PLUTARCH

ARISTIDES

530?-468? B.C.

translated by John Dryden

Introductory Note

Plutarch of Chaeronea (2nd half of the first century A.D.) lived
much later than the events he wrote about in this biography, but he
clearly had access to many sources which no longer survive in the
present day. For the most part, he was a philosopher rather than an
historian, interested primarily in the characters of his subjects;
the name given to a large corpus of his philosphical works, the
Moralia, is a further indication of his penchant for
considerations of ethics and proper behaviour. Plutarch's accuracy on
historical matters is a matter of dispute among historians, but he is
reasonably reliable. The translation offered here may well seem
archaic at points, but this should not pose serious problems most of
the time, and it is not unpleasant to read Dryden's poetic
translations of the poetry cited with some frequency by Plutarch.

The electronic text version of this translation comes
from the Eris
Project at Virginia Tech, which has made it available for public
use. The hypertext version presented here has been designed for
students of Ancient History at the University of Calgary. I have
added chapter and section numbers (to facilitate specific citation or
to find a specific passage from a citation; note: the section numbers
of a Greek text do not always fit as smoothly as one might like into
a translation) and the internal links (to allow navigation); Dryden's
paragraphs have been adopted here, with occasional minor
modifications. Another HTML version of the complete text, with no
numeration or internal links if you prefer this, is available at the
Internet
Classics Archive from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

J. Vanderspoel, Department of Greek, Latin
and Ancient History, University of Calgary

I (1) ARISTIDES, the son of
Lysimachus, was of the tribe Antiochis, and township of Alopece. As
to wealth, statements differ; some say he passed his life in extreme
poverty, and left behind him two daughters whose indigence long kept
them unmarried; (2) but Demetrius, the Phalerian, in opposition to
this general report, professes in his Socrates to know a farm at
Phalerum going by Aristides's name, where he was interred; and, as
marks of his opulence, adduces first, the office of archon eponymus,
which he obtained by the lot of the bean; which was confined to the
highest assessed families, called the Pentacosiomedimni; (3) second,
the ostracism, which was not usually inflicted on the poorer
citizens, but on those of great houses, whose station exposed them to
envy; third and last, that he left certain tripods in the temple of
Bacchus, offerings for his victory in conducting the representation
of dramatic performances, which were even in our age still to be
seen, retaining this inscription upon them, "The tribe Antiochis
obtained the victory: Aristides defrayed the charges: Archestratus's
play was acted." (4) But this argument, though in appearance the
strongest, is of the least moment of any. For Epaminondas, who all
the world knows was educated, and lived his whole life in much
poverty, and also Plato, the philosopher, exhibited magnificent
shows, the one an entertainment of flute-players, the other of
dithyrambic singers; Dion, the Syracusan, supplying the expenses of
the latter, and Pelopidas those of Epaminondas. (5) For good men do
not allow themselves in any inveterate and irreconcilable hostility
to receiving presents from their friends, but while looking upon
those that are accepted to be hoarded up and with avaricious
intentions as sordid and mean, they do not refuse such as, apart from
all profit, gratify the pure love of honour and magnificence.
Panaetius, again, shows that Demetrius was deceived concerning the
tripod by an identity of name. (6) For, from the Persian war to the
end of the Peloponnesian, there are upon record only two of the name
of Aristides who defrayed the expense of representing plays and
gained the prize, neither of which was the same with the son of
Lysimachus; but the father of the one was Xenophilus, and the other
lived at a much later time, as the way of writing, which is that in
use since the time of Euclides, and the addition of the name of
Archestratus prove, a name which, in the time of the Persian war, no
writer mentions, but which several, during the Peloponnesian war,
record as that of a dramatic poet. (7) The argument of Panaetius
requires to be more closely considered. But as for the ostracism,
every one was liable to it, whom his reputation, birth, or eloquence
raised above the common level; insomuch that even Damon, preceptor to
Pericles, was thus banished, because he seemed a man of more than
ordinary sense. (8) And, moreover, Idomeneus says that Aristides was
not made archon by the lot of the bean, but the free election of the
people. And if he held the office after the battle of Plataea, as
Demetrius himself has written, it is very probable that his great
reputation and success in the war made him be preferred for his
virtue to an office which others received in consideration of their
wealth. (9) But Demetrius manifestly is eager not only to exempt
Aristides, but Socrates likewise, from poverty, as from a great evil;
telling us that the latter had not only a house of his own, but also
seventy minae put out at interest with Crito.

II (1) Aristides being the friend
and supporter of that Clisthenes, who settled the government after
the expulsion of the tyrants, and emulating and admiring Lycurgus,
the Lacedaemonian, above all politicians, adhered to the
aristocratical principles of government; and had Themistocles, son to
Neocles, his adversary on the side of the populace. Some say that,
being boys and bred up together from their infancy, they were always
at variance with each other in all their words and actions, as well
serious as playful, (2) and that in this their early contention they
soon made proof of their natural inclinations; the one being ready,
adventurous, and subtle, engaging readily and eagerly in everything;
the other of a staid and settled temper, intent on the exercise of
justice, not admitting any degree of falsity, indecorum, or trickery,
no, not so much as at his play. Ariston of Chios says the first
origin of the enmity which rose to so great a height was a love
affair; (3) they were rivals for the affection of the beautiful
Stesilaus of Ceos, and were passionate beyond all moderation, and did
not lay aside their animosity when the beauty that had excited it
passed away; but, as if it had only exercised them in it, immediately
carried their beats and differences into public business.

(4) Themistocles, therefore, joining an association of partisans,
fortified himself with considerable strength; insomuch that when some
one told him that were he impartial he would make a good magistrate;
"I wish," replied he, "I may never sit on that tribunal where my
friends shall not plead a greater privilege than strangers." (5) But
Aristides walked, so to say, alone on his own path in politics, being
unwilling, in the first place, to go along with his associates in
ill-doing, or to cause them vexation by not gratifying their wishes;
and, secondly, observing that many were encouraged by the support
they had in their friends to act injuriously, he was cautious; being
of opinion that the integrity of his words and actions was the only
right security for a good citizen.

III (1) However, Themistocles
making many dangerous alterations, and withstanding and interrupting
him in the whole series of his actions, Aristides also was
necessitated to set himself against all Themistocles did, partly in
self-defence, and partly to impede his power from still increasing by
the favour of the multitude; esteeming it better to let slip some
public conveniences, rather than that he by prevailing should become
powerful in all things. (2) In fine, when he once had opposed
Themistocles in some measures that were expedient, and had got the
better of him, he could not refrain from saying, when he left the
assembly, that unless they sent Themistocles and himself to the
barathum, there could be no safety for Athens. Another time, when
urging some proposal upon the people, though there were much
opposition and stirring against it, he yet was gaining the day; but
just as the president of the assembly was about to put it to the
vote, perceiving by what had been said in debate the inexpediency of
his advice, he let it fall. (3) Also he often brought in his bills by
other persons, lest Themistocles, through party spirit against him,
should be any hindrance to the good of the public.

In all the vicissitudes of public affairs, the constancy he showed
was admirable, not being elated with honours, and demeaning himself
tranquilly and sedately in adversity; holding the opinion that he
ought to offer himself to the service of his country without
mercenary views and irrespectively of any reward, not only of riches,
but even of glory itself. (4) Hence it came, probably, that at the
recital of these verses of Aeschylus in the theatre, relating to
Amphiaraus-

"For not at seeming just, but being so
He aims; and from his depth of soil below
Harvests of wise and prudent counsels grow,

the eyes of all the spectators turned on Aristides, as if this
virtue, in an especial manner, belonged to him.

IV (1) He was a most determined
champion for justice, not only against feelings of friendship and
favour, but wrath and malice. Thus it is reported of him that when
prosecuting the law against one who was his enemy, on the judges
after accusation refusing to hear the criminal, and proceeding
immediately to pass sentence upon him, he rose in haste from his seat
and joined in petition with him for a hearing, and that he might
enjoy the privilege of the law. (2) Another time, when judging
between two private persons, on the one declaring his adversary had
very much injured Aristides; "Tell me rather, good friend," he said,
"what wrong he has done you; for it is your cause, not my own, which
I now sit judge of." Being chosen to the charge of the public
revenue, he made it appear, that not only those of his time, but the
preceding officers, had alienated much treasure, and especially
Themistocles-

"Well known he was an able man to be,
But with his fingers apt to be too free."

(3) Therefore, Themistocles associating several persons against
Aristides, and impeaching him when he gave in his accounts, caused
him to be condemned of robbing the public; so Idomeneus states; but
the best and chiefest men of the city much resenting it, he was not
only exempted from the fine imposed upon him, but likewise again
called to the same employment. Pretending now to repent him of his
former practice, and carrying himself with more remissness, he became
acceptable to such as pillaged the treasury by not detecting or
calling them to an exact account. (4) So that those who had their
fill of the public money began highly to applaud Aristides, and sued
to the people making interest to have him once more chosen treasurer.
But when they were upon the point of election, he reproved the
Athenians. "When I discharged my office well and faithfully," said
he, "I was insulted and abused; but now that I have allowed the
public thieves in a variety of malpractices, I am considered an
admirable patriot. (5) I am more ashamed, therefore, of this present
honour than of the former sentence; and I commiserate your condition,
with whom it is more praiseworthy to oblige ill men than to conserve
the revenue of the public." Saying thus, and proceeding to expose the
thefts that had been committed, he stopped the mouths of those who
cried him up and vouched for him, but gained real and true
commendations from the best men.

V (1) When Datis, being sent by
Darius under pretence of punishing the Athenians for their burning of
Sardis, but in reality to reduce the Greeks under his dominion,
landed at Marathon and laid waste the country, among the ten
commanders appointed by the Athenians for the war, Miltiades was of
the greatest name; but the second place, both for reputation and
power, was possessed by Aristides; (2) and when his opinion to join
battle was added to that of Miltiades, it did much to incline the
balance. Every leader by his day having the command in chief, when it
came to Aristides's turn he delivered it into the hands of Miltiades,
showing his fellow-officers that it is not dishonourable to obey and
follow wise and able men, but, on the contrary, noble and prudent. So
appeasing their rivalry, and bringing them to acquiesce in one and
the best advice, he confirmed Miltiades in the strength of an
undivided and unmolested authority. For now every one, yielding his
day of command, looked for orders only to him. (3) During the fight
the main body of the Athenians being the hardest put to it, the
barbarians, for a long time, making opposition there against the
tribes Leontis and Antiochis, Themistocles and Aristides being ranged
together fought valiantly; the one being of the tribe Leontis, the
other of the Antiochis. (4) But after they had beaten the barbarians
back to their ships, and perceived that they sailed not for the
isles, but were driven in by the force of sea and wind towards the
country of Attica, fearing lest they should take the city, unprovided
of defence, they hurried away thither with nine tribes, and reached
it the same day. (5) Aristides, being left with his tribe at Marathon
to guard the plunder and prisoners, did not disappoint the opinion
they had of him. Amidst the profusion of gold and silver, all sorts
of apparel, and other property, more than can be mentioned, that were
in the tents and the vessels which they had taken, he neither felt
the desire to meddle with anything himself, nor suffered others to do
it; unless it might be some who took away anything unknown to him; as
Callias, the torch-bearer, did. (6) One of the barbarians, it seems,
prostrated himself before this man, supposing him to be a king by his
hair and fillet; and, when he had so done, taking him by the hand,
showed him a great quantity of gold hid in a ditch. But Callias, most
cruel and impious of men, took away the treasure, but slew the man,
lest he should tell of him. Hence, they say, the comic poets gave his
family the name of Laccopluti, or enriched by the ditch, alluding to
the place where Callias found the gold. (7) Aristides, immediately
after this, was archon; although Demetrius, the Phalerian, says he
held the office a little before he died after the battle of Plataea.
But in the records of the successors of Xanthippides, in whose year
Mardonius was overthrown at Plataea, amongst very many there
mentioned, there is not so much as one of the same name as Aristides;
while immediately after Phaenippus, during whose term of office they
obtained the victory of Marathon, Aristides is registered.

VI (1) Of all his virtues, the
common people were most affected with his justice, because of its
continual and common use; and thus, although of mean fortune and
ordinary birth, he possessed himself of the most kingly and divine
appellation of just: (2) which kings, however, and tyrants have never
sought after; but have taken delight to be surnamed besiegers of
cities, thunderers, conquerors, or eagles again, and hawks;
affecting, it seems, the reputation which proceeds from power and
violence, rather than that of virtue. Although the divinity, to whom
they desire to compare and assimilate themselves, excels, it is
supposed, in three things, immortality, power, and virtue; of which
three the noblest and divinest is virtue. (3) For the elements and
vacuum have an everlasting existence; earthquakes, thunders, storms,
and torrents have great power; but in justice and equity nothing
participates except by means of reason and the knowledge of that
which is divine. And thus, taking the three varieties of feeling
commonly entertained towards the deity, the sense of his happiness,
fear, and honour of him, people would seem to think him blest and
happy for his exemption from death and corruption, to fear and dread
him for his power and dominion, but to love, honour, and adore him
for his justice. (4) Yet though thus disposed, they covet that
immortality which our nature is not capable of, and that power the
greatest part of which is at the disposal of fortune; but give
virtue, the only divine good really in our reach, the last place,
most unwisely; since justice makes the life of such as are in
prosperity, power, and authority the life of a god, and injustice
turns it to that of a beast.

VII (1) Aristides, therefore, had
at first the fortune to be beloved for this surname, but at length
envied. Especially when Themistocles spread a rumour amongst the
people that, by determining and judging all matters privately, he had
destroyed the courts of judicature, and was secretly making way for a
monarchy in his own person, without the assistance of guards.
Moreover the spirit of the people, now grown high, and confident with
their late victory, naturally entertained feelings of dislike to all
of more than common fame and reputation. (2) Coming together,
therefore, from all parts into the city, they banished Aristides by
the ostracism, giving their jealousy of his reputation the name of
fear of tyranny. For ostracism was not the punishment of any criminal
act, but was speciously said to be the mere depression and
humiliation of excessive greatness and power; and was in fact a
gentle relief and mitigation of envious feeling, which was thus
allowed to vent itself in inflicting no intolerable injury, only a
ten years' banishment. (3) But after it came to be exercised upon
base and villainous fellows, they desisted from it; Hyperbolus being
the last whom they banished by the ostracism.

The cause of Hyperbolus's banishment is said to have been this.
Alcibiades and Nicias, men that bore the greatest sway in the city,
were of different factions. As the people, therefore, were about to
vote the ostracism, and obviously to decree it against one of them
consulting together and uniting their parties they contrived the
banishment of Hyperbolus. (4) Upon which the people, being offended,
as if some contempt or affront was put upon the thing left off and
quite abolished it. It was performed, to be short, in this manner.
Every one taking an ostracon, a sherd, that is, or piece of
earthenware, wrote upon it the citizen's name he would have banished,
and carried it to a certain part of the market-place surrounded with
wooden rails. (5) First, the magistrates numbered all the sherds in
gross (for if there were less than six thousand, the ostracism was
imperfect); then, laying every name by itself, they pronounced him
whose name was written by the larger number banished for ten years,
with the enjoyment of his estate. As therefore, they were writing the
names on the sherds, it is reported that an illiterate clownish
fellow, giving Aristides his sherd, supposing him a common citizen,
begged him to write Aristides upon it; (6) and he being surprised and
asking if Aristides had ever done him any injury, "None at all," said
he, "neither know I the man; but I am tired of hearing him everywhere
called the just." Aristides, hearing this, is said to have made no
reply, but returned the sherd with his own name inscribed. At his
departure from the city, lifting up his hands to heaven, he made a
prayer (the reverse, it would seem, of that of Achilles), that the
Athenians might never have any occasion which should constrain them
to remember Aristides.

VIII (1) Nevertheless,
three years after, when Xerxes marched through Thessaly and Boeotia
into the country of Attica, repealing the law, they decreed the
return of the banished: chiefly fearing Aristides, lest, joining
himself to the enemy, he should corrupt and bring over many of his
fellow-citizens to the party of the barbarians; much mistaking the
man, who, already before the decree, was exerting himself to excite
and encourage the Greeks to the defence of their liberty. And
afterwards, when Themistocles was general with absolute power, he
assisted him in all ways both in action and counsel; rendering, in
consideration of the common security, the greatest enemy he had the
most glorious of men. (2) For when Eurybiades was deliberating to
desert the isle of Salamis, and the galleys of the barbarians putting
out by night to sea surrounded and beset the narrow passage and
islands, and nobody was aware how they were environed, Aristides,
with great hazard, sailed from Aegina through the enemy's fleet; and
coming by night to Themistocles's tent and calling him out by
himself; (3) "if we have any discretion," said he, "Themistocles,
laying aside at this time our vain and childish contention, let us
enter upon a safe and honourable dispute, vying with each other for
the preservation of Greece; you in the ruling and commanding, I in
the subservient and advising part; even indeed, as I now understand
you to be alone adhering to the best advice, in counselling without
any delay to engage in the straits. (4) And in this, though our own
party oppose, the enemy seems to assist you. For the sea behind, and
all around us, is covered with their fleet; so that we are under a
necessity of approving ourselves men of courage, and fighting whether
we will or no; for there is no room left us for flight." (5) To which
Themistocles answered, "I would not willingly, Aristides, be overcome
by you on this occasion; and shall endeavour, in emulation of this
good beginning, to outdo it in my actions." Also relating to him the
stratagem he had framed against the barbarians, he entreated him to
persuade Eurybiades and show him how it was impossible they should
save themselves without an engagement; as he was the more likely to
be believed. (6) Whence, in the council of war, Cleocritus, the
Corinthian, telling Themistocles that Aristides did not like his
advice as he was present and said nothing, Aristides answered, That
he should not have held his peace if Themistocles had not been giving
the best advice; and that he was now silent not out of any good-will
to the person, but in approbation of his counsel.

IX
(1) Thus the Greek captains were employed. But Aristides perceiving
Psyttalea, a small island that lies within the straits over against
Salamis, to be filled by a body of the enemy, put aboard his small
boats the most forward and courageous of his countrymen, and went
ashore upon it; and, joining battle with the barbarians, slew them
all, except such more remarkable persons as were taken alive. Amongst
these were three children of Sandauce, the king's sister, whom he
immediately sent away to Themistocles, (2) and it is stated that, in
accordance with a certain oracle, they were by the command of
Euphrantides, the seer, sacrificed to Bacchus, called Omestes, or the
devourer. But Aristides, placing armed men all around the island, lay
in wait for such as were cast upon it, to the intent that none of his
friends should perish, nor any of his enemies escape. For the closest
engagement of the ships, and the main fury of the whole battle, seems
to been about this place; for which reason a trophy was erected in
Psyttalea.

(3) After the fight, Themistocles, to sound Aristides, told him
they had performed a good piece of service, but there was a better
yet to be done, the keeping Asia in Europe, by sailing forthwith to
the Hellespont and cutting in sunder the bridge. But Aristides, with
an exclamation, bid him think no more of it, but deliberate and find
out means for removing the Mede, as quickly as possible, out of
Greece; (4) lest being enclosed, through want of means to escape,
necessity should compel him to force his way with so great an army.
So Themistocles once more despatched Arnaces, the eunuch, his
prisoner, giving him in command privately to advertise the king that
he had diverted the Greeks from their intention of setting sail for
the bridges, out of the desire he felt to preserve him.

X
(1) Xerxes, being much terrified with this, immediately hasted to the
Hellespont. But Mardonius was left with the most serviceable part of
the army, about three hundred thousand men, and was a formidable
enemy, confident in his infantry and writing messages of defiance to
the Greeks: (2) "You have overcome by sea men accustomed to fight on
land, and unskilled at the oar; but there lies now the open country
of Thessaly; and the plains of Boeotia offer a broad and worthy field
for brave men, either horse or foot, to contend in." But he sent
privately to the Athenians, both by letter and word of mouth from the
king, promising to rebuild their city, to give them a vast sum of
money, and constitute them lords of all Greece, on condition they
were not engaged in the war. (3) The Lacedaemonians, receiving news
of this, and fearing, despatched an embassy to the Athenians,
entreating that they would send their wives and children to Sparta,
and receive support from them for their superannuated. For, being
despoiled both of their city and country, the people were suffering
extreme distress. (4) Having given audience to the ambassadors, they
returned an answer, upon the motion of Aristides, worthy of the
highest admiration; declaring, that they forgave their enemies if
they thought all things purchasable by wealth, than which they knew
nothing of greater value; but that they felt offended at the
Lacedaemonians for looking only to their present poverty and
exigence, without any remembrance of their valour and magnanimity,
offering them their victuals to fight in the cause of Greece. (5)
Aristides, making this proposal and bringing back the ambassadors
into the assembly, charged them to tell the Lacedaemonians, that all
the treasure on the earth or under it was of less value with the
people of Athens than the liberty of Greece. And, showing the sun to
those who came from Mardonius, "As long as that retains the same
course, so long," said he, "shall the citizens of Athens wage war
with the Persians for the country which has been wasted, and the
temples that have been profaned and burnt by them." (6) Moreover, he
proposed a decree that the priests should anathematize him who sent
any herald to the Medes, or deserted the alliance of Greece.

When Mardonius made a second incursion into the country of Attica,
the people passed over again into the isle of Salamis. Aristides,
being sent to Lacedaemon, reproved them for their delay aid neglect
in abandoning Athens once more to the barbarians; and demanded their
assistance for that part of Greece which was not yet lost. (7) The
Ephori, hearing this, made show of sporting all day, and of
carelessly keeping holy day (for they were then celebrating the
Hyacinthian festival), but in the night, selecting five thousand
Spartans, each of whom was attended by seven Helots, they sent them
forth unknown to those from Athens. And when Aristides again
reprehended them, they told him in derision that he either doted or
dreamed, for the army was already at Oresteum, in their march towards
the strangers, as they called the Persians. (8) Aristides answered
that they jested unseasonably, deluding their friends instead of
their enemies. Thus says Idomeneus. But in the decree of Aristides,
not himself, but Cimon, Xanthippus, and Myronides are appointed
ambassadors.

XI
(1) Being chosen general for the war, he repaired to Plataea with
eight thousand Athenians, where Pausanias, generalissimo of all
Greece, joined him with the Spartans; and the forces of the other
Greeks came into them. (2) The whole encampment of the barbarians
extended all along the bank of the river Asopus, their numbers being
so great there was no enclosing them all, but their baggage and most
valuable things were surrounded with a square bulwark, each side of
which was the length of ten furlongs.

Tisamenus, the Elean, had prophesied to Pausanias and all the
Greeks, and foretold them victory if they made no attempt upon the
enemy, but stood on their defence. (3) But Aristides sending to
Delphi, the god answered that the Athenians should overcome their
enemies in case they made supplication to Jupiter and Juno of
Cithaeron, Pan, and the nymphs Sphragitides, and sacrificed to the
heroes Androcrates, Leucon, Pisander, Damocrates, Hypsion, Actaeon,
and Polyidus; and if they fought within their own territories in the
plain of Ceres Eleusinia and Proserpine. (4) Aristides was perplexed
upon the tidings of this oracle; since the heroes to whom it
commanded him to sacrifice had been chieftains of the Plataeans, and
the cave of the nymphs Sphragitides was on the top of Mount
Cithaeron, on the side facing the setting sun of summer time; in
which place, as the story goes, there was formerly an oracle, and
many that lived in the district were inspired with it, whom they
called Nympholepti, possessed with the nymphs. (5) But the plain of
Ceres Eleusinia, and the offer of victory to the Athenians, if they
fought in their own territories, recalled them again, and transferred
the war into the country of Attica. In this juncture, Arimnestus, who
commanded the Plataeans, dreamed that Jupiter, the Saviour, asked him
what the Greeks had resolved upon; and that he answered, "To-morrow,
my Lord, we march our army to Eleusis, and there give the barbarians
battle according to the directions of the oracle of Apollo." (6) And
that the god replied they were utterly mistaken, for that the places
spoken of by the oracle were within the bounds of Plataea, and if
they sought there they should find them. This manifest vision having
appeared to Arimnestus, when he awoke he sent for the most aged and
experienced of his countrymen, with whom, communicating and examining
the matter, he found that near Hysiae, at the foot of Mount
Cithaeron, there was a very ancient temple called the temple of Ceres
Eleusinia and Proserpine. (7) He therefore forthwith took Aristides
to the place, which was very convenient for drawing up an army of
foot, because the slopes at the bottom of the mountain Cithaeron
rendered the plain, where it comes up to the temple, unfit for the
movements of cavalry. Also, in the same place, there was the fane of
Androcrates, environed with a thick shady grove. (8) And that the
oracle might be accomplished in all particulars for the hope of
victory, Arimnestus proposed, and the Plataeans decreed, that the
frontiers of their country towards Attica should be removed, and the
land given to the Athenians, that they might fight in defence of
Greece in their own proper territory. (9) This zeal and liberality of
the Plataeans became so famous that Alexander, many years after, when
he had obtained the dominion of all Asia, upon erecting the walls of
Plataea, caused proclamation to be made, by the herald at the Olympic
games, that the king did the Plataeans this favour in consideration
of their nobleness and magnanimity, because, in the war with the
Medes, they freely gave up their land and zealously fought with the
Greeks.

XII (1)The Tegeatans,
contesting the post of honour with the Athenians, demanded that,
according to custom, the Lacedaemonians being ranged on the right
wing of the battle, they might have the left, alleging several
matters in commendation of their ancestors. The Athenians being
indignant at the claim, Aristides came forward: "To contend with the
Tegeatans," said he, "for noble descent and valour, the present time
permits not; but this we say to you, O you Spartans, and you the rest
of the Greeks, that place neither takes away nor contributes courage;
we shall endeavour by crediting and maintaining the post you assign
us to reflect no dishonour on our former performances. (2) For we are
come, not to differ with our friends, but to fight our enemies; not
to extol our ancestors, but ourselves to behave as valiant men. This
battle will manifest how much each city, captain, and private soldier
is worth to Greece." The council of war, upon this address, decided
for the Athenians, and gave them the other wing of the battle.

XIII (1) All Greece
being in suspense, and especially the affairs of the Athenians
unsettled, certain persons of great families and possessions having
been impoverished by the war, and seeing all their authority and
reputation in the city vanished with their wealth, and others in
possession of their honours and places, convened privately at a house
in Plataea, and conspired for the dissolution of the democratic
government; and, if the plot should not succeed, to ruin the cause
and betray all to the barbarians. (2) These matters being in
agitation in the camp, and many persons already corrupted, Aristides,
perceiving the design, and dreading the present juncture of time,
determined neither to let the business pass unanimadverted upon, nor
yet altogether to expose it; not knowing how many the accusation
might reach, and willing to set bounds to his justice with a view to
the public convenience. (3) Therefore, of many that were concerned,
he apprehended eight only, two of whom, who were first proceeded
against and most guilty, Aeschines of Lampra and Agesias of Acharnae,
made their escape out of the camp. The rest he dismissed; giving
opportunity to such as thought themselves concealed to take courage
and repent; intimating that they had in the war a great tribunal,
where they might clear their guilt by manifesting their sincere and
good intentions towards their country.

XIV (1) After this,
Mardonius made trial of the Grecian courage, by sending his whole
number of horse, in which he thought himself much the stronger,
against them, while they were all pitched at the foot of Mount
Cithaeron, in strong and rocky places, except the Megarians. They,
being three thousand in number, were encamped on the plain, where
they were damaged by the horse charging and making inroads upon them
on all hands. (2) They sent, therefore, in haste to Pausanias,
demanding relief, as not being able alone to sustain the great
numbers of the barbarians. Pausanias, hearing this, and perceiving
the tents of the Megarians already hid by the multitude of darts and
arrows, and themselves driven together into a narrow space, was at a
loss himself how to aid them with his battalion of heavy-armed
Lacedaemonians. (3) He proposed it, therefore, as a point of
emulation in valour and love of distinction, to the commanders and
captains who were around him, if any would voluntarily take upon them
the defence and succour of the Megarians. The rest being backward,
Aristides undertook the enterprise for the Athenians, and sent
Olympiodorus, the most valiant of his inferior officers, with three
hundred chosen men and some archers under his command. (4) These
being soon in readiness, and running upon the enemy, as soon as
Masistius, who commanded the barbarians' horse, a man of wonderful
courage and of extraordinary bulk and comeliness of person, perceived
it, turning his steed he made towards them. And they sustaining the
shock and joining battle with him, there was a sharp conflict, as
though by this encounter they were to try the success of the whole
war. (5) But after Masistius's horse received a wound and flung him,
and he falling could hardly raise himself through the weight of his
armour, the Athenians, pressing upon him with blows, could not easily
get at his person, armed as he was, his breast, his head, and his
limbs all over, with gold and brass and iron; but one of them at
last, running him in at the visor of his helmet, slew him; and the
rest of the Persians, leaving the body, fled. (6) The greatness of
the Greek success was known, not by the multitude of the slain (for
an inconsiderable number were killed), but by the sorrow the
barbarians expressed. For they shaved themselves, their horses, and
mules for the death of Masistius, and filled the plain with howling
and lamentation; having lost a person, who, next to Mardonius
himself, was by many degrees the chief among them, both for valour
and authority.

XV
(1) After this skirmish of the horse, they kept from fighting a long
time; for the soothsayers, by the sacrifices, foretold the victory
both to Greeks and Persians, if they stood upon the defensive part
only, but if they became aggressors, the contrary. At length
Mardonius, when he had but a few days' provision, and the Greek
forces increased continually by some or other that came in to them,
impatient of delay, determined to lie still no longer, but passing
Asopus by daybreak, to fall unexpectedly upon the Greeks; and
signified the same over night to the captains of his host. (2) But
about midnight, a certain horseman stole into the Greek camp, and
coming to the watch, desired them to call Aristides, the Athenian, to
him. He coming speedily, "I am," said the stranger, "Alexander, king
of the Macedonians, and am arrived here through the greatest danger
in the world for the goodwill I bear you, lest a sudden onset should
dismay you, so as to behave in the fight worse than usual. (3) For
to-morrow Mardonius will give you battle, urged, not by any hope of
success or courage, but by want of victuals; since, indeed, the
prophets prohibit him the battle, the sacrifices and oracles being
unfavourable; and the army is in despondency and consternation; but
necessity forces him to try his fortune, or sit still and endure the
last extremity of want." (4) Alexander, thus saying, entreated
Aristides to take notice and remember him, but not to tell any other.
But he told him, it was not convenient to conceal the matter from
Pausanias (because he was general); as for any other, he would keep
it secret from them till the battle was fought; but if the Greeks
obtained the victory, that then no one should be ignorant of
Alexander's good-will and kindness towards them. (5) After this, the
king of the Macedonians rode back again, and Aristides went to
Pausanias's tent and told him they sent for the rest of the captains
and gave orders that the army should be in battle array.

XVI (1) Here, according
to Herodotus, Pausanias spoke to Aristides, desiring him to transfer
the Athenians to the right wing of the army opposite to the Persians
(as they would do better service against them, having been
experienced in their way of combat, and emboldened with former
victories), and to give him the left, where the Medizing Greeks were
to make their assault. (2) The rest of the Athenian captains regarded
this as an arrogant and interfering act on the part of Pausanias;
because, while permitting the rest of the army to keep their
stations, he removed them only from place to place, like so many
Helots, opposing them to the greatest strength of the enemy. But
Aristides said they were altogether in the wrong. If so short a time
ago they contested the left wing with the Tegeatans, and gloried in
being preferred before them, (3) now, when the Lacedaemonians give
them place in the right, and yield them in a manner the leading of
the army, how is it they are discontented with the honour that is
done them, and do not look upon it as an advantage to have to fight,
not against their countrymen and kindred, but barbarians, and such as
were by nature their enemies? After this, the Athenians very readily
changed places with the Lacedaemonians, (4) and there went words
amongst them as they were encouraging each other that the enemy
approached with no better arms or stouter hearts than those who
fought the battle of Marathon; but had the same bows and arrows, and
the same embroidered coats and gold, and the same delicate bodies and
effeminate minds within; "While we have the same weapons and bodies,
and our courage augmented by our victories; and fight not like others
in defence of our country only, but for the trophies of Salamis and
Marathon; that they may not be looked upon as due to Miltiades or
fortune, but to the people of Athens." (5) Thus, therefore, were they
making haste to change the order of their battle. But the Thebans,
understanding it by some deserters, forthwith acquainted Mardonius;
and he, either for fear of the Athenians, or a desire to engage the
Lacedaemonians, marched over his Persians to the other wing, and
commanded the Greeks of his party to be posted opposite to the
Athenians. (6) But this change was observed on the other side, and
Pausanias, wheeling about again, ranged himself on the right, and
Mardonius, also, as at first, took the left wing over against the
Lacedaemonians. So the day passed without action.

After this the Greeks determined in council to remove their camp
some distance, to possess themselves of a place convenient for
watering; because the springs near them were polluted and destroyed
by the barbarian cavalry.

XVII (1) But night
being come, and the captains setting out towards the place designed
for their camping, the soldiers were not very ready to follow, and
keep in a body, but, as soon as they had quitted their first
entrenchments, made towards the city of Plataea; and there was much
tumult and disorder as they dispersed to various quarters and
proceeded to pitch their tents. The Lacedaemonians, against their
will, had the fortune to be left by the rest. (2) For Amompharetus, a
brave and daring man, who had long been burning with desire of the
fight, and resented their many lingerings and delays, calling the
removal of the camp a mere running away and flight, protested he
would not desert his post, but would there remain with his company
and sustain the charge of Mardonius. (3) And when Pausanias came to
him and told him he did do these things by the common vote and
determination of the Greeks, Amompharetus taking up a great stone and
flinging it at Pausanias' feet, and "By this token," said he, "do I
give my suffrage for the battle, nor have I any concern with the
cowardly consultations and decrees of other men." Pausanias, not
knowing what to do in the present juncture, sent to the Athenians,
who were drawing off, to stay to accompany him; and so he himself set
off with the rest of the army for Plataea, hoping thus to make
Amompharetus move.

(4) Meantime, day came upon them; and Mardonius (for he was not
ignorant of their deserting their camp), having his army in array,
fell upon the Lacedaemonians with great shouting and noise of
barbarous people, as if they were not about to join battle, but crush
the Greeks in their flight. Which within a very little came to pass.
(5) For Pausanias, perceiving what was done, made a halt, and
commanded every one to put themselves in order for the battle; but
either through his anger with Amompharetus, or the disturbance he was
in by reason of the sudden approach of the enemy, he forgot to give
the signal to the Greeks in general. Whence it was that they did not
come in immediately or in a body to their assistance, but by small
companies and straggling, when the fight was already begun. (6)
Pausanias, offering sacrifice, could not procure favourable omens,
and so commanded the Lacedaemonians, setting down their shields at
their feet, to abide quietly and attend his directions, making no
resistance to any of their enemies. And he sacrificing again a second
time, the horse charged, and some of the Lacedaemonians were wounded.
(7) At this time, also, Callicrates, who, we are told, was the most
comely man in the army, being shot with an arrow and upon the point
of expiring, said that he lamented not his death (for he came from
home to lay down his life in the defence of Greece), but that he died
without action. The case was indeed hard, and the forbearance of the
men wonderful; for they let the enemy charge without repelling them;
and, expecting their proper opportunity from the gods and their
general, suffered themselves to be wounded and slain in their ranks.
(8) And some say, that while Pausanias was at sacrifice and prayers,
some space out of the battle array, certain Lydians, falling suddenly
upon him, plundered and scattered the sacrifice: and that Pausanias
and his company, having no arms, beat them with staves and whips; and
that, in imitation of this attack, the whipping the boys about the
altar, and after it the Lydian procession, are to this day practised
in Sparta.

XVIII (1) Pausanias,
therefore, being troubled at these things, while the priests went on
offering one sacrifice after another, turns himself towards the
temple with tears in his eyes, and lifting up his hands to heaven
besought Juno of Cithaeron, and the other tutelar gods of the
Plataeans, if it were not in the fates for the Greeks to obtain the
victory, that they might not perish without performing some
remarkable thing, and by their actions demonstrating to their enemies
that they waged war with men of courage and soldiers. (2) While
Pausanias was thus in the act of supplication, the sacrifices
appeared propitious, and the soothsayers foretold victory. The word
being given, the Lacedaemonian battalion of foot seemed, on the
sudden, like some one fierce animal, setting up his bristles, and
betaking himself to the combat; and the barbarians perceived that
they encountered with men who would fight it to the death. (3)
Therefore, holding their wicker-shields before them, they shot their
arrows amongst the Lacedaemonians. But they, keeping together in the
order of a phalanx, and falling upon the enemies, forced their
shields out of their hands, and, striking with their pikes at the
breasts and faces of the Persians, overthrew many of them, who,
however, fell not either unrevenged or without courage. For taking
hold of the spears with their bare hands, they broke many of them,
and betook themselves not without effect to the sword; and making use
of their falchions and scimitars, and wresting the Lacedaemonians'
shields from them, and grappling with them, it was a long time that
they made resistance.

(4) Meanwhile, for some time, the Athenians stood still, waiting
for the Lacedaemonians to come up. But when they heard much noise as
of men engaged in fight, and a messenger, they say, came from
Pausanias, to advertise them of what was going on, they soon hasted
to their assistance. And as they passed through the plain to the
place where the noise was, the Greeks, who took part with the enemy,
came upon them. (5) Aristides, as soon as he saw them, going a
considerable space before the rest, cried out to them, conjuring them
by the guardian gods of Greece to forbear the fight, and be no
impediment or stop to those who were going to succour the defenders
of Greece. But when he perceived they gave no attention to him, and
had prepared themselves for the battle, then turning from the present
relief of the Lacedaemonians, he engaged them, being five thousand in
number. (6) But the greatest part soon gave way and retreated, as the
barbarians also were put to flight. The sharpest conflict is said to
have been against the Thebans, the chiefest and most powerful persons
among them at that time siding zealously with the Medes, and leading
the multitude not according to their own inclination, but as being
subjects of an oligarchy.

XIX (1) The battle being
thus divided, the Lacedaemonians first beat off the Persians; and a
Spartan, named Arimnestus, slew Mardonius by a blow on the head with
a stone, as the oracle in the temple of Amphiaraus had foretold to
him. For Mardonius sent a Lydian thither, and another person, a
Carian, to the cave of Trophonius. This latter the priest of the
oracle answered in his own language. (2) But the Lydian sleeping in
the temple of Amphiaraus, it seemed to him that a minister of the
divinity stood before him and commanded him to be gone; and on his
refusing to do it, flung a great stone at his head, so that he
thought himself slain with the blow. Such is the story. -They drove
the fliers within their walls of wood; and, a little time after, the
Athenians put the Thebans to flight, killing three hundred of the
chiefest and of greatest note among them in the actual fight itself.
(3) For when they began to fly, news came that the army of the
barbarians was besieged within their palisade; and so giving the
Greeks opportunity to save themselves, they marched to assist at the
fortifications; and coming in to the Lacedaemonians, who were
altogether unhandy and unexperienced in storming, they took the camp
with great slaughter of the enemy. (4) For of three hundred thousand,
forty thousand only are said to have escaped with Artabazus; while on
the Greeks' side there perished in all thirteen hundred and sixty; of
which fifty-two were Athenians, all of the tribe Aeantis, that
fought, says Clidemus, with the greatest courage of any; (5) and for
this reason the men of this tribe used to offer sacrifice for the
victory, as enjoined by the oracle, to the nymphs Sphragitides at the
expense of the public; ninety-one were Lacedaemonians, and sixteen
Tegeatans. It is strange, therefore, upon what grounds Herodotus can
say, that they only, and none other, encountered the enemy, for the
number of the slain and their monuments testify that the victory was
obtained by all in general; (6) and if the rest had been standing
still, while the inhabitants of three cities only had been engaged in
the fight, they would not have set on the altar the inscription-

"The Greeks, when, by their courage and
their might,
They had repelled the Persian in the fight,
The common altar of freed Greece to be,
Reared this to Jupiter who guards the free."

(7) They fought this battle on the fourth day of the month
Boedromion, according to the Athenians, but according to the
Boeotians, on the twenty-seventh of Panemus;- on which day there is
still a convention of the Greeks at Plataea, and the Plataeans still
offer sacrifice for the victory to Jupiter of freedom. As for the
difference of days, it is not to be wondered at, since even at the
present time, when there is a far more accurate knowledge of
astronomy, some begin the month at one time, and some at another.

XX
(1) After this, the Athenians not yielding the honour of the day to
the Lacedaemonians, nor consenting they should erect a trophy, things
were not far from being ruined by dissension among the armed Greeks;
had not Aristides, by much soothing and counselling the commanders,
especially Leocrates and Myronides, pacified and persuaded them to
leave the thing to the decision of the Greeks. (2) And on their
proceeding to discuss the matter, Theogiton, the Megarian, declared
the honour of the victory was to be given some other city, if they
would prevent a civil war; after him Cleocritus of Corinth rising up,
made people think he would ask the palm for the Corinthians (for next
to Sparta and Athens, Corinth was in greatest estimation); but he
delivered his opinion, to the general admiration, in favour of the
Plataeans; and counselled to take away all contention by giving them
the reward and glory of the victory, whose being honoured could be
distasteful to neither party. (3) This being said, first Aristides
gave consent in the name of the Athenians, and Pausanias, then, for
the Lacedaemonians. So, being reconciled, they set apart eighty
talents for the Plataeans, with which they built the temple and
dedicated the image to Minerva, and adorned the temple with pictures,
which even to this very day retain their lustre. But the
Lacedaemonians and Athenians each erected a trophy apart by
themselves. (4) On their consulting the oracle about offering
sacrifice, Apollo answered that they should dedicate an altar to
Jupiter of freedom, but should not sacrifice till they had
extinguished the fires throughout the country, as having been defiled
by the barbarians, and had kindled unpolluted fire at the common
altar at Delphi. The magistrates of Greece, therefore, went forthwith
and compelled such as had fire to put it out; and Euchidas, a
Plataean, promising to fetch fire, with all possible speed, from the
altar of the god, went to Delphi, (5) and having sprinkled and
purified his body crowned himself with laurel; and taking the fire
from the altar ran back to Plataea, and got back there before sunset,
performing in one day a journey of a thousand furlongs; and saluting
his fellow-citizens and delivering them the fire, he immediately fell
down, and in a short time after expired. But the Plataeans, taking
him up, interred him in the temple of Diana Euclia, setting this
inscription over him: "Euchidas ran to Delphi and back again in one
day." (6) Most people believe that Euclia is Diana, and call her by
that name. But some say she was the daughter of Hercules, by Myrto,
the daughter of Menoetius, and sister of Patroclus, and dying a
virgin, was worshipped by the Boeotians and Locrians. Her altar and
image are set up in all their market-places, and those of both sexes
that are about marrying sacrifice to her before the nuptials.

XXI (1) A general
assembly of all the Greeks being called, Aristides proposed a decree
that the deputies and religious representatives of the Greek states
should assemble annually at Plataea, and every fifth year celebrate
the Eleutheria or games of freedom. And that there should be a levy
upon all Greece for the war against the barbarians of ten thousand
spearmen, one thousand horse, and a hundred sail of ships; but the
Plataeans to be exempt, and sacred to the service of the gods,
offering sacrifice for the welfare of Greece. (2) These things being
ratified, the Plataeans undertook the performance of annual sacrifice
to such as were slain and buried in that place; which they still
perform in the following manner. (3) On the sixteenth day of
Maemacterion (which with the Boeotians is Alalcomenus) they make
their procession, which, beginning by break of day, is led by a
trumpeter sounding for onset; then follow certain chariots loaded
with myrrh and garlands; and then a black bull; then come the young
men of free birth carrying libations of wine and milk in large
two-handed vessels, and jars of oil and precious ointments, none of
servile condition being permitted to have any hand in this
ministration, because the men died in defence of freedom; (4) after
all comes the chief magistrate of Plataea (for whom it is unlawful at
other times either to touch iron or wear any other coloured garment
but white), at that time apparelled in a purple robe; and, taking a
water-pot out of the city record-office, he proceeds, bearing a sword
in his hand, through the middle of the town to the sepulchres. (5)
Then drawing water out of a spring, he washes and anoints the
monuments, and sacrificing the bull upon a pile of wood, and making
supplication to Jupiter and Mercury of the earth, invites those
valiant men who perished in the defence of Greece to the banquet and
the libations of blood. After this, mixing a bowl of wine, and
pouring out for himself, he says, "I drink to those who lost their
lives for the liberty of Greece." These solemnities the Plataeans
observe to this day.

XXII (1) Aristides
perceived that the Athenians, after their return into the city, were
eager for a democracy; and deeming the people to deserve
consideration on account of their valiant behaviour, as also that it
was a matter of difficulty, they being well armed, powerful, and full
of spirit with their victories, to oppose them by force, he brought
forward a decree that every one might share in the government and the
archons be chosen out of the whole body of the Athenians. (2) And on
Themistocles telling the people in assembly that he had some advice
for them, which could not be given in public, but was most important
for the advantage and security of the city, they appointed Aristides
alone to hear and consider it with him. And on his acquainting
Aristides that his intent was to set fire to the arsenal of the
Greeks, for by that means should the Athenians become supreme masters
of all Greece, Aristides, returning to the assembly, told them that
nothing was more advantageous than what Themistocles designed, and
nothing more unjust. The Athenians, hearing this, gave Themistocles
order to desist; such was the love of justice felt by the people, and
such the credit and confidence they reposed in Aristides.

XXIII (1) Being sent
in joint commission with Cimon to the war, he took notice that
Pausanias and the other Spartan captains made themselves offensive by
imperiousness and harshness to the confederates; and by being himself
gentle and considerate with them, and by the courtesy and
disinterested temper which Cimon, after his example, manifested in
the expeditions, he stole away the chief command from the
Lacedaemonians, neither by weapons, ships, or horses, but by equity
and wise policy. (2) For the Athenians being endeared to the Greeks
by the justice of Aristides and by Cimon's moderation, the tyranny
and selfishness of Pausanias rendered them yet more desirable. He on
all occasions treated the commanders of the confederates haughtily
and roughly; and the common soldiers he punished with stripes, or
standing under the iron anchor for a whole day together; (3) neither
was it permitted for any to provide straw for themselves to lie on,
or forage for their horses, or to come near the springs to water
before the Spartans were furnished, but servants with whips drove
away such as approached. And when Aristides once was about to
complain and expostulate with Pausanias, he told him with an angry
look that he was not at leisure, and gave no attention to him. (4)
The consequence was that the sea captains and generals of the Greeks,
in particular, the Chians, Samians, and Lesbians, came to Aristides
and requested him to be their general, and to receive the
confederates into his command, who had long desired to relinquish the
Spartans and come over to the Athenians. But he answered that he saw
both equity and necessity in what they said, but their fidelity
required the test of some action, the commission of which would make
it impossible for the multitude to change their minds again. (5) Upon
which Uliades, the Samian, and Antagoras of Chios, conspiring
together, ran in near Byzantium on Pausanias's galley, getting her
between them as she was sailing before the rest. But when Pausanias,
beholding them, arose up and furiously threatened soon to make them
know that they had been endangering not his galley, but their own
countries, they bid him go his way, and thank Fortune that fought for
him at Plataea; for hitherto, in reverence to that, the Greeks had
forborne from inflicting on him the punishment he deserved. In fine,
they all went off and joined the Athenians. (6) And here the
magnanimity of the Lacedaemonians was wonderful. For when they
perceived that their generals were becoming corrupted by the
greatness of their authority, they voluntarily laid down the chief
command, and left off sending any more of them to the wars, choosing
rather to have citizens of moderation and consistent in the
observance of their customs, than to possess the dominion of all
Greece.

XXIV (1) Even during
the command of the Lacedaemonians, the Greeks paid a certain
contribution towards the maintenance of the war; and being desirous
to be rated city by city in their due proportion, they desired
Aristides of the Athenians, and gave him command, surveying the
country and revenue, to assess every one according to their ability
and what they were worth. (2) But he, being so largely empowered,
Greece as it were submitting all her affairs to his sole management,
went out poor and returned poorer; laying the tax not only without
corruption and injustice, but to the satisfaction and convenience of
all. For as the ancients celebrated the age of Saturn, so did the
confederates of Athens Aristides's taxation, terming it the happy
time of Greece; and that more especially, as the sum was in a short
time doubled, and afterwards trebled. (3) For the assessment which
Aristides made was four hundred and sixty talents. But to this
Pericles added very near one third part more; for Thucydides says
that in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war the Athenians had
coming in from their confederates six hundred talents. But after
Pericles's death. the demagogues, increasing by little and little,
raised it to the sum of thirteen hundred talents; not so much through
the war's being so expensive and changeable either by its length or
ill success, as by their alluring the people to spend upon largesses
and playhouse allowances, and in erecting statues and temples. (4)
Aristides, therefore, having acquired a wonderful and great
reputation by this levy of the tribute, Themistocles is said to have
derided him, as if this had been not the commendation of a man, but a
money-bag; a retaliation, though not in the same kind for some free
words which Aristides had used. For he, when Themistocles once was
saying that he thought the highest virtue of a general was to
understand and foreknow the measures the enemy would take, replied,
"This, indeed, Themistocles, is simply necessary, but the excellent
thing in a general is to keep his hands from taking money."

XXV (1) Aristides,
moreover, made all the people of Greece swear to keep the league, and
himself took the oath in the name of the Athenians, flinging wedges
of red-hot iron into the sea, after curses against such as should
make breach of their vow. But afterwards, it would seem, when things
were in such a state as constrained them to govern with a stronger
hand, he bade the Athenians to throw the perjury upon him, and manage
affairs as convenience required. (2) And, in general, Theophrastus
tells us, that Aristides was, in his own private affairs, and those
of his fellow-citizens, rigorously just, but that in public matters
he acted often in accordance with his country's policy, which
demanded, sometimes, not a little injustice. It is reported of him
that he said in a debate, upon the motion of the Samians for removing
the treasure from Delos to Athens, contrary to the league, that the
thing indeed was not just but was expedient.

(3) In fine, having established the dominion of his city over so
many people, he himself remained indigent; and always delighted as
much in the glory of being poor, as in that of his trophies; as is
evident from the following story. Callias, the torch-bearer, was
related to him; and was prosecuted by his enemies in a capital cause,
in which, after they had slightly argued the matters on which they
indicted him, they proceeded, besides the point, to address the
judges: (4) "You know," said they, "Aristides, the son of Lysimachus,
who is the admiration of all Greece. In what a condition do you think
his family is in at his house, when you see him appear in public in
such a threadbare cloak? Is it not probable that one who, out of
doors, goes thus exposed to the cold, must want food and other
necessaries at home? Callias, the wealthiest of the Athenians, does
nothing to relieve either him or his wife and children in their
poverty, though he is his own cousin, and has made use of him in many
cases, and often reaped advantage by his interest with you." (5) But
Callias, perceiving the judges were moved more particularly by this,
and were exasperated against him, called in Aristides, requiring him
to testify that when he frequently offered him divers presents, and
entreated him to accept them, he had refused, answering that it
became him better to be proud of his poverty than Callias of his
wealth; since there are many to be seen that make a good or bad use
of riches, but it is difficult, comparatively, to meet with one who
supports poverty in a noble spirit; those only should be ashamed of
it who incurred it against their wills. (6) On Aristides deposing
these facts in favour of Callias, there was none who heard them that
went not away desirous rather to be poor like Aristides than rich as
Callias. Thus Aeschines, the scholar of Socrates, writes. But Plato
declares that, of all the great renowned men in the city of Athens,
he was the only one worthy of consideration; for Themistocles, Cimon,
and Pericles filled the city with porticoes, treasure, and many other
vain things, but Aristides guided his public life by the rule of
justice. (7) He showed his moderation very plainly in his conduct
towards Themistocles himself. For though Themistocles had been his
adversary in all his undertakings, and was the cause of his
banishment, yet when he afforded a similar opportunity of revenge,
being accused to the city, Aristides bore him no malice; but while
Alcmaeon, Cimon, and many others were prosecuting and impeaching him,
Aristides alone neither did nor said any ill against him, and no more
triumphed over his enemy in his adversity than he had envied him his
prosperity.

XXVI(1) Some say Aristides died in Pontus, during a voyage
upon the affairs of the public. Others that he died of old age at
Athens being in great honour and veneration amongst his
fellow-citizens. But Craterus, the Macedonian, relates his death as
follows. After the banishment of Themistocles, he says, the people
growing insolent, there sprung up a number of false and frivolous
accusers, impeaching the best and most influential men and exposing
them to the envy of the multitude, whom their good fortune and power
had filled with self-conceit. (2) Amongst these, Aristides was
condemned of bribery upon the accusation of Diophantus of Amphitrope,
for taking money from the Ionians when he was collector of the
tribute; and being unable to pay the fine, which was fifty minae,
sailed to Ionia, and died there. But of this Craterus brings no
written proof, neither the sentence of his condemnation, nor the
decree of the people; though in general it is tolerably usual with
him to set down such things and to cite his authors. (3) Almost all
others who have spoken of the misdeeds of the people towards their
generals collect them all together, and tell us of the banishment of
Themistocles, Miltiades's bonds, Pericles's fine, and the death of
Paches in the judgment-hall, who, upon receiving sentence, killed
himself on the hustings, with many things of the like nature. They
add the banishment of Aristides; but of this his condemnation they
make no mention.

XXVII (1) Moreover,
his monument is to be seen at Phalerum, which they say was built him
by the city, he not having left enough even to defray funeral
charges. And it is stated that his two daughters were publicly
married out of the prytaneum, or state-house, by the city, which
decreed each of them three thousand drachmas for her portion; and
that upon his son Lysimachus the people bestowed a hundred minas of
money, and as many acres of planted land, and ordered him besides,
(2) upon the motion of Alcibiades, four drachmas a day. Furthermore,
Lysimachus leaving a daughter, named Polycrite, as Callisthenes says,
the people voted her, also, the same allowance for food with those
that obtained the victory in the Olympic Games. But Demetrius the
Phalerian, Hieronymus the Rhodian, Aristoxenus the musician, and
Aristotle (if the Treatise of Nobility is to be reckoned among the
genuine pieces of Aristotle) say that Myrto, Aristides's
granddaughter, lived with Socrates the philosopher, who indeed had
another wife, but took her into his house, being a widow, by reason
of her indigence and want of the necessaries of life. (3) But
Panaetius sufficiently confutes this in his book concerning Socrates.
Demetrius the Phalerian, in his Socrates, says he knew one
Lysimachus, son to the daughter of Aristides, extremely poor, who
used to sit near what is called the Iaccheum, and sustained himself
by a table for interpreting dreams; and that, upon his proposal and
representations, a decree was passed by the people to give the mother
and aunt of this man half a drachma a day. The same Demetrius, when
he was legislating himself, decreed each of these women a drachma per
diem. (4) And it is not to be wondered at, that the people of Athens
should take such care of people living in the city, since hearing the
granddaughter of Aristogiton was in a low condition in the isle of
Lemnos, and so poor nobody would marry her, they brought her back to
Athens, and marrying her to a man of good birth, gave a farm at
Potamus as her marriage-portion; and of similar humanity and bounty
the city of Athens, even in our age, has given numerous proofs, and
is justly admired and respected in consequence.