`The whole city was in tears': Currying favour with
gaolers:
`Think what you are about':Moving into
Mincing Lane: The little-known Sir Robert Herries: Background to the
Boston Tea
Party and the international tea trade:

The Blackheath
Connection

Chapter
14

`The whole city was in tears':

By mid-1772, reports circulated in London and Maryland
about
the collapse of Fordyce and Co., and Londoners were beginning to press
Marylanders severely for repayments. ([1])
(Things were better in London by mid-1773, however). In mid-1772,
Mauduit
Wright and Co. of London sent a large order of goods to Stephen West of
Prince
George's County, somewhat nervous because of "the critical State of
Credit in
London". The Marylanders involved defaulted on this and following
transactions,
andended with their credit
ruined in
London.

The bust hit hard. The quotes are exotic.
Clapham notes
that by 22 June, 1772 "universal bankruptcy was expected" in London...
"the
whole City was in an uproar - the whole City was in tears", ([2])
"universal bankruptcy" was expected. Neale, James, Fordyce and Co. had
been
declared bankrupt. Several Scots banks encountered serious trouble when
Alexander Fordyce faltered, then absconded. ([3])
([4])
During 1773, the crisisspread
to the
Continent. And by May 1773 the East India Company was contemplating new
tea
marketing measures designed to foil smugglers. The Company's tactics for
exporting tea to America were to brew a disaster for Britain now known
as the
Boston Tea Party. ([5])

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Some victims of the 1772 financial bust were the Adam
Bros.,
the four Scots brothers, one banker and three architects; John, Robert,
James
and Adam; the doyens of architecture, building, interior decoration,
domestic
taste and fashion in London. Robert and William Adam on 3 March, 1774,
held a
lottery of their goods drawn outside Jonathan's Coffee House, Exchange
Court, ([6])
at the opposite side of the Strand. They required a lottery to raise
funds to
continue building the Adelphi by the Strand, an ambitious development
and still
a splendid London precinct. ([7])
The Adelphi became a combination of houses in one great architectural
scheme,
with vaulted warehouses beneath them with direct access to the river.
The
Adelphi was the result of Robert Adam's inspiration when he visited
Spalato,
(in modern former Yugoslavia, at Split), viewing the ruins of a palace
of
Diocletian. In 1768 the Adam Bros. pooled resources and leased from the
Duke of
St Albans a piece of land called Durham Yard for 99 years. It then had,
"small,
dilapidated houses". Later, however, the embanking of the Thames shut
the
warehouses from direct access to the water. ([8])

The Adelphi... The Adam style "still
suggests exquisitely moulded fireplaces, door knobs, and nymphs and
charioteers
in stucco", writes John Hillaby. ([9])
.... "delicate medallions, symbolic
motifs and
mythical animals, bosomy sphinxes, griffins, cherubic putti "all
carefully
bordered and wrapped about with floral arabesques". Hillaby also
feels
that one of the few remaining glories of the Adams' Adelphi is The
Society of
Arts Building, at the corner of Robert and John Adam Street. One
contemporary
critic of the Adelphi said, "the work of the Adelphi leaped about. It
looked so
light and airy". ([10])
Walpole criticised it all trenchantly. Things went wrong. The Ordnance
Department failed to rent vaults for storage, the company of watermen
and
lightermen disliked the idea of so much storage capacity so near the
river.
First class residences found some opposition in the City. The actor
Garrick
bought one house but other fashionable types failed to follow. A state
lottery
helped, with the houses as prizes. The Adam Bros. had to sell their art
treasures and speculation worried them for years. Later literary figures
living
about the Adelphi have included Thomas Hardy, G. B. Shaw, Galsworthy and
J. M.
Barrie. The Savage Club met there. The Adelphi precinct once housed an
office
of The Lancet; also some old
offices
of The New York Times. The
residency
of England's arch convict contractor, Duncan Campbell, is not part of the precinct's history published for the modern
tourism industry!

The Adams Brothers wrote
to
Campbell about an issue of bonds they were concerned with. He
replied...

Campbell
Letter
31:

Undated in the original

Probably written Dec 8,
1772.

Mr William Adam,

I have this day made the
necessary
inquiry about the Nature of the Bonds you proposed putting into my
hands, and I
have tryed many of my Acquaintances who have money laid out in funds at
a lower
Interest than these Bonds but I find they are not a Saleable Commodity
even at
a discount which I would willing have given to enable me to accomodate
you but
not being able to liquidate them, it will be out of my power to sink
money just
at this time, as I am realy loaded with Goods on hand which put me to my
ships
- If any other method can be fallen upon to make this settlement
reciprocally
convenient, I shall most readily come into it. ([11])

Campbell directed other occasional letters to Messrs
Adam. ([12])
The transactions referred to may have been associated with the financial
moves
the Adam brothers were making for their Adelphi development. But of
course, the
sale of any bonds would have been retarded by the financial crisis in
London
during 1772.

The Adelphi development did proceed. The dining room
and bar
of The Society for the
Encouragement of
Arts, have been in use at 8 John Adam Street since 1774. From
today's
Cleopatra's Needle on the Thames bank, across the Victoria Embankment
Gardens,
Robert Street the Adelphi lies roughly NW-NNW. Today the precinct is
close to
Charing Cross Hotel, Strand Palace Hotel, Savoy Theatre Hotel. Further
away are
the Royal Opera House and Drury Lane Theatre. The nearest piers to the
Adelphi on
the Thames' north bank are Charing Cross and Waterloo. On the river at
the
Adelphi in Campbell's time were stairs direct to the water. Somewhat
further
were the Legal Quays, where dutiable goods were landed. Also, Lincoln's
Inn,
the meeting place of the legal fraternity, Leadenhall Street the site of
the
East India Company offices, and Fenchurch Street. The present-day
Customs House
stands where the legal quays had once been. From the Adelphi, only a
short
carriage drive would have been necessary to arrive at the Admiralty, the
War
Office, the Board of Trade, and today's Foreign Office and
Whitehall.

***

Currying favour with gaolers:

The convict service wobbled on. On 3 July, 1772
Campbell wrote
to the Keeper of Oakham Gaol, a ship was ready to sail on the 15th. ([13])
To John Dickson, 7 March, 1772, in Jamaica. Probably feeling by now as
harsh
about unpaid debts as most Londoners, Campbell wrote to Samuel Orvings
on 31
March, 1772, advising Capt. Kidd on Thornton
would call in the Maryland debts due to JS&C.
During 1772, Tayloe had been
sailing
for JS&C, Capt. Dougal
McDougal;
later, she had to be repaired at Falmouth. ([14]) On 2
March, 1772,
Campbell wrote to Peter Thornton. Campbell wrote to John Tayloe, John
Page, 1
April, 1772. By 12 May he was writing to the Keeper at Oakham Gaol about
a
convict for transport. ([15])
On 16 June, 1772, he wrote to Messrs Bently and Boardman, "This days post brought me
your
favour covering your drafts upon Thomas and Stone for 12 pounds 12:0
which when
paid shall be placed to the credit of Richard Betham Esq: agreeable to
your
desire I am"... ([16])

On 20 June, 1772, he wrote to Neil Jameson and Co,
about one
of his ships been taking lumber from Philadelphia to Jamaica, a ship
arriving
in Virginia was to be directed by Mr Tom Hodges; lumber was on Orange Bay. Campbell wrote to
Isaac
Strong on 3 July, 1772. In July, six felons fled his ship Thornton after it had reached Leedstown on the Rappahanock
River.
in Virginia. On 16 July, 1772, Campbell wrote to the Keeper of HM Gaol
at
Maidstone. [Capt. McDougal was on Tayloe,
Capt. Gillies was on Justitia.
([17])
By October 1772, Campbell wrote to his brother-in-law, the sugar and rum
markets were poorly. ([18])

***

'Think what you are about!'

It was always anathema to Campbell, and provoked a
punitive
response from him, that a person would set themselves "at defiance" with
the
world. There were times when he was unforgiving. Campbell when he was
angry
often admonished a man - "think what you are about!" If the man did not
think
according to Campbell's lights he was quickly dispensed with. Campbell's
abhorrence that a man's attitude might have been "at defiance with the
world"
possibly coloured his attitudes to convicted criminals, but
interestingly there
is little evidence of it from his Letterbooks.

Campbell
Letter
32:

London 8 Oct 1772

Capt Neil Gillis

I
write this to request the favour of you to call upon me with the
remainder of
your Account for the Justitia: which ship as she is now so soon to be
sold it
may be proper to Acquaint you that I shall have no further occasion for
your
service so that from this day you will take notice that your wages as
Master of
that Ship ceases. I wish to make an amicable settlement with ever man I
have
settle with, & I hope you will not oblige me to move that Principle
take my
word for it you will not find it turn out to your reputation if I am
obliged to
take such steps - It seems you are deaf to the Crys of your poor Mate's
Widow
who applys to you for information about her husband's affairs: for Gods
Sake
Man think what you are about! do not set the World and Reputation at
defiance -
I am ([19])
([20])
([21])

***

Campbell's letters to gaol keepers revealed some of the
day-to-day aspects of the old form of the convict service. Thornton Capt. Kid had been sent also on an errand of debt
collecting following Stewart's death. (Thornton
had used to land at the Patapsco River, Virginia, while the main
delivery point
was on the Rappahanock River). By the dissolution of the JS&C partnership, Campbell had inherited part of the
iron
works, the ships Tayloe and Thornton as well. ([22]) At the
time he
was distressed as well by depression in the tobacco market. For John
Page of
Virginia he had sold 44 hogsheads of tobacco bought by Justitia, and as he complained to the Honble John Tayloe,
the
tobaccoes bought by Thornton,
had
been poorly bundled, cured and packed.

By way of reprimand, Campbell recalled when he "used to
sell
at the top of the market". ([23])
He had recently been displeased to have to dispose of some iron recently
back
on Thornton from Virginia
(which he
did unload in London for £6/10/- per ton). The iron had originally come
from
the Ceceqhona ironworks in Virginia, an investment for both Tayloes and
Thorntons. ([24])
Between 1772 and July 1774 the Honble. John Tayloe assisted Campbell by
purchasing part of the Thornton family moeity in the Ceceqhona
ironworks, for
which favour the merchant gratefully thanked Tayloe. (About 1773 there
were
some 65 ironworks in the Chesapeake area). ([25])

The replacement for Neil Gillis was Capt. Finley Gray.
On 5
November, 1772 Campbell wrote to the Gaoler at Oakham about a convict
transport
for Justitia Capt. Gray,
leaving on
the 14th. ([26])
On 9 November, 1772, Campbell wrote to Isaac Strong Esq., Clerk of the
Peace at
Peterboro, about convicts for a ship at Blackwall, and the same day, 9
November, 1772, to the gaol keeper at Aylesbury, Bucks, mentioning Mr.
Bury. ([27])

***

Moving into Mincing Lane:

By 17 November, 1772, Campbell could send 44 hogsheads
of
tobacco to Johan and Abraham Retberg and Sons of Bremen, per Capt. Sager
on Christian. Despite a hard year,
in
December 1772 he still had enough spirit and means to move into a new
address
at 1 Mincing Lane. ([28])
Probably, the move had been enabled by profit he had gained from
Stewart's
death (despite a need to buy debts?); or a need to quit Stewart's former
premises? The new address was ideal for a merchant, as close to the
river as it
was to Lloyd's, ([29])
Cornhill, and other merchants' haunts. Mincing Lane was between
Fenchurch and
Eastcheap Streets, near Tower Hill; near the Legal Quays, the site of
London's
present customs house. One of Campbell's neighbours would be the banker,
Francis Baring.

Campbell
Letter
33:

London Dec 12, 1772

John Campbell Esq of
Saltspring

....and in that letter I mentioned that McDougal
was not
destined for Jamaica it would have been lucky for me had he been
unprovided for
in Virginia from all appearances I shall be a considerable loser by his
cargo
as indeed I shall be on the Thornton, the delay the Board of Treasury
seems
disposed to give me though I have now I think fully answered, all their
Queries
seemed to forebode no very favourable event, never the less I shall not
easily
acquit them. However this circumstance together with the very dull state
of our
tobacco markets ..... you will regulate your matters independent of me
as I
said in that letter, you can contrive to give me an alternative without
giving
a certain person hold of either you or me but by my choice .... we are
all well
& Busy as you can suppose moving our furniture into Mincing Lane
where we
intend to eat our Christmas Dinner. ([30]) ([31])

In the interim, Campbell
had
also been obliged to engage in a renewed outbreak of the family power
struggle
to retain control of Saltspring
estate in Jamaica.

***

The little-known Sir Robert Herries, banker and tobacco
buyer:

Sir Robert Herries has a career driven underground, as
it
were, by the way the history of the American War of Independence has
been
written. He can be glimpsed however, moving in a little-known
environment -
tobacco dealing after 1772. Also inhabiting that environment was the
amazing
Philadelphia financier, Robert Morris. Herries is also noticed in
tenuous
connection with another set of significant but little known traders in
the
revolutionary period, Hopes of Amsterdam. ([32])
Further, Herries began a bank which from 1812-1815 was to play a
significant
role in the economic development of colonial New South Wales, Australia,
Herries-Farquhar. The tale is tortuous.

Firstly, Herries' family history... ([33])
The apparent progenitor is an Edinburgh merchant, William Herries, wife
unknown. He had a son, Rev. Robert Herries (1616-1662) who married Janet
Mackison of South Leith. Two fifth generation men of this line were
William
Herries a merchant of Leith, father of Michael (1715-1799), and Robert
Herries,
a merchant of Rotterdam, father of Robert (d. 1845) below. The Rotterdam
merchant is said to have saved the family from financial ruin. In the
sixth
generation of this line appeared Sir Robert Herries (1730-1815) the
tobacco
buyer, with other contemporaries in the family being an unmarried
banker,
Robert Herries (d. 1845, of the bank Herries-Farquhar), William Herries
of
Herries-Farquhar, and Anna Herries who married William Young, a governor
of
Tobago; plus Michael Herries (1715-1799) a merchant of Glasgow and
London. ([34])
This Michael Herries dealt with a consortium of slavers dealing with
Sierra
Leone, as is noted in David Hancock's recent book. ([35])

The man becoming Sir Robert Herries worked first in a
Rotterdam counting house, which resulted in him becoming a staff member
for
Hopes of Amsterdam, Scotsmerchants
with a wide reach in both North America and Europe. He also becameacquainted with Coutts bankers of
London,
who had begun as tobacco dealers. ([36])
Herries later set up on his own in Barcelona. By 1762 the St. Mary Axe
branch
of Coutts was worn a little thin, so Robert Herries was asked in, to
deal with
European banking business only. A Herries concern, Herries, Cochrane and
Co.,
did well enough to shift aside Coutts interests here, and Coutts gave
way to a
partnership between Herries, Sir William Forbes ([37])
and James Hunter Blair. ([38])
This partnership, with Herries' relatives and Sir William Pulteney
founded the
London Exchange Banking Company, in 1771-1772, as Herries conceived the
idea of
marketing "traveller's cheques", an idea he successfully broached to
Hopes, who
retained extensive European connections. This operation opened in No. 16
St
James Street in 1772 (this Exchange became Sir Robert Herries and Co.,
then
Herries/Farquhar and Co., bankers, absorbed by Lloyds in 1839). ([39])
Coutts were not interested in notions of travellers' cheques, and also
took
competitive umbrage, as this sort of financial product appealed
precisely to
their sort of customer.

By 1771, Herries had moved into tobacco dealing,
dealing
mostly with Scots importers of American tobacco, not Londoners like
Campbell.
Against Scots rivals, Herries' firm had gotten the contract to supply
the
French Farmers-General with tobacco. By 1774 Herries had also obtained
an
extensive contract to supply tobacco to or from London. The control he
wished
to exercise over tobacco handling disturbed his partners, who withdrew
in 1775.
Presumably, considerations of the outbreak of the American War were a
factor
here. Meanwhile, from late 1775, in North America, the Philadelphian
Robert
Morris was given virtual control over the marketing of the American
tobacco
crop, and obviously, the most reliable market was into or via France. It also seems that as the war progressed, but
as an
unresearched matter, many Scots mariners took tobacco from North America
by
roundabout sailing routes; of which Herries was presumably aware. ([40])

By June 1776, Morris warned Herries that unless Herries
could
undertake to have tobacco shipped reliably to France, Morris would have
to
organise it himself; that is, oust Herries from supplying the French
Farmers-General,
who were anyway notorious for beating down prices since they could
command such
a large market share. Herries managed to regulate his supplies so that
he kept
the contract. ([41])
And, (2)
that the unresearched activities of Scots mariners in tobacco handling
had much
to do with support from Herries. Remarkably, in 1781, Herries suggested
that
the Americans be allowed to trade direct with India; which presumably
the East
India Company did not appreciate? Sir Robert Herries retired from
business in
1798. ([42])
Herries' career as a "creative" tobacco dealer, banker and financier is
fascinating... ([43]) He
had a
little-publicised role in the affair later known as the Boston Tea
Party.

International
background to the Boston Tea Party and the colonial tea
trade:

While
financial
circles in London, Glasgow and American colonies were rocked by
financial
instability partly caused by the East India Company and the Fordyce
problem,
(which in part arose out of administrative absurdities on the part of an
officer
of the crown), Britain closed its eyes to three great zones of
suffering, which
were:

(1) Bengal, with famine and several generations of
upheaval
in traditional Indian life due to commercial and military incursions by
Europeans;

(2) The slave trade, a mainstay for the security of
sugar
revenues; and

(3) The felt political pain of the Americans, the
best-educated people in these three zones of suffering.

The
government
decided merely to back a plan to milk the Americans of tea revenue to
prop up
the Company, and so the Company could repay its recent loan from the
government. When the Americans protested, British merchants became
cautious and
fearful, but the government became more arrogant. ([44])

Bohea
tea in
1767 cost 22 pence per pound, in Amsterdam (possibly as purchased from
Hope
Bros.?). Unnamed London merchants specialised in tea handling. ([45])
By1754, the Boston merchant
John
Hancock was getting tea from St Eustatias, a Dutch-held island in the
Caribbean, via Thomas and
Adrian
Hope, "Dutch merchants" in Amsterdam. By 1755 a New York tea smuggler
was New
York merchant John Ludlow. John Kidd a merchant of Philadelphia in 1757
informed his London correspondents that Dutch ships with Palatine
immigrants to
Pennsylvania also carried much Dutch tea. In 1757, the governor of New
York,
Charles Hardy, commented on the illicit Dutch tea trade.

By March
1763 a
tea handler in Plymouth was Meletiah Bourne, who hired Capt. Churchill's
schooner Sally, and sent him
to
Amsterdam with rice, a forbidden commodity. In November 1759 a New
Londoner,
Nathaniel Shaw, with two New York firms got Bohea tea from Hamburg.
Gottenburg
had rockbottom prices for tea. By 1760 in Philadelphia a tea handler
using
Teneriffe was Tench Francis. By the mid-1750s, the New Yorker John
Waddell sent
tea to Thomas Wharton at Philadelphia, with one Marcus Hook handling the
tea's
final leg; officials here were corrupted. The Townshend Act of 1767
meant
England had gotten tired of all this. ([46])
Colonial merchants objecting to British attitudes included John Hancock,
Thomas
Wharton and John Dickinson of Philadelphia. In 1770, Hancock had a ship
Lydia handling tea cargoes in a
manner
designed to provoke British interests. ([47])
Attempts were made in England in the fall and winter of 1772-1773 by
various
figures including Rockingham, but all ideas expressed "suffered from
short-term
expediency."

One idea
came
from John Almon in his pamphlet, "The Present State of the East India
Company's
Affairs", of late 1772. George Dempster, an MP and an East India Company
director had a plan resembling Rockingham's. The deputy-chairman of the
East
India Company, Laurence Sulivan (the determined political enemy of Clive
of
India), planned to raise money with an issue of new stocks and bonds
worth a
final £1,300,000. ([48])
Mr. Bosanquet had yet another idea - and at this point in his narrative,
a
useful historian, Labaree, confesses he did not know who Robert Herries
was...
([49])

We find
that ...
Herries brought in new partners, Sir William Forbes, a landless baronet;
and
son of a merchant of Ayr, two clerks in the Edinburgh end of the firm,
Sir
James Hunter (later Sir James Hunter Blair, Bart), and in 1762, Robert
Herries
of Barcelona (shipping brandy to the Channel Isles and the Isle of Man
for the
smuggling trade), who had links to Amsterdam Scottish-Quaker firm, Hope
and Co.
Herries' grain handling business from America had brought him into
contact with
major firms such as Willing and Robert Morris of Philadelphia. By 1762
the
London firm was known as Herries, Cochrane and Co., from 1766 it became
Herries
and Co. In 1773 its style changed to Sir William Forbes, James Hunter
and Co.
Herries later established a separate bank in St James' Street. The major
Rotterdam correspondent of Herries was James Craufurd (sic). ([50])

By
about
September 1772, two men named Robert Herries had each invested £500 in
the East
India Company - one Sir Robert Herries, and one Robert Herries Esq.
There was
another family member, Michael Herries who had had £1000 in Company
stock since
July 1769. ([51])
Robert
Herries produced a plan, "The Present State of the East India Company's
Affairs". (Robert Herries, banker and a Colonel of the City Light Horse
Volunteers was knighted in 1774. By 1780, Sir Robert Herries as London
banker
had sat for Dumfries, Kirkcudbright, Sanquhar, Annan and Lochmaben. He
died in
1815 aged 85 years.)

Herries'
plan
suggested that the price of English tea be reduced and sold on the
Continent as
a dumping exercise. There was no early mention of America in this plan.
Company
directors learned of Herries' plan and he met with them and a Committee
of
Treasury and Warehouses of the Company at India House on 5 January,
1773. On 6
January the directors approved the combined committees' recommendations
and the
chairman of the Company would see Lord North. On 7 January the Company's
General Court wholly adopted Herries' plan! On 8 January the Company
wrote to
Hope and Co. in Amsterdam, major suppliers of Dutch tea smuggled into
America
colonies, would they sell dumped English tea on the Continent?

The
Company asked
Hopes for a remittance in advance if they agreed. Thomas and Adrian Hope
replied discouragingly on the 12th. They felt that if the
Company
dumped tea on the Continent, the price of tea in England would rise and
encourage even more tea smuggling to England itself, rendering moves
counterproductive. So Hopes suggested, why not dump the tea in America,
not in
Europe? Company directors also sounded out a European firm, Messrs
Romberg and
Co., about the Herries' dumping plan, and they liked the idea very much.
Shortly the Company decided to try to undercut smuggled Dutch tea in
America,
and on 25 February the Company asked government for permission to sell
tea
duty-free to America, as well as sell to Europe via Rombergs as earlier suggested. (The Company was legally
obliged
to keep certain minimum inventories of tea on hand in England.) This
went to
Parliament on 2 March. Not till 26 April did prime minister North
present his
ideas on tea. ([52])

Labaree notes that a London tea
dealer,
William Palmer, had objected to the Herries plan from the start. ([53])
Once the public became aware of the plan, Palmer (who was in regular
touch with
Governor Hutchinson in London) by 19 May had urged the Company to start
planning its tea export to America. A Philadelphia merchant, Gilbert
Barkley
(and his partner also of Philadelphia, John Inglis), wanted the Company
to
establish warehouses in American towns, preferably their towns, to
auction tea
as was customary in England. An opinion came from Thomas Walpole, nephew
of the
famous Robert Walpole, a London merchant-banker, who wanted tea dealing
centered in Philadelphia. He was associated with Benjamin Franklin and
the
Whartons, other prominent Philadelphians in the Vandalia Land Company
interested in Illinois. By June and July 1773 in London, various London
firms
had been nominated by American firms to engage in tea deals. (Chairman
of the
East India Company was now Crabb Bolton.) ([54])

Boston
firms
intending to make a deal were Thomas and Elisha Hutchinson, Richard
Clarke and
Sons, and Benjamin Faneuil and Edward Winslow (there was also a Joshua
Winslow), all engaged with one single London name (who was possibly
Abraham
Dupois). On the advice of William Palmer, the number of chests for
America
expanded from 1700 to 2000. For ships, Jonathan Clarke offered his
firm's brig William (probably owned by
Clarkes).
George Hayley of London offered American-owned ships, one beingDartmouth
(Capt. Hall) (for Boston, owned by Joseph Rotch, formerly of Nantucket
but now
a rich whale oil merchant (of Dartmouth, Massachusetts, the father of
Francis).
Hayley also offered the ship
London
(Capt. Curling), for Charlestown. A ship
Polly (Capt. Ayres with Gilbert Barkley from Philadelphia aboard)
was for
Philadelphia; Nancy (Capt.
Lockyer)
for New York. Intended for Boston would be ships Dartmouth (which would reload whale oil); and some merchants
earlier had begun considering importing spices and silks from the
EastIndia Company. Other ships mentioned
included Eleanor (Capt. Bruce
a
hot-headed Tory, owned by John Rowe), and the brigs William, and
Beaver (Beaver brought smallpox as well
as tea
to Boston).

One London merchant long
experienced in American trade, Richard Reeve, wrote to Lord North that
the
terms of the deal - especially the timing by which the tea duties were
to be
paid and other monies remitted to England - might be regarded as
inflammatory
in the colonies. His warnings, like other warnings, were not heeded. ([55])
In dealing with the East India Company, North included an ingenious way
for the
Company to dispose of excess tea inventory, still under Townshend duties
- the
Company had to pay a 3d duty on entering the tea to America but not the
12d
English duty formerly payable. They could also send tea direct to
America on
their own account, instead of having middlemen in England handle it, so
this
reduced costs. It was thought the tea would sell at 10/- per pound,
instead of
the former 20/- per pound price for legal tea. So with a greater volume
of sale
hoped for, 298 chests of tea worth £10,994 were sent to Boston. In all,
the
Company would assist with measures against smugglers now that it could
ship tea
direct to smuggling centres in America, such as New York and
Philadelphia.

A young
Boston
merchant, Jonathan Williams Jnr., wrote to his relative in London,
Benjamin
Franklin. Another Boston merchant was Henry Bromfield, who was told of
matters
by his brother Thomas in London. On 26 May, 1773, the London merchant
and East
India Company director Frederick Pigou Jnr., ([56])
wrote to the Philadelphia merchants, James and Drinker. In New York was
a firm,
Pigou and Booth (with Benjamin Booth, lately from London and a
long-experienced
London merchant). Booth was a senior partner of Pigou Snr. of London,
who had
earlier had experience as an East India Company supervisor at Canton.
Samuel
Wharton in London sent news to his brothers in Philadelphia. By August
the
Americans had learned of the Company's actual intentions. Pigou and
Booth would
sell tea to James and Drinker of Philadelphia, and in New York, Pigou
and Booth
became spokesmen of all New York consignees for the tea deals being
drawn. ([57])

Tea for
Philadelphia was jointly for James and Drinker, Thomas and Isaac
Wharton,
Jonathan Browne (with a brother George in London) and Gilbert Barkley.
Quaker
merchants of Philadelphia were Abel James, Henry Drinker (who had deals
with
Fred Pigou Jnr in London), Thomas and Isaac Wharton (plus their brother
Samuel
in London). The hard-to-research London firm, Lane Son and Fraser, also
reappears here. ([58])

(As for
later
tea dealings? In early March 1774, the brig
Fortune (Capt. Gorham, owned by Thomas Walley) arrived in Boston
with tea
consigned to Henry Lloyd from the London firm Davidson and Newman. In
late June
1774 the tea ship arrived,Grosvenor, owned by Edward Parry.
In
London on 18 March 1774, a merchant committee headed by Champion
(Richard, of
Bristol?) and Dickinson, Hayley and Hopkins, plus Lane Son and Fraser,
to
discuss Boston matters and they offered a surety of £16,000 to cool
things
down; an offer not taken up.) ([59])

In autumn
1773,
seven vessels with 600,000 pounds of tea would sail to small groups of
merchants at Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Charlestown Carolina.
The tea
was priced, plus the Townshend duty of three pence per pound, to be
competitive
with smuggled Dutch tea. Boston colonists determined the tea would not
be
landed, and customs officials at Charlestown impounded and stored tea
consignments. At Philadelphia and New York the ships were turned back.
On 16
December, 1773 the Boston "patriots" dumped 340 chests of tea. ([60])

[7] Watson,
Geo
III, p. 340. Charles Dickens once wrote that the vaults beneath 3
Robert
Street were a place to avoid for risk of murder: William Kent, An Encyclopedia of London.
1937., item:
The Adelphi.

[11] Duncan Campbell Letterbooks Vol. 1, Note to
Campbell
Letter 31: From ML, A3225, p. 100. Campbell directed other letters to
Messrs
Adam, See also, ML A3229, p. 405. Messrs Adam, the four Scots brothers,
noted
architects and designers, were the doyens of architecture, interior
decoration,
taste and fashion in London. The transactions referred to may have been
associated with the first moves the Adam brothers were making in their
development of the Adelphi, where Campbell later had chambers at No. 3,
Robert
Street. Campbell in other letters listed some of the firms affected by
the
crisis. On 3 March, 1774, a lottery was drawn at Jonathan's Coffee
House,
Exchange Court, at the opposite side of the Strand. Lillywhite, London Coffee Houses.
Incidentally,
there seems no reason at this point to believe that any assistance from
Campbell might have given him any lien later enabling him to take
premises at
the Adelphi, although, matters may have transpired in such a manner.
Campbell from
mid-1786 would live at 3 Robert Street, the
Adelphi.

[13] A. E. Smith, Colonists
in Bondage, p. 365, Note 40 records that Maryland Shipping Returns
show 493
convicts entering the colony in ships owned by Campbell after April,
1772. The
figure does not include the numbers sent to Virginia or elsewhere. The
figures
indicate the loss Campbell suffered by loss of the £5 bounty. Oldham, Britain's Convicts, pp.
28ff.

[19] Notes to Campbell Letter 32: Transcript from
ML,
A3225. Information the ship was to be sold was a lie, as she was not
intended
for sale. There is no information on the reason for this fight. Probably
it
stemmed from Colin Somerville's disasters on
Justitia while Gillis was mate. Some letters in 1772 are revealing.
On 3
July, 1772, Campbell informed the gaoler at Oakham that a ship was ready
to
sail on 15 July. On 16 July, Campbell wrote to the keeper of HM Gaol at
Maidstone, which town as a junction of main roads was also a "convict
depot".
During July, too, Capt. McDougal was on the ship Tayloe for JS&C. Capt. Gillis was on the Justitia. A. E. Smith, Colonists
in Bondage, p. 328: a Capt. Dougal McDougal left London on Dolphin, sailing 2 June, 1764
with 141
convicts. The ship was registered at Annapolis as arriving on 14 August,
1764.
On 9 July, 1773, Campbell wrote to Capt. Dougal McDougal on Tayloe. Leigh: probably Mr. Sjt.
Leigh,
a Campbell relative.

[20] In 1772: T. Thompson, `Personal Indebtedness', p. 21, a second depression rocked
the
British economy and British merchants again talked in terms of
restricted
credit and a need to collect debts. James Anderson of London described
affairs
when he wrote of a Maryland correspondent that the current economic
picture
"has caused the trading part ... [to] act with extreme
caution".

[21] Notes to Campbell Letter 33: There is no
information
on the reason for this fight. Probably it stemmed from Colin
Somerville's
disasters on Justitia while
Gillis
was mate. Duncan Campbell often when he was angry admonished a man -
"think
what you are about!" If the man did not think according to Campbell's
lights he
was quickly dispensed with. That a man's reputation might have been in
some way
at "defiance with the world" was a situation Campbell abhorred in any
and every
form, a trait probably deeply lifelong colouring his attitudes to
convicted
criminals. Some letters in 1772 are revealing.

[23] Campbell to John Tayloe, John Page, 1 April,
1772.
About now, some in Britain were foolishly considering an old statute
providing
for the arrest of a person outside the kingdom and their being brought
to
Britain for trial. Naturally, the Americans thought this a totally
outrageous
essence of tyranny. Tuchman, March of
Folly, pp. 224ff, p. 239.

[24] Ceceqhona works: Campbell to John Tayloe, 15
July,
1774. 1773: Stephenson, Randolph and Cheston, who now employed a doctor,
were
using the ship Elizabeth to Maryland, and again in 1774. Morgan, `Stevenson, Randolph and Cheston',
p.
214. On the Isabella was Capt.
Spencer. One colonial they dealt with was Capt. Charles Ridgely, who had
a
Northampton ironworks in Baltimore County.

[26] 5 November, 1772, Campbell to James Base at
Gravesend
- an order for some slop cloathing for
Justitia Capt. Gray leaving on 15 Nov. Campbell often dealt with
Base, as
on 8 Dec., 1773, Campbell to Mr. James Base at Gravesend, regarding slop
cloathing for convicts per
Justitia;
Capt. Gray will be at Gravesend next Wed. or Thur. with ps:
"I trust you will take care
that
these are as good as can be had at the prices."

[28] Campbell had warehouses at Haydon Square.
Presumably
the benefit of Stewart's estate enabled the move to the new
address.

[29] None of Campbell's letters provide any clue as
to
which underwriters he used for his ship insurances, as earlier
noted.

[30] Campbell's use of the term "the delay the
Board of
Treasury seems disposed to give me" referred to his reactions to the
government's intention to cease paying out the £5 bounty on each male
convict
transported.

[31] Note to Campbell Letter 33: Transcript from
ML, A3225
p. 93. A. E. Smith has published some extracts from Campbell's overtures
to
government in this matter coming hard on the heels of his loss of
partner John
Stewart. The "certain person" was Colin Currie. About 17 November, 1772,
Campbell sent 44 hogsheads of tobacco to John and Abraham Retberg and
Sons of
Bremen per ship Christian
Capt.
Sager. Campbell wrote to Retbergs on 8 October, 1773, but not after
January
1774, when the arrangements ceased.

[32]Unfortunately there are two versions of the
origins of
Hopes of Amsterdam, as given in
Burke's
Peerage and Baronetage for Hope of Craighall. Burke's Extinct for Hope of Kerse. DNB entries for John Williams-Hope and for Henry Hope.
Labaree, Boston Tea Party, p. 10;
Kynaston, City of London, p. 18, p. 23.
Neither
genealogical version is entirely convincing and there is little
corroborative
information on persons from studies in business history per se. The Napoleonic Wars spelled the end of Hopes in
Amsterdam
and they were finally absorbed by Barings. Scattered information on
merchants
Hopes is found in Charles Wilson, Anglo-Dutch
Commerce and Finance in the Eighteenth Century. Cambridge University
Press,
1941. 1966.

[33] On the Herries family history: Booker, Traveller's Money, cited
earlier. David
Hancock, Citizens of the World:
LondonMerchants and the Integration of
the
British Atlantic Community, 1735-17850. Cambridge, Cambridge
University
Press, 1996. Edna Healey, Coutts
and
Co., 1692-1992: The Portrait of a Private Bank. London, Hodder and
Stoughton, 1992.,pp. 100ff.
Namier/Brooke, The History of
Parliament: House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p. 615. DNB for Sir Charles John
Herries
(1815-1883). GEC, Peerage,
Fitzwalter of Woodham Walter, p. 494. These Herries have indistinct
links with
the aristocrat Herries listed in GEC,
Peerage, Herries of Terregles. It is possible that with the name
Blackburn
here, there was some family connection with the name Blackburn in North
America, involved in some aspectsof the
1773 tea deal. [Sir] Robert Herries... Jacob M. Price, (Ed.), `Directions for the Conduct of a
Merchant's
Counting House, 1776', Business
History, No. 3, Vol. 28, July 1986., pp. 134-150.

[34] On the career of John Charles Herries,
(1778-1855)
army commissary and financier, whobecame an auditor of the Civil List: His own DNB entry. Count Corti, The
Rise of the House of Rothschild. [Translated from the German by
Brian and
Beatrix Lunn] London, Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1928., p. 457. He became
private
secretary to prime minister Spencer Perceval before being placed in 1811
as
army commissary-in-chief to act against "the contractors". Information
is
contradictory on whether John Charles was connected with the bank,
Herries-Farquhar; one would think, he was not directly connected.
Kynaston, City of London, p. 54, discusses
John
Charles' links to the banker Nathan Rothschild.

[36] The
American Revolution severely damaged Hopes of Amsterdam. In 1794 one
Henry Hope
returned to London. (Kynaston,
City of
London, p. 11, p. 23). Later, Barings took over what remained of
Hopes.As noted above, two
versions of
the origins of the Scottish merchants Hope of Amsterdam exist, neither
very
helpful; here I have collapsed the available information. A suitable
progenitor
appears to be Sir Thomas Hope, Bart, active 1600, whose immediate
descendants
were Sir Thomas Hope of Kerse (d. 1643), and Sir Alexander Hope of Kerse
(1697-1749). A descendant Henry Hope went to Amsterdam as a merchant;
and one
Henry Hope of Amsterdam married Jacqueline De Tott. There was also a
James Hope
of Amsterdam. It also appears that a man named Williams changed his name
to
Hope, and worked as a merchant in Amsterdam; John Hope-Williams
(1757-1813),
who married Anne Goddard. He had a son William Williams- Hope
(1802-1855), an
art collector and man of fashion; whose daughter Henrietta Dorothea
(died 1830)
married William a son of Sir James Gambier. Burke's Peerage and Baronetage for Hope of Craighall; GEC,
Peerage, Athlone, p. 302. On
Coutts
bankers, see Edna Healey,
Coutts,
cited above. B. W. Labaree, Boston Tea
Party, p. 10. GEC,
Peerage,
Buchan, pp. 381-383; Cardross, p. 19. Burke's Extinct Baronetcies for Hope of Kerse; and for Aucher. DNB entry for John
Williams-Hope
(1757-1813). I have not found anything on any Adrian Hope in
genealogical
materials.

[37]Sir William Forbes (1739-1806), Bart6, banker
with
Herries-Farquhar, was son of advocate William Forbes and Dame Christian
Forbes,
married to Elizabeth Hay. He was apprenticed by the influence of Sir
Francis
Farquarson of Haughton to Messrs Coutts in Edinburgh, and was with a
firm known
from 1773 as Forbes, Hunter and Co. (that was renamed in 1838 as Union
Banking
Co.) He joined the relatively new bank Herries-Farquhar in January 1766.
(Booker on Herries, Traveller's
Money;
Namier-Brooke on Herries, The
History of
Parliament: The House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p. 615.) Then
from
1773 were partners, Forbes, Hunter/Blair, and Sir Robert Herries, later
Herries
and Co. The house was greatly trusted in Scotland and did well in panics
of
1772, 1788 and 1793. Forbes later had his own private bank. Pitt used to
consult Forbes on matters financial and in 1799 offered him an Irish
peerage,
which he declined, as he declined invitations to stand for Parliament.
Burke's Peerage and Baronetage
for
Dunbar of Northfield and for Stuart-Forbes. GEC, Peerage, Forbes, p. 552; Glasgow, p. 664. His own DNB entry. Who's Who in Boswell, p. 130. It is not clear if Sir Charles
Forbes
(1773-1849), Bart1, associated with one of the three biggest agency
house in
Bombay, was from the same family, or any similar interest group. When
Lachlan
Macquarie (as a former governor of New South Wales) was attacked in
Parliament,
he was defended by Sir Charles Forbes, Sir James Mackintosh and W. T.
Money.
Sir Charles Forbes was a nephew of John Forbes in India; he had four
sons and
two daughters. He was created a baronet in Patent in 1823, and was of
Newes and
Edinglassie, Aberdeenshire, a descendant of Alexander Forbes of
Kinaldie; and
in 1833 served heir male in general to Alexander, third Lord Forbes of
Pitsligo, father of Alexander, fourth Lord Forbes. He was educated at
Aberdeen
University, then went to India to become head of Forbes and Co. of
Bombay. He
advocated justice for India and claims of women for franchise, but
thought the
1830s Reform Bill "a hideous monster". Bombay erected a statue in his
honour
for improving water supply. Burke's
Peerage and Baronetage, for Forbes of Newe. His own DNB entry. Kynaston, City
of London, p. 154. John Forbes of Forbes and Company, an India
agency
house, was active by 1810, a son of John Forbes and Christian Shepherd:
Burke's Peerage and Baronetage,
for
Forbes of Newe. He was an uncle of Sir Charles Forbes MP of Forbes and
Company,
who is noted briefly in H. M. Ellis,
Lachlan Macquarie: His Life, Adventures and Times. (Revised
edition).
Sydney, Angus and Robertson, 1952., p. 51, p. 79, pp. 86-67, p.
98.

[38] Forbes: His own
DNB entry: Burke's Peerage
and
Baronetage for Stuart-Forbes; and Dunbar of Northfield. GEC, Peerage, Glasgow, p. 664;
Forbes, p.
552. Who's Who in Boswell, p.
130.
Booker, Traveller's Money,
cited
above. Sir James Hunter Blair (1741-1787), Bart1, was a banker with
Herries-Farquhar.He waspresumably linked to the Blairs
marrying
into Maxwells of Monreith. (Burke's
Peerage and Baronetage for Blair.) and married Jean Blair who died 2
February, 1817m daughter ofJohn
Blair
and Anne Kennedy; this Jean Blair had 14 children. He may be the man
named in
Stenton, British
Parliamentarians,
Vol. 1, p. 389? This Sir James Hunter Blair may be the man named in
Stenton, British Parliamentarians, Vol.
1, p.
389. John Booker, Traveller's
Money,variouslyon Herries et al; and
Namier/Brooke, The History of
Parliament: The House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p.
615.

[39] On the Union Bank of Australia/Australasia,
see S. J.
Butlin, Australia and New Zealand
Bank:
The Bank of Australasia and the Union Bank of Australia Limited,
1828-1851.
Longmans, London, 1961., p. 56. Some further details are in Frank J. A.
Broeze,
Mr Brooks and the Australian
Trade:
Imperial Business in the Nineteenth Century. Melbourne, Melbourne
University Press, 1993., p. 56, Note 314. It remains difficult, however,
to
trace banker linkages from the early 1770s to events influential in
Australasian financial circles as late as the 1830s and beyond, for lack
of
inter-linked genealogical and other data.

[40]Thomas M. Devine, The
Tobacco Lords, pp. 82-83, p. 90, p. 109.The French enjoyed tobacco from the Upper James River area. In
November
1772 the French buyers, Messrs Herries and Co. of Glasgow closely
watched
French buying patterns, as the French paid in cash or quickly
discountable
bills. In the crisis of 1772, Scots tobacco men went to Sir Robert
Herries with
open arms. Partly due to Herries' operations, Glasgow firms in the first
years
of the American Revolution enjoyed some windfall prices, as the French
before
the war had been trying to drive down prices by buying less, so when war
broke
out they had no stocks and had to buy what Glasgow had. In March 1776,
Herries
was trying a too-low price for Glasgow tobacco, and Britain was still
confident
it would win this war; but by March 1776, most London houses had sold
all their
stocks, so London got no windfall gains.

[41] The
machinations allowing Herries to accomplish his ends here are explained
in
Namier-Brooke, History of
Parliament,
Vol. 2, pp. 615-616.

[42]After 1822, a young Scotsman who had been in
NSW and
"the east", Walter Stevenson Davidson, returning to London from the
east, became
associated with the bank, Herries-Farquhar. Davidson was instrumental in
developing financial business which specialised in "paper" related to
financial
business with NSW. Hainsworth, Builders
and Adventurers, p. 71. S. B. Singh, Agency
Houses, p. 23, p. 71. W. S. Davidson became the family banker for
the
notable promoters of wool production in NSW, the Macarthurs. In this
role, W.
S. Davidson helped to orchestrate financial linkages notable in the
development
of the Australian Agricultural Company. Much earlier, he had been an
agent for
Baring and Co. at Canton and Macao. W. E. Cheong, Mandarins and Merchants: Jardine Matheson and Co: A China Agency
of the
Early Nineteenth Century. London, Curzon Press, (Scandinavian
Institute of
Asian Studies, Monograph Series, No. 26), 1979., pp. 56-61, p. 87.

[43] John Booker,
Traveller's Money. Titles relevant here concerning American
Revolutionary
history include: on Hopes of Amsterdam, B. W. Labaree, Boston Tea Party, pp. 68-60. Ralph W. Hidy, The House of Baring in American Trade and Finance: English
Merchant
Bankers at Work, 17630-1861. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard
University
Press, 1949. p. 28. Titles concerning London-based commercial history
include
Eric J. Evans, The Forging of the
Modern
State: Early Industrial Britain, 1783-1870.London, Longman, 1983. Namier-Brooke, The History of Parliament: House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol.
2, p.
615. Kynaston, City of
London, p. 54
on the close links between Army Commissary and financier during the
Napoleonic
Wars, John Charles Herries (1778-1855), and Nathan Rothschild, and on J.
C.
Herries, Count Corti,
Rothschild,
cited above,p. 457. R. S.
Sayers,Lloyds
Bank in the History of English Banking.Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1957. Clive Emsley, British Society and the French Wars, 1793-1815.London, Macmillan, 1979., p. 50.
Titles
concerning the early colonial history of New South Wales include: Jane
De Falbe, Dear Miss Macarthur: Recollections
of
Emmeline Maria Macarthur, 1821-1911. Kangaroo Press, Australia,
1988. Butlin, Australia and New Zealand Bank,
p. 56.
Barrie Dyster, `The Rise of
William
Fanning and the Ruin of Richard Jones', Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society, Vol. 67,
Part
4, March 1982., pp. 366-374., here, p. 373, Note
20.

[44]A book of scepticism about the Revolution which
echoes
that of Schlesinger's article on the Boston Tea Party is Thomas Fleming,
1776: Year of Illusions. New
York, W.
W. Norton and Co., 1975.

[46]Citations: (Labaree, Boston Tea Party, notes letters between Thomas and Adrian
Hope to
Thomas Hancock, Boston, in 1745-1755, page 268, p. 276, of Notes). John
Kidd in
London writes and vice versa
to
William Gough of Philadelphia in October 1754. John Kidd in Philadelphia
writes
to Rawlinson and Davison in London. Alexander Mackay London writes to
James
Bowdoin Boston on 7 April, 1770.

[47]
Material here has been gathered largely from
Labaree.
In June 1767 the Connecticut London agent was William S. Johnson. In
January
1768 some Boston tea handlers were the firm Edes and Gill. Two other
Boston tea
handler firms by the late 1760s included Richard Clarke [who had a
daughter
Peggy married to Thomas Hutchinson, son of the governor, and Richard
Clarke had
sons Jonathan and Isaac] and Sons and Thomas and Elisha Hutchinson
(linked to
the family of Governor Hutchinson). By February 1768, Dennys DeBerdt was
colonial agent for Massachusetts Bay. Francis Bernard in London had
earlier
been governor for Massachusetts Bay. London Alderman Barlow Trecothick
became lord
Mayor, succeeding William Beckford. His family/political linkages seem
to have
been underestimatedHe had a
partner,
MP John Tomlinson, whose father was a planter on Antigua. Trecothick in
Boston
had been apprentice to a wealthy government contractor, Charles Apthorp,
and
Trecothick had lived and traded at both Jamaica and Boston. One of
Trecothick's
wives was Anna Margaretta Meredith, daughter of Amos Meredith and Joanna
Choldmondeley. Here, Amos also had children Henrietta who married Lord
Frederick Vane MP (1732-1801) and a Lord of Admiralty, Sir William,
Bart3
(1725-1790, unm). Here also, some of the Choldmondeley family were
linked to
the family of a former Governor of Madras, Thomas Pitt (1653-1726), once
MP for
Old Sarum, the ancestor of prime ministers Pitt the Elder and Younger;
when
Essex Pitt married MP Charles Choldmondeley. Trecothick took a
pro-Rockingham
line, was a pro-American and an agent for New Hampshire. American tea
handlers
at Newburyport were Jonathan Jackson and his brother-in-law Oliver
Wendell,
arch-patriots like Hancock of Boston. On family linkages surrounding
Trecothick, see Peter Douglas Brown,
William Pitt, Earl of Chatam: The GreatCommoner. London, Allen and Unwin, 1978. Ian B. Watson, Foundation, p. 108 on Pitt.
Namier-Brooke, The History of
Parliament: House of Commons, 1754-1790, Vol. 2, p. 213; Vol. 3, p.
130.
GEC, Peerage, Barnard;
Curzon, p.
583; Ferrers, pp. 332ff. Valerie Hope,
Lord Mayor, variously. Kellock, `London
Merchants', p. 148.

[48]Sulivan has never been thoroughly researched
and does
not appear in my notes until 1757, when he began to rise as an East
India
Company director whilst opposing Clive. Sulivan's backers had all been
in
India. Sulivan's son Stephen (1742-1821) was a legal man in India, and
an opium
contractor while his father and partners tried to open up Malaysia to
British
interests; Stephen owed his fortune to Warren Hastings but it is unclear
if
Sulivan Snr approved of Hastings' rule in India. (P. J. Marshall, `The Personal Fortune of Warren
Hastings',Economic
History Review, Series 2, Vol. XVII, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 1965-1965., pp.
284-300.) To 1764, Sulivan would have answered to East India Company
chairman,
Payne. About the time of Clive's military successes, to 1764, Payne
faded from
East India Company records and became a partner with a new merchant
bank,
Smith's Payne and Smith. Lucy Stewart Sutherland, The East India Company in Eighteenth Century Politics.
Oxford at
the Clarendon Press, 1952. Leighton-Boyce,
Smiths the Bankers, variously. Smith Payne Smith personnel retained
an
excise sub-commission until 1841, and Abel Smith II with ten London and
three
country bankers was a contractor to the British government during the
American
Revolution, providing victuals for 60,000 troops in America. See p. 80
of
Charles P. Kindleberger, A
Financial
History of Western Europe. London, George Allen and Unwin,
1984.

[54]A Company official, Bolton had first opted for
the
Sulivan faction, then moved to the Clive faction within the company.
Namier-Brooke, History of
Parliament,
Vol. 2, p. 267. On Clive of India and Laurence Sulivan as a
non-Imperialist
free trader, see Edward Thompson and G. T. Garratt, Rise and Fulfilment of British Rule in India. Allahabad,
Central
Book Depot, 1969.

[55]Olson,
Making
the Empire Work, p. 134. In 1773, when a committee of Merchants
called on
Lord North to discuss American politics, they were told to "return and
set
quietly in their counting houses".

[56]On Frederick Pigou Snr., Kellock, `London Merchants', pp. 136-140.
This man
was a partner with Miles Peter Andrews at 28 Budge Row, manufacturers of
gunpowder. Pigou Senior by 1773 was a director of the East India Company
wanting to consign tea to America. The owners of the ship Nancy were William Kelly and Co. and perhaps John
Blackburn. Pigou
was also linked with Booth. Little is known ofFrederick Pigou Jnr, whose sister Charlotte married rear-admiral
Robert
Stuart Lambert (1771-1836).
Burke's
Peerage and Baronetage for Grey of London.

[57]Among
the finally-involved London dealers were Walter Mansell and Company,
Arthur
Lee, Thomas Walpole, the later alderman Brook Watson and his partner
Rashleigh,
Champion and Dickinson, Hayley and Hopkins, Lane Son and Fraser,
Davidson and
Newman, Abraham Dupois, Pigou and Booth; and John Fothergill. Merchants
who may
have been Londoners, or Americans, it is difficult to say, included
James Hall,
Hugh Williamson and John D. Whitworth, who with William Rotch later
contacted
the Privy Council on 19 February, 1774 (Labaree, Boston Tea Party, p. 295, [Note 36]; pp. 89-95). Other
merchants
listed by Labaree include: Brook Watson of Watson and Rashleigh, Garlick
Hill,
London. Joshua Winslow of Boston (late of Nova Scotia), Robarts, Payne
and
Roberts, Kings Arms Yard, London (Robarts here was possibly Abraham
Robarts,
later a banker partner with Alderman William Curtis noted later herein).
At
Charleston, South Carolina, Andrew Lord and George Ancrum; George Hayley
and
John Blackburn; William Palmer of Devonshire Square; John Nutt of New
Broad
Street Buildings; and Roger Smith of South Carolina. John Nutt acted
with
Duncan Campbell in 1791 as two of the British Creditorswho lobbied government over losses by
the
American Revolution. Labaree, Boston Tea
Party, p. 122. Other Boston consignees included Thomas Lushing, and,
possibly one Henry Ford.

[58]Richard Champion of Bristol wrote to Willing
and
Morris on 30 September, 1774.Richard
Lechmere of Boston to Lane, Son and Fraser, London on 30 May 1774.
Labaree, Boston Tea Party, p. 303 of
Notes; p.
311.

[59]Hayley was a notable figure at Lloyd's of
London. There was incidentally on 5 March, 1774, an opening for Lloyd's
over
the north-west corner of the Royal Exchange, with Taylor as master of
ceremonies. Thomas Tayler remained master of Lloyd's 1774-1796. From
1774, it
was agreed, there would be a suppression of "the gate crashers" at
Lloyd's, the
non-serious men.

[60]Labaree,
Boston
Tea Party, p. 10, pp. 68-69 and early pages on the original tea deal
of
1773 before the Boston Tea Party, p. vii.