A complete population census was held in Tanzania in August 1967. It was an enumeration of the de facto population with reference to the night of 26/27th August. That is, people were not recorded by their usual place of residence but according to where they were at the specified time. This was the third general census - as opposed to population count or estimate - to be held. Tanganyika and Zanzibar each had a census in 1948, while Tanganyika had one again in 1957 and Zanzibar a census in 1958. Tanzania is therefore fortunate amongst East African countries - indeed amongst tropical African countries - in having had three equally spaced full enumerations. Kenya and Uganda were also included in the census operation in 1948, but each has had only one census since. The Uganda census took place in 1959 and that of Kenya in 1962.

A hundred and twenty-five miles north of Kampala on the road to Gulu, West Nile and the Sudan, where a new stretch opened in 1963 joins the old road from Masindi to the north. lies Kigumba village. The two rows of simple shops and eating houses and the petrol station are unimpressive, but until recently Kigumba, a village and a sub-county of Kibanda county of Bunyoro was a backward, undeveloped and empty corner of the district. As late as 1950 the sub-county, some 100 square miles in extent, contained only 330 taxpayers, probably equivalent to some 1,300 people in all.2 There was little scope for a trading centre and what population was there was concentrated a few miles to the north and to the south of Kigumba itself and about eight miles to the west around Kaduku hill, the one outstanding feature rising to over 4,000 feet in an otherwise dull and gently rolling country in the Combretum savanna belt. Fifteen years later, by the end of 1965, the total population had reached about 11,000.

My title deliberately echoes that of Dr. Posnansky in his discussion of the historical geography of Uganda a few years ago (Posnansky, 1963). As yet there is relatively little published geographical material on the geography of settlements in Uganda. The same limitation applies to much of tropical Africa, especially to the English-speaking parts. One can read the bulk of several recent texts on Africa and emerge with very little idea of the types of houses and settlements in which most of its people still live. The capitals and the major ports, which have been given more attention, are not typical. If a fuller settlement geography of countries of Africa is to be developed it must come largely from the studies of younger African geographers. This is why I have chosen the theme. I shall try to outline a framework of study, attempt to place within this some existing contributions, and suggest some ways in which a more substantial and coherent construction may be achieved. I believe there is work to be done at all levels, some of it well suited to team study in the schools, and some to undergraduate essays or dissertations.

The policy of Ujamaa Vijijini1 apart from having the potential of transforming rural Tanzania on a scale scarcely envisaged in the original 'transformation' approach postulated in the World Bank Report (1961), points out that there is much of value in the traditional Tanzanian settlement system, in terms of both its social and economic organization. For a group of people to survive, let alone prosper, they must have come to terms with the conditions of the area in which they live. The traditional Tanzanian village holds a store of information about man's adaptation to his environment which should be tapped in the planning of future village organization. This has, at least in part, been the thinking behind the new approach to the planning of settlement in Tanzania.

The basic logic of a common market among developing countries is the impetus. given to industries which are not feasible in one country alone. Yet the recurring problem in all such federations is the cumulative attracting power of one of the countries involved, which is already more developed or better situated, to the detriment of the peripheral countries. East Africa is, of course, no exception. This article is intended to throw some background on the process and geographical pattern of industrialisation in East Africa, and consequences for the Common Market. It arises from a survey, undertaken in 1966 of 24 British firms, associated with 45 factories in East Africa, to find out their reasons for starting local production and their choice of location, within the region. In particular, the idea is examined that the industrial pattern in developing countries is determined not so much by certain world-wide characteristics of industries, but by the protection offered by international transport cost and the nature, rather than size, of the market. Further, it is suggested that insofar as the factories have chosen sites according to traditional location theory, then industry is likely to be more concentrated in a developing than in a developed country. Since the characteristics of underdevelopment would limit the geographical dispersal of industry, government interference with location is necessary to maintain the political cohesion of a common market.

The distribution of cattle in Uganda shows marked regional contrasts. Heavy concentrations border areas almost devoid of cattle. Although disease excludes cattle from approximately one third of the land area of Uganda, the pattern over the remaining two thirds cannot be explained by reference to physical factors alone. Over southern Uganda differing cultural attitudes to cattle strongly influence the distribution, whilst to the north, the distribution of cattle reflects most strongly the pattern of human population. In parts of the country seasonal changes occur, and in other areas marked changes of a more long term nature have been recorded.

The relief of southwest Uganda (Fig. 1) has inspired considerable interest in its geomorphological evolution. Indeed, its rift valley, volcanoes, and its history of drainage reversal has given this area a world-wide reputation (Cooke, 1958; Wayland, 1929, 1931, 1934). The main relief units There are three important and yet quite different ways in which the relief of south-west Uganda may be sub-divided. Firstly there is the sub-division of the area into regions based on their morphology (Fig. 2). or surface form. This is a standard practice in many regional studies and is frequently fundamental to any subsequent geographical analysis.

In March, 1968. a very important meeting took place in Nairobi to discuss proposals for revising the geography syllabus for the Cambridge Overseas School Certificate Examination. Such meetings have been held before but there were several factors which made this meeting of particular importance. First, the recent meeting of the new East African Examinations Council has given a great impetus to plans for implementing the autonomy which a local examining board will offer; second. the meeting had been prefaced by careful preparation in Uganda. Kenya and Tanzania in the panels of the Institutes of Education; third. the breadth of the representation of the three countries was increased by the inclusion of staff members of the institutes and colleges of the University of East Africa; fourth. in all three countries new African graduate teachers, well qualified in modern approaches to geography teaching, are emerging from the university colleges in substantially larger numbers than ever before; and fifth, the institute panels are able, by in-service courses and the preparation of teaching materials, to ensure that any new syllabus stands a' good chance of both successful and rapid implementation in the schools.

Zambia's determined efforts at permanent political and economic re-orientation away from Rhodesia and towards East Africa are an important geographical effect of the continuing situation in central Africa. The presence of a hostile regime in Rhodesia has caused Zambia, with the close cooperation of Tanzania, to formulate and put into action plans for modem transport links with East Africa. Work on the first of these new links, an oil pipeline from Dar es Salaam to Bwana Mkubwa on the Copperbelt, is now nearing completion.

Sango Bay Estate extends over more than 200 sq. miles of the south-east of Buddu County in Masaka District. It is a sparsely populated area of grass savanna and swamp grassland near Lake Victoria. The estate is an old-established one, having had unsuccessful plantations of sisal and palms in the last 60 years, but until 1956 the main use made of the estate was the exploitation of timber resources. There is still saw-milling, but this is no longer the main activity. In 1956 the lease of the estate changed hands, and, in an attempt to increase the return from the land, experimental plots, each of 200 acres had been planted with coffee and sugar-cane by 1960. The coffee failed completely, but the sugar was sufficiently successful to warrant the planting of a further 700 acres in 1962. The acreage was further increased using cuttings from the original cane, and in August, 1965, when there were 4,700 acres altogether, the first cane was crushed. Early prospects of success had encouraged the establishment of a sugar processing factory on the Estate.

The following notes on Rift Valley and Western Provinces, Kenya, were compiled in the first instance for Encylopaedia Britannica, but owing to a recent change of editorial policy on the insertion of articles on provinces they will not be printed in that work of reference. If these sample gazeteers are found to be useful to the readers of the Review the series could be extended in future issues to cover the remaining five provinces of Kenya and the Nairobi area.