Friday, September 14, 2012

The Asian region, including India has an America problem. From Okinawa
to Aceh and Assam to Abbottabad, Uncle Sam’s boot marks are discernable,
reminding us of the wasteful wars that Asians have waged against each other at
the behest of America - to be more precise, 1% of the American population. For
the past six decades and more, the continent has been suffering from unsolicited
advice and unnecessary interference by America.

Today, we stand at the cusp of change in international politics. The
coming decade promises to offer Asia a window of opportunity to finally come
out of the imperial yoke and chart its own destiny. The relative decline of
America’s power and the concomitant increase in the Indian and Chinese
potential gives an opportunity to shape the region based on Asian values and
sensitivities - a willingness to pierce through the labyrinths of distrust and
horror woven by America to keep the neighbors fearful of each other’s growth.

The Korean brothers are baying for each other’s blood; Afghanistan
dislikes Pakistan; Pakistan hates India, China maligns Japan and Japan
continues to remain in a state of stupor, unable to distinguish friends from
foe. Japan’s case militates against all reasoning and logic. Japan is Buddhist
enough to forgive its colonizer, America for the horrors of Nagasaki and
Hiroshima. However, it refuses to give up its Samurai instincts against China, its
erstwhile Colony.

All the Asian hatred is now pouring into the South China Sea. And
nobody is more delighted than America to fish in troubled waters through political,
financial and ideological interventions. Asia continues to suffer because regional
relations remain mired in ‘territorial trap’. To understand this trap let us
see how America exploited the Indian elite’s fear of communism to create an
India-China border dispute leading up to 1962 war.

Just to have a convenient military base America played along with their
British friends to divide the Indian sub-continent. In 1947, when millions were
getting uprooted and killed in the partition of India, Uncle Sam was busy
comprehending George Kennan’s telegram from Moscow on how to contain USSR by
planting their former soldier in India, MO Mathai as a CIA agent in Jawaharlal
Nehru’s office. That Mathai continued in the PM’s office till 1959, dutifully
fulfilling his role as a mole tells us about the extent to which India can rely
on America. If talking about Mathai is making a mountain out of a mole hill,
then imagine what America was extracting from others including Morarji Desai -our
Finance minster in 1957 and the Prime Minister in late 1970s - allegedly working for his masters in Washington.

Late forties was also the time when America was hobnobbing with Mao and
Chiang Kai- Shek to form a national government in Beijing. When this plan did
not succeed, Chiang Kai-Shek was pushed to a corner in Taiwan and Mao’s brand
of Marxism was accorded a prime place in the US scheme of things to divide the
communist world. Since Mao could not be left loose, therefore, Taiwan and Tibet wounds were allowed to
fester.

Nehru understood this game and
refused to play ball with the Americans on Tibet, though his colleagues like
Patel was too eager to tow the American agenda in the 1950s. Nehru used the
threat of Indian communism to make his deals with the America. Both Churchill
and Truman encouraged Nehru to play the role of a Asian leader to obviate
communist China from assuming command. Referring to her meeting with Churchill
on 22 March 1955, Vijay Lakshmi Pandit had written:

“He was very conscious of
past mistakes but he said that since the commonwealth conference he was convinced
that ‘Asia is with us’. He said, ‘it is Nehru who is bringing this about. He
can and will interpret the best we have given him to the Asian people. Nehru is
the light of Asia…yes, and a greater light than Buddha.”(Nayantara Sahgal,
Jawaharlal Nehru: Civilizing the Savage World, Penguin, 2010)

However, the imperial benevolence,
as Nehru knew it better, could be enjoyed only for a limited period. Two years
after the Bandung Conference of 1955, the Americans were there to clip Nehru’s
wings. In 1957, when
financial crisis hit India, America through the comprador bourgeois heading the
financial and monetary policy institutions in India was able to ensure that
enfeebled Nehru had to stop chanting Hindi-Chini bhai bhai and go with a
begging bowl to Fund - Bank managers. Nehru
sent a team consisting of Finance Minister Krishnamachari, and RBI
governor H.V.R. Iyengar to World Bank in September 1957, to ask for $600
million aid package and to reassure the Bank
President Eugene Black that

"The 'socialism'
contemplated in India does not, by any stretch
of imagination mean communism; it does not mean state capitalism......It is a
system under which private competitive enterprise has and will continue to have
a vital role to play; it is a system which respects private property and
provides for the payment of compensation if such property is acquired by the
State. I submit there is nothing in the system which should be repugnant to the
social conscience of the USA".

Within ten days the US Aid started
flowing in, thanks also to US Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles. Since
there are no free lunches, Nehru had no option but to change his stance on the Tibet
issue in conformity with American wishes. Dalali Lama whom Nehru had sent back
to China in 1956 was now welcomed with open arms, leaving the Panchsheel
agreement in tatters. CIA was given much greater access to Indian territory to
install nuclear devises and agents to keep constant pressure on China to break
up with Soviet Union and cause deep fissures in communist parties across the
globe. This was best achieved through the events leading up to 1962 war, where the
Soviet Union was forced to choose between India and China. M.Y. Prozumenschikov,
writing in the Cold War International History Project Bulletin, 251, says:

The fact that
the USSR did not take a clear “class” position in a conflict between a
socialist state and a bourgeois state provoked indignation in China. In a 13
September 1959 letter to the CC CPSU, the CC CCP accused the Soviet government
(although in a veiled form) of “accommodation and compromise on important
matters of principle” and noted that “the TASS statement showed to the whole
world the different positions of China and the Soviet Union in regard to the
incident on the Indian–Chinese border, which causes a virtual glee and
jubilation among the Indian bourgeoisie and the American and English imperialists,
who are in every way possible driving a wedge between China and the Soviet
Union.”

Nehru came under the US thumb and changed tack in 1957 to become more
aggressive towards China. Nehru and Chou En-Lai had fully appreciated the
futility of war, yet the war happened. Who initiated the war is irrelevant, but
why the two great nations got sucked into it is more important.

For Americans India-China war was a part of their Soviet containment
policy. America was hardly bothered or moved by Tibet. As Dalai Lama writing in
his autobiography says,

America felt it was
worthwhile to provide limited assistance to Tibetan freedom fighters, not
because they cared about Tibetan independence, but as a part of world-wide efforts
to destabilize all communist governments.”

For Washington, Tibet was just a strategic tool to keep the Communist
party of China reminded of the reach of American power. In the American game plan Congress party,
Swatantra party and the right wing political outfit of the RSS, Jan Sangh saw
an opportunity to decimate once and for all, both Krishna Menon a potential
heir to Nehru and communism from India. They all achieved their purpose.

In the end to fulfill America’s ideological imperatives - the Indian
army sacrificed 3000 soldiers and also its pride - Nehru lay crestfallen,
seeing the failure of his non-alignment policy writ large on those two letters
that he wrote to Kennedy on 19 November 1962 asking for F-104 fighters and B-57
bombers. They kept him waiting for the help and also fed him wrong intelligence
inputs and military advice through their ambassador in India, John Kenneth
Galbraith.

Nehru was betrayed by none other than his friends in America who led him
into dark alley and left him stranded. Once China had been distanced from
Soviets, America too turned its back on India, knowing it fully well that
Pakistan was enough to meet its strategic needs.

In 1971, India once again lost 10,000 of its brave men to help Bangladesh
win independence. But the net result was that the Bangladesh government and its
army under US tutelage banned India’s entry into their country. The strategists
need to ask, after all, whom did the war eventually benefit? And the clear
answer is America. Pakistan too was used by America to fight frivolous battles
with India only to keep the entire region in rotation.

If in the 1950s, communist China’s
expansionist designs were used to scare India, now it is the threat posed by
Capitalist China that is being projected to woo India into falling into another
trap. But this time India should be wise and tell the Americans that we will
not let any of our soldiers shed its blood for Tibet, heavens will not fall if "Tibetan government-in-exile into further exile outside India..” India needs to be attached to a cause but only with a sense of detachment,
just as the Chinese were when in
the 1960s they reiterated their independence to the Soviets by informing them,

“If
the international Communist movement collapsed, this will not cause the sky to
fall down.”

For too long America has been
playing like a systems administrator, making others dance to its tune. India
must resolve not to lose even a single life to defend the American empire.
Empires have come and gone. India is better prepared to deal with new empire.
If India could enjoy Halloweens and Valentine, it will hardly be any effort to absorb
a bit of Confucius for the sake of peace and development in Asia.