Tackling prison drug markets: an exploratory qualitative study

Transcription

1 Tackling prison drug markets: an exploratory qualitative study Clarissa Penfold Paul J. Turnbull Russell Webster Home Office Online Report 39/05 The views expressed in this report are those of the authors, not necessarily those of the Home Office (nor do they reflect Government policy).

3 Acknowledgements We are grateful to the Home Office for funding this study. At the Home Office we would specifically like to thank Andy Bell, Sandra Bell, Lesley Franklin, Kypros Ioannou, Malcolm Ramsay and Jacqueline Townley for their assistance. We are also grateful to prison staff who helped organise interviews in each of the six establishments involved in the research. We would also like to thank Probation Service and community drug agency staff for their invaluable help in recruiting recently released prisoner interviewees. Special thanks go to Abigail Robin for her help with fieldwork, and Mike Hough for his editorial input. Finally, we would especially like to thank the 121 prisoners and ex-prisoners and 37 prison staff interviewees who participated in the research. Clarissa Penfold Paul J. Turnbull Russell Webster ii

4 Contents Acknowledgements ii Lists of tables and figures iv Summary v 1. Introduction and methodology 1 Previous research on drugs in prison 1 Aims and objectives of the research 5 Methodology 5 Structure of the report 7 2. Drug use in six local prisons 8 Lifetime drug use in prison 8 Drug use during current or most recent period in custody 10 Prevalence of drug use as estimated by prisoners in six prisons 11 Positive random Mandatory Drug Testing (rmdt) rates at six local prisons 12 Discussion How drugs get into local prisons and what is done about it 15 How drugs get into prison 15 Discussion Buying, selling and the marketplace 21 Three levels of drug dealing in prison 21 Completing a drug transaction in prison 24 The drug market and violence in prison 26 Discussion Drug treatment in local prisons 29 Detoxification 29 Treatment programmes 30 Drug-free wings 31 CARAT service 31 Discussion Conclusions and recommendations 34 Recommendations 36 References 38 Annex: Brief summaries of three other research studies commissioned by Drug Strategy Unit 40 iii

5 List of tables 1 Principal types of illicit drugs and relative frequency of use during current vi or most recent period of imprisonment (n=96) 2 Drug supply routes identified by prisoners/ex-prisoners and staff vii 3 How prisoners/ex-prisoners obtained their first and subsequent supply of vii drugs in prison (n=93) 4 Summary of security and treatment and implications for drug supply and xi demand at six local prisons 1.1 Breakdown of interviews conducted at six local prisons Prisoners /ex-prisoners drug use during current/most recent period of custody Average estimates of prisoners/ex-prisoners of the percentage using 12 cannabis, heroin, crack and non-prescribed medication at each establishment 3.1 How drugs get into six local prisons: number of prisoner/ex-prisoner (n=121) 15 and staff (n=37) respondents mentioning each route 4.1 Prisoners/ex-prisoners stating drug sellers/dealers were present on wing How prisoners/ex-prisoners obtained their first and subsequent supply of 24 drugs in prison 5.1 Types of detoxification programme at six local prisons 29 List of figures 1.1 Obtaining and maintaining a drug supply Lifetime drug use in the community compared to in prison (n=118) Annual percentage positive rmdts for six local prisons ( to ) 13 iv

6 Summary This summary presents the main, essentially qualitative, findings from this exploratory study of drug supply and demand in six local prisons (five male and one female) in England. As with any small-scale qualitative research, findings should be interpreted with appropriate caution. The research was undertaken as one element of the Supply Reduction Programme launched by the Prison Service Drug Strategy Unit in February The study forms part of a coordinated programme of work that aims to support establishments in their ongoing efforts to reduce the supply of drugs in prisons. Interviews were conducted with 121 serving and recently released prisoners (purposefully selected to be knowledgeable about prison drug markets) and 37 staff from the six establishments between June 2003 and March Data from mandatory drug testing (MDT) and drug-related security information reports (SIRs) were also collated and analysed. Key points Interviews with prisoners and ex-prisoners indicated that illicit drug use was occurring in all six prisons and, although the amounts involved were often small, some prisoners were able to use on a semi-regular basis and sustain a low-level drug dependency. Four main illicit drugs (heroin, cannabis, non-prescribed medication and crack cocaine) were reported to be in circulation and were supplied through six different routes (social visits, mail, newly arrived prisoners, staff, over the perimeter and after court appearances). Interviews with prisoners and ex-prisoners indicated that the drug market operated at different levels; there was evidence of more organised dealing in some of the prisons. Drug treatment (detoxification) programmes varied across the prisons, and the differences had implications both for prisoners reported experiences of treatment and their decisions on whether to use in prison, and indeed whether to bring drugs into prison. Security measures and detoxification programmes appeared to have a dual impact on drug supply and demand, particularly in terms of supply route displacement and the demand for non-prescribed medication (this finding is based on triangulation of interview data and other sources from across the six prisons). Drug use Prisoners and ex-prisoners (n=121) were selected for interview on the basis of their knowledge of drug use in prison, which helps to explain why nearly eight out of ten respondents (79%) reported using illicit drugs during their current/most recent period of imprisonment. As shown in Table 1, the two most popular drugs used were heroin and cannabis followed by non-prescribed medication and crack cocaine. Over half those reporting heroin, cannabis and non-prescribed medication use described their pattern of use as frequent (defined as using the drug on two or more days per week). Crack cocaine was the only stimulant drug reported as being used in prison, and its use was more likely to be infrequent and opportunistic. v

7 Table 1: Principal types of illicit drugs and relative frequency of use during current or most recent period of imprisonment (n=96) Drug Number reporting use Number reporting frequent use 1 Heroin Cannabis Non-prescribed medication Crack cocaine Frequent use is defined as using the drug on two or more days per week during the last month of use. Non-prescribed medication used by respondents included: benzodiazepines (minor tranquillisers), diazepam being the most frequently reported; anti-depressants prescribed for depression with associated sleep disturbance, restlessness and anxiety (amitriptyline was commonly mentioned); and opioid analgesics (opiate-based painkillers) such as codeine phosphate, morphine sulphate, tramadol, methadone, dihydrocodeine and buprenorphine (the latter three are prescribed in detoxification programmes). Many respondents said that certain types of non-prescribed medication (particularly diazepam, amitriptyline and buprenorphine) were becoming increasingly popular in prison. Such drugs are often less expensive and more easily obtainable than heroin or cannabis, and when tolerance to these drugs is low only small quantities are required. Such drugs are also used in combination with heroin and cannabis to enhance their effects. Seven respondents from three establishments reported using non-prescribed buprenorphine. Although an opioid analgesic, the detection of illicit buprenorphine use requires a separate test as it does not show up in the current test for opiates. Not all prisons routinely test for buprenorphine at present. Eighty-eight interviewees answered a question asking why they used drugs in prison. Six main themes emerged, listed below in order of popularity: To relieve boredom and pass the time (n=45) Escapism (n=28) To relax and relieve stress (n=27) To help sleep better (n=14) Because drugs are/were available (n=9) To manage withdrawal and relieve withdrawal symptoms (n=7) Drug supply routes There was a broad consensus between prisoners, ex-prisoners and staff on the routes of drug supply into prison. Six main routes were identified (see Table 2) and are discussed below. Other less frequently identified routes included via reception after home leave, through legal visits, concealed in new clothes brought by visitors, and via contractors (for example, delivery drivers and construction workers) working in the prison. vi

8 Table 2: Drug supply routes identified by prisoners/ex-prisoners and staff Route of supply Prisoners/exprisoners identifying route Prison staff identifying route Total identifying route Social visits Mail New receptions Prison staff Over perimeter wall/fence Reception after court visits Total no. of interviewees Social visits Both prisoners/ex-prisoners and staff interviewees cited social visits as the main route of drug supply into local prisons. Of 96 prisoners/ex-prisoners who had used drugs during their current/most recent period of imprisonment, 93 respondents explained how they had obtained their first and subsequent supplies of drugs. Five respondents had obtained their first supply of drugs through social visits, and 17 had obtained subsequent supplies via this route (see Table 3). Some prisoners and ex-prisoners who admitted selling drugs had imported them through social visits. Three factors were reported as helping prisoners and their visitors to avoid detection. Visitors concealed drugs in their mouths or other bodily orifices when arriving, as did prisoners when returning to the wing; this internal concealment is hard to detect. Contact visits mean that drugs can be passed from visitor to prisoner. Security measures are inconsistently enforced, often because of staff shortages or unavailability of drug dogs. Table 3: How prisoners/ex-prisoners obtained their first and subsequent supply of drugs in prison (n=93) Method of obtaining drugs First drugs used Subsequent drugs used Purchased on wing Given drugs by friends/cellmate Imported drugs through reception 22 1 Received drugs through social visits 5 17 Mail - 3 Mail Although drugs sealed in items of incoming mail were mentioned by the majority of respondents, only three prisoners reported receiving drugs in this way. The majority of interviewees acknowledged that security measures imposed to tackle this route of supply had been successful, in particular the restriction of items allowed for personal possession, the requirement to have goods delivered direct from the retailer, and the use of x-ray machines and drug dogs to screen all post. New receptions Bringing in drugs on reception into prison represents the second most important reported route for drug supply into local prisons. It is worth bearing in mind that large numbers of new prisoners enter the gates on a daily basis. New prisoners were reported as commonly concealing drugs internally in the anus ( plugging or bottling ) or vagina ( crutching ). Reported motives included ensuring a personal supply (to cope with or manage opiate withdrawal) and sometimes to trade the drugs for canteen items (tobacco, food and toiletries). vii

9 Twenty-two prisoner/ex-prisoner respondents stated they had brought a supply of drugs into prison with them. Prison staff The fourth most commonly mentioned route of drug supply was via uniformed or civilian prison staff. Many staff who were interviewed acknowledged that such trafficking goes on, and could substantially increase the amount of illegal drugs available in an establishment. Perimeter wall/fence The importance of the perimeter wall or fence as a potential supply route varied considerably from prison to prison, depending on the location and architectural design of the establishment. Those prisons located in cities with perimeters that border exercise yards and other areas used by inmates were most vulnerable. Use of the perimeter wall or fence as a drug supply route was relatively well organised, with staff at some prisons reporting that large amounts of drugs (particularly cannabis) were entering prison in this way, possibly for distribution among a group of dealers. Mobile phones, which staff interviewees indicated were invaluable for prisoners in arranging perimeter drops or for drugs to be brought in on visits, were also thrown over the perimeter wall or fence, along with packages of drugs. Prison staff tended to mention the perimeter route more frequently than prisoner/ex-prisoner interviewees, and its importance at certain establishments was underlined by its regular appearance in security information reports (SIRs). Reception after court appearances Finally, court appearances were also reported as being a potentially important route for drug supply. Local prisons hold relatively large numbers of remand prisoners, some of them making multiple visits to courts. Contact with family, solicitors and court security staff provides an opportunity for drugs to be passed to prisoners, who can internally conceal them before returning to prison (and was mentioned by 21 prisoners and six staff). Drug markets The most common means of obtaining drugs in prison, as reported by prisoner and exprisoner interviewees was simply by purchasing them on the wing, either from somebody already known from outside prison, or from a new seller (see Table 3). The six main methods of payment, in descending order of frequency, were: with canteen items (tobacco, food and toiletries); via outside payments (either made from prison to outside or vice versa, or arranged entirely outside the prison); with personal property; by swapping for other drugs; by providing services (usually acting as a runner); and with cash. Three different levels of drug dealing in prison were found. At the least sophisticated end of the scale there was low-level opportunistic, altruistic or reciprocal supply involving sharing and/or swapping drugs with cellmates and friends. Of 96 prisoners and ex-prisoners who had used drugs during their current or most recent period of imprisonment, over a quarter (n=26) had been given their first supply of drugs by cellmates/friends, usually in exchange for canteen items (tobacco, food and toiletries) or other drugs (including medication prescribed through prison healthcare). Twenty-one prisoner/ex-prisoner respondents had obtained subsequent supplies of drugs in this way. Low-level drug supply often involves family members or drug-using friends who bring in small quantities of drugs on social visits. viii

10 Middle-level dealing involved drugs being used as a form of currency to make prison life more comfortable (simultaneously enhancing the dealer s status) and/or to maintain the prisoner s own drug supply. This intermediate level of dealing requires a semi-regular supply route (usually through social visits). At the upper end of the scale there were signs of higher-level, more organised dealing involving co-operation with outside contacts with greater resources to import regular supplies of drugs. Higher-level dealers may use multiple visitors and multiple prisoners to take visits on their behalf in order to import drugs. Where perimeter security is easier to breach, higher-level dealers may arrange for drugs to be imported over the wall. They use other prisoners to act as runners and do not hold drugs themselves. Usually the only acceptable method of purchasing drugs from a higher-level dealer is via a payment made entirely outside the prison establishment. There were indications of bullying and violence associated with local prison drug markets. The majority of prisoner/ex-prisoner interviewees agreed with the statement that the trade in drugs is the major cause of violence between prisoners. Respondents attributed tensions in prison to the paucity of drugs in circulation in prison. Access to regular supplies was limited, and drugs that were available were expensive (consistently costing approximately four times their street value). Frequent use often entailed debt, whether for the drugs themselves or canteen items (tobacco, food and toiletries) borrowed to pay for drugs. Prisoners and exprisoners interviewed also explained that prisoners suspected of importing and stashing drugs were robbed for their supplies. Bullying and intimidation were frequently mentioned in relation to prescription medication, with reports of prisoners in receipt of medication being forced to hand over their prescribed drugs. Drug treatment Four different opiate-detoxification regimes were operating at the five male establishments, reflecting the lack of consistency in treatment across the male local prison estate. Two of the male prisons used buprenorphine, one used methadone, one used dihydrocodeine and one used lofexidine. The female prison used methadone. The programmes using buprenorphine or methadone had replaced dihydrocodeine programmes and were felt by staff, prisoners and ex-prisoners to be far superior in terms of alleviating withdrawal symptoms. All four male detoxification programmes had problems associated with them. Two particular problems were associated with the buprenorphine detoxification regime. Firstly, it emerged that some prisoners were pretending to take their buprenorphine and retaining the dose for illicit use (crushing and snorting buprenorphine provides an intoxicating effect) or to trade/sell. Secondly, other prisoners/ex-prisoners said they had been bullied or intimidated into retaining and giving up their medication. Prisoners and ex-prisoners interviewed explained a number of techniques used to avoid taking their detoxification drugs whilst under supervision. A further problem relates to dispensing practices for diazepam, prescribed alongside methadone to alleviate withdrawal symptoms. Prisoners and ex-prisoners interviewed complained that diazepam was dispensed too early in the day, meaning they were drowsy during the day and unable to sleep at night. The dihydrocodeine and lofexidine detoxification regimes were considered by both staff and prisoners/ex-prisoners who were interviewed to be inadequate in terms of effectively managing withdrawal symptoms. Only one prison offered any treatment programme beyond pharmaceutical detoxification and associated harm minimisation and group work. All prisons were operating a voluntary testing programme (VTP), although staff reported that a lack of resources often meant that voluntary testing was not a priority and prisoners reported that it was easy to cheat such tests (for example by carrying a strap containing a clean urine sample). Thirty-eight prisoners/exprisoners were or had been in contact with a Counselling, Assessment, Referral, Advice and Throughcare (CARAT) team. Half held a positive view of the service they had received, but ix

11 over a quarter of those using the service felt that, whilst it was valuable, it was inadequately resourced. A further quarter held very negative views on the service due mainly to the limited number of appointments available. Dual impact of security and treatment on supply and demand The high proportion of new receptions to the prison system with an established drug or polydrug dependency results in an environment where drugs are valuable as both currency and commodity (Bullock, 2003; Singleton et al., 2005). Overcrowding and lack of sufficient activity in local prisons, where many prisoners spend lengthy periods of time locked up (Annual Report HM Chief Inspector of Prisons ), may further exacerbate this situation. Findings from this exploratory study of local prison drug markets indicated that levels of drug use in different establishments are a function largely of the interaction between anti-drug supply security and detoxification provision. Table 4 provides a summary of security and treatment and the implications of the relationship between these for drug supply and demand at the six study prisons. This table demonstrates how security measures and drug treatment have a dual impact on supply and demand, particularly in terms of supply route displacement and the demand for non-prescribed medication. For example, at Prison B where security was tight on all external supply routes, but detoxification poor, there was a corresponding increase in bullying for medication. In contrast, external supply route displacement was occurring at Prison D, where prisoners and staff interviewed stated that the relative ease with which it was possible to throw and retrieve drugs over the perimeter wall and internal fences had made this an increasingly attractive route above social visits, where the risk of being caught and drugs intercepted was higher. x

12 Table 4: Summary of security and treatment and implications for drug supply and demand at six local prisons Prison Security Treatment (Detoxification) A B C D E F Female Perimeter supply route precluded by architectural design and location of establishment. However, searching of visitors and prisoners after visits felt to be lacking in rigour. Recent convictions of staff for drug supply into establishment. Only study prison with dedicated Drug Supply Reduction Team (DSRT). All aspects of anti-drug security overseen by DSRT. Use of drug dogs, an x-ray machine (for visitors outer clothing/property and new clothes brought in for prisoners), closed circuit television (CCTV), and searching on social visits felt to be consistent and rigorous. Closure of a vulnerable exercise yard and regular perimeter searches by the DSRT had effectively stopped the perimeter supply route. Passive drug dogs in short supply, and searching of visitors felt to be lax. Recent convictions of staff for drug supply into establishment. Increased security on visits had led to displacement of the main supply route to the perimeter. Breaches of perimeter security compounded by: irregular deployment of Dedicated Search Teams (DSTs) due to both staff and active drug dog shortages; unsupervised yard cleaners able to retrieve packages of drugs; diversionary tactics employed by both prisoners and those throwing drugs over the wall to avoid interception of drugs. CCTV system in the visits room non-operational for over six months. Searching of prisoners after visits considered lax. Active perimeter supply route. Relatively strong anti-drug security measures have effectively tackled supply routes. Prison may also benefit from its rural location. There may be important differences between male and female establishments, which would merit further exploration. Proportion positive rmdts Implications for supply and demand Buprenorphine 14% (+) Positive rmdt rate below national local prison average, although on the increase. Improved security for social visits could reduce upward trend. Lofexidine 10% (-) Clear success in terms of security, although inadequate drug treatment was cause of bullying and misuse of medication, leading to increased need for bed-watches, and consequent staff shortages and regime disruption. Buprenorphine 19% (+) Rate of positive rmdts above national average. Performance could be improved with increased security on social visits. Although detoxification considered good, there is a need to monitor illicit use and trade of buprenorphine. Dihydrocodeine 19% (-) Positive rmdt rate above national local prison average. Poor performance reflects combination of limited perimeter security and inadequate detoxification treatment. Methadone 15% (+) Increase in positive rmdts from to reflects need for improved security. Methadone 6% (-) Low incidence of positive rmdts. Good security coupled with effective detoxification treatment considered important factors in improving rmdt performance. 1. Proportion of positive random mandatory drug tests (rmdt) recorded in (positive or negative sign indicates whether this represents an increase or decrease compared to ). The proportion of positive rmdts for all male local prisons in was 17.5% and 14.2% for all female local prisons. xi

13 Conclusions This exploratory study found that supply and demand relating to drugs in six local prisons were driven by two main factors: firstly, the impact of security on the availability of drugs; and secondly, the efficacy of detoxification programmes in managing withdrawal. An examination of drug use, drug supply routes, drug markets and drug treatment in six local prisons has revealed that it is the combined effects of enforcement measures and detoxification programmes which have an impact on prisoners decisions to use drugs in prison and how to obtain them. With the possible exception of the female establishment (Prison F), the six study prisons did not appear to have a comprehensive strategy that tackled the problem of drug supply and demand from all angles and acknowledged the dual importance of security and treatment. Tight or uneven security coupled with inadequate drug treatment was leading to problematic displacement effects and ultimately failing to reduce demand. If supply reduction measures are to have a positive impact they must be revised and implemented with a view to balancing enhanced security with effective treatment. A set of recommendations is outlined below, although the caveat, that these are derived from mainly qualitative research carried out in six local prisons, should be borne in mind. Recommendations All local prisons should employ a Drug Strategy Co-ordinator whose key role is to give equal weight to drug treatment and supply reduction measures within the establishment. All local prisons should set up dedicated Drug Supply Reduction Teams (DSRTs). Security for social visits must be enforced consistently given that this is perceived to be the main route of drug supply into prison. Passive drug dogs, x-ray machines, CCTV and good staff cover are vital and should be deployed on all visits sessions without exception. It is important that prisons talk up their security where this is credible in order that the perception among the local prisoner population of the ease of a particular route of supply is eroded. This should include the publicising to prison visitors of the penalties for possession with intent to supply, and education among prisoners families regarding the nature and effects of drug use and supply in prison. Improved liaison with local police is important for tackling all routes of external supply and should be included as an aim of all local prison drug strategies. Trafficking by uniformed or civilian prison staff and contractors should be addressed through security measures and identification of vulnerable staff members. All local prisons should have a good clinical detoxification regime in place and offer a choice of detoxification drugs. However, the prescribing of buprenorphine in prisons must be accompanied by recognition of the potential for its misdirection and misuse. Establishments should routinely test for buprenorphine and this facility is available on request. Follow-up and aftercare is as important as pharmaceutical detoxification and this component of drug treatment in local prisons must be given a far higher priority than at present. CARAT services must be able to offer more than simply assessment and the recent 10 million investment into CARAT services by the Prison Service should contribute to an increase in numbers of staff and the effectiveness of work undertaken. Voluntary testing programmes have an important role in helping prisoners maintain a drugfree status, but at present they are under-staffed and under-funded. This should be rectified so that prisoners wishing to stay clean have appropriate support and incentives to do so. Healthcare prescribing protocols need an urgent review in order to combat the trend of the misuse and diversion of prescribed medication in prisons. xii

14 1. Introduction and methodology The Prison Service Drug Strategy aims to reduce both the supply of, and demand for, drugs in prison and has four over-arching objectives: to restrict the availability of drugs in establishments; to identify prisoners who have been misusing drugs; to provide these prisoners with advice, treatment and support of appropriate intensity; and to prevent harm to the well-being of these prisoners and others. These objectives are pursued through the following combination of measures focusing on treatment, enforcement, and security: detoxification (clinical management of withdrawal); provision of CARATs (Counselling, Assessment, Referral, Advice and Throughcare services); mandatory drug testing (MDT) to deter prisoners from misusing drugs, and supply better information on patterns of drugs misuse, as well as identifying prisoners in need of treatment; voluntary testing programmes (VTPs); and effective security measures aimed at supply reduction, including: - searching to find drugs and related paraphernalia within the establishment; - monitoring and control of prisoners communications and visits; - police liaison to prevent drug trafficking and prosecute offenders; - the collation, evaluation and dissemination of intelligence to be acted upon in relation to drugs; and - security surrounding social visits including CCTV, passive drug detection dogs and the use of closed visits and visitor bans where appropriate. The Prison Service Drug Strategy was first published in 1998 and updated in line with the National Strategy in Since then, a specific Supply Reduction Programme (SRP) has been launched (in February 2003) by the Drug Strategy Unit (DSU) of the Prison Service. This is intended to be a coordinated programme of work that aims to support establishments in their ongoing efforts to reduce the supply of drugs in prisons. The SRP comprises three main elements and it is the last of these to which this study is intended to contribute. Review supply reduction best practice and issue a Good Practice Guide (issued in November 2003). Conduct research into improved methods of drug detection at points of entry. Conduct further research to gain a better understanding of drug supply routes into, and within, prisons. Previous research on drugs in prison To date there has been limited research on the distribution of illicit drugs in prisons. Most of the literature focuses on prevalence of drug use, injecting risk behaviour and the effectiveness of drug treatment. These studies tell us little about drug supply, buying or marketing in prison. This is partly to do with the difficulty in collecting such information. Although the feasibility of carrying out such a research project has not been previously tested in the UK, a number of obstacles to conducting research on prison drug markets have been suggested. Most studies of drug markets rely on information about the market from key players within the market, including users, runners and dealers. Some individuals are sceptical that serving prisoners who use, trade or sell drugs will disclose their sources of supply and methods of distribution even to independent researchers. Prisoners may fear the consequences of disclosure, which could include reduced access to drugs, further restrictions on prisoner activities, and reprisals either against the prisoner or family and friends outside of prison. Other individuals have suggested that there are likely 1

15 to be marked differences between prisons in the prevalence of drug use, the extent of any internal markets, the degree to which they are structured and organised, and the supply routes into prison. Researchers would therefore find it difficult to synthesise such a wide range of activities to develop a comprehensive view of prison markets and how they could be tackled. Other sources, however, can produce useful information on prison markets, in particular ex-prisoners and serving prisoners who are undergoing drug treatment. Those working in prisons may also have useful information that can contribute to the overall picture of prison drug markets. Previous research (Bullock, 2003; Singleton et al., 2005) has shown that: many drug users continue to use drugs whilst serving their sentences, albeit at lower levels than in the community; some prisoners start or at least develop drug careers whilst in prison; and drugs get smuggled into prisons in numerous ways, for example: - by new inmates; - by relatives, friends and associates during prison visits; - through breaches of perimeter security; and - by staff. Once smuggled in, drugs may be used by the recipient, shared, or traded. The costs of drugs in prison vary greatly (as discussed later), but, compared to the community, prices generally appear to be higher for smaller quantities. Prison drug use, despite being less frequent than outside, can intensify the dangers associated with drug use in the community, in particular danger relating to debt and the possibility of violence and bullying (Swann and James, 1998). Some studies provide information on patterns of drug use and give some indication of supply and distribution, dealing indirectly with drug supply and distribution patterns in prison (e.g. Dillon, 2001). Described below are findings from a selection of studies containing some directly relevant information or insights, which may be useful in furthering our understanding of drug-using patterns, supply and distribution in prison, and the impact of enforcement activity. An important starting point within the literature is that there should be little surprise that prison inmates use drugs or indeed that they take risks in order to smuggle drugs into prison. Risk taking is as much a part of prison life as it is outside of prisons. However, Cohen and Taylor (1972) argue that prisons may actually enhance such behaviour. Controls within prisons have unintended consequences which can lead to risk behaviour: The gross power imbalance in the prison, coupled with the sheer monotony of a long sentence, encourages an ideology of risk which matches the criminal value system. Swann and James (1998) conclude that: for most respondents the prison environment (reduced availability apart) only encouraged drug use (Swann and James, 1998: 264). Patterns of use Previous research has shown that not only do a high number of prisoners enter custody dependent on drugs, but that many of them continue to use drugs in prison (Turnbull et al., 1994; Singleton et al., 1999; Boys et al., 2002; Bullock, 2003). However, most of the studies of UK prisons indicate that for many drug users imprisonment is a time when they use less drugs. Problematic users, likely to be using drugs on a daily basis in the community before entering prison, usually report using a reduced range of substances on fewer occasions when in prison (Turnbull et al., 1991, 1994; Shewan et al., 1994; Edgar and O Donnell, 1998; Swann and James, 1998; Dillon, 2001), although some prisoners will be able to sustain high levels of drug consumption. Heroin initiation in prison is of particular concern, and there are studies that indicate prison is a setting in which a proportion of offenders are introduced for the first time to specific drugs (Gore et al., 1995; Swann and James, 1998; Dillon, 2001; Boys et al., 2002). Patterns of drug use in prison are affected by a number of factors. Some prisoners attempt to use their time in prison as an opportunity to become drug free, stopping or reducing consumption dramatically; for others, reduction in their use of drugs is purely related to their inability to access the resources in 2

16 order to purchase them (Bullock, 2003). This group tends not to be able to draw on much financial support from outside prison. The availability of drugs is another important factor; smaller quantities of drugs are available, less frequently and often at a higher price (Swann and James, 1998). There is obviously likely to be an important interaction between availability, price and access to resources for payment. Motivation to use drugs appears to change during the period of imprisonment. In the early stages of imprisonment reasons for using drugs are often related to withdrawal and the need to self-medicate (Turnbull, 2000). Further into a sentence motivation to use drugs often revolves around the need to relieve boredom and the monotony of prison life, as well as getting uninterrupted sleep; drug-using prisoners rarely report wanting to get high as a motivating factor for using drugs in prison (Turnbull, 2000; Dillon, 2001). Supply and distribution In her study of Mountjoy Prison in Ireland, Dillon (2001) states that prisoners identified two stages involved in accessing drugs in prison getting drugs into prison and then distributing them. Supply routes into prison were not a focus of this study and Dillon states that given the sensitivity of the subject, it would have been difficult to question inmates about this. However, prisoner interviewees did comment that prison staff were not involved and that getting drugs in during visits had become more difficult due to increased security measures. Family members, partners and associates were reported as being the principal suppliers of drugs. Interestingly, she comments that payment was not expected for drugs brought into prison in this manner. A custom was reported whereby prison drug users were looked after by other drug users in the community during their prison term. Visits were the most frequently mentioned route by which drugs were brought into prison in a UK study of recently released prisoners (Turnbull et al., 1994). This study also identified another important route for bringing drugs into prisons: on entry into prison. Drugs were often concealed anally, a practice known as bottling or plugging. Drugs brought in by a new prisoner were often shared or partially sold in order to maintain a future supply of drugs. The distribution of drugs within prison is affected by the actors (those supplying, selling, distributing and buying drugs), the prison structure, regime and physical environment. Studies indicate drug distribution is a dynamic process that can often change in response to these influencing factors (Dillon, 2001). Dillon (2001) found at the time she was conducting her research the principal means of distribution were networks set up between prisoners. Networks were generally established between prisoners who had known each other in the community. Drugs were shared in reciprocal arrangements whereby one prisoner would be supplied with drugs through a visit and then the drugs were distributed among his or her network. When other members of the network received a supply, they would in turn distribute drugs to other members of the network. No payments were exchanged, though interviewees reported that while serving previous sentences they had paid for drugs. Also they reported that different distribution systems operated in different prison establishments. Having friends and acquaintances in prison was also identified as essential to gaining access to drugs by Turnbull et al. (1994). Although who you know appears to be essential to securing a supply in prison, most interviewees reported having multiple supply routes. Figure 1.1 shows a number of ways prisoners obtained and maintained supplies. The figure also illustrates the number of ways drugs can be paid for including with goods, services, money and credit, both in and outside of prison. Money is rarely exchanged for drugs although cash is used occasionally in open prisons, or when cash transactions can be facilitated on the outside. Many alternatives to cash are used including telephone cards, confectionery, food, tobacco and other drugs. Swann and James (1998) found in their study of one prison that a culture of debt rather than credit exists, which can lead to threats of violence and actual bodily harm. 3

17 Figure 1.1: Obtaining and maintaining a drug supply Drug supply from outside Reciprocal B1 Drugs B B A Drugs B Altruistic Drugs Internal market: direct Drugs A B A B Goods/services money/credit Internal market: mediated A B C Runner Access to different parts of prison paid in drugs Internal market: mediated externally Drugs A Communication B Communication Money/goods A1 B1 Reducing the supply and distribution of drugs Much previous research is mainly concerned with harm minimisation and little has been written on enforcement activities aimed at reducing the supply and distribution of drugs in prison. One exception is the study by Stevens (1997), of two US prisons, which comments that the type of prison regime affects drug trafficking. His research combined interviews with inmates and drug smugglers, an assessment of inmate and custodian relations, and an analysis of disciplinary reports. He found that when a regime has relaxed rules but, more importantly, its enforcers help inmates solve problems, there is less illegal drug trafficking than in a more restrictive environment with formal inmate-staff 4

18 relations. When asked who was most likely to bring drugs into prison without getting caught, most interviewees nominated prison staff. Convicted drug traffickers also believed that prison staff were the best choice amongst those who could get drugs in safely. Unlike the present study, the findings are based on respondents opinions rather than their actual experience. In the UK context similar concerns about the effects of drug control in prisons have been presented. In a survey of heads of prison security, Seddon (1996) identified a tension between the need to maintain a balance between drug control and broader control. Within these complex institutions the introduction of measures to further a particular goal often has an impact on other areas. Possible consequences of increased security included prisoners switching from less harmful to more harmful drugs, an increase in outbreaks of disorder, and an inflationary effect on price leading to problems of debt, violence and intimidation. Keene (1997) echoes this point when she argues there is an inherent conflict between the need for control and the rehabilitative philosophy of maintaining family links. Further, policy initiatives resulting in tightened security do not automatically of themselves lead to a more stable environment. They can upset the status quo leading to confrontation between staff and inmates. Aims and objectives of the research The overall aim of the research described in this report was to provide a more detailed and nuanced understanding of prison markets than has been available to date. This information is intended to help the Prison Service meet its key objectives of supply and demand reduction. The study set out to: describe and compare drug use, supply, markets and drug treatment in six local establishments; assess what is likely to be the most effective response to drug markets in local prisons; and assess the likely displacement effects of those responses. Methodology The authors approach was to use multiple sites and multiple methods in order to build up a picture of prison markets from several different sources. The Prison Service selected the prison establishments in which the research was to be conducted. The rationale for selection was to include a geographically diverse group of local prisons, with varying degrees of drug use based on mandatory drug testing (MDT) data. Local prisons have specific characteristics that distinguish them from other prisons. All offenders sentenced to a period of imprisonment or remanded in custody by a court are received by the court s local prison. Thus local prisons are characterised by a large number of prisoner movements and a transient population. A high proportion of prisoners enter the gates dependent on drugs (Bullock, 2003; Singleton et al., 2005). Overcrowding results in insufficient purposeful activity, especially for remand prisoners. Numbers of social visitors are greater at local prisons, since remand prisoners can receive a higher number of visits than convicted prisoners. There is also a strong likelihood that established networks of drug users and dealers are imprisoned at the same time. The selection of six local prisons comprises one female establishment and two prisons in the high security estate. The prisons represent both those located in city and rural sites, and are of differing architectural design. This study involved the collation and analysis of routine statistics relating to drugs in prison, and interviews with prison staff and prisoners. Analysis of statistics There are many existing sources of information regarding detected drug supply and drug use in prison. However, these are not routinely analysed in reference to each other. The authors attempted to synthesise a range of potential indicators of drug supply and prison drug market activity. The types of centrally held routine data collated included those relating to mandatory drug testing (MDT), security information reports (SIRs) relating to drugs, drug adjudications and visitor bans. 5

19 Interviews The main methodological approach relied on interviews with those who have knowledge of this aspect of prison life. The strategy was to gather a range of different experiences focusing on individual establishments. There were two main groups of interviewees: those working in prisons; and those who have bought from, or have otherwise participated in, the market. A total of 158 interviews were conducted with 37 staff and 121 serving or recently released prisoners from the six establishments. 1 A breakdown is provided in Table 1.1. Table 1.1: Breakdown of interviews conducted at six local prisons Prison Number of interviewees Staff Serving prisoners Recent prisoners All prisoners/exprisoners A B C D E F (Female) Total Interviews with a range of prison staff were conducted in each establishment, including: CARAT staff (8) Staff involved in detoxification treatment (5) Security staff (12) Landing Officers (3) Drug Strategy Co-ordinators/Workers (6) Resettlement Manager (1) Outreach Worker (1) Foreign Nationals Co-ordinator (1) Staff were asked a range of questions including their views on the availability of different types of drugs, the effect of drug markets on their establishment and individual prisoners, information on largerscale dealers, and the limitations of current methods of detection. Given concerns about the willingness of serving prisoners to participate in the research and the reliability of the information they provide, the authors strategy was to interview both current and exprisoners. In total they aimed to interview 120 prisoners or recently released prisoners from the six study sites. Their definition of recently released was any prisoner (remand or sentenced) who had been released within the previous 12 months and had been remanded or served part of his or her sentence in one of the six selected prisons. Respondents were purposefully selected to be knowledgeable about prison drug markets. Serving prisoners were located primarily through CARAT teams, who sought volunteers on behalf of the researchers. Several strategies were adopted to recruit suitable ex-prisoners. The most successful one was approaching a number of helping agencies (primarily drug services, those running Drug Treatment and Testing Orders (DTTOs) and CARATs) who were able to assist in contacting suitable potential respondents. Recruiting female respondents proved more difficult due to their geographical dispersal and therefore six women released on home detention curfew (HDC) licence were interviewed. All community-based respondents received a voucher to the value of 20 in return for their participation. Data from interviews were analysed using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). 1 Interviews with staff and serving prisoners were conducted at the six establishments between June and November 2003, and interviews with recently released prisoners were conducted in the community between August 2003 and March

20 Interviews with serving and ex-prisoners covered the following areas: history of imprisonment; history of drug use; experience of drug use in prison; perception of demand for drugs; knowledge of drug supply routes and direct experience of drug supply patterns; information about and experience of drug distribution and trade; drug costs and currencies used to purchase drugs in prison; drug use and punishment; and experience of drug treatment. Profile of prisoner/ex-prisoner interviewees As can be seen from Table 1.1, a total of 121 serving or recently released prisoners were recruited. Fourteen women were interviewed who had been or were in Prison F. The rest of the interviewees were male. At the time of interview their average age was 30 years, with a range from 18 to 46 years. The majority (n=104) described their ethnicity as white, and the remainder (n=17) were black or Asian. The average age interviewees reported first using a drug was 14 and over two-thirds (n=85) had injected drugs at some point. Most (n=116) had used drugs in the month before entering prison with 94 interviewees reporting using heroin on a daily basis and 70 reporting using crack on a daily basis. The average amount spent on drugs in a week prior to imprisonment was estimated to be 957. This is considerably higher than community-recruited samples of drug users. The most common ways of raising cash for drugs were shoplifting, theft and burglary. The average length of time interviewees had spent in prison on this occasion was four months, with a range from one to 18 months. Sentences ranged from one month to 11 years. The majority believed the offences they had committed were related to their use of drugs (n=112). For only eight interviewees was this their first time in prison. The mean age that interviewees had started their prison careers was 18, with an average of ten previous periods of imprisonment. Structure of the report Chapters 2 to 5 of the report present analyses of the main themes arising from the research. Chapter 2 looks at drug use in six local prisons, and Chapter 3 explains how drugs get into these prisons and what is done about it. Chapter 4 examines buying, selling and the marketplace for drugs in the prisons under investigation. Chapter 5 assesses the provision of drug treatment in each establishment. Finally, Chapter 6 presents the conclusions and recommendations arising from the research. 7

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