Wednesday, March 08, 2006

The Diary of Bobby Sands - March 8, 1981

I had intended to post an entry from the diary ofBobby Sands each day, but since Blogger locked myaccount while I was trying to publish the first entryand did not unlock it until this afternoon, I willstart with Bobby's March 8th entry. If you wish toread Bobby's first week of entries (and I recommendit), you can do so here.

Sunday 8th

In a few hours time I shall be twenty-seven grandyears of age. Paradoxically it will be a happy enoughbirthday; perhaps that's because I am free in spirit.I can offer no other reason.

I was at Mass today, and saw all the lads minus theirbeards, etc. An American priest said Mass and I wentto Communion. One of the lads collapsed before Mass,but he's all right now. Another was taken out toMusgrave military hospital. These are regularoccurrences.

I am 60.8 kgs today, and have no medical complaints.

I received another note from my sister Bernie and herboyfriend. It does my heart good to hear from her. Igot the Irish News today, which carried some advertsin support of the hunger-strike.

There is a stand-by doctor who examined me at theweekend, a young man whose name I did not know upuntil now. Little friendly Dr Ross has been thedoctor. He was also the doctor during the lasthunger-strike.

Dr Emerson is, they say, down with the 'flu... DrRoss, although friendly, is in my opinion also anexaminer of people's minds. Which reminds me, theyhaven't asked me to see a psychiatrist yet. No doubtthey will yet, but I won't see him for I am mentallystable, probably more so than he.

I read some wild-life articles in various papers,which indeed brought back memories of theonce-upon-a-time budding ornithologist! It was abright pleasant afternoon today and it is a calmevening. It is surprising what even the confined eyesand ears can discover.

I am awaiting the lark, for spring is all but upon us.How I listened to that lark when I was in H-5, andwatched a pair of chaffinches which arrived inFebruary. Now lying on what indeed is my death bed, Istill listen even to the black crows.

Loyalist March Abandoned

The scenes witnessed in Dublin city centre on February 25 only serve to illustrate how out of touch the 26-County political establishment was with the depth of opposition to the routing of a loyalist march through Dublin. Indeed 26-County Justice Minister Michael McDowell’s willingness to meet with the organisers of this march while at the same time refusing to meet with the relatives of those killed in the Britishdirected loyalist Dublin and Monaghan bombs, or the relatives of the Stardust tragedy, only serves to further highlight the gulf that exists between the 26-County political establishment and the views of ordinary Irish people. The people of Dublin have shown their rejection of the ideology of sectarian hatred and bigotry represented by those who organised this march. The routing of such a march through Dublin was a completely irresponsible act with scant thought given to the consequences or the dangers it posed to people. The Leinster House establishment was quick to mobilise its media allies in the ‘blame-game’ which followed the disturbances and some who should have known better fell into line with their lies. On the following day Irish Times journalist Patsy McGarry and Leinster House TD Finian McGrath both broadcast the falsehood that this newspaper’s February headline was ‘Stop loyalist march’ when it actually read ‘Oppose loyalist march’. A protest picket against the march sought to give the situation a political focus. Indeed, Republican Sinn Féin ordered its members not to carry the Irish Tricolour or black flags on the picket. Once the loyalist march was cancelled the protest picket was over and all members dispersed along Parnell Square. The charge of sectarianism was also thrown about with abandon. It is easily answered. Rev David Frazer, Church of Ireland minister in the Meath Diocese (and a native of Co Down) publicly opposed the loyalist march and claimed those taking part in it regarded some victims of the troubles as ‘righteous’ and others as not so. After the abandoned parade he said: “The ordinary decent unionist people of the north of Ireland should understand that this violence was not directed against them but against a march that was itself very provocative.” Justice for the Forgotten, the organisation of the relatives of the 1974 Dublin and Monaghan bombing also came out in opposition to the march. To those who scoffed at the Republican Sinn Féin banner which read ‘Unite Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter ...To Break the Connection with England’ it should be pointed out that the Orange Order and loyalist representatives do not represent Protestant culture and neither are all Irish Protestants Orangemen. One journalist, Susan McKay, who is also a Protestant, was the only panel member on RTÉ’s Questions and Answers who stood up to one of the parade organisers, Jeffrey Donaldson of the DUP. Donaldson said he would rather have not marched than be forced down O’Connell Street with the protection of the riot squad. McKay asked him why then did the unionist parties collude with loyalist death squads and the British forces to force their Orange march through the nationalist area of Whiterock in Belfast last summer, causing three days of disturbances? The mask slipped as Donaldson’s only response was to accuse McKay of being disloyal to the Protestant community. On March 1, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, President, Republican Sinn Féin, in a statement, refuted false accusations made in Leinster House: “A police report of a planned sit-down protest by Republican Sinn Féin on the occasion of last Saturday’s (February 25) loyalist march which has been quoted in Leinster House is without foundation. It is mere speculation and is not true. “The matter of the loyalist march through the centre of Dublin was discussed repeatedly at Ard-Chomhairle meetings. Our information on the growing level of disquiet and opposition to it was much more accurate than that which it appears was available to the “powers that be”. “We sought to give this situation a political focus and the sole staff member who was in An Ard-Oifig on Monday, February 20 did not refuse to give the facts to a Garda Inspector when he visited without notice. “All was in the open and was carried on the front page of the January and February issues of SAOIRSE. Republican Sinn Féin carried out its protest picket as planned and departed from the scene in an orderly manner when the march was cancelled. “Earlier a delegation had laid a wreath at the memorial to the 33 people killed in the Dublin-Monaghan loyalist bombings in 1974. All through our time in Cavendish Row we were corralled off by police barriers and an open space from the crowd which gathered in O’Connell Street. “In point of fact we were never in O’Connell Street but located ourselves in Cavendish Row, a small street which connects Parnell Square and O’Connell Street. Banner, placards and leaflets were all there for public scrutiny and the media were constantly in attendance throughout our presence there and can vouch for what we are saying. “The principal leaflet was entitled “An Address to the People of Ireland” which made a special appeal to those of the Unionist political persuasion. It asked them to reconsider our ÉIRE NUA programme for a new four-province Federal Ireland including a nine-county Ulster in which unionists would have a working majority, but nationalists would be within reach of power. “We held a press conference three days earlier (Wednesday, February 22) in a Dublin hotel at which we gave interviews to UTV among others. Nothing was hidden but false accusations have been made. Rumour and public house talk is no substitute for accurate information. “We declared this loyalist march to be ill-advised. We believe any attempted repetition of it to be even more ill-advised.”

Account Unlocked - IRISH REPUBLICAN INFORMATION SERVICE (no. 57)

Well, now that Blogger, in their infinite wisdom, has finally determined that my blog is not in violation of any of their terms of agreement and has unlocked my account, I have alot of catching up to do. Thanks, Blogger... you idiots.--------------

In this issue:1. Launch of book on Ó Brádaigh2. Loyalist death squad threaten Belfast taxi-driver3. RUC/PSNI fire shots in Belfast4. Belfast bookies murder weapons probe call5. British police attacked in Derry6. Decision not to interview murder suspects'political'7. Seventeen quizzed over loyalist pub raid8. Police raid murder victim's home9. Controversial new law applied to Hamill inquiry10. Move to have convicted soldiers thrown out of army11. Number of legally-held weapons in the Six Counties12. Protesters block re-opening of pub near Stardustsite13. Bush's Shannon stopover picketed by anti-war group14. Sean O'Reilly acquitted of 'obstructing a federalofficer'15.

1. LAUNCH OF BOOK ON Ó BRÁDAIGH

THE biography "Ruairí Ó Brádaigh - The Life andPolitics of an Irish Revolutionary" will be launchedby Dr Ruán O'Donnell, Department of History, LimerickUniversity, on April 12 - the Wednesday before Easter.

Other speakers at the launch in the Cúltúrlann,Monkstown, Dublin at 7.30pm will include the authorProfessor Robert W White of Indiana University and thesubject of the book himself, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh.

The book is in hardback and runs to 350 pages withanother 60 pages of notes and is the result of over 20years of research and interviews with the subject. DrO'Donnell did extensive work for the bicentenaries of1798 and 1803 and is now engaged in a study on theRepublican Movement in the 1950s.

2. LOYALIST DEATH SQUAD THREATEN BELFAST TAXI-DRIVER

ON March 4 a nationalist taxi driver was threatened atgunpoint in the Ligoniel area, near north Belfastafter he picked up four men in his car in the Beldocarea of the Crumlin Road and drove them to Ligoniel.

One of the men produced a small handgun and placed itat the back of the driver's head and threatened him.The man wielding the gun was 25 years of age, withshort ginger hair and a blackeye, and was wearing afaded denim baseball cap. A struggle ensued, and thedriver managed to escape uninjured.

The four men then left the car and fled down analleyway at the side of McKenna`s pub. The attack onthe taxi driver bore the hallmarks of a sectarianmurder bid. It is understood the man worked for a firmon the Antrim Road in Belfast.

The Red Hand Defenders, a known cover name for the UDA/UFF loyalist death squad admitted trying to murderthe taxi driver and threatened to kill Republicanex-prisoners, in a call to a Belfast newspaper, usinga recognised code word. The anonymous caller told thenewspaper it now considered all Republicanex-prisoners "legitimate targets" from midnight onMarch 3.

3. RUC/PSNI FIRE SHOTS IN BELFAST

MEMBERS of the British colonial police, the RUC/PSNIfired two warning shots in north Belfast on March 6.The trouble flared at about 1am when four men got outof a car and threw bottles and other missiles atTennant Street RUC/PSNI station.The police chased them into Montreal Street where afemale member of the RUC was grabbed and hit in theface with a bottle.About 30 people leaving a club then became involved,attacking the British police with bricks, bottles andother missiles, injuring four of them.The RUC/PSNI fired two shots and one man was arrested.Afterwards a van was set on fire at nearby CambriaStreet.

4. BELFAST BOOKIES MURDER WEAPONS PROBE CALL

THE families of five people murdered in aBritish-backed loyalist gun attack on a south Belfastbookmaker's have called on the RUC/PSNI to make publicthe history of the weapons used in the attack.

Relatives of the dead gathered outside the Seán Grahambetting shop on the Ormeau Road on February 6 for amemorial service on the 14th anniversary of thekillings.

On February 5, 1992, two Ulster Defence Associationgunmen opened fire in the bookmaker's shop with anAK47 assault rifle and a Browning pistol. They killedfive people.

It later emerged that the UDA informer William Stobiehad given the Browning pistol to RUC detectives beforethe attack.

The RUC gave the gun back to the UDA, which used theweapon to murder a nationalist in a west Belfast pubbefore using it in the Seán Graham massacre.

The AK47 had previously been used by the UlsterVolunteer Force in a murder bid on a north Belfastnationalist.

The British colonial police have consistently refusedto make public the full history of the weapons,despite repeated requests from the families of theSeán Graham victims to do so.

"There is something about those guns that they don'twant us to find out," he said. "Why else are theyrefusing to disclose the full history of the weapons?Why was this crucial information deleted in thepublished version of the Cory report?

"I was shot five times in the attack. Mybrother-in-law was killed, along with four otherpeople. I have a right to know the history of the gunsinvolved."

The Browning and AK47 were part of a consignmentbrought into the Six-Counties in December 1987 byBritish agent Brian Nelson.

The arms were divided between the UDA, UVF and theUlster Resistance group, which for a time had links toIan Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party.

The South African weapons have been used in more than100 sectarian killings since January 1988.

5. BRITISH POLICE ATTACKED IN DERRY

MEMBERS of the British colonial police came underattack from a crowd of up to 20 youths in the MossPark and Glengalliagh Road area of Derry on March 4.The crowd attacked two RUC/PSNI vehicles shortlybefore 12.30am and tried to drag members from one ofthe cars. CS spray was used to disperse the crowd andtwo young men were arrested, but one managed to escapefrom custody while still wearing handcuffs. Onepoliceman was slightly injured in the disturbances andtwo RUC/PSNI vehicles were damaged.

6. DECISION NOT TO INTERVIEW MURDER SUSPECTS'POLITICAL'

THE decision not to interview four key suspects in themurder of a Dundalk forestry worker 30 years ago wasprobably political, according to Justice Henry Barron.

A British-backed loyalist death squad, including amember of the British army's Ulster Defence Regiment(UDR) abducted Séamus Ludlow, aged 47, in County Louthand shot dead on May 2, 1976, but the 26-County policenever interviewed the suspects who identified by theRUC 18 months later.

At the Joint Leinster House Committee on Justice, onFebruary 16, Judge Henry Barron was asked if thisdecision had been taken because of the volatilesituation at the time. "I think the reality is that itwas probably political," he replied.

In his report into Séamus Ludlow's death, Judge Barronsaid it was most probable the decision not to carryout the interviews with the Six-County-based suspectswas made by former Garda Commissioner Laurence Wren,then head of the Garda C3 security section.

The two garda detectives who received the informationfrom the RUC in 1979 never received authorisation fromC3 to travel across the border to follow it up,despite the fact that two of the suspects were inprison and readily available for interview.

Judge Barron told the committee he stood over hisreport's conclusion, despite strong denials fromLaurence Wren that he had any involvement in thedecision.

"It must have been made by the most senior member andthat was Mr Wren," he said.The four suspects named in Judge Barron's report -Paul Hosking, James Fitzsimmons, Richard Long andSamuel Carroll - were arrested in the Six-Counties in1998, but the Six-County DPP decided not to prosecutethem because of insufficient evidence.

Judge Barron said he would like to have seen the RUCfiles on the Ludlow murder while compiling his report,but this was not possible because he got noco-operation from the British authorities.

The family of Séamus Ludlow, who have travelled fromDundalk to attend each committee hearing, are callingfor a full public inquiry into his murder.

Judge Barron's fourth and final report, into bombingsin Dundalk in the 1970s, is almost complete, but itspublication may be delayed to see if the names ofthose allegedly responsible can be included.

7. SEVENTEEN QUIZZED OVER LOYALIST PUB RAID

ON March 2 members of the RUC/PSNI arrested 17following a raid on a north Belfast pub, believed tobe an operation against the loyalist Ulster DefenceAssociation.

Armed RUC/PSNI using CS gas stormed the Alexander Barin Tigers Bay, north Belfast, where it is understoodthe Ulster Defence Association (UDA) was rehearsingfor a so-called show of strength. It is understood anevent was being planned for some time this weekend.

It was later reported that two leading loyalists whohave had talks with Bertie Ahern and 26-CountyPresident Mary McAleese's husband were among the 17people arrested.South Belfast UDA leader Jackie McDonald and IhabShoukri, brother of north Belfast UDA leader Andre,were among those detained for questioning.

McDonald and Shoukri were part of an Ulster PoliticalResearch Group (UPRG) delegation that held talks withBertie Ahern in 2004.

Martin McAleese has met the pair on a number ofoccasions - the most recent of which was last month -in an attempt to get the UDA declare and end toparamilitary activity.

He also played a round of golf with McDonald at theexclusive K Club, Co Kildare, and Mrs McAleeseembraced him during a visit to south Belfast lastyear.

Eleven of those arrested were remanded in custody onMarch 6 at Belfast Magistrates' Court. The court waspacked as the suspects appeared in the dock one by oneto face charges of helping to set up a meeting of theUDA and Ulster Freedom Fighters.

Before the men appeared, magistrate Des Perry warnedhe would clear the courtroom if any disturbances brokeout.

Four of the accused: John Davis, 48, of Glebe Manor,Glengormley; Alan McClean, 19, of Westland Drive; GaryMcKenzie, 34, of Claire Heights; and Samuel Robinson,37, of Arosa Crescent, all of Belfast, were chargedwith assisting in arranging or managing a meeting insupport of a proscribed organisation - the UDA or UFF.

The other seven were accused of the same offence plusan additional charge of dressing like a member of thebanned groups.

Shoukri was among six other men and a woman questionedas part of the police operation who have been releasedwhile further reports are prepared for the PublicProsecution Service.

All 11 men were remanded in custody to appear againvia videolink on April 3.

8. POLICE RAID MURDER VICTIM'S HOME

THE family of a murdered father-of-six condemned theRUC/PSNI on March 2 for carrying out searches forpetrol bombs at his former home in west Belfast.Gerard Devlin, 39, was stabbed to death in theBallymurphy area last month as he prepared to take hischildren away for the weekend.The victim's aunt, Bernadette O`Rawe, said eightRUC/PSNI Land Rovers arrived at the family home inWhitecliff Parade at 9am.She claimed officers stayed for more than three hoursand took dozens of photographs inside the property.The PSNI searches came just days after the familyreturned to Ballymurphy after spending time away inthe aftermath of the murder.

9. CONTROVERSIAL NEW LAW APPLIED TO HAMILL INQUIRY

THE inquiry into the murder of Portadown man RobertHamill is to become the second collusion case switchedover to controversial new legislation.

The chairperson of the inquiry, which is examiningpolice handling of Robert Hamill's death at the handsof a loyalist mob, recently asked Secretary of StatePeter Hain to convert the case to the Inquiries Act.

Former High Court Justice Edwin Jowitt has asked forthe switch because "important witnesses are unwillingto give evidence" and the new law will allow him toforce them to appear.

The Act has attracted criticism because it givesBritish Ministers unprecedented powers to keepinformation secret.

David Wright, the father of murdered LVF leader BillyWright, is currently mounting a High Court challengeagainst the use of the law in the inquiry into hisson's prison murder.

The Wright case was originally set up under thePrisons Act but was converted to the Inquiries Actlast year.

The family of murdered solicitor Pat Finucane havestrenuously opposed Government plans to hold theinquiry into his murder under the Act.

Peter Hain wrote to Pat Finucane's widow Geraldinelast week to defend the Act and tell her that it wouldnot be used to cover up information. He said the"volume of sensitive evidence is far too great:"in theFinucane case to use the old system.

Last week retired Canadian Supreme Court Justice PeterCory, who recommended the Hamill, Wright and Finucaneinquiries alongside two other cases, cast doubt overthe Government's claims that serious national securityissues could be compromised by the Finucane case.

10. MOVE TO HAVE CONVICTED SOLDIERS THROWN OUT OF ARMY

MORE than 50 British MPs are backing moves to have thetwo Scottish soldiers convicted of murdering Belfastteenager Peter McBride thirteen years ago thrown outof the army.

Members of a range of parties at Westminster havesigned an SDLP Early Day Motion pushing for a changein the regulations which allow the soldiers who shothim to return to the army after serving just threeyears in jail.

The news came after it was disclosed that PrimeMinister Tony Blair has refused to meet the mother ofthe murdered teenager, Jean McBride. She has long beencampaigning to have the solider expelled from thearmy.

Guardsmen Mark Wright and James Fisher were sentencedto life for murdering Peter McBride in 1995.However,they were released from prison three years later andallowed to rejoin their regiment. At their trial theysaid they opened fire because they wrongly thoughtMcBride was carrying a bomb.

11. NUMBER OF LEGALLY-HELD WEAPONS IN THE SIX COUNTIES

THE number of weapons, including shotguns, held onlicence in the Six Counties last May was 144,554 - upby 5,634 (almost 4%) on the 2001 figure. It'sundisputed that the majority of licence holders areunionists.

12. PROTESTERS BLOCK RE-OPENING OF PUB NEAR STARDUSTSITE

ON March 4 survivors of the Stardust disaster andrelatives of those killed in the nightclub fireprotested outside Bertie Ahern's constituency officein Dublin.

The protest was part of a renewed campaign for aproper inquiry into the blaze, which killed 48 peopleon Valentine's Day in 1981.

The survivors and relatives have never accepted theoutcome of the original inquiry, which criticisedowner Eamon Butterly, Dublin Corporation and theDepartment of the Environment for safety failings.

They say they have been inundated with new witnessstatements since the airing of a televisiondocumentary to mark the 25th anniversary of thedisaster last month.

13. BUSH'S SHANNON STOPOVER PICKETED BY ANTI-WAR GROUP

A SMALL group of anti-war activists held a protestvigil when President George W Bush's plane refuelledat Shannon airport early on March 5.

The US Presidential aircraft, Airforce One, toucheddown at Shannon Airport just before 2.45am whilebringing George Bush home to Washington from his statevisit to Pakistan and India.

A security operation involving several hundred policeand soldiers was maintained before and during thestopover.

A small group of anti-war campaigners protested at theairport. Spokesperson Ed Horgan claimed that suchvisits put Ireland at risk of a possible terrorattack.

"I think if the United States military continue to beallowed use Shannon airport there is a very strongdanger Ireland will be attacked, but the attack wouldbe on Dublin, not on Shannon," he said.

14. SEAN O'REILLY ACQUITTED OF 'OBSTRUCTING A FEDERALOFFICER'

ON December 13, 2005 following a non-violent break inat the NSA/CIA Pine Gap Sattelite Station in AliceSprings, Northern Territory, Australia, Sean O'Reillywas one of six people arrested during a peacefuldemonstration at Pine Gap.

Jim Dowling from Daybora and Adele Goldie fromBrisbane entered the base undetected and photographedthemselves on the roof of a building after cuttingthrough two security fences.

Donna Mulhern from Sydney and Bryan Law from Cairnscut through a perimeter fence and went undetected foran hour before being arrested cutting through a secondfence.

Jessica Morrison from Melbourne and Sean O'Reilly fromBrisbane held a peaceful vigil outside the front gatesaround six that morning after the arrests had beenmade. Police searched their vehicle and removedproperty, when questioned about their actions, SeanO'Reilly was arrested for hindering police. JessicaMorrison was then followed for a two hours by federalpolice before being taken into custody, but was laterreleased without charge.

Sean was charged with "obstructing a federal policeofficer" merely for questioning the officers right tosearch his car. Sean went to court in Alice Springs onMonday February 27, 2006. The pre-trial hearing of theremaining Pine Gap protestors is set for April with ajury trial later in the year. Pine Gap is used forelectronic information gathering and targeting for theU.S. war machine.

In the spirit civil disobedience the inspection, bythe group Christians Against ALL Terrorism, was ananti-terrorist exercise. The base has long been closedoff to the Australian public and the AustralianGovernment. The group believes Pine Gap to be aterrorist base. The Australian Government has becomecomplicit in terrorism by leasing the land to theU.S., who uses the satellite tracking system topinpoint targets in Iraq and Afghanistan.

100,000 Iraqi civilians are dead, in a war that hasbeen declared illegal by the U.N. and condemned asimmoral by spiritual leaders worldwide. The group fromthe beginning had made public their intention toinspect Pine Gap. They contacted Defense Minister,Senator Robert Hill, asking for permission to inspectthe base and then later stating when the inspectionwould be carried out. The Senator replied bythreatening the group with seven years jail under the1952 Defence act.

On Monday Sean's case commenced but evidence fromattending/arresting officers was full of inaccuraciesand inconsistencies. The case was adjourned untilFriday March 3.

An edited report from Sean said: "The Magistrate,Melanie Little, took about 35 minutes to sum up.Basically, she found too many inconsistencies in theevidence provided by the prosecution and the previouscases provided by the prosecutor re hindrance appearedto work in my favour.

"Ms Little found that there was not sufficientsubstance in the arresting officer's evidence to proveI hindered him. It just feels great and I'm feelingvery happy with my performance in court. It is amazingwhen you realize during the summation that it lookslike it is swinging in your favour. Trust it will be agood omen for the 4 in April and beyond. I've made anapplication for costs and have a hearing set down forthe 23 March with a telephone link up. The prosecutorwas sitting in Darwin and watching it all by videolink"

Thursday, March 02, 2006

STATEMENT AT START OF SECOND HUNGER STRIKE

1 MARCH 1981 STATEMENT AT START OF SECOND HUNGER STRIKE

We, the Republican POWs in the H-Blocks of Long Kesh, and our comrades in Armagh prison, are entitled to and hereby demand political status, and we reject today, as we have consistently rejected every day since September 14th, 1976, when the Blanket protest began, the British government's attempted criminalisation of ourselves and our struggle.

Five years ago this day, the British government declared that anyone arrested and convicted after March 1st, 1976, was to be treated as a criminal and no longer as a political prisoner. Five years later we are still able to declare that that criminalisation policy, which we have resisted and suffered, has failed.

If a British government experienced such a long and persistent resistance to a domestic policy in England, then that policy would almost certainly be changed. But not so in Ireland where its traditional racist attitude blinds its judgement to reason and persuasion.

Only the loud voice of the Irish people and world opinion can bring them to their senses and only a hunger strike, where lives are laid down as proof of the strength of our political convictions, can rally such opinion, and present the British with the problem that, far from criminalising the cause of lreland, their intransigence is actually bringing popular attention to that cause.

We have asserted that we are political prisoners and everything about our country, our arrests, interrogations, trials and prison conditions show that we are politically motivated and not motivated by selfish reasons or for selfish ends. As further demonstration of our selflessness and the justness of our cause, a number of our comrades, beginning today with Bobby Sands, will hunger strike to the death unless the British government abandons its criminalisation policy and meets our demand for political status.

Irish Republican Information Service THE body styling itself 'Limerick Republican Information Service' is not connected with the Irish Republican Information Service (IRIS), 223 Parnell Street, Dublin 1, email saoirse@iol.ie and has not been authorised either by IRIS or by the body that sponsors IRIS, Republican Sinn Féin. Therefore it is totally unauthorised and should be regarded as such.

In this issue:1. Republican Sinn Féin protest at loyalist march2. Republican prisoner victimised in Maghaberry jail3. Another Basque political prisoner killed by Spanishrepression4. Call for investigation into DNA evidence ofloyalist murders5. M15 withheld information from RUC on Omagh6. Three bricklayers released from jail7. Successful function in Lurgan8. Prisons for profit

1. REPUBLICAN SINN FÉIN PROTEST AT LOYALIST MARCH

THE 26-County political establishment once more demonstrated the gulf of understanding that lies between them and ordinary Irish people when they chose to ignore warnings of serious disturbance if they allowed a loyalist march proceed through the centre of Dublin.

In the aftermath of the riots, which ensued on February 25, and the abandonment of the loyalist march Republican Sinn Féin pointed to where the true responsibility for the chaos in Dublin lay. In a statement RSF Vice President Des Dalton said: "The scenes witnessed in Dublin today only serve to illustrate how out of touch the 26-County political establishment was with the depth of opposition to the routing of a loyalist march through Dublin.

"Indeed 26-County Justice Minister Michael McDowell's willingness to meet with the organisers of this march while at the same time refusing to meet with the relatives of those killed in the British-directed loyalist Dublin and Monaghan bombs or the relatives of the Stardust tragedy, only serves to further highlight the gulf that exists between the 26-County political establishment and the views of ordinary Irish people.

The people of Dublin have shown their rejection of the ideology of sectarian hatred and bigotry represented by those who organised this march. The routing of such a march through Dublin was a completely irresponsible act with scant thought given to the consequences or the dangers it posed to people."

Since the march was first mooted in December of 2005 Republican Sinn Féin made it clear it intended to protest. On February 22 it held a press conference in Dublin to announce details of its protest however most of the Dublin based media chose to ignore it. The February edition of the newspaper SAOIRSE under the headline "Oppose Loyalist march" called on people to support a protest against the march as well as outlining the three reasons why Republican Sinn Féin were organising a protest. These were also included in a leaflet distributed at the protest and were:

* "One of the bodies sponsoring the Loyalist march, FAIR, claims a near monopoly on suffering in Ireland over the past 40 years. The facts are more than 1,000 innocent uninvolved nationalists were killed by British-backed loyalist death squads. Of the 698 Protestants killed during the conflict in the Six Counties 340 died at the hands of loyalists. FAIR should be marching on the UDA and UVF in Belfast rather than through the centre of Dublin.

* Republicans stand in solidarity with the beleaguered nationalists of the Garvaghy Road, Ardoyne, Dunloy and other such areas. The 26-County administration by collaborating with this march has in effect turned its back on all, north and south, who suffered at the hands of British-backed loyalist death squads down the decades. * The question which has not been asked is whether nationalist parades, of whatever kind, or even Civil Rights marches would be allowed through the centre of Portadown or Belfast's Royal Avenue? The British forces would certainly block them. * When the British Government finally leaves Ireland, there will no longer be a question of supremacy of Unionists over Nationalists and all interests will be welcome to parade wherever they chose."

On the day RSF carried out all of the activities they said would, this included gathering in Talbot Street, Dublin at the Memorial to the victims of the loyalist bombing of Dublin and Monaghan in May, 1974 in which 34 died.

Republican Sinn Féin President, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, read out the names of the victims and he also read out the names of 13 civilians who were murdered in the 26-Counties by loyalist death squads.

He recalled having been at the funerals of the victims and that he has attended the unveiling of the memorials in 1991. He pointed out that the 26-County administration had refused to meet with the victim's families and that it was only in the past two weeks that Bertie Ahern agreed to meet with the relatives of the Stardust fire which claimed the lives of 48 young people in 1981.

A minutes silence was observed when Ruairí Ó Brádaigh laid a wreath after which those assembled made their way to O'Connell Street where at the Parnell Monument many more members, supporters and members of the general public gathered with placards to oppose the loyalist march from Parnell Square to Leinster House where representatives of the Orange Order were to meet with Michael McDowell, the 26-County justice minister.

A banner which read Unite Protestant Catholic & Dissenter...To break the Connection with England was carried by members of Dublin Republican Sinn Féin.

The lambeg drums could be clearly heard from the top of Parnell Square where, dressed in full loyalist regalia and carrying the Union Jack, the bands assembled. Within a short time trouble flared between groups of protestors who emerged from side streets and were not part of the RSF protest, and the 26-County police - many of whom were in full riot gear. It soon became obvious that the loyalist march would not be going ahead due mainly to the large numbers of people protesting.

Republican Sinn Féin continued their protest at the Parnell Monument and later moved to Cavendish Row until the loyalists boarded their busses and left Parnell Square.

The loyalists were bussed to Leinster House and the bands formed up there - again in full regalia and carrying the Union Jack. However a crowd of protestors having been told by the 26-County police that the Loyalists had been bussed to Leinster House followed them there and they had to pack up once again. However representatives of the march held a meeting with Michael McDowell in the Berkley Court Hotel.

In the days that followed Republican Sinn Féin, who throughout had provided leadership and a political focus to those opposed to the loyalist march deflected attempts by the 26-County administration to blame them for the riots. In interviews and statements on all of the national as well as some international media Republican Sinn Féin spokespeople including its President, Ruairí O Brádaigh, its two Vice Presidents Josephine Hayden and Des Dalton as well as publicity Director Ruairí Óg Ó Brádaigh highlighted that the 26-County political establishment had lost touch with ordinary Irish people in their rush to normalise British rule in Ireland as well as appease Unionism/Loyalism and its sectarian ideology.

On March 1, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, President, Republican Sinn Féin, in a statement, refuted false accusations made in Leinster House:

"A police report of a planned sit-down protest by Republican Sinn Féin on the occasion of last Saturday's (February 25) loyalist march which has been quoted in Leinster House is without foundation. It is mere speculation and is not true.

"The matter of the loyalist march through the centre of Dublin was discussed repeatedly at Ard-Chomhairle meetings. Our information on the growing level of disquiet and opposition to it was much more accurate than that which it appears was available to the "powers that be".

"We sought to give this situation a political focus and the sole woman staff member who was in An Ard-Oifig on Monday, February 20 did not refuse to give the facts to a Garda Inspector when he visited without notice.

"All was in the open and was carried on the front page of the January and February issues of SAOIRSE. Republican Sinn Féin carried out its protest picket as planned and departed from the scene in an orderly manner when the march was cancelled.

"Earlier we had laid a wreath at the memorial to the 33 people killed in the Dublin-Monaghan loyalist bombings in 1974. All through our time in Cavendish Row we were corralled off by police barriers and an open space from the crowd which gathered in O'Connell Street.

"In point of fact we were never in O'Connell Street but located ourselves in Cavendish Row, a small street which connects Parnell Square and O'Connell Street. Banner, placards and leaflets were all there for public scrutiny and the media were constantly in attendance throughout our presence there and can vouch for what we are saying.

"The principal leaflet was entitled "An address to the People of Ireland" which made a special appeal to those of the Unionist political persuasion. It asked them to reconsider our ÉIRE NUA programme for a new four-province Federal Ireland including a nine-county Ulster in which unionists would have a working majority, but nationalists would be within reach of power.

"We held a press conference three days earlier (Wednesday, February 22) in a Dublin hotel at which we gave interviews to UTV among others. Nothing was hidden but false accusations have been made. Rumour and public house talk is no substitute for accurate information.

"We declared this loyalist march to be ill-advised. We believe any attempted repetition of it to be even more ill-advised."

It was reported on February 27 that loyalists returning from the abandoned Love Ulster march in Dublin were responsible for riots in Portadown, Co Armagh, in the early hours of February 26. Six RUC/ PSNI officers were injured during the trouble, involving more than 100 people in the High Street and Edward Street areas.

Local people reported that a loyalist crowd attacked customers leaving two nationalist-owned bars in the town. The report said that the attackers included several loyalist bandsmen who had been in Dublin earlier in the day for the Love Ulster march.

2. REPUBLICAN PRISONER VICTIMISED IN MAGHABERRY JAIL

STÍOFÁN Ó Dálaigh, OC of the Continuity IRA prisoners in Maghaberry jail in Co Antrim was released on the weekend of February 18-20 on what is termed pre-release parole.

Upon his return to the jail on Monday, February 20 he was sent to the punishment block for 48 hours after prison warders said that their search dog had got a positive scent from him for drugs. Stíofán stated that it took all the dog-handler's strength to get the dog to stop beside him and that the warders laughed at the outcome.

This was a deliberate act of harassment and humiliation by British prison warders as it is accepted that neither Stíofán nor indeed anyone on the Republican wing would tolerate any connection with such substances. The prison authorities and their warders are using this pretence of drug prevention to harass and intimidate Republican POWs and their visitors.

In a statement on February 28 Republican Sinn Féin said that the continued harassment of Republican prisoners and their visitors at Maghaberry prison would only increase the determination of the prisoners and their supporters to continue the struggle against British occupation.

3. ANOTHER BASQUE POLITICAL PRISONER KILLED BY SPANISH REPRESSION

BASQUE political prisoner Igor Angulo was found dead on February 29, hanging from his cell window in Cuenca Jail more than 600 klm from the Basque Country. He was the only Basque political prisoner in Cuenca. Because of the Spanish dispersal policy before he was transferred to Cuenca in 2001 he was kept in six different jails all around Spain. He was locked in his cell for 18 hours a day. He was tortured when he was arrested in 1996.

He is the third Basque political prisoner to be found dead in his cell in the last year and this is a consequence of the merciless and brutal Spanish and French governments' prison policy against Basques. More than 700 Basque political prisoners are kept in 80 prisons all around France and Spain suffering beatings, isolation, medical mistreatment, dispersal and denying of most basic rights like studying, speaking in Basque etc.

IT was reported on February 27 that important DNA evidence had emerged in the case of two teenagers butchered by loyalists six years ago, prompting the father of one of the victims to call for an inquiry into why police did not act upon it before.

Paul McIlwaine, whose son David was murdered alongside Andrew Robb in February 2000, called for a new Police Ombudsman investigation last night after he was contacted by the detective currently in charge of the manhunt. He said the RUC/PSNI detective revealed that a forensic review had turned up a DNA link between his son's body and a suspect in the case.

He called on the Police Ombudsman - who reviewed the case last year - to conduct a new inquiry to determine why the evidence had not been available for six years.

Paul McIlwaine said last year's Ombudsman review concluded that police had carried out "a thorough and professional investigation" but called on the Ombudsman "to reinvestigate this case in light of this information".

The RUC/PSNI refused to comment on Mr McIlwaine's allegations, saying the case is subjudice because two men are currently awaiting trial.

David McIlwaine (18), and 19-year-old Andrew Robb were murdered in the early hours of February 19, 2000 by loyalists believed to belong to the UVF.

The boys' bodies were found near Tandragee. They had been stabbed repeatedly and their throats had been slashed. Two years ago Paul McIlwaine raised queries about the available evidence in the Belfast Telegraph newspaper, citing police papers he had won access to after a long court battle.

He said those papers indicated that substantial forensic evidence, including DNA evidence, was available. He previously alleged that an informer for the security forces was among the killers.

A suspect was charged a short time after the murders but was released months later because prosecutors said there was insufficient evidence to secure a conviction.

Two years ago police told Paul McIlwaine that DNA material was being resubmitted for review, and new files were prepared for the Director of Public Prosecutions. But the DPP concluded again that there was not enough evidence to secure a conviction.

"We never accepted that this was the case," Paul McElwaine said. "On the limited evidence available to us we had a number of human rights experts independently examine the evidence. All felt that on the body of evidence that prosecutions should have been taken."

Last September the case featured in the BBC's Crimewatch programme and within weeks two men had been charged with the murders. They are currently in custody awaiting trial.

5. MI5 WITHHELD INFORMATION FROM RUC ON OMAGH

INFORMATION supplied to MI5 by their agent David Rupert, who also was an FBI and Garda Special Branch agent, four months before the Omagh bomb in 1998 was never passed on to the RUC Special Branch according Chief Constable Sam Kinkaid.

The information was in relation to an earlier planned attack [in April prior to the signing of the Belfast Agreement] on either Derry or Omagh. The intelligence was passed on to the Gardaí in the 26 Counties and resulted in three people being arrested.

This revelation comes at a time when responsibility for 'national security intelligence' in the Six Occupied Counties is being transferred to MI5 from the Special Branch.

6. THREE BRICKLAYERS RELEASED FROM JAIL

THREE unemployed Dublin bricklayers, William McClurg, Keith Kelly and Andrew Clarke were released by the High Court in Dublin on Saturday Feburary 25 after giving an undertaking not to picket the Collen Construction site in Ballybrack.

The three men had been jailed on February 10 for refusing to refrain from picketing the site which stopped work on a 77 house scheme for Dun Laoghaire-Rathdown County Council. Collen Construction brought the case against the men and applied for orders to commit them to prison after they ignored a High Court injunction restraining them from picketing the site.

Work on two other Collen sites, University College Dublin and the Hugh Lane Gallery, had also been disrupted by picketing. The three men claim that sub-contractors on Collen sites are not paying the legal minimum rates and that they {Collen} are refusing to employ local labour and in particular members of the Building and Allied Trade Union (Batu).

7. SUCCESSFUL FUNCTION IN LURGAN

THE Thomas Hart Cumann of Republican Sinn Féin held a very successful Fundraiser on February 24 last.

Finance was raised towards the costs of the Belfast office and for CABHAIR (Irish Republican Prisoners' Dependants Fund. The event was well attended with members from Tyrone, Derry, Armagh, and Fermanagh all showing up to lend their support and enjoy the craic.

The music on the night was performed Foggy Dew who were excellent throughout and a draw was held and three lucky people scooped the three prizes, including a framed Spirit of Freedom picture from Maghaberry jail, a framed picture commemorating the 1916 Easter Rising and a bottle of whiskey. Brenden Magill auctioned off two beautiful Bodhrán, one with the image off Bobby Sands, the other a Celtic football emblem.

There were several speeches on the night, amongst them Fergal Moore stressing that the conditions in Maghaberry were totally unacceptable for Irish Republican POWs. He said those who were held in Maghaberry were being held for fighting for Irish freedom and he called on everyone to support them and the continued fight for Irish freedom.

8. PRISONS FOR PROFIT

THIS month's announcement that the new prison complex to replace Mountjoy will be built under a Public Private Parnership (PPP) ushers in the era of prisons-for-profit in Ireland.

According to a report in the Irish Times of February 4, the new prison will house at least 1,200 prisoners and "will be designed to allow for its easy extension in the future". The government has called for tenders from private companies to design, build, finance and maintain the new facility. The contract with the private firm chosen will run for up to 35 years.

Government enthusiasm for PPPs stems from the dubious claim that such projects are cheaper to the state. However, the 2004 annual report of the comptroller and auditor general estimated the cost of PPP schools in Ireland to be 8-13% more expensive than traditional funding methods. The government wrongly predicted that the use of PPP would result in a 6% savings.

Yet despite this track record - and the failure to provide any evidence in support of its privatisation scheme - the government plans to roll out Ireland's first for-profit prison in 2010.

Monday, February 20, 2006

MI5, Sinn Fein/IRA (sic) and the Intelligence War

For three decades British intelligence pursued a dualstrategy vis-à-vis the provisional movement. Thisparallel strategy had as its twin objectives a gradualdiminution of the [P]IRA's militarily capacity and aconcurrent strengthening of the position of thosewithin the provisional leadership who were pioneeringa constitutional reformist agenda. Well placed MI5agents within both the [P]IRA and Sinn Fein (sic) wereessential for the successful attainment of these twinobjectives. The exposure of Denis Donaldson andFreddie Scapaticci as British agents illustrates theextent to which the higher echelons of both thepolitical and military wings of the provisionalmovement had been infiltrated by MI5. Theserevelations also undermine - in very stark terms - theveracity of Gerry Adams' repeated assertion that the[P]IRA is an undefeated army.

Paving the way

By the mid-1980s Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinnesswere privately determined to guide the provisionalmovement down a purely constitutional path. The 1981election of hunger-strikers and the 1983 election ofGerry Adams as MP for West Belfast highlighted apreviously untapped reservoir of political supportwhich whetted the appetite of those Adamsistas whowished to exchange armed struggle for the ballot box.By May 1987 Gerry Adams felt confident enough tosecretly present Charles Haughey with a 15 pagedocument outlining the terms for an IRA ceasefire andthe creation of "a pan-nationalist front". Althoughthe vast majority of IRA volunteers and a minority ofthe IRA Army Council were totally unaware of thisdevelopment, it was clearly only a matter of "when"and not "if" an IRA ceasefire would transpire.

British intelligence was wholly cognisant of theseinternal shifts. However, the defeat of the IRA or thediminution of its capacity to wage war remained itsprimary objective. This would not only eradicate theexplosion of bombs on the streets of London [aperennial concern of the successive Britishgovernments], but also strengthen the hand of thosewithin the provisional movement who were promoting anew purely political approach.

British intelligence recruited informants, imprisonedexperienced IRA activists and ambushed and executedhardline active service units as part of its campaignto weaken the IRA. An iron fist was brought to bear onrepublican heartlands hostile to the newAdams-McGuinness strategy. For example, the hardlineand vehemently anti-Adams IRA East Tyrone Brigade waspractically decimated by a combination of Britishintelligence gathering and the deployment of the SAS.By the early 1990s the IRA's armed campaign appearedincreasingly unproductive and inefficient. The din ofinternal voices supporting the "peace strategy" grewlouder. Who among Adams' hardline opponents couldconvincing argue that armed struggle remained a viablemeans to deliver political progress, when all evidencesuggested otherwise?

MI5 and the [P]IRA

British intelligence was relentless and extremelysuccessful in infiltrating the IRA. FreddieScapaticci's recruitment as a British agent was amajor MI5 coup and perhaps one of the single mostimportant turning points in its intelligence waragainst the IRA. As head of security and intelligenceScapaticci had full access to every IRA department. Noperson was better placed to provide MI5 with atopographical survey of the IRA and a breakdown of itspersonnel. Furthermore, his involvement in numerousIRA internal inquiries would also have enabled him toidentify individual personal weaknesses among variousrepublican activists and provide MI5 with pricelessinformation that could prove useful in turning otheragents. But it would be extremely naive to think thatScapaticci is the only senior IRA member to turninformant. Indeed some have argued he may not even bethe agent code-named 'Stakeknife', as MI5 neverexposes an agent unless another is equally or betterplaced to provide similar high grade intelligence.

Although Freddie Scappaticci and Sean O'Callaghan[former Adjutant-General IRA Southern Command] areperhaps two of the best known IRA apostates, therehave been other traitors of a similar or higher rankwhose names have been withheld from both the IRA rankand file and the general public. In 1996 the IRAuncovered another MI5 agent within its higherechelons. John Carroll was a senior member of the IRASouthern Command and an elected Sinn Fein councillorin County Offaly when he was recruited by MI5. He wasexposed as a British agent after an indepth IRAinvestigation into his suspicious travelling habitsand his personal finances. However, Carroll was spareda summary execution because of the political damage itmight cause Sinn Fein and the negative impact such arevelation might have on IRA volunteers at a sensitivetime in the peace process. The entire sordid saga waskept well under wraps. It is believed that over theyears Carroll possessed sensitive informationconcerning the IRA's "England campaign" and wasresponsible for numerous operations being compromised.However, the true extent of the damage he inflicted onthe IRA will never be established.

What is indisputable is that MI5 was singularlysuccessful in infiltrating the higher echelons of theIRA. The IRA's intelligence and security departmentwas basically administered by British intelligence.The IRA Executive [one of the highest IRA decisionmaking bodies], the Southern Command and the GHQDepartment [the body responsible for the day to dayrunning of the IRA] were also compromised.

By the early 1990s the lines separating sections ofthe IRA hierarchy and British intelligence were mostdefinitely blurred. Indeed it sends a shiver downone's spine when one considers the odds stackedagainst IRA volunteers in the field. The bleakness ofthis scenario is further compounded when one takesinto account the fact that a majority of the IRAleadership was, for close on two decades, only tooprepared to accept far less than what its volunteerswere fighting, dying and being sent to prison for.However, the fact remains that by 1994 the IRA wasthoroughly infiltrated and rendered militarilyimpotent. One aspect of MI5's dual-strategy was - forthe most part - completed.

MI5 and Sinn Fein (sic)

While weakening or defeating the IRA remained itsprimary objective, MI5 did not ignore or dismissdevelopments within Sinn Fein. MI5 monitored allinternal political discussions and even contributed tothose debates through well-placed agents and therebyinfluenced the political trajectory of the movement.It is a well document fact that the Adams-McGuinnessleadership is surrounded by a "revolutionarythink-tank" comprised of current or former IRAvolunteers and veteran Sinn Fein members. If it hadbeen previously suggested that some of these prominentrepublicans were British agents, Sinn Fein spindoctors would have treated the accusation withcontempt. But not any more. The image of a smug DenisDonaldson flanked on the steps of Stormont by Adamsand McGuinness, while both party leaders hailed hisvirtue and innocence, rests absurdly alongside thespectacle of the Sinn Fein president, only seventy-twohours later, informing a party press conference thattheir head of administration in Stormont was expelledfor unsuspected treason stretching over a 20 yearperiod.

Donaldson shed crocodile tears for the "suffering andpain" his actions have caused over a twenty yearperiod. As is the case with Scapaticci, O'Callaghanand Carroll, we will never know how many people hedispatched to an early grave or consigned to a greyprison cell. Sinn Fein attempted to diminishDonaldson's importance in the public mind. But whatcannot be denied is that Donaldson was part of theAdams-McGuinness "think tank" and that he was astalwart defender not only of that leadership but alsothe peace process - a position entirely consistentwith his secret life as a MI5 operative. Donaldsonalso participated in all major strategic debateswithin the provisionals over the previous two decades.He reorganised the Sinn Fein US support network, wherehe replaced traditional republicans with loyalAdamsistas. Donaldson was also a key aid during thenegotiations that led to the Belfast Agreement. Whatan invaluable asset he must have been for his MI5handlers? We know Sinn Fein was operating a spy-ringat Stormont, as thousands of documents were uncovered.But was this a subterfuge? Was Donaldson's "handlers"feeding bogus intelligence to the Sinn Feinleadership, thus swaying opinion and influencingsensitive political decisions? Obviously Britishintelligence was well aware of the party's negotiatingbottom line long before negotiations commenced.

But just as Scapaticci was not the only senior MI5informant within the IRA, it is naive to imagine thatDonaldson is the only senior British agent within SinnFein. Speculation concerning key MI5 agents at theheart of the Adams-McGuinness leadership has reachedfever pitch over recent weeks. Recently the PSNISpecial Branch has attempted to exacerbate theserumours by visiting numerous prominent Belfastprovisionals in the company of a flotilla oflandrovers and furniture removal vans. Such is thelevel of internal paranoia, key Sinn Feinapparatchiks, such as Jim Gibney, have publicly urgedparty members "to remain calm and to hold their headshigh". Gerry Adams has stated that he believes furtherprominent provisionals may be exposed as MI5 agents ata future date. Upon what information is this opinionbased? Has the Sinn Fein president any evidence of MI5agents among his party leadership, which he has beenreluctant to disclose lest it lower party morale?

Only a fool could believe that the Sinn Feinleadership has not been heavily infiltrated by MI5. Infact, since the early 1990s, a section of the IRA hasheld a longstanding suspicion regarding the bona fidesof some prominent Sinn Fein members. In 1994 thespotlight of distrust fell upon the prominent SinnFein negotiator, Mitchell McLaughlin, after the IRAreceived reports that McLaughlin was engaged inunauthorised and protracted contact with a seniorBritish civil servant in Whitehall. At a sensitivetime in the peace process, the IRA leadership chosenot to abduct McLaughlin in order to avoid adversemedia publicity and lower party morale. Instead he wasinvited to attend a meeting with several IRA memberson the grounds that they wished to interview him aboutcertain matters in Derry. The IRA investigatorsdetained and interrogated McLaughlin for a significantperiod of time. However, the IRA leadership was laterinformed that the outcome of the internalinvestigation was "inconclusive".

Unlikely partners?

The Sinn Fein leadership may denounce the Scapaticcisand Donaldsons of this world. But I would argue thatthey lack the moral authority to do so. Where lies thedifference between a republican turned British agentand a republican turned Minister of the Crown? Bothare employed by, and receive payment from, the Britishstate. Both function to preserve and administerBritish rule in Ireland. Both are morally andpolitically repugnant, albeit to varying degrees.

In the final analysis few can deny that the outcome ofthe Adams-McGuinness "peace strategy" mirrored MI5'slongstanding objectives towards the IRA. MI5 and theAdams-McGuinness leadership gradually sought atermination of the armed campaign in favour of anexclusively democratic approach. MI5 guarded Britishsovereignty over the North and upheld the continuedexistence of the northern state within the "UnitedKingdom" - a constitutional reality which the SinnFein/IRA leadership has now embraced. So just as it isreasonable to ask where lies the dividing line betweencertain senior members of the Provisional IRA andBritish intelligence, is it not just as reasonable toask where lies the dividing line between theAdams-McGuinness "peace strategy" and Britishintelligence's favoured solution for militant Irishrepublicanism? If you have the stomach, try andseparate the wood from the trees.

Press Release/Preas RáiteasRSF to hold demonstration against Loyalist march

REPUBLICAN SINN FÉIN, who were the first to speak out against thestaging of a Loyalist march in Dublin announced that they will beassembling at the Parnell monument at the top of O’Connell Stassembling from 10.00am on February 25. RSF Vice President Des Daltonsaid they were doing so to show solidarity with the beleaguerednationalist people of the Six Counties as well as to oppose the stagingof sectarian marches.

“This march is offensive to all who oppose sectarianism, bigotry andracism. Those who are organising this march represent the same peoplewho have burned homes, schools and churches across the Six Counties.They represent groups who have murdered innocent uninvolved people as amatter of policy simply because of their religion. They speak abouttolerance, yet when was a nationalist parade of any kind, cultural orpolitical been allowed to take place in Portadown or East Belfast? Manynationalist communities are afraid to even display GAA club or countycolours in case of Loyalist attack.” He said. “We are calling on all ofour members and supporters as well as all who oppose this march to joinus on the 25th.”

To show that there is not a hierarchy of suffering Republican SinnFéin President Ruairí Ó Brádaigh will lead a wreath at the monument inTalbot St, to the 33 victims, Protestant and Catholic of the 1974Dublin and Monaghan bombs.