Tuesday, November 30, 2010

The first Eid Festival of its kind is being held in Bromsgrove on Saturday, 27 November, at the Council House, Burcot Lane, Bromsgrove.

The organisers say it's an opportunity to bring children and families together to meet and learn about different cultures in a fun way.

There will be Indian food, drumming workshops, an Islamic exhibition and Nasheed music by Sufi band Silk Road.

The event is free, but any money raised goes to BBC Children in Need.

Dr Waqar Azmi OBE, Chairman of the Bromsgrove Muslim Community Trust, said: "It's a family day outing, and we're delighted to have worked with Bromsgrove District Council and Hereford & Worcester Fire and Rescue Service to put the event together for the whole community to enjoy.

"We shall be recognising two local unsung heroes, who will be presented with Certificates of Commendation in recognition of the hard work, support and contributions to the community, and in helping to create a just, fair and safe society for everyone".

The pain of separation from the Creator is the core of Sufi poetry and its music seeks to unite listeners with the divine.

The National Centre for the Performing Arts, NCPA,India’s premiere art and culture institution, presented their annual three-day Sufi Music Festival called Sama’a: The Mystic Ecstasy from November 17.

The line-up for the festival included An Ode To Rumi by Kabir Bedi on November 17; Nuba Awamrya: Brotherhood music by the whirling dervishes from Tunisia and Qawwali by Haji Aslam Sabri and group on November 18. Sufiana compositions by Roopkumar and Sonali Rathod on November 19 was the perfect ending to the festival.

Speaking on the occasion, Dr. Suvarnalata Rao, Head, Programming (Indian Music), NCPA, said, “At the NCPA, we wish to focus on all genres of music. Sufi music has a different flavour attached to it and we would like our audiences to experience this form of music of the soul, by the soul and for the soul”.

She added, “In selecting performers with a diverse repertoire, the NCPA attempts to bring together people from Sufi and non-Sufi backgrounds. We will be showcasing works of Mevlana Rumi, Ameer Khusrau, Baba Bulleh Shah, Bedam Warsi, Shah Abdul Latif Bhatai and others in various languages.”

Picture: Sufiana compositions by Roopkumar and Sonali Rathod on November 19 was the perfect ending to the festival. Photo: IE.

Monday, November 29, 2010

As in previous parliamentary elections, non-political groups will largely determine who the winners will be in Egypt’s parliamentary elections on Sunday [Nov. 28 (ed.)] by capitalizing on their grass-roots networks and mobilization capacities.

In Alexandria, Minister of Administrative Development and NDP candidate for the district of Al-Raml Abdel Salam Mahgoub appealed to both Muslim and Christian constituencies in order to garner the support needed to beat his Muslim Brotherhood rival.

This week, prominent Muslim preacher Amr Khaled was invited by Mahgoub’s campaign to deliver a religious sermon in Al-Raml in a move that was seen by his brotherhood rival, Sobhy Saleh, as a “cheap ploy” aimed at wooing devout Muslim voters.

“Mahgoub campaigners could have simply distributed election pamphlets for their candidate,” Khaled, who has been barred from preaching in Egypt for the last eight years, told Al-Masry Al-Youm.

Mahgoub, a former governor of Alexandria, also managed to garner the endorsement of the city’s churches.

“Mahgoub has our support because he has a close personal relationship with the pope,” a papal source close to Coptic Pope Sehnouda III told Al-Masry Al-Youm on condition of anonymity. “But this doesn't mean that the church is interfering in politics or the parliamentary race."

In Egypt’s highly depoliticized scene, where political parties have been deprived for decades from establishing grass-roots networks and mobilizing support, religious institutions have grown increasingly important in terms of mustering support for particular candidates.

Religious groups and big businesses, on the other hand, often act as “mediators,” which not only endorse candidates but also provide them with expansive campaign infrastructure.

The Muslim Brotherhood opposition movement, for example, complains that authorities have arrested more than 1200 of their campaigners--including eight candidates--in the last few weeks before parliamentary polls.

Experts also believe that the ruling National Democratic Party likewise relies heavily on these grassroots institutions, rather than appealing to voters’ sense of party loyalty or political orientation.

The Church

The growing Islamization of Egypt, coupled with the decline in secular political parties within the last three decades, has left the Coptic Church as the Christians’ primary political body.

The church has been in the spotlight recently for a number of reasons, including its support for Mahgoub and its recent reception of a Wafd Party delegation at the Church of the Virgin St. Abanoud in the Nile Delta city of Banha.

“From a papal perspective, the church only has a stated political endorsement during presidential elections in favor of President [Hosni] Mubarak,” said Samir Soliman, political science professor at the American University in Cairo (AUC). “Local churches sometimes may try to leverage their position by choosing candidates who may be better for their community, and they're not always Christians.”

Other experts, however, believe the papal office plays a more central role in terms of negotiating Coptic demands with the government.

“In the upcoming elections, the pope interfered to push for certain candidates in some electoral districts,” said Ashraf al-Sherif, an AUC political science lecturer.

Last month, media reports suggested that Shenouda had asked Christian businessman Ramy Lakah to change the electoral district in which he was registered from the Azbakiyya neighborhood to Shubra so that he would avoid running against another Coptic contender for the same district.

Sufi orders

Though traditionally known for their apolitical orientations, Egyptian Sufi orders have managed to mobilize thousands of supporters in previous parliamentary elections.

The NDP, meanwhile, has been able to ally itself with extensive networks of over 78 Sufi orders, comprised of over five million adherents.

“The Sufis were politically frozen since the July 1952 revolution and their [political] infrastructure has since been largely seconded in support of the NDP,” said Middle East Studies and Research Center Director Ammar Ali Hassan.

Given the Sufi orders’ secrecy and oaths of loyalty, NDP candidates only need to secure the support of the sheikh--or leader--of a certain Sufi order to ensure the support of his followers.

“Opposition groups have largely ignored them, while the NDP has protected them from Salafis, who accuse them of heresy,” Hassan said. "So they have mostly remained loyal to the NDP."

Hassan also brought to light a potential break from the Sufis' normal support for the NDP, noting that Sheikh Alaa Abou Alazayem of the Azayemya Sufi order had stated his intention to run against parliamentary speaker and NDP stalwart Fathi Surour in the Sayyeda Zaynab district.

“This is a marked departure from the norm; a statement from a prominent Sufi sheikh that they would not be quiet when their grievances are ignored,” said Hassan.

Big Business

Businessmen have always entered elections, deploying their money and position as large-scale employers to bolster their political campaigns. The likes of Ahmed Ezz, Tarek Talaat Moustafa and Mahmoud Osman have consistently existed on Egypt's political plane. The number of businessmen running in elections, however, has increased at an alarming rate over the past 15 years.

“Government mechanisms supporting a wide range of NDP candidates has weakened, and so many more businessmen are running and using their resources for outreach instead,” said Soliman. Families with business interests will give handouts and perks to their employees while urging them to support them or their desired candidates, he noted.

The NDP has been accused of trying to influence employees of public-sector companies. “They don’t always specify certain candidates, but public companies will send their employees on vacations and give little perks around election time,” Soliman said. The intention, he noted, is to instill a sense of loyalty to the ruling party, which, after all, runs the government that runs these companies.

The most recent of such instances comes amid allegations that the government-run Eastern Company, which specializes in tobacco products, was handing out free cigarettes to encourage people to vote for NDP candidates. Trade and Investment Minister Rachid Mohamed Rachid was moved to issue a reminder to company officials to “maintain neutrality” throughout the elections.

Minister of Petroleum Sameh Fahmy has also been able to garner the loyalty of the vast petroleum companies that fall under his ministry’s direct supervision. Many of his numerous campaign ads in the Nasr City/Heliopolis district were openly sponsored by these companies.

Sunday, November 28, 2010

Melbourne is host to a one-off free public performance of the magical mystic dance of the whirling dervishes.

This magical 700 year old Sufi ceremony is traced to Konya, Turkey and the great Mevlevi teacher Jalaludin Rumi.

The costumes and ritual of the Sema represent the inner spiritual journey. The whirling motion requires the mind to be perfectly still and centred, thus opening the door to God consciousness.

This event is in honour of a visit to Australia by Mawlana Sheikh Hisham Kabbani, a notable Naqshbandi Sufi teacher, and is being performed by the Sufi Path Group, a practicing Sufi group who meet regularly in Essendon.

Saturday, November 27, 2010

The manager of Science Ministry's cultural studies office said that a new collection of "Iran" has been released entitled "Mysticism and Sufism in Iran" in order to deepen the student's national identity.

IBNA: Authored by Reza Tabesh, the first general knowledge book about Iran entitled "Mysticism and Sufism in Iran" was unveiled yesterday, November 21 in the Science Ministry's cultural studies office.

During the ceremony the head of Science Ministry's cultural studies office, Dr. Ali Adami said that the Science Ministry has executed and planed many programs in order to grant identity and boost information about the Islamic culture and civilization of Iran.

One of the schedules was publishing general knowledge collections of Iranian studies fields. As the students, as a impressive stratum and future managers, should have deeper and vast information about their countries civilization and cultural investments thus the cultural studies center of the Science Ministry has released books holding general knowledge about Iran.

Talking about the culture diversity in Iran he added that a way to convert a threat into opportunity, development and reinforcing the national identity of the students is to present information about the aspects of national Iranian identity.

Finally he hoped that the current collection could boost the information and encourage Iranian's abroad to learn about their land.

Friday, November 26, 2010

At New York's Lincoln Center, an intriguing theatrical concert is unfolding. Musicians from a Sufi Muslim sect in Northwest India are attempting to seduce the audience.

The Manganiyar Seduction begins in almost complete darkness — light bulbs faintly illuminate 36 human-sized rectangular boxes on a large four-tier set. Then the sound of a khamacha, an Indian stringed instrument, breaks the silence. Slowly, lights come up on one of the boxes to reveal the musician sitting cross-legged, dressed in white with an orange turban.

"It's very introspective," says Roysten Abel, the show's director and creator. "It's this one lone khamacha drone that actually starts seducing you into yourself."

The seduction is a slow one in this unusual multimedia experience. After a while, another box lights up and another musician, also in white, this one with a multi-colored turban, begins to sing. The lyrics, says Abel, are "all Sufi couplets, and it's all crying out to the universe or god.

"You know, so it's like ... asking for some kind of a blessing that we start the piece with."

Before you know it, that singer is joined by another singer, and another and another. The performance is something of a hybrid — not exactly a concert, not exactly a traditional theater piece, but something designed to illuminate and make the audience feel the music of the Manganiyars. A formerly nomadic group, they live in Rajasthan, a desert region in India, and have a kind of hybrid faith themselves.

"They have the Muslim saints and they worship Allah," Abel says. "And then they also have their ... Hindu goddesses. And they sing to both," he says. "Like, there would not be any difference if they were to sing a Sufi Islam mystic song or if they were to sing a Hindu mystic song. It would be with the equal amount of devotion."

Jane Moss, a Lincoln Center programming executive, was the one who created the White Light Festival, drawing from Western and Eastern traditions to explore spirituality in music.

"We were not interested in producing, let's say, a generic world-music festival or a sacred-music festival," Moss says. "We were really interested in works of art that sort of come at these issues in interesting different ways."

Abel, who runs the Indian Shakespeare Company in New Delhi, says he was introduced to the music of the Manganiyars when he worked with a pair of musicians on a production that traveled to Spain.

"They slowly seduced me into their lives, and then they took me onto a journey, and just took me to a point where they really blew me away," he says.

So he decided to create a show that reflected his own journey into the Manganiyars' music. Abel estimates he auditioned well over 1,000 musicians to find the 36 who perform in the show. But getting the Manganiyars to play the same thing every night hasn't been easy.

"They're not used to structures, they're not used to a concept of rehearsals, they're not used to playing something that they've been asked to play," Abel says. "They're free-spirited musicians, you know? They just play what they feel like."

So the production, he says, has been a process of "trying to get them into my world, and me trying to get into their world — slowly, slowly adjusting, to arrive at a performance together."

That performance, which takes about an hour and twenty minutes, features many different musical colors and instruments. One part features Indian drums called the dholak and the dohl; in another part, there's a double flute — "the alghoza, which is so special," Abel says. "It's pretty haunting, and it's very typical of this community."

By the end of the piece, all 36 musicians are performing while the lights on the boxes are rapidly forming different patterns. It's a kind of ecstatic conclusion to this seductive journey, says director Abel.

"By the end of it, you're at the top of this spiral, you know? You really don't know if it's a sound or a light show actually, because you're into another world."

Thursday, November 25, 2010

By IANS, *Abida Parveen doesn’t have time for Bollywood* - The Express Tribune - PakistanMonday, November 22, 2010

Mumbai: Sufi singer Abida Parveen may be inundated with offers to sing playback for Indian films, but she isn’t interested in signing up.

“I keep getting offers. Yash Chopra, Subhash Ghai and many others have asked me to sing in their films. But I have immersed myself in sufi music and I am busy spreading that message,” Parveen, 56, said.

“It is time consuming to spread the message of Sufism and that is why I have not had time to accept any of the film offers,” she added.

Sufi music has been making inroads into the Indian film industry. Soundtracks now have at least one song with sufi influences.

The veteran singer said, “The taste and touch of sufi music started coming in Bollywood through my song ‘Thaiyya Thaiyya’, which was converted into ‘Chaiyya Chaiyya’ (Dil Se).”

“Then it started spreading and many films started having songs with a sufi touch. Today it has become really popular in Bollywood, which is a good thing. These songs keep love and humanity intact. That is why they connect with people and touch their souls,” she added.

Parveen’s forte is kaafis, a solo genre accompanied by percussion and harmonium, using a repertoire of songs by sufi poets.

Her last album, Rukh-e-Murshid, a tribute to her spiritual master Murshid Sahibzada Muhammad Najeeb Sultan, released last year.

Parveen also believes music can bring people together.

“Music is a very good way of spreading love and peace between India and Pakistan. Music is the gift of God and it always helps in connecting and bringing people together,” said the singer.

“It takes forward the message of humanity and brotherhood and that’s why I really like the concept of this concert where they call artists from across the borders to perform,” she added.

Picture: Abida Parveen says she has been offered to sing playback by filmmakers such as Subhash Ghai and Yash Chopra but is busy spreading the message in sufi poetry for now. Photo: APP.

Wednesday, November 24, 2010

Religious scholars on Saturday urged unity among Muslims and practical implementation of the teachings of Sufi saints to promote peace and root out the menace of terrorism from Pakistan, at a national discussion entitled ‘Role of Sufis in Curbing Terrorism’.

The discussion, organised by the National Mashaikh Council (NMC), was addressed by renowned scholars, including Prof Dr Sajidur Rehman, Dr Muhammad Ishaq Qureshi, Khawaja Ghulam Qutubuddin Faridi, Dr Syed Tahir Raza Bukhari, Hamid Mir, Sohail Warriach and Irshad Ahmed Arif, while a large number of religious scholars and students attended it.

Dr Sajid said that majawars and gaddi nasheen – inheritors of saints and Sufis – were not following the teachings of their forefathers and certain groups and people were using tombs for economic interests instead of promoting education, religious philosophy and guidance to the general public. “We have to revive this role of shrines and tombs of Sufis to curb terrorism.”

Dr Ishaq said the word terrorism was very old and whenever the problem came up, it was countered by good deeds, but unfortunately, terrorism was at its peak in Pakistan and people’s voices and deeds had been unable to overpower it.

“We are projecting a distorted picture of Islam before the international community, and Muslims, with their attitudes, are proving that they are promoting terrorism,” he added.

Hamid Mir said the followers of Sufis were in millions while a handful of people were attacking shrines, and the majority had failed to stop them because they had indulged in so much of internal conflicts, thus making the minority stronger.

He said the solution to terrorism should be made in Pakistan and not the US “if we really want to curb this problem”.

He said the 1,200-kilometre long Pak-Afghan border was the main cause of terrorism in the country, adding that the US and Pakistani governments were not focusing on the major problem. He suggested unity among Mulims and practical implementation of the teachings of Sufis to curb terrorism.

Sohail Warriach rejected the idea of making peace deals with terrorist groups and said that during the first Afghan jihad war, Sufis and saints did not participate and later it was proved that the war was useless for Pakistan and Islam.

Tuesday, November 23, 2010

When college student Supraket Meshram meets a Sufi maestro, Bol Radha Bol is an unexpected bonus

For music buff and world music lover Supraket Meshram, the experience of meeting a whirling dervish was a cherished opportunity. The exotic flavour of Sufism, Sufi music, plumes of smoke twirling with ascetic spiritual dances and chanting… there was a lot to discover.

The mass media undergraduate looked visibly nervous as he ran over his questions. The Ruhaniyat Sufi music festival venue provided just the ambience.

He was soon introduced to Mohamad Farghaly, a classical Arabic musician and a jolly-looking Egyptian with a husky voice and a copious influx of the 'kha' syllable.

With an endearing welcome, “Happy to meet you my friend. Come, let's talk music,” the nervous student was instantly put at ease.

He immediately launched into a deep and thorough explanation of Sufism and music, anticipating Supraket's question.

"I've been a practicing Sunni Muslim all my life and a lover of all things that God created. I grew up in a deeply religious and academic household since my father went to the prestigious Al-Hazar University in Cairo. I was introduced to a world of theological books and teachings and that's where I first learnt about Sufism," he explained.

"Most Muslims were against Sufism since they thought it wasn't Islamic. But all it did was follow the tenets that all peaceful religions like Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity teach. It's in the Quran too…," he said, with a hint of frustration.

"So what makes it so intense?" "Imagine living 60 years of a full life and in the end, penning it down into one single sentence. That's how potent it is. It’s just words at the end of the day, but you can read it superficially, swim on the surface, or you can dive in," says the master, profoundly.

And while we chewed on that, the profusely sweating Egyptian says, “Man, this place is hot!” Now for someone who spent his life in a desert, that just sounds wrong. “I know what you are thinking; it's just that Egypt is hot but not humid. Here I feel like I'm melting, but I still love it," he said, putting quizzical expressions to rest.

Back to business, “Are there different sects or types of dervishes?” asks the undergrad.

What followed was a detailed explanation distinguishing the Egyptian from the more popular Turkish dervishes, in addition to the various 'Tarika's' or orders and their histories.

“Whirling is a way to get into a trance and that's how we feel closer to God. While in Egypt, it's a celebration of life and cherishing it, the Turkish Malavi's celebrate the afterlife.

Once you get the hang of it, the heady twirling at the same spot becomes easier to handle. It's a very spiritual experience and it's all in the costumes. The skirts are how we distinguish each other. Different colours symbolise different things. The Turkish Malavi's wear white all over which represents the coffin, a black coat over it to signify the grave and a tall red hat; the tombstone."

After a heavy dose of explanations came the time for music. As his Tannura (troupe in colourful skirts) got ready to start twirling, Farghaly brought out his mandolin- styled instrument, looked at the sizable crowd and a few plucked strings later, came the lyrics, “Bol Radha Bol, Sangam hoga ki nahi!

Monday, November 22, 2010

Ahmedabad: Chief minister Narendra Modi is expected to unleash a string of development activities around the Sarkhej Roza located on the fringes of Juhapura, often described as the largest Muslim ghetto in the country.

The Roza, once described by celebrated architect Le Corbusier as the 'Acropolis', is where the roots of Ahmedabad were sown.

The Roza is dedicated to Sufi saint Khattu Saheb alias Ganj Baksh, the person who directed Ahmed Shah to set up a city here in 1411 AD. It is visited by believers of all faiths.

The chief minister's visit is said to be significant, coming on the first day of the World Heritage Week, and is seen to be in tune with his recent overtures to the Muslim community.

Although it is a nightmare for securitymen as Juhapura has always been a target for anti-terror raids, the chief minister will be the chief guest at a Sufi concert on Friday evening when everyone in the neighbourhood would like to be.

The last Modi had visited the Roza was with Abdul Kalam when he was President. Officials of the AMC and AUDA have been proactive in recent days drawing up final plans to turn the Sarkhej Roza into the jewel of Ahmedabad, which is bidding for World Heritage City status from Unesco.

Details of the town planning schemes in the vicinity of the Roza are eagerly awaited, but the most important one will be on how the central tank, which has been lying bone dry for the last three years, will be filled up again.

The tank is the soul of the Roza and unless Modi pumps water into it, it won't quench the thirst of Ganj Baksh, a great-hearted saint who fed everyone, including birds, who came to him.

Sunday, November 21, 2010

Right at the heels of NCPA’s Sama’a, yet another two-day mystic Sufi music festival has been lined up.

Celebrating its 10th year anniversary, Ruhaniyat, organised by Banyan Tree Events, is one of the most prestigious Sufi event that’s held in several Indian cities from the third week of November till March.

This year, it will travel to Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai, Bengaluru, Hyderabad and Pune. Ardent followers in Mumbai can attend the festival on November 20 and 21 at Horniman Circle Gardens, Fort, at 6.30 pm.

“We’re honoured to have Salabat Mahato perform this year,” says Nandini Mahesh, director of Banyan Tree Events. Mahato, a renowned Jhumur singer, is possibly the only living master of the tradition in the world.

“Metaphorically, we’re sleep-walking throughout our lives. Jhumur wakes us up from slumber and brings us closer to divinity,” says Mahesh.

Other performances in the first day include mystic chants by Buddhist Monks and Tannoura whirling dervishes from Egypt.

Saturday, November 20, 2010

The annual urs of 13th century Iranian saint, Mir Syed Ali Hamadani, was observed throughout Kashmir with traditional devotion and fervour on Saturday, with exalting functions being held in mosques and shrines.

The largest gathering took place at the Khanaqah-e-Ma’ula in Srinagar which resounded with hymns and recitations throughout previous night. A large number of the devout were treated to a glimpse of saint’s relics after dawn prayers, and the ritual was held after every prayer through the day.

The night air echoed with lilting chants of Awrad-e Fatiha as thousands of people braved a cold night to pay obeisance at the shrine, and the number swelled to over 50,000 at noon prayers today.

Awrad Khawani is a popular Kashmîrî form of devotional expression. It was brought to Kashmîr by Syed Ali. According to one tradition he composed Awrad after collecting all invocations (Awrad) in it, which he had imbibed from about two hundreds saints during his journeys. This Awrad is an index of manajat, hamd wa Thana, tahlil wa tasbihat, salawat and istighfar.

In view of the Urs areas around Khanqah- Mau’ala, originally constructed by Sultan Sikander (1389-1413 AD) in the memory of Mir Hamdani who had after his arrival in Kashmir from Iran stayed there for meditation and preaching, witnessed an extraordinary rush of devotees through the day.

Meanwhile the Mirwaiz (Chief Priest of Kashmir), Maulana Umer Farooq, paid glorious tributes to Syed Hamadani on the saint's annual urs, describing him as a great benefactor of Kashmiris in the truest sense. The Mirwaiz said that the blossoming of faith, Islam and morality in the entire Kashmir was a miracle of the spiritual attainments of Syed Ali Hamadani, regarded as the forbearer of Islam in Kashmir.

In a message on the occasion, the Mirwaiz said that the saint had not only altered the history of the land but also its destiny.

"Because of the formidable personality of the Syed Hamadani, Kashmir not only got the priceless gift of Islam, but countless avenues of trade, commerce and crafts were opened that brought about a welcome revolution in the economic sphere," he said.

Mir Syed Ali bin Shahab-ud-Din Hamadani was an Iranian Sūfī, a prominent scholar and reformer. Born on Monday, 12th Rajab 714 AH (1314 A.C) in Hamadan Syed Ali died in 786 AH/1384 in Kunar and was buried in Khatlan in Tajkistan.

He was very influential in spreading Islam in Kashmir and has had a major hand in shaping the culture of the Kashmir valley. His influence on arts and culture and the economy of Kashmir was profound.

So deep has been Syed Ali's influence in Kashmir that he came to be known here as "Shāh Hamadhān" Ali Saani and as Amīr-i Kabīr ("the Great Commander").

There are various accounts about Syed Ali’s travels to Kashmir. The widely accepted one states that Syed left his homeland to avoid persecution at the hands of Timur. He moved to Kashmir with seven hundred followers, during the reign of King Shahabuddin who received him warmly and became his follower.

Stating that Hazrat Syed Ali Hamdani (RA) not only taught Kashmiri people the oneness of Alaah but also built the economic structure for Kashmir, Chairman Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front Yasin Malik, Saturday urged people to adhere to the teaching of Sufi saint.

While addressing a congregation of devotees at the shrine of Khankahi Moulaa, Yasin Malik said the Poet of East, Dr Sir Mohammad Iqbal had rightly described Hamdani as leader of non-Arabs.

Malik said that when the Sufi saint came to Kashmir, the whole valley was on the way of transgression.“It was charisma of Amir-i-Kabir that enlightened people here. From being unemployed Amir-i-Kabir taught Kashmiri people skills of shawl making, carpet making, paper machee, woodcarving and other handicrafts that improved the economic condition of people here,” said Malik.

He said that the economic edge that Sufi saint gave Kashmiri people were in addition to the divine faith of great religion Islam.

Malik said that Amir-i-Kabir (RA) was undoubtedly a great doctor, leader, and a matchless orator. Malik added that it is because of the services of Kashmiri people towards these Sufi saints that people despite being under continues oppression are still alive.

Chairman Hurriyat (M) while paying reverence to the Sufi saint said that Shah-i-Hamdan (R) was a torch bearer of truth, reality and divinity. He said that it was a charisma of this Sufi saint that despite only three visits to valley he was able to revert the whole population towards Islam.

Mirwaiz said that Amer-i-Kabeer’s teachings not only ornate the people here with great religion of Islam but also taught many skills which improved the economic condition of people here.

“We can celebrate his Urs only when we adhere to the path he showed us and follow the Quran and teaching of Prophet Mohammad (SAW),” said Mirwaiz.

Sufism has been flourishing among the hills of erstwhile Doda district since long. Doda has traditionally been a place where religion has dominated the discourse and knitted people of different faiths together.

The historical manuscripts written mostly in Persian maintain that Sufism flourished in Doda district during the 15 century when Sufi saints from various parts of India reached Doda. Sufism, however, gained prominence with the arrival of Hazrat Shah Mohammed Farid-ud-Din Baghdadi (RA) and his two sons Hazrat Shah Asrar-ud-din (RA) and Hazrat Shah Akhyar-ud-din (RA) during the 17th century.

These revered saints propagated Islam and value based education among the people of all religions, castes and creeds.

Researchers maintain that before Hazrat Shah Mohammed Farid-ud-Din Baghdadi (RA) arrived in Doda, the region had already been visited by some other great Sufi saints, which included Hazrat Shah Hamdan (RA), Sheikh Noor-ud-din Noorani (RA) and Hazrat Zain-ul-deen Rishi (RA).

These revered saints taught people basics tenets of Islam and pleaded with them to come out of the darkness of illiteracy and ritualism. These revered saints propagated love and brotherhood. They taught tawhid or monotheism (oneness of Allah) asked people to follow teachings of the Holy Quran and the Hadith.

Many of these Sufi preachers, who came to district Doda and propagated Islam, have earned a distinct place for themselves across the world. Their tombs are still respected as holy places, with people from all walks of life visiting and praying for earthly prosperity and spiritual salvation.

Friday, November 19, 2010

This past summer, a crowd composed largely of aging baby boomers filled the Interfaith Community Church in Seattle to hear three amigos.

Those would be the “Interfaith Amigos,” as they call themselves: Rabbi Ted Falcon of Bet Alef Meditative Synagogue in Seattle, retired pastor Don Mackenzie and Muslim Sufi minister Sheikh Jamal Rahman. Together they wrote “Getting to the Heart of Interfaith: The Eye-Opening, Hope-Filled Friendship of a Pastor, a Rabbi, and a Sheikh.”

This Seattle-area spiritual — and now literary — trio hopes that if people learn about others’ beliefs, they may feel less threatened by them.

“We will survive only if we learn to treat ourselves, our neighbors, and our planet with greater wisdom, compassion and caring,” they write in the introduction.

The clergy will appear Nov. 20 at Calvary Presbyterian Church in San Francisco for a program featuring a Q&A session and a reception.

The event is free, open to the public and sponsored by the S.F.-based Jewish Community Relations Council, San Francisco Interfaith Council and Calvary Presbyterian Church.

In “Getting to the Heart of Interfaith,” the three men prescribe five steps that individuals and communities can take to overcome the distance between religions and cultures.

Each had an epiphany of sorts after a trip they took together to Israel in November 2005 that dramatically altered their worldviews.

Mackenzie had not been back to the region since he lived in Lebanon with his wife in 1966 and ’67, until they were evacuated during the Six-Day War.

As his memories of a people he grew to love came flooding back, he began to develop a more pronounced compassion for Israel and the plight of the Jews.

“Israel aspires to be the safe haven for Jews who have suffered indignities and violence because of the Christian repudiation of Judaism, the conviction that Jews have not seen the true light of Christianity,” Mackenzie wrote.

Mackenzie is hoping Christians will face their role in the Middle East conflict with more honesty.“I don’t think Christians understand,” he said. “Reconciliation is not possible until you name the truth.”

Rahman, an Islamic Sufi scholar originally from Bangladesh, had a very different experience as the plane approached Israel’s Ben Gurion International Airport. After all, his friends had warned him that Israel might not be the best vacation destination.

“I was scared, actually,” said Rahman. “To an average Muslim, all of America and all of the entire military might of America is there. These are big perceptions.”

Rahman said he was pulled out of line at the airport and questioned extensively about his business there after he told the young female soldier he was a Muslim. However, she displayed a visible change of heart when he explained the Amigos’ mission.

From the Western Wall to the Dome of the Rock, Rahman said he saw many people showing love and devotion through their faith practice.

“The condition in the Holy Land is a reflection of what is in our own hearts,” he said.

Having been to Israel several times before, Falcon saw the Jewish state through different eyes this time as he traveled with his ecumenical partners.

“On this interfaith trip, we visited more Christian sites then I’ve ever seen before,” Falcon told the crowd.

His experience in one of the most famous Christian sites, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, convinced him that everyone needs to drop their sense of “possession” when it comes to religious places.

He mused that the keys to the church ultimately had to be handed over to a Muslim family.

“They became focused on their own survival and their own expansion,” added Falcon. “The forms we create to support us in meeting the sacred become more important than meeting the sacred.”

Thursday, November 18, 2010

Just as al-Qaeda's tyrannical puritanism sparked a backlash among the very Sunnis they claimed to be defending in Iraq, so is Taliban violence against Pakistan's Sufi community provoking its adherents to fight back.

The dominant form of Sunni Islam among Pakistan's non-Pashtun population is the Barelvi movement, which accommodates many of the rites and practices of Sufism. But the Taliban deem Sufism — particularly its veneration of saints and its devotional singing and dancing — a heresy, and militants have bombed dozens of Sufi shrines and killed hundreds of worshippers since 2005.

That onslaught has prompted adherents of the typically nonviolent and politically quiescent sect to begin preparing for battle.

A major turning point in Sufi attitudes came with the twin suicide bombings in July of Lahore's revered Data Darbar shrine, one of the oldest Muslim shrines on the subcontinent. Forty-two people were killed and 180 wounded in a night of carnage. Now, Pakistan's Barelvis are mobilizing to fight back against the extremists, but not with arms.

"We're thankful to them, those who started destroying things like the shrines, because they forced us to wake up, come together and confront them, God willing," says Sayyed Safdar Shah Gilani, a Sufi cleric and the central chief organizer of the Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC). "We [have been] compelled to come out on the streets."

The SIC, a grouping of Barelvi organizations, was formed in May last year "to fight the growing Talibanization" of Pakistan. At its launch, it included eight parties; today it comprises 60 and counting.

On the opposite side of the ideological divide is the minority but politically vocal Deobandi Sunni Islamic sect (named after the movement's original seminary in Deoband, India). Its adherents follow a hard-line, Saudi-inspired version of Islam that is increasingly associated with the Taliban and other allied militant groups in both Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Many Barelvi clerics, who have traditionally shunned politics, have realized that they need a direct voice in parliament, and plan to field candidates in the next general election. But the polls are years away, and until then, the council plans a nationwide campaign to politically engage its followers and raise awareness about the evils of Taliban ideology.

The centerpiece of this campaign will be a "long march" protest, starting in Islamabad on Nov. 27 and winding its way through Punjab to the Data Darbar shrine two days later.

Hundreds of thousands of people are expected to join the procession, signaling to Pakistan's entrenched politicians the emergence of a new opposition movement.

Despite its ambitions, the new movement is politically untested. Religious parties traditionally garner about 5% to 6% of the ballot, says Hasan-Askari Rizvi, a political and military analyst in Lahore.

"These groups can mobilize people on a religious call, but when it comes to getting votes, religious considerations aren't the only ones on people's minds," he says. Still, he adds, they can agitate and make life difficult for the government even if that ability doesn't translate into legislation.

The new assertiveness from the Barelvis is part of a larger battle over Pakistan's Islamic identity. And it will inevitably become a target for further sectarian violence.

"The people, they have seen their future now," says Ragheb Naeemi, the principal of Jamia Naeemia, a prominent Punjabi madrasah, and a member of the SIC. The 37-year-old cleric's father, Sarfraz Naeemi, was assassinated in his office at the madrasah by a suicide bomber last year for his anti-Taliban fatwas. His son is determined to continue his father's campaign.

"We were away from the scene and other parties were on the scene, but now the scenario will change, people are motivated."

Among other demands, the SIC seeks a ban on incendiary Deobandi literature, a clampdown on banned extremist groups that have merely changed their names but continue operating unmolested by the authorities, and the monitoring of Pakistanis who have fought in Afghanistan. It also wants stronger police and judicial action against terror suspects, and the establishment of a police unit to root out officers suspected of helping terrorists evade security measures at shrines and other places.

The new movement also hopes to eradicate extremist Saudi religious influence in Pakistan. Salman Ali, 24, a law student and one of the SIC's two youth officers, was at Data Darbar on that fateful night in July, and since then has taken his antiextremism message to colleges, high schools and universities across the country.

"I tell them that the Saudi school of thought, the Wahhabi school of thought, is promoting terrorism in Pakistan. More than the dollar, the riyal is destroying Pakistan, and now the people are realizing this," he says. Dressed in slim-fitting black jeans, a tailored black shirt and a sharp black velvet jacket, Ali says he and others like him are "the real Pakistanis," not "the Deobandis and Wahhabis who are representing Pakistan all over the world."

Organizers of the march expect extremist attacks on their protest and have hired private security guards to pat down participants. Unlike the Iraqi sheiks of the Awakening movement who met violence with violence, most of Pakistan's Sufis have refused to take up arms.

"Everyone knows that definitely something bad will happen in the long march, but we are going," says Ali. "And if we have to go to God, we will go. But now we have to fight for our country, for the peaceful face of our religion. We are ready for it."

Wednesday, November 17, 2010

For a minute I thought we were going to have a punch-up at the holiest Muslim shrine in the legendary Silk Road trading town of Kashgar.

We were standing in a respectful silence in the Apak Hoja Tomb, honouring a revered Sufi saint and listening as his story was told by our guide, Abdul, a Uighur Muslim.

Suddenly, in burst a Han Chinese tour party, led by a young woman shouting over her portable loudspeaker system.

The peace of the tranquil chamber was shattered; we couldn't hear what Abdul was saying and I could see him and the other Uighurs present getting irritated.

Eventually, he went over to the noisy guide, pulled out her microphone and said something in a voice of quiet anger. The young woman shouted back and her group seemed inclined to join in.Several of the Uighurs moved behind Abdul and whispered vehemently in support. Tension rose and I got ready to take a photo and run. But then the young woman nodded and peace returned to the holy place.

The shrine, Abdul explained, was actually built by Apak in 1640 as a burial place for his father, Yusup Hoja, who came to Kashgar from Uzbekistan to preach Sufism, the mystical strain of Islam.

It has a distinctive look because the exterior is covered in green tiles while the grave markers are sheathed in flowered tiles brought especially from Uzbekistan.

"The father is buried here," Abdul said, pointing to a grave marker with green flower tiles."But it is known for Hoja because his fame was greater."

Hoja continued his father's Sufi work but also became a local ruler, remembered fondly by his subjects. When he died in 1693, he was also buried in the shrine and it was renamed in his honour.

But just as Apak's fame has eclipsed that of his father, the saint's memory has been overtaken outside Sufi circles by a granddaughter, Iparhan.

There are various versions of her story but the one Abdul told was that she was the wife of a Muslim rebel captured by troops of the Quianlong emperor and was taken to Beijing as booty.

The emperor fell in love with her great beauty, especially the natural fragrance of her body, so she became his favourite concubine, earning the name Xiangfei or Fragrant Concubine.

When she died, the emperor allowed her body to be taken back to her family, in a journey which took three years.

Today at the Apak Hoja Tomb there is also a preaching hall, built in 1637, for the Hojas to spread the Sufi message, a later mosque and a huge Muslim graveyard.

Pilgrims still come from far afield to pay their respects to the saint.

"It is," said Abdul, "an important place of pilgrimage for Sufis. Coming here seven times is equal to making the haj to Mecca."

But the shrine is increasingly known as the Tomb of the Fragrant Concubine - such is the nature of celebrity. It was almost certainly her resting place that the noisy Chinese tour party had come to see.

[Click on the title to the original article and traveling informations (ed.)]

Picture: The Apak Hoja Tomb in Kashgar, China, makes the area an important site for Sufis. Photo: Jim Eagles

Tuesday, November 16, 2010

Shalom/Salaam: A Story of a Mystical Fraternity, by Thomas Block, introduces the virtually unknown story of Sufi (Islamic mystical) influence on the development of Jewish mysticism.

From the inception of Islam (c. 630) to the Golden Age (8th-12th centuries) Jewish-Sufis of Arabia, North Africa and Spain, through the Kabbalists in Spain and the Holy Land, and then into 18th-century European Hasidism, Sufi ideas were at first knowingly and later unwittingly woven into the Jewish mystical quilt.

Even today, vestiges of this influence continue to reverberate in the living practice of Judaism.

More than just a historical work, this book provides a fresh perspective on the social, religious and political issues that have complicated Jewish-Muslim relations since the founding of Israel. By popularizing this little-known tale of mutual respect and spiritual love, a narrative of peace – so unusual in these difficult times in the Middle East – can begin to resonate between these children of Abraham.

“Block’s evident enthusiasm for the revelation of these common roots as a way forward for Muslim-Jewish relations propels this great read.”

Block, a Jew, independent scholar, and “citizen-diplomat,” spent more than 10 years researching and uncovering the hidden links between the mystical systems within Islam and Judaism, expressed in Sufism and Kabbalah, respectively. In what he believes is the only book on the topic, Block demonstrates the influence of Sufism on historic and modern Kabbalah and even Judaism, assembling and juxtaposing a variety of sources.

Seminal medieval figures in Kabbalah (whom Block affectionately refers to as “Jewish-Sufi” and whom he profiles throughout) looked to Sufi themes and attitudes for “innovation” in their own practice—so successfully that some hymns sung in synagogues today, among other practices, are clearly Islamic in origin.

An entire chapter devoted to Spanish Jewish Kabbalists’ usage of Sufism describes the glory of the multifaith, historic Cordoba and Arab Spain of the eighth through 15th centuries, where Jews participated as equals in the Muslim-run state. Block’s evident enthusiasm for the revelation of these common roots as a way forward for Muslim-Jewish relations propels this great read.

Monday, November 15, 2010

Mrigya is an exciting new Indian group based in Delhi. On their debut album, titled The Composition of World Harmony, Mrigya mixes captivating Indian classical and folk music as well as Hindustani and Sufi vocals with rock guitar hero virtuosity and even some funk.

The group’s leading instruments are the violin, the electric guitar and passionate vocals.

Band members include Sharat Chandra Srivastava on violin; Gyan Singh on tabla, dholak and mridangam; Rajat Kakkar on drums and percussion; Indraneel Hariharan on bass guitar; Sachin Kapoor on keyboards; Karan Sharma on guitars; Qadir Niyazi on Sufi vocals; and Sukriti Sen on Hindustani vocals.

Even though the band has been around for nearly ten years, The Composition of World Harmony came out this year (2010).

The best cuts are ones where the violin solos and the vocals plays a leading role.

The Indian essence is palpable in pieces like the opening cut ‘Ganga,’ which was the bands first composition and reflects the band’s philosophy. It is based on the raga ‘Jog.’

‘Procession’ begins with mesmerizing Hindustani Vedic chants and later drifts into Sufi devotional vocals. The piece was inspired by regrettable events that took place in India, such as the riots in Gujarat in 2002. It is a prayer for peace, fusing chants form the sacred Rig-Veda with a muezzins’s azaan (call to prayer).

Other standout cuts are the love song “Mitwa” based on the viraha rasa and the stunning “Deccan’, which is dedicated to the Deccan Queen Train, which connects Mumbai with Pune. This pieces combines Raga Yaman with Mrigya’s spectacular fusion work.

The Composition of World Harmony is Indian fusion of the highest caliber.

Sunday, November 14, 2010

Conference: The Sacred Path of Love :
Finding God in the Times of Tribulations

Singapore, Sultan Mosque Auditorium
4th & 5th December 2010

This conference seeks to address the role of spirituality in the life of a Muslim and how a Muslim can seek peace and happiness through returning to the spiritual path while being a contributing member of society and performing their daily activities.

Habib Kazim said the Sacred path of Love conference comes at the right time. Today many muslims are in the state of depression and are suffering from many setback. This is because we had forgotten the Islamic spirituality and we need to realize the important of having a spiritual guide. Although we are praying 5 times a day, paying zakat, fasting ramadhan as this is the foundation but the souls need more than this.

You can choose either to purchase ticket directly at Wardah Books (bussorah st) & make payment there , or you can do an ATM transfer to our POSB savings account: Once you've made the transfer, SMS me (Khalid) at 9068 7106. Do keep the receipt of your ATM transfer just in case. Once we've confirmed receipt of the payment, we will issue you a confirmation number. Print out the e-mail with the confirmation number and bring it on that day.When you come to the conference on that day, you will need to produce this print-out.

We hope you will benefit from this conference, insya'Allah and look forward to having you there.
For any enquiries please email me at khalid@soutilaahi.com or call me +65 90687106

Karachi: Shrines in Pakistan are spectacles of devotional singing and dancing, colorful garlands, and decorative tokens of vows to Sufi saints, often festive spots for families to gather and devotees to perform. But under increasing threat by Al Qaeda-linked militants, they have also become danger zones.

More than 70 suicide attacks at shrines have killed hundreds of worshipers in Pakistan since 2005, but the attacks have escalated recently, and the revelry has been increasingly replaced by metal detectors, paramilitary troops, and shrapnel.

In October alone, the Pakistani Taliban were believed to have been behind the deaths of some 17 pilgrims and the injuring of 100 more in separate bombings in two cities.

The motivation for these attacks might get lost in international headlines, but they are an indication of the brewing cultural war for the direction of Islam in Pakistan.

From Iraq to Pakistan

That war has crossed borders. Attacks by militants on Shiite shrines in Iraq, it is believed, began as a way to exploit Shiite Sunni sectarianism. Since then, shrine attacks have been used in Pakistan by Al Qaeda-linked militants to edge out both moderate Sunnis and devout Shiites and push a militant-approved version of Islam on Pakistan, say analysts.

"They want to capture the country by imposing their militant ideology. They want to silence the [dissenting, moderate] voices by eliminating them. They want to frighten common men," says Lahore-based analyst and leading historian Mubarak Ali.

Who's who

Behind this extremist push are two strict branches of Sunni Islam: the Wahhabis and Deobandis. Members of Al Qaeda, the Afghan Taliban, and the Pakistani Taliban all generally belong to one of these though they hail from different countries. Both sects take a literalist approach to Islamic texts, are widely considered extremist, and view visiting shrines and worshipping saints as heresy.

The Wahhabi is the dominant faith in Saudi Arabia, while the Deobandi, a similar sect, is found in Pakistan and India. During the 1980s, Deobandis and the Wahhabis linked to help then-military ruler Zia-ul-Haq counter Shiite influence in the wake of the Iranian revolution.

They helped establish thousands of fundamentalist madrasas, mostly run by the religious political party Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam all over the country. It is believed that Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar revitalized the links between the two groups during the current Afghan war.

Road block to extremism?

Sufis and moderate Sunnis belonging to the looser Barelvi school of thought, meanwhile, are the main roadblock for these stricter versions of Islam to establish hegemony in Pakistan. Barelvis believe in the linked and broken chain of spiritual leaders, reaching ultimately to the prophet Muhammad, who intercedes on their behalf with Allah.

Particularly infuriating for the Taliban is that the Barelvis are putting up a fight against a militant-approved Islam. Moderate Sunnis belonging to the Barelvi sect have formed an alliance against the Taliban and have been active in protesting the growing Talibanization and militant Islamism for the past year.

"Sufism is a way of life in Pakistan for centuries, unlike decades-old Islamic fundamentalism or militant Islam," says Syed Munir Shah, a Sufi scholar. "They [militant Islamists] want to rule the world by guns and we [Sufis] try to rule the hearts and souls by spreading a message of peace and religious harmony. Sufism is the strongest shield against the militant face of Islam." Still, the shrine attacks are aimed at polarizing Pakistani society, say experts. And militant organizations appear to be stepping it up.

Sectarian violence

Indeed, in addition to such earlier targets as Western institutions, the Pakistani Army, and security agencies advancing the war on terror, Al Qaeda and the Pakistani Taliban have homed in on Islamic practices of which they disapprove.

The biggest shrine in Islamabad, Bari Imam, was attacked in 2005, killing 30. Since then, big shrines in Peshawar, Lahore, and Karachi have also been targeted, among others across the country.

In December 2008, a spiritual leader named Pir Samiullah belonging to the Barelvi sect, along with seven colleagues, was killed by Taliban militants in Swat Valley for dissenting. His followers buried him, but the Taliban exhumed his body and hanged it publicly. "Fighting us is like negation of [the] Quran," the then-Taliban commander was quoted as saying.

Playing off mixed feelings about US intentions in the region, Al Qalam, a publication of banned militant outfit Jaish-e-Mohammed, recently warned of Americans donating dollars to strengthen the Barelvi school.

"They [the US] want to use the successors of shrines as their partners to counter jihadis.… This is an attempt to destabilize Pakistan as Americans are holding secret meetings with them … it is conspiracy against not just the Mujahideen but also against Pakistan."

Picture: A woman mourns the death of her husband who was killed by an explosion a day earlier -on Oct. 26. - at the Shrine of Sufi Saint Fareed Shakar Ganj, in Pak Pattan, located in Punjab province- Photo: Faisal Mahmood/Reuters.

Friday, November 12, 2010

Bengal like many other lands does not possess sufficient records of her internal affairs before the fifteenth century. She is also unfortunate in not having any history of thought movements which in all probability started emerging with the advent of Islam from the thirteenth century.

So, to find out the earliest age when Sufism was introduced into Bengal, we observed that Sufism in Bengal was the continuation of Sufism in Northern India, and that the eleventh century AD was the probable time when Sufism was first introduced into India.

In that connection we may mention two names of Sufis - Shah Sultan Rumi who came to Mymensingh in 1053 AD and Baba Adam who came to Dhaka in 1119 AD. As far as we know, the earliest historical Sufi, who came to Bengal after the two afore-mentioned solitary figures, was Shayekh Jalaluddin Tabrizi in 1225 AD.

From the beginning of the thirteenth up to the fourteenth centuries, the Sufis of Northern India predominated over the Sufis of Bengal. During this time, their (Northern Indian Sufis') deputies were sent to the Bengali people. It is generally said that establishment of Muslim rule was instrumental in bringing the faith of Islam and its civilisation in this country. This statement is only partially true but it was Sufis who were the real torch-bearers of Islamic faith in Bengal. Their real influence on Bengal began to be continuously felt from the very inception of the thirteenth century AD.

There may be a question, impelled by what motives the Sufis of Northern India and other foreign countries first turned their attention to Bengal? We do not exactly know. But, it can be precisely said that intention of preaching their faith - Islam -among unbelievers was the main aim which impelled them to leave their hearth and home for Bengal. With this view they came to our country often quite alone and preached Islam throughout their lives under circumstances. The earliest Sufis' attempts to proselytism began under very unfavourable circumstances: the country was under the rule of Hindu ruler. It is, therefore, interesting to mention here a few causes that contributed to the success of the proselytising mission of the Sufis.

Firstly, indomitable zeal, uncommon piety and widely believed miracles possessed by the Sufis of the thirteenth up to the sixteenth centuries AD were the first group of causes of the success of Sufi mission in Bengal. Their zeal was so great that it was not curbed or cheeked by personal losses, regal tyranny and even assassination. They all led a very pious and simple life; comfort and pleasures of life they shunned and all kinds of worldly bonds they cut off. In this way, they dedicated their lives for the cause of Islam and for the service of humanity.

Secondly, permanent establishment of Muslim rule in Bengal and the liberal and munificent patronage extended to the Sufis by the sultans were the other causes that contributed to the success of the Sufi proselytising in Bengal.

Thirdly, at the time when Sufis came over to this country Buddhism and Hinduism were two prominent religions of Bengal. During the time of Palas kingdom, Buddhism was the state religion. After the ruin of Buddhist kingdom, Hindu Sen dynasty established their kingdom. The followers of Buddhist religion were suppressed and oppressed by Hindu king. They were bound to convert in Hindu faith. Among the Hindu followers were four types viz Brahman, Khaitrya, Baisshya and Sudra. The lower types of Hindus were oppressed by higher type.

While the social and religious condition of the people was such, the Sufis came here carrying with them the message of Islam. Islam is ever famous for its strong monotheistic belief in God, and for its theoretical and practical teachings of universal brotherhood. Islam sufficiently possesses those qualities which can easily satisfy spiritual cravings of the masses. When the continuous activities of the Sufis, their inherent qualities, were made familiar to the masses, who were already groaning under social tyranny and sufferings from the agony of spiritual yearnings of soul, they gathered round the saintly preachers known as the Sufis and readily changed their old faith to the new one.

The Muslims hardly made any distinction between a convert Muslim and a born Muslim.

Only the change of faith at once offered the masses a golden opportunity to raise their social status to the status of their rulers, the Muslims, and to satisfy their hearts by the adoption of a simple and easily understandable creed like Islam.

During the period of Indian predominance over the Muslims of Bengal, a number of Sufi orders and sub-orders were introduced into Bengal. Among these orders Suhrawardi order of India had the credit to be the first Sufi order that was introduced to Bengal by Shayekh Jalaluddin Tabarizi in 1225 AD. He came to Bengal just on the eve of the Turkish conquest of this country. He converted a number of Hindus mostly belonging to lower castes. The last Hindu king built for him a mosque and a khanqah at Pandua but we exactly do not know, whether he left any reputed spiritual successor behind him.

The next great saint of this order was Makhdum Jahaniya Mujarrad-i-yamani.

In the wake of Suhrawardi order, Chisti Sufis entered into Bengal to preach Islam. The first Sufi of this order was Shayekh Fariduddin Shakarganj in 1296 AD. His field of activities was in Eastern Bengal. When he was preaching in Eastern Bengal, another saint of this order named Abdullah Kirmani was active in Western part of Bengal.

The third great saint of this order was Shayekh Akhi Sirajuddin Badayuni in 1357 AD. He was sent to Bengal by his spiritual guide Nizamuddin Awliya of Delhi for an avowed intention of propagating Islam in this country. When he died, he left behind him a long line of spiritual successors, who led aloft the banner of the Chisti order in Bengal for generation to come.

The Naqshibandi order of Indian Saints first came to Bengal during the lifetime of Mujadded-i-alf Sani. The first Sufi of this order who was introduced into Bengal was Shayekh Hamid Danishmand. The influence of the Naqshibandi on the Muslims of Bengal is of very recent origin, beginning only from the seventeenth century AD.

The next and probably the last order was the order of the Qadiri. The earliest Sufi belonging to this order was Hazrat Shah Qamis. He made many disciples in different parts of the country and his followers are known as Qamisiyah Dervishes. On his death, he was succeeded by Sayyed Abdur Razzaq.

These are the chief orders that were successively introduced into Bengal by the Sufis of the Northern India. Sufism of Bengal is a continuation of Sufism in Northern India.

Taking the general line of Sufi thought into consideration we may classify the Sufis into the following periods:

Early period: Duration of this period was from twelfth century to fourteenth century AD. This was the period of the spread of Islam in Bengal from Northern India. Almost all the Sufis of Bengal belonging to this age were the disciples of Suhrawardi and Chisti Sufi order.

Middle period: Duration of this period was from fifteenth century to seventeenth century AD. This was a period of steady consolidation of Muslim thought and of gradual accommodation of local influence in Bengal. The stimulating political atmosphere created by the independent sultans of Bengal gave ample opportunities to Sufis to settle down permanently in various parts of the country and to come in close contact with the people. Another feature of this period was involvement of Bengali Sufis in the politics of the country.

Third period: This period was from eighteenth century to nineteenth century AD. From the latter part of the middle period signs did not want to prognosticate the early advent of this period. It was a period of decay and corrosion and of moral and spiritual degradation of the Bengali Sufis. The whole religious life of the Bengali Muslims was thoroughly affected by the environment under which it was living. The practice of Pir-murshidi was so much accentuated during this period that the whole mystic creed of the Sufis had to give way to it. Muslims began to believe that initiation to a Pir is absolutely binding on them. Such a belief gradually gave birth to a polytheistic devotion in the minds of the people and they began to give votive offerings to Pirs dead or alive.

After observing history we find four centres of Sufi activities:

Veranda centre: It is located in Maldah, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Purnima, Rajmahal and its surrounding places. This is the most important centre of Bengalis with regard to the history of its saints. It seems that the activities of the first Muslim preachers in this tract are chronicled more satisfactorily than of those in other tracts. The Sufis of this centre enhanced the prestige of the Muslims of Bengal by their piety, education, culture and activities. Most prominent Sufis of this centre are Shayekh Jalaluddin Tabarizi, Shayekh Akhi Sirajuddin Badayni, Shayekh Alauddin, Shayekh Nuruddin Qutb, Shayekh Hisam Uddin, Shayekh Rada Biyabani, Shayekh Khalil, Shayekh Shah, Shayekh Niamatullah and Shah Ismail.

Vanga centre: It is located in Mymensingh, Pabna, Bogra, Rajshahi, Dhaka, Faridpur and Barisal. From the chronological point of view, this seems to be the most ancient centre among all the Sufi centres of Bengal. Non-Indian Sufi activities are traditionally traceable in this centre from a time as early as the eleventh century AD. The number of the Sufis of this centre is a large one. From the fourteenth century AD Sufis from Northern India and many other parts of the country, began to flock to this part of Bengal. Most prominent Sufis of this centre were Shah Sultan Balkhi, Shah Sultan Rumi, Baba Adam Shahid, Shah Dawlah Shahid, Shah Jalal, Sayyidul Arifin, Shah Makhdum and Shah Ali Baghdadi.

Chattala centre: It is situated in Chittagong, Tippera, Noakhali and Sylhet. The main point of this centre was the district Chittagong, which is traditionally known as the land of twelve awliyas. Amongst these twelve awliyas, Pir Barad is generally regarded as the first and the greatest awliya, who brought the message of Islam to this remote area of Bengal. It is almost certain that twelve Sufis did not came to Chittagong together; they came to the district either in group of two or three or one by one in intervals. Most prominent Sufis of this centre were Pir Badar, Bayzid Bostami, Baba Fariduddin, Shah Badruddin, Shah Muhsin, Shah Pir, Shah Umar, Shah Badl, Chand Awliya and Shah Muakkil.

Now easily we may conclude that Sufi history in Bengal started in the eleventh century AD. It was truly a pious attempt of preaching Islam. The earliest Sufis of Bengal were so much intelligent. They observed the situation truly and preached Islam under rough circumstances. But at the age of eighteenth century, when Sufis were politically patronised, the real picture of Sufi movement was demolished. Implicit polytheism had taken place with Pir-murshidi concept.

Thursday, November 11, 2010

Peace, tolerance, and humanity are the fundamental values of Sufi thought, while violence and intolerance are the hallmarks of religious extremism. Islamic militants in Pakistan view the country’s native Sufi traditions as a major impediment to the imposition of their extremist religious agenda. The result has been a relentless assault on Sufi shrines from the Peshawar Valley to the plains of Punjab to the shores of the Arabian Sea.

Taliban militants have attacked every religious, social, and cultural institution that does not fit within their narrow interpretation of religion, from village schools and other educational establishments to centuries-old shrines and landmarks. The shrine of legendary Pashtun Sufi poet Abdurrahman Baba was destroyed. The shrine of Sufi saint Syed Ali Tirmizi (aka Pir Baba) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa was desecrated. Suicide bombers struck the shrines of Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh, Baba Farid, and Abdullah Shah Ghazi in the Punjab and Sindh Provinces.

The message sent by these attacks is clear – nothing is respected or sacred to the Taliban and other extremists, and nothing outside their narrow ideological framework can be tolerated.

In 2007, Taliban militants bombed an ancient statue of Buddha in Swat Valley. I asked the local Taliban leader, Maulan Fazlullah, why. “We want to remove all symbols of the infidels,” he answered bluntly. A few months later, Fazlullah’s gang burnt down the mausoleum of 15-century mystic Pir Baba in neighboring Buner Valley. Although there is a world of difference between a statue of Buddha and the shrine of a Sufi mystic, both were icons of love, peace, and tolerance. Hence, both were the same in the eyes of the militants.

Scholars of Islamic philosophy such as Qasim Mehmod argue that killing innocent people and destroying shrines because of religious differences violates Islamic law and disgraces Islam generally. In Pakistan, the use of violence to resolve religious differences is a new and frightening phenomenon. Sufi shrines are not only holy places, but also cultural centers where people from all classes and walks of life have traditionally congregated to find spiritual and aesthetic satisfaction, to express their sense of community, and to find meaning in their lives.

Many experts see this as a war against a century-old cultural identity that is now being threatened with extinction -- a possibility fraught with dangerous socio-cultural consequences for the entire country.

Rajwali Shah Khattak, an expert on Pashtun culture and director of the Pashtu Academy in Peshawar, argues that “attacks on shrines not only remind us of the religious polarization in our society, the important point is it is a campaign against the culture of tolerance in the region.”

Societal Repercussions

The cultural dislocation created by this assault in south and central Punjab, the urban centers of Sindh Province, and in the tribal belt along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border has left many young men vulnerable to recruitment by militants. The Sufi creed that peace and glory can only be achieved by being at peace with yourself and your community is being superseded by an extremist dogma that glory can be achieved in the hereafter by sacrificing oneself in the name of religion.

The rising tide of religious militancy cannot be stemmed by military operations alone. The Taliban’s cultural assault comes at a time when youths are already in despair after years of neglect, bad governance, and official indifference to the real problems of the people. The new generation has no vision of a peaceful, prosperous future for themselves or their country.

My friends say we are fighting a war against terror and urge the world to help with military and economic aid. But while these billions of dollars can erect some buildings or buy more destructive weapons, they cannot cure the spiritual crisis that is eroding the very soul of our society. Pakistan’s 35 million youths want education and opportunity, but they also need a productive connection to the past and a realistic vision for the future.

The journey to temporal and spiritual glory begins within oneself. Our saints have armed us with teachings and examples that can immunize us against jingoism, extremism, and obscurantism. They presented a vision of an inclusive, pluralistic, and peaceful society based on universal human values.

As Abdurrahman Babi, the mystic poet of the Pashtuns, wrote: “We are all one body. Whoever tortures another, wounds himself.”

Wednesday, November 10, 2010

A distinction must be made between making an argument for universal, non-discriminatory and inclusive human rights with the help of some Islamic moral and ethical principles and, on the other hand, creating an argument for an Islamic package of human rights which, despite all the rhetoric about universalism, remain culturally limited

Ahmed Ali Khalid’s op-ed, ‘Revisiting Islam and human rights’ (Daily Times, October 13, 2010), is a very welcome contribution to the debate on the relationship between Islam and human rights. He asserts that in highly religious societies such as Pakistan, secular humanism and rationalism on which the current package of universal human rights is based lacks proper anchorage. Therefore, one needs to finds a basis for them within an Islamic cultural framework.

He proposes a revival of the Mu’tazilite standpoint to justify human rights. I think this is an interesting proposition. Students of classic Islamic history would recall that the era of conquest and expansion of the Umayyad caliphate (661-750 AD) was superseded by a period of consolidation under the early Abbasids (roughly 750-900). During their heyday, culture and science flourished. The court of Abbasid caliphs was studded with a galaxy of original thinkers, and the atmosphere was enlightened and tolerant. As a result, different schools of thought could debate with considerable freedom perennial theological and philosophical questions about the nature of God, revelation, reason, free will and so on.

The Asharites represented the literalist tradition, which upheld an anthropomorphist conception of God, suggesting that nothing happened in this world without His knowledge and approval, and things were good or bad because God had said so and not because they could be evaluated on some rational basis. In sharp contrast, the Mu’tazila presented the natural law school that assumed that the moral value of an act could be determined through the exercise of independent human reason. Such an approach affirmed the moral value of all human beings and their ability, regardless of faith, to comprehend basic values of right and wrong.

In the longer run, the Asharite school prevailed and the Mu’tazila were sidelined. After the sacking of Baghdad by the Mongols in 1258, advocates of free will and universal human reason were in short supply. Neo-Asharites, ranging from traditional Muslims to the fundamentalists, came to dominate Muslim societies. In the contemporary period too, neo-Asharite mode of thinking prevails in both Sunni and Shia societies, though the original elements that constituted the Asharite and Mu’tazilite standpoints are forgotten. The heroic efforts of the indefatigable Dr Riffat Hassan and of Dr Javed Iqbal, besides the Islamic Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1981), are cases in point of the neo-Asharite thinking and argumentation.

I have no problem in endorsing the project that Mr Khalid has in mind. There is, however, a trap that one must avoid even with a neo-Mu’tazila approach. A distinction must be made between making an argument for universal, non-discriminatory and inclusive human rights with the help of some Islamic moral and ethical principles and, on the other hand, creating an argument for an Islamic package of human rights which, despite all the rhetoric about universalism, remain culturally limited.

Certain axioms underpin the contemporary theory of human rights. First, human rights are universal. It means that each and every individual, regardless of ethnicity, race, gender, sexuality, age, religion, political conviction or type of government, can claim them. Second, human rights are incontrovertible. It means that they are absolute and intrinsic to human nature. Third, human rights are subjective. It means that individuals possess them because of their capacity for rationality, agency and autonomy. In short, human rights are human rights precisely because they are prior to culture or geography or history.

On the other hand, the recognition of human rights as inalienable legal claims had to wait till our own times because the opposition that could be mustered against them in the name of race, religion, caste, sect, gender, sexuality and so on, had to demolished intellectually and morally. That task was completed in the 20th century, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (1948) and subsequent treaties and conventions represent that universal consciousness. The tragedy is that even when such a consensus was achieved, human rights were politicised during the Cold War. In the post-Cold War period, calls for Hindu, Buddhist, Asian and most loudly Islamic human rights have been heard. These culturally relativistic positions on human rights are mostly formulated to oppose the UDHR.

It is a misunderstanding that human rights are simply a derivative of western civilisation. If that were true, the world would not have witnessed the wars of religion, persecution of minority sects, and atypical ethnic and racial groups, the two world wars, Nazism and fascism and the Holocaust that emerged within that civilisation. On the other hand, a connection between cosmopolitan ideas and movements from the ancient period, the development of liberal and socialist thought in the modern period and the overall advances in democratic government within western civilisation have most certainly contributed to the evolution of universal human rights.

In all civilizations, there are forces that represent tribalism and forces that represent humanism. Orthodox Hinduism with its fixed caste hierarchy represents the tribal exclusiveness of the Indo-European tribes that conquered the Indian subcontinent and subjugated the indigenous peoples of this region. The caste system embodies that tribalism. On the other hand, the Bhakti movement and other anti-caste cults that evolved in our region represent universalism and humanism. Similarly, within the Islamic civilization, the Mu’tazila and the rebel Sufis represent humanism and universalism. Mainstream Sunnism and Shiaism are expressions of tribalism and exclusivity.

Keeping these things in mind, one can indeed invoke Mu’tazila and Sufi arguments to justify universal, non-discriminatory human rights. There is already a very rich heritage available in the Punjabi, Seraiki and Sindhi Sufi literatures, which can be invoked to develop an argument for Muslims to live in peace with others, believers and non-believers, as long as they obey the law, pay the taxes and render their duties as required by the law.

In other words, it would be a truly creative contribution if a set of arguments can be derived from within Islam to justify the current package of universal human rights. Neo-Mu’tazila and Sufi arguments will have to be updated in the light of the overall advances in our knowledge about human beings, the nature of modern economies and the dynamics of contemporary politics. On the other hand, to propose an alternative, culturally specific Islamic package of human rights would defeat the philosophy and purpose underlying human rights.

The writer is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Stockholm University. He is also Honorary Senior Fellow of the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. He can be reached at billumian@gmail.com

Tuesday, November 30, 2010

The first Eid Festival of its kind is being held in Bromsgrove on Saturday, 27 November, at the Council House, Burcot Lane, Bromsgrove.

The organisers say it's an opportunity to bring children and families together to meet and learn about different cultures in a fun way.

There will be Indian food, drumming workshops, an Islamic exhibition and Nasheed music by Sufi band Silk Road.

The event is free, but any money raised goes to BBC Children in Need.

Dr Waqar Azmi OBE, Chairman of the Bromsgrove Muslim Community Trust, said: "It's a family day outing, and we're delighted to have worked with Bromsgrove District Council and Hereford & Worcester Fire and Rescue Service to put the event together for the whole community to enjoy.

"We shall be recognising two local unsung heroes, who will be presented with Certificates of Commendation in recognition of the hard work, support and contributions to the community, and in helping to create a just, fair and safe society for everyone".

The pain of separation from the Creator is the core of Sufi poetry and its music seeks to unite listeners with the divine.

The National Centre for the Performing Arts, NCPA,India’s premiere art and culture institution, presented their annual three-day Sufi Music Festival called Sama’a: The Mystic Ecstasy from November 17.

The line-up for the festival included An Ode To Rumi by Kabir Bedi on November 17; Nuba Awamrya: Brotherhood music by the whirling dervishes from Tunisia and Qawwali by Haji Aslam Sabri and group on November 18. Sufiana compositions by Roopkumar and Sonali Rathod on November 19 was the perfect ending to the festival.

Speaking on the occasion, Dr. Suvarnalata Rao, Head, Programming (Indian Music), NCPA, said, “At the NCPA, we wish to focus on all genres of music. Sufi music has a different flavour attached to it and we would like our audiences to experience this form of music of the soul, by the soul and for the soul”.

She added, “In selecting performers with a diverse repertoire, the NCPA attempts to bring together people from Sufi and non-Sufi backgrounds. We will be showcasing works of Mevlana Rumi, Ameer Khusrau, Baba Bulleh Shah, Bedam Warsi, Shah Abdul Latif Bhatai and others in various languages.”

Picture: Sufiana compositions by Roopkumar and Sonali Rathod on November 19 was the perfect ending to the festival. Photo: IE.

As in previous parliamentary elections, non-political groups will largely determine who the winners will be in Egypt’s parliamentary elections on Sunday [Nov. 28 (ed.)] by capitalizing on their grass-roots networks and mobilization capacities.

In Alexandria, Minister of Administrative Development and NDP candidate for the district of Al-Raml Abdel Salam Mahgoub appealed to both Muslim and Christian constituencies in order to garner the support needed to beat his Muslim Brotherhood rival.

This week, prominent Muslim preacher Amr Khaled was invited by Mahgoub’s campaign to deliver a religious sermon in Al-Raml in a move that was seen by his brotherhood rival, Sobhy Saleh, as a “cheap ploy” aimed at wooing devout Muslim voters.

“Mahgoub campaigners could have simply distributed election pamphlets for their candidate,” Khaled, who has been barred from preaching in Egypt for the last eight years, told Al-Masry Al-Youm.

Mahgoub, a former governor of Alexandria, also managed to garner the endorsement of the city’s churches.

“Mahgoub has our support because he has a close personal relationship with the pope,” a papal source close to Coptic Pope Sehnouda III told Al-Masry Al-Youm on condition of anonymity. “But this doesn't mean that the church is interfering in politics or the parliamentary race."

In Egypt’s highly depoliticized scene, where political parties have been deprived for decades from establishing grass-roots networks and mobilizing support, religious institutions have grown increasingly important in terms of mustering support for particular candidates.

Religious groups and big businesses, on the other hand, often act as “mediators,” which not only endorse candidates but also provide them with expansive campaign infrastructure.

The Muslim Brotherhood opposition movement, for example, complains that authorities have arrested more than 1200 of their campaigners--including eight candidates--in the last few weeks before parliamentary polls.

Experts also believe that the ruling National Democratic Party likewise relies heavily on these grassroots institutions, rather than appealing to voters’ sense of party loyalty or political orientation.

The Church

The growing Islamization of Egypt, coupled with the decline in secular political parties within the last three decades, has left the Coptic Church as the Christians’ primary political body.

The church has been in the spotlight recently for a number of reasons, including its support for Mahgoub and its recent reception of a Wafd Party delegation at the Church of the Virgin St. Abanoud in the Nile Delta city of Banha.

“From a papal perspective, the church only has a stated political endorsement during presidential elections in favor of President [Hosni] Mubarak,” said Samir Soliman, political science professor at the American University in Cairo (AUC). “Local churches sometimes may try to leverage their position by choosing candidates who may be better for their community, and they're not always Christians.”

Other experts, however, believe the papal office plays a more central role in terms of negotiating Coptic demands with the government.

“In the upcoming elections, the pope interfered to push for certain candidates in some electoral districts,” said Ashraf al-Sherif, an AUC political science lecturer.

Last month, media reports suggested that Shenouda had asked Christian businessman Ramy Lakah to change the electoral district in which he was registered from the Azbakiyya neighborhood to Shubra so that he would avoid running against another Coptic contender for the same district.

Sufi orders

Though traditionally known for their apolitical orientations, Egyptian Sufi orders have managed to mobilize thousands of supporters in previous parliamentary elections.

The NDP, meanwhile, has been able to ally itself with extensive networks of over 78 Sufi orders, comprised of over five million adherents.

“The Sufis were politically frozen since the July 1952 revolution and their [political] infrastructure has since been largely seconded in support of the NDP,” said Middle East Studies and Research Center Director Ammar Ali Hassan.

Given the Sufi orders’ secrecy and oaths of loyalty, NDP candidates only need to secure the support of the sheikh--or leader--of a certain Sufi order to ensure the support of his followers.

“Opposition groups have largely ignored them, while the NDP has protected them from Salafis, who accuse them of heresy,” Hassan said. "So they have mostly remained loyal to the NDP."

Hassan also brought to light a potential break from the Sufis' normal support for the NDP, noting that Sheikh Alaa Abou Alazayem of the Azayemya Sufi order had stated his intention to run against parliamentary speaker and NDP stalwart Fathi Surour in the Sayyeda Zaynab district.

“This is a marked departure from the norm; a statement from a prominent Sufi sheikh that they would not be quiet when their grievances are ignored,” said Hassan.

Big Business

Businessmen have always entered elections, deploying their money and position as large-scale employers to bolster their political campaigns. The likes of Ahmed Ezz, Tarek Talaat Moustafa and Mahmoud Osman have consistently existed on Egypt's political plane. The number of businessmen running in elections, however, has increased at an alarming rate over the past 15 years.

“Government mechanisms supporting a wide range of NDP candidates has weakened, and so many more businessmen are running and using their resources for outreach instead,” said Soliman. Families with business interests will give handouts and perks to their employees while urging them to support them or their desired candidates, he noted.

The NDP has been accused of trying to influence employees of public-sector companies. “They don’t always specify certain candidates, but public companies will send their employees on vacations and give little perks around election time,” Soliman said. The intention, he noted, is to instill a sense of loyalty to the ruling party, which, after all, runs the government that runs these companies.

The most recent of such instances comes amid allegations that the government-run Eastern Company, which specializes in tobacco products, was handing out free cigarettes to encourage people to vote for NDP candidates. Trade and Investment Minister Rachid Mohamed Rachid was moved to issue a reminder to company officials to “maintain neutrality” throughout the elections.

Minister of Petroleum Sameh Fahmy has also been able to garner the loyalty of the vast petroleum companies that fall under his ministry’s direct supervision. Many of his numerous campaign ads in the Nasr City/Heliopolis district were openly sponsored by these companies.

Melbourne is host to a one-off free public performance of the magical mystic dance of the whirling dervishes.

This magical 700 year old Sufi ceremony is traced to Konya, Turkey and the great Mevlevi teacher Jalaludin Rumi.

The costumes and ritual of the Sema represent the inner spiritual journey. The whirling motion requires the mind to be perfectly still and centred, thus opening the door to God consciousness.

This event is in honour of a visit to Australia by Mawlana Sheikh Hisham Kabbani, a notable Naqshbandi Sufi teacher, and is being performed by the Sufi Path Group, a practicing Sufi group who meet regularly in Essendon.

The manager of Science Ministry's cultural studies office said that a new collection of "Iran" has been released entitled "Mysticism and Sufism in Iran" in order to deepen the student's national identity.

IBNA: Authored by Reza Tabesh, the first general knowledge book about Iran entitled "Mysticism and Sufism in Iran" was unveiled yesterday, November 21 in the Science Ministry's cultural studies office.

During the ceremony the head of Science Ministry's cultural studies office, Dr. Ali Adami said that the Science Ministry has executed and planed many programs in order to grant identity and boost information about the Islamic culture and civilization of Iran.

One of the schedules was publishing general knowledge collections of Iranian studies fields. As the students, as a impressive stratum and future managers, should have deeper and vast information about their countries civilization and cultural investments thus the cultural studies center of the Science Ministry has released books holding general knowledge about Iran.

Talking about the culture diversity in Iran he added that a way to convert a threat into opportunity, development and reinforcing the national identity of the students is to present information about the aspects of national Iranian identity.

Finally he hoped that the current collection could boost the information and encourage Iranian's abroad to learn about their land.

At New York's Lincoln Center, an intriguing theatrical concert is unfolding. Musicians from a Sufi Muslim sect in Northwest India are attempting to seduce the audience.

The Manganiyar Seduction begins in almost complete darkness — light bulbs faintly illuminate 36 human-sized rectangular boxes on a large four-tier set. Then the sound of a khamacha, an Indian stringed instrument, breaks the silence. Slowly, lights come up on one of the boxes to reveal the musician sitting cross-legged, dressed in white with an orange turban.

"It's very introspective," says Roysten Abel, the show's director and creator. "It's this one lone khamacha drone that actually starts seducing you into yourself."

The seduction is a slow one in this unusual multimedia experience. After a while, another box lights up and another musician, also in white, this one with a multi-colored turban, begins to sing. The lyrics, says Abel, are "all Sufi couplets, and it's all crying out to the universe or god.

"You know, so it's like ... asking for some kind of a blessing that we start the piece with."

Before you know it, that singer is joined by another singer, and another and another. The performance is something of a hybrid — not exactly a concert, not exactly a traditional theater piece, but something designed to illuminate and make the audience feel the music of the Manganiyars. A formerly nomadic group, they live in Rajasthan, a desert region in India, and have a kind of hybrid faith themselves.

"They have the Muslim saints and they worship Allah," Abel says. "And then they also have their ... Hindu goddesses. And they sing to both," he says. "Like, there would not be any difference if they were to sing a Sufi Islam mystic song or if they were to sing a Hindu mystic song. It would be with the equal amount of devotion."

Jane Moss, a Lincoln Center programming executive, was the one who created the White Light Festival, drawing from Western and Eastern traditions to explore spirituality in music.

"We were not interested in producing, let's say, a generic world-music festival or a sacred-music festival," Moss says. "We were really interested in works of art that sort of come at these issues in interesting different ways."

Abel, who runs the Indian Shakespeare Company in New Delhi, says he was introduced to the music of the Manganiyars when he worked with a pair of musicians on a production that traveled to Spain.

"They slowly seduced me into their lives, and then they took me onto a journey, and just took me to a point where they really blew me away," he says.

So he decided to create a show that reflected his own journey into the Manganiyars' music. Abel estimates he auditioned well over 1,000 musicians to find the 36 who perform in the show. But getting the Manganiyars to play the same thing every night hasn't been easy.

"They're not used to structures, they're not used to a concept of rehearsals, they're not used to playing something that they've been asked to play," Abel says. "They're free-spirited musicians, you know? They just play what they feel like."

So the production, he says, has been a process of "trying to get them into my world, and me trying to get into their world — slowly, slowly adjusting, to arrive at a performance together."

That performance, which takes about an hour and twenty minutes, features many different musical colors and instruments. One part features Indian drums called the dholak and the dohl; in another part, there's a double flute — "the alghoza, which is so special," Abel says. "It's pretty haunting, and it's very typical of this community."

By the end of the piece, all 36 musicians are performing while the lights on the boxes are rapidly forming different patterns. It's a kind of ecstatic conclusion to this seductive journey, says director Abel.

"By the end of it, you're at the top of this spiral, you know? You really don't know if it's a sound or a light show actually, because you're into another world."

Thursday, November 25, 2010

By IANS, *Abida Parveen doesn’t have time for Bollywood* - The Express Tribune - PakistanMonday, November 22, 2010

Mumbai: Sufi singer Abida Parveen may be inundated with offers to sing playback for Indian films, but she isn’t interested in signing up.

“I keep getting offers. Yash Chopra, Subhash Ghai and many others have asked me to sing in their films. But I have immersed myself in sufi music and I am busy spreading that message,” Parveen, 56, said.

“It is time consuming to spread the message of Sufism and that is why I have not had time to accept any of the film offers,” she added.

Sufi music has been making inroads into the Indian film industry. Soundtracks now have at least one song with sufi influences.

The veteran singer said, “The taste and touch of sufi music started coming in Bollywood through my song ‘Thaiyya Thaiyya’, which was converted into ‘Chaiyya Chaiyya’ (Dil Se).”

“Then it started spreading and many films started having songs with a sufi touch. Today it has become really popular in Bollywood, which is a good thing. These songs keep love and humanity intact. That is why they connect with people and touch their souls,” she added.

Parveen’s forte is kaafis, a solo genre accompanied by percussion and harmonium, using a repertoire of songs by sufi poets.

Her last album, Rukh-e-Murshid, a tribute to her spiritual master Murshid Sahibzada Muhammad Najeeb Sultan, released last year.

Parveen also believes music can bring people together.

“Music is a very good way of spreading love and peace between India and Pakistan. Music is the gift of God and it always helps in connecting and bringing people together,” said the singer.

“It takes forward the message of humanity and brotherhood and that’s why I really like the concept of this concert where they call artists from across the borders to perform,” she added.

Picture: Abida Parveen says she has been offered to sing playback by filmmakers such as Subhash Ghai and Yash Chopra but is busy spreading the message in sufi poetry for now. Photo: APP.

Religious scholars on Saturday urged unity among Muslims and practical implementation of the teachings of Sufi saints to promote peace and root out the menace of terrorism from Pakistan, at a national discussion entitled ‘Role of Sufis in Curbing Terrorism’.

The discussion, organised by the National Mashaikh Council (NMC), was addressed by renowned scholars, including Prof Dr Sajidur Rehman, Dr Muhammad Ishaq Qureshi, Khawaja Ghulam Qutubuddin Faridi, Dr Syed Tahir Raza Bukhari, Hamid Mir, Sohail Warriach and Irshad Ahmed Arif, while a large number of religious scholars and students attended it.

Dr Sajid said that majawars and gaddi nasheen – inheritors of saints and Sufis – were not following the teachings of their forefathers and certain groups and people were using tombs for economic interests instead of promoting education, religious philosophy and guidance to the general public. “We have to revive this role of shrines and tombs of Sufis to curb terrorism.”

Dr Ishaq said the word terrorism was very old and whenever the problem came up, it was countered by good deeds, but unfortunately, terrorism was at its peak in Pakistan and people’s voices and deeds had been unable to overpower it.

“We are projecting a distorted picture of Islam before the international community, and Muslims, with their attitudes, are proving that they are promoting terrorism,” he added.

Hamid Mir said the followers of Sufis were in millions while a handful of people were attacking shrines, and the majority had failed to stop them because they had indulged in so much of internal conflicts, thus making the minority stronger.

He said the solution to terrorism should be made in Pakistan and not the US “if we really want to curb this problem”.

He said the 1,200-kilometre long Pak-Afghan border was the main cause of terrorism in the country, adding that the US and Pakistani governments were not focusing on the major problem. He suggested unity among Mulims and practical implementation of the teachings of Sufis to curb terrorism.

Sohail Warriach rejected the idea of making peace deals with terrorist groups and said that during the first Afghan jihad war, Sufis and saints did not participate and later it was proved that the war was useless for Pakistan and Islam.

Tuesday, November 23, 2010

When college student Supraket Meshram meets a Sufi maestro, Bol Radha Bol is an unexpected bonus

For music buff and world music lover Supraket Meshram, the experience of meeting a whirling dervish was a cherished opportunity. The exotic flavour of Sufism, Sufi music, plumes of smoke twirling with ascetic spiritual dances and chanting… there was a lot to discover.

The mass media undergraduate looked visibly nervous as he ran over his questions. The Ruhaniyat Sufi music festival venue provided just the ambience.

He was soon introduced to Mohamad Farghaly, a classical Arabic musician and a jolly-looking Egyptian with a husky voice and a copious influx of the 'kha' syllable.

With an endearing welcome, “Happy to meet you my friend. Come, let's talk music,” the nervous student was instantly put at ease.

He immediately launched into a deep and thorough explanation of Sufism and music, anticipating Supraket's question.

"I've been a practicing Sunni Muslim all my life and a lover of all things that God created. I grew up in a deeply religious and academic household since my father went to the prestigious Al-Hazar University in Cairo. I was introduced to a world of theological books and teachings and that's where I first learnt about Sufism," he explained.

"Most Muslims were against Sufism since they thought it wasn't Islamic. But all it did was follow the tenets that all peaceful religions like Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity teach. It's in the Quran too…," he said, with a hint of frustration.

"So what makes it so intense?" "Imagine living 60 years of a full life and in the end, penning it down into one single sentence. That's how potent it is. It’s just words at the end of the day, but you can read it superficially, swim on the surface, or you can dive in," says the master, profoundly.

And while we chewed on that, the profusely sweating Egyptian says, “Man, this place is hot!” Now for someone who spent his life in a desert, that just sounds wrong. “I know what you are thinking; it's just that Egypt is hot but not humid. Here I feel like I'm melting, but I still love it," he said, putting quizzical expressions to rest.

Back to business, “Are there different sects or types of dervishes?” asks the undergrad.

What followed was a detailed explanation distinguishing the Egyptian from the more popular Turkish dervishes, in addition to the various 'Tarika's' or orders and their histories.

“Whirling is a way to get into a trance and that's how we feel closer to God. While in Egypt, it's a celebration of life and cherishing it, the Turkish Malavi's celebrate the afterlife.

Once you get the hang of it, the heady twirling at the same spot becomes easier to handle. It's a very spiritual experience and it's all in the costumes. The skirts are how we distinguish each other. Different colours symbolise different things. The Turkish Malavi's wear white all over which represents the coffin, a black coat over it to signify the grave and a tall red hat; the tombstone."

After a heavy dose of explanations came the time for music. As his Tannura (troupe in colourful skirts) got ready to start twirling, Farghaly brought out his mandolin- styled instrument, looked at the sizable crowd and a few plucked strings later, came the lyrics, “Bol Radha Bol, Sangam hoga ki nahi!

Ahmedabad: Chief minister Narendra Modi is expected to unleash a string of development activities around the Sarkhej Roza located on the fringes of Juhapura, often described as the largest Muslim ghetto in the country.

The Roza, once described by celebrated architect Le Corbusier as the 'Acropolis', is where the roots of Ahmedabad were sown.

The Roza is dedicated to Sufi saint Khattu Saheb alias Ganj Baksh, the person who directed Ahmed Shah to set up a city here in 1411 AD. It is visited by believers of all faiths.

The chief minister's visit is said to be significant, coming on the first day of the World Heritage Week, and is seen to be in tune with his recent overtures to the Muslim community.

Although it is a nightmare for securitymen as Juhapura has always been a target for anti-terror raids, the chief minister will be the chief guest at a Sufi concert on Friday evening when everyone in the neighbourhood would like to be.

The last Modi had visited the Roza was with Abdul Kalam when he was President. Officials of the AMC and AUDA have been proactive in recent days drawing up final plans to turn the Sarkhej Roza into the jewel of Ahmedabad, which is bidding for World Heritage City status from Unesco.

Details of the town planning schemes in the vicinity of the Roza are eagerly awaited, but the most important one will be on how the central tank, which has been lying bone dry for the last three years, will be filled up again.

The tank is the soul of the Roza and unless Modi pumps water into it, it won't quench the thirst of Ganj Baksh, a great-hearted saint who fed everyone, including birds, who came to him.

Sunday, November 21, 2010

Right at the heels of NCPA’s Sama’a, yet another two-day mystic Sufi music festival has been lined up.

Celebrating its 10th year anniversary, Ruhaniyat, organised by Banyan Tree Events, is one of the most prestigious Sufi event that’s held in several Indian cities from the third week of November till March.

This year, it will travel to Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata, Chennai, Bengaluru, Hyderabad and Pune. Ardent followers in Mumbai can attend the festival on November 20 and 21 at Horniman Circle Gardens, Fort, at 6.30 pm.

“We’re honoured to have Salabat Mahato perform this year,” says Nandini Mahesh, director of Banyan Tree Events. Mahato, a renowned Jhumur singer, is possibly the only living master of the tradition in the world.

“Metaphorically, we’re sleep-walking throughout our lives. Jhumur wakes us up from slumber and brings us closer to divinity,” says Mahesh.

Other performances in the first day include mystic chants by Buddhist Monks and Tannoura whirling dervishes from Egypt.

The annual urs of 13th century Iranian saint, Mir Syed Ali Hamadani, was observed throughout Kashmir with traditional devotion and fervour on Saturday, with exalting functions being held in mosques and shrines.

The largest gathering took place at the Khanaqah-e-Ma’ula in Srinagar which resounded with hymns and recitations throughout previous night. A large number of the devout were treated to a glimpse of saint’s relics after dawn prayers, and the ritual was held after every prayer through the day.

The night air echoed with lilting chants of Awrad-e Fatiha as thousands of people braved a cold night to pay obeisance at the shrine, and the number swelled to over 50,000 at noon prayers today.

Awrad Khawani is a popular Kashmîrî form of devotional expression. It was brought to Kashmîr by Syed Ali. According to one tradition he composed Awrad after collecting all invocations (Awrad) in it, which he had imbibed from about two hundreds saints during his journeys. This Awrad is an index of manajat, hamd wa Thana, tahlil wa tasbihat, salawat and istighfar.

In view of the Urs areas around Khanqah- Mau’ala, originally constructed by Sultan Sikander (1389-1413 AD) in the memory of Mir Hamdani who had after his arrival in Kashmir from Iran stayed there for meditation and preaching, witnessed an extraordinary rush of devotees through the day.

Meanwhile the Mirwaiz (Chief Priest of Kashmir), Maulana Umer Farooq, paid glorious tributes to Syed Hamadani on the saint's annual urs, describing him as a great benefactor of Kashmiris in the truest sense. The Mirwaiz said that the blossoming of faith, Islam and morality in the entire Kashmir was a miracle of the spiritual attainments of Syed Ali Hamadani, regarded as the forbearer of Islam in Kashmir.

In a message on the occasion, the Mirwaiz said that the saint had not only altered the history of the land but also its destiny.

"Because of the formidable personality of the Syed Hamadani, Kashmir not only got the priceless gift of Islam, but countless avenues of trade, commerce and crafts were opened that brought about a welcome revolution in the economic sphere," he said.

Mir Syed Ali bin Shahab-ud-Din Hamadani was an Iranian Sūfī, a prominent scholar and reformer. Born on Monday, 12th Rajab 714 AH (1314 A.C) in Hamadan Syed Ali died in 786 AH/1384 in Kunar and was buried in Khatlan in Tajkistan.

He was very influential in spreading Islam in Kashmir and has had a major hand in shaping the culture of the Kashmir valley. His influence on arts and culture and the economy of Kashmir was profound.

So deep has been Syed Ali's influence in Kashmir that he came to be known here as "Shāh Hamadhān" Ali Saani and as Amīr-i Kabīr ("the Great Commander").

There are various accounts about Syed Ali’s travels to Kashmir. The widely accepted one states that Syed left his homeland to avoid persecution at the hands of Timur. He moved to Kashmir with seven hundred followers, during the reign of King Shahabuddin who received him warmly and became his follower.

Stating that Hazrat Syed Ali Hamdani (RA) not only taught Kashmiri people the oneness of Alaah but also built the economic structure for Kashmir, Chairman Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front Yasin Malik, Saturday urged people to adhere to the teaching of Sufi saint.

While addressing a congregation of devotees at the shrine of Khankahi Moulaa, Yasin Malik said the Poet of East, Dr Sir Mohammad Iqbal had rightly described Hamdani as leader of non-Arabs.

Malik said that when the Sufi saint came to Kashmir, the whole valley was on the way of transgression.“It was charisma of Amir-i-Kabir that enlightened people here. From being unemployed Amir-i-Kabir taught Kashmiri people skills of shawl making, carpet making, paper machee, woodcarving and other handicrafts that improved the economic condition of people here,” said Malik.

He said that the economic edge that Sufi saint gave Kashmiri people were in addition to the divine faith of great religion Islam.

Malik said that Amir-i-Kabir (RA) was undoubtedly a great doctor, leader, and a matchless orator. Malik added that it is because of the services of Kashmiri people towards these Sufi saints that people despite being under continues oppression are still alive.

Chairman Hurriyat (M) while paying reverence to the Sufi saint said that Shah-i-Hamdan (R) was a torch bearer of truth, reality and divinity. He said that it was a charisma of this Sufi saint that despite only three visits to valley he was able to revert the whole population towards Islam.

Mirwaiz said that Amer-i-Kabeer’s teachings not only ornate the people here with great religion of Islam but also taught many skills which improved the economic condition of people here.

“We can celebrate his Urs only when we adhere to the path he showed us and follow the Quran and teaching of Prophet Mohammad (SAW),” said Mirwaiz.

Sufism has been flourishing among the hills of erstwhile Doda district since long. Doda has traditionally been a place where religion has dominated the discourse and knitted people of different faiths together.

The historical manuscripts written mostly in Persian maintain that Sufism flourished in Doda district during the 15 century when Sufi saints from various parts of India reached Doda. Sufism, however, gained prominence with the arrival of Hazrat Shah Mohammed Farid-ud-Din Baghdadi (RA) and his two sons Hazrat Shah Asrar-ud-din (RA) and Hazrat Shah Akhyar-ud-din (RA) during the 17th century.

These revered saints propagated Islam and value based education among the people of all religions, castes and creeds.

Researchers maintain that before Hazrat Shah Mohammed Farid-ud-Din Baghdadi (RA) arrived in Doda, the region had already been visited by some other great Sufi saints, which included Hazrat Shah Hamdan (RA), Sheikh Noor-ud-din Noorani (RA) and Hazrat Zain-ul-deen Rishi (RA).

These revered saints taught people basics tenets of Islam and pleaded with them to come out of the darkness of illiteracy and ritualism. These revered saints propagated love and brotherhood. They taught tawhid or monotheism (oneness of Allah) asked people to follow teachings of the Holy Quran and the Hadith.

Many of these Sufi preachers, who came to district Doda and propagated Islam, have earned a distinct place for themselves across the world. Their tombs are still respected as holy places, with people from all walks of life visiting and praying for earthly prosperity and spiritual salvation.

This past summer, a crowd composed largely of aging baby boomers filled the Interfaith Community Church in Seattle to hear three amigos.

Those would be the “Interfaith Amigos,” as they call themselves: Rabbi Ted Falcon of Bet Alef Meditative Synagogue in Seattle, retired pastor Don Mackenzie and Muslim Sufi minister Sheikh Jamal Rahman. Together they wrote “Getting to the Heart of Interfaith: The Eye-Opening, Hope-Filled Friendship of a Pastor, a Rabbi, and a Sheikh.”

This Seattle-area spiritual — and now literary — trio hopes that if people learn about others’ beliefs, they may feel less threatened by them.

“We will survive only if we learn to treat ourselves, our neighbors, and our planet with greater wisdom, compassion and caring,” they write in the introduction.

The clergy will appear Nov. 20 at Calvary Presbyterian Church in San Francisco for a program featuring a Q&A session and a reception.

The event is free, open to the public and sponsored by the S.F.-based Jewish Community Relations Council, San Francisco Interfaith Council and Calvary Presbyterian Church.

In “Getting to the Heart of Interfaith,” the three men prescribe five steps that individuals and communities can take to overcome the distance between religions and cultures.

Each had an epiphany of sorts after a trip they took together to Israel in November 2005 that dramatically altered their worldviews.

Mackenzie had not been back to the region since he lived in Lebanon with his wife in 1966 and ’67, until they were evacuated during the Six-Day War.

As his memories of a people he grew to love came flooding back, he began to develop a more pronounced compassion for Israel and the plight of the Jews.

“Israel aspires to be the safe haven for Jews who have suffered indignities and violence because of the Christian repudiation of Judaism, the conviction that Jews have not seen the true light of Christianity,” Mackenzie wrote.

Mackenzie is hoping Christians will face their role in the Middle East conflict with more honesty.“I don’t think Christians understand,” he said. “Reconciliation is not possible until you name the truth.”

Rahman, an Islamic Sufi scholar originally from Bangladesh, had a very different experience as the plane approached Israel’s Ben Gurion International Airport. After all, his friends had warned him that Israel might not be the best vacation destination.

“I was scared, actually,” said Rahman. “To an average Muslim, all of America and all of the entire military might of America is there. These are big perceptions.”

Rahman said he was pulled out of line at the airport and questioned extensively about his business there after he told the young female soldier he was a Muslim. However, she displayed a visible change of heart when he explained the Amigos’ mission.

From the Western Wall to the Dome of the Rock, Rahman said he saw many people showing love and devotion through their faith practice.

“The condition in the Holy Land is a reflection of what is in our own hearts,” he said.

Having been to Israel several times before, Falcon saw the Jewish state through different eyes this time as he traveled with his ecumenical partners.

“On this interfaith trip, we visited more Christian sites then I’ve ever seen before,” Falcon told the crowd.

His experience in one of the most famous Christian sites, the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, convinced him that everyone needs to drop their sense of “possession” when it comes to religious places.

He mused that the keys to the church ultimately had to be handed over to a Muslim family.

“They became focused on their own survival and their own expansion,” added Falcon. “The forms we create to support us in meeting the sacred become more important than meeting the sacred.”

Just as al-Qaeda's tyrannical puritanism sparked a backlash among the very Sunnis they claimed to be defending in Iraq, so is Taliban violence against Pakistan's Sufi community provoking its adherents to fight back.

The dominant form of Sunni Islam among Pakistan's non-Pashtun population is the Barelvi movement, which accommodates many of the rites and practices of Sufism. But the Taliban deem Sufism — particularly its veneration of saints and its devotional singing and dancing — a heresy, and militants have bombed dozens of Sufi shrines and killed hundreds of worshippers since 2005.

That onslaught has prompted adherents of the typically nonviolent and politically quiescent sect to begin preparing for battle.

A major turning point in Sufi attitudes came with the twin suicide bombings in July of Lahore's revered Data Darbar shrine, one of the oldest Muslim shrines on the subcontinent. Forty-two people were killed and 180 wounded in a night of carnage. Now, Pakistan's Barelvis are mobilizing to fight back against the extremists, but not with arms.

"We're thankful to them, those who started destroying things like the shrines, because they forced us to wake up, come together and confront them, God willing," says Sayyed Safdar Shah Gilani, a Sufi cleric and the central chief organizer of the Sunni Ittehad Council (SIC). "We [have been] compelled to come out on the streets."

The SIC, a grouping of Barelvi organizations, was formed in May last year "to fight the growing Talibanization" of Pakistan. At its launch, it included eight parties; today it comprises 60 and counting.

On the opposite side of the ideological divide is the minority but politically vocal Deobandi Sunni Islamic sect (named after the movement's original seminary in Deoband, India). Its adherents follow a hard-line, Saudi-inspired version of Islam that is increasingly associated with the Taliban and other allied militant groups in both Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Many Barelvi clerics, who have traditionally shunned politics, have realized that they need a direct voice in parliament, and plan to field candidates in the next general election. But the polls are years away, and until then, the council plans a nationwide campaign to politically engage its followers and raise awareness about the evils of Taliban ideology.

The centerpiece of this campaign will be a "long march" protest, starting in Islamabad on Nov. 27 and winding its way through Punjab to the Data Darbar shrine two days later.

Hundreds of thousands of people are expected to join the procession, signaling to Pakistan's entrenched politicians the emergence of a new opposition movement.

Despite its ambitions, the new movement is politically untested. Religious parties traditionally garner about 5% to 6% of the ballot, says Hasan-Askari Rizvi, a political and military analyst in Lahore.

"These groups can mobilize people on a religious call, but when it comes to getting votes, religious considerations aren't the only ones on people's minds," he says. Still, he adds, they can agitate and make life difficult for the government even if that ability doesn't translate into legislation.

The new assertiveness from the Barelvis is part of a larger battle over Pakistan's Islamic identity. And it will inevitably become a target for further sectarian violence.

"The people, they have seen their future now," says Ragheb Naeemi, the principal of Jamia Naeemia, a prominent Punjabi madrasah, and a member of the SIC. The 37-year-old cleric's father, Sarfraz Naeemi, was assassinated in his office at the madrasah by a suicide bomber last year for his anti-Taliban fatwas. His son is determined to continue his father's campaign.

"We were away from the scene and other parties were on the scene, but now the scenario will change, people are motivated."

Among other demands, the SIC seeks a ban on incendiary Deobandi literature, a clampdown on banned extremist groups that have merely changed their names but continue operating unmolested by the authorities, and the monitoring of Pakistanis who have fought in Afghanistan. It also wants stronger police and judicial action against terror suspects, and the establishment of a police unit to root out officers suspected of helping terrorists evade security measures at shrines and other places.

The new movement also hopes to eradicate extremist Saudi religious influence in Pakistan. Salman Ali, 24, a law student and one of the SIC's two youth officers, was at Data Darbar on that fateful night in July, and since then has taken his antiextremism message to colleges, high schools and universities across the country.

"I tell them that the Saudi school of thought, the Wahhabi school of thought, is promoting terrorism in Pakistan. More than the dollar, the riyal is destroying Pakistan, and now the people are realizing this," he says. Dressed in slim-fitting black jeans, a tailored black shirt and a sharp black velvet jacket, Ali says he and others like him are "the real Pakistanis," not "the Deobandis and Wahhabis who are representing Pakistan all over the world."

Organizers of the march expect extremist attacks on their protest and have hired private security guards to pat down participants. Unlike the Iraqi sheiks of the Awakening movement who met violence with violence, most of Pakistan's Sufis have refused to take up arms.

"Everyone knows that definitely something bad will happen in the long march, but we are going," says Ali. "And if we have to go to God, we will go. But now we have to fight for our country, for the peaceful face of our religion. We are ready for it."

For a minute I thought we were going to have a punch-up at the holiest Muslim shrine in the legendary Silk Road trading town of Kashgar.

We were standing in a respectful silence in the Apak Hoja Tomb, honouring a revered Sufi saint and listening as his story was told by our guide, Abdul, a Uighur Muslim.

Suddenly, in burst a Han Chinese tour party, led by a young woman shouting over her portable loudspeaker system.

The peace of the tranquil chamber was shattered; we couldn't hear what Abdul was saying and I could see him and the other Uighurs present getting irritated.

Eventually, he went over to the noisy guide, pulled out her microphone and said something in a voice of quiet anger. The young woman shouted back and her group seemed inclined to join in.Several of the Uighurs moved behind Abdul and whispered vehemently in support. Tension rose and I got ready to take a photo and run. But then the young woman nodded and peace returned to the holy place.

The shrine, Abdul explained, was actually built by Apak in 1640 as a burial place for his father, Yusup Hoja, who came to Kashgar from Uzbekistan to preach Sufism, the mystical strain of Islam.

It has a distinctive look because the exterior is covered in green tiles while the grave markers are sheathed in flowered tiles brought especially from Uzbekistan.

"The father is buried here," Abdul said, pointing to a grave marker with green flower tiles."But it is known for Hoja because his fame was greater."

Hoja continued his father's Sufi work but also became a local ruler, remembered fondly by his subjects. When he died in 1693, he was also buried in the shrine and it was renamed in his honour.

But just as Apak's fame has eclipsed that of his father, the saint's memory has been overtaken outside Sufi circles by a granddaughter, Iparhan.

There are various versions of her story but the one Abdul told was that she was the wife of a Muslim rebel captured by troops of the Quianlong emperor and was taken to Beijing as booty.

The emperor fell in love with her great beauty, especially the natural fragrance of her body, so she became his favourite concubine, earning the name Xiangfei or Fragrant Concubine.

When she died, the emperor allowed her body to be taken back to her family, in a journey which took three years.

Today at the Apak Hoja Tomb there is also a preaching hall, built in 1637, for the Hojas to spread the Sufi message, a later mosque and a huge Muslim graveyard.

Pilgrims still come from far afield to pay their respects to the saint.

"It is," said Abdul, "an important place of pilgrimage for Sufis. Coming here seven times is equal to making the haj to Mecca."

But the shrine is increasingly known as the Tomb of the Fragrant Concubine - such is the nature of celebrity. It was almost certainly her resting place that the noisy Chinese tour party had come to see.

[Click on the title to the original article and traveling informations (ed.)]

Picture: The Apak Hoja Tomb in Kashgar, China, makes the area an important site for Sufis. Photo: Jim Eagles

Tuesday, November 16, 2010

Shalom/Salaam: A Story of a Mystical Fraternity, by Thomas Block, introduces the virtually unknown story of Sufi (Islamic mystical) influence on the development of Jewish mysticism.

From the inception of Islam (c. 630) to the Golden Age (8th-12th centuries) Jewish-Sufis of Arabia, North Africa and Spain, through the Kabbalists in Spain and the Holy Land, and then into 18th-century European Hasidism, Sufi ideas were at first knowingly and later unwittingly woven into the Jewish mystical quilt.

Even today, vestiges of this influence continue to reverberate in the living practice of Judaism.

More than just a historical work, this book provides a fresh perspective on the social, religious and political issues that have complicated Jewish-Muslim relations since the founding of Israel. By popularizing this little-known tale of mutual respect and spiritual love, a narrative of peace – so unusual in these difficult times in the Middle East – can begin to resonate between these children of Abraham.

“Block’s evident enthusiasm for the revelation of these common roots as a way forward for Muslim-Jewish relations propels this great read.”

Block, a Jew, independent scholar, and “citizen-diplomat,” spent more than 10 years researching and uncovering the hidden links between the mystical systems within Islam and Judaism, expressed in Sufism and Kabbalah, respectively. In what he believes is the only book on the topic, Block demonstrates the influence of Sufism on historic and modern Kabbalah and even Judaism, assembling and juxtaposing a variety of sources.

Seminal medieval figures in Kabbalah (whom Block affectionately refers to as “Jewish-Sufi” and whom he profiles throughout) looked to Sufi themes and attitudes for “innovation” in their own practice—so successfully that some hymns sung in synagogues today, among other practices, are clearly Islamic in origin.

An entire chapter devoted to Spanish Jewish Kabbalists’ usage of Sufism describes the glory of the multifaith, historic Cordoba and Arab Spain of the eighth through 15th centuries, where Jews participated as equals in the Muslim-run state. Block’s evident enthusiasm for the revelation of these common roots as a way forward for Muslim-Jewish relations propels this great read.

Monday, November 15, 2010

Mrigya is an exciting new Indian group based in Delhi. On their debut album, titled The Composition of World Harmony, Mrigya mixes captivating Indian classical and folk music as well as Hindustani and Sufi vocals with rock guitar hero virtuosity and even some funk.

The group’s leading instruments are the violin, the electric guitar and passionate vocals.

Band members include Sharat Chandra Srivastava on violin; Gyan Singh on tabla, dholak and mridangam; Rajat Kakkar on drums and percussion; Indraneel Hariharan on bass guitar; Sachin Kapoor on keyboards; Karan Sharma on guitars; Qadir Niyazi on Sufi vocals; and Sukriti Sen on Hindustani vocals.

Even though the band has been around for nearly ten years, The Composition of World Harmony came out this year (2010).

The best cuts are ones where the violin solos and the vocals plays a leading role.

The Indian essence is palpable in pieces like the opening cut ‘Ganga,’ which was the bands first composition and reflects the band’s philosophy. It is based on the raga ‘Jog.’

‘Procession’ begins with mesmerizing Hindustani Vedic chants and later drifts into Sufi devotional vocals. The piece was inspired by regrettable events that took place in India, such as the riots in Gujarat in 2002. It is a prayer for peace, fusing chants form the sacred Rig-Veda with a muezzins’s azaan (call to prayer).

Other standout cuts are the love song “Mitwa” based on the viraha rasa and the stunning “Deccan’, which is dedicated to the Deccan Queen Train, which connects Mumbai with Pune. This pieces combines Raga Yaman with Mrigya’s spectacular fusion work.

The Composition of World Harmony is Indian fusion of the highest caliber.

Sunday, November 14, 2010

Conference: The Sacred Path of Love :
Finding God in the Times of Tribulations

Singapore, Sultan Mosque Auditorium
4th & 5th December 2010

This conference seeks to address the role of spirituality in the life of a Muslim and how a Muslim can seek peace and happiness through returning to the spiritual path while being a contributing member of society and performing their daily activities.

Habib Kazim said the Sacred path of Love conference comes at the right time. Today many muslims are in the state of depression and are suffering from many setback. This is because we had forgotten the Islamic spirituality and we need to realize the important of having a spiritual guide. Although we are praying 5 times a day, paying zakat, fasting ramadhan as this is the foundation but the souls need more than this.

You can choose either to purchase ticket directly at Wardah Books (bussorah st) & make payment there , or you can do an ATM transfer to our POSB savings account: Once you've made the transfer, SMS me (Khalid) at 9068 7106. Do keep the receipt of your ATM transfer just in case. Once we've confirmed receipt of the payment, we will issue you a confirmation number. Print out the e-mail with the confirmation number and bring it on that day.When you come to the conference on that day, you will need to produce this print-out.

We hope you will benefit from this conference, insya'Allah and look forward to having you there.
For any enquiries please email me at khalid@soutilaahi.com or call me +65 90687106

Karachi: Shrines in Pakistan are spectacles of devotional singing and dancing, colorful garlands, and decorative tokens of vows to Sufi saints, often festive spots for families to gather and devotees to perform. But under increasing threat by Al Qaeda-linked militants, they have also become danger zones.

More than 70 suicide attacks at shrines have killed hundreds of worshipers in Pakistan since 2005, but the attacks have escalated recently, and the revelry has been increasingly replaced by metal detectors, paramilitary troops, and shrapnel.

In October alone, the Pakistani Taliban were believed to have been behind the deaths of some 17 pilgrims and the injuring of 100 more in separate bombings in two cities.

The motivation for these attacks might get lost in international headlines, but they are an indication of the brewing cultural war for the direction of Islam in Pakistan.

From Iraq to Pakistan

That war has crossed borders. Attacks by militants on Shiite shrines in Iraq, it is believed, began as a way to exploit Shiite Sunni sectarianism. Since then, shrine attacks have been used in Pakistan by Al Qaeda-linked militants to edge out both moderate Sunnis and devout Shiites and push a militant-approved version of Islam on Pakistan, say analysts.

"They want to capture the country by imposing their militant ideology. They want to silence the [dissenting, moderate] voices by eliminating them. They want to frighten common men," says Lahore-based analyst and leading historian Mubarak Ali.

Who's who

Behind this extremist push are two strict branches of Sunni Islam: the Wahhabis and Deobandis. Members of Al Qaeda, the Afghan Taliban, and the Pakistani Taliban all generally belong to one of these though they hail from different countries. Both sects take a literalist approach to Islamic texts, are widely considered extremist, and view visiting shrines and worshipping saints as heresy.

The Wahhabi is the dominant faith in Saudi Arabia, while the Deobandi, a similar sect, is found in Pakistan and India. During the 1980s, Deobandis and the Wahhabis linked to help then-military ruler Zia-ul-Haq counter Shiite influence in the wake of the Iranian revolution.

They helped establish thousands of fundamentalist madrasas, mostly run by the religious political party Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam all over the country. It is believed that Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar revitalized the links between the two groups during the current Afghan war.

Road block to extremism?

Sufis and moderate Sunnis belonging to the looser Barelvi school of thought, meanwhile, are the main roadblock for these stricter versions of Islam to establish hegemony in Pakistan. Barelvis believe in the linked and broken chain of spiritual leaders, reaching ultimately to the prophet Muhammad, who intercedes on their behalf with Allah.

Particularly infuriating for the Taliban is that the Barelvis are putting up a fight against a militant-approved Islam. Moderate Sunnis belonging to the Barelvi sect have formed an alliance against the Taliban and have been active in protesting the growing Talibanization and militant Islamism for the past year.

"Sufism is a way of life in Pakistan for centuries, unlike decades-old Islamic fundamentalism or militant Islam," says Syed Munir Shah, a Sufi scholar. "They [militant Islamists] want to rule the world by guns and we [Sufis] try to rule the hearts and souls by spreading a message of peace and religious harmony. Sufism is the strongest shield against the militant face of Islam." Still, the shrine attacks are aimed at polarizing Pakistani society, say experts. And militant organizations appear to be stepping it up.

Sectarian violence

Indeed, in addition to such earlier targets as Western institutions, the Pakistani Army, and security agencies advancing the war on terror, Al Qaeda and the Pakistani Taliban have homed in on Islamic practices of which they disapprove.

The biggest shrine in Islamabad, Bari Imam, was attacked in 2005, killing 30. Since then, big shrines in Peshawar, Lahore, and Karachi have also been targeted, among others across the country.

In December 2008, a spiritual leader named Pir Samiullah belonging to the Barelvi sect, along with seven colleagues, was killed by Taliban militants in Swat Valley for dissenting. His followers buried him, but the Taliban exhumed his body and hanged it publicly. "Fighting us is like negation of [the] Quran," the then-Taliban commander was quoted as saying.

Playing off mixed feelings about US intentions in the region, Al Qalam, a publication of banned militant outfit Jaish-e-Mohammed, recently warned of Americans donating dollars to strengthen the Barelvi school.

"They [the US] want to use the successors of shrines as their partners to counter jihadis.… This is an attempt to destabilize Pakistan as Americans are holding secret meetings with them … it is conspiracy against not just the Mujahideen but also against Pakistan."

Picture: A woman mourns the death of her husband who was killed by an explosion a day earlier -on Oct. 26. - at the Shrine of Sufi Saint Fareed Shakar Ganj, in Pak Pattan, located in Punjab province- Photo: Faisal Mahmood/Reuters.

Bengal like many other lands does not possess sufficient records of her internal affairs before the fifteenth century. She is also unfortunate in not having any history of thought movements which in all probability started emerging with the advent of Islam from the thirteenth century.

So, to find out the earliest age when Sufism was introduced into Bengal, we observed that Sufism in Bengal was the continuation of Sufism in Northern India, and that the eleventh century AD was the probable time when Sufism was first introduced into India.

In that connection we may mention two names of Sufis - Shah Sultan Rumi who came to Mymensingh in 1053 AD and Baba Adam who came to Dhaka in 1119 AD. As far as we know, the earliest historical Sufi, who came to Bengal after the two afore-mentioned solitary figures, was Shayekh Jalaluddin Tabrizi in 1225 AD.

From the beginning of the thirteenth up to the fourteenth centuries, the Sufis of Northern India predominated over the Sufis of Bengal. During this time, their (Northern Indian Sufis') deputies were sent to the Bengali people. It is generally said that establishment of Muslim rule was instrumental in bringing the faith of Islam and its civilisation in this country. This statement is only partially true but it was Sufis who were the real torch-bearers of Islamic faith in Bengal. Their real influence on Bengal began to be continuously felt from the very inception of the thirteenth century AD.

There may be a question, impelled by what motives the Sufis of Northern India and other foreign countries first turned their attention to Bengal? We do not exactly know. But, it can be precisely said that intention of preaching their faith - Islam -among unbelievers was the main aim which impelled them to leave their hearth and home for Bengal. With this view they came to our country often quite alone and preached Islam throughout their lives under circumstances. The earliest Sufis' attempts to proselytism began under very unfavourable circumstances: the country was under the rule of Hindu ruler. It is, therefore, interesting to mention here a few causes that contributed to the success of the proselytising mission of the Sufis.

Firstly, indomitable zeal, uncommon piety and widely believed miracles possessed by the Sufis of the thirteenth up to the sixteenth centuries AD were the first group of causes of the success of Sufi mission in Bengal. Their zeal was so great that it was not curbed or cheeked by personal losses, regal tyranny and even assassination. They all led a very pious and simple life; comfort and pleasures of life they shunned and all kinds of worldly bonds they cut off. In this way, they dedicated their lives for the cause of Islam and for the service of humanity.

Secondly, permanent establishment of Muslim rule in Bengal and the liberal and munificent patronage extended to the Sufis by the sultans were the other causes that contributed to the success of the Sufi proselytising in Bengal.

Thirdly, at the time when Sufis came over to this country Buddhism and Hinduism were two prominent religions of Bengal. During the time of Palas kingdom, Buddhism was the state religion. After the ruin of Buddhist kingdom, Hindu Sen dynasty established their kingdom. The followers of Buddhist religion were suppressed and oppressed by Hindu king. They were bound to convert in Hindu faith. Among the Hindu followers were four types viz Brahman, Khaitrya, Baisshya and Sudra. The lower types of Hindus were oppressed by higher type.

While the social and religious condition of the people was such, the Sufis came here carrying with them the message of Islam. Islam is ever famous for its strong monotheistic belief in God, and for its theoretical and practical teachings of universal brotherhood. Islam sufficiently possesses those qualities which can easily satisfy spiritual cravings of the masses. When the continuous activities of the Sufis, their inherent qualities, were made familiar to the masses, who were already groaning under social tyranny and sufferings from the agony of spiritual yearnings of soul, they gathered round the saintly preachers known as the Sufis and readily changed their old faith to the new one.

The Muslims hardly made any distinction between a convert Muslim and a born Muslim.

Only the change of faith at once offered the masses a golden opportunity to raise their social status to the status of their rulers, the Muslims, and to satisfy their hearts by the adoption of a simple and easily understandable creed like Islam.

During the period of Indian predominance over the Muslims of Bengal, a number of Sufi orders and sub-orders were introduced into Bengal. Among these orders Suhrawardi order of India had the credit to be the first Sufi order that was introduced to Bengal by Shayekh Jalaluddin Tabarizi in 1225 AD. He came to Bengal just on the eve of the Turkish conquest of this country. He converted a number of Hindus mostly belonging to lower castes. The last Hindu king built for him a mosque and a khanqah at Pandua but we exactly do not know, whether he left any reputed spiritual successor behind him.

The next great saint of this order was Makhdum Jahaniya Mujarrad-i-yamani.

In the wake of Suhrawardi order, Chisti Sufis entered into Bengal to preach Islam. The first Sufi of this order was Shayekh Fariduddin Shakarganj in 1296 AD. His field of activities was in Eastern Bengal. When he was preaching in Eastern Bengal, another saint of this order named Abdullah Kirmani was active in Western part of Bengal.

The third great saint of this order was Shayekh Akhi Sirajuddin Badayuni in 1357 AD. He was sent to Bengal by his spiritual guide Nizamuddin Awliya of Delhi for an avowed intention of propagating Islam in this country. When he died, he left behind him a long line of spiritual successors, who led aloft the banner of the Chisti order in Bengal for generation to come.

The Naqshibandi order of Indian Saints first came to Bengal during the lifetime of Mujadded-i-alf Sani. The first Sufi of this order who was introduced into Bengal was Shayekh Hamid Danishmand. The influence of the Naqshibandi on the Muslims of Bengal is of very recent origin, beginning only from the seventeenth century AD.

The next and probably the last order was the order of the Qadiri. The earliest Sufi belonging to this order was Hazrat Shah Qamis. He made many disciples in different parts of the country and his followers are known as Qamisiyah Dervishes. On his death, he was succeeded by Sayyed Abdur Razzaq.

These are the chief orders that were successively introduced into Bengal by the Sufis of the Northern India. Sufism of Bengal is a continuation of Sufism in Northern India.

Taking the general line of Sufi thought into consideration we may classify the Sufis into the following periods:

Early period: Duration of this period was from twelfth century to fourteenth century AD. This was the period of the spread of Islam in Bengal from Northern India. Almost all the Sufis of Bengal belonging to this age were the disciples of Suhrawardi and Chisti Sufi order.

Middle period: Duration of this period was from fifteenth century to seventeenth century AD. This was a period of steady consolidation of Muslim thought and of gradual accommodation of local influence in Bengal. The stimulating political atmosphere created by the independent sultans of Bengal gave ample opportunities to Sufis to settle down permanently in various parts of the country and to come in close contact with the people. Another feature of this period was involvement of Bengali Sufis in the politics of the country.

Third period: This period was from eighteenth century to nineteenth century AD. From the latter part of the middle period signs did not want to prognosticate the early advent of this period. It was a period of decay and corrosion and of moral and spiritual degradation of the Bengali Sufis. The whole religious life of the Bengali Muslims was thoroughly affected by the environment under which it was living. The practice of Pir-murshidi was so much accentuated during this period that the whole mystic creed of the Sufis had to give way to it. Muslims began to believe that initiation to a Pir is absolutely binding on them. Such a belief gradually gave birth to a polytheistic devotion in the minds of the people and they began to give votive offerings to Pirs dead or alive.

After observing history we find four centres of Sufi activities:

Veranda centre: It is located in Maldah, Dinajpur, Rangpur, Purnima, Rajmahal and its surrounding places. This is the most important centre of Bengalis with regard to the history of its saints. It seems that the activities of the first Muslim preachers in this tract are chronicled more satisfactorily than of those in other tracts. The Sufis of this centre enhanced the prestige of the Muslims of Bengal by their piety, education, culture and activities. Most prominent Sufis of this centre are Shayekh Jalaluddin Tabarizi, Shayekh Akhi Sirajuddin Badayni, Shayekh Alauddin, Shayekh Nuruddin Qutb, Shayekh Hisam Uddin, Shayekh Rada Biyabani, Shayekh Khalil, Shayekh Shah, Shayekh Niamatullah and Shah Ismail.

Vanga centre: It is located in Mymensingh, Pabna, Bogra, Rajshahi, Dhaka, Faridpur and Barisal. From the chronological point of view, this seems to be the most ancient centre among all the Sufi centres of Bengal. Non-Indian Sufi activities are traditionally traceable in this centre from a time as early as the eleventh century AD. The number of the Sufis of this centre is a large one. From the fourteenth century AD Sufis from Northern India and many other parts of the country, began to flock to this part of Bengal. Most prominent Sufis of this centre were Shah Sultan Balkhi, Shah Sultan Rumi, Baba Adam Shahid, Shah Dawlah Shahid, Shah Jalal, Sayyidul Arifin, Shah Makhdum and Shah Ali Baghdadi.

Chattala centre: It is situated in Chittagong, Tippera, Noakhali and Sylhet. The main point of this centre was the district Chittagong, which is traditionally known as the land of twelve awliyas. Amongst these twelve awliyas, Pir Barad is generally regarded as the first and the greatest awliya, who brought the message of Islam to this remote area of Bengal. It is almost certain that twelve Sufis did not came to Chittagong together; they came to the district either in group of two or three or one by one in intervals. Most prominent Sufis of this centre were Pir Badar, Bayzid Bostami, Baba Fariduddin, Shah Badruddin, Shah Muhsin, Shah Pir, Shah Umar, Shah Badl, Chand Awliya and Shah Muakkil.

Now easily we may conclude that Sufi history in Bengal started in the eleventh century AD. It was truly a pious attempt of preaching Islam. The earliest Sufis of Bengal were so much intelligent. They observed the situation truly and preached Islam under rough circumstances. But at the age of eighteenth century, when Sufis were politically patronised, the real picture of Sufi movement was demolished. Implicit polytheism had taken place with Pir-murshidi concept.

Peace, tolerance, and humanity are the fundamental values of Sufi thought, while violence and intolerance are the hallmarks of religious extremism. Islamic militants in Pakistan view the country’s native Sufi traditions as a major impediment to the imposition of their extremist religious agenda. The result has been a relentless assault on Sufi shrines from the Peshawar Valley to the plains of Punjab to the shores of the Arabian Sea.

Taliban militants have attacked every religious, social, and cultural institution that does not fit within their narrow interpretation of religion, from village schools and other educational establishments to centuries-old shrines and landmarks. The shrine of legendary Pashtun Sufi poet Abdurrahman Baba was destroyed. The shrine of Sufi saint Syed Ali Tirmizi (aka Pir Baba) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa was desecrated. Suicide bombers struck the shrines of Hazrat Data Ganj Bakhsh, Baba Farid, and Abdullah Shah Ghazi in the Punjab and Sindh Provinces.

The message sent by these attacks is clear – nothing is respected or sacred to the Taliban and other extremists, and nothing outside their narrow ideological framework can be tolerated.

In 2007, Taliban militants bombed an ancient statue of Buddha in Swat Valley. I asked the local Taliban leader, Maulan Fazlullah, why. “We want to remove all symbols of the infidels,” he answered bluntly. A few months later, Fazlullah’s gang burnt down the mausoleum of 15-century mystic Pir Baba in neighboring Buner Valley. Although there is a world of difference between a statue of Buddha and the shrine of a Sufi mystic, both were icons of love, peace, and tolerance. Hence, both were the same in the eyes of the militants.

Scholars of Islamic philosophy such as Qasim Mehmod argue that killing innocent people and destroying shrines because of religious differences violates Islamic law and disgraces Islam generally. In Pakistan, the use of violence to resolve religious differences is a new and frightening phenomenon. Sufi shrines are not only holy places, but also cultural centers where people from all classes and walks of life have traditionally congregated to find spiritual and aesthetic satisfaction, to express their sense of community, and to find meaning in their lives.

Many experts see this as a war against a century-old cultural identity that is now being threatened with extinction -- a possibility fraught with dangerous socio-cultural consequences for the entire country.

Rajwali Shah Khattak, an expert on Pashtun culture and director of the Pashtu Academy in Peshawar, argues that “attacks on shrines not only remind us of the religious polarization in our society, the important point is it is a campaign against the culture of tolerance in the region.”

Societal Repercussions

The cultural dislocation created by this assault in south and central Punjab, the urban centers of Sindh Province, and in the tribal belt along the Pakistan-Afghanistan border has left many young men vulnerable to recruitment by militants. The Sufi creed that peace and glory can only be achieved by being at peace with yourself and your community is being superseded by an extremist dogma that glory can be achieved in the hereafter by sacrificing oneself in the name of religion.

The rising tide of religious militancy cannot be stemmed by military operations alone. The Taliban’s cultural assault comes at a time when youths are already in despair after years of neglect, bad governance, and official indifference to the real problems of the people. The new generation has no vision of a peaceful, prosperous future for themselves or their country.

My friends say we are fighting a war against terror and urge the world to help with military and economic aid. But while these billions of dollars can erect some buildings or buy more destructive weapons, they cannot cure the spiritual crisis that is eroding the very soul of our society. Pakistan’s 35 million youths want education and opportunity, but they also need a productive connection to the past and a realistic vision for the future.

The journey to temporal and spiritual glory begins within oneself. Our saints have armed us with teachings and examples that can immunize us against jingoism, extremism, and obscurantism. They presented a vision of an inclusive, pluralistic, and peaceful society based on universal human values.

As Abdurrahman Babi, the mystic poet of the Pashtuns, wrote: “We are all one body. Whoever tortures another, wounds himself.”

A distinction must be made between making an argument for universal, non-discriminatory and inclusive human rights with the help of some Islamic moral and ethical principles and, on the other hand, creating an argument for an Islamic package of human rights which, despite all the rhetoric about universalism, remain culturally limited

Ahmed Ali Khalid’s op-ed, ‘Revisiting Islam and human rights’ (Daily Times, October 13, 2010), is a very welcome contribution to the debate on the relationship between Islam and human rights. He asserts that in highly religious societies such as Pakistan, secular humanism and rationalism on which the current package of universal human rights is based lacks proper anchorage. Therefore, one needs to finds a basis for them within an Islamic cultural framework.

He proposes a revival of the Mu’tazilite standpoint to justify human rights. I think this is an interesting proposition. Students of classic Islamic history would recall that the era of conquest and expansion of the Umayyad caliphate (661-750 AD) was superseded by a period of consolidation under the early Abbasids (roughly 750-900). During their heyday, culture and science flourished. The court of Abbasid caliphs was studded with a galaxy of original thinkers, and the atmosphere was enlightened and tolerant. As a result, different schools of thought could debate with considerable freedom perennial theological and philosophical questions about the nature of God, revelation, reason, free will and so on.

The Asharites represented the literalist tradition, which upheld an anthropomorphist conception of God, suggesting that nothing happened in this world without His knowledge and approval, and things were good or bad because God had said so and not because they could be evaluated on some rational basis. In sharp contrast, the Mu’tazila presented the natural law school that assumed that the moral value of an act could be determined through the exercise of independent human reason. Such an approach affirmed the moral value of all human beings and their ability, regardless of faith, to comprehend basic values of right and wrong.

In the longer run, the Asharite school prevailed and the Mu’tazila were sidelined. After the sacking of Baghdad by the Mongols in 1258, advocates of free will and universal human reason were in short supply. Neo-Asharites, ranging from traditional Muslims to the fundamentalists, came to dominate Muslim societies. In the contemporary period too, neo-Asharite mode of thinking prevails in both Sunni and Shia societies, though the original elements that constituted the Asharite and Mu’tazilite standpoints are forgotten. The heroic efforts of the indefatigable Dr Riffat Hassan and of Dr Javed Iqbal, besides the Islamic Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1981), are cases in point of the neo-Asharite thinking and argumentation.

I have no problem in endorsing the project that Mr Khalid has in mind. There is, however, a trap that one must avoid even with a neo-Mu’tazila approach. A distinction must be made between making an argument for universal, non-discriminatory and inclusive human rights with the help of some Islamic moral and ethical principles and, on the other hand, creating an argument for an Islamic package of human rights which, despite all the rhetoric about universalism, remain culturally limited.

Certain axioms underpin the contemporary theory of human rights. First, human rights are universal. It means that each and every individual, regardless of ethnicity, race, gender, sexuality, age, religion, political conviction or type of government, can claim them. Second, human rights are incontrovertible. It means that they are absolute and intrinsic to human nature. Third, human rights are subjective. It means that individuals possess them because of their capacity for rationality, agency and autonomy. In short, human rights are human rights precisely because they are prior to culture or geography or history.

On the other hand, the recognition of human rights as inalienable legal claims had to wait till our own times because the opposition that could be mustered against them in the name of race, religion, caste, sect, gender, sexuality and so on, had to demolished intellectually and morally. That task was completed in the 20th century, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (1948) and subsequent treaties and conventions represent that universal consciousness. The tragedy is that even when such a consensus was achieved, human rights were politicised during the Cold War. In the post-Cold War period, calls for Hindu, Buddhist, Asian and most loudly Islamic human rights have been heard. These culturally relativistic positions on human rights are mostly formulated to oppose the UDHR.

It is a misunderstanding that human rights are simply a derivative of western civilisation. If that were true, the world would not have witnessed the wars of religion, persecution of minority sects, and atypical ethnic and racial groups, the two world wars, Nazism and fascism and the Holocaust that emerged within that civilisation. On the other hand, a connection between cosmopolitan ideas and movements from the ancient period, the development of liberal and socialist thought in the modern period and the overall advances in democratic government within western civilisation have most certainly contributed to the evolution of universal human rights.

In all civilizations, there are forces that represent tribalism and forces that represent humanism. Orthodox Hinduism with its fixed caste hierarchy represents the tribal exclusiveness of the Indo-European tribes that conquered the Indian subcontinent and subjugated the indigenous peoples of this region. The caste system embodies that tribalism. On the other hand, the Bhakti movement and other anti-caste cults that evolved in our region represent universalism and humanism. Similarly, within the Islamic civilization, the Mu’tazila and the rebel Sufis represent humanism and universalism. Mainstream Sunnism and Shiaism are expressions of tribalism and exclusivity.

Keeping these things in mind, one can indeed invoke Mu’tazila and Sufi arguments to justify universal, non-discriminatory human rights. There is already a very rich heritage available in the Punjabi, Seraiki and Sindhi Sufi literatures, which can be invoked to develop an argument for Muslims to live in peace with others, believers and non-believers, as long as they obey the law, pay the taxes and render their duties as required by the law.

In other words, it would be a truly creative contribution if a set of arguments can be derived from within Islam to justify the current package of universal human rights. Neo-Mu’tazila and Sufi arguments will have to be updated in the light of the overall advances in our knowledge about human beings, the nature of modern economies and the dynamics of contemporary politics. On the other hand, to propose an alternative, culturally specific Islamic package of human rights would defeat the philosophy and purpose underlying human rights.

The writer is a Professor Emeritus of Political Science, Stockholm University. He is also Honorary Senior Fellow of the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore. He can be reached at billumian@gmail.com

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