May 2019

Apparently, all China has to do to get its way in Nepal these days is to speed-dial Nepal’s Home Minister Bhim Rawal, and the perceived problem will be eliminated.

This is what happened on Sunday, when Nepal’s northern neighbor pressured the struggling government to disrupt the peaceful election held by Tibetan refugees. The election was held to elect a new prime minister for the Tibetan government-in-exile in Dharamsala, India.

Armed police in riot gear stormed three elections centers in Kathmandu – shortly before voting was completed -- and confiscated the ballot boxes, despite the fact that – according to human rights organizations in Kathmandu – tacit permission had been given by Nepali authorities.

This was the first time Nepal had interfered with the Tibetans low-profile election process.

5316 Tibetans were registered to vote in the Boudhanath stupa area of Kathmandu, 980 in Jawalakhel, and 2336 in Swayambhunath at the nunnery. 15 ballot boxes were seized in Boudhanath. Five boxes were seized in Swayambhu. In Jawalakel, the voting process had already been completed and the boxes had been removed.

Bhim Rawal, the current Minister of of Home Affairs, just returned from New York, where he led Nepal’s delegation to the United Nations General Assembly. Rawal is a leader within the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) also known as the UML.

For this writer, the problem does not so much hinge on what any given political party in Nepal feels about the 20,000 Tibetan refugees stranded in Nepal – who are not allowed to own property, and who have no hope of gaining Nepali citizenship. The real problem – at least for me – is the process that took place here:

China doesn’t like something. China phones the Home Ministry. The Home Ministry immediately calls in the armed police. The armed police hit the streets in riot gear and carry out their orders.

Where’s the affirmation of the basic human rights due every human being in Nepal in such a backroom operation?

The irony here is that, while Nepal’s government can’t conduct a successful election for its own prime ministry (nine failures in the last two months!) the Tibetans, who conducted a quiet and orderly election (with no funds or bureaucratic might), will certainly result in the naming of a new Tibetan prime minister – with or without the ballot boxes absconded by the Nepali government at the behest of Beijing. The contrast is as blatant as it is shameful.

Scottish author George Patterson arrived in Tibet in 1947 and lived there until the Chinese invasion in 1950. Following that, he briefly served as a translator for US State Dept and the CIA. He reported on the Tibetan resistance throughout the 50s. In 1964, he collaborated on the BBC documentary "Raid Into Tibet", which included astounding footage of a secret raid on a Chinese convoy by Tibetan guerrillas, who were based in Mustang. It is the only known film to document the Khampa warriors in a firefight with the People’s Liberation Army.

I first became acquainted with George while conducting research for Buddha’s Warriors in the late 1990s. Later, he was kind enough to write a cover blurb for the American hardback edition of that history.

Patterson is the author of Gods and Guerillas, Requiem for Tibet, Tibetan Journey, among others. My personal favorite is Journey with Loshay (Norton & Company, New York, 1954). Long out of print, Journey with Loshay is Patterson’s account of fleeing the Chinese invasion of Tibet and there has never been a more evocative book of what Kham was like prior to Mao’s takeover.

For those politicos who love to demonize India’s interference in Nepali internal affairs, they might first want to take a look at their new best friends from Beijing.

On Sunday, the three leading political parties – the Maoists, UML and Nepali Congress -- warned their respective Constituent Assembly members against taking part in any ceremonies connected to organized celebrations of the Dalai 75th birthday, celebrated on July 6. The whip orders indicated that to ignore their warnings would result in serious repercussions. Earlier on Sunday the Ministry of Foreign Affairs forbade CA members to participate in the birthday event, fearing an adverse reaction from China. The various parties were quick to fall in line, illustrating the extent to which Chinese influence has seeped into all aspects of Nepali politics. Until 2005, the Dalai Lama’s Tibetan Government-in-Exile had offices in Kathmandu.

But that’s ancient history. Today – if there is anything that unifies the various political groups in Nepal – it is their eagerness to bend over backwards to please Beijing.

Last week, the U.S. State Department released its 2009 Human Rights Report on Nepal. Below are some of the highlights. A link to the full document is provided at the end of the summary.

INTRODUCTION

The government's respect for human rights improved slightly as all parties joined the government. Members of the security forces, the Maoist militias, the Maoist-affiliated Young Communist League (YCL), and members of other small, often ethnically based armed groups committed human rights abuses. Members of the Nepal Army (NA) were confined to their barracks in accordance with the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of 2006. Members of the Nepal Police (NP) and Armed Police Force (APF) occasionally used excessive and lethal force in response to continued demonstrations throughout the country. Maoist militias engaged in arbitrary and unlawful use of lethal force and abduction. Violence, extortion, and intimidation continued throughout the year. Numerous armed groups, largely in the Terai region in the lowland area near the Indian border, attacked civilians, government officials, members of particular ethnic groups, each other, or Maoist militias. Impunity for human rights violators, threats against the media, arbitrary arrest, and lengthy pretrial detention were serious problems. The government compromised the independence of the judiciary by exerting political pressure on the judicial process, and society continued to discriminate against persons of lower castes and persons with disabilities. Violence against women and trafficking in persons, mainly women and girls, continued.

Two days before the 51st anniversary of the 1959 Tibetan Uprising in Lhasa, Nepali police were ordered to arrest Thinley Gyatso, the representative of the Dalai Lama in Nepal. This is a preemptive strike against the anti-China demonstrations expected to take place on Wednesday March 10.

Last week, The Economic Times published an excellent analysis on a Chinese foreign policy shift in regards to Nepal:

China intensifies tug of war with India over Nepal

For years, Nepal never bothered too much with policing its northern border with China. The Himalayas seemed a formidable-enough barrier, and Nepal’s political and economic attention was oriented south toward India. If Nepal was a mouse trapped between elephants, as the local saying went, the elephant that mattered most was India.

But last week a Nepalese government delegation visited Beijing on a trip that underscored, once again, how China’s newfound weight in the world is altering old geopolitical equations.

The Nepalese Government must be receiving congratulatory calls from Beijing. Yesterday marked the fiftieth anniversary of the Lhasan uprising against the Chinese occupation of Tibet. Massive rallies in Nepal were feared and anticipated. But the orderly tamped-down gathering that was on display in Kathmandu spoke volumes for the way in which the Nepalese government kept good on its promise to enforce Beijing’s “One China Policy.” Except for a minor skirmish or two, there was nothing newsworthy to report: relative small turnout, no arrests and no violence.

The non-story had been masterfully choreographed. The security around the Chinese Embassy in Baluwatar – ground zero for last year’s daily anti-Chinese protests leading up to the Olympics – and the consular section in Hattisar had been beefed up well in advance of March 10. Police denied vehicular movement in those areas and declared the zones off-limits to public demonstrations or sit-ins.

Published by BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR, issued on Wednesday, Feb 25, 2009

This is excellent resource material. The report’s breakdown includes:

1. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life2. Disappearances3. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishmen4. Prison and Detention Center Conditions5. Arbitrary Arrest or Detention6. Role of the Police and Security Apparatus7. Arrest and Detention8. Denial of Fair Public Trial9. Trial Procedures10. Political Prisoners and Detainees11. Civil Judicial Procedures and Remedies12. Property Restitution13. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home by Security and YCL14. Use of Excessive Force and Other Abuses in Internal Conflicts15. Killings16. Child Soldiers17. Freedom of Speech and Press18. Internet Freedom19. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association20. Freedom of Religion21. Societal Abuses and Discrimination22. Freedom of Movement23. Internally Displaced Persons24. Protection of Refugees25. Stateless Persons26. Bandhs27. Elections and Political Participation28. Government Corruption and Transparency29. Governmental Attitude Regarding International and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human Rights30. Discrimination of Women31. Discrimination of Children and Child Abuse32. Trafficking in Persons33. Persons with Disabilities34. Treatment of National/Racial/Ethnic Minorities35. Discrimination and Abuses toward Homosexuals36. The Right of Association37. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively38. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor39. Prohibition of Child Labor and Minimum Age for Employment40. Acceptable Conditions of Work

From time immemorial Tibetans have relished theatrical performances. Even in the more remote areas of Tibet, hundreds of years ago, there was a tradition of traveling minstrels crossing great distances to unpack their costumes and put on shows wherever they could find a crowd. Yak caravans or pilgrims who had seen the minstrels along the mule paths would notify villagers in advance. The actors were a distinctive group: The hats they wore were maroon and conical with pointy tops that flopped from side to side with cream-colored tassels. Their repertoire was based on a mixture of religious teachings and folk tales, with clear-cut villains and heroes – morality plays of good against evil.

After Mao’s People’s Liberation Army invaded Tibet in 1949, the communists brought with them their own brand of theatrical productions, propagandistic in tone and content, and mandatory viewing for the Tibetans. The theme was always the same: The Tibetan estate owners and lamas had kept the serfs in bondage for centuries, but Mao had come to liberate them from the evil aristocracy and the evil monasteries.

Today, theatrical productions written, staged and performed at refugee settlements are still quite popular and a staple of exile settlement existence. The photographs (below) record a political drama recently mounted at a Pokhara camp, illustrating the treatment that Tibetans living in Tibet continue to receive from the Chinese communists, whose ruthlessness remain the same in the 21st century.

On the other side of the mountains, seen from Pokhara, awaits the Tibetan border.

Yesterday, Tricycle published an article I wrote on the ongoing problem of Tibetan exiles living in Nepal and the possible deportation policy set up by the new Maoist-led government. The article is now available online:

On October 17, Tibetan refugees came out in large numbers for a peaceful celebration honoring the day His Holiness the Dalai Lama received the Congressional Medal in Washington. The photos were taken in Boudhanath.

For those of you who missed the first installment: Last month I distributed digital cameras to numerous Tibetan refugees living in Nepal. Their assignment was to document their daily lives over the next several months. I will be posting pictures taken by these talented men and women in the near future. The names of the Tibetans will not be identified until the project is complete and published as a photojournalist volume.

Selling hard cheese and making sweaters for tourists, are two livelihoods for Tibetan women.

Vending Tibetan handbags and carpets to tourists.

Some Nepalese earn their living off of the Tibetans by tailoring monks' and nun's robes.

Tibetan making curry for his family.

A priority for Tibetan refugees is taking care of one of their most valuable possessions: their elderly.

Hawking Tibetan language newspaper published in Nepal.

Tibetan youths hangout: poolhall.

Often the lines of religious activity and commerce blend in the Tibetan refugee community. Here, at Boudhanath Stupa, the hub of Tibetan spiritual practice, refugees practice Chora (circling a holy shrine while chanting). As the sun rises, Tibetan farmers also bring their produce to sell once Chora is over.

Gyamchoe: the practice of lighting 100 butter candles for the deceased, believed to be auspicous for the dead relatives next rebirth.

A special altar set up in a Tibetan household where a member of the family is seriously ill. The brightly painted tormas (butter sculptures) are envisioned as wrathful, thus frightening away evil spirits.

Lining up to present a Rinpoche with katags (silk scarves), a traditional Tibetan way to express respect.

Monk with traditional shell mala (rosary).

Lama blesses a newly purchased motercycle, believed to help prevent mishaps on the bike.

Last month I distributed digital cameras to numerous Tibetan refugees living in Nepal. Their assignment was to document their daily lives over the next several months. I will be posting pictures taken by these talented men and women in the near future. The names of the Tibetans will not be identified until the project is complete and published as a photojournalist volume. In the present format, titles seem superfluous. Eventually, a book will be created from this project called CAUGHT IN NEPAL: TIBETAN REFUGEES PHOTOGRAPHING TIBETAN REFUGEES.

Early this morning, I had my third interview with Maoist-second-in-command Dr. Baburam Bhattarai, the newly appointed Finance Minister of Nepal. Dr. Bhattarai’s first act in office was to introduce the national budget on September 19. This morning we spoke on several issues –tourism, Tibetan refugee deportation, crime against women, inflation – all of which have an impact on the stability of the world’s newest republic.

On Tourism

DUNHAM: Mr. Minister, if this new administration succeeds, history will remember it as the government that broke the chains of the old ways, returned peace to the land, and charted a completely new and innovative course toward Nepali prosperity in the 21st century. As the Minister of Finance you have a great deal to say as to the manner in which the government proceeds.

In the last two weeks I’ve talked to a variety of leading businessmen and what’s most surprised me is that, no matter what political affiliation they may be with, they seem to genuinely hope that you and the Maoist –led government succeed. They are saying, “Let’s wait and see and be patient and hope for the best.”

Patience may be a virtue, but in the political world, an administration cannot expect to enjoy public patience indefinitely. A year from now, you will need to be able to identify improvements that have been made in the financial sector. People will want to see at least the beginnings of a better life for them.

Your government’s plans are bold in meeting those challenges. But there are certain sectors within the Nepal business world that already show vigor – asking only to be left alone, at least for the time-being.

I’m thinking particularly of the tourist industry. Its leaders tell me that they are poised for a very robust October and November 2008, for instance. Foreigners will be pouring in and filling the hotels and seeking Nepal’s natural beauty like never before. But…

One thing they are concerned about is the visa hike reportedly proposed. They’re saying, “Please not yet, Mr. Minister. Because of the shaky financial market and high oil prices, tourists are looking at all travel costs very closely. The visa hike would be a real turn-off for many tourists. Once we’ve got a full head of steam, then it’s a good time to raise the visa. Don’t cut us off at the ankles just when we have gotten back on our feet again.”

Here is one of those industries that you can hold up to the public a year from now and say, “See how tourism has improved since our administration?”

How do you respond to this and what discussions have you had with the leaders of the tourist industry about the raised visa cost and other industry-related concerns?

FINANCE MINISTER DR. BABARAM BHATTARAI: As you know, the Nepalese people have been going through exciting times these last few years – very exciting times in Nepalese history. The people have put their faith in us. We are in a newly formed government, only one month old. We have put forward the policies and programs and the new budget. There has been comparatively positive response to all of this.

As you know, our main task is peace and development. Peace and development are interlinked. Until and unless we have peace, we can’t have development. And until we have development, we can’t have sustainable peace. So that’s why we are focusing on development: to have sustainable peace. That’s why, in our budget and policies and programs of the government, we have prioritized certain sectors.

One is modernization of our agriculture sector. Our agriculture had been traditional, feudal and two-thirds of our labor force has been engaged in that. That’s why we want to modernize and commercialize agriculture: so that the majority of the labor force engaged –two-thirds – can switch over to non-agriculture jobs in the service sector jobs.

The other sectors we have focused on are tourism and hydropower. We will be focusing on these sectors in the coming days.

You have correctly pointed out that tourism is one of the kingpins of our development process. And for that, the situation is comparatively positive and favorable. With the coming of the tourist season, there is a lot of expectation for the success in this sector. To stimulate the economy, we are trying to develop plans to attract more tourists and to provide good tourism infrastructure.

As you asked, the visa should be a non-issue. I haven’t gone through visa charges. I’ve just learned this from you. If it is too high, then we can look into that.

But the main thing is we want to welcome tourists. Nepal is a very beautiful place and the tourism industry can be a very good contributing factor for our long-term development. Therefore, we don’t want to put up any such barriers, which would discourage the tourist arrivals. We will look into that.

On the possibility of re-settling Tibetan refugees: Send them to America?

DUNHAM: In order to achieve your fiscal goals, you must cut out the fat when and where you see unnecessary expenditure occurring. It seems to me that one way to reduce expenditure and win foreign hearts is to allow any Tibetans currently living in Nepal who want to, to be repatriated to American soil. The American government has made it clear that they would be willing to bring these Tibetans to the U.S, but have felt blocked and shut out by previous Nepali governments. Why not let those who want to go, go to American if invited? As it stands now, aren’t they a burden on the budget rather than an asset?

FINANCE MINISTER DR. BABURAM BHATTARAI: We will look into the Tibetan issue.

Since the new government has just formed since one month before, we haven’t had time to go into that. We will look into that. We don’t want them to make a burden on our economy. But in our budgetary allocation, and elsewhere, there is no allocation for Tibetan refugees. I think they have been surviving from other some other sources of income.

The Tibetan issue is slightly tricky, also. Since Nepal is sandwiched between the big countries, China and India, we have to balance our foreign policy very delicately. Keeping that in mind, we will try to solve this issue.

DUNHAM: Recently, 137 Tibetans were detained at the Tibetan Reception Center. It’s been predicted that at least half of them do not have the refugee certificate card. They will therefore be deported to India. When I spoke to the Home Minister a few days ago, he assured me that, in the future, they will continue to be deported to India, contrary to the rumor that they might be deported to China.

Couldn’t it also be possible that, if there are future deportees and the United States is willing to bring them to American soil, couldn’t the deportees just as easily be sent to America? Is that a possibility?

FINANCE MINISTER DR. BABURAM BHATTARAI: That…that we have to look into that. I would like to look into that further.

On crimes against women and the need for more policewomen

DUNHAM: In the past few weeks, I’ve been talking with a number of women in the police force. Out of 57,000 police officers only 2000 of them are women. But this small minority has made a real difference out there in the field in helping victims of domestic violence and sex trafficking. Women are essential in creating a trust between the victim and the police officer. Female victims need to be able to talk to other women.

The Women’s and Children’s Service Center, for example, is doing a terrific job even though they are extremely understaffed and financed to operate a successful operation. Reducing violence against women and curtailing sex-trafficking will be, over the long run, sound economic policy.

So what I’m saying is: Here’s a department that’s already working admirably but really needs help. Have you included in your budget significant monies to pay for an increase in the number of policewomen to specifically deal with women in crisis? And wouldn’t this increase in policewomen be a very cost-effective measure to take for the new government?

FINANCE MINISTER DR. BABURAM BHATTARAI: Yes, definitely, yes. I fully agree with that. If there are more women in the police, it will give a more human face to the police force. In general, it will send a good message to the public.

As far as crime against women goes, it’s very rampant in this society – sex-trafficking and all these things – domestic violence. To look into that also, if there are women officers in the police force, it will ease the whole situation. That’s why I fully agree with your assessment.

DUNHAM: You support the idea of increasing the women personel --?

FINANCE MINISTER DR. BABURAM BHATTARAI: Yes, definitely, definitely. In fact, our policy has been to increase the number of women in all sectors of the state, including the security forces. So, if not 50%, at least 33% should be the target. This has been the position of our party.

DUNHAM: And are you running up against any resistance from other parties to achieve that goal of increasing women in all sectors of the state?

FINANCE MINISTER DR. BABURAM BHATTARAI: Of course there will be resistance. Ours is a feudal society and this patrimonial culture is still here. Keeping that in mind, there will be resistance. Even then, we have to fight against that. And we are ready to fight against that.

On Inflation

DUNHAM: I see we’re running out of time. One more question, Mr. Minister. Businessmen in Kathmandu, at least the one’s I’ve talked to, say their biggest concern about the new budget is whether or not you will be able to control inflation. What measures are you prepared to take in order to curb inflation?

FINANCE MINISTER DR. BABURAM BHATTARAI: No, in spite of the people’s apprehensions, the budget is not inflationary. People think it is a very ambitious budget, but that is not so. Even if you go by the international norms and standards of macro-economic stability, it is within the bounds. We have not crossed that limit. We have very meticulously calculated it and I don’t think our budget will lead to inflation.

But the inflationary pressure is an international phenomenon. You see, we have a very open economy, an open border with India, so some of the inflation would be imported from outside Nepal. That would be very difficult for us to contain.

DUNHAM: That’s right.

FINANCE MINISTER DR. BABURAM BHATTARAI: But internally, we will revise policy. The best way to control inflation is to improve the supply side, you see? -- if you make good supply arrangements that can check inflation, and other measures also were working.

DUNHAM: When you talk about other outside forces… right now, America’s financial debacle seems to be spreading in every direction. It’s a mess. As Finance Minister, to what degree do you think the American problem will ripple into Nepal’s economic stability?

FINANCE MINISTER DR. BABURAM BHATTARAI: Actually, it has some impact. But it doesn’t have a very big impact because our economy is a very peripheral economy. We are at the far periphery of the global economy. In that sense, I don’t think there will be a very big impact, but it will have some impact. So we will work out measures, keeping this in mind.

From the early 1960s to 1974, Tibetan freedom fighters congregated in Mustang, a high Nepalese principality jutting out over the Tibetan plain. Direct conflict with Mao Tse-tung’s People’s Liberation Party, which had overrun Tibet in the 1950s and forced the Fourteenth Dalai Lama to flee for his life in 1959, was negligible in Mustang. But the Tibetan resistance did stage incursions and lethal raids back inside Tibet, sometimes with significant reconnaissance results. In one instance, Tibetan freedom fighters killed an officer, then confiscated his leather satchel, which later revealed enough communist classified information for the CIA’s flagging interest in the resistance to be somewhat revived. One CIA officer later told me that there was enough information in that bag to supply them with “intel” for the next ten years. Washington assistance for the freedom fighters surged for a short time afterwards.

This morning I conducted a filmed interview with Deputy Prime Minister Bam Dev Gautam at the Ministerial Residence Compound in Pulchok. Gautam serves as Deputy Prime Minister, the number-two man in Nepal’s new government. He has also been appointed Home Minister, a position that oversees all matters of security in Nepal. Known as a long-time advocate of a multi-party democracy in Nepal, Gautam played an integral role in 2004 when he helped orchestrate meetings between the rebel Maoists and the Seven Party Alliance –a political merging that eventually led to the demise of the 260-year-old monarchy. This morning, Gautam and I spoke on a variety of issues including corruption, gang violence, rule of law in Madesh, sex trafficking, intra-party strife and the question of Tibetan deportation.As far as I am aware, it was during my interview that Gautam said for the first time, unequivocally, that Tibetans would not be in danger of being deported to China – not now nor in the future.

DUNHAM: I believe that improving the infrastructure in Nepal -- and as soon as possible -- should be a priority in the new government. But it is also my opinion that, before you can build infrastructure, the government must establish rule of law and nation-wide security. Do you agree with this?

HOME MINISTER GAUTAM: What you say is right, to some extent, but the development of infrastructure is not the only important work. Right now, the most important work is to achieve

137 Tibetans are currently in detention at Kathmandu’s Tibetan Reception Center (TRC). As reported on September 11, many of them face imminent deportation.

Last week, growing Chinese pressure on Nepal to curb the “anti-China movement” and seven-month-long protests in Kathmandu resulted in Nepal’s new Home Ministry’s issuing a decree saying that, from now on, Tibetans without proper documentation would be deported. The assumption by many Tibetans was that the group would be deported to China, where further punishment would be inevitable.

It rained all last night here in central Nepal, but as sunlight broke through the clouds this morning, and a murder of crows spread quickly across the valley, so did some very dark news. Yesterday, the new Nepal government announced an ominous policy change toward Tibetans living within its borders.

Growing Chinese pressure on Nepal to curb the “anti-China movement” and seven-month-long protests in Kathmandu finally culminated in the new Home Ministry’s decree:

"We will not allow our territory to be used for anti-China activity…The government has begun investigating the cases of Tibetans living in Nepal. The ones without proper documents will be deported," Modraj Dottel, home ministry spokesman, told AFP.

Dottel said police and immigration department officials have been ordered to take action because

The Nepali Olympic team – eight athletes and 24 others including coaches, sports officials and government officials -- left for Beijing two days ago. The team will compete in five events: shooting, swimming, judo, tae kwondo and the marathon. But the Olympic mood has been anything but celebratory in Nepal. Even the team’s departure at the Kathmandu airport was conducted under a shabby cloud of controversy.

Politically, the 2008 Olympics have done more to unify Tibetans in Nepal than any event in decades. Today, well over a 1000 Tibetans were arrested in protest while trying to storm the Chinese Consular offices – the latest in a multi-month series of protests and demonstrations.

Nevertheless, the boycott of the Olympic Games is not confined to Tibetan protestors.

The Question of Chinese vs. Indian influence in Nepal

In an apparent rebuff to China, Nepal’s newly appointed President Ram Baran Yadav has spurned his invitation to attend the Beijing Olympics opening ceremony and meet top Chinese leaders. All preparations for the 60-year-old leader's Beijing visit had been made; he was scheduled to have had separate meetings with Chinese President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao.

Yadav insisted his decision was based on his tight schedule and preoccupation with getting a coalition government off the ground. (Indeed, Yadav has his work cut out for him in Kathmandu.) But Yadav's visit to China would have been unprecedented and controversial without the political turmoil in Kathmandu: Previous heads of government in Nepal have traditionally chosen India for their maiden trip abroad after assuming office.

G.P. Koirala, the interim Prime Minister (Nepali Congress) is reported to have advised Yadav against the Chinese trip, bringing into play the question: Is Koirala acting in the interests of New Delhi?

China may be the big dog in Asia but India has much stronger geographic, economic, cultural, religious and political ties with Nepal. To what extent has that relationship eroded in the last few years since China has, economically, cast its shadow across the rest of the continent?

Since the Tibetan controversy exploded in March of this year, China has maintained the stance that as long as the Nepal government represses Tibetans’ rights in Nepal, Sino-Nepali relations will grow and Nepal will enjoy the economic benefits.

A few days ago, Zheng Xiangling, China’s Ambassador to Nepal, delivered a speech at a program organized by the Nepal Council of World Affairs in which he focused on Beijing’s official stance towards Nepal.

On the opening day of the Beijing Olympics, it therefore bears repeating excerpts from the Ambassador’s long message.

Ambassador Zheng Xiangling on Sino-Nepali History and Reality

After I started my work here, I got a better understanding about the China-Nepal relationship. China's historical scriptures have recorded lots of wonderful and detailed data about the contacts between China and Nepal. In 406 AD, Master Monk Fa Xian of Eastern Jin Dynasty recorded in Account of the Buddhist Countries his visit and detailed impression in Nepal. In the 7th century, well-known Master Monk Xuan Zang of Tang Dynasty wrote in The Traveling Notes of the Western Region in Great Tang Dynasty about his visit to the birth place of Buddha. His Notes have now become valuable historical materials to study that period of history in Nepal. Since Tang Dynasty, there had been constant exchanges between China and Nepal and lots of historical events have become household stories for the people of both countries such as Princess Bhrikuti's marriage to King Songtsan Gambo and Arniko's guidance in constructing the White Pagoda.

Human Rights Watch, one of only two international human rights organizations operating worldwide in the most severe areas of oppression and abuse, (Amnesty International is the other), has just released an outstanding report on Nepal's ongoing policy of appeasing its giant neighbor to the north -- the People's Republic of China -- by further restricting the rights of the nearly 20,000 Tibetans refugees living within Nepalese borders.

Here are some highlights of the report.Summary: This report documents violations of human rights by the Nepali authorities,particularly the police, against Tibetans involved in demonstrations in Kathmandu,Nepal. These include unnecessary and excessive use of force, arbitrary arrest, sexual assault of women during arrest, arbitrary and preventive detention, beatings in detention, unlawful threats to deport Tibetans to China, and unnecessary restrictions on freedom of movement in the Kathmandu Valley. Nepali authorities have also harassed Tibetan and foreign journalists and Nepali, Tibetan, and foreign human rights defenders.

At least 8,350 arrests of Tibetans were made between March 10 and July 18 (many people were arrested more than once). While the frequency of protests hasdiminished since May, protests have continued to take place on an almost weeklybasis, with continuing abuses by Nepali authorities in response. Few of thosearrested have been provided with a reason for their detention and virtually all have been released without charge.

Human Rights Watch has directly observed many of the Tibetan demonstrations inKathmandu and the police response to them. From March 10 to 28, Nepali policeconsistently responded to the demonstrations with unnecessary or excessive force, using lathis to beat protesters in the head and body, and by kicking and punching them. Police officers have sexually assaulted Tibetan women during arrest. Many women and girls have reported male police officers groping them and kicking or hitting them with a lathi in the groin.

Beginning around March 28, perhaps because of media coverage of the authorities’abusive tactics, police officers began using force in less visible ways, such as byhaving a group of police surround protesters before kicking and punching them inthe lower body.

The police have also used unnecessary force to carry out arrests, at times with the apparent intent to disperse crowds of protesters. Threats of violence and sexual intimidation also appear to have been used to deter future demonstrations.

The authorities typically detained those arrested for several hours before releasing them in the evening without charge. On two occasions Tibetans were detained overnight: 99 people were held in four locations on April 16, and 68 were held at Ghan II Police Barracks on April 2.

Since March 20, Nepali authorities have also been arresting Tibetans to preventthem from reaching protests and as an apparent means of intimidating andharassing the Tibetan community in Nepal. Tibetans and Nepalis resemblingTibetans, such as monks and nuns, have been arrested in Kathmandu’s streets, from taxis and public buses and from tea shops.

Human Rights Watch has documented ill treatment of Tibetan detainees. Police,especially at Boudha Police Station, have severely beaten detainees. Detainees,many of whom suffered injuries while being arrested, have been provided limited—or no—medical care. Dozens of people have been held overnight in places with wholly inadequate facilities.

Nearly all Tibetan protesters interviewed by Human Rights Watch reported being threatened with deportation to China. This threat is being used during arrest andagainst those in detention with the apparent aim of instilling fear within the Tibetan community or to discourage future protests. The authorities’ widespread use of this threat suggests it is Nepali government policy. Returning Tibetan demonstrators to China would violate Nepal’s obligations under international law not to send individuals to a place where they are likely to be tortured or, in the case of refugees, face persecution.

The Nepali government has placed severe restrictions on the movement of groups of Tibetans within Kathmandu and in the Kathmandu Valley, including nuns, monks, and elderly religious practitioners, who regularly move between the three main Tibetans areas (Swyambu, Boudha, and Jawalakel). Police reportedly have put under surveillance individuals perceived to be leaders of the protests and have closely monitored locations of importance to Tibetans in Nepal, such as Jawalakel Tibetan Camp, the Tibetan Reception Center, Kopan monastery, and a nunnery in Swyambu.

Nepali police have also engaged in physical attacks on and harassment of Tibetanand foreign journalists and intimidation of human rights defenders. On March 24,the authorities arrested members of the nongovernmental organization AmnestyInternational-Nepal and Nepali human rights defenders prior to a planneddemonstration. Human rights monitors and journalists have been photographed and questioned by individuals identifying themselves as Nepali Intelligence.

Chinahas played an important, if at times hidden, role in the Nepali government’s crackdown on Tibetan demonstrations. The unusual number of statements from Nepali leaders reiterating the ban on “anti-China” activities suggests increasing pressure from Beijing (see below). Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala on several occasions vowed to prevent demonstrations by Tibetans in Nepal, stating that “no anti-China activity will be allowed on Nepali territory.” Nepal’s Home Ministry spokesperson was quoted saying, “We have given the Tibetan refugees status and allow them to carry out culture events. However, they do not have the right for political activities.… We will not allow any anti-China activities in Nepal and we will stop it.” Soon after the protests began, on March 19, 2008, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN-M), the largest party in the recently elected constituent assembly, issued a statement expressing solidarity with China and saying, “We want to draw the attention of the concerned [Nepali government] authority to the activities against China at the Nepal-China border.”

China has long claimed that the bedrock of its foreign policy is “non-interference” in the internal affairs of other countries. Yet it has directly involved itself in Nepali affairs. China’s ambassador has publicly exerted China’s influence on the Nepali government through strong and frequent statements, calling for the arrest of protesters and urging the government to take strong action. Senior Nepaligovernment officials, and officials involved in the detention of Tibetans, have cited the relationship between China and Nepal, and Nepal’s “one China” policy as the reason for the arrest of Tibetan protesters. With the exception of three Tibetans arrested at their homes under the Public Security Act on June 19, 2008, Nepali law has not been used to justify arrests and those detained have not been charged.

International human rights law guarantees refugees and other non-citizens freedom of assembly and expression, and freedom from mistreatment. While this report focuses on events in Kathmandu from March through April 2008, protests and government crackdowns continue. The rights of Tibetans in Nepal continue to be under assault as peaceful Tibetan protesters are arrested for purely political reasons.

The youngest republic on earth remains log jammed and unable to form a government that has been inundated with southern ethnic groups’ protests. The inordinate delay in selecting a president and prime minister leaves Nepal especially vulnerable to the mounting economic concerns created by skyrocketing oil prices and sinking food supplies in an already impoverished country. The Brussels-based International Crisis Group just published a report that law and order “is in tatters, particularly in some Terai [southern] districts and the culture of impunity remains intact.” Strikes from diverse groups add to the general uneasiness. Pushpa Kamal Dahal (“Prachanda”), leader of the Maoists, recently admitted that the parties have not been able to meet the expectations of the people even after three months of successful election to the Constituent Assembly.

After the Maoists’ sensational victory, the dust has settled revealing an unenviable set of hurdles for the party to jump before a viable government in Nepal is possible. Although they won the largest number of seats in the April 10 elections, they have neither a majority nor the luxury of forming a government by themselves. Sleeves are rolled up but uncertainty continues while leaders within the party seem to disagree with each other on policies. And just when Prachanda seemed to be leading his party in a more statesmanlike direction, the Maoists’ Youth Communist League regressed to its old specialty, thuggism. The murder of one man in particular outraged much of the nation; Prachanda made a hatchet job of the affair by initially denying Maoist involvement, then admitting involvement but only after it became a public relations nightmare.

Since March 10, Tibetan exile protests in Kathmandu have proceeded almost on a daily basis. Tibetans keep returning to the streets even though they know the police’s version of “crowd control” may degenerate, as likely as not, into police brutality. The Tibetans’ newfound determination to continue their movement of civil disobedience, in spite of the Nepali government’s long-standing intolerance of anti-Chinese demonstrations, is creating a standoff that cannot continue indefinitely.

For the last six weeks, pro-Tibetan demonstrators in Nepal have risked injury and arrest from armed police in order to protest China’s rule in Tibet. But now protestors could pay with a much higher price — their lives.

25 police and soldiers, all trained mountaineers, have already reached Everest's Camp II, situated at 6,500 meters (21,300 feet) above sea level. The Nepali troops will be tasked with keeping mountaineers from scaling the Nepal side of the mountain while a Chinese team is on the north side, which is closed off altogether to private expeditions. Video cameras have also been banned from Everest base camp and officials said additional security had been deployed there and on the approach trail. The Nepali troops have been ordered to open fire, if necessary, to prevent disruption of the Olympic Torch Relay by China.

Yesterday around 500 Tibetan demonstrators were rounded up outside the Chinese embassy in Kathmandu. Today, armed police detained another 100 Tibetans as they attempted to repeat yesterday’s protest.

The 20,000 Tibetan refugees who call Nepal home, beginning with their exodus from Tibet after the Dalai Lama fled Lhasa in 1959, have once again stepped up their public agitation after a hiatus during last week’s national elections in Nepal. The fact that the Maoists enjoyed an overwhelming victory in the elections and that the Maoists have made it clear that they will not tolerate political dissension directed against China has not seemed to cower the refugees.

For years the Tibetans have had to be extremely careful what they say and do in Nepal. Before King Gyanendra was ousted in 2006, he bowed to Chinese pressure by closing the offices of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in Kathmandu. But as one refugee protester put it to me, in light of the ascension of the Maoists, as well as in regards to the recent communist clampdown in Tibet: "Do we really have anything else to lose?"

Last Sunday, during a nationally aired discussion of whether President Bush would attend the Olympic opening ceremonies in Beijing, Stephen Hadley, President Bush's National Security Adviser, repeatedly and erroneously referred to Tibet as “Nepal”. Said Mr. Hadley, “The president thinks that the way to address the issue of Nepal is not by a statement that you are not going to the opening ceremonies…what he is doing on Nepal…” and so on. Five times Hadley spoke of Nepal, meaning “Tibet”, and five times the interviewer, George Stephanopoulos, either didn’t deign to listen or didn’t see the big deal in correcting the jarringly obvious mistake. Even the producers glued to their offstage monitors apparently didn’t get it. Click here for youtube download

Hadley is not a moron. Somewhere in his memory bank, Hadley knows that Nepal is an independent nation recognized by the United Nations while Tibet is an ancient civilization that was colonized and subsumed by the Chinese in the 1950s. But the sloppy speechifying which stood uncorrected by prominent newsman (who, after all, gets paid to exploit such blunders) points to a far deeper, systemic and ominous problem in the United States. America’s complacency with dodgy Asian geography is, in fact, one of the reasons the 21st century will be Asia’s century, not America’s. Asians have their globes dusted off, their bifocals squeaky clean and their attitudes greedy and fine-tuned for getting the fine print right.

Nepal, which has about 20,000 Tibetan refugees, has been drawn into the crisis that began with protests inside Tibet and the subsequent Chinese crackdown. Nepalese officials have diligently attempted to stop Tibetan demonstrations because they are afraid of upsetting their powerful neighbor to the north, China. Human Rights Watch this week accused the Nepalese government of "pre-emptively arresting Tibetans" and threatening the refugees with deportation back to communist China.

Everything about Nepal is a contradiction. It’s a tiny landlocked country of astounding topographical diversity. From the tallest mountains in the world, Nepal plummets to subtropical tiger jungles stretching at sea level along its southern border—all within a distance of 92 miles. It’s caught between the two giant webs of Asia: China and India. Although the United Nations and the international community recognize its independence, Nepal cannot reach the outside world without the expressed approval of its powerful neighbors. The reality is that, at every point on the compass, Nepal’s independence is compromised.