The interrelationships between human rights and technological
development can, from the theoretical point of view, be presented
as in figure 1. According to this scheme the fundamental element
is the political system. The content of human needs, human
rights, and technological development is heavily dependent on the
political system, and even as it varies those elements vary,
leading to different levels of economic development. Thus, as
shown earlier in this study, the hierarchy of human needs shaped
by an authoritarian system differs from that shaped by a
democratic one. In the first case, uniform fundamental needs are
placed in the forefront, whereas in the second it is diversified
higher needs that take precedence. Consequently, the human rights
which are respected, or sometimes preferred, in authoritarian
systems differ from those which are respected and preferred in
democratic systems. In the first case it is collective citizens'
rights, especially social rights, that receive emphasis and in
the other it is the liberal rights of an individual.

Fig.
1.

In this context the political changes that are taking place at
the moment in Eastern Europe are reflected in a preference for
the liberal-democratic system. In some countries, for example
Poland, this preference assumes an extreme form, i. e. lack of
state control over private and social institutions, priority to
private ownership over public ownership in the economy, etc. From
this point of view the political changes being introduced in
Poland could be compared with the programme of the British
Conservative government.

The choice of a political system thus produces an impact on
technological development, its pace and directions. Whenever an
authoritarian political system is accompanied by an authoritarian
economic system, technological development is an external
phenomenon from the standpoint of the human being as an
individual. In the case of democratic systems, technological
development is, first of all, an activity determined by human
beings as individuals.

In view of this, the impact exerted by technological
development on the economy differs in each case. In the first
case it is subordinated to the interests of the collectivity, the
state, and fundamental human needs. In the second case
technological development is determined by the rights of
individuals and diversified human needs.

In the countries of Eastern Europe, especially in Poland,
there has been a process of departure from a model of
technological progress designed for the satisfaction of the
fundamental needs of the majority of society, in favour of a
model oriented more towards profit and imitation of the
consumption patterns of a privileged minority in industrialized
countries. This remains at variance with the still dominating
egalitarian tendencies present in the societies of East European
countries.

In the chain of interrelationships which determines
technological progress, certain connections can be found between
the economy and the political system. In the underdeveloped
economies, especially in those introducing radical structural
transformations aimed at speeding up development, there is a
greater tendency towards adopting solutions close to those chosen
by the East European countries after the Second World War, i. e.
solutions oriented at satisfaction of basic needs, preference for
collective citizens' rights, and treatment of technological
development as an imposed phenomenon rather than one which is
democratically adopted.16 On the other hand, a reverse
process is taking place in the developed economies, where there
are tendencies towards preference for diversified higher needs,
involving liberalization of human rights and technological
development as a result of the activity of individuals.

Fig.
2.

Taking a more dynamic approach to the interrelationships
between human rights and technological development, following the
principles outlined above, the results can be presented as in
figure 2.17

According to this scheme, systemic principles, irrespective of
whether they are introduced democratically in compliance with the
will of society or are imposed autocratically by internal or
external forces, initially determine human needs and, later,
human rights. In turn, human rights determine technological
development and, consequently, the directions of economic
development.18

In the case where those relationships are linear, the shift of
the economic system to a higher level exerts an impact on the
economic system that cases the restraints on the diversity of
human needs and the liberalization of human rights. Consequently,
the restraints are eased on the initiation of a particular line
of technological progress as an outcome of the activity of an
individual.

To understand the nature of the above interdependencies it is
necessary to distinguish between technological development in the
form of a rising level of material technical devices, and
technological development in the form of the growth of the
technical abilities of people. In the first case, progress can
have its source in the transfer or importation of technology from
abroad. In the second, people's interest in technological
development is an indispensable condition for development.

Technological development as a phenomenon arising from the
rank and file of the population must be induced, stimulated, and
appropriately guided. It is determined by the amount of knowledge
- general, technical, organizational, and economic - at the
people's disposal, by practical, technical, organizational, and
economic abilities, by the human propensity to innovate, and by
the technical means used by people.19

Guiding technological development is of particular importance,
since otherwise it proceeds spontaneously and often turns against
people. There is firm evidence of such antagonism nowadays,
especially when rapid technological development takes place in
the sphere of armaments, when it is in collision with ecology,
etc.

Discussions on the issue of freedom of scientific research and
the need for control in order to protect humanity from the
adverse effects of technological development have continued for
many years.20

In 1966 the right to freedom of scientific research assumed
the form of a treaty norm in the provisions of Article 15, item 3
of the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural
Rights of 16 December 1966, which makes panties to that Covenant
obliged to "respect the freedom indispensable for scientific
research and creative activity."

Cooperation between specialized organizations of the United
Nations and extra-governmental scientific organizations resulted
in the working out of "Recommendations Concerning Status of
Scientific Workers," adopted by the Twenty-eighth General
Conference of UNESCO in Resolution No. 40 of 20 November 1974. In
this document, in the form of a recommendation to governments, it
is stated, inter alia, that "national scientific
policy should support creative activity of scientific workers, in
strict observance of the autonomy and freedom of research
indispensable for scientific progress." In item 14 of the
resolution, under the caption citizens, and Ethical Aspects of
Research," the contents and the scope of the right to
freedom of scientific research have been concretized. According
to that item it is the right and obligation of scientific workers
to:

- work in the spirit of intellectual freedom in explainig
and protecting scientific truth in the form they perceive it;

- contribute to specifying the objectives and tasks of the
programmes they participate in and to specifying the methods
to be adopted which should be humanistic and compatible with
the requirements of social and ecological responsibility:

- express themselves freely about human, social and
ecological values of projects and in extreme cases withdraw
from them if such conduct is necessitated by their beliefs;

- contribute in a positive and constructive manner to the
development of science, culture and education in their own
countries as well as to the accomplishment of national goals,
improved well-being of their fellow citizens and support of
international ideals and the goals of the United Nations.
Besides, member countries employing scientific workers should
be precise in the most rigorous and concrete manner possible
in cases in which they regard compliance with the above
recommendations necessary.

In 1968, in the "Proclamation of Teheran" adopted at
the International Human Rights Conference, it was stated that
although the newest scientific discoveries and technological
achievements opened up broad prospects for economic, social, and
cultural progress, that progress could jeopardize human rights
and individual freedoms. Following that, as a result of strenuous
efforts made in the forum of the United Nations, the right to
freedom of research has been given a new significance, as
reflected in the compilation of a list of threats to human rights
and freedoms posed by arbitrary and uncontrolled exercise of the
right to freedom of scientific research. That list is being
constantly supplemented.

The right to control the directions of scientific and
technological advancement is a subject of discussion in the
countries of Eastern Europe as well. On the one hand, they centre
on control from the point of view of morality and security and,
on the other, they constitute an attempt to find solutions that
will reconcile the particular interests of scientific workers
with the socio-economic development of society as well as with
broadly perceived human rights and freedoms.

Freedom of scientific research is closely connected with
methods of guiding technological development. The basic methods
of such guidance can be broadly distinguished as administrative
and market-oriented.

The administrative method of guiding technological development
attempts to foster development as if "from above,"
making the development of chosen fields or the country as a whole
dependent on its results. In this situation, state organs select
and finance development projects. By its nature, technological
development fostered in conditions of administrative guidance
concentrates on chosen technologies. However, its adoption cannot
be widespread, as such guidance is very expensive and one of its
important techniques is the transplantation of technological
development from outside.

Guidance through incentives and market-oriented methods
provides a direct connection between individuals and collective
bodies consuming the product and the enterprise producing it, and
provides advantages to both groups. This kind of guidance is also
able to diversify incentives by stimulating development in chosen
fields preferred by the state for various reasons. However, the
basic objective of market-oriented guidance is to make all
participants in technological development interested in its
fostering. This approach brings apparent results in societies
which are advanced from the point of view of scientific progress.
In such societies advanced scientific development and research
enjoy access to modern technical means, and interest in
innovations suggested by the rank and file becomes a common
phenomenon.

Factors Influencing the International Position of
Polish Technology

When evaluating Poland's international
scientific-technological position it is necessary to distinguish
between the level of science and the level of technology in the
strict sense. In each of these two fields Poland's position is
different.

In the field of pure science Poland is a country to be
reckoned with.21 This refers especially to the basic
sciences, like mathematics, physics, astronomy, and mechanics. In
this field Polish scientists are at or very close to the
forefront among world scientists.

As far as applied sciences such as electronics, computer
science, automation, chemistry, etc., are concerned, the position
of Polish scientists is far less satisfactory, since in this
field what determines a country's position in worldwide terms is
not only basic knowledge, but also the availability of suitable
technical equipment that is indispensable for carrying out
experiments stimulating development.

Poland's position in the world from the point of view of
"strict sense" technology is also unfavourable. In the
literature on the subject this aspect is determined by means of
three kinds of indicators: the number of patents granted to
domestic inventors and obtained by such inventors overseas; the
number of licences purchased and sold worldwide, together with
the expenditure and revenue involved; and the so-called weight
prices, obtained in exports or paid in imports for 1 kg (or 1
ton) of technical appliances.22

The first indicator - the number of patents granted to Polish
inventors - is quite positive for Poland, as she is ranked in
this respect well above the world's average. In Poland the number
of patents granted annually to domestic inventors is bigger, i.e.
3,532 in 1984, than in Switzerland (2,351), Sweden (1,693) or
Canada (1,327). In the group of East European countries, Poland
is placed behind the Soviet Union (62,743), the GDR (9,538), and
Czechoslovakia (6,266). In the mid-1970s the share of patents
granted in the world (1.6 per cent) was similar to Poland's world
share of industrial output. At the same time, however, the number
of patents obtained by Polish inventors abroad was insignificant
(195). The number of patents granted by Poland to foreign
applicants was not significantly higher either (653). The last
two figures point to the fact that the technological level of
Polish inventions had turned out to be relatively low and patents
granted to Polish inventors often did not show the innovative
dynamism of world leaders.

The balance of exports and imports of technology (the second
indicator of a country's technological position in the world) is
apparently unfavourable to Poland. Overall, in the years
1950-1985 Poland purchased only 637 licences, out of which as
many as 418 were purchased in the 1970s, and only six in the
years 1981-1985. At the same time, in the years 1950-1985 Poland
sold 187 licences abroad, of which 103 were in the 1970s and 43
in the years 1981-1985. The average price of a licence imported
amounted to 1.4 million dollars, and an ex ported licence 0.25
million dollars. Thus, the licence-related terms of trade
amounted to some 0.18 and were highly unfavourable to Poland.
(Advantages are achieved when the indicator's value exceeds one;
with the lapse of time Poland's position suffered further
deterioration as the indicator's value fell.)

The third factor characterizing Poland's technological
position in the world - the so-called weight prices for
industrial equipment containing a specified amount of technology
- is not favourable to Poland either. In relation to highly
industrialized countries, the weight prices obtained by Poland
for exports of industrial equipment are considerably lower than
prices paid for imports, and over the years this difference has
even increased, to the disadvantage of Poland.

The most important factors determining Poland's international
technological position include:

- the relatively low technological level at the
starting-point;

- the conception of technological development adapted
after the Second World War, which provided for
industrialization based on imparted capital machinery and
equipment, mainly from the Soviet Union;

- the particular approach to human rights that determined
industrialization; and - the administrative methods used to
guide technological development, being an outcome of a
command economic system and authoritarian political system.

At present, Poland's unfavourable technological position in
the world is also due, to some extent, to the lack of appropriate
traditions. From the historical point of view Poland was (until
the Second World War) a country whose economy was based on
agriculture and raw materials, while industry was underdeveloped.
The process of large-scale industrialization initiated after the
war encountered a number of barriers, including not only the lack
of engineers but also the lack of highly skilled workers with an
advanced industrial culture and labour discipline. Most
industrial workers turned out to be peasants who took to jobs in
industry. However, their habits fell short, to a considerable
extent, of the requirements of modern industry and were
characterized by low discipline and culture of labour, alcohol
abuse, difficulties in mastering new techniques, etc. Although
over the years these drawbacks have been reduced, they have
continued to be a serious disadvantage to Polish industry.

The education of well-qualified engineering and technical
staff also faced many difficulties. The shortage of teaching
personnel able to ensure an appropriate level of education in the
numerous secondary vocational schools and establishments of
higher technical education was especially acute. Foreign
assistance in this field, especially in the form of the further
training and education of teaching personnel in economically
advanced countries, was not significant. Over the years the
unfavourable difference in the level of training of engineering
and technical staff in Poland compared with some other countries
has been mitigated, but until now it has not been fully
eliminated.

Of considerable importance for Poland's present technological
position was also the concept of technological development
adapted after the Second World

War. This was based on a preference for heavy and armaments
industries, as well as the idea of establishing a centre for
technological advancement in Eastern Europe independent of
countries with a market economy. This approach was reflected, on
the one hand, in tendencies towards autarky, and, on the other,
in the limiting of scientific and technological cooperation
almost exclusively to Eastern Europe.

In the period directly following the Second World War, the
main source of scientific and technological progress in Poland
was the Soviet Union, as well as the GDR and Czechoslovakia
industrially and technologically the most advanced countries of
the region. Poland obtained basic technologies from the Soviet
Union. They were relatively obsolete as that country itself
lagged behind leading countries in the world as regards levels of
technology, especially in consumer goods industries.

Since the end of the 1960s, imports of technology from market
economy countries have been growing, particularly from the FRG,
France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. These were more advanced
and mainly concerned industries manufacturing consumer goods. the
role of these industries in the Polish economy also gradually
increased in importance.

The preference for technology imports from East European
countries had an impact on the development of domestic
technologies and affected imports of modern technologies from
market economy countries and the training of Polish engineers and
technicians in leading technological and scientific centres in
the United States and other industrially advanced capitalist
countries. Until the mid-1970s these centres were totally
inaccessible to Poles. Since the mid-1970s the barriers limiting
development of scientific-technological cooperation have been
gradually diminished, although some of them have not been
abolished until now.

A specific feature of Poland's technological position is her
higher ranking in technologies which do not have a direct impact
on the satisfaction of human needs than in technologies used
directly by individuals. This is the result of the approach to
human rights prevailing not only in Poland but also in other East
European countries, in which concentration was first of all on
technologies for heavy industry, engineering etc. These are, at
the same time, labour-intensive technologies contributing to full
employment, which is not easy to achieve in conditions of vast
labour resources.

It was only in the 1970s that gradual changes in this field
started to emerge. The policy in force hitherto of satisfying
fundamental needs started to give way to efforts to satisfy more
diversified needs and this required the application of completely
different technologies from those used before. On the one hand,
it involved modem technologies counteracting environmental
damage, the harmful effects of production processes on human
health, accidents at work, etc. On the other, it called for
development of the output of consumer goods contributing to the
satisfaction of both basic and higher needs This also involved
Poland's quest for technologies outside Eastern Europe, i.e. in
economically advanced countries. In the 1980s that orientation
assumed the form of an official doctrine. In the 1990s that
tendency is likely to be strengthened owing to political changes
taking place in the liberal-democratic spirit and to the stress
on individual human rights. At the same time it has been
announced that mass closures of obsolete enterprises with
outdated technologies will take place, especially in those
sectors of the economy which are not directly involved in
satisfying consumer needs.

The above changes have been accompanied by a modified approach
to the guiding of technological development.

In the authoritarian system that existed almost until the end
of the 1980s, the direction of technological development was set
by the central authorities. The scope for enterprises to make
decisions on their own technological profile was very limited.
From the point of view of criteria that were then binding, a
change of that situation was neither possible nor purposeful. It
was impossible because the law did not provide for such a
possibility; it was only the central authorities that were
competent to take binding decisions, and these adhered to
criteria other than current market incentives. It was not
purposeful, either, because no market existed at that time. Thus,
even if enterprises had had the right to act in accordance with
market incentives, they would have been unable to do so as the
lack of market infrastructure resulted in the unavailability of
appropriate parameters to inform enterprises about the right
directions for technological expansion.

Other institutions, like professional organizations,
consumers' unions, scientific organizations, etc., could not make
decisions on technological development either. They could only
make applications in terms of their preference for this or that
technology. However, the centre rarely yielded to such
endeavours.

In the 1980s the process of decentralization of authority to
settle directions of technological expansion was initiated in
Poland . At the same time , however , no market was created and
this presented serious difficulties and sometimes even made it
impossible to set directions for technological development. Owing
to the worsening economic crisis in Poland, the interests of
manufacturing enterprises in technological development apparently
diminished. This explains why the number of technologies imported
and exported at that time was so small. Scarcity of financial
resources had a significant impact on the suspension of work on
new technological solutions in scientific organizations.

At the beginning of the 1990s Polish manufacturing and
scientific-technological enterprises gained full legal and
financial independence. The centre was deprived of its right to
interfere with programmes of technological development in
enterprises. At the same time efforts to create an appropriate
market infrastructure were undertaken.

In other words, at this time there was a complete reversal of
the situation existing in the past. The centre lost the right to
decide on directions of technological progress, to the benefit of
enterprises, whether manufacturing, scientific technological, or
other. At the same time consumer, conservationist, and other
organizations gained the right to veto decisions on technological
development, and in many cases they actually made use of it.

This means that the situation in this field which arose in
Poland at the beginning of the 1990s differs both from the
previous state of affairs in Poland and from developments in the
advanced economies, where the state sets certain directions for
technological development , taking in to account the economy as a
whole, especially in the long run. Market incentives are not
regarded as the only basis of desirable scientific and
technological progress.