In 1793, and the succeeding years, the whole strength
and resources of the United Empire were called into action. In the
northern corner of the kingdom a full proportion of its disposable
resources was produced. A people struggling against the disadvantages of
a boisterous climate, and barren soil, could not be expected to
contribute money. But the personal services of the young and active were
ready, when required, for the defence of the liberty and independence of
their country. The men whom these districts sent forth, in the hour of
danger, possessed that vigour and hardihood peculiar to an agricultural
and pastoral life. As a proof of this, in late years, when typhus and
other epidemic diseases were prevalent in the South, it was so different
in the mountains, that, except in cases where infection was carried from
the Low country, few instances of typhus or other contagious distempers
occurred, and where they actually broke out, they did not spread, as
might naturally have been expected, from the confined and small
dwellings of the Highland peasantry,—a fact only to be accounted for
from their habitual temperance, and that robust vigour of constitution
produced by sobriety and exercise.

It may, therefore, be allowed that the effective
national defence which the agricultural population afford
the State is to be valued beyond a numerical force of another
description, in so far as a man, whose strength of constitution
enables him to serve his country for a term of years, though subjected
to privations and changes of climate, is more valuable than the man
whose constitution gives way in half the time. This remark applies
forcibly in the present instance. Indeed, where sickness has prevailed
among Highland soldiers, it has in general been occasioned less by
fatigue, privations, or exposure to cold, than from the nature of the
provisions, particularly animal food, and from clothing unnecessarily
warm. [In 1805, the second battalion of the 78th regiment, newly
raised, and composed of nearly 600 boys from the Highlands, was
quartered in Kent where many of the finest looking lads were attacked
with inflammatory diseases, preceded by eruptions on the skin, arising
entirely from the quantity of animal food suddenly introduced into the
system, previously accustomed to barley and oatmeal, or vegetable diet.
The stomachs of many rejected the quantity of animal food supplied, and
it was not till the following year that they were fully seasoned.]
In the march through Holland and Westphalia in 1794 and 1795, when the
cold was so in-tense that brandy froze in bottles, the
Highlanders, consisting of the 78th, 79th, and the new recruits of the
42d, (very young soldiers), wore their kilts, and yet the loss was
out of all comparison less than that sustained by some other corps.
[During the whole of that campaign, from the landing at Ostend,
in June 1794, till the embarkation at Bremenlee, in May 1795, the number
killed and died of sickness in the 42d regiment was only twenty-six men.]
Producing so many defenders of the liberty, honour, and independence of
the State, as these mountains have done, and of which an aggregate
statement will be given, they might have been saved from a system which
tends ultimately to change the character, if not altogether to extirpate
their hardy inhabitants. We have heard of the despotic institutions of
the Mesta in Spain, which provide that the lands and pastures
shall be cleared for the royal flocks, who are driven from district to
district for subsistence. The monopoly of farms, which expatriates a
numerous and virtuous race, is a species of Mesta, greatly more ruinous
to the ancient inhabitants than that so justly complained of in Spain.
Whether it proceeds from the privileges of an absolute monarch, or the
power of engrossing wealth, we find that monopoly and despotism are
frequently analogous in their ultimate result, although they may differ
in the means to which they may resort for their attainment.

Individual severity as certainly generates
disaffection to the commonwealth, as the political sins and oppressions
of the government. However, the loyalty of Highlanders is not easily
alienated; for, although the engrossing of farms, and removal of the old
occupiers, caused such discontent in the county of Ross, that the people
broke out in open violence [See Article 42d
Regiment, vol. I. page 416.] in the year 1792, and the recruiting
for the 42d and other regiments was materially affected, yet, whenever
the general welfare and honour of the country were called in question,
and war declared, all complaints seemed to be buried in oblivion. And as
the Frasers, who had been one of the most active, numerous, and
efficient clans in the Rebellion of 1745, were the first, in the year
1756, to come forth in his Majesty's service, under the very leader who
had headed them at Culloden, and, in like manner, in the American war,
when the 71st, or Fraser's Highlanders, was the first regiment embodied;
so now, in the same country, whither, but two years before, troops had
been ordered to repair, by forced marches, to quell the riotous
discontents of the people, the first regiment raised in the late war was
completed in a few months, after letters of service had been granted to
the late Lord Seaforth. When completed it was numbered the 78th (the old
establishment of the army being 77 regiments), the regiment raised by
his predecessor the Earl of Seaforth, in the year 1779, having the same
number. This regiment, however, was not raised with the same expedition
as in former times. Probably some lurking feel-ings of dissatisfaction
at the late proceedings and depopulations still remained. The desolate
appearance of the once populous glens, the seats of happiness and
contentment, too strongly commemorated these hated proceedings;
especially as the people were, at the same time, uncertain whether a
similar fate awaited themselves. But, notwithstanding of these appalling
discouragements of patriotic and chivalrous feeling, the first
establishment of the regiment was completed, and embodied by
Lieutenant-General Sir Hector Munro at Fort George on the 10th of July
1793. Five companies were immediately embarked for Guernsey, where they
were brigaded with the other troops under the command of the Earl of
Moira. The other five companies landed in Guernsey in September 1793.

This was an excellent body of men, healthy, vigorous,
and efficient; attached and obedient to their officers, temperate and
regular; in short, possessing those principles of integrity and moral
conduct, which constitute a valuable soldier. The duty of officers was
easy with such men, who only required to be told what duty was expected
of them. A young officer, endowed with sufficient judgment to direct
them in the field, possessing energy and spirit to ensure the respect
and confidence of soldiers, and prepared, on every occasion, to show
them the eye of the enemy, need not desire a command that would
sooner, and more permanently, establish his professional character, if
employed on an active campaign, than that of 1000 such men as composed
this regiment.

Among these men desertion was unknown, and corporal
punishment unnecessary. The detestation and disgrace of such a mode of
punishment would have rendered a man infamous in his own estimation, and
an outcast from the society of his country and kindred. Fortunately for
these men, they were placed under the command of an officer well
calculated for the charge. Born among themselves, of a family which they
were accustomed to respect, and possessing both judgment and temper, he
perfectly understood their character, and ensured their esteem and
regard. Many brave honest soldiers have been lost from the want of such
men at their head. The appointment of a commander to a corps so
composed, is a subject of deep importance. Colonel Mackenzie knew his
men, and the value which they attached to a good name, by tarnishing
which they would bring shame on their country and kindred. In case of
any misconduct, he had only to remonstrate, or threaten to transmit to
their parents a report of their misbehaviour. This was, indeed, to them
a grievous punishment, acting, like the curse of Kehania, as a perpetual
banishment from a country to which they could not return with a bad
character. For several years, during which he commanded the regiment, he
seldom had occasion to resort to any other restraint. The same system
was followed up with such success by his immediate successors,
Lieutenant-Colonels Randoll Mackenzie, John Mackenzie (Gairloch), and
Alexander Adams, who successively commanded the regiment, that, after
being many years in India, "very little change occurred in the behaviour
of the men, except that they had become more addicted to liquor than
formerly. Selling regimental necessaries, or disorderly conduct in
barracks, were very uncommon, and the higher crimes totally unknown.
They were steady and economical, lived much among themselves, seldom
mixed with other corps, were much attached to many of their officers,
and extremely national. The climate of India preventing the officers
from so frequently visiting or being so much among them as when in
Europe, lessened the knowledge and intimacy that had previously
subsisted between them, but by no means did away their reliance and
confidence in each other." No officer enjoyed this confidence more than
Colonel Adams. Although not a Celtic Highlander of Scotland, he was a
Celt of Wales; and had he been from the Highlands of Ross, he could not
have been more acceptable to the soldiers, who Were fortunate in having,
for many years, a commander who so fully appreciated the peculiar traits
of their dispositions. He joined the regiment at the formation when very
young, entered readily into their feelings and peculiarities, and looked
upon them with more indulgence than many of their own countrymen.

The following is a list of the original officers.
Commissions dated 8th of March 1793.

In September 1794, the 78th, along with the 80th
regiment, embarked from Guernsey to join an expedition form-jric under
the command of Major-General Lord Mulgrave, intended to occupy Zealand.
By an unpardonable neglect, the troops were put on board transports
recently arrived from the West Indies, with a number of prisoners, of
whom many had died of fever on the passage. Without any inspection, the
same bedding was served out to the troops, who, as might have been
anticipated, caught the infection. By great care it was, however,
prevented from spreading; and when the fleet reached Flushing, the 78th,
79th, 80th, 84th, and 85th, received orders to join the Duke of York's
army on the Waal. Lord Mulgrave was to return with the other corps to
England. In the middle of October the Highlanders reached Tuil, and
marched from thence to the village of Roscum, on the Bommil Wart on the
Maese. The opposite bank was occupied by the enemy in force. Nothing
occurred beyond popping shots across the river. One of these causing a
false alarm, an emigrant Dutch artillery officer, by some
misapprehension or ignorance of the language, fired a gun loaded with
case shot, and desperately wounded Lieutenant Archibald Christie of the
78th, and a sergeant, who were standing in the range of the shot, giving
directions to a sentinel. Lieutenant Christie, who is now
Commandant-General of Hospitals, suffered extremely, for many years,
from the severity of the wound received by so unfortunate and provoking
an occurrence.

[While the troops lay at this post, under the command
of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Mackenzie Fraser, much attention was
excited by the regularity withwhich a battery
on the other side of the river opened a smart fire whenever any portion
of the troops happened to be under arms, although not seen by the enemy.

Atlast it was observed,
that, before the fire commenced, a wind-mill, on the
same side with the British, always put its
wings in motion. This excited suspicion, and it was discovered that the
miller had concerted signals with the enemy. The man was seized, and
ordered to be hanged immediately, but, by the humane interference of
Colonel Mackenzie, he was pardoned. Instances, such as this are not
perhaps sufficient to indicate the general feelings of a country, but so
many occurred during this campaign, that it is not easy to withhold
concurrence in the general opinion, that the Dutch were hostile to the
British on every occasion when they could display that feeling with
impunity.]

The enemy having laid siege to Nimeguen, the 78th was
ordered to reinforce the garrison, from which a sortie was made, on the
4th of November, by the 8th, 27th, 28th, 55th, 63d, and 78th
Highlanders, along with some cavalry and Dutch troops. In this their
maiden service, the Highlanders did justice to the expectations formed
of them. They moved forward under a very heavy fire, and leapt into the
trenches, in the midst of a French battalion drawn up ready to receive
them. These they attacked and overthrew with the bayonet, reserving
their powder till the enemy had fled beyond reach. An affair of such
close fighting was soon decided, with a loss to the British of only 12
rank and file killed; 12 officers, 10 sergeants, 149 rank and file,
wounded; of whom the Highlanders lost 7 rank and file killed; Major
Malcom, Captains Hugh Munro and Colin Mackenzie, Lieutenant Bayley,
Ensign Martin Cameron, (who died of wounds), and 4 sergeants, and 56
rank and file, wounded.

[The greater part of the
wounds were given by musketry, when the troops were advancing to the
batteries. A musket ball entered the outward edge of Captain Munro's
left eye, and passing under the bridge of the nose through the right,
carried away both eyes, without leaving the least mark or disfiguration,
farther than the blank in the eyes shot away. He was quite well in a few
weeks, and has since taught himself to write a short letter with much
correctness, and to play on several musical instruments. He is now a
judicious agriculturist, and spirited improver of his estate. As the
Sergeant Major leapt into the trenches, a ball struck him high up on the
outside of the right thigh, passed down to the knee, and entering the
left leg in the calf, came out at the ankle, but, as it touched no bone,
it did not disable him above ten days, notwithstanding the circuitous
direction it followed, running round so many bones.]

The enemy having advanced with an overpowering force,
Nimeguen was evacuated on the 6th, and, on the 10th, the Highland
regiment was removed to the 3d brigade or reserve, consisting of the
12th, Lieutenant-Colonel Perryn, 33d, the Honourable
Lieutenant-Colonel Arthur Wellesley, and the 42d, Major William Dickson;
the whole being under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander
Mackenzie Fraser.

In this position they lay till the 29th of December,
when the enemy crossed the Waal on the ice, at Bommill. The right wing
of the British immediately marched, and concentrated at Khiel, under the
command of Major-General David Dundas, and, the same night, moved
forward on a position of the enemy at Tuil, which, however, they
evacuated on the approach of the British. Brevet-Major Murray, and some
men of the Light company 78th, were killed by a distant cannonade, as
the troops were advancing.

The army lay on the snow for two nights, and, on the
31st, were put into barns till they were removed to Gildermalsen, on
which place the enemy advanced in force on the 5th of January 1795. The
78th was drawn up in two wings in front of the village, leaving the road
open between the wings, and having the Light company, with two howitzer
guns, in advance. The 42d, in support, occupied the different avenues to
the village; the 12th and 19th regiments were at some distance to the
right, and the 33d, with a squadron of the 11th dragoons, in the
advanced post of Meteren. The enemy made his attack with such vivacity,
that the outposts were quickly driven in. A regiment of French Hussars,
dressed in an uniform similar to that of the emigrant regiment of
Choiseul in our service, pushed forward under cover of this deception,
and gallopped along the road, with great fury, crying "Choiseul,
Choiseul!" This so far succeeded, that they were allowed to get close to
the advanced company of the 78th before the truth was discover-ed, when
they were instantly attacked and checked, but not sufficiently to
prevent a part pushing, at full speed, through the intervals between the
two wings towards the village. Here they were met by the Light company
of the 42d, whose fire drove them back, and scattered them in an
instant. When the attacking column of the enemy's infantry perceived
that their cavalry had got through, beyond the first line, they advanced
with great boldness, singing the Carmagnole March. The 78th reserved
their fire till the enemy nearly closed upon them, when it was opened
with such effect, that they were driven back in great confusion. The
repulse of the cavalry and infantry was so
complete and expeditious, that the loss of the Highlanders was trifling;
[When the light troops and cavalry in
advance were forced to retire, they left the guns in possession of the
enemy, who pushed so far forward, that their cavalry got mixed with the
Light infantry; but a company of the 78th, under Lieutenant David
Forbes, stationed a little to the right of the road, fired with such
good aim, as to kill and wound many of the enemy, without touching any
of our own people, although in the line of the fire.] that of the
78th being Captain Duncan Munro wounded, and a few soldiers killed and
wounded. [At this
time one of those artifices was exhibited by which the French, on many
occasions during the Revolutionary war, laid the foundation of their
victories. An inhabitant, in one of the quarters, opened his stores, and
sold liquor to the soldiers in large quantities, at a price so much
below value as to create suspicion that the object was to intoxicate the
soldiers, and render them incapable of resistance. This was confirmed in
the morning by the apprehension of a man at the outposts, sent forward
by the enemy to ascertain the effects of the stratagem. It is well known
that the French frequently tamper ed with their enemy, and that they
found individuals infamous enough to sacrifice their own honour, and the
best interests of their country. But they have ever evinced their
respect for the character of the British army so far, that there is not
an instance in the late war of an attempt to seduce an officer from his.
duty. But, although this respect has been shown to the character of
officers, the unhappy propensity of our soldiers to liquor was not
thought proof against temptation, and might have succeeded in this
instance, had not the distribution of the liquor been checked.]

After this affair the regiment accompanied the
movements of the army through this campaign, and in the severe march to
Deventer, the difficulty of which, occasioned by the depth of the
falling snow, and the intense cold, has been only surpassed by the late
disastrous campaign of the French in Russia. On the 28th of April they
reached Bremen, embarked in a few days afterwards, and landed at Harwich
on the 10th of May; and, after different movements, were, early in
August, put under the command of the Earl of
Moira, in the neighbourhood of Southampton, together with the 12th,
80th, and 90th regiments, preparatory to an expedition in support of the
French Royalists in LaVendée.

Of this battalion 560 were of the same country and
character as the first, and 190 from different parts of Scotland. In
August they embarked at Fort George for England, and remained stationary
there till April 1795, when six companies embarked in an expedition
under Vice-Admiral Keith, Elphinstone and Major-General James Henry
Craig, for an attack on the Cape of Good Hope. After the capture of this
colony, which was purchased with the loss of a few men killed, and Major
Monypenny, Captain Hercules Scott, and five men, wounded, the battalion
remained in garrison under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander
Mackenzie of Fairburn.

I now return to the first battalion, which, as
already mentioned, together with the 12th, 80th, and 90th regiments, was
placed under the command of the Earl of Moira, and detached in August
1795, under Major-General W. Ellis Doyle, as the advance of a more
considerable armament, to follow under his Lordship, to make an
impression in favour of and to support the Royalists in La Vendee. The
Royalists had established a strong position at Quiberon, but they were
unfortunately attacked by a great force, and overpowered, before the
reinforcement from England arrived. Being thus enabled to land in face
of the numerous armies which the French had brought to the coast, the
expedition landed on Isle Dieu, and established a post on that island,
from whence they menaced different parts of the opposite coast, till
January 1796, when the place was evacuated, and the troops returned to
England. The 78th marched to Pool, where orders were received to embark
for the East Indies. Both battalions were to be formed into one, and the
junior officers of each rank to retire on full pay till otherwise
provided for.

At this time Colonel Lord Seaforth resigned,
retaining his rank in the army. On the 6th of
March the regiment embarked at Portsmouth, and landed at the Cape of
Good Hope on the 1st of June 1796. Both battalions were now
consolidated, the supernumerary officers and men ordered home, and a
very effective and healthy body of men (consisting of 970 Highlanders,
129 Lowlanders, and 14 English and Irish) formed, which sailed for
Bengal on the 10th of November, (having previously witnessed the
surrender of a large Dutch fleet at Saldanha Bay), and, after a long
passage, in which the scurvy made its appearance on board some of the
ships, but not to a great extent, landed at Fort William on the 12th of
February 1797, and, a few days afterwards, marched to Burhampore.

During six years' residence in different cantonments
in Bengal, no material event occurred. The corps sustained throughout a
character every way exemplary. The commanding officer's system of
discipline, and his substitution of censure for punishment, attracted
much attention. [The temperate habits of the
soldiers, and Colonel Mackenzie's mode of punishment, by a threat to
inform his parents of the misconduct of a delinquent, or
to send an unfavourable character of him to his native country,
attracted the notice of allIndia. Their
sobriety was such, that it was necessary to restrict them
from selling or giving away the usual allowance of liquor to
other soldiers. ] Every friend of humanity, and of the honour of
the British army, must earnestly wish that the same system were more
generally adopted. It might, doubtless, be extended, by attention to the
feelings and peculiar habits of men. If a sense of honour, national
spirit, and pride, were once instilled and kept alive among them, the
main point would be gained. When fully persuaded that the character and
good name of their country were confided to their charge, theywould feel the weight of such a responsibility, and would be
convinced that courage is only one of the many virtues necessary to
sustain and perpetuate the national honour.

In reference to Colonel Mackenzie Fraser's mode of
discipline, I may add, that, in the twenty-five years during which the
first battalion has been established, there has no been one desertion
among the men enlisted in the Highlands. [There
were in this battalion nearly 300 men from Lord Seaforth's estate in the
Lewis. Several years elapsed before any of these men were charged, with
a crime deserving severe punishment. In 1799 a man was tried and
punished. This so shocked his comrades, that he was put out of their
society as a degraded man, who brought shame on his kindred. The
unfortunate outcast felt his own degradation so much, that he became
unhappy and desperate; and Colonel Mackenzie, to save him from
destruction, applied and got him sent to England, where his disgrace
would be unknown and unnoticed. It happened as
Colonel Mackenzie had expected, for he quite recovered his character. By
the humane consideration of his commander, a man was thus saved from
that ruin which a repetition of severity would have rendered inevitable.]

Lieutenant-Colonel Mackenzie Fraser left India in
1800 and was succeeded in the command by Colonel J. Randoll Mackenzie,
who also returned to England in 1802, when the command devolved upon
Lieutenant-Colonel John Mackenzie (Gairloch), and then on
Lieutenant-Colonel Adams; but in all these changes the system of
discipline continued the same. In February 1803 the regiment embarked at
Fort William in Bengal, and, landing at Bombay in April, were ordered to
join the army commanded by Colonel John Murray. After some movements
under this officer, the battalion was removed to the army commanded by
Major-General the Honourable Arthur Wellesley, and placed in brigade
with the 80th and the 1st European and 3d Native battalions, under
Lieutenant-Colonel Harness. Lieutenant-Colonel Wallace commanded the
brigade formed of the 74th, with the same number of European and Native
regiments. The Cavalry brigade, of the 19th Light dragoons and Native
cavalry, were under Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell. Each corps of infantry
and cavalry had two guns attached. A corps of pioneers, and a
considerable force of Mysore and Mahratta horse, accompanied the army.
The whole were well equipped for service, and had a sufficient supply of
provisions. In short, no precautions were neglected to secure that
success which soon distinguished its exertions. The order of march was
equally well regulated. The line of baggage, an object of much
importance in Indian warfare, kept close to the columns; both flanks and
the rear being covered by corps of Native horse. In this order the army
commenced its march on the 2d of June 1803, and, after many delays,
encamped, early in August, within eight miles of Ahmednaggur. On the 8th
of the month General Wellesley resolved to attempt the town by assault.
The army was formed in three columns, the flank companies of the 74th
and 78th Highlanders being the advanced guard. The other two columns
were led by the battalion companies of the same corps. The latter met
with little resistance, the principal efforts of the enemy being
directed against the advanced guard, which had also to overcome a
perplexing obstacle. The walls were high and narrow, without a rampart,
or any place for the soldiers to obtain a footing on, after they had
gained the top. Unable to advance, and disdaining to retreat, every man
who had reached the top was killed on the spot; but, notwithstanding,
the enemy were so intimidated, that they surrendered the town without
farther resistance. The 78th regiment lost Captains F. Mackenzie
Humberstone and Duncan Grant, Lieutenant Anderson, and 12 men, killed,
and Lieutenant Larkins and 5 men wounded. [On
this occasion the spirit and animation of a subaltern of the 78th
regiment (now Major-General Sir Colin Campbell), particularly attracted
General Wellesley's notice. He was appointed extra aid-de-camp the
following day, and has ever since been in his family and confidence. It
is remarkable that this officer, like his illustrious patron, has never
been wounded, although present in every battle fought by the Duke of
Wellington from Assaye to Waterloo.]

After this service, the army resumed its forward
movements. In the progress of many long and harassing marches, the
General made arrangements so admirable and so easily comprehended, that
no orders were given for halting or marching, or taking ground to the
right or to the left, beyond the tap of a drum, or a signal from a
bugle-horn. The troops were so well provided with supplies, and all
movements so regulated, that the soldiers were never unnecessarily
exposed; and, although many of the marches were very fatiguing, all
impediments were so well guarded against, and foreseen, that on no
occasion was it necessary to be on the march at unseasonable hours.

On the 21st of September, the army found itself
within a short march of two numerous bodies of the enemy, under the
command of Scindia and the Rajah of Berar. Colonel Stephenson, with a
detachment of the Bombay army, was also within a day's march ; and the
two British commanders having met on the 22d, measures were concerted
for a joint attack on the enemy, who, it was feared, would not hazard ,
a general engagement. Each army continued its separate line of march •
and, on the morning of the 23d, General Wellesley received intelligence
that the enemy's cavalry were already on their retreat, and the
infantry, then only distant a few miles, preparing to follow. The case
being now too urgent to wait for Colonel Stephenson, the General ordered
the troops to march instantly, while he himself hastened forward with
the cavalry to reconnoitre. This little army had been already weakened
by the separation of two battalions detached to Poonah, and a third left
at Ahmednaggur. There now only remained the 19th Dragoons, and the 4th,
5th, and 7lh Native cavalry; the 74th and 78th Highland regiments; with
the first battalion of the 2d, the first battalion of the 4th, the first
battalion of the 8th, the first battalion of the 10th, and the second
battalion of the 12th Native infantry; in all, about 4700 men, with
twenty-six field-pieces. When the leading division of the army reached
within a short distance of the enemy's position, the line of battle was
formed as follows: The first line consisted of the Picquets of the army
on the right, the 78th on the left, and the 8th and 10th Native
regiments in the centre; the second line was composed of the 74th
regiment, with the 12th and 4th Native battalions; the Cavalry were in
reserve in the third line.

To oppose this force, the enemy was supposed to have
one hundred pieces of cannon, and 30,000 men, including the Light
troops, who had gone out to forage in the morning (and were those
reported to have marched), but who returned before the close of the
action. The infantry were dressed, armed, and accoutred in the same
manner as the Seapoys in the Company's service, and well disciplined by
French and other European officers. The artillery was well served, and
was observed to fire with considerable celerity. The two Rajahs,
attended by their ministers, were in the field. The opposing armies were
divided by the Kaitna, a small stream, with high banks and a deep
channel, impassable to cavalry and guns, except at the fords. The enemy
were drawn up on a rising ground, with the cavalry on the right, and
their line extended to the village of Assaye on the left.

On General Wellesley's approach to reconnoitre, the
enemy commenced a cannonade, the first shot of which killed one of the
escorts. As the first attack was to be made on the enemy's left, it was
necessary to cross a ford of the Kaitna considerably within reach of
their cannon, which played with effect on the column of march. During
this movement, the enemy's first line changed position to the left, to
oppose a front to the intended attack. Their second line remained in
their original position, by which means it was at right angles to the
first. The first line of the British formed parallel to that of the
enemy, separated about 500 yards, the left being directly opposite to
the right of the enemy, and the second and third lines in the rear.
During the formation of this order, the enemy's great guns fired with
precision and rapidity, several of the shots piercing through the three
lines to the rear. This was answered by the
guns of the first line, which had already so many draught oxen disabled,
that the soldiers were obliged to draw the cannon.

The order of battle was now formed; and the picquets
being named as the battalions of direction, the General ordered the line
to advance in a quick pace, without firing a
shot, but to trust all to the bayonet. This order was received with
cheers, and instantly obeyed. It was soon perceived, however, that the
leading battalion, composed of the picquets, had diverged from the line
of direction, which made it necessary to halt the whole front line. This
was a critical moment. The troops had got to the summit of a swell of
the ground, which had previously sheltered their advance, and the enemy,
believing that the halt proceeded from timidity, redoubled their
efforts, firing chain-shot and every missile they could bring to bear
upon the line. General Wellesley, dreading the influence of this
momentary halt on the ardour of the troops, rode up in front of a Native
battalion, and, taking off his hat, cheered them in their own language,
and gave the word to advance again. This was also received with cheers,
and instantly put in execution. When the 78th was within 150 yards of
the enemy, they advanced in quick time, and charged. At this instant
some European officers, in the service of the enemy, were observed to
mount their horses and fly. The infantry, thus deserted by their
officers, broke and fled with such speed, that few were overtaken by the
bayonet: but the gunners held firm to their guns; many were bayoneted in
the act of loading, and none gave way till closed upon by the bayonet.

After this charge, the 78th quickly reformed line,
and, preparing to advance on the enemy's second line, wheeled to the
right, thus showing a front to their left. During these operations on
the left, the 74th pushed forward to the front, over an open plain, and
suffered exceedingly from the fire of the enemy's artillery. They were
the longer exposed this destructive fire, from the difficulty they
encountered of getting through a prickly-pear hedge. Many of the men
having lost their shoes, their feet were much torn and pierceed.
In this state, exposed to the fire of thirty
pieces of cannon, and with one half of their number killed and wounded,
large body of the enemy's cavalry advanced to charge; but the rapid
advance of Lieutenant-Colonel Maxwell, with the 19th dragoons, gave a
most timely support to this regiment. At this critical moment, he
charged the enemy in flank, drove them off the field, and thus enabled
the remains of the 74th to take up their position in the front line.

The first battalion of the 12th Native infantry, who,
at the same time, had also advanced, with great steadiness, from the
second line, suffered exceedingly. The army was now in one line, the
78th on the left, and the 74th on its immediate right. The enemy kept up
a heavy fire from the village, numbers coming up from the banks of the
river, and others who had thrown themselves on the ground as dead, and
had been passed over by our men, now started up and gained possession of
their own guns, which had been abandoned on the charge of our first
line. From these they commenced a heavy fire from the rear, at the same
time that a body of cavalry appeared on the left flank preparing to
charge. To resist this, the left wing of the Highlanders was thrown back
some paces on its right, and, at that instant, Lieutenant D. Cameron,
who had been left with a party to protect two guns which could not be
brought forward owing to their draught oxen being killed, now forced his
way through, and joined his regiment most seasonably, when all were in
anxious expectation of the farther orders of the General. This was an
important moment, for it now seemed almost as if the battle had only
commenced, or was to be fought over again. With an unbroken line of the
the enemy in front, keeping up a constant fire of cannon, flanked by
batteries of round shot on their right, grape fromthe rear, and with cavalry threatening the left; with allthis in view, and exposed to so severe a trial, the silence andsteadiness of the troops were highly honourable to their
character. But they were not long kept in a state of suspense. The
General ordered the cavalry to charge the enemy's squadron on the left
(who did not wait the attack), and, directing the line to attack to
their front, led the 78th, the 19th dragoons, and 7th Native cavalry to
the rear, and attacked the enemy who had collected there in considerable
force. Part of this force retreated, but in such good order, that one
brigade stood the charge of the 19th Light dragoons, in which Colonel
Maxwell, a brave and zealous officer, was killed. The Highlanders had
considerable difficulty in clearing that part of the field to which they
were opposed, and in recovering the cannon. The enemy made a strong
resistance, forcing the regiment three times to change its front, and to
attack each party separately, none giving way till attacked; and while
the regiment moved against one, the others kept up a galling fire which
continued till the whole were driven off the field. At this time the
cavalry, which had been detached by the enemy in the morning, returned;
but, when a party of Mysore horse marched against them, they retreated,
and the fire ceased entirely at half-past four o'clock.

Thus ended the battle of Assaye, the most desperate
and best contested that ever was fought in India. On no occasion did the
enemy display more bravery, or serve their guns with more precision,
steadiness, and effect. The brilliancy of this victory will be more
conspicuous, when we consider that it was gained over a force six times
more numerous, that 98 pieces of cannon, and military stores, in
proportion, were taken on the field of battle, and that 1200 men were
killed, and 3000 supposed to be wounded. The British loss was 21
officers killed, and 30 wounded., The 78th lost Lieutenant Douglas, and
27 rank and file, killed; Captain Alexander Mackenzie, Lieutenants
Kin-loch and Larkins, Ensign Bethune, 4 sergeants, and 73 rank and file,
wounded. Lieutenant-Colonel Adams was knocked off his horse by the blow
of a spent ball on the shoulder, but as he was able to remount and keep
the field, he did not include himself in the list of wounded. Lieutenant
Thomas Fraser was also slightly wounded. Indeed, there were only two
officers of the regiment that escaped without some contusion or bruise,
but, following the example of their commanding officer, their names did
not appear among the wounded.

After the wounded and sick were settled in quarters,
the army resumed active operations. A variety of movements and several
partial skirmishes ensued, until the 29th of November, when the enemy
were discovered drawn up in regular line of battle, on a plain in front
of the village of Argaum. The troops moved forward, in one column, to
the edge of the plain, in sight of the hostile army, which was nearly
equal in number to that at Assaye, but neither so well disciplined nor
so well appointed; the artillery were also less numerous (being only 38
pieces) and less expert. General Wellesley's army, on the other hand,
exceeded its former amount, having been reinforced by Colonel
Stephenson's division, consisting of the 94th or Scotch Brigade, six
Native regiments of infantry, and two of cavalry. A small village lay
between the head of the British columns and the enemy's line. The
cavalry were ordered up, and formed in close column behind this village.
The right brigade passed the village, and formed line in its front; and
the other corps followed and formed in succession. The enemy were about
1200 yards distant. The instant the leading picquet passed the village,
the enemy fired twenty pieces of cannon in one volley.

Courage in some men, individually as well as
collectively, is a firm constitutional principle, equally steady and
uniform in all situations, and not to be shaken by any unexpected
assault or alarm. The courage of others, again, is sometimes ardent and
enthusiastic, and may be led to the cannon's mouth; but not being an
inherent principle of action, and depending often on contingencies, it
is not constant, and may fail in moments of the greatest need. Here the
Native picquets, and two battalions which had been eminently
distinguished at Assaye, only two short months before, were so
panic-struck with this noisy reception, which in fact did no execution,
that, notwithstanding the greatest exertions of their officers, they
retired in the utmost confusion behind the village, leaving the picquets
of the 78th and the artillery standing alone in the field. The 78th
regiment instantly marched up and formed line with the picquets and
artillery. Other corps also moved forward in succession, and, through
the exertions of their officers, the battalions which had retired were
also brought up again into line.

The army was drawn up in one line of fifteen
battalions, the cavalry forming a Reserve or second line, the 78th being
on the right, and next to them the 74th; and the 91th forming the left
of the line. When this regiment (which was supported by the Mysore
horse) reached and formed on their proper ground, the whole moved
forward, the 78th directing its march against a battery of nine guns,
which supported the enemy's left. As they approached, a body of 800
infantry rushed out from behind the battery, and, at full trot, made for
the intervals between the 74th and 78th. Surprised at this daring
advance, the regiments obliqued their march to close the interval, and
with ported arms moved forward in quick time to meet their assailants.
But a muddy deep ditch (before unperceived) intervened, and prevented an
actual shock with the bayonet. The enemy, however, stood by the ditch,
with a resolution almost unparalleled in Eastern troops, firing till
their last men fell. The following morning upwards of five hundred dead
bodies were found lying on the ground where these men had been drawn up.
They were a party of desperate fanatics, who fought from a religious
principle.

This was the only serious attempt made by the enemy.
An attack was made by Scindia's cavalry on the left of Colonel
Stephenson's division, but they were quickly repulsed by the 6th Native
infantry, and the whole line immediately gave way, leaving 38 pieces of
cannon on the field, and was pursued beyond Argaum, where, the sun
having now set, the infantry halted, but the cavalry continued the
pursuit bymoonlight, till nine o'clock. The
victory was complete, and, unlike that of Assaye, was purchased with
little loss, which fell principally on the 78th regiment.

Colonel Harness, compelled, by an illness of which he
died some time afterwards, to resign the command of the right brigade,
it devolved upon Colonel Adams; Major Hercules Scott, as field-officer
of the day, commanding the picquets of the line, the command of the 78th
regiment fell to Captain James Fraser.

No particular notice was taken of the conduct of the
two Highland regiments at Assaye, where so much was done, while at
Argaum the General says of them, "The 74th and 78th deserved, and
received, my thanks." [At the battle of
Assaye, the musicians were ordered to attend to the wounded, and carry
them to the surgeons in the rear. One of the pipers, believing himself
included in this order, laid aside his instrument, and assisted the
wounded. For this he was afterwards reproached by his comrades. Flutes
and hautboys they thought could be well spared, but for the piper, who
should always be in the heat of the battle, to go to the rear with the
whistlers, was a thing altogether unheard of. The unfortunate
piper was quite humbled. However, he soon had an opportunity of playing
off this stigma, for, in the advance at Argaum, he played up with such
animation, and influenced the men to such a degree, that they could
hardly be restrained from rushing on to the charge too soon, and
breaking the line. Colonel Adams was, indeed, obliged to silence the
musician, who now, in some measure, regained his lost fame.]

On the 2d of December active operations recommenced,
and, on the 13th, the strong fort of Gawelghur was taken by assault.
This exploit concluded the hostile operations of this army against the
enemy; but their fatigues, from marching and countermarching, were
incessant, till the 20th July 1804, when the 78th reached Bombay. More
men and officers fell sick in the last month than in the previous
campaign. And, as it often happens, when troops are placed in a state of
rest after an active campaign, they continued sickly for a considerable
time.

In May 1805 five companies were ordered to Baroda in
the Guzzerat, and in July a reinforcement of 100 recruits from Scotland
was received. In the succession of reinforcements at different times,
from the second battalion, from the Scotch Militia, and from recruiting
parties, this regiment was uncommonly fortunate. At Goa, whither it had
been removed from Bombay in 1807, it embarked for Madras in the month of
March 1811, when the strength of the corps was 1027, and only five men
were left behind from sickness. Of these 835 were Highlanders, 184
Lowlanders, 8 English, and 9 Irish. But the numerical strength of this
fine body of men was less to be estimated than their character, personal
appearance, efficiency, and health. Upwards of 336 were volunteers from
the Perthshire, and other Scotch Militia regiments, and 400 were drafts
from the second battalion, which had been seasoned by a service of three
years in the Mediterranean. Such was the stature of many of the men
that, after the Grenadier company was completed from the tallest men,
the hundred men next in height were found too tall, and beyond the usual
size of the Light infantry.

The harmony which so frequently subsisted between
Highland corps and the inhabitants of the countries where they have been
stationed, has been frequently observed. In Goa it appears to have been
the same as elsewhere. The Conde de Surzecla, Viceroy of Portuguese
India, on the departure of the regiment from under his command, embraced
the opportunity "to express his sentiments of praise and admiration of
the regular, orderly, and honourable conduct of his Britannic Majesty's
78th Highland Regiment, during the four years they have been under his
authority, equally and highly creditable to the exemplary discipline of
the corps, and to the skill of the excellent commander; and his
Excellency can never forget the inviolable harmony and friendship which
has always subsisted between the subjects of the Regent of Portugal, and
all classes of this honourable corps."

The regiment did not land at Madras, but were placed
under the orders of Lieutenant-General Sir Samuel Achmuty, and formed
part of the force intended for the conquest of Java. They sailed on the
30th of April.1811, the 78th being in the second
brigade commanded by Lieutenant- Colonel Adams.

In August the fleet reached Batavia, and the army
disembarked without opposition at Chillingching, a few miles east of the
city. After some days passed in landing and in necessary preparations,
the advance of the army, under Colonel Rollo Gillespie, moved forward,
and, on the 8th, took possession of the city of Batavia, abandoned by
the enemy, who retreated to Weltevreede. The army followed to Batavia on
the 10th, while Colonel Gillespie, with the advance, moved forward
towards the enemy's cantonment at Weltevreede, from which they retired
to a strong position two miles in front of Cornells. [As
several of the officers were preparing to move forward, they were
suddenly taken ill, in consequence of swallowing some drugs which had
been infusedinto their coffee by a Frenchman
who kept the house where they were quartered. They, however, soon
recovered, and as a punishment to their trecherous landlord, forced him
to drink his own medicine, and poured down his throat
a small part he had left. ] This post was occupied by 3000 of
their best troops, and strengthened by an abbatis of felled trees.
Colonel Gillespie made an immediate attack, and carried it at the point
of the bayonet. The enemy made an obstinate resistance, but were
completely routed, with the loss of all their guns. In this smart
affair, "the flank companies of the 78th, (commanded by Captains David
Forbes and Thomas Cameron), and the detachment of the 89th, particularly
distinguished themselves." Lieutenant John Munro and 13 men of the 78th
were killed, and Captain Cameron and 22 men wounded.

The interval from the 10th to the 20th was occupied
in preparing batteries against Cornelis. This was a level parallelogram
of 1600 yards in length, and 900 in breadth, having a broad and deep
river running on one side, with ditches cut around the other three. The
old fort of Cornelis stood on the bank of the river. To this fort six
strong redoubts had been added by General Daendels. Each of these was
mounted with cannon, and so situated, that the guns of the one commanded
and supported the other. The space within was defended by traverses and
parapets, cut and raised in all directions, and intended as a cover for
the musketry while the great guns fired over them. The whole were
defended by 5000 men. Besides the outward ditches, small canals had been
cut, in different directions, within this fortified position. The attack
was made on the 20th. Colonel Gillespie, with the flank battalions,
supported by Colonel Gibbs, with the 59th, and the Bengal Volunteers,
were to attack the main front opposite Cornells. The Light company,
under Captain David Forbes, and the Grenadiers of the 78th, under
Captain Donald Macleod, formed part of this attack. The battalion of the
78th, under Lieutenant-Colonel William Campbell, were to push forward to
the assault by the main road. Every attack was completely successful.
The enemy was forced from every traverse and defence, as the troops
advanced, but not without strong resistance. By some strange oversight
on the part of the Dutch, the ditch over which the battalion companies
of the 78th had to pass was left dry. Captain James Macpherson pushed
forward with two companies,' and took possession of the dam-dike which
kept back the water from the ditch, and prevented the enemy from cutting
it. In this affair, Captain Macpherson was wounded in a personal
rencountre with a French officer. Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell was
mortally wounded as the regiment advanced to the ditch, which they
crossed, and carried the redoubt and defences in their front, with a
spirit and ardour which the enemy could not resist. After an obstinate
contest, the enemy were overpowered, and retreated by the side of the
camp which had not been attacked, leaving upwards of 1000 men killed,
and a great number wounded; while that of the British was only 91 rank
and file killed, and 513 wounded. The 78th lost Brevet
Lieutenant-Colonel William Campbell, and 18 rank and file, killed; and
Captains William Mackenzie and James Macpherson, Lieutenant Mathiesion,
Ensign Pennycuik, 3 sergeants, and 62 rank and file, wounded. This
conquest was soon followed by the surrender of the whole colony.

The regiment was stationed in different parts of the
country till September 1816, when they embarked for Calcutta. During
this period of four years, the men suffered exceedingly from climate. [In
the summer of 1813, several officers of the 78th, in a convalescent
state, were removed to the village of Probolingo, near Sourabaya, a spot
celebrated for the salubrity of the climate. On the 18th of June they
visited a native of the country, a man of large property in the
neighbourhood; and, as they were riding home in the evening, they were
attacked by a body of men, a species of banditti, who occasionally make
excursions, and infest that part of the country. Lieutenant-Colonel
Fraser and Captain Macpherson, who had distinguished himself at Cornells,
were killed, along with their landlord, who had rode along with them.
The other officers, Captain Cameron, Lieutenant Robertson, and Ensign
Cameron, escaped with difficulty.] That fine body of men which,
in 1811, had sailed from Madras 1027 strong, was now greatly reduced in
numbers; and, as often happens from sickness by climate, the stoutest
and largest men had first fallen. The regiment was assembled at Batavia
from the distant stations, and, on the 15th September, embarked on board
the Frances Charlotte and another transport. The Charlotte, with six
companies on board, had a favourable voyage till the morning of the 5th
of November, when, at two o'clock, the ship struck on a rock, twelve
miles distant from the small island of Prepares. Fortunately, the
weather was moderate; but the ship, being under a press of sail, struck
with such force, that she stuck fast to the rock, and in fifteen minutes
was filled with water to the main-deck.

Then was displayed one of those examples of firmness
and self-command, which are so necessary in the character of a soldier.
Although the ship was in the last extremity, and momentarily expected to
sink, there was no tumult, no clamorous eagerness to get into the boats;
every man waited orders, and obeyed them when received. The ship rapidly
filling, and appearing to be lodged in the water, and to be only
prevented from sinking by the rock, all hope of saving her was
abandoned. Except the provisions which had been brought up the preceding
evening for the following day's consumption, nothing was saved. A few
bags of rice, and a few pieces of pork, were thrown into the boats,
along with the women, children, and sick, and sent to the island, which
was so rocky, and the surf so heavy, that they had great difficulty in
landing. It was not until the following morning that the boats returned
to the ship. A part of the rock was dry at low water; and as many as
could stand there (140 men) were removed on a small raft, with ropes to
fix themselves to the points of the rock, in order to prevent their
being washed into the sea by the waves which dashed over the rock at
full tide. The rock was about 150 yards from the ship. It was not till
the third day that the boats were able to carry all in the ship to the
island, while those on the rock remained without sleep, and with very
little food or water, till the second day, when water being discovered
on the island, a supply was brought to them.

During all this time the most perfect order and
resignation prevailed, both on the island and on the rock.
Providentially the weather continued favourable, or those on the rock
must have been swept into the sea. In the evening of the third day, the
Po, a country ship, bound for Penang, appeared in sight, and soon
afterwards bore down towards the wreck, of which a small part now only
remained above water. A large boat was immediately sent, and forty men
taken off the rock; and soon afterwards a lesser boat was sent. Too many
men crowding on board, and throwing the boat to one side, she upset; but
the men got back to the rock. In the mean time, the commander of the Po,
believing himself short of provisions, or from some other cause,
proceeded the same evening on his voyage to Penang, leaving his boat and
the unfortunate sufferers to their fate. However, on the morning of the
10th, after being five days in this state, they were cheered by the
sight of a large ship a few miles distant, and steering towards the
island. This was the Prince Blucher, Captain Weatherall, perceiving the
wreck, and the people on the rock, he immediately sent boats, and took
all the people on board, and the following morning the women and the
sick were taken from the island; but the wind blowing fresh, the ship
was obliged to keep well out to sea, to avoid the rocks; and there being
no safe anchorage, the communication with the island was much
interrupted. The weather continued unfavourable till the 13th, when it
blew a gale of wind; and Captain Weatherall seeing no prospect of being
able to take the whole on board in time to reach Calcutta, with his
stock of provisions, for so great an addition to his numbers, he
determined to sail for that place; and, arriving there on the 23d of
November, the Marquis of Hastings, the Governor-General, immediately
dispatched two vessels with provisions and clothes, and on the 6th of
December they made the island of Prepares. The people there were by that
time nearly reduced to the last extremity. The. allowance of provisions
(a glass full of rice and two ounces of beef for two days to each
person) was expended, and they had now only to trust to the shell-fish
which they picked up at low water. These soon became scarce; and they
had neither lines to catch fish, nor fire-arms to kill the birds and
monkeys, the only inhabitants of the island, whichis small and rocky, covered with low trees and brushwood. In this
deplorable state, the men continued as obedient, and the officers had
the same authority, as on parade. Every privation was borne in common.
Every man who picked up a live shellfish carried it to the general
stock, which was safe from the attempts of the half-famished sufferers.
Nor was any guard required. However, to prevent any temptations,
sentinels were placed over the small store. But the precaution was
unnecessary. No attempt was made to break the regulations established,
and no symptoms of dissatisfaction were shown, except when they saw
several ships passing them without notice, and without paying any regard
to their signals. These signals were large fires, which might have
attracted notice when seen on an uninhabited island. Captain Weatherall
required no signal. He met with some boards and other symptoms of a
wreck, which had floated to sea out of sight of the island, and,
suspecting what had happened, immediately steered towards it. To his
humanity, the safety of the people on the rock may, under providence, be
ascribed; for, as the violence of the gale was such as to dash the ship
to pieces, leaving no part visible in a few hours, the men must have
been swept off the rock at its commencement.

Five men died of weakness; several were drowned in
falling off the kind of raft made to convey them from the ship to the
rock; and some were drowned by the surf in going on shore: in all,
fourteen soldiers and two Lascars were lost. Unfortunately, the gale
that destroyed the ship blew off the island, so that no part of the
wreck floated on shore. Had it been otherwise, some things might have
been carried back to the island. [Since the
publication of the first edition, I have been informed, that, after the
Po set sail, and left the people on the wreck to their fate, several of
the men behaved in a most improper manner, and, giving themselves up to
despair, seized upon some liquor in the cabin, and threw themselves into
a state of intoxication, which added to the wretchedness of their
situation. The Lascars gave up entirely, and could not be made to exert
themselves in any way; No part of this misconduct attached to the people
on the island, whose conduct was exemplary throughout.]

The vessels which took the men off this island had an
expeditious passage back to Calcutta, where they landed on the 12th of
December. After the men had been refreshed and new clothed, they
embarked for England, in the end of February 1817, on board the Prince
Blucher, Captain Weatherall, to whose humanity they in a great measure
owed their lives. They sailed on the 1st of March, and landed in
Portsmouth in June. From thence they embarked for Aberdeen, and in a few
weeks were removed to Ireland.

At this time a report was pretty generally spread
that the three Highland regiments, the 42d, 78th, and 92d, had been
ordered out of Scotland under a conviction that they were not to be
trusted at a time when disturbances were expected in Glasgow and other
manufacturing towns. This unfounded and malicious report must have
originated in what was considered to be an unexpected removal of those
National corps to Ireland, particularly the removal of the 78th, in a
few weeks subsequent to their return to their native country, after a
course of honourable service, and after an absence of twenty-three
years, without having had an opportunity of seeing their friends and
their kindred. The character of these soldiers is now too well
established to admit, of any distrust or want of confidence in their
performance of their duty. The honour and good name of a soldier ought
to be like the virtue of Caesar's wife, not only pure, but unsuspected.
The honour of Highland soldiers has hitherto been well supported, and
Ross-shire has to boast that the 78th has all along maintained the
honourable character of their predecessors. All those who value the
character of a brave and virtuous race may look with confidence to this
corps, as one of the representatives of the military and moral character
of the peasantry of the mountains" In this regiment, twenty-three have
been promoted to the rank of officers during the war. Merit thus
rewarded will, undoubtedly, have its due influence on those who succeed
them in the ranks.

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