Since 1984 the government has been reorienting an agrarian economy
dependent on a guaranteed British market to an open free market economy
that can compete on the global scene. The government had hoped that
dynamic growth would boost real incomes, reduce inflationary pressures, and
permit the expansion of welfare benefits. The results have been mixed:
inflation is down from double-digit levels, but growth has been sluggish
and unemployment, always a highly sensitive issue, has exceeded 10% since
May 1991. In 1988, GDP fell by 1%, in 1989 grew by a moderate 2.4%, and
was flat in 1990-91. Current (1994) growth is around 2-4% and rising.
The economy is based on agriculture (particularly dairy products, meat, and
wool (68 m sheep, 2 m dairy cows)), food processing, wood and paper
products, textiles, machinery, transportation equipment, banking and
insurance, tourism, mining. Fish catch reached a record 0.5 m tonnes in
1988. Highly dependent on external trade, NZ is currently trying to move
from being a primary to a secondary producer.
--------------------
B3.2.1 Defence Against Silly Questions
Lyndon Watson wrote:
"Look in on sci.economics and sci.econ.research.
In response to yet another request from abroad about NZ's supposedly
interesting economic past and present structure, Lyndon Watson composed the
following.
What is it with these idiots from Canada? This garbage seems to come round
three or four times a year - is some fool teaching it to students there?
Some notes for these twits (and their teachers) -
1. New Zealand was not subsidized from England, or anywhere else.
2. The nation did not at any time go bankrupt (or default on its
debts, or become subject to IMF or World Bank or any other outside
economic direction).
3. Our terms of trade worsened catastrophically in the early 1970s (not
the 1980s) as a result of (a) the oil shock that also affected
our trading partners and (b) the erection of tariff and quota
barriers against our trade by the U.K.
4. The Labour government of 1972-75 and the National government that
followed it tried to deal with adverse terms of trade by borrowing
in foreign markets, with the result that by the early 1980s we had
(and we still have) a debt ratio that looked bad even by Third World
standards.
5. The Labour government of 1984-90 and the current National government
have restructured the economy by abruptly stopping all state
subsidies, removing nearly all tariff and quota barriers against
imports, greatly reducing income tax and substituting the Goods and
Services Tax on the sale of goods and services, greatly reducing the
the state's involvement in trading activities and social services,
and the reform of labour laws to promote individual workplace
agreements.
6. The removal of subsidies and import barriers saw many incompetent
and uneconomic businesses, many of which were reliant on subsidies,
fail and the official unemployment rate exceed 10% of the workforce.
7. After a decade of restructuring, our net terms of trade are in our
favour and the official unemployment rate is the fourth lowest in
the OECD (currently just over 7% for the country as a whole, 5.9%
in most of the South Island). A major current problem is the
shortage of skilled workers in many industries."
-----
Kindly submitted by Paul Walker. These were published in the Christchruch
Press on September 13th and 14th, 1995. Anyone prepared to archive these
and the following references for ftp and such?
BRINGING HOME THE CUP
Michael Carter
Senior Lecturer in Economics
University of Canterbury
When Australia wrested the America's Cup from the New York yacht club in
1983, Tom Schnackenberg was a member of the shore team (a sail designer).
When New Zealand won the cup in San Diego, Tom was head of the design team
and navigator on NZL 32. His progression from shore to ship was far less
imposing than that in his native country. In 1983, a New Zealand
challenge for the America's Cup would have been inconceivable. The
domestic boat building industry was struggling. It had been decimated by
the imposition of an ill-conceived sales tax in 1979, which cut turnover
from $57 million to $8 million in two years.
Like Schnackenberg, many of New Zealand's best talents lived and worked
overseas, driven away by high tax rates and the lack of opportunity.
Innovation was discouraged by regulations, import controls and selective
taxes. The idea of a New Zealand team taking on the might of corporate
America was laughable.
At the end of 1984, I left Australia to return to New Zealand. Some of my
Australian colleagues laughed. They saw New Zealand as a basket case, a
joke, small isolated islands drowning in a sea of debt. My Australian
friends wondered when, not if, Australia would have to come reluctantly to
the rescue.
Ten years later, how things have changed. Our triumph in San Diego is due
in no small measure to the changes which have be wrought in the New
Zealand economy over the last 10 years. Moreover, bringing home the Cup
was only the most visible sign of the new vigour, confidence and strength
in New Zealand and its people.
New Zealanders are justifiably proud of the performance of Team NZ in San
Diego. They could be even more proud of the performance of home team, of
the radical transformation of their economy over the last ten years.
Domestic critics talk of the "New Zealand experiment" as though New
Zealand has pursued a lone path in recent years. Nothing could be further
from the truth. Massive economic change has occurred throughout the world
over the last fifteen years. Deregulation and privatization are universal
trends. No country remains untouched, from Britain and the US to the
former constituents of the Soviet block to Latin America, Africa and Asia.
Around the world, there is a feeling that New Zealand has done it better
than most. The Australians are now looking cautiously over their shoulder,
as their economy is consistently eclipsed by their Tasman rival. The
Economist regularly cites New Zealand as exemplifying the benefits of
economic reform. Monetary economists pay significant attention to the
Reserve Bank Act. Experts on telecommunications watch with interest New
Zealand's system of light regulation. New Zealanders are employed as
consultants advising on economic reform all round the world.
>From the laggard of the OECD, New Zealand has emerged to one of the
strongest economies in the world. It is an achievement to be proud of, an
accomplishment which surpasses even the yacht races in San Diego. That is
not to say that we have got everything perfect. Mistakes have been made,
implementation of some policies was less than perfect, and there is still
much to be done. But, from an international perspective, New Zealand's
transformation in a single decade has been remarkable. At a time when
some politicians are promoting a return to the past, it is sobering to
recall the changes which have been made and to reflect on the way we were
ten years ago. It is also interesting to remark how the opponents of
change have often become its most vocal advocates, as exemplified by
Federated Farmers and recently the Manufacturers Federation.
Much of the current political debate on economic policy is futile and
distracting, driven by poor memories and wishful thinking. If only New
Zealanders could achieve some consensus that we have been moving in the
right direction, debate could turn to the more constructive issues of how
to secure continued growth and equitable distribution. Prospective
voters could do their part by signalling more clearly to aspiring
politicians that they want to build on the present rather than return to
the past.
Tomorrow, we look back to the way we were in 1984 and review some of the
changes which have been made in our economic lives.
LOOKING BACK TO 1984
Michael Carter
Senior Lecturer in Economics
University of Canterbury
Eleven years ago, the Fourth Labour Government came to power in a snap
election. They inherited control of country whose economy had been
devastated by years of mismanagement. Aided by a willing and able
bureaucracy, they set about implementing an ambitious programme of
economic reform. As New Zealand approaches its first MMP election, it is
instructive to look back over these reforms, and to recall the way we
were in 1984.
One of the first changes was the freeing of the financial system from
obstructive regulation and the floating of the New Zealand dollar. This
has promoted a healthy, competitive and innovative financial system.
People may rue market interest rates, but at least it possible to borrow
when required. Remember the old days when obtaining a mortgage required
appropriate obsequiousness before the bank manager, who exercised a
patronizing and crucial power over investment decisions. Since it was
floated, the Kiwi dollar has shown a remarkable stability in a world of
stormy change. So stable has it been, that international bankers use it
has a short term safe haven, and temporary resting place for funds. Why
should we be alarmed at that vote of confidence? A strong currency is a
manifestation of a strong economy. No country has every got rich by
debasing its currency.
One consequence of a floating currency is that New Zealander's are
enabled to convert their currency at will. Remember the days when foreign
exchange had to be squirreled away, carefully collected to finance meagre
purchases. Funds for overseas travel were limited. Obtaining funds for
small purchases such as magazine subscriptions required hoarding post
office money orders.
Similarly, ten years ago, there were an enormous range of import controls
and prohibitive tariffs. Overseas trips where often shopping trips.
Travelers would return laden with booty which was too expensive to
purchase in New Zealand. The main beneficiaries were foreign distributors
and retailers. It was a very inefficient way of restricting consumption
of luxury goods to the rich.
Exchange and import controls spawned a variety of ingenious rackets.
Under one scheme, those with access to foreign currency could go to the
top of the queue for a new car, while ordinary people had to spend three
or four years on a waiting list. Consequently, the favoured few were
enabled to buy a new car every year, and then sell it to the less
fortunate for more than they paid for it. Such rorts are almost inevitable
under a system of controls.
The most spectacular result of the abolition of import controls was the
flood of second-hand Japanese cars. The quality of the New Zealand vehicle
fleet improved dramatically, and the cost of transportation declined. Of
course, there has been a down side. Traffic congestion has also increased
dramatically. But at least congestion is egalitarian. Vehicle ownership
is widespread and not restricted to the rich and powerful.
The relaxation of import controls and tariffs has also had a dramatic
impact on clothing, footwear and consumer goods. The range of clothing
readily available in New Zealand has increased dramatically, and prices
have fallen. Since families spend a higher proportion of their budgets on
clothing and transport, freer trade has been especially valuable to the
less well off. This makes the Alliance's wish to reverse this change all
the more imponderable.
In 1984, New Zealand's production was guided by a system of subsidies,
through which New Zealand taxpayers funded the lifestyles of those with
political clout. Most pernicious were the agricultural subsidies such as
SMPs. Naturally, farmers produced were the subsidies were highest, which
tended to be were demand was lowest. The subsidies became capitalized in
land values, another windfall gain for those of means. When the
government abolished subsidies in 1984, land prices halved. For many
individual farmers, this was devastating. But farmers as a whole soon
recognised that the subsidy system was untenable. They soon became the
most vocal advocates of deregulation, and New Zealand could mount a
credible campaign against protection in world agricultural markets.
Much political flak was attracted by the privatization of public owned
businesses. Yet, this was part of world-wide trend. A recent book on
privatization which I reviewed for the Press cited 120 countries.
Privatization in New Zealand seems to have been handled more sensibly
than in some other countries. This is because serious thought was given to
post-sale market structure, which it is more important than ownership.
For example, Ansett was permitted to fly in New Zealand before Air New
Zealand was floated. Similarly, competition was permitted in
telecommunications before Telecom was sold. The benefits in these cases
are clear. New Zealand enjoys one of the best and cheapest telephone
systems in the world. Competition in transport has certainly improved the
quality of service.
It is plausible to argue that current impasse between Telecom and Clear
stems primarily from the Kiwi share obligation imposed on Telecom, which
was explicitly designed to impede the consequences of competition in the
residential market. The Kiwi share may have been one of the less fortunate
ideas.
A keystone of economic reform has been the Reserve Bank Act, which has
succeeded in controlling inflation in New Zealand. Inflation adds to the
uncertainty of investment decisions, and leads to arbitrary
redistributions of wealth. Admittedly, the rapid reduction in inflation
was achieved at considerable cost. However, nothing would be gained now
by loosening the controls on inflation embodied in the Reserve Bank Act.
Reform of the tax system was also important.
In 1984, the top marginal tax rate was 66%, which left little incentive
for additional effort. It provided ample incentive for avoidance and
evasion which were widespread. The imposition of GST had two major
advantages: avoidance was almost impossible and the tax fell on
consumption and not saving. By cutting the rates but broadening the base,
tax receipts have actually increased, which is why New Zealand is now
repaying debt rather than accumulating it. The reformed system is also
much fairer, since the opportunities for avoidance under the former system
were very unevenly distributed.
Reform reached beyond market institutions. "Tomorrow's Schools"
revolutionized the ways our schools are run. There have been some hiccups,
but by and large this seems to have been a successful and welcome reform.
A recent review in the Press could find no one who wanted to return to the
former system of centralized Ministry control. Similar decentralization
in the health system has provoked more debate. However, it is notable that
a recent careful survey by Consumer magazine detected widespread
satisfaction with the health system. Much of the criticism comes from
those working in the system, with a vested interest in protecting their
working conditions.
As in similar countries, the process of immigration was changed, from a
system of regional quotas to a points system. Points are awarded to
prospective immigrants for various criteria, and those with the highest
points are admitted. The advantage of this system is its openness and
transparency. On the whole, it is much fairer to immigrants. Other
changes which come to mind include deregulation of shopping hours, the
huge change in planning process embodied in the Environmental Protection
Act, the auctioning of property rights in spectrum and fisheries and of
course the Employment Contracts Acts.
The changes which have been wrought have been massive. They have been
guided by the desire to introduce openness, accountability and rationality
into public decision making. It would be silly to pretend that all the
changes and their implementation have been beyond criticism. We live in an
uncertain world characterized by imperfect information and human frailty.
Mistakes have been made and improvements are available. Inevitably, there
have been winners and losers from change.
Nevertheless, we need to look at the larger picture. Those with nostalgia
for a lost past need to colour their memories with a degree of realism. Do
we really want to return to the days of import and exchange controls,
inefficient state monopolies, old broken-down cars, a gray, dull
uniformity of relative poverty and quaint backwardness. That is the
direction in which some politicians wish to lead.
-----
Following are a collection of references on the changes from Paul Walker
who added: "The one problem they all have is that they were out of date by
the time they were published. For a quick overview of the last 10 years or
so check out":
http://www.canterbury.ac.nz/econ/mike.htm
Australian Economic Review; 0(104), Oct.-Dec. 1993
Len Bayliss
Prosperity Mislaid: Economic Failure in New Zealand and What Should be Done
About it.
GP Publications, Wellington NZ, 1994
A. Bollard
New Zealand Economic Reforms: 1984-91, Country Study No. 10.
International Center for Economic Growth, 1992
Alan Bollard
The Political Economy of Liberalisation in New Zealand.
New Zealand Institute of Economic Research Working Paper WP93/2
Alan Bollard and Robert Buckle (eds)
Economic Liberalisation in New Zealand.
Allen and Unwin, 1987
Alan Bollard and David Mayes
Corporatization and Privatization in New Zealand in The Political Economy
of Privatization.
Thomas Clarke and Christos Pitelis (eds)
Routledge, London, 1993
Jonathan Boston
Reshaping Social Policy in New Zealand.
Fiscal Studies; 14(3), August 1993, pages 44-85.
Jonathan Boston and Paul Dalziel (eds)
The Decent Society?: Essays in Response to National's Economic and Social
Policies.
Oxford University Press, Auckland, N.Z., 1992
Jonathan Boston and Martin Holland (eds)
The Fourth Labour Government: Radical Politics in New Zealand.
Oxford University Press, Auckland, N.Z., 1987
Jonathan Boston and Martin Holland (eds)
The Fourth Labour Government: Politics and Policy in New Zealand 2nd Ed.
Oxford University Press, Auckland, N.Z., 1990
Pat Colgate and Joselyn Stroombergen
A Promise to Pay: New Zealand's Overseas Debt and Country Risk.
New Zealand Institute of Economic Research Research Monograph 58
Ajit Dasgupta
Is New Zealand Slipping up? Some Borda Condorcet Measures of Relative
Performance.
Economics discussion Papers No.9311 Uinversity of Otago.
Ian Duncan and Alan Bollard
Corporatization and Privatization.
Oxford University Press, 1992
Stephen Gale
The New Zealand Experience of Liberalisation and Deregulation.
New Zealand Institute of Economic Research Working Paper WP 90/13
G. Hawke (ed)
A Modest Safety Net? The Future of the Welfare State.
Institute of Policy Studies, 1991
Warren E. Johnston and Gerald A. G. Frengley
The Deregulation of New Zealand Agriculture: Market Intervention (1964-84)
and Free Market Readjustment (1984-90).
Western Journal of Agricultural Economics; 16(1), July 1991, pages 132-43.
Susan K. Jones
The Road to Privatization; The issues involved and some lessons from New
. Zealand's Experience.
Finance and Development, March 1991.
Tim Maloney
Has New Zealand's Employment Contracts Act Increased Employment and Reduced
Wages?
Working Papers in Economics No.135 July 1994, Department of Economics,
University of Auckland.
Peter Nicholl
New Zealand's Monetary Policy Experiment.
University of Western Ontario Papers in Political Economy: 31 October 1993
Susan St John
Tax and Welfare Reforms in New Zealand.
The Australian Economic Review, 4th Quarter 1993
Robert Stephens
Radical Tax Reform in New Zealand.
Fiscal Studies; 14(3), August 1993, pages 45-63.
The Old New Zealand and the New
New Zealand Business Roundtable, Wellington N.Z., 1994
Simon Walker (ed)
Rodgernomics: Reshaping New Zealand's Economy.
GP Books, Wellington, N.Z., 1989
Graeme Wells
Economic Reform and Macroeconomic Policy in New Zealand.
Australian Economic Review; 0(92), Oct.-Dec. 1990, pages 45-60
P. C. Dalziel
A decade of radical economic reforms in New Zealand
British Review of New Zealand Studies 7, forthcoming (it may be out by now).
Patrick Massey
New Zealand: Market Liberalization in a Developed Economy
Macmillan Press, 1995
You could also check out the last 10 years or so of "New Zealand Economic
Papers" and the "Reserve Bank of New Zealand Bulletin".
Paul
--------------------
B3.2.2 Current Status
Govt: going into surplus
Business confidence: on the up and up
Building: both business and residental are doing very well.
Unemployed, welfare, students, solo parents feeling hard done by.
Business (particular exporters), overseas investors very pleased.
GNP 1988 (millions) $25,856
GNP per Capita $7,734
GDP: purchasing power equivalent - $46.2 billion, per capita $14,000; real
growth rate - 0.4% (1991 est.)
Inflation rate (consumer prices): 1.1-1.4% (1993)
Unemployment rate: 11% (mid 1994)
Budget: revenues $17.6 billion; expenditures $18.3 billion, including
capital expenditures of $NA (FY91 est.)
Economic aid: donor - ODA and OOF commitments (1970-89), $526 million
Exports: $9.4 billion (f.o.b., FY91)
commodities: wool, lamb, mutton, beef, fruit, fish, cheese, manufactured
goods, chemicals, forestry products, beer, wine
Imports: $8.4 billion (f.o.b., FY91)
commodities: petroleum, consumer goods, motor vehicles, industrial
equipment
Natural resources: natural gas, oil, iron sand, coal, timber, hydropower,
gold, grass
Land use: arable land 2%; permanent crops 0%; meadows and pastures 53%;
forest and woodland 38%; other 7%; includes irrigated 1%
---------
For an up-to-date outline on the current state of NZ's economy, look out
for one of Brian Harmer's excellent weekly WYSIWYG news reports in s.c.n-z.
--------------------
B3.2.3 Currency
Decimal system based on New Zealand dollar, with cent denominations.
Coins are 5, 10, 20, and 50 cents, 1 and 2 dollars
Notes are 5, 10, 20, 50, and 100 dollars
Major credit cards are accepted widely.
--------------------
B3.2.4 Stockmarket
Same structure as overseas. Ours tends to fluctuate depending on the state
of the world markets.
--------------------
B3.2.5 Exchange/Interest Rates
Information on exchange rates is available from many daily papers, or you
can get the information through www on:
http://www.ora.com/cgi-bin/ora/currency?New_Zealand
It's updated weekly, so it's usually a little out of date, but it's a good
guide mostly.
Current figures for main currencies (10/6/95):
NZ$
Aust$ 93.63c
Pounds 42.56p
US$ 67.65c
Yen 57.78
Interest rates are fluctuating between 6 and 10% depending on overseas
markets. Fixed interest (1/4/95):
% call rates 9.00
% 90-day bank bills 9.04
% July 1998 Govt Stock 8.21
--------------------
B3.2.6 Taxes
New Zealand operates a Goods and Services Tax of 12.5% on ALL goods and
services sold and this is usually included in the display price. The
exceptions are purchases at duty free shops. Visitors cannot claim refunds
on this tax however when a supplier agrees to export a major item to a
visitors home address then GST will not be charged on the goods or the
freight.
Income tax (as at May 96):
$1 - $9,500 - 15% (allowing for the low income rebate)
$9,501 - $30,875 - 28%
$30,876 + - 33%
changing to:
$1 - $9,500 - 15% (allowing for the low income rebate)
$9,501 - $34,200 - 24% (up to $38,000 and down to 21% on July 1st 1997)
$30,876 + - 33%
on the July 1st 1996.
Apparently family support will also increase with a guaranteed minimum
family income, and a new independent family tax credit.
For wage and salary earners virtually nothing is tax-deductible except the
first $1500 of donations to churches, schools, and other charities, and
then only at a 33% rate (ie max $500).
There are various rebates for things like low incomes, children, donations,
Housekeeper, Home/Farm/Vessel Ownership, and others.
Government Revenue Source(1990) How it was expected to be spent(1990)
Income Tax $16,950 Education $3,912.5
Goods and Service Tax $5,500 Health $3,791.1
Other Direct Taxes $360 Transport $711.6
Excise Duties $1,670 Administration $2,769.0
Highway tax $670 Development of Industry $1,231.3
Other Indirect Tax $790 Government Borrowing $575.1
Foreign Relations $1,733.7
Social Services $10,292.1
Total $25,940 Total $25,016.4
On a regional scale, all local authorities fund their activities (with some
limited back-up from central government) from 'rates'. These are taxes on
land owners, assessed annually as a fraction of the 'unimproved' (i.e. land
only) value of the land. Each local authority sets its own rates and they
can be challenged as unreasonable in court - some Wellington City rates for
the current year have just been thrown out by the High Court.
Note that we do not have overlapping local authorities as in the U.S. Any
given place is controlled by one, and one only, local authority - either a
"city" or a "district" - and so the only taxes that people pay are local
authority rates and central government taxes.
There are still some anomalous levies and taxes on certain goods - a high
excise duty on wine, for example - that should not really exist in the GST
environment.
--------------------
B3.2.7 Miscellaneous Prices
litre of petrol; $0.90 - 0.96
loaf of bread (700gm/1.5 pound loaf); $1.60 - 1.90
butter (500gms); $1.60 (on special)
milk (2 litre bottle); $2.70
eggs (dozen) $3.20
apples (1kg/2lb); $0.60 - 1.20 depending on season
fresh fruit/veges - much cheaper than US city and much nicer/fresher
frozen chicken (2 kg/4 pounds); $6 (good special price)
sausages (3 kg/6 pounds); $10
steak; $10/kg often much more.
coffee (kg, beans) $22
ice cream (2 litres); $3
cheapest hamburger at McDonalds; $0.95 (a LOT more for a big mac)
12 cans of beer; $13.
restaurant prices; much less than the US
clothes/shoes; much more expensive than the US
60 watt light bulbs; $1 each
university textbooks; $80+/-
queen size mattress (without base, reasonable quality); $500
Sony G14 34cmv TV 14 inch; $439
top-loading automatic washing machine (5 kg loads); $919
cars: used Holden Commodore VL automatic 1987 (i.e. 8 years old); $12,700
new Honda Civic (fairly typical for NZ size cars); $33,170
auto insurance for that car; $250/annum (depending on policy, age of owner)
electrician charges; $30 per hour
doctor - standard consultation; adult $35, child $10-20
treatment in public hospital (eg maternity unit, 3 days); free. The trick
is to have something so urgent that they let you in. That's not so easy
unless you're pregnant. Waiting lists can be months long.
For housing rental - see under 'cost of living'.
-----
House prices.
The following table is taken from the New Zealand Herald, Wed 20 Dec, 1995.
Median price ($) by district of real estate for November 1995.
Dwelling total
District House Unit Section 1995 1994 1993
Northland 110,000 89,000 35,000 108,000 97,500 96,250
Auckland 212,000 182,500 75,000 200,000 178,000 150,000
Waikato/ 128,000 120,000 45,000 127,000 120,000 110,000
Bay of Plenty/
Gisborne
Hawkes Bay 118,000 115,000 35,000 118,000 118,000 118,000
Manawatu/ 102,500 86,250 45,000 101,000 102,750 96,750
Wanganui
Taranaki 94,000 93,500 52,555 93,750 95,000 90,000
Wellington 145,000 115,000 54,250 140,000 140,000 132,500
Nelson/ 130,000 117,750 60,000 130,000 135,000 120,000
Marlborough
Canterbury/ 129,000 120,900 52,750 128,000 125,000 115,000
Westland/
SouthCant'y
Otago 91,500 113,000 38,750 91,500 101,000 90,750
Southland 79,500 140,000 76,000 84,000 84,000 74,250
Average for 143,000 157,000 55,000 146,000 118,000 107,600
New Zealand
-----
For more info, try:
http://www.govt.nz/ps/min/stats
Follow the "New Zealand" link on the home page.
Ewan McKissock wrote:
It's interesting what items they list (and what they don't). This is
either very revealing about life in NZ, or about life in Statistics New
Zealand, I'm not sure which. Odd that they quote annual Tennis club
subscription, but no mention of other sports.
Russell Turner wrote:
You could try looking at New Zealand newspapers. The dominion or evening
post would be a could source of adverts for household gizmos and houses,
rent, cars etc. Try phoning (04) 474 0100 to speak to the newspaper
publisher.
to which Charles Eggen added:
The Weekly Wellington - City Voice is on-line at
http://nz.com/NZ/Commerce/NetEdit/VOICE.HTM
(watch those Caps in the above address). It will give you some current
info and you can subscribe to the fully paper at a reasonable cost.

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