Long a symbol of wealth, prestige, and power, in contemporary European (and now in North American cultures as well), chocolate is also associated with “romantic love, personal indulgence, and festive occasions.” (Leissle, 131)

This play on personal indulgence has led modern day marketers to not only continue to target the elite, but more specifically to women, sexualizing them by creating a narrative that they can be aroused and sinfully satisfied through the act of eating chocolate.

Dove Chocolate, a subsidiary of MARS (https://www.dovechocolate.com/aboutdove), has perpetuated this stereotype through a series of advertisements for their new chocolate with almonds. The message delivered through the campaign (print and video) is that only Dove can provide a chocolate so pure and silky. Its visuals, taglines, and representation tell a story that focuses on sensations and indulgent “moments” where true joy seems to live, but only for the exclusive, privileged few.

Dove’s Original Print

Dove’s original print invites the viewer to “nourish” one’s soul through the saturation of one’s senses. This is shown as a guilty pleasure. An attractive woman with flawless skin is seen up-close, enveloped in silky rich fabric. Caught up in the bliss of her “moment,” she appears to be perfectly at ease, naked, a glow in her cheeks, bedroom eyes, hair blowing in an unseen breeze as she rests amid the silk with a secretive smile. This smile seems to imply something intimate, nearly post-coital, as if the viewer has caught a glimpse of her in this luxurious moment; as if she is basking in the delight of a chocolate-induced orgasm.

Dove’s Revised Advertisement

Dove’s revised advertisement also focuses on cherished, magical moments, but instead of the erotic or exclusive, they are moments, alone or shared, that celebrate life’s milestones – monumental or mundane.

The new print focuses on strength and challenging oneself (as seen in the woman rock climbing), unity (a family enjoying an afternoon outdoors), joy (friends jumping on the beach), support and teamwork (a game of wheelchair basketball), firsts (teaching a child to fish), celebration (a group of elderly friends dancing), romantic love (a couple holding a heart), and health (a family sitting down to share a balanced meal). Inspirational natural beauty is also included with the sun setting over a lake and then rising again. The new print encourages viewers to “nourish” their souls and “saturate” their senses through beautiful moments for all.

In sum, chocolate is not a sexualized joy or moment for an elite few, but a food and experience to be enjoyed by all.

Chocolate and advertisements often go hand in hand. Since its discovery by the Europeans, the popularity of chocolate rose in the 1600s, and it do so through the use of advertisement. Early advertisements began as word of mouth, but over the years it has progressed into what we now know as modern Ads: videos, photos, drawings. Along with progression, came a slew of negative stereotypes that were consistently portrayed for the sake of marketing certain goods. Of the many representations shown through images and videos, the two that will be discussed, is the use of race and gender in Ads. Time and time again, the respect for the history of chocolate and people has been disregarded for the sake of promoting a product.

Race

Chocolate is often used as a synonym for darker skin. This is portrayed consistently in the media whether it is though words or imagery. In this Thai Ad, a new charcoal donut is being advertised. A bite is take out of the donut, which presumably turns the woman “black”. This literal representation is seen in the woman painted in black—to depict “charcoal”, while her pink lips stand out against her face. Dunkin Donuts has received much criticism over the lack of racial sensitivity in the Ad. The chocolate donut could have been marketed in other ways without resorting to race. Tactics such as this undermines the history and struggle of a group of our population in order to sell products.

A woman’s face turns black, after taking a bite out of a charcoal donut.

Gender

As seen in both ads, females are often depicted as the representation for chocolates and sweets. Females are stereotyped into roles of femininity and sexuality in order to represent the object at hand. It often becomes hard to tell whether it’s the product or sex that is being sold, as the two are very entwined. As the image below shows, Cadbury is being compared to a female, and not just any female, but the supermodel Naomi Campbell. Her name brings to mind, images of being a diva, sassy, tall, slender, and beautiful. Focus is paid to the physical attributes that are deemed as the ideal. These physical features are used to convey confidence, sassiness, allure and sexuality. This theme is repeated in countless advertisements where females are seen laying on a bed, or in various sexual poses. It’s as if, any female that doesn’t fit the mold of the stereotypical sexual woman, chocolate just wouldn’t taste as good.

An Ad comparing an new Cadbury product to the model Naomi Campbell, who is of African descent

Original Ad

More focus need to be paid on making advertisements inclusive. Breaking free of stereotypes will allow the advertised message to reach a greater array of audiences who do not fit gender and racial molds. The focus should always be on the product more so than the people. Advertisements should aim to remove any ambiguity as to what is being sold and any stereotypes that are being subliminally reinforced. The original ad depicts an image of chocolate of various color and shapes, with the message of celebrating all colors and shapes. The message is in direct response to the images above, where the mainstream links chocolate exclusively to dark skinned and African people. This ad tries to break free of socially constructed images of the “ideal women”—tall and skinny—which do not always depict the everyday norm. Above all, the advertisement focuses solely on the product, leaving no ambiguity as to what is being sold and the audience that is being targeted—everyone.

An Inclusive Ad that aims to focus just on the product and to celebrate differences.

Although this original Ad aims to deconstruct stereotypes, its focus may be too narrow. The slogan, “..in every shade and size”, responds only to the racial and body image portrayal of females. Male audiences, along with children and elder people may be marginalized. This shows how easy it is to leave out sections of the consumer population, wether it is intentional or not. It also shows how important it is to be inclusive of all people. Advertisements should direct their efforts in embracing and celebrating differences, not using it to reinforce centuries old ideal. Over time, Ads should completely move away from depicting chocolate to race and gender all together. The sole reason for candy should be for the sake of taste and satisfaction.

empowerment and objectification

For ninety years, Godiva Chocolatier has struggled to strike a balance between empowering women and objectifying them. Godiva was named after the legendary Lady Godiva, whose story, though set just after the turn of the 11th century, exemplifies the tension between female empowerment and objectification that we see in advertising in 2016.

[1] Even today, the image of Lady Godiva – eternally naked – appears on every box of Godiva chocolate.Lady Godiva is generally remembered far better for her titillating nudity than for the circumstances that preceded her naked horseback ride. As the story goes, she argued with her husband (Lord Godiva, presumably) over his tax policy, which was hurting the people in their village. He agreed to change his policies if she rode naked through the village on horseback (French). According to the story, she took him at his word and rode naked through the town, and he changed his tax policy, and in theory everyone lived happily ever after (French).

Whether the story is true or not, it poses a difficult question regarding objectification. Lady Godiva took a bold action to stand up for the people of her village, but she was coerced into it by a male partner who did not take her opinions seriously. She chose her nudity, and yet it was not her choice at all. Is she an example of a woman taking her sexuality into her own hands, and using it to empower herself, or an example of a woman forced to expose herself as the lesser of two evils?

The question of female agency in sexualized media can be difficult to disentangle. Certainly female sexuality – and indeed nudity – in and of itself is not a problem. The problem arises when women are sexualized by others, for the benefit of others, and to the discomfort or even harm of the woman.

godiva ads, past and present

Godiva has historically produced advertisements that align with stereotypes, particularly the trope of the woman who is aroused by chocolate (Martin). Their recent DIVA advertising campaign features a series of women with dark eye makeup and lidded eyes, tousled hair, and clothing that appears to be slipping off. In the image below, the placement of the woman’s hands draw attention to her hair and her low neckline, and her horizontal position implies an arousal of something more than taste.

In an interview with AdWeek to herald Godiva’s 90th anniversary, head of marketing Michelle Chin offered that Godiva is looking to shift their target demographic to reach a younger consumer. “For us, what’s most important is pushing the emotional connection that consumers have with the brand,” Chin said. “Godiva means a lot of different things to people, but it really comes down to one thing—sparking joy and delight in consumers (Nudd)”. If their current marketing strategy can be successful at sparking joy and delight in that younger target demographic, they may be able to make this shift quite easily. If their advertisements are missing the mark, though, there may be more work for Godiva to do.

finally rewarded: a close read

The ad below is a still image of a woman in her late twenties or early thirties, leaning on a countertop, lifting a Godiva truffle from a gold box on the counter to her mouth. Behind her, out of focus, several men and at least one woman are standing or sitting, some drinking from glasses, with platters of food between them. This image does not immediately appear to be overly sexual; the woman’s shirt is high-necked, and she is leaning over the counter in a realistic, non-exhibitory pose. A gold panel at the right side of the image serves multiple functions: it reminds the viewer of the gold color of Godiva’s signature chocolate boxes, it generates an association between the ad and a marker of luxury, and it creates a space for text to be easily superimposed on the image.

[3] The advertisement in question.Yet several aspects of her physical appearance match onto features that stereotypically mark a woman as a sex object: her lips are slightly parted; her eyes are closed, or at least heavily lidded; her hair is tousled and shiny; her skin looks smooth and golden. Her shirt folds in a way that draws attention to her chest and collarbones. In the language of print advertising, her body language is code for arousal – and in this ad, she is clearly being aroused by the chocolate. But this is fairly typical of chocolate ads.

A more interesting feature of her pose is her privacy from the rest of the party. The text accompanying the image indicates that she was the one to plan the party, yet she has withdrawn from it to eat this chocolate. She appears to be celebrating her successful party with a private reward: she is not being celebrated by anyone else, including and especially her male guests, blurry and silent at the back of the frame. The ad also doesn’t focus on any pleasure stemming from her successful party or from a feeling that the work she put into it was worthwhile. Her only pleasure comes from the chocolate.

The chocolate, then, is clearly a private pleasure. Women are frequently depicted in media eating chocolate “in various states of sensual arousal” and frequently alone, sneaking the chocolate “as a guilty pleasure or consolation prize” (Martin). Two things complicate this trope. First, the comparison of chocolate-eating pleasure to sexual orgasmic pleasure leaves the woman merely the object of some pleasuring force (chocolate). If the experience of eating chocolate is sensually arousing, then watching the woman in the advertisement eat chocolate is a form of accepted voyeurism, with all the problematic implications that brings.

Second, the concept of food being used in secret reward behavior is deeply connected to troubled eating patterns. Public schools have been trying to ban food as an in-school reward for good behavior for years; several studies have shown that teaching people that food is a reward means they crave it far more, and are at much higher risk for obesity (Healy). Women, in particular, are taught to conceal their eating habits from a young age, or told that men find it unattractive when women eat in public. The instinct to hide food and snacking behaviors, especially on unhealthy foods – like chocolate – can be an early indicator of eating disorders (Rainey). Encouraging the women who see this ad to mimic that behavior is likely to go poorly.

redesigning for a new demographic

Godiva’s head of marketing wants the main associations consumers make with Godiva to be joy and delight. The ad above primarily transmits a message of pleasure, and mostly sexual pleasure. To facilitate a shift toward less-sexual joy, and to broaden the ad campaign’s appeal to a wider audience, a redesign of the above print ad uses nearly the same framing and phrasing but incorporates a different woman and a different scene.

A redesigned ad for Godiva’s new campaign.

In the redesigned ad, the phrase “Weeks AND WEEKS of planning” refers not to planning a party, but to Nicola Adams’ training and preparation for the 2012 London Olympics competition in boxing. Her preparation was presumably physically and emotionally taxing, and she is being rewarded with both a gold medal and a Godiva chocolate bar. This resolves several problematic aspects of the original ad.

Nicola is being rewarded not only with chocolate, but also with a gold medal. She is being celebrated for her success and performance, and her joy appears to stem from her abilities as well as from her chocolate-bar. The bright lights on her, compared to the dark background, also indicate that she is being lit or perhaps even photographed in front of a crowd of on-lookers. The public nature of the ad removes the problematic food-hiding behavior from the first ad.

From the Olympic medal around her neck, we are able to infer that she is being celebrated for her physical prowess. The gold stripe at the right side of the image is now more strongly associated with the gold medal – a symbol of overwhelming ability and success – than it is with luxury or classism.

Finally, the ad does not cast Nicola as a sex object. Her smile reaches her eyes; her hair is up, perhaps for comfort or ease of movement or perhaps just because she likes to wear it that way; she is wearing athletic clothing, and little or no makeup to accentuate her lips or darken her eyes.

suggestions for godiva

This redesigned advertisement is far from a solution to the stereotyped and sexualized images prevalent in chocolate advertisements and in all media today. By revising ad campaigns to erase stereotypes of sexism and classism and mental health (and we haven’t even discussed the racial undertones prevalent in chocolate imagery), Godiva can take a step toward reaching their target demographic with a message of delight and of joy.

works cited

French, Katherine. 1992. “The legend of Lady Godiva and the image of the female body.” Journal of Medieval History 18 (1): 3-19.

It is impossible to speak on chocolate advertising, through the lens of race and cultural insensitivity without being over-loaded with one image or video after another, of companies pleading ignorance or using deception in their bid to gain more consumers and acquire “target markets”. It is pertinent for the discussion of this subject matter that I utilize a select few images to tell a Story of the constructed prejudices still proliferated today in the world of chocolate advertising. Advertising in the chocolate industry especially in the western world is ignorant of the social, economic and political conditions facing the chocolate products that are marketed to consumers. These advertisements are generated primarily for the purposes of consumerism. History has been unkind in creating these stereotypes and what is now apparent is that chocolate industries have adopted these attributes to be used thematically in advertising as a means to widen consumer markets and increase sales, the use of racial and cultural insensitive has now become a tool used by certain chocolate companies to sell more ‘chocolate’.

Belgian ‘Chocolate Hands’

This picture, is of sweets popular in the Antwerp region of Belgium. “Antwerpse handjes in Dutch, are associated primarily with the myth of the founding of the city, in which the hero Brabo slew the tyrannical giant Antigoon, cut off one of his hands, and threw it in the river” (Dean). Of course the origin of the chocolate hands has been falsely attributed to a mythological story. The Chocolate hands in truth originated from a more sinister series of events that occurred during Belgium’s occupation of Congo by King Leopold II. “ The Belgium forces overseeing the enslaved workers were tasked to meet a daily quota of rubber and ivory harvest, the workers who did not meet the required quota would have their hands severed as punishment” (Dean). A false attribution of this chocolate hands with a local myth, is used to create patriotism and to increase sales. A marketing tool that chocolate advertisers often utilize.

Swedish Kina Chocolate

The Swedish Kina chocolate company advertisement shows how companies use cultural appropriation to suit their needs. The image features a rice krisp covered chocolate; an Asian woman with a hat is seen perched on top of the chocolate bar. This traditional hat is widely common in Asian countries, it is also common knowledge that people of Asian descent are attributed with rice. After much uproar, Kina went ahead and removed the face but left the hat, a trade mark of the Asian community that simply just is- is used to promote a stereotype.

To push back against the use of race and culturally insensitive as an advertising tool, I have created an image that focuses just on the chocolate itself. Chocolate being consumed by something we all consider gender-less, the sun. An argument could be made that my advertisement has no “target market” and it does not promote sales in anyway. My answer to that, is why should it? Chocolate sells itself, people are drawn to the taste. If chocolate is truly for the young and old, black and white, man and woman, why is a “target market” needed. Why is it that chocolate can’t be advertised to all on the same platform and everyone be allowed to choose without the power of persuasion. It could also be said that my advertisement lacks persuasion, I would refute with the assertion that persuasion when coupled with stereotypes and prejudice leads to vilification. As chocolate has been deemed to be sinful and even a subject of oppression- in reference to the disparities in Cacao industry.

To better understand the damages perpetuated by chocolate advertising, one should take a closer look at the Critical Race Theory introduced by Professor Martin in Lecture. The six basic tenets of race theory emphasizes certain points that enshroud the problems with race and cultural insensitivity today. 1) Racism is ordinary- these stereotypes are enforced by human beings and only we can change them. 2) Interest convergence- the interest of the power players do not align with an egalitarian initiative. 3) Social construction- stereotypes are used as a tool to promote Dwarnist ideas- some people have to be at the bottom of the food chain while others are on top. 4) Differential Racialization- Different groups are profiled based on what is best suited at the time. Intersectionality and anti- essentialism- No prejudice is above or under the other and one can experience all in a particular situation. For instance, in the Cadbury Ad calling out Naomi Campbell, Not only was she profiled as having a stubborn and unyielding attitude like most black women are that she has to be instructed to “move over”, she is also called out as a “Diva”, a negative image that strong and independent women who know what they want are often associated with.

Cadbury- Naomi Campbell Ad

6) Unique Voice of Color- People who have experienced prejudice are better at shining light on their plight. Integrating stereotypes in advertisements can be positive when it is used to create awareness or for positive campaigns against prejudice. It should never be used as an advertising tool to promote consumerism.

The Chocolate industry has had damaging effects in the use of “target market” ideology to increase sales. These stereotypes are often times given a pass because people are unaware of them or choose to be undisturbed by them. To condone the stereotypes in chocolate advertising is furthering the damage history has already created and in this case, it is much more insidious because it can go unrecognized or even worse, be tolerated as the norm.

The extent to which the chocolate industry as evolved and diversified since the product’s rise as a consumer item is nearly too broad to measure; from the so-called “Big Chocolate” firms to small-scale chocolatiers, cacao harvest to processed confection, the methods of production and promotion have grown to span an incredibly varied amalgamation of marketing niches. To address this phenomenon in a reasonable amount of time while maintaining an adequate level of detail, it therefore becomes necessary to focus on a single purveyor of chocolate, so the Hershey Company and its practices in the contemporary market will be analyzed.

Since the demonization of candy first gained popularity with the rise of health-consciousness, a culture of rebranding has spread through the industry in attempts to maintain the confection’s viability as a consumer good (though not necessarily an item of food). Furthermore, more recent campaigns raising awareness for working conditions related to cacao harvesting and trade ethics have merited response to growing scrutiny of producers’ supply chains, while a combination of ethical concerns and proliferation of the “foodie” as a consumer has led to a rise in popularity of single-source chocolate. The Hershey Company and its sister organization, the Hershey Entertainment and Resorts Company, have used their Chocolate World property to tackle both of these objectives, recasting their chocolate as agents of entertainment, releasing new artisanal lines, and educating their consumer base all under one roof. As Hershey is already leading the pack with ethical trade in big chocolate, reporting “it will source 100 percent certified cocoa for its global chocolateproduct lines by 2020 and accelerate its programs to help eliminate child labor in the cocoa regions of West Africa,” there is more to be done to increase awareness outside of the industry, itself. (BusinessWire) The company’s combined approach to education-entertainment, along with the massive size of Hershey’s consumer base (and traffic through HERSHEYPARK) therefore puts the company in a unique position to influence the global mindfulness of chocolate eaters through their own promotional endeavors.

“Hershey’s” has become eponymous with “cheap and yummy.” Milton Hershey’s original goal – to provide a luxury item to the masses on an economical scale – was achieved in proverbial spades, and is responsible for his company’s transformation into its present-day empire. Describing the iconic Hershey’s Kiss as the antithesis to “craft chocolate,” Kristy Leissle says, “the twist of silver foil sends a familiar flavor message to the brain, while the wrapper imparts nothing substantial about the chocolate.” She goes on to state: “industrial chocolate makers… were more interested in selling the flavor of particular candy bars than bean lineage.” (22) Her observations are entirely accurate; nothing of the packaging of mass-produced candy shows linkage to the cacao’s actual roots, and the flavors of milk and sugar predominate the products’ palates. This trend is not, though, born of callous disregard for the cacao’s origin, but rather of practical motivations. Firstly, production on a scale such as Hershey’s leaves little time for the optimization of individual beans’ nuances, especially when so many additives would mask them anyways. Secondly, in the modern state of the industry, uniformity is paramount. According to Pam Williams and Jim Eber, the blending of beans and masking of their inherent uniqueness preserves the future viability of various product lines. Even in the craft chocolate industry, blending has become common practice, both to enhance flavor and to account for year-to-year variations. Drawing a parallel to wine-making practice, Williams and Eber offer, “since cacao… is subject to agricultural variation, sameness is often impossible unless a manufacturer can occasionally adjust for those variations… to achieve uniformity.” (175) Citing a specific anecdote given by Steve De Vries, who had asked a manufacturer to account for a difference in taste between his personal preparation of a single-origin product made by the company, was given the response: “if [the bean] is too good we have to push it down a little bit because if we put something out that is better than what we think we are able to do next ear, we will have to deal with complaints.” (qtd. in Williams and Eber, 176) The necessity of homogeneity is present for single-source chocolatiers and large-scale producers, alike, and stems from the popular conception of what chocolate is. Unlike wine or scotch, where variations in quality and flavor from season to season are embraced, the concept of “chocolate vintages” has not taken hold; consumers expect consistency, whether they are picking up a Kit Kat in the supermarket checkout line or searching for a particular brand of Ghanaian-sourced cacao, and see no reason why any two chocolate bars of the same brand and variety should taste different.

The issue at hand seems to be consumer education. Williams and Eber hold that “the solution begins by stepping back and remembering not only how disconnected most people are from where cacao is grown, but also how and where chocolate is made.” (147-8) Chocolatiers have recognized this need, and have been looking for ways to “get people to connect to, appreciate, and pay more for fine flavor chocolate in the future.” (Williams and Eber, 148) Chocolate World at HERSHEYPARK is The Hershey Company’s version of the solution. Located at the park’s entrance, Chocolate World is host to four main attractions that ostensibly educate interested parties in various aspect of the Milton Hershey legacy, tying in entertainment with the Hershey Company’s history, chocolate making, and chocolate tasting. The original attraction to this effect is the Great American Chocolate Tour – a ride taking park visitors through mockups of the chocolate factory, detailing the journey from bean to bar. Beginning with video clips detailing the harvest of cacao pods, this tour provides a glimpse of an aspect often entirely overlooked by sellers of chocolate; albeit a brief snapshot of the humans responsible for furnishing the Hershey Company with cocoa, awareness is provided to the spectator that the cacao-chocolate trade is, in fact, a global one.

This attraction is not without issue, though. As referenced in an earlier blogpost, recent changes to the ride have placed an increased emphasis on milk (and its health benefits) through the use of animatronic cows. Shifting the focus from chocolate to an ostensibly healthier ingredient, and shifting that even further to a whimsical jingle, is a part of the aforementioned rebranding of chocolate. However, a more troubling problem is present in the Chocolate Tour, relating to its portrayal of cacao sourcing. The representation of bean sourcing provided at the automated blending conveyer is a vast oversimplification. Posters citing “WEST AFRICA” and “ECUADOR” as the beans’ origins label the chutes depositing them onto a belt, complete with images depicting a building modeled after the iconic Osu Castle and a generic rainforest, respectively. (Figure 1) While the mere recognition of the cacao harvest goes a step further than other brands might, this generalization present on the ride has a very unfortunate result – stripping the identity from those responsible for providing the beans. Why is the company of Ecuador specified while Ghana or the Ivory Coast are lumped into West Africa? This phenomenon is a side effect of the European colonialist perspective towards its former African holdings, ripples of which still persist in contemporary marketing strategy. According to Leissle, locales that enable marketers to depict “an escapist fantasty, inviting the shopper to experience a place more wonderful and tropical than wherever they are,” are ideal candidates for package design. (25) Unfortunately for places like West Africa, where Ghana and the Ivory Coast are responsible for providing a massive amount of cacao to American producers, “images of Africa in the US media fall generally into one of two categories – Africa as ‘trouble,’ which includes poverty, conflict, debt, and HIV/AIDS, and Africa as ‘curiosity,’ which involves tribal people wearing colorful clothes and beads.” (Leissle, 26) The troublesome side is to be avoided at all cost if one wishes to sell a product, while the curious one is exploited in the form of stereotypes and generalizations, such as the aforementioned poster. This phenomenon is not limited to big chocolate, though, as West African cocoa is often eschewed by single-source purveyors for similar motivations. With Hershey’s position to educate such a large proportion of consumers, an effort to recognize the individuals responsible for cacao harvest outside of a stereotype could go a long way in promoting ethical chocolate consumption.

But education has not been limited to chocolate production at Chocolate World. Another attraction, Hershey’s Chocolate Tasting Adventure, strives to make consumers more conscious tasters. Beginning as an informal seminar, attendees are taught to appreciate terroir, listen for the distinctive crackle of higher percentages of cocoa, and use their entire mouth to taste, as previewed in this promotional video. It has since been made somewhat more appealing to children, featuring “Professors” T. VanderBean and Livingston McNib, but maintains a much more global appreciation of the chocolate industry. Being one of the only locations in which Hershey’s line of Cacao Reserve bars is promoted, it takes advantage of their single-source origins to and a lesson in terroir to discuss some of the locales displayed in Figure 2. Bill Nesto maintains that “the more precisely delineated a chocolate’s origin is, the more opportunity there is for a producer to express its identity.” (135) The two go hand in hand, so the more Hershey refines its single-source offerings, the more it will be able to shed light on previously neglected

Words like guilt, sin, temptation, and decadence are today more often associated with food than sex. This sort of language in connection with consumption is most visible in food advertising, especially for sweets, pastries, and especially chocolate. Western culture tends to assign morals to food: treats high in fat and sugar are ‘bad’, while low-processed and low-calorie foods are ‘good’. The assignment of morality to food is a highly gendered phenomenon. Modern western advertising also bombards women with the image of a ‘thin ideal’: a slender, usually white, woman who is sexually attractive and generally successful. In an effort to achieve the thin ideal, women fall into cycles of dieting and craving based on the assignment of morals to food. And yet, chocolate is a product so connected to women culturally that its consumption seems unavoidable. Chocolate is advertised as an inherent and inevitable function of the female diet, but meanwhile a woman must exhibit control over this expected consumption without becoming overweight or obese. Her ability to subvert this consumption paradox and act in all ways assigned to her sex by society, and more specifically advertising firms, reflects on her morality, values, and strength. Chocolate serves as an agent of gendered body performance.

To understand the connotations of chocolate in the female diet today, one must review the evolution of chocolate from a health product to a dietary indulgence. Until dietetics and nutrition separated from medicine as a field, chocolate, like most food, was considered to be a health product. In 1577, chocolate was believed by the Spanish to have antipyretic properties and act as an effective treatment to liver disease. In 1796, Lavedan called chocolate a “universal medicine,” which stimulated “a natural warmth and the heart” (Watson 20). Up to the 1970’s, sugar was touted as a natural energy stimulant and appetite suppressant, an extremely successful “forging of public opinion” by sugar companies (Taubes). In fact, sugar may be comparably addictive to narcotic drugs in inducing craving (Ahmed). Soon into the 1960’s and 70’s, sugar and fat became vilified as contributors to heart disease and obesity, as evidenced by 1977 senator McGovern’s published hearings on saturated fats. As the public began to fear obesity and associated health risks, attitudes towards foods high in sugar, fat, and salt became markedly negative. As a result, mass-produced chocolate’s high-sugar and high-fat composition “have earned it the title of a ‘forbidden food’” (Fletcher et al. 212). As a food connoted with health risk and weight gain, chocolate in excess has come to be viewed as a poor health choice for one’s self.

Despite chocolate’s poor reputation as a health food, it is not uncommon to see thin white women in marketing campaigns selling the sweet. As with any other product using women to sell to buyers, the presented women often appeal to the ‘thin ideal’ image. Thin women sell products because of sexual attractiveness perhaps, but also because female consumers may aspire to achieve the appearance and success of the woman pictured. This phenomenon is not a new one; Rowntree and Cadbury advertisements in the 1930’s created images of wealthy white women whose “superior tastes” would select their product above others (Robertson 26).

Black Magic, 1937

In a 1937 Black Magic ad, a white woman sitting on a horse, the horse and her clothes indicators of class, is posed next to a box of chocolates. Images of high-class women are still present in advertising today, but indicators of wealth and success have evolved from just clothes and horses. Today an indicator of class in a woman is her thinness: wealthy women have the privilege to buy expensive, nutritious, organic foods to maintain a slender figure. A 2009 Godiva Chocolate print ad echoes the themes of the 1930’s chocolate companies as it pictures a thin and glamorous woman in a black dress eating

Godiva Chocolate, 2009

a single piece of chocolate. Even today, in viewing these chocolate advertisements “the non-Society female consumer may aspire to the romantic lifestyle of the leading character” (Robertson 27). Part of this “romantic lifestyle” includes a slender figure. Images like the Godiva ad seem to tell consumers, “glamorous and successful women eat our chocolate.” These women, however, apparently do not eat enough of the product to lose their class-indicative slender figure.

Thin women sell chocolate because society has a certain reaction to body image, and there exist certain connotations with societal construction of the female body. In fact, women may worry so much about the image of their own body that dieting, advertisements, and images of ‘bad’ foods induce negative feelings. Advertising for food tends not to include images of larger women. Perhaps certain markets promote the image of “normal” or “average” women, but these models are never too large. In fact, if a chocolate advertisement included images of a very overweight or obese woman, consumers would most likely not respond to this sort of marketing at all.According to Germov and Williams, “the thin body has become a symbol of youth, beauty, vitality and health.The cult of slimness represents the social pressure to discipline the surface body where fat is a clear sign of a body out of control” (102). The image of an overweight woman carries with it a stigma of a lack of personal responsibility or lack of self-control. Associating chocolate with the negative societal stigma of being overweight would instill a fear in possible consumers of the product, and so companies choose thin women to avoid this connection. And yet, “‘slimming’ magazines perpetuate the problems by including photographs of the very items dieters are trying to avoid (Fletcher et al. 217). A study by Fletcher et al. shows that women who are dieting or have dieted in the past (the majority of western women) exhibited the great amounts of guilt after being confronted with visual images of chocolate. The study suggests that dietary restriction increases cravings for “forbidden foods”, which then in turn afflicts those having cravings with greater feelings of guilt, anxiety, and depression (2007). So in including exclusively thin women in their advertisements, companies promote an image of success and wealth, but also disassociate their product from large women and the fear of obesity because of societally constructed perceptions of female body morality. However, studies show that just images of the product itself, regardless of the woman next to it, may induce negative feelings in dieting women who are already entrenched in oppressive body culture.

Chocolate consumption is an act associated with being female, much like the act of dieting. As discussed, advertising often features women as primary consumers of chocolate, and many images presented show men giving chocolate to women. In fact, eating chocolate is presented as so natural to women that the female desire and craving for chocolate is assumed to be almost completely unavoidable. Because of this notion, chocolate is to be accommodated into a woman’s diet – a diet which is already assumed to be focused on losing weight. A 2014 online article for Elle, a women’s fashion and lifestyle magazine, claims “I Lost Weight on the Chocolate Diet.” The article describes a book by Dr. Will Clower encouraging women to eat dark chocolate before and after every meal to encourage fullness and smaller portions of other food. The author glibly expresses surprise at the thought of being able to eat chocolate and lose weight. To have both of these things seems to be the best thing that could happen to a woman. Women are so obsessed with chocolate, apparently, that their identities “may thus become subsumed by their consumption” (Robertson 34). Robertson describes how in vintage Dairy Box and Aero advertisements for chocolate products, the urge to eat chocolate is described as a natural female desire: “Joan’s passions for chocolates is reinterpreted as a ‘natural liking’…[these women] are so enamored with Dairy Box that men literally disappear” (33). The Aero adverts go so far as to entice women to give into their “urge to eat chocolate” because of a natural “deep physical reason…to be obeyed.” (35). According to advertising and mass media, women are simply unable to resist the temptations of chocolate and must instead somehow incorporate it into their pursuit of the thin ideal. This stereotype implies an inherent weakness of women, a lack of ability to exercise control, which can read even further into the expectations of women and their bodies.

The idea of behavior control as proper gender performance for women ties into the societal expectation that women must control their intake of chocolate to be valuable. Dieting is an extremely normalized phenomenon among women in the west, and “more women diet (that is, consciously modify their dietary intake for the purposes of weight loss) due to dissatisfaction with their body shape and size” (Germov and Williams 100). So rather than attributing dietary changes to health improvement, western women tend to prioritize physical appearance over health benefit. This is a natural reaction to the bombardment of media promoting the thin ideal as the most successful and attractive form of a woman. As mentioned, the Fletcher et al. study shows how dieting women associate food and images of food with emotions like guilt, anxiety, and depression. This reaction, in itself, is also a gendered one: a study by Wansink et al. found that significantly more women reported a feeling of guilt after eating chocolate than men did, and a study by Lafay et al. showed that men tend to associate positive feelings with craving, while women associate negative ones (Fletcher et al. 212). As it seems, women cannot escape food nor the negative emotions they associate with eating it. Since the rise of the American middle class, traditional expectations kept women at home preparing food for their families while their husbands worked to put that food on the table. In being so often surrounded by food, women “find themselves in a vicious circle with food perceived as a friend and enemy at one and the same time” (Germov and Williams 101). Feelings of shame and guilt around eating ‘forbidden foods’ like chocolate stem from a perception of what Fletcher et al. call Ego Depletion: “the notion that ‘active volition’, i.e. willpower, is a limited resource of strength” (212). If a woman cannot exhibit the strength to control her intake of chocolate and do her duties as a woman, she should feel guilty and ‘fat’, a word often more associated with shame than weight. Even though women are encouraged to eat chocolate because it comes so ‘naturally’ to them, they most often associate it with a failure of diet. Overconsumption is more than a risk of gaining weight, it is a defiance of proper womanhood.

Even advertising will incorporate chocolate’s associations with guilt and sin, albeit this is carefully done. In women’s health magazines such as Fitness, chocolate recipes are marketed as “guilt free” and “healthy,” often incorporating minimal amounts of chocolate into other foods in order to rid the connotation of candy consumption. To remove the guilt from chocolate, these recipes change its image. This is with the exception of small amounts of dark chocolate, which tends to be marketed as the only healthy way to consume pure chocolate products. In print ads, Green&Black’s “Ethically Sinful” image reminds its buyers of the chocolate company’s ethical trade sourcing.

Green&Black’s, by Johnathan Mandell

However, including the word ‘sinful,’ implies that the sin lies in eating the chocolate itself. This advertisement argues that because this chocolate bar is labeled as Fair Trade, its consumers are forgiven in their sin of eating chocolate at all. Tapping into female emotions of guilt and shame by labeling chocolate consumption as a sin seems hardly ethical.

The association of chocolate and sin as a gendered pairing seems to mislabel the actuality of the biblical sin of gluttony. Germov and Williams argue that gluttony as a sin “has historically been gendered, representing a form of female repression” (103). The biblical sin itself comes from ancient times, but continues to be reflected in the moral attitudes towards being corporeally large or overweight in today’s society. However, in its original description as a carnal sin, the problem of gluttony focuses on thoughts, intentions, and behaviors rather than appearances. Instead, the sin of gluttony marks a desire for consumption strong enough to hinder spirituality. However, today, “denying oneself food is seen as good in a woman, bad in a man…the current successful and ‘mature’ model of femininity submits to a life of self-denial in her body” (Wolf quoted in Germov and Williams 101). Deviating from the expectations of feminine presentation (slenderness, submission, attractiveness, etc) can now be associated with gluttony. A woman enjoying more than a bite or two of chocolate may easily be represented as gluttonous, especially if that woman is already overweight. Chocolate in the modern era is seen as a gluttonous temptation and indulgence particularly for women, because of its connotations as both irresistible and fattening.

Western advertising markets chocolate to women using images of the thin ideal, despite the societal message to women that chocolate will sabotage their pursuit of thinness. Women are trapped in a gendered cognitive dissonance of consumption. When women can’t resist their ingestion of chocolate because of assigned gender weakness, they must find ways to consume it without forgoing their always-ultimate goal of slimness, weight loss, and sexual attractiveness. Chocolate advertising is skewed by the pre-existing societal perceptions of appropriate female behavior, but remains a strong representation of how chocolate is imposed upon women as an agent of control. It is alleged women eat chocolate because they crave it “naturally”, and yet the natural bodily reaction of gaining weight in response to heavy chocolate consumption is unacceptable for the ideal woman. In fact, the combined vilification of chocolate as an unhealthy food and the reverence of it as a female necessity has a proven negative impact on the emotional health of dieting women. Chocolate has become a physical, emotional, and gendered entity to women who choose to consume it. Somehow, society has turned a mixture of cocoa, sugar, and milk into a marker of control, and a judgement upon how women should behave.

Since the 19th century, African American women have been the victims of many harsh and untrue stereotypes surrounding their appearance and behavior. Unfortunately this still holds true even for today. In May 2011, Cadbury, a well known and successful United Kingdom (UK) chocolate manufacturer, decided to launch its campaign for its chocolate bar, Dairy Milk Bliss. This campaign proved a wrong move for Cadbury as it displayed overtly racist undertones, inciting anger from Naomi Campbell, the model who was targeted by the ad, and the international African American community. Cadbury’s Dairy Milk Bliss not only directly likened Campbell to chocolate but also perpetuated a negative Diva stereotype about African American women, unnecessarily adding to a long history of African American women being wrongly characterized and portrayed at their own expense for the profits of others. By promoting such hurtful stereotypes Cadbury not only further damaged the image of African American women across the globe, but also contributed to the psychological trauma of African American girls of today.

Typically depicted Jezebel

To understand the Diva stereotype, one must first understand the Jezebel, the stereotype from which Diva evolved. The Jezebel was the “young, exotic, promiscuous and over-sexed woman (Stephens, 2003).” She was primitive, attention seeking, and could not control her own sexual appetite (Stephens, 2003). The Jezebel only thrives on the attention of men, using her sexuality to gain her access to her material goods and needs. Light skin, long straight hair, curvaceous, and loose, the Jezebel was used to justify the rape of enslaved women by their masters due to their “insatiable appetites” and continuous “seduction of white men”; in reality these women were continuously abused by their masters, used to satisfy their sexual desires and economic need for more “slave babies (Stephens, 2003).”

Destiny’s Child–A group according to Stephens et al, 2003 that has been promoted using the Diva stereotype

However, around the late 20th century the Diva stereotype broke out. Similar to the Jezebel, the Diva is light skin, long straight hair, and is traditionally pretty in a Eurocentric way (Stephens, 2003). She is considered a high maintenance woman with an attitude. She needs to be at the center of attention, and is incredibly appearance driven, spending tons of dollars and hours to keep up her clean, polished look (Stephens, 2003). Sexually, the Diva diverges from the Jezebel because although she is seductive, sultry, and at times immodest, she is never explicit or overt; she cultivates the image of being attractive yet unattainable through her smoldering looks, tight fitting clothing, and sassy walk (Stephen, 2003). Materialistically driven, the Diva is considered a woman who has made it and can afford to purchase her own goods. On the other hand, the Diva is also looking for a man who can “enhance what she already has” bringing a rise in income and status to her name (Stephens, 2003).

Supermodel Naomi Campbell

This is why with such a history behind the word Diva, Cadbury’s ad is 100% inappropriate. First, directly likening Naomi Campbell to chocolate is an insult as chocolate has many negative connotations such as dirty, impure, sinful, and exotic (Martin; Rosenthel et Vanderbeke, 2015). Cadbury cannot argue against this fact because out of thousands of models they chose to single out Campbell because of her race and because of her ability to fit the Diva stereotype. Light skin, long straight hair, and slim, Naomi physically fits the Diva mold. Because of her successful career as a model, she is seen as an African American woman who has “made it.” As a model, she is regarded as seductive and sultry, and is always put together. The materialist needs of the Diva (and essentially Naomi) are exaggerated by Cadbury as the Dairy Milk Bliss Bar is sitting in a sea of gems with a purple backdrop, suggesting luxury. The lines “Move over Naomi” and “I’m the world’s most pampered bar” adds insult to the wound as it continues the idea of Divas, specifically African American women, being rude, spoiled, and high maintenance.

The implication of Cadbury’s ad on young African American girls is also frightening. Currently, African American girls are one of the fastest growing groups contracting HIV and other STDs due to unsafe sexual practices (Davis et Tucker-Brown, 2013). In an attempt to understand the cause of this, researchers Dr. Davis and Dr. Tucker-Brown went about questioning African American female adolescents about potential causes for such sexual decisions. One topic was mainstream media’s affect. The adolescents felt that status for African Americans was tied into involvement in pop culture, specifically rap videos, where the women depicted were extremely sexualized and degraded. Because status for these girls is tied to luxury items and attention, many desire such status and are willing to do whatever it takes to get it, even if it requires degrading one’s body and self, promoting unsafe sexual practices, and having inaccurate portraits painted of one’s self. One of the girls, Peace, reported, “You get the bling [diamonds] when you are a video girl” noting “Everybody wants to wear Gucci or Prada and at our age how else are you going to have that kind of money? (Davis et Tucker-Brown, 2013)” Sabrina, another study participant, elaborated further stating “that girls her age just want to be known and have stuff (Davis et Tucker-Brown, 2013).” By perpetuating the Diva stereotype and the need for status and a sexual identity, Cadbury is further harming African American girls who already encounter such negative stereotypes in current mainstream media.

Thus, in an attempt to fix Cadbury’s ad our group created a new ad, removing all race analogies and Diva stereotypes from the article, changing it to reference Mr. Sandman and Dairy Milk Bliss’ superior dream inducing qualities. While we could make those changes, sadly some things could not be changed. For example, by using the color for royalty and fancy, elegant, cursive font, Cadbury is making a divisive statement about its company as a luxury brand, one that can only be afforded and should only be dreamt of by the upper classes. Therefore for future reference and success, our group recommends that Cadbury stop trying to create a divide between the classes and instead employ marketing techniques that attract people from all backgrounds, without it being at the expense of any marginalized community.

The evolution of chocolate production changed the way in which chocolate was available and advertised to the public. Historically, chocolate was known as a luxury item, only available to the elite, the rich, or those with connections to the trade. In the late 19th century, chocolate shifted from being provided in liquid form to a solid candy. As competition between chocolate confectioners increased, their outreach to attract customers shifted as well. The earliest known chocolate promotions were posters, sometimes detailed illustrations that took advantage of new advancements in lithography, graphic arts, and commercial advertising (Grivetti, p. 193).

Members of the chocolate history group at the University of California, Davis spent two years searching and finding over 500 chocolate advertisements from 11 countries, during this period. In their synopses of the advertisements, similar themes repeat throughout:

Incorporation of children – especially young girls and infants (of both genders) – holding chocolate bars, playing games with chocolate, being mischievous

Most adults within the advertisements were women, either a mother or caretaker.

The mother-child relationship was highlighted: the mother was giving or receiving chocolate from a child, or having a ‘moment’ (drinking hot chocolate together) with their child

Most adults (primarily women) were portrayed as being from a higher socio-economic class

The health, energy, joyful benefits of consuming chocolate

Incorporating a sense of nationalism or romanticism in chocolate – people were portrayed in their traditional dress or courtship scenes included chocolate (Grivetti, pp. 193-198)

200 years later and the messaging in chocolate advertising is still the same. Again, as the narrative of chocolate – its history – has evolved, so have the connotations around its production, promotion, and purchase. Ellen Moore states it succinctly:

“The examination of chocolate companies’ advertisements allows a glimpse into how different identities – including gender, ethnic, and national – can be constructed through a consumption of chocolate. The stereotypes presented for the consumer through advertisements serve to reinforce cultural notions of ethnically homogenous British and U.S. national identity [while also concealing] the realities of chocolate production in Africa and Central America. The consumption of chocolate is thus almost exclusively associated with whiteness, while production is largely associated with exotic “Others”’ (Rubin, p. 67).

The advertisement below was created for the 2012 Super Bowl. It takes a unique perspective on the ‘other’ as it involves an interaction between people of white/European descent and an anthropomorphic entity – a piece of candy that has been given human characteristics. The traditional, stereotypical tropes around femininity and chocolate, as well as the racial disparity, are all more subtly apparent:

Ms. Brown, is the M&M ‘spokescandy’ highlighted under the tagline “not your average chocolate”. This was her introduction. Until 2012, the only ‘female spokescandy’ was Miss Green, whose persona is vastly different. Miss Green is characterized as sensual and seductive, from her movements, to her voice, to the promotions in which she is seen. In contrast, Ms. Brown, titled the “Chief Chocolate Officer”, is portrayed as intelligent, well-spoken, and successful. Her appearance differs as well. Ms. Brown wears glasses and comfortable, what would be referred to in the business world as ‘no-nonsense’ heels. Her voice and persona seem to command respect. The conversation she is having with her girlfriends at the party, before being interrupted, references a meeting with a head of State.

However, this promotion still slips into the stereotypical trends prevalent in chocolate advertising and societal gender dysfunctions. Before she is interrupted, the story that Ms. Brown is sharing highlights gender stereotypes around women’s place in business. Ms. Brown is heard saying “Mr. Prime Minister (PM), I’m flattered that you love chocolate, but I’m here strictly in a professional manner.” This infers that the PM was not focused on their business meeting but in making (sexual) advances to Ms. Brown; possibly because she is female or because – as we see a moment later from men at the party – he also assumed that she was ‘naked’. This is similar to the harassment that women regularly receive in the workplace; further there is an allusion to the sexualization of an anthropomorphic being.

The interruption also implies the childishness of these men. They are snickering because of Ms. Browns supposed nudity. It is an oblique reference to the ‘sinful’ pleasure associated with chocolate, a fascination with the exotic, and the associations of sex already incorporated into chocolate mythology (Robertson, p. 68). However, in a crisp, condescending tone she acknowledges their assumption and corrects them. Then Red, a male M&M arrives, sees Ms. Brown, and removes his ‘clothing’. The ad ends with the song “Sexy and I Know It” playing, Red dancing, and Ms. Brown disgustedly looking on. Though the song is Red’s anthem and he too plays into the immature male persona; the advert and the chocolate promoted, is still a gendered product. While Ms. Brown is portrayed as a ‘modern, business woman’ this, and most advertisements, clearly imply the subjectivity of a female consumer. Women have been recognized as the gate-keepers of chocolate – the primary purchaser for themselves and their families, as well as the primary consumer (Cooper, 2004) so the advertising must strongly appeal to women. It is interesting that in this advert, that role has been fulfilled wholesale – our ‘woman’ is more than a purchaser or consumer, she is chocolate. Ms. Brown has become the ultimate ideal.

Further, this advert alludes to Moore’s earlier presumption that the primary identity of the chocolate consumer is white. Ms. Brown’s friends are white; in the background of the club, all of the attendees are white. Ms. Brown and Red are the only ‘beings of color’ at the event. This is a clear ethnic distinction and it can be assumed that this active construction of an ethnically homogenous chocolate consumer, is partially based within the history of chocolate and its early consumption by rich, white Europeans. Finally, in their appearance, from the figure flattering clothing to their jewelry, it can be assumed that their (her, her girlfriends and background people) socioeconomic background could be higher than middle class. The background music and ‘party atmosphere’ are more upscale and relaxed than the strobe lights and pounding music of a night club.

Sidney Mintz shares that “food choices and eating habits reveal distinctions of age, sex, status, culture, and even occupation” (Mintz, p. 3). These distinctions can be uniquely noted in this advertisement. They can also be turned on their head, as shown below:

This ‘twist’ on the M&M advertisement still acknowledges the atmosphere of friends getting together, but the norms have changed. The immaturity is missing; they are all of an age, enjoying their time together – eating, talking, possibly listening to a story. The friends are all mixed (gender and ethnicity) groups of (what could be) varying socioeconomic backgrounds. The new tagline ‘how do you eat your M&Ms?’ replaces ‘not your average chocolate’ to highlight the communal experience of enjoying M&Ms, instead of focusing on an anthropomorphic piece of candy with feminine characteristics that is possibly nude and unexpectedly intelligent.

The focus is more gender neutral, as no one member of a photo can be immediately sexualized and previous stereotypes of class, race, and national identity within an audience have been set aside. Finally, the song emphasizes the idea of “being friends” and not being “sexy and knowing it”.

Chocolate has a noted history of race and gender stereotypes when it comes to its advertising. With African countries producing roughly 71% of the cocoa in the world, chocolate has been likened to Africans or Black individuals, while vanilla has conversely been associated with Caucasian or White individuals (Martin). In a similar vein, chocolate is often marketed to women, and frequently depicts women being unable to control their raw desire for chocolate, similar to how men crave sex. However, most instances of modern chocolate commercials including these advertising tropes tend to portray White females succumbing to chocolate. In a surprising move, Cadbury released an advertisement in 2011 linking the English Supermodel Naomi Campbell who is of African-Jamaican descent to their new Dairy Milk Bliss chocolate. Cadbury could have released an equally effective advertisement without singling out Naomi — rather than continue chocolate advertising stereotypes, they could have pushed their message of a luxurious chocolate without necessarily bringing race or gender into the discussion.

Original Cadbury Ad

The image in question depicts a chocolate bar surrounded by diamonds, with the text “Move over Naomi, there’s a new diva in town” above, and in a smaller subscript, “I’m the world’s most pampered bar. now in three new flavours” below. The marketing attempt that Cadbury was aiming for was Naomi’s association as a famous diva and to suggest that their Bliss chocolate had equitable status in the chocolate world, perhaps seeking to sell to higher status individuals who wanted to relate. These stereotypes are by no means new in the chocolate industry, who seek to “position us in relation to that product as gendered, classed, and raced beings” (Robertson 19). For example, the color purple has long been used in relation to royalty — as such, many ads that seek to link their product with high status employ the color purple, such as in this ad. However, racial undertones begin to emerge when considering the history of chocolate’s association with Black individuals, essentially equating Naomi to a chocolate bar. She took personal offense, stating, “I’m shocked. It’s upsetting to be described as chocolate, not just for me, but for all black women. It is insulting and hurtful.” Her words are well justified, as the comparison objectifies her as a result of her skin tone.

Rectified Cadbury Ad

Cadbury could have taken a much more publicly acceptable stance of their ad by generalizing the behavior rather than the type of individual pertaining to their chocolate brand. In our group, we created a rectified version of the ad that removes the racial and gender implications that Cadbury originally found themselves under fire. The new ad reads, “Move over supermodels, there’s a new star in town — I’m the world’s most revolutionary bar. now in three new flavors.” By removing the attack on Naomi, we could focus more on the general public attitude they should be feeling towards the chocolate bar — one of luxury and high class. Only the words needed to be changed, as the rest of the advertisement (the color purple and the diamonds) still evoke a sense of upper status.

Naomi in the December 1999 Playboy Issue

After originally defending the ad, Cadbury eventually went on to remove the ad from circulation and offered a public apology. However, it’s interesting how Naomi took particular offense at this chocolate incident, when she has been associated with chocolate in the past. She had a photo taken of her on top of a chocolate Playboy bunny, for the December 1999 Playboy issue. The two incidents seem to conflict in her message, so it’s possible that she was upset with how she was likened to her particular diva behavior in the Cadbury ad, or the fact that they got free advertisement without her permission. However you know what they say — any press is good press.

We have all seen commercials on television that play heavily on stereotypes, especially those regarding gender and romance. According to the commercial advertisements of our generation, women are obsessed with chocolate, and thus chocolate can be the key to a successful heterosexual romance. Such stereotyped themes are the chocolate industry’s attempts at luring consumers to purchase their products by typecasting buyers as certain kinds of consumers in order to “position us in relation to that product as gendered, classed, and raced beings,” (Robertson 19). This is certainly the case in the Dove chocolate-covered cranberry commercial depicting a woman seductively leaving clues around a library, so that a man can ultimately discover her eating chocolate. The implication here is that consuming the Dove chocolate can allow women the opportunity to experience her fantasies of seducing a man. By remedying the gendered relationship, location, verbiage, and slogan used by Dove in the commercial, we created an image that serves as an effective advertisement for Dove chocolate without relying on stereotypes of heterosexual romance and sexual desires.

This is the new advertisement for Dove chocolate that we created to eliminate the themes of sexuality and romance from the original commercial. This image still advertises the Dove product, without relying on those stereotypes.

In the original advertisement by Dove, we see a woman romantically courting a man through a library. This heterosexual romance builds through a clue seeking scavenger hunt, where the ultimate treasure is the woman seductively eating Dove chocolate. Such images of heterosexual romance are typical in chocolate commercials, and are problematic because they both assume heterosexuality and highlight an unequal status between men and women. While in this specific advertisement, the woman is courting the man and not the other way around, we still are faced with the dilemma of a gendered image: “Consumed as part of courtship, or within the institution of marriage, chocolate could reinforce… unequal relations between men and women,” (Robertson 32-33). Our advertisement chooses to move away from the gendered stereotype of romance within a heterosexual couple by focusing on a father-son relationship between two males instead. Where the original commercial uses the hunting of clues as a courting device, our image depicts a father sending his son on a scavenger hunt. In this way, we place less social pressure on the chocolate as necessary for romance and characteristic of heterosexuality, and depict the product as something enjoyable among family.

Another significant element of the original advertisement is the location, as the setting is a library. Libraries are typically associated with the stereotype of an opportunity to pursue something in a mischievous or inappropriate environment. The unsuitable environment of a library is countered through coupling with chocolate, as chocolate is commonly depicted as a vehicle through which women can pursue their fantasies: “Chocolate… appears as a way of practicing safe sin,” (Moss and Badenoch 117). To move away from the association of chocolate with guilty pleasures, our image depicts the scavenger hunt as occurring in a park, where the son can search for the Dove chocolate behind leaves and trees. Using the park as the location supplants the theme of guilty pleasures with the trope of good, clean fun, which is a less controversial and more accessible message to portray in a commercial.

This is an image of a Dove wrapper from their individually wrapped chocolates. Note how the use of the word “temptation” implies the seductive relationship to chocolate.

In addition, through the duration of the original Dove advertisement, the woman uses clues to lure in the man. These clues are the phrases “mystery”, “take the leap”, “free your mind”, “live your fantasies”, and “heating up”. All of these phrases both refer to trying Dove’s unique chocolate covered fruit product, while also hinting to an underlying tone of seduction and romance. Using such phrases and quotes to elicit a romantic response is characteristic of Dove chocolate, known for including seductive expressions on the insides of their individually packaged chocolate wrappers. To move away from the stereotypes of romance and attraction, the image that we created also has verbiage that serves as clues to help the son find the Dove chocolate: “stop and smell the roses”, “fun under the sun”, and “down to earth delicious”. All of these clues are hints to finding the chocolate, while also describing and depicting the chocolate-eating experience itself without relying on the images of seduction and romance.

Finally, at the end of the advertisement, the slogan “Choose a Pleasure Less Ordinary” appears on the screen. This tagline serves a dual purpose, as it applies to both the less ordinary character of chocolate with fruit inside and the less ordinary circumstance of romance kindling through a scavenger hunt in a library. We chose to incorporate the slogan “Make Every Day Extraordinary” to still serve the purpose of an advertisement by highlighting both the extraordinary nature of the chocolate and its ability to be used for everyday enjoyment, such as a scavenger hunt in the park. Dropping the word “pleasure” from the original slogan also alleviates the tone of sexuality from the advertisement and makes it more broadly relevant.

As we can see, images of chocolate consumption as associated with heterosexual romance and sexual desires are common in advertising, especially in this Dove chocolate-covered cranberry commercial. However, when we remove the gendered romance, the inappropriate environment, the seductive verbiage, and the sexual slogan, we are still left with an effective advertisement and much less of the controversy. With that said, the new advertisement, while avoiding tropes of gender, seduction, and romance, positions itself within stereotypes of class and family structure. The scavenger hunt between a white father-son pair implicitly situates chocolate within the space of families characterized by a present father, and a father with the luxury of time to spend in a park with his son implies a degree of financial stability. While creating one image to combat sexualized stereotypes in a chocolate advertisement does not eliminate the trend altogether, and still remains susceptible to other stereotypes, it does show we are capable of interacting with advertising that does not necessarily impose classifications of gender and sexuality upon its audience in order to sell a product.