Modern Mexico Task Force

Transcription

1 Modern Mexico Task Force The Center for Hemispheric Policy receives financial support from the Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs of the United States Department of State. The Impact of Narco Communications on Mexican Society by Manuel Suárez-Mier Economist-in-Residence School of International Service American University Washington, D.C. December 19, 2012 Introduction For the last decade, drug-related violence in Mexico has been escalating dramatically. Fierce battles between drug cartels and the armed forces have become everyday occurrences. This violence now captures headlines throughout media outlets in Mexico and the United States. Images of corpses suspended from bridges and decapitated heads thrown in public places dominate the mainstream media. This horrific violence, which will have produced an estimated 60,000 victims during President Calderón s six-year term, continues unabated. The Mexican government has been directing a large and growing amount of its annual budget toward combating Transnational Criminal Organizations (TCOs). This spending has been complemented by resolute U.S. commitment through the Mérida Initiative. However, by most accounts these bilateral efforts have failed to reduce the northward flow of drugs, the southward flow of arms, and related flows of money in both directions. One of the factors thwarting the fight against drug-trafficking violence in Mexico has been the effective use of communication techniques, not just by the drug-trafficking organizations, but also by the government and, more importantly, by the general population. Their strategy is to

2 increase public pressure on the government to cease its war against the TCOs. Unfortunately, part of their communication strategy includes successfully terrorizing large segments of the citizenry, turning them into docile bystanders who serve as tacit shields for the organization. In other cases, TCOs have persuaded groups to take the position that the violence is uniquely the fault of the government. These groups then actively campaign for the authorities to unilaterally give up their fight. At this point in time, their techniques seem to have out-maneuvered the Mexican government s ability to neutralize them. Without a better understanding of how TCOs communicate with their various target audiences, or how they manage intra-cartel and intercartel communications, the authorities may continue to face the erosion of popular support for their ongoing strategy of combating these criminal organizations. This paper will document the deployment of an innovative and persuasive means of communication by TCOs throughout their host communities. It will demonstrate the effectiveness of TCO communication methodology by breaking it down into categories related to violence, intimidation, and cultural infiltration. The question is to what extent have the TCOs means of communication caused drug culture to penetrate and permeate large portions of Mexican society and culture at large. The importance of this study relates directly to the government s ability to effectively combat and control TCO activity. Background Mexican President Felipe Calderón came into office in December 2006 with the lofty goal of rooting out TCO operations in Mexico. Calderón implemented a decapitation strategy, an approach that relied mainly on arresting or killing high-ranking members of the cartels with the implicit assumption that without leadership, the organization would disintegrate. The government deployed close to 50,000 armed forces in addition to the consolidation of a totally redesigned federal police force of 40,000. When the Mérida Initiative was launched in 2008, the Mexican government partnered with U.S. authorities to confront the TCOs. The United States provided funds for training and equipment as U.S. law enforcement agencies began sharing intelligence with their Mexican counterparts. Unfortunately, the decapitation strategy, which was very effective in removing the leaders of most of the cartels led to a severe increase in violence, which, in turn, eroded the support of the Mexican population for their government s policy. Another unintended consequence of the strategy was the fracture and splintering of the criminal groups, which has made them more violent and difficult to fight. These unplanned outcomes of the anti-tco strategy also led cartels to become more resourceful in their methods of communication, utilizing innovative technology, popular culture and intimidation to convey their messages. TCO Communication Methodology: Public Violence One of the most widespread symbols of the Mexican war on drugs is the narcomanta, or the displaying of large homemade banners in public places, frequently accompanied by dead bodies. These banners typically have several messages aimed at a variety of audiences. TCOs use 2

3 narcomantas to communicate with rival gangs, 1 citizens 2 and law enforcement. 3 Some banners are even used for recruitment, enticing military and police personnel with offers of good salaries, housing and other benefits. 4 TCOs also utilize graffiti in a similar manner, such as in January 2011 when the Juárez Cartel used them on city walls to claim responsibility for a car bomb attack. i TCOs are well known for violent retaliation techniques against any of their targets, be it rival cartels, authorities or innocent bystanders. These killings send clear messages to rival organizations that infringe on their territory; to law enforcement agencies that disrupt their operations; to citizens who fail to cooperate; to corporations that do not pay for protection; 5 and to gang members who attempt to leave the organization or betray it to a rival. Another example of how TCOs use violence as a means of sending messages is counterrecruiting. To deter rival groups from recruiting in neighborhoods traditionally loyal to one cartel, they threaten its inhabitants with violence if they dare work for a rival organization. One of the most horrific examples was when gunmen from the Juárez cartel shot the entire population of a neighborhood where their most hated rival, the Sinaloa Cartel, had started recruiting. ii The way in which a TCO decides to dispose of a victim is in itself a coded message. In many instances TCOs do not showcase their work, but rather extract the needed information from their victims and then eliminate them. When bodies are discovered buried face down it generally means that the cartel never intended the victim to be found. iii The chart below provides a brief sample of violent acts and the messages they convey. 1 For example, in February the TCO the Knights Templar, an offshoot of La Familia, hung banners warning rival gangs against violence during the upcoming Papal visit 1. 2 For example one narcomanta accused Calderón s government of protecting Sinaloan leader Joaquin El Chapo Guzmán 2. TCOs use these public condemnations of to win social legitimacy and gain ground through what is effectively psychological warfare (Grayson, 200-1). 3 For example, the Zetas hung a banner reading Mexico lives and will continue under the regime of the Zetas. Let it be clear that we are in control here and although the federal government controls the other cartels, they cannot take our plazas 3. 4 The Gulf Cartel hung a banner reading: Join the ranks of the Gulf Cartel. We offer benefits, life insurance, a house for your family and children. Stop living in the slums and riding the bus. A new car or truck, your choice. 4 5 At the end of May 2012 several warehouses and 40 vehicles of Sabritas, a fast-food division of Pepsico, were burnt down by The Knights Templars in Guanajuato and Michoacán. 3

4 Table 1: Victims as the message: Coded Violence Act Message Act Message Gunshot Victim was on a hit list Torture, blows to the body Hired killer extracted information Victim was mummified before being shot in the head Victim was a traitor Beheading Intimidate an enemy by demonstrating that the victim was caught in the act. Strangling Sends the message we have been infiltrated and we know it Torture, blows to the body of a nude victim Revenge to an enemy whose death the assailant wanted to be painful iv Intimidation and the Public Sphere TCOs also try to influence public opinion by attempting to control the media. Mexico is consistently ranked as one of the most dangerous countries for journalists in the Western Hemisphere, mainly due to the violence related to drug trafficking. These criminals threaten journalists via phone calls, narcomantas and displaying the cadavers of their murdered colleagues in public. The first victim of this wave of violence was journalist Héctor Félix Miranda, coeditor of the Tijuana-based newspaper ZETA, who was shot to death in 1988 by the bodyguard of a local politician accused of having links to the narcos. v Between 2000 and 2010, at least 80 journalists were murdered and many more disappeared. vi The frequency of such violent acts has forced editors to exercise self-censure and tone down their coverage of drugrelated conflict out of fear. vii Besides their dread of violence, many journalists also take bribes to keep criminals names out of their papers, implicate rival TCOs in crimes or give special attention to certain pieces of propaganda that they consider important. viii Blackmail is also part of most TCOs daily operations. In 2009, the majority of the acts of extortion occurred through phone calls (88.8%) while only 6.8% were face-to-face confrontations. Most shakedowns are accompanied by the infamous expression plata o plomo, (silver or lead) a choice given to the victim of either paying the criminals the amount demanded by them or being shot. Besides providing an additional source of income for the criminal organizations, this form of extortion also shows its power over not only the citizenry, but over law enforcement agencies as well. ix The most conspicuous and deadly act of extortion to date was the August 2011 burning of the Casino Royale, a gambling establishment in Monterrey, that caused 53 deaths, allegedly because the casino failed to pay its weekly protection fee of $10,000. x Corruption is also an extremely important vehicle to send messages to the political class in Mexico. TCOs use bribes to ensure military and police cooperation in moving drug shipments, guarding stashes, securing credentials to carry weapons xi and paying for hits against rival 4

5 gangs. xii Yet bribes can also be a very useful political instrument. On July 1, 2012, Mexico held elections at the presidential, gubernatorial, congressional and local levels. Some observers worried that TCOs would be able to use their huge financial resources to influence election results in their favor. xiii Some were concerned about the obvious acts of buying candidates or the assassination of those who refused to cooperate with the criminals, 6 but TCOs now have more sophisticated methods to influence electoral outcomes. There is some evidence that they are opting to bankroll political campaigns prior to the elections instead of attempting to buy candidates after they are elected. xiv TCOs wishing to send strong authoritative messages use military-style trucks and clothing to mark their rank. xv Some gangs, especially the Gulf Cartel, the Knights Templar and Los Zetas, have begun to design their own uniforms to distinguish themselves from other cartels. xvi Uniforms are increasingly being used as a form of identification. xvii The narcos are also using the Mexican flag profusely to emphasize their nationalistic credentials and endear themselves with the population. According to Howard Campbell, an anthropologist at the University of Texas at El Paso, They might as well wear uniforms because they are the people in charge, noting the uniforms serve at least two different functions: to intimidate local residents and to reflect a system of hierarchy and pride among members. 7 TCOs also often use police and military uniforms to ease drug operations, like letting imprisoned comrades get out of jail disguised as federal police forces. During the 1970s, in the region of Ojinaga in the northern state of Chihuahua, pendants made of skull fragments of a deceased trafficker were worn as a popular narco-shield against betrayal. xviii The Internet as a Tool of Propaganda and Intimidation The internet has become a vital tool for communication of the TCOs. The advent of addresses that are easily created and discarded have greatly aided criminal gangs, as have other inventions such as social media and high-resolution satellite maps. They utilize these technological breakthroughs in information technology for their tactical operations, such as the coordination of maneuvers to carry out complex criminal actions and identify their potential targets in the social media. xix TCOs also use a wide variety of websites to showcase their gruesome murders. They post videos of torture, executions and desecrated corpses online to intimidate. For example, in a style well known to terrorist groups such as Hamas, men in ski masks and armed to the teeth with heavy weaponry gather around a table to give an ad hoc press conference. One such example was when the gang known as the Zeta Killers used the internet to disseminate videos claiming that their main goal was not to terrorize the public but save them from the Zetas cartel. xx 6 The PRI candidate and projected winner to the governorship of the border state of Tamaulipas Rodolfo Torres Cantú was gunned down six days before the election two years ago. New evidence intercepted by the DEA points in the direction of the Gulf Cartel in cahoots with a former governor of that state. 7 Quoted by Kelley Vlahos, Bloody Mexican Gangs Make it Official with Uniforms, Insignia, Fox News, May 23,

6 The internet has also introduced new challenges for TCOs. Independent hackers have begun to flourish on autonomous websites. Many dedicate themselves to reporting what they consider to be the truth about the criminal organizations, including using warnings via Twitter or blogs about their operations. Unlike traditional media, these hackers are harder for cartels to control due to their decentralization and lack of allegiance to formal and identifiable organizations. The success and popularity of the hackers has forced the criminals to invest in more sophisticated technology. They have developed the capacity to trace online activity by employing their own team of paid cyber experts and government contacts to track down outfits like Anonymous. xxi Anonymous had announced plans to reveal the whereabouts of Zetas associates, who responded with the threat to unleash massive retaliation against the hacker organization s members. To prove their capabilities, the Zetas placed the head of a murdered hacker next to a computer mouse, sending their deadly message to other existing and potential hackers, after which Anonymous cancelled its plans. xxii Cultural Infiltration The narcocorridos is a variation of the very popular musical style known in Mexico as the corrido. Originally sung about Mexican folk heroes, corridos about drug trafficking naturally evolved. xxiii These songs venerate the drug trafficking life style and often relate stories with various degrees of exaggeration that are based on true events. Thus, they maintain their heritage as a popular source of news. Many drug capos have commissioned 8 corrido composers to write pieces that glorify themselves and their actions or vilify their rivals. xxiv Traffickers see this as a smart investment, bringing them prestige, respect and business. Hiring corrido composers can create a symbiotic relationship between the artists and the criminals. The Arellano Félix family of the Tijuana cartel, for example, acted as patrons for the popular group Los Tucanes, buying them outfits and instruments in exchange for the group composing songs about the cartel. xxv Yet the business of corrido composing can be very dangerous. In 2006, a famous corrido singer, Valetín Elizalde, was gunned down after a concert where he sang a hit called A mis enemigos ( To My Enemies ). xxvi The song is vengeful, although ambiguous as to whom it referred to, but many interpreted it as a taunt by the Sinaloa Cartel of their arch-rivals, the Zetas, especially after videos of murdered Zetas members had appeared on the internet against the backdrop of that very song. xxvii In the year and a half following Elizalde s death, 14 other Mexican musicians 9 were murdered in drug trafficker-related violence, which indicates how seriously the narcos take this issue. xxviii 8 Rookie composers charge as little as $1,000, while accomplished musicians charge many thousands of dollars. 9 Other famous slain musicians include the members of Los Herederos de Sinaloa, who were gunned down in Culiacán after a radio interview, and Sergio Gómez of K-Paz de la Sierra 9, who was abducted after a concert in Michoacán 9. Zayda Peña of Zayda y Los Culpables was shot and killed less than a week after Gómez 9. The majority of the killers of musicians are never caught. 6

7 Narco-cinema has produced thousands of B-class movies since the 1980s. These movies are inexpensive to produce since they are filmed in as little as two-weeks using prostitutes, campesinos and narcos as their stars. xxix Like narcocorridos, criminal organizations finance many of these movies, suggesting that they use the film industry as a very important form of communication with society. Edgar Valdez (a.k.a. La Barbie), a recently captured and wellknown drug trafficker, admitted that he had paid $200,000 for a film to be made about himself. xxx TCOs have also made their mark in literature and soap operas. 10 The phenomenon is so widespread that a university in the Northwestern state of Sinaloa has even dedicated a department to the study of narco-culture. xxxi Although it is not clear that criminals have financed any of these ventures, the rise in popularity of these genres demonstrates that the narco style is permeating the popular segment of Mexican society. TCOs have used their communications skills to elevate their status in society to the point that some see it as fashionable to use the narco style. Clothing bearing embroidered marijuana leafs, AK-47s, naked women and los tres animales 11 have become increasingly popular. The most widespread style, originated by Sinaloa s young gang members, is called buchones, 12 a rural hybrid of cowboy hats and boots, expensive-brand T-shirts such as Polo, rosaries made of solid gold and pricey watches. The buchonas are the women of the narcos, infamous for their implanted breasts, tight dresses and expensive jewelry, and who abide by a fairly strict code of conduct if they do not want to be killed. xxxii But apart from style and fashion, the TCOs have also tried to infiltrate one of the most sacred institutions in Mexico, the Church. While some narcos bribe their way into God s house with narco limosnas (alms), xxxiii others have created their own religious followings. La Familia is a cult-like cartel that produced its own 100-page bible called Pensamientos, which many believe contributed to their rapid growth. xxxiv This book is compulsory reading for all members and includes instructions on how to punish crimes. This religious veneer is what makes La Familia so successful as it penetrates into wide segments of the population. xxxv In certain La Familia strongholds, citizens trust the cartel far more than the government for issues such as arbitrating civil disputes. They are persuaded that they will get faster and more equitable results than if they went through the government s court system. xxxvi Criminal bands also use old religious symbols such as Jesús Malverde, the narco saint, who is viewed by many as a sort of Robin Hood, and they venerate the Santa Muerte, or Holy Death, a skeletal woman who closely resembles the Grim Reaper. xxxvii Many of these quasi-religious symbols are compatible with the old tradition of syncretism between the Catholic Church and the 10 Narco-literature is increasing in popularity with works such as Un asesino solitario by Elmer Mendoza and Tierra Blanca by Leonardo Alfaro. Drug-related soap operas, or narco-novelas are also increasingly popular with attractive stars portraying famous female traffickers, in La reina del sur and La diosa coronada. 11 The three animals. Refers to the parakeet which represents cocaine, the rooster which represents marijuana and the goat which represents heroine (Wald, 28). 12 The term originated with the young narcos that liked Buchanan s Whiskey but could not pronounce it properly. 7

8 ancient religions that prevailed in pre-conquest Mexico. It is a fact, however, that the combination of the narco-culture with religious ingredients is considered a highly dangerous trend by the authorities and by the leaders of the Church. Conclusion The ability of TCOs to utilize so effectively such a wide variety of methods to communicate with their rivals, with law enforcement authorities, with the political establishment, and even more relevantly with popular society in general, constitutes a very serious obstacle for the Mexican government in its war against them. If the authorities continue to focus too narrowly on strongarm tactics, such as the decapitation strategy, they will miss the opportunity to combat the criminals on the vital turf of communications and culture. The criminals have mastered techniques to intimidate journalists, their rivals and the population in general through fear, and politicians and law enforcement through a combination of fear and bribes. They use technology for everything from drug-related operations to intimidation and have gained a strong and growing foothold in popular culture. Authorities must face the reality that the current strategy to combat drug trafficking bands is not working to stop the flow of illicit drugs, arms and money, or to stem a wave of violence that has claimed as many lives in Mexico as the Vietnam war cost in American casualties. Mexico s new president must change the game plan to address this problem with special emphasis on an effective communications strategy that can neutralize and eventually reverse the accomplishments of a narco culture that has no place in a civilized society. Manuel Suárez-Mier is economist-in-residence at the School of International Service at American University in Washington, D.C. From , he represented the Attorney General of Mexico in the United States when the Mérida Initiative was negotiated and approved by the U.S. Congress. In the past, Dr. Suárez-Mier has taught economics at the Universidad Iberoamericana and the Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM) in Mexico City; the Robert O. Anderson Graduate School of Management at the University of New Mexico in Albuquerque; Georgetown University s Graduate School of Business; and the Center for Research and Economics Education (which he founded) in Mexico City. Dr. Suárez-Mier has also been a daily columnist for Mexico City s leading business newspaper El Economista, and head of Latin American economics at the Bank of America. All statements of fact or expression of opinion contained in this publication are the responsibility of the author. i Grillo, Ioan. El Narco: Inside Mexico s Criminal Insurgency, Bloomsbury Press. New York Page 218. ii Ibid. Page 168. iii Bowden, Charles and Molly Molloy. Sicario: The Autobiography of a Mexican Assassin. Page 121. iv Grayson, George. Mexico: Narco-Violence and a Failed State? Transaction Publishers. New Burnswick Page 200. v Grillo, Ioan. El Narco: Inside Mexico s Criminal Insurgency, Bloomsbury Press. New York Page 76. vi Press Groups: End Violence Against Journalists in Mexico, Fox News Latino, 19 June vii Grillo, Ioan. El Narco: Inside Mexico s Criminal Insurgency, Bloomsbury Press. New York Page 220. viii Ibid. Page 74. ix Ibid. Page

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