Prosecution and Racial Justice

Transcription

1 Prosecution and Racial Justice Using Data to Advance Fairness in Criminal Prosecution By Wayne McKenzie, Don Stemen, Derek Coursen, and Elizabeth Farid MARCH 2009 Prosecutors in the United States have an unrivaled level of influence within the criminal justice system. They decide, among other things, whether to file criminal charges, the number and severity of offenses they will charge, whether to offer a plea bargain, and what sentence to recommend for defendants who are convicted. These decisions can have a profound impact on the outcome of a case and the life of a defendant. Yet, as they exercise this influence, prosecutors also have unrivaled independence. Unlike officials in law enforcement and the judiciary, who have come under varying degrees of oversight in recent years (see box on page 2), prosecutors act with little outside scrutiny or governance. The discretion that prosecutors have is valuable for a number of reasons. Most important, it provides flexibility so they can tailor an appropriate response to individual cases. Yet it can also lead to unfair, disparate treatment. For many people, the possibility that minorities, especially African Americans and Latinos, might be prosecuted differently from white defendants is of particular concern. Statistics show that African Americans, for example, account for 39 percent of the population within the criminal justice system, even though they make up only 13 percent of the national population. 1 The Vera Institute of Justice s Prosecution and Racial Justice (PRJ) program seeks to address this concern by building confidence that prosecutorial discretion is not contributing to the disproportionate representation of people of color in the criminal justice system. In partnership with district attorneys in three major metropolitan counties Milwaukee County, Wisconsin; Mecklenburg County (Charlotte), North Carolina; and San Diego County, California PRJ is piloting an internal assessment and management procedure to help supervisors identify evidence of possible racial bias in prosecutorial decisions and respond appropriately when it is found. PRJ is doing this by helping district attorneys collect and analyze data about their office s structures and processes which they can then use to take corrective action when necessary without the need for potentially costly and disruptive intervention from external entities. PRJ s process is based on a principle that informs all Vera work: effective reform combines robust and careful data analysis with a commitment to use the information to improve policies. This publication presents an overview of how this principle is being applied to prosecutorial decision making, oversight, and supervision. The report begins by identifying how PRJ and its partners developed their approach to data-based reform. It then discusses lessons that have been learned as the district attorneys began applying this methodology to ensure the integrity of the justice they deliver. Developing a New Approach to Prosecutorial Management Through Data District attorneys are elected on their promise to protect communities from crime. Many chief prosecutors gauge their ability to fulfill this promise by asking one question: How many charged crimes end in a conviction? According to this widely accepted approach, a high conviction Prosecution and racial justice

2 Prosecution and Racial Justice rate indicates a successful office; a low rate demonstrates less success. Yet closer consideration shows that the conviction rate is an incomplete measure of both performance and success. Because it reflects countless decisions at every stage of the prosecutorial process from whether to press charges to whether to seek specialized sentencing options the conviction rate can conceal evidence of poor or unsatisfactory performance at any point in the process. Consequently, it cannot adequately guide supervisors on how well their offices are operating and which practices and processes warrant improvement. The conviction rate fails, therefore, as a complete and useful measure of prosecutorial performance for which it is often taken. To provide district attorneys with information they can act on, PRJ s staff of researchers and former prosecutors developed a series of performance indicators select statistics that provide insight into how a system is operating that focus on four key discretion points in the prosecutorial process: initial case screening, charging, plea offers, and final disposition (see table on page 4). When taken together, the indicators describe with meaningful specificity how the exercise of discretion at each point contributes to the final outcome of a criminal prosecution, thus providing managers greater opportunity for performance assessment and supervision. By collecting data about, say, which charges prosecutors decline to pursue, or which sentences they request, supervisors can begin to identify facets of the system that appear to be performing inappropriately and may be in need of attention. They may discover, for example, that line prosecutors are seeking more severe penalties for a category of defendants who are otherwise similar to defendants for whom they seek a lesser punishment. This insight could be the impetus for focusing more attention on understanding this imbalance and, if necessary, implementing corrective measures. In addition to the four key discretion points, the project Monitoring Discretion in Law Enforcement In recent years, law enforcement agencies and the courts have become increasingly subject to external constraints and oversight due, at least in part, to concerns about fairness and disparity. Many police departments have come under federal scrutiny, for example, because of patterns of unacceptable practices, including allegations that they unfairly and disproportionately targeted minorities for traffic stops or searches. Similar concerns about equal treatment led legislators in many jurisdictions, including the federal government, to create sentencing structures and guidelines designed to limit the decision-making options of judges. As PRJ s partners in Charlotte, Milwaukee, and San Diego work to enhance their policies, they are following the example of several law enforcement leaders who earlier traveled a similar path and did so without the coercion of federal oversight. One example is from the late 1990s. The former U.S. Customs Service, the federal agency then entrusted with enforcing the nation s customs laws, faced well-substantiated accusations that it was unfairly targeting African Americans and Hispanics for invasive searches. Raymond W. Kelly, the agency s chief at the time, responded by collecting data on the search practices of customs agents. The data showed that racial disparities arose when agents exercised independent discretion in choosing who to search. Kelly responded by developing a policy requiring agents to consult with a supervisor before proceeding with a search. As a result, disparities shrank and the rate of positive searches those that led to recovery of contraband increased. * Kelly also instituted the then-novel practice of asking for daily reports on searches by race, which allowed him to monitor patterns, identify problems, and implement solutions on an ongoing basis. * An in-depth description of Kelly s changes can be found in A Case Study: How One Police Agency Changed for the Better in Profiles in Injustice by David A. Harris, (New York: New Press, 2002): p Prosecution and racial justice

3 Using Data to Advance Fairness in Criminal Prosecution also tracks time to disposition, which is similarly important. After all, in cases where discretion may be a factor in disparate outcomes, it might be expressed by longer prosecution times for certain defendants who are otherwise comparable to those whose cases are resolved more quickly. PRJ acknowledges that the factors it tracks in its analysis the performance indicators at each of the four discretion points and time to disposition are not comprehensive. Neither are they all determined exclusively by prosecutorial discretion: a defendant released on bond, for example, may feel less urgency to cooperate to swiftly resolve a case that could result in a criminal conviction and jail time than a defendant who is in pretrial detention facing a similar charge and fate. Nevertheless, the indicators are useful in identifying racially disparate outcomes and determining whether they are the result of racial bias. The philosophy underlying PRJ s performance measure approach is not unique. In 2004, the American Prosecutors Research Institute (APRI), the research arm of the National District Attorney s Association, proposed an initial framework for a new way of measuring prosecutors progress toward achieving widely accepted goals and desired outcomes. Their strategy for a more effective measure of Seeking Culture Change Like any organization, a district attorney s office will have a distinct culture. The adversarial nature of most criminal justice proceedings in the United States, the field s traditional emphasis on convictions as a measure of success, and the leadership s vulnerability to political change all contribute to the character of this culture. Many prosecutors and their staff regard self-monitoring as an unnecessary and even risky proposition especially self-monitoring for hints of racial bias. It is as if by choosing to look for this evidence they are admitting to being guilty of the practice. Other agencies have demonstrated, however, that self-monitoring promises many benefits, including a greater sense of integrity associated with the criminal justice system. When prosecutors hold themselves accountable for their decisions, they gain the support of their constituencies and the benefit of a supportive environment. Yet, prosecutors who commit to monitoring their discretion must be prepared to change the culture of their offices. PRJ facilitates this change by creating regular meetings where discussion of race is not only sanctioned but encouraged by senior management. Prosecution offices that are open to uncovering existing racial disparities can work more effectively to reduce such disparities in the future. An important component of this culture change is gaining trust. Prosecutors can gain the trust of community and civic organizations by engaging in open discussions that demonstrate their commitment to a more just criminal justice system. Milwaukee District Attorney John Chisholm has demonstrated this commitment by openly discussing with community groups his findings and the remedial steps his office has undertaken in response to them. Mecklenburg District Attorney Peter Gilchrist has also met regularly with community groups about his commitment to reducing racial disparities in the prosecutorial process. San Diego District Attorney Bonnie Dumanis has several community liaisons on staff and regularly meets with various community groups to share information and discuss concerns. vera institute of justice

4 Prosecution and Racial Justice prosecutorial performance called for a similar, multiple-indicator mechanism. 2 The multiple indicator approach is the leading edge of PRJ s effort to help district attorneys identify and address unwarranted disparities in the treatment of minority defendants. It is complemented by the project s equal emphasis on working with offices to ensure that the data collection and analysis process is practical, and that the resulting information is effective in examining problem areas and developing appropriate policy responses. Collecting Data Indicators: What We Are Learning Like APRI s proposed alternative measure of prosecutorial success, PRJ s system of multiple indicators enables supervisors to monitor decisions in specific segments of their operations. This makes it possible to identify areas that warrant managerial attention and oversight. One of the first important lessons learned, however, is that prosecutors offices often lack the technological capacity necessary to collect data easily, if at all. The second lesson is that once the broad technological hurdles are surmounted, the process must be targeted to optimize the resulting data s usefulness. THE NEED FOR ADEQUATE SYSTEMS TO COLLECT DATA. Prosecution offices often use electronic case management systems to follow the progress of their cases. Such systems are rarely designed to marshal the aggregate information required to track disparity, however. A standard case management system may make it possible to follow the decisions of individual prosecutors in specific cases, but it probably cannot identify how an office of prosecutors exercised its discretion collectively. Consequently, Performance Indicators for the Four Key Discretion Points in the Prosecutorial Process CASE SCREENING CHARGING PLEA OFFERS FINAL DISPOSITION > Arrest charges (specific statute citation) > Highest charge > Highest charge offered > Trial date > Arrest charge level (level/class of felony/misdemeanor) > Highest charge type > Highest charge offered type > Disposition (dismissed, found not guilty, found guilty) > Arrest charge crime type (person, property, drug, public order/ government, sex, weapons, DUI/traffic) > Highest charge crime level > Highest charge offered crime level > Highest disposition charge > Arrest date > Highest charge crime type > Number of counts booked > Total number of charges > Highest charge offered crime type > Total number of charges offered > Highest disposition charge type > Highest disposition charge crime level > Case status (accepted/declined) > Charging date > Plea offer date > Highest disposition charge crime type > Case deferred > Plea acceptance date > Total number of charges convicted > Case diverted > Sentence recommendations > Reason for declination > Disposition date Prosecution and racial justice

5 Using Data to Advance Fairness in Criminal Prosecution such systems offer little support for supervisors looking to address overall challenges. The fact that case management systems rarely allow for aggregating case information is but one of several related challenges. Any system that could provide aggregate information would likely have to be computerized. Yet, prosecution offices, including our partners in Mecklenburg County, often rely on paper files for managing their cases. This is not uncommon in smaller jurisdictions where the absence of a computer-based system may have a minimal effect on overall work flow, or in offices with limited resources. Another frequent challenge is that crucial information may be stored across different agencies. In many jurisdictions information about arrest charges and custody status, for example, may be maintained by the sheriff, while pleas and sentencing are recorded by the court. Although an ideal solution would be a web-based data collection system that integrates all agencies holding relevant information, the Mecklenburg and Milwaukee district attorneys have demonstrated that intermediate solutions are also viable. As a first step in its data collecting effort, Mecklenburg County hired data entry support staff to computerize case information from its paper files, expediting review of initial case screening decisions. This allowed supervisors to compare the aggregate number of drug cases in which charges were declined to cases in which the charges were pursued. In Milwaukee, prosecuting officials overcame the second obstacle data being maintained by different agencies by soliciting data from those agencies and incorporating it into a single database using case identifiers that were common to all data sets. IMPROVING DATA QUALITY. It is not enough simply to collect data. The data must be collected in ways that allow supervisors to compare the influence of the many factors that can affect case outcomes. PRJ has identified two principles of data collection that substantially enhance the usefulness of prosecutors databases. First, data collection systems should be sophisticated enough to allow prosecutors to record multiple independent variables at each discretion point. One of the earliest discretion points, for example, case screening, reflects prosecutors initial judgment about cases as they enter the office, usually from the police. The relevant information that should be collected within this indicator category includes the total number of charges against the arrested person (arrest charges and number of counts), the charge type, the crime level, and the crime type. Offices must be able to identify non-legal information about the defendant as well, including, most saliently, the defendant s race. If a prosecutor chooses not to charge a case, the reason for the declination should be recorded too. Second, data should be collected at both the defendant and charge levels. If data is considered only at the defendant level tracking only what happens to the defendant s case as a whole a great deal of information about separate charges is lost. A single defendant may face multiple charges, many of which can result in different outcomes. Some of these charges may be declined and others accepted; some may be upgraded and others downgraded. What happens to each of these individual charges determines what happens to a defendant s case as a whole and determines whether two similarly situated defendants are treated disparately. For example, two defendants may be arrested for the same five charges. The first may have four charges dismissed and one accepted while the second defendant may have all five charges accepted. Considered only at the defendant level, both individuals would be seen as accepted for prosecution. This, however, would overlook the fact that the first defendant is only prosecuted on one charge while the second is prosecuted on five charges a very different outcome. On the other hand, if data is considered only at the charge level, there is a risk that some individuals will be counted twice where one or more charges are rejected and one or more charges are accepted resulting in another kind of distortion. If this information is not collected specifically and accurately, supervisors will be unable to assess fully how decisions are made in their offices. vera institute of justice

6 Prosecution and Racial Justice The data collection issues described here are complex. But our experience has shown that once understood, the principles are relatively simple to begin implementing. The district attorneys offices in Charlotte, Milwaukee, and San Diego have each begun tracking prosecutorial decisions in case screening and charging, according to their individual capacities. They have also begun to see positive results, in terms of their ability to identify areas in need of examination and possible managerial oversight. Some of these gains are highlighted in the following sections of this report. In time, PRJ s partners expect to extend their oversight systems to include the full range of indicators at each discretion point: case screening, charging, plea offers, and final disposition. Analyzing Data: What We Are Learning charged with possession of drug paraphernalia compared to only 27 percent of non-whites arrested for the same crime. After looking at the data, the team considered a number of possible explanations for this disparity. These included policing practices, case screening procedures, and unconscious bias based on the character of the drug paraphernalia involved. In the course of their discussions, the team considered whether police were treating people differently, whether prosecutorial staff had a legally relevant reason to press or decline to press charges differently, and whether the disproportion was based on an unconscious racial bias. In this case, racial bias was not deemed to be the most relevant factor. The disparity was traced, instead, to pros- Percent of cases declined, by race White defendants Non-white defendants Data alone does not provide answers. It does, however, help to determine what additional questions should be asked. Developing a structured, recurring way to look at or analyze such data and then to apply that analysis to managerial protocols is central to the approach developed by PRJ and its partners. 41% 27% Chart A: Declination rates for possession of drug paraphernalia White defendants = 521 Non-white defendants = 846 PRJ s partner jurisdictions review data and discuss what data mean at regularly scheduled management meetings. Charlotte and Milwaukee have instituted new meetings dedicated specifically to this undertaking; San Diego is integrating it into an existing general management systems process. Whatever the venue, these discussions involve prosecutors and a team of legal, non-legal, and technology personnel who meet to examine, analyze, and interpret any evidence that suggests a racial bias in aggregate decision making. PRJ staff familiar with the issues are initially facilitating these meetings to help determine which factors, such as office policies and training, may be relevant to the disparities that have been found. Possession of drug paraphernlia 40% 40% 16% 12% 12% Possession of marijuana (1st offense) 7% Possession of cocaine (1st offense) Chart B: Overall declination rates 32% 33% 37% 37% White defendants 3,104 felonies 5,467 misdemeanors Recently, Milwaukee County held meetings to discuss data revealing an unexpected racial disparity in drug cases, as illustrated in Chart A, at right. For example, Milwaukee prosecutors chose not to prosecute 41 percent of whites Misdemeanor Felony All offenses Non-white defendants 7,642 felonies 10,091 misdemeanors Prosecution and racial justice

7 Using Data to Advance Fairness in Criminal Prosecution ecutors level of experience. Junior prosecutors had traditionally been assigned to screen misdemeanor cases. A significant number of the paraphernalia cases that originated within the city of Milwaukee, where most of the African American population resides, involved possession of crack pipes. However, in the suburbs of the county of Milwaukee, the paraphernalia was more varied. Junior prosecutors associated the crack pipes with crack cocaine and pursued charges more aggressively. At the same time, they viewed other forms of paraphernalia as less serious and not worth pursuing. The result was that more African Americans were prosecuted. More experienced prosecutors, on the other hand, tended to view possession of drug paraphernalia charges generally as relatively minor and not worth pursuing. How prosecutors subsequently addressed this disparity is the subject of the next section. It is first worth noting, however, that this disparity would have been masked if Milwaukee staff did not look into the data for the most accurate answers. As Chart B illustrates, the overall declination rates of whites and non-whites show no imbalance at all. It was only when staff considered the declination rates for specific crime types, such as possession of drug paraphernalia, that the disparity was revealed. Lessons for Developing Management Protocols and Implementing Solutions Once data has been collected and analyzed, PRJ s process encourages district attorneys to consider implementing policy changes to address any imbalances that have been identified. In the earlier example from Milwaukee County, District Attorney John Chisholm encouraged staff to view possession of crack cocaine paraphernalia less as a criminal matter than as evidence that the arrested individual had a problem with drug abuse. He enacted a policy that directed staff to decline these cases whenever it was reasonable to do so and to refer the arrested individuals to drug treatment. When prosecutors still seek to press charges, a supervisor s approval is required to ensure that lack of experience on the prosecutor s part is not a salient factor. Although these policy changes do not directly focus on racial issues, soon after they were implemented the racial disparity in drug paraphernalia charges disappeared. Similar policy changes were implemented in Mecklenburg County where, as noted earlier, data entry personnel were hired to input information from paper files. That process revealed that Charlotte s prosecutors were filing charges in approximately 97 percent of all drug cases. This was an extraordinarily high percentage, given that the office s declination rate for all cases combined was roughly 30 percent. Further scrutiny revealed that many of the charges were eventually dismissed and a significant number of the cases were referred to drug treatment later in the process. Additionally, charges were being pressed for all drug cases and every drug charge involving African American women. Many of these cases, too, were being resolved later in the prosecutorial process. District Attorney Peter Gilchrist responded to these findings by instituting a more vigilant screening process that identified weak cases up front. As a result, the declination rate in drug cases overall increased to approximately 13 percent. Because Charlotte prosecutors were pursuing fewer minor charges that would eventually be dropped including many against black women more resources were available to prosecute serious cases that went forward. A final example, from Milwaukee, shows that supervisors are increasingly recognizing that the interpretation of data, and not the data itself, is the key to management and reform. During a meeting to review declination rates, a finding that minorities were less likely to be prosecuted for property offenses was initially presented as evidence that there was no racial bias in how such cases were handled. Extensive discussions among managers within the office, however, yielded several other plausible and less comforting conclusions. Perhaps there were fewer cases with minority defendants because minority victims were reluctant to step forward, law enforcement was less willing to treat such crimes against minorities seriously, or prosecutors were less inclined to appropriately value the property rights of minority victims who are often demographically similar to their victimizers. vera institute of justice

8 Conclusion Prosecutors exercise significant discretion over the cases they handle. Their choices extend from whether to press charges at the beginning of the process, to their role in seeking plea bargains and making recommendations about bail and post-conviction disposition (seeking placement in an alternative to incarceration, for example). Clearly articulated legal factors, internal policies and practices, and ethical considerations constrain these choices, and historically this has been sufficient to sustain public confidence in the integrity of the prosecution function. In recent years, however, other significant actors in the criminal justice system who once enjoyed similar autonomy have become subject to increasing levels of external oversight. Strict guidelines have been enacted to limit sentencing options available to judges, and many police departments discovered to be treating people differently based on their race have come under federal scrutiny and, in some cases, direct oversight. In both cases, a loss of public confidence was an important catalyst for the change. Prosecutors cannot assume that they are immune to similar forces. In partnering with PRJ, the district attorneys of Charlotte, Milwaukee, and San Diego have made a commitment to sustaining the public s confidence. They have done so by assuming a leadership role in ensuring that neither race nor ethnicity are intentionally or unintentionally producing unfair outcomes or inappropriate racial disparities. Our experience has shown, moreover, that even when a disparity is not racially motivated, PRJ s approach to internal oversight can enhance public confidence in the fairness of the prosecutorial function. It is therefore an important model for prosecutors everywhere. endnotes 1 William J. Sabol, Todd D. Minton, and Paige M. Harrison, Prison and Jail Inmates at Midyear 2006 (Washington, DC, Bureau of Justice Statistics: 2007), NCJ , p.9, U.S. Census Bureau, American Community Survey, id=01000us&-qr_name=acs_2007_3yr_g00_s2601a&-ds_name=acs_2007_3yr_g00_. 2 American Prosecutor s Research Institute, Prosecution in the 21st Century: Goals, Objectives, and Performance Measures (Alexandria, VA: American Prosecutor s Research Institute, 2004). For More Information For more information about the Prosecution and Racial Justice Program, contact Wayne McKenzie at (212) or The Vera Institute of Justice is an independent nonprofit organization that combines expertise in research, demonstration projects, and technical assistance to help leaders in government and civil society improve the systems people rely on for safety and justice. 233 Broadway, 12th Floor New York, NY Tel: (212) Fax: (212)

It s time to shift gears on criminal justice VOTER TOOLKIT 2014 Who are the most powerful elected officials most voters have never voted for? ANSWER: Your District Attorney & Sheriff THE POWER OF THE DISTRICT

Morgan County Prosecuting Attorney Debra MH McLaughlin Directions: From Fairfax Street Entrance, Enter Main Door, turn Right through door, up the narrow staircase. Office is at top of steps. (Old Circuit

Introduction The New York City criminal justice system is made up of many different agencies and organizations. These include the independent judiciary, the five elected District Attorneys and the Special

Removal of Youth in the Adult Criminal Justice System: A State Trends Update Rebecca Gasca on behalf of Campaign for Youth Justice Juvenile Court founded in 1899 to create a separate justice system for

External Advisory Group Meeting June 2, 2015 1. There seems to be an extended wait from disposition to sentence where defendants are in jail awaiting the completion of the pre-sentence report. How many

2014 ANNUAL REPORT DISTRICT ATTORNEY WASHINGTON COUNTY 2014 Annual Report presented in April 2015 FUNCTIONS AND RESPONSIBILITIES The primary function of the Office of the District Attorney is to prosecute

UNDERSTANDING THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM Anne Benson What is the Criminal Justice System? The criminal justice system is the system we have in the United States for addressing situations where it is believed

Mental Health Courts: A New Tool By Stephanie Yu, Fiscal Analyst For fiscal year (FY) 2008-09, appropriations for the Judiciary and the Department of Community Health (DCH) include funding for a mental

GETTING THROUGH THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM ARREST An ARREST starts the criminal justice process. It is called an arrest whether the police officer hands you a summons or puts handcuffs on you and takes

Office of the Attorney General Information for Crime Victims and Witnesses MARCH 2009 LAWRENCE WASDEN Attorney General Criminal Law Division Special Prosecutions Unit Telephone: (208) 332-3096 Fax: (208)

COMMUNITY PROTOCOL FOR DOMESTIC VIOLENCE CASES PURPOSE: The County Attorney, Sheriff, Police Chief, Court Service Officer and DV Agency have mutually agreed upon this community protocol to encourage the

General District Courts To Understand Your Visit to Court You Should Know: It is the courts wish that you know your rights and duties. We want every person who comes here to receive fair treatment in accordance

Memo from District Attorney Andrew Murray on Impacts Related to Reductions or Elimination of City funded services to the District Attorney s Office and Court System At the May 13, 2015 Budget Adjustments

Issue Brief The Issue and the Opportunity A young person s involvement in the juvenile justice system often begins with an encounter with law enforcement and his or her arrest as a result of that encounter.

Communicating the Struggle Between Due Process and Public Safety National Association of Counties, July 2012 Public Support National Association of Counties (2009) American Probation and Parole Association

NOVEMBER 2013 RESEARCH SUMMARY Pretrial criminal justice research commissioned by the Laura and John Arnold Foundation (LJAF) has thrown new light on how critical the earliest decisions made in the criminal

If You Have Been Charged with a Crime in Florida, Familiarizing Yourself with Your Charges and the Potential Penalties If You are Convicted is the First Step to Making Yourself More Informed, Empowered

The Legal System in the United States At the conclusion of this chapter, students will be able to: 1. Understand how the legal system works; 2. Explain why laws are necessary; 3. Discuss how cases proceed

TESTIMONY OF ROBERT M. A. JOHNSON ANOKA COUNTY ATTORNEY ANOKA, MINNESOTA JUNE 4, 2009 ON INDIGENT REPRESENTATION: A GROWING NATIONAL CRISIS TESTIMONY OF ROBERT M.A. JOHNSON FOR THE HOUSE JUDICIARY SUBCOMMITTEE

: RACE AND IMPRISONMENT IN TEXAS The disparate incarceration of Latinos and African Americans in the Lone Star State A ny discussion about the impact of incarceration in this country must acknowledge that

HOW A TYPICAL CRIMINAL CASE IS PROSECUTED IN ALASKA The Office of Victims Rights receives many inquiries from victims about how a criminal case in Alaska is investigated by police and then prosecuted by

BAIL BONDS - MYTHS, REALITY, AND PRISON POPULATION MANAGEMENT by James W. Lindblad, President, Professional Bail Agents Association of Hawaii As a consequence of widespread misunderstanding regarding the

TORONTO BAIL PROGRAM Cameron Brown The Toronto Bail Program is a private, non-profit, charitable organization which provides Bail Verification and Supervision services under contract to the Ministry of

Peering Into the Black Box: The Criminal Justice System s Response to Gun- Related Felonies in St. Louis Richard Rosenfeld Joshua Williams University of Missouri St. Louis St. Louis Public Safety Partnership

Some Things You Should Know An Introduction to the Federal Public Defender=s Office and the Federal Court System Office of the Federal Public Defender Southern District of West Virginia 300 Virginia Street

House Proposal of Amendment S. 292 An act relating to term probation, the right to bail, medical care of inmates, and a reduction in the number of nonviolent prisoners, probationers, and detainees. The

BRIEF I Setting the Stage: Juvenile Justice History, Statistics, and Practices in the United States and North Carolina Ann Brewster Most states juvenile justice systems have two main goals: increased public

HANDOUT 1: Purpose and Principles of Sentencing in Canada Principles of Sentencing The Criminal Code of Canada outlines the principles and purpose of sentencing in s. 718. These principles are placed in

Bail Fail: Why the U.S. should end the practice of using money for bail. September 2012 INTRODUCTION The vaguely understood pretrial process of bail costs the taxpayers of the United States billions of

OBSTACLES TO THE SUCCESSFUL ABATEMENT OF THE DRUG ABUSE PROBLEM AS PERCEIVED BY THE POLICE COMMUNITY by JoHN E. FAHNESTOCK* This presentation is the summation of recent periodicals and current literature

CRIMINAL JUSTICE POLICING IN AMERICA DUTIES OF THE POLICE 4 MAJOR DUTIES Keep the peace Apprehend violators Prevent crime Provide Social Services POLICE ARE NOT ONLY THE MOST NUMEROUS, BUT ALSO THE MOST

A Citizen s Guide to the Criminal Justice System: From Arraignment to Appeal Presented by the Office of the Richmond County District Attorney Acting District Attorney Daniel L. Master, Jr. 130 Stuyvesant

CATALOG 2010-2011 Undergraduate Information College of Arts and Sciences Criminal Justice Course Descriptions CCJ2002: Crime in America This course is an introduction to the study of criminology/criminal

MINNESOTA S EXPERIENCE IN REVISING ITS JUVENILE CODE AND PROSECUTOR INPUT IN THE PROCESS September 1997 In 1991, Minnesota began a major effort to substantially revise the laws governing our juvenile justice

Here s How and When to Do It ACTION GUIDE November 2004 JUDGE S PERSPECTIVE Defending Your Client in a Misdemeanor Case (Including a DUI) Ron Albers The Honorable Fumiko Hachiya Wasserman Los Angeles County

COMPUTER- LINKED TRANSACTIONAL RECORDS FOR CRIMINAL JUSTICE STATISTICS Steve E. Kolodney and Paul K. Wormeli Public Systems incorporated For years, national and state authorities, commissions and hearings

The Color of Justice An Analysis of Juvenile Adult Court Transfers in California JANUARY Page 20001 : An Analysis of Juvenile Adult Court Transfers in California By Mike Males, PhD and Dan Macallair, MPA

Youth and the Law Presented by The Crime Prevention Unit Objectives Explaining the juvenile justice system and the differences between it and the adult system. Discussing juveniles rights and responsibilities

Methodology for ACLU-WA Marijuana Law Enforcement Costs Data Visualization 1 I. Criminal Justice Data Sources and Formatting for Visualization The criminal justice data used in this visualization are all

John Keel, CPA State Auditor An Audit Report on The Criminal Justice Information System at the Department of Public Safety and the Texas Department of Criminal Justice Report No. 12-002 An Audit Report

U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs Bureau of Justice Statistics 2007 National Census of State Court Prosecutors December 2011, NCJ 234211 Prosecutors in State Courts, 2007 - Statistical

ENROLLED Regular Session, 1997 HOUSE BILL NO. 2412 BY REPRESENTATIVE JACK SMITH AN ACT To enact Chapter 33 of Title 13 of the Louisiana Revised Statutes of 1950, comprised of R.S. 13:5301 through 5304,

Patricia A. DeAngelis District Attorney GETTING TO KNOW THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM AN OFFENSE IS COMMITTED There are three types of offenses that can be committed in New York State: VIOLATION MISDEMEANOR

County Intermediate Punishment Plan 2014-2015 1. Assessment of available countywide correctional services and future needs The Allegheny County Jail (ACJ) is a detention and incarceration facility based

Facts for Federal Criminal Defendants FACTS FOR FEDERAL CRIMINAL DEFENDANTS I. INTRODUCTION The following is a short summary of what will happen to you if you are charged in a federal criminal case. This

No. 61. An act relating to studies on classification of criminal offenses, development of a cost-benefit model for assessing criminal and juvenile justice programs, and the role of administrative hearing

TESTIMONY OF THE NATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF CRIMINAL DEFENSE LAWYERS BEFORE THE COOK COUNTY BOARD OF COMMISSIONERS AGAINST BUDGET CUTS FOR THE OFFICE OF PUBLIC DEFENDER MAYWOOD, IL JANUARY 30, 2007 Martin