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There is no doubt that
the possibility of a deep-going split in the AFL-CIO will be the central
preoccupation of the delegates who will assemble in Chicago on July 25 for the
federation’s convention.

Five “international”
unions have gathered under the banner of the
Change to Win Coalition, formerly known as
Unite to Win and led by Andrew Stern of the Service Employees International
Union (SEIU)—and just before this article went to press Stern announced the
affiliation to his coalition of the half-million-member United Brotherhood of
Carpenters (UBC).The “Change to Win” unions have taken numerous steps over the
past months whose logic clearly points to preparation for a split. The shift in
emphasis in the coalition’s new name is certainly not accidental. The Big Five
(now Six) have already signed an agreement which they state will be implemented
“regardless” of the outcome of the convention.

This internal crisis is
unmistakably being impelled by the now generally undisputed maladies of
organized labor in the United
States, especially the declining percentage
of union members relative to the workforce as a whole. A June 14 Associated
Press report on the differences noted in passing, as though it was a settled
matter of long standing, that the union movement had been “in decline for fifty years,” that is, ever since the merger in 1955
that reunited the AFL and the CIO.

This assessment is, to
say the least, not the impression that the stand-pat leaders of the trade union
bureaucracy have sought to convey to the rank and file, or to the public at
large, over these five decades as union density declined from 35% to 8%. Only
now has a credible threat emerged that something may be done about it other
than replacing the incumbent president. This is definitely not small
potatoes—four of the Big Five occupy 2nd, 3rd, 4th,
and 6th place in the federation and make up about one-third of the
membership.

Within the halls of
labor, dissenting opinions, or alternative policies, especially militant ones,
which were advanced during this half century of decline, and before, were
continuously stigmatized as “anti-union,” while the course of seeking labor
peace, delivering uncritical support for the bosses’ foreign policy, and
abstaining from independent political action were the three legs supporting the
bureaucracy’s complacent and well-paid administration of business as usual.

The relatively abrupt
announcement by these labor statesmen that we are now in big trouble has not
been preceded or accompanied by any meaningful analysis or debate on the causes
of the emergence of this crisis. Have they learned anything? In 1986 Joseph
Hansen, now president and then UFCW’s regional director in Minnesota,
told a closed session of arbitrators and labor-relations types: “When Guyette
(then president of striking UFCW Local P-9 in Austin, Minnesota)
talks this solidarity shit, it makes me want to puke.”

The Stern gang’s “Change
to Win” proposals do not call into question any of the basic policies that the
bureaucracy has followed over the past fifty years. Calling for more money to
be spent on organizing and proposing a restructuring of the shrinking number of
U.S.-based “international” unions into larger amalgams that, in the Stern
gang’s proposal, would “unite workers by industry”—these are nothing but
administrative tweaks.

Even “union density,”
the quantum of union membership, while obviously a crucial component of union
strength, considered in isolation from other factors, is not in and of itself
decisive. For example, the United Mineworkers of America (UMWA) plummeted from
a high of around half a million after World War I to 50,000 by the late 1920s. Yet
it rebounded to similar heights during the labor upsurge of the 1930s and the
expansion of coal production during WWII.

Historically union
membership has cycled up and down along with the recurring boom and bust
business cycles, and often unions have gone out of existence altogether, only
to be reestablished when employment rose again after the latest crisis. This
was the pattern up until the legal institutionalization of the unions after the
1935 National Labor Relations Act, and especially after the statist
relationships forged between government, employers, and the union apparatus in
WWII. In particular, the “checkoff” system in which the employers deducted
union dues from the workers’ paychecks has guaranteed the union bureaucracy a
life support system independent of the membership long after the brain has
died.

Mergeritis

The mergers that are
actually taking place at the present, which are proceeding at an accelerating
pace as the labor skates begin to circle the wagons around their marble palaces
in Washington, are unmistakably driven by the financial needs of the
apparatuses, and implemented by bureaucratic horse trading. Most, if not all of
the mergers, lead away from, not toward, unity of workers by industry or
occupation.

One striking example of
this is in the railroad industry. The heroic struggle of the American Railway
Union in 1894, led by Eugene V. Debs, to enroll all rail labor in one
organization, remains a major signpost in American history, despite its defeat
by government repression. Here craft unionism has persisted into the modern
era. The railroad brotherhoods, at one time numbering up to 21, remained immune
to the enormous advance of industrial unionism in the 1930s, their commitment
only wavering when railroad employment began to shrink drastically in the
1960s. In 1969 four of the operating brotherhoods merged into the United
Transportation Union. The Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers (BLE) remained
apart from this consolidation, not even deigning to enter the AFL-CIO until the
1990s.

Since then there have
been numerous mergers (or acquisitions) of rail unions with larger partners.
None of them have been with other rail unions. The first one, in 1995, was the
entry of the International Brotherhood of Firemen and Oilers, representing
railroad shop laborers, into none other than SEIU. The outgoing president
negotiated himself a juicy retirement package, based on the per capita dues
payments he was bringing into SEIU, and secured his son an apparent lifetime
tenure as the head of SEIU’s newly minted National Conference of Firemen and
Oilers.

Since then, the BLE and
the Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employees have entered the Teamsters
Union, the railroad clerks union is exploring entry into Communications Workers
of America, and the UTU, it was announced recently, is exploring merger with
the Sheet Metal Workers. The pathetic spectacle of the dispersal of these
components of rail labor into unions with unrelated jurisdictions underlines
with particular clarity that the decisive element in these mergers is nothing
more or less than bureaucratic opportunism.

Congress of Industrial Conglomerates

The mushrooming
industrially-based “international” amalgamations, like the United Steelworkers
of America, now containing the former Oil Chemical and Atomic Workers Union, as
well as former unions of rubber workers, woodworkers (Canada only),
paperworkers, non-ferrous miners, etc., etc., have concentrated their
organizing not on unorganized industrial workers, but on what superficially
appear to be easy pickings like nursing home workers and public employees,
notwithstanding the obvious jurisdictional conflict with the two largest public
employee unions, SEIU and AFSCME.

Where Is This Leading?

The split in the
American Federation of Labor (AFL) in the mid-1930s that propelled the Congress
of Industrial Organizations (CIO) into independent existence was both a symptom
and a product of the irresistible pressure of the working class masses from
below.

At the October 1935 AFL convention in Atlantic City, President
Charles Howard of the International Typographical Union warned the assembled
labor skates, “The workers of this country are going to organize, and if they
are not permitted to organize under the banner of the American Federation of
Labor, they are going to organize under some other leadership.”

In fact the workers were already on the move, as
the explosive and militant 1934 strikes in Minneapolis,
San Francisco, and Toledo, Ohio,
all led by radicals, had already demonstrated. The majority of the AFL leaders
were unmoved by the onrushing conflict and stood pat. John L. Lewis of the
Mineworkers, who was determined not to be outflanked by the new movement, led
the dissenting unions into the formation of the CIO.

Absent a renewed intervention of the masses of
workers into the class struggle, and therefore into the affairs of the unions,
new developments in the structure of organized labor will flow through the
channels already being carved out in real life. The affiliated unions are the
masters of the federation, not the reverse. For the most part the AFL-CIO and
its state federations are not much more than lobbying offices, while each union
essentially determines its own affairs. The bureaucrats are far more concerned
with their relations with their employers than with those of their fraternal
counterparts. The real development within organized labor, already well
advanced, is a grab for more dues-paying members through whatever devices
appear to bring the quickest and biggest results.

It is in this context of increasing centrifugal
forces that the “progressives” grouped around Stern have raised the threat of a
split from the federation. If it happens, it will have little to do with the
palaver spread widely over the Internet over the last year. And its future
evolution will have even less to do with it. It is the material interests of
the multiple bureaucracies that will govern, and will inevitably be driven by
the most determined and ruthless among them. Whether amalgamated into one
federation or broken up into two or more mini-federations, the organizations
will continue to be characterized by self-seeking bureaucratism, toadying to
the employers and their government, and suppressing rank and file democracy.

Regardless of the outcome of the July
convention, the decomposition of this virtually characterless and rootless
bureaucracy will continue, as it struggles more or less blindly to preserve its
privileges and immunity from removal from office.

The prospect of a breakup into mutually
competing fractions carries with it, in the absence of pressure from below, the
danger of its resolution into an accelerated unprincipled competition, even
mutual violence and gangsterism. Such disintegration will only embolden the
employers to take steps to impose even more draconian anti-labor legislation
and to whipsaw one group against the other. This process is in fact already
moving forward. SEIU and AFSCME came into a prominent and sordid jurisdictional
conflict in Illinois
over an AFSCME-directed raid seeking to capture some 50,000-child
SEIU-organized childcare workers. Neither one of these unions can do much of
anything in any case for these workers, who are independent contractors funded
by the state, except collect dues from them. SEIU has conducted similar raiding
against AFSCME in Connecticut.
The recent legislative repeal of public employee bargaining rights in Missouri
and Indiana, two states with relatively high union density, and without any
reaction other than pro-forma complaints from the unions, ought to show, if
nothing else, the emptiness of the rhetorical posturing about labor’s crisis
from the Sweeney and Stern camps.

Beneath the highly publicized maneuvering at the
top, the needs of the working masses in the United States become more acute, as
employment, wages, and entitlements tumble into the pit, effectively stripping
the workers of the gains of the past.

Impact of Immigrant Workers

The emergence of
organized dissent from the Big Five is far from accidental. SEIU, and its main
ally, UNITE-HERE, have made significant organizational gains and intermittently
utilized more militant tactics than others. These two unions in particular are
implanted in the health care, hospitality, and needle trades industries, in
which many, perhaps even a majority, of the workers are new immigrants. The
central leaders of these three unions, Andrew Stern, Bruce Raynor, and John
Wilhelm, all have developed a special orientation within their unions toward
immigrant workers, and were decisive in persuading the AFL-CIO to jettison its
historically reactionary position on immigration and immigrant worker rights.
Stern, Wilhelm, and Raynor, none of whom have social origins as workers or
immigrants, were social activists of the SDS stripe on Ivy League campuses,
whose political orientations led them into involvement with labor.

It is also notable that
the other three partners in the Change to Win coalition are three very large
unions—Teamsters, United Food and Commercial Workers, and Laborers—whose
general jurisdictions have significant concentrations of immigrant workers. The
UFCW’s primary concentration is in grocery, big box retailers and meatpacking,
all of which have many immigrants. The Laborers, along with the Carpenters
(UBC), who had disaffiliated with the AFL-CIO several years ago, are
encountering huge numbers of immigrant construction workers, and potential
members in residential construction, which is almost entirely non-union.

Recently in California, non-union
residential carpenters, virtually all Spanish-speaking immigrants, organized
their own union because they were essentially excluded from the UBC. Seeing the
opening, the UBC shifted and offered help. After that the new group readily
entered into the “official” union. The relationship soured when the UBC imposed
preexisting (and therefore discriminatory) seniority ranking on the new
members. Understandably, the new members pulled out, rather than be bumped off
their jobs by the white job trust.

Which Way?

A breakup of the AFL-CIO would be a major
setback for workers in this country, despite the ineffectual leadership, lacking
in any vision or program, of the various elements in the union officialdom.
Neither variant (Stern or Sweeney) offers any social or political program for
resolution of the crisis. Whatever the outcome of the upcoming convention, a
further acceleration of the breakdown of the moral and political authority of
the bureaucracy, whether grouped under one tent or several, is inevitable. The
task before the organized labor movement remains to begin to resolve the basic
question of formulating, popularizing, and mobilizing around a program of
struggle for the 21st century. This is inseparable from the
development of an alternative leadership based on the most exploited youth,
national minorities, and new immigrants. The convention’s real value will be
measured by the extent to which it helps sweep away further obstacles to this
development.