Much angst has been expressed about the dual charge given to Arun Jaitley. He holds the two heavyweight portfolios of finance and defence, raising questions about his ability to do justice to either at a time when both need undivided attention. But with Jaitley himself clarifying that it is a temporary arrangement, pending an expansion shortly, the rationale for the decision has become clear.

It was a political statement by Narendra Modi, signaling the emergence of a new power axis: the Modi-Jaitley duopoly. Through a decade in political wilderness, the BJP has been haunted by one question: who after Vajpayee-Advani? Even in the winter of their lives, the persona of the party's founding fathers loomed so large that no one seemed capable of filling their shoes.

The question has finally been answered with Modi marking Jaitley as the Advani to his Vajpayee. It is not surprising that Modi chose to use his first cabinet to reset the power grid in the BJP. The transition from the old order has been a painful process, marked by bitterness and animosity as an entire generation of leaders waiting in the wings jockeyed for leadership positions.

An emphatic electoral victory made Modi the unquestioned leader. Now begins the process of consolidating that position by establishing a hierarchy to suit his style and personality. Although it is facile to measure the Modi-Jaitley equation by the Vajpayee-Advani yardstick, there are several functional similarities that invite the comparison.

If Advani was Vajpayee's security czar ensconced in the home ministry, Jaitley is clearly Modi's czar for the economy overseeing a vast empire from his perch in the finance ministry. Just as Vajpayee's cabinet bore a strong Advani imprint, Jaitley too has had a major say in Modi's choice of ministers. Most of the stars of the Vajpayee era - Pramod Mahajan, Sushma Swaraj, Arun Jaitley himself, to name a few - were Advani proteges much like today's leading lights - Nirmala Seetharaman, Piyush Goyal and Dharmendra Pradhan - are Jaitley's discoveries. All three have been given meaty economic portfolios.

Advani guided Vajpayee in other key governmental appointments as well, including several in the PMO. Modi has depended on Jaitley to name the two top law officers of his government. Both attorney general Mukul Rohatgi and solicitor general Ranjit Kumar are close associates of Jaitley. The full contours of the Modi-Jaitley relationship are yet to unfold.

Vajpayee and Advani were RSS products, both having served as pracharaks in their youth. They grew up together in the BJP's earlier avatar, the Jan Sangh, and co-founded the BJP. And although Advani was the one who put the BJP on the national political map with his rath yatra, when the time came to anoint a PM candidate, he stepped back for his senior, Vajpayee, who was thought to be more suited to lead a coalition government.

Those familiar with the Vajpayee government recall that because of their long and close association, Advani was the chief `go-to'' person for Vajpayee. He supervised all major paperwork and drafting, his was the main voice in cabinet meetings and he was the nuts and bolts man on major issues. Vajpayee would insist on Advani's clearance for virtually every decision, if only to ensure that everyone was on board.

Modi and Jaitley, on the other hand, began their careers in different wings of the Sangh parivar. While Modi was a pracharak, Jaitley rose from the ranks of the parivar's student wing, ABVP. They will not only have to contemporize their relationship to suit their times, they will also shape it according to their own distinctive temperaments and backgrounds. Vajpayee and Advani were fortunate in that they grew along with their party. Consequently, no-one dared question their leadership.

Modi and Jaitley have had to fight every inch of the way to establish supremacy. It is not surprising then that there is considerable consternation in the BJP over Modi's bald declaration of the new power line-up. Although Modi has put veterans Rajnath Singh and Sushma Swaraj at number two and three positions in the official pecking order, he mae it clear where they stand in his schematic by not including any of their loyalists in the cabinet.

Nor has he been generous with portfolios to the allies, especially those who have stood by the BJP through thick and thin, like the Akali Dal and Shiv Sena. Now that he has made his point, will Modi be more accommodative? The expansion exercise will answer that question.