Presidency Of Ronald Reagan

By giving Ronald Reagan an overwhelming election victory,
the American public had expressed a desire for change in the
style of the nation's leadership. Crises such as the taking of
American hostages by Iran-and the failure of an attempt to
rescue them-had contributed to a general perception that the
Carter Administration was caught by events rather than
directing them. In July 1979 President Carter failed to dispel that
perception when he spoke to the nation about its "crisis of
confidence" concerning the future. By contrast, Reagan--as a
campaigner and as President--exuded full-speed-ahead confidence
in the United States, himself and his own conservative world
view. Throughout his Presidency, he demonstrated the ability to
instill in Americans pride for their country and a sense of
optimism about the future.

Several dramatic events during the first few months of the
Reagan Presidency seemed to validate this new spirit. Within
minutes of his taking the oath of office on January 21, 1981,
following arduous negotiations by the outgoing Carter
Administration, the remaining 52 American hostages in Iran were
released and returned to a tumultuous national welcome. In
March, Reagan survived an assassination attempt, and a month
later, the United States successfully launched the first orbital
flight of the reusable space shuttle Columbia, initiating a new era
in space operations.

During his campaign, Reagan stressed such traditional
American values as individualism,
free enterprise and
democracy. But if there was a central theme to Reagan's national agenda,
it was his belief that the federal government had become too big.
"Government is not the solution to our problem.
Government is
the problem," Reagan declared in his First Inaugural Address.
Within a month of taking office, Reagan began a drastic
reshaping of the federal budget, directed largely at domestic-spending
programs. Although the President insisted that the cuts were
directed at "waste" rather than social "safety-net" programs,
critics accused him of being insensitive to the needs of the less
fortunate. The President argued, however, that individual
initiative and hard work were the keys to a better life for Americans.

At the same time, the President launched an offensive on
what he considered the excessive regulation of business. His
supporters claimed that unnecessary regulations decreased the
competitiveness of U.S. firms by increasing production costs. His
critics argued that regulations were needed to ensure safety, and
to protect the consumer and the environment.

Reagan's domestic program was rooted in his belief that the
nation would grow and prosper if the power of the private
economic sector were unleashed. A proponent of"supply-side"
economics, a theory which holds that a greater supply of goods and
services will lead to economic growth, Reagan sought large tax
cuts to promote greater consumer spending, saving and
investment. Supply-side economists argued that a tax cut would lead to
increased business investment, increased earnings, and
--through taxes on these earning--increased government
revenues. Despite a slim Republican majority in the Senate, and a
House of Representatives controlled by the Democrats,
President Reagan succeeded during his first year in office in enacting
the major components of his economic program, including a
25-percent tax cut for individuals to be phased in over three years.

The Reagan Administration also sought and won significant
increases in defense spending to modernize the nation's military.
Even with cuts in social spending, however, the increased
military budget--combined with a tax cut--resulted in the federal
government spending more than it received in revenues each
year. Federal budget deficits soared to over $100,000 million in
1982-more than three times the largest deficit under the Carter
Administration. By 1988 the national debt reached a record $2.3
million million ($2.3 trillion).

But in 1981 the administration's immediate problem was
stagnant economic growth, high inflation and soaring interest
rates. The nation endured a deep recession throughout 1982.
This, combined with falling oil prices, helped to curb the
runaway inflation. By 1983 the economy had rebounded, and the
United States entered into one of the longest periods of
sustained economic growth since World War II. The annual
inflation rate remained between three and five percent from 1983
through 1987, except in 1986 when it fell to just under 2 percent
--the lowest level in decades. The nation's gross national
product (GNP), a measure of the output of all goods and
services, grew from $2,732 thousand million in 1980 to $4,527
thousand million in 1987; and from 1982 to 1987 the U.S.
economy created more than 13 million new jobs.

President Reagan's unflagging optimism, his quick wit and
his ability to celebrate the achievements and aspirations of the
American people, remained a sustaining element throughout his
two terms in office. He was a figure of reassurance and stability
for many Americans. Despite his propensity for misstatements,
Reagan was known as the "Great Communicator," primarily for
his mastery of television. Although Reagan rose to political
prominence in the turbulent 60s, he had long been a familiar
figure as a Hollywood actor in scores of motion pictures, and
later, in television. For many, he embodied the remembered
prosperity and relative social tranquility of the 1950s-an era
dominated by President Dwight D. Eisenhower, whose genial
public personality also evoked widespread popularity.

Presiding, like Eisenhower, over a period of relative peace
and prosperity at the end of his first term, President Reagan and
Vice President George Bush overwhelmingly won reelection in
1984, carrying 49 of 50 states in defeating the Democratic Party
ticket of Walter Mondale, Vice President under Jimmy Carter,
and Geraldine Ferraro, a member of the House of
Representatives from New York.

Economic trends were by no means uniformly positive in the
I980s, however. Like most other nations, the United States was
increasingly tied to the global economy. Huge federal deficits
meant increased government borrowing at unusually high
interest rates. High interest rates kept international demand for
dollars strong and the dollar's foreign exchange value high. In turn,
the strong U.S. dollar-which only began to decline in value in
the mid-1980s-made U.S. goods expensive abroad and imports
relatively cheap at home. As a result, the United States registered
an ominously large and growing trade deficit. In 1980 the
annual U.S. merchandise trade deficit was $25,500 million; by 1986 it
had ballooned to $144,500 million.

In one sense, the imbalance in imports over exports marked
the success of an open postwar trading system, championed by
the United States, that had progressively lowered tariffs and
other trading barriers. However, American industry, long
dominant in the world economy, suddenly found itself in the position
of competing for markets at home and abroad in basic products
such as grain and steel, as well as in advanced technology such as
electronics and computers.

Farmers were especially hard hit by depressed crop prices
and loss of export markets, which left them unable to pay off the
high-interest loans that they had incurred in the 1970s when
incomes were higher. As a result, the rural economies of many
midwestern farm states were severely depressed. In 1985, the
federal government enacted a farm law aimed at improving the
international competitiveness of U.S. agricultural products by
making price supports for basic farm commodities more flexible.

The nation's response to the overall trade issue was more
ambivalent. Many Democrats, with strong support from labor
unions, called for legislation establishing quotas and higher
tariffs to protect domestic manufacturing jobs being lost to foreign
competition. The Reagan Administration, philosophically
committed to the principle of free trade, resisted such broad-scale
protectionist responses, and resorted instead to informal
restrictions to help individual industries hurt by an influx of imports.
Some of these restrictions, such as voluntary import restraints on
Japanese cars, were particularly controversial because the
protection was not tied to any adjustment plan on the part of
American producers. At the same time, the United States signed a
historic free-trade agreement with Canada in 1988, which will
eliminate all tariffs and most other trade barriers over 10 years.
Government and business leaders alike called for renewed
efforts to make American industry more efficient and competitive,
and aided by a declining dollar, U.S. exports did grow
substantially in the late 80s.

In 1988, Congress approved and President Reagan signed a
comprehensive trade bill aimed at opening foreign markets
to U.S. exports. Its provisions expanded the administration's
authority to negotiate bilateral and multilateral trade
agreements, and required that an industry seeking relief from imports
prove that assistance would enable it to make "positive
adjustment" by becoming more competitive or shifting into a more
productive business.

The trade deficit, the overvalued dollar and the federal
budget deficit transformed the domestic political debate during
Reagan's second term and the new Bush Administration: Few
political leaders, even liberals, advocated major new
domestic-spending programs. Instead, Congress enacted the
Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Act in 1985 to require by law a progressive
reduction in the federal deficit. A year later, Congress passed a
far-reaching tax reform program designed to make the tax
system simpler and fairer by eliminating most tax benefits for
special interests. President Bush, who had pledged "no new taxes"
during his campaign, could propose only modest funding
increases for his highest priority domestic initiatives to combat
drug abuse, clean up the environment and upgrade American
education.

In foreign policy, President Reagan sought a more assertive
role for the nation, and Central America provided an early test.
The United States confronted a guerrilla insurgency in El
Salvador that threatened to topple the government, and a Sandinista
regime in Nicaragua, which the administration believed to be
intent on establishing a Marxist dictatorship to replace the
rightwing Somoza dictatorship. In El Salvador, the administration
responded with a program of economic aid and military training
to help the government in stemming guerrilla attacks. The
United States also backed democratic forces in El Salvador intent on
reducing killings and other human rights violations by
rightwing death squads, and actively encouraged the transition to an
elected democratic government under Napoleon Duarte. U.S.
support helped stabilize the government, but the level of
violence in El Salvador remained undiminished. In November
1989, guerrilla forces launched massive attacks in the capital of
San Salvador and other cities throughout the country; murders
linked to alleged right-wing death squads increased as well.

U.S. policy toward Nicaragua was much more controversial.
Nicaragua rejected U.S. demands for cutting its military ties to
Cuba and the Soviet Union and opening up its political system to
democratic reforms. Regional peace efforts under the auspices
of other Latin American nations (the "Contadora process")
ended in failure, and the focus of administration efforts shifted to
support for the anti-Sandinista resistance, known as the contras.
Following intense political debate over this policy, the Congress
ended all military aid to the contras in October 1984, but
continued humanitarian assistance. Under administration pressure,
Congress reversed itself in the fall of 1986, and approved $100
million in military aid for the contras. However, a relative lack of
success on the battlefield, charges of human rights abuses, and
the revelation that funds from secret Iranian arms sales had
been diverted to the contras undercut political support in
Congress for continuing military aid to the anti-Sandinista guerrillas.

With its Nicaraguan policy at an impasse, the Reagan
Administration declared its support for the 1987 Central American
peace plan. The plan, proposed by President Oscar Arias of
Costa Rica, called for amnesty for anti-government insurgents,
an end to outside support for guerrilla forces,and
democratization throughout the region. The Bush Administration
abandoned any effort to secure military aid for the contras, although
it pushed for non-military assistance that would keep the contras
intact until democratic elections scheduled for February 1990.
The Bush Administration also sought funding from Congress
for the opposition political coalition contesting the election
against the Sandinistas.

Meanwhile, a new foreign policy impasse arose in Panama,
where the United States refused to recognize the regime of
General Manuel Noriega, who ousted the elected president.
Complicating the issue was Noriega's indictment by a U.S. grand jury on
drug trafficking charges-at a time when polls indicated that
Americans considered drug abuse the nation's number one
domestic problem. Despite intensive diplomatic efforts, the Reagan
Administration failed to find a way of removing Noriega from
power. In the first year of the Bush Administration, the United
States refrained from providing military support for a coup
aimed at ousting Noriega, choosing instead to seek a solution
through diplomacy, economic pressure, and the collective
efforts of the Organization of American States.

The Reagan Administration was more fortunate in
witnessing a return to democracy throughout Latin America, in nations
from Guatemala to Argentina. The emergence of democratically
elected governments was not limited to Latin America, however;
in Asia, the "people power" campaign of Corazon Aquino
overthrew the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, and elections in
Korea ended decades of military rule.

By contrast, South Africa remained intransigent in the face
of the administration's efforts to encourage an end to racial
apartheid through the controversial policy of "constructive
engagement." In 1986, frustrated at the lack of progress, the U.S.
Congress overrode Reagan's veto and imposed a set of economic
sanctions on South Africa. A number of U.S. companies also
announced that they were divesting themselves of their South
African holdings.

Only in December 1988, in the last weeks of the Reagan
Administration, did years of patient U.S. mediation, conducted
primarily by Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Chester
Crocker, contribute to a potentially historic peace settlement for
the territory of Namibia in southern Africa. The agreements,
signed by South Africa, Angola and Cuba, called for the phased
withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, democratic elections
(held in November 1989), the withdrawal of all South African
troops, and independence for Namibia.

Despite its outspoken anti-communist rhetoric, the Reagan
Administration's direct use of U.S. military force was restrained
and limited. On October 25, 1983, U.S. forces landed on the
Caribbean island of Grenada after an urgent appeal for help by
neighboring countries. The action followed the assassination of
Grenada's leftist Prime Minister by members of his own
Marxist-oriented party. After a brief period of fighting, U.S. troops
captured hundreds of Cuban military and construction personnel
and seized caches of Soviet-supplied arms. In December 1983,
the last American combat troops left Grenada, which held
democratic elections a year later.

By contrast, military efforts in Lebanon, where the United
States was attempting to bolster a moderate, pro-Western
government, ended tragically, when 241 American Marines were
killed in a terrorist bombing. In April 1986, U.S. Navy and Air
Force planes struck targets in Tripoli and Benghazi, Libya, in
retaliation for Libyan-instigated terrorist attacks on U.S. military
personnel in Europe.

In the Persian Gulf, the United States confronted Iran to
keep vital oil-shipping lanes open during the protracted
Iran-Iraq War. U.S. forces retaliated for Iranian mining operations in
the Gulf, and for a missile attack on an American-flag vessel.
Initially, the United States had responded to a request from
Kuwait for protection of its tanker fleet; but eventually the
United States, along with naval vessels from Western Europe,
escorted convoys of tankers and other neutral vessels traveling up and
down the Gulf. The convoys succeeded in keeping the sea lanes
open. However, a number of lives were lost through tragic
errors. Thirty-seven American sailors died aboard the Navy frigate
Stark in May 1987, for example, after the ship was struck by
missiles fired in error by an Iraqi jet. In July 1988, the USS
Vincennes mistakenly shot down an Iranian civilian airliner,
killing all 290 persons on board.

U.S. diplomatic efforts in the Arab-Israeli conflict were
largely stalemated, although U.S. Secretary of State George
Shultz
attemped intensive diplomacy during the final year of the
Reagan Administration. On December 14, Secretary Shultz
announced that the United States would open a "substantive dialogue"
with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) following
its acceptance of three U.S. conditions: acceptance of key U.N.
Security Council resolutions 242 and 338, recognition of Israel's
right to exist and a renunciation of terrorism. The Bush
Administration maintained the PLO dialogue, despite vigorous Israeli
objections. In addition, Secretary of State James Baker attempted to revitalize American diplomacy in the Middle East with
proposals to initiate Israeli-Palestinian talks on Palestinian
elections leading to negotiations, an interim period of self-rule for
Palestinians, and eventually final status negotiations for the West
Bank and Gaza.

U.S. relations with the Soviet Union during the Reagan
years fluctuated between political confrontation and far-reaching
arms control agreements. Two events increased U.S.-Soviet
tensions: the suppression of the Solidarity labor movement in
Poland in December 1981, and the destruction of an offcourse
civilian airliner, Korean Airlines Flight 007, by a Soviet jet
fighter on September 1, 1983. The United States also condemned the
continuing Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and provided aid to
the mujahidin resistance there.

Nevertheless, security issues remained at the center of the
U.S.-Soviet relationship. Despite protests by a vocal anti-nuclear
movement on both sides of the Atlantic, the United States,
implementing a 1979 NATO decision, began deploying single-warhead
Pershing II and ground-launched cruise missiles in Western
Europe at the end of 1983 to counter Soviet triple-warhead SS-20
missiles capable of striking Western Europe from the Soviet
Union. And on March 23, 1983, in one of the most hotly debated
policy decisions of his Presidency, Reagan announced the
Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) research program to explore
advanced technologies, such as lasers and high-energy projectiles,
that could defend against nuclear ballistic missiles.

In November 1985 Reagan held a summit meeting with the
new Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, in Geneva. They agreed
in principle to seek 50-percent reductions in strategic offensive
nuclear arms as well as an interim agreement on
intermediaterange nuclear forces (INF), but found no common ground on
the issue of SDI. A year later, Reagan and Gorbachev met at a
hastily arranged summit in Reykjavik, Iceland. However,
sweeping but tentative agreements on nuclear arms foundered on the
SDI issue. A related dispute arose over whether the SALT I
ABM Treaty, signed in 1972, permitted development and
testing of advanced anti-ballistic missile systems. Despite the impasse
on SDI, the United States and Soviet Union entered into an
intensive phase of arms negotiations.

In December 1987, President Reagan and General
Secretary Gorbachev signed the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces
(INF) Treaty, which provided for the elimination of all INF
missiles with a range of 500 to 5,500 kilometers, coupled with
unprecedented provisions for on-site inspections. Progress on
reducing strategic nuclear weapons-ICBMs, submarine-launched
missiles and heavy bomber-proved more difficult, in part
because of complicated issues involving mobile missiles, and
because the United States and Soviet Union were unable to cut the
Gordian knot of strategic defenses (SDI). In the early months of
the Bush Administration, the focus of arms negotiations shifted
to conventional forces, with both NATO and the Warsaw Pact
submitting proposals for deep cuts in tanks, artillery, troops and
other weaponry deployed in Europe.

The U.S.-Soviet dialogue continued to broaden and deepen
during the first year of the Bush Administration, at a time of
ferment and remarkable political change in the Soviet Union
and in Eastern Europe symbolized most eloquently by the
opening of the Berlin Wall in November 1989. In an event
emblematic of this new relationship, Presidents Bush and
Gorbachev met aboard U.S. and Soviet naval vessels off the coast of
Malta in December 1989 for two days of wide-ranging
discussions on bilateral and international issues.

In space, the United States suffered a shocking setback. On
January 28, 1986, after 24 successful shuttle flights, the space
shuttle Challenger exploded 73 seconds after takeoff, killing six
astronauts and a schoolteacher who was to be the first ordinary
citizen flown into space. The manned space flight program was
halted while a special investigative panel determined the cause
-faulty seals on the shuttle's solid rocket boosters-then began an
exhaustive review and redesign program before the resumption
of shuttle flights.

The Challenger tragedy was a reminder of the limits of
technology at a time when another technological revolution, in
computers, was rapidly transforming the way in which millions of
Americans work and live. Estimates were that, by mid-decade,
Americans possessed more than 30 million computers.

The Reagan Administration suffered a political defeat in
the November 1986 congressional elections when the Democrats
regained majority control of the U.S. Senate. Nevertheless, the
most serious issue confronting the administration was the
revelation that the United States had secretly sold arms to Iran in an
attempt to win freedom for American hostages held in Lebanon
by radical organizations controlled by the Khomeini
government. Investigation also revealed that funds from the arms sales
had been diverted to the Nicaraguan contras during a period
when Congress had prohibited such military aid.

The ensuing Iran-contra hearings before a joint
House-Senate committee examined issues of possible illegality as well as
the broader question of defining American foreign policy
interests in the Middle East and Central America. In a larger sense,
the Iran-contra hearings, like the celebrated Senate Watergate
hearings 14 years earlier, addressed fundamental questions
about the public's right to know, and the proper balance between
the executive and legislative branches of government.

The United States suffered an economic setback on October
19, 1987, so-called "black Monday," when the value of stocks
tumbled 22 percent on Wall Street-immediately bringing back
memories of the fabled stock market crash of 1929, which was
followed by the Great Depression of the I930s. The causes of the
crash included anxiety about U.S. international trade and
federal budget deficits, and a new stock market fad known as
"program trading," in which computers automatically ordered the
buying or selling of a large volume of shares when certain
circumstances occurred.

Nevertheless, the nation recovered in a remarkably short
time. Although many Americans turned from the stock market
to safer forms of investment, a recession did not materialize. In
fact, economic growth continued, with the unemployment rate
dropping to roughly 6.2 percent in 1987, and then falling to a
14-year low of 5.2 percent in June 1988.

In late 1988, the United States successfully launched a
redesigned space shuttle Discovery to deploy a satellite in the first
shuttle flight since the Challenger tragedy. Then, less than six
months into the Bush Administration, the shuttle Atlantis
deployed the space probe Magellan, whose advanced radar systems
will map the sweltering, cloud-covered surface of Venus; and in
October 1989, Atlantis launched Galileo, which will orbit Jupiter
and drop a parachute probe into the planet's gravity-crushing
atmosphere. But these advanced interplanetary probes were
almost overshadowed by a relatively small, unsophisticated space
probe launched in 1977, Voyager 2, which in August 1989
beamed back remarkable images of the planet Neptune and its
moons. Voyagers 1 and 2, which earlier flew past Jupiter, Saturn
and Uranus, provided scientists with data that they will be
studying for years, if not decades. The success of the Voyager probes,
together with Magellan and Galileo, have opened a new era in
interplanetary space science. By 1990, the United States hopes to
orbit the Hubble Space Telescope, which will peer more deeply
into space-and time-than any previous telescope. Later in the
decade, the United States plans to assemble, in orbit, a
permanent, internationally operated space station with crews from the
United States, Japan and the European Space Agency.

President Reagan enjoyed unusually strong popularity at
the end of his second term in office, but under the terms of the
U.S. Constitution could not run again in 1988. His political heir,
the Vice President during all eight years of his Presidency,
George Bush, benefited greatly from Reagan's popularity. Born
and raised in New England, Bush served as a fighter pilot in the
U.S. Navy during World War II. After the war, Bush built his
reputation as a businessman in the Texas oil industry. He then
went on to become one of the nation's most experienced
politicians--serving as a Congressman, ambassador to the United
Nations, envoy to China, chairman of the Republican National
Committee and director of the Central Intelligence Agency.

In 1988 Bush defeated the
Democratic Party's presidential
nominee, Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis, by a wide
margin-and thus became the first sitting Vice President since
Martin Van Buren in 1836 to be elected directly to the
Presidency. Unlike Bush, who won the Republican Party nomination
early in the cycle of party primaries and caucuses, Dukakis
needed more time to overcome his rivals for the the Democratic Party
nomination. Dukakis' closest competitor, the Reverend Jesse
Jackson, a prominent black leader who made his name in the civil
rights movement, first ran for President in 1984. Jackson
expanded his political following during the 1988 campaign by
creating a "Rainbow Coalition" of blacks, Hispanics and
disadvantaged whites, and held onto his delegates until the Democratic
National Convention.

President Bush's campaign promised a continuation of the
Reagan Administration's economic policies, which had brought
economic prosperity. In foreign affairs, he claimed that his
experience in public service would support a strong national defense.
He echoed some of Reagan's popular "new right" positions on
social issues such as his strong stand against abortion, while
quieting some of Reagan's critics with a call for a "kinder, gentler
nation," and by stressing his commitment to being the
"education president."

In the balloting, Bush finished with a 54-46 popular vote
margin and carried 40 states to gain a 426-112 electoral vote
victory. Congress, however, remained under Democratic
control, as the new administration, and the nation, faced the
challenges of a new decade.