Soccer's Impact on Middle East Politics (JMD at WINEP)

On October 15, James Dorsey, a syndicated columnist and author of the blog (and
forthcoming book) "The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer," addressed
a Washington Institute Policy Forum. The following is a rapporteur's summary of
his remarks.

******************************

Over the past several years, soccer fields across the Middle East and North
Africa have become battlegrounds for political, gender, and labor rights, as
well as issues of national, ideological, and ethnic identity. Examining the
recent and historical role of militant soccer fans in Egypt, Jordan, Iran, and
other countries can help shed light on where each society stands on these issues
today.

Most soccer clubs in the region were established with some kind of political or
ideological leaning, whether pro-colonial, pro-monarchy, nationalist, or other.
In Egypt, two such clubs have had tremendous influence -- al-Ahly and Zamalek.
The former was home to students who later became revolutionaries; President
Gamal Abdul Nasser himself eventually led the club. In contrast, Zamalek was
associated with pro-monarchy and pro-colonial movements. Today, the demography
of the two fan bases has hardly changed. For example, celebrated Egyptian
player Ibrahim Hassan described Zamalek as the "King's Club" in a
2010 interview, despite being born years after the overthrow of Egypt's last
monarch.

The soccer pitch can also be a barometer of future events. In Jordan,
statements openly critical of the royal family's corruption first gained
notoriety on the soccer field. And at Saudi soccer matches, many princes are
booed, pelted with various objects, and sometimes forced off the pitch
entirely. Last year's removal of the head of the Saudi Arabian Football
Federation was perhaps the first time a royal family member was forced to
resign from a post due to public pressure.

Although soccer players themselves rarely engage in political protests, the
sport evokes the kind of emotion that can spark such actions. In Iran, Tabriz's
main soccer club has been a major symbol of Azerbaijani ethnic identity; most
recently, it was the driving force behind demonstrations demanding
reunification of Iran's East Azerbaijan province and the former Soviet republic
of Azerbaijan. In Tehran, a ceremony held to commemorate deceased player Nasser
Hejazi, who had been openly critical of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, turned
into a mass antigovernment demonstration. Moreover, Iran's presidential
elections often fall around the same time as its final World Cup qualifying
matches; in some cases, celebrations of national team victories have led
citizens to break social codes and hold antiregime protests.

Jihadist and theological leaders in the region look to soccer as a rallying
tool well. Many Islamist mosques are affiliated with specific clubs, and
militant figures such as Usama bin Laden, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah,
and Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh understand the role that the sport has played
in recruiting followers and facilitating bonds between those who later carry
out violence. At the same time, strong disagreement persists between hardline
Islamist groups as to whether soccer is sanctioned under religious law. On one
hand, Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood considered forming its own club in 2011, while
Hezbollah and other groups own and operate teams in Lebanon. On the other hand,
the Somali group al-Shabab has been known to execute people just for watching
soccer matches.

The sport has also been an important battleground for women's rights. Saha
al-Hawari, the daughter of an Egyptian referee, worked to break down regional
opposition to women's soccer by convincing families, clubs, and governments to
allow women to organize their own teams. She also partnered with Jordan's
Prince Ali in convincing the member states of the West Asian Football
Federation to declare that women had an equal right to pursue soccer as a
career.

RISE OF THE ULTRAS IN EGYPT

Around 2004-2006, passionate soccer fans in the Middle East connected with
like-minded groups around the world who embraced absolute commitment to their
clubs. These fans, called Ultras, saw players and coaches as opportunistic or
corrupt; this and other factors spurred them to develop an especially strong
sense of ownership over their clubs.

The growing influence of the Ultras challenged the power of some regimes, but
also presented them with opportunities. Leaders such as Ahmadinejad, former
Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak, and former Tunisian president Zine al-Abidine
Ben Ali sought close public association with national teams in order to harness
their massive popularity. Mubarak in particular used the sport to deflect
attention from government mismanagement and manipulate national emotions.

Meanwhile, Egypt's Ultras defiantly claimed ownership over their clubs, and by
2007, they were clashing with security forces on a weekly basis, whether at the
stadium or elsewhere. By 2011, they represented tens of thousands of
undereducated, unemployed young men who resented the regime and saw an
opportunity to respond. Once the revolution began, Ultras played a key role in
breaking the barrier of fear for the masses -- they approached Egyptians who
had never spoken out against the government, brought them to demonstrations in
Tahrir Square, and pressured them to remain once security forces cracked down.

Following Mubarak's ouster, the Ultras lost much of their public influence. Yet
the February 2012 stadium brawl that killed seventy-four in Port Said reignited
empathy toward the Ultras, sparking revolts in cities along the Red Sea and
Suez Canal.

QATAR'S WORLD CUP CONTROVERSY

While other nations tend to bid on hosting the World Cup in order to project
influence, create opportunities for their citizens, and improve infrastructure,
Qatar's focus in seeking the 2022 Cup was security. After Iraq's 1990 invasion
of Kuwait, Qatar learned that it could not rely on the Saudi defense umbrella.
And despite importing massive amounts of weapons and foreign personnel to staff
its armed forces, the small emirate still lacks the hard power needed to defend
itself. Soccer therefore represents a valuable soft-power tool and a boon to
national security.

Yet Doha's successful World Cup campaign has been subjected to intense
scrutiny. Although the country has major domestic issues, especially regarding
labor, much of the controversy surrounding its bid has stemmed from envy and
prejudice. Qataris did not expect the deluge of criticism they have received.
After all, many in the international community remained silent for years
regarding concerns about foreign workers in Qatar; powerful international trade
federations did not truly assert themselves until after the country's bid
gained momentum. In any case, the emirate is attempting to address these labor
concerns, partnering with source countries such as Sri Lanka and Bangladesh to
make sure migrants are not being exploited by middlemen.

Meanwhile, dismal attendance in Qatari soccer stadiums has prompted discussion
of reform. Knowing that they are only temporary residents, the country's
numerous foreign workers are less likely to become passionate fans, and many
citizens are uninterested in supporting government-owned soccer clubs. This has
spurred talk of transferring ownership from the state to publicly held
companies. More broadly, the Qatari government is perhaps the first to try
building a complete sports industry -- including sports medicine and sports
security -- from the ground up. In doing so, it has tied sports to the
emirate's burgeoning national identity.

The reforms being contemplated in Qatar may eventually spread to other Persian
Gulf states with similarly unsustainable demographic challenges. For now,
though, soccer's role in the Gulf will continue to create controversy. For
example, FIFA may have erred in appointing Bahrain's Sheikh Salman bin Ibrahim
al-Khalifa as president of the Asian Football Confederation despite his
crackdown on athletes who participated in antigovernment protests. Yet there
were really no good alternatives for the position.

No comments:

Post a Comment

Sporticos

Ads

Soccer Results

The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer does not promote, link to or provide videos from any online sources who distribute illegal streaming content over the Internet with domains registered in the United States of America

Top 100 Soccer Sites

Subscribe To

Subscribe by Email

About Me

James M DorseyWelcome to The Turbulent World of Middle East Soccer by James M. Dorsey, a senior fellow at Nanyang Technological University’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. Soccer in the Middle East and North Africa is played as much on as off the pitch. Stadiums are a symbol of the battle for political freedom; economic opportunity; ethnic, religious and national identity; and gender rights. Alongside the mosque, the stadium was until the Arab revolt erupted in late 2010 the only alternative public space for venting pent-up anger and frustration. It was the training ground in countries like Egypt and Tunisia where militant fans prepared for a day in which their organization and street battle experience would serve them in the showdown with autocratic rulers. Soccer has its own unique thrill – a high-stakes game of cat and mouse between militants and security forces and a struggle for a trophy grander than the FIFA World Cup: the future of a region. This blog explores the role of soccer at a time of transition from autocratic rule to a more open society. It also features James’s daily political comment on the region’s developments. Contact: incoherentblog@gmail.comView my complete profile