He is barely a week into his new job as secretary-general of the European Commission and already he is the subject of a witch-hunt.

As chief of staff to Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, he was crudely caricatured as a Rasputin; now he’s being depicted as the devil incarnate. With evangelical fervor, Green MEPs are threatening to turn a parliamentary debate on his appointment into a full-on exorcism.

Selmayr, I would contend, is well-meaning and misunderstood. And the misunderstanding runs wide. To be blinded by his hubris and ambition is to miss out on a deeper understanding of the Juncker Commission as a whole.

Let’s look instead at another of Selmayr’s defining characteristics: loyalty.

In his career, Selmayr has demonstrated prodigious loyalty: to Viviane Reding, Luxembourg’s long-time European commissioner, now an MEP, and to Juncker. He started out as spokesman for Reding, and his conspicuous loyalty in that position won him unusually swift promotion to head her private office.

That sensation is why Selmayr sets such great store by loyalty. It comes from that burning desire to get things done.

Toward the end of Reding’s fourth consecutive term as a commissioner, Selmayr became campaign manager of Juncker’s candidacy for the presidency of the European Commission, before parlaying that position into running the private office of the newly installed president. He then set about turning Juncker’s campaign pledges into the Commission’s program for 2014-2019.

Neither Reding nor Juncker are likely to be easy people to work for: big egos, hungry for reassurance and attention, capable of taking any disagreement — however principled or rationally argued — as a personal affront. Each has a record of intemperate outbursts and occasional undiplomatic excess.

But Selmayr never wavered in their defense. His loyalty is apparently unquestioning. And here’s the rub: He demands the same from others.

These promotions for former colleagues are not simple cronyism or, as Selmayr’s enemies claim, a desire to be surrounded by flattering courtiers.

Early on in the life of the Juncker administration, Frans Timmermans, the Commission’s first vice president, had a meeting with the heads of Commission departments: the directors general. I heard an account of that meeting — which at the time I was unable to verify — to the effect that Timmermans began by telling the directors general that he understood only 20 percent of them were in favor of Juncker’s 10-point plan. Another 20 percent were actively opposed, and the remaining 60 percent were indifferent.

I thought at the time that if that account were even only half-true, the Juncker leadership team had a strange perception of the Commission administration. The incumbents saw themselves as insurgents: From the beginning, there has been a bunker Juncker mentality.

That sensation is why Selmayr sets such great store by loyalty. It comes from that burning desire to get things done.

He believes that the Commission suffers from an enforcement problem; that policy once decided by the leadership is frequently not executed or implemented by the ranks below: It is variously slowed down, watered down or outright ignored.

It is instructive to remember that when Reding was in charge of telecoms policy and Selmayr did not get the draft legislation he wanted from the department of information society, he sat down and wrote the legislation himself.

That obsession also goes to explain a phenomenon much remarked upon in Brussels: Many of those who have prospered in the Juncker administration have previously worked with Selmayr.

The promotions to senior positions in the spokesperson’s service of Mina Andreeva and Natasha Bertaud, both assistants to Selmayr in his time with Reding, were an early example. Richard Szostak, who is now deputy head of Juncker’s office, also worked for Selmayr in the Reding Cabinet.

We have also seen promotions for officials from the justice department, which was Reding’s (and therefore Selmayr’s) portfolio in the 2010-2014 Commission.

It’s ironic that the manner of the appointment — skullduggery cloaked in secrecy — has had a different effect.

Paraskevi Michou is a case in point. She joined the justice department in 2011 as a director and was promoted to deputy secretary-general in 2015. This month, she was made head of the department for migration and home affairs. Indeed, it was her promotion that opened up the post of deputy secretary-general that Selmayr used as the vaulting horse to the top job.

These promotions for former colleagues are not simple cronyism or, as Selmayr’s enemies claim, a desire to be surrounded by flattering courtiers. Instead, Selmayr sets great store by those whose loyalty he has tested, because he believes that those who are loyal to him will deliver the results that he wants.

And what he wants is not simple self-advancement: He wants to save the European Union. He believes in it, passionately, wholeheartedly, as a force for good: as the means to peace and prosperity in Europe. And he shares that belief with Juncker and with Reding.

Selmayr has no truck with Euroskepticism. If the EU has weaknesses, the way to rectify them — as he sees — is to give more power to the European Commission and Parliament. That explains his passion for federalism and his advocacy of the Spitzenkandidat process, which reduces the role of the European Council in choosing the Commission president. It’s also why Juncker has suggested that the posts of president of the Commission and Council be combined.

Sadly for Selmayr, his faith in the EU can sometimes be a weakness. First, it dulls his political antennae when it comes to issues that might elicit resistance from national governments. If a proposal is — to his eyes — self-evidently right for the EU, he believes it must happen. The Commission’s proposal to impose quotas of migrants on Central and Eastern European countries is a case in point.

Second, inside the Commission he turns nearly every policy decision into a test of faith in the European project — so that disagreement denotes dissent. That’s not the best recipe for good policymaking nor the best use of talent, but it does go some way to explain why Selmayr felt it necessary to become secretary-general: to take control of an organization whose managerial class he distrusts, for the greater good of the European Union.

Juncker’s Commission has failed to close the rifts that opened up between Western and Eastern Europe, between the eurozone members and the rest.

So it’s ironic that the manner of the appointment — skullduggery cloaked in secrecy — has had a different effect. It has exposed to the wider world what those in Brussels have long known or suspected: that, under Juncker, the supposed collegiality of Commission decision-making is a sham.

The structure that Juncker introduced for the College of Commissioners — with vice presidents coordinating different policy groups — is just a façade. Behind it, Selmayr has centralized power with the president.

Why does that matter? Because the federal quality of the college is part of a delicate institutional balance intended to maintain good relations between the Commission and national governments.

As guardian of the treaties and enforcer of legislation, the Commission is often forced to take a confrontational role — over environmental standards, the non-collection of customs duties (to take an example from this week) or the maintenance of democratic values and the rule of law (a point of contention with Poland and Hungary).

New Secretary-General of the European Commission, German Martin Selmayr | Olivier Hoslet/EPA-EFE

When this occurs, the Commission’s duty is to play the part of honest, disinterested broker. The presence of a commissioner from each member state is supposed — in theory — to provide a channel of communication and to symbolize how the Commission acts on behalf of all its members.

And yet, under Juncker and Selmayr, the Commission’s reputation as honest broker has taken a hammering. In the eurozone crisis, it was seen as too ready to do the bidding of France and Germany. In the migration crisis, again it sided with Germany.

Juncker’s Commission has failed to close the rifts that opened up between Western and Eastern Europe, between the Eurozone members and the rest. If it were not for the Brexit negotiations, those tensions would arguably be more obvious.

This is where Selmayr’s promotion is truly corrosive. It’s not about the ambition of a particular individual. It’s about what the member countries will make of the president of the Commission — a Luxembourgish Christian Democrat — conniving in the appointment of a German Christian Democrat to the most senior post in the Commission civil service, bending the Commission’s procedures to achieve that end, and discrediting the rest of the commissioners.

The natural response, when the game looks rigged, is to lose faith in the referee. So what loyalty do the member countries now owe the European Commission?

Tim King writes POLITICO‘s Brussels Sketch.

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glasspix 1

See, this is what is so fundamentally wrong with the EC, you can elect a Secretary General whom absolutely no one seems to want without breaking any rules. More worryingly, what applies to personnel changes applies to policies as well, legislation that no member states have asked for are shoved down their throats through a mechanism of intimidation and back-door deals. Selmayr is the living-walking symbol of a dysfunctional institution on its way to disintegration.

Posted on 3/12/18 | 6:28 AM CEST

Jáck Boot

“The demonization of Martin Selmayr has gone too far.”

One has to laugh, even some in the EU people grow tired of the “rewards” handed out.
Be a nice little grass and you will go far. 🙂

Posted on 3/12/18 | 6:36 AM CEST

Europe means peace and love <3

long live Mertin, long live Europe !

Posted on 3/12/18 | 8:20 AM CEST

Europe means peace and love <3

UK fake news propaganda !

Posted on 3/12/18 | 8:21 AM CEST

Tony Brown

Perhaps those who routinely praise the EU can explain why it is OK for Selmayr to seize power in this way?

Posted on 3/12/18 | 10:03 AM CEST

Alan

“The demonization of Martin Selmayr has gone too far.

He is barely a week into his new job as secretary-general of the European Commission and already he is the subject of a witch-hunt.”

I think the author has somewhat missed the point – the issue is precisely how Selmayr was parachuted into his job.

Does anyone believe in the sequence/coincidence of events which seem to have facilitated this.

The Irish invented a word to describe this – GUBU!

Posted on 3/12/18 | 11:02 AM CEST

maciek maciek

He (Selmayr) wants to save the European Union. He believes in it, passionately, wholeheartedly, as a force for good: as the means to peace and prosperity in Europe.
This sounds pretty bad.
Russian communist apparatchiks were described the same way saving the Soviet Union for the world’s peace and prosperity.
I want the EU beaurocrats to be cool proffesionals not passionate fighters.

Posted on 3/12/18 | 11:41 AM CEST

Ronald Grünebaum

A lot of truth and insight in the analysis but definitely wrong on one point.
The civil servants on the working level never clash with the political leadership as a question of power. Rather they hold on to the facts that the Cabinets of the Commissioners want to ignore.
This ignorance is 10% driven by ideology and 90% by idiocy. Because many Cabinet members are young people who are very full of themselves being so close to a Commissioner and terribly insecure because they know they would never pass a Commission entry exam themselves.

Posted on 3/12/18 | 12:17 PM CEST

peter lintner

“Commission’s top civil servant loves the EU. Too bad his methods are so destructive.”

That´s the characteristics of most of eurocrats. They all blindly, near religiously, love EU and are so destructive. EU is slowly, but surely turning into a totalitarian union, whose main objective is to survive, at all cost. It will also end as all totalitarian systems, with a complete collapse.

Posted on 3/12/18 | 1:07 PM CEST

Petter B.

The problem with Selmayer is neither the fact that he’s appointed, nor that he is secretary-general of the Commission. The main problem is the amount of power he seems to wield, and the degree to which he seems to set the political agenda. The point of appointing civil servants is that they are not supposed to let their personal political views be a factor.

Donal O'Brien

You could freely charge me for PLAGIARISM
For the following
You would win hands down in any COURT
DEMONIZATION OF A RASPUTIN IN INCARNATE

MEP’S are threatning to turn a parliamentary
Debate on his appointment into a full on EXORCISM

Beleive me that’s only for PUBLIC CONSUMPTION
His work for VIVIANE REDING was done with a FANATICAL LOYALTY take note of the word FANATICAL

On to JUNCKER discribed by past PRESIDENT JERON DIJSSELBLOEM AS AN ARROGANT INVETERATE SMOKER AND DRINKER
I hear HERR SELMAYR likes a glass or two or three or

Anyway working for HERR JUNCKER yes he’s entitled to the HERR check past very
close family members
Herr Selmayr help’s his EGO always hungry for REASSURANCE

Your mention of TIMMERMANS checking the numbers for and against JUNCKER a joke
It was widely know in BRUSSELS that MERKLE @ CAMERON where against his APPOINTMENT feeling it would be a DISASTER how right
Commonts like I’ll not use ENGLISH AGAIN
KISSING PEOPLE ON THE PATE STUTTERING ON THE PODIUM

SELMAYR stored great faith in LOYALTY
That was to get him where he is today

Many of those who worked for SELMAYR have prospered
First rule MAFIA SS GESTOPO always stuff internal departments with your own people

Mr King a question have you ever looked into HERR SELMAYR’S GRANDFATHER one
LT COL JOSEF SELMAYR lovely Man have a look

You say its ironic that the appointment was cloked with SKULLDUGGERY and SECRECY not really

I’ll say it again and again BRITAIN had a REFERENDUM AGREED BY ALL also its not a case that BRUSSELS did not know
BREXIT WON but of coursr BRUSSELS will never except this FACT
What was the origanal phrase back in the DECENT DAYS OF THE EEC SOCIAL COHESION days well gone

Mr King
What has SELMAYR JUNCKER BARNIER VERHOFSTAD TUSK WEBER THYSSEN in there position of IMPORTANCE in common?

They are all members of the EUROPEAN PEOPLES PARTY
Mr King the above mentioned EPP are found in every country thats part of the EU and take it from me also beyond
Slowely but surely becoming the POWER BEHIND THE THRONE

You see Mr King no need today for a PANZA DIVISION nor LUFFWAFFE they would be destroyed
Much better through the EU placing LAWS and REGULATIONS TO CONTROL THE PEOPLE

Control Mr King thats the game
You may say another conspiracy nutter maybe even laugh

But have a closer look
View what’s behind the leading members
Take note and ask about there
LONG TERM PLANS

Again my thanks for your work

Allways
DINAL O’ BRIEN

Posted on 3/12/18 | 6:53 PM CEST

Tony Brown

Donal

Good to see that you are mastering your new phone!

How about cutting down on the capital letters which is generally considered ‘shouting’ and makes it more difficult to read?

Also a few more gaps in your longer posts would make it easier to read as well.

Best wishes from England to Ireland

Posted on 3/12/18 | 6:57 PM CEST

Donal O'Brien

Att Tony Brown

Hi and thank will TRY
But sometimes its hard not to SHOUT
But to listen to that RIF RAF in BRUSSELS just make’s me mad
I will improve must keep saying
that
My regards to England

Cheers for BREXIT

ooops

Thanks Tony Brown

Allways
DONAL O’ BRIEN

Posted on 3/12/18 | 7:13 PM CEST

Priscilla du Bleu

@Donal O’Brien
“But sometimes its hard not to SHOUT”

Especially if all people surrounding you run away in a frenzy whenever you appear on the scene, innit?

Hint: a change in volume won’t do the trick, you might consider working on improving the rubbish contents of your statements.

Referring to the Luftwaffe and your same old third reich innuendos …. i am being polite here, using the term ‘innuendo’ …. simply make people 1. yawn and 2. run as far as they can.

Posted on 3/13/18 | 10:06 AM CEST

Preston Padden

A perspective from across the Atlantic. I worked with Martin Selmayr years ago when I was with Disney and he was working for then Commissioner Reding. I found him to be hard working, very smart and highly principled. As Secretary General he looks to me like the right person in a tough job!

Posted on 3/16/18 | 8:31 PM CEST

Paul Flaherty

‘Selmayr, I would contend, is well-meaning and misunderstood.’ And I cannot see a single piece of evidence for that contention in this article.