Saturday, July 26, 2014

My wife and I recently celebrated our wedding anniversary. It was a special day, as they all are, but as I thought back on the events of our life together, I was struck by the realization that I have now been married for about half my life. Not that I didn’t expect to remain married, or to live this long; if someone had asked on my wedding day if I thought I’d still be alive and married this many years hence, I’m sure that I would have expressed confidence, likely strong confidence, in both outcomes. However, if someone on that same day had asked me to guess then where I would be living now, what I would be doing, or what my income would be (or need to be)—well, my responses would likely have been much less certain.

In just a few weeks we’ll be making preparations to launch the 2015 Retirement Confidence Survey (RCS)[i]. It is, by far, the longest-running survey of its kind in the nation. Indeed, this will be its 25th year. Think for a moment about where you were a quarter century ago, what (or if) you thought about retirement, what preparations you had made… then consider for a moment what you have done in the years since. Are you where you thought you would be? Are you more – or less – confident about your prospects for a financially secure retirement? Have you planned toward a specific retirement date or age? Has that changed over the years – how, and why?

Through the prism of that near-quarter-century window, the RCS provides a unique perspective to view in the here and now, and to look back over time on how American workers – and retirees – have viewed their preparations, readiness, and confidence about retirement. It has also provided those who are working to help improve and/or ensure those prospects insights into those collective preparations, or lack thereof. Moreover, the RCS has offered the ability to gauge potential responses to specific regulatory, administrative and legislative alternatives, both real and envisioned – a critical real-world filter to balance the theoretical world in which academics often imagine we live and respond, or as they often assume, won’t respond[ii].

Retirement confidence is, of course, a state of mind at a point in time, unique to individual situations, and as past waves of the RCS have shown, it’s not always based on a realistic assessment of where you are or what lies ahead. That said, the RCS offers more than a sentiment snapshot, and those who look not only to feel better about retirement but to have a basis for that feeling need look back no further than the pages of that report.

The RCS has outlined the impact that real-world actions can have on confidence: having saved for retirement, having sought professional investment advice, having made a determination as to how much is needed for retirement, and – as last year’s RCS findings emphasized — having some kind of retirement savings account. Little wonder that those who have undertaken those steps are more confident of the outcomes.

It’s one thing to anticipate that eventual cessation of paid employment, and something else altogether to make the preparations – to choose to save – and to be confident that you’ll be able to look back with satisfaction one day knowing that you have the financial resources to enjoy it.

Nevin E. Adams, JD

Your organization can be part of the 25th Retirement Confidence Survey. Survey underwriters serve as a member of the survey’s Advisory Board, along with the opportunity to participate in the review and update of the 2014 questionnaire; have the opportunity to participate in a pre-release, underwriters’ briefing on the results of the survey; are able to utilize the survey materials and findings for your research, marketing, communications, and product-development purposes – and you’ll be acknowledged as an underwriter of this, the 25th Retirement Confidence Survey, among other benefits. For more information, contact us at nadams@ebri.org.

[i] More information about the Retirement Confidence Survey is available online here.

Saturday, July 19, 2014

While the prospects for “comprehensive tax reform” may seem remote in this highly charged election year, the current tax preferences accorded employee benefits continue to be a focus of much discussion among policymakers and academics.

The most recent entry was a report by the Urban Institute which simulated the short- and long-term effect of three policy options for “flattening tax incentives and increasing retirement savings for low- and middle-income workers.” The report concluded that “reducing 401(k) contribution limits increases taxes for high-income taxpayers; expanding the saver’s credit raises saving incentives and lowers taxes for low- and middle-income taxpayers; and replacing the exclusion for retirement saving contributions with a 25 percent refundable credit benefits primarily low- and middle-income taxpayers, and raises taxes and reduces retirement assets for high-income taxpayers.”

However, and to the authors’ credit, the report also noted that “the behavioral responses by both employers and employees will affect the final savings outcomes achieved under reform but are beyond the scope of our estimates[i].”

In previous posts, we’ve highlighted the dangers attendant with relying on simplistic retirement modeling assumptions, the application of dated plan design information to future accumulations, and the choice of adequacy thresholds that, while mathematically accurate, seem unlikely to provide a retirement lifestyle that would, in reality, feel “adequate.”

However, one of the more pervasive assumptions, particularly when it comes to modeling the impact of policy and/or tax reform changes, is that, regardless of the size and scope of the changes proposed, workers – and employers – will generally continue to do what they are currently doing, and at the current rate(s), for both contributions and/or plan offerings. Consequently, there is talk of restricting participant access to their retirement savings until retirement, with little if any discussion as to how that might affect future contribution levels, by both workers and employers, and there are debate about modifying retirement plan tax preferences as though those changes would have no impact at all on the calculus of those making decisions to offer and support these programs with matching contributions. Ultimately, these behavioral responses might not only impact the projected budget “savings” associated with the proposals, but the retirement savings accumulations themselves.

EBRI research has previously been able to leverage its extensive databases and survey data (including the long-running Retirement Confidence Survey) to both capture potential responses to these types of proposals and, more significantly, to quantify their potential impact on retirement security today and over the extended time periods over which their influence extends. In recent months, that research has provided insights on the full breadth of:

The proportionality of savings account balances with incomes[iii], and

The impact of permanently modifying the exclusion of employer and employee contributions for retirement savings from taxable income, among other proposals[iv].

While we can’t be certain what the future brings, considering the likely responses to policy changes is a critical element in any comprehensive impact assessment – not only because the status quo is rarely a dependable outcome, but because, after all, those who assume the status quo are generally looking to change it.

Nevin E. Adams, JD

[i] From Urban Institute and Brookings Institution: Flattening Tax Incentives for Retirement Saving: “Our findings should be interpreted with caution. Actual legislation for flattening tax incentives requires more than the simple adjustments discussed here. For instance, if a credit-based approach is used, then the laws would need to ensure some recapture of those benefits for those who made contributions one year and withdrew them soon thereafter.Additionally, the behavioral responses by both employers and employees will affect the final savings outcomes achieved under reform but are beyond the scope of our estimates. For instance, employees may save more in response to improved incentives, in which case the benefits to low lifetime income households would be greater than we find. On the other hand, employers might reduce their contributions in response to some of the policy changes outlined. In this case, the tax and savings benefits we find would be overstated. While our policy simulations are illustrative, addressing these behavioral responses would be a chief concern in tailoring specific policies to create the best incentives.”

Saturday, July 12, 2014

I’ve been hooked on the convenience of GPS systems ever since the first time one was included in the price of a rental car on a family trip in unfamiliar territory. After all, it combines the opportunity to tinker with electronic gadgetry alongside the convenience of not having to do much in the way of pre-planning trip routes—not to mention avoiding the need to stop and ask for directions (that is frequently associated with not doing much in the way of pre-planning trip routes).
There are, of course, horror stories about drivers who have blindly followed GPS instructions without paying attention to the evidence of their eyes. My family still chuckles at the memory of a trip where we were running late to our plane, and the rental car GPS, based on what appeared to be an outdated address for the return office, kept directing us to an address that was not only miles from the real office, but a place from which I wondered if we might never return.

As a growing number of Americans near, and head into, retirement, policymakers, retirement plan sponsors, and individual workers alike increasingly wonder—will Americans have enough to live on when they retire? Unfortunately, as a recent EBRI publication[1] explains, the answers provided are as diverse, and sometimes disparate, as the projection models that produce those results.

While it is not always clear from their results, some of those models limit their analysis to households already retired, while others focus on households still working, but old enough that reasonably accurate projections regarding their future wages and prospects for accumulating retirement wealth are obtainable. Still others attempt to analyze the prospects for all working households, including those whose relative youth (and distance from retirement) makes accurate, long-term predictions somewhat problematic.

Moreover, there are varied definitions of retirement income adequacy. As the EBRI report explains, some either (1) model only the accumulation side of the equation and then rely on some type of preretirement income replacement rate measure as a threshold for success, or (2) make use of a so-called “life-cycle” model that attempts to smooth/spread some type of consumption-based utility over the decision-maker’s lifetime.

The problem with the former is that, since very few households annuitize all (or even most) of their individual accounts in retirement, a replacement-rate focus overlooks the potential risk of outliving their income (longevity risk). And while the annuity purchase price relied upon in a replacement-rate target does depend on an implicit assumption with respect to (at least some) future market returns, it does not typically account for the potential investment risk. Additionally, and as previous EBRI research has demonstrated, one of the biggest financial obstacles in terms of maintaining retirement income adequacy for households that might otherwise have sufficient financial resources at retirement age is the risk of long-term care costs for a prolonged period. In the real world, few retirees have long-term care insurance policies in place that would cover the potentially catastrophic financial impact of this exposure—and thus, simply adding the cost of long-term care insurance into a replacement-rate methodology will vastly underestimate the potential severity of this exposure.

As for the life-cycle smoothing model, the EBRI report notes that approach typically produces extraordinarily low levels of “optimal” savings for low-income individuals at retirement, and while some households may, in fact, have no choice but to subsist at those levels in retirement, from a public policy perspective EBRI chose instead to establish a threshold that would allow households to afford average expenditures (for retirees in the appropriate income category) throughout their retirement, while at the same time accounting for the potential impact of uninsured long-term care costs.

EBRI’s Retirement Security Projection Model®[2] takes a different—arguably unique and more realistic—perspective. Rather than relying on an individual’s projected ability to achieve an arbitrarily designated percentage of his or her preretirement income as a proxy for retirement income adequacy, RSPM grew out of a multiyear project to analyze the future economic well-being of the retired population at the state level, focused on identifying the point at which individuals would run short of money and perhaps become a financial obligation of the state.

As valuable a resource as a GPS can be, it can quickly become a nuisance—or worse—if the input destination point is incorrect, or the mapping system is out of date. Similarly, those who want a financially secure retirement may find that relying on a model based on flawed assumptions or outdated “destinations” may find themselves short of their goal and with little time to do anything about it.Nevin E. Adams, JD[1] See ““’Short’ Falls: Who’s Most Likely to Come up Short in Retirement, and When?” online here.[2] A brief description of EBRI’s Retirement Security Projection Model® can be found online here.

Saturday, July 05, 2014

As an individual who spends a lot of his time writing (and reading the writing of others), I’ve always had reservations about the notion that “a picture is worth a thousand words,” though I’ll grant you that an image, a well-crafted graph, or even a flow chart can, in certain instances, more quickly and more effectively convey an idea or concept than words alone.

I remember a conversation with a friend of mine a couple of years ago about EBRI’s Lillywhite Award. My friend, who had been something of a mentor to me over the years, was asking me about the award, the selection process, and what type of individual/accomplishments we were seeking to acknowledge. I tried as best I could to go over the history and purpose of the award: that it was established in 1992 to celebrate contributions by persons who have had distinguished careers in the investment management and employee benefits fields and whose outstanding service enhances Americans’ economic security. That it was intended to recognize lifetime or long-term contributions to the fields of pension/retirement administration, investment management, legislation, marketing, research-education, consulting on investments or benefits, or publications/reporting.

And then I mentioned Ray Lillywhite, for whom the award is named, and—in an instant—my friend “got it.”

Ray was a true pioneer in the pension field. For decades he guided state employee pension plans, and helped found numerous professional organizations and educational programs, finally retiring from Alliance Capital at the age of 80 after a 55-year career in the pension and investment field. Throughout his career, Ray exemplified not only excellence, but also innovation in lifelong achievements, teaching, and learning.

While I never had the pleasure of meeting Ray in person, it has been my great fortune to meet and benefit from the work, education and guidance of a number of Lillywhite Award recipients over the course of my career: Principal Financial Group’s CEO Larry Zimpleman, who was last year’s recipient; Stanford University’s Bill Sharpe; Pension & Investments’ Mike Clowes; Russell Investment’s Don Ezra; and, of course, EBRI’s own Dallas Salisbury, to name a few.

These individuals, as well as the rest of the long and distinguished list of EBRI Lillywhite Award recipients[1] do indeed help paint a picture of what the award was designed to acknowledge—individuals who have each, in their own unique way, influenced the direction of employee benefits, and over the course of their careers helped make things better for others, whose “outstanding service enhances Americans’ economic security.”

Indeed, a picture” may, or may not, always be worth a thousand words. But sometimes a “picture” can be worth more than mere words can say. Nevin E. Adams, JDEBRI’s Lillywhite Award acknowledges the best of the best in the investment management and employee benefits fields. I’m betting you know, admire, and would like to acknowledge the contributions they’ve made. If so, I’d encourage you to nominate them for this prestigious award—today, online here. More information about the EBRI Lillywhite Award is online here. [1] The list of previous EBRI Lillywhite Award recipients is online here.

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About Me

Nevin is Chief Content Officer for the American Retirement Association. Previously he was Director, Education and External Relations at the Employee Benefit Research Institute (EBRI), and Co-Director, EBRI Center for Research on Retirement Income (CRI), and before joining EBRI in late 2011, he spent 12 years as
Editor-in-Chief of PLANSPONSOR magazine and its Web counterpart, PLANSPONSOR.com, at that time the nation’s leading authority on pension and retirement issues. He was also the creator, writer and publisher of PLANSPONSOR.com’s NewsDash, which had become the industry’s leading daily source for information focused on the critical issues impacting benefits industry professionals.