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Research in rural community development is being pursued in a number of different directions. One of these is the identification and analysis of economic development alternatives facing rural communities. A second is the clarification and study of the preferences that rural communities may have with respect to these alternatives. The purpose of this paper is to provide a conceptual framework for integrating these two thrusts in rural development research.

The role that natural resources play in economic development and the effects of investments in natural resources on economic development have been matters of disagreement among economists. An excellent review of the arguments was given by Jansma in his analysis of studies on the investment in small watershed projects for S-71, a Southern Regional Research project C3). The general conclusion was that there were few measurable effects on employment and income from such projects and that these generally were noticeable only after a lag of several years. Colyer, however, in a study of the effects of natural resources on the levels and changes in income and employment in West Virginia concluded that there were links, although not necessary ones, between resource endowments and measures of economic development (1).

Outdoor recreation concepts, programs, and planning have developed at a fast rate during the last decade. However, most criteria, standards, and guidelines for recreation planning have been developed for urban areas and have limited relevance to planning in rural areas. It has become evident that rural towns have different needs, requirements, and opportunities, and require distinctly different standards and concepts than urban areas. The goals of rural people, the types of recreation needed and resources available, the financial situation, the leadership, and the land suitabilities all conspire against use of urban standards and indicate the need for procedures and standards designed for rural areas (2).

In the Northeast, efforts to preserve farmland have been justified primarily on the basis of shared feelings and values concerning land use as it affects the environment and quality of life. However, attention is increasingly directed toward economic impacts. Although success in preserving rural environments depends upon anticipating the economic consequences of alternative preservation measures, it is easy for interested groups to overlook some economic impacts, while concentrating on others.

The majority of U.S. dairy farmers have invested in on-farm storage equipment with capacity for at least two days’ milk production. However, the remaining farms, with limited investment in storage capacity may have a major impact on milk assembly costs. The purpose of this study is to explore the impact daily milk pick-ups have on milk assembly costs and to compare these costs to the cost of increasing on-farm milk storage capacity.

U. S. Department of Agriculture statistics indicate that New York, with 21.4 million bushels, produced approximately 14 percent of the total U. S. apple crop in 1974. Information concerning alternative market outlets is necessary if the apple marketing process is to be efficient and effective. A knowledge of the costs and net returns associated with each market is essential in determining the most profitable way for the grower to market his fruit.

There is perennial interest in the quality of education relative to its cost. For example, several Supreme Courts have ruled that funding education on the basis of a real property tax is unconstitutional because it makes the quality of a child's education dependent upon the wealth of his parents and neighbors. California, Michigan, Texas, and other states have focused on this problem, though the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the Texas decision (Rodriquez et. al. vs. San Antonio). These cases illustrate continuing interest in educational quality and cost. At the school level, the relation between quality and cost is also well known. Most, if not all, school administrators continually face the problem of providing education with rapidly increasing costs. In Nevada, for example, education costs have been increasing at a rate of 13.5 percent per year.

Although population, employment and income rose throughout the country during the 1960's, growth in New York was less rapid than in the country at large. Population in the state increased by 8.7 percent in the 1960–70 decade, compared with 10.7 percent in the nation. Per capita incomes also rose during the period but by only 65 percent in the state, compared to 78 percent nationwide; the ways in which New Yorkers were earning a living changed dramatically. Manufacturing employment by place of residence declined by 13.4 percent between 1960 and 1970, but nearly a quarter of all jobs in the state remained in manufacturing. Agriculture and agriculturally related jobs declined; the largest growth areas were trade and services. Outstripping the growth in the nation as a whole, employment in the trade and service sectors accounted for two-thirds of all jobs in New York by 1970.

Sensitivity of the general public to pollution of air, water and land has been rapidly increasing as urban development spreads into rural areas of Maryland, the Northeast and the nation. Among the rural groups who have become vitally concerned with this situation are dairy farmers. They are especially concerned over impending regulations for handling animal wastes and the possible effect on the economics of dairy operations.