Gerald Groenewald was formerly Senior Researcher in the Centre for Socio-Legal Research at the University of Cape Town and currently lectures in the Department of Historical Studies at the University of Johannesburg. He has published (with Nigel Worden) Trials of Slavery, 1705-1794 (Van Riebeeck Society, Cape Town, 2005) and several articles on seventeenth and eighteenth-century Cape history. He wishes to thank Adrien Delmas, V.C. Malherbe and Nicholas Southey for their assistance; as well as the audiences at seminar presentations of this paper at the Universities of Cape Town and Johannesburg for their useful comments and discussion. The financial support of the National Research Foundation is gratefully acknowledged. The views expressed in this work, and the conclusions drawn, are those of the author and should not be attributed to the sponsors

ABSTRACT

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This article explores the treatment of unmarried mothers by the Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) at the Cape of Good Hope during the VOC period (1652-1795) in the belief that by concentrating on this exceptional group of people, much is revealed of normative practices. For most of its history at the Cape during this period, the DRC was not overly biased against unmarried mothers and their illegitimate children, continuing to baptise such children and never acting against the mothers. This changed in the 1780s when the Church started to deny access to its two sacraments - baptism and Holy Communion - to illegitimate children and their parents. Through a detailed exploration of baptismal petitions for illegitimate children and censure cases involving unmarried mothers, this article reveals the growing obsession with regulating the conduct of single women. It is suggested that the origins of this movement lie both in local Cape developments, namely the socio-economic upheavals caused by the revolutionary wars, and - perhaps primarily - in changing attitudes towards motherhood created by Enlightenment ideas and Pietistic religion. At the Cape this new ideology was disseminated by the DRC minister H.R. van Lier, who used existing Reformed dogma about the sacraments to regulate the morals of unmarried mothers.

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1. The case appeared five times before the Council of Justice between September 1792 and January 1793, when both parties "renounced from further productions", in other words the case was dropped - Cape Archives Repository, Cape Town (hereafter CAR): Council of Justice (hereafter CJ) 889, Civiele Regts Rollen, 1792, pp 1060, 1203-1204, 1397-1398, 1447 & CJ 890, Civiele Regts Rollen, 1793, p 16. The reason for not pursuing the case probably lies in the poverty of Ravens, since he was unable to pay his legal costs. Unfortunately, because there was no judgment in the case, there is no supporting documentation in the relevant Documents in Civil Cases -CAR: CJ 1190-1201, Civiele Proces Stukken, 1792, which could have shed further light on the circumstances of Abrahamse and Ravens. 2. Nederduits-Gereformeerde Kerk Archives, Stellenbosch (hereafter NGKA): G1 1/7 Resolutieboek, 1791-1802, pp 36, 51. The phrase een spoorloos vrouwspersoon can be translated as "a boundless [literally track- or traceless] female person", although "boundless" does not sufficiently capture the extreme opprobrium encapsulated by the adjective spoorloos. Abrahamse does not appear in the relevant volume of the standard genealogical database, J.A. Heese and R.T.J. Lombard (eds), Suid-Afrikaanse Geslagregisters / South African Genealogies I (Human Sciences Research Council, Pretoria, 1986), [ Links ] so nothing is known of her further history or the fate of her child. 3. Often the unusual and the unfamiliar are most revealing of the everyday and the normative; compare R. Darnton, The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1984), pp 12-13; [ Links ] P. Burke, "Cultural History: Past, Present and Future", Theoretische Geschiedenis, 13, 1986, pp 190-191. [ Links ] This use of the "normal exception" is particularly apposite in this case since "it opens up history to include a wide range of human experience; and it reveals how the prosecution of certain categories of belief and behaviour serves as a commentary on the values of the master groups in society" - E. Muir, "Microhistory or microstoria", in D.R. Wolf (ed), Global Encyclopedia of Historical Writing (Oxford University Press, New York and London, 1998), p 616. [ Links ]4. R.M. Karras, "Sex and the Singlewoman", in J.M. Bennett and A.M. Froide (eds), Singlewomen in the European Past, 1250-1800 (University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia 1999), p 127. [ Links ]5. A.M. Froide, "Marital Status as a Category of Difference: Singlewomen and Widows in Early Modern England", in J.M. Bennett and A.M. Froide (eds), Singlewomen in the European Past, 1250-1800 (University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1999), pp 236-269. [ Links ]6. J. Hajnal, "European Marriage Patterns in Perspective", in D.V. Glass and D.E.C. Eversley (eds), Population in History Essays in Historical Demography (Edward Arnold, London, 1969), pp 101-143; [ Links ] P. Laslett, Family Life and Illicit Love in Earlier Generations (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977). [ Links ]7. Compare, for example: M. Nazzari, "Concubinage in Colonial Brazil: The Inequalities of Race, Class and Gender", Journal of Family History, 21, 2, April 1996, pp 107-124; [ Links ] B.W. Andaya, "From Temporary Wife to Prostitute: Sexuality and Economic Change in Early Modern Southeast Asia", Journal of Women's History, 9, 4, 1998, pp 11-34; [ Links ] G. Groenewald, "'A Mother Makes no Bastard': Family Law, Sexual Relations and Illegitimacy in Dutch Colonial Cape Town, c. 1652-1795", African Historical Review, 39, 2, December 2007, pp 58-90. [ Links ] The latter article also provides information regarding the demographic composition of Cape society in the period under discussion. 8. Nazzari, "Concubinage in Colonial Brazil", pp 111-119; A. Lavrin, "Sexuality in Colonial Mexico: A Church Dilemma" & A. Twinam, "Honor, Sexuality, and Illegitimacy in Colonial Spanish America", both in A. Lavrin (ed), Sexuality and Marriage in Colonial Latin America (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln and London, 1989), pp 47-95, 118-155. [ Links ]9. This is not to imply that there were no other settlers in the VOC empire - there were small free-burgher communities on Ceylon and in Batavia - but the Cape was exceptional in that the majority of the free colonial population were increasingly locally born. Nor do I wish to imply that the DRC was restricted to the Cape - the Church at the Cape needs to be seen in its colonial context, as is increasingly being realised; compare the essays in G.J. Schutte (red.), Het Indisch Sion De Gereformeerde Kerk onder de Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie (Verloren, Hilversum, 2002). [ Links ]10. A.Th. van Deursen, Mensen van Klein Vermogen Het Kopergeld van de Gouden Eeuw (Ooievaar, Amsterdam, 1991), pp 291-292; [ Links ] G.J. Schutte, "Between Amsterdam and Batavia: Cape Society and the Calvinist Church under the Dutch East India Company", Kronos Journal of Cape History, 25, 1998/1999, pp 22-23. [ Links ]11. These laws are published in A.S. de Blécourt and N. Japikse (eds), Klein Plakkaatboek van Nederland (J.B. Wolters, Groningen and The Hague, 1919), pp 126-132, 275-287. [ Links ] For a discussion of these regulations, see: M. van der Heijden, Huwelijk in Holland Stedelijke Rechtspraak en Kerkelijke Tucht, 1550-1700 (Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 1998), pp 45-50. [ Links ]12. E. Kloek, "Seksualiteit, Huwelijk en Gezinsleven tijdens de lange Zestiende Eeuw, 1450-1650", in T. Zwaan (red.), Familie, Huwelijk en Gezin in West-Europa (Open Universiteit and Heerlen, Boom and Amsterdam, 1993), pp 113-118, 121-122. [ Links ]13. Van Deursen, Mensen van Klein Vermogen, p 293. 14. A.Th. van Deursen, Bavianen en Slijkgeuzen Kerk en Kerkvolk ten Tijde van Maurits en Oldebarnevelt (Van Wijnen, Franeker, 1991), pp 135-141. [ Links ] For some exceptions to this general practice, see Schutte, "Between Amsterdam and Batavia", p 27. 15. J. Hoge, "Die Geskiedenis van die Lutherse Kerk aan die Kaap", Archives Year Book for South African History, 1, II (Cape Times, Cape Town, 1938). [ Links ] Due to the loss of the requisite sources (the minutes of the church council) for this period, the Lutheran practice cannot be taken into account in this article. 16. See Groenewald, "A Mother Makes no Bastard", pp 60-64, on the operation of marriage law at the Cape. 17. De Blécourt & Japikse (eds), Plakkaatboek, p 282 (article 51); Van Deursen, Bavianen en Slijkgeuzen, p 142. The issues relating to baptism and marriage were much discussed by early modern Reformed theologians - see: H. Bouwman, Gereformeerd Kerkrecht Het Recht der Kerken in de Practijk II (Kok, Kampen, 1970), pp 520-525. [ Links ] Only by the 1830s would the local DRC permit marriages between unbaptised persons - see: V.C. Malherbe, "Ten Reasons for not Marrying: Sex and Illegitimacy in Mid-Nineteenth Century Cape Town", Historia, 52, 2, November 2007, pp 195-198. [ Links ]18. See Schutte, "Between Amsterdam and Batavia", for a good overview of the situation regarding baptism in various parts of the VOC empire. ]]>
19. According to contemporary O.F. Mentzel, A Geographical-Topographical Description of the Cape of Good Hope I (Van Riebeeck Society, Cape Town, 1921), p 130: "All Christian children born in this country are baptised and taken into the Reformed Church". [ Links ]20. CAR: Verbatim Copies (hereafter VC) 603, Notuleboek, 1665-1695, p 111, published in C. Spoelstra (red.), Bouwstoffen voor de Geschiedenis der Nederduitsch-Gereformeerde Kerken in Zuid-Afrika II (Hollandsch-Afrikaansche Uitgevers-Maatschappij, Amsterdam, 1906-1907), p 265. [ Links ]21. CAR: VC 603, Notuleboek, 1665-1695, p 93, published in Spoelstra (red.), Bouwstoffen II, p 256. At first this decision only applied to slave children with European fathers, but from the baptismal records the practice appears to have been wider; compare for example the several dozen such cases noted in the section "Slaven Kinderen der Vrijborgers of Comps. Dienaeren" in CAR: VC 604, Doopboek, 1695-1712, pp 75-88. 22. CAR: VC 603, Notuleboek, 1665-1695, p 93, published in Spoelstra (red.), Bouwstoffen II, pp 256-257. This principle is also borne out by the evidence of the baptismal registers, for example compare the section "Slaven Kinderen der Ed. Comp. waer over de Ed. Comp. als getuijge staet" in CAR: VC 604, Doopboek, 1695-1712, pp 62-74, in which the names of the Company servants who acted as baptismal sponsors are noted alongside other details concerning the baptisms. On the religious instruction of Lodge slave children, see K. Schoeman, Early Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1717 (Protea Book House, Pretoria, 2007), pp 163-165. [ Links ]23. Schutte, "Between Amsterdam and Batavia", p 43. J.N. Gerstner, The Thousand Generation Covenant Dutch Reformed Covenant Theology and Group Identity in Colonial South Africa, 1652-1814 (Brill, Leiden, 1991), pp 203-214 & R.C.-H. [ Links ] Shell, Children of Bondage A Social History of the Slave Society at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1838 (Witwatersrand University Press, Johannesburg, 1994), pp 330-350, discuss slave baptism at the Cape, but concentrate on the theological aspects with little reference to actual evidence from baptismal registers. J.L. Hattingh, "Beleid en Praktyk: Die Doop van Slawekinders en die Sluit van Gemengde Verhoudings aan die Kaap voor 1720", Kronos, 5, 1982, pp 25-42, remains the best discussion, although it only covers the first part of the Dutch period. 24. That slave children were considered illegitimate, is clear from the Church and other records, for example see: Spoelstra (red.), Bouwstoffen I, pp 17, 24; A. Moorrees, Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk in Suid-Afrika, 1652-1873 (S.A. Bybelvereniging, Cape Town, 1937), pp 533-534; [ Links ] A.J. Böeseken (red.), Dagregister en Briewe van Zacharias Wagenaer, 1662-1666 (Staatsdrukker, Pretoria, 1973), p 95. [ Links ]25. This topic still needs systematic analysis, but for a preliminary investigation, see V.C. Malherbe, "Paternity and Illegitimacy: A Problem for Church and State at Cape Town, to the Mid 1800s", South African Historical Journal, 55, 2006, pp 71-75. 26. The reason for this change in practice is not clear. However, it is probably related to the change in mentality that was occurring at the Cape during the early decades of the eighteenth century regarding the position of free blacks and which resulted in a greater awareness of race - a concern over paternity may well indicate anxiety over miscegenation. Compare A. Biewenga, De Kaap de Goede Hoop Een Nederlandse Vestigingskolonie, 1680-1730 (Prometheus-Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 1999), pp 269-276 & [ Links ] Schoeman, Early Slavery at the Cape, pp 370-387. 27. See CAR: VC 605, Doopboek, 1713-1742, baptismal entry 13 August 1724 for the first case of the word onegt appearing in a Cape Town baptismal register. For the amending of the term onegt in the registers upon the subsequent marriage of the parents, for example see the entries for 10 March 1726, 12 September 1734, 8 October 1735, 23 March 1738, 10 April 1740 and 12 July 1742 in the same volume. 28. NGKA: G1 1/5, Resolutieboek, 1769-1782, p 378; G1 3/1, Register op de Notulen zedert den jare 1665 tot en met Januarij 1791, p 113 under "Onechte Kinderen". 29. From other sources it appears that parents normally sent a letter or approached a minister in person informing him of their intention to have their child baptised. See: CAR: CJ 368, Criminele Proces Stukken, 1757, p 112 for an example of such a letter. 30. The following presentation of evidence is based on a database file compiled from the details of these appearances as minuted in NGKA: G1 1/5-1/7, Resolutieboeken, 1769-1802. 31. The number of "petitions" refers to the total number of appearances - it does not reflect the number of parents or children involved. 32. Slaves were usually indicated by a first name followed by a toponym, such as Eva van de Caab. Sometimes free blacks kept their slave toponyms, but they often adopted the first names of their (putative) fathers as a surname, hence names like Abrahamse, Claasz, Willemse, et cetera. Thus, one cannot know for certain whether or not the "Maria Magdalena Roelofsz" (a typical patronymic surname) who petitioned a baptism in 1785 was the same as the "Maria Magdalena van de Caab" who made a similar request in 1783, though it seems chronologically plausible - NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, pp 60. 97. 33. NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, p 77 and G1 1/7, Resolutieboek, 1791-1802, pp 33-34. 34. NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, pp 113, 245-246, 262, 293-294, 297. 35. NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, pp 17, 60, 62, 72, 86, 95, 106, 113, 121-122, 128, 187 and G1 1/7, Resolutieboek, 1791-1802, pp 72, 102, 109, 113, 130, 132, 153. ]]>
36. This number includes those women who are identified in the records as vrijswartinne or slave women without a toponym being provided. Given the practice of free blacks to adopt patronyms, it seems likely that the large number of women with patronyms like Alexander, Adams, Abrahamse, Davidse, Jacobse, Jurgense, Roelofse and Willemse were also of slave descent. In addition, many women were simply indicated by their first name(s) which probably also reveals free black status. 37. "... tot groote ergenis streckende levenswijse"; "haar losbandig en onchristelik en allesints ergerlikgedrag; ergerlijk en aanstootelijke levenswijse ..." and "... allesints slegt en onbetamelijk gedrag ..." - NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, p 322 and G1 1/7, Resolutieboek, 1791-1802, pp 3, 57 and 72. 38. NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, pp 251-252. A month later Potgieter's repeated request for the baptism of her child was acceded to, though she was again "seriously punished" (p 259). 39. Wilhelmina van de Caab, for example, appeared five times between 1787 and 1794 before the church council requesting baptism for her illegitimate children and was never refused - NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, pp 169-170, 185, 301 and G1 1/7, Resolutieboek, 1791-1802, pp 9, 135. 40. Another possible reason relates to the controversies that raged between the DRC and the Lutheran Church at the Cape during these decades, particularly over who may baptise whom. The DRC claimed that the Lutheran Church could only baptise the children of Lutheran parents and jealously guarded its own role as the public church. See: Hoge, "Geskiedenis van die Lutherse Kerk", pp 91-118. 41. Van Deursen, Bavianen en Slijkgeuzen, pp 193-195. 42. In the late sixteenth century, only about 10 per cent of the population of the Dutch Republic were confirmed members of the Reformed Church, which by the mid-seventeenth century grew to 37 per cent. Even by the end of the eighteenth century, just over half (55 per cent) of the adult inhabitants of the northern Netherlands were DRC members. See: Van Deursen, Bavianen en Slijkgeuzen, p 129; Schutte, "Between Amsterdam and Batavia", p 23. 43. Van Deursen, Bavianen en Slijkgeuzen, p 200. 44. H. Roodenburg, Onder Censuur De Kerkelijke Tucht in de Gereformeerde Gemeente van Amsterdam, 1578-1700 (Verloren, Hilversum, 1990), pp 115-124; [ Links ] E. Kloek, Wie Hij Zij, Man of Wijf Vrouwengeschiedenis en de Vroegmoderne Wereld (Verloren, Hilversum, 1990), pp 78-79. [ Links ]45. Schutte, "Between Amsterdam and Batavia", pp 39, 44-45. 46. Compare the quotations in Gerstner, The Thousand Generation Covenant, pp 214-215. 47. Mentzel, A Geographical-Topographical Description I, p 130. 48. For a perfunctory overview of the practice of church discipline at the Cape, see: J.D. Vorster, Die Kerkregtelike Ontwikkeling van die Kaapse Kerk onder die Kompanjie (Pro Rege-Pers, Potchefstroom, 1956), pp 129-134. [ Links ]49. The minutes have survived for the following periods: 1665-1695, 1719-1724 and from 1749 onwards. However, an alphabetic register was compiled of the minute books in the late eighteenth century when the records were still complete, which contains verbatim extracts of all the main policy decisions made by the church council - NGKA: G1 3/1, Register op de Notulen zedert den jare 1665 tot en met Januarij 1791. 50. NGKA: G1 1/4, Resolutieboek, 1758-1769, pp 81-82, 89-90. 51. See Groenewald, "A Mother Makes no Bastard", pp 65-67, for the burden of proof in breach-of-promise cases. 52. NGKA: G1 1/5, Resolutieboek, 1769-1782, pp 261, 263, 265, 275. 53. NGKA: G1 1/5, Resolutieboek, 1769-1782, p 380. 54. By cases, I mean a person appearing for the first time for a specific infraction - subsequent appearances for the same infraction were not counted, but if the same person appeared more than once for different infractions, they were counted separately. Where several individuals appeared at the same time for the same infraction, each person counted as a separate case. ]]>
55. Compare NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, pp 252-253, 275, 285-286, 291. On concubinage at the Cape, see: Groenewald, "A Mother Makes no Bastard", pp 70-74. 56. For example, see: NGKA: G1 1/5, Resolutieboek, 1769-1782, p 397 and G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, pp 108, 113, 275. 57. In the seventeenth century women formed by far the majority in terms of membership of the Reformed Church in the Dutch Republic - Van Deursen, Bavianen en Slijkgenzen, pp 134-135. 58. One should not generalise too much - each location had its own special circumstances. In seventeenth-century Utrecht, women outnumbered men in censure cases in all types of censure, but in Leiden only in cases concerning morality. Compare: F.A. van Lieburg, De Nadere Reformatie in Utrecht ten tijde van Voetius Sporen in de Gereformeerde Kerkeraadsacta (Lindenberg, Rotterdam, 1989), p 90; [ Links ] Kloek, Wie Hij Zij, p 101. In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Protestant Germany and France, the majority of censure cases involved men, though in general women were more prominent in moral censure, in some cases forming the majority - Kloek, Wie Hij Zij, pp 87-88. 59. See Roodenburg, Onder Censuur, for an exhaustive treatment. 60. This does not include those instances where members were only warned to improve their behaviour without actually being denied Holy Communion, for example some of the cases in NGKA: G2 1/1, Stellenbosch Notulen, 1700-1727, pp 1-4. 61. NGKA: G2 1/3, Stellenbosch Notulen, 1755-1804, pp 272-273. 62. NGKA: G2 1/3, Stellenbosch Notulen, 1755-1804, pp 117, 195, 198, 266. The second of these cases is the only known case of excommunication at the Cape and concerns David Malan Davidsz, who in 1788 abandoned his wife and eloped into the interior with his slave mistress (with whom he earlier had a child) - N. Worden and G. Groenewald (eds), Trials of Slavery Selected Documents concerning Slaves from the Records of the Council of Justice at the Cape of Good Hope, 1705-1794 (Van Riebeeck Society, Cape Town, 2005), pp 569-582. [ Links ]63. For discussion of church discipline in the Stellenbosch congregation, see: A.L. Geyer, "Die Stellenbosse Gemeente in die Agtiende Eeu", Annale van die Uniwersiteit van Stellenbosch, 4, B, 1, Junie 1926, pp 66-69; [ Links ] Biewenga, Kaap de Goede Hoop, pp 199-202. 64. The reason why the unmarried mother, and not the father, had to bear the brunt of the blame, is because, as pointed out above, in most cases she alone requested the Church to baptise her child(ren). Whether this was because the fathers were absent, or more a reflection of the mother's concern over the future of her child, cannot be gauged directly from the source material. 65. Moorrees, Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk, pp 271-274; S.P. Engelbrecht, Die Kaapse Predikante van die Sewentiende en Agtiende Eeu (HAUM-J.H. de Bussy, Cape Town and Pretoria, 1952). 66. D. MacCulloch, Reformation Europe's House Divided, 1490-1700 (Penguin, London, 2004), p 391. [ Links ] On the "Further Reformation" in the Netherlands, especially see: Van Lieburg, De Nadere Reformatie.67. K. Schoeman, Dogter van Sion Machtelt Smit en die 18de-eeuse Samelewing aan die Kaap, 1749-1799 (Human & Rousseau, Cape Town, 1997), [ Links ] is the only study which traces the impact of this movement at the Cape. 68. Schoeman, Dogter van Sion, p 276. 69. T.N. Hanekom, Helperus Ritzema van Lier Die Lewensbeeld van 'n Kaapse Predikant uit die 18de Eeu (NG Kerk-Uitgewers, Cape Town and Pretoria, no date), pp 38-91. [ Links ]70. Spoelstra (red.), Bouwstoffen I, pp 541, 544. ]]>
71. See: Hanekom, Helperus Ritzema van Lier, pp 158-162, on the reform initiatives of Van Lier. 72 For the example of a number of people being censured for concubinage as a result of a pastoral visit by Van Lier, see: NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, p 291. 73. On the impact of the war on Cape Town and its society, see: G.A. le Roux, "Europese Oorloë en die Kaap, 1652-1795." MA thesis, Stellenbosch University, 1941, pp 95-119; [ Links ] N. Worden, E. van Heyningen and V. Bickford-Smith, Cape Town, The Making of a City An Illustrated History (David Philip, Cape Town, 1998), pp 81-83. [ Links ]74. Le Roux, "Europese Oorloë", p 117; compare: I. Glenn (ed), François le Vaillant, Travels into the Interior of Africa via the Cape of Good Hope (Van Riebeeck Society, Cape Town, 2007), pp 16-17. [ Links ]75. For example: NGKA: G1 1/6, Resolutieboek, 1782-1791, pp 29, 293 and G1 1/7, Resolutieboek, 1791-1802, p 72. For an example of how the presence of the Luxembourg regiment caused a change in the behaviour of at least one Cape Town woman, see: G.J. Schutte (red.), Briefwisseling van Hendrik Swellengrebel Jr. oor Kaapse Sake, 1778-1792 (Van Riebeeck Society, Cape Town, 1982), pp 190-192. [ Links ]76. Spoelstra (red.), Bouwstoffen I, p 541. 77. Worden, Van Heyningen & Bickford-Smith, Cape Town, p 82. 78. See: C. Beyers, Die Kaapse Patriotte Gedurende die Laaste Kwart van die Agtiende Eeu en die Voortlewing van Hul Denkbeelde (J.L. van Schaik, Pretoria, 1967). [ Links ]79. R. Bloch, Gender and Morality in Anglo-American Culture, 1650-1800 (University of California Press, Berkeley, 2003), pp 57-77. [ Links ]80. It is no coincidence that these movements found particular adherence among women. 81. Quotes from: Bloch, Gender and Morality, pp 72-73. 82. Bloch, Gender and Morality, pp 76-77. 83. Compare: Froide, "Marital Status", p 241: "Single women might well have been the early modern patriarch's worst nightmare - encompassing multiple characteristics of disorder at once". 84. On Van Lier's knowledge of (and original admiration for) both the French Enlightenment authors and the English Sentimentalist writers, see: Hanekom, Helperus Ritzema van Lier, pp 73-82. 85. A. Hunt, Governing Morals A Social History of Moral Regulation (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1999), pp 9, 17. [ Links ]86. Compare Hunt, Governing Morals, pp 6-7. ]]>198412-13198613190-191199861619991271999236-2691969101-14319772, April21107-124199894411-342, Decem3958-90198947-95118-15520021991291-29219992522-231919126-132, 275-287199845-501993113-118, 121-1221991135-14119381IIII1970520-5252, Novem52195-198192113019072652007163-1651991203-2141937533-5341973951999269-2761990115-124199078-791956129-1341989902005569-5821, Junie466-692004391199738-91194195-119199881-83200716-171982190-1921967200357-7719999, 17