George
Washington, the third son of Augustine Washington, was
born on the 22d of February, 1732, near the banks of the Potowmac,
in the county of Westmoreland, in
Virginia. His father first married Miss Butler, who died in
1728; leaving two sons, Lawrence and Augustine. In 1730, he married
Miss Mary Ball. They
had four sons, George, John, Samuel and Charles; and one daughter,
Betty, who married Colonel Fielding Lewis, of Fredericksburg.

His great grandfather, John Washington, a gentleman of a respectable
family, had emigrated from the north of England about the year 1657,
and settled on the place where Mr. Washington was born.

At the age of ten years he lost his father. Deprived of one parent,
he became an object of more attention to the other; who continued to
impress those principles of religion and virtue on his tender mind,
which constituted the solid basis of a character that was maintained
through all the challenges of an eventful life. But his education
was limited to those subjects, in which alone the sons of gentlemen,
of moderate fortune, were, at that time, generally instructed. It
was confined to learning strictly useful topics.

George Washington Works as a Surveyor in Virginia

In 1743, his oldest brother married the daughter
of the Honorable George William Fairfax, then a member of the
council. This connection introduced Mr. Washington to Lord
Fairfax, the proprietor of the Northern Neck of Virginia. Lord
Fairfax then
offered George employment as
a surveyor, in the western part of that territory. Washington was 18
years old. His means being somewhat limited, this appointment was readily accepted.
In the performance of these duties, George acquired information
respecting vacant lands, and formed opinions concerning their
future value, which afterwards contributed greatly to the increase
of his private fortune.

George Washington Joins the Military

George became interested in the Military at a
young age. He tried to join the navy at age 15. The arguments of his mother deferred
the commencement, and changed the direction of his military career.
Four years afterwards, at a time when the militia were to be trained
for actual service, he was appointed one of the Adjutants General of
Virginia, with the rank of Major. The duties annexed to this office
soon yielded to others of a more interesting character.

France Begins Fortification of the Western
Frontier

France was beginning to develop the vast plan of
connecting her extensive dominions in America, by uniting Canada
with Louisiana. The troops of that nation had taken possession of a
tract of country claimed by Virginia, and had commenced a line of
forts, to be extended from the Lakes to the Ohio. The attention of
Mr. Dinwiddie, Lieutenant Governor of that Province, was attracted
to these supposed encroachments; and he deemed it his duty to
demand, in the name of the King his master, that they should be
suspended.

This mission was difficult and dangerous. The
Envoy would need to pass through a large
and almost unexplored wilderness, covered with rugged mountains
and wide rivers, and inhabited by fierce natives, who were
either hostile to the English, or of doubtful attachment. While the
dangers and fatigues of this service deterred others from
undertaking it, they seem to have possessed attractions for Mr.
Washington, and he engaged in it with enthusiasm.

October 31 - George Washington's Mission to the French on the Ohio.

On receiving his orders, he left Williamsburg and arrived,
on the 14th of November, at Wills' creek, then the extreme frontier
settlement of the English, where guides were engaged to conduct him
over the Alleghany mountains. After overcoming the barriers of snow and high waters, he reached the mouth of
Turtle creek, where he was informed that the French General had died, and that the greater part of the army had retired into winter
quarters. Pursuing his route, he examined the country through which
he passed with a military eye, and selected the confluence of the
Monongahela and Alleghany rivers, the place where fort Du Quesne was
afterwards erected by the French, as an advantageous position, which
it would be wise to seize and begin fortification.

After employing a few days among the Indians
in that neighborhood, and procuring some of their chiefs to
accompany him, whose fidelity he took the most judicious means to
secure, he ascended the Alleghany river. Passing one fort at the
mouth of French creek, he proceeded up the stream to a second, where
he was received by Monsieur Le Gardeur de St. Pierre, the commanding
officer on the Ohio, to whom he delivered the letter of Mr.
Dinwiddie, and from whom he received an answer with which he
returned to Williamsburg. January 16.The exertions made by Mr.
Washington on this occasion, the perseverance with which he
surmounted the difficulties of the journey, and the judgment
displayed in his conduct towards the Indians, raised him in the
public opinion, as well as in that of the Lieutenant Governor. His
journal, [See George
Washington's Journal] drawn up for the inspection of Mr. Dinwiddie, was
published, and impressed his countrymen with very favorable
sentiments of his understanding and fortitude.

George Washington Becomes Colonel of Regular
Troops

The French responded that they had no intention
of withdrawing from the region, so it was determined that
preparations for war should be made. The
assembly of Virginia authorized the executive to raise a regiment
for the purpose of defending the interests of the British Crown in
that area. The regiment was to consist of three hundred men. The command of
this regiment was given to Mr. Fry, and Major Washington was
appointed Lieutenant Colonel. Anxious to be engaged in active
service, he obtained permission to
advance with two companies to the Great Meadows in the Alleghany
mountains. By this movement he hoped to become more familiar with the country, to gain some
information about the intentions of the French, and
to preserve the friendships he had developed with the Indians. Soon after his arrival at
that place, he was visited by some friendly Indians, who informed
him that the French were themselves engaged in completing a fortification at the
confluence of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers: a detachment
from which place was then on its march towards his camp. Open
hostilities had not yet begun; but the country was considered as
invaded: and several circumstances were related, confirming the
opinion that this party was approaching with hostile intentions. Among
others, it had withdrawn itself some distance from the path, and had
encamped for the night in a bottom, as if to hide.
Confident that these troops intended aggressive actions, Lieutenant Colonel Washington resolved to
not be caught off guard.

George Washington Attacks the French

Availing himself of
the offer made by the Indians to serve him as guides, he proceeded
through a dark and rainy night to the French camp, which he
completely surrounded. At daybreak, his men fired and rushed
upon the party, and they immediately surrendered. One man escaped,
and Jumonville, the commanding officer, was
killed.

While the regiment was on its march to join the
detachment advanced in front, the command devolved on Lieutenant
Colonel Washington by the death of Colonel Fry. Soon after its
arrival, it was reinforced by two independent companies of regulars.
After erecting a small fortification at the Great Meadows, Colonel
Washington began his march towards fort Du Quesne, with the
intention of removing the French from that location. He had proceeded
about thirteen miles, when he was met by some friendly natives, who
informed him that the French and their savage allies, "as numerous
as the pigeons in the woods," were quickly moving to meet him.
Among those who brought this information was a trusty chief, only
two days from the fort on the Ohio, who had observed the arrival of
a considerable reinforcement at that place, and had heard their
intention of marching immediately to attack the English, with a
corps composed of eight hundred French and four hundred Indians.
This intelligence was corroborated by information previously
received from deserters, who had reported that a reinforcement was
expected.

George Washington Faces Long Odds

The soldiers led by Colonel Washington were
almost destitute of provisions; and the ground he occupied was not
well suited for military purposes. A road at some distance, leading
through the mountains, would enable the French to
pass into his rear, intercept his supplies, and starve him into a
surrender, or fight him with a three to one advantage.

In this hazardous situation, a council of
war unanimously advised a retreat to the fort at the Great Meadows,
now termed fort Necessity; where the two roads united, and where the
face of the country was such as not to permit an enemy to pass
unperceived. At that place, it was intended to remain, until
reinforcements of men, and supplies of provisions, should arrive.

July 2.
Battle at Fort Necessity.

In
pursuance of this plan, Colonel Washington returned to fort
Necessity, and began a ditch around the stockade. Before it was
completed, the French, amounting to about fifteen hundred men,
commanded by Monsieur de Villier, appeared before the fort,
and immediately commenced a furious attack upon it. They were
received with great intrepidity by the Americans, who fought partly
within the stockade, and partly in the surrounding ditch, which was
nearly filled with mud and water. Colonel Washington continued the
whole day on the outside of the fort, encouraging the soldiers by
his bravery and steadfastness. The assailants fought under cover of
the trees and high grass, which covered the countryside. The
engagement was continued with great intensity from ten in the
morning until dark; when Monsieur de Villier demanded a parley, and
offered terms of surrender.

The proposals first made were
rejected; but, in the course of the night, articles were signed, by
which the fort was surrendered, on condition that its garrison
should be allowed the honors of war—should be permitted to retain
their arms and baggage, and be allowed to march without interference
into the inhabited parts of Virginia. The capitulation being in
French—a language not understood by any person in the garrison, and
being drawn up hastily in the night, contains an expression which
was inaccurately translated at the time, and of which advantage has
been since taken, by the enemies of Mr. Washington, to imply an
admission on his part, that Monsieur Jumonville was assassinated.
This assertion has been thoroughly discredited.

The loss of the Americans in this affair is not
ascertained. From a return made on the 9th of July, at Wills' Creek,
it appears that the killed and wounded, of the Virginia regiment,
amounted to fifty-eight; but the loss sustained by the two
independent companies is not stated. That of the assailants was
supposed to be more considerable.

Great credit was given to Colonel Washington by
his countrymen, for the courage displayed on this occasion. The
legislature evinced its satisfaction with the conduct of the whole
party, by passing a vote of thanks to him, and the officers under
his command; and by giving three hundred pistoles, to be distributed
among the soldiers engaged in the action.

The regiment returned to Winchester, to be
recruited; soon after which it was joined by a few companies from
North Carolina and
Maryland. On the arrival of this reinforcement,
the Lieutenant Governor, with the advice of council, regardless of
the condition or number of the forces, ordered them immediately to
march over the Alleghany mountains, and to expel the French from
fort Du Quesne, or to build one in its vicinity.

The little army in Virginia, which was
placed under the command of Colonel Innes, from North Carolina, did
not, as now reinforced, exceed half the number of the enemy, and was
neither provided with the means of moving, nor with supplies for a
winter campaign. With as little consideration, directions had been
given for the immediate completion of the regiment, without
furnishing a single shilling for the recruiting service. Although a
long peace may account for many errors at the commencement of war,
some surprise will be felt at such ill-considered and ill-judged
measures.

Colonel Washington remonstrated strongly against
these orders, but prepared to execute them. The assembly, however,
having risen without making any provision for the farther
prosecution of the war, this wild expedition was laid aside, and the
Virginia regiment was reduced to independent companies.

Washington Resigns From the Military due to
British Arrogance

In the course of the winter, orders were received
"for settling the rank of the officers of his majesty's forces when
serving with the provincials in North America." These orders
directed "that all officers commissioned by the King, or by his
General in North America, should take rank of all officers
commissioned by the Governors of the respective provinces; and
farther, that the general and field officers of the provincial
troops should have no rank when serving with the general and field
officers commissioned by the crown; but that all captains, and other
inferior officers of the royal troops, should take rank over
provincial officers of the same grade, having senior commissions."

Strong as was his attachment to a military life,
Colonel Washington was too proud to submit to a degrading loss of rank.
He indicated that he would gladly continue to serve, if allowed to
do so without the dishonor of a loss of rank.

His eldest brother had lately died, and left him
a considerable estate on the Potowmac. This gentleman had served in
the expedition against Carthagena; and, in compliment to the admiral
who commanded the fleet engaged in that enterprise, had named his
seat Mount Vernon. To this delightful spot Colonel Washington
withdrew, resolving to devote his future attention to the avocations
of private life. This, however, did not last for long.

1755 George Washington Rejoins the Military as
Aid-de-Camp to General Braddock

General Braddock, being informed of his
qualifications, his knowledge
of the country which was to be the scene of war, and his
motives for retiring from the service, invited him to enter his
forces as a volunteer aid-de-camp.

Having determined to accept this invitation, he
joined the commander-in-chief, immediately after his departure from
Alexandria, and proceeded with him to Wills' Creek. The army,
consisting of two European regiments and a few corps of provincials,
was detained at that place until the 12th of June, by the difficulty
of procuring wagons, horses, and provisions. Colonel Washington,
impatient under these delays, suggested the propriety of using
pack-horses instead of wagons, for conveying the baggage. The
commander-in-chief, although solicitous to hasten the expedition,
was so attached to the usages of regular war, that this wise advice
was at first rejected; but, soon after the commencement of the
march, its value became too obvious to be ignored any longer.

On the third day after the army had
moved from its ground, Colonel Washington was seized with a violent
fever, which disabled him from riding on horseback, and was conveyed
in a covered wagon. General Braddock, who found the difficulties of
the march greater than had been expected, continuing to consult him
privately, he strenuously urged that officer to leave his heavy
artillery and baggage with the rear division of the army; and with a
chosen body of troops and some pieces of light artillery, to press
forward with the utmost expedition to fort Du Quesne. In support of
this advice, he stated that the French were then weak on the Ohio,
but hourly expected reinforcements. During the excessive drought
which prevailed at that time, these could not arrive; because the
river Le Boeuf, on which their supplies must be brought to Venango,
did not then afford a sufficient quantity of water for the purpose.
A rapid movement therefore might enable him to carry the fort,
before the arrival of the expected aid; but if this measure should
not be adopted, such were the delays attendant on the march of the
whole army, that rains sufficient to raise the waters might
reasonably be expected, and the whole force of the French would
probably be collected for their reception; a circumstance which
would render the success of the expedition doubtful.

This advice was heeded by the
commander-in-chief, it was determined in a council of war, held at
the Little Meadows, that twelve hundred select men, to be commanded
by General Braddock in person, should advance with the utmost
expedition against fort Du Quesne. Colonel Dunbar was to remain with
the residue of the two regiments, and all the heavy baggage.

Although this select corps commenced its
march with only thirty carriages, including ammunition wagons, the
hopes of a fast march were not realized. "I found," said Colonel Washington, in a letter
to his brother, written during the march, "that instead of pushing
on with vigour, without regarding a little rough road, they were
halting to level every mole-hill, and to erect bridges over every
brook." It took them four days to cover nineteen miles from the Little
Meadows.

Colonel Washington was obliged to stop at that
place;—the physician having declared that his life would be
endangered by continuing with the army. He obeyed, with reluctance,
the positive orders of the general to remain at this camp, under the
protection of a small guard, until the arrival of Colonel Dunbar;
having first received a promise that means should be used to bring
him up with the army before it reached fort Du Quesne.

The day before the battle of the
Monongahela he rejoined the general in a covered wagon; and, though
weak, entered on the duties of his station.

Battle of Monongahela

In a short time after the action had commenced,
Colonel Washington was the only aid remaining alive, and unwounded.
The whole duty of carrying the orders of the commander-in-chief, in
an engagement with marksmen who selected officers, and especially
those on horseback, for their objects, devolved on him alone. Under
these difficult conditions, he demonstrated that coolness, that
self-possession, that fearlessness which ever
distinguished him, and which are so necessary to the character of a
consummate soldier. Two horses were killed under him, and four balls
passed through his coat; but, to the astonishment of all, he escaped
unhurt,—while every other officer on horseback was either killed or
wounded. "I expected every moment," says an eye-witness, "to see
him fall. His duty and situation exposed him to every danger.
Nothing but the superintending care of Providence could have saved
him from the fate of all around him."

After three hours of battle, General Braddock,
under whom three horses had been killed, received a mortal wound;
and his troops fled in great disorder. Every effort to rally them
was useless until they had crossed the Monongahela, when, being
no longer pursued, they were again formed. The general was brought
off in a small tumbril by Colonel Washington, Captain Stewart of the
guards, and his servant. The defeated detachment retreated with the
utmost precipitation to the rear division of the army; soon after
which, Braddock expired. In the first moments of alarm, all the
stores were destroyed, except those necessary for immediate use; and
not long afterwards, Colonel Dunbar marched the remaining European
troops to Philadelphia, in order to place them in, what he termed,
winter quarters.

Colonel Washington was greatly disappointed and
disgusted by the conduct of the regular troops in this action. In
his letter to Lieutenant Governor Dinwiddie, giving an account of
it, he said, "They were struck with such an inconceivable panic,
that nothing but confusion and disobedience of orders prevailed
among them. The officers in general behaved with incomparable
bravery, for which they greatly suffered; there being upwards of
sixty killed and wounded—a large proportion out of what we had.

"The Virginia companies behaved like men, and
died like soldiers; for, I believe, out of three companies on the
ground that day, scarce thirty men were left alive. Captain Peronny,
and all his officers down to a corporal, were killed. Captain
Poulson had almost as hard a fate, for only one of his escaped. In
short, the dastardly behaviour of the regular troops (so called,)
exposed those who were inclined to do their duty, to almost certain
death; and, at length, in spite of every effort to the contrary,
they broke, and ran as sheep before hounds; leaving the artillery,
ammunition, provisions, baggage, and in short every thing, a prey to
the enemy; and when we endeavoured to rally them, in hopes of
regaining the ground, and what we had left upon it, it was with as
little success as if we had attempted to have stopped the wild bears
of the mountains, or the rivulets with our feet: for they would
break by, in spite of every effort to prevent it."*

*In
another letter, he says, "We have been beaten, shamefully
beaten—shamefully beaten by a handful of men, who only
intended to molest and disturb our march! Victory was their
smallest expectation! But see the wondrous works of
Providence, the uncertainty of human things! We, but a few
moments before, believed our numbers almost equal to the
force of Canada; they only expected to annoy us. Yet,
contrary to all expectation and human probability, and even
to the common course of things, we were totally defeated,
and have sustained the loss of every thing."

This is from an etching made in idealization of
the original house, situated on the banks of the Potomac, 38 miles
from Fredericksburg, in Westmoreland County, Virginia, where our
First President was born, February 22, 1732. The original house,
which was built by Washington's father, Augustine, was destroyed by
fire more than 150 years ago, before the
Declaration of Independence
was signed.

George Washington Appointed Commander and Chief

Colonel Washington had long been the most popular
soldier of Virginia; and his reputation grew with day. His conduct in this battle had been universally
extolled;* and the common opinion of his countrymen was, that, had
his advice been pursued, the disaster had been avoided. The assembly
was in session, when intelligence was received of this defeat, and
of the abandonment of the colony by Colonel Dunbar. The legislature,
perceiving the necessity of levying troops for the defense of the
province, determined to raise a regiment, to consist of sixteen
companies, the command of which was offered to Colonel Washington;
who was also designated, in his commission, as the
Commander-in-chief of all the forces raised and to be raised in the
colony of Virginia. The uncommon privilege of naming his Field
Officers was added to this honorable appointment.

*In a
sermon preached not long after the defeat of General
Braddock, the Rev. Mr. Davies, speaking of that disaster,
and of the preservation of Colonel Washington, said: "I can
not but hope that Providence has preserved that youth to be
the saviour of this country." These words were afterwards
considered as prophetic; and were applied by his countrymen
to an event very opposite to that which was contemplated by
the person who uttered them.

Retaining still his desire of a
military life, he cheerfully embraced this opportunity of
reentering the army. After making the necessary arrangements for
the recruiting service, and visiting the posts on the frontiers,
which he placed in the best state of defense of which they were
susceptible; he set out for the seat of government, where objects of
the first importance required his attention; but was overtaken below
Fredericksburg by an express, carrying the intelligence, that a
large number of French and Indians, divided into several parties,
had broken up the frontier settlements; were murdering and capturing
men, women, and children; burning their houses, and destroying their
crops. The troops stationed among them for their protection, were
unequal to that duty; and, instead of being able to afford aid to
the inhabitants, were themselves hunkered down in their forts.

Colonel Washington hurried back to Winchester, where there
was lots of confusion and distress. His efforts to raise the
militia were unsuccessful. Attentive only to individual security, and
regardless of the common danger, they could not be convinced to help. Instead of assembling in arms, and obtaining safety by
meeting their invaders, the inhabitants fled into the lower country,
and increased the general terror. In this state of things, he
endeavored to collect and arm the men who had abandoned their
houses, and to remove their wives and children to a distance from
this scene of desolation and carnage. Pressing orders were at the
same time dispatched to the newly appointed officers, to forward
their recruits; and to the county lieutenants, east of the Blue
Ridge, to hasten their militia to Winchester: but before these
orders could be executed, the party which had done so much mischief,
and excited such alarm, had recrossed the Alleghany mountains.

Early in the following spring, the enemy made
another invasion, and caused much damage. The number of troops on the regular establishment was
insufficient to protect the frontier, and
the militia was not effective. The
Indians, who were divided into small parties, concealed themselves
with so much dexterity, as seldom to be perceived until the blow was
struck. Their murders were frequently committed in the very
neighborhood of the forts; and the detachments from the garrisons
either would not find the guilty parties, or would be mercilessly
attacked by them. In one of these skirmishes, the Americans were routed,
and Captain Mercer was killed. The people either abandoned the
country, or attempted to secure themselves in small stockade forts,
where they were in great distress for provisions, arms, and
ammunition; were often surrounded, and sometimes cut off. Colonel
Washington was deeply affected by this state of things. "I see their
situation," said he, in a letter to the Lieutenant Governor, "I know
their danger, and participate their sufferings, without having it in
my power to give them farther relief than uncertain promises. In
short, I see inevitable destruction in so clear a light, that unless
vigorous measures are taken by the assembly, and speedy assistance
sent from below, the poor inhabitants now in forts must unavoidably
fall, while the remainder are flying before the barbarous foe. In
fine, the melancholy situation of the people; the little prospect of
assistance; the gross and scandalous abuses cast upon the officers
in general, which is reflecting upon me in particular for suffering
misconduct of such extraordinary kind; and the distant prospect, if
any, of gaining reputation in the service, cause me to lament the
hour that gave me a commission, and would induce me, at any other
time than this of imminent danger, to resign, without one hesitating
moment, a command from which I never expect to reap either honor or
benefit; but, on the contrary, have almost an absolute certainty of
incurring displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families
may be laid to my account here."

Colonel Washington had been prevented from taking
post at fort Cumberland by an unfortunate and extraordinary
difficulty, growing out of an obscurity in the royal orders,
respecting the relative rank of officers commissioned by the king,
and those commissioned by the governor. A Captain Dagworthy, who was
at that place, and of the former description, insisted on taking the
command, although it had been committed to Lieutenant Colonel
Stevens; and, on the same principle, he contested the rank of
Colonel Washington also. This circumstance had retained that officer
at Winchester, where public stores to a considerable amount were
deposited, with only about fifty men to guard them. In the deep
distress of the moment, a council of war was called, to determine
whether he should march this small body to some of the nearest
forts, and, uniting with their petty garrisons, risk an action; or
wait until the militia could be raised. The council unanimously
advised a continuance at Winchester. Lord Fairfax, who commanded the
militia of that and the adjacent counties, had ordered them to his
assistance; but they were slow in assembling. The unremitting
exertion of three days, in the county of Frederick, could produce
only twenty men.

The incompetency of the military force to the
defense of the country having become obvious, the assembly
determined to augment the regiment to fifteen hundred men. In a
letter addressed to the
house of burgesses, Colonel Washington urged
the necessity of increasing it still farther, to two thousand men; a
less number than which could not possibly, in his opinion, be
sufficient to cover the extensive frontier of Virginia, should the
defensive system be continued. In support of this demand, he stated,
in detail, the forts which must be garrisoned; and observed, that,
with the exception of a few inhabitants in forts on the south branch
of the Potowmac, the north mountain near Winchester had become the
frontier; and that, without effectual aid, the inhabitants would
even pass the Blue Ridge. He farther observed that the woods seemed
"alive with French and Indians;" and again described so feelingly
the situation of the inhabitants, that the assembly requested the
governor to order half the militia of the adjoining counties to
their relief; and the attorney general, Mr. Peyton Randolph, formed
a company of one hundred gentlemen, who engaged to make the
campaign, as volunteers. Ten well trained woodsmen, or Indians,
would have rendered more service.

The distress of the country increased. As had
been foreseen, Winchester became almost the only settlement west of
the Blue Ridge, on the northern frontier; and fears were entertained
that the enemy would soon pass even that barrier, and ravage the
country below. Express after express was sent to hasten the militia,
but sent in vain. At length, about the last of April, the French and
their savage allies, laden with plunder, prisoners, and scalps,
returned to fort Du Quesne.

Some short time after their retreat, the militia
appeared. This temporary increase of strength was employed in
searching the country for small parties of Indians, who lingered
behind the main body, and in making dispositions to repel another
invasion. A fort was commenced at Winchester, which, in honor of
the general who had been appointed to the command of the British
troops in America, was called fort Loudoun; and the perpetual
remonstrance of Colonel Washington at length effected some
improvement in the laws for the government of the troops.

These errors of a government unused to war,
though continually remarked by the officer commanding the troops,
were slowly perceived by those in power, and were never entirely
corrected.

Successive incursions continued to be made by small
bands of French and Indians, who
kept up a perpetual alarm, and murdered the defenseless. In
Pennsylvania, the inhabitants were driven as far as
Carlisle; and in Maryland, Fredericktown, on the eastern side of the
Blue Ridge, became a frontier. With the Virginia regiment, which did
not yet amount to one thousand men, aided occasionally by militia,
Colonel Washington was to defend a frontier of near four hundred
miles in extent, and to complete a chain of forts. He repeatedly
urged the necessity and propriety of abandoning fort Cumberland,
which was too far in advance of the settlements, and too far north,
to be useful, while it required for its defense a larger portion of
his force than could be spared with a proper regard to the safety of
other and more advantageous positions. The governor, however,
thought the abandonment of it improper, since it was a "king's
fort;" and Lord Loudoun, on being consulted, gave the same opinion.

A major problem for the
commander of the Virginia troops, was the practice of desertion. The daily pay of a soldier
was only eight pence, out of which two pence were stopped for his
clothes. This pay was inferior to what was received in every other
part of the continent and this created resentment among the troops. The remonstrances of the commanding officer, in some degree, corrected
this mischief; and a full suit of regimentals was allowed to each
soldier, without deducting its price from his pay.

As soon as the main body of the enemy had
withdrawn from the settlements, a tour was made by Colonel
Washington to the south-western frontier. There, as well as to the
north, continued incursions had been made; and there too, the
principal defense of the country was entrusted to an ill-regulated
militia. The fatal consequences of this system are thus stated by
him, in a letter to the lieutenant governor: "The inhabitants are so
sensible of their danger, if left to the protection of these people,
that not a man will stay at his place. This I have from their own
mouths, and the principal inhabitants of Augusta county. The militia
are under such bad order and discipline, that they will come and go,
when and where they please, without regarding time, their officers,
or the safety of the inhabitants, but consulting solely their own
inclinations. There should be, according to your honor's orders,
one-third of the militia of these parts on duty at a time; instead
of that, scarce one-thirtieth is out. They are to be relieved every
month, and they are a great part of that time marching to and from
their stations; and they will not wait one day longer than the
limited time, whether relieved or not, however urgent the necessity
for their continuance may be." Some instances of this, and of gross
misbehavior, were then enumerated; after which, he pressed the
necessity of increasing the number of regulars to two thousand men.

After returning from this tour, to Winchester, he
gave the Lieutenant Governor, in curious detail, a statement of the
situation in which he found the country, urging, but urging in vain,
arguments which will always be suggested by experience, against
relying chiefly on militia for defense.

Sensible of the impracticability of defending
such an extensive frontier, Colonel Washington continued to press
the policy of enabling him to act on the offensive. The people of
Virginia, he thought, could be protected only by entering the
country of the enemy; giving him employment at home, and removing
the source of all their calamities by taking possession of fort Du
Quesne.

"As defensive measures," he observed in a letter
to the Lieutenant Governor, "are evidently insufficient for the
security and safety of the country, I hope no arguments are
necessary to evince the necessity of altering them to a vigorous
offensive war, in order to remove the cause." But in the event, that
the assembly should still indulge their favorite scheme of
protecting the inhabitants by forts along the frontiers, he
presented a plan, which, in its execution, would require two
thousand men—these were to be distributed in twenty-two forts,
extending from the river Mayo to the Potowmac, in a line of three
hundred and sixty miles. In a letter written about the same time to
the speaker of the assembly, he said, "The certainty of advantage,
by an offensive scheme of action, renders it, beyond any doubt,
preferable to our defensive measures. Our scattered force, so
separated and dispersed in weak parties, avails little to stop the
secret incursions of the savages. We can only perhaps put them to
flight, or frighten them to some other part of the country, which
answers not the end proposed. Whereas, had we strength enough to
invade their lands, we should restrain them from coming abroad, and
leaving their families unprotected. We should then remove the
principal cause, and have stronger probability of success; we should
be free from the many alarms and murders, that now attend us; we
should inspirit the hearts of our few Indian friends, and gain more
esteem with them. In short, could Pennsylvania and Maryland be
induced to join us in an expedition of this nature, and to petition
his Excellency Lord Loudoun for a small train of artillery, with
some engineers, we should then be able, in all human probability, to
subdue the terror of fort Du Quesne; retrieve our character with the
Indians; and restore peace to our unhappy frontiers."

His total inability to act offensively, or even
to afford protection to the frontiers of Virginia, was not the only
distressing circumstance to which he was exposed. The
Lieutenant Governor, to whose commands he was subjected in every
minute particular, and who seems to have been unequal to the
difficulties of his station, frequently deranged his system by
orders which could not be executed without considerable hazard and
inconvenience. Colonel Washington could not always restrain his
chagrin on such occasions; and, on one of them, observed in a letter
to an intimate friend, who possessed great influence in the country,
"whence it arises, or why, I am truly ignorant, but my strongest
representations of matters relative to the peace of the frontiers
are disregarded, as idle and frivolous; my propositions and
measures, as partial and selfish; and all my sincerest endeavors
for the service of my country, perverted to the worst purposes. My
orders are dark, doubtful, and uncertain: today approved, tomorrow
condemned; left to act and proceed at hazard; accountable for the
consequences, and blamed without the benefit of defense. If you can
think my situation capable of exciting the smallest degree of envy,
or of affording the least satisfaction, the truth is yet hid from
you, and you entertain notions very different from the reality of
the case. However, I am determined to bear up under all these
embarrassments some time longer, in the hope of better regulations
under Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future fate of Virginia."

Not long after this letter was written, Lord
Loudoun arrived in Virginia. A comprehensive statement of the
situation of the colony and of the regiment in particular, was drawn up and submitted
to him by Colonel Washington. In this he described the errors which
had prevented the completion of his regiment, showed the
insufficiency of the militia for any military purpose, and
demonstrated the superiority of an offensive system over that which
had been pursued.

This statement was probably presented by
Colonel Washington in person, who was permitted, during the winter,
to visit Lord Loudoun in Philadelphia, where that nobleman met the
Governors of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and North Carolina, and the
Lieutenant Governor of Virginia, in order to consult with them on
the measures to be taken, in their respective Provinces, for the
ensuing campaign. He was, however, disappointed in his favorite
hope of being able to act offensively against the French on the
Ohio. Lord Loudoun had determined to direct all his efforts against
Canada, and to leave only twelve hundred men in the middle and
southern colonies. Instead of receiving assistance, Virginia was
required to send four hundred men to South Carolina. Not discouraged
by these disappointments, Colonel Washington continued indefatigable
in his endeavors to impress on Mr. Dinwiddie the importance of reviving, and properly modifying their military
code, making a more effective militia law,
and of increasing their number of regular troops.

So far from succeeding on the last subject,
he had to witness a measure which crushed his
hopes of an adequate regular force. Being unable to complete the
regiment by voluntary enlistment, the assembly changed its
organization, and reduced it to ten companies; each to consist of
one hundred men. Yet his anxious wishes continued to be directed
towards fort Du Quesne. In a letter written about this time to
Colonel Stanwix, who commanded in the middle colonies, he said, "You
will excuse me, sir, for saying, that I think there never was, and
perhaps never again will be, so favorable an opportunity as the
present for reducing fort Du Quesne. Several prisoners have made
their escape from the Ohio this spring, and agree in their accounts,
that there are but three hundred men left in the garrison; and I do
not conceive that the French are so strong in Canada, as to
reinforce this place, and defend themselves at home this campaign:
surely then this is too precious an opportunity to be lost."

Washington Continues to Argue for an "Offensive"
War

Mr. Pitt did not yet direct the councils of
Britain; and a spirit of enterprise and heroism did not yet animate
her generals. The campaign to the north was inglorious; and to the
west, nothing was even attempted, which might relieve the middle
colonies.

Large bodies of natives, in the service
of France, once more spread desolation and murder over the whole
country, west of the Blue Ridge. The regular troops were inadequate
to the protection of the inhabitants; and the incompetency of the
defensive system to their security became every day more apparent.
"I exert every means," said Colonel Washington, in a letter to
Lieutenant Governor Dinwiddie, "to protect a much distressed
country; but it is a task too arduous. To think of defending a
frontier of more than three hundred and fifty miles extent, as ours
is, with only seven hundred men, is vain and idle; especially when
that frontier lies more contiguous to the enemy than any other.

"I am, and for a long time have been, fully
convinced, that if we continue to pursue a defensive plan, the
country must be inevitably lost."

In another letter he said, "The
raising a company of rangers, or augmenting our strength in some
other manner, is so far necessary, that, without it, the remaining
inhabitants of this once fertile and populous valley will scarcely
be detained at their dwellings until the spring. And if there is no
expedition to the westward then, nor a force more considerable than
Virginia can support, posted on our frontiers; if we still adhere,
for the next campaign, to our destructive defensive schemes, there
will not, I dare affirm, be one soul living on this side the Blue
Ridge the ensuing autumn, if we except the troops in garrison, and a
few inhabitants of this town, who may shelter themselves under the
protection of this fort. This I know to be the immoveable
determination of all the settlers of this country." To the Speaker
of the assembly he gave the same opinion; and added, "I do not know
on whom these miserable undone people are to rely for protection. If
the assembly are to give it to them, it is time that measures were
at least concerting, and not when they ought to be going into
execution, as has always been the case. If they are to seek it from
the Commander-in-chief, it is time their condition was made known to
him. For I can not forbear repeating again, that, while we pursue
defensive measures, we pursue inevitable ruin."

It was impossible for Colonel
Washington, zealous in the service of his country, and ambitious of
military fame, to observe the errors committed in the conduct of the
war, without censuring them. These errors were not confined to the
military affairs of the colony. The
Cherokee and Catawba Indians had
hitherto remained faithful to the English, and it was very desirable
to engage the warriors of those tribes heartily in their service;
but so miserably was the intercourse with them conducted, that,
though a considerable expense was incurred, not much assistance was
obtained, and great disgust was excited among them. The freedom with
which the Commander-in-chief of the Virginia forces censured public
measures, gave offence to the Lieutenant Governor, who considered
these censures as manifesting a want of respect for himself.
Sometimes he coarsely termed them impertinent; and at other times,
charged him with looseness in his information, and inattention to
his duty. On one of these occasions, Colonel Washington thus
concluded a letter of detail, "Nothing remarkable has happened, and
therefore I have nothing to add. I must beg leave, however, before I
conclude, to observe, in justification of my own conduct, that it is
with pleasure I receive reproof when reproof is due, because no
person can be readier to accuse me, than I am to acknowledge an
error, when I have committed it; nor more desirous of atoning for a
crime, when I am sensible of being guilty of one. But, on the other
hand, it is with concern I remark, that my best endeavors lose
their reward; and that my conduct, although I have uniformly studied
to make it as unexceptionable as I could, does not appear to you in
a favorable point of light. Otherwise, your honor would not have
accused me of loose behavior, and remissness of duty, in matters
where, I think, I have rather exceeded than fallen short of it.
This, I think, is evidently the case in speaking of Indian affairs
at all, after being instructed in very express terms, 'Not to have
any concern with, or management of Indian affairs.' This has induced
me to forbear mentioning the Indians in my letters to your honor of
late, and to leave the misunderstanding, which you speak of, between
Mr. Aikin and them, to be related by him."

In a letter, some short time after this, to the
Lieutenant Governor, he said, "I do not know that I ever gave your
Honor cause to suspect me of ingratitude; a crime I detest, and
would most carefully avoid. If an open, disinterested behavior
carries offence, I may have offended; for I have all along laid it
down as a maxim, to represent facts freely and impartially, but not
more so to others than to you, sir. If instances of my ungrateful
behavior had been particularized, I would have answered them. But I
have been long convinced that my actions and their motives have been
maliciously aggravated." A request that he might be permitted to
come to Williamsburg for the settlement of some accounts, which he
was desirous of adjusting under the inspection of the Lieutenant
Governor, who proposed to leave the province in the following
November, was refused in abrupt and disobliging terms. In answer to
the letter containing the refusal, Colonel Washington, after stating
the immoveable disposition of the inhabitants to leave the country
unless more sufficiently protected, added, "To give a more succinct
account of their affairs than I could in writing, was the principal,
among many other reasons, that induced me to ask leave to come down.
It was not to enjoy a party of pleasure that I asked leave of
absence. I have indulged with few of those, winter or summer."

Mr. Dinwiddie soon afterwards took leave of
Virginia, and the government devolved on Mr. Blair, the President of
the Council. Between him and the commander of the colonial troops
the utmost cordiality existed.

Expedition against
Fort Du Quesne.

Lord Loudoun
then returned to England, and General Abercrombie succeeded to the
command of the army. The department of the middle and southern
provinces was committed to General Forbes, who, to the inexpressible
gratification of Colonel Washington, determined to undertake an
expedition against fort Du Quesne.

He urged an early campaign, but he urged it
ineffectually; and, before the troops were assembled, a large body
of French and Indians broke into the country, and renewed the
horrors of the tomahawk and scalping-knife. The county of Augusta
was ravaged and about sixty persons were murdered. The attempts made
to intercept these natives were unsuccessful; and they recrossed the
Alleghany, with their plunder, prisoners, and scalps.

Among other motives for an early campaign,
Colonel Washington had urged the impracticability of detaining the
Indians. His fears were well founded. Before a junction of the
troops had been made, these natives became impatient to return to
their homes; and, finding that the expedition would yet be delayed a
considerable time, they left the army, with promises to rejoin it at
the proper season.

In pursuance of the orders which had been
received, the Virginia troops moved in detachments from Winchester
to fort Cumberland, where they assembled early in July: after which,
they were employed in opening a road to Raystown, where Colonel
Bouquet was stationed. As the English were continually harassed by
small parties of French and Indians, the general had contemplated
advancing a strong detachment over the Alleghany mountains, for the
purpose of giving them employment at home. By the advice of Colonel
Washington this plan was relinquished. In support of his opinion, he
stated the probability that a large force was collected at fort Du
Quesne, and the impracticability of moving a strong detachment,
without such a quantity of provisions, as would expose it to the
danger of being discovered and cut to pieces. He advised to harass
them with small parties, principally of Indians; and this advice was
pursued.

Colonel Washington had expected that the
army would march by Braddock's road: but, late in July, he had the
mortification to receive a letter from Colonel Bouquet, asking an
interview with him, in order to consult on opening a new road from
Raystown, and requesting his opinion on that route. "I shall," says
he, in answer to this letter, "most cheerfully work on any road,
pursue any route, or enter upon any service, that the general or
yourself may think me usefully employed in, or qualified for; and
shall never have a will of my own, when a duty is required of me.
But since you desire me to speak my sentiments freely, permit me to
observe, that, after having conversed with all the guides, and
having been informed by others acquainted with the country, I am
convinced that a road, to be compared with General Braddock's, or
indeed that will be fit for transportation even by pack-horses, can
not be made. I own I have no predilection for the route you have in
contemplation for me."

A few days after writing this letter, he had an
interview with Colonel Bouquet, whom he found decided in favor of
opening the new road. After their separation, Colonel Washington,
with his permission, addressed to him a letter to be laid before
General Forbes, then indisposed at Carlisle, in which he stated his
reasons against this measure. He concluded his arguments against the
new road: arguments which appear to be unanswerable, by declaring
his fears that, should the attempt be made, they would be able to do
nothing more than fortify some post on the other side of the
Alleghany, and prepare for another campaign. This he prayed Heaven
to avert.

He was equally opposed to a scheme which had been
suggested of marching by the two different routes, and recommended
an order of march by Braddock's road, which would bring the whole
army before fort Du Quesne in thirty-four days, with a supply of
provisions for eighty-six days.

In a letter of the same date addressed
to Major Halket, aid of General Forbes, Colonel Washington thus
expressed his forebodings of the mischiefs to be apprehended from
the adoption of the proposed route. "I am just returned from a
conference held with Colonel Bouquet. I find him fixed—I think I may
say unalterably fixed—to lead you a new way to the Ohio, through a
road, every inch of which is to be cut at this advanced season, when
we have scarcely time left to tread the beaten track, universally
confessed to be the best passage through the mountains.

"If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with
the general, all is lost! all is lost indeed! our enterprise is
ruined! and we shall be stopped at the Laurel hill this winter; but
not to gather laurels, except of the kind which cover the mountains.
The southern Indians will turn against us, and these colonies will
be desolated by such an accession to the enemy's strength. These
must be the consequences of a miscarriage; and a miscarriage, the
almost necessary consequence of an attempt to march the army by this
route."

Colonel Washington's remonstrances and arguments
were unavailing; and the new route was adopted. His extreme chagrin
at this measure, and at the delays resulting from it, was expressed
in anxious letters to Mr. Fauquier, then governor of Virginia, and
to the speaker of the house of burgesses.

In a letter to the speaker, written
while at fort Cumberland, he said: "We are still encamped here; very
sickly, and dispirited at the prospect before us. That appearance of
glory which we once had in view—that hope—that laudable ambition of
serving our country, and meriting its applause, are now no more: all
is dwindled into ease, sloth, and fatal inactivity. In a word, all
is lost, if the ways of men in power, like certain ways of
Providence, are not inscrutable. But we who view the actions of
great men at a distance can only form conjectures agreeably to a
limited perception; and, being ignorant of the comprehensive schemes
which may be in contemplation, might mistake egregiously in judging
of things from appearances, or by the lump. Yet every f—l will have
his notions—will prattle and talk away; and why may not I? We seem
then, in my opinion, to act under the guidance of an evil genius.
The conduct of our leaders, if not actuated by superior orders, is
tempered with something—I do not care to give a name to. Nothing now
but a miracle can bring this campaign to a happy issue." He then
recapitulated the arguments he had urged against attempting a new
road, and added, "But I spoke unavailingly. The road was immediately
begun; and since then, from one to two thousand men have constantly
wrought on it. By the last accounts I have received, they had cut it
to the foot of the Laurel hill, about thirty-five miles; and I
suppose, by this time, fifteen hundred men have taken post about ten
miles further, at a placed called Loyal Hanna, where our next fort
is to be constructed.

"We have certain intelligence that the French
strength at fort Du Quesne did not exceed eight hundred men, the
thirteenth ultimo; including about three or four hundred Indians.
See how our time has been misspent—behold how the golden opportunity
is lost—perhaps, never to be regained! How is it to be accounted
for? Can General Forbes have orders for this?—Impossible. Will then
our injured country pass by such abuses? I hope not. Rather let a
full representation of the matter go to his majesty; let him know
how grossly his glory and interests, and the public money have been
prostituted."

Defeat of Major Grant

Colonel
Washington was soon afterwards ordered to Raystown. Major Grant had
been previously detached from the advanced post at Loyal Hanna, with
a select corps of eight hundred men, to reconnoitre the country
about fort Du Quesne. In the night he reached a hill near the fort,
and sent forward a party for the purpose of discovery. They burnt a
log house, and returned. Next morning, Major Grant detached Major
Lewis, of Colonel Washington's regiment, with a baggage guard, two
miles into his rear; and sent an engineer, with a covering party,
within full view of the fort, to take a plan of the works. In the
mean time he ordered the reveillée to be beaten in different places.
An action soon commenced, on which Major Lewis, leaving Captain
Bullett, with about fifty Virginians to guard the baggage, advanced
with the utmost celerity to support Major Grant. The English were
defeated with considerable loss; and both Major Grant and Major
Lewis were taken prisoners. In this action, the Virginians evidenced
the spirit with which they had been trained. Out of eight officers,
five were killed, a sixth wounded, and a seventh taken prisoner.
Captain Bullett, who defended the baggage with great resolution, and
contributed to save the remnant of the detachment, was the only
officer who escaped unhurt. Of one hundred and sixty-two men,
sixty-two were killed on the spot, and two wounded. This conduct
reflected high honor on the commanding officer of the regiment as
well as on the troops; and he received, on the occasion, the
compliments of the general. The total loss was two hundred and
seventy-three killed, and forty-two wounded.

It was at length determined that the
main body of the army should move from Raystown; and the general
called on the colonels of regiments, to submit severally to his
consideration, a plan for his march. That proposed by Colonel
Washington has been preserved, and appears to have been judiciously
formed.

They reached the camp at Loyal Hanna, through a
road indescribably bad, about the fifth of November; where, as had
been predicted, a council of war determined that it was unadvisable
to proceed farther this campaign. It would have been almost
impossible to winter an army in that position. They must have
retreated from the cold inhospitable wilderness into which they had
penetrated, or have suffered immensely; perhaps have perished.
Fortunately, some prisoners were taken, who informed them of the
extreme distress of the fort. Deriving no support from Canada, the
garrison was weak; in great want of provisions; and had been
deserted by the Indians. These encouraging circumstances changed the
resolution which had been taken, and determined the general to
prosecute the expedition.

Fort Du Quesne Captured by the English

Colonel Washington was
advanced in front; and, with immense labor, opened a way for the
main body of the army. The troops moved forward with slow and
painful steps until they reached fort Du Quesne, of which they took
peaceable possession; the garrison having on the preceding night,
after evacuating and setting it on fire, proceeded down the Ohio in
boats.

To other causes than the vigour of the officer
who conducted this enterprise, the capture of this important place
is to be ascribed. The naval armaments of Britain had intercepted
the reinforcements designed by France for her colonies; and the
pressure on Canada was such as to disable the governor of that
province from detaching troops to fort Du Quesne. Without the aid of
these causes, the extraordinary and unaccountable delays of the
campaign must have defeated its object.

The works were repaired, and the new fort
received the name of the great minister, who, with unparalleled
vigour and talents, then governed the nation.

After furnishing two hundred men from his
regiment as a garrison for fort Pitt, Colonel Washington marched
back to Winchester; whence he soon afterwards proceeded to
Williamsburg, to take his seat in the General Assembly, of which he
had been elected a member by the county of Frederick, while at fort
Cumberland.

A cessation of Indian hostility being the
consequence of expelling the French from the Ohio, Virginia was
relieved from the dangers with which she had been threatened; and
the object for which alone he had continued in the service, after
perceiving that he should not be placed on the permanent
establishment, was accomplished. His health was much impaired, and
his domestic affairs required his attention.

Resignation and marriage of George Washington

Impelled by these and other motives of a private nature,
he determined to withdraw from a service, which he might now quit
without dishonor; and, about the close of the year, resigned his
commission, as colonel of the first Virginia regiment, and
commander-in-chief of all the troops raised in the colony.

The officers whom he had commanded were greatly
attached to him. They manifested their esteem and their regret at
parting, by a very affectionate address, [SEE A
TRIBUTE TO GEORGE
WASHINGTON, FROM HIS MEN] expressive of the high
opinion they entertained both of his military and private character.

This opinion was not confined to the officers of
his regiment. It was common to Virginia; and had been adopted by the
British officers with whom he served. The duties he performed,
though not splendid, were arduous; and were executed with zeal, and
with judgment. The exact discipline he established in his regiment,
when the temper of Virginia was extremely hostile to discipline,
does credit to his military character, and the gallantry the troops
displayed, whenever called into action, manifests the spirit infused
into them by their commander.

The difficulties of his situation, while unable
to cover the frontier from the French and Indians, who were
spreading death and desolation in every quarter, were incalculably
great; and no better evidence of his exertions, under these
distressing circumstances, can be given, than the undiminished
confidence still placed in him, by those whom he was unable to
protect.

The
efforts to which he incessantly stimulated his country for the
purpose of obtaining possession of the Ohio; the system for the
conduct of the war which he continually recommended; the vigorous
and active measures always urged upon those by whom he was
commanded; manifest an ardent and enterprising mind, tempered by
judgment, and quickly improved by experience.

Not long after his resignation, he was married to
Mrs. Custis; a young
lady to whom he had been for some time attached; and who, to a large
fortune and fine person, added those amiable accomplishments which
ensure domestic happiness, and fill, with silent but unceasing
felicity, the quiet scenes of private life.

From THE LIFE
OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, Volume II, by John Marshall, edited for style,
length, graphics and content.

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