Camel production is a major source of
livelihood for the pastoralists in the drier parts of Kenya.
The majority of these camels are raised under traditional
management systems that are not well understood by both
researchers and policy makers. This paper looks at the
ecological, management and socio-economic aspects of
camel production among the Somali community of Moyale
District, northern Kenya. Besides a thorough literature
search, a survey was conducted to collect data on these
aspects. The results show that the Somali pastoralists have
evolved rational strategies for adapting to the prevailing
production conditions of fluctuating forage amounts, and
inadequate water and mineral salts. Some of the strategies
include herd splitting, watering intervals and salt supplementation.

Several aspects of the production system indicate the
patoralists’ inability to relate their management practices to
certain phenomena. A few of these are restriction of initial
colostrum milk supply to calves and calf mortality, irregular
supply of mineral salts, and breeding practices that tend to
cause inbreeding. Inadequate veterinary services due to lack
of access to drugs and veterinarians constitute major
constraints to camel production. The results indicate the need
to educate the pastoralists on management practices that
would improve camel productivity, as there is potential for
improvement using simple techniques.

INTRODUCTION

The Somali are one of the multi-state
communities of Eastern Africa. Somalia is their
main state, but they also occupy a large part of
Djibuoti, northern Kenya and southern Ethiopia
rangelands, loosely referred to as arid and semiarid
lands (ASAL). Unpredictable rainfall, long
periods of drought, limited water, and inadequate
knowledge and technology of water resource
management characterize the ASAL. There is
also rapid population growth, coupled with low
or declining real incomes, low nutritional levels,
serious environmental degradation, and the
externalities of modernization and economic
development (Darkoh, 1996).

Somali pastoralists are a camel community
mainly because of the dry and harsh environment
they live in; pastoralists, by definition, being
those who primarily derive their living from the
management of livestock on rangelands (Prior,
1994). There is no other community in the world
where the camel plays such a pivotal role in the
local economy and culture as in the Somali
community. According to the UN Food and
Agriculture Organization (FAO, 1979) estimates,
there are approximately 15 million dromedary
camels in the world, of which 65% are found in
the northeast African states of Somalia, Ethiopia,
Sudan and Kenya. The Somali community (in
Kenya, Somalia and Ethiopia) has the largest
population and highest density of camels in the
world, and to the same extent this animal also
pervades the Somali culture. Historically, the
geographical area that is now Somalia may have
been a focal point in the introduction and
dispersal of the domesticated dromedary
(Abokor, 1993).

The possession of a certain amount of
livestock and of physical strength are the primary
requirements for survival and success in the
demanding environment of Somali pastoral
nomads. The climatic and geographic conditions
prompt the Somali pastoral nomads to pursue
animal husbandry with constant movement from
place to place in search of better pasture and
water. This economic system in part determines
social relations and institutions and creates a
division of labour whereby tasks essential for
survival are allocated to particular groups of
people.

The camel is an important livestock species
uniquely adapted to hot and arid environments
(Schwartz, 1992) and therefore contributes
significantly to the food security of the nomadic
pastoral households. This unique adaptability
makes it ideal for exploitation under the ASAL
conditions. The contribution of camels to the
human welfare of developing countries, including
Kenya, is generally obscured by a combination
of several factors, which tend to underestimate
their true value. Firstly, the estimates of camel
populations are usually inaccurate due to lack of
regular census. Secondly, their products seldom
enter a formal marketing system; thus their
contribution to subsistence and the national
economy tends to be grossly underestimated. As
a consequence, less attention has been given to
camel improvements for many years when
planning national development. For example, the
major livestock development effort in Kenya
between 1969 and 1982 (funded by the European
Community) aimed at developing range areas
completely ignored the camel (Njiru, 1993).

In Somali occupied northern Kenya, camels
are raised under traditional management systems.
However, the changing socio-economic and
environmental conditions are leading to a change
in pastoral production systems from mainly
subsistence towards market orientation.
Generally, there are few practical, result-oriented
studies on camel production. Wilson and Bourzat
(1988) stated that the vast amount of research in
the last two decades has contributed little to
increased productivity. This has been attributed
to the fact that most studies have had little general
application to the practical aspects of camel
production under pastoral production systems.

Pastoral camel production is under pressure
because of multiple changes in the production
environment. Increasing human population
pressure on pastoral grazing areas and the
economic implications resulting from diseases
and lack of veterinary services are some of the
factors that adversely affect traditional camel
production. Additionally, reproductive performance
is low in camels due to late first parturition,
long parturition intervals, and high calf
mortality. Improvement of the reproductive
performance and reduction of animal losses by
management measures that are applicable to a
mobile system appear to offer possibilities of
increasing camel productivity and capacity to
support the increasing human population. An
adequate understanding of traditional camel
production practices forms the foundation upon
which improvement and innovations could be
based. Using Moyale District as a case, this study
was carried out in order to understand the status
of traditional camel production systems of the
Somali camel keeping pastoralists.

METHODS

Study Area

This study was carried out in Moyale District,
northern Kenya. The district lies in the 80%
portion of Kenya designated as ASAL, which
accounts for 25% of Kenya’s human population,
50% of the national cattle herd, 70% of sheep
and goats, and 100% of camels (Brown, 1994).
It is one of the eight districts of the northern
Kenya rangelands, with the majority (85%) of
the population comprising pastoralists rearing
mainly camels, but also cattle, sheep, goats and
donkeys (GoK, 1997). The one-humped camel
(camelus dromedarius) constitutes a significant
component of animal production in the district.
Because of lack of regular census, there are no
reliable livestock population data for the district.
However, of the estimated 872,000–903,000
camels in Kenya (Surt, 1993; Karue, 1994),
274,000 are found in the former Marsabit
District, which included the current Moyale
District.

Moyale District is situated between 38o 16’
and 39o 21’ East and 02o 11’ and 02o 4’ North,
bordering Ethiopia to the north, Marsabit District
to the southwest and Wajir District to the south
and east. It covers about 9,749km2 and falls
within agro-ecological zones IV and V (Pratt and
Gwyne, 1977). Most of the district is an extensive
low-lying plateau marking the southern limit of
the Ethiopian highlands, with numerous ridges,
hills and valleys between 500 and 1,220m. The
district is hot and dry, with maximum temperatures
and annual rainfall averaging 35oC and
725mm, respectively (Shongolo, 1994). The
dominant vegetation consists of mixed Acacia
woodland on stony soils and Acacia-commiphora
bush on deeper soils. There is a regular grass
cover depending on rainfall. Surface water
sources (excavated dams, pans, seasonal streams)
are scarce. Sub-surface water sources (boreholes,
shallow wells) provide water for both domestic
and livestock needs. The water facilities are
unevenly distributed, with water points being
concentrated on the already settled areas such as
Moyale, Sololo, Godoma and Borri.

The population of Moyale District is about
36,973 (Gok, 1997), composed mainly of Somali
and Borana ethnic groups, most of them
concentrated around Moyale Town because of
higher rainfall, better infrastructure and more
water. Pastoralism and subsistence crop farming
predominate. Some of the pastoralists live in
permanent settlements, but also maintain fora
(mobile livestock) camps. The target population
for this study was the Somali nomadic pastoralists
keeping camels. These are considered highly
knowledgeable with regard to care and management
of camels (Evans et al., 1995; Clarfield et
al., 1995).

Data Collection and Analysis

A thorough literature search was carried out
to determine the history and socio-economic
aspects of the camel among the Somali community.
Primary data on management and reproductive
performance were collected using two
separate questionnaires. These were a structured
management questionnaire for qualitative and
quantitative information, and a progeny life
history questionnaire. The management questionnaire
covered management issues, which fall
under the managerial control of the pastoralists
and were anticipated to affect production
parameters or were suggested as production constraints
in literature (O’Leary, 1985; Rutagweda,
1983; Field, 1993).

A multi-stage sampling procedure was
adopted for the primary sampling units (administrative
locations) and secondary units (nomadic
camps). To ensure a representative sample, the
breeding female camels were selected randomly
from camels in the locations and nomadic camps.
The progeny history method advocated by Swift
(1981) was used to collect information on
reproductive performance, and involved recording
the complete life history of breeding females
chronologically, event by event. This was made
possible by the existence of an indigenous
calendar system (Table 1). Fifty-six herders were
interviewed using the management questionnaire.

In order to determine reproductive performance,
1,208 records of 416 breeding females, with at
least one parturition were analysed. The indigenous
calendar system is based on traditional
methods of naming years. The pastoralists name
their years according to the days of the week;
hence every seven years the names of the years
repeat. In addition to having a specific name for
each month, the year is also classified into four
distinct seasons. These are long and short, or
rainy and dry seasons. The calendar system and
the specification of seasons enabled the precise
collection of life history data as “dates” (e.g.,
when the camel was born) rather than “ages” (i.e.,
how old it is). Thus, it was possible to determine
the dates of events in the history of an animal to
the nearest quarter.

Table 1: Indigenous names corresponding to the last 20
years of production

Descriptive statistics (frequencies, percentages)
of traditional husbandry practices and
reproductive performance were derived. The data
were analysed using Panacea data management
computer package (PAN Livestock Services,
1986). Information from the progeny history
questionnaire was compiled into databases for
quantitative analysis.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

History of the Camel in the Somali
Community

As advocated by Bulliet (1975), camels were
present in Africa during pre-Roman times. They
first entered Africa through southern Arabia and
the Horn of Africa. Bulliet supports his contention
with a number of facts. First, Somali camel
husbandry is very similar in its focus on milk
production to the southern Arabia management
type and in marked contrast to Saharan patterns
of utilization that concentrate on using the animal
as a beast of burden. Secondly, Bulliet contends
that it is unlikely that camel husbandry could have
spread into Somalia from the north, i.e., via the
Sudan, since differences in climatic regime would
have interfered with the camel’s reproduction.

By contrast, the climate in Somalia (including
northeastern Kenya) and southern Arabia is very
similar, especially in regard to the monsoonal
rainfall scheme, which is a determining factor in
the camel’s breeding season. Thirdly, there are
technological parallels between camel saddles in
Somalia and the island of Socotra, which Bulliet
presumes to be a staging point in the spread of
the camel from Arabia to Somalia. This last
presumption is supported by Socotran rock
drawings of camels that are tentatively dated to
the 10th century B.C. (Köhler-Rollefson, 1993).

Altogether, Bulliet’s scenario, which draws on
such a wide variety of arguments, is credible and
appealing. The presence of a “colony” of
domesticated dromedaries of southern Arabian
origin in the Horn of Africa during the 1st and
possibly as early as the 2nd millennium B.C. could
also account for occasional pre-Ptolemaic
incursions into areas further north, such as Sudan
and Nubia. It is possible that a population of
domesticated dromedaries existed in a circumscribed
area in the Horn of Africa much earlier
than 1st century B.C., and that occasionally
camels or at least knowledge of and familiarity
with them, filtered into the African countries
further to the north. Such an interpretation would
accommodate two of the different viewpoints on
the circumstances of the camel’s introduction into
Africa. However, the third hypothesis of local
domestication of the African dromedary cannot
be totally discounted. While it is certain that the
African dromedary is taxonomically not distinct
from its Arabian cousin, this does not preclude
independent domestication in Africa. There is,
however, at present no evidence available to
support this theory, although this might be due
to our current lack of knowledge of Africa’s more
distant past. In the same line, it could be added
that even Bulliet’s well-developed conclusions
are only hypothetical, resting on probabilities not
yet corroborated by archaeological evidence.

Verification of an early date for the introduction
of the camel into Africa via Somalia will require
systematic surveys and excavations to document
the movement of an Arabian population into the
Horn of Africa as well as the recovery of camel
bones or pertinent artefacts from correlated
stratified deposits (Köhler-Rollefson, 1993).

The Socio-economic Importance of the Camel

Camels play an important role in the local
economy of the Somali community. There is little
agricultural land in most of northern Kenya and
therefore most of the area is devoted to an
extensive form of nomadic pastoralism. Camels
are essential to the subsistence of the Somali
pastoralists. In the Somali context, the monetary
importance of camels depends on the way they
are used in the pastoral system. There is growing
tendency towards monetarization of the
traditional subsistence economy of pastoralists.

Highly attractive prices and strong incentives are
causing more and more pastoralists to enter the
market. The importance of the camel for the
Somalis, however, arises primarily from its
provision of milk and meat within the subsistence
economy, and its use as a beast of burden for
transporting milk to the market, water from wells,
and household belongings when the families
move to new areas.

Besides its economic importance, the camel
has a social and cultural importance for the
Somalis. Of the domestic livestock they raise,
camels are the most highly valued. Somalis have
eloquently described the practical uses of the
camel in their vast oral literature (Abokor, 1986).
Apart from their value in terms of milk and meat,
and as transport animals, camels are prized
according to their role in traditional social
relations, e.g., the payment of bride wealth and
compensation of injured parties in tribal feuds.
In the case of tribal feuds, camels are the only
means of payment of blood money to the lineage
of the deceased (Hussein, 1993).

Somali pastoralists see camels as a banking
system or security against drought, disease, and
the other natural calamities that affect smaller
stock more seriously. Their lineage members
commonly provide households that lose their
livestock due to drought with camels. Camels also
act as a linking factor between different lineage
groups and promote group solidarity. Even
though a man inherits camels at birth from his
father and camels are individually owned, they
are at the same time the collective property of a
particular patrilineage.

Camel Management

Proper husbandry and sound management
techniques are the reasons for the success of
Somali camel pastoralists in an environment
characterized by erratic rainfall and frequent
droughts. Observations and discussions with
camel herders revealed that selection and
breeding are the most important husbandry
techniques in camel management. These and
other management practices are discussed below.

Breeding Management

Breeding management consists of selection
and/or culling of breeding female and male
animals, and controlled breeding. Regarding the
selection of breeding females, all females were
used fro breeding. This can be explained by the
fact that, in general, there is hardly any possibility
to select among females in larger livestock
species. This is particularly so due to high calf
mortality, long gestation periods, and the need
to build stock size. Culling of breeding females
also plays only a minor role among pastoral camel
herders. While culling might be desirable from a
performance-oriented point, the pastoralists’
attitude seems rational and may be justified when
considering the slow herd growth in camels. Elmi
(1989) and Adan (1995) reported that breeding
management usually focused on bull selection
and pastoralists selected their breeding bulls
according to specific criteria. The herders interviewed
widely agreed on the perceived proper
criteria. Consideration was given to the bull’s
dam (milk production, fitness), bull’s sire (fitness)
and bull’s performance ranking (body confirmation,
fitness, docility, disease, drought tolerance).

Once a bull was selected, he usually served
as long as possible. Some herders have reported
periods of up to 18 years. Such long active breeding
is also common in Somalia (Elmi, 1989).

The present study revealed that sires were kept
in the herd for an average of between 4.5 and 7
years.

Breeding control is an aspect considered
important by the herders. More than half of the
respondents indicated that they kept two bulls.
However, only the desired bull was usually
grazed together with breeding females. All the
unwanted males were either kept separately from
the herd or castrated. Where the household herd
was split, the breeding bull was usually kept in
the nomadic herd. Under such circumstances, it
is possible that for the females kept in the homebased
herd, this practice may retard the onset of
reproductive function during late lactation due
to the absence of male stimuli. In the production
system studied, 69% of the offspring indicated
that they allowed the bull to serve his own female
offspring when the latter reached puberty.

Furthermore, most of the breeding bulls (70%)
were selected from within the herd. Only a few
bulls were borrowed (17%) from outside. Thus,
limited new genetic material is introduced into
the camel population. It is highly possible, therefore,
that the local breeding management practices
contribute to a substantial inbreeding
depression in the herds.

In selecting breeding stock, herders pay great
attention to two main factors in a camel—its
appearance and behaviour, and the pedigree of
young males. These young males are given
special treatment, care and unrestricted suckling
of their dams. By the time they reach the age of
5–6 years, as young potential sires, they are
allowed limited breeding; only after their
offspring have been proven will they be used
intensively. The progeny of these males are
judged by Somali standards—milk production,
colour, size and other parameters (Wilson, 1984).

An outstanding male camel with a breeding
lifetime of 15–20 years, can serve 150–200
female camels during a successful breeding
season. Such males, besides ordinary grazing,
receive supplements such as ghee, sesame oil and
bran. During non-rutting seasons, they are usually
kept separate from the females and given special
treatment and exercise. Such breeding sires are
not used for transport, unless other means of
transport is not available. Breeding males used
at the same time for transport purposes are called
baarfuran, from the Somali words baar—
meaning the hair on the top of the hump, and
furan—meaning opened or withered away; while
those breeding males that have never been used
for transport, and therefore have their hair
covering on the hump intact, are called baarqab.

The breeding of camels coincides with the
rainy seasons. This seasonality ties in with the
browse situation and accordingly the physical
situation of the animal. The gu and deyr rainy
seasons are the periods when there is a variety of
green vegetation and temperatures are relatively
mild, therefore body metabolism is high. Most
of the female camels breed during the gu and the
remaining during the deyr. However, if there is
abundant browse, water and other favourable
conditions, camel breeding could occur all the
year round.

The gestation period of camels is about 13
months. This means that camels which mated in
the gu season will calve during the next gu
season, and those which mated during the deyr
season will calve the next deyr season. Normally
camels reach sexual maturity at the age of 4–5
years, depending on the breed and the forage
situation; Somali camel herders rarely let them
breed before they reach full physical maturity at
5–6 years of age. A female camel accordingly
has her first calf at 6–7 years of age. Thus, under
normal conditions, a female camel that gives birth
every other year will have between 8 and 10
calves in her breeding life of around 25–30 years.

Somali camel herders can detect pregnancy
in camels as early as 7–10 days after successful
mating. Specific symptoms of camels' pregnancy
recognized by herders are lifting and coiling
upwards of the tail and curving of the neck when
approached by a male camel, nervousness, lifting
upwards of the head and pointing of the ears. A
number of other more scientific methods for the
determination of camel pregnancy have been
developed. These include the determination of
the pH and the specific gravity of the cervical
mucous (Elmi, 1989).

Camel calving is difficult, and may occur at
any time of the day. Therefore, as soon as the
signs of imminent delivery are seen, herders take
a careful watch. The Somali culture forbids
women, especially those in menstruation, to
approach a camel in labour for fear that either
the calf will die or the camel will contract udder
infection or retain the placenta. If a woman
approaches a camel during labour or immediately
after delivery, she is compelled to let the newborn
calf smell her sweat or clothing as a kind of
vaccination against any misfortune.

Calf Management

Calf management is considered important by
herders and is given considerable attention. This
was revealed by the fact that 96% of the calving
was attended to so as to intervene in case of
problems such dystocia. The respondents (68%)
also indicated first suckling as taking place
between one and three hours post calving. In
addition, herders consider sufficient milk supply,
provision of water during the dry season,
provision of good pasture and tick control as
important calf care measures. However, in
agreement with the observation of Schwartz
(1992) and Farah (1995), the majority of the
respondents (75%) did not allow their calves to
access initial colostrum, but instead milked it out.

This arises from a belief that colostrum will result
in ill-health to newborn calves. The herders
consider high amounts of colostrum ingested by
the calf to cause digestive problem. According
to Yagil (1994), the above mentioned belief is
probably due to the normal powerful laxative
effect of colostrum. It is highly possible that the
high calf mortality usually reported could be
attributed to this practice of denying the calves
access to colostrum, among other possible
causes. Contrary to the existing belief, colostrum
is very rich in immunoglobulins and imparts
passive immunity to the otherwise unprotected
newborn calves (Yagil, 1994). Furthermore,
colostrum’s laxative properties initialise the
normal activity of the elementary canal.

Weaning of calves is at the age of 8–18
months, depending on the browse situation, the
milk production of the dam, the growth of the
calf and the ultimate use of the calf (future
breeding, sale or slaughter). Several different
systems of weaning are practised by the Somali
camel herders, of which the most prominent are:
tying the dam’s teats with a softened bark
(maraq); making a small incision in the skin of
the calf’s nose-tip and inserting Acacia thorns
that will prick the dam whenever the calf tries to
suckle; and making a small incision at the top of
the calf’s tongue and inserting a piece of wood
that will hurt the calf when it tries to suckle. After
complete weaning, the selection of future sires
is made, and the rejected males at this age are
castrated, sold or slaughtered. The objectives of
castration are to prevent unwanted breeding,
fattening for sale and to facilitate handling and
training of future burden camels. Castration is
done during the cooler but drier parts of the rainy
season when there is abundant browse, the
general condition of the animal is excellent and
the presence of flies minimal. The most common
method of castration is the opening of the scrotum
and either breaking the epidedimus or pulling out
of the testes. The wound is then treated with
traditional medicinal plants.

Herd and Range Resource Management

The aspects of management practices whose
results are presented and selected for detailed
discussion reflect those that were, or have the
likelihood of being, critical for successful
production. Some of the specific Somali camel
herding and range management practices are
rotational browsing, herd splitting, salt
supplementation and watering.

For Somali camel pastoralists, the rainy
season plays the decisive role in their
management decisions. They have developed an
elaborate subdivision of the seasons, related to
the rotational use of the browsing areas (Table
2). This system of migration is in harmony with
the harsh environmental conditions and
unreliable rainfall.

As already pointed out, the success of
pastoralism stems from well-adapted principles
and strategies designed to overcome the harsh
and variable conditions dominant in arid areas
(Oba and Lusigi, 1987). The intimate knowledge
of the environment common to many of the
pastoralists allows a great flexibility in decisionmaking
and enhanced ability to utilize all
resources available (Farah et al., 1996). The
present study reveals that the Somali camel
herders of Moyale District adopt herd splitting
as a risk spreading strategy. They split their herds
into home-based herds (usually lactating) and
nomadic herds (mostly dry). Home-based herds
were kept close to settlements with possible
deficiency in forage supply, whereas nomadic
herds utilized better distant pastures. Lusigi
(1981) reported that overgrazing around
settlements and under-utilisation of remote
grazing areas constituted signs of mismanagement
of grazing resources. Herd splitting aims
at reducing competition for forage and water
resources between herds, thereby optimising
pasture utilisation. The strategy appears to be a
desirable and realistic attempt to utilise range
resources more evenly while maintaining the
productivity of the animals. The strategy also
guarantees continued provision of milk for settled
families. When surplus milk is available, it is sold
in settlements to provide cash income for other
family needs. Thus, the strategy responds to both
the needs of the camel and those of the family.
The management of the herd this way ensures a
sustainable flow of benefits from the camels to
the households while coping with production
constraints.

Salt Supplementation

Camels have a high salt requirement than
other livestock (Wilson, 1994). In general,
ruminants in tropical regions do not receive
mineral supplements other than ordinary common
salt (sodium chloride), but depend on pastures
for their mineral needs (Mcdowell et al., 1995).
The observation of Macdowell (1995) that such
animals consume a considerable amount of earth
was confirmed by the present study. However,
the mineral contents in soils are highly variable.
The importance of salt for camels is common
knowledge among camel herders. In the study
area, camels depend on salt plants (halophytes),
salty soils (kuro) and sometimes commercial salt
supplements for their mineral needs. Most
herders (70%) claim to follow a regular
deficiency preventive routine. Camels kept in the
home-based herd were more frequently supplemented
with purchased salt. This was attributed
to the fact that they had limited access to distant
grazing areas with salt plants. “Salt deficiency
symptoms” revealed by the herders included
chewing bones, eating soils from anthills, reduced
milk yield, reduced water intake, and increased
straying in search of salty plants.

Periodic salt supplementation was reportedly
done once or twice a year in Somalia (Elmi, 1989)
and six to seven times in Kenya (Ayuko, 1985).
Mineral deficiency can cause a high susceptibility
to skin disease (Dioli and Stimmelmayr, 1992;
Bornstein, 1995) and consequently affect
production. In addition, there are risks of loss or
predation when animals stray or break out of
night enclosures in search of salty plants. Camels
manifesting bone chewing (pica), an indication
of poor mineral nutrition, was reported by 98%
of the respondents. Further, 81% of the respondents
claimed to have seen their calves born with
bent or weak legs, which recovered later in life.
A possible reason for the calf-hood defects is
the insufficient concentration of calcium and
phosphorus in the bone matrices (rickets) in
calves from deficient dams. This suggests that
mineral deficiency is widespread, posing constraints
to the performance of camels.

Watering

The watering interval for the camels was
generally in agreement with that of Evans et al.
(1995) who reported an interval of between 7–
10 days among the Somalis. It was also close to
the range of 8–14 days given by Cossins and
Upton (1987) for the Borana tribesmen. In
Somalia, the watering interval for camels is 14–
21 days, decreasing to 6–7 days during severe
dry seasons (Elmi, 1989). The overall picture in
the current study is that the home-based herds
were more frequently watered than the nomadic
herds (after 6 and 10 days respectively) This may
be explained by differences in forage availability,
the water content in the forage, and distance to
water sources. The nomadic herds are less frequently
watered because they feed in areas with
good and relatively plentiful forage, usually far
from watering points. Watering intervals are
particularly important in lactating camels. This
is because water deprivation has been reported
to influence milk yield and milk quality. For
example, in an experimental study in northern
Kenya, Simpkin (1983) reported that dehydration
affected daily milk yield, with yields being
significantly higher on the day after watering than
the day before watering. Grenot (1992) also
reported that a dehydrated camel was found to
produce milk with higher water content and lower
fat content when compared with the milk of fully
watered camels.

Lack of water is generally a limiting factor to
pasture utilisation in pastoral areas. In these areas,
the challenge associated with water scarcity is
compounded by high ambient temperatures and
high solar radiation, in addition to poor nutrition.
Additionally, watering interval determines the
foraging radius around water sources. Thus,
watering management is closely related to
grazing management. Upton (1986) reported that
inappropriate distribution of water points for
livestock could limit rangeland use, leading to
partial overgrazing and partial under-utilisation
of the rangeland. Long watering intervals
reported in the present study are part of grazing
management. They take into account the
available forage quality and distribution of water
points. The herders, therefore, seem to
compensate for low water intake through forage
by reducing watering intervals during the dry
seasons. The distance to the nearest watering
point and the labour required to water herds may
also constitute major constraints to watering
frequency in camels. Better utilisation of
rangelands could, thus, be achieved by improving
water supply and distribution, security, and
predator control.

CAMEL PRODUCTIVITY AND
REPRODUCTIVE PERFORMANCE

Milk and Meat Production

Most of the husbandry and management
practices of the Somali camel herders are geared
towards the improvement of milk production and
the continuous supply of milk for the family’s
needs throughout the seasons. Milk production
of Somali camels is 5–6kg. This production
depends on the breed of the camel, its age, the
lactation period, the season of the year and the
availability of browse and water. Somali camels
give higher milk yields at the end of the gu and
deyr seasons. This coincides with the end of the
rainy season, when plants have matured and there
is an abundance of many types of vegetation.

Under exceptionally favourable conditions,
Somali camels can potentially produce more than
15 litres of milk a day during the peak of their
lactation. Camels are usually milked twice a
day—morning and evening; however, if the need
arises they can be milked every 2–3 hours.

Milking of camels is very easy compared to cows,
is done with the fingers and is performed by one
man. If the camel is very productive, it takes at
least two men to milk it. Traditionally only men
were allowed to milk camels, but nowadays, due
to shortage of labour, women do also milk them.
Meat is another important source of food from
camels. In general, Somali camel herders never
slaughter a camel for meat unless compelled by
circumstances. Herders will slaughter a camel,
especially a male calf, for meat during periods
of drought when there is huge competition for
milk between suckling calves and the members
of the family. Other occasions when camels may
be slaughtered are during very important
religious ceremonies and weddings, or when
camels are either crippled by predators or
seriously injured.

Production of Calves

The age at first calving and calving interval
in the present study were 57.4±12.8 (n=296) and
27.4±9.3 (n=528) months respectively. Mean
calving for the breeding females in the sample
was 2.92 calves, with a range of 1–10 (n=416).
The overall calf survival from birth to weaning
(12 months) was 72% (n=1,204). The abortion
rate as calculated from progeny history for the
herds of the respondents was 11.9%. Fifty-six
per cent of the respondents kept breeding bulls
born in their herd.

The age at first calving (57.4±12.8 months)
reported in this study is close to 58 months
estimated by Field and Simpkin (1985) in
rationally managed camel herds in Kenya, and
the 58.8 months reported by Wilson (1995) from
a study in Niger. However, it is higher than the
average of 54.2±2.8 months for many ranch herds
in Kenya, as reported by Wilson (1995). This is
as expected because of the better management
of ranch herds. In this study, there was a wide
variation in age at first calving from 28 months
to as much as 108 months. Wilson (1989) also
reported such wide variations in a retrospective
study from Niger in which the age at first calving
reportedly varied from 24 months to 132 months.

The implication of the wide variation in age
at first calving presents a wide scope for
improvement. Forage quality and quantity have
been suggested (Grenot, 1992) to assume a
central role in determining reproductive success
in ungulates. According to Wilson (1984), sexual
maturity in camels may be correlated not only
with absolute age and condition but also with
other factors affecting the onset of breeding
season such as nutrition and climate. In the
current study, no supplementary feeding was
provided and camels were raised on available
natural pastures. Consequently, improving
growth significantly by improving feeding is not
feasible. Thus, it appears that little can be done
to improve on the late age at first calving, which
is mainly attributed to slow growth. However,
Yagil (1994) states that it is possible to shorten
the pre-pubertal period by hormone treatment as
a result of which the females give birth at the age
of 3 years.

CONCLUSIONS

The Somali camel herders in Moyale District
have adopted rational and goal-oriented camel
management strategies in utilising their rangeland
environments. Such strategies include movements
of their animals in the range in order to
locate ideal grazing areas and water resources,
and also establish suitable patterns of movements.
Another strategy is that of herd splitting in order
to cope with production resource constraints and
spread risks. The reproductive performance of
the camel herds indicates low efficiency, while
the breeding management practices appear to
contribute to high chances of inbreeding. Signs
of mineral deficiencies in the camels were
observed and these point towards poor mineral
nutrition.

More than half (57%) of the interviewed
herders were dissatisfied with the performance
of their herds. Most of the respondents pointed
out problems related to high camel disease
incidences and lack of veterinary services. Lack
of water in good pasture areas, ethnic clashes and
the resulting insecurity or raids were seen as
causing under-utilisation of some pasture areas.
Availing veterinary drugs and training in animal
treatment were suggested as possible remedies.
Maintenance of security in order to open up
remote areas for grazing and drilling of boreholes
in good pasture areas were also proposed.

Pastoral camel production has the potential
of yielding a positive impact on economic, social,
environmental and gender-related aspects. Both
the government and donor agencies should adopt
appropriate policy recommendations aimed at
fully exploiting the camels’ potential. There is,
therefore, a need to improve on such management
practices as colostrum feeding to newborn
calves, salt and mineral supplementation to both
home-based and nomadic herds, breeding, and
provision of animal healthcare.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The authors wish to thank the Swedish
International Development Co-operation Agency
(Sida) for financial support of this study through
the Pastoral Information Network Programme
(PINEP), at the Department of Range Management,
University of Nairobi. They also recognise
the participation of the pastoralists of Moyale.
Further, they wish to indicate their heavy
dependence on material in A. Hjort (ed.) (1993),
The multi-purpose camel: interdi-sciplinary
studies on pastoral production in Somalia,
published by EPOS in Uppsala, Sweden, to
enhance their discourse.