'Crises' becomes the hallmark of Janata Party

As the Janata Party plods into its 21st month in power this December, "crises" have become its hallmark, rather than any ideology or programme.

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Arul B. Louis

March 12, 2014

ISSUE DATE: December 31, 1978

UPDATED: March 18, 2015 10:37 IST

The grand old three - Jagjivan Ram (left) and Charan Singh with Morarji Desai

As the Janata Party plods into its 21st month in power this December, "crises" have become its hallmark, rather than any ideology or programme. The party-seems destined to a permanent state of crisis. But until the next round of crises sweeps the party, Prime Minister Morarji Desai is firmly in the saddle.

During the 20 months of his rule, marked by high-minded orations and a mixture of sternness and astute manipulation, Desai has managed to gain control of the party machinery and its parliamentary wing But the cabinet and the party executive - where ambitious party bosses dominate - continue to elude his paternalistic hold. This is what the latest crisis, that almost became a palace coup, demonstrated.

While the querulous Charan Singh, who has resigned during his chequered political career from various offices 10 times so far, played his game of "Now-I-Join-Now-I-Don't" with a none too sporting Desai, the cabinet almost mutinied.

Industry Minister George Fernandes's resignation started it all - India Today has definite information that Fernandes had submitted his resignation to Desai. Soon, other ministers - reportedly six in a cabinet of 18 - threatened to join him.

Though Fernandes's resignation was not solely related to the Charan Singh issue, the threat issued by some of his colleagues, notably Steel Minister Biju Patnaik, was linked to it.

This incipient mutiny probably spurred Desai to put aside his imperiousness and talk to Charan Singh. After a flurry of meetings and conclaves arranged by the party's peacemakers, whose ranks under the leadership of party president Chandra Shekhar expanded from five to 23, and a welter of proposals to lure the truculent Charan Singh into the cabinet, it was back to square one. The simmering discontent was pushed back from the headlines to the cauldrons in the ante-rooms of the corridors of power till it comes to a boil again.

Silent Majority: Leaders still speak of a grave threat to the unity of the party. But with the silent, strong, middle layer of the party comprising the bulk of the parliamentarians and the modest, smaller functionaries supporting him, Desai is still in firm control of the situation.

The silent majority may have little to gain by the continuance of the stability presided over by Desai's asceticism but it has more to lose by inducing instability. Only the bosses can play for high stakes. Fuelled by a cocktail of ideology and ambition they alone hold aloft the banner of revolt.

Desai claims the support of 183 Janata Party members in the Lok Sabha. Those opposed to him or of doubtful loyalty, according to his estimates, number 136. His men flashed the tally to his opponents. Counting on the solid support of the 183 MPs, Desai felt he could afford to have a confrontation. More important, he knew that the enemy camp would back out once it was apprised of his strength. He also knew how to play one side against the other.

He refused to restore the status quoante in his cabinet by taking back Charan Singh as home minister together with his Sancho Panza, former health minister, Raj Narain. Instead, he agreed to a complicated proposal to have two deputy prime ministers - Jagjivan Ram and Charan Singh - so that the problem of who was number two remained ambiguous while Charan Singh's wounded ego would be soothed. Probably, the wily prime minister had guessed that Charan Singh would turn this down and he could claim with a clear conscience that he had done his best to unify the party.

Disenchantment: However, even if the Charan Singh faction did break away from the party, the Desai government would still survive. Also Desai still holds the trump-card against his potentially rebellious ministers - the lack of a viable alternative.

The disgruntled ministers realize that although it may not be difficult to dislodge the prime minister, it would be impossible to fill his place with an acceptable leader without an internecine war in the party.

A senior Janata Party member said: "It's amazing how much these three sick old men want to become prime minister. One can hardly walk, the other has recently suffered a series of heart-attacks and the other is bordering on the senile."

Fernandes, who was gheraoed in 1977 by party workers into accepting the cabinet berth, has had doubts about his effectiveness in the Government and was worried about the growing popular disenchantment with the party.

He took the hard decision to resign soon after the Chikmagalur verdict which sent Indira Gandhi back to Parliament. Fernandes's departure for Libya on Decermber 7 on official business was doubtful till the previous day.

But his colleagues pressed him not to pursue his resignation just yet. Partly, it was their fear that should he resign, they would also have to follow suit if they were to retain their credibility. Finally, Fernandes decided to stay his hand and, in the meanwhile, his colleagues and Desai won an assurance from him that he would not talk to the press about it.

Should Fernandes when he returns after his visit to Libya and, possibly after a meeting with the leader of the Socialist International, Chancellor Bruno Kreisky, at Vienna, decide to resign, the heat would be on again for Desai. But that is not going to unseat him.

However, President Sanjiva Reddy recently remarked disdainfully, that none of them is going to resign as it needs courage to resign. "Don't bother about them."

The disenchanted party bosses are now set to lay stress on party policies and their implementation. This is the Achille's heel of the Desai leadership and they know it. Charan Singh meanwhile hopes for a show of strength with the kisan rally and rumours are rife about the formation of another party.

Surviving Trials: When the party government was formed last year, Desai did not get a chance to show his supremacy, assuming that he had it then, because of the decision to go in for a consensus in choosing a leader. The sulking claimants for the office never quite gave up their dreams. In the absence of a vote, they could all claim large followings. But helped by the prime minister's post Desai steadily built his strength.

In October, he displayed his control over the parliamentary party when he won its support despite many of his important colleagues and party leaders trying to isolate him. Last month, at the party's national camp at Ujjain, he won a public demonstration of support in the party ranks by riding out the storm of criticism generated there by his critics. At both these levels, his supporters cut across the traditional factional lines.

Desai's supporters see the present developments in terms of what Subramaniam Swamy, MP, calls the "fusion process" taking place in the party by which the old affiliations of the constituents are giving way to a new Janata identity. They view the tactics of the party bosses as attempts to stall this and claim that Desai is now the most universal leader of the party. To some extent, this view is correct.

However, even if Desai has managed to capture the party's parliamentary organization and carries the bulk of the party with him, he is faced with the question similar to what Stalin asked about the Vatican, how many divisions it has - how many voters can the astringent Desai mobilize on his own without the help of the crowd-pulling, eloquent party bosses when the next election comes?

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