Sangam literature serves the Tamils well in the study of their social and economic history. The better known Chola exploits of a millennium back owe their origin to the Sangam era. The first Tamil Poet Laureate of Tamil Nadu after India got independence was Namakkal Kavignar. He said “We Tamils are legatees to great achievements; let us do all that is appropriate to regain our past glory”. Life affirmation and material prosperity characterized earlier times. Full awareness of it influences their thought and action in both places across the Straits. With such consciousness perhaps Edmund Samarakkody MP speaking in Parliament in 1961 said; “Tamils are a proud people, a people with a history”. Yes, people with a rich heritage will seek to reassert their rights to give the appropriate economic dimension to their aspirations.

What stands in their path and against their forward movement will have to move out of their way. When the Treaty of Versailles heaped humiliation on Germany, Mao Tse Tung as a young revolutionary of age 25, addressed some French leaders in 1918, along these lines – You people think you have done something great. In ten or twenty years war will break out – What a warning it was to those insensitive to the susceptibilities of the defeated and impervious to the inevitable destined to follow. What a parallel it has to the war and its aftermath in Sri Lanka.

Human Resources

The unconventional way in which Japan and Singapore grew in recent times has dazzled the world. The irrepressible energy of the Japanese was duly channeled by good governance to make the economy top notch. The mental energy of a single leader in Singapore has taken the nation to laudable status among first world economies. They have blasted the notion of richness in indigenous natural resources as basic to create more wealth. To them the richest resource was the people to whom modern education was provided and skills imparted. As important or more was the luring of foreign finance together with transfer of technology.

Sri Lanka and the Northern segment are rich in human resources, though yet to be cut, polished and value added. The last three-quarter century has shown the world over, how material wealth can enhance human resources that have remained stagnant for long. For the segment of the North, economic opportunities abroad have opened up possibilities never considered practicable earlier. It is to such material that those in governance owe an obligation to provide the environment for further growth.

Attractions of the Modern

To cite but one area of meaningful and profitable engagement it is tourism. A post Tsunami inspection took my colleague and me in early 2005 to coastal Mullaitivu where we marveled at the tourism potential of NANDIKADAL. How many really know of the incredible tourism resources allowed to lie fallow? Do many Sri Lankans know that Singapore on par with Ceylon in tourism 50 years back gets 15 times as many tourists now? This would show potential but let it not go by default for want of clear thinking. The writer knows as much as any Tamil that education, IT, health, agriculture, food security, infrastructure and housing count for more. What is considered practicable for the bulk of diaspora financing is investing with a modern flavour. Their business like computations will smack of the ultra-modern.

Tamil Diaspora as Investor

With a global perspective World Bank says quite assertively that Diaspora can be a source of capital, investment and technology transfer. International migrants in 2013 estimated at 230 million by WB compose 3% of world population. Sri Lankan Tamil Diaspora approximates 30% of its parent community in Sri Lanka. Its earning capacity is therefore disproportionately higher compared to that of 3%. It is further pointed out that recorded remittances received by developing countries at $ 404 billion in 2013 exceeds official aid flows. Capital from Tamils mobilisable abroad and investible in the North is huge. But what flows in as of now is only a fraction.

It comes in disjointed driblets merely to make life tolerable to their near ones. Why such a phenomenon? The prevailing no-war situation has failed to create an environment of calm or repose. The bitterness of war is made to fester. The heavy presence of the military is a constant abrasion to foil any healing of the Southern ulcer. Lest they begin to forget, there is a raucous reminder of it in the annual calendar of celebrations. In the fifties Japanese imports bore the label ‘Made in Occupied Japan’. That was designed to rub insult upon injury. Even without it, General MacArthur blazoned it with his presence. The existence of the military Governor in the North is precisely to reinforce such animosiy. To rub in that the East is no less prostrate than the North, there is a military Governor there as well. The government relishes the thought that a perfect ensemble is in place as a rivet of its despotism.

Why Tamils Recoil

Are learned theses necessary to explain why the diaspora does not invest in the North or in the rest of the country? Whatever goodwill that existed even during the conflict is being dissipated by a single entity –the government. It is doing all within its power not to abate ill feeling but to embed antipathy. What the diaspora thinks is in sync with Tamils throughout the globe. More importantly, it resonates with the feelings of the parent community resident in the land of their birth. It was this unity that brought the jitters and forced a weird theory upon the LLRC. There is a good Tamil diaspora and a bad. A patriotic SL government should entice the former, alienate the latter and marginalize both.

What a strategy; using a wedge to unite! The approach of the government is same as the Britisher’s attitude to India’s aspiration to freedom. Bharathi puts across in memorable words as coming from the white man – “A slave born to labour, how dare you nurture thoughts of being free. Have you known it before? Can you ever use it?” The poet repudiates, “Those robustly intent upon independence, will never settle for anything less. With a keenness for nectar, will they ever waste their breath on toddy?” (read 13A). An effusion of stirring lines decades before independence galvanized the Tamils. With the government standing asininely insensitive to Tamil aspirations, they too will remain equally obdurate. Five years have remained the same and Tamils have little thought of investing nearer home. Yet a change in national consciousness induced by a new leadership can make the difference. In that hope some ideas are outlined.

Investment Climate

When a nation is pressed against the wall it is constrained to go for climate change. Many a state has opted for it and herein we have seen economic progress. Consequent to the climate change, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) which started in $ millions in the sixties reached billions in a few decades and then touched $2 trillion in 2007. The slide since then is now getting reversed and in 2013, $ 1.461 trillion was recorded. FDI projected for 2016 is $ 1.8 trillion.

Global FDI stock has now reached $25.5 trillion. Global investment needs are in the order of $ 5 to 7 trillion per year. It is assessed that developing countries need $ 3.3 to 4.5 trillion, which is mainly for basic infrastructure. It may also be noted that in 2013, 54% of FDI inflow was to developing countries. Developing Asia is No. 1 global investment destination – (source: UNCTAD). The significance of FDI to Sri Lanka and inflow from diaspora may be seen in such perspective.

UNCTAD’s Investment Policy (IP) Emphases

Outlining 11 core principles in the area of FDI, the UN body says in 3 of them:

“Investment policies should be developed involving all stakeholders, and embedded in an institutional framework based on the rule of lawthatadheres to high standards of public governance and ensures predictable, efficient and transparent procedures for investors”.

“In line with each country’s development strategy, investment policy should establish open, stable andpredictable entry conditions for investment”.

“Investment policies should provide adequate protection to established investors. The treatment ofestablished investors should be non-discriminatory in nature”. (emphases added)

The most salient are highlighted. How many of them obtain in the Northern Province or in the country? Expected Investments have not measured up to the billions devoted to the reconstruction effort. Tamils know of the energy and resources that have been channeled in more than restituting road and rail infrastructure together with bridges and as relevantly power and communication network. When they are not purposefully utilized to attract foreign inflows or for governmental investment, no worthwhile results follow. We have seen it in recent years.

In the last few years World Fact Book did not even publish the FDI data of Sri Lanka. SL had lost her credibility. WFB wished to retain its name for reliability. Prior to that the information showed an upward variance compared to statistics elsewhere on SL. Zimbabwe is in the same boat.

Aversion to Northern Development – Why?

Reference to North is the precisely demarcated Northern Province. Statistics are official. Perceptions are not confined to a single ethnic entity. Of late they are very much at variance with official pronouncements. The percipient and the honest accept only what is tenable and credible.

It is sought to examine why the North has not surged from May 2009. The present and the future are inseparable from the past. The germ of constraining one community was well planted in the last century.

It was in full political flush before independence. Its growth was inhibited by the ruling power – the British. Since then it was war by other means – politics – till 1983. “Extension of politics by other means”- war- followed. From 2009 it is war under camouflage. Tamils are not naïve to wish for the fruit of war to fall from defeat. The benefits are scrupulously reserved for the victor. In what form?

In the North a show of development with high visibility structures for visitors. To the gilt cage some shine is added. Life is certainly made more tolerable with easier commuting, good communications and the benefits of electricity. Very little is added to economic progress or employment or the quality of life. They are however no substitute for self-government. The Provincial Council is instituted for the purpose of engaging the people in their own governance. But it is negated through Governor’s government, a single orifice that constricts any meaningful development. Where did the Province stand in 2008, assessed through economic and social criteria? LAST in the country. Where does it stand in 2014? LAST in the country.

When the Province is circumscribed in every respect by central authority and displays only negative features, what is the attraction for foreign or Diaspora investment? Military infestation was irksome to everybody. Para militaries made it worse. High Security Zones had expelled tens of thousands. Iniquitous land misappropriation has added to displacement. There is no resumption of normality and this is not the way to attract investment or development. Tamils are wont to think that this is by intent and design. Making the investment climate hospitable is the first step in drawing investments to the North.

What the Future Holds

A reputed writer in a recent publication of his has expressed a worthwhile and credible viewpoint. Put in my words, a statesman in the mould of Mandela may have the stature to attempt a change of national consciousness among his people (Sinhala). But he must have a higher vision to be worthy of such a mission.

Having said that, he adds that only President Rajapaksa himself personally can find a way out of this impasse. “However, given the elements that comprise Mahinda Rajapaksa’s consciousness, such atransformation in the southern consciousness is not likely to happen. What is more likely is that Rajapaksawill stoke the southern supremacist consciousness in a downward spiral into a deeper andwider conflict”.

It is difficult not to hold with the writer. If that be the reality, Tamils have to be prepared for a long haul to experience the benefits of peace. It would seem that our path to redemption is not laid out in velvet. Government’s proactive policies, responded to by Tamils with investment, development and economic progress can deflect dire prospects.

“How do we keep the past alive without becoming its prisoner? How do we forget it without risking its repetition in the future?”

Ariel Dorfman, ‘Death and the Maiden’

The Chilean playwright Ariel Dorfman poses these questions in his play Death and the Maiden after witnessing massive human rights violations in his home country and alludes to a delicate balance needed in terms of the past, present and future. The Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation documented violations and published a report which recognised past events. Subsequent action in Chile held to account perpetrators and introduced much needed reform. The delicate balance was achieved in Chile through several state and non-state initiatives. Truth telling was a critical part of it.

Diverse memories and perceptions of the past lead to a rich mosaic of narratives, complex and sometimes at odds with each other. Such diversity should have space in a multi ethnic and multi religious society. More than five years after the end of the war, Sri Lanka is facing one of its biggest challenges in making space for multiple narratives. State sanctioned initiatives and extremist majoritarian groups are aggressively working towards creating what Chimamanda Adichie calls the danger of the single story. In such a contested setting, is it possible to achieve the delicate balance referred to by Dorfman?

With mounting national and international pressure to address past and ongoing violations, the Government of Sri Lanka has resorted to establishing commissions of inquiry as its chosen path towards truth and justice. The most well known state initiative in post war Sri Lanka was the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC). In 2013 the Presidential Commission to Investigate into Complaints Regarding Missing Persons (COI) was established, seemingly to address the issue of disappearances. Although not directly termed a truth and reconciliation commission, statements by Government officials indicate a preference towards a restorative justice model over a retributive one, coupled with a passionate appeal for a ‘home grown’ solution. In the absence of information indicative as to what the State sees as its preferred restorative justice model, it is to be assumed that the present COI fits its model of truth telling.

This article briefly looks at the recent developments with the COI, the importance of truth telling and its implications towards justice, accountability and reconciliation in Sri Lanka. The Government’s notion of a truth telling process vis-à-vis the LLRC and now the COI reflects attempts at shaping a single narrative within the veneer of investigations and inquiries. The dangers faced with this notion of truth and the tools used for this purpose are attempts to legitimise a flawed process. This has also kept at bay calls for independent investigations and created confusion among the larger public reliant on the limited public information as to the real implications of such processes. Furthermore, such attempts will only exacerbate the culture of impunity and the spiral of silence.

Problems with the Most Recent Truth Telling Initiative in Sri Lanka

Recent discourse surrounding the present COI highlights several issues related to its expanded mandate and the inclusion of an ‘Advisory Council’ consisting of international legal experts. The COI appointed by President Mahinda Rajapaksa on 15 August 2013 was mandated to investigate and inquire into disappearances from 1990-2009 in the North and East area, which later expanded to cases between 1983-2009. The overwhelming number of complaints made by affected communities who continue to search for their loved ones resulted in the COI receiving two extensions with the new term extended till February 2015. Gazette No. 1878/18 dated 15 July 2014 which expanded the COI’s existing mandate on disappearances to one that include violations of international humanitarian law (IHL) and international human rights law (IHRL) requires attention. It also established an ‘Advisory Council’ naming three internationally known lawyers as advisers with the prospect of expanding the number of advisers at a late date. Unknown at the time of writing are the terms of reference for the advisers and what role they are to play in the COI process.

A closer reading of the gazette expanding the mandate poses several questions:

1. Would the momentous task of investigating and inquiring into over 19,000 complaints of disappearances be side-lined at the expense of the expansion of the mandate? This is in the context when the number of complaints has increased and the already high number of complaints of disappearances cases is likely to increase with the mandate being extended to February 2015. Would the COI be able to continue to investigate disappearances when the expanded mandate includes other key issues?

2. Do the commissioners and their staff have the expertise and resources to handle issues covered by the expanded mandate? The expanded mandate requires specific expertise into IHL and IHRL violations and conducting investigations into allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Going by the public sittings, much more is required if the COI in its present form is to thoroughly examine issues likely to come before them

3. What is the role of the advisers in the work of the COI and would they have an independent role? This is relevant with the recent experience of the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) who were also appointed by the same Government in 2007 but left within a year of operation citing inability to work in a context of state interference and a lack of political will to support a search for the truth. Media reports indicate funding for the Advisory Council will be from the Presidential Secretariat, raising the question of independence and whether the advisers will be held hostage by their paymaster.

The timing of these developments is hardly a coincidence. The international investigation established in accordance with the United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution A/HRC/RES/25/1recently commenced operations. The investigation which is headed by a panel of three eminent internationals, Mr. Martti Ahtisaari, former President of Finland, Ms. Silvia Cartwright, former High Court judge of New Zealand, and Ms. Asma Jahangir, former President of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan. As provided for in the resolution, the investigation will also be able to obtain the assistance of specific special procedures mandate holders. The terms of reference to the investigations spelling out their framework was issued recently and will be a guide for those observing and/or engaging with the process. It is yet to be seen how/if victims and affected parties in Sri Lanka will be able send submissions to the investigations. This in the context of potential security threats in Sri Lanka, especially when Government ministers, officials and those enjoying state support threaten violence and possible prison time against anyone sharing information with the international investigation. It seems truth telling is only allowed if it is before a mechanism approved and provided for by the Government and no other.

The choice of yet another commission to address violations and to seemingly detract from the international investigations comes as no surprise. The expanded mandate and the shift from its original purpose to a broader mandate leads to concerns of attempting to undermine the gravity of disappearances in Sri Lanka for political and possibly other purposes. The fact that many families from across Sri Lanka sent in complaints and some travelled considerable distance for a brief moment to be heard, yet again, is a reminder of the thousands whose whereabouts are unknown and the many questions that require answers.

Is Genuine Truth Telling Possible in Post War Sri Lanka?

Many who complained to the COI have gone before numerous state initiatives introduced to address disappearances including previous commissions and committees. The present COI is perceived by many as yet another state initiative which is unlikely to give any genuine response, similar to the countless before it, but families continue to go before such entities with the hope of finding their loved ones. This is captured by one catholic priest who stated “We do not have any hope now but we want to know if our loved ones are alive or dead”. The high number of complaints received so far by the COI and the perseverance shown by the affected communities in their search for loved ones provide a glimpse into a large number of people still searching for answers. The families who came before the COI had one simple ask which was captured by a mother who came for the Mannar sitting: “I don’t want any government assistance. I only want my son back”. The search for answers was a single uniform thread in the complaints made to the COI and highlights the importance of truth for many affected by violence.

The COI recently held sittings in Mannar District on 8-11 August with as many as 225 invited to make submissions and the COI hearing over 150 complaints in the four days of sittings. Although information about the COI was available to many in Colombo, limited information was available in Mannar. Several in the area when first contacted were unaware of the COI sittings with some stating that information was received only through media and the church. The fact that limited information was available in the areas begs the question whether that in itself deprives families of a basic right to know and to be heard.

Many recounted to the COI how family members disappeared and the cases ranged from those during the war to a few post war incidents. Many recounted of disappearances during the last stage of the war: forcibly recruited by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) or surrendered family members to the security forces who are still missing. A father recounted of how he left his daughter at the Valaignarmadam church as a safety measure during the last stage of the war and how the LTTE had taken all the children at the church amounting to over 400 children being disappeared. He has yet to see his daughter since that day. A woman recounted of her search for her sister, brother-in-law and four year old nephew who disappeared in 2009. The sister’s complaint of the disappeared family is not a unique case. Many families disappeared in their entirety during the war and a critical question to ask is how/if this specific group will be examined. Others recounted of the horrors of war. One informed of attempts to surrender to the security forces during the last days of the war and being fired at by the security forces. Another mother recounted how she had to leave her injured daughter due to continuous shelling, a heart wrenching decision for any parent to make. Another mother recounted of losing her two children, aged seven years and two years in May 2009 when they were fleeing the shelling. Her statement to the COI alleged shelling by the security forces and a chilling reminder of the brutality of war.

Statements by families were emotional with several breaking down before the COI. During their submissions, they were reliving, yet again, the trauma of losing a loved one and the few minutes provided to them hardly do justice to what they have endeavoured. In addition, the questions posed to the families so far lack empathy in the context of deep trauma. Furthermore, statements made by some of the commissioners to the families insinuate the disappeared and/or the families themselves were at fault. This raises the question whether the COI and the Government’s version of truth telling is more damaging than helpful to the families with little evidence to show there is genuine concern to hear grievances of affected communities. And it raises the larger question whether the official narrative has already taken shape with no space for any other.

The Search for the Truth Within a Flawed Framework

The choice of commissions must be examined in the context of the structural framework in place in Sri Lanka and the failure to act on the findings of previous commissions. The framework used to appoint commissions is the Commissions of Inquiry Act No 17 of 1948, providing the Executive with broad powers in the appointment and financing of a commission and deciding next steps in terms of its findings. Most of the reports of past commissions are yet to be made public. One notable exception is the LLRC. The interim and final reports of the LLRC are public but questions remain whether there is substantial progress with the full implementation of its recommendations. These are some of the structural flaws within the present system that require reform. The preference towards commissions and the possibility of their continued use in the future is a good reason to introduce reform, unless the structural framework providing for broad oversight by the Executive and for state interference are the very reasons for its preference.

It is a damning statement on the motives of a Government that promotes a model that is fundamental flawed and with little evidence of reform. The fact that the COI, which previously had a specific mandate, is to now investigate on questions of IHL & IHRL violations can have a devastating impact on the integrity required for the overwhelming numbers of disappearances. The Mannar sittings were the first since the expanded mandate and demonstrated a lack of planning and preparation needed if the broader scope is to be adopted. Immediate reform is needed if the Government is genuinely interested in a truth telling process that leads to truth and justice including a framework that provides for independent mechanisms and processes that give voice to people’s grievances and identify remedial action that is acted upon.

Truth Telling & Lessons for Sri Lanka

Truth telling is an essential tool in a society that witnessed decades of violence. It is fundamental to remember that we cannot black out a chapter of our history, however painful or unpleasant it is. For reconciliation and coexistence to be possible, the whole truth must be known. Unfortunately but unsurprisingly, the official version of what amounts to the truth seems to differ from that of affected communities. In such a context, would the whole truth be possible? Or would it be a partial truth, something that is convenient for the Government but fails the grievances of people?

Attempts at truth telling within a flawed framework, as is the present case, is extremely worrying and will continue to force affected communities to relive their trauma. Furthermore, such a process will be used, as seen with recent practices, to weaken calls for independent investigations and legitimise a flawed process. The fact that many still go before commissions is not a sign of their effectiveness but an indicator of the sheer desperation to find answers when all else has failed. This, if nothing else, should prompt a responsible Government to introduce much needed reform and to initiate an independent mechanism needed in the search for truth and justice. Truth alone cannot dispense justice but it is a critical tool to start a process to end the silence.

This is in response to a statement released by Friday Forum on 01st of June 2014 titled ‘’Post-war realities in the Northern Province’’ signed by Mr. Jayantha Dhanapala, Prof. Savitri Goonesekerere & Mr. Tissa Jayatilaka on behalf of the forum.

Although your representatives, according to your statement, have met cross section of the society in Jaffna & Kilinochchi, they have not made any attempt to seek the opinion of the Leader of Opposition of the Northern Provincial Council in this respect before releasing the statement.

Nevertheless, I wish to place before you my views and concerns with regard to the statement.

The statement inter-alia states that ‘’ Forum is, however, perturbed by the hindrances that impede the proper functioning of the NPC’’. Further it is stated ‘’ It is the sincere hope of Friday Forum that the Governor and the President will extend their vital support and cooperation to the Chief Minister and the duly elected NPC by the provision of the requisite financial and administrative resources to enable the NPC to discharge its duties and responsibilities to the citizenry’’.

Before I place my views and concerns, I wish to bring the following facts for your information.

1. Allocation of funds to the NPC by the Government

1.1 Recurrent Expenditure:

According to the National Budget estimates the recurrent expenditure allocation for the NPC for the year 2014 is Rs.11,622/- million. In terms of per-capita expenditure, this amounts to Rs.16,369/-. The per-capita recurrent expenditure allocation to other eight provinces are less than Rs.10,000/-.

1.2 Capital Expenditure:

According to the National Budget estimates for the year 2014, the NPC has got the largest amount of capital expenditure allocation of Rs.5,831/- million as compared to other eight provinces. The allocation to other provinces are as follows:

Province Amount Allocated

(Rs. Million)

Sabragamuwa 4,580

Central 3,927

Uva 3,873

Eastern 3,546

North Central 3,393

Western 2,755

North Western 2,470

Southern 2,093

Further, the allocation of Rs.5,831/- million for the year is part of Rs.21,967/- million ear-marked for spending through the NPC for the following programmes during the period 2013-2016.

The Government has secured a loan of USD 138.00 million for the above project. The scope of the project is (a) Iranamadu Tank Rehabilitation (b) Water Supply Pipe Lines & 19 Towers (c) Sewerage system for Jaffna MC. This Project was initiated in 2002 and the project feasibility was carried out by SMEC at the request of ADB. The total cost of the project is about Rs.23,000/- million including GOSL contribution. The Government has signed an agreement with the ADB in February 2011 and still continues to pay commitment fees to the ADB for the said commitment.

Since this subject matter is coming under the purview of the Provincial Council, they are the implementing agency. As such, their consent is needed to go ahead with the project. The Provincial Council from the time they were elected to power in September 2013 has been dilly-dallying on giving their consent & because of this delay now the AFD, one of the funder, has indicated their decision to cancel the funding of USD 48.00 million towards this Project. I understand that the ADB may also decide to cancel the loan if the decision is prolonged.

From the above, you would understand whether the Government is extending its support and cooperation to the NPC or not. There is no hindrance or impediment for the NPC to carry out the above Projects and Programmes of works. The only impediment is the inability and inefficiency of the governing body of the NPC for the last 08 Months.

Since the elected body took in charge in September 2013, the Provincial Council has not passed a single statute, except the appropriation Bill. Without passing a statute how can a provincial Council collect its own revenue (In addition to the allocation by the government). Even to administer the subjects in the Provincial Council List statutes need to be passed.

Further, in the election manifesto of the TNA for the Provincial Council Election under the sub heading ‘’Development with National and International Assistance’’, it is stated as follows:

‘’TNA would engage with the Sri Lankan State, the International Community and the Tamil Diaspora to address the issue of long-term investment and aid in the province. The Tamil Diaspora is an important segment in the securing of regeneration andwell being for the affected people and we would obtain their invaluable aid and expertise.’’

In a speech delivered by the Chief Minister Justice C V Wigneswaran at the Taj Samudra Hotel on 13th February 2014 at The National Conference on the theme ‘’Postwar Socio Economic Development’’ , he has inter-alia stated as follows:

‘’On a positive note, during my recent discussions with the President, in the presence of his Secretary, the Secretary to the Treasury and the Secretary to the Cabinet, we discussed the

mutual benefits that could be reaped by the Central Government and the Northern Provincial Council by allowing a smooth flow of funds from our brethren abroad, through State organs. One of the difficulties faced by us was the delay in donor monies reaching us. Since valuable Foreign Currencies could flow into the coffers of the State I said they must ensure the speedy delivery of equivalent local currency to the periphery. The President and his advisors were seemingly very accommodative saying so long as the donations are approved in advance by the State the passage of the finances to their ultimate destination would be unhindered’’.

It is evident from the Chief Minister’s Speech that neither the President nor the government is causing any hindrance to invite funds from the Tamil Diaspora and to start investment as stated in the Election Manifesto. However, up to now not a single investment has come into the Northern Province. Who is responsible for this? Whether it is the inability of the elected body or the impediment caused by the Government?

I trust the above facts would enlighten you on the post-war realities in the Northern Province.

Since your statement was given wider publicity in the media, I am compelled to release this letter to the media in order to enlighten the public on the correctness of your statement.