Since the start of the year, there has been recurring speculation amongst some well-known, and many not so well known, Gulf commentators concerning the possibility that Saudi Arabia and Iran’s unwavering enmity might soon culminate in all-out war

Patience in Washington with Iran is fast running out. The Obama administration seems to continue a twin-track approach to imposing greater sanctions on Iran: first through extensive diplomatic efforts to secure a much more punishing round of restrictions on trade through the UN Security Council and, secondly, through its own unilateral efforts.

Of the many issues on the GCCs agenda not least was the rumbling threat of contagion from the recent upheavals in the Eurozone, mounting concerns over Iran, and the continuing threat from Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. All these issues the delegates seemed to view alike in important measure. However, one main challenge, closer to home, gives an impression of disunity among the six member states: continuing repercussions of the UAEs withdrawal last year from the common currency project for reasons which, themselves, are in dispute.

For 30 years in this career, we were reminding ourselves daily of the golden rule in journalism: Not to fall in love with a source or take sides, but events proved that this rule was and still is in a way an illusion.

Like Geneva negotiations 1 and 2, Kuwait negotiations have failed. What is different in this negotiation is that they indicated for sure that the Houthis and their allies are not keen to make any concessions to protect what is left of their power in Sanaa.

When 350 thousand troops from 20 countries join a military exercise that involves over 20 thousand tanks,250 jet fighters and more than 400 helicopters, then there is a lot of thunder. Joint military exercises are seldom this big or complicated.

Reprehensible ideas and vitriolic language have blazed into mainstream public discourse in the US 2016 election: “unfit to serve,” “liar,” “corrupt,” “bigot,” “delusional.” This essay offers context for this narrative we are seeing.

One of the most important components of the survey was the one related to the question code V66, regarding the willingness of individuals to 'fight [sacrifice] for their country'. This question reflects a component of national belonging... Read more

The war in Yemen is not limited to the political and military confrontations. Rather it comprises the economic factor which has always played as a latent factor during all conflicts in Yemen, whether in launching a conflict or in terminating it.

The fact that Donald Trump was the unexpected winner of Tuesday’s vote and the notion that he is coming to office with no previous political or foreign affairs experience has led many international relations experts to express fears that he will rely too heavily on ‘gut instinct’ and his assertive approach to business; treating international relationships as “transactional” rather than in pursuit of global security.

Iran's network of relationships with African states indicates attempts to secure political loyalty & protect its interests in the region through different soft power tactics of political, military, religious, or economic means.

Largely unnoticed by the international media, on Tuesday this week – 7th February – Kuwait’s official news agency, KUNA, released a statement by Deputy Foreign Minister Khaled al-Jarallah, expressing a cautious welcome for Iran’s earlier indication that it is willing to engage in dialogue with Gulf Co-operation Council member-states with a view to reducing tensions in the region and, in particular, bringing to a close war-fighting in Syria and Yemen. This followed the visit to Tehran by Kuwait’s Foreign Minister HH Sabah al-Khaled al-Ahmad al-Sabah on 25th January as the envoy for all six GCC states.

This Sunday, Emirates is due to inaugurate its latest service to the United States – a route from Dubai to Newark that stops over in Athens and allows passengers to join the flight at that stage – a so-called ‘fifth freedom’ service under Open Skies protocols. Similar to the two-year-old route from Dubai to JFK Airport New York that stops over in Milan, Emirates’ competitors sense a threat as the Dubai carrier starts to eat into what are generally perceived as lucrative and jealously guarded transatlantic routes. Today, if you are a passenger wishing to travel to New York from Athens, except during the summer months, you have no choice but to stopover in another European hub. From Sunday, Emirates in effect launches the first, year-round, non

On Tuesday 4th April, the people of the Syrian town of Khan Sheikhun were the targets of an attack using a chemical weapon. Early analysis suggested that this involved the deadly nerve agent, Sarin. At least 70 people died, including 27 children. The video footage of those who were struggling to survive, together with the emotional testimony from victims’ families mobilised international sympathy in a manner which few other military attacks have achieved over the past six years of war.

Economic commentators who focus on developments in the GCC have recently highlighted unsubstantiated rumours of changes ahead in the fiscal development of the region. According to this ‘rumour mill’, the UAE continues to be concerned to balance the country’s economy over the long-term as the country, like the rest of the Gulf, confronts the twin challenges of a still-stuttering global economy, particularly manifested in reduced demand from Asia, and persistently low oil prices that continue to make a direct impact on the public finances of GCC member-states.

On Saturday, Donald J Trump will have been President of the United States of America for one hundred days. Since the era of Franklin Roosevelt, this first milestone in a new incumbency has been used by commentators and the public to gauge both the early political and strategic trajectory of a new Presidency and as an opportunity to take stock of how far a new administration has succeeded in fulfilling campaign commitments.

The Summit that took place in Riyadh on 20 -21 May 2017 was the first leg of President Trump’s first international tour as Head of State. Several media commentators had seen this visit as a prelude to a strategic repositioning of long standing US relations with the GCC and other Arab nations.

There was little surprise amongst energy analysts when it was announced last Thursday evening that the 24 governments of oil-producing states – 13 OPEC and 11 non-OPEC – had agreed unanimously to extend the production curbs agreed last November until the end of the first quarter of next year. The UAE’s Minister of Energy, HE Suhail al- Mazrouei, insisted that: “everyone is in agreement”.

Earlier this month Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Egypt took the radical decision to boycott Qatar as a GCC member. A previous eight-month rift occurred in 2014 when Saudi Arabia withdrew their ambassadors from Doha. The justification for this was again Qatari support for militant groups. 2014 did not however witness a boycott which included a land, sea and air blockade which is presently apparent

The international media has been unusually intrigued by this week’s announcement that HM King Salman Abdulaziz has elevated his 31-year-old son HRH Prince Mohammed bin Salman to be the new Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia in place of HRH Prince Mohammed bin Nayef. At the age of 82, and believed to be in faltering health, many commentators around the world immediately saw this week’s announcements not only as an indication of generational change but also of a growing desire within Saudi Arabia for rapid and radical social reform.

There is more than one reason for policy researchers to turn their eyes to youth. In the Middle East, the discourse on youth has transformed tremendously reaching a point where making policy for and with youth seemed necessary. There has been great interest in the growing young population of the region during the past 3 decades in demographic research. The “Youth Bulge” was a “demographic bonus” that necessitated extensive socio-economic development.

Since the 1990s, the economies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, especially the controlling economies, such as the economy of Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the economy of the United Arab Emirates, have shifted to global economies after being more of regional economies (economies of the Middle East). The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was selected as member of the G20 since its establishment, during the G8 meeting on September 25, 1999 in Washington, to serve as a platform for a comprehensive dialogue between the developed and the emerging countries, in a way that is more representative and realistic of the latest developments of global economic power centers and more effective than the G8.

Russian foreign Minister, Sergey Lavrov began two consecutive tours in the Gulf region; first of which was in Kuwait, Emirates, and Qatar from August, 28th to August, 30th. Whereas, the second of which was in Saudi Arabia and Jordan from September, 9th to September, 11th. In fact, the talks on Qatar crisis with its Arab neighborhoods dominate the tours on media.

There is more than one reason for policy researchers to turn their eyes to youth. In the Middle East, the discourse on youth has transformed tremendously reaching a point where making policy for and with youth seemed necessary. There has been great interest in the growing young population of the region during the past 3 decades in demographic research. The “Youth Bulge” was a “demographic bonus” that necessitated extensive socio-economic development.

The New York Times article encourages some debate over Qatar’s suitability to host the world cup in 2022 mainly as a result of its refusal to stop supporting extremism and terrorism, an allegation which it denies. This is disputed by a number of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and Egypt, which have boycotted the country in an attempt to force it to adopt their unified approach against extremism and terrorism.[1] It also questions Qatar’s suitability and indeed credibility to lead UNESCO given the numerous problems which exist both within UNESCO and Qatar at this present time. The fact that some countries in the GCC have demanded that Qatar adopts a number of different political positions, and have steadfastly held their ground until Qatar effects meaningful change, has

The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) has come a long way since its inception. However, despite the objectives established in its charter—the most prominent of which is to effect coordination and integration in all fields in order to achieve unity1—the present Gulf crisis has revealed an obvious deficiency in the mechanisms for mending the rift between the member states.

While commentators on both sides of the Atlantic continue to express remorse and dismay towards the presidency of Donald Trump, the view from the Gulf states, evident at last week’s annual meeting of the National Council on US-Arab Relations (NCUSAR), struck a decidedly different tone.

The Russian Iranian relations are frequently compared to the Russian Arab relations, especially between Russia and the GCC states, which are considered to be the parallel to the Russian-Iranian relations from aspects of geographical region, competition and differences between Iran and GCC States. Although they aspire to mediate between the parties, but no one granted them the opportunity.

President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s alliance with the al-Houthi rebels has ended. Last Saturday, Saleh stated that he was ready to ‘turn a new page’ in regard to his relations with the Saudi-led coalition.[1] He went on television and stated, ‘I call upon the brothers in neighbouring states and the alliance to stop their aggression, lift the siege, open the airports and allow food aid and the saving of the wounded and we will turn a new page by virtue of our neighbourliness.’

Last week’s announcement of a new economic and strategic partnership between the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia just hours before this year’s summit meeting of the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC), has attracted widespread interest amongst commentators and analysts alike, seeking to distil the meaning and potential significance of this new alignment.
Given the timing of the announcement, most observers have been swift to conclude that the new, bilateral partnership, manifested in the establishment of a ‘Joint Co-operation Committee’, is a move that will further weaken that authority and influence of the GCC. It is also hardly a surprise that most Gulf analysts see the now six-month stand-off with Qatar as the principal motivating force behind the decisi

They are clever at pointing flaws and have been making the legitimate government look like an enemy.
To understand the limits of the Houthis influence in Yemen, it is important to have an idea about the ground realities in Sana'a, the capital controlled by the militant group. It must be understood here that military campaigns for an indefinite period of time are not solutions for Yemen's legitimate government or the Arab coalition. Something will give way, and the Houthi rebels will eventually fall under the weight of their contradictions.