JSSISI: Symposiahttp://hdl.handle.net/2262/9018
Thu, 24 May 2018 19:28:28 GMT2018-05-24T19:28:28ZExplaining the Belated Emergence of Social Protest in Ireland Between 2009 and 2014http://hdl.handle.net/2262/82174
Explaining the Belated Emergence of Social Protest in Ireland Between 2009 and 2014
Layte, Richard; Landy, David
In the summer of 2009, Ireland was the first European country to officially enter recession following the fiscal crisis which had enveloped the international banking system following the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers in September 2008. Unemployment, which had been increasing for over a year by that point from a low of under 4.6% in early 2007 went on to peak at over 15% in 2012. This contributed, in part, to the widespread fall in income (the median household income fell by 12.7% between 2009 and 2013) and increase in household deprivation experienced in Ireland where the household deprivation rate increased from 17% in 2009 to over 30% by 2013. The squeeze on household incomes was accompanied by severe cuts in public services across areas such as health, education and social services, all of which were more likely to be visited upon more vulnerable members of Irish society.
read before the Society, 20 April 2017; Symposium 2016-2017: Globalisation, Inequality and the Rise of Populism
Sun, 01 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/2262/821742017-01-01T00:00:00ZWho is the Populist Irish Voter?http://hdl.handle.net/2262/82173
Who is the Populist Irish Voter?
Reidy, Theresa; Suiter, Jane
Across the EU, the Great Recession begot economic and political crisis heralding a renewed march towards populism and party system fragmentation. Much commentary about Ireland remarked on the absence of a populist surge of the type seen in many other bailout states (Clifford, 2016; Pappas, 2015). But is this characterization of the Irish experience accurate? The imposition of austerity policies and the protracted recovery propelled long standing critics of the Irish economic model centre stage and in common with many other states, party system fragmentation advanced with the long dominant centrist parties suffering severe losses at general elections (Marsh, Farrell and McElroy, 2017; Kriesi et al., 2016). New and more radical political forces did emerge and general elections in 2011 and 2016 were among the most volatile in Western Europe since 1945. The traditional parties of government experienced a sharp contraction in their vote shares but they retained their hold on power and the parties which have been labelled populist, remain some distance from entering into government. The focus of research on populism in Ireland has been on the supply side to date, looking at parties and campaigns (O’Malley and Fitzgibbon, 2015; Suiter, 2017) and this paper seeks to further the debate by investigating voter attitudes. Using data from the 2016 Irish National Election Study, the paper will demonstrate that many voters hold views which are populist. Irish voters are most likely to hold anti-elite and anti system populist attitudes, sometimes labelled left-wing populism in the literature and a smaller group hold strong outgroup and national identity views, often times called nativism or right-wing populism. Anti-elite populists are most likely to support Sinn Féin, Fianna Fáil and Independents while outgroup and national identity populists lean strongly towards Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin.
read before the Society, 20 April 2017; Symposium 2016-2017: Globalisation, Inequality and the Rise of Populism
Sun, 01 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/2262/821732017-01-01T00:00:00ZGlobalisation, Inequality and Populismhttp://hdl.handle.net/2262/82172
Globalisation, Inequality and Populism
Nolan, Brian
Inequality in the distribution of income and wealth among individuals has now come to the fore as a core concern across the industrialised world. In 2013 then President of the United States Barack Obama identified rising income inequality as “the defining challenge of our times”. The Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund Christine Lagarde has stated that “reducing excessive inequality is not just morally and politically correct, but it is good economics.” Secretary-General of the OECD Angel Gurría has emphasized that “Inequality can no longer be treated as an afterthought. We need to focus the debate on how the benefits of growth are distributed”. This reflects the fact that inequality has been rising in many rich countries, and that this is seen as undermining economic growth, ‘squeezing’ middle and lower income households, exacerbating social ‘bads’ such as health inequalities, and undermining social solidarity and trust. Most recently, in light of political developments, it has also been held responsible for fuelling the rise of populism.
read before the Society, 20 April 2017; Symposium 2016-2017: Globalisation, Inequality and the Rise of Populism
Sun, 01 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/2262/821722017-01-01T00:00:00ZAn approach to estimating the effects of financing system change on Irish healthcare expenditurehttp://hdl.handle.net/2262/79408
An approach to estimating the effects of financing system change on Irish healthcare expenditure
Wren, Maev-Ann; Connolly, Sheelah; Cunningham, Nathan
The Irish healthcare system is a complex mix of public and private. The system is predominantly tax-financed (in 2013, 77 per cent of healthcare financing came from general taxation revenues); however, private health insurance and out-of-pocket payments are also used to finance significant amounts of healthcare expenditure. There are a number of different eligibility categories for public healthcare services in Ireland. Those in Category I (full medical cardholders) are entitled to free public health services but pay a co-charge for prescription items. Those in Category II are entitled to subsidised public hospital services and prescription medicines, but pay the full cost of other services including General Practitioner (GP) care. In October 2005, the GP visit card was introduced; GP visit cardholders have the same entitlements to free GP care as Category I individuals, but the same entitlements to all other public health services (including prescription medicines) as Category II individuals. Eligibility for a full medical/GP visit card is assessed primarily on the basis of an income means test, with a higher threshold applying to the GP visit card. A significant proportion of the population (42 per cent in 2014 (Department of Health, 2015a)), hold private health insurance, which mainly provides cover for private or semi-private acute hospital services.
read before the Society, 15 October 2015
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/2262/794082016-01-01T00:00:00Z