From John Bondfield

I shall pay perticular attention to see every article you have mention'd in your memorandum
compleated and Shipt with care on board Captain Tucker directed as you have laid down.
I hope you enjoy your health in the Air of Paris and that every thing around you contributes
to your Satisfaction. Wherever my Services can be to you perticularly useful at all
times permit me to assure you that I shall ever esteem the honor both from principal
and personal attatchment to convince you that I am with great Respect Sr. Your most
Obedient Humble Servant

[signed] John Bondfield

Permit me to introduce to your regard M. Diodati son in Law to Mons. Trenchard Phycician
to his Majesty and Interested in { 63 } the House of Mess. Germani brother to M. Necker.2 His acquaintance may occationally be to you useful. Mr. John Texier of Amsterdam
a Man of considerable Consideration at that City Brother to your Female friend the
Adamite who put to your Solution certain philosophical querries at Supper left this
on his return to Amsterdam to Day proposes to himself the Honor to pay his respects
to you as he pass's.3

1. Neither a letter to Bondfield of 12 April nor a list of the goods JA wished sent to America has been found, but see JA to Samuel Tucker, 29 April, and Tucker's reply of 9 May (both below). AA noted both the return of the Boston to America and “the articles sent by Capt. Tucker” in letters to JA on 21 and 25 Oct. (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:108, 111).

2. Presumably Jacques Necker, who, though denied the title of Controller of the Treasury
because he was a Swiss and a Protestant, served from 1776 through 1781 as Director
General, first of the treasury and then of finances, and was an opponent, for financial
reasons, of French intervention in the American Revolution (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale).

3. John Texier was probably the brother of Pierre Texier, who, according to JA, was an Amsterdam merchant long resident in Bordeaux and with whom JA had a lengthy conversation on 3 April (Diary and Autobiography, 4:38–39). For Mme. Pierre Texier's conversation with JA, which left him with some sense of shock with regard to French women, see Diary and Autobiography, 4:36–37.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0049

Author: Bondfield, John

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-04-28

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 28 April 1778

[salute] Hond Sirs

Messrs. Palmes Livingston and Heywood1 arrived here the 25th by whom I was favor'd with the Letter you honor'd me with under
date 15th Instant.

In consiquence of your Instructions I have received from Captain Tucker an Indent
for the provission the respective officers will attend the examination tomorrow to
inspect the quality which with the other articles required I shall endeavour to expedite
in the course of this week. The Mast has thrown the work much Back. We have received
no inteligence from the Out Ports having no Arrivals since my last. I have the honor
to be with due Respect Your honors Most Obedient Humble Servant

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 28 April 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I hope that you have received my letter of the 23d, which I had the honor to send
you from Amsterdam, and in which is found your draft of the letter under consideration.
Two of us here, and one in Amsterdam, are eagerly awaiting its return from you, in
due form, so that I may present it, &c.1 We have agreed that I would add, verbally, the insinuation that, from what I have
gathered from your other letters written to me, you had communicated in one way or
another to those in Amsterdam the information regarding the demarche you are undertaking
through my offices. The reason for this precaution is to prevent the man who will
receive this letter from my hand, had he the desire to do so, to be agreeable to——2 or be in a position to either withhold or even delay transmitting this matter, first
to the States of the Provinces, and then to Their High Mightinesses. I have a plan
of attack ready for both occasions, which I shall unveil one after the other to overcome
the opposition. And, as far as one can predict the course of human affairs, I am sure
to be victorious, if not at first, at least by capitulation.

Nothing new from Germany. The Imperial and Prussian ministers have not yet left their
respective courts: that leaves a glimmer of hope for settlement.3 But with such extensive preparations and the two monarchs warming to the contest
between them, each at the head of 150 thousand men, one cannot rely too much on such
a glimmer. No harm done. While they will be busy fighting, they will not stand in
our way.

In the enclosed newspaper clippings, the articles between brackets— i.e. dated the
10th and 27th April—were provided by the Grand Facteur and that of the 22d by Chevalier
Grand.4 The pamphlet, whose content was provided me by Mr. A. Lee, will be issued in a few
days.5 It is essential that the public here be convinced that the congress will only make
peace on equal terms, and in concert with its allies; in this respect, gentlemen,
you would not believe the good these insertions and publications have already accomplished.
Liars dare lie only in their own circles now and thus they mightily curse our friends
the journalists from Leyden, Delft, and Haarlem, and especially their correspondent.

My good friends from Amsterdam have offered to take care of 100 to 200 thousand florins
in the negotiation that you are planning in Holland, but since I know that Mr. Grand
is in charge of that, I will send him the full details of their proposal tomorrow.7

On 6 May, N.B. the Provincial States will meet here. I am, with the utmost devotion, gentlemen,
your very humble and very obedient servant

1. That is, Dumas and La Vauguyon at The Hague and Englebert François van Berckel at
Amsterdam were awaiting the return of the draft letter to Pieter van Bleiswyck that
had been included in the Commissioners' letter to Dumas of 10 April (calendared above) and which Dumas approved and returned in his letter of 23 April (above). See the Commissioners' formal letter to van Bleiswyck of 28 April (above).

2. Almost certainly a reference to William V, the stadholder, or his adviser the Duke
of Brunswick.

3. The dispute between Joseph II of Austria and Frederick the Great of Prussia concerned
the succession to the Bavarian throne following the death of Maximilian Joseph, elector
of Bavaria. When Austria sought to annex Bavaria, third largest state in Western Europe,
the two nations mobilized their armies and spent the summer of 1778 in bloodless maneuvers
in Bohemia. Ultimately, through the mediation of Catherine II of Russia, the dispute
was resolved by the Treaty of Teschen of 13 May 1779. For an account of this affair
and its possible impact on the Franco-American alliance, see Bemis, Diplomacy of the Amer. Revolution, p. 70–75.

4. The two sources were La Vauguyon and Sir George Grand, who had close ties to Vergennes.
The newspaper clippings have not been found.

5. For this publication, see Dumas to the Commissioners, 19 May, and note 6 there (below).

6. On the LbC Dumas added: “Tout ce que j'en apprends, me fait craindre que ce ne soit un grand
brouillon” (From all that I can learn I fear that he is a great blunderer).

7. Dumas' “bon amis d'Amsterdam” were probably Horneca, Fizeaux & Co. In the LbC, Dumas spelled out the name “Grand.”

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0051

Author: Williams, Jonathan

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-04-28

Jonathan Williams to the Commissioners

[dateline] Nantes April 28. 1778

My last to your Excellencies was of the 18th Instant since which I am without any
of your Favours.1

I sometime since received from Holland 13 Bales and Packages containing oznaburgs,2 Sail Cloth, Medicines &c, which the Shippers informed me were on Account of Mr. Grand,
from whom I had no advice relative to the Business, I in consequence wrote to him,
and have for answer that altho' the Goods were shipped in his Name they are on your
Account: I beg to know how they are to be disposed of. I have also lately received
196 { 67 } Swivels from Holland without advice, I wrote to Mr. Dean in consequence and had for
answer that they were part of Mr. Merkles contract, and were paid for by the Commissioners.
My Duty, here obliges me to inform you, that these Swivels altho' new, are the worst
I ever saw, and I had rather see them sold for old Iron, than that any american should
risque the Loss of his Hand by putting a Match to them. I have also from the same
place 19 Cases and 5 Casks without advice or knowledge of their Contents. On examination
I find the former to be arms, and the latter Locks and other Musket furniture. These
with about 2500 Suits of Cloaths that remain, 55 Cases of Sabres, 14 Cases of Copper,
and between 3 and 400 Cases of repaired arms in the Magazine form the quantity of
Goods on Hand. I beg to know how they are to be conveyed to America as I find I shall
be able to get but a very trifle, if any, on board of the americans that are here.
I forgot to add to the quantity of Goods about 30 Tons of Anchors, that I have imported
from Spain on the public Account. As Mr. Dean is absent it is necessary to explain
this transaction. When I was fitting the Frigate3 I found it impossible to procure Anchors for her here. It was therefore necessary
to send to Spain, from whence they come as cheap, excellent in quality, and generaly
with as much expedition as from any where else; As we were in want of Ballast it was
determined, with Mr. Deans approbation, to add to the quantity 2 Setts of heavy anchors
for the 74 Gun Ships that were building in America, which would at once serve as Ballast
to the Ship, and be a reasonable supply. Unfortunately the Vessell that was to bring
these Anchors was obliged to put back having sprung a leak, she was condemned, and
the [anchors] were then obliged to wait another opportunity; this reduced me to the necessity of
borrowing a Sett for the Frigate from the Kings yard at L'orient, which the Commissary
consented to spare me on my promise to replace them from the Forges in that neighbourhood.
These therefore are still to be paid for. The Anchors from Spain have arrived at last
and remain to be sent out, they are of a superiour Quality, and would be an important
acquisition were they in America. Perhaps the Boston might take them in. You may think
me tediously particular, but I had rather fall into that Error than let any transaction
of mine be obscure or unexplained. When I have the Honour to appear before you I mean
to pursue the same plan in everything that relates to public Service, since I have
been in its employ.

I imagine that I shall not have occasion to draw for more than 20,000 Livres more
to finish my Account on the public Account, except the above article of Anchors. As
soon as my Health will permit I will submit all my Accounts to your Excellencies.
I have the honour to be with the greatest Respect Your most obed Servant

To Samuel Tucker

I this Moment had the Pleasure of your Letter of the 22d Instant, and am much obliged
to you for your kind Congratulations on my safe Arrival, and agreable Reception here.

The Commissioners have recommended a Lieut to you. Mr. Livingston, a Gentleman of
good Character, as the Commissioners believe. But, altho the Hon. Commissioners have
recommended him, as first Lieut. I hope he will, decline this, and be content to be
made second Lieut,1 as I have a great opinion of and Esteem for Mr. Recd, I could wish him to be first.
However this must be left to you. Mr. Livingston is said to be a Man of an handsome
Fortune and good Connections.

You will see by your orders,2 which Captn. Palmes will deliver you that, your future Cruise and Voyage will be
left to yourself—may God preserve and prosper, you and the ship and her Company.

I shall ever retain a pleasing Remembrance of, the Civilities received from you, and
the agreable Hours We Spent together on Board the Boston, notwithstanding all our
bad Weather and disagreable Chases.

I have written to Mr. Bondfield,3 to put a few Things on board your ship, for my family—if you will take the Charge
of them, I shall be much obliged to you. I had rather they should take their Chance
with you, how long soever you may cruise than by any other Vessell: because I have
great Confidence in your Vigilance, Prudence and Activity, of which I have written
both to Congress { 69 } and the Navy Board. I am, with much Affection & Esteem, Your Friend, & sert

2. For Tucker's orders, see the Commissioners' letter to him of 13 April (above).

3. That of 12 April (not found), but see John Bondfield to JA, 28 April, note 1 (above).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0053

Author: Lovell, James

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-04-29

From James Lovell

[dateline] Apr 29th. 1778. York Town

[salute] Dear sir

I promise myself much from the eight or nine scrawls which I have sent to you since
your departure from America, in the spirit, I own to you, with which Indians make
their presents of feathers or bark.1

I must depend upon your imagination to comprehend what I will not undertake to describe—our
chagrin and perplexity at our total ignorance of the situation and transactions of
the Commissioners at Paris and other parts of Europe. I ask you a plain question,
or two. How often have the Gentlemen at Paris wrote to Congress since June last? Have
copies and triplicates of their Dispatches been sent? Do you know who robbed Folgier?
Is there more reason to think it was done by the english court than the french, if
it was done at all by court influence? Do not our mercantile concerns and the interest
of individuals therein furnish the best clue to the robbery?

I must refer you to the printed papers for the conduct of our enemies.2 Tryons certified Bills did not come out 'till after our committee had reported.3 He sent packets to Genl. W—— Gates and others requesting that they would not prevent
the dispersion of the Bills among the Officers and people at large. I have not Tryon's
letter by me just now but it will be printed shortly with Genl. W——s answer as follows—

[dateline] Head Quarters Valley forge Apr: 26. 1778

[salute] Sir

Your letter of the 17th: and a triplicate of the same were duly received. I had had
the pleasure of seing the draughts of the two Bills, before those which were sent
by you came to hand and I can assure you they were suffered to have a free currency
among the officers and men under my command, in whose fidelity to the United States
I have the most perfect confidence; and the inclosed Gazette, published the 24th.
at York Town, will show you { 70 } that it is the wish of Congress they should have an unrestrained circulation.

I take the liberty to transmit you a few printed copies of a resolution of Congress
of the 23d. instant,4 and to request you will be instrumental in communicating its contents, so far as
it may be in your power, to the persons who are the objects of its operation. The
benevolent purpose it is intended to answer will, I persuade myself, sufficiently
recommend it to your candor.

I am Sir Your most Obedt Servt.

[signed] Go Washington

[addrLine] Majr. Genl. Tryon at New York

The enemy just at the time when they are affecting to treat with us are sending forth
in the Gazettes of Philadelphia and New York a forged Resolve of Congress, purporting
our grant of a power to Genl. W—— to regard all militia men, enlisted or draughted
for 9 months or a year, as soldiers during the war and to treat them as deserters if they shall attempt to leave the camp on the expiration of their present Agreement.5

We have this day offered 800 acres of Land with certain Stock named to any captain
in the British Service, not a Subject of the King of Gr: Br:, who shall bring off
with him self 40 Men, and proportional rewards to Officers of inferiour rank and to
the soldiers.6

This is taking up the enemy's practice. I do not like it because the offers are much
too great. The same Generals who have managed the war are not to negotiate reconcilliation:
Ld. Amherst is said to have arrived at New York and to have freed all our men, prisoners
there, upon parole. This is not certain; but He Admiral Kepple and Genl. Murray are
said to be nominated Commissioners. Is it not droll that I should send such news to
France; but not expecting to hear from the Gentlemen there this season, I propose
to let them know that we do get a little european intelligence other ways. Mr. D——
at the Hague writes very punctually tho we treat him as we are treated by others.
I hope that we shall some time or other be told what is the proper recompence for
that Gentleman's Services. I wrote to him last year that it was needless, for him,
to be at the trouble of any thing more than to correspond with the Commissioners.
He is punctual however; and his letters down to Y have reached us and tho little interesting
have cost us great Sums indeed, one alone from Boston £50 sterling nearly.7

The presence of this letter and the two others in the French archives is interesting
and, perhaps, significant. One possible explanation is that the letters were captured
by the British and then recaptured by the French, who, before sending them on to JA, made copies. JA, however, notes in his reply to Lovell of 9 July (calendared below) that his letter arrived at Nantes with “Dispatches from Congress
which were sent by the Saratoga from Baltimore.” There is no indication that the passage
of the Saratoga was interrupted in any way.

A second explanation might be that JA showed this letter, and the others, to the French Ministry because they contained
the first news of the American reaction to Lord North's conciliatory proposals. This
seems unlikely because in the French translation the identities of the author and
recipient are uncertain, the translation extends only to the first sentence of the
third paragraph, and it is improbable that JA would have shown the French a letter in which Lovell wondered whether the French,
rather than the British, had stolen the dispatches from Folger. It should be noted,
however, that JA did show at least part of this letter to Edmé Jacques Genet, publisher of Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amérique for the French Foreign Ministry, because a portion of the letter appears in that
publication (see note 2; for Genet and Affaires, see JA to Genet, [ante 8 June], below). There Lovell was named as the author, an indication that Genet received
the text from JA and that the Foreign Ministry's translation, because it does not identify Lovell,
was done before the letter reached JA.

A third explanation, and the most plausible one, is that the French were reading the
Commissioners' mail; that J. D. Schweighauser, to whom the letter was entrusted (William
MacCreery to JA, 4 July, below), or someone else opened the letters between Nantes and Paris and made copies.
Ironically, Genet may well have known about the letter before JA showed it to him because, as head of the Foreign Ministry's translators bureau, he
would likely have made or at least seen the translation that is in the archives. But
without further evidence all explanations remain tentative.

1. This is the first extant letter from Lovell to JA since that of 10 Feb. (above), three days before JA sailed for France. In his reply of 9 July (calendared below) JA noted that this letter was the first that he had received from Lovell or any other
member of the congress since his arrival in France.

2. The remainder of this paragraph and the letter from Washington to Tryon that follows
were translated and printed in Affaires (vol. II, “Lettres,” cahier 48, p. xxxvi–xxxix).

3. In a speech to Parliament on 17 Feb., Lord North proposed a new reconciliation effort
and on the 19th introduced two bills that, with significant changes and the addition
of a third bill repealing the Massachusetts Government Act, were adopted on 9 March.
The first declared that Parliament in the future would tax the colonies only to regulate
commerce and not to raise revenue; the second created a royal commission, headed by
the Earl of Carlisle, to treat with the Americans. In the hope of preventing ratification
of the recently concluded Franco-American treaties, the Ministry immediately dispatched
the two bills, in their draft form of 19 Feb., to America where they arrived in mid-April
{ 72 } (Alan Valentine, Lord North, 2 vols., Norman, Okla., 1967, 1:505–506, 511, 515–516; Parliamentary Hist., 19:762–767, 775; Bemis, Diplomacy of the Amer. Revolution, p. 67; JA to the president of the congress, 25 April, note 1, above; for the text of the draft bills, see any of the broadsides and newspapers
cited below; for the text of the bills as adopted, see, for example, Rivington's Royal Gazette, 23 May).

Although they had little chance for success, either as presented or adopted, the proposals
were received with enthusiasm by the loyalists and the British administration. Efforts
were made to give them wide circulation through the publication of two broadsides,
the first in Philadelphia under the auspices of Gen. Howe (Evans, No. 15828) and the second in New York over the signature of William Tryon (Evans, No. 15827), and at least 23 separate printings in the New York and Philadelphia
newspapers (see Rivington's Royal Gazette, 20, 27 April, 4, 11 May; Pennsylvania Evening Post, 15, 17, 20, 27 April, 4 May; Pennsylvania Ledger, 18, 23, 25, 29 April, 2, 6, 9, 13 May).

Lovell, here, and Washington, in his letter to William Tryon of 26 April, copied by
Lovell, are concerned with the two broadsides. Washington received the Philadelphia
broadside on 17 April and enclosed it in a letter of the 18th to the congress (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 11:277–278). On 20 April a committee was formed to consider the broadside and Washington's
letter. Its report, approved unanimously on 22 April, declared that although the authenticity
of the two bills was doubtful, they should be printed “for the public information”
in order to counteract the efforts to circulate them “in a partial and secret manner.”
Under no circumstances, however, were negotiations to take place until the British
withdrew their military forces or expressly acknowledged American independence (JCC, 10:367, 374–380). In view of the committee's report, the “inclosed Gazette, published
the 24th. at York Town” that is referred to in Washington's letter was almost certainly
the Pennsylvania Gazette, which took its text from the Philadelphia broadside.

The New York broadside—“Tryon's certified Bills”—reached Washington on 22 April as
an enclosure in Tryon's letter of the 17th. In a letter to congress on 23 April, Washington
characterized Tryon's letter as an “extraordinary and impertinent request, that thro'
my means the contents of them [the two bills] should be communicated to the Officers
and Men of this Army” (Tryon to Washington, 17 April, PCC, No. 152, V, f. 519; Washington to the president of the congress, 23 April, Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 11:300–302). Although Washington indicated in a letter to the congress on 20 April
that he had become convinced that the two bills were authentic, neither that nor Tryon's
effort led either Washington or the congress to alter their resolve to reject the
British proposals. Their determination was clearly indicated by Washington's letter
to Tryon of the 26th and the refusal of the congress to weaken the committee report
of 22 April (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 11:281–282; JCC, 10:382). Tryon's letter and Washington's answer were printed in the Pennsylvania Gazette of 2 May that was sent to the Commissioners in a letter from the Committee for Foreign
Affairs dated 14 May (below).

4. This resolution recommended to the states that they offer pardons to Americans serving
with the British forces who would surrender before 10 June. Five hundred copies of
the resolution in English and two hundred in German were to be printed and distributed
by Gen. Washington (JCC, 10:381–382).

5. The forged resolve dated 20 Feb. appeared in the New York Gazette on 9 March and in the Pennsylvania Evening Post of 3 April.

6. The congress ordered that one thousand copies of this address, directed at the German
mercenaries, be printed in German (JCC, 10:405–410).

7. Dumas' voluminous correspondence with the Committee for Foreign Affairs began with
letter “A” of 30 April 1776. His letter “Y” was that of 16 Dec. 1777, while his latest
was “H2” of 27 April 1778 (PCC, No. 93,1). Although Lovell, in a letter of 8 Aug. 1777, had informed Dumas that
it would be more appropriate for him to correspond with the Commissioners, the Committee
for Foreign Affairs wrote to Dumas on 14 May 1778, noting that his { 73 } letters had proved invaluable as a source of European intelligence during the eleven-month
gap produced by the loss of the Commissioners' dispatches in the Folger affair (PCC, No. 79,1).

As for Dumas' compensation, he had been receiving payments from the Commissioners
in Europe since 20 April 1777, when Ferdinand Grand paid him 2,242.19.9 livres. In
1778 he received two equal payments of 2,400 livres and from 19 May 1779 to 16 May
1785 he received twelve payments of 2,700 livres each. This totaled, for the nine-year
period, 39,442.19.9 livres (DNA: RG 39, Public Agents in Europe, 1776–1787 [Microfilm, Reel No. 1, f. 10]).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0054

Author: Tucker, Samuel

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-04-29

Samuel Tucker to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bourdeaux April 29th. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I received yours of the 15th Instant by Capt. Palmes with my Orders from your Honours
of [on] the 26th Instant.1 Am very uneasy that I cannot imediately per sue them; I would inform your Honours
that it is not possible for me to get the Ship to Sea in less than 16 or 18 Days,
as my Mainmast detains me and in Cariening my Ship, the Galley fell down, for which
Reason I've a Iron Hearth makeing to stand under my Forecastle. I carried away my
fore Yard on my Passage, but being securely fished,2 I am in hopes it will serve me the Cruze.

Gentlemen I will do my utmost to get the Ship out knowing it is very Expensive, I
have Confined myself on Board to assist the Officers during my Enterance into this
port. I Received your Recommendation of Mr. Livingston,3 he is to proceed as 2d Lieut, to his Choice, and I am under great Obligations to
your Honours for my Officer. I shall take Care to obey such Orders as I have or ever
may Receive from your Honours. I am with Respect, your Honours Obedient Humble Servt.

3. Probably a reference to the letter from the Commissioners to Tucker of 19 April (MH-H: Tucker Papers), but it may also refer to the recommendation contained in Tucker's
orders of 13 April, mentioned in note 1.

The Comte de Vergennes to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] Versailles, 29 April 1778

I have submitted to M. de Sartine the communication you did me the honor to address
to me1 regarding the obtaining of convoys to ensure the safety of commerce between the merchants
of Nantes and Bordeaux and those of North America. I have enclosed a copy of his reply.2 You will see that the King has taken the most efficacious measures to protect the
trade of the Americans as well as that of his own subjects, and I am sure, gentlemen,
that you will find these measures a satisfactory proof of His Majesty's favorable
disposition toward the United States. I have the honor to be very perfectly, gentlemen,
your very humble and very obedient servant.

1. See the Commissioners to Vergennes, 19 April, and Vergennes' reply of 20 April (both above).

2. In his letter to Vergennes of 26 April (Dupl, MH-H: Lee Papers; LbC, Adams Papers; transl. in Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:564–565) Sartine stated that while measures were being taken to protect American
and French ships from the depredations of Jersey and Guernsey privateers as they entered
or left ports or rivers on the Bay of Biscay and a portion of the French coast facing
the English Channel, the convoy of ships to America was impracticable. All that was
possible was a limited convoy to and from the “Capes,” that is, to or from a line
running approximately due north from the north-westernmost point in Spain. In any
case, American ships were to receive the same treatment as those of France.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0056

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-04-30

The Foreign Affairs Committee to the Commissioners

No. 6 Copy

[dateline] York Town Apr. 30. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

By the Gazettes which accompany this letter you will see that the Enemy are entering
upon a plan which must shortly perplex us much,1 unless we receive dispatches from you to enlighten us as to your Situation and Transactions
of which we have had no information since the latter end of May.2 As we have heard of the loss of Capt. Johnston and Capt. Wickes and know that John
{ 75 } Folgier was robbed, we cannot charge our present want of letters to negligence in
you; but we think you should not rest satisfied without sending triplicates of your
dispatches.

The commercial Committee will transmit to you the contract which they have entered
into with the agent of the House of Ro—derigue Hortales &Co. The heads of which contract
happening to be at hand are inclosed.3

We have read a letter written by a friend (Govr. Johnston) dated House of Commons
Feb. 13 th. in which we are told that “you had concluded a Treaty with France and
Spain which was on the Water towards us.”4 Imagine how solicitous we are to know the truth of this before we receive any proposals
from Britain in consequence of the scheme in Ld. Norths speech and the two Draughts
of Bills now sent to you.

The state of our foreign connection is a subject now before Congress; and, dubious
as we are about your transactions some resolutions will probably be formed to be transmitted
to you by a special conveyance shortly, when a general account of our Affairs will
also be sent. We have little uneasiness about the Strengths of our enemy. Our currency
must be supported in due credit; after which we may bid defiance to Britain and all
her German hirelings. We wish every advice and Assistance from You for the support
of such Credit. I am with great Regard Gentlemen your humble Servant

[signed] James Lovell

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); docketed: “Mr Lovel Ap. 30. 1778”; in another hand: “Copy of Apr.
30th to the Commissioners in France.” The word “Copy” is used to indicate that this
was one of several copies sent by the Committee for Foreign Affairs to ensure that
at least one reached France. The letter is in Lovell's hand. No enclosures found.

1. For this, as well as “Lord North's speech and the two Draughts of Bills” mentioned
later in the letter, see Lovell to JA, 29 April, and note 2 (above).

4. George Johnstone (1730–1787), a former governor of West Florida, was a member of the opposition in Parliament,
thus Lovell's reference to him as a “friend” Johnstone's later actions as a member
of the Carlisle Commission and support for the Ministry's policies as a self-styled
expert on America, however, greatly diminished his reputation among Americans (DNB).

The letter referred to by Lovell has not been found, but Johnstone's knowledge of
the French treaties only a week after they were signed indicates the effectiveness
of the British intelligence service. Johnstone probably also knew of Simeon Deane's
abortive mission of early January (Simeon Deane to the Commissioners, 16 April, note 1, above). In a letter of 5 Feb. to Robert Morris, read in the congress on 27 April
(PCC, No. 78, XIII), Johnstone reported that the preliminaries of a treaty with France
had been sent to America, but warned against doing anything rash in view of an imminent
new reconciliation initiative. Presumably he meant that the treaties should not be
ratified.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0057

Author: Champagne, J. C.

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-02

From J. C. Champagne

[dateline] Blaye 2d: May 1778

[salute] Sir

I had the honnor to Congratulate you the 14 Ultimo on Your Safe Arrival at Paris where
I hope you Enjoy Good health. I now Agreeable to promise put pen to paper to Acquaint
you the Arrival of one of Messieurs Rimbeaux of Bordeaux Vessell from Charlestown
Called the Dupré de St. Maur after three and thirty days passage with a Cargoe of
574. h:heads of Tobacco, Rice, Staves and Indigo.1 She is a Ship of about 350 to 400 tuns, She and Six more got out In the Night but
none Yett Arrivd, Capt Decasse who Commands this one thinks they are taken. He and
the passengers Delay Comming ashore Yesterday here to reaport their Vessell was So
Short that I Could not learn of any thing Extraordinary,2 Being what offers I Remain Very Respectfully, Your Very h Servt: sir

1. Letters of 2 May from John Bondfield to the Commissioners (PPAmP: Franklin Papers) and of 3 May from William MacCreery to JA (Adams Papers; quoted in Adams Family Correspondence, 3:12, note 2) reported that the ship brought no news, but had carried a number of letters and
packets which had been transferred to a French snow at sea to avoid capture.

2. That is, the captain and his passengers made a very short stop at Blaye to inform
the castle there of the ship's arrival.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0058

Author: Frazer, Jonathan G.

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-02

From Jonathan G. Frazer

[dateline] Bourdeaux, May 2d. 1778

[salute] Sir

I understand there is some dispatches from the Governour and Council of Virginia lately
come to you Gentlemen at Paris. If there shou'd be, a Letter for me by the same conveyance,
please to have it put in the post office for Bordeaux—and if you have a Virginia news
paper to spare, I shall be much oblige to you for one.

Their is a Captain Richard Garde here who's Vessell is detained, as well as many others,
from Ireland, by order of the Court of France.

This man was coming here with provision last summer from Cork, and was taken by the
Hawk, and Union, Letters of Mark, belonging to England, and was with his Vessell and
Cargoe carried into Falmouth, where he was detained seven Months as a prisioner, at
last had his Vessell given up to him, and himself and crew set at liberty. Just as
he was ready to leave Falmouth in { 77 } January last, the ship Hancock and Adams in the service of the united States (commanded
by Samuel Smith) was also taken by an English Letter of mark, and carried into Falmouth.
Capt. Smith and his crew were sent on shore to be examined &c. and fortunately met
with this Capt. Garde who offered to conceal Capt. Smith and his crew on board his,
the said Garde's Vessell. After Capt. Smith had been some Days on shore at Falmouth
going through his examination or Trial, he had consulted his mate and people, and
they agreed to do any thing he thought was for the best. Accordingly they made their
escape and got on board Capt. Garde's Vessell where they was concealed till ready
to sail, and they all got safe to this port, more in number then Capt. Garde had of
his own, in his Brigantine. He the said Garde further shewed his goodness, by paying
Capt. Smiths expences while at Falmouth and would not take any thing for their passages
to this place. All this I had from Capt. Smith himself, who is now at Nantes. All
that Capt. Garde wants is, that if his Vessell is condem'd here, for him to have a
pass to return to Ireland, and not be detained in France as a prisioner, if War is
declared; If you can with propriety obtain such a pass for him, you will serve a very
good Man, and a very great Friend to the American cause; as well as obligeing, the
crew that were in Captivity, also your most Obt. and very Hbl. Servt.

PS. Please to excuse the freedom I have taken in troubling you with this matter, as
I did not know who else to apply to, wishing at the same time to have this small favour
granted to Capt. Garde. It may be necessary to have a description of him as it is
always express'd in passes to every person in this Country, upon all occasions.

Richard Garde late commander of the Bordeaux Yatch, from Cork, 38 years old, 5 feet
8 or 9 Inches high, and a fair complexion.

[signed] JGF

RC (Adams Papers); addressed: “The Honbl. John Adams one of the Plenipotentiary's for the united States
of America at Paris post”; docketed: “Major Fraser”; in another hand: “Major Frazier
Bordeaux May 2d '78.”

From John Guy Gantier

[dateline] Barcelona 2nd May 1778

[salute] Sir

The principles of Liberty which I have suckled in my earliest Education, and in the
History of the Country of my Ancestors, Swisserland, have made me look on the Struggles
of the United Colonies of America to Obtain their Independency, with a Just admiration,
and the best wishes for their Success; and it is with a real pleasure I have seen
my King and Nation be the first to lend a hand to the glorious revolution that soon
will put North America on a parr with the most respectable, and powerfull Empire in
the World. Besides those motives of my partiality for the general good of that Country,
Gratitude has a great Share in my Wishes for its Wellfare, as my house here, and I
in particular, have received many favours from the Merchants of the Provinces of New
England, Pensilvania, Virginia, the Carolinas &cra. When the Trade of those parts
with these, was uninterupted, and I Flatter myself I still have Valuable friends in
those Provinces, therefore desirous of Opportunitys to Cultivate that friendship,
and to render my best Services to that new State, I some time ago expressed to my
friend Monsr. Grand (under whose Sanction and Cover, I make bold to address you this)
my Ambition of being Employed in the Service of the United Colonies as their Consul
General in this Province, when they might have concluded their Treaties with the Court
of Spain. And said friend very kindly promissed to recommend me to you, Sir, but at
same time added that when the time of such Nominations shoud come, you doubtless woud
begin by Electing American Gentlemen. On Which, however Just it be, I beg leave to
Observe to you, That though many persons of more Talent and Capacity than I, may Occurr
to your mind at Once, yet I firmly am of Opinion, none will be found more devoted
to the Service of the Congress and Colonies, nor perhaps so able and qualified to
fullfill the Views of your Government. As in order to exert the Employ of Consul in
this Kingdom to the Satisfaction of the respective States, it is absolutely necessary
to be acquainted with the Language, Laws, Customs, Morals and Trade of the Country.
All which, as well as the Consideration of the first people in Command in the place,
I have duly acquired by near Eleven years residency in these dominions always in Trade,
with which advantage, and that of possessing the Dutch and Italian Languages, { 79 } besides the French, English, and Spanish, I take the liberty to Offer you all my Faculties
for the Service of the United Colonies. And to entreat that when the Nomination of
Consuls for this Kingdom may come to pass, you Kindly will attend my request, and
call me to the Consulship of this Province of Cataluña which I expect will have large
trading Connections with North America. I ever shall retain the most gratefull Sense
for your favour, and Assure you of my Constant readiness to Serve the State, and the
Employ I Sollicit with honour, and due Dignity. My good friend Mr. Grand will inform
you of my Connections, and reputation in trade; and if further Eclaircissements are
wanted, enquiries may be made here from the French Consul, or the Commandant General,
and the Intendant of the place, and Province. I have the honour to be very respectfully,
Sir! Your most Obedient, & most devoted humble Servant

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to Bersolle

Passy, 1778 May 3. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:88. Bersolle, a merchant at Brest, was informed that his bill drawn on the Commissioners'
banker had not been paid immediately because he had drawn it without permission and
had failed to submit his accounts, the implication being that they had now examined
the accounts and the bill would be honored.

A file copy or draft of 22 April (DLC: Franklin Papers) is identical but for an additional paragraph stating that the Commissioners
had not yet examined Bersolle's accounts and thus could not authorize payment. The
file copy or draft was apparently not sent. See the Commissioners to James Moylan,
3 May (calendared below).

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to James Moylan

Passy, 3 May 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:88–89. The Commissioners acknowledged letters from Moylan, dated 23, 30 March and 15, 17
April (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 1:384, 399) and approved of his efforts on behalf of “the Sick Men” and an American
taken prisoner during the capture of an English privateer. Moylan was also informed
that since John Paul Jones and his officers had approved { 80 } Bersolle's account, the Commissioners would repay him for his expense in honoring
Bersolle's draft, but that in-the future, expenditures should not be made without
the Commissioners' approval.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to John Ross

Passy, 3 May 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:89–90. Composed in two drafts, one dated 22, the other perhaps as early as 23 April (DLC: Franklin Papers), with no indication of why the letter was apparently not sent until
3 May, the date that appears on the Letterbook copy (Adams Papers). Having received no satisfactory answer to their letter of 13 April (calendared above), the Commissioners again requested that the invoices and other
papers relating to goods shipped by John Ross at the public expense be sent to them
so that the money advanced to him could be accounted for. The Commissioners noted
that Ross had gone beyond his instructions from the congress and that the “vast sums”
he requested as a consequence could not be furnished without destroying the Commissioners'
own credit. Ross was also asked for a copy of the Commissioners' order to purchase
the Queen of France, for no record of it could be found.

This vessel, originally the La Brune and later a 28-gun continental frigate, had been bought by Ross in Sept. 1777 to
carry supplies to America and was offered to the Commissioners in a letter of 6 Feb.
In a note attached to an extract of that letter, Arthur Lee declared that the offer
had not been agreed to by the Commissioners. That is, it had been approved by only
Silas Deane and Benjamin Franklin; on 11 Feb., Deane had informed Ross that he and
Franklin, in Lee's absence, had accepted the proposal. On 26 Feb., Ross wrote that
he had renamed the vessel the Queen of France and given the captain a continental commission, probably that for John Green dated
11 Feb. (PCC, No. 83, II, f. 381, 379; No. 137, Il, f. 31; Dict. Amer. Fighting Ships, 5:412; Deane Papers, 2:362–363). On 1 Aug. the congress resolved that the Commissioners were to pay Ross
for his expenses in regard to the Queen of France (JCC, 11:739–740).

James Moylan to the Commissioners

[dateline] L'Orient 4th May 1778

[salute] Honorable Gentlemen

This morning arrived here the Schooner Milford Cap: Blackwell from Rapahanac River
in Virginia after a passage of 33 days; she has not brought any letters for you, or
public papers of any kind, but the Captain tells me that the new levies were compleated
in Virginia and that they were to march a few days after the 28th. of March to General
Washington's Camp about 16 miles { 81 } from Philadelphia, in which City General Howe still continued. That the people were
in good spirits and that the army was tolerably well cloath, but that all the Ports
were blocked by English Frigates. This is all the information I procur'd worth your
notice. I have the honor to be Honble. Gentlemen Your assurd etc. etc.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

Vergennes to the Commissioners

Versailles, 4 May 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:308 (French); 4:90 (JA's translation). Vergennes announced that JA would be presented to Louis XVI on 8 May and invited the Commissioners to dine with
him on that day.

For JA's account of his presentation, see Diary and Autobiography, 2:309–310; 4:92–93. JA informed Arthur Lee of Vergennes' announcement and invitation in a letter of 5 May (MH-H: Lee Papers). The Commissioners acknowledged Vergennes' letter and accepted his invitation
in a letter to him of the 6th (Dft, PPAmP: Franklin Papers).

Adam to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Charlieu, near Roanne, road of Moulins, 5 May 1778

[salute] Sir

Please allow me to tell you how honored I am to bear your name, and how much more
so I would be, had I the honor of being descended from your family. All that one reads
or hears about the sublimity of your enlightenment leads one to form such wishes.

How happy I would be, sir, if the similarity of our names could make you take an interest
in me! I dare flatter myself that under your protection, I would be assured of success
in whatever you would have me undertake.

But I think it necessary to introduce myself a little further lest you think I am
an adventurer. My name is Adam. I practice, in a small town in the province of Lyonnais,
the profession of law to which was joined the function of contrôleur des actes in the same town of Charlieu, but these two offices added to my fortune are of no
great consequence. I feel that if I was lucky enough to be destined for something
better I would fulfill it with as much enthusiasm as diligence.

I am only 36 years old and therefore still quite capable of enterprise, especially
if guided by you, sir, how could one fail? What joy it would be for me—I repeat it—if
the similarity of name, for which I am already so grateful, made you cast a favorable
eye on me. I would be eternally grateful for your kindness, and would endeavor to
show my gratitude by my diligence and zeal in accomplishing whatever you would have
me do.

Forgive me the liberty I have taken, sir, in view of the pleasure that I take in bearing
your name, and my desire to make myself known to you in an effort to stimulate your
interest. I hope, at least, that I will be fortunate enough not to have offended you
by writing, and that I will have the honor of receiving a favorable reply. I await
it and would consider it one of the greatest blessings that I can hope for at this
time.1

[salute] I have the honor to be, with a most profound respect, sir, your very humble and very
obedient servant.

Nathaniel Dowse to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 5th May 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

On the 14th April 1777 I sailed from Virginia Commander of the Ship Mercer belonging
to Messrs. Mercer and Schenck of Boston, with a Cargo of 450 Hogsheads Tobacco for
Account of the Honorable Continental Congress, to the Address of Messrs. S. and J.
H. Delap of Bordeaux. On the fourth of May following I had the Misfortune of being
risen upon by my Crew and carried with my Vessel into Whitehaven,1 where I remained Prisoner 'till I found the opportunity of escaping on board a Hamburgh
Vessel bound from New Castle to this Port, which arrived yesterday. I think it my
Duty to inform you thereof, and if you judge I can be of any use to my Country either
in a Publick or private Station, I most heartily make you a tender of my best Services.
I have had proposals from several Merchants at this place, but have deferred treating
with any 'till I know if you have Employ for me. I have the Honor of being personally
known to the Honorable John Adams Esqr. who will be able to give you Satisfaction
to any Enquiries you may think it necessary to make about me, and begging the favor
of your reply as speedily as possible, I have the Honor of being with utmost respect
Gentlemen, Your most obed. hble Servant

1. According to a report in the Liverpool General Advertiser of 30 May (reprinted in Naval Docs. Amer. Rev., 8:878), the Mercer sailed from Cape Henry on 14 April 1777. Sixteen members of its crew of 18 were reportedly
English, Scotch, or Irish, former prisoners in America. Taking advantage of the situation,
that group rose against Dowse on 5 May and took the vessel into Whitehaven on the
21st. Whitehaven is on { 84 } the west coast of England and was raided by John Paul Jones on 23 April 1778 (Jones
to the Commissioners, 27 May, below).

2. When or how Nathaniel Dowse, a ship's captain from Charlestown, became known to JA is undetermined (William Bradford Homer Dowse, Lawrence Dowse, Boston, 1926, p. 176). Evidently the Commissioners made no response to this letter.

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 5 May 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I have the honor to send you translations of two German letters from Berlin and Hamburg
that I received last Saturday and this morning.1 The Grand Facteur also made copies to send to his house.2 In addition, I have received 3 bulletins concerning affairs in France dated 10, 15,
and 20 April. I would like to enclose copies of them for they contain curious things,
scathing and perhaps even malicious; but that is precisely why I dare not risk it,
for letters are sometimes opened in France. I would not want to compromise either
you or myself. Besides, you are already on the scene and most probably are able to
know all the bickerings and everything else that happens as well, if not better, than
my correspondent.

I have just received your letter dated 30 April.3 I shall, therefore, end this one ex-abruptus and, in order to be in agreement with them, call first on the Grand Facteur and then
on our friend from Amster• { 85 } dam who is arriving this evening. I am, with genuine respect and, for ever, gentlemen,
your very humble and very obedient servant

1. These letters, dealing with the threatened war between Prussia and Austria, are also
in the Lee Papers.

2. Dumas used “maison” here in the sense of a commercial house, but he obviously meant
that La Vauguyon had made copies of the letters to send to Vergennes.

3. No letter from the Commissioners to Dumas dated 30 April has been found, but it almost
certainly was the covering letter for the Commissioners' letter to van Bleiswyck of
28 April (above).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0068

Author: Sarsfield, Guy Claude, Comte de

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-07

From Sarsfield

[dateline] rue pot de fer May the 7th 1778

[salute] Sir

The Bearer is a Surgeon whom I take the liberty of recommanding to you. He wishes
very much to settle in North America and though there is a good faundation to hope
that the call for the service he is Able to make will be Lessened againn the End of
the next Summer, however he may yet find Some employement and after the peace, be
a usefull neighbour in Boston or Some other town.

I write this Day to Dr. Franklin1 in his favour and I desire you Sir to be so good as to facilitate as much as you
Can Conveniently the Success of Mr. Tessier's (Such is the name of the young man)
Wishes. I am With the most Sincere Attachment Sir Your most humble & obedient Servant

2. This is JA's first letter from Guy Claude, comte de Sarsfield (1718–1789), French officer of Irish ancestry, friend of Americans, and would-be philosophe. The editors know of thirty letters exchanged between the men to 16 Sept. 1789. For
a sketch of Sarsfield, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:381. No reply to this May letter has been found, and Tessier remains otherwise unidentified,
but he did write to Benjamin Franklin on 3 Aug., stating that he was emigrating with
six farmers and requesting information about concessions granted to immigrants (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 1:471).

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 7 May 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

After sending you my last letter dated the 5th, which at the end acknowledged your
letter of April 30th, I called on the Grand Facteur to show it to him. Although he
was dressing to go out, he granted me an immediate interview, during which he told
me not to inform our friend from Amsterdam yet that the letter for the Grand Pensionary1 had arrived, but to say instead that I was expecting it and it should arrive soon;
and added that he would tell me the reason for this necessary delay on the following
day.

I then awaited the arrival of our friend from Amsterdam; as soon as I was informed
of it, I went to his lodgings. He told me that, in accordance with my instructions
when I gave him copies of your letter of the 10th and that for the Grand Pensionary,
he had religiously concealed them from anyone but the principal of his town2 who had just arrived with him, wholly approved of both the documents and the use
that I was to put them to, and was eagerly awaiting the arrival of the original so
that I could begin the task. He is ready to back the operation with all his influence.
I then spoke with him following the Grand Facteur's instructions, but not, however,
without secretly suffering at being unable to take advantage of so auspicious an occasion.
The next day I visited the Grand Facteur to give him an account of my conversation
of the previous day and when I told him of the good dispositions of the principal
of the great city he, betraying either surprise or regret at having a remora now attached
to the boat, clapped his hands. He told me that he had received a letter from the
Comte de Vergennes, to whom he had sent a report on my project and your letters of
the 10th at the time I left for Amsterdam, and that the minister found the démarche,
so direct on your part, a little premature because one might think that France was
initiating this negotiation in an effort to force this state into taking a side in
the issue. He added that he was sorry for the delay, but that the minister having
written his letter before hearing about the great success of my trip to Amsterdam
and the good disposition of our friend there, &c, he hoped to receive further letters
in which the project would be given closer attention. In the meantime, I am to keep
the letter from the Grand Pensionary in my portfolio and use only your ostensible letter of 10 April and ask our friend to show it to the Grand Pensionary. I told
him: 1. that I was not sure our friend would want to do that; and 2. that after the
assurance I had given him of receiving the letter for the Grand Pensionary and the
démarche he took accordingly with the other principal personage, I would lose all
my credibility with these gentlemen if I did not keep my word. He replied that, so
far as the first point was concerned, I should try anyway and, in regard to the second,
that if his house persisted in wanting to suspend or delay the démarche, he would
take it upon himself in this case to let these gentlemen know, in an indirect but
sure fashion, that { 94 } this suspension or delay came from him and not from me. I went, therefore, to see
our friend. At first he did not want to show the ostensible letter of the 10th to the Grand Pensionary because he preferred our first plan of
action and feared that this new démarche would enable the opposition party to prevent
the blow by anticipating it. I finally managed to convince him. Yesterday morning
he presented to the Grand Pensionary the above mentioned letter of the 10th, addressed
to me to enquire privately into the dispositions &c.3 He will have a conference with him tonight regarding this matter and tomorrow I shall
hear the results.

I am trying to be as concise as possible with all these details. But I have to provide
them, so that you may be able to see for yourselves that if I do not execute point
by point all that I had promised, the reason lies neither with me nor with Amsterdam,
nor with you, but with a quarter from which I expected it the least; and have suddenly
been prescribed a course of action far different from that which had been originally
planned. I persist in finding that the first plan would have, perhaps, been preferable,
but again I must comply obediently. I hope something good will come of it, but fear
it will create delays that the other, it seems to me, would have avoided.

[dateline] Friday Morning, 8 May

I called on our friend who, after returning your ostensible letter of the 10th, which was in the hands of the Grand Pensionary yesterday and
the day before, gave me the following account. They agreed to hold a conference on
the matter. Yesterday the Grand Pensionary told him that, in response to a request
from the principal of Amsterdam as to when the two might meet, he had replied that
it would be at 7 in the evening, adding that if our friend agreed, all three could
confer together. Our friend would have preferred a private interview, not from distrust
for the principal (who agrees perfectly with him), but because he could then have
made the Grand Pensionary explain himself much better than with a third party present.
For the same reason, namely to avoid being pressed into explaining himself, the Grand
Pensionary favored having a third party involved. He expressed satisfaction at the
good disposition of the American union toward this Republic reflected in this letter
and expressed his corresponding desire for the future good relations between the two
nations; but, he added, the time is not yet ripe for negotiations. Our friend replied
that the Americans, too, were in no hurry to send someone to make proposals, adding
“but is it up to us to do things that repel them?” The Grand Pensionary, with good
grace, agreed that it was not. He then told them (and this disclosure pleased our
friend on two accounts, in that it proved the sincerity of the Grand Pensionary and
the valid right of France in the present matter) that the French ambassador had privately
told him that the major reason why France was spurred into concluding the treaty with
America was that there was no middle ground left between preceding { 95 } and being preceded, for Great Britain had offered to give the Americans all they wanted
in return for their alliance against France. In case of an open breach, France will
be able to prove the truth of the matter to the whole of Europe. Our friend concluded
by telling me that it would be very useful if the letter for the Grand Pensionary
arrived soon. I told him that I was expecting it, but if it was delayed or suspended
he should hold neither the American Commissioners nor myself responsible, for it was
only natural that you could not take a step such as this without first informing the
French Court and that if the latter judged it necessary to defer it, one would have
to comply. Upon my departure he implied that he would find a way to have a private
interview with the Grand Pensionary and make him explain himself more precisely.

I went to give an account of all this to the Grand Facteur who was pleased, particularly
with what I had said to justify the delay of the letter. He agreed that, in order
not to seem too eager, I would wait until Monday morning to see our friend and then,
according to what he would tell me, I would: 1. insist that he dictate to me something
positive that I could transmit to you, in accordance with your request to inform myself privately, &c. or 2.I would insinuate that, in order for the Republic to come out of the sort
of subjection in which it has been held for too long by Great Britain, it would be
wise to turn to France, which could, through secret mediations, surreptitiously establish
an alliance between the two republics. I told the Grand Facteur that if I were at
liberty to present the letter, it would be the best way to bring about this mediation
in a natural fashion. You always come back to this letter, he said. You know perfectly
well that we are not allowed to use it yet. Upon my departure, we also agreed that
I would not write to you today.

I will end today's account by relating to you the conversation that took place in
the morning the day before yesterday between the Prince Stadholder and the gentlemen
from Amsterdam. He told them that the Province of Guelder would put back on the agenda
an increase in troops and that they asked him for his support; and that if this proposal
was consistently rejected, the Republic would be lucky if it did not suffer as a result.4 They replied that never had it been less necessary to burden an already debt-ridden
state with this expense, since the war, together with the presence of troops from
neighboring powers, seemed to be moving away from these frontiers and, further, that
there actually was no power who wished to or could attack with success. He answered
that it might change. To which it was replied that such could be said of all things,
even in the midst of the deepest peace, and the consequences would be that everybody
should always be armed to the hilt. He also suggested that, in his opinion, the Americans
would supplant the Dutch in trade, just as the latter had supplanted the Venetians.
No reply was made to that.

I have just seen our friend. He told me that he had not yet had a chance to be alone with the Grand Pensionary.
I asked him to dictate an answer for you, gentlemen, and he repeated what I already
had the honor to tell you, namely that the Grand Pensionary agreed that although it
was not yet time to take the offensive, it nevertheless was not in the interest of
the republic to discourage the testimonials of friendship that could come from America.
As to the suggestion I made of starting secret negotiations pending the intervention
and mediation of France, it is, as I anticipated, not feasible, at least not before
I have presented the letter to the Grand Pensionary. It is impossible to negotiate
here the way monarchs can negotiate among themselves. The towns have a right of refusal
and of opposition to measures they believe pernicious to the State, but, were they
to try to play too active a role, it would antagonize and arm the opposition party
against them. If the letter were delivered to the Grand Pensionary he would be forced
to communicate it to the states and to answer it. The towns, especially Amsterdam,
would have great weight either in the deliberation over a reply or, if he tried to
conceal the letter, in forcing him to produce it.

[dateline] 12 May

A big dinner at Court and a ball at the Hôtel de France yesterday prevented me from
seeing anyone else. This morning I gave the Grand Facteur an account of yesterday's
visit. I also gave him news from Germany, dated the 9th, and from Rotterdam, for which
he was very grateful, making a copy to send as a postscript to his house (I am sending
them to you today).5 Thereupon, letters from his house were brought in. After glancing through them, he
told me that he would send for me today or tomorrow because he was expected somewhere
else. I, myself, believe that there were instructions concerning me, the letter, and
the letter for the Grand Pensionary.

[dateline] 13 May

My guess was confirmed. As mentioned in my letter yesterday, gentlemen, the westerly
winds brought full consent to use the letter; and here are the steps I took. I went
and communicated in due form to His Excellency the French ambassador the démarche
I was going to undertake under your orders.6 He replied and, at my request, dictated that “he had no knowledge of this démarche;
that he had reasons to believe, nevertheless, that the King would be favorable to
a rapprochement between the Republic and the United States of America; but that he
knew for sure, that His Majesty desired foremost the peace of the Republic.” From
there I went to see our friend. He was very pleased to hear that the letter had arrived and pressed me into presenting
it tomorrow morning, which I will not fail to do. I also informed him of my meeting
with the French ambassador on the matter and His Excellency's response because it
was for him [“our friend”] that this answer was intended.

This morning, between 8 and 9 o'clock, I went to see the Grand Pensionary and, while
presenting the letter, verbally added the following: “I have the honor, Sir, to be
the bearer of this letter for Your Excellency on behalf of the American Commissioners.
Having been made aware of its content by these gentlemen, I undertook this mission
with all the more pleasure as I saw that it could not but be agreeable to this republic
and consequently to Your Excellency. I think it my duty to inform Your Excellency
that, according to the man who brought me the dispatch, Their Excellencies the Plenipotentiaries
have informed the Regency of Amsterdam of this action.” He took the letter, saying
that he would read it. As I was leaving he asked, “You live here, sir, don't you?” I answered, yes. Then
I went to give an account of this interview, first to our friend, who was very pleased, and then to the French ambassador. Both believe that the Court
will be extremely embarrassed, especially by the fact that the town of Amsterdam will
be informed of the matter, and that it will be impossible to conceal it.

[dateline] 15 May

I did not get to see our friend at his place until last night after 10, and he told
me the following. At the Assembly, having talked a little while in private with the
Grand Pensionary, and seeing that he was not telling him anything about the letter,
he took it upon himself to enquire about it and the following dialogue ensued:

Our friend: You received this morning a certain letter ....

G.P.: Yes, I know that you know about it; you will receive a copy of it.

Our friend: I already have one.

G.P.: Well, you shall have two, then.

Whereupon he told him [“our friend”], in no uncertain terms, the extreme pleasure this letter had given him, praising
it highly, finding it wise, amiable, perfect. One could see that he was truly flattered
and charmed at the leeway it gave him to act consequently in the way he thought most
appropriate. Well, here is what he has decided to do. He will not start out by presenting
it to the Assembly of the States of the Provinces for their deliberation, nor to the
Secret Committee of the States General; this in order to prevent the British ambassador
from legally giving rise to memoranda, complaints, and clamors that would provoke
too much agitation in the Republic and create inopportune commotions, but he will
circulate underhand (as it is called here) copies of the letter to each member of the States of the Provinces,
that is, not only to the towns, but also to the nobles, in order to give them the
time and freedom to think its content over. This idea, gentlemen, is very wise and
clever, for it will prevent Sir Joseph Yorke from confusing Their High Mightinesses,
and thereby keeping the Dutch from acting according to their best interest. In answer
to my question as to whether the Grand Pensionary had communicated the letter to the
{ 98 } Prince Stadholder and the Duke of Brunswick,7 our friend said that it would be inappropriate both for him to ask and the Grand
Pensionary to answer that he had done so, but that there was no doubt about it. We
may then conclude that these two great dignitaries have agreed to the position taken
by the Grand Pensionary. The latter ended his conversation with our friend by apologizing
for the brevity and reserve that he had observed toward me, adding that at the time
he could not go into any explanations with me because he was still ignorant of the
content of the letter. For my part, I had been greatly relieved that he did not ask
any questions that might have been a little embarrassing for me. I did notice from
his expression, however, that upon receiving the letter from my hands, he was filled
with a mixture of perplexity and curiosity that seemed perfectly natural to me.

I conveyed all this information to His Excellency the ambassador of France and think
that he will report it in writing to his Court.

The Dutchman, gentlemen, is like his peat. We have thrown some sparks on it, but now
it must ignite at its own pace. At the end of next week these gentlemen will adjourn,
each will go to his town and show a copy to his constituents. They will reconvene
here next July. I will observe and keep you faithfully informed of the events that
occur in the meantime and even hope to provide some myself. You should, please, help
me by sending all the fresh news that you receive from America before others hear
of it. I will make extracts which will help me to ingratiate myself with the Grand
Pensionary, win his trust, mold bonds with him, &c. I am, with sincere respect, gentlemen,
your very humble and very obedient servant.

1. That is, the letter from the Commissioners to Pieter van Bleiswyck of 28 April (above); its covering letter of 30 April has not been found. The “Lettre ostensible”
referred to below is that from the Commissioners to Dumas of 10 April (calendared above), which enclosed a draft of the letter to van Bleiswyck.

2. Very likely Egbert de Vrij Temminck (1700–1785), burgomaster of Amsterdam. He had been involved in the clandestine arms trade with
the United States and was, in 1778, president or chairman of the Council of Four,
that is, of the four Amsterdam burgomasters. As such, he determined the policies of
the city and, through van Berckel, initiated the correspondence with William Lee that
led to the abortive Dutch-American treaty of 1778 (Nieuw Ned. Biog. Woordenboek, 5:895).

3. The words in italics are apparently a paraphrase of “to inform myself privately,”
which appears in italics later in the letter and is taken from the Commissioners'
letter to Dumas of 10 April (calendared above).

4. For an earlier confrontation between the Stadholder and those opposing the augmentation
of the army, see Dumas to the Commissioners, 23 April, and note 4 (above).

6. For La Vauguyon's account of this conversation and others that he had with Dumas,
together with an evaluation of the American effort, see Appendix, La Vauguyon to Vergennes,
15 May.

Note the distinction made by Dumas between public and private actions. The approval
by Vergennes, in his letter to La Vauguyon, of Dumas' use of the letter to { 99 } van Bleiswyck, enabled Dumas to meet officially with the French ambassador and to
record the event. When, however, in his letter to the Commissioners of 12 May (below), Dumas resumed his account of the behind-the-scenes diplomatic maneuvering,
he again referred to La Vauguyon as the “Grand Facteur.”

7. Louis Ernst, duke of Brunswick-Wol-fenbüttel (1718–1788) served as guardian and tutor of William V from the death of his mother, Princess
Anne of Hanover, in 1759, until the Prince assumed the title and duties of stadholder
on his eighteenth birthday in March 1766. The Duke, however, retained his influence
over William V and remained a symbol of the English orientation of the Stadholder
party as a result of the secret Acte van Consulentschap that was concluded in May 1766. The Duke's dominance over the Stadholder was finally
ended in 1782, when he was forced to leave The Hague as a result of the Acte becoming known and the attention that he received from the pro-French party's violent
press campaign against the stadholder system. In 1784 Brunswick left the country (Nieuw Ned. Biog. Woordenboek, 10:155–157; George Edmundson, History of Holland, Cambridge, Engl., 1922, p. 319–321, 328; Edler, Dutch Republic and the American Revolution, p. 13–14; Miller, Sir Joseph Yorke, p. 33, and notes 10, 13).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0070

Author: Hyslop, William

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-08

From William Hyslop

[dateline] London May 8th 1778

Mr. Hyslop presents his respectfull Compliments to Mr. Adams and takes the freedom
to acquaint Him that he has not heard from his Wife, Family, and other Friends at
B——since the 21st of September last. Begs it as a particular favour that if Mr. Adams
can give him any information about Mrs. Hyslop's and Dr. Chauncy's Families,1 that He will be so kind as to do it, in a few lines by the Bearer of this Mr. Joseph
P——r who is a particular Friend of his, and a Gentleman in whom he may safely place
the utmost confidence.

Mr. Hyslop is impatiently waiting for a favourable opportunity to return to his Family
and Friends from whom he has been so long <unnecessarily> involuntarily absent, and should be glad of a word of advice what he had best do
under his present circumstances.

1. For JA's reply of 19 May, informing William Hyslop that his family and that of Charles Chauncy in Boston had
been well at “the beginning of February” but declining to advise him on a future course
of action, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:103.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0071

Author: Bondfield, John

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-08

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 8 May 1778

[salute] Hon Sirs

Since I had the honor to write you the 2d Instant1 there are arrived at this port two ships the One from Savanah the other from Charles
Town.

They give an account of many Vessels loading for Europe at Charles Town and of the
Arrival of a Spaniard from the Havanah with Specie in a very large Vessel that he
was loading with Rice for Cadiz.

By the Sales returnd from Georgia they must be greatly distrest eighty five Thousand
livres having produced 1,269,780” [pence] that Currency which being the same as at Halifax is upward of twelve for One.

My friends from Cadiz2 write me they meet with difficulty from the Gouvernment in the disposal of the prizes
sent in by Cunningham and to know if addressing them to me they will meet with a free
admittance pray may I give them any assurances on this head.

From the Silence your honors observes relative to the Commission I applyd for the
21 Ultimo to fit out at this Port an Armd Vessel, I judge meets with your disaprobation,
I just tutch upon the subject to renew your attention, if admitable.

The New Mast we were obliged to procure for the Boston has kept the Ship back full
fifteen Days she got it on board yesterday and I shall have every thing required on
board as fast as they can prepare to receive them.

Captain McFarland3 in the Armd Sloop sent by [Government] left this yesterday. A Young Gentleman named Barnet who came down with Mr. McFarland
applyed to me yesterday requesting my Interest to provide for him a passage or employment
on board some of the Vessels bound to America he tels me that he came down to go in
the above Sloop and is dismist by the Gentlemen who tel him that only One American
will be wanted. He appears distrest I shall endeavour to procure him some employ.

The Letters by the Carolina Ships are not yet come to hand so soon as arrived shall
be instantly forwarded, per the Vessel from Georgia there was only the two Letters
inclosed.4 By a vessel last evening from Goree5 the Governor who came passenger told me that two Armd Vessels one belonging to Congress
the other a private Ship had calld there the latter end of February. His Orders from
Government obliged him to order them out of Port giving them only twenty four hours
to refresh and Water. They had with them three prizes. They applyed for a pilot to
take them into the River, intending to destroy the English settlement, which was refused
them. As Goree would or could not harbour them they Stood to the Southward since when
he has not heard { 101 } of them. In all probability they must have made great havack in them Seas. There is
no British Men of War that Station.6 I am with due Respect Your honors Most Obedient Humble Servant

5. Gorèe, on an island of the same name, lies one mile southeast of Dakar and commands
the harbor formed by the Cape Verde peninsula in the Republic of Senegal, formerly
French West Africa. The American ships probably planned to attack the British settlement
on the Gambia River in present-day Gambia.

6. All punctuation for this and preceding seven sentences has been supplied.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0072

Author: Lee, William

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-08

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

William Lee to the Commissioners

Frankfort on the Main, 8 May 1778. printed:William Lee, Letters, 2:429–430. Lee reported that, because of Frederick's refusal to recognize American
independence and conclude a commercial treaty, he was about to depart for Vienna,
where prospects seemed better, particularly if France exerted pressure on Austria
“while the affairs in Germany continue in their present state of suspense.” He asked
what measures France could be expected to take and ended by noting that a settlement,
thus averting war, was likely in the Austro-Prussian dispute over the Bavarian throne.

For an account of Lee's mission to Austria, where he was no more successful than in
Prussia, see Karl A. Roider Jr., “William Lee, Our First Envoy in Vienna,” Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 86:163–168 (April 1978).

Thomas Simpson to the Commissioners

[dateline] Brest May 8th 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

Its extremely disagreeable to me, that my first address to you, shou'd be on such
an occasion, as the following detail, which is that immediately on the capture of
the English Ship of war Drake, off the harbour Carrickfurgus, in Ireland Captn. Jones
was pleased to appoint me (his first Lieutenant,) to the command of her for Brest,
giving me instructions, a correct copy of which I inclose,1 and did pay strict obedience to them. On the 5th of this instant, being then towed
by a howser from the Ranger, at day light was hailed by Captain Jones's order, (a
{ 102 } Strange ship then in sight, on our Lee quarter) to cast off the howser, with which
instantly complied, and at the same time requested his pleasure, what method we shou'd
pursue, the answer, as understood by every person on the Ship's deck, Americans, and
prisoners was to make the best of our way on. And as he had the evening before, told
me, that unless I cou'd make more sail, he must leave me, I kept on for the harbour
of Brest, which Port I expected to make, and arrive at the next day. After parting
with the Ranger, we soon fell in with a brig under our Lee, which tacked, and gave
us chace, we kept close to the wind, and in our shattered condition, made all the
sail we cou'd, and prepared, if overtaken by her, to make all the defence, that our
circumstances wou'd admit. In the evening saw a Ship far distant on our Lee quarter,
which we supposed to be the Ranger, and as soon as the darkness of the evening wou'd
cover us from the Brig, we bore up East to fall in with the Ranger, till ten at night,
then hawled South east two hours, and after that more southerly, for fear of falling
to the northward of Ushant. At five o'clock in the morning of the Sixth instant, to
my inexpressible satisfaction saw the Ranger a stern, they soon came up and spoke
with me, far from thinking that I had disobeyed or even in the least offended Captn.
Jones, took the liberty to ask him, on his ordering our course more easterly, whether
he tho't we were far enough to the southward of Ushant, received no other answer,
than to heave too, that he shou'd send his boat on board, which he did with Lieutenant
Hall,2 charged with a suspension, and arrest for a breach of his orders beforemention'd.
The event testified his rashness, and mistake, we did fall to the Northward of Ushant,
and the next day, after beating out a disagreeable blowing night, were obliged to
come thro' the passage of Four to the harbour of Brest. I need not comment on the
Rangers being unofficered, a great number of prisoners on board, and her being in
danger of falling in the English channel. I am now Gentlemen to beg your pardon for
any digression, and in the most earnest, and suppliant manner, to request your honours,
that I may have a fair and open trial, as soon as may be consistent with the interest
of the service, which I have to the utmost of my weak endeavours strove to serve,
and left England in December 1776 for that very purpose. I beg leave to refer your
honours to a letter wrote you by John Langdon Esqr. of Portsmouth,3 which was to be delivered by me, but my duty confining me to the service of the { 103 } ship, did request of Captn. Jones, to deliver it, who told me that he did inclose
it in his letter to you, on his first writing from Nantes. The character Mr. Langdon
has been pleased to give me in that letter, you are accquainted with. I only desire
your permission to observe, that Mr. Langdon has been fully accquainted with my behaviour
in every station that I have acted, from our childhood, to the period of his writing,
being both natives of Portsmouth, and from which place thank God I never had occasion
to rove in search of employ. I have suffered in the beginning by this contest, and
am well disposed to serve the cause of America, as far and as often as my weak assistance
is necessary. Suffer me Gentlemen again to intreat you, that if my trial cannot be
bro't on here, Your honours will order that I may be sent immediately to America,
to take my trial there, being convinced that injured innocence will be righted, and
that I may serve my country with pleasure, which I never can do under the command
of Captain Jones. I understand that Captain Jones intends sending the Drake to America,
which will be a convenient opportunity to send me, and for which I beg your Honours
order, and shall ever esteem it an infinite Obligation on Gentlemen Your most Obedient
and very humble Servant

[signed] Thom Simpson

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); docketed (probably by JA): “Lt Simpsons Letter"; in another hand: “Lt Simpsons Letter.” The letter, on its
first page, has the notation: “(Duplicate).” This designation, not in Simpson's hand,
was probably the work of the Commissioners to indicate that it was identical to a
copy of the letter, also in the Franklin Papers, that was enclosed in Simpson's letter
to the Commissioners of 25 May (below).

1. There are two copies of Jones' instructions to Simpson of 26 April in the Franklin
Papers (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 4:257). One is probably the copy mentioned here; the other is that enclosed in Simpson's
letter to the Commissioners of 25 May (below). For a printed copy of the instructions, erroneously dated 28 April, see
Morison, John Paul Jones, p. 160–161.

2. Lt. Elijah Hall in letters to the Commissioners of 30 May and 3 June (both below) defended Simpson's conduct and protested his treatment by Jones.

3. John Langdon, former member of congress and continental agent at Portsmouth, N.H.,
was Thomas Simpson's brother-in-law, a connection apparently accounting for Simpson's
appointment as 1st lieutenant of the Ranger (Lawrence Shaw Mayo, John Langdon of New Hampshire, Concord, N.H., 1937, p. 146). Langdon's letter of recommendation has not been found,
but it may have been included with his letter to the Commissioners of 29 Oct. 1777.
The only letter introducing Simpson that has been located is that from John Wendell
of Portsmouth to Benjamin Franklin dated 30 Oct. 1777 (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 1:304, 305).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0074

Author: Tucker, Samuel

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-09

From Samuel Tucker

[dateline] Bourdeaux May 9th. 1778

[salute] Sir

These with my Regards to your Honour, acquainting you of my receiving your kind Epistle
by the Docter1 and will engage myself to take all the Care possible of the Articles that I may receive
of your Worthey friend John Brondfield Esqr. and will see them safe Delivered to Mrs.
Adams, please God, I should arrive safe with my Ship after a short Cruze. Pray Sir
excuse my not Writing more perticular nor frequenter, being so much troubled with
one thing and another that I neglect my Duty in that Respect, but I hope to get my
Ship in Readiness within two or three Days of the Time I wrote your Honour but I've
been vasley detained. I've had the Misfortune to loose poor Cavey who fell over Board
on the 5th Instant and was Drowned about 6 oClock in the Morning.2 I regret the loss of him very much, he became a very good and useful Officer since
your departure from hence. A Ship arrived from the Coast of Guinea last Evening, which
gives an Account of one of our Frigates takeing three Ships all Slaved fitt for Sea.
I think it must be the Verginia Capt. Nicholson.3 I Remain sir with Respect your Most Humble Servt.

1. The “Docter” has not been identified, but see John Bondfield to JA, 28 April, and JA to Tucker, 29 April (both above).

2. Samuel Tucker's log (MH-H) for 5 May states that “this Morning Peter Cavey a midshipman got over the side to
were [wear] the Boat a Stern, taking hold of a rope which he thought was made fast but was not
fell over Board, and tho all Means was used to save him was drowned.” Six days later
Tucker wrote that “the Body of Mr. Cavey was found by the people on Shore and decently
buried.”

3. This may be the same incident reported by John Bondfield in his letter to JA of 8 May (above), but the frigate was certainly not the Virginia, Capt. James Nicholson. The Virginia, built at Baltimore but forced to lay idle for a year because of the British blockade
of the Chesapeake, did not sail until 30 March and was captured by the British on
the following day when it ran aground (Allen, Naval Hist. of the Amer. Revolution, 1:199, 307–308).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0075

Author: Jones, John Paul

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-09

John Paul Jones to the Commissioners

[dateline] Ranger Brest 9th May 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I have the honor to acquaint you that I arrived here last Night and brought in with
me the British Ship of War Drake of 20 Guns with English Colours inverted under the
American Stars. { 105 } I shall soon give you the particulars of my Cruise1 in the mean time you will see some Account of it in a letter of this date from Comte
D'Orvilliers2 to Monseigneur De Sartine. I have brought in near Two hundred prisoners and as Comte
D'Orvilliers is apprehensive that as the War with England is not yet declared they
may perhaps be given up without an Exchange.3 I have resolved to Equip the Drake with all possible expedition at Cameret4 and to send the prisoners in her to America, so fully am I convinced of the bad Policy
of releasing prisoners, especially Seamen, without an Exchange that I am determined
never to do it while there remains an Alternative. I should not however have taken
a resolution of such importance without consulting you had not Comte D'Orvilliers
told me that the return of a Letter from the Minister might perhaps put it out of
my power and therefore recommended that I should loose no time.

Notwithstanding this you will perhaps find it expedient to endeavour to Effect an
Exchange of these prisoners in Europe and should the Minister agree to hold them avowedly
as Prisoners of War you will of course inform me thereof per Express so as to reach
me if possible before the departure of the Drake. I have suspended and confined Lieutenant
Simpson for disobedience of Orders. I have only time at present to say that I have
the honor to be with much Esteem and Respect, Gentlemen Your very Obliged very Obedient
very humble Servant

NB. I have been rather disappointed in not being favored with a Line from you in Answer
to any of my former Letters from Quiberon and Brest.

Dupl (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); unsigned, but in Jones' hand; docketed: “Captn. Jones May 9. ans.
May 25"; in another hand: “1778.” A second copy (ViU: Lee Papers) is docketed in an unknown hand and perhaps considerably after it was
received: “J. P. Jones: to Amn. Comms. <London> Paris 9 May 1778” and “1778.” Designated a copy, the MS is in Jones' hand, but bears the signature that he apparently used on copies as opposed
to originals. See, for example, Jones to the Commissioners, 27 May (below).

Senés to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Seyne near Toulon 10 May 1778

[salute] Sir

I have the honor to inform you that I possess certain secret remedies that I consider
as specific because they very rapidly cure collapses, old as well as new, even in
subjects considered incurable, and for which I have 26 certificates of cure. Thanks
to my secrets one could avoid sending officers and soldiers wounded in time of war
to the waters and have them leave the hospitals, thus providing a great saving for
the thirteen United Provinces of America.

If my secrets are of any interest to you, sir, I shall have the honor of offering
them to you with pleasure for the welfare and relief of your military. I have the
honor to be with respect, sir, your very humble and very obedient servant

[signed] Senés

My address is Senes, Pensioner of the King, near Toulon in Provence, at Seyne.

Lataque to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] 11 May 1778

[salute] Sir

A respected family has requested me to please ask you if Mr. de Roche Fremoy1 is still employed in the army of General Washington. I dare hope, sir, that you will
do me the honor of giving me any information you must have concerning this officer,
who has not been heard of for quite some time now. I have the honor to be, with the
utmost respect, your very humble and very obedient servant

[signed] de Lataque

If you honor me with a reply, please address it to Causse Rouge Street, in Bordeaux.

1. Matthias-Alexis Roche de Fermoy served as a brigadier general in the Continental Army
from 5 Nov. 1776 to 31 Jan. 1778. On 16 Feb. the congress voted him $800 for passage
to the West Indies (Heitman, Register Continental Army, p. 191; JCC, 10:174).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0078

Author: Williams, Jonathan

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-11

Jonathan Williams to the Commissioners

[dateline] Brest May 11. 1778

Your Excellencies are before this Time informed of the Gallant Action performed by
Capt. Jones, who has no doubt also informed you of his Intentions relative to the
Drake Sloop of War.1 I happened to be at Morlaix when this News reached me, and as I thought my presence
would be of Service I came immediately hither. Capt. Jones informs me that he has
immediate occasion for about £2000 Sterling, to equip the Drake in which he means
to send the Prisoners to America, and that directly least the french Court should
prevent him. I know of no other Method of procuring this Money than by drawing on
you, in which case I doubt not the Bills will be honoured.2

I shall next post inform you if anything new occurs in the mean time have the honour
to be with the greatest Respect Your Excellencies most obedient & most humble Servant.

1. A letter from James Moylan of this same date (PPAmP: Franklin Papers) also noted the arrival of Jones and the Drake at Brest.

2. For Jones' draft on the Commissioners and the controversy that it caused, see his
letter of 16 May (below).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0079

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Vernon, William Jr.

Date: 1778-05-12

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

To William Vernon Jr.

Passy, 12 May 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:96–97. Replying to Vernon's letter of 10 April (above), Adams commended Vernon for his decision to reside at Bordeaux, a rich commercial
center. JA referred him to John Bondfield for advice about which commercial house he should
choose for his training and noted that the activities of Vernon's father in the patriot
cause were an excellent recommendation to whatever firm was selected.

This letter is the first entry in Lb/JA/5 (Microfilms, Reel No. 93). In a green binding and probably one of two purchased on 9 May, it
contains copies of Adams' personal correspondence with non-family members between
12 May 1778 and 8 Nov. 1779. As were his others for the period, this Letterbook was
extensively consulted and copied from as Adams prepared his Autobiography.

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 12 May 1778

[salute] Hon Sirs

Yesterday came into this Port the Brig Peggy Captain Kelly from No. Carolina. She
has on board One hundred and forty eight hhd Tobacco for account of Messrs. Willing
and Morris1 addrest to Mr. Delap. I apply'd for the publick Letters. I apprehend there are none
as Mr. Delap has not sent any. The vessel saild 4th. April. I have Letters from Mess
Hewes Smith and Allen of the 30 March.2 They write me that little Port is become the Mart of America number of forreign Vessels
were arriving dayly notwithstand I find the demand for European produce keeps up.
They write for Ships Salt and dry Goods. Tobacco is with them at seven pounds ten
Shillings being five times its former value. They thereby indemnify themselves in
part of the heavy advances they pay to Europeans.

The Boston is taking on board her provisions and will drop down on Sunday.3 I push them all in my power. Cap. Tucker also exerts himself to get away, their expences
run very deep not• { 109 } withstanding every Economy posible is observed. They have but few Seamen on board.
I am in doubt if we can obtain leave to ship any french Seamen. Landsmen any Number
wanted. The Jersey Privateers keep hovering on the Coast of Spain. They have taken
as per advise per last post from Bilboa two Vessels with Rice and One with Tobacco.
The Neutrality which its reported Spain intends to preserve makes them very dareing
even to enter the ports of that Kingdom. We dont hear of any British Cruizers in the
Bay of Biscay from whence there is room to suppose they are all orderd in to Man the
Fleets. It is apprehended the Carolina Letters per Dulap put on board a french Ship
from Martinico at Sea. That the Ship must have met some Privateer at Sea and on the
strength of these Letters made a Capture of her. The Spanish Ambassador named for
the Court of Great Britain Le Marquis D'Armavado [Almódovar] with his Lady are expected to pass thro' this Town to morrow on their Jorney for
England. They come from Lisbon and pass by this route Incognito. My friend has orders
to Supply the Marquis with the Money he may want by which I come to know of his coming.
With due respect I am Your honors Most Obedient Servant

1. The Philadelphia mercantile firm of Willing, Morris & Co., a partnership between Thomas
Willing and Robert Morris (DAB).

2. Probably the firm of Hewes and Smith, to which an Allen had been added for this voyage.
The letter referred to the growth of Edenton, N.C., as a port (State Records of North Carolina, 30 vols., Raleigh, 1886–1914, 22:632).

3. That is, 17 May. Samuel Tucker's log (MH-H), however, states that the Boston went down the river on 22 May but did not go to sea until 6 June.

4. Bondfield sent a second letter to the Commissioners on this date (PPAmP: Franklin Papers) docketed by JA, saying in part, “in Compliance to Mr. [Muscoe] Livingstons request to write your
honors that an offer has been made of a vessel to be compleatly fitted and Armed provided
your honors will grant a Commission.” There is no evidence that his application was
acted upon. In a letter to the Commissioners on 10 Oct. (PPAmP: Franklin Papers), however, Bondfield made a new application, this time to allow
Livingston to command the privateer Governor Livingston.

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 12 May 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I will not refer to my dealings here with respect to your orders of 30 April until
I am in a position to give you something more than a mere embryo. I keep a little
record of my operations that you shall receive in due time.1 I will limit myself, therefore, to saying that I made a successful use of your ostensible letter of 10 April addressed to me. I have not yet been able to present the sealed
letter because a westerly wind, coming from your quarters, brought a hindrance. Today
another wind, from the same quarters brought something else, about which I am still
ignorant but of which I will be told of tomorrow, concerning the matter. It will certainly
not be my fault, nor that of our friend, nor that of his town, if this affair is delayed.

In the meantime, here is some German news and an exerpt from a Rotterdam letter which
contain some very interesting things.2 I have communicated them to the Grand Facteur who thanked me and made { 111 } immediate use of them in a postscript to a letter he is sending today to his house.3

I have done so much preaching among our friends in this country that they have finally
resolved to send a vessel directly to America, for a start. I gave them good lists
and instructions, and promised to highly recommend them over there in the hope that
the government where they land will consider my recommendation. They are brave Dutchmen.
They will not take on insurance in order that the operation may remain more secret.
That is courageous of them. I am, with all my respect and zeal, gentlemen, your very
humble and very obedient servant

From Richard Henry Lee

[dateline] York in Pennsylva. 13th May 1778

[salute] My dear Sir

Our public letter does not leave me much to add,1 but friendship will not suffer me to let this opportunity pass, without expressing
my wishes to congratulate you on your safe arrival in France. You will find our affairs
at your Court in a much more respectable Train than they have been heretofore, and
therefore, no doubt more agreable to you. Finance seems now the only rock upon which
we have any danger of splitting. How far European loans may help us you can judge,
but I fear that the slow operation of Taxes, which indeed are pretty considerably
pushed in many States, will not be adequate to the large emissions of paper money
which the war compels us to make. The number and activity of the British Cruisers
on the coast, and in the Bays of the Staple States, render it utterly impossible with
any degree of safety, and therefore very unwise to attempt making remittances to Europe
at present. It is in fact furnishing the enemy with what they want extremely, and
much to our injury—Surely the Court of France will now give protection to their Commerce
to and from America, the clearest policy demands it. Sir you would be greatly surprised
at the number and value of the French Vessels taken and destroyed by the English on
our Coasts this last winter and spring. Thus the Marine force of G. { 112 } B. is actively employed in ruining the Commerce of France, whilst her powerful Navy
remains unemployed. Can this be wise? Gen. Howe remains yet in Philadelphia, and our
Army where it was, but daily growing stronger in discipline and in numbers. I am inclined
to think that the enemy will this Campaign act chiefly on the defensive (carrying
on the small war to plunder and distress) holding all they can in order to get the
better bargain of us when a Treaty shall take place. I wish, for the sake of future
peace, that we could push these people quite off this Northern Continent. Monsr. Beaumarchais,
by his Agent Monsr. Franci, has demanded a prodigious sum from the Continent for Stores
&c. furnished the States.2 His accounts are referred for settlement to the Commissioners at Paris, and I hope
they will scrutinize most carefully into this business, that the public may not pay
a large sum wrongfully. We have been repeatedly informed that the greater part of
these Stores were gratuitously furnished by the Court of France. How then does it
come to pass that a private person, a mere Agent of the Ministry, should now demand
pay for the whole? It will give me singular pleasure to hear from you by all convenient
opportunities, for I am dear Sir, with great sincerity your affectionate humble servant,

[signed] Richard Henry Lee

P.S. Be so kind as take care of the letters for my brothers and get them conveyed
&c.

The Comte de Vergennes to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] Versailles 13 May 1778

The Farmers General have just brought to my attention a report concerning the refusal
of S. Tucker, captain of the American frigate the Boston, to submit to a visit on board by the clerks of the farm.1 I see in this document that the captain based his refusal on the exemption that,
he said, is granted to all war vessels. Before making a decision regarding this claim,
we must first ascertain if the Boston really is a war vessel belonging to the United States or whether it is merely a privateer
with letters of marque. As soon as you will have given me precise explanations in
this regard, I will submit it to the King; and you may rest assured that His Majesty's
decision will be in conformity with the rules of the strictest justice, and that the
vessel, the Boston, will be treated according to the rules that we follow for all other nations. I have
the honor to be very perfectly gentlemen &c.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

To William MacCreery

Passy, 14 May 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:98–99. Replying to MacCreery's letters of 25 April (above) and 3 May (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:12, note 2), Adams thanked MacCreery for his unsuccessful effort to find a pair
of JQA's breeches, containing a sum of money, that had disappeared either at Bordeaux or
on the trip to Paris. Adams then turned to MacCreery's warnings against Arthur Lee,
given during Adams' stay at Bordeaux (Diary and Autobiography, 2:304; 4:39, 68) and in MacCreery's letter of 25 April. JA declared that from all that he had seen, Lee was devoted wholly to the public interest
and that, regardless of MacCreery's opinion of Silas Deane, who { 114 } had largely controlled the Commissioners' finances during his tenure, a large sum
of money had been spent and another was still owed and that he was unable to determine
exactly what America had received for the expenditures. Finally, in regard to MacCreery's
desire that one of the Delaps be appointed the continental agent at Bordeaux, Adams
stated that such matters were in the hands of the Continental Congress and, in any
event, John Bondfield was doing a satisfactory job. JA did not send this letter because, after considering its content, he concluded that
it was inappropriate to air the Commission's internal disputes before a private person.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to Sartine

[dateline] Passy, 14 May 1778.

printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:99–100. The Commissioners requested that they be given permission to confine on French soil
the prisoners taken by American vessels in order to permit their exchange for American
prisoners held in England, a question of particular urgency because of John Paul Jones’
arrival at Brest with nearly two hundred prisoners (Jones to the Commissioners, 9 May, above). Rejecting the prevailing opinion that English prisoners could not be held
in France, which was not yet at war with England, the Commissioners supported their
argument with a quotation from René Josué Valin, Traité des prises, ou principes de lajurisprudence françoise concernant les prises qui se font sur mer..., La Rochelle, 1763, p. 129, sect. 30. This passage, in French in JA’s Letter-book copy (Lb/JA/4, Microfilms, Reel No. 92) and translated by him for his
Autobiography, declared that it was not true that a prisoner became free as soon as
he stepped onto neutral soil. In fact, although the belligerent could not retake the
prisoner without the consent of the neutral power, to withhold such consent would
be a violation of the laws of neutrality.

From William Heath

[dateline] Head Quarters Boston May 14th. 1778

[salute] Sir

The French Frigate Nimphe Commanded by the Chevalier Senneville returning directly
to France1 I cannot omit so favorable an oppertunity of testifying my esteem in wishing that
you may have had a safe and agreeable passage from America to France, and of congratulating
you on the present agreeable and promissing aspect of our public Affairs.

Previous to the arrival of Mr. Dean with the public Dispatches for Congress, the news
of the intention of the British Parliament to send out Commissioners to treat with
the United States was { 115 } received at New-York and Philadelphia, and Copies of Lord North's Speech, and a draft
of the Bills were sent out from Philadelphia to His Excellency General Washington
which were forwarded to Congress; and from Governor Tryon at New York to Governor
Trumbull of Connecticut. I do myself the honor to enclose you the proceedings of Congress
thereon which I think will give you pleasure. Governor Trumbull also returned a most
spirited answer to Governor Tryon which has done him, and our Country honor.2

Mr. Dean proceeded immediately to Congress; but sufficient time has not yet elapsed
for our receiving an account of his arrival at York Town. The News of the Treaty with
France gives universal joy here to all the Friends of our Cause and Country, which
is displayed in every face. The British Officers, with whom I have a peculiar oppertunity
of conversing, are much confounded: they would not for some time beleive that France
had or even would acknowledge our Independence; but at length finding it but too well
confirmed, their chagrine is everywhere visible.3

Our Country seem to have formed a just opinion of the proposed Treaty by Commissioners,
and upon the old and approved maxim, that the safest way to treat with an Enemy, is
sword in hand, are determined immediately to compleat their Battalions, and will not
be amused by art or finesse. From this disposition I cannot but flatter myself that
great and lasting Advantages will arise.

General Burgoyne went home the begining of April. He left us with the strongest protestation
of every exertion in his power to have our disputes settled. You will first learn
how far his Conduct will be correspondent.

Our Harbour is now ornimented with french and Spanish ships displaying their colours.

I have this moment received a letter from His Excellency General Washington.4 The Armies are still in their Winter Quarters and nothing worthy of notice has yet
taken place.

I wish to be honored with a line from you when oppertunity offers.

Please to make my Compliments to Dr. Franklin and Mr. Dean,5 and beleive me to be with the greatest regard & Esteem Your most Obedient Humble
Servant,

1. The Nymphe, which brought Capt. Harmon Courter and duplicates of the Franco-American treaties,
arrived at Boston on 5 May. See Simeon Deane to the Commissioners, 16 April, note 3 (above).

2. For the conciliatory bills, see James Lovell to JA, 29 April, note 2 (above). Tryon's letter to Trumbull of 17 April, identical to that of the same date
sent to Washington, is in MHi: Misc. Bound MSS. On 4 May, Trumbull's answer, together with Tryon's letter and copies of the conciliatory
bills, was printed in the Boston Gazette, which also, in its edition of 11 May, printed the report concerning the conciliatory
bills adopted by the congress on 22 April.

3. This and the preceding sentence were translated into French and inserted in Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amerique, “Lettres,” vol. 10, cahier 46, p. cclxxxvi. See also Edme Jacques Genet to JA, [ante 9 July] (below).

5. Heath's belief that Silas Deane remained in France is understandable because too short
a time had passed for news to cross the Atlantic of Deane's departure on 13 April.
Moreover, Heath's latest information from France was likely that brought by Simeon
Deane, who had left Brest on 8 March and thus could not have known of either his brother's
recall, which was received at Paris on or about 9 March, or plans for returning to
America (Silas Deane to JA, 8 April, note 2; Simeon Deane to the Commissioners, 16 April, note 1, both above).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0087

Author: Continental Congress, Foreign Affairs Committee

Author: Lee, Richard Henry

Author: Lovell, James

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-14

The Foreign Affairs Committee to the Commissioners

[dateline] No. 7 York Town May 14th: 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

Our Affairs have now a universally good appearance. Every thing at home and abroad
seems verging towards a happy and permanent period. We are preparing for either War
or Peace; for altho we are fully perswaded that our Enemies are wearied beaten and
<disappoint> in despair, yet we shall not presume too much on that belief, and the rather, as
it is our fixt determination to admit no terms of Peace, but such as are fully in
character with the dignity of Independant States and consistent with the Spirit and
intention of our alliances on the Continent of Europe.

We believe, and with great reason too, that the honor and fortitude of America, have
been rendered suspicious, by the Arts, intrigues and specious misrepresentations of
our Enemies. Every proceeding and Policy of ours has been tortured to give some possible
colouring to their assertions of a doubtful disposition in America as to her perseverance in maintaining her Independance; and, perhaps,
the Speeches of several of the Minority in both houses of the English Parliament,
(who seemed to persist in the possibility of a reconciliation), might contribute towards
that Suspicion. We, at this time, feel ourselves particularly { 117 } happy in being able to show, from the accidental arangement of Circumstances, such
as we could neither have policy to foresee, or power to alter, that the disposition
of America on that head was fixt and final. For a proof of this we desire your attention
to the following.

The English Ministry appear to have been very industrious in getting their two conciliatory
Bills, (even before they had been once read) over to America as soon as possible,
the reason of which haste we did not then foresee, but the arrival of your dispatches
since, with the Treaties have unriddled the Affair. General Howe was equally industrious
in Circulating them by his emissaries thro' the Country; Mr. Tryon at N. York did
the same, and both those Gentlemen sent them under sanction of a flag to Genl. Washington,
who immediately sent the first he received to Congress. Mr. Tryon's Letter which covered
them, and General Washington's answer thereto, you will find in Hall's and Seller's
Gazette printed at Yorktown <April 24> May 2d.1

Those Bills are truly unworthy the attention of any National Body; but lest the Silence
of Congress should be misunderstood, or furnish the Enemy with New Ground for false
insinuation, they were instantly referred to a Committee of Congress, whose judicious
and spirited report thereon was unanimously approved by the House April 22d and published and circulated thro' the several States with all possible expedition.

The dispatches in charge of Mr. Dean did not arrive till the Second of May, <ten> eight days after the said reports were published; and his expedition in bringing
the dispatches to Congress, prevented any Intelligence arriving before him.2 Inclosed are the reports referred to, to which we recommend your attention in making
them as public as possible in Europe, prefacing them with such an explanatory detail
of Circumstances as shall have a tendency to place the Politics of America on the
firm basis of National honor, Integrity and fortitude.3

We admire the true Wisdom and dignity of the Court of France, in, her part of, the
Construction and Ratification of those Treaties; they have a powerful and effectual
tendency to dissolve that narrowness of mind which Mankind have been too unhappily
bred up in. In those treaties we see the Politician founded on the Philosopher, and
harmony of Affections made the ground work of mutual Interest. France by her open
Candor has won us more powerfully than any reserved treaties could { 118 } possibly bind us, and at a happy Juncture of Times and Circumstances laid the seeds of an eternal
friendship.

It is from an anxiety of preserving inviolate this cordial union so happily begun,
that we desire your particular attention to the 11th and 12th Articles in the Treaty
of Amity and Commerce.4 The unreserved Confidence of Congress in the good disposition of the Court of France
will sufficiently appear by their having unanimously ratified those treaties, and
then trusted any alterations or amendments to mutual negociation afterwards. We are
apprehensive that the general and extensive tenor of the 12th Article may in future
be misunderstood, or rendered inconvenient <and> or impracticable, and, in the end, become detrimental to that friendship we wish
ever to exist; To prevent which, you will herewith receive instructions and authority
for giving up on our Part the whole of the 11th. Article proposing it as a Condition
to the Court of France, that they, on their part, give up the whole of the 12th Article,
those two being intended as reciprocal Ballances to each other.

It is exceedingly distressing to Congress to hear of Misconduct in any of the Commanders
of Armed Vessels under the American flag. Every authentic information you can give
on this head will be strictly attended to and every Means taken to punish the Offenders
and make reparation to the Sufferers. The Chief consolation we find in this disagreeable
business, is, that the most Experienced States have not always been able to restrain
the Vices and irregularities of Individuals. Congress has published a Proclamation
for the more effectually suppressing and punishing such Practices. But we are rather
inclined to hope that as the line of Connection and friendship is now Clearly Marked
and the minds of the Seamen relieved thereby from that unexplainable Mystery respecting
their real prizes which before embarrassed them, that such irregularities will be less frequent
or totally cease; to which end, the Magnificent Generosity of the Court of France
to the owners of the Prizes which “for reasons of State” had been given up will happily contribute.5 We are, Gentlemen, Your Obt. Humble Servts.,

[signed] Richard Henry Lee

[signed] James Lovell

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); docketed: “Comtee. foreign Affairs May 14. ans. July 29 1778.”
See also a Tr of a copy probably sent to the Foreign Ministry because of the information it contained
on the American reaction to the conciliatory bills, the ratification of the Franco-American
treaties, and the regulation of the privateers (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., Espagne, vol. 590).

1. For a discussion of the conciliatory bills, the efforts of Gen. Howe and Gov. Try
on to circulate them, and the congressional committee report on them, see James Lovell
to JA, 29 April and note 2 (above). In that letter Lovell gave the text of Washington's reply to Tryon and probably
enclosed the Pennsylvania Gazette — “Hall's and Seller's Gazette"—of 24 April, which contained the text of the bills
as circulated by Howe.

2. For Simeon Deane's arrival in America and subsequent journey to York, Penna., see
his letter to the Commissioners of 16 April and note 1 (above).

3. Probably a reference to the congressional committee's report on the conciliatory bills
mentioned above, which the Committee for Foreign Affairs wished to have published
in Europe. The plural “reports” is probably used in regard to the various sections
of that report, but may also refer to multiple copies of the report being sent to
the Commissioners.

4. Notification to the Commissioners of the congress' ratification of the Franco-American
treaties on 4 May was delayed because of the difficulty in obtaining a secure means
to transmit the treaties to Europe and the need to make copies of the documents. Although
the treaties were initially approved without reservation, apprehensions about the
effect of Arts. 11 and 12, both dealing with the West Indian trade, led the congress
to resolve on 5 May that the two articles should be deleted (JCC, 11:457, 459–460; Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:10–11; see also Jonathan Trumbull to the Commissioners, 29 May, note 1, below).

The decision of the congress, motivated by the belief that the two articles were not
reciprocal, can be traced to the divergence between the provisions of the Plan of
Treaties of 1776 and the terms of the Treaty of Amity and Commerce. In the treaty
plan, Arts. 12 and 13 dealt with the West Indies, the first prohibiting higher export
duties on the produce of the West Indies sent to the United States than were laid
on that destined for France; and the second removing any duties on molasses exported
from the West Indies to the United States. The instructions to the American negotiators
provided, however, that the two articles could be waived because “France was unlikely
to accept the equality in colonial trade proposed in Art. 12, and there were uncertainties
about Art. 13” (vol. 4:293 and note 5).

As the congress expected, France refused to accept Art. 12 of the treaty plan, but
did agree to Art. 13, which was incorporated into the Treaty of Amity and Commerce
as Art. 11. In return, France insisted on inserting, as Art. 12 of the treaty, the
provision that Frenchmen would pay no export duties on goods sent from the United
States for the use of the French islands (Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:10–11). This concession was unacceptable because, according to a portion of the
congressional resolve of 5 May that was deleted during the debate, “dissentions” might
result from the right of France to levy export duties on West Indian produce sent
to the United States although the United States could not do the same for American
produce sent to the French islands (JCC, 11:459–460). Since Art. 12 was the quid pro quo for Art. 11, it was necessary that
both be removed.

A more explicit objection than was contained in this letter or the resolution of 5
May appeared in a letter from the Committee for Foreign Affairs, Instruction No. 8,
of 15 May (PPAmP: Franklin Papers; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2: 582–584). In that letter Lovell and R. H. Lee stated that “in addition to what
is mentioned in our Letter No. [7] respecting the 11th and 12 Articles we observe
that the 12th is capable of an interpretation and misuse, which was probably not thought
of at the Time of Constructing it, which is, that it opens a door for all or a great
part of The Trade of America to be carried thro the french Islands to Europe, and
puts all future regulations out of our Power, either of Imposts or Prohibition, which
tho' We might never find our Interest to use, yet it is by keeping those in our Power,
that will hereafter enable us to preserve equality with, and regulate the Imposts
of The Countries we trade with. The General Trade of France is not under the like
restriction; Every Article on our part being Staked against the Single Article of
Molasses on theirs—Therefore the Congress thinks it more liberal and Consistent that
both Articles should be expunged.”

Although not stated, the desire to avoid sectional conflict may have been an additional
reason for the deletion of the arti• { 120 } cles. Because Art. 11 was almost identical to Art. 13 of the Plan of Treaties, it
would likely have been acceptable if Art. 12 of the French Treaty had not been included,
for while it favored the molasses-importing states, notably New England, it did not
adversely affect the other colonies. Art. 12, however, altered the situation because
it prevented those colonies exporting goods to the West Indies, mainly the middle
and southern colonies which were sources of foodstuffs, from imposing export duties
and thus regulating trade.

France agreed to the American proposal, and on 2 Nov. declarations, which were formally
dated 1 Sept., were exchanged deleting Arts. 11 and 12 from the Treaty of Amity and
Commerce. For the declarations and the effect that the deletion of the two articles
had on the numbering of the remaining articles, see Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:32–34. See also the Commissioners to the Committee for Foreign Affairs, 29 July (below).

5. The proclamation of 9 May, mentioned above, was intended to prevent incidents such
as Gustavus Conyngham's capture of the French brig Graciosa in 1777 and the Swedish brig Honoria Sophia in 1778 and stemmed from a report on illegal seizures by American armed vessels,
that is, privateers, contained in a letter of 30 Nov. 1777 from the Commissioners
that the Committee for Foreign Affairs had received on 2 May (JCC, 11:486; Cruises of Conyngham, ed. Neeser, p. xl, xliii–xlv, prize list facing p. 152; Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:433–436; see also Evans, Nos. 16121, 16122). It required American privateers to observe the “rights of neutral
powers and the usage and custom of civilized nations” and prohibited the seizure of
vessels belonging to allies of the United States, unless carrying contraband or enemy
soldiers, as well as those of the enemy located within the territorial waters of a
neutral state and thus enjoying the protection of that nation.

The Committee clearly believed that the proclamation of 9 May and the ratification
of the Franco-American treaties would produce a fundamental change in the future operations
of American privateers. They would be able to operate more freely because of the clear
definition of what constituted a lawful prize and the removal of the hindrance posed
by French regulations, even if only pro forma, designed to prevent a premature rupture
between England and France. In other words, neutral ships would no longer be taken
and there would be no repetition of the incident in which the Harwich packet Prince of Orange and the brig Joseph, both taken by Gustavus Conyngham in May 1777, were returned to their British owners
in response to a sharp protest by the British ambassador in Paris against the blatant
use of French ports by American privateers at a time when France was ostensibly a
friendly power, bound by the 1713 Treaty of Utrecht which prohibited such practices
(Cruises of Conyngham, p. xxx–xxxii).

The Committee's conclusion was further supported by the arrival, on 2 May, of a letter
from the Commissioners dated 28 Feb. 1778. The Commissioners reported that the French
government had agreed to pay 400,000 livres to the owners of the privateers Boston and Hancock to compensate them for the seizure and return to their English owners, “for Reasons
of State,” of two British West Indiamen. While the seizure was ostensibly the result
of a false declaration of origin (the prizes were said to be from St. Eustatius),
it was, in reality, apparently the result of too much talk on the part of the privateer
captains, Babson and Hendricks, which forced the hand of the French government (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:507–509; Deane Papers, 2:110, 216). Silas Deane later stated, in his defense before Congress, that the
compensation to the owners of the Boston and Hancock amounted to 450,000 livres and resulted solely from the efforts of Le Ray de Chaumont
and himself (Deane Papers, 3:169).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0088

Author: Lovell, James

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-15

From James Lovell

I find it impossible to write to you at this Time so fully as I wish being greatly
overplied with business from the neglect of others. I cannot however consent that
Dispatches for France should go off without a line in Testimony of my personal attachment
to you and in proof of remembrance of my promises; which kind of proof I have given
9 Times before since you left Boston.

Ever, more uneasy when Negociation was talked of than when fresh Troops were destined
against us, I am not quite at ease now, though a powerful Alliance is formed in our
favour with which the States are much pleased. I cannot be free from concern least
the insidious arts of Britain should prevail to induce us to neglect the Opportunity
which is now offered to exterminate the Curses that yet remain on this continent nested
in three Capitals.2 I fear a temporary Cessation of Hostilities would ruin our best Prospects; when a
month of vigorous Exertions would free us from the Enemy altogether. The same time
spent in Negociation under a suspension of Hostilities would familiarize the persons
of our Foes to us, and give them the advantage of reviving our former feeling Attachments
to Britain and to sow Discord and Division in places where the Government is yet wanting
a consistency to render it proof against the Attack of an artful and designing Adversary.
We owe Britain neither Love nor Money; but they owe us a vast Reparation. I have spoken
here, without seing, at present, the least opening for a Negociation; but I felt haunted
by the simple Idea of such a thing.

A Sort of half-pay Establishment is made for the Officers and a grant of 80 Dollars
for the Men who shall continue to the End of the War, in Addition to former Encouragement.
The Officers Provision will be either Life redeemable at six years purchase or else
for 6 years only absolute. The Soldiers 80 Dollars outright.3

Genl. Gates attended a Council in his Way to Peek's Kill, and the plan of Opperations
was settled with great Harmony and Unanimity.4 This is a good Opening, may the Close be answerable!

Our little Navy is sadly destroyed, but we have every natural Advantage for repairing
our Losses. If it was not for the Justice { 122 } of our Cause, no one could unravel the Mystery of the Manner in which we have so well
supported ourselves against the most formidable naval power in Europe. We have even
made her afraid.

As the Dispatch5 goes from the Eastward you will get News of your lovely family. The Independance
was lost on Ocracock bar6 but we got the Dispatches the same Night that Folgiers came to hand. I send you a
few papers of a different kind from those sent to the other Gentlemen;7 and am most affectionately Your humb Servt,

1. On this date Lovell began numbering his letters to JA, this being the 10th sent since JA left America; but it was a short-lived practice, for he numbered only this letter
and that of 16 May (below).

2. The three provincial capitals occupied at this time were Philadelphia, New York, and
Newport.

3. Lovell here gives an inaccurate account of the resolutions adopted on 15 May (JCC, 11:502–503), an indication that this letter was written before they were approved.
For the correct provisions and Lovell's comments on the propriety of such resolutions,
see his letter to JA of 16 May (below).

4. For the “Council” and Lovell's further comments on it, see his letter of 16 May, note 8 (below).

5. Probably the schooner Dispatch, which, in accordance with the Marine Committee's orders of 5 May, sailed from Boston
in June with copies of the ratified Franco-American treaties as well as letters from
AA to JA and JQA of 10 June (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:39, note 1; see also the Navy Board for the Eastern Department to the Commissioners, 8 June,
note 1, below).

6. The Continental sloop Independence, Capt. John Young, was wrecked on 24 April as it attempted to enter Ocracoke Inlet,
N.C. (Dict. Amer. Fighting Ships, 3:424).

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

Vergennes to the Commissioners

Versailles, 15 May 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:100–101. This letter and its supporting enclosure, a copy of a letter from La Tuilliere, consul at Madeira, to Sartine dated 15 Feb., were translated by Adams in his Autobiography
(for the French texts see Lb/JA/6, Microfilms, Reel No. 94). Vergennes protested the illegal seizure of “a French Snow or Brigantine
... in Sight of the City of Madeira,” by the privateer Lion, Capt. Benjamin Warren (“John” Warren in the letter and enclosure, but see Allen, Mass. Privateers, p. 206), and called for the punishment that Warren deserved.

On 19 May, in a letter to the president of the congress, the Commissioners referred the protest to that body's deliberation and, in another
letter of the same date, informed Vergennes of their action (both in Diary and Autobiography, 4:103). No record of the ultimate disposition of this matter has been found.

The Commissioners to Sartine

Messrs. Basmarine, Raimbeaux and Co.2 having represented to Us, that they have applied to Government for a Frigate, to
be employed in Defence of their Commerce to and from America, and in making Reprisals
for the Losses they have lately Sustained by our Enemies. We the Commissioners of
the united States of North America, hereby request, that Such a Frigate may be granted
them: and in that Case, We are ready to give a Commission and Letter of Marque to
Such Frigate, upon Messrs. Basmarine & Cos. giving Bond to Us, for the regular Behaviour
of Such Frigate according to the Laws of Nations, and the Usage of the united States.

[salute] We have the Honour to be, with great Respect, your Excellencys most &c.

2. Récule de Basmarin et Raimbeaux was a leading mercantile firm at Bordeaux and heavily
involved in the American trade. JA had dined with the two partners at Bordeaux on 2 April (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:294, note 1; 4:36).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0091

Author: First Joint Commission at Paris

Author: Adams, John

Author: Franklin, Benjamin

Author: Lee, Arthur

Recipient: Vergennes, Charles Gravier, Comte de

Date: 1778-05-16

The Commissioners to Vergennes

[dateline] Passy May 16. 1778

[salute] Sir

We had this Morning the Honour of receiving your Excellency's Letter of the 13. Instant
relative to the Boston Frigate.

We beg leave to assure your Excellency that the Frigate called the Boston, now at
Bourdeaux, is a Ship of War belonging to the 13 United States of North America, built
and maintained at their Expence, by the Honourable Congress.

We therefore, humbly presume that his Majestys royal Determination on the Representation
of the Farmers General, will be according to the Usage of Nations in such Cases, and
your Excellency may be assured that Captain Tucker will conform to that Determination
with the utmost Respect.1

[salute] We have the honour to be Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble Servants

1. Vergennes replied on 17 May (Dft, Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.U., vol. 3), stating that the King had decided that the Boston “éprouveroit le même traitement qui est d'usage a l'egard de ceux detoutes les autres
puissances” (would receive the same treatment ordinarily given to those of all other
nations) and that the Farmers General would be informed of the decision.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0092

Author: Lovell, James

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-16

From James Lovell

(11)

[dateline] May 16th. 1778

[salute] Dear Sir

As I hinted to you in my letter of yesterday, which goes by a different Vessel from
what bears this, Half-pay for 7 years, if they live so long, is granted to the Officers
who serve the War out. It was also resolved to give 80 Dollars to the Men in addition
to their Land.1

The Commissioners at the Courts of Tuscany Vienna and Berlin are to have plenipotentiary
Commissions and not to be restricted to 12 years Treaties of Amity and Commerce.2 They could only propose and treat but not conclude. And I hope they will not be allowed to make Alliances. Great Caution indeed is to be used in that point. There is but one Power besides
France that could tempt me, unless Minheer should incline.3

I presume our Army will now immediately be reformed the Battalions consolidated and
the useless Officers dismissed. He, as your Namesake says, will soon put Things to
rights,4 having been obliged to coax almost instead of order in times past. Our Soldiers deserve
all praise for their perseverance in hunger and nakedness but the Gemmen have taken improper times to move their schemes of Pension and, will you believe
it, Nobility. Some, in a big House, think that there is no Objection to Titles when
not hereditary. Does it not look well——Lord chief Justice of Delaware.5

It is reported that Mr. S. A. is coming forward.6 I assure you we who are here have had consummate drudgery day and night ever since
you left us in November. Mr. D is a very good man indeed. I wish he would consent
to tarry, but his Estate is continually destroyed by his Friends who are keeping his Enemies in order. I mean the Guards over Burgoynes troops.7 I hope Mr. Deane will come over. I mean I hope he will not throw himself out of use
by resenting an Act of Congress founded on Necessity. I think he is peculiarly calculated
for Holland if we have a Com• { 125 } mission there.8 Howe is not gone from his Command. It is reported that the Enemy are embarking their
heavy Baggage. This if fact is no proof of their quitting. It may be a prudent preparative
to coming out against us: a few days will make something certain. The Council which
Gates attended in his way to Peeks-kill was finished with great unanimity of Sentiment,
and much Cordiality between the great men tho the latter was not expected from some
foolish bickerings which had been raised out of Conways Indiscretion, whose Resignation
has been accepted.9

I wish you happiness and I think you have the fund for it whether you are now in Paris
or a Prisoner in England. Give my Love to your Son and tell him it is Matris Ergo,10 that he may try his talent at the Phrases which teazed me in my Infancy.

I hope soon to have from you Sic Canibus Catulos similes,11 by way of Confession, and some Substitute, more adapted to my Experience than the
Cupressi of Tityrus, to mark your Sublimities. Be cautious, however, that you do not
hint that you have seen any Thing superior to Philadelphia; unless you are willing
instantaneously to forfeit the great Portion you hold of Mrs. Clymars good Opinion.

Genl. R—— has been from home several Weeks: he has purchased into an Estate about
one hundred miles off, near to water Carriage, where is an exceeding rich Lead mine
Capable of supplying the Army, and of repaying him in half a year or less.12 Your affectionate humb servt,

1. On 15 May the congress passed resolutions granting allowances to those officers and
men who would serve until the end of the war, the officers being obliged to take an
oath of allegiance. The debate was long and controversial, beginning with the introduction
of proposals on 5 Jan. and continuing through their revision and reintroduction on
26 March to their final passage. Lovell voted against the resolutions because he feared
the establishment of the military as a privileged class. Widespread concern about
special treatment for the military anticipated later attacks on the Society of the
Cincinnati when it was established in 1783 (JCC, 11:502–503; 10:15–21, 285–286; Louis Clinton Hatch, The Administration of the American Revolutionary Army, N.Y., 1904,p. 79–84; Edmund C. Burnett, The Continental Congress, N.Y., 1941, p. 311–316; Wallace Evan Davies, “The Society of the Cincinnati in New
England, 1783–1800,” WMQ, 3d ser., 5:3–25 [Jan. 1948]).

2. Ralph Izard, Commissioner to Tuscany, and William Lee, Commissioner to Berlin and
Vienna, were appointed on 7 and 9 May 1777 respectively (JCC, 7: 334, 343) On 28 May the congress adopted significantly strengthened commissions,
adding the words “and conclude” to the Commissioners' powers “to communicate” and
“treat” and promising, “in good faith, to ratify whatever our said commissioner shall
transact in the premises” (JCC, 8:519–521; 11:505, 546–547, 559, 563).

Alterations in the commissioners' in• { 126 } structions were ordered on 16 May, presented to the congress and tabled on the 28th,
and considered on 1 and 2 June (JCC, 8:519–521; 11:505, 546–547. 559, 563). Because no further mention of new instructions
occurs after 2 June and no copy of them has been found, it seems probable that none
was adopted, the congress having decided to continue those of 1777. The Commissioners
were, therefore, still bound by the twelve-year limitation on the length of commercial
treaties based on principles in the treaty plan of 1776 (vol. 4:260–302). Lovell's
apprehension about the negotiation of military alliances, probably shared by JA, proved to be needless because the missions of Izard and Lee were fruitless.

3. The first reference is almost certainly to Spain; the second is obviously to the Netherlands.

4. Presumably a reference by Samuel Adams to George Washington and the proposed plan
to reorganize the Continental Army. On 10 Jan. the congress had ordered a committee
to meet with Washington and devise a plan to reduce the number of battalions in the
army. On 18 May such a plan was introduced and on the 27th adopted (JCC, 10:40; 11:507, 538–543).

5. No explanation of Lovell's statements in the final three sentences of this paragraph
has been found.

6. Samuel Adams had, with JA, taken a leave of absence on 7 Nov. 1777 and was about to return to the congress.
He took his seat on 21 May (JCC, 9:880; 11:517).

7. Francis Dana was unhappy about having to live on the congressional salary and the
destruction being inflicted on his property in Cambridge by the soldiers stationed
at Fort No. 2, which was partially on his land (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 15:206).

9. Lovell is doubtless referring to the Council of War held at Valley Forge on 8 May
(Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, 11:363–366). That there could be “Cordiality between the great men,” would be surprizing
to Lovell in view of Brig. Gen. Thomas Conway's sharp attack on Washington in a letter
to Gates that gave rise to unfounded rumors of a cabal. Largely because of the furor
attending this incident, Conway resigned on 28 April (DAB; JCC, 10:399; see also Benjamin Rush to JA, 13 Oct. 1777, note 1, above).

11. These words are from a speech by Tityrus in Virgil, Eclogues, 1:19–25. There the entire sentence reads “Sic canibus catulos similis, sic matribus
haedos noram, sic parvis componere magna solebam” (Thus I knew that puppies are like
to dogs, goats are like to their mothers; thus I was accustomed to compare large things
to small). Later in the paragraph Lovell refers to the cypress trees of Tityrus— “Cupressi
of Tityrus”—and is apparently alluding to Tityrus' statement, in the same speech,
that the small town was to imperial Rome as the shrub is to the cypress. By his two
allusions Lovell evidently means that he sees himself as the lesser of the two men
and therefore hopes for something greater from JA than what he has received, something heroic or epic.

12. Brig. Gen. Daniel Roberdeau, because of need for bullets, established in 1778 a lead
mine in western Pennsylvania at his own expense and built Fort Roberdeau to protect
it (DAB).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0093

Author: Vernon, William Jr.

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-16

From William Vernon Jr.

[dateline] Bordeaux May 16th 1778

[salute] Sir

I had the honour of writing you a letter on the tenth of April, in which I informed
you of my determination to reside in this place, and prayed that you would forward
me recommendations to the house of Messrs. Feyers freres, which is one of the first
character in this City.

Being sensible that the business in which you must be involv'd leaves you few leisure
moments, I was determined to wait with patience for your answer; but I hope you will
pardon the impertinance of a second letter urging the same request, when I assure
you that the disagreeableness of my present situation forc'd the pen into my hand
against my inclination. Of this situation, sir, you will be a Judge, when you consider
that I came to this City without a recommendation to any Person in it with an intention
of entering into the Counting-house of some principal Merchant; this has been and
still is impossible for me to effect with credit without letters; these sir I can
solely expect from you who art the only Person of much consequence in France who has
any knowledge of me or my connections; I therefore entreat you to spend a few of your
first leisure minutes in writing a few lines for me.1 I have the honour to be with the greatest respect your most obedient most humble
Servant.

1. No reply to this letter has been found, but see JA's letter to Vernon of 12 May (calendared above), which was an answer to the letter of 10 April.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0094

Author: Continental Congress, Commerce Committee

Author: Ellery, William

Author: Hutson, Richard

Author: Adams, Thomas

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-16

The Commerce Committee to the Commissioners

[dateline] York in Pennsylvania May 16. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

This will be accompanied with a Contract entered into between John Baptist Lazarus
Theveneau De Francy Agent of Mr. Peter Augustine Caron De Beaumarchais representative
of the House of Rodrigue Hortalez & Co. and the Committee of Commerce.1 You will observe that their Accounts are to be fairly stated and what is justly due
paid. For as on the One hand Congress would be unwilling to evidence a disregard for,
and contemptuous refusal of the Spontaneous freindship of his most Christian Majesty;
so on the other they are unwilling to put into the private Packets what was gratuitously
designed for Public benefit. You will be pleased to have thier Accounts liquidated
and direct in the liquidation thereof that particular care be taken to distinguish
the property of the Crown of France from the Private property of Hortalez and company
and transmit to us the accounts so stated and distinguished. This will also be accompanied
by an Invoice of Articles to be imported from France and resolves of Congress relative
thereto.2 You will appoint if { 128 } you judge proper an Agent or Agents to Inspect the quality of such Goods as you may
apply for to the House of Roderigue Hortalez & Co. before they are shipped to prevent
any imposition.

The Obstructions of the Bays and Harbours to the southward by British men of war,
hath prevented our shipping Tobacco as we intended. We have ordered several Vessels
lately to South Carolina for Rice and have directed the Continental Agent in that
state to consign them to your address. So soon as we can venture to send out Tobacco
with any probability of Success we shall certainly do it.

This goes by a dispatch Vessel under the direction of the Committee of foreign Affairs.
Five Others are employed in the same business, which you will load with such Articles
as you may have ready to transmit to us.

We congratulate with you on the treaties entered into with his most Christian Majesty
and are with the greatest respect, Gentn. Your very hble servts

[signed] William Ellery

[signed] Richd. Hutson

[signed] Thos. Adams

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); docketed in an unknown hand: “Letter from Committee May 16. 1778”
designated a “Copy,” probably one of several sent by the Committee to the Commissioners.

1. This contract with Roderigue Hortalez & Cie., a fictitious firm established by Beaumarchais
to funnel clandestine French aid to the United States, was approved by the congress
on 7 April and announced as executed on the 16th (JCC, 10:316–318, 356; for de Francy's credentials impowering him to negotiate a contract,
see 10:320–321).

The first paragraph of this letter was copied directly into the Commissioners' letter
to Vergennes of 10 Sept. (JA, Works, 7:29–31). It requested his intervention and advice in order to establish what portion
of the supplies sent to America were the gift of the French government, for which
no payment was due, and what portion was obtained under contract to Roderigue Hortalez
& Cie., and was to be paid for with shipments of American produce to France. In a
letter of 10 Sept. to Beaumarchais (LbC, Adams Papers) the Commissioners demanded that he present a full accounting for all supplies contracted
for by the United States from Roderigue Hortalez & Cie.

2. That is, the resolutions passed on 16 May which prompted this letter (JCC, 11:505).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0095

Author: Jones, John Paul

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-16

John Paul Jones to the Commissioners

[dateline] Brest 16th May 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

As there is an appearance that the Sales of the Rangers prizes will be greatly protracted
thro' the claims of the Admiralty here—I have been under the necessity of drawing
on you this day a { 129 } Bill at five days sight in favor of Monsieur Bersolle for Twenty four thousand Livers—which
I mean to distribute among the brave Officers and Men to whom I owe my late Success.
It is but reasonable that they should be furnished with the means of procuring little
comforts and necessaries of Life for themselves—— and the intrests of the Service
as well as the claims of Humanity and Justice plead in behalf of their Wives and helpless
Families who are now unprovided in America, and will naturally expect a Supply of
Cloathing &ca. by the Drake.1

You may expect a circumstantial Account of every transaction respecting the Ranger
in a day or two—Meantime my unsettled situation must be my Apology.2

It may not be amiss to add that upon recollection I do not conceive that France has
any power to give up American prisoners while they remain on board of American Ships
and are not suffered to come ashore.3 I have the honor to be with much Esteem and Respect, Gentlemen Your very Obliged
very Obedient very humble Servant

[signed] John Paul Jones

Dupl (ViU: Lee Papers); docketed in two unknown hands: “J.P. Jones to Amn. Comes. France. 16
May 1778” and “1778.” Designated a “(Copy)”; see descriptive note for Jones' letter of 9 May (above).

1. The Commissioners' consideration of Jones' financial dealings with Bersolle in regard
to the Ranger and its prizes had begun with their letter to Bersolle of 3 May (calendared above) and would later result in sharp exchanges with Jones (see the
Commissioners to Jones, 25 May, calendared; and Jones' letters of 27 May and 3 June, all below). The issue was not resolved until 4 Nov., when the Commissioners, in
a letter to J. D. Schweighauser and after having finally seen Bersolle's accounts,
indicated what portions they would honor (LbC, Adams Papers).

The Commissioners to Ferdinand Grand

It is our desire that you accept no Bills nor pay any money out of the funds which
are or may be in your hands to the credit of us three jointly without our joint order.
As it has been the practice to address Letters upon the business of the Commission
to Mr. Deane we desire that you will send to us all the Letters you receive so directed,
and not give them to any private person. We have the honor to be &c.

1. This letter was never sent. In a memorandum in his fragmentary journal for the period
25 May to 4 July (MH-H: Lee Papers), Arthur Lee explained that:

“Soon after Mr. Adams arrived, Mr. L. proposed that they should join in a letter to
Mr. Grand the Banker forbidding him to pay any of the public money but to their joint
order; to which Dr. F. would not agree saying he did not know but Mr. L. might starve
him, that Mr. L. kept all the Spanish funds to himself. Upon his disagreeing the measure
was dropt.”

Franklin's reference to the “spanish money” is a reflection of his sensitivity about
his position vis-à-vis Arthur Lee in regard to Spain, to which both men held commissions.
For a more detailed description of this conflict, see the Commissioners to J. D. Schweighauser,
10 June (calendared below).

Franklin also explained his reasons for not signing the order to Grand in a draft
letter to Arthur Lee of the same date (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 3:510; Franklin, Writings, ed. Smyth, 7:154–155). There he stated that he knew of no problems caused by orders by the
separate Commissioners, declined to depend on Lee for his “Subsistence,” and would
not agree to have all letters to Silas Deane delivered to the Commissioners for what
would be essentially a “Gratification of private Curiosity.”

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0097

Author: Lee, Arthur

Recipient: Franklin, Benjamin

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-17

Arthur Lee to Benjamin Franklin and John Adams

[dateline] Challiet May 17th 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

Being too much indisposd to come to Passi this morning, and thinking the subjects
of the enclosd Letters of pressing importance; I have sent you what I think shoud
be written. You will make such Alterations as you think proper.1 But if the subordinate Servants of the public continue to obey or not obey our Orders
as they please—to act as they will, without taking our orders—to involve us in debt
at their pleasure—and give us no account of the expenditure of large Sums of public
money committed to them—we may expect the worst consequences both to the public and
ourselves. I have the honor to be with the greatest esteem Gentlemen yr. most Obedt.
Servt.

1. Although it cannot be stated with certainty, these “Letters” were probably drafts
of letters dated 16 May to Thomas Simpson (DLC: Franklin Papers) and 17 May to Ferdinand Grand (above) and John Paul Jones. For the Commissioners' letter to
Jones, see 25 May (calendared below).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0098

Author: Franklin, Benjamin

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: American State Officials

Date: 1778-05-18

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

Benjamin Franklin and John Adams to American State Officials

Paris, 18 May 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:102; ordered printed by the congress as a broadside (illustration facing p. 99). This letter was signed by Adams and Franklin because, according to Arthur Lee in
his Letterbook (PCC, No. 102, IV, f. 7), “this Intelligence { 131 } was sent to the Commissioners from M. de Sartine by M. de Chaumont who came accompanied
by Dr. Bancroft and the two Commissioners at Passi having signed the above Letters
they were sent away without communicating them to Mr. Lee who was signing the Bills
for borrowing money in Holland. Mr. Adams informed him of it [thursday].” The two
Commissioners requested that French naval commanders be notified of the impending
departure of eleven British warships for North America.

Although the Commissioners' information concerning the imminent departure of Vice
Adm. John Byron's fleet was accurate, the warning was premature. Contrary winds and
indecision caused by uncertainty about the destination of Comte d'Estaing's fleet,
which had left Toulon on 13 April, delayed Byron's sailing until 9 June. Even then,
Byron's arrival in American waters was delayed by the severe storms encountered on
his passage, which scattered the fleet. The first vessel arrived at New York on 30
July, and Byron himself, at the end of September (Piers Mackesy, The War for America, 1775–1783, Cambridge, 1964, p. 196–202, 212; Mahan, Navies in the War of Amer. Independence, P.58–59).

The Commissioners were apparently unaware of the delay until they received “advices
from London” dated 5 June, which erroneously reported that Byron's squadron, which
had sailed from Portsmouth on 20 May, had put into Plymouth and been ordered not to
proceed to America. Actually, the ships from Portsmouth were only a reinforcement
for Byron's fleet, which was based at Plymouth. Nevertheless, on 10 June, the day
after Byron had sailed, the Commissioners incorporated the new information into a
circular letter directed to “any Captain bound to America” (Diary and Autobiography, 4:135; Mackesy, War for America, p. 200–201). For later intelligence on British naval operations, see letters to
the Commissioners from Francis Coffyn of 18 and 19 June (both below).

Alagnac to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] Clermont-Ferrand, Auvergne, 18 May 1778

Dr. Franklin, sir, to whom I had the honor to write1 for information about a young man, Chevalier de Pontgibaut,2 who left Nantes on 11 October 1777 on board the Arc en Ciel with letters of recommendation to Messrs. Conway and Lafayette in the hope of being
employed with the troops of the United Colonies of America; has replied that he knows
nothing on the matter. Permit me then to turn to you, sir, as you have newly arrived
from that country and might have some information on the whereabouts of the Chevalier
or the Arc en Ciel and you would greatly oblige me if you would have the goodness to inform me as to
the fate of the one or the other. This young man, filled with ardor and eager to achieve
glory in the service of such a worthy cause, is very dear to his family and his silence,
since his departure, deeply worries his father, Comte de Chalier, a venerable old
man of 77. Would it be too much of an imposition on you, sir, to ask you to ease his
anxiety by condescending to discover what has become of this young man on the supposition
that you have no information at hand. I dare hope for a favorable response to my request,
sir, and I have the honor to be with a great respect, sir, your most obedient and
humble servant

[signed] D'alagnac

Mr. La Combe, a merchant in this province, who has traveled extensively in your colonies
and who is about to return there, kindly agreed to hand deliver this letter to you.
He is a man worthy of your patronage.

2. Charles-Albert de Moré Chaliers, comte de Pontgibaud, became Lafayette's aide de camp.
Imprisoned at age 16 for being of “a fierce and violent character, and refusing to
do any kind of work,” he escaped in 1777 and set out for America on the Arc de Ciel to avoid recapture. Arriving at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, the Arc de Ciel encountered the British nayal vessel his and went aground. Pontgibaud then made his way to Valley Forge and Lafayette, who,
after confirming his story, appointed the Comte to his staff (A French Volunteer of the War of Independence, ed. and transl. Robert B. Douglas, Paris, 1897, p. v–vii, 1–42). In his account
Pontgibaud does not mention any letters of recommendation to Conway or Lafayette but
does refer to “M. d'A––––,” possibly Alagnac, who acted as a mediator between father
and son. No reply by JA to Alagnac's letter has been found.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0100

Author: Dupont de Lens

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-18

From Dupont de Lens

[dateline] Calais 18 May 1778

[salute] My lord

Under the auspices of my friend Mr. Recules de Basmarin I take the Liberty of addressing
myself to you; to make a tender of my Services to you, desiring you to appoint me
to the place of Consul, or Commissary of your nation in this port.

The perfect Knowledge I have in every thing Concerning the maritime Commerce, my having
the advantage of Writing and Speaking English most as fluently as French, and my being
recommended by Mr. Recules de Basmarin make me hope, My lord, that you Will be So
good as to grant me the favor I have the honor to Sollicit from your excellency.

The Situation of our Harbour, open to all Sorts of Winds, defended by forts and respectable
batteries, being advantageously Situated, most opposite the mouth of the Thames, Which
one may reach in less than Six hours, Will often be Very useful for the Shelter of
any armed Ships of your nation, or any other that Should happen to be in this latitude:
besides it might happen that the Captains Should undergo Some delay in their operations,
Which Would Consequently be of prejudice to them, if they had no body to Whom they
Could or Should be obliged to address themselves at their arrival.

By honouring me With So respectable an employement as that of representing a Nation
that has just given to every nation an example of the love of its Country and freedom,
Supported by the heroism of Virtue and Courage. I desire you to be persuaded, My Lord,
that I will give all my Cares and attentions, and Shall use the most Scrupulous exactness
in performing With honor all the operations, even the most Secret one's, either for
the inward { 134 } or outward part of the Kingdom, intrusted to me and in giving every assistance necessary
to the Ships that Will Come in this port for their business or Want.1 I am With respect My Lord Your Excellency's Most obedient and humble servant

1. Apparently no action was taken on this letter. The Franklin Papers, however, include
two letters bearing the conjectural date of 1778, one from Dupont de Lens that duplicates
this letter and another from him and Lebrun requesting appointment as consuls at Calais
and Dieppe, respectively (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 1:561).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0101

Author: Stenger, Christian

Author: Straughan, William

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-18

Christian Stenger and William Straughan to the Commissioners

[dateline] Onboard the Ranger Continentel Ship of War at Brest. 18 May 1778

The Humble Petition of Christian Stenger and William Stragham Showed that Your Petitioners
with thyre Propertyes, by this Unnaturall Ware have fallen Captives to the Ranger
Continentel Ship of Ware, Comanded by Captn. John Paul Jones Esqr.—first Comander
of the Brigg Dolphin, beloning to Water ford, Sunck with her Cargo Flaxseed of[f] Cape Clare Aprill 14t. Latter Comander of the Lord Chatham from London to Dublin
where She belonged. Taken in the Ireish Channell Aprill 17t. and now at Brest.1

Showed that Your Humble Petitioners have a havy Charge in Ireland first 11 and Latter
8 Children, all Intirely Depending on ower Industery and if adding to Ower Misfortune
by a long Continuance of Captivity will Prove Ower Totall Distruction, and the Cause
of the Innosent at home Seeking thyre bread from Doar to doar.

Being asured of Your Exsemplary Humanity, we bouldly take this method to knock at
the Doar of Mercy for ower Deliverance, which when optained will Shurely be a Great
Charrity bestowed on these at home who are not Yet able to Earn thyre Bread.

We however are not Intirely Distitude of Som Glimmering Hopes of Deliverance from
Captn. Jones, who Since ower Captivity has given us at Cartentimes Som Ovasif Promisse
of Deliverance, In returne for ower knowlege when on the Coast of Ireland which we
Liberally have Contributed for the Safity of the Ranger, for the Testimony of which
Apale to Captn. Jones { 135 } himself and Principall officers, but not in the least infringing on thyre knowlege
of which the Rangers Cruse is a Sofitiand Profe of thyre Conduct.

We asurantly Flatter owerselves that Your bounty full goodness to the Distresed will
out Shine the Admirallity of England, who not withstanding when Petitioned by Samuel
Chandler now onboard the Ranger, found admittance and Sett at Liberty. If this Trough
Gods assistance Should Com before Your Honour, Then are asured of Ower Liberty. Give
us leave to point out the Clarest way to ower Familys, Suffer us to be put onboard
of a Dutch Ship of which there is Severall now at Brest, if thy are Even bound to
Som Treading portes in France or Spain whare we are Shure to meet with frinds the
Merchants to whome we are known. If this Should find Exceptance in Your presance which
hope will be the Cace and Som, we with the Innosent at home are bound to pray, and
remain to Yours Honours Most afectiond. Humble Servants.

1. For John Paul Jones' account of the sinking of the Dolphin and capture of the Lord Chatham, see his letter to the Commissioners of 27 May (below). There is no indication that the Commissioners took any action on this or
two other petitions, containing essentially the same information and both docketed
by JA. The first was from the same two men and dated by JA “June 1778”; the second, from Straughan only, was undated, but probably written in
1778, possibly later in June or July (both PPAmP: Franklin Papers).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0102

Author: Williams, Jonathan

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-18

Jonathan Williams to the Commissioners

[dateline] Brest May 18. 1778

My last informed your Excellencies of my Arrival at this place from Morlaix and my
Motives in coming hither.1

Capt. Jones has received a Letter from Mr. Schweighauser who in consequence of one
from William Lee Esqr. claims the Disposal of the Prizes sent into this port by the
Ranger, informs Capt. Jones that he has the Management of the public Business, and
that I pretend to what he alone has authority for.2

As I wish to be clearly understood in every part of my Conduct, I take the Liberty
to assure you that I came hither with a { 136 } View, not of obtaining a Consignment, but of assisting Capt. Jones in his Affairs,
and consequently of serving the Public; I therefore have not attempted to alter the
Channel, the commercial part of the Business had taken.

The former prize the Lord Chatham being sent into the Intendant the Sale of it will
probably [be] made by the Admiralty, if not, it will fall into the Hands of Mr. Bersoll by whom
the Ranger was furnished before her Departure, and to whom Capt. Jones has applied
for his present Wants, it being necessary, on Account of the great Detail of them
that the Business should be transacted by a Resident here; the other being empty is
employed as a prison Ship.3 The Drake is fitting to convey the prisoners to America. I have given every assistance
in my power to put the affairs in a regular Train for a speedy and compleat Supply.

Your Excellencies thus see that my Motives are very different from what Mr. Schweighauser
supposes, and so far from having any Disposition of entering into a Dispute about
pecuniary advantages, it is my Intention to quit Brest the Moment I find my presence
useless to the Public; but as much as I wish to avoid Dispute I must endeavour also
to avoid an Imputation of neglect of Duty, and if I had acted otherwise than I have
done I should have felt myself liable to it.

Capt. Jones's great object is to secure near 200 prisoners which he keeps on board
his prison Brig, so as to obtain an equal number of our unhappy Countrymen now suffering
in Captivity. If this can be effected here it will not be necessary to send the Drake
to America, and in this Case, I beg leave to observe that this Ship can take a great
part of the Stores I have at Nantes, perhaps almost all. As she belongs wholly to
the Captors it will be necessary to buy her of them, or freight her to America either
of which could be perhaps more reasonably done than of any other persons. As you shall
please to decide, I will in obedience act.

I shall go from this in a Day or two taking Nantes in my Way to collect my papers
intend to proceed to Paris. This need not prevent the loading of the Drake should
you so determine. I have the honour to be very Respectfully, Your Excellencys most
obedt & most humle Servant

2. John Daniel Schweighauser, a leading merchant at Nantes, had been appointed the American
agent at Nantes and the other parts of Brittany, including Brest, Morlaix, etc., by
William Lee in a letter of 21 March (PCC, No. 90, f. 495–496). For JA's appraisal of Schweighauser, see Diary and Autobiography, 4:52. Schweighauser wrote to John Paul Jones on 12 and 31 May, to which Jones replied
on 4 June (PCC, No. 168).

From Henry Laurens

[dateline] York Town 19th. May 1778

[salute] Dear Sir

Will you permit me to congratulate with you upon the favorable appearances in our
American concerns and particularly upon your safe arrival at Paris, and further to
request you will forward in the best manner the times will afford, the two inclosed
Letters, one to Ralph Izard Esquire and the other to my daughter in Law in London
the latter if War is kindled between France and England must take a circuitous route
by Holland or Flanders and under particular protection.1 Command me at any time to do ten times as much in return and be assured of my chearful
obedience.

You are so fully informed of the State of affairs in this quarter by the Committee
of foreign correspondence it would be committing waste upon time to repeat. We have
this Instant an account of the Enemy's movements from Philadelphia under clouds of
mancevre and stratagem, time will shew whether they mean to attack Gen. Washington
or to penetrate Jersey and cross over to New York. Our Commander in Chief is also
in motion and if they don't face him he will be on their Skirts.

[salute] I wish you every degree of happiness & am with great Respect Dear sir Your Obedient
hum' servt

1. The letter to Izard may have concerned his affairs in South Carolina that Laurens
had undertaken to oversee while Izard was absent in Europe. Mrs. John Laurens (Martha
Manning), sister-in-law of Benjamin Vaughn, remained in England until 1781. In the
spring of that year she set out for France to join her husband, who had been appointed
an American minister, but died before reaching him (Wallace, Laurens, p. 45, 464–469; DAB).

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 19 May 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

My last, in the form of a diary, began with the 7th and ended on the 15th of this
month. You will there have seen my progress, step by step, toward the proper conclusion;
that is, to make known here, in a gen• { 140 } uine and unequivocal way, the friendly disposition of the United States toward this
Republic and thus prepare the way for a successful rapprochement without placing the
British ambassador in a position to annoy and harass the State through his protests.
The conduct of the Grand Pensionary in this affair is, I repeat, most clever and we,
the Grand Facteur, our friend from Amsterdam, and I, consider it tangible proof of the sincerity with which he shares our views.
I have it from our friend that last Friday he gave a translation of your letter1 to each member of the Provincial States underhand, as they say here, rather than openly as is the usual fashion (that is, to the States in session). The following day, Saturday,
at the luncheon held at the Court, a group composed of the French ambassador, the
Spanish minister plenipotentiary and his wife Countess d'Herreria, and some others,
stood to the side to observe the bearing of the British ambassador as he entered.
They saw him pass before the Grand Pensionary, whom he regarded in a sullen, angry
manner, without the least sign of courtesy. The group was greatly amused. This minister,
although he has grown old in this business, has little composure. He does not realize
that by showing his ill humor he thereby gives us the strongest evidence of the sincerity
of the Grand Pensionary's sentiments toward us.

Moreover, our friend has told me that the Grand Pensionary, N.B. as a result of the words in your letter to him: “of which (Treaty of Amity and Commerce between France and the U.S.) we shall speedily send your Excellency a copy to be communicated if you think proper
to their HighMightinesses,”2 expects to receive this document from you. It will be necessary, therefore, if you
please, for you to inclose a copy in a letter to me, that I can display, in which
you will order me to give a copy of the Treaty to his Excellency, the Grand Pensionary, after having
made another copy to be sent to the Regency of Amsterdam.3 It is not necessary to write a second letter to the Grand Pensionary, rather he must
first send you a polite response to yours and must be given time for that. In all
this, gentlemen, I will take care of that which is due your dignity with the same
diligence given to the substance of the matter. I have spoken of all this to the Grand
Facteur who approves of it. He has seen, with much satisfaction, the paragraph concerning
him in Mr. Franklin's letter of the 30th.4

While awaiting a prompt reply to the above request and, in good time, the wonderful
news of which I will make good use, I am with respect and loyal attachment, as you
know, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servant

[signed] D

The enclosed pamphlet is modeled after that sent me by Mr. A. Lee some time ago.5 The same, in French, is in the press, and I will send it to you shortly. This piece
is, by design, released precisely in these circumstances.

I come from our friend from Amsterdam who has assured me that the letter to the Grand Pensionary, now in the hands of all
the members of { 141 } the Provincial States, produces a very good effect and that these gentlemen are very
satisfied with it. He also strongly approves of my way of asking you to send me a
copy of the treaty.

Count Walderen, envoy of this Republic to London, in a letter of 12 May, has written
for the second time of the news reaching London concerning a corps of Howe's cavalry
being caught and surrounded by our army and the poor state of British affairs in America.
All our friends here ask if you inform me of any of this since it is news that only
the British would want concealed, while we would wish it publicized. My reply is that
you notify me only of news received by you that is proved authentic.

The British papers inform us of Lord Chatham's death and the arrival of General Burgoyne.

The Grand Facteur has just told me of the return to Brest of the Ranger, which has spread so much terror in Ireland and Northern England, with its prize
the armed chaloupe the Dragon.6

1. That is, on 15 May the Grand Pensionary distributed copies of the Commissioners' letter
to him of 28 April (see Dumas to the Commissioners, 7 May; and the Commissioners to Pieter van Bleiswyck, 28 April, both above).

2. A direct quotation from the Commissioners' letter to van Bleiswyck of 28 April (above).

3. No letter instructing Dumas has been found. It may have been enclosed with a copy
of the treaty in a letter of 2 June, apparently not extant, that reached Dumas on
the 10th (see Dumas to the Commissioners, 11 June, below).

5. This pamphlet, in Dutch and modeled after Lee's “Memorial for Holland,” has not been
found. According to Lee, his “Memorial” was written in 1777 but not sent because of
his journey to Spain in February of that year. On 31 March it was finally sent to
Dumas, who reportedly made some additions, which Lee praised in a letter to Dumas
on 4 June (R. H. Lee, Arthur Lee, 1:138, 141–142; a copy of the “Memorial” is printed on p. 138–141; see also PCC, No. 83,1, f. 173–176).

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

To Fleury

Passy, 20 May 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:104. In his reply to Fleury's letter of 26 April (above), Adams noted the excellent reputation of François Louis Teissèdre de Fleury,
then serving with the Continental Army, and congratulated Fleury and his wife “upon
the honor of having such a Son.” He then stated, to remove any uneasiness, that the
younger Fleury's “Pay and Appointments” should be adequate for his subsistence.

From William Vernon Sr.

[dateline] Boston May 20th. 1778

[salute] Dear sir

The preceeding is Copy of my last, via Bilboa.1 I have noted, that we have run out the Warren Capt. Hopkins from Providence, he happily
escaped the vigilance of the Enemy, received the Fire of Two Ships in the River, as
he passed them without any meterial damage, several ships follow'd him out from Newport
and pursued a day or Two, he out saild them. He was ordered to Boston immediately,
the severity of the weather and being badly Man'd, obliged him to run as far to the
southward as the Latt:24d.o, upon his Passage he Captured the ship Neptune Capt. Smallwood
from Whitehaven, bound to New York, with salt and dry Goods, great part of which he
took on board his ship. The Ship with the Salt, was retaken within Six hours sail
of Boston; also a Snow from St. Eustatia going to Ireland Loaded with Flax-seed and
Fustick which Arrived safe at Bedford, this Vessil was cover'd with fictitious Dutch
Papers. The Warren anchored safe in Boston Harbour after being at Sea five Weeks.2 We next dispatched the Columbus, with only Twenty five Men on board, leaving all
her stores, except just sufficient to run her to New London, she was drove on shore
at Point-Judith, by two or Three Frigates, the same Night, the next day the Enemy
sat her on fire under cover of their Ships, who were annoy'd by a few Troops from
the shore, with Three feild Peices, Killed them fourteen Men and wouned Twenty. I
think they Paid a high price for the Hull of an old Ship, as our people strip't her
Sails Rigging &c.3 The 30th. of April we sent down the Providence Capt. Whipple, having on board about
170 Men, who was ordered to the first Port in France he cou'd make, to be under the
direction of the Commissioners, where we hope she is safe Arrived,4 no dispatches was sent by this Ship, as she was to pass a dangerous passage; however
in a brisk Wind and dark Night she got out safe, receiveing a heavy fire from the
Lark, which was the uppermost ship, who's Fire she returned with Spirit and good effect,
Kill'd a number and Wounded many Men, much disabled the Ship; the lower-most Ship
by this alarm, was prepared to receive the Providence, who was obliged to pass her
very near, gave her their Fire, that was returned with good success, but we have not
yet heard the particulars, as they ever endeavour to conceal their Losses.

You find how injudiciouly our Ships have been confined in Providence River at a vast
expence, when they might have been employed to good purposes. The Ship Virginia is
Captured in Chesapeake bay, perhaps imprudently. The Randolph Capt. Biddle was lately
blown up to windward of Barbadoes, in an engagement with the Yarmouth a 64 Gun Ship,
every Soul perished except four; this is an unfortunate stroke of Providence, which
we must submit too without repineing, yet we cannot but regret the loss of so brave
an officer and Crew. The loss of the Alfred on her passage home from France we lament,
not so much for the Ship, as the gallant and worthy Capt. Henman, Officers and Crews
being in the hands of a Cruel Enemy, and the shameful cowardly manner in not being
supported by the Rawleigh Capt. Thompson, who saw him engaged with an 18 Gun Sloop
of Warr, whom he had obliged to sheer off, and a 20 Gun ship bearing down upon her
within Two Mile, which Two ship he maintain'd the conflict with upwards of a hour,
while Capt. Thompson lay within Two or Three Mile a spectator to the Capture; soon
as the Alfred struck her Colours, the Enemy gave Chase to the Rawleigh who flee'd
with all the Sail she cou'd croud, lightening his Ship by throwing over board, Provisions
Cables &c. &c., and had certainly parted with his Guns, had not some Passengers interposed;
I am verily sorry to say thus much respecting this matter, but they are truths too
notorious to pass over in silence. A report prevails that the Enemy have burn't our
Galleys and shiping upon the Delaware that were above the City; its not said the Two
Frigates that was sunk are distroyed.5 Are we not Dear sir compensated in those Losses by the glorious Treaties of Alliance
of Amity and Commerce which were executed the 6th. of Febry. last at Paris and unanimously
ratified by Congress the 4th. Instant, I think sir they are magnanimous founded in
our Independency equality and reciprocity; upon which I most sincerely congratulate
you and our oppressed Country.6

Inclosed is a Letter for my son, which please do me the favor to forward him. Not
having heard of your Arrival, am at a Loss where to direct to him. Yet I am perfectly
happy in his being under your patronage, and cannot doubt of his being Place'd in
such a situation that he may in Time, be qualified to serve his Friends and Country
with reputation, provided he is prudent and assiduous, your Friendly advice and notice,
I am perswaded he will have in proportion to his merits, I cannot ask more, I { 144 } wou'd not even wish to perplex a Friend with the care and trouble of an unworthy son,
all I cou'd possibly hope or desire in such case, wou'd be his interposition in saving
unnecessary expence and squandering of Money to no good effect. I pray sir you will
give me your sentiments freely upon the behaviour and whole Character of my son, which
will be esteemed as the greatest favor. Please to make my most respectful compliments
acceptable to your Hon'ble Colleges, and believe me truely Your most Obedient Humble
servt

1. That is, a triplicate (RC not found) of Vernon's letter of 9 March (above) was included in his letter of 26 May (below).

2. In escaping down the Providence River, the 32-gun frigate Warren, commanded by John Burroughs Hopkins, had one man wounded, lost its mizzen yard,
and sustained damage to its main yard and hull. It arrived in Boston on 23 March (Allen, Naval Hist. of the Amer. Revolution, 1:26; William Vernon to the Navy Board, 25 March, “Vernon Naval Papers,” p. 229–230; Boston Gazette, 30 March).

4. The Providence, a 28–gun frigate commanded by Abraham Whipple, arrived at Paimboeuf, France, on
30 May (Dict. Amer. Fighting Ships, 5:397). Whipple informed the Commissioners of his arrival in a letter to Benjamin
Franklin of 31 May (PPAmP: Franklin Papers), to which the Commissioners replied on 6 June (calendared below). The Navy Board for the Eastern Department sent, under a covering
letter of 9 April (PPAmP: Franklin Papers), newspapers to that date.

5. Vernon's account of the loss of the frigates Virginia, Capt. James Nicholson; Randolph, Capt. Nicholas Biddle; Alfred, Capt. Elisha Hinman; and the Washington and Effingham, both uncompleted and burned by the British in early May, is substantially correct.
So too is his description of the conduct of Capt. Thomas Thompson of the Raleigh, who was later court martialed and dismissed from the navy (Samuel Tucker to JA, 9 May, note 3, above; Allen, Naval Hist. of the Amer. Revolution, 1:296–299,301–304,310–311; compare Vernon's account here with that by William Ellery
in his letter to Vernon of 25 April, “Vernon Naval Papers,” p. 237–239; see also letters to the Commissioners from Samuel Tucker and William
Bingham of 27 and 29 May, respectively, both below).

6. This praise of the Franco-American treaties is taken almost verbatim from William
Ellery's letter to Vernon of 6 May (“Vernon Naval Papers,” p. 241).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0107

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Adams, Samuel

Date: 1778-05-21

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

To Samuel Adams

Passy, 21 May 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:106–108. Adams commented on, among other things, the probability of a European war, the movements
of the French and British fleets, and the possibility of wider European support for
the Revolution. He then discussed the large amounts of money expended on supplies
and the Commissioners' expenses. Regarding the latter, Adams proposed that to lower
expenses and increase efficiency, the three Commissioners be { 145 } reduced to one, the other two to be sent elsewhere or recalled. He recommended, in
particular, separation of the office of minister from that of commercial agent. Samuel
Adams replied on 25 Oct. (Adams Papers).

John Adams' letter, together with those of 24 May to the Commerce Committee (probably not sent) and of 25 May from the Commissioners
to John Bondfield, John Paul Jones, J. D. Schweighauser, and Jonathan Williams, each drafted by Adams (all calendared below), firmly defined, as he saw it, his
role as a Commissioner. He would strive to bring order to the Commissioners' affairs,
particularly in regard to finances and the often conflicting demands of those claiming
to act as American commercial agents.

The letters and JA's comments on them in his Autobiography indicate his frustration, belief in the need
for immediate action, and recognition that his position would be controversial. Adams
wrote to Samuel Adams out of the belief that “our whole System was wrong and that
ruin to our Affairs abroad and great danger and confusion in those at home, must be
the Consequence of it” (Diary and Autobiography, 4:106).

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paragraph beginning "Printed."

Benjamin Franklin and John Adams to the Massachusetts General Court

Passy, 22 May 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:110. Citing the usual practice under the law of nations of allowing six months after
the commencement of hostilities for subjects of both sides to remove their property,
Adams and Franklin requested that, if possible, the General Court return to Joseph
Parker of London property seized by Massachusetts in the spring of 1775.

Whether recipient's copy or draft, the letter (MiU-C: Presidents Collection) was begun by Adams and finished by Franklin. It has a statement
to that effect at the bottom of the second page by Parker, who was to transmit the
letter to the General Court (see Diary and Autobiography, illustration facing 4:131).

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 22 May 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

The Dutch States General ended their session today, and each member will be leaving
for his town tomorrow. I have just come from wishing our friend a good trip. He saw the Grand Pensionary, who told him that he was torn between his
desire, on the one hand, to answer your letter in a way that would demonstrate how
much he appreciates your courtesy in these dealings and is flattered with the hope
that the time will come when he will be able to correspond openly with you; and, on
the other hand, the constraint that his position puts him in of being unable to give
you in writing, before the state authorizes him to do so, the titles due your station.
He therefore asked our friend to have me visit him one day as if, on my own behalf,
I was asking him if he had an answer to give me. He intends to give me a verbal reply
that I could then transmit to you as coming from him. I told our friend that, since
in my last letter1 I had asked you to send me the copy of the treaty that you had promised the Grand
Pensionary in your letter to him and which he is expecting, I thought that I should
wait until I received that copy because then I could approach the Grand Pensionary
naturally and out of necessity without having to resort to the pretext of asking him
for an answer. Our friend approved. I had another reason for not rushing over. I want
first to consult an oracle more reliable than that of Calchas.2 Moreover, our friend has assured me that the Grand Pensionary is very much in accord
with the town of Amsterdam and thus fully intends to arrange with it the rapprochement
of the two republics.

Our friend has pressed me to provide him with accurate intelligence from you, and
N.B. particularly on the reception given by the United States to the British Commissioners sent to negotiate
with them. I have told him that he could rest assured that they would be totally ineffectual
unless they had been instructed to accede, without reservations, to the treaty between
France and the United States. He replied that he believed as I did, but that he needed
the fact authenticated, and that the use he would make of it would be both important
and productive of much good.

In addition, he told me that, in the assembly of the States General, the Province
of Holland categorically refused to discuss the troop increase, and that the town
of Amsterdam, in particular, declared itself to be absolutely against such an increase,
especially so long as a situation remained in which such an increase might involve
the state, directly or indirectly, in the quarrel between Great Britain and France.
Nevertheless, the other provinces, to accommodate someone who is far too compliant
with Sir Joseph Yorke, have agreed to draft and propose a plan for an increase. Nothing
substantial, however, will come out of it despite Sir Joseph Yorke's attempts to have
the contrary believed here and in his own country. Indeed, without Holland, and { 149 } particularly without Amsterdam, the other provinces can do nothing in the matter since
all six together pay only a third of the total budget, Amsterdam alone paying ⅔ of
the remaining ⅔.

You will find enclosed, in French, the document that I had the honor to send you in
my last letter in Dutch.3 You will see, in reading it, that it has been released at the appropriate time.

My letter cannot go before next Tuesday, but I thought it best to write it as soon
as I left our friend, while the interview was still fresh in my mind. He departed
in good-spirits, satisfied with what took place during this assembly.

[dateline] Saturday, 23 May

Here is the translation of a German letter I have just received. I find nothing believable
in its first paragraph except, perhaps, the recall of the volunteer officers. If that
is true, France may have had reasons for doing so that are quite different from those
imagined by the writer.4

[dateline] 26 May

I showed what precedes to the Grand Facteur last Saturday, and, as he was about to
depart on a trip, he had a copy made for his own use. I will not be able to consult
with him until he returns at the end of the week.

The French ambassador has been away for a few days. He has gone to Amsterdam, &c.,
to accompany the Duchess of Chartres and the Princess of Lamballe,5 who have come for a tour of Holland. He read me an excerpt from a letter he received
last Friday that said that Mr. Simeon Deane, who carried the treaty to congress, had
returned on the 11th of this month to Brest and that news had reached France that
Quebec was now under the control of the United States.6 I am waiting for this news from you so that I can communicate it to our friend and
to the Grand Pensionary, an essential step at this time.

I have the pleasure of Mr. Sam. W. Stockton's7 presence here and am rendering him some small services. He will be leaving tomorrow
for Leyden, Amsterdam, and Germany. He left the enclosed letter with me.

[salute] I am, with the most sincere respect, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient
servant

2. Calchas was a Greek soothsayer noted for his prophecies during the Trojan War. As
usual when considering a new course of action, Dumas wished to consult with La Vauguyon.

3. Arthur Lee's “Memorial for Holland,” printed under the title of Avis aux Hollandois (Dumas to the Commissioners, 2 June, below).

4. The letter, dated 15 May from Berlin, and omitted here, reported on the continuing
conflict between Prussia and Austria over succession to the Bavarian throne. In the
first paragraph the writer noted that the French volunteers had been ordered to withdraw
and ascribed it to an alteration of French policy in favor of Austria, which, if true,
would be contrary to French interests. The remainder of the { 150 } letter commented on the general military situation in Germany.

5. Louise Marie Adélaide de Bourbon-Penthièvre, duchesse de Chartres and later Orléans
(1753–1821), and her sister-in-law, Marie Théresè de Savoie-Carignan, princesse de Lamballe (1748–1792), were important figures at the French court, the latter being superintendent of the
Royal Household and a sometime favorite of Marie Antoinette (Hoefer, Nouv. biog. générale).

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elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

To the Commerce Committee

Passy, 24 May 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:111–112. John Adams described the confusion that resulted from the multiplicity of commercial
agents, often operating from the same ports, each claiming his authority from a different
source. Adams recommended that order be imposed by designating a person in each of
the principal ports as the sole American agent. He also suggested that appointment
of one or more consuls by the congress might be appropriate. Realizing that his effort
to bring order to the Commissioners' finances was controversial, Adams noted that
its “Consequence has been, so many Refusals of Demands and Requests, that I expect
much Discontent will arise from it, and many Clamours.” See also JA to Samuel Adams, 21 May (calendared above).

JA may have had second thoughts about this letter. The lack of a formal closing, the
presence of what is apparently the only extant copy in Lb/JA/5, the absence of the
notation “sent” on the Letterbook copy, as well as the general tone of this letter
make it unlikely that it was sent.

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paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to John Bondfield

Passy, 25 May 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:116. Replying to Bondfield's letters of 12 (above) and 17 May (not found), the Commissioners' letter, drafted by Adams, commended
Bondfield for his efforts to keep them informed and asked him to send an account of
his disbursements and to send future accounts monthly so that the Commissioners could
avoid running into debt.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to John Paul Jones

Passy, 25 May 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:112–114. Responding to Jones' letters of 9 and 16 May (both above), the Commissioners' letter, drafted by Adams, congratulated him
on his arrival at Brest, requested an account of his voyage, and advised him of { 151 } their preference that his prisoners be exchanged in Europe rather than sent to America
in the Drake. The Commissioners expressed regret that Jones had not sent them a detailed account
of his cruise and the prizes taken and requested a copy of a congressional resolve
on the disposal of prizes. The Commissioners then gave Jones several reasons for refusing
his draft in favor of Bersolle. Finally, taking a paragraph from Arthur Lee's unsent
letter to Jones of 17 May (DLC: Franklin Papers), they noted that Lt. Thomas Simpson would have to be sent to America
because of the impossibility of convening a court martial in France and questioned
Jones' judgment in ordering Simpson's arrest because of the “troublesome” consequences
of such an act in a foreign country.

Unknown to Adams and Lee, this letter may have initiated a correspondence between
Jones and Benjamin Franklin. In his first letter, dated 27 May and answered by Jones
on 1 June, Franklin sought to mitigate the effect of the Commissioners' letter of
the 25th and ended with the statement that “it will always be a pleasure to me to
contribute what may lie in my power towards your advancement and that of the brave
officers and men under your command” (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:599; Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 1:433). Later letters of 1 and 10 June offered Jones a post that he had unsuccessfully
sought during an earlier visit to Paris in January, the command of the Indien, a frigate built for the United States at Amsterdam and then transferred to France
because of problems with Dutch neutrality. With the offer of a new command came an
invitation to visit Paris to consult on the matter, a request that Jones agreed to
in a letter to Franklin of 6 June (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:599–600; Morison, John Paul Jones, p. 120–124, 174; Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 1:436).

Franklin, in his letters of 1 and 10 June, made it clear that Adams and Lee were and
would remain ignorant of the proposed new command in order to preserve secrecy, a
situation that significantly affected the later correspondence and activities of the
three Commissioners in regard to Jones (see, in particular, the Commissioners to Jones,
16 June, calendared; Arthur Lee to JA, 5 July, and note 1, both below). Although the need to preserve security was certainly a consideration,
the withholding of information from Adams and Lee can also be seen as an indication
of Franklin's dominant position within the Commission and, possibly, his desire to
cut off from the substantive work of the Commission two members that he believed to
be a part of a faction arrayed against him. These interpretations help explain a passage
in Adams' Autobiography. There he declared that with the letter here under review
and some others written at the same time, all of which he was doubtful that Franklin
would sign, “the Die was cast.” Rumors became rife that “Mr. Adams had joined with
Mr. Lee against Dr. Franklin” (Diary and Autobiography, 4:116–117).

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to J. D. Schweighauser

Passy, 25 May 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:115. Drafted by Adams, this letter, through enclosed extracts from letters of 25 May
to John Paul Jones (calendared above) and Jonathan Williams (calendared below), informed Schweighauser that he was the authorized American agent
at Brest. The Commissioners directed him to send monthly accounts and to inform them
of unusual proposed expenses so that they would not run into debt.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to Jonathan Williams

Passy, 25 May 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:114–115. Replying to Williams' letters of 11 and 18 May (both above), this letter, drafted by Adams, advised Williams that he had no
power to act at Brest in regard either to prizes or to American commerce. J. D. Schweighauser
was the American agent in that port, having received his powers from the congress
through his appointment by William Lee. The Commissioners, therefore, revoked Williams'
powers in order to save money and prevent confusion and delay. He was immediately
to deliver all stores and merchandise in his possession to Schweighauser and send
his accounts to the Commissioners.

Thomas Simpson to the Commissioners

[dateline] Pontaniou, Goal, in the Port of Brest May 25th. 1778

[salute] May it please your Honours

I addressed you on the 8th. of this Instant on a very disagreeable affair, not recieving
any answer, or order from your Honours, I concluded my letter had miscarried, or your
attentions were required on greater objects, and therefore was determined to rest
a while, until you might be at leisure, to think on the matter, I had wrote you of.1 But the treatment I have since recieved from Captn. Jones constrains me to be again
troublesome, which, when I relate it, hope will Apologize with your Honours, for my
excuse. On Wednesday the 20th Instant between the hours of nine and ten in the forenoon,
Captn. Jones came on board the Drake, with a French Officer, and without previous
notice ordered me to go with that Officer on board the Admiral (I must make a digression
to inform you, that this was the first time he gave me an opportunity, to speak to
him since my parting with him on board the Ranger, the 25th. of April in the evening,
which preceded the day, he sent his written instructions to me { 154 } by his boat on board the Drake,) I told him, I was sensible that I was under Arrest,
and that I was entirely innocent of his charge again me, that I shou'd have given
him that satisfaction before, if he had given me opportunity, that I had attended
to his order of Arrest, and kept to my confinement, Observed to him, that I had nothing
to do with the French Admiral, that he cou'd not possibly be any way connected with
our dispute. He answered that he would have no Altercation, and desired the Officer
to take me away, I accordingly obeyed; but If I was surprized at being sent on board
the Admiral's Ship, what can you think Gentlemen, my astonishment and distress must
be, to find after I was in the boat, that the Admiral's ship he told me of, was an
Old prison ship that lies in the Port of Brest, which is called the Admiral, kept
by an Officer and a guard of Soldiers, to put disorderly persons of every denomination,
as a punishment. I was confined [there] that day, and the night following, not a person that I knew suffered to speak to
me, Mr. Benjamin Hill, a Gentleman, that was with me in the Drake, came to bring my
bed, but was not admitted to speak.

Thursday morning the 21st. Another French Officer came on board the Prison ship about
9 o'the clock, and told me I must go with him to the Pontaniou. I was then a little
cheered, thinking Captain Jones was about to treat me like a Gentleman, but to my
great disappointment and Affliction, when arriving at the Pontaniou, I found it to
be the common Goal, where I was ordered to be locked up in one of the rooms, and no
person of my accquaintance to be suffered to see me. The Goaler has been so kind as
to carry a letter for me to Comte D'orvilliers, I addressed myself to him, as Captn.
Jones told me it was the Comte's orders that I shou'd be treated in the manner heretofore
related, the Comte told the Goaler, that he had given Captn. Jones liberty (on his
application) to put me in the prison, that he had nothing to do with our dispute,
the Goaler asked the Comte; who was to provide for me his answer was Captn. Jones,
which he has not yet done, unless it be ill treatment. I have wrote another letter
to the Intendant, he is now out of town, but the Commissary has this day told the
Goaler, that I may write to your Honours, which I instantly embrace, it being the
fifth day of my confinement.

May it please your Honours such actions are cruel, and oppressive, very unbecoming
an American Officer, very unbecoming those people, who are Struggling in one of the
most glorious { 155 } causes that mankind ever undertook. I offered Captn. Jones if he wou'd consent to
my taking any room on shore, I wou'd confine myself as close, as he pleased, or desired
him to confine me to my apartment in the Ranger, which is the proper place for my
confinement, If people will be so rigorous. No, that favor, even if it was one, was
denied. No Officer was ever treated in such a manner in the British navy, and I am
sensible there is no Officer (God forbid there shou'd,) but Captn. Jones in the American
Navy, wou'd treat his Lieutenant in such a manner, for nothing but an imaginary fault.
I appeal to all the Officers of the Ranger and by their account of my behaviour, am
willing to Stand or fall.

Gentlemen pray let my situation plead for me with you, for your friendly interposition,
let me be order'd to America. I'll go any way that you please, and deliver myself
at the first place I arrive, where there are Gentlemen to try me, let Captn. Jones
send his charge written. I can have none but written evidence and defence. I am innocent,
I fear no trial, if that cannot be, may I beg to be removed to Bourdeaux, on board
the Boston, here are passages often enough, or Mr. Williams your Agent can send me
from Nantes to America. I shou'd not be thus troublesome; but my unhappiness is great,
confined in a foreign prison, no shadow of a Trial, or release, I can be of no service to my country, but on the contrary, my treatment when known,
which soon must be, will be a discouragement, and deter every one from entering to
serve in the Navy. I beg your honours pardon, and hope you'll excuse this long incorrect
State of the matter, have inclosed a Copy of the letter I before wrote you, with a
Copy of Cn. Jones Instructions, a copy of his order for my Arrest, and declaration
of Mr. Hills, with the people, that were on board the Drake; by which your Honours
may be accquainted with matters of fact.2 I shou'd be glad to have those people sworn, but my situation will not admit of it.

I cannot conclude without, again, in the most earnest manner, Supplicating your assistance,
knowing no other persons in this country to whom I can Apply for redress, my case
is still more distressing as I cannot speak the French language, and no American admitted
to come to see me in the Prison. I humbly beg a line or two in answer by return of
the Post. And am Your honours most Obedient and very humble Servant.

I neglected to observe to your Honours, that Captn. Jones never made a Signal to speak
withe me at the time of our parting, which if he found, there was a misunderstanding
of his verbal order he ought to have done.

If your Honours will Oblige me with answer—I beg it as a favour You'll direct the
Letter agreeable to the Underwritten.

A Monsieur Monsieur Chevalier Consierge De La prison Royal De Pontaniou a Brest

1. Although a letter in answer to Simpson's of 8 May had been drafted on the 16th, it
was not sent. The Commissioners did not reply until 3 June (calendared below).

2. For Jones' instructions, see Simpson's letter to the Commissioners of 8 May, note 1 (above). Two copies of Jones' arrest order of 7 May are in the Franklin Papers (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 4:259). One is almost certainly the copy enclosed in this letter, and it is likely
that the other was included with Simpson's letter of 8 May, despite the absence of
any mention there of such an enclosure. The declaration by “Mr. Hills,” Midshipman
Benjamin Hill, and the other members of the Ranger's crew who had been aboard the Drake with Simpson was dated 16 May (PPAmP: Franklin Papers). It contained, with some additional details, the same information
as was in Simpson's letter of the 8th.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0116

Author: Vernon, William Sr.

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-26

From William Vernon Sr.

[dateline] Boston May 26th. 1778

[salute] Dear sir

The Two foregoing Letters are Copys,1 thinking it necessary to transmit at least Three Copys these precarious Times, which
I shall think no trouble in transcribing, if a single line thereof gives you the least
satisfaction. The building the 74 Gun Ships are order'd to be stoped for the present,
I suppose it to be in consequence I [of?] what You requested me to write Mr. Ellery upon the subject.2 Nothing New in the Naval department since my last.

The Enemy from Newport made an excursion upon the Main Yesterday morning, they Landed
about 700 Men at Warren at Day light, under the command of Col. Cambell they burn't
a number of boats that was collected there the last Winter, sat Fire to the Baptist
Meeting House which with three or four other buildings were consumed, the Militia
collecting to the number of 120 they retreated towards Bristol made a stand, two or
three Mile from that Town, while a number Rob'd and plundered the { 157 } Inhabitants destroy'd furniture &c. &c, sat Fire to the Episcopal Church and 22 of
the best dwelling houses in the Town, retreated hastily down to the Ferry landing,
opposite to Rhode Island, where a Frigate an Arm'd Brigantine and several Cutter was
ready to receive them on board under cover of their Guns which constantly Fir'd upon
our People who pursued and harassed them in their retreat and embarkation, altho'
not a fourth part of their number. Col. Barton (who took Prescot) was Wounded with
one private we made three Prisoners, and its very probabil Kill'd some and Wounded
many, as much blood appeared upon the Hill where they made a stand and several were
seen to fall. Thus ended this burning thieveing Expedition in six hours from their
Landing after retreating 8 Mile and stealing Twenty respectabe Inhabitants out of
their beds, whom they took away, we suppose to Starve and Murder on board their Prison
ships, as they have done with some Thousands before.3 I forgot to tell you Ten days past they sent a party into the Eastward sound and
Rob'd the Elizabeth Islands of 1500 sheep and 100 Cattle, burn't some buildings &c.
they did not Land at the Vineyard, return'd to Newport with their booty.

We are impatient to hear of your safe Arrival. I am most respectfully, Dr. sir your
obedt. Hble servt

[signed] Wm Vernon

RC (Adams Papers) The address portion of this letter has been lost and a portion of the surviving
MS cut off, leaving only a fragmentary docket entry: “M[r. Vernon's Letter 26 May 1778] ans. [27 July 1778].” The RC begins in the middle of page 3 and continues to the middle of page 4, being preceded
by a Tripl of a letter dated 9 March and a Dupl of a letter dated 20 May (both above).

2. What JA directed Vernon to tell William Ellery is unknown, but it apparently had an immediate
effect. On 20 Nov. 1776 the congress had authorized the construction of three 74–gun
ships of the line but only one was ever begun, the America, at Portsmouth, N.H. It was that ship whose construction was stopped, a decision
made by the Marine Committee in response to letters from Vernon and William Whipple
received in early March 1778. In commenting on the two letters, Ellery stated that
the action was taken because “these huge ships are too costly and unwieldy.” Congress
ratified the decision on 29 May, ordering at the same time that the ship be altered
to carry 56 gun's. Three years later, following a decision by the congress on 23 June
1781, construction was resumed and the America was completed as a 74–gun ship of the line. It never, however, saw service in the
Continental Navy, being instead presented to France on 3 Sept. 1782 as a replacement
for the Magnifique, which had gone aground in Boston Harbor (JCC, 6:970; 11:555; 20:692; 23:543; Dict. Amer. Fighting Ships, 4:567–568; William Ellery to William Vernon, 16 March, “Vernon Naval Papers,” p. 221–224).

3. For a British account of this raid, see Rivington's Royal Gazette, 10 June 1778. See also W. H. Munro, History of Bristol, R.I., The Story of the Mount Hope Lands, Providence, 1880, p. 209–218.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0117

Author: Tucker, Samuel

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-27

From Samuel Tucker

[dateline] Blaye May the 27 1778

[salute] Sir

I am ready for Sea and waiting for a wind after a teadious fatigueing Jobb. I heartily
Congratulate you with the News of Capt. Jones takeing the Drake and make no doubt
but any of us Could Compleat Such an Undertaking Was our People Unanimous but Sir
their has bein a Consparicy Carred on board the Boston this three weeks Past betwen
the English att Bourdeaux and my men to take the Ship to England but I Luckly Discoverd
the Plot. I have Sent Mr. Livingston to town with the Evedence against them to Secure
the Villians one by the Name of Wire another by the name of Watts and Mr. Munrow Who
Deserted the Ship. This I done by advice of the majestrates and military offercers
of this Place on Catching the Raskel with his Last Message to my People to know their
minds. Those Deserters who had Run before had agreed by Perswations of the English
Villians att Town to Come on board and ask my Pardon for transgresing with Pison Conceald
about them and opeum. The Rascles where to Broach a Cask of water for forty Who were
to be Concernd Pison the offercers by their Victles and to assasanate me by the way
of a Sentenal Who was to be well Rewarded for his Vallour but thanks to god I am Seldom
or Ever off my gaurd in war time Even in a family where well acquainted.

Prehaps Sir when the matter is finishd Mr. Bondefield1 will give you a Just account as my time will not Premit me to Stay my tarry has bein
Long in Bourdeaux and I was almost ashamd to Write but I Cannot Boast of being well
mand but my Ship is Extraordinary well fited att great Expence but hope nevertheless
to pay my Country for all the Expence I Shall be att. Sir I have Received your trunk
of Mr. Bondfield and hope to Deliver it with Pleasure and your Leter to Mr. Smith2 in Boston Where I hope to See your Honnour and Mast. Jack in the Course of two years
but Soonner Sir you Cannot be Expected.

My Complements Sir to Mast. Jack and Mast. Jesse3 that I am Very well. Hopeing these may be Presented your Honnour and them in Like
Situation. My Number of men on board is 182 men and Boys amongst which is 40 Seamen.
Some of the before mentioned that I Shall take Very good Care off. Sir Your most Obedt.
Humble Servt

[signed] Saml Tucker

Sir I have Just heard the Confirmation of Capt. Bidle being Sunk by the Seaford of
64 guns by Runing alongside her in the { 159 } Night fired a broad Side into the Seaford taking her to be an Endiaman in the transport
Service. The Seaford Returnd below and aloft blew up the Raindolph and all perrishd
but two men one of which was Seen in Martinaco by a Gentleman in this Port Who Declares
he had the account from that Seaman formaly of the Raindolph.4

I am Sir heartily Sorry for So fine a man—and Valliant Crew and my Contrys Loss.

1. See Bondfield to the Commissioners, 6 June (below). Tucker wrote to the Commissioners on 28 May (Adams Papers), giving them essentially the same information contained in this letter, adding only
that he had lost several crew members who had died of “Pluricy fever.” For additional
information on the conspiracy, see Philip Chadwick Foster Smith, Captain Samuel Tucker, Salem, 1976, p. 48–49; “Journal of William Jennison,” in Charles R. Smith, Marines in the Revolution, Washington, 1975, p. 349. Although the unrest among members of Tucker's crew subsided
so as to permit him to embark on his planned cruise, it resurfaced when the Boston put into Port Louis on 2 July (see James Moylan to the Commissioners, 8 July, note 2 and references there, below).

2. This letter, presumably to Isaac Smith Sr., has not been found. For the trunk put
on board the Boston, see John Bondfield to JA, 28 April, note 1 (above).

4. Tucker's description of the destruction of the Randolph differs from other accounts but may have some substance. The Randolph, apparently after some initial confusion over the identity of its opponent, fought
the 64–gun Yarmouth, which reported picking up four survivors of the explosion (Allen, Naval Hist. of the Amer. Revolution, 1:296–298; see also the accounts in William Vernon Sr. to JA, 20 May, above; William Bingham to the Commissioners, 29 May, below). That Tucker's account came from two survivors on Martinique is questionable
in view of William Bingham's letter of 29 May from that island, which makes no mention
of the two men. However, since the Yarmouth would not have taken the rescued men to Martinique, there could have been two additional
survivors unknown to it and, perhaps, even to Bingham. Moreover, although it was more
usual for Indiamen, because of their size and rows of painted gunports, to be mistaken
for ships of the line, to reverse the mistake does not seem improbable.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0118

Author: Jones, John Paul

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-27

John Paul Jones to the Commissioners

[dateline] Brest May 27th 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I have now to fulfil the promise made in my last1 by giving you an Account of my late Expedition. I sailed from Brest the 10th of April.
My Plan was extensive: I therefore did not at the beginning wish to incumber myself
with Prisoners. On the 14th I took a Brigantine between Scilly and Cape Clear bound
from Ostend with a Cargo of Flax-seed for Ireland; sunk her and proceeded into St.
Georges Channell. On the 16th I took the Ship Lord Chatham bound from London for Dublin,
with a Cargo consist• { 160 } ing of Porter and a variety of Merchandize; and almost within sight of her Port: this
Ship I manned and Ordered for Brest.

Towards the Evening of the day following the Weather had a promising appearance and
the Wind being favorable I stood over from the Isle of Man with an intention to make
a descent at Whitehaven: at Ten I was off the Harbour with a party of Volunteers,
and had every thing in readiness to land, but before Eleven the Wind greatly increased,
and shifted so as to blow directly upon the shore; the Sea encreased of course and
it became impossible to effect a landing: this Obliged me to carry all possible sail
so as to clear the Land and to await a more favorable Opportunity.

On the 18th in Glenluce Bay on the South Coast of Scotland I met with a Revenue Wherry;
it being the common practice of these Vessels to board Merchant Ships, the Ranger
then having no external appearance of War, it was expected that this rover would have
come alongside: I was however mistaken, for tho the Men were at their Quarters yet
this Vessel outsailed the Ranger and got clear in spite of a severe Cannonade.

The next Morning off the Mull of Galloway I found myself so near a Scotch coasting
Schooner loaded with Barley that I could not avoid sinking her. Understanding that
there was Ten or Twelve sail of Merchant Ships, besides a Tender Brigantine with a
number of Impressed Men on board, at Anchor in Loughryan in Scotland I thought this
an Enterprize worth my attention but the Wind, which at the first would have served
equally well to sail in or out of the Lough, shifted in a hard Squall so as to blow
almost directly in with an appearance of bad Weather; I was therefore obliged to abandon
my Project.

Seeing a Cutter off the Lee Bow steering for the Clyde I gave chace in hopes of cutting
her off; but finding my endeavours ineffectual I pursued no further than the Rock
of Elza. In the Morning I fell in with a Sloop from Dublin which I sunk to prevent
Intelligence.

The next day the 21st being near Carrickfergus a Fishing boat came off which I detained:
I saw a Ship at Anchor in the Road which I was informed by the Fishermen was the British
Ship of War Drake of 20 Guns. I determined to Attack her in the Night: my Plan was
to overlay her Cable and to fall upon her Bow so as to have all her decks open and
exposed to our Musquetry &ca. at the same time it was my intention to have secured
the Enemy by { 161 } Graplings so that had they cut their Cables they would not thereby have attained an
Advantage. The Wind was high, and unfortunately the Anchor was not let go so soon
as the Order was given; so that the Ranger was brought up on the Enemies quarter at
the distance of half a Cables length. We had made no Warlike appearance, of course
had given no Alarm; this determined me to cut immediately, which might appear as if
the Cable had parted; and at the same time enable me, after making a Tack out of the
Lough, to return with the same Prospect of advantage which I had at the first: I was
however prevented from returning; as I with difficulty weathered the Light house on
the Lee side of the Lough, and as the Gale increased. The Weather now became so very
Stormy and severe and the Sea ran so high that I was obliged to take Shelter under
the South Shore of Scotland.

The 22d introduced fair Weather; tho the Three Kingdoms as far as the Eye could reach
were covered with Snow. I now resolved once more to attempt Whitehaven: but the Wind
became very light so that the Ship could not, in proper time, approach so near as
I had intended. At Midnight I left the Ship with two Boats and 31 Volunteers: When
we reached the outer Peir the day began to dawn; I would not however abandon my Enterprize,
but dispatched One boat under the direction of Mr. Hill and Lieutenant Wallingsford
with the necessary combustables to set fire to the Shipping on the North side of the
Harbour; while I went with the other party to attempt the South side. I was successful
in scaling the Walls and Spiking up all the Cannon on the first Fort; finding the
Sentinals shut up in the Guard house they were secured without being hurted; having
fixed Sentinals, I now took with me one Man only (Mr. Green) and spiked up all the
Cannon on the Southern Fort, distant from the other a Quarter of a Mile.

On my return from this Business I naturally expected to see the Fire of the Ships
on the North side as well as to find my own party with every thing in readiness to
set Fire to the Shipping on the South. Instead of this I found the Boat under the
direction of Mr. Hill and Lt. Wallingsford returned, and the party in some confusion,
their Light having burnt out at the instant when it became necessary. By the strangest
Fatallity my own Party were in the same situation, the Candles being all burnt out:
The day too came on apace yet I would by no means retreat while any hopes of Success
remained. Having again placed Sentinals a light was { 162 } obtained at a House disjoined from the Town; and Fire was kindled in the Steerage
of a large Ship which was surrounded by at least an Hundred and Fifty others, chiefly
from Two to Four hundred Tons burthen, and laying side by side aground, unsurrounded
by the Water.

There was besides from Seventy to an Hundred large Ships in the North Arm of the Harbour
aground clear of the Water and divided from the rest only by a stone peir of a Ships
height. I should have kindled Fires in other places if the time had permitted. As
it did not, our care was to prevent the one kindled from being easily extinguished:
after some search a Barrell of Tar was found and powered into the Flames, which now
asscended from all the Hatch ways. The Inhabitants began to appear in Thousands and
Individuals ran hastily towards us. I stood between them and the Ship on Fire with
a pistol in my hand and ordered them to retire which they did with precipitation.
The Flames had already caught the Rigging and began to ascend the Main Mast. The Sun
was a full Hours march above the Horizon; and as Sleep no longer ruled the World,
it was time to retire: we embarked without Opposition; having released a number of
Prisoners as our Boats could not carry them. After all my People had embarked I stood
upon the Peir for a considerable space yet no person advanced. I saw all the Emeninces
round the Town covered with the amazed Inhabitants.

When we had rowed to a considerable distance from the shore the English began to run
in vast numbers to their Forts. Their disappointment may easily be imagined when they
found I suppose at least Thirty heavy Cannon (the Instruments of their Vengeance)
rendered useless. At length however they began to Fire. Having as I apprehend either
brought down Ships Guns or used One or two Cannon which lay on the Beach at the foot
of the Walls dismounted and which had not been spiked. They Fired with no direction
and the Shot falling short of the Boats, instead of doing us any dammage afforded
some diversion; which my People could not help shewing by discharging their Pistols
&ca: in return of the Salute.

Had it been possible to have landed a few hours sooner my Success would have been
complete: not a single Ship out of more than Two hundred could possibly have escaped;
and all the World would not have been able to save the Town. What was done however
is sufficient to shew, that not all their boasted { 163 } Navy can protect their own Coasts—and that the Scenes of distress which they have
occasioned in America may soon be brought home to their own doors. One of my People
was missing and must, I fear, have fallen into the Enemies hands after our departure.
I was pleased that in this Business we neither Killed nor Wounded. I brought off Three
Prisoners as a sample.

We now stood over for the Scotch shore and I Landed at noon on St. Marys Isle with
one Boat only and a very small party. The Motives which induced me to land there are
explained in the within Copy of a Letter which I have written to the Countess of Selkirk.2

On the Morning of the 24th I was again off Carrickfergus; and would have gone in had
I not seen the Drake preparing to come out. It was very moderate and the Drakes boat
was sent out to reconnoitre the Ranger—as the Boat advanced I kep't the Ships stern
directly towards her and tho' they had a Spy Glass in the Boat, they came on within
Hail, and alongside. When the Officer came on the Quarter deck he was greatly surprised
to find himself a Prisoner! altho' an Express had arrived from Whitehaven theNight before. I now understood, what I had before imagined, that the Drake came out in consequence
of this Information, with Volunteers against the Ranger. The Officer told me also
that they had taken up the Rangers Anchor. The Drake was attended by Five small Vessels
full of People; who were led by motives of curiosity to see an Engagement. But when
they discovered the Drakes boat at the Ranger's stern they wisely put back. Alarm
smokes now appeared in great abundance extending along both sides of the Channel.
The Tide was unfavorable so that the Drake worked out but slowly; this obliged me
to run down several times and to lay with Courses up and Main Top-Sail to the Mast.
At length the Drake weathered the Point; and having led her out to about mid-channell,
I Suffered her to come within hail: the Drake hoisted English Colours and at the same
instant the American Stars were displayed on board the Ranger. I expected that Preface
had been now at an end; but the Enemy soon after hailed, demanding what Ship it was?
I directed the Master to answer the American Continental Ship Ranger—that we waited
for them and desired they would come on. The Sun was now little more than an Hour
from setting, it was therefore time to begin. The Drake being astern of the Ranger
I ordered the Helm up and gave her the first broadside, the Action was warm, { 164 } close, and obstinate; it lasted an Hour and five minutes when the Enemy called for
Quarters—her Fore and Main Topsail yards being both cut away and down on the Cap.
The Fore top Gallant yard and Mizen Gaff both hanging up and down along the Mast.
The 2d Ensign which they had hoisted shot away and hanging over the Quarter Gallery
in the Water. The Jib shot away and hanging into the Water—her Sails and Rigging entirely
cut to peices. Her Masts and Yards all wounded and her Hull also very much Galled.

I lost only Lieutenant Wallingsford and one Seaman (John Dougal) killed, and Six Wounded;
among whom are the Gunner (Mr. Falls) and Mr. Powers3 a Midshipman, who lost his Arm. One of the wounded (Nathaniel Wills) is since dead—the
rest will recover.

The loss of the Enemy in killed and Wounded was far greater. All the Prisoners allow
that they came out with a number not less than an Hundred and Sixty Men; and many
of them Affirm that they amounted to an Hundred and Ninety. The Medium may perhaps
be the most exact Account, and by that it will appear that they lost in Killed and
Wounded 42 Men.

The Captain and Lieutenant were among the Wounded—the former, having received a Musquet
Ball in the Head the Minute before they called for Quarters, lived and was sensible
for some time after my People boarded the Prize. The Lieutenant survived two days.
They were Buryed with the Honors due to their Rank and with the Respect due to their
Memory.

The Night and almost the whole day after the Action being moderate greatly faciliated
the refitting of both Ships. A large Brigantine ran so near the Drake in the Afternoon
that I was Obliged to bring her too, she belonged to Whitehaven and was bound for
Norway. I had thoughts of returning by the South Channel but the Wind shifting I determined
to pass by the North and round the West Coast of Ireland. This brought me once more
off Belfast Lough on the Evening of the day after the Engagement.

It was now time to release the honest Fishermen whom I took up here on the 21st. And
as the poor fellows had lost their Boat, she having sunk in the late stormy Weather,
I was happy in having it in my Power to give them the necessary Sum to purchase every
thing new which they had lost. I gave them also a good Boat to transport themselves
ashore and sent with them { 165 } Two infirm Men on whom I bestowed the last Guinea in my Possession to defray their
travelling Expences to their proper home at Dublin. They took with them One of the
Drakes Sails which would sufficiently explain what had happened to the Volunteers.
The grateful Fishermen were in Raptures and expressed their Joy in three Huzzas as
they passed the Rangers Quarter.

I again met with contrary Winds in the Mouth of the North Channel but nothing remarkable
happened till on the Morning of the 5th Current. Ushant then bearing SEBE distance
15 Leagues, when seeing a Sail to leeward steering for the Channel, the Wind being
favorable for Brest and the distance triffling I resolved to give chace. Having the
Drake in Tow, I informed them of my intention and Ordered them to cast off. They cut
the Hawser. The Ranger in the Chace went lasking4 between the NNE and NNW.—it lasted an Hour and Ten minutes, when the chace was hailed
and proved a Swede. I immediately hauled by the Wind to the Southward. After cutting
the Hawser the Drake went from the Wind for some time, then hawled close by the Wind
steering from SSE to SSW as the Wind permitted; so that when the Ranger spoke the
Chace the Drake was scarce perceptable. In the course of the day many large Ships
appeared steering into the Channel, but the extraordinary Evolutions of the Drake
made it impossible for me to avail myself of these favorable circumstances. Towards
Noon it became very Squally and the Wind backed from the SW to the West. The Ranger
had come up with the Drake and was nearly abrest of her, tho' considerably, to leeward
when the Wind shifted. The Drake was however kept by the Wind; tho' as I afterward
understood, they knew the Ranger and saw the Signal which she had hoisted. After various
Evolutions and Signals in the Night, I gave chase to a sail which appeared bearing
SSW the next Morning at a great distance. The chase discovered no intention to speak
with the Ranger; she was however at length brought too and proved to be the Drake.
I immediately put Lieutenant Simpson under Suspension and Arrest for disobedience
of my Orders dated the 26th Ultimo Copy whereof is here inclosed.5 On the 8th both Ships Anchored safe in this Road, the Ranger having been Absent only
28 days.6 Could I suppose that my letters of 9th and 16th Current (the first advising you of
my Arrival and giving reference to the Events of my Expidition—the last advising you
of my Draft in favor of Monsr. Bersole for Twenty four thousand Livers and as• { 166 } signing reasons for that demand) had not made due appearance I would hereafter as
I do now inclose Copies. Three posts have already arrived here from Paris since Comte
D'Orvilliers shewed me the Answer which he received from the Minister to the letter
which inclosed mine to you—yet you remain Silent. Monsr. Bersole has this moment informed
me of the Fate of my Bill the more extraordinary as I have not yet made use of your
Letter of 10th Jany. last whereby I then seemd entitled to call for half the Amount
of my late draft, and I did not expect to be thought extravagant when on the 16th
I doubled that demand. Could this indignity be kept secret I should disregard it.
But tho' it is already public in Brest and in the Fleet as it affects only my private
Credit I will not complain. I cannot however be silent when I find the Public Credit
under the same disgrace. I conceive that this might have been prevented. To make me
completely wretched Mr. Bersole has told me that he now stops his hand not only of
the necessary Articles to refit the Ship but also of the daily Provision. I know not where to find tomorrows dinner for the great number of Mouths which depend
on me for Food. Are then the Continental Ships of War to depend on the Sale of their
Prizes for a daily Dinner for their Men? “Publish it not in Gath.”7 My Officers as well as Men want Cloathes to cover their Nakedness and the Prizes
are precluded from being sold before further Orders arrive from the Minister. I will
ask you Gentlemen if I have deserved all this? Whoever calls himself an American Agent
ought to be present here.

I am unwilling to think that you have intentionally involved me in this sad delema
at a time when I ought to expect some enjoyment, therefore I have as formerly the
honor to be with due Esteem and Respect Gentlemen Your very Obliged very Obedient
very humble Servant

1. That of 16 May (above). For a lengthy account of Jones' voyage and its effect on British morale,
together with identifications of the ships and men mentioned by Jones, see Morison, John Paul Jones, p. 129–163.

2. A copy of Jones' letter of 8 May to Lady Selkirk, perhaps that enclosed in this letter,
is in the Adams Papers and is docketed by JA: “J. P. Jones to Lady Selkirk. 8. May 1778”; in another hand: “Copy of a Letter from
Capt Jones to Lady Selkrig May 8. 78.” For a printed copy of the letter to Lady Selkirk
together with the Earl of Selkirk's reply to Jones that was never received, see Morison, John Paul Jones, p. 148–150, 151–154.

5. Enclosure not found, but for Jones' { 167 } instructions to Simpson of 26 April, see Lt. Simpson's letter to the Commissioners
of 8 May, note 1 (above). For another account of the events leading to Simpson's arrest, see Elijah
Hall and others to the Commissioners, 30 May (below).

6. The present letter was drafted in two parts (PCC, No. 168, I, f. 79–90, 91–92). The first ends at this point, while the second repeats
the initial sequence of the recipient's copy, preceded by the word “(Introduction)”;
then comes the remainder of the letter designated as the “(Conclusion).”

The Commerce Committee to the Commissioners

[dateline] York in Pennsylvania May 28th. 1778

[salute] Gentn

You will receive this by Thomas Read Esqr who was Captain of the Frigate Washington
but is now Commander of the Armed Brigantine Baltimore. This Brigantine was intended
for A dispatch Vessel, but now hath A Cargo on board of Forty Nine hhds. of Tobacco
which was all she coud take in and accomodate her men. We have addressed her to John
Danl. Schweighauser Merchant in Nantes, and have directed him to dispose of the net
proceeds of her Cargo, and also a balance which he hath in his hands belonging to
these States according to your Order. We have order'd Captain Read to wait for and
pursue your directions, and have desired Mr. Schweighauser to Ship such Goods on board
the Baltimore, belonging to these States, as Captain Read can receive consistantly
with your directions.

We have the pleasure to inform you that the Frigate Dean Captain Nicholson, the Queen
of France Captain Green and the Henrietta Captain Brown are safely arrived at Boston
and our Agent there in A Letter of the 13th May advises us that “they had another
valuable Arrival from France Yesterday” which we hope is the Duke de Choiseuil.1 We are with the greatest Respect, Your most obed hble servants

[signed] William Ellery

[signed] Richd. Hutson

[signed] Thos. Adams

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers) addressed: “The Honorable The Ambassadors of the United States
of America at Paris”; designated, perhaps to identify it as a 2d copy: “B.”; docketed:
“Comtee. of Commerce May 28. 1778 ansd. July 29”; and later, also by JA, immediately below the docket entry: “came by the Saratoga Captn. Read.” The last
entry is clearly erroneous, perhaps the result of the passage of time. JA apparently mistook this letter for one of those that had been brought by the brigantine
Saratoga, Capt. Murray, that reached Nantes on 3 July (William MacCreery to JA, 4 July, below). The Baltimore arrived at Nantes on or about 22 July; see the Commissioners' letter to J. D. Schweighauser
of 27 July (LbC, Adams Papers).

1. The frigate Deane arrived at Boston on 13 May after first stopping at Portsmouth, N.H. (Independent Chronicle, 14 May). The Queen of France probably arrived in Boston during the first week of May (Marine Committee to John
Green, 19 June, in Charles Oscar Paullin, ed., Outletters of the Continental Marine Committee and Board of Admiralty, 2 vols., N.Y., 1914, 1:262). The “Henrietta Captain Brown” may have been the Henrietta Brown that sailed from St. Nazaire on or about 3 March (Deane Papers, 2:390). The “valuable Arrival” has not been identified.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0120

Author: Bingham, William

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-29

William Bingham to the Commissioners

[dateline] St. Pierre M/que May 29th 1778

[salute] Honble Gentn

I have done myself the Honor of writing Several Letters to Congress upon the Subject
of Remittances, for Debts I have contracted in this place on public Account; in Some
of which I requested Liberty to draw upon you Gentlemen for the Amount, as being the
most Sure and eligible Plan of procuring Payment.1 I have not as yet received any Answers to my Letters, but expect them with great
Impatience.

Should they not arrive, and Remittances fail me, I Shall be under the Necessity of
drawing upon you for the Sum of Livs. 100,000 Tournois, to preserve my Credit, and
enable me to pay due honor to the Engagements I have entered into, on the Public Account.

Nothing but the most pressing Demand for this Sum, and the fullest Assurance of my
Drafts being punctually honoured, could induce me to take this Liberty, without having
first obtained yours and Congress's Permission. But I am fully confident that it cannot
be the Intention of Congress that their Agents Should be reduced to Difficulties,
or their Credit Suffer, by a failure in their Payments.

The Congress is indebted to me a much larger Sum, and Should I receive Remittances
from America in Produce, I Should find the greatest Difficulty in disposing of it,
for mercantile operations are almost Suspended here, from the Appearance of an approaching
War.

Besides, Several French Vessels have lately been taken, and carried into English Ports,
for no other Reason than their having American Produce on board, which has made the
Owners of Vessels very cautious of receiving it on Freight untill War is openly declared.

It gives me Pain to impart to you the disagreeable News of the Loss of the Randolph
and Alfred Frigates. The Circumstances { 169 } that attended the Capture of the Alfred, greatly aggravate the Misfortune. She fell
a Sacrifice to the Cowardice of Capt. Thompson Commander of the Raleigh, who declined
giving her any assistance, during her Engagement with the Ceres and Ariadne Sloops
of War, the one of 18 and the other of 22 Guns. I have transmitted to Congress a full
and circumstantial Account of this unfortunate Event, and I hope the base and infamous
Conduct of Capt. Thompson will meet with a proper and condign Punishment.

The Stroke of Misfortune that befel the Randolph proceeded from a very different Cause,
from an intemperate and indiscreet Courage. Capt. Biddle had the Confidence to attack
the Yarmouth a 64 Gun Ship and was Sunk in the Engagement. Out of 305 Persons of which
the Crew consisted, but four were Saved.

A Captain of a Vessel that was taken and carried into Domenica informs me that the
Day before he Sailed from Boston Mr. Deane arrived there from France.2 There is no late News of any Consequence from the Armies. I have the honor to be
with great Respect Gentn. Your obedt. hble servt

Jonathan Trumbull to the Commissioners

[dateline] Hartford May 29th. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

This will be handed to you by Capt. Robert Niles (Commander of the Schooner Spy own'd
by this State) and has in Charge Dispatches from the Honorable Continental Congress
which I was desir'd to forward Imediately to you, hope he may have a Good Passage,
and Arive Safe.1 The Article of Lead is much wanted in this State and would desire that you would
putt as much on Board, the Spy as Capt. Niles shall Judge Suffecient to take on Board,
to putt her in Trim for Sailing and Supply him with Cash Suffecient for his Disbursments
during his Stay in France, and One hundred and Twenty Four pounds Lawfull Money, which
I have Agreed to advance for Capt. Niles and his Mate, also as much more as will pay
Each of his Seamen One Months pay, the Amount must Refer you to Capt. Niles.2 I am, with great Esteem and Consideration Gentlemen Your most Obedient most hble
Servant

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers) addressed: “The Honorable Commissioners of the United States of
America at Paris. Per Packet Capt Robt Niles. Commander.”; franked: “On Public Service
Jonth; Trumbull”; docketed in an unknown hand: “Jon. Trumbull to Commrs. 29 May 1778.
by Capt Niles (who came in 22. Days).”

1. The Marine Committee, in a letter of 5 May, had requested Trumbull to prepare the
Spy “to carry dispatches to France.” These were the ratified copies of the Franco-American
treaties received by Trumbull in a letter from the Committee for Foreign Affairs dated
19 May (Charles Oscar Paullin, ed., Outletters of the Continental Marine Committee and Board of Admiralty, 2 vols., N.Y., 1914, 1:235; MHS, Colls., 7th ser., 2 [1902]:234; see also Foreign Affairs Committee to [Jesse] Brown, in
Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 3:258–259, and note 3). On the morning of 3 July the Spy reached Brest, and the first set of the ratifications to arrive in France was immediately
sent to Paris, where it was received on the 8 th (Thomas Simpson to the Commissioners,
3 July, below; JA to James Lovell, 9 July, calendared below).

JA, who informed Arthur Lee of the newly arrived ratifications in a letter of [8 July] (MH-H: Lee Papers), apparently added one of the sets that arrived later to his personal
files, for the Adams Papers contain ratified copies of the treaties signed and sealed by President Henry Laurens.

2. For the Commissioners' response to Trumbull's requests regarding the Spy, see their letters of J. D. Schweighauser and Trumbull (both below||, that to Schweighauser quoted in note 1 there||). On its return voyage the Spy was captured by a Jersey privateer (Robert Niles to Benjamin Franklin, 27 Oct., Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 1:522).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0122

Author: Hall, Elijah

Author: Cullown, David

Author: Green, Ezra

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-05-30

Elijah Hall and Others to the Commissioners

[dateline] Ranger 30th. May 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

The Petition and Remonstrance of Us the Subscribers Officers of the american continental
Ship of War Ranger humbly sheweth—

That our Friend and Brother Officer Lt. Thos. Simpson; was on the 24th of April last
sent on board Our Prize the Sloop of War Drake, to take the Command; with this Order
among others, to keep within a Cable's length (or thereabout) on Our starboard Quarter.
On the 4th. of May Instant took the Drake in Tow, on the Morning of the 5th. our Commander
gave Orders to ware [wear] Ship and give chace to a Vessel which we saw to Leward. The Master haling the Drake
inform'd them, that we should ware Ship, and gave Orders to cast off the Harser and
make sail; but unfortunately for Mr. Simpson he, with his Officers, and Men, misunderstood
the Orders; and as there was no Signal given for waring Ship (which till then had
been the constant Practice) concluded they were to keep their Course; which the[y] did accordingly.

This Gentlemen is the suppos'd Offence for which Mr. Simpson was arrested and confined,
first on Board the Drake; then in { 171 } a guard Ship, in the port of Brest; and for a Week past in a common dirty Goal; without
any provision made for his comfort or Support, except what the humane Goaler has been
pleas'd to afford Him; and till this Day debarr'd the Liberty of seeing any One, to
whom He might make known his wants; he has even been deny'd Pen and Ink.

Such Treatment Gentlemen we are bound to say (in justice to the Injured, to Ourselves,
and country) is what we think not only new, and unheard of; but very unjustifiable
Arbitrary and Inhumane; it gives general uneasiness on board, both among Officers
and Men; and must if allow'd of persisted in greatly injure the Cause of Liberty;
and perhaps totally defeat Us in the important pursuit in which we are engaged.

Mr. Simpson ever maintain'd an unspotted Character behaving in such a manner as to
command the Respect and Esteem of all who had the happiness of his Acquaintance and
since He has been in the Service; has conducted himself in every respect as became
an Officer and a Gentleman.

We join with Mr. Simpson in earnestly requesting that He may be brought to a speedy
Trial; if it can't be done here, pray He may be sent to America as soon as may be;
and in the mean Time beg your Honors would take His case into Consideration, and give
such advice respecting Him as your prudence shall direct. We are with due Respect
Gentn. Your most Obedt. & very huml. Servts.

From James Lovell

In aid to your scrutiny after the real robber of the Commissioners Dispatches, I send
what I think a good Confirmation of Folgiers honesty. By comparing the Governor's2 letter with Folgier's Examination you will find the Governor led into a mistake about
the number of Seals broken, by Folgiers forgetting that the outside Cover of the whole
had anything more than “Dispatches” wrote on it. He told us differently 2 days after
we had { 172 } sent an Express to Nth. Carolina. I am glad he did forget it at first as it strengthens
eventually the nature of the Evidence.

You must not wonder that I make so much of this matter. It is of the highest Importance
to you to be guarded against Bosom-Traitors yourself and to tear them from your Colleagues.
I must add that no one here thinks Folgier's Employment by them a discreet Choice,
tho he does not appear to be the Arch Traitor. Affectionately your Friend

[signed] James Lovell

May 25th. 1777 The Commissioners refer to Letters of March 14 and Apr. 9th. which
have never reached Us, nor any Letter since May 25th.3

RC (Adams Papers) addressed: “To The Honble John Adams Esqr. Paris”; docketed: “Mr. Lovell”; in another
hand: “25 May 1777”; by JA: “This date is a Mistake. It Shd. have been 1778.”

1. This letter was very likely written in May 1778, between the 16th and the 28th. In
his letter to Lovell of 26 July (below), JA acknowledged this letter and another of the 16th, while on the 28th the congress voted to pay Folger the balance of his account (JCC, 11:544–545).

2. Neither the express sent to Gov. Caswell nor his reply has been found, but see James
Lovell to JA, 13 Jan., note 5 and references there (above).

3. That is, in their letter to the Committee for Foreign Affairs of 25 May 1777, the
Commissioners had referred to the two letters mentioned by Lovell. On the RC the two dates have been underlined and in the margin is the notation: “not come to
hand March 1778 J. Lovell” (PCC, No. 85).

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

I have the honor to confirm my last three letters, namely that of 7 to 15 May in the
form of a journal, another of the 19th, and the last of 22 to 26 May.

The French ambassador returned in good health.

The Grand Facteur is of the opinion that I should not accept, as a reply to your letter,1 what the Grand Pensionary will perhaps tell me verbally when we meet. But he expects,
as do I, that you, in response to my last two letters and as soon as possible, will
send me a copy of the treaty which I will then present to the Grand Pensionary and
the Regency of Amsterdam so that the former may have time, before the States reassemble,
to circulate this document, as he did the letter, among its members. The States will
reconvene on 1 July, so there is no { 174 } time to lose. The Grand Facteur read the Avis aux Hollandois, found it good, and sent the copy I gave him to his House.

You will see by the enclosed translation,2 copied out by the Grand Facteur, that the dance is finally about to begin in Germany.
Let them do it; it will do us no harm, the only result being the loss by the enemy
of some of its remaining resources.3

When the Duchess of Chartres and the Princess of Lamballe arrived from France at Rotterdam
they, dressed informally and without waiting for their attendants, asked to be taken
to the Inn. In the smoking-room some Dutchmen took them for the actresses that were
expected in town. They put away their pipes in deference to their sex, but one asked
them what roles they played in the troupe. We sometimes play the leading roles, replied the Duchess. The princesses visited, among other places, Gouda, where they
watched the making of pipes and brought back a boxful in all shapes and sizes, from
Brobdignag to Lilliput. At Utrecht, van Mollem, attired in his sumptuous dressing
gown made of chite4 in order to show them his famous silk factory, was, for the princesses, the porcelain man.

I have just been offered the following verse to be placed at the bottom of Mr. Franklin's
portrait:

I find the line to be both admirable and sublime, preferable to any that I have seen
and the only line worthy of its intended location. I am, with all the reverence and
respect imaginable, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servant

1. That is, the Commissioners' letter of 28 April to Pieter van Bleiswyck (above).

2. The enclosure, dated 26 May at Berlin, described the preparations and readiness for
war of the Prussian and Austrian armies. In the writer's opinion, any chance for peace
had vanished. The enclosure (MH-H: Lee Papers) became separated from the present letter, probably as it passed among
the Commissioners.

3. The “enemy” is presumably Great Britain, which, should war break out in Germany, would
lose her reservoir of foreign troops.

5. He snatched the lightning from heaven and the scepter from tyrants. Dumas' source
for this famous and widely quoted inscription attributed to Turgot is unknown, nor
can the portrait under which it was to appear be determined with any certainty, for
it accompanies many representations of Franklin, even a “vase de nuit” given by Louis
XVI to Comtesse Diane de Polignac in recognition of her ostentatious adoration of
Franklin (Charles Coleman Sellers, Benjamin Franklin in Portraiture, New Haven, 1962, p. 108). For an interesting essay on Turgot and the attribution
of this quotation to him, see “Benjamin Franklin and John Slidell at Paris,” in Works of Charles Sumner, 15 vols., Boston, 1870–1883, 8:1–38.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0125

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Bondfield, John

Date: 1778-06-03

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

To John Bondfield

Passy, 3 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:126. Adams acknowledged Bondfield's letter of 26 May (not found), enclosing an account
for expenses of JA's party in Bordeaux and the trip to Paris, and approved one for goods shipped to
AA.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to John Paul Jones

Passy, 3 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:123–124. The Commissioners, as a result of letters from Lt. Thomas Simpson and appeals by
others on his behalf, determined that Jones' treatment of Simpson was too harsh and
desired that Simpson be allowed to give his parole and return to America, there to
be tried by a court martial. The Commissioners also requested that Andrew Fallon,
taken prisoner when Jones captured and then scuttled the brigantine Dolphin on 14 April, be permitted to give his parole.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to Sartine

Passy, 3 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:125–126. Protesting duties charged on goods purchased for the Boston at Bordeaux, listed in an accompanying account, on the grounds that as a ship of
war it was not liable for them, the Commissioners desired Sartine to take corrective
action. They also requested that the prizes put in the hands of the commandant at
Brest by John Paul Jones be turned over to J. D. Schweighauser because of the heavy
charges to be paid on their sale owing to their having been placed improperly in the
commandant's charge. Finally, if it was not thought improper,, the Commissioners wished
to issue a letter of marque to a vessel outfitted at Dunkirk.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to Thomas Simpson

Passy, 3 June 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:124. This letter informed Simpson that the Commissioners had ordered John Paul Jones
to grant a parole so that he could go to Nantes in order to take the first opportunity
to sail for America.

Elijah Hall to Benjamin Franklin and John Adams

[dateline] On board the Ship of War Ranger June 3rd. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I request your Honours Favour in behalf of the Officers and Men, that you would point
out some Method to bring the Prizes to sail, which we took on the late Cruize, as
we are much in want of Cloathing and other Necessaries which we cannot do without.
Many of Us have Wives and Children now suffering in America, the Time for which most
of the People engag'd being now almost expired, and no prospect of going Home to relieve
their distressed Families, as there was annex'd to their names the following sentence—and while absent from the eastern States which they declare to Capt. Jones that they know nothing of at signing, and of which
they think he means to take an advantage; this and many other Deceptions they Charge
Capt. Jones with; of which, I think it my Duty to inform you; He promised them half
their Wages in France, which he has not done. Mr. Simpson is put in a common Goal
for a supposed Breach of Orders who always supported the best of Characters from His
Youth up. I humbly beg You would remove Him to some place suitable to a Gentleman
of his Rank till there is an Opportunity to send Him home for Trial, which is his
earnest desire, that so he may have justice done Him. All the People are dissatisfied
with Capt. Jones, which is the sole Cause of the Disorder on board the Ship, which
He charges His Officers with, that they have not kept good Order nor Discipline. I
never knew of any disorderly Action till they found they were deceived and unfairly
dealt with; they are well disciplined and will Load and Fire Cannon as fast as any
Men in Europe. The late action is a proof of it, although Capt. Jones gives them no
honour, for it is reported about Brest that Capt. Jones said he was oblig'd to drive
His Officers and Men to Quarters; which is scandalous to the last degree. I will venture
to say that no Officers or Men were ever more willing for engaging than those of the
Ranger, or ever behaved better; not a Man or Boy ever flinch'd from his Quarters to
my knowledge during the action. Capt. Jones's mode of Government is so far from that
of Ours that no American of Spirit can ever serve with cheerfulness under Him. I beg
your Honours would remove Me from under his Command Where I can do honour to myself
and service to My Country. If this cannot be done must beg leave of your Honours to
resign although I had much rather serve my bleeding { 177 } Country.1 I have done every thing in my Power to keep peace and Harmony amongst the People;
since we arriv'd here they are determined not to go out from this Port with Capt.
Jones unless they are to go to America. We passed by many merchant Ships the last
Cruize and left them unmolested; we went to get Honour and not Gain—we might as well
have sent ten sail of Vessels into this Port as we did those that have arrived (had
they not been retaken). We have been seven Months from America and not two of them
at Sea, the most of Our time spent in Cutting our Masts and yards and altering Sails,
to little or no purpose. Mr. Bursole has deny'd us all Supplies we can get no Beef
but from the Kings Slaughter House and what we get is very Bad; we have three Hundred
People to Feed. I hope Your Honours will take it into Consideration and adopt such
measures as you shall see fit. I have the honour to be Gentn. your humble Servant

[signed] Elijah Hall

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers) addressed: “The Honourable The Commissioners for the United States
of America At Paris au soins de Mr. grand Banquier Rue mort-marthe”; docketed: “Elijah
Halls Letter from on Board the Ranger June 3. 1778.” The “3” was interlined and in
another hand. Although addressed to “The Commissioners,” the caption for this letter
is derived from Hall's notation at the bottom of the last page of text: “The Honourable
Messrs. Franklin & Adams.”

1. There is no evidence that the Commissioners acted on Hall's request. He was, however,
soon free from Jones' command, for when the Ranger later sailed for America under the command of Thomas Simpson, Hall served as her
first lieutenant. By 1782 Jones and Hall had become reconciled (John Henry Sherburne,
Life and Character of the Chevalier John Paul Jones, Washington, 1825, p. 363–364; Augustus C. Buell, Paul Jones, 2 vols., N.Y., 1902, 2:79–80).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0130

Author: Jones, John Paul

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-03

John Paul Jones to the Commissioners

[dateline] Brest June 3d 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

Your letter of the 25th Ultimo I received by Yesterdays post: I frankly ask your pardon
for the undue liberty which I took the 16th Ultimo when I ventured to sign a draft
upon you for the purpose of supplying the people under my Command with necessary Cloathing
&ca.—and I promise you never to be guilty of the like Offence again.

I hope you do not however mean to impute to me a desire to receive “Presents of the
public Money”1 —or even to touch a Dollar of it for any private purpose of my own ? On the contrary I need not now assert that I stepped forth at the beginning from { 178 } Nobler motives? My Accounts before I left America testify that I am more than Fifteen
hundred pounds in Advance for the Public Service exclusive of any concern with the
Ranger. And as for Wages I never received any.

Had I not previously determined to keep the Prisoners here they would have been sent
away in the Drake long before now: My embarrassed Situation will in the Eye of Candor
Appologize for my not sending you a more early information of the particulars of my
Cruise and of the Prizes which I have made.

On my passage from America I took two Brigantines both from Malaga for England. The
one Arrived safe at Nantes and being sold by Messrs. Morris and Williams the Captors
part thereof was paid to them. The other Arrived at Bourdeaux and was, I understand,
sold by Mr. I. H. Delap who, tho' he had my Orders to remit the Captors part immediately
into the hands of Mr. Williams of Nantes, yet he still retains it in his own hands.2 On my late Expedition Three prizes were Sunk. The Ship Lord Chatham was sent here
to remain under the care of the Intendant, she now remains in the port locked and
Nailed up under a Guard; the Ship of War Drake with her Stores on board and the Brigantine
Patience in Ballast are with the Ranger at Anchor in the Road. Monsr. de Sartine can
inform you that the Sale of the prizes are precluded until he sends further Orders
here.3 Had it been otherwise I cannot see how you could suppose that I had created Agents
to dispose of the public property and yet if I had done this perhaps my public wants
would Justify me.

The Rules whereby Congress hath been pleased to Command me to regulate my Conduct
in the Navy authorize me to Issue my Warrant to the Agent &ca. and I humbly conceive
that it is his province to furnish you with an Estimate of the Amount of the Expence.
If you wish for an Estimate from me, unacquainted as I am with prices, besides the
delay, it may be very far from exact.

When you determined to change the Continental Agent I could wish you had sent that
information in a Letter to meet me here on my Arrival, as I had advised you of my
intention to return to Brest—all disagreeable Altercation might then have been avoided.
My Situation is not now mended by your last. The Gentleman you mention being at Nantes
and no person appearing in his behalf at Brest.

A space of Sixteen Months is now elapsed since Congress thought of me so as to put
under my Command Seven times my present Force, leaving me at full Liberty how and
where to apply it—and if I am not now Capable of supporting the Internal Government
of a single Sloop of War—I wish that some person more deserving had my place and that
I were in America to answer for my Misconduct. I have “well considered”4 and yet shall persist in Justifying the Steps which I have taken and to which you
allude.

I am happy in having it in my power to furnish you with the inclosed Resolution of
Congress respecting the Capture of the Enemies Ships of War5 agreeable to your desire. And if you are in possession of any Resolution of Congress
which will Authorize me to send Lieutenant Simpson—to America &ca. I should be Obliged
to you for a Copy of it.

I thank you with all my Heart for your Congratulation which I am extremely sorry that
I have not better merited. I have the Honor to be Gentlemen Your very Obliged very
Obedient very humble Servant

[signed] Jno P Jones

RC (PPAmP:Franklin Papers); docketed: “C. Jones. June 3. 1778 inclosing a Resolve of Congress
relative to the Division of Prizes.”

1. In their letter of 25 May (calendared above) the Commissioners stated that “we have no Authority to make presents
of the public Money, to Officers or Men, however gallant or deserving, for the purpose
of providing their Families with Cloathing, or for any other.”

2. The prize sold by the Delaps was the subject of a letter from Jones to the Commissioners
of 10 June in which they were requested to order the Delaps to conform to Jones' original instructions
regarding the captor's share of the proceeds from the sale. On 24 June the Commissioners, enclosing a copy of Jones' letter of the 10th, wrote to the Delaps requesting an account of the prize so that the proceeds could
be distributed. The letter to the Delaps and its enclosure are printed in JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:142; the recipient's copy of the Jones letter is in PPAmP: Franklin Papers. The Commissioners' letter of the 24th was apparently effective. On 16 July, Jonathan Williams wrote to the Commissioners (PPAmP: Franklin Papers) announcing that he had received a remittance from the Delaps and
enclosing a letter (not found) that he had written to the crew of the Ranger on the matter.

4. In their letter of 25 May (calendared above), the Commissioners, in reference to Jones' arrest and imprisonment
of Thomas Simpson, had stated that “as the Consequences of an Arrest in foreign Countries,
are thus extremely troublesome, they should be well considered before they are made.”

5. Enclosure not found, but it was the resolution of 30 Oct. 1776 in which the congress
awarded the full value of any enemy warship captured by a Continental vessel to the
officers and men of that vessel (JCC, 6:913)

Sartine to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] Marly, 3 June 1778

I received the letter that you did me the honor to write the 16th of last month, asking
that one of His Majesty's frigates be given to Basmarin, Raimbeaux & Cie. to protect
their commerce with America and also for use in retaliatory action for the losses
the British have caused them of late. I wish that it was possible for me to be agreeable
to your request, but His Majesty wishes, for the time being, not to relieve any of
his vessels from service to grant them to private persons. I have the honor to be
&c

Ranger Crew Members to the Commissioners

To the honourable the Commissioners of the United States of North America, the Petition
of the Jovial Tars Now on board the Continental Sloop of war Ranger, most humbley
Sheweth,

That your Petitioners regard and love For their Countrey, and dutey to there ancient
fore Fathers, have most of them left there wives, and Familey Cruized the wide Atalantick,
in the most dangerous places, greatley Damadgeing and distressing, our enemys, and
all the Satisfaction and recompence we receive for our Labour, are, Vain and Flattering
promisses, likewise arbitrary Proceedings, which Causes a general murmer and uneasiness
among all on Board. They therefore think it there Duty to make application to your
honours for releive, From there pressent Greiveances.

That the greates number of them entered in the Service particulraly upon Mr. Simpsons
our first Leiutenants account knowing him to be a Gentelman of honour, Worthey and
capeable of his Officeships, and who is now confined inocentley, as we think in a Lousey Dirtey french Goal.

That they that entered for a Cruize, or a Twelve month Expected to be discharged at
the expireation of that time, But Capn. Jones, since there entry and without there
Concent, has ordered an uncertain term of time to be wrote Against there names, rendering
them subservient to him during his absence from the eastern States, which we think
Arbitrary and unconstitutional, and must when heard of in America be a hindrance and a preventment For aney Seamen
to enter into the Service, or Depending upon the honours of Commanders, Like ours.

There is a number of Prizes brought into this port, but no Satissaction, or account
for them, unless Your honours, will take it into Consideration, in those Material
affairs, and to See Justice done by the captors. On our first arrival in France we
brought in tow [two] prizes2 one of which fetchd not half the first cost, and the other deliverd to Mr. Delap
of Bourdeaux of which can get no Account, or Satisfaction for.

We have been Lying in different ports in France since the first of December last and
onley made one Cruize, and that to perfection had we our rights, But we can expect
no more when we see our, Faithfull, true and Fatherley Officer our first Leiutenant
used so abruptley, and we beleive and what wee have Seen without a Cause, thus have
we been Deluded from our Freinds, Famileys by ungratefull and False Promises and deceitfull Advertisements, we have fought and Taken, Ships Sunk and Destroyd
them and all the conslation we can send to our distressed and perhaps Famishing wives
and Children, is, that there prizes is in the Hands of him, who has Deceived us, from the Begining.

We humbley pray you be pleased to take our Case into consideration and render us some
veiw and Satisfaction Of what we have gone thro with and to Send us home and not For
us to Let our poor wives, and Famileys Suffer with Dispair,3 and we in dutey bound will ever pray.

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); docketed: “Petition from the Rangers Men June 1778.”

1. The petition may have been sent with Hall's letter of 3 June (above), for it lacks any separate address, and specific grievances mentioned by
the crew members parallel those in Hall's letter.

Sometime later the Commissioners received a second petition (PPAmP: Franklin Papers), dated 15 June and signed by 28 members of the crew, that stated
essentially the same grievances, particularly in { 184 } regard to the conditions of enlistment. It too was docketed by JA: “Petition from the Rangers Men.”

3. In fairness to Jones, it should be noted that on 25 May the Commissioners had refused
to honor a bill that he had drawn on them for 24,000 livres, the money intended in
part for distribution to the Ranger's officers and men for the support of their families (see Jones to the Commissioners,
16 May, and the Commissioners to Jones, 25 May, calendared, both above).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0133

Author: First Joint Commission at Paris

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Bondfield, John

Date: 1778-06-04

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to John Bondfield

Passy, 4 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:127. Replying to letters (not found) from Bondfield of 26 and 30 May, the first enclosing
accounts for the purchase of supplies for the Boston, and the second reporting on the conspiracy against the Boston and enclosing an affidavit on the episode, the Commissioners approved Bondfield's
purchases, noting that the price of beef seemed too high, and expressed their hope
that the Boston would soon sail and thus reduce expenses. The Commissioners further reported that
the affidavit had been sent to the Ministry, expressed their concern, and declared
that every effort should be made to punish those involved.

See also, Samuel Tucker to JA, 27 May (above); and Bondfield to the Commissioners, 6 June (below).

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to Lord North

Passy, 4 or 6 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:127–128; not sent. The Commissioners appealed “for an immediate Exchange of Prisoners in
Europe.” They protested the treatment of American prisoners “in a manner unexampled,
in the practice of civilized Nations” and promised retaliation if such treatment continued.

Although the letter bears no date, in the Autobiography it immediately follows a letter
to Vergennes dated 4 June and is introduced by a statement, “on the same day We wrote to Lord North.” However,
in the Letterbook from which Adams derived the text (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 92), the letter follows a series of items dated 4 June and immediately
precedes a number of letters dated 6 June. Additional doubt is cast on a 4 June date
by the placement of an Arthur Lee copy of the letter (misdated 6 May) between a letter
dated 5 June and one of the 6th (PCC, No. 102, IV, f. 11).

Adams' Letterbook copy provides no indication that the letter was sent, but notations
on a draft in DLC: Franklin Papers and on Arthur Lee's copy indicate specifically that it was not.
An explanation may be that direct correspondence with Lord North became unnecessary.
A letter of 5 June from David Hartley to Benjamin Franklin gave the Commissioners
an apparently firm proposal for an exchange of prison• { 185 } ers (see the Commissioners to John Paul Jones, 10 June, calendared below).

The text of Adams' Letterbook copy incorporated the additions and deletions made during
the drafting process. This is particularly true of the final paragraph, which in the
draft, with deletions indicated, read: “Most earnestly we beseech your Lordship, no
longer to sacrifice the essential interests of Humanity to Claims of Sovereignty,
<the vainess of which the Issue of our most solemn Appeal to Heaven has sufficiently
proved. It is a fatal Mistake by which you seem to have been mislead to think —that
when you trampled upon Humanity you triumphed over us.> which your Experience must by this time have convinc'd you <are become impracticable> are not to be maintained.”

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to J. D. Schweighauser

Passy, 6 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:129. The Commissioners, in reply to Schweighauser's letter of 1 June (not found), directed
him to provide, frugally, whatever repairs and supplies were needed by the Providence, newly arrived at Paimboeuf near Nantes, and promised to obtain information on how
French customs regulations would affect his efforts on behalf of the frigate.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to Abraham Whipple

Passy, 6 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:128–129. The Commissioners congratulated Whipple on his escape from the British blockade
of Rhode Island, voyage to France, and arrival with the frigate Providence at Paimboeuf, all of which had been recounted in his letter to Benjamin Franklin
of 31 May (PPAmP: Franklin Papers). He was also informed that J. D. Schweighauser at Nantes would
assist him in obtaining whatever supplies and repairs were needed.

On the previous day two letters, the one advising Whipple to come to Brest, and the
other requesting Samuel Tucker, after a three or four weeks' cruise, to come to Brest
for further directions, had been drafted, probably by Arthur Lee, but not sent (PCC, No. 102, IV, f. 10–11).

I had the honor to write you the 12. 16. 26 and 30th2 Ultimo per post which I suppose got duely to hand,3 to the last I shall be confirmd next Post as the honor paid to my drafts will be
notified me by the Holders.

Since Cap. Tuckers departure from hence I have been obliged to discharge on the Ships
Account Sundry debts not brought in before the closing of them. I transmitted and
Cash sent him down of which Anext is the detail.4 I expect some other small Accounts will appear that I dont yet know of. I shall discharge
what may appear due to the inclosed Account and draw for the same as occation serves.

The affair of the Conspiracy has been examin'd by the proper officers appointed by
the Intendant. There dont appear sufficient ground to detain the Parties Accused it
is probable tho denied peremptory that conversation had pass'd to the effect laid
against them but that any steps taken in consequence cannot be proved, the Intendant
paid every attention so attrocious an act Merritted and would most certainly have
given every Satisfaction could the Act have been brought home. I have the Honor to
be Honble Sirs Your most Obedient Humble Servant

3. In the remainder of this sentence Bondfield is apparently saying that he expects to
be informed by the next post as to whether the drafts mentioned in his letter of 30
May will be honored by their holders.

4. That is, Bondfield sent cash to Samuel Tucker and has “anext” a detailed account of
the transaction to this letter. This enclosure has not been found.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0138

Author: Sartine, Antoine Raymond Jean Gualbert Gabriel de

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-06

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

Sartine to the Commissioners

Marly, 6 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:129–130 (JA's English translation); for the French text, see JA, Works, 7:15–16. Sartine here injected himself into the Commissioners' dealings with Bersolle
and John Paul Jones. The Minister of Marine called on the Commissioners, “for the
conservation of your Credit,” to reconsider their refusal to honor Jones' bill drawn
on Bersolle and to pay for the supplies sent to Jones from the royal magazines. Sartine
also requested reimbursement for purchasers of goods stolen by Jones' crew { 187 } from one of his prizes, the Lord Chatham, and later recovered. Finally, he recommended that the Commissioners determine whether
Jones' imprisonment of Thomas Simpson had been proper.

Adams believed that Sartine's intervention was unwarranted, reflecting the general
effort to circumvent the orders of the Commissioners and the congress in order to
“throw the American Business and Profits into the hands of the Tools of the Minister
and his Understrappers” (Diary and Autobiography, 4:130).

From James Warren

[dateline] Boston N Engld. June 7th: 1778

[salute] My Dear Sir

We are yet in A State of Uncertainty whether you are Arrived in France or England,
and Consequently whether you are now Acting As An Embassador or suffering as Prisoner.
All we know is that the last Ship from France brings no Account of you tho' you had
been out 7 weeks when she left Rochfort. The Enemy have Circulated a Report that the
Boston was taken, and mention the Name of the Ship that Captured her.1 But I don't Incline to give Credit to it, and think there are reasons to doubt it.
As I think myself Interested in the Event, I am Anxious to hear of your safe Arrival.

Nothing for several weeks has got in from any part of Europe tho' the winds have been
remarkably favourable. Our Curiosity is therefore wrought up to A high Key, to hear
what is passing in Europe, whether there be A declaration of War between France and
England and whether any other Powers have Acknowledged our Independence, and Concluded
a Treaty with us. Thus stand matters with regard to foreign News.

With regard to domestic News, I am Informed by my Friends at Congress that our Army
is very respectable both with regard to Numbers and discipline. The Baron d Stubun
has performed wonders in regulateing the discipline of the Army. They are well Cloathed,
and well provided with Provisions, Arms, and Ammunition, and Congress have determined
that the Officers who serve to the End of the war shall receive half pay for 7 Years,
and the Soldiers have 80 dollars, which has given satisfaction to the first, and Contentment
to the last, and prevented both resignations, and desertions but no operations of
Consequence have yet taken place. The Enemy have made one or two Excursions which
the Papers we shall send you will give an Account of, but were by our last Accounts
Immured in Philadelphia, and { 188 } prepareing to leave it.2 Where they will next go is a Subject of Conjecture. Some think they will leave the
Continent, Others that North River, Connecticut or this State is their Object.

No Material Alteration in our Currency, it is rather better. Goods of all kinds are
much more plenty. Some are Cheaper but they dont yet fall in proportion to the demand
for money which is become very Considerable, and I think must in time have its Effect.
The produce of the Country is yet Extravagantly deare and is the principle Cause of
keeping down the value of our Currency. The Countrymen have so long had the Advantage
of high prices that they dont feel the want of money so much as the Merchants, and
Tradesmen. Connecticut as well as some Other States have passed a regulateing Act
which Operates much as ours did. They are Nevertheless Obstinate in Adhereing to it,
and have sent down a Committee to Induce our Court to come into the Measure this Session
many Members I hear are fond of it. It stands at present suspended for an Answer to
A Letter wrote Congress.3

The Court met here and frighted with the Appearance of danger of the Small Pox, after
Election adjourned to Watertown, where they now are. The Papers will Announce to you
that I am no longer A Member of the General Court. My Town did not Chose me, and the
Court did not Compliment me with An Election at the Board, so that were I dismissed
from the Navy Board I should be truly A private Man, and an Independent Farmer, and
should be as Contented and satisfied with my situation as ever you saw one, for really
I am Tired of public Life, tho' I was determined never to desert the Colours I helped
to hoist. If you Enquire how all this came to pass I must tell you it is oweing to
various Causes. The people feel themselves Uneasy and dont know the reason. They have
therefore shifted their Members more generally than ever. I scorned to make or suffer
any Influence in my favour. The Tories and the Influence from Boston, and some other
places had their full play, which are the reasons I am not in the House. The greater
part of the C[ouncil] from Envy, and other reasons never loved me and the Complextion of the House, Consisting
of Members (the most Influential of them) whose politicks are very different from
Mine, and who are of the moderate Class which you know I never belonged to may Account
for my not being Elected. But above all the partiality of my Friends which has rendered
me Obnoxious to a Certain great { 189 } Man,4 and his numerous party by holding me up to view in Competition with him. The Policy
therefore has been to get me out of sight, and prevent my being an Obstacle to his
Glory, and Ambition.

The returns are not yet made from the several Towns of their Approbation or disapprobation
of the Form of Goverment sent to them. But I beleive it is pretty Clear that the Majority
have decided against it in much less time than the Convention took to decide in its
favour. The Town of Boston (whose wise Observations you will see in the Papers) and
the County of Essex have had A great Share, and Influence in this determination for
you must know it has become very popular to find fault with the doings of the General
Court or Convention, by those who can't mend them, and A little Clamour much more
A great one may easily damn any measure good or Bad.5

The Great Man Tarried here till after Election, and then went off with the Pomp and
retinue of an Eastern Prince.6 I was not in the List of his Attendants and was not Solicitous enough to Officiously
Offer my service, and to receive that Honour. I suppose the Sin is Unpardonable. I
must suffer the Consequences of his frowns, and be Content to be ranked Among those
who never Adulate and flatter.

Your Friend Adams is at Congress. Gerry and Dana propose to return when Mr. Hancock
and Doctr. Holton7 who is your Successor Arrive.

This is the third Letter I have wrote you since your departure.8 I hope the others as well as this will reach you. This is to go by a packet that
Carries public Letters for you and the Other Commissioners or rather Embassadors,
the Captain of which is to deliver them to you in Person so that the danger of the
Seas Excepted the Opportunity is fine. I have Accordingly Informed your Lady of it,
and Expect her Letters in Tomorrow which I presume will Inform you that the Family
are well.9 My Love to Master John, and beleive me to be with Great Sincerity Your Assured Friend
& Humbl. Servt.

2. The last large body of British troops left Philadelphia for New York city on the morning
of 18 June, crossing the Delaware River into New Jersey (John W. Jackson, { 190 } With the British Army in Philadelphia, 1777–1778, San Rafael, Calif., 1979, p. 263).

3. On 27 April the Massachusetts Council, noting its objections to a “regulating” or
price control bill, had written to the congress in the hope of deterring it from pressing
for the passage of such a law (PCC, No. 65,1). The letter reflected Massachusetts' unhappy experience in attempting
to enforce controls. Pressure on the state to renew price control arose from a congressional
resolution (see Henry Marchant to JA, 22 Dec. 1777, note 2, above). The letter of 27 April was read before the congress on 21 May, perhaps with
some effect, for on 4 June the congress resolved that the states should “repeal or
suspend” their laws “limiting, regulating, or restraining the Price of any Article,
Manufacture or Commodity” (JCC, 11:517, 569).

5. The Massachusetts towns turned down the Constitution of 1778 by a margin of approximately
5 to 1. For Boston's “objections” see the Independent Chronicle of 4 June. For the comments of other towns on the proposed constitution, together
with the “Essex Result,” see Oscar and Mary Handlin, eds., The Popular Sources of Political Authority: Documents on the Massachusetts Constitution
of 1780, Cambridge, 1966. See also William Gordon's four letters in opposition to the constitution
printed in the Continental Journal of 2, 9, 16, and 23 April, and the Independent Chronicle of 2,9, 16, and 30 April.

6. John Hancock left Boston on 3 June, escorted by “a detachment of American Light Dragoons”
and “attended by a number of respectable Gentlemen from this town [Boston] to Watertown,
where an elegant entertainment was provided” (Continental Journal, 4 June). See also AA's comment on “Our Great Man” and his delay in returning to the Continental Congress in her letter of 21 May to John Thaxter (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:26).

7. Dr. Samuel Holten had been elected to replace JA on 10 Feb. and officially took his seat in the congress on 22 June, but may have
been present as early as the 20th (JCC, 11:629 and note 3; Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 3:iv).

8. This is the first extant letter from Warren since JA's departure for Europe in February, the others probably having been lost at sea.

To Edmé Jacques Genet

[dateline] [Passy, ante 8 June 1778]

I do myself, the Honour to transmit you a Small Bundle of Newspapers, for your Perusal,
out of which you will Select any Thing that you think proper for Publication, in your
very valuable Collection of Affairs D'Angleterre et L'Amerique.1

Looking over the Remembrancer, for the Year 1775,1 found to my Surprize, having never
seen this Remembrancer before, two Letters from a Gentleman in the Province of Massachusetts
Bay, to his Friend in London, one dated Feb. 10 1775 and the other Jany 21. 1775.
They are found in Pages 10.11 and 12 of the Remembrancer for that Year.2

These Letters were written by me, and as I kept no Copies of them and never heard
of their Publication, I had wholly forgotten them, but finding them in this Work,
I recollect them very well.

If you think them worth inserting in your Collection [ . . . ][Ameri?]cans acted with Frankness,[ . . . ] broke out, and, with the Utmost faithfullness a [ . . . ] informed our Friends in England, what their Ministers were about and what would be
the certain Consequence of their Temerity. The Letters you will see were written in
great Haste and without the least Reserve. The History of the Events of War, from
the Date of these Letters to this Day, has been no more nor less than a Completion
of the Prophecies contained in them.

In Page 24 and onwards to the End of Page 32, and again from Page 45. to Page 54 you will find an History of the Dispute with America; from its origin in 1754, to
the Present Time.3

This is a brief Abstract of a series of Letters which were also written by me, in
the Winter of the Year 1775, the Tendency of all which was to shew, the Ruinous Tendency
of the Measures of the British Administration, to convince the Nation of the Necessity
of changing their System, and if they did not, but persisted in it and attempted to
carry it into Execution by Force of Arms, it would infallibly end in the total Loss
of their Collonies.

[ . . . ][that?] Time, or not, they have since had some Cause to consider. But they will not consider,
and they will probably persist in the indulgence of their Passions, untill they shall
be reduced to Weakness and Distress enough. France has no Reason to regrett this,
for She will gain, by every Degree of Wealth and Power that Britain throws away, in
this Contention, especially in that particular Branch which has been her Pride and
Glory, Commerce, and the Dominion of the sea.

This Publication, is a full Confutation of all the Calumnies against Us, both in Parliament
and Newspapers, that We concealed our Designs of Independency, and professed to have
no such Designs.

In this Publication and in many others, as well as in Multitudes of private Letters,
they were frankly told that however distant the People then were from Wishing Independency,
yet if they once commenced Hostilities against Us, it would be impossible to restrain
the Americans from cutting asunder forever, the Ligaments, which bound the two Countries
together. [ . . . ]. If you should think of doing it, [ . . . ] be glad to see it before it is printed as there are many [inac]curacies in the Print, which ought to be corrected.

[salute] I have the Honour to be, with the Utmost Gratitude for the { 192 } Pains you have taken, in communicating our Affairs to the World, sir your most Obedient
humble servant

[signed] John Adams

RC (PWacD: Feinstone Coll., on deposit PPAmP); the top of each page has been damaged by fire, with the loss of the dateline and
portions of several sentences.

1. Affaires de l'Angleterre et de l'Amérique was an irregular, clandestine publication of the French Foreign Ministry that was
ostensibly published in Antwerp (Anvers) but actually printed in Paris from early
1776 through late 1779. Its editor was Edmé Jacques Genet, director of the Foreign
Ministry's translators bureau and father of Edmond Charles, controversial minister
to the United States from the French Republic in 1793 (for a sketch of the two Genets
as well as a short survey of Affaires, see JA, Diary and Autobiography, 2:354–355; see also Gilbert Chinard's brief examination of Affaires and its place in French policy in Newberry Library Bulletin, 2d ser., 8:225–236 [March 1952]).

Seventeen volumes of Affaires were published, divided into 2 series: “Journal” and “Lettres.” It should be noted,
however, that as numbered internally there are only 15 volumes, both series having
separate volumes numbered 11 and 12. The “Journal” was intended as an account of the
progress of the Revolution from 1776, but with some earlier material, and appeared
in 82 cahiers (actually 79 because of a misnumbering that omitted Nos. 45, 46, and
47) and made up parts of vols. 1–6 and all of vol. 8 and its separate volumes numbered
11 and 12. The “Lettres,” supposedly from a Dutch banker in London to a friend in
Antwerp containing the latest news from England together with current letters from
America, appeared in 61 cahiers and made up the remaining parts of vols. 1–6 and all
of vols. 9, 10, and 13–15, plus its separate volumes numbered 11 and 12.

Because of the difficulty in determining, particularly in regard to the “Journal,”
the point at which one cahier ends and another begins, citations of each series of
Affaires will take the following form: for “Journal,” reference will be made to volume and
page number; for “Lettres,” volume, cahier, and page number will be indicated. In
all cases the guide will be Paul Leicester Ford's collation of Affaires in PMHB, 13:222–226 (July 1889).

2. The two “Letters,” for which JA gives the correct page numbers, were printed in John Almon's Remembrancer or Impartial Repository of Public Events (London, 1775; see also vol. 2:214–216, 391–393). Despite JA's interest in having them reprinted and Genet's apparent agreement expressed in his
letter to JA of 8 June (below), the two “Letters” never appeared in Affaires.

3. This piece, for which JA gives the correct page numbers and title as it appeared in Almon's Remembrancer, was composed of extracts from Novanglus, Nos. II–VI, and never appeared in Affaires (see also vol. 2:233–306).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0141

Author: Genet, Edmé Jacques

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-08

From Edmé Jacques Genet

[dateline] Vlles. June 8t. 78

[salute] Honour'd Sir

The News papers you So kindly transmit me will be carefully perus'd and will afford,
I dare say, many interesting articles to my publication which has no other aim than
paying to your Country the justice that is due to enlighten'd courage. I had noted
in the remembrancer the letters you mention the 1st. of which begins with these words
You have no doubt.1 To be Sure { 193 } they'll please excessively my readers being So prophetical, and impress'd with genuine
love for your former metropolis. The other papers giving an account of the origin
of war I had also destin'd to publication. I am very oblig'd to you Sir, for the Kind
leave you grant me of giving them to light with your Sanction: and I won't fail to
lay them all under your Eyes when ready for the press.

I am Sorry you was at the trouble to send me a messenger on purpose. For the future,
any parcel you may have occasion to transmit me, may be Sent to the post office, as
I pay no postage.

[salute] I am with the truest respect Hond. Sir Your most humble and obedient Servant

1. Genet gives here the opening words of the first of two letters “To a Friend in London”
mentioned by JA. CFA, not having access to JA's letter of [ante 8 June] and thus being unaware that JA had written the two letters “To a Friend in London,” apparently searched the Remembrancer and concluded that Genet was referring to a letter on p. 203 of the volume for 1777
entitled “Copy of a letter from an English Gentleman at Paris, dated July 28, 1777.”
That letter, beginning with the words “You will, no doubt, have heard,” was largely
devoted to an account of the activities of the privateer General Mifflin and its exchange of salutes at Brest.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0142

Author: Lovell, James

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-08

From James Lovell

[dateline] June 8th. 1778

[salute] Dear Sir

I fear I omitted to send the Resolve of May 5th. with 3 past Packets. I shall be vexed
if it does not reach you with the Ratifications as, on the Timing of it depends much
of its Propriety. I was strangely betrayed by its having been dated the 4th. in a
mistaken Alteration, when A.B.C. were sent Eastward.1

By Letters Yesterday from Mr. Beaumarchais I find Mr. Deane is probably on this Continent
so that we may know the exact State of our Account with Mr. Hortales.2 The present Cargo in the fier Roderigue is to be sold outright for Cash or Produce, Congress having the first Offer [if?] it belongs to Mr. Beaumarchais not to Hortales & Co. I hope there is no mystery in
this, for I really approve of the Thing. I am glad it does not belong to the Continent:
but I wish to know whether any of those Vessels lately taken belong to Mr. B. and whether this would not have belonged to H had it been lost. This may be an amusing Speculation for you.

Mr. D's Recall I find is attributed very much to Plots of A.L. You know this to be
unjust, and that Facts are as in my Letter to Dr. Franklin.3

All Things speak the Enemy's departure from Philadelphia. Intending to pass across
the Jersies to Staten Island they found the Militia to a Man ready to waylay them
and that some Continentals were detached. They have therefore given an Air of Peace
to their Motions, and asking for an immediate Exchange of Prisoners “because they
are going away.” They are levelling their Works, as we repeatedly hear tho the cautious
General has not yet told us the latter part but he was surprized that they “still”
remained on the 1st. They meant however to celebrate the 4th. there,—the birthday
of their foolish King.

Mr. S.A. has come forward, and Things go on very well here except that we want many
Lessons on Finance. Give them to us,—with a little Practicability, if you please,
wrought into your nicest Systems. Affectionately,

1. That is, Lovell feared that the resolution deleting Articles 11 and 12 of the Franco-American
Treaty of Amity and Commerce (JCC, 11:459–460) had not been included when the Committee for Foreign Affairs sent copies—“A.
B. C.”— of the Franco-American treaties to the Commissioners. Lovell's fears were
groundless: the resolution of 5 May had been received, and France had agreed to delete
the two articles.

2. These letters may have been those from Beaumarchais & Co. of 23 March and from Mr.
Chevallie, supercargo of the ship Fier Roderigue, of 28 May that were read before the congress on 8 June (JCC, 11:576). Silas Deane did not arrive in America until 9 July (Deane Papers, 2:468–469).

The Navy Board for the Eastern Department to the Commissioners

[dateline] Navy Board Eastern department Boston June 8th. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

Agreeable to the directions of the Honorable Marine Committee, We have provided the
Scooner Dispatch, Corbin Barns Master, for the purpose of Conveying to you some Packetts
of Great Importance; which are to be forwarded to you through the Council of this
State.1 We have therefore only to wish them Safe to { 195 } your hands, and to desire that your Orders may be given to furnish the Captain, with
such Supplies as may be necessary to provide for his return, and to defrey his Expences
there, Among which by Contract is a months pay, to be Advanced to himself and Crew,
and a Gratification to him of One hundred—dollars, in lieu of primage,2 he would have been intitled to on a Merchant Voyage. We presume the Council will
give you the American Intelligences. We shall only Transmit you by this Oppertunity
the Gazzettes published here Since our last3 and beg leave to Subscribe ourselves with the Greatest respect Your most Obedt: humble
Servts.

[signed] J Warren

[signed] J. Deshon

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); addressed: “The Honble: The Commissioners of the United States
of America Paris”; docketed: “Navy Board June 8 1778 ans. July 29.”

1. In accordance with orders dated 5 May from the Marine Committee, the Navy Board prepared
the Dispatch for sea so that it might carry additional copies of the ratified Franco-American
treaties to France (Charles Oscar Paullin, ed., Outletters of the Continental Marine Committee and Board of Admiralty, 2 vols., N.Y., 1914, 1:234). The Committee for Foreign Affairs, under a letter dated
[15?] May (R. H. Lee, Letters, ed. Ballagh, 1:407), sent the packets containing the treaties to the Massachusetts Council, which
in turn sent them on to the Commissioners under a covering letter dated 9 June (PPAmP: Franklin Papers).

2. The allowance made by the shipper to the master and crew for the loading and care
of the cargo.

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

My last was dated the 2d of this month. You will see by the two enclosed translations
what the state of affairs in Germany is and that one may expect, any day, to hear
that hostilities have begun.1

In the last few days a pamphlet, badly assembled and filled with declamations against
Great Britain, has appeared under the title of Le voeu de toutes les nations, et l 'intérét de toutes les Puissances, dans l'abaissement
et l'humiliation de la Grande Bretagne.2 It begins with a dedicatory letter addressed to Mr. Franklin. The Grand Facteur asked
what I thought of it and I replied si desint vires, tamen est laudanda voluntas,3 which was exactly what he also thought. I only mention this publication because,
despite being awkwardly put together, it has found here at The Hague many buyers and
readers among people of the first rank.

I languish, gentlemen, in the expectation of receiving that which I requested from
you,4 as do also the Grand Facteur, our friend, and the { 197 } Grand Pensionary. It would be wise not to leave too much of a void [vuide] here at present.

The démarche taken so far has already produced a good effect, on the one hand, in
strengthening and increasing the good dispositions of the well-intentioned, and, on
the other hand, in discouraging even more the ill-intentioned by diminishing their
resources and their hope of engaging the Republic in some démarche favorable to their
views. Three or four months ago they would not have permitted me, with impunity, to
do what I have done of late.

What you have just read, gentlemen, was written before Mr. A. Lee's letter of 4 June
reached me.5 The approbation he kindly gave to the additions that I made to the recent piece,
based as they were on the knowledge I have of the people to whom it is addressed,
gave me a satisfaction as pure and sincere as the zeal that dictated them. Let us
continue what we have already so well begun—to recruit a good, strong party here—and
all will be well. Already the Belgian lion has begun to slip from the teeth and claws,
now considerably filed and clipped, of the British lion, and the time will come when
the prey he thought was in his grasp will be torn from him. I am, with the utmost
devotion and respect, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servant.

1. The two translations were of letters from Berlin and Hamburg dated 29 May and 2 June.
They reported that war was imminent, contrasted the excellent condition and preparation
of the Prussian army with the poor state of the Austrian, and noted the regret with
which the French volunteers left the Prussian forces.

3. If strength be lacking, nevertheless the willingness ought to be praised.

4. That is, Dumas was awaiting the copy of the Franco-American Treaty of Amity and Commerce
that he had requested in his letter to the Commissioners of 19 May (above, and note 4).

5. Arthur Lee wrote in regard to Dumas' publication of Lee's “Memorial for Holland,”
the “dernier piece” referred to by Dumas below. See Dumas to the Commissioners, 19
May, note 6 (above).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0145

Author: First Joint Commission at Paris

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Jones, John Paul

Date: 1778-06-10

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to John Paul Jones

Passy, 10 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:135. The Commissioners requested a list of Jones' prisoners for a possible exchange and
noted the arrival of Jones' account of his differences with the Ranger's crew, about which he would soon receive their opinion.

The request for a list of Jones' prisoners, together with a similar demand to Abraham
Whipple on 23 June (Diary and Autobiography, 4:140), stemmed from David Hartley's letter to Benjamin Franklin of 5 June announcing a
prisoner exchange and requesting a list of those held by the Americans (Edward E.
Hale and Edward E. Hale Jr., Franklin in { 198 } France, 2 vols., Boston, 1887–1888, 1:203). Franklin, in a reply of 16 June on behalf of
the Commissioners, promised to procure the lists and suggested procedures to be followed
(same, 1:203–204). Adams copied Franklin's reply into his Letterbook and later included
it, with some alterations, in his Autobiography, where Adams mistakenly gives himself
and Lee as cosigners (Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 92; Diary and Autobiography, 4:138–139; compare JA's two versions with Arthur Lee's copy in PCC, No. 102, IV).

It is, however, unlikely that Jones received the present letter. On or about 10 June,
the date on which he paroled Thomas Simpson, Jones left Brest for Passy, arriving
there on or about the 18th (Simpson to the Commissioners, 3 July, below; Jones to James Gooch, 18 June; and to Rev. Father John, 18 June, both in
ViU: Lee Papers).

Jones' report of troubles with his crew was contained in those portions of his letter
to Franklin of 1 June (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 1:433), shown to JA and Arthur Lee, and to which Franklin replied on the 10th, giving there additional
information on the proposed prisoner exchange (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:610).

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to J. D. Schweighauser

Passy, 10 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:134–135. The Commissioners, responding to Schweighauser's letter of 4 June (not found), commended
him for refusing to pay 1,200 livres to William Morris, possibly an escaped prisoner
(Deane Papers, 2:258), and reminded him that no disbursements could be made without the Commissioners'
orders. Schweighauser was directed to act with Capt. Whipple in the disposal of a
prize and to evaluate the Flammand, a ship offered by John Joseph Monthieu for a voyage to America. Finally, in a postscript,
he was ordered to pay John Paul Jones' expenses to and from Paris.

This postscript, written in a darker ink than the text, was appended to the wrong
letter in Adams' Letterbook (Microfilms, Reel No. 92), for neither he nor Lee knew
on 10 June that Franklin had invited Jones to Passy, and Jones did not arrive there
until after the 16th (see Commissioners to Jones, 25 May, calendared above; 16 June, calendared below). It was probably intended to be part of the Commissioners' letter
to Schweighauser of 23 June (calendared below).

The following paragraph was deleted in JA's Letterbook: “The Fusees from Berlin, the Druggs from Marseilles, and the Remittances
from London being Subjects which We in our Capacity of Commissioners at this Court
have nothing to do with, our Mr. Arthur Lee will write you in particular concerning
them.” Arthur Lee notes in his Letterbook (PCC, No. 102, IV, f. 13) that “this paragraph being in the Letter drawn by Mr. Adams,
Dr. Franklin refused to sign it, because he said it would be acknowledging Mr. Lee's
right to manage the affairs of Spain. The Letter was detained a day to erase this
paragraph.”

Franklin's objection was presumably twofold. He probably saw the paragraph as implying
that Arthur Lee was responsible for everything not explicitly stated in the Commissioners'
instructions and commission to the French Court. Franklin may also have believed that
it indicated a change in his status vis-à-vis Arthur Lee in regard to Spain. Both
men had been commissioned to the Spanish Court: Franklin on 2 Jan. 1777 and Lee on
5 June 1777 (JCC, 8:521–523, note). Franklin did not act under his commission, but Lee went to Spain
in 1777 in an unsuccessful effort to gain Spanish recognition. If Lee was seen as
responsible for transactions not directly related to the French Court, it might be
inferred that he had superseded Franklin in dealings with Spain. This would have been
unacceptable to Franklin even had he been on good terms with Lee. In the absence of
such a relationship it was presumably intolerable.

Marine Committee to the Commissioners

[dateline] York in Penna June 10th 1778

[salute] Honorable Gentn

There is wanted for A fifty Six Gun Ship now building at Portsmouth in the State of
New Hampshire, Twenty eight 24 pounders Cannon and Twenty eight 18 Pounders which
We request you will order to be shipped for that Port or the Port of Boston by the
first Opportunity.1 Should the Continental Frigates Boston and Providence be in France when this gets
to hand they may take in those Cannon and in that case you will please to ship an
equal number of each Size Sufficient to Ballast Said Frigates, as we shall have Occasion
for more than will be wanted for the 56 Gun ship. We request your attention to this
business and are Honorable Gentn with great respect Your very Obedt. servants,

[signed] Richard Henry Lee. C.M.

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); addressed: “The Honorable the Commissioners of the United States
of North America at Paris”; docketed: “Letter Marine Comtee. June 10 1778. for 28.
24 Pounders and 28 18s.”; in an unknown hand: “Order for Cannon”; calculations, perhaps
by JA:

3000

1680

56

24

18000

6720

15000

3360

168000

40320.

The first calculation may be the weight of 56 twenty-four-pounders; the second may
be the total weight of the ammunition for them at 30 twenty-four-pound-shot per gun.

1. These cannon were for the ship of the line America. In a letter of 19 Aug. the Commissioners ordered John Bondfield to procure the needed
cannon (LbC, Adams Papers, Microfilms, Reel No. 92). Bondfield reported his progress in letters to the Commissioners dated
29 Aug. (below) and 12 Sept. (PPAmP: Franklin Papers).

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 11 June

[salute] Gentlemen

Yesterday morning I received, from Sir George Grand, the packet containing your letter
of 2 June1 and decided that I should go first to the Grand Facteur. He, however, was to be out
of town all day so I used the time to make a copy of the treaty in case I needed one
in future dealings connected to the Mission with which I have the honor charged. This
morning, gentlemen, the Grand Facteur confessed to me that he was somewhat embarrassed
by the portion of your letter putting me under his direction. I suggested that he
wait until he had written to his House but, without responding to that, he said to
me that, genuinely, in his capacity as Grand Facteur,2 he could not direct me in this regard; that is, he could neither advise me on nor
prevent my démarche (that is the official answer). In his private capacity, however, he believed that the difficulties that might result
from not making the demarche would be much greater than those that might result from
going through with it. Among other things, it would show poor taste to be evasive
and appear to go back on one's word after having fostered the hope of receiving this
copy which, as a result, is awaited with much anticipation and interest. He thus advised
me to carry it to its intended conclusion (there is the true plan), telling the Grand Pensionary only that I received the order to give him the treaty
for his information so that, when he deemed it appropriate, he might report on it
to the States of the Provinces &c. Nevertheless, at the same time, from a due regard for the Court of France, which has
not yet deemed it appropriate to print and publish the treaty, I should request him
not to distribute or give copies to anyone.

I asked him if it was appropriate to send a copy to our friend, for the regency of his city, and to inform the Grand Pensionary about it? He replied,
certainly, but with the same request that it not be copied. I am now busy, therefore, making a second copy for our friend.

This evening, at 8:30, the Grand Facteur asked me to confer with him tomorrow before
going to see the Grand Pensionary.

[dateline] Friday, 12 June

These are the results of my conference this morning with the Grand Facteur. In the
treaty are two or three articles that clearly favor us at the expense of others, and
it may or may not be proper to disclose this fact here. It may be appropriate because
it could act as a bait in order to detach the people from—,3 and make them share our views; but inappropriate because it could encourage them
to hazard certain requests that we do not know if the House, depending on the circum• { 203 } stances, would judge proper to grant. These thoughts and the express order you gave
me to take the advice of —, as to the propriety of delivering it at present, have led us to conclude that I should await an answer from you.4 If it is affirmative, I will carry on with a greater sense of security and give you
in due time an account of what ensues. If it is negative, however, we have already
composed an ostensible letter that you would send me commenting on these remarks in your letter of 28 April
to the Grand Pensionary: of which we shall speedily send your Excellency a copy, to be communicated if you
think proper to, &c. In the meantime, the Grand Facteur has asked me for the treaty in order to have
a copy made for his own use, and I will finish the copy intended for our friend so that everything will be ready when needed. For the time being, the original and
the two copies made by me will remain under lock and key so as to produce their effect
when and only when judged appropriate.

For a while now I have not mentioned the dispatches from this country's ministers
abroad. This is because the person from whom I have had occasion to obtain them is
away for some time and the efforts that I can prudently make to find some needy intriguer
who might procure them for me on a regular basis have been so far unsuccessful.5

Rumor has it that Sir Joseph Yorke has taken some démarche to check the pulse of this
state because of the concern felt by his master regarding the formidable measures
taken on the opposite coasts. I have not yet been able to discover the truth of the
matter because, with the summer weather, everyone I know is away. What I do know is
that some will not want to and others will be unable to do anything for him. He will
realize that:

I have just seen the honorable congress' glorious and powerful resolution concerning
the Conciliatory Bill and the Commissioners following it.7 I interrupted my letter to take this manly document to the Grand Pensionary who,
when he learned of its content, laughed at my eagerness and remarked that I always
go to such great lengths. This is true, but it is also true that he is satisfied with
the trouble I take. I lend him these accounts regularly, and, if I do not send them
to him as soon as they arrive, he asks for them. I am very respectfully, gentlemen,
your very humble and very obedient servant

4. The passage quoted by Dumas is apparently from the Commissioners' letter of 2 June, noted above. His deletion of a word or words may be due to the Commissioners' use
of the words “the French Ambassador,” or some other phrase that Dumas believed to
be too explicit. Dumas' letter of 27 June (below) indicates that the Commissioners' reply to his request for advice was probably
to proceed.

5. By the time that he wrote to the Commissioners on 16 June, Dumas had apparently solved this problem. See note 1 to his letter (below).

6. While you prosper you will have plenty of friends; but when your sky is cloudy, you
will be left to yourself.

7. The committee report adopted by the congress on 22 April (JCC, 10:374–380), which, translated into French, was printed in the supplement to the
Gazette de Leyde for 16 June.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0149

Author: Bondfield, John

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-13

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 13 June 1778

[salute] Honble. Sirs

I took the liberty to draw on your honors as the most assured means to obtain a certainty
of my letters in course getting to your hands.1 I am much obliged for the punctual honor you have paid to my drafts. I have to ask
your excuse for not more particularly explaining the cause of the price of fresh Beef.
The Pound of that article at Bordeaux is forty Ounces, during Lent which reignd all
the time the ship consumed fresh Provision, One Butcher Farms the supplies for the
Town, pays very heavy for the exclusive privaledge which of course falls on the consumer.
That as well as every other article I took due attention to obtain on the lowest terms
and that by the most surest of means paying Cash for every Article in this as in every
other circumstance that may be committed to my care of a strickt adherence to my duty
permit me to assure you. The Frigate put to Sea the 7th Instant in Company with two
french Frigates and several Merchant Men Bound for the United States. They were met
off Isl Dieu2 by a vessel arrived two days past. I am with due Respect your honors Most Obedient
Humble Servant

1. Bondfield's meaning in this sentence is not wholly clear, but he wrote a second letter
of this date (PPAmP: Franklin Papers) acknowledging the Commissioners' letter of 25 May (calendared above), commenting on the passage of letters between Paris and Bordeaux,
and promising to keep the Commissioners informed of his activities.

2. The Ile d'Yeu, misspelled here and in Samuel Tucker's logbook (MH-H). The vessel may have been the brig Virginia, Capt. Jones, mentioned in the Boston's log. Tucker stated that he sailed on 6 June in company with “twenty Sale of Ships,
Brits, &c, a French Frigate and Sloop of { 205 } War.” A letter to the Commissioners from James Moylan of 12 June (PPAmP: Franklin Papers) stated that the Boston was then watering at the He de Groix, located just off the entrance to the harbor
at Lorient, and would sail on the following day with the French frigate L'Oiseau.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0150

Author: Archer, Henry Waldegrave

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-14

H. Archer to the Commissioners

[dateline] Paris June 14. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I presume to trouble you with the communication of my design to enter into the army,
and becoming a citizen of the united States. Though a native of England, I feel myself
quite attached to America, and firmly persuaded that I shall carry thither dispositions
entirely consonant to its welfare, and that my affection to her will not be the less
in being only a Son by adoption. From infancy, I considered myself a member of the
British Empire at large, including the Colonies of North America. Warped by no blind
partiality, or local attachment, while their union with the Parent State subsisted,
I wished equally for the happiness of the whole. Upon their division my predilection
is strong for that part, where the free principles of the ancient constitution are
likely to be most vigorous and lasting. Upon the first rise of the dissentions between
them, dissentions, that reflect as much honor on the one as infamy on the other side;
from my own observations of things, confirmed by the opinions, and conversation of
those I most esteemed, I decided, that the opposition of the Americans was sanctified
by justice, as well as recommended by good policy; in the progress I admired the wisdom
with which this opposition was conducted, applauded the firmness with which it was
supported, and rejoiced at the success with which it has been attended. Ambitious
of military fame, and of military distinction, it was not consistent with my Notions
to engage in the Army of the King of Great Britain; where the former of these, was
not to be acquired at all, as even Valour in the support of Tyranny, and Injustice
is reproachful, nor the latter, but by interest, and the too frequent <exercise> Sacrifice of virtuous principles. An immediate entrance into his Service would have
obliged me to war against my conscience, and against those, whom I ardently wish to
prevail. Nor is it by any means eligible for me to defer entering into the British
Service till the War with America is ended, for besides the loss of time, and delay
of preferment, there are more powerful discouragements. I have too much reason to
believe that the Military pro• { 206 } fession, even hereafter, will not be very honorable in Great Britain. From the degeneracy
of the People, the corruption of their Representatives, and the wickedness of those
in power, the Army may probably become, before a distant period the devoted instruments
of despotic sway, and like the disgraceful Pretorian Bands ready to sell their services
to such as would supply their debaucheries with the most profusion, and such as were
most ready to favor their rapaciousness and violence. On the contrary, in the service
of the united States, I shall during the present contest, bear arms in a cause my
conscience approves, and which reflects honor on its humble supporters, and where
there is reason to believe, that should my services be required in future, it will
be on the side of justice, liberty, and Glory, and where in short the disciplined
Soldier, and the free Citizen are not incompatible.

I cannot indeed boast of being much qualified to make my services welcome, or important,
but this I can promise, that the small qualification I do possess, or may acquire
shall be exerted on every occasion to the utmost. I have been some time at the Royal
Academy at Chelsea, endeavouring to attain a knowledge of military affairs. As soon
as I was of age, I left it, and disposed of as much of my property as amounted to
about five hundred pounds. With what I have left of that, I wish to take the quickest
opportunity of getting to America, and entering into one of the Regiments of Horse.
I shall be glad to serve first as a Volunteer at my own expence with a view of giving
such proofs of my zeal and unfeigned attachment to America as may entitle me to some
notice. You may perhaps be inclined to think there was no occasion to trouble you
with my design. I was induced to do it, by these, among other reasons, Your approbation
and Patronage would be extremely satisfactory and encouraging; and as I must necessarily
have passed thro' Paris, I was desirous of paying my respects to you, who deservedly
possess so high a trust from the united States, which if I had failed to do, it might
there, suggest a suspicion that I was afraid you might have known or discovered something
to my disadvantage. At the same time, I was in hopes you would be kind enough to give
me your advice and assistance about the most expeditious method of arriving in America.
I propose doing myself the honor of waiting on you next Tuesday in company with Monsr.
le Baron de Ridberg, till which I postpone mentioning other particulars. I have the
honor to be with the { 207 } greatest and most unfeigned Esteem, Gentlemen, Your very hble & obt. Sert.

1. Probably Henry Waldegrave Archer, who was appointed cornet of light dragoons on 1
Jan. 1779 and ended the war as a captain, thus attaining his goal of serving in the
American army (Heitman, Register Continental Army, p. 73). On 4 Aug. 1779 Archer wrote to the congress giving his thanks for the honor,
a brevet appointment as captain, bestowed him on 26 July following the American victory
at the Battle of Stony Point, news of which he carried to the congress (PCC, No. 78, 1, f. 291; JCC, 14:890; see also Ward, War of the Revolution, 2:906, note 18). When Archer left France for America he carried letters from JA to Samuel Adams of 21 May; to Isaac Smith Sr. of 17 June (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:106–108, 139–140); and to AA of 16 June (Adams Family Correspondence, 3:44, and note 2). In a letter to JA and Benjamin Franklin (PHi: Franklin MSS) that was undated, but almost certainly done shortly after 16 June, Archer thanked the two men for their assistance and particularly for their “recommendatory
letters.”

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0151

Author: First Joint Commission at Paris

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Sartine, Antoine Raymond Jean Gualbert Gabriel de

Date: 1778-06-15

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to Sartine

Passy, 15 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:135–137. The Commissioners, in answer to Sartine's letter of 6 June, indicated their reasons
for refusing the drafts drawn on them by Bersolle, and, by implication and tone, their
displeasure at Sartine's interference in the Commission's affairs. The Commissioners
further noted that it was highly irregular for merchants or naval captains to make
drafts without prior approval and that the continuance of such practices would deprive
the Commissioners of control over expenses and might ultimately result in their bankruptcy.
The Commissioners declared their willingness to pay for goods supplied to John Paul
Jones from the royal magazines, agreed that restitution should be made for goods stolen
from the Lord Chatham by Jones' crew, and reported their decision to send Lt. Simpson to America for trial.
In addition, the Commissioners requested that the sale of the Lord Chatham and other prizes be expedited so as to provide funds for the Commissioners to defray
the cost of keeping ships in port and for the captors to purchase necessities. Finally,
the Commissioners acquiesced in the naming of Botsen, about whom they knew little,
for possible employment by the French as a pilot on the American coast.

From Stephen Sayre

[dateline] Copenhagen 15th June 1778

[salute] Sir

As my information is only from the public papers, I am left in uncertainty whether
I am writing to Mr. John, or Mr. Samuel { 208 } Adams. Some Letters have pass'd between the latter Gentleman and myself, on the subject
of American Controversy. As I ask only for a short reply, on a matter of simple justice;
I trust I shall not be disappointed, tho I am ignorant as to which of those great
Characters I write.1

You cannot be a stranger to the circumstance of my having attended Mr. Lee to Berlin,
at the public expence. I thought it somewhat hard, to be told at Berlin, which was
done in clear and express terms, that I should be no longer consider'd in that service,
or expect the least support from the Commissioners, whether I return'd to Paris with
Mr. Lee, or not—at the same time I don't say they acted unjustly.

As a private Gentleman, having no expectation given me that the most humiliating attendance
at Paris could give me any Employment, I chose to remain at Berlin, where I could
live more at ease and at less expence. Having wrote to my friends in Congress from
Paris, by all the Ships sent by the Commissioners from the month of April 1777, to
September or October—I waited with impatience for Answers. Think then, how great must
be my astonishment, to learn, that tho' the Commissioners had many Letters sent to
their care for me, they have neither sent them, or given me any reasons why they with'old
them. Surely this is a ground of complaint, and a conduct that sets all conjecture
at difiance.

I am willing to suppose some strange accidents may have concur'd to disappoint me.
I could wish, that urgent national business were an Apology for neglecting an individual,
tho' intitled to some decent attention, from the highest Characters. I have a right
to some reply, as a private man—my whole public conduct makes it a matter of indispensable
justice.

Of you, Dear Sir, I request the high favour, to learn the Cause, and to state it to
me with candour. If you suffer any arguments to dissuade you from a reply, which [I?] may expect from your own feelings, you will thereby condemn me before I am heard.

Let me add one word of congratulation on the glory acquired by the United States of America, and that I am with great esteem and respect your [ . . . ][obe]dient & very humble Servant

[signed] Stephen Sayre

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); addressed: “To the honorable—Adams Esqr Member of the American
Congress now at Paris”; docketed: “Mr. Stephen Sayres Letter. 15. June 1778 from Copenhagen.”;
in an unknown hand: { 209 } “Stephen Sayre Amsterdam”; passage in an unknown hand and apparently done considerably
later than the other entries: “tous les françois aiment M. franklin ils admirent ses
talents ils respectent ses vertus tous les americains partagent ces sentiments avec
M. franklin.” The reference in the second docketing to “Amsterdam” is unclear because
Sayre was apparently not in that city until mid–1779 (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 14:212).

1. Stephen Sayre, Princeton B.A. and Harvard M.A., had at various times been a merchant, London banker, pamphleteer, and Sheriff of
London. In 1775 he had been imprisoned in the Tower of London on charges of high treason,
against which he had been successfully defended by Arthur Lee, and was the self-described
chief founder of the Society of Supporters of the Bill of Rights (same, 14:204–211).
In this last capacity he had written to JA on 15 Oct. 1773 to notify him of his election to membership in the Society (vol. 1:353–354)

The present letter, apparently not acted on by either JA or the Commissioners, shows Sayre in another role: freelance diplomat. It reflects
the split that had developed between him and Arthur Lee when he served as Lee's secretary
during the ill-fated Berlin mission in 1777 to secure recognition for the United States.
When the mission failed and Lee returned to Paris, Sayre claimed without authorization
to be an official American agent in Berlin. Apparently this pose was maintained during
the time Sayre spent in Copenhagen and Stockholm, from Dec. 1777 through early 1779,
attempting to promote, according to his later statements, a league of armed neutrals.
By mid–1779 the Commissioners, particularly Franklin, had disavowed his activities
and referred him to the congress for the compensation he sought (Sibley-Shipton, Harvard Graduates, 14:210–212; DAB).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0153

Author: Whipple, Abraham

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-15

Abraham Whipple to the Commissioners

[dateline] On board Ship Providence Paimbeuf June 15t. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

Had the honour of Recieving your Letter1 per Capt. Jones, beg leave to mention there are no Orders relative to my Prisoners,
which should be glad to Recieve. Am Repairing my Masts and will make the Old Ones
serve, New Ones being very expensive. Shall be as frugal as possible. Capt. Jones
acquaints me you have some Cloathing and Arms for the United States it is in my Power
to Carry considerable, if I know timely the Quantity and Largeness of Bales; that
I may stow the Ship Accordingly. The Ship will be graved and in readiness to take
in in twelve Days. My Midshipmen are Arrived having made their escape to St. Maloes.
The Prize Brigantine is safe at the Isle of Rea.2 I have Ordered her round here, and shall deliver her to Charge of Mr. Schweighaser
on Arrival at Nantes. Have the Honour to be Your most Obedt. very Humble Servt.

[signed] Abraham Whipple

NB My Masts are now on shore a Repairing with all possible Expedition.

2. Presumably the He de Ré, located off La Rochelle in the Bay of Biscay southeast of
Paimboeuf. The brigantine captured by the Providence had been recaptured by the British and was in turn recaptured by a French vessel
(Allen, Naval Hist. of the Amer. Revolution, 1:356). The returned midshipmen may have been members of the prize crew put aboard
the brigantine by Whipple, who had managed to escape from the British ship that made
the initial recapture.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0154

Author: First Joint Commission at Paris

Author: Adams, John

Recipient: Jones, John Paul

Date: 1778-06-16

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to John Paul Jones

Passy, 16 June 1778. printed:JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:137–138. Jones was ordered to prepare for a voyage to America on which he would harass the
British as much as possible, specific mention being made of the vulnerability of the
Newfoundland fishery and the transports passing back and forth between England and
America. The Commissioners also directed Jones to carry, but not to await, whatever
dispatches might reach him from the Commissioners or the French government and to
put on board whatever cargo he could, so long as it did not impair the fighting and
sailing qualities of the Ranger.

These orders could not have reached Jones at Brest, for he had already left that place
and must have been nearing Paris (Jones to the Commissioners, 3 June, note 2, above). They are curious in view of the correspondence that had passed between Jones
and Franklin. The text, together with Arthur Lee's surprise at Jones' arrival (to
JA, 5 July, below), indicates that the Commissioners, on the 16th at least, believed that Jones
would remain at Brest and thus be able to leave for America immediately (see also
Commissioners to Jones, 22 Aug. [1st], below).This is another indication that JA and Arthur Lee were acting without full information and that an effort was being
made to conceal Franklin's dealings with Jones. Lee's letter of 5 July indicates that
Jones received his orders after his arrival, perhaps on 23 June, the date on which
very similar instructions were sent to Capt. Abraham Whipple of the Providence (Diary and Autobiography, 4:140–141).

Fleury to John Adams: A Translation

[dateline] St. Hippolyte, 16 June 1778

[salute] Sir

I am too grateful for the aid you accorded me1 not to express, in this regard, all the sentiments due you. Accept therefore, sir,
the homage of a sensitive father whom you have just reassured and who is honored to
have a son in the service of a nation of which you give the highest idea. It does
not surprise me that he should wish to distinguish himself there if its inhabitants
are all like you. Success in earning the esteem of people such as yourself can only
foster emulation. I am delighted that my son has already had the good fortune to draw
your attention by the reputation that he sought to achieve. He would be most fortunate
if his zeal inspired in you a desire to make his acquaintance. If made { 212 } aware of your generosity he will show you, I do not doubt, his appreciation with eagerness.
Dare I ask you to continue the aid with which you have honored me thus far? I would
be eternally grateful if you could inform me of matters pertaining to my son. Forgive
my importunity, but I am a father who has this only child. He was serving in the Rouergue
regiment, where he earned the esteem and affection of his officers and comrades. A
noble spirit spurred him to join the insurgents, and I yielded to his glorious resolve,
but I am sure that you understand that nature laments my sacrifice. Yet, I would feel
greatly repaid if my son makes himself useful to your country, and if I am fortunate
enough to awaken sufficient interest in you to help me in this matter out of your
kind generosity. Be assured, sir, that I and all that belongs to me will always strive
to deserve this blessing with the same respect and faithfulness with which I am, sir,
your very humble and very obedient servant,

[signed] De Fleury

I would be greatly obliged if, when you write to America, you would be kind enough
to ask for news of my son and permit him to send his letters to me with those received
by you, for I know that he has written several which, inexplicably, never reached
me.

William Bingham to the Commissioners

[dateline] St Pierre M/que June 16th 1778

[salute] Honble Gentn

It is a long time Since I have had the honor of receiving any of your Commands, and
am the more surprized at it, as a Packet Boat has arrived with Dispatches for the
General,1 informing him of a Treaty of Alliance and Commerce being concluded on betwixt the
Court of Versailles and the United states of America.

Should this Treaty cause any material Change in the political or commercial System
of Affairs; Should it stipulate any new Advantages for the French Commerce; or Should
it entitle our Trade to a more free and full Indulgence in their Ports, and a more open Protection from their Flag; Should it determine any new Line
of Conduct with regard to Foreign Powers, or the reciprocal Services to be expected
of each other; Should any common object employ the Attention of the contracting Parties,
which requires their acting in Concert, I humbly think that I should be made acquainted
with its Contents, that I might act in { 213 } Conformity thereto, and as far as my Small Influence will reach, cooperate accordingly.

As Agent for the United States of America in the West Indies, every Circumstance that
regards the Country that I represent, and that forms a Subject of Controversy, immediately
falls under my Notice and Attention;—but how shall I govern myself with any Degree
of Prudence or Precision, or according to the Terms that the Treaty prescribes, when
I am entirely ignorant of what it contains.

I have taken the liberty of laying these Thoughts before you Gentlemen, from the Impulse
of a Motive which you cannot but think commendable from a Sincere desire of obtaining
Such Information as is essentially necessary to the Discharge of my Trust with Reputation
to myself, and Credit to my Employers. I have the honor to be with unfeigned Respect
Honbl. Gentn. Your most obedt. & very hble Servant

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 16 June 1778

[salute] Honble. Sirs

I had the Honor to write you the 13.13 and 14th Instant.1 Mr. Emery receiv'd letters from Capt. Cunningham at Corrunha advising their Arrival
at that Port from Cadiz having made four Prizes in the Passage.2 We have it reported the Boston fell in with two privateers, one of eighteen Guns
she took, the other got off.3 I cannot trace it so as give implicite faith.

The Jersey Privateers stil continue upon the Coast of Spain they have taken a vessel
belonging to Bayenne having Tobacco on board from the Cape and a small schooner with
eighty hhds from Edenten.

Letters from Lisbon mention the arrival of a Vessel at that Port from the Western
Islands that fell in with the Fleet under Comte D'Estaing near to Tercera4 the 23 May.

Captain de Siau is come down, A suitable vessel is purchased to mount 24 nine pounders
two hundred and forty men and a small tender is on the stocks which together are to
be compleatly equipt and at Sea by the 20th July. I am with due respect Your honors
Most Obedient H Servant

1. Neither the second letter of the 13th nor that of the 14th has been printed here.
For the former, see the first letter of the 13th (note 1, above); for the latter, see Joy Castle to the Commissioners, 22 June (note 2, below).

2. John Emery, a Bilbao merchant, in writing to Arthur Lee from Bordeaux on 10 June (MH-H: Lee Papers), had referred to a letter from La Coruña of 18 May reporting the capture
of four prizes by Gustavus Conyngham and the Revenge. Although four prizes were mentioned, only three, all captured on 4 May (the brigs
Maria, Dispatch, and Siren), can be identified as likely to have been mentioned in a letter of 18 May (Cruises of Conyngham, ed. Neeser, table facing p. 152).

3. Punctuation for this sentence editorially supplied. The report was erroneous; no mention
of such an encounter appears in Samuel Tucker's log for the Boston (MH-H).

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

The enclosed sheet was written piecemeal yesterday and while coming and going today.1 A copy, omitting what is in brackets, has been sent to Mr. Lee in Vienna.2

The treaty, which the Grand Facteur asked to copy, has not yet been returned to me.
He may plan to keep it until permission to send it on to its true destination arrives.
I asked him if he had had it copied; he told me not yet. I shall, therefore, wait for him to mention it again.

I am, with the utmost respect, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servant

1. The enclosure (MH-H: Lee Papers) includes an extract from an article that appeared in the Gazette de la Haie of 15 June, a partial text of a dispatch from Count Degenfeld, the Dutch representative
at Vienna, and brief comments on dispatches from the Dutch representatives at Hamburg
and London. Of particular importance was the extract, whose author claimed authority
not only to deny that William Lee, under the auspices of the French ambassador, had
been received by the Austrian Court, but also to declare that the Austrian Emperor
would receive Lee neither in public nor in private. The article conflicted with Degenfeld's
dispatch of 27 May, received at The Hague on 9 June, which described William Lee's
arrival in Vienna and his presentation by the French ambassador to the Chancellor,
Prince Kaunitz, and all the foreign ministers.

At first Dumas believed that the article could have been the work of either the Austrian
or the British ambassador at The Hague because it seemed to be an effort to counteract
the effect of Degenfeld's dispatch. After some investigation, however, Dumas was able
to report, in a note immediately following the extract, that the son of the Gazette de la Haie's publisher had told him that the article had been furnished by Sir Joseph Yorke, who
was unconcerned whether his role was known or not. Dumas stated that he and the French
ambassador had resolved to force the publisher to explain in his next issue that the
article was not authorized by anyone connected with the Austrian Court. This, he believed,
would indicate the real author to all interested parties.

2. That is, Dumas sent William Lee the extract from the Gazette de la Haie, his identification of Yorke as its author, and the portion of Degenfeld's dispatch
relating to Lee's reception in Vienna; but not the portion of Dumas' note dealing
with the action decided upon with the French ambassador, the part of Degenfeld's dispatch
dealing with the impending Austro- Prussian war, or Dumas' comments on the Hamburg
and London dispatches. No letter to Lee containing this information has been found.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0159

Author: Bradford, John

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-17

From John Bradford

[dateline] Boston 17th. June 1778

[salute] Sir

After a tedious Suspension, our fears being greatly Alarm'd at your not being Arriv'd
after forty eight days sailing hence, A General Joy was diffus'd through this town
last Evening, by reading a London paper taken in a prize which arriv'd at Salem, and
sent by Express to the Council, Announcing Your Arrival at Paris, at Doctor Franklins
house on a Certain day; on which Event I most heartily Congratulate you and my Country.1 As you will be furnished with our News papers by the Navy board, I omit troubling
you on the Subject of News, you will find by them, that our privateers have been Successful,
while our Continental Cruizers are all in port and the Officers employ'd in holding
Courts Martial.

I have the pleasure to Acquaint you that your Lady and family, with your Connections
in town are Well. I wish You a long Series of uninterrupted health and tranquility
and am Dear Sir, Your Most Obedient humble servt.

Francis Coffyn to the Commissioners

[dateline] Dunkerque 18th. June 1778

[salute] Hond. Gentlemen

I take the liberty to crave your referrence to the letter I had the honnur of writing
to you the 8 instant1 to the contents of which I am Still waiting with anxiety the favour of your answer.
I received last night only under a blank cover your letter dated 10th instant address'd
to any Captain bound to America2 the contents of which shall be carefully communicated and recommended to two Captains
which are now fitting out their vessells in this harbour for Said destination, that
they may inform those whom it may concern on their arrival at any port of the Continent.
Interim I think it proper to advise you that the first will sail in about 8 or 10
days and the last will not be able to proceed before the 5th. of next month. As they
intend to go north about Scotland, and I imagine the American Coast will be pretty
clear of Cruizers against the time they may reach it, it is to be hoped they will
get there Safe; if your opinion should coincide with mine, and you Should think proper
to convey by the same channell any interesting news you may receive relating the dispositions
of the fleets on the other Side, you may rely on my particular care and attention
to your orders in this as well as in every other respect.

The intelligence received by last post from London and by the Smugglars respecting
these fleets, were So contradictory, that I did not think it prudent to communicate
it to you; Some letters mention'd that both Squadrons were Sail'd from Portsmouth
and Plymouth, and others advised that they was Still detain'd by contrary winds the
9th instant but that the Ships were then riding at Single anchor, the last account
was confirm'd by a person who left London last Sunday.3

Whereas on account of our vicinity with England, it often happens that we have the
news here, Sooner then they can reach the place of your abode, if I should hear any
of importance in which confidence may be placed, before the departure of the above
mention'd two vessells, I will if you approve of it, transmit the intelligence by
the Same channell.

The Captains of three vessells two of which arrived here yesterday and one this morning,
report that on monday last, they met off Portland close to the shore, a fleet of about
45. Sail, Steering westward, that some of the ships which appear'd to be large men
of warr, fired guns, and that the Salute was return'd from the Shore.

One of the American Seamen which I mention'd in my last was gone off in a Smuggling
vessell, is return'd, and he Seems to repent that he had taken that step without acquainting
me off it, he is desirous of going on board of any continental ship of warr or privateer,
he is a stout able Seaman, he was onboard the Fox frigate when She was retaken.

Three other Americans which have been out on a whaling voyage in the South Seas, arrived
here yesterday. They are also desirous of serving their Country, and therefor claim
your protection. I humbly give it as my opinion that it is necessary to provide for
these people, for if they are not immediately employ'd, I am afraid they will return
to England where they are sure of meeting encouragement because the British Gouvernment
is taking every step to Establish that fishery in England, and in order to Suceed
therein, offer great advantages to all Seamen who are Expert in it, if once it takes
root there, it may be hurtfull to America, as this fishery has hitherto been a considerable
branch of Trade in the New England provinces. I therefor take the liberty to request
you would favour me with your orders respecting the above mention'd four men, and
if contrary to my opinion your intention is that they shift for themselves, I beg
you would inform me of it, as the first has not a Shilling left, and the three last
have hardly money enough to maintain them till I can receive your answer.

James Beams being now nearly recover'd of the wound he received onboard the Lexington,
I have agreed with a Captain of the Brigantine la Boulonnoise bound to Brest to allow
him L. 72 for his passage and provisions on the voyage, which I shall pay tomorrow
and the moment I'll receive your orders to settle with { 218 } the two surgeons, I shall remit you this mans bill. With great respect I have the
honnor to subscribe myself Hond Gentlemen, Your most obedient and most devoted humble
Servant

Dubourg to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] Paris, 18 June 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

No one would more readily concede or pay more tribute to the depth of your wisdom
and the superiority of your intelligence than I. Otherwise, I must confess, I would
be astonished by your past and present refusal to send against the British, under
your flag, all those with the courage and incentive to do so; men who would taken
upon themselves all the expenses and risks and, considering themselves ipso facto
Americans, would submit to all the laws of your navy concerning even the division
of prizes taken under your flag. It is true, since vague promises are insufficient,
that necessary precautions would have to be taken to insure that those making them
are held to their obligations and that this plan could not be firmly carried through
without the permission of the government in the ports where the outfitting is to be
done and where the ships will return. I believe, however, that this would not be a
difficult point to settle and certainly the goal is worth the trouble. Doubtless one
could not expect substantial gains from the first effort, not to mention that, in
order to protect itself against repetitions, the Court of London would be forced to
take extraordinary and expensive precautions or else greatly limit one of the most
lucrative branches of its trade, that with the Levant.1 In the meantime, we would have dealt them powerful blows and could, in turn, use
against them the funds we would have taken. The chief <author> promoter of this enterprize is an old associate of a certain Marquis Roux of Corsica
who was much talked about at the beginning of the last war for his boldness in declaring
war against Britain in his own name and private capacity. As to the captain who is
to command the first xebec, I think that you have no doubts about his determination
and intrepidity. I do not believe that there is a better man in the world to inspire
a crew of brave men. I have the honor to be, with respect and devotion, gentlemen,
your very humble and very obedient servant

1. Dubourg's mention here of the Levant and his later reference to Marquis Roux of Corsica
and a xebec indicate that he probably contemplated mounting an attack on British shipping
in the Mediterranean. No response to this proposal has been found.

Francis Coffyn to the Commissioners

[dateline] Dunkirk 19th. June 1778

[salute] Hond. Gentlemen

I had the honnor of writing to you yesterday referring to my letter of 8 instant which
I beg leave to confirm. This cheafly Serves to inform you that Capn. Pilartry, (or
some such name) of the Brig la Marie Françoise of Quimper which arrived here last
night, reports that he met on the 15th instant off Portland a fleet of 21 ships of
the line and 5 or 6. frigats bound to the westward but had then the wind contrary:
Said Captain tol'd me that he was nigh enough to distinguish the Ships and that he
was Sure they were men of warr; their number Strengthens my Idea that it is Admiral
Keppels Squadron that sail'd from St. Helens, which by the last accounts was riding
at Single anchor. I imagine the letters Expected by this evenings post from London,
will illucidate this matter, and likewise confirm the report which is this day spread
here that Lord Byron's squadron sail'd from Plymouth the 10th. instant1 as there is sufficient time left to clear up these various reports before the Sailing
of the first vessell bound to America, as mention'd in my yesterdays letter, and as
I may receive your answer thereto, I shall wait your approbation before I transmit
the Intelligence by Said vessell. Interim I am Sorry to be under the necessity to
inform you Gentlemen, that when I sent James Beams this morning to the navy office
to pass revew, Mr. Danglemont the Commissary refused to grant him leave to go passenger
to Brest on board the brig la Boulonnoise so that I am under the necessity of waiting
till an other opportunity offers, which you may rely I shall not let slip. I Suppose
that the reason on which the Commissary grounds his refusal, is because said vessell
belongs to his majesty and that he will avoid an American Should be found on board
in case She should be Examined in the channell by an English Cruizer. I have the honnor
to remain very respectfully Hond. Gentlemen, Your most obedient & most devoted Humble
Servant

1. Coffyn's information concerning the departure of the British squadrons was quite accurate.
Adm. Augustus Keppel, with twenty-one ships of the line and several frigates, had
sailed on 12 June with orders to patrol off Brest and prevent a juncture of the Brest
and Toulon divisions of the French fleet. On 17 June one of Keppel's frigates, the
Arethusa, met the French frigate Belle-Poule in the first Anglo-French naval battle of the war. Vice Adm. John Byron, bound for
New York, { 221 } had sailed on 9 June with thirteen ships of the line (Mahan, Navies in the War of Amer. Independence, p. 59, 61–62; see also Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 112–120).

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague, 19 June 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

Nulla dies sine linea.1 I had the honor to send you, by the last regular mail, the insidious article inserted
in the Gazette de la Haie by Sir Joseph Yorke and the dispatch from Count de Degenfeld. On the 16th I sent
the material that you found enclosed to Leyden.2 On the 17th the local gazeteer, by order of Baron de Reischach, envoy of the Court
of Vienna, with bad grace, sang the following palinode: “We are required by a very
good source to state that the article in our No. 71 concerning Mr. Lee, the American
agent, was not furnished to us by the Court of Vienna or by any of its ministers”
Next Tuesday there will be something else in the Leyden paper.3 As you can see, we are waging a small war here. We keep our hands in until the game
begins.

Today the Grand Facteur predicted that permission to present the treaty will arrive
on Tuesday. I gathered that his House expects that it will produce a formal resolution
on the part of those here at their next assembly. I hope so with all my heart, but
I do not believe it. We are not in a position to be able or even to dare to attempt
such an accomplishment. For us, the essential point to be achieved—and it surely will
be—is to rid the ill-intentioned of any pretext for or hope of bringing the Republic
to share any of their views and, in this respect, nothing could be better than the
manner in which we are now proceeding.

I will keep this until Tuesday.

[dateline] 23 June

The Grand Facteur's prediction came to nothing. You will see, I told him, this treaty
will be made public in the American and British ga• { 223 } zettes with the result that my démarche with the Grand Pensionary will cease to have
either merit or propriety. What can I tell you? he answered, the deed is done; we
have written and cannot now go forward before receiving a reply; it may come on Friday.

Today the Gazette de Leyde contained the following:

“Through the efforts of the government our commerce has increased in the midst of
our neighbors' quarrels. For some time we have been made to conceive the hope of seeing
it flourish more than ever if our town [Ostende] would become a port open to the Americans. This hope has been strengthened by the
news of the arrival of an American agent at Vienna.”4

I am, gentlemen, with a very real respect, your very humble and very obedient servant

[signed] D

[dateline] 26 June

This letter did not go out last Tuesday because, all things considered, its contents
did not seem urgent enough not to wait for the next regular mail.

I finally have permission to take the treaty to the Grand Pensionary and for him,
and also our friend, to read it; but with the accompanying order that no one be given
a copy of it. In addition, I was told that Mr. Franklin was apprised of all this and
approved it fully.

This morning someone told me that the Assembly of the Dutch States will meet in only
19 days. I will seek further information concerning this.

2. This material appeared in the Gazette de Leyde of 19 June in the form of an “Extrait d'un Lettre de La Haie.” A clipping of that
article is in the Lee Papers (MH-H) and may have been enclosed with this letter.

3. Dumas' reference is not clear, but see the passage inserted by Dumas in the continuation
of his letter under 23 June.

4. This passage, taken from a “Lettre d'Ostende,” came at the end of that letter, which
also commented on British naval activities and the depredations of the Guernsey privateers.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0164

Author: Lee, Richard Henry

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-20

From Richard Henry Lee

[dateline] York in Pennsylva 20th. June 1778

[salute] My dear Sir

Our enemies at N. York had contrived to distress us a good deal by a publication that
the Boston was taken and carried into England. We were at first greatly concerned
for our Friend, until we reflected on the lying genius of our enemies, and the improbability
that Heaven would permit such a triumph of Vice over Virtue. Now we are made happy
by an account from Boston that { 224 } you are safely arrived in France. The Treaty with France was soon ratified here, desiring
only that the 11th. and 12th. Articles might be reconsidered and omitted. Three Copies
of the ratification have been sent away from hence near a month, and now, 3 more are
dispatching. The former dispatches would inform you the determination of Congress
upon the English Acts of pacification, before we knew of our new Alliance, and these will acquaint you with the reception
Messrs. the Commissioners from London have met with. The figure they cut is truly
ridiculous. If this were all it would be happy for England, but she seems now to be
a Setting Star. Two days ago the B: Army abandoned Philadelphia and our Troops are
in possession of that City. The enemy are in the Jersies, but whether they mean to
push for Amboy, or embark below Billingsport on the Delaware, is yet uncertain. The
Jersey Militia are in readiness, and if our Army can cross Delaware in time, the gentry
will yet get a parting blow.1 The friends to the future happiness and glory of America are now urging the Confederation
to a close, and I hope it will be signed in a few days.2 All but a few Delegates have powers, and those that have not, come from Small States,
that will undoubtedly <come> fall in. Our next business is Finance, and this is a Momentous point indeed. Every
state exclaims, We are Overflown with our emissions of Money, yet all seem to be going
on in the same beaten Track, and will I fear until invincible Necessity shall force
a change. I wish to bring you, and my brother Doctor [Arthur] Lee, to be well acquainted. Republican Spirits who have so successfully labored for
the liberty of their Country, and whose sole object is the security of public happiness,
must esteem each other. The Continental Army is now on a much more respectable footing,
both for <strength> numbers and discipline, and supplies of every kind, than it has been since the War
began. It will give me singular pleasure to hear of your happiness at all times. I
am dear Sir most sincerely and affectionately yours.

[signed] Richard Henry Lee

P.S. Cannot Monsr. Beaumarchais demand against us be fully and fairly explained. There
is mistery in this business that demands to be thoroughly developed. Be so kind as
contrive the <enclosed safely to my brother> lette[r] for my brothers safely to them.

1. At Monmouth Court House, N.J., on 28 June, Washington's troops, fresh from Valley
Forge, caught Clinton's army on its retreat to New York. The battle, indecisive because
both sides could claim victory, was notable as the longest battle of the war, the
last major engagement in the north, and the end of Gen. Charles Lee's military career
(Ward, War of the Revolution, 2:576–586).

2. The Articles of Confederation were signed by eight states on 9 July (JCC, 11:677).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0165

Author: Moore, William

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-20

William Moore to the Commissioners

[dateline] Paris 20th June 1778

[salute] To the Honble the Commissioners of the United States of North America

Your Petitioner Humbly Sheweth that being a native of the States of New Jersey one
of the thirteen United States of North America—That having Come Over from the East
Indies where he now has A brother who is About Removing A Considerable property from
thence to Great Britain—he being entirely unaquainted with the present Situation of
that Kingdom—That from the attachment your petitioner has for the place of his Nativity
he wishes to remove this property—as well as to advise the removal of that of his
Brother and of Several of his friends Now in the East Indies immediately to the United
States of North America. That for the Above reasons Your petitioner is now on his
way to the East Indies and not only prays for a passport to go on But for liberty
to return from thence with A vessal and Cargo to the United States of North America.
And your petitioner Shall as in Duty bound ever pray

Sartine to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] Versailles, 20 June 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I have received, gentlemen, a letter from Nantes by Mr. J. D. Schweighauser, the agent
of the United States of North America. Charged with the disposal of the prizes taken
and sent into Brest by the frigates Ranger and Providence, he asked me about the formalities to be observed in the sale of the said prizes.
I answered that it could be done amicably either aboard or ashore, but that there
should be no question about any of the formalities usually observed for prizes. I
am forwarding this information to the officers of the admiralty at Brest and am informing
you because it seems only proper that you should know of it. I have the honor to be
with the utmost respect, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servant

From Samuel Adams

[dateline] York Town June 21 1778

[salute] My dear Sir

Although we are exceedingly pressd with publick Business at this Juncture, I cannot
omit the Opportunity that now offers of writing to you. The general Scituation of
Affairs, and the particular Transactions between the British Commissioners and the
Congress will be transmited to you by this Conveyance, by the Committee for foreign
Affairs. Since I last came to this Place from Boston, several Gentlemen have arrivd
here from France viz Mr. Simeon Dean, Mr. Carmichael, Mr. Stephenson and Mr. Holker.1 Mr. Carmichael comes strongly recommend by Dr. Franklin and Mr. Silas Dean; but Dr.
Lee in his Letter gives Reasons why he cannot place a Confidence in him.2 From a long Correspondence with Dr. Lee, I conceive so great an Opinion of his Candor
as well as inflexible Integrity and Attachment to our Country, that I cannot entertain
a Doubt that he would suffer partial Considerations to operate in his Mind to the
Prejudice of any Man. Such a Difference of Sentiments concerning a Gentleman who I
imagine must be of some Consequence, could not take { 227 } Place without at least apparently good Grounds; and it may produce such Effects on
this Side of the Water as may prove uncomfortable to us if not injurious to our Cause.
Would it not then be doing some Service, to exercise your Prudence in endeavoring
to investigate the real Grounds of it, in doing which possibly some things may open
to View of Importance and at present not thought of.

Dr. Lee is a Gentleman of a fair and generous Mind. I wish therefore that you would
freely converse with him upon this Subject if you think you can do it with Propriety;
and let him know that I have lately receivd many Letters from him; which I have duly
attended to and would have acknowledgd to him by this opportunity, if I had Leisure.

By the Last Accounts I have had from Braintree your Lady and Family were in Health,
though anxiously wishing to hear of your safe Arrival.

I shall write to you as often as I can and shall esteem myself happy in receiving
your Favors. I remain very affectionately your Friend

1. Samuel Adams took his seat in congress on 21 May (JCC, 11:517). Simeon Deane arrived in Philadelphia on 2 May, William Stephenson on 10
June, and Jean (John) Holker the younger and William Carmichael on 18 June (Burnett, ed., Letters of Members, 3:312, note 2 [No. 374]).

2. The letter to which Samuel Adams refers cannot be positively identified, but see Arthur
Lee's letter to Adams of 5 Jan. (R. H. Lee, Arthur Lee, 2:125–126). Carmichael's dispute with Arthur Lee was probably largely owing to his
relations with Silas Deane, but more specifically to his refusal to serve, without
a commission, as Arthur Lee's secretary during the 1777 mission to Berlin and Lee's
belief that Carmichael was the source of false and damaging reports about him and
relations between the Commissioners (Floyd B. Streeter, “The Diplomatic Career of
William Carmichael,” Md. Hist. Mag., 8:119–140 [June 1913]). For JA's opinion of Carmichael and the futility of attempting to trace the origin of the
dispute with Lee, see Diary and Autobiography, 4:76–77; and JA's reply to Samuel Adams of 7 Aug. (below).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0168

Author: Lee, Richard Henry

Author: Heyward, Thomas Jr.

Author: Lovell, James

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-21

Foreign Affairs Committee to the Commissioners

[dateline] York Town in Pennsylva June 21 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

The British Commissioners have arrived and transmitted their powers and propositions
to Congress, which have received the answer you will see in the Pennsylvania Gazette
of the 20th. instant.1

On the 18th. of this month Gen. Clinton with the British army (now under his command)
abandoned Philadelphia, and the { 228 } City is in possession of our Troops. The enemy crossed into Jersey, but whether with
design to push for So. Amboy, or to embark below Belingsport on the Delaware is yet
uncertain. Gen. Washington has put his Army in motion, and is following the enemy
into Jersey.

There has arrived here a Mr. Holker from France who has presented a paper to Congress
declaring that he comes with a verbal message to Congress from the Minister of France
touching our treating with Great Britain and some other particulars which for want
of his paper we cannot at present enumerate. The Style of his paper is as from the
representative of the Court, but he has no authentic voucher of his Mission for the
delivery of this verbal message. We desire of you Gentlemen to give us the most exact
information in your power concerning the Autenticity of Mr. Holkers Mission for this
purpose.2 We are Gentlemen, with esteem and regard your most obedient and very humble servants

[signed] Richard Henry Lee

[signed] Ths. Heyward Junr.

[signed] James Lovell

RC, in the hand of Richard Henry Lee (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); addressed: “To Honble Commissioners from the United States of
America Paris” docketed in an unknown hand: “James Lovell Esqr. Yorktown 21 June 78.”

1. The resolution adopted on 17 June in the form of a letter from Henry Laurens to the
British Commissioners. It stated that there could be no negotiations unless Britain
explicitly acknowledged the independence of the United States (JCC, 11:614–615).

2. The Commissioners replied to this request for information on the status of Jean (John)
Holker the younger in a letter of 17 Sept. (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:722–725). On the reverse of the present letter's first page is a notation, probably
taken from the Commissioners' reply, in an unknown hand: “Count Vergennes Answer respecting
Mr. Holker was—that he was astonish'd that Mr. Holker had no Commission verbal or
other from this Ministry; and was only desird to communicate to them his observations
on the Country.” In any event, the congress' uncertainty about Holker's status was
removed when it was informed by Conrad Alexandre Gérard, the French minister, on 16
July, that Holker was an “Agent of the marine of France.” A few days later Gerard
sent the congress two commissions, both dated 15 July, naming Holker agent of Marine
and consul for Philadelphia (JCC, 11:696, 713; Gérard, Despatches and Instructions, p. 131; see also JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:54).

Joy Castle to the Commissioners

Your petitioner is Come from Irland to Bordeaux to procure American papers to procead
with a Cargo to America;

But the Embargo having taken place on English Vessells a few days before I arrived,
I am Sized by the french as Coming In under English Coulours, and expect to be Confisticated
if Your Honours does not take it Into Consideration and Lay my Case before the Ministerry;
the Vessell is the Sole properity of my brother and myself, which we purchased with
a Sole Intent to procead to America, I Hope Honourable Gentlemen that You will not
Imagine that I Have made this a plea on Account of Saving our propertyes, far from
it We have Indeavoured before to Git out to America but Miscarried in the atempt,
and it was now our Sole Intent which time will prove our Sincearity for America And
Service we are in Hopes of Rendering the Country.

I Refer Your Opinions to the Chariacters we always bore well knowen to many Gentlemen
of Philadelphia in particular Mr. John Ross at Nantce.

And Hopes that Your Honours Humanity will Condesend to Render me every Service that
Lays in Your power's if not we are totaly Ruined as this being the whole that we have
Saved that we have bin Long plowing the Oacen for and if we shoul'd be Now Confisticated
God only knowes what will become of our fameilly I Reley Soley on Your Humanity And
we shall ever be in Duty Bound to pray for Your Long Lifes and prosperity to all your
Undertakens &c. &c. &c.

2. On 25 May, Samuel Tucker had written a letter of introduction to JA for William Castle (Adams Papers), captain of the barque Jane, who was apparently planning to come to Paris to place his grievances before the
Commissioners. It was, however, Joy Castle who finally arrived at Passy to argue his
and his brother's case for the return of the Jane, probably with John Bondfield's letter to the Commissioners of 14 June as an introduction (PPAmP: Franklin Papers). Bondfield informed the Commissioners of the Castles' plight and
commented favorably on their case. Upon receiving the petition, the Commissioners
acted swiftly, writing to Sartine on 23 June (JA, Diary and Auto• { 231 } biography, 4:141–142). In that letter the Commissioners asked for the return of the Jane and stated that Joy Castle had taken an oath of allegiance to the United States (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 4:264) and that they believed the petition was legitimate. Replying on the 26th,
Sartine declared that, in view of the Commissioners' assurances, orders would be sent
to Bordeaux to release the vessel (MH-H: Lee Papers). On the 27th the Commissioners issued a passport to “Joy Castle Esqr.
with his family and Servants, Subjects of the United States of America,” permitting
them to proceed to America (P.R.O.: H.C. Adm. 32, Prize Papers, bundle 382). The presence in the Public Record Office
of “a true Copy translated from the Original wrote in French” indicates that the Jane was probably taken on its voyage to America.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0170

Author: Powers, Pierce

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-22

Pierce Powers to the Commissioners

[dateline] Brest Hospl. June 22nd. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I would beg leave to inform You that in the Action with the Drake Sloop of War on
the 24th of April last, I had the misfortune to lose My right Arm, and at the same
time receiv'd a bad wound in My left Hand; but am now so far recover'd that it is
no longer necessary for Me to remain in the Hospital. As I am render'd unable to serve
My Country as heretofore should esteem it a singular Favour if Your Honours would
provide a Passage for Me to America as soon as is convenient and the Indulgence shall
be gratefully acknowledg'd by Gentn., Your most obedt. & very humbl. Servant

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); addressed: “To the Honble. John Adams Esqr. one of the Commissioners
for the American united States à Passy prés Paris, to be comunicated”; docketed: “Petition
of Pierce Powers to return to America, wounded in the Ranger”; in another hand: “June
22. 78.”

1. It is not known what action the Commissioners took in regard to this letter, but on
7 July, Powers renewed his plea for a passage home in a letter to Benjamin Franklin
(Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 1:454).

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to J. D. Schweighauser

Passy, 23 June 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:140–141. The Commissioners, noting Schweighauser's letter of 18 June (not found) and their
instructions to John Paul Jones and Abraham Whipple of 16 and 23 June respectively
(for both, see instructions to Jones, 16 June, calendared above), enclosed resolutions of the congress on the disposition of prizes
(probably those of 23 March and 30 Oct. 1776, JCC, 4:229–232; 6:913) for Schweighauser's use in disposing of prizes of the Ranger and Providence and informed him of the possibility of a { 232 } prisoner exchange. Finally, he was ordered not to send the Commissioners' circular
letter of 10 June announcing the recall of Byron's fleet because it had since sailed.

For a possible postscript to this letter, see the Commissioners to Schweighauser,
10 June (calendared above).

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 23 June 1778

[salute] Honble. Sirs

We are without any object Interesting other than the Eclat with which Le Marquis D'Almadova1 is receiv'd by the Governor Intendant and other Cheif officers of this City. He appears
much a Man of the World.

He will leave this to Morrow for Paris where he proposes to stay Six Days. His Retinue
which is Numerous creates delay by what I learn of them who have had opportunity to
introduce themselves into his Family. They do not expect their residence in London
will be of long durrée. I hear nothing further of the Boston. No vessels arrived on
this Coast since my last. Nine American Seamen arrived here yesterday from St. Sebastians
part of a Crew, taken by a Jersey privateer, from Edenton landed on the Biscay Coast.
I am with great Respect Your honors Most Obedient Servant

1. Pedro de Luxan y Silva, marques de Almodovar, the newly appointed Spanish ambassador
to Great Britain, took up his post on or about 17 July, departing there from on 20
June 1779, the day before the declaration of war between the two nations (Repertorium der diplomatischen Vertreter aller Länder, 3:432).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0173

Author: Amiel, Peter

Author: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-23

Peter Amiel: Oath of Allegiance to the United States

[dateline] [23 June 1778]

I, Peter Amiel, do acknowledge the thirteen United States of America, namely New Hampshire,
Massachusetts-Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticutt, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, to be free
independant, and Sovereign States, and declare, that the People thereof owe no Allegiance
or Obedience to George the Third King of Great Britain; and I renounce refuse and
abjure any Allegiance, or Obedience to him. And I do { 233 } Swear, that I will, to the Utmost of my Power Support, maintain and defend, the Said
united States against the Said King and his Heirs and Successors and his and their
Abettors, Assistants and Adherents, and will Serve the Said United States, in the
office of Commander of the armed sloop the Alliance which I now hold, and in any other
Office which I may hereafter hold, by their Appointment, or under their Authority,
with Fidelity and Honour, and according to the best of my Skill and Understanding.
So help me God.

1. This is an example of the oath required by the Commissioners of those going to America
or entering its service. Amiel's oath and appointment as captain of the sloop Alliance was the result of a scheme proposed by Poreau, Mackenzie & Cie. of Dunkirk to outfit
a privateer at that port. According to a letter from the company of 7 July (below), this proposal was presented and approved during conversations between the
Commissioners and a member of the firm visiting Passy; thus little is known of it
except what can be inferred from the letter noted above and those to the Commissioners
from Francis Coffyn of 7 and 9 July (both below). The Commissioners, having been authorized to select the captain,
chose Peter Amiel, formerly of Boston and captain of the merchant ship Ranger, who was then in Paris and in contact with the Commissioners. On 22 June they issued
a bond for the Alliance and on the 23d, in addition to administering the oath, sent Amiel the instructions
for commanders of privateers and ships of war adopted by the congress on 3 April 1776.
Amiel went to Dunkirk to assume command but, disappointed with the small size of the
Alliance, soon withdrew, and the project was terminated. Amiel later received a commission
as a lieutenant in the Continental Navy and served under John Paul Jones on the Bonhomme Richard (Cal. Franklin Papers, A.P.S., 3:431; Gérard, Despatches and Instructions, p. 440, note 2; JA, Diary and Autobiography, see index under Amiel, Peter).

Hezekiah Ford to the Commissioners

[dateline] Nantes June 25th. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

As Mr. Ross,1 a Gentleman of Pennsylvania, has been kind enough to offer me a Passage on Board
his Schooner, bound to Virginia; I have declined going by the Frigate; as it will
be in my Power to return to the Camp sooner, this Way, than it could pos• { 234 } sibly be the other. Besides, I understand that Capt. Whipple considers his Clerk as
Chaplain, and as I would not incommode, or deprive, any Gentleman of their Office
willingly, I have thought proper to decline all Pretentions to the said Office, and
to return you my most cordial thanks for the Letter of Recommendation you were kind
enough to honour me with.2 Rest assured, Gentlemen, that this Favour shall ever impress my Mind with the deepest
Sense of Gratitude; and that, while I have Time, or Opportunity, I shall always consider
myself in duty bound to serve you in every Respect, my poor Capacity will admit.

As it is probable you may be desirous of sending Letters to His Excellency P. Henry,
I have taken the Liberty to offer my Service, and to assure you, that such a Trust
(should you think Proper to confer it on me) shall be executed with the greatest Care
and Punctuality. The Schooner, I expect, will sail in about ten Days.

When I read in the London Evenning Post the Cruelty that has lately marked the Line of Gen. Howe's Conduct, in wantonly distroying
the Property of Individuals up the Dalawar; my Mind was irritated to that Degree,
which is scarce conceivable: and I still find in myself such a Disposition to revenge
the unprovocked Injuries of my Country-men, that every Day seems an Age, while I am
detained from so laudable an Imployment.

Alas! Dear Sirs, what Havock does Ambition make amongst all human Things! It is the
Avarice, and Corruption, of a cruel Tyrant, that has occasioned so much blood-shed; and how much more he will occasion, God
only knows. He is the Wretch, who has sacrificed so many innocent People for supporting
their Rights; such Rights as they are entitled to, not only from human Contracts and
the Charters granted their fore-fathers, but from the sacred Law of Nature. What will
be the Result of our gracious King's Conduct no human Providence can foresee: But may the God of Justice and Avenger of
Wicked Doe[r?]s, shortly bring to pass a glorious Revolution, in which George shall no longer set
as Ruler of the british Nation.

With an Apology for moralizing the Subject, I have the honour to be, with all imaginable
respect, Gentlemen Yr. Mo Obedient Mo Obliged, & very Hble Servt.

This is a summary of a document and does not contain a transcription. If it is available
elsewhere in this digital edition, a page number link will be provided below in the
paragraph beginning "Printed."

The Commissioners to Francis Coffyn

Passy, 26 June 1778. printed: JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:142–143. The Commissioners left to Coffyn's judgment the amount to be paid on a surgeon's
bill, approved his proposal to transmit to America intelligence that he had obtained,
and advised him either to send the unemployed sailors to serve on the frigates at
Brest and Nantes or to retain them at Dunkirk to join the Alliance. Finally Coffyn was directed to execute the bond for the Alliance and to deliver the enclosed commission and instructions to Amiel.

From John Williams

[dateline] Downing Street No. 4 27th. June 1778

[salute] Sir

Tho I have not the honor of a Parsonal acquaintance yet from your high Station and
Character, and the Genteel as well as faithful conduct, you have Shewn to my Son1 who had the happiness of being Several years under your tuition, I take the liberty
of Addressing you at this time, to express my Grateful Sense of your Goodness to him,
and the Satisfaction I feel on hearing of your Safe arrival in France, and to congratulate
you on the happy prospect of returning Peace Liberty and Safe[ty?] to the Country that gave us birth I mean the united States, where my best Affections
ever were, and ever well be centered. I also beg the favour to be informed, should
you have any opportunity by a Safe hand, whither you know any thing of my Son's welfere
and Family's, as I have not had any certain intilligence from any of them Since I
was last in Paris near a year go.

The Bearer Mr. Jona. Simpson2 who left Boston with Genl. Howe, having unhappyly from his youth, and inexperence,
tho naturally of a Good Disposition been induced to address a late detestable, and
Jusly detested Govr. but being now a True penitent, and wishing most earnestly to
return to his Country and to his Allegiance, is Going to Paris to beg the best Advice
upon this important business, and I am Sure he will be happy to be hon• { 236 } ored with your Directions. If he Should return to England I would beg to be favourd
by him with what you may know of my Family. I shall leave this Kingdom as soon as
a matter I have in Law can be Settled which I am in daily expectation of and indeed
I have for Some Months past. I hope however it will be settled this Term. Therefore
Should you have any commands here I shall be happy to receive them.

NB. Since I have wrote this above the news is Just arrived of three Ships of war belonging
to France having been taken, by the English Fleet that Saild a few days ago under
the command of Ad. Keppel on account of which Mr. Jona. Simpson has layd aside his
intentions of going to Paris, and as my Friend who is an native of France is Just
Seting out I have not time to Copy this over. Yrs. as before

1. Jonathan Williams (1754?–1780), cousin of the Jonathan Williams who had been acting as an American commercial agent
at Nantes. For further information about him and his father, former inspector general
of customs at Boston, see vol. 2:104; JA, Legal Papers, 1:cxiii; and Sabine, Loyalists, 2:434.

2. Despite Williams' plea on his behalf, Jonathan Simpson was an ardent loyalist. A 1772
graduate of Harvard, Simpson addressed Hutchinson in 1774, fled to Halifax in 1776,
was proscribed by the Massachusetts General Court in 1778, and engaged in trade with
Georgia and South Carolina during the British occupation. Ordered from South Carolina
in 1784 as a loyalist, Simpson ultimately returned to Boston, where he died in 1834
(Jones, Loyalists of Mass., p. 262; Sabine, Loyalists, 2:303).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0177

Author: Bondfield, John

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-27

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 27 June 1778

[salute] Honble Sirs

The Engagement of La Belle Poule is esteem'd at this port as a prelude to the declaration.
Sugar Coffee and every other forreign Produce is buying up on Speculation which Acts
are the Merchants Compass governing their views by the appearances of the times.

We have Letters of the 10 and 13 May from America but as they came by the Nymph Frigate
can of course contain nothing more than what you will have received by said Conveyance.1

Admiral Byron don't appear destind for America if as is reportd two of the Ships of
his Squadron are at Ancor near Ros• { 237 } coff. Four Copies of your Instructions of the 10th. are already forwarded and this
day the perticular Account of rencontre as is here related of La Belle Poule, many
favorable Circumstances Arriving together in America may posibly promote the Recruiting
Service which they write me wants a Spurr to forward.

We have no Arrivals since my last from America in any of the Ports on this Coast.

Le Marquis D'Almadora left this 25th at night he makes very short Stages. The non
Arrival of the Galions alarms the Interested.2 The Capital Sums Insured in England is the sole hope here of their not meeting with
opposion. I am with due Respect Your honors Most Obedient Humble Servant

2. The arrival of treasure fleets from Mexico and South America was a major determinant
of Spanish policy since the specie contained in those vessels would be used to finance
any war effort. Unwilling to risk their capture by premature action, Spain resisted
French pressure to join in a war against England. Because the first of the vessels
had been expected as early as May, anxiety was relieved only by the arrival of the
first on 29 June and the last on 18 Sept. (Dull, French Navy and Amer. Independence, p. 86, 94–95, 100, 102, 113, 117, 126–127).

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague 27 June 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

Here is a copy of the letter I have just written to the Grand Pensionary.

“Sir: The Treaty of Amity and Commerce between France and the United States has been
sent to me. When it will please Your Excellency to indicate the date and time when
it would be convenient for him to grant me an audience, I will receive his orders
with the profound respect with which I am, &c.”

Before sending this letter I showed it to the Grand Facteur who approved it. At present
I am awaiting word from the Grand Pensionary as to when he will receive me. I suspect
that curiosity will not permit him to delay very long.

[dateline] 28th

I guessed right. Upon returning from the Grand Facteur I found the following note,
entirely in the hand of the Grand Pensionary.

“Sir: Having seen by your letter of yesterday that the Treaty of Amity and Commerce
between France and the United States of { 240 } America has been sent to you and that you wished to see me, I suggest, sir, that you
come tomorrow morning around 8:30. I am very respectfully, sir, your very humble and
very obedient servant, P. Van Bleiswyck. 28 June 1778.”

Last night I received from the Chev. Grand the packet that you have favored me with
of the lid,1 the agreeable contents of which I read or rather devoured with the utmost interest.
After the letter I had written to the Grand Pensionary, there was no way of backing
out; hence, the Grand Facteur said to proceed immediately, I shall, therefore, communicate
the treaty tomorrow morning, but only permitting it to be read or reading it myself,
as he chooses, without a copy being made.

[dateline] 29 June 1778

I have been to the Grand Pensionary's. He received me with the utmost politeness.
I presented the treaty and, at the same time, informed him that, for the time being,
I was not permitted to show it to anyone but him and our friend: two ministers of
the Republic for whom the Plenipotentiaries of the United States have great confidence
and the highest esteem. “But,” he asked, “you can leave it with me for a short while,
can't you?” I assured him that I and all that was in my power were at his entire disposal,
but begged him to understand that this was entrusted to me. He did not insist and,
having read it, said he found “that it was a Treaty of Amity and Commerce like all
the others.” I told him that there had been no desire to conclude one that was different
and that the Republic could make a similar one. He said to me “that there were without
a doubt secret articles.” I replied “that it would not be the first time, but that
I had no knowledge of any.”2 He then spoke “of the irresolution of the Court of Madrid and the slight disposition
of that of Vienna to listen to Mr. Lee.” I cloaked myself in complete ignorance as
to what transpired in the cabinets. He found “that the treaty did not guarantee independence.”
I observed that it assumed it, and that the French declaration to all the powers had
precluded any doubts in this regard.3 He spoke to me of Mr. Franklin in terms that manifested a high and longstanding esteem
and, in covert terms, of his own goodwill toward the rapprochement of the two peoples.
I offered, if he had any desire to reexamine the treaty, to bring it to him as often
as he wished. He replied that it would be unnecessary, especially since I also had
to show it to our friend tomorrow. I gave him a copy of the handwritten newsletter4 (nouvelle manuscrite) with the promise to provide him with extracts from those that
you would send me in the future. He said that he would be very grateful. He seemed
more reserved at the end than in the beginning, apparently upset because he could
not show the treaty to the Prince, who would then show it to Sir Joseph Yorke, &c.

[dateline] 30th

Tonight I expect to see Mr. V. Berkel. The Dutch States assemble tomorrow.

I received from Amsterdam a few pages of the enclosed dedication.5 I am ignorant as to the author, but it transcends national interests.

I will occupy myself, at present, with extracting, for our gazeteers, articles from
the papers that I had the honor to receive from you and am with respect, gentlemen,
your very humble and very obedient servant

[signed] D

[dateline] 30 June 1778

I have been told confidentially that the town of Amsterdam has borrowed 3,000,000
florins (6,000,000 French livres) which have been collected in two or three hours.
Good, that is just so much money that will not go to the British to increase their
resources. But I must, and will, find out why the borrowing was done. In any case,
the fact is true.6

1. This packet has not been found; thus it is unclear why Dumas would consider withdrawing
from his meeting with the Grand Pensionary. Nor is there any indication of the news
that it contained, which Dumas provided the Grand Pensionary. Enclosed with this letter,
however, was a page from the Gazette de Leyde of 30 June with two passages marked by “X's.” The first, an “EXTRAIT d'une Lettre
particuliere de Paris du 22. Juin,” may have been taken from the Commissioners' letter
and, in accordance with past practice, sent by Dumas to the Gazette. It announced the arrival in America of a small American fleet and its French escort
and the rejection by the Continental Congress of the peace proposals submitted by
the Carlisle Commission. The second passage, from Amsterdam and dated 27 June, gave
an account of the engagement of 17 June between the Belle-Poule and the Arethusa.

2. Although Dumas may have been unaware of it, a secret article had been agreed upon
and was ratified by the Continental Congress on 4 May. It provided that the King of
Spain might adhere to the Franco-American alliance “at such time as he shall judge
proper” (Miller, ed., Treaties, 2:45–46).

3. Dumas was of course communicating the Treaty of Amity and Commerce and not the Treaty
of Alliance, which, in Arts. 2 and 8, was much more explicit on the question of American
independence (same, p. 36–37, 38–39). The very fact that France had signed two treaties
with the United States constituted, however, a clear de jure recognition of the new
nation as a sovereign, independent power, and France's official notification to Great
Britain of its actions in a note of 13 March was in itself a very strong implied guarantee
of American independence.

4. Dumas' exact meaning here is unclear. It seems likely that he did not give van Bleiswyck
a copy of the Commissioners' letter of 22 June (see note 1, above), but rather only
of the portion of that letter containing news from America; thus Dumas' reference
to a newsletter.

6. For Dumas' correction of this report of a loan, see his letter to the Commissioners
of 3 July (below).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0179

Author: Whipple, Abraham

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-27

Abraham Whipple to the Commissioners

[dateline] Nantes June 27. 1778

[salute] Honorable Gentlemen

In my last letter I had the pleasure of Acquainting you, that it was in my power to
take some Goods on board in account of the United States, agreable to Capt. Wm: Jones
information, who ac• { 242 } quainted me that you had some Goods on hand, which you desired to forward for America.

My Ship is already graved, and now taking in ballast if am to take any Goods, would
be extreamly glad to know, that I may stow the Ship accordingly; My Masts are all
made to serve excepting Main and foretop Masts. The Cost of new Masts being so great,
I have made the lower Masts serve by repairing them, and I believe they will hold
till we Arrive in America. The Main Mast will be Ready to get in in three Days. The
Ship will Certainly be ready without unforeseen Accident shou'd prevent, by the twentieth
of July and if agreable to your Honours, should be happy of my Orders by the fifteenth,1 for I am flattered with the hopes of being Ready by that time, with four Months Provision
on board, for which I have given indent unto Mr. Schweighauser Agent.

It gives me pleasure to Acquaint your Honours, that both Officers and Men omit no
exertions in their power to get in Actual readiness for Sea, having unfortunately
been blockaded so long already, and this alone, without any other motive would induce
a desire not to be detained after my Ship is ready for Sailing. If your Honours have
any Remarkable News not of a private Nature which has lately Arrived from America
should think myself favoured with the Account. Again presuming to Repeat my most earnest
Sollicitations for express Orders, to be transmitted as soon as possibly may be I
have the honour to Remain, with all imaginable Respect, Gentlemen Your very Obedt.
very Hble. Servt.

1. For Whipple's instructions of 23 June, see the Commissioners to John Paul Jones, 16 June (calendared above).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0180

Author: Moylan, James

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-29

James Moylan [Jr.?] to the Commissioners

[dateline] L'Orient 29th June 1778

[salute] Honorable Gentlemen

The Frigate Oiseau who convoyed a Virginia Schooner out of the Bay which I dispatched
from hence, is returned yesterday with the prize Hope, John Poignestre Master belonging
to Jersey, a privateer of six Guns, who had taken the Brig Sally Captain Rapeal belonging
to the state of Massachusettes the 3d. of May, with a cargo of Rice and Indigo from
Charles Town on public account, bound to Bilboa. On board of said privateer, the following
{ 243 } sailors belonging to Marble Head were prisoners. Thomas Collie, James Howard and John
Towler, for whose liberty I apply'd to the Commissary, who granted my request, and
in order to save the expence that wou'd naturally attend their delay here, for an
opportunity to return to their Country, I prevailed on the Captain of the Oiseau to
take them to Brest and deliver them to Cap: Jones of the Ranger, who I make no doubt
will receive them. I have the honor to be respectfully Honorable Gentlemen Your assur'd
hl St.

[signed] James Moylan [Jr.?]

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); addressed: “The Honorable Plenepotentiary Ministers of the United
States of America at Passy”; docketed: “Mr Moylan 29. June 1778.”

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0181

Author: Bondfield, John

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-06-30

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 30 June 1778

[salute] Honble Sirs

A vessel Arrived yesterday from Louisiana confirms the Accounts received from them
parts of the Back Settlers from Georgia and Carolina having got possession of all
the British Posts on the Banks of the Missisipi and of two valuable Vessels Loaden
for London that they conducted to New Orleans and there disposed of the Cargoes.1

A Vessel from Carolina for this port was taken by a privateer within 40 leagues of
the Land, we are adviced by a pilot Boat come up this Tide that a Privateer of 18
Guns being in the River taken by a french Frigate.

Le Comte D'aranda2 past thro' this City the 28th on his return to Paris from Madrid also a Spanish Noble
yesterday Name unknown. I am most Respectfully your honors Most Obedient Servt

1. This report probably refers to James Willing's expedition down the Mississippi that
had been approved by the Commerce Committee in late 1777 and resulted in the capture
of Natchez on 19 Feb. The expedition, intended to harass pro-British settlers and
keep the Mississippi open for the transport of military supplies north from New Orleans,
succeeded for a time in attaining its objectives but did little in the long run to
improve the American position on the western frontier. The two vessels mentioned by
Bondfield may have been the Neptune and Dispatch (John Caughey, “Willing's Expedition down the Mississippi, 1778,” Louisiana Historical Quarterly, 15:5–36[Jan. 1932]).

Francis Coffyn to the Commissioners

[dateline] Dunkirk 30th. June 1778

[salute] Hond. Gentlemen

I take the liberty to crave your referrence to the letter I had the honnor of writing
to you the 22d. instant1 being Still deprived of your long wish'd for favours, the Sole motif of this, is
to inform you, that one John Gibson Master of an English Smuggling vessell which arrived
here this morning, tol'd me that Six Russian Ships of war vizt. three of 90, and three
of 74 guns, are arrived in England, and that Six more of the Same force are dayly
Expected, as they all Twelve Sail'd together from Crownstad [Kronstadt].2 The Captains and officers on board these Ships are English and Scotch, and the people
Russians. Three of the former are order'd to Sheerness, and three to Portsmouth to
be put into the docks, to be Surveyed. This Intelligence appear'd to me too interesting
to obmit communicating it to you, in the Same words as I received it. I have the honnor
to remain very respectfully, Hond. Gentlemen, Your most obedient and most devoted
Humble Servant

Hezekiah Ford to the Commissioners

[dateline] Pinboeuf [Paimboeuf], June 30th. 1778

[salute] Gentl.

By Capt. Turner, who left South Carolina the Beginning of May, I have the Happiness
to communicate the following Intelligence; which he received, in his Passage to this
Place, from one of the Prizes. About the middle of last Month, two Privateers, belonging
to the State of Connecticut, but last from Boston; the one mounting twenty, nine pounders;
the other Sixteen 6's, fell in with two British Letter of Marques; the one burthen
5'00 Tons, and mounting twenty 9's: the other upwards of 4'00, and mounting Eighteen
9's and 6's: Both loaden with dry Goods, and bound to the West India's. An Engagement
commenced; which { 245 } proved very obstinate: But at length, through the Bravery and Intrepidity of our Officers
and Seamen, they were both made Prizes of, after receiving considerable Damage on
both Sides.1

In a former Letter,2 I took the Liberty to inform you of my Intention of returning to Virginia by Mr.
Ross's Schooner: But in this, I am detered, through the Information, brought by Mr.
Turner of the Number of Cruisers, now on this Coast: So that unless you are disposed
to honour me with the Care of Letters, to His Excellency, the Governor of Virginia,
or to the President of the Hon. the Continental Congress, (in either of which Cases,
I shall think myself in duty bound to execute your Orders, though they should be attended
with inconceivable Danger) at present, I think it most advisable for me to continue
with the Frigate; “to share her Glories, or to die in the Attempt.”3 I have the Honour to be, Gentlemen Your very Humble, and Obedient Servt.

3. This was the frigate Providence. Ford, however, apparently changed his mind again and decided to risk passage on a
smaller vessel, perhaps one owned by John Ross (see letter of 25 June, above). Ford's fears were apparently justified, for on 21 July he wrote to the Commissioners
and informed them that the “small Cutter” on which he had sailed had been captured
and taken into Jersey and that he was planning to make his way back to Paris (PPAmP: Franklin Papers).

RC (MH-H: Lee Papers); notation on the reverse of the first page: “No. 4.” On that same page
is a column of figures by Arthur Lee listing payments made to him from 11 Aug. 1777
to 7 Aug. 1778 and totaling 65,719.5.6 livres. For the individual entries, see the
accounts in the Lee Papers (MH-H) and those of 30 March–30 June, and descriptive note (above).

1. Entries for the purchases of gun carriages appear in the accounts for 15 Jan.–30 March
(MH-H: Lee Papers) and 30 March–30 June (above). Together the two entries totaled 11,214.5 livres. The figure here represents
that sum divided in half.

3. Because of the error noted in the accounts of 30 March–30 June, the total should be 757,607.7.6 livres.

4. In Arthur Lee's hand, these sums were taken from the Commissioners' household accounts
kept at this time by William Temple Franklin and for the period 9 April to 24 Aug. are printed above.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0185

Author: Cooper, Samuel

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-01

From Samuel Cooper

[dateline] Boston July 1st. 1778

[salute] My dear Sir

After various Reports of the Capture of the Boston by a British Cruizer, and of her
being struck with Lightning at Sea, it was with peculiar Pleasure I lately receiv'd
an Assurance Of your Safe Arrival in France. Not long after you sail'd, Mrs. Adams
wrote me a Letter upon a Report of Dr. Franklin's having been assassinated, full of
the tenderest Anxiety, and the most amiable Sentiments, sollicitous for the Safety
of her dear Partner whom she had given up for a long Interval, to the Service of our
Country. I did evr'y Thing I could, in my Reply, to sooth her afflicted Mind, and
most sincerely take Part in the Joy which a Letter, I am just inform'd, she has receiv'd
from you, must afford her.1 I feel happy that my Country has two such Negotiators as you and your Collegue at
the first Court in Europe, and not a little proud that I can call you both my Friends.
May Heaven support you under your public Cares, and prosper all your Efforts for the
Safety and Happiness of our dear Country. I congratulate you on the Prospect of a
speedy and glorious End to our great Contest, that must give us a distinguish'd Place
among the Nations, and peculiar Honor to those whose Services have eminently contributed
to it. The Monarch, at whose Court you reside, gave by his wise and generous Treaty,
a new Turn to our Affairs. They were indeed very far from being desperate· without
it, but the Alliance with France gave a new Spring in ev'ry Part, and rapidly brighten'd
all our Prospects. Our Paper Credit is that which of all others still labors most.
It has remain'd rather at a Stand for some Time then been much advanc'd. I hope by
forreign Loans, { 249 } or some Method or other, we shall soon be reliev'd in this important Point. I refer
you for the State of our Affairs to the Paper, and Letter I have sent by this Conveyance
to Dr. Franklin.2 The Vessel being on the Point of Sailing I must close. Adieu my dear Friend, and
accept the warmest Tenders of Esteem and Affection from Your's

1. An account of the assassination of Benjamin Franklin, allegedly instigated by the
British ambassador to France, Lord Stormont, and taken from a letter of 12 Dec. 1777
from Bordeaux, appeared in the Boston Gazette of 23 Feb. AA's letter to Cooper concerning the report has not been found, but see Cooper's reply
of 2 March (Adams Family Correspondence, 2:398–399). JA's letter, to which Cooper refers, was that of 25 April (same, 3:17).

From James Warren

[dateline] Boston N England July 1st. 1778

[salute] Sir

I have wrote you several long Letters since you left us, some of which you will doubtless
by the Enemy be releived from the trouble of reading. My last was by Capt. Barnes
about 14 days ago,1 at A Time when we had reason to be Anxious for your safety. Two days ago for the
first time we were Ascertained of the safe Arrival of the Boston and of your being
in Paris. This Intelligence we have by A Packet from France in 46 days, which brought
public and private Letters. I am told there are Letters from you tho' I have not the
Honour and Happiness of being Numbered Among those to whom they are directed. I suppose
the public Letters2 that go by this Conveyance with the Gazettes we shall Inclose will give you all the
News of this Country. Great Expectations are formed here from the Circumstances and
Situation of our own Army, and that of the Enemy. We have no Cruizers on our Coasts
at this Time they are all Called into Hallifax where they are in the Horrors from
the Apprehension of A French Fleet said to be in these Seas, tho' we have yet no perticular
Account of them. By this Means our prizes and Merchantmen have A fine Chance to get
in, and they succeed Accordingly. This Vessel goes of [f] so suddenly that I fear Mrs. Adams will not hear of this Oppertunity to write. If
she does not it may be some satisfaction to you to be Informed that she is well. I
am Obliged to Conclude and Am Your Assured Friend and Humbl. Servt.

2. This letter, as well as the “public Letters” mentioned, was sent on the Arnold Packet, Capt. John Ayres, and arrived at Bordeaux on 28 July (Ayres to the Commissioners,
29 July, below). For the possible content of the official letters contained in four packets
from the Committee for Foreign Affairs and sent to the Commissioners under a covering
letter from James Warren of 2 July (PPAmP: Franklin Papers), see JA's reply to Warren of 4 Aug. (below).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0187

Author: Whipple, Abraham

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-02

Abraham Whipple to the Commissioners

[dateline] Nantes July 2d 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

The honour of your Letter bearing date the 23d June,1 had the pleasure of Recieving on the 30th and shall think myself happy, in a strict
attention to the Agreable Contents, as these Orders afford me every Satisfaction,
being such as could have wished, had the intended Cruize been left to my own Determination.
It affords me the most sensible pleasure to Acquaint your Honours, that both Officer's
and Men are very attentive in getting the Ship ready, and flattered with their vigilance
and attention, expect to be ready for Sea, before the last of this month.

With regard to Arms, Cloathing &c. Mr. Schweighauser acquaints me that he has only
fourteen Bales of Blankets at present on Continental Account. It being in my power
to take a considerable larger Quantity without impeding the Ship either in sailing
or fighting, and having understood that Mr. Jonathan Williams late Agent at Nantes
has to[o?] a very large amount of Arms Military Stores would be glad that your Honours would
expedite the necessary Orders if Agreable to Mr. Williams, that such Merchandize might
be put on board, as would be Convenient and fitting for the Ship.

Would earnestly sollicit with due submission to your Honours judgement, a ready attention
to this Article and immediate Answer, as the Ship is Actually taking in Provisions,
Water &c. and suffers by Delay in Respect to Stowing the Hold, as most Advantageous.
Inclosed I transmit an exact Return of Prisoners on board my Ship2 as Ordered, and hope that an exchange may be facilitated on principles of mutual
good.

All Dispatches Committed to my Care, your Honours may Depend upon the most Careful
attention to and with thanks for your favourable wishes in the Destined Voyage, have
the honour to Remain, Gentlemen, Your most Obedt. & very hbble servt

C. W. F. Dumas to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] The Hague 3 July 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

That which I had the honor to note in my last concerning Amsterdam's borrowing was
greatly exaggerated. It is limited to a small loan that the treasurer of the town
borrows and repays more or less according to the amount of money in the coffers and
is to be used for some vessels. The person from whom I learned this was misinformed.
Our friend set me straight on the matter.1

Yesterday I communicated the treaty to both him and Burgomaster Temminck of Amsterdam.
These gentlemen were very pleased; they find it to be the best of its kind, with every
objection anticipated and all that was defective in previous ones remedied.2

Now all that we have to do is let the peat slowly ignite itself. At my request, Mr.
Temminck very kindly granted me permission to come and see him when I go to Amsterdam.

You will see, gentlemen, from the enclosed gazette3 and soon, if you read it, by that of the Lower Rhine (not to mention the Dutch gazettes)
that I have started putting to good use the documents you sent me. They have a very
positive effect in these provinces, maintaining a high opinion of the Americans while
annoying and confounding Yorke and his friends the journalists. Since the Saratoga
affair I have consistently rendered my friends the masters of the battlefield here.

This morning the British papers4 brought us the curious news that the expedition of Keppel's great fleet ended up
a wasted venture. After having taken two frigates on station by surprise, started
hostilities, and blustered toward Brest, as soon as they saw the French fleet leave
Brest to overtake them, they retired and sought safety in the English ports. I hope
that, in turn, the French fleet will make a reprisal and find a few British men-of-war
to capture, besides what they could get out of the fleets coming back from the two
Indies.

I was very happy to see mention, in your account [liste] of the arrival of the Deane because I knew in petto that my dear friend Mr. Carmichael was on board that ship under the command of Captain
Nicholson. The English papers of 30 June mention it also.

I pray to God with all my heart that He may bless the arms of the United States and
grant them soon the most glorious peace and everlasting happiness. I am, with the
most sincere respect, gentlemen, your very humble and very obedient servant

1. In the Dumas Letterbook this sentence is followed by a long, canceled passage analyzing
the character and actions of Pieter van Bleiswyck, the Grand Pensionary, and giving
van Berckel's opinion of him. Dumas later, with minor changes, inserted this passage
in his letter to the Commissioners of 17 July (below).

2. A second canceled passage, which marks the end of the Letterbook copy, follows this
sentence:

They regretted only that I was unable to leave it with the Grand Pensionary as you
promised, gentlemen, in your letter to him. This is not only because it provides the
opposition with an opportunity to spread rumors about an apparent and mysterious retraction
but also because they could use the treaty profitably to encourage the merchants of
Amsterdam to undertake, immediately and directly, all sorts of business deals with
those of America without waiting for the formal treaty which could then arrive at
leisure and would probably do so sooner than otherwise. I answered that the words
we shall speedily send, etc. did not reflect either the present time or that at which the letter was written,
but rather your need to wait before making the treaty public. I added that, so far
as I was concerned, I had no reason to doubt that this would happen Very soon and
that I would, at last, be authorized to present it to both them and the Grand Pensionary
so that it could be put to the good use they had intended, and, in the meantime, I
stated that you had done your best so that they might have a provisional knowledge
of it.

3. A supplement to the Gazette de Leyde of 3 July. The paper contained a report on American operations along the Mississippi
River and in West Florida; a general order issued at Valley Forge on 25 April concerning
the need to reduce the size of the officers' baggage; a resolution of the congress
of 2 March (JCC, 10:213–215) and a letter from the Massachusetts Council of 24 March, both regarding
the establishment of a corps of light cavalry; and various items containing European
news.

4. For this report on Keppel's fleet, as well as the arrival of the Deane and William Carmichael in America mentioned in the next paragraph, see, for example,
the London Chronicle of 27–30 June.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0189

Author: Jones, John Paul

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-03

John Paul Jones to the Commissioners

[dateline] [3 July 1778]

Being informed from good authority that the Minister desired much to converse with
me on a subject of great utility to the United States of America1 —as there was then no prospect of obtaining permission to sell the prizes—or of getting
the prisoners exchanged soon, I thought it for the interest of the Service that I
shoud come myself to Paris. It was necessary too that some measure shoud be adopted
to quiet the minds of the people in the Ranger.

The Minister told me his plan—But demanded my parole of Honour not to reveal it to
any person whatsoever.2 I am not therefore at Liberty to communicate it even to you, unless you will first
get me absolved of my Parole And also allow me to inform the Minister that it is what
you have insisted upon knowing.

I can how-ever assure you that what has been communicated to me is perfectly consistent
with my Duty as an American Officer—With the interests of the United States—and with
the most disinterested friendship on the part of France—because tho' it will contribute
to the success and Honor of the American arms, it will involve America in no Expence.

The Opinion of the Minister is that the success of this plan depends upon the most
profound secrecy in the meantime—and I shall at a proper season give the most convincing
proofs that it is not an affair of my seeking—and also that my journey to Paris has
been perfectly consistent with my instructions from Congress and with My Duty as an
American Officer, acting from principle, and having the satisfaction to know that
my past conduct has always been honored with the most ample approbation.

MS (in Arthur Lee's hand MH-H: Lee Papers); notation at the top of the first page: “Copy of a Paper given to the
Commissioners by Capt. Jones of the Ranger July 3d. 1778.”

1. The “good authority” was Benjamin Franklin, and the “subject of great utility” was
probably the command of the Indien.

2. That is, JA and Arthur Lee were not to be told, although Franklin almost certainly was aware
of what had passed between Jones and Sartine.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0190

Author: Simpson, Thomas

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-03

Thomas Simpson to the Commissioners

[dateline] Brest July 3d. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

I am to Acknowledge the receipt of your favor from Passi of the third of last month,1 for which, and your kind interposition in my behalf, I return you my most sincere
thanks, Captain Jones has released me from Prison, and has permitted me to go for
America, but holds me suspended until called upon by a court martial to meet him face
to face: a copy of the Parole brought to me in the prison by Captain Jones, which
I signed the evening before I was honoured with the receipt of your letter, I have
hereunto annexed for your inspection.2 Immediately on my release, I wrote to Mr. Williams at Nantes whose clerk in his absence,
answered, and informed me of several Vessels bound to Virginia, and South Carolina
which places are at too great a distance from Portsmouth in New Hampshire, the place
of my abode, especially as I have recieved no money since my being in the service
for myself, and Servant, an able Seaman, who is now dead of his wound recieved in
the action with the Drake, except about thirty eight crowns prize money for a brig
sold in Nantes last winter, therefore cannot afford such a considerable expence. Mr.
Cutler wrote me that Captain Whipple had generously offered me a passage in the Providence,
provided she was bound to the Northern States of America; I have since wrote Capt.
Whipple and am now expecting his answer, holding myself ready to go immediately for
Nantes, if necessary.3 Captain Niles4 arriving this morning, an express vessel in the continental service, with whom, if
no other opportunity offers before his return, I can conveniently go and be very welcome,
being a person known to me long since. I beg your Honours excuse for this trouble—a
line in answer by the return of Captain Niles, sooner, if your Honours think proper,
will be confirming a further obligation, on Gentlemen, Your most Obedient, and very
humble Servant

[signed] Thom Simpson

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); addressed: “Honourable, the Commissioners for the United States
of America at Paris. favor of Capt. Niles”; docketed: “Lt Simpson”; in another hand:
“July 3d. 78.”

1. For this letter see the Commissioners to John Paul Jones, 3 June (calendared above).

2. Simpson's parole of 10 June (not printed) resulted from pressure exerted on John Paul
Jones by the Commissioners. Despite the parole, problems apparently remained with
the Ranger's crew and by 4 July, Jones was willing to go further. In a letter to the Commissioners
of that date (ViU: Lee Papers), after stating that his instructions permitted him to appoint one of
{ 256 } his lieutenants to command the Ranger, Jones declared that “Lieutenant Simpson has certainly behaved amiss; yet I can forgive
as well as resent and upon his making a proper Concession, I will, with your Approbation,
not only pardon the past but leave him the Command of the Ranger.” The Commissioners
were, however, still not satisfied and, according to JA, “with a great Exercise of Patience, We prudently brought him at last to write Us”
a letter “which terminated all Difficulties for the present” (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:166). In that letter of 16 July, which Jones later declared to be “Involuntary” (Jones
to the Commissioners, 15 Aug., below), he dropped his demand for a formal admission of error by Simpson and stated
that “I am willing to let the dispute between Us drop forever, by giving up that Parole,
which will entitle him to command the Ranger” (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:165).The Commissioners immediately wrote to Simpson, appointing him to the command of
the Ranger and enclosing a copy of Jones' letter (same, 4:162).

3. Simpson, writing to the Commissioners on 18 July (PPAmP: Franklin Papers), reported that he had gone to Nantes to board Whipple's vessel,
the Providence, for passage to America. It was at Nantes that Simpson received word of his appointment
to the Ranger.

4. Of the Spy ; see Jonathan Trumbull to the Commissioners, 29 May and notes (above).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0191

Author: Tucker, Samuel

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-03

Samuel Tucker to the Commissioners

[dateline] On Board the Boston. Lorient July 3d. 1778

[salute] Gentlemen

These may Serve to acquaint your Honours of my arrival at this port, after a short
Cruze of twenty four Days. While on the Cruze I took four Prizes one of which I sent
for Boston in Charge of a Carefull Prize Master and seven Men she being a Brig from
Venus [Venice] her Cargo chiefly Medicine. The others I Ordered for this Port, two of their Cargos
fish the other Coles [coal?] and Bottles, all of little Value.1 I would inform your Honours the Reason I came in so soon was on Account of Capt.
Alexander Murry in the Brig Saratoga from Baltimore that I spoke with June 25th in
the Longitude 25″00. West, who told me he had on Board many dispatches for your Honours
in General and for the Court of France and many other Letters of Importence to our
States.2 I sent my Boat, on Board he show'd them to my Officers and send me a Line or two,
then I bore away to Conduct him Clear of the Cruzers in the Bay as far as I was able
too, but unluckly on the 28th last att 10 AM. I saw a Sail to the Southward. I then
haild Capt. Murry told him to stear his Course and I would overtake him in the Afternoon
but could not come up with my Chase and loath to quit untill 5 PM then haul'd to the
Northward for Capt. Murry, att 6 fell in with two Sail a Snow from Sweeden, and a
Brig from Scotland, the former I past, the Latter I took, and by the Time I maned
her it was very Dark. I went again in Persuit of Capt. Murry and carried all the Sail
I possible { 257 } could to overtake him, when, coming in by Ushant I saw a Cutter of fourteen Guns coming
from the Northward, gave her chase but could not come up with her, at Dark gave over
Chase and made for Capt. Murry but had not the Good Fortune to see him after except
I saw him Yesterday when I was coming in to the Eastward of me, and as he told me
he was bound to Nantz I suppos'd it to be him, but was not so near as to be certain.

Gentlemen Mr. Livingston my 2d Lieutenant who presents this will give your Honours
a just account of the Situation of my Ship in every respect whatever. His waiting
on your Honours, prevents my Writing of many Circumstances as the Gentleman will give
you a just detail of the whole. Pray Gentlemen inform me if I must Carry the Prisoners
to America. If I am to carry them I shall build a Prison in the forepart of my Ship,
for them and some who I have Entered on Board, who has appeared very Disaffected on
the Cruize and two I've on Board confined. When meeting Capt. Whipple or Jones will
try them, or carry them to America in their present Situation.

I would inform your Honours that Mr. Livingston acted in the above state like a Good
man and must confess I am very sorry to part with him, but his Health is so Imperfect
I am sure he Cannot endure the Fatigues of a Cruize, and Especial in my Situation,
he will be able to give you the best Account off. I should be very glad to Accompany
Capt. Whipple for my Future Cruze. I am Gentlemen with Respect Your Honours Most Obedt.
Humble Servt.

[signed] Saml. Tucker

NB. Three Days after sailing from this Port I fell in with 7 Large Ships two and 3
Deckers Supposing them to be the English Fleet made way from them. The 16th. June
I saw them.

1. The four prizes, together with the dates on which they were taken, were the brigs
John and Rebecca, 19 June; Britannia, 24 June; Elizabeth, 25 June; and an unidentified Scottish brig, 29 June. The John and Rebecca, carrying medicines and sent to Boston, was recaptured by the H.M.S. Porcupine on 8 July (Philip Chadwick Foster Smith, Captain Samuel Tucker, Salem, 1976, p. 50–51, 104). The dates given in Tucker's log (MH-H) for the capture of the Scottish brig and the meeting with Capt. Murray are one day
later than those in this letter.

2. The Saratoga arrived at Nantes on 3 July with dispatches from the congress that apparently did
not include copies of the ratified treaties with France. Those arrived at Brest on
the same day in the Spy.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0192

Author: Williams, Jonathan

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-03

Jonathan Williams to the Commissioners

[dateline] Passy. July 3. 1778

[salute] Honble Gentlemen

Agreeable to your verbal order I have given Directions to stop the Reparation of the
Arms at Nantes, paying the Workmen their Wages Gratifications and Conduct Money according
to agreement. I beg to know if this is agreeable.1 I am very respectfully Hon Gentlemen Your most obedt Servant

[signed] Jona Williams

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); docketed: “Mr Jona. William's Letter July 3. 1778”; also: “ansd
July 10 1778 approved, see the Letterbook.” The last reference is to JA's Letterbook, in which the answer is entered in Arthur Lee's hand.

1. This letter resolved, in part, the controversy that had begun in April over the Commissioners'
efforts to end Williams' activities at Nantes as an American agent. Initially the
Commissioners may have wished simply to return the RC to Williams with their comments, for on the second page of the letter is a note dated
10 July, in JA's hand, informing Williams that “the within directions given by you, being according
to our Verbal orders to you, are approved.” Deciding, however, that a more detailed
reply was needed, JA and Arthur Lee composed the answer referred to in the descriptive note above. In
it they approved Williams' actions and requested that he send an order for the goods
on hand at Nantes, including 63 barrels of beef, to J. D. Schweighauser. Williams
complied on the same day, writing to a Mr. Cossoul and ordering him to send the beef
and other merchandise, including 196 swivel guns and 49 cases of arms, to Schweighauser.
The Commissioners notified Schweighauser of Williams' action in a postscript to their
letter of 9 July (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:155, 158–159, 147).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0193

Author: MacCreery, William

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-04

From William MacCreery

[dateline] Nantes 4 July 1778

[salute] Dear Sir

Last night arrived here from Baltimore the Brigantine Saratoga, Captn. Murray, who
has brought 2 Packets from Congress for the Honble. the Commissioners, and as many
for Yourself. My Letters are of the 28th. May, at which time it was generaly understood
there, that the Enemy were about embarking from Philadelphia with all haste, and that
Genl. Washington was advanceing towards the City in order to annoy them as much as
possible. About the 25th. He detached the Marquis de la Fayette with 2500 Men to the
East side of the Schuylkill to watch the Enemies motions. As soon as they had Notice
of it, Genl. Clinton went out to Attack him in the Night with most of his Army, expecting
to surprize him—but the Young noble man having discoverd the Enemy when within about
a Mile of him, he made a safe retreat over the River to our Army—upon which Genl.
{ 259 } Clinton retreated to Town with great precipitation leaving and few Prisoners and wounded
behind.1

All the Men of War have left our Bay (Chesapeak) since the 18 or 19th. May. The People
have been made excessively happy by the Publication of the Treaty between us and this
Power. They have gone so far as to indulge themselves with Dancing in consequence of it.

I have delivered the above mention'd Packets to Mr. Schweighauser, Continental Agent
at this place, to be forwarded to Passi. This Vessel left Chesapeak the 11th. June.2 I am with the greatest Respect Dear Sir Your very Obt. Servt.

1. The action at Barren Hill would probably have been a serious American defeat had it
developed into a major battle. On 18 May, Lafayette and 2,200 men, fully one-third
of Washington's available troops, crossed the Schuylkill River northwest of Philadelphia
and occupied Barren Hill. Gen. Howe soon learned of Lafayette's movements and on the
night of 19 May, in the hope of ending his American service with a victory, sent approximately
7,000 troops to encircle the American position and cut off any retreat to Valley Forge.
Through ineptitude, the British left the road to Matson's Ford unblocked, thus permitting
Lafayette to retire on the 20th across the river with minor casualties and his force
intact (John W. Jackson, With the British Army in Philadelphia, 1777–1778, San Rafael, Calif., 1979, p. 226–229; Ward, War of the Revolution, 2:562–567).

2. This sentence together with the initial two paragraphs of this letter were translated
into French and printed in Affaires de l' Angleterre et de l' Amérique, “Lettres,” vol. II, cahier 48, p. xliv–xlv.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0194

Author: Tucker, Samuel

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-04

From Samuel Tucker

[dateline] Lorient July the 4th 1778

[salute] Sir

These will be handed you by Musco Livingston Gentleman my 2d Lewt. Who now must Leave
me on account of an Imperfect State of helth att Present and During the Short Cruze.1 Dear Sir your Honnours Provided me a Good offercer Whose Vallue on board my Ship
Was great being a Good Commanding offercer and beloved throughout the Ship but my
Loss is not Small in Parting with Such an offercer but I Consent to it out of Pure
Regard to the Gentleman he not fit att Present to Indure the fatigues of a Cruze and
hope Sir your Honnour will take the greatest <Notice> Care of Such Gentleman. He is in my opinion Worthy of any Command May be given him.

Dear Sir Mr. Livingston will give your Honnour a Just account and true Detail of my
Cruze and Part of my Infernal Crue Who I { 260 } judge to be Concernd in the Consparicy Carred on att Bordeaux Before I Saild. But
Sir I have two Confind Who was over heard damning the Congress the Ship and offercers
and Each Other for not being sworn before the[y] where Confind and deprived of their oppertunity.

Dear Sir it was in my Power to make a great Cruze if my People was but well affected
but am apprehensive they will not be Dureing this Cruze Except I Could get some Americans
Exchanged from England Which makes my Situation Very Disagreable.

Dear Sir I Pray you may be in as good State of helth as I am at Present. Please to
give my Complements to Masters Johne [and]2 Jesse and with due Respect I Remain yours to Serve

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 4 July 1778

[salute] Honble. Sirs

The Union Cap. Barry arriv'd the 2 Instant from Edenton which place he left the 6th
June. I apply'd for Letters that I apprehended as being loaden by Mr. Hewes he would
have had in charge but am told he had only three, two for a Merchant at this place
and one for Nantz. Its a disapointment having so short a passage not to receive advices.
The Captain says he intended for Sweeden but the winds have held favorable for this
Port he alterd his plan. It is distressing to hear the accounts given of Loss's on
the coast by the negligence and wilful Misconduct of the Pilots situated at the Pass's
on the Carolina Coast.1 We have receivd few [repor]ts from them quarters without accompanying [pro]tests of ship Masters against the Inhabitants who in lieu of succoring have frequently
misled or refused assistance. It is an object very hurtful to the Navigating Interest
and merrits to be noticed by the Gouvernment of that Province. The Captain gives accounts
of a Sloop fitted out by Mr. Decater arriving at Edenton the day before he parted,
Mr. Decater will undoubtedly write Mr. Res de chaument per this post. Mr. De Sartin
has given an invitation to the Merchants at this Place to unite in fitting out Armd
Vessels offering to provide the Cannon wanting at the Expence of the Crown to be return
at the Cessation of Arms.

Mr. James Willing headed the party that have cut off the English Settlements on the
Missisipi a vessel from New Orleans arrived here a few Days past her Cargo is estimated
at one Million Livres.

Great Arrivals from the French Islands the last two Tides. One of the Ships met an
English Frigate, the Captain [ . . . ] led the Frenchman on his being so near his p[ . . . ][t] hey expected to Act offensively waiting only to learn the conduct Comte D'Estaing
would observe at his Arrival in America.

There is a Whisper of an affair betwixt Genl. Washington and Genl. Clinton to the
prejudice of the former. I have perticularly questiond the Captain arrived he says
all was quiet therefore I suppose the Account fabricated on this side.

Permit me to pay to your Honors the Compliments of the Day which we propose to Celebrate
in the Usual Strain. I am with due respect Honble. Sirs Your most Obedient Humble
Servant

[signed] John Bondfield

RC (PPAmP: Franklin Papers); addressed: “the Honble. Benj. Franklin Arthur Lee John Adams Esq
Commissioners from Congress at Paris”; docketed, not by JA: “Mr Bondfield Bordeaux 4. July.” MS has been torn at the top of each page, presumably through the removal of the seal,
with the loss of several words.

1. Wreckers on the outer banks of North Carolina had been and apparently continued to
be a problem, particularly around the Ocracoke Inlet, the major entrance into the
Pimlico and Albemarle sounds. In a letter to Gov. Richard Caswell of 20 May 1778,
Capt. Willis Wilson of the North Carolina Navy wrote that the pilots at Ocracoke had
refused to cooperate with him in his efforts to expedite passage through the inlet
and that “this is not the first instance by many of the rascality of those men; every
merchantman coming to this place, experiences it, and its clearly evident to me that
they wish every vessel cast away, as they may plunder them” (William L. Saunders and
others, eds., Colonial and State Records of North Carolina, 30 vols., Winston, N.C., 1886–1914, 13:134)

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0196

Author: Jones, John Paul

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

DateRange: 1778-07-04 - 1778-07-05

John Paul Jones to the Commissioners

Plan for expeditions2 submitted to the American Plenipotentiaries and to the French minister of Marine
by Com. Jones.

As the first proposal,3 will be impeded for some time, in the interval A great variety of projects present
themselves, some of which might prove of great utility to France and America by distressing
the common enemy at a small expence.

Three very fast sailing frigates, with one or two tenders, might enter the Irish Channel
and burn at Whitehaven from two to { 262 } three hundred ships and besides the town, which contain 50,000 inhabitants, this would
render it difficult, if not impossible to supply Ireland with coal the ensuing winter.

The same force would be sufficient to take the Bank of Ayr in Scotland, and to destroy
the town:—or, perhaps, the whole shipping in the Clyde, with the towns and stores
of Greenwich and Port-Glasgow provided no alarm was first given at other places. The
fishery at Cambletown is an object worthy attention, and in some of the ports of Ireland
ships may perhaps be found worth from 150,000 to £200,000 Sterling each.

It might, perhaps, be equally expedient to alarm Britain on the east Side which might
be effected with equal and perhaps inferior force, by destroying the Coal shipping,
of New-castle &c. which would occasion the utmost distress for fuel in London: and
there are many towns of Consequence on the east and north coasts of England and Scotland
which are defenceless, and might be either burnt or laid under contribution.

The success of either of these, or the like enterprizes will depend on surprizing
well, and on despatch both in the attack and in the retreat, therefore it is necessary
the ships should sail fast, and that their force should be sufficient to repel any
of the enemy's cruizing frigates, two of which may perhaps be met at a time.

It is scarcely conceivable how great a panic, the success in any one of these projects,
would occasion in England. It would convince the world that their coasts are vulnerable,
and would, consequently, hurt their public credit.

If alarming the coast of Britain should be thought inexpedient, to intercept the Enemy's
West-Indi[an] or Baltic fleets, or their Hudson Bay ships, or to destroy their Greenland fishery,
are capital objects, which promise success if well adopted, and any one of them might
be finished, before the first can take place.

FC in an unknown hand (DLC: John Paul Jones Papers); docketed, not by JA: “Plan of Expeditions proposed June 5 1778 to the French minr. of marine & the American
Plenipots.”; notations in another hand: “Exd. [Examined?] J. Copd.”

1. These dates seemed indicated because Jones was still at Brest on 5 June, and in his
private correspondence with Franklin at that time he made no mention of an expedition
such as is described in this proposal. Such an error in dating may have resulted from
Jones' having, at the beginning of a new month, inadvertently inserted the name of
the previous month, a relatively common error. The “Plan” could have been drawn up
on 5 July, since Jones was then present and meeting with { 263 } Sartine, who wrote to the Commissioners on that date (below) concerning him and an “expedition particuliere.” The date of 4 July seems
equally possible because on 2 Aug., Jones wrote to the Commissioners (below) asking permission to make a copy of his
“Memorandum” of the 4th, which had been intended for use in conversations then being
held, and of which only one copy had been made. It seems likely that Jones referred
to the plan here under consideration and that, from the notations immediately following
the docketing, this document is the copy he obtained from the one in the possession
of the Commissioners, which has not been found.

2. The plan is of additional interest, and perhaps significance, because of its close
similarity to the course followed by Jones in his Bonhomme Richard expedition of 1779 (see Morison, John Paul Jones, p. 200–220, particularly the map on p. 211). Indeed, JA states that Sartine's letter of 5 July (noted above), marked “the first conception of the Plan which was afterwards carried
into Execution under Jones in the Bonhomme Richard” (Diary and Autobiography, 4:158). Moreover, Jones, in the portion of his 1786 memoir to Louis XVI which discusses
his visit to Paris and meetings with Sartine in the summer of 1778, notes his failure
to gain command of the Indien and states that he made proposals, apparently much like those contained in this plan,
for “secret missions” to be undertaken by a “small, light squadron” of as few as “three
frigates and three cutters” (John Paul Jones' Memoir of the American Revolution, ed. Gerald W. Gawalt, Washington, 1979, p. 22–23). Finally, on 17 July, Jones wrote
Sartine (PCC, No. 168,1, f. 177–178) in terms that seem to refer to this plan. In the letter he
stated that “had your first plan taken Effect the most pleasing prospect of success
would have been before me. But that seems now a distant Object. I have no doubt but
that many Projects, that would Promise Success, might be formed from the Hints which
I had the Honor of sending, lately for your Inspection: had I been entrusted with
the Chief Command, I would have held myself Responsible for the Consequences.”

3. Very likely the scheme to obtain the command of the frigate Indien for Jones (see the Commissioners to Jones, 25 May, calendared above; Jones to the Commissioners, 3 July, above).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0197

Author: Lee, Arthur

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-05

From Arthur Lee

[dateline] Challiot July 5th. 1778

[salute] Dear Sir

I enclose you my Copy of Capt. Jones's Instructions. My opinion is that in quitting
his Ship without our leave or orders was a breach of his duty—that his continuing
here after receiving his orders is a still more flagrant breach of his duty—that we
shall be justly blamd, if we do not give him immediate and peremptory orders to proceed
to his duty and compel obedience to them.1

You will see by the enclosd Account from Mr. Grand, that not only Mr. Williams's drafts
have been paid before his Accounts are settled without our orders;2 but that he has been drawing and giving Mandates since his being here, as if he were
a Commissioner, which are also paid without our knowlege or Order. It seems we are
only Commissioners for the responsible part, while Mr. Chaumont and Mr. Williams are
to plan operations for the Captains of continental Ships and to spend the { 264 } money for which we are to answer. These things must be checked, or it is easy to see
where they will end. I am not well enough to come to Passi to-day, but will see you
to-morrow. If the Order for Capt. Jones and the Letter for Mr. Schweighauser are made
out today,3 they can be sent to me to sign. I shall be obligd to you to send me the charges you
promisd me against the conduct of my Secretary.4 If they appear of consequence, he shall either answer them, or quit me. Adieu

1. Lee is presumably referring to Jones' orders from the Commissioners of 16 June (calendared above), although JA had a copy in his Letterbook. JA acknowledged receipt of the orders in his reply to Lee of the 5th (NNPM). Lee might be referring to Jones' instructions from the Marine Committee of 6 Sept.
1777 (PCC, No. 168, I, f. 15–16), requiring him to obey the instructions of the Commissioners
“as far as it shall be in your Power,” except that there is no evidence that Jones
communicated them to the Commissioners, at least not to Arthur Lee, and no copies
have been found in either the Franklin or Lee Papers.

Lee's transmission of the orders and the sentiments expressed regarding Jones' conduct
probably stemmed in part from Jones' letter of 3 July (above), but more directly from an encounter that Lee had had on the previous day
with JA and Franklin, which he recorded in his fragmentary journal of the period 25 May to
4 July (MH-H: Lee Papers). Lee wrote that JA had informed him that Chaumont and Jonathan Williams had brought Jones to him with
a proposal, which he rejected, that the Commissioners permit Jones to serve, presumably
during his wait for a new assignment, as a volunteer in the French fleet at Brest.
At that point: “Dr. F. coming in Mr. L. said it was a most pernicious example that
an Officer in the public service should quit his post without leave, stay here, in
defiance of his orders intriguing to get into another service. Dr. F. excusd it, said
we were not certain he was doing so, not knowing, that Mr. A. had told me what Mss.
Chaumont and Williams had proposd but upon his repeating it the Dr. was silent. However
he made an excuse of not having Capt. Jones's instructions to see how far he was under
our orders, for postponing the proposition I made that we should order him to his
ship immediately.”

Although Lee could have had only suspicions, Franklin's statements do seem questionable.
He may not have known the exact nature of Jones' instructions from the Marine Committee,
but it is difficult to believe that Chaumont and Williams would have approached JA with such a proposal without consulting Franklin first, and it was Franklin who had
invited Jones to Paris (see the Commissioners to Jones, 25 May, calendared above).

2. It seems likely that the “enclosd Account” was that for the period 30 March to 30 June (above, under the initial date), which indicated that Jonathan Williams had received
114,281.14.11 livres.

3. No orders for Jones later than 16 June have been found in either draft or final form,
probably because Franklin, in light of his role in bringing Jones to Paris, refused
to permit any. The only extant letter to Schweighauser for this period is that of
9 July, which is partly concerned with Jonathan Williams' activities (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:147).

4. John Thornton, who served Lee as secretary and the British as a spy and was soon to
be replaced by Hezekiah Ford (Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr Amer. Rev., 1:539, 659–661). According to Lee's docketing on a copy enclosed in a letter to
the Committee for Foreign Affairs of 7 Aug., the charges against Thornton were in
a “Paper delivered secretly to Mr J Adams by Dr Bancroft, and by Mr Adams given to
me” (PCC, No. 83,1, f. 233–237, 255–261; see also Wharton, ed., Dipl. Corr. Amer. Rev., 2:679–680). Bancroft, reporting on Thornton's financial dealings with Joseph { 265 } Wharton of London, depicted him, at worst, as a British spy, and, at best, as a speculator
using documents obtained from the Commissioners, or forgeries thereof, to gain financial
advantage. In addition, Bancroft noted Thornton's attempt to cash a bill drawn on
Arthur Lee of which, according to his letter of 7 Aug., Lee was unaware. In that letter Lee stated that, because of its source, he had at
first discounted Bancroft's report, but had been led by later information (enclosed
with the letter of 7 Aug.) to conclude that his secretary had been seduced by the
“stockjobbers,” including Bancroft, who had continued to be trusted with state secrets
even after the stockjobbers' activities were known to Franklin and Deane.

Sartine to the Commissioners: A Translation

[dateline] Versailles, 5 July 1778

As I am in need, gentlemen, of Captain Jones for a specific expedition, I would like
him to remain here.

If it is not inconvenient, I would be grateful if you could leave him at my disposal
and, if his ship must return to America, turn the command of the vessel over to his
second.1 I have the honor to be with the utmost respect, gentlemen, your very humble and very
obedient servant,

1. In commenting on the Commissioners' reply of 11 July acceding to Sartine's request, JA stated that the “expédition particuliere” was ultimately that of the Bonhomme Richard (JA, Diary and Autobiography, 4:158).

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0199

Author: Bondfield, John

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-07

John Bondfield to the Commissioners

[dateline] Bordeaux 7 July 1778

[salute] Honble Sirs

Yesterday arrived from Edenton the Sloop Sally Cap Norton which place he left the
6th June. He has brought few Letters, he mentions the entire Capture of the fourth
regiment who upon the expedition of Col. Maitland pushing into the Country their retreat
was cut off and obliged to lay down their Arms officers { 266 } and Soldiers not one escaping.1 He gives also accounts of the Arrival of several vessels perticularly the Rodrique
of Rochfort a valuable Ship in the Bay of Cheasapeak.

Having frequent oppertunities of Associating with the Agents or Consuls of the different
European States I obtain an insight of the advantages which there respective Countries
reap by their establishment which with submission permit me to represent to your honors
presum[ing] that a like plan might be of use to your Mission.

The Commerce of the United States becoming at this day a new field in her Trade with
Europe and for want of proper establishments no returns or estimates can be made of
the Nature or value of the branches opening which might be of consiquence to your
honors in the forming of Treaties or obtaining indulgence for certain branches of
Imports or Exports a certain knowledge of which with its growing State might be obtain'd
(as is acquird by the European States) by Instructing the Agents in the different
departments to keep an Account of the Shiping arriving from and sailing to America
which is easily performd should an order be obtaind for each vessel before her declaration
at the Bureau de l'Amiraute make his Report to your Agent an object I could easily
attain here but which would meet with more Sanction should and order from Mr. De Sartin
to the Commissiaire or donateur come down in Virtue of [ . . . ] application in consiquence of which declartion I [should] be impowerd to transmit you monthly as would the other Agents in their respective
departiments a general Return of the Imports and Exports. You would by that means
be inform'd of the extent of the Trade, the quantity of the <objects> Produce Imported and thereby at one View draw the Ballance that America would hold
in her Trade with this Kingdom as also others where your Agents are establishd.

I just scetch the above for your honors consideration which I judge may In time be
so methodized as to be of essential Use.2 I am with due Respect Your honors Most obedient Humb Servant

2. What action, if any, the Commissioners took on this proposal is undetermined.

Docno: ADMS-06-06-02-0200

Author: Coffyn, Francis

Recipient: First Joint Commission at Paris

Recipient: Adams, John

Date: 1778-07-07

Francis Coffyn to the Commissioners

[dateline] Dunkirk 7th. July 1778

[salute] Hond. Gentlemen

I had the honnor of writing to you fully the 5th instant,1 to which I beg leave to refer you. Mr. Amiel having granted to the people who were
the occasion of his Journey to Dunkirk, as much time as they required to employ all
their ressources to Execute the project they laid before you, and their endeavours
proving fruitless, he at last determined to deliver me your much respected favour
of 26. ultimo. Was I not afraid of being too intruding up on your patience and was
I not withheld by that principal which binds us to return good for Evil, I should
give you a full account of the proceedings of the people who endeavour'd to impose
up on you, and to wrong me, but there is something So Extraordinary in their conduct
that the issue of the affair will Sufficiently plead my Excuse for obmitting to say
any thing more in my Justification. I leave to Capn. Amiel to explain every thing
to you, and if after all, any doubt should remain wether I merit your confidence and
favours, I humbly beg you would aford me an opportunity of satisfying my most Sanguine
wishes to convince you, and the world, that those who have had the baseness to endeavour
to wrong me in the dark, have not courage enough to Justify themselves in the middle
of day.

The Commission, Instructions and Bond, mention'd in your letter, to my great Sorrow,
being now useless, I return you the Same here inclosed, and beg you would be pleased
to acknowledge the receipt thereof.

Since you are pleased to leave to me to settle with the Surgeon you may rely on my
Exertions to do it to your Satisfaction, per my next. I shall forward to you their
receipt.

As you Seem to approve the articles of intelligence I now and then take the liberty
to give you, I shall Sease every opportunity to transmit them to America, and I beg
you would be pleased to mention wether I may address them directly to Congress, or
to your Correspondents in the different ports of the united States. I this day write
to Messrs. Simeon Deane and C[u?] James River, by a vessell which will Sail tomorrow, that one Capn. Hyde Christiaen
of the Vigilantiâ of Amsterdam which arrived here yesterday from Portsmouth, from
which place he sail'd the 3. instant in the evening reports that on the Same day he
Saw the Crews of the two frigats la Licorne and la Palase [Pallas] and of { 268 } two other french vessells which were carry'd in there, conducted to prison, and that
Admiral Keppels Squadron which has been reinforced by Seven Ships amounting now to
30 Ships of the line besides frigats was ready to proceed to Sea with the first fair
wind to meet the French Squadron which was Expected to sail from Brest; this leaves
no doubt of the hostile vews of the common Ennemy; the Captain who made this report,
Said to me that it may be rely'd on, and that he was ready to affirm it. The event
will soon prove it.

There are no vessells at present in this harbour bound to Brest or to Nantes, but
I Expect one will be put up Soon for the latter place, by which agreable to your orders
I shall Send the American Seamen which are now here, but as it is generally believed,
that the English will soon begin to take the french ships, I am afraid these poor
people who have had enough allready of the English Jails, may fall again in the hands
of their Ennemys; and as they all Seem desirous of being employed, and it is probable
that in case any hostilities of that kind being committed by the English, Some privateers
will immediately be fitted out from this port; would it not be better to keep them
a few days longer till matters are clear'd up? If your opinion should be otherwise,
I beg you would mention it, as I foresee that I may receive your answer before any
vessell will Sail for Nantes &ca.

The value I set upon your benevolence and favours, shall make me very anxiously and
impatiently wait your answer, whether Poreau's perfidious insinuations have made any
impression to my prejudice on your mind, if they have, I beg for God's sake Gentlemen
you will aford me an oportunity to convince you of their falshood; I rely so much
upon your Justice, that I am persuaded you'll not deny me that Satisfaction, in Expectation
of which I have the honnor to remain with the greatest respect, Hond. Gentlemen Your
most obt. and most devoted Humble Servant

1. Not found, nor is it known whether it dealt with the effort, described by Coffyn,
to outfit a privateer at Dunkirk. For the background of that affair see Peter Amiel,
Oath of Allegiance, 23 June, note 1 and references there (above).