Hakluyt Text

One of the principal keys to making the Roanoke Colonies Illuminated project a credible research source was the selection of a historically reliable text of the narratives we were planning to include. Some of the narratives were published individually in the period from 1585 through 1590. Others were published for the first time in the first major compilation of English voyages by historian Richard Hakluyt (1553-1616) in the first edition of his famous Principal Voyages of the English Nation (1589). But between 1589 and 1600, Hakluyt revised, corrected, emended, and updated many of the narratives through conversations with returning explorers and others who took part in the voyages.

The revised 1598-1600 edition of Principal Voyages thus became the most informed, corrected, and authoritative edition of all of the many voyages Hakluyt included in his massive three volume edition of this title. By good fortune East Carolina University’s Joyner Library possesses a clean, complete, and elegant copy of this important work. We thus decided to use this pristine and beautiful copy of this rare edition as the basic text for this project.

As readers will note from reading our transcriptions, even this updated and corrected version of Hakluyt’s book possesses many anomalies that pose great challenges to both transcribers and to those of us who are attempting to squeeze from the text every possible insight or meaning. Also, since typesetters were fallible and often capricious human beings who make many instant choices as they are setting type, the transcriber and interpreter find many varied complications in the text.

Nevertheless, readers will find here both scans of the original pages from Hakluyt’s important compilation of narratives and our best effort to provide a reliable and correct transcription. Pagination refers to the way they appeared in the 1958-1600 published edition. The several narratives are presented as they appeared in Hakluyt’s volumes.

The official citation of Hakluyt’s volumes in the Joyner Library Rare Book Collection at East Carolina University follows below:

The principal nauigations, voiages, traffiques and discoueries of the English nation : made by sea or ouer-land, to the remote and farthest distant quarters of the earth, at any time within the compasse of these 1500 yeeres, deuided into three seuerall volumes, according to the positions of the regions, whereunto they were directed. This first volume containing the woorthy discoueries, &c. of the English toward the north and northeast by sea ... together with many notable monuments and testimonies of the ancient forren trades, and of the warrelike and other shipping of this realme of England in former ages. Whereunto is annexed also a briefe commentarie of the true state of Island, and of the northern seas and lands situate that way. And lastly, the memorable defeate of the Spanish huge Armada, anno 1588, and the famous victorie atchieued at the citie of Cadiz, 1596, are described
Imprinted at London: By George Bishop, Ralph Newberie and Robert Barker, 1598-1600. Description: 3 v. : map ; 29 cm. (fol.)

Hakluyt Text

Barlowe Text

The first voyage made to the coastes of America, with two barkes, wherein were Captaines Master Philip Amadas, and Master Arthur Barlowe, who discouered part of the Countrey, now called Virginia, Anno 1584: Written by one of the said Captaines, and sent to sir Walter Raleigh knight, at whose charge and direction, the said voyage was set foorth.

The 27. day of Aprill, in the yeere of our redemption, 1584. we departed the west of England, with two barkes well furnished with men and victuals, hauing receyued our last, and perfect directions by your letters, confirming the former instructions, and commandements delivered by your selfe at our leauing the riuer of Thames. And I thinke it a matter both unnecessarie, for the manifest discouerie of the Countrey, as also for tediousnesse sake, to remember unto you the diurnall of our course, sailing thither, and returning: onely I have presumed to present vnto you this brief discourse, by which you may iudge how profitable this land is likely to succeede, as well to your selfe, (by whose direction and charge, and by whose seruantes this our discouerie hath beene performed) as also to her Highnes, and the Common wealth, in which we hope your wisedome will be satisfied, considering that as much by vs hath bene brought to light, as by those final meanes, and number of men we had, could any way haue bene expected, or hoped for.

The tenth of May we arriued at the Canaries, and the tenth of Iune this present yeere, we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indies, keeping a more southeasterly course was then needefull, because we doubted that the current of the Baye of Mexico, disbogging betweene the Cape of Florida, and the Hauana, had bene of greater force then afterwardes we found it to be. At which Islands we found the aire very vnwholsome, and our men grew for the most part ill disposed: so that hauing refreshed our selues with sweete water, and fresh victuall, we departed the twelfth daye of our arriuall there. These Islands, with the rest adioyning, are so well knowen to your selfe, and to many others, as I will not trouble you, with the remembrance of them.

[sidebar] (quotation mark from text) Iuly 13 possession taken.

The second of Iuly, we found shole water, which smelt so sweetely, and was so strong a smell, as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden, abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers, by which we were assured, that the land could not be farre distant: and keeping good watch, and bearing but slacke saile, the fourth of the same moneth, we arriued vpon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent, and firme lande, and wee sailed along the same, a hundred and twentie English miles, before we could finde any entrance, or riuer, issuing into the Sea. The first that appeared vnto vs, we entred, though not without some difficultie, and cast anker about three harquebushot within the hauens mouth, on the left hand of the same: and after thanks giuen to God for our safe arriuall thither, we manned our boates, and went to viewe the lande next adioyning, and to take possession of the same, in the right of the Queenes most excellent Maiestie, as rightfull Queene, and Princesse of the same, and after deliuered the same ouer to your vse, according to her Maiesties grant, and letters patents, vnder her Highnes great Seale. Which being performed, according to the ceremonies vsed in such enterprises, wee viewed the lande about vs, being whereas we first landed, very sandie, and lowe towards the waters side, but so full of grapes, as the very beating, and surge of the Sea ouerflowed them, of which we founde such plentie, as well there, as in all places else, both on the sande and on the greene soile on the hils, as in the plaines, as well on euery little shrubbe, as also climing towardes the toppes of high Cedars, that I thinke that in all the world the like aboundance is not to be founde: and my selfe hauing seene those parts of Europe that most abound, finde such difference, as were incredible to be written.

We passed from the Sea side, towardes the toppes of those hils next adioyning, being but of meane heigth, and from thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North, and to the South, finding no ende any of both waies. This lande laye stretching itselfe to the West, which after wee founde to be but an Island of twentie leagues long, and not aboue sixe miles broade. Under the banke or hill, whereon we stoode, we behelde the vallies replenished with goadly Cedar trees, and hauing discharged our harquebushot, such a flocke of Cranes (the most part white) arose vnder vs, with such a crye redoubled by many Ecchoes, as if an armie of men had showted all together.

This Island had many goodly woods, and full of Deere, Conies, Hares, and Fowle, euen in the middest of Summer, in incredible aboundance. The woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscouia, or Hercynia, barren, and fruitlesse, but the highest, and reddest Cedars of the world, farre bettering the Ceders of the Acores, of the Indias, or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres, Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the Mastick, the tree that beareth the rinde of blacke Sinamon, of which Master Winter brought from the streights ofMagellane, and many other of excellent smell, and qualitie. We remained by the side of this Island two whole daies before we sawe any of the people of the Countrey: the third daye we espied one small boats rowing towards us, hauing in it three persons: this boate came to the landes side, foure harquebushot from our shippes, and there two of the people remaining, the third came along the shore side towards us, and we being all within boord, he walked vp and downe vppon the point of the land next vnto vs: then the Master, and the Pilot of the Admirall, Simon Ferdinando, and the Captaine Philip Amadas, my selfe, and others rowed to the lande, whose comming this fellow attended, neuer making any shewe of feare, or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things not vnderstood by vs, we brought him with his owne good liking, aboord the ships, and gaue him a shirt, a hatte, and some other things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meat, which he liked very well: and after hauing viewed both barks, he departed, and went on his owne boate againe, which he had left in a little Coue or Creeke adioyning: assoone as he was two bow shoote into the water, hee fell to fishing, and in lesse than halfe an howre, he had laden his boate as deepe, as it could swimme, with which hee came againe to the point of the lande, and there he deuided his fishe into two partes, pointing one part to the shippe, and the other to the Pinnesse: which, after he had (as much as he might,) requited the former benefites receaued, he departed out of our sight.

The next day there came vnto vs diuers boates, and in one of them the Kings brother, accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome, and goodly people, and in their behauiour as mannerly, and ciuill, as any of Europe. His name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, and the countrey Wingandacoa, (and now by her Maiestie, Virginia,) the manner of his comming was in this sorte: hee left his boates altogether as the first man did a little by the shippes by the shore, and came to the place ouer against the shippes, followed with fortie men. When hee came to the place, his seruants spread a long matte vppon the grounde, on which he sate downe, and at the other ende of the matte, foure others of his companie did the like: the rest of his men stood round about him, somewhat a farre off: when we came to the shoare to him with our weapons, he neuer mooued from his place, nor any of the other foure, nor neuer mistrusted any harme to be offred from vs, but sitting still he beckoned vs to come, and sitte by him, which we performed: and beeing sette, hee makes all signes of ioy, and welcome, striking on his head and his breast and afterwardes on ours, to shewe wee were all one, smiling, and making shewe the best he could of all loue, and familiaritie. After hee had made a long speech vnto vs, we presented to him diuers thinges, which hee receaued very ioyfully, and thankefully. None of his companye durst to speake one worde all the tyme: onely the foure which were at the other ende, spake one in the others eare very softly.

The King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers, and children reuerenced: the King himselfe in person was at our beeing there, sore wounded, in a fight which hee had with the King of the next Countrey, called Wingina, and was shotte in two places through the bodye, and once clean thorough the thigh, but yet he recouered: by reason whereof, and for that hee laye at the chiefe Towne of the Country, beeing sixe dayes iourneye off, wee sawe him not at all.

After wee had presented this his brother, with such things as we thought he liked, wee likewise gaue somewhat to the other that sate with him on the matte: but presently he arose and tooke all from them and put it into his owne basket, making signes and tokens, that

all things ought to bee deliuered vnto him, and the rest were but his seruants, and followers. A daye or two after this, we fell to trading with them, exchanging some thinges we had, for Chammoys, Buffe, and Deere skinnes: when we shewed him all our packet of merchandize, of all the things that he sawe, a bright tinne dish most pleased him, which he presently tooke vp, & clapt it before his breast, and after made a hole in the brimme thereof, & hung it about his necke, making signes, that it would defende him against his enemies arrows: for those people maintaine a deadlie and terrible warre, with the people and King adioyning. We exchanged our tinne dishe for twenty skinnes, woorth twentie Crownes, or twentie Nobles: and a copper kettle for fiftie skins, woorth fiftie Crownes. They offered us very good exchange for our hatchets, and axes, and for kniues, and would have giuen any thing for swordes: but we would not depart with any. After two or three daies, the Kings brother came aboord the shippes, and dranke wine, and eat of our meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof: and after a few daies ouerpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships, his daughter, and two or three little children: his wife was very well fauoured, of meane stature, and very bashfull: shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather, with the furre side next to her bodie, and before her a peece of the same: about her forehead she had a broad bande of white Corall, and so had her husband many times: in her eares she had bracelets of pearles, hanging downe to her middle, (whereof wee deliuered your Worship a little bracelet) and those were of the bignes of good pease. The rest of her women of the better sorte, had pendants of copper, hanging in euery eare, and some of the children of the Kings brother, and other noble men, have fiue or sixe in euery eare: he himselfe had vpon his head, a broad plate of golde, or copper, for being vnpolished, we knew not what metall it should be, nor would he by any meanes suffer vs to take it off his head, but feeling it, it would bowe very easily. His apparell was as his wiues, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one. They are of colour yellowish, and their haire blacke for the most, and yet we sawe children that had very fine aburne, and chestnut colour haire.

After that these women had bene there, there came downe from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, corrall, diuers kindes of dies very excellent, and exchanged with vs: but when Granganimeo, the kings brother was present, none durst trade but himselfe, except such as weare red peeces of copper on their heades, like himselfe: for that is the difference betweene the Noble men, and Gouernours of Countries, and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and you haue vnderstood since by these men, which we brought home, that no people in the worlde carry more respect to their King, Nobilitie, and Gouernours, then these doe. The Kings brothers wife, when she came to vs, as she did many times, was followed with fortie or fiftie women alwaies: and when she came into the shippe, she left them all on lande, sauing her two daughters, her nurce, and one or two more. The Kings brother alwaies kept this order, as many boates as he would come withall to the shippes, so many fires would hee make on the shoare a farre off, to the end we might vnderstand with what strength, and companie he approached. Their boates are made of one tree, either of Pine, or of Pitch trees: a wood not commonly knowen to our people, nor found growing in England. They have no edge tooles to make them withall: if they haue any they are very fewe, and those it seemes they had twentie yeeres since, which, as those two men declared, was out of a wracke which happened vpon their coast of some Christian shippe, being beaten that way by some storme and outragious weather, whereof none of the people were saued, but onely the shippe, or some part of her, being cast vpon the lande, out of whose sides they drewe the nailes, and the spikes, and with those they madetheir best instruments. The manner of making their boates, is this: they burne downe some great tree, or take such as are winde fallen, and putting myrrhe, and rosen vpon one side thereof, they sette fire into it, and when it hath burnt it hollowe, they cutte out the coale with their shels, and euer where they would burne it deeper or wider, they laye on their gummes, which burne away the timber, and by this meanes they fashion very fine boates, and such as will transport twentie men. Their oares are like scoopes, and many times they sette with long poles, as the depth serueth.

The Kings brother had great liking of our armour, a sworde, and diuers other things, which we had: and offered to laye a great boxe of pearle in gage for them: but wee refused it for this time, because wee would not make them knowe, that we esteemed thereof, vntill we had vnderstoode in what places in the countrey the pearle grewe: which nowe your Worshippe doth very well vnderstand.

He was very iust of his promise: for many times wee deliuered him merchandize vppon his worde, but euer he came within the daye, and performed his promise. Hee sent vs euery daye a brase or two of fatte Bucks, Conies, Hares, Fishe, the best of the world. Hee sent vs diuers

kindes of fruites, Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, Pease, and diuers rootes, and fruites very excellent good, and of their Countrey corne, which is very white, faire, and well tasted, and groweth three times in fiue moneths: in Maye they sowe, in Iuly they reape: in Iune they sowe, in August they reape: in Iuly they sowe, in September they reape: onely they cast the corne into the ground, breaking a little of the soft turfe with a with woodden mattock, or pickeaxe: our selues prooued the soile, and put some of our Pease into the ground, and in tenne daies they were of foureteene ynches high: they haue also Beanes very faire, of diuers colours, and wonderfull plentie: some growing naturally, and some in their gardens, and so haue they both wheat and oates.

The soile is the most plentifull, sweete, fruitfull, and wholsome of all the worlde: there are aboue foureteene seuerall sweete smelling timber trees, and the most part of their underwoods are Bayes, and such like: they haue those Okes that we haue, but farre greater, and better. After they had bene diuers times aboord our shippes, my selfe, with seuen more, went twentie mile into the Riuer, that runneth towarde the Citie of Skicoake, which Riuer they call Occam: and the euening following, wee came to an island, which they call Roanoak, distant from the harbour by which we entred, seuen leagues: and at the North ende thereof, was a village of nine houses, built of Cedar, and fortified round about with sharpe trees, to keepe out their enemies, and the entrance to it made like a turne pike very artificially: when we came towardes it, standing neere vnto the waters side, the wife of Grangyno, the Kings brother, came running out to meete vs very cheerefully and friendly, her husband was not then in the village; some of her people she commanded to drawe our boate on shoare for the beating of the billoe: others shee appointed to carry vs on their backes to the dry ground, and others to bring our oares into the house, for feare of stealing. When we were come to the vtter roome, hauing fiue roomes in her house, she cauled vs to sitte downe by a great fire, and after tooke off our clothes, and washed them, and dried them againe: some of the women pulled off our stockings, some washed our feete in warme water, and shee her selfe tooke great paines to see all thinges ordered in the best manner shee could, making great haste to dresse some meate for vs to eate.

After we had thus dried our selues, shee brought vs into the inner roome, where shee set on the boord standing along the house, some wheat like furmentie, sodden Venison, and roasted, fishe sodden, boyled, and roasted, Melons rawe, and sodden, rootes of diuers kindes, and diuers fruites: their drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drinke wine, and for want of caskes to keepe it all the yeere after, they drink water, but it is sodden with Ginger in it, and blacke Sinamon, and sometimes Sassaphras, and diuers other wholesome, and medicinable hearbes and trees. We were entertained with all loue, and kindnes, and with as much bountie (after their manner) as they could possibly deuise. Wee found the people most gentle, louing, and faithfull, voide of all guile, and treason, and such as liued after the manner of the golden age. The earth bringeth foorth all things in aboundance, as in the first creation, without toile or labour. The people onely care to defend themselues from the cold in their short winter, and to feede themselues with such meate as the soile affoordeth: their meate is very well sodden, and they make broth very sweet and sauorie: their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white, and sweete: their dishes are wooden platters of sweete timber: within the place where they feede, was their lodging, and within that their Idoll, which they worship, of which they speake vncredible things. While we were at meate, there came in at the gates, two or three men with their bowes, and arrowes, from hunting, whome when we espied, we beganne to looke one towardes another, and offered to reach our weapons: but assoone as she espied our mistrust, she was very much mooued, and caused some of her men to runne out, and take away their bowes, and arrowes, and breake them, and withall beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe. When we departed in the euening, and would not tary all night, she was very sorie, and gaue vs into our boate our supper halfe dressed, pots, and all, and brought vs to our boate side, in which wee laye all night, remoouing the same a pretie distance from the shoare: shee perceiuing our iealousie, was much grieued, and sent diuers men, and thirtie women, to sitte all night by the bankes side by vs, and sent vs into our boates fine mattes to couer vs from the rayne, vsing very many wordes to intreate vs to rest in their houses: but because wee were fewe men, and if wee had miscarried, the voyage had beene in very great daunger, wee durst not aduenture any thing, although there was no cause of doubt: for a more kinde, and louing people, there can not be found in the worlde, as farr as we haue hitherto had triall.

Beyond this Islande, there is the maine lande, and ouer against this Islande falleth into

this spatious water, the great river called Occam, by the Inhabitants, on which standeth a towne called Pemeoke, and sixe daies iourney further vpon the same is situate their greatest citie, called Schycoake, which this people affirme to be very great: but the Sauages were neuer at it, onely they speake of it, by report of their Fathers, and other men, whome they have heard affirme it, to bee aboue one daies iourney about.

Into this riuer falleth another great riuer, called Cipo, in which there is found great store of Muscels, in which there are pearles: likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another riuer, called Nomopana, on the one side whereof standeth a great Towne, called Chowanoake, and the Lord of that Towne and Countrey is called Pooneno: this Pooneno is not subiect to the king of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lorde. Beyonde this Countrey, is there another King, whome they call Menatoan, and these three Kinges are in league with eache other. Towards the Sunne set, four daies iourney, is situate a Towne called Sequotan, which is the Westermost Towne of Wingandacoa, neere vnto which, sixe and twentie yeeres past, there was a shippe cast away, whereof some of the people were saued, and those were white people, whom the Countrey people preserued.

And after ten daies, remaining in an out Island vnhabited, called Wococan, they with the help of some dwellers of Sequotan, fastened two boates of the Countrey together and made mastes vnto them, and sailes of their shirtes, and hauing taken into them such victuals as the countrey yeelded, they departed after they had remained in this out Island three weekes: but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boates were found vppon the coast, cast aland in another Island adioyning: other then these, there was neuer any people apparelled, or white of colour, either seene, or heard of amongst these people, and these aforesaid were seene onely of the Inhabitatnts of Sequotan: which appeared to be very true, for they wondred meruelously when we were amongest them, at the whitenes of our skinnes, euer coueting to touch our breasts, and to view the same: besides they had our shippes in maruelous admiration, and all things els was so strange vnto them, as it appeared that none of them had euer seene the like. When we discharged any peece, were it but a harquebush, they would tremble thereat for very feare, and for the strangenes of the same: for the weapons which themselues vse, are bowes and arrowes: the arrowes are but of small canes, headed with a sharpe shell, or tooth of a fishe sufficient ynough to kill a naked man. Their swordes are of wood hardened: likewise they vse woodden breastplates for their defense. They have beside a kinde of clubbe, in the ende whereof they fasten the sharpe hornes of a stagge, or other beast. When they goe to warres they carry with them their Idoll, of whome they aske counsel, as the Romanes were woont of the Oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they march towardes the battell, in steed of drummes, and trumpets: their warres are very cruel, and bloodie, by reason whereof, and of their ciuill dissentions, which have happened of late yeeres amongest them, the people are maruelously wasted, and in some places, the Countrey left desolate.

Adioyning vnto this Towne aforesaide, called Sequotan, beginneth a Countrey called Ponouike, belonging to another King, whome they call Piemacum, and this King is in league with the next King, adioyning towardes the setting of the Sunne, and the Countrey Neiosioke, situate vppon the side of a goodly riuer, called Neus: these Kings haue mortall warre with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa, but about two yeeres past there was a peace made betweene the King Piemacum, and the Lorde of Sequotan, as these men which we have brought with vs to England, haue giuen vs to vnderstand: but there remaineth a mortall malice in the Sequotanes, for many iniuries and slaughters done vppon them by this Piemacum. They inuited diuers men, and thirtie women, of the best of his Countrey, to their Towne to a feast: and when they were altogether merry, and praying before their Idoll, which is nothing else, but a meere illusion of the Deuill: the Captaine or Lorde of the Towne came suddenly vpon them, and slewe them euery one, reseruing the women, and children: and these two oftentimes since have perswaded vs to surprize Piemacum his Towne, hauing promised, and assured vs, that there will be founde in it great store of commodities. But whether their perswasion be to the ende they may be reuenged of their enemies, or for the loue they beare to vs, we leaue that to the triall hereafter.

Beyond this Island, called Croonoake, are many Islands very plentifull of fruites, and other naturall increases, together with many Townes, and villages, along the side of the continent, some bounding vpon the Islands, and some stretching vp further into the land.

When we first had sight of this Countrey, some thought the first land we sawe, to be the continent: but after wee entred into the Hauen, wee sawe before vs another mighty long Sea: for

there lieth along the coast a tracte of Islands, two hundred miles in length, adioyning to the Ocean sea, and betweene the Islands, two or three entrances: when you are entred betweene them (these Islands being very narrowe, for the most part, as in most places sixe miles broad, in some places lesse, in fewe more) then there appeareth another great Sea, containing in bredth in some places, forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty miles ouer, before you come vnto the continent: and in this inclosed Sea there are about one hundreth Islands of diuers bignesses, whereof one is sixteene miles long, at which we were, finding it a most pleasant, and fertile ground, replenished with goodly Cedars, and diuers other sweete woods, full of Currans, of flaxe, and many other notable commodities, which we at that time had no leasure to view. Besides this Island, there are many, as I haue said, some of two, or three, or foure, or fiue miles, some more, some lesse, most beautifull, and pleasant to behold, replenished with Deere, Conies, Hares, and diuers beastes, and about the goodliest and best fishe in the world, and in greatest aboundance.

Thus Sir, we haue acquainted you with the particulars of our discouerie, made this present voyage, as farre foorth, as the shortnesse of the time we there continued, would affoord vs to take viewe of: and so contenting our selues with this seruice at this time, which we hope hereafter to inlarge, as occasion and assistance shalbe giuen, we resolued to leaue the Countrey, and to apply our selues to returne for England, which we did accordingly, and arriued safely in the West of England, about the middest of September.

And whereas we haue aboue certified you of the Countrey, taken in possession by vs, to her Maiesties vse, and so to yours, by her Maiesties grant, wee thought good for the better assurance thereof to record some of the particular Gentlemen, and men of accompt, who then were present, as witnesses of the same, that thereby all occasion of cauill to the title of the Countrey, in her Maiesties behalfe, may be preuented, which other wise, such as like not the action may vse, and pretend, whose names are:

The 13.day we began to build a new pinnesse within the Fort, with the timber that wee then felled in the countrey, some part whereof we set three miles up in the land, and brought it to our Fort vpon trucks, the Spaniard not daring to make or offer resistance.

The 16.day there appeared vnto vs out of the woods 8. horsemen of the Spaniards, about a quarter of a myle from our Fort, staying about halfe an hower in viewing our forces: but as soone as they saw x.of our shot marching towards them, they presently retyred into the woods.

The 19.day MasterCandish, who had bene separated from our fleete in a storme in the Bay of Portingal arrived at Cotesa, within the sight of the Tiger:we thinking him a farre off to haue ben either a Spaniard or French man of warre, thought it good to waigh ankers, and to goe roome with him, which the Tiger did, and discerned him at last to be one of our Consorts, for ioy of whose coming our ships discharged their ordinance, and saluted him, according to the manner of the Seas.

The 22.day,20.other Spanishe horsemen shewed them selues to vs vpon the other side of the riuer:who being seene, our Generall dispatched 20.footemen towards them, and two horsmen of ours, mounted upon Spanish horses, which wee before had taken in the time of our being on the Iland: they shewed to our men a flagge of truce,and made signes to have a parle with us: whereupon two of our men went halfe of the way vpon the lands, and two of theirs came and met them: the two Spaniards offered very great salutations to our men,but began according to their Spanish proud humors, to expostutate with them about their arriuall and fortifying in their countrie, who notwithstanding by our mens discreet answers were so cooled, that wheras they were told, that our principal intention was only to furnish our selues with water, and victuals, and other necessaries wherof we stood in neede, which we craued might be yelded vs with faire, and friendly means, otherwise our resolution was to practise force, and to releeue our selues by the sworde: the Spaniards in conclusion,seeing our men so resolute, yelded to our requestes with large promises of all curtesie, and great fauor, and so our men and theirs departed.

The 23.day our pinnesse was finished, and lanched, which being done, our Generall with his Captaines, and Gentlemen, marched up into the Country about the space of 4.myles,where in a plaine marsh they stayed expecting the comming of the Spanyards according to their promise, to furnish vs with victuals: who keeping their olde custome for periurie and breache of promise, came not, whereupon our General fired the woods thereabout , and so retired to our Fort, which the same bay was fired also, and each man came aboord to be ready to set saile the next morning.

The 29.day we set saile from Saint Iohns, being many of vs stoong before vpon shoare with the Muskitoes: but the same night we tooke a Spanish Frigat, which was forsaken by the Spanyards vpon the sight of vs,and the next day in the morning very early, we tooke another Frigat, with good and rich fraight, and diuers Spaniards of accompt in her, which afterwards wee ransomed for good round summes, and landed them in Saint Iohns.

The 26.day our Lieutenant Master Ralfe Lane, went in one of the Frigats which we had taken,to Roxo bay vpon the Southwest side of Saint Iohns, to fetch salt, being thither conducted by a Spanish Pilot:as soone as he arriued there,he landed with his men,to the number of 20.and intrenched him selfe upon the sandes immediatly, compassing one of their salte hils within the trench: who being seene of the Spaniards, there came downe towardes him two or three troopes of horsemen, and footemen, who gave him the looking, and gazing on,but durst not come neere him to offer any resistance,so that Master Lane maugre their troopes, caried their salt aboord and laded his Frigat, and so returned againe to our fleete the 29.day, which road at Saint Germans Bay. The same day we all departed, and the next day arriued in the Iland of Hispaniola.

The 3.day of Iune, the Gouernour of Isabella, and Captaine of the Port de Plata, being certified by the reports of sundry Spanyards, who had bene wel intertained aboord our shippes by our General, that in our fleete were many braue, and gallant Gentlemen, who greatly desired to see the Gouernour aforesaid, he thereupon sent gentle commendations to our Generall, promising within few daies to come to him in person, which he performed accordingly.

The 5.day the foresaid Gouernour, accompanied with a lusty Frier, and twenty other Spaniards, with their seruants, & Negroes, came downe to the Sea side, where our ships road at anker, who being seene, our General manned immediatly the most part of his boats with the chiefe men of our fleete, euery man appointed, and furnished in the best sort: at the landing of our Generall, the Spanishe Gouernour receiued him very curteously, and the Spanish Gentlemen saluted our English Gentlemen, and their inferiour sort did also salute our Soldiers and Sea men, liking our

men, and likewise their qualities,although at the first,they seemed to stand in feare of vs,and of so many of our boates,whereof they desired that all might not land their men, yet in the end, the curtesies that passed on both sides were so great, that all feare and mistrust on the Spanyardes part was abadoned.

In the meanetime while our English Generall and the Spanish Gouernour discoursed betwixt them of divers matters, as of the state of the Country, the multitude of the Townes and people, and the commodities of the Iland, our men provided two banquetting houses couered with greene boughs, the one for the Gentlemen, the other for the seruaunts,and a sumptuous banquet was brought in serued by vs all in Plate, with the sound of trumpets, and consort of musick, wherwith the Spanyards were more then delighted. Which banquet being ended, the Spanyardes in recompence of our curtesie, caused a great herd of white buls, and kyne, to be brought together from the Mounteines, and appoynted for euery Gentleman and Captaine that would ride, a horse ready sadled, and then singled out three of the best of them to be hunted by horsemen after their manner, so that the pastime grew very plesant for the space of three houres, wherein all three of the beasts were killed, whereof one tooke the Sea, and there was slaine with a musket. After this sport,many rare presents and gifts were giuen and bestowed on both partes, and the next day we plaied the Marchants in bargaining with them by way of trucke and exhange of diuers of their commodities, as horses, mares, kine, buls, goates, swine, sheepe, bul hides, sugar, ginger, pearle, tabacco, and such like comodities of the Iland.

The 7.day we departed with great good will from the Spanyardes from the Island of Hispaniola: but the wiser sort do impute this greate shew of friendship, and curtesie vsed towards vs by the Spanyards rather to the force that we were of, and the vigilancie, and watchfulnes that was amongst vs, then to any harty good will, or sure friendly intertainment: for doubtlesse if they had bene stronger then wee, wee might haue looked for no better curtesie at their handes, then Master Iohn Hawkins receiued at saint Iohn de Vllua, or Iohn Oxnam neere the streights of Dariene, and diuers other of our Countrymen in other places.

The 8.day we ankred as a small Iland to take Seales, which in that place wee understood to haue bene in great quantitie, where the Generall and certaine others with him in the pinnesse, were in very great danger to haue bene all cast away, but by the helpe of God they escaped the hazard, and returned aboord the Admirall in safetie.

The 9.day we arriued and landed in the Isle of Caycos, in which Islande we searched for salt pondes, vpon the aduertisment, and information of a Portingall: who in deede abused our General and vs, deseruing a halter for his hire, if it had so pleased vs.

The 15.we came to Secotan, and were well intertayned there of the Sauages.

The 16.we returned thence, and one of our boates with the Admirall was sent to Aquascococke, to demaund a siluer cup which one of the Sauages had stollen from vs, and not receiuing it according to his promise, we burnt, and spoyled their corne, and Towne, all the people being fledde.

The 18. we returned from the discouery of Secotan,and the same day came aboord our Fleete ryding at Wocokon.

About the 31.he tooke a Spanish ship of 300.tunne richly loaden, boording her with a boate made with boards of chests, which fell asunder, and sunke at the shippes side, assoone as euer hee and his men were out of it.

September.

The 10. of September, by foule weather the Generall then shipped in the prise, lost sight of the Tyger.

October.

The sixt the Tyger fell with the landes end, and the same day came to anker at Falmouth.

The 18.the Generall came with the prize to Plymmouth, and was courteously receiued by diuerse of his worshipfull friends.

That I may proceed with order in this discourse, I thinke it requisite to deuide it into two partes. The first shall declare the particularities of such parts of the Country within the mayne, as our weake number, and supply of things necessary did inable vs to enter into the discouerie of.

2. Parts of this discouerie

The second part, shall set downe the reasons generally mouing vs to resolue on our departure at the instant with the Generall Sir Francis Drake, and our common request for passage with him, when the barkes, pinnesses, and boateswith the Masters and Mariners ment by him to bee left in the Countrie for the supply of such, as for a further time ment to haue stayed there, were caried away with tempest and foule weather: In the beginning whereof shallbe declared the conspiracie of Pemisapan, with the Sauages of the mayne to have cut vs off at.

The first part declaring the particularities of the Countrey of Virginia.

First therefore touching the particularities of the Countrey, you shal understand that our discouerie of the same hath bene extended from the Island of Roanoak, (the same having bene the place of our settlement or inhabitation) into the South, into the North, into the Northwest, and into the West.

The vttermost place to the Southward of any discouerie was Secotan, being by estimation foure score miles distant from Roanoak. The passage from thence was thorowe a broad soundwithin the mayne, the same being without kenning of land, and yet full of flats and shoales: we had but one boate with foure oares to passe through the same, which boat could not carry aboue fifteene men with their furniture, baggage, and victuall for seuen dayes at the most: and as for our Pinnesse, besides that she drewe too deepe water for that shalow sound, she would not stirre for an oare: for these and other reasons (winter also being at hand) we thought good wholy to leaue the discouery of those partes vntill our stronger supplie.To the Northwarde our furthest discouerie was to the Chesepians, distant from Roanoak about 130. miles, the passage to it was very shalow and most dangerous, by reason of the bredth of the sound, and the little succour that vpon any flawe was there to be had.

But the Territorie and soyle of the Chesepians (being distant fifteene miles from the shoare) was for pleasantnes of seate, for temperature of Climate, for fetilitie of soyle, and for the commoditie of the Sea, besides multitude of beares (being an excellent good victuall, with great woods of Sassafras, and Wall nut trees) is not to be excelled by any other whatsoeuer.

There be sundry Kings, whom they call Weroances, and Countries of great fertilitie adioyning to the same, as the Mandoages, Tripanicks, and Opossians, which all came to visit the Colonie of the English, which I had for a time appointed to be resident there.

To the Northwest the farthest place of our discouerie was to Choanokedistant form Roanoak about 130. miles. Our passage thither lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the chanell of a great depth, navigable for good shipping, but out of the chanell full of shoales.

Betweene Muscamunge and Choanoke vpon the left hand as we passe thither, is a goodly high land, and there is a Towne which we called the blinde Towne, but the Sauages called it Ooanoke, and hath a very goodly corne field belonging vnto it : it is subject to Choanoke.

Choanoke it selfe is the greatest Province and Seigniorie lying vpon that River, and the very Towne it selfe is able to put 700. fighting men into the fielde, besides the forces of the Province it selfe.

[sidebar]An Iland in a Bay.

The King of the sayd Province is called Menatonon, a man impotent in his lims, but otherwise for a Sauage, a very graue and wise man, and of very singular good discourse in matters concerning the state, not onely of his owne Countrey, and the disposition of his owne men, but also of his neighbours round about him as wel farre as neere, and of the commodities that eche Countrey yeeldeth. When I had him prisoner with me, for two dayes that we were together, he gaue mee more vnderstanding and light of the Countrey then I had receiued by all the searches and Saluges that before I or any of my companie had had conference with: it was in March last past 1586. Amongst other things he tolde me, that going three dayes iourney in a canoaby his River of Choanoke, and then descending to the land, you are within foure dayes iourney to passe ouer land Northeast to a certaine King's countrey, whose Prouince lyeth vpon the Sea, but his place of greatest strength is an Island situate, as he described vnto me in a Bay, the water round about the Iland very deepe.

[sidebar]Pearles in exceeding quantitie.

Out of this Bay hee signified vnto mee, that this King had so great quantitie of Pearle, and doeth so ordinarily take the same, as that not onely his owne skins that he weareth, and the better sort of his gentlemen and followers, are full set with the sayd Pearle, but also his beds, and houses are garnished with them, and that hee hath such quantitie of them, that is a wonder to see.

He shewed me that the sayd King was with him at Choanaok two yeeres before, and brought him certaine Pearle, but the same of the worst sort, yet was hee faine to buy them of him for copper at a deere rate, as he thought. He gaue mee a rope of the same Pearle, but they were blacke, and naught, yet many of them were very great, and a fewe amongst a number very orient and round, all which I lost with other things of mine, comming aborde Sir Francis Drake his Fleete: yet he tolde me that the sayd King had great store of Pearle that were white, great, and round, and that his blacke Pearle his men did take out of shalowe water, but the white Pearle his men fished for in very deepe water.

It seemed to me by his speech, that the sayde King had traffike with white men that had clothes as we haue for these white Pearle, and that was the reason that he would not depart with other then with blacke Pearles, to those of the same Countrey.

The king of Choanoak promised to giue me guids to goe ouer land into that kings Countrey whensoeuer I would: but he aduised me to take good store of men with mee, and good store of victuall, for he sayd, that king would be loth to suffer any strangers to enter into his Countrey, and especially to meddle with the fishing for any Pearle there, and that hee was able to make a great many of men into the fielde, which he sayd would fight very well.

Herevpon I resolued with my selfe, that if your supplie had come before the end of April, and that you had sent any store of boats, or men, to haue had them made in any reasonable time, with a sufficient number of men, and victuals to haue found vs vntill the new corne were come in, I woulde haue sent a small Barke with two Pinnesses about by Sea to the Northwarde to haue found out the Bay he spake of, and to haue sounded the barre if there were any, which shoulde haue ridden there in the sayd Bay about that Iland, while I with all the small boats I could make, and with two hundreth men would haue gone up to the head of the Riuer of Choanoak with the guides that Menatonon would haue giuen, which I would haue bene assured should haue beene of his best men, (for I had his beloued sonne prisoner with me) who also should haue kept me companie in an handlocke with the rest foote by foote all the voyage ouer land.

My meaning was further at the head of the Riuer in the place of my descent where I would haue left my boates, to haue raysed a sconsewith a small trench, and a pallisadovpon the top of it, in the which, and in the garde of my boates I would haue left fiue and twentie, or thirtie men, with the rest would I haue marched with as much victuall as every man could haue caried, with their furniture, mattocks, spades, and axes, two dayes iourney. In the ende of my march vpon some conuenient plot would I haue raysed another sconse according to the former, where I would haue left 15. or 20. And if it would haue fallen out conueniently, in the way I woulde haue raised my sayd sconse vpon some corne fielde, that my companie might haue liued vpon it.

And so I would haue holden this course of insconsing euery two dayes march, vntill I had bene arriued at the Bay or Porte he spake of: which finding to be worth the possession, I would there have raised a mayne forte, both for the defence of the harboroughs, and our shipping also, and would haue reduced our whole habitation from Roanoak and from the harborough and port there (which by proofe is very naught) vnto this other beforementioned, from whence, in the foure dayes march before specified, could I at all times returne with my companie backe vnto my boats ryding vnder my sconse, very neere whereunto directly from the West runneth a most notable Riuer, and in all those parts most famous, called the Riuer of Morotico. This Riuer openeth into the broad sound of Weopomiok: And whereas the Riuer of Choanoak, and all the other sounds, and Bayes, salt and fresh, shewe no currant in the world in calme weather, but are mooued altogether with the winde: This Riuer of Morotico hath so violent a currant from the West and Southwest, that it made me almost of opinion that with oares it would scarse be nauigable: it passeth with many creekes and turnings, and for the space of thirtie miles rowing, and more, it is as broad as the Thames betwixt Greenwich and the Isle of dogges, in some place more, and in some lesse: the currant runneth as strong being entred so high into the Riuer, as at Londo] bridge vpon a vale water.

And for that not onely Menatonon, but also the Sauages of Morotico themselues doe report strange things of the head of that Riuer, and that from Morotico it selfe, which is a principall Towne vpon that Riuer, it is thirtie dayes as some of them say, and some say fourtie dayes voyage to the head thereof, which head they say springeth out of a maine rocke in that abundance, that forthwith it maketh a most violent streame: and further, that this huge rock standeth nere vnto a Sea, that many times in stormes (the winde comming outwardly from the Sea) the waues thereof are beaten into the said fresh streame, so that the fresh water for a certaine space, groweth salt and brackish:

I tooke a resolution with my selfe, hauing dismissed Menatonon vpon a ransome agreed for, and sent his sonne into the Pinnesse to Roanoak, to enter presently so farre into the Riuer with two double whirries, and fourtie persons one or other, as I could haue victuall to carrie vs, until we could meete with more either of the Moratiks, or of the Mangoaks, which is another kinde of Sauages, dwelling more to the Westward of the said Riuer: but the hope of recouering more victuall from the Sauages made me and my company as narowly to escape staruing in that discouerie before our returne, as euer men did that missed the same.

For Pemisapan, who had changed his name of Wingina vpon the death of his brother Granganimo, had giuen both the Choanists, & Mangoaksword of my purpose touching them, I hauing bin inforced to make him priuie to the same, to be serued by him of a guide to the Mangoaks, and yet he did neuer rest to solicite continually my going vpon them, certifying me of a generall assembly euen at that time made by Menatonon at Choanoak of all his Weroances, & allyes to the number of 3000. bowes preparing to come vpon vs at Roanoak, and that the Mangoaks also were ioyned in the same confederacie, who were able of themselues to bring as many more to the enterprise: And true it was, that at that time the assembly was holden at Choanoak about vs, as I found at my comming thither, which being vnlooked for did so dismay them, as it made vs haue the better hand at them. But this confederacie against vs of the Choanists and Mangoaks was altogether and wholly procured by Pemisapan himselfe, as Menatonon confessed vnto me, who sent them continuall worde that our purpose was fully bent to destroy them: on the other side he told me that they had the like meaning towards vs.

*[sidebar]Their woms (word unclear)

Hee in like sort hauing sent worde to the Mangoaks of mine intention to passe vp into their Riuer, and to kill them (as he sayd) both they and the Moratiks, with whome before we were entered into a league, and they had euer dealt kindely with vs, abandoned their Townes along the Riuer, and retyred themselues with their* Crenepoes, and their corne within the mayne: insomuch as hauing passed three dayes voyage vp the Riuer, we could not meete a man, nor finde a graine of corne in any their Townes: wherevpon considering with my selfe, that wee had but two dayes victuall left, and that wee were then 160. miles from home, besides casualtie of contrarie windes or stormes, and suspecting treason of our owne Sauages in the discouerie of our voyage intended, though we had no intention to be hurtfull to any of them, otherwise then for our copper to haue had corne of them: I at night vpon the corps of garde, before the putting foorth of centinels, aduertised the whole companie of the case wee stoode in for victuall, and of mine opinion that we were betrayed by our owne Sauages, and of purpose drawen foorth by them, vpon vaine hope to be in the ende starued, seeing all the Countrey fledde before vs, and therefore while we had those two dayes victuall left, I thought it good for vs to make our returne homewarde, and that it were necessarie for vs to get the other side of the sound of Weopomeiok in time, where we might be reliued vpon the weares of Chypanum, and the womans Towne, although the people were fled.

Thus much I signified vnto them, and the safest way: neuerthelesse, I did referre it to the greatest number of voyces, whether we should aduenture the spending of our whole victuall in some further viewe of that most goodly Riuer in hope to meete with some batter hap, or otherwise to retyre our selues backe againe.: And for that they might be the better aduised, I willed them to deliberate all night vpon the matter, and in the morning at our going aborde to set our course according to the desires of the greatest part. Their resolution fully and wholy was (and not three found to be of the contrary opinion) that whiles there was left one halfe pinte of corne for a man, that we should not leaue the search of that Riuer, and that there were in the companie two mastiues, vpon the pottage of which with sassafras leaues (if the worst fell out) the companie would make shift to liue two dayes, which time would bring them downe the currant to the mouth of the Riuer, and to the entrie of the sound, and in two dayes more at the farthest they hoped to crosse the sounde and to bee relieued by the weares, which two dayes they would fast rather then be drawen backe a foote till they had seene the Mangoaks, either as friends or foes. This resolution of theirs did not a little please mee, since it came of them selves, although for mistrust of that which afterwards did happen, I pretended to have bene rather of the contrary opinion.

[sidebar]marueilous Mineral in the countrey of Chaunis Temoatan. (print is smudged)

And that which made me most desirous to have some doings with the Mangoaks either in friendship or otherwise to haue had one or two of them prisoners, was, for that it is a thing most notorious to all the countrey, that there is a Province to the which the sayd Mangoaks have recourse and traffike vp that River of Morattico, which hath a marueilous and most strange Minerall. This Mine is so notorious amongst them, as not onely to the Savages dwelling up the sayde

river, and also to the Savages of Choanoke, and all them to the westward, but also to all them of the mayne: the countries name is of fame, and is called Chaunis Temoatan.

The mineral they say is Wassador, which is copper, but they call by the name of Wassador euery mettall whatsoeuer: they say it is of the couler of our copper, but our copper is better then theirs: and the reason is for that it is redder and harder, whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very soft, and pale: they say that they take the sayd mettall out of a riuer that falleth very swift from hie rocks and hyls, and they take it in shallowe water: the manner is this. They take a great bowle by their discription as great as one of our targets, and wrappe a skinne ouer the hollowe part thereof, leauing one part open to receiue in the minerall: that done, they watch the comming downe of the currant, and the change of the couler of the water, and then suddenly chop downe the sayd bowle with the skin, and receive into the same as much oare as will come in, which is euer as much as their bowle wil hold, which presently they cast into a fire, and forthwith it melteth, and doeth yeelde in 5. partes, at the first melting, two parts of metall for three partes of oare. Of this metall the Mangoaks haue so great store, by report of all the sauages adioyning, that they beautifie their houses with great plates of the same: and this to be true, I receiued by report of all the countrey, and particularly by yong Skiko, the King of Choanokes sonne of my prisoner, who also himselfe had bene prisoner with the Mangoaks, and set downe all the particularities to mee before mentioned: but hee had not bene at Chaunis Temoatan himselfe: for he sayd, it was twentie dayes iourney overlande from the Mangoaks, to the saide minerall country, and that they passed through certaine other territories betweene them and the Mangoaks, before they came to the said country.

[sidebar]A conflict begun by the Sauages

[sidebar]The great currant of the Riuer of Morottico

Vpon reporte of the premisses, which I was very inquisitive in all places where I came to take very particular information of, by all the sauages that dwelt towards those parts, and especially of Menatonon himselfe, who in euery thing did very particularly informe mee, and promised mee guides of his owne men, who should passe over with mee, euen to the sayde country of Chaunis Temoatan (for ouer lande from Choanok to the Mangoaks is but one dayes iourney from sunne rysing to sunne setting, whereas by water it is 7. daies with the soonest:) These things I say, made me very desirous by all meanes possible to recouer the Mangoaks, & to get some of that their copper for an assay, and therefore I willingly yeelded to their resolution: But it fell out very contrarie to all expectation, and likelyhood: for after two dayes trauell, and our whole victual spent, lying on shoare all night, wee could never see man, onely fires wee might perceiue made alongst the shoare where we were to passe, and up into the countrie vntill the very last day. In the euening whereof, about three of the clocke we heard certaine sauages call as we thought, Manteo, who was also at that time with mee in the boate, whereof we all being verie glad, hoping of some friendly conference with them, and making him to answere them, they presently began a song, as we thought in token of our welcome to them: but Manteo presently betooke him to his peece, and tolde mee that they ment to fight with vs: which word was not so soone spoken by him, and the light horseman ready to put to shoare, but there lighted a vollie of their arrowes amongst them in the boate, but did no hurt God be thanked to any man. Immediatly, the other boate lying ready with their shot to skoure the place for our hand weapons to land vpon, which was presently done, although the lande was very high and steepe, the Sauages forthwith quitted the shoare, and betooke themselves to flight: we landed, and having fayre and easily followed for a smal time after them, who had wooded themselves we know not where: the sunne drawing then towards the setting, and being then assured that the next day, if wee would pursue them, though wee might happen to meete with them, yet we should bee assured to meete with none of their victuall, which we then had good cause to thinke of, therefore choosing for the companie a conuenient grounde in safetie to lodge in for the night, making a strong corps of garde, and putting out good centinels, I determined the next morning before the rising of the sunne to be going back againe, if possibly wee might recouer the mouth of the riuer into the broade sownde, which at my first motion I found my whole companie ready to assent unto: for they were nowe come to their dogs porredge, that they had bespoken for them selues, if that befell them which did, and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape. The ende was, we came the next day by night to the riuers mouth within 4. or 5. miles of the same, hauing rowed in one day downe the currant, as much as in 4. dayes we had done against the same: we lodged vpon an Islande, where wee had nothing in the worlde to eate but pottage of sassafras leaues, the like whereof for a meate was neuer vsed before as I thinke. The broad sound wee had to passe, the next day all fresh and fasting: that day the winde blewe so strongly, and the billow so great, that there was no possibilitie of passage without sinking of our boates. This was vpon Easter eue,

which was fasted very trulie. Upon Easter day in the morning the wind comming very calme, wee entred the sownde, and by 4. of the clocke we were at Chipanum, where all the Sauages that wee had left there were fled, but their wears did yeelde vs some fish, as God was pleased not vtterly to suffer vs to be lost: for some of our company of the light horsemen were farre spent. The next morning wee arrived at our home Roanoake.

I haue set downe this voyage somewhat particularly, to the ende it may appeare vnto you, (as true it is) that there wanted no great good will from the most to the least amongst vs, to have persited this discouerie of the mine: for that the discovery of a good mine, by the goodnesse of God, or a passage to the Southsea, or someway to it, and nothing else can bring this countrey in request to be inhabited by our nation. And with the discouery of any of the two aboue shewed, it wilbe the most sweete, and healthfullest climate, and therewithall the most fertile soyle, being manured in the world: and then will Sassafras, and many other rootes & gummes there found make good Marchandise and lading for shipping, which otherwise of themselues will not be worth the fetching.

Prouided also, that there be found out a better harborough then yet there is, which must bee to the Northward, if any there be, which was mine intention to haue spent this summer in the search of, and of the mine of Chawnis Temoatan: the one I would haue done, if the barks that I should haue had of S. Francis Drake, by his honourable curtesie, had not bene driuen away by storme: the other if your supply of more men, and some other necessaries had come to vs in any conuenient sufficiencie. For this river of Moratico promiseth great things, and by the opinion of M. Harriots the heade of it by the description of the country, either riseth from the bay of Mexico, or els from very neere vnto the same, that openeth out into the South sea.

And touching the Minerall, thus doeth M. Youghan affirme that though it be but copper, seeing the Sauages are able to melt it, it is one of the richest Minerals in the worlde.

Wherefore a good harborough found to the Northward, as before is sayd, and from thence foure dayes overland, to the River of Choanoak sconses being raysed, from whence againe ouerlande through the prouince of Choanoak one dayes voyage to the first towne of the Mangoaks up the Riuer of [Moratico] by the way, as also vpon the said Riuer for the defence of our boats like sconses being set, in this course of proceeding you shall cleare your selfe from all those dangers and broad shallowe sounds before mentioned, and gayne within foure dayes trauell into the heart of the maine 200. myles at the least, and so passe your discouerie into that most notable, and to the likeliest parts of the mayne, with farre greater felicitie then otherwise can bee performed.

Thus Sir, I have though simply, yet truely set downe unto you, what my labour with the rest of the gentlemen, and poore men of our company, (not without both payne, and perill which the lorde in his mercy many wayes deliuered vs from) could yeelde vnto you, which might have bene performed in some more perfection, if the lorde had bene pleased that onely that which you had prouided for vs had at the first bene left with vs, or that he had not in his eternall prouidence now at the last set some other course in these things, then the wisedome of man could looke into, which truely the carying away by a most strange, & unlooked for storme of all our prouision, with barks, master, Maryners, and sundrie also of mine owne company, al hauing bene so curteously supplyed by the Generall S. Francis Drake, the same hauing bene most sufficient to haue performed the greatest part of the premisses, must euer make me to thinke, the hand of God only, for some his good purpose to my selfe yet unknowne, to have bene in the matter.

The second part touching the conspiracy of Pemisapan, the discouerie of the same, and at the last, of our request to depart with S. Francis Drake for England.

Ensenore a Sauage father to Pemisapan being the only frend to our nation that we had amongst them, and about the king, dyed the 20. of Aprill, 1586. hee alone, had before opposed himselfe in their consultations against al matters proposed against vs, which both the king, and all the rest of them after Grangemoes death, were very willing to haue preferred. And he was not onely by the meere prouidence of God during his life, a meane to saue vs from hurt, as poysonings and such like, but also to doe vs very great good, and singularly in this.

The king was advised and of himselfe disposed, as a ready meane to haue assuredly brought

vs to ruine in the moneth of March ,1586. himselfe also with all his Sauages to have runne away from vs, and to haue left his ground in the Island vnsowed, which if he had done, there had bene no possibilitie in common reason, (but by the immediate hand of God) that we could haue bene preserued from staruing out of hand. For at that time wee had no weares for fishe, neither could our men skill of the making of them, neither had wee one grayne of corne for seede to put into the ground.

In mine absence on my voyage that I had made against the Chaonists, and Mangoaks, they had raised a bruite among themselues, that I and my company were part slayne, and part starued by the Chaonists, and Mangoaks. One part of this tale was too true, that I and mine were like to be starued, but the other false.

Neverthelesse vntill my returne it tooke such effect in Pemisapans breast, and in those against vs, that they grew not onely into contempt of vs, but also (contrary to their former reuerend opinion in shew, of the almightie God of heauen, and Iesus Christ, whome wee serue and worship, whome before they woulde acknowledge and confesse the onely God) nowe they began to blaspheme, and flatly to say, that our Lord God was not God, since hee suffered vs to sustaine much hunger, and also to be killed of the Renapoaks, for so they call by that generall name, all the inhabitants of the whole mayne, of what prouince soeuer. Insomuch as olde Ensenore, neither any of his fellowes, coulde for his sake haue no more credite for vs: and it came so farre that the King was resolued to haue presently gone away as is aforesaid.

But euen in the beginning of this bruite I returned, which when hee saw contrarie to his expectation, and the aduertisement that he had receiued: that not only my selfe, and my company were al safe, but also by report of his owne 3. sauages, which had bene with mee besides Manteo in that voyage, that is to say, Tetepano, his sisters husband Eracano, and Cossine, that the Chanoists and Mangoaks (whose name, and multitude besides their valour is terrible to al the rest of the prouinces) durst not for the most part of them abide vs, and that those that did abide vs were killed, and that we had taken Menatonon prisoner, and brought his sonne that he best loued to Roanoak with me, it did not a little asswage all deuises against vs: on the other side, it made Ensenors opinions to be receiued againe with greater respects. For hee had often before tolde them, and then renewed those his former speeches, both to the king and the rest, that wee were the servants of God, and that wee were not subiect to be destroyed by them: but contrariwise, that they amongst them that sought our destruction, should finde their owne, and not be able to worke ours, and that we being dead men were able to doe them more hurt, then now we coulde do being aliue: an opinion very confidently at this day holden by the wisest amongst them, and of their olde men, as also, that they haue bene in the night, being 100. myles from any of vs in the ayre shot at, and stroken by some men of ours, that by sicknesse had dyed among them: and many of them holde opinion, that wee be dead men returned into the worlde againe, and that we doe not remayne dead but for a certaine time, and that then we returne againe.

All these speeches then againe grew in ful credite with them, the King and all touching vs, when hee saw the small troupe returned againe, and in that sort from those whose very names were terrible unto them: but that which made vp the matter on our side for that time, was an accident, yea rather (as all the rest was) the good prouidence of the Almightie for the sauing of vs, which was this.

Within certaine dayes after my returne from the said iourney, Menatonon sent a messenger to visite his sonne the prisoner with me, and sent me certaine pearle for a present, or rather as Pemisapan told me, for the ransome of his sonne, and therefore I refused them: but the greatest cause of his sending then, was to signifie vnto mee, that hee had commaunded Okisko King of Weopomiok, to yelde himselfe seruant, and homager, to the great Weroanza of England, and after her to Sir Walter Ralegh: to perfourme which commandement receiued from Menatonon, the sayd Okisko ioyntly with this Menatonons messenger, sent foure and twentie of his principallest men to Roanoak to Pemisapan, to signifie that they were readie to perfourme the same, and so had sent those his men to let me knowe, that from that time forwarde hee, and his successours were to acknowledge her Maiestie their onely Soueraigne, and next vnto her, as is aforesayde.

All which being done, and acknowledged by them all, in the presence of Pemisapan his father, and all his Sauages in counsel then with him, it did for the time, thorowly (as it seemed) change him in disposition toward vs: Insomuch as forthwith Ensenore wan this resolution of him, that out of hand he should goe about, & withall, to cause his men to set vp weares forthwith for vs: both which he, at that present went in hand withal & did so labour the expedition of it,

that in the end of April, he had sowed a good quantitie of ground, so much as had bene sufficient, to haue fed our whole company (God blessing the grouth) and that by the belly for a whole yere: besides that he gave vs a certaine plot of ground for our selues to sowe. All which put vs in marueilous comfort, if we could passe from Aprill, untill the beginning of Iuly, (which was to haue bene the beginning of their haruest,) that then a newe supplie out of Englande or els our owne store would well inough maintayne vs: All our feare was of the two moneths betwixt, in which meane space, if the Sauages should not helpe vs with Chassada, and Chyna, and that our weares should fayle vs, (as often they did) wee might very well starue, notwithstanding the growing corne, like the staruing horse in the stable, with the growing grasse as the proverbe is: which wee very hardlye had escaped, but onely by the hande of God, as it pleased him to try vs. For within few dayes after, as before is sayde, Ensenore our friende dyed, who was no sooner dead, but certaine of our great enemies about Pemisapan, as Osacan a Weroance, Tanaquiny and Wanchese most principally, were in hand again to put their old practises in vse against vs, which were readily imbraced, & al their former deuises against vs reneued, & new brought in question.

But that of staruing vs, by their forbearing to sowe, was broken by Ensenore in his life, by hauing made the king all at one instant to sowe his grounde, not onely in the Islande but also at Addesinocopeia in the mayne, within two leagues ouer against vs. Neverthelesse there wanted no store of mischieuous practises among them, and of all they resolued principally of this following.

First that Okisko king of Weopomeiok with the Mandoages, should bee moued, and with great quantitie of copper intertayned to the number of seuen, or 800 bowes to enterprise the matter thus to be ordered. They of Weopomeiok should be inuited to a certaine kind of moneths minde which they do vse to solemnise in their Sauage maner for any great personage dead, and should have bene for Ensenore. At this instant also should the Mandoaks, who were a great people with the Chesepians, and their friends to the number of 700. of them to be armed at a day appoynted to the mayne of Addesmocopeio, and there lying close at the signe of fyres, which should interchangeably be made on both sides, when Pemisapan with his troup aboue named should have executed me, and some of our Weroances (as they called all our principall officers,) the mayne forces of the rest should haue come ouer into the Island where they ment to have dispatched the rest of the company, whome they did imagine to finde both dismayed and dispersed abroade in the Islande seeking of crabs, and fish to liue withall. The manner of their enterprise was this.

Tarraquine and Andacon two principall men about Pemisapan, and very lustie fellowes with twentie more appointed to them had the charge of my person to see an order taken for the same, which they ment should in this sort have bene executed. In the dead time of the night they would have beset my house, and put fire in the reedes, that the same was couered with: meaning (as it was likelye) that my selfe would have come running out of a sudden amazed in my shirt without armes, vpon the instant whereof they would have knocked out my braynes.

The sufficiencye of our men to deale against the Sauages, 10. to 100.

The Sauages liue by fishing, and hunting, till haruest.

The same order was giuen to certaine of his fellowes, for M. Heriots: so for all the rest of our better sort, all our houses at one instant being set on fire as afore is sayde, and that as well for them of the forte, as for vs at the towne. Now to the end that we might be the fewer in number together, and so be the more easilie dealt withall (for in deede ten of vs with our armes prepared, were a terrour to a hundred of the best sort of them,) they agreed and did immediatly put it in practise, that they should not for any copper, sell vs any victuals whatsoeuer: besides that in the night they should sende to have our weares robbed, and also to cause them to be broken and once being broken never to bee repayred againe by them. By this meanes the King stood assured, that I must bee enforced for lacke of sustenance, there to disband my company into sundry places to liue vpon shell fishe, for so the Sauages themselves doe, going to Ottorasko, Crotoan, and other places fishing and hunting, while their grounds be in sowing, and their corne growing, which fayled not his expectation. For the famine grewe so extreeme among vs, our weares fayling vs of fish, that I was enforced to sende captaine Stafford with 20. with him to Crotoan my lord Admirals Island to serve two turnes in one, that is to say to feede himselfe and his company, and also to keepe watch, if any shipping came vpon the coast to warne vs of the same. I sent master Pridiox with the Pynnesse to Otterasco, and ten with him, with the Prouost Marshal to liue there, and also to wayte for shipping: also I sent every weeke 16. or 20. of the rest of the companie to the mayne ouer against vs, to liue of Casada, and oysters.

In the meane while Pemisapan went of purpose to Addesmocopeio for 3. causes, the one, to see his grounds there broken up, and sowed for a second croppe: the other to withdrawe him-

selfe from my dayly sending to him for supply of victuall for my company, for hee was afrayde to denye me any thing, neither durst he in my presence but by colour, and with excuses, which I was content to accept for the time, meaning in the ende as I had reason, to give him the iumpe once for all: but in the meane whiles, as I had ever done before, I and mine bare all wrongs, and accepted of all excuses.

My purpose was to haue relyed my selfe with Menatonon, and the Chaonists, who in truth as they are more valiant people and in greater number then the rest, so are they more faithfull in their promises, and since my late being there, had giuen many tokens of earnest desire they had to ioyne in perfect league with vs, and therefore were greatly offended with Pemisapan and Weopomeiok for making him beleeve such tales of vs.

The third cause of his going to Addesmocopeio was to dispatch his messengers to Weopomeiok, and to the Mandoages, as aforesaid, al which he did with great impresse of copper in hand, making large promises to them of greater spoyle.

The answere within fewe dayes after came from Weopomeiok, which was deuided into two parts. First for the King Okisko, who denyed to be of the partie for himselfe, or any of his especial followers, and therefore did immediatly retyre himselfe with his force into the mayne: the other was concerning the rest of the sayd prouince who accepted of it: and in like sort the Mandoags received the imprest.

The day of their assembly aforesayd at Roanoak was appointed the 10. of Iuly: all which the premises were discouered by Skyco, the King Menatonon his sonne my prisoner, who hauing once attempted to run away, I laid him in the bylboes, threatening to cut off his head, whome I remitted at Pemisapans request: whereupon he being perswaded that hee was our enemie to the death, he did not only feede him with himselfe, but also made him acquainted with all his practises. On the other side, the yong man finding himselfe as well used at my hand, as I had meanes to shew, and that all my companie made much of him, he flatly discouered al vnto me, which also afterwards was reuealed vnto me by one of Pemisapans own men, the night before he was slaine.

These mischiefes being al instantly vpon mee and my companie to be put in execution, stood mee in hand to study how to preuent them, and also to saue all others, which were at that time as aforesaid so farre from me: whereupon I sent to Pemisapan to put suspition out of his heade, that I ment presently to go to Crotoan, for that I had heard of the arriual of our fleete, (though I in trueth had neither heard nor hoped for so good aduenture,) and that I meant to come by him, to borrow of his men to fish for my company, and to hunt for me at Crotoan, as also to buy some foure dayes prouision to serue for my vogaye.

He sent mee word that he would himselfe come ouer to Roanoak, but from day to day hee deferred, only to bring the Weopomeioks with him, and the Mandoags, whose time appoynted was within 8. dayes after. It was the last of May 1586. when all his owne sauages began to make their assembly at Roanoak, at his commandement sent abroad vnto them, and I resolued not to stay longer vpon his comming ouer, since he ment to come with so good company, but thought good to go, and visite him with such as I had, which I resolued to do the next day: but that night I ment by the way to giue them in the Island a Canuisado, and at the instant to sease vpon all the Canoas about the Island, to keepe him from aduertisements.

[sidebar]The slaughter, and surprise of the Sauages

But the towne tooke the allarum, before I meant it to them: the occasion was this. I had sent the Master of the light horsemen with a few with him, to gather vp all the Canoas in the setting of the sunne, & to take as many as were going from vs to Adesmocopeio, but to suffer any that came from thence to land: he met with a Canoa, going from the shore, and ouerthrew the Canoa, and cut off 2. sauages heads: this was not done so secretly but hee was discouered from the shore whereupon the cry arose: for in trueth they, priuie to their owne villanous purposes against vs, held as good espial vpon vs, both day and night, as we did vpon them.

The allarum giuen, they tooke themselues to their bowes, and we to our armes: some three or foure of them at the first were slayne with our shot, the rest fled into the woods: The next morning with the light horsemen, & one Canoa, taking 25. with the Colonel of the Chesepians, and the Seriant maior, I went to Adesmocopeio: and being landed, sent Pemisapan word by one of his owne Sauages that met me at the shore, that I was going to Crotoan, and meant to take him in the way to complaine unto him of Osocon, who the night past was conueying away my prisoner, whom I had there present tied in an handlocke: hereupon the king did abide my comming to him, and finding my selfe amidst 7. or 8. of his principal Weroances & followers, (not regarding any of the common sort) I gaue the watchword agreed vpon, (which was, Christ our victory,) and immediatly those his chiefe men, and himselfe, had by the mercie of God for our deliuerance,

that which they had purposed for vs. The king himselfe being shot thorow by the Colonell with a pistoll lying on the ground for dead, & I looking as watchfully for the sauing of Manteos friends, as others were busie that none of the rest should escape, suddenly he started vp, and ran away as though he had not bene touched, insomuch as he ouerran all the companie, being by the way shot thwart the buttocks by mine Irish boy with my Petronell. In the end an Irish man seruing me, one Nugent and the deputy prouost undertooke him, and following him in the woods ouertooke him, and I in some doubt least we had lost both the king, and my man by our owne negligence to have beene intercepted by the Sauages, we met him returning out of the woods with Pemisapans head in his hand.

This fell out the first of Iune 1586. and the 8. of the same came aduertisement to me from captaine Stafford, lying at my lord Admirals Island, that he had discouered a great Fleete of 23. sailes: but whether they were friends or foes, he could not yet discerne, he aduised me to stand vpon as good gard as I could.

The 9. of the said moneth he himselfe came vnto me, hauing that night before, and that same day trauelled by land 20. miles, and I must truely report of him from the first to the last, he was the gentleman that neuer spared labour or perill either by land or water, faire weather or fowle, to performe any service committed unto him.

He brought me a letter from the Generall Sir Francis Drake, with a most bountifull and honourable offer for the supplie of our necessities to the performance of the action, we were entered into, and that not only of victuals, munition, and clothing, but also of barkes, pinnaces, and boates, they also by him to be victualled, manned, and furnished to my contentation.

The 10. day hee arriued in the road of our bad harborough, and comming there to an anker, the 11. day I came to him, whom I found in deeds most honourably to performe that which in writing and message he had most curteously offered, he hauing aforehand propounded the matter to all the captains of his Fleete, and got their liking and consent thereto.

With such thanks vnto him and his captaines for his care both of vs and of our action, not as the matter deserued, but as I could both for my companie and my selfe, I (being aforehand) prepared what I would desire, craued at his hands that it would please him to take with him into England a number of weake, and vnfit men for my good action, which I would deliuer to him, and in place of them to supply me of his company, with oare men, artificers, and others.

That he would leaue vs so much shipping and victuall, as about August then next followyng, would cary me and all my company into England, when we had discouered somwhat that for lacke of needfull prouision in time left with vs as yet remained undone.

That it would please him withall to leaue some sufficient masters not onely to cary vs into England when time should be, but also to search the coast for some better harborow if there were any, and especially to helpe vs to some small boats and oare-men.

He hauing receiued these my requests according to his vsuall commendable maner of gouernement (as it was told me) calling his captaines to counsell, the resolution was that I should send such of my officers of my companie, as I used in such matters, with their notes, to goe aboord with him, which were the master of the victuals, the keeper of the store, and the Vicetreasurer, to whom he appointed foorthwith for me the Francis, being a very proper barke of 70. tunnes, and tooke present order for bringing of victuall aboord her for 100. men for foure moneths withall my other demands whatsoeuer, to the vttermost.

And further appointed for me two fine pinnaces, and 4. small boats, and that which was to performe all his former liberalitie towards vs, was that he had gotten the full assents of two of as sufficient experimented masters as were any in his fleete, by iudgment of them that knewe them, with very sufficient gings to tarie with mee, and to employ themselves most earnestly in the action, as I should appoynt them, untill the terme which I promised of our returne into England agayne. The names of one of those masters was Abraham Kendall, the other Griffith Herne.

While these things were in hand, the prouision aforesayd being brought, and in bringing aboord, my sayd masters being also gone aboord, my sayd barkes hauing accepted of their charge, and mine owne officers, with others in like sort of my company with them, all which was dispatched by the said Generall the 12. of the said moneth: the 13. of the same there arose such an unwonted storme, and continued foure dayes that had like to have driuen all on shore, if the Lord had not held his holy hand over them, and the generall very prouidently foreseene the worst himselfe, then about my dispatch putting himselfe aboord: but in the end hauing driuen sundry of the Fleete to

put to sea the Francis also with all my prouisions, my two masters, and my companie aboord, shee was seene to be free from the same, and to put cleare to sea.

This storme hauing continued from the 13. to the 16. of the moneth, and thus my barke put away as aforesayd, the Generall comming a shore, made a new proffer to me, which was a shippe of 170. tunnes, called The Barke Bonner, with a sufficient Master and guide to tarie with mee the time appointed, and victualled sufficiently to carie me and my companie into England with all prouisions as before: but hee tolde mee that hee would not for any thing vndertake to haue her brought into our harbour, and therefore hee was to leaue her in the roade, and to leaue the care of the rest vnto my selfe, and aduised mee to consider with my companie of our case, and to deliuer presently vnto him in writing, what I would require him to doe for vs: which being within his power, he did assure me as well for his Captaines, as for himselfe should be most willingly performed.

Heereupon calling such Captaines and Gentlemen of my companie as then were at hand, who were all as priuie as my selfe to the Generals offer, their whole request was to mee, that considering the case that we stood in, the weaknesse of our company, the small number of the same, the carying away of our first appointed barke, with those two especiall masters, with our principall prouisions in the same, by the very hand of God as it seemed, stretched out to take vs from thence: considering also, that his second offer, though most honourable of his part, yet of ours not to be taken, insomuch as there was no possibilitie for her with any safetie to be brought into the harbour: Seeing furthermore, our hope for supplie with sir Richard Greenuill so vndoubtedly promised vs before Easter, not yet come, neither then likely to come this yeere considering the doings in England for Flaunders, and also for America, that therefore I would resolue my selfe, with my company to goe into England in that Fleete, and accordingly to make request to the Generall in all our names, that he would bee pleased to give vs present passage with him. Which request of ours by my selfe deliuered vnto him, hee most readily assented vnto, and so hee sending immediatly his pinnaces vnto our Island for the fetching away of fewe that there were left with our baggage, the weather was so boysterous, and the pinnaces so often on ground, that the most of all we had, with all our Cardes, Bookes and writings, were by the Sailers cast ouer boord, the greater number of the Fleete being much agrieued with their long and dangerous abode in that miserable road.

From whence the Generall in the name of the Almightie, waying his ankers (hauing bestowed vs among his Fleete) for the reliefe of whom hee had in that storme susteined more perill of wracke then in all his former most honourable actions against the Spaniards, with praises vnto God for all, set saile the 19. of June 1586, and arriued in Portesmouth the 27. of Iulie the same yeere.

The third voyagemade by a ship sent in the yeere 1586. to the reliefe of the Colony planted in Virginia , at the sole charges of Sir Walter Raleigh .

IN the yeere of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Ralegh at his owne charge prepared a ship of 100. tunnes, fraighted with all maner of things in most plentifull maner for the supplie and relief of his Colonie then remaining in Virginia : but before they set saile from England, it was after Easter, so that our Colonie halfe dispaired of the comming of any supplie, wherefore euery man prepared for himselfe, determining resolutely to spend the residue of their life time in that countrey, and for the better performance of this their determination, they sowed, planted, and set such things as were necessari for their reliefe in so plentifull a manner, as might haue suffised them two yeeres without any further labor. Thus trusting to their owne haruest they passed the Summer till the tenth of Iune: at which time their corne which they had sowed was within one fortnight of reaping, but then it happened that Sir Frauncis Drake in his prosperous returne from the sacking of Saint Domingo, Cartagena, and Saint Augustines, determined in his way homewarde to visit his countrymen the English Colonie then remaining in Virginia : so passing along the coastes of Florida, he fell with the partes, where our English Colony inhabited, and hauing espyed some of that company, there he anker ed, and went alande where he conferred with them of their state and welfare, and howe thinges had past with them: they aunswered him that they liued all; but hitherto in some scarsitie, and as yet coulde here of no supplye out of England: therefore they requested him that he would leaue with them some two or three shippes, that if in

some reasonable time they heard not out of England, they might then returne themselues: which hee agreed to: whilest some were then writing their letters to send into England, and some others making reportes of the accidentes of their trauels ech to other, some on lande, some on boord, a great storme arose, and droue the most of their fleet from their anker s to Sea, in which shippes, at that instant were the chiefest of the English Colony: the rest on land perceiuing this, hasted to those three sayles which were appointed to be left there, and for feare they should be left behinde, left all thinges confusedly, as if they had bene chased from thence by a mightie armie, and no doubt so they were; for the hande of God came vpon them for the crueltie, and outrages committed by some of them against the natiue inhabitantes of that Countrie.

[sidebar] Iune.[/sidebar]

Immediately after the departing of our English Colonie out of this paradise of the worlde, the shippe aboue mentioned sent, and set forth at the charges of Sir Walter Ralegh, and his direction, arriued at Hatorask; who after some time spent seeking our Colony vp in the Countrie, and not finding them, returned with all the aforesayd prouision into England.

[sidebar] Sir Richard Grindfields third voyage.[sidebar]

About foureteene or fifteene daies after the departure of the aforesayd shippe, Sir Richard Grindfield Generall of Virginia, accompanied with three shippes well appointed for the same voyage arriued there; who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of our English Colony, there seated, and left by him, Anno 1585. him selfe trauailing vp into diuers places of the Countrey, as well to see if he could here any newes of the Colony left there by him the yere before, vnder the charge of Master Lane his deputie, as also to discouer some places of the Countrie: but after some time spent therein not hearing any newes of them, and finding the place which they inhabited desolate, yet vnwilling to loose the possession of the Countrie, which Englishmen had so long helde: after good deliberation hee determined to leaue some men behinde to retaine possession of the Country: whereupon he landed 15. men in the Ile of Roanoake furnished plentifully with all maner of prouision for two yeeres, and so departed for England.

Not long after he fell with the Iles of A[c with cedille]ores, on some of which Iland es he landed, and spoyled the Townes of all such thinges as were worth cariage, where also he tooke diuers Spanyardes: with these, and many other exploytes done by him in this voyage, as well outwarde as homeward, he returned into England.

Harriot Text (Part 1)

A briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia: of the commodities there found and to be raised, as well merchantable as others: Written by Thomas Harriot, seruaunt to Sir Walter Raleigh, a member of the Colonie, and there imployed in discouering, a full tweluemoneth.

Albeit (gentle Reader) the credite in the reports of this treatise contained, can litle be furthered by the testimonie of one as my selfe, through affection iudged partiall, though without desert: Neuerthelesse, forsomuch as I haue bene requested by some my particular friends, who conceiue more rightly of me, to deliuer freely my knowledge of the same, not onely for the satisfying of them, but also for the true information of any other who soeuer, that comes not with a preiudicate minde to the reading thereof: Thus much vpon my credit I am to affirme, that things vniuersally are so truely set downe is this Treatise by the author thereof, an Actor in the Colonie, and a man no lesse for his honestie then learning commendable, as that I dare boldly auouch, it may very well passe with the credite of trueth euen amongst the most true relations of this age. Which as for mine owne part I am readie any way with my worde to acknowledge, so also (of the certaintie thereof assured by mine owne experience) with this my publique assertion I doe affirme the same. Farewell in the Lord.

To the Aduenturers, Fauourers, and Welwillers of the enterprise for the inhabiting and planting in Virginia.

Since the first vndertaking by Sir Walter Raleigh to deale in the action of discouering that Countrey which is now called and knowen by the name of Virginia, many voiages hauing bene thither made at sundry times to his great charge, as first in the yeere 1584, and afterwards in the yeeres 1585, 1586. and now of late this last yeere 1587. There haue bene diuers and variable reportes, with some slaunderous and shamefull speaches bruited abroad by many that returned from thence. Especially of that discouerie which was made by the Colonie transported by Sir Richard Greenuill in the yeere 1585. being of all others the most principall and as yet of most affect, the time of their abode in the countrey being a whole yeere, when as in the other voiage before they staied but sixe weekes, and the others after were onely for supplie and transportation, nothing more being discouered then had bene before. Which reports haue not done a litle wrong to many that otherwise would haue also fauoured and aduentured in the action, to the honour and benefite of our nation, besides the particular profite and credite which would redound to themselues the dealers therein, as I hope by the sequell of euents to the shame of those that haue auouched the ocntrary, shall be manifest, if you the aduenturers, fauourers and welwillers doe but either increase in number, or in opinion continue, or hauing bene doubtfull, renew your good liking and furtherance to deale therein according to the woorthinesse thereof alreadie found, and as you shall vnderstand heereafter to be requisit. Touching which woorthinesse through cause of the diuersitie of relations and reports, many of your opinions could not be firme, nor the mindes of some that are well disposed, be setled in any certaintie.

I haue therefore thought it good beyng one that haue bene in the discouerie, and in dealing with the naturall inhabitaunts specially imployed: and hauing therefore seene and knowen more then the ordinarie, to impart so much vnto you of the fruits of our labours, as that you may know how iniuriously the enterprise is slaundered, and that in publique maner at this present, chiefly for two respects.

First, that some of you which are yet ignorant or doubtfull of the state thereof, may see that there is sufficient cause why the chiefe enterpriser with the fauour of her Maiestie, notwithstanding such reports, hath not onely since continued the action by sending into the countrey againe, and replanting this last yeere a new Colonie, but is also readie, according as the times and meanes will affoord, to follow and prosecute the same.

Secondly, that you seeing and knowing the continuance of the action, by the view hereof you may generally know and learne what the countrey is, and thereupon consider how your dealing therein, if it proceed, may returne you profite and gaine, be it either inhabiting and planting, or otherwise in furthering thereof.

And least that the substance of my relation should be doubtfull vnto you, as of others by reason of their diuersitie, I will first open the cause in a few words, wherefore they are so different, referring my selfe to your fauourable constructions, and to be adiudged of as by good consideration you shall finde cause.

Of our companie that returned, some for their misdemeanour and ill dealing in the countrey, haue bene there woorthily punished, who by reason of their bad natures, haue maliciously not onely spoken ill of their Gouernours, but for their sakes slaundered the countrey it selfe. The like also haue those done which were of their consort.

Some being ignorant of the state thereof, notwithstanding since their returne amongst their friends and acquaintances, and also others, especially if they were in companie where they might not be gainesayd, would seeme to know so much as no men more, and make no men so great trauellers as themselues. They stood so much, as it may seeme, vpon their credite and reputation, that hauing bene a tweluemoneth in the countrey, it would haue bene a great disgrace vnto them as they thought, if they could not haue sayd much whether it were true or false. Of which some haue spoken of more then euer they sawe, or otherwise knew to be there. Other some haue not bene ashamed to make absolute denial of that, which although not by them, yet by others is most certainly and there plentifully knowen, and other some make difficulties of those things they haue no skill of.

The cause of their ignorance was, in that they were of that many, that were neuer out of the Iland where wee were seated, or not farre, or at the least wise in few places els, during the time of our abode in the country, or of that many, that after gold and siluer was not so soone

found, as it was by them looked for, had litle or no care of any other thing but to pamper their bellies, or of that many which had litle vnderstanding, lesse discrettion, and more tongue then was needfull or requisite.

Some were also of a nice bringing vp, only in cities or townes, or such as neuer (as I may say) had seene the world before. Because there were not to be found any English cities, nor such faire houses, nor at their owne wish any of their old accustomed daintie food, nor any soft beds of downe or feathers, the countrey was to them miserable, and their reports thereof according.

Because my purpose was but in briefe to open the cause of the variety of such speeches, the particularites of them, and of many enuious, malicious and slaunderous reports and deuises els, by our owne countreymen besides, as trifles that are not woorthie of wise men to bee thought vpon, I meane not to trouble you withal, but wil passe to the commodities, the substance of that which I haue to make relation of vnto you.

The treatise whereof for your more readie view and easier vnderstanding, I will diuide into three speciall partes. In the first I will make declaration of such commodities there already found or to bee raised, which will not onely serue the ordinarie turnes of you which are and shall be the planters and inhabitaunts, but such an ouerplus sufficiently to be yeelded, or by men of skill to be prouided, asby way of traffique and exchaunge with our owne nation of England, will inrich your selues the prouiders: those that shall deale with you, the enterprisers in generall, and greatly profite our owne countrymen, to supplie them with most things which heretofore they haue bene faine to prouide either of strangers or of our enemies, which commodities, for distinction sake, I call Merchantable.

In the second I will set downe all the commodities which we know the countrey by our experience doth yeeld of it selfe for victuall and sustenance of mans life, such as are vsually fed vpon by the inhabitants of the countreys, as also by vs during the time we were there.

In the last part I will make mention generally of such other commodities besides, as I am able to remember, and as I shall thinke behoouefull for those that shall inhabite, and plant there to know of, which specially concerne building, as also some necessary vses: with a briefe description of the nature and maners of the people of the countrey.

The first part of Merchantable commodities.

Silke of grasse, or Grasse silke. There is a kinde of grasse in the countrey, vpon the blades whereof there groweth very good Silke in forme of a thinne glittering skin to bee stript off. It groweth two foote and an halfe high or better: the blades are about two foote in length, and halfe an inch broad. The like groweth in Persia, which is in the selfe same climate as Virginia, of which very many of the Silke workes that come from thence into Europe are made. Hereof if it be planted and ordered as in Persia, it cannot in reason bee otherwise, but that there will rise in short time great profite to the dealers therein, seeing there is so great vse and vent thereof aswel in our countrey as elswhere. And by the meanes of sowing it and planting it in good ground, it will be farre greater, better, and more plentifull then it is. Although notwithstanding there is great store thereof in many places of the countrey growing naturally and wild, which also by proofe here in England, in making a piece of silke Grogran, we found to be excellent good.

Worme silke. In many of our iourneys wee found Silkewormes faire and great, as bigge as our ordinarie Walnuts. Although it had not bene our happe to haue found such plentie as elsewhere to be in the countrey wee haue heard of, yet seeing that the countrey doeth naturallie breed and nourish them, there is no doubt but if Arte be added in planting Mulberie trees and others fit for them in commodious places, for their feeding and nourishing, and some of them carefully gathered and husbanded in that sort, as by men of skil is knowen to be necessarie: there wil rise as great profit in time to the Virginians, as thereof doeth now to the Persians, Turkes, Italians and Spaniards.

Flaxe and Hempe. The trueth is, that of Hempe and Flaxe there is no great store in any one place together, by reason it is not planted but as the soyle doeth yeeld of it selfe: and how so euer the leafe and stemme or stalke doe differ from ours, the stuffe by iudgement of men of skill is altogether as good as ours: and if not, as further proofe should finde otherwise, we haue that experience of the soile, as that there cannot bee shewed any reason to the contrary, but that it will grow there excellent well, and by planting will be yeelded plentifully, seeyng there is so much ground whereof some may well be applied to such purposes. What benefite

Allum. There is a veine of earth along the sea coast for the space of forty or fifty miles, whereof by the iudgement of some that haue made triall here in England, is made good Allum, of that kind which is called Roche allum. The richnesse of such a commoditie is so well knowen, that I need not to say any thing thereof. The same earth doth also yeeld White Copresse, Nitrum, and Alumen plumeum, but nothing so plentifully as the common Allum, which be also of price and profitable.

Wapeih. A kind of earth so called by the naturall inhabitants, very like to Terra sigillata, and hauing bene refined, it hath bene found by some of our Physicians and Chyrurgions, to bee of the same kind of vertue, and more effectuall. The inhabitants vse it very much for the cure of sores and wounds: there is in diuers places great plentie, and in some places a blew sort.

Sassafras. Called by the inhabitantsWinauk, a kind of wood of most pleasant and sweet smell, and of most rare vertues in phisick for the cure of many diseases. It is found by experience to bee farre better and of more vses then the Wood which is called Guaiacum, or Lignum vitae. For the description, the maner of vsing, and the manifold vertues thereof, I refer you to the Booke of Monardus, translated and entituled in English, The ioyfull newes from the West Indies.

Cedar. A very sweete wood and fine timber, whereof if nests of chests be there made, or timber thereof fitted for sweet and fine bedsteads, tables, desks, lutes, virginals, and many things els, (of which there hath bene proofe made alreadie) to make vp fraight with other principall commodities, will yeeld profite.

Wine. There are two kindes of grapes that the soile doeth yeeld naturally, the one is small and sowre of the ordinarie bignesse of ours in England, the other farre greater and of himselfe lushious sweete. When they are planted and husbanded as they ought, a principall commoditie of wines by them may be raised.

Oile. There are two sortes of Walnuts both holding oyle but the one farre more plentifull then the other. When there are mils and other deuices for the purpose, a commoditie of them may be raised because there are infinite store. There are also three seuerall kindes of berries in the fourme of Oke-akornes, which also by the experience and vse of the inhabitaunts, we find to yeeld very good and sweet oile. Furthermore, the Beares of the countrey are commonly very fat, and in some places there are many. Their fatnesse because it is so liquid, may well bee termed oyle, and hath many speciall vses.

Furres. All along the Sea coast there are great store of Otters, which being taken by weires and other engines made for the purpose, wil yeeld good profite. We hope also of Marterne furres, and make no doubt by the relation of the people, but that in some places of the countrey there are store, although there were but two skinnes that came to our hands. Luzarnes also wee have vnderstanding of, although for the time we saw none.

Deere skinnes dressed after the maner of Chamoes, or vndressed, are to be had of the naturall inhabitants thousands yeerely by way of trafficke for trifles, and no more waste or spoile of Deere then is and hath bene ordinarily in time before.

Ciuet-cats. In our trauels there was found one to haue bin killed by a saluageor inhabitant, and in another place the smell where one or more had lately bene before, whereby wee gather, besides then by the relation of the people, that there are some in the country: good profite will rise by them.

Iron. In two places of the countrey specially, one about fourescore, and the other sixe score miles from the Forte or place where wee dwelt, wee founde neere the water side the ground to bee rockie, which by the triall of a Minerall man was found to holde iron richly. It is found in many places of the country els: I know nothing to the contrarie, but that it may bee allowed for a good merchauntable commoditie, considering there the small charge for the labour and feeding of men: the infinite store of wood, the want of wood and deerenesse thereof in England, and the necessity of ballasting of ships.

Copper. A hundred and fiftie miles into the maine, in two townes we found with the inhabitaunts diuers small plates of Copper, that had bene made as wee vnderstoode by the inhabitaunts that dwell further into the Countrey, where as they say are mountains and Riuers

that yeeld also white graines of mettall, which is to be deemed siluer. For confirmation whereof, at the time of our first arriuall in the countrey, I saw with some others with me, two small pieces of Siluer grosly beaten, about the weight of a testrone, hanging in the eares of a Wiroans or Chiefe Lord that dwelt about fourescore miles from vs: of whome through enquiry, by the number of dayes & the way, I learned that it had come to his hands from the same place or neere, where I after vnderstood the copper was made, and the white graines of mettall found. The aforesaid copper we also found by triall to holde siluer.

Pearle: Sometimes in feeding on muscles we found some pearle: but it was our happe to meet with ragges, or of a pide colour: not hauing yet discouered those places where we heard of better and more plenty. One of our company, a man of skill in such matters, had gathered together from among the Sauage people about fiue thousand: of which number he chose so many as made a fayre chaine, which for theyr likenesse and vniformity in roundnesse, orientnesse, and pidenesse of many excellent colours, with equalitie in greatnesse, were very fayre and rare: and had therefore beene presented to her Maiesty, had we not by casualty, and through extremity of a storme lost them, with many things els in comming away from that countrey.

Sweet gummes of diuers kindes, and many other Apothecary drugges, of which we will make speciall mention, when we shall receiue it from such men of skill in that kinde, that in taking reasonable paines shall discouer them more particularly then we haue done, and then now I can make relation of, for want of the examples I had prouided and gathered, and are now lost, with other things by casualty before mentioned.

Dies of diuers kinds: There is Shoemake well knowne, and vsed in England for blacke: the seed of an herbe called Wasebur, little small roots called Chappacor, and the barke of the tree called by the inhabitantsTangomockonomindge: which Dies are for diuers sorts of red: their goodnesse for our English clothes has yet to be prooued. The inhabitants vse them only for the dying of hayre, and colouring of theyr faces, and mantles made of Deere skinnes: and also for the dying of rushes to make artificiall works withall in their matsand baskets: hauing no other thing besides that they account of, apt to vse them for. If they will not prooue merchantable, there is no doubt but the planters there shall finde apt vses for them, as also for other colours which we know to be there.

Woad: a thing of so great vent and vses amongst English Diers, which can not be yeelded sufficiently in our owne countrey for spare of ground, may be planted in Virginia, there being ground enough. The growth thereof need not be doubted, when as in the Islands of the Asores it groweth plentifully, which are in the same climate. So likewise of Madder.

We caryed thither Suger canes to plant, which being not so well preserued as was requisite, and besides the time of the yeere being past for their setting when we arriued, we could not make that proofe of them as we desired. Notwithstanding, seeing that they grow in the same climate, in the South part of Spaine, and in Barbary, our hope in reason may yet continue. So likewise for Orenges and Limmons: there may be planted also Quinses. Whereby may grow in reasonable time, if the action be diligently prosecuted, no small commodities in Sugers, Suckets, and Marmelades.

Many other commodities by planting may there also be raised, which I leaue to your discreet and gentle considerations: and many also may be there, which yet we haue not discouered. Two more commodities of great value, one of certainty, and the other in hope, not to be planted, but there to be raised, and in short time to be prouided, and prepared, I might haue specified. So likewise of those commodities already set downe, I might haue said more: as of the particular places where they are found, and best to be planted and prepared: by what meanes, and in what reasonable space of time they might be raised to profit, and in what proporiton: but because others then welwillers might be therewithall acquainted, not to the good of the action, I haue wittingly omitted them: knowing that to those that are well disposed, I haue vttered according to my promise and purpose, for this part sufficient.

Harriot Text (Part 2)

The second part of such commodities as Virginia is knowen to yeeld, for victuall and sustenance of mans life, vsually fed vpon by the naturall inhabitants: as also by vs, during the time of our aboad. And first of such as are sowed and husbanded.

PAgatowr, a kinde of graine so called by the inhabitants: the same in the West Indies is called Mayze : English men call it Guinney wheat, or Turkie wheat, according to the names of the countries from whence the like hath bene brought. The graine is about the bignesse of our ordinary English peaze, and not much different in forme and shape: but of diuers colours: some white, some red, some yellow, and some blew. All of them yeeld a very white and sweete flowre: being vsed according to his kinde, it maketh a very good bread. We made of the same in the countrey some mault, whereof was brued as good ale as was to be desired. So likewise by the helpe of hops, therof may be made as good beere. It is a graine of maruellous great increase: of a thousand, fifteene hundred, and some two thousand folde. There are three sorts, of which two are ripe in an eleuen and twelue weeks at the most, sometimes in tenne, after the time they are set, and are then of height in stalke about sixe or seuen foot. The other sort is ripe in fourteene, and is about tenne foot high, of the stalks, some beare foure heads, some three, some one, and two: euery head conteining fiue, sixe, or seuen hundred graines, within a few more or lesse. Of these graines, besides bread, the inhabitants make victuall, either by parching them, or seething them whole vntill they be broken: or boiling the flowre with water into a pappe.

Okindgier, called by vs Beanes, because in greatnesse and partly in shape they are like to the beanes in England, sauing that they are flatter, of more diuers colours, and some pide. The leafe also of the stemme is much different. In taste they are altogether as good as our English peaze.

Wickonzowr, called by vs Peaze, in respect of the beanes for distinction sake, because they are much lesse, although in forme they little differ: but in goodnesse of taste much like, and are farre better then our English peaze. Both the beanes and peaze are ripe in tenne weeks after they are set. They make them victuall either by boiling them all to pieces into a broth, or boiling them whole vntill they be soft, and begin to breake, as is vsed in England, either by themselues, or mixtly together: sometime they mingle of the wheat with them: sometime also, being whole sodden, they bruse or punne them in a morter, and thereof make loaues or lumps of dowish bread, which they vse to eat for variety.

There is an hearbe which in Dutch is called Melden. Some of those that I describe it vnto, take it to be a kinde of Orage: it groweth about foure or fiue foote high: of the seed thereof they make a thicke broth, and pottage of a very good taste: of the stalke by burning into ashes they make a kinde of salt earth, wherewithall many vse sometimes to season theyr broths: other salt they know not. We our selues vsed the leaues also for potherbs.

There is also another great herbe, in forme of a Marigolde, about sixe foot in height, the head with the floure is a spanne in bredth. Some take it to bee Planta Solis: of the seeds heereof they make both a kinde of bread and broth.

All the aforesaid commodities for victuall are set or sowed, sometimes in grounds apart and seuerally by themselues, but for the most part together in one ground mixtly: the maner thereof, with the dressing and preparing of the ground, because I will note vnto you the fertility of the soile, I thinke good briefly to describe.

The ground they neuer fatten with mucke, doong, or any other thing, neither plow nor digge it as we in England, but onely prepare it in sort as followeth. A few dayes before they sowe or set, the men with woodden instruments, made almost in forme of mattocks or hoes with long handles: the women with short peckers or parers, because they vse them sitting, of a foot long and about fiue inches in bredth, doe onely breake the vpper part of the ground to rayse vp the weedes, grasse, and old stubbes of corne stalkes with their roots. The which after a day or twoes drying in the Sunne, being scrapt vp into many small heaps, to saue them labour for carrying them away, they burne into ashes. ( And whereas some may thinke that they vse the ashes for to

better the groud: I say that then they would either disperse the ashes abroad, which we obserued they do not, except the heaps be too great: or els would take speciall care to set theyr corne where the ashes lie, which also we finde they are carelesse of.) And this is all the husbanding of theyr ground that they vse.

Then theyr setting or sowing is after this maner. First for theyr corne, beginning in one corner of the plot, with a pecker they make a hole, wherein they put foure graines, with that care they touch not one another, (about an inch asunder) and couer them with the moulde againe: and so throughout the whole plot, making such holes, and vsing them after such maner: but with this regard, that they be made in ranks, euery ranke differing from other halfe a fathome or a yard, and the holes also in euery ranke, as much. By this meanes there is a yard spare ground betweene euery hole: where according to discretion heere and there, they set as many beanes and peaze: in diuers places also among the seeds of Macocquer, Melden, and Planta solis.

The ground being thus set according to the rate, by vs experimented, an English acre conteining fortie pearches in length, and foure in bredth, doth there yeeld in croppe or ofcome of corne, beanes and peaze, at the least two hundreth London bushels: besides the Macocquer, Melden, and Planta solis: when as in England fortie bushels of our wheat yeelded out of such an acre, is thought to be much.

I thought also good to note this vnto you, that you which shall inhabite, and plant there, may know how specially that countrey corne is there to be preferred before ours: Besides, the manifolde wayes in applying it to victuall, the increase is so much, that small labor and paines is needfull in respect that must be vsed for ours. For this I can assure you, that according to the rate we haue made proofe of, one man may prepare and husband so much ground (hauing once borne corne before) with lesse then foure and twentie houres labour, as shall yeeld him victuall in a large proportion for a twelue moneth, if he haue nothing else but that which the same ground will yeeld, and of that kinde onely which I haue before spoken of: the sayd ground being also but of fiue and twentie yards square. And if need require, but that there is ground enough, there might be raised out of one and the selfsame ground two haruests or ofcomes: for they sow or set, and may at any time when they thinke good, from the midst of March vntill the ende of Iune: so that they also set when they haue eaten of theyr first croppe. In some places of the countrey notwithstanding they haue two haruests, as we haue heard, out of one and the same ground.

For English corne neuertheles, whether to vse or not to vse it, you that inhabite may do as you shall haue farther cause to thinke best. Of the growth you need not to doubt: for barly, oats and peaze, we haue seene proofe of, not beeing purposely sowen but fallen casually in the woorst sort of ground, and yet to be as fayre as any we haue euer seene heere in England. But of wheat, because it was musty, and had taken salt water, we could make no triall: and of rie we had none. Thus much haue I digressed, and I hope not vnnecessarily: now will I returne againe to my course, and intreat of that which yet remaineth apperteining to this chapter.

There is an herbe which is sowed a part by it selfe, and is called by the inhabitants Vppowoc: In the West Indies it hath diuers names, according to the seuerall places and countryes where it groweth, and is vsed: The Spanyards generally call it Tobacco. The leaues thereof being dried and brought into powder: they vse to take the fume or smoke thereof, by sucking it through pipes made of clay, into theyr stomacke and head: from whence it purgeth superfluous fleame and other grosse humors,and openeth all the pores and passages of the body: by which meanes the vse thereof not only preserueth the body from obstructions, but also (if any be, so that they haue not beene of too long continuance) in short time breaketh them: whereby theyr bodies are notably preserued in health, and know not many grieuous diseases, wherewithall we in England are oftentimes afflicted.

This Vppowoc is of so precious estimation amongest them, that they thinke theyr gods are maruellously delighted therewith: wherupon sometime they make hallowed fires, and cast some of the pouder therein for a sacrifice: being in a storme vpon the waters, to pacifie theyr gods, they cast some vp into the ayre and into the water: so a weare for fish being newly set vp, they cast some therein and into the ayre: also after an escape of danger, they cast some into the ayre likewise: but all done with strange gestures, stamping, somtime dancing, clapping of hands, holding vp of hands, & staring vp into the heauens, vttering therewithall, and chattering strange words and noises.

We ourselues during the time we were there, vsed to sucke it after theyr maner, as also since our returne, and haue found many rare and wonderfull experiments of the vertues thereof: of which the relation would require a volume by it selfe: the vse of it by so many of late, men and

women of great calling as else, and some learned Physicians also, is sufficient witnesse.

And these are all the commodities for sustenance of life that I know and can remember they vse to husband: all else that follow are found growing naturally or wilde.

Of Rootes.

OPenauk are a kinde of roots of round forme, some of the bignesse of walnuts, some farre greater, which are found in moist and marish grounds growing many together one by another in ropes, or as though they were fastnened with a string. Being boiled or sodden they are very good meat.

Okeepenauk are also of round shape, found in drier grounds: some are of the bignesse of a mans head. They are to be eaten as they are taken out of the ground, for by reason of theyr drinesse they will neither roste nor seethe. Theyr taste is not so good as of the former roots, notwithstanding for want of bread, and sometimes for variety the inhabitats vse to eat them with fish or flesh, and in my iudgement they do as well as the housholde bread made of rie heere in England.

Kaishucpenauk a white kinde of roots about the bignesse of henne egges, and neere of that forme: theyr taste was not so good to our seeming as of the other, and therfore theyr place and maner of growing, not so much cared for by vs: the inhabitants notwithstanding vsed to boile & eat many.

Tsinaw a kinde of root much like vnto that which in England is called the China root brought from the East Indies. And we know not any thing to the contrary but that it may be of the same kinde. These roots grow manie together in great clusters, and do bring foorth a brier stalke, but the leafe in shape far vnlike: which beeing supported by the trees it groweth neerest vnto, will reach or climbe to the top of the highest. From these roots while they be new or fresh, beeing chopt into small pieces and stampt, is strained with water a iuice that maketh bread, and also being boyled, a very good spoonemeat in maner of a gelly, and is much better in taste if it be tempered with oile. This Tsinaw is not of that sort, which by some was caused to be brought into England for the China root, for it was discouered since, & is in vfe as is aforesaid: but that which was brought hither is not yet knowen, neither by vs nor by the inhabitants to serue for any vse or purpose, although the roots in shape are very like.

Coscushaw, some of our company tooke to be that kinde of root which the Spanyards in the West Indies call Cassauy, whereupon also many called it by that name: it groweth in very muddie pooles, and moist groundes. Being dressed according to the countrey maner, it maketh a good bread, and also a good sponemeat, and is vsed very much by the inhabitants: The iuice of this root is poison, and therefore heed must be taken before any thing be made therewithall: either the roots must be first sliced and dried in the Sunne, or by the fire, and then being punned into floure, will make good bread: or els while they are greene they are to bee pared, cut into pieces, and stampt: loaues of the same to be laid neere or ouer the fire vntill it be sowre, and then being well punned againe, bread, or spoonemeat very good in taste and wholesome may be made thereof.

Habascon is a root of hote taste, almost of the forme and bignesse of a parsnip, of it selfe it is no victuall, but onely a helpe being boiled together with other meates.

There are also Leeks, differing little from ours in England, that grow in many places of the countrey, of which, when we came in places where they were, we gathered and eat many, but the naturall inhabitants neuer.

Of Fruites.

CHestnuts, there are in diuers places great store: some they vse to eate raw, some they stampe and boile to make spoonemeat, and with some being sodden, they make such a maner of dow bread as they vfe of theyr beanes before mentioned.

Walnuts: There are two kindes of walnuts, and of the infinite store: in many places where are very great woods for many miles together, the third part of trees are walnut trees. The one kinde is of the same taste and forme, or little differing from ours of England, but that they are harder and thicker shelled: the other is greater, and hath a very ragged and hard shell: but the kernell great, verie oily and sweet. Besides theyr eating of them after our ordinarie maner, they breake them with stones, and punne them in morters with water, to make a milke which they vse to put into some sorts of theyr spoonmeat: also among their sod wheat, peaze, beanes and pompions which maketh them haue a farre more pleasant taste.

Medlars a kinde of very good fruit, so called by vs chiefly for these respects: first in that they are not good vntill they be rotten: then in that they open at the head as our medlars, and are about the same bignesse: otherwise in taste and colour they are farre different: for they are as red as cheries and very sweet: but whereas the cherie is sharpe sweet, they are lushious sweet.

Metaquesunnauk, a kinde of pleasant fruit almost of the shape and bignesse of English peares, but that they are of a perfect red colour as well within as without. They grow on a plant whose leaues are very thicke, & full of prickles as sharpe as needles. Some that haue bin in the Indies, where they haue seene that kind of red die of great price which is called Cochinile to grow, do describe his plant right like vnto this of Metaquesunnauk, but whether it be the true Cochinile or a bastard or wilde kinde, it cannot yet be certified: seeing that also as I heard, Cochinile is not of the fruit, but found on the leaues of the plant: which leaues for such matter we haue not so specially obserued.

Grapes there are of two sorts, which I mentioned in the merchantable commodities.

Straberies there are as good and as great as those which we haue in our English gardens.

Sacquenummener a kinde of berries almost like vnto capers, but somewhat greater, which grow together in clusters vpon a plant or herbe that is foud in shallow waters: being boiled eight or nine houres according to theyr kinde are very good meat and wholesome, otherwise if they be eaten they will make a man for the time franticke or extremely sicke.

There is a kind of Reed which beareth a seed almost like vnto our rie or wheat, and being boiled is good meat.

In our trauels in some places we founde Wilde peaze like vnto ours in England, but that they were lesse, which are also good meat.

Of a kinde of fruit or berry in the forme of A cornes.

THere is a kind of berrie or acorne, of which there are fiue sorts that grow on seuerall kindes of trees: the one is called Sagatemener, the second Osamener, the third Pummuckoner. These kinde of a cornes they vse to drie vpon hurdles made of reeds, with fire vnderneath, almost after the maner as we dry malt in England. When they are to be vsed, they first water them vntill they be soft, and then being sod, they make a good victuall, either to eat so simply, or els being also pounded to make loaues or lumps of bread. hese be also the three kindes of which, I said before the inhabitants vsed to make sweet oile.

Another sort is called Sapummener, which being boiled or parched, doth eat and taste like vnto chestnuts. They sometime also make bread of this sort.

The fifth sort is called Mangummenauk, and is the acorne of their kind of Oake, the which beeing dried after the maner of the first sorts, and afterward watered, they boile them, and theyr seruants, or sometime the chiefe theselues, either for variety or for want of bread, do eat them with their fish or flesh.

Of Beastes.

DEare, in some places there are great store: neere vnto the sea coast they are of the ordinarie bignesse as ours in England, and some lesse: but further vp into the countrey, where there is better food, they are greater: they differ from ours onely in this, their tailes are longer, and the snags of their hornes looke backward.

Saquenuckot & Maquowoc, two kindes of small beasts, greater then conies, which are very good meat. We neuer tooke any of them our selves, but sometime eat of such as the inhabitants had taken and brought vnto vs.

Beares which are all of blacke colour. The beares of this country are good meat: the inhabitants in time of winter do use to take and eate many, so also somtime did we. They are taken commonly in this sort. In some Islands or places where they are, being hunted for, as soone as they haue spiall of a man, they presently runne away, and then being chased, they clime and get vp the next tree they can, from whence with arrowes they are shot downe starke dead, or with those wounds

that they may after easily be killed; we sometime shot them downe with our caliuers.

I haue the names of eight and twenty seuerall sorts of beasts, which I haue heard of to be here and there dispersed in the countrey, especially in the maine: of which there are onely twelue kindes that we haue yet discouered, and of those that be good meat we know only them before mentioned. The inhabitants somtime kill the Lyon, & eat him: and we sometime as they came to our hands of theyr Woolues or Wooluish dogges, which I haue not set downe for good meat, least that some would vnderstand my iudgement therin to be more simple then needeth, although I could allege the difference in taste of those kindes from ours, which by some of our company haue beene experimented in both.

Of Foule.

TVrkie cocks and Turkie hennes: Stockdoues: Partridges: Cranes: Hernes: and in winter great store of Swannes and Geese. Of all sorts of foule I haue the names in the country language, of fourescore and sixe, of which number, besides those that be named, we haue taken, eaten, and haue the pictures as they were there drawen, with the names of the inhabitants of seuerall strange sortes of water foule eight, and seuenteene kindes more of land foule, although we haue seene and eaten of many more, which for want of leasure there for the purpose, could not be pictured: and after we are better furnished and stored vpon further discouery, with theyr strange beastes, fish, trees, plants, and hearbs, they shall be also published.

There are also Parrots, Faulcons, and Marlin hauks, which although with vs they be not vsed for meat, yet for other causes I thought good to mention.

Of Fishe.

FOr foure moneths of the yeere, February, March, Aprill and May, there are plenty of Sturgeons: And also in the same monethes of Herrings, some of the ordinary bignesse as ours in England, but the most part farre greater, of eighteene, twentie inches, and some two foot in length and better: both these kindes of fish in those moneths are most plentifull, and in best season, which we found to be most delicate and pleasaunt meat.

There are also Trouts: Porpoises: Rayes: Oldwiues: Mullets: Plaice: & very many other sorts of excellent good fish, which we haue taken and eaten, whose names I know not but in the countrey language: we haue of twelue sorts more the pictures, as they were drawen in the countrey, with theyr names.

The inhabitants vse to take them two maner of wayes, the one is by a kinde of weare made of reeds, which in that countrey are very strong. The other way, which is more strange, is with poles make sharpe at one end, by shooting them into the fish after the maner as Irish men cast darts; either as they are rowing in theyr boats or els as they are wading in the shallowes for the purpose.

Oisters, some very great, and some small, some round, and some of a long shape: they are found both in salt water and brackish, and those that we had out of salt water are far better then the other as in our countrey.

Seekanauk, a kinde of crusty shell fish, which is good meat, about a foot in bredth, hauing a crustie taile, many legges like a crab, and her eyes in her backe. They are found in shallowes of waters, and sometime on the shoare.

There are many Tortoyses both of land and sea kinde, theyr backs and bellies are shelled very thicke, theyr head, feet, and taile, which are in appearance, seeme ougly, as though they were members of a serpent or venemous beasts: but notwithstanding they are very good meat, as also theyr egges. Some haue beene found of a yard in bredth and better.

And thus haue I made relation of all sorts of victuall that we fed vpon for the time we were in Virginia, as also the inhabitants themselues, as farre foorth as I know and can remember, or that are specially woorthy to be remembred.

The third and last part of such other things as is behoofull for those which shall plant and inhabit to know of; with a description of the nature and manners of the people of the countrey. Of commodities for building and other necessary uses.

THose other things which I am more to make rehearsall of, are such as concerne building, and other mechanicall necessarie vses, as diuers sortes of trees for house and shippe timber, and other vses els: Also lime, stone, and bricke, least that being not mentioned some might haue bene doubted of, or by some that are malitious reported the contrary,

Okes, there are as faire, straight, tall, and as good timber as any can be, and also great store, and in some places very great.

Walnut trees, as I haue said before very many, some haue bene seene excellent faire timber of foure and fiue fadome, & aboue fourescore foote streight without bough.

Rakiock, a kinde of trees so called that are sweete wood, of which the inhabitans that were neere vnto vs doe commonly make their boates or Canoes of the forme of trowes, onely with the helpe of fire, hatchets of stones, and shels: we haue known some so great being made in that sort of one tree that they haue carried well 20. men at once, besides much baggage: the timber being great, tall, streight, soft, light, and yet tough enough I thinke (besides other vses) to be fit also for masts of ships.

Cedar, a sweete wood good for seelings, chests, boxes, bedsteades, lutes, virginals, and many things els, as I haue also said before. Some of our companie which haue wandered in some places where I haue not bene, haue made certaine affirmation of Cypruswhich for such and other excellent vses, is also a wood of price and no small estimation.

Willowesgood for the making of weares and wheles to take fishe after the English maner, although the inhabitants vse onely reedes, which because they are so strong as also flexible, do serue for that turne very well and sufficiently.

There are many other strange trees whose names I knowe not but in y Virginian language, of which I am not now able, neither is it so conuenient for the present to trouble you with particular relation: seeing that for timber and other necessary vses I haue named sufficient: And of many of the rest, but that they may be applied to good vse, I know no cause to doubt.

Now for stone, bricke and lime, thus it is. Neere vnto the Sea coast where wee dwelt, there are no kinde of stones to be found (except a fewe small pebbles about foure miles off) but such as haue bene brought from further out of the maine. In some of our voyages wee haue seene diuers hard raggie stones, great pebbles, and a kinde of grey stone like vnto marble, of which the inhabitants make their hatchets to cleeue wood. Vpon inquirie wee heard that a little further vp into the Countrey were of all sortes very many, although of quarries they are ignorant, neither haue they vse of any store whereupon they should haue occasion to seeke any. For if euery housholde haue one or two to cracke nuts, grinde shels, whet copper, and sometimes other stones for hatchets, they haue ynough: neither vse they any digging, but onely for graues about three foote deepe: and therefore no maruaile that they know neither quarries, nor lime stones, which both may be in places neerer than they wot of.

In the meane time vntil there be discouerie of sufficient store in some place or other conuenient, the want of you which are & shalbe the planters therein may be as well supplied by bricke: for the

making whereof in diuers places of the Countrey there is clay both excellent good, and plentie, and also by lime made of oyster shels, and of others burnt, after the maner as they vse in the Isles of Tenet and Shepy, and also in diuers other places of England: Which kinde of lime is well knowen to be as good as any other. And of oyster shels there is plentie ynough: for besides diuers other particular places where are abundance, there is one shallowe soundealong the coast, where for the space of many miles together in length, & two or three miles in breadth, the ground is nothing els, being but halfe a foote or a foote vnder water for the most part.

This much can I say further more of stones, that about 120. miles from our fort neere the water in the side of a hil, was found by a Gentleman of our company, a great veine of hard ragge stones, which I thought good to remember vnto you.

Of the nature and maners of the people.

IT resteth I speake a worde or two of the naturall inhabitants, their natures and maners, leauing large discourse thereof vntill time more conuenient hereafter: nowe onely so farre foorth, as that you may knowe, howe that they in respect of troubling our inhabiting & planting, are not to be feared, but that they shall haue cause both to feare and loue vs, that shall inhabite with them.

Their townesare but small, and neere the sea coast but fewe, some contayning but tenne or twelve houses: some 20. the greatest that we haue seene, hath bene but of 30. houses: if they bee walled, it is onely done with barkes of trees made fast to stakes, or els with poles onely fixed vpright and close one by another.

Their houses are made of small poles, made fast at the tops in rounde forme after the maner as is vsed in many arbories in our gardens of England, in most townes couered with barkes, and in some with artificial mattsmade of long rushes, from the tops of the houses downe to the ground. The length of them is commonly double to the breadth, in some places they are but 12. and 16. yards long, and in other some we haue seene of foure and twentie.

In some places of the countrey, one onely towne belongeth to the gouernment of a Wiroansor chiefe Lorde, in other some two or three, in some sixe, eight, and more, the greatest Wiroans that yet we had dealing with, had but eighteene townes in his gouernment, & able to make not aboue seuen or eight hundred fighting men at the most. The language of euery gouernment is different from any other, and the farther they are distant, the greater is the difference.

Their maner of warres amongst themselues, is either by sudden surprising one an other most commonly about the dawning of the day, or moone light, or els by ambushes, or some subtile deuises. Set battels are very rare, except if fall out where there are many trees, where either part may haue some hope of defence, after the deliuerie of euery arrowe, in leaping behinde some or other.

If there fall out any warres between vs and them, what their fight is likely to bee, wee hauing aduantages against them so many maner of wayes, as by our discipline, our strange weapons and deuises els, especially by ordinance great and smal, it may be easily imagined, by the experience we haue had in some places, the turning vp of their heeles against vs in running away was their best defence.

In respect of vs they are a people poore, and for want of skill and iudgement in the knowledge and vse of our things, doe esteeme our trifles before thinges of greater value: Notwithstanding, in their proper manner (considering the want of such meanes as we haue,) they seeme very ingenious. For although they haue no such tooles, nor any such craftes, Sciences and artes as wee, yet in those thinges they doe, they shewe excellencie of wit. And by howe much they vpon due consideration shall finde our maner of knowledges and craftes, to exceede theirs in perfection, and speede for doing or execution, by so much the more is it probable that they shoulde desire our friendships and loue, and haue the greater respect for pleasing and obeying vs. Whereby may

be hoped, if meanes of good gouernement be vsed, that they may in short time be brought to ciuilitie, and the imbracing of true religion.

Some religion they haue alreadie, which although it be farre from the trueth, yet being as it is, there is hope it may be the easier and sooner reformed.

They beleeue that there are many Gods, which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees, one onely chiefe and great God, which hath bene from all eternitie. Who, as they affirme, when hee purposed to make the worlde, made first other gods of a principall order, to bee as meanes and instruments to be vsed in the creation and gouernment to followe, and after the Sunne, Moone, and starres, as pettie gods, and the instruments of the other order more principall. Frst (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods was made all diuersitie of creatures that are visible or inuisible.

For mankinde they say a woman was made first, which by the woorking of one of the goddes, conceiued and brought foorth children: And in such sort they say they had their beginning.

But how many yeeres or ages haue passed since, they say they can make no relation, hauing no letters nor other such meanes as we to keepe recordes of the particularities of times past, but onely tradition from father to sonne.

They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therfore they represent them by images in the formes of men, which they call Kewasowok, one alone is called Kewas: them they place in houses appropriate or temples, which they call Machicomucke, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many times offering vnto them. In some Machicomuckwee haue seene but one Kewas, in some two, and in other some three. The common sort thinke them to bee also gods.

They beleeue also the immortalitie of the soule, that after this life as soone as the soule is departed from the body, according to the workes it hath done, it is either carried to heauen the habitacle of gods, there to enioy perpetuall blisse and happiness, or els to a great pitte or hole, which they thinke to be in the furthest partes of their part of the world towarde the Sunne set, there to burne continually: the place they call Popogusso.

For the confirmation of this opinion, they tolde mee two stories of two men that had bene lately dead and reuiued againe, the one happened but few yeeres before our comming into the Countrey of a wicked man, which hauing bene dead and buried, the next day the earth of the graue beeing seene to mooue, was taken vp againe, who made declaration where his soule had bene, that is to say, very neere entring into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saued him, and gaue him leaue to returne againe, and teache his friendes what they shoulde doe to auoyde that terrible place of torment.

The other happened in the same yeere we were there, but in a towne that was threescore miles from vs, and it was tolde mee for strange newes, that one being dead, buried, and taken vp againe as the first, shewed that although his body had lien dead in the graue, yet his soule was aliue, and had trauailed farre in a long broade way, on both sides whereof grewe most delicate and pleasant trees, bearing more rare and excellent fruites, then euer hee had seene before, or was able to expresse, and at length came to most braue and faire houses, neere which hee mette his father, that had bene dead before, who gaue him great charge to goe backe againe, and shewe his friends what good they were to doe to enioy the pleasures of that place, which when he had done he should after come againe.

What subtiltie soeuer be in the Wiroances and priestes, this opinion worketh so much in many of the common and simple sort of people, that it maketh them haue great respect to their Gouernours, and also great care what they doe, to auoyde torment after death, and to enjoy blisse, although nothwithstanding there is punishment ordained for malefactours, as stealers, whoremongers, and other sorts of wicked doers, some punished with death, some with forfeitures, some with beating, according to the greatnesse of the factes.

And this is the summe of their Religion, which I learned by hauing special familiaritie with some of their priestes. Wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gaue such credite to their traditions and stories, but through conuersing with vs they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of ours, with earnest desire in many, to learne more than wee had meanes for want of perfect vtterance in their language to expresse.

seeme to goe of themselues, and many other thinges that wee had, were so straunge vnto them, and so farre exceeded their capacities to comprehend the reason and meanes how they should be made and done, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then of men, or at the leastwise they had bene giuen and taught vs of the gods. Which made many of them to haue such opinion of vs, as that if they knewe not the trueth of God and religion alreadie, it was rather to bee had from vs, whome God so specially loued then from a people that were so simple, as they found themselues to be in comparison of vs. Whereupon greater credite was giuen vnto that we spake of concerning such matters.

Many times and in euery towne where I came, according as I was able, I made declaration of the contentes of the Bible, that therein was set foorth the true and onely God, and his mightie workes, that therein was conteined the true doctrine of saluation through Christ, with many particularities of Miracles and chiefe pointes of Religion, as I was able then to vtter, and thought fit for the time. And although I tolde them the booke materially and of it selfe was not of any such vertue, as I thought they did conceiue, but onely the doctrine therein contained: yet woulde many bee glad to touche it, to embrace it, to kisse it, to holde it to their breasts and heades, and stroke ouer all their body with it, to shewe their hungrie desire of that knowledge which was spoken of.

The Wiroanswith whome we dwelt called Wingina, and many of his people would be glad many times to be with vs at our prayers, and many times call vpon vs both in his owne towne, as also in others whither he sometimes accompanied vs, to pray and sing Psalmes, hoping thereby to be partaker of the same effects which we by that meanes also expected.

Twise this Wiroanswas so greiuously sicke that he was like to die, and as hee lay languishing, doubting of any helpe by his owne priestes, and thinking he was in such danger for offending vs and thereby our God, sent for some of vs to pray and bee a meanes to our God that it woulde please him either that hee might liue, or after death dwell with him in blisse, so likewise were the requestes of many others in the like case.

On a time also when their corne began to wither by reason of a drought which happened extraordinarily, fearing that it had come to passe by reason that in some thing they had displeased vs, many would come to vs and desire vs to pray to our God of England, that hee woulde perserue their corne, promising that when it was ripe we also should be partakers of the fruite.

There coulde at no time happen any strange sicknesse, losses, hurtes, or any other crosse vnto them, but that they would impute to vs the cause or meanes therof, for offending or not pleasing vs.

One other rare and strange accident, leauing others, will I mention before I ende, which mooued the whole Countrey that either knewe or heard of vs, to haue vs in wonderfull admiration.

There was no towne where we had any subtile deuise practised against vs, we leauing it vnpunished or not reuenged (because we sought by all meanes possible to win them by gentlenesse) but that within a fewe dayes after our departure from euery such towne, the people began to die very fast, and many in short space, in some townes about twentie, in some fourtie, and in one sixe score, which in trueth was very many in respect of their numbers. This happened in no place that we could learne, but where we had bene, where they vsed some practise against vs, and after such time. The disease also so strange, that they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it, the like by the report of the oldest men in the Countrey neuer happened before, time out of minde. A thing specially obserued by vs, as also by the naturall inhabitants themselues.

Insomuch that when some of the inhabitantes which were our friends, and especially the WiroansWingina had obserued such effects in foure or fiue towns to follow their wicked practises, they were preswaded that it was the worke of our God through our meanes, & that we by him might kil and slaie whom we would without weapons, and not come neere them.

And thereupon when it had happened that they had vnderstanding that any of their enemies had abused vs in our iourneyes, hearing that we had wrought no reuenge with our weapons, and fearing vpon some cause the matter should so rest: did come and intreate vs that wee woulde bee a meanes to our God that they as others that had dealt ill with vs might in like sort die, alleaging how much it would be for our credite and profite, as also theirs, and hoping furthermore that we would doe so much at their requests in respect of the friendship we professed them.

Whose entreaties although we shewed that they were vngodly, affirming that our God would not subiect himselfe to any such prayers and requests of men: that in deede all thinges haue bene and were to be done according to his good pleasure as hee had ordained: and that we to shewe our

selues his true seruants ought rather to make petition for the contrary, that they with them might liue together with vs, be made partakers of his trueth and serue him in righteousnesse, but notwitstanding in such sort, that wee referre that as all other thinges, to bee done according to his diuine will & pleasure, and as by his wisedome he had ordained to be best.

Yet because the effect fell out so suddenly and shortly after according to their desires, they thought neuerthelesse it came to passe by our meanes, and that wee in vsing such speeches vnto them, did but dissemble in the matter, and therefore came vnto vs to giue vs thankes in their maner, that although wee satisfied them not in promise, yet in deedes and effect we had fulfilled their desires.

This maruelous accident in all the Countrey wrought so strange opinions of vs, that some people could not tel whether to think vs gods or men, and the rather because that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowen to die, or that was specially sicke: they noted also that we had no women amongst vs, neither that we did care for any of theirs.

Some therefore were of opinion that wee were not borne of women, and therefore not mortall, but that wee were men of an olde generation many yeeres past then risen againe to immortalitie.

Some woulde likewyse seeme to prophesie, that there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places, as some thought the purpose was, by that which was already done.

Those that were immediatly to come after vs they imagined to be in the aire, yet inuisible and without bodies, and that they by our intreatie and for the loue of vs, did make the people to die in that sort as they did, by shooting inuisible bullets into them.

To confirme this opinion, their Phisitions (to excuse their ignorance in curing the disease,) would not be ashamed to say, but earnestly make the simple people beleeue, that the strings of blood that they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherewithall the inuisible bullets were tied and cast.

Some also thought that we shotte them ourselues out of our pieces from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people in any such towne that had offended vs as we listed, how farre distant from vs soeuer it were.

And other some saide, that it was the speciall woorke of God for our sakes, as wee our selues haue cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoeuer some doe, or may imagine to the contrary, specially some Astrologers knowing of the Eclipse of the Sunne which we saw the same yeere before in our voyage thitherward, which vnto them appeared very terrible. And also of a Comet which beganne to appeare but a few dayes before the beginning of the saide sicknesse. But to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so special an accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit at this present to be alleadged.

These their opinions I haue set downe the more at large, that it may appeare vnto you that there is good hope they may be brought through discreet dealing and gouernement to the imbracing of the trueth, and consequently to honour, obey, feare and loue vs.

And although some of our companie towardes the ende of the yeere, shewed themselues too fierce, in slaying some of the people, in some towns, vpon causes that on our part, might easily ynough haue been borne withall: yet notwithstanding because it was on their part iustly deserued, the alteration of their opinions generally and for the most part concerning vs is the lesse to be doubted. And whatsoeuer els they may be, by carefulnesse of our selues neede nothing at all to be feared.

The best neuerthelesse in this, as in all actions besides is to be endeuoured and hoped, and of the worst that may happen notice to bee taken with consideration, and as much as may be eschewed.

The Conclusion.

NOw I haue (as I hope) made relation not of so fewe and smal things, but that the Countrey (of men that are indifferent and well disposed) may bee sufficiently liked: If there were no more knowen then I haue mentioned, which doubtlesse and in great reason is nothing to that which remaineth to bee discouered, neither the soyle, nor commodities. As wee haue reason so to gather by the difference wee founde in our trauails, for although all which I haue before spoken of, haue bene discouered and experiemented not farre from the Sea coast where was our abode and most of

our trauailing: yet sometimes as wee made our iourneies farther into the maine and Countrey; we found the soile to be fatter, the trees greater and to growe thinner, the grounde more firme and deeper mould, more and larger champions, finer grasse, and as good as euer we saw any in England; in some places rockie and farre more high and hillie ground; more plentie of their fruites, more abundance of beastes, the more inhabited with people, and of greater pollicie and larger dominions, with greater townes and houses.

Why may wee not then looke for in good hope from the inner parts of more and greater plentie, as well of other things, as of those which wee haue alreadie discouered? Vnto the Spaniardes happened the like in discouering the maine of the West Indies. The maine also of this countrey of Virginia, extending some wayes so many hundredth of leagues, as otherwise then by the relation of the inhabitants wee haue most certaine knowledge of, where yet no Christian prince hath any possession or dealing, cannot but yeelde many kindes of excellent commodities, which we in our discouerie haue not yet seene.

Whereby also the excellent temperature of the aire there at all seasons, much warmer then in England, and neuer so vehemently hot, as sometimes is vnder & between the Tropikes, or neere them, cannot bee vnknowen vnto you without farther relation.

For the holsomnesse thereof I neede to say but thus much: that for all the want of prouision, as first of English victuall; excepting for twentie dayes, wee liued only by drinking water, and by the victuall of the Countrey, of which some sorts were very straunge vnto vs, and might haue bene thought to haue altered our temperatures in such sort, as to haue brought vs into some grieuous and dangerous diseases: Secondly the want of English meanes, for the taking of beastes, fishe, and foule, which by the helpe onely of the inhabitants and their meanes, coulde not be so suddenly and easily prouided for vs, nor in so great nomber and quantities, nor of that choise as otherwise might haue bene to our better satisfaction and contentment. Some want also wee had of clothes. Furthermore, in all our trauailes which were most speciall and often in the time of winter, our lodging was in the open aire vpon the ground. And yet I say for all this, there were but foure of our whole companie (being one hundreth and eight) that died all the yeere and that but at the latter ende thereof and vpon none of the aforesaide causes. For all foure especially three were feeble, weake, and sickly persons before euer they came thither, and those that knewe them much maruelled that they liued so long beeing in that case, or had aduentured to trauaile.

Seeing therefore the ayre there is so temperate and holsome, the soyle so fertile and yeelding such commodities as I haue before mentioned, the voyage also thither to and fro beeing sufficiently experimented, to be perfourmed twise a yeere with ease, and at any season thereof: And the dealing of Sir Walter Ralegh so liberall in large giuing and graunting lande there, as is alreadie knowen, with many helpes and furtherances else: (The least that hee hath graunted hath beene fiue hundreth acres to a man onely for the aduenture of his person) I hope there reamines no cause whereby the action should be misliked.

If that those which shall thither trauaile to inhabite and plant, be but reasonably prouided for the first yere, as those are which were transported the last, and beeing there, doe vse but that diligence and care, as is requisite, and as they may with ease: There is no doubt but for the time following they may haue victuals that is excellent good and plentie enough, some more Englishe sortes of cattell also hereafter, as some haue bene before, and are there yet remayning, may, and shall be (God willing) thither transported: So likewise, our kinde of fruites, rootes, and hearbes, may bee there planted and sowed, as some haue bene alreadie, and proue well: And in short time also they may rayse of those sortes of commodities which I haue spoken of, as shall both enriche themselues, as also others that shall deale with them.

And this is all the fruites of our labours, that I haue thought necessary to aduertise you of at this present: What else concerneth the nature and maners of the inhabitants of Virginia, the nomber with the particularities of the voyages thither made, and of the actions of such that haue bene by Sir Walter Ralegh therein, and there imployed, many worthy to be remembered, as of the first discouerers of the Countrey: of our Generall for the time Sir Richard Greinuile, and after his departure, of our Gouernour there Master Rafe Lane, with diuers other directed and imployed vnder their gouernement: Of the Captaines and Masters of the voyages made since for transporation, of the Gouernour and assistants of those alredy transpor=

ted, as of many persons, accidents, and thinges els, I haue ready in a discourse by it selfe, in manner of a Chronicle according to the course of times: and when time shall be thought conuenient, shall be also published.

This referring my relation to your fauourable constructions, expecting good successe of the action, from him which is to be acknowledged the authour and gouernour, not onely of this, but of all things els, I take my leaue of you, this moneth of Februarie. 1588.

White 1587 Text

The fourth voyage made to Virginia with three ships, in the yeere, 1587. Wherein was transported the Second Colonie.

In the yeere of our Lorde, 1587. Sir Walter Ralegh intending to perseuere in the planting of his Countrey of Virginia, prepared a newe Colonie of one hundred and fiftie men to be sent thither, vnder the charge of Iohn White, whom he appointed Gouernour, and also appointed vnto him twelue Assistants, vnto whome he gaue a Charter, and incorporated them by the name of Gouernour, and Assistants of the Citie of Ralegh in Virginia.

Aprill.

Our Fleete being in number three saile, viz. the Admirall, a shippe of one hundred and twentie tunnes: a Flie boate, and a Pinnesse, departed the sixe and twentieth of Aprill from Portesmouth, and the same day came to an anker at the Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, where wee staied eight daies.

May.

The fift of May, at nine of the clocke at night, we came to Plymmouth, where we remained the space of two daies.

The 19 we fell with (quotation to sidebar) Dominica, and the same enening we sailed betweene it, and Guadalupe: the 21 the Fly-boat also fell with Dominica. (quotation marks from text) One of the Isles of the Indias, inhabited with Sauages.

The 22 we came to an anker at an Isle, called Santa Cruz, where all the planters were set on land, staying there till the 25. of the same moneth. At our first landing on this Island, some of our women, and men, by eating a small fruit, like greene apples, were fearefully troubled with a sudden burning in their mouthes, and swelling of their tongues so bigge, that some of them could not speake. Also a child by sucking one of those womens breast, had at that instant his mouth set on such a burning, that it was strange to see how the infant was tormented for the time: but after 24. howres, it ware away of it selfe.

Also the first night of our being on this Island, we tooke fiue great Torteses, some of them of such bignes, that sixteene of our strongest men were tired with carrying of one of them but from the Sea side, to our cabbins. In this Island we found no watring place, but a standing ponde, the water whereof was so euill, that many of our company fell sicke with drinking thereof: and as many as did but wash their faces with that water, in the morning before the Sunne had drawen away the corruption, their faces did so burne and swell, that their eyes were shut vp, and could not see in fiue or sixe dayes, or longer.

The second day of our abode there, we sent forth some of our men to search the Island for fresh water, three one way, and two another way. The Gouernour also, with sixe others, went vp to the toppe of an high hill, to view the Island, but could perceaue no signe of any men, or beastes, nor any goodnes, but Parots, and trees of Guiacum. Returning backe to our Cabbins another way, he found in the discent of a hill, certaine potsheards of sauage making, made of the earth of that Island: whereupon it was iudged, that this Island was inhabited with Sauages, though Ferdinando had tolde vs for certaine, the contrarie. The same day at night, the rest of our compa-

nie very late returned to the Gouernour. The one companie affirmed, that they had seene in a valley, eleuen Sauages, and diuers houses halfe a mile distant from the steepe, or toppe of the hill where they stayed. The other company had found running out of a high rocke, a very faire spring of water, whereof they brought three bottels to the companie: for before that time, wee dranke the stinking water of the pond.

The same second day at night, Captaine Stafford, with the pinnesse, departed from our fleete, riding at Santa Cruz, to an Island, called Beake, lying neere S. Iohns, being so directed by Ferdinando, who assured him he should there finde great plentie of sheepe. The next day at night, our planters left Santa Cruz, and came all aboord, and the next morning after, being the 25. of Iune, we waied anker, and departed from Santa Cruz.

The seuen and twentieth we came to anker at Cottea, where we found the pinnesse riding, at our comming.

The 28 we waied anker at Cottea, and presently came to anker at S. Iohns inMusketas Bay, where we spent three daies vnprofitably, taking in fresh water, spending in the meane time more beere, then the quantitie of the water came vnto.

Iulie.

The first we waied anker at (quotation to sidebar) Muskitoes Bay, where were left behind two Irish men of our company, Darbie Glauen, and Denice Carell, bearing along the coast of S. Iohns till euening, at which time wee fell with Rosse Baye. (quotation marks from text)Musketas Bay is a harbour vpon the South side of S. Iohns Island, where we take in fresh water. At this place Fernando had promised wee should take in salte, and had caused vs before, to make and prouide as many sackes for that purpose, as we could. The Gouernour also, for that he vnderstoode there was a Towne in the bottome of the Baye, not farre from the salt hils, appointed thirtie shotte, ten pikes, and ten targets, to man the pinnesse, and to goe a land for salt. Fernando perceauing them in a readines, sent to the Gouernour, vsing great perswasions with him, not to take on salt there, saying that hee knew not well whether the same were the place or not: also, that if the pinnesse went into the Bay, she could not without great danger come backe, till the next day at night, and that if in the meane time any storme should rise, the Admirall were in danger to be cast away. Whilest he was thus perswading, he caused the lead to be cast, and hauing craftily brought the shippe in three fathome, and a halfe water, he suddenly began to sweare, and teare God in peeces, dissembling great danger, crying to him at the helme, beare vp hard, beare vp hard: so we went vp, and were disappointed of our salt, by his meanes.

The next day, sailing along the West ende of S. Iohns, the Gouernour determined to goe a land in S. Germans (quotation to sidebar) Baye, to gather yong plants of Oringes, Pines, Mameos, andPlatonos, to set at Virginia, which we knew might easily be had, for that they growe neere the shoare, and the places where they grewe, well knowen to the Gouernour, and some of the planters: (quotation marks from text) A pleasant and fruitfull Countrey, lying on the west end of S. Iohns Island where groweth plenty of Oringes, Lemons, Plantyns, and Pynes. but our Simon denied it, saying: he would come to an anker at Hispaniola, and there land the Gouernour, and some other of the Assistants, with the pinnesse, to see if he could speake with his friend Alanson, of whome he hoped to be furnished both of cattel, and all such thinges as wee woulde have taken in at S. Iohns: but hee meant nothing lesse, as it plainely did appeare to vs afterwards.

The next day after, being the third of Iulie, wee sawe Hispaniola, and bare with the coast all that day, looking still when the pinnesse should be prepared to goe for the place where Fernando his friend Alanson was: but that day passed, and we saw no preparation for landing in Hispaniola.

The 4 of Iuly, sailing along the coast of Hispaniola, vntill the next day at noone, and no preparation yet seene for the staying there, we hauing knowledge that we were past the place where Alanson dwelt, and were come with Isabella: hereupon Fernando was asked by the Gouernor, whether he meant to speake with Alanson, for the taking in of cattell, and other things, according to his promise, or not: but he answered that he was now past the place, and that Sir Walter Ralegh tolde him, the French Ambassador certified him, that the king of Spaine had sent for Alanson into Spaine: wherefore he thought him dead, and that it was to no purpose to touch there in any place, at this voyage.

The next day we left sight of Hispaniola, and haled off for Virginia, about 4. of the clocke in the afternoone.

The sixt of Iulie, wee came to the Island Caycos, wherein Fernando saide were two salt pondes, assuring vs if they were drie, we might find salt to shift with, vntill the next

supplie: but it prooued as true as finding sheepe atBeake . In this Island, whilest Ferdinando solaced himself a shoare, with one of the company, in part of the Island, others spent the latter part of that day in other parts of the Island, some to seeke the salt ponds, some fowling, some hunting Swannes, whereof we caught many. The next daye, earely in the morning, we waied anker, leauing Caycos, with good hope, that the first lande wee sawe next, should be Virginia.

About the 16. of Iulie we fell with the maine of Virginia, which Simon Fernando tooke to be the Island of Croatoan, where we came to anker, and rode there two or three daies: but finding himselfe deceaued, he waied, and bare along the coast, where in the night, had not Captaine Stafforde bene more carefull in looking out, then our Simon Fernando, wee had all beene cast away vpon the breache, called the Cape of Feare, for wee were come within two cables length vpon it: such was the carelesnes, and ignorance of our Master.

The two and twentieth of Iulie, we arriued safe at Hatoraske, where our shippe and pinnesse ankered: the Gouernour went aboord the pinnesse, accompanied with fortie of his best men, intending to passe vp to Roanoake foorthwith, hoping there to finde those fifteene Englishmen, which Sir Richard Greenuill had left there the yeere before, with whome he meant to haue conference, concerning the state of the Countrey, and Sauages, meaning after he had so done, to returne againe to the fleete, and passe along the coast, to the Baye of Chesepiok, where we intended to make our seate and forte, according to the charge giuen vs among other directions in writing, vnder the hand of Sir Walter Ralegh: but assoone as we were put with our pinnesse from the shippe, a Gentleman by the meanes of Fernando, who was appointed to returne for England, called to the sailers in the pinnesse, charging them not to bring any of the planters backe againe, but to leaue them in the Island, except the Gouernour, and two or three such as he approoued, saying that the Summer was farre spent, wherefore hee would land all the planters in no other place. Vnto this were all the sailers, both in the pinnesse, and shippe, perswaded by the Master, wherefore it booted not the Gouernour to contend with them, but passed to Roanoake, and the same night, at Sunne-set, went aland on the Island, in the place where our fifteene men were left, but we found none of them, nor any signe, that they had bene there, sauing onely wee found the bones of one of those fifteene, which the Sauages had slaine long before.

The 23. of Iuly, the Gouernour, with diuers of his companie, walked to the North ende of the Island, where Master Ralfe Lane had his forte, with sundry necessary and decent dwelling houses, made by his men about it the yeere before, where wee hoped to find some signes, or certaine knowledge of our fifteene men. When we came thither, wee found the forte rased downe, but all the houses standing vnhurt, sauing that the neather rooms of them, and also of the forte, were ouergrowen with Melons of diuers sortes, and Deere within them, feeding on those Melons: so wee returned to our companie, without hope of euer seeing any of the fifteene men liuing.

The same day order was giuen, that euery man should be imploied for the repairing of those houses, which we found standing, and also to make other newe Cottages, for such as shoulde neede.

The 25. our Flie boate and the rest of our planters arriued all safe at Hatoraske, to the great ioye, and comfort, of the whole company: but the Master of our Admirall, Fernando grieued greatly at their safe comming: for he purposely left them in the Bay of Portingall , and stole away from them in the night, hoping the Master thereof, whose name was Edward Spicer, for that he had neuer beene in Virginia, would hardly finde the place, or els being left in so dangerous a place as that was, by meanes of so many men of warre, as at that time were aboord, they should surely be taken, or slaine: but God disappointed his wicked pretenses.

The eight and twentieth, George Howe, one of our twelue Assistants was slaine by diuers Sauages, which were come ouer to Roanoake, either of purpose to espie our company, and what number we were, or els to hunt Deere, whereof were many in the Island. These Sauages beeing secretly hidden among high reedes, where oftentimes they find the Deere asleepe, and so kill them, espied our man wading in the water alone, almost naked, without any weapon, saue only a small forked sticke, catching Crabs therewithall, and also being strayed two miles from his companie, and shotte him in the water, where they gaue him sixteene wounds with their arrowes: and after they had slaine him with their woodden swordes, they beat his head in peeces, and fled ouer the water to the maine.

On the thirtieth of Iulie, Master Stafford, and twentie of our men, passed by water to the Island of Croatoan, with Manteo, who had his mother, and many of his kinred, dwelling in

that Island, of whome we hoped to vnderstande some newes of our fifteene men, but especially to learne the disposition of the people of the Countrey towards vs, and to renew our olde friendshippe with them. At our first landing, they seemed as though they would fight with vs: but perceauing vs begin to marche with our shot towardes them, they turned their backes, and fled. Then Manteo their countreyman called to them in their owne language, whom, assoone as they heard, they returned, and threwe away their bowes, and arrowes, and some of them came vnto vs, embracing and entertaining vs friendly, desiring vs not to gather or spill any of their corne, for that they had but little. We answered them, that neither their corne, nor any other thing of theirs, should be diminished by any of vs, and that our comming was onely to renew the olde loue, that was betweene vs and them at the first, and to liue with them as brethren, and friendes: which answere seemed to please them well, wherefore they requested vs to walke vp to their Towne, who there feasted vs after their manner, and desired vs earnestly, that there might bee some token or badge giuen them of vs, whereby we might know them to be our friendes, when we met them anywhere out of the Towne or Island. They tolde vs further, that for want of some such badge, diuers of them were hurt the yeere before, beeing founde out of the Island by Master Lane his companie, whereof they shewed vs one, which at that very instant laye lame, and had lien of that hurt euer since: but they said, they knew our men mistooke them, and hurt them in steede of Winginoes men, wherefore they held vs excused.

August.

The next day, we had conference further with them, concerning the people of Secota, Aquascogoc, & Pomiock, willing them of Croatoan, to certifie the people of those townes, that if they should accept our friendship, we would willingly receaue them againe, and that all vnfriendly dealings in the past on both partes, should be vtterly forgiuen, and forgotten. To this the chiefe men of Croatoan answered, that they would gladly doe the best they could, and within seuen daies, bring the Weroances , and chiefe Gouernours of those townes with them, to our Gouernour at Roanoak, or their answere. We also vnderstoode of the men of Croatoan, that our man Master Howe, was slaine by the remnant of Winginoes men, dwelling then atDasamongueponke , with whom Winchese kept companie: and also we vnderstood by them of Croatoan, how that the 15. Englishmen at Roanoak the yeere before, by Sir Richard Greenuill , were suddenly set vpon, by 30. men of Secota, Aquascogoc, and Dasamonguepeuk, in manner following. They conueied themselues secretly behind the trees, neere the houses where our men carelesly liued: and hauing perceaued that of those 15. they could see but 11. onely, two of those Sauages appeared to the 11. Englishmen, calling to them by friendly signes, that but two of their chiefest men should come vnarmed to speake with those two Sauages, who seemed also to bee vnarmed. Wherefore two of the chiefest of our Englishmen, went gladly to them: but whilest one of those Sauages traitorously embraced one of our men, the other with his sworde of wood, which he had secretly hidden vnder his mantell, stroke him on the head, and slewe him, and presently the other eight and twentie Sauages shewed themselues: the other Englishman perceauing this, fled to his companie, whom the Sauages pursued with their bowes, and arrowes, so fast, that the Englishmen were forced to take the house, wherein all their victuall, and weapons were: but the Sauages foorthwith set the same on fire, by meanes wherof, our men were forced to take vp such weapons as came first to hand, and without order to runne foorth among the Sauages, with whome they skirmished aboue an howre. In this skirmish another of our men was shotte into the mouth with an arrowe, whereof he died: and also one of the Sauages was shot into the side by one of our men, with a wild fire arrowe, whereof he died presently. The place where they fought was of great aduantage to the Sauages, by meanes of the thicke trees, behinde which the Sauages through their nimblenes, defended themselues, and so offended our men with arrowes, that our men being some of them hurt, retired fighting to the water side, where their boate lay, with which they fled towards Hatorask. By that time they had rowed but a quarter of a mile, they espied their foure fellowes comming from a creeke thereby, where they had bene to fetch Oysters: these foure they receaued into their boate, leauing Roanoak, and landed on a litle Island on the right hand of our entrance into the harbour of Hatorask, where they remained a while, but afterward departed, whither, as yet we knowe not.

Hauing nowe sufficiently dispatched our busines at Croatoan, the same day wee departed friendly, taking our leaue, and came aboord the fleete at Hatoraske.

The eight of August, the Gouernour hauing long expected the comming of the Weroanses of Pomeioake, Aquascogoc, Secota, andDasamongueponke , seeing that the seuen daies were past, within which they promised to come in, or to send their answers by the men of Croatoan, and no tidings of them heard, being certainly also informed by those men of Croatoan, that the remnant of Wingina his men, which were left aliue, who dwelt atDasamongueponke , were they which had slaine George Howe, and were also at the driuing of our eleuen Englishmen from Roanoake, hee thought to diferre the reuenge thereof no longer. Wherefore the same night about midnight, he passed ouer the water, accompanied with Captaine Stafford, and 24. men, whereof Manteo was one, whome wee tooke with vs to be our guide to the place where those Sauages dwelt, where he behaued himselfe towards vs as a most faithfull English man.

The next day, being the ninth of August, in the morning so earely, that it was yet darke, wee landed neere the dwelling place of our enemies, and very secretly conueyed our selues through the woods, to that side, where we had their houses betweene vs and the water: and hauing espied their fire, and some sitting about it, we presently sette on them: the miserable soules herewith amased, fled into a place of thicke reedes, growing fast by, where our men perceauing them, shotte one of them through the bodie with a bullet, and therewith wee entred the reedes, among which wee hoped to acquite their euill doing towards vs, but wee were deceaued: for those Sauages were our friendes, and were come from Croatoan, to gather the corne, and fruite of that place because they vnderstood our enemies were fledde immediately after they had slaine George Howe, and for haste had left all their corne, Tabacco, and Pompions standing in such sorte, that all had beene deuoured of the birdes, and Deere, if it had not beene gathered in time: but they had like to haue paide deerely for it: for it was so darke, that they beeing naked, and their men and women so apparelled all so like others, we knewe not but that they were all men: and if that one of them, which was a Weroans wife, had not had her childe at her backe, shee had beene slaine in steede of a man, and as hap was, another Sauage knewe Master Stafford, and ranne to him, calling him by his name, whereby he was saued. Finding our selues thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered all the corne, Pease, Pompions, and Tabacco we found ripe, leauing the rest vnspoyled, and tooke Menatoan his wife, with the yong childe, and the other Sauages with vs ouer the water to Roanoak. Although the mistaking of these Sauages somewhat grieued Manteo, yet he imputed their harme to their owne follie, saying to them, that if their Weroans had kept their promise in comming to the Gouernour, at the day appointed, they had not knowen that mischance.

The 13. of August, our Sauage Manteo, by the commandment of Sir Walter Ralegh, was chieftened in Roanoak, and called Lord thereof, and of Dasamongueponke , in reward of his faithfull seruice.

The 18 Elenora, daughter to the Gouernour, and wife to Ananias Dare, one of the Assistants, was deliuered of a daughter in Roanoak, and the same was christened there the Sunday following, and because this childe was the first Christian borne in Virginia, she was named Virginia. By this time our ships had vnlanded the goods and victuals of the planters, and began to take in wood, and fresh water, and to newe calke and trimme them for England: the planters also prepared their letters, and tokens, to send backe into England.

Our two shippes, the Lyon , and the Flieboate, almost ready to depart, the 21. of August, there arose such a tempest at northeast, that our Admirall then riding out of the harbour, was forced to cut his cables, and put to Sea, where he laye beating off and on, sixe dayes before he could come to vs againe, so that wee feared hee had beene cast away, and the rather, for that at the tyme that the storme tooke them, the moste, and best of their Saylers, were left aland.

At this time some controuersies rose betweene the Gouernour, and Assistants, about choosing two out of the twelue Assistants, which should goe backe as factors for the company into England: for euery one of them refused, saue onely one, which all other thought not sufficient: but at length by much perswading of the Gouernour, Christopher Cooper onely agreed to goe for England: but the next day, through the perswasion of diuers of his familiar friends, hee changed his minde, so that now the matter stoode as at the first.

The next day, the 22. of August, the whole companie, both of the Assistants, and planters, came to the Gouernour, and with one voice requested him to returne himselfe into England, for the better and sooner obtaining of supplies, and other necessaries for them: but he refused it, and alleged many sufficient causes, why he would not: the one was, that he could not so suddenly returne backe againe, without his great discredite, leauing the action, and so many, whome he partly had

procured through his perswasions, to leaue their natiue Countrey, and vndertake that voyage, and that some enemies to him, and the action at his returne into England, would not spare to slander falsly both him, and the action, by saying he went to Virginia, but politikely, and to no other end, but to leade so many into a Countrey, in which hee neuer meant to stay himselfe, and there to leaue them behind him. Also he alleaged, that seing they intended to remoue 50. miles further vp into the maine presently, he being then absent, his stuffe, and goods, might both be spoiled, and most of it pilfered away in the carriage, so that at his returne, hee should be either forced to prouide himselfe of all such things againe, or els at his comming againe to Virginia, find himselfe vtterly vnfurnished, whereof already he had found some proofe, beeing but once from them but three daies. Wherefore he concluded that he would not goe himselfe.

The next day, not onely the Assistants, but diuers others, as well women, as men, beganne to renewe their requests to the Gouernour againe, to take vppon him to returne into England for the supplie, and dispatch of all such thinges, as there were to be done, promising to make him their bonde vnder all their handes, and seales for the safe preseruing of all his goods for him at his returne to Virginia, so that if any part thereof were spoiled, or lost, they would see it restored to him, or his Assignes, whensoeuer the same should be missed and demanded: which bonde with a testimonie vnder their handes, and seales, they foorthwith made, and deliuered into his hands. The copie of the testimonie, I thought good to set downe.

May it please you, her Maiesties Subiectsof England, we your friendes and Countrey men, the planters in Virginia, doe by these presents let you, and euery of you to vnderstand, that for the present and speedie supplie of certaine our knowen, and apparent lackes, and needes, most requisite and necessarie for the good and happie planting of vs, or any other in this lande of Virginia, wee all of one minde, and consent, haue most earnestly intreated, and vncessantly requested Iohn White, Gouernour of the planters in Virginia, to passe into England, for the better and more assured helpe, and setting forward of the foresayde supplies: and knowing assuredly that he both can best, and will labour, and take paines in that behalfe for vs all, and he not once, but often refusing it, for our sakes, and for the honour, and maintenance of the action, hath at last, though much against his will, through our importunacie, yeelded to leaue his gouernment, and all his goods among vs, and himselfe in all our behalfes to passe into Englande, of whose knowledge, and fidelitie in handling this matter, as all others, we doe assure our selues by these presents, and will you to giue all credite thereunto. the fiue and twentieth of August.

The Gouernour beeing at the last, through their extreame intreating, constrayned to returne into England, hauing then but halfe a daies respit to prepare him selfe for the same, departed from Roanoake, the seuen and twentieth of August in the morning: and the same day about midnight, came aboord the Flie boate, who already had waied anker, and rode without the barre, the Admirall riding by them, who but the same morning was newly come thither againe. The same day, both the shippes waied anker, and sette saile for England: at this waying their ankers, twelue of the men which were in the Flieboate, were throwen from the Capestone, which by meanes of a barre that brake, came so fast about vpon them, that the other two barres thereof stroke and hurt most of them so sore, that some of them neuer recouered it: neuerthelesse they assaied presently againe to waigh their anker, but being so weakened with the first fling, they were not able to weigh it, but were throwen downe, and hurt the seconde time. Wherefore hauing in all but fifteene men aboord, and most of them by this infortunate beginning so bruised, and hurt, they were forced to cut their Cable, and leese their anker. Neuerthelesse, they kept companie with the Admirall, vntill the seuenteenth of September, at which time wee fell with Coruo, and sawe Flores.

September.

The eighteenth, perceauing of all our fifteene men in the Flie boate, there remained but fiue, which by meanes of the former mischance, were able to stand to their labour: and that the the Admirall meant not to make any haste for England, but to linger about the Island of Tercera for purchase, the Flie boate departed for Englande with letters, where we hoped by the helpe of God to arriue shortly: but by that time wee had continued our course homeward, about twentie daies, hauing had sometimes scarse, and variable windes, our fresh water also by leaking almost consumed, there arose a storme at Northeast, which

for 6. dayes ceased not to blowe so exceeding, that we were driuen further in those 6. than we could recouer in thirteene daies: in which time others of our saylers began to fall very sicke, and two of them dyed, the weather also continued so close, that our Master sometimes in foure daies together could see neither Sunne nor starre, and all the beuerage we could make, with stinking water, dregges of beere, and lees of wine which remayned, was but 3. gallons, and therefore now we expected nothing but famyne to perish at Sea.

October.

The 16. of October we made land, but we knewe not what land it was, bearing in with the same land at that day: about Sunne set we put into a harbour, where we found a Hulke of Dublin, and a pynnesse of Hampton riding, but we knew not as yet what place this was, neither had we any boate to goe a shoare, vntill the pinnesse sent off to vs their boate with 6. or 8. men, of whom we vnderstood wee were in Smewicke in the West parts of Ireland: they also releeued vs presently with fresh water, wyne, and other fresh meate.

The 18. the Gouernour, and the Master ryd to Dingen Cushe, 5. myles distant, to take order for the victualing of our Flye boate for England, and for the reliefe of our sicke and hurt men, but within 4. daies after the boatswane, the steward, and the boatswanes mate dyed aboord the flyeboate, and the 28. the Masters mate and two of our chiefe Saylers were brought sicke to Dingen.

Nouember.

The first the gouernour shipped him selfe in a ship called the Monkie, which at that time was readie to put to sea from Dingen for England, leauing the Flyeboat and all his company in Ireland, the same day we set sayle, and on the third day we fel with the Northside of the lands end, and were shut vp by the Seuerne, but the next day we duobled the same for Monts bay.

The 8. we arriued at Hampton, where we vnderstood that our consort the Admiral was come to Portsmouth, and had bene there three weekes before: and also that Fernando the Master with all his company were not onely come home without any purchase, but also in such weaknesse by sicknes, and death of their cheefest men, that they were scarse able to bring their ship into harbour, but were forced to let fall anker [w with accent]out, which they could not way againe, but might all haue perished there, if a small barke by great hap had not come to them to helpe them. The names of the chiefe men that dyed are these, Roger Large, Iohn Mathew, Thomas Smith, and some other ther saylers, whose names I knew not at the writing hereof. An. Do. 1587.