Iran’s Deadly Puppet Master

The decision
not to act is often the hardest one to make—and it isn’t always right. In 2007,
I watched a string of vehicles pass from Iran into northern Iraq. I had been
serving as the head of the US military’s Joint Special Operations Command
(JSOC) for four years, working to stem the terrorism that had devastated the
region, and I had become accustomed to making tough choices. But on that
January night, the choice was particularly tricky: whether or not to attack a
convoy that included Qasem Soleimani, the head of Iran’s elite Quds Force—an
organization roughly analogous to a combination of the CIA and JSOC in the
United States.

There was good
reason to eliminate Soleimani. At the time, Iranian-made roadside bombs built
and deployed at his command were claiming the lives US troops across Iraq. But
to avoid a firefight, and the contentious politics that would follow, I decided
that we should monitor the caravan, not strike immediately. By the time the
convoy had reached Erbil, Soleimani had slipped away into the darkness.

These days, he
still operates outside the spotlight. Soleimani has grown from a military
commander into a ghostly puppet master, relying on quiet cleverness and grit to
bolster Iran’s international influence. Soleimani has grown from a military
commander into a ghostly puppet master. His brilliance, effectiveness, and
commitment to his country have been revered by his allies and denounced by his
critics in equal measure. What all seem to agree on, however, is that the
humble leader’s steady hand has helped guide Iranian foreign policy for
decades—and there is no denying his successes on the battlefield. Soleimani is
arguably the most powerful and unconstrained actor in the Middle East today. US
defense officials have reported that Soleimani is running the Syrian civil war
(via Iran’s local proxies) all on his own.

The prominence
the soft-spoken Soleimani has achieved is especially striking given his
origins. Born into poverty in the mountains of eastern Iran, he displayed
remarkable tenacity at an early age. When his father was unable to pay a debt,
the 13-year-old Soleimani worked to pay it off himself. He spent his free time
lifting weights and attending sermons given by a protégé of Iran’s current
supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. He was enamored with the Iranian
revolution as a young man. In 1979, at only 22, Soleimani began his ascent
through the Iranian military, reportedly receiving just six weeks of tactical
training before seeing combat for the first time in Iran’s West Azerbaijan
province. But he is truly a child of the Iran-Iraq War, which began the next
year. He emerged from the bloody
conflict a hero for the missions he led across Iraq’s border—but more
important, he emerged as a confident, proven leader.

Soleimani is no
longer simply a soldier; he is a calculating and practical strategist. Most
ruthlessly and at the cost of all else, he has forged lasting relationships to
bolster Iran’s position in the region. No other individual has had comparable
success in aligning and empowering Shiite allies in the Levant. His staunch
defense of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has effectively halted any progress
by the ISIS and other rebel groups, all but ensuring that Assad remains in
power and stays solidly allied to Iran. Perhaps most notably, under Soleimani's leadership, the Quds Force has vastly expanded its capabilities. His shrewd
pragmatism has transformed the unit into a major influencer in intelligence,
financial, and political spheres beyond Iran’s borders.

It would be
unwise, however, to study Soleimani's success without situating him in a
broader geopolitical context. He is a uniquely Iranian leader, a clear product
of the country’s outlook following the 1979 revolution. His expansive
assessment of Iranian interests and rights matches those common among Iranian
elites. Iran’s resistance toward the United States’ involvement in the Middle
East is a direct result of US involvement in the Iran-Iraq War, during which
Soleimani’s worldview developed. Above all else, Soleimani is driven by the
fervent nationalism that is the lifeblood of Iran’s citizens and leadership.

Soleimani’s
accomplishments are, in large part, due to his country’s long-term approach
toward foreign policy. While the United States tends to be spasmodic in its
responses to international affairs, Iran is stunningly consistent in its
objectives and actions.The Quds Force commander’s extended tenure in his
role—he assumed control of the unit in 1998—is another important factor. A
byproduct of Iran’s complicated political environment, Soleimani enjoys freedom
of action over an extended time horizon that is the envy of many US military
and intelligence professionals. Because a leader’s power ultimately lies in the
eyes of others and is increased by the perceived likelihood of future power,
Soleimani has been able to act with greater credibility than if he were viewed
as a temporary player.

In that sense,
then, Soleimani’s success is driven by both his talent and the continuity of
his time in positions of power. Such a leader simply could not exist in the
United States today. Americans do not allow commanders, military or otherwise,
to remain in the highest-level positions for decades. There are reasons for
this—both political and experiential. Not since J. Edgar Hoover has the federal
government allowed a longtime public servant to amass such levels of shadowy
influence.

Despite my
initial jealousy of Soleimani’s freedom to get things done quickly, I believe
such restraint is a strength of the US political system. A zealous and
action-oriented mindset, if unchecked, can be used as a force for good—but if
harnessed to the wrong interests or values, the consequences can be dire.
Soleimani is singularly dangerous. He is also singularly positioned to shape
the future of the Middle East.