5 January 2006 Edition

1975 State Papers - Collusion, sectarianism and unionist intrigue

BY LAURA FRIEL

Ian Paisley

Unionists swing right while murder stalks the streets

In many ways there's no revelation to challenge our understanding of the
nature of the Orange state in official state papers released last week by
the British Government. It's sectarian business as usual.

It was business as usual for the unionist paramilitaries who targeted two
teenagers as they arrived for work on February 11 1974. Thomas Donaghy (16)
and 18-year year old Margaret McErlean were shot dead outside a factory in
Newtownabbey, North Belfast. Three other people in the car in which they
were travelling were also wounded.

It was business as usual for the Newtownabbey RUC officers who, having been
alerted to suspicious behaviour outside Abbey Meats, did nothing to thwart
the sectarian gang's murderous intent. And it was probably business as usual
for the NIO Under Secretary Frank Cooper when he ignored nationalist
complaints of sectarian violence, RUC collusion with the UDA and the state's
reluctance to protect the nationalist community.

Collusion

According to state papers released by the British Government under the
30-year rule the collusion of official state forces with unofficial unionist
paramilitaries had been raised by the then West Belfast MP Gerry Fitt
shortly after the Newtownabbey killings. The British Minister was informed
that the RUC had been alerted to the loyalist attack half an hour before the
shooting but only arrived at the scene five minutes after the teenagers had
been fatally wounded.

It was not just a case of collusion by default, according to the documents,
the question of unionist paramilitary 'sympathisers' operating within the
RUC was also raised with the British Government.

An interim report by the Community Relations Commission claimed the British
Army had admitted that there was a political decision not to intervene to
protect Catholics in Rathcoole because of the risk of antagonising the
loyalist majority. The British Army also conceded that there were a number
of UDA sympathisers operating within the local RUC. Both admissions were
suppressed and never appeared in the final CRC report.

Meanwhile, the NIO was urging the Dublin Government to arrest Martin
McGuinness. Before its collapse at a meeting of the power-sharing executive
in January 1974 Chief Minister Brian Faulkner reported on a meeting with
Taoiseach Liam Cosgrave. "The Chief Minister made it clear to Mr Cosgrave
that the apprehension of prominent IRA men like Martin McGuinness would do
more to satisfy the Northern Ireland people than anything else."

Constitutional Convention

In May 1975 elections were held in the Six Counties for a promised
Constitutional Convention set up by the British Labour Party to consider the
possibility of a political agreement in the wake of the collapse of the
power-sharing executive the year before.

In February 1975 following a promise by the then British Secretary of State
Merlyn Rees to reduce British troop levels, phase out Internment and release
internees, the IRA had extended its ceasefire indefinitely, further
enhancing the potential for political progress. But once again unionist
politicians used their power to thwart rather then secure political
progress. The election secured a decisive victory for the anti-power sharing
position of the United Ulster Unionist Coalition.

According state papers released by the 26-County Government the refusal of
the UUUC to consider a voluntary coalition government with nationalists was
orchestrated by DUP leader Ian Paisley and former British Cabinet Minister
Enoch Powell.

The papers suggest Paisley initially accepted the idea of a voluntary
coalition but changed his mind after he "saw the opportunity of capitalising
on the fear and distrust that was growing up amongst unionist supporters".
By playing on unionist fears and sectarianism Paisley believed he could
create a political climate "form which to make a bid for the overall
leadership of the UUUC".

According to the Dublin Government document a meeting of the UUUC called to
discuss the possibility of a voluntary coalition "was dominated by Paisley,
assisted by Enoch Powell", the then Unionist MP for South Down.

Powell "strongly influenced the Official Unionist delegation at the meeting
by insisting that the British Government would demand an institutionalised
agreement and would never accept a voluntary coalition".

A motion put to the meeting permanently excluding nationalist politicians
from any future government was passed by 37 votes to one. UUUC deputy leader
William Craig was faced with the public humiliation of publicly abandoning
his own position and backing Paisley or by standing alone effectively
abandoning the unionist position to the Paisleyites.

Craig misled by Paisley

Deputy leader of the UUUC and leader of Vanguard William Craig had been
misled by Paisley into believing the DUP leader would support his position.
Prior to the meeting Paisley had privately re-assured Craig that he accepted
a voluntary coalition "was the only way forward".

Dumping Craig at the last minute allowed Paisley to emerge as the dominant
voice of unionist opposition, destroying not only the possibility of a
voluntary coalition but also the career of his political rival. After public
humiliation at a series of meetings Craig resigned as the leader of Vanguard
and from the deputy leadership of the UUUC.

According to an official note, "because of the weakness of the Official
Unionists, he has moved into an almost impregnable position and many
political commentators estimate that, if there were to be an election in the
near future, Paisley would sweep the board".

Political expediency rather than integrity was already shaping the political
career of a young David Trimble. A close colleague to William Craig, Trimble
abandoned his leader to the fate Paisley had predetermined and abstained
from the vote. According to the documents "the meeting left the loyalist
coalition in disarray".

In 1975 the UVF were engaging in a sectarian killing spree attacking
Catholics and Catholic-owned premises and including the notorious killing of
three members of the Miami Showband in July.

The impact of unionist sectarian violence in the North led the Dublin
Government to prepare contingency plans to transport 100,000 refugees from
Belfast to the 26 Counties within four days. According to the documents up
to 6,000 refugees would have been accommodated at Mosney Holiday Camp with
an emergency headquarters in Dublin at the Customs House. The plans included
the possibility of treating 1,000 seriously wounded people.

According to the documents plans to prepare for refugees fleeing south from
sectarian pogroms in the North were curtailed by the then Taoiseach Liam
Cosgrave who feared that any large-scale purchase of supplies in
anticipation of refugees would undermine the secrecy of the plans. The
government also ruled out asking the International Red Cross for assistance
to prevent any perception that Ireland was "in a state of war".

Miss Good Cheer

Perhaps the most bizarre item in the state papers released last week was the
proposal by British Government Ministers to get involved in a "post truce
battle for hearts and minds", promoting a 'sunny side up' philosophy that
became an integral part of British propaganda in subsequent years. We all
remember the "Belfast is Buzzing" campaigns but in 1975 it was the year of
"Miss Good Cheer".

On the cards were an Ulster festival, and good cheer sales in the shops with
a "Miss Good Cheer" beauty contest. Also proposed was a series of concerts
with Morecambe and Wise and Frank Sinatra touted as possible guests, who
might it was thought give their services for free!