Friday, July 31, 2009

TNN, *Angry khadims protest against Nazim* The Times Of India - India
Tuesday, July 21, 2009

Ajmer: Hundreds of angry khadims of Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti's dargah on Monday organised a protest rally and registered an FIR against Nazim Ahmed Raza of the dargah. They alleged that he had outraged the religious feelings of the community.

An angry mob in the evening went to Nazim's office and beat up Raza. He had to be taken to JLN Hospital. According to doctors Raza has head injuries.

Police have been deployed within the dargah premises and at Nazim's office. The khadims are demanding his immediate removal. They have also sent a fax to UPA chairperson, Sonia Gandhi, in this regard and asked her to intervene. Police claim that the situation is tense but under control.

Nazim Ahmed Raza , deputed by the Centre for arrangements in the dargah, has been embroiled in controversy since the day he was posted in Ajmer. "He never thought twice before speaking anything and many times he used absurd language against the khadims. We requested him a number of times to not hurt feelings of others through his statements," said Zulfikar Chishti, a khadim.

Anjuman Committee, the organisation of khadims, had complained many times to the Centre and demanded Raza 's removal. Nazim Raza was in favour of improving the conditions for zayreen' (pilgrims) coming to Ajmer Sharif.

A fresh controversy arose when a CD that showed Raza expressing his views on Islam and Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti, was released in the market. "He is only an employee of the Centre and has no right to speak bad things' about Hazrat Ali. This is a matter of religion and he has hurt our feelings. His statements about Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti too were wrong," said Mahboob Hussein Chishti, secretary of Anjuman Committee.

The CD was shown on a local channel here in which Nazim Raza spoke on Islam and Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti. "He called the Sufi saint a common man who came here and gone back," accused Iqbal Chishti, vice-president of Anjuman Committee. Khadims then went to the dargah police station and shouted slogans against Nazim. They also warned the district administration that things would get out of hand if the Nazim is not removed.

An FIR under Section 295A of IPC has been registered against Nazim Raza. Anjuman has called an urgent meeting to decide their plan against the Nazim. "We have decided to intimate the matter to UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi. We have also given a memorandum to the president of dargah committee, Soil Ahmed, asking him to remove Raza immediately," said Kamaluddin Chishti, vice-president of Anjuman.

"This is not a matter of communal feelings but it is a matter of an employee who has been deputed to take care of arrangements in dargah. He cannot speak anything about religion," said Monavar Chishti.

When asked about his statement, Nazim Ahmed Raza said it was not a serious matter. He added that he had only expressed his views about Islam and Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti. "I had no intention to hurt anybody's feelings. However, if I did so I regret it," he said.

Islamabad: National Sufi Council (NSC) is legacy of a dictator like former president Gen (r) Pervez Musharraf and it should immediately be merged into Pakistan Academy of Letters (PAL), said PAL Chairman Fakhar Zaman on Friday while presiding over the ‘Khawaja Ghulam Farid Conference’.

He said PAL had been working on different projects regarding promotion of teachings and writings of Sufis and has translated Sufi poetry into seven international languages. Shahzad Qaiser and Khawaja Moeenuddin Koreja were the chief guests.

Prof Khawaja Masud, Dr Ghazanfar Mehdi, Prof Hameedullah Hashmi, Sarwat Mohiyuddin and Wafa Chishti also spoke on the occasion. The proceedings were conducted by Wafa Chishti.Zaman demanded that administration of shrines of Sufis should be put under jurisdictions of PAL and funds at the disposal of Auqaf Department regarding shrines be transferred to PAL so that it can publish Sufi poetry and hold conferences.

He emphasised that promotion of Sufism was a need of time to end extremism, bigotry and promote peace and love. He said PAL would organise an international conference next year on the occasion of Urs of Khawaja Ghulam Farid.

Shahzad Qaiser said Khawaja Ghulam Farid’s poetry brought out new aspects of literature of fear of God.

“He wanted to promote love, unity and equality among human beings,” he said. Prof Khawaja Masood said Sufi poets always tried to promote humanism in the region and their teachings still needed to be spread.

The wave of escalating operations by insurgents coupled with a number of high-profile murders and assassination attempts in June has pushed Russia into launching a campaign of pressure aimed at liquidating rebel fighters.

Russia's campaign is manifesting itself primarily through methods and tactics employed to put pressure on insurgents and their families. In this vein, the strategies used for Chechnya's "pacification" are now being widely applied in the adjacent republics of Dagestan, Ingushetia and Kabardino-Balkaria. In the meantime, the federal government is turning an ostensibly blind eye with regard to these tactics, as evidenced by the total absence of objections from the prosecutor-general's office or the justice ministry.

Moscow has clearly decided to let the local leadership have a free hand in using severe pressure methods, with the ultimate goal of reversing the surge of resistance actions that began to gain ground at a very unfavorable time for Russia. The Kremlin cannot fail to realize that the usual strategies used by the police and the Federal Security Service (FSB) are not having the desired effect, while Ramzan Kadyrov's harsh methods in Chechnya, although starkly in violation of Russian laws, create the illusion of results more positive than the reality warrants.

Today the authorities in Dagestan, Ingushetia and Kabardino-Balkaria are making wide use of illegal and inhumane measures that they believe can make the difference in their anti-insurgency struggle and tip the balance in their favor. The most common pressure tactic used against the rebel fighters is to hold parents and relatives responsible for the actions of their children: the family, in effect, is being blamed when their children leave to join the resistance (www.chechnyatoday.com, July 10). The family members are subjected to interrogation by the police or FSB or other local agencies; they are commonly threatened, intimidated and stripped of their constitutional rights to receive retirement payments or other assistance benefits. The families are thus often driven to leave Chechnya or renounce their children publicly. These acts of renunciation are always broadcast by the local TV channels, which has the effect of making these individuals pariahs in Chechen society.

For instance, human rights activists are still concerned about the fate of Makhsud Abdullaev, the son of a Chechen resistance leader Supyan Abdullaev, given that they have no confirmation as to whether or not he has been incarcerated. The younger Abdullaev was deported from Egypt and vanished upon arrival at Moscow's Domodedovo airport. He subsequently appeared on Chechen TV to call on his father and his father's comrades in arms to abandon their resistance. However, after his TV appearance he went missing again, which suggests that he is still being used by those who arranged for his deportation from Egypt in order to put pressure on his father (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, July 10).

In the event that the government decides that the pressure tactics used to date were unsuccessful, the family will be subjected to other forms of coercion, such as burning down their houses (www.rfi.fr, July 3). Independent sources, including the Memorial human rights group, reported that at dawn on June 18 armed representatives from Chechnya's interior ministry set fire to two residences in the village of Engel-Yurt in Chechnya's Gudermes district. The elderly residents were allowed to leave the house, but all of their belongings remained inside (www.hrea.org, July 2).

According to Memorial, these arson attacks are no longer simply isolated cases, given that dozens of similar incidents have been recorded in Chechnya.Torture and violence during pre-trial confinement have become routine across the entire North Caucasus (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, July 10). The public is increasingly fearful of being detained, since arrests that are frequently documented improperly or not documented at all turn into tragic experiences in which the detained individuals are subjected to beatings in order to extract confessions of having ties to insurgents. Unauthorized searches may accompany arrests; besides, to demand a search warrant would be tantamount to openly challenging the law enforcement authorities, so the public's reaction is to pretend that these violations are simply par for the course.

People are often arrested for trivial reasons, such as complaints made by an offending party; other times, a young man may name his friends or relatives out of fear for his life. This spirals into a chain of multiple arrests, mostly of young people, who do not even realize that they have been labeled as insurgent sympathizers or accomplices. These tactics have already become routine in all the republics of the North Caucasus.

Most commonly, the victims of these arrests are those who do not support the Sufi sect of Islam; these individuals tend to avoid attention and try to blend in with the Sufis. Their abductions often end with the victims turning up dead (this is a common tactic of law enforcement authorities in Ingushetia, Dagestan and sometimes Kabardino-Balkaria).Persecution reaches not only those who living in the region: people who left Russia years ago are also victims. Political asylum offers no protection against those who have embarked on the path of "elimination of enemies" (as the series of assassinations in Turkey and Austria in 2008 and 2009 illustrates). It is worth noting that blackmail is also being used to try to compel many notable Chechen politicians of Aslan Maskhadov's era to return to Chechnya (www.lenta.ru, July 8).

Just this week, news media reported on the public execution of Rizvan Albekov in the village of Akhkinchu-Borzoi in Chechnya's Kurchaloi district, who was suspected of alleged ties to the insurgency (www.grani.ru, July 10). The victim was executed in the center of the village in full view of the crowd of young people as a lesson to others who might want to provide aid to the rebels. It should be noted that the victim's family had won a case at the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg regarding the death of Rizvan's brother in 2000.However, it is exactly crimes like these that motivate young people to join the insurgency. Moreover, those who join the rebels include current members of the police. For example, according to Chechen rebel leader Dokka Umarov, as many as 30 policemen who served under Ramzan Kadyrov's command have joined the rebel forces since the beginning of 2009 (www.jamaatshariat.com, July 11).

Nothing can excuse the use of intimidation tactics against peaceful civilians, including the claim that the rebels themselves do not stop at similar measures. A government that ignores the law is doomed to remain outside the law.

These widespread pressure tactics produce an effect completely contrary to that desired, and cannot fail to cause an unfavorable public reaction. Therefore, the predictable consequences of these policies will provide further support for the resistance fighters, young people's revulsion towards the government, and the alienation of Sufi Islam as a form of government propaganda in Chechnya, Dagestan and Ingushetia.

In light of the ethnic violence in China’s Xinjiang province, various jihadi internet forums focused on the handling of the turmoil by China’s security forces.

A vast region comprising nearly a sixth of China’s total land mass, Xinjiang is home to a number of Central Asian ethnic groups, the largest of which is the Turkic-speaking Uyghur people, until recently the dominant group in the region.

Massive government-encouraged post-war migration by Han Chinese has made the Uyghurs a minority in their traditional home, known to Muslims as East Turkistan.The first response of Salafi-Jihadi forums to any perceived injustice inflicted on Muslims anywhere typically involves citing a conspiracy theory regarding the manipulation of Muslims by the United States.

One forum debated China’s “brutal” handling of East Turkistan Muslims in a post entitled; “China, the United States.and al-Qaeda Organization” (muslm.net, July 7, 2009). On the trouble in the oil-rich Xinjiang region, a jihadi forum member, nicknamed Ibn Khaldoon al-Jaza’iri, accused the United States of interfering in Chinese affairs by instigating the Uyghur Muslims in East Turkistan to rebel against the government.

The prospect of China taking a leading role in the world as the next superpower is disturbing to the United States. Therefore, wherever there are Chinese investments, especially in oil and gas, there are troubles caused by the United States, alleges al-Jaza’iri. The United States tries to impede China’s quest for alternative sources of energy badly needed for its rapidly growing economy. For example, China has made big strides in Africa by building strong relations with oil-rich nations based on mutual interests.

According to al-Jaza’iri, China exchanges its know-how in infrastructure projects in return for oil from African countries such as Nigeria and Algeria, but the United States uses the Islamic jihadi factions to hinder Chinese efforts to establish a presence in Africa. As an example, al-Jaza’iri gives the terrorist operation in Algeria’s Borj Bouaririj district, where al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) claimed responsibility for killing 18 Algerian gendarmerie escorting Chinese workers building the highway between Algerian capital and Borj Bouaririj. In this case, al-Jaza’iri does not appear to have done his homework - the AQIM attack was carried out when the gendarmerie was returning to barracks after having escorted the Chinese workers to their site.

The attack was clearly directed at government security forces and not the Chinese workers (Echerouk [Algiers], June 18; Middle East Online, June 21).Al-Jaza’iri says the constant harassment of Chinese workers by jihadi factions manipulated by the United States raises Chinese investment costs, but adds that jihadis should be careful not to fall for U.S. exploitation and should refrain from attacking Chinese technicians and workers building roads, communication networks and oil facilities for the benefit of Muslims in Islamic countries.

It’s likely that the United States will attempt to set fire to Eastern Turkistan by directly or indirectly supporting jihadi operations there, similar to what they did in Afghanistan, backed by religious fatwas (religious rulings) from Saudi Arabia’s Salafist shaykhs.

The “stupid Chinese communist regime,” blinded by its hatred for Islam, is expected to fall for the U.S. plan and commit massacres in Eastern Turkistan.

Finally, al-Jaza’iri concludes his posting by calling on al-Qaeda leaders to be smart enough not to plunge into the U.S. trap to weaken China.

The majority of forum members disagreed with al-Jaza’iri. “Abu Hamza al-Alawi” rejected the notion that the mujahideen could be manipulated by the United States, adding the mujahideen follow their own agenda regardless of who benefits from their terrorist actions, so long as jihadi objectives are met. The era of U.S. weapons supplies for Muslims to fight communists is over, says al-Alawi, adding that the Western experience with jihadi factions has taught them that Muslims can’t be manipulated.

In response to al-Alawi’s rebuke, al-Jaza’iri insists the Mujahideen are supported by the West in cases that serve their interests. He contends the West doesn’t categorize the Chechen Mujahideen as a terrorist group because they serve the Western objective of weakening the Russian Federation. [1] The Chechen mujahedeen are considered a legitimate resistance group by the West, which supplies them with weapons through pro-Western Georgia.

Al-Jaza’iri claims the West doesn’t perceive the Chechen fighters to be powerful enough to declare an Islamic state that would pose a threat to the West.

Other jihadi forums also focused on the turmoil in Xinjiang. “Abu Hassim al-Ghareeb” urged Muslims not to forget the Turkistan Muslims suppressed by China and to help prevent the Chinese from liquidating their Islamic identity (hanein.info, July 8).

Regarding ways of supporting Turkistan, some forum members suggested boycotting Chinese products and investments in Muslim countries, but other, more extreme members called for jihad against China to return the favor of the Turkistan jihadis who they claim poured into Afghanistan in the 1990s, pledged alliance to the Afghan Islamic Emirate, trained in al-Qaeda camps and fought alongside the mujahideen.

In the words of one forum member who urges jihad in China; “Neither boycott nor protests will stop the slaying of our brothers. The solution, known to everyone, is jihad. Who will sell himself to God and rush to the battlefield?”

A third forum member called upon global jihad leaders Osama Bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri to pay more attention to the revolution in Turkistan and to extend financial and moral support to the Turkistan Mujahideen to make sure they remain adherents of the Salafi creed and part of the global jihadi movement. “Take the initiative. Choose from among them whom you think suitable to lead an Islamic Emirate” said a posting from an Iraqi jihadi forum (faloja1.info, July 8).

Again, the jihadi forum members betray their lack of knowledge about East Turkistan – Salafists are extremely rare in the region, where Sufism remains the dominant creed of Xinjiang’s Sunni Muslims.

Members of more moderate forums expressed concern over conducting terrorist attacks in China. Any terrorist attacks there would give the Chinese government a legitimate reason to crush Turkistan’s Muslims, says “First Lieutenant Ata” - “Muslims should only boycott Chinese products and organize protests in front of Chinese embassies. Any direct external military Muslim interference in Turkistan would only exacerbate the problem” (4flying.com, July 10).

The jihadi forum members’ hypothesis of U.S. manipulation of jihadi factions to prevent China from becoming a superpower seems far fetched. China is not powerful enough to threaten Western powers militarily or confront the United States. At best, China could stir up problems for the purpose of making economic gains from the Western world in a way similar to Russia. It is also unrealistic to assume that al-Qaeda and other jihadi factions would play a significant role in a Chinese-Western struggle over Africa or elsewhere. Al-Qaeda terrorist activities in Algeria, for example, are due to an internal Algerian struggle and not to U.S. manipulation of jihadi factions against China’s newly established interests in the region.

Notes:
1. Presumably al-Jaza’iri means the Chechen mujahideen are not categorized as a terrorist group “in practice.” Several Chechen mujahideen organizations and individuals have appeared on Western and UN designated terrorist lists.

The ceremony will held at the Conference Hall of Pakistan Academy of Letters (PAL) some time between August 10-20. A request in this regard has been submitted to Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani to grace the ceremony and give away the awards. This was stated by Fakhar Zaman, Chairman PAL, at a press briefing held here Thursday.

Giving further details, he said Peter Curman will come from Sweden to receive the ‘Quaid-e-Azam Award’ for Literature, while Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has been requested to come and receive the ‘Quaid-e-Awam Award’ for democracy on behalf of Benazir Bhutto.

Fakhar Zaman said in addition to the translations of Peter Curman’s works, an introduction about his life and works would also be published on the occasion, adding that PAL has already published three books on Benazir as Urdu Poetry, Urdu Prose and English Articles, Impressions and a book of English poems that were published throughout the world.

He also deliberated on the arrangements being finalised for the ‘International Sufism & Peace Conference’, in which more than 100 delegates from 70 different countries will participate along with Pakistani writers from all the country’s four provinces. He said all arrangements in this regard are completed and Prime Minister Gilani is expected to preside the inaugural session of the four-day conference to be held from October 4-7.

The PAL chairman also said that the Academy has planned to produce a number of publications to mark the Sufism Conference that includes ‘Mystic Poets of Pakistan’ (in Urdu, English, Arabic, Chinese, French, Russian, Spanish and Persian); ‘A selection of Resistance Literature (1999-2007)’; a special issue of ‘Adbiyaat’ on world literature; a selection of writings from different Pakistani languages published from 1947 to 2008 (English translation); special issue of ‘Pakistani Literature’ on Pakistani women’s writings from Pakistan; International Conference 1995; ‘Quest of Peace in the Twilight’; and ‘The Cultural Policy of Pakistan’.

He said these books are published and would be inaugurated at the Conference.

Fakhar Zaman said that PAL would initiate to work as a publisher to publish quality books at minimum cost, offering an incentive to writers who can’t afford to publish their books due to economic constraints, and also books of new emerging writers. Under this project, a modern press would be established in the present building of the Academy.

He also announced that PAL is initiating a plan under which the quota of plots for writers would be specified in the schemes of development authorities of the federal capital as well as in the provinces.The chairman briefed the media persons that as Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was the founder of PAL and it was decided in a meeting with Prime Minister Gilani that PAL would publish a book on the personality and writings of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto as a writer and intellectual.

PAL would also reprint ‘Bhutto’s Trial’ in two volumes, comprising of documents and reports regarding the leader’s trial, and is working to produce a selection of writings by anonymous writers, relating to the legendary personality of ZAB, that are a part of folk literature both in Punjabi and Urdu.

Another book titled ‘Khushboo ki Shahadat’, including poems published after ZAB’s murder, are in the process of being published soon. About PAL’s exchange programmes, he said the Academy has a cultural agreement with China for the exchange of writers’ delegations from both the countries and efforts are being made to have similar agreements with other countries as well. In this regard, contacts have been made with some European, Central Asian, and Arab countries.

During his recent visit to European countries, the chairman also visited the Swedish, Italian and Austrian Academies, and progress has been made with regard to initiating a Writers’ Exchange Programme and mutual translation of literature with these countries.

PAL is planning to publish Urdu translations of modern American poets while English translations of Pakistani poets would be produced in America, he added.PAL has also announced the ‘Pas-e-Zindaan Award’ for best writings that appeared during the last four martial law periods, written in prison.

Based on the memories of such torments and tortures, many memoirs, historical documents and research material were published. PAL will give awards to the best among such writings.

Decision regarding the awards will be made by a national committee consisting of 13 prominent writers and judges. The award is worth Rs100,000 each.

PAL is also planning to publish books that will be awarded the ‘Pas-e-Zindaan Award’, as most of such books are not available in the market.

Monday, July 27, 2009

By Sholto Byrnes, *The Case for God: What Religion Means By Karen Armstrong* - New Statesman - London, England, UK
Saturday, July 16, 2009At a swift glance, the title of Karen Armstrong’s new book (the subtitle is in very small print) might mislead the casual observer into thinking that she has written a case for the existence of God; that she has unearthed some “proof” unaccountably overlooked by Anselm and Aquinas, or has triumphantly restated the Argument from Design in a way that will smite the enemies of religion as surely as Yahweh’s people smote the Midianites, the Canaanites and those unfortunately named Philistines.

Armstrong has done something far cleverer and more subtle than that, however. The alter­native would have brought her on to a battlefield of her opponents’ choosing, the one on which Richard Dawkins, Christopher Hitchens and Sam Harris have pitched their tents. Those three, she writes, “insist that fundamentalism constitutes the essence and core of all religion”. In fact, she argues, it is “a defiantly unorthodox form of faith that frequently misrepresents the tradition it is trying to defend”.

The God whom Armstrong is discussing is one whose existence cannot be proved in any way to rational satisfaction, not by the ontological arguments of Anselm and Descartes, nor by science, as Newton thought he had. In fact, even to talk of his “existence” is in itself troublesome. The point she makes from the start is that language, being necessarily limited to human comprehension, cannot fully convey anything about God. All statements about Him are therefore at best analogical – when we say He is “perfectly good”, that is only the shadow of a goodness impossible for us to grasp – and any suggestion of literalism is to fall into a gross and idolatrous anthropomorphism.

Although this may come as a surprise to the millions of Christians who entertain thoughts of God as a jovial beardie – a celestial Frank Dobson, if you will – it is familiar territory for any student of theology or philosophy of religion. Which is why Armstrong is right to describe the analysis of the Dawkinsites, who have made the god they wish to dismiss into just such a being, as “disappointingly shallow” and “based on such poor theology”. It is also why the poisoned darts of Armstrong’s critics (see Johann Hari’s review of Does God Hate Women? in the NS of 6 July) fail to pierce her arguments. They are aimed at territory she does not wish to defend.

It may seem as though stating the near-inadequacy of language is a strange point from which to begin making a case for the deity; would not such an argument be, as the philosophers say, somewhat short on “meaningful content”? But Armstrong argues that in Christianity, “until the modern period, nobody thought of confining their attention to a literal reading of the plain sense of scripture”, and notes that the more mystical and transcendent form of Islam, Sufism, was the “dominant mood” in that religion from the 12th to the 19th centuries; and she quotes how the 6th-century Babylonian Talmud instructed the Jews to regard their sacred books: “What is Torah? It is the interpretation of Torah.” Religion was something to be experienced, its books to be chanted and debated, and only through this could a glimpse of its ineffable truths be gained.

The fixing of texts first came about with the advent of printing, which elevated what was on the page above the spoken, physically felt and thus more mutable word, and then with the search for certainty associated with both the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation. Scientific rationalism made religion even more earthbound when the churches welcomed it, believing it could prove that creation must have been the work of a supreme agent.

By allowing this to become their new foundation stone, however, they tried to harness a discipline that was to undermine them, and which over the past two centuries has displaced and discounted that part of human experience which cannot be empirically verified or quantified.

Harking back to the Greeks, Armstrong talks of how mythos, a story encapsulating a timeless, eternal dimension, has been edged out by logos, reasoned, scientific thought. Because we see the past through the prism of the present, we fail to acknowledge that the supremacy of logos over mythos is an aberration, and that for thousands of years the two coexisted quite happily; even Calvin was happy for scripture to accommodate science.

In more recent times, however, we have denied the force of that “power beyond our knowledge”, as Euripides put it, surrendering instead to that “meddling intellect”, lamented by Wordsworth, which “murders to dissect”.

What we have lost in the process is the peace and joy of “unknowing”, of contemplating that which we cannot properly conceptualise. Confronted by a mystery – “something in which I find myself caught up, and whose essence is not before me in its entirety” – we instantly try to reduce it to a problem, “something met which bars my passage”.

Yet some of the greatest scientists and philosophers, the gods of the new scientific rationalist fundamentalists, from David Hume to Albert Einstein, were never so reductionist. The knowledge that “what is impenetrable to us really exists, manifesting itself to us as the highest wisdom and the most radiant beauty which our dull faculties can comprehend in their most primitive forms . . . is at the centre of all true religiousness”, wrote Einstein. In this sense alone, he said, “I belong to the ranks of devoutly religious men.”

This “stunned appreciation of an ‘otherness’ beyond the reach of language”, for Armstrong, constitutes the heart of every religion. Their liturgies and rituals, their myths and legends that explained creation and helped mankind deal with quotidian misfortune and misery, were all constructed to aid adherents in the path towards this goal. And containing as these faiths all do some variant of the “Golden Rule” – do to others as you would have done to yourself – the steps on this path involved charity and compassion, not the intolerance of fundamentalists and their mirror image, the new God-destroyers.

All else, and yes that includes the many terrible things that have been done in the name of religion over the centuries, is distortion, idolatry and misinterpretation.

If you accept this, and Armstrong makes a good historic and theological argument that it is so, then who among us would wish to admit this: that they had lived a life so impoverished that it contained no inkling of that wonder and transcendence she wishes us to acknowledge? Her case rests.

Sunday, July 26, 2009

The best-known mystic of Islam is Jalal al-Din Rumi (1207-1273), a famous poet who lived in what is present-day Turkey. Rumi wrote numerous poems, many about "the Religion of Love." He founded or enhanced the esctatic dancing of the Mevlevi Sufi order, known in the West as the Whirling Dervishes.

Showing love to other people was paramount for Rumi. He wrote, "My religion is to live through Love – life through this spirit and body is my shame." He also wrote, "The intellect does not know and is bewildered by the Religion of Love – even if it should be aware of all religions." He further wrote, " If Love’s pulse does not beat within a man, let him be Plato, he is but an ass. If a head is not full of love, that head is behind the tail."

In other words, knowledge alone is not enough in life. A person must also put his knowledge – especially about religion – into practice by demonstrating care for other people.

Rumi's mystical poetry also uses the language of love to describe a person’s relationship with the Almighty. God is called the Beloved and the seeker is designated as the Lover.

"The joy and heartache of the lovers is He,
the wages and salary for their service He.

Were aught to be contemplated other than the Everlasting Beloved,
how would that be Love? That would be infatuation.

Love is that flame which, when it blazes up,
burns away everything except the Beloved.

It drives home the sword of no god in order to slay other than god.
Consider carefully, after no god what remains?"

In other words, the reward for having a relationship with God is the "joy and heartache" of being in love.

The most important thing that should fill the attention of a seeker is their relationship with the "Everlasting Beloved," Who is God. Everything that is not of Him is not important – or less so. Anything not of Him will not remain, but He endures forever.

The significance of Islamic mysticism, as expressed by Rumi, is that living a life that demonstrates love and care is more important that espousing religious dogma. He understood the value of intellect in worshiping God, but also knew that living from the heart is equally vital.

Rumi’s labeling of his faith as being "the Religion of Love" is noteworthy because he is not talking about Islam. Instead, he is describing a Higher Principle that supercedes religious labels and denominations.

It is an other-worldly, mystical way to relate to God and Humankind. It is a love-relationship with the Almighty that is expressed by demonstrating care to other people.

For more info: The Sufi Path of Love: The Spiritual Teachings of Rumi by William C. Chittick (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1983).

Saturday, July 25, 2009

By Dr. Jassim Taqui, *Forum for Sufism to be established in Marrakech* - Pakistan Observer - Islamabad, ISB, Pakistan
Friday, July 17, 2009

—An International Forum for Sufism would be established in the historic city of Marrakech. The idea of the Forum was floated by Sidi Shiker World Gatherings of Tassauf Affiliates.

One thousand followers of Sufism from 50 countries travelled to Marrakech to attend the gathering , as part of an event intended to forge links between Sufism in Morocco and its various branches around the world.

The proposed Forum would be independent and would include various schools of thoughts of Islamic mysticism. It would serve as a flexible framework to promote understanding, work, contact, and exchange regarding the activities of Sufis around the world.

The body could begin its work by implementing essential projects such as a comprehensive overhaul of Sufi institutions and the creation of a website to meet their needs.

Morocco offered to host the new institution, as Sufism plays an integral part in its national identity. King Mohammed VI sent a message to the participants, saying that Sufism in Morocco shows a balanced view of Islam, advocating love and fraternity.

“In addition to their ability to identify the roots of the problem and propose solutions,” the king wrote, “the great wisdom of the Sufis has helped them to identify a way forwards whenever the interests of our community have been at stake”.

Morocco has a long history with Sufism. It is both a religious and a political choice at the same time. For centuries, the kings of Morocco have maintained a strong link between the Commander of the Faithful and Sufis in order to preserve the Islamic faith as well as religious doctrine.

It is no accident that international meetings are held in Sidi Chiker, since the site has been a meeting-place for ulemas ever since Islam arrived in Morocco in the seventh century and has been a centre for religious guidance.The theme of Sidi Chiker World Meetings has been seeking to draw inspiration from the spiritual values of Sufism and come up with innovative approaches to educating Muslims about various aspects of their lives, in order to foster their religious and spiritual development.

Participants hailed the Moroccan initiative, which promotes Sufism in what some see as an era of disagreements and misunderstandings.

Many Sufis believe their teachings can provide a remedy for problems currently faced by states, such as terrorism and extremism.

Sufism calls on Muslims to rally together and to steer clear of disputes and conflicts. The Sufis called for projecting the real image of Islam as the religion of tolerance and peace at a time when extremism is on the rise. Thus reviving Sufism can play an important role as an ethical path to personal and collective development within Muslims.

Friday, July 24, 2009

By Rasheed Khalid, *‘Harchandrai: Father of Modern Karachi’ launched* - The News International - Karachi, Pakistan
Thursday, July 16, 2009

Islamabad: Speakers at the launching of ‘Harchandrai — Father of Modern Karachi’ by Khadim Hussain Soomro praised the author for writing a book on a person who worked on building the commercial capital and the biggest city of Pakistan without espousing any biases on the basis of caste and creed.

In his opening remarks, Professor Mirza said that Soomro authored many books and when he writes on somebody, he takes him to super-natural proportions. He also stores a load of superlatives for the purpose.

He has very strong inclination for documentation, said Prof Mirza adding that Soomro also puts love of labour in the book on Karachi.

Soomro who also heads Sindh Sufi Institute said that Liaquat Ali Khan closed 500 schools using Sindhi, as medium of instructions with one shot.

He said that Karachi was city of tolerance at the time of ‘Harchandrai’ and now is on warpath. He said that business was under Hindus then and everything in the market was pure and now all the business is under Seth Janatwals and there is no pure thing in the city. He said that it is he who espoused the idea of separation of Sindh from Mumbai.

Prof Fazalullah Qureshi said that one finds a nationalist in Khadim Soomro. He said that earlier Karachi was looked after by collectors while ‘Harchandrai’ did not belong to that cadre and remained chief of the municipal body of Karachi for 10 years. Ashraf Ansari lamented that even our Constitution has room for discrimination in a very subtle manner while our Quaid believed in equality and social justice. He said that the book gives a message that all citizens are equal and should be given the status in the society irrespective of ones religion.

Addressing the gathering, Prof Abdul Razaq Memon said that ‘Harchandrai’ was a very rich man and his family had gardens, palaces and resorts. He said that planning is lacking in our policies and once beautiful Karachi has become an ugly city because of that.

Adeel Jamaldin Khan said that the book enlightens young generation about the old Karachi and covers every aspect of ‘Harchandrai’, as a lawyer, a citizen and a social worker.

Prof Shabana Fayyaz said that the book is an educating study that unfolded aspects, which the students of Pakistan Movement did not know.

The meeting passed a resolution to re-erect the statute of ‘Harchandrai’ now in Mahota Palace at the head office of Karachi Metropolitan Corporation.

Thursday, July 23, 2009

Johannesburg: The new African headquarters of an India-based Sufi spiritual foundation hopes to aid youth who are increasingly being afflicted by substance abuse.

The foundation was opened here Sunday by Hazrat Syed Muhammad Jilani Ashraf.

“Through my 15 years of travelling through the continent (of Africa) and the world, I have found an increasing concern for youth, irrespective of religious affiliation, being affected by drug and substance abuse,” Jilani said.

“At our dargah (shrine of a Muslim saint) in Kichocha, we have developed alternative Sufi methods to reaffirm moral values and spirituality in such youth in a three-month programme.”

Jilani said although there had been calls to run the programme here, it was far more practical to have the potential candidates for the programme in India, as the spiritual environment in which they would find themselves there was a critical part of the success of the programme.

“We have taken a number of youths from Europe and the US there already, with great success,” Jilani said, adding that a programme from the new office here would begin this September.

“Even during my visit (to South Africa), I have had many people approaching me for assistance with wayward sons. They say that while they have all the material wealth that they could want, they have no peace in their hearts because of this. I have encouraged them to send their children to us so we can return them with new thinking on morality and spirituality.”

Jilani said facilities at the shrine had also assisted many people with illnesses that could not be cured by doctors. He cited the case of a young South African man who he said had suffered for 16 years from an inexplicable ailment but was now back with his family.

“We welcome people from any religion, and parents will just have to bear the costs of getting their children there and back. All other lodging and boarding needs we will take care of. Of course, any sightseeing to Agra or Delhi or Ajmer will have to be on their own account,” Jilani concluded with a smile.

Wednesday, July 22, 2009

Johannesburg: Congress president Sonia Gandhi has promised to look into allegations that the pilgrimage sites of Muslim saints in India do not get the same attention from the government as those of other religious groups, says a visiting Sufi leader.

"The meeting with Soniaji was a follow-up to an acknowledgement in parliament by the home affairs minister to a Sufi Federation of India delegation that Sufi dargahs in India are a major point of national integration," Hazrat Syed Muhammad Jilani Ashrafi of the Spiritual Foundation in Kichocha, Uttar Pradesh, said here before returning home Monday.

The Muslim leader had come here to launch the new home of the Foundation's Africa office, which will provide social, welfare and spiritual services to all those needing them, irrespective of race or creed. "Millions of pilgrims of all faiths come to seek blessings and the intercession of saints for the fulfilment of their desires at the shrines (of Muslim saints in India) every year, yet we find that these places do not have proper facilities," said Ashrafi.

"A place like Ajmer, which attracts 16 crore pilgrims from all over the world annually, needs to have its own airport; its own university; and the government tourism agencies need to market it in the same way that they do the holy places of other religious groups."

Ashrafi said Gandhi had been surprised when told that the Muslim sites were lacking proper facilities and had promised to look into the matter.

"She told us that it was the first time she had heard about this, and we informed her that this was probably because the advisors in her office for Muslim affairs were not supportive of Sufi objectives."

Tuesday, July 21, 2009

Peshawar: European nations have not only recognized the sacrifices of Pakistanis they rendered in the war against terror, but they are also having knowledge of our problems and eager to help resolve the same, Fakharuz-Zaman, chairman Pakistan Academy of Letters (PAL), said.

He was talking to a delegation of writers from NWFP and a group of journalists in Islamabad on Monday.

Dr Muhammad Azam Azam, resident director Pakistan Academy of Letters, NWFP chapter, led the writers’ delegation that called on Fakhar on his return from a visit to Austria, Italy, Sweden, etc.

“The literary figures in Europe have also reiterated their resolve to create awareness among Europeans through literature and media about Pakistani nation’s struggle and sacrifices in the war against terror to express solidarity with Pakistanis,” he said.

He said he had briefed European writers, poets and intellectuals during his visit about the PAL services for the promotion of literary activities and welfare of men of litters.They were also informed about the PAL plans, including Quaid-e-Azam Award for Literature, Quaid-e-Awam Award for Democracy and other awards, he said.

Fakharuz-Zaman said he had exchanged views with European writers, poets and intellectuals over international conference on Sufism and lasting peace being held here soon and forwarded them invitation which they had accepted.

They appreciated the launching of literary TV channel and radio station and termed it a great achievement and effort for the promotion of literature, he added.

Monday, July 20, 2009

The Sidi Chiker World Meetings brought Sufis from 50 countries together in Marrakech on July 10th-12th. Participants discussed the creation of an international Sufi organisation.

One thousand followers of Sufism from 50 countries travelled to Marrakech on July 10th, as part of an event intended to forge links between Sufism in Morocco and its various branches around the world. The Sidi Chiker World Meetings, organised by the Ministry of Islamic Affairs and Habous, ran through Sunday (July 12th).

"We are seeking to draw inspiration from the spiritual values of Sufism and come up with innovative approaches to educating Muslims about various aspects of their lives, in order to foster their religious and spiritual development", said the ministry in a statement.

Participants hailed the Moroccan initiative, which promotes Sufism in what some see as an era of disagreements and misunderstandings. Many Sufis believe their teachings can provide a remedy for problems currently faced by states, such as terrorism and extremism.

Ibrahim Saleh, who comes from Niger, said that Sufism calls on Muslims to rally together and to steer clear of disputes and conflicts. "A meeting like this, which brings together Sufis from all walks of life, makes it possible for us to share points of view so that we can achieve the goals of Sufism," he said.

Nahila Kivana from Pakistan said that it is necessary to project an image of Islam as a religion of tolerance and peace at a time when extremism is on the rise.

Hussein Sherif from Jordan said that it is time to revive Sufism so that it can play its role as an ethical path to personal and collective development within Islam.

During the event, it was proposed that a world body representing followers of Sufism be created.
"It would serve as a flexible framework to promote understanding, work, contact, and exchange regarding the activities of brotherhoods around the world," said Moroccan Minister of Islamic Affairs Ahmed Toufiq.

He added that the body could begin its work by implementing essential projects such as a comprehensive overhaul of Sufi institutions and the creation of a website to meet their needs.
Morocco offered to host the new institution, as Sufism plays an integral part in its national identity, Toufiq said.

King Mohammed VI wrote an open letter to the participants, saying that Sufism in Morocco shows a balanced view of Islam, advocating love and fraternity.

"In addition to their ability to identify the roots of the problem and propose solutions," the king wrote, "the great perspicacity of the Sufis has helped them to identify a way forwards whenever the interests of our community have been at stake".

Mohamed Jabbour, a professor of Islamic affairs, said that Morocco has a long history with Sufism. "It's both a religious and a political choice at the same time. For centuries, the kings of Morocco have maintained a strong link between the Commandery of the Faithful and Sufi brotherhoods in order to preserve the Sunni faith as well as religious doctrine. Gifts are regularly given to mausoleums to sustain the tradition," he commented.

He also said that it is no accident that international meetings are held in Sidi Chiker, since the site has been a meeting-place for ulemas ever since Islam arrived in Morocco in the seventh century and has been a centre for religious guidance.

International meetings for followers of Sufism have been held every two years in Sidi Chiker since 2004.

Sunday, July 19, 2009

Presenting heritage walks is a multi-skilled art requiring theatrical acumen, academic depth and in order to provide a holistic sense, it is important to bring in tradition bearers into the presentation.

They are unique repositories of oral histories on historical sites that provide a holistic narrative to the cultural production. As an illustration, I’ll talk about a heritage walk at the Sufi shrine of Matka Pir.

The Sufi dargah is situated just behind the premises of the crafts museum [on the way to Purana Quila] in New Delhi. Over 800 years old, the shrine belongs to the Qalander silsila of Sufism.

It predates the shrine of Hazrat Nizamuddin Aulia, who, it is believed, came to pay respects to the saint Hazrat Sheikh Abu Bakr Tulshi Haideri Kalandari Rahmatullah, buried at this shrine.

According to the present head caretaker of Hazrat Nizamuddin, Khwaja Hasan Nizami Sani, the maintenance of the shrine was supervised by the Nizamuddin shrine until the 20th century.

The shrine of Matka Pir stands atop a small hillock. At the entrance leading to the hill, there are shops selling offerings, especially matkas. Earthen clay water pitchers hang on tall keekar tress.

For my walks, I make it a point to invite Pir Mohammed Naseem, the caretaker of the shrine as an ‘actor’ in the production—he takes great pride in narrating oral history. He is usually surrounded by large number of ‘patients’, who come to him for barkat—blessings—for solutions to their worldly problems and to exorcise evil djinns, which he does by giving them verses to chant, or talismans to wear.

The Pir begins his narrative in a theatrical fashion, “A traveller suffering from an incurable skin disease came to the baba, asking for water and blessings. Soon after, he returned to the dargah, completely cured. People started thronging the dargah to seek the blessings of the Pir to solve their problems.”

“Sultan Balban was keen to test the powers of the Pir. He sent him a platter full of iron balls and mud. The Pir covered the plate and started praying. After a while when he lifted the cover, he found that the iron balls had turned into roasted gram and the mud into gur (jaggery). The baba then mixed part of the gur with gram and water (which then changed into sweet milk).”

“Even today the ritual offerings include roasted chanas, gur and milk in matkas. The baba came to be known as Baba Matka.”

Sufi Khwaja Hasan Nizami Sani of Hazrat Nizamuddin, the head caretaker of the Nizamuddin shrine, told me that his father advised the caretaker of the shrine to hang the pots on the keekar trees to deal with the huge number of matkas left in the premises. A scheme for waste management was transformed into a sacred ritual for wish fulfillment.

Khwaja Hasan Nizami Sani told me yet another anecdote of oral history. The year 1912 was marked by the Delhi-Lahore conspiracy case in which an attempt was made to assassinate Viceroy Lord Hardinge on the occasion of the transfer of the capital of the British from Calcutta to New Delhi. Luckily, the Viceroy who was sitting on an elephant, escaped unhurt but his mahout was killed.

A few weeks ago before the attempt, his father Khwaja Hasan Nizami, acting on sheer intuition had written an article in a newspaper, warning of a threat to Hardinge’s life. Khwaja Sahib was arrested on suspicion of involvement in the conspiracy but was later released.

Lady Hardinge came personally to the Khwaja for his forewarning and sought his blessings. In return she was instrumental in preventing the demolition of the shrine of Matka Pir when a road was built.

Sidi Chiker Meeting of Adherents of Sufism: Opening at Marrakesh of the Proceedings of the 2nd edition of the World Meetings.

Marrakech: Initiated by the Ministry of Religious Endowment and Islamic Affairs, the three days global meeting aims to foster links and contacts between members of Sufism in Morocco and the rest of the world, especially since the Kingdom is one of the cradles of Sufi thought, based on supreme human values from the Holy Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet Sidna Mohammed (pbuh).

After a first Conference held in 2004, the international meetings of Sidi Chiker's Adherents of Sufism will now be held every two years.

Friday, July 17, 2009

By TNI Correspondent, *Capturing the wisdom of modern mystic* - The News International - Karachi, Pakistan
Friday, July 10, 2009

Islamabad: When the believer’s light of joy goes out, the unbeliever’s home is lit up with ceremonial lamps. What will he, who has no light in his heart, gain from a festival of lamps?

Such enlightened messages of mysticism from Wasif Ali Wasif is the only remedy to contemporary challenges facing us today and Ejazul Haque’s book ‘Farmaish’ captures the true spirit and wisdom of this modern mystic of contemporary times.

National Language Authority Chairman Iftikhar Arif said this while sharing his views at the launching ceremony of a book titled ‘Farmaish’ under the auspices of National Book Foundation here on Thursday.

Professor Fateh Mohammad Malik presided over the launching ceremony attended by a significant number of intellectuals and literati from the twin metropolis. Ahmad Javed was the keynote speaker, while the author Ejazul Haque was also present to share his experience and read out extracts from the book. Hamid Qaiser of NBF and other participants also put in their views later in a dialogue.

The book compiled by Ejazul Haque, is a tribute by a disciple to commemorate the memory and wisdom of Wasif Ali Wasif. Based on reminiscence of his life and mystic thoughts, the book is a collection of anecdotes from his life and also his great words of wisdom and speeches from time to time. If anyone has not studied Wasif Ali Wasif, after reading this book, one is sure to search for every book written by Wasif Ali for his thought provoking ideas and simple yet but very unfathomable words.

Professor Fateh Mohammad Malik said that in these conflicting times, Sufi thoughts needs to be promoted, as beacon of light in dark hours. He described the book, as a unique contribution of the author for collecting the words of wisdom of Wasif Ali Wasif, who enjoyed great respect for his contemplative wisdom and people used to gather around him to listen to his speeches. He said that Wasif Ali Wasif has left as a product of his mind a treasure invaluable of the wisdom of the real Islamic spirit and ideology in his books.

Iftikhar Arif said that apart from being a poet and columnist, Wasif Ali Wasif was also a unique follower of mysticism, which represents the true Islamic spirit and ideology that is reflected in his own words ‘Islam is not the name given to the body of Muslim knowledge, but to the pattern of Muslim behaviour. In other words, Islam is not something to be talked but something to be done’.

Iftikhar Arif said that the book is a tribute of a disciple, as the author Ejaz has collected Wasif Ali’s biography, his sayings, and reminiscences of his close interactions with his followers.

Iftikhar Arif said that for words like ‘Wasif mujhe azal se mili manzile awvad, har daur pe muhit hoon jis zawiye mey hoon’ he was revered for his unique literary style. “Wasif Ali used to write short pieces of prose on spiritual aspect touching topics like life, fear, expectations, and happiness,” he said and added in his life time, most of his columns were combined to form books with his own selected title. Probably no contemporary Urdu writer is more cited in quotations than Wasif Ali Wasif.

In later years, he was known to answer questions in specially arranged gatherings at Lahore attended by the notable community. Some of these sessions were recorded in audio and were later published as ‘Guftagu’ talk series.

Wasif Ali Wasif has over 30 books to his credit and his thought was more on mysticism, spirituality and humanity.

Born in Khushab back in 1929, Wasif Ali Wasif received his primary education under the supervision of his father in Khushab, and graduated with distinction from his maternal place Jhang. Moving to Lahore, he obtained degree of MSc in Mathematics from Government Islamia College, and Masters in English from Government College, Lahore.

This world has seen many great essayists, but the essays of Wasif have their own distinctive quality that could be easily differentiated from the works of other stalwarts. Wasif had written four books in Urdu prose titled ‘Dil Darya Samundar’, ‘Kiran Kiran Suraj’, ‘Qatra Qatra Qulzum’, and ‘Harf Harf Haqiqat’. All these are wonderful works having a touch of mysticism, and judging from the merit of these works, it will not be a miss to say that these works could be placed in the line of great Islamic mystic writers of the past.

Wasif Ali Wasif died on January 18, 1993. Being famous for Sufism and respected by many people, he is usually referred to as Hazrat Wasif Ali Wasif.

His shrine is located in Lahore near Chauburjee, where his ‘urs’ is celebrated every year from 22nd to 24th of the month of Rajab.

Thursday, July 16, 2009

When writing Arabic, the scribe must be aware of which letters can connect, what form the letters take next to other letters, when to dip the characters below the guiding line and how they all connect to one another.

“It’s challenging,” Carol Zaru said.Zaru, who teaches Arabic at McDaniel College in Westminster, is teaching a weeklong course on the language at Common Ground on the Hill, which is a traditional music and arts foundation whose focal piece is two weeks of classes in summer.

This week, the class has learned day by day to write letters and say certain phrases.“You’re getting there, you’re getting there,” Zaru said to the class after practicing some writing Wednesday afternoon.

Earlier in the class, Zaru went from student to student, asking them questions like, “What is your name?” and “Where are you from?” in Arabic.The students have already learned basics and were able to answer her questions.

“You can have a whole dialogue going; it’s exciting,” Zaru said to the class.

Student Denise Diegel said the language sounds pretty. Samantha Evans, another student, said the language also looks beautiful when written by someone who hadn’t just learned.

Since Sept. 11, 2001, Zaru said there has been an increased curiosity about the Arab world. She said some of her students use it in careers, others to find out more about the language and culture, and others to try to learn the language.

“They love it for the challenge,” she said.

Those taking the Common Ground course also have varied reasons for choosing this class.

Samantha Evans, 15, of Reisters-town, said this class is an introduction for her.“I’d love to get to the point where I could read the Quran,” she said. Samantha said she is a Sufi, which she described as a type of Islam.

Betsy Garrett, of Towson, said she is a fan of languages.“Arabic is such a different language,” she said. Garrett said she would also love to be able to understand some of the Arabic calligraphy at the Walters Art Museum in Baltimore.

Diegel, of Glyndon, who teaches French and Spanish at Westminster High School, said she would like to become informed enough to start an Arabic program at Westminster.“It’s so needed these days,” she said.

Zaru said she hopes all of her students keep going with the introduction she is giving them to her native tongue.

Born in Jerusalem, Zaru lived most of her life in Palestinian territory and moved to Maryland in 2001. She started teaching at McDaniel in the fall of 2007.

“I’m hoping they will get a good taste for it,” she said. Zaru said she also wants people to become more aware of Islam, that not all people who speak Arabic are Muslims.

“[If people were aware of] the diversity of the Arab world, that would shatter the stereotype,” she said.

Picture: Instructor Carol Zaru demonstrates letters during an Arabic class at Common Ground on the Hill at McDaniel College in Westminster Wednesday. Photo by Dylan Slagle/Staff Photo.

“Muslims have it backwards,” stated the scholar at a recent lecture. “We divide ourselves into categories, even though it specifically states not to do so in the Qur’an, and we refer to every non-Muslim as a kafir, even though non-Muslims are divided into categories in the Qur’an."

“Yeah, why do we do that?” I asked myself. “Aren’t we all just Muslims?”

Mentioned in the Qur’an are kafirun (disbelievers), mushrikun (polytheists), and munafiqun (hypocrites, i.e., those who state that they are Muslim but conceal their disbelief). The word “kafir" tends to be tossed around a lot in some circles, but I have yet to hear anyone described as a mushrik or a munafiq.

I also hear Muslims (including me) describing themselves and others as belonging to a certain group. And usually when someone is describing someone else it is not a compliment.

Although we are told not to divide ourselves into sects (Al Qur’an, 6:159), the Prophet Muhammad, may Allaah bless him and grant him peace, told us that we would:
The Jews were split up into seventy-one or seventy-two sects; and the Christians were split up into seventy one or seventy-two sects; and my community will be split up into seventy-three sects. (Abu Dawud)

I’m not sure how many sects there are now but clearly we are on our way to seventy-three. One of the problems with labeling ourselves differently is that we may begin to feel superior to others.

Imam ‘Abdallah ibn Alwawi al-Haddad discusses “conceit” in his book The Treatise of Mutual Reminding among Loving Brothers, People of Goodness and Religion. He states:
Beware of conceit, for it invalidates works. The Messenger of God (saas) said, “Conceit eats good works just as fire eats firewood.” And he said, “Three things are ruinous: avarice that one obeys, passion that one follows, and admiration that one has for himself.”

Conceit is for someone to see himself as important and his behavior as excellent. From this arises showing off one’s works, feeling superior to others, and being self-satisfied.

As Ibn ‘Ata’illah said, may God’s mercy be upon him, “The root of every sin, distraction, or lust is self-satisfaction.” He who is satisfied with himself does not see his shortcomings. And he who is unaware of his shortcomings, how can he succeed?

May we be protected from conceit and self-satisfaction and led to the Straight Path.

Two new permanent altarpieces have been commissioned for the historic building, but they will not be made from carved wood or marble. Instead, they will be giant plasma screens.

Video artist Bill Viola is to create the pair of displays, expected to flank the cathedral's High Altar and the American Memorial Chapel.

Based on the theme of Mary and the Martyrs, they will be arranged as multiple screens configured in a manner "similar to historic altarpieces", said a spokeswoman today.

Canon Martin Warner, Treasurer of St Paul's, said: "The new works are expected to add to the devotional and reflective experience of visitors to St Paul's, arresting people's attention and inviting them to pause and reflect."

Work will begin on the pieces this summer for completion in early 2011.

New York-born Viola, 58, is hailed as pioneer of video art. He has created installations and sets for the Opera National de Paris, the Guggenheim Museum and the Church of San Gallo in Venice a.o.

His emotionally charged slow-motion works are inspired by traditions within medieval and Renaissance devotional painting and deal with central themes of birth, death, love and spirituality - drawing from Buddhism, Christian mysticism and Islamic Sufism.

He said today: "If I'm successful, the final pieces will function both as aesthetic objects of contemporary art and as practical objects of traditional contemplation."

From the Centennial Website:
Mostaghanem, the birthplace of Sheikh al-Alawee and his eponymous Sufi path, will host an international conference involving reflection, activities, and festivities.

The conference will be held from the 25 to the 31 of July, 2009.

For seven days, seven great questions will be presented, debated, and answered by political personalities, religious leaders, thinkers, specialists, and field workers from all over the world.

In view of the major challenges and global emergencies facing the world today, the Alaweya Sufi path (Tareqa Alaweya, in Arabic) will conduct an in-depth reflection, through conferences and workshops that will lead to concrete projects and sustainable actions.

Nourished by memory and history, this centennial is oriented toward long-lasting endeavor. The Alaweya Sufi path is based on spiritual and universal values, which call for peace and brotherhood.

For the entire past century, it has drawn from previous Sufi teachings to carry out concrete actions. With thousands of members, Tareqa Alaweya’s charisma and experience give it relevance and an undeniable impact in the world.

During the year of 2009, a caravan of hope and many cultural, artistic, and spiritual activities will be organized throughout the Maghreb and Europe as a precursor to the centennial.

[To visit the Centennial website (also in French and Arabic), click on the title of this article.]

Monday, July 13, 2009

Algiers: After using police raids, arrests and gun battles in its fight against Islamist insurgents, Algeria is now deploying a new, more subtle weapon: a branch of Islam associated with contemplation, not combat.

The government of this North African oil and gas producer is promoting Sufism, an Islamic movement that it sees as a gentler alternative to the ultra-conservative Salafism espoused by many of the militants behind Algeria's insurgency.

The authorities have created a television and radio station to promote Sufism and the "zaouias" or religious confraternities that preach and practise it, in addition to regular appearances by Sufi sheikhs on other stations. All are tightly controlled by the state.

Sufism, found in many parts of the Muslim world, places a greater focus on prayer and recitation and its followers have tended to stay out of politics.

In Algeria it has a low profile, with most mosques closer to Salafism -- though not the violent connotations that sometimes carries.

Exact numbers are hard to come by, but George Joffe, a research fellow at the Centre of International Studies, Cambridge University, estimates there are 1-1.5 million Sufis in Algeria, out of a total population of 34 million.

Salafism has its roots in Saudi Arabia and emphasises religious purity. Adherents act out the daily rituals of Islam's earliest followers, for example by picking up food with three fingers and using a "Siwak" -- a toothbrush made out of a twig.

Officials believe Sufism could help bring peace to Algeria, a country still emerging from a conflict in the 1990s between government forces and Islamist rebels that, according to some estimates, killed 200,000 people.

"I disagree with the Salafi ideology because it doesn't take into consideration the particular nature of Algeria," said Mohamed Idir Mechnane, an official at the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
"We are doing a lot to encourage people to come back to our traditional Islam: a peaceful, tolerant and open-minded Islam. And thanks to God, people are much more attracted by our message than by the Salafi message," he told Reuters.

InvocationTo give the Sufi "zaouias" a more central role in society, they are encouraged to arrange marriages, help take care of orphans, teach the Koran and distribute charitable donations.

Followers of Sufism focus on the rituals of "Dhikr" or "Hadra" -- "invocation" or "remembrance" -- which feature sermons, reciting the Koran, praising the Prophet Mohammed, requests for intercession and rhythmic invocations of Allah.

During one "Dhikr" ritual at a Sufi zaoui just outside Algiers last month, about 60 men sat in a circle in a large room and began chanting. After a few minutes, some of the elders rocked from side to side, deep in what appeared to be a trance.

"For over 14 centuries, Islam has been present in this country," said Hadj Lakhdar Ghania, a member of the influential confraternity, Tidjania Zaouia.

"We used to live ... in peace and in harmony. But the day the Salafists said we should implement a new Islam in Algeria, problems and troubles started," he told Reuters.

Though the violence has tailed off sharply, insurgents affiliated with al Qaeda still mount sporadic attacks on government targets, posing a challenge to stability in a country that is the world's fourth biggest exporter of natural gas.

Deploying Sufism against radical Islam is not a new idea. A 2007 report by the U.S.-based Rand Corporation think tank, said Sufism could be harnessed to help promote moderate Islam.
"Traditionalists and Sufis are natural allies of the West to the extent that common ground can be found with them," it said.

Algeria's promotion of Sufism could also have implications for countries such as Iraq and Afghanistan, which also have Sufi traditions and where Western governments are struggling to counter the influence of Islamist radicals.

Follow The Rules"A Sufi should connect with Allah through invocation and prayer. For example, on Fridays we spend several hours ... chanting and reciting the Koran. We repeat 1,200 times the name of Allah, and 1,200 times the name of his Prophet Muhammad," Hadj Lakhdar Ghania said.

The Salafists are a more visible presence in Algeria because while the Sufis do not wear any distinguishing dress, most Salafists have beards and in the street wear the "Kamiss", a long white robe, and white skullcaps.

For some militants, the Salafi puritanism leads to a strict interpretation of religion that justifies violence against non-Salafis.

Many leading Salafis reject violence, and others have renounced it since the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks in the United States. But some militant groups still claim Salafism as their ideology.
Hard-line Islamists say Sufi practices such as visiting the tombs of Sufi saints to seek benediction amount to idolatry.

"Sufism is negative. It doesn't seek change. It promotes charlatanism," said Sheikh Abdelfatah, an influential Salafist imam based in Algiers.

"Salafism is good and combats harmful ideas. We encourage our youth to follow the rules of Islam and get away from the western way of life," said the bearded imam dressed in a Kamiss.

The predecessor organisation to al Qaeda's North African wing was influenced by the movement, calling itself the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat.

Since 2001 however, several Salafist clerics have issued religious decrees condemning violence.
The influential Algerian Salafist cleric Abdelmalek Ramdani, who lives in Saudi Arabia, called on his followers a year ago to keep away from politics and stop using violence.

But to Mouloudi Mohamed, an independent Algerian expert on Islamic issues, the best way to combat extremism is by going back to traditional Islam, not the Salafism that was imported from Saudi Arabia.

"I don't believe we should import solutions but rather use the Islam of our fathers to live in peace," he said.

Its root cause is ethnic tension between the Turkic Muslim Uighurs and the Han Chinese. It can be traced back for decades, and even to the conquest of what is now called Xinjiang by the Manchu Qing dynasty in the 18th Century.

In the 1940s there was an independent Eastern Turkestan Republic in part of Xinjiang, and many Uighurs feel that this is their birthright.

Instead, they became part of the People's Republic of China in 1949, and Xinjiang was declared one of China's autonomous regions, in deference to the fact that the majority of the population at the time was Uighur.

This autonomy is not genuine, and - although Xinjiang today has a Uighur governor - the person who wields real power is the regional secretary general of the Chinese Communist Party, Wang Lequan, who is a Han Chinese.

Inward migration
Under the rule of the Communist Party, there has been considerable economic development, but life has been made more difficult for the Uighurs over the past 20-30 years by the migration of many young and technically-qualified Han Chinese from the eastern provinces.

These new migrants are far more proficient in the Chinese language than all but a few Uighurs, and tend to be appointed to the best jobs.

Not surprisingly, this has created deep-seated resentment among the Uighurs, who view the migration of Han into Xinjiang as a plot by the government to dilute them, undermine their culture and prevent any serious resistance to Beijing's control.

More recently, young Uighurs have been encouraged to leave Xinjiang to find work in the rest of China, a process that had already been under way informally for some years.

There was particular concern at government pressure to encourage young Uighur women to move to other parts of China in search of employment - stoking fears they might end up working in bars or nightclubs or even in prostitution, without the protection of family or community.

Islam is an integral part of the life and the identity of the Uighurs of Xinjiang, and one of their major grievances against the Chinese government is the level of restriction imposed on their religious practices.

There are far fewer mosques in Xinjiang than there were before 1949, and they are subject to severe restrictions.

Children under the age of 18 are not permitted to worship in the mosques, and neither are officials of the Communist Party or the government.

Madrasas - religious schools - are also strictly controlled

Other Islamic institutions that were once a central part of religious life in Xinjiang have been banned, including many of the Sufi brotherhoods, which are based at the tombs of their founders and provided many welfare and other services to their members.

All religions in China are subject to control by the State Administration for Religious Affairs, but the restrictions on Islam among the Uighurs are far harsher than against most other groups, including the Hui who are also Muslims but are Chinese speakers. This severity is a result of the association between Muslim groups and the independence movement in Xinjiang, a movement that is absolute anathema to Beijing.

There are groups within Xinjiang that support the idea of independence, but they are not allowed to do so openly because "splitting the motherland" is viewed as treason.

During the 1990s - after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of independent Muslim states in Central Asia - there was an upsurge in open support for these "separatist" groups, culminating in huge demonstrations in the city of Ghulja in 1995 and 1997.

Beijing suppressed those demonstrations with considerable force, and activists were either forced out of Xinjiang into Central Asia and as far away as Pakistan or were obliged to go underground.

'Climate of fear'
Severe repression since the launch of a "Strike Hard" campaign in 1996 has included harsher controls on religious activity, restrictions on movement, the denial of passports and the detention of individuals suspected of support for separatists and members of their families.
This has created a climate of fear and a great deal of resentment towards the authorities and the Han Chinese.

It is surprising that this resentment has not erupted into public anger and demonstrations before now, but that is a measure of the tightness of control that Beijing has been able to exercise over Xinjiang.

There are a number of emigre Uighur organisations in Europe and the United States; in most cases they advocate genuine autonomy for the region.

In the past, Beijing has also blamed an Eastern Turkestan Islamic Movement for causing unrest, although there is no evidence that this ever existed in Xinjiang.

The authorities in Beijing are unable to accept that their own policies in Xinjiang might be the cause of the conflict, and seek to blame outsiders for inciting the violence - as they do in the case of the Dalai Lama and Tibet.

Even if Uighur emigre organisations wished to provoke unrest, it would be difficult for them to do so and there are, in any case, sufficient local reasons for unrest without the need for external intervention.

Michael Dillon is the former director of the Centre for Contemporary Chinese Studies at the University of Durham. He is also the author of a book entitled Xinjiang: China's Muslim Far Northwest.

Saturday, July 11, 2009

If pre-military operation Swat has a global counterpart, it’s Somalia. Exchange the Taliban for Al-Shabab, a radical Islamic group, and events in the unstable African country will seem eerily familiar to Pakistanis.

The group’s activities are sanctioned by Sharia courts under Shabab’s influence. (Interestingly, these courts sprang up in Somalia about a decade ago to promote law and order in a stateless society with no efficient judicial system — sound familiar?) Shabab first emerged as the militant wing of the Islamic Courts Union, which used to control Somalia.

After 2006, the extremist group launched an insurgency against Somalia’s transitional government and the Ethiopian forces that were stationed around Mogadishu to help preserve the weak government’s writ until January this year. Since 2007, Shabab has claimed links with Al Qaeda and, fuelled by foreign support, recently adopted an expansionist agenda: militants have swept central and southern Somalia recruiting fighters and striking deals with tribal clan leaders to establish Shabab’s control across the country.

Indeed, the similarities between Pakistan’s northwest and Somalia are so intense that, as military operations in Swat and Fata gained intensity, dozens of Al Qaeda fighters fled the tribal belt and relocated to Somalia. There, they will join the ranks of Shabab, which is currently recruiting hundreds of foreign ‘jihadis’ in an effort to topple the six-month-old moderate Islamic government of President Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed.

Given the parallels, it would be worthwhile for the Pakistan government to analyse developments in Somalia to make more informed decisions about how to eradicate militancy from within our borders in the long term. This process could begin with a close look at the role Sufism is playing in the weak Somali state’s struggle for survival.

As is the case with Pakistan, the West is banking on the devotees of Sufi saints — who comprise the majority of Somali Muslims, enjoy grassroots support and unite people across tribal factions — to push back against Shabab. US-based think tanks like Rand and the Heritage Foundation are counting on the Sufi message of love to counter Shabab’s ever-brutal violence, for tolerance to stem hatred and for music and dancing to triumph over coercion.

But that’s not how things are playing out in Somalia.

In December 2008, Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama, an umbrella group of previously peaceful Sufis with loose allegiances to Mogadishu, took up arms against Shabab militants and drove them out of the central Dusa Marreb region. Several gun battles for control of central Somalia — where Sufis are predominant — have ensued, leading to the death of at least one senior Shabab commander. By resorting to violence, Somali Sufis have maintained control of their territory. In fact, Sufi militias are the only force to have confronted Shabab and won.

The clash between Sufis and Wahabi-influenced extremists of Shabab is unprecedented in Somalia. The country has always witnessed clan warfare, which is usually limited to two tribes. The Sufi-Shabab showdowns, which have explicit ideological and sectarian proportions, mark a new era in African instability. Since religious sects provide a banner under which different tribes can unite, religious warfare in Somalia threatens to be widespread, extended and bloody.

The fact that Somali Sufis resorted to violence should give Pakistan pause to think. After all, a protracted war between Sufi devotees and extremists is no better than the battle between the military and militants or lashkars and Taliban recruits. And yet, that could be Pakistan’s future if active steps are not taken to prevent it.

Consider two separate incidents: in February, the provincial government in the NWFP announced a $40m fund to provide arms to anti-Taliban villagers. The idea was to equip an elite force with weapons seized from militants so that villagers could tackle the Taliban on the latter’s terms. The decision was criticised for further weaponising an arms-ridden part of the country and casting Pakistan’s fight against the Taliban as a do-or-die battle, rather than a long-term attempt to alter mindsets through education and provide alternatives to careers in militancy by creating jobs.

Separately, in June, the government announced the formation of a seven-member Sufi Advisory Council (SAC), which will aim to counter extremism by spreading Sufism instead. This move, too, was criticised. Not only does the council’s existence suggest that one version of Islam is preferred in Pakistan over others, but it casts the fight against terrorism as a religious war, rather than a democratic government’s crackdown against those operating beyond the law and undermining the constitution.

Now put the two together. If, in the coming months, armed Sufi adherents — emboldened by the rhetoric of the SAC — take up arms against remnants of the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan in the Frontier province, our country will boast yet another similarity to Somalia — and that can never be a good thing.

The fact is, both Pakistan and Somalia should realise that propping up Sufism as a counter to spreading militancy is a dangerous gamble. It breeds a culture of coercion, in which one interpretation of Islam is imposed on all citizens. Moreover, deepening the spiral of religious warfare will only result in years more of bloodshed and instability.

True democracies are invested in promoting the freedom to practise whichever religion, and however, a person chooses.

Learning from Somalia, Pakistan should be making every effort to minimise the space given to religion in the public sphere.

Friday, July 10, 2009

Mumbai: Saregama India Ltd, India’s foremost music company launched its new album “Tajalli” at The Lalit, Barakhamba Avenue, New Delhi.

The album was launched by the Hon’ble Chief Minister of Delhi Smt. Sheila Dikshit.
The event was attended by an august gathering of eminent journalists and dignitaries.

Speaking at the launch of her album Anita Singhvi said “Tajalli means a Light from Heaven...the light brings the essence of Love and Devotion to one and all. Sufism is the ultimate devotion to one’s own God through self realization. It guides a man to reach God.The motive of this album is to disseminate the message of love and peace amongst all in this strife ridden world.”

Mr. Apurv Nagpal, MD, Saregama India said, “The spirit of the Sufi is human soul in its simplicity - bare, free and steeped in divine love. Perhaps only music can adequately convey a state of being so simple and yet so profound. We at Saregama are privileged to partner in creation of this ethereal music – with an artiste truly devoted to spreading the message of the Sufi through her gift of music”.

Wajahat Habibullah’s view is important because he served as a civil servant in Jammu & Kashmir when it was going through the throes of the insurrection starting 1990. He was the only Muslim in that year’s batch of the Indian Administrative Service, a branch of the All India Services, and the ruling chief minister happened to be a friend of his father’s, which became “the subject of some conjecture in the press gossip”.

The majority of the Jammu and Kashmir population now living within India — more than 5.4 million according to the 2001 census — are in the Kashmir Valley, known as the Kashmir Division. The Kashmiri language, spoken in the valley and in the areas immediately abutting it, is a Dardic language. The second major component is the Jammu Division, with a population of just under 4.4 million, more than 60 percent Hindu and 30 percent Muslim — the latter forming a majority in three of Jammu’s six districts with languages that are variations of Punjabi, distinct from Kashmiri.

The third component of Jammu and Kashmir, though administratively under the Kashmir Division, is Ladakh (population 233,000), the largest of the three in area, with a slim Muslim majority, mostly Shia, in contrast to predominantly Sunni Kashmir. One of Ladakh’s two districts, Kargil, theatre of war between India and Pakistan in 1999, is predominantly Shia Muslim (73 percent), as is adjoining Baltistan in the Northern Area of Pakistan-administered Kashmir. The district of Leh, to the south, has a Buddhist majority. (p.7)

Habibullah is disturbed by Pakistanis’ newfound contempt for the tolerant Sufi culture in Islam. He writes: “In November 2003, while talking to a group of Pakistani Americans in Washington, DC, over an iftar, I was surprised to learn of the Pakistani Americans’ low regard for the influence the Sufi shrines still exert over common folk in India and Pakistan. The general feeling was that these shrines were the haunts of deluded illiterates and instruments for extortion by avaricious con men. Although many Indians, Muslims as well as Hindus, look askance at the extortion in the guise of religion that occurs at several Sufi shrines — identical to what occurs at many Hindu temples — the Indian intelligentsia does not view the shrines with the same contempt expressed by the Pakistani intelligentsia.” (p.17)

The author is clear about why Sheikh Abdullah, the charismatic leader of J&K, did not join Muslim Pakistan: “As a National Conference leader, Sheikh Abdullah faced a clear choice: he could join a Muslim nation whose leadership would surely be Punjabi, a people whom Kashmiris feared and distrusted and who were unlikely to respect the distinct religious tradition and identity of Kashmiris. Alternatively, he could join a secular state, where Kashmiris would be assured freedom in a new nation and the source of those assurances of freedom was someone of Kashmiri descent, who cherished that heritage and was a personal friend of the Sheikh’s, with an inclusive vision of what India was to be.” (p.19)

India had its first war with Pakistan immediately after Independence, after it moved to annex J&K. Nehru went to the UN for justice but got an in-between verdict from the Security Council. The UN Resolution of August 13, 1948, called for determination of the future status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir; it was qualified by the resolution of January 5, 1949 which called for a plebiscite to determine the future of Jammu and Kashmir, with the limited choice of opting either to be a part of India or of Pakistan.

This also caused the first wrinkle to appear in the Abdullah-Nehru friendship. In May 1953, the National Conference, led by Sheikh Abdullah, set up a committee to address the prevailing uncertainty and explore the feasibility of a plebiscite, allowing also for the third option of independence. That committee included Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, GM Sadiq, Girdharilal Dogra, and Shamlal Saraf, many o whom went on to serve in government (p.21)

The book reveals another cause for the disturbance in the New Delhi dovecotes. What is said to have particularly incensed the Indian government were Abdullah’s two meetings in Srinagar with Adlai Stevenson, the recently defeated US Democratic presidential candidate. Supposedly, Stevenson urged the Sheikh to opt for independence, perhaps in return for US bases in Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah was arrested on charges of treason in August 1953. (p.22)
The ‘third option’ which is reality in 2009 could thus be the seed sown by Sheikh Abdullah and watered by the Americans.

The Sheikh was arrested in 1953 without even the opportunity to bid his family farewell. He was released in 1958, only to be arrested again. Released in 1964 as part of Prime Minister Nehru’s final effort to settle Kashmir, the Sheikh visited President Ayub Khan in Pakistan. But he was arrested again in the summer of 1965 on his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca. Released in 1967, he was detained once more in 1968, when his political activism for greater autonomy was perceived as a threat by Indira Gandhi’s Congress government. He was finally returned to power in February 1975 after a November 1974 Sheikh Abdullah-Indira Gandhi Accord. (p.33)

When Sheikh was restored to power in 1975, wealthy Kashmiri businesses were eager to assist the government, but the Sheikh’s political support was largely limited to the Kashmir Valley. Further support would have to be bought. Thus, the Bakshi tradition — which the Sheikh had returned to power on a pledge to eradicate — not only persisted but was relied upon. There was growing corruption in the Abdullah government that lasted from 1975 to 1977. (p.47)

The author was deputy commissioner when the 1977 election came around. All the deputy commissioners in Kashmir were given orders requiring that leading National Conference volunteers be arrested under the Preventive Detention Act, which permitted detention without trial. Under the law, the deputy commissioner, as signatory of the arrest warrant, was expected to exercise judgement in reviewing grounds, and the detention had to withstand the scrutiny of a judicial review. (p.39)

After Sheikh Abdullah, New Delhi had to deal with his son Farooq Abdullah. The relationship soon went sour. Indira Gandhi’s cousin, BK Nehru, governor of Jammu and Kashmir since 1981, had advised against unseating Farooq. BK was replaced in April 1984 by Governor Jagmohan who advised that popular rule be replaced by governor’s rule under Article 92 of the Constitution. The overthrow of Farooq’s government in 1984 was reminiscent of the events of 1953, down to the collusion of his cohorts with the ruling party at the centre.

Did violence against Kashmiri Pandits begin after Pakistan sent in its non-state actors? The book tells us that it actually began in 1986, with the Rajiv Gandhi government in its infancy. The most remarkable aspect of this outbreak was that even though the community had faced persecution by bigoted rulers in the past, this marked the first person-to-person conflict in all of Kashmir’s history (p.55)

This is new information for a Pakistani reader. Also new is the fact that many Muslim clerics fled anti-Muslim violence in Assam and filled up the Kashmiri madrassas run Jamaat Islami. They became a potent influence on young minds and played a critical role in nurturing the religious mind-set of young Kashmiris by the close of the 1980s, when the insurgency erupted. (p.57)

Just as the elections of 1977 were a referendum on the Indira-Sheikh Accord, the state assembly elections in March 1987 were a referendum on the Rajiv-Farooq Accord. The alliance was returned to power with an overwhelming majority: sixty-six seats between the two parties, forty for the National Conference and twenty-six for the Congress party.

The elections were partly rigged but this decided the career of Syed Yusuf Shah, the discomfited candidate in the Amira Kadal constituency in 1987, who went on, under the nom de guerre Syed Salahuddin, to become head of the militant Hizbul Mujahideen. (p.63) Note the observation: ‘partly rigged’. This is definitely not the way Syed Salahuddin looked at what happened in 1987.

What is surprising is the fact that the Kashmiri Pandits were attacked by the JKLF and not by the mullahs of the Jamaat. Even though the JKLF philosophy was supposedly secular, minuscule minority of the pandits from the Kashmir Valley became the principal targets of terrorists from both JKLF, and the violence sparked emigration of almost the entire Pandit community from the valley into Jammu and different parts of India. (p.66)

For Habibullah, the insurgency of March 1988 was caused by disillusionment, carefully nurtured and armed by the ubiquitous ISI. It led to an outflow of young men to Pakistan Kashmir and Afghanistan for training in the use of weapons seized from the retreating Soviet armies. The AK-47 became the preferred armament. Among those who took charge of this training was Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, ‘a fanatical Afghan warlord and among the bitterest opponents of the USSR’. (p.67)

Then Hizb fell out with JKLF. In April 1993, the chief ideologue of the JKLF, Dr Guru, was kidnapped and brutally murdered by the Hizb militant Zulqarnain. Guru, a leading Srinagar physician who had funded a medical college, had commanded wide respect and presented reasonable face of separatism. (p.82) That year also came the Hazratbal Shrine Incident, followed by a far more damaging debacle at Charar-e-Sharif in March 1995.

Charar-e-Sharif is located near Shopian, District Badgam, in South Kashmir and straddles the ancient route through which the imperial Mughal caravan brought India’s Mughal emperors from Agra or Delhi to the summer retreat in the valley. It is a shrine dedicated to the fourteenth-century saint Sheikh Nooruddin Wali of the Kubravi School of Sufis, known t s Hindu devotees as Nanda Rishi or Sahajanand. Charar Sharif was destroyed in May 1995 and the terrorist Mast Gul escaped to Pakistan to be feted as a hero. (p.94)

The book wants a bit of all the solutions so far at hand: autonomy, Indo-Pak joint handling, and Manmohan Singh’s devolution ‘without changing maps’.

Friday, July 31, 2009

TNN, *Angry khadims protest against Nazim* The Times Of India - India
Tuesday, July 21, 2009

Ajmer: Hundreds of angry khadims of Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti's dargah on Monday organised a protest rally and registered an FIR against Nazim Ahmed Raza of the dargah. They alleged that he had outraged the religious feelings of the community.

An angry mob in the evening went to Nazim's office and beat up Raza. He had to be taken to JLN Hospital. According to doctors Raza has head injuries.

Police have been deployed within the dargah premises and at Nazim's office. The khadims are demanding his immediate removal. They have also sent a fax to UPA chairperson, Sonia Gandhi, in this regard and asked her to intervene. Police claim that the situation is tense but under control.

Nazim Ahmed Raza , deputed by the Centre for arrangements in the dargah, has been embroiled in controversy since the day he was posted in Ajmer. "He never thought twice before speaking anything and many times he used absurd language against the khadims. We requested him a number of times to not hurt feelings of others through his statements," said Zulfikar Chishti, a khadim.

Anjuman Committee, the organisation of khadims, had complained many times to the Centre and demanded Raza 's removal. Nazim Raza was in favour of improving the conditions for zayreen' (pilgrims) coming to Ajmer Sharif.

A fresh controversy arose when a CD that showed Raza expressing his views on Islam and Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti, was released in the market. "He is only an employee of the Centre and has no right to speak bad things' about Hazrat Ali. This is a matter of religion and he has hurt our feelings. His statements about Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti too were wrong," said Mahboob Hussein Chishti, secretary of Anjuman Committee.

The CD was shown on a local channel here in which Nazim Raza spoke on Islam and Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti. "He called the Sufi saint a common man who came here and gone back," accused Iqbal Chishti, vice-president of Anjuman Committee. Khadims then went to the dargah police station and shouted slogans against Nazim. They also warned the district administration that things would get out of hand if the Nazim is not removed.

An FIR under Section 295A of IPC has been registered against Nazim Raza. Anjuman has called an urgent meeting to decide their plan against the Nazim. "We have decided to intimate the matter to UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi. We have also given a memorandum to the president of dargah committee, Soil Ahmed, asking him to remove Raza immediately," said Kamaluddin Chishti, vice-president of Anjuman.

"This is not a matter of communal feelings but it is a matter of an employee who has been deputed to take care of arrangements in dargah. He cannot speak anything about religion," said Monavar Chishti.

When asked about his statement, Nazim Ahmed Raza said it was not a serious matter. He added that he had only expressed his views about Islam and Khwaja Garib Nawaz Chishti. "I had no intention to hurt anybody's feelings. However, if I did so I regret it," he said.

Islamabad: National Sufi Council (NSC) is legacy of a dictator like former president Gen (r) Pervez Musharraf and it should immediately be merged into Pakistan Academy of Letters (PAL), said PAL Chairman Fakhar Zaman on Friday while presiding over the ‘Khawaja Ghulam Farid Conference’.

He said PAL had been working on different projects regarding promotion of teachings and writings of Sufis and has translated Sufi poetry into seven international languages. Shahzad Qaiser and Khawaja Moeenuddin Koreja were the chief guests.

Prof Khawaja Masud, Dr Ghazanfar Mehdi, Prof Hameedullah Hashmi, Sarwat Mohiyuddin and Wafa Chishti also spoke on the occasion. The proceedings were conducted by Wafa Chishti.Zaman demanded that administration of shrines of Sufis should be put under jurisdictions of PAL and funds at the disposal of Auqaf Department regarding shrines be transferred to PAL so that it can publish Sufi poetry and hold conferences.

He emphasised that promotion of Sufism was a need of time to end extremism, bigotry and promote peace and love. He said PAL would organise an international conference next year on the occasion of Urs of Khawaja Ghulam Farid.

Shahzad Qaiser said Khawaja Ghulam Farid’s poetry brought out new aspects of literature of fear of God.

“He wanted to promote love, unity and equality among human beings,” he said. Prof Khawaja Masood said Sufi poets always tried to promote humanism in the region and their teachings still needed to be spread.

The wave of escalating operations by insurgents coupled with a number of high-profile murders and assassination attempts in June has pushed Russia into launching a campaign of pressure aimed at liquidating rebel fighters.

Russia's campaign is manifesting itself primarily through methods and tactics employed to put pressure on insurgents and their families. In this vein, the strategies used for Chechnya's "pacification" are now being widely applied in the adjacent republics of Dagestan, Ingushetia and Kabardino-Balkaria. In the meantime, the federal government is turning an ostensibly blind eye with regard to these tactics, as evidenced by the total absence of objections from the prosecutor-general's office or the justice ministry.

Moscow has clearly decided to let the local leadership have a free hand in using severe pressure methods, with the ultimate goal of reversing the surge of resistance actions that began to gain ground at a very unfavorable time for Russia. The Kremlin cannot fail to realize that the usual strategies used by the police and the Federal Security Service (FSB) are not having the desired effect, while Ramzan Kadyrov's harsh methods in Chechnya, although starkly in violation of Russian laws, create the illusion of results more positive than the reality warrants.

Today the authorities in Dagestan, Ingushetia and Kabardino-Balkaria are making wide use of illegal and inhumane measures that they believe can make the difference in their anti-insurgency struggle and tip the balance in their favor. The most common pressure tactic used against the rebel fighters is to hold parents and relatives responsible for the actions of their children: the family, in effect, is being blamed when their children leave to join the resistance (www.chechnyatoday.com, July 10). The family members are subjected to interrogation by the police or FSB or other local agencies; they are commonly threatened, intimidated and stripped of their constitutional rights to receive retirement payments or other assistance benefits. The families are thus often driven to leave Chechnya or renounce their children publicly. These acts of renunciation are always broadcast by the local TV channels, which has the effect of making these individuals pariahs in Chechen society.

For instance, human rights activists are still concerned about the fate of Makhsud Abdullaev, the son of a Chechen resistance leader Supyan Abdullaev, given that they have no confirmation as to whether or not he has been incarcerated. The younger Abdullaev was deported from Egypt and vanished upon arrival at Moscow's Domodedovo airport. He subsequently appeared on Chechen TV to call on his father and his father's comrades in arms to abandon their resistance. However, after his TV appearance he went missing again, which suggests that he is still being used by those who arranged for his deportation from Egypt in order to put pressure on his father (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, July 10).

In the event that the government decides that the pressure tactics used to date were unsuccessful, the family will be subjected to other forms of coercion, such as burning down their houses (www.rfi.fr, July 3). Independent sources, including the Memorial human rights group, reported that at dawn on June 18 armed representatives from Chechnya's interior ministry set fire to two residences in the village of Engel-Yurt in Chechnya's Gudermes district. The elderly residents were allowed to leave the house, but all of their belongings remained inside (www.hrea.org, July 2).

According to Memorial, these arson attacks are no longer simply isolated cases, given that dozens of similar incidents have been recorded in Chechnya.Torture and violence during pre-trial confinement have become routine across the entire North Caucasus (www.kavkaz-uzel.ru, July 10). The public is increasingly fearful of being detained, since arrests that are frequently documented improperly or not documented at all turn into tragic experiences in which the detained individuals are subjected to beatings in order to extract confessions of having ties to insurgents. Unauthorized searches may accompany arrests; besides, to demand a search warrant would be tantamount to openly challenging the law enforcement authorities, so the public's reaction is to pretend that these violations are simply par for the course.

People are often arrested for trivial reasons, such as complaints made by an offending party; other times, a young man may name his friends or relatives out of fear for his life. This spirals into a chain of multiple arrests, mostly of young people, who do not even realize that they have been labeled as insurgent sympathizers or accomplices. These tactics have already become routine in all the republics of the North Caucasus.

Most commonly, the victims of these arrests are those who do not support the Sufi sect of Islam; these individuals tend to avoid attention and try to blend in with the Sufis. Their abductions often end with the victims turning up dead (this is a common tactic of law enforcement authorities in Ingushetia, Dagestan and sometimes Kabardino-Balkaria).Persecution reaches not only those who living in the region: people who left Russia years ago are also victims. Political asylum offers no protection against those who have embarked on the path of "elimination of enemies" (as the series of assassinations in Turkey and Austria in 2008 and 2009 illustrates). It is worth noting that blackmail is also being used to try to compel many notable Chechen politicians of Aslan Maskhadov's era to return to Chechnya (www.lenta.ru, July 8).

Just this week, news media reported on the public execution of Rizvan Albekov in the village of Akhkinchu-Borzoi in Chechnya's Kurchaloi district, who was suspected of alleged ties to the insurgency (www.grani.ru, July 10). The victim was executed in the center of the village in full view of the crowd of young people as a lesson to others who might want to provide aid to the rebels. It should be noted that the victim's family had won a case at the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg regarding the death of Rizvan's brother in 2000.However, it is exactly crimes like these that motivate young people to join the insurgency. Moreover, those who join the rebels include current members of the police. For example, according to Chechen rebel leader Dokka Umarov, as many as 30 policemen who served under Ramzan Kadyrov's command have joined the rebel forces since the beginning of 2009 (www.jamaatshariat.com, July 11).

Nothing can excuse the use of intimidation tactics against peaceful civilians, including the claim that the rebels themselves do not stop at similar measures. A government that ignores the law is doomed to remain outside the law.

These widespread pressure tactics produce an effect completely contrary to that desired, and cannot fail to cause an unfavorable public reaction. Therefore, the predictable consequences of these policies will provide further support for the resistance fighters, young people's revulsion towards the government, and the alienation of Sufi Islam as a form of government propaganda in Chechnya, Dagestan and Ingushetia.

In light of the ethnic violence in China’s Xinjiang province, various jihadi internet forums focused on the handling of the turmoil by China’s security forces.

A vast region comprising nearly a sixth of China’s total land mass, Xinjiang is home to a number of Central Asian ethnic groups, the largest of which is the Turkic-speaking Uyghur people, until recently the dominant group in the region.

Massive government-encouraged post-war migration by Han Chinese has made the Uyghurs a minority in their traditional home, known to Muslims as East Turkistan.The first response of Salafi-Jihadi forums to any perceived injustice inflicted on Muslims anywhere typically involves citing a conspiracy theory regarding the manipulation of Muslims by the United States.

One forum debated China’s “brutal” handling of East Turkistan Muslims in a post entitled; “China, the United States.and al-Qaeda Organization” (muslm.net, July 7, 2009). On the trouble in the oil-rich Xinjiang region, a jihadi forum member, nicknamed Ibn Khaldoon al-Jaza’iri, accused the United States of interfering in Chinese affairs by instigating the Uyghur Muslims in East Turkistan to rebel against the government.

The prospect of China taking a leading role in the world as the next superpower is disturbing to the United States. Therefore, wherever there are Chinese investments, especially in oil and gas, there are troubles caused by the United States, alleges al-Jaza’iri. The United States tries to impede China’s quest for alternative sources of energy badly needed for its rapidly growing economy. For example, China has made big strides in Africa by building strong relations with oil-rich nations based on mutual interests.

According to al-Jaza’iri, China exchanges its know-how in infrastructure projects in return for oil from African countries such as Nigeria and Algeria, but the United States uses the Islamic jihadi factions to hinder Chinese efforts to establish a presence in Africa. As an example, al-Jaza’iri gives the terrorist operation in Algeria’s Borj Bouaririj district, where al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) claimed responsibility for killing 18 Algerian gendarmerie escorting Chinese workers building the highway between Algerian capital and Borj Bouaririj. In this case, al-Jaza’iri does not appear to have done his homework - the AQIM attack was carried out when the gendarmerie was returning to barracks after having escorted the Chinese workers to their site.

The attack was clearly directed at government security forces and not the Chinese workers (Echerouk [Algiers], June 18; Middle East Online, June 21).Al-Jaza’iri says the constant harassment of Chinese workers by jihadi factions manipulated by the United States raises Chinese investment costs, but adds that jihadis should be careful not to fall for U.S. exploitation and should refrain from attacking Chinese technicians and workers building roads, communication networks and oil facilities for the benefit of Muslims in Islamic countries.

It’s likely that the United States will attempt to set fire to Eastern Turkistan by directly or indirectly supporting jihadi operations there, similar to what they did in Afghanistan, backed by religious fatwas (religious rulings) from Saudi Arabia’s Salafist shaykhs.

The “stupid Chinese communist regime,” blinded by its hatred for Islam, is expected to fall for the U.S. plan and commit massacres in Eastern Turkistan.

Finally, al-Jaza’iri concludes his posting by calling on al-Qaeda leaders to be smart enough not to plunge into the U.S. trap to weaken China.

The majority of forum members disagreed with al-Jaza’iri. “Abu Hamza al-Alawi” rejected the notion that the mujahideen could be manipulated by the United States, adding the mujahideen follow their own agenda regardless of who benefits from their terrorist actions, so long as jihadi objectives are met. The era of U.S. weapons supplies for Muslims to fight communists is over, says al-Alawi, adding that the Western experience with jihadi factions has taught them that Muslims can’t be manipulated.

In response to al-Alawi’s rebuke, al-Jaza’iri insists the Mujahideen are supported by the West in cases that serve their interests. He contends the West doesn’t categorize the Chechen Mujahideen as a terrorist group because they serve the Western objective of weakening the Russian Federation. [1] The Chechen mujahedeen are considered a legitimate resistance group by the West, which supplies them with weapons through pro-Western Georgia.

Al-Jaza’iri claims the West doesn’t perceive the Chechen fighters to be powerful enough to declare an Islamic state that would pose a threat to the West.

Other jihadi forums also focused on the turmoil in Xinjiang. “Abu Hassim al-Ghareeb” urged Muslims not to forget the Turkistan Muslims suppressed by China and to help prevent the Chinese from liquidating their Islamic identity (hanein.info, July 8).

Regarding ways of supporting Turkistan, some forum members suggested boycotting Chinese products and investments in Muslim countries, but other, more extreme members called for jihad against China to return the favor of the Turkistan jihadis who they claim poured into Afghanistan in the 1990s, pledged alliance to the Afghan Islamic Emirate, trained in al-Qaeda camps and fought alongside the mujahideen.

In the words of one forum member who urges jihad in China; “Neither boycott nor protests will stop the slaying of our brothers. The solution, known to everyone, is jihad. Who will sell himself to God and rush to the battlefield?”

A third forum member called upon global jihad leaders Osama Bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri to pay more attention to the revolution in Turkistan and to extend financial and moral support to the Turkistan Mujahideen to make sure they remain adherents of the Salafi creed and part of the global jihadi movement. “Take the initiative. Choose from among them whom you think suitable to lead an Islamic Emirate” said a posting from an Iraqi jihadi forum (faloja1.info, July 8).

Again, the jihadi forum members betray their lack of knowledge about East Turkistan – Salafists are extremely rare in the region, where Sufism remains the dominant creed of Xinjiang’s Sunni Muslims.

Members of more moderate forums expressed concern over conducting terrorist attacks in China. Any terrorist attacks there would give the Chinese government a legitimate reason to crush Turkistan’s Muslims, says “First Lieutenant Ata” - “Muslims should only boycott Chinese products and organize protests in front of Chinese embassies. Any direct external military Muslim interference in Turkistan would only exacerbate the problem” (4flying.com, July 10).

The jihadi forum members’ hypothesis of U.S. manipulation of jihadi factions to prevent China from becoming a superpower seems far fetched. China is not powerful enough to threaten Western powers militarily or confront the United States. At best, China could stir up problems for the purpose of making economic gains from the Western world in a way similar to Russia. It is also unrealistic to assume that al-Qaeda and other jihadi factions would play a significant role in a Chinese-Western struggle over Africa or elsewhere. Al-Qaeda terrorist activities in Algeria, for example, are due to an internal Algerian struggle and not to U.S. manipulation of jihadi factions against China’s newly established interests in the region.

Notes:
1. Presumably al-Jaza’iri means the Chechen mujahideen are not categorized as a terrorist group “in practice.” Several Chechen mujahideen organizations and individuals have appeared on Western and UN designated terrorist lists.

The ceremony will held at the Conference Hall of Pakistan Academy of Letters (PAL) some time between August 10-20. A request in this regard has been submitted to Prime Minister Syed Yusuf Raza Gilani to grace the ceremony and give away the awards. This was stated by Fakhar Zaman, Chairman PAL, at a press briefing held here Thursday.

Giving further details, he said Peter Curman will come from Sweden to receive the ‘Quaid-e-Azam Award’ for Literature, while Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has been requested to come and receive the ‘Quaid-e-Awam Award’ for democracy on behalf of Benazir Bhutto.

Fakhar Zaman said in addition to the translations of Peter Curman’s works, an introduction about his life and works would also be published on the occasion, adding that PAL has already published three books on Benazir as Urdu Poetry, Urdu Prose and English Articles, Impressions and a book of English poems that were published throughout the world.

He also deliberated on the arrangements being finalised for the ‘International Sufism & Peace Conference’, in which more than 100 delegates from 70 different countries will participate along with Pakistani writers from all the country’s four provinces. He said all arrangements in this regard are completed and Prime Minister Gilani is expected to preside the inaugural session of the four-day conference to be held from October 4-7.

The PAL chairman also said that the Academy has planned to produce a number of publications to mark the Sufism Conference that includes ‘Mystic Poets of Pakistan’ (in Urdu, English, Arabic, Chinese, French, Russian, Spanish and Persian); ‘A selection of Resistance Literature (1999-2007)’; a special issue of ‘Adbiyaat’ on world literature; a selection of writings from different Pakistani languages published from 1947 to 2008 (English translation); special issue of ‘Pakistani Literature’ on Pakistani women’s writings from Pakistan; International Conference 1995; ‘Quest of Peace in the Twilight’; and ‘The Cultural Policy of Pakistan’.

He said these books are published and would be inaugurated at the Conference.

Fakhar Zaman said that PAL would initiate to work as a publisher to publish quality books at minimum cost, offering an incentive to writers who can’t afford to publish their books due to economic constraints, and also books of new emerging writers. Under this project, a modern press would be established in the present building of the Academy.

He also announced that PAL is initiating a plan under which the quota of plots for writers would be specified in the schemes of development authorities of the federal capital as well as in the provinces.The chairman briefed the media persons that as Shaheed Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was the founder of PAL and it was decided in a meeting with Prime Minister Gilani that PAL would publish a book on the personality and writings of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto as a writer and intellectual.

PAL would also reprint ‘Bhutto’s Trial’ in two volumes, comprising of documents and reports regarding the leader’s trial, and is working to produce a selection of writings by anonymous writers, relating to the legendary personality of ZAB, that are a part of folk literature both in Punjabi and Urdu.

Another book titled ‘Khushboo ki Shahadat’, including poems published after ZAB’s murder, are in the process of being published soon. About PAL’s exchange programmes, he said the Academy has a cultural agreement with China for the exchange of writers’ delegations from both the countries and efforts are being made to have similar agreements with other countries as well. In this regard, contacts have been made with some European, Central Asian, and Arab countries.

During his recent visit to European countries, the chairman also visited the Swedish, Italian and Austrian Academies, and progress has been made with regard to initiating a Writers’ Exchange Programme and mutual translation of literature with these countries.

PAL is planning to publish Urdu translations of modern American poets while English translations of Pakistani poets would be produced in America, he added.PAL has also announced the ‘Pas-e-Zindaan Award’ for best writings that appeared during the last four martial law periods, written in prison.

Based on the memories of such torments and tortures, many memoirs, historical documents and research material were published. PAL will give awards to the best among such writings.

Decision regarding the awards will be made by a national committee consisting of 13 prominent writers and judges. The award is worth Rs100,000 each.

PAL is also planning to publish books that will be awarded the ‘Pas-e-Zindaan Award’, as most of such books are not available in the market.

Monday, July 27, 2009

By Sholto Byrnes, *The Case for God: What Religion Means By Karen Armstrong* - New Statesman - London, England, UK
Saturday, July 16, 2009At a swift glance, the title of Karen Armstrong’s new book (the subtitle is in very small print) might mislead the casual observer into thinking that she has written a case for the existence of God; that she has unearthed some “proof” unaccountably overlooked by Anselm and Aquinas, or has triumphantly restated the Argument from Design in a way that will smite the enemies of religion as surely as Yahweh’s people smote the Midianites, the Canaanites and those unfortunately named Philistines.

Armstrong has done something far cleverer and more subtle than that, however. The alter­native would have brought her on to a battlefield of her opponents’ choosing, the one on which Richard Dawkins, Christopher Hitchens and Sam Harris have pitched their tents. Those three, she writes, “insist that fundamentalism constitutes the essence and core of all religion”. In fact, she argues, it is “a defiantly unorthodox form of faith that frequently misrepresents the tradition it is trying to defend”.

The God whom Armstrong is discussing is one whose existence cannot be proved in any way to rational satisfaction, not by the ontological arguments of Anselm and Descartes, nor by science, as Newton thought he had. In fact, even to talk of his “existence” is in itself troublesome. The point she makes from the start is that language, being necessarily limited to human comprehension, cannot fully convey anything about God. All statements about Him are therefore at best analogical – when we say He is “perfectly good”, that is only the shadow of a goodness impossible for us to grasp – and any suggestion of literalism is to fall into a gross and idolatrous anthropomorphism.

Although this may come as a surprise to the millions of Christians who entertain thoughts of God as a jovial beardie – a celestial Frank Dobson, if you will – it is familiar territory for any student of theology or philosophy of religion. Which is why Armstrong is right to describe the analysis of the Dawkinsites, who have made the god they wish to dismiss into just such a being, as “disappointingly shallow” and “based on such poor theology”. It is also why the poisoned darts of Armstrong’s critics (see Johann Hari’s review of Does God Hate Women? in the NS of 6 July) fail to pierce her arguments. They are aimed at territory she does not wish to defend.

It may seem as though stating the near-inadequacy of language is a strange point from which to begin making a case for the deity; would not such an argument be, as the philosophers say, somewhat short on “meaningful content”? But Armstrong argues that in Christianity, “until the modern period, nobody thought of confining their attention to a literal reading of the plain sense of scripture”, and notes that the more mystical and transcendent form of Islam, Sufism, was the “dominant mood” in that religion from the 12th to the 19th centuries; and she quotes how the 6th-century Babylonian Talmud instructed the Jews to regard their sacred books: “What is Torah? It is the interpretation of Torah.” Religion was something to be experienced, its books to be chanted and debated, and only through this could a glimpse of its ineffable truths be gained.

The fixing of texts first came about with the advent of printing, which elevated what was on the page above the spoken, physically felt and thus more mutable word, and then with the search for certainty associated with both the Reformation and the Counter-Reformation. Scientific rationalism made religion even more earthbound when the churches welcomed it, believing it could prove that creation must have been the work of a supreme agent.

By allowing this to become their new foundation stone, however, they tried to harness a discipline that was to undermine them, and which over the past two centuries has displaced and discounted that part of human experience which cannot be empirically verified or quantified.

Harking back to the Greeks, Armstrong talks of how mythos, a story encapsulating a timeless, eternal dimension, has been edged out by logos, reasoned, scientific thought. Because we see the past through the prism of the present, we fail to acknowledge that the supremacy of logos over mythos is an aberration, and that for thousands of years the two coexisted quite happily; even Calvin was happy for scripture to accommodate science.

In more recent times, however, we have denied the force of that “power beyond our knowledge”, as Euripides put it, surrendering instead to that “meddling intellect”, lamented by Wordsworth, which “murders to dissect”.

What we have lost in the process is the peace and joy of “unknowing”, of contemplating that which we cannot properly conceptualise. Confronted by a mystery – “something in which I find myself caught up, and whose essence is not before me in its entirety” – we instantly try to reduce it to a problem, “something met which bars my passage”.

Yet some of the greatest scientists and philosophers, the gods of the new scientific rationalist fundamentalists, from David Hume to Albert Einstein, were never so reductionist. The knowledge that “what is impenetrable to us really exists, manifesting itself to us as the highest wisdom and the most radiant beauty which our dull faculties can comprehend in their most primitive forms . . . is at the centre of all true religiousness”, wrote Einstein. In this sense alone, he said, “I belong to the ranks of devoutly religious men.”

This “stunned appreciation of an ‘otherness’ beyond the reach of language”, for Armstrong, constitutes the heart of every religion. Their liturgies and rituals, their myths and legends that explained creation and helped mankind deal with quotidian misfortune and misery, were all constructed to aid adherents in the path towards this goal. And containing as these faiths all do some variant of the “Golden Rule” – do to others as you would have done to yourself – the steps on this path involved charity and compassion, not the intolerance of fundamentalists and their mirror image, the new God-destroyers.

All else, and yes that includes the many terrible things that have been done in the name of religion over the centuries, is distortion, idolatry and misinterpretation.

If you accept this, and Armstrong makes a good historic and theological argument that it is so, then who among us would wish to admit this: that they had lived a life so impoverished that it contained no inkling of that wonder and transcendence she wishes us to acknowledge? Her case rests.

The best-known mystic of Islam is Jalal al-Din Rumi (1207-1273), a famous poet who lived in what is present-day Turkey. Rumi wrote numerous poems, many about "the Religion of Love." He founded or enhanced the esctatic dancing of the Mevlevi Sufi order, known in the West as the Whirling Dervishes.

Showing love to other people was paramount for Rumi. He wrote, "My religion is to live through Love – life through this spirit and body is my shame." He also wrote, "The intellect does not know and is bewildered by the Religion of Love – even if it should be aware of all religions." He further wrote, " If Love’s pulse does not beat within a man, let him be Plato, he is but an ass. If a head is not full of love, that head is behind the tail."

In other words, knowledge alone is not enough in life. A person must also put his knowledge – especially about religion – into practice by demonstrating care for other people.

Rumi's mystical poetry also uses the language of love to describe a person’s relationship with the Almighty. God is called the Beloved and the seeker is designated as the Lover.

"The joy and heartache of the lovers is He,
the wages and salary for their service He.

Were aught to be contemplated other than the Everlasting Beloved,
how would that be Love? That would be infatuation.

Love is that flame which, when it blazes up,
burns away everything except the Beloved.

It drives home the sword of no god in order to slay other than god.
Consider carefully, after no god what remains?"

In other words, the reward for having a relationship with God is the "joy and heartache" of being in love.

The most important thing that should fill the attention of a seeker is their relationship with the "Everlasting Beloved," Who is God. Everything that is not of Him is not important – or less so. Anything not of Him will not remain, but He endures forever.

The significance of Islamic mysticism, as expressed by Rumi, is that living a life that demonstrates love and care is more important that espousing religious dogma. He understood the value of intellect in worshiping God, but also knew that living from the heart is equally vital.

Rumi’s labeling of his faith as being "the Religion of Love" is noteworthy because he is not talking about Islam. Instead, he is describing a Higher Principle that supercedes religious labels and denominations.

It is an other-worldly, mystical way to relate to God and Humankind. It is a love-relationship with the Almighty that is expressed by demonstrating care to other people.

For more info: The Sufi Path of Love: The Spiritual Teachings of Rumi by William C. Chittick (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1983).

Saturday, July 25, 2009

By Dr. Jassim Taqui, *Forum for Sufism to be established in Marrakech* - Pakistan Observer - Islamabad, ISB, Pakistan
Friday, July 17, 2009

—An International Forum for Sufism would be established in the historic city of Marrakech. The idea of the Forum was floated by Sidi Shiker World Gatherings of Tassauf Affiliates.

One thousand followers of Sufism from 50 countries travelled to Marrakech to attend the gathering , as part of an event intended to forge links between Sufism in Morocco and its various branches around the world.

The proposed Forum would be independent and would include various schools of thoughts of Islamic mysticism. It would serve as a flexible framework to promote understanding, work, contact, and exchange regarding the activities of Sufis around the world.

The body could begin its work by implementing essential projects such as a comprehensive overhaul of Sufi institutions and the creation of a website to meet their needs.

Morocco offered to host the new institution, as Sufism plays an integral part in its national identity. King Mohammed VI sent a message to the participants, saying that Sufism in Morocco shows a balanced view of Islam, advocating love and fraternity.

“In addition to their ability to identify the roots of the problem and propose solutions,” the king wrote, “the great wisdom of the Sufis has helped them to identify a way forwards whenever the interests of our community have been at stake”.

Morocco has a long history with Sufism. It is both a religious and a political choice at the same time. For centuries, the kings of Morocco have maintained a strong link between the Commander of the Faithful and Sufis in order to preserve the Islamic faith as well as religious doctrine.

It is no accident that international meetings are held in Sidi Chiker, since the site has been a meeting-place for ulemas ever since Islam arrived in Morocco in the seventh century and has been a centre for religious guidance.The theme of Sidi Chiker World Meetings has been seeking to draw inspiration from the spiritual values of Sufism and come up with innovative approaches to educating Muslims about various aspects of their lives, in order to foster their religious and spiritual development.

Participants hailed the Moroccan initiative, which promotes Sufism in what some see as an era of disagreements and misunderstandings.

Many Sufis believe their teachings can provide a remedy for problems currently faced by states, such as terrorism and extremism.

Sufism calls on Muslims to rally together and to steer clear of disputes and conflicts. The Sufis called for projecting the real image of Islam as the religion of tolerance and peace at a time when extremism is on the rise. Thus reviving Sufism can play an important role as an ethical path to personal and collective development within Muslims.

Friday, July 24, 2009

By Rasheed Khalid, *‘Harchandrai: Father of Modern Karachi’ launched* - The News International - Karachi, Pakistan
Thursday, July 16, 2009

Islamabad: Speakers at the launching of ‘Harchandrai — Father of Modern Karachi’ by Khadim Hussain Soomro praised the author for writing a book on a person who worked on building the commercial capital and the biggest city of Pakistan without espousing any biases on the basis of caste and creed.

In his opening remarks, Professor Mirza said that Soomro authored many books and when he writes on somebody, he takes him to super-natural proportions. He also stores a load of superlatives for the purpose.

He has very strong inclination for documentation, said Prof Mirza adding that Soomro also puts love of labour in the book on Karachi.

Soomro who also heads Sindh Sufi Institute said that Liaquat Ali Khan closed 500 schools using Sindhi, as medium of instructions with one shot.

He said that Karachi was city of tolerance at the time of ‘Harchandrai’ and now is on warpath. He said that business was under Hindus then and everything in the market was pure and now all the business is under Seth Janatwals and there is no pure thing in the city. He said that it is he who espoused the idea of separation of Sindh from Mumbai.

Prof Fazalullah Qureshi said that one finds a nationalist in Khadim Soomro. He said that earlier Karachi was looked after by collectors while ‘Harchandrai’ did not belong to that cadre and remained chief of the municipal body of Karachi for 10 years. Ashraf Ansari lamented that even our Constitution has room for discrimination in a very subtle manner while our Quaid believed in equality and social justice. He said that the book gives a message that all citizens are equal and should be given the status in the society irrespective of ones religion.

Addressing the gathering, Prof Abdul Razaq Memon said that ‘Harchandrai’ was a very rich man and his family had gardens, palaces and resorts. He said that planning is lacking in our policies and once beautiful Karachi has become an ugly city because of that.

Adeel Jamaldin Khan said that the book enlightens young generation about the old Karachi and covers every aspect of ‘Harchandrai’, as a lawyer, a citizen and a social worker.

Prof Shabana Fayyaz said that the book is an educating study that unfolded aspects, which the students of Pakistan Movement did not know.

The meeting passed a resolution to re-erect the statute of ‘Harchandrai’ now in Mahota Palace at the head office of Karachi Metropolitan Corporation.

Johannesburg: The new African headquarters of an India-based Sufi spiritual foundation hopes to aid youth who are increasingly being afflicted by substance abuse.

The foundation was opened here Sunday by Hazrat Syed Muhammad Jilani Ashraf.

“Through my 15 years of travelling through the continent (of Africa) and the world, I have found an increasing concern for youth, irrespective of religious affiliation, being affected by drug and substance abuse,” Jilani said.

“At our dargah (shrine of a Muslim saint) in Kichocha, we have developed alternative Sufi methods to reaffirm moral values and spirituality in such youth in a three-month programme.”

Jilani said although there had been calls to run the programme here, it was far more practical to have the potential candidates for the programme in India, as the spiritual environment in which they would find themselves there was a critical part of the success of the programme.

“We have taken a number of youths from Europe and the US there already, with great success,” Jilani said, adding that a programme from the new office here would begin this September.

“Even during my visit (to South Africa), I have had many people approaching me for assistance with wayward sons. They say that while they have all the material wealth that they could want, they have no peace in their hearts because of this. I have encouraged them to send their children to us so we can return them with new thinking on morality and spirituality.”

Jilani said facilities at the shrine had also assisted many people with illnesses that could not be cured by doctors. He cited the case of a young South African man who he said had suffered for 16 years from an inexplicable ailment but was now back with his family.

“We welcome people from any religion, and parents will just have to bear the costs of getting their children there and back. All other lodging and boarding needs we will take care of. Of course, any sightseeing to Agra or Delhi or Ajmer will have to be on their own account,” Jilani concluded with a smile.

Johannesburg: Congress president Sonia Gandhi has promised to look into allegations that the pilgrimage sites of Muslim saints in India do not get the same attention from the government as those of other religious groups, says a visiting Sufi leader.

"The meeting with Soniaji was a follow-up to an acknowledgement in parliament by the home affairs minister to a Sufi Federation of India delegation that Sufi dargahs in India are a major point of national integration," Hazrat Syed Muhammad Jilani Ashrafi of the Spiritual Foundation in Kichocha, Uttar Pradesh, said here before returning home Monday.

The Muslim leader had come here to launch the new home of the Foundation's Africa office, which will provide social, welfare and spiritual services to all those needing them, irrespective of race or creed. "Millions of pilgrims of all faiths come to seek blessings and the intercession of saints for the fulfilment of their desires at the shrines (of Muslim saints in India) every year, yet we find that these places do not have proper facilities," said Ashrafi.

"A place like Ajmer, which attracts 16 crore pilgrims from all over the world annually, needs to have its own airport; its own university; and the government tourism agencies need to market it in the same way that they do the holy places of other religious groups."

Ashrafi said Gandhi had been surprised when told that the Muslim sites were lacking proper facilities and had promised to look into the matter.

"She told us that it was the first time she had heard about this, and we informed her that this was probably because the advisors in her office for Muslim affairs were not supportive of Sufi objectives."

Peshawar: European nations have not only recognized the sacrifices of Pakistanis they rendered in the war against terror, but they are also having knowledge of our problems and eager to help resolve the same, Fakharuz-Zaman, chairman Pakistan Academy of Letters (PAL), said.

He was talking to a delegation of writers from NWFP and a group of journalists in Islamabad on Monday.

Dr Muhammad Azam Azam, resident director Pakistan Academy of Letters, NWFP chapter, led the writers’ delegation that called on Fakhar on his return from a visit to Austria, Italy, Sweden, etc.

“The literary figures in Europe have also reiterated their resolve to create awareness among Europeans through literature and media about Pakistani nation’s struggle and sacrifices in the war against terror to express solidarity with Pakistanis,” he said.

He said he had briefed European writers, poets and intellectuals during his visit about the PAL services for the promotion of literary activities and welfare of men of litters.They were also informed about the PAL plans, including Quaid-e-Azam Award for Literature, Quaid-e-Awam Award for Democracy and other awards, he said.

Fakharuz-Zaman said he had exchanged views with European writers, poets and intellectuals over international conference on Sufism and lasting peace being held here soon and forwarded them invitation which they had accepted.

They appreciated the launching of literary TV channel and radio station and termed it a great achievement and effort for the promotion of literature, he added.

Monday, July 20, 2009

The Sidi Chiker World Meetings brought Sufis from 50 countries together in Marrakech on July 10th-12th. Participants discussed the creation of an international Sufi organisation.

One thousand followers of Sufism from 50 countries travelled to Marrakech on July 10th, as part of an event intended to forge links between Sufism in Morocco and its various branches around the world. The Sidi Chiker World Meetings, organised by the Ministry of Islamic Affairs and Habous, ran through Sunday (July 12th).

"We are seeking to draw inspiration from the spiritual values of Sufism and come up with innovative approaches to educating Muslims about various aspects of their lives, in order to foster their religious and spiritual development", said the ministry in a statement.

Participants hailed the Moroccan initiative, which promotes Sufism in what some see as an era of disagreements and misunderstandings. Many Sufis believe their teachings can provide a remedy for problems currently faced by states, such as terrorism and extremism.

Ibrahim Saleh, who comes from Niger, said that Sufism calls on Muslims to rally together and to steer clear of disputes and conflicts. "A meeting like this, which brings together Sufis from all walks of life, makes it possible for us to share points of view so that we can achieve the goals of Sufism," he said.

Nahila Kivana from Pakistan said that it is necessary to project an image of Islam as a religion of tolerance and peace at a time when extremism is on the rise.

Hussein Sherif from Jordan said that it is time to revive Sufism so that it can play its role as an ethical path to personal and collective development within Islam.

During the event, it was proposed that a world body representing followers of Sufism be created.
"It would serve as a flexible framework to promote understanding, work, contact, and exchange regarding the activities of brotherhoods around the world," said Moroccan Minister of Islamic Affairs Ahmed Toufiq.

He added that the body could begin its work by implementing essential projects such as a comprehensive overhaul of Sufi institutions and the creation of a website to meet their needs.
Morocco offered to host the new institution, as Sufism plays an integral part in its national identity, Toufiq said.

King Mohammed VI wrote an open letter to the participants, saying that Sufism in Morocco shows a balanced view of Islam, advocating love and fraternity.

"In addition to their ability to identify the roots of the problem and propose solutions," the king wrote, "the great perspicacity of the Sufis has helped them to identify a way forwards whenever the interests of our community have been at stake".

Mohamed Jabbour, a professor of Islamic affairs, said that Morocco has a long history with Sufism. "It's both a religious and a political choice at the same time. For centuries, the kings of Morocco have maintained a strong link between the Commandery of the Faithful and Sufi brotherhoods in order to preserve the Sunni faith as well as religious doctrine. Gifts are regularly given to mausoleums to sustain the tradition," he commented.

He also said that it is no accident that international meetings are held in Sidi Chiker, since the site has been a meeting-place for ulemas ever since Islam arrived in Morocco in the seventh century and has been a centre for religious guidance.

International meetings for followers of Sufism have been held every two years in Sidi Chiker since 2004.

Sunday, July 19, 2009

Presenting heritage walks is a multi-skilled art requiring theatrical acumen, academic depth and in order to provide a holistic sense, it is important to bring in tradition bearers into the presentation.

They are unique repositories of oral histories on historical sites that provide a holistic narrative to the cultural production. As an illustration, I’ll talk about a heritage walk at the Sufi shrine of Matka Pir.

The Sufi dargah is situated just behind the premises of the crafts museum [on the way to Purana Quila] in New Delhi. Over 800 years old, the shrine belongs to the Qalander silsila of Sufism.

It predates the shrine of Hazrat Nizamuddin Aulia, who, it is believed, came to pay respects to the saint Hazrat Sheikh Abu Bakr Tulshi Haideri Kalandari Rahmatullah, buried at this shrine.

According to the present head caretaker of Hazrat Nizamuddin, Khwaja Hasan Nizami Sani, the maintenance of the shrine was supervised by the Nizamuddin shrine until the 20th century.

The shrine of Matka Pir stands atop a small hillock. At the entrance leading to the hill, there are shops selling offerings, especially matkas. Earthen clay water pitchers hang on tall keekar tress.

For my walks, I make it a point to invite Pir Mohammed Naseem, the caretaker of the shrine as an ‘actor’ in the production—he takes great pride in narrating oral history. He is usually surrounded by large number of ‘patients’, who come to him for barkat—blessings—for solutions to their worldly problems and to exorcise evil djinns, which he does by giving them verses to chant, or talismans to wear.

The Pir begins his narrative in a theatrical fashion, “A traveller suffering from an incurable skin disease came to the baba, asking for water and blessings. Soon after, he returned to the dargah, completely cured. People started thronging the dargah to seek the blessings of the Pir to solve their problems.”

“Sultan Balban was keen to test the powers of the Pir. He sent him a platter full of iron balls and mud. The Pir covered the plate and started praying. After a while when he lifted the cover, he found that the iron balls had turned into roasted gram and the mud into gur (jaggery). The baba then mixed part of the gur with gram and water (which then changed into sweet milk).”

“Even today the ritual offerings include roasted chanas, gur and milk in matkas. The baba came to be known as Baba Matka.”

Sufi Khwaja Hasan Nizami Sani of Hazrat Nizamuddin, the head caretaker of the Nizamuddin shrine, told me that his father advised the caretaker of the shrine to hang the pots on the keekar trees to deal with the huge number of matkas left in the premises. A scheme for waste management was transformed into a sacred ritual for wish fulfillment.

Khwaja Hasan Nizami Sani told me yet another anecdote of oral history. The year 1912 was marked by the Delhi-Lahore conspiracy case in which an attempt was made to assassinate Viceroy Lord Hardinge on the occasion of the transfer of the capital of the British from Calcutta to New Delhi. Luckily, the Viceroy who was sitting on an elephant, escaped unhurt but his mahout was killed.

A few weeks ago before the attempt, his father Khwaja Hasan Nizami, acting on sheer intuition had written an article in a newspaper, warning of a threat to Hardinge’s life. Khwaja Sahib was arrested on suspicion of involvement in the conspiracy but was later released.

Lady Hardinge came personally to the Khwaja for his forewarning and sought his blessings. In return she was instrumental in preventing the demolition of the shrine of Matka Pir when a road was built.

Sidi Chiker Meeting of Adherents of Sufism: Opening at Marrakesh of the Proceedings of the 2nd edition of the World Meetings.

Marrakech: Initiated by the Ministry of Religious Endowment and Islamic Affairs, the three days global meeting aims to foster links and contacts between members of Sufism in Morocco and the rest of the world, especially since the Kingdom is one of the cradles of Sufi thought, based on supreme human values from the Holy Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet Sidna Mohammed (pbuh).

After a first Conference held in 2004, the international meetings of Sidi Chiker's Adherents of Sufism will now be held every two years.

Friday, July 17, 2009

By TNI Correspondent, *Capturing the wisdom of modern mystic* - The News International - Karachi, Pakistan
Friday, July 10, 2009

Islamabad: When the believer’s light of joy goes out, the unbeliever’s home is lit up with ceremonial lamps. What will he, who has no light in his heart, gain from a festival of lamps?

Such enlightened messages of mysticism from Wasif Ali Wasif is the only remedy to contemporary challenges facing us today and Ejazul Haque’s book ‘Farmaish’ captures the true spirit and wisdom of this modern mystic of contemporary times.

National Language Authority Chairman Iftikhar Arif said this while sharing his views at the launching ceremony of a book titled ‘Farmaish’ under the auspices of National Book Foundation here on Thursday.

Professor Fateh Mohammad Malik presided over the launching ceremony attended by a significant number of intellectuals and literati from the twin metropolis. Ahmad Javed was the keynote speaker, while the author Ejazul Haque was also present to share his experience and read out extracts from the book. Hamid Qaiser of NBF and other participants also put in their views later in a dialogue.

The book compiled by Ejazul Haque, is a tribute by a disciple to commemorate the memory and wisdom of Wasif Ali Wasif. Based on reminiscence of his life and mystic thoughts, the book is a collection of anecdotes from his life and also his great words of wisdom and speeches from time to time. If anyone has not studied Wasif Ali Wasif, after reading this book, one is sure to search for every book written by Wasif Ali for his thought provoking ideas and simple yet but very unfathomable words.

Professor Fateh Mohammad Malik said that in these conflicting times, Sufi thoughts needs to be promoted, as beacon of light in dark hours. He described the book, as a unique contribution of the author for collecting the words of wisdom of Wasif Ali Wasif, who enjoyed great respect for his contemplative wisdom and people used to gather around him to listen to his speeches. He said that Wasif Ali Wasif has left as a product of his mind a treasure invaluable of the wisdom of the real Islamic spirit and ideology in his books.

Iftikhar Arif said that apart from being a poet and columnist, Wasif Ali Wasif was also a unique follower of mysticism, which represents the true Islamic spirit and ideology that is reflected in his own words ‘Islam is not the name given to the body of Muslim knowledge, but to the pattern of Muslim behaviour. In other words, Islam is not something to be talked but something to be done’.

Iftikhar Arif said that the book is a tribute of a disciple, as the author Ejaz has collected Wasif Ali’s biography, his sayings, and reminiscences of his close interactions with his followers.

Iftikhar Arif said that for words like ‘Wasif mujhe azal se mili manzile awvad, har daur pe muhit hoon jis zawiye mey hoon’ he was revered for his unique literary style. “Wasif Ali used to write short pieces of prose on spiritual aspect touching topics like life, fear, expectations, and happiness,” he said and added in his life time, most of his columns were combined to form books with his own selected title. Probably no contemporary Urdu writer is more cited in quotations than Wasif Ali Wasif.

In later years, he was known to answer questions in specially arranged gatherings at Lahore attended by the notable community. Some of these sessions were recorded in audio and were later published as ‘Guftagu’ talk series.

Wasif Ali Wasif has over 30 books to his credit and his thought was more on mysticism, spirituality and humanity.

Born in Khushab back in 1929, Wasif Ali Wasif received his primary education under the supervision of his father in Khushab, and graduated with distinction from his maternal place Jhang. Moving to Lahore, he obtained degree of MSc in Mathematics from Government Islamia College, and Masters in English from Government College, Lahore.

This world has seen many great essayists, but the essays of Wasif have their own distinctive quality that could be easily differentiated from the works of other stalwarts. Wasif had written four books in Urdu prose titled ‘Dil Darya Samundar’, ‘Kiran Kiran Suraj’, ‘Qatra Qatra Qulzum’, and ‘Harf Harf Haqiqat’. All these are wonderful works having a touch of mysticism, and judging from the merit of these works, it will not be a miss to say that these works could be placed in the line of great Islamic mystic writers of the past.

Wasif Ali Wasif died on January 18, 1993. Being famous for Sufism and respected by many people, he is usually referred to as Hazrat Wasif Ali Wasif.

His shrine is located in Lahore near Chauburjee, where his ‘urs’ is celebrated every year from 22nd to 24th of the month of Rajab.

When writing Arabic, the scribe must be aware of which letters can connect, what form the letters take next to other letters, when to dip the characters below the guiding line and how they all connect to one another.

“It’s challenging,” Carol Zaru said.Zaru, who teaches Arabic at McDaniel College in Westminster, is teaching a weeklong course on the language at Common Ground on the Hill, which is a traditional music and arts foundation whose focal piece is two weeks of classes in summer.

This week, the class has learned day by day to write letters and say certain phrases.“You’re getting there, you’re getting there,” Zaru said to the class after practicing some writing Wednesday afternoon.

Earlier in the class, Zaru went from student to student, asking them questions like, “What is your name?” and “Where are you from?” in Arabic.The students have already learned basics and were able to answer her questions.

“You can have a whole dialogue going; it’s exciting,” Zaru said to the class.

Student Denise Diegel said the language sounds pretty. Samantha Evans, another student, said the language also looks beautiful when written by someone who hadn’t just learned.

Since Sept. 11, 2001, Zaru said there has been an increased curiosity about the Arab world. She said some of her students use it in careers, others to find out more about the language and culture, and others to try to learn the language.

“They love it for the challenge,” she said.

Those taking the Common Ground course also have varied reasons for choosing this class.

Samantha Evans, 15, of Reisters-town, said this class is an introduction for her.“I’d love to get to the point where I could read the Quran,” she said. Samantha said she is a Sufi, which she described as a type of Islam.

Betsy Garrett, of Towson, said she is a fan of languages.“Arabic is such a different language,” she said. Garrett said she would also love to be able to understand some of the Arabic calligraphy at the Walters Art Museum in Baltimore.

Diegel, of Glyndon, who teaches French and Spanish at Westminster High School, said she would like to become informed enough to start an Arabic program at Westminster.“It’s so needed these days,” she said.

Zaru said she hopes all of her students keep going with the introduction she is giving them to her native tongue.

Born in Jerusalem, Zaru lived most of her life in Palestinian territory and moved to Maryland in 2001. She started teaching at McDaniel in the fall of 2007.

“I’m hoping they will get a good taste for it,” she said. Zaru said she also wants people to become more aware of Islam, that not all people who speak Arabic are Muslims.

“[If people were aware of] the diversity of the Arab world, that would shatter the stereotype,” she said.

Picture: Instructor Carol Zaru demonstrates letters during an Arabic class at Common Ground on the Hill at McDaniel College in Westminster Wednesday. Photo by Dylan Slagle/Staff Photo.

“Muslims have it backwards,” stated the scholar at a recent lecture. “We divide ourselves into categories, even though it specifically states not to do so in the Qur’an, and we refer to every non-Muslim as a kafir, even though non-Muslims are divided into categories in the Qur’an."

“Yeah, why do we do that?” I asked myself. “Aren’t we all just Muslims?”

Mentioned in the Qur’an are kafirun (disbelievers), mushrikun (polytheists), and munafiqun (hypocrites, i.e., those who state that they are Muslim but conceal their disbelief). The word “kafir" tends to be tossed around a lot in some circles, but I have yet to hear anyone described as a mushrik or a munafiq.

I also hear Muslims (including me) describing themselves and others as belonging to a certain group. And usually when someone is describing someone else it is not a compliment.

Although we are told not to divide ourselves into sects (Al Qur’an, 6:159), the Prophet Muhammad, may Allaah bless him and grant him peace, told us that we would:
The Jews were split up into seventy-one or seventy-two sects; and the Christians were split up into seventy one or seventy-two sects; and my community will be split up into seventy-three sects. (Abu Dawud)

I’m not sure how many sects there are now but clearly we are on our way to seventy-three. One of the problems with labeling ourselves differently is that we may begin to feel superior to others.

Imam ‘Abdallah ibn Alwawi al-Haddad discusses “conceit” in his book The Treatise of Mutual Reminding among Loving Brothers, People of Goodness and Religion. He states:
Beware of conceit, for it invalidates works. The Messenger of God (saas) said, “Conceit eats good works just as fire eats firewood.” And he said, “Three things are ruinous: avarice that one obeys, passion that one follows, and admiration that one has for himself.”

Conceit is for someone to see himself as important and his behavior as excellent. From this arises showing off one’s works, feeling superior to others, and being self-satisfied.

As Ibn ‘Ata’illah said, may God’s mercy be upon him, “The root of every sin, distraction, or lust is self-satisfaction.” He who is satisfied with himself does not see his shortcomings. And he who is unaware of his shortcomings, how can he succeed?

May we be protected from conceit and self-satisfaction and led to the Straight Path.

Two new permanent altarpieces have been commissioned for the historic building, but they will not be made from carved wood or marble. Instead, they will be giant plasma screens.

Video artist Bill Viola is to create the pair of displays, expected to flank the cathedral's High Altar and the American Memorial Chapel.

Based on the theme of Mary and the Martyrs, they will be arranged as multiple screens configured in a manner "similar to historic altarpieces", said a spokeswoman today.

Canon Martin Warner, Treasurer of St Paul's, said: "The new works are expected to add to the devotional and reflective experience of visitors to St Paul's, arresting people's attention and inviting them to pause and reflect."

Work will begin on the pieces this summer for completion in early 2011.

New York-born Viola, 58, is hailed as pioneer of video art. He has created installations and sets for the Opera National de Paris, the Guggenheim Museum and the Church of San Gallo in Venice a.o.

His emotionally charged slow-motion works are inspired by traditions within medieval and Renaissance devotional painting and deal with central themes of birth, death, love and spirituality - drawing from Buddhism, Christian mysticism and Islamic Sufism.

He said today: "If I'm successful, the final pieces will function both as aesthetic objects of contemporary art and as practical objects of traditional contemplation."

From the Centennial Website:
Mostaghanem, the birthplace of Sheikh al-Alawee and his eponymous Sufi path, will host an international conference involving reflection, activities, and festivities.

The conference will be held from the 25 to the 31 of July, 2009.

For seven days, seven great questions will be presented, debated, and answered by political personalities, religious leaders, thinkers, specialists, and field workers from all over the world.

In view of the major challenges and global emergencies facing the world today, the Alaweya Sufi path (Tareqa Alaweya, in Arabic) will conduct an in-depth reflection, through conferences and workshops that will lead to concrete projects and sustainable actions.

Nourished by memory and history, this centennial is oriented toward long-lasting endeavor. The Alaweya Sufi path is based on spiritual and universal values, which call for peace and brotherhood.

For the entire past century, it has drawn from previous Sufi teachings to carry out concrete actions. With thousands of members, Tareqa Alaweya’s charisma and experience give it relevance and an undeniable impact in the world.

During the year of 2009, a caravan of hope and many cultural, artistic, and spiritual activities will be organized throughout the Maghreb and Europe as a precursor to the centennial.

[To visit the Centennial website (also in French and Arabic), click on the title of this article.]

Algiers: After using police raids, arrests and gun battles in its fight against Islamist insurgents, Algeria is now deploying a new, more subtle weapon: a branch of Islam associated with contemplation, not combat.

The government of this North African oil and gas producer is promoting Sufism, an Islamic movement that it sees as a gentler alternative to the ultra-conservative Salafism espoused by many of the militants behind Algeria's insurgency.

The authorities have created a television and radio station to promote Sufism and the "zaouias" or religious confraternities that preach and practise it, in addition to regular appearances by Sufi sheikhs on other stations. All are tightly controlled by the state.

Sufism, found in many parts of the Muslim world, places a greater focus on prayer and recitation and its followers have tended to stay out of politics.

In Algeria it has a low profile, with most mosques closer to Salafism -- though not the violent connotations that sometimes carries.

Exact numbers are hard to come by, but George Joffe, a research fellow at the Centre of International Studies, Cambridge University, estimates there are 1-1.5 million Sufis in Algeria, out of a total population of 34 million.

Salafism has its roots in Saudi Arabia and emphasises religious purity. Adherents act out the daily rituals of Islam's earliest followers, for example by picking up food with three fingers and using a "Siwak" -- a toothbrush made out of a twig.

Officials believe Sufism could help bring peace to Algeria, a country still emerging from a conflict in the 1990s between government forces and Islamist rebels that, according to some estimates, killed 200,000 people.

"I disagree with the Salafi ideology because it doesn't take into consideration the particular nature of Algeria," said Mohamed Idir Mechnane, an official at the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
"We are doing a lot to encourage people to come back to our traditional Islam: a peaceful, tolerant and open-minded Islam. And thanks to God, people are much more attracted by our message than by the Salafi message," he told Reuters.

InvocationTo give the Sufi "zaouias" a more central role in society, they are encouraged to arrange marriages, help take care of orphans, teach the Koran and distribute charitable donations.

Followers of Sufism focus on the rituals of "Dhikr" or "Hadra" -- "invocation" or "remembrance" -- which feature sermons, reciting the Koran, praising the Prophet Mohammed, requests for intercession and rhythmic invocations of Allah.

During one "Dhikr" ritual at a Sufi zaoui just outside Algiers last month, about 60 men sat in a circle in a large room and began chanting. After a few minutes, some of the elders rocked from side to side, deep in what appeared to be a trance.

"For over 14 centuries, Islam has been present in this country," said Hadj Lakhdar Ghania, a member of the influential confraternity, Tidjania Zaouia.

"We used to live ... in peace and in harmony. But the day the Salafists said we should implement a new Islam in Algeria, problems and troubles started," he told Reuters.

Though the violence has tailed off sharply, insurgents affiliated with al Qaeda still mount sporadic attacks on government targets, posing a challenge to stability in a country that is the world's fourth biggest exporter of natural gas.

Deploying Sufism against radical Islam is not a new idea. A 2007 report by the U.S.-based Rand Corporation think tank, said Sufism could be harnessed to help promote moderate Islam.
"Traditionalists and Sufis are natural allies of the West to the extent that common ground can be found with them," it said.

Algeria's promotion of Sufism could also have implications for countries such as Iraq and Afghanistan, which also have Sufi traditions and where Western governments are struggling to counter the influence of Islamist radicals.

Follow The Rules"A Sufi should connect with Allah through invocation and prayer. For example, on Fridays we spend several hours ... chanting and reciting the Koran. We repeat 1,200 times the name of Allah, and 1,200 times the name of his Prophet Muhammad," Hadj Lakhdar Ghania said.

The Salafists are a more visible presence in Algeria because while the Sufis do not wear any distinguishing dress, most Salafists have beards and in the street wear the "Kamiss", a long white robe, and white skullcaps.

For some militants, the Salafi puritanism leads to a strict interpretation of religion that justifies violence against non-Salafis.

Many leading Salafis reject violence, and others have renounced it since the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks in the United States. But some militant groups still claim Salafism as their ideology.
Hard-line Islamists say Sufi practices such as visiting the tombs of Sufi saints to seek benediction amount to idolatry.

"Sufism is negative. It doesn't seek change. It promotes charlatanism," said Sheikh Abdelfatah, an influential Salafist imam based in Algiers.

"Salafism is good and combats harmful ideas. We encourage our youth to follow the rules of Islam and get away from the western way of life," said the bearded imam dressed in a Kamiss.

The predecessor organisation to al Qaeda's North African wing was influenced by the movement, calling itself the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat.

Since 2001 however, several Salafist clerics have issued religious decrees condemning violence.
The influential Algerian Salafist cleric Abdelmalek Ramdani, who lives in Saudi Arabia, called on his followers a year ago to keep away from politics and stop using violence.

But to Mouloudi Mohamed, an independent Algerian expert on Islamic issues, the best way to combat extremism is by going back to traditional Islam, not the Salafism that was imported from Saudi Arabia.

"I don't believe we should import solutions but rather use the Islam of our fathers to live in peace," he said.

Its root cause is ethnic tension between the Turkic Muslim Uighurs and the Han Chinese. It can be traced back for decades, and even to the conquest of what is now called Xinjiang by the Manchu Qing dynasty in the 18th Century.

In the 1940s there was an independent Eastern Turkestan Republic in part of Xinjiang, and many Uighurs feel that this is their birthright.

Instead, they became part of the People's Republic of China in 1949, and Xinjiang was declared one of China's autonomous regions, in deference to the fact that the majority of the population at the time was Uighur.

This autonomy is not genuine, and - although Xinjiang today has a Uighur governor - the person who wields real power is the regional secretary general of the Chinese Communist Party, Wang Lequan, who is a Han Chinese.

Inward migration
Under the rule of the Communist Party, there has been considerable economic development, but life has been made more difficult for the Uighurs over the past 20-30 years by the migration of many young and technically-qualified Han Chinese from the eastern provinces.

These new migrants are far more proficient in the Chinese language than all but a few Uighurs, and tend to be appointed to the best jobs.

Not surprisingly, this has created deep-seated resentment among the Uighurs, who view the migration of Han into Xinjiang as a plot by the government to dilute them, undermine their culture and prevent any serious resistance to Beijing's control.

More recently, young Uighurs have been encouraged to leave Xinjiang to find work in the rest of China, a process that had already been under way informally for some years.

There was particular concern at government pressure to encourage young Uighur women to move to other parts of China in search of employment - stoking fears they might end up working in bars or nightclubs or even in prostitution, without the protection of family or community.

Islam is an integral part of the life and the identity of the Uighurs of Xinjiang, and one of their major grievances against the Chinese government is the level of restriction imposed on their religious practices.

There are far fewer mosques in Xinjiang than there were before 1949, and they are subject to severe restrictions.

Children under the age of 18 are not permitted to worship in the mosques, and neither are officials of the Communist Party or the government.

Madrasas - religious schools - are also strictly controlled

Other Islamic institutions that were once a central part of religious life in Xinjiang have been banned, including many of the Sufi brotherhoods, which are based at the tombs of their founders and provided many welfare and other services to their members.

All religions in China are subject to control by the State Administration for Religious Affairs, but the restrictions on Islam among the Uighurs are far harsher than against most other groups, including the Hui who are also Muslims but are Chinese speakers. This severity is a result of the association between Muslim groups and the independence movement in Xinjiang, a movement that is absolute anathema to Beijing.

There are groups within Xinjiang that support the idea of independence, but they are not allowed to do so openly because "splitting the motherland" is viewed as treason.

During the 1990s - after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of independent Muslim states in Central Asia - there was an upsurge in open support for these "separatist" groups, culminating in huge demonstrations in the city of Ghulja in 1995 and 1997.

Beijing suppressed those demonstrations with considerable force, and activists were either forced out of Xinjiang into Central Asia and as far away as Pakistan or were obliged to go underground.

'Climate of fear'
Severe repression since the launch of a "Strike Hard" campaign in 1996 has included harsher controls on religious activity, restrictions on movement, the denial of passports and the detention of individuals suspected of support for separatists and members of their families.
This has created a climate of fear and a great deal of resentment towards the authorities and the Han Chinese.

It is surprising that this resentment has not erupted into public anger and demonstrations before now, but that is a measure of the tightness of control that Beijing has been able to exercise over Xinjiang.

There are a number of emigre Uighur organisations in Europe and the United States; in most cases they advocate genuine autonomy for the region.

In the past, Beijing has also blamed an Eastern Turkestan Islamic Movement for causing unrest, although there is no evidence that this ever existed in Xinjiang.

The authorities in Beijing are unable to accept that their own policies in Xinjiang might be the cause of the conflict, and seek to blame outsiders for inciting the violence - as they do in the case of the Dalai Lama and Tibet.

Even if Uighur emigre organisations wished to provoke unrest, it would be difficult for them to do so and there are, in any case, sufficient local reasons for unrest without the need for external intervention.

Michael Dillon is the former director of the Centre for Contemporary Chinese Studies at the University of Durham. He is also the author of a book entitled Xinjiang: China's Muslim Far Northwest.

Saturday, July 11, 2009

If pre-military operation Swat has a global counterpart, it’s Somalia. Exchange the Taliban for Al-Shabab, a radical Islamic group, and events in the unstable African country will seem eerily familiar to Pakistanis.

The group’s activities are sanctioned by Sharia courts under Shabab’s influence. (Interestingly, these courts sprang up in Somalia about a decade ago to promote law and order in a stateless society with no efficient judicial system — sound familiar?) Shabab first emerged as the militant wing of the Islamic Courts Union, which used to control Somalia.

After 2006, the extremist group launched an insurgency against Somalia’s transitional government and the Ethiopian forces that were stationed around Mogadishu to help preserve the weak government’s writ until January this year. Since 2007, Shabab has claimed links with Al Qaeda and, fuelled by foreign support, recently adopted an expansionist agenda: militants have swept central and southern Somalia recruiting fighters and striking deals with tribal clan leaders to establish Shabab’s control across the country.

Indeed, the similarities between Pakistan’s northwest and Somalia are so intense that, as military operations in Swat and Fata gained intensity, dozens of Al Qaeda fighters fled the tribal belt and relocated to Somalia. There, they will join the ranks of Shabab, which is currently recruiting hundreds of foreign ‘jihadis’ in an effort to topple the six-month-old moderate Islamic government of President Sheik Sharif Sheik Ahmed.

Given the parallels, it would be worthwhile for the Pakistan government to analyse developments in Somalia to make more informed decisions about how to eradicate militancy from within our borders in the long term. This process could begin with a close look at the role Sufism is playing in the weak Somali state’s struggle for survival.

As is the case with Pakistan, the West is banking on the devotees of Sufi saints — who comprise the majority of Somali Muslims, enjoy grassroots support and unite people across tribal factions — to push back against Shabab. US-based think tanks like Rand and the Heritage Foundation are counting on the Sufi message of love to counter Shabab’s ever-brutal violence, for tolerance to stem hatred and for music and dancing to triumph over coercion.

But that’s not how things are playing out in Somalia.

In December 2008, Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jama, an umbrella group of previously peaceful Sufis with loose allegiances to Mogadishu, took up arms against Shabab militants and drove them out of the central Dusa Marreb region. Several gun battles for control of central Somalia — where Sufis are predominant — have ensued, leading to the death of at least one senior Shabab commander. By resorting to violence, Somali Sufis have maintained control of their territory. In fact, Sufi militias are the only force to have confronted Shabab and won.

The clash between Sufis and Wahabi-influenced extremists of Shabab is unprecedented in Somalia. The country has always witnessed clan warfare, which is usually limited to two tribes. The Sufi-Shabab showdowns, which have explicit ideological and sectarian proportions, mark a new era in African instability. Since religious sects provide a banner under which different tribes can unite, religious warfare in Somalia threatens to be widespread, extended and bloody.

The fact that Somali Sufis resorted to violence should give Pakistan pause to think. After all, a protracted war between Sufi devotees and extremists is no better than the battle between the military and militants or lashkars and Taliban recruits. And yet, that could be Pakistan’s future if active steps are not taken to prevent it.

Consider two separate incidents: in February, the provincial government in the NWFP announced a $40m fund to provide arms to anti-Taliban villagers. The idea was to equip an elite force with weapons seized from militants so that villagers could tackle the Taliban on the latter’s terms. The decision was criticised for further weaponising an arms-ridden part of the country and casting Pakistan’s fight against the Taliban as a do-or-die battle, rather than a long-term attempt to alter mindsets through education and provide alternatives to careers in militancy by creating jobs.

Separately, in June, the government announced the formation of a seven-member Sufi Advisory Council (SAC), which will aim to counter extremism by spreading Sufism instead. This move, too, was criticised. Not only does the council’s existence suggest that one version of Islam is preferred in Pakistan over others, but it casts the fight against terrorism as a religious war, rather than a democratic government’s crackdown against those operating beyond the law and undermining the constitution.

Now put the two together. If, in the coming months, armed Sufi adherents — emboldened by the rhetoric of the SAC — take up arms against remnants of the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan in the Frontier province, our country will boast yet another similarity to Somalia — and that can never be a good thing.

The fact is, both Pakistan and Somalia should realise that propping up Sufism as a counter to spreading militancy is a dangerous gamble. It breeds a culture of coercion, in which one interpretation of Islam is imposed on all citizens. Moreover, deepening the spiral of religious warfare will only result in years more of bloodshed and instability.

True democracies are invested in promoting the freedom to practise whichever religion, and however, a person chooses.

Learning from Somalia, Pakistan should be making every effort to minimise the space given to religion in the public sphere.

Mumbai: Saregama India Ltd, India’s foremost music company launched its new album “Tajalli” at The Lalit, Barakhamba Avenue, New Delhi.

The album was launched by the Hon’ble Chief Minister of Delhi Smt. Sheila Dikshit.
The event was attended by an august gathering of eminent journalists and dignitaries.

Speaking at the launch of her album Anita Singhvi said “Tajalli means a Light from Heaven...the light brings the essence of Love and Devotion to one and all. Sufism is the ultimate devotion to one’s own God through self realization. It guides a man to reach God.The motive of this album is to disseminate the message of love and peace amongst all in this strife ridden world.”

Mr. Apurv Nagpal, MD, Saregama India said, “The spirit of the Sufi is human soul in its simplicity - bare, free and steeped in divine love. Perhaps only music can adequately convey a state of being so simple and yet so profound. We at Saregama are privileged to partner in creation of this ethereal music – with an artiste truly devoted to spreading the message of the Sufi through her gift of music”.

Wajahat Habibullah’s view is important because he served as a civil servant in Jammu & Kashmir when it was going through the throes of the insurrection starting 1990. He was the only Muslim in that year’s batch of the Indian Administrative Service, a branch of the All India Services, and the ruling chief minister happened to be a friend of his father’s, which became “the subject of some conjecture in the press gossip”.

The majority of the Jammu and Kashmir population now living within India — more than 5.4 million according to the 2001 census — are in the Kashmir Valley, known as the Kashmir Division. The Kashmiri language, spoken in the valley and in the areas immediately abutting it, is a Dardic language. The second major component is the Jammu Division, with a population of just under 4.4 million, more than 60 percent Hindu and 30 percent Muslim — the latter forming a majority in three of Jammu’s six districts with languages that are variations of Punjabi, distinct from Kashmiri.

The third component of Jammu and Kashmir, though administratively under the Kashmir Division, is Ladakh (population 233,000), the largest of the three in area, with a slim Muslim majority, mostly Shia, in contrast to predominantly Sunni Kashmir. One of Ladakh’s two districts, Kargil, theatre of war between India and Pakistan in 1999, is predominantly Shia Muslim (73 percent), as is adjoining Baltistan in the Northern Area of Pakistan-administered Kashmir. The district of Leh, to the south, has a Buddhist majority. (p.7)

Habibullah is disturbed by Pakistanis’ newfound contempt for the tolerant Sufi culture in Islam. He writes: “In November 2003, while talking to a group of Pakistani Americans in Washington, DC, over an iftar, I was surprised to learn of the Pakistani Americans’ low regard for the influence the Sufi shrines still exert over common folk in India and Pakistan. The general feeling was that these shrines were the haunts of deluded illiterates and instruments for extortion by avaricious con men. Although many Indians, Muslims as well as Hindus, look askance at the extortion in the guise of religion that occurs at several Sufi shrines — identical to what occurs at many Hindu temples — the Indian intelligentsia does not view the shrines with the same contempt expressed by the Pakistani intelligentsia.” (p.17)

The author is clear about why Sheikh Abdullah, the charismatic leader of J&K, did not join Muslim Pakistan: “As a National Conference leader, Sheikh Abdullah faced a clear choice: he could join a Muslim nation whose leadership would surely be Punjabi, a people whom Kashmiris feared and distrusted and who were unlikely to respect the distinct religious tradition and identity of Kashmiris. Alternatively, he could join a secular state, where Kashmiris would be assured freedom in a new nation and the source of those assurances of freedom was someone of Kashmiri descent, who cherished that heritage and was a personal friend of the Sheikh’s, with an inclusive vision of what India was to be.” (p.19)

India had its first war with Pakistan immediately after Independence, after it moved to annex J&K. Nehru went to the UN for justice but got an in-between verdict from the Security Council. The UN Resolution of August 13, 1948, called for determination of the future status of the state of Jammu and Kashmir; it was qualified by the resolution of January 5, 1949 which called for a plebiscite to determine the future of Jammu and Kashmir, with the limited choice of opting either to be a part of India or of Pakistan.

This also caused the first wrinkle to appear in the Abdullah-Nehru friendship. In May 1953, the National Conference, led by Sheikh Abdullah, set up a committee to address the prevailing uncertainty and explore the feasibility of a plebiscite, allowing also for the third option of independence. That committee included Bakshi Ghulam Mohammed, GM Sadiq, Girdharilal Dogra, and Shamlal Saraf, many o whom went on to serve in government (p.21)

The book reveals another cause for the disturbance in the New Delhi dovecotes. What is said to have particularly incensed the Indian government were Abdullah’s two meetings in Srinagar with Adlai Stevenson, the recently defeated US Democratic presidential candidate. Supposedly, Stevenson urged the Sheikh to opt for independence, perhaps in return for US bases in Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah was arrested on charges of treason in August 1953. (p.22)
The ‘third option’ which is reality in 2009 could thus be the seed sown by Sheikh Abdullah and watered by the Americans.

The Sheikh was arrested in 1953 without even the opportunity to bid his family farewell. He was released in 1958, only to be arrested again. Released in 1964 as part of Prime Minister Nehru’s final effort to settle Kashmir, the Sheikh visited President Ayub Khan in Pakistan. But he was arrested again in the summer of 1965 on his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca. Released in 1967, he was detained once more in 1968, when his political activism for greater autonomy was perceived as a threat by Indira Gandhi’s Congress government. He was finally returned to power in February 1975 after a November 1974 Sheikh Abdullah-Indira Gandhi Accord. (p.33)

When Sheikh was restored to power in 1975, wealthy Kashmiri businesses were eager to assist the government, but the Sheikh’s political support was largely limited to the Kashmir Valley. Further support would have to be bought. Thus, the Bakshi tradition — which the Sheikh had returned to power on a pledge to eradicate — not only persisted but was relied upon. There was growing corruption in the Abdullah government that lasted from 1975 to 1977. (p.47)

The author was deputy commissioner when the 1977 election came around. All the deputy commissioners in Kashmir were given orders requiring that leading National Conference volunteers be arrested under the Preventive Detention Act, which permitted detention without trial. Under the law, the deputy commissioner, as signatory of the arrest warrant, was expected to exercise judgement in reviewing grounds, and the detention had to withstand the scrutiny of a judicial review. (p.39)

After Sheikh Abdullah, New Delhi had to deal with his son Farooq Abdullah. The relationship soon went sour. Indira Gandhi’s cousin, BK Nehru, governor of Jammu and Kashmir since 1981, had advised against unseating Farooq. BK was replaced in April 1984 by Governor Jagmohan who advised that popular rule be replaced by governor’s rule under Article 92 of the Constitution. The overthrow of Farooq’s government in 1984 was reminiscent of the events of 1953, down to the collusion of his cohorts with the ruling party at the centre.

Did violence against Kashmiri Pandits begin after Pakistan sent in its non-state actors? The book tells us that it actually began in 1986, with the Rajiv Gandhi government in its infancy. The most remarkable aspect of this outbreak was that even though the community had faced persecution by bigoted rulers in the past, this marked the first person-to-person conflict in all of Kashmir’s history (p.55)

This is new information for a Pakistani reader. Also new is the fact that many Muslim clerics fled anti-Muslim violence in Assam and filled up the Kashmiri madrassas run Jamaat Islami. They became a potent influence on young minds and played a critical role in nurturing the religious mind-set of young Kashmiris by the close of the 1980s, when the insurgency erupted. (p.57)

Just as the elections of 1977 were a referendum on the Indira-Sheikh Accord, the state assembly elections in March 1987 were a referendum on the Rajiv-Farooq Accord. The alliance was returned to power with an overwhelming majority: sixty-six seats between the two parties, forty for the National Conference and twenty-six for the Congress party.

The elections were partly rigged but this decided the career of Syed Yusuf Shah, the discomfited candidate in the Amira Kadal constituency in 1987, who went on, under the nom de guerre Syed Salahuddin, to become head of the militant Hizbul Mujahideen. (p.63) Note the observation: ‘partly rigged’. This is definitely not the way Syed Salahuddin looked at what happened in 1987.

What is surprising is the fact that the Kashmiri Pandits were attacked by the JKLF and not by the mullahs of the Jamaat. Even though the JKLF philosophy was supposedly secular, minuscule minority of the pandits from the Kashmir Valley became the principal targets of terrorists from both JKLF, and the violence sparked emigration of almost the entire Pandit community from the valley into Jammu and different parts of India. (p.66)

For Habibullah, the insurgency of March 1988 was caused by disillusionment, carefully nurtured and armed by the ubiquitous ISI. It led to an outflow of young men to Pakistan Kashmir and Afghanistan for training in the use of weapons seized from the retreating Soviet armies. The AK-47 became the preferred armament. Among those who took charge of this training was Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, ‘a fanatical Afghan warlord and among the bitterest opponents of the USSR’. (p.67)

Then Hizb fell out with JKLF. In April 1993, the chief ideologue of the JKLF, Dr Guru, was kidnapped and brutally murdered by the Hizb militant Zulqarnain. Guru, a leading Srinagar physician who had funded a medical college, had commanded wide respect and presented reasonable face of separatism. (p.82) That year also came the Hazratbal Shrine Incident, followed by a far more damaging debacle at Charar-e-Sharif in March 1995.

Charar-e-Sharif is located near Shopian, District Badgam, in South Kashmir and straddles the ancient route through which the imperial Mughal caravan brought India’s Mughal emperors from Agra or Delhi to the summer retreat in the valley. It is a shrine dedicated to the fourteenth-century saint Sheikh Nooruddin Wali of the Kubravi School of Sufis, known t s Hindu devotees as Nanda Rishi or Sahajanand. Charar Sharif was destroyed in May 1995 and the terrorist Mast Gul escaped to Pakistan to be feted as a hero. (p.94)

The book wants a bit of all the solutions so far at hand: autonomy, Indo-Pak joint handling, and Manmohan Singh’s devolution ‘without changing maps’.

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