A monument for one of them excludes the glorification of the other. Monuments for both would make Serbia a schizophrenic community.

Nothing could be saved from what Milosevic ‘built’. A lot of the things Djindjic tried to do have been destroyed. But the most important remains – Serbia’s turn towards the European Union.

However, there’s not much chance it will persevere with that course, despite the accession negotiations, because this path depends not on Djindjic’s cadre, but on that of Milosevic. It is like entrusting the Catalan separatists with ensuring Spain’s integrity.

Though the Milosevic-Djindjic conflict was ended by their deaths, the duel is being continued by their associates and followers even with the two men gone.

The disputes between Milosevic’s and Djindjic’s politics continues – in other words, between Milosevic’s and Djindjic’s visions of Serbia. In this showdown, Djindjic is headed for another defeat.

There is no one to fight for Djindjic and his ideas. His followers are powerless, and his associates have either been defeated or stripped of power like former President Boris Tadic, or they switched sides and went and teamed up with Vucic and his ruling Progressive Party – as in the case of politicians like Goran Vesic and Sinisa Mali.

One of the rare ones who was and remained a Djindjic supporter is MP Zoran Zivkovic, a man who was briefly at the helm of the Serbian government after Djindjic’s murder.

Things are completely different for Milosevic.

Serbia is now led by his student Ivica Dacic – head of the Serbian foreign ministry and of Milosevic’s Socialist Party of Serbia – and Milosevic’s former coalition partners Aleksandar Vulin, who is now defence minister, and Aleksandar Vucic, who is now president of Serbia.