When will Hollywood make a movie like this instead of movie after movie about WWII?

The Great California GenocidePosted on August 15, 2008 by midtowng( – promoted by navajo) What do you think of when someone says “California”?Beaches? Sunshine? Hollywood? How about the largest act of genocide in American history? “The idea, strange as it may appear, never occurred to them (the I…

Algonquian-Wakashan

The Algonquian-Wakashan language family of North America was one of the most widespread of Native American linguistic stocks; in historical times, tribes speaking its languages extended from coast to coast. Today the surviving languages of the Algonquian-Wakashan family are spoken by about 130,000 people in Canada and a few thousand in the Great Lakes region, Montana, Wyoming, Oklahoma, and the NE United States. The Algonquian branch of the family once had some 50 distinct tongues, among them Algonquin, Arapaho, Blackfoot, Cheyenne, Cree, Delaware, Kickapoo, Menomini, Micmac, Ojibwa (or Chippewa), Penobscot, Sac and Fox, Shawnee, and Yurok. Two other important branches of the Algonquian-Wakashan stock are Salishan and Wakashan. Among the tribes speaking Salishan languages are the Bella Coola, Klallam, Coeur d'Alene, Colville, Nisqualli, Okanogan, Pend d'Oreille, Puyallup, Salish or Flathead, Shuswap, Spokan, and Tillamook. The Salishan tongues are spoken in British Columbia, Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and Montana. Tribes speaking Wakashan languages (used along the Pacific Northwest coast) include the Nootka, Nitinat, Makah, Kwakiutl, Bella Bella, and Kitamat. Polysynthesism characterizes the Algonquian-Wakashan languages, which are inflected and make great use of suffixes. Prefixes are employed to a limited extent.

Nadene and Penutian

The Nadene languages form another linguistic family; its branches include Athabascan, Haida, and Tlingit. The Haida and Tlingit tongues are spoken in parts of Canada and Alaska. As a whole, the Nadene languages have tones that convey meaning and some degree of polysynthesism. The verb is characterized by a reliance on aspect and voice rather than on tense.

The Penutian linguistic stock includes several branches, such as the Maidu, Wintun, and Yokuts language groups, all of which are native to California. Probably also in the Penutian family are the Sahaptin, Chinook, and Tsimshian languages of the Pacific Northwest coast, as well as other tongues in Mexico and parts of Central America. Penutian languages resemble those of the Indo-European family in several ways (for example, they have true cases for the noun).

Hokan-Siouan

The Hokan-Siouan family is thought to include a number of linguistic groups, but the classification of some of them is still disputed. Among the groups generally considered branches of the Hokan-Siouan stock are Muskogean, whose languages include such tongues as Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole, which are spoken in Oklahoma and Florida; Caddoan, composed of the Caddo, Wichita, Pawnee, and Arikara languages found in Oklahoma and North Dakota; Yuman, with individual languages (such as Cocopa, Havasupai, Kamia, Maricopa, Mohave, Yavapaí, and Yuma) in Arizona and California; Iroquoian, to which belong the Seneca, Cayuga, Onandaga, Mohawk, Oneida, Wyandot, and Tuscarora languages spoken in New York, Wisconsin, and Oklahoma, as well as the Cherokee tongue found in Oklahoma and North Carolina; and Siouan, which includes Catawba (in South Carolina), Winnebago (in Wisconsin and Nebraska), Osage (in Nebraska and Oklahoma), Dakota and Assiniboin (in Minnesota, North Dakota, South Dakota, Montana, and Nebraska), and Crow (in Montana). Languages of the Hokan-Siouan stock are also found in Mexico and parts of Central America. These Hokan-Siouan languages tend to be agglutinative; various word elements, each having a fixed meaning and an independent existence, are merged to form a single word.

Aztec-Tanoan

The two principal branches of the Aztec-Tanoan linguistic stock are Uto-Aztecan and Tanoan, and their languages are spoken in areas extending from the NW United States to Mexico and Central America. Uto-Aztecan has such subdivisions, or groups, as Nahuatlan, whose languages are spoken in Mexico and parts of Central America, and Shoshonean, to which Comanche, Hopi, Paiute, Shoshone, and Ute belong. Ute and Paiute are found in Utah, Nevada, California, and Arizona; Comanche and Shoshone are spoken in Wyoming, Nevada, Utah, California, and Oklahoma; Hopi is found in Arizona. The languages of the Tanoan branch of Aztec-Tanoan are spoken in the Rio Grande valley, New Mexico, and Arizona. Zuñi (found in New Mexico) may be connected with Tanoan. The Aztec-Tanoan languages show a degree of polysynthesism.

Ramaytush (also called San Francisco) is also the name of their spoken language, listed as one of the Coastanoan dialects in the Utian family.

Their territory was bordered on most sides by water, except in the south by the Tamyen and Awaswas Ohlone people.

Today, the Ramaytush have joined with the other San Francisco Bay Area Ohlone people under the name of the Muwekma Ohlone Tribe. The Muwekma Ohlone are currently petitioning for U.S. federal recognition.

COPYRIGHT 2004 Wayne State University Press

Before European contact, the western edge of North America exhibited an exceptionally high level of linguistic diversity (Campbell 1997; Mithun 1999), with 90 separate languages being spoken in California alone (Moratto 1984). This great diversity has been cited as evidence for a greater antiquity of human occupation in these regions than in the rest of the Americas [J. Nichols 1990; but see also Nettle (1998)]. Particular patterns of this diversity have also been used to formulate hypotheses of human migration and expansions in western North America as well as a higher-level subgrouping that is presumed to reflect closer relationships among certain groups of Native American populations.

Dixon and Kroeber (1913) first proposed the existence of the Hokan and Penutian language superstocks in California. California Penutian includes four language families--Wintuan, Maiduan, Yokutsan, and Utian (which itself includes the Miwok and Costanoan subfamilies)--which are further subdivided into approximately 30 distinct languages. Hokan languages include a number of language families in California, the Yuman languages in Baja and the southwestern United States, and Washo on the western edge of the Great Basin (Campbell 1997; Campbell and Mithun 1979; Mithun 1999). The notable nonrandom distribution of various Penutian and Hokan languages has long suggested to prehistorians a wave or waves of Penutian migrations into California. Penutian speakers eventually occupied the interior valley extending to the coast around the San Francisco Bay Area, whereas a number of Hokan-speaking populations occupied the periphery of the Central Valley (Moratto 1984). This ring of Hokan-speaking groups surrounding a contiguous body of Penutian-speaking tribes suggests to some that at one time the whole of California was occupied by Hokan speakers who were later displaced to the valley periphery by an expansion of Penutian speakers from a central California homeland (Kroeber 1935).

The "Hokan-Penutian" hypothesis has had considerable influence on interpretations of California prehistory (Breschini 1983; Moratto 1984). Glottochronological estimates for the age of the Utian branch of the Penutian stock (the Miwok and Costanoan language families) in California fall between 4500 and 5200 years B.P. (Callaghan 1997; Moratto 1984). This date coincides closely with the appearance of the Windmiller pattern in the Central Valley, suggesting that the Windmiller pattern represents the earliest presence of Penutian peoples in the area (Fredrickson 1973; Ragir 1972). Archeological characteristics of Windmiller mortuary practices include extended burials, the presence of Haliotis and Olivella beads, characteristic charm stones, red ochre, and large projectile points (Ragir 1972). Similar archeological elements at the Kramer Cave site in western Nevada further suggest cultural contact between Great Basin peoples and the coeval Windmiller cultures, whereas red ochre, charm stones, and large, contracting stem-and-leaf-shaped projectile points suggest links between Windmiller and the Dalles sites in Oregon (9800-6000 years B.P.) on the Columbia Plateau (Hattori 1982), where other languages that are sometimes assigned to the Penutian superstock of languages are spoken (Sapir 1929). Foster (1996) associated Windmiller with Proto-Utian and placed their homeland in the northwestern Great Basin or on the Columbia Plateau, as suggested by similarities in the Altithermal cultures in these regions. Mitochondrial DNA of ancient burials at Pyramid Lake and Stillwater Marsh in western Nevada closely resembles that of modern California Penutians but not that of the neighboring Washo population (a Hokan-speaking group) in the Sierra Nevada (Kaestle and Smith 2001). The argument then suggests that all these areas--the western Great Basin, the Columbia Plateau, and the California Central Valley--were once occupied by closely related people who spoke languages of the Penutian stock.

The vast majority of unadmixed modern Native Americans are members of one of five maternal founding lineages or haplogroups, designated as haplogroups A, B, C, D, and X (Brown et al. 1998; Forster et al. 1996; Schurr et al. 1990; Torroni et al. 1993). These haplogroups are readily distinguished by the gain or loss of one or more restriction sites or, in the case of haplogroup B, by the presence or absence of a 9 base pair deletion in the COII-tRN[A.sup.lys] intergenic region (Schurr et al. 1990) and are associated with corresponding point mutations in the control region (CR) of the mtDNA (Torroni et al. 1993). Each haplogroup can be further divided into multiple discrete haplotypes, or groups of closely related haplotypes, on the basis of additional CR mutations (Torroni et al. 1993).

In North America the distribution of the five haplogroups is decidedly nonrandom, and significant regional patterning exists (Lorenz and Smith 1996; Smith et al. 1999). Studies of ancient mtDNA diversity in North America reveal that Native American haplogroup frequency distributions in some regions exhibit marked temporal and regional continuity (Carlyle et al. 2000; O'Rourke et al. 2000). Carlyle et al. (2000) demonstrated that the haplogroup frequency distribution of ancient human remains associated with the Anasazi cultural tradition in the American Southwest is not significantly different from that of modern Pueblo populations, such as the Zuni. This study provides biological and cultural evidence for unbroken ancestor or descendant relationships in the American Southwest, spanning at least the last 2000 years. In contrast, Kaestle and Smith (2001) demonstrated that ancient western Great Basin populations are genetically dissimilar to modern populations in the same region, probably because of a population spread of Numic speakers into the Great Basin from Southern California approximately 1000 years B.P. (Bettinger and Baumhoff 1982).

Although on a general worldwide level there is a relatively high correspondence between genes and language (Cavalli-Sforza et al. 1992), this relationship might not hold on more local levels (Shields et al. 1993; Ward et al. 1993). Some Native American populations that lack close linguistic ties in the Pacific Northwest share similar haplogroup frequency distributions and several distinct mtDNA haplotypes (Ward et al. 1993), but most Native American populations in western North America have not been studied. Similarly, Uto-Aztecan-speaking and Yuman-speaking populations in the Southwest share similarities in their mtDNA without any apparent close linguistic ties (Lorenz and Smith 1996; Malhi et al. 2003).

The present study uses mtDNA to investigate the genetic relationships among a broader range of populations in western North America, an area that exhibited considerable linguistic diversity at the time of European contact. Because the patterning of this linguistic diversity has been used to generate hypotheses of prehistoric population movements and expansions, we examine the distribution of mtDNA haplogroups and haplotypes in the context of this linguistic diversity and the archeological record.

Subjects and Methods

Haplogroup identities of 584 Native Americans, representing 11 populations, and sequences from a segment of the first hypervariable region (HVS1) of the control region (np 16,090-16365) of 265 of these individuals were gathered from previously published sources, cited in Table 1 (Kaestle and Smith 2001; Johnson and Lorenz 2003; Malhi 2001; Malhi et al. 2003; Shields et al. 1993; Ward et al. 1991, 1993). Sequences that could not be assigned to one of the five known Native American founding haplogroups were not included in these analyses. Although some unassigned...