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Aug 09 (38) - How your government's
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About

The Rhode Island Policy Reporter is an independent news source that
specializes in the technical issues of public policy that matter so
much to all our lives, but that also tend not to be reported very
well or even at all. The publication is owned and operated by Tom
Sgouros, who has written all the text you'll find on this site,
except for the articles with actual bylines.

Responsibility:

Tom Sgouros

Mon, 30 Mar 2009

The House rewrite of the Governor's supplemental budget could hardly
be a worse document than the original budget, but it is just as bad.
On balance, you have to say it's slightly more realistic in its
assumptions, but it is crueler to the cities and towns. So take your
pick: a bad budget, based on unrealistic assumptions (from the
Governor) or a worse budget, based on realistic assumptions (from the
House).

The budget ends general revenue sharing for the cities and towns.
This is a pot of about $55 million that is shared with all the
municipalities, and which they were all counting on in order to fill
out this year's budget. This is cut to zero in the House version.
Let's be clear about what's happening. Three-quarters of the way
through the fiscal year, cities and towns are being told they have to
suck it up and make up a whole year's worth of state aid. Providence
will lose $15 million under this budget. For comparison, the police
and fire departments are both about $43 million departments, and the
rest of the municipal government is about the same. So they'll have
to cut about 13% of their annual expenses in three months. In other
words, if everyone took six weeks off and went home, they might make
it. This doesn't consider the cuts to education aid, but there are
some of those, too, despite the addition of federal stimulus money.

To pick a random suburban town, in North Kingstown the loss
appears to be about 4-5% of the general municipal budget. So they'll
only need to give everyone two and a half weeks off, or otherwise find
a way to cut 20% of the budget for three months.

According to my understanding of the ARRA (stimulus) money, the
House budget front-loads the money more than the Governor had. The
Governor appeared to be saving some of the ARRA money for the next
fiscal year, which is sort of counter to the spirit of the stimulus.
On the other hand, the House budget scoops more of this money, giving
less of it to the towns, so that's counter to the spirit of the
stimulus, too.

A big part of the fiscal stimulus money was an increase in the
Medicaid match, which means the federal government's split of medicaid
costs would change from 52/48 to 55/45 or so. The legislature scooped
that money, too, cutting Medicaid expenses and keeping the additional
Medicaid money for the general revenue budget.

The good parts of the House changes are they scotched the idea of
selling state buildings to RI Housing as a way to loot that agency,
and they put off the Governor's weird pension savings, which weren't
really supported. But they didn't reject the pension cuts. They just
said we're not going to make any pension payments between April 2 and
June 30, while we await more documentation. I'm sure that on June 30,
they'll be happy to pony up.

And let's not forget that there is still a multi-million-dollar tax
cut in this budget. The flat tax is still due to go down a
half-percent this year, providing a huge break for a small number of
lucky people. While the rest of us watch the state crumble, those
folks will continue to fly first class.

There's much more; almost every page has a new outrage.
This budget is a disgrace to the people who wrote it and an affront
to anyone who cares about the future of our state, not to mention the
future of whatever city or town you live in. I don't think what's
wrong with it can be fixed by amendment, and I hope it goes down in
flames. Sadly, I fear this is unlikely, because there are very few
legislators with the courage to defy the leadership, but when the
leadership has led you into a disaster, why do you still follow?

Sat, 28 Mar 2009

The essence of Greek tragedy is that the hero does it to himself.
King Creon destroys his family through his stubborn insistence on
punishing Antigone. Oedipus was, well, blind to his own quick temper,
and if he hadn't killed that guy he met on the road, things might have
turned out differently.

At this point, it's hard to argue that the state's fiscal problems
were not self-inflicted. Yes, we're in an economic crisis, but the
state's books were out of balance before, and we blindly cut taxes to
make it all worse.

But what a lot of people don't appreciate is how much of our economic
problems are self-inflicted, too. Some interesting evidence comes
from data developed to determine how best to stimulate our economy.

Last summer, Mark Zandi, of economy.com (the economic consultant the
state uses), presented to Congress some estimates of the efficacy of
different kinds of government spending. He
calculated that a dollar of spending on an across-the-board tax cut
would net $1.03 in benefit to the nation's economy. A dollar cut from
corporate taxes would net about 30 cents of benefit, while a dollar of
extended unemployment benefits would net $1.64.

It's an interesting list: capital gains cuts are worth about 37 cents,
while an increase in food stamps could net $1.73. A dollar spent on
infrastructure will produce around $1.59 in benefit, while making the
Bush tax cuts permanent would produce 29 cents. These estimates have
shaped the debate about the Obama stimulus plan, and they have lessons
for us, too. If we're willing to learn.

One thing you notice as you look at the list is that income supports
for poor people have a much more significant impact on the economy
than aid to rich people and corporations. But what about the
investment rich people make in businesses? Step back a moment.

The Zandi estimates are essentially straight expressions of Keynesian
economics, and one of Keynes's significant contributions to economics
was to point out that savings does not equal investment. A dollar
saved is not a dollar invested, as is assumed by classical
economists.

In classical economics, a dollar in the bank is a dollar invested
productively, but does that sound realistic to you? First of all,
bank loans don't always go to productive investment (I know you're
shocked) and investment funds don't always come from banks, either.
Second, people have different preferences for how they hold their
money -- cash is different from a CD, for example. And third, changes
in the money supply can create big differences between savings and
investment, by soaking up excess funds, or supplying more.

Because of this, policies to support rich people are not always
helpful. In his landmark, "The General Theory of Employment,
Interest and Money", Keynes wrote, "... the growth of wealth, so far
from being dependent on the abstinence [savings] of the rich, as is
commonly supposed, is more likely to be impeded by it."

People routinely misunderstand the important points of policy that
stem from Keynes's findings. Government spending and progressive
taxation aren't good things because they support government workers or
"punish" rich people. They are good things because they are how a
government can help the economy grow. (Up to a point, of course, a
detail Keynes made clear.) Government workers with money to spend
will spend it, and that drives the economy. Progressive taxation
keeps more money in the hands of the poor and people in the middle,
both of whom are more likely to spend their income than rich people
are.

Or course, this works in reverse, too. Government layoffs and tax
cuts -- a perfect summary of the dominant policy prescriptions of both
our Governor and our Assembly -- will make us all poorer in the end.

Keynesian principles aren't just a guide to future action; they are
also a way to understand what has happened to us. Over the past
decade, official Rhode Island state government policy has been acting
to slowly strangle our own economy, in the name of increasing savings
for rich people. In order to cut their taxes, we've raised taxes on
poor and middle income families via the property tax, cut education
and investment programs, and laid off workers. All of these things
have a depressive impact on our economy. We've responded by lowering
our aspirations: eliminating advanced courses and special programs at
schools, foregoing workforce development projects, letting our
infrastructure rot and much more. This, of course, just makes it
worse.

We are doing this to ourselves at the same time as we wonder what's
going on. For more than a decade, our state has been cutting taxes on
the rich and slashing services, and each year our economy has
responded in the ways predicted by Keynes, not in the ways predicted
by classical economists and ill-informed politicians.

Remarkably, the only solutions on the table seem to be more of the
same. My prediction? This will continue until we demand that it
stop.

Mon, 23 Mar 2009

W.C. Fields had it that "Comedy is tragedy happening to someone else."
And in truth, what can you say about the budget farce whose curtain
went up last week? If I lived in another state, I'd be laughing.

Governor Carcieri presented his budget to the legislature last week
(only five or six weeks past the deadline). Astonishingly, he was
unable to get any Republican to introduce it for him at first. They
think he didn't cut enough spending, and though I disagree, they do
have a point: fantasy makes bad budgets.

The Governor is committed to the fiction that we can have it all, and
lower taxes, too. There are no cuts to programs mentioned at the
top of the budget's executive summary except for cuts to state
employee pay and pensions and some cuts to medical care for the poor.
How can he manage such fiscal legerdemain? Easy: by sticking it to
the cities and towns. Between this year and next, we're looking at
around $110 million cut from state contributions to the non-school
side of municipal aid, and $31 million restored by the federal
government, through the stimulus package. General revenue sharing
with municipal budgets will be a thing of the past, and the education
cuts are deep and dramatic, too, unless you're running a charter
school (up 20% since 2008).

Meanwhile, it's not even clear that the budget is even legal. The
Governor intends to appropriate all the federal stimulus package money
meant for city and town education budgets this year and next year,
except increases in Title I and special ed money. His budget simply
deducts the payments each town is to receive from their state aid
payments. (Granted, for the current year they demand that towns make
up part of the difference from the municipal side of the budget, but
how does that help?) The state budget officer, Rosemary Booth
Gallogly, isn't sure this is permissible under the stimulus package
rules, and Providence Mayor David Cicilline has written to Arne
Duncan, President Obama's new education secretary to ask that they not
permit it.

The Governor also plans to take the advice of his "blue ribbon"
commission on taxes, and proposes to cut taxes still further for the
wealthiest individuals in the state. Who will take up that slack? A
bit more than half of the taxpayers who earn between $30,000 and
$100,000 or so. (Do you itemize deductions now? If so, you're among
them.)

The commission also recommended the complete elimination of the
corporate income tax, but in typical dishonest tax-cutting fashion,
the budget proposed to phase it out over a few years beginning in
2011, so it will be someone else's problem, not this Governor's. And
no, he proposes no program cuts to pay for it.

The tax commission's long-awaited report came out last week, too. The
report is a great resource, full of useful information and references
for nerds like me, and the commission staff deserves praise for it.
But some of the most interesting things in it are the forceful
dissents registered by the two out-of-state members, Robert Tannenwald
of the Boston Federal Reserve, and Michael Mazerov of the DC-based
Center for Budget and Policy Priorities. They pointed out that the
commission punted on its mission to stay revenue-neutral, and charged
that the elimination of the corporate tax was sprung on the commission
at its last meeting.

Mazerov was particularly damning in his appraisal of the proposals put
forth by the commission. For example, he recounts the story of Ohio's
"dramatic" 2005 tax changes, meant to signal that Ohio was "open to
business" under Republican Governor Bob Taft. Ohio also eliminated its
corporate income tax in 2005, and made substantial cuts to its income
taxes. The result? Lower growth in Ohio than in every one of its
neighbor states save only Michigan. He has lots more.

And what about the legislature? All you can really say about them is
that the leadership's reaction to all this muddling is oddly
incoherent. Fine, the Governor's budget is no good, they say. I
agree. But what are they going to do instead?

This is essentially the third year of our state budget disaster.
Sure, things have gotten even worse since 2006, but they were pretty
bad then. The problems that year were effectively hidden by a
one-time $250 million dose of money from the tobacco settlement, but
everyone involved knew there was real trouble. Did the leadership
do anything? Nope.

Since 2006, the legislature has had plenty of time to craft a solution
with which to oppose the Governor's efforts, and they have not.
They've been content to let him take heat for nonsensical budgets, but
have done little besides. They trim a little around his edges, but
mostly they seem quite content to go along on this ride to
catastrophe. They happily endorse his absurd tax cuts, just as he
happily endorses theirs. He suggests cutting municipal aid or pension
cuts, and they go him one better by cutting more. The massive and
ill-considered retirement rush of last fall was a joint effort, and
we'll be paying for that for years.

There was a bill introduced in the House last week calling for a real
school aid formula. It had 38 co-sponsors, including much of the
leadership. You'd think this was enough to pass it, wouldn't you?
Silly you. A fair education formula would cost money, and nothing
that costs new money can pass this legislature, because no one in a
position of influence will endorse paying for it. They'll "call" for
a program like this, and talk about how wonderful and fair it would
be, but they won't pay for it, so it won't happen.

Sadly, there is little way out of our fiscal mess without deciding to
pay for our government. The alternatives are fantasy. We could help
a lot just by returning to the kind of progressive taxation we had
back in the bad old days of the 1990's, but it seems as if our leaders
would have us choke on their red ink first. To outside observers,
this kind of hapless government must seem pretty comic. Are you
laughing yet?

Sat, 21 Mar 2009

Have you wondered where the numbers come from when people say stuff
like "tax cuts are less stimulative than food stamps"? Much of them
come from estimates made by Moody's economy.com, and presented to
Congress last summer (2008). Find them here.

Sat, 14 Mar 2009

Sometime in the future, a storm might come and knock down your house.
If it does, rebuilding will cost a lot of money. Suppose you could
shore up your house now, with a stronger roof and steel beams, but
you'd have to sell all your furniture to do it. Would you prevent a
disaster in the future by voluntarily undergoing one today?

The people managing the state's pension system say yes. Public
employee pensions are on a lot of people's minds. There's a
legislative commission looking into them, and some alarming testimony
came from the Treasurer's office last week about the rising cost of
pensions, which provoked predictable calls for slashing them, again.

You'll hear people say that the system we use to pay the pensions of
teachers and state employees is short $5 billion and that sounds
terrible. It's not great, that's for sure, but it's worth being sure
you understand the real problem. An "unfunded liability" like this
means that the pension system would need $5 billion more in order to
pay pensions from the investment income of the fund. That's a little
less than is in the fund already. Whatever pension costs isn't
covered by the investment income have to be covered by tax revenue.

There's a difference between a public and a private pension system
that is crucial to understand, and that's the motivation for wanting
your system to be fully funded. As we're seeing, even companies as
big as General Motors can get in trouble and some of them even
disappear. In order to keep the promises to their employees, their
pension systems have to be 100% funded, with no unfunded liability, so
they can pay benefits even if the company vanishes. So there are laws
that require full funding for private companies.

But a state isn't going to go out of business. A public pension
system wants to keep the funding level high, but for a wholly
different set of reasons. Investment income varies from year to year,
and the needs of retirees varies, too. A system funded at 90% will be
easier to budget for than a system at our 55%, because the amount
necessary to make up the difference won't vary as much. The state
that runs a fully funded system will find that system easier to budget
for than a state whose system is less well funded.

What's important to understand, though, is that in neither case are
the retirees in danger of not getting checks. It's less of a burden
on the government in one case, but that's the only difference. Until
the reform of 1986, Social Security, for example, happily paid its
benefits at what amounted to about a 10% funding level. That's 50
years without trouble, and it's not entirely clear to many whether the
reform helped matters.

Back to the state pension system. Where did our unfunded liability
come from? It came from three years of missed payments in the 1990's,
from decades of sweetheart pension deals to legislators and other
insiders (awards of pension "credit" for people who didn't pay into
the system), and from some bad guesses our actuaries made. It didn't
come from the employees themselves, who pay 8.75% of their salaries
(9.5% for teachers) into the system, a much higher level than most
systems require. The pensions are good, but they are paid for.

In 1999, the legislature decided to do something about the unfunded
liability, and started us down a 30-year course to pay it off. Our
actuaries report that in 2030, the payments will go down by a factor
of twenty. That's worth working towards, but unfortunately, right
after we set about that course, the stock market tanked. Paying off
the liability by 2029 suddenly became a lot harder. Undaunted by
reality, the decision-makers forged ahead, determined to be fiscally
responsible by not contemplating putting off the magic date a couple
of years. Because of this, the vast bulk of state and local pension
payments is for paying off the liability, not for paying checks to
retirees this year.

Now we're in the middle of another crisis. Along with the crisis in
the investment markets, our actuaries estimate that the wave of
retirements of last September will cost the system at least $33
million. Plus, an unexpected drop of almost 1200 employees paying in
to the system means that $20 million has to be found somewhere. (For
some perspective, usually around 1200 people retire in a year.) The
actuaries' report says these retirements will save the state $100
million in payroll costs, but we pay for that in reduced services
and increased pension costs.

The goal of the pension "reform" proponents is to reduce the unfunded
liability, by reducing the pensions. Aside from the problem of
accidentally provoking another rush to the exits, there is a fairness
issue. The employees we're talking about didn't create the unfunded
liability, legislators, governors and actuaries did.

But really, it's slightly beside the point. It's a good thing to pay
off the unfunded liability, but there's nothing magical about the year
2029. What's the matter with 2039? We could cut the pension payments
by 15% simply by delaying the payoff a few years. To be clear, that's
almost $60 million, shared between the state and school departments.

This might sound like giving in, or being fiscally imprudent, but tell
it to the radicals in North Dakota, Iowa, or Kentucky, whose pension
systems refinance the undfunded liability every year. This is far
from unusual in pension systems, and it's called an "open"
amortization schedule. The progress toward paying off the liability
isn't as quick, but it isn't nothing either. Fiscal responsibility is
good, but since when is it fiscally responsible to break the bank in
the name of fiscal responsibility?

It's a fine thing not to burden our children with huge pension
payments, but our children are currently in schools suffering from the
huge increase in pension payments, so it's not like there's an obvious
benefit to them. Like the owner of that storm-plagued house, we're
suffering now from the very problem this policy is supposed to
prevent. Does that make sense?

Mon, 09 Mar 2009

Can be found at Closing
Arguments, a new blog by Matt Jerzyk, the founder (though no
longer the proprietor) of RI Future.
He intends to make it more about the legal and intellectual background
to the news. It's good stuff, go there and read it. Often.

Sat, 07 Mar 2009

In debates over taxes, it's easy to get caught up in statistics, and
sometimes it's a little hard to tell what they mean. But here's
another source of data about the impact of taxes in Rhode Island.

Last week I wrote about the movie production tax credit: up to $15
million in credits we give out each year for movie productions in
Rhode Island. We also have the Historic Structures tax credit, which
was phased out last year, but there are still a number of projects
that got in before the deadline and are now in the pipeline.

But what happens to credits awarded to people or organizations who
don't owe that much tax? They sell them at a discount, and the buyer
gets a break on their taxes and the seller gets most of the money and
everyone's happy. Well, except the taxpayer who is subsidizing some
rich person's taxes for what reason, exactly?

There's another wrinkle, too. Consider AS220, the artists' space in
downtown Providence. They recently bought a third building downtown,
next door to their second building, finished a couple of years ago.
They're developing the new building into apartments, studios, and a
"Fab Lab" associated with RISD and MIT, and equipped with milling
machines, laser cutters and electronics equipment for making art with
new technologies. (Yes, it's just as cool as it sounds, and will be
open to all.) The building is a $14 million project, and about $3
million of that is to be funded with historic tax credits.

To make this project go, AS220 needs to sell those $3 million in tax
credits at the highest price possible. In the past, they've sold them
to corporations, who use the credits to offset their corporate taxes.
Because AS220 wants to get as much as possible for the credits, they
don't want to resort to a broker, who can split them up into smaller
pieces, but will take a fee for the service. They need every penny,
but they have a problem.

I spoke with Lucie Searle, the real estate doyenne at AS220, who tells
me they are having a much harder time selling their tax credits than
they had just three years ago. Lucie didn't want to be specific with
me about which companies they'd approached, but she did comment that
it has been "a real eye-opener as to who pays corporate taxes and who
doesn't." She did tell me that some of the state's biggest
corporations have no use for their tax credits, because they're either
not paying enough taxes, or not paying taxes at all.

For some corporations, this is obviously because business is off and
income is down, but for several, tax cuts and credit have lowered
their tax liability until there just isn't enough left to reduce it
any further. Yes, that's right. For all the moaning about taxes in
Rhode Island, AS220 hasn't yet found anyone who needs these credits
enough to buy them.

A tax credit disclosure report mandated last year tells us a little
more. According to this report, CVS collected over $14 million in
job development tax credits from the state in the year ending last
June plus another $3 million in credits for construction costs. Bank
of America collected $1.7 million from the same program. What's more,
the Governor's tax "reform" commission has been making waves with a
suggestion to eliminate the corporate income tax entirely. With
talk like that floating about, why would any corporation buy credits?

I spoke briefly with Anthony Gudas, who brokers tax credits in this
state and others. He says business here is terrible, and that "it's
been killed by the flat tax." If you take the flat tax, you can't
use tax credits, and apparently his former customers find their taxes
lower with the flat tax than with credits. He figures that pretty
soon, he won't be able to sell tax credits at any more than 50 cents
on the dollar. In AS220's case, that would mean $1.5 million for them
and $1.5 million to cut a lot of rich people's taxes.

Tax credits aren't by definition a bad thing, but they aren't always a
good thing, either. They are a way to devote state money to a public
purpose in a relatively low-overhead way.

But the low overhead doesn't mean free. Federal taxes are higher than
state taxes, so federal credits go for 94 cents on the dollar and up.
The federal government can issue credits and at least 94% of the money
goes for the intended purpose. State tax credits sell for much less.
(We could make them more valuable by calling a halt to the insane tax
cutting that dominates statehouse policy discussions, but that's not
on the table.)

Gudas says he currently gets around 85 cents on the dollar for state
credits, but he takes a commission, too, so it's probably more like 80
cents that go to the historic building or the movie production. I've
heard other reports of organizations getting as little as 77 cents on
the dollar for their credits.

Under current conditions, if we award $10 million in credits, then
around $2 million is going for no public purpose at all. Is it
permissible to call this for what it really is? It's a wasteful and
scandalous misuse of public funds. Your tax dollars spent for no
reason beyond giving someone richer than you a tax break. It would be
a far more efficient use of tax dollars to hire staff to administer an
$8 million grant program. You could hire ten people and still save
over a million dollars. You might have thought Republicans and
business-friendly Democrats wanted efficiency in government, but
apparently gross inefficiency is no problem, so long as it provides
tax breaks to a lucky few.