Anti-Terrorism Alert _>>> The Connections Bewteen the Jewish WWII HOlocaust, the Bosnian Mission to the United Nations in NYC 2002, Al Qaeda, 9/11, Terrorism and Bill Clinton’s Kovovo War 1999

The Bosnia and 9/11 Connection: Khalid Al-Mihdhar and Nawal Al-Hazmi (above) from Saudi Arabia organized and participated in the 9/11 attacks. They were the suicide hijackers who crashed American Airlines flight 77 into the Pentagon, killing all 64 persons on the plane and 125 in the Pentagon. TheyÂ were both veterans of the Bosnian Muslim Army who possessed Bosnian passports issued by the Alija Izetbegovic Government.

The ruins of the Zagreb synagogue destoyed in 1942 by the Croatian NDH Ustasha government.

In 1942, the Croatian government under Bosnian Croat President Ante Pavelic and Bosnian Muslim Vice President Dzafer Kulenovic destroyed the only syngagogue in Zagreb. The synagogue located on 7 Prashka Street and Chanukkiyah had been built in 1867 in the center of Zagreb. The architect of the synagogue had been Franjo Klein. The Jewish presence in Croatia went back to 1806. Zagreb had a Jewish population of 12,000 before the Holocaust.

Approximately 25,000 Jews lived in Croatia before World War II. The Croatian NDH government, the “Independent State of Croatia”, Nezavisna Drzava Hrvatska, which consisted of Croatian Roman Catholics and Bosnian Muslims, was allied with Nazi Germany and fascist Italy and instituted the Final Solution in the NDH, consisting of Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina. The Croatian-Bosnian Muslim government killed over three-fourths of all the Jews living in Zagreb, Croatia, and Bosnia-Hercegovina. Croatia and Bosnia were unique during the Holocaust in that most of the Jews were killed by Croats and Bosnian Muslims themselves. Many of the Jews were killed at the concentration camp at Jasenovac. Approximately 5,000 Croatian Jews survived the Holocaust, but this was due to the fact that they were either in the Italian zone of occupation or because they were members in Yugoslav anti-fascist guerrilla forces. The only reason the Croat and Bosnian Muslim regime was unable to murder them was because it had no control over them.

The Zagreb syngagoue on 7 Prashka Street before it was destroyed in 1942 by the NDH Croat government.

The Zagreb synagogue was demolished in 1942 by Croatia’s Nazi-allied Ustasha government headed by Croats and Bosnian Muslims. The mayor of Zagreb, Ivan Werner, ordered that the synagogue be demolished. The destruction of the synagogue began on October 12, 1941 and was completed in the next four months. A news account in a contemporary Zagreb newspaper stated that the reason for the demolition was because “the synagogue does not harmonize with the general city plan of Zagreb.” Out of a total of 41 synagogues in Croatia before World War II, only three survived. No syngagogue survived in the NDH capital Zagreb.

Synagogues were destroyed throughout Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina. Croats, Bosnian Muslims, and Germans destroyed the Il Kal Grande synagogue in Sarajevo, one of the largest in the Balkans, in 1941.

In The Second World War: A Complete History (NY: Henry Holt and Company, 1989), Sir Martin Gilbert described the destruction of the Zagreb synagogue:

“It was a New Order typically marked, on 1 January 1942, by the final disappearance of the Zagreb synagogue, the pride of the Croat capital’s 12,000 Jews, which had been demolished stone by stone over a period of four months.”

The main synagogue in Osijek in eastern Croatia, constructed in 1869, was initially damaged by German forces during the invasion of Yugoslavia in 1941. Following the German military occupation of Yugoslavia, local Croatians and ethnic Germans, Volksdeutsche, joined German troops in destroying the synagogue three days later. On April 14, 1941, the Osijek synagogue was burned. The synagogue in Vukovar was burned in 1941.

The area where the synagogue stood in Zagreb is a parking lot now. There are plans to rebuild the synagogue. The Jewish population of Zagreb was 1,500 after the Holocaust.

The genocide in Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina was unique in that the Croats and Bosnian Muslims themselves murdered the Jewish, Serbian, and Roma populations. Jews, Serbs, and Roma were excluded from the NDH, made up of Croatia, Krajina, and Bosnia-Hercegovina and were subjected to elimination and extermination. Dozens of death and concentration camps were set up in Croatia and Bosnia for Jews, Serbs, and Roma. The largest concentration camp in the Balkans was the Jasenovac camp. These concentration camps were set up and run, not by German occupation forces, but by Croatians and Bosnian Muslims themselves. In the NDH, Croatia and Bosnia, the Croatians and Bosnian Muslims engaged in a genocide against Jews, Serbs, and Roma that was separate and distinct from the genocide carried out by German forces.

In the Emergency Legal Provision and Order, published in the June 27, 1941 Zagreb newspaper Narodne Novine, NDH President Ante Pavelic decreed that “… the Jews are spreading false information … and hindering the distribution of supplies to the population … collectively considered responsible and therefore measures will be taken against them and they will be put away, because of their criminal responsibility, into prison camps under the open sky.” The elimination and extermination of the Jewish population of the NDH was carried out with the phrase: “In the NDH there is no room for Jews.”

The genocide committed by Croats and Bosnian Muslims during the Holocaust was censored and covered-up in the U.S. and so-called West following World War II. This genocide committed by Croats and Bosnian Muslims remains as one of the few untold and suppressed stories of World War II and the Holocaust.

The racist and hysterical anti-Serbian propaganda during the 1990s breakup of Yugoslavia did not originate with the U.S. government and the so-called Western media. The roots and origins of the anti-Serbian propaganda paradigm go back to Austria-Hungary before World War I. It was Austria-Hungary that developed the propaganda construct of a “Greater Serbia” and that Serbia was committing “extermination” or a genocide against Albanians. In particular, an inflammatory propaganda tract published by Austrian Leo Freundlich (1875-1954) in 1913 epitomized the Austrian anti-Serbian propaganda campaign. The propaganda tract was entitled “Albania’s Golgotha: Indictment of the Exterminators of the Albanian People”, published in Vienna in 1913 in German as Albaniens Golgotha: Anklageakten gegen die Vernichter des Albanervolkes. Gesammelt und herausgegeben von Leo Freundlich .

Who was Leo Freundlich? He attended the 1913 Congress of Trieste, then part of Austria-Hungary, with Austro-Hungarian Baron Franz Nopcsa von Felso-Szilvas. The Congress was promoted by Austria to “ensure the selection of a prince of its choice.” In other words, Austria organized the Congress to be able to put an Austrian as the king of Albania. Albania was an Austrian proxy, client state, surrogate, and satellite statelet at that time. Indeed, Nopcsa sought to be installed as king of Albania himself. He described Freundlich: “I brought with me Dr. Leo Freundlich, a former Socialist Member of Parliament from Vienna who, at the very moment Albania became ‘in’, had skilfully founded the periodical ‘Albanische Korrespondenz’ and was now on about ‘imperialist power politics’.” His racist anti-Serbian propaganda track was written after the Trieste Congress, on “Easter Sunday, 1913″.

In 1914, the Great Powers would install German army officer Prince William of Wied as the first internationally recognized political leader of Albania, who was supported by Austria-Hungary. The New York Times reported in 1913 that even former U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt was being considered for the position of the first King of Albania.

Robert Elsie, an Albanian propagandist and advocate, described Freundlich as follows: “Leo Freundlich (1875-1954), was a Jewish publicist living in Vienna. … Freundlich was born of a wealthy Jewish family in Bielitz-Biala in the then Austro-Hungarian Empire.” He was a politically active socialist who became a member of the Reichsrat in 1907, the Austrian Parliament. He edited the left-wing newspaper the “Volkswacht”. He attacked the Catholic Church and was imprisoned for three weeks. In 1910, he resigned from the Reichsrat with the defeat of the socialists in Bohemia and financial problems with his newspaper.

In 1900, Freundlich had married Emmy Koegler (1878-1948), who was a member of the Social Democratic Worker’s Party of Austria (Sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei Österreichs , SDAP).

He was a soldier in the Austro-Hungarian Army during World War I and was part of the Austrian occupation force in Albania. Austria-Hungary invaded and occuped northern and central Albania during World War I. Austria-Hungary created an Albanian Legion, an Albanian military formation, that was part of the Austro-Hungarian Army. After World War I, he worked for Ahmet Zogu, born Ahmet Bey Zogolli, who became King Zog of Albania in 1928. He became an “honorary consul” from Albania to Austria, representing Albanian economic and political interests. He was described as the “Royal Albanian press chief” to Albanian King Zog.

Austro-Hungarian and Albanian members at the 1913 Congress of Trieste where the selection of a foreign, proxy ruler for Albania was discussed.

During the 1930s, Freundlich promoted trade relations between Albania and Nazi Germany. He worked with Nazi officials during this time. Elsie reported that in response to the Nazi salute “Heil Hitler!”, he would respond with “Heil Zogu!”. Because he was Jewish, he moved from Vienna to Geneva, Switzerland, to flee the Nazis. After the Communists took over Albania in 1944, he wrote a letter to Albanian Communist deputy prime minister Koci Hoxe asking that he be made an honorary Albanian consul to Austria again.

Leo Freundlich was an opportunistic, amoral businessman who sought to exploit Albania to enrich himself in the process. He was a ruthless profiteer and sycophant. What credentials does he have to write a pamphlet on the alleged atrocities committed by Serbian forces, “the crazed barbarians”, in Albania? Freundlich has none. He has a self-interested motive in promoting the interests of Austrian satellite and proxy Albania. He will stand to gain and benefit financially from his propaganda screed. The primary source for news reports of alleged Serbian atrocities against Albanians was the “Albanische Korrespondenz”, a bogus newspaper that Freundlich had set up himself. In other words, he was the source for his allegations. He admitted in the preface that the objective of the tract was to persuade: “The aim of this work is to rouse the conscience of European public opinion.”

Moreover, he was willing to do business with Nazi Germany in the 1930s so long as he benefited financially from the deals. While others boycotted the Adolf Hitler Nazi regime in Germany and refused to do business with it, Freundlich had no qualms about economic relations with Hitler so long as he was personally enriched. He was an amoral opportunist and profiteer. His racist propaganda screed “Albania’s Golgotha” is an example of racist incitement to hatred and ethnic and religious enmity. Ironically and absurdly, he applied the Christian “Golgotha”, referring to the crucifixion of Jesus Christ, to Albanians, the majority of whom are Muslim. “Albania’s Golgotha” stands next to “The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion” in its racist incitement to ethnic and religious enmity and hatred.

An Albanian infantryman of the Albanian Legion, which was part of the Austro-Hungarian Army during World War I, 1916. The Albanian Nazi SS Division Skanderbeg, formed in 1944, would be modeled by Heinrich Himmler on the Austro-Hungarian Albanian Legion from World War I.

The Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar, above in 1943, was made up of 18,000 Bosnian Muslims and 300 Albanian Muslims. Bosnian Muslims were not Nazi and fascist “collaborators”, but Nazis themselves.

The Bosnian Muslim Government and Army of Alija Izetbegovic reformed and reconstituted the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar from World War II. Contrary to the nonsensical screed of Croat Marko Attila Hoare, whose mother is Croatian Marxist and Ustasha apologist Branka Magas, and other Bosnian Muslim apologists and propagandists, there is overwhelming and abundant proof of the existence of a “Handzar Divizija” in the Bosnian Muslim Army. The existence of the Handzar Division in the Bosnian Muslim Army was proven by testimony and exhibits presented at the Hague ICTY war crimes trial of Bosnian Muslim commander Sefer Halilovic.

The collar patch of the original Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar, showing a Nazi swastika and Ottoman dagger, 1943.

The red “walking out” fez of the original Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division.

Moreover, further proof was tendered at the war crimes trial of Bosnian Muslim Zijad Kurtovic, a platoon commander of the Military Police Battalion Dreznica of the 4th Corps of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, who was tried for war crimes in Bosnia by the State Court of Bosnia-Hercegovina. Kutovic was tried for war crimes allegedly committed at the All Saint’s Roman Catholic Church in Donja Dreznica in Hercegovina in October, 1993, against Bosnian Croat civilians and POWs. Kurtovic and Hasan Delic allegedly forced two Croatian Defence Council (HVO) POWs to perform oral sex on each other. Bosnian Muslim troops also were alleged to have tortured and beaten civilians and POWs detained at the Church with crosses, bats, and with statues of Christian saints. Prisoners were also forced to eat pages from The Bible and from other Christian books.

The Bosnian Muslim faction fostered and revived the legacy of the Handzar Division. The cover of the October, 1991 Sarajevo magazine Novi Vox showed a Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS officer stepping on the decapitated and bleeding head of Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, wearing a shubara cap. The other three decapitated Serb heads were those of Nikola Koljevic, a Bosnian Serb leader and a Bosnian refugee during World War II when he and his family fled to Belgrade following the Croat and Bosnian Muslim Ustasha takeover of Bosnia, Slobodan Milosevic, and Vojslav Seselj. The threat against Serbs, made half a year before the civil war started in 1992, was an incitement to genocide and ethnic and religious hatred and enmity. The headline reads: “The Handzar Division is ready.”

A Bosnian Muslim soldier, Sedin Mahmic, testified that on the night of October 3, 1993, he and other Bosnian Muslim soldiers had gone to the All Saint’s Roman Catholic Church “to see what the Ustasha were doing”. Mahmic testified that a Bosnian Muslim soldier, Zijo, was “a member of the Handzar Division” (”jedan od handzaraca”) who, along with Hasan Delic from Dreznica, were present in the church.

The combat or field form of the fez of the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar from World War II was a grayish-greenish color with a black tassel, 1943.

Sedin Mahmic further testified that:

“I was in Dreznica when they brought the prisoners. I saw members of the Handzar Division ["handzaraca"] of the Army of BiH kicking them a bit. Nihad Bojadzic, commander of the Special Purpose Squad ordered them to take them to the church and said that the Civil Protection Unit, which was composed of the elderly, was to guard them.”

Mahmic also denied that Zijo, a named member of the Handzar Division of the BiH Army, was invloved in the mistreatment of POWs: “Zijo was not a man who would be interested in going to church to maltreat somebody.”

Waffen SS badge of the Handzar Division, 1943.

In the article “Kurtovic: Handzarci [Handzars] in Dreznica”, April 24, 2008, the witness Mahmic gave his personal account of the events:

“I know that they told one man to lie down and to roll like an animal, like a crocodile. At the entrance Delic forced two detainees to have oral sex with each other, while he was cursing their Ustasha mother. He told one prisoner to take his trousers off. I told them to leave him alone and, as I could not watch any longer, I left the place.”

The War Crimes Chamber of the State Court of Bosnia-Hercegovina found Kurtovic guilty of war crimes and sentenced him to 11 years in prison on April 30, 2008.

Left and right Waffen SS collar tabs for the Handzar Division, 1943.

Based on the orders issued by Bosnian Muslim commander Rasim Delic during Operation Neretva 93, a Bosnian Muslim military offensive against Bosnian Croat areas in the Mostar region, the “Handzar divizija” was one of the units that participated in the offensive, along with other special purpose units of the Bosnian Muslim Army such as “Igmanski vukovi” and “Adnanova grupa”. These units were sent to Jablanica and Grabovica.

On September 8, 1993, Bosnian Muslim Army troops tortured and massacred 32 Croat civilians in Grabovica. Bosnian Croat Jozo Brekalo was crucified, beheaded, and his head was impaled by Bosnian Muslim troops. Luca Brekalo was tortured then burned alive by Bosnian Muslim Army forces. Ivan Saric was murdered in front of his wife, Ljubica, who was subsequently raped by Bosnian Muslim soldiers. Bosnian Muslim commander General Vehbija Karic issued an order to Zulfikar Ali Spago to seal off the town of Grabovica to prevent the discovery of the massacres. Bosnian Muslim officers were alleged to have taken measures to cover-up the war crimes and acts of genocide in Grabovica commiotted by the Bosnian Muslim Army. The corpses of Croats murdered by Bosnian Muslim troops were thrown into the Neretva river and orders were reportedly issued to execute any witnesses to the crimes.

Marko Attila Hoare argued that there was no evidence for the resurrection or recreation of the Handzar Division by the Alija Izetbegovic regime. Hoare maintained that only British journalist and military analyst Robert Fox had even noticed the existence of this formation, and that his account was based on hearsay. Fox had only related what UN personnel and peacekeepers had reported to him surmised Hoare. Hoare wrote that “no other journalist or anyone else seems to have noticed the existence of a unit of ‘up to 6,000 strong’ that named itself after the SS and that was, according to Fox, officered by Albanians and trained by mujahedin veterans from Afghanistan and Pakistan.” Hoare disdainfully dismissed any evidence for the existence of a reformed Nazi SS Handzar division as follows: “So what we’re left with is a single newspaper article from the ‘imperialist’ media, which describes at second hand a recreated SS ‘Handžar Division’ that nobody else ever noticed.”

The United Nations report from December 28, 1994, in “Annex III. A Special forces”, confirmed the presence of Albanian Muslim troops from Albania and from Kosovo and reported that they were fighting as part of the Bosnian Muslim Army:

“Ties with the Government and regular military of BiH

Several reports indicate that the Mujahedin were placed under the command of the BiH Army. … The Mujahedin forces were closely associated with the 5th Corps, the 6th and 7th Zenica Brigades, the 7th Travnik Brigade, and the 45th Muslim Brigade which belongs to the 6th Corps in Konjic of the Army of BiH. … They also allegedly fought alongside the Muslim Police, the Krajiska Brigade from Travnik, units of Kosovo Muslims, Albanian soldiers, and paramilitary groups such as the “Green Legion” and the “Black Swans”. … Reports also indicate that the Mujahedin had the support of President Izetbegovic and his government. …

The Mujahedin were also alleged to be part of the forces that invaded the village of Trusina near Foca on 15 April 1993. According to the report, attackers wore white ribbons on their arms and fought beside Albanian Muslim troops. Twenty-two civilians reportedly died in the attack.”

The UN reports conclusively proved the existence of Albanian Muslim “volunteers” from Kosovo and from Albania in the Bosnian Muslim Army. Moreover, Robert Fox personally observed Albanian Muslim mercenary soldiers who fought in the Bosnian Muslim Army in 1993.

Lt. Salko Gusic, the Bosnian Muslim commander of the 6th Corps of the Bosnian Muslim Army, stated under oath in a court of law, at the ICTY war crimes trial of Sefer Halilovic, that there indeed was a unit in the Bosnian Muslim Army known as the “Handzar Divizija”, i.e., the Handzar Division. The prosecution showed him an army order to the Handzar Division which he read at the trial. At the trial, Gusic testified as follows:

“This is an order whereby the following units, the Handzar Divizija, the Silver Fox Unit, become part of the special purposes detachment Zulfikar. This order was written in connection with the decision of the Main Staff of the 21st of August in Zenica with a view to making larger units out of smaller ones.”

“Q. Very well. You knew that a unit called the Handzar Division, a small unit called the Handzar Division, came to be located in the village of Grabovica; is that correct?
A. I don’t know that.
Q. Okay. Did you ever meet a man — an Albanian man, the commander of a unit called Handzar, who went by the name of Dzeki, D-z-e-k-i?
A. I heard about him. For a while, they were in the town of Jablanica.”

There was a formation or unit in the Bosnian Muslim Army known as the “Handzar Division”. The ICTY Prosecutor pointed to trial Exhibit 123, which was an official order by Bosnian Muslim military commander Sefer Halilovic to the formation “Handzar Division”, which was part of the Bosnian Muslim Army under Alija Izetbegovic. The existence of this formation was widely known in Bosnia during the conflict and was not much of a secret but was suppressed and censored by the U.S. and Western media.

The Bosnian Muslim Government and Army of Alija Izetbegovic not only reformed and revived the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar, but the reformed Handzar Division was implicated in war crimes and genocide committed by the Bosnian Muslim soldiers under the command of Alija Izetbegovic.

Before Before and after: The Sephardic Il Kal Grande synagogue in Sarajevo was destroyed, looted, and vandalised by Bosnian Muslims in 1941 when German forces occupied Sarajevo.

Bosnian Muslims played a role in the destruction and desecration of the Il Kal Grande synagogue and in the Holocaust. This is a fact that is censored in the U.S. media accounts of Bosnia-Hercegovina. The historiography, however, is consistent and unanimous in showing that the Bosnian Muslim played a role in the destruction of the Sarajevo synagogue.

On April 17, 1941, Sarajevo was occupied by the German Wehrmacht. The Il Kal Grande Sephardic synagogue in Sarajevo was constructed from 1927-1931 and was the largest synagogue in the Balkans. The synagogue was opened in 1932 and was regarded as the “most ornate” synagogue in the Balkans. The synagogue was constructed by the Sephardic Jewish community of Sarajevo, which originally settled in Bosnia in 1565 after the expulsions from Spain, who spoke Ladino, a dialect of Spanish-Portuguese.

The synagogue was immediately destroyed by German, Croat, and Bosnian Muslim forces, after the occupation of the city, according to Leni Yahil in The Holocaust: The Fate of European Jewry, 1932-1945:

“Bosnia and Herzegovina were annexed to newly independent Croatia. Sarajevo, the ancient Sephardic Jewish center, was captured by the Germans on April 17, 1941, and the Croats and the Germans immediately burned down the ancient and renowned synagogue.The Moslems collaborated in this (one of their units later joined the German forces fighting in Russia). The first concentration camp was already established in May 1941.”

British Holocaust and World War II historian Martin Gilbert, in The Holocaust: A History of the Jews in Europe during the Second World War, described the destruction of the Sephardic synagogue of Sarajevo as follows:

“On April 16, German forces entered Sarajevo, and, with local Muslims, plundered and destroyed the main synagogue.”

The interior of the Sarajevo Il Kal Grande Sephardic synagogue, constructed in 1932, which was destroyed by Bosnian Muslims in 1941.

In Atlas of the Holocaust, Gilbert described the destruction of the synagogue:

“Between the wars, during the ‘Yugoslav era’, the Jews of Bosnia enjoyed full civil liberties. But disaster struck from the first days of the German occupation, with the burning down of the synagogue by German troops and local Muslims.”

The European Jewish Congress described the destruction of the Sarajevo synagogue in these terms:

“On the eve of the Shoah, the Jewish population numbered some 14,000. In 1941 Bosnia was incorporated into the Croat state. When the Germans entered Sarajevo, together with a local Bosnian Muslim mob, they destroyed the Sephardi synagogue. Bosnian Jewry was decimated by a combination of German, Ustashe (Croat Fascist), and Bosnian Muslim forces. The Mufti of Jerusalem (Haj Amin-al Husseini) was active in enlisting recruits to a Bosnian Muslim S.S. unit and in encouraging local authorities to organize the deportation and extermination of Bosnian Jewry.”

The Il Kal Grande synagogue in Sarajevo was heavily damaged in the 1941 attack. The building, however, remained standing after the war. The Jewish Community of Bosnia-Hercegovina donated the building located on 24 Branilaca Sarajeva street to the city of Sarajevo after 1945. The structure was preserved and was converted into the Bosnian Cultural Center in Sarajevo. There is a menorah that remains on the entrance to the Center to commemorate the Bosnian Jews who died in the Holocaust.

The Travnik synagogue in central Bosnia was also damaged, looted, and vandalized in 1941 by Bosnian Muslims and Croatians. The Travnik synagogue was built in 1860 to replace the 18th century Kalkados synagogue. During World War II, the Travnik Jews were killed and the synagogue was damaged, burned, and plundered and religious objects were taken by Bosnian Muslim and Croatian fascist and Nazi/Ustasha forces. In 1941, the synagogue was partially burned and looted and ritual objects, Torah scrolls, manuscripts, silver, tefillim, and tallitot were seized. After the objects were returned after the war, the Jewish community in Sarajevo donated part of the collection to the Jewish Museum in Belgrade

Eighty-five percent of the Jews of Sarajevo died during the Holocaust. Of the approximately 10,500 Jews of Sarajevo before the war, only about 800 survived the Holocaust. Of the approximately 14,000 Jews of Bosnia-Hercegovina, about 12,000 would die in the Holocaust.

Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS troops in Handzar reading the booklet Islam und Judentum which was written by the Grand Mufti in support of the Holocaust, 1943. The booklet contains the following quote: “The Day of Judgment will come, when the Muslims will crush the Jews completely; And when every tree behind which a Jew hides will say: ‘There is a Jew behind me, Kill him!’” The booklet also contained photos of the Grand Mufti with Joseph Goebbels.

The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, second from right, on the balcony of the Bosnian Presidency Building in Sarajevo with Bosnian Muslim leaders, 1943. The Grand Mufti, Palestinian Arab Haj Amin el Husseini, came to Sarajevo to form the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar and to garner Bosnian Muslim support for the Holocaust.

Bosnian Muslim Hussein Biscevic-Beg was a high ranking officer in the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar, an Obersturmbannfuehrer of the Flak Detachment of the SS Division Handzar. Biscevic-Beg was a veteran of the Austro-Hungarian Army in World War I. He is shown wearing the skull and cross-bones insignia of the SS under the silver eagle badge of Nazi Germany which depicts an eagle holding a Nazi swastika. The Ottoman fez was outlawed in 1925 by Mustafa Kemal Pasha Ataturk in Turkey, but the Bosnian Muslims continued to wear the outlawed and banned Ottoman fez, a symbol of the Turkish Ottoman Empire.

A member of the Bosnian Muslim Nazi 13th Waffen SS Division Handzar, or Handschar in German.

There were at least nine Bosnian Muslim officers in the Handzar Division:

Book Review: NATO War Crimes: Media Lies and the Conquest of Kosovo
September 2, 2008 – 2:59 pm

Media Lies and the Conquest of Kosovo: NATO’s Prototype for the Next Wars of Globalization. Publisher: Unwritten History, Inc., New York, 2007. By Michel Collon, 276 pages, with photographs and maps.

“Each war begins with media lies.” This is how Belgian journalist Michel Collon begins his analysis of the Kosovo conflict which resulted in the U.S. and NATO bombardment of Yugoslavia in 1999 and the subsequent occupation of the Serbian Kosovo province by U.S. and NATO troops. The U.S. and NATO had launched a war of aggression without United Nations approval and in violation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Yugoslavia. The war was illegal and criminal under international law and under the Charter of the UN.

How was an illegal and criminal war “sold” as a “humanitarian intervention” to prevent “genocide” and a second Holocaust? This is the question that Collon analyzes and attempts to answer in the book.

Collon stated that the “primary objective” of the book is to allow “the reader to recognize media lies”. The Kosovo conflict is used to demonstrate how the U.S. media and government used “disinformation” and “war propaganda” to cover up the fact that no “genocide” or atrocities had taken place in Kosovo. He is able to deconstruct the deceptions and lies perpetrated by the U.S. and Western media. The analysis is essential reading in promoting critical media literacy skills and in the deconstruction of the modus operandi of the U.S. and Western media.

But if there was a massive and unprecedented U.S. infowar and propaganda and disinformation campaign, what was the reason for it? Collon analyzed the hidden agendas and objectives that the U.S. and the NATO countries had in launching such a blatantly illegal and criminal war of aggression. He showed how NATO expansion eastwards and into “Southeastern Europe” were important strategic and military objectives. The neutralization of Serbia was vital for the U.S. and the EU because Serbia was not a compliant U.S. proxy, client, and satellite state. Serbia was a large roadblock in the way of U.S. and NATO expansion. Serbia had to be wiped out. And that is what the U.S. and NATO did. The Kosovo conflict was the result.

Economic interests were also of primary concern for the U.S. and NATO. Serbia was resisting “privatization” and the “open society”, that is, the corporate takeover of its economy by U.S. and Western corporate raiders, NGOs, and corporate conglomerates.

Collon examined the ramifications of the Kosovo conflict for future conflicts, the “next wars of globalization.” In particular, he saw the connection of Kosovo to the Caucasus, the interconnection of Kosovo to the South Ossetia and Abkhazia conflicts. Collon saw the Kosovo conflict as only the first war in NATO’s expansion eastwards and NATO’s plan to encircle the Russian Federation.

The war launched on August 7, 2008 by U.S. client state Georgia to take over the de facto independent regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia can be seen as the second war concocted by the U.S. and NATO. The goal is the same in Kosovo and in South Ossetia. The U.S. and NATO seek expansion. Collon was able to foresee the South Ossetia conflict, His analytical framework is accurate and critical, providing an objective and unbiased analysis of NATO and U.S. motives and policies.

Collon begins his analysis by deconstructing the media deceptions and lies that the U.S. and Western media used to “sell” the illegal war in Kosovo. The U.S. propaganda model was to use the Bosnia Holocaust propaganda analogy. Accuse the Serbs of committing genocide, of recreating the Holocaust. Make up outrageous and preposterous atrocity stories and fabrications and concoct unbelievable casualty numbers. Revive the “ethnic cleansing” meme that worked so well in Bosnia. And then develop the genocide propaganda argument.

There was a claim by the U.S. and Western media that there were “100,000 Missing” Albanian Muslims, presumed to have been killed by the Serbs. U.S. President Bill Clinton stated at a White House press conference on June 25, 1999 that “tens of thousands of people”, that is, Albanian Muslims, had been murdered in Kosovo on the personal orders of Slobodan Milosevic. This was nonsense and a malicious deception. Geoff Hoon of the British Foreign Office similarly claimed that “it appeared that around 10,000 people had been killed in more than 100 massacres.” These were outlandish, cynical, and immoral lies disseminated by government leaders. But Bill Clinton and Tony Blair understood that there were no repercussions and consequences for the most outrageous of lies and deceptions. By playing the genocide game or genocide card, moreover, invoking genocide in what was an internal, separatist and secessionist conflict, Clinton and Blain knew that they could silence any dissent and debate. Who wouldn’t want to prevent genocide and atrocities? Framed in those deceptive terms, it was a win-win situation that was based totally on disinformation, infowar and psyop techniques, and fabrications.

In fact, claims of genocide by the U.S., Britain, and other NATO countries were later shown to be lies and fabrications concocted and planned by the governments of those same NATO countries that bombed and occupied Yugoslavian territory. U.S. infowar techniques went into high gear. The U.S. media and government propaganda machine went into overdrive. U.S. Army Psyops specialists even were hired by CNN to work for the news network. This was the appetizer. This was to get everyone ready for the main show, which was the bombing and occupation of Serbia.

Collon examined and discussed the language and terms of the Rambouillet Accord which no sovereign and independent country could accept. It harkened back to the 1914 Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum to Serbia that led to World War I. Under the terms of the Rambouillet Accord, Serbia had to allow NATO the right to potentially occupy all of Serbia and Yugoslavia, had to give Kosovo de facto independence immediately, and allow Kosovo Albanians to vote on independence after three years. What sovereign state would accept these terms? Would Georgia under Mikhail Saakashvili accept these terms for the resolution of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia conflicts? Clearly, the U.S. planned a war to allow the Kosovo Albanian Muslim separatists to secede from Serbia, like Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini had done in 1941, and for essentially the same reasons, to use Albanians as a proxy against Yugoslavia, a hostile and non-proxy state.

Collon cited convincing and compelling evidence that the U.S. and NATO planned an “intervention” in Kosovo long before the 78 day bombing started in 1999. In June, 1997, a French government official visited a U.S. aircraft carrier in the Adriatic. A U.S. admiral showed him a map of Yugoslavia with blinking lights on it. When asked what the lights represented, the admiral replied, “These are the future targets of our air attacks.” This was almost two years before the alleged “crackdown” and “atrocities” in Kosovo by the Slobodan Milosevic regime. This was before anything had happened in Kosovo. The U.S. and NATO were planning the next war. And Kosovo was the place. Some rationale was needed, any rationale, and the U.S. propaganda and infowar machine came up with one.

Finally, Collon analyzed the war crimes the U.S. and NATO committed in Kosovo by targeting Serbian hospitals, nursing homes, passenger trains, automobile factories, power grids, marketplaces, refugee columns, and television stations. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch confirmed that based on the evidence they gathered, the U.S. and NATO were guilty of committing horrendous war crimes. But who was going to prosecute them? Who was going to arrest Bill Clinton and Madeleine Albright and bring them before a war crimes tribunal and court? Who was going to prosecute the U.S. and NATO war crimes in Serbia and Yugoslavia? Might makes right.

What did the U.S. and NATO achieve with the alleged “humanitarian intervention”? Following the war, an estimated 250,000 Kosovo Serbs, Roma, Turks, Gorani, and Jews were forced to flee Kosovo, creating an ethnically pure Albanian or Shqip “Kosova”, a Greater Albania. What the U.S. had achieved was to allow its proxy Albanian forces to secede and to create a second Albanian state in Europe. The U.S. had achieved the goals of Albanian separatism, creating two Albanian Muslim states in Europe.

Collon analyzed the Racak “massacre” and showed how this incident was staged and manipulated and distorted by the U.S. government and media. Those killed were armed Albanian Muslims who had been engaged in a shootout with Yugoslav police and security forces. The evidence showed that they had gun residue on their hands indicating that they had fired weapons. Racak was the pretext the U.S. needed to launch the illegal bombardment of Yugoslavia. Anything, any pretext, would have done.

Collon showed how economic factors were also paramount in the Kosovo conflict. U.S. President Bill Clinton had explained that “that’s what this Kosovo thing is all about … our ability to sell around the world.” He cited a Thomas Friedman statement in the New York Times : “The hidden hand of the market will never work without a hidden fist—McDonald’s cannot flourish without McDonnell Douglas, the builder of the F-15.” Finally, the New York Times on July 18, 1996, attacked Slobodan Milosevic, “a former Communist”, because he retained “state controls” over the Yugoslav economy and because of “his refusal to allow privatization.” The Washington Post explained succinctly why Yugoslavia was targeted by the U.S., NATO, and the EU: “Milosevic failed to understand the political message of the fall of the Berlin Wall while other Communist politicians accepted the Western model, and moved in the direction of the rest of Europe, Milosevic went the other way.” Milosevic did not grasp that the U.S. was the sole Superpower, the “global hegemon” who required all states to adopt and to follow the “Western model”. Ultimately, this was what the Kosovo thing was all about.

Collon was able to analyze and deconstruct the many issues involved in the Kosovo crisis and to see their future implications in the Caucasus. Originally published in 2000 in French as Monopoly: The NATO Conquest of the World, Collon analyzed how the Kosovo conflict was aimed ultimately at Russia and was a precursor to NATO expansion into the Ukraine, the Baltic states, and Georgia. Kosovo was not the end, but only the start. Kosovo was the beginning. South Ossetia and Abkhazia were the next wars. Kosovo set the stage for Iraq, Afghanistan, and the conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia and was the intended “prototype” for future wars of “globalization” and for spreading “democracy” and “freedom” around the globe.

Three-year-old Milica Rakic was killed on April 17, 1999 by the NATO bombardment of the Belgrade suburb of Batajnica.

The parents of Milica Rakic mourn at her funeral.

NATO targeted hospitals, power grids, nursing homes, passenger trains, bridges, refugee columns, busses, television stations, factories, and residential areas. These are war crimes under international law and the customs and conventions of warfare. Cluster bombs were dropped by NATO in civilian areas. NATO bombed the residence of Slobodan Milosevic in a “decapitation” attack meant to assassinate him. NATO also killed hundreds of Albanian Muslim refugees.

The Chinese Embassy building in Belgrade after NATO bombardment. Out of 900 targets bombed by NATO, only the Chinese Embassy was targeted and chosen by the CIA and consisted of an independent U.S. bombing run.

A Serbian civilian lies dead on the street after NATO bombing.

Serbian hospitals destroyed by NATO bombardment, above and below.

U.S. bombers wrote graffiti on this unexploded bomb in Kraljevo: “Do you still wanna be a Serb now!!”

Serbian graffiti on a damaged building reads “Hitler Klinton”. Worldwide protests and outrage against the NATO bombing were largely dismissed and marginalized by the U.S. and NATO governments and media.

U.S. President Bill Clinton is depicted as a “new Hitler” during mass anti-U.S. and anti-NATO demonstrations in Sydney in 1999.

U.S. Marines pass an anti-NATO banner in Thessaloniki, Greece in 1999 which reads: “Killers Go Home”.

Partisan-German collaboration: Communist Partisan leaders under Tito, left, with German military officers in Yugoslavia during World War II.

In his seminal 1973 analysis of the roles Draza Mihailovich and Josip Broz Tito played during the World War II conflict in Yugoslavia, Tito, Mihailovic and the Allies, 1941-1945, Walter R. Roberts was able to show that Tito’s Communist Partisans had collaborated with the Nazis. The Communist Partisan collaboration with the Nazis was long-covered up and suppressed by the Communist dictatorship which took over Yugoslvaia in 1945.

Walter R. Roberts described the meeting between the Partisans and German occupation officials as follows:

“Within the framework of negotiating … prisoner exchanges, a meeting was arranged … between the commanding general of the German 717th Infantry Division, Lieutenant General Benignus Dippold, and three high-ranking representatives of the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation: Milos Markovic, Vladimir Petrovic and Koca Popovic. Only Popovic, an army commander, used his real name. Markovic was in reality Milovan Djilas, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPY, and Petrovic was an alias for Vladimir Velebit, in whose house in Zagreb the radio transmitter was hidden through which the CPY and the Comintern had exchanged messages in 1941.

Walter R. Roberts was the Counselor of the American Embassy in Yugoslavia from 1960-1966 and Associate Director of USIA.

A German memorandum states that the German-Partisan conversation took place in Gornji Vakuf (west of Sarajevo) on March 11, 1943, from 9:30 to 11 A.M. . . . During the March discussions, the Partisan delegation stressed that the Partisans saw no reason for fighting the German Army – they added that they fought against German troops only in self-defense – but wished solely to fight the Chetniks; that they were oriented toward the propaganda of the Soviet Union only because they rejected any connection with the British; that they would fight the British should the latter land in Yugoslavia; that they did not intend to capitulate, but inasmuch as they wanted to concentrate on fighting the Chetniks, they wished to suggest respective territories of interest.

A Communist Partisan officer, right, with German officers of the 7th SS Mountain Division “Prinz Eugen”.

The content of this German memorandum of conversation is confirmed by a document which the Partisan delegation left behind and which bears the signatures of the three Partisan emissaries. In it Djilas, Velebit and Popovic proposed not only further prisoner exchanges and German recognition of the right of the Partisans as combatants but, what was more important, the cessation of hostilities between German forces and the Partisans. The three delegates confirmed in writing that the Partisans ‘regard the Chetniks as their main enemy.’

. . . . A few days later, on March 17, the German Minister in Zagreb, Kasche, sent a telegram to Berlin in which, clearly referring to the German-Partisan talks, he reported the possibility ‘that Tito and supporters will cease to fight against Germany, Italy and Croatia and retire to the Sandzak in order to settle matters with Mihailovic’s Chetniks.’

Meanwhile in the wake of the discussions between the three high Partisan representatives and Lieutenant General Dippold, further talks were arranged at Zagreb. . . . Velebit and Djilas passed again through the German lines and were brought by a German military plane from Sarajevo to Zagreb on March 25, 1943. There they had talks with Glaise von Horstenau and his staff.

Milovan Djilas and Vladimir Velebit met with German General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau, above, in Zagreb.

Not having received a reply from Ribbentrop to his message of March 17, Kasche sent another telegram to his Foreign Minister on March 26, 1943, in which he reported that two duly authorized representatives of Tito had arrived in Zagreb for the purpose of discussions with German, Italian and Croatian military representatives. One of them, Kasche said, was Dr. Petrovic, a Croat, and the other a Montenegrin by the name of Markovic These people, he added, again offered to stop fighting if they could be left in peace in the Sandzak. . . .

On March 29, Ribbentrop sent Kasche a telegram in which he prohibited all contact with the Partisans and asked on what Kasche based his optimism. . . .

The discussions between the Partisan representatives and the Germans in Zagreb regarding a possible cessation of hostilities got nowhere, not only because the Partisan proposals were unacceptable to the Germans but, above all, because Berlin utterly opposed any accommodation with the Partisans. When apprised of the Zagreb contacts, Hitler reportedly said: ‘One does not negotiate with rebels – rebels must be shot.’”

. . . . The fact remains, however, that the Partisans, who labeled Mihailovic and the Chetniks traitors for their accommodation with the enemy, sent two high-ranking officers to the German general in Zagreb with the purpose of arranging a cease-fire, after having declared in writing that their main enemies were the Chetniks and not the occupying Axis forces.

No wonder that there is great sensitivity in Yugoslav Communist circles about that chapter in history. None of the official Yugoslav documents mentions the Velebit-Djilas trip to Zagreb, while every possible Chetnik Axis meeting is duly recorded.”

Robert’s primary sources for these meetings and discussions between the Partisans and German forces concerning collaboratio were based on the Nuremberg Armed Forces High Command document series which was assembled by prosecutors at the Nuremberg war crimes trials by the U.S. The document that disclosed the meeting was NOKW 1088, Record Group 238. The Communist dictatorship that Tito established after the war covered-up and suppressed this evidence of Communist Partisan collaboration with Nazi forces.

General Draza Mihailovich, center, with American OSS officers.

The March, 1943 meeting between Partisan leaders Djilas and Velebit and German occupation leaders was suppressed and covered-up by the Yugoslav Communist dictatorship under Tito and by Tito’s supporters in the U.S. and the West, many of whom were known to be Communists, Communist sympathizers, or even Communist moles and spies like James Klugman, the deputy chief of the Yugoslav section of SOE, the British Special Operations Executive.

Communist mole and spy James Klugman falsified reports and data in support of the Communist Partisan forces of Tito, backed and supported by Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union.

Tito’s objective was thus to negotiate an end to hostilities and to combat between Communist Partisans and German occupation forces. The goal was to allow Tito to concentrate on destroying the Chetnik forces under Draza Mihailovich before a possible Allied landing that would allow a link up of Allied forces and Chetnik forces that would ensure Mihailovich’s victory in the civil war conflict in Yugoslavia. Mihailovich had not yet been completely abandoned and betrayed by the British and the U.S. Because the british and the U.S> supported Mihailovich over the Communist Partisans, Tito and the Partisan leaders were willing to collaborate with the Nazis occupation forces and to engage in combat against British and U.S> forces if doing so would allow them to prevent the Chetnik guerrilla movement from being recognized by he Allies.

In Milovan Djilas’s war-time memoirs, published as Wartime (1977), he confirmed and admitted for the first time that the allegations of Partisan collaboration with the Nazis made by Walter R. Roberts
were correct and accurate. The negotiations between the Germans and
Tito’s Partisans in fact did take place. Djilas’ account corroborated the Roberts description of the meeting. The meeting occurred when top Partisan commander Koca Popovic conferred at Tito’s headquarters in Bosnia. A German transport plane then took Djilas and Velebit from Sarajevo to Zagreb. The discussions and negotiations centered around Partisan proposals that the Communist guerrillas would collaborate or cooperate with the Nazis if they were allowed to concentrate on destroying the Chetnik guerrilla forces. The Partisans anticipated a possible British and American landing in Yugoslavia on the Adriatic Coast similar to the landings in Italy. At that time, Mihailovich was still being backed and supported by the Allies as the primary resistance leadeYugoslavia. The Partisans feared that an Allied landing in Yugoslavia would ensure a victory for Mihailovich and his Chetnik guerrilla forces.

The Partisan objective was to destroy Mihailovich’s forces before any Allied landing. For this to occur, the Partisans needed German and Axis help. The meeting shows that the Partisans were willing to collaborate with the Nazi occupation forces if it meant that they could destroy their military and political rivals, the Chetnik forces of Draza Mihailovich. German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop rejected the Partisan proposal of collaboration. Hitler refused any collaboration with the Yugoslav Partisans, whom he regarded as rebels and bandits, not recognized military combatants, who should be executed. The proposed Partisan-German agreement on collaboration, thus, did not emerge. But the incident showed that the Partisans did collaborate with the German occupation forces and were, indeed, willing to engage in collaboration with the Nazis. It was only the German rejection of these offers that prevented any large-scale and long-term agreements of collaboration.

Djilas explained and rationalized the Particollaboration with the Nazis as follows:

”Neither I nor the other Central Committee members
had any pangs of conscience that by negotiating
with the Germans we might have betrayed the Soviets,
internationalism, or our ultimate aims. Military
necessity compelled us. The history of Bolshevism –
even without the Brest-Litovsk Treaty and the
Hitler-Stalin Pact offered us an abundance of precedents.
The negotiations were held in great secrecy. There
were no differences among the top leaders, except that
Rankovic and I were more dubious of the outcome than
Tito. As for a more permanent truce and broader
agreement, no one really believed in that.”

Djilas admitted that Communist Partisans had captured, tortured, and executed Chetnik guerrillas. He further conceded that the Yugoslav Partisans were essentially auxiliaries for the Russian Red Army who saw there role as being in support of Soviet Russia. In Wartime, Djilas discussed the historical sympathy that Montenegrins had for “Mother Russia”, which was ingrained, “but Russia was far away.”

Tito too was a hardcore, Soviet Communist, who had studied in the Soviet Union and had emerged as one of the leading Communist leaders when he returned to Yugoslavia. Tito was familiar with the Serbian area because in 1914 and 1915 he had fought as an Austro-Hungarian sergeant against Serbian troops. A Croat-Slovene Roman Catholic by birth, Tito had little sympathy or empathy with Orthodox Serbs or with Serbian national aspirations. Captured by Russian troops during World War I, Tito became a POW in Russia, where he adopted the Communist/Bolshevik ideology following the October Revolution, in 1917. He became a prominent Communist/Marxist/Leninist leader, lived and worked in the USSR. His first wife was Russian. Tito emerged as a pan-Slavist, staunch Marxist-Leninist, who sought to create in Yugoslavia a Communist Republic, a Soviet-style model, a Balkan USSR. Tito sought to create a Soviet-style dictatorship of the proletariat in Yugoslavia. After World War II, this was initially exactly what happened. The Partisans were able to seize power in Belgrade not through democracy or by popular will. The Soviet Red Army advance into Hungary and Serbia forced the German forces to retreat in October, 1944. Soviet tanks and Soviet troops put Tito and the Communist Partisan regime in power in Belgrade.

Finally, the Communist Partisans “collaborated” with the Nazis from the time of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact from August 23, 1939. When Hitler attacked Yugoslavia on April 6, 1941, the Communist partizans did not resist the invasion. It was only when the Soviet Union was attacked on June 22, 1941, that the Partisans change this collaborationist policy. The decision to begin an armed struggle against the Nazi occupation forces was not made until a July 4, 1941 meeting held in Belgrade on 4 July 1941. The Communists celebrate the Day of Uprising on July 7, when a Communist murdered two Serbian officials. The Partizan resistance began with the murder of two Serbs, not with any resistance against Nazi troops. According to Djilas, in 1945 Communist partisan leaders decided that was it decided that July 7 should be the anniversary for the beginning of resistance, when shots were fired “at gendarmes and not at the Germans.”

From April 6, 1941 to July 7, 1941, the Partizans collaborated with the Nazi occupation forces. Only when the Soviet Union was attacked were they reluctantly forced to began a resistance. Draza Mihailovich and the Chetnik forces, by contrast, had launched a resistance movement from the start of the German invasion of Yugoslavia.

The documented proof that Tito’s Communist Partisans collaborated with the Nazis challenges the assumptions that the Partisans represented the popular will of the population of Yugoslavia and that they were an effective and viable resistance movement. The evidence of Partisan collaboration shows that the Communist Partisans were obsessed with achieving power and establishing a Soviet-style and Stalinist-style Communist dictatorship in Yugoslavia at all costs and by whatever means necessary, even collaboration with German occupation forces. This evidence provides historical background and context on the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991. Military force, in the form of Soviet tanks and troops of the Red Army, put Tito into power in Belgrade. The bullet, not the ballot, established the Communist dictatorship in Yugoslavia under Tito. Moreover, the rejection and betrayal of Allied ally Draza Mihailovich and the support of the Communist faction by the U.S. and Britain gave the Partisans the decisive advantage in the civil war conflict. This evidence supports the argument that foreign intervention in the Yugoslav conflict from 1941-1945, by the U.S., the Soviet Union, and Britain, resulted in a Communist Partisan takeover of the Yugoslav government and the creation of a Communist dictatorship. Without this foreign intervention, the Communist Partisans were forced to collaborate with the Nazis because they faced defeat and loss in the conflict with Draza Mihailovich’s forces.

Draza Mihailovich, second row, standing, with members of the over 500 downed U.S. pilots and airmen that his forces rescued in Operation Halyard, the largest rescue mission of World War II, a rescue mission covered-up and suppressed for over half a century by the U.S. government.

Twentieth-Century Fox lobby cards for the 1943 American movie Chetniks! The Fighting Guerrillas, a move about the Chetnik resistance movement headed by Draza Mihailovich with Philip Dorn, on left, as Mihailovich.

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Proxy Wars: Kosovo and South Ossetia
August 19, 2008 – 6:13 am

U.S. Army Sergeant Jeff Baughman trains Georgian troops as part of the Train and Equip Program. Georgian troops used this training to attack the de facto independent South Ossetia in a massive artillery, air, and ground assault on August 7, 2008, which South Ossetian and Russian leaders have termed a “genocide” .

U.S. Army Brigadier General William Garrett, on right, during joint U.S.-Georgian military exercises held on July 21, 2008 at the Vaziani military base outside of Tbilisi, with Georgian leader Mikhail Saakashvili.

Yada…yada…yada. The discussion on the unprovoked and planned aggression by Georgia on South Ossetia is futile and moot because Russian President Dmitry Medvedev announced last week that the Russian Government would recognize the independence and freedom of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. On August 25, 2008, both houses of the Russian Parliament or Duma voted unanimously to recognize the independence of both South Ossetia and Abkhazia. On August 26, 2008, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev announced that the government of the Russian Federation officially recognized the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

Save your rhetoric. Georgia has lost those areas permanently. Ossetians and Abkhazians can never live in the same state with Georgians again. Period. South Ossetia will be an independent nation a la Kosovo. In other words, like Kosovo, South Ossetians will unilaterally declare independence from Tbilisi. And who will stop them? The answer is: No one. South Ossetia is exactly like Kosovo.

A destroyed Georgian T-72 tank in the South Ossetian capital, Tskhinvali.

South Ossetians are over two-thirds of the population of South Ossetia. In other words, they are the majority. Moreover, in 2006, South Ossetians voted in a democratic referendum in which over 90% favored independence. South Ossetians have a right to self-determination and to self-rule. And as a majority, they have the democratic right to decide their own fate.

Just think of South Ossetia as a Caucasus Kosovo. If Albanian Muslims can have two countries in the heart of Europe, then why can’t South Ossetian Christians have their own country as well? Everything is on the side of the South Ossetians. And Russian Federation T-72 tanks and SS 21 misssiles do not hurt either.

A South Ossetian soldier passes by a destroyed Georgian T-72 tank.

As Mr. T would say, stop all this jibber jabber. South Ossetia has been de facto an independent nation at least since 1992. And now, Russian leaders have announced that South Ossetia will be recognized as an independent and free nation. If the Albanian Muslims can unilaterally declare “independence” in violation of the UN and international law, then why can’t the South Ossetians? What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander.

Russian Federation soldiers prevented a genocide and mass slaughter in South Ossetia by U.S. and Israeli trained troops.

South Ossetia is exactly like the Kosovo scenario. Both are essentially proxy wars.

Albanian Muslims have two countries in the heart of Europe now. Why? Because of US tanks and missilies, because of the US and NATO military presence in Kosovo, an internationally and legally recognized part of Serbia. In both cases, tanks are deciding the issue. In Kosovo, it is US tanks. In South Ossetia, it is Russian tanks.

Kosovo is not a country. It has no economy and no political or social history. The name “Kosovo” is actually a Serbian word that means “place of blackbirds”. Almost all of the towns, cities, and villages in Kosovo have Serbian names and a Serbian history that goes back half a millennium. Kosovo is a phony country. It is in fact a legal part of Serbia and is part of the UN recognized borders of Serbia.

What the US did is pull a fast one here. Kosovo was not recognized as independent by the UN and by Serbia and about three-quarters of the world. Only the US and its satellite states have recognized Kosovo. So, under international law and the UN, the unilateral declaration of independence is illegal and criminal.

Richard Holbrooke with Albanian Muslim separatist which the U.S. State Department labeled a “terrorist”. Below, Madeleine Albright with Albanian Muslim separatist.

But the US government does not tell you this. The US occupation of Kosovo is illegal under the UN and international law.

Then the US has the audacity and arrogance to accuse Russia over the issue of South Ossetian independence. Kosovo and South Ossetia are the same scenarios. They only exist because of respective American and Russian tanks. Take away American tanks in Kosovo, and there is no more Albanian Muslim Kosovo. Serbia would reintegrate it within its internationally recognized borders.

Russian leaders announced last week that South Ossetia and Abkhazia will be recognized as free and independent. On August 26, 2008, the Russian Federation recognized South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent. And who is going to stop them? No one is. Kosovo and South Ossetia are about force, brute military force, nothing else. Might makes right. Both cases are based upon the same principle. The Kosovo scenario was a precedent in that it made the recognition of South Ossetia inevitable and necessary. When international law and sovereignty were violated in the Kosovo scenario, the only recourse is force.

Just compare the facts in both cases. South Ossetians are a majority of the population in South Ossetia and in a 2006 referendum they voted overwhelmingly for independence from Tbilisi, over 90% voting for independence. Moreover, this genocidal aggression and attack on Tskhinvali by a US proxy and puppet leader, one installed in what was essentially a CIA coup, the CIA-funded and CIA-organized “Rose Revolution”, means that Georgia has lost these areas forever and permanently. Only World War III can change these facts on the ground. And that is why Kosovo and South Ossetia are exactly the same scenarions: Independent “nations” that exist only due to the proxy wars of the superpowers, that exist only through force.

But South Ossetia has a more legitimate claim to independence because it has been de facto independent since 1992 and emerged during the break up of the Soviet Union. The Kosovo case is different because Kosovo was always legally a part of Serbia, even when Yugoslavia broke up in 1991-1992, internationally recognized as a part of Serbia. The way the US and NATO got around this legal barrier was to create a bogus and phony Holocaust or genocide claim for Kosovo. That genocide assertion has since been proved to be a US and NATO propaganda hoax. There was never any basis in fact for the genocide claim. In other words, the US and NATO occupation of Kosovo was illegal and criminal ab initio with no foundation in international law, the UN, or in the practices and customs of sovereign nations. But that didn’t stop the US from using Kosovo as a proxy conflict to dismembere Serbia and to support an illegal separatist movement.

At any rate, discussion is moot and futile because both South Ossetia and Kosovo are guaranteed by the superpowers. Russian tanks are in South ossetia along with SS 21 missiles. In Kosovo, there are American tanks. Might makes right. Both cases are exactly the same.

The most important point regarding analyses of the media coverage of the South Ossetian conflict is that a propaganda or media war is an adjunct to every war. Every war also brings up epistemological issues. In other words, we always see a war through a certain filter or lens. We never see a war without this lens or filter. And filters and lens distort reality. This is an important point.

In every war, there is an issue of reality control and perception management. CNN and Fox News in the US sought to portray or present the war as “aggression” or an “invasion” by Russia. In fact, it was Georgia that invaded the breakaway region of South Ossetia, which has been de facto independent since 1992. Which view is correct and the “truth”? It depends on which paradigm or lens you use.

The first paradigm is: Georgia is a sovereign country that has UN recognized borders. Based on this assumption, Georgia can do no wrong. Everything it does will be legitimate and legal. Georgian troops can murder 200,000 Russian civilians or 2,000 South Ossetians and that will be seen as legitimate because Georgia was safeguarding its UN recognized borders. This is the paradigm the US media used, following the marching orders of the US Government and US State Department. The US government tells the US media what paradigm they must follow. In this regard, US media is state-run or state-controlled media.

Of course, the US did not apply this paradigm to Serbia. Serbia too is a sovereign nation that has UN recognized borders. But then why did the US dismember Kosovo and detach it from Serbia outside of the UN and international law? Based on the UN and international law, what the US diod was illegal and against international law.

The issue here is: Who gets to decide? The US gets to decide these matters. It is selective. The US can arbitrarily and subjectively decide what is legal, legitimate, and adheres to international law. In other words, the US is the “international community”. This is a bit of a smokescreen but the US can get away with it because it has the largest army in the world and controls all media.

The second paradigm is: Georgia committed an act of aggression by launching a planned war against Russian peacekeepers in a region with de facto independence and an international peacekeeping mission. Like Kosovo, the South Ossetians should be allowed to vote in a democratic referendum on whether they want to be independent. Moreover, the principles of self-determination apply to South Ossetia. Of course, the US Government rejects this paradigm vis a vis South Ossetia but accepts it vis a vis Kosovo. The US is just applying an arbitrary standard based on whether the parties are proxies or adversaries. The US applies one paradigm to Albanian Muslim separatists and another one to Ossetian Christian separatists. The scenarios are identical. But in one case the parties are proxies and in the other they are adversaries.

There is no critical media literacy in the US. This is because the corporate and military and political interests in the US want to keep Americans dumb and stupid, brain-dead zombies. This is for obvious reasons. People must be out buying all sorts of things they do not need, they must rush to the next movie blockbuster, and they must support the latest US “humanitarian intervention” to save mankind.

Media analysts cite Joseph Goebbels and Nazi propaganda techniques as sui generis and in vacuo. What the media analysts neglect to mention about Goebbels is that the Nazi propaganda machine was based on American models. Goebbels based much of his propaganda techniques on the pioneering work of American Edward Bernays. In fact, Goebbels studied Berenay’s books on propaganda and had at least one on his shelves. Not many Americans know that Joseph Goebbels based his propaganda techniques on US media persuasion techniques developed by Edward Bernays and Walter Lippmann. That is a fact we subconsciously reject and self-repress and deny.

All wars entail propaganda and media wars because all wars present epistemological issues. How we see a war depends on the lens we use. And all lenses distort and alter reality.

By illegally occupying Kosovo and then violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia by recognizing Kosovo “independence” in contravention of the United Nations and international law, the US and NATO set a dangerous and reckless precedent. The US showed contempt and disdain for international law and the UN and the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia. Force is all that matters. Might makes right. The Kosovo precedent made the secession of South Ossetia and Abkhazia inevitable and unavoidable.

U.S. “advisers” and trainers teach Georgian soldiers military techniques and tactics in Georgia.

A U.S. “adviser” trains Georgian troops at the Vaziani military base on July 18, 2008 outside of Tbilisi as part of joint U.S.-Georgian military exercises. Georgians are being trained to use the US-made M-16 assault rifle. The U.S. and Israel are “advising” and training the Georgian armed forces.

Mikhail Saakashvili, above, has 150 Georgian troops as “peacekeepers” in Kosovo and over 2,000 in Iraq. Ironically and hypocritically, these Georgian troops are violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of both Serbia and Iraq.

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The Bosnian Muslim Role in the Ustasha and Nazi Genocide
August 7, 2008 – 7:16 am

On right, Bosnian Muslim Dzafer-beg Kulenovic was the Vice-President of the NDH Ustasha regime from 1941 to 1945. The NDH Ustasha regime committed genocide against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies during the Holocaust.

The Bosnian Muslim Role in the Ustasha and Nazi Genocide

An NDH Ustasha guard stands over the corpses of Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies murdered at the Jasenovac concentration and death camp.

Bosnian Muslims were part of the political leadership of the Ustasha Nazi-allied state during the Holocaust. The Bosnian Muslims are complicit in the genocide committed against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies. Bosnian Muslim political, military, and religious leaders played a major role in the genocide against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies. Historians have falsified, distorted, and covered-up the Bosnian Muslim role in the Holocaust and the genocide committed against Serbs.

Bosnian Muslim political, military, and religious leaders were integral parts of the NDH leadership and government. The Vice-President of the NDH was a Bosnian Muslim, Dzafer-beg Kulenovic. The Foreign Minister of the NDH was also a Bosnian Muslim, Mehmed Alajbegovic. The Bosnian Muslims were in the NDH Ustasha Domobrans, the regular army, and security and police forces. There were 11 Bosnian Muslim political leaders who served in the NDH Ustasha Parliament or Sabor.

The following Bosnian Muslims were part of the Government of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH):

The Vice-President of the NDH (Ministar-potpredsjednik):

Osman Kulenovic (April 16, 1941 to October 7, 1941)

Dzafer-beg Kulenovic (Oct 7, 1941 to May, 1945)

Minister of Foreign Affairs (Ministar vanjskih poslova):

Mehmed Alajbegovic (May 5, 1944 to May, 1945)

Minister of Transportation and Public Works (Ministar prometa i javnih radova):

Mehmed Alajbegovic was also the General Consul of the NDH in Munich, Germany from January, 1942 to October, 1943. Alajbegovic met with Adolf Hitler and Heinrich Himmler and Joachim Ribbentrop when he was the NDH Ustasha Foreign Minister. He was arrested and tried for war crimes after the war. He was found guilty of war crimes and sentenced to death. He was executed in 1947 for war crimes. Osman Kulenovic was arrested and tried for war crimes in Yugoslavia after the war. He was found guilty and was executed for war crimes in 1947.

Ademaga Mesic was a high ranking Bosnian Muslim member of the Ustasha Party. Mesic was a Doglavnik, a deputy leader in the Ustasha Party. Bosnian Muslim Muhamed Pilav had been a member of Ante Pavelic’s Ustasha terrorist group in Italy based on a 1937 Yugoslav report. Bosnian Muslim Hasan Huskic had been a member of the Ustasha Janka Puszta camp in Hungary before the war.

Bosnian Muslims were part of the Axis Nazi forces that invaded and occupied the Soviet Union. Bosnian Muslim troops were part of the 369th NDH Croat Reinforced Infantry Regiment which fought at Stalingrad as part of the German Wehrmacht during Operation Barbarossa. In September, 1942, the German Iron Cross 2nd class was awarded to Bosnian Muslim Sergeant Dzafer Babovic, a member of the NDH Regiment, by the German Army for his role duirng the Stalingrad campaign.

Bosnian Muslim Doglavnik or deputy NDH leader Ademaga Mesic, center, with Nikola Mandic, the president of the NDH from 1943, on left, and Doglavnik Mile Budak.

Hakija Hadzic was a prominent Bosnian Muslim political leader in the NDH, born in Bileca on January 1, 1883. Along with Bosnian Muslim Ademaga Mesic, Fehim Spaho, Mehmet Handzic, Hadzic was active in the NDH regime. Educated in Vienna and Jena, during World War I he was a soldier in the Austro-Hungarian Army and became a POW in Russia. He later formed a Bosnian Muslim wing of the HSS, Moslemanska Organizacija Hrvatske Seljacke Stranke).

Hadzic joined the Ustasha Party when the NDH was proclaimed on April 10, 1941. He served in key NDH political posts during the Ustasha regime. He was the Head Trustee of (Izvanredni Povjerenik) for the GUS (Glavni Ustaski Stan, the Ustasha High Command) for the municipality of Tuzla in eastern Bosnia. He was subsequently made the Head Trustee for Sarajevo. He later was appointed the Head Trustee for the entire area of the former Drinska Banovina.

Bosnian Jews and Croatian Jews had to wear a yellow armband in the NDH. Bosnian Serbs and Croatian Serbs had to wear a blue armband.

Hadzic advocated vociferously for the creation of a Greater Bosnia. Historians have covered-up and censored any accounts of a Greater Muslim Bosnia. Bosnian Muslim leaders such as Hadzic argued the Rashka or Sandzak region of Serbia should be annexed to a Greater Bosnia, a Greater Islamic State. Hadzic worked to have the NDH annex the Novi Pazar district of Serbia, the Rashka or Sandzak area.

In late 1942, Hadzic was appointed Ambassador in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the NDH. On July 11, 1944, he was appointed the NDH Ambassador to Hungary.

Hadzic advocated and supported the NDH Ustasha extermination and genocide campaign against the Serbian population of Bosnia-Hercegovina, Krajina, and Croatia. Hadzic openly incited genocide against the Serbian population and was actively involved in the systematic planning and organization of the genocide committed against Serbs..

He fled to Austria with other Ustasha NDH leaders after the collapse of the NDH government on May, 1945 to escape capture and to avoid prosecution for war crimes and genocide. Like Dzafer-beg Kulenovic, Hadzic fled to a Muslim country in the Middle East where he received sanctuary, Syria, where he lived as a wanted war criminal. Hadzic died on January 1, 1953 in Damascus.

Ante Pavelic hand-in-hand with Ali Aganovic, right, the envoy of the Bosnian Muslim community of Sarajevo at the opening of the mosque in Zagreb, August, 1944, which Pavelic and the NDH Ustasha regime constructed.

Bosnian Muslim Alija Suljak was the Ustasha commissioner for Eastern Hercegovina and was the personal aide to Poglavnik Ante Pavelic. In July, 1945 it was reported in a CIA document from 1946 that he personally gave a Memorandum to the Turkish Embassy and to the Afghanistan and Iran Legations in Rome in which he placed blame for the alleged killings of Muslims in Bosnia on the Serbs. Suljak coverer-up the major role Bosnian Muslims had played in the extermination and genocide committed against Serbs.

In “Bosnia-Herzegovina at War: Relations Between Moslems and Non-Moslems” from Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Yeshayahu A. Jelinek noted that Bosnian Muslims were part of the NDH government and that Bosnian Muslims participate in the genocide committed against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies:

“During the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina were a part of the Independent State of Croatia, a German–Italian satellite The ruling Ustasha movement wished to remove Serbs, Jews and Gypsies from Croatian soil The Moslem inhabitants of the region were categorized as Croats by the regime who claimed to grant them all rights and privileges. Moslems participated in the bloodbath which the Ustasha initiated against the proscribed minorities. “

Ante Pavelic with Izmet Muftic, the Mufti of Zagreb since 1919, at Islamic services for the opening of the “Poglavnik mosque” , Poglavnikova dzamija. Bosnian Muslim Ademaga Mesic, Ibrahim Proho, Nikola Mandic, the president of the NDH, and Ivan “Ico” Kirin, an Ustasha Colonel who headed Pavelic’s personal security detachment, also attended the NDH Ustasha ceremony.

The highest ranking Bosnian Muslim religious leader in the NDH, Izmet Muftic, supported the Ustasha NDH regime and the genocide committed against Serbs and Jews and Roma, Gypsies. Muftic traveled to Karlovac to greet Ante Pavelic when he returned from exile and proclaimed the NDH on April 10, 1941. Muftic and the Muslim community of Zagreb had proposed that the Serbian Orthodox Church on Preradovic Square in Zagreb be taken over and converted into a mosque. Ustasha leader Slavko Kvaternik designated Muftic a member of the Croatian State Leadership in 1941. He conducted Islamic prayer services on behalf of the NDH regime and officiated at the opening of the Ustasha Poglavnik mosque that Ante Pavelic constructed in Zagreb in 1944. Muftic endorsed the NDH Ustasha genocide committed against Serbs. Muftic was arrested, tried, sentenced to death, and executed by hanging after the war for war crimes.

Executed Bosnian Muslim war criminal Izmet Muftic, the Mufti of Zagreb, at Islamic prayer services for the proclamation of the NDH Ustasha regime.

The Bosnian Muslim religious leader in Bosnia-Hercegovina, Fehim Spaho, the Reis-ul-Ulema, supported the Ustasha NDH regime and the genocidal programs against the Serbs.

Dzafer-beg Kulenovic was the highest ranking Bosnian Muslim political leader in the NDH. He had been the President of Yugoslav Muslim Party, which had been the largest Bosnian Muslim political party, succeeding Mehmed Spaho, who died in 1939.

Kulenovic was born in Rajnovici on February 17, 1891, having served as president of the Yugoslav Moslem Organization (JMO). He had been a minister in the government of Yugoslavia before World War II.

Mufti of Zagreb, Izmet Muftic, Andrija Artukovic. the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, and Mile Budak in Zagreb, 1943, planned and organized the genocide against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies.

After the end of the war, he was one of the most wanted Ustasha war criminals. When the NDH regime collapsed, Kulenovic escaped to Syria. His brother Osman was arrested, tried for war crimes, sentenced to death, and executed in 1947. He managed to escape prosecution for war crimes in Bosnia by fleeing to Syria where he died on October 3, 1956 in Damascus.

The Bosnian Muslim role in the Ustasha genocide committed against Serbs and in the Holocaust has not been documented. This falsification, distortion, and manipulation of history has created an erroneous impression or image of Bosnian Muslims as “victims”. Bosnian Muslims were not victims. Bosnian Muslims played a role in the genocide against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies during the Holocaust.

Bosnian Muslim troops in the NDH Ustasha Domobran or Home Guard formations.

On left, NDH Ustasha General Slavko Stancer, the chief of staff of the NDH Ustasha army, with Bosnian Muslim Domobran or Home Guard commander who was a part of the Ustasha NDH armed forces. Bosnian Muslims were members of the Ustasha NDH armed forces.

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Iranian Arms and Bosnia
July 26, 2008 – 6:29 am

Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani met Alija Izetbegovic at the Mehrabad Airport in Tehran in 1993 during an official state visit by Izetbegovic to procure Iranian weapons and arms in contravention of the UN arms embargo.

Iran was the main arms supplier to the Bosnian Muslim military forces during the 1992-1995 civil war, in violation of the United Nations arms embargo. Needless to say, this was a criminal act and illegal. But because Iran had U.S. support and backing in this illegal operation through U.S. Ambassador in proxy state Croatia, Peter Galbraith, nothing was ever done about it. The U.S. media censored it and covered it up. End of story.

Iran supplied two-thirds of the total received in weapons and ammunition by the Bosnian Muslim forces during the 1992-95 civil war. From May, 1994 to January, 1996, Iran transported over 5,000 tons of weapons and military equipment to Bosnia. The U.S. government gave the infamous “green light” to Tehran through Peter Galbraith. A U.S. Senate sub-committee thatÂ investigated this “green light” policy, a clear criminal act and an illegal act in violation of the UN arms embargo, concluded that it had strengthened the Iranian strategic position in Europe and had endangered the lives of U.S. civilians and troops. Why did the U.S. engage in this criminal and illegal activity exposing the hypocrisy of the U.S. that only made Iran stronger and which increased Iranian influence in Europe?Â Was the criminal and illegal U.S. policy based on the notion of cutting off one’s nose to spite one’s face? The concept is based in realpolitik, the concept that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Croatia and the Bosnian Muslim faction were U.S. proxies and surrogates that acted as puppets for the U.S., NATO, and the EU.Â In the short term, the Serbs were a greater strategic threat to U.S. interests than the Iranians were. It is as simple as that. Iran, thus, became an “ally” and “collaborator” of the U.S.

Former U.S. Ambassador to proxy and client-state Croatia gave the infamous “green light” for Iran to illegally arm the Bosnian Muslim military forces.

Iran sent to Bosnia members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, Pasdaran, 2,000 by 1995,Â who supervised the illegal arms shipments and who were incorporated into the Bosnian Muslim Army of Alija Izetbegovic, who made official state visits to Tehran in 1992 and 1993 to secure Iranian arms shipments and military and diplomatic support. Needless to say, these official visits by Izetbegovic, illegal and criminal actions because in violation of the UN arms embargo, were censored and suppressed in the U.S. and Western media under the Emphasis propaganda or infowar or psyop technique. The U.S. media, government, and intelligence agencies knew these illegal arms transfers from Iran were occurring, but they were covered-up from the American public. The American public did not need to know. Croatian Defense Minister Gojko Susak explained: “The Americans never protested.” Illegal Iranian arms shipments continued to pour into Bosnia.

American involvement and collusion and duplicity in the illegal Iranian arms shipments was apparent from the start. In May, 1994 and September, 1995, the U.S. directly intervened to allow illegal Iranian shipments to get to their destinations with the Bosnian Muslim Army. By Semptember, 1994, the U.S. Army was “assisting and advising” the proxy and surrogate Bosnian Muslim military forces.

The Iranian Intelligence Agency (VEVAK) established branches and infrastructure in Bosnia. VEVAK had established links to Alija Izetbegovic’s radical, militant, and ultra-nationalist Islamic SDA party before the civil war started in 1992. Once the war started, VEVAK strengthened and expanded its ties to the Bosnian Muslim political leadership and the Bosnian Muslim secret police apparatus. Mohammed Taherian,Â a top Iranian intelligence agent who had armed the Taliban and was suspected of arming Shiite guerrillas, was sent to Sarajevo as the Iranian Ambassador to Bosnia. Taherian had been the former Iranian Ambassador to Afghanistan.

Saudi Arabia and Turkey offered to provide weapons and ammunition to the Bosnian Muslim forces even though they were illegal under the UN. Why did IzetbegovicÂ choose Iran as the principal arms supplier for the Bosnian Muslim Army? A Bosnian Muslim journalist concluded that Izetbegovic “played his cards on the Iranian connection”. This was because Izetbegovic and the ultra-nationalist Islamic SDA party were ideologically closer to Iran than to Saudi Arabia or Turkey. Izetbegvic had rejected the Ataturk model of a secular and moderate Islamic political approach, although U.S. and Western pundits and analysts missed this fact. Izetbegovic and the SDA since 1979 had demonstrated respect, admiration, and sympathy for the Iranian Islamic Revolution. Izetbegovic saw the Iranian Islamic Republic as a model for Bosnia to follow. Needless to say, the U.S. media, government, pundits, and experts censored and covered-up this obvious fact. Moreover, the Tehran arms shipments to the Bosnian Muslims was not much of a secret. The illegal arms from Iran arrived weekly on a Iranian Boeing 747 to Zagreb in open view. U.S. and Western journalists and intelligence was fully aware of what was going on but kept silent. It was vital to suppress, censor, and cover-up these illegal arms shipments because U.S. and Western propaganda was supporting the Bosnian Msulim faction in a massive and unprecedented propaganda and infowar campaign. The U.S. strategic presence in Southeastern Europe depended on the success of the Bosnian Muslim and Croat proxies and surrogates. The future of NATO and the EU depended on it. As a consequence, Iran became a U.S. “ally” and “collaborator” during the 1992-1995 Bosnian civil war.

The Other Side of the Story: Proof: Al-Qaeda Role in Bosnia
July 25, 2008 – 7:21 am

Alija Izetbegovic with Al-Qaeda and mujahedeen forces who were part of the Bosnian Muslim Army.

Ali Ahmed Ali Hamad, an Al-Qaeda commander who was part of the Bosnian Muslim Army during the 1992-1995 civil, testified under oath at the war crimes trial of Bosnian Muslim military commander Rasim Delic that the Bosnian Muslim Government of Alija Izetnegovic had knowledge of Al-Qaeda war crimes against Bosnian Serb civilians and POWs but did nothing to prevent or punish them.

Most importantly, Hamad confirmed under oath in a court of law that Al-Qaeda was part of the Bosnian Muslim military forces. This is a bombshell. Yet this admission and conclusive and unmistakeable proof of the Al-Qaeda presence in Bosnia was censored and suppressed in the U.S. and Western media. The mainstream media in the U.S. deleted it and censored it. Nevertheless, this testimony offers proof that Al-Qaeda was part of Alija Izetbegovic’s Bosnian Muslim Army.

In sworn testimony before the ICTY war crimes trial in Sarajevo, Ali HamadÂ testified that, “as far as he knews”, the Bosnian Muslim Army never took measures to punish the Al-Qaeda troops in the Bosnian Muslim Army or any of the other Afghan-Arab mujahedeen. Moreover,Â he testified that the Bosnian Muslim military and political leadership did nothingÂ to preventÂ Al-Qaeda and mujahedeen forcesÂ from committingÂ war crimes against Serbian and Croatian civilians and POWs in Bosnia. These war crimes included ritual beheadings of Bosnian Serb civilians and POWs, decapitations, torture, circumcisions, and mass executions of Bosnian Serb POWs. Specifically, 60 Bosnian Serb POWs were tortured and murdered and three Bosnian Serb women were raped by Bosnian Muslim troops.

Al Qaeda organized jihadist El Mujahedeen Unit, made up of 1,200 Bosnian Muslims and 500 Arab-Afghan troops, committed war crimes and atrocities against Serbian and Croatian Christian civilians and POWs.

Ali Hamad admitted that the Bosnian Muslim military and political leaders were aware of the war crimes but did nothing to stop them or punish them:

“It is impossible that the Army could not stop a small group of Mujaheeds. I am referring to the military and political leadership. We were accepted here in Bosnia although we did many bad things.”

Ali Hamad conceded that Al-Qaeda and mujahedeen troops in the Bosnian Muslim Army rejected the Geneva Convention on the Laws and Practices of WarfareÂ because he “was not interested in it at the time”, be relied on Al-Qaeda tactics developed in Afghanistan:

“In the course of our training in Afghanistan, we rejected all those regulations. We pronounced them as ‘tagut‘ regulations, which means they contradicted Islam. Al-Qaeda had its own rules that were contradictory to these regulations.”

Ali HamadÂ testifiedÂ atÂ the United Nations War Crime trialÂ that the Al-Qaeda and mujahedeen forcesÂ in the Bosnian Muslim Army were financed by a Saudi Arabian charity, the SaudiÂ High Commission for Relief of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Phildaelphia Inquirer has reported that he will be a witness in a civil suit brought against Saudi Arabian charities. The civil case is “Re terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. These Saudi Arabian charity fronts and other Islamic charities are sued for complicity and support for the September 11, 2001 attacks in New York City.

Not only is this conclusive proof of the Al-Qaeda role in the Bosnian civil war censored and suppressed in the U.S. media. The connection of Bosnia to 9/11 is also covered-up and censored in the U.S. and Western press.

The Bosnia and 9/11 Connection: Khalid Al-Mihdhar and Nawal Al-Hazmi (above) from Saudi Arabia organized and participated in the 9/11 attacks. They were the suicide hijackers who crashed American Airlines flight 77 into the Pentagon, killing all 64 persons on the plane and 125 in the Pentagon. TheyÂ were both veterans of the Bosnian Muslim Army who possessed Bosnian passports issued by the Alija Izetbegovic Government.

The Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar, above in 1943, was made up of 18,000 Bosnian Muslims and 300 Albanian Muslims. Bosnian Muslims were not Nazi and fascist “collaborators”, but Nazis themselves.

The Bosnian Muslim Government and Army of Alija Izetbegovic reformed and reconstituted the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar from World War II. Contrary to the nonsensical screed of Croat Marko Attila Hoare, whose mother is Croatian Marxist and Ustasha apologist Branka Magas, and other Bosnian Muslim apologists and propagandists, there is overwhelming and abundant proof of the existence of a “Handzar Divizija” in the Bosnian Muslim Army. The existence of the Handzar Division in the Bosnian Muslim Army was proven by testimony and exhibits presented at the Hague ICTY war crimes trial of Bosnian Muslim commander Sefer Halilovic.

The collar patch of the original Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar, showing a Nazi swastika and Ottoman dagger, 1943.

The red “walking out” fez of the original Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division.

Moreover, further proof was tendered at the war crimes trial of Bosnian Muslim Zijad Kurtovic, a platoon commander of the Military Police Battalion Dreznica of the 4th Corps of the Army of Bosnia and Herzegovina, who was tried for war crimes in Bosnia by the State Court of Bosnia-Hercegovina. Kutovic was tried for war crimes allegedly committed at the All Saint’s Roman Catholic Church in Donja Dreznica in Hercegovina in October, 1993, against Bosnian Croat civilians and POWs. Kurtovic and Hasan Delic allegedly forced two Croatian Defence Council (HVO) POWs to perform oral sex on each other. Bosnian Muslim troops also were alleged to have tortured and beaten civilians and POWs detained at the Church with crosses, bats, and with statues of Christian saints. Prisoners were also forced to eat pages from The Bible and from other Christian books.

The Bosnian Muslim faction fostered and revived the legacy of the Handzar Division. The cover of the October, 1991 Sarajevo magazine Novi Vox showed a Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS officer stepping on the decapitated and bleeding head of Bosnian Serb leader Radovan Karadzic, wearing a shubara cap. The other three decapitated Serb heads were those of Nikola Koljevic, a Bosnian Serb leader and a Bosnian refugee during World War II when he and his family fled to Belgrade following the Croat and Bosnian Muslim Ustasha takeover of Bosnia, Slobodan Milosevic, and Vojslav Seselj. The threat against Serbs, made half a year before the civil war started in 1992, was an incitement to genocide and ethnic and religious hatred and enmity. The headline reads: “The Handzar Division is ready.”

A Bosnian Muslim soldier, Sedin Mahmic, testified that on the night of October 3, 1993, he and other Bosnian Muslim soldiers had gone to the All Saint’s Roman Catholic Church “to see what the Ustasha were doing”. Mahmic testified that a Bosnian Muslim soldier, Zijo, was “a member of the Handzar Division” (”jedan od handzaraca”) who, along with Hasan Delic from Dreznica, were present in the church.

The combat or field form of the fez of the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar from World War II was a grayish-greenish color with a black tassel, 1943.

Sedin Mahmic further testified that:

“I was in Dreznica when they brought the prisoners. I saw members of the Handzar Division ["handzaraca"] of the Army of BiH kicking them a bit. Nihad Bojadzic, commander of the Special Purpose Squad ordered them to take them to the church and said that the Civil Protection Unit, which was composed of the elderly, was to guard them.”

Mahmic also denied that Zijo, a named member of the Handzar Division of the BiH Army, was invloved in the mistreatment of POWs: “Zijo was not a man who would be interested in going to church to maltreat somebody.”

Waffen SS badge of the Handzar Division, 1943.

In the article “Kurtovic: Handzarci [Handzars] in Dreznica”, April 24, 2008, the witness Mahmic gave his personal account of the events:

“I know that they told one man to lie down and to roll like an animal, like a crocodile. At the entrance Delic forced two detainees to have oral sex with each other, while he was cursing their Ustasha mother. He told one prisoner to take his trousers off. I told them to leave him alone and, as I could not watch any longer, I left the place.”

The War Crimes Chamber of the State Court of Bosnia-Hercegovina found Kurtovic guilty of war crimes and sentenced him to 11 years in prison on April 30, 2008.

Left and right Waffen SS collar tabs for the Handzar Division, 1943.

Based on the orders issued by Bosnian Muslim commander Rasim Delic during Operation Neretva 93, a Bosnian Muslim military offensive against Bosnian Croat areas in the Mostar region, the “Handzar divizija” was one of the units that participated in the offensive, along with other special purpose units of the Bosnian Muslim Army such as “Igmanski vukovi” and “Adnanova grupa”. These units were sent to Jablanica and Grabovica.

On September 8, 1993, Bosnian Muslim Army troops tortured and massacred 32 Croat civilians in Grabovica. Bosnian Croat Jozo Brekalo was crucified, beheaded, and his head was impaled by Bosnian Muslim troops. Luca Brekalo was tortured then burned alive by Bosnian Muslim Army forces. Ivan Saric was murdered in front of his wife, Ljubica, who was subsequently raped by Bosnian Muslim soldiers. Bosnian Muslim commander General Vehbija Karic issued an order to Zulfikar Ali Spago to seal off the town of Grabovica to prevent the discovery of the massacres. Bosnian Muslim officers were alleged to have taken measures to cover-up the war crimes and acts of genocide in Grabovica commiotted by the Bosnian Muslim Army. The corpses of Croats murdered by Bosnian Muslim troops were thrown into the Neretva river and orders were reportedly issued to execute any witnesses to the crimes.

Marko Attila Hoare argued that there was no evidence for the resurrection or recreation of the Handzar Division by the Alija Izetbegovic regime. Hoare maintained that only British journalist and military analyst Robert Fox had even noticed the existence of this formation, and that his account was based on hearsay. Fox had only related what UN personnel and peacekeepers had reported to him surmised Hoare. Hoare wrote that “no other journalist or anyone else seems to have noticed the existence of a unit of ‘up to 6,000 strong’ that named itself after the SS and that was, according to Fox, officered by Albanians and trained by mujahedin veterans from Afghanistan and Pakistan.” Hoare disdainfully dismissed any evidence for the existence of a reformed Nazi SS Handzar division as follows: “So what we’re left with is a single newspaper article from the ‘imperialist’ media, which describes at second hand a recreated SS ‘Handžar Division’ that nobody else ever noticed.”

The United Nations report from December 28, 1994, in “Annex III. A Special forces”, confirmed the presence of Albanian Muslim troops from Albania and from Kosovo and reported that they were fighting as part of the Bosnian Muslim Army:

“Ties with the Government and regular military of BiH

Several reports indicate that the Mujahedin were placed under the command of the BiH Army. … The Mujahedin forces were closely associated with the 5th Corps, the 6th and 7th Zenica Brigades, the 7th Travnik Brigade, and the 45th Muslim Brigade which belongs to the 6th Corps in Konjic of the Army of BiH. … They also allegedly fought alongside the Muslim Police, the Krajiska Brigade from Travnik, units of Kosovo Muslims, Albanian soldiers, and paramilitary groups such as the “Green Legion” and the “Black Swans”. … Reports also indicate that the Mujahedin had the support of President Izetbegovic and his government. …

The Mujahedin were also alleged to be part of the forces that invaded the village of Trusina near Foca on 15 April 1993. According to the report, attackers wore white ribbons on their arms and fought beside Albanian Muslim troops. Twenty-two civilians reportedly died in the attack.”

The UN reports conclusively proved the existence of Albanian Muslim “volunteers” from Kosovo and from Albania in the Bosnian Muslim Army. Moreover, Robert Fox personally observed Albanian Muslim mercenary soldiers who fought in the Bosnian Muslim Army in 1993.

Lt. Salko Gusic, the Bosnian Muslim commander of the 6th Corps of the Bosnian Muslim Army, stated under oath in a court of law, at the ICTY war crimes trial of Sefer Halilovic, that there indeed was a unit in the Bosnian Muslim Army known as the “Handzar Divizija”, i.e., the Handzar Division. The prosecution showed him an army order to the Handzar Division which he read at the trial. At the trial, Gusic testified as follows:

“This is an order whereby the following units, the Handzar Divizija, the Silver Fox Unit, become part of the special purposes detachment Zulfikar. This order was written in connection with the decision of the Main Staff of the 21st of August in Zenica with a view to making larger units out of smaller ones.”

“Q. Very well. You knew that a unit called the Handzar Division, a small unit called the Handzar Division, came to be located in the village of Grabovica; is that correct?
A. I don’t know that.
Q. Okay. Did you ever meet a man — an Albanian man, the commander of a unit called Handzar, who went by the name of Dzeki, D-z-e-k-i?
A. I heard about him. For a while, they were in the town of Jablanica.”

There was a formation or unit in the Bosnian Muslim Army known as the “Handzar Division”. The ICTY Prosecutor pointed to trial Exhibit 123, which was an official order by Bosnian Muslim military commander Sefer Halilovic to the formation “Handzar Division”, which was part of the Bosnian Muslim Army under Alija Izetbegovic. The existence of this formation was widely known in Bosnia during the conflict and was not much of a secret but was suppressed and censored by the U.S. and Western media.

The Bosnian Muslim Government and Army of Alija Izetbegovic not only reformed and revived the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar, but the reformed Handzar Division was implicated in war crimes and genocide committed by the Bosnian Muslim soldiers under the command of Alija Izetbegovic.

Before Before and after: The Sephardic Il Kal Grande synagogue in Sarajevo was destroyed, looted, and vandalised by Bosnian Muslims in 1941 when German forces occupied Sarajevo.

Bosnian Muslims played a role in the destruction and desecration of the Il Kal Grande synagogue and in the Holocaust. This is a fact that is censored in the U.S. media accounts of Bosnia-Hercegovina. The historiography, however, is consistent and unanimous in showing that the Bosnian Muslim played a role in the destruction of the Sarajevo synagogue.

On April 17, 1941, Sarajevo was occupied by the German Wehrmacht. The Il Kal Grande Sephardic synagogue in Sarajevo was constructed from 1927-1931 and was the largest synagogue in the Balkans. The synagogue was opened in 1932 and was regarded as the “most ornate” synagogue in the Balkans. The synagogue was constructed by the Sephardic Jewish community of Sarajevo, which originally settled in Bosnia in 1565 after the expulsions from Spain, who spoke Ladino, a dialect of Spanish-Portuguese.

The synagogue was immediately destroyed by German, Croat, and Bosnian Muslim forces, after the occupation of the city, according to Leni Yahil in The Holocaust: The Fate of European Jewry, 1932-1945:

“Bosnia and Herzegovina were annexed to newly independent Croatia. Sarajevo, the ancient Sephardic Jewish center, was captured by the Germans on April 17, 1941, and the Croats and the Germans immediately burned down the ancient and renowned synagogue.The Moslems collaborated in this (one of their units later joined the German forces fighting in Russia). The first concentration camp was already established in May 1941.”

British Holocaust and World War II historian Martin Gilbert, in The Holocaust: A History of the Jews in Europe during the Second World War, described the destruction of the Sephardic synagogue of Sarajevo as follows:

“On April 16, German forces entered Sarajevo, and, with local Muslims, plundered and destroyed the main synagogue.”

The interior of the Sarajevo Il Kal Grande Sephardic synagogue, constructed in 1932, which was destroyed by Bosnian Muslims in 1941.

In Atlas of the Holocaust, Gilbert described the destruction of the synagogue:

“Between the wars, during the ‘Yugoslav era’, the Jews of Bosnia enjoyed full civil liberties. But disaster struck from the first days of the German occupation, with the burning down of the synagogue by German troops and local Muslims.”

The European Jewish Congress described the destruction of the Sarajevo synagogue in these terms:

“On the eve of the Shoah, the Jewish population numbered some 14,000. In 1941 Bosnia was incorporated into the Croat state. When the Germans entered Sarajevo, together with a local Bosnian Muslim mob, they destroyed the Sephardi synagogue. Bosnian Jewry was decimated by a combination of German, Ustashe (Croat Fascist), and Bosnian Muslim forces. The Mufti of Jerusalem (Haj Amin-al Husseini) was active in enlisting recruits to a Bosnian Muslim S.S. unit and in encouraging local authorities to organize the deportation and extermination of Bosnian Jewry.”

The Il Kal Grande synagogue in Sarajevo was heavily damaged in the 1941 attack. The building, however, remained standing after the war. The Jewish Community of Bosnia-Hercegovina donated the building located on 24 Branilaca Sarajeva street to the city of Sarajevo after 1945. The structure was preserved and was converted into the Bosnian Cultural Center in Sarajevo. There is a menorah that remains on the entrance to the Center to commemorate the Bosnian Jews who died in the Holocaust.

The Travnik synagogue in central Bosnia was also damaged, looted, and vandalized in 1941 by Bosnian Muslims and Croatians. The Travnik synagogue was built in 1860 to replace the 18th century Kalkados synagogue. During World War II, the Travnik Jews were killed and the synagogue was damaged, burned, and plundered and religious objects were taken by Bosnian Muslim and Croatian fascist and Nazi/Ustasha forces. In 1941, the synagogue was partially burned and looted and ritual objects, Torah scrolls, manuscripts, silver, tefillim, and tallitot were seized. After the objects were returned after the war, the Jewish community in Sarajevo donated part of the collection to the Jewish Museum in Belgrade

Eighty-five percent of the Jews of Sarajevo died during the Holocaust. Of the approximately 10,500 Jews of Sarajevo before the war, only about 800 survived the Holocaust. Of the approximately 14,000 Jews of Bosnia-Hercegovina, about 12,000 would die in the Holocaust.

Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS troops in Handzar reading the booklet Islam und Judentum which was written by the Grand Mufti in support of the Holocaust, 1943. The booklet contains the following quote: “The Day of Judgment will come, when the Muslims will crush the Jews completely; And when every tree behind which a Jew hides will say: ‘There is a Jew behind me, Kill him!’” The booklet also contained photos of the Grand Mufti with Joseph Goebbels.

The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, second from right, on the balcony of the Bosnian Presidency Building in Sarajevo with Bosnian Muslim leaders, 1943. The Grand Mufti, Palestinian Arab Haj Amin el Husseini, came to Sarajevo to form the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar and to garner Bosnian Muslim support for the Holocaust.

Bosnian Muslim Hussein Biscevic-Beg was a high ranking officer in the Bosnian Muslim Nazi SS Division Handzar, an Obersturmbannfuehrer of the Flak Detachment of the SS Division Handzar. Biscevic-Beg was a veteran of the Austro-Hungarian Army in World War I. He is shown wearing the skull and cross-bones insignia of the SS under the silver eagle badge of Nazi Germany which depicts an eagle holding a Nazi swastika. The Ottoman fez was outlawed in 1925 by Mustafa Kemal Pasha Ataturk in Turkey, but the Bosnian Muslims continued to wear the outlawed and banned Ottoman fez, a symbol of the Turkish Ottoman Empire.

A member of the Bosnian Muslim Nazi 13th Waffen SS Division Handzar, or Handschar in German.

There were at least nine Bosnian Muslim officers in the Handzar Division:

Book Review: NATO War Crimes: Media Lies and the Conquest of Kosovo
September 2, 2008 – 2:59 pm

Media Lies and the Conquest of Kosovo: NATO’s Prototype for the Next Wars of Globalization. Publisher: Unwritten History, Inc., New York, 2007. By Michel Collon, 276 pages, with photographs and maps.

“Each war begins with media lies.” This is how Belgian journalist Michel Collon begins his analysis of the Kosovo conflict which resulted in the U.S. and NATO bombardment of Yugoslavia in 1999 and the subsequent occupation of the Serbian Kosovo province by U.S. and NATO troops. The U.S. and NATO had launched a war of aggression without United Nations approval and in violation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Yugoslavia. The war was illegal and criminal under international law and under the Charter of the UN.

How was an illegal and criminal war “sold” as a “humanitarian intervention” to prevent “genocide” and a second Holocaust? This is the question that Collon analyzes and attempts to answer in the book.

Collon stated that the “primary objective” of the book is to allow “the reader to recognize media lies”. The Kosovo conflict is used to demonstrate how the U.S. media and government used “disinformation” and “war propaganda” to cover up the fact that no “genocide” or atrocities had taken place in Kosovo. He is able to deconstruct the deceptions and lies perpetrated by the U.S. and Western media. The analysis is essential reading in promoting critical media literacy skills and in the deconstruction of the modus operandi of the U.S. and Western media.

But if there was a massive and unprecedented U.S. infowar and propaganda and disinformation campaign, what was the reason for it? Collon analyzed the hidden agendas and objectives that the U.S. and the NATO countries had in launching such a blatantly illegal and criminal war of aggression. He showed how NATO expansion eastwards and into “Southeastern Europe” were important strategic and military objectives. The neutralization of Serbia was vital for the U.S. and the EU because Serbia was not a compliant U.S. proxy, client, and satellite state. Serbia was a large roadblock in the way of U.S. and NATO expansion. Serbia had to be wiped out. And that is what the U.S. and NATO did. The Kosovo conflict was the result.

Economic interests were also of primary concern for the U.S. and NATO. Serbia was resisting “privatization” and the “open society”, that is, the corporate takeover of its economy by U.S. and Western corporate raiders, NGOs, and corporate conglomerates.

Collon examined the ramifications of the Kosovo conflict for future conflicts, the “next wars of globalization.” In particular, he saw the connection of Kosovo to the Caucasus, the interconnection of Kosovo to the South Ossetia and Abkhazia conflicts. Collon saw the Kosovo conflict as only the first war in NATO’s expansion eastwards and NATO’s plan to encircle the Russian Federation.

The war launched on August 7, 2008 by U.S. client state Georgia to take over the de facto independent regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia can be seen as the second war concocted by the U.S. and NATO. The goal is the same in Kosovo and in South Ossetia. The U.S. and NATO seek expansion. Collon was able to foresee the South Ossetia conflict, His analytical framework is accurate and critical, providing an objective and unbiased analysis of NATO and U.S. motives and policies.

Collon begins his analysis by deconstructing the media deceptions and lies that the U.S. and Western media used to “sell” the illegal war in Kosovo. The U.S. propaganda model was to use the Bosnia Holocaust propaganda analogy. Accuse the Serbs of committing genocide, of recreating the Holocaust. Make up outrageous and preposterous atrocity stories and fabrications and concoct unbelievable casualty numbers. Revive the “ethnic cleansing” meme that worked so well in Bosnia. And then develop the genocide propaganda argument.

There was a claim by the U.S. and Western media that there were “100,000 Missing” Albanian Muslims, presumed to have been killed by the Serbs. U.S. President Bill Clinton stated at a White House press conference on June 25, 1999 that “tens of thousands of people”, that is, Albanian Muslims, had been murdered in Kosovo on the personal orders of Slobodan Milosevic. This was nonsense and a malicious deception. Geoff Hoon of the British Foreign Office similarly claimed that “it appeared that around 10,000 people had been killed in more than 100 massacres.” These were outlandish, cynical, and immoral lies disseminated by government leaders. But Bill Clinton and Tony Blair understood that there were no repercussions and consequences for the most outrageous of lies and deceptions. By playing the genocide game or genocide card, moreover, invoking genocide in what was an internal, separatist and secessionist conflict, Clinton and Blain knew that they could silence any dissent and debate. Who wouldn’t want to prevent genocide and atrocities? Framed in those deceptive terms, it was a win-win situation that was based totally on disinformation, infowar and psyop techniques, and fabrications.

In fact, claims of genocide by the U.S., Britain, and other NATO countries were later shown to be lies and fabrications concocted and planned by the governments of those same NATO countries that bombed and occupied Yugoslavian territory. U.S. infowar techniques went into high gear. The U.S. media and government propaganda machine went into overdrive. U.S. Army Psyops specialists even were hired by CNN to work for the news network. This was the appetizer. This was to get everyone ready for the main show, which was the bombing and occupation of Serbia.

Collon examined and discussed the language and terms of the Rambouillet Accord which no sovereign and independent country could accept. It harkened back to the 1914 Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum to Serbia that led to World War I. Under the terms of the Rambouillet Accord, Serbia had to allow NATO the right to potentially occupy all of Serbia and Yugoslavia, had to give Kosovo de facto independence immediately, and allow Kosovo Albanians to vote on independence after three years. What sovereign state would accept these terms? Would Georgia under Mikhail Saakashvili accept these terms for the resolution of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia conflicts? Clearly, the U.S. planned a war to allow the Kosovo Albanian Muslim separatists to secede from Serbia, like Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini had done in 1941, and for essentially the same reasons, to use Albanians as a proxy against Yugoslavia, a hostile and non-proxy state.

Collon cited convincing and compelling evidence that the U.S. and NATO planned an “intervention” in Kosovo long before the 78 day bombing started in 1999. In June, 1997, a French government official visited a U.S. aircraft carrier in the Adriatic. A U.S. admiral showed him a map of Yugoslavia with blinking lights on it. When asked what the lights represented, the admiral replied, “These are the future targets of our air attacks.” This was almost two years before the alleged “crackdown” and “atrocities” in Kosovo by the Slobodan Milosevic regime. This was before anything had happened in Kosovo. The U.S. and NATO were planning the next war. And Kosovo was the place. Some rationale was needed, any rationale, and the U.S. propaganda and infowar machine came up with one.

Finally, Collon analyzed the war crimes the U.S. and NATO committed in Kosovo by targeting Serbian hospitals, nursing homes, passenger trains, automobile factories, power grids, marketplaces, refugee columns, and television stations. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch confirmed that based on the evidence they gathered, the U.S. and NATO were guilty of committing horrendous war crimes. But who was going to prosecute them? Who was going to arrest Bill Clinton and Madeleine Albright and bring them before a war crimes tribunal and court? Who was going to prosecute the U.S. and NATO war crimes in Serbia and Yugoslavia? Might makes right.

What did the U.S. and NATO achieve with the alleged “humanitarian intervention”? Following the war, an estimated 250,000 Kosovo Serbs, Roma, Turks, Gorani, and Jews were forced to flee Kosovo, creating an ethnically pure Albanian or Shqip “Kosova”, a Greater Albania. What the U.S. had achieved was to allow its proxy Albanian forces to secede and to create a second Albanian state in Europe. The U.S. had achieved the goals of Albanian separatism, creating two Albanian Muslim states in Europe.

Collon analyzed the Racak “massacre” and showed how this incident was staged and manipulated and distorted by the U.S. government and media. Those killed were armed Albanian Muslims who had been engaged in a shootout with Yugoslav police and security forces. The evidence showed that they had gun residue on their hands indicating that they had fired weapons. Racak was the pretext the U.S. needed to launch the illegal bombardment of Yugoslavia. Anything, any pretext, would have done.

Collon showed how economic factors were also paramount in the Kosovo conflict. U.S. President Bill Clinton had explained that “that’s what this Kosovo thing is all about … our ability to sell around the world.” He cited a Thomas Friedman statement in the New York Times : “The hidden hand of the market will never work without a hidden fist—McDonald’s cannot flourish without McDonnell Douglas, the builder of the F-15.” Finally, the New York Times on July 18, 1996, attacked Slobodan Milosevic, “a former Communist”, because he retained “state controls” over the Yugoslav economy and because of “his refusal to allow privatization.” The Washington Post explained succinctly why Yugoslavia was targeted by the U.S., NATO, and the EU: “Milosevic failed to understand the political message of the fall of the Berlin Wall while other Communist politicians accepted the Western model, and moved in the direction of the rest of Europe, Milosevic went the other way.” Milosevic did not grasp that the U.S. was the sole Superpower, the “global hegemon” who required all states to adopt and to follow the “Western model”. Ultimately, this was what the Kosovo thing was all about.

Collon was able to analyze and deconstruct the many issues involved in the Kosovo crisis and to see their future implications in the Caucasus. Originally published in 2000 in French as Monopoly: The NATO Conquest of the World, Collon analyzed how the Kosovo conflict was aimed ultimately at Russia and was a precursor to NATO expansion into the Ukraine, the Baltic states, and Georgia. Kosovo was not the end, but only the start. Kosovo was the beginning. South Ossetia and Abkhazia were the next wars. Kosovo set the stage for Iraq, Afghanistan, and the conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia and was the intended “prototype” for future wars of “globalization” and for spreading “democracy” and “freedom” around the globe.

Three-year-old Milica Rakic was killed on April 17, 1999 by the NATO bombardment of the Belgrade suburb of Batajnica.

The parents of Milica Rakic mourn at her funeral.

NATO targeted hospitals, power grids, nursing homes, passenger trains, bridges, refugee columns, busses, television stations, factories, and residential areas. These are war crimes under international law and the customs and conventions of warfare. Cluster bombs were dropped by NATO in civilian areas. NATO bombed the residence of Slobodan Milosevic in a “decapitation” attack meant to assassinate him. NATO also killed hundreds of Albanian Muslim refugees.

The Chinese Embassy building in Belgrade after NATO bombardment. Out of 900 targets bombed by NATO, only the Chinese Embassy was targeted and chosen by the CIA and consisted of an independent U.S. bombing run.

A Serbian civilian lies dead on the street after NATO bombing.

Serbian hospitals destroyed by NATO bombardment, above and below.

U.S. bombers wrote graffiti on this unexploded bomb in Kraljevo: “Do you still wanna be a Serb now!!”

Serbian graffiti on a damaged building reads “Hitler Klinton”. Worldwide protests and outrage against the NATO bombing were largely dismissed and marginalized by the U.S. and NATO governments and media.

U.S. President Bill Clinton is depicted as a “new Hitler” during mass anti-U.S. and anti-NATO demonstrations in Sydney in 1999.

U.S. Marines pass an anti-NATO banner in Thessaloniki, Greece in 1999 which reads: “Killers Go Home”.

Partisan-German collaboration: Communist Partisan leaders under Tito, left, with German military officers in Yugoslavia during World War II.

In his seminal 1973 analysis of the roles Draza Mihailovich and Josip Broz Tito played during the World War II conflict in Yugoslavia, Tito, Mihailovic and the Allies, 1941-1945, Walter R. Roberts was able to show that Tito’s Communist Partisans had collaborated with the Nazis. The Communist Partisan collaboration with the Nazis was long-covered up and suppressed by the Communist dictatorship which took over Yugoslvaia in 1945.

Walter R. Roberts described the meeting between the Partisans and German occupation officials as follows:

“Within the framework of negotiating … prisoner exchanges, a meeting was arranged … between the commanding general of the German 717th Infantry Division, Lieutenant General Benignus Dippold, and three high-ranking representatives of the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation: Milos Markovic, Vladimir Petrovic and Koca Popovic. Only Popovic, an army commander, used his real name. Markovic was in reality Milovan Djilas, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPY, and Petrovic was an alias for Vladimir Velebit, in whose house in Zagreb the radio transmitter was hidden through which the CPY and the Comintern had exchanged messages in 1941.

Walter R. Roberts was the Counselor of the American Embassy in Yugoslavia from 1960-1966 and Associate Director of USIA.

A German memorandum states that the German-Partisan conversation took place in Gornji Vakuf (west of Sarajevo) on March 11, 1943, from 9:30 to 11 A.M. . . . During the March discussions, the Partisan delegation stressed that the Partisans saw no reason for fighting the German Army – they added that they fought against German troops only in self-defense – but wished solely to fight the Chetniks; that they were oriented toward the propaganda of the Soviet Union only because they rejected any connection with the British; that they would fight the British should the latter land in Yugoslavia; that they did not intend to capitulate, but inasmuch as they wanted to concentrate on fighting the Chetniks, they wished to suggest respective territories of interest.

A Communist Partisan officer, right, with German officers of the 7th SS Mountain Division “Prinz Eugen”.

The content of this German memorandum of conversation is confirmed by a document which the Partisan delegation left behind and which bears the signatures of the three Partisan emissaries. In it Djilas, Velebit and Popovic proposed not only further prisoner exchanges and German recognition of the right of the Partisans as combatants but, what was more important, the cessation of hostilities between German forces and the Partisans. The three delegates confirmed in writing that the Partisans ‘regard the Chetniks as their main enemy.’

. . . . A few days later, on March 17, the German Minister in Zagreb, Kasche, sent a telegram to Berlin in which, clearly referring to the German-Partisan talks, he reported the possibility ‘that Tito and supporters will cease to fight against Germany, Italy and Croatia and retire to the Sandzak in order to settle matters with Mihailovic’s Chetniks.’

Meanwhile in the wake of the discussions between the three high Partisan representatives and Lieutenant General Dippold, further talks were arranged at Zagreb. . . . Velebit and Djilas passed again through the German lines and were brought by a German military plane from Sarajevo to Zagreb on March 25, 1943. There they had talks with Glaise von Horstenau and his staff.

Milovan Djilas and Vladimir Velebit met with German General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau, above, in Zagreb.

Not having received a reply from Ribbentrop to his message of March 17, Kasche sent another telegram to his Foreign Minister on March 26, 1943, in which he reported that two duly authorized representatives of Tito had arrived in Zagreb for the purpose of discussions with German, Italian and Croatian military representatives. One of them, Kasche said, was Dr. Petrovic, a Croat, and the other a Montenegrin by the name of Markovic These people, he added, again offered to stop fighting if they could be left in peace in the Sandzak. . . .

On March 29, Ribbentrop sent Kasche a telegram in which he prohibited all contact with the Partisans and asked on what Kasche based his optimism. . . .

The discussions between the Partisan representatives and the Germans in Zagreb regarding a possible cessation of hostilities got nowhere, not only because the Partisan proposals were unacceptable to the Germans but, above all, because Berlin utterly opposed any accommodation with the Partisans. When apprised of the Zagreb contacts, Hitler reportedly said: ‘One does not negotiate with rebels – rebels must be shot.’”

. . . . The fact remains, however, that the Partisans, who labeled Mihailovic and the Chetniks traitors for their accommodation with the enemy, sent two high-ranking officers to the German general in Zagreb with the purpose of arranging a cease-fire, after having declared in writing that their main enemies were the Chetniks and not the occupying Axis forces.

No wonder that there is great sensitivity in Yugoslav Communist circles about that chapter in history. None of the official Yugoslav documents mentions the Velebit-Djilas trip to Zagreb, while every possible Chetnik Axis meeting is duly recorded.”

Robert’s primary sources for these meetings and discussions between the Partisans and German forces concerning collaboratio were based on the Nuremberg Armed Forces High Command document series which was assembled by prosecutors at the Nuremberg war crimes trials by the U.S. The document that disclosed the meeting was NOKW 1088, Record Group 238. The Communist dictatorship that Tito established after the war covered-up and suppressed this evidence of Communist Partisan collaboration with Nazi forces.

General Draza Mihailovich, center, with American OSS officers.

The March, 1943 meeting between Partisan leaders Djilas and Velebit and German occupation leaders was suppressed and covered-up by the Yugoslav Communist dictatorship under Tito and by Tito’s supporters in the U.S. and the West, many of whom were known to be Communists, Communist sympathizers, or even Communist moles and spies like James Klugman, the deputy chief of the Yugoslav section of SOE, the British Special Operations Executive.

Communist mole and spy James Klugman falsified reports and data in support of the Communist Partisan forces of Tito, backed and supported by Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union.

Tito’s objective was thus to negotiate an end to hostilities and to combat between Communist Partisans and German occupation forces. The goal was to allow Tito to concentrate on destroying the Chetnik forces under Draza Mihailovich before a possible Allied landing that would allow a link up of Allied forces and Chetnik forces that would ensure Mihailovich’s victory in the civil war conflict in Yugoslavia. Mihailovich had not yet been completely abandoned and betrayed by the British and the U.S. Because the british and the U.S> supported Mihailovich over the Communist Partisans, Tito and the Partisan leaders were willing to collaborate with the Nazis occupation forces and to engage in combat against British and U.S> forces if doing so would allow them to prevent the Chetnik guerrilla movement from being recognized by he Allies.

In Milovan Djilas’s war-time memoirs, published as Wartime (1977), he confirmed and admitted for the first time that the allegations of Partisan collaboration with the Nazis made by Walter R. Roberts
were correct and accurate. The negotiations between the Germans and
Tito’s Partisans in fact did take place. Djilas’ account corroborated the Roberts description of the meeting. The meeting occurred when top Partisan commander Koca Popovic conferred at Tito’s headquarters in Bosnia. A German transport plane then took Djilas and Velebit from Sarajevo to Zagreb. The discussions and negotiations centered around Partisan proposals that the Communist guerrillas would collaborate or cooperate with the Nazis if they were allowed to concentrate on destroying the Chetnik guerrilla forces. The Partisans anticipated a possible British and American landing in Yugoslavia on the Adriatic Coast similar to the landings in Italy. At that time, Mihailovich was still being backed and supported by the Allies as the primary resistance leadeYugoslavia. The Partisans feared that an Allied landing in Yugoslavia would ensure a victory for Mihailovich and his Chetnik guerrilla forces.

The Partisan objective was to destroy Mihailovich’s forces before any Allied landing. For this to occur, the Partisans needed German and Axis help. The meeting shows that the Partisans were willing to collaborate with the Nazi occupation forces if it meant that they could destroy their military and political rivals, the Chetnik forces of Draza Mihailovich. German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop rejected the Partisan proposal of collaboration. Hitler refused any collaboration with the Yugoslav Partisans, whom he regarded as rebels and bandits, not recognized military combatants, who should be executed. The proposed Partisan-German agreement on collaboration, thus, did not emerge. But the incident showed that the Partisans did collaborate with the German occupation forces and were, indeed, willing to engage in collaboration with the Nazis. It was only the German rejection of these offers that prevented any large-scale and long-term agreements of collaboration.

Djilas explained and rationalized the Particollaboration with the Nazis as follows:

”Neither I nor the other Central Committee members
had any pangs of conscience that by negotiating
with the Germans we might have betrayed the Soviets,
internationalism, or our ultimate aims. Military
necessity compelled us. The history of Bolshevism –
even without the Brest-Litovsk Treaty and the
Hitler-Stalin Pact offered us an abundance of precedents.
The negotiations were held in great secrecy. There
were no differences among the top leaders, except that
Rankovic and I were more dubious of the outcome than
Tito. As for a more permanent truce and broader
agreement, no one really believed in that.”

Djilas admitted that Communist Partisans had captured, tortured, and executed Chetnik guerrillas. He further conceded that the Yugoslav Partisans were essentially auxiliaries for the Russian Red Army who saw there role as being in support of Soviet Russia. In Wartime, Djilas discussed the historical sympathy that Montenegrins had for “Mother Russia”, which was ingrained, “but Russia was far away.”

Tito too was a hardcore, Soviet Communist, who had studied in the Soviet Union and had emerged as one of the leading Communist leaders when he returned to Yugoslavia. Tito was familiar with the Serbian area because in 1914 and 1915 he had fought as an Austro-Hungarian sergeant against Serbian troops. A Croat-Slovene Roman Catholic by birth, Tito had little sympathy or empathy with Orthodox Serbs or with Serbian national aspirations. Captured by Russian troops during World War I, Tito became a POW in Russia, where he adopted the Communist/Bolshevik ideology following the October Revolution, in 1917. He became a prominent Communist/Marxist/Leninist leader, lived and worked in the USSR. His first wife was Russian. Tito emerged as a pan-Slavist, staunch Marxist-Leninist, who sought to create in Yugoslavia a Communist Republic, a Soviet-style model, a Balkan USSR. Tito sought to create a Soviet-style dictatorship of the proletariat in Yugoslavia. After World War II, this was initially exactly what happened. The Partisans were able to seize power in Belgrade not through democracy or by popular will. The Soviet Red Army advance into Hungary and Serbia forced the German forces to retreat in October, 1944. Soviet tanks and Soviet troops put Tito and the Communist Partisan regime in power in Belgrade.

Finally, the Communist Partisans “collaborated” with the Nazis from the time of the Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact from August 23, 1939. When Hitler attacked Yugoslavia on April 6, 1941, the Communist partizans did not resist the invasion. It was only when the Soviet Union was attacked on June 22, 1941, that the Partisans change this collaborationist policy. The decision to begin an armed struggle against the Nazi occupation forces was not made until a July 4, 1941 meeting held in Belgrade on 4 July 1941. The Communists celebrate the Day of Uprising on July 7, when a Communist murdered two Serbian officials. The Partizan resistance began with the murder of two Serbs, not with any resistance against Nazi troops. According to Djilas, in 1945 Communist partisan leaders decided that was it decided that July 7 should be the anniversary for the beginning of resistance, when shots were fired “at gendarmes and not at the Germans.”

From April 6, 1941 to July 7, 1941, the Partizans collaborated with the Nazi occupation forces. Only when the Soviet Union was attacked were they reluctantly forced to began a resistance. Draza Mihailovich and the Chetnik forces, by contrast, had launched a resistance movement from the start of the German invasion of Yugoslavia.

The documented proof that Tito’s Communist Partisans collaborated with the Nazis challenges the assumptions that the Partisans represented the popular will of the population of Yugoslavia and that they were an effective and viable resistance movement. The evidence of Partisan collaboration shows that the Communist Partisans were obsessed with achieving power and establishing a Soviet-style and Stalinist-style Communist dictatorship in Yugoslavia at all costs and by whatever means necessary, even collaboration with German occupation forces. This evidence provides historical background and context on the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991. Military force, in the form of Soviet tanks and troops of the Red Army, put Tito into power in Belgrade. The bullet, not the ballot, established the Communist dictatorship in Yugoslavia under Tito. Moreover, the rejection and betrayal of Allied ally Draza Mihailovich and the support of the Communist faction by the U.S. and Britain gave the Partisans the decisive advantage in the civil war conflict. This evidence supports the argument that foreign intervention in the Yugoslav conflict from 1941-1945, by the U.S., the Soviet Union, and Britain, resulted in a Communist Partisan takeover of the Yugoslav government and the creation of a Communist dictatorship. Without this foreign intervention, the Communist Partisans were forced to collaborate with the Nazis because they faced defeat and loss in the conflict with Draza Mihailovich’s forces.

Draza Mihailovich, second row, standing, with members of the over 500 downed U.S. pilots and airmen that his forces rescued in Operation Halyard, the largest rescue mission of World War II, a rescue mission covered-up and suppressed for over half a century by the U.S. government.

Twentieth-Century Fox lobby cards for the 1943 American movie Chetniks! The Fighting Guerrillas, a move about the Chetnik resistance movement headed by Draza Mihailovich with Philip Dorn, on left, as Mihailovich.

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Proxy Wars: Kosovo and South Ossetia
August 19, 2008 – 6:13 am

U.S. Army Sergeant Jeff Baughman trains Georgian troops as part of the Train and Equip Program. Georgian troops used this training to attack the de facto independent South Ossetia in a massive artillery, air, and ground assault on August 7, 2008, which South Ossetian and Russian leaders have termed a “genocide” .

U.S. Army Brigadier General William Garrett, on right, during joint U.S.-Georgian military exercises held on July 21, 2008 at the Vaziani military base outside of Tbilisi, with Georgian leader Mikhail Saakashvili.

Yada…yada…yada. The discussion on the unprovoked and planned aggression by Georgia on South Ossetia is futile and moot because Russian President Dmitry Medvedev announced last week that the Russian Government would recognize the independence and freedom of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. On August 25, 2008, both houses of the Russian Parliament or Duma voted unanimously to recognize the independence of both South Ossetia and Abkhazia. On August 26, 2008, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev announced that the government of the Russian Federation officially recognized the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.

Save your rhetoric. Georgia has lost those areas permanently. Ossetians and Abkhazians can never live in the same state with Georgians again. Period. South Ossetia will be an independent nation a la Kosovo. In other words, like Kosovo, South Ossetians will unilaterally declare independence from Tbilisi. And who will stop them? The answer is: No one. South Ossetia is exactly like Kosovo.

A destroyed Georgian T-72 tank in the South Ossetian capital, Tskhinvali.

South Ossetians are over two-thirds of the population of South Ossetia. In other words, they are the majority. Moreover, in 2006, South Ossetians voted in a democratic referendum in which over 90% favored independence. South Ossetians have a right to self-determination and to self-rule. And as a majority, they have the democratic right to decide their own fate.

Just think of South Ossetia as a Caucasus Kosovo. If Albanian Muslims can have two countries in the heart of Europe, then why can’t South Ossetian Christians have their own country as well? Everything is on the side of the South Ossetians. And Russian Federation T-72 tanks and SS 21 misssiles do not hurt either.

A South Ossetian soldier passes by a destroyed Georgian T-72 tank.

As Mr. T would say, stop all this jibber jabber. South Ossetia has been de facto an independent nation at least since 1992. And now, Russian leaders have announced that South Ossetia will be recognized as an independent and free nation. If the Albanian Muslims can unilaterally declare “independence” in violation of the UN and international law, then why can’t the South Ossetians? What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander.

Russian Federation soldiers prevented a genocide and mass slaughter in South Ossetia by U.S. and Israeli trained troops.

South Ossetia is exactly like the Kosovo scenario. Both are essentially proxy wars.

Albanian Muslims have two countries in the heart of Europe now. Why? Because of US tanks and missilies, because of the US and NATO military presence in Kosovo, an internationally and legally recognized part of Serbia. In both cases, tanks are deciding the issue. In Kosovo, it is US tanks. In South Ossetia, it is Russian tanks.

Kosovo is not a country. It has no economy and no political or social history. The name “Kosovo” is actually a Serbian word that means “place of blackbirds”. Almost all of the towns, cities, and villages in Kosovo have Serbian names and a Serbian history that goes back half a millennium. Kosovo is a phony country. It is in fact a legal part of Serbia and is part of the UN recognized borders of Serbia.

What the US did is pull a fast one here. Kosovo was not recognized as independent by the UN and by Serbia and about three-quarters of the world. Only the US and its satellite states have recognized Kosovo. So, under international law and the UN, the unilateral declaration of independence is illegal and criminal.

Richard Holbrooke with Albanian Muslim separatist which the U.S. State Department labeled a “terrorist”. Below, Madeleine Albright with Albanian Muslim separatist.

But the US government does not tell you this. The US occupation of Kosovo is illegal under the UN and international law.

Then the US has the audacity and arrogance to accuse Russia over the issue of South Ossetian independence. Kosovo and South Ossetia are the same scenarios. They only exist because of respective American and Russian tanks. Take away American tanks in Kosovo, and there is no more Albanian Muslim Kosovo. Serbia would reintegrate it within its internationally recognized borders.

Russian leaders announced last week that South Ossetia and Abkhazia will be recognized as free and independent. On August 26, 2008, the Russian Federation recognized South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent. And who is going to stop them? No one is. Kosovo and South Ossetia are about force, brute military force, nothing else. Might makes right. Both cases are based upon the same principle. The Kosovo scenario was a precedent in that it made the recognition of South Ossetia inevitable and necessary. When international law and sovereignty were violated in the Kosovo scenario, the only recourse is force.

Just compare the facts in both cases. South Ossetians are a majority of the population in South Ossetia and in a 2006 referendum they voted overwhelmingly for independence from Tbilisi, over 90% voting for independence. Moreover, this genocidal aggression and attack on Tskhinvali by a US proxy and puppet leader, one installed in what was essentially a CIA coup, the CIA-funded and CIA-organized “Rose Revolution”, means that Georgia has lost these areas forever and permanently. Only World War III can change these facts on the ground. And that is why Kosovo and South Ossetia are exactly the same scenarions: Independent “nations” that exist only due to the proxy wars of the superpowers, that exist only through force.

But South Ossetia has a more legitimate claim to independence because it has been de facto independent since 1992 and emerged during the break up of the Soviet Union. The Kosovo case is different because Kosovo was always legally a part of Serbia, even when Yugoslavia broke up in 1991-1992, internationally recognized as a part of Serbia. The way the US and NATO got around this legal barrier was to create a bogus and phony Holocaust or genocide claim for Kosovo. That genocide assertion has since been proved to be a US and NATO propaganda hoax. There was never any basis in fact for the genocide claim. In other words, the US and NATO occupation of Kosovo was illegal and criminal ab initio with no foundation in international law, the UN, or in the practices and customs of sovereign nations. But that didn’t stop the US from using Kosovo as a proxy conflict to dismembere Serbia and to support an illegal separatist movement.

At any rate, discussion is moot and futile because both South Ossetia and Kosovo are guaranteed by the superpowers. Russian tanks are in South ossetia along with SS 21 missiles. In Kosovo, there are American tanks. Might makes right. Both cases are exactly the same.

The most important point regarding analyses of the media coverage of the South Ossetian conflict is that a propaganda or media war is an adjunct to every war. Every war also brings up epistemological issues. In other words, we always see a war through a certain filter or lens. We never see a war without this lens or filter. And filters and lens distort reality. This is an important point.

In every war, there is an issue of reality control and perception management. CNN and Fox News in the US sought to portray or present the war as “aggression” or an “invasion” by Russia. In fact, it was Georgia that invaded the breakaway region of South Ossetia, which has been de facto independent since 1992. Which view is correct and the “truth”? It depends on which paradigm or lens you use.

The first paradigm is: Georgia is a sovereign country that has UN recognized borders. Based on this assumption, Georgia can do no wrong. Everything it does will be legitimate and legal. Georgian troops can murder 200,000 Russian civilians or 2,000 South Ossetians and that will be seen as legitimate because Georgia was safeguarding its UN recognized borders. This is the paradigm the US media used, following the marching orders of the US Government and US State Department. The US government tells the US media what paradigm they must follow. In this regard, US media is state-run or state-controlled media.

Of course, the US did not apply this paradigm to Serbia. Serbia too is a sovereign nation that has UN recognized borders. But then why did the US dismember Kosovo and detach it from Serbia outside of the UN and international law? Based on the UN and international law, what the US diod was illegal and against international law.

The issue here is: Who gets to decide? The US gets to decide these matters. It is selective. The US can arbitrarily and subjectively decide what is legal, legitimate, and adheres to international law. In other words, the US is the “international community”. This is a bit of a smokescreen but the US can get away with it because it has the largest army in the world and controls all media.

The second paradigm is: Georgia committed an act of aggression by launching a planned war against Russian peacekeepers in a region with de facto independence and an international peacekeeping mission. Like Kosovo, the South Ossetians should be allowed to vote in a democratic referendum on whether they want to be independent. Moreover, the principles of self-determination apply to South Ossetia. Of course, the US Government rejects this paradigm vis a vis South Ossetia but accepts it vis a vis Kosovo. The US is just applying an arbitrary standard based on whether the parties are proxies or adversaries. The US applies one paradigm to Albanian Muslim separatists and another one to Ossetian Christian separatists. The scenarios are identical. But in one case the parties are proxies and in the other they are adversaries.

There is no critical media literacy in the US. This is because the corporate and military and political interests in the US want to keep Americans dumb and stupid, brain-dead zombies. This is for obvious reasons. People must be out buying all sorts of things they do not need, they must rush to the next movie blockbuster, and they must support the latest US “humanitarian intervention” to save mankind.

Media analysts cite Joseph Goebbels and Nazi propaganda techniques as sui generis and in vacuo. What the media analysts neglect to mention about Goebbels is that the Nazi propaganda machine was based on American models. Goebbels based much of his propaganda techniques on the pioneering work of American Edward Bernays. In fact, Goebbels studied Berenay’s books on propaganda and had at least one on his shelves. Not many Americans know that Joseph Goebbels based his propaganda techniques on US media persuasion techniques developed by Edward Bernays and Walter Lippmann. That is a fact we subconsciously reject and self-repress and deny.

All wars entail propaganda and media wars because all wars present epistemological issues. How we see a war depends on the lens we use. And all lenses distort and alter reality.

By illegally occupying Kosovo and then violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Serbia by recognizing Kosovo “independence” in contravention of the United Nations and international law, the US and NATO set a dangerous and reckless precedent. The US showed contempt and disdain for international law and the UN and the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia. Force is all that matters. Might makes right. The Kosovo precedent made the secession of South Ossetia and Abkhazia inevitable and unavoidable.

U.S. “advisers” and trainers teach Georgian soldiers military techniques and tactics in Georgia.

A U.S. “adviser” trains Georgian troops at the Vaziani military base on July 18, 2008 outside of Tbilisi as part of joint U.S.-Georgian military exercises. Georgians are being trained to use the US-made M-16 assault rifle. The U.S. and Israel are “advising” and training the Georgian armed forces.

Mikhail Saakashvili, above, has 150 Georgian troops as “peacekeepers” in Kosovo and over 2,000 in Iraq. Ironically and hypocritically, these Georgian troops are violating the territorial integrity and sovereignty of both Serbia and Iraq.

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The Bosnian Muslim Role in the Ustasha and Nazi Genocide
August 7, 2008 – 7:16 am

On right, Bosnian Muslim Dzafer-beg Kulenovic was the Vice-President of the NDH Ustasha regime from 1941 to 1945. The NDH Ustasha regime committed genocide against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies during the Holocaust.

The Bosnian Muslim Role in the Ustasha and Nazi Genocide

An NDH Ustasha guard stands over the corpses of Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies murdered at the Jasenovac concentration and death camp.

Bosnian Muslims were part of the political leadership of the Ustasha Nazi-allied state during the Holocaust. The Bosnian Muslims are complicit in the genocide committed against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies. Bosnian Muslim political, military, and religious leaders played a major role in the genocide against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies. Historians have falsified, distorted, and covered-up the Bosnian Muslim role in the Holocaust and the genocide committed against Serbs.

Bosnian Muslim political, military, and religious leaders were integral parts of the NDH leadership and government. The Vice-President of the NDH was a Bosnian Muslim, Dzafer-beg Kulenovic. The Foreign Minister of the NDH was also a Bosnian Muslim, Mehmed Alajbegovic. The Bosnian Muslims were in the NDH Ustasha Domobrans, the regular army, and security and police forces. There were 11 Bosnian Muslim political leaders who served in the NDH Ustasha Parliament or Sabor.

The following Bosnian Muslims were part of the Government of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH):

The Vice-President of the NDH (Ministar-potpredsjednik):

Osman Kulenovic (April 16, 1941 to October 7, 1941)

Dzafer-beg Kulenovic (Oct 7, 1941 to May, 1945)

Minister of Foreign Affairs (Ministar vanjskih poslova):

Mehmed Alajbegovic (May 5, 1944 to May, 1945)

Minister of Transportation and Public Works (Ministar prometa i javnih radova):

Mehmed Alajbegovic was also the General Consul of the NDH in Munich, Germany from January, 1942 to October, 1943. Alajbegovic met with Adolf Hitler and Heinrich Himmler and Joachim Ribbentrop when he was the NDH Ustasha Foreign Minister. He was arrested and tried for war crimes after the war. He was found guilty of war crimes and sentenced to death. He was executed in 1947 for war crimes. Osman Kulenovic was arrested and tried for war crimes in Yugoslavia after the war. He was found guilty and was executed for war crimes in 1947.

Ademaga Mesic was a high ranking Bosnian Muslim member of the Ustasha Party. Mesic was a Doglavnik, a deputy leader in the Ustasha Party. Bosnian Muslim Muhamed Pilav had been a member of Ante Pavelic’s Ustasha terrorist group in Italy based on a 1937 Yugoslav report. Bosnian Muslim Hasan Huskic had been a member of the Ustasha Janka Puszta camp in Hungary before the war.

Bosnian Muslims were part of the Axis Nazi forces that invaded and occupied the Soviet Union. Bosnian Muslim troops were part of the 369th NDH Croat Reinforced Infantry Regiment which fought at Stalingrad as part of the German Wehrmacht during Operation Barbarossa. In September, 1942, the German Iron Cross 2nd class was awarded to Bosnian Muslim Sergeant Dzafer Babovic, a member of the NDH Regiment, by the German Army for his role duirng the Stalingrad campaign.

Bosnian Muslim Doglavnik or deputy NDH leader Ademaga Mesic, center, with Nikola Mandic, the president of the NDH from 1943, on left, and Doglavnik Mile Budak.

Hakija Hadzic was a prominent Bosnian Muslim political leader in the NDH, born in Bileca on January 1, 1883. Along with Bosnian Muslim Ademaga Mesic, Fehim Spaho, Mehmet Handzic, Hadzic was active in the NDH regime. Educated in Vienna and Jena, during World War I he was a soldier in the Austro-Hungarian Army and became a POW in Russia. He later formed a Bosnian Muslim wing of the HSS, Moslemanska Organizacija Hrvatske Seljacke Stranke).

Hadzic joined the Ustasha Party when the NDH was proclaimed on April 10, 1941. He served in key NDH political posts during the Ustasha regime. He was the Head Trustee of (Izvanredni Povjerenik) for the GUS (Glavni Ustaski Stan, the Ustasha High Command) for the municipality of Tuzla in eastern Bosnia. He was subsequently made the Head Trustee for Sarajevo. He later was appointed the Head Trustee for the entire area of the former Drinska Banovina.

Bosnian Jews and Croatian Jews had to wear a yellow armband in the NDH. Bosnian Serbs and Croatian Serbs had to wear a blue armband.

Hadzic advocated vociferously for the creation of a Greater Bosnia. Historians have covered-up and censored any accounts of a Greater Muslim Bosnia. Bosnian Muslim leaders such as Hadzic argued the Rashka or Sandzak region of Serbia should be annexed to a Greater Bosnia, a Greater Islamic State. Hadzic worked to have the NDH annex the Novi Pazar district of Serbia, the Rashka or Sandzak area.

In late 1942, Hadzic was appointed Ambassador in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the NDH. On July 11, 1944, he was appointed the NDH Ambassador to Hungary.

Hadzic advocated and supported the NDH Ustasha extermination and genocide campaign against the Serbian population of Bosnia-Hercegovina, Krajina, and Croatia. Hadzic openly incited genocide against the Serbian population and was actively involved in the systematic planning and organization of the genocide committed against Serbs..

He fled to Austria with other Ustasha NDH leaders after the collapse of the NDH government on May, 1945 to escape capture and to avoid prosecution for war crimes and genocide. Like Dzafer-beg Kulenovic, Hadzic fled to a Muslim country in the Middle East where he received sanctuary, Syria, where he lived as a wanted war criminal. Hadzic died on January 1, 1953 in Damascus.

Ante Pavelic hand-in-hand with Ali Aganovic, right, the envoy of the Bosnian Muslim community of Sarajevo at the opening of the mosque in Zagreb, August, 1944, which Pavelic and the NDH Ustasha regime constructed.

Bosnian Muslim Alija Suljak was the Ustasha commissioner for Eastern Hercegovina and was the personal aide to Poglavnik Ante Pavelic. In July, 1945 it was reported in a CIA document from 1946 that he personally gave a Memorandum to the Turkish Embassy and to the Afghanistan and Iran Legations in Rome in which he placed blame for the alleged killings of Muslims in Bosnia on the Serbs. Suljak coverer-up the major role Bosnian Muslims had played in the extermination and genocide committed against Serbs.

In “Bosnia-Herzegovina at War: Relations Between Moslems and Non-Moslems” from Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Yeshayahu A. Jelinek noted that Bosnian Muslims were part of the NDH government and that Bosnian Muslims participate in the genocide committed against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies:

“During the Second World War, Bosnia and Herzegovina were a part of the Independent State of Croatia, a German–Italian satellite The ruling Ustasha movement wished to remove Serbs, Jews and Gypsies from Croatian soil The Moslem inhabitants of the region were categorized as Croats by the regime who claimed to grant them all rights and privileges. Moslems participated in the bloodbath which the Ustasha initiated against the proscribed minorities. “

Ante Pavelic with Izmet Muftic, the Mufti of Zagreb since 1919, at Islamic services for the opening of the “Poglavnik mosque” , Poglavnikova dzamija. Bosnian Muslim Ademaga Mesic, Ibrahim Proho, Nikola Mandic, the president of the NDH, and Ivan “Ico” Kirin, an Ustasha Colonel who headed Pavelic’s personal security detachment, also attended the NDH Ustasha ceremony.

The highest ranking Bosnian Muslim religious leader in the NDH, Izmet Muftic, supported the Ustasha NDH regime and the genocide committed against Serbs and Jews and Roma, Gypsies. Muftic traveled to Karlovac to greet Ante Pavelic when he returned from exile and proclaimed the NDH on April 10, 1941. Muftic and the Muslim community of Zagreb had proposed that the Serbian Orthodox Church on Preradovic Square in Zagreb be taken over and converted into a mosque. Ustasha leader Slavko Kvaternik designated Muftic a member of the Croatian State Leadership in 1941. He conducted Islamic prayer services on behalf of the NDH regime and officiated at the opening of the Ustasha Poglavnik mosque that Ante Pavelic constructed in Zagreb in 1944. Muftic endorsed the NDH Ustasha genocide committed against Serbs. Muftic was arrested, tried, sentenced to death, and executed by hanging after the war for war crimes.

Executed Bosnian Muslim war criminal Izmet Muftic, the Mufti of Zagreb, at Islamic prayer services for the proclamation of the NDH Ustasha regime.

The Bosnian Muslim religious leader in Bosnia-Hercegovina, Fehim Spaho, the Reis-ul-Ulema, supported the Ustasha NDH regime and the genocidal programs against the Serbs.

Dzafer-beg Kulenovic was the highest ranking Bosnian Muslim political leader in the NDH. He had been the President of Yugoslav Muslim Party, which had been the largest Bosnian Muslim political party, succeeding Mehmed Spaho, who died in 1939.

Kulenovic was born in Rajnovici on February 17, 1891, having served as president of the Yugoslav Moslem Organization (JMO). He had been a minister in the government of Yugoslavia before World War II.

Mufti of Zagreb, Izmet Muftic, Andrija Artukovic. the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, and Mile Budak in Zagreb, 1943, planned and organized the genocide against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies.

After the end of the war, he was one of the most wanted Ustasha war criminals. When the NDH regime collapsed, Kulenovic escaped to Syria. His brother Osman was arrested, tried for war crimes, sentenced to death, and executed in 1947. He managed to escape prosecution for war crimes in Bosnia by fleeing to Syria where he died on October 3, 1956 in Damascus.

The Bosnian Muslim role in the Ustasha genocide committed against Serbs and in the Holocaust has not been documented. This falsification, distortion, and manipulation of history has created an erroneous impression or image of Bosnian Muslims as “victims”. Bosnian Muslims were not victims. Bosnian Muslims played a role in the genocide against Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies during the Holocaust.

Bosnian Muslim troops in the NDH Ustasha Domobran or Home Guard formations.

On left, NDH Ustasha General Slavko Stancer, the chief of staff of the NDH Ustasha army, with Bosnian Muslim Domobran or Home Guard commander who was a part of the Ustasha NDH armed forces. Bosnian Muslims were members of the Ustasha NDH armed forces.

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Iranian Arms and Bosnia
July 26, 2008 – 6:29 am

Iranian President Hashemi Rafsanjani met Alija Izetbegovic at the Mehrabad Airport in Tehran in 1993 during an official state visit by Izetbegovic to procure Iranian weapons and arms in contravention of the UN arms embargo.

Iran was the main arms supplier to the Bosnian Muslim military forces during the 1992-1995 civil war, in violation of the United Nations arms embargo. Needless to say, this was a criminal act and illegal. But because Iran had U.S. support and backing in this illegal operation through U.S. Ambassador in proxy state Croatia, Peter Galbraith, nothing was ever done about it. The U.S. media censored it and covered it up. End of story.

Iran supplied two-thirds of the total received in weapons and ammunition by the Bosnian Muslim forces during the 1992-95 civil war. From May, 1994 to January, 1996, Iran transported over 5,000 tons of weapons and military equipment to Bosnia. The U.S. government gave the infamous “green light” to Tehran through Peter Galbraith. A U.S. Senate sub-committee thatÂ investigated this “green light” policy, a clear criminal act and an illegal act in violation of the UN arms embargo, concluded that it had strengthened the Iranian strategic position in Europe and had endangered the lives of U.S. civilians and troops. Why did the U.S. engage in this criminal and illegal activity exposing the hypocrisy of the U.S. that only made Iran stronger and which increased Iranian influence in Europe?Â Was the criminal and illegal U.S. policy based on the notion of cutting off one’s nose to spite one’s face? The concept is based in realpolitik, the concept that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend.” Croatia and the Bosnian Muslim faction were U.S. proxies and surrogates that acted as puppets for the U.S., NATO, and the EU.Â In the short term, the Serbs were a greater strategic threat to U.S. interests than the Iranians were. It is as simple as that. Iran, thus, became an “ally” and “collaborator” of the U.S.

Former U.S. Ambassador to proxy and client-state Croatia gave the infamous “green light” for Iran to illegally arm the Bosnian Muslim military forces.

Iran sent to Bosnia members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards, Pasdaran, 2,000 by 1995,Â who supervised the illegal arms shipments and who were incorporated into the Bosnian Muslim Army of Alija Izetbegovic, who made official state visits to Tehran in 1992 and 1993 to secure Iranian arms shipments and military and diplomatic support. Needless to say, these official visits by Izetbegovic, illegal and criminal actions because in violation of the UN arms embargo, were censored and suppressed in the U.S. and Western media under the Emphasis propaganda or infowar or psyop technique. The U.S. media, government, and intelligence agencies knew these illegal arms transfers from Iran were occurring, but they were covered-up from the American public. The American public did not need to know. Croatian Defense Minister Gojko Susak explained: “The Americans never protested.” Illegal Iranian arms shipments continued to pour into Bosnia.

American involvement and collusion and duplicity in the illegal Iranian arms shipments was apparent from the start. In May, 1994 and September, 1995, the U.S. directly intervened to allow illegal Iranian shipments to get to their destinations with the Bosnian Muslim Army. By Semptember, 1994, the U.S. Army was “assisting and advising” the proxy and surrogate Bosnian Muslim military forces.

The Iranian Intelligence Agency (VEVAK) established branches and infrastructure in Bosnia. VEVAK had established links to Alija Izetbegovic’s radical, militant, and ultra-nationalist Islamic SDA party before the civil war started in 1992. Once the war started, VEVAK strengthened and expanded its ties to the Bosnian Muslim political leadership and the Bosnian Muslim secret police apparatus. Mohammed Taherian,Â a top Iranian intelligence agent who had armed the Taliban and was suspected of arming Shiite guerrillas, was sent to Sarajevo as the Iranian Ambassador to Bosnia. Taherian had been the former Iranian Ambassador to Afghanistan.

Saudi Arabia and Turkey offered to provide weapons and ammunition to the Bosnian Muslim forces even though they were illegal under the UN. Why did IzetbegovicÂ choose Iran as the principal arms supplier for the Bosnian Muslim Army? A Bosnian Muslim journalist concluded that Izetbegovic “played his cards on the Iranian connection”. This was because Izetbegovic and the ultra-nationalist Islamic SDA party were ideologically closer to Iran than to Saudi Arabia or Turkey. Izetbegvic had rejected the Ataturk model of a secular and moderate Islamic political approach, although U.S. and Western pundits and analysts missed this fact. Izetbegovic and the SDA since 1979 had demonstrated respect, admiration, and sympathy for the Iranian Islamic Revolution. Izetbegovic saw the Iranian Islamic Republic as a model for Bosnia to follow. Needless to say, the U.S. media, government, pundits, and experts censored and covered-up this obvious fact. Moreover, the Tehran arms shipments to the Bosnian Muslims was not much of a secret. The illegal arms from Iran arrived weekly on a Iranian Boeing 747 to Zagreb in open view. U.S. and Western journalists and intelligence was fully aware of what was going on but kept silent. It was vital to suppress, censor, and cover-up these illegal arms shipments because U.S. and Western propaganda was supporting the Bosnian Msulim faction in a massive and unprecedented propaganda and infowar campaign. The U.S. strategic presence in Southeastern Europe depended on the success of the Bosnian Muslim and Croat proxies and surrogates. The future of NATO and the EU depended on it. As a consequence, Iran became a U.S. “ally” and “collaborator” during the 1992-1995 Bosnian civil war.

The Other Side of the Story: Proof: Al-Qaeda Role in Bosnia
July 25, 2008 – 7:21 am

Alija Izetbegovic with Al-Qaeda and mujahedeen forces who were part of the Bosnian Muslim Army.

Ali Ahmed Ali Hamad, an Al-Qaeda commander who was part of the Bosnian Muslim Army during the 1992-1995 civil, testified under oath at the war crimes trial of Bosnian Muslim military commander Rasim Delic that the Bosnian Muslim Government of Alija Izetnegovic had knowledge of Al-Qaeda war crimes against Bosnian Serb civilians and POWs but did nothing to prevent or punish them.

Most importantly, Hamad confirmed under oath in a court of law that Al-Qaeda was part of the Bosnian Muslim military forces. This is a bombshell. Yet this admission and conclusive and unmistakeable proof of the Al-Qaeda presence in Bosnia was censored and suppressed in the U.S. and Western media. The mainstream media in the U.S. deleted it and censored it. Nevertheless, this testimony offers proof that Al-Qaeda was part of Alija Izetbegovic’s Bosnian Muslim Army.

In sworn testimony before the ICTY war crimes trial in Sarajevo, Ali HamadÂ testified that, “as far as he knews”, the Bosnian Muslim Army never took measures to punish the Al-Qaeda troops in the Bosnian Muslim Army or any of the other Afghan-Arab mujahedeen. Moreover,Â he testified that the Bosnian Muslim military and political leadership did nothingÂ to preventÂ Al-Qaeda and mujahedeen forcesÂ from committingÂ war crimes against Serbian and Croatian civilians and POWs in Bosnia. These war crimes included ritual beheadings of Bosnian Serb civilians and POWs, decapitations, torture, circumcisions, and mass executions of Bosnian Serb POWs. Specifically, 60 Bosnian Serb POWs were tortured and murdered and three Bosnian Serb women were raped by Bosnian Muslim troops.

Al Qaeda organized jihadist El Mujahedeen Unit, made up of 1,200 Bosnian Muslims and 500 Arab-Afghan troops, committed war crimes and atrocities against Serbian and Croatian Christian civilians and POWs.

Ali Hamad admitted that the Bosnian Muslim military and political leaders were aware of the war crimes but did nothing to stop them or punish them:

“It is impossible that the Army could not stop a small group of Mujaheeds. I am referring to the military and political leadership. We were accepted here in Bosnia although we did many bad things.”

Ali Hamad conceded that Al-Qaeda and mujahedeen troops in the Bosnian Muslim Army rejected the Geneva Convention on the Laws and Practices of WarfareÂ because he “was not interested in it at the time”, be relied on Al-Qaeda tactics developed in Afghanistan:

“In the course of our training in Afghanistan, we rejected all those regulations. We pronounced them as ‘tagut‘ regulations, which means they contradicted Islam. Al-Qaeda had its own rules that were contradictory to these regulations.”

Ali HamadÂ testifiedÂ atÂ the United Nations War Crime trialÂ that the Al-Qaeda and mujahedeen forcesÂ in the Bosnian Muslim Army were financed by a Saudi Arabian charity, the SaudiÂ High Commission for Relief of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The Phildaelphia Inquirer has reported that he will be a witness in a civil suit brought against Saudi Arabian charities. The civil case is “Re terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. These Saudi Arabian charity fronts and other Islamic charities are sued for complicity and support for the September 11, 2001 attacks in New York City.

Not only is this conclusive proof of the Al-Qaeda role in the Bosnian civil war censored and suppressed in the U.S. media. The connection of Bosnia to 9/11 is also covered-up and censored in the U.S. and Western press.

The Bosnia and 9/11 Connection: Khalid Al-Mihdhar and Nawal Al-Hazmi (above) from Saudi Arabia organized and participated in the 9/11 attacks. They were the suicide hijackers who crashed American Airlines flight 77 into the Pentagon, killing all 64 persons on the plane and 125 in the Pentagon. TheyÂ were both veterans of the Bosnian Muslim Army who possessed Bosnian passports issued by the Alija Izetbegovic Government.

Book Review: NATO War Crimes: Media Lies and the Conquest of Kosovo
September 2, 2008 – 2:59 pm

Media Lies and the Conquest of Kosovo: NATO’s Prototype for the Next Wars of Globalization. Publisher: Unwritten History, Inc., New York, 2007. By Michel Collon, 276 pages, with photographs and maps.

“Each war begins with media lies.” This is how Belgian journalist Michel Collon begins his analysis of the Kosovo conflict which resulted in the U.S. and NATO bombardment of Yugoslavia in 1999 and the subsequent occupation of the Serbian Kosovo province by U.S. and NATO troops. The U.S. and NATO had launched a war of aggression without United Nations approval and in violation of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Yugoslavia. The war was illegal and criminal under international law and under the Charter of the UN.

How was an illegal and criminal war “sold” as a “humanitarian intervention” to prevent “genocide” and a second Holocaust? This is the question that Collon analyzes and attempts to answer in the book.

Collon stated that the “primary objective” of the book is to allow “the reader to recognize media lies”. The Kosovo conflict is used to demonstrate how the U.S. media and government used “disinformation” and “war propaganda” to cover up the fact that no “genocide” or atrocities had taken place in Kosovo. He is able to deconstruct the deceptions and lies perpetrated by the U.S. and Western media. The analysis is essential reading in promoting critical media literacy skills and in the deconstruction of the modus operandi of the U.S. and Western media.

But if there was a massive and unprecedented U.S. infowar and propaganda and disinformation campaign, what was the reason for it? Collon analyzed the hidden agendas and objectives that the U.S. and the NATO countries had in launching such a blatantly illegal and criminal war of aggression. He showed how NATO expansion eastwards and into “Southeastern Europe” were important strategic and military objectives. The neutralization of Serbia was vital for the U.S. and the EU because Serbia was not a compliant U.S. proxy, client, and satellite state. Serbia was a large roadblock in the way of U.S. and NATO expansion. Serbia had to be wiped out. And that is what the U.S. and NATO did. The Kosovo conflict was the result.

Economic interests were also of primary concern for the U.S. and NATO. Serbia was resisting “privatization” and the “open society”, that is, the corporate takeover of its economy by U.S. and Western corporate raiders, NGOs, and corporate conglomerates.

Collon examined the ramifications of the Kosovo conflict for future conflicts, the “next wars of globalization.” In particular, he saw the connection of Kosovo to the Caucasus, the interconnection of Kosovo to the South Ossetia and Abkhazia conflicts. Collon saw the Kosovo conflict as only the first war in NATO’s expansion eastwards and NATO’s plan to encircle the Russian Federation.

The war launched on August 7, 2008 by U.S. client state Georgia to take over the de facto independent regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia can be seen as the second war concocted by the U.S. and NATO. The goal is the same in Kosovo and in South Ossetia. The U.S. and NATO seek expansion. Collon was able to foresee the South Ossetia conflict, His analytical framework is accurate and critical, providing an objective and unbiased analysis of NATO and U.S. motives and policies.

Collon begins his analysis by deconstructing the media deceptions and lies that the U.S. and Western media used to “sell” the illegal war in Kosovo. The U.S. propaganda model was to use the Bosnia Holocaust propaganda analogy. Accuse the Serbs of committing genocide, of recreating the Holocaust. Make up outrageous and preposterous atrocity stories and fabrications and concoct unbelievable casualty numbers. Revive the “ethnic cleansing” meme that worked so well in Bosnia. And then develop the genocide propaganda argument.

There was a claim by the U.S. and Western media that there were “100,000 Missing” Albanian Muslims, presumed to have been killed by the Serbs. U.S. President Bill Clinton stated at a White House press conference on June 25, 1999 that “tens of thousands of people”, that is, Albanian Muslims, had been murdered in Kosovo on the personal orders of Slobodan Milosevic. This was nonsense and a malicious deception. Geoff Hoon of the British Foreign Office similarly claimed that “it appeared that around 10,000 people had been killed in more than 100 massacres.” These were outlandish, cynical, and immoral lies disseminated by government leaders. But Bill Clinton and Tony Blair understood that there were no repercussions and consequences for the most outrageous of lies and deceptions. By playing the genocide game or genocide card, moreover, invoking genocide in what was an internal, separatist and secessionist conflict, Clinton and Blain knew that they could silence any dissent and debate. Who wouldn’t want to prevent genocide and atrocities? Framed in those deceptive terms, it was a win-win situation that was based totally on disinformation, infowar and psyop techniques, and fabrications.

In fact, claims of genocide by the U.S., Britain, and other NATO countries were later shown to be lies and fabrications concocted and planned by the governments of those same NATO countries that bombed and occupied Yugoslavian territory. U.S. infowar techniques went into high gear. The U.S. media and government propaganda machine went into overdrive. U.S. Army Psyops specialists even were hired by CNN to work for the news network. This was the appetizer. This was to get everyone ready for the main show, which was the bombing and occupation of Serbia.

Collon examined and discussed the language and terms of the Rambouillet Accord which no sovereign and independent country could accept. It harkened back to the 1914 Austro-Hungarian Ultimatum to Serbia that led to World War I. Under the terms of the Rambouillet Accord, Serbia had to allow NATO the right to potentially occupy all of Serbia and Yugoslavia, had to give Kosovo de facto independence immediately, and allow Kosovo Albanians to vote on independence after three years. What sovereign state would accept these terms? Would Georgia under Mikhail Saakashvili accept these terms for the resolution of the South Ossetia and Abkhazia conflicts? Clearly, the U.S. planned a war to allow the Kosovo Albanian Muslim separatists to secede from Serbia, like Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini had done in 1941, and for essentially the same reasons, to use Albanians as a proxy against Yugoslavia, a hostile and non-proxy state.

Collon cited convincing and compelling evidence that the U.S. and NATO planned an “intervention” in Kosovo long before the 78 day bombing started in 1999. In June, 1997, a French government official visited a U.S. aircraft carrier in the Adriatic. A U.S. admiral showed him a map of Yugoslavia with blinking lights on it. When asked what the lights represented, the admiral replied, “These are the future targets of our air attacks.” This was almost two years before the alleged “crackdown” and “atrocities” in Kosovo by the Slobodan Milosevic regime. This was before anything had happened in Kosovo. The U.S. and NATO were planning the next war. And Kosovo was the place. Some rationale was needed, any rationale, and the U.S. propaganda and infowar machine came up with one.

Finally, Collon analyzed the war crimes the U.S. and NATO committed in Kosovo by targeting Serbian hospitals, nursing homes, passenger trains, automobile factories, power grids, marketplaces, refugee columns, and television stations. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch confirmed that based on the evidence they gathered, the U.S. and NATO were guilty of committing horrendous war crimes. But who was going to prosecute them? Who was going to arrest Bill Clinton and Madeleine Albright and bring them before a war crimes tribunal and court? Who was going to prosecute the U.S. and NATO war crimes in Serbia and Yugoslavia? Might makes right.

What did the U.S. and NATO achieve with the alleged “humanitarian intervention”? Following the war, an estimated 250,000 Kosovo Serbs, Roma, Turks, Gorani, and Jews were forced to flee Kosovo, creating an ethnically pure Albanian or Shqip “Kosova”, a Greater Albania. What the U.S. had achieved was to allow its proxy Albanian forces to secede and to create a second Albanian state in Europe. The U.S. had achieved the goals of Albanian separatism, creating two Albanian Muslim states in Europe.

Collon analyzed the Racak “massacre” and showed how this incident was staged and manipulated and distorted by the U.S. government and media. Those killed were armed Albanian Muslims who had been engaged in a shootout with Yugoslav police and security forces. The evidence showed that they had gun residue on their hands indicating that they had fired weapons. Racak was the pretext the U.S. needed to launch the illegal bombardment of Yugoslavia. Anything, any pretext, would have done.

Collon showed how economic factors were also paramount in the Kosovo conflict. U.S. President Bill Clinton had explained that “that’s what this Kosovo thing is all about … our ability to sell around the world.” He cited a Thomas Friedman statement in the New York Times : “The hidden hand of the market will never work without a hidden fist—McDonald’s cannot flourish without McDonnell Douglas, the builder of the F-15.” Finally, the New York Times on July 18, 1996, attacked Slobodan Milosevic, “a former Communist”, because he retained “state controls” over the Yugoslav economy and because of “his refusal to allow privatization.” The Washington Post explained succinctly why Yugoslavia was targeted by the U.S., NATO, and the EU: “Milosevic failed to understand the political message of the fall of the Berlin Wall while other Communist politicians accepted the Western model, and moved in the direction of the rest of Europe, Milosevic went the other way.” Milosevic did not grasp that the U.S. was the sole Superpower, the “global hegemon” who required all states to adopt and to follow the “Western model”. Ultimately, this was what the Kosovo thing was all about.

Collon was able to analyze and deconstruct the many issues involved in the Kosovo crisis and to see their future implications in the Caucasus. Originally published in 2000 in French as Monopoly: The NATO Conquest of the World, Collon analyzed how the Kosovo conflict was aimed ultimately at Russia and was a precursor to NATO expansion into the Ukraine, the Baltic states, and Georgia. Kosovo was not the end, but only the start. Kosovo was the beginning. South Ossetia and Abkhazia were the next wars. Kosovo set the stage for Iraq, Afghanistan, and the conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia and was the intended “prototype” for future wars of “globalization” and for spreading “democracy” and “freedom” around the globe.

Three-year-old Milica Rakic was killed on April 17, 1999 by the NATO bombardment of the Belgrade suburb of Batajnica.

The parents of Milica Rakic mourn at her funeral.

NATO targeted hospitals, power grids, nursing homes, passenger trains, bridges, refugee columns, busses, television stations, factories, and residential areas. These are war crimes under international law and the customs and conventions of warfare. Cluster bombs were dropped by NATO in civilian areas. NATO bombed the residence of Slobodan Milosevic in a “decapitation” attack meant to assassinate him. NATO also killed hundreds of Albanian Muslim refugees.

The Chinese Embassy building in Belgrade after NATO bombardment. Out of 900 targets bombed by NATO, only the Chinese Embassy was targeted and chosen by the CIA and consisted of an independent U.S. bombing run.

A Serbian civilian lies dead on the street after NATO bombing.

Serbian hospitals destroyed by NATO bombardment, above and below.

U.S. bombers wrote graffiti on this unexploded bomb in Kraljevo: “Do you still wanna be a Serb now!!”

Serbian graffiti on a damaged building reads “Hitler Klinton”. Worldwide protests and outrage against the NATO bombing were largely dismissed and marginalized by the U.S. and NATO governments and media.

U.S. President Bill Clinton is depicted as a “new Hitler” during mass anti-U.S. and anti-NATO demonstrations in Sydney in 1999.

U.S. Marines pass an anti-NATO banner in Thessaloniki, Greece in 1999 which reads: “Killers Go Home”.

Partisan-German collaboration: Communist Partisan leaders under Tito, left, with German military officers in Yugoslavia during World War II.

In his seminal 1973 analysis of the roles Draza Mihailovich and Josip Broz Tito played during the World War II conflict in Yugoslavia, Tito, Mihailovic and the Allies, 1941-1945, Walter R. Roberts was able to show that Tito’s Communist Partisans had collaborated with the Nazis. The Communist Partisan collaboration with the Nazis was long-covered up and suppressed by the Communist dictatorship which took over Yugoslvaia in 1945.

Walter R. Roberts described the meeting between the Partisans and German occupation officials as follows:

“Within the framework of negotiating … prisoner exchanges, a meeting was arranged … between the commanding general of the German 717th Infantry Division, Lieutenant General Benignus Dippold, and three high-ranking representatives of the Yugoslav Army of National Liberation: Milos Markovic, Vladimir Petrovic and Koca Popovic. Only Popovic, an army commander, used his real name. Markovic was in reality Milovan Djilas, a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPY, and Petrovic was an alias for Vladimir Velebit, in whose house in Zagreb the radio transmitter was hidden through which the CPY and the Comintern had exchanged messages in 1941.

Walter R. Roberts was the Counselor of the American Embassy in Yugoslavia from 1960-1966 and Associate Director of USIA.

A German memorandum states that the German-Partisan conversation took place in Gornji Vakuf (west of Sarajevo) on March 11, 1943, from 9:30 to 11 A.M. . . . During the March discussions, the Partisan delegation stressed that the Partisans saw no reason for fighting the German Army – they added that they fought against German troops only in self-defense – but wished solely to fight the Chetniks; that they were oriented toward the propaganda of the Soviet Union only because they rejected any connection with the British; that they would fight the British should the latter land in Yugoslavia; that they did not intend to capitulate, but inasmuch as they wanted to concentrate on fighting the Chetniks, they wished to suggest respective territories of interest.

A Communist Partisan officer, right, with German officers of the 7th SS Mountain Division “Prinz Eugen”.

The content of this German memorandum of conversation is confirmed by a document which the Partisan delegation left behind and which bears the signatures of the three Partisan emissaries. In it Djilas, Velebit and Popovic proposed not only further prisoner exchanges and German recognition of the right of the Partisans as combatants but, what was more important, the cessation of hostilities between German forces and the Partisans. The three delegates confirmed in writing that the Partisans ‘regard the Chetniks as their main enemy.’

. . . . A few days later, on March 17, the German Minister in Zagreb, Kasche, sent a telegram to Berlin in which, clearly referring to the German-Partisan talks, he reported the possibility ‘that Tito and supporters will cease to fight against Germany, Italy and Croatia and retire to the Sandzak in order to settle matters with Mihailovic’s Chetniks.’

Meanwhile in the wake of the discussions between the three high Partisan representatives and Lieutenant General Dippold, further talks were arranged at Zagreb. . . . Velebit and Djilas passed again through the German lines and were brought by a German military plane from Sarajevo to Zagreb on March 25, 1943. There they had talks with Glaise von Horstenau and his staff.

Milovan Djilas and Vladimir Velebit met with German General Edmund Glaise von Horstenau, above, in Zagreb.

Not having received a reply from Ribbentrop to his message of March 17, Kasche sent another telegram to his Foreign Minister on March 26, 1943, in which he reported that two duly authorized representatives of Tito had arrived in Zagreb for the purpose of discussions with German, Italian and Croatian military representatives. One of them, Kasche said, was Dr. Petrovic, a Croat, and the other a Montenegrin by the name of Markovic These people, he added, again offered to stop fighting if they could be left in peace in the Sandzak. . . .

On March 29, Ribbentrop sent Kasche a telegram in which he prohibited all contact with the Partisans and asked on what Kasche based his optimism. . . .

The discussions between the Partisan representatives and the Germans in Zagreb regarding a possible cessation of hostilities got nowhere, not only because the Partisan proposals were unacceptable to the Germans but, above all, because Berlin utterly opposed any accommodation with the Partisans. When apprised of the Zagreb contacts, Hitler reportedly said: ‘One does not negotiate with rebels – rebels must be shot.’”

. . . . The fact remains, however, that the Partisans, who labeled Mihailovic and the Chetniks traitors for their accommodation with the enemy, sent two high-ranking officers to the German general in Zagreb with the purpose of arranging a cease-fire, after having declared in writing that their main enemies were the Chetniks and not the occupying Axis forces.

No wonder that there is great sensitivity in Yugoslav Communist circles about that chapter in history. None of the official Yugoslav documents mentions the Velebit-Djilas trip to Zagreb, while every possible Chetnik Axis meeting is duly recorded.”

Robert’s primary sources for these meetings and discussions between the Partisans and German forces concerning collaboratio were based on the Nuremberg Armed Forces High Command document series which was assembled by prosecutors at the Nuremberg war crimes trials by the U.S. The document that disclosed the meeting was NOKW 1088, Record Group 238. The Communist dictatorship that Tito established after the war covered-up and suppressed this evidence of Communist Partisan collaboration with Nazi forces.

General Draza Mihailovich, center, with American OSS officers.

The March, 1943 meeting between Partisan leaders Djilas and Velebit and German occupation leaders was suppressed and covered-up by the Yugoslav Communist dictatorship under Tito and by Tito’s supporters in the U.S. and the West, many of whom were known to be Communists, Communist sympathizers, or even Communist moles and spies like James Klugman, the deputy chief of the Yugoslav section of SOE, the British Special Operations Executive.

Communist mole and spy James Klugman falsified reports and data in support of the Communist Partisan forces of Tito, backed and supported by Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union.

Tito’s objective was thus to negotiate an end to hostilities and to combat between Communist Partisans and German occupation forces. The goal was to allow Tito to concentrate on destroying the Chetnik forces under Draza Mihailovich before a possible Allied landing that would allow a link up of Allied forces and Chetnik forces that would ensure Mihailovich’s victory in the civil war conflict in Yugoslavia. Mihailovich had not yet been completely abandoned and betrayed by the British and the U.S. Because the british and the U.S> supported Mihailovich over the Communist Partisans, Tito and the Partisan leaders were willing to collaborate with the Nazis occupation forces and to engage in combat against British and U.S> forces if doing so would allow them to prevent the Chetnik guerrilla movement from being recognized by he Allies.

In Milovan Djilas’s war-time memoirs, published as Wartime (1977), he confirmed and admitted for the first time that the allegations of Partisan collaboration with the Nazis made by Walter R. Roberts
were correct and accurate. The negotiations between the Germans and
Tito’s Partisans in fact did take place. Djilas’ account corroborated the Roberts description of the meeting. The meeting occurred when top Partisan commander Koca Popovic conferred at Tito’s headquarters in Bosnia. A German transport plane then took Djilas and Velebit from Sarajevo to Zagreb. The discussions and negotiations centered around Partisan proposals that the Communist guerrillas would collaborate or cooperate with the Nazis if they were allowed to concentrate on destroying the Chetnik guerrilla forces. The Partisans anticipated a possible British and American landing in Yugoslavia on the Adriatic Coast similar to the landings in Italy. At that time, Mihailovich was still being backed and supported by the Allies as the primary resistance leadeYugoslavia. The Partisans feared that an Allied landing in Yugoslavia would ensure a victory for Mihailovich and his Chetnik guerrilla forces.

The Partisan objective was to destroy Mihailovich’s forces before any Allied landing. For this to occur, the Partisans needed German and Axis help. The meeting shows that the Partisans were willing to collaborate with the Nazi occupation forces if it meant that they could destroy their military and political rivals, the Chetnik forces of Draza Mihailovich. German Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop rejected the Partisan proposal of collaboration. Hitler refused any collaboration with the Yugoslav Partisans, whom he regarded as rebels and bandits, not recognized military combatants, who should be executed. The proposed Partisan-German agreement on collaboration, thus, did not emerge. But the incident showed that the Partisans did collaborate with the German occupation forces and were, indeed, willing to engage in collaboration with the Nazis. It was only the German rejection of these offers that prevented any large-scale and long-term agreements of collaboration.

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