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Target.. Corporations
Olin
The Olin Mathieson Chemical Corporation is the supplier of most small arms
ammunition to the troops in Vietnam, as
well as providing illuminating mortar
flares, propellant starter systems for jet
aircraft, grenade detonators, fuses, tracers, and shells up to 81 mm. It is the sole
supplier of 'ball-propellant', used in all
M-16s.
For these services, last year Olin received over $354 million worth of contracts, and placed 20th on the list of top
military firms. Most of these sales came
from the Winchester Group whose sales
are now 40% due to government contracts.
As a diversion, the Winchester people also
sponsor tiger-shoots in India under a packaged travel plan.
Olin is a major philanthropist, and specializes in giving science building to needy
colleges. Recently, however, its image has
been tarnished by being named co-conspirator in a price-fixing case. It seemsthecost
of tetracycline drugs was being inflated
from the cost of $1.59 per hundred capsules, which Olin paid, to $51.00 per hundred over the counter, which sick people
had to pay.
Also unsavory is the charge, backed
up by a class-action damage suit brought
by the Environmental Defense Fund, that
Olin and other producers took "action to
prevent the widespread distribution and
evaluation of scientific data" respecting
the ecological effects of DDT.
The Olin Chairman is the previous president of the New York Stock Exchange,
and its directorship ties justify such corporate status. Olin is linked through directors to such major firms as: Metropolitan Life, IBM, Republic Steel, National
Aviation, First National City Bank, Prudential Insurance, Squibb-Beech Nut, Black
& Decker, Fruehoff, and American Airlines. Olin directors also sit on the boards
of Trinity College, Westover School, Washington University, Johns Hopkins, Washington College and Fordham University.
Gulf
The Gulf Oil Corporation ranks 68th
among defense contractors and is an important supplier of jet fuel to the U.S.
war machine. More striking and hence of
more concern to the anti-war movement
in the U.S. should be Gulf's world-wide
network of interests and its view of itself
as somehow beyond the control of governments. Gulf Oil, through the Mellon family, is at the vary center of U.S. corporate
power.
The other Vietnams that are in the
making elsewhere in Asia, Africa, and Latin America may in many cases find the
U.S. involved in protecting the interests
of Gulf. Through its drilling in Angola
it is already directly complicit in opposing one struggle for national liberation—
Gulf oil revenue buys the weapons and
American-made napalm used to kill Africans fighting to free their country.
Increasingly the anti-war movement is
coming to see that Vietnam is "a stake
not a mistake," and that U.S. corporate
involvement throughout the 3rd World creates other stakes which make it increasingly likely for the U.S. to become involved
militarily. The Tonkin Gulf incident of
the '70s may be an MPLA attack on a Gulf
facility in Cabinda, Angola and the killing
of US oil technicians. To understand the
role of U.S. corporate giants like Gulf
is an important next step for the anti-war
movement.
Gulf Oil Corporation, the third largest
oil company in the world with assets of
$7.5-billion in 1968, is a major figure in
Boeing
The Boeing Company, ninth biggest defense contractor in the nation, last year received $654,000,000.00 of our tax money.
Exercising a virtual stranglehold over the
economy of Seattle, Washington, it's directors hold power in a network of corporations
spanning the continent from Alaska to New
York, but appropriately heavy in the Pacific
Northwest.
Chairman Allen has ties in Weyerhaus-
er Lumber, Standard Oil of California,
and the Pacific National Bank of Seattle.
Other corporations linked at the top to
Boeing are: A T & T, J. C. Penney,
Safeco, DuPont, Morgan Guaranty Trust,
Puget Sound Power & Light, First National
City Bank of New York, the FDIC, Mutual
Life Insurance, Colgate Palmolive, and a
host of lesser corporations, banks, finance
and insurance firms.
The Boeing Co.'s fraternal relations
with such power and money would be incomplete were it not for the 169 ex-colonels
or above safely in its employ. Given this
kind of clout, one begins to understand how
it gets contracts.
Presently Boeing is holding or has just
relinquished contracts for quite a varied
arsenal. The main war machines designed
and built at Boeing are the B52, familiar
to many Vietnamese, and the no less useful CH 46-7 series of helicopters. Boeing
also does significant contract work on the
Safeguard-ABM, AWACX Air Force system,
the Appollo and Saturn V projects, the
Minuteman missiles, various missile sites
and the SRAM, AMSA, and ASMS defense
projects.
Although government sales account for
1/3 of Boeing's total, and it operates almost 11 million square feet of plant floor
space actually owned by the tax-payers,
Boeing is publicly pushing for a little
greater generosity from Washington. As
Board Chairman Allen explains: "... if
there is not the opportunity for reward,
the innovative process that has been so
vital to our security could atrophy."
As a gesture of its feeling toward the
poor, Boeing recently hired 400 'disadvantaged' youths (to add to its 150,000 employees) for a summer.
the exploitation of oil in the 3rd World.
From its foreign operations, which span
Latin America, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, Gulf gains 40% of its net income. Gulf is the perfect model of a multinational corporation based in an advanced
capitalist country, drawing resources and
profits from the 3rd World for its own benefit.
GULF AND THE MELLONS
Gulf is controlled by the Mellon Family through an interlocking web of trusts,
foundations, and individual holdings. Lund-
berg in The Rich and the Super-Rich says
Mellon interests control 70% of Gulf stock.
Gulf, though the largest of the Mellon holdings, is but a start for this family whose
wealth is estimated at somewhere between
$4-and $8-billion. Today, among the first
line Mellon companies are Gulf Oil, ALCO
(the world's largest aluminum producer),
and the Mellon National Bank and Trust
with assets of $3.5-billion.
THE EXPANDING EMPIRE
Gulf Oil has over one hundred subsidiaries outside of the U.S., including companies in 10 African countries or colonial
territories, 6 in Asia, 14 in Latin America,
and 4 in the Middle East. Gulf's interests
include crude oil and natural gas production, refining, nuclear power, petrochemicals, and transportation. Gulf is currently
in the process of strengthening its foreign
refining capacity and expanding its base as
a supplier of energy other than oil.
Gulf is building on the U.S.-occupied
island of Okinawa, a refinery which will
process 100,000 barrels of oil a day (b/d)
and on a nearby island a large transhipment center to service this new operation.
These will open up Asian markets for
increased penetration by Gulf in areas
that the United States has defined as crucial to its national interests.
In-Latin America, Venezuela has been
Gulf's big bonanza, with their subsidiary,
Mené Grande, accounting for about 10%
of the parent company's total production.
Venezuela is a perfect example of a country in which oil has dominated the economy (99% by exports by weight), yet the
people are hungry and continue to lead
lives of oppression and exploitation. There
has been little change in their impoverished country in the form of oil revenues
for foreign concerns. This is a familiar
pattern for oil producing countries—as it
is for entire 3rd World. Corporations
claim to be putting capital into such countries as Venezuela, Bolivia, Nigeria, or
Angola in order to "develop" the country.
What we find in most cases, however, is
a greater outflow than inflow of capital
from the less developed countries to the
advanced capitalist countries. The revenues that do remain in the country go in
large part to a national bourgeoisie which
has made alliances with these multi-national corporations; they have exchanged
their subsoil for luxury hotels, lettuce flown
in daily from the U.S., and token positions on boards of directors of foreign
firms rather than for agrarian reform,
schools, or health clinics.
With subsidiaries in the Cabinda enclave
of Angola, Congo-Kinshasa, the Camer-
oons, Ethiopia, Gabon, Libya, the Republic of South Africa, Tunisia, Mozambique,
and Nigeria and three Gulf-owned tanker
and transport lines operating out of
Liberia, Gulf is a major force in the
exploitation of oil in sub-Saharan Africa. With the people of Angola at war with
their colonial rulers, the Portugese, Cabinda Gulf is among the clearest examples
of the multi-national corporation in conflict
with the interests of 3rd World people.
A very good little pamphlet/wall
poster is available from the Committee of Returned Volunteers. Entitled:
"Vietnam is a stake not a mistake,"
it explains American interests in Southeast Asia, describes the NLF andPRG,
and gives a sketch of our military
committment there. For a copy, send
a self-addressed stamped envelope to:
CRV, 65 Irving Place, New York, N.Y.
10003.

Copyright belongs to the individuals who created them or the organizations for which they worked. We share them here strictly for non-profit educational purposes. If you believe that you possess copyright to material included here, please contact us at asklibrary@wisconsinhistory.org. Under the fair use provisions of the U.S. copyright law, teachers and students are free to reproduce any document for nonprofit classroom use. Commercial use of copyright-protected material is generally prohibited.

Owner

The International Institute of Social History Library Collections; Wisconsin Historical Society

Copyright belongs to the individuals who created them or the organizations for which they worked. We share them here strictly for non-profit educational purposes. If you believe that you possess copyright to material included here, please contact us at asklibrary@wisconsinhistory.org. Under the fair use provisions of the U.S. copyright law, teachers and students are free to reproduce any document for nonprofit classroom use. Commercial use of copyright-protected material is generally prohibited.

Owner

The International Institute of Social History Library Collections; Wisconsin Historical Society

Full text

Target.. Corporations
Olin
The Olin Mathieson Chemical Corporation is the supplier of most small arms
ammunition to the troops in Vietnam, as
well as providing illuminating mortar
flares, propellant starter systems for jet
aircraft, grenade detonators, fuses, tracers, and shells up to 81 mm. It is the sole
supplier of 'ball-propellant', used in all
M-16s.
For these services, last year Olin received over $354 million worth of contracts, and placed 20th on the list of top
military firms. Most of these sales came
from the Winchester Group whose sales
are now 40% due to government contracts.
As a diversion, the Winchester people also
sponsor tiger-shoots in India under a packaged travel plan.
Olin is a major philanthropist, and specializes in giving science building to needy
colleges. Recently, however, its image has
been tarnished by being named co-conspirator in a price-fixing case. It seemsthecost
of tetracycline drugs was being inflated
from the cost of $1.59 per hundred capsules, which Olin paid, to $51.00 per hundred over the counter, which sick people
had to pay.
Also unsavory is the charge, backed
up by a class-action damage suit brought
by the Environmental Defense Fund, that
Olin and other producers took "action to
prevent the widespread distribution and
evaluation of scientific data" respecting
the ecological effects of DDT.
The Olin Chairman is the previous president of the New York Stock Exchange,
and its directorship ties justify such corporate status. Olin is linked through directors to such major firms as: Metropolitan Life, IBM, Republic Steel, National
Aviation, First National City Bank, Prudential Insurance, Squibb-Beech Nut, Black
& Decker, Fruehoff, and American Airlines. Olin directors also sit on the boards
of Trinity College, Westover School, Washington University, Johns Hopkins, Washington College and Fordham University.
Gulf
The Gulf Oil Corporation ranks 68th
among defense contractors and is an important supplier of jet fuel to the U.S.
war machine. More striking and hence of
more concern to the anti-war movement
in the U.S. should be Gulf's world-wide
network of interests and its view of itself
as somehow beyond the control of governments. Gulf Oil, through the Mellon family, is at the vary center of U.S. corporate
power.
The other Vietnams that are in the
making elsewhere in Asia, Africa, and Latin America may in many cases find the
U.S. involved in protecting the interests
of Gulf. Through its drilling in Angola
it is already directly complicit in opposing one struggle for national liberation—
Gulf oil revenue buys the weapons and
American-made napalm used to kill Africans fighting to free their country.
Increasingly the anti-war movement is
coming to see that Vietnam is "a stake
not a mistake" and that U.S. corporate
involvement throughout the 3rd World creates other stakes which make it increasingly likely for the U.S. to become involved
militarily. The Tonkin Gulf incident of
the '70s may be an MPLA attack on a Gulf
facility in Cabinda, Angola and the killing
of US oil technicians. To understand the
role of U.S. corporate giants like Gulf
is an important next step for the anti-war
movement.
Gulf Oil Corporation, the third largest
oil company in the world with assets of
$7.5-billion in 1968, is a major figure in
Boeing
The Boeing Company, ninth biggest defense contractor in the nation, last year received $654,000,000.00 of our tax money.
Exercising a virtual stranglehold over the
economy of Seattle, Washington, it's directors hold power in a network of corporations
spanning the continent from Alaska to New
York, but appropriately heavy in the Pacific
Northwest.
Chairman Allen has ties in Weyerhaus-
er Lumber, Standard Oil of California,
and the Pacific National Bank of Seattle.
Other corporations linked at the top to
Boeing are: A T & T, J. C. Penney,
Safeco, DuPont, Morgan Guaranty Trust,
Puget Sound Power & Light, First National
City Bank of New York, the FDIC, Mutual
Life Insurance, Colgate Palmolive, and a
host of lesser corporations, banks, finance
and insurance firms.
The Boeing Co.'s fraternal relations
with such power and money would be incomplete were it not for the 169 ex-colonels
or above safely in its employ. Given this
kind of clout, one begins to understand how
it gets contracts.
Presently Boeing is holding or has just
relinquished contracts for quite a varied
arsenal. The main war machines designed
and built at Boeing are the B52, familiar
to many Vietnamese, and the no less useful CH 46-7 series of helicopters. Boeing
also does significant contract work on the
Safeguard-ABM, AWACX Air Force system,
the Appollo and Saturn V projects, the
Minuteman missiles, various missile sites
and the SRAM, AMSA, and ASMS defense
projects.
Although government sales account for
1/3 of Boeing's total, and it operates almost 11 million square feet of plant floor
space actually owned by the tax-payers,
Boeing is publicly pushing for a little
greater generosity from Washington. As
Board Chairman Allen explains: "... if
there is not the opportunity for reward,
the innovative process that has been so
vital to our security could atrophy."
As a gesture of its feeling toward the
poor, Boeing recently hired 400 'disadvantaged' youths (to add to its 150,000 employees) for a summer.
the exploitation of oil in the 3rd World.
From its foreign operations, which span
Latin America, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, Gulf gains 40% of its net income. Gulf is the perfect model of a multinational corporation based in an advanced
capitalist country, drawing resources and
profits from the 3rd World for its own benefit.
GULF AND THE MELLONS
Gulf is controlled by the Mellon Family through an interlocking web of trusts,
foundations, and individual holdings. Lund-
berg in The Rich and the Super-Rich says
Mellon interests control 70% of Gulf stock.
Gulf, though the largest of the Mellon holdings, is but a start for this family whose
wealth is estimated at somewhere between
$4-and $8-billion. Today, among the first
line Mellon companies are Gulf Oil, ALCO
(the world's largest aluminum producer),
and the Mellon National Bank and Trust
with assets of $3.5-billion.
THE EXPANDING EMPIRE
Gulf Oil has over one hundred subsidiaries outside of the U.S., including companies in 10 African countries or colonial
territories, 6 in Asia, 14 in Latin America,
and 4 in the Middle East. Gulf's interests
include crude oil and natural gas production, refining, nuclear power, petrochemicals, and transportation. Gulf is currently
in the process of strengthening its foreign
refining capacity and expanding its base as
a supplier of energy other than oil.
Gulf is building on the U.S.-occupied
island of Okinawa, a refinery which will
process 100,000 barrels of oil a day (b/d)
and on a nearby island a large transhipment center to service this new operation.
These will open up Asian markets for
increased penetration by Gulf in areas
that the United States has defined as crucial to its national interests.
In-Latin America, Venezuela has been
Gulf's big bonanza, with their subsidiary,
Mené Grande, accounting for about 10%
of the parent company's total production.
Venezuela is a perfect example of a country in which oil has dominated the economy (99% by exports by weight), yet the
people are hungry and continue to lead
lives of oppression and exploitation. There
has been little change in their impoverished country in the form of oil revenues
for foreign concerns. This is a familiar
pattern for oil producing countries—as it
is for entire 3rd World. Corporations
claim to be putting capital into such countries as Venezuela, Bolivia, Nigeria, or
Angola in order to "develop" the country.
What we find in most cases, however, is
a greater outflow than inflow of capital
from the less developed countries to the
advanced capitalist countries. The revenues that do remain in the country go in
large part to a national bourgeoisie which
has made alliances with these multi-national corporations; they have exchanged
their subsoil for luxury hotels, lettuce flown
in daily from the U.S., and token positions on boards of directors of foreign
firms rather than for agrarian reform,
schools, or health clinics.
With subsidiaries in the Cabinda enclave
of Angola, Congo-Kinshasa, the Camer-
oons, Ethiopia, Gabon, Libya, the Republic of South Africa, Tunisia, Mozambique,
and Nigeria and three Gulf-owned tanker
and transport lines operating out of
Liberia, Gulf is a major force in the
exploitation of oil in sub-Saharan Africa. With the people of Angola at war with
their colonial rulers, the Portugese, Cabinda Gulf is among the clearest examples
of the multi-national corporation in conflict
with the interests of 3rd World people.
A very good little pamphlet/wall
poster is available from the Committee of Returned Volunteers. Entitled:
"Vietnam is a stake not a mistake"
it explains American interests in Southeast Asia, describes the NLF andPRG,
and gives a sketch of our military
committment there. For a copy, send
a self-addressed stamped envelope to:
CRV, 65 Irving Place, New York, N.Y.
10003.