CAIUS Gracchus at first, either for fear of his brother's enemies, or designing
to render them more odious to the people, absented himself from the public
assemblies, and lived quietly in his own house, as if he were not only
reduced for the present to live unambitiously, but was disposed in general
to pass his life in inaction. And some indeed, went so far as to say that
he disliked his brother's measures, and had wholly abandoned the defence
of them. However, he was not but very young, being not so old as Tiberius
by nine years; and he was not yet thirty when he was
slain.

In some little time, however, he quietly let his temper appear,
which was one of an utter antipathy to a lazy retirement and effeminacy,
and not the least likely to be contented with a life of eating, drinking,
and money-getting. He gave great pains to the study of eloquence, as wings
upon which he might aspire to public business; and it was very apparent
that he did not intend to pass his days in obscurity. When Vettius, a friend
of his, was on his trial, he defended his cause, and the people were in
an ecstasy, and transported with joy, finding him master of such eloquence
that the other orators seemed like children in comparison, and jealousies
and fears on the other hand began to be felt by the powerful citizens;
and it was generally spoken of amongst them that they must hinder Caius
from being made tribune.

But soon after, it happened that he was elected quaestor, and obliged
to attend Orestes, the consul, into Sardinia. This, as it pleased his enemies,
so it was not ungrateful to him, being naturally of a warlike character,
and as well trained in the art of war as in that of pleading. And, besides,
as yet he very much dreaded meddling with state affairs, and appearing
publicly in the rostra, which, because of the importunity of the people
and his friends, he could not otherwise avoid than by taking this journey.
He was therefore most thankful for the opportunity of absenting himself.
Notwithstanding which, it is the prevailing opinion that Caius was a far
more thorough demagogue, and more ambitious than ever Tiberius had been,
of popular applause; yet it is certain that he was borne rather by a sort
of necessity than by any purpose of his own into public business. And Cicero,
the orator, relates, that when he declined all such concerns, and would
have lived privately, his brother appeared to him in a dream, and calling
him by his name, said, "Why do you tarry, Caius? There is no escape; one
life and one death is appointed for us both, to spend the one and to meet
the other in the service of the people."

Caius was no sooner arrived in Sardinia, but he gave exemplary
proofs of his hight merit; he not only excelled all the young men of his
age in his actions against his enemies, in doing justice to his inferiors,
and in showing all obedience and respect to his superior officer; but likewise
in temperance, frugality, and industry, he surpassed even those who were
much older than himself. It happened to be a sharp and sickly winter in
Sardinia, insomuch that the general was forced to lay an imposition upon
several towns to supply the soldiers with necessary clothes. The cities
sent to Rome, petitioning to be excused from that burden; the senate found
their request reasonable, and ordered the general to find some other way
of new clothing the army. While he was at a loss what course to take in
this affair, the soldiers were reduced to great distress; but Caius went
from one city to another, and by his mere representations he prevailed
with them, that of their own accord they clothed the Roman army. This again
being reported to Rome, and seeming to be only an intimation of what was
to be expected of him as a popular leader hereafter, raised new jealousies
amongst the senators. And, besides, there came ambassadors out of Africa
from King Micipsa to acquaint the senate that their master, out of respect
to Caius Gracchus, had sent a considerable quantity of corn to the general
in Sardinia; at which the senators were so much offended that they turned
the ambassadors out of the senate-house and made an order that the soldiers
should be relieved by sending others in their room; but that Orestes should
continue at his post, with whom Caius, also, as they presumed, being his
quaestor, would remain. But he, finding how things were carried, immediately
in anger took ship for Rome, where his unexpected appearance obtained him
the censure not only of his enemies, but also of the people; who thought
it strange that a quaestor should leave before his commander. Nevertheless,
when some accusation upon this ground was made against him to the censors,
he desired leave to defend himself, and did it so effectually, that, when
he ended, he was regarded as one who had been very much injured. He made
it then appear that he had served twelve years in the army whereas others
are obliged to serve only ten; that he had continued quaestor to the general
three years, whereas he might by law have returned at the end of one year;
and alone of all who went on the expedition, he had carried out a full
and had brought home an empty purse, while others, after drinking up the
wine they had carried out with them, brought back the wine-jars filled
again with gold and silver from the war.

After this they brought other accusations and writs against him,
for exciting insurrection amongst the allies, and being engaged in the
conspiracy that was discovered about Fregellae. But having cleared himself
of every suspicion, and proved his entire innocence, he now at once came
forward to ask for the tribuneship; in which, though he was universally
opposed by all persons of distinction, yet there came such infinite numbers
of people from all parts of Italy to vote for Caius, that lodgings for
them could not be supplied in the city; and the Field being not large enough
to contain the assembly, there were numbers who climbed upon the roofs
and the tilings of the houses to use their voices in his favour. However,
the nobility so far forced the people to their pleasure and disappointed
Caius's hope, that he was not returned the first, as was expected, but
the fourth tribune. But when he came to the execution of his office, it
was seen presently who was really first tribune, as he was a better orator
than any of his contemporaries, and the passion with which he still lamented
his brother's death made him the bolder in speaking. He used on all occasions
to remind the people of what had happened in that tumult, and laid before
them the examples of their ancestors, how they declared war against the
Faliscans, only for giving scurrilous language to one Genucius, a tribune
of the people; and sentenced Caius Veturius to death, for refusing to give
way in the forum to a tribune; "Whereas," said he, "these men did, in the
presence of you all, murder Tiberius with clubs, and dragged the slaughtered
body through the middle of the city, to be cast into the river. Even his
friends, as many as could be taken, were put to death immediately, without
any trial, notwithstanding that just and ancient custom, which has always
been observed in our city, that whenever any one is accused of a capital
crime, and does not make his personal appearance in court, a trumpeter
is sent in the morning to his lodging, to summon him by sound of trumpet
to appear; and before this ceremony is performed, the judges do not proceed
to the vote; so cautious and reserved were our ancestors about business
of life and death."

Having moved the people's passion with such addresses (and his
voice was of the loudest and strongest), he proposed two laws. The first
was, that whoever was turned out of any public office by the people, should
be thereby rendered incapable of bearing any office afterwards; the second,
that if any magistrate condemn a Roman to be banished without a legal trial,
the people be authorized to take cognizance thereof.

One of these laws was manifestly levelled at Marcus Octavius, who,
at the instigation of Tiberius, had been deprived of his tribuneship. The
other touched Popilius, who, in his praetorship, had banished all Tiberius's
friends; whereupon Popilius, being unwilling to stand the hazard of a trial,
fled out of Italy. As for the former law, it was withdrawn by Caius himself,
who said he yielded in the case of Octavius, at the request of his mother
Cornelia. This was very acceptable and pleasing to the people, who had
a great veneration for Cornelia, not more for the sake of her father than
for that of her children; and they afterwards erected a statue of brass
in honour of her, with this inscription, Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi.
There are several expressions recorded, in which he used her name perhaps
with too much rhetoric, and too little self-respect, in his attacks upon
his adversaries. "How," said he, "dare you presume to reflect upon Cornelia,
the mother of Tiberius?" And because the person who made the reflections
had been suspected of effeminate courses, "With what face," said he, "can
you compare Cornelia with yourself? Have you brought forth children as
she has done? And yet all Rome knows that she has refrained from the conversation
of men longer than you yourself have done." Such was the bitterness he
used in his language; and numerous similar expressions might be adduced
from his written remains.

Of the laws which he now proposed, with the object of gratifying
the people and abridging the power of the senate, the first was concerning
the public lands, which were to be divided amongst the poor citizens; another
was concerning the common soldiers, that they should be clothed at the
public charge, without any diminution of their pay, and that none should
be obliged to serve in the army who was not full seventeen years old; another
gave the same right to all the Italians in general, of voting at elections,
as was enjoyed by the citizens of Rome; a fourth related to the price of
corn, which was to be sold at a lower rate than formerly to the poor; and
a fifth regulated the courts of justice, greatly reducing the power of
the senators. For hitherto, in all causes, senators only sat as judges,
and were therefore much dreaded by the Roman knights and the people. But
Caius joined three hundred ordinary citizens of equestrian rank with the
senators, who were three hundred likewise in number, and ordained that
the judicial authority should be equally invested in the six hundred. While
he was arguing for the ratification of this law, his behaviour was observed
to show in many respects unusual earnestness, and whereas other popular
leaders had always hitherto, when speaking, turned their faces towards
the senate-house, and the place called the comitium, he, on the contrary,
was the first man that in his harangue to the people turned himself the
other way, towards them, and continued after that time to do so. An insignificant
movement and change of posture, yet it marked no small revolution in state
affairs, the conversion, in a manner, of the whole government from an aristocracy
to a democracy, his action intimating that public speakers should address
themselves to the people, not the senate.

When the commonalty ratified this law, and gave him power to select
those of the knights whom he approved of, to be judges, he was invested
with a sort of a kingly power, and the senate itself submitted to receive
his advice in matters of difficulty; nor did he advise anything that might
derogate from the honour of that body. As, for example, his resolution
about the corn which Fabius the propraetor sent from Spain, was very just
and honourable; for he persuaded the senate to sell the corn, and return
the money to the same provinces which had furnished them with it; and also
that Fabius should be censured for rendering the Roman government odious
and insupportable. This got him extraordinary respect and favour among
the provinces. Besides all this, he proposed measures for the colonization
of several cities, for making roads, and for building public granaries;
of all which works he himself undertook the management and superintendence,
and was never wanting to give necessary orders for the despatch of all
these different and great undertakings; and that with such wonderful expedition
and diligence, as if he had been but engaged upon one of them; insomuch
that all persons, even those who hated or feared him, stood amazed to see
what a capacity he had for effecting and completing all he undertook. As
for the people themselves, they were transported at the very sight, when
they saw him surrounded with a crowd of contractors, artificers, public
deputies, military officers, soldiers, and scholars. All these he treated
with an easy familiarity, yet without abandoning his dignity in his gentleness;
and so accommodated his nature to the wants and occasions of every one
who addressed him, that those were looked upon as no better than envious
detractors, who had represented him as a terrible, assuming, and violent
character. He was even a greater master of the popular leader's art in
his common talk and his actions, than he was in his public
addresses.

His most especial exertions were given to constructing the roads,
which he was careful to make beautiful and pleasant, as well as convenient.
They were drawn by his directions through the fields, exactly in a straight
line, partly paved with hewn stone, and partly laid with solid masses of
gravel. When he met with any valleys or deep watercourses crossing the
line, he either caused them to be filled up with rubbish, or bridges to
be built over them, so well levelled, that all being of an equal height
on both sides, the work presented one uniform and beautiful prospect. Besides
this, he caused the roads to be all divided into miles (each mile containing
little less than eight furlongs), and erected pillars of stone to signify
the distance from one place to another. He likewise placed other stones
at small distances from one another, on both sides of the way, by the help
of which travellers might get easily on horseback without wanting a
groom.

For these reasons, the people highly extolled him, and were ready
upon all occasions to express their affection towards him. One day, in
an oration to them, he declared that he had only one favour to request,
which if they granted, he should think the greatest obligation in the world;
yet if it were denied, he would never blame them for the refusal. This
expression made the world believe that his ambition was to be consul; and
it was generally expected that he wished to be both consul and tribune
at the same time. When the day for election of consuls was at hand, and
all in great expectation, he appeared in the Field with Caius Fannius,
canvassing together with his friends for his election. This was of great
effect in Fannius's favour. He was chosen consul, and Caius elected tribune
the second time, without his own seeking or petitioning for it, but at
the voluntary motion of the people. But when he understood that the senators
were his declared enemies, and that Fannius himself was none of the most
zealous of friends, he began again to rouse the people with other new laws.
He proposed that a colony of Roman citizens might be sent to re-people
Tarentum and Capua, and that the Latins should enjoy the same privileges
with the citizens fo Rome. But the senate, apprehending that he would at
last grow too powerful and dangerous, took a new and unusual course to
alienate the people's affections from him, by playing the demagogue in
opposition to him, and offering favours contrary to all good policy. Livius
Drusus was fellow-tribune with Caius, a person of as good a family and
as well educated as any amongst the Romans, and noways inferior to those
who for their eloquence and riches were the most honoured and most powerful
men of that time. To him, therefore, the chief senators made their application,
exhorting him to attack Caius, and join in their confederacy against him;
which they designed to carry on, not by using any force, or opposing the
common people, but by gratifying and obliging them with such unreasonable
things as otherwise they would have felt it honourable for them to incur
the greatest unpopularity in resisting.

Livius offered to serve the senate with his authority in this business;
and proceeded accordingly to bring forward such laws as were in reality
neither honourable nor advantageous for the public; his whole design being
to outdo Caius in pleasing and cajoling the populace (as if it had been
in some comedy), with obsequious flattery and every kind of gratifications;
the senate thus letting it be seen plainly that they were not angry with
Caius's public measures, but only desirous to ruin him utterly, or at least
to lessen his reputation. For when Caius proposed the settlement of only
two colonies, and mentioned the better class of citizens for that purpose,
they accused him of abusing the people; and yet, on the contrary, were
pleased with Drusus, when he proposed the sending out of twelve colonies,
each to consist of three thousand persons, and those, too, the most needy
that he could find. When Caius divided the public land amongst the poor
citizens, and charged them with a small rent, annually to be paid into
the exchequer, they were angry at him, as one who sought to gratify the
people only for his own interest; yet afterwards they commended Livius,
though he exempted them from paying even that little acknowledgment. They
were displeased with Caius for offering the Latins an equal right with
the Romans of voting at the election of magistrates; but when Livius proposed
that it might not be lawful for a Roman captain to scourge a Latin soldier,
they promoted the passing of that law. And Livius, in all his speeches
to the people, always told them that he proposed no laws but such as were
agreeable to the senate, who had a particular regard to the people's advantage.
And this truly was the only point in all his proceedings which was of any
real service, as it created more kindly feelings towards the senate in
the people; and whereas they formerly suspected and hated the principal
senators, Livius appeased and mitigated this perverseness and animosity,
by his profession that he had done nothing in favour and for the benefit
of the commons without their advice and approbation.

But the greatest credit which Drusus got for kindness and justice
towards the people was, that he never seemed to propose any law for his
own sake, or his own advantage; he committed the charge of seeing the colonies
rightly settled to other commissioners; neither did he ever concern himself
with the distribution of the moneys; whereas Caius always took the principal
part in any important transactions of this kind. Rubrius, another tribune
of the people, had proposed to have Carthage again inhabited, which had
been demolished by Scipio, and it fell to Caius's lot to see this performed,
and for that purpose he sailed to Africa. Drusus took this opportunity
of his absence to insinuate himself still more into the people's affections,
which he did chiefly by accusing Fulvius, who was a particular friend to
Caius, and was appointed a commissioner with him for the division of the
lands. Fulvius was a man of a turbulent spirit; and notoriously hated by
the senate; and besides, he was suspected by others to have fomented the
difference between the citizens and their confederates, and underhand to
be inciting the Italians to rebel; though there was little other evidence
of the truth of these accusations than his being an unsettled character
and of a well-known seditious temper. This was one principal cause of Caius's
ruin; for part of the envy which fell upon Fulvius was extended to him.
And when Scipio Africanus died suddenly, and no cause of such an unexpected
death could be assigned, only some marks of blows upon his body seemed
to intimate that he had suffered violence, as is related in the history
of his life, the greatest part of the odium attached to Fulvius, because
he was his enemy, and that very day had reflected upon Scipio in a public
address to the people. Nor was Caius himself clear from suspicion. However,
this great outrage, committed too upon the person of the greatest and most
considerable man in Rome, was never either punished or inquired into thoroughly,
for the populace opposed and hindered any judicial investigation, for fear
that Caius should be implicated in the charge if proceedings were carried
on. This, however, had happened some time before.

But in Africa, where at present Caius was engaged in the re-peopling
of Carthage, which he named Junonia, many ominous appearances, which presaged
mischief, are reported to have been sent from the gods. For a sudden gust
of wind falling upon the first standard, and the standard-bearer holding
it fast, the staff broke; another sudden storm blew away the sacrifices,
which were laid upon the altars, and carried them beyond the bounds laid
out for the city, and the wolves came and carried away the very marks that
were set up to show the boundary. Caius, notwithstanding all this, ordered
and despatched the whole business in the space of seventy days, and then
returned to Rome, understanding how Fulvius was prosecuted by Drusus, and
that the present juncture of affairs would not suffer him to be absent.
For Lucius Opimius, one who sided with the nobility, and was of no small
authority in the senate, who had formerly sued to be consul, but was repulsed
by Caius's interest, at the time when Fannius was elected, was in a fair
way now of being chosen consul, having a numerous company of supporters.
And it was generally believed, if he did obtain it, that he would wholly
ruin Caius, whose power was already in a declining condition; and the people
were not so apt to admire his actions as formerly, because there were so
many others who every day contrived new ways to please them, with which
the senate readily complied.

After his return to Rome, he quitted his house on the Palatine
Mount, and went to live near the market-place, endeavouring to make himself
more popular in those parts, where most of the humble and poorer citizens
lived. He then brought forward the remainder of his proposed laws, as intending
to have them ratified by the popular vote; to support which a vast number
of people collected from all quarters. But the senate persuaded Fannius,
the consul, to command all persons who were not born Romans to depart the
city. A new and unusual proclamation was thereupon made, prohibiting any
of the allies or Confederates to appear at Rome during that time. Caius,
on the contrary, published an edict, accusing the consul for what he had
done, and setting forth to the Confederates, that if they would continue
upon the place, they might be assured of his assistance and protection.
However, he was not so good as his word; for though he saw one of his own
familiar friends and companions dragged to prison by Fannius's officers,
he, notwithstanding, passed by without assisting him; either because he
was afraid to stand the test of his power, which was already decreased,
or because, as he himself reported, he was unwilling to give his enemies
an opportunity, which they very much desired, of coming to actual violence
and fighting. About that time there happened likewise a difference between
him and his fellow-officers upon this occasion. A show of gladiators was
to be exhibited before the people in the market-place, and most of the
magistrates erected scaffolds round about, with an intention of letting
them for advantage. Caius commanded them to take down their scaffolds,
that the poor people might see the sport without paying anything. But nobody
obeying these orders of his, he gathered together a body of labourers,
who worked for him, and overthrew all the scaffolds the very night before
the contest was to take place. So that by the next morning the market-place
was cleared, and the common people had an opportunity of seeing the pastime.
In this, the populace thought he had acted the part of a man; but he much
disobliged the tribunes his colleagues, who regarded it as a piece of violent
and presumptuous interference.

This was thought to be the chief reason that he failed of being
the third time elected tribune; not but that he had the most votes, but
because his, colleagues out of revenge caused false returns to be made.
But as to this matter there was a controversy. Certain it is, he very much
resented this repulse, and behaved with unusual arrogance towards some
of his adversaries who were joyful at his defeat, telling them that all
this was but a false sardonic mirth, as they little knew how much his actions
threw them into obscurity.

As soon as Opimius also was chosen consul, they presently cancelled
several of Caius's laws, and especially called in question his proceedings
at Carthage, omitting nothing that was likely to irritate him, that from
some effect of his passion they might find out a tolerable pretence to
put him to death. Caius at first bore these things very patiently; but
afterwards, at the instigation of his friends, especially Fulvius, he resolved
to put himself at the head of a body of supporters, to oppose the consul
by force. They say also that on this occasion his mother, Cornelia, joined
in the sedition, and assisted him by sending privately several strangers
into Rome, under pretence as if they came to be hired there for harvest-men;
for that intimations of this are given in her letters to him. However,
it is confidently affirmed by others that Cornelia did not in the least
approve of these actions.

When the day came in which Opimius designed to abrogate the laws
of Caius, both parties met very early at the capitol; and the consul having
performed all the rites usual in their sacrifices, one Quintus Antyllius,
an attendant on the consul, carrying out the entrails of the victim, spoke
to Fulvius, and his friends who stood about him, "Ye factious citizens,
make way for honest men." Some report that, besides this provoking language,
he extended his naked arm towards them, as a piece of scorn and contempt.
Upon this he was presently killed with the strong stiles which are commonly
used in writing, though some say that on this occasion they had been manufactured
for this purpose only. This murder caused a sudden consternation in the
whole assembly, and the heads of each faction had their different sentiments
about it. As for Caius, he was much grieved, and severely reprimanded his
own party, because they had given their adversaries a reasonable pretence
to proceed against them, which they had so long hoped for. Opimius, immediately
seizing the occasion thus offered, was in great delight, and urged the
people to revenge; but there happening a great shower of rain on a sudden,
it put an end to the business of that day.

Early the next morning, the consul summoned the senate, and whilst
he advised with the senators in the senate-house, the corpse of Antyllius
was laid upon a bier, and brought through the market-place there exposed
to open view, just before the senate-house, with a great deal of crying
and lamentation. Opimius was not at all ignorant that this was designed
to be done; however, he seemed to be surprised, and wondered what the meaning
of it should be; the senators, therefore, presently went out to know the
occasion of it, and, standing about the corpse, uttered exclamations against
the inhuman and barbarous act. The people, meantime, could not but feel
resentment and hatred for the senators, remembering how they themselves
had not only assassinated Tiberius Gracchus, as he was executing his office
in the very capitol, but had also thrown his mangled body into the river;
yet now they could honour with their presence and their public lamentations
in the forum the corpse of an ordinary hired attendant (who, though he
might perhaps die wrongfully, was, however, in a great measure the occasion
of it himself), by these means hoping to undermine him who was the only
remaining defender and safeguard of the people.

The senators, after some time, withdrew, and presently ordered
that Opimius, the consul, should be invested with extraordinary power to
protect the commonwealth and suppress all tyrants. This being decreed,
he presently commanded the senators to arm themselves, and the Roman knights
to be in readiness very early the next morning, and every one of them to
be attended with two servants well armed Fulvius, on the other side, made
his preparations and collected the populace. Caius at that time returning
from the market-place, made a stop just before his father's statue, and
fixing his eyes for some time upon it, remained in a deep contemplation;
at length he sighed, shed tears, and departed. This made no small impression
upon those who saw it, and they began to upbraid themselves that they should
desert and betray so worthy a man as Caius. They therefore went directly
to his house, remaining there as a guard about it all night, though in
a different manner from those who were a guard to Fulvius; for they passed
away the night with shouting and drinking, and Fulvius himself, being the
first to get drunk, spoke and acted many things very unbecoming a man of
his age and character. On the other side, the party which guarded Caius,
were quiet and diligent, relieving one another by turns, and forecasting,
as in a public what the issue of things might be. As soon as daylight appeared,
they Fulvius, who had not yet slept off the effects of his drinking; and
armed themselves with the weapons hung up in his house, that were formerly
taken from the Gauls, whom he conquered in the time of his consulship,
they presently, with threats and loud acclamations, made their way towards
the Aventine Mount.

Caius could not be persuaded to arm himself, but put on his gown,
as if he had been going to the assembly of the people, only with this difference,
that under it he had then a short dagger by his side. As he was going out,
his wife came running to him at the gate, holding him with one hand, and
with the other a young child of his. She bespoke him: "Alas, Caius, I do
not now part with you to let you address the people either as a tribune
or a lawgiver, nor as if you were going to some honourable war, when, though
you might perhaps have encountered that fate which all must some time or
other submit to, yet you had left me this mitigation of my sorrow, that
my mourning was respected and honoured. You go now to expose your person
to the murderers of Tiberius, unarmed indeed, and rightly so, choosing
rather to suffer the worst of injuries than do the least yourself. But
even your very death at this time will not be serviceable to the public
good. Faction prevails; power and arms are now the only measures of justice.
Had your brother fallen before Numantia, the enemy would have given back
what then had remained of Tiberius; but such is my hard fate, that I probably
must be an humble suppliant to the floods or the waves, that they would
somewhere restore to me your relics; for since Tiberius was not spared,
what trust can we place either on the laws, or in the Gods?" Licinia, thus
bewailing, Caius, by degrees getting loose from her embraces, silently
withdrew himself, being accompanied by his friends; she, endeavouring to
catch him by the gown, fell prostrate upon the earth, lying there for some
time speechless. Her servants took her up for dead, and conveyed her to
her brother Crassus.

Fulvius, when the people were gathered together in a full body,
by the advice of Caius sent his youngest son into the market-place, with
a herald's rod in his hand. He, being a very handsome youth, and modestly
addressing himself, with tears in his eyes and a becoming bashfulness,
offered proposals of agreement to the consul and the whole senate. The
greatest part of the assembly were inclinable to accept of the proposals;
but Opimius said, that it did not become them to send messengers and capitulate
with the senate, but to surrender at discretion to the laws, like loyal
citizens, and endeavour to merit their pardon by submission. He commanded
the youth not to return, unless they would comply with these conditions.
Caius, as it is reported, was very forward to go and clear himself before
the senate; but none of his friends consenting to it, Fulvius sent his
son a second time to intercede for them, as before. But Opimius, who was
resolved that a battle should ensue, caused the youth to be apprehended
and committed into custody; and then with a company of his foot-soldiers
and some Cretan archers set upon the party under Fulvius. These archers
did such execution, and inflicted so many wounds, that a rout and flight
quickly ensued. Fulvius fled into an obscure bathing-house; but shortly
after being discovered, he and his eldest son were slain together. Caius
was not observed to use any violence against any one; but extremely disliking
all these outrages, retired to Diana's temple. There he attempted to kill
himself, but was hindered by his faithful friends, Pomponius and Licinius;
they took his sword away from him, and were very urgent that he would endeavour
to make his escape. It is reported that, falling upon his knee and lifting
up his hands, he prayed the goddess that the Roman people, as a punishment
for their ingratitude and treachery, might always remain in slavery. For
as soon as a proclamation was made of a pardon, the greater part openly
deserted him.

Caius, therefore, endeavoured now to make his escape, but was pursued
so close by his enemies, as far as the wooden bridge, that from thence
he narrowly escaped. There his two trusty friends begged of him to preserve
his own person by flight, whilst they in the meantime would keep their
post, and maintain the passage; neither could their enemies, until they
were both slain, pass the bridge. Caius had no other companion in his flight
but one Philocrates, a servant of his. As he ran along, everybody encouraged
him, and wished him success, as standers-by may do to those who are engaged
in a race, but nobody either lent him any assistance, or would furnish
him with a horse, though he asked for one; for his enemies had gained ground,
and got very near him. However, he had still time enough to hide himself
in a little grove, consecrated to the Furies. In that place, his servant
Philocrates having first slain him, presently afterwards killed himself
also, and fell dead upon his master. Though some affirm it for a truth,
that they were both taken alive by their enemies, and that Philocrates
embraced his master so close, that they could not wound Caius until his
servant was slain.

They say that when Caius's head was cut off, and carried away by
one of his murderers, Septimuleius, Opimius's friend, met him, and forced
it from him; because, before the battle began, they had made proclamation,
that whoever should bring the head either of Caius or Fulvius, should,
as a reward, receive its weight in gold. Septimuleius, therefore, having
fixed Caius's head upon the top of his spear, came and presented it to
Opimius. They presently brought the scales, and it was found to weigh above
seventeen pounds. But in this affair, Septimuleius gave as great signs
of his knavery as he had done before of his cruelty; for having taken out
the brains, he had filled the skull with lead. There were others who brought
the head of Fulvius, too, but, being mean, inconsiderable persons, were
turned away without the promised reward. The bodies of these two persons,
as well as of the rest who were slain, to the number of three thousand
men, were all thrown into the river; their goods were confiscated, and
their widows forbidden to put themselves into mourning. They dealt even
more severely with Licinia, Caius's wife, and deprived her even of her
jointure; and as in addition still to all their inhumanity, they barbarously
murdered Fulvius's youngest son; his only crime being, not that he took
up arms against them, or that he was present in the battle, but merely
that he had come with articles of agreement; for this he was first imprisoned,
then slain.

But that which angered the common people most was, that at this
time, in memory of his success, Opimius built the Temple of Concord, as
if he gloried and triumphed in the slaughter of so many citizens. Somebody
in the night time, under the inscription of the temple added this
verse:-

"Folly and Discord Concord's temple built."

Yet this Opimius, the first who, being consul, presumed to usurp
the power of a dictator, condemning, without any trial, with three thousand
other citizens, Caius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus, one of whom had triumphed
and been consul, the other far excelled all his contemporaries in virtue
and honour, afterwards was found incapable of keeping his hands from thieving:
and when he was sent ambassador to Jugurtha, King of Numidia, he was there
corrupted by presents, and at his return, being shamefully convicted of
it, lost all his honours, and grew old amidst the hatred and the insults
of the people; who, though humble, and affrighted at the time, did not
fail before long to let everybody see what respect and veneration they
had for the memory of the Gracchi. They ordered their statues to be made
and set up in public view; they consecrated the places where they were
slain, and thither brought the first-fruits of everything, according to
the season of the year, to make their offerings. Many came likewise thither
to their devotions, and daily worshipped there, as at the temple of the
gods.

It is reported that as Cornelia, their mother, bore the loss of
her two sons with a noble and undaunted spirit, so, in reference to the
holy places in which they were slain, she said, their dead bodies were
well worthy of such sepulchres. She removed afterwards, and dwelt near
the place called Misenum, not at all altering her former way of living.
She had many friends, and hospitably received many strangers at her house;
many Greeks and learned men were continually about her; nor was there any
foreign prince but received gifts from her and presented her again. Those
who were conversant with her, were much interested, when she pleased to
entertain them with her recollections of her father Scipio Africanus, and
of his habits and way of living. But it was most admirable to hear her
make mention of her sons, without any tears or sign of grief, and give
the full account of all their deeds and misfortunes, as if she had been
relating the history of some ancient heroes. This made some imagine, that
age, or the greatness of her afflictions, had made her senseless and devoid
of natural feelings. But they who so thought were themselves more truly
insensible not to see how much a noble nature and education avail to conquer
any affliction; and though fortune may often be more successful, and may
defeat the efforts of virtue to avert misfortunes, it cannot, when we incur
them, prevent our hearing them reasonably.