The Meaning of Andrew Cuomo's Embarrassment

On Election Day, when Zephyr Teachout, his largely unknown and unfunded opponent—an opponent he refused even to acknowledge—got more than a third of the vote in the Democratic primary for November's gubernatorial election, Cuomo was barely seen. After voting in the morning near his home in Westchester, he disappeared. As the results came in, his whereabouts were still unknown. Was he in his midtown office? Was he in Albany? NY1, which was staking out his home in Mount Kisco, said that there was no sign of him there.

For a politician seeking to be reëlected to one of the top political posts in the country, this vanishing act was highly unusual. Teachout accused Cuomo of disrespecting the democratic process. Was he wary of being exposed to questions from an increasingly hostile media? Finally, at about eleven at night, his office issued a statement hailing his victory—and the victory of his running mate, Kathy Hochul, in the primary for the post of lieutenant governor—as "a testament to the progress we have made together over the last four years: restoring economic opportunity, replacing dysfunction with results, putting people before politics and re-establishing New York as a progressive leader for the nation." The statement went on, "I also want to congratulate Zephyr Teachout and Tim Wu"—Teachout's running mate—“on running a spirited campaign, engaging in the democratic process and having the courage to make their voices heard."

There, he did it. The governor finally mentioned Teachout's name. Some progress to discuss the next time he sees his therapist.

On a more serious note, there will be some who dismiss Tuesday's result as a protest vote with few long-term implications. Even Cuomo's biggest fans—those who view him as an effective centrist whose brusque manner is a necessary antidote to the dysfunction in Albany—would readily concede that he has alienated quite a number of New Yorkers over the past four years. When Teachout, an energetic and articulate law professor, added her name to the Democratic primary ballot, she gave the peeved and the disappointed a costless opportunity to cock a snook at Cuomo. With the Republican candidate, Rob Astorino, way behind in the polls, there was no real danger of throwing November's race to the G.O.P. Why not stick it to the governor?

In some upstate districts, where Teachout won a considerable number of votes from an electorate more conservative than she is, this sort of logic does appear to have been at work. However, it would probably be a mistake to dismiss the result as simply a product of Republican weakness, or of Cuomo's off-putting persona. There was more to it than that.

The strong showing by Teachout and Wu was a victory for progressive voters who warmed to their message about tackling rising inequality, political corruption, and corporate abuses. It was also a rejection of Cuomo's economic philosophy, which led him to introduce a series of tax cuts for the rich, at the same time that he cut the state budgets for education and social services. I'd be willing to wager that most Democrats who voted against Cuomo objected more to his policies than to his personality.

Teachout and Wu’s insurgent campaigns gave voice to this sentiment. Eschewing the etiquette of internal party discourse, Teachout accused Cuomo of governing as a Republican, acting as a shill for the big banks and other campaign contributors, and being part of a "corrupt old boys' club" in Albany. Making full use of social media and appearances in more traditional media, she demonstrated that, even in this day and age, a candidate with a real message doesn't necessarily need the support of the party apparatus, or the financial backing of big donors, to have an impact.

Cuomo wasn't the only one to whom the rise of Teachout and Wu came as a surprise. Their insurgent campaigns also shocked what might be called the official progressive wing of the New York Democratic Party. The Working Families Party, an important player in liberal politics, had endorsed Cuomo. So had Mayor Bill de Blasio and Melissa Mark-Viverito, the City Council Speaker. Six days before the election, when it looked like Wu, a Columbia law professor (who has contributedarticlestothissite), had a chance of winning the race for lieutenant governor, de Blasio and Mark-Viverito both declared their backing for his opponent, Hochul.

Setting aside the conservative stances that Hochul—a former U.S. congresswoman representing Buffalo and Niagara Falls—has taken on Obamacare, gun control, and the treatment of undocumented aliens, de Blasio appeared with her outside City Hall and declared her "a true progressive." He did radio ads and made robo-calls on Hochul's behalf. And, according to some accounts, he went further than that. "Gov. Cuomo and Mayor de Blasio used threats and intimidation in recent days to block prominent Democrats from backing" Teachout and Wu, Fred Dicker, the New York Post 's veteran Albany columnist, reported. City Council members and state legislators were warned that, if they publicly endorsed Teachout and Wu, projects they support could be endangered, Dicker wrote.

As expected, the insurgency was ultimately defeated. In the race for lieutenant governor, de Blasio's intervention may have been decisive. At one point last week, Wu's internal polling showed him edging ahead. After the Mayor's endorsement of Hochul, sentiment turned in her favor, particularly downstate. Wu ended up doing better in some upstate districts, such as Albany and Saratoga counties, than he did in the Bronx and Brooklyn, both de Blasio strongholds. The city's outer boroughs also went heavily against Teachout. (In Manhattan, she received 42.7 per cent of the vote. In Queens, she got just 22.4 per cent.)

The Democratic Party establishment survived. But Teachout and Wu both achieved more than seemed possible a couple of months ago. By thoroughly embarrassing Cuomo, New York Democrats didn't merely deliver a blow to whatever national aspirations he may have. They signalled to other Democrats, Hillary Clinton included, that the political center of gravity has shifted, and that a significant segment of Democratic voters won't suffer gladly a return to the timid, pro-corporate policies of the Clinton years, which Cuomo represents.

That's why what happened on Tuesday wasn't just a New York story: it has national implications. The progressive movement that emerged from the financial crisis, giving birth to Occupy Wall Street and the de Blasio campaign, may still be inchoate and splintered. But it can't be ignored.