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TEEM8.
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AN ANTI-SLAVERY
NEW SERIES. HARTFORD, CONN., THURSDAY, JUNE 3, 1841
S a t u r i l a s ( S o e n i n g.
THOU GOD SEEST ME."
" When my spirit was overwhrfined within me,
thoii thou knowest iny jjath."—PSAUt cslii, 8.
My God! whose gracioiupity I may cltiun,
Calling thee 'Fadier'—sweet, endearing name!
The Bafferings of thi* weii and weary frame,
All, all are known to tliee.
From human eye 'tis linim,|t> conceal
Much that I rafier, miic|flHiriy feel,
Bnt oh, thu thoughy||MKhqi^'lize and heal,
All, ^ B k n o w n to thee.
Each tecret c o n f i i c t l ^ iadwelling sin,
Each sick'ning fear I ne'er the pi4ze shall win,
Each pang from initation, turmoil, din—
All, all are known to thee.
When, in the morning, unrefreshed I wake.
Or in the night but little rest can take.
This biief appeal submissively I make—
All, all M known to thee.
Nay, all by thee is ordered, chosen, planned,
Each drop that fills my daily cup, thy hantl
Trescribes for ills none else can understand—
All, all is known to thee.
The effectual means to cure what I deplore.
In me thy longed-for likeness to restore.
Self to dethrone, never to govern more—
AU, all are known to thee.
And this continued feebleness—^this state
Which seems to unnerve and incapacitate,
Will work the cure my hopes and prayers
await—
That cure I leave to thee.
Nor will the bitter dranght distarteful prove.
While I recall the Son of thy dear lore;
Tlie cup thou would'st not for our sakes re-move,
That cap be drank for me.
He drank it to the dr^n—no drop remuned
Of wrath^or those iriiOM cup of wo he dnua'd,
Man ae'er can know what that aad cap con-tained—
All, all is known to thee.
And welcmne, precious can his Spirit make
My little drop of suffering for his sake;
Father! the cup I drink, the path I t a k e -
All, all is known to thee.
E V E R Y D A Y P I E T Y -
There is generally more true piety ex-hibited
in a futhful observance of the mi-nor
duties of religion, than in those that
excite the notice and applause of men.—
Improper motives may prompt to pablic
duties, while those duties which escape
men's eyes, are intended only for Gkid's ob-servation,
and not likely to be practised
by an unrenewed person. There is more
piety in the devotion of Nathaniel when
he towed alone beneath the fig tree, than
in all the ostentatious prayer of the Phy-lactery
adorned Pharisees at the comers
of the streets. The poor widow who mod-estly
cast into the treasury her hard earned
*mite,' gave greater evidence of piety than
did the wealthy Jew whose golden coins
rattled their own praise as they fell into
the chest Desire of applause,—pride of
consistency, — dread of censure, — may
prompt to' external devotedness, but only
piety towards God can lead persevering-ly
and joyfiiUy to the doset,—^to the cham-toT
of affliction and povertj,—to the al-leys
and lanes,—^in search of opportunities
to do good. The child is dutiful who
obejrs his father's requirements, but that
child is more dutiful who obeys his father's
request in little matters, who seeks op-portunities
to please, and watches for oc-casion
to show his love. So general obe-dience
may warrant the belief that a man
is a christian, but he furnishes greater ev-idence
of love to God, whose full heart
overlooks no little thing that may please
Him or glorify his name. There waa'no
piety in Peter's burst of seal, when he
hewed off the ear of the High Priest's ser-vant
; but there^as in Mary's quiet ap-proach
when her raining tears washed the
Savior's feet. The unostentatious duties
of Christianity, those that never win pub-lic
i^plause,—that only find place in the
pure tenor of ordinaiy life, are more sat^
isfiftctoiy proofs of the power of godliness
upon the heart than any ebullitions of zeal
or spasmodic starts of devotion.
A D O P T I O N .
The brightest beam, the warmest ray
of ^i^ine lo^e, that ever broke into the
repon of creation, and shone upon the
chUdren of men, was God's declaration—
That the offspring of nature, the heirs of
corruption and death, should be his own
children, and the heirs of immortali^ and
infinite fulness. Who upon such terms
would not choose to say to oomiptioD,
'Thoa art my father, and to the wqrm
thou art my mother and my sister ? In-finite
love surmounts all impoasibilitiet.—
He deignsnot to say to the miserable Tie-tim
of corruption, descending into the unre-lenting
jaw« of death, I win remit the
sentence; I will ward the blow ; No, but
hesaya, Let it fidl; be not afraid; thoa
art*My S(m. Look up to beaven, behold
the SOB fay day, and dw BooD and atari by
night. When your qraa can peaeleaf —
fiiitk«v«BUiByMr i—gi—rtoii,ndao»
infinitely beyond them. While yon are
walking in daikne^ stumbling among the
rubbish of corruption, under t t e moment-arj
apprehension of which shall be your
last i i^ ; when yon shall never again gath-er
your feet, nor rear your head upon the
theatre of nature ; then lift up your eyes.
Do they fail you ? No matter. ' Give un-bound^
scope to your most towering con-ceptions
; let them break through the bar-riers
of creation—launch into the regions
of eternity, the realms of uncreated day,
and say,—Yonder I live still—^if I am to
be a reptile of nature no longer; still I am
what is infinitely greater,—I am His Son.
—Dr. Wilson.
SOLEMN THOUGHT.—^We s e e not, in
this life, the end of human actions. Their
influence never dies. In every widening
circle it reaches beyond the grave. Death
removes us from this to an eternal worid
—Time determines whatshall be our con-dition
in that world. Eveiy morning,
when we go forth, we lay the moulding
hand on our destiny, and every evening
when we have done, we have lefl a death-less
impress on our character. We touch
not a wire but vibrates in eternity. Not
a voice but reports at the throne of God.
Let youth especially think of these things,
and let every one remember that in this
world, where character is in its formation
state, it is a serious thing to think, to speak,
to act.
'The damps of autumn sinks into the
leaves, and prepares ihem for the necessi-ty
of tiie fall; and thus insensibly are we,
as years close round us, detached from
our tenacity to life by the gentle pressure
of recorded sorrows.'
PETITION OF SLAVES.
•To the Honorable (general Assembly of
the State of Connecticut,
The petition of the negroes of the towns
of Stratford and Fairfield, who are held
in a state of slavery, humbly sheweth:—
That many of your petitioners, were, as
they verily believe, most unjustly torn
irom the bosoms of their dear parents and
friends, and without any crime by them
committed, doomed and bound duwn to
perpetual slavery. And as if the perpe-trators
of this horrid wickedness were
conscious, that we, poor ignorant Afri-cans,
upon the least glimmering light de-rived
from a knowledge of the sense and
practice of civilized nations, should con-vince
them of tbeir sin, they have added
another dreadful evil, that of holding us in
gross ignorance, so as to render our sub-jection
more easy and tolerable. May
it please your honors, we are most griev-ously
affected under the consideration of
th6 flagrant injustice.
Your honors, who are nobly contend-ing
in the cause of Liberty, whose con-duct
excites the admiration and reverence
of all the great empires of the world, will
not resent our thus freely animadverting
ou this detestable practice, although our
skins are different in color from those
whom we serve; yet reason and revela-tion
join to declare that we are the crea-tures
of that GM who made of one blood
and kindred, all the nations of the earth.
We perceive by our own reflection, that
we are endowed with the same faculties
with our masters; and there is nothing
that leads to a belief or suspicion that we
are any more obliged to serve them than
they us. And the more we consider of
this matter, the more are we convinced of
our right, by the laws of nature and by the
whole tenor of the Christian religion,so far
as we havebeen taught,to be free. We have
endeavored rightly to understand what is
our rightfand what is our duty,aiid can never
be convinced that we were made to be
slaves. Although God Almighty may justly
lay this and more upon U8,yet we deserve it
not from the hands of men. We are im-patient
under this grievous yoke; but our
reason teaches us that it is not best for us
to use violent measures to cast it off.
We are also convinced that we are unable
to extricate ourselves from our abject
state; but we think we may with the
greatest propriety look up to your honors
who are the lathers of the people, for re-lief.
And we not only groan under our own
burdens, but with concern and horror,
look forward, and contemplate the miser-able
condition of our children, who are
training up and kept in preparation for a
like state of bondage and servitude.
We lieg leave to submitto you honours*
serious consideration, whether it is con-sistent
with the present claims of the Unl-ted
States, to hold so many thousands of
the race of Adam, our common father, in
perpetual slavery? Can human nature
endure the shoeing idea? Can year
Honours any longer suffer this great evil
to prevail, under yoiir government ? We
intreat your honours, let no eonsideiMiona
of pubKc inconvenience deter your hon-oin
« from interposing in bebauof your
petitionera, who ask for notbug but what
we are fully persuaded is ours to claim.
We beseedi your honors to weigh thip
ipatter in the sieale of justice; and in joat
gnat wisdom and s ^ n e t s , apply nich
renledy arthe eWI |OM require; and kt
your petitioners rejoice with your honors,
in the participation with your )MNiou«ir«f
that inestimable blessing, FREEDOM.
And your httinble petitionel«t as in du-ty
bound will ever pray, dee.
Dated in Fairfield, the 11th day of
May, A.D. 1779.
PRINCS, a negro man-servant to
Mr. Sam'l Sturges of Fairfield.
PBINVE, [his mark] a negro man-servant
of Capt. Stqtben Jen-nings
of Fairfield in behalf of
themselves and the other peti-tioners.
Signed in presence of Jonathan Sturges,'
in whose hand-writing the petition is
drawn.
Copied from the files in the ofiice of Sec-retary
of State, Vol. 1852, paper No.
232. w. s. p.
Will National Era please copy the
above ?
TORREY-ISM.
The Baltimore correspondent of the
National Era mentions an occurrence
which shows that Torrey-ism is not dead
in Maryland, by the death of its founder,
and that the martyr Torrey, " though dead,
yet speaketh" to the understanding heart
and happy experience of the slave :
"Doubtless you have observed an unu-sual
number of "Runaway Slave" ad-vertisements
in the daily papers of this
city, within a few days. It is interesting
to observe two new features of these an-nouncements—
first, the enormous rewards
offered, seemingly in consciousness of the
increasing difficulties of arrest, growing
partly out of the odiousness of the slave-catching
business; and secondly, the par-ticular
pains taken to convey the idea that
sundry scars," dcc., have been caused
otherwise than by cruelty of treatment."
SLAVEBT DISCUSSION.—^The same wri-ter
refers to the continued discussions of
the Baltimore Lyceum.
"I hatl.interided to speak in this letter
of seveM matters for which I find I have
no room—among them, a debate before
the most spirit^ of our Lyceums, the
" Monumental," on the question : " Should
slaveholders be compelled, by law, to ed-ucate
their slaves?" It was opened last
evening, in a spirit which showed that the
members are fully alive to the importance
of the subject, in all its bearings. Some
of the speeches were very able, bold, and
searching. The discussion is to be con-tinued.
If in town at the next meeting—
which is very doubtful, as I am very anx-ious
to be in New York early in " Anni-versary
Week"—I shall attend and re-port
progress on this important and indica-tive
discussion. At all events, the decis-ion
which the Lyceum may make thereon
shall be made known to your numerous
readers, most of whom, doubtless, are ea-ger
to b^ kept advised of all such unerring
signs of the times.
B. 8.
| ) o l i t i c a l .
[It is a paltry prejudice which will depreci-ate
the distinguuhed men of a nation with
which we are ait war, and as tmirise as it is
paltry. Through theoperation of this feeling,
the most distorted and ridiculous notions pre-vul
among oiu: countrymen in reference to
Santa Anna, the Mexican Frerident and Gen-eral.
That he has many faults, we doubt not
—but these are generally sneh as appertain to
men educated in the militaiy profession. Nei-ther
cowardice not a want of patriotism can
be truly allied of him.
The following sketch of this distinguished
man, we copy from the National Era. It will
be read with interest by those who prefer his-torical
truth to the violent denunciations of
unappreciating antagonism.—ED. CHAATSA
OAK.]
SANTA ANNA.
" Specuhition is buqr ia calcnkting the e^
fecto of the battle of Cerro Gordo. It has
bera asked what win be its influence upon the
destiny of SanU Anna ? No one has iNMsted
more than he. His arrogance and rhodomon-tade
have exceeded the usual standard of Mex-ican
extrav^ance. No one could have per-formed
less in proportion to his swelling prom-ises.
He assured the Coiwress, soon after his
return to the capital, that Be would die soon-er
than see the invaders of the country in
powession of the city. Li his last appeal to
the troops, he pledged his life in their service.
He repMted his adjuration to perish sooner
than yield. He tells them that itis the hnt
time tie may see themj and yet, according to
the accounts we have received, be fled pre-maturely
and in a panic fitm the field where
he bad pledged UnAelf to perish.—TTasAtn^
ton Union.
It ia not generous to insult a fallen foe.
The statement that Santa Anna shame-fully
fled" rests upon the same authority
which reported that the release of the
prisoMra oa pande by GM. Scott produ.
ced great diaoontent in hit army. Santa
Anna did not fly till the battle was lost;
and that he atoM as long fw h* could, with
any prudence, ia p r q v ^ by the foUowiBg
aiatement ia the corrMp^ence of the
New Orlewu JMta:
" Gen. Sante Aaiw, |n Im
. »/v»« MMmnmjj ww amt com-e
f t h e 7 * nrfantty'iM1wMntedri&,
that he waslbteedto leavetb spleiidia eai^
>'in silver, and one
Neitlier bravery nor patriotism required
him vainly to throw away his life, or fool-ishly
to put himself in the power of the
victor. Imputations upon his personal
courage are unfounded and ungenerous.
The man who, in 1823, when bnt 30 years
of age, an obscure colonel, dared to raise
the standard of revolt, and marched at
the head of a single regiment against the
tyrant Iturbide, surrounded as he was by
15,000 disciplined troops, and who, when
viplory declared in his favor, laying his
own ambition on his country's altar, cal-led
the veteran Victoria from hb hiding-place
to the chief command, while be vol-untarily
chose a subordinate position; the
man who, in 1829, at the head of a forco
of seven hundred men, hastily collected,
succeeded, by a series of skillful and bold
manoeuvres, in defeating and finally cap-tured
a Spanish army of 4,000 veterans,
under the command of Gen. Barradas,
who had landed at Tampico with the in-tention
of reducing the Mexicans again
to the yoke; the man who, in 1841, pro-nounced
against Gen. Bustamente, an old
commander of reputation, then at the
head of affairs, and in command of 8,000
regular troops, and forthwith, with a
prompt daring which has always signal-ized
him, took up the line of march against
him with but four or five hundrc J recruits,
cannot be either a coward or a traitor.
Every generous heart will award him
high praise for the manner in which he
has conducted operations since his return
from Havana. That he was permitted to
pass through the blockading squadron by
our Government there is no doubt. We
are not among those who see nothing but
foul corruption in this transaction. -The
Administration was doubtless desirous of
peace; was aware that Santa Anna, if in
power, could do more towards promoting
peace tRan any other man, and probably
had some kind of understaniling with.him'^
that he would use oil proper efibrts to ef.
feet this end. We do not believe that the
Government asked him to play the traitor,
or that he would have agreed to any such
proposition if made. As to the expedien-cy
of permitting him to return, and the
wisdom of the calculations of the Execu-tive,
that is another question.
Once more at home, we doubt not that
Santa Anna did all he could with safety to
promote peaceful counsels; but finding
this a bootless task, what could he do but
devote himself to the deliverance of his
country from the power and presence of
the invader ? Look at the circumstances:
His country weak, torn by intestine con-vulsions,
exhausted, dishonored, dispirit-ed,
powerful invading armies threatening
it on every side, their arras rendered more
formidable still by the prestige of victory.
Is he dispirited, hesitating? No! First,
we find him at San Luis Potosi, where he
collects an army of twenty thousand men,
disciplines them, equips them, supports
them by his own efibrts. without aid from
the Central Government. He marches
across an immense desert; his soldiers are
ragged, starving, famishing, borne down
by unheard-of-toils and hardships; but,
without delay, he gives battle to Gen.
Taylor, l^hte him two days, makes the
most daring efforts to carry his positions,
and, after leaving two thousand men upon
the field of battle, draws off, only because
human nature, unsupported by food and
water, could endure no more.
He retreats in good order, recrosses the
desert, hears at San Luis Potosi of the
civil war in the capital, flies to the scene
of strife, seizes the helm of s'.ate, quiets
the contending factions, unites his coun-trymen,
and, exhausted as they are, raises
fifteen thousand troops, marches hundreds
of miles to Xalapa, fortifies himself strong-ly
at Cerro Gordo, where he again meets
a powerful invading army in bloody en-counter,
fightii^; again for two days in
succession, and quitting the field only
when the battle was lost.
Shall we attempt to ridicule such a man,
hold him up to the world as a shameless
coward ? Never was there a braver gen-eral
; few have been more skillfiil; few
equally patriotic. That he has been beat-en,
is not his fault. Had he been at the
head of American soldiers, he would have
been invincible. As it is, he is not con.
quered. Though he has lost two battles,
all is not lost. We have mistaken the
man, or he has fled only to rally aqother
army, with which to breast the storm.
He will be seen again at Mexico, or be-fore.
We honor this brave, though an en-emy,
and above all does our heart warm
towards the man who never gives up when
his country's soil is trodden by the foot of
an invader.
Was there a generous spirit in Great
Britain, during the w«r of the Revolution,
that attempted to de&me and ridicule our
Washington, whenever be waa compelled
to give way to superior force ?
Cannot Americans afford to be magnan.
imous T
NATIONAL NOMINATIONS, *
MBSSBS. EDITOBB :—At a meeting of
the Liberty men of Grafton, (Mass. ) 21 si
of May, the fbllowing were adopted as oar
•eptlivcnta, relative to an early Conven*
tion for the iijQmination of Lilierty candi.
datM fi>r President and Vice Prandentof
the United flitates:
'We, the Liberty men of Gafton deem it
highly important to the interests alld-tne-cess
of the Liberty piarty in the United
States, that their National Candidates for
President and Vice President be nomina-ted
and placed before the people as early
the present year as possible; and we
hereby urgently and respectfully request
the National Committee to call a Conven-tion
in August or September next, for the
purpose of making such nominations.
We will assign the following, aming
many important reasons for an early nom-ination
: V
Ist. It will tend to arouse, unite, and
encourage the Liberty men in all parts of
the country to renewed action and zeal in
the cause of Liberty; and we do not think
M'e shall get out of breath before the elec-tion
comes off.
Sd. In this State, and we believe in
several other States, should there be no
choice of electors by the ^ople, it will de-volve
on the next Legislature to elect
them. It is, therefore, of the greatest im-portance
that the National nomination be
made prior to State nominations, that we
may select such representatives for the
General Court as will be in favor of our
National Liberty candidates.
3d. Should the nominations be ilcferred
to next year, it will be almost impossible,
with our limited means, to make their
qualifications and claims sufiiciently known
to secure the entire strength of the Liber-ty
party throughout the United States.
4th. It will preserve our friends from
being led astray by the recent and very un-wise
course that some of our ultra and
impatient brethren have recently adopted
in the State of New York, concerning
free trade and other collateral or foreign
issues.
5th. The recent and important move-ments
in the South to break up the old
Whig and Democratic parties and unite
in one Slaveiy party, and the enthusiasm
with which the Whigs and Democrate sec-ond
the movements of John C. Calhoun
and Wm. R. King, by nominating Gene-ral
Taylor for their candidate for the
Presidency, indicates a speedy dissolution
of those parties. It appears to us, there-fore,
that it is of the greatest importance
that our nominees be early in the field,that
the North may have a nucleus around
which to rally, as did the Independent
Democrats of New Hampshire in their
late struggle for freedom. We fear, on
the other hand, if the nominations be
delayed, the politicians will select some
half-way Conscience Whig or Democrat
as a candidate, and press a portion of our
men into his support, and we lose the fruit
ofall ourefforU in the battle of liberty.
We, therefore, hope as a mattter of wise
policy on our part that the convention will
be called and the nomination made,as ear-ly
as possible.
SETH J. AXTBL, Chairman.
FBANCIS WINN, Secretary.
From tlie Nntional Era.
THE LIBERTY PART IT.
" Be patient, oh, be patient; the germs of mighty
thought
Must have their silent undeigrowth, and in the
earth be wrought."
We are by no means surprised to wit-ness,
at times, in some of the advocates of
the IJberty movement, signs of impatience
and disappointment, in view of its slow
progress, and the difficulties which thick-en
along its path. The feeling betrays it-self
in the extreme anxiety of some to
find occasions for coalescing with one or
the other of the okl parties upon some
collateral issue. Others, on the contrary,
have watched the tantalizing course of
these parties, and compared their profes-sions
with their practice, until they have
become thoroughly dis^ted, and have
learned to look with suspicion and distrust
upon the professions an^rigfat action,
even, of those who have not yet entirely
separated from them. They hold that no
good thing can be done by Whig or Dem-ocrat
; that they who appi^ach nearest to
the standard of the Li^ity party, and
yet hesitate to join it, are fitter subjects of
denunciation and reproach than those who
are the sworn allies of slaveiy. They
seem to think that it is not safe to be mag-nanimous
; that it is bad policy to admit
that there is any right feeling or commend-able
action on the subject of slavery be-yond
the limits of the party with which
they are connected. «
Both of th^se classes have become im-patient;
they have lost somewhat of tbeir
confidence in the certain triumph oi the
Truth; they walk by sight, atid not by
faith; they have become weary in well-doing,
forgetting the inspired promise of a
harvest in due time for such as &int not.
The one, regarding only the slow numer-ical
growth of the LibMy party, and not
taking into account the mighty and per.
vading influence of its positioa and prin-ciples,
to the TOwer of which John C.
Calhoun has of late been compelled to
bear m reluctant testimony, is turning anx-iously
to the old parties, and, unwarned
by paat«xperience,atiilfumUy iMpea l|Hit
the politicians who decehrad him in 1840
and 1844 will prove &ithfi4 •od honest
in 1848. The other claw Kave become
•eveKe uid mcbaritable; Whig and Den.
eciatie ceheesaiona to th* y aiHK
.slaTaty aeatiment fipdiM i r u f iirtlfift
eyes, and they hold tbenuelTea booad to
rebuke sharply those of their brethren
who are weak enough to acknowledge
these concessions, and who, in the spirit
of the Apostle, rejoice that the Gospel of
Abolition is preached, at any rate, and
with whatever motive. Both lack faith in
the omnipotence of Truth ; one can Me
no hope save iri a numerical majority, or
a coalition with one of the old parties;
the other is so doubtful of the integrity of
his brethren, and so suspicious ofall oth-ers,
that he must needs deny or disparage
the veiy fruits of the anti-slavery agitation,
when manifested out of the pale of his
party. One becomes lax and confiding;
the other over-vigilant and exclusive.
For ourselves, we united with the Lib-erty
party in 1840, after having fairly and
fully tested the smcerity of politicians of
the two old parties, on the plan of ques-tioning
candidates, and voting for such as
gave the most favorable responses. To
usi an expression of Carlyle's, we found
it to be "a course which led nowhither."
Almost everybody was ready to write let-ters,
before election, more or less favorable
to our cause, but nobody seemed to consid-er
themselves bound to act afterwards in
conformity with their professions. The
great majority of the Abolitionists, even,
had so little faith in this sort of action,
that they voted their old party tickets,
without much reference to their own im-plied
pledge to support the more favorable
respondent, irre.spective of hia political
connections. Consistency and self-re-spect
demanded that this state of things
should cease. The Liberty party was a
necessity of the time. It was the only
means left us for making our right of suf-fra^
bear efficiently and consistently
against slavery. At the election of 1840,
seven thousand only were prepared to sev-er
the chains of the old parties, yet their
influence was felt throughout the country.
They spoke through the ballot-boxes of
every free State, in a voice which, feeble
as it was, pierced through the Babel up-roar
of the time,
"As tlic lute pieiceth through tlie cymbal's clash,"
and gave warning to the oppressor that
the day of passive submission to hia po-litical
misrule had passed fi>rever. We
are now at hast seventy thousand strong
—a tenfold increase. Those who look
only to the actual election of Liberty can-didates
as an evidence of success, may
consider even this laige increase of pledg'd
anti-slavery voters as a poor result of Uie
six years' struggle on our part. But is it
nothing that we have, before God and the
world, washed our hands of the abomina-tions
that our practice now coincides with
our professions as Abolitionists? Is it
nothing that we have forced upon the pub-lic
attention the aggressions of the Slave
Power? That we have compelled politi-cians
and partisan editors to make Emis-sions
in respect to the bearings of the
Slave system upon the rights and interests
of the free States which have sunk deep
into the minds of thousands, and are slow,
ly but surely preparing them for decided
anti-slavery action ? Seven years ago
the territory of the free States was one
great man-park for the slave-hunter; no
legislation stood between him and his vie.
tim; nay, the officers of the free States
stood ready to aid him in riveting anew
the broken manacles. Now, nearly all
the Northern and Middle States have en-acted
penal laws a^inst the use of their
prisons, or the participation of their pub-lic
functionaries in arresting and confining
persoas claimed as fugitive slaves. Look
at the late abortive attempts to recapture
fugitives in Illinois and Michigan; whole
communities rising up against the outrage,
as no longer to be endured upon free soil.
Seven years ago, the Gag I^w was reg.
ularly enacted at each session of Coi^;res8.
Now, it is abolished and consigned to in-famy.
Seven years ago, the discussipn of
the Slave question was virtually prohibit-ed
in Congress. Last winter, it formed
the prominent topic. It is up before the
nation, never again to be laid at rest. In
Congress and out of Congress, in State
Legislatures and town meetings, in the
court room and the pulpit, in peace or in
war, under Whig Presidents or Democrat,
ic, the mighty question will challenge dis-cussion
and decision. Of this great
change the Liberty party haa been the
most efficient instrumentdity. Its stem, '
unwearied, unchanging PBOTEST, at every
election, has been widely felt. It haa
kept prominent before the people the idea
of the wrong of Slavery. And exactly in
proportion as its principles have influen-ced
the action of the two great parties and
the legislation of the Statea in behalf of
Liberty, IT HAS ALREADY TBIVXPHED.
Why, then, should we not take courage,
and go calmly forward aa we have begnn?
What excuse have we for fretful impa-tience
and repining ? For sour-tempered
denunciation and diatmst of one another
on the one hand, or for hamdoua experi-ments
of new isauea and cfedalons r ^
anM.upon the prpfiMsioas of the old par.
tie* on the other ? Do we not know that
theThith Is on one skie? "And who
knowa not," aaid John MHlon, ••that the
Trmfa ia stfwig next to tlia A k u ^ f
Hke conwipusneM of reclitMde of M m t
and motive. oQ our part ibould efitMWan.
able 0* to stand,np as fin^ with the few,
as tiMitiM nohitadn—tei feef aaftr
biMlhi ftMrart cdMTwf*
_ EDITODBT ^
W . H .
•I .Hi , , .
HW emtdtim OSB^WHU s^tsaMB tgrelMw-ingtfai
O n t n a . i i r BiaiBni fin ite gMfi
oT.Tyma*.- ma 'fkm Pspw.<'aoi HtMMa m
chaNNl f f , lint Trias te wmU « f , . it
wiUWfoMvi |t«Wsiaa4ia«Mnw<if>llf^
howerer lowly-afl 4bwB-lnNldn, apS .tfaow ntadw
into ihB fae^ df aB.wmi^ woMher ia p u ^ aw
broaddotii. or ia n^s urf squkr. -T•^ Hhm^ fc
••itw iht sai, il wal M katt siMMr. bwfl
shMIr <iMsiMl 'la !»• emm mi LIMMTV, all.
foeaiiar i
17, li«t it Witt we4r Ik* ogilHr of mo Puqr. H wiH
aifar to OMln wbola, not dmoliaii OoTeiniMar, f
w ^ its sMpto-^pm Ibe baada oppnMoa, ast
to i m k it. b woold MK yot a firt-bnod to Clnii^
•ad Slata, to poriQr .then,—bat ^ u e tba leovtai
while it iouts the vetmin that are throogiiig tbaoi.
LinKATraa, of a hearty, manljr aoit, wS boie its*
place hn*, wiib iD tbrt taada lowaii hnaan aleva^
I. WcibaUawkaottodimraatlMapinto«Pa»
ftfB ham >ha a — of •••Hi b t laAwr • • to
wedBainw^teBafc— K fiw»«tiag. hawri^
to no* the aeaai|e when high-hainhd wiekadaaaa
•hall donand it. PMaing Eventa and &nd Priaei-fkf,
the tnonent Nawa, and tb* atmiallawa, ibdl
<btl a raeoid ia oar. Fhper; and eveiytb^ which
honest eadaMDr. ptai wSI aad now •apwiaaea
eaBdo,wiII be attonptod, to ndw it wttedn* to ito
fnmda, a bhiaiag to HoMaity. and to uuiail»a< a
• a of an h o e l Uvalihaed.
th« miwuitj I hw witk lUaaliood w d t in
VOL. 11. NO. 22.
majority. Our hop®, 99 the
party of Christian Refiirm, depend upon
our calm, unwavering PBKSEVBBAKCS; in
the ability, after having done all, "TO
STAND," alike uoseduced by flattery and
hollow promises^ 'and unterrified by the
array of opposinjg^jpumstances. But
let us never fofget^b^ charity and mag-nanimity
are entirely compatible with
firmness. And while we justly value our
party organization, as the most important
instrumentality which Providence has
placed in our hands for the overthrow of
slavery, let us not magnify the means
above the eiid.. The rigid drill and espi-onage
of the old mrties can never be tol-erated
in ours.' The very name of our or-ganization
-if .'^si^ificant of a character
wholly d i t i k e o f any other. The
Liberty Party! The collars and gyves
which once bound us in abject subjeciran
in the Whig and Democratic parties are
not needed anfong us. Brothers in toil
and suflisring, with one hope and one &itb,
the tie which unites us in our commoit
sympathy in one ennobling and unselfish
cause. And it is sufficient. Away, then,
with all unworthy suspicions and jealous-ies.
Away with all misgivings and doubts
of success. We have succeeded already.
Not a vote has fitllen powerless in the bal-lot-
box ; not a prayer put up in sincerity
to the Universal Father, for his smile up-on
our endeavors, has been unanswered.
Ours is indeed no holyday enterprise. It
is one in which our faith must be most
emphatically manifested by works. But
who has ever felt the blessed reward of
toil and sacrifice in the cause of humanity
without thanksgiving of heart that he has
been counted worthy to labor with God
and the good angels for the benefit of his
race?
" Who calls thy service. Freedom, hard 1
Who feels it not its own reward t
Who for its trials deems it less
A cause for praise and thankfulness t
Ohj toil-worn brothers! be of cheer !
Rejoice, oh sisters, gleaning near:
Like fields oTHeaven before yonr eyes
The promise of the future lies !"
1. 6 . W.
THE NOMINATION.
During our absence we had the oppor-tunity
of conversing with many prominent
men on the subject of a nomination this
year, who we believe all agreed in the
propriety and great importance of the
measure. At a general conference held
after the Breakfast in New York, the sub-ject
was introduced, and on an expression
of opinion being taken, every man pre-sent
voted in &vor of a nomination next
fail. The probability is that upon reflec-tion
this view will prevail. Afterfairand
kind discussion, not by editors only, but
by our wisest liberty men, there will
doubtless be general agreement; but
should opinions be pretty nearly equal on
each side, then the national committee
will decide, and all will cheerfully acqui-esce.
Those who favor next year seem to rep-resent
that a majority of Liberty papers
are on that side. That is a mistake. We
think a majority has not spoken at all,
much leas, in fitvor of next year. We
presume when they all speak, and from
consultation with the best councillors, a
large majority will be found in fiivor of
next autumn, and this will of eevne be
satisfactory to those who are committed to
a majority. Some papers which have
been classed with those in &vor of next
year we see explicity disavow that pod-tion
and go for an early nomination. Tho
question is one of much importance—how
much, is not yet apparent, and itshouM he
fairly argued. Our object is simply the
good of the cause. Our conviction of
the wisdom of an early nomination in-creases
by reflection and therefwe we
urge it. The united ener^ of the party*
and the importance of having the nomina>
tions to cany into the state anniversaries
next winter, where measures can be taken
to sustain them properly, are considera-tions
of great weight in our view.—Mi^
Liberty Standard.
[The fiiUowing admirable article is copied
from the Ashtid>nhi (Ohio^ Sentinel—one ef
the very few papeis that have had ei-ther
the coura^ or the decency to speak oak
in manly nbuke of the attempt to slave-holder
Taylor, from the Moodi^aMlesorthe
battle- fiaU,iato the Fraridaatial chair, fat
thegloiy of his saceessfid hotohaiiaa. Ikis
really refreshing to meet an artiele Bketius
i n a Whigpqper,whea sneh prints astfeaK
T. Tribune indicate their rsartinsss, fer par-ty's
sake, to elevate Ineannto M n d v t o On
Chief Magistney of oar landr—E&Cmumat
OAB.]
i m o u t any jast eanaa, aad in Tiola*
tion of a m y prineiple ef morality, aar
slaveholding Presideal otdetod tka a m ^
to Mexico to batcher her peapla»;hnm
their towna and viUa|as,and4B«aslailotlMV
countjry, in o t t e to s p n a d j U * * * * .^
oppression over it. GeB«Knl'tigrl<HM>^
sen an extensive slaveholdN; w p e w t^
to act as tho agent of t ^ E n M v o in
committing t h ^ r r i f p T " ^ " ] f e l i B a »
emInMtfy snMaarfW m qthjli^
Nowt witk a n a ^ r o M ^ opinioM (
otWn, w« l y h k CirisdiMi m » wadd
I m W M M V I ^ as t ^ i n s b n m * er
n N W ^ C M - A i aft W n I
I I I N I A I M I I
matMak. teva partidp^tad
t

PUBU8HE0 BY
W I L L I A M B: B C S L E i e V ;
Ktwa. II « m » u . S ^ * m r o e D , odnr.
TEEM8.
DOUAM ra« A W I I I I M — K M ^
ONIIA «m te MMial if |i*ia •trieilr in
TVo M m to Gily Babwribm, who tmiv* tto
by tba Curier.
e o f ^ Fmm Cnm.
d i f f c KM win iw pUd upon Ekdisaiaa, Duly
«r Weekly.
No paper diwootinued till all aneangM an paid,
at the option of the Publidiet.
All Letten and. Communieationa moat be ad-dKSaaed
to the Publuher, r r i>M Paid.
Coneapondenta will be penaitted to qieak tbeir
own aentimenti (however widely diffeiin^ from oiiia)j|
upon their own reaponaibility—on theae conditioqa,
that they outrage neither deceacy, good English, nor
liood taate, and give their nam* ta the Publitliar
This last we raquiia for oof own aatiafaetion wot
bi the public.
TERMS OF ADVERTISING.
AoTBKTiacmMTa wall ba iMciMd at tha CaltMr-j
miatea: I
For one aqnan, or 30 liaaa, tlwaa waahs, f l ObU
" Cmrinnaixia mAimmnAm, Sojl
« Ta>liaaaarhrifaqMM,teww«afa. «S
*• Coatiiwiaane aaok inaeitiM, J»
" Qae annate a year, •
Oa aquaie a year witk ptiviliVI af
seiBthnewMha. 13 00
AN ANTI-SLAVERY
NEW SERIES. HARTFORD, CONN., THURSDAY, JUNE 3, 1841
S a t u r i l a s ( S o e n i n g.
THOU GOD SEEST ME."
" When my spirit was overwhrfined within me,
thoii thou knowest iny jjath."—PSAUt cslii, 8.
My God! whose gracioiupity I may cltiun,
Calling thee 'Fadier'—sweet, endearing name!
The Bafferings of thi* weii and weary frame,
All, all are known to tliee.
From human eye 'tis linim,|t> conceal
Much that I rafier, miic|flHiriy feel,
Bnt oh, thu thoughy||MKhqi^'lize and heal,
All, ^ B k n o w n to thee.
Each tecret c o n f i i c t l ^ iadwelling sin,
Each sick'ning fear I ne'er the pi4ze shall win,
Each pang from initation, turmoil, din—
All, all are known to thee.
When, in the morning, unrefreshed I wake.
Or in the night but little rest can take.
This biief appeal submissively I make—
All, all M known to thee.
Nay, all by thee is ordered, chosen, planned,
Each drop that fills my daily cup, thy hantl
Trescribes for ills none else can understand—
All, all is known to thee.
The effectual means to cure what I deplore.
In me thy longed-for likeness to restore.
Self to dethrone, never to govern more—
AU, all are known to thee.
And this continued feebleness—^this state
Which seems to unnerve and incapacitate,
Will work the cure my hopes and prayers
await—
That cure I leave to thee.
Nor will the bitter dranght distarteful prove.
While I recall the Son of thy dear lore;
Tlie cup thou would'st not for our sakes re-move,
That cap be drank for me.
He drank it to the dr^n—no drop remuned
Of wrath^or those iriiOM cup of wo he dnua'd,
Man ae'er can know what that aad cap con-tained—
All, all is known to thee.
And welcmne, precious can his Spirit make
My little drop of suffering for his sake;
Father! the cup I drink, the path I t a k e -
All, all is known to thee.
E V E R Y D A Y P I E T Y -
There is generally more true piety ex-hibited
in a futhful observance of the mi-nor
duties of religion, than in those that
excite the notice and applause of men.—
Improper motives may prompt to pablic
duties, while those duties which escape
men's eyes, are intended only for Gkid's ob-servation,
and not likely to be practised
by an unrenewed person. There is more
piety in the devotion of Nathaniel when
he towed alone beneath the fig tree, than
in all the ostentatious prayer of the Phy-lactery
adorned Pharisees at the comers
of the streets. The poor widow who mod-estly
cast into the treasury her hard earned
*mite,' gave greater evidence of piety than
did the wealthy Jew whose golden coins
rattled their own praise as they fell into
the chest Desire of applause,—pride of
consistency, — dread of censure, — may
prompt to' external devotedness, but only
piety towards God can lead persevering-ly
and joyfiiUy to the doset,—^to the cham-toT
of affliction and povertj,—to the al-leys
and lanes,—^in search of opportunities
to do good. The child is dutiful who
obejrs his father's requirements, but that
child is more dutiful who obeys his father's
request in little matters, who seeks op-portunities
to please, and watches for oc-casion
to show his love. So general obe-dience
may warrant the belief that a man
is a christian, but he furnishes greater ev-idence
of love to God, whose full heart
overlooks no little thing that may please
Him or glorify his name. There waa'no
piety in Peter's burst of seal, when he
hewed off the ear of the High Priest's ser-vant
; but there^as in Mary's quiet ap-proach
when her raining tears washed the
Savior's feet. The unostentatious duties
of Christianity, those that never win pub-lic
i^plause,—that only find place in the
pure tenor of ordinaiy life, are more sat^
isfiftctoiy proofs of the power of godliness
upon the heart than any ebullitions of zeal
or spasmodic starts of devotion.
A D O P T I O N .
The brightest beam, the warmest ray
of ^i^ine lo^e, that ever broke into the
repon of creation, and shone upon the
chUdren of men, was God's declaration—
That the offspring of nature, the heirs of
corruption and death, should be his own
children, and the heirs of immortali^ and
infinite fulness. Who upon such terms
would not choose to say to oomiptioD,
'Thoa art my father, and to the wqrm
thou art my mother and my sister ? In-finite
love surmounts all impoasibilitiet.—
He deignsnot to say to the miserable Tie-tim
of corruption, descending into the unre-lenting
jaw« of death, I win remit the
sentence; I will ward the blow ; No, but
hesaya, Let it fidl; be not afraid; thoa
art*My S(m. Look up to beaven, behold
the SOB fay day, and dw BooD and atari by
night. When your qraa can peaeleaf —
fiiitk«v«BUiByMr i—gi—rtoii,ndao»
infinitely beyond them. While yon are
walking in daikne^ stumbling among the
rubbish of corruption, under t t e moment-arj
apprehension of which shall be your
last i i^ ; when yon shall never again gath-er
your feet, nor rear your head upon the
theatre of nature ; then lift up your eyes.
Do they fail you ? No matter. ' Give un-bound^
scope to your most towering con-ceptions
; let them break through the bar-riers
of creation—launch into the regions
of eternity, the realms of uncreated day,
and say,—Yonder I live still—^if I am to
be a reptile of nature no longer; still I am
what is infinitely greater,—I am His Son.
—Dr. Wilson.
SOLEMN THOUGHT.—^We s e e not, in
this life, the end of human actions. Their
influence never dies. In every widening
circle it reaches beyond the grave. Death
removes us from this to an eternal worid
—Time determines whatshall be our con-dition
in that world. Eveiy morning,
when we go forth, we lay the moulding
hand on our destiny, and every evening
when we have done, we have lefl a death-less
impress on our character. We touch
not a wire but vibrates in eternity. Not
a voice but reports at the throne of God.
Let youth especially think of these things,
and let every one remember that in this
world, where character is in its formation
state, it is a serious thing to think, to speak,
to act.
'The damps of autumn sinks into the
leaves, and prepares ihem for the necessi-ty
of tiie fall; and thus insensibly are we,
as years close round us, detached from
our tenacity to life by the gentle pressure
of recorded sorrows.'
PETITION OF SLAVES.
•To the Honorable (general Assembly of
the State of Connecticut,
The petition of the negroes of the towns
of Stratford and Fairfield, who are held
in a state of slavery, humbly sheweth:—
That many of your petitioners, were, as
they verily believe, most unjustly torn
irom the bosoms of their dear parents and
friends, and without any crime by them
committed, doomed and bound duwn to
perpetual slavery. And as if the perpe-trators
of this horrid wickedness were
conscious, that we, poor ignorant Afri-cans,
upon the least glimmering light de-rived
from a knowledge of the sense and
practice of civilized nations, should con-vince
them of tbeir sin, they have added
another dreadful evil, that of holding us in
gross ignorance, so as to render our sub-jection
more easy and tolerable. May
it please your honors, we are most griev-ously
affected under the consideration of
th6 flagrant injustice.
Your honors, who are nobly contend-ing
in the cause of Liberty, whose con-duct
excites the admiration and reverence
of all the great empires of the world, will
not resent our thus freely animadverting
ou this detestable practice, although our
skins are different in color from those
whom we serve; yet reason and revela-tion
join to declare that we are the crea-tures
of that GM who made of one blood
and kindred, all the nations of the earth.
We perceive by our own reflection, that
we are endowed with the same faculties
with our masters; and there is nothing
that leads to a belief or suspicion that we
are any more obliged to serve them than
they us. And the more we consider of
this matter, the more are we convinced of
our right, by the laws of nature and by the
whole tenor of the Christian religion,so far
as we havebeen taught,to be free. We have
endeavored rightly to understand what is
our rightfand what is our duty,aiid can never
be convinced that we were made to be
slaves. Although God Almighty may justly
lay this and more upon U8,yet we deserve it
not from the hands of men. We are im-patient
under this grievous yoke; but our
reason teaches us that it is not best for us
to use violent measures to cast it off.
We are also convinced that we are unable
to extricate ourselves from our abject
state; but we think we may with the
greatest propriety look up to your honors
who are the lathers of the people, for re-lief.
And we not only groan under our own
burdens, but with concern and horror,
look forward, and contemplate the miser-able
condition of our children, who are
training up and kept in preparation for a
like state of bondage and servitude.
We lieg leave to submitto you honours*
serious consideration, whether it is con-sistent
with the present claims of the Unl-ted
States, to hold so many thousands of
the race of Adam, our common father, in
perpetual slavery? Can human nature
endure the shoeing idea? Can year
Honours any longer suffer this great evil
to prevail, under yoiir government ? We
intreat your honours, let no eonsideiMiona
of pubKc inconvenience deter your hon-oin
« from interposing in bebauof your
petitionera, who ask for notbug but what
we are fully persuaded is ours to claim.
We beseedi your honors to weigh thip
ipatter in the sieale of justice; and in joat
gnat wisdom and s ^ n e t s , apply nich
renledy arthe eWI |OM require; and kt
your petitioners rejoice with your honors,
in the participation with your )MNiou«ir«f
that inestimable blessing, FREEDOM.
And your httinble petitionel«t as in du-ty
bound will ever pray, dee.
Dated in Fairfield, the 11th day of
May, A.D. 1779.
PRINCS, a negro man-servant to
Mr. Sam'l Sturges of Fairfield.
PBINVE, [his mark] a negro man-servant
of Capt. Stqtben Jen-nings
of Fairfield in behalf of
themselves and the other peti-tioners.
Signed in presence of Jonathan Sturges,'
in whose hand-writing the petition is
drawn.
Copied from the files in the ofiice of Sec-retary
of State, Vol. 1852, paper No.
232. w. s. p.
Will National Era please copy the
above ?
TORREY-ISM.
The Baltimore correspondent of the
National Era mentions an occurrence
which shows that Torrey-ism is not dead
in Maryland, by the death of its founder,
and that the martyr Torrey, " though dead,
yet speaketh" to the understanding heart
and happy experience of the slave :
"Doubtless you have observed an unu-sual
number of "Runaway Slave" ad-vertisements
in the daily papers of this
city, within a few days. It is interesting
to observe two new features of these an-nouncements—
first, the enormous rewards
offered, seemingly in consciousness of the
increasing difficulties of arrest, growing
partly out of the odiousness of the slave-catching
business; and secondly, the par-ticular
pains taken to convey the idea that
sundry scars," dcc., have been caused
otherwise than by cruelty of treatment."
SLAVEBT DISCUSSION.—^The same wri-ter
refers to the continued discussions of
the Baltimore Lyceum.
"I hatl.interided to speak in this letter
of seveM matters for which I find I have
no room—among them, a debate before
the most spirit^ of our Lyceums, the
" Monumental," on the question : " Should
slaveholders be compelled, by law, to ed-ucate
their slaves?" It was opened last
evening, in a spirit which showed that the
members are fully alive to the importance
of the subject, in all its bearings. Some
of the speeches were very able, bold, and
searching. The discussion is to be con-tinued.
If in town at the next meeting—
which is very doubtful, as I am very anx-ious
to be in New York early in " Anni-versary
Week"—I shall attend and re-port
progress on this important and indica-tive
discussion. At all events, the decis-ion
which the Lyceum may make thereon
shall be made known to your numerous
readers, most of whom, doubtless, are ea-ger
to b^ kept advised of all such unerring
signs of the times.
B. 8.
| ) o l i t i c a l .
[It is a paltry prejudice which will depreci-ate
the distinguuhed men of a nation with
which we are ait war, and as tmirise as it is
paltry. Through theoperation of this feeling,
the most distorted and ridiculous notions pre-vul
among oiu: countrymen in reference to
Santa Anna, the Mexican Frerident and Gen-eral.
That he has many faults, we doubt not
—but these are generally sneh as appertain to
men educated in the militaiy profession. Nei-ther
cowardice not a want of patriotism can
be truly allied of him.
The following sketch of this distinguished
man, we copy from the National Era. It will
be read with interest by those who prefer his-torical
truth to the violent denunciations of
unappreciating antagonism.—ED. CHAATSA
OAK.]
SANTA ANNA.
" Specuhition is buqr ia calcnkting the e^
fecto of the battle of Cerro Gordo. It has
bera asked what win be its influence upon the
destiny of SanU Anna ? No one has iNMsted
more than he. His arrogance and rhodomon-tade
have exceeded the usual standard of Mex-ican
extrav^ance. No one could have per-formed
less in proportion to his swelling prom-ises.
He assured the Coiwress, soon after his
return to the capital, that Be would die soon-er
than see the invaders of the country in
powession of the city. Li his last appeal to
the troops, he pledged his life in their service.
He repMted his adjuration to perish sooner
than yield. He tells them that itis the hnt
time tie may see themj and yet, according to
the accounts we have received, be fled pre-maturely
and in a panic fitm the field where
he bad pledged UnAelf to perish.—TTasAtn^
ton Union.
It ia not generous to insult a fallen foe.
The statement that Santa Anna shame-fully
fled" rests upon the same authority
which reported that the release of the
prisoMra oa pande by GM. Scott produ.
ced great diaoontent in hit army. Santa
Anna did not fly till the battle was lost;
and that he atoM as long fw h* could, with
any prudence, ia p r q v ^ by the foUowiBg
aiatement ia the corrMp^ence of the
New Orlewu JMta:
" Gen. Sante Aaiw, |n Im
. »/v»« MMmnmjj ww amt com-e
f t h e 7 * nrfantty'iM1wMntedri&,
that he waslbteedto leavetb spleiidia eai^
>'in silver, and one
Neitlier bravery nor patriotism required
him vainly to throw away his life, or fool-ishly
to put himself in the power of the
victor. Imputations upon his personal
courage are unfounded and ungenerous.
The man who, in 1823, when bnt 30 years
of age, an obscure colonel, dared to raise
the standard of revolt, and marched at
the head of a single regiment against the
tyrant Iturbide, surrounded as he was by
15,000 disciplined troops, and who, when
viplory declared in his favor, laying his
own ambition on his country's altar, cal-led
the veteran Victoria from hb hiding-place
to the chief command, while be vol-untarily
chose a subordinate position; the
man who, in 1829, at the head of a forco
of seven hundred men, hastily collected,
succeeded, by a series of skillful and bold
manoeuvres, in defeating and finally cap-tured
a Spanish army of 4,000 veterans,
under the command of Gen. Barradas,
who had landed at Tampico with the in-tention
of reducing the Mexicans again
to the yoke; the man who, in 1841, pro-nounced
against Gen. Bustamente, an old
commander of reputation, then at the
head of affairs, and in command of 8,000
regular troops, and forthwith, with a
prompt daring which has always signal-ized
him, took up the line of march against
him with but four or five hundrc J recruits,
cannot be either a coward or a traitor.
Every generous heart will award him
high praise for the manner in which he
has conducted operations since his return
from Havana. That he was permitted to
pass through the blockading squadron by
our Government there is no doubt. We
are not among those who see nothing but
foul corruption in this transaction. -The
Administration was doubtless desirous of
peace; was aware that Santa Anna, if in
power, could do more towards promoting
peace tRan any other man, and probably
had some kind of understaniling with.him'^
that he would use oil proper efibrts to ef.
feet this end. We do not believe that the
Government asked him to play the traitor,
or that he would have agreed to any such
proposition if made. As to the expedien-cy
of permitting him to return, and the
wisdom of the calculations of the Execu-tive,
that is another question.
Once more at home, we doubt not that
Santa Anna did all he could with safety to
promote peaceful counsels; but finding
this a bootless task, what could he do but
devote himself to the deliverance of his
country from the power and presence of
the invader ? Look at the circumstances:
His country weak, torn by intestine con-vulsions,
exhausted, dishonored, dispirit-ed,
powerful invading armies threatening
it on every side, their arras rendered more
formidable still by the prestige of victory.
Is he dispirited, hesitating? No! First,
we find him at San Luis Potosi, where he
collects an army of twenty thousand men,
disciplines them, equips them, supports
them by his own efibrts. without aid from
the Central Government. He marches
across an immense desert; his soldiers are
ragged, starving, famishing, borne down
by unheard-of-toils and hardships; but,
without delay, he gives battle to Gen.
Taylor, l^hte him two days, makes the
most daring efforts to carry his positions,
and, after leaving two thousand men upon
the field of battle, draws off, only because
human nature, unsupported by food and
water, could endure no more.
He retreats in good order, recrosses the
desert, hears at San Luis Potosi of the
civil war in the capital, flies to the scene
of strife, seizes the helm of s'.ate, quiets
the contending factions, unites his coun-trymen,
and, exhausted as they are, raises
fifteen thousand troops, marches hundreds
of miles to Xalapa, fortifies himself strong-ly
at Cerro Gordo, where he again meets
a powerful invading army in bloody en-counter,
fightii^; again for two days in
succession, and quitting the field only
when the battle was lost.
Shall we attempt to ridicule such a man,
hold him up to the world as a shameless
coward ? Never was there a braver gen-eral
; few have been more skillfiil; few
equally patriotic. That he has been beat-en,
is not his fault. Had he been at the
head of American soldiers, he would have
been invincible. As it is, he is not con.
quered. Though he has lost two battles,
all is not lost. We have mistaken the
man, or he has fled only to rally aqother
army, with which to breast the storm.
He will be seen again at Mexico, or be-fore.
We honor this brave, though an en-emy,
and above all does our heart warm
towards the man who never gives up when
his country's soil is trodden by the foot of
an invader.
Was there a generous spirit in Great
Britain, during the w«r of the Revolution,
that attempted to de&me and ridicule our
Washington, whenever be waa compelled
to give way to superior force ?
Cannot Americans afford to be magnan.
imous T
NATIONAL NOMINATIONS, *
MBSSBS. EDITOBB :—At a meeting of
the Liberty men of Grafton, (Mass. ) 21 si
of May, the fbllowing were adopted as oar
•eptlivcnta, relative to an early Conven*
tion for the iijQmination of Lilierty candi.
datM fi>r President and Vice Prandentof
the United flitates:
'We, the Liberty men of Gafton deem it
highly important to the interests alld-tne-cess
of the Liberty piarty in the United
States, that their National Candidates for
President and Vice President be nomina-ted
and placed before the people as early
the present year as possible; and we
hereby urgently and respectfully request
the National Committee to call a Conven-tion
in August or September next, for the
purpose of making such nominations.
We will assign the following, aming
many important reasons for an early nom-ination
: V
Ist. It will tend to arouse, unite, and
encourage the Liberty men in all parts of
the country to renewed action and zeal in
the cause of Liberty; and we do not think
M'e shall get out of breath before the elec-tion
comes off.
Sd. In this State, and we believe in
several other States, should there be no
choice of electors by the ^ople, it will de-volve
on the next Legislature to elect
them. It is, therefore, of the greatest im-portance
that the National nomination be
made prior to State nominations, that we
may select such representatives for the
General Court as will be in favor of our
National Liberty candidates.
3d. Should the nominations be ilcferred
to next year, it will be almost impossible,
with our limited means, to make their
qualifications and claims sufiiciently known
to secure the entire strength of the Liber-ty
party throughout the United States.
4th. It will preserve our friends from
being led astray by the recent and very un-wise
course that some of our ultra and
impatient brethren have recently adopted
in the State of New York, concerning
free trade and other collateral or foreign
issues.
5th. The recent and important move-ments
in the South to break up the old
Whig and Democratic parties and unite
in one Slaveiy party, and the enthusiasm
with which the Whigs and Democrate sec-ond
the movements of John C. Calhoun
and Wm. R. King, by nominating Gene-ral
Taylor for their candidate for the
Presidency, indicates a speedy dissolution
of those parties. It appears to us, there-fore,
that it is of the greatest importance
that our nominees be early in the field,that
the North may have a nucleus around
which to rally, as did the Independent
Democrats of New Hampshire in their
late struggle for freedom. We fear, on
the other hand, if the nominations be
delayed, the politicians will select some
half-way Conscience Whig or Democrat
as a candidate, and press a portion of our
men into his support, and we lose the fruit
ofall ourefforU in the battle of liberty.
We, therefore, hope as a mattter of wise
policy on our part that the convention will
be called and the nomination made,as ear-ly
as possible.
SETH J. AXTBL, Chairman.
FBANCIS WINN, Secretary.
From tlie Nntional Era.
THE LIBERTY PART IT.
" Be patient, oh, be patient; the germs of mighty
thought
Must have their silent undeigrowth, and in the
earth be wrought."
We are by no means surprised to wit-ness,
at times, in some of the advocates of
the IJberty movement, signs of impatience
and disappointment, in view of its slow
progress, and the difficulties which thick-en
along its path. The feeling betrays it-self
in the extreme anxiety of some to
find occasions for coalescing with one or
the other of the okl parties upon some
collateral issue. Others, on the contrary,
have watched the tantalizing course of
these parties, and compared their profes-sions
with their practice, until they have
become thoroughly dis^ted, and have
learned to look with suspicion and distrust
upon the professions an^rigfat action,
even, of those who have not yet entirely
separated from them. They hold that no
good thing can be done by Whig or Dem-ocrat
; that they who appi^ach nearest to
the standard of the Li^ity party, and
yet hesitate to join it, are fitter subjects of
denunciation and reproach than those who
are the sworn allies of slaveiy. They
seem to think that it is not safe to be mag-nanimous
; that it is bad policy to admit
that there is any right feeling or commend-able
action on the subject of slavery be-yond
the limits of the party with which
they are connected. «
Both of th^se classes have become im-patient;
they have lost somewhat of tbeir
confidence in the certain triumph oi the
Truth; they walk by sight, atid not by
faith; they have become weary in well-doing,
forgetting the inspired promise of a
harvest in due time for such as &int not.
The one, regarding only the slow numer-ical
growth of the LibMy party, and not
taking into account the mighty and per.
vading influence of its positioa and prin-ciples,
to the TOwer of which John C.
Calhoun has of late been compelled to
bear m reluctant testimony, is turning anx-iously
to the old parties, and, unwarned
by paat«xperience,atiilfumUy iMpea l|Hit
the politicians who decehrad him in 1840
and 1844 will prove &ithfi4 •od honest
in 1848. The other claw Kave become
•eveKe uid mcbaritable; Whig and Den.
eciatie ceheesaiona to th* y aiHK
.slaTaty aeatiment fipdiM i r u f iirtlfift
eyes, and they hold tbenuelTea booad to
rebuke sharply those of their brethren
who are weak enough to acknowledge
these concessions, and who, in the spirit
of the Apostle, rejoice that the Gospel of
Abolition is preached, at any rate, and
with whatever motive. Both lack faith in
the omnipotence of Truth ; one can Me
no hope save iri a numerical majority, or
a coalition with one of the old parties;
the other is so doubtful of the integrity of
his brethren, and so suspicious ofall oth-ers,
that he must needs deny or disparage
the veiy fruits of the anti-slavery agitation,
when manifested out of the pale of his
party. One becomes lax and confiding;
the other over-vigilant and exclusive.
For ourselves, we united with the Lib-erty
party in 1840, after having fairly and
fully tested the smcerity of politicians of
the two old parties, on the plan of ques-tioning
candidates, and voting for such as
gave the most favorable responses. To
usi an expression of Carlyle's, we found
it to be "a course which led nowhither."
Almost everybody was ready to write let-ters,
before election, more or less favorable
to our cause, but nobody seemed to consid-er
themselves bound to act afterwards in
conformity with their professions. The
great majority of the Abolitionists, even,
had so little faith in this sort of action,
that they voted their old party tickets,
without much reference to their own im-plied
pledge to support the more favorable
respondent, irre.spective of hia political
connections. Consistency and self-re-spect
demanded that this state of things
should cease. The Liberty party was a
necessity of the time. It was the only
means left us for making our right of suf-fra^
bear efficiently and consistently
against slavery. At the election of 1840,
seven thousand only were prepared to sev-er
the chains of the old parties, yet their
influence was felt throughout the country.
They spoke through the ballot-boxes of
every free State, in a voice which, feeble
as it was, pierced through the Babel up-roar
of the time,
"As tlic lute pieiceth through tlie cymbal's clash,"
and gave warning to the oppressor that
the day of passive submission to hia po-litical
misrule had passed fi>rever. We
are now at hast seventy thousand strong
—a tenfold increase. Those who look
only to the actual election of Liberty can-didates
as an evidence of success, may
consider even this laige increase of pledg'd
anti-slavery voters as a poor result of Uie
six years' struggle on our part. But is it
nothing that we have, before God and the
world, washed our hands of the abomina-tions
that our practice now coincides with
our professions as Abolitionists? Is it
nothing that we have forced upon the pub-lic
attention the aggressions of the Slave
Power? That we have compelled politi-cians
and partisan editors to make Emis-sions
in respect to the bearings of the
Slave system upon the rights and interests
of the free States which have sunk deep
into the minds of thousands, and are slow,
ly but surely preparing them for decided
anti-slavery action ? Seven years ago
the territory of the free States was one
great man-park for the slave-hunter; no
legislation stood between him and his vie.
tim; nay, the officers of the free States
stood ready to aid him in riveting anew
the broken manacles. Now, nearly all
the Northern and Middle States have en-acted
penal laws a^inst the use of their
prisons, or the participation of their pub-lic
functionaries in arresting and confining
persoas claimed as fugitive slaves. Look
at the late abortive attempts to recapture
fugitives in Illinois and Michigan; whole
communities rising up against the outrage,
as no longer to be endured upon free soil.
Seven years ago, the Gag I^w was reg.
ularly enacted at each session of Coi^;res8.
Now, it is abolished and consigned to in-famy.
Seven years ago, the discussipn of
the Slave question was virtually prohibit-ed
in Congress. Last winter, it formed
the prominent topic. It is up before the
nation, never again to be laid at rest. In
Congress and out of Congress, in State
Legislatures and town meetings, in the
court room and the pulpit, in peace or in
war, under Whig Presidents or Democrat,
ic, the mighty question will challenge dis-cussion
and decision. Of this great
change the Liberty party haa been the
most efficient instrumentdity. Its stem, '
unwearied, unchanging PBOTEST, at every
election, has been widely felt. It haa
kept prominent before the people the idea
of the wrong of Slavery. And exactly in
proportion as its principles have influen-ced
the action of the two great parties and
the legislation of the Statea in behalf of
Liberty, IT HAS ALREADY TBIVXPHED.
Why, then, should we not take courage,
and go calmly forward aa we have begnn?
What excuse have we for fretful impa-tience
and repining ? For sour-tempered
denunciation and diatmst of one another
on the one hand, or for hamdoua experi-ments
of new isauea and cfedalons r ^
anM.upon the prpfiMsioas of the old par.
tie* on the other ? Do we not know that
theThith Is on one skie? "And who
knowa not," aaid John MHlon, ••that the
Trmfa ia stfwig next to tlia A k u ^ f
Hke conwipusneM of reclitMde of M m t
and motive. oQ our part ibould efitMWan.
able 0* to stand,np as fin^ with the few,
as tiMitiM nohitadn—tei feef aaftr
biMlhi ftMrart cdMTwf*
_ EDITODBT ^
W . H .
•I .Hi , , .
HW emtdtim OSB^WHU s^tsaMB tgrelMw-ingtfai
O n t n a . i i r BiaiBni fin ite gMfi
oT.Tyma*.- ma 'fkm Pspw.llf^
howerer lowly-afl 4bwB-lnNldn, apS .tfaow ntadw
into ihB fae^ df aB.wmi^ woMher ia p u ^ aw
broaddotii. or ia n^s urf squkr. -T•^ Hhm^ fc
••itw iht sai, il wal M katt siMMr. bwfl
shMIr ha a — of •••Hi b t laAwr • • to
wedBainw^teBafc— K fiw»«tiag. hawri^
to no* the aeaai|e when high-hainhd wiekadaaaa
•hall donand it. PMaing Eventa and &nd Priaei-fkf,
the tnonent Nawa, and tb* atmiallawa, ibdl
tions to cany into the state anniversaries
next winter, where measures can be taken
to sustain them properly, are considera-tions
of great weight in our view.—Mi^
Liberty Standard.
[The fiiUowing admirable article is copied
from the Ashtid>nhi (Ohio^ Sentinel—one ef
the very few papeis that have had ei-ther
the coura^ or the decency to speak oak
in manly nbuke of the attempt to slave-holder
Taylor, from the Moodi^aMlesorthe
battle- fiaU,iato the Fraridaatial chair, fat
thegloiy of his saceessfid hotohaiiaa. Ikis
really refreshing to meet an artiele Bketius
i n a Whigpqper,whea sneh prints astfeaK
T. Tribune indicate their rsartinsss, fer par-ty's
sake, to elevate Ineannto M n d v t o On
Chief Magistney of oar landr—E&Cmumat
OAB.]
i m o u t any jast eanaa, aad in Tiola*
tion of a m y prineiple ef morality, aar
slaveholding Presideal otdetod tka a m ^
to Mexico to batcher her peapla»;hnm
their towna and viUa|as,and4B«aslailotlMV
countjry, in o t t e to s p n a d j U * * * * .^
oppression over it. GeB«Knl'tigrl^
sen an extensive slaveholdN; w p e w t^
to act as tho agent of t ^ E n M v o in
committing t h ^ r r i f p T " ^ " ] f e l i B a »
emInMtfy snMaarfW m qthjli^
Nowt witk a n a ^ r o M ^ opinioM (
otWn, w« l y h k CirisdiMi m » wadd
I m W M M V I ^ as t ^ i n s b n m * er
n N W ^ C M - A i aft W n I
I I I N I A I M I I
matMak. teva partidp^tad
t