I stated on a former occasion one important advantage: by
adopting this system we become a NATION; at present we
are not one. Can we perform a single national act? can we
do anything to procure us dignity, or to preserve peace
and tranquility? can we relieve the distress of our citizens?
can we provide for their welfare or happiness? The powers
of our government are mere sound. If we offer to treat
with a nation, we receive this humiliating answer, "You
cannot in propriety of language make a treaty--because
you have no power to execute it." Can we borrow money?
There are too many examples of unfortunate creditors existing,
both on this and the other side of the Atlantic, to
expect success from this expedient. But could we borrow
money, we cannot command a fund to enable us to pay
either the principal or interest; for in instances where our
friends have advanced the principal, they have been
obliged to advance the interest also in order to prevent the
principal from being annihilated in their hands by depreciation.
Can we raise an army? The prospect of a war is
highly probable. The accounts we receive by every vessel
from Europe mention that the highest exertions are making
in the ports and arsenals of the greatest maritime powers;
but whatever the consequence may be, are we to lay
supine? We know we are unable under the articles of confederation
to exert ourselves; and shall we continue so until
a stroke be made on our commerce, or we see the debarkation
of an hostile army on our unprotected shores?
Who will guarantee that our property will not be laid
waste, that our towns will not be put under contribution,
by a small naval force, and subjected to all the horror and
devastation of war? May not this be done without opposition,
at least effectual opposition, in the present situation
of our country? There may be safety over the Appalachian
mountains, but there can be none on our sea coast. With
what propriety can we hope our flag will be respected
while we have not a single gun to fire in its defence?

Can we expect to make internal improvement, or accomplish
any of those great national objects which I formerly
alluded to, when we cannot find money to remove a
single rock out of a river?

This system, Sir, will at least make us a nation, and put
it in the power of the Union to act as such. We will be
considered as such by every nation in the world. We will
regain the confidence of our own citizens, and command
the respect of others.

As we shall become a nation, I trust that we shall also
form a national character; and that this character will be
adapted to the principles and genius of our system of government:
as yet we possess none--our language, manners,
customs, habits and dress, depend too much upon those
of other countries. Every nation in these respects should
possess originality. There are not on any part of the globe
finer qualities, for forming a national character, than those
possessed by the children of America. Activity, perseverance,
industry, laudable emulation, docility in acquiring
information, firmness in adversity, and patience and magnanimity
under the greatest hardships; from these materials,
what a respectable national character may be raised!
In addition to this character, I think there is strong reason
to believe that America may take the lead in literary improvements
and national importance. This is a subject
which I confess I have spent much pleasing time in considering.
That language, Sir, which shall become most generally
known in the civilized world, will impart great importance
over the nation that shall use it. The language of
the United States will in future times be diffused over a
greater extent of country than any other that we now
know. The French, indeed, have made laudable attempts
toward establishing an universal language; but beyond the
boundaries of France, even the French language is not
spoken by one in a thousand. Besides the freedom of our
country, the great improvements she has made and will
make in the science of government will induce the patriots
and literati of every nation, to read and understand our
writings on that subject, and hence it is not improbable
that she will take the lead in political knowledge.

If we adopt this system of government, I think we may
promise security, stability and tranquility to the governments
of the different States. They will not be exposed to
the danger of competition on questions of territory, or any
other that have heretofore disturbed them. A tribunal is
here founded to decide, justly and quietly, any interfering
claim; and now is accomplished, what the great mind of
Henry the IV. of France had in contemplation, a system
of government, for large and respectable dominions,
united and bound together in peace, under a superintending
head, by which all their differences may be accommodated,
without the destruction of the human race! We are
told by Sully, that this was the favorite pursuit of that good
king during the last years of his life, and he would probably
have carried it into execution, had not the dagger of
an assassin deprived the world of his valuable life. I have,
with pleasing emotion, seen the wisdom and beneficence
of a less efficient power under the articles of confederation,
in the determination of the controversy between the
States of Pennsylvania and Connecticut; but, I have lamented
that the authority of Congress did not extend to
extinguish, entirely, the spark which has kindled a dangerous
flame in the district of Wyoming.

Let gentlemen turn their attention to the amazing consequences
which this principle will have in this extended
country--the several States cannot war with each other;
the general government is the great arbiter in contentions
between them; the whole force of the Union can be called
forth to reduce an aggressor to reason. What a happy exchange
for the disjointed, contentious State sovereignties!

The adoption of this system will also secure us from
danger, and procure us advantage from foreign nations.
This, in our situation, is of great consequence. We are still
an inviting object to one European power at least, and, if
we cannot defend ourselves, the temptation may become
too alluring to be resisted. I do not mean, that, with an
efficient government, we should mix with the commotions
of Europe. No, Sir, we are happily removed from them,
and are not obliged to throw ourselves into the scale with
any. This system will not hurry us into war; it is calculated
to guard against it. It will not be in the power of a single
man, or a single body of men, to involve us in such distress,
for the important power of declaring war is vested
in the legislature at large;--this declaration must be made
with the concurrence of the House of Representatives;
from this circumstance we may draw a certain conclusion,
that nothing but our national interest can draw us into a
war. I cannot forbear, on this occasion, the pleasure of
mentioning to you the sentiments of the great and benevolent
man whose works I have already quoted on another
subject; Mr. Neckar has addressed this country, in language
important and applicable in the strictest degree to
its situation and to the present subject. Speaking of war,
and the great caution that all nations ought to use in order
to avoid its calamities, "And you, rising nation," says he,
"whom generous efforts have freed from the yoke of Europe!
let the universe be struck with still greater reverence
at the sight of the privileges you have acquired, by seeing
you continually employed for the public felicity: do not
offer it as a sacrifice at the unsettled shrine of political
ideas, and of the deceitful combinations of warlike ambition;
avoid, or at least delay participating in the passions
of our hemisphere; make your own advantage of the
knowledge which experience alone has given to our old
age, and preserve for a long time, the simplicity of childhood:
in short, honor human nature, by shewing that
when lost to its own feelings, it is still capable of those virtues
that maintain public order, and of that prudence
which insures public tranquillity."

Permit me to offer one consideration more that ought
to induce our acceptance of this system. I feel myself lost
in the contemplation of its magnitude. By adopting this
system, we shall probably lay a foundation for erecting
temples of liberty in every part of the earth. It has been
thought by many, that on the success of the struggle
America has made for freedom, will depend the exertions
of the brave and enlightened of other nations. The advantages
resulting from this system will not be confined to the
United States; it will draw from Europe, many worthy
characters, who pant for the enjoyment of freedom. It will
induce princes, in order to preserve their subject, to restore
to them a portion of that liberty of which they have
for so many ages been deprived. It will be subservient to
the great designs of providence, with regard to this globe;
the multiplication of mankind, their improvement in
knowledge, and their advancement in happiness.