Named Entity Results, Thomas Benton

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to bear his share of the burdens of the government which protects him, I find a man who is unworthy to enjoy the blessings of a government like ours.
They say that we are opposing national bank currency; it is true.
If you will read what Thomas Benton said, you will find he said that, in searching history, he could find but one parallel to Andrew Jackson; that was Cicero, who destroyed the conspiracy of Catiline and saved Rome.
Benton said that (Cicero only did for Rome what Jackson did fBenton said that (Cicero only did for Rome what Jackson did for us when he destroyed the bank conspiracy and saved America.
We say in our platform that we believe that the right to coin and issue money is a function of government.
We believe it. We believe that it is a part of sovereignty, and can no more with safety be delegated to private individuals than we could afford to delegate to private individuals the power to make penal statutes or levy taxes.
Mr. Jefferson, who was once regarded as good Democratic authority, seems to have differed in opinio

action to effect removal; but this law of 1820 vacated all the chief financial offices, with all the places dependent upon them, during the term of every President, who, without an order of removal, could fill them all at his pleasure.
A little later a change in the method of nominating the President from a congressional caucus to a national convention still further developed the power of patronage as a party resource, and in the session of 1825-26, when John Quincy Adams was President, Mr. Benton introduced his report upon Mr. Macon's resolution declaring the necessity of reducing and regulating executive patronage: although Mr. Adams, the last of the Revolutionary line of Presidents, so scorned to misuse patronage that he leaned backward in standing erect.
The pressure for the overthrow of the constitutional system had grown steadily more angry and peremptory with the progress of the country, the development of party spirit, the increase of patronage, the unanticipated consequenc

the claimants have not yet succeeded in securing the settlement of the claims.
Committees of both Houses, it is true, have several times reported in favor of the claims, and an act appropriating money for them has twice passed Congress.
This was vetoed the first time by President Polk, and the second time by President Pierce, and, but for the lack of one vote in the Senate, the first of these would have passed over the President's veto.
Many of our greatest statemen— Daniel Webster, Thomas Benton, Silas Wright, and others—have championed the cause of these claims in Congress with much eloquence.
In 1883 a bill passed the Senate authorizing the court of claims to investigate these long-standing cases and report upon them.
This bill passed the House in January, 1885, and was approved by the President.
The original claimants have long since passed away,
Map of the massacre at Frenchtown. and, with few exceptions, their children are also dead, but grandchildren and great-grandc

lgence of the Senate.
Little did I expect to be called upon to meet such an argument as was yesterday urged by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Webster). Sir, I questioned no man's opinions, I impeached no man's motives, I charged no party, or State, or section of country with hostility to any other; but ventured, I thought in a becoming spirit, to put forth my own sentiments in relation to a great national question of public policy.
Such was my course.
The gentleman from Missouri [Mr. Benton], it is true, had charged upon the Eastern States an early and continued hostility towards the West, and referred to a number of historical facts and documents in support of that charge.
Now, sir, how have these different arguments been met?
The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, after deliberating a whole night upon his course, comes into this chamber to vindicate New England; and, instead of making up his issue with the gentleman from Missouri on the charges which he had preferred

rticular instances or to relieve settlers from their indebtedness.
In 1820 a law was passed abolishing the credit system and authorizing the selling of land in half-quarter sections, and making the minimum price $1.25 per acre.
This caused great dissatisfaction on the part of the States, since as all lands were at the same minimum price the best lands were taken up first and large tracts of inferior lands were left, which bore no share, as public lands, of State or local taxation.
In 1824 Benton introduced into Congress a bill for granting pre-emption rights to actual settlers and for graduating the price of lands, but it was rejected.
The States were now becoming very eager to effect internal improvements, and regarding the existence of large tracts of public land within their limits as a hinderance, begun to clamor for the restoration of these lands.
Schemes without number were now concocted for the disposal of the public lands, and in the session of 1827-28 Congress actuall

ch you have no authority, and preventing me from complying with the President's orders.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, S. W. Kearny, Brigadier-General U. S. A. Commodore R. F. Stockton, Acting Governor of California.
The motives which actuated Colonel Fremont in electing to pursue the course which he did upon the arrival of General Kearny, are scarcely open to misconstruction.
There happens, however, to be the best of evidence in regard to them in a letter addressed to Colonel Benton at the time of the collision, which reveals in all the confidence of personal friendship the innermost secrets of his heart.
In that letter, he says:
. . . When I entered Los Angeles I was ignorant of the relations subsisting between these gentlemen, having received from neither any order or information which might serve as a guide in the circumstances.
I, therefore, immediately on my arrival, waited upon the governor and commander-in-chief, Commodore Stockton, and, a few minute