Chandrika
Bandaranaike Kumaratunge, has become the first head of
state, ever to skip an independent day celebration, in
the 52 year's history of the celebrations. A low-keyed
celebration was held at the Sri Jayawardenapura
Parliament complex's explanade. K.B.Ratnayake, the
parliament Speaker, a dignitary below number three in the
protocol list, was the chief guest. He hoisted the Sri
Lankan standard, as the accredited representative of the
President. Chandrika Kumaratunge, the head of state, was
physically present in the country, but stayed back at her
fortified official residence, absenting herself to the
most important ceremony.

President's
absent from the ceremony has opened up a popular debate
on the security situation. People have begun to ask
questions

about
the safety and security of ordinary citizens. A firm
opinion has emerged that, the Government has meekly
admitted that, the security of the country is in a
perilous state.

Furthermore,
the Government had admitted that, the political agenda of
the country is determined, not by the President Chandrika
Kumaratunge and her Government, but, by Tiger Supremo
Velupillai Prabakaran

and by
his militant organization, Viz., the Liberation Tigers of
Tamil Eelam (LTTE.)

For
the first time, at midnight, on 3 February 1948, Ceylon
(presently Sri Lanka), ceased to be a British Crown
Colony, after Ceylon Independence Act, enacted by the
House of Representative of Ceylon, received Royal Assent
on 10 December 1947. On 4 February 1948, a 21 - gun
salute fired from the 17th century Dutch cannon on the
Galle Face green, heralded the dawn of the freedom. At
Torrington, Colombo, standing on specially erected stage,
the Duke of Gloucester, the brother of the British
sovereign King George VI, read the Declaration of
Independence, which in the years to come, set the stage
for the gradual escalation of the ethnic conflict. He
also a read a personal message from the British King:

"I know that my people in
Ceylon are ready to make full and rich
contribution to the associations of free people's
and I am confident that you will carry your new
responsibilities ably to the end. My wishes go
out to you on this great day, and I pray that
Ceylon may enjoy peace and prosperity in full
measure. May God bless you all and guide your
country through the years that lie ahead."

Subsequently,
D.S. Senanayake was sworn in as Ceylon's first Prime
Minister, who hauled down the British Royal Ensign and as

national
flag was yet to be designed, he hoisted the Royal
Standard of the Nayaka Tamil Monarch, Sri Wickrema
Rajasinghe, the last King of Kandy. The flag had a
passant royal lion, with a sword in its right fore paw at
the centre and a bo-leaf at each other corner on a plain
border, heralding Ceylon's independence.

Since
from the first Independence day celeberation in 1948,
beginning with the first British Governor Sir Henry
Monck-Mason Moore, all the heads of state up to 1999,
participated at the ceremony and were the chief guests at
the annual national event. Unfortunately, this year
Chandrika Kumaratunge stayed away from the ceremony, a
unique national event, that was so important to the
country as a whole.

Even
on the receipt of adverse security reports, on 6 October
1981, Anwar al Sadat, the President of Egypt (1970-81)
boldly participated in the country's national event, but
was shot and killed by an Islamic fundamentalist, while
receiving the guard of honour. Again on 30 July 1987,
whilst his security officers were against any farewell
guard of honour in Colombo, Rajiv Gandhi participated
courageously, but was attacked by a Sri Lankan Naval
rating.

Holding
the office of the head of a state does not merely mean
enjoying limitless power and position, but the office
demands the bold exemplary display of courage and
confidence. The saying, all is fair in war and love, is
also applicable to those holding the highest political
office in a country.

Since
from the very day the country received independence, the
Tamils had not shown any interest in the event. At the
early stages, Tamils began to ignore the Independence
day, but as the Government began to throttle with
anti-Tamil legislation, initially they hoisted black
flags to show their resentment. Gradually after 1972, it
became a non-event, once independent homeland issue began
to reverberate all over the country.

The
low-keyed Independence day's celeberation was held at the
backdrop of the politics of xenophobia and hatred of the
Tamil minorities. It was a function with a difference.
This year, a vast majority of the Sinhalese, as well as
the entire Tamils considered, independence and the
independent day celebrations, a non-event.

Whether
such celebrations were held or not, the Tamils, living in
the North and Eastern provinces, continue to languish
under the government's draconian Emergency Rule. The rule
under emergency regulation is on for the last ten
thousand days, since April 1971, with very brief
irregular respites. Cordoning off, search, arrests,
detentions, incarcerations, non-judicial killings and
involuntary disappearances of the Tamils are the order of
the day as usual.

Chandrika
Kumaratunge, though stayed away from the public
celeberation, for her safety, addressed to the nation
over the state television, Rupavahini. She appealed to
all Sri Lankans, irrespective of their political beliefs,
to join her and her Government in the process of a
Constitutional Reform, the formation of a new political
culture and rebuilding of a new Sri Lankan nation. In her
address she said - "Since August 1994, I personally,
and my Government, have worked unceasingly to seek a
negotiated political settlement to the conflict and to
end the war. The major opposition group and one militant
group, remain constant in their refusal to constructively
participate in that process."

"I invite one more time, all
democratic political leaders to do battle for
their country by reaching a consensus on the
means of resolution of this conflict that has
dogged us far too long. Then we would have
reached agreement between all democratic

political parties and groups
representing all our peoples - the Sinhala,
Tamil, Muslim, Malay, Burgher citizens in Sri
Lanka." She further emphasized, "We
also invite the LTTE to participate in this noble
and great process with us all. --"

In
1994, when she became the President for the first time,
she was hailed as the apostle of peace. But within few
months, she took the opposite position and declared the
infamous "War for Peace," a campaign, which led
to death of thousands and Involuntary disappearances of
several hundreds. Subsequently, in October 1999, she
called for the Presidential election, before the expiry
of her term, stating that, she wants to obtain a mandate
to resolve the festering ethnic crisis. Unfortunately,
she failed to obtain what she sought for, but managed to
scrape through in the election for a second term in
office. Last month, she led vent of her frustration over
her reduced mandate by her divisive criticisms and
harangues.

Three
hours long vituperative outburst of the President, she
showcased at an interview with the state television, was
calculatedly maneuvered to bring about adverse political
ramifications in the body politic of the island republic.
The President, made scathing remarks on the LTTE,
alleging that they were after her to assassinate. Her
accusations were also leveled against the top businessmen
in the metropolis, alleging them of planning to
assassinate her, and a section of the Sri Lankan army
planning to stage a coup. She also made unsavory remarks
against the independent electronic and print media, which
were very intimidating and provocative in nature. The
President by her desperate verbal assault, communalised
the already divided politics, a clever bamboozlement to
rope in the support of the Buddhist chauvinists.
According to political analysts, her design and
manipulation would bring about serious repercussions in
the future.

On the
other hand, Tamil militants, from the beginning never
made any attempt to declare unilateral independent Tamil
state of Eelam, a mono-ethnic independent and sovereign
entity, by bifurcating Sri Lanka into two states. They
exercised caution and restraint, though there exists
diarchy in the country, a dual administrative control. Up
to now, LTTE did not venture to the extent of declaring a
separate state for the Tamils. Separate state of Eelam
for the Tamils, which is generally considered only a
shibboleth by the Western media, also referred as a
slogan and not a serious political philosophy.
Interpretations may differ, but Government should not
force the militants to resort to the declaration of
unilateral independence of Tamil Eelam in the near
future.

The
recent scurrilous and ostentatious philippic by the
President, questioning the liberating tendency of the
LTTE, might evoke a situation forcing the Tamil militants
to reconsider their position in the context of brining
about meaningful interpretation of their struggle for
liberation. This might turn into an irrepressible
situation, eventually open the floodgate for more
violence and mayhem in the country.

Already,
Chandrika Kumaratunge, who is in her initial stages of
her second term, had approached the LTTE through her
contacts and invited them for negotiation. Despite her
frantic appeal to the LTTE for talks, it is noted that,
her recent flourishes against the LTTE, does not seem to
augur well.

Last
20 years of conflict has clearly depicted that, the
ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka could not be solved by war.
Resolving the problem requires a firm political
resolution. Parties at war have to come forward to find a
solution to their conflict without resorting to war.
However, looking at the present situation, it becomes
apparent of a serious lapse, that precludes both parties
from arriving at a political solution. The defect is the
existing mutual mistrust and hatred for each other, that
both parties have so far nurtured strongly. Therefore,
first of all, parties must seek to build up mutually, the
required trust and confidence between them.
Unfortunately, complexities of the issues have forced
them into such a precarious situation, where both parties
are unwilling or unable to build up such confidence on
their own. The present impasse is such that, it is an
independent third party, that has nothing to do with this
war, could be in a position to effectively build up such
trust and confidence between them. Once mutual confidence
achieved, then it would amount to laying a firm
foundation, a matured and responsible positioning, to
initiate discussions, with the intervention of a third
party.

Skeptics
and advocates are of the view that, the international
community is unwilling to act evenhandedly in the
mediation or facilitation to resolve the ethnic conflict.
This they state, was due to the attitude of the
infinitely intolerant hard-line government and of the
unpredictable nature of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil
Eelam (LTTE). Conditions set out for talks, both by the
Government, as well as by the LTTE, according to
diplomatic perceptions, do not fully reflect any reality.
Hence the international communities, adopted "wait
and see" approach, until preternatural conditions
given up and a clear consensus of opinion emerges for a
negotiated settlement in the midst of the government
leaders and the Tamil militant organization.

Time
and again, whenever Tamils' leaderships entered into an
agreement with the Sinhalese political leaders, the
Sinhalese leaders were deceitful and had gone back on
their words, amounted to deleterious acts. Thus they have
a sordid history of deceptively reneging agreements.

It all
started with S.W.R.D.
Bandaranaike, the then Prime Minister, who was the
father of the present President. With the view to bring
about a solution to the ethnic problem, in 1957, he
entered into an agreement, "Banda-Chelva
Pact," with S.J.V.Chelvanayagam, the leader of the
Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (Federal Party). Later, on 9
April 1958, saffron robed Buddhist clergies and Sinhalese
chauvinists, assembled in front of his private residence,
and agitated against the any implementation of the
Banda-Chelva Pact. Bandaranaike, with the view to appease
the Sinhalese Buddhist chauvinists, unilaterally tore and
canceled the agreement.

Again,
before and during the July 1960, parliamentary general
elections, Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) led by Srimavo
Bandaranaike, the mother of the present President, agreed
to implement Banda-Chelva Pact, if Ilankai Tamil Arasu
Kadchi support them in parliament to topple the minority
government led by Dudley Senanayake. They also requested
the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi, to campaign in the
general elections, on behalf of their candidates, to
muster the support of Tamil voters, who lived in the
midst of the predominantly Sinhala populated
constituencies. Once Srimavo Banadaranaike was ensconced
in power, she dishonored her pledge.

Once
again, in April 1961, she was the first leader to deploy
armed forces to the North and Eastern provinces, to quell
the Satyagrahis - the Tamil pacifist resistance
campaigners. Tamil Satyagrahis were brutally attacked by
the Government soldiers. Tamil members of Parliament were
arrested and indefinitely detained at the army camp at
Panagoda. She dispensed with the civil administration in
the Jaffna district and appointed Major A. Richard
Udugama (later Major general) of the Sinha Regiment, as
the chief administrator of the district.

Following
the footsteps of her father and mother, in 1995, the
present President purposely dilly-dallied the
negotiations with the LTTE and was instrumental to bring
the negotiations to grinding halt. Subsequently, she
proclaimed her two point program, "War
for peace" and the so called "Devolution
Package," as panacea for the ethnic conflict. It was
a heart wrenching story of continuous disappointments,
deception, deceit and untrustworthiness, as far as doing
politics with Banadaranaikes, who had continuously
dishonored their pledges to the Tamils.

Keeping
in mind the past bitter experiences, LTTE insists on a
guarantee for any future agreement they may enter with
the Government. Recently, several ministers, have begun
to make supererogatory and preposterous statements,
contradicting the very essence of the public declaration
made by the President. Anuruddhe Ratwatte, the deputy
minister of defence berated

"Our president began to talk
to the LTTE with an open mind in 1995, to bring
about peace and unity in this country, but the
talks collapsed, when they suddenly attacked
ships in Trincomalee, and now, the Government is
determined to build peace after wiping out
terrorism."

Deputy
Defence Minister's twaddle of a military solution is a
conflicting scenario, that negates the earnestness of the
President's appeal. In another development, a section of
the saffron robed Buddhist monks, went on a procession in
Colombo, demanding the government to fight the LTTE to
the end and bring about a military solution to the ethnic
conflict.

In the
meantime, Norway, one of the Scandinavian countries, a
season peace-brokering campaigner, has come forward to
explore possibilities of bringing the warring parties to
the negotiation table. Norway, a country with four
million populations, already won a role as a successful
peace-broker, when it hosted numerous secret meetings in
1993, between Israelis and Palestine Liberation
Organization, that subsequently led to the historic Oslo
Peace Accord.

Recently
Norwegian Foreign ministry officials were in Colombo,
meeting political leaders, reviewing the chances of
facilitating a dialogue with the warring and aggrieved
parties. Government, it is learnt, has insisted that any
negotiation to end the ethnic conflict, have to be based
on its constitutional proposals, co- authored by the
People Alliance and late Neelan Tiruchelvam.

The
constitutional proposals put forward by the PA
Government, embodying the devolution package, is simply
rubbish. It is designed to impose a Sinahalese solution,
to end the conflict. Also, the constitutional reform
package is an appendage of the Sinhalese chauvinistic
hegemony over the Tamils. It is unfortunate, despite the
protracted war for Tamil Eelam, the Sinhalese leaderships
have failed to discern the thinking of the Tamils and
comes to terms with them. Their colonial mentality, their
loudly proclaimed racial discrimination against the
Tamils, their blunt rejection of Tamils' claim of
nationhood, equality and honour, actually brought about
the long-drawn out ethnic conflict and turmoil.

Tamils
are of the view that, devolution and provincial council
arrangements would not in anyway satisfy their need for a
distinct nationhood. They also feel that, it falls far
short of their sacred right of self determination. Tamils
consider that the proposals embodied in the
constitutional reform package, would not in anyway be an
alternative to their struggle for a separate state of
Tamil Eelam.

Therefore,
the Government has to get rid of its original proposal
and openly come forward to negotiate with the leaders of
the Tamil Tigers to search for an acceptable resolution
to bring about sustainable peace. The unending search for
peace has to be initiated with open mind and heart, both
by the Tigers, as well as the Government.

Norwegian
officials and it's Government have to be thanked, for
coming forward to review the possibilities of brining in
peace. Also, they have to be remembered of the
complexities of the issues involved, to enable them to
focus positively their attention on their mediatory role.
It is not an issue concerning Sri Lanka - a single
unitary state, as portrayed by the Government, but it is
a conflict between two nations, who lives in a
geo-political enforced entity, called today, Sri Lanka.
Therefore, a permanent solution has to found to allow the
two nations, the Tamils and the Sinhlaese to -

1. Co-exist together with peace,
honour and dignity - or else

2. To exist separately, but
peacefully.

Therefore,
pursuit of peace is the noblest thing one ever could go
any far. Search for peace should not end and parties
should be courageous and bold enough to compromise for
the sake of peace. Peace too is a battle, that has to be
won at the negotiation table, without declaring any party
as victor or vanquish. Once Peace is declared the winner,
enmity, mistrusts, hatred and superiority complex have to
slip out of the back door.