Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) is a non-partisan political, economic, social and democratic accountability movement founded in 2011 in pursuit of the realization of the societal objectives enunciated by the Zimbabwe People’s Charter adopted at the Peoples Convention on 9 February 2008 in Harare, Zimbabwe.

Thursday, 29 December 2011

As we have come to the end of 2011, a year in which quite significant political processes have taken place in our country, the region, the Arab world and the world over, we in the Committee of the People Charter (CPC) wish to congratulate those who genuinely pursued the cause of peace, democracy, justice and a better life in the various struggles waged by the masses of the world.

Indeed an example to the youths of this country was set by the young people of Tunisia and Egypt that our struggles can be waged in a peaceful manner. Alas to say the young people have been a target of abuse, arrests, detention and persecution as the Harare administration pressed panic buttons after the Arab revolution. We take this opportunity to express our solidarity to Solomon Madzore and the Madzore family on the continued detention of Solomon Madzore.

To Zimbabwe 2011 marked the third year of the existence of the inclusive government. The year also marks the fourth year since the multitudes of Zimbabweans from a diverse background met over two days, after prior and intense consultation and a collective thought process, to craft the Zimbabwe People’s Charter. During the course of the year, comrades noted that the Zimbabwe People’s Charter-an intensively expressive voice of the people, a repository of the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe should only but be a durable statement about the kind of Zimbabwe that we seek to build. The Committee of the People’s Charter, a coalition of Organisations and Individuals committed to the kind of Zimbabwe enunciated in the Zimbabwe People’s Charter, came into being during the course of the year. The committee continue to grow with individuals and organisational members committing themselves, voluntarily to the work of the CPC.

As we approach 2012, we wish to raise within the mandate of the CPC concerns over what transpired in our country during the course of the folding year and reinforce our long held expectations for the forthcoming year, based on the shared positions enunciated in the Zimbabwe People’s Charter:

On National Economy and Social Welfare

We note improvements in the economy anchored in particular by the Agricultural and Mining Industries. Though this improvement is welcome, growth has not necessarily resulted in new jobs for our unemployed young people and reduction in poverty. Further, the cake from these sectors has not been shared and spread among Zimbabweans. We therefore call upon the inclusive government to ensure that:

The proceeds from these two main economic contributors is spread and shared among the people of Zimbabwe, through increased royalties to the state coffers. Further, we call for accountability in the utilisation of proceeds from all the mining and agricultural activities in our country.

Such proceeds from mining and agriculture must be channelled towards financing the provision of basic services to our people.

On Political Environment, Constitutional Reform and National Elections

The inclusive government, a product of a disputed election has among its responsibilities, the creation of an environment to ensure a credible, free and fair election. This was to be ensured through the crafting of a genuine democratic and people driven constitution and the creation of a conducive electoral and political environment. We note, after three years, the inclusive government has:

Failed to lead a credible constitution making process

Failed to institute key political reforms, electoral necessary for the holding of free and fair elections

Failed to tame political violence, in particular that instigated by the political parties especially ZANU PF

Been reluctant to institute genuine institutional reforms i.e. the media and security necessary for the free participation of the masses in the political processes

In light of the abovementioned, the Committee of the People’s Charter holds that:

The people will reject any constitution that does not promote a democratic and just socio-political and economic system.

The inclusive government should put in place credible reforms in the media, security and electoral before any future election or referendum.

The national healing process is central to the development of a tolerant and democratic society. In this regard, we urge the government and NGOs to put renewed energies in the world on the national healing process. The process should however ensure that the victims get the answers as to who committed the atrocities and inflicted harm and pain on the people.

On Youth

The youth, both female and male, represent the present and the future of our country. We therefore reiterate our earlier stated position that:

·The government must set up a inter-ministerial task-force (comprising the Ministries of Youth, Indigenisation and Empowerment, Women’s Affairs and Gender, Small to Medium Enterprise development and Finance), mandated to coordinate the administration of state as well as private funds that have been promised for youth projects in the forthcoming year so as to ensure that deserving young people including females benefit from government’s empowerment initiatives.

·That government facilitates the setting up of an independent National Youth Development Agency, with a special mandate of leading and championing all youth development related initiative in a non-partisan and patriotic manner.

We further reiterate our call upon government to put in place an affirmative policy towards ensuring that young people get a quota on all state contracts.

Conclusion

The challenges that confront us are not insurmountable. Let us work individually and collectively to ensure the renaissance of our motherland. As we enter the New Year, let us put our energies towards positive agendas. Let us make 2012 a better year for our beloved Zimbabwe.

Monday, 12 December 2011

The Committee of the Zimbabwe People’s Charter (CPC), as other organisations and individuals and in line with the consultative processes on budget formulation, on the 13th of October 2011 presented its submissions on the 2012 budget for consideration to the government of Zimbabwe through the responsible Ministry of Finance (M.O.F).

On the 24th of November 2011, the Minister of Finance Hon Tendai Biti presented his budget proposition to the parliament of Zimbabwe. In the budget, the MOF aptly recognised the challenges confronting young people: unemployment, limited access to capital sources and high borrowing costs, lack of infrastructure for youth business venture and skills deficit, and sought to put in place measures to address these challenges.

Following a careful look at the provisions of the budget, the CPC notes and cautiously welcome the budgetary provisions on the following specific aspects that invariably have an impact on the livelihoods, development and future of young people and the country in general:

The intervention and intent of government and its strategic private sectors partners, within the context of the abovementioned strategic areas, in particular the additional resources allocated towards the youth fund and the support for small and medium scale enterprises is both welcome and commendable. However, the youth sub-committee of Committee of the People’s Charter, with the intention of ensuring the full implementation of the programs and the attainment of the desirable outcomes, wishes to raise concerns arising from past experiences regarding such noble initiatives:

• Politicisation of government programs, in the process undermining effectiveness.
• Partisanship nature of the administration of such government-involved funds.
• Conditions attached in order for one to access such funds have traditionally been a hindrance to potential beneficiaries.

These implementation impediments have to a larger extent made it difficult for genuinely deserving young people, with brilliant initiatives and the necessary skills and determination, to access the support. These impediments have also been compounded by lack of proper democratic, transparent and accountable institutions mandated to ensure the smooth implementation of apparently noble initiatives.

To address these short-coming, the CPC proposes the following:

1. Setting up of a inter-ministerial task-force (comprising the Ministries of Youth, Indigenisation and Empowerment, Women’s Affairs and Gender, Small to Medium Enterprise development and Finance), mandated to coordinate the administration of these state as well as private funds so as to ensure that deserving young people including females benefit from government’s empowerment initiatives.
2. Setting up of an independent National Youth Development Agency mandated to:
• Initiate, design, co-ordinate, evaluate and monitor all programmes aimed at empowering as well as integrating the youth into dominant players in the spheres of political, economy and society.
• Guide efforts and facilitate economic education and training
• Partner and assist organs of state, private sector and non-governmental organizations and on initiatives aimed at the overall attainment of employment and skills development
• Initiate programmes directed at poverty alleviation, urban and rural development and combating of crime, substance abuse and social decay amongst youth.
• Establish annual priority programmes in respect of youth development.
• Ensure accessibility of youth development information in particular rural youths.

The CPC also call for a 'Public Works Program' - that takes unemployed youth to work in national priority programs. As the youth, we have as many graduates and school leaders who instead of sitting at home could be providing teaching services in rural schools, helping build roads, dams, providing maintenance for schools and cleaning cities.

We further call upon government to put in place an affirmative policy towards ensuring that young people get a quota on all state contracts.

Finally, the Committee of the People’s Charter sub-sector on youth calls upon young entrepreneurs to take the initiative and apply for these funds, put them to good use and effectively contribute towards the renaissance of our country. We wish to make a clarion call on young people to unleash the spirit of innovation that is inherent in them.

The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) notes the recent statements made by the Minister of Mines, Mr. Obert Mpofu on the recent Kimberly Process meeting in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) at which Zimbabwe was given the go-ahead to sell diamonds from Marange to world markets at competitive prices. The Honourable Minister’s announcement that Zimbabwe will be able to make an estimated gross amount of US$2 billion per annum from these diamond sales is a matter that should be further explained with particular respect to the national fiscus and the intended priorities as to how this revenue should be utilized for the public good.

This is particularly important and urgent due to the fact that the Ministry of Finance will present the 2012 national budget this month. It is therefore imperative that this potential revenue be factored into Finance Minister Tendai Biti’s budget for 2012.

In this regard, it is the CPC’s firm view that the revenue acquired by the state via the sale of diamonds must be directed toward the following priority areas of our national economy:

1.The establishment of a social welfare and social benefit grants system for unemployed citizens, women, physically challenged citizens, the elderly and socially/economically disadvantaged children/minors.

2.The reintroduction of free primary school education and the subsidization of all government secondary schools in relation

3.The re-introduction of state subsidized and guaranteed student grants and loans for all tertiary level students

4.The provision of free healthcare for all together with the modernization of all of our referral and provincial hospitals through the purchase of the relevant equipment

5.The refurbishment of our railway lines, trains and coaches to provide public transport for both rural and urban areas.

6.The completion of the dualisation of the Harare-Bulawayo; Harare-Beitbridge highways.

7.The provision of clean and safe water for all citizens through the refurbishment of all urban water supply systems and the expansion of borehole water availability in all rural areaS, together with the completion of the Matebeleland- Zambezi Water Project.

Where the government fails to commit diamond revenue to these six priority areas, it will be a travesty of social and economic justice. The CPC will be tracking the usage of this revenue with the intention of bringing the government to account and in order to curb corruption as well as the misplacement of priorities by the government.

THEME: A New Social Democratic and Social Welfarist Deal for Zimbabwe.
SUBMITTED TO: The Ministry of Finance, Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe
THURSDAY 13 OCTOBER 2011
Cc: The Prime Minister’s Office, The Speaker of Parliament’s Office, The Public Accounts Portfolio Committee, Civil Society.

Contact Details: committee@zimbabwepeoplescharter.org

A. Introduction.
(i) This is our considered input for consideration by the Ministry of Finance as it prepares the projected national budget for the year 2012. It is important at the onset to make it apparent that in presenting this alternative peoples budget framework the Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) submissions are not made out of particular economic or financial expertise but commitment to our country and commitment to democratic people centered government. And in so doing, we wish to make it clearly understood that these submissions are premised on our intention to see the government prioritize the establishment of a Social Democratic ideological underpinning to the state, and a Social Welfare oriented national economy.

(ii) We are also persuaded that any Zimbabwean annual national budget should fundamentally serve the citizens of this country. This makes such a policy document one that must have the approval of the people of Zimbabwe, must talk to their collective national and individual aspirations, address matters related to the livelihoods of contemporary and future generations of the country and above all, seek to promote democratic, people centered and accountable government within a Social Democratic and Social Welfare framework.

(iii) Furthermore, in the three years that have lapsed since the formation of the inclusive government, it is publicly acknowledged and recognized that the inclusive government, through the Ministry of Finance has, to its credit, sought to ensure that there is public consultation over and around the formulation of key performance priorities of the national budget. It is such an approach to the national budget that has prompted the Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) to make its input to the Ministry of Finance on this important national issue. The CPC, in the interest of public transparency has also copied these submissions to all the relevant portfolio committees of the Parliament of Zimbabwe and civil society organizations with the intention of appraising fellow Zimbabweans on our views on matters related to the 2012 national budget.

B. Founding Premise of our Submissions.
(i) The CPC is formed from the processes that led to the establishment of the Zimbabwe People’s Charter that was penned by civil society organizations in February 2008 at the Peoples Convention held in Harare, Zimbabwe. Over 3500 representatives of civil society organizations attended this meeting with the express intention of bringing to the attention of national political leaders, in particular those that had been involved in the SADC mediated negotiations in the run-up to the March 2008 elections, the priorities that any Zimbabwean government should consider henceforth. The character of the output of this convention was Social Democraticas well as keenly focused on the deliverance of a state that is aSocial Welfare state. This is as outlined in the 7 key tenets of the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter which cover the political environment, the national economy and social welfare, the constitutional reform process, the youth, women and gender, elections and our national value system. [1]

(ii) With the passage of three years since the formation of the inclusive government we are firmly aware that the ideals enunciated in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter have not been met for reasons that include political contestations in the inclusive government; the overwhelming of the initial signatory civil society organizations by the politics of the inclusive government either by way of cooptation into government programmes or through the continued lack of enjoyment of their and fellow citizens fundamental human rights to assemble or express themselves.

(iii) Regardless of these developments over the last three years, the CPC has remained committed to the Peoples Charter in so far as it provides a Zimbabwean Social Democratic and Social Welfarist standard of measurement of the performance of the inclusive government or any other Zimbabwean government of the past or of the future.

(iv) This standard, as outlined in the Charter is premised on the history of our struggle for liberation and our post independence struggles for full democratization. Both eras of struggle hold and still hold it dear that all human beings are created equal, have the right to life and a life of dignity, must be accorded the full enjoyment of political and economic freedoms in any bill of rights as well as universal suffrage and social and economic justice .

C. The Attendant Principles and Ten National Guiding Points and Actions That Should Inform Our National Budget.

(i) We realize that the inclusive government is contested policy terrain given the different ideological backgrounds of the three political parties that comprise it. This has meant that the national budget has been characterized by politicized contestations as to how to reform and revitalize the national economy. These contestations have also been characterized by an unfortunate political party grandstanding at laying claim to the incremental improvements that have been evident in the supply of goods and services in the country.

(ii) In our view, it is therefore imperative that the inclusive government considers re-thinking the national budget in a different light. While it is accepted that the member parties of the inclusive government are strange bedfellows and the workings of government are generally informed by the politics of party positioning, the inclusive government is failing to demonstrate the requisite ‘common ground’ that led to its formation. And it is this‘common ground’ with particular regards to the section of the preamble to the GPA that states, “committing ourselves to putting our people and our country first by arresting the fall in living standards and reversing the decline of our economy” [2] that the CPC wishes to draw to the attention of the Ministry of Finance and the entirety of the inclusive government.
It is also in the following Section D of our submissions that we emphasize that the inclusive government must of historical necessity take into account the imperative that the national budget must be Social Democratic and Social Welfarist in intent, purpose and practice.

D. Defining ‘Common Ground’ In The National Economy.
(i) It is generally held as important that national budgets should seek to address in a holistic manner, the livelihoods and aspirations of all citizens in a given country. This includes the responsibility of the government to provide health, shelter, education, general welfare, employment, opportunity to be inventive and public transport for all, while at the same time providing for the necessary expansion of the national economy to not only meet these needs but also compete regionally and globally to be a developed and democratic people centered state.

(ii) Because of our country’s history of the liberation war and the continuing post independence struggle for full democratization, both in relation to the full realization of envisioned political freedoms and the realization of a people-centered national economy, we hold it imperative that the inclusive government actively seek national ‘common ground’ on the national economy. This is because where we have analysed the politics of the liberation struggle and those of the struggle for full democratization of the state as led by the labour unions in the 1990s, there are threads that are common to both struggle epochs. The values of the liberation war movements remain in tandem with those of the post independence struggles for full democratization with particular emphasis on all players having initially sought differing versions of a social democratic ideological thrust to the state, upon independence or upon attainment of full democratization.

(iii) Evidence to the latter point resides in the public knowledge that the main protagonists in the inclusive government have generally referred to important national matters such as land reform or indigenization as issues that they agree to in principle but differ in the area of the methodology of implementation. It is our considered view that the necessary compromise and in any event, the historically determined common ground is that of having a national budget presented within the context of social democratic ideals.

(iv) This would preferably be termed and themed, A New Social Democratic and Social Welfare Deal for Zimbabwe and would be characterized by the following 10 (ten) national principles:

1. A re-affirmation of the liberation struggle and post independence struggles for full democratization ideals based on the aspirations enunciated in these same struggles which were and are primarily aimed at achieving universal suffrage, democracy, political and economic freedoms, social welfare and gender equality for all Zimbabweans.

2. A commitment to upholding the democratic truth that in the formulation of a national budget, a sitting government of the day must ensure that there is full declaration of the country’s assets, its actual revenue and its potential revenue together with the sources of the same.

3. A continued commitment to seeking Zimbabwean solutions to Zimbabwean problems within the context of a globalised World. This would take into account the fact that it remains Zimbabwe’s national prerogative to negotiate with the World in what is democratically held to be in the country and citizen’s best social democratic interests.
4. A commitment to the re-establishment and improvement of a social welfare state. That is, a state that understands and implements the provision of health; education for all; public transport; basic nutrition for children according to UNICEF standards; access to water; employment creation; social welfare grants for the unemployed; specific social welfare grants for women; and natural or human made disaster support for all its citizens.

5. A commitment to the full enjoyment of universally accepted and acknowledged human rights; the rule of law and the separation of powers that are expected in a democratic state.

6. An understanding that it is obligatory upon the state to ensure equitable just and accountable re-distribution of the land for the benefit of the majority rural and urban poor in order to guarantee their food security. This would entail that the state establish an independent Land Commission

7. A commitment to the democratic imperative that all national wealth acquired from our natural minerals must be harnessed primarily to provide resource support for the social welfare needs of the country’s citizens i.e education, health, public transport, access to water and basic nutrition. In tandem with this commitment that the government must commit itself to public disclosure as to the amount of revenue it has acquired and will acquire from all of our national mineral wealth for the full knowledge of the public.

8. A re-commitment and pledge to gender equality in all spheres of Zimbabwean society and the active promotion of women’s rights as well as the protection of the rights of young females. This includes giving preferential treatment to young females in the arenas of health, education (both basic and tertiary), and in employment. It also includes ensuring a special social welfare grant be given to all women headed households and disadvantaged women in general.

9. A re-commitment and pledge to ensure that all young people of Zimbabwe have access to free and quality education up to tertiary level, access to health, access to employment and access to social welfare grants where they are economically disadvantaged.

10. A re-commitment to solidarity with the peoples in the Zimbabwean Diaspora, the peoples of Southern Africa and the African continent premised on accepting the ideals and principles of democratic governance grounded in a firm understanding of our shared struggle histories and our continued struggles for the assertion of African identity, unity and solidarity with the rest of the world. This understanding will also reaffirm our commitment to the United Nations Charter as well as the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights with its attendant Conventions.

E. The Pragmatic Urgency of the 2012 Budget Minus Political Expediency.
(i) We are aware of the urgency of the 2012 budget in relation to our ongoing national economic crises wherein our social service provision has remained low, unemployment levels remain high and our industries are yet to regain the momentum that was lost in the last 15 years.

(ii) We are also cognizant of the political decisions that will inform the allocation of resources for a national Constitutional Referendum and a General Election.

(iii) It is however our considered view that the national budget should not be beholden
to these two processes without addressing the nine principles enunciated above.

(iv) To ensure that this does not happen we strongly recommend a clear demarcation in the national budget to matters related to the functional components of the national economy from the political ones that have been pre-determined by the GPA. This is to say, where the government has budgeted for the political processes of referendum and elections, the political implementation matrix unlike in the last two financial years, should not evidently cause unnecessary stagnation in the provision of the social welfare needs of the people of Zimbabwe.

(v) It is therefore our considered proposal that the Ministry of Finance makes the following distinction in the national budget:

1. The ‘Common Ground’ Functional Economic Provisions: these budgetary provisions would take into account what we have highlighted as the ‘common ground’ that the budget must address. These provisions essentially point to matters that should not be directly beholden to any decision by the three principals in the inclusive government post their agreement to these same said ‘common ground’ principles. For emphasis, these provisions should also include budgetary allocations for the enjoyment of our human rights and political freedoms as well as the rule of law and be firmly grounded in Social democratic and Social Welfarist ideals.

2. The Contingent GPA Provisions: These provisions will be set aside to ensure that political contestations via democratic elections are provided for without undermining the national economic ‘common ground’. This would mean where and when the three principals to the GPA decide to call for elections, these political processes should not stop the functioning of the state in relation to its ability to provide essential services as occurred in the contestations between 2000 and 2008.

3. It’s Our Country too. Such provisions will make it clear to the people of Zimbabwe that whereas the politics of our national leaders remains important in relation to who is in charge of our government, in the event that they disagree as they have done in the last two and a half years, our country should not be permitted to collapse on that basis alone. It is the prerogative and duty of all citizens to remain committed to the Zimbabwean state, hold it to account on broader and non partisan values that assert our collective humanity and where possible, avoid the proverbial circumstance of ‘when elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers’.

F. The Proposed Priorities for the 2012 Budget.
(i) For emphasis and with due consideration of the economic circumstances that the country is facing we humbly propose that the inclusive government prioritizes the following in its 2012 Budget:

(ii) ‘Common Ground Provisions’
1. Restoration of full functionality and professionalism at all major referral government and local government hospitals in Zimbabwe inclusive of free treatment and medication for the majority poor; free and guaranteed access to electricity for all of these hospitals, fair remuneration for all medical personnel and the re-launch of a health for all nationwide awareness campaign.

2. Provision for free primary school education for all, subsidization of all government secondary school budgets, restoration of the student loan schemes for tertiary education in collaboration with university and college administrations and the establishment of a national education policy that is much more sensitive to the aspirations of Zimbabwe’s Generation Next.

3. Provision for Parliament that relate more to its oversight role than it does to the remuneration of Members of Parliament without being over-reliant on donor funding. This will serve to guarantee its independence.

4. Provision for a fully functional Judiciary, with permission for greater decentralization of its functions for the full implementation of the rule of law and guarantees to its independence.

5. Provision for the land reform programmes hitherto, with access to agricultural inputs and infrastructural developments remaining a priority; the land audit becoming a reality; the establishment and full functioning of an independent land commission as well as compensation for those who unjustly lost their livelihoods during the various phases of the land reform programmes after independence.

6. Provision for the revival of a electricity, road/ rail and telecommunications systems in order to improve public transport and communications. This would entail an revised incorporation of the National Railways of Zimbabwe and its national rail network with particular emphasis on urban passenger services as well as urban-rural passenger services; a revitalization of our fixed telephone networks to intergrate them with our mobile telephony for greater communication between citizens and the urgent refurbishment of outstanding power stations.

7. Provisions for the utilization of revenue from the entirety of the mining industry into the national health system to purchase modern and up to date medical equipment, drugs as well as input directly into the revival of our national emergency response systems such as the Fire Brigade, Civil Protection Unit, and ambulance services.

8. Provision for the expansion of the ability of Zimbabweans to receive and impart information through the establishment of a separate Media Development and Diversity Fund to assist in the establishment of independent private and community radio stations, boost transmission capacities of the same and assist the print media in their viability challenges.

9. Provision for a holistic review of all state enterprises within the context of having their functions fulfill the New Social Democratic and Social Welfarist Deal for Zimbabwe.

10. Provisions for a ‘Bridging the Gap’ Re-intergration and Linkage Fund for the Diaspora with the express aim of ensuring that we communicate and integrate the Diaspora into our national debate and our national planning processes.

11. Provisions for the revival of our industrial sectors in relation to basic commodity production, mining, agriculture, tourism, industrial and mechanized heavy duty production, information communications technologies, all premised on the understanding that their operations are predicated on a Social Democratic and Social Welfarist societal vision and reality.

12. Provisions for the on-going global efforts to tackle the global problem of Climate Change which will include a much more comprehensive funding programme for the Metrological Department, the re-invigoration of our public awareness campaigns on clean and eco-friendly environmental usage, that also is cognizant of the dangers of seeking Foreign Direct investment in bio-fuels that damage the environment.

(iii) ‘GPA Provisions’
1. Provisions for the finalization of the constitutional reform process with acknowledgement that it remains the right of Zimbabweans to reject or accept the draft constitution being written by COPAC. Further still, to provide necessary resources for knowledge dissemination on the end result of the COPAC constitution as well as potential re-engagement with the Zimbabwean public on the aftermath of the COPAC process regardless of its outcome.

2. Provision for the continued reform and full functioning of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and the attendant enabling legislation with the express aim of fully democratizing electoral processes in Zimbabwe.

3. Provision for a national elections referendum, i.e to hold a national referendum on whether or not the country is ready for elections given the pace and progress of reform.

4. Provision for national elections in the aftermath of a national referendum to determine the nation’s satisfaction with the relevant electoral reforms.
5. Provisions for transitional justice processes in the aftermath of a national election.

G. Conclusion
The significance of the national budget cannot be more apparent in our country, wherein, it represents a binding statement of intent by the inclusive government to continue to seek solutions to our national political, economic and social crises. Our submissions may, in some instances be deemed idealistic or lacking in pragmatism. Where we are accused of being idealistic we humbly submit that it is from our ideas that we become pragmatic just as it is from believing in God, that we learn to bend on our knees in prayer. Our submissions do not cover all aspects of the national budget, neither do they undertake technical analyses of the National Fiscus. They do however take into account, the realities that are faced by millions of Zimbabweans (at home and abroad) and by so doing, offer a perspective that is intended to inform the policy intentions of the inclusive government for the year 2012. As explained in the first sections of this document, the basis of our submission is the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter. This is not to say that the latter is a perfect document, but it demonstrates a necessary understanding of the importance of accountable and democratic government particularly so, in the context of our country’s historical, contemporary and future challenges.

The Committee of the People's Charter (CPC) has it on good authority that at a Press Conference held at his offices on Wednesday 28 September 2011, the Right Honorable Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, Mr. M. Tsvangirai, was also questioned about the recent purchase of luxury motor vehicles for members of Cabinet by journalists present. It is also reported that his response was to query the journalists as to whether they intended his subordinates in Cabinet to cycle to work. The CPC finds this to be a most inappropriate and unfortunate response from the Prime Minister (PM).

Because the PM is also Chairperson of the Council of Ministers as well as the de facto deputy to President Mugabe in Cabinet, we can only be seriously dismayed at the ease with which his good office wishes to brush aside a matter that talks to the misplaced values and priorities of the inclusive government.

Since it is assumed that the PM was speaking on the basis of the principle of ‘collective responsibility’ in government and therefore that all members of the Cabinet share the same view on the matter, citizens of Zimbabwe would not be mistaken if they now perceive the entirety of the inclusive government as insensitive, self absorbed and lacking in public accountability.

It would have been most prudent for the PM to speak to the pulse of the people’s concerns in relation to social services delivery and explain how the purchase of luxury vehicles for his subordinates in government will improve the latter.

Instead, the PM wrongly sought to put finality to this matter by alluding rather dismissively to questions of whether or not journalists expected the ministers to ride bicycles. If it means that electricity, water, health (including the Renal Service Unit at Parirenyatwa Hospital) and public transport services will become fully functional, it would not be a wrong thing for ministers to ride bicycles to work.

In any event, thousands of Zimbabweans ride bicycles to their workplaces and we distinctly remember the Prime Minister, prior to taking oath of office, urging Zimbabweans to ‘walk to work’ in protest at the policies of the previous government. As it is, it may seem that Zimbabweans may have to be urged to begin to do the same to draw the attention of the inclusive government.

The Committee of the Peoples Charter (Zimbabwe) expresses its grave disappointment at the new found collusion between the Executive Arm of Government (Cabinet) and the Parliament of Zimbabwe (Legislature) in the unjustified purchase of special utility luxury vehicles. According to a report carried in the Daily News on Sunday on 25 September 2011, the government has purchased 300 Ford Luxury Ranger vehicles for Members of Parliament at a cost of US$ 4,5 million.

This is after Cabinet had, according to the same paper, initially purchased luxury vehicles for government ministers at an estimated cost of US$20 million which the Minster of Finance has sought to explain as actually being US $1.5 million carried over from the 2010 budget allocation.

The CPC however views this latest purchase of vehicles as a distasteful and inappropriate ‘quid pro quo’ arrangement between the Executive and Parliament. Instead of playing its Constitutionally provided oversight role of the actions and policies of the central government, our national Parliament and Members of Parliament are now compromised through their evident intention to benefit without transparency from the fiscus.

While the matter of benefits and the welfare of Parliamentarians has been a valid concern, the purchase and acceptance of such luxury vehicles by members of the august house indicates a serious and unfortunate penchant for the misplaced politics of luxury at the expense of the majority poor.

It also demonstrates that our national Parliament is pre-occupied with its own material well being than that of the people of Zimbabwe. Parliament has not had a decent and productive sitting and has not interrogated any actions of the central government to their logical conclusion. Furthermore, the COPAC process has been compounded by political partisanship as well as disputes over payments of allowances, developments which can only be deemed to be informed by a culture of the politics of personal aggrandizement.

The CPC calls upon Parliament not to follow the undemocratic tendency of Cabinet and assert its parliamentary independence and call the executive to account as it is constitutionally mandated to do. This can begin by refusing these vehicles and setting up a Parliamentary enquiry as to how the Cabinet purchased luxury vehicles for itself in the first place.

Where Parliament fails to do so it will be apparent to the public that there is no difference between the Executive and Parliament and that the former is acting in undemocratic collusion with the latter, a development which would be patently unconstitutional.

The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) notes the statement issued by the Prime Minister’s Office (PMs Office) on Tuesday 13 September on the controversial matter of the procurement of luxury vehicles for government ministers. The statement however falls short in giving a full and accountable public explanation of the procurement of these luxury vehicles in a number of respects.

The first is that the Prime Minister and government have sought to react only after the story was broken by the media. And in doing so, it is unfortunate that instead of simply giving a clear explanation as to the nature of this transaction, the PM’s office decided to take an unnecessary swipe at the media for doing its job by falsely accusing it of ‘mistruths and sensationalism’. If anything it is the government and government ministers who have been dishonest about the matter of the procurement of these state of the art luxury vehicles.

The truth of the matter is that the media simply did its job within the difficult circumstances of evasive ministerial subordinates to the Prime Minister who have been blaming each other on the same said matter.

In the second inadequacy, the fact that the PMs office in its statement seeks to instruct a subordinate ministry to issue a public statement on the same matter raises serious issues of whether the PM’s office is being sincere. It would have been expected that the PM’s office categorically indicates that further clarification on the matter of these luxury vehicles will be issued formerly and in a manner that is appropriate for all citizens to understand.

Instead the opaque nature of the instruction to the Ministry of Transport via a press statement is not formal enough, and is potentially indicative of an intention to once again play the blame game on the matter of the procurement of the luxury vehicles. It should be apparent that the PM acts on behalf of government, and on this matter, decisive leadership by the PM is expected.

The CPC once again reiterates that the matter of the procurement of these luxury vehicles is not as simple a matter as comparing it to the purchase of vehicles for government departments. Neither is it a matter that can easily be swept under the carpet via a singular press statement. Cabinet, which the PM deputises, is the highest level of leadership of government in the country.

And it should lead by example through demonstrating sensitivity to the plight of the majority poor by living within the country’s means and prioritising the social welfare needs of the majority poor. It remains a travesty and a grave social injustice to have a government that seeks justification at demonstrating such opulence either by shifting blame for the purchase of these vehicles or by seeking to falsely justify it through claims at expenditure from 2010.

The PM’s office and relevant subordinates in cabinet must initially explain why the 1,5 million was not utilised in 2010, and how much the actual vehicles that are being driven in 2011 by cabinet ministers cost to the taxpayer. Failure to do so will leave the people of Zimbabwe with no option but to view our Cabinet with the suspicion that one views those who have taken what belongs to the village for personal gain.

Please see copied below a petition to the Zimbabwean Ministry of Finance that all Cabinet Ministers return the luxury cars that were purchased for them in the last month. And that that money be used for our public health and public education. If you agree
with the petition please reply to this email to affirm. Please at least indicate your full name. We would like to send this petition to the Ministry of Finance and the copied ministries by the beginning of the third annual school term on September 6 2011. Feel free to forward it to family and friends;

With the greatest of commitment and gratitude,

Committee of the Peoples Charter.(CPC)
The CPC is is a Zimbabwean political, economic, social and democratic accountability mechanism established in the interests of the people of Zimbabwe.

The Minister of Finance, Honourable Tendai Biti
New Government Complex
Harare

Cc
The Minister of Health and Child Welfare, Honourable Henry Madzorere, The
Minister of Education, Honourable David Coltart,
The Minister of Higher and Tertiary Education Dr. Stan Mudenge.
The Speaker of the House of Assembly, Honourable Lovemore Moyo

RE: Petition to the Government of Zimbabwe on the Purchase of Luxury
Vehicles for Cabinet Ministers

We the undersigned, as citizens of Zimbabwe, and in recognition of your financial leadership of our national purse;
Fully conscious of the numerous economic challenges that the country faces;
With a firm understanding that every government must consistently strive to be democratic and accountable to the people in all matters related to the state;
Observant of the serious social and economic challenges that all Zimbabweans are facing in their day to day lives, particularly in the areas of access to health services and quality education;
Disappointed and dismayed by the government’s unfortunate demonstration of opulence amidst poverty via the recent purchase of luxury vehicles for cabinet ministers and their deputies;
Hereby petition the government to undertake the following measures: 1. To return the luxury vehicles and acquire a reimbursement of the US$20 million resources and give a full explanation to the public as to why such a transaction had been deemed necessary
2. To reallocate the resources that had been used to purchase these vehicles to the Ministries of Health, Education, and Higher and Tertiary Education in order to purchase medicines and books for our hospitals, schools, colleges and universities
3. That the government pledges itself to modesty, transparency and public accountability in resources and materials for its ministers, deputy ministers and members of Parliament
4. That the government demonstrates sensitivity to the plight of majority poor Zimbabweans and their socio-economic hardships by committing its ministers to a Government Business Code of Conduct that emphasizes magnanimity in leadership, sensitivity to the plight of the majority poor and designates basic utility vehicles for all government ministers.
Signed:

The Committee of the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter (CPC) expresses its serious concern at reports (as reported in the Daily News 14 August 2011) that the inclusive government of Zimbabwe has against better advice, purchased luxury vehicles at an estimated total cost of $US 20 million.

Among the excuses informally given is that the state of our national roads necessitates the purchase of these luxury vehicles. Such profligacy and potential pre-occupation with self than country is unacceptable to the majority poor of Zimbabwe. It is a complete misplacement of priorities by the inclusive government where it chooses to spend on itself as opposed to the social welfare needs of the people of Zimbabwe.

It is public knowledge that poverty and corruption remain among the fundamental challenges that our country faces yet the inclusive government makes decisions that are as insensitive and as democratically unaccountable as to purchase luxury vehicles in the midst of hunger and deprivation.

It is the considered view of the CPC that this flagrant misuse of our country’s meagre resources is an attempt by government to wish away the poverty of the people of Zimbabwe with shocking arrogance and profligacy. It is also an unfortunate demonstration of the true character of all the political parties that comprise the inclusive government, a character that is driven more by the pursuit of self aggrandizement rather than the interests of the people of Zimbabwe.

For the government to argue that the cars were purchased in order to travel our roads is to not only to be dishonest to the people of Zimbabwe , but it also betrays a government that does not value public accountability and one that is completely insensitive to the endemic poverty the majority of Zimbabweans have to grapple with.

The CPC calls upon all government ministers, particularly the Ministry of Finance, to return these luxury vehicles, sell them or get our money back from whoever they purchased them from. This $US 20 million should then be distributed evenly to our education and health sectors to improve these critical social welfare sectors of our nation.

This would be particularly important given the parlous state of Mpilo and Harare hospital as well as the fact that our rural schools are in dire need of resources for teaching materials, refurbishment and water. If this is ‘Kiya-Kiya’ economics, it is undemocratic, potentially unaccountable and therefore liable for total popular rejection.

***Committee of the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter (CPC) is a Zimbabwean political, economic, social and democratic accountability mechanism established in the interests of the people of Zimbabwe. Its comprised of Zimbabweans and friends of Zimbabwe who subscribes to the principles and actions outlined in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter

1.Introduction.
In the thirty one years since our national independence, our country, Zimbabwe, has correctly so, annually remembered citizens who heroically sacrificed not only life and limb but also time, material resources and families in pursuit of freedom from colonial bondage, disenfranchisement and socio-economic injustice. In the commemorations that are occurring in 2011, thirty one years after our national independence, we remain conscious of the truth that national heroism in the political entity that we call Zimbabwe spans across political affiliation and above all, across time.

1.1 Since the first struggles against colonial domination in the late 19th century as realized via the First Chimurenga, through to the 1960s-1980 Second Chimurenga and to the late 20th century, Zimbabweans have demonstrated a unique resoluteness in pursuit of freedom for all, regardless of the epoch or peculiar circumstances. We, as citizens of this great country, have taken to arms, taken to the vote, taken to the streets, taken to Africa and the world with a firm belief that our ideals for a democratic and just society are possible to achieve.

1.3 It is this same purpose and belief that speaks to us today, in the year 2011. It is the same conviction of those that have gone before us, and as sure as the sun rises, the conviction of those that will come after us that guides this, our letter to the people of the Republic of Zimbabwe.

1.4 This letter takes cognizance of the fact that the national debate around heroism, around those that claim hero status for themselves and others, has been imbued with a particular political partisanship that is reflective more of political interests that are neither national nor committed to the attainment of freedom from the bondages of dictatorship, poverty and socio-economic injustice. This is particularly so in relation to the definitions and processes outlined by the three main political parties that comprise the inclusive government on what it is to be a national hero. Contestations by components of the inclusive government as to who is a hero are not only more partisan than they are nationalist but betray an unfortunate pre-occupation by our leaders with self over and above country.

1.5 Indeed, no one can self righteously claim to be the most heroic Zimbabwean of all. It is the people of the country that decide so, by way of popular consent and recognition of heroism, be it in politics, the national economy, arts and culture, sport, academia and invention. As such, our annual Heroes Day commemorations should not be about individuals alone, but about the country’s passage from bondage, to freedom not only in relation to past or present day politics but in relation to all aspects of what has come to progressively define us as Zimbabwean. In this light the selfless and significant contribution made by the masses should never be downplayed. There are those who provided food, information and even shelter to the comrades, their role should be never be forgotten.

2. The Challenges of the Country and the Necessity of a New Heroism.

2.1 Fellow citizens, the purpose of this letter is not intended to be about the partisan blame games on the definition of heroes, or heroism as viewed by any of the country’s political parties in the inclusive government or any other political party that has since laid claim to fame. This letter is intended to set a new path for all Zimbabweans to begin to view themselves outside of the narrow parameters that are increasingly being set by the political leaders of today.

2.2 There is therefore the necessity of re-thinking and challenging contemporary party narratives of heroes/heroines and heroism, by taking the present circumstances of the country into account. This is because the country, at this moment in our time, stands on the precipice of either remaining true to the intentions of our illustrious history in its pursuit of people centered democracy, social and economic justice as well as a better life for all. Or alternatively departing from these values and embarking on a path that makes it a country that is devoid of an historical understanding of the reasons why it exists.

2.3 We are aware that there are those that have besieged the state in the name of history and heroism. They have arrogated themselves an historical permanence that conveniently ignores the truth that they have been historical actors in bringing the country to its knees, whether passively or actively. These include components of war veterans, who in pursuing what they have deemed their ‘due’ for fighting for the liberation of the country, have exhibited unpatriotic amnesia by forgetting that the country does not belong to their generation alone, but also to those that came before them, and those that have arrived after them.

3. Challenging the myth of heroism as embedded in militarism.

3.1 Of late, members of war veterans associations and some members of our armed forces have been declaring that they will defend the sovereignty and independence of our country. This would be a fair point if the country were facing a direct physical threat to its existence from anyone outside or inside of its borders or at its embassies worldwide.

3.2 As it is, what has emerged in Zimbabwe is increasingly a battle of ideas and not guns, public legitimacy and not legitimacy by coercion. And this should be instructive to those that are laying claim to the gun as the final arbiter of our sovereignty when our country is nowhere near being at war. Where war veterans threaten to go back to the bush, they must be duly informed of the very experience of the liberation struggle and its mantra of the ‘gun must always follow the politics’ and not vice versa.

3.4 In contemporary Zimbabwe, members of the war veterans associations, members of our national defence forces must be reminded, again and again, that it is the ideas, the politics that determine the purpose of the ‘gun’ and not vice versa. Heroism is worthless if it is not tied to democratic ideals; war is useless if it does not intend to establish a democratic and free society.

4. We will all be Zimbabwean heroes/heroines of our time.
It is the revolutionary Franz Fanon who coined the phrase, ‘Each generation must discover its mission, fulfill it or betray it, in relative opacity." We claim no better disposition to become national heroes, neither do we dismiss the heroism in various spheres of Zimbabweans who may have passed on or remain alive. We are however conscious of the passage of time and the necessity of not repeating history as though time stood still.

4.1 Those that lead us today have continually defined and redefined heroism within specifically narrow precepts and primarily out of contestations for power between each other. We are intent on moving away from this practice and tradition.

4.2 It is therefore imperative that all Zimbabweans begin to look for heroic placement within the context of our time, a time that respects and values the role of our liberation war heroes and leaders but at the same time being a time that is not beholden to a past (recent or older) that is without relevance to democratic
principles, values and practice.

4.3 In urging all Zimbabweans to be heroes of their time we will pursue the democratic path envisioned in the liberation struggle, the social and economic justice agenda that is still outstanding in relation to the livelihoods of the people of Zimbabwe. We will bring the inclusive government, political parties and political actors to account for their actions in relation to the liberation struggles values, the post independence aspirations and the democratic ideals of our society in the aftermath of the end of the Cold War.

4.4 This, the 31st year of our national independence and with it the annual Heroes Day commemorations on August 8th 2011, is a year for all Zimbabweans to begin to challenge those that lead the country and those that insist on imprisoning our national consciousness in their versions of heroism and history. It is time for those that care for our country and its future to depart from the personalized politics that have come to represent the inclusive government and our major political players and start espousing the necessary ideas to make our society a better and democratic one, as has been articulated in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter, a Charter agreed to by over 3500 representative delegates to the 9 February 2008 Peoples Convention, committing all present to the continued pursuit of a democratic, people-centered and social democratic state.
Signed: The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC).

Tuesday, 6 December 2011

The Zimbabwe People's CharterFebruary 09, 2008The Zimbabwe People's Charter adopted at the Peoples’ Convention, Harare, on the 9th of February 2008

We, the People of Zimbabwe, After deliberations amongst ourselves and with the full knowledge of the work done by civic society organizations and social movements; With an understanding that our struggle for emancipation has been drawn-out and is in need of a people-driven solution; Hereby declare for all to know that: -

1. Political Environment In the knowledge that our political environment since colonialism and after our national independence in 1980 has remained characterised by: a) A lack of respect for the rule of law;
b) Political violence, most notably that which occurred in the early to late 1980s in the provinces of Midlands and Matabeleland, and that which occurred in the years from 1997 to present day, where lives were lost as a result of government actions undertaken with impunity;
c) A lack of fundamental rights and freedoms, including freedom of expression and information, association and assembly, all characterised by the militarization of arms of the state and government.
d) The People shall have a political environment in which: All people in Zimbabwe, including children, are guaranteed without discrimination the rights to freedom of expression and information, association and assembly, and all other fundamental rights and freedoms as provided under international law to which the state has bound itself voluntarily.
e) All people in Zimbabwe live in a society characterised by tolerance of divergent views, cultures or religions, honesty, integrity and common concern for the welfare of all.
f) All people in Zimbabwe are guaranteed safety and security, and a lawful environment free from human rights violations and impunity.
g) All national institutions including the judiciary, law enforcement agencies, state security agencies, electoral, media and human rights commissions, are independent and impartial and serve all the people of Zimbabwe without fear or favour.
h)There exists a free and vibrant media, which places emphasis on freedom of expression and information and a government, which guarantees independent public media as well as a vibrant and independent private media.
i) All people in Zimbabwe live in a society, which is the embodiment of transparency, with an efficient public service and a belief in a legitimate, people-centred state.
And hereby further declare that never again shall we let lives be lost, maimed, tortured or traumatised by the dehumanising experiences of political intolerance, violence and lack of democratic government.

2. Elections
Fully believing that all elections in Zimbabwe remain illegitimate and without merit until undertaken under a new democratic and people-driven constitution, The People shall have all elections under a new people-driven constitutional dispensation characterised by: a) Equal access to the media.
b) One independent, impartial, accountable and well-resourced electoral management body.
c) A process of delimitation, which is free from political control, which is accurate, fair, transparent and undertaken with full public participation.
d) A continually updated and accurate voters’ roll, which is open and accessible to all.
e) Transparent and neutral location of polling stations, agreed to through a national consultative process devoid of undue ruling or opposition party and government influence, which are accessible to all including those with special needs.
f) Voter education with the full participation of civic society that is both expansive and well-timed in order to allow citizens to exercise their democratic right to choose leaders of their choice to the full.
g) International, Regional and Local Observers and Monitors being permitted access to everyone involved in the electoral process.
h) An Electoral Court, which is independent and impartial, well-staffed and wellresourced to address all issues relating to electoral processes, conduct, conflicts and results in a timely manner.

3. Constitutional Reform
Holding in relation to constitutional reform that a new constitution of Zimbabwe must be produced by a people-driven, participatory process and must in it guarantee: -
a) That the Republic of Zimbabwe shall be a democracy, with separation of powers, a justiciable Bill of Rights that recognises civil, political, social, economic, cultural and environmental rights;
b) Devolution of government authority to provinces and to local government level;
c) A multi-party system of democratic government based on universal suffrage and regular free and fair elections and the right to recall public officials;
d) The right to citizenship for any person born in Zimbabwe. Birth certificates, national identity documents and passports shall be easily available for all citizens;
e) A credible and fair election management body and process;
f) An independent, impartial and competent judiciary;
g) The protection of labour rights and the right to informal trade;
h) The protection and promotion of the rights of people living with disabilities;
i) Independent and impartial commissions which deal with gender equality, land, elections, human rights and social justice;
j) An impartial state security apparatus;
The People shall have a constitutional reform process, which is characterised by the following: k) Comprehensive consultation with the people of Zimbabwe wherein they are guaranteed freedom of expression and information, association and assembly.
l) The collection of the views of the people and their compilation into a draft constitution that shall be undertaken by an All-Stakeholders’ Commission composed of representatives of government, parliament, political parties, civil society, labour, business and the church with a gender and minority balance.
m) A transparent process of the appointment of the All-Stakeholders’ Commission members as well as their terms of reference.
n) The holding of a national referendum on any draft constitution.

4. National Economy and Social Welfare

Holding in relation to the national economy and social welfare that because the colonial and post colonial periods resulted in massive growth in social inequality and marginalisation of women, youths, peasants, informal traders, workers, the disabled, professionals and the ordinary people in general, we hereby make it known that our national economy belongs to the people of Zimbabwe and must serve as a mechanism through which everyone shall be equally guaranteed the rights to dignity, economic and social justice which shall be guided by the following principles:
a) People-centered economic planning and budgets at national and local government levels that guarantee social and economic rights
b) The obligation on the state, provincial and local authorities to initiate public programmes to build schools, hospitals, houses, dams and roads and create jobs.
c) Equitable access to and distribution of national resources for the benefit of all people of Zimbabwe.
d) A transparent process of ownership and equitable, open and fair redistribution of land from the few to the many.
e) The right of the people of Zimbabwe to refuse repayment of any odious debt accrued by a dictatorial government.
f) Protection of our environment from exploitation and misuse, whether by individuals or companies.
g) Social and Economic justice as a fundamental principle that guides a new people driven constitution and in particular the specification of the people’s social-economic rights in the Bill of Rights.
And in particular, we hold that the national economy shall ensure: ·
h) Free and quality public health care including free drugs, treatment, care and support for those living with HIV and AIDS.
i) A living pension and social security allowances for all retirees, elderly, disabled, orphans, unemployed and ex-combatants and ex-detainees.
j) Decent work, employment and the right to earn a living. · Affordable, quality and decent public funded transport.
k) Food security and the availability of basic commodities at affordable prices, where necessary, to ensure universal access. ·
l) Free and quality public education from crèche to college and university levels. ·
m) Decent and affordable public funded housing.
n) Fair labour standards including: A tax-free minimum wage linked to inflation and the poverty datum line and pay equity for women, youth and casual workers, safe working places and adequate state and employer funded compensation for injury or death from accidents at work, protection from unfair dismissal, measures to ensure gender equity in the workplace, including equal pay for work of equal worth, full and paid maternity and paternity leave.
o) Access to trade within and without the national borders and removal of all obstacles on the right of small traders, small scale producers and vendors to trade and earn a living.

5. National Value System:

Believing that we must commit ourselves to a national value system that recognises the humanity of every single individual in our society which we shall call ubuntu, hunhu, The People shall commit to: -

a) Provide solidarity wherever needed to those that are less privileged in our society as individuals or in any other capacity. · b) Equally respect people of all ages.
c) Challenging intolerance by learning and respecting all languages and cultures.
d)An inclusive national process of truth, justice, reconciliation and healing.
e) Recognising all people involved in the liberation struggle.
And that this be done with an emphasis that ubuntu/hunhu is passed on from one generation to the next at national and community level.

6. Gender:
Holding in relation to gender that all human beings are created equal, must live and be respected equally with equitable access to all resources that our society offers regardless of their gender, and that gender equality is the responsibility of women and men equally, we recognise the role that our mothers and sisters played in the liberation of our country from colonialism and their subsequent leading role in all struggles for democracy and social justice.
a) The People state that these fundamental principles must be observed and upheld at all levels of the Peoples’ Charter, both on paper and in practice, where decisions are made about the following: i) Our national budget and economy.
ii) Our legislative and government processes in order to allow representative quota systems.
iii) Provision by the state of all health care and all sanitary requirements of women.
iv) An understanding that women bear the brunt of any decline in social welfare security, economic and political systems.

7. Youth
Believing that at all given times the youth, both female and male, represent the present and the future of our country and that all those in positions of leadership nationally and locally must remain true to the fact that our country shall be passed on from one generation to the next, The People state that, in order for each generation to bequeath to the next a country that remains the epitome of hope, democracy and sustainable livelihoods, the following principles for the youth must be adhered to and respected:
a) The youth shall be guaranteed the right to education at all levels until they acquire their first tertiary qualification.
b) The youth shall be guaranteed an equal voice in decision-making processes that not only affect them but the country as a whole in all spheres of politics, the national economy and social welfare.
c) The youth shall be guaranteed access to the right to health.
d) The youth shall not be subject to political abuse through training regimes that connote political violence or any semblance of propaganda that will compromise their right to determine their future as both individuals and as a collective.
e) The youth have the right to associate and assemble and express themselves freely of their own prerogative.