writing as i think, thinking as i write

THE owner of majority shares in the Dowans Holding SA and Dowans Tanzania Ltd, Brigadier General (rtd) Sulaiman Mohammed Yahya Al-Adawi, flew from Oman (where he resides) to Dar es Salaam Tanzania for an emergency meeting with the media and the government concerning his multimillion power project currently involved in political and legal controversies. He met selected media at Kilimanjaro Kempinski hotel, and issued a statement (see attached slides)

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, followed by questions from journalists. I found the following to be quotable quotes from Mr. Al-Adawi:

1. “I am here to find a happy resolution, a business decision. I am ready to offer something nice to Tanesco if it works out.”

2. “I don’t want to be known. I am a low-profile businessman. I walk free here i…n Dar es Salaam, and no one knows I own Dowans.”

3. “Rostam Azizi is a friend of mine. He invited me to come and invest here, but he didn’t put in any cent in the project.”

4. “I have businesses in 12 countries allover the world. I can’t go and represent myself in every country. That’s why I gave Rostam power of attorney.”

5. “We have not been tarnished, but we have been mixed up with something else (Richmond)”

6. “I do not need to be cleared by anyone; my electricity here will clear me.”Tazama Zaidi

Tanzania’s president, Jakaya Kikwete, collapsed today at a public rally when launching his presidential campaigns in search for a second term in office. This incident took place at Jangwani grounds in Dar es Salaam, as the incumbent cut short his speech and fell in the hands of his aides behind him. The crowd stood still as he was carried and rushed for first-aid, and then returned after 20 minutes to close his speech without any political pomps. This was his third time in five years. The last time he collapsed it was in October 2009; when his aides cited fatigue as reason for the embarassment.

Something is seriously wrong with the government of Tanzania, in the way it regards and treats journalism. It is becoming increasingly bitter with critical journalists; and this time around, as we prepare for the 2010 general election, I have become a victim of the government’s threats.

A few days ago, I received secret information about the government’s sinister moves against me and other journalists who criticise the president. By the way, the president is vying for the second term in office this year. Five days after the warning, my office received a ‘confidential’ letter from the office of registar of newspapers. It was summoning the managing editor to report to the registrar’s office to discuss the government’s concerns about my article: “nani atajivunia rais mwoga, asiyejiamini?” which translates to “who could be proud of a timid, inconfident president?”. The article had been published in Tanzania Daima newspaper, on August 8, 2010 under my column Maswali Magumu (Tough Questions), addressing the president’s resistance to take part in a planned public debate for presidential candidates.

In the letter, the managing editor was stricly advised to ‘take me with him’ to the registrar’s office. There we were, on Monday August 16, 2010, at 2.00 pm. Unfortunately for them, my most immediate article published the previous day was even more disturbing to the government. Its headline went “JK bado hafikirii kushindwa?” meaning “Is JK still not considering defeat?” JK is an acronym for Jakaya Kikwete, Tanzania’s president. The article was meant to encourage election losers to accept defeat gracefully; and it quoted JK saying, in 2005, that he wasn’t in the race for defeat.

So, these two articles became a subject of discussion in the registrar’s office. Around the table were the registrar, Clement Mshana, assistant registrar Raphael Hokororo, an officer with the Tanzania Information Office (MAELEZO), Jovina; my managing editor, Absalom Kibanda and myself.

What transpired in the course of this ‘discussion’ confirmed the secret information I had obtained from my sources about the government’s malicious moves to deal with listed critical newspapers and journalists before elections. It was clear, the registrar was acting on instructions from Ikulu (state house). But one statement struck me. One of these government officers, who thought I was too harsh and becoming a hero for criticising the president, told me: “Remember, all the heroes are dead…”

A cross-section of Slaa supporters who turned up at a rally in Moshi, Kilimanjaro, on August 5, 2010

TANZANIA’s most vibrant opposition legislator, Dr Willibrod Slaa, has become a political phenomenon since his party, Chadema, appointed him presidential candidate for the 2010 general election. An eloquent speaker, he is a crowd-puller, a smart orator, an enigmatic politician, a composed personality and, now people call him, the country’s ‘redemptor.’ He will be competing with five other contenders for the country’s top-most office – four from the opposition, one from the ruling party, CCM.

So far, they include Professor Ibrahim Lipumba of Civic United Front (CUF), Mutamwega Mugaywa of Tanzania Labour Party (TLP), Hashim Rungwe of National Convention for Construction and Reform (NCCR-Mageuzi), Christopher Mtikila of Democratic Party (DP), and incumbent Jakaya Kikwete of CCM.

Already, President Kikwete has expresses his fears, telling his party not to underrate the opposition. He was referring the current political wave caused by Dr. Slaa’s charisma. The just ended preliminaries in the ruling party have left it maimed. Groups of disgruntled losers are considering crossing over to Dr Slaa’s party. In some people’s eyes, CCM is slowly disintegrating and falling apart, as the opposition gains momentum.

Until his party officially endorses him, he is not yet a candidate. Official campaigns start on August 21, 2010. But he is the country’s most magnetic politician. Whatever the trend and outcome of the campaigns, there are obvious signs that Dr. Slaa’s popularity and charisma are changing and shaping Tanzania’s politics like never before.

And, come polling day, October 31, 2010, Tanzania’s political landscape will never be the same again, thanks to this phenomenon; the influence of the former Roman Catholic priest who once worked as secretary general for the Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC).

WHEN I wrote about coalition governments last year and suggested it would happen in Zanzibar, few people paid attention. Now it has happened – not through prediction but from political analysis. Zanzibaris have voted in a referendum to pave way for a government of national unity involving two major parties, CCM and CUF, that have practised the politics of rivarly for 15 years consecutively. It looks like a trend now: Kenya, Zimbabwe, UK and Zanzibar (Tanzania). Who is next?

It was said earlier on on this blog that Africa’s new trend of coalition governments from rigged elections would fail the continent’s politics.

What is happening in Kenya this week, with Prime Minister Raila Odinga and President Mwai Kibaki clashing over who has powers to discipline or sack ministers, is setting another precedent.

The point is, Odinga and Kibaki have never had a shared vision for Kenya. They are leading two opposing forces in the same government – in fact, two governments in one. And they will never come to agree because their government did not emanate from the people’s will. It was forced on them to quell ethnic clashes and killings which resulted from a stolen (rigged) election.

Raila and Kibaki just gave in to international pressure, but they never became one in spirit. And this will always happen whenever a losing incumbent sticks to the grips of power and invites the winner (as a second class partner) to form a government of national unity. Whether in Kenya, Zanzibar or Zimbabwe, such a government will collapse.

This news story is 18 months old, but it has had no space in mainstream media. That’s how it found its way to the blogosphere, where sifted stories can be published without fear or favour. Yes, Tanzanian journalists are trying to do their job but someone is seeking to savagely silence them. This story, old as it may seem to be, remains relevant today as it was 18 months ago; and it is published here for records purpose. Read on.

Tanzania Intelligence linked to media attack scam

MONDAY, 14, April, 2008: AN officer with the Tanzania Intelligence Service (TIS) in Dar es Salaam is being held in connection with the assault on editors at a weekly tabloid Mwanahalisi on 5th January this year but the police would not reveal his real identity.

Fifteen days of independent investigations in the port city of Dar es Salaam have confirmed Ferdinand Mwenda (alias Ferdinand Msepa alias Fredy), recently joined to a list of six alleged conspirators and attackers on editors at Mwanahalisi weekly tabloid, is a TIS employee.

The police, in a case that comes up for yet another mention today (Monday 14th April 2008), have identified him as a “businessman in Dar es Salaam.” But authoritative sources within the police force have it that the young man in his thirties is a middle cadre officer with TIS.

On 5th January 2008, at around 08.30 East African time, three young men stormed the offices of Mwanahalisi newspaper. At work were the publisher of the paper, Mr. Saed Kubenea and a prominent journalist, Mr. Ndimara Tegambwage who has been providing consulting services to a two-year-old newspaper for at least seven months now.

The TIS officer, first arrested on second day after the incident and released almost immediately, only to be re-arrested weeks later, is an alleged architect of the assault in which Mr. Tegambwage sustained a deep cut by a machete on the nape well close to his right ear while Mr. Kubenea had his eyes spilled with unidentified chemical stuff which inflamed them and immediately impaired his sight.

Police, suspects vs TIS

The arrest of a TIS-officer has been a real issue within the police force. While authority at TIS would not wish to have the man’s identity revealed, other suspects are said to have been complaining about their mentor remaining free as they stayed behind bars at a Dar es Salaam remand prison.

Fear to reveal the identity of the alleged architect of the assault stems from Tanzania President Jakaya Kikwete’s visit to victims at the Muhimbili National Hospital in the port city within hours of the attack. The biggest question intelligence officers have been asking themselves is, “How will the president feel if he knows the men he visited at the hospital were victims of the dirty work of one of his men?” TIS is a coercive institution enjoying big budgets for secretive operations under the president. It has often been accused of misinformation, deliberate distortion, and torture and excessive, unaccounted for expenditures funds most of it sunk into personal projects of luxurious nature.

And, it is yet to be known, who sent the TIS officer to attack a media outlet and journalists and how much was promised and, or received in advance for the execution of the task.

Unconfirmed reports have it that the planner of the attack was given cash money Tanzania shillings four (4) million as advance for seducing and recruiting would-be perpetrators to whom he introduced himself merely as Fredy a businessman.

Paramour caveat
Reports have it that “Fredy” told his recruits that he was working at Azania, a food production firm in Dar es Salaam and that he wanted them to help him “do away with Mr. Kubenea” who he alleged was a paramour to his wife. While police investigations have found there was one Fredy at Azania and took his statement, they have remained convinced it was not the one the driver of suspects identified, and therefore did not call for an identification parade. They insisted Fredy in their hands be produced in court which they did almost in defiance of TIS and at least over two months since the arrest of others.

Informants have told this investigator in Dar es Salaam that there were serious efforts to have bail for all suspects so that Fredy could meet “his men” and plan how to argue their case, their earlier statements at police stations notwithstanding. This is meant, so to speak, to clear TIS of the scam by completely dissociating Fredy with TIS and possibly clear the president of grave embarrassment. This however depends on whether the police and intelligence authorities have clinched an agreement. As of now all the alleged persons have been granted bail.

University student

It is understood that Fredy and his wife have since vacated the structure at which they were putting-up, at Tegeta, off Bagamoyo Road and are now staying with in-laws at Temeke. Further reports say the man has worked as an official of TIS in Temeke administrative district before his transfer to Kinonduni district, all in Dar es Salaam. His wife is said to be a nurse at a TIS dispensary at Kijitonyama in the city.

Other reports have it that the alleged architect of attack on an upcoming weekly is a registered student at the sociology department of the University of Dar es Salaam. However, it has not been possible to establish complicity of three other men whose names are frequently mentioned in interviews. These are Maneno, David and Mwamba whose other names and identity have not been established and the police remain silent on the suspects.

All said and done, and the police having established that there was no “love affair” involved in the attack on the media outlet, one question remains unanswered: Who must have paid Fredy for the assault?

Most observers in Dar es Salaam find the attack to be politically motivated. Mwanahalisi has, in the past 10 months, been known for its fraternity with truth and openness. It has been very hard on corruption, mismanagement and bad governance. It has openly named those caught in the web and has doggedly refused to back down. While it has not been the initiator of many down-to-earth expose, it has dug such stories beyond the ordinary, to the surprise of almost everyone and drugged them to the dead end.

That has earned the paper cumulative unfriendliness and bitter resentment, mostly from politicians whose positions and fame have been subjected to exposure and public scrutiny; and thereby eroded them irreparably. Sources suggest that that group could be central to enmity and consequent mentoring of attacks on media and its personnel.

Caught in “crossfire”

One source in Dar es Salaam wanted me to believe that Mr. Tegambwage was “probably not the target as he does not own the paper but goes there on an on-and-off-basis as consultant as he does with other media outlets.” But he quickly added, “That man is gifted; his style of writing is indeed compelling; his brilliant arguments send out messages that percolates both the bones and brains. Some people may not wish to see him plant seeds of defiance’ as he has contact with many media houses.”

Mr. Ndimara Tegambwage of Centre for Democratic and Strategic Management (IDEA) is also media consultant at a number of media outlets in the country and member of International Press Institute (IPI), a global forum of executive editors.

Distant sources suggest that the attack on Mwanahalisi was planned in a “kind of network” that went beyond the city of Dar es Salaam. Intimidatory statements made public by Mr. Kubenea at a press conference in Dar es Salaam, according to press reports, have been made by persons from all over the country, possibly orchestrated to make life difficult for the publisher of Mwanahalisi and his staff.

A good number of “big” politicians have so far been linked to the attack. Journalists in the port city say it is too early to make public names of those mentioned behind the curtain until the case starts and lawyers dig deep into statements made by Fredy and other suspects. But sources say Fredy hails from the same area as that of one politician’s wife; and were recruited at a meeting held at a bar owned by brother in law of the politician at a suburban bar in Dar es Salaam.

Unavoidable embarrassment

The recruitment of a TIS officer into a scum of this nature has a lot to tell on how the secret services of the organ under the president can be misused. And lives of the two victims of attack, and any other vocal journalists, remain in peril.

However, it requires pressure both internal and external to expose the role of TIS in the attack of a media outlet. However, the embarrassment of the president remains unavoidable. Proceedings in court can now provide the best forum at which exposure could be done without stint. Will the police be bold enough to identify the TIS official? What about the political big gun that recruited him: Will he let his agent be exposed, and at his detriment?

AS a norm, heads of state never allow themselves to collapse or fall down in public, because it is a sign of weakness. But in the last few months, two of them – one in Europe, another in Africa – have been a rare exception.

President Nicolas Sarkozy of France collapsed when jogging in late July this year, causing serious security concerns and embarrasment to the French public and government, which issued a statement citing fatigue linked to a large workload. This week, on the first Sunday of October 2009, Tanzania’s President Jakaya Kikwete, followed suit.

He collapsed and cut short his speech to thousands of people attending the African Inland Church (AIC) Centenary Jubilee celebrations at the CCM Kirumba Stadium in Mwanza City, on the shores of Africa’s largest lake, Victoria. Security people rushed him into a private room where he was quickly attended to, given a brief rest, then released to join panicking bishops and other dignitaries on the stage, as the crowd quietly observed one of the rarest happenings, and others silently prayed for his quick recovery.

When he was finally seated, he was quick to comment: “it’s my fault; my aides advised me to rest after a long trip and busy schedule but I ignored them. Next time I will listen to what they tell me.” But the damage was done and questions raised about his health stability and the seriousness of his assistants in managing his official and personal undertakings without risking national panic and chaos.

Although the State House Directorate of Comunications issued a quick statement citing the president’s fatigue after a long trip from the US and a heavy workload; and the President’s Personal Office promised looking into rescheduling his programme to give him a breathing space, questions about his medical fitness remained unanswered. This was Kikwete’s third collapse in public, in 12 years.

Once, as minister for foreign affairs and international cooperation, he collapsed at Brussels airport on his way to Cuba. He was hospitalised for eight hours before he regained strenghth to continue with his trip.

As a presidential candidate in 2005, he collapsed on stage one day before the polling day as he gave his last speech at a public rally in Jangwani grounds, in Dar es Salaam City, in front of the media, the crowd and dignitaries including former presidents Ali Hassan Mwinyi and Benjamin Mkapa. It was a shocking event, as he fell down from the stage, and security people rushed him to a military hospital in Dar es Salaam.

When he recovered later, he spoke to the media citing campaign fatigue. He added that he had spent the whole day fasting. Much as many people felt sympathetic for him, the explanation was not strong enough to dispel public fears and queries about the soundness of his health. Again, it was not clear why his assistants would let him fast on such a busy day – although shortly before he fell down, he had been sipping water as he addressed the rally.

One understands that on all occasions, he must have been the most affected and embarrassed individual; but it is obvious neither he nor his assistants learnt any lesson. Yes, the president has had a long trip to the US, then back to Tanzania where he officiated at the 55th Commonwealth Parliamentary Association conference in Arusha, before going to Mwanza.

But this is not enough explanation in a country where most of his people work longer hours and harder than he does; they sleep fewer hours, eat a less-balanced diet once a day, earn below one dollar a day, face the risk of diseases and hunger throughout the year; and yet they manage to stay firm and going. Given the baby-like previledges he enjoys as president, with all material and human facilities surrounding him, he should be last person to cite fatigue as an excuse for collapsing in public.

After all, why should tax payers’ money be spent on the president’s aides who do not do their job properly? And why shouldn’t someone take responsibility for this failure? But most importantly, doesn’t the president’s office think the public need to know the state of their president’s health, especially now that he has repeatedly collapsed and fallen down before their very eyes?

Thanks to public pressure, the president’s personal medical practitioner, Dr. Peter Mfisi, has ultimately given an official statement insisting the president has no serious medical problem – which he cannot reveal anyway, even if it existed – but we still need to read between the lines revelations that the president has constantly been troubled by a cervical spinal complication and an increase in levels of blood.

Interestingly, one sentence stands out in Dr. Mfisi’s statement: “we have learnt a lesson, and we pledge to be more careful…” One hopes it is not a politically driven statement.

But the only way for us to take the president’s people seriously, if they have truly learnt a lesson, is if they will never again embarrass the president by letting him collapse in public. Not for the fourth time.

AT a time when almost everybody and everything is going electronic, a major opposition party in Tanzania has ventured to lead the way for the rest of Africa in e-politics by introducing a new way of recruiting members and raising funds.

From this week, Tanzanians wishing to join Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) will not have to go through the hassles of filling in membership forms anymore. Instead, they will have to send text messages to 15170 with a word ‘CHADEMA’ to gain automatic entry into the party’s membership database after which they will have access to relevant information and services provided by the party.

According to the party chairman, Freeman Mbowe, this system will enable the party to widen the base of its members as well as increasing its financial resources in preparation of next year’s general elections.

The strategy targets Tanzania’s 15 million mobile phone subscribers, of whom CHADEMA aims at recruiting at least 3,000,000 by the end of next year. As of now, the party has the strongest opposition following in the country, but its subscribed membership is only 800000.

For every new electronic member CHADEMA will obtain 300/- (equivalent to 7p), which would give the party 900,000,000/- (equivalent to 21 million pounds) to supplement the party’s financial resources for the 2010 election campaigns.

What ZANU-PF has been doing in Zimbabwe, CCM is doing in Zanzibar. And if anything, Zanzibar is deliberately turning into an ugly face of Tanzania, characterized by the politics of terror, outright vote rigging, and police and military intervention in elections since 1995.

Proud of systematic vote rigging and shamelessly vowing to ‘never let’ the opposition Civic United Front (CUF) rule Zanzibar – by all means – some ruling party stalwarts claim they operate by a silent formula: ‘you win, we rule.’

This formula is working to the detriment of Zanzibar. In 1995 the Spice Islands almost became ungovernable after election results gave CCM incumbent Salim Amour 50.24 % of votes against Seif Sharrif Hamad’s 49.76 %.

Five years later, in January 2001, the government deployed and ordered armed police to shoot and kill protesters following another obviously rigged election, whereby the government, on the brink of defeat, ordered police to confiscate ballot boxes from returning officers. They hid them for two weeks, after which the Zanzibar Electoral Commission released results giving the ruling party contender, Amani Karume, a 67.04 % victory. Dozens of rioting civilians died for opposing this government’s winning strategy.

And in 2005, the government resorted to the deployment of the army, which complemented the presence and operation of police forces on every polling station to exert government brutality and abuse of power, in a situation that looked like everything belonged to the government and ruling party: the media, electoral commission, police, army and, of course, the election itself.

Nevertheless, so strong was the opposition that, even with such tactics and resources, the incumbent, Amani Karume, was declared winner by a slim margin of 53.18% against Seif Shariff Hamad’s 46.07%. What if there had been a fair process and share of resources, plus access to voters? What if police and army were not involved in voting illegally and terrorizing voters? What if there were no ineligible, sponsored, mercenary voters from other parts of the country? What if there was no media muzzling by the government? What if there was no ‘you win, we rule’ scheme?

No wonder, then, seeking to temporarily quell local frustrations and appease the international community, the ruling party resorted to engaging the opposition in mwafaka (accord) to address the ‘problems’ of Zanzibar, the cause of which is known to both parties. But, after three consecutive years of negotiation, they have not been able to reach a sound, workable agreement.

Word is out, however, that given the ever rising unpopularity of the ruling party, and based on political episodes in Kenya and Zimbabwe, a power-sharing agreement for a coalition government in Zanzibar is a next possibility after 2010 elections, because the ruling party is pretty sure that the ‘you win, we rule’ tricks cannot go on forever.

With no incumbent contender in 2010, the level of opposition and vote rigging might be on a different scale, but all indications show the ruling party is already involved in a similar scheme, 14 months before next elections.

Interestingly, the government is not waiting for surprises. It is currently tampering with the voters register in Pemba – the opposition stronghold – causing fresh protests from angry civilians, offices being set alight and police opening fire at protestors. Once again, a police state; another Zimbabwe!

The reaction from Tanzania’s main funders (34 percent of the budget), the European Union and the US government, calling for correction of the flaws in the voter registration process, has received unfriendly counter-reactions from the ruling party’s youth wing and the Zanzibar government, but the message is clear. Once again, Zanzibar is involved in the politics of confusion, whereby, when it is in the interested of the ruling party, laws do override the constitution.

The road towards 2010 general elections is full of bumps to frustrate a smooth ride to Zanzibar’s free and fair elections. And if anyone must do something to save Zanzibar, this is the time to act. It is not enough for EU and US to show concerns in written statements, and yet fund the same process with the hope of sending election observers in October 2010 to find out if the elections will be ‘free and fair.’

Rigging has already started, and it should be put to a halt by concerted efforts of good citizens, morally responsible leaders in Tanzania, as well as its regional and international friends – including donors.

Even with the Zanzibar government and the ruling party lambasting the EUand US for meddling into a sovereign country’s internal affairs – the same excuses used by President Robert Mugabe to defend his political miscalculations in Zimbabwe – something needs to be done now, to save Zanzibar from becoming another Zimbabwe.

As it stands, Zanzibar is deliberately deteriorating into a country where voters have no rights because, after all, it is not their vote that counts, but a decision by those who manage the electoral process – those who wait for others to win, for them to rule.

Managing Director forVox Media Centre Tanzania Ltd. Previously, worked as Managing Editor and Political columnist for Free Media (Tanzania); also accredited as Freelance Journalist with The International News Syndicate (Australia).