Decision From Indecision: Conservation of Thangka Significance, Perspectives and Approaches

Author:

Jacinta Boon Nee Loh

University College London, GB

About Jacinta

Abstract

Art may be entwined with religion, encompassing a spiritual message beyond artistic form and design. The thangka is one such sacred art in this world. Each thangka is created for a specific purpose and will always be different from other ones. It is for this reason and other values that they are conserved for the present and the future. The thangka poses complex challenges for conservators because of its composite nature and the wealth of values it embodies. It demands a balanced approach that looks into its material and conceptual integrity. Each of us has different aesthetic standards in interpretation of the thangka.

This research explores the approaches and perspectives of thangka conservation, in particular embroidered/ appliqué thangkas and the influence of their significance in the decision-making process of their conservation. Through this investigation, the author establishes a framework of decision-making and her perspectives to thangka conservation.

Introduction

Much of the cultural heritage we appreciate today
has existed through generations of preservation efforts.
Oral traditions, literature, monuments, sculpture
and paintings, were, and still are, a source of
enjoyment that provide lessons in history, religion
and art (Unesco 1975). In all forms of artistic activity,
the works of art produced have a special significance
and purpose. Shadow puppets, for instance,
were used in countries like India to teach spiritual
values and to relate in an interesting manner the great
epics, such as the Ramayana (Unesco 1975). Paintings
are also used to illustrate literature, poetry, history,
and so on (Unesco 1975). Art may also be entwined
with the propagation of teachings, encompassing
a spiritual message beyond the artistic form and
design. The thangka is one such sacred art. The very
act of its creation is a form of meditation. The artists
do not consider themselves creators, but produce
thangkas as a mission, an act of worship. Art not for
art's sake, but for a deep spiritual purpose (Mehra
1970; Shaftel 1993; Unesco 1975).

In past and present times, the thangka has embodied
a wealth of values, not only religious and artistic
values. Significance bestowed upon the same thangka
will vary in different cultures, geographic locations,
and periods of history. It is for these different values
that thangkas have been conserved, for the present
and the future.

This research has been done as a contribution to facilitate
the conservation of thangkas. It investigates
their material and conceptual integrity through the
studies of their history, making and significance. The
research then moves on to the exploration of the approaches
and perspectives of thangka conservation, in
particular embroidered/appliqué thangkas and the
influence of their significance in the decision making
for their conservation. Through this investigation, the
author establishes a framework of decision making
and her perspectives and approaches to thangka conservation.

Brief History of Thankgka

Textile has been used for various purposes for generations
– one of which is as a support for various
types of paintings. Thangkas fall into this category
(Gupta 1994). The thangka (tanka, t'anka, tang-ka or
thang-kha, Tibetan Thang-Ka, Thang-Sku, or Sku-
Thang) is Tibetan religious scroll art (Unesco 1975).
It is mostly known in the form of painting or embroidery
on woven material, usually cotton. Its name
denotes "something rolled up" but it has also been
suggested that its name is derived from the Tibetan
thang yig meaning annal or written record (Britannica, Shaftel 1986).

Due to the vulnerable nature of the material, not
much is known of the early history of thangkas. It is
also difficult to place them in a precise context or
establish their chronology because the mountings
have often been replaced and may have originated
from different periods or areas than the central picture.
Furthermore, most thangkas are unsigned, undated,
and executed in close adherence to tradition
(Loeshka 1992; Oberlin 2000; Shaftel 1998). Nevertheless,
scholars like Tucci have unravelled their history
and importance (Agrawal 1984; Unesco 1975;
Vestergaard 1996).

There is no doubt that the history of Tibetan art
and thangkas were closely associated with the history
of religious developments, because they were intended
to be functional art. Some sources say that the tradition of thangka painting in Tibet is from the
Gupta period of 330-520 A.D. (Gupta 1994). In Tibet,
the earliest examples were dated back to the 9th
or 10th centuries. Other sources indicate that thangka
paintings were known in Tibet in the 13th century. In
Mongolia, they were first produced and used at the
beginning of the 17th century.

The thangka is derived from Indian cloth paintings
(patas), from mandalas, originally drawn on the
ground for each ritual use, and from scrolls used by
storytellers. In technique and style, it closely resembles
the Indian pata. Its painting draws inspiration
from Central Asia, Nepali and Kashmiri and its landscape
has been influenced by Chinese art. Thangkas
are painted according to exact canonical rules. Their
subject matter provide a wealth of understanding of
the Tibetan religion. They commonly depict the
Buddha surrounded by deities or lamas and scenes
from His life; divinities assembled along the
branches of a cosmic tree; the wheel of life (Sanskrit
bhavacakra), horoscopes, etc. (The New Encyclopaedia
Britannica 1983).

Thangkas are more than two-dimensional images,
literally and symbolically. They are always meant to
be mounted and seen as three-dimensional constructs.
The raised cover, the ribbons, and the finials of the
bottom rod all contribute to this effect.

In the religious context, thangkas were essentially
aids for meditation, a symbol of spiritual thoughts
(Agrawal 1984; Mehra 1970; Singh et al. 1992).
They were commissioned for both spiritual and mundane
matters. Perhaps dedicated to a sick person, or
to remove spiritual or physical obstacles to a particular
end, or to help a deceased person receives a happier
rebirth. They were also commissioned for special
religious occasions to help the donor to gain merit
(Leoshko 1992).

Sacred art has always been and remains one of the
most popular and beloved aspects of the life of the
Tibetan people because they are embodiments of enlightenment.
For centuries, thangkas have fascinated
neighbouring countries and beyond. The American
Museum of Natural History has some three hundred
thangkas (Williamson 1983). There are established
collections in the Asian Art Museum of San Francisco,
Boston Museum of Fine Arts, and the Horniman
Museum (Loeshko 1992). The Tawang Monastery
in Arunachal Pradesh is said to have about 1500
thangkas, which are about three hundred years old
(Singh 1992).

Different Types of Thangkas

Thangkas are generally rectangular, though the earlier
ones tend to be square (The New Encyclopaedia
Britannica 1983). And while the majority of thangkas
are painted on canvas, there are also some six other
types of thangkas done in other materials. There are:

The dpar ma, block printed thangka that is
produced on a canvas. The outline of the
Wheel of Life is printed with a wood engraving
before painting. It is said to simplify the
painting process and gives special effects.

The metal thangka, whose durability and foldable
concept was to serve travelling needs.

The paper mache thangka. Its uniqueness is the
three-dimensional appearance of the central picture.

The tshen drub ma, embroidered thangka. It
was said to have been executed in the far eastern
part of Tibet and China to be exported.

The woven thangka. It has been proposed that
very few thangka-painting artists remained in
Tibet during the Chinese occupation of Tibet.
Thus this kind of thangka was made so that
Tibetans could have a thangka for the family
altar.

The dras-drab-ma, gos-sku, appliqué thangka.
It consists of many single pieces of cloth
(Dharmapala Centre).

The embroidered/appliqué thangkas will be the
main subject of this research. Applique thangka is a
particularly Tibetan style, according to pre-17thcentury
texts. Fragments of coloured cloth – most
often silks, traditionally imported from China or
India – are cut into desired shapes and arranged to
form a kind of mosaic. The pieces are either sewn
onto a background or to each other. Of Chinese origin,
this technique is widely practiced in Tibet,
Mongolia and other Himalayan countries. It is known
that appliqué work was initiated by the great king
Sontsen Gampo, in the 7th century CE and was later
developed into a sacred art. The main reason for initiating
this technique was that it was more durable
than the painted thangkas, especially when moved
around. At one time it was mainly used as a personal
object of meditation (Nechung Foundation). Since
embroidered thangkas were costly to produce, they
were a rarity and were therefore favoured as imperial
tributes and trade goods. Only a wealthy individual,
monastery, or the Chinese Imperial government could
have afforded to commission them. In Tibet, it is
likely that the ordinary people would have been unaware
of their existence (Bacchus 1999).

Another proposition to its history is that it has
been customary in Buddhist practice to make valuable
offerings in order to increase merit and to receive
blessings from God. So it seemed only natural that
silk, a highly valued material in Tibet and the Himalayan
region, became an appropriate offering material
and was used to create religious images.

Other sources indicated that the use of embroidery
to create thangkas dates from the 13th century. These
were images woven and embroidered in China and
given as gifts to Tibetan rulers. They were a combination of Tibetan artistic style and Chinese textile
techniques.

In the 15th century, Tibetans made the first fabric
thangka, utilizing indigenous appliqué techniques.
The appliqué and embroidered thangkas grew in
popularity the 18th and 19th centuries and spread
throughout the Tibetan Buddhist region. Such was
its popularity that most monasteries had their own
sewing workshops and a collection of treasured appliqué
thangkas. This sort of thangka was especially
suited for making very large thangkas. Such huge
images were made by groups of men and women
under the direction of a master tailor and /or master
thangka painter. In Mongolia, the stitching work was
largely performed by women, whereas in Bhutan and
Tibet, it was done almost exclusively by men
(Wongmo 1999).

Making of Thangkas, Then and Now
How Pieced Silk Thangkas are Made

The image is created from a template line drawing,
on cloth or paper, that is made according to strict
proportions and passed down for centuries. The use
of a template is important for passing down the spiritual
value and efficacy of the image. From this template,
distinctly coloured areas are formed using several
colours of silk. The silk is hand loomed and
dyed in Varanasi, India, by family businesses which
have been trading with the Tibetans for generations.
Silk pieces are then placed like a jigsaw puzzle, using
the drawing as a guide; glued and carefully handstitched
together (sometimes a background cloth,
also). The outlines are defined by cords of leather,
yak, or horsetail hair, mixed with threads of gold,
hand wrapped with silk thread and couched on the
silk along the precisely drawn lines. Because the
thread for stitching and wound around the cords is
the same, it hides the seams. Certain details, such as
the eyes, are embroidered or even painted on. The
eyes are considered to be the most difficult aspect of
the work and traditionally the last skill imparted after
years of apprenticeship. They are embroidered in a
distinct spiral pattern, creating a realistic effect
(Wongmo 1999).

The completed picture is framed and mounted in a
silk brocade border similar to those of painted thangkas.
It supports the finished work and is a wealth of
symbolism integral to the complete thangka. In Tibetan,
the mounting is called tang-kahi-gos-sam (the
silk of the surface). Each part contributes a specific
meaning to the assembly. Table 1 shows the essential
parts of a thangka.

Inserted tightly into the seams in the sa and rtsaba. Suspends the thangka and keeps it stretched laterally. The lower rod acts as a weight to keep the thangka hanging straight; over it, the thangka is rolled up for storage. The lower rod is always round and often has ornamental knobs on either sides, made generally of brass, but sometimes of gold, silver or ivory

8

thang-khebs or jalkhebs
and 2 ribbons

Picture cover or cover of respect

Shields the painting from the eyes of disrespectful viewers as well as smoke, oil and dirt. The cover hangs over the thangka and the ribbons hang over the cover. The ends of the ribbons are weighted with small quantities of sand to keep the veil straight and immobile. The rolled up cover is held in position by the ribbons, which are wound round it. The ribbons also serve to tie the scroll when it is stored.

Stitching assembles these different parts of the
thangka. Usually the border would have a stitched
lining, but the central picture would not, since an
inscription of some ritual words or religious formulae,
in black, red or gold, tends to be placed there – a
lining would obscure it. The inscription forms part of
the consecration of the thangka. Thereafter it becomes
alive as a dwelling of their God. Hence, without the
religious inscription, the thangka does not have religious
significance or value in the Tibetan culture
(Agrawal 1984; Unesco 1975).

In Tibet, this highly regarded skill of thangka making
has traditionally been passed on from senior monks who study the art, to the younger generation
of monks, so that this rich, historic tradition will
never be broken. The Nechung Monastery is one of
the monasteries that has kept on this tradition. In
Tibet, both monks and laymen can engage in this
activity and it is believed to be a practice that has
always been in existence. But it was not so in Nepal.
In the past, thangka making was the preserve of the
Newars, the original inhabitants of the Kathmandu
Valley. Therefore it can be said that in the past, only
certain people were allowed to partake in this activity.
In modern times, however, thangka making is no
longer the preserve of the originators. This is likely
due to the change in patronage of thangkas and the
decision to impart the knowledge to more people to
keep alive this sacred tradition.

The change in patronage has been identified as the
increased demand for thangkas in the tourism market
in comparison to religious patronage. This has led to
the establishment of many art studios that produce
thangkas for commercial purposes. Some of these
studios are in the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. One of
which is the Dharmapala Centre P. (Ltd). In this centre,
commissioned thangkas have been created under
the supervision of the lama of the Nyingma order
(Dharmapala Centre). Unfortunately, not all artists
work in places such as the Dharmapala Centre or have
had the training in traditional thangka making methods.
They have therefore created a concern about the
commercialisation of thangkas, which are often
poorly executed and have incorrect iconography. If
the situation persists, the worry is that the sacred
meaning and purpose of thangkas will be lost. In
response to this, schools like The Tsering Art School
are built to contribute to the preservation and restoration
of Tibetan Buddhist Art and to provide opportunity
to acquire the knowledge and skill of thangka
making (Alsop 1992, Dharmapala Centre).

Significance of Thangkas

Specific cultural context bestows upon objects their
significance. These meanings are attributed to the
values they embody. It is for these values that
thngkas are conserved, for the present and the future.
Each new thangka is created for a specific purpose.
This purpose will be its original significance and
value and the very reason it will always be different
from the other thangkas. The next section is a
glimpse of the wealth of significance the thangkas
actually embody. It will be clear that it is impossible
to assign a single value to a thangka (Batton 1992).

The silk borders of thangkas have their own iconography
and symbolism. They possess a mystical
significance that cannot be ignored (Huntington
1970; Unesco 1975). They represent the traditional
and religious value of the thangkas. The mountings
that are detached have values in themselves as unique
historic and artistic textile objects. They may be fine
examples of weaving, silk, dyes, construction, style
etc. They are therefore of important value in the study
of ancient Chinese textile technology.

The study of the silk mounting may also have historic
value, as it reveals information on the identity
of the artist and original context (Oberlin 2000;
Shaftel 1998). Unfortunately the borders have been
placed in lower priority to the central picture, not
only in scholarly research but in terms of value. In
most publications, borders have been omitted, even if
they exist.

The thangka is rich in religious and cultural values.
Hung in the monastery and family altars, it is a symbol
of religious thought and a means of attaining
salvation. Some thangkas were commissioned for
reasons including dedication to a sick person and
help for a deceased one to receive a good rebirth or to
remove a particular spiritual obstacle to a particular
goal. It plays a vital part in religious ceremonies as it
invokes the divine spirit and creates a divine atmosphere.
It is an aid to worship and meditation. They
can be carried in religious processions or used to illustrate
sermons. Thangkas were also widely used in
monastery school as teaching tools because of their
convenient movability. Believers also hung them in
homes as protection against evil spirits. The thangka,
which was worshipped in the past, often contains
ritual offerings or inscriptions on the back of the
main deity. Silver foil, coloured rice and long strips
of manuscripts are some items that have been found
during conservation treatments (Agrawal 1984; Singh et al. 1992; Bacchus 1999;
Gupta 1994; Mehra 1970; Unesco 1975).

A thangka is rarely the expression of the vision or
the creativity of the artist. Thangka making was regarded
as a means to purify and improve the human
mind. For that reason thangka creators have generally
remained anonymous, as have the mountmakers (Mehra
1970; Shaftel 1993; Unesco 1975).

Some thangkas are of important historic value

They can be valuable, historic testimonies. A
thangka, for instance, was presented to W. W. Rockhill,
a Tibetan scholar who was at that time U.S.
Minister to China, with the inscription 'presented to
me by the Dalai Lama/Wu-tai-shan/June 21st, 1908.
W. W. Rockhill.' Rockhill met with the 13th Dalai
Lama at Wu-tai-shan, a sacred Buddhist mountain in
northern China, during the Dalai Lama's exile to
Mongolia (1904-1909). This significant thangka has
led historians to believe that it was probably the first
contact between Tibet and the United States (Meinheit
2000).

A 7th-century thangka embroidered with pearls that
shows the goddess "Green Tara" is another historical
thangka. It is located in a Tibetan monastery in the
Yarlung Valley. The historical value attached to this
thangka can be said to be its creator, who was said to
be the Chinese princess Weng Chen, who was married
by the Tibetan King Tson Tsen Gampo in the
year 641 (Dharmapala Centre). The thangka has added significance because its creator was a royalty in the
history of China.

From the early 17th century until 1907, Bhutan
practiced a dual system of administration whereby a
spiritual leader ruled the clergy and a temporal ruler
took charge of the affairs of the state. A Bhutanese
inscription on a paper tag attached to the work identifies
the central image as Shakya Gyaltsen (1813-75),
who was twice head abbot of Bhutan, in 1865-69 and
again in 1875. This thangka is thus not only a beautiful
work of art but also an important historic document
reflecting Bhutan's unique system of government
(Tse 1999).

Thangkas are cultural legacies, and cultural property
in the broadest sense belongs to humanity. It is not
exclusive to where it inhabits – all of us are connected
to it in a mysterious way. It is this strange
connection that has sent cultural exchanges to several
parts of the globe, through the web, travelling exhibitions,
and documentaries in order to reach as many
people as possible. It gives us insights into the traditions,
the perspectives, the history, and the expertise
of another culture. It educates us, enriches our lives
and is our link to the past (Jensen 2000). Some important
thangkas are displayed only on special occasions
(Unesco 1975). In the religious land of Ladakh
a huge thangka is ritually displayed every 12 years
during the festival of the Hemis Gompa, dedicated to
Lord Padmasambhava.

Thangkas as such will also have continued use
value (Shubhyatra). Their incredible size and intricate
design make them important treasures as well.

Besides religion, the contents of thangkas are about
history and folk customs. So they are considered a
Tibetan encyclopaedia as well. There are medical
thangkas that illustrate how the nerves interact with
the body, the body's internal organs, and much more.

Some thangkas also have emotional value. An example
is the following thangka, commissioned in
memory of a loved one. This appliqué thangka was
made by the order of the 8th Dalai Lama to honour
the memory of his teacher in 1768. Depicted in the
central picture is both the portrait of the Dalai Lama
and his teacher and a dedicatory poem. The significance
is not merely the portrayal of sentimentality.
The poem throws light on the esteem of a student for
his teacher and the concerns of the Dalai Lama for the
troubles of his country. Together they provide a secure
date for the work and is a testimony to the history
of Tibet (Pal).

Thangkas are therefore not merely for decorative
purposes. Although they may be commissioned for
different reasons, in different epochs, they will always
relate to each other because they are links to the
originating culture.

Decision Making in Thangka Conservation

The thangka poses complex challenges for conservators
due to its composite nature and the wealth of
values it embodies. It demands a balanced approach
that looks into its material and conceptual integrity.
Each of us has different aesthetic standards and interpretation
of the thangka. It is therefore understandable
and predictable that in different parts of the world,
there exist different perspectives and approaches to its
conservation (Unesco 1975; Van Der Leeden 1972).
Nowadays, Asian countries are influenced by the
Western philosophy of conservation, such as the code
of ethics of the American Institute of Conservation
and International Council of Museums (ICOM). The
conservation problems to be solved and the survival
of thangkas will depend upon whether effective and
appropriate solutions are found through this cross
fertilisation of philosophies and approaches (Unesco 1975).

To investigate the perspectives and approaches to
thangka conservation, the author first located related
published papers using conservation databases,
namely the Canadian Heritage Information Network
and Conservation Online. But in order to get a broad
perspective of thangka conservation, it was felt to be
important to also study treatments that were not published
and reflected current thinking. Some of the
authors of published literature were therefore contacted.
Internet search engines were also used to find
holdings of thangka collection. Institutional holdings,
representing different regions in the world were
then contacted by electronic mail and enquired on
their experiences.

The study and analysis of these case studies (see
Appendix) highlighted that some of the issues of
concern (perspectives) were significance, context,
stakeholders, time, and condition and causes of damage.

Issue 1: Significance

The conservation of thangkas challenges the conservator
to derive treatments that not only consider
its material integrity but its significance as well. The
treatment should aim to regain any diminished significance,
to enhance significance but not to compromise
it (Kronkright 1993; Shaftel 1991). It is also
important to recognise that no one thangka will embody
the same significance. Some thangkas are significant
because of their religious value. For others it
could be emotional or cultural value or a range of
these three types of values. It is therefore important
to identify the significance because it will influence
the treatment. A thangka that was presented as an
official gift has to be interpreted and treated differently
from one that was created for religious purposes.

Issue 2: Context

The context and role of the thangka affects its interpretation
and the decision making in conservation.
There has not been and there may never be a treatment
that enables an object to deal with various context
and roles. Thangkas have been found in contexts
including museum displays, study collections, private usage, and monastic ritual usage. A thangka in a
museum and a thangka in a monastery have to be
treated differently because their functions are different
and therefore they will have different conservation
needs. A thangka in an art gallery and its counterpart
in an ethnographic museum will be treated differently
for reasons such as dissimilar museum policies. In an
art gallery, for instance, thangkas are often treated as
paintings and the focus is only the central picture.

Stakeholders have an important role in the conservation
of thangkas. In a museum context, originators,
curators, designers, and conservators often have different
interpretation of the thangka. Each of them is
likely to appreciate it differently and want to bring
out that aspect of the thangka that he/she feels is significant.
No doubt this leads to a conflict of interests,
but this should not be avoided. It is through communication
and collaboration that appropriate and
informed decision can be made for treatment and display.
In this way, a holistic view of the thangka may
be achieved and the Tibetan culture will be better
interpreted and appreciated (Caple 2000; Loeshka
1992; Mellor 1992; Pye 2001; Reedy 1992).

It is also important that conservators and curators
discuss conservation treatments. Informed decisions
are essential to ensure that the treatment is not detrimental
nor inappropriate. Each conservation treatment
is a new chapter in the life history of the thangka and
hence should be thoroughly thought through and
thoroughly documented (Blyth-Hill 1992).

Issue 4: Time

Time waits for no man. In Tibet, it is the race
against time to preserve its heritage at risk of being
lost as rebuilding of damaged monasteries goes on.
The conservation operation is slowed down by the
lack of knowledge of modern conservation techniques.
To tackle this problem, conservators have
been brought into Tibet both to assist in the operation
as well as to impart conservation knowledge to
the people (Asian Art a, Shang-Shung).

In the museum context, conservators also contend
with deterioration that accelerates with time of neglect.
But the other major race would be to prepare
the thangka to meet exhibition needs, study demands
and so on, within a tight schedule.

Issue 5: Condition and Causes of Damage

Thangkas are susceptible to deterioration caused by
inherent vice, mechanical, chemical, environmental
and pest damage, past use, and treatments. Its vulnerability
is compounded by its composite nature since
each material reacts differently and a treatment has to
consider the interaction of these factors (Agrawal
1984; Bruce-Gardner 1988; Mehra 1970; Shaftel
1991).

Inherent vice refers to natural deterioration due to
material composition and/or construction. For the
thangka, its organic nature – the textile fibres particularly
– acts against its survival. The most susceptible
element is silk. It is rapidly weakened by dampness,
which explains its deteriorated state if it has been
hung on the damp walls of a monastery (see Water).
In severe situations, it becomes desiccated, brittle,
and powdery. Another causative factor is the loss of
or damage to warp threads. Silk damask warps are
known to be finer than the weft and therefore have
limited capacity to withstand the tension of the
weave. Hence when hung for long periods of time,
the weaves disintegrate, exposing loose weft threads
and causing weave distortion. Therefore the implications
of material vice include the weakening of fabric
components and losses (Foskett 1994; Mehra 1970;
Rothwarf 1984; Shaftel 1991).

The situation is further aggravated by thangka construction.
The weight difference between the central
picture and the borders, and the weight of the heavy
bottom rod, means tension from all directions. Repeated
rolling and unrolling further enhance the extent
of fractures. Thangkas are constructed through
stitching but these are potential areas of weakness
because the fabric is pierced and compressed. And
when stitching threads degrade more rapidly than the
fabric the overall fragility in the structure is increased.
The borders are usually the first to fail, as
the borders get separated from each other and from
the central picture. Therefore losses in borders are
common and original borders are rare. The upper borders
are usually at highest risk (Agrawal 1984; Bacchus
1999; Blyth-Hill 1992; Gupta 1994; Foskett
1994; Rothwarf 1984; Unesco 1975). The creasing in
the lining has been observed as well. The main cause
has been suggested to be that the dimension of the
lining being greater than the thangka, which may be
the original concept of thangka construction (Bacchus
1999; Foskett 1994; Rothwarf 1984).

Besides inherent vice, display conditions can be
culprits. It is known that when on display in their
original Tibetan settings, thangkas were exposed to
soot and airborne debris from burning butter lamps
and incense. Sometimes butter or oil was spread over
the painted thangka to preserve it. Eventually, the
accumulation of dirt and grease will darken the surface
and obliterate the image and the colours beneath.
Besides being difficult to remove, their presence in
the fibres accelerate fibre degradation (Agrawal 1984;
Blyth-Hill 1992; Mehra 1970; Rothwarf 1984;
Shaftel 1986; Unesco 1975).

Water is another enemy of thangkas. The source of
water could be relative humidity, water in the walls,
sprinkled holy water, or in the adhesive materials used in the treatment. Water damage may show up as
bleeding of colours, leaving tide lines. In addition
the response of the different materials to changes in
relative humidity cause dimensional stresses and distortion
(Blyth-Hill 1992; Shaftel 1986).

Though the thangka is devised to be conveniently
rolled for transportation¸ the only method considered
to be respectful (see dharmapala Fig 14), it is a
source of physical and mechanical damage. Rolling
compresses and abrades the surface and abrasion is
aggravated when the cover is missing. Neither is it an
easy task to roll it with all its different components
and more so if it has distorted. Moreover, the various
components of the thangka rarely have the same
composition or thickness. Consequently, when it is
rolled, the pressure is unequal on all the parts. This
results in unequal stresses, which partly explains the
occurrence of folds and creases. And these folds and
creases are destructive because they form areas of
weakness. Like many things, size does matter and
huge thangkas are at higher risk of such damage
(Agrawal 1984; Blyth-Hill 1992; Dharmapala Centre,
Huntington 1970; Mehra 1970; Shaftel 1986).

Earlier repairs that were inappropriate, are failing to
serve their purpose, or are degrading have also contributed
to the deterioration of thangkas. Case study
11 illustrates such a condition. The adhesives were
failing in several places, causing overall inadequacy
in support. (Agrawal 1984; Foskett 1994). Unfortunately,
as with most damage, it is also not easily
undone (Shaftel 1991).

Pests can cause severe damage to thangkas. Animal
pests such rats and birds can physically attack thangkas
for food or nesting materials or soil them with
droppings. Mould grows easily on cellulosic fabrics,
decomposing them and the attack can easily spread to
other textiles (Timar-Balazsy and Eastop 1998). Telltale
signs of mould damage include musty odour,
presence of black or white powdery growth, yellow or
multicoloured stains, and condensation.

Missing parts are quite common in thangkas, too.
Often the veils, ribbons and mountings, or rods are
lost. Some possible explanations are that they were
discarded when they become severely deteriorated and
were not replaced. But there are also times when they
were intentionally removed. The mounting may be
removed to enable transport out of the country. Dealers
or collectors or the museum could have also removed
them for particular reasons (Agrawal 1984;
Gupta 1994; Shaftel 1998).

These issues consequently influenced the choice of
treatments (approaches). The study revealed that conservators
have taken on various treatment approaches.
These different treatments had their purposes, some
of which will be presented shortly. They will also be
assessed on their risks and benefits to the material
and conceptual integrity of the thangka.

Treatment: Separation

In some approaches, the constituents are separated
to faciliate large-scale cleaning and/or lining. Prior to
separation, a detailed sketch or document (including
measurements) was done. And at the end of the
treatment the thangka would be stitched together once
again (Agrawal 1984; Mehra 1970).

It is assumed that conservators will use the original
stitch holes where they are visible and can be used.
Method 2 reflects a greater awareness of retaining
material and conceptual integrity. Once again, assuming
that the thread used in conservation is fine (in
terms of diameter), it hopefully will not greatly affect
the stitch holes and consequently the strength of the
overall structure. However, taking the thangka apart
is quite unlike taking apart a LEGO construction. In
the latter, one can be confident of the reassembly but
unfortunately not so for the thangka. It is a formidable
task that demands manual dexterity, good judgement
in tensioning, and experience (Heady 2001).
The type of stitches and the extent of stitching needs
to be well thought out because errors could result in
splits, weave distortion and creases (Bacchus 1999;
Rothwarf 1984). Nevertheless, the use of stitches in
general will be a comfortable option on the basis of
maintaining material and conceptual integrity because
the thangka was constructed using stitches.

Treatment:Surface Clean

Cleaning can improve the aesthetics of the thangka
and aid its interpretation, which may be difficult
when dirt accumulates. Besides, removal of soiling
facilitates good contact and bonding between the silk
and support in the adhesive treatment. It will also
reduce the risk of further soiling penetration into the
silk during humidification.

Material and Methods

In practice, spot tests are carried out with different
solvents and solutions to ascertain the most effective
and least harmful and intrusive chemicals for reducing
the surface soiling and water damage (Agrawal
1984; Mehra 1970; Goldman 1992).

Dust, dirt and oil were cleaned with an aqueous
mixture of organic solvents like water and
rectified spirit (6:4), trichloroethylene and rectified
spirit, with or without ammonia; 5%
triethylamine in rectified spirit, or toluene,
benzene, trichloroethylene (1:1:2). More complex
ones include 0.5% carboxymethylcellulose
and 1% neutral detergent labolene with
pH adjusted to 8.5 using sodium bicarbonate;
5% paste of carboxymethylcellulose in distilled
water with a few drops of ammonia
(Cases 6, 7, 9, 10).

The cleaning solvent may be applied using an
indirect process. The thangka ia sandwiched
between tissues of blotting paper onto which
the cleaning mix was applied. This type of application
has dual purposes. Firstly it facilitated
dirt and accretion absorption onto the tissue
paper and secondly it pressed the loose
bits in place (Cases 6, 7, 9).

A soft brush was used to remove surface dust
and dirt (Case 10) (Gupta 1994).

Dyes that are fast in water have been washed in
a detergent solution in enamel trays, inserted
between layers of nylon gauze. A flat brush is
then worked on the surface to remove dirt and
other accretions. To remove soot, a 2% solution
of triethanolamine in ethanol was used
and 1,1,1-trichloroethane was used as a grease
solvent. After which they were rinsed in clean
water, dried between sheets of blotting paper
and then allowed to dry (Agrawal 1984).

For dyes that are not fast to water, dry cleaning
methods have been used (Agrawal 1984).

The veils were sprayed with IMS:deionised
water (1:1) in sections. The liquid and dirt
were removed by blotting or sponging where
the accumulation was thicker and the veil was
straightened while wet (Liverpool Conservation
Centre 1997).

Dry chemical sponge has been used (Liverpool Conservation Centre 1997)

Risks and Benefits

Cleaning will help to remove harmful soils, which
may be disfiguring or cause physical or chemical
damage. But cleaning is irreversible. The nature of
the accumulation must first be established. There
may be spots and marks left by sandalwood paste and
roli used for rituals. Therefore whether ethically it
should or should not be removed must be considered
(Lister 1996). For one, they form a part of the life
history of a thangka and as such, it is desirable that
they remain. For that reason, some conservators have
chosen to clean only the reverse. However, if the coverage
is too obtrusive, at least partial removal may be
necessary (Agrawal 1984; Bacchus 1999; Mehra
1970).

Equally important is the need to bear in mind and
to judge to on aesthetic grounds when to stop cleaning.
Cleaning must also be done with caution as
eliminating too much dirt or deterioration product,
may weaken the mechanical properties of the thangka
and hasten its disintegration (Timar-Balazsy and Eastop
1998). Hence its effect on the material and conceptual
integrity has to be weighed.

Treatment: Humidification

The main aim of humidification is removal/
relaxation of creases and folds relaxation.

Material and Methods

The thangka was placed between Goretex and
damp blotters with light pressing (Case 4).

The thangka was gently humidified between
large sheets of Goretex andinserted between
damp blotters. It was then flattened between
polyester and blotters (Case 8).

Area was sprayed with deionised water,
weighed down and dried with a cool hairdryer
(Liverpool Conservation Centre 1997).

Risks and Benefits

Creases distort and therefore increase the risk of fibre
weakening. Through humidification MI is therefore
managed. Humidification also maximises the
points of bonding for adhesive treatment. And it restores
CI by reducing the distortion and thus improving
the interpretation of the thangka (Bacchus 1999;
Lister 1996).

Treatment: Traditional Methods

There is an increasing interest in marrying conservation
methods with traditional preservation methods.

Material and Methods

In the life of a thangka, the mountings have
been replaced when they were worn (Bacchus
2001).

The same artist should preferably do any restoration
because there should not be a mixture of
paint mediums, unless the restoring artist is
certain of the original paint medium. Each artist
has his own style of painting and each tradition has its own colour scheme and motifs.
The artist must know all the traditions and
colour schemes in order to undertake any restoration.
Touching up of some damage paint
may be possible but if the extent of damage is
large, it will be difficult. It would be cheaper
to commission a new one using the old one as
the template (Singapore Philatalitic Museum
2001).

Risks and Benefits

The awareness of traditional preservation methods
can contribute to the conservation of the artefact, in
particular its CI. Though the aims of both traditional
preservation and modern conservation may differ,
there is a good possibility that it will benefit the
conservation of the artefact at the end of the day.
Method 1 informs us that not all mountings were
intentionally removed for the purpose of trade. So if
one can qualify that for the thangka presented for
conservation, it can justify to a certain extent recreation
of new borders where they are missing or beyond
stablisation, for the purpose of restoring CI and to
enhance appreciation of its original presentation. At
the same time, method 1 suggests that original borders
are hard to come by and therefore the curatorial
decision to remove the border in Case 4 has actually
greatly compromised CI.

With the knowledge of traditional preservation
methods, the conservator can strive to find a conservation
approved alternative to it. This could maintain
CI and MI.

Treatment: Pest Eradication

Material and Methods

The whitish layer of fungus was treated by the
application of a 1% orthophenyl phenol in
ethanol (Case 8).

The thangkas were fumigated with paradichlorobenzene
(50g/m3) for a week (Case 9).

Risks and Benefits

The treatments eradicate pests to prevent further
damage to the thangkas. But there is increasing
awareness on the implication on health and safety and
environmental concerns when planning pest eradication
programmes. These should be safe for the artefact,
the personnel involved, and the environment.

Treatment: Relining

When the original support/fabric of the components
is too weak, brittle or torn, unable to serve its purpose,
relining/supporting has been done. General
specifications include that the relining/supporting
fabrics should not hide the magical formulae and
ritual inscriptions written on the thangka. This has
been achieved by cutting small windows, at appropriate
places in the new support (Agrawal 1984; Mehra
1970). The support fabric is also preferably sympathetic
to the original fabric and should be of adequate
weight for support. And before relining is undertaken,
it is recommended that old patches or bad repairs
be removed. The new supports (relining/
reinforcement) have been achieved using stitched
and/or adhesive support. Where required, overlays
have been incorporated to protect loose threads on the
surface and reduce further loss from abrasion (Bacchus 1999).

Stitched Support: Material and Methods

The use of silk thread as it can be dyed, is
strong, and is sympathetic to the original
(Foskett 1994).

Sandwich between nylon net using minimal
support stitching with monofilament silk
(Rothwarf 1984).

Overlaying with polyester netting (Case 5).

The weakened area is lined with silk and reinforced
by couching across the damage. In more
severe cases, it will be sandwiched between a
silk lining and a crepeline overlay using
stitches (Liverpool Conservation Centre 1997).

Weakened border was sandwiched between silk
crepeline using running stitches. Areas of
splits and holes were reinforced by extra
stitches around them (Liverpool Conservation
Centre 1997).

Sometimes, however, the fabric may be too fragile
to be stitched. In such situations, the adhesive
method has been employed (Bacchus 1999).

Adhesive Support: Material and Methods

The attachment by heat of a terylene or nylon
net impregnated with PVA emulsion.

Casemment cloth was used as lining and a
paste of wheat flour, water, orthophenylphenol
and glycerine, as adhesive. A full back support
of Khadi polyester cloth was given to the entire
thangka (Case 9).

The insertion of a PVAC adhesive (MowilithDMC)
coated nylon net support between
the silk borders and the lining (Case 11).

Destarched markeen cloth using maida paste as
an adhesive and with minimum moisture. The
specially prepared adhesive kept the painting
flexible after the lining (Case 10).

A backing of cotton cloth with fine wheat
flour paste adhesive was used (Case 6).

Risks and Benefits

One of the benefits of relining is that it strengthens
and supports the thangka. It also gives opportunity to
secure loose embroidery from further loss, to reposition
the loose fragments, recouch slits and to resecure
separate borders. This not only restored the
picture composition but also retained the original
evidence and location (Bacchus 1999).

A key concern about relining has been its impact
on the original nature of the thangka. The thangka is
meant to be flexible and capable of rolled storage. And some conservators feel strongly that this should
not be impaired (Agrawal 1984; Mehra 1970). Furthermore,
the choice of adhesive and the use of adhesive
techniques are complex issues for the conservator.
Although the adhesive may be reversible in theory,
it may not be possible without some loss or
damage. Some damages include impressed folds,
soiling as a result of continuous tackiness at room
temperature and adhesive transfer (Foskett 1994). The
dulling of colours as a result have also been reported
(Shaftel 1991). But sometimes it is a choice between
irreversible treatment or loss of object (Hillyer,
Tinker and Singer 1997; Masschelein-Kleiner and
Bergiers 1984). MI and CI are largely in conflict.

Treatment: Loss Compensation

Certain losses can disrupt one's ability to interpret
the thangka or appreciate it. Ethically loss compensation
and/or total replacement has been done to safeguard
the design or the form of the art. It aims to
preserve the significance and values that have been
diminished by losses. This is where conceptual integrity
takes precedence over material integrity (Bakkar
1993; Kronkright 1993; Leavengood 1993; Pye
2001).

Material and Methods

Missing parts were filled by lining with a
similar fabric of similar texture and weave
from the back (Cases 1, 6, 9).

Graphic compensation (Case 1).

The losses at the corners and edges of the
painting were compensated with fabric from
thangkas saved from prior projects. These were
shaped to fit the areas of loss and adhered into
position using Japanese paper and wheat starch
paste adhesive (Case 8).

Where there are areas of loss of the cotton support,
an isolating layer of pulped kitakata, a
long-fibered Japanese kozo paper has been used
because its colour and surface properties were
sympathetic to that of the original. It was cast
on the suction table, shaped to fit the areas of
loss, and fixed using a thin, dry wheat starch
paste prior to inpainting (Goldman 1992).

Where the border was very weak and fragile,
and where half of it is already gone, a new
border was provided using textured silk. Missing
veils and ribbons were also recreated using
silk (Case 9).

Faded colours were compensated through the
use of sympathetically dyed overlays (Liverpool
Conservation Centre 1997).

When a rod was very weak or had been destroyed
or lost altogether, a new rod, slightly
longer than the width of the thangka was made
(Agrawal 1984).

Risks and Benefits

Conceptual integrity can be jeopardized through
graphic compensation. The variety of the iconography
makes it virtually impossible for the indigenous Tibetan
scholars to extrapolate the information that
would be required to fill in losses and that would not
put a conservator in any better position to do so
(Shaftel 1991). Thus speculation has been strongly
discouraged. When loss compensation is requested, it
is important to be sure of the way it was made.
Equally important is the awareness that the religious
and iconographic message must be respected and
maintained (Shaftel 1993).

Treatment: Mounting

The mounting is an inherent part of the thangka.
And as it is important both structurally and symbolically,
an attempt is always made to save it. It may be
possible to ascertain if the current mounting is, in
fact, the original by close examination of the edges of
the main panel. The presence of several rows of stitch
holes can indicate that the mounting has been
changed (Shaftel 1998).

And when the conservator is faced with a thangka
removed from its mounting or requiring a new
mounting, several options have been considered
(Shaftel 1991).

Material and Methods

Treatments inclined towards Western-style
painting aesthetic such as the removal and discardment
of the mounting and replacing it
with matting and framing has been done.

The mounting intact but the top and bottom
dowels have been trimmed and framed.

Where the borders have been beyond hope,
new borders have been created using the original
borders as the guide so as to simulate the
effects intended and to retain the original concept
(Huntington 1970).

Remounting the thangka in Chinese or Japanese
scroll painting aesthetic. LACMA has
numerous examples of thangkas mounted in
this way in the late 1960s (Blyth-Hill 1992).

An approach back in 1975 (Case 1), was the
application of BEVA (two-part BEVA crystals
and wax, pre-BEVA 371) and the mounting of
the thangka to a honeycomb panel.

(Case 3) A Tibetan thangka painter, with specialist
expertise in the traditional Tibetan way
of making the cloth borders for the thangka
was engaged. Suitable fabric, used traditionally,
Chinese brocades, silk or cotton had to
be used. The colour and design had to match
the colours and tone of the thangka they were
to surround. When limited in choice, brocades
that were not Chinese, but quite suitable in
colour and design had to be used. And when a
satisfactory colour could not be found a suitable
brocade would be dyed. To prepare for the
sewing, the central picture was removed from
the old borders and measured so that the dimensions of the borders could be calculated to
be proportionate to the central picture. The
borders were sewn together and thereafter to
the picture. Precision and perfection is important.
The poles, veil were also made and put in
their respective locations.

Sewn the central picture of the thangka around
the four borders, to a cotton-fabric-covered
strainer support. The curator selected the raw
silk borders, dyed them to specified blue and
were sewn to the edge of of the central picture
and gently stretched around the strainer (Case
4).

The wood and paper-covered Japanese-style
mount Karibari was chosen because it is
lightweight and ventilates the structure. Cotton/
poly fleece was stretched over it to prevent
slippage and to provide a cushion. A muslin
strip lining was adhered to the central picture,
using BEVA film, after which the thangka was
gently stretched over covered karibari. To recreate
the borders, bleached silk was dyed with
Lanaset dyes. A thin border of red silk was
adhered around the edges of the central picture
using BEVA film and its free edges basted to
the muslin. The wider blue silk border was
hem-stitched on top of the red border (Case 8).

The Nelson-Atkins Museum has recreated
original mounts with veils shown in lacquer
frames or under sheets of plexiglass (Blyth-Hill 1992).

Conservators have also mounted thangkas on
fabric covered padded supports within a plexiglass
box. The original rods were kept in position
but with a barrier placed between itself
and the silk. The lower rod was positioned
such that it no longer weighed down the
thangka. The veil was draped in traditional
fashion. All the effort was to provide an accurate
depiction of its display in its original context
(Ennes 2001).

In some cases, when the giant thangkas were previously
destroyed, new ones were constructed to replace
them. Where there was no visual record of the original
image, designs were based on oral instructions
and guidance of the abbot, in order that it was closely
based on its predecessor (Temple and Nguyen 1999).

Risks and Benefits

Due to a lack of understanding of the thangka, several
approaches have interpreted the thangka in another
aesthetic dimention such as methods 1 and 5.
The latter interpretation seemed to suggest that there
was a generic approach to the mounting of twodimensional
Asian arts, which further implied that
treatments were based on prior experience with similar
objects not necessarily from the same culture
(Blyth-Hill 1992). Such intentions are erroneous as
the thangka is not meant to be flat like a Chinese
scroll. In fact, a thangka removed from its original
mounting has been greatly compromised in MI and
CI. It has been said that when frames of Christian
images were removed, the impression of the images
became casual, maybe the same could be said of a
thangka (Bakker 1993; Shaftel 1991).

Sewing the thangka into a replacement mounting
has to be carefully executed. It must be well tensioned
otherwise it will cause eventual damage to the
structure (Shaftel 1991). Conservators have also reconsidered
the recreation of borders largely because
there is little research in this area. The appropriateness
has to be evaluated as well (Blyth-Hill 1992).

There has always been a debate on loss compensation.
Ruskin disapproves of it on the grounds that
what is lost can never replaced. And some past treatments
that have turned bad only serve to justify such
sentiments (Leavengood 1993; Darrow 1993).

In view of these concerns, loss compensation has
been carried out within a framework of restrictions in
which there are two basic camps of thought. One
camp advocates the use of material different from the
original so as not to give the false impression that it
is complete as well as to enable differentiation between
the two. The other believes that material compatibility
is essential. The common goal is to attain
compensation that causes losses to recede, and to be
appropriately integrated with what remains without
falsification. But knowing where and when to stop is
subjective and therefore controversial. Dino Dini is
one who feels that graphic compensation is essential
or else conservators are merely gap-fillers (Darrow
1993; Leavengood 1993; Marks 1993). The aesthetic
desired in loss compensation is debatable as well.
Often, the context influences the aesthetics desired
but it is not good enough to simply preserve according
to the aesthetics preference of others. The appropriate
aesthetics should be aimed for because the
thangka, like all sacred art, requires different aesthetic
considerations from those of decorative art (Bakker
1993; Kronkright 1993; Marks 1993).

Treatment: Preventive Conservation

Prevention is better than cure. The factors that aggravate
deterioration have been considered and favourable
conditions for preservation and measures for
protection against future damage have been instigated.

Preventive measures for the care of thangkas on
display include the following.

The use of two thick ribbons, slightly shorter
than the thangka, stitched to the ends of both
rods on the reverse side of the thangka, to prevent
the lower rod from straining the thangka
(Case 10).

The rolling of the thangka to be done on a flat
surface and not in hanging position to minimise
creasing, rolling carefully but firmly on
the lower rod (Agrawal 1984).

The practice of display rotation as opposed to
permanent displays, in order to achieve long term preservation. This has been justified on
the grounds that it is usual practice in temple
or monastery to put the thangka on only on
special occasions and that such practice in effect
preserved the thangka (Agrawal 1984).

The use of showcases to prevent the accumulation
of dirt (Agrawal 1984: 270).

Storage that separates individual thangkas or
the usage of individual storage boxes (Agrawal 1984; Heady 2001). At LACMA custom-made
boxes with a cotton felt lining to prevent slippage,
velcro straps for security, and glassine
interleaving between the painting and the veil
have been used (Blyth-Hill 1992).

From a textile conservation perspective, to roll
up the thangka with its back inside will save
its front. This is unacceptable from the Tibetan
cultural standpoint. The treatment option for
eventual rolled storage will have to take this
into consideration (Van Der Leeden 1972).

Folding should be avoided.

Internal form that supports any inherent distortion
in shape when in storage (Bacchus 1999).

Wrapping in acid free paper or silk and stored
in boxes (Fleming 1995).

For rolled storage, the surface can be covered
with acid free tissue and polyester wadding
and rolled onto a soft, fabric covered, padded
roller and finally wrapped in Tyvek (Liverpool
Conservation Centre 1997).

Issues of concern in environmental control have
also been highlighted. There has been usage of silica
gel and para-dichlorobenzene crystals to control relative
humidity and to eradicate pests. The maintenance
and establishment of a well-ventilated environment
has been recommended as well (Case 10).

The treatments/measures that have been discussed
may involve undoing previous treatments. Current
thinking in conservation reflects a trend towards
greater respect for the cultural and historic information
represented by the artefacts. Every action should
therefore be seriously questioned, as it is an irreversible
process and less interventive approaches have
been chosen where possible (Windsor 1999).

Framework of Decision Making

It is apparent that there are various perspectives and
approaches to the conservation of thangkas. And it is
unlikely that a consensus will be made because of
individual subjectivity. Every conservator comes
with his/her baggage of knowledge, sensitivity, interpretation,
training and experience (Brooks 1998;
Keyserlingk 1998; Silveira 1998). Conservators have
a framework for decision-making. Their differences
lie in the choices that they have opted for on the
grounds that the choice decided was appropriate for
the thangka placed in their care.

The framework for decision making, that will be
presented, was conceived upon the completion of the
research. It is illustrated in Fig 2 & 3. Fig 2 spells
out several concerns in thangka conservation. One of
which is that conservators place great emphasis on
the preservation of the material and conceptual integrity
of the thangka. Their concern has been influenced
as well as constrained by a variety of parameters including
professional ethics, condition and context.
Fig 3 highlights some specific questions pertaining
to these parameters. A conservator should strive to
find answers to specific questions such as these because
they would lead to information that substantiates
the material and conceptual integrity of the
thangka. In doing so, conservators will be able to
make informed decisions. Hence it is by using the
parameters to their advantage that conservators can
formulate treatment strategies that could be preventive,
remedial approaches, leaving it alone or a combination
of approaches. But at the same time, the
conservator needs to fully understand the nature of
the treatments and in particular remedial treatments.
Conservators have to assess the implication of each
specific treatment that is the risks and benefits to the
material and conceptual integrity of the thangka. The
conservator will also have to ensure that the outcome
of the treatment is desirable, in terms of long-term
preservation and meeting the needs (parameters). The
framework therefore can be interpreted in two directions,
from the left to the right of the framework and
vice versa. This is because in decision-making, the
numerous issues involved are actually inter-related.
The thought process in decision-making should therefore
involve a constant feedback mode (Bakkar 1993;
Keyserlingk 1998; Kronkright 1993; Pye 2001).

Figure 2: Decision-making Framework

Figure 3: Some Specific Questions Pertaining
to the Parameters of Decision Making

Professional Ethics
Can the treatment be carried out:

with ethical respect to world heritage?

with minimal intervention?

based on informed decision?

Condition and Damage and Causes

What is the condition of the border, cover, ribbons and rods or are they missing? Is loss compensation required?

Is the fabric strong? Does it need strengthening through support/relining?

Is there accumulation from incense? Is there remains of rituals such as stains of holy water? (Historical Evidence)

Is there an inscription? (Historical Evidence)

Material

What are the materials used?

Are there material evidence

Construction

Is it in its original form?

Is the mounting original?

Identify the type of stitching used.

Context and Role, Original and Current
Is it possible to establish:

provenence

school

inscription

The risks and benefits of thangka conservation
treatments have been assessed on a very rudimentary
level in this research and it can only highlight the
existence of certain concerns. It has been suggested
that treatment strategies be clarified through the use
of management tools such as decision trees. One advantage
of decision trees is that it calculates the risks
and benefits, facilitating decision-making based on a
numerical value. This is very useful when conveying
conservation-preferred strategies because numbers
simply makes sense to most of us. The disadvantage
of the decision tree however is that it is mathematical
in nature, involving probability figures that are not
easily established (Caple 2000; Pye 2001).

Artificial intelligence decision-making support systems
(DMSS) have been instigated to help conservators.
Marcon has published his paper on the model
for preventive conservation (Marcon 1997). Some
others are currently under construction. DMSS are
not unique to conservation and it exists in the medical
profession, too (Marckmann 2001). If DMSS is
accessible by convenient means, such as the worldwide-
web, and is continually updated, it serves as
timely information to support decision making. It
will be a useful reference, but the ultimate treatment
option still depends on the conservator.

Setting priorities is also important and cannot be
underestimated in decision-making. Not only is it
useful in organising work, it rationalises work actions
and put problems and worries into perspective.
It helps one to see what is the important thing to do.
For instance when time is not on your side, it may
be better to consider what is the most important
treatment that the artefact need, what is the minimal
that can be done to ensure its survival until the day
when more time can be allocated to its care. On a
larger scale, it can evolve into a strategy for managing
time and resources. Such long term planning
helps to balance the realities and constraints of deadlines
and resources. Surveys of thangkas have been
carried out in the Horniman Museum and Gardens
and the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. They
have created the opportunity to establish procedure
for the examination of the museum's thangkas and to
prioritise the need for conservation (Batton 1992;
Heady 2001; Pye 2001; Talley 1999; Waller 1994).

Conclusion

The findings from this research confirm that there
are various perspectives and approaches to the conservation
of thangka. This variety is largely due to the
involvement of numerous issues in the process of
decision-making. It has been recognised that a consensus
is unlikely because the issues themselves are
also variable in different geographic locations and in
different times of history. The complexity of this
decision-making process has been expressed in a
framework that was established based on these issues.
The framework emphasises the need to be conscious
of the interrelationship between these issues.

One of the important issues underlying decisionmaking
is interpretation of the significance of the
thangka. Each conservator, coming from a different
background, will have his/her own interpretation. The
context and the role of the thangka also affect its significance.
And it is important to acknowledge these
differences. For instance, in an art gallery approach,
thangkas may be presented without their borders
(which may have been intentionally removed or have
been missing since the acquisition) while in a historic
museum, efforts may be put in to recreate the
borders in order to approximate the original presentation.
Though the latter have taken into consideration conceptual issues, it should not result in the former
approach being considered culturally or ethically inappropriate.
This is because this choice of presentation
is typical of an art gallery and this is probably
their policy. Moreover there does not seem to be
immense pressure for them to change their approach.
So unless there is greater awareness and the establishment
of ethical standards in the handling and
treatment of thangka, it will otherwise remain.

This development of ethical standards in the handling
and treatment of thangka can be achieved with
the assistance (where possible) of a member of the
cultural or religious group (Greene 1992). Often, such
interests in a the conservator surprises the group because
they have never been queried on how others
should take care of their sacred objects (Bruce-Gardner 1988; Heady 2001; Thompson 1998). But
this should not be interpreted as a conservator being
overly concerned. It is important to convey that regardless
of personal beliefs, the conservator's wish to
treat the sacred objects of the Tibetan culture in ways
that respect them and will not to offend them (Mellor
1992; Reedy 1992).

It is also crucial to have an informed interpretation
of the thangka. The research has shown that each
thangka is different. Each possesses different significance
because each was created for different reasons.
This cannot be overlooked. A generic approach to
thangkas as sacred art is inappropriate because some
of them were not created for the purpose of religious
use. Therefore it is important to establish the original
context and role of the thangka in order that an appropriate
treatment is carried out.

Of the treatments that have been carried out, there
is obvious concern about loss compensation. It has
been and can be done in minimalist fashion using
sympathetic and reversible materials. It has been suggested
that where possible, however severely deteriorated
the original fabric is, every effort is made to
stabilise and strengthen it and not to remove it. In
cases where borders were missing and new ones need
to be recreated, it has been recognised that this must
be based on informed decisions because the wrong
choice of colour or proportions is inappropriate. And
having studied the various approaches, the author
would like to suggest the following approach in recreating
new borders. It involves firstly mounting the
central picture to a large suitable fabric support. New
borders are then stitched onto the support, close to
but not onto the four sides of the central picture. This
will be reversible and will achieve a complete presentation
of the thangka. This is not interventive. It will
minimally affect the material integrity of the thangka
and can restore the conceptual integrity to a certain
extent without falsification to the next generation of
conservators.

Re-creation as such is not an absolute need. The
display setting and/or use of informative text can be
equally effective in facilitating the interpretation and
appreciation. If a chair is no longer a chair once it is
in a museum collection and therefore cannot be sat
on, how about the thangka in the museum context?
Treatments of thangkas in museum context do not
justify loss compensation or any other treatments,
unless the believers confirm that it is desirable or
otherwise disrespectful to their beliefs. A museum
has to consider several issues if it wants to build an
intimate relationship with a religious group. For instance,
a museum in Singapore may have on display
several pieces of religious art, from different religions.
The handling and treatment of religious art have
to be dealt with sensitively because in a multi-faith
society, religious harmony is crucial to the stability
of the country. Ensuring that religious art is treated
with the same level of respect, and to the appropriate
level desired by the believers has to be taken on
board. And if the sacred art can continue its religious
function, it maybe more appropriate to actually return
it to its sacred house. Conservation can always continue
to play a role in their preservation. The approach
will just have to be different from the museum
context.

Though conservation cannot bring a thangka back
to its original state because it will change even if
gradually in material, aesthetics and signficance, the
intervention of conservators is necessary. This is because
one of the responsibilities of conservation is to
safeguard the thangka for posterity (Leavengood
1993; Marks 1993). Therefore conservators must continue to learn about the thangka because one should
always know what one is doing and why one is doing
it – that is the value of conservation. Learning is
a formidable task and more so when dealing with a
culture that is remote in time and/or place. But we
should take heart that there is always much more out
there to learn and there is no end to learning. So it is
unnecessary to fret if we do not know everything, as
long as we do it within our ability.

Appendix: Case Studies

Case Study 1: 1975, in U.S.A

A Nepalese thangka, Caitya, from a private collection
was mounted to the sturdy honeycomb panel
using BEVA (because of its reversible properties as
well as its gentleness on the thangka as opposed to
starch paste which would have required moisture and
mechanical action on the delicate water-soluble materials).
The losses were filled using materials similar
to the original and graphic compensation based on
information provided by what remains on the
thangka. The conservation treatment was carried out
after consultation and communication among conservator,
curator and the owner (Blyth-Hill 1992).

Case Study 2: 1982 in U.S.A

The thangka, A Chandra Mandala (ca. 1424), damaged
across the top edge and brittle was remounted
on a sturdy honeycomb panel using BEVA. It was
the museum's standard then to have raw silk borders
added in order to facilitate an understanding of the
concept of a complete thangka. Loss compensation
was done in minimalistic fashion, by filling areas
with darkened fabric of similar weight and weave
(Blyth-Hill 1992). Keeping the surface flat was the
most important aspect of the treatment, a trend
thought to be directly paralleled to painting conservation
practices of the same period.

Case study 3: 1983, in U.S.A, Collection of the
American Museum of Natural History

A large portion of the museum's collection of
thangkas had deteriorated to the extent that the fabric
disintegrated at a touch. Some of them came to the
Museum without cloth borders. The notion was that
the thangkas could not be exhibited in such condition.
Hence, when planning for display, reframing
was essential. A Tibetan specialist was therefore engaged
to carry out the necessary restoration in traditional
Tibetan fashion, including borders, veils, ribbons
and the rods. The ultimate aim was to enable a
better and a more conceptually accurate, appreciation
of thangkas, as Tibetans have seen them, with bright
colours and in traditional framing (Williamson
1983).

Case study 4: 1988 in U.S.A

The thangka A Symbolic Banquet (18th century)
had losses, creasing, flaking and problems for transport
and display. The textile curator had requested the
removal of the extremely deteriorated border on
grounds that it was not original or of the same period
as the picture. Although this was not desirable approach
from a conservation standpoint, the borders
were removed. However they were stabilized and retained
with a cross-reference identifying them to the
thangka. The surface was cleaned, creases were removed,
and loss compensation was also carried out.
The "less is more" approach was taken. The treatment
was carried out in collaboration with textile conservator.
The thangka was stitched mounted on a fabriccovered
strainer and borders were recreated using silk.
The aims were to provide overall support, softer presentation,
not rigid like honeycomb (Blyth-Hill
1992).

Case study 5: 1988

This late 17th century silk applique Tibetan
thangka was complicated by the presence beneath the
fabric backing of a stitched lining and several layers
of inscribed paper, which had been sewn in place in
the same operation as the appliqué elements to the
face of the thangka. The inscriptions' interest to
scholars necessitated the paper be removed for study.
This procedure was carried out by a paper conservator.
The increased frailty of the newly unlined
thangka determined its subsequent treatment to be
mounted as a flat textile rather than to attempt to
recover its scroll-like character. Other treatment included
wet cleaning on a suction table and overlaying
badly abraded appliqué areas with polyester netting
(Arden, Hutchision 1988).

Case Study 6: 1991 in the Collection of Patna
Museum, India

The thangka had endured structural and surface
damage. The main aim of the treatment was therefore
stablisation. To carry out the treatment, the thangka
was separated into 3 parts, namely the central picture,
the borders and the veil and the ribbons. The course
of treatment included cleaning and relining, to give
support to the fragile thangka and loss compensation.
A cloth backing as reinforcement was also given to
all 3 parts. Finally all the separated parts were joined
by stitching (Agrawal and Misra 1991).

Case Study 7: 1991 in the Collection of Patna
Museum, India

The priority of this treatment was the borders and
the veil which were in fragile condition. They were
brittle, torn and had numerous losses. The treatment
involved the removal of the old stitches and separating
the central picture and the veil from the border.
After which surface cleaning was rendered using
tested solvents. The missing areas in the border were
filled using a new black silk stitched support. The
washed veil was reinforced by stitching a yellow
muslin cloth backing. When strengthened, these parts
were attached stitching and finally a full back support
of cloth was give to the thangka (Agrawal and Misra 1991).

Case Study 8

The conservation of Akshobhya Buddha in his
Eastern Pure Land of Abhirati was through a collaboraton
of several conservation specialists and curators.
The aims of the treatment of the thangka were to put
it in a condition fitting to the museum's collection
strategy and to prepare it to meet various exhibition
demands. The preliminary testing and analysis to
identify materials, before-treatment condition report,
and treatment proposal were carried out. The treatment
attempted to balance the picture composition by
cleaning lightly overall. As the object was not flat
due to the environment and the fact that it had been
rolled for an indeterminate amount of time, it was
gently flattened. Areas of tears and losses were to be
mended and filled, and minor cosmetic work through
inpainting were undertaken. Inpainting helped to
make the missing areas legible. As the cotton support
was weak and heavily damage, the thangka was finally
supported on an adapted Japanese-style drying
board (a karibari). The goal was that the thangka appear
as much as possible to be a hanging composite
painting/textile object rather than a flat work of art.
New borders were added to approximate the original
presentation (Goldman 1992).

The collection of thangkas were in fragile and in
fragmentary condition. Besides pollution damage, the
textile fabric and wooden rods had suffered pest problems.
The thangkas were therefore fumigated. After
which borders were separated from the central picture
and consolidation, surface cleaning and repairing ensued.
The new support was then made and adhered to
the thangka using an adhesive, wheat flour paste. The
final reassembly was done by an expert and a full
back support was provided for as well as a preservative
coating (Singh et al. 1992).

Case Study 10: 1994 in the Collection of Patna
Museum, India

Auxillary support (borders, rods and veil) was
missing. The thangka was structurally weak and the
surface has deteriorated. It was cleaned using dry and
wet methods. The old adhesive at the back of the
thangka was removed with sand paper and by other
mechanical means in order to make it rough for lining
(Gupta 1994). The course of treatment incorporated
consolidation, facings to keep the torn edges
together, neutralization of the cloth that had become
acidic and relining of the weakened support. Large
lacunae were filled using markeen cloth with starch
paste so that it remained slightly below the surface
level. The restored areas were toned down using colours.
Several preventive measures were introduced
one of which was the use of ribbons to bear the
weight of the hanging thangka. Guidelines for display
and storage such as the removal of sprinkling of
water were instigated (Gupta 1994).

Case Study 11: 1994

The painted thangka was treated in 1977. The aim
of the current treatment was to remove both the adhesive
and stitched treatments that were failing to adequately
support the textiles and were aesthetically
displeasing. The adhesive treatment was also creating
damage through adhered creases and dirt pickup. The
thangka was expected to return to rolled storage.

The adhesive support was removed using heat and
mechanical action. Each textile component was then
stitched onto a suitably dyed fabric support. Overlays
that were suitably dyed, semi transparent were used
where necessary to prevent further damage. The
treatment approach was based on sympathy in texture
and colour to the original, unobtrusive principle,
adequate strength for the required purpose, and distinction
from the materials used in the past. The
treatment provided support, improved structural stability
and enhanced the appearance without any attempt
at recreating the original (Foskett 1994).

Case Study 12: 1999 in U.K.

The conservation strategy was to marry the objectives
of long term preservation of material and historical
evidence and facilitation of access for study
with the respect for the thangka's traditional function.
It was achieved through several means. Firstly,
through the use of a combination of adhesive and
stitched support. Secondly the derivation of a partially
rolled storage. Thirdly, the reduction of creases
and distortions and strengthening and supported to
facilitate safe handling. Fragile areas were also supported.
An internal form was also devised for the
upper border to support it as it returns to its threedimensional
curved shaped (Bacchus 1999).

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank firstly the National Heritage
Board of Singapore for the sponsorship to do my
Masters in Principles of Conservation. Many thanks,
too, to conservators who have provided me with information.
Dinah Eastop for introducing Helen Bacchus,
Helen herself for the wonderful sharing of her
experience and some of the treatments that have been
done at the Liverpool Conservation Centre, Teresa
Heady for a rewarding discussion, Anne Ennes and
Debbie Ward. I am also grateful to Elizabeth Pye and
Clifford Price for an enriching programme at the Institute
of Archaeology, that has stimulated me
greatly. My immense thanks, to Dean Sully, who has
been a wonderful and understanding supervisor.
Thanks to him for the thought provoking discussions
and for pushing me to my limits. Special thanks to
all my friends for their support, especially Alasia,
Elani, Renata, Robin, Shirley, Suat Ngoh and James
Hales, for always being so kind and helpful. My
greatest thanks are to my family. I thank them for
their understanding of my absence and for standing
by me through it all.

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Determining the Role of Artefacts,' In: A Timar-
Balazy and D Eastop (eds), International Perspectives
in Textile Conservation, 43-46. London: Archetype.

Orlofsky, P and Trupin, D L, 1993. 'The Role of
Connoiseurship in Determining the Textile Conservator's
Treatment Options,' Journal of the American
Institute of Conservation, 32, 109-118, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3179703.

Waller, R, 1994. 'Conservation Risk Assessment: A
Strategy for Managing Resources for Preventive
Conservation,' In: A Roy and P Smith (eds), Preventive
Conservation: Practice, Theory and Research
Preprints of the Contributions to the Ottawa
Congress, September 1994, 12-16. London:
International Institute for Conservation.