A colony for 50 years, federated , Unified to Ethiopia , in 1991's seceded after three decades of rebellion. Since 1998 Eritrea is at War, harboring proxy warriors especially the notorious Al- Shabab. Torture ,imprisonment , thousands fleeing, no religious freedom , the only university is closed, everybody is in the army, No Parliament, No election, No functioning institution, No free press & all living journalists are in prison. Eritrea is called the North Korea of Africa.

he Bad News Over Badme: Why Ethiopia Won’t Back Down On Eritrean Border – By Michael Woldemariam

Ethiopian troops check for mines near the town of Badme on the Ethiopian-Eritrean border.

For several years, combat along the tense Eritrean-Ethiopian frontier has been entirely rhetorical. This changed on March 16th, 2012 when the Ethiopian government boldly announced that it had crossed into Eritrean territory in an attack on three military installations. Citing Asmara’s role in the January death and abduction of European tourists in Ethiopia’s Afar region, Ethiopia’s retaliation represented the first direct military confrontation between Eritrea and Ethiopia since the 1998-2000 border war.

Coincidentally, these events came one month before the 10th anniversary of the delimitation decision of the Eritrean Ethiopian Boundary Commission. The EEBC was the product of the Algiers Accord, which formally ended the Eritrean-Ethiopian war by referring the border dispute to arbitration. The EEBC’s findings should have been the final chapter in the bloody border row between the two countries, but instead, gave the dispute new momentum. The crux of the problem was that Ethiopia rejected the EEBC’s decision when it realized that Badme, the small piece of disputed territory that triggered the border war, and which it had acquired at a high human cost, had been awarded to Eritrea. Addis later accepted the decision “in principle,” but demanded negotiations on the normalization of relations before it would permit the disputed border to be demarcated (and return Badme to Eritrea).

Eritrea responded by invoking the language of the Algiers accord, asserting that the because EEBC decision was designed to be “final and binding,” attempts to link its implementation to the normalization of relations were, ipso facto, a violation of existing agreements between the two parties. Only after the border was demarcated and Badme returned, could dialogue on normalization be held.

While the Eritrean position should not be viewed uncritically, from an international legal perspective, the Red Sea state had the facts on its side. After all, both Eritrea and Ethiopia signed on the dotted line.

Over the course of the next decade, this stalemate engendered openly hostile security competition between Asmara and Addis, which often played out in venues far from the Eritrean-Ethiopian frontier— Sudan, Somalia, and the UN Security Council. The domestic effects of the dispute have not been minor either, as Eritrea’s youth remains indefinitely mobilized for war, at a huge cost to their individual liberty and the country’s overall economy.

So what explains Ethiopia’s refusal to implement the EEBC decision? The oft cited personal enmity between the conflict’s two primary protagonists, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and Eritrean President Issias Afeworki, is only part of the story. As is the reality that Ethiopia incurs few costs for its recalcitrance, since it retains significant military and diplomatic advantages over Eritrea.

Instead, a more complete portrait of Addis Ababa’s calculations would acknowledge three basic points. First, the government of Meles Zenawi refuses to implement the EEBC decision because it has no reasonable guarantee that such action will alter the aggressive, adversarial strategic posture of Eritrea. Second, the Meles regime believes that if it permitted border demarcation and the return of Badme, only to face the continuation of the onerous security rivalry with Asmara, it would pay high domestic costs. Third, the genesis of these two beliefs can only be understood through a careful consideration of the origins of the Eritrean-Ethiopian border war.

The Costs of Partition

Although Prime Minister Meles Zenawi warmly embraced Eritrean independence in 1993, this position was not cheap. Never a dominant force within TPLF party structures, Meles faced substantial criticism from internal party rivals, in addition to a large segment of Ethiopia’s non-TPLF political class, for the manner in which his government partitioned the country.

There were several objections, and the list seemed to grow longer as time wore on. The decision to formally grant Eritrean independence involved little public consultation (at least on the Ethiopian side), and the Eritrean referendum on independence was widely panned as biased in favor secession. Nor was Ethiopia’s access to the sea the guaranteed, an issue that many believed imperiled the nation’s economic security, and was of major emotional and symbolic significance to the Ethiopian public. Adding fuel to the fire was the reality that Eritreans continued to occupy a visible role in Ethiopia’s economy, creating the impression that the Eritreans had acquired the benefits of secession, but paid none of the costs.

Whatever the merits of these criticisms, Meles was not in a good position to refute them. Having cultivated closepersonal relations with the leadership of Eritrea’s rebel group turned ruling party, the EPLF, and having relied on their support in winning political power, Meles found it hard to dispel the impression that he was an Eritrean lackey. Reinforcing these perceptions was the uncomfortable fact that Meles is himself half-Eritrean.

So what did this all mean? The bottom line is that by the mid -1990’s, the political career of PM Meles, and those affiliated with his faction within the TPLF, hinged on making the relationship with Eritrea “work.” The Meles faction expended large amounts of political capital in accepting Eritrean independence on unfavorable terms, and if the relationship went sour, they would be left holding the bag.

Events leading up to the surprise outbreak of war in May 1998 should be understood in this context.[1] When difficult partition related issues began to surface between Asmara and Addis, the most important of which were related to trade and borders, Meles faced a difficult task: he had to placate the critics in his own party, who demanded a harder line on Eritrea, while preserving the amicable bi-lateral relationship on which his political reputation depended.

The Badme “Betrayal”

As events would soon demonstrate, this was a tension that the Meles faction could not resolve. Throughout 1997 and early 1998, the Prime Minister’s rivals stoked tensions along the Eritrean-Ethiopian border. Gebru Asrat, who would later lead the charge against Meles within the TPLF, served as Governor of the Ethiopian border province of Tigray, the ideal perch from which to gin up war. It was here that things took a turn for the worse.

While Asmara was no doubt aware of the pressure Meles faced, this recognition did not appear to inform their strategy. Instead of demonstrating restraint, and working with the Prime Minister to marginalize hardliners within his party, it did just the opposite. The killing of several Eritrean officers in the vicinity of Badme served as the final provocation, as Asmara responded with overwhelming force, seizing all of the disputed territories and dismantling their local Ethiopian administrations.

The Eritrean gambit was nothing new. In 1995, Asmara pursued a similarly muscular strategy in its dispute with Yemen over the Hanish Islands: deploy overwhelming force to assert control over contested land, and enter into negotiations from a position of strength. Yet to Meles and his allies, this was a critical betrayal by a neighboring government for whom they had sacrificed so much.

In Addis, the Eritrean maneuver incited a power struggle within the TPLF that would place Meles’ political career on life support. The Prime Minister was excoriated for having coddled the Eritreans, and for failing to make proper military preparations for the defense of Ethiopia’s territorial integrity. As his rivals within the ruling party publicly sounded the alarm for war, Meles privately attempted to put the brake on their efforts, in the hope that peace with Eritrea could be salvaged, and his pro-Eritrea foreign policy validated.

Yet again, Asmara did Meles no favors. Initially surprised by the shrill rhetoric emanating from the Ethiopian capital, President Isaias stood fast, refusing to relinquish control over territories he believed to be both Eritrean, and militarily defensible. Now sitting between a rock and a hard place, Meles grudgingly accepted the demand for war. Still, the PM’s rivals remained unappeased, labeling him “a reluctant warrior.”[2] The Eritrea issue now became a virtual albatross around the neck of the Meles faction.

Never Make the Same Mistake Twice

The split within the TPLF produced by events at Badme would play out over the next few years, and become more acute as events on the battlefield began to shift in Ethiopia’s favor. In March 2001, the internal struggle would end decisively in victory for the Meles Zenawi faction. Yet the Prime Minister came perilously close to losing power, and it was easy to understand why he would hold Asmara responsible. Having supported Eritrea in the partition process, and paid dearly for it, the Meles faction expected Asmara to return the favor by demonstrating to their internal opponents that the relationship between the two countries could be amicable and mutually beneficial. Instead, Asmara’s aggressive behavior at Badme betrayed the Meles faction’s trust, and rendered them vulnerable within their own party.

The current impasse over the EEBC decision is informed by this history. While Meles is not as vulnerable to internal challenge as he once was, he faces an eerily familiar situation. Without a quid pro quo, demarcating the border is analogous to the no-strings-attached independence of Eritrea. Like the highly unfavorable terms of Eritrean independence, returning Badme to Eritrea will be domestically unpopular, and evoke similar claims about Meles’ pro-Eritrean disposition. And like the fiasco at Badme, a flare-up between Asmara and Addis subsequent to the implementation of the EEBC decision would leave Meles facing a profound domestic crisis of confidence.

What this all means for the international community’s approach to the Eritrean-Ethiopian border dispute is uncertain. Yet concerned parties would do well to understand what makes the conflict’s protagonists tick. Ethiopian equivocation over a “final and binding” delimitation decision – a key hurdle in the resolution of the Eritrean-Ethiopian border dispute – is dictated by perceptions of risk firmly rooted in the complex origins of the Eritrean-Ethiopian war. This doesn’t exonerate the Meles government, but it does place its behavior in more intelligible terms.

Mike Woldemariam is assistant professor at Boston University’s department of international relations.

The two belligerent frères enemies dictatorial regime of Melese Zenawie and Isasias Afwerki started their war game that kept them in power for the last two decades. May is the month of the anniversary of their accession to power in the horn of Africa creating some of the most horrendous regimes of our time.

Starting May 27, 2012 at about 21:00PM up unto today midday 28 of May 28, 2012 conflict broke at the border city of Badme Between Eritrean and Ethiopian Forces. This may rekindle Eritrean-Ethiopian war of 1998 to 2000, which cost between 70,000 and 100,000 lives. There are some killed and wounded on both sides.

The linchpin of the conflict was the small town of Badme. The later was attributed by Allegers agreement between the two dictatorial regimes to Eritrea but still under Ethiopian control. The eponymous plain around the town is “relatively useless borderland” between boundary rivers, the Mareb in the north and the Setit in the south.

Some 200 Eritreans demonstrating outside the Eritrean embassy in Israel on Friday against the regime of President Isaias Afwerki, claimed that Israel ignores the country's human rights abuses because Eritrea is a strategic ally.

The demonstration to mark Eritrean Independence Day, outside the Embassy in Ramat Gan, is part of a number of protests that are taking place in cities across the world. Afwerki, Eritrea's first president, has held the position since 1993.

Community leaders at the protest who asked to remain nameless explained that Israel is apparently refraining from imposing economic sanctions against the country because of its strategic importance for Israel.

"The whole world knows what is happening in Eritrea and Israel continues to turn a blind eye, and even maintain warm relations with Isaias Afwerki, perhaps because the country has strategic value in the fight against Iran," they said.

The demonstrators carried a sign bearing a quote of Deputy Foreign Minister Danny Ayalon that, "Eritrea is known in the international community as a country that does not safeguard human rights, and anyone who returns there is in danger, including danger of death," a statement he reportedly made in October last year at a meeting of the Knesset Foreign Workers Committee.

Demonstrators on Friday carried signs in English saying, "Stop rape, torture and organ trafficking," and "Isaias Afwerki, the Eritrean nation wants to return to its homeland."

Protesters were also shouting together "We need justice," "We need democracy," and "Stop the torture in the Sinai."

Regarding the recent tensions in Tel Aviv amid anti-migrant protests, they said, " We do not blame the residents of the neighborhoods, but the politicians who come out with untrue allegations that we came here to work. Everyone sees the pictures of torture in Eritrea and the Sinai. Would someone go through this to work in Israel?"

They added that they would be happy if people realized that the Eritreans are just people who want to live their lives quietly.

"We are here today for two reasons," explained Mologata Tomzahi, an Eritrean asylum seeker. "It is important to emphasize to Israelis that this embassy does not represent us. This is the embassy of a country that persecutes its people. Anyone who utters the word democracy ends up either arrested or dead."

"It is also important for us to say that we crave returning to our homeland. We did not come to Israel to work but because in our country we are sentenced to death. We call on every Eritrean citizen in the Diaspora to unite and act to oust Afwerki, and to establish a democracy like in Israel," he added.

Regarding recent tension over African migrants in Israel, one protester, who has been living in Israel for two years, said, "The last few weeks have not been easy, when you can feel the hate in the streets. Over the last few days, the demonstrations have created a lot of hatred, and when we try to explain that we fled murder and torture no one is interested. We did not believe that things like this could happen in a democracy like Israel."

Demonstrators and Knesset members took part in an anti-migrant protest on Wednesday in South Tel Aviv, and following the rally, angry demonstrators went on a rampage, attacking African passers-by and journalists, breaking into and looting shops associated with the African migrant community and shattering car windshields.

A number of Likud MKs addressed Wednesday's rally in Tel Aviv's Hatikva neighborhood, including Miri Regev, Danny Danon and Yariv Levin.
Seventeen Israelis were arrested during the protest. Twelve of them were later released to house arrest.

Regev, who said during the rally that "the Sudanese are a cancer in our body," told Haaretz, "I condemn any violence from any side, but I understand the rage and hurt of the residents, of the families that live there. They tell us: 'Help us. We are being humiliated, look how we live, we are afraid to leave the house.'"

Friday, May 25, 2012

May 24, 2012 (ADDIS ABABA) - Eritrean President, Issais Afewerki, and his Sudanese counterpart Omer Hassan Al-Bashir held talks in Asmara on Thursday on a number of bilateral issues of mutual concern to the two East African countries.

Al-Bashir arrived in Asmara on Wednesday for a three-day trip to take part in the Red Sea nation’s 21st independence anniversary, according to Eritrean media outlets. Eritrea seceded from Ethiopia in 1993 after fighting a long war for independence against Addis Ababa.

The Sudanese-Eritrean talks dealt with enhancing bilateral ties and cooperation including making their shared border more open. Earlier this month Sudan and Eritrea agreed to abolish entry visa requirements, opening their common borders for free movement of both nationals.

The two sides also discussed the poor state of relations between Sudan and South Sudan, which culminated in a conflict over the Heglig border region last month.

South Sudan’s army (SPLA) seized Heglig’s oil fields for ten days in April, raising fears of a possible slide towards a full-blown war between the two neighbours less than a year after South Sudan seceded from Sudan as part of the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

Despite a peaceful split last July, Sudan and South Sudan remain at loggerheads over a number of outstanding issues, including on border disputes and an oil transit fee dispute, which led to the total shut down of oil production severely affecting the oil-dependent economies of both countries.

The Africa Union and United Nations Security Council have called for both sides to resume talks and cease hostilities. Juba has accepted the UNSC resolution on 2 May but Khartoum wishes to place conditions on some issues, such as withdrawing from the disputed region of Abyei.

Khartoum accuses Juba of backing rebels in South Kordofan and Blue Nile states and wants to prioritise security issues at the talks in order to force South Sudan to admitting that it backs it former colleagues. All sides deny the allegations.

Afewerki spoke against South Sudan’s military seizure of Heglig and called on the two sides resolve their dispute over the region peacefully. Juba says that it acted after repeated attacks on its territory from the region.

He further called for Khartoum and Juba to immediately normalise their relations.

Eritrea was the first foreign trip Al-Bashir made after his 2009 indictment for war crimes and crimes against humanity allegedly committed in Darfur by the Hague-based International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2009. Genocide was added to the list of charges in 2010.

Eritrea, like may other African countries has rejected the ICC’s call for Bashir’s arrest.

Nearly two-thirds of infiltrators come from one country adjacent to the Red Sea: Eritrea.

Photo: Asmaa Waguih/Reuters

The public discourse that deals with the issue of infiltrators and migrants from Africa is missing one central fact: Nearly two-thirds of them come from one country adjacent to the Red Sea: Eritrea.

Most people remember the Sudanese, often the Darfuris. But although the word “Eritrea” is mentioned repeatedly in connection with the phenomenon of infiltration from Africa, we haven’t stopped for a moment to think outside the box and focus on Eritrea as a national goal, to solve the problem and deal with the whole phenomenon.

For years, we have been accepting the argument that the migrants from Eritrea deserve protection as refugees and that they can not be returned to their country. And I have been saying, for several years now, in cabinet meetings and to several Israeli prime ministers, that we have to check these assumptions and challenge them. I also presented my position to representatives of the UNHCR and to the Foreign Ministry. Unfortunately, so far I have run into an absolute objection on the part of the Foreign Ministry, which believes there is nothing that can be done in the current situation. I wish to challenge this perception and state that at least the issue should be reexamined from top to bottom.

Eritrea is not far off. It is just two hours’ flight from here. A country of six million people, composed of different ethnic groups and religions, situated on the Red Sea on the Horn of Africa. Eritrea gained its independence in 1993 after its disengagement from Ethiopia, which is still its rival.

Israel has full diplomatic relations with Eritrea, including the exchange of embassies. The founding president of Eritrea, Isaias Afewerki, was treated in Israeli hospitals. During Yitzhak Rabin’s government, then-health minister Dr. Ephraim Sneh inaugurated a hospital established with Israeli assistance in Eritrea. It is a† poor country in international terms, although recently deposits of precious metals were discovered that slightly improve the situation.

In the history of our people. Eritrea is remembered for the British detention camps holding hundreds of Jewish underground prisoners, including great names such as Yitzhak Shamir and Meir Shamgar.

In Israel today, there are also Jews from Yemen, particularly from the British colony of Aden, who got to the other side of the Red Sea to Asmara, the capital of Eritrea, and later immigrated to Israel after the establishment of the state. I personally know some who still maintain a connection with their old homeland.

Eritrea is not a democracy and it is at the bottom of the ladder in terms of human rights. For this reason and due to other circumstances, it has lost its charm in the eyes of the United States in recent years, despite its strategic location.

The United Nations commissioner for human rights has criticized Eritrea repeatedly while asserting that if Israel returns the migrants to Eritrea, they will be badly harmed because they are draft-dodgers. Another problem with Eritrea is the long dispute with its rival, Ethiopia.

These are convincing arguments and I do not make light of them at all. But given the dimensions of the national problem we are facing, they are not enough to justify a complete denial when searching for an alternative path such as dialogue with Eritrea. I believe that a thorough study was not carried out to test the veracity of the claims and the real risk there may be to the lives of the migrants from Eritrea sent back to their country.

I think we have not examined the various interests and the relevant levers that could lead to a change in the situation and to establishing an understanding with the leaders of this country. In short, Israel’s policy toward Eritrea has not been tested in terms of the current crisis, as a result of which tens of thousands of Eritreans have infiltrated Israel and hundreds of thousands more may be on their way.

The necessary data have not been relayed to the political echelon, nor has the problem been formulated in a way that we can think creatively about how to use the right political and economic tools to change the basic humanitarian situation with regard to Eritrean citizens.

Certainly, there has not been a formal interface with the president of Eritrea, and no meaningful political steps have been taken to change the trend from the bottom, which would satisfy the UNHCR and the rights organizations in Israel that feed primarily on information provided to them by the infiltrators themselves.

Moreover, when Israel has such a significant strategic objective, we cannot demonstrate ignorance and a lack of basic knowledge of a country that has provided us with tens of thousands of job-seekers or refugees who come here in roundabout ways.

The time has come for the prime minister to appoint a team of experts which should include professionals relevant to all aspects of this target country, and offer an appropriate outline for diplomatic, political, economic and legal action that would totally change the direction of that which exists today.

Let me, for example, offer a really unorthodox proposal – that Israel negotiate with the government of Eritrea to establish a treaty that would allow legal employment of some infiltrators, in nursing and agriculture, as it does with the Philippines and Sri Lanka, for a limited, defined period of employment at the end of which the employees would return to their country of origin with their money and would be welcomed back.

We are in an emergency situation with regard to the dimensions of the illegal migration from Africa. In such a situation, we must think outside the box. We must focus our attention on Eritrea diplomatically and economically, and fundamentally change our perception and policy regarding infiltrators from the country. The government and the Knesset Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee must address this problem urgently.

Thursday, May 24, 2012

President’s Speech

Left a month a ago right today ? See and Judge for yourself who is right who is wrong ?

A great makeup in month !

Asmara, 24 May 2012 - Compatriots inside the country and abroad

Dear participants of the celebrations here and around the world

Your Excellency Omar Hassan Ahmed Al-Beshir, President of the Republic of Sudan

On this auspicious occasion of Independence Day, I would like to extend congratulations to the Eritrean people and friends, as well as people around the world who cherish the values of justice, freedom, and independence. I also wish to thank the National Holidays Coordinating Committee, all the artists who made due contribution in making this Day indeed momentous, and the active participation of broad sections of the society, especially youths and children.

My sincere thanks also go to Brother Omar Beshir and members of his delegation, and through them to the people of Sudan, for their participation so as to give added color to our celebrations.

It is gratifying and a cause of pride to note that our freedom and independence has been gaining increased momentum from year to year thanks to the enormous price paid to achieve them at the cost of the lives of about 90 thousand patriots, besides the impressive popular resistance demonstrated.

The past 21 years since the achievement of independence were characterized with undeclared state of emergency and open war of aggression against our freedom and sovereignty.

Despite the fact that our sovereign territory is confirmed by history, international agreements and sacrifice, as well as indisputable legality, it still remains under occupation due to the complicity of the US Administration and its surrogate i.e. the TPLF regime.

o Various military attacks and conspiracies continue, in addition to open aggression against sovereign Eritrean territories in contravention of the supremacy of law
o Political conspiracies and psychological warfare aimed at disrupting the Eritrean people’s harmony and resistance continue in different guises
o Economic warfare and conspiracies with a view to crippling the national economy and expose the people to hardship continue to be escalated
o Likewise, resort continues to be made to lies and defamation, as well as diplomatic encirclement to provide cover to aggression and lies
o The anti-Eritrea sanctions designed to keep at bay the Eritrean people’s legal and legitimate right of self-defense are but part and parcel of the declared war

Ladies and Gentlemen

The people and Government of Eritrea have been treading the path of development both in spirit and practice without falling prey to the anti-Eritrea military, political, economic and diplomatic campaigns.
As the Eritrean people’s steadfastness against unjust war continued to gain momentum in the course of the past 15 years, on the one hand, the acts of attacks and conspiracies have been witnessing failure after failure, the worries and acts of hostility on the part of invaders has been on the rise on the other.

The EDF members continue to fulfill their defense task while at the same time keeping intact dedication in fulfillment of development programs in a spirit of heroism and without falling victim to the continued acts of conspiracy on the part of invaders.

The state of our economy has reached the takeoff stage not because of the ongoing mining actives but due to the nation’s integrated development strategy under implementation in all sectors and different parts of the country with a view to laying reliable groundwork for lasting progress.

Ladies and Gentlemen

During the last stage of declared war, it has become ever more apparent that our freedom and independence has not only been dignified but also reinforced and continues to shine brighter with each passing day exclusively through the staunch resistance, perseverance and work spirit of the Eritrean people, and this not through boasting, pretense or self-aggrandizement. Without a shred of doubt, it is not difficult to discern that any acts of subversion will not prevent our forward march.

Ladies and Gentlemen

The war declared upon the Eritrean people, is not dissimilar or isolated from other matters of the Horn region of Africa. The past 20 years witnessed a wave of illegal and illicit acts of conspiracies weaved by the Administration in Washington and its cohorts to bring about disintegration of the sovereignty, independence and unity of Somalia, as well as manage the chaos spawned, to plunge Eritrea and Djibouti into a fabricated conflict situation, keeping hostage the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia through exposing them to a state of permanent tension, thrusting the people of both Sudans into perennial crisis…in addition to fabricating other problems in order to place the Horn of Africa region under meaningless crisis instead of pursuing their agendas of cooperation, unity and prosperity.

On this special occasion, I would like to convey the wishes of the Eritrean people to the people of the Sudan in the North and South that they resolve their problems peacefully, beyond the secondary differences, through direct and constructive dialogue while at the same time avoiding the different destructive interferences by external forces.

Honorable fellow Eritreans

As always, let us continue our forward march with reinforced resistance against all hostilities, in order to further success in our great pursuit of economic development, growth, and prosperity with added vigor.

Glory to our Martyrs!
Honor and Glory to the Eritrean people!
Victory to the Masses!

While whole world is expecting him at the stadium to despite the roomer of his death. Other wise it will be transmitted by TV and Radio but yesterday he received the Sudanese dictator Omar Bashir at the air port may be himself or his duplicate... who knows

Eritrea Marks 21 Years of Independence

Peter Clottey

May 23, 2012

Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki is scheduled to address the nation as the Horn of Africa nation celebrates 21 years of independence Thursday.

Mr. Afewerki’s remarks are expected to be broadcast live nationwide via television and radio from the national stadium in the capital, Asmara. Over 5,000 school children have been rehearsing for the past few weeks for the occasion.

Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki (file photo)

​​Information minister Ali Abdu underscored the significance of the independence celebrations, which he said are meant to highlight the country’s achievements and address the expectations of its citizens.

“The people along with the leadership today will assess past achievements and chart future programs [of action] on the basis of a mutual exchange of views. We stand in unison and with mutual understanding.”

Abdu said Eritreans are proud of their freedom. They have a deep appreciation of the anniversary following what he described as decades of oppression and the long struggle to separate from Ethiopia.

He said Thursday’s celebration will be attended by several high level dignitaries from other nations, including the president of Sudan Omar al-Bashir.

Abdu said the government has laid the groundwork for what he called the upward development of the country in its efforts to meet the needs of its citizens.

He said the country has “overcome all sorts of conspiracies” and made solidsocial, economic, political and cultural gains.

He insists the country’s leadership enjoys the support of all Eritreans, despite frequent criticism the administration is intolerant of dissent.

“We are not two separate entities -- that’s to say that one listens and the other gives orders. There is no distinction between the people and the leadership. The government evolves from the people, and [they] are the anchor of the government. The government leads… by following its people,” he said.

Abdu expressed confidence in the future prospects of Eritrea citing what he called the self-reliance and unparalleled hard work of the citizens.

He said Eritreans are equipped to determine the country’s fate.

“There are lots of opportunities ahead [and] this is not just our optimism, it’s our determination to create [them]. We don’t believe on just waiting…. We are trying to create our future. And we will [do so] by working hard….We have just begun and we will continue,” he said.

Wednesday, May 23, 2012

18 May 2012Bowing to opposition demands to meet int'l media face-to-face in order to prove he is alive beyond any reasonable doubt (BARD), Eritrea tyrant's propaganda ministry yesterday released text and pictures (no videos!) of the tyrant's purported interview with mostly friendly int'l media, VOA, Iran's Press TV, Aftonbladet. Today, there is a report by VOA (Peter Clotty?) about his purported interview with the tyrant but with archive photo! If VOA met the tyrant in person why not post the tyrant's instant/current photo? Not allowed to take pictures? Was the interview conducted via telephone? It is all very fishy! The tyrant needs to do yet more to prove he is alive BARD! Below is audio of the tyrant's gobbledygook and paranoid purported interview with VOA and text of said report.
(L) photo released by the tyrant's propaganda ministry
yesterday, (R) VOA photo!

Eritrea President Denies Stifling Free Speech
by VOA News
18 May 2012

Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki has denied that his country stifles freedom of speech, just days after media rights group Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) identified Eritrea as the most censored country in the world.
In an interview with VOA's English to Africa service Thursday in the capital, Asmara, President Afewerki said his government is not interested in keeping people from expressing their views, but that he will do what is necessary to "protect national security" in the face of what he calls "external aggression" by those who take money from outside governments to create chaos and spread misinformation.

"This is not a matter of freedom of expression, this is a matter of sabotage -- organized sabotage by individuals hired by intelligence agencies from outside," said Afewerki. "We've even ignored some of these individuals who have been working with foreign governments, taking money, providing distorted information about the reality here."

In its annual survey, CPJ referred to the east African nation as "completely closed" to foreign journalists, saying only tightly controlled state media are allowed to operate there.

It also said journalists suspected of sending information outside the country have been thrown into prison without charges and are often held for extended periods of time without access to family or a lawyer.

In his wide ranging interview with VOA, Afewerki said he has succeeded in building up Eritrea's infrastructure and decreasing its reliance on foreign aid in the nearly 20 years since he came to power in the impoverished East African nation.

Regarding the disputed border between Eritrea and neighboring Ethiopia, Afewerki denied any tension and said he wants to work in cooperation with Ethiopia to create new opportunities for people in both countries.

"There are no controversies there," he said. "We look at it from a historical perspective. We aspire to -- in solidarity with the people in Ethiopia -- to create a new opportunity for both the people in Ethiopia and Eritrea and the region as a whole."

Afewerki, who has ruled Eritrea since 1993, said he is more interested in building up his country than embracing what he called the "so-called" tenets of democracy. For part II click here

Tuesday, May 22, 2012

Around 100 people held a rally last week at the Eritrean Embassy in London to mark the 10th anniversary of the government's crackdown on Christians and religious people in the small African country often compared to North Korea for its repressive regime.

The government of Eritrea grants religious freedom to only a handful of faith groups – the Roman Catholic Church, the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahdo Church (which is not recognized by the Orthodox papacy), the Evangelical Lutheran Church and Sunni Islam. All other faith groups are illegal, and as many as 2,000–3,000 Protestant Christians in the country have reportedly been jailed for their beliefs.

Every church in Eritrea not belonging to these specific faiths has been closed down, despite activists and concerned citizens calling on the international community to put pressure on the government and call for the release of all prisoners of conscience.

Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW), an organization in England working for religious freedom through advocacy and for the promotion of human rights, shared with The Christian Point its perspective on the situation in Eritrea.

"Eritrea is one of the world's most repressive regimes, often likened to North Korea. It is a single-party state dominated by a dictatorial president, and the military pervades every aspect of society, including the economy. The regime demands total allegiance, thus Christians are perceived as a threat to national unity due to their ultimate allegiance to a higher being," explained Kiri Kankhwende, the organization's press officer.

In their letter delivered to the embassy last week, protesters assured officials that Eritrea's Christians were good citizens.

"Contrary to prevalent government thinking, the teachings and principles of our faith encourage good citizenship and loyalty to one's country. We are confident that Christians in Eritrea are committed to strengthening the nation, and to contributing positively towards its development," the letter reads.

Protesters also shared in the letter the "inhumane condition" Christians face in prison.

"The testimonies of people who escaped from prisons in Eritrea attest to inmates being incarcerated in inhumane conditions, physically and mentally abused, and deprived of access to adequate food, potable water and medication. We are aware that several have died following mistreatment and/or denial of medical attention, and are particularly concerned at the continuing practice of requiring prisoners to sign statements renouncing their faith as a prerequisite to obtaining their freedom," the letter states.

Kankhwende shared that 10 years ago, on May 15, 2002, all churches except those belonging to the Orthodox, Catholic and Lutheran denominations were effectively banned and the era of mass arrests of Christians began. Members of independent evangelical and charismatic churches have been particularly singled out, and even licensed churches suffer persecution.

The Orthodox Church patriarch in Eritrea, Abune Antonios, has been under house arrest since 2006 for resisting government interference in church affairs, and priests seen as sympathizing with him have been detained and harassed, according to CSW.

Kankhwende further explained that thousands of Eritreans flee the country every year, but risk a government shoot-to-kill border policy.

"Many are fleeing military conscription, which can last indefinitely and is mandatory for all citizens aged between 18 and 48 years. The U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimated in 2011 that there are over 100,000 Eritrean refugees in Sudan, with around 1,600 crossing the border every month. Some fall into the hands of abusive traffickers, and are held hostage in torture camps in the Sinai Desert pending payment of exorbitant ransoms, or the forcible removal of organs," the CSW press officer said.

"Others receive inadequate assistance from the countries they arrive in, and continue to suffer. The Eritrean security services have been known to pursue or harass refugees in foreign countries through their agents abroad, while countries such as Sudan and Egypt have in the past forcibly returned Eritrean refugees and asylum seekers despite evidence of the severe mistreatment of returnees," she continued.

Official statistics on Eritrea's population are hard to come by, but according to a study by the U.S. Department of State, about 48 percent of the population identifies as Christian, while 50 percent are largely Sunni Muslim. Around five percent of that Christian population falls in the groups outlawed by the Eritrea government.

"Right now we're working to raise awareness of the situation for Christians in Eritrea, and the suffering of the Eritrean people at the hands of their government," Kankhwende shared on what Christians from around the globe can do to help persecuted Eritreans.

"CSW is advocating at an international level, and working with the media to raise attention of their plight. Interest has been growing in the media with regards to the treatment of Eritrean refugees by people traffickers in the Sinai, especially following commentary by Pope Benedict XVI. Unfortunately, we have not yet seen effective action on behalf of the international community to deal decisively with the trade in hostages and organs, which many Eritreans and other refugees from the horn of Africa fall victim to in places like the Sinai," she said.

"We are encouraging Christians to pray for Eritrea, for freedom for her people. We are also urging people to partner with our Cry Freedom campaign and donate a tweet a day to raise awareness about what is going on. We would also encourage Christians to write to their elected officials and express their concerns."

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About Me

Prof. Muse Tegegne has lectured sociology Change & Liberation in Europe, Africa and Americas. He has obtained Doctorat es Science from the University of Geneva. A PhD in Developmental Studies & ND in Natural Therapies. He wrote on the problematic of the Horn of Africa extensively. He Speaks Amharic, Tigergna, Hebrew, English, French. He has a good comprehension of Arabic, Spanish and Italian.