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The post-Soviet states, also commonly known as
the Former Soviet Union (FSU) [1][2][3] or
former Soviet republics, are the 15 independent nations that
split off from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in its
breakup in December 1991. They were also
referred to as the Newly Independent States
(NIS), not withstanding that the Baltic states
consider themselves to have resumed their pre-World War II
sovereignty upon their separation from the Soviet Union.[4])

States and geographical
groupings

Typical groupings of the post-Soviet states: Russia Central Asian states Eastern European states Baltic states Transcaucasian
states

The 15 post-Soviet states are typically divided into the
following five groupings. Each of these regions has its own common
set of traits, owing not only to geographic and cultural factors
but also to that region's history in relation to Russia. In addition, there are a number of de
facto independent, but internationally unrecognized states (see the
section Separatist conflicts below).

Economy

The collapse
of the Soviet Union took place as a result and against the
backdrop of general economic stagnation, even regression. As the Gosplan, which had deliberately
set up production chains to cross SSR lines, broke down,
the inter-republic economic connections were also disrupted,
leading to even more serious breakdown of the post-Soviet
economies.

Most of the formerly Soviet states began the transition to
a market economy in 1990-1991 and made efforts to rebuild and
restructure their economic systems, with varying results. The
process triggered a severe transition decline, with Gross Domestic Product (GDP) dropping by
more than 40% between 1990 and 1995.[7] This
decline in GDP was much more intense than the 27% decline that the
United States suffered in the wake of the Great
Depression between 1930 and 1934.[8] The
reconfiguration of public finance in compliance with the principles
of market economy resulted in dramatically reduced spending on
health, education and other social programs, leading to a sharp
increase in poverty.[9]

The initial transition decline was eventually arrested by the
cumulative effect of market reforms, and after 1995 the economy in
the post-Soviet states began to recover, with GDP switching from
negative to positive growth rates. By 2007, 10 of the 15
post-Soviet states had reached GDP greater than what they had in
1991.[10]
Only Moldova, Ukraine, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan had GDP
significantly below the 1991 level. The recovery in Russia was
marginal, with GDP in 2006-2007 just nudging above the 1991 level.
This could be perceived as failure of capitalism to improve the
standard of living in Russia, and combined with the aftershocks of
the 1998 economic crisis it
led to a return of more interventionist economic policies by Putin's
administration.

Regional
organizations

CIS members States that joined EU and NATO Other EU and/or NATO
members

A number of regional organizations and
cooperating blocs have sprung up since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Only
organizations that are mainly (or completely) composed of
post-Soviet states are listed in this section; organizations with
wider memberships are not discussed. The 15 post-Soviet states are
divided in their participation to the regional blocs:

The three Baltic states have not sought membership to any of
these post-Soviet organizations, seeking and achieving membership
in the European
Union and NATO instead (only
their electricity and rail systems remain closely connected with
former Soviet organizations). The sole exception to the above has
been their recent membership in the Community of Democratic
Choice.

The Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan (as well as Belarus) are members of the CIS and participate in several
regional organizations that have Russia as a primary mover. Such organizations
are the EurAsEc (merged with CACO), CSTO, and the SCO. The last two groups only became
distinct once Uzbekistan withdrew from GUAM and sought membership in EurAsEc and
CSTO.

Ukraine, Moldova, and Azerbaijan participate in
the CIS but other than
that they mostly cooperate within regional organizations that are
not dominated by Russia. Such
organizations are GUAM and the Community of Democratic
Choice. Although Ukraine is one of the three founding countries
of the CIS, it
is legally not a member because it has never ratified the 1993 CIS
Charter.[11]

Georgia notified (on August 18, 2008)
the CIS executive organs of its decision to leave the regional
organization,[13][14]
and according to the CIS Charter (sec. 1, art. 9) this decision
will come into force 12 months after the notification date.[15]

Commonwealth of Independent
States

The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)
consists of 12 former Soviet Republics
that differ in their membership status. As of September 2008, 9
countries have ratified the CIS charter and are full CIS members
(Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Moldova, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan,
Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan), one country (Turkmenistan) is an
associate member, one country (Georgia) has declared its decision
to leave the CIS, and one country (Ukraine) is a founding and
participating country, but legally not a member country.

Eurasian Economic
Community

The Eurasian Economic Community (EURASEC) was
established by Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, having grown out of the CIS
Customs Union. Ukraine and
Moldova have observer status
in the community, however Ukraine has declared its desire not to
become a full member state. Because having common borders with the
rest of the community is a prerequisite for full membership,
Moldova is thus barred from seeking it. Uzbekistan applied for membership in October
2005 [1], when the
process of merging CACO and the Eurasian Economic Community
began; it joined on 25 January 2006.

Collective Security
Treaty Organization

Seven CIS member states, namely Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Armenia, have enhanced their military
cooperation, establishing the Collective Security Treaty
Organization (CSTO), this being an expansion of the
previous Collective Security Treaty (CST). Uzbekistan which
(alongside Georgia and Azerbaijan) withdrew from the CST in 1999,
joined GUAM. Then in 2005 it withdrew from GUAM and currently it is
again seeking closer ties with Russia (thus in 2006 it has joined
EurAsEc and later CSTO). CSTO and EurAsEc are closely related
organizations.

GUAM

Four member states, namely Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova established the GUAM
group that was largely seen as intending to counter Russian
dominance in the region. Notably, these four nations don't
participate in any of the other regional organizations that sprang
up in the region since the dissolution of the Soviet Union (other
than the CIS).

Union of Russia and
Belarus

Members of the
Union CIS members who have shown
interest in becoming members of the Union Other CIS members

The Union of Russia and Belarus was originally
formed on April 2, 1996 under the name Commonwealth of Russia
and Belarus, before being tightened further on December 8,
1999. It was initiated by the president of Belarus, Alexander
Lukashenko. On paper, the Union of Russia and Belarus intends
further integration, beyond the scope of mere cooperation,
including the introduction of the ruble as a common currency.

Community of Democratic
Choice

The Community of Democratic Choice (CDC) was
formed in December 2005 at the primary instigation of Ukraine and
Georgia, and composed of six post-Soviet states (Ukraine, Georgia,
Moldova, and the three Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and
Lithuania) and three other countries of Eastern Europe (Slovenia, Romania and the Republic of Macedonia). The Black Sea Forum (BSF) is a closely related
organization.

Just like GUAM before it, this forum is largely seen
as intending to counteract Russian influence in the area. This is
the only international forum centered in the post-Soviet space in
which the Baltic states also participate. In addition, the other
three post-Soviet states in it are all members of GUAM.

Shanghai Cooperation
Organisation

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), is
composed of China and five post-Soviet states, namely Russia,
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The organization
was founded in 2001, though its predecessor, the Shanghai
Five grouping, has existed since 1996. Its aims revolve
around security-related issues.

Post-Soviet states are also members in the following
organisations in Balkans and
Black Sea regions (but
those organisations are not centred with Russia as the main
mover)

For
economic cooperation

Central European Free
Trade Agreement (CEFTA) with Moldova (it includes also non
post-soviet countries of the former Yugoslavia; previously, also
included other Central European countries that left CEFTA when
joining the European Union ; CEFTA plays a role in Central
Europe similar to what EFTA provides in Western Europe for non
EU-members; this alliance an economical organization with strong
cooperation with the European Union, for countries that don't want
to participage in EurAsEC centered on Russia but that are seeking
alliances to the West); even if Moldova is the only CEFTA country that is still
within a weakening CIS, it no longer participates to the CSTO for
most of the common security policy (but can't join the EU because
of incompatibility with WEU stability rules and the unsolved
problem of Transnistria) but can still benefit from
the Free Trade Area notably with Romania and Bulgaria (in the
EU).

Black
Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC) with Russia, Georgia, Ukraine,
Azerbaijan, Moldova and Armenia (an economic organisation closely
related to the SCO but more focused regionally to include also
Armenia; it also aims for the hamonious development of democracy
for increasing the commerce in South-East Europe and includes some
EU members, so it can’t be a regional free-trade union).

The European
Union (EU) with the three Baltic countries that were the first
ones to declare independence from the former USSR and have never
joined CIS after the collapse of USSR (it includes also now some
post-communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe, that have
left CEFTA when entering the EU : Poland, Czech Republic,
Slovakia, Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Slovenia)

For political
integration and security alliances

Stability Pact for
South Eastern Europe (SPforSEE) with Moldova (similar in
structure to CEFTA, but does not focus on economy but security, for
those countries that are not NATO members ); this organization
largely cooperates with NATO, and is related to the group of
observers at Western European Union
(WEU).

The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO),
for Baltic countries, Poland, and Central European countries that
have also joined the EU (the EU membership includes also WEU
membership because they follow the CFSP and ESDP policies shared now by the EU, the WEU
and all European NATO members).

The other remaining countries are those part of the former
Yugoslavia, but their recent conflict and political tensions still
does not allow them to cooperate efficiently for their political
integration and for their mutual security; in addition, they still
don't have full sovereignty in this domain (some of them are still
under surveillance by EU or NATO, as mandated by UNO). They still
need to find an internal stability and they can collaborate
economically with the help of other organizations focusing on
economy or political cooperation and development. However a more
limited cooperation for security is possible through their
membership to the larger (and weaker) OSCE.

The only exception is Belarus (whose post-soviet democratic
transition did not occur) that still rejects political integration,
and all security alliances with NATO, OSCE, WEU or other countries
in Europe other than Russia (which the process of reintegration of
Belarus has been tightened in almost all domains).

In other domains
than free trade and security

Southeast European
Cooperation Process (SEECP) with Moldova (similar to SPforSEE,
but focuses on political integration than cooperation for security,
and to CEFTA but does not focus on trade).

Central European Initiative
(CEI) with Moldova, Ukraine and Belarus (and also Central and
South-Western European countries in the European Union; it aims at
helping Central European countries to reach the EU standards and
cooperate politically and find a better economic development and a
strong, working but more democratic legal system); it is the only
regional organization where Belarus is still a member (but the
political cooperation with Belarus is almost stalled, as it is the
only Central European country that balances in favor of stronger
cooperation with Russia and against integration with EU and
NATO ; however Belarus remains isolated and still does not
cooperate too in the SCO group lead by Russia and China).

Black Sea
Forum for Partnership and Dialogue (BSF) with Georgia, Ukraine,
Azerbaijan, Moldova and Armenia (also non post-soviet countries
that are NATO members, interested in their maintaining political
stability and avoiding conflicts in the region: Romania, Bulgaria
and Turkey, whose first two are also now EU and CEI members, using
EU rules for their political development); however this
organization does not focus on helping countries to join the EU,
but reaching common standards and good governance and internal
stability and democracy like in the CEI.

(None of these organizations are incompatible with the policy
required for accessing EU membership in the domain of political
cooperation and development).

Merging the CEI and BSF is desired by Central European
countries, that are members of both (often in addition to EU with
stronger objectives) that would like to simplify the development
process, and also members of the Council of Europe that federates (but
at very slow pace) all European efforts of political cooperation
and development through the various regional organizations).

The issue of dynastical succession has been another element
affecting the politics of some post-Soviet States, with Ilham Aliyev becoming
President of Azerbaijan after the death of his father Heydar Aliyev, and
theories about the children of other leaders in Central Asia also
being groomed for succession. [2] The
participation of Akayev's son and daughter in the 2005 Kyrgyz parliamentary elections boosted
fears of dynastic succession being used in Kyrgyzstan as well, and
may have contributed to the anti-Akayev climate that led to his
overthrow.

Separatist
conflicts

Most military conflicts in the post-Soviet space have had to do
with the separatist
desires of territories with different ethnic or religious
demographics than the majority of the state they're officially
recognized as part of.

Out of these regions, only one has been fully reincorporated
into their respective countries. Adjara was reincorporated into
Georgia and the conflict there has ended peacefully. Separatist
leader Aslan
Abashidze fled to Russia where he was granted asylum.

Chechnya has been involved in two wars, caused by the separatist
forces' desire to make it independent from Russia, and conflict
between the separatists and the federalists still continues.
Currently, Chechnya's official position is as a republic that is
part of the Russian Federation. At the same time there still exists
a self-proclaimed separatist government not
recognized by any state. (However, Georgia recognised Ichkeria briefly
in the 1990s.)

There is a separatist movement within Dagestan, members of which
fought on the side of the Chechen rebels during the raid of
September, 1999. However, that attack was quickly repelled by the
Russian Armed Forces with the help of some locals who considered
the Chechen attack an invasion rather than a liberation.

Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the other hand, have
achieved de facto independence which is only recognized (for
Abkhazia and South Ossetia) by Russia, Nicaragua and Venezuela; a
Russian military presence also exists in all three of these
territories. Nagorno-Karabakh has likewise achieved
a de facto independence, with Armenian troops having control of all
the territory and even of neighboring parts of Azerbaijan. In 1994
these four regions have made an agreement of mutual assistance, and
their leaders have in several occasions reiterated such pledges. [3][4][5]

The separatist conflicts are sometimes called "Frozen conflicts"
since mass bloodshed has subsided, but sentiments and opinions
continue to be passed down to new generations.

Civil
wars

Civil wars unrelated to separatist movements have occurred twice
in the region:

Russian population in
post-Soviet states

There is significant Russophone population in most of the
post-Soviet states, whose political position as an ethnic minority varies from country to
country.[16] While
Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, in addition to Russia, have
kept Russian as an official language, the
language lost its status in other post-Soviet states after the end
of the Soviet Union.

Religion

While under the Soviet system, religious intellectual life was
eliminated, traditions continued to survive. After the collapse of
the Soviet Union Islamic movements have emerged alongside ethnic
and secular ones. Vitaly Naumkin gives the following assessment.
"Throughout the time of change, Islam has served as a symbol of
identity, a force for mobilization, and a pressure for democracy.
This is one of the few social disasters that the church has
survived, in which it was not the cause. But if successful
politically, it faces economic challenges beyond its grasp."[17]