Although litanies formed a significant part of the sacred repertoire of the seventeenth century––more than 300 prints containing some 600 settings of litany texts, predominantly of the Litany of 1Loreto, survive ––their presence in modern editions is relatively limited. This first complete edition of Cossoni’s collection will no doubt contribute to a more comprehensive view of the music performed in the liturgy associated (mostly) with the cult of the Virgin Mary in Bologna, and possibly also in Milan. It is this editor’s conviction that the majestic exuberance of these works will make them attractive for performances in churches and other venues.

The Composer

Carlo Donato Cossoni was born in Gravedona, Lake Como and baptized on 11 November 1623 in the church of S. Maria del Tiglio. Cossoni probably studied at the Jesuit College of Gallio, Como, and it was there that, on October 14, 1646, he was ordained priest and became active as a 2professional musician. Four years later he was appointed organist of the Basilica of S. Fedele. In November 1659, he competed unsuccessfully for an organ post at the Milan Cathedral. For some years he served as organist for several smaller churches in Milan, including S. Maria Segreta and S. Giuseppe, and became a member of the Accademia dei Faticosi. According to Giuseppe Ottavio Pitoni’s “Notitia de’ contrapunisti e compositori di musica” (c. 1725), Cossoni had planned to move to Rome in 1662, but his journey led him first to Bologna, where Maurizio 3Cazzati convinced him to stay. On the third of November of that year Cossoni was appointed as first organist of S. Petronio, as reported in the official records of the Cappella musicale, and he remained at that post for over eight years. During his service at the Basilica his annual 4remuneration approached the not insignificant sum of L. 50. Evidently Cossoni was well regarded as a performer; his salary was markedly higher than that of his predecessors as well as 5of his successors. In late 1667 or 1668, Cossoni became one of the first members of the 6Bolognese Accademia Filarmonica, and was listed as composer. After 1670, Cossoni’s name ceased to appear among those of the members of S. Petronio’s Cappella musicale. Although he still appears as “Primo Organista in S. Petronio di Bologna” on the title page of his op. 11 printed

in 1671, in the dedication of that volume he writes about the esteem that some of his compositions were enjoying in Milan, and mentions that he was “making music” in the Ducal 7Church of Nostra Signora della Scala. After his dismissal by the Vestry Board of S. Petronio on January 24, 1671 for reasons unknown, he moved to Milan, and four years later he appears as choirmaster to Prince Trivulzio. On the title page of his op. 16, Cossoni is listed only as Canonico. Sometime before 1684 Cossoni was made a canon of the Collegiate Church of S. Vincenzo in Gravedona, where he appears to have spent a part of each year, and to which he 8ultimately retired. On December 5, 1684, Cossoni was elected maestro di cappella of the Milan 9Cathedral, where he remained until 1693. His election resolved the long-standing dispute between Archbishop Federico Visconti, who opposed his appointment, and the Fabbrica del 10Duomo and Milanese aristocracy, who favored it. The intervention of Pope Innocent XI in 11favor of Cossoni put an end to the conflict. Cossoni’s years in Bologna were extremely productive. Eleven books of his music were published in a period of only six years, while only five appeared during his Milan years between 1672 and 1694. This could either be due to his assuming new duties at the Milanese Cathedral or to a health problem. The phrase “assuring you that I am not dead,” appearing as an 12“Avvertimento al lettore” (i.e., “Warning to the reader”) in his op. 16, perhaps implies that Cosssoni was suffering from an illness. He died in Gravedona on March 5, 1700 a few years 13after retiring there. His output consists mainly of sacred music, the majority of which was published in 14Bologna. Only two of his publications are of secular music. Eleven of the sixteen volumes were published in Bologna by Giacomo Monti, two were published by Giovanni Battista Beltramino in Milan (who exclusively published Cossoni’s works), and one other volume, Cossoni’s first 15one, by Francesco Magni detto Gardano in Venice. Cossoni’s dedicatees and patrons were nobles, such as Alessandro Fechenetti and Vincenzo Maria Carrati, President of the Fabbriceria 16of S. Petronio and founder of the Accademia Filarmonica respectively, or clerics. A considerable number of Cossoni’s works covered the range of music required for the liturgy in S. Petronio. Thus, among his Bolognese compositions are hymns, lamentations for the Holy Week, Vesper psalms, litanies, masses, antiphons, and motets, all written to be performed during the course of liturgical year. Here it is worth mentioning that in the Tavole included in his books of

motets (C 4199, C 4201, C 4209, C 4210, C 4212), hymns (C 4204), and lamentations (C 4205), 17Cossoni indicates precisely the liturgical destination of each of the pieces. In addition, many of 18his compositions survive in manuscript form. Cossoni’s music contains works in both conservative and more progressive styles. 19Angelo Berardi (c. 1636-1694) classified Cossoni as a composer of concertato music. Indeed, apart from the published works subtitled “à otto voci pieni, e brevi,” his Bolognese compositions (i.e., the secular op. 7, op. 13, and the sacred op. 4, op. 5, op. 6, and op. 8) are of the concerted variety. According to Bacciagaluppi and Collarile, the Psalms in op. 6 and the Masses in op. 8 20are without doubt the most ambitious and extensive works published by the author. In his Bolognese works, string writing is characterised by independence not only in ritornellos, but in 21tutti passages as well. On the other hand, as can be seen, for example, in his op. 16, Cossoni’s liturgical music for the Milan Cathedral is on the whole conservative (i.e., in stile antico or pieno 22for eight voices), in accordance with the needs of the cathedral. Cossoni also appears to have been a prominent composer of dialogues, which may have been used for religious instruction in church institutions. Like his Bolognese dialogues, those written for Milan are concerted as well. In spite of the Lombard capital’s conservative taste in sacred music, this appears to follow the 23common practice for the composers of the city. According to Frits Noske, Cossoni’s dialogues 24Ave Crux and Il sagrificio d’Abramo, show him “to be a first-class dramatist.” Cossoni also composed two oratorios; the first, L’Adamo (1663)––one of the first Bolognese examples of the genre––was performed on 2 March in the Oratorio della Santissima Trinità, and again in the Palazzo Paleotti in 1667 where, in 1668, he also presented the second, Dina rapita. 25Unfortunately, their music appears to be lost.

The Music

During the seventeenth century, Marian devotion was widespread in most Italian cities. Bologna was no exception: in 1702 more than ten out of the forty-three convents and churches of the city

were dedicated to the Holy Virgin. Three depictions of her, the painting Madonna di S. Luca, the fresco Madonna del Baraccano, and the statue Madonna del Rosario, were especially revered by 26the Bolognese. Cossoni’s collection of litanies and antiphons is one of twelve publications of this type produced by composers associated with S. Petronio during the seventeenth century from 1619 27onwards. Its general format probably presumed its use at the church of Bologna's patron saint. However, as mentioned previously, in a passage of his dedication letter, Cossoni states that some of the pieces included in op. 11 were composed earlier, during the time he was “making music” in the Ducal Church of S. Maria Della Scala in Milan. This statement may refer to the text and certain special features of these compositions that reflect the particular acoustics of the Basilica of S. Petronio, as will be discussed later on. Litanies were recited in Roman churches, especially on vigils and feasts of the Virgin, on Saturdays after Compline (e.g., at the Pauline Chapel of S. Maria Maggiore), during processions, and at meetings of confraternities (e.g., the Confraternita dei sette Dolori di Maria, and the Archiconfraternita della SS. Trinità dei Pellegrini e Convalescenti), with similar practices in other cities (e.g., in Cremona, Bergamo, and Padua). They have also been used for other occasions, such as the Blessing of the Holy Sacrament (e.g., at S. Maria––now S. Spirito––in Sassia), the Devotion of the Forty Hours (e.g., at the church of the Gesù in Rome during the last three days of Carnival), and before the commencement of the spiritual exercises of the Oratorians. Around 1630, their role acquired special importance in cities infected by the plague, 28such as Venice and Bologna. The importance of both litanies and motets to the Holy Virgin to the annual liturgical cycle at S. Petronio is evident. Near the beginning of the Ordini per la Musica dell’Insigne Collegiata di S. Petronio (i.e., “Orders for the Music of the Illustrious Collegiate Church of S. Petronio”), published in 1658, one reads:

“The players of cornetti, trombones and violoni shall always appear with their instruments, both at solemnities and feasts and on Saturday evenings for the litanies, or motet to the Madonna [mottetto alla Madonna], and when one sings to the organs, the players of violins, violette, theorboes and other [instruments] shall also appear with their 29instruments.”

This is not the only case where both terms litanie and mottetto alla Madonna are used alternatively. The annual liturgical calendar, included in the Ordini, is headed: “Annual Obligations for the Organists, Singers, and Instrumentalists in Masses, Vespers, and Litanies, or

30Motets to Our Lady.” In respect to the immovable feasts of the calendar, the word litanie is totally absent, while the term mottetto alla Madonna appears throughout the liturgical year as the last item in the place reserved usually for the Marian antiphon or the litany (i.e., after Vespers or on three occasions after Compline). Therefore, it may be assumed that the mottetto alla Madonna was considered an alternative to the litanie wherever a litany appears in the Ordini. But, what actually was a mottetto alla Madonna? Based on the fact that Cazzati published two collections including litanies and Marian antiphons (C 1607, C 1627), and another of multiple settings for solo voice of the antiphons alone (C 1635), and that Colonna’s litanies and antiphons of 1682 (C 3465) was his only collection to include settings of a significant number of Marian texts, Blazey points out that the performance of either the litany or an antiphon of the Virgin was 31probably intended by the Ordini. Vanscheeuwijck also believes that when a mottetto alla Madona was required by the Ordini, a polyphonic setting of a Marian antiphon was in fact meant 32to be sung. Consequently, according to the Ordini, a litany or a mottetto alla Madonna (a Marian antiphon) was intended for performance in the evening on ferial Saturdays throughout the year on thirty-two vigils and feasts––such as the Circumcision, the vigils and feasts of Epiphany, the Purification, the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Assumption, the Nativity of the Blessed Virgin Mary [B.V.M.], All Saints, the Conception of the B.V.M., Christmas, the feasts of S. Stephen, S. John the Evangelist, and S. Sylvester, after the Office on the four days from Holy Saturday to Easter Tuesday, the Ascension, the vigil and feast of Pentecost, Monday and Tuesday of Pentecost, the vigil of Trinity Sunday, etc. and for Rogationtide Viaggi for the 33Madonna di S. Luca (the litany was sung in procession). Besides their use for the Madonna di S. Luca (see above), in the context of the meetings of the Archiconfraternita Della Morte, litanies also formed a part of the devotion of the Madonna del Baraccano, and of course, the Madonna del Rosario. Notably, in the case of the first and last icons, music was provided by composers 34from S. Petronio. As a general comment, we could say that the litanies and antiphons in op. 11 are representative of Cossoni's conservative writing, corresponding to the stile pieno of the period. The music texture is characterized by alternations between the two homophonic-homorhythmic cori spezzati, something which allows a clear perception of the text in accordance with the precepts of the Tridentine reform. Choral declamation is also accomplished through frequent pitch repetitions and small melodic intervals. Melodies are simple and subordinated to the rhythm of the text. Harmony is clear, without surprising modulations, and always coherent with the main tonality, with dissonances usually encountered at suspensions before cadences. Counterpoint is limited to the homophonic imitation between the various vocal blocks; the only exception occurs in mm. 174–77 and 191–93 in letanie concertate, where rudimentary ideas appear without being really developed. The organ (or organs, as the case may be) always doubles the lowest bass part(s), sometimes simplified (e.g., mm. 8–10 in Alma Redemptoris Mater). Unfortunately, the title page of the eleventh book does not inform us about the exact use of the

organs. Instead we have to follow the instruction “con uno, ò due Organi se piace” found on the 35title pages of other Bolognese publications for two choirs, the number being considered optional according to the Ordini.

Letanie piene The characterization piene of the first litanies, as well as their tempo indication, Presto, and time signature make obvious the style of the piece. The harmony is clear, and there are many lines built on just one or, more rarely, two modes. This, of course, is relevant to the limited extent of the various lines. Unity is preserved through the repetition of simple motives in each group of lines of text and the various sequential bass models that appear occasionally in the piece. Generally, two kinds of passages dominate: those where each line has been divided into two sections (i.e., invocation and petition)––each one sung by the choirs antiphonally––and those where each line of the text has been given to each choir in alternation. Until m. 104 the eight voices sing together only twice. This occurs for the first time at the end of the first section, in mm. 17–20, where it serves the meaning of the text, functioning as a conclusion to the three previous lines addressed to the Holy Trinity. In mm. 99–104 the two choirs come together at the final cadence, before the double line in the source, probably in order to indicate the commencement of a brief separate section, with the inclusion of a new line of the text not yet 36officially approved by the Pope. The last section of the litanies shows almost the same features as the earlier sections. It lasts for only twenty-one measures, and the two choirs sing simultaneously over invocations and in close antiphony over petitions.

Letanie concertate On the other hand, Letanie concertate proves Cossoni’s inventiveness within the limits of their liturgical destination. Contrasts of every kind between different groups of voices and sonorities make up the profile of the piece. Apart from the characterizations given by the composer himself, there are two main elements forming the difference between the two litanies. The first one is the concertato element, fully developed here. The invocations of many lines of the text have been given to solos, duets, or trios, while petitions like “ora pro nobis,” or “miserere nobis,” often to tutti passages. The crucial invocation “Sancta Maria,” first heard as a tutti entry (see mm. 90–91), is repeated throughout as a brief, homophonic choral interjection separating the solo phrases (see e.g., mm. 90–115). Passages where the two choirs sing successive full lines or parts of the text lines also appear in the piece, thus enriching further the concerted effect. The other main difference, partly explaining the huge length of the second litany, is that Cossoni often made his own interventions in the regular order of the text by repeating single lines or groups of lines, or inserting fragments of a line or entire lines elsewhere on a scale nowhere else encountered. This arbitrary manipulation of the text, clearly reaching the limits of flagrant excess in the Marian portion of the text, takes place at the “Agnus Dei.” After the first “Agnus Dei” we hear “Ora, ora pro nobis, ora pro nobis Mater Christi” (see mm. 391–98); after the second, “Ora

pro nobis Refugium peccatorum, Sancta Maria” (see mm. 421–28); and after the third, “Ora, ora, ora pro nobis Auxilium Christianorum, Mater Salvatoris” (see mm. 441–52). Structural coherence is achieved through the repetition of motivic patterns or simple melodic references in the continuo line, such as the one over “ora pro nobis” in mm. 244–91, which work as a connecting refrain between lines of the text. Although the general character of the piece is homophonic, simple counterpoint is not entirely missing. A distinctive example can be seen in mm. 174–77 and 191–93, where the entrances of the various voices contrast with the massive homophony appearing in mm. 170–73 and 187–90. An effective double depiction of the mystery “three in one, and one in three” of the Holy Trinity, also found in Claudio Monteverdi’s Duo Seraphim in his Vespers of 1610, is found in mm. 83–86, where three voices of the first choir 37sing in unison. With reference to Cossoni's dedication letter, the pieces in op. 11 would not have been at all inappropriate to an important ducal church dedicated to the Holy Virgin. However, it is impossible to determine exactly which pieces were intended for performance there. Blazey shares this opinion only in part, arguing that the antiphons and the second litanies may have been written in Milan. As regards the concerted litanies, due to the supposed omission of “Queen of the most Holy Rosary” from the text and their grandeur and structural complexity, he asserts that 38they have been composed in order to impress Caracena. But, this is not correct. Although it is true that all works may have been suitable for Milan, they would have been equally suitable for Bologna. First of all, “Regina sacratissimi rosarii” is present in both litanies. It forms a separate intermediate section marked by double barlines, possibly due to the special status of the Madonna del Rosario as one of the protectors of Bologna, since according to the Bolognese, it was through her intercession that the city was saved from the plague. It is likely that the use of this rather unauthorized invocation was adopted by the churches of the city, including 39S Petronio. With respect to the kind of voices employed in the solo passages of the Letanie concertate (see Table 1, below), we note Cossoni’s preference for bass and treble (canto) voices: solos for one voice call exclusively for basses, while in most of the solos for two or three voices, trebles and basses predominate. This preference may be connected with the acoustics of S 40Petronio, in which alto and tenor voices were rapidly absorbed. Indeed, because of the “weak” sonority of those two voice types in the Basilica, Cossoni calls for only twelve combinations among fifty that do not require the participation of trebles or basses. Besides being “principe” of the Accademia Filarmonica, Cossoni’s dedicatee Ottavio 41Garutti was a Servite friar and Prior to the Convent of S. Maria dei Servi in Bologna. He was one of the many composers of the Order from the fourteenth century onwards by whom no music

37 Similar symbolisms may also be found in Marcello Minozzi's 1638 setting (M 2861), where the three words “Sancta,” “Trinitas” and “Deus” are sung in unison, while “unus” has a three-note chord on each syllable, in the 1638 setting by Egidio Trabattone (T 1072), where the unison is confined to the first syllable of the word “unus,” in the 1666 setting by Alessandro Tonnani where the voices diverge from the initial unison and return to it at the end of the phrase, and in the three-part setting in Francesco Foggia's 1672 collection (F 1451) where the unison occurs in a duet for alto and tenor. Blazey, i, 204. 38 Blazey, i, 125. 39 Blazey, i, 124. 40 Vanscheeuwijck, The Cappella Musicale of San Petronio, 60, 64–5; see also Vanscheeuwijck’s “G. P. Colonna and Petronio Franceschini: Building Acoustics and Compositional Style in Late Seventeenth-Century Bologna,” in Towards Tonality. Aspects of Baroque Music Theory, ed. by Peter Dejans (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2007), 176–81. 41 Critical Commentary, i-ii.

42appears to have survived in either manuscript or printed form. Although there is no doubt that the Basilica S. Maria dei Servi was one of the most illustrious churches in the city, regrettably, we have little evidence of musical activity there during the seventeenth century. Only three important occasions on which solemn masses were performed, with the participation of “foreign” 43musicians in collaboration with the members of the Order, are mentioned in the sources. The “cantoria maggiore” (expanded in 1616–1617), with its associated organ, was sufficiently 44capable of supporting performances requiring more than one choir. Thus, the music in op. 11 would by no means be unsuitable for performance there. In 1630, a new altar and another “cantoria” were built in order to accommodate the liturgical needs of the “Compagnia dei sette dolori della Beata Virgine” and the performance of the Salve and Litanies on Saturday 45evenings.

Alma redemptoris mater Alma redemptoris mater is written in a Largo, solemn 3/2 meter, lasting until m. 63. The time signature changes to C in m. 64, probably for cadential reasons. All lines are of almost equal length except the last, which occupies twenty-seven measures, or 41% of the entire piece. Moreover, it is the only line where music acquires occasionally a slight sequential character. Its closing “have mercy on sinners,” probably called for this special treatment. Aside from the very opening over “Alma,”––a reminder of the melismatic opening of the corresponding Gregorian antiphon––the melodies are syllabic and the harmony is clear, lacking dramatic changes. This could be partly attributed to the massive homophonic texture of the piece, a standard feature of all antiphons. The various melodic lines are interchangeable between the two choirs. Simultaneous singing by both choirs happens only twice in the piece, and the only time this seems to happen for expressive purposes is between mm. 48–50.

Ave Regina caelorum This second antiphon is the only one written exclusively in C. Expressions like “Hail,” “rejoice,” and “farewell,” the initial words of the five lines of the text, reveal its spirit of praise. The stability with regard to the number of syllables per line––each line except the second and eighth has eight syllables––is presumably the reason for the adoption of the C time signature. The music is again syllabic, and the various melodies follow the style of the other antiphons. The two choirs sing the various phrases interchangeably without using strict imitation; in thirty-five measures of music, there are only four occasions where all voices come together on the same text, a texture that plays a concluding role, especially when at cadences. The continuo line is mainly built upon quarter notes, with occasional eighth notes following the note values of melodies. The last line is again appears to be the longest in the piece, and the most interesting with respect to harmony. In fact, in mm. 23–28, it contains a sequential bass-pattern moving in quarter notes.

Regina caeli The predominance of the 3/2 time signatures in this piece accords well with the character of its text. The length of the first line is equal to almost 45% of the measures, and it is the only time except the four last measures over “Alleluja,” where the two choirs sing together. It is true, that the central point of this antiphon lies with its first line, especially with the verb “Rejoice.” Although the harmony of the piece is not complicated, compared to the other antiphons it is the richest, especially with regard to its text, which is the shortest in length. The use of sequences is noticeable at the “Alleluja” passages, where a different and more vivid motive compared to those in the rest of the text is heard. Those passages function mostly as refrain. The last “Alleluja” seems to concentrate Cossoni's interest while it unfolds in the last thirteen measures of the piece. In spite of its conservative character, simple word painting is not entirely absent. In mm. 40–42, the ascending line perhaps symbolizes Christ’s Resurrection, and in mm. 52–54, the G minor tonality conveys the beseeching character of the petition “Pray for us.”

Salve Regina Words such as “sweetness” and “hope” reveal the character of the first stanza of the text. The second one could be rather characterized as a prayer to the Holy Virgin ending with a line of praise. No line exceeds twelve measures except for the first, seventh, and last two. Cossoni