Biblical Criticism (Textual)圣经批评（文本） 中文 - Zhong Wen

Catholic
Information天主教信息

The object of
textual criticism is to restore as nearly as possible the original text of a
work the autograph of which has been
lost.考证的目的是尽可能接近的一个签名，其中已失去工作的原始文本还原。In this textual criticism differs from
higher criticism, whose aim is to investigate the sources of a literary work,
study its composition, determine its date and trace its influence and various
transformations throughout the
ages.在此考据学不同于更高的批评，其目的是探讨文学作品的来源，研究其成分，确定其日期，并跟踪其影响力和古往今来的各种转换。

A. Necessity and
processes of textual criticismA.必要性和考证过程

Textual criticism
has no application except in regard to a work whose original does not exist;
for, if extant, it could easily be reproduced in photogravure, or published,
once it had been correctly
deciphered.考据学方面工作，其原来不存在的应用除外;为，如果现存的，它可以很容易地被复制在照相，或发布的，一旦它被正确破译。But no autograph of the inspired
writings has been transmitted to us, any more than have the originals of profane
works of the same era.但没有签名的启发著作已经传送给我们，任何超过亵渎同一时代的作品的原件。The ancients had not that superstitious
veneration for original manuscripts which we have
today.古人有不迷信崇拜，为我们今天的原始手稿。In very early times the Jews were wont
to destroy the sacred books no longer in use, either by burying them with the
remains of holy personages or by hiding them in what was called a
ghenizah.在非常早期的时候，犹太人惯于破坏神圣的书籍，不再使用，无论是圣洁的人士的遗体埋葬，或由他们藏匿在什么是所谓的ghenizah。This explains why the Hebrew Bibles
are, comparatively speaking, not very ancient, although the Jews always made a
practice of writing the Holy Books on skin or
parchment.这就解释了为什么希伯来文“圣经”，相对来说，不是很古老的，虽然犹太人总是皮肤或羊皮纸上写的圣书的做法。In the first centuries of the Christian
era the Greeks and Latins generally used papyrus, a material that quickly wears
out and falls to pieces.在第一世纪的基督教时代的希腊人和拉丁普遍使用的纸莎草纸，材料迅速磨损和散花。It was not until the fourth century
that parchment was commonly used, and it is also from that time that our oldest
manuscripts of the Septuagint and the New Testament
date.直到第四世纪，羊皮纸是常用的，它也是从那个时候，我们最古老的手稿的septuagint和新约的日期。Nothing short of a continuous miracle
could have brought the text of the inspired writers down to us without
alteration or corruption, and Divine Providence, who exercises, as it were, an
economy of the supernatural, and never needlessly multiplies prodigies, did not
will such a
miracle.没有一个持续的奇迹可能带来的启发作家的文本给我们没有改建或腐败，和练习，因为它是神圣的普罗维登斯，超自然的经济，以及从来没有不必要乘以神童，没有这样的一个奇迹。Indeed it is a material impossibility
to transcribe absolutely without error the whole of a long work; and a priori
one may be sure, that no two copies of the same original will be alike in every
detail.事实上，它是一种物质不可能没有错误，绝对是一个长期的工作的整体抄写;先验之一可能是肯定的是，没有两个相同的原始副本中的每一个细节都将。A typical example of this is furnished
by the Augsburg Confession, presented to the Emperor Charles V on the evening of
25 June, 1530, in both Latin and
German.一个典型的例子是由其奥格斯堡供述，晚上6月25日，1530年，在拉丁美洲和德国皇帝查尔斯五世。It was printed in September of the same
year and published two months later by its author, Melanchthon; thirty-five
copies of it are known to have been made in the second half of the year 1530,
nine of them by signers of the Confession.这是印在同年9月，两个月后公布其作者，梅兰希;
35式五份，它是在今年1530年的下半年，其中9个已经由签名者的自白。But, as the two originals are lost, and
the copies do not agree either with one another or with the first editions, we
are not sure of having the authentic text in its minutest
details.但是，作为两个原稿丢失，副本不同意与另一个或与第一版本，我们不能确定在其微小的细节的真实文本。From which example it is easy to
appreciate the necessity of textual criticism in the case of works so ancient
and so often transcribed as the books of the
Bible.例如，很容易体会到有必要考证的情况下工程，使古老的圣经的书籍，往往转录。

Corruptions
introduced by copyists may be divided into two classes: involuntary errors, and
those which are either wholly or partly
intentional.可分为两大类：非自愿性的错误，和那些全部或部分故意损坏由抄写员介绍。To these different causes are due the
observed variations between manuscripts.这些不同的原因是由于观测到的变化之间的手稿。

(a) Involuntary
Errors（一）非自愿的错误

Involuntary
Errors may be distinguished as those of sight, hearing, and memory,
respectively.非自愿的错误可能是杰出的视觉，听觉，和记忆的分别。Sight readily confounds similar letters
and words.视线很容易混淆相似的字母和单词。Thus, as can be seen in the pictured
example, similar letters are easily interchanged in square Hebrew, Greek uncial
and Greek cursive
writing.因此，可以看到在图的例子，类似的信件很容易互换方希伯来文，希腊安色尔字体和希腊的草书。

When the exemplar
is written stichometrically, the eye of the copyist is apt to skip one or
several lines.当模范是书面stichometrically的，抄写员的眼睛是容易跳过一个或多个行。To this class of errors belongs the
very frequent phenomenon of homoeoteleuton, ie omission of a passage which has
an ending exactly like another passage which comes next before or after
it.这一类的错误，属于homoeoteleuton非常频繁的现象，即遗漏的一段话，有一个酷似之前或之后，接下来的另一段的结束。A similar thing happens when several
phrases beginning with the same words come
together.类似的事情发生时，用同样的话开始的几个短语走到一起。Secondly, errors of hearing are of
common occurrence when one writes from
dictation.其次，听力的错误屡见不鲜，当​​一个人从听写写。But even with the exemplar before him,
a copyist gets into the habit of pronouncing in a low tone, or to himself, the
phrase he is transcribing, and thus is likely to mistake one word for another
which sounds like it.
，不过，即使在他面前的典范，抄写员得到宣判，一个低沉的语调，或自己的习惯，这句话他是抄写，因而可能是错一个字听起来像另一个的。This explains numberless cases of
"itacism" met with in Greek manuscripts, especially the continual interchange of
hymeis and
hemeis.这就解释了“itacism”无数的情况下会见了希腊手稿，特别是不断交汇处hymeis和hemeis。Lastly, an error of memory occurs when,
instead of writing down the passage just read to him, the copyist unconsciously
substitutes some other, familiar, text which he knows by heart, or when he is
influenced by the remembrance of a parallel
passage.最后，内存不足的错误发生时，而不是通过写下来只是读给他听，抄写在不知不觉中取代一些其他的，熟悉的，他知道心脏的文本，或当他是由一个平行通道的缅怀的影响。Errors of this kind are most frequent
in the transcription of the Gospels.这种错误是最常见的转录的福音。

(b) Errors Wholly
or Partly Intentional（二）全部或部分也是故意的错误

Deliberate
corruption of the Sacred Text has always been rather rare, Marcion's case being
exceptional.故意损坏的神圣文本一直相当罕见，马吉安的情况下例外。Hort [IntroductiOn (1896),
p.园艺[简介（1896年），第282] is of the opinion that even among
the unquestionably spurious readings of the New Testament there are no signs of
deliberate falsification of the text for dogmatic purposes." Nevertheless it is
true that the scribe often selects from various readings that which favours
either his own individual opinion or the doctrine that is just then more
generally accepted. It also happens that, in perfectly good faith, he changes
passages which seem to him corrupt because he fails to understand them, that he
adds a word which he deems necessary for the elucidation of the meaning, that he
substitutes a more correct grammatical form, or what he considers a more exact
expression, and that he harmonizes parallel passages. Thus it is that the
shorter form of the Lord's Prayer in Luke, xi, 2-4, is in almost all Greek
manuscripts lengthened out in accordance with Matthew, vi, 9-13. Most errors of
this kind proceed from inserting in the text marginal notes which, in the copy
to be transcribed, were but variants, explanations, parallel passages, simple
remarks, or perhaps the conjectures of some studious reader. All critics have
observed the predilection of copyists for the most verbose texts and their
tendency to complete citations that are too brief; hence it is that an
interpolation stands a far better chance of being perpetuated than an
omission.
282]的意见是，即使在新约中的读数毫无疑问，寄生有没有故意伪造的教条式的目的文本的迹象。“不过这是事实，文士，往往是从不同的读数，这有利于自己的选择个人意见，或就在这时，更普遍接受的学说。它还发生，完全真诚的，他改变通道，这似乎对他的腐败，因为他不明白，他增加了一个字，他认为必要的澄清的含义，他的替代品更正确的语法形式，或者什么，他认为更精确的表达，和他协调平行通道，因此它是较短的形式，对主的祈祷卢克，第十一，2-4在几乎所有的加长根据9-13与马太，六，希腊手稿。旁注在文本中插入进行这种错误，在被转录的副本，但变种，简单的解释，平行通道，言论，或者一些好学的读者的猜测已观察到的所有批评为最详细的文字和完整引用的倾向，过于简单​​的抄写员的偏爱;因此它是一个插值站的延续比更好的机会遗漏。

Other
considerations其他考虑因素

From the
foregoing it is easy to understand how numerous would be the readings of a text
transcribed as often as the Bible, and, as only one reading of any given passage
can represent the original, it follows that all the others are necessarily
faulty.从前述这是很容易理解如何众多，会经常转录为“圣经”文本的读数，并且，因为只有一个可以代表任何给定的段落读原，因此，所有的人都必然出现故障。Mill estimated the variants of the New
Testament at 30,000, and since the discovery of so many manuscripts unknown to
Mill this number has greatly
increased.穆勒估计新约在30000的变种，并让许多未知轧机手稿的发现，因为这个数字大大增加。Of course by far the greater number of
these variants are in unimportant details, as, for instance, orthographic
peculiarities, inverted words, and the
like.当然这些变种的数量是在不重要的细节，因为，例如，字形的特殊性，倒字，像。Again, many others are totally
improbable, or else have such slight warrant as not to deserve even cursory
notice.同样，许多其他国家是完全不可能的，否则有这样轻微的手令，不值得甚至粗略通知。Hort (Introduction, 2) estimates that a
reasonable doubt does not affect more than the sixtieth part of the words: "In
this second estimate the proportion of comparatively trivial variations is
beyond measure larger than in the former; so that the amount of what can in any
sense be called substantial variation is but a small fraction of the whole
residuary variation, and can hardly form more than a thousandth part of the
entire
text."园艺（导言，2）估计，合理怀疑的，不影响的话60多：“在这第二次估计的比例比较琐细的变化是难以衡量大于前者，所以，量什么在任何意义上被称为的巨大变化，但整个剩余变异的一小部分，而且难以形成超过了整个文本的千分之一。“Perhaps the same thing might be said of
the Vulgate; but in regard to the primitive Hebrew text and the Septuagint
version there is a great deal more
doubt.也许同样的事情可能会说的武加大，但在原始的希伯来文和septuagint版本有更多的疑问是一个伟大的交易。

We have said that
the object of textual criticism is to restore a work to what it was upon leaving
the hands of its author.我们曾经说过，考据学的对象是恢复工作，它在离开其作者手中。But it is, absolutely speaking,
possible that the author himself may have issued more than one edition of his
work.但，绝对来说，可能是作者本人可能已发出超过一版他的工作。This hypothesis was made for Jeremias,
in order to explain the differences between the Greek and Hebrew texts; for St.
Luke, so as to account for the variations between the "Codex Bezæ" and other
Greek manuscripts in the third Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles; and for
other
writers.这一假说是赫雷米亚斯，为了解释的希腊和希伯来文本之间的差异;圣卢克考虑在第三个福音的变化之间的“法典Bezæ”和其他希腊文手抄本的行为，使徒和其他作家。These hypotheses may be insufficiently
founded, but, as they are neither absurd nor impossible, they are not to be
rejected a priori.这些假说可能不够创立，但是，因为它们既不是荒谬的，也不是不可能，他们不是被拒绝了。

B. General
principles of textual criticismB.考据学的一般原则

In order to
re-establish a text in all its purity, or at least to eliminate as far as
possible, its successive falsifications, it is necessary to consult and weigh
all the
evidence.为了重新建立一个文本在其纯度，或至少要尽可能消除，其连续的弄虚作假行为，这是必要的协商和权衡所有证据。And this may be divided into: external,
or that furnished by documents reproducing the text in whole or in part, in the
original or in a translation -- diplomatic evidence -- and internal, or that
resulting from the examination of the text itself independently of its extrinsic
attestation -- paradiplomatic evidence.，这可分为：外部，或在全部或部分复制文本，在原有或翻译，文件提供
- 外交证据 - 和内部，或从文本本身独立的审查 - paradiplomatic外在认证的证据。We shall consider them
separately.我们应考虑它们分开。

1.
1。External
(Diplomatic) Evidence外部（外交）的证据

The evidence for
a work of which the original manuscript is lost is furnished
by;其中原稿丢失工作的证据是由其;

(a) copies,
(manuscripts),（一）副本，（手稿），

(b) versions,
and（二）版本，

(c)
quotations.（三）报价。

These three do
not always exist simultaneously, and the order in which they are here enumerated
does not indicate their relative
authority.这三个并不总是同时存在，而中，他们在这里列举的顺序并不表示其相对的权力。

(a)
Manuscripts（一）手稿

In regard to the
copies of ancient works three things are to be considered,
namely:三件事情在古代作品的副本方面加以考虑，即：

(i) age,
（一）年龄，

(ii) value,
and（二）值，

(iii) genealogy;
and we shall add a word on（三）族谱;，我们将添加一个字

(iv) critical
nomenclature, or notation.（四）重要的术语，或者符号。

(i) Age
（一）年龄

Age is sometimes
indicated by a note in the manuscript itself; but the date, when not suspected
of falsification, may simply be transcribed from the
exemplar.年龄有时是表示在手稿本身的说明，但日期，涉嫌伪造时，可能仅仅是转录的典范。However, as dated manuscripts are
usually not very old, recourse must be had to various palæographic indications
which generally determine with sufficient accuracy the age of Greek and Latin
manuscripts.然而，月手稿通常不很老，追索必须有到的各种palæographic迹象表明，一般具有足够精度的希腊和拉丁手稿的年龄确定。Hebrew palæography, though more
uncertain, presents fewer difficulties, inasmuch as Hebrew manuscripts are not
so old.希伯来文的古文字学，但更加不明朗，呈现较少的困难，因为希伯来文手稿没有那么老。Besides, the exact age of a copy is,
after all, only of minor importance, as it is quite possible that an ancient
manuscript may be very corrupt while a later one, copied from a better exemplar,
may come nearer to the primitive
text.此外，复制的确切年龄，毕竟，只有轻微的重要性，因为它是完全可能的，一个古老的手稿，可能会很混乱，而以后，从一个更好的模范复制，可能会更接近原始的文本。However, other things being equal, the
presumption is naturally in favour of the more ancient document, since it is
connected with the original by fewer intervening links and consequently has been
exposed to fewer possibilities of
error.然而，其他条件相同的情况下，推定自然是赞成的更古老的文件，与原来的连接，因为它是由少干预的环节，因此已经暴露的错误更少的可能性。

(ii) Value
（二）价值

It is more
important to ascertain the relative value than the age of a
manuscript.更重要的是确定相对价值超过年龄的手稿。Some evidences inspire but little
confidence, because they have frequently been found to be defective, while
others are readily accepted because critical examination has in every instance
shown them to be veracious and
exact.一些证据激发，但信心不大，因为他们经常被发现有缺陷，有的则是欣然接受严格审查，因为在每一个实例表明，它们是为己任，并准确。But how is the critic to
discriminate?但是如何评论家歧视？Prior to examination, the readings of a
text are divided into three or four classes: the certainly or probably true, the
doubtful, and the certainly or probably
false.到考试之前，文本的读数分为三个或四个类：一定或可能是真实的的，令人怀疑，并肯定或可能是虚假的。A manuscript is rated good or excellent
when it presents in general true readings and contains few or none that are
certainly false; under contrary conditions it is considered mediocre or
worthless.手稿被评为良好或优秀的，当它呈现在一般的真实读数，并包含很少或者没有，肯定是假的;相反的条件下，它被认为是平庸或毫无价值。Needless to add, the intrinsic
excellence of a manuscript is not measured according to the greater or less care
exercised by the scribes; a manuscript may teem with copyist's errors, though it
be made from a very correct exemplar; and one transcribed from a defective
exemplar may, considered merely as a copy, be quite
faultless.不用添加的手稿内在的卓越测量的较大或较小的护理文士行使;手稿可能盛产抄写的错误，但它是一个非常正确的典范作出;和之一从一个有缺陷的典范转录可仅仅视为一个副本，相当无可挑剔。

(iii)
Genealogy（三）家谱

The genealogy of
documents, from a critical view-point, is most interesting and
important.文件的家谱，从一个重要的观点点，是最有趣，最重要的。As soon as it is proved that a
manuscript, no matter what its antiquity, is simply a copy of another existing
manuscript, the former should evidently disappear from the list of authorities,
since its particular testimony is of no value in establishing the primitive
text.很快，因为它是证明手稿，无论其古代，简直是另一个现有的手稿的副本，前者应明显当局的名单中消失，因为其特定的证词没有建立原始文本的价值。This, for instance, is what happened to
the "Codex Sangermanensis" (E of the Pauline Epistles) when it was proved to be
a defective copy of the "Codex Claromontanus" (D of the Pauline
Epistles).
，例如，这是发生了什么事时，它被证明是有缺陷的“法典Claromontanus”（保罗书信四）复制的“食品法典委员会Sangermanensis”（保罗书信五）。Now, if a text were preserved in ten
manuscripts, nine of which had sprung from a common ancestor, we would not
therefore have ten independent testimonies but two, as the first nine would
count for only one, and could not, therefore, outweigh the tenth, unless it were
shown that the common exemplar of the nine was a better one than that from which
the tenth was
taken.现在，如果一个文本被保存在十个手稿，其中9个已经从一个共同的祖先如雨后春笋般涌现，我们不会因此有10个独立的证词，但两个，首九个月会数只有一个，并不能因此，得不偿失第十，除非它所示的九个常见的典范，是一个更好的比第十届。The consequences of this principle are
obvious, and the advantage and necessity of grouping the testimonies for a text
into families is readily
understood.这一原则的后果是显而易见的，是容易理解的一文进入家庭的证词​​进行分组的优势和必要性。It might be supposed that the critic
would be mainly guided in his researches by the birthplace of a manuscript; but
the ancient manuscripts often travelled a great deal, and their nationality is
rarely known with
certainty.评论家将他的研究主要集中在指导手稿的发源地，这可能是应该，但古老的手稿常常走遍了很大，确知他们的国籍是很少。Thus, many are of the opinion that the
Vaticanus and the Sinaiticus emanated from Cæsarea in Palestine, while others
maintain that they were written in Egypt, and Hort inclines to the belief that
they were copied in the West, probably in Rome (see CODEX VATICANUS; CODEX
SINAITICUS).因此，许多Vaticanus的西奈抄本从巴勒斯坦撒利亚所产生的意见，而其他人保持他们写在埃及，和园艺倾向相信，他们在西方被复制，可能在罗马（见法典VATICANUS
;法典西奈抄本）。Hence the
critics' chief guide in this matter should be the careful comparison of
manuscripts, upon the principle that identical readings point to a common
source, and when the identity between two or more manuscripts is constant --
especially in exceptional and eccentric variants -- the identity of the exemplar
is
established.因此在这个问题上的批评者的行政指导，应仔细比较的手稿，根据的原则是相同的读数指向一个共同的来源，而当两个或两个以上的手稿的身份是不变的
- 尤其是在特殊和偏心变种 - 建立模范的身份是。But this investigation encounters two
difficulties.但本次调查中遇到两个困难。A first, and a very embarrassing,
complication arises from the mixture of texts.第一，一个很尴尬的，并发症源自混合文本。There are but few texts that are pure;
that is to say, that are taken from a single
exemplar.有，但很少是纯文本;这就是说，从单一样本。The ancient scribes were nearly all to
a certain extent editors, and made their choice from among the variants of the
different exemplars.古代文士几乎所有的在一定程度上的编辑，并提出了自己的选择，从不同的典范变种。Moreover, the correctors or the readers
often introduced, either on the margin or between the lines, new readings which
were subsequently embodied in the text of the manuscript thus
corrected.此外，校正或读者常常介绍，保证金或行间，随后从而​​纠正的手稿文本中体现的新的读数。In such a case the genealogy of a
manuscript is liable to become very
complicated.在这种情况下，手稿，家谱是可能变得非常复杂。It also sometimes happens that two
manuscripts which are closely related in certain books are totally unrelated in
others.它有时也会发生，在某些书籍是紧密相关的两个手稿是在别人完全无关。As a matter of fact, the separate books
of the Bible, in ancient times, used to be copied each upon its own roll of
papyrus, and when they came to be copied from these separate rolls upon sheets
of parchment, and bound together in one enormous "codex", texts belonging to
quite different families might very possibly be placed
together.事实上，单独的“圣经”的书籍，在远古时代，要复制后，每个都有其自己的纸莎草纸辊，当他们来到羊皮纸后，张要复制这些单独的卷，并在一个在一起庞大的“法典”，文本属于完全不同的家庭很可能可能会被放在一起。All these facts explain why critics
frequently disagree in determining genealogical
groupings.所有这些事实说明，为什么评论家经常不同意在确定家谱集团。(On this subject consult Hort,
"Introduction," pp. 39-69: "Genealogical Evidence".)
（在这个问题上征询园艺，“导言”，页39-69：“族谱证据”。）

(iv) Critical
Nomenclature, or Notation（四）重要的术语，或者符号

When the copies
of a text are not numerous each editor assigns them whatever conventional
symbols he may choose; this was for a long time the case with the editions of
the original Greek and Hebrew, of the Septuagint and the Vulgate, not to mention
other
versions.当文本的副本并不多，每个编辑器，将它们分配给任何传统的符号，他可以选择，这是与原始的希腊文和希伯来文版本的译本和武加大的情况下，很长一段时间，更不用提其他版本。But when, as nowadays, the number of
manuscripts becomes greatly increased, it is necessary to adopt a uniform
notation in order to avoid
confusion.但时，时下，一些手稿变得大大增加，有必要采取一个统一的符号，以避免混淆。

Hebrew
manuscripts are usually designated by the figures assigned them by Kennicott and
De Rossi.希伯来文手稿通常指定分配Kennicott和德罗西的数字。But this system has the disadvantage of
not being continuous, the series of figures recommencing three times: Kennicott
manuscripts, De Rossi manuscripts, and other manuscripts catalogued by De Rossi,
but not belonging to his
collection.但该系统具有不连续的缺点，recommencing三次的一系列数字：Kennicott手稿，德罗西手稿和其他手稿编目德罗西，但不属于他的收藏品。Another serious inconvenience arises
from the fact that the manuscripts not included in the three preceding lists
have remained without symbol, and can only be indicated by mentioning the number
of the catalogue in which they are
described.另一个严重的不便之处来自，未列入前三个列出的手稿仍然没有符号，只能通过提的描述其所在的目录表示。

The notation of
Greek manuscripts of the Septuagint is almost the same as that adopted by Holmes
and Parsons in their Oxford edition
1798-1827.希腊手稿的septuagint的符号是霍姆斯和帕森斯在其牛津版1798年至1827年通过的几乎相同。These two scholars designated the
uncials by Roman figures (from I to XIII) and the cursives by Arabic figures
(from 14 to
311).这两位学者指定uncials由罗马数字（从I到十三）和cursives由阿拉伯语数字（从14到311）。But their list was very defective, as
certain manuscripts were counted twice, while others which were numbered among
the cursives were uncials either wholly or in part, etc. For cursives the
Holmes-Parsons notation is still retained; the uncials, including those found
since, are designated by Latin capitals; but no symbols have been assigned to
recently discovered
cursives.但他们的名单是非常有缺陷的，某些手稿被计算了两次，而其他编号之间cursives被uncials全部或一部分，等cursives霍姆斯帕森斯符号仍保留;
uncials，包括那些发现自被指定由拉丁美洲的首都，但没有符号已分配给最近发现cursives。(See the complete list in Swete, "An
Introduction to the Old Testament in Greek", Cambridge, 1902, p.
120-170.)（见Swete完整列表，“在希腊文旧约”，剑桥，1902年，第120-170。）

The nomenclature
of the Greek manuscripts of the New Testament also leaves much to be
desired.新旧约的希腊文手抄本的命名也可谓非常不理想。Wetstein, the author of the usual
notation, designates uncials by letters and cursives by Arabic figures.
Wetstein，笔者通常的符号，指定uncials由字母和cursives由阿拉伯语数字。His list was continued by Birch and by
Scholz, and afterwards by Scrivener, independently, by
Gregory.他的名单继续由桦木和尔茨，事后斯科维娜，独立，由格雷戈里。The same letters answer for many
manuscripts, hence the necessity of distinguishing indices, thus Dev="Codex
Bezæ", Dpaul=Codex Claromontanus, etc. Moreover, the series of figures
recommences four times (Gospels, Acts and Catholic Epistles, Epistles of Paul,
Apocalypse), so that a cursive containing all the books of the New Testament
must be designated by four different numbers accompanied by their
index.相同的字母回答了许多手稿，因此区分指数的必要性，从而开发=“食品法典Bezæ”，Dpaul
=食品法典委员会Claromontanus等，此外，一系列的数字，建议4倍（福音，行为和天主教教会，保罗的书信，启示），包含所有的新约圣经的书籍，草书，伴随着他们的指数的4个不同的号码必须由指定的。Thus the manuscript of the British
Museum "Addit. 17469" is for Scrivener 584ev, 228ac, 269pau, 97apoc (ie the
584th manuscript of the Gospel on his list, the 228th of Acts, etc.), and for
Gregory 498ev, 198act, 255paul, 97apoc.因此，大英博物馆的手稿“Addit
17469”是斯科维娜584ev，228ac，269pau，97apoc（即他的名单上的第584次的福音手稿，228的行为，等等），格雷戈里498ev，198act，
255paul，97apoc。To remedy this
confusion Von Soden lays down as a principle that uncials should not have a
different notation from the cursives and that each manuscript should be
designated by a single
abbreviation.要纠正这种混乱冯索登奠定了作为一个原则，uncials不应该有一个从cursives不同符号，每个稿件应指定一个单一的缩写。Hence he assigns to each manuscript an
Arabic figure preceded by one of the three Greek initial letters, epsilon,
alpha, or delta, according as it contains the Gospels only (euaggelion), or does
not contain the Gospels (apostolos), or contains both the Gospels and some other
part of the New Testament
(diatheke).因此，他分配到每个手稿一个阿拉伯语的数字，前面的三个希腊首字母，EPSILON，ALPHA或三角洲之一，根据，因为它包含的福音（euaggelion），或不包含的福音（阿波斯托洛），或同时包含福音书和一些其他部分的新约全书（diatheke）。The number is chosen so as to indicate
the approximate age of the manuscript.选择的数字是，以指示的手稿的大致年龄。This notation is unquestionably better
than the other; the main point is to secure its universal acceptance, without
which endless confusion will
arise.这种符号无疑是优于其他主要的一点是，以确保其普遍接受，没有无休止的混乱会出现。

For the Vulgate
the most famous manuscripts are designated either by a conventional name or its
abbreviation (am="Amiatinus", fuld="Fuldensis"); the other manuscripts have no
generally admitted symbol.对于武加大，最有名的手稿是指定由传统的名称或其缩写（AM
=“Amiatinus”，福尔德=“Fuldensis”）;其他手稿没有一个普遍承认的象征。(The present nomenclature is altogether
imperfect and deficient. Critics should come to terms and settle upon special
symbols for the genealogical groupings for manuscripts which are as yet almost
entirely deprived of them. On this subject see the present writer's article,
"Manuscrits bibliques" in Vigouroux, "Dict. de la Bible", IV, 666-698).
（在目前的命名是完全不完善和缺陷批评应该来之条款及根据特殊符号的解决这是因为还几乎完全他们被剥夺的手稿的家谱集团，在这个问题上看到了目前作家的文章，“Manuscrits
bibliques”在Vigouroux，“快译通。DE LA圣经”，IV，666-698）。

(b)
Versions（二）版本

The importance of
the ancient versions in the textual criticism of the Sacred Books arises from
the fact that the versions are often far anterior to the most ancient
manuscripts.在考据学的圣书古代版本的重要性来自事实的版本往往远远前最古老的手稿。Thus the translation of the Septuagint
antedated by ten or twelve centuries the oldest copies of the Hebrew text that
have come down to us.因此，翻译的译本antedated十或十二世纪的希伯来文，已回落到我们最古老的副本。And for the New Testament the Italic
and the Peshito versions are of the second century, and the Coptic of the third,
while the "Vaticanus' and the "Sinaiticus", which are our oldest manuscripts,
date only from the fourth. These translations, moreover, made on the initiative
and under the superintendence of the ecclesiastical authorities, or at least
approved and sanctioned by the Churches that made public use of them, have
undoubtedly followed the exemplars which were esteemed the best and most
correct; and this is a guarantee in favour of the purity of the text they
represent. Unfortunately, the use of versions in textual criticism offers
numerous and sometimes insurmountable difficulties. First of all, unless the
version be quite literal and scrupulously faithful, one is often at a loss to
determine with certainty which reading it represents. And besides, we have few
or no ancient versions edited according to the exigencies of rigorous criticism;
the manuscripts of these versions differ from one another considerably, and it
is often hard to trace the primitive reading. When there have been several
versions in the same language, as is the case, for example, in Latin, Syriac,
and Coptic, it is seldom that one version has not in the long run reacted on the
other. Again, the different copies of a version have frequently been retouched
or corrected according to the original, and at various epochs some sort of
recensions have been made. The case of the Septuagint is well enough known by
what St. Jerome tells of it, and by the examination of the manuscripts
themselves, which offer a striking diversity. For these various reasons the use
of the versions in textual criticism is rather a delicate matter, and many
critics try to evade the difficulty by not taking them into account. But in this
they are decidedly wrong, and later it will be shown to what use the Septuagint
version may be put in the reconstruction of the primitive text of the Old
Testament.和新约中的斜体和Peshito版本的第二个世纪，和第三的科普特人，而“Vaticanus”和“西奈抄本”，这是我们最古老的手稿，只有从第四日。这些翻译，此外，作出的积极性和教会当局的监督下，或者至少批准，由教会他们使​​用公共认可，无疑遵循的典范，被尊敬的最好和最正确的;这是保证不幸的是，赞成他们所代表的文字的纯洁性。考据学使用的版本，提供众多，有时无法克服的困难，首先，除非版本相当的文字和严格忠实，一个是经常处于亏损，以确定。确定性阅读它代表之外，我们很少有或没有古老的版本编辑，根据严格的批评迫切需要，这些版本的手稿彼此相当不同，它往往是难以追查原始读时有。在同一语言的多个版本，是这样，例如在拉丁美洲，叙利亚，和科普特人，是很少的一个版本，从长远来看，还没有其他反应。同样，一个版本的不同副本经常被修饰或纠正，按照原来的，并已在不同时代的一些排序的recensions的septuagint的情况下是足够的圣杰罗姆它告诉自己的手稿的审查，这对于这些不同的原因使用的版本考证是相当棘手的问题，许多评论家试图回避，不考虑他们的困难，但在这方面他们是决定性的错误，以后就会提供一个惊人的多样性。显示有什么用septuagint版本可能会在旧约的原始文本重建。

(c)
Quotations（三）报价

That the textual
criticism of the Greek New Testament, the Septuagint and the Vulgate has
profited by quotations from the Fathers is beyond question; but in using this
authority there is need of caution and
reserve.考据学的希腊新约的译本和​​武加大获利从父亲的报价是毫无疑问的，但在使用这个权力是需要谨慎和储备。Very often Biblical texts are quoted
from memory, and many writers have the habit of quoting
inaccurately.圣经的文本经常被引用从内存中，和许多作家都习惯引用不准确。In his Prolegomena to the eighth
edition of Tischendorf (pp. 1141-1142), Gregory gives three very instructive
examples on this
subject.在他的绪论第八版提申多夫（第1141至1142年），格雷戈里给出了三个关于这个问题非常有启发性的例子。Charles Hodge, the author of highly
esteemed commentaries, when informed that his quotation from Genesis, iii, 15,
"The seed of the woman shall bruise the serpent's head", was a serious
inaccuracy, refused to change it on the ground that his translation had passed
into
use.查尔斯Hodge的，倍受尊敬的评论的作者，当获悉他从创世纪，三，15报价，“该名女子的种子应当挫伤蛇的头”，是一个严重的不准确，拒绝以改变在地面上，他的翻译已通过投入使用。In his history of the Vulgate the
learned Kaulen twice quoted the well-known saying of St. Augustine, once
accurately: "verborum tenacior cum perspicuitate sentientiæ", and once
inaccurately: "verborum tenacior cum sermonis
perspicuitate".在他的武加大历史学到考伦两次引用的著名的圣奥古斯丁说，一旦准确：“verborum
tenacior暨perspicuitate sentientiæ”，一旦不准确：“verborum tenacior暨sermonis
perspicuitate”。Finally, out of
nine quotations from John, iii, 3-5, made by Jeremy Taylor, the celebrated
theologian, only two agree, and not one of the nine gives the words of the
Anglican version which the author meant to
follow.最后，给出了从约翰，三，3-5杰里米泰勒，著名的神学家，只有两个同意，而不是九个，九个报价作者旨在遵循英国国教的版本的话。Surely we should not look for greater
rigour or accuracy from the Fathers, many of whom lacked the critical
spirit.当然，我们不应该寻找更大的严谨性，或从父亲的准确性，其中许多人缺乏批判精神。Furthermore, it should be noted that
the text of our editions is not always to be depended
upon.此外，应该指出的是，我们的版本的文字并不总是依赖。We know that copyists, when
transcribing the works of the Fathers, whether Greek or Latin, frequently
substitute for Biblical quotations that form of text with which they are most
familiar, and even the editors of former times were not very scrupulous in this
respect.我们知道，抄写，抄写的父亲作品时，是否希腊文或拉丁文，经常代替圣经报价，以文字形式与它们最熟悉的，甚至前的编辑们在这方面不很严谨的。Would anyone have suspected that in the
edition of the commentary of St. Cyril of Alexandria on the fourth Gospel,
published by Pusey in 1872, the text of St. John, instead of being reproduced
from St. Cyril's manuscript, is borrowed from the New Testament printed at
Oxford?有人会怀疑，圣西里尔的亚历山德里亚皮塞在1872年出版，第四福音的评论版，圣约翰的文本，而不是从圣西里尔的手稿复制，是借来的新旧约印在牛津？From this standpoint the edition of the
Latin Fathers undertaken in Austria and that of the ante-Nicene Greek Fathers
published at Berlin, are worthy of entire
confidence.从这个角度来看，在奥地利和在柏林公布的宰前尼西亚的希腊教父开展的拉丁教父版，是值得整个信心。Quotatations have a greater value in
the eyes of the critic when a commentary fully guarantees the text; and the
authority of a quotation is highest when a writer whose reputation for critical
habits is well established, such as Origen or St. Jerome, formally attests that
a given reading was to be found in the best or most ancient manuscripts of his
time.
Quotatations有更大的价值，在评论家的评论时，充分保证了文本的眼睛，当一个作家的声誉至关重要的习惯是公认的权威报价最高，如渊源或圣杰罗姆，正式证明一个给定的阅读是在他那个时代的最好或最古老的手稿被发现。It is obvious that such evidence
overrules that furnished by a simple manuscript of the same
epoch.很明显，这样的证据推翻，由一个简单的稿件在同一时代的布置。

(2) Internal or
Paradiplomatic Evidence（2）内部或Paradiplomatic证据

It frequently
happens that the testimony of documents is uncertain because it is discordant,
but even when it is unanimous, it may he open to suspicion because it leads to
improbable or impossible
results.文件的证词是不确定的，它经常发生，因为它是不和谐的，但即使它是一致的，它可能他开的怀疑，因为它会导致不可能或不可能的结果。It is then that internal evidence must
be resorted to, and, although of itself it seldom suffices for a firm decision,
it nevertheless corroborates, and sometimes modifies, the verdict of the
documents.然后，内部证据必须使出，虽然本身很少就够了一个果断的决定，但它证实，有时修改，文件的判决。The rules of internal criticism are
simply the axioms of good sense, whose application calls for large experience
and consummate judgment to ward off the danger of arbitrariness amid
subjectivism.内部批评的规则是简单的公理感好，其应用程序要求大量的经验和精湛的判断，病房中主观随意性的危险。We shall briefly formulate and expound
the most important of these rules.我们将简要地制定和阐述这些规则的最重要的。

Rule
1.第1条。Among several
variants that is to be preferred which best agrees with the context and most
closely conforms to the style and mental habits of the
author.其中，最同意的背景和关系最为密切，符合作者的风格和心理习惯，是首选的几个变种。-- This rule is thus explained by Hort
("The New Testament in the Original Greek", Introduction, London, 1896, p. 20):
"The decision may be made either by an immediate and as it were intuitive
judgment, or by weighing cautiously various elements which go to make up what is
called sense, such as conformity to grammar and congruity to the purport of the
rest of the sentence and of the larger context; to which may rightly be added
congruity to the usual style of the author and to his matter in other passages.
The process may take the form either of simply comparing two or more rival
readings under these heads, and giving the preference to that which appears to
have the advantage, or of rejecting a reading absolutely for violation of one or
more of the congruities, or of adopting a reading absolutely for perfection of
congruity."-
因此，这条规则是由园艺解释（“在希腊原文的新约圣经”，介绍，伦敦，1896年，第20页）：“这个决定可能会作出立即，因为它是直觉判断，或称重谨慎的各种元素，去弥补什么是所谓的意义，如符合语法和一致性，旨趣其余的句子和更大的范围内;可能正确地添加了作者一贯的风格的一致性，以和他在其他段落中的问题。的过程中可能采取的形式，简单地比较两个或两个以上的对手读数，根据这些元首和偏好，这似乎有优势，或拒绝阅读绝对违反一个或更多的congruities，或采取一个绝对完美的一致性的阅读。“The application of this rule rarely
produces certainty; it usually leads only to a presumption, more or less strong,
which the documentary evidence confirms or annuls as the case may
be.这项规则的应用很少产生确定性;它通常只会导致一个推定，或多或少强，纪录片的证据证明，或视情况annuls可能。It would be sophistical to suppose that
the ancient authors are always consistent with themselves, always correct in
their language and happy in their
expressions.这将是诡辩假设的古代作家总是与自己一致，始终在正确的语言，高兴，并在他们的表情。The reader is all too liable to imagine
that he penetrates their thought, and to make them talk as he himself would have
talked on a like occasion.实在是太容易想象他穿透他们的思想，让他们谈谈他自己会在这样的场合谈到的读者。It is but a step from this to
conjectural criticism which has been so much
abused.它不过是从这个步骤臆测的批评已经这么多的滥用。

Rule
3.第3条。The more
difficult reading is also the more probable.也更可能更难以阅读。-- "Proclivi scriptioni pr stat ardua"
(Bengel).- “Proclivi scriptioni PR统计ardua”（Bengel）。-- Although it may seem entirely
paradoxical, this rule is, in a certain measure, founded on reason, and those
who have contested it most vigorously, like Wetstein, have been obliged to
replace it with something similar.-
尽管它可能看起来完全是自相矛盾的，这条规则，在一定的措施的理由成立，，和那些最有争议的，大力Wetstein一样，已被迫类似的东西来取代它。But it is true only on condition that
the clause be added, all other things being equal; else we should have to prefer
the barbarisms and absurdities of copyists solely because they are more
difficult to understand than the correct expression or the intelligently turned
phrase.但它是唯一的条件该条款补充说，所有其他条件都相同，否则我们应该有更喜欢抄写barbarisms和荒谬，纯粹是因为他们更很难理解比正确的表达或智能转向短语。Indeed copyists never change their text
merely for the pleasure of rendering it obscure or of corrupting it; on the
contrary, they rather try to explain or correct
it.事实上抄写员永远不会改变自己的文字，仅仅是为了使晦涩的破坏，或愉悦，相反，他们而试图解释或纠正。Hence a harsh expression, an irregular
phrase, and an unlooked-for thought are possibly primitive, but always, as we
have said, on this condition: ceteris
paribus.因此，一个严酷的表达，不规则的短语，和一个unlooked思想可能是原始的，但一如既往，我们已经说过在这种情况下，其他条件不变的情况下。Nor must it be forgotten that the
difficulty of the reading may arise from other causes, such as the ignorance of
the scribe or the defects of the exemplar which he
copies.它也不应被遗忘的阅读困难，从其他原因，如文士的无知或副本的典范，他的缺陷，可能会出现。

We see that the
rules of internal criticism, in so far as they can be of any use, are suggested
by common sense.我们看到，内部批评的规则，在到目前为止，因为它们可以被任何使用，建议按常理。Other norms formulated by certain
critics are based on nothing but their own
imaginations.某些批评家制定的其他规范的基础上不过是自己的想像力。Such is the following proposed by
Griesbach: "Inter plures unius loci lectiones ea pro suspectâ merito habetur quæ
orthodoxorum dogmatibus manifeste præ ceteris
favet."这就是由Griesbach提出以下内容：“国米plures unius位点。lectiones EA亲丝棉merito
habetur quæ orthodoxorum dogmatibus manifeste præ其他条件不变的favet”It would then follow that the variants
suspected of heresy have all the probabilities in their favour, and that
heretics were more careful of the integrity of the sacred text than were the
orthodox.然后，它将遵循的异端怀疑的变种所有的概率，有利于他们的，异端的神圣文本的完整性更小心比正统。History and reason combined protest
against this paradox.历史和理性相结合的抗议这一悖论。

C. Conjectural
CriticismC.臆测批评

As a principle,
conjectural criticism is not inadmissible.作为一项原则，臆测的批评是不不予受理。In fact it is possible that in all
existing documents, manuscripts, versions, and quotations, there are primitive
errors which can only be corrected by
conjecture.其实，这是可能的，在所有现有的文件，手稿，版本及报价，有原始错误，这只能靠猜想纠正。The phrase primitive errors is here
used to denote those that were committed by the scribe himself in dictated works
or that crept into one of the first copies on which depend all the documents
that have come down to
us.这句话的原始错误是在这里用来表示那些犯下了隶自己口述作品，或蹑手蹑脚的依赖已回落到我们的所有文件的第1份之一。Scrivener, therefore, seems too
positive when he writes ("Introduction", 1894, Vol. II, p. 244): "It is now
agreed among competent judges that Conjectural Emendation must never be resorted
to even in passages of acknowledged difficulty; the absence of proof that a
reading proposed to be substituted for the common one is actually supported by
some trustworthy document being of itself a fatal objection to our receiving
it."Many critics would not go thus far, as there are passages that remain
doubtful even after the efforts of documentary criticism have been exhausted,
and we cannot see why it should be forbidden to seek a remedy in conjectural
criticism.因此，代书，似乎过于积极时，他写道（“导言”，1894年，第二卷，第244页）：“现在是能干的法官之间同意臆测的校勘，绝不能诉诸即使在承认困难的段落;由于缺乏证据，建议被替换为一个共同的阅读实际上是由一些值得信赖的文件本身是一个致命的异议，我们接受它的支持。“许多评论家不会去迄今为止，有段落仍然怀疑即使纪录片批评的努力都已用尽，我们看不出为什么它不应该被禁止寻求补救臆测的批评。Thus Hort justly remarks
("Introduction", 1896, p. 71): "The evidence for corruption is often
irresistible, imposing on an editor the duty of indicating the presumned
unsoundness of the text, although he may be wholly unable to propose any
endurable way of correcting it, or have to offer only suggestions in which he
cannot place full
confidence."因此，园艺公正的言论（“导言”，1896年，第71页）：“腐败的证据往往是不可抗拒的，强加在一个编辑器的文字说明presumned不健全的责任，虽然他可能完全无法提出任何耐用纠正它，或只提供建议，中，他不能把充满信心。“But he adds that, in the New Testament,
the rôle of conjectural emendation is extremely weak, because of the abundance
and variety of documentary evidence, and he agrees with Scrivener in admitting
that the conjectures presented are often entirely arbitrary, almost always
unfortunate, and of such a nature as to satisfy only their own
inventor.但他补充说，在新约中，推测校正的作用是极其微弱，因为丰度和各种书面证据，并且他承认，往往是完全任意的猜想提出同意与代书，几乎总是不幸的，并这样一种性质，以满足只有自己的发明者。To sum up, conjectural criticism should
only be applied as a last resort, after every other means has been exhausted,
and then only with prudent
scepticism.综上所述，推测批评应只适用于作为最后的手段后，所有其他手段已经用尽，然后只用审慎的怀疑。

D. Application of
the principles and processes of textual criticismD.考据学的原则和流程中的应用

It remains
briefly to explain the modifications which the principles of textual criticism
undergo in their application to Biblical texts, to enumerate the chief critical
editions, and to indicate the methods followed by the
editors.它仍然简要地解释一下考据学的原则，接受在其应用到圣经的文本，列举行政临界版本，并说明编辑的方法修改。We shall here speak only of the Hebrew
text of the Old Testament and of the Greek text of the
New.我们将在这里只讲旧约和希腊文新的希伯来文。

1.
1。Hebrew text of
the Old Testament希伯来文旧约

(a) The critical
apparatus（一）关键设备

The number of
Hebrew manuscripts is very great.希伯来文手稿的数量是非常大的。Kennicott ("Dissertatio generalis in
Vet. Test. hebraicum", Oxford, 1780) and De Rossi ("Vaniæ lectiones Vet.
Testamenti", Parma, 1784-88) have catalogued over 1300.
Kennicott（“Dissertatio兽医generalis测试。hebraicum”，牛津大学，1780年）和德罗西（“Vaniæ
lectiones兽医。Testamenti”，帕尔马，1784年至1788年）已超过1300编目。Since their day this figure has greatly
increased, thanks to discoveries made in Egypt, Arabia, Mesopotamia, and above
all in the Crimea.由于他们每天这个数字已大大增加，由于在埃及，阿拉伯，美索不达米亚的发明，并首先在克里米亚。Unfortunately, for the reason given
above under A. Necessity and Processes, the Hebrew manuscripts are comparatively
recent; none is anterior to the tenth century or at any rate the
ninth.不幸的是，A.必要性和流程赋予上述理由，希伯来文手稿是较近期的，没有一个是十世纪前，或在任何利率第九。The "Codex Babylonicus" of the
Prophets, now at St. Petersburg and bearing the date 916, generally passes for
the oldest.“食品法典Babylonicus”的先知，现在在圣彼得堡和轴承的日期916，一般最古老的传递。According to Ginsburg, however, the
manuscript numbered "Oriental 4445" of the British Museum dates back to the
middle of the ninth
century.然而，据金斯伯格，稿件编号大英博物馆的“东方4445”的历史可追溯至第九世纪中叶。But the dates inscribed on certain
manuscripts are not to be trusted.但在某些手稿上的日期是不被信任。(See on this subject, Neubauer,
"Earliest manuscripts of the Old Testament" in "Studia Biblica", III, Oxford,
1891, pp. 22-36.) When the Hebrew manuscripts are compared with one another, it
is amazing to find how strong a resemblance exists.
（见关于这个问题的，纽鲍尔，在“Studia
Biblica”，第三，牛津大学，1891年，第22-36“旧约最早的手稿”。）在希伯来文手稿与另一个相比，它是惊人的发现多么强烈的相似存在。Kennicott and De Rossi, who collected
the variants, found hardly any of importance.
Kennicott和德罗西，他们收集的变种，很难发现的重要性，任何。This fact produces at first a
favourable impression, and we are inclined to believe that it is very easy to
restore the primitive text of the Hebrew Bible, so carefully have the copyists
performed their
task.这一事实产生的第一个良好的印象，我们倾向于认为，这是很容易恢复原始的希伯来文圣经文本，认真抄写员执行他们的任务。But this impression is modified when we
consider that the manuscripts agree even in material imperfections and in the
most conspicuous errors.但是，这种印象被修改时，我们认为手稿同意，甚至在材料不完善之处，并在最显眼的错误。Thus they all present, in the same
places, letters that are larger or smaller than usual, that are placed above or
below the line, that are inverted, and sometimes unfinished or
broken.因此，他们目前，在同一个地方，较大或较小的比平常的信件，放在高于或低于该行的，是倒立，有时未完成或折断。Again, here and there, and precisely in
the same places, may be noticed spaces indicating a hiatus; finally, on certain
words or letters are points intended to annul
them.同样，在这里和那里，正是在同一个地方，可能会注意到一个间断的空间说明;最后，在某些字或字母，拟废止点。(See Cornill, "Einleitung in die Kanon.
Bücher des AT", 5th ed., Tübingen, 1905, p. 310.) All these phenomena led
Spinoza to suspect, and enabled Paul de Lagarde to prove (Anmerkungen zur
griechischen Uebersetzung der Proverbien, 1863, pp. 1, 2) that all the Hebrew
manuscripts known come down from a single copy of which they reproduce even the
faults and imperfections.（Cornill，死加隆。书刊DES
AT“导论”，第5版，蒂宾根大学，1905年，第310页。）所有这些现象导致斯宾诺莎怀疑，使保罗 -
拉加德证明（Anmerkungen楚griechischen Uebersetzung DER Proverbien
1863年，第1，2）所有已知的希伯来文手稿从一个单一的副本，其中他们甚至重现的缺陷和不完善之处。This theory is now generally accepted,
and the opposition it has met has only served to make its truth
clearer.这个理论是现在普遍接受的，它已经遭到反对，只是以使其真相更清晰。It has even been made more specific and
has been proved to the extent of showing that the actual text of our manuscripts
was established and, so to speak, canonized between the first and second century
of our era, in an epoch, that is, when, after the destruction of the Temple and
the downfall of the Jewish nation, all Judaism was reduced to one
school.时甚至更具体的和已经证明，以表明我们的手稿的实际文本成立，可以这么说的程度，我们这个时代的第一和第二世纪之间册封一个具有划时代意义，那就是，破坏的寺庙和犹太民族的垮台后，所有犹太教减少到一所学校。In fact, this text does net differ from
that which St. Jerome used for the Vulgate, Origen for his Hexapla, and Aquila,
Symmachus, and Theodotus for their versions of the Old Testament, although it is
far removed from the text followed in the
Septuagint.事实上，这个文本不净不同于圣杰罗姆这里面用于武加大，他Hexapla的渊源，并拉奎拉，Symmachus，并为他们的旧约版本西奥多托斯，虽然它远在文本中删除译本。As centuries elapsed between the
composition of the various books of the Old Testament and the determining of the
Massoretic text, it is but likely that more or less serious modifications were
introduced, the more so as, in the interval, there had occurred two events
particularly favourable to textual corruption, namely a change in writing -- the
old Phœnician having given way to the square Hebrew -- and a change in spelling,
consisting, for example, of the separation of words formerly united and in the
frequent and rather irregular use of matres
lectionis.作为世纪旧约的各种书籍的组成和确定的massoretic文本之间过去了，但可能修改或不太严重的相继出台，更是这样，在间隔有两个事件发生，特别是文字上的腐败，即以书面的变化
- 旧腓尼基让位平方米希伯来语 - 和拼写的变化，其中包括，例如字原美国的分离，有利于在使用频繁，而不规则matres lectionis。The variants that supervened may be
accounted for by comparing parallel parts of Samuel and Kings with the
Paralipomena, and above all by collating passages twice reproduced in the Bible,
such as
Ps.变种supervened可能占比较平行的部分塞缪尔和国王与Paralipomena，尤其是在“圣经”的两倍转载，如PS整理通道的所有。xvii (xviii) with 2 Samuel 22, or
Isaiah 36-39, with 2 Kings
18:17-20:19.第十七条（XVIII）2撒母耳记上22，或以赛亚书36-39，2国王18:17-20:19。[See Touzard, "De la conservation du
texte hébreu" in "Revue biblique", VI (1897), 31-47, 185-206; VII (1898),
511-524; VIII (1899), 83-108.]Touzard，在“杂志biblique”，“DE LA保护杜texte
hébreu”，六（1897），31-47，185-206;七（1898），511-524;八（1899），83-108]

An evident
consequence of what has just been said is that the comparison of extant
manuscripts enlightens us on the Massoretic, but not on the primitive
text.一个明显的后果是什么刚刚有人说，比较现存的手稿，照亮我们的massoretic，但不是原始文本。On the latter subject the Mishna and,
for still stronger reasons, the remainder of the Talmud cannot teach us
anything, as they were subsequent to the constitution of the Massoretic text;
nor can the Targums, for the same reason and because they may have since been
retouched.的密西拿和，后者的主题更加强有力的原因，其余的犹太法典可以不教我们什么，因为他们是宪法Massoretic文本后，也没有的塔古姆译本，为同样的原因，并因为他们可能有自被修饰。Therefore, outside of the Massoretic
text, our only guides are the Samaritan Pentateuch and the Septuagint
version.因此，massoretic文本之外，我们唯一的导游撒玛利亚pentateuch和septuagint版本。The Samaritan Pentateuch offers us an
independent recension of the Hebrew text, dating from the fourth century before
our era, that is, from an epoch in which the Samaritans, under their high-priest
Manasseh, separated from the Jews; and this recension is not suspected of any
important modifications except the rather inoffensive, harmless one of
substituting Mount Gerizim for Mount Hebal in Deut., xxvii,
4.撒玛利亚五为我们提供了一个独立的recension的希伯来文，从第四世纪约会之前，我们这个时代的，即从在撒马利亚人，根据他们的高牧师玛拿西，从犹太人分离划时代;校订不怀疑任何重大修改除而无害，无害之一申，二十七，4代Hebal山山盖里济姆。As to the Septuagint version, we know
that it was begun, if not completed, about 280 BC To Paul de Lagarde especially
belongs the credit of drawing the attention of scholars to the value of the
Septuagint for a critical edition of the Hebrew
Bible.至于septuagint版本，我们知道这是开始，如果没有完成，约公元前280年到保罗 -
拉加德，尤其是属于学者的关注，一个的希伯来文圣经的关键版的septuagint价值的信用。

(b) Critical
editions of the Hebrew text（二）关键版本的希伯来文

After the
publication of the Psalms at Bologna in 1477, of the Pentateuch at Bologna in
1432, of the Prophets at Soncino in 1485, and of the Hagiographa at Naples in
1487, the entire Old Testament appeared at Soncino (1488), at Naples (1491-93),
at Brescia (1494), at Pesaro (1511-17), and at Alcalá (1514-17).
1477年，在1​​432摩西五在博洛尼亚，1485年Soncino先知，在1487年在那不勒斯Hagiographa，出版后，在博洛尼亚的诗篇，整个旧约出现在Soncino（1488），那不勒斯（
1491年至1493年），在布雷西亚（1494），在佩萨罗（1511年至1517年），在阿尔卡拉（1514年至1517年）。Then, between 1516 and 1568, came the
four Rabbinic Bibles of Venice.然后，在1516和1568年之间，来到威尼斯的四个拉比圣经“。It is the second, edited by Jacob ben
Chayim and printed by Bomberg in 1524-1525, that is generally looked upon as
containing the textus receptus (received
text).第二，本Chayim雅各编辑邦贝里印在1524年至1525年，一般视为包含textus
receptus（收到的文字信息）后。The list of the innumerable editions
which followed is given by Pick in his "History of the Printed Editions of the
Old Testament" in "Hebraica" (1892-1893), IX, pp.
47-116.随后的无数版本的名单是由匹克他在“Hebraica”（1892年至1893年），第九，第47-116“的印刷版旧约历史”。For the most important editions see
Ginsburg, "Introduction to the Massoretic-critical edition of the Hebrew Bible"
(London, 1897),
779-976.对于最重要的版本看金斯伯格，“关键Massoretic版的希伯来文圣经”（伦敦，1897年），779-976。The editions most frequently reprinted
are probably those of Van der Hoogt, Hahn, and Theile; but all these older
editions are now supplanted by those of Baer and Delitzsch, Ginsburg, and
Kittel, which are considered more
correct.最频繁的重印的版本是可能Hoogt范德，哈恩和Theile的，但所有这些旧的版本现在Baer和Delitzsch，金斯伯格，并基特尔，这被认为是更正确的取代。The Baer and Delitzsch Bible appeared
in fascicles at Leipzig, between 1869 and 1895, and is not yet complete; the
entire Pentateuch except Genesis is wanting.
Baer和Delitzsch圣经出现在各分册在莱比锡，1869年和1895年之间，尚未完成;整个pentateuch除成因是希望。Ginsburg, author of the "Introduction"
mentioned above, has published an edition in two volumes (London,
1894).金斯伯格，上面提到的“导言”的作者，已出版两卷版（伦敦，1894年）。Finally, Kittel, who had called
attention to the necessity of a new edition (Ueber die Notwendigkeit und
Möglichkeit einer neuen Ausgabe der hebraïschen Bibel, Leipzig, 1902) has just
published one (Leipzig, 1905-06) with the assistance of several collaborators,
Ryssel, Driver, and
others.最后，基特尔，曾呼吁关注的一个新版本的必要性（Ueber死Notwendigkeit和Möglichkeit einer neuen
Ausgabe DER hebraïschen Bibel，莱比锡，1902年）刚刚出版了几个合作者的协助下（莱比锡，1905年至1906年），
Ryssel，驱动程序和其他。Almost all the
editions thus far mentioned reproduce the textus receptus by correcting the
typographical errors and indicating the interesting variants; all adhere to the
Massoretic text, that is, to the text adopted by the rabbis between the first
and second centuries of our era, and found in all the Hebrew
manuscripts.迄今为止提到的几乎所有的版本纠正印刷错误，并说明有趣的变种重现textus
receptus;坚持massoretic文本，那就是，我们这个时代的第一个和第二个世纪的拉比通过的文本，并发现在所有的希伯来文手稿。A group of German, English, and
American scholars, under the direction of Haupt, have undertaken an edition
which claims to go back to the primitive text of the sacred authors.
A组，德语，英语，和美国学者豪普特的方向下，开展了一项版声称要回去的神圣作者的原始文字。Of the twenty parts of this Bible,
appearing in Leipzig, Baltimore, and London, and generally known under the name
of the "Polychrome Bible" sixteen have already been published: Genesis (Ball,
1896), Leviticus (Driver, 1894), Numbers (Paterson, 1900), Joshua (Bennett,
1895), Judges (Moore, 1900), Samuel (Budde, 1894), Kings (Stade, 1904), Isaiah
(Cheyne, 1899), Jeremiah (Cornill, 1895), Ezekiel (Toy, 1899), Psalms
(Wellhausen, 1895), Proverbs (Kautzsch, 1901), Job (Siegfried, 1893), Daniel
(Kamphausen, 1896), Ezra-Nehemiah (Guthe, 1901), and Chronicles (Kittel, 1895);
Deuteronomy (Smith) is in
press.本圣经“的20个部位，出现在莱比锡，巴尔的摩和伦敦，一般在”多彩圣经“十六名已经公布：创世纪”（1896年球，），利（驱动程序，1894年），数字（百德新，1900年），约书亚（贝内特，1895年），法官（摩尔，1900年），萨穆埃尔（布德，1894年），国王（体育场，1904年），以赛亚（进益，1899年），耶利米（Cornill，1895年），以西结（
1899年，玩具），诗篇（豪森，1895年），谚语（Kautzsch 1901年），作业（齐格弗里德，1893年），丹尼尔（Kamphausen
1896年），以斯拉 - 尼希米记（Guthe 1901年），和编年史“（基特尔，1895年）;申命记（史密斯）在记者。It is needless to state that, like all
who have thus far endeavoured to restore the primitive text of certain books,
the editors of the "Polychrome Bible" allow a broad margin for subjective and
conjectural
criticism.这是不用国家，迄今努力恢复原始文本的某些书籍一样，“多彩圣经”的编辑允许主观臆测批评的余地。

2.
2。Greek text of the
New Testament希腊文新约

(a) Use of the
critical apparatus（一）使用的关键设备

The greatest
difficulty confronting the editor of the New Testament is the endless variety of
the documents at his disposal.新约编辑面临的最大困难是不尽的品种，在他的处置文件。The number of manuscripts increases so
rapidly that no list is absolutely
complete.手稿的数量增加如此之快，没有清单是绝对完整的。The latest, "Die Schriften des NT"
(Berlin, 1902), by Von Soden, enumerates 2328 distinct manuscripts outside of
lectionaries (Gospels and Epistles), and exclusive of about 30 numbers added in
an appendix, 30 October, 1902.最新的，“模具Schriften
DES新台币”（柏林，1902年）由冯索登，列举了2328
lectionaries（福音书和书信）之外的不同的手稿，并在附录中，10月30日，1902年的约30个号码的独家补充。It must be acknowledged that many of
these texts are but fragments of chapters or even of
verses.它必须承认，这些文本中的许多人，但章节甚至的诗句片段。This enormous mass of manuscripts is
still but imperfectly studied, and some copies are scarcely known except as
figuring in the catalogues.这仍然是巨大的手稿质量，但不完全研究，以及一些副本几乎除了在目录盘算。The great uncials themselves are not
yet all collated, and many of them have but lately been rendered accessible to
critics.伟大uncials本身尚未全部整理，其中许多人，但最近访问的批评被渲染。The genealogical classification, above
all, is far from complete.家谱的分类，高于一切，还远远没有完成。and many fundamental points are still
under discussion.和许多基本点仍在讨论中。The text of the principal versions and
of the patristic quotations is far from being satisfactorily edited, and the
genealogical relationship of all these sources of information is not yet
determined.文本的主要版本和教父的报价是远远令人满意的编辑，所有这些信息的来源的家谱关系尚未确定。These varied difficulties explain the
lack of agreement on the part of editors and the want of conformity in the
critical editions published down to the present
day.这些不同的困难，解释缺乏协议的编辑，并要符合下降到目前的一天发表的的关键版本。

(b) Brief history
of the critical editions and principles followed by editors The first New
Testament published in Greek is that which forms the fifth volume of the
Polyglot of Alcalá, the printing of which was finished 10 January, 1514, but
which was not delivered to the public until 1520.
（二）简史编辑在希腊公布新约重要的版本和遵循的原则是，这形式的阿尔卡拉多语种第五卷，其中印刷完成1月10日，1514，但没有交付向公众，直到1520。Meanwhile, early in 1516, Erasmus had
published his rapidly completed edition at
Basle.与此同时，早在1516年，伊拉斯谟出版了他在巴塞尔迅速完成的版本。The edition that issued from the press
of Aldus at Venice in 1518 is simply a reproduction of that of Erasmus, but
Robert Estienne's editions published in 1546, 1549, 1550, and 1551, the first
three at Paris and the fourth at Geneva, although founded on the text of the
Polyglot of Alcalá, presented variants from about fifteen manuscripts, and into
the last, that of 1551, was introduced the division of verses now in
use.该版说的，Aldus在威尼斯记者在1518年发出的是简单的伊拉斯谟的再现，但罗伯特埃蒂安纳的版本发表于1546
1549，1550，和1551，在巴黎第一次三个，并在日内瓦第四，虽然成立阿尔卡拉多语种的文字上，提出了从约15手稿，并进入最后的变种，1551，介绍了在使用中的诗句分工。Theodore Beza's ten editions which
appeared between 1565 and 1611 differ but little from the last of Robert
Estienne's.西奥多Beza的10个版本出现在1565和1611之间有所不同，但很少从罗伯特埃蒂安纳的最后。The Elzevir brothers, Bonaventure and
Abraham, printers at Leyden, followed Estienne and Beza very closely; their
small editions of 1624 and 1633, so convenient and so highly appreciated by
book-lovers, furnish what has been agreed upon as the textus receptus.
Elzevir兄弟，文德和亚伯拉罕，在莱顿的打印机，其次埃蒂安纳和Beza非常密切，其小版本的1624和1633，如此方便，如此高度赞赏图书爱好者，提供已同意后textus
receptus。-- "Textum ergo
habes nunc ab omnibus receptum, in quo nihil immutatum aut corruptum damus"
(Edition of 1633).- “Textum ERGO habes NUNC AB综合receptum，现状nihil
immutatum引渡corruptum damus”（1633版）。It must suffice to mention here the
editions of Courcelles (Amsterdam, 1658) and of Fell (Oxford, 1675), both of
which adhere pretty closely to the textus receptus of Elzevir, and those of
Walton (London, 1657) and of Mill (Oxford, 1707), which reproduce in substance
the text of Estienne, but enrich it by the addition of variants resulting from
the collation of numerous
manuscripts.它必须足以在这里提到的库尔塞勒版本（阿姆斯特丹，1658年）和下降（牛津，1675），这两个坚持相当密切的Elzevir
textus
receptus，沃尔顿（伦敦，1657年）和穆勒（牛津大学，1707年），它再现了物质埃蒂安纳文本，但它丰富的众多手稿的整理造成的变种除了。The principal editors who followed --
Wetstein (Amsterdam, 1751-1752), Matthæi (Moscow, 1782-1788), Birch (Copenhagen,
1788), and the two Catholics, Alter (Vienna, 1786-1787), and Scholz (Leipzig,
1830-1836) are noted chiefly for the abundance of new manuscripts which they
discovered and collated.谁遵循的主要编辑 -
Wetstein（阿姆斯特丹，1751年至1752年），Matthæi（莫斯科，1782年至1788年），桦木（哥本哈根，1788年），和两个天主教徒，改变（维也纳，1786年至1787年），和朔尔茨（莱比锡，1830至1836年）指出，主要是为丰富他们发现和整理的新手稿。But we must here limit ourselves to an
appreciation of the latest and best-known editors, Griesbach, Lachmann,
Tregelles, Tischendorf, Westcott and
Hort.但是，我们必须在这里把自己限制到最新和最知名的编辑，Griesbach，拉赫曼，Tregelles，提申多夫，韦斯科特和园艺升值。

In his second
edition (1796-1806) Griesbach, applying the theory that had previously been
suggested by Bengel and subsequently developed by Semler, distinguished three
great families of texts: the Alexandrian family represented by the codices A, B,
C, by the Coptic versions and the quotations of Origen; the Western family,
represented by D of the Gospels and the Acts, by the bilingual codices, the
Latin versions, and the Latin Fathers; and lastly the Byzantine family,
represented by the mass of other manuscripts and by the Greek Fathers from the
fourth century onward.
Griesbach在他的第二版（1796年至1806年），应用，以前曾建议由Bengel随后塞姆勒开发的理论，区分了三种文本的大家族：亚历山大家庭代表的抄本，A，B，C，科普特版本和奥利报价;西方的家庭，代表的福音和行为ð双语抄本，拉丁版本，和拉丁教父，和最后的拜占庭式的家庭为代表的其他手稿的质量，并通过从第四世纪开始的希腊教父。Agreement between two of these families
would have been decisive; but, unfortunately, Griesbach's classification is
questioned by many, and it has been proved that the agreement between Origen and
the so-called Alexandrian family is largely
imaginary.在这些家庭中的两个协定将有决定性的，但不幸的是，许多人质疑Griesbach的分类，它已被证明，奥利和所谓的亚历山大家庭之间的协议在很大程度上是虚构的。Lachmann (Berlin, 1842-1850)
endeavoured to reconstruct his text on too narrow a
basis.拉赫曼（柏林，1842至50年）努力，他的文字过于狭窄的基础上重建。He took account of only the great
uncials, many of which were then either entirely unknown or imperfectly known,
and of the ancient Latin
versions.他的只有伟大uncials的帐户，其中许多人要么完全未知或不完全已知，和古拉丁语版本。In his choice of readings the editor
adopted the majority opinion, but reserved to himself the conjectural amendment
of the text thus established -- a defective method which his successor Tregelles
has not sufficiently avoided.在他选择读数的编辑器，通过多数人的意见，但保留自己的推测由此确立了文本（修订） -
一个有缺陷的方法，他的继任者Tregelles没有充分避免。The latter's edition (1857-1872), the
work of a lifetime, was completed by his
friends.后者的版本（1857年至1872年），一生的工作，是由他的朋友完成。Tischendorf contributed no less than
eight editions of the New Testament in Greek, but the differences among them are
decidedly marked.蒂申多夫贡献不低于8个版本，在希腊文新约，但它们之间的差异是决定性的标记。According to Scrivener (Introduction,
II, 283) the seventh edition differs from the third in 1296 places, and in 595
it goes back to the received
text.据介绍，二283）斯科维娜（第七版不同于在1296个名额的三分之一，并在595追溯到接收到的文本。After the discovery of the
"Sinaiticus', which he had the honour of finding and publishing, his eighth
edition disagreed with the preceding one in 3369 places. Such an amount of
variation can only inspire distrust. Nor did the edition contributed by Westcott
and Hort (The New Testament in the Original Greek, Cambridge and London, 1881)
win universal approval, because, after eliminating in turn each of the great
families of documents which they designate respectively as Syrian, Western, and
Alexandrian, the editors rely almost exclusively on the "Neutral" text, which is
only represented by the "Vaticanus" and the "Sinaiticus", and, in case of
disagreement between the two great codices, by the "Vaticanus" alone. The
excessive preponderance thus given to a single manuscript was criticized in a
special manner by Scrivener (Introduction, II, 284-297). Finally, the edition
announced by Von Soden (Die Schriften des NT in ihrer ältesten erreichbaren
Textgestalt) gave rise to lively controversies even before it appeared. (See
"Zeitschrift fur neutest. Wissensehaft", 1907, VIII, 34-47, 110-124, 234-237.)
All this would seem to indicate that, for some time to come, we shall not have a
definite edition of the Greek New
Testament.发现的“西奈抄本”，这是他发现和出版的荣誉后，不同意他的第八版与前一个在3369个名额。这种变异量只能激发不信任，也没有版韦斯科特和园艺贡献（新约圣经希腊原文，剑桥和伦敦，1881年）赢得普遍认同，因为反过来消除后，每个文件的大家族，它们分别指定为叙利亚，西，和亚历山大，编辑几乎完全依赖于过多的优势，从而给一个单一的手稿是“中性”的文字，这是“Vaticanus”和“西奈抄本”，并在“Vaticanus”孤军奋战，两个伟大的抄本之间分歧的情况下只能由代表。斯科维娜（导言，二，284-297）的一个特殊的方式批评，最后的版本宣布由冯索登（模具Schriften
NT ihrer ältesten erreichbaren Textgestalt）上升到了活泼甚至之前就出现的争议（见“（杂志）
neutest毛皮。Wissensehaft“，1907年，第八，34-47，110-124，234-237。）所有这一切似乎表明，一段时间来，我们将不会有一个明确的版希腊文新约。

The following may
be mentioned as monographs: PORTER, Principles of Textual Criticism (Belfast,
1848); DAVIDSON, A Treatise of Biblical Criticism (1853); HAMMOND, Outlines of
Textual Criticism (2nd ed., 1878); MILLER, Textual Guide (London, 1885); HORT,
The NT in the Original Greek: lntroduction (2nd ed., London
1896).以下提到的专着：波特，原则考据学（贝尔法斯特，1848年）;戴维森论圣经批评（1853年）;哈蒙德，考辨“（第二版，1878年）纲要;米勒，考证指南（伦敦，1885年）;园艺，在希腊原文NT：lntroduction（第二版，1896年，伦敦）。Although, like several of the
preceding, this last work aims chiefly at the criticism of the New Testament,
the entire second part (pp. 19-72, The Methods of Textual Criticism) discusses
general
questions.虽然，像前面的几个，这最后的工作的目的，主要是在新约，整个第二部分（第19-72，考据学的方法）讨论一般性问题的批评。On (b) Versions and (c) Quotations
under B. General Principles, cf.（二）版本和（C）B.一般原则，比照下的语录。BEBB, The Evidence of Early Versions
and Patristic Quotations on the Text of the Books of the New Testament in II of
the Oxford Studia Biblica et Ecclesiastica.BEBB，早期版本和牛津Studia
Biblica等Ecclesiastica II新约书籍的文字上的教父报价的证据。