RUSSIA'S DEMOCRATS
arising from the making of freemen out;
of serfs in such enormous numbers.
BUT THE PEOPLE'S GREATEST NEED
EDUCATION-WAS DENIED
What the great mass of the Russian
people needed and what should have been
put into execution as soon as the emanci
pation of the serfs was effected was a
system of popular education embracing
the whole people, in the course of which
they should have received the instruction
necessary for their first attempts to re
sume any self-government on the new
scale.
Had this course been at once followed
and continued until the present time, it
is very doubtful if Russia would have
had on her hands the terrible tragedies
which followed the emancipation.
The government seemed to be afraid
to give the common people any education,
even to the extent of allowing them to
read and write. It thought, apparently,
that with education would come dissatis
faction with the existing form of govern
ment, and that with dissatisfaction would
come some attempt to bring about re
forms.
So the bureaucracy adopted the old
expedient of burying its head in the sand
and in refusing knowledge to the people.
This was naturally only partially success
ful. Education in schools might be lack
ing, but it was impossible to keep a hun
dred and fifty million human beings per
manently in the dark and without knowl
edge as to how the rest of the world was
living and progressing.
The Russian peasants may be illiterate,
as, indeed, according to statistics, about
70 per cent of them are, but they have
the shrewd intelligence of the peasant all
over the world, and their sturdy common
sense makes up for lack of schooling to a
great extent.
Thus, in spite of all opposition, the
rural and urban assemblies retained the
germ of local government, and in spite
of the dual control, as the result of which
much of their influence was nullified,
they did have a certain value in airing
abuses and suggesting improvements.
Their existence was often threatened, but
never entirely stopped.
SNote, however, that there was no na
'tional congress or assembly of any kind
from the eighteenth century down to the
foundation of the new Imperial Duma,
in 1906.
THE FIRST NATIONAL CONGRESS IN 280
YEARS
The members of this body were to be
chosen by electors from all over the coun
try. The new law gave the suffrage to
every man over 25 years of age who had
a fixed domicile and a certain property
qualification.
In rural districts those
peasants had votes who were fathers of
families, together with the rural land
owners, nobles, merchants, and members
of the clergy; in the cities, State officials,
members of the public services, and pro
prietors with certain qualifications. In
dustrial workers who could prove six
months' continuous labor in establish
ments having at least fifty employees
could also vote.
The Duma could express views, but
was nearly helpless in carrying into effect
any reforms. But it had a certain influ
ence for good in its very existence, and
after a succession of abortive sessions,
the later assemblies developed a courage
which was truly remarkable when the
forces opposed to it are considered.
It is not too much to say, in the light
of recent events, that the Duma and what
it stands for is responsible directly and
primarily for the overthrow of the Ro
manoff dynasty and the establishment of
a new form of government in Russia.
The reason for the failure of the revo
lutionary movement which convulsed
Russia in the years immediately succeed
ing the Russo-Japanese War is that the
methods were too radical and too remi
niscent of the old nihilism to be popular,
even with the milder groups of revolu
tionists.
The arguments of that time consisted
in bombs thrown at unpopular ministers
or officials who, although not disliked
personally, were supposed to embody the
principles of the autocratic regime too
closely. It is doubtful if these enthusi
asts ever had the support of any large
element of the Russian population out-
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