A Narrative of Captivity in Abyssinia by Henry Blanc

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We were guarded night and day, and could not move a few steps outsidethe tent without being followed by a soldier; at night, if we hadto go out, we were told to carry a lantern with us. Our guards wereall old confidential chiefs of the Emperor, men of rank and position,who executed their orders, but did not abuse their position to makeus feel still more our disgrace. On the evening of the 15th a smallfarce was played that amused me at the time. I was going out a shortdistance, a servant carrying a lantern before me. We had onlyadvanced a few steps when a soldier roughly seized my servant;immediately the officer on guard ran up towards us, and pretendingto be very indignant at the soldier's conduct, told him to let myservant go, and lifting up his stick, gave him a few strokes on theback, exclaiming, "Why do you stop him? These are not prisoners;they are the friends of the King." On turning round; I saw the chiefand the soldier having a good laugh together. The following morningthe reconciliation was to take place. Theodore desired to impressus with the idea that we might be still his friends, and that wehad better give in to him with good grace, as the arrest of the13th would prove to us that he could also treat us as enemies. Hisplan was not a bad one; at all events it succeeded.

On the 17th we received a message from his Majesty, telling us togo to him, as he desired to try before us the Europeans who had,he said, formerly insulted him. Theodore knows well how to make adisplay; and on this occasion he did his utmost to impress all,Europeans as well as natives, with an idea of his power and greatness.He was seated on an alga in the open air, in front of the audience-hall.All the great officers of state were stationed on his left hand infront; on his right were the Europeans, and around these moreimportant individuals, the petty chiefs and soldiers formed analmost complete circle.

As soon as we approached, his Majesty rose and saluted us; receivedus, in short, as though we were still his honoured guests, and notthe heralds from a great Power he had recently so grossly insulted.We were told to sit down. A few minutes of silence followed, andwe saw advancing from the outer gate our countrymen guarded ascriminals, and chained two by two. They were arranged in a line infront of his Majesty, who, after observing them for a few seconds,"kindly" inquired after their health, and how they had spent theirtime. The captives acknowledged these compliments by repeatedlykissing the ground before that incarnation of the Evil One, who allthe time grinned in delight at the sight of the misery and humiliationof his victims. Captain Cameron's and Mr. Bardel's fetters werethen opened, and they were told to come and sit down near us. Allthe other captives remained standing in the sun, and had to answerto the Emperor's questions. He was collected, and calm; only once,when addressing us, did he appear in any way excited.

He asked them, "Why did you wish to leave my country before youtook leave of me?" They answered that they had only acted accordingto Mr. Rassam's orders, to whom they had been made over. He thensaid, "Why did you not ask Mr. Rassam to bring you to me, and bereconciled before you left?" and turning towards Mr. Rassam, said,"It is your fault. I told you to reconcile me with them; why didyou not do so?" Mr. Rassam replied: that he had believed the writtenreconciliation that followed the trial of the charges he had sentagainst them to be sufficient. The Emperor then said to Mr. Rassam,"Bid I not tell you I wanted to give them mules and money, and youanswered me that you had bought mules for them, and that you hadmoney enough to take them to their country? Now, on your account,you see them in chains. From the day you told me that you desiredto send them by another road I became suspicious, and imagined thatyou did so in order that you might say in your country that theywere released through your cunning and power."

The former captives' supposed crimes are well known, and its theremainder of the trial was only a repetition of the one of Gondar,it would be a mere waste of time to speak of it here; suffice itto say that these unfortunate and injured men answered with allhumility and meekness, and endeavoured by so doing to avert thewrath of the wretch in whose power they were.

The Emperor's pedigree was then read: from Adam to David all wenton smoothly enough; from Solomon's supposed son Menilek to Sociniusfew names were given--perhaps they were patriarchs in their ownway; but when it came to Theodore's father and mother the difficultyincreased, indeed it became serious; many witnesses were broughtforward to testify to their royal descent, and even the opinion ofthe puppet-Emperor Johannes was recorded in favour of Theodore'slegal right to the throne of his ancestors.

We were then called forward, and the scene of the 18th enacted over,again. After we had been told to sit down, Theodore called hisworkmen before him, and asked them if he ought to get "kassa?"(meaning a reparation for what he had suffered at the hands of theEuropeans). Some did not audibly reply; whilst others loudlyproclaimed that "kassa was good." In conclusion, his Majesty said,addressing himself to us "Do you want to be my masters? You willremain with me; and wherever I go, you will go; wherever I stay,you will stay." On that we were dismissed to our tents, and CaptainCameron was allowed to accompany us. The other Europeans, still inchains, were sent to another part of the camp, where several weeksbefore a fence had been erected, no one knew why.

The following day we were again called before Theodore, but thistime it was quite a private affair. The prisoners were firstconducted to our tent, and released from their fetters. We werethen called into his presence; the former captives followed us, andthe Gaffat people shortly afterwards entered, and were told to sitat the Emperor's right. As soon as the released prisoners entered;they bowed their heads to the ground and begged for pardon. HisMajesty told them to rise, and after informing them that they hadnever done anything wrong, and that they were his friends, bowedhis head to the ground, and in his turn begged for pardon. Heremained in that attitude until they had repeatedly told him, "ForGod's sake, we forgive you!" Captain Cameron then read aloud Dr.Beke's letter and the petition of the prisoners' relatives. Thereconciliation effected, the Emperor dictated a letter for ourQueen, and Mr. Flad was selected to convey it. We then all had ourtents pitched in a large enclosure, fenced that very morning underhis Majesty's supervision. We were once more all united; but thistime all prisoners. Mr. Flad left; we expected that his missionwould be unsuccessful, and that England, disgusted with so muchtreachery, would not condescend to treat further, but enforce herdemands. The day Mr. Flad left, his wife accompanied the workmen,who were ordered back to Kourata; with them we had much lessintercourse than before, as they were at all times timid, and verycareful not to have many dealings with doubtful friends of the King.

Zage was one of the principal towns of the formerly prosperousand populous district of Metsha, but when we came we saw nought butruins; and had we not been told that the guicho and coffee-coveredhill was only a few weeks before the abode of thousands, we couldnot have credited it; nor that the small circular patches, now greenwith grass and weeds, had been the homes of a thriving and industriouspopulation.

A few days after the reconciliation--the very morning Flad left forEngland--his Majesty returned us our arms, and a portion of ourmoney; he also presented us at the same time with silver-mountedshields, spears, and mules, and a few days later with horses. Wesaw him on several occasions: twice he came to see us in our tents;one day we went with him to assist at the trial of some guns madeby his European workmen; once duck-shooting with him on the lake;another time to see him play the national game of goucks. Heendeavoured to appear friendly, supplied us with abundant rations,and twice a day sent his compliments; he even fired a salute andgave a feast on our Queen's birthday. Nevertheless, we felt unhappy:our cage was gilt, but still a cage; and the experience we had hadof the King's treachery made us constantly fear a recurrence of it.When we met him in Damot, and when we visited him before at Zage,we had only seen the actor in his smiling mood; now all restraintwas thrown off: women were flogged to death close to our tents, andsoldiers laden with chains or beaten to death on the most trivialpretexts. The true character of the tyrant became daily more apparent,and we felt that our position was most dangerous and critical.

Theodore was still bent on building boats; seeing that everybodyseemed reluctant to help him he went to work himself; he made animmense flat-bottomed bulrush boat of great thickness, and to propelit made two large wheels worked by hand: in fact he had invented apaddle steamer, only the locomotive agent was deficient. We saw itseveral times on the water; the wheels were rather high up and itrequired at least a hundred men on it to make them dip sufficiently.Strange to say he spent his time in that frivolous way and nevertook notice of a large rebel force not four miles from his camp.

Cholera had been making havoc in Tigre; we were not surprised,therefore, to hear that it had spread over other provinces, andthat several cases had already broken out at Kourata. The King'scamp was pitched in a very unhealthy situation, on a low, swampyground; fevers, diarrhoea, and dysentery had prevailed to a greatextent. Informed of the approach of cholera, his Majesty wiselydecided upon moving his camp to the highlands of Begemder. Mrs.Rosenthal was at the time very unwell, and could not stand thejourney by land; she was therefore allowed to proceed by water toKourata, accompanied by her husband, myself, and Captain Cameron,also in delicate health. We started on the evening of the 31st ofMay, and reached Kourata early the next morning. A gale of wind wasblowing at the time, and we had to make frequent stoppages on thelee of the land, as the heavy sea frequently threatened to swampour frail boats. Without exaggeration, this last passage was in allrespects the _ne plus ultra_ of discomfort.

CHAPTER X.

Second Residence in Kourata--Cholera and Typhus break out inthe Camp--The Emperor resolves to march to Debra Tabor--Arrivalat Gaffat--The Foundry transformed into a Palace--PoliticalTrial at Debra Tabor--The Black Tent--Dr. Blanc and Mr. Rosenthalseized at Gaffat--Another Public Trial--The Black Hole--March withthe Emperor to Aibankab--Sent to Magdala, and Arrival at the Amba.

At Kourata a few empty houses were put at our disposal, and we wentto work to make these dirty native dwellings inhabitable. It wasrumoured that Theodore intended to spend the rainy season in theneighbourhood, and on the 4th he made a sudden visit; he was onlyaccompanied by a few of his chiefs. He came and returned by water.Ras Engeddah arrived about an hour before him. I was advised to goand meet him on the beach; I therefore accompanied the Gaffat people,who also went to present him their respects. His Majesty, on seeingme, asked me how I was, if I liked the place, &c. No one ever knewwhy he came. I believe, to judge for himself if the cholera wasraging there at the time or not, as he made many inquiries on thesubject.

On the 6th of June Theodore left Zage with his army; Mr. Rassamand the other prisoners accompanied him; all the heavy baggage hadbeen sent by boat to Kourata. On the 9th, his Majesty encamped ona low promontory south of Kourata. Cholera had by this time brokenout in the camp, and hundreds were dying daily. In the hope ofimproving the sanitary condition of the army, the Emperor moved hiscamp to some high ground a mile or so north of the town; but theepidemic continued to rage with great virulence both in the campand in the town. The church was so completely choked up with deadbodies that no more could be admitted, and the adjoining streetsoffered the sad sight of countless corpses, surrounded by thesorrowful relatives, awaiting for days and nights the hallowed gravein the now crowded cemetery. Small-pox and typhus fever also madetheir appearance, and claimed the victims cholera had spared.

On the 12th June we received orders to join the camp, as Theodoreintended to leave on the following day for the higher and morehealthy province of Begemder. On the 13th, at early morning, thecamp was struck, and we encamped in the evening on the banks of theGumare, a tributary of the Nile. The next day the march was resumed.We had been more or less ascending since our departure from Kourata,and Outoo (a beautiful plateau, our halting-place of the 14th) musthave been several thousand feet higher than the lake; nevertheless,cholera, small-pox, and typhus fever continued unabated. His Majestyinquired what was usually done in our country under similarcircumstances. We advised him to proceed at once to the higherplateau of Begemder, to leave his sick at some distance from DebraTabor, to break up as far as possible his army, and distribute itover the whole province, selecting a few healthy and isolatedlocalities where every fresh case that broke out should be sent.He acted upon this advice, and before long had the satisfaction ofseeing the several epidemics lose their virulence, and, before manyweeks, disappear entirely.

On the 16th we made a very long march. We started at about 6 A.M.and never halted once until we arrived at Debra Tabor at about 2P.M. As soon as we reached the foot of the hill on which the Imperialhouses arise, we received a message from his Majesty telling us notto dismount, and shortly afterwards he rode towards us, accompaniedby a few of his bodyguard. We all started for Gaffat, the Europeanstation, about three miles east of Debra Tabor. _En route_ wewere overtaken by the most severe hailstorm I have ever seen orexperienced; such was its violence, that Theodore was several timesobliged to halt. The hail poured down in such thick masses, and thestones were of such an enormous size, that it was indeed quitepainful to bear. At last we reached Gaffat, frozen and drenched tothe skin; but the Emperor, seemingly quite unaffected by the recentshower, acted as our cicerone, and took us about the place, explainingto us the foundry, workshops, water-wheels, &c. A few planks weretransformed into seats, and a fire lighted by his order, and weremained with him alone for more than three hours, discussing thelaws and customs of England. Some carpets and cushions had beenleft behind at Debra Tabor, and he sent back Ras Engeddah to havethem conveyed. As soon as he returned with the bearers, Theodoreled the way up the hill to Gaffat, and with his own hands spreadthe carpets, and placed the throne in the house selected for Mr.Rassam. Other houses were distributed to the other Europeans, afterwhich his Majesty left.

On the 17th June the European workmen, who had remained behind atKourata, arrived at Debra Tabor. We are not aware that they madeany objection to our occupying their houses, but the Emperor perceivedby their demeanour that they were not pleased; he therefore accompaniedthem to Gaffat, and in a few hours had the foundry, by means ofshamas, gabis, and carpets, transformed into a very decent abode.The throne was also conveyed there, and when all was ready we werecalled. His Majesty, after apologizing for the accommodation he wasobliged to give us for a few days, returned to Debra Tabor, promisingthat the next day he would see for a more suitable dwelling for hisguests. Accordingly, the following morning he arrived, and hadseveral native houses on a small hill opposite Gaffat cleared outfor our reception. As Mr. Rassam's house was rather small, thatgentleman took advantage of the circumstance to request that theEmperor would withdraw the honour of placing the throne in his room.His Majesty acquiesced, but had the place well carpeted, and thewalls and ceiling lined with white cloth. After all these dailychanges we thought that we were settled for the rainy season. Choleraand typhus fever had made their appearance at Gaffat, and frommorning to night I was in constant attendance on the sick. One ofmy patients, the wife of one of the Europeans, greatly occupied mytime: she had first been attacked with cholera, and was afterwardslaid for many days at death's door with typhus fever.

On the morning of the 25th of June we received a message from theEmperor, to the effect that Mr. Rassam, his companions, the priests,and any one he would like to take with him, should repair to DebraTabor, to be present at a political trial. The European workmen,Cantiba, Hailo, and Samuel accompanied us. Arrived at Debra Tabor,we were surprised at not being received with the usual salutations,and instead of being at once conducted to the presence of Theodore,we were ushered into a black tent pitched in the King's inclosure.We surmised that the political trial concerned ourselves. We hadbeen seated but a few minutes, when the European workmen were sentfor by his Majesty. After a while they returned, with Cantiba Hailo,Samuel, and an Afa Negus (mouth of the King), who delivered theImperial messages.

The first and most important was, "I have received a letter fromJerusalem, in which I am told that the Turks are making railwaysin the Soudan, to attack my country conjointly with the English andFrench." The second message was much to the same effect, only addingthat as Mr. Rassam must have seen the railway in construction, heought to have informed his Majesty of it. The third question was,"Is it not true that the Egyptian railway was built by the English?"Fourthly, "Did he not give a letter to Consul Cameron for him todeliver to the Queen of England, and did not the Consul returnwithout an answer? Did not Mr. Rosenthal say that the EnglishGovernment had laughed at his letter?" Altogether; there were someseven or eight questions, but the others were insignificant, and Ido not remember them. A few days before a Greek priest had arrivedfrom the coast with a letter for his Majesty: Whether these statementswere contained in the missive; or were merely a pretext inventedby Theodore himself, to give a reason for the ill treatment heintended to inflict upon his innocent guests, it is impossible tosay. The concluding message was, "You must remain here; your armshis Majesty no longer trusts in your hands, but your property willbe sent to you."

Mr. Rosenthal obtained permission to return to Gaffat to see hiswife, and I was granted leave to accompany Samuel, as Mrs. Waldmeierwas that day in a very critical state. Mr. Rassam and the otherEuropeans remained in the tent. Mr. Waldmeier, on account of hiswife's serious illness, had remained at Gaffat, and he was muchstartled and grieved when he heard of our new misfortune; especiallyas it would deprive his wife of medical attendance at a time herlife was despaired of. He begged me to remain near her for an hour,whilst he would gallop to Debra Tabor to entreat his Majesty to letme remain with him until his wife should be out of danger. Mrs.Waldmeier is a daughter of the late Mr. Bell, who was held in greatesteem and affection by the Emperor. Not only did Theodore at oncegrant Waldmeier's request, but added, that if Mr. Rassam had noobjection, he would allow me to remain at Gaffat, as sickness wasprevailing there, during the expedition he intended to make. As Iwas much reduced by chronic diarrhoea and overexertion, I was muchpleased at the prospect of remaining at Gaffat, instead of campaigningduring the rains. Mr. Rassam himself on the following day requestedhis Majesty to allow me and some of our companions to remain forthe rainy season at Gaffat. In my case and in Mr. Rosenthal's,permission was granted, but was refused to all the others.

Every day we heard that orders had been issued for the camp to bestruck, but his Majesty did not leave. He daily inquired after Mrs.Waldmeier, and sent me his compliments. He visited Gaffat twiceduring the few days I was there, and on each occasion sent for meand received me courteously. Mr. Rassam and the other Europeanswere allowed to come to Gaffat and spend the day with us; andalthough now and then the word "Magdala" was whispered, still itseemed as if the storm had blown over, and we hoped before long tobe all again united at Gaffat, and there in peace spend the rainyseason. On the 3rd of July an officer brought me the Imperialcompliments, and stated that his Majesty was coming to inspect theworks, and that I might present myself before him. I went at onceto the foundry, and on the road I met two of the Gaffat workmenalso proceeding there. A little incident then occurred, which wasfollowed by serious consequences. We met the Emperor near thefoundry, riding ahead of his escort; he asked us how we were, andwe all lowed and took off our hats. As he passed, along, the twoEuropeans with whom I walked, covered themselves; but aware howtouchy his Majesty, was on all points of etiquette, I kept my headuncovered, though the sun was hot and fierce. Arrived at thefoundry, the Emperor again greeted me cordially; examined for a fewminutes the drawing of a gun his workmen proposed to cast for him,and then left, all of us following. In the courtyard he passed closeto Mr. Rosenthal, who did not bow, as Theodore took no notice ofhim.

As the Emperor issued from the foundry fence a poor old beggar askedfor alms, saying, "My lords (gaitotsh) the Europeans have alwaysbeen kind to me. Oh! my king, do you also relieve my distress!"On hearing the expression "lord" applied to his workmen, he gotinto a fearful passion. "How dare you call any one 'lord' but myself.Beat him, beat him, by my death!" Two of the executioners at oncerushed upon the beggar, and began beating him with their long sticks,Theodore all the while exclaiming, "Beat him, beat him, by my death!"The poor old cripple, at first in heartrending terms, implored formercy; but his voice grew fainter and fainter, and in a few minutesmore there lay his corpse, that none dare remove or pray for. Thelaughing hyenas that night caroused undisturbed on his abandonedremains.

Theodore's rage was by no means abated by this act of cruelty; headvanced a few steps, then stopped, turned, his lance in rest,looking around, the very image of ungovernable fury. His eyes fellupon Mr. Rosenthal. "Seize him!" cried he; Immediately severalsoldiers rushed forward to obey the imperial command. "Seize theman they call a Hakeem." Instantly a dozen ruffians pounced uponme, and I was held fast by the arms, coat, trousers--by every placethat afforded a grip. He then addressed himself to Mr. Rosenthal."You donkey, why did you call me the son of a poor woman? Why didyou abase me?" Mr. Rosenthal said, "If I have offended your Majesty,I beg for pardon." All the while the Emperor was shaking his lancein a threatening manner, and every minute I expected that he wouldthrow it; I feared that, blind with rage, he would not be able tocontrol himself; and I well knew that if once he began to give ventto his passions, my fate was also sealed.

Fortunately for us both, Theodore turned towards his European workmenand abused them in no measured terms. "You slaves! Have I not boughtyou with money? Who are you that you dare call yourselves 'lords?'Take care!" Then addressing the two I had met on the road, he said,"You are proud, are you? Slaves! Women! Rotten donkeys! you coveryour heads, in my presence! Did you not see me? Did not the Hakeemkeep his head uncovered? Poor men that I have made rich!" He thenturned towards me, and seeing me held by a dozen soldiers, he criedout, "Let him go; bring him before me." All drew back except one,who conducted me to within a few feet from the Emperor. He thenasked me, "Do you know Arabic?" Though I understand a little ofthat language, I thought it more prudent, under the circumstances,to reply in the negative. He then told Mr. Schimper to translatewhat he was going to say. "You, Hakeem, are my friend. I have nothingagainst you; but others have abused me, and you must come up withme to witness their trial." Then ordering Cantiba Hailo to give mehis mule, he mounted, I and Mr. Rosenthal following; the latter onfoot, dragged the whole way by the soldiers who had first seizedhim.

As soon as we reached Debra Tabor, the Emperor sent word to Mr.Rassam to come out with the other Europeans, as he had somethingto tell him. Theodore sat upon a rock, about twenty yards in frontof us; between him and ourselves stood a few of his high officers,and behind us a deep line of soldiers. He was still angry, breakingthe edges of the rock with the butt-end of his lance, and spittingconstantly between his words. He at once addressed himself to theRev. Mr. Stern, and asked him, "Was it as a Christian, a heathen,or a Jew, that you abused me? Tell me where you find in the Biblethat a Christian ought to abuse? When you wrote your book, by whoseauthority did you do it? Those who abused me to you, were they myenemies or yours? Who was it told you evil things against me?" &c.He afterwards said to Mr. Rassam, "You, also, have, abused me.""I?" replied Mr. Rassam. "Yes, you; in four instances. First, youread Mr. Stern's book, wherein I am abused; secondly, you did notreconcile me with the prisoners, but wanted to send them out of thecountry; thirdly, your Government allows the Turks to keep Jerusalem--itis my inheritance. The fourth I have forgotten." He then asked Mr.Rassam whether he knew or not that Jerusalem belonged to him, andthat the Abyssinian convent there had been seized by the Turks? Asthe descendant of Constantine and Alexander the Great, India andArabia belonged to him. He put many foolish questions of the samekind. At last he said to Samuel, who was interpreting, "What haveyou to say if I chain your friends?" "Nothing," replied Samuel;"are you not the master?" Chains had been brought, but the answersomewhat pacified him. He then addressed one of his chiefs, saying,"Can you watch these people in the tent?" The other, who knew hisanswer, replied, "Your Majesty, the house would be better." Onthat he gave orders for our baggage to be conveyed from the blacktent to a house contiguous to his own, and we were told to go.

The house assigned to us was formerly used as a godown: it was builtof stone, with a large verandah all around, and closed by a singlesmall door, with no window or other aperture. It was only whenseveral lighted candles had been brought that we could find our wayinto the dark central room, and it only required numbers to reactthe fearful drama of the Calcutta Black Hole. Some soldiers carriedin our bedding, and a dozen guards sat near us, holding lightedcandles in their hands. The Emperor sent us several messages. Mr.Rassam took advantage of this circumstance to complain bitterly ofthe unfair treatment inflicted upon us. He said, "Tell his Majestythat I have done my best to bring on a good understanding betweenmy country and him; but when to-day's work is known, whatever theconsequences may be, let him not throw the blame upon me." Theodoresent back word, "If I treat you well or not; it is the same; myenemies will always say that I have ill-treated you, so it does notmatter."

A little later we were rather startled by a message from his Majesty,informing us that he could not rest before comforting his friend,and that he would come and see us. Though we did our best to dissuadehim from such a step, he soon afterwards came; accompanied by someslaves carrying arrack and tej. He said, "Even my wife told me notto go out, but I could not leave you in grief, so I have come todrink with you." On that he had arrack and tej presented to all ofus, himself setting the example.

He was calm, and rather serious, though he made great efforts toappear gay. He must have remained at least an hour; conversing ondifferent topics, the Pope of Rome being the principal one discussed.Amongst other things: he said, "My father was mad, and though peopleoften say that I am mad also; I never would believe it; but now Iknow it is true." Mr. Rassam answered, "Pray do not say such athing." His Majesty replied, "Yes, yes, I am mad," Shortly beforeleaving, he said, "Do not look at my face or take heed of my wordswhen I speak to you before my people, but look at my heart: I havean object." As he returned, he gave orders to the guards to withdrawoutside, and not to inconvenience us. Though we have seen him sincethen once or twice, at a distance, it is the last time we conversedwith him.

The two days we spent in the black hole at Debra Tabor, all huddledup together, obliged to have lighted candles day and night, and inanxious uncertainty about our future fate, were really days ofmental torture and physical discomfort. We hailed with joy theannouncement that we were going to move; any alternative waspreferable to our position--be it rain in a worn-out tent, be itchains in one of the ambas--anything was better than close confinement,deprived of all comforts, even of the cheering light of day.

At noon on the 5th of July, we were informed that his Majesty hadalready left, and that our escort was in attendance. All weredelighted at the prospect of seeing fresh air and green fields andbright sun. We did not require a second command, and did not evengive a second thought to the journey, rain, mud, and such likeinconveniences. On that day we made but a short stage, and encampedon a large plain called Janmeda, a few miles south of Gaffat.Early morning the following day the army moved off, but we waitedin the rear at least three hours before the order came for us tostart. Theodore, seated on a rock, had allowed the whole force,camp-followers included, to go on in advance, and like us, unprotectedfrom the pouring rain, and seemingly in deep thought, examined thedifferent corps as they passed before him. We were now strictlywatched; several chiefs with their men guarded us day and night, adetachment marched ahead of us, another in the rear, and a strongparty never lost sight of us.

We halted that afternoon on a large plain near a small eminencecalled Kulgualiko, on which the Imperial tents were pitched. Thefollowing day, the same mode of departure was adopted, and aftertravelling all night we halted at a place called Aibankab, at thefoot of Mount Guna, the highest peak in Begemder, often coveredduring the rainy season with frozen hail.

We remained the 8th at Aibankab. In the afternoon his Majesty toldus to ascend the hill on which his tents were pitched, to see thesnow-covered summit of the Guna, as from our position below we couldnot obtain a good view of it. A few polite messages passed betweenus, but we did not see him.

Early on the 9th, Samuel, our balderaba, was sent for. He stayedaway a long time, and on his return informed us that we were to goon in advance, that our heavy baggage would be sent after us, andthat we must keep with us a few light articles which the soldiersof our escort and our mules could carry. Several of the officersof the Imperial household, to whom we had shown some kindness, cameto bid us good-by, all looking very sad--one with tears in his eyes.Though no one informed us of our destination, we all surmised thatMagdala and chains were our lot.

Bitwaddad Tadla, with the men under his command, now took chargeof us. We soon perceived that we were more strictly guarded thanever; one or two mounted soldiers had special charge of each separateindividual of our party, flogging the mules if they did not go fastenough, or causing those in front to wait until the less well mountedcould come up. We made a very long march on that day, from 9 A.M.to 4 P.M., without a halt. The soldiers, who carried a few parcels,came on shortly after us, but the baggage mules only arrived atsunset, and dead tired. As the small rowties we had brought withus had not arrived, the head of the guard had a house in the villageof Argabea cleared out for our reception. No food being forthcoming,we killed a sheep and broiled it over the fire, Abyssinian fashion;hungry and tired, we thought it the most exquisite meal we had evermade.

At sunrise, the following morning, our guards told us to get ready,and soon after we were in the saddle. Our route lay E.S.E. Anyslight doubts we might still have had about our destination nowvanished; the former prisoners knew too well the road to Magdalato have any misgivings on the subject. On the previous day the roadwas a gradual ascent over a well-cultivated and populous district;but on the 10th, the country bore a wild aspect, few villages wereto be seen, and but few dark tufts of cedars graced the summit ofthe distant hills, proclaiming the presence of a church. The scenerywas grand, and for the artist no doubt full of attractions; but forEuropeans, driven like cattle by semi-barbarians, the precipitousdescents and steep acclivities had certainly no charms. After a fewhours' march, we arrived at an almost perpendicular precipice (almost1,500 feet in height, and not more than a quarter of a mile inbreadth), that we had both to descend and ascend in order to reachthe next plateau. Another couple of hours' march brought us to thegate's of Begemder. In front of us arose the plateau of Dahonte,only about a couple of miles distant, but we had to ascend a moreabrupt precipice than the one we had just passed and climb againa steeper ascent before we could reach it. The valley of the Jiddah,a tributary of the Nile, was between us and our halting-place--astiff march, as the silver thread we viewed from the narrow passagebetween the basaltic columns of the Eastern Begemder ridge was 3,000feet below us. Tired and worn out, at last; we accomplished ourtask.

We halted for the night at a place called Magat, on the first terraceof the Dahonte plateau, about 500 feet from the summit. Our smalltent arrived in time, our servants had carried with them a fewprovisions, and we managed to make a frugal meal; but only one ortwo of the best baggage mules made their appearance, so that we hadto lie on the bare ground--those best off on leathern skins. It wasfive days after our arrival at Magdala before a small portion ofour luggage arrived, and until then we could not even change ourclothes, and had nothing to protect ourselves against the coldnights of the rainy season. Early on the morning of the 11th wecontinued our ascent, and soon reached the splendid plateau ofDahonte. This small province is but a large circular plain abouttwelve miles in diameter, covered at the time of our journey, withfields in all stages of cultivation, and with beautiful greenmeadows, where grazed thousands of heads of cattle, and where mules,horses, and innumerable flocks everywhere meet the eye. The wholecircumference of this plain is dotted with small rounded hillocks,and from their base to the summit numerous well-built villagesarise. Dahonte is certainly the most fertile and picturesque districtI have seen in Abyssinia.

By noon we reached the eastern extremity of the plateau, and therebefore us again appeared one of those awful chasms we had encounteredtwice on our road since leaving Debra Tabor. We did not at allrejoice at the idea of having to descend, then wade through thewide and rapid Bechelo, and again climb the opposite precipice--aperfect wall--to complete our day's work. Fortunately, our muleswere so tired that the chief of our guard halted, for the nighthalf way down the descent, at one of the villages that are perchedon the several terraces of this basaltic mountain. At dawn on the12th we continued our descent, crossed the Bechelo, and ascendedto the opposite plateau of Watat, where we arrived at eleven A.M.There we made a slight halt and partook of a frugal breakfast, sentby the chief of Magdala to Bitwaddad Tadla, who kindly shared itwith us.

From Watat to Magdala the road is an inclined plain, constantly butgradually shelving upwards towards the high plateau of the Wallocountry--the end of our journey, as Magdala is on its border. Theamba, with a few isolated mountains, all perpendicular and crownedwith walls of basalt, seem like miniatures of the large expansesof Dahonte and Wallo--small particles detached from the neighbouringgigantic masses.

The road on nearing Magdala is more abrupt; one or two conical hillshave to be crossed before the amba itself is reached. Magdala isformed of two cones, separated by a small plateau named Islamgee,a few hundred feet lower than the two peaks it divides. The northernpeak is the higher of the two, but on account of the absence ofwater and the small space it affords, it is not inhabited; and toMagdala alone belonged the privilege of being Theodore's most famousfortress, his treasury, and his gaol.

From Islamgee the ascent is steeper, but we were able to ride onour mules up to the second door; a feat we could not perform whilstascending from the Bechelo and Jiddah, as we had not only to descendalmost all the way on foot, but had frequently to dismount at theascent, and climb on all-fours, leaving the mules to find their wayas best they could. The distance from Watat to Magdala is generallyaccomplished in five hours, but we were nearly seven, as we had tomake frequent halts, and messengers came to and fro from the Amba.Many of the chiefs of the mountain came out to meet Bitwaddad Tadla.

At Islamgee another long halt was made, I suppose while our _lettrede cachet_ was examined by the chiefs in council. At last, oneby one, counted like sheep, we passed the doors, and were taken toa large open space in front of the King's house. There we were metby the Ras (Head of the mountain) and the six superior chiefs, whojoin with him in council on every important occasion. As soon asthey had greeted Bitwaddad Tadla they retired a few yards, andconsulted with him and Samuel. After a few minutes, Samuel told usto come on; and, accompanied by the chiefs, escorted by theirfollowers, we were taken to a house near the Imperial fence. A firewas lighted. To fatigued and dejected men the prospect of a roof,after so many days passed in the rain, cheered us even in our misery,and when the chiefs had retired, leaving a guard at the door, wesoon forgot--talking, smoking, or sleeping near the fire--that wewere the innocent victims of base treachery. Two houses had beenallowed to our party. At first we all slept in one of them, theother being made over to the servants, and used as a kitchen.

CHAPTER XI.

Our First House at Magdala--The Chief has a "little Business"with us--Feelings of an European when being put in Chains--TheOperation described--The Prisoner's Toilet--How we Lived--Ourfirst Messenger a Failure--How we obtained Money and Letters--AMagdala Diary--A Rainy Season in a Godjo.

It was already dark when we had arrived the evening before. Ourfirst thought in the morning was to examine our new abode. Itconsisted of two circular huts, surrounded by a strong thorny fence,adjoining the Emperor's Enclosure. The largest hut was in a badstate of repair; and as the roof, instead of being supported by acentral pole, had about a dozen of lateral ones forming as manyseparate divisions, we made it over to our servants and to ourbalderaba Samuel. The one we kept for ourselves had been built byRas Hailo, at one time a great favourite of Theodore, but who hadunfortunately fallen under his displeasure. Ras Hailo was not chainedduring the time he remained in that house: for a time he was even"pardoned," and made chief of the mountain. But Theodore, after awhile, again deprived him of his command and confidence, and senthim to the common gaol, chained like the other prisoners. For anAbyssinian house it was well built; the roof was almost the best Isaw in the country, being made with small bamboos closely arrangedand bound with rings of the same material. After Ras Hailo had beensent to the gaol, his house had been made over to the favourite ofthe day, Ras Engeddah; but, according to custom, Theodore took itaway from him to lodge his English guests.

For us it was small: we were eight, and the place could not containeasily more than four. The evenings and nights were bitterly cold,and the fire occupying the centre of the room, some of us had tolay half the body in a recess that leaked, and half in the room.At first we felt our position bitterly. The rainy season had setin, and hailstorms occurred almost every day. Many of us (Prideauxand myself amongst them) had not even a change of clothes, nobedding, nor anything to cover ourselves with during the long colddamp nights; and I always shall remember with feelings of gratitudethe Samaritan act of Samuel, who, pitying me, kindly lent me oneof his shamas.

We had hardly any money, and we had not the remotest idea fromwhence we could obtain any. Though there was some talk of rationsbeing supplied from the Imperial stores, the former captives onlylaughed at the idea; they knew, from bitter experience, that prisonerson Amba Magdala "were expected to give, but never to receive." Theevent proved that their surmises were right: we never receivedanything from the man who on all occasions loudly proclaimed himselfour friend but a small jar of tej, that for some months was dailysent to Samuel: (I believe all the time it was intended for him;at all events, he and his friends drank it;) and on great feastdays a couple of lean, hungry-looking cows, of which, I am delightedto say, I declined a share.

To the European, accustomed to find at his door every necessary oflife, the fact that not a shop exists throughout the breadth andwidth of Abyssinia may appear strange; but still it is so. We had,therefore, to be our own butchers and bakers, and as for what iscalled grocery stores, we had simply to dispense with them. Ourfood was abominably bad; the sheep we purchased were little betterthan London cats; and as no flour-mill is to be found in Abyssinia,far less any bakers, we were obliged to purchase the grain, beatit to remove the chaff, and grind it between two stones--not theflat grinding-stones of Egypt or India, but on a small curved pieceof rock, where the grain is reduced to flour by means of a largehard kind of pebble held in the hand. It was brown bread with avengeance. On the mountain we might buy eggs and fowls; but as thefirst were generally bad when sold to us, we soon got disgustedwith them; and though we put up with the fowls as a change of diet,their toughness and leanness would have made them rejected everywhereelse. Being the rainy reason, we had great difficulty in purchasinga little honey. Wild coffee was now and then obtainable; but itmade, in the absence of sugar, and with or without smoky milk, sucha bitter, nauseous compound, that, after a while, I and otherspreferred doing without it. Such was then the amount of "luxuries"we had to depend on during our long captivity,--coarse, vitreous-looking,badly-baked bread; the ever-returning dish of skinny, tough mutton,the veteran cock, smoked butter, and bitter coffee. Tea, sugar,wine, fish, vegetables, &c., were not, either for love or money,to be obtained anywhere. The coarseness and uniformity of our food,however, was as nothing compared with our dread of being starvedto death; for even the few and inferior articles I have mentionedwould fail us when our money was expended.

I was very badly off for clothes. Before leaving Debra Tabor, I wastold to leave everything behind in the charge of the Gaffat people,and only take with me the few things I required for the road. Myonly pair of shoes, what from rain, sun, and climbing, had becomeso thoroughly worn-out, and so hard, as to bring on a wound thattook months to heal, so that until the arrival of one of my servantsfrom the coast, many months afterwards, I had to walk, or rathercrawl, about on naked feet.

Life in common among men of different tastes and habits is, indeed,dreadful. There we were, eight Europeans, all huddled up in thesame small place, a waiting-room, a dining-room, a dormitory; mostof us entire strangers before, and only united by one bond--commonmisfortune. Adversity is but little fitted to improve the temper:on the contrary, it breaks down all social habits; the more so ifeducation and birth do not enable the sufferer to contend againstthe greatest difficulties. We feared above all things that familiaritywhich creeps on so naturally between men of totally different socialpositions, and leads to harsh words and contempt. We had to liveon terms of equality with one of the former servants of CaptainCameron; we had to be quiet if some remained talking part of thenight, and put up silently with the defects of others in the hopethat our own might meet with the same leniency.

A party of soldiers, varying from fifteen to twenty, came everyevening a little before dusk, and pitched a small black tent almostopposite our door. As it frequently rained at night, the greaternumber of the soldiers remained in the tent; only two or three,supposed to be watching, went to sleep under the shelter of aprojecting part of the roof. They did not disturb us, and, if wewent out after dark, they merely watched where we went, but did notfollow. In the daytime we had four guards, two taking it in turnto watch the gate of our inclosure. These men were never changedduring all the time of our stay; but we had not much reason to besatisfied with the selection made, as, with one exception, our dayguards were fearful rascals and dangerous spies.

We had already spent three days at Magdala, and were beginning tohope that our punishment would be limited to "simple imprisonment,"when about noon on the 16th we perceived the chief, accompanied bya large escort, coming in the direction of our prison. Samuel wassent for, and a long consultation took place between him and thechief outside the gate. We were yet in ignorance of what was goingon, and felt rather uncomfortable when Samuel returned to us witha serious countenance, and told us that we must all go into theroom, as the chief had a "little business" with us. We obeyed, andshortly afterwards the Ras (Head of the mountain), the five membersof council, and about eight or ten more presented themselves. TheRas and the principal chiefs, all armed to the teeth, squeezedthemselves into the room, the others remaining outside. The ordinaryAbyssinian conversation--that is to say, a great deal of talkingabout religion, looking pious, taking God's and the King's name invain every minute--opened the proceedings. I was sitting near thedoor, and as the conversation did not interest me much, I was lookingat the motley crowd outside, when all at once I perceived that twoor three men were carrying large bundles of chains. I pointed themout to Mr. Rassam, and asked him if he believed they intended themfor us; he spoke to Samuel in Arabic on the subject, and theaffirmative answer he received revealed to us the subject of thelong consultation that had taken place outside.

The Ras now dropped the desultory conversation he had been holdingsince his arrival, and in quiet terms informed us that it was thecustom of the mountain to chain every prisoner sent there; that hehad received no instructions from the Emperor, and would at oncedespatch a messenger to inform him that he had put us in irons, andhe had no doubt that before long his master would send orders forour fetters to be removed, but that in the meanwhile we must submitto the rules of the amba; he added that in our case it was withregret that he felt himself obliged to enforce them. The poor fellowreally meant well; he was kind-hearted and, for an Abyssinian, hadgentlemanly manners; he had some hope that Theodore might have bythat time regretted the unnecessary and cruel order, and wouldperhaps seize the opportunity he thus offered him and cancel it.I may as well add here that, not many months afterwards, the Raswas accused of being in correspondence with the king of Shoa; hewas taken in irons to the camp, where he shortly afterwards diedfrom the consequences of the many tortures inflicted upon him.

The chains were brought, and the real business of the day began;one after another we had to submit to the operation, the formercaptives being first served and favoured with the heaviest chains.At last my turn came. I was made to sit down on the ground, tuckup my trousers, and place my right leg on a large stone that hadbeen brought for the purpose. One of the rings was then placed onmy leg a couple of inches above the right ankle, and down came,upon the thick cold iron, a huge sledge-hammer: every stroke vibratedthrough the whole limb, and when the hammer fell not quite straightit pressed the iron ring against the bone, causing most acute pain.It took about ten minutes to fix on properly the first ring; it wasbeaten down until a finger could just be introduced between thering and the flesh, and then the two pieces, where they overlappedone another, were hammered down until they perfectly joined. Theoperation was then performed on the left leg. I was always afraidof the blacksmith missing the iron and smashing my leg to pieces.All at once I felt as if the limb was being torn asunder; the ringhad broken just when the operation was nearly completed. For thesecond time I had to submit to the hammering process, and this timethe fetter was rivetted to the entire satisfaction of the smith andchief.

I was now told that I might rise and go to my seat; but that wasno easy matter, and, having no practice in this, for me, quite newway of locomotion, I could hardly take the necessary three or foursteps. Although I was in great bodily pain, and felt deeply thedegradation we were subjected to, I would not give the officers ofthe man who was thus ill-treating us cause to believe that I caredin the least about it. On rising to my legs I lifted up my cap andshouted, to their great astonishment, "God save the Queen," andwent on laughing and chatting as if I felt perfectly happy. As everydetail of our life was reported to Theodore, and my contempt forhis chains was public, he was at once informed of it: but he onlymentioned the fact twenty-one months afterwards, when he alludedto it in conversation with Mr. Waldmeier, to whom he said that everyone allowed themselves to be chained without saying a word; thateven Mr. Rassam had smiled upon them; but that the doctor and Mr.Prideaux had looked at them with anger.

After the operation was over, and the witnesses of the scene hadeach favoured us with a "May God open thee," the messenger thechiefs were sending to Theodore (a fellow named Lib, a great spy,and confidant of the Emperor; the same who had brought our _lettresde cachet_,) was introduced to receive any message Mr. Rassamdesired to convey to his Majesty. That gentleman, in quiet andcourteous words, reproached his Majesty for his treachery, and castupon him the onus of the consequences such unfair treatment wouldmost likely bring upon him. Unfortunately Samuel, always timid, andat this time almost dead with fright, as he did not know whetherchains were not in reserve for him also, declined to interpret, andsimply sent the ordinary compliments instead.

When our gaolers had withdrawn, we looked at one another, and thesight was so ridiculous, so absurd, that for all our sorrow we couldnot help laughing heartily. The chains consisted of two heavy ringsconnected together by three small thick links, leaving just a spanbetween one ring and the other; and these we wore for nearlytwenty-one months! At first we could not walk at all; our legs werebruised and sore from the hammering on, and the iron pressing onthe ankles was so painful that we were obliged to tie bandages underthe chains during the daytime. At night I always took off thebandages, as the constant impediment to the circulation theyoccasioned, caused the feet to swell; yet at night we felt theweight and pressure even more than during the day: our legs seemedfor a long time never to get rest; we could not move them about,and when in our sleep we turned from one side to the other, thelinks, by striking the bone of the leg, caused such acute pain asto awake us at once. Though after a time we got more accustomed tothem, and could walk about our small inclosure with more ease, stillevery now and then we had to remain quiet for some days, as thelegs got sore, and small ulcers appeared on the parts where thegreatest pressure bore. Even since they have been removed, formonths my legs were weaker than before, the ankles smaller, and thefeet somewhat enlarged.

The evening we were put in chains we had to cut open our trousersas the only way of getting them off. During their former captivityat Magdala, Messrs. Cameron, Stern and others, either wore petticoatsor native drawers, which they had been taught to pass between theleg and the chain. But we had no material at hand to make the first,and as for passing even the thinnest cambric through the rings inthe swollen condition of the limb, that was quite out of the question.Necessity, it is said, is the mother of invention: at all events Iinvented the "Magdala trousers." On taking off mine that evening,I cut them near the outward seam, and collecting all the buttons Icould obtain, had them sewed on, and button-holes made along theBeam as near to one another as my limited supply allowed. Some weeksafterwards I was able, with the assistance of a native, to passthrough the rings calico drawers; and as my legs grew thinner, intime, I was able to put on trousers made of thin Abyssinian cottoncloth; and such is the force of habit and practice, that at last Icould take off or put on my trousers as quickly almost as if mylegs were free.

We had gone to bed early that evening, not knowing what to do, whenwe heard a discussion going on outside our hut between Samuel andthe chief of the guard that night, named Mara, a descendant of someArmenian and a great worshipper of his Imperial master. Samuel atlast came in and told us that he had endeavoured to persuade theofficer not to disturb us, but that he insisted on examining ourchains to see if they were all right. We declined at first to submitto the inspection, and only consented, in order to get rid of thefellow, to shake our chains under the shama with which we werecovered, as he passed from one to another.

As we expected to be at least six months in Magdala--giving timefor the news to reach England, and the troops to arrive that wefelt certain would immediately be despatched to set us free andpunish the despot--Mr. Rassam endeavoured, through Samuel, to obtaina few more huts for our accommodation. Samuel spoke to the Ras andto the other chiefs, and they agreed to give us a small hut and twogodjos, (small huts, the roof formed by the ends of the twigs beingtied together at the free extremity, and the whole covered withstraw,) when they would have collected wood enough to make a newfence. In the meanwhile two of us, Pietro and Mr. Kerans, wereinduced to live in the kitchen, where they would have more room andleave more space for ourselves.

Our first thought on reaching Magdala was to communicate theintelligence to our friends and to Government; since we had beenchained we knew that every hour lost was a day added to our discomfortand misery, and that we ought to lose no time in sending a trustymessenger to Massowah. It was always very difficult for us towrite, but more so in the beginning, as we were afraid even ofSamuel, afterwards so useful in all that concerned our messengers.All the country up to Lasta still recognized Theodore, and we wereobliged to be very guarded in our expressions, in case the lettershould fall into the hands of some of his chiefs and be forwardedto him. On the 18th, our packet was ready; but, strange to say, itwas the only time our letter came to grief. We could only trustservants that had been some time with us,--at least, so we thoughtat the time,--and therefore selected an old servant of Cameron whohad been formerly, on several occasions, employed as messenger. Hewas a good man, a first-rate walker, but very quarrelsome; and tospite his adversary was capable of anything. To accompany him throughthe rebel country we obtained a servant from a political prisoner,Dejatch Maret: they were to travel together and return with ananswer from Mr. Munzinger. Soon after, leaving Magdala, the twobegan to quarrel, and on reaching the rebels' outposts, a questionof precedence between them led to the discovery of our packet; bothmessengers were seized, tied with ropes for a few days, and whenreleased, our man was told to go back, and the letters were burnt.Afterwards we made better arrangements: the messengers carried intheir belts the letters which were of a dangerous nature; otherwisewe sewed them up in leather, in the shape of the amulets and charmsworn by the natives, or had them stitched between patches on oldtrousers, or near the seams. Those writing from the coast used thesame precautions; and though we must have sent about forty messengerswith letters during our captivity, without mentioning those employedelsewhere, they all, with the one exception I have mentioned, reachedin safety.

Next came the question so vital to us, how to get money. It sohappened that Theodore, about that time, gave a thousand dollarsto each of his workmen. Many of them, judging from the politicalcondition of the country that the Emperor's power would soon fallentirely, were desirous of sending their money out of the country,and as we were only too anxious to get some, the matter was easilyarranged to our mutual satisfaction. We sent servants to DebraTabor; and as the road was still safe, and we had, by suitablepresents, made friends of the chiefs of the districts that lay inthe way, the servants were not molested or plundered. They carriedthe dollars either in bags, on mules, laden at the same time withgrain or flour which the Gaffat people now and then sent us, ortied in the long cotton sash that Abyssinians wear as a belt.Directions were also given to Mr. Munzinger to forward money toMetemma, from whence we could draw it by sending servants. It wasonly during the second year of our captivity that we experiencedany serious difficulty on that score. The Emperor's power becamemore and more limited; rebels and thieves infested the roads; theroute between Metemma and Magdala was closed; the Gaffat people hadnone to spare; and at one time it seemed as if it was perfectlyimpossible for messengers to reach us. Though for months we wererather hard up, what by employing servants of political prisoners,friends or relatives of the rebels, by using the influence of theBishop, or through the protection of Wagshum Gobaze, money againfound its way to Magdala, and relieved us from our apprehensions.Theodore knew indirectly that we sent servants to the coast, butas it is the custom to allow prisoners' servants to go to theirmasters' families to beg for them, he could not well forbid us; themore so as he never gave us anything. If messengers had fallen intohis hands he would probably have plundered the money, but not injuredthem. As for letters it was quite a different affair: if those wewrote had by accident come into his possession, he would have madeshort work of the messenger, and most certainly of us also.

It might appear strange that the Abyssinians--a race of thieves--shouldhave proved themselves so honest on these occasions, and not abscondedwith the couple of hundred dollars entrusted to them: a fortune fora poor servant. Though it would be ungrateful to run down thesemen, who exposed themselves to great perils, often travelled thewhole distance from Massowah to Magdala at night, and who, I maysay, saved us from starvation; still I believe that they acted moreon the old adage that honesty is the best policy, than from anyinnate virtue. First, they were handsomely rewarded, well treated,and expected a further reward (which they very properly received)should fortune once more smile upon us; Secondly, all the greatrebel chiefs befriended us, and we should have had but to communicatewith them directly, or, better still, through the Bishop; for themto have at once seized the delinquent, deprived him of his ill-gottenwealth, and punished him severely. This they knew perfectly well.

Looking back, I cannot imagine how I got through the long, drearydays of idleness, always the same, for twenty-one months. Chainswere nothing compared to the fearful want of occupation. Supposewe had kept a daily diary, the entries would have been generallyas follows:--"Took a bath (a painful operation, as the chains,unsupported by the bandages, hurt fearfully); small boy helps topass my trousers between the chains. To-day, being dry, we crawledup and down our fifteen yards' walk. Breakfast; felt happier thattask over. Sick came for medicine. As I am doctor and apothecary,prescribed and made the medicine myself. Samuel, or some trustynative friend who knows that my tej is ripe, came for a glass ortwo. Go now and smoke a pipe with Cameron. Lay down and readMcCulloch's _Commercial Dictionary_; very interesting book,but sends me to sleep. Afternoon, lay down and got up again; triedonce more the _Commercial Dictionary_. Dinner (I wonder whatage the cock we ate had reached); crawled about for, an hour betweenthe huts; lay down, took Gadby's _Appendix_; but as I knew itby heart, even his curious descriptions have no more attraction.Small boy lighted the fire; the wood was green, the smoke fearful.Had a game of whist with Rassam and Prideaux. I do not suppose theywould play with our dirty cards in a guard-room. Lost twenty points.Small boy took off the trousers. The guards were cursing us becausethey had to sleep outside in the rain. Bravo, Samuel, you are afriend indeed!"

This imaginary page I might repeat _ad infinitum_. As a change,sometimes we wrote to our friends, or received letters and somescraps of newspapers--delightful days; few and far between. OnSundays we had divine service; Mr. Stern, though sick and weary,always did his utmost to comfort and encourage us. Such was, as arule, our daily life: it is true we had our exciting times, perhapstoo much of it at the end; we had also, now and then, a few otheroccupations, such as building a new hut, making a small garden,settling a quarrel amongst the servants: details that will come inour narrative as we proceed. I mentioned that the chiefs hadpromised to enlarge our fence; they kept to their word. Four orfive days after we had undergone the chaining operation, they madeus another visit, consulted, discussed for a long time, and at lastagreed to make a small break in the fence and inclose the threehuts they had promised us. Samuel, who had the distribution of thenew premises, gave the small house to Rassam, took one of the godjosfor himself, and gave the third one to Prideaux and myself. Keransand Pietro were still to remain in the kitchen, so that our firsthouse was left to Messrs. Cameron, Stern, and Rosenthal.

On the 23rd July, 1866, Prideaux and myself entered our new abode:and, without exaggeration, if a dog were tied up in a similar shedin England I may say that the owner would be prosecuted by theSociety for the Protection of Animals. As it was, we were only toohappy to get it, and at once went to work--not to make it comfortable,that was quite out of the question, but--to try to keep out therain.

CHAPTER XII.

Description of Magdala--Climate and Water Supply--The Emperor'sHouses--His Harem and Magazines--The Church--Prison-house--Guardsand Gaol--Discipline--A previous Visit of Theodore to Magdala--Slaughterof the Gallas--Character and Antecedents of Samuel--Our friends Zenabthe Astronomer, and Meshisha the Lute--player--Day Guards--We buildnew Huts--Abyssinian and Portuguese Servants--Our Inclosure is enlarged.

Amba Magdala, distant about 320 [Footnote: According to Mr. C. Markham.]miles from Zulla, and about 180 from Gondar, arises in the provinceof Worahaimanoo, on the border of the Wallo Galla country. Theapproach is difficult on account of the steep ascent and narrowprecipitous ravines that separate it from the rivers Bechelo andJiddah and from the table-land of Wallo. It stands almostisolated--amongst gigantic surrounding masses, and viewed from thewestern side possesses the appearance of a crescent. On the extremeleft of this curve appears a small flat plateau called Fahla,connected by a strip of land with a peak higher than the amba itself,and called Selassie (trinity), on account of the church erectedupon it, and designated by that name. From Selassie to Amba Magdalaitself there is a large plain called Islamgee, several hundred feetlower than the two peaks it separates. At Islamgee several smallvillages had been erected by the peasants who cultivate the landfor the Emperor, the chiefs, and soldiers of the amba. The servantsof the prisoners had also there a spot given to them where theywere allowed to build huts for themselves and cattle. On Saturdaya weekly market, formerly well supplied, was held at the foot ofSelassie. Numerous wells were generally sunk during the dryseason close to the springs of Islamgee, which wells afforded asmall but constant supply of water. From Islamgee the road up toMagdala is very steep and difficult. To the first gate it follows,at times very abruptly, the flank of the mountain. To the right,the sides of the amba rise like a huge wall; below is a giddy abyss.From the first to the second gate the road is exceedingly narrowand steep, turning to the right at a sharp angle with the firstpart of the road. Small earthworks had been erected on the flanksnear the gates, protecting every weak point; The summit of the ridgewas strongly fenced and loopholed. Two other gates led from theamba to the foot of the mountain; one had some time before beenclosed, but the other, called Kafir Ber, opened in the directionof the Galla country. The amba is well fortified by nature, andTheodore, to increase its strength, added some rude fortifications.

The Magdala plateau is oblong and somewhat irregular, about a mileand a half in length, and on the average about a mile broad. It wasone of the strongest fortresses in Abyssinia, and by its positionbetween the rich and fertile plateau of Dahonte, Dalanta, andWorahaimanoo, easily provisioned. Magdala is more than 9,000 feetabove the level of the sea; and enjoys a splendid climate. In theevenings, almost all the year round, a fire is welcome, and, thougha month or two before the rains the temperature rises somewhat, inthe huts we never found it too hot to be uncomfortable. The highland that surrounds the amba in the distance is barren and bleak,due to the great altitude, and many of the peaks in the Galla countryare, for several months in the year, covered with snow or frozenhail. Water, during and for some months after the rainy season, isabundant, but from March to the first week in July it gets scarcerand scarcer, until it is obtained only with difficulty. In orderto remedy this disadvantage, Theodore, with his usual forethought,had several large tanks constructed on the mountain, and also sunkwells in promising places. The effort was pretty successful; thewells gave only a small supply of water, it is true, but it was aconstant one all the year round. The water collected in the tankswas of very little use. Those reservoirs were not covered after therains, and the water, impregnated with all kinds of vegetable andanimal matter, soon became quite unfit to drink. The principalsprings are at Islamgee; there are a few on the amba itself, andnumerous less important ones issue from the sides, not many feetfrom the summit, at the base of the ridge itself.

Magdala was not only used by Theodore as a fortress, but also as agaol, a magazine, a granary, and as a place of protection for hiswives and family. The King's house and the granary stood almostin the centre of the amba; in front towards the west a large spacehad been left open and clear; behind stood the houses of the officersof his household; to the left, huts of chiefs and soldiers; to theright, on a small eminence, the godowns and magazines, soldiers'quarters, the church, the prison; and behind again another largeopen space looking towards the Galla plateau of Tanta.

Theodore's houses had nothing regal about them. They were builton the same pattern as the ordinary huts of the country, but onlyon a larger scale. He himself, I believe, never, or at least veryrarely, lived in them; he preferred his tent at Islamgee, or onsome neighbouring height, to the larger and more commodious abodeon the amba. To his dislike to houses in general, I believe wasadded a particular objection to shutting himself up in the fort.The majority of these houses were occupied by Theodore's wives andconcubines, the eunuchs, and female slaves. The granary and tejhouses were in the same inclosure, but separated from the ladies'department by a strong fence; the granary consisted of half a dozenhuge huts, protected from the rain by a double roof. They containedbarley, tef, beans, peas, and a little wheat. All the grain waskept in leather bags piled up until they reached almost to the roof.It is said that, at the time of the capture of Magdala by our troops,there was grain in sufficient quantity stored in these granariesto last the garrison and other inhabitants of the amba for at leastsix months. The dwellings of the chiefs and soldiers were built onthe model of the Amhara houses--circular, with a pointed thatchedroof. The huts of the common soldiers were built without order, insome places in such close proximity that if, as it happened on oneor two occasions, a fire broke out, in a few seconds twenty orthirty houses were at once burnt to the ground: nothing couldpossibly stop the conflagration but rapidly pulling down to leewardthe huts not as yet on fire. The principal chiefs had several housesfor themselves, all in one inclosure, surrounded and separated fromthe soldiers' huts by a high and strong fence. Since about a yearbefore his death Theodore had been gradually accumulating at Magdalathe few remnants of his former wealth. Some sheds contained muskets,pistols, &c.; others books and paper; others carpets, shamas, silks,some powder, lead, shot, caps; and the best the little money hestill possessed, the gold he had seized at Gondar, and the propertyof his workmen sent over to Magdala for safe custody. All thestore-huts were during the rainy season covered with black woollencloth, called mak, woven in the country. Once or twice a week thechiefs would meet in consultation in a small house erected for thatpurpose in the magazine inclosure to discuss public affairs, but,above all, to assure themselves by personal inspection that the"treasures" entrusted to their care were in perfect order and insafe keeping.

The Magdala church, consecrated to the Saviour of the World (MedaniAlum), was not in any respect worthy of such an important place.It was of recent date, small, unadorned with the customaryrepresentations of saints, of the life of the Apostles, of theTrinity, of God the Father, and the devil. No St. George was seenon his white charger, piercing the dragon with his Amhara lance;no martyr smiled benignly at his fiend-like tormentors. The mudwalls had not even been whitewashed; and every pious soul longedfor the accomplishment of Theodore's promise--the building of achurch worthy of his great name. The inclosure was as bare as theholy place itself; no graceful juniper, tall sycamore, or dark greenguicho solemnized its precincts, or offered cool shade where thehundred priests, defteras, and deacons who daily performed service,could repose after the fatiguing ceremony--the howling and thedancing to David's psalms. On the same line, but below the hillockon which stood the church, the Abouna possessed a few houses and agarden; but, alas for him, his _pied-a-terre_ had for severalyears become his prison.

The prison-house, a common gaol for the political offenders, thieves,and murderers, consisted of five or six huts inclosed by a strongfence, and surrounded by the private dwellings of the more wealthyprisoners and guards, extending from the eastern slope of the hillockto the edge of the precipice and to the open space towards thesouth. At the time of our captivity these houses cannot have containedless than 660 prisoners. Of these, about 80 died of remittent fever,175 were released by his Majesty, 307 executed, and 91 owed theirliberty to the stormers of Magdala. The prison rules were in somerespects very severe, in others mild and foreign to our civilizedideas. At sunset every prisoner was ordered into the centralinclosure. As they passed the gate they were counted and theirfetters examined. The women had a hut for themselves; only a latearrangement, however, as before they had to sleep in the same housesas the men. The space was very limited and the prisoners were packedin like herrings in a barrel. Abyssinians themselves, hard-heartedas they are, described the scene at night as something fearful. Thehuts, crowded to excess, were close, the atmosphere fetid, thestench unbearable. There lay, side by side, the poor, starvedvagabond, chained hands and feet, and often with a large forkedpiece of wood several yards long fixed round his neck, and thewarrior who had bled in many a hard-won fight, the governor ofprovinces--nay, the sons of kings and conquered rulers themselves.In the centre the guards, keeping candles lighted all night, laughedor played some noisy game, indifferent to the sufferings of theunfortunates they watched. At day-dawn, always about 6 A.M. in thatlatitude, the prison-door was opened, and those who were luckyenough to possess any, repaired to the huts they had erected in thevicinity of the sleeping-houses, while the poorer crawled about theprison inclosure, awaiting their pancake loaf with all the impatienceof hungry men, just kept from immediate starvation by the _bounty_of the Emperor. Others strolled about in couples, begging from theirmore favoured companions, or, when leave was granted, went fromhouse to house imploring alms in the name of the "Saviour of theWorld."

The prison guards were the greatest ruffians I have ever seen. Theyhad been for so many years in contact with misery in its worst shapethat the last spark of human feeling had died out in their calloushearts. Instead of showing compassion or pity for their prisoners,many of them innocent victims of a low treachery, they added totheir misery by the harshness and cruelty of their conduct. Had achief received at last a small sum of money from his distant province,he was soon made aware that he must satisfy the greed of his rapaciousgaolers. But that was nothing compared to the moral tortures theyinflicted on their prisoners. Many of them had been for yearsconfined on the amba, and had brought their families to reside nearthem. Woe to the woman who would not listen to the solicitationsof these infamous wretches; threatened and even beaten, few indeedof the sorrowful wives and daughters held out; others willingly metadvances; and when the chief, the man of rank, or the wealthymerchant, left his day house, he knew that his wife would immediatelyreceive her chosen lover, or, what was still more heartrending, aman she despised but feared.

Such was the daily life of those whose fault was to have given earto the fair words of Theodore, an error that weighed heavier uponthem than a crime. But when the Emperor, on his way, stopped a fewdays at Magdala, what anxiety, what anguish, reigned in that accursedplace! No day house, no hours spent with the family or the friend,no food hardly; the prisoners must remain in the night houses, asthe Emperor at any moment might send for some one of them to sethim at liberty, or, more likely, to put an end to his miserableexistence. Let us take, for example, his visit to Magdala in thefirst days of July, 1865, on his return from his unsuccessfulcampaign in Shoa. No doubt long-continued misfortunes crush thebetter qualities of men, and induce them to perform acts at themere thought of which in better days they would have blushed. Suchwas the case with Beru Goscho, formerly the independent ruler ofGodjam. Since years he had lingered in chains. In the hope ofimproving his position, he had the baseness to report to his Majestythat when a rumour was started that he had been killed in Shoa, agreat many of the prisoners had rejoiced. Theodore, on receivingthis message, gave orders for all the political prisoners who wereonly chained by the leg to have hand chains put on--exempting onlyfrom this order his informer Beru Goscho. However, some days later,this chief having sent a servant to Theodore to ask as a reward tobe allowed to have his wife near him, the Emperor, who did notapprove of treachery in others, pretended to be annoyed at hisrequest, and gave orders that he should also be put in hand chains.But this was trifling compared with the massacre of the Gallas,which happened during that same visit of Theodore. After subduingthe Galla country he required hostages. Accordingly, the QueenWorkite sent him her son, the heir to the throne; and many chiefs,believing in the high character of Theodore, willingly accompaniedhim. The Galla prince had at first been kindly treated; even madegovernor of the mountain; but soon, on some pretext or other, hewas disgraced: first made a prisoner at large, and then sent to thecommon gaol, to endure chains and misery for years.

Menilek, the grandson of Sehala Selassie, had been since his youthbrought up near the Emperor; he was entrusted with an independentcommand, and in order to strengthen his adherence to his cause,Theodore gave him his daughter in marriage. Under these circumstances,I can easily fancy the rage and passion of Theodore when, onemorning, he was informed that Menilek had deserted with his followers,and was already on his way to claim the dominions of his fathers.The Emperor with a telescope saw on the distant Wallo plain Menilekreceived, with honour by the Galla Queen Workite. Blind, with rage,he had no thought but revenge. He dared not venture to pursueMenilek and encounter the two allies; at hand he had easy victims--theGalla prince and his chiefs. Theodore mounted his horse, called hisbody-guard, and sent for those men, who had already lingered longin captivity through trusting to his word, and then followed a sceneso horrible that I dare not write the details. All were killedsome--thirty-two, I believe--and their still breathing bodies hurledover the precipice. It is probable that shortly afterwards Theodoreregretted having allowed himself to be guided by passion. WithMenilek he had lost Shoa; by the murder of the Galla prince he hadmade those tribes his deadly foes. He sent word to the Bishop, "Why,if I was acting wrongly, did you not come out with the 'Fitta Negust'(Abyssinian code of law) in your hands, and tell me I was wrong?"The Bishop's reply was simple and to the point:--"Because I sawblood written in your face." However, Theodore soon consoled himself.The rains were late, and water scarce on the amba: the next day itrained. Theodore, full of smiles, addressed his soldiers, saying,"See the rain; God is pleased with me because I have killed theinfidels."

Such is Magdala, the sun-burnt barren rock, the arid lonely spotwhere we had to undergo nearly two years of captivity in chains.

We furnished our house without much expense; two tanned cows' hideswere all we required. These, together with a few old carpets Theodorehad presented us with at Zage, was about the extent of ourworldly goods. I had a small folding table and a camp-stool (someof our kit had arrived a few days before); but our hovel was toosmall to admit them and us. The rainy season had fairly set in, andthe broken roof of our godjo was rapidly giving way under the weightof the wet grass; we propped it up as best we could by means of along stick, still it looked very shaky, and leaked worse and worse.The ground, always damp now, had quite the appearance of an Irishbog; and if the straw that was placed underneath the skins to makeour bed a little softer was not removed every other day, the steamrose even through the old carpets that adorned our abode. At lastI could stand it no longer: I was afraid of falling ill. It was badenough to be in chains and in a hovel, but sickness into the bargainwould have driven me to despair. I sent my Abyssinian servants tocut some wood, and made a small raised platform; it was ratherirregular and hard, but I preferred it to sleeping for so long onthe wet ground.

Well do I still remember that long, dreary, rainy season, and withwhat impatience we looked for the Feast of the Cross, about the25th of September; as the natives told us that the rains alwaysceased about that time! I had brought with me from Gaffat an Amharicgrammar. "Faute de mieux," I struggled hard to study it, but themind was not fitted for such work; and, book in hand, I was inspirit, thousands of miles away, thinking of home, dreaming awakeof beloved friends, of freedom and liberty. Towards the end ofAugust, shortly after the return of our ill-fated messenger, wewrote again and sent another man: by this time we had abundant proofthat Samuel,--formerly our introducer, now our gaoler,--was completelyin our interests; and by his good arrangements the messenger startedwithout any one knowing of it, and managed to reach Massowah withhis letter.

I have spoken often of Samuel, and shall again and again have tomention his name in my narrative. He was, from the beginning, mixedup with the affairs of the Europeans, and I believe at one time hewas rather unfriendly towards them; but since our arrival and duringour captivity, he behaved exceedingly well. He was a shrewd, cunningman, and one of the first who perceived that Theodore was losingground. Outwardly he swore by his name, and kept his confidence;but all the while he was serving us, and helping us in ourcommunications with the coast, the rebels, &c. In his youth hisleft leg had been broken and badly set; and though Theodore likedhim, he did not give him a military command, but always employedhim in a civil capacity. He did not like to speak of the accidentthat occasioned his deformity, and would, if asked, always give anevasive answer. Pietro, the Italian, was a great gossip, and hisstories could not always be relied upon. His account of the brokenleg was that when Samuel went to Shoa, some Englishman there gavehim a kick which sent him rolling down some small ravine, and inthe fall the leg was broken. It was on account of that blow froman Englishman, Pietro said, that Samuel hated them all so much, andwas so bitter against them at first. It may be so; but I believethat he had not been understood.

Samuel fancied that he was a very great man in his own country. Hisfather had been a small sheik; and Theodore, after Samuel's nativecountry had rebelled, made him governor of it. With all the appearanceof great humility, Samuel was proud; and by treating him as if hewas in reality a great man, he was as easily managed as a child.He had suffered from a severe attack of dysentery during our stayat Kourata. I attended him carefully, and he always felt gratefulfor my attentions towards him. When we separated and lived indifferent houses, he did not allow the guards to sleep inside ourhut. It is true it would have been difficult; but Abyssinian soldiersare not particular: they sleep anywhere,--on their prisoner's bed,if there is no other place, making use of him as a pillow. Of courseMr. Rassam had none; but he was the great man, the dispenser offavours. Stern, Cameron, and Rosenthal, being neither rich norfavourites, had the advantage of the presence of two or three ofthose ruffians as their companions every night; nor were those inthe kitchen better off, as some soldiers were always sent in atnight not to watch Kerans and Pietro, but the King's property (ourown kit).

Samuel soon made friends with some of the chiefs. After a while,two of them were constantly in our inclosure, and, under the pretextof coming to see Samuel, would spend hours with us. Kerans, a goodAmharic scholar, was the interpreter on those occasions: one ofthem, Deftera Zenab, the King's chief scribe, (now tutor to Alamayou,)is an intelligent; honest man; but he was quite mad on astronomy,and would listen for hours to anything concerning the solar system.Unfortunately, either the explanations were faulty or his comprehensiondull as each time he came he wanted the whole dissertation overagain until at last our patience was fairly exhausted, and we gavehim up as a bad job. His other intimate was a good-natured youngman called Afa Negus Meshisha, son of a former governor of the Amba;Theodore, on the death of the father, had given Meshisha the title,but nothing more. His forte was playing the lute, or a rude instrumentsomething like it. Samuel could listen to him for hours; but twominutes was quite enough to make us run off. He was, however,useful in his way, as he gave us good information about what wasgoing on in Theodore's camp,--intelligence which his position asan occasional member of the council enabled him to obtain.

Such, apart from ourselves, was our only society. It is true thatthe Ras and the great men would occasionally call on Mr. Rassam,much more frequently since he give them arrack and toj, instead ofthe coffee he used to offer them at first; but, unless one of themwanted some medicine, it was very rare that they honoured us witha visit; they thought that they had done quite enough--indeedbestowed a great favour, for which we ought to be grateful--if, asthey passed near our hut, they shouted "May God open thee!"

But our enemy was one of the day guards, named Abu Falek, an oldrascal who delighted in making mischief; he was hated by every oneon the mountain, and on that account outwardly respected. The dayhe was on guard it was very difficult to write, as he was alwaysputting his ugly grey head in at the door to see what we were doing.He did his best to do us harm, but could reach no higher than ourservants: our dollars were too much for him.

Everything has an end. With Maskal (the Feast of the Cross) camesunshine and pleasant cool weather. We had already been two monthsand a half in chains, and we expected that soon some comfortingnews would reach us, telling us "Be of good cheer; we are coming."

Since our arrival at Magdala we had not received a single letter:and more than six months had elapsed without news from our friends,or any intelligence whatsoever from Europe.

Immediately after the rains, Mr. Rassam had his house repaired andimproved, and a new hut built, as Mrs. Rosenthal was expected tojoin our party; Samuel obtained a piece of ground adjoining ourinclosure, which was afterwards included in it, and on which hebuilt a hut for himself and family. Samuel had several times spokento me about pulling down our wretched godjo, and building a largerhut instead; but I thought it was hardly worth the while, as beforemany months some change or the other would take place: anotherreason was, that part of the old fence stood in front of my godjo,and I should hardly have gained more than a foot of ground. Samuelpromised to do his best to have the fence removed if I would build;I agreed to do so, and he endeavoured to fulfil his part of thecontract, but failed. However, a few weeks later, one of the chiefs,whom I had attended almost since our arrival, in his first burstof gratitude at being cured, took upon himself to break down thefence, and promised to send me his men to help me.

All the materials--wood, bamboos, cow-hides, straw--could be purchasedbelow the mountain, and in a few days all was ready. I sent wordto my patient, who came at once, with about fifty soldiers, who,by his orders, broke down the fence, and pulled down my godjo. Theground was afterwards levelled, the circumference of the hut tracedwith a stick, fixed to the centre by a piece of string, and a trencha foot and a half deep dug. Two strong sticks were placed at thespot where the door would be, and each soldier, carrying severalof the branches with which the walls are built, placed them in theditch, filling up the vacant space with the earth that had beentaken out; they had only to tie, with strips of cow-hide, flexiblebranches transversely in order to keep the vertical ones together,and the first part of the structure was complete. A few daysafterwards they returned, made the framework of the roof, and liftedit up on the walls; it then only required the thatcher to renderour new abode inhabitable. The servants brought water and made mud,with which the walls were coated inside, and a week from the daythe godjo had been pulled down, Prideaux and myself were able togive our house-warming. The soldiers were delighted with their job,and always came in large numbers when we required their assistance,as we treated them very liberally: for instance, the materials forour new hut cost eight dollars, but we spent fourteen dollars infeasting those who had assisted us. We had now seven feet of groundeach, the table could be placed in the centre, and the folding chairoffered to a visitor. Mr. Rassam had tried, with success, to whitewashthe interior of his hut with a kind of soft white yellowish sandstone,that could be obtained in the vicinity of the Amba; we, therefore,also put our servants to work, but first had the mud walls severaltimes besmeared with cow-dung, in order to make the whitewash adhere.We enjoyed very much the neat clean appearance of our hut.Unfortunately, being situate between two high fences and surroundedby other huts, it was rather dark. To obviate this defect, we cutout of the walls some of the framework, and made four windows; thiswas certainly a great improvement, but at night we felt the coldbitterly. Luckily, our friend Zenab gave us some parchment; out ofan old box we made some rude frames, and the parchment, previouslywell soaked in oil served instead of glass.

We were obliged to keep a large staff of servants, as we had toprepare everything for ourselves. Some women were engaged to grindflour for us and the Abyssinian servants; others to bring water orwood. Men-servants went to the market or to the neighbouring districtsto purchase grain, sheep, honey, &c.; many were employed as messengersto the coast or to Gaffat. I had with me two Portuguese, who werethe torment of my life, as they were always quarrelling, oftendrunk, impertinent, and unwilling to work. The Portuguese lived inthe kitchen, but as they were always fighting with the other servants,and we were perfectly helpless, and could not possibly enforce ourcommands, I had a small hut erected for them. The inclosure hadbeen enlarged again by the chief, and Cameron had built a log-housefor himself, and Mr. Rosenthal had had one made for his servants;mine for the Portuguese was built on the same spot, and before therainy season I had another one made for the Abyssinians, as theygrumbled and threatened to leave, if they had to spend the rainsin a tent.

All these arrangements took us some time; we had been glad to havesomething to do, as the days passed much quicker, and time did notweigh so heavily upon us. Our Christmas was not very merry, nor didwe on New Year's Day wish one another many returns of a similarone; but we were on the whole more accustomed to our captivity, andcertainly in many respects more comfortable.

About this time a servant of Mr. Rassam, whom he had sent to hisMajesty some months previously, returned on the 28th of Decemberwith a letter from Theodore, in which was inclosed one from ourQueen. Theodore informed Mr. Rassam that Mr. Flad had arrived atMassowah, and had sent him the letter which he had forwarded us forperusal; he told Mr. Rassam to await his arrival, as he would becoming before long, and they would consult together about an answer.We were greatly rejoiced at the tenor of the Queen's letter: it wasplain that at last a higher tone had been adopted, that the characterof Theodore was better known, and all his futile plans would befrustrated by the attitude our Government had taken.

On the 7th of January, 1867, Ras Engeddah arrived on the Amba,having accompanied thither a batch of prisoners. He sent us hiscompliments and a letter from Theodore. Theodore's letter was rathera boastful and imperious one: he, first gave a summary of Flad'sletter to himself, in which he had been informed by that gentlemanthat everything he had required had been consented to, but that inthe meanwhile he had changed his behaviour towards us. Theodorealso gave us his intended reply: he said Ethiopia and England hadformerly been on a footing of friendship; and for that reason hehad loved the English exceedingly. But since then (to use his ownwords), "having heard that they have calumniated and hated me withthe Turks, I said to myself, Can this be true? and I felt somemisgiving in my heart." He evidently wanted to ignore the illtreatment he had inflicted upon us, as he said: "Mr. Rassam and hisparty you sent to me I have placed in my house in my capital atMagdala, and I will treat them well until I obtain a token offriendship." He concluded his letter by ordering Mr. Rassam to writeto the proper authorities, so that the things should be sent a tohim; he desired Mr. Rassam's letter to be forwarded to him, andquickly, so that Mr. Flad might come without delay.

This letter must probably have been a post-prandial one; it was notthe line of conduct he wanted to adopt: he knew too well that hisonly chance was to natter, appear humble, meek and ignorant; hemight, he knew, enlist England's sympathy by appearing in thatlight, and that an overbearing tone would not suit his purpose, norsecure him the object he longed for. Early the following day amessenger arrived from the Imperial camp with a letter from GeneralMerewether, and another from Theodore. How different this letterfrom the one brought by Ras Engeddah! It was insinuating, courteous;he orders no more, he humbly requests; he meekly entreats and begs:he begins by saying:--"Now in order to prove the good relationshipbetween me and yourself, let it be shown by your writing, and bygetting the skilful artisans and Mr. Flad to come _via_ Metemma;This will be the sign of our friendship." He quotes the story ofSolomon and Hiram on the occasion of the building of the temple;then adds, "And now when I used to fall girded at the feet of thegreat Queen, her nobles, people; hosts, etc., could it be possibleto be more humble?" He then describes his reception of Mr. Rassam,and the way he treated him; how he released the former captives thevery day of his arrival, in order to comply with the request of theQueen; he explains the cause of our imprisonment by reproaching Mr.Rassam with having taken away the prisoners without first bringingthem to him; and concludes by saying, "As Solomon fell at the feetof Hiram, so I, beneath God, fall at the feet of the Queen, and herGovernment, and her friends. I wish you to get them (the artisans)_via_ Metemma, in order that they may teach me wisdom, andshow me clever arts. When this is done I will make you glad andsend you away, by the power of God."

Mr. Rassam replied to his Majesty at once, informing him that hehad complied with his request. The messenger, on his arrival at theEmperor's camp, was well received, presented with a mule, and quicklydespatched on his errand. For several months we heard nothing moreupon the subject.

General Merewether, in his letter to Theodore, informed him thathe had arrived at Massowah with the workmen and presents, and thaton the captives being made over to him he would allow the workmento proceed to his Majesty's camp. We were quite overjoyed when weheard that General Merewether was entrusted with the negotiation:we knew his ability, and had full confidence in his tact anddiscretion. Indeed, he deserves our sincere gratitude; for he wasthe captives' friend: from the moment he landed at Massowah to theday of our release, he spared himself neither trouble nor pains toeffect our deliverance.

Messengers now were despatched more regularly; by them we wrotelong accounts of Theodore's proceedings, and urged that force shouldbe employed to obtain our release. We knew the great risk we ran,but we preferred death to a continuance of such a miserable existence.We informed our friends that we had quite made up our minds, andthat our safety was not to weigh for one instant in the balance.It was a chance: the only one left to us, and we implored that wemight have the advantage of it. We gave all the information in ourpower as to the resources of the country, the movements of hisMajesty, the strength of his army, the course he would probablyfollow should troops land, how to deal with him, and the means toadopt in order to insure success. We knew that should any of suchletters fall into Theodore's hands, we had no mercy, no pity toexpect; but we considered it our duty to submit our opinion, andto the best of our ability assist those who were labouring for ourrelease.

At this time we frequently received news from our friends, as wellas newspapers, or a few articles cut out of them, and inclosed inan envelope. War was still but little talked of; the press, withbut few exceptions, seemed to look upon it as a rash undertakingthat would only lead to failure. Correspondents, to our despair anddisgust, expatiated on guinea-worms, poisonous flies, absence ofwater, and such like rubbish. For another two months and a half weled the same monotonous life. My medicines were getting low, andas the number of my patients was great, I was very anxious to receivesome more.

On the 19th of March Ras Engeddah arrived on the Amba with a fewthousand soldiers. He had brought with him some money, powder, andvarious stores which Theodore thought would be safer at Magdala.At the same time he sent us some stores, medicines, &c., whichCaptain Goodfellow had forwarded to Metemma soon after Mr. Flad'sarrival. I will give credit to Theodore for having behaved well onthat occasion. As soon as we were informed that the stores hadarrived at Metemma, Mr. Rassam wrote to the Emperor, asking hispermission to send servants and mules, in order to have them conveyedto Magdala. Theodore said that he would have them carried himself,and moreover kept his word. He sent one of his officers to Wochnee,with instructions to the various chiefs of districts to have ourthings carried to Debra Tabor. I had long ago given everything up,and was agreeably surprised when those few comforts reached us.For some days, we treated ourselves to green peas, potted meats,cigars, &c., and felt in better spirits; not so much on accountof the stores themselves, as for the attention our dangerous hosthad shown us.

I remember that during the following months we felt more than atany time the burden of such an existence. We had expected greatthings, and nothing was effected: we could not have believed, onour first arrival at Magdala, that another rainy season was inreserve for us; we never would have credited the assertion thatlong before that date all would not have been over, some way or theother. What we disliked above all things was the uncertainty inwhich we were now placed: we trembled at the idea of the crueltiesand tortures Theodore inflicted upon his victims; and each time aroyal messenger arrived, we could be seen going from one hut to theother, exchanging anxious looks, and repeatedly asking ourfellow-sufferers, "In there any news? Is there anything concerningus?"

General Merewether, with kind forethought, had sent us some seeds,and we obtained more from Gaffat. Rassam's inclosure had beenconsiderably enlarged by the chiefs, and he was able to arrange anice garden. He had before sown some tomato seeds; these plantssprang up wonderfully well, and Mr. Rassam, with great taste, madewith bamboos a very pretty trellis-work, soon entirely covered bythis novel creeper. Between our hut, the fence, and the hut oppositeours, we had a small piece of ground, about eight feet broad on theaverage, and about ten feet long. Prideaux and myself laboured hard,delighted at the idea of having something to do; with slit-up bambooswe made a small trellis-work, dividing our garden into squares,triangles, &c., and on the 24th of May, in honour of our Queen'sbirthday, we sowed the seed. Some things came out very quickly;peas, in six weeks, were seven or eight feet high, mustard, cress,radishes, and salads prospered. But our central flower-bed remainedfor a long time barren; and when at last a few plants came out,they belonged to some biennial species, as they only flowered inthe following spring. A few peas, just to taste (our garden was toosmall to enable us to get from it more than a scanty dish or two),raw lettuces (we had no oil, and only inferior vinegar made out oftej), with now and then a radish, were luxuries we immensely enjoyedafter our long meat diet. When a second parcel of seeds reached us,we transformed into "gardens" every available spot, and had thepleasure of eating a few turnips, more lettuces, and a cabbage ortwo. Soon after the rainy season everything withered away; the sunburnt up our treasures, and left us again to our mutton and fowls.

A month or so before the rainy season of 1867, fever of a malignanttype broke out in the common gaol. The place was dirty enough before,and the horrors of that abode were indescribable even when sicknessdid not prevail; but when about 150 men of all ranks lay prostrateon the ground, contaminating still more the already impure atmosphere,the scene was horrible in the extreme, giving a better idea of theplace of torments than even Dante's vivid description. The epidemiclasted until the first rains set in. About eighty died; and manymore would have succumbed, had not, fortunately, some of the guardscontracted the disease. As long as it was only the prisoners, theyturned a deaf ear to all my suggestions; now they had become willinglisteners, and quickly adopted the advice they had spurned but ashort time before. To all who claimed my services I willingly sentmedicine; and, when some of the guards also came to me for treatment,I gave them some also: but on condition that they would treat withmore kindness the unfortunate men in their charge.

General Merewether, always thoughtful and kind, aware that much ofour comfort depended on our being on friendly terms with the garrison,sent me some vaccine lymph in small tubes. I explained to some ofthe more intelligent natives the wonderful properties of thatprophylactic, and induced them to bring me their children to beinoculated. Amongst semi-civilized races it is often difficult tointroduce the blessings of vaccination; but on this occasion theywere universally and gratefully accepted. For about six weeks animmense crowd collected outside the gates on vaccinating days; somuch so that it was with some difficulty that they were kept back,so anxious were they to avail themselves of the famous medicinethat protected from the dreaded "koufing" (small-pox). It so happenedthat, amongst the children I operated upon, was the child of oldAbu Falek (or rather his wife's), the day guard I have alreadymentioned. He was naturally ill-natured and disobliging, and tosave himself the trouble of bringing his child to have othersinoculated from it, and at the same time so as not to be accusedof selfishness, he spread the rumour that the children from whomthe lymph was taken would shortly afterwards die. This was thedeath-blow to my endeavours to introduce vaccine amongst the natives;numbers still collected to be vaccinated, but none came to give thelymph, and as I had no more tubes, I was obliged to discontinue anexperiment which had so wonderfully succeeded.

The rainy season of 1867 set in about the end of the first week inJuly. We had better shelter, and had time to make arrangements forprovision for our followers and ourselves before the rains fairlycommenced, and in that respect were better off than the year before;but, for other reasons, such as the political condition of thecountry, the daily increasing difficulty of communicating with thecoast, it was perhaps, on the whole, more trying and disagreeable.

The chiefs of the mountain had not been long in finding out thatthe English captives had money. They all had frequently beenpresented with _douceurs_, in the shape of dollars for themselves,shamas or ornaments for their wives; also tej and arrack, which wasbrewed by Samuel under Mr. Rassam's direction, of which they partookfrequently and freely. They tried to cut one another out; each onein his private visits pretending to be "the best friend;" but theycould not openly leave the council-room, and start off for a glass,without being accompanied by the whole batch, so they forbade everyone but themselves from visiting us. Poor Zenab for months took nomore lessons in astronomy, and Meshisha played the lute to his wivesand followers. They even went so far as to forbid the petty chiefsand soldiers coming to me for medicine. But this was too much;though a despotism, the constitution of the country only acknowledgedone master. The soldiers therefore sent their petty chiefs in abody to the Ras and members of the council; they talked even ofrepresenting the matter to Theodore; and, as the chiefs were farfrom being immaculate, and dreaded nothing so much as reports totheir master, they were obliged to give in, and cancel the order.

Theodore had, after his capture of Magdala, appointed a chief asgovernor of the Amba, giving him a kind of unlimited power over thegarrison; but some years later he adjoined to him a few chiefs ashis councillors, still allowing the Head of the mountain to retaina great deal of his former power. Always suspicious, but less ableto satisfy his soldiers than before, he took every precaution toavoid treachery, and to make certain that, when engaged on distantexpeditions, he might depend on his fortress of Magdala. With thatobject he ordered a council to assemble on all important occasions,and to consult on all matters concerning the internal economy ofthe mountain. Every head of department, and every chief of a corps,had a voice; the officers in command of the troops were to sendseparate and private messengers; the Ras was still considered asthe Head of the mountain, but his authority was limited, and hisresponsibility great, should he think proper to overrule hiscompanions. Under these circumstances, it is not astonishing that,as a rule, he would follow the advice of those chiefs whom he knewto be the greatest worshippers of his master, his most faithfulspies and beloved tale-bearers.

The Head of the mountain on our arrival, Ras Kidana Mariam, was,on account of his family connections and his position in the country,considered "dangerous" by Theodore, and, as I have already mentioned,was on a false charge taken to the camp. Shortly before deprivingRas Kidana Mariam of his command he had promoted him from a Dedjazmatchto the rank of Ras. Every umbel (colonel) was promoted by the sameorder to be a Bitwaddad (something like a Brigadier-General), or aDedjazmatch, a title only applied in former days to governors ofone large or of several small provinces; bachas (captains) weremade colonels, and so on throughout the whole garrison; which afterthis consisted only of officers and non-commissioned officers, thelowest in rank being at least a sergeant. Theodore wrote to themat the time to inform them that they would draw the pay and rationsaccording to their rank, and when, as he expected before long, heshould see them, he would treat them so generously that even the"unborn babe would rejoice in his mother's womb." Theodore, on threeor four occasions, out of his few remaining dollars, gave them asmall advance of pay. About forty dollars was the amount a generaltouched during the time we were there; a sergeant, during the sameperiod, about eight, I believe. With that they were supposed tofeed and clothe themselves, families, and followers; for no rationswere distributed at the same time as the money. At first they wereall dazzled by their new ranks--the only thing Theodore coulddistribute with a liberal hand; but they soon found out what thesewere worth, and, ragged, hungry, and cold, they were the first tojoke about their high-sounding but empty titles.

A distant relation of Theodore by his mother's side, named RasBisawar, was, on the dismissal of Kidana Mariam, selected for thevacant post. He had in his youth been brought up for the church,had even been made a deftera, when the brilliant example of hisrelative took him from the peaceful and quiet life he had firstchosen to cast him amidst the turmoil of camp life. He was a greatbig hulking fellow, bald-headed, and rather good-natured; but forall his sword and pistols could not conceal his first pursuit inlife: he was still the deftera in borrowed plumage. His great faultwas to be too weak; he had no decision of character, no firmness,and was always guided in his actions by the last talker.

Next in importance came Bitwaddad Damash, the ugliest and mostpompous puppy and the biggest-boasting villain on the whole mountain.He was very sick when we first arrived, but though he could notcome himself he was far too much interested in our affairs not tobe at all hours of the day informed of our doings; for that purposehe sent his eldest son, a lad of about twelve, several times in theday with compliments and inquiries after our welfare. As soon ashe could walk about a little he came now and then himself, to seeme for advice, and when restored to health, in the thankfulness ofthe first moment, he helped to build our house. But gratitude isnot a lasting quality--in Abyssinia it hardly exists--and not longafterwards Damash gave strong hints that if we wanted him to be ourfriend we must not "forget him." Prideaux and myself had not muchmoney to spare, but as he was known to be a great scoundrel, wethought it would not be prudent to make an enemy of him, and thereforesent him, as a token of friendship, Prideaux's small foldinglooking-glass, the only presentable thing we had between us. Forsome time the looking-glass consolidated our friendship, but when,on a second application for "tokens," we turned a deaf ear to hissoft words, he would have nothing more to do with as; he called usbad men, sneered at us, made us take off our caps before him, andeven went so far as to insult Cameron and Stern, shaking his headat them in a threatening manner as, more or less intoxicated, heleft in the afternoon the room of his beloved and generous friend,Mr. Rassam. Damash had command of half the gunmen, some 270, theRas of the rest, about 200.

The third member of council was Bitwaddad Hailo, the best of thelot; he was in charge of the gaol, but was never known to abuse hisposition. His two brothers had commanded our escort from the frontierto the Emperor's camp in Damot; his mother, a fine old lady, alsoaccompanied us part of the way: the brothers and the mother hadbeen well treated by us, so that even before we came to the Ambawe were known to him, and he always conducted himself very civilly,and proved useful on many occasions. When he heard of Theodore'sapproach, as he knew that charges were going, to be brought againsthim, he ran, away and joined the English camp.

He managed his escape, in a very clever manner indeed. Accordingto the, rules of the mountain, not even a Bitwaddad could pass thegate without permission from the Ras, and since desertions had takenplace the permission was no more granted. His wife and child werealso on the Amba, and since he was suspected, if they had left hewould have been strictly watched. His mother had accompaniedTheodore's camp, being desirous of seeing her son. When his Majestyencamped in the valley of the Bechelo, she asked his permission tobe allowed to go to Magdala, and on her arrival at Islamgee shesent word to her son to give orders at the gate to let her in; buthe declined, stating publicly, as the motive of his refusal, that,not having received intimation from his Majesty that he had grantedher request, he could not take upon himself to admit her into thefort. The mother had been made a party to the plot beforehand, andplayed her part well; it was market-day, and therefore the placewas crowded with soldiers and petty chiefs. On hearing of her son'srefusal to admit her, she pretended to be driven to despair, toreher hair and cried aloud, quite overcome by the ingratitude of theson she had made such a long journey to embrace. The spectatorstook her part, and, in her name, sent to him again; but he was firm."To-morrow," he said, "I will send word to the Emperor; if he allowsyou to come I will be only too happy to admit you; to-day, all Ican do is to send you my wife and child to remain with you untilthe evening." The old lady, with the wife and child, retired to aquiet corner for a friendly chat, and when no more noticed, quietlywalked away. At about ten at night, accompanied by one of his men,and assisted by some friends, Hailo made his escape and rejoinedhis family.

Another member of council was called Bitwaddad Wassie: he also wasin charge of the prison alternatively with Hailo. He was a good-temperedman, always laughing, but, it appears, not beloved by the prisoners,for, after the taking of Magdala, the women flew at him, and gavehim a sound thrashing. He was remarkable in one respect: he wouldnever accept anything, and though money was repeatedly offered tohim he always declined it. Dedjazmatch Goji, in command of 500spearmen, a tall old man, was as big a fool as he was bulky; heloved but one thing, tej, and worshipped but one being, Theodore.Bitwaddad Bakal, a good soldier, a simple-minded man, in charge ofthe Imperial household, and a few insignificant old men, completedthe quorum.

Let us suppose a wet day during the rainy season of 1867. Our moneywas getting very scarce, and all communication with Metemma, Massowah,or Debra Tabor was completely interrupted. War had been talked ofmore seriously at home, and, in the absence of news, we were inanxious expectation of what would be decided. The weather did notpermit us to do much gardening; and other occupations were few. Wewrote home, (an easier task during the rains, as the guards keptto their huts,) studied Amharic, read the famous _CommercialDictionary_, or visited one another, and smoked bad tobacco,simply to kill time. Mr. Rosenthal, a very clever linguist, managed,with an Italian Bible, to master that language, and, to drive awaydull care, spent his evenings studying French with only the helpof a portion of Guizot's _Histoire de la Civilisation_. If itcleared up a little, we puddled about in the small road between thenow increased huts; but probably, before long, would be scared awayby some one shouting out,--"The Ras and the chiefs are coming!" Ifwe could directly run away we did so; but if perceived, we had toput on our blandest smile, bow to the rude inquiry, "How art thou?good afternoon to thee" (the second person singular is only employedas a sign of disrespect, towards an inferior), and, O gods! pulloff our ragged caps and keep our heads uncovered. To see themwaddling along, ready to burst with self-conceit; whilst we knewthat the clothes they were clad with, and the food they had partakenof that day, were all purchased with British money, was very annoying.As they accepted bribes the least they could do was to be civil;on the contrary, they looked down upon us as if we were semi-idiots,or a species between them and monkeys,--"white donkeys," as theycalled us when they spoke of us among themselves. Preceded by Samuel,they would make straight for Mr. Rassam's house; they were hardlyswore civil to him than to us, though they always swore to himeternal friendship. I often admired Mr. Rassam's' patience on theseoccasions: he could sit, talk, and laugh with them for hours, gorgingthem with bumpers of tej until they reeled out of his place, thelaughing-stocks, yet envied objects, of the soldiers who helpedthem to regain their homes. On the whole they were a vile set: toplease their master they would have shuddered at no crime, andstopped at no infamy. When they thought that any cruel act of theirsmight please Theodore, their god, no consideration of friendshipor family ties would arrest their hands or soften their hearts.They came to Mr. Rassam, though he was kind to them, out of noregard, only because it was part of their instructions, and theycould indulge their appetite for spirituous drinks; but had we been,by want of money, reduced to appeal to them, I doubt whether theywould have sanctioned for us, to whom they owed so much, even thesmall pittance daily doled out to the poor Abyssinian prisoners.

About that time these wretches had a good opportunity of showingtheir zeal for their beloved master. One Saturday two prisonerstook advantage of the bustle always attending market-days, to attempttheir escape. One of them, Lij Barie, was the son of a chief inTigre; some years before he had been imprisoned on "suspicion,"or, more likely, because he might prove dangerous, as he was muchliked in his province. His companion was a young lad, a semi-Galla,from the Shoa frontier, who had been kept for years in chains on