This is the article that sparked these two inquiries - the unnamed cabinet minister stopped in Dover in 1985 was Home Secretary Leon Brittan

Tory MP allegedly found with child porn in 1980s faced no charges, police told
Senior Conservative politician allegedly caught with child pornography videos in the 1980s faced no further action, it has been claimed
The videotapes and paperwork relating to the seizure have since gone missing

By Gordon Rayner, Tim Tate and Christopher Hope6:00AM BST 04 Jul 2014
A senior Tory politician said to be part of a child sex ring was allegedly stopped by a customs officer with child pornography videos but got off scot-free, police have been told.
The former MP was driving back to the UK via Dover when a customs officer pulled him over because he was “acting suspiciously”. The border guard, who is now retired, has told detectives that when he searched the MP’s car he found videotapes of children “clearly under the age of 12” taking part in sex acts.
He passed the material on to his superiors, but the MP was never arrested or charged.
And, like a dossier of evidence compiled by the late Geoffrey Dickens MP, the videotapes and paperwork relating to the seizure have since gone missing.
The latest disclosure will increase accusations of a cover-up, as no action was taken against the MP at the time the videos were seized. The same MP is understood to have been named in the Dickens dossier, which was handed to the then Home Secretary Lord Brittan but has since been lost or destroyed.
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MPs consider naming paedophile suspects in Parliament 04 Jul 2014
Cowboy builders jailed for fleecing elderly victims of more than £1m 03 Jul 2014
Child abuse files were dismissed as fantasies of a deluded man 04 Jul 2014
The customs officer who stopped the MP in the 1980s has spoken to detectives from Operation Fernbridge, the Metropolitan Police investigation into allegations of child abuse by Cyril Smith and others at Elm Guest House in Barnes, south London, which has since closed down.
A senior Tory politician has been accused of abusing a young boy at the guest house, but police are understood to have insufficient evidence to take any action.
A source close to the investigation said that the customs officer was originally approached over claims that a known paedophile had been stopped with a videotape showing the MP at a sex party with underage boys. The customs officer said the report was false, but told police he had stopped the MP in question and seized child pornography videos from him.
The source said: “He viewed the tapes on a video recorder at the border control, and found them to contain pornography involving both underage girls and boys together. He said the children were clearly under the age of 12.
“Unfortunately he can’t remember the exact date when it happened, but he had no doubt about the identity of the MP because he checked his passport. He said he had passed the details of the seizure up the chain of command and had no knowledge of what happened after that.
“The officers on the case have not been able to find the videotapes or any paperwork to corroborate his account.”
Lord Brittan, now 74, has faced questions over his handling of a bundle of papers handed to him by the late Mr Dickens, which contained allegations against the same MP, and against a number of other prominent figures, some of whom were part of the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) which campaigned for the lowering of the age of consent. The Labour MP Simon Danczuk has suggested the dossier was “destroyed to protect the people whose names were in it”.
Meanwhile The Daily Telegraph has learnt that four more cases of historic sex abuse have been referred to the police by Home Office officials in recent months.
An internal review of hundreds of thousands of Home Office files found 13 previously undisclosed “items of alleged child abuse” last year.
The Home Office said nine of the 13 cases had previously been reported to the police – including four which involved the department’s officials.
However, the remaining four were overlooked by civil servants – and have now been reported to the Metropolitan Police.
The cases were unearthed by an internal review ordered in February last year. Mr Danczuk questioned why the Home Office had not passed on the cases to the police earlier.
He said: “It’s never the job of the Home Office to try and determine what constituted potential evidence, that's the job of the police and the Crown Prosecution Service.
“The public will think that people in the Home Office were withholding information from the police which could have led to the successful prosecution of child sex abusers.”
A Home Office spokesman said: "The review concluded the Home Office acted appropriately, referring information received during this period to the relevant authorities.”
Tom Watson, the Labour MP who was the first to raise questions about paedophiles within Westminster, last night called on Alison Saunders, the Director of Public Prosecutions, to examine the evidence relating to the former MP.
He said: "I sincerely hope the DPP has been made aware of these allegations and will be considering it as part of her examination of other allegations."_________________www.rethink911.orgwww.patriotsquestion911.comwww.actorsandartistsfor911truth.orgwww.mediafor911truth.orgwww.pilotsfor911truth.orgwww.mp911truth.orgwww.ae911truth.orgwww.rl911truth.orgwww.stj911.orgwww.l911t.comwww.v911t.orgwww.thisweek.org.ukwww.abolishwar.org.ukwww.elementary.org.ukwww.radio4all.net/index.php/contributor/2149http://utangente.free.fr/2003/media2003.pdf
"The maintenance of secrets acts like a psychic poison which alienates the possessor from the community" Carl Jung
https://37.220.108.147/members/www.bilderberg.org/phpBB2/

The Daily Star Sunday published an interesting exclusive at the weekend: "Second paedo dossier cover-up after cop raid".

It revealed that a former newspaper editor, Don Hale, was handed a dossier at some time in the early 1980s about 16 high-profile political figures who appeared sympathetic to the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE).

The document was given to Hale, the then editor of the Bury Messenger, by the late Barbara Castle, the veteran Labour politician.

At the time, Castle was a member of the European parliament for Greater Manchester after her 34-year stint as MP for Blackburn.

According to the Star's report, once Hale began to investigate the claims made in the dossier "an astonishing operation kicked in to silence the claims."

First, Hale said he was visited by the Liberal MP for Rochdale, Cyril Smith, who tried to persuade the journalist that it was "all poppycock".

Second, Hale said special branch officers arrived at the Messenger's office, showed him a D-notice and warned him of imprisonment if he failed to hand over the dossier.

Hale had agreed with Castle that he would run a story the week after she handed him her documents. He was quoted by the Star as saying:

"Obviously, I had to contact certain members named [in the dossier] and the home office for their responses.

Each call was met with shock horror as to why I should be wasting my time asking these 'daft' questions as nothing was ­happening within parliament.

When I explained the detailed nature of the information available and that I couldn't reveal my source, you could almost hear a pin drop as officials were unsure as to what to say or do."

Then came the special branch visit. Hale said: "I was sworn to secrecy by ­special branch at the risk of jail if I repeated any of the allegations.

"When I met Barbara again, she apologised for the 'hassle' caused and reluctantly admitted she was fighting a formidable foe."

The revelations follow revelations about a dossier compiled by the late Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens detailing an alleged Westminster paedophile ring.

Don Hale later became editor of the Matlock Mercury where he successfully campaigned for the release of Stephen Downing, a man wrongly imprisoned for 27 years for murder. Downing's conviction was quashed and declared unsafe by the appeal court in 2001.

Hale was named journalist of the year in the 2001 What the Papers Say awards and received the OBE for his campaigning journalism.

Since leaving the Mercury in 2001 Hale has written several books, mostly about crime.

Investigative reporter, Don Hale, who saw the dossier on child abuse amongst establishment members in the 1980’s tells LBC about the explosive information it contained.

Don Hale was editor on a local paper in the 1980’s when Barbara Castle, the local MP for Blackburn who he knew from his time working at the BBC, started to provide him with documents that pointed to a paedophile ring operating within Westminster.

“It was quite explosive really, in terms of what she was showing me; there was a paedophile ring operating within the powers of Westminster, and many of the members were actively supporting the PIE (Paedophile Information Exchange) network. I found it quite amazing, and she gradually came in with more and more paperwork.”

Ms. Castle was apparently being passed this information by others working in Westminster, possibly as a response to moves by other members trying to get enough support to change the law and make it legal to have sex with children.

The documents contained, amongst other information, the names of MP’s who were friendly to the PIE cause, and there was so much damning information, it would have needed a whole series of articles to disseminate it all.

However, in spite of these explosive claims about establishment figures, the national newspapers weren’t interested in taking the story on.

“Barbara said to me she had been to national newspapers, but they weren’t interested. They wouldn’t touch it with a barge pole.”

When Mr Hale started making inquiries in political circles, asking for comment and response, he received similar short shrift. Departments and establishment figures refused to comment, and the most common response he met with was questions about where he had got the information from.

Finally, someone agreed to speak with Mr Hale, but they were far from helpful.

“Eventually I was told by the Liberal organisation that somebody would basically put me right, they would come and talk to me about it. And Cyril Smith turned up the very next day.”

James O’Brien: “So, Cyril Smith, MP for Rochdale at the time, turns up, personally, on your doorstep, as a direct result of questions you’d been asking about the contents of these dossiers?”

Don Hale: That’s right. And he was very, very aggressive... He was really pointing fingers, banging on the desk and demanding I hand over all these papers to him. There was no way I was going to do that.

“The following day Special Branch arrived with a gang of policeman, and they again were demanding access to the files, they wanted to take everything away, they were making all sorts of threats.

“They got a search warrant anyway, their officers got all the files. I was asked, ‘was this everything that’s come forward?’And I had to say yes, and they took them all away and disappeared.”

This all amounts to damning evidence, albeit some of it circumstantial, but a report released today, produced by the Chief Executive of the NSPCC, Peter Wanless, said that there was no evidence of records being deliberately being removed or destroyed relating to child abuse between 1979 and 1999.

This did not surprise Mr Hale, who saw Wanless as being set up to fail with the directive he was given by the Home Office for investigating the case, and that members of the establishment have contacted him in recent months suggesting where evidence could be found.

Mr Hale also believes that in spite of Theresa May’s comments about plans to investigate allegations of child abuse, there was no real appetite to look deeply into the accusations, especially 6 months before a general election.

Later on James O’Brien’s show, John O’Connor, former head of the flying squad, who Don Hales praised as being highly respected, agreed with Mr Hales’ view that there would not be a real investigation of the depth and breadth needed to uncover whether there was wrong doing and to what levels it went.

“When you get enquiries like this, if it isn’t focused and specific on certain incidents and it starts spreading everywhere, that tends to dilute the impact of it. And that seems to me to be tactic that’s being used here.

“You spread it everywhere, and you make it so difficult to get something that you can actually lock on to, to obtain evidence, which may result in a prosecution.

In George Orwell's novel Nineteen Eighty-Four he wrote: "In the end the Party would announce that two and two made five, and you would have to believe it. It was inevitable that they should make that claim sooner or later: the logic of their position demanded it."

In 2014 Britain we do not have an all-powerful charismatic leader, merely a strained coalition of desperadoes, dominated by a party that hasn't won an election for almost 23 years. Nevertheless, our system is not immune to underhand Orwellian tactics.

Worryingly, we have got used to our surveillance society and the idea of governance by propaganda, misinformation, denial of truth, and the rewriting of history. Google pages about powerful people vanish from before our eyes, and unflattering Wikipedia entries get changed so rapidly that it's almost as though some multinational PR company perpetually edits it.

With such techniques available to the elite, we might not expect them to stoop to something as ludicrously basic as trying to convince us that two plus two makes five - or indeed zero. However, in the past few days George Osborne and David Cameron have each tried to convince us of exactly those things.

Under Ukip-induced pressure to make it look as though he has authority in Europe, Osborne bragged repeatedly that the rebate on our EU bill is a new and unexpected discount, gained by his expert negotiation. He and other Tories continued to say this after a range of EU politicians made it clear that the rebate we are getting was always coming our way. All George has done is delay payment - not a great bit of role modelling for a society drowning in debt.

Cameron has spun in a different direction, arithmetically, trying to convince people concerned about child abuse and cover-ups that two plus two makes nothing. Spinning on the day the Wanless report, into missing Home Office documents said to contain information about powerful people abusing children, was released, Cameron resorted to calling abuse campaigners conspiracy theorists. To do so, he exploited the fact that evidence could not be found within a few weeks to explain just how at least 114 files concerning child abuse went missing.

One of the missing files is a dossier presented in 1983 to then Home Secretary Leon Brittan by the Conservative MP Geoffrey Dickens. Mr Dickens, who is now deceased, spoke in 1983 of a paedophile ring involving "big, big names - people in positions of power, influence and responsibility". Despite attempts to posthumously smear Dickens, there has been progress in investigating abuse rings linked to powerful people, including those involving the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE).

Therefore for Cameron to say, in response to the Wanless report, "It is important that it says that there wasn't a cover-up. Some of the people who've been looking for conspiracy theories will have to look elsewhere" seems astonishingly callous and shows little respect for survivors. The fact that NSPCC chief executive officer and former civil servant Peter Wanless wasn't able to prove exactly how files went missing does not prove that the abuse described in files did not take place or that the files were not deliberately removed or destroyed.

Mr Wanless has said Cameron was wrong to dismiss a cover-up based on the limited investigation that took place, telling BBC Radio 4: "​We made very clear that we can't make a wider conclusion than that based on the task we were given and the information available to us." Home Secretary Theresa May drew very different conclusions from the report to those expressed by Cameron, admitting to Parliament: "There might have been a cover-up. I cannot stand here and say the Home Office was not involved in a cover-up in the 1980s, and that is why I am determined to get to the truth."

Mrs May's determination may be of some comfort to survivors of abuse, given two false starts of the Independent Panel Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse. Nevertheless, campaigners and survivors I have contact with have expressed grave concerns that the inquiry will be a whitewash or delays will mean nothing new will be known until after next year's general election.

Anyone who has investigated or been preyed upon by paedophile rings will understand that anxieties about delays are of great significance, as they relate to surviving networks. Even in cases where abuse happened decades ago, the existence of survivors and abuser networks means that the crimes are ongoing. A gang that got away with a violent armed robbery 30 years ago are still a gang of violent armed robbers today. A network that abused children and covered it up are still child abusers. Media emphasises that the inquiry is into 'historical child abuse' but this rather ignores the reality of abuse and the nature of paedophile rings and cover-ups. The crime remains a crime everyday. Survivors remain abused everyday and abusers remain abusers everyday.

There are compelling and troubling links between abuse in North Wales and that in children's homes and approved schools across the country, PIE, Westminster and Elm guest house in London. Not to mention links between Jersey and Jimmy Savile, and between Savile and Cyril Smith - who is also linked to Elm guest house and the abuse of children elsewhere. There are also questions to answer about the security services alleged presence at Kincora Boys' Home in Northern Ireland and Elm guest house.

'Police are investigating "possible homicide" linked to what has been described as a paedophile ring involving powerful people in the 1970s and 1980s.

The group is alleged to have included senior figures in public life, the military, politics and law enforcement.

In a statement Scotland Yard said inquiries were at an early stage.

A key witness who has spoken to police has told the BBC that he was abused for nine years as a boy.

He has appealed for others who may have evidence to come forward.

The Metropolitan Police said detectives were made aware of allegations regarding possible homicide during the last month.

The Met's statement said officers from its child abuse investigation command were working closely with colleagues from the homicide and major crime command.

"At this early stage in this inquiry, with much work still to do, it is not appropriate to issue appeals or reveal more information," the force said.

"We will not be giving a commentary as this inquiry develops, and it is important that officers are allowed to pursue their work without interference.

"We will not comment upon speculation as to the identity of any person or locations that may or may not feature in this inquiry."

'Very powerful people'

Speaking anonymously to the BBC but using the name "Nick", the alleged victim said he had given three days of video-taped evidence to detectives.

His accounts are being assessed as part of Operation Midland, a new Scotland Yard investigation which is under the umbrella of its inquiry into historical abuse, Operation Fairbank.

Nick, now in his 40s, says that he was first abused by his own father before being "handed over" as a young boy to the group.

"They were very powerful people and they controlled my life for the next nine years," Nick added.

"They created fear that penetrated every part of me, day in day out. You didn't question what they wanted, you did as they asked without question and the punishments were very severe."

Nick said the group was "very organised" and would arrange for chauffeur-driven cars to pick up boys, sometimes from school, and drive them to "parties" or "sessions" at locations including hotels and private apartments in London and other cities.

The children were not usually allowed to speak with each other and Nick says he struggled to work out the identities of the abusers. He has given the names of some of those he believes were involved to the police and the BBC.

'No fear'

The BBC has agreed not to reveal any of these names because of the ongoing police investigation and because of the need for further evidence to corroborate his account.

"They had no hesitation in doing what they wanted to do," Nick said. "Some of them were quite open about who they were. They had no fear at all of being caught, it didn't cross their mind."

When a child "stepped out of line", he said that abusers would inflict brutal and painful punishments.

He said: "[The abuse] destroyed my ability to trust. It's pretty much wrecked any relationships I have had. Intimacy for me is a pretty much a no-go area."

Nick said he had one motivation for speaking to the BBC - to encourage other alleged victims or those who unwittingly assisted the abusers to come forward.

"They need to find the strength that we as survivors have done," he said. "People who drove us around could come forward. Staff in some of the locations could come forward. There are so many people who must have had suspicions.

"We weren't smuggled in under a blanket through the back door. It was done openly and people must have questioned that and they need to come forward."

Nick says his torment suddenly came to an end when he went to a pre-arranged place to be picked up by a driver and no-one arrived.

He went the next day, worried that he would be punished for a diary mistake. Again there was no car waiting. He never saw his abusers again and says he still has no idea why.'_________________'And he (the devil) said to him: To thee will I give all this power, and the glory of them; for to me they are delivered, and to whom I will, I give them'. Luke IV 5-7.

'The abuse victim's claims are being treated as credible by detectives now investigating THREE murders allegedly linked to a network of VIP perverts.
A victim of the Westminster paedophile abuse scandal has claimed he saw a Conservative MP murder a young boy during a depraved sex party.

And the Sunday People can reveal that detectives are investigating THREE murders allegedly linked to a network of VIP perverts.

The horrifying account comes days after Scotland Yard confirmed they have launched a murder probe ­connected to allegations of sex abuse from the 1970s and 80s.

Today the Sunday People and Exaro investigations agency expose the full extent of shocking events the witness, known as Nick, has described to the Metropolitan Police paedophile unit.

Nick claims the first death was of a boy aged ten or 11 who was ­deliberately run down by a car.

Another chilling allegation is that he was in the same room in the 1980s when a 12-year-old boy was strangled by a Tory MP.

Nick said: “I watched while that happened. I am not sure how I got out of that. Whether I will ever know why I survived, I am not sure.”

Eighteen months later, he claims a third boy was killed by two unknown men in front of another MP.

Nick told of his terror as he and the strangling victim were driven to an orgy.

He said: “We looked at each other and saw the fear in each other’s eyes. We said nothing.

“I knew we were being taken somewhere to be sexually abused by powerful men.

“But I had no idea of the true horror of what was about to happen.”

Nick had been picked up at an agreed meeting point. He recalled: “The car was ­chauffeur-driven although I can’t ­remember the make.

“Cars were sent to take us to various locations to be abused. They were often luxury cars with a chauffeur.

“They would be dark in colour – Jaguars, Rolls-Royces, Daimlers or Range Rovers.”

He was driven to a location in ­central London. On the way the car stopped to pick up another lad.

Nick says the boy had brown hair and was aged around 12 but he never discovered his name.

Both lads sat in silence for fear of punishment.

They arrived at a luxury townhouse and were taken inside.

Nick, still traumatised by what he witnessed, has given a graphic and harrowing account to police about what took place.

In hours of video testimony, he ­described how he saw the Conservative MP – who was sitting in Parliament at the time – throttle the boy.

He said: “The MP was particularly nasty, even among the group of people who sexually abused me and others. I still find it difficult to talk about these incidents after all these years.”

A second witness has already ­corroborated some of the information related to the case, lending weight to Nick’s claims and strengthening his credibility in the eyes of the police.

Nick has also told detectives about the death of another boy during a ­depraved sexual assault in the presence of a Conservative minister – a different MP to the one involved in the first killing.

Nick believes the car killing was a warning to him.

He says someone in the paedophile network deliberately ran over and killed a boy in broad daylight on a London street. He is convinced the perverts were demonstrating their power and showing what could happen if he spoke out.

Nick said his abusive father supplied him to a group of MPs and other VIPs who held abuse parties at Dolphin Square – an apartment complex in Pimlico, near Parliament – and at other locations in London.

He says the ­minister repeatedly raped him and other boys aged between ten and 14.

His claims are being investigated by police under Operation Midland, a strand of the Operation Fairbank ­inquiry set up to examine allegations of historical child abuse.

Exaro helped to arrange for Nick to pass his crucial testimony to the Met.

On Friday, the Met announced Operation Midland was now ­investigating “possible homicide”.

A statement said: “Detectives from the child abuse investigation command are working closely with colleagues from homicide and major crime ­concerning this information.”

Nick insisted a reporter from Exaro was present at a meeting with detectives when he gave them the name of the MP who allegedly murdered the boy, along with a list of other ­prominent people who he says sexually and ­physically abused him.

He also helped compile “e-fit” ­pictures of the murdered boys.

Nick went on: “There will be other people who know about the punishment and abuse carried out by this group - drivers of the cars who took the boys to venues, staff at the venues. Perhaps they can now come forward.”

He said he was taken to Dolphin Square at least ten times when parties were held. Different men would enter and leave during the evening.

Nick was around 11 when he first went there for a Christmas party.

He recalled: “We would be ordered not to speak to each other.

“Sometimes I would be driven there with other children. On other occasions I would be driven there alone and joined other children there.”

He described being led to a heavily curtained flat via several flights of stairs and a “dimly lit, musty” corridor.

And he added: “We were asked if we wanted a drink. It was always ­whisky. Both MPs were brutal. I was raped over a bath-tub while my head was beneath the water.”

He claimed one MP told him to thrash another lad and “sexually ­punished” him when he refused.

Last week we told how Nick, now in his 40s, had identified a shamed top diplomat and MI6 chief as one of his attackers.

He picked out a photo of Sir Peter Hayman – a former deputy director of the secret service.

Hayman, for many years a pillar of the establishment, caused a scandal when he was caught with paedophile literature.

Nick said Hayman, who died in 1992, was one of a group of men who raped him as a child.

As Butler-Sloss stated, the proposed government inquiry into organised child abuse needs to have the confidence of care and abuse survivors. It is for this reason that the view of many survivors and leading specialists in the area of child protection is that the most suitable candidate to chair the announced ‘Child Abuse Inquiry’ is Michael Mansfield QC.

The chair of this inquiry will need fearlessness, to be prepared to challenge the authorities and to ask and get answers to very difficult questions. This is a role that can only be undertaken by someone clearly seen as outside the establishment.

Mr Mansfield has shown with his work on the Stephen Lawrence inquiry and the current Hillsborough inquiry that he has the respect of survivors and professionals to undertake this inquiry.

In addition to the need to have the correct chair – it is very disappointing that the proposed Terms of Reference (TOR), as set out by the Home Secretary, will, unless revised, render the Child Abuse Inquiry that she has announced almost worthless.

The Home Secretary has proposed an inquiry that will pull together previous reviews to produce a ‘Lessons learnt’ report – taking no evidence from individual victims.

This needs to be urgently reviewed and the TOR for this Inquiry must focus on the following three elements: 1) To hear evidence from survivors of organised abuse, which would finally give them a voice and allow them to be heard and believed 2) Set up a dedicated police team at the National Crime Agency to take evidence alongside the inquiry to investigate and prosecute offenders 3) To hold those that have failed in their professional duty or covered up allegations or been obstructive to account.

Having Mr Mansfield and revised Terms of Reference is the only way to secure justice for survivors and protection of our children.

'Nick' says Sir Peter Hayman was one of a group of men who raped him as a child during a party in London.

In 1940 Victor Rothschild (above) suggested that Anthony Blunt, 'a dangerous child abuser', should be invited to join MI5. He also rented a house to his boy-loving friend Guy Burgess. (www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/SSrothschild.htm). MI5 and MI6 became associated with men who lusted after boys.

Nick says the abuse began when he was aged 11 in 1979 and continued for two or three years.

Nick says his father gave him to a pedophile ring.

Liberal Party MP Sir Cyril Smith - alleged to have visited the boy brothel Elm Guest House which was allegedly run by MI5

Nick says that Hayman was often at the same 'abuse parties' attended by a sadistic former Conservative MP ('a friend of David Cameron and Margaret Thatcher') who was violent towards boys.

Nick says that a former Conservative cabinet minister sexually abused him at Dolphin Square and other locations.

Former Attorney General Sir Michael Havers: alleged to have been at child sex and drug parties

The Attorney General's reply indicated that while Hayman had been found to have received pornographic material through the post, it was not of an extreme nature, was non-commercial and in a sealed envelope, so did not warrant prosecution.[11]

In April 1981 Sir Michael Havers, the Attorney General, said in parliament that while Hayman was a member of the Paedophile Information Exchange, he was never a member of the executive committee, so was not prosecuted as others were for publishing contact advertisements.[12][13]

In 1984, Hayman was convicted for an act of gross indecency in a public lavatory.[1][9]

Top Conservative Lord Boothby, gangster Ronnie Kray and a young man.

Later, on 29 November 1985, Dickens complained in the House of Commons that he had suffered harassment following his naming of Hayman.

Dickens said:

"First, I received threatening telephone calls followed by two burglaries at my London home.

"Then, more seriously, my name appeared on a multi-killer's hit list."[14]

The Kray twins, who knew everyone from Judy Garland to Frank Sinatra.

The Kray Twins were sadistic gay gangsters with links to top politicians, TV stars, the police and at least one pedophile ring.

The Krays have a link to the child abuse island of Jersey.

In a hotel in Jersey, the Krays would meet their friends in the UK police and carrier bags of money would change hands.

"Edward Heath, Prime Minister of England from 1970-74... was a frequent visitor to the Haute Garrene childrens care home on Jersey."

(WHY THE JUSTICE SYSTEM FAVOURS PEDOPHILES. Before It's News)

Brad Lane with Reggie Kray at Gartree prison. (Yorkshire Post)

Bobby Teale, who once worked for the Krays, has written a book called "Bringing Down the Krays".

According to Teale, the Krays had paid informers at every level inside the police force.

Lord Boothby, who was a close personal friend of Winston Churchill, had a sexual relationship with Ronnie Kray.

William Ives, a major donor to David Cameron's Conservative Party, reportedly worked for gangsters Ronnie and Reggie Kray. (Website)

George Raft and the Kray Twins(http://www.nickelinthemachine.com/tag/gay/page/2/

According to this source - Archives - the Krays had links to a paedophile ring.

"What was involved was the systematic abuse of ten-to-twelve-year-old boys, one of whom subsequently became fairly well known as a singer.

"Another, rather less fortunate,wound up in six pieces in two suitcases...

"The paedophile ring in question had links to the Kray twins."

More information is found here -Archives

"The police uncovered a large-scale juvenile pimping operation centred on a house in a Suffolk village (Tattington) owned by Ronnie Kray.

(The twins had huge property interests in East Anglia).

"Some of the boys were obtained via a close friend of (Benjamin) Britten's in London, who named him as one of the beneficiaries of the 'service': other'customers' included Lord Boothby (who frequently shared boys with Ronnie Kray himself) and the record producer Joe Meek.

"At least two other people died in the aftermath of Bernard's murder as the twins sealed up the leaks."

Boy by Lucian Freud.

Lucien Freud had a 'relationship' with the Kray twins.

Lucian Freud was the brother of Clement Freud and uncle of Matthew Freud and Emma Freud.

Lucian Freud

Matthew Freud is married to Elisabeth Murdoch, daughter of Rupert Murdoch.

Lord Boothby, who was very close to Winston Churchill, and who liked masochistic sex with rent boys.

Boothby's close pal Tom Driberg MP, who was a rent-boy loving spook with links to Russia and hence Israel.

(Notorious : The Immortal Legend Of The Kray Twins, by John Pearson /Sex, lies, Downing Street and the cover-up that left the Krays ...)

Boy by Lucian Freud

According to: "Lucian Freud : Biography":

"By 1939, after successfully publishing several of his drawings in the progressive magazine Horizon, the 17-year-old Freud was socializing within important British homosexual cliques.

"These gay peers, including Stephen Spender, Cyril Connolly, and Peter Watson, were the driving forces behind the avant-garde of war-torn London, and Freud began to profess the importance of homosexuality and counter-culturalism in all artistic pursuits...

Boy by Lucian freud

"1977 saw Freud turn much of his attention to nude males.

"One cannot speak of Freud's males without mentioning one of his favorite subjects, Leigh Bowery...

"I found him perfectly beautiful," said Freud later..."

Bowery died of AIDS in 1994.

Right wing 'Loyalists' in the UK are linked to child abuse rings and to Israel. (Website for this image)

Journalist Chris Moore wrote The Kincora Scandal an investigation into the Kincora Children's Home in Belfast in the UK, where housemaster William McGrath, and others, abused children.

William McGrath, a Protestant loyalist and member of Ian Paisley's Free Presbyterian Church, reportedly worked for the UK spy service MI5.

Cunningham was an associate of the Ted Rothschild-linked Cambridge spy ring, which included the pedophile Sir Anthony Blunt.

In 1940 Lord Ted Rothschild suggested that communist Anthony Blunt should be invited to join the UK secret service.

In the book 'The Fifth Man', Roland Perry puts the case that Ted Rothschild was a major spy for Israel.

Blair

Tony Blair, who is sometimes known as Miranda, attended a private boarding school called Fettes, in Edinburgh.

One of the people Tony Blair had contact with at Fettes was Sir Knox Cunningham.

According to John Rentoul's biography Tony Blair Prime Minister, Knox Cunningham would visit the school several times a year and he liked to visit the boys' quarters.

Blair loved having discussions with Knox Cunningham.

John Rentoul quotes one of Blair's contemporaries as saying: "Cunningham was the sort of man who liked boys."

Blair at Fettes (Website for this image)

Scotland on Sunday revealed that the man who taught Tony Blair history, left Fettes following allegations including fondling boys while he caned them, watching children on the toilet and becoming aroused while meting out corporal punishment.

Former Fettes pupil Lord MacLean, one of the judges at the Lockerbie trial, rallied around their former teacher, saying they do not have any recollection of him ever behaving in an inappropriate manner.

According to Martin Dillon's book "The Trigger Men", Knox Cunningham was homosexual and had links to people involved in a child sex abuse ring.

According to Dillon: "William McGrath ... was a British Intelligence agent from the 1950s onwards...

"He sought out young men and boys..."

McGrath "knew Sir Knox Cunningham and other leading Unionist homosexuals.

"Collectively, they were part of what today would be called a pedophile ring.

"While researching my book God and the Gun, I spoke to a source about this 'ring' and he explained that there were several Boys’ Homes in Northern Ireland from which boys were picked up and taken to parties in Brighton, England.

"McGrath ... had protection from the British Intelligence community before the Troubles began in earnest.

"As my source said, 'top hats and royalty', meaning the English upper classes and people connected to the Royal Family, were part of a wider homosexual ring in which Mc Grath was an integral player."

According to "The Biggest Secret of World War II": during World war II, Maurice Oldfield was arrested with the King’s brother, the Duke of Kent, Prince George, a boyfriend to Sir Anthony Blunt.

"A policeman rounded up what he thought were 3 drunken street whores, only to find they were ... the HIGHEST in the land...

"Maurice Oldfield and the Duke of Kent ... had links to Victor Rothschild. Rothschild was Churchill’s mentor; he made Churchill’s decisions."

Margaret Hodge (above), who is Jewish, is one of the 'secret' rulers of Britain.

She once ran Islington Council in London and is now very important in the UK parliament.

She was Tony Blair's Minister for Children..

On 16 November 2008, the Mail on Sunday told us How a close male relative of Baby P is linked to a big paedophile ring

This child-abuse ring operated in Labour-run Islington, the part of London where Tony Blair once lived.

Reportedly, the ring supplied boys to top people.

(This child abuse ring, reportedly, has links to the child abuse in Jersey, which in turn, reportedly, has links to the Dutroux affair and the security services)

The close male relative of Baby P reportedly recruited boys from children's homes in Islington for the child-abuse ring, according to a secret report seen by The Mail on Sunday.

In the early 1990s, the relative, as a boy, was put in a children's home, in Labour-run Islington, in London.

All 12 of the children's homes in Islington were being used by the child-abuse ring, which reportedly had links to top people.

This ring included three pimps called Alan, John and George.

Reportedly, the relative, then aged 13, was persuaded, by money, drugs and threats, to supply the pimps with young boys.

The relative tried to blow the whistle.

Reportedly, the relative told social workers the names of boys who were being ferried from the children's homes to various parts of London (Manor Park, Tottenham, Soho and Westminster) to ‘be buggered by old men’.

Reportedly, none of the men were put under surveillance or questioned.

Haringey Boy Baby Peter - Photo copyright Tim Stewart

Whistleblowing Social worker Neville Mighty, who had received death threats, named the relative in a report.

Neville Mighty contacted Islington’s then director of children’s services, Lyn Cusack, who is married to a senior policeman.

In 1994, an independent report criticised the failure of police and social workers to help the relative.

Bryn Estyn - one of many children's homes linked to child-abuse

On 2 March 2008, Eileen Fairweather at the The Mail on Sundayhad an excellent news story entitled 'I have known about Jersey paedophiles for 15 years,' says award-winning journalist.

Eileen Fairweather described the links between child abuse in Islington in London and child abuse on the islands of Jersey and Guernsey. She also suggests possible cover-ups by top police and politicians.

According to the Mail on Sunday article:

1. About 15 years ago, Detective Constable Peter Cook uncovered a child sex ring, with victims in both Britain and Jersey.

The child abuse ring members included an aristocrat, clerics and a social services chief. Their friends included senior police officers.

Cook managed to meet people at the National Criminal-Intelligence Squad. Little happened.

2. In February 2008, 'a child's remains' were found at a former children's home on Jersey.

More than 200 children who lived at Haut de la Garenne have described sexual and physical torture dating back to the Sixties.

3. There are the links between the child abuse at care homes in Islington, North London, and the child abuse on Jersey.

14-year-old Jason Swift, killed in 1985 by a paedophile gang, is believed to have lived in Islington council's Conewood Street home.

Two sources claimed this.

Every one of Islington's 12 care homes included staff who were paedophiles, child pornographers or pimps.

Police secretly confirmed that several Islington workers were 'major operators in the supply of children for abuse and pornography'.

Islington children were taken to Jersey 'on unofficial visits'.

Government Minister Margaret Hodge, then council leader in Islington, denounced "gutter journalists" who supposedly bribed children to lie about abuse.

(The Right Honourable Margaret Eve, Lady Hodge, MBE (née Margaret Oppenheimer; born September 1944, Cairo) is a British politician and Labour Party Member of Parliament for Barking. She was the first Minister for Children appointed in a newly created post within the Department for Education and Skills in 2001.)

4. Jersey social worker Simon Bellwood was sacked in 2007 after speaking out.

5. In June 1991, police in Cambridgeshire raided the home of Neil Hocquart who abused children in Britain and Guernsey.

Hocquart, along with a social worker from Jersey, supplied child pornography to a huge sex ring.

Hocquart, nee Foster, was abused while in care in Norfolk and was eventually 'befriended' by Captain H. Hocquart of Vale, in Guernsey.

Cambridgeshire police and a Scotland Yard squad raided Neil Hocquart's Swaffham Manor home in June 1991.

At nearby Ely they found his friend, Walter Clack, who was also reportedly involved with child pornography.

Police did not get a chance to properly interview these men. Hocquart died suddenly and Clack 'escaped with a £5,000 fine'.

Scotland Yard detectives related that they found at least "two or three" wills of older men who died of apparent heart attacks shortly after leaving everything to Neil Hocquart.

These deaths were never investigated.

6. Nicholas John Rabet, born on Jersey, was a friend of Hocquart's. Rabet became a childcare worker on Jersey.

Later, Rabet became deputy superintendent of islington council's home at 114 Grosvenor Avenue.

Rabet became a key supplier of children from Islington's care homes to paedophile rings.

Rabet and a colleague took children on trips to Jersey.

'Allegations mounted but nothing was done'.

Rabet befriended the widow of an American oil millionaire. This lady died after writing her will in Rabet's favour. Rabet inherited a property in Sussex, where he opened a children's activity centre. Children in Islington's care were regularly invited to stay there.

Hocquart and Walter Clack became "volunteers" at this activity centre.

Hocquart befriended one young boy called Shane (not his real name) who stayed at an islington care home.

Islington 'falsely told Sussex officers it had no file material on Rabet or his alleged victim'.

The independent White inquiry into the abuse in Islington children's homes found that "at assistant director level . . . many confidential files were destroyed by mistake, although there is no evidence of conspiracy."

During the Rabet investigation, Islington refused to interview any other children in care or help Sussex police identify other children in Rabet's photos.

Police decided not to prosecute.

Shane told journalist Eileen Fairweather: "This goes right to the top. You have no idea how big this is."

Fairweather writes: "Third World police... succeeded where Britain's finest in Cambridgeshire, Sussex, London and Jersey had failed."

Rabet was arrested in Thailand in 2006 and charged with abusing 30 boys, some as young as six. Thai police believed he had abused at least 300.

Rabat was never tried. He died suddenly on 12 May 2006.

7. Two other Jersey-born social workers also worked in Islington.

One arranged sailing trips to Guernsey; the other sent children to Rabet's centre. Both were accused of abuse.

8. When Detective Constable Cook travelled to Guernsey, he met two brothers whom Hocquart 'delivered to a high-ranking, respected local man to rape'.

Reportedly no action was taken by senior police.

Jason Swift

In 1985, 14-year-old Jason Swift was killed by a child-abuse gang.

Jason is believed to have lived in Islington council's Conewood Street children's home.

(Jersey child abuse link to Islington, London)

Sidney Cooke, Leslie Bailey, Robert Oliver, and Lennie Smith, were imprisoned in 1989 for the manslaughter of Jason Swift.

Cooke and his gang had sexually tortured and prostituted a number of boys.

The gang is believed to have killed at least nine children.[2]

Cooke was sentenced to 19 years in prison.

In 1998, Cooke was let out of prison eight years early.

There have been allegations that very powerful people have been involved in a child-abuse ring connected to Islington children's homes.

( Jersey child abuse link to Islington, London)

In 1982 Margaret Hodge (nee Oppenheimer) became Islington council leader.

She became a close friend of Tony Blair, who lived in Islington, a few doors away from Hodge.

In February 1990 Liz Davies and David Cofie, senior social workers, discovered evidence of sex abuse of children and reported it to a residents' meeting attended by Mrs Hodge.

In May 1990 Mr Cofie and Ms Davies were told by Lyn Cusack, assistant director of social services, to stop interviewing children about the abuse claims.

On 1 May 1997 Tony Blair moved from Islington to Downing Street.

In June 2003 Mrs Hodge was made minister for Children.(Another minister under fire: call for Hodge to quit over child ...)

The Independent, 9 March 2008, has an article on missing children (Our children are missing: Most vulnerable youngsters are targeted) which tells us the following:

Sarah Benford, 14, disappeared from Welford House children's home in Northampton in April 2000.

According to Police figures more than 100 children who should be in care have been missing for at least four years.

Many children who go missing are not reported to the police.

Member of parliament Helen Southworth says: "All figures on children missing from anywhere are estimates because, astonishingly, there is no requirement for data to be recorded or collected nationally."

Almost 1,000 children went missing from UK residential and foster care in 2007.

The number that went missing from care increased from 570 in 1997 to 950 in 2007.

~~

aangirfan: MYSTERIOUS PRISON; MYSTERIOUS DEATHS

aangirfan: SPOOKS, BOYS AND POLITICIANS

aangirfan: OUR KIND OF TRAITOR

aangirfan: MYSTERIOUS PRISON; MYSTERIOUS DEATHS

aangirfan: THE KRAY TWINS, BOYS, TOP PEOPLE, SEX IN PRISONS

aangirfan: Kray Twins
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Funily enough I knew most of this for over 30 years. My father was one of the top mechanics for British world champion racing driver James Hunt. I was at school but loved to go and see dad working on the cars. James hunt was such a nice guy. Dad said that James used to take a large lorry with the cars in all over Europe to race, and he was close friends with a spook named T stokes who asked him if he would collect a theoretical physicist and his wife and 2 children who were escaping Russia and carry them back in the lorry. A special place had to be constructed with a ventilator hatch in the roof, and some air holes in the side with a small flap in the floor to be used as a toilet. It was a crude but effective hidey hole. The Russian family was brought back to the UK, and various diversionary tactics were used so the russians would search in other areas. Dad said the Foreign Office refused permission for a rescue operation, they did not like stokes who broke all the rules but got things done.
later the foreign office took the credit and james Hunt never got a mention, a great man and a great race driver.
The theoretical physicist said to dad that they knew of homosexual rings in government, dad said, 'no way the government would never have people like that in parliament' how wrong he was
Reply
Replies

Geoff9 November 2014 07:51

Ah, someone who claims Stokes is real. Interesting. There is a lot of writing by "T Stokes" online, some it rehashed from elsewhere but some apparently original. I tried checking a bit and found it didn't stand up but remain open to the idea that Stokes isn't just some fantasist's alter ego. More details please!
Reply

Anonymous9 November 2014 03:05

Young Blair looks like Queen Lizard in her youth. Related maybe?
Reply

Re: Suicide of Eleanor de Freitas, 23, days before trial by Crown Prosecution Services (CPS) for false accusation of rape
1. Police thought the rape took place but lacked the evidence to charge the accused perpetrator.
2. The accused took the absence of a charge as an opportunity to spend £200,000 to develop a private prosecution case against his accuser.
3. CPS took on the case and had set a date to prosecute Miss de Frietas.
4. One would think that the opinion of the police would count more for CPS than a well-funded private prosecution case, due to the self-interest.
5. Why did CPS take the case?
6. Anyone who can spend £200,000 very likely has significant influence. Perhaps a favor was called in or a command from higher up issued to go after Miss de Frietas.
7. Or, maybe the wealthy accused spread some money around to Jeremy Wright, head of CPS. Wright was caught in the MP expense scandal in 2005 having spent £3,000 of public funds on his London apartment furniture.
8. Even if CPS and the police were 100% convinced that this was a false charge, prosecution of a 23-year-old young lady with bipolar disorder is over the top. That, in and of itself, should have mitigated the prosecution.
9. All efforts should be made to determine of the accused bribed anyone in anyway to get the private prosecution turned into a CPS case. If that proves to be the case, the charges would be corruption and murder, since the suicide is clearly connected with the pending trial.

Paedophile orgies in luxury flats and claims three boys were murdered by VIPs: Special report into the growing stench of a cover-up by the Establishment
By GUY ADAMS FOR THE DAILY MAIL
PUBLISHED: 22:10, 21 November 2014 | UPDATED: 09:07, 22 November 2014

Inquiry: Dolphin Square, where boys are said to have been taken for sex sessions in the 1970s and 1980s

The claim was as clear as it was chilling: behind the genteel façade of one of London’s most famous apartment blocks, children faced abuse on an industrial scale.
Every weekend, groups of vulnerable boys from local care homes were being smuggled to an address in Dolphin Square, Pimlico. There, after being plied with alcohol, they suffered sickening sexual assaults.
The paedophile ring orchestrating these crimes had, over time, come to believe it enjoyed immunity, a whistle-blower told police at the time.
After all, members were said to include a cross-section of Britain’s most influential politicians.
‘I had been specifically told that we were dealing with Conservative MPs,’ that whistle-blower, John Mann, recalled to me this week. ‘That’s one of the things which stood out for me.
‘Another was how violent it sounded. There was talk of dogs being involved and beatings. I would describe it as quite awful; the sort of thing you don’t easily forget.’
Mann, who is now a prominent Labour MP, originally stumbled across claims of abuse at Dolphin Square in 1988, when he was an ambitious young councillor in the South London borough of Lambeth.
At the time, he was leading an inquiry into endemic corruption in the Left-wing council’s housing department, where millions of pounds of taxpayer money was being syphoned to crooked building contractors.
‘The whole place was rotten to the core,’ he recalls. ‘I was leading a team of three or four employees looking into it. The scale of corruption was enormous. It involved criminal gangs. Two of our sources were drivers for [the Krays’ gangster rival] Charlie Richardson.’
During the course of this 18-month investigation, Mann had, however, uncovered evidence of a very different sort of organised crime: that a shady group linked to the building fraud was also running child sex rackets.
‘My team was getting tip-offs about all sorts of things,’ he says. ‘But this particular one was very precise. We were told that young boys from Lambeth care homes were being recruited as rent boys. Many went to Dolphin Square.
‘We were told this by several sources. It was very specific: there were sex parties there, and they involved Tory MPs.’

Initially, Mann says he ‘couldn’t work out what to do’ with this information, since ‘sex crimes weren’t something we were supposed to be investigating’.
But soon, realising the gravity of the situation, he decided to call a meeting with two officers from Streatham police station in South London.
‘I told them everything, and they promised to look closely into it,’ he says.
So far, so straightforward. But three months later, Mann heard a knock on the door of his office on South Lambeth Road. It was the two policemen. They apologised, but told me they had been forced to close their entire investigation,’ Mann recalls.
‘They’d been forced to drop it. Pressure had come from on high in the police service. There was nothing they could do about it. They were very unhappy.’
A string of prominent figures from all three major parties have so far been implicated in the scandal, most notably Cyril Smith (pictured)
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A string of prominent figures from all three major parties have so far been implicated in the scandal, most notably Cyril Smith (pictured)
With that, the Dolphin Square child sex scandal of 1988 was brushed under the carpet.
And there it might very well have remained were it not for an extraordinary series of events which began at exactly 12.06pm last Friday.
That was when the Metropolitan Police issued a press release revealing that it has launched an inquiry, ‘possible homicide’, linked to an establishment paedophile ring believed to have operated at Dolphin Square and other locations 30 years ago.
News of the inquiry, Operation Midland, came as an alleged victim, known as ‘Nick,’ gave two harrowing interviews detailing his ordeal at the hands of ‘very powerful people’ who ‘controlled my life for … nine years’.
Speaking to the BBC, ‘Nick’ told how he was originally ‘handed over’ to the group by his own father, an active paedophile, in the late 1970s.
‘They created fear that penetrated every part of me,’ he said. ‘I’ve never experienced pain like it. I hope I never do again.’
The group was ‘very organised’ and included leading members of the judiciary, military, and security services, along with politicians. It would hire chauffeurs to pick up victims and ferry them to sex parties or ‘sessions’.
The group would hire chauffeurs to pick up victims and ferry them to sex parties
After several hours of carousing, the ‘sessions’ would descend into ‘private time’, where ‘you’d have to perform various sexual things, but it would always culminate in being raped’.
On occasion, events took an even darker turn. For in an interview with Exaro, an investigative website, ‘Nick’ made the extraordinary claim that in addition to abusing victims, the gang had killed at least three of them.
He recalled seeing one small boy murdered in the presence of a former Tory Cabinet Minister, and another asphyxiated by a Conservative MP at a central London townhouse.
‘I watched while that happened. I am not sure how I got out of that,’ he said.
The third murder is said to have occurred in broad daylight on a street in South-West London in 1979, when a member of the group deliberately ran over and killed a boy aged between 11 and 12.
‘Nick,’ who claims to have visited Dolphin Square on at least ten occasions (and recalls its ‘dimly-lit, musty corridors’), has supplied Operation Midland with a written account of his ordeal and been interviewed extensively by investigators, passing them names of the Tory MP and the Cabinet Minister.
He has also identified a third abuser, Sir Peter Hayman, a former diplomat prominent in the Paedophile Information Exchange, a pro-paedophile lobby group endorsed at the time by the National Council for Civil Liberties, run by the future Labour grandees Harriet Harman, Jack Dromey and Patricia Hewitt.
The three boys identified by ‘Nick’ are doubtless not the only alleged victims now on Operation Midland’s radar.
On Wednesday, for example, the father of Vishal Mehrotra, an eight-year-old boy murdered in the 1980s, went public with the claim that his son also died at the hands of a Westminster paedophile ring.
The late Sir Peter Hayman was a former diplomat prominent in the Paedophile Information Exchange
+4
The late Sir Peter Hayman was a former diplomat prominent in the Paedophile Information Exchange
Vishambar Mehrotra, a retired magistrate, told the Daily Telegraph how he received an anonymous phone call following his son’s disappearance on a Putney street in July 1981.
It purportedly came from a male prostitute who believed Vishal had been taken to Elm Guest House, a gay brothel in nearby Barnes allegedly frequented by high-profile sex offenders, including several figures now implicated in the Dolphin Square scandal.
At the time, Mr Mehrotra passed a 15-minute tape recording of the call to detectives, but claims they never properly investigated the allegation.
Part of Vishal’s body was found in woodland in West Sussex in February 1982. His legs, pelvis and lower spine were missing, along with his outer clothes and Superman underpants.
‘Now it is clear to me that there has been a huge cover-up,’ Mr Mehrotra said. ‘There is no doubt in my mind.’
The very idea that grown men might have killed small boys for sexual gratification might sound outlandish, but it’s not without precedent.
In a notorious 1989 court case, Sidney Cooke and three other members of a paedophile gang dubbed The Dirty Dozen were convicted of killing 14-year-old Jason Swift, who had been gang-raped.
Cooke was later implicated by one of his co-accused in that case, Leslie Bailey, of having also been involved in the 1984 abduction, rape and killing of seven-year-old Mark Tildesley, although only Bailey was eventually charged, having pleaded guilty to Mark’s manslaughter.
Police are believed to have tried recently (without success) to persuade the now 87-year-old Cooke to assist with recent inquiries. He is understood to have refused to help, and is not believed to have had personal links with MPs, judges or other VIPs.
Wherever they lead, this week’s developments will, nonetheless, add weight to claims — first aired by the Labour MP Tom Watson in October 2012 — that a ‘powerful paedophile network’ with links to Parliament operated with impunity in the 1970s and 1980s, using friends in high places to stay ahead of the law.
A string of prominent figures from all three major parties have so far been implicated in the scandal, most notably Cyril Smith, the Lib Dem MP for Rochdale, and Sir Peter Morrison, Margaret Thatcher’s private secretary.
The former Home Secretary Leon Brittan, has, meanwhile, been accused of ignoring or burying a dossier, given to him by the Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens in 1983, which named eight MPs as members of the sex ring. He denies the allegation.
Over the past year, I have devoted much of my time to investigating these child sex scandals, along with others involving the Paedophile Information Exchange, the Labour peer Lord Janner, and the Tory backbencher Sir Nicholas Fairbairn.
The idea that grown men might have killed small boys for sexual gratification might sound outlandish, but it’s not without precedent
While a definitive ‘smoking gun’ is yet to emerge, the surprising number of parallels between the cases, and the weight of evidence to support the often-outlandish claims at their centre, leaves me in little doubt that some sort of Establishment paedophile ring existed in Britain in the 1970s and 1980s. And it seems increasingly likely many of its members were protected by the security services.
With this in mind, three police investigations are duly underway: Operation Midland, Operation Fernbridge (focusing on Elm Guest House) and Operation Fairbank (looking at political figures). A fourth, Operation Cayacos, is scrutinising the late Peter Righton, an influential social worker and convicted paedophile.
A source with knowledge of their progress told me this week that investigators currently believe Establishment paedophiles used flats at Dolphin Square as a ‘dropping-off point’ for young prostitutes.
‘Kids were brought there, and often partied there, but were sometimes also ferried to the Dorchester, or the Ritz, or addresses in central London,’ he said.
‘They were like lumps of meat in the back of a car. It [Dolphin Square] was a very convenient, and discreet, dropping-off point.’
The vast complex of 1,250 flats on a 7.5-acre plot close to the Thames was built in 1937 to provide homes for individuals its developers described as ‘notable in public life or society’.
Past tenants include the Far-Right political leader Oswald Mosley, Harold Wilson, Christine Keeler and Princess Anne, who (after moving out) allegedly claimed to be tired of ‘nosy neighbours, noisy traffic and the sight of hookers plying their trade nearby’.
By the late 1980s, it housed 51 MPs, 16 peers, 12 generals and six admirals. More recently, such noted Parliamentarians as William Hague, Alastair Darling, Malcolm Rifkind, Menzies Campbell and Mo Mowlam called it home.
Business Secretary on Cyril Smith 'cover up' allegations

The vast complex of 1,250 flats on a 7.5-acre plot close to the Thames was built in 1937 to provide homes for individuals its developers described as ‘notable in public life or society’
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The vast complex of 1,250 flats on a 7.5-acre plot close to the Thames was built in 1937 to provide homes for individuals its developers described as ‘notable in public life or society’
Dolphin Square, just a few hundred metres along the Thames from Parliament, has always contained its own shops, restaurants and leisure facilities, but — unusually — was not gated, meaning outsiders could come and go. Some of its units could also be rented on short-term lets, making them perfect for non-residents to hold decadent parties or conduct fleeting affairs.
Intriguing in light of recent events is the fact that in 1994, a small-circulation magazine called Scallywag published a lengthy article detailing rumours that politicians had been abusing children at Dolphin Square for 20 years.
‘We often have underage boys wandering around, totally lost, asking for a particular flat,’ a source there purportedly told it.
Scallywag was, however, the very opposite of a reliable source. It had achieved notoriety in 1993 after being sued by the Prime Minister John Major for reporting entirely fictitious rumours that he’d had an affair with a Downing Street caterer.
Its coverage of Dolphin Square was also riven with factual errors. Indeed, it centred on the entirely false premise that a paedophile ring was being run there by the late former Tory treasurer Lord McAlpine.
Only one source was named for this very serious allegation: a former care home resident called Steve Messham.
In 2012, the same Mr Messham resurfaced on BBC Newsnight. He again alleged that he had been abused by a ‘senior political figure’, who was later identified on social media as Lord McAlpine, only to realise — after being shown a photograph of the Conservative peer two days later — that it was a case of mistaken identity.
The ensuing controversy saw the BBC pay £185,000 in damages, and led to the resignation of its new director-general George Entwistle.
It is vital this new investigation is utterly rigorous - only then will Dolphin Square finally give up its secrets
All of which neatly illustrates the difficulty of separating truth from fantasy when dealing with historic sex abuse, along with the scale of
the challenge now facing investigators if they are to assemble sufficient evidence to secure any convictions.
The testimony of ‘Nick’ provides another case in point. A professional man, who has no criminal record or apparent mental health issues, he is considered a trustworthy witness.
However, there is at present no physical or documentary evidence to back up many crucial aspects of his story about the Dolphin Square sex ring (I have searched in vain, for example, for contemporary newspaper articles about a small boy being mown down on a London street in broad daylight).
Neither are the police believed to have found anyone capable of providing reliable testimony that corroborates many of ‘Nick’s’ claims.
This fact may explain why the BBC have (unlike the news website Exaro) so far held back from broadcasting some of the more explosive aspects of his story, including suggestions that he witnessed murders carried out by senior Tories.
It may also explain why the police chose so publicly to announce their murder investigation — believing, perhaps, that media coverage might be a good way to persuade other victims to come forward.
After all these years, attempting to substantiate even vague details of Labour MP John Mann’s tale is equally difficult. Only two members of the small team who worked with him at Lambeth are still believed to be alive. The location of one, Hayley Graham, is currently unknown, but this week I tracked the other, Jack Organ, to Almeira in Southern Spain.
Here, the 73-year-old retiree lives with his wife Paula Strudwick, who coincidentally is a former dominatrix who in 1997 made headlines after telling the News of the World about her lengthy affair with the Tory minister Jonathan Aitken.
Organ told me that in September he was contacted by police officers from London working on the Dolphin Square sex inquiry. However, he was unable to offer them much help.
‘I remember rumours of abuse, involving homosexuality in Lambeth children’s homes. There was talk of important people being involved. But it was hard to pin down anything specific.
‘The police were searching for hard evidence. They offered to come and see me if I had any. I just can’t remember the sort of details they are after.’
Time will tell whether other lines of inquiry yield more fruit. The tragedy, of course, is that if police had mounted a thorough investigation 30 years ago and these allegations had been tested in court, the fate of ‘Nick’ and so many other young men is likely to have been very different.
That is why it is vital this new investigation is utterly rigorous. Only then will Dolphin Square finally give up its secrets.
Additional reporting: Rebecca Camber.

The UK Child Sex Abuse People’s Tribunal (UKCSAPT) has been established by Survivors of Institutional Child Sexual Abuse and their supporters.

The People's Tribunal is an independent body that emerges from the need of Survivors to be heard and in response to their determination to secure Government and Parliamentary acknowledgment of the extent of Institutional Child Sex Abuse in the UK and Crown Dependencies.

Its mandate is to examine cases of Institutional Child Sex Abuse upon request from individuals or civil society organizations in the context of alleged failings on the part of Government and Statutory bodies both national and local.

The People's Tribunal seeks to augment the Independent Panel Inquiry into Child Sex Abuse, originally set up by the Home Office of the UK Government.

It is essential that survivors and witnesses are empowered to give evidence and this will be the tribunal’s guiding principle. Survivors will be supported in this process. It will provide a forum for those who want to give evidence and to do so in an environment to ensure that their voice is heard.

The intention is for the People's Tribunal Panel to sit at various locations across the UK.

The People's Tribunal process is based on recognised legal principles and requires a rigorous examination of facts and context. Once its work has been concluded, the verdict and resulting report will be delivered to the Home Secretary, other Government officials and interested parties.

http://www.thepeoplestribunal.org.uk/_________________--
'Suppression of truth, human spirit and the holy chord of justice never works long-term. Something the suppressors never get.' David Southwell
http://aangirfan.blogspot.comhttp://aanirfan.blogspot.com
Martin Van Creveld: Let me quote General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother."
Martin Van Creveld: I'll quote Henry Kissinger: "In campaigns like this the antiterror forces lose, because they don't win, and the rebels win by not losing."

Dolphin Square, a luxury central London apartment block popular with politicians
THREE MPs and three members of the House of Lords are named in a dossier passed to Scotland Yard of politicians suspected of involvement in a Westminster paedophile ring.

The list of 22 high-profile figures alleged to have been involved in child sex abuse has been compiled by the Labour MP John Mann following an analysis of hundreds of pieces of information brought to him by members of the public.

It includes the names of 13 former ministers, of whom at least two are alleged to have assaulted young boys at “abuse parties” held at Dolphin Square, a luxury central London apartment block popular with politicians.

Mann, who handed his dossier to Metropolitan police detectives earlier this month, said he had whittled down the information given to him and passed on only allegations that he thought were “credible”.

“All those 22 names are worthy of investigation by the police. The...

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Care home paedophile ‘supplied boys for Whitehall parties’
30 November 2014_________________--
'Suppression of truth, human spirit and the holy chord of justice never works long-term. Something the suppressors never get.' David Southwell
http://aangirfan.blogspot.comhttp://aanirfan.blogspot.com
Martin Van Creveld: Let me quote General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother."
Martin Van Creveld: I'll quote Henry Kissinger: "In campaigns like this the antiterror forces lose, because they don't win, and the rebels win by not losing."

FIVE Westminster paedophile rings are now being investigated by police
http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/five-westminster-paedophile-rings -now-4851636
21 December 2014 11:03 PM Ben Glaze
Labour MP John Mann has handed evidence on 22 politicians including three serving MPs and three members of the House of Lords to police
Houses of Parliament in London Getty
Westminster: Claims of at least five paedophile rings
Claims that at least five paedophile rings operated in Westminster in the 1970s and 80s are being investigated by police.

Labour MP John Mann has handed evidence on 22 politicians including three serving MPs and three members of the House of Lords to police.

Mr Mann, whose list includes 13 former ministers, said: “There are at least five paedophile rings which involved MPs.

"It would be inconceivable in some cases that they are not now interviewed. Some of the evidence is incredibly strong.”

Labour MP for Bassetlaw John Mann outside Mateson Lang tower block in London where fifteen year old Arsema Dawit was stabbed to death
Evidence: Labour MP John Mann has handed documents to police

He handed his dossier to officers on Operation Trinity, the Metropolitan Police probe into alleged abuse in children’s homes in Lambeth, South London.

Meanwhile, a delayed inquiry into claims of an Establishment cover-up over a Westminster paedophile ring has hit another setback as Home Secretary Theresa May wrote to members of the panel saying she was considering dissolving it.

She told them: “If there is a reconstructed inquiry, you will be free to apply to participate in it.

Theresa May
Delay: Home Secretary Theresa May

“But I also understand if you decide you do not want to go through such a process.’

It is the latest setback to the stalled probe into allegations of an Establishment cover-up over a Westminster paedophile ring of powerful figures.

The first chairman, former judge Baroness Butler-Sloss, quit after it was revealed her late brother was Attorney-General when a high-profile paedophile escaped prosecution.

The second, Lord Mayor of London Fiona Woolf, went after losing the support of victims’ groups._________________--
'Suppression of truth, human spirit and the holy chord of justice never works long-term. Something the suppressors never get.' David Southwell
http://aangirfan.blogspot.comhttp://aanirfan.blogspot.com
Martin Van Creveld: Let me quote General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother."
Martin Van Creveld: I'll quote Henry Kissinger: "In campaigns like this the antiterror forces lose, because they don't win, and the rebels win by not losing."

Tory MP's half-brother Charles Napier sentenced to 13 years over 'prolific' child sex abuse
http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/crime/tory-mps-halfbrother-charle s-napier-sentenced-to-13-years-over-prolific-child-sex-abuse-9942651.h tml
The 67-year-old former teacher admitted to sexually abusing 23 boys
By PAUL PEACHEY
Tuesday 23 December 2014
The half-brother of a senior Conservative MP has been urged to come clean about his links to a network of high-profile paedophiles after he was jailed for hundreds of sexual assaults on young boys dating back more than 40 years.
Charles Napier, 67, was a former treasurer of the Paedophile Information Exchange (PIE) which campaigned to lower the age of consent and linked like-minded abusers in the 1970s and 80s before it was disbanded. It was reputed to have high-ranking supporters within politics, police and the Church.
Napier, whose half-brother is the MP John Whittingdale, was jailed for 13 years yesterday after admitting attacks on 21 boys at a boarding school during two-and-a-half years as a teacher. He was nicknamed “Rapier Napier” due to the nature of his brazen attacks.

He told police he was “completely out of control” and that he desperately regretted what he had done. He claimed to have previously had electric-shock therapy to address his behaviour.
Napier was arrested last year following a police investigation sparked by claims by MP Tom Watson about an Establishment ring of child abusers that had links to Downing Street.
“As a former officer of the Paedophile Information Exchange he knows a lot more about the activities of the network than he has publicly admitted to,” Mr Watson said.
“I doubt he really does have remorse for his crimes but if he does, he can start to put matters right by spilling the beans on his former friends in PIE. Did he have contact with any of the powerful child abusers in politics, the intelligence service, the police or the church?”
He gave his victims – aged between eight and 13 – fizzy drinks and chocolate before he abused them in a carpentry workshop which became his den, Southwark Crown Court was told yesterday. One boy was said to have been abused up to 100 times while another tried to commit suicide because he was so profoundly affected. Napier abused children during school plays while waiting in the wings.

He became a senior figure in PIE after leaving the school and had links with Peter Righton, a former social worker and notorious paedophile, whose home was raided in 1992. The raid revealed hardcore child abuse images and years of correspondence between paedophiles around the world. The inquiry led to a flat where Napier boasted he had access to young boys while he worked for the British Council in Cairo.
A former child protection worker, Peter McKelvie, passed details of the Righton files to Mr Watson, which led to his statement in parliament. The files included claims that a high-level group of paedophiles were involved in the abuse of children at the Elm Guest House, a well-known meeting place for gay men, in south-west London.
Napier, of Sherborne, Dorset, had been convicted twice before for abuse against boys but on the first occasion was given a probation order. In the second case he was jailed for nine months in 1995. He also admitted yesterday two other separate allegations of indecent assault against two 13-year-old boys after he left the school._________________--
'Suppression of truth, human spirit and the holy chord of justice never works long-term. Something the suppressors never get.' David Southwell
http://aangirfan.blogspot.comhttp://aanirfan.blogspot.com
Martin Van Creveld: Let me quote General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother."
Martin Van Creveld: I'll quote Henry Kissinger: "In campaigns like this the antiterror forces lose, because they don't win, and the rebels win by not losing."

The man at the centre of the Dolphin Square inquiry says he was abused at depraved sex ‘parties’ from the age of seven.

Known only by the pseudonym Nick, he claims to have witnessed horrific acts at the luxury estate in central London between 1975 and 1984.

After being abused by his father, Nick says he was handed to a gang of top Establishment figures. He has described being driven by a chauffeur, along with a terrified 12-year-old boy, to a luxury townhouse where he watched as a Tory MP strangled the other child.

Nick also said he saw a second boy being brutally murdered in front of a Tory Cabinet minister in 1981. A third boy, aged ten or 11, had died in 1979 after being deliberately run over by a member of the paedophile gang in a ‘warning’ to victims not to speak out, he alleges.

He says he was taken to Dolphin Square at least ten times for ‘abuse parties’. He claimed one MP told him to thrash another boy - and ‘sexually punished’ him when he refused.

Esther Rantzen had affair with politician Sir Nicholas Fairbairn in the 1960s
Suggestions he may have visited guest house where children were allegedly assaulted by high-profile visitors
Ms Rantzen speaks of her revulsion over his links to child abuse scandal
She distances herself from the late Conservative MP who died at 61 in 1995
By MARC HORNE

PUBLISHED: 00:25, 20 July 2014 | UPDATED: 18:01, 20 July 2014

Esther Rantzen has spoken of her revulsion after learning that a former lover has been linked to the child abuse scandal threatening to engulf Westminster.

The broadcaster and Childline founder had an affair with politician Sir Nicholas Fairbairn after they met at a BBC studio in 1966.

But Ms Rantzen has now distanced herself from the late Conservative MP and Solicitor General for Scotland – who died in 1995, aged 61.

Evidence has come to light suggesting he may have visited a London guest house where children from care homes were allegedly assaulted by high-profile visitors.

Miss Rantzen, 74, played a leading role in uncovering child abuse during the 1980s.

She said: ‘I am horrified and disgusted by these allegations because Nicky was a friend of mine.

‘I had a very brief relationship with him. I always assumed that he was attracted to adult women rather than children.

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‘I had absolutely no knowledge of that side of him. However, over the years I have learned that you really never know anyone.’

The former That’s Life presenter was 26 when she embarked on an affair with the married MP after he appeared as a guest on a BBC show where she was a researcher.

She said: ‘When I knew Nicky he was courteous, charming and very fond of women.

‘He was a high-profile lawyer, who lived in a castle and had a very flamboyant private life.’

‘He took me to lunch at the Ritz. He gave me a long-stemmed red rose and ordered Beluga caviar and Krug champagne.

‘If ever there was an aphrodisiac meal that was it. Nicky took to me to some Lord’s house where he was staying and the rest was inevitable.’

The presenter, who founded the world’s first child abuse hotline, Childline, in 1986, was appalled by the emergence of evidence which suggests that a powerful network of paedophiles may once have stalked the corridors of power.

She said: ‘It is really important that the people who have suffered now recognise that they do have a right to justice. It is not about the culture of the time.

‘Child abuse has always been a crime and, in my experience, there was never a time when it was tolerated. What happened with Cyril Smith was horrific. The whole thing was hushed up and police were taken off cases and prevented from going public with what they knew.

‘It was straightforward, old-fashioned conspiracy.’

Lists of VIP visitors to the Elm Guest House – which hosted parties in the 1980s where vulnerable boys were sexually assaulted after being plied with alcohol – are now being used by police as evidence in their Operation Fernbridge inquiry.

The documents, seen by the Mail on Sunday, state that politicians including ‘N Fairburn’ and ‘C Smith’ visited the property on June 7, 1982. They also state that ‘Fairburn’ had ‘used boys in sauna’ and that photos had been taken of him – as well as Cyril Smith – at the guest house.

Police have confirmed that Smith, the late Liberal MP for Rochdale, who has since been exposed as a serial abuser, was a regular visitor to the address.

Despite the spelling discrepancy there have now been calls for a full investigation which would establish whether Fairbairn was involved.

Sir Nicholas, who carried a brace of pistols on his hip and designed his own flamboyant tartan attire, was forced to resign as Solicitor General in 1982 over a decision not to prosecute in a rape case.

The previous year a House of Commons secretary had tried to hang herself from a lamp-post outside his London flat after they had an affair.

In Who’s Who Sir Nicholas described his pastimes as: ‘Making love, ends meet and people laugh.’

In 2000 the daughter of a prominent Scottish lawyer, who was never publicly named, alleged Sir Nicholas had been part of a paedophile ring. At the time the claims were angrily rejected by his family.

Thatcher confidant raped boy
and police covered crime up
Former conservative minister Sir Peter
Morrison lured 14-year-old to London
and sexually abused him in a guesthouse
reportedly used by a Westminster
paedophile ring

By Bill Gardner, video by Will Scothern
6:00AM GMT 04 Jan 2015
One of Margaret Thatcher’s closest confidantes
raped a teenage boy 30 years ago but escaped
justice when Scotland Yard covered up the crime,
it has been alleged.
Police are investigating claims that Sir Peter
Morrison lured the 14-year-old to London and
sexually abused him in a guesthouse reportedly
used by a Westminster paedophile ring.
A former Conservative minister, Morrison was first
exposed as a serial child abuser in 1998, three
years after he died from a heart attack. But the
MP for Chester was never charged with any crime
during his lifetime.
Speaking to The Telegraph, the alleged victim,
now aged 46, said he and his family reported
Morrison to Scotland Yard in 1982, hours after
the teenager had escaped the MP’s clutches.
Yet after he gave a statement and was examined
by doctors, the family say they heard nothing for
months.

Finally, the boy’s father says he was informed by
Scotland Yard that the abuser had been sent to
prison for assaulting his son, and that no further
action was needed.
However it was only years later, the family claim,
that they discovered the culprit's true identity.
They then discovered Morrison had never in fact
been jailed for any crime, and that police had
apparently duped them into dropping the
allegation.
The man, now a married businessman, is the first
of Morrison’s alleged victims to speak publicly.
His disturbing story is backed up by his parents
and is being investigated as part of Operation
Fairbank, set up by the Met two years ago to
probe suggestions that high profile political
figures had been involved in organised child sex
abuse.
He is now preparing to take legal action against
the force, who he claims “hushed the whole thing
up”.
An Old Etonian and barrister by background, Peter
Morrison was Lady Thatcher’s trusted
parliamentary private secretary and deputy
chairman of the Conservative Party. In 1990, he
led Thatcher’s disastrous leadership campaign
team when she lost power.
It was first reported in 1998 that Morrison had
been arrested for molesting underage boys during
his career, but had been let off with a police
caution. In 2002, Edwina Currie, the former Tory
minister, revealed that Morrision was a “noted
pederast” in her diaries. He has also been linked
to the child abuse scandal at care homes in
North Wales.
Earlier this year, Thatcher’s former bodyguard
Barry Strevens claimed the former prime minister
was told about Morrison’s alleged penchant for
under-age boys but appointed him deputy party
chairman despite the rumours.
Norman Tebbit has also admitted that “rumours
had got to my ears” that Morrison was a
paedophile more than a decade before the truth
was exposed.
The new allegations against Morrison and
Scotland Yard come after the father of an eight
year old boy murdered in 1981 told The Telegraph
in November that his son may have died at the
hands of a Westminster paedophile ring, and that
police covered it up.
Vishambar Mehrotra, a retired magistrate,
recorded a male prostitute saying in a telephone
call that his son may have been abducted and
taken to the Elm guesthouse in 1981, the same
location where the new victim claims Morrison
raped him.
Mr Mehrotra took the recording to police at the
time but claimed they refused to investigate an
allegation implicating “judges and politicians”.
Last month, the Met announced it is investigating
the alleged murder of three young boys linked to
a Westminster paedophile ring active in the late
seventies and early eighties.
Officers are probing claims that up to five
paedophile rings operated at the heart of
Westminster with the involvement of “highly
influential” politicians.
A Labour MP said it was “inconceivable” that
police would not now arrest and interview some
of the politicians he has named in a list handed to
detectives.
John Mann, who spent months sifting evidence
from members of the public, handed over
evidence on 22 politicians including three serving
MPs and three members of the House of Lords.
Although some on the list are now dead, it also
contains the names of other figures who are still
alive but no longer active in Westminster, Mr
Mann said.
“There are at least five paedophile rings which
involved MPs,” he said.
“Each of them involved at least one MP, some
involved more, and these were groups of people
who knew about the activities of one another.
“In some cases I believe they committed abuse
together.”
A spokesman for the Metropolitan Police said the
force was investigating the alleged victim's
claims._________________--
'Suppression of truth, human spirit and the holy chord of justice never works long-term. Something the suppressors never get.' David Southwell
http://aangirfan.blogspot.comhttp://aanirfan.blogspot.com
Martin Van Creveld: Let me quote General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother."
Martin Van Creveld: I'll quote Henry Kissinger: "In campaigns like this the antiterror forces lose, because they don't win, and the rebels win by not losing."

We live in a time where sexual abuse of children has become a social norm in parts of the country. That will be the case as long as some get away with denying that there are cultural reasons for this. And since we are a multi-cultural society, this does not only apply to the traditional indigenous cultures. There are also reasons in other cultures here why it happens so much here. Just take a calculator and calculate what happened in Rotherham. 95% Pakistani perpetrators when it comes to gangs, 7000 rapists in total, size of the Pakistani community: 9000 people. People pointing the finger at the Pakistani community in Rotherham: 0. I ask: why. Explain to me why it can't be a cultural problem there, but it sure is when we talk about Seville, Smith and the church of England. Stop protecting the perpetrators, people, regardless their race. You are fuelling racism when doing that, because people are not stupid. Get the minorities to the table when fighting child abuse now. Even they know that they are overrepresented in the statistics:

The official media narrative is street grooming is endemic in northern cities densely populated with Pakistani's. Truth: 47 out of 53 arrested for street grooming are white. Police should aggressively hunt & target such street grooming paedo's with no fear of race card being played. 53 arrests, only 11 convictions is a poor conversion rate, do they know how to build a case? Rochdale case suggests not – it was dropped three years ago before being restarted recently. Who bore the brunt of this? The victims. If a blogger like me can access such information on street grooming & report it. Why can’t journalists? Lazy or following owners agenda?

The Press that blamed Islam as inspiring these street grooming sex crimes were – Rupert Murdoch’s Times (Davis Aaronovitch) & Richard Desmond’s Daily Mail (Melanie Phillips). Both owned by Israeli firster Zionists as were the columnists who wrote it. The facts are meaninglessness where agenda is top. Tell a lie, repeat it endlessly, until they believe it as the unassailable & undisputed truth. At 15 ..... With full consent? Now I'm not into blaming the women but...... These girls mothers and fathers should have been protecting them as well as teaching them some self respect to not just go shagging your dance instructor. He was a divvy though he should have realised he could get into trouble. We also have to ask ourselves, wrong or right, how many 15 year old virgins are walking around the place right now? Not many I don't think.

Whilst you’re at it, start thinking about the ethnicities of Jimmy Seville and other famous TV personalities, and of the multitude of priests, more recently DJ Neil Fox, and God knows how many other white people who are paedophiles and ask the question why the media does not refer to them as ‘white middle class men’, whereas it refers to this scum as ‘Pakistani/Asian men’.

Will the Jimmy Seville case be the tipping point? Has he, in being a revered member of the establishment, brought the child abuse truth into spaces that are more familiar than the ghettos of Britain? It is, paradoxically, his celebrity and our preoccupation with the celebrity culture that has kept this news alive for some two weeks. It would be a tragedy if this horror story didn’t lead to the substantial change of attitude required to make a difference.

Shame on what the present British society has become, shame on you for being cowards in not being able to protect the innocents of society and making the rest of our majority community the scapegoats of your own failures.

And carry on with this persecution because let me tell you frankly we are sick of this racism anyway, and I assure you it is not the scum people like those groomers or the weirdo jihadist’s that will be going anywhere soon, it is people like me with MBA’s and PHD’s that are the ones looking to leaving this country for good and heading somewhere that really does uphold the values of Churchill.

Sexual exploitation and abuse of children in care has been rife for decades, under all parties. Remember the Islington scandal? The real elephant in the room is why are so many children in Britain so vulnerable to abusers in the first place. Why is the focus on the failings of the council rather than those of the parents? It is the responsibility of a child's mother and father to protect them - it is no accident that children who live with both parents are statistically the least likely to be abused sexually or physically. It is the breakdown of the married family which has left so many British children exposed to people who wish to do them harm. The councils did not bring these children into the world. Every child that was abused had two parents. Where were they and why are they exempt from any blame?

Yes, ideally every child would have loving, capable parents who are able to take care of them. Unfortunately that is not the case. That is simply a fact. So instead of deflecting the blame onto the parents, why don't we stick to pointing the finger at those who work in the professions who are actually entrusted to and paid to step in when parents are unfit for task? What on earth have they been doing? Twiddling their thumbs, collecting their salaries and hoping nobody would notice gross dereliction of duty? The vast majority of the children in the Rotherham case were NOT in care. In both Rochdale and Rotherham there were instances of fathers trying to get their children away from the rapists, but they, and not the rapists were arrested for hate crimes. The disturbing thing is not that people don't know this, but that they do but will go to an unbelievable attempt to blame anyone but the perpetrators because of their ethnicity. Do we blame the parents for Seville's victims, Politician abusers victims, victims of priests?, no, only victims of 'Asian' rape gangs

The Home Office were first made aware of what was occurring in Rotherham back in 1998 this is when 'grooming' was viewed as 'child prostitution' which meant that many children who were being abused, some as young as 12 years old, were being arrested then convicted or cautioned for offences relating to prostitution. Figures for 1995-96 show that 177 children under 17 were convicted of offences relating to prostitution. A further 207 - including a 12-year-old girl - were cautioned.

These Pakistanis have adopted the British values of grooming young children. They are the product of the British schooling with non-Muslim monolingual teachers. I have been doing Jihad in the field of education for the last 40 years so that each and every Muslim child should be in a state funded Muslim schools with bilingual Muslim teachers as role models during their developmental periods. I would like to see Muslim children developing Cultural, linguistic and spiritual identities so that they could keep themselves away from western barbarity of anti-social behaviour, binge drinking, drug addiction, teen age pregnancies and abortion and lot of other evils but people like you do not want to see Muslim children in Muslim schools in the name of integration. Now you have seen the result in the form of sexual grooming of young children which is a common occurrence in your culture.
IA
http://www.londonschoolofislamics.org.uk

A short extract from the Michael Cockerell documentary 'Westminster's Secret Service' broadcast by the BBC in 1995.
Tim Fortescue was a Whip under Edward Heath between 1970 and 1973. In the documentary it was revealed that the Chief Whip kept a little black 'dirt book' which contained information about MPs, and this was used as a method of political control.

"Anyone with any sense who was in trouble would come to the Whips and tell them the truth, and say now, "I'm in a jam, can you help?" It might be debt, it might be a scandal involving small boys, or any kind of scandal which a member seemed likely to be mixed up in, they'd come and ask if we could help. And if we could, we did. We would do everything we can because we would store up brownie points. That sounds a pretty nasty reason but one of the reasons is, if we can get a chap out of trouble, he'll do as we ask forever more."
See also;

Theresa May's child abuse panel member claims she was 'bullied' into silence
Jan 20, 2015 23:09 By Jack Blanchard
Sharon Evans accused top QC Ben Emmerson of trying to stop her raising concerns about the panel

A panel member on Theresa May’s beleaguered child abuse inquiry claims she was “bullied and intimidated” into silence by a Home Office-appointed lawyer.

Sharon Evans accused top QC Ben Emmerson of trying to stop her raising concerns about the panel.

Ms Evans, a child abuse survivor, claimed he rewrote letters from the panel to Home Secretary Mrs May and tried to stop them speaking freely at the hearing of the Commons home affairs committee.

She told the committee: “I felt very bullied. He was overstepping the mark.”

This is yet another blow to Mrs May’s inquiry into historical child abuse.

Andy StenningHome Secretary Theresa MayInquiry blow: Home Secretary Theresa May
Two previous chairwomen, Dame Elizabeth Butler-Sloss and Dame Fiona Woolf, were forced to quit because of their close links to establishment figures they were meant to be investigating.

Furious campaigners have called for the panel to be scrapped but Ms Evans said it was working well.

But she claimed Mr Emmerson was stopping the panel from speaking openly about its work.

She said: “I was told today that we must speak with a ‘collective voice’. I feel that would prevent me from answering some of your questions honestly.”

A Home Office spokesman said: “The Home Office can confirm that no evidence of bullying was found.

"The Home Office has complete confidence in Ben Emmerson QC as counsel to the inquiry.”

Police to probe Leon Brittan's alleged Westminster paedophile cover-up beyond the grave
Jan 22, 2015 22:23 By Tom Pettifor
The former Tory Home Secretary has died after a long fight with cancer – leaving unanswered questions about his role in the disappearance of a dossier

Child sex abuse campaigners have spoken of their fury that Leon Brittan has taken secrets of an alleged Westminster paedophile cover-up to his grave.

The former Tory Home Secretary has died after a long fight with cancer – leaving unanswered questions about his role in the disappearance of a dossier said to reveal the existence of an abuse network at the top of government.

And detectives declared they would still be investigating claims Lord Brittan raped a teenager in 1967.

The dossier was handed to him in 1983 by Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens and the row over its “loss” led to Home Secretary Theresa May launching a wide-ranging public inquiry into the allegations of a paedophile ring.

Labour MP Simon Danczuk, who first challenged the peer on the claims, said: “Firstly, I’d like to offer my condolences to Sir Leon’s family for their loss.

“However, his untimely death is also a loss to the inquiry that the Home Secretary ordered into establishment child abuse.

“Only this morning we were debating the lack of progress in the inquiry and Sir Leon is someone who should have faced questions and been compelled to give evidence over his role as Home Secretary in the 1980s when a dossier containing allegations of establishment child abuse was handed to him.

"It’s fair to say that a cloud has hung over him for a long time.

“If we’re going to get to the truth Theresa May needs to start making progress. A lot of the people who need to give evidence are in advanced years and we’re running out of time.”

Law firm Leigh Day is representing the alleged victims of abuse.

The group’s Alison Millar said: “Our clients will be disappointed that Leon Brittan, as a witness at the centre of the issues the inquiry is to examine, is not able to answer questions about what he knew about allegations of child sex abuse.”

Lord Brittan died at home in his sleep aged 75.

But Scotland Yard confirmed police would continue to investigate claims made by a 66-year-old woman in 2012 that she was raped by him 45 years ago in a London flat.

The alleged victim approached campaigning MP Tom Watson after detectives told her they had no plans to arrest or question the Tory grandee.

A review was carried out along with “further lines of inquiry” into the claims after the Labour MP wrote to Director of Public Prosecutions Alison Saunders criticising the police decision.

Lord Brittan was then quizzed under caution last summer. He strongly denied the allegations.

A Met Police spokesman said: “After further consultation with the CPS, it was confirmed that those additional inquiries had not strengthened the original evidence; but police have subsequently been carrying out a further review of the case which remains ongoing.”

Despite the controversies surrounding former Thatcherite Lord Brittan – who leaves a widow Diana and her two daughters – tributes flooded in from colleagues, led by David Cameron.

The PM described the former EU Commissioner as a “dedicated and fiercely intelligent public servant”.

He added: “As a central figure in Margaret Thatcher’s government, he helped her transform our country for the better by giving distinguished service.

“He went on to play a leading role at the European Commission where he did so much to promote free trade in Europe and across the world.

“More recently, he made an active contribution to the House of Lords. My thoughts are with Leon’s family and friends at this sad time for them.”

Former Tory party leader Lord Howard said it was a “tragedy” that Lord Brittan’s final days had been overshadowed by the paedophile controversy.

He added: “As far as I know, he behaved perfectly properly.”

Former PM Sir John Major – who served alongside the peer in the Thatcher Government – said: “Leon Brittan had one of the most acute and perceptive brains in politics.

"He will leave his wide circle of friends in and out of politics with many memories to cherish.”

William Hague, who succeeded Lord Brittan as the MP for Richmond, North Yorks, told the Commons: “Many of us who have known him a long time know he’s been ill for many months but it is a sad moment to receive this news.

"He was a kind, assiduous and brilliant man. We send or our deepest condolences to his wife Diana.”

Announcing his death, Lord Brittan’s family said in a statement: “Leon passed away at his home in London after a long battle with cancer.

"We shall miss him enormously. We should like to pay tribute to him as a beloved husband to Diana, brother to Samuel and a supportive and loving step-father to Katharine and Victoria, and step-grandfather to their children.

“We also salute his commitment to British public life as a Member of Parliament, minister, Cabinet minister, European commissioner and peer, together with a distinguished career in law, and in business.”

Relatives said there will be a private funeral service for family only. A memorial service is also being planned.

The Home Office admitted last July that more than 100 files relating to historic organised child abuse over a period of 20 years had gone missing.

Lord Brittan confirmed he had a meeting with Mr Dickens and was given a file, which he passed on to officials.

But he said: “I do not recall being contacted further about these matters by Home Office officials or by Mr Dickens or by anyone else.”

Mr Danczuk said later he was warned against challenging the ill peer on child sex allegations and told he could be responsible for his death.

Lord Brittan, who often clashed with Thatcher in the 80s, came under further pressure last October when Labour MP Jim Hood used parliamentary privilege to accuse him of “improper conduct with children”. He denied the claim.

Alleged victims of sex abuse fear the inquiry into the Westminster paedophile ring claims will never be heard after a series of launch setbacks.

Its first chairwoman Dame Fiona Woolf stood down after it emerged she was a friend and neighbour of Lord Brittan and his wife.

Following the news of the death of Leon Brittan yesterday, the distinguished writer and film maker Tim Tate (author of Child Pornography, sections from which I have earlier posted on here) has written a piece concerning important information he knows concerning the investigations into Brittan, which I am printing here. I am most grateful to Tim Tate for writing this and giving me the permission to post it. I would also like to echo strongly his call for this information to be thoroughly investigated by the Home Affairs Select Committee and the Independent Panel Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse.

Tim Tate writes as follows:

Last Spring I sat for two hours with a senior detective involved in historic child sexual abuse enquiries. It was not the first time we had met, but on this occasion – and prompted by some highly inaccurate reporting elsewhere – he had decided to be open about the progress of the investigation into allegations about Leon Brittan.

His openness, of course, went only so far: we were not speaking on the record, but on conditions of anonymity. I have no way of independently verifying what he told me, but I did not feel at any point that he was either deliberately misleading me or stonewalling my questions.

However, what he said – if accurate – is very disturbing: I believe it needs to be taken up by the Home Affairs Select Committee – which has been examining the Home Office’s role in historic allegations of paedophilia – and by the official Historic Abuse Enquiry (assuming it continues).

The backdrop to our meeting were allegations in the media that a former Customs Officer had seized child pornography films or videotapes in the early 1980s, one of which “featured” a former Conservative cabinet minister. The customs officer was called Maganal Solanki, who is now in his 80s and in poor health. Mr Solanki’s name was on a 1982 Customs seizure notice which impounded obscene or indecent material sent, by mail, to the UK by a British paedophile based in Holland.

A reporter from Express newspapers had tracked down Mr Solanki, doorstepped him and recorded an attempt at interviewing him about the Tricker material. The subsequent reports of this encounter stated that Mr Solanki had claimed that the films or videos depicted the former cabinet minister involved in child sexual abuse. Although the politician was not named, it was evident that he was Leon Brittan.

The detective told me that officers had subsequently visited Mr Solanki and asked him about these allegations. According to the detective, Mr Solanki had denied the press version of events and insisted that he could not remember the Tricker seizure, much less had he ever identified Brittan as a participant in filmed child sexual abuse.

However, Mr Solanki did – according to the detective – recall stopping Brittan on another occasion as he came into the UK at Dover. Further, Mr Solanki had searched Brittan’s car and had found child pornography tapes. He viewed these and was able – with some embarrassment – to describe their contents: boys and girls, under the age of 12, being filmed having sex with each other. He impounded the tapes as indecent or obscene material.

According to the detective, Mr Solanki wasn’t able to put an exact date on the incident other than it having taken place in the mid 1980s. However, he told the officers he was certain the man he had stopped was Leon Brittan because he had asked to see his passport.

Brittan had also told Mr Solanki that he was “an MEP” – something which the detective suspected was either a mishearing of “MP” or a misunderstanding of Brittan’s role as a European politician.

Mr Solanki told the officers that he filed a report of the seizure and sent it up to Customs & Excise head office. He heard no more about it.

The detective said he was certain that Mr Solanki was telling the truth and that the latter’s recollection of the incident was reliable. A statement was taken detailing these recollections.

At the time, Operation Fernbridge was also investigating allegations about Elm Guest House – the former gay brothel shut down after a police raid in 1982. Persistent allegations have been made – notably by a former NAYPIC worker, Chris Fay – that the guest house was used by politician and celebrities, and that children from local care homes were sexually abused there. Mr Fay had also alleged that officers from the former Metropolitan Police Special Branch had threatened him for trying to expose the truth about EGH. His claims and suggestions (sometimes sourced to him, sometimes anonymous) were widely published in the press and on-line media.

The detective was adamant that Mr Fay was a fantasist and that his ‘evidence’ was largely worthless. However, he (the detective) had come to the belief that one child – a young boy – had indeed been routinely sexually abused at EGH and that although the evidence was incomplete and troublesome, he had formed the very clear belief that one of the abusers had been Leon Brittan.

The reason for this belief was that on the night of the original raid the boy – whose identity the detective gave me, but whom I will not name here – had told a police officer and a social worker about being sodomised by adult men at EGH; he had, however, told the interviewers they should not worry about this because “Uncle Leon” from “The Big House” would sort it all out.

The detective had, in 2014, taken steps to track down this boy – now an adult – and had initially thought he would provide a statement. Unfortunately, by the time internal Metropolitan Police procedures had authorised the travel costs to visit him, the allege victim had decided not to speak.

There was a great deal of further circumstantial evidence concerning this boy and his suspected involvement with Leon Brittan. The detective said he planned to have this followed up and pinned down. But he also voiced concerns that he was about to be removed from his position and that if this happened he was not wholly confident the enquiries would be thoroughly pursued.

I have not spoken with the detective for almost a year. Colleagues of mine have tried to do so, but report that it appears he may – as he feared – have been removed from the historic child sexual abuse enquiries. It is not clear whether he is even still a serving police officer.

I repeat that I have no way of independently corroborating what the detective told me. But if the Home Affairs Select Committee and the official Historic Abuse Enquiry are serious about uncovering the truth – and particularly about unearthing the role of the Home Office handling allegations of organised and/or Westminster-based paedophile rings in the 1980s – they should require that the detective and Mr Solanki give evidence to them, and that all statements relating to Mr Brittan and child sexual abuse held by the Metropolitan Police Service be provided to them.

Because Leon Brittan was not just a former cabinet minister. He was a former Home Secretary – the man in charge at the time that PIE infiltrated government and the man to whom the now-infamous Dickens Dossier on high-profile paedophiles was handled, only to disappear.

Bush-Cheney Cabal:Pedophilia, Arms Dealing, Murder
by OSWALD Bush-Cheney Cabal:Pedophilia, Arms Dealing, Murder (The following article has been compiled from a number of sources, including, but not limited to, the official files of Judge Connerrote, the Belgian Police files on the Dutroux case, Portuguese files in the Casa Pia case, and files of a U.S. Justice Department investigation into pedophilia and into the Rep.Condit case and the murder of Chandra Levy. These files are classified and were made available to me covertly by persons at great risk to themselves.)

On July 18, 1991, Andre Cools, a leading figure in the Beligian Socialist Party, was assassinated outside the home of his mistress in Liege. Cools, an ex-deputy prime minister of Belgium, and political boss of Liege, had been investigating, among other events the assassination of Canadian arms inventor Gerald Bull in Brussels a year earlier. The murder of Cools was a professional shooting by two men who escaped on a motorcycle and bore the earmarks of a Gladio action.

Within several weeks of Cool's assassination, Judge Jean-Marc Connerrote had apparently cracked the case, and was preparing to indict several prominent politicians, some resident Italian Mafiosi and members of a Gladio assassination squad operating out of Tournai.

Bush-Cheney Cabal:Pedophilia, Arms Dealing, Murder But before Judge Connerrote could act, the Minister of Justice removed him from the case. As a result, there were no indictments, and the case was, for all practical purposes, closed.

Why was Cools murdered, and why did senior government officials move to shut down the investigation, on the eve of indictments?

Cools was murdered within days of his return from a fact-finding trip to Geneva and Lucerne, Switzerland where he had conferred with ex Iraqui banker Abdullah Zilka and Israel's leading arms dealer Shaul
Eisenberg, who had brokered the sale some time before of a sizable interest in Gerald Bull's Space Research Corporation to South Africa's state owned arms manufacturing company, Armscor.

Bull, no stranger to the covert world of arms trafficking, had entered a lucrative joint venture to produce a new type howitzer
with Beligum's premier arms manufacturers and "charter member" of the European explosives cartel, Poudrieres Reunies de Belgique(PRB), in which British arms merchant Gerald James's Astra Company (that had
frequently employed Mark Thatcher, son of Lady Thatcher as a highly paid consultant) had purchased a controlling interest in 1989.

Cools had most imprudently announced to the Belgian press after his return from Switzerland, that he would soon release startling evidence about corruption in Belgium's growing arms industry and its ties to the Canadian billionaire Bronfman brothers, a number of
major U.S. political figures and republican fat cats with influence reaching into the inner circles of the Bush White House.

Among the names that Cools promised to present evidence on were Dick Cheney, Neil Bush, Frank Carlucci, Donald Rumsfeld and members of the
powerful Republican Barbour and Racicot clans who all own large shares in major arms manufactuerers as well as Britain's Jonathan Aitken, Thatcher's secretary of state for defense who had large holdings in a string of British arms suppliers and was a leading figure in the Tory Party hierarchy.

Cools was murdered before he could release his findings.

Cools had also investigated the the deal Bull had made with Saddam Hussein, a deal which proved fatal to him, to design and build a "super gun".

Bull's deal with Iraq had been bankrolled by Societe Generale, the banking arm of the Societe Generale de Belgique, a holding company of the Belgian royal family which owns 40% of the country's industry.

Despite Israeli protests lodged in London and Washington, D.C., every
aspect of the Bull deal with Iraq had been cleared at the highest levels of the Thatcher, Reagan and Bush administrations.

If the political and criminal intrigue In the Gerald Bull case were some of the matters that Andre Cools had intended to expose at the time of his assassination, it was not only the "Belgian connection" to the East-West arms smuggling scandals, of which he was aware.

The Belgian-Iraqi contracts had been negotiated by Count Herve de Carmoy, a French nobleman and member of the Trilateral Commission and Bilderberg, who was the international director of Britain's Midland Bank and the co-chairman of Societe Generale de Belgique, representing
the interests of a large block of French shareholders which included Valery Giscard d'Estaing as well as Jean Marie Le Pen.

Ironically, Count de Carmoy had traveled to Baghdad in 1989, to work out the final details of the Bull contract with Iraq, along with plans to build a series of chemical plants as well.

Those plants would later be described as "chemical weapons factories by the chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Colin Powell and obliterated by "coalition" bombing raids in the first Gulf War.

Belgium, which hosts the headquarters of NATO, enjoys a disproportionate power status within the European Union.

Brussels is a hub of arms dealing and military-industrial espionage.

Furthermore, Societe Generale de Belgique also exerts considerable control over the second major arms producer, Fabrique Nationale, which produces the Browning pistol under licence from the United States. The Belgian Banque Bruxelles Lambert was deeply implicated in one of the early United States-Israeli covert arms programs, Operation Demavand.

(Of interest is the fact that Rudy Giuliani, the United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York brought indictments in that case against nine defendants including three Israelis and a Brigadier General and Colonel connected to Mossad.

The case was brought to trial by Giuliani, but after one week, when defense attorneys presented the trial judge with compelling reasons to allow them to subpoena George H.W. Bush, the government dropped its case.]

One of the leading Belgian government officials of the 1980's, Jean Gol, who served as defense minister and also as interior minister,was a cousin of East Germany's Stasi Colonel, Alexander Schalck-Golodkowski.

Gol was also the head of the Belgian-Israeli Friendship Society, and was widely reputed as having direct ties to the Mossad. The
relationship between the cousins, who met regularly in Brussels, Vienna, and Stockholm, has never been publicly investigated.

Another Antwerp-based arms smuggling outfit, Casalee, which had been set up originally in Rhodesia in the 1970's to smuggle weapons to the
regime of Ian Smith, was involved in many of the covert arms deals to Iran and Iraq during the the 1980's, in particularly some of those permitted by the Balsemao regime in Portugal, to be transshipped via Israel from Setubal. John Bredenkamp, its founder and director, eventually moved his firm to Great Britain at start of the 90's.

Cools was also on the board of directors of the Bierset Airport near Liege, which was a major point of departure for many arms shipments to Iran and Iraq by Belgian, British, and U.S. interests during the period of the United Nations Arms Embargo. That airport was also under investigation for the smuggling of weapons by the CIA to the Armed Islamic Group (GIA) in Algeria.

On August 17, 1996, the five-year cover-up of the Cools murder, and potentially a great deal more, came to a shocking end, when Belgian police raided a house in a small city in the French speaking sector of the nation,and rescued two young girls who had been kidnapped and imprisoned there by a pedophile ring for their pleasure.

The raid, which netted a large number of documents, computer disks with lists of names, resulted in the arrest of Marc Dutroux, a well-known criminal and low-level police informant.

The Dutroux arrest unraveled an international pedophile ring involving Belgium, the Netherlands, Portugal, the U.S., Great Britain, Japan and the United Nations and its agencies.

The names found on the computer disks reached into the highest levels of politics and society in the various countries and institutions, including some of the very members of the Belgian government who had originally been implicated in the assassination of Andre Cools.

By arresting Dutroux, the Belgian authorities were simultaneously able to round up many of the people responsible for the assassination of Cools.In the interim, Dutroux led police to the burial site of four young girls, all of whom had been ritually murdered by his pedophile colleagues. Within a short time, over 30 people had been arrested, including a number of high-level politicians, judges, and senior police commanders.

The prosecuting judge in the Dutroux case was Jean-Marie Connerrote, the same judge who had been dismissed from the Cools murder case before he could issue indictments.

Among those he arrested in August 1996, and charged in the Cools murder, was Alain Van der Biest, a leading member of the Belgian Socialist Party and a one-time political ally of Cools and a shareholder in PRB.

A second senior Belgian Socialist, Guy Mathot, was briefly detained, but eventually released in the Cools case.

As of this writing (2004) he is still under investigation, according to a number of detectives on the staff of Judge Connerrote. The judge also arrested two Italian Mafia leaders linked to the imprisoned
"capo di tutti capi", Salvatore "Toto" Riina and his longtime "capo-regime" Giovanni "the Pig" Brusca, who had played a prominent role in the Cools killing.

[Riina, head of the Corleone crime syndicate, had beenjailed in 1993 despite the fact that he had been a covert asset of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, who had helped the DEA, together with
Tomasso Buscetta, to make a case against his rival Gaetano Badalamenti in the famous "Pizza Connection" case.]

Soon after the arrests in Belgium, the Tunisian police arrested two Tunisians accused of being the gunmen in the Cools murder. They were extradited to Belgium, and subsequently confessed to the killing.

The Tunisian government informed Judge Connerrote that the two men were part of the GIA arms smuggling ring that had operated out of Bierset airport; a ring that included a significant number of members who had been part of the Afghani mujahideen during the 1980's and some who later joined Usama bin Laden in the new Al Qaeda.

The Dutroux pedophile ring investigation is still expaning in several companies even though Dutroux has finally gone to trial. At the time of his arrest, Dutroux was running a car-theft, drug smuggling, and
pedophile operation that was in business in the Netherlands, France, and Germany. He was closely tied to a senior Portuguese diplomat, Jorge Ritto, a former ambassador to South Africa and Permanent
Representative to UNESCO who is a close friend of the agency's Secretary General, Koiichiro Matsura.

Ritto has been implicated and jailed as a major figure in Portugal's Casa Pia pedophilia scandal. Another leading figure dredged up in the widening circle of the Dutroux pedophilia operation, Jean Michel Nihoul, managed the group's finances out of posh offices on the Avenue de Louise in the heart of the Brussels business district. He managed a string of Dutroux's properties which functioned as pedophilia clubs in various countries, including a sumptuous and secluded villa in the Caribbean at which leading U.S. political figures, governors and members of Congress could satisfy their pedophile perversions safe from media sleuths.

Nihoul had been in and out of jail since the 1970's, on a wide range of money-laundering, drug-trafficking, and prostitution charges. He was also a leading power in Belgian right-wing political circles, a close friend of U.S. General John Singlaub and Rev. Moon of the World Anti-Communist League as well as to men in the upper echelons of the Sasakawa Foundation. Nihoul was also a power in Belgium's Christian Social Party.

In the 1980's,Nihoul ran an ecology cult, called Eco Vie, through which he became friends for a time with the late Pym Fortuyn,
a Dutch politician who was murdered. The organization itself served as a front for many of Nihoul's criminal activities. Nihoul was also involved in the earlier "L'Affaire Pinon" a series of pedophile orgies managed by the wife of Dr. Pinon.

The Nihoul expose raised fears among some of the Belgian elites, that the pedophile indictments would force the reopening of an earlier case, involving the 7th January 1986 murder of a Juan Mendez of Fabrique Nationale.

Mendez was responsible for providing false "end-user certificates" for shipments of arms destinedfor for Iran,Iraq, and several African
countries on the United Nations' arms embargo list.

The Dutroux-Nihoul case also sparked a revival of interest in a parallel case unearthed in the United States, as part of the late 1980s Congressional and special prosecutors probes of the Contra Supply operations.

The American case involved CIA- Col. Oliver North initiated drugs-for money-for weapons operation, and also the Franklin Credit Bank of Omaha, Nebraska,run by Larry King, a powerful African-American Republican Party operator, whose savings and loan institution was used to launder funds for Oliver North's Contras.

When former Nebraska state senator John De Camp undertook a probe of King's activities , he uncovered a nationwide pedophile ring, servicing some of the wealthiest and most powerful figures in the Omaha business and political elites in the Republican Party circles of George Herbert Walker Bush (see 'The Franklin Cover-Up, Child Abuse, Satanism and Murder in Nebraska,' by John W. De Camp,
{Lincoln Nebraska: AWT, Inc., 1992}).

On October 14, 1996, the Supreme Court of Belgium removed Judge Connerrote from the Dutroux case. The ostensible reason given for his removal was Judge Connerrote's appearance at an event sponsored by the
parents of Dutroux's victims. The Supreme Court's action caused spontaneous demonstration in every city in Belgium, culminating with a march by 300,000 people in Brussels on October 20.

The newspaper HET VOLK editorialized, "Like a magnet, this (the firing of Connerrote) has attracted all of the hidden anger of all
Belgians... anger because the rights of criminals are better protected than those of the victims."

Another major newspaper, LE SOIR, opined in an editorial that Judge Connerrote had to be removed "because he was unwilling to refrain from subpoenaing major U.S. diplomats and high government officials.
as well as key figures in the Dutch and Portuguese pedophilia cases." Both editorials linked the pedophile case with the recently solved Cools case, a case that highlighted official bungling, corrpuption and lies._________________--
'Suppression of truth, human spirit and the holy chord of justice never works long-term. Something the suppressors never get.' David Southwell
http://aangirfan.blogspot.comhttp://aanirfan.blogspot.com
Martin Van Creveld: Let me quote General Moshe Dayan: "Israel must be like a mad dog, too dangerous to bother."
Martin Van Creveld: I'll quote Henry Kissinger: "In campaigns like this the antiterror forces lose, because they don't win, and the rebels win by not losing."

A former British spy admits passing names of ‘sexual deviants’ to Geoffrey Dickens, the MP who compiled ‘dossiers of secret shame’ for Margaret Thatcher’s home secretary Leon Brittan.

The list included the leader of the Commons in Thatcher’s first cabinet, arts minister Norman St John-Stevas.

Tony Holland, now a wealthy Australian stock market investor, spied for MI6 in South Africa in 1969 when he worked as an engineer on the design of the Rössing opencast uranium mine, being constructed in the Namibian desert for the international firm RTZ with South African and Iranian finance.

At his son’s home in Melbourne yesterday, Holland, 79, said:

Around April 1982 I gave a list of names to Geoff Dickens when we met by accident in a first class coach on a two-hour train journey from Yorkshire to London. He was wearing a fancy waistcoat and he looked like a spiv. We were both big fellows at the time.

I had serious legal problems with the West Yorkshire police. My former paymasters in the intelligence services had stage-managed my release from an English prison for a new life in Australia – but I was desperate to clear my name.

I offered to help Dickens with his head hunting of ‘high level deviants’ if he would help me with my own problems. I then told him how we had spied on Norman St John-Stevas and his friend Lord Robin Maugham, with their young boyfriends and guardsmen in both London and Brighton. Sex with men under 21 was still illegal in those days.

The trouble with Dickens was that as far as he was concerned all gay men were paedophiles. He saw no difference.

We joked about ‘shirt lifters’ and ‘babba stabbers’ and laughed about their life style. I related a story to him about Oscar Wilde and told him Wilde’s wife had changed her name to Holland, but they were gladly no relation to me. He laughed and I laughed with him as he tried to say the word ‘pedophile’, emphasizing the ‘ped’, which for some reason he couldn’t say properly.

John Anthony Holland had been a long-term freelance ‘asset’ for the secret services.

Working in South Africa for Fraser and Chalmers, an engineering subsidiary of the British firm Mitchell Cotts, he reported to MI6 in London on a meeting he attended in Johannesburg between mine engineers and the charismatic Israeli defence minister Moshe Dayan.

Moshe Dayan had signed a clandestine trade agreement under which South Africa ensured supplies of uranium oxide for the Israeli atom bomb project at Dimona.

Rössing became the world’s third-largest opencast uranium mine, lying in a desert that was controlled unlawfully by South Africa and therefore beyond the supervision of international inspectors. It became the source of un-monitored supplies of uranium oxide ‘yellowcake’ for rogue nations seeking to develop nuclear weapons.

In an unpublished memoir, now being handled by Nick Hudson, the Australian publisher of the notorious book Spycatcher, Tony Holland wrote:

Dayan wasn’t wearing his eye patch, and there was a gouged eye underneath.

We were told that if anyone recognised him and asked what he was doing in Johannesburg, we were to say that he was there for an operation on the eye.

They weren’t supposed to be developing their own bomb, but we helped them by turning a blind eye.

Norman St John-Stevas on screen at the moment of Thatcher’s General Election victory in 1979

Holland says he helped to fit miniature television cameras in the ceiling lights of houses in London and Brighton during a black operation to spy on the relationship between an openly bisexual Tory peer, the author Robin Maugham, and Norman St John-Stevas, the colourful Tory MP for Chelmsford who famously described his prime minister as ‘The Leaderene’.

The names on Holland’s list were, he says, simply ‘potential blackmail risks’. The surveillance in defence of government security had not been intended to lead to criminal prosecutions.

He says he was unaware that Geoffrey Dickens, a former heavyweight boxer from London, elected as the Conservative MP for Huddersfield West, had become obsessed with witchcraft, satanic ritual child abuse and homosexuality.

Dickens compiled at least seven so-called ‘dossiers’ before he died in 1995.

Amid allegations of a high-level cover-up of sex offenders in the Thatcher years, Simon Danczuk, Labour MP for Rochdale and author of a book alleging child sex abuse by the former MP for Rochdale Cyril Smith, claimed in 2014 that Sir Edward Garnier MP, a former Tory solicitor general, had tried to stop him naming Lord Brittan in a parliamentary committee:

I’d never spoken to him before in my life but he blocked my way and ushered me to one side. He said: ‘I hear you’re about to challenge Lord Brittan about when he knew about child sex abuse. It wouldn’t be a wise move. It was all put to bed a long time ago.’ He warned me I could even be responsible for his death.

After Danczuk went ahead and alleged in the Commons that Leon Brittan had seen a ‘bundle’ of papers describing paedophile activity at Westminster, Lord Brittan stated that he passed Dickens’s 40-page dossier to Home Office officials for an investigation and that Dickens had later thanked him for his help.

Simon Danczuk’s remarks are beneath contempt as he ought to know. He describes an encounter. It was a conversation. I spoke to him and he knows why. Anyone who thinks my attitude on paedophilia is lukewarm is very much mistaken. Simon Danczuk’s values are all wrong.

Lord Brittan died on January 21.

One of the ‘deviants’ listed in Geoffrey Dickens’s first dossier was the senior diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Tony Holland now believes that it was Sir Peter who ‘stage-managed’ Holland’s release from an English prison by making a personal intervention at the Court of Appeal in 1982.

Geoffrey Dickens had used the protection of parliamentary privilege to ask the Attorney-General on March 17, 1981, why Sir Peter Hayman had not been prosecuted after the accidental discovery by police that Sir Peter had been member 330 of the Paedophile Information Exchange.

Sir Peter’s obscene diaries and descriptions of sexual fantasies had been found in a rented flat in Notting Hill Gate and used in the prosecution of the chairman of PIE, Tom O’Carroll, who was jailed for two years.

Sir Peter, a wartime army officer, had been director-general of the British Information Services in New York and served as High Commissioner in Canada.

But judging by his cold war government service in Belgrade, Malta, Baghdad and NATO headquarters in Brussels, it was obvious that he had been, and probably still was, a senior member of the British Secret Service – MI6.

In the crisis triggered by the East German government’s construction of the Berlin Wall, Sir Peter had been appointed deputy commandant of the British military government in West Berlin. In 1964 he had been back in London as Deputy Under Secretary of State with responsibility for the United Nations and Eastern Europe. He was married with two children.

In 1978 a packet containing obscene literature and written material was found in a London bus. The subsequent police investigation revealed a correspondence of an obscene nature between Sir Peter Hayman and a number of other persons. Altogether a total of seven men and two women were named as possible defendants in the report submitted by the Metropolitan Police to the Director of Public Prosecutions.

The Director advised against prosecuting any of the nine persons either under section 11 of the Post Office Act 1953 or for any other offence. Among the considerations he took into account were the factors that the correspondence had been contained in sealed envelopes passing between adult individuals in a non-commercial context and that none of the material was unsolicited.

Subsequently the Metropolitan Police submitted a further report which revealed that one of the nine, not Sir Peter Hayman, was also carrying on a correspondence with a tenth person. The police investigation showed that the two shared an obsession about the systematic killing by sexual torture of young people and children. In view of the extreme nature of the material they had sent each other, the Director of Public Prosecutions decided to prosecute them for conspiring to contravene section 11 of the 1953 Act. There is no evidence that Sir Peter Hayman has ever sent or received material of this kind through the post.

It has been suggested that Sir Peter Hayman was considered as a possible defendant following the police investigation into the conduct of the Paedophile Information Exchange which led to the recent trial at the Central Criminal Court for conspiracy to corrupt public morals. That prosecution was against persons alleged to have been involved in the management or organisation of PIE. Although Sir Peter Hayman had subscribed to PIE, that is not an offence and there is no evidence that he was ever involved in the management. At the recent trial, whilst there were general references to members of PIE, including, though not by name, Sir Peter Hayman, there was no reference to any material produced by him or found in his possession.

I am in agreement with the Director of Public Prosecutions’ advice not to prosecute Sir Peter Hayman and the other persons with whom he had carried on an obscene correspondence.

The Director of Public Prosecutions and I remain determined that, where the evidence justifies it, prosecutions will be brought in cases involving sexual acts with children or offences under the Protection of Children Act 1978—indecent photographs of children.

A ‘SECRET’ file from Mrs Thatcher’s cabinet office: PREM19/588 – SECURITY. Allegations against former public [word missing] of unnatural sexual proclivities; security aspects 1980 Oct 27 – 1981 Mar 20 has now been tracked down from the National Archives in Kew by Dr Chris Murphy, lecturer in Intelligence Studies at Salford University.

This file, now released to the Home Office Independent Panel Inquiry into Child Sex Abuse, includes a handwritten briefing note for the Attorney-General marked ‘line to take':

A full investigation has been carried out and has revealed nothing to suggest that security has been prejudiced.

After working as a well-paid freelance ‘asset’ for both MI6 and MI5 in Britain, Africa, Iran, Venezuela, Poland and Saudi Arabia, with a home in London and a wife, Mina, and child, Tony Holland bought a weekend cottage near his home town of Bradford. Using his own capital, he entered a property developing partnership with local solicitors:

The income tax people had been investigating our partnership for some months when, in January 1981, Peter Sutcliffe, the Yorkshire Ripper, was arrested and the solictors, my partners became involved in his defence. I told a journalist, Malcolm Hoddy, that the Inland Revenue had been investigating the partnership and I had got myself tangled up with the West Yorkshire police at a very sensitive time. They all knew that Sir Michael Havers was likely to be prosecuting the Ripper personally. Havers would have known about me through the tax investigation into me and my partners.

Sir Michael prosecuted Peter Sutcliffe in a two-week trial at the Old Bailey in May 1981.

On Saturday, March 21, 1981, two days after Sir Michael replied to Geoffrey Dickens’s parliamentary question about Sir Peter Hayman, and one day after the security service report went to Margaret Thatcher, Tony Holland went to Bradford Magistrates Court to stand surety for a ‘slow learning’ 18-year old man called Melvyn Hodgson who had lived next door to Holland’s mother for 18 years.

During Melvyn’s appearance the magistrate said that there were five other charges out against him, including theft of a TV, for which he would require a surety. This was a bit of a shock, but I had come this far so I said I would stand £250 surety for him, and that I would take him to a solicitor on Monday to sort matters out. A solicitor friend Desmond Joyce was in court, and I asked him to check out the case and be ready to see Melvyn on Monday morning.

The following Monday I took Melvyn down to Desmond Joyce . He had done his homework, and produced Melvyn’s criminal record. It was not what I had expected at all. There was a string of nasty ones, threatening behaviour, criminal damage, theft and so on. I felt very let down. No one had given me any hint that he had a record like this, and I did not want to be going surety for a delinquent. So I went off to the police to tell them that I had decided to withdraw the surety.

Holland says he was then arrested and held in custody for two days by two West Yorkshire police detectives who eventually charged him with receiving a stolen refrigerator. Three days after this questionable arrest, he appeared before a magistrate.

The magistrate asked why I had been held so long on so trivial a charge and not granted police bail. The policemen said that they were concerned that I would tamper with the witnesses, and wanted to interview them before I could. The magistrate accepted this, but when he heard that I had no police record, he immediately released me on my own surety.

Holland immediately asked for help from his handler at MI6. He has named the MI6 agent handler who put him touch a solicitor in Leeds.

As a servant of the Crown, I had committed God knows how many crimes, from breaking and entering through to other more serious crimes; but here was this same Crown charging me with receiving a second hand fridge, worth 50 quid new. It was a mixture of farce and nightmare. But it was for real. It threatened my business, my career, my friendships and my family. The good side was that I had a defence team recommended to me by the Firm, and the knowledge that a couple of well-directed questions would discredit the main Crown witness.

He was jailed at Bradford Crown Court in November 1981 for receiving a fridge and stolen plumbing materials worth a hundred pounds. Despite having no criminal record he was sentenced to a total of 36 months imprisonment on three charges. For 34 years he has been trying to fight the conviction.

On December 6, 1981, in Rudgate Prison near Wetherby, now HMP Wealstun, two senior police officers from the West Yorkshire Police came to visit him. A detective superintendent ‘came to the point straight away’:

He had come to offer me a deal: withdraw the complaints and leave the country and all would be forgotten. My appeal would not be opposed, and they would organise my entry into Australia or Canada with a clean police record. (They seemed to know that I had been to both countries.) If I refused, they would make sure that the Fraud Squad got on to me and would not let me go until I was ruined.

It was a very crazy situation. I did not want to leave England, and did not want to go to Canada or Australia. I had done nothing wrong.

My complaints against the police were true as far as I was concerned. All this added up to a good reason for telling them to b* off.

On the other hand, I was in gaol, convicted of receiving stolen goods, my solicitor and barrister were not helping me, the warders had bashed me and broken a rib, and there was no hope of dealing with any of these problems unless I could get out of gaol.

To cut a long story short, I agreed, opting for Australia rather than Canada – papers were put in front of me for signature. Everything would now be fixed up.

Good news travels quickly within the police. On 10 December, Deputy Chief Constable Colin Sampson wrote to me in his capacity as head of Complaints Board noting that the complaints had been withdrawn.

In March 1982 Holland was taken from Wymott Prison in Lancashire to Wandsworth Prison in London for an appearance at the Court of Appeal before the Lord Chief Justice, Lord Lane.

I was the last to be called. The warders led me up a narrow winding staircase to a small door, opened it, and suddenly I was in the court.

It was an astonishing sight. The courtroom was magnificent, lined with rich timber panelling. The dock, where I was, was halfway along the left hand wall. Down in the body of the court were barristers. Behind them sat Mina, with no expression, I guess she was probably lost in thoughts about herself to care about anything else. But the Lords of Appeal themselves dominated the whole scene: three figures in magnificent scarlet robes and full-bottom wigs, sitting on elaborately carved thrones with crowns on top. Talk about the majesty of the law.

I looked down at Mina. She signalled that she had got the money but had not seen the barrister and I signalled that it was all OK.

Just then, a bald headed man dashed in and made for the other group of barristers of the court. He went straight up to talk to my barrister who nodded and looked up at me. The other barristers greeted him with obvious deference, but he never said a word. I still don’t know who he was. I assumed that he was something to do with my case.

Last week, when this photograph of Sir Peter Hayman appeared worldwide alongside a Sky News report that Mrs Thatcher had been in regular correspondence over what she described in a handwritten letter as the ‘Hayman matter’, Holland recognised Sir Peter as the man who had dashed into the appeal court.

He had a unique bald head and bushy eye brows and a fruity voice. Folks were being stopped from entering the appeal court. But this guy was treated like royalty. I thought he was a judge the way he was escorted in to a seat at the front, within two metres of me.

The whole thing stuck in my mind. When I saw his face again, thirty-three years later, I was gobsmacked.

Meanwhile the Lords of Appeal were getting a bit restless, and after a time the one in the middle said, ‘Well, who’s going to start?’ It seemed an odd way to open the proceedings, but my barrister stood up and said, ‘I will, if it pleases your Lordships’.

So their Lordships sat back while he read the statement he had prepared all those months before.

There was nothing new in it. When he’d finished, the judge on the right, the one who’d caused so much trouble in earlier cases, opened up. ‘But surely your client has been doing this sort of thing for years. It’s just that this is the first time he’s been caught’.

‘I cannot comment on that supposition, your Lordship,’ said my barrister and sat down again.

The judge in the middle turned to the other group of barristers.

‘Does any else wish to make any submissions?’

‘No thank you, your Lordship.’

At this point, without further discussion with his colleagues, the judge nearest to me opened a two-page document and started reading it aloud. It was the decision in the case. It found that the main prosecution witness, Melvyn Hodgson, had lied on oath, and concluded that I should be released immediately. I was flabbergasted; three Lords of Appeal had agreed with me, I had not after all put Hodgson up to thieving whilst holding a threat of removal of surety over him. The whole procedure had taken less than twenty minutes.

I went down into the dungeons again to pick up my gear.

Unfortunately for Holland, and without his knowledge, the appeal had been entered only against his sentence and not against his conviction.

We caught an early evening train to Bradford in a very sombre mood. The next day I had a phone call from Chief Inspector John Ellis, of Special Branch. He just wanted to know how things were going.

‘Fine’, I said. ‘Tell you what; I don’t think I’ll bother about Australia. I’ll stay here and take my chances.’ He was aghast. ‘You can’t do that. Let’s talk, we can’t talk over the phone, so come down to the Victoria hotel and we’ll have a chat there.’

The Victoria had always been my drinking place, so I knew it well. I parked, as I always had, in a spot marked as reserved. As I came in Desmond Joyce, the solicitor who acted for Hodgson greeted me. ‘Hello Tony’, he said, ‘I thought you were in prison’.
I gave him the same answer as I had to Michael. ‘Well, you can see I’m not, am I? I’m here.’

John Ellis was already at a table near the bar, in plain clothes. He came straight to the point. ‘Look, Tony. You agreed to go to Australia. You can’t back out now.’
‘Well, give me some time to think about it.’
‘We can’t do that. Your Australian residence visas run out in nine days. You’ve got to leave this week.’

At this moment the manager of the hotel came bustling up. ‘What’s your car doing in my spot?’ he asked.
‘I always park it there. You’ve never complained before.’
‘Move it or I’ll call the police.’

But this tiny incident made me realise that life in Bradford was going to be different, radically different. It wasn’t going to be fun at all.
I turned back to John Ellis. ‘OK’, I said, ‘I’ll go.’

I was used by now to travelling, so there was no problem with packing in a hurry, though I had an awful lot of it, I managed to put on a good show and was able to freight most things through to Heathrow so as not to have too much to carry on the train.

More of a problem was selling off my properties. I didn’t fancy leaving them in the hands of an agent, but selling them was going to take time. I wanted to know what to do about that so I rang the police and I was able to arrange with him, that once I had re-established residency in Australia, I could come back for a few weeks and sell up.

Tony Holland says the chance encounter with Geoffrey Dickens on the train to London took place when he came back to Britain to sell his properties in April 1982.

On April 23, under the headline MI5 HAS BURGLED MY FLAT, the Daily Mail reported that Dickens telling the Commons: ‘I believe it is possible that MI5 or some other agency may have been responsible for the clumsy break-ins.’

In the general election of June 1983 Dickens won the seat of Littleborough and Saddleworth for the Conservatives after his Huddersfield seat had been abolished.

In August 1983 he handed a second dossier to Scotland Yard, announcing that eight public figures, including ‘a friend of mine’, would be named in the Commons unless the home secretary took action:

I’ve got eight names of big people, really important names, public figures, and I am going to expose them in Parliament.

Big, big names, people in positions of power, influence and responsibility

On November 25, 1983, Dickens announced delivery of a third dossier to Leon Brittan, naming ten men involved in an alleged vice ring at Buckingham Palace.

On March 18, 1986, the Speaker of the House Commons joined Norman St John-Stevas MP, Kevin McNamara MP, Edward Leigh MP, John Ryman MP and George Foulkes MP in condemning Geoffrey Dickens for abusing privilege by naming a doctor who had been accused of rape but cleared after police found insufficient evidence for a prosecution.

Tony Holland made a second fortune in Australia, where he eventually served as an official prison visitor. His close friend Bert Bailey, a former Democratic Labor member of the Upper House of the Parliament of Victoria, wrote letters urging the British authorities to re-open the case. They were supported by the Deputy Premier of Victoria, John Thwaites, now a climate change professor at Monash University.

John Thwaites [left], deputy premier of the State of Victoria supported Tony Holland’s campaign to clear his name

But despite Australian legal help, despite receiving a personal letter of apology, signed on House of Lords notepaper by Lord Denning, Master of the Rolls between 1962 and 1982, and despite being one of the very first applicants to the Criminal Cases Review Commission, Holland has never able to get his Bradford conviction declared unsafe.

The CCRC investigation of the case uncovered an alarming 1990 letter from West Yorkshire Police to the Home Office, but the Commission did not refer Holland’s case back to the Court of Appeal.

Lord Denning’s letter to Tony Holland

He even discussed the case with the former Director-General of MI5, Dame Stella Rimington, when she was in Australia on a book tour.

The rape of justice: Damning new evidence of Labour peer Lord Janner's child sex abuse covered up by police and social workers for over 20 years
Damning new evidence reveals child sex abuse was covered up by police
Lord Janner will not be charged with crimes despite CPS having evidence
Ten-page witness statement details the ordeal of one of his alleged victims
All references to politician were removed from child's social services file
He is accused of taking the boy to Labour Party offices and Parliament
By GUY ADAMS and SAM MARSDEN FOR THE DAILY MAIL

Police and social workers were told more than 20 years ago that the peer took a vulnerable boy to Labour Party offices and Parliament before molesting him in his marital bed.

A ten-page witness statement details the alleged victim's harrowing ordeal at the hands of Janner. But all references to the politician were removed from the child's social services file, according to legal papers obtained by the Mail.

A children's home manager told bosses she feared he was having sex with the child but her concerns were 'swept under the carpet'.

The scale of the cover-up helps explains how the former Labour MP repeatedly escaped justice.

The Director of Public Prosecutions says there was sufficient evidence to charge Janner with 22 offences of paedophilia against nine children. But Alison Saunders outraged campaigners by ruling the 86-year-old should not face court because he has dementia. The latest proof of the Establishment's strenuous efforts to protect one of its own came as it emerged that:

Janner hosted at least four private banquets as well as dinners and afternoon teas at the House of Lords after being diagnosed with Alzheimer's;
A dossier about the peer is among 114 files on child sex abuse that have gone missing from the Home Office;
Mrs Saunders has admitted that having dementia is 'not a bar' to being prosecuted.
The newly-uncovered documents from the early 1990s outlining Janner's alleged abuse will pile fresh pressure on the authorities.

In a detailed ten-page witness statement, a married father accused the politician of sexually abusing him for nearly two years when he was a teenager at a Leicestershire children's home in the 1970s. He alleged that the former Leicester MP took him to party headquarters, to his constituency surgeries and to the Houses of Parliament. Janner is accused of sexually assaulting the then 14-year-old at his London house in December 1974 while his wife and children were away.

The alleged victim claimed they had a 'full sexual relationship' for nearly two years, with the assaults taking place at the peer's home, in swimming pools and at a Leicester hotel. Janner was diagnosed with dementia in 2009 but went on to host several hundred people at the taxpayer's expense in the Lords over the next three years, official records show.

His role organising high-profile parliamentary events for Jewish groups until April 2012 raises further questions about his health. Mrs Saunders defended her decision not to bring charges against Janner, saying she was surprised at the political backlash she has faced.

The chief prosecutor stood by her ruling that the case should not go to a special fact-finding hearing where a jury would determine if the allegations against the peer were true.

'Dementia in itself isn't a bar to either a trial or to a trial of the facts, but you have to look at – and the law is very clear about this – is there a need to have a trial on the facts for the public protection?' she told the BBC. 'In many of the cases where we do use that procedure, it's because there's an ongoing risk to the public. Again the medical evidence was very clear in this case: there was no ongoing risk.'

Janner's family have issued a statement insisting he was 'entirely innocent of any wrongdoing'. A Labour Party spokesman said: 'In the light of these very serious allegations, Lord Janner has been suspended from the Labour Party.'

Police and social workers were told more than 20 years ago that Lord Janner took a vulnerable boy to the Houses of Parliament before molesting him
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Police and social workers were told more than 20 years ago that Lord Janner took a vulnerable boy to the Houses of Parliament before molesting him

The stench grows: The Director of Public Prosecutions has ruled Lord Janner should not face sex crimes charges - read this devastating report and decide if she's right

By Guy Adams

The middle of the night at a large family home in one of North London’s most genteel residential neighbourhoods. In one of the upstairs bedrooms, a teenage boy lies awake. It’s eerily quiet, and he’s a long, long way from the children’s institution that has in recent years been home.

The house is dark and shadowy. Scary, even. He feels frightened, confused and very much alone.

But this boy is not alone. In the gloom, he picks out an unmistakable figure shuffling across the carpet. It’s the middle-aged father-of-three who owns this house where he is staying.

‘He sat on my bed and asked me if I was all right,’ the boy later recalled. ‘I told him that I was frightened because I was in a strange house, and at this he cuddled and kissed me . . . and said that I could sleep in his bed if I wanted to.’

The boy and the middle-aged man, whose wife and children are away for the weekend, tiptoe to the marital bedroom.

‘He took off his dressing gown and I saw that he was wearing boxer-type shorts. [We] got into his double bed together. He again cuddled me and said that if I was warm I could take my pyjamas off, which I did.’

With sickening inevitability, this vulnerable and frightened child, who only recently reached his 14th birthday, is then subjected to a sexual assault. ‘He touched my penis and asked me to touch his. He then simulated sex with me as I could feel his penis rubbing against my body, but after a while he got up from the bed and went out of the room. I must have fallen asleep, because when I awoke it was morning.’

This attack, carried out in December 1974, is one of several described in chilling detail in a ten-page witness statement prepared several years later by a firm of Leicester solicitors called Greene D’Sa. According to the document, which was passed to me this week, it marked the start of an abusive ‘full sexual relationship’ that endured almost two years.

The attack was also the culmination of a lengthy grooming process which had begun when the boy’s abuser, a high-profile MP, visited a secondary school in his Leicester constituency. That MP was Greville Janner, then 46, a Labour backbencher who would achieve minor celebrity as a lawyer, author, broadcaster — and tireless campaigner for the rights of Holocaust victims.

Today, aged 86, this former President of the Board of Deputies of British Jews is properly known as Lord Janner of Braunstone, having been ennobled in 1997 by Tony Blair.

Janner is also, rather less prestigiously, the veteran Parliamentarian now mired in a murky scandal over widespread allegations that he was for decades a prolific abuser of young boys.

Earlier this month, the Director of Public Prosecutions, Alison Saunders, announced that police have uncovered sufficient evidence to charge the peer with 22 paedophile offences, including 16 indecent assaults and six acts of buggery.

Earlier this month, the Director of Public Prosecutions, Alison Saunders, announced that police had uncovered sufficient evidence to charge the peer with 22 paedophile offences
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Earlier this month, the Director of Public Prosecutions, Alison Saunders, announced that police had uncovered sufficient evidence to charge the peer with 22 paedophile offences

She added, however, that he will not face trial on a single one of the charges, against nine separate children from 1969 to 1988, ‘because of the severity of his dementia, which means he is not fit to take part in any proceedings’.

Amid the rumbling controversy over her decision, the boy’s written statement represents an important piece of evidence, providing eye-opening insight into Janner’s alleged modus operandi.

It tells how the MP, a keen amateur magician and member of The Magic Circle, had first met the boy earlier in 1974, when he came to perform a conjuring show at the King Richard III secondary school in Braunstone.

Janner took an interest in the wiry child after discovering he was highly vulnerable: taken from his parents at birth, and in care ever since, the boy at that time lived at the nearby Station Road Children’s Home.

‘When I was introduced to Mr Janner, he seemed impressed by me, saying I “was bright”,’ the boy later recalled. ‘Following his initial visit, Mr Janner [then] visited the school on a number of other occasions.’

Over the course of these encounters, the vulnerable boy and the MP would form an increasingly warm relationship. Then, one day that summer, they arranged to meet outside normal school hours.

‘Mr Janner told me he was opening a fete at Braunstone Park the following weekend, and asked if I would like to come and watch,’ the boy said. ‘He took me in his car, which was a red Jaguar XJ6.’ The boy was given sweets and taken to a playground. So began a close friendship in which ‘Mr Janner rang me most weeks at the children’s home’, the boy says.

Scandal: Janner in 1974 with a child not connected with abuse claims
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Scandal: Janner in 1974 with a child not connected with abuse claims

‘We exchanged letters almost weekly, and I would see him at weekends . . . I was the first child at the home that Mr Janner had spoken with, but he later became acquainted with other children there.’

Soon, their relationship would, of course, take a darker turn.

That development is extensively chronicled in the document, which was written in 1992, when the victim was a married, middle-class father, living in South Yorkshire.

So, too, is a staggering — and deeply scandalous — culture of negligence, incompetence and even corruption, across several public sector organisations which were supposed to be protecting the boy.

It tells how his relationship with Janner was known to everyone, from his friends, to his social worker, children’s home manager and the then-director of Leicester’s social services. Yet nothing was done to stop it.

In London, the Establishment seemed similarly toothless.

For two years, the boy says he was a regular visitor to the married MP’s home, and office. He was taken to the Labour Party’s headquarters, to Janner’s constituency surgery and, on several occasions, to the Houses of Parliament.

The boy recalls being repeatedly driven around London by Janner’s driver, and taken to dine at the House of Commons.

‘On other occasions . . . we went to the address of a friend of the family and swam naked together in the swimming pool,’ he claims. ‘Sexual activity took place between Mr Janner and myself and we touched each other’s private parts whilst in the swimming pool.’

Yet political friends, colleagues, and acquaintances of the MP apparently turned a blind eye.

The boy says he regularly shared a bed with Janner at both his North London home and a Leicester hotel, where staff would think nothing of letting them share a room.

‘Sexual activity took place either at his address in London when I visited, or at the Holiday Inn in Leicester,’ he says. What is more, the conspiracy to cover-up his abuse continued long into adulthood.

In a second, 1993 witness statement, again passed to me this week, the same boy recalls in 1989 and 1991 meeting detectives investigating a historic paedophile ring said to have included Janner.

The relatively junior police investigators were apparently convinced that this man had, indeed, been ‘buggered by Greville Janner’ during childhood. ‘They needed me to include that information in my statement before they could arrest Janner,’ it notes.

But, soon afterwards, the two junior detectives were forced to drop their investigation into the MP, apparently at the behest of senior figures within the Leicestershire constabulary.

The boy isn’t the only person to make this claim. Indeed, his 1993 statement appears to confirm a similar version of events made public last year by one of those two officers, Mick Creedon.

Should you wonder about the veracity of Mr Creedon’s recollection, it is illuminating to learn that he is now Chief Constable of Derbyshire.

Mr Creedon has said that the police decision to stop investigating Janner at that time ‘was taken by people more senior than me’.

The alleged victim’s 1993 document also claims Mr Creedon once told him that ‘all mention of Janner had been removed from my [social services] file’. Mr Creedon declined to comment on that alleged cover-up this week.

The police chief is understood to believe that much of the boy’s statement is accurate. However, although there was, indeed, no mention of Janner in the boy’s file, informed sources say he does not recall having said that incriminating papers were ‘removed’.

Either way, the boy’s two witness statements provide a chilling insight into the sort of evidence Janner might have faced in court had the CPS chosen to prosecute him.

In a statement released last week, on April 16, the Director of Public Prosecutions admitted that the former Labour grandee ought to have been brought to the dock on at least three separate occasions.

Lord Janner pictured with the Queen in 2003 at a reception to mark the 21st anniversary of the Commonwealth Jewish Council
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Lord Janner pictured with the Queen in 2003 at a reception to mark the 21st anniversary of the Commonwealth Jewish Council

The first was after the 1991 investigation, which Mr Creedon worked on, and to which the boy whose statements are quoted here was central.

The second came after a 2002 police inquiry into a Leicester children’s home, called Operation Magnolia. The third involved Operation Dauntless, a 2006 investigation into ‘allegations of serious sexual offending’ by three individuals, including Janner.

Little is known about the detail of the second two operations. But we are, nonetheless, finding out more and more about the allegations at the centre of them.

In recent days, several of Janner’s purported victims have come forward to share their experiences. At least 30 are now in contact with police.

Many of their stories share common themes. Vulnerable children who met Janner when he toured children’s homes and schools (often to perform magic shows) say they were showered with gifts and affection, before being sexually assaulted.

Like Jimmy Savile, Janner appears to have used his record of public service and charity work as a smokescreen to hide abuse; like Cyril Smith, he used political power to remain almost untouchable.

All of which brings us back to that witness statement.

Consider the means by which Janner was allegedly able to conduct a two-year relationship with that teenage resident of the Station Road Children’s Home in Leicester. The document claims he would make contact with the child by telephoning the facility’s manager, Barbara Fitt, or her husband Raymond.

‘They would call me into their office, where I would speak to Mr Janner over the telephone’ to arrange a meeting, the boy says. Janner would then post return railway tickets to the boy so he could travel to London.

Quite why this bizarre arrangement was condoned is unclear. But eventually, the boy says he ‘confided in Mrs Fitt and told her of the sexual relationship that had been taking place between Mr Janner and myself over a fairly lengthy period of time’. Rather than call the police, however, Mrs Fitt decided to deal with the allegation — one involving serious criminality — by calling the boy’s social worker, Dick Beak. He also failed to call the police.

‘My impression was that Mr Beak suspected Mr Janner was having an improper relationship with me,’ the boy says.

Like Cyril Smith (pictured), Lord Janner used political power to remain almost untouchable
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Like Cyril Smith (pictured), Lord Janner used political power to remain almost untouchable

Elsewhere, the boy says ‘it must have been fairly obvious to staff and residents at the children’s home that I was having a special sort of relationship with Janner’, not just because of his visits to the MP’s house, but also ‘the gifts of money and other material things that Mr Janner gave to me’. Reports of the relationship even reached the ears of Dorothy Edwards, director of Leicestershire Social Services.

Mrs Edwards ‘spoke to me about my friendship with Mr Janner’, the boy claims, and at one point she received a ‘complaint’ from a local children’s home manager that the MP was abusing him.

It was clearly not acted on. And all paperwork detailing that complaint would appear to have been lost or destroyed.

Meanwhile, social worker Dick Beak died in 1998, and Dorothy Edwards is also thought to be dead. The children’s home manager Mrs Fitt died in 1991, but her husband, Raymond Fitt, appeared to confirm some details of the boy’s story when the Mail tracked him down this week.

‘Barbara was very concerned about the nature of their relationship. She feared Janner was having sex with [the boy] but she couldn’t prove anything,’ he recalled.

‘She reported it to the [social services] department, but no action was taken and it seemed to be swept under the carpet, presumably because of who Janner was.’

Clegg says he was too young to know about Smith's vile acts

There was, in other words, widespread knowledge of Janner’s alleged crimes almost 40 years ago. But status protected him. It would, in the event, be more than 15 years before the local police even began to look at the MP.

In the late Eighties, Leicestershire detectives, including Mr Creedon, were tipped-off that a paedophile ring led by Janner and a man called Frank Beck was operating in local children’s homes.

They duly launched an inquiry, carrying out (among other things) the interviews detailed in the boy’s second witness statement.

Yet at some point the detectives were, as we know, told to drop inquiries into Janner.

Exactly who gave this order is unclear, and that may now be a matter for the Independent Police Complaints Commission.

The investigation did not end, however. Instead, the police went after Beck, a children’s home manager. In 1991, he was put on trial at Leicester Crown Court, where he was given five life sentences, plus a further 24 years, after being found guilty of 17 counts of abuse.

The trial was shocking for two reasons.

Firstly, there was extent of the alleged crimes: police sources let it be known that they believed he had abused up to 200 minors.

Secondly, it marked yet another missed opportunity to bring Janner to justice, thanks to a sensational side-plot in which Beck claimed he was being prosecuted as part of a conspiracy to protect the MP.

Central to his claim was the boy quoted above, who appeared as a defence witness, providing what appears to be ample evidence of a sexual affair with Janner.

He gave a detailed description of the MP’s London residence and showed the jury letters Janner had sent him on Commons notepaper in the mid-Seventies.

The decision not to charge Lord Janner, pictured here in 1996, has become one of the biggest scandals of recent times
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The decision not to charge Lord Janner, pictured here in 1996, has become one of the biggest scandals of recent times

Several were signed ‘love Greville’. One, seemingly sent after they’d stayed together at his home, declared: ‘It feels strange not to have you flipping around like a friendly flea! In fact — I miss you.’

The boy also told how he had been raped by the MP in a swimming pool at Leicester’s Holiday Inn.

Such revelations drew gasps in court. They ought to have been front-page news. But for much of the trial, the boy’s sensational allegations (and the evidence supporting them) remained out of the public eye. The reason was a strange decision by Edwin Jowitt, the judge, to ban the Press from pre-verdict reporting of the trial. He also intervened, early in proceedings, to prevent Janner being named by a witness.

Justice Jowitt’s reporting ban was eventually overturned at the Court of Appeal, after being challenged by the Press Association and four newspapers, including the Mail.

But not before it had seriously reduced the number of column inches devoted to Janner.

So what lay behind that attempt to censor coverage of the trial? The judge, Edwin Jowitt, who is now 85, is unable to recall. When the Mail visited his home this week, he said: ‘There’s no point in asking me about that case, I barely remember it.’

The boy’s claims, nonetheless, presented a problem for Leicester police, who found themselves required to be seen to be investigating the MP.

It was at this stage that Janner turned up, unannounced, at Leicester police station in the company of his solicitor, Sir David Napley, who was famed for representing a string of high-profile figures caught up in sex scandals, including Liberal leader Jeremy Thorpe, Tory MP Harvey Proctor and Sir Peter Hayman, a diplomat and member of the notorious Paedophile Information Exchange.

In a two-hour interview, the Labour MP answered ‘no comment’ to every substantive question put to him. Shortly afterwards the CPS, then run by an interim Director of Public Prosecutions, David Gandy, announced that he would not face charges.

Mr Gandy’s decision has, of course, been vehemently criticised this month by the current DPP Alison Saunders. He was on holiday this week and, therefore, unable to respond when the Mail called.

Janner then returned to London, and at the Commons, in December 1991, made a ‘personal statement’ describing the allegations of abuse as ‘disgraceful and totally untrue’.

It met with widespread applause and warm words from such Labour allies as Whip Derek Foster, who passed on party leader Neil Kinnock’s ‘tremendous support’, and Keith Vaz, who described Janner as ‘a brave man’. With delicious irony, Mr Vaz is now chairman of the Home Affairs Select Committee, the panel of MPs tasked with overseeing historic child sex investigations.

Currently seeking re-election, he has declined all recent invitations to discuss his support for Janner.

In the following months, Frank Beck’s conviction led to the establishment of the Kirkwood Inquiry into abuse in Leicester children’s homes. Again, however, there was a whiff of Establishment cover-up.

The Press and public were controversially banned from the inquiry, and it took evidence in secret, including from Janner, who appeared before it in June 1992.

As a result, his evidence to Kirkwood — the late judge, who presided over the 1987 Cleveland child abuse inquiry — has never been published. And when the report came out in 1993, it made no mention of Janner.

Just another deeply disturbing twist in a story which has now surely become one of the biggest scandals of recent times.

The above prompted me to send this email to Cameron (via the online contact form):

'Well, Mr. Cameron, as a 'Conspiracy Theorist', I resent your implications as to the veracity of my and other's claims of high-level cover-ups of VIP paedophiles.
Are you ready to eat your words, and agree that (a) yes, there were high-level cover-ups of VIP paedophiles and (b) that you will stop equating genuine dissent from the 'Government Narratives' as being 'conspiracy theories', and worse, equating 'conspiracy theorists' with terrorists (as in 9/11, 7/7 etc.?), as you have also suggested?
And will you accept, in your hopefully humbled condition, that the cover-ups likely continue to this day, and that proponents that 9/11, 7/7 and other so-called 'Terrorist Atrocities' were carried out by other than those whom the government accuses should be taken seriously and their evidences carefully examined, rather than dismissing them as 'Conspiracy Theories', and equating their proponents as equivalent to terrorists, with the clear objective of future criminalisation?'_________________'And he (the devil) said to him: To thee will I give all this power, and the glory of them; for to me they are delivered, and to whom I will, I give them'. Luke IV 5-7.

Seems NZ Prime Minister, John Key, is highly suspect, and paedophilia is rampant in NZ.

Its a long article, replete with beaucoup 'French', as is the norm for Spivey,
but still good info, and s few of the comments also give good links._________________'And he (the devil) said to him: To thee will I give all this power, and the glory of them; for to me they are delivered, and to whom I will, I give them'. Luke IV 5-7.

'.....“It feels like just another example of key documents from that period going missing. We need to know more about what has happened. The journalists who have said that D-notices were issued are respected people with no reason to lie.”

The two journalists, Don Hale, the former editor of the Bury Messenger, and Hilton Tims, news editor of the Surrey Comet between 1980 and 1988, both recall their publications being issued with D-notices around 1984. Tims, a veteran of the Daily Mail and BBC, where he was head of publicity for the launch of colour TV, said that his chief reporter had informed him that a D-notice had been issued to him after he tried to report on a police investigation into events at Elm Guest House, where Smith is said to have been a regular visitor.

Tims, 82, said: “One of the reporters on routine calls to the police learned that there was something going down at the guest house in Barnes. It was paedophilia, although that wasn’t the fashionable phrase at the time, it was ‘knocking up young boys’, or something like that.

“The reporter was told that there were a number of high-profile people involved and they were getting boys from a care home in the Richmond area. So I put someone on to it, the chief reporter I think, to make inquiries. It was the following day that we had a D-notice slapped on us; the reporter came over and told me. It was the only time in my career.”

Hale, who was awarded an OBE for his successful campaign to overturn the murder conviction of Stephen Downing, a victim of one of the longest-known miscarriages of justice, said he was issued with a D-notice when editor of the Bury Messenger. He had been given a file by Castle, by then an MEP, which had details of a Home Office investigation into allegations made by the Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens of the existence of a Westminster paedophile ring. The files contained the name of 16 MPs said to be involved and another 40 who were supportive of the goals of the Paedophile Information Exchange, which sought to reduce the age of consent.

Hale said he asked the Home Office for guidance on the dossier and the progress of the investigation but was stonewalled.

Hale said: “Then shortly after Cyril Smith bullied his way into my office. I thought he was going to punch me. He was sweating and aggressive and wanted to take the files away, saying it was a load of nonsense and that Barbara Castle just had a bee in her bonnet about homosexuals. I refused to give him the files.

“The very next day two non-uniformed officers, about 15 uniformed officers and another non-uniformed person, who didn’t introduce himself, came to the office waving a D-notice and said that I would be damaging national security if I reported on the file.”

A spokesman for the D-notice system said: “If Don Hale was ‘served’ with anything purporting to be a ‘D-notice’, it was quite obviously a fabrication........”_________________'And he (the devil) said to him: To thee will I give all this power, and the glory of them; for to me they are delivered, and to whom I will, I give them'. Luke IV 5-7.

'While British Prime Minister Tony Blair is under criminal suspicion in the "honors-for-cash" scandal that has rocked his Labor government, we have been told that there is an even more explosive scandal that Blair, up to now, has managed to hide behind the draconian British policy of issuing "D-Notices," government orders that prohibit the British media from reporting on certain "national security" cases.
In 1999, an international investigation of child pornographers and pedophiles run by Britain's National Criminal Intelligence Service, code named Operation Ore, resulted in 7,250 suspects being identified in the United Kingdom alone. Some 1850 people were criminally charged in the case and there were 1451 convictions. Almost 500 people were interviewed "under caution" by police, meaning they were suspects. Some 900 individuals remain under investigation.

In early 2003, British police began to close in on some top suspects in the Operation Ore investigation, including senior members of Blair's government. However, Blair issued a D-Notice, resulting in a gag order on the press from publishing any details of the investigation. Blair cited the impending war in Iraq as a reason for the D-Notice. Police also discovered links between British Labor government pedophile suspects and the trafficking of children for purposes of prostitution from Belgium and Portugal (including young boys from the Casa Pia orphanage in Portugal).

In the United States, Operation Ore's counterpart was Operation Avalanche. However, U.S. authorities only charged 100 people out of 35,000 investigated. The international pedophile investigation began when Dallas police and the US Postal Inspection Service raided the offices of Landslide Productions of Fort Worth, Texas and confiscated records on thousands of people around the world who were child pornography customers of the firm. Landslide's halcyon days as a Fort Worth-based international online marketplace of kiddie porn was during the term of Texas Governor George W. Bush.

WMR has learned that the Bush administration, like that of Blair, is rife with pedophiles in top positions. The pedophile network also extends to the U.S. defense industry, particularly some of the companies that have been involved in the sexual abuse of minors at overt and covert U.S. prisons in Abu Ghraib, Iraq; Guantanamo, Kosovo, Afghanistan, Thailand, and now, at three prisons in Ethiopia.'_________________'And he (the devil) said to him: To thee will I give all this power, and the glory of them; for to me they are delivered, and to whom I will, I give them'. Luke IV 5-7.

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