1. My comments here are based on some 15
years of close study of Turkey, including more than five years'
residence. As well as my Doctorate, awarded by the Department
of Social Anthropology of the University of Cambridge, I have
written numerous articles on modern Turkey and an academic monograph:
Religion and Society in Turkey. I have also been visiting
researcher or lecturer in three different Turkish Universities,
and Assistant and Acting Director of the British Institute of
Archaeology at Ankara. My areas of special interest may be summed
up as religion, modernisation, social change, nationalism, culture
and the religious minority known as the "Alevi", of
whom I have made a special study. I have made only the briefest
of comments below, but would be happy to expand upon any point
that may emerge to be of interest.

2. We are invited to submit evidence concerning
Turkey's relationship with Europe in particular as it pertains
to military questions and her accession to the European Union.
I am not a military specialist and therefore can make no claims
with regard to the strategic implications of the bases or of Turkey's
membership of NATO. However, it is worth noting that there is
an unfortunate bifurcation in debates in the UK between those
who regard Turkey as a military ally and those who believe Turkey
to be a civil foe because of her human rights record. I believe
that this division is extremely unhelpful. It hardly need be said
that the human rights situation, albeit significant, can only
be understood within the wider forces for stability and change
in the region and in the country itself. It is likely to be the
case, for example, that a closer relationship with the European
Union would result in a marked diminution of complaints in this
area. On the other hand, to attempt a "stand off" because
of a perceived inability to improve in civil areas that Britain
or Europe believe important is likely to result in precisely the
opposite of what is being desired. Such a simple bifurcation also
serves to conceal great complexity of Turkish society, as well
as those other areas where there may be a possibility to have
a most positive impact.

3. It is sometimes asked whether Turkish
citizens wish to join the EU. I think that it is extremely important
also to clarify this point at the outset. There is not the slightest
doubt that the Turkish populace at large wish to become members
of the European Union. This is indisputably partly because they
believe that they will be materially better off for having done
so. However, their attitude is also much more profound than this
simple search for affluence. Modern Turkey was founded upon the
presumption that she would, one day, be similar to other western
countries. They were, as it were, the model upon which the Republic
was founded. The governmental institutions, the national cultural
organisations (such as music, theatre, libraries and so on), education
system, language, law and banking system are all similar, or in
some cases identical to those in the west. This means that there
is a level of "fit" between the European Union and Turkey
that is very easy to overlook. Turkey is a Muslim country, but
it is one formed in Europe's image, and one that would welcome
closer contact.

4. Religion is very rarely, if at all, discussed
formally within the European Union. However recent events have
hardly made it possible to avoid tackling these issues more explicitly
than we have need to for several generations. Simply put, western
nations face a problem of quite unprecedented proportions. There
is throughout the Islamic world a very widespread rise in religious
fundamentalism. Those countries (such as Egypt or Pakistan) who
have attempted to pursue a secular orientation have come under
immense pressure to a more "Islamic way of life, and one
correspondingly more hostile to Britain. It is hardly pleasant
to acknowledge this, but equally unhelpful to ignore that this
feeling of cultural aggression exists.

Turkey is the one Islamic country that has attempted
to solve the seemingly intractable problem between possessing
a European orientation and faith. From the religious point of
view, it has done so by insisting that the believer maintain a
separation between their personal convictions and the rules that
are used to govern society as a whole. A very great number of
Turkish people are convinced by this, far more than is usually
acknowledged. Those who are against it, however, have tended to
form political parties, that have been closed down by the authorities,
rightly so according to the law of the constitution (and indeed
also according to the European Court of Human Rights).

The situation now, however, is tense. The necessary
structures exist to maintain a thoroughly secular ongoing, developing
Turkey. However, it is likely that Great Britain, as indeed Europe
as a whole, will play a part in molding how effectively these
structures operate. It hardly needs underlining that it is in
Great Britain's interests to help maintain a large, moderate secular
Islamic country within Europe, not just for the stability that
this brings to the region, but also the example to the other countries
that Turkey would then be.

5. It is sometimes asked whether Turkey
shows sufficient flexibility to adopt the necessary administrative
reforms to become part of the European Union. Of this, I think
there is no doubt. Turkey has an excellent record of adopting
legislation when it is necessary to do so, and has shown admirable
willingness to be part of international "clubs": NATO,
the Council of Europe, and so on. In addition, the adoption of
the Customs Union appears to have gone extremely smoothly. Turkey's
track record is that it adopts international membership comparatively
easily. Certainly, there have been no adverse reactions so far
to the developing ties that have taken place with the EU.

6. Turkey obviously has problems, economic
and otherwise. Nevertheless, Human Rights flexibility, improvement
of administrative capability, greater inward investment, economic
and political stability all can be served through the creation
of closer ties, ties that build upon an already successful relationship
with Europe in many ways. The negative aspects of Turkey: economic
collapse, religious fundamentalism, political instability, corruption,
distrust of Europe's good intentions, isolationism will only be
intensified by keeping Turkey at arms' length. Whilst there has
hardly been space to outline this point in detail here, I would
certainly suggest that there appears to be a congruence between
closer integration of Turkey and Europe and the best interests
of Great Britain and the European Community. We can, in effect,
choose between a large dissatisfied, struggling neighbour whose
most suspicious elements have been brought to the surface by the
perceived arrogance of the "Christian Club" of Europe
or a close ally who is happy to work in a great number of spheres
to iron out those very problems, albeit considerable, that remain.