On May 8, 1919, Edward George Honey, a journalist from Melbourne, Australia, living in London at the time, writes a letter to the London Evening News proposing that the first anniversary of the armistice ending World War I—concluded on November 11, 1918—be commemorated by several moments of silence.

Honey, who briefly served in the British army during World War I before being discharged with a leg injury, had been concerned by the way people in London had celebrated on the streets on the actual day of the armistice. In his letter to the newspaper the following May, he wrote that a silent commemoration of the sacrifices made and the lives lost during the war would be a far more appropriate way to mark the first anniversary of its end.

“Five little minutes only,” Honey wrote. “Five silent minutes of national remembrance. A very sacred intercession. Communion with the Glorious Dead who won us peace, and from the communion new strength, hope and faith in the morrow. Church services, too, if you will, but in the street, the home, the theatre, anywhere, indeed, where Englishmen and their women chance to be, surely in this five minutes of bitter-sweet silence there will be service enough."

Though Honey’s letter did not immediately bring about a change, a similar suggestion was made to Sir Percy Fitzpatrick that October and reached King George V, who on November 17, 1919, made an official proclamation that “at the hour when the Armistice came into force, the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month, there may be for the brief space of two minutes a complete suspension of all our normal activities … so that in perfect stillness, the thoughts of everyone may be concentrated on reverent remembrance of the glorious dead." Though it is not officially recorded that the king read and was influenced by Honey’s letter, the journalist was invited by the king to a palace rehearsal of the two minutes of silence, a tradition which is still honored in much of the former British empire.

General Smith-Dorrien proposed a two and a half mile withdrawal closer to Ypres. He felt that nothing short of a large-scale counter-offensive was likely to push the German forces back to their original positions. The idea was met coolly by the Commander-in-Chief of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF), Sir John French, who effectively dismissed Smith-Dorrien by sending him home to England.

Ironically Smith-Dorrien's replacement, General Herbert Plumer (later famed for his successful Messines Offensive), also recommended a general withdrawal to French. The suggestion was this time accepted, taking place following a failed Allied counter-attack by two divisions presided over by French General Ferdinand Foch on 29 April. French executed the planned withdrawal on 1-3 May 1915.

Fighting renewed around Ypres on 8 May and continued until 13 May, and then again from 24-25 May, with repeated use of gas attacks. Still the Allied lines held, although German forces secured additional high ground to the east of the town from 8-12 May.

Following the initial landings at Helles and Anzac in April 1915 the allied forces made several attempts to break through the Turkish lines. The Second Battle of Krithia aimed to capture the peak of Achi Baba which overlooked the whole southern end of the Gallipoli peninsula. Several attacks on 6 and 7 May, and the morning of 8 May, made little progress. Late in the afternoon of 8 May the 2nd Australian Brigade took part in the final attempt to reach and break through the Turkish lines. The Australians made a courageous advance, mostly across open ground and under heavy fire, advancing the line around 500 metres, but failing to reach the Turkish lines. In barely an hour the Brigade suffered over 1,000 casualties from a complement of 2,900 men.

8 May 1915 - The Australian 2nd Brigade (Victoria) - 5th, 6th, 7th and 8th Battalions - attacked Turkish positions at Krithia in the British area at Helles. The attack was unsuccessful. Charles Bean wrote:

The stone houses of Krithia were still 2000 yards away, but in advancing 1000 yards the brigade, already reduced at Anzac to 2900 men, lost in one short hour another 1000.

Aftermath - German reaction
On 8 May Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, the former German Colonial Secretary, made a statement in Cleveland, Ohio, in which he attempted to justify the sinking of Lusitania. At the time Dernburg was recognized as the official spokesman of the Imperial German government in the United States. Dernburg said that because Lusitania "carried contraband of war" and also because she "was classed as an auxiliary cruiser" Germany had had a right to destroy her regardless of any passengers aboard. Dernburg further said that the warnings given by the German Embassy before her sailing plus the 18 February note declaring the existence of "war zones" relieved Germany of any responsibility for the deaths of the American citizens aboard. He referred to the ammunition and military goods declared on Lusitania's manifest and said that "vessels of that kind" could be seized and destroyed under the Hague rules without any respect to a war zone.

The following day the German government issued an official communication regarding the sinking in which it said that the Cunard liner Lusitania "was yesterday torpedoed by a German submarine and sank", that Lusitania "was naturally armed with guns, as were recently most of the English mercantile steamers" and that "as is well known here, she had large quantities of war material in her cargo".

Dudley Field Malone, Collector of the Port of New York, issued an official denial to the German charges, saying that Lusitania had been inspected before her departure and no guns were found, mounted or unmounted. Malone stated that no merchant ship would have been allowed to arm itself in the Port and leave the harbour. Assistant Manager of the Cunard Line, Herman Winter, denied the charge that she carried munitions:

She had aboard 4,200 cases of cartridges, but they were cartridges for small arms, packed in separate cases... they certainly do not come under the classification of ammunition. The United States authorities would not permit us to carry ammunition, classified as such by the military authorities, on a passenger liner. For years we have been sending small-arms cartridges abroad on the Lusitania.
—New York Times, 10 May 1915

The fact that Lusitania had been carrying shells and cartridges was not made known to the British public at the time

[May] 8th - Quiet day, but we are expecting a rush. There has been so much fighting, all our heavy guns have been in action, and there has been a more violent German attack than ever before, North of Ypres. Hear the Lusitania has been torpedoed, with 1,500 people on hoard, wonder what America will say to that. Latham’s cousin who is in command of some R.E.s quite near here, called for her this afternoon in a little one horse country cart, and took her to cricket and tea and a band, invited me, but we cannot two get away for the whole afternoon; 3 of us went to another part of the asylum this morning at 7, and had a BATH - deep! Up to our necks in water - glorious! The first time for months and months! A dear old nun came trotting in when I was in my bath, felt to see the water was right heat, thought the bath was too full and pulled the plug by a patent in the floor, I was sitting on the hole where the water runs away and was sucked hard into it! I think I hear a convoy arriving now.

May 1915
Let us remember Spring will come again
To the scorched, blackened woods, where the wounded trees
Wait with their old wise patience for the heavenly rain,
Sure of the sky: sure of the sea to send its healing breeze,
Sure of the sun, and even as to these
Surely the Spring, when God shall please,
Will come again like a divine surprise
To those who sit today with their great Dead, hands in their hands
Eyes in their eyes
At one with Love, at one with Grief: blind to the scattered things
And changing skies.

The 22nd Battalion AIF was formed on 26 March 1915 at Broadmeadows Camp in Victoria. The battalion became part of the 6th Brigade of the 2nd Division.

Most of the battalion embarked for Egypt on 8 May 1915. The battalion deployed to Gallipoli in the first week of September 1915 allowing elements of the 2nd Brigade to be rested from their positions in the front line at ANZAC. The battalion served on the peninsula until the final evacuation in December 1915, and were then withdrawn to Egypt and brought back to strength with reinforcements.

While most of the battalion was serving on Gallipoli the transport drivers, along with the other drivers from the 6th Brigade, were sent to the Salonika front to support the Serbs. They did not rejoin the battalion until after the evacuation of ANZAC.

The following charts the progress of the above soldier who was wounded at the Battle of Frezenberg on 8th May 1915 and subsequently taken as a Prisoner of War. Bernard was one of the original draft who arrived in France in Feb 1915. The following is a transcript from the original documents.

Place and Date of Capture - Ypres. Wounded 8th May 1915 picked up 10th May 1915

Nature of Wound, if any - Bullet wound in back. On 10th May 1915 picked up and taken by stretcher and horse ambulance to field dressing station. No ill treatment. Wound dressed and stayed night there. Next day taken to railway and on to Roulers, a few hours journey away.

Roulers 11-14 May 1915 - Taken to a church used as hospital. Straw palliasses on floor infested with vermin. Being in pain, not having urinated for three days, asked for doctor. He did not come for some hours and when he arrived was in great rage, and kicked informant’s legs apart. After about two days taken downstairs and place on wooden bedstead-sheets and blankets quite clean. Attended to by a German sister.
For breakfast, bread and coffee (both black) a stew at mid-day and bread and coffee in the evening.

Journey 14-16 May 1915 - On 14th May left Roulers in proper hospital train to Dortmund. Journey lasted three days. Well treated on the journey and food served-bread and coffee for breakfast, stew for dinner, and cocoa and biscuits for tea. A German doctor was in attendance. Wound was not dressed, but informant was “tapped” twice on the journey by Red Cross orderly. Reached Dortmund 16th May, about 5p.m. Taken on stretcher in a horse van to hospital. In informants ward there were 32 wounded all English. Later on French and Russians who had been hurt in the mines (not wounded) were placed in the ward, on one occasion there being 53 altogether.

Dortmund May 16-Dec 24, 1915 - Dr Schramm was in attendance on the prisoners. He did not appear to know much about wounds, and was said to be a venereal specialist. No nurses, but brothers of mercy. Beds with sheets and blankets, which were changed every fortnight. Germans supplied shirt which was changed when necessary. The food was not suitable for wounded men who wanted nutriment but for dinner, potatoes and some meat was served. There was one water closet for the ward but informant cannot speak as to its condition as he was in bed. The different nationalities were treated the same as regards food, but the English got more attention from the doctors. Informant had one operation on his left leg under an anaesthetic. Letters and parcels received fairly regularly, and were opened in prisoner’s presence. Some had been previously opened but cannot say if anything was taken out. Smoking was allowed in the hospital. Two letters and four postcards a month were allowed. Informant was discharged on 24th Dec 1915 and sent to Dulmen Camp, with a view to being exchanged and sent back to England. Informant considers not sufficient medical treatment in this hospital but has no complaints as to the general treatment.

Journey Dec 24 1915 - Left Dortmund 24 Dec 1915. Two hours railway journey to Dulmen in ordinary carriages. Only three English prisoners in compartment, with two guards with fixed bayonets. From Dulmen station to the camp a journey of about one and a half hours in a spring less wagon, after waiting about at the station for an hour in the rain.

Dulmen Dec 24, 1915 – Feb 2, 1916 - Lodged in a hut with about 50 others, all English. Hut heated by stoves. Food was one loaf of black bread (very bad) among ten men. Coffee served out twice a day. Potato or carrot stew in middle of day. There was a small canteen where sardines and sausages were the only food to be obtained. Prisoners mostly depended on the parcels they received, without which they could not have lived.
There was a washhouse with a tap running into a trough. In latrines, seats scrubbed every day, and were kept in sanitary condition. One hut was used as hospital, but informant did not go into it. In the hut prisoners slept on palliasses stuffed with shavings. Two blankets each. Quite clean. Smoking allowed everywhere. Informant being crippled did not go out of hut on parade. Working parties used to go out each day. Paid twenty Pfennig’s each per day. Sentries appeared to be badly treated and sometimes asked prisoners for bread which they eat. There was not ill-treatment of prisoners by sentries.
Football was allowed on Saturday afternoons and Sundays. Parallel bars and horizontal bars were supplied in the camp. Books sent out from home were allowed to be read but no newspapers. Also any games which were sent out from various societies. Every Sunday a Church of England service was held, but not always by a clergyman. R.C. service held in adjoining camp, to which prisoners might go under escort. Offences which are punishable were refusing to work, trying to escape, and malingering. Punishment was-three day’s imprisonment for the last, three to ten for refusing to work and twenty one trying to escape. One man (a Scotchman) got ten days for putting in a letter “send me a mirror so that I can watch myself starve.” Just before informant arrived, three sergeants (one a Canadian) had tried to escape by tunnelling, and were said to have got within 100 yards of the border. They only got 21 days imprisonment and were branded with wearing a yellow stripe on shoulder. Concerts allowed every week, which were attended by German N.C.O.’s. No complaints as to treatment in camp, but only as to food, which was of very bad quality.
One man dropped dead in camp. Given out as heart failure, but after that all prisoners were weighed and clothes searched for vermin. If any found the man was bathed and clothes disinfected. No alterations made in the food. The American Ambassador did not visit while informant was there but he heard he had been once. Left the camp on 2nd Feb 1916.

Opinion of Examiner as to intelligence and reliability of informant - Informant a young fellow of 20 and looks less. Very intelligent.

Signed Bernard J Airy

Bernard Pearson was repatriated to the UK in February 1916 and was then admitted to the Queen Alexandra's Military Extension Hospital at Millbank in London and it was here that he was honourably discharged on the 23rd March 1916 (Kings Regulations para 392 (XVI) Wounds. He was award the 1914-15 Star, British War Medal & Victory Medal. He was also award the Silver War Badge Number 48605. In 1919 he was further honoured with Newport's Medal for Returning Prisoners of War.

Saturday 8/5/15
Action continues intermittently
At 10.30 am the NZ Inf Bdge was
ordered to attack on their (left) flank
and to go forward through the lines
of regulars ESSEX, INNISKILLINGS
and HANTS. Regts: This they did
in fine style. The steadiness of our
Wellington Batt. being favourably
commented on by English officers.
They were subjected to heavy fire
of shrapnel & machine guns but
steadily advanced and entrenched
their positions. The action was
very fierce through out the day &
at 5-30 pm a general advance of
the whole front line of the force
was ordered & with fixed bayonets.
Ruahine coy had been in reserve
until now & were ordered to support
W.W.C. Coy at this time. In going
forward they were badly cut up
by machine guns & suffered some
60 casualties. Lieut. Menteath &
Capt. Frandi were killed today
in action. Turks defences are
very strong being specially so
with machine guns which our
artillery failed to locate and
this prevented the advance we
had hoped for tho' some progress
has been made. I hear French
got forward on left a little today.
Lt. McKinnon & Major Saunders
wounded. I am with Col. Malone
with H.Q. at WHITE HUT during
this attack — WSW of KRITHIA

HOME FROM THE FRONT WOUNDED AT ST. ELOI 08/05/1915RECUPERATED IN NAAS(SPECIAL TO "KILDARE OBSERVER")

Sergt. Robert Doherty, of 2nd Battn Royal Irish Fusiliers, who was wounded at St. Eloi on the 14th March, was on a visit to his brother, Mr. W.J. Doherty, main Street, Naas, during the week and told a thrilling story of his experiences at the front to the "Kildare Observer" representative. Sergt. Doherty is 25 years of age and a native of Clones, Co. Monaghan. He joined the Fusiliers seven years ago and after a few months home service went to his battalion in India. In October last he returned to England, and almost immediately the "Royal Leish" were dispatched to the front and from the moment of their arrival began to experience the hardships of active service. The intense coldness of the nights in the trenches around Ypres taxed the endurance of our troops, but none more terribly than those fresh from the warm Indian climate. The story of the stirring period that followed the arrival of the Fusiliers in Flanders is best told in Sergt. Doherty's own words: - "We lay to the right of Ypres all the time", he said, "and had a few minor fights, eventuating is the battle of St. Eloi on the 14th March, where we were out to avenge Neuve Chapelle, and this we did. It was about 5 o'clock on the afternoon of the 14th when Germans started a Terrific Bombardment of our trenches. This was soon followed by a slight advance of the German infantry who poured showers of bullets on our trenches. The Village of St. Eloi lay behind us a short distance and was occupied by our troops. The onslaught on our trenches was awful. Germans coming along in vastly superior numbers - about 6 to 2 - with the result that after a stubborn resistance our first line had to retire."The Germans kept up the pressure, but we refused to yield. We were at last overpowered by their great numbers and were driven back the German got possession of the village, but the blood of our men was up. The troops holding this position were entirely an Irish Brigade - the 82nd. When we retired from the village of St. Eloi the Germans barricaded the streets, evidently knowing that we were not going to give it up so softly. Next morning - that is the morning of the 15th - we charged and not only drove the Germans out of St. Eloi - though they fight like devils - but also recaptured the trenches from which we had been driven the previous night. Again and again the Germans attempted to dislodge THE IRISH BRIGADE but without success, and numbers of our fellows - N.C.O.s officers and men - were decorated and mentioned in dispatches. We were also complimented by the General Officer Commanding and also by the Army Corps Commander, and for the plucky way they held out our fellows got 16 days' rest. Indeed, the needed it badly. "It's a strange thing, isn't it, that though Canadians and Scottish and other regiments can be mentioned for certain deeds IRISH BRIGADE DOES NOT GET THE CREDIT for what it is doing. The only Irish Regiment that seems to get a show in this way is the Irish Rifles. They are nearly all Belfast fellows."We were only about an hour in action at St. Eloi after the Germans furious bombardment when I was struck by shrapnel on the right side of the head near the eye (sticking plaster indicated the wound). The shell, a splinter from which struck me, burst in front of the trench and killed the officer beside me and the major in charge - Major McGregor - FELL DEAD ACROSS MY FEET I remember after I was struck one of our fellows - Sergt. T. Dolan - came along to me, got out my bandages and bandaged my head, and other fellow gave me some water. I heard afterwards in a letter from a friend in the trenches that poor Dolan was killed almost immediately afterwards. I became unconscious, and recovering soon afterwards. I jumped up and seized my rifle and I saw the Germans advancing towards us. The pain in my head was terrible - so bad that I could not keep my eyes open and had to shoot with my eyes closed. Then I swooned off again. An attempt was made to remove our wounded and I was taken back to the first dressing station, where I was attended to. The chap - a private - who helped me back could not carry me owing to the depth of the mud. On the way back I lost consciousness several times, and when I was swooning the private used to lie down flat in the mud and let me rest my head.

- ALL STREAMING WITH BLOOD - on his body. It's a strange thing that though I know the chap quite well, he is of my own company, I can't remember who he is. My memory plays me tricks like that since I was hit. I was taken to Boulogne hospital, where I spent a week, and was then sent to Hampstead Heath, London, where I remained in hospital for 17 to 20 days. I returned to my regiment again on Thursday, and feel all right only for my nerves."I was a corporal on my return from India and was promoted full sergeant on service. I might mention to you as a strange coincidence that the French Regiment, THE 8TH FRENCH REGIMENT we relived at St. Eloi was the same regiment from whom the Irish Fusiliers took the Eagle at Barossa in 1812. When we were relieving them the Frenchmen knew this and lots of them looked at our badges - bearing the Eagle - and smiled, saying; J'ai compris". I thought that was rather a coincidence."

In a memorandum sent by General Sir John Maxwell to the then British Prime Minister, Herbet Asquith, the following description was provided for Con Colbert:

This man was one of the most active members of the Sinn Fein organisation. He was a associate with all the leaders and took a prominent part in the organisation of the rebel army in which he held the rank of Captain. He was armed at the time of his surrender and came from the neighbourhood of houses from which heavy fighting had taken place earlier in the day.

Con Colbert was tried by Field General Courts Martial on 4 May 1916. The proceedings are contained in the PRO document WO 71/352.

Court Martial Proceedings
The members of the courts martial were Colonel D. Sapte (President), Major W.R. James and Major D.B. Frew.

To the charge of " ... did take part in an armed rebellion and in the waging of war against His Majesty the King, such act being of such a nature as to be calculated to be prejudicial to the Defence of the Realm and being done with the intension and for the purpose of assisting the enemy."

The 1st witness was Major J.A. Armstrong who stated

On 30 April 1916 I was present at Bride Street and Patrick's Park where the British troops were fired upon. The accused was one of a party which surrendered about 5pm. He was dressed in a Volunteer Captain's uniform and was armed. These officers were armed with pistols or revolvers. These men who surrendered came from the direction in which firing had taken place.

Con Colbert did not call any witnesses in his defence but made the following statement:

I have nothing to say.

Court Martial Verdict
Con Colbert was found guilty and sentenced to death by shooting. This sentence was confirmed by General Maxwell. Between 3.45 and 4.05am on 8 May 1916, Con Colbert was shot in the former stonebreakers yard at Kilmainham Prison. His remains were later buried in Arbour Lane Cemetery.

Eamonn Ceannt

was born in 1881 in Galway, but was raised and educated in Dublin.

In a memorandum sent by General Sir John Maxwell to the then British Prime Minister, Herbet Asquith, the following description was provided for Eamonn Ceannt:

This man was one of the signatories to the Declaration of Irish Independence. He was on the Executive Committee and Central Council of the Irish Volunteers and attended all their meetings. He was an extremist in his views and identified himself with all pro-German movements. He held the rank of Commandant in the rebel army and was in command at the South Dublin Union in the capture of which the British troops suffered heavily, losing both officers and men. He was armed at the time of his surrender.

Eamonn Ceannt was tried by Field General Courts Martial on 3-4 May 1916. The proceedings are contained in the PRO document WO 71/348.

Court Martial Proceedings
The members of the courts martial were Brigadier-General C.G. Blackader (President), Lieutenant-Colonel G. German and Lieutenant-Colonel W.J. Kent.

To the charge of " ... did take part in an armed rebellion and in the waging of war against His Majesty the King, such act being of such a nature as to be calculated to be prejudicial to the Defence of the Realm and being done with the intension and for the purpose of assisting the enemy."
The 1st witness was Major J.A. Armstrong who stated

I was at Patricks Park on 30 April 1916. The British troops were fired on, the fire came from the neighbourhood of Jacob's Factory. Several casualties occured. I was under fire. I was present about 5pm when the party from Jacob's Factory surrendered. I directed an officer to make a list of the unarmed men. The accused surrendered as one of the party and was at the head of it, his name was not on the unarmed list. There was an armed list made and his name appears at the head and from information he gave he his described as Commandant. I asked him to give orders and he did so, they were obeyed.

When cross-examined by the accused, Major Armstrong confirmed that the two lists of men: armed and unarmed, were made after the groups of men were disarmed. Armstrong stated that the accused did not have a rifle but a revolver or automatic pistol which he removed from a pocket and placed on the ground.

Eamonn Ceannt called three witnesses in his defence: John McBride, Richard Davys and Patrick Sweeney. One of the other witnesses due to be called was Thomas MacDonagh, but he was executed by firing squad during the early morning of 3 May 1916.

The 1st witnesss called by Eamonn Ceannt in his defence was John McBride who stated

I know the accused intimately. I should be in no doubt as to his identity. I remember Sunday 30 April 1916 and preceding days, I was in Jacob's factory, I left it on Sunday afternoon between 4 and 5pm. The accused was not in my company before I left. It was impossible for the accused to be in Jacob's factory without my knowledge, he had no connection with the party that occupied Jacob's factory.

When John McBride was cross-examined he stated that he saw the accused in the area of St Patrick's Park when the group under his command surrendered, and that he did not see the accused at any time between Easter Monday and Sunday 30 April 1916. He also confirmed that he did not have any knowledge that the accused was the Commandant of the 4th Battalion.

Both Richard Davys and Patrick Sweeney confirmed that they had not seen the accused in Jacob's Factory, however Richard Davys stated that he saw the accused in the area of St Patrick's Park.

Following his last witness Eamonn Ceannt made the following statement

Three witnesses who were in Jacob's Factory from Monday 24 April 1916 to about 5pm on Sunday 30 April have sworn that I was not in Jacob's Factory during any of that period and was not one of a party which surrendered from Jacob's Factory on Sunday 30 April. Another witness who was not available [Thomas MacDonagh] whould have been able to corroborate these three. The evidence makes it quite clear that I can't have had anything to do with the firing from the neighbourhood of Jacobs which resulted in casualties to British troops at St Patrick's Park as referred to. I don't accuse Major Armstrong of endeavouring to mislead the Court but it's clear that he was deceived in thinking that I was attached in any way to the Jacobs party which as deposed fired on British troops in the neighbourhood of Patrick's Park. He had admitted that his plan of making a list of armed men was by a process of elimination of the unarmed men from the whole list on parade and from recollection. He had admitted that the list of armed men was compiled after all men had been disarmed. I submit tha this evidence is not conclusive except insofar as it concerned the unarmed men and is not evidence as to the men who were armed. I claim at least that there is reasonable doubt and the benefit of the doubt should be given to the accused. In regard to my carrying arms there is no positive or direct evidence except that Major Armstrong believes I carried a revolver or automatic pistol which he says I took from my pocket and laid upon the ground. As to my having surrendered to the military authorities this is sufficiently proved by my presence at Richmond Barracks and is hereby freely admitted. As to the accusation that I did an act " ... with the intention and for the purpose of assisting the enemy ..." I content myself with a simple denial. The Crown did not even tender evidence in this regard. I gave away my automatic pistol. The Volunteer uniform more often that not does not indicate the rank of the wearer. The witness I intended to call and could not be found from the description I gave to the Police would have proven that I did not come from the neighbourhood of Jacob's Factory. I came at the head of two bodies of men but was only connected with one body.

Court Martial Verdict
Eamonn Ceannt was found guilty and sentenced to death by shooting. The sentenced was confirmed by General Maxwell.

Between 3.45 and 4.05am on 8 May 1916, Eamonn Ceannt was shot in the former stonebreakers yard at Kilmainham Prison. His remains were later buried in Arbour Lane Cemetery.

Michael Mallin

was born in Dublin in 1874. Mallin was a silk weaver by trade, an union organiser (being Secretary of the Silk Weavers' Union from 1909) and a shop owner. However, due to poverty the shop was forced to close in 1913.

In a memorandum sent by General Sir John Maxwell to the then British Prime Minister, Herbet Asquith, the following description was provided for Michael Mallin:

This man was second-in-command of the Larkinite or Citizen Army with which organisation had had been connected since its inception. He was in command of the rebels who occupied Stephen's Green and the College of Surgeons. At these places serious encounters took place and there were many casualties both amongst the military and civilians. He surrendered on 30 April 1916 and was accompanied by a body of 109 rebels all of whom were armed.

Michael Mallin was tried by Field General Courts Martial on 3 May 1916. The proceedings are contained in the PRO document WO 71/353.

Court Martial Proceedings
The members of the courts martial were Colonel E.W.S.K. Maconchy (President), Lieutenant-Colonel Bent and Major F.W. Woodward.

At his trial, Michael Mallin faced two charges to which he pleaded not guilty:

" ... did take part in an armed rebellion and in the waging of war against His Majesty the King, such act being of such a nature as to be calculated to be prejudicial to the Defence of the Realm and being done with the intension and for the purpose of assisting the enemy."
"Did attempt to cause disaffection among the civilian population of His Majesty."

I know the prisoner Michael Mallin. There is a paper called "The Workers Republic" in which it has been stated th the prisoner is Chief of the Staff of the Citizen Army. I have known the prisoner about 9 or 10 months. I have seen marching with the Citizen Army and he has marched with James Connolly and the Countess Markievicz and has led them in company with James Connolly.

When cross-examined by Mallin the witness said that he did not know whether the prisoner was in command James Connolly when marching with the Citizen Army. I never saw him as a drill instructor or a band instructor. I never heard him make any speech at all. I have only seen it in the paper that the prisoner was Chief of the Staff of the Citizen Army.

When asked by the court's President to explain the relationship between the Citizen Army and the Irish Volunteers the witness said that the Citizen Army and the Irish Volunteers are two distinct bodies. The Citizen Army is under the control of James Connolly. There is a slight difference in the uniform of thetwo armies.

I know the prisoner now before the Court and have known him for 6 or 8 months. I have seen him marching with the Citizen Army wearing the uniform in which he is now dressed. On one or two occasions he wore a revolver on his waistbelt. He marched with James Connolly at the head of the Army and also with the Countess of Markievicz. I saw him on Easter Monday about 11.50 am he was in front of Liberty Hall dressed as he is now. He seemed to be busy generally organising the Citizen Army and there was a large crowd present.

When asked by the accused what he was doing, the witness stated that he led a section across the footbridge in the direction of St. Stephen's Green and the College of Surgeons. The witness also stated that the accused appeared to be on friendly terms with the police present at the scene.

The 3rd witness was Captain H.E. Wheeler who stated

I was on duty on 30th April outside the College of Surgeons. A body of prisoners surrendered to me between 12.30 p.m. and 1 p.m. The prisoner and the Countess of Markievicz came out of a side door of the College. The prisoner was carrying a white flag and was unarmed but the Countess was armed. The prisoner came forward and viluted and said he wished to surrender and this is the Countess Markievicz. He surrendered and stated he was the Commandant of the garrison. I took over the garrison which consisted of prisoner, Countess Markievicz, 109 men and 10 women. I found them in the College and they laid down their arms under my directions.

In his defence, Michael Mallin stated

I am a silk weaver by trade and have been employed by the Transport Union as band instructor. During my instruction of these bands they became part of the Citizen Army and from this I was asked to become a drill instructor. I had no commission whatever in the Citizen Army. I was never taken into the confidence of James Connolly. I was under the impression we were going out for manoeuvres on Sunday but something altered the arrangements and the manoeuvres were postponed till Monday. I had verbal instructions from James Connolly to take 36 men to St. St. Stephen's Green and to report to the Volunteer officer there. Shortly after my arrival at St. St. Stephen's Green the firing started and the Countess of Markievicz ordered me to take command of the men as I had been so long associated with them. I felt I could not leave them and from that time I joined the rebellion. I made it my business to save all officers and civilians who were brought in to St. Stephen's Green. I gave explicit orders to the men to make no offensive movements and I prevented them attacking the Shelborne Hotel. I also indignantly repudiate any idea of assisting Germany

The 1st Witness produced in Mallin's defence was Mr L.J. Kettle who stated

The prisoner prevented my death by shooting. I was treated with every possible consideration and also I saw he did the same for any other prisoners who were brought in.

When cross-examined by the prosecution, the witness said that he had been taken prisoner on Monday afternoon 24th April and was taken first to Stephen's Green and Mallin appeared to be in command. I heard a good deal of firing but actually did not see the firing myself. The witness then added that although he could have been released at anytime but was finally released after the surrender.

Court Martial Verdict
Michael Mallin was found guilty and not guilty of the 1st and 2nd charges respectively, and was sentenced to death by shooting. This sentence was confirmed by General Maxwell. Between 3.45 and 4.05am on 8 May 1916, Michael Mallin was shot in the former stonebreakers yard at Kilmainham Prison. His remains were later buried in Arbour Lane Cemetery.

Sean Heuston

was born in Dublin on 21 February 1891, the son of a clerk. Like Con Colbert, Sean Heuston was educated at the Christian Brothers' School, North Richmond Street, Dublin. After becoming 16 years' old in 1907, Sean Heuston joined the Great Southern & Western Railway Company as a clerk. After six years with the company, Heuston transferred to the Traffic Manager's Office in Dublin's Kingbridge (now Heuston) Rail Station.

In a memorandum sent by General Sir John Maxwell to the then British Prime Minister, Herbet Asquith, the following description was provided for Sean Heuston:

This man was in command of the Mendicity Institute, Usher's Island. One British Officer and nine men were killed by the fire from the building which had to be carried by assault. Twenty-three rebels were captured in it amongst them this man, and large stores of revolver and rifle ammunitions and bombs were found. Orders and despatches were also discovered showing that this man was in constant communication with the leaders. In all of these despatches he described himself and was described as Captain.

Sean Heuston, W. O'Dea, P. Kelly and J. Crenigan weretried together by Field General Courts Martial on 4 May 1916. The proceedings are contained in the PRO document WO 71/351.

Court Martial Proceedings
The members of the courts martial were Colonel E.W.S.K. Maconchy (President), Lieutenant-Colonel Bent and Major F.W. Woodward.

To the charge of " ... did take part in an armed rebellion and in the waging of war against His Majesty the King, such act being of such a nature as to be calculated to be prejudicial to the Defence of the Realm and being done with the intension and for the purpose of assisting the enemy."
All four defendants pleaded not guilty.

The 1st witness was Captain A.W. MacDermot (7th Royal Dublin Fusiliers) who stated

On 26 April I was present when the Medicity Institution was taken by assault by a party of the 10th Royal Dublin Fusiliers. Twenty-three men surrendered on that occasion. I identify the four prisoners as having been in the body of men who surrendered. They left their arms except their revolvers in the Mendicity Institute when they surrendered. Some of them still wore revolvers. One officer of the 10th Royal Dublin Fusiliers was killed and 9 men wounded by fire from this Institute on the 24th April. I searched the building when they surrendered. I found several rifles, several thousand rounds of ammunition for both revolvers and rifles. I found 6 or 7 bombs charged and with fuses in them ready for use.

I found the following papers: An order signed by James Connolly, one of the signatories to the Irish Republic Proclamation, directing "Capt. Houston" (Sic) to "Seize the Mendicity at all costs." Also papers detailing men for various duties in the Mendicity Institute. All these papers are headed "Army of the Irish Republic."Also two message books signed by Heuston "Capt."One contains copies of messages sent to "Comdt. General Connolly" giving particulars of the situation in the Institute.The other message book contains copies of messages commencing on the 22nd April two days before the outbreak. One message contains a reference to MacDonagh who is stated to have just left Heuston. Another is a message to "all members of D Coy. 1st Batn." stating that the parade for the 23rd is cancelled and all rumours are to be ignore. Another message dated the 23rd states "I hope we will be able to do better next time."

Capt. MacDermot then testified that Heuston commanded the party of men who surrendered.

I was present when 23 men surrendered on the 26th April at the Mendicity Institute. I identify the four prisoners before the court as being amongst them. The leader was J.J. Heuston. I was present when the troops were fired on from the Mendicity Institute on the 24th April, when Lieutenant G.A. Neilan* was killed and 6 men wounded to my knowledge. Heuston was without a coat when he surrendered and also had no hat on. He was not in the uniform of the Irish Volunteers. I was present when the building was searched and foundarms and ammunition in it and also the documents now before the court. Among the arms there were some old German Mausers. Among the ammunition there were two cardboard boxes of "Spange" German ammunition.

When cross-examined by Sean Heuston, Lieutenant Connolly was not able to say exactly where, in the building, he had found the message books.

In his defence W.O'Dea stated

I was perfectly ignorant of what was going to occur. I understood it was an ordinary route march when I was called out as we had been told for some time previously that the best equipped Company was to get a prize at the Easter Manoeuvres. It was to have taken place on Easter Sunday but was postponed. I do not know why it was postponed. I turned out in full uniform but I took it off when we were about to surrender.

In his defence Sean Heuston stated

The message in the notebook produced saying "I hope we will be able to do better next time" is not mine.

In his defence P. Kelly stated

I did not know anything about the rebellion beforehand or what I was coming out for. I came out because I was asked to. I thought it was for manoeuvres. I did not fire any shots.

In his defence J. Crenigan stated

I did not know what I was called out for. I though it was for manoeuvres. I am 16 years old.

Court Martial Verdict
The court found all four defendants guilty. Heuston, O'Dea and Kelly were sentenced to death by shooting. Crenigan was sentenced to two years' imprisonment, with a recommendation for mercy on account of his age.

General Maxwell commuted the death sentences on O'Dea and Kelly to three years' imprisonment. The death sentence passed on Heuston was confirmed by General Maxwell.

Between 3.45 and 4.05am on 8 May 1916, Sean Heuston was shot in the former stonebreakers yard at Kilmainham Prison. His remains were later buried in Arbour Lane Cemetery.

Monday - 8 May 4:00 a.m. - Suddenly there is panic in fort Douaumont. Men cry out 'the blacks are coming'. (Note: with 'the blacks', the feared French colonial troops are meant. They were notorious for the fact that they took no prisoners).
Shortly after, there are three explosions creating an enormous shock wave that rages through the fort, much stronger than there would have been in the case of a direct hit. Within the fort a smoke screen of suffocating gas is put up. The shock wave results in many dead bodies. The dead bodies are literally thrown into all corners in piles of three or four bodies at a time; hundreds of Germans die of suffocation.

In a huge effort only a hundred Germans are saved. The number of deaths is estimated between 700 and 800. Most bodies cannot be identified any more. A doctor present at the scene reconstructs the drama: a direct hit reached the flame-thrower oil depot. The oil caught fire due to some small cooking fires of the Germans troops. This started the fire and consequently a very severe cloud of soot and smoke. Everyone is covered with soot and this explains the fear of 'the blacks'. In this state of alarm hand grenades were thrown at the alleged intruders. These grenades caused the ammunition depots containing grenades and poisonous gas to explode. (Source: Werth, p. 224-229).

The bodies cannot be buried due to firing and are therefore piled up in an empty ammunition depot: bodies – chlorinated lime – bodies. The ammunition depot is quickly sealed up and, to this day, remains within the fort. Incidentally, the French never found out about this catastrophe.

The battle for a breakthrough in the Bulgarian positions began on 22 April and continued intermittently until 9 May 1917. The assault began with a bitter four-day artillery barrage in which the British fired about 100,000 shells. As a result, the earthworks and some wooden structures in the front positions were destroyed. The Bulgarians also opened fire from the batteries between Vardar and Doiran. Vladimir Vazov ordered fire day and night on the Allied positions. The initial several-hour struggle between the British and Bulgarian batteries was followed by a one-hour Bulgarian counter-barrage in which 10,000 shells were fired.

The British infantry began its attack on the night of 24-25 April - 12 companies attacked the Bulgarian 2nd Brigade and after a bloody fight managed to take the "Nerezov", "Knyaz Boris" and "Pazardzhik" positioms. After a Bulgarian counter-attack the British were repulsed with heavy casualties and by 8 pm had retreated. The British assaults on the right and central fronts were also repulsed with heavy casualties after help from the Bulgarian artillery.

The British attacks in the next two days were defeated by constant Bulgarian fire and counter-attacks. Due to this fire the British withdrew to their initial positions on 27 April, the Bulgarians immediately started to reconstruct the destroyed fortifications.

Due to criticism by their high command, the British made new attempts at a breakthrough. On 8 May, after a long artillery barrage, they began another attack. The main assault started at 9 pm with five waves of British troops attacking the Bulgarian positions. After four attacks during the night of 8-9 May the British were defeated and suffered enormous casualties. A Times correspondent wrote that the British soldiers called the "Boris" point "the valley of death".

The artillery duel continued until 9 May but due to heavy casualties the British had to abandon all attacks. They lost 12,000 killed, wounded and captured of which more than 2,250 were buried by the Bulgarian defenders. The losses of the Ninth Pleven Infantry Division were 2,000 of whom 900 died from disease and wounds.

8 May 1917 - 27th Aero Squadron organized at Kelly Field, Texas, as Company "K" 3rd Provisional Aero Squadron, Signal Corps, under command of Major Michael Davis, Squadron composed of volunteers from all sections of the southwest.

Dear Dad,
The stunt has "been and went" as we used to say and still I am whole and undamaged. It was the stiffest fight my battalion has had yet and our own losses were proportionate but the men were splendid. We went out into No-Man’s Land in single file and formed up in lines 500 from the Bosche Line. Fritz expected us and showed it by the numerous flares, the intermittent chatter of his machine guns as they searched for us and by the two search-lights which played over the ground every now and again. As we were in the lead we had to be out some little time to allow the rest to form up also, but this part of the operation went on smoothly and except for a little shelling without hindrance. After seeing that the men were in position and knew their direction we lay down and waited for the moment to advance. Five minutes before time word was passed down the line to get ready. Almost before it reached the last man the sky, low down, behind us, burst suddenly into a flickering blaze of light as the guns behind us woke suddenly to life. In a few seconds a torrent of shells screamed overhead and burst like a sparkle of jewels in front. We rose and moved slowly forward, fixing bayonets as we went. No one hurried as there was plenty of time before that deadly hail was shifted back behind the first line trench, our objective. We overtook the barrage near the wire, but within a few seconds it shifted on and was now concentrated on the famous Hindenburg line, a hundred yards ahead.
Before this the slowly advancing waves had been seen by the defenders and a continuous crackle of machine gun bullets whipped and tore the air around us. But not for that would the advance stop. Calmly and coolly the men picked their way through the blasted wire and absolutely ignored the frantic machine guns. Once through the wire we were supposed to lie down and wait until the barrage lifted, but with the enemy so close in front few thought of anything but getting at him and so they pressed on through our own barrage and were fighting in the front line three minutes before the barrage lifted. As soon as the trench was cleared up we pushed along to both flanks to connect up with or assist the people attacking on either side. We soon found that except for a certain distance to the left where part of a battalion had got in, we were the only successful part of the attack and in a few minutes bombing operations were in full swing on both sides. Meanwhile the waves had passed through and soon the success signal was seen from the second line. Following the slowly advancing barrage, the last wave of our battalion steadily advanced and at the scheduled time signalled its occupation of our furtherest objective. So far we were completely successful while on our right and left partial success only had resulted.
On our right the attack was twice renewed but each time it wilted and failed at the wire. The light had increased as daybreak approached and as the barrage had gone on advancing the Boche machine guns and automatic rifles were undisturbed, except on the extreme end of their defence where our bombers were at work. However, the attack had left us numerically weak for the length of line we held and we could do little more than hold our own. As the day advanced and it was seen that there was no chance of bringing the line up level with our furtherest advance, we had to withdraw and be content with holding both lines of trenches. This we did, bombing almost continuously and holding off his desperate efforts to nip us off. During the night Bert’s lot came in and relieved us. I didn’t see him but my C.O. did and told him I was O.K. We moved back to support and then to reserve and are now on our way out for a spell (we hope). Bert was OK the day after we were relieved, as I heard from the Q.M.S. of his company. As soon as I get time I’ll hunt him up, but that won’t be until we get to a place where we can stay a day or two.
The Heads are particularly pleased with the fact that we got in and held on and the Bde and Batt. Have been congratulated by very high up. The C.O. will probably get, as he deserves, both promotion and a decoration out of it. Various other honours will be flying about too and not a few rises will take place. Well I must close this scrawl now. Hoping that the account has not been too meagre – but we must respect the censor. How are all at home and how are things generally. I am in the best of health and am no more miserable than I have ever been at home. In fact I’m getting so callous now that very little is able to affect me. Didn’t think I could become so cold blooded. Still its necessary here or one would go mad. Goodnight and good luck to you all.
Your loving son Viv.

The Action of 8 May 1918 or sometimes called the Battle of Algiers was a small naval engagement which occurred off Algiers, North Africa during the First World War. In early May 1918, a United States Navy armed yacht and a Royal Navy destroyer encountered the German U-boat SM UB-70. Initially the engagement was thought to be inconclusive but later on the allied warships were credited with sinking the German submarine. (...)

Little is known about the disappearance of UB-70 except that she was in operation against an allied supply convoy somewhere near Algiers, Algeria. On May 8, 1918, at about 5:00 pm, the American armed yacht USS Lydonia, under Richard P. McCullough, and the British destroyer HMS Basilisk were steaming and protecting a convoy from Bizerte to Gibraltar when they encountered UB-70, lining up for a shot at the British merchant ship, SS Ingleside, in convoy.

The Central Powers submarine fired torpedoes and at least one hit the civil vessel. Ingleside burst into flames and immediately began to sink. The merchant ship was manned by an unknown number of crew, some were killed or wounded, some went down with the ship. The survivors waited for rescue on deck of their sinking ship or in the water. Ingleside went down and by 5:35 the protecting allied warships spotted the submarine.

According to post-war accounts, either USS Lydonia or HMS Basilisk rammed the U-boat when it began to submerge and flee. A running battle ensued for fifteen minutes. The allied warships were coordinated and together dropped several well placed depth charges on the fleeing enemy submarine until a slight oil slick began to emerge.

This blog is made up of transcripts of Harry Lamin's letters from the first World War.

Letter to Jack, 8th May 1918

32507/ 9th Batt Y & Lancs Reg
C Company
12 Platoon L.G.S.
I.E.F.

Dear Jack

I have just received two letters and small packett I was very pleased with them. I hope you got my letters asking for a book or two, if so will you send them on as soon as possible. I have had a letter from Ilkeston they are all getting on as well as can be expected, which I was very pleased to hear. I think Connie and Willie will miss grandad but they will soon forget. We have had a lot of rain here lately, but when the sun does shine it is very hot, things in the gardens and fields are looking very well, you can see small bunches of grapes forming on some of the vines already and I have seen one or two lemons on the trees, it must be fine to have a summer out here and see all the fruit ripen. I was very pleased that Mr Leverton was at dad's funeral it was very good of him. I think I will write a few lines to him.

Sir B. FALLE asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that some Irishmen are showing a certain disinclination to enlist as soldiers in the service of the Empire; and if he will arrange so that all Irishmen who may so elect may follow an old Irish custom and enlist under the French flag, and under the conditions obtaining in the French Army, and that the cost thereof should be defrayed to our Ally by this country?

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER (Mr. Bonar Law) I do not think that my hon. Friend's suggestion is practicable.

William Beesley VC (5 October 1895 – 23 September 1966) was an English recipient of the Victoria Cross, the highest and most prestigious award for gallantry in the face of the enemy that can be awarded to British and Commonwealth forces.

He was 22 years old, and a private in the 13th Battalion, The Rifle Brigade (Prince Consort's Own), British Army during the First World War when the following deed took place for which he was awarded the VC.

On 8 May 1918 at Bucquoy, France, when Private Beesley's platoon sergeant and all the section commanders were killed he took command. Single-handed he rushed a post, shot four of the enemy, took six prisoners and sent them back to our lines. He and a comrade then brought his Lewis gun into action, inflicting many casualties and holding their position for four hours until the second private was wounded. Private Beesley, by himself, maintained his position until nightfall, when he returned to the original line with the wounded man and the Lewis gun which he kept in action until things had quietened down.

He later achieved the rank of sergeant.

His Victoria Cross is displayed at the Royal Green Jackets Museum (Winchester, England).

V. I. Lenin - Telegram To The Council Of People’s Commissars Of The Ukraine

Wired: 8 May, 1919

Kiev

The Central Committee of the Party has discussed the critical situation, the almost catastrophic situation, in the Donets Basin and on the Manych, and proposes urgently that the Kiev Council of Defence bend all efforts to accel-erate and step up military aid to the Donets Basin, appoint a number of the best comrades to exercise daily, unflagging supervision over the fulfilment of these measures and, espe-cially, carry out the immediate universal mobilisation of the workers of Odessa, Ekaterinoslav, Nikolayev, Kharkov and Sevastopol as reinforcements for the Southern Front; lastly, make Podvoisky and Antonov personally responsible for the Makhno group. Bear in mind that the defeat of the revolution is inevitable unless Rostov is speedily captured.

I have just written a line to Eleanor. I enclose a snapshot taken by a French officer at Arras last Sunday. Also picture of American Peace Commission taken here in the Hotel. I am trying to arrange to get off for five or six days' trip, beginning Saturday or Sunday, to go to Chaumont, thence to Metz, Luxembourg, Treves, Coblentz, etc. Am not sure that I can arrange it but hope so. Tuesday we had a secret Pleanry seance of the P.C. to listen to a stupid exposition of the Peace terms for the benefit of the smaller Powers. None of us had seen the treaty. I have never seen such a glaring case of secret diplomacy, notwithstanding all our protestations. The outrageous yielding to Japan on the Shantung question could never have happened if it had not been done secretly. The protests of the world would have prevented it. Thank God, my skirts are clear (or at least my conscience is) of any of the wrong doing. Yesterday the Treaty was handed to the Germans. It was in the great dining room of the Trianon Palace Hotel where my offices have been since 1917. I went out early and had fires lighted in my rooms, thinking that the President would take Mrs. Wilson out, even though she could not see the ceremony. All the Allied and associated Powers delegates assembled in the room before 3 P.M. We were arranged at a Double Ell table, the open end being partly closed by a smaller table for the German Delegates. At 3 o'clock the latter were ushered in, the other delegates rising. Brockdorff-Reutzan sat in the middle with two of his assistants on each side. Mr. Clemenceau spoke for a moment what you have already read in the papers, rather stern almost harsh. This was translated first into English and then into German. Then Reutzan read his remarks which you have also seen. These were translated (very poorly) first into English and then into French. That was all the ceremony. I did not see that the Treaty was actually handed to them, though I fancy a copy must have been laid before Reutzan. French and English express much irritation because Reutzan read his remarks sitting. But he is in an exceedingly broken, nervous physical condition. I don't believe he could have stood on his feet. There is much dispute as to the wisdom of his remarks. Some think they were quite tactful, others say that it was s shrewd statement. Now the question is "Will they sign? And, if so, how long before they do so?"

Mr. BOTTOMLEY In the absence of the Leader of the House, I beg to ask the Home Secretary a question of which I have given him private, notice, namely, whether it is correct to assume from the official summary of the Peace Treaty published to-day that, so, far as cash indemnities are concerned, the only points so far definitely settled are that Germany 1111 is to make reparation for damage to persons and property under the seven heads enumerated in the summary, the total obligation in respect of which is to be notified not later than the 1st May, 1921;that she is to reimburse Belgium all sums borrowed by that country from the Allies, that within two years Germany is to pay £l,000,000,000 sterling, a further £2,000,000,000 in bonds at various rates of interest with a sinking fund beginning in 1926, and a further £2,000,000,000 in 5 per cent. bonds under terms not yet fixed; and whether these prospective payments amount in the aggregate to £5,000,000,000 sterling and are subject to possible deductions in respect of the cost of the Army of Occupation and other matters?

Mr. SHORTT Before answering this question, I should like to have an opportunity of communicating with my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House, who is on his way back from Paris. I should be very much obliged if my hon. Friend would postpone the question until Monday.

Mr. BOTTOMLEY I shall be pleased to postpone the question till Monday, but I desire to give notice that, if the answer is unsatisfactory in my view, I shall ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House.

Sir E. CARSON Will the House have an opportunity, if so desired, of discussing the Peace terms?

Mr. SHORTT I would ask that that question be repeated when my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House is present.

Colonel C. LOWTHER Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the British delegates have formulated our reparation claims in Paris, and have they laid our claims in full on the Peace table, and will any moneys which are paid during the next two years only be considered as payment on account?

Mr. SHORTT I must have notice of that.

Mr. SPEAKER The hon. Member should give notice of that very complicated question.