.
Formerly pauperism was avoided through colonization
and "the migration of peoples," and "even in our days the,
most effective course has been found in this." In Sweden,
"from which people cannot and do not wish to emigrate,"
consideration has been given to attempting to limit popu­lation
increase. But since pauperism is caused not only by
population increase but must be explained through the
relationship between two factors, the only answer is to
increase opportunities for employment. Agardh proposes
that the state should intervene by organizing public works
projects, through the building of new communications, the
cultivation of new land, the draining of marshes, etc. A
quarter of the profits of the state bank should be set aside
yearly for this task; such is Agardh's concrete proposal. As
an example of such a measure, he points to the United States.
There they have financed immense public works, not through
taxation but rather through bank loans, and there they
have not developed any pauperism. Sweden ought to follow
the example of the United States.33
This motion by Agardh is replied to by E. G. Geijer. He
speaks of the pessimistic Malthusianism, the alarming ele­ment
of which has now been toned down. Geijer's own
view is
that the irresistible tendency of population increase to
go beyond the available means of subsistence is simply
a means in the plan of Providence to drive mankind,
even using need as its schoolmaster, further along the
path of cultivation.
This must occur "with complete freedom for the develop­ment
of individual powers" and cannot be replaced by a
system of either state prohibitions or state encouragements.
33 Prästeståndets p r o t o k o l l 1 8 4 0 , 1, 322-35.
71
"The state is first and foremost an institution for security
and justice, and only in the third place for relief." Geijer
therefore opposes the idea of establishing public works. The
United States cannot be used as an example, for it must
be remembered "that the foundation of the industrial move­ment
in the United States is private industry, the spirit of
private association."
In a rejoinder Agardh appeals to the Frenchman, Michel
Chevalier, and rejects Geijer's thesis that the state "should
limit itself to negative measures in order to leave every­thing
free for individual solicitude and energy." The state
should take positive measures, open up new sources of
income and opportunities for labor. Geijer continues the
discussion concerning the United States by maintaining that
the intervention of the individual states has gone too far
in the U.S.A., by pointing to the accumulation of debts and
overspeculation that had led to financial crisis. "We, although
we customarily take up foreign fashions just when they
are on the way out in their countries of origin, ought in
more than one respect not to invoke this example." Agardh
is then able to reply that Geijer's reservations affect the
concrete manner of proceeding in the United States, not
the system as such.34
The discussion between Agardh and Geijer is conducted
in such clear ideological terms that only a few comments are
necessary. They both proceed from the conception that the
level of population is regulated by definite laws, but their
recommendations are totally different. It may also be ob­served
that Agardh completely rejects emigration and colon­ization
as a solution of problems. The debate over the United
3 4 Concerning Geijer's role here, see C. A. Hessler, G e i j e r s o m
P o l i t i k e r , 2 vols. (Göteborg & Stockholm, 1937-47), II, 300. L e t t e rs
s u r l'Amérique d u N o r d (1836) by the Saint-Simonian, Michel
Chevalier, is one of the period's most notable and discussed travel
descriptions. See R. Rémond, L e s États-Unis d e v a n t I'opinion
française, 2 vols. (Saint-Just-la-Pendue [Loire], 1962-63), I, 331,
366 f, 374 ff, 774 ff; M. Fisher, W o r k s h o p s i n t h e W i l d e r n e s s . T h e
E u r o p e a n R e s p o n s e t o A m e r i c a n I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , 1 8 3 0 - 1 8 6 0 (New
York, 1967), 23, 27, 39, 65 ff., 117 ff., 127 f., 151 ff., 170.
72
States is also concerned with the question of the reason for
American prosperity and Geijer consistently advances the
idea of individual initiative. Agardh sees the United States
from a more unusual viewpoint: as a progressive country
with regard to public intervention in economic life. In an
apparently paradoxical manner it is Geijer who primarily
stresses the negative aspects of the development of the United
States.
The problem of overpopulation is now of prime concern
in a number of connections. It comes up again at the same
Riksdag in a communication from the governor of Värmland
län concerning the need prevailing that province. It has
been attempted, he says, to prove that the small population
in Sweden "hindered the culture of the country." He him­self
has, on the other hand, already indicated the possibility
of overpopulation in his five-year report in 1823. When there
are now complaints of scarcity in Dalarna and Värmland, it
is overpopulation that lies at the basis of it. In England and
Germany this great increase in population may also be ob­served,
and it may be asked whether the emigration from
Norway to the United States does not derive from overpopu­lation.
3 5
Almost a year after Agardh's motion A f t o n b l a d e t takes up
his views.3 6 It is claimed that Agardh's motion will be pub­lished
" i n order that various resolutions may be based upon
it at the time of the later consideration of the extra state
budget," and it is therefore necessary to examine the ideas
set forth therein. A f t o n b l a d e t takes an entirely negative pos­ition
toward Agardh. Neither does it accept Geijer's words
on a Providential plan for development: "It is a pleasant
thought with which to console oneself amidst the present
deplorable realities, but it strongly resembles the German
philosophers' manner of explaining what they did not h a ve
any explanation for." Agardh's reasoning concerning the
relationship between civilization, pauperism, and machines is
3 5 This writing is printed in S v e r i g e s s t a t s t i d n i n g , 7 March 1840.
36 A f t o n b l a d e t , 25, 26 February 1841.
73
untenable, and A f t o n b l a d e t proposes instead another expla­nation:
privilege. England, Sweden, and the United States are
compared in this respect. England, which has the greatest
privileges and much machinery, suffers the most from gen­eral
poverty. Sweden, which has much privilege and little
machinery, likewise has " a pauperism alarming for the fu­ture."
America, "which lacks privilege but is loaded with
machinery, has happily escaped pauperism." A f t o n b l a d et
therefore belabors noble privilege, the gild system, and a
regulated economy. The people in the countryside are bound
to the soil without the means of freeing themselves. The
people are held in guardianship. General regulations also
constitute a form of guardianship. The state should take
negative measures, positive ones only when necessary to
remove hindrances to the individual's free activity. It should
be observed here how A f t o n b l a d e t polemicizes not only
against Agardh but also against Geijer.
Against the background of the debate that here has been
reconstructed, on the part of Agardh, Geijer, and A f t o n b l a d e t ,
the question of colonization and emigration may again be
raised. At the end of 1842 A f t o n b l a d e t discussed, in a consid­erable
number of articles, the phenomenon of pauperism. In
particular, the series bearing the title " O n the Means to Pro­test
Sweden Against Pauperism" may be considered. Various
ideas will be recognized from the viewpoints expressed in
the article against Agardh in 1841, but the concrete program
of reform is further elaborated.37
Pauperism, according to A f t o n b l a d e t , can be prevented if
public instruction is made available, so that those capable of
supporting themselves can also acquire the qualifications to
do so. Sufficient opportunity must be made for the excercise
of these capabilities, which will require that "certain monopo­listic
considerations must be set aside." "We believe that one
can do this, but does not w a n t to." A means for improvement
would be to acknowledge the individual right "to dispose
37 A f t o n b l a d e t , 12,13,17, 22 December 1842.
74
without hindrance of the product of one's industry," and to
allow peddling together with home handicrafts. Besides,
economic possibilities must be increased in relation to popu­lation.
A f t o n b l a d e t polemicizes in strong terms against the
pessimistic Malthusianism which has been joyfully embraced
by "Toryism and its agents," but which is a doctrine in con­flict
both with experience and with Christianity. To seek in
various ways to hinder population growth is not feasible.
Providence has indicated a means against overpopulation:
"Increase, multiply and fill t h e e a r t h ! " When it becomes too
crowded in one country, "that is a sign to that land's inhabi­tants
to follow this injunction and look around in the world
for another place where they can live."
This admonition holds good for Sweden too. "We must
consider colonizing." We should investigate the possibilities,
the sooner the better, of acquiring colonies, if we do not wish
to be beaten to it and to have the settlers forced to go to
places that are already occupied and thus to lose their nation­ality.
The emigration which has gone to Wisconsin, for ex­ample,
and "now this past fall" to New Holland — the allu­sion
to Liljevalch is evident — had to take place under the
above circumstances. "It is indeed recounted as a tale" that
Sweden has a right to a region in South America — here
Ortman's brochure is again brought forth — but the govern­ment
has done nothing to investigate the matter. The area is
otherwise suitable, regular communications are possible and
the Swedish West Indian island of St. Barthélemy is nearby.
No other areas lie within reach. The fight for New Holland
and New Zealand is a hard one and another region which has
been noted, northern California, is too far away. It is also
necessary to have colonies; "this is the ultimate means of
salvation from pauperism, but it is a sure one when made use
of with understanding."
About a month after the publication of these articles in
A f t o n b l a d e t , N o r r l a n d s p o s t e n begins to publish a series of
75
"Letters from Northern Hälsingland."38 These also deal with
the question of pauperism and the views expressed show a
clear relationship to those in A f t o n b l a d e t . The belief in the
principle is here expressed — in invoking J . B. Say — that
production is the basis of a nation's prosperity, and the ques­tion
is raised how industry in Norrland can best be stimu­lated.
As in A f t o n b l a d e t , the demand is made for widened
possibilities for instruction and a comprehensive activity in
the field of public enlightenment, but also recommends, in
line with the ideas of Friedrich List, "the calling in of skilled
workers and entrepreneurs from abroad."
The problem for a state cannot be solved only by import­ing
labor but it must also get rid of "certain parts of its pop­ulation."
Examples from the present and the past are ad­duced
to show the usefulness of colonies. Free, politically
independent colonies ought therefore to be established, which
can develop freely. "Let not the lessons of history be lost to
us, but rather — emigration on a large scale." If there are
uncultivated areas within the country, a part of the colonists
can be directed there, the others "must go to other parts of
the world." Colonization not only saves the motherland from
overpopulation but also stimulates exports. Invoking Robert
Peel, it is maintained that every country will be forced to
colonize, "and the later this necessity is understood and this,
the only cure for it, is undertaken, the more pressing the
need will become." The goal for this activity is the "unifying
and improving" of the world. "That race which is actually the
civilized one" will spread itself over the earth, morally edify
other peoples, and itself, "by uniting and fusing with them,
gain new strength." Wars seem increasingly to be in the
process of disappearing. Mankind is now moving on to "no­bler
conquests, nobler battles."
38 N o r r l a n d s p o s t e n , 20, 31 January, 17 February, 7, 10 March 1843.
The articles are signed " E . " Peel in actuality took a skeptical
position toward organized emigration, but individual comments by
him are used to argue the reverse. See W. S. Shepperson, B r i t i sh
E m i g r a t i o n t o N o r t h A m e r i c a . P r o j e c t s and O p i n i o n s in t h e E a r l y
V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d (Oxford, 1957), 188, 204, 207, 209, 211.
76
The writer in N o r r l a n d s p o s t e n also ventures to make
certain speculations as to where Swedish colonists ought to
go. Emigration to South and North America, to the Cape
of Good Hope (!), the establishment of the Emigrant Society
{Emigrantföreningen), "the enthusiasm with which a num­ber
of people sought through Herr Liljevalch to take part in
the emigration to Australia," all are said to attest "both that
the old urge to migrate lives on within the nation, as well as
to the clearly perceived need for the same." It is a pity that the
people's desire has been so little heeded by the authorities.
The government has done nothing, "and the Emigrant So­ciety
counted no rich men among its members." Emigration
itself should not, however, be difficult to bring about. North
and South America take in colonists, and if it is a question
of a more permanently organized colony, there are possibili­ties
in Africa and Australia. Negotiations to such an end
should be undertaken by men sent out by the government
"for this end, with appropriate scientific knowledge and skill."
Even if the goal for intended colonies is somewhat different,
the overall tendency of this series of articles agrees entirely
with those in A f t o n b l a d e t . The tone is if anything even more
exalted when it comes to praising the benefits of colonies.
When the idea is here proposed of sending forth Swedish ex­perts,
it may be recalled that a man actually was sent out
officially in 1844. His task was, however, primarily to investi­gate
possibilities for Swedish iron exports to the East Indies
and also came to include possibilities for establishing trade
relations with China. E. G. Danielsson in the United States
was to investigate possible American iron exports to China. In
September 1844 C. D. Skogman informs O. Wijk in Gothen­burg
of the background to this venture and Skogman is filled
with indignation: "This lunacy concerning the greatly touted
expeditions to the East Indies doubtless comes originally
from that archspinner of projects, Liljevalch, who knew
how to win over certain well-meaning but simple-minded
members of the Iron Office {Järnkontoret), after which the
77
matter was insinuated directly to His Majesty." The College
of Commerce has nothing to do with the affair and Skogman
has rejected the idea, since "those associations set up by
block-heads for trading enterprises had always ended in loss
for their participants."3 9
In October 1844 Wijk is able to inform his relative, Charles
Gibson, in Batavia, that the College of Commerce has ap­proved
sending an agent to China and establishing a consul
in Java. As the envoy to China "His Majesty has appointed
Wholesale Merchant Liljevalch of Stockholm (a person who
does not enjoy particular confidence.)" Wijk considers the
whole project a folly: "It will be a strange way to represent
Sweden."4 0 Liljevalch did in fact go to China and this journey
was thus the only more meaningful result of his activity dur­ing
these years.
Ideas concerning Swedish colonies meanwhile continued
to crop up even during the years that followed. Closely re­lated
to the circumstances already discussed is a writing from
1846, published anonymously by the litterateur and lieuten­ant,
Johan Ludvig Zethraeus.41 The author claims to have
intended to publish this during the Riksdag of 1840-41, but
held it back when he learned that the Swedish general con­sul
in Montevideo, John Tarras, planned to make a similar
proposal to the government. When this did not happen and
since Tarras had died, this writing could come out, since it re-
3 9 Skogman to Wijk, 17 September 1844, Göteborgs landsarkiv, Wijk
family archive. That Skogman had had business dealings with
Liljevalch during the 1830s to their common profit is brought out
in a rather scurrilous article in F r e j a , 8, 15 December 1837.
4 0Wijk to Charles Gibson, 20 October 1844 (copy), Göteborgs
landsarkiv. Wijk's opinion was also influenced by irritation over
a successful competitor. He felt that Gibson could better have carried
out the task.
41 N y a S k a n d i n a v i e n e l l e r O m s k a d l i g h e t e n för S v e r i g e o c h N o r r i ge
av u t f l y t t n i n g a r såsom d e n u s k e , s a m t n y t t a n o c h nödvändigheten
för d e s s a r i k e n att äga k o l o n i e r , jämte möjligheten att d e m åstad­k
o m m a (Stockholm, 1846).
78
mained as pertinent as before.42 Zethraeus too appeals for a
presumptive Nordic market for emigration. Now is the right
time for Sweden and Norway to take advantage of those con­ditions
which the urge to emigrate and spirit of adventure
have created in Europe. The advantages to colonies which
Zethraeus gives are the same as have been given above from
the press. Sweden and Norway should establish common
colonies and we would win a new Scandinavia which, by
means of a wise colonial administration, could be made as
attractive as North America is now. If the rumors about
Guiana are true (Ortman!), it would be simplest to found
a colony there. Otherwise, one should turn elsewhere: "New
Holland, the Isthmus of Panama, the south coast of Africa,
or perhaps one of the larger archipelagos of the South Seas."
Zethraeus' discussion of the establishment and organization
of the colony need not be followed any further. The rela­tionship
of the brochure to the lines of thought discussed
above is clearly evident.
The debate over Swedish colonies provides, like that over
emigration, a mixture of theoretical arguments and hypothes­es
and of concrete plans and projects, which cross each
other. A veritable E l Dorado seemed to open up for the most
daring spirits, who seized the opportunity on the wing to
win the support of interested financiers or institutions. The
name C. F . Liljevalch is that which recurs most often in the
above discussion. His projects had contemporary internation­al
parallels in England, France, and Germany. The burgo-
4 2 Interest in South America as a region for emigration and
colonization is also clearly reflected in the press at this time. It
was inspired not least of all by C. A. Gosselman's travels and
reports. In October 1843 S v e r i g e s s t a t s t i d n i n g published a series of
articles of French origin on South America, which, however, on
the whole warn against emigration. The states both in the north and
the south are immature, they lack background and traditions. Civili­zation
there is "artificial." One cannot get along under the freedom
carried to extremes which exists there (9 October 1843). The same
thing can be said — with modifications — of, for example, the
account of the Danish Captain Wordinger's colonizing project (12
March 1844). Cf. D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 11 June 1844. John Tarras is
dealt with by A. Paulin, S v e n s k a öden i S y d a m e r i k a (Stockholm,
1951), esp. 278 ff., though without mention of any colonizing plans.
79
master of Hamburg, Karl Sieveking, sought in 1841-42 to
arrange for German colonies in both South America and
New Zealand, and his project was only one of a series of
German ventures.43 Likewise the arguments for combining
colonization with emigration have direct counterparts in Ger­many,
from, among others, Hans von Gagern and Friedrich
List. Emigration, Gagern maintained in 1840, emphasized
Germany's unfortunate lack of colonies. In memoranda to
Metternich and to the Prussian government he proposed
emigration and colonies as a countermeasure against over­population,
poverty, and demoralization during the process
of industrialization. In his D a s nationale S y s t e m d e r politis¬
chen O e k o n o m i e (1841-42), List provided the theoretical
bases for such thinking. List looked to other goals for emi­gration
besides America, above all within Europe. "This was
the German frontier dream of manifest destiny formulated
by the Grossdeutsch south German nationalist, List, back
from America."4 4 The debate in Sweden and the many pro­jects
of the early 1840s fall within the framework of the
overall Europe debate. Aside from the support this thinking
received from persons like Liljevalch during this opening
period of Swedish emigration, the connection can be noted
with newspapers such as A f t o n b l a d e t , D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a and
N o r r l a n d s p o s t e n . The propaganda here was concerted. It is
meanwhile clear that colonial ideas could contain both nation­alistic
and protectionistic elements.
4 3 M. Walker, G e r m a n y and t h e E m i g r a t i o n , 1 8 1 6 - 1 8 8 5 (Cambridge,
Mass., 1964), Ch. iii, iv. On Sieveking, see i b i d . , 90 ff.
44 I b i d . , Ch. iv. Citation from i b i d . , 118. Shepperson, in B r i t i sh
E m i g r a t i o n , (Oxford, 1957) has discussed the English colonizing
ventures, R. Rémond, in L e s États-Unis d e v a n t I'opinion française,
(2 vols., St. Just la Pendue [Loire], 1962-1963) the French. See
Remond, esp. Ch. ii, 4-5.
80

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SWEDEN AS A COLONIAL POWER
N I L S RUNEBY
(Translated by H. ARNOLD BARTON)
1
Emigration enterprises during the early 1840s gave rise
to debate and to concrete projects. In 1841 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n da
proposed a new goal for emigration, besides the United
States, namely Australia.1 The campaign continued the
following year as well and it was not only possibilities for
emigration that the newspaper supported, but also the
widening of commercial connections and even the founding
of Swedish colonies.
In a couple of articles at the beginning of January, 1842,
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a declares that colonies would be bene­ficial
for the mother country. This point is especially worth­while
to make when one hears daily that Swedish vessels
lack employment, despite the fact that the Swedish merchant
marine is small. We have a long coastline, "our growing
iron industry needs new outlets," seafaring stimulates farm­ing
and livestock-raising. The great new markets, where
all possibilities are open, are Australia and the South Sea
Islands. Whaling in particular is stressed, which can be
carried out using New Zealand as a base. That Sweden has
so little maritime commerce is due to lack of skills and of
"the spirit of speculation."2
Already in 1841 S v e n s k a M i n e r v a had taken note of
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a ' s observations concerning "New Holland"
and made certain insinuations: "For the time being, there­fore,
we recommend that one . . . read what A l l e h a n da
1 See for instance D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 30 September 1841. On 7 and
10 October, the newspaper gives excerpts from M. J . Arago's journey
to "New Holland."
2 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 5, 7 January 1842.
59
has to say, then conceal the same in one's heart in await­ing
those things that in time will come about."3 In com­menting
on the later articles in A l l e h a n d a , M i n e r v a becomes
more explicit:
Now that A l l e h a n d a has expressed its opinion that
Sweden does not lack capital for commercial ventures
in the South Seas, but rather the speculative spirit,
we understand, after everything else that has recently
taken place concerning the South Sea question, for
whose benefit the effort is being made. Good luck!4
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a replies by referring to travel literature
and English parliamentary debates and accuses M i n e r va
of drawing persons into a discussion of facts. A l l e h a n da
has always maintained that maritime activity is beneficial
and capital is unquestionably to be found in the country.5
M i n e r v a continues immediately with its insinuations.
A l l e h a n d a does not speak out clearly, it says. Does A l l e h a n d a
know "something more about a much-discussed plan to have
placed at t h e d i s p o s i t i o n of a p r i v a t e p e r s o n a certain num­ber
of inmates from the correctional institutions for a
colonizing venture in the South Seas"? Or does it have
knowledge of some other form of "white slavery"?6
On the same day that M i n e r v a raised these questions
A l l e h a n d a brought forth another article on the subject. It
was purportedly sent in by a contributor and dealt with a
question the newspaper considered important. It is entitled
"Concerning Colonies" and repeats the previously men­tioned
arguments for the beneficial effects of colonies upon
the development of the economy. Besides, many would
find livelihood and occupation in colonies, who at home
would lack the means to support themselves. Others gain
experience and wealth through trade and administration,
which would be useful for the fatherland when they return
home. Love for the fatherland increases when one may
3 S v e n s k a M i n e r v a , 2 October 1841.
4 I b i d . , 15 January 1842.
5 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 19 January 1842.
6 S v e n s k a M i n e r v a , 20 January 1842.
80
move about freely in the world. Colonization is part of the
times. Whoever fails to grasp this fact falls behind in
development.7
Behind the propaganda of D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a and the in­sinuations
of S v e n s k a M i n e r v a lay concrete interests which
can only be briefly sketched in here. Parallel with the ex­change
of views already considered, there ran through the
press an intense debate concerning the adventurous Captain-
Lieutenant Goran Adolf Oxehufvud, an adjutant to the
crown prince. Oxehufvud had fitted out a vessel which
in addition was to serve as a training ship, and had re­cruited
cadets and officers largely from the upper classes.
He had thereupon set out on an extended cruise with South
America as its goal, where he had had a questionable past.
Because of dissension between Oxehufvud and the partici­pants
the whole venture broke up in Buenos Aires and
Oxehufvud sold the school-ship. This action aroused strong
criticism at home and in the press; M i n e r v a , among other
journals, accused A l l e h a n d a of having supported Oxehufvud
but of then having abandoned him when things went wrong.8
During Oxehufvud's time in Sweden he had also been
intensely active as a politician in the House of the Nobility,
with economic freedom as the keynote of his program, in
which the stimulation of trade and seafaring formed the
most important elements. In the R i k s d a g he urged in respect
to seafaring in 1840 that all unnecessary controls be re­moved,
that ship's stores be imported toll-free, that the
consular system be reorganized and that schools for navi­gation
and shipbuilding be established.9 To Oxehufvud's
more widely noted initiatives belonged the foundation of
a so-called seaman's society in Stockholm, an organization to
help needy sailors and their families.10 At the Riksdag of
1840 it was proposed that the state give direct support to
7 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 20 January 1842.
8 For the above, see A. Paulin, O x e h u f v u d — e n s v e n s k v i k i ng
(Stockholm, 1947).
9 R i d d e r s k a p e t o c h a d e l n s p r o t o k o l l 1840, III, 47 ff.
"> Cf. Paulin, O x e h u f v u d , 112 f.
81
this society, and the man who so moved was Wilhelm
Fredrik Dalman, the publisher of D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a . " The
connection between Dalman and Oxehufvud is thus appar­ent
and Oxehufvud's undertakings fit well with the articles
in A l l e h a n d a . It remains only to place Australia into this
context. This too can be done quite easily.
Among Oxehufvud's contacts at the R i k s d a g of 1840-41
was also Lars Johan Hierta. The journalist C. W. Lilje¬
crona mentions in his diary how delighted Hierta was over
a memorandum by Oxehufvud on maritime defense. Lilje¬
crona adds: "Oxehufvud had become unhappy with the
whole situation and fed up with autocracy. He is now
setting forth on a ship he has had built to New Holland and
will be gone for three years."1 2 Liljecrona holds that Oxe­hufvud
wanted from the beginning to sail to Australia. It
is however remarkable that the articles in A l l e h a n d a on
New Holland were published at a time when Oxehufvud
was already in South America and discredited. Yet another
person must be drawn into the affair.
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a had spoken in one of its articles of
whaling around New Zealand and a diary notation by
Liljecrona can provide a further lead. "The wholesale
merchant Liljevalch said today that he had had an audience
with the king yesterday to give him a promemoria con­cerning
the whaling business."1 3 There is reason to note
the name. Carl Fredrik Liljevalch was a well-known per­son
and much written about. In the early 1840s he had
made a widely noted effort to help Norrland, which had
been afflicted with crop failures and where he had invested
money to aid the economy. In this program he had obtained
a state loan and the means of acquiring grain at low prices
through the crown. The grain he then distributed to pros­pective
buyers, who in this way became economically de-
11 R i d d e r s k a p e t o c h a d e l n s p r o t o k o l l 1840, VII, 505 ff.
1 2 C. W. Liljecrona, B a k o m r i k s d a g e n s k u l i s s e r . C. W. L i l j e c r o n as
d a g b o k u n d e r r i k s d a g e n 1 8 4 0 - 1 8 4 1 , ed. G. A . Aldén (Stockholm, 1917),
113 f. Cf. Paulin, O x e h u f v u d , 114.
" Liljecrona, D a g b o k , 50.
62
pendent upon him.
At the Riksdag of 1840-41 Liljevalch sought to have his
debts to the crown cancelled by pointing out the public-spirited
nature of his activities. This was not approved
and it was maintained in debate that among other things
the enterprise was organized like a business and that
Liljevalch had made money from it. Among those who
defended Liljevalch was Oxehufvud, who according to his
own testimony had made a journey to Norrland during which
he had collected names for an address of thanks to Lilje­valch.
1 4 Liljevalch was also one of the financiers behind
Oxehufvud's project and it was at Liljevalch's shipyard in
Luleå that Oxehufvud's ship was built.1 5 The connection
between Oxehufvud, Liljevalch and Dalman is quite appar­ent,
likewise that it was Liljevalch who was behind plans
for colonization even after Oxehufvud's misfortune. It is
clearly Liljevalch against whom S v e n s k a M i n e r v a directed
its insinuations.
Liljevalch also had other plans afoot besides the Oxehuf­vud
affair. In December 1841 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a is able to
announce that the government has granted Liljevalch 8,000
r i k s d a l e r b a n c o " in support of the expeditions he had under­taken
to N e w Holland," on condition that he, drawing upon
his knowledge of trade with Sydney, give to the College of
Commerce a report on the same, "for the benefit of others
interested in trade."1 6
The day after this notice Liljevalch writes a letter to
the Malmö councillor and politician in the Burgher Estate,
C. G. Halling.1 7 It transpires that Halling has told Liljevalch
that rumors concerning emigration have spread to Skåne.
These, Liljevalch now writes, have "misled persons in
14 R i d d e r s k a p e t o c h a d e l n s p r o t o k o l l 1 8 4 0 , III, 11. Liljevalch's at­tempt
to have this debt cancelled was followed attentively and criti­cally
by F r e j a . Cf. F r e j a , 30 June, 25 September 1840.
1 5 Paulin, O x e h u f v u d , 116 f.
16 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 20 December 1841, Cf. D.H.T. Börjesson, S t o c k ­h
o l m s segelsjöfart. M i n n e s k r i f t 1 7 3 2 - 1 9 3 2 (Stockholm, 1932), 364.
"Liljevalch to Halling, 21 December 1841 (copy), Gothenburg
University Library, Peter Wieselgren Collection.
63
Skåne with regard to the purpose of my intended voyage."
There is no question of any plan of colonization; it is only
Liljevalch's own family and servants who will emigrate.
"To be sure, I have already sent off some artisans and
will probably send off more, as well as farm laborers and
herdsmen, but these are especially engaged at the request
of my friends in Australia, on contract for several years
and with free transportation out." It is also only farmers
with adequate capital who can emigrate. These can " in a
most pleasant climate collect together, with proper economy,
a considerable fortune within a shorter time than in Europe."
But they must be persons with ambition. Liljevalch would
certainly act irresponsibly if he were to let his skippers
transport persons "other than such as have given assurance
in advance of their adequate means." Women are also much
in demand in Australia. News of this leaked out when
Liljevalch, "as a joke," read parts of private letters from
Australia to some friends, and his wife has had to receive
a number of inquiries. Altogether, " a strange rage for emi­gration
has come over the people," and Liljevalch daily
receives written and oral inquiries from persons who scarcely
know where it is a question of going to, "or what they
should undertake in their imagined El Dorado."
Prospects for trade in that part of the world are none­theless
said to be brilliant. Liljevalch gives examples of
import and export to Australia, and of what gains may be
counted on. In the letter it is also pointed out that the New
Holland and New Zealand area is a center for whaling.
Here Swedes should be able to undertake profitable ventures,
since to Malmö alone 30-35,000 gallons of whale-oil are
imported annually. No Swede has thus far sailed the Pacific
Ocean except for a skipper from Malmö, for which reason
Malmö has Sweden's first and only circumnavigator of the
world.1 8
1 8 The latter, Nils Werngren, was Liljevalch's own skipper. Cf.
Börjesson, S t o c k h o l m s segelsjöfart, 381 f. Liljevalch had maintained
trade with Australia and the Pacific Ocean since 1839 and his vessel,
MARY ANN, was the first Swedish ship to reach Sydney. See ibid.,
364, 391, 405 f.
64
It is evident that Liljevalch wishes to underplay the
scope of his plans while at the same time he also carries
on clear propaganda for Australia. That his projects also
contained other elements is shown by the Oxehufvud enter­prise.
One might also take note of the notice in M i n e r v a
of plans to transport prisoners from the houses of correction.
This was a classic procedure in the case of Australia.
Another aspect of Liljevalch's designs, which likewise con­flicts
with the contentions in his letter to Halling, can be
illuminated with the aid of a notice in S v e n s k a B i e t of
July 1842, which had been taken from Borås T i d n i n g . The
inhabitants of Älvsborg län, it is here stated, remember
well the wave of emigration for Australia during the past
winter, when people were enticed with favorable work
contracts in New Holland. Those who wished to emigrate
were to address themselves to G. M. Sager, for further
referral to Stockholm and Wholesale Merchant Liljevalch,
who was to go along "to settle somewhere in New Holland
and to be the head of the new colony." "Several hundred
persons" allowed themselves to be duped and were now
left in the lurch, since "the great emigration project has
gone up in smoke and nothing is now expected to become of
it, if indeed anything serious was ever intended with it."
It is known that Liljevalch had sought and received a grant
from the College of Commerce ( K o m m e r s k o l l e g i u m ) for
the establishment of trade relations with Australia, but the
article claims to hope that this has no connection with
"this cruel deception." It is further asked whether all
those who had been duped are now to be considered with­out
means and placed in poor-houses and houses of correc­tion,
and the demand is made that the whole affair be
investigated.19
D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a also took note of these developments,
but simply reports that according to Borås T i d n i n g a crowd
19 S v e n s k a B i e t , 13 July 1842. Concerning the grant from the College
of Commerce, it might be mentioned that a son of the president of the
College, C. D. Skogman, took part in the Oxehufvud expedition.
85
of would-be settlers had heeded the appeal to emigrate
and had sold their farmsteads. A corporal was said to have
gone around promising gold and green forests, and saying
that Liljevalch would go along on the journey.2 0 The version
differs from that in B i e t . Liljevalch also replies himself in
a contribution to S v e n s k a B i e t . He says here that the thirty
persons to whom he had promised livelihoods in Australia
had also been received, and he denies responsibility for
the others.21 No investigation of Liljevalch was made. Instead,
the newspapers are able to report in the fall of 1842 that
although Liljevalch had not, to be sure got his debt in the
Norrland affair cancelled, the interest on it had been voided
"in consideration of the benefits to the northern part of
the kingdom achieved through the efforts of Wholesale
Merchant Liljevalch."2 2 By the beginning of August, Lilje­valch
was also able to launch a new vessel at the shipyard
in Luleå. It bore the name AUSTRALIA.2 3
2
A further strand in this whole complex tangle must be
considered and that is Liljevalch's relations with Lars Johan
Hierta. In connection with the Oxehufvud expedition the
newspaper F r e j a , dominated by Johan Johansson and opposed
both to the phalanx that supported the government and to
the major liberal organs, comments on Liljevalch's role in
the affair. When it is known, it says, "that probably no
Swedish merchant draws as many bills of exchange as he
upon the future and its intended court journal, A f t o n b l a d e t ,
it is excusable if people become somewhat anxious over
the winds which should one day fill the sails of the ship
of state itself."24
20 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 13 July 1842.
21 S v e n s k a B i e t , 15 July 1842.
22 D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 12 October 1842.
23 A l l v a r o c h skämt (Sundsvall), 4 August 1842.
2 4 Freja, 20 May 1842; also cited in Paulin, O x e h u f v u d , 221. The
circle around F r e j a is in particular dealt with in A. Kjellen, S o c i a l a
idéer o c h m o t i v h o s s v e n s k a författare u n d e r 1 8 3 0 - o c h 1 8 4 8 - t a l e n ,
2 vols. (Stockholm, 1937-50), I, 30 ff., Ch. ii, and II, Ch. 7.
66
Relations between Liljevalch and Hierta did not date
just from 1840-41 but went back to an earlier time. They
had apparently been brought together by C. W. Liljecrona.
In a letter of November 1838 Liljecrona speaks of Liljevalch.
The latter is from Lund and was a university acquaintance of
Liljecrona's, "so that we know each other quite well and
also meet here quite often." Liljevalch "has a very specula­tive
mind — however, as I believe, is quite a spinner of
projects." He has meanwhile done a great deal for Norrland,
belongs to the so-called "men of the future," associates
with the crown prince and speculates over a ministerial
post. He is however deep in debt to the crown. "Skogman
and the prince have actually been the ones to keep him
out of trouble." Liljevalch has now suggested to Hierta —
"they invite each other and associate with each other"—
that A f t o n b l a d e t should carry out a campaign on behalf of
the crown prince, and he had spoken with the crown prince
of Hierta's goodwill. Hierta had nonetheless reacted
cautiously.25
These discreet contacts continued, according to what
Liljecrona had to relate in later letters. "Herr Liljevalch
has gradually become a channel through which various
things of interest transpire from the direction you know,"
he wrote in January 1839, and later that year Hierta and
Liljecrona advised the crown prince of their views via
Liljevalch.2 6 Hierta also became during the 1840s involved
in close business transactions with Liljevalch, but then it
was a question of projects of an entirely different type,
namely the ditching and cultivation of marshes on Gotland.
2 5 Liljecrona to Schoting, 25 November 1838, Lund University
Library. In this letter, Oxehufvud figures in an entirely different
role, namely as Chancellor of Justice Nerman's right-hand man
during the disturbances of 1838. Oxehufvud was related to Nerman.
2 6 Liljecrona to Schoting, 2 February, 22 October 1839, Lund Uni­versity
Library. See also Liljecrona's letter of 18 January 1840, in
which remarks by Foreign Minister G.N.A.A. Stierneld are passed
on via Liljevalch. Liljecrona's letters have previously been utilized
to point out the constellation of Hierta, Liljevalch and the crown
prince by G. A . Alden in L a r s H i e r t a s självbiografi, ed. G. A. Alden
(Stockholm, 1926), Appendix 4.
67
On the basis of these connections Crusenstolpe could,
later in the forties, refer to Liljevalch as Hierta's "over-supercargo."
27
These circumstances must be borne in mind in consider­ing
two major series of articles in A f t o n b l a d e t during the
latter half of 1842. In an article in the middle of June the
colonial question is discussed and a declaration of principle
is made. It must be a national loss for a land poor in popu­lation
to have an emigration of productive manpower, but
one must "consider the advantage, not only for the indi­vidual
to achieve a better economic situation through more
profitable work, but also for society to be freed from in­dividuals
who not infrequently are greatly tempted to do
damage to the social order." Thereupon, Liljevalch's efforts
to arouse interest in Australia are mentioned, as is a rather
adventurous brochure by Ernst Adolf Ortman concerning
an allegedly forgotten Swedish possession in Guiana.2 8 Ort¬
man's brochure had previously been announced in both
A f t o n b l a d e t and D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a . 2 9 Shortly thereafter there
appears in A f t o n b l a d e t an article purportedly by a contribu­tor,
"On Colonizing and Colonies," which directly propa­gandizes
in favor of New Holland and in which the appeal
is made that colonization should be left to "private specu­lation."
3 0 The article is evidently influenced by Liljevalch.
In the fall of the same year a lengthy article from the
Norwegian newspaper C h r i s t i a n s a n d s p o s t e n is published in
A f t o n b l a d e t , "Observations in Connection with the Emi­gration
of our Countrymen to America," according to the
2 7 H. Wieselgren, L a r s Johan H i e r t a . B i o g r a f i s k s t u d i e (Stockholm,
1880), 279n. On the Gotland enterprise, see my D e n n y a världen . . . ,
206f.
28 A f t o n b l a d e t , 16 June 1842. On Ortman, see G. E. Klemming and
J. G. Nordin, S v e n s k b o k t r y c k e r i h i s t o r i a 1 4 8 3 - 1 8 8 3 (Stockholm,
1883), 427 f. and on the background to the Swedish pretentions, see
G. Edmondson, "The Swedish Legend in Guiana," E n g l i s h H i s t o r i c a l
R e v i e w (1899).
29 A f t o n b l a d e t , 30 November 1841; D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 11 February
1842.
30 A f t o n b l a d e t , 23 June 1842.
68
editors because of the "stimulus" it gave in the colonial
question.31 Here an interesting statement is made. Emigra­tion
"is developing just at a time when the people, freed
from their long civic thraldom, have come of age and every
man begins to feel himself to be an independent citizen."
Efforts have been made to prevent emigration, but in vain.
It is, however, no longer impelled by poverty, despair or
fortune-seeking. It is "the most thoughtful and intelligent"
who leave, and the stream will only increase as long as the
economy is not quickly developed in the homeland and the
government remains passive. It is the intention of the
Creator that men shall spread themselves freely over the
earth.
The only thing the government can do is to seek to turn
the stream to advantage, found a colony and let people
move there. There is meanwhile little hope that the govern­ment
will take such an initiative and patriotic citizens should
therefore join together in some sort of association. Follow­ing
a passionate exposition of the over-population and
economic stagnation of the homeland, there follows the con��clusion:
"With wisdom and civic-mindedness may each
strive t o l e a d t h e p o p u l a r m o v e m e n t for t h e b e n e f i t of m a n ­k
i n d and t h e f a t h e r l a n d ! " The article is not chosen by
chance. The Norwegian C h r i s t i a n s a n d s p o s t e n was headed
at this time by Johan Reinert Reiersen, the most enthusiastic
defender of Norwegian emigration both in theory and prac­tice.
3 2 It fitted in excellently against the background of the
propaganda carried on by D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , A f t o n b l a d et
and Liljevalch.
31 A f t o n b l a d e t , 31 October, 2, 3, 7 November 1842.
3 21. Semmingsen, V e i e n m o t v e s t . U t v a n d r i n g e n fra N o r g e till
A m e r i k a , 2 vols. (Oslo, 1941-50), I, 202 ff. On Reiersen's emigration to
America, cf. S v e n s k a M i n e r v a , 11 March 1843, where it is suggested
that this was caused by his fear of being brought to court or losing
the citizen rights of his town. S v e n s k a M i n e r v a makes the ironical
comment: "Thus our great men move out of the light and into the
shadow."
69
3
In the debate concerning Swedish colonies there appeared
another theme which has played a part in what has already
been discussed and to which there is now reason to return.
This is the debate over Swedish poverty and the inten­sively
discussed problem of poor relief. To summarize the
question one can most simply refer to a motion by C. A.
Agardh at the Riksdag of 1840-41. A new and unknown
phenomenon has afflicted all civilized states — except for
North America — namely pauperism, writes Agardh. Poverty
is a phenomenon that was known previously, but then as
an exception, "not as a rule, not as a continuing and develop­ing
element in society." He now demands that the state
should intervene to counteract this deplorable situation.
Agardh further propounds the theory that "pauperism
follows upon prosperity, enlightenment, civilization, as a
shadow follows its body." It is thus the most highly civilized
lands that suffer from pauperism. Sweden has experienced
an enormous increase of paupers and landless farm laborers.
With pauperism comes demoralization. In the Swedish debate
the distinction has not been made between poverty, which
afflicts individuals and is cured through Christian charity,
and pauperism, which afflicts entire classes of society and
against which measures must be taken affecting "the condi­tions
of the state economy." The reasons for poverty are
many, for pauperism only one: the development of a dis­proportion
"between increase in population and increase
in opportunities for employment." Pauperism "thus follows
altogether mathematical laws," and its fluctuations can be
calculated on the basis of the amount of demand for labor.
Civilization has brought about a greater respect for human
life, for medical care, fewer wars, greater freedom in con­tracting
marriage, and population has increased. The demand
for labor has also increased, but not at the same rate, since
modern industry has caused "the substitution of dead natural
forces in place of living, and machines in place of human
70
labor." For this reason, pauperism is a necessary consequence
of civilization.
The cause of pauperism has been sought in overpopula­tion.
Formerly pauperism was avoided through colonization
and "the migration of peoples," and "even in our days the,
most effective course has been found in this." In Sweden,
"from which people cannot and do not wish to emigrate,"
consideration has been given to attempting to limit popu­lation
increase. But since pauperism is caused not only by
population increase but must be explained through the
relationship between two factors, the only answer is to
increase opportunities for employment. Agardh proposes
that the state should intervene by organizing public works
projects, through the building of new communications, the
cultivation of new land, the draining of marshes, etc. A
quarter of the profits of the state bank should be set aside
yearly for this task; such is Agardh's concrete proposal. As
an example of such a measure, he points to the United States.
There they have financed immense public works, not through
taxation but rather through bank loans, and there they
have not developed any pauperism. Sweden ought to follow
the example of the United States.33
This motion by Agardh is replied to by E. G. Geijer. He
speaks of the pessimistic Malthusianism, the alarming ele­ment
of which has now been toned down. Geijer's own
view is
that the irresistible tendency of population increase to
go beyond the available means of subsistence is simply
a means in the plan of Providence to drive mankind,
even using need as its schoolmaster, further along the
path of cultivation.
This must occur "with complete freedom for the develop­ment
of individual powers" and cannot be replaced by a
system of either state prohibitions or state encouragements.
33 Prästeståndets p r o t o k o l l 1 8 4 0 , 1, 322-35.
71
"The state is first and foremost an institution for security
and justice, and only in the third place for relief." Geijer
therefore opposes the idea of establishing public works. The
United States cannot be used as an example, for it must
be remembered "that the foundation of the industrial move­ment
in the United States is private industry, the spirit of
private association."
In a rejoinder Agardh appeals to the Frenchman, Michel
Chevalier, and rejects Geijer's thesis that the state "should
limit itself to negative measures in order to leave every­thing
free for individual solicitude and energy." The state
should take positive measures, open up new sources of
income and opportunities for labor. Geijer continues the
discussion concerning the United States by maintaining that
the intervention of the individual states has gone too far
in the U.S.A., by pointing to the accumulation of debts and
overspeculation that had led to financial crisis. "We, although
we customarily take up foreign fashions just when they
are on the way out in their countries of origin, ought in
more than one respect not to invoke this example." Agardh
is then able to reply that Geijer's reservations affect the
concrete manner of proceeding in the United States, not
the system as such.34
The discussion between Agardh and Geijer is conducted
in such clear ideological terms that only a few comments are
necessary. They both proceed from the conception that the
level of population is regulated by definite laws, but their
recommendations are totally different. It may also be ob­served
that Agardh completely rejects emigration and colon­ization
as a solution of problems. The debate over the United
3 4 Concerning Geijer's role here, see C. A. Hessler, G e i j e r s o m
P o l i t i k e r , 2 vols. (Göteborg & Stockholm, 1937-47), II, 300. L e t t e rs
s u r l'Amérique d u N o r d (1836) by the Saint-Simonian, Michel
Chevalier, is one of the period's most notable and discussed travel
descriptions. See R. Rémond, L e s États-Unis d e v a n t I'opinion
française, 2 vols. (Saint-Just-la-Pendue [Loire], 1962-63), I, 331,
366 f, 374 ff, 774 ff; M. Fisher, W o r k s h o p s i n t h e W i l d e r n e s s . T h e
E u r o p e a n R e s p o n s e t o A m e r i c a n I n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n , 1 8 3 0 - 1 8 6 0 (New
York, 1967), 23, 27, 39, 65 ff., 117 ff., 127 f., 151 ff., 170.
72
States is also concerned with the question of the reason for
American prosperity and Geijer consistently advances the
idea of individual initiative. Agardh sees the United States
from a more unusual viewpoint: as a progressive country
with regard to public intervention in economic life. In an
apparently paradoxical manner it is Geijer who primarily
stresses the negative aspects of the development of the United
States.
The problem of overpopulation is now of prime concern
in a number of connections. It comes up again at the same
Riksdag in a communication from the governor of Värmland
län concerning the need prevailing that province. It has
been attempted, he says, to prove that the small population
in Sweden "hindered the culture of the country." He him­self
has, on the other hand, already indicated the possibility
of overpopulation in his five-year report in 1823. When there
are now complaints of scarcity in Dalarna and Värmland, it
is overpopulation that lies at the basis of it. In England and
Germany this great increase in population may also be ob­served,
and it may be asked whether the emigration from
Norway to the United States does not derive from overpopu­lation.
3 5
Almost a year after Agardh's motion A f t o n b l a d e t takes up
his views.3 6 It is claimed that Agardh's motion will be pub­lished
" i n order that various resolutions may be based upon
it at the time of the later consideration of the extra state
budget," and it is therefore necessary to examine the ideas
set forth therein. A f t o n b l a d e t takes an entirely negative pos­ition
toward Agardh. Neither does it accept Geijer's words
on a Providential plan for development: "It is a pleasant
thought with which to console oneself amidst the present
deplorable realities, but it strongly resembles the German
philosophers' manner of explaining what they did not h a ve
any explanation for." Agardh's reasoning concerning the
relationship between civilization, pauperism, and machines is
3 5 This writing is printed in S v e r i g e s s t a t s t i d n i n g , 7 March 1840.
36 A f t o n b l a d e t , 25, 26 February 1841.
73
untenable, and A f t o n b l a d e t proposes instead another expla­nation:
privilege. England, Sweden, and the United States are
compared in this respect. England, which has the greatest
privileges and much machinery, suffers the most from gen­eral
poverty. Sweden, which has much privilege and little
machinery, likewise has " a pauperism alarming for the fu­ture."
America, "which lacks privilege but is loaded with
machinery, has happily escaped pauperism." A f t o n b l a d et
therefore belabors noble privilege, the gild system, and a
regulated economy. The people in the countryside are bound
to the soil without the means of freeing themselves. The
people are held in guardianship. General regulations also
constitute a form of guardianship. The state should take
negative measures, positive ones only when necessary to
remove hindrances to the individual's free activity. It should
be observed here how A f t o n b l a d e t polemicizes not only
against Agardh but also against Geijer.
Against the background of the debate that here has been
reconstructed, on the part of Agardh, Geijer, and A f t o n b l a d e t ,
the question of colonization and emigration may again be
raised. At the end of 1842 A f t o n b l a d e t discussed, in a consid­erable
number of articles, the phenomenon of pauperism. In
particular, the series bearing the title " O n the Means to Pro­test
Sweden Against Pauperism" may be considered. Various
ideas will be recognized from the viewpoints expressed in
the article against Agardh in 1841, but the concrete program
of reform is further elaborated.37
Pauperism, according to A f t o n b l a d e t , can be prevented if
public instruction is made available, so that those capable of
supporting themselves can also acquire the qualifications to
do so. Sufficient opportunity must be made for the excercise
of these capabilities, which will require that "certain monopo­listic
considerations must be set aside." "We believe that one
can do this, but does not w a n t to." A means for improvement
would be to acknowledge the individual right "to dispose
37 A f t o n b l a d e t , 12,13,17, 22 December 1842.
74
without hindrance of the product of one's industry," and to
allow peddling together with home handicrafts. Besides,
economic possibilities must be increased in relation to popu­lation.
A f t o n b l a d e t polemicizes in strong terms against the
pessimistic Malthusianism which has been joyfully embraced
by "Toryism and its agents," but which is a doctrine in con­flict
both with experience and with Christianity. To seek in
various ways to hinder population growth is not feasible.
Providence has indicated a means against overpopulation:
"Increase, multiply and fill t h e e a r t h ! " When it becomes too
crowded in one country, "that is a sign to that land's inhabi­tants
to follow this injunction and look around in the world
for another place where they can live."
This admonition holds good for Sweden too. "We must
consider colonizing." We should investigate the possibilities,
the sooner the better, of acquiring colonies, if we do not wish
to be beaten to it and to have the settlers forced to go to
places that are already occupied and thus to lose their nation­ality.
The emigration which has gone to Wisconsin, for ex­ample,
and "now this past fall" to New Holland — the allu­sion
to Liljevalch is evident — had to take place under the
above circumstances. "It is indeed recounted as a tale" that
Sweden has a right to a region in South America — here
Ortman's brochure is again brought forth — but the govern­ment
has done nothing to investigate the matter. The area is
otherwise suitable, regular communications are possible and
the Swedish West Indian island of St. Barthélemy is nearby.
No other areas lie within reach. The fight for New Holland
and New Zealand is a hard one and another region which has
been noted, northern California, is too far away. It is also
necessary to have colonies; "this is the ultimate means of
salvation from pauperism, but it is a sure one when made use
of with understanding."
About a month after the publication of these articles in
A f t o n b l a d e t , N o r r l a n d s p o s t e n begins to publish a series of
75
"Letters from Northern Hälsingland."38 These also deal with
the question of pauperism and the views expressed show a
clear relationship to those in A f t o n b l a d e t . The belief in the
principle is here expressed — in invoking J . B. Say — that
production is the basis of a nation's prosperity, and the ques­tion
is raised how industry in Norrland can best be stimu­lated.
As in A f t o n b l a d e t , the demand is made for widened
possibilities for instruction and a comprehensive activity in
the field of public enlightenment, but also recommends, in
line with the ideas of Friedrich List, "the calling in of skilled
workers and entrepreneurs from abroad."
The problem for a state cannot be solved only by import­ing
labor but it must also get rid of "certain parts of its pop­ulation."
Examples from the present and the past are ad­duced
to show the usefulness of colonies. Free, politically
independent colonies ought therefore to be established, which
can develop freely. "Let not the lessons of history be lost to
us, but rather — emigration on a large scale." If there are
uncultivated areas within the country, a part of the colonists
can be directed there, the others "must go to other parts of
the world." Colonization not only saves the motherland from
overpopulation but also stimulates exports. Invoking Robert
Peel, it is maintained that every country will be forced to
colonize, "and the later this necessity is understood and this,
the only cure for it, is undertaken, the more pressing the
need will become." The goal for this activity is the "unifying
and improving" of the world. "That race which is actually the
civilized one" will spread itself over the earth, morally edify
other peoples, and itself, "by uniting and fusing with them,
gain new strength." Wars seem increasingly to be in the
process of disappearing. Mankind is now moving on to "no­bler
conquests, nobler battles."
38 N o r r l a n d s p o s t e n , 20, 31 January, 17 February, 7, 10 March 1843.
The articles are signed " E . " Peel in actuality took a skeptical
position toward organized emigration, but individual comments by
him are used to argue the reverse. See W. S. Shepperson, B r i t i sh
E m i g r a t i o n t o N o r t h A m e r i c a . P r o j e c t s and O p i n i o n s in t h e E a r l y
V i c t o r i a n P e r i o d (Oxford, 1957), 188, 204, 207, 209, 211.
76
The writer in N o r r l a n d s p o s t e n also ventures to make
certain speculations as to where Swedish colonists ought to
go. Emigration to South and North America, to the Cape
of Good Hope (!), the establishment of the Emigrant Society
{Emigrantföreningen), "the enthusiasm with which a num­ber
of people sought through Herr Liljevalch to take part in
the emigration to Australia," all are said to attest "both that
the old urge to migrate lives on within the nation, as well as
to the clearly perceived need for the same." It is a pity that the
people's desire has been so little heeded by the authorities.
The government has done nothing, "and the Emigrant So­ciety
counted no rich men among its members." Emigration
itself should not, however, be difficult to bring about. North
and South America take in colonists, and if it is a question
of a more permanently organized colony, there are possibili­ties
in Africa and Australia. Negotiations to such an end
should be undertaken by men sent out by the government
"for this end, with appropriate scientific knowledge and skill."
Even if the goal for intended colonies is somewhat different,
the overall tendency of this series of articles agrees entirely
with those in A f t o n b l a d e t . The tone is if anything even more
exalted when it comes to praising the benefits of colonies.
When the idea is here proposed of sending forth Swedish ex­perts,
it may be recalled that a man actually was sent out
officially in 1844. His task was, however, primarily to investi­gate
possibilities for Swedish iron exports to the East Indies
and also came to include possibilities for establishing trade
relations with China. E. G. Danielsson in the United States
was to investigate possible American iron exports to China. In
September 1844 C. D. Skogman informs O. Wijk in Gothen­burg
of the background to this venture and Skogman is filled
with indignation: "This lunacy concerning the greatly touted
expeditions to the East Indies doubtless comes originally
from that archspinner of projects, Liljevalch, who knew
how to win over certain well-meaning but simple-minded
members of the Iron Office {Järnkontoret), after which the
77
matter was insinuated directly to His Majesty." The College
of Commerce has nothing to do with the affair and Skogman
has rejected the idea, since "those associations set up by
block-heads for trading enterprises had always ended in loss
for their participants."3 9
In October 1844 Wijk is able to inform his relative, Charles
Gibson, in Batavia, that the College of Commerce has ap­proved
sending an agent to China and establishing a consul
in Java. As the envoy to China "His Majesty has appointed
Wholesale Merchant Liljevalch of Stockholm (a person who
does not enjoy particular confidence.)" Wijk considers the
whole project a folly: "It will be a strange way to represent
Sweden."4 0 Liljevalch did in fact go to China and this journey
was thus the only more meaningful result of his activity dur­ing
these years.
Ideas concerning Swedish colonies meanwhile continued
to crop up even during the years that followed. Closely re­lated
to the circumstances already discussed is a writing from
1846, published anonymously by the litterateur and lieuten­ant,
Johan Ludvig Zethraeus.41 The author claims to have
intended to publish this during the Riksdag of 1840-41, but
held it back when he learned that the Swedish general con­sul
in Montevideo, John Tarras, planned to make a similar
proposal to the government. When this did not happen and
since Tarras had died, this writing could come out, since it re-
3 9 Skogman to Wijk, 17 September 1844, Göteborgs landsarkiv, Wijk
family archive. That Skogman had had business dealings with
Liljevalch during the 1830s to their common profit is brought out
in a rather scurrilous article in F r e j a , 8, 15 December 1837.
4 0Wijk to Charles Gibson, 20 October 1844 (copy), Göteborgs
landsarkiv. Wijk's opinion was also influenced by irritation over
a successful competitor. He felt that Gibson could better have carried
out the task.
41 N y a S k a n d i n a v i e n e l l e r O m s k a d l i g h e t e n för S v e r i g e o c h N o r r i ge
av u t f l y t t n i n g a r såsom d e n u s k e , s a m t n y t t a n o c h nödvändigheten
för d e s s a r i k e n att äga k o l o n i e r , jämte möjligheten att d e m åstad­k
o m m a (Stockholm, 1846).
78
mained as pertinent as before.42 Zethraeus too appeals for a
presumptive Nordic market for emigration. Now is the right
time for Sweden and Norway to take advantage of those con­ditions
which the urge to emigrate and spirit of adventure
have created in Europe. The advantages to colonies which
Zethraeus gives are the same as have been given above from
the press. Sweden and Norway should establish common
colonies and we would win a new Scandinavia which, by
means of a wise colonial administration, could be made as
attractive as North America is now. If the rumors about
Guiana are true (Ortman!), it would be simplest to found
a colony there. Otherwise, one should turn elsewhere: "New
Holland, the Isthmus of Panama, the south coast of Africa,
or perhaps one of the larger archipelagos of the South Seas."
Zethraeus' discussion of the establishment and organization
of the colony need not be followed any further. The rela­tionship
of the brochure to the lines of thought discussed
above is clearly evident.
The debate over Swedish colonies provides, like that over
emigration, a mixture of theoretical arguments and hypothes­es
and of concrete plans and projects, which cross each
other. A veritable E l Dorado seemed to open up for the most
daring spirits, who seized the opportunity on the wing to
win the support of interested financiers or institutions. The
name C. F . Liljevalch is that which recurs most often in the
above discussion. His projects had contemporary internation­al
parallels in England, France, and Germany. The burgo-
4 2 Interest in South America as a region for emigration and
colonization is also clearly reflected in the press at this time. It
was inspired not least of all by C. A. Gosselman's travels and
reports. In October 1843 S v e r i g e s s t a t s t i d n i n g published a series of
articles of French origin on South America, which, however, on
the whole warn against emigration. The states both in the north and
the south are immature, they lack background and traditions. Civili­zation
there is "artificial." One cannot get along under the freedom
carried to extremes which exists there (9 October 1843). The same
thing can be said — with modifications — of, for example, the
account of the Danish Captain Wordinger's colonizing project (12
March 1844). Cf. D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a , 11 June 1844. John Tarras is
dealt with by A. Paulin, S v e n s k a öden i S y d a m e r i k a (Stockholm,
1951), esp. 278 ff., though without mention of any colonizing plans.
79
master of Hamburg, Karl Sieveking, sought in 1841-42 to
arrange for German colonies in both South America and
New Zealand, and his project was only one of a series of
German ventures.43 Likewise the arguments for combining
colonization with emigration have direct counterparts in Ger­many,
from, among others, Hans von Gagern and Friedrich
List. Emigration, Gagern maintained in 1840, emphasized
Germany's unfortunate lack of colonies. In memoranda to
Metternich and to the Prussian government he proposed
emigration and colonies as a countermeasure against over­population,
poverty, and demoralization during the process
of industrialization. In his D a s nationale S y s t e m d e r politis¬
chen O e k o n o m i e (1841-42), List provided the theoretical
bases for such thinking. List looked to other goals for emi­gration
besides America, above all within Europe. "This was
the German frontier dream of manifest destiny formulated
by the Grossdeutsch south German nationalist, List, back
from America."4 4 The debate in Sweden and the many pro­jects
of the early 1840s fall within the framework of the
overall Europe debate. Aside from the support this thinking
received from persons like Liljevalch during this opening
period of Swedish emigration, the connection can be noted
with newspapers such as A f t o n b l a d e t , D a g l i g t A l l e h a n d a and
N o r r l a n d s p o s t e n . The propaganda here was concerted. It is
meanwhile clear that colonial ideas could contain both nation­alistic
and protectionistic elements.
4 3 M. Walker, G e r m a n y and t h e E m i g r a t i o n , 1 8 1 6 - 1 8 8 5 (Cambridge,
Mass., 1964), Ch. iii, iv. On Sieveking, see i b i d . , 90 ff.
44 I b i d . , Ch. iv. Citation from i b i d . , 118. Shepperson, in B r i t i sh
E m i g r a t i o n , (Oxford, 1957) has discussed the English colonizing
ventures, R. Rémond, in L e s États-Unis d e v a n t I'opinion française,
(2 vols., St. Just la Pendue [Loire], 1962-1963) the French. See
Remond, esp. Ch. ii, 4-5.
80