Politics – News Net Dailyhttps://newsnetdaily.com
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1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.4.1Trump feud with Bowser escalates amid police brutality protestshttps://newsnetdaily.com/trump-feud-with-bowser-escalates-amid-police-brutality-protests/
Sun, 07 Jun 2020 07:25:13 +0000https://newsnetdaily.com/trump-feud-with-bowser-escalates-amid-police-brutality-protests/Politics – washingtonpost Eleven minutes later, they were interrupted — by a number of angry tweets from President Trump. Praising the federal officers, Trump warned protesters of the “vicious dogs” and “ominous weapons” at their disposal. Then, as the mayor’s chief of staff read the tweets out loud, Trump lambasted Bowser. Trump wrote that the […]]]>

Politics – washingtonpost

Eleven minutes later, they were interrupted — by a number of angry tweets from President Trump. Praising the federal officers, Trump warned protesters of the “vicious dogs” and “ominous weapons” at their disposal. Then, as the mayor’s chief of staff read the tweets out loud, Trump lambasted Bowser.

Trump wrote that the Democratic mayor “who is always looking for money & help, wouldn’t let the D.C. police get involved. ‘Not their job.’ Nice!” It was a false accusation. The mayor had never said those words.

Bowser (D) and her team finished their discussion, said one city official with knowledge of the call, and then the group “went back to the tweet and how the mayor should respond.”

The response has been emphatic. Since Trump’s personal attack on May 30, Bowser has fought back fiercely against the president’s bullying, taunting him with tweets and criticisms of her own. On Friday, she rebuked him with a defiant display of street art in which she sought to draw a clear contrast with Trump’s calls for “law and order” by demonstrating active support for peaceful protesters of the Black Lives Matter movement.

Over the past 10 days — set against the backdrop of the pitched national protests over police violence — their once relatively temperate relationship has erupted into an ugly schism freighted with the overtones of race and power that have infused the protests, as well as city leaders’ long and fruitless fight for D.C. statehood.

For Trump, the row has resembled the frequent nasty political fights he has had, often at his instigation, with numerous Democratic mayors and governors as he has sought to portray them as incompetent leaders of dysfunctional cities and states. Aides said the president believes Bowser, despite seeing violence in protests in other cities, was slow to react — and that scenes of fires and looting in the nation’s capitol were damaging to public confidence just as the president was pushing to reopen the economy amid the coronavirus pandemic.

“If the images of D.C. are that the White House is under siege, people all over the country are going to be concerned,” said one outside Trump adviser, who, like other presidential confidants, spoke for this story on the condition of anonymity to detail private conversations. “The economy is not going to continue growing and reopening.”

For Bowser, the confrontation has centered on her belief that Trump’s show of force has emboldened law enforcement amid the nationwide protests after George Floyd’s death in the custody of Minneapolis police two weeks ago. In her view, federal authorities have swarmed sections of downtown Washington in what resembles a military takeover that has made residents fearful even as arrests have dropped sharply in recent days — a reminder that the federal city does not enjoy the self-governing autonomy of the 50 states.

“We should be in control of what’s happening,” said John Falcicchio, the mayor’s chief of staff.

‘Afraid/alone’

As the mayor and her team weighed a response to Trump’s tweets that Saturday morning, it wasn’t his personal attack that most angered Bowser, according to aides.

Rather, it was his use of the phrase “vicious dogs,” which the mayor, who is African American, viewed as racist. A day earlier, Trump had used the phrase “when the looting starts, the shooting starts” to threaten Minneapolis protesters, echoing the threats of a white Miami police chief in 1967 that had angered black civil rights leaders.

“That’s not a whistle. That’s outright offensive,” Falcicchio said of Trump’s language.

“She honed in on that phrase. To think about her parents, their peers, folks who actually had to go through that. She went to Selma just a year and a half ago with John Lewis,” he said, referring to the Democratic congressman from Georgia who is a civil rights icon.

An hour after Trump’s tweets, the mayor hit back with a pair of her own. She defended the D.C. police, saying it would protect all city residents, including the protesters and Trump. Then she taunted him for hiding in the executive mansion behind the wrought-iron White House security fence.

“There are no vicious dogs & ominous weapons,” she wrote. “There is just a scared man. Afraid/alone.”

The dig appeared aimed to humiliate Trump, who revels in projecting strength. Though mayoral aides said Bowser didn’t know it at the time, the Secret Service had moved Trump to a secure bunker under the White House during the height of the chaos Friday, a detail made public in a New York Times report last Sunday.

That disclosure outraged Trump, who initially denied it, and he became more determined to seize center stage in quelling the protests. The Washington Post subsequently reported that the move to the bunker was prompted by a group of protesters who hopped over temporary barricades set up near the Treasury Department grounds.

The president’s aides had briefed him that the D.C. police were struggling to control crowds around Lafayette Square, a federal expanse overseen by U.S. Park Police. On May 31, Republican senators and other Trump allies flooded the White House with calls imploring him to act.

Trump watched televised news coverage of the fires and protests. Arrests by D.C. police surged from zero on May 29 to 19 the next day and 90 the day after, and the president grew so heated that he floated the idea of sending thousands of military troops into Washington’s streets — and into other cities if local leaders failed to stem looting and violence.

“Why did things deteriorate so fast? Because for two solid days nothing happened in Washington, D.C., when it was within the mayor’s power to make sure that something could happen,” said a senior Trump administration official who has dealt with Bowser. “You had images on national TV of facilities burning, which reportedly were a church and parts of a park in the center of our nation’s capital, which sent a very bad message to the world.”

Bowser had implemented an 11 p.m. curfew May 31, but reports that a blaze had damaged the iconic, pale yellow St. John’s Episcopal Church — set across Lafayette Square Park from the White House and long frequented by presidents — presented an opportunity for Trump to wrest control.

A political inferno

The mayor arrived at Lafayette Square on Monday morning. After an interview with the “Today” show, she toured the damage in the church nursery in the basement.

Water soaked the floor, and Bowser, wearing a black face mask amid the coronavirus pandemic, stepped gingerly onto a wooden plank to take a look. A cellphone photo taken by a mayoral aide shows charred walls, exposed electrical wiring and a room covered with debris.

The fire had been extinguished. But the political inferno was just igniting.

After leaving the church, Bowser announced a citywide 7 p.m. curfew for Monday and Tuesday evenings.

White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows contacted the mayor and floated a proposal of a federal takeover of the city’s police department — a highly offensive notion to city leaders still scarred by the federal government’s financial takeover of a nearly bankrupt D.C. government in the late 1990s and early 2000s.

Bowser balked, promising the city would step up enforcement.

City officials met that day with FBI, military and Justice Department officials to develop a security plan for Monday night. D.C. Police Chief Peter Newsham expressed a willingness to work collaboratively with the administration, two officials with knowledge of the meeting said.

But as the protesters swelled at Lafayette Square, federal authorities chose not wait until the curfew to make their move.

At 6:43 p.m., Trump began remarks in the Rose Garden, pledging support for peaceful protesters but chastising the looters for committing “acts of domestic terror.”

“We are putting everybody on warning: Our 7 o’clock curfew will be strictly enforced,” Trump declared — though it was the city that had the sole enforcement authority.

As the president spoke, cable networks offered a split screen of protesters in the park. In a shocking scene, Park Police, wielding chemical gas canisters, rubber projectiles and metal riot shields, forcefully cleared them out.

Moments later, Trump and his senior aides, including military leaders, strode through the park for a photo op outside St. John’s, with the president brandishing a Bible. Unlike Bowser, they did not go inside.

“On Monday, you saw something you hoped to never see in the United States of America: federal police moving on American people protesting peacefully in front of the people’s house,” Bowser said Saturday afternoon, recalling the scene as she met with protesters.

By the end of Monday, 289 people would be arrested, according to D.C. police statistics, the most since the protests began.

‘She’s weak’

Unlike governors, Bowser does not oversee the National Guard in Washington, and guard reinforcements from other states poured into the city at the behest of the Trump administration. Federal authorities moved to extend security fencing to encircle Lafayette Square to the north and the Ellipse to the south.

Bowser fought back, demanding that all federal forces not based in the city be removed. On Thursday, she publicly expressed alarm that the new federal security perimeter would become permanent, and she sent Trump a letter saying the presence of the federal forces was “inflaming” the situation and was unnecessary. Arrests of protesters had dropped to 29 on Tuesday and zero on Wednesday, according to D.C. police.

As Trump saw it, according to the outside adviser who spoke with him, Bowser was ungrateful for the protection from the National Guard and was eager to win political points with Democrats by kicking the Guard out of the city.

“She’s weak,” Trump said repeatedly, according to the adviser. The president has bragged to White House officials this week that his actions were the prime reasons the protests got less disruptive, according to aides.

But Bowser wasn’t finished making her claim for the city’s streets. In a meeting with staff, Bower unveiled a plan to add a symbolic flourish to her letter to Trump: She would rename the intersection of 16th and H Streets NW, abutting Lafayette Square and St. John’s Church, as “Black Lives Matter Plaza.”

As night fell on Thursday, a team of eight muralists plotted the design and, under the cover of darkness at 3 a.m. Friday, they began painting 50-foot-tall, bright yellow letters spelling out “BLACK LIVES MATTER” along 16th Street leading toward the White House.

White House officials viewed the move as a serious escalation and warned that the mayor has done “irreparable harm” to her relations with Republicans on Capitol Hill.

But Bowser remained unbowed. On Saturday, while marching with protesters to the newly minted plaza, the mayor offered another shot at her antagonist.

]]>Ex-acting Labor secretary defends BLS in the wake of jobs report misclassification errorhttps://newsnetdaily.com/ex-acting-labor-secretary-defends-bls-in-the-wake-of-jobs-report-misclassification-error/
Sun, 07 Jun 2020 00:00:20 +0000https://newsnetdaily.com/ex-acting-labor-secretary-defends-bls-in-the-wake-of-jobs-report-misclassification-error/In its monthly jobs report released Friday, the BLS showed the US unemployment rate fell to 13.3% in May, as the economy gained 2.5 million jobs. Capitalizing on the good news, Trump took a victory lap Friday, touting the lower unemployment numbers as the nation deals with health and economic crises and major protests over […]]]>

In its monthly jobs report released Friday, the BLS showed the US unemployment rate fell to 13.3% in May, as the economy gained 2.5 million jobs. Capitalizing on the good news, Trump took a victory lap Friday, touting the lower unemployment numbers as the nation deals with health and economic crises and major protests over racial injustice.

BLS, however, noted its data collectors — for the third month in a row — misclassified some workers as “employed not at work,” when they should have been classified as “unemployed on temporary layoff.”

Barring that issue, the unemployment rate could have been as high as 19.2% in April and 16.1% in May, not including seasonal adjustments, the BLS said.

“I fear that because this was a fairly serious misclassification that people are going to hatch a bunch of conspiracy theories around it. They shouldn’t do that,” Seth Harris, who served as acting Labor Secretary under President Barack Obama, told CNN’s Fredricka Whitfield on Saturday.

“I don’t think the folks at BLS are trying to cook the books or make President Trump look good. They’re career professionals. They take their craft very seriously. They’re trying to do the best they possibly can in a very complicated situation,” he added.

He commended the BLS for being “transparent” about the error, saying it was the “right way to respond.”

The US Census Bureau employees collects demographic data on workers that goes into the BLS report, calling around 70,000 households a month.

And like so many businesses and government agencies across the US, the BLS and Census Bureau have had to make adjustments to its workflow amid the pandemic.

Harris told CNN on Saturday that he believes the mistake likely arose from BLS not providing the interviewers, who classify the workers during the survey process, with “clear enough guidance.”

“BLS and our partners at the Census Bureau take the misclassification error very seriously, and we’re taking additional steps to address the problem,” BLS said in a “frequently asked questions” document released Friday.

A White House official pushed back Saturday on suggestions that the May jobs report is any less encouraging due to the inclusion of a “misclassification error.”

The official noted the error has appeared in previous reports, and said that even after correcting for the error, the drop in unemployment from April to May remains significant.

“It’s only now with the release of a positive jobs report that these critics emerge,” the official argued.

Business shutdowns and closures due to the coronavirus have led to historic job losses. The US is now in the process of gradually reopening, allowing new jobs to be added to the economy.

The BLS also noted in its May jobs report that response rates to its surveys have been lower than usual during the pandemic, a factor that could lead to bigger revisions in the future.

The polling, of course, suggests that Trump is in a lot of trouble. Most disapprove of his performance on race relations, and he trails former Vice President Joe Biden by high single digits in the polls.

A look at history reveals that the idea of a silent majority is really a misnomer. While majorities may not be out in the street, they aren’t silent. They make their viewpoints clear in the polling.

The phrase “silent majority” gained widespread popularity thanks to President Richard Nixon in the late 1960s. Nixon was indicating that those who were protesting the Vietnam War in the streets did not represent the majority of Americans.

Yet the polling at the time indicated that Nixon was heavily supported on Vietnam. When he gave his famous speech on the silent majority in November 1969, his approval rating on the issue was averaging about 60%. Nixon was clearly correct that the majority of people were behind him — they just weren’t “silent” in the polling.

Compare Nixon’s situation with Trump’s. Trump’s approval rating on race relations in a CBS News poll out this week was 33%, or about half of what Nixon’s was on the issue that sparked the protests. A nearly identical 32% told the ABC News/Ipsos KnowledgePanel poll they disapprove of Trump’s “response to the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis.”

Trump has to be hoping that not only are his supporters not showing up to these protests but that they aren’t talking to pollsters, either.

During Nixon’s time, the polling was about as accurate as I’ve ever seen it be. You can see this by examining final Gallup polls in the two midterm and two presidential elections during the height of the Vietnam War.

1966 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats winning the national House vote by 5 points. They won it by 3 points.

1968 president: Final Gallup poll had Nixon ahead by 1 point nationally. His national margin ended up being 1 point.

1970 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats up by 6 points in the House. They took it by 9 points.

Over those four elections, the average polling error was just 1.5 points. Just as importantly, the polling did not, on average, underestimate the side that had the supposed silent majority.

Indeed, there’s nothing that has happened during the Trump era to indicate that the national polling showing him to be unpopular or behind Biden is wrong. The national polling in 2016 had Trump losing the popular vote by 3 to 4 points. He lost it by 2 points. The national generic congressional ballot had Democrats ahead by nearly 9 points heading into the 2018 midterm. They won it by nearly 9 points.

Trump really is this unpopular, and he really is this disliked when it comes to how people believe he is handling race relations. He’s no Nixon.

The polling, of course, suggests that Trump is in a lot of trouble. Most disapprove of his performance on race relations, and he trails former Vice President Joe Biden by high single digits in the polls.

A look at history reveals that the idea of a silent majority is really a misnomer. While majorities may not be out in the street, they aren’t silent. They make their viewpoints clear in the polling.

The phrase “silent majority” gained widespread popularity thanks to President Richard Nixon in the late 1960s. Nixon was indicating that those who were protesting the Vietnam War in the streets did not represent the majority of Americans.

Yet the polling at the time indicated that Nixon was heavily supported on Vietnam. When he gave his famous speech on the silent majority in November 1969, his approval rating on the issue was averaging about 60%. Nixon was clearly correct that the majority of people were behind him — they just weren’t “silent” in the polling.

Compare Nixon’s situation with Trump’s. Trump’s approval rating on race relations in a CBS News poll out this week was 33%, or about half of what Nixon’s was on the issue that sparked the protests. A nearly identical 32% told the ABC News/Ipsos KnowledgePanel poll they disapprove of Trump’s “response to the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis.”

Trump has to be hoping that not only are his supporters not showing up to these protests but that they aren’t talking to pollsters, either.

During Nixon’s time, the polling was about as accurate as I’ve ever seen it be. You can see this by examining final Gallup polls in the two midterm and two presidential elections during the height of the Vietnam War.

1966 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats winning the national House vote by 5 points. They won it by 3 points.

1968 president: Final Gallup poll had Nixon ahead by 1 point nationally. His national margin ended up being 1 point.

1970 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats up by 6 points in the House. They took it by 9 points.

Over those four elections, the average polling error was just 1.5 points. Just as importantly, the polling did not, on average, underestimate the side that had the supposed silent majority.

Indeed, there’s nothing that has happened during the Trump era to indicate that the national polling showing him to be unpopular or behind Biden is wrong. The national polling in 2016 had Trump losing the popular vote by 3 to 4 points. He lost it by 2 points. The national generic congressional ballot had Democrats ahead by nearly 9 points heading into the 2018 midterm. They won it by nearly 9 points.

Trump really is this unpopular, and he really is this disliked when it comes to how people believe he is handling race relations. He’s no Nixon.

The polling, of course, suggests that Trump is in a lot of trouble. Most disapprove of his performance on race relations, and he trails former Vice President Joe Biden by high single digits in the polls.

A look at history reveals that the idea of a silent majority is really a misnomer. While majorities may not be out in the street, they aren’t silent. They make their viewpoints clear in the polling.

The phrase “silent majority” gained widespread popularity thanks to President Richard Nixon in the late 1960s. Nixon was indicating that those who were protesting the Vietnam War in the streets did not represent the majority of Americans.

Yet the polling at the time indicated that Nixon was heavily supported on Vietnam. When he gave his famous speech on the silent majority in November 1969, his approval rating on the issue was averaging about 60%. Nixon was clearly correct that the majority of people were behind him — they just weren’t “silent” in the polling.

Compare Nixon’s situation with Trump’s. Trump’s approval rating on race relations in a CBS News poll out this week was 33%, or about half of what Nixon’s was on the issue that sparked the protests. A nearly identical 32% told the ABC News/Ipsos KnowledgePanel poll they disapprove of Trump’s “response to the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis.”

Trump has to be hoping that not only are his supporters not showing up to these protests but that they aren’t talking to pollsters, either.

During Nixon’s time, the polling was about as accurate as I’ve ever seen it be. You can see this by examining final Gallup polls in the two midterm and two presidential elections during the height of the Vietnam War.

1966 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats winning the national House vote by 5 points. They won it by 3 points.

1968 president: Final Gallup poll had Nixon ahead by 1 point nationally. His national margin ended up being 1 point.

1970 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats up by 6 points in the House. They took it by 9 points.

Over those four elections, the average polling error was just 1.5 points. Just as importantly, the polling did not, on average, underestimate the side that had the supposed silent majority.

Indeed, there’s nothing that has happened during the Trump era to indicate that the national polling showing him to be unpopular or behind Biden is wrong. The national polling in 2016 had Trump losing the popular vote by 3 to 4 points. He lost it by 2 points. The national generic congressional ballot had Democrats ahead by nearly 9 points heading into the 2018 midterm. They won it by nearly 9 points.

Trump really is this unpopular, and he really is this disliked when it comes to how people believe he is handling race relations. He’s no Nixon.

]]>George Floyd’s brother to testify before Congress on police accountabilityhttps://newsnetdaily.com/george-floyds-brother-to-testify-before-congress-on-police-accountability-2/
Sat, 06 Jun 2020 23:30:06 +0000https://newsnetdaily.com/george-floyds-brother-to-testify-before-congress-on-police-accountability-2/The source said it had not yet been determined whether Floyd would testify in person or virtually. House Judiciary Committee Democrats invited Floyd to speak, this person said. CNN has reached out to the Committee for details. ABC News first reported that Floyd would be appearing before Congress. Floyd said last week he spoke with […]]]>

The source said it had not yet been determined whether Floyd would testify in person or virtually. House Judiciary Committee Democrats invited Floyd to speak, this person said.

CNN has reached out to the Committee for details.

ABC News first reported that Floyd would be appearing before Congress.

Floyd said last week he spoke with both President Donald Trump and former Vice President Joe Biden, saying his talk with Trump was “brief” while Biden was talking to him “constantly.”

“He didn’t give me an opportunity to even speak,” Floyd said of his conversation with the President.

The polling, of course, suggests that Trump is in a lot of trouble. Most disapprove of his performance on race relations, and he trails former Vice President Joe Biden by high single digits in the polls.

A look at history reveals that the idea of a silent majority is really a misnomer. While majorities may not be out in the street, they aren’t silent. They make their viewpoints clear in the polling.

The phrase “silent majority” gained widespread popularity thanks to President Richard Nixon in the late 1960s. Nixon was indicating that those who were protesting the Vietnam War in the streets did not represent the majority of Americans.

Yet the polling at the time indicated that Nixon was heavily supported on Vietnam. When he gave his famous speech on the silent majority in November 1969, his approval rating on the issue was averaging about 60%. Nixon was clearly correct that the majority of people were behind him — they just weren’t “silent” in the polling.

Compare Nixon’s situation with Trump’s. Trump’s approval rating on race relations in a CBS News poll out this week was 33%, or about half of what Nixon’s was on the issue that sparked the protests. A nearly identical 32% told the ABC News/Ipsos KnowledgePanel poll they disapprove of Trump’s “response to the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis.”

Trump has to be hoping that not only are his supporters not showing up to these protests but that they aren’t talking to pollsters, either.

During Nixon’s time, the polling was about as accurate as I’ve ever seen it be. You can see this by examining final Gallup polls in the two midterm and two presidential elections during the height of the Vietnam War.

1966 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats winning the national House vote by 5 points. They won it by 3 points.

1968 president: Final Gallup poll had Nixon ahead by 1 point nationally. His national margin ended up being 1 point.

1970 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats up by 6 points in the House. They took it by 9 points.

Over those four elections, the average polling error was just 1.5 points. Just as importantly, the polling did not, on average, underestimate the side that had the supposed silent majority.

Indeed, there’s nothing that has happened during the Trump era to indicate that the national polling showing him to be unpopular or behind Biden is wrong. The national polling in 2016 had Trump losing the popular vote by 3 to 4 points. He lost it by 2 points. The national generic congressional ballot had Democrats ahead by nearly 9 points heading into the 2018 midterm. They won it by nearly 9 points.

Trump really is this unpopular, and he really is this disliked when it comes to how people believe he is handling race relations. He’s no Nixon.

The polling, of course, suggests that Trump is in a lot of trouble. Most disapprove of his performance on race relations, and he trails former Vice President Joe Biden by high single digits in the polls.

A look at history reveals that the idea of a silent majority is really a misnomer. While majorities may not be out in the street, they aren’t silent. They make their viewpoints clear in the polling.

The phrase “silent majority” gained widespread popularity thanks to President Richard Nixon in the late 1960s. Nixon was indicating that those who were protesting the Vietnam War in the streets did not represent the majority of Americans.

Yet the polling at the time indicated that Nixon was heavily supported on Vietnam. When he gave his famous speech on the silent majority in November 1969, his approval rating on the issue was averaging about 60%. Nixon was clearly correct that the majority of people were behind him — they just weren’t “silent” in the polling.

Compare Nixon’s situation with Trump’s. Trump’s approval rating on race relations in a CBS News poll out this week was 33%, or about half of what Nixon’s was on the issue that sparked the protests. A nearly identical 32% told the ABC News/Ipsos KnowledgePanel poll they disapprove of Trump’s “response to the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis.”

Trump has to be hoping that not only are his supporters not showing up to these protests but that they aren’t talking to pollsters, either.

During Nixon’s time, the polling was about as accurate as I’ve ever seen it be. You can see this by examining final Gallup polls in the two midterm and two presidential elections during the height of the Vietnam War.

1966 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats winning the national House vote by 5 points. They won it by 3 points.

1968 president: Final Gallup poll had Nixon ahead by 1 point nationally. His national margin ended up being 1 point.

1970 midterms: Final Gallup poll had Democrats up by 6 points in the House. They took it by 9 points.

Over those four elections, the average polling error was just 1.5 points. Just as importantly, the polling did not, on average, underestimate the side that had the supposed silent majority.

Indeed, there’s nothing that has happened during the Trump era to indicate that the national polling showing him to be unpopular or behind Biden is wrong. The national polling in 2016 had Trump losing the popular vote by 3 to 4 points. He lost it by 2 points. The national generic congressional ballot had Democrats ahead by nearly 9 points heading into the 2018 midterm. They won it by nearly 9 points.

Trump really is this unpopular, and he really is this disliked when it comes to how people believe he is handling race relations. He’s no Nixon.

“We should all be watching what’s happening in Washington, DC, because we don’t want the federal government to do this to any other Americans,” Bowser said while walking through downtown DC with protesters.

Bowser had a pointed political message for the President, tweeting on Saturday, “In November, we say ‘next,”http://rss.cnn.com/” with a picture of her addressing a crowd on Saturday.

In Bowser’s Friday letter to the President, she argued that the additional law enforcement are “inflaming” and “adding to the grievances” of people protesting over the police killing of George Floyd.

“The protestors have been peaceful, and last night, the Metropolitan Police Department did not make a single arrest. Therefore, I am requesting that you withdraw all extraordinary law enforcement and military presence from Washington, DC,” Bowser wrote in the letter, adding that she had ended the state of emergency in DC related to the protests.

There is no curfew Saturday night in the district, according to a spokeswoman for Bowser. The last night there was a curfew in the District was Wednesday evening. A curfew was put into effect beginning Monday night after some confrontations and looting occurred alongside the protests Sunday evening.

On Friday, Bowser had the city paint “BLACK LIVES MATTER” in big yellow letters on two blocks of 16th Street, a central axis that leads southward straight to the White House.

Additionally, the mayor renamed the square in front of Lafayette Park, steps from the White House, “Black Lives Matter Plaza.”

The protests, which are now in their 12th day, have taken on much more meaning for black Americans, who have historically been disproportionately impacted by police brutality.

One protester, Philomena Wankenge, who is a Freedom Fighters DC board member and was out marching during the coronavirus pandemic on Saturday, told CNN’s Boris Sanchez that she was willing to die for this movement on behalf of her family’s future.

“I don’t care if I lose my life if that means my nieces and my nephews won’t have to deal with someone invalidating them because of the color of their skin,” Wankenge said.

“It sounds extreme and it might sound dramatic to people, but as a black person every day that I wake up I could die. Especially as a black woman dealing with sexism and dealing with racism I’m combating double the trouble,” she added.