Once constitutional amendments are approved, or a new constitution is in place, during the transition period to a federal form of government the masterminds also want the terms of the elected government officials who are currently in office, particularly congressmen, senators, and the president, extended for as long as 10 years.

If the plotters had their way, not only would there be no elections in 2019; there won’t be any in 2022 either, when the six-year term of office of President Rodrigo Duterte is supposed to end. Forget their made-to-order assurances that they won’t stay beyond 2022. Between this year and 2028, or even beyond, the country would very likely still have the same self-aggrandizing sycophants that infest the present Congress as ersatz, or pretend, lawmakers. Mr. Duterte won’t have to abolish that body. Legislative power would in reality be in his hands.

These so-called lawmakers would continue to constitute his rubber-stamp legislature, since he would still have the numbers he has today.

That would hardly be any different from the present situation in which whatever Mr. Duterte wants, he gets from Congress, thanks to the PDP-Laban Party’s “supermajority” in both houses.

However, Mr. Duterte and his fellow plotters, in addition to being in command over this country and its people for ten years or even longer, would also have no opposition and no checks to their power, because they would be exercising it during the transition to the shift from the present unitary form of government to a federal one.

During that period, Mr. Duterte would assume both executive and legislative powers, and, depending on the transitional provisions of the new Constitution his cronies are rushing to put together for rapid citizen approval through a plebiscite within this year, would also have the prerogative to abolish any government office and to fire any official he and his cohorts don’t like, to create new agencies including commissions, and appoint judges and other fired officials’ replacements. He can also suspend the writ of habeas corpus, arrest whomever he likes, and curtail free expression and press freedom. What would be in place in fact if not in name is the very same “revolutionary government” Mr. Duterte has been so obsessed with he can’t stop talking about its intoxicating promise of absolute power.

This isn’t just another conspiracy theory that’s unlikely to be in process and to have any chance of realization.

Mr. Duterte’s flunkies in both houses of Congress have floated and defended the idea of cancelling elections in 2019 and assuring themselves term extensions of as long as 10 years. Mr. Duterte himself has openly declared a number of times that he would abolish existing government agencies, particularly such Constitutional bodies as the Commission on Audit and the Commission on Human Rights, create new ones, and hire and fire whomever he wants should he have the power to do so.

His Congressional band of (power) brokers is more than willing to give him what he’s been wishing for by amending or even doing away with the 1987 People Power Constitution to effect the shift to a federal form of government.

Federalism is an option for which even the leaders of the Revolution of 1896 expressed their preference as a form of government.

During his dictatorship, Ferdinand Marcos, Sr. put in place some of its more innocuous aspects by creating a ministry of this and a ministry of that, and naming a prime minister, while he continued to wield absolute power as president-for-life.

After the 1986 EDSA civilian-military mutiny, some academics and politicians tried to convince the public of the merits of federalism and of the need to amend the 1987 Constitution to effect the shift to it. Those efforts foundered on citizen resistance to Constitutional amendments, but were nevertheless kept alive in Congress through a number of resolutions.

Then Davao City mayor Rodrigo Duterte expressed support for federalism in 2014, and promised to hold a plebiscite on the shift to a federal form of government within two years as part of his campaign platform in 2016.

As President, Mr. Duterte signed in December 2016 Executive Order Number 10, which created a consultative committee to review the 1987 People Power Constitution.

Effecting the shift is one of the Duterte campaign promises that seems to be following his timeline, unlike his pledge to end the illegal drug problem within six months. No one can blame the more skeptical for suspecting that that’s because everyone in the regime stands to benefit from what its own people would decide should go into the amendments or even into a new constitution, since the plan, as announced by Mr. Duterte’s henchmen in Congress, is to convene that body as a constituent assembly rather than to call a constitutional convention to which delegates would be elected at large. The expense of the latter has been invoked to justify the former. What’s closer to the truth is that the regime is not going to risk the election of non-regime friendly delegates to a convention.

The primary argument for a federal form of government is that it would free from central government interference the “states” that would be created by merging various provinces. It would also enable such regions as the Cordillera and Muslim Mindanao to craft their own paths to development.

While these considerations are formidable arguments for federalism, the downside would be the strengthening of locally based dynasties and warlord families, the weakening of the capacity of the central government to check corruption and the abuse of power at the local level, and the dynasts’ use of it for their personal, familial and class enrichment, and to suppress dissent and protest.

It can of course be argued that all that is happening even now. But it only proves that it is neither the form of government nor the system that’s crucial in the making of effective and honest governance, but the extent to which those in power share the political culture and the interests of their constituents. That reality is an argument for the democratization of political power by enabling those sectors that have been denied the right to govern themselves to break the dynasties’ stranglehold on Philippine governance.

These are the more critical issues in the campaign for a federal form of government. But both the advantages and the downside of that option are being overshadowed by the quite obvious attempt to use the move to federalism as the primary means of savaging what little remains of democratic and citizen rights in this country, restore authoritarian rule, and assure the continuing dominance of the handful of families that for decades have monopolized political power in this country to the exclusion of the majority.

It’s turning into just another conspiracy by this country’s political overlords to prevent the democratization of political power and the realization of those social and economic reforms that have eluded the long-suffering people of these benighted isles.

Frustrating the plot to establish another tinhorn tyranny that would abuse the Filipino people’s hard-won rights is crucial to the lives and future of the 100 million souls in this archipelago, and therefore takes precedence over everything else. The shift to a federal form of government as a citizen option will have to wait for better, less critical and less dangerous times. The reign of Mr. Duterte and his henchmen in Congress is the exact opposite — and far from being one of those rare moments in this nation’s troubled history.

Waltzing with a dictator?| House resolution to convene ConAss for charter change hurriedly passed

“This Congress is a joke. An important matter as amendments to the Constitution was railroaded, interpellations were abruptly stopped, and the period of debate disregarded.”

MANILA — In an abrupt plenary session, the House of Representatives adopted House Concurrent Resolution No. 9, which allows Congress to convene as a constituent assembly to discuss amendments to the Constitution.

Anakpawis Representative Ariel Casilao was interpellating when Deputy Majority Floor Leader Juan Pablo Bondoc suddenly moved for the termination of the period of interpellation and debate. Casilao was then questioning the appropriateness of using the constituent assembly as a method of amending the Constitution, especially as to the argument that it is the most expeditious and least costly of all methods.

Despite strong opposition, they proceeded to divide the house and Casilao had to refrain from interpellating. After the roll call was called, Alvarez proposed to vote for the adoption of the resolution. With a slight difference in the volume of voices, presiding officer Rep. Gwen Garcia announced that the ‘ayes’ had it.

“This Congress is a joke. An important matter as amendments to the Constitution was railroaded, interpellations were abruptly stopped, and the period of debate disregarded. There were still many representatives who wanted to interpellate when the process was abruptly ended and the House leadership decided to call for a vote to be able to railroad the adoption of the resolution,” Act Teachers Partylist Representative Antonio Tinio said during the press conference of the Makabayan bloc shortly after session was adjourned.

Kabataan Partylist Representative Sarah Elago also criticized the House leadership’s decision to proceed with the amendment through a constituent assembly.

“It cannot be denied that the decision of Congress to convene as a constituent assembly is only a means for them to expedite charter change. If in the initial process of the amendments, we have already been deprived of the right to voice out our opinions and questions, how can we expect them to consider the interests of the common Filipino in amending the Constitution,” she said.

Recently, House Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez vowed to have the new Constitution ready by May 2018 for ratification.

The proposed Constitution – which constitutes a federal government, removes the position of the vice president, consolidates power in the executive and a few other local elites who will lead the regional governments, opens up the economy to 100 percent ownership of foreign corporations and individuals, and dilutes the people’s struggle – has been criticized by several progressive groups and lawmakers.

“With Con-Ass now adopted by the House, the stage is set for discussions for charter change proposals that will only lead to further concentration of political power in the hands of the chief executive, total sellout of the Philippine economy, and subversion of people’s democratic rights. The country moves closer to a pro-foreign, anti-people Duterte dictatorship,” Gabriela Women’s Partylist said in a statement.

On the transitory provision providing the president to have legislative powers after Congress is dissolved following the ratification of the new Constitution and before the new Federal Congress is convened, Karapatan Alliance for the Advancement of People’s Rights (Karapatan) Secretary General Cristina Palabay called everyone to be reminded of the Marcos dictatorship.

“There is an instance in our history where legislative powers were handed to the executive. That period proved to be a disaster, as martial law under Marcos gave rise to laws, decrees, and regulations that curtailed people’s rights. Duterte, a self-confessed and crazed fan of Marcos, is expected to follow a similar path towards full-blown fascism and dictatorship. Checks and balances in government will be removed, leaving a chorus of inutile and power-hungry crocodiles controlling our affairs while restricting forms of dissent,” she said.

Gabriela Women’s Partylist observed, “This latest development proves that the main arena of struggle is not inside the halls of Congress but in the parliament of the streets.”

“The Deputy Majority Floor Leader spoke the truth: ‘If there is a will, there is a way.’ True enough, there is a way for them to expedite the proceedings. But there is also a way for the people, the masses, to fight against this outright fascist and tyrannical dictatorship of President Rodrigo Duterte. In the coming days, we, members of the Makabayan bloc, promise to stand with the people in opposing anti-people provisions in the proposed amendments of the Constitution, and in exposing the power play and ulterior motive of centralizing power in the hands of one dictator,” Elago said.

Elago noted that since last year, Duterte has already unfolded himself to be a full-blown dictator, even proudly admitting it in front of mass media. “Charter change will give him the power that Marcos once had — legislative, military, and economic powers that will ensure the death not only of democracy but also of the people. There has never been a more imperative moment in history for the people, especially the youth, to stand bravely, against a madman,” the youth legislator ended.

Defense Secretary Delfin Lorenzana has described as “uncalled for” and “off the mark” the remarks of the Presidential Security Group (PSG) commander, who said that Rappler reporter Pia Ranada should “be thankful” that she was not hurt by a PSG officer who stopped her from entering Malacañang grounds on Tuesday.

“That remark is uncalled for and really off the mark. Whatever the Rappler’s offense the PSG had no right to harm Rappler’s people nor threaten them,” Lorenzana told reporters in a text message.

INQUIRER.net has tried to reach PSG Commander Brig. Gen. Lope Dagoy for comment on Lorenzana’s statement, but has yet to receive a response as of this posting.

On Tuesday morning, Ranada was briefly barred from entering Malacañang by PSG personnel, Cpl. Marc Anthony Cempron, who was stationed at the Gate 2 of the Malacañang complex. Gate 2 is the entry to the New Executive Building (NEB) where the Malacañang Press Corps (MPC) is holding office. Ranada is a member of the MPC.

Cempron said there was an instruction from the “higher ups” that Ranada should no longer be allowed to enter the Palace premises.

Ranada together with another reporter persistently asked Cempron why she was barred from entering Malacañang but Cempron only said it was an order from “higher ups,” which he was not able to identify.

Dagoy said on Tuesday that the behavior of Ranada was “insulting” to the PSG on duty and the reporter should be thankful she was not hurt by the PSG personnel.

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