Candidates or parties? Objects of electoral choice in Ireland*

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1 p. 1 Candidates or parties? Objects of electoral choice in Ireland* Michael Marsh Department of Political Science Trinity College Dublin Republic of Ireland Party Politics: Forthcoming * I want to thank John Garry, Fiachra Kennedy and Richard Sinnott for comments on an earlier draft of this paper. Versions of the paper have been presented at departmental seminars in Trinity College Dublin and in the Universities of Aberdeen and Trondheim, as well as at APSA in 2003 and Political Studies Association of Ireland meeting in I am grateful to all participants for their suggestions. I am also grateful to the Irish Council for Research in the Humanities and Social Sciences for a senior research scholarship which gave me time to write the initial draft of this paper.

2 p. 2 Abstract Under many electoral systems voters can choose between candidates and under some, between candidates of the same party, a situation that makes it possible for candidates to seek a personal vote. Studies of particular countries have shown how personal voting is apparent in the success of particular types of candidates, notably incumbents, but there is little systematic study of personal motives among the electors themselves. The single transferable vote system (STV) used in Ireland certainly allows electors to choose between candidates as well as parties and so is seen to provide a strong incentive for candidates to seek personal votes. While aggregate evidence from election results has pointed to the primary importance of party, survey data has suggested that close to a majority of voters are primarily candidate centred. This article uses an extensive set of instruments contained in the 2002 Irish election study to explore the extent to which voters decide on candidate-centred factors as opposed to party-centred ones. It shows that a substantial minority do decide on the basis of candidate factors, and typical models of Irish electoral behaviour have not accommodated the heterogeneity that results from this mix of motives. However, direct questions about motives probably underestimate the extent of party-centred voting. KEYWORDS:ELECTORAL SYSTEMS, PERSONAL VOTE, ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR, IRELAND

3 p. 3 Studies of electoral behaviour tend to focus on party choice. When it comes to highprofile single candidate elections, such as those for president in the US, there is a recognition that the party label is not all that matters and that personal attributes of the candidates have an importance independent of party. Yet there is a significant and growing literature that argues that candidates themselves should be and are important sources of votes in many countries and in much less significant elections. Candidates may attract support for who they are, or what they have done, or what they might do, rather than simply because of the party to which they belong. There are good institutional reasons for this. Under certain electoral systems, individual candidates have a strong incentive to differentiate themselves from others in their party and to develop a personal following. In a widely cited article, Carey and Shugart (1995) explained how this stimulus would be higher where the vote was cast for a candidate and not a party and where that vote had a significant effect not just on which parties won seats but on which candidates did so (see also Katz, 1986; Marsh 1985b). Many states use multi-member electoral systems that provide particularly strong incentives, including Finland, Switzerland and the Irish Republic, 1 while many others, including mixed member systems such as New Zealand, and single member plurality systems, including Britain, the US and Canada, provide some encouragement for candidates to seek personal support. Despite the interest in how electoral systems may lead rational politicians to develop a personal following there has been relatively little work designed to find out the extent to which they are able to do this, and much of that has been by inference comparing votes won by different politicians rather than by direct measurement using voter surveys. For example, Moser and Scheiner (2005) assess the extent of personal voting in several mixed member systems by comparing list and candidate votes for the same party. 2 In single member district electoral systems there is an extensive literature looking at how far incumbency seems to confer an advantage and seeing such effects as indicating a degree of personal voting (e.g.cain et al 1987; Bean 1990; Kashinsky and Milne 1986; Wood and Norton, 1992; Gaines 1998)). Swindle (2002) uses election results to compare level of personal voting in Ireland and Japan. He examines the degree of variation in the support for the several candidates of a party within a district and concludes, perhaps surprisingly, that there is more variation and hence more personal voting in Ireland. Of course, while such

4 p. 4 variation may well indicate that voters do discriminate between candidates from the same party it does not show whether the vote for the party increases in consequence. It could well be that personal voting is nested within, and so subsidiary to, party voting. Taking an even more indirect tack, Shugart et al. (2005) explore the hypothesis that personal voting is higher in some countries than others by identifying symptoms of personal voting: the incidence of candidates born locally or with local representative experience. Karvonen (2002) also looks for aggregate symptoms of personal voting, such as higher legislative turnover and more electoral volatility. Canadian respondents have been asked to judge the importance of candidates, leaders, issues and the local candidate in their vote decision; between 20 and 30 percent said the local candidate was the most important factor over the period , fewer than chose parties or leaders (Irvine, 1982: 761). The personal qualities of candidates appear to weigh more heavily in the minds of Finnish voters. Voters were asked whether candidate was a more important factor in their voting decision than party. Only a small majority of the respondents said that party is more important (Raunio 2004: 5). 3 Karp et al., (2002) take a more indirect approach, still using survey data. They examine the weighting of candidate ratings within a multivariate model, including ratings of all candidates as well as measures of party attachments and other variables. They argue that much split ticket voting in New Zealand s mixed-member system is largely the result of personal voting a conclusion echoed by Moser and Scheider (2005). Blais et al. (forthcoming) have taken this sort of analysis a stage further by simulating choices in which candidates do not matter and comparing them to actual ones. They first estimate the impact of candidate evaluations on the vote in Canada and then pose the counterfactual question: how many people would vote the same way if candidate evaluations were all the same? From their simulation, using a multivariate model with all candidate evaluations subsequently set to zero, they conclude that the impact of this would be small, with only 6 percent of Canadians voting differently. This is in striking contrast to earlier survey evidence and indicates a much lower level of personal voting in that country than is suggested by asking people directly (Irvine 1982) Much of this work consists of single country studies. Shugart argues that comparative work in this area has been limited by the unavailability of comparative

5 p. 5 data (2005: 49-50). While there is now extensive data available on parties and elections there is little on candidates, and hence limited resources to explore personal voting. Nor is it clear how this can be done in a way that provides equivalence across countries. 4 To suggest that we need more survey data begs the question of whether, and if so how, surveys can identify candidate-centred voters. What sort of items might be used to identify those who cast a personal vote? This paper contributes to the wider literature by providing a detailed case study of possible measures using the Irish Republic, where elections are fought using a strong preferential voting system, the single transferable vote (STV) (see below). STV makes candidate-centred voting compatible with party voting to a degree that is unusual. It appears to provide a significant stimulant to politicians to develop and seek support on a personal basis but, as Bowler and Farrell point out, while it may make sense to assume that candidates spend time and effort on pork-barrel and constituency service politics, this is no guarantee that this is the basis for voting behaviour at the level of the electorate (1991: 347). In what follows we will show that there is ample evidence that for many voters the candidate rather than the party is the key to their decision on Election Day. There has been much discussion on the respective importance of parties and candidates in Irish elections. Conventional wisdom certainly sees the personal vote as extremely important. Candidates themselves pander to and help to create a demand for personal service and they campaign strongly for their own personal preference votes, as a number of studies have demonstrated (see Komito and Gallagher 2005). There has been less analysis of the voters themselves and the limited evidence does not tell a coherent story. Some candidates from a party are more successful than others in many cases despite efforts by parties to ensure their support is distributed evenly (Marsh, 2000; Swindle, 2002). Opinion surveys and exit polls have asked people about the relative importance of party and candidate in their decision and the most important factor for up to half of all voters has been the candidate (Mair 1987; Sinnott 1995; King 2000). This has been underlined in recent years by the growing success of non-party candidates in general elections. Even so, there is an obvious conflict between the opinion poll evidence, which suggests that candidate-centred reasons lie behind many first preference votes, and the hard data on election results, which testify to a considerable stability in party support (Mair and Marsh 2004). One

6 p. 6 problem has been the ambiguity of the opinion poll evidence, not least because many voters may choose candidates from within a party (Mair, 1987: 92). Until recently it was not possible to look beyond the evidence of scattered opinion polls; however, with the fielding of the first full election study in 2002 information is now available to explore the respective weight of party and candidate much more fully. 5 The results of the exploration will be significant in three ways. Firstly, an extensive examination using a variety of measures will clarify extent to which personal voting is prevalent in Ireland, something that is indicated by theory but not confirmed satisfactorily by the evidence to date. The assessment of the various types of evidence and measures is also an important step towards comparative study since it provides a basis for evaluating different possible approaches which themselves may have been developed because of system variations. In particular, we will compare the inferences that can be made from reported behaviour with assessments by respondents of their own motives. Secondly, assessing the extent of personal voting is significant for our understanding of the process of electoral democracy. It is common to assume that, the electorate makes parties responsible for government but it makes little sense to look for reasons why a particular voter supported a party if that voter was rather supporting a particular candidate and would have done so whatever that candidate s party label. This paper thus examines what (Irish) voters are doing when they vote. In general terms: are they selecting parties, or are they selecting candidates? If the former is the case, they could also be voting for a government, or a party leader, but either way they are behaving in a manner comparable to voters in most other countries. 6 If they are selecting candidates then our interpretation of Irish voting behaviour will have to be rather different. This would not be to conclude that Irish voters are driven by personality. On the contrary, they could be motivated by concerns about issues and performance in just the same way that party-centred voters can be, but those concerns would have to be linked by voters to candidates as individuals, not as representatives of parties. Thirdly, identifying the object of electoral choice is important for the ways in which we explain electoral behaviour. Our explanations normally assume that voters are thinking about and choosing between parties but, as we have seen, there is good reason to think that at least some of them are thinking about candidates. It seems

7 p. 7 possible that one of the reasons why electoral behaviour in Ireland is hard to explain using the models developed elsewhere is that many voters ignore party. In an oftencited paper Rivers (1990) warned those exploring electoral behaviour using multivariate models about the assumption of homogeneity that underlies such models. When heterogeneity is ignored, the resulting coefficients may well be seriously biased. While one set of solutions to this heterogeneity has been primarily methodological, using more appropriate statistical techniques to cope with invalid assumptions, the main, more substantive issue, raised by Rivers is to identify the various sources of heterogeneity. We will examine several types of evidence on the relative importance of candidates and parties in this paper, using data from the 2002 election study, the first of its kind in the Republic. Firstly, we will describe the Irish electoral system and explain how it promotes candidate-centred voting. Secondly, we will examine how voters actually fill in their ballots. Does the manner in which they do this suggest that party is the main organising principle for most voters? Thirdly, we will examine what the voters themselves say about their motivations, using an open-ended question about their first preference vote. Fourthly, we will examine the evidence provided by closed-ended questions about motivations. Fifthly, using more indirect methods, we will examine respondents thermometer ratings of candidates and parties and see how they differ. Who ranks most highly, the party or the candidate? Each of these methods gives us a different answer to the question of how extensive candidate-centred voting is in Ireland. While some differences are small, others are quite dramatic. In the sixth section of the paper we move beyond simple categorisation and examine the basis for a more nuanced measure of candidate centredness, based on the various alternatives presented. Finally we illustrate the value of this measure by showing that candidate centredness is an important source of heterogeneity in Irish voting behaviour. The main objective here is to assess how far voters focus more on candidates than parties, not to explain why they do so. The latter question is also an important one as the discussion above explains. It is also one that must be answered if we are to understand political competition, and not just in Ireland. However, we must first ascertain the extent to which people do vote for candidates rather than parties and compare and evaluate methods of assessing how important parties and candidates are to each individual voter. This is the central task of this paper. We will also see how

8 p. 8 conventional explanations of voting behaviour work much better for voters who appear to be party-centred than for those who appear more candidate-centred. The Irish electoral system The application of the single transferable vote (STV) in multimember constituencies gives an unusual degree of freedom to the voter to choose between candidates. The ballot lists the candidates in alphabetical order, indicating the party of each. To cast a valid vote, the voter must indicate his first choice by placing a 1 next to a candidate s name. That is sufficient for a valid vote but the voter may go on to indicate second, third, and later preferences using the numbers 2, 3 and so on up to the number of candidates on the ballot. Seats are allocated to candidates who achieve a quota, defined as one more than the valid vote divided by seats at stake+1. If seats remain unfilled once the first preferences have been counted then there is a further count. This will take the form either of distributing the surplus votes of an elected candidate, or of eliminating the candidate with the fewest votes and distributing the votes for that candidate to the remaining candidates according to the next marked preference. 7 Supporters of the STV system point with approval to the fact that voters may decide on the basis of whatever attributes of the candidates are most important to them. A voter may be influenced by party but also by considerations such as where a candidate lives, that candidate s gender, or their age or experience. These are not necessarily exclusive: voters may vote on locality, for instance, but do it within parties, picking the candidates of a preferred party according to how close is their base to the voter s own area. All this requires information. Voters need to know something about the candidates and only party, gender, locality and occupation are sometimes apparent from the ballot paper. 8 The ballot itself does not provide as much help as it might to those who want to vote on party lines. Certainly it would facilitate, or even encourage, party voting if it were structured in a series of columns, by party, as it is in other, similarly preferential electoral systems, rather than as an alphabetically ordered long ballot (Darcy and Marsh 1994). Party names have been on the ballot since 1965, and these are now complemented by colourful party logos, but the unwary voter will still have

9 p. 9 to scan a list of around a dozen or more candidates carefully if he or she is to organise all their preferences along party lines. Making the ballot All respondents were provided with something very like the ballot they would have been faced with on Election Day and asked to fill it in as they did at that time. 9 Respondents were also offered the option of filling in the ballot and placing it in a sealed envelope. Eighty-nine percent of all respondents and 92 percent of those who claimed to have voted filled in the ballot. Using this evidence we will examine how they did so. This involves scrutinising not simply first preferences but second, third and lower preferences and exploring the extent to which people appear to vote for parties as opposed to candidates. We will discuss different ways in which the importance of the party label might be manifested in the preferences and show how different definitions can lead to different conclusions about the role of party. What sort of pattern would we find if party were the dominant criterion for voters? There has been considerable analysis of the patterns of voting using the aggregate material at constituency level available from official results, which indicates a strong degree of voting on party lines as a high percentage of votes tend to be transferred between candidates of the same party (see for instance Gallagher 1978, 1993,1999, 2003; Marsh 1981; Sinnott 1995). However, the information this gives is limited to those votes that do transfer. Moreover, the original preference of those voters whose vote is transferring can soon be lost. Ideally we would know how each voter voted and this is what our simulated ballot tells us. In a pioneering analysis of such data, drawn from European Parliament elections and by-elections, Bowler and Farrell (1991a; 1991b) discussed how the information from simulated ballots could shed light on the importance of party (see also King 2000). The strongest sign that party matters would be that whenever a voter voted for a candidate he subsequently voted for all the other candidates of that party in sequence. Party would clearly be the dominant criterion. Candidate preferences could well matter, but only nested within party preference. Whether or not this should also be confined to one party is a matter for debate but if we apply the criterion all the way down the ballot very few voters would be classified as party-centred. A similar, if weaker, sign would be that all the running mates of the first placed candidate are supported before any other candidate.

10 p. 10 Party would be dominant, at least for the first placed party and for the most influential preferences in terms of the outcome. 10 Weaker still is a pattern identified by Laver (2004) in an analysis of the full record from the three constituencies using electronic voting in This is when all of a party s candidates receive a vote but not necessarily in sequence. This is significant because most voters indicate a preference for only a few of the candidates standing. 11 Ranking two of the first three from a single party or three of the first four indicates that party is playing a very strong role. This general approach infers party-centred voting from a pattern of preferences that favours a particular party s candidates. The relationship between pattern and inference is very deterministic. Voters must adhere to one of a few candidate orderings in order to be classified as a party voter. 12 Should some allowance be made for random error? In essence, must a party voter stick strictly to the party list or can there be some deviation? If so, how great a deviation? Considering a party voter as one who votes a complete ticket may be a more realistic basis for definition than requiring that he do so in a strict sequence. A second problem is that where a party runs a single candidate it is not possible to see any difference between a party vote and a personal vote. Someone who picks the sole Labour candidate as No.1, the sole Green as No.2 and sole Progressive Democrat as No.3 may be voting on party grounds but may also be choosing on some other basis. We cannot tell simply on the basis of the simulated ballot. We can analyse voting patterns where a party fields more than a single candidate and try to generalise from that situation to others. This is not wholly unproblematic since most multi-candidate situations involve either Fianna Fáil or Fine Gael and their voters may be more loyal, more party-centred, than those of other parties. However, some contrasts between Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour are apparent and will be considered when generalisations are made to the wider electorate. Table 1 examines the patterns of voting using several definitions. Analysis in this section is confined to parties running more than one candidate in the respondent s constituency. It shows the proportions of voters who cast a complete vote: i.e. support all the candidates of their first preference party. Once they cast their first preference vote for a party, 60 percent vote for all remaining candidates of that party. The figure is a little lower for Labour than for Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael but differences are quite small. Most such complete ballots are also sequential. Forty-eight percent of those

11 p. 11 giving their first preference to Fianna Fáil cast a complete and sequential ballot akin to the classic straight-ticket. The figure is lower for the other parties, but more than two out of every five supporters of those parties cast a complete and sequential ballot. Forty-four percent of those casting their first preference for a party running more than one candidate cast a vote for all that party s candidates before expressing any other preferences. Moreover, many of the departures from a strict sequence are small, involving the interpolation of a single candidate. Overall most first preference votes for parties translate into votes for the whole party slate, and the majority of the latter are cast in sequence. While this still allows for a considerable degree of candidatecentredness within the party slate, it does imply that party is the most important element for a large number of voters. INSERT TABLE 1: DEGREE OF PARTY-CENTRED VOTING Bowler and Farrell (1991a; 1991b) suggest another way to look at the influence of party on the way people fill in the ballot. This involves an examination of the extent to which voters cast a vote for two successive candidates of the same party. Each preference set can be seen as a number of pairs 1 and 2, 2 and 3, 3 and 4 and so on and each can be seen as either a pair from the same party or from different parties. A strong partisan structure would show a high number of party consistent pairs; a weak structure would show a low number, or none at all. This offers a potentially more nuanced measure of partyness using a summation of the number of party pairs, but voters give different numbers of preferences and again, there is the problem that many parties run no more than one candidate in any constituency, and that different constituencies have different numbers of party-consistent options. Limiting analysis to just the first pair, the third row in Table 1, shows that in 2002 the majority of voters who could do so, voted for candidates from the same party with their first and second preference vote. Fifty-four percent voted for two candidates of the same party. 13 Whatever definition is employed, we have demonstrated that while some voters act as if their choice is strongly party-centred, some do not; seemingly an attribute of the candidate other than party is critical one for many. How large is the proportion of voters that we might describe as candidate rather than party-centred is a

12 p. 12 question of definition. On some counts, well over half of all voters may be termed party-centred. Reasons for first preference vote A second way of estimating the relative importance of candidate and party in vote choice is to use a direct question: to ask respondents themselves to explain their vote choice. Respondents were asked a number of questions about their choice. We asked, Thinking about the candidate you gave your first preference vote to, what was the main reason you voted for that particular candidate rather than any other candidate? This was followed by And what other reasons did you have for giving your first preference vote to that candidate? In grouping the answers to that question interest is particularly in the breakdown between those that made the party of that candidate central and those that emphasised some other aspect of that candidate. Most answers fall into one of four categories: personal characteristics of the candidate, the area the candidate comes from, the party of the candidate and the candidate s policies. The first set is essentially personal: the voter knows the candidate, the candidate is good, the best candidate, is honest or sincere. This is not to say that performance does not matter: many see the candidate as a good worker, or a hard worker, or as someone who has been helpful to the voter. The second set of answers highlight local representation: the candidate is from the area, or has been good for the area, and has a good record in the area or is a good worker for the area. The third set is essentially partisanship, giving the party of the candidate as the key reason. Finally, there are policy justifications, citing the views or opinions of the candidate. Other reasons include a view that the candidate represented particular interests (farmers, workers, business or the elderly), tactical or strategic voting, and vague reference to family factors that are not clearly either personal or party. Table 2 shows the distribution of these motives across the sample, and shows firstly, the main reason given and secondly, all reasons, including subsidiary ones. When asked, people appear to see candidates in terms of who they are and what they have done rather than their party or policy. Half of all respondents who gave any reason provided an essentially personal justification and only one-in-five spontaneously mentioned party. However, it is obvious that in some instances a respondent might feel partisanship would be an inappropriate answer. Anyone voting

13 p. 13 for one of the two, three or four Fianna Fáil candidates in a constituency, for instance, might feel the need to explain why they chose that Fianna Fáil candidate rather than another. The same could be true of most Fine Gael voters and many of those voting Labour. INSERT TABLE 2 ABOUT HERE In the second part of table 2 we show the responses of those who voted for a candidate who had no running mate from the same party. The main differences between this group and the whole are a decrease in those giving personal responses, as we would expect, and in those stressing area representation. This is compensated by a striking increase in those giving a policy response and a small increase in those giving a party response. The implication of this may be that area and personal factors are more important for selecting within parties than between them, while policy is more important for selecting between parties. However, it is also possible that these factors vary across parties. By confining analysis to single candidate situations we reduce the impact of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael voters on the distribution and increase the weight of those voting Green or Sinn Féin. We also examined the responses by the party of the candidate receiving the first preference and by the numbers of candidates from that party. This confirms not only that indeed, responses vary considerably within parties according to how many candidates are running, but also that they also vary between parties, even when allowing for numbers of candidates. The example of Fine Gael, which has sufficient instances of 1, 2 or more candidates, shows that party is less likely to be given as a reason where there are multiple Fine Gael candidates. This analysis suggests that most voters appear to be attracted by the personal characteristics and attributes of the candidates themselves rather than by their party. However, it is arguable that this evidence understates the importance of party. As we have seen, the numbers of candidates put up by a party has an impact on the way the question is answered. There are few instances of single candidate situations for Fine Gael and none for Fianna Fáil. It may also be that party is a response which may be unacceptable to many who feel parties have a low reputation in general and that they will appear more conscientious if they can give apparently more informed reasons for their support. Finally, the stress in the question on the choice of candidate may also

14 p. 14 have encouraged respondents to provide non-partisan answers. However, even if the party-centred voter is not as rare as table 2 suggests these answers do highlight the significance of factors other than party and to that extent reinforce the findings in the earlier section which indicated that many voters did not appear to vote as if motivated primarily by party. They also reveal the cultural norms of voting and representation that devalue party and emphasise personal and local service. Closed-ended questions about first preference vote In addition to the open-ended questions we asked people directly to tell us whether party or candidate was most important for their decision on first preference. 14 Only 39 percent responded by selecting party, the majority saying it was the candidate that was most important (table 3). 15 Party is most important for Greens, Sinn Féin and to a lesser extent Fianna Fáil. We later posed the same question in a different way, asking respondents if they would still have voted for the same candidate had that candidate stood for a different party (table 4). 16 There is considerable consistency at the individual level across the two questions with only 17 percent giving apparently inconsistent answers: claiming to be candidate-centred but saying they would not follow the candidate into a different party, or claiming to be party-centred but willing to follow the candidate into a different party. The results are also similar in the aggregate, with 38 percent saying they would not follow a candidate who changed party as against 39 percent saying that party (as opposed to candidate) was the major factor in their choice. INSERT TABLES 3 AND 4 ABOUT HERE Those who said it depends are drawn almost equally from those who previously gave party and those who gave candidate as the main reason for their first preference vote. Neither response pattern is logically inconsistent. Party-motivated voters who would nonetheless follow a candidate could view two (or more) parties with almost equal approval. Candidate-motivated voters might still see party as a factor sufficient to limit their choice. One respondent explained his first preference vote by saying his favoured candidate was anti-fianna Fáil. This underlines the point that both candidate and party factors should be assumed to play a role for any

15 p. 15 voter, but that while for some the weighting of the two may be equal, for others the weighting is very unequal. As it becomes more unequal it is reasonable to classify voters as primarily party-centred or as primarily candidate-centred but this does not mean other considerations are entirely absent. It again appears that party is weighted most strongly amongst those who support the Green, Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil candidates and weakest amongst those supporting candidates from Fine Gael, Labour and the Progressive Democrats. Combining the two measures we find that 38 percent are clearly candidate-centred, 26 percent party-centred and 36 percent not unambiguously of either type. 17 Greens and Sinn Féin are most party-centred; Fine Gael and the Progressive Democrats voters are most candidate-centred (see table 5) INSERT TABLE 5 ABOUT HERE Candidate and party ratings Asking people to voice their reasons for making any choice is problematic as people may in reality make decisions without thinking through the sorts of criteria they are asked to consider. They may also be unaware of the way in which certain predispositions may impact on their evaluations of the choices offered. While these direct questions are useful they should not be seen as definitive. Ranking is also less than ideal, as we do not know whether a primary reason clearly outweighs a secondary one, or whether the margin is a small one. Questions that ask respondents to rate several things on a scale can be more nuanced and so more useful. Much electoral research is based on asking people to rate stimuli leaders, issues, performances and so on on a number of scales and the most important factors in vote choice are then inferred from the pattern of correlations. This may be a simple enough exercise where there are only 2 or 3 parties; it is much more time-consuming where there may be up to 17, as is the case with candidates. However, we asked our respondents to rate each of the parties and each of the candidates from those parties on a thermometer scale. 18 We feared that independent and minor party candidates would be particularly difficult for respondents to evaluate and so excluded such candidates from this part of the survey. If voters are to decide on the basis of candidates rather than parties it is

16 p. 16 necessary for them to know something about the candidates other than their party label. Seventy-five percent of all voters report having met the candidate to whom they gave their first preference and, more importantly, the rating data demonstrate that most voters seem to be able to differentiate between many candidates. They do not know something only about their first choice. In fact, respondents were generally willing to evaluate the majority of candidates. More than half rated all of them and the average respondent rated more than 70 percent of candidates. This compares with 95 percent who rated all parties. Of course, it remains to be seen how far party and candidate are differentiated and it is the relative ratings of parties and candidates that we are interested in most. It might be expected that party-centred voters would rate party above or at least equal with that party s candidates and that candidate-centred voters would rate candidates more highly. A clear majority of respondents do differentiate candidate and party with 62 percent giving a rating to the party of the candidate who gets their first preference vote that is different from that they give to the candidate. Table 6 shows the average rating of the first preference candidate and the average rating of the party of that candidate, again broken down by party. INSERT TABLE 6 ABOUT HERE Table 6 demonstrates that the average voter rates his first preference candidate more highly than he rates his first preference party. The difference is small enough but it is significant at the.01 level. This is generally true across all parties with the exception of the Greens and Fianna Fáil, where the average party rating is slightly higher than the average candidate rating. Within these parties the difference is very small: only in the case of Fianna Fáil is it significant at even the.05 level. However, the pattern is similar to those we have observed above with party evaluations higher than candidate evaluations for Green, Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin voters and lower than candidate evaluations among voters supporting Fine Gael, Progressive Democrat and Labour candidates. 19 We can also use this indirect measure to explore lower preferences. This is shown in Table 7 for the first three preferences. Looking first at all voters in column 1 we see that candidates obtaining a first preference are rated more highly than their

17 p. 17 parties but that the situation is reversed for those obtaining lower preferences. (This remains true even when we confine the analysis to those who expressed at least three preferences.) However, this pattern varies substantially between those whose vote appears to be more or less party centred. In column 2, where analysis is limited to those casting a sequential ballot, those who vote for all candidates of their first preference party in sequence, party rates higher than candidate for all preferences, although there is a big gap between 1 and 2. In contrast, when we look only at those who do not cast a sequential ballot, mean candidate ratings exceed those for party and are very similar for both first and second preferences. Limiting analysis only to those who cast a party-inconsistent set of first and second preferences, we see the same is true: candidates outweigh party but the relative ratings are similar for the first two candidates. INSERT TABLE 7 ABOUT HERE This demonstrates that party is a stronger determinant of lower preferences than it is of first preferences, although for some voters there is little difference between the first and the second preference in the primary importance of candidate. This general primacy of party over candidate can be understood in terms of information, as Richardson (1988) has argued in the case of Japan, In what is a small political context most voters do have good information about perhaps 1 or 2 candidates but after that they know more about parties than candidates and judge accordingly Comparing the measures of candidate / party-centred voting We have examined several measures of candidate-centred voting. Before we go further we briefly review these measures and compare the estimates given by each measure of the extent to which Irish voters are primarily candidate or party-centred. Comparison is confined here to the group of voters analysed in Table 1: those who did not vote for an independent and who could vote for at least two candidates of their (apparently) preferred party. First ballot behaviour: what proportion voted for all the candidates of the same partying sequence and what proportion voted at least for all the candidates of that party, even if not in strict sequence. The first group

18 p. 18 comprising 44 percent we see as essentially party voters, the second 16 percent as having well-mixed motives and the residual 42 percent as candidate centred. Our pair of closed ended questions when combined, yields a lower figure for party-centred voters and a higher one for those with mixed orientations. Comparing candidate and party rankings again gives a smaller figure for party-centred voters with only 27 percent favouring party as opposed to 35 percent favouring the candidate. However, only the open-ended question seems to elicit a very different response, with only 20 percent giving party as a main reason and a further 7 percent giving it as a contributory reason. Seventy-three percent do not mention party at all. The problems with the open-ended question that may account for the low number of apparently party-centred voters have already been identified. Discounting the open-ended measurements, it seems reasonable to say that around two-fifths of voters appear to be essentially candidate centred while the rest incline more to party. Interestingly, however, the behavioural measure gives the highest estimate for more narrowly partycentred voters while the other measures suggest no more than one-quarter of voters are firmly party-centred. It seems that inferences from reported behaviour of voters will give a higher figure for party-centredness than inferences from reported motives, although, judging by the results of Blais et al. (forthcoming) discussed above, it is possible that even the former may underestimate the real importance of party factors. We will revisit this point below. INSERT TABLE 8 ABOUT HERE There is not space here to explore in any detail who are the more candidatecentred voters. 20 They key point is that there is evidence based on a variety of methods that suggest importance of party in the voting decision varies considerably within the Irish electorate. In the last section of this paper we want to explain the implications of this for our explanations of Irish voting behaviour. Explaining electoral choice We will do this by examining the performance of what we argue is a typical multivariate model of party choice across different types of voters, differentiated by the extent to which they are candidate rather than party centred. Before we discuss the

19 p. 19 model we must explain how such a differentiation is made. We could simply pick one of the several measures discussed above. However, on the assumption that these measures all tap the same phenomenon, it makes more sense to combine them into a single measure. This can be done using factor analysis, which also gives us some indication of how far each of the measures reflects the same phenomenon. If they do, the factor analysis will indicate that a single dimension could underlie all responses. Table 9 displays the results of two principal factor analyses. The first includes almost all of the items identified in tables 1-6, 21 the second those which loaded reasonably well (in practice at.39 and above) on the first dimension in the first analysis. To enable the analysis to include all voters for parties (those for independents and others are excluded) the two behavioural measures were coded at 0 when the voter s first choice had no running mates. In addition the ratings measure was reversed to make party dominance a positive score: in table 6 it is a negative score. The eigen value for the first factor is just over 2.0, indicating clear evidence of a common factor if not a strong one. With the exception of most coded responses to the open-ended question all items load at.39 or above, and the party response to the open-ended question also loads at.40. The policy response is almost completely unconnected to the primary dimension. A second analysis, excluding the three weakest items, produces a generally better solution, with the eigen value almost unchanged, although the open-ended party response now loads at only.31. This gives us some confidence that these measures do reflect the same phenomenon. The alpha index measure of reliability for these five items is a reasonable.60 (.62 without the open ended measure). 22 INSERT TABLE 9 ABOUT HERE We can now use this derived measure of party/candidate-centredness the factor scores to examine the need for a different explanation for the electoral behaviour of party and candidate-centred voters. Explanations of electoral behaviour generally emphasise party, something candidate-centred voters see as relatively unimportant. The analysis here is intended to be no more than illustrative. We will use a conventional model explaining electoral behaviour. 23 Our expectation is that the model will work poorly in explaining the behaviour of more candidate-centred voters

20 p. 20 and much better with respect to other voters. The model contains the following variables: Demographics: (non) membership of union, membership of the Gaelic Athletic Association, gender, urban-rural location (all 1,0), age in years and education (1-6) Ideological position: self placement on Nationalist issue, left right and abortion (11 point scales) 24 Party attachment (1/0, with leaners at 0) 25 Evaluations of the performance of the economy, five point scale scored 1 to +1; attribution of credit or blame to government (1,0) and interaction 26 Evaluations of party leaders (11 point scales) The estimates for this model for the 2002 election are given in table 10. In line with most other analyses of Irish electoral behaviour it is clear that social cleavage measures are weak predictors of voting (Whyte, 1974; Laver, 1986; Marsh and Sinnott 1993, Marsh and Sinnott, 1999). Ideological issues too are weak (see Laver et al., 1988; c.f. Bowler and Farrell, 1990) and so is the performance of the economy perhaps because it was doing so well. The most significant factors are partisanship and comparative assessments of leaders (Carty, 1981; Harrison and Marsh, 1994). Overall the McFadden adjusted R 2 for the model is.31, hardly a high figure given the large number of included variables. It is accepted here that this model might be improved; different measures of government performance, alternative scales of political values, and perhaps more sensitive measures of social status might all lead to more significant coefficients and an improvement overall in the adequacy of the model. However, this model is typical enough of those used to explain choice in many countries. Following Rivers (1990), we should be very cautious about any of these estimates since ignoring existing heterogeneity might lead us to overestimate or underestimate actual effects. And, of course, it is argued here that this model is severely affected by heterogeneity because many voters are not strongly influenced by party related cues. INSERT TABLE 10 ABOUT HERE

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