The homosocial construction of alternative
masculinities: men in indie rock bands.

Abstract:

This study explores the construction of masculinities and
homosocial relationships within alternative subcultures. Through
in-depth interviews, I researched men in "indie" rock bands
that were redefining homosocial relationships in order to construct
alternative masculinities within the indie rock subculture. The
study's findings demonstrate that while the men upheld certain
hegemonic gender norms inside and outside the scene, within the
subculture they report constructing alternative masculinities through
homosocial interactions and gender strategies involving their bodies and
performances. This study provides an example of how gender is fluid
within specific social locations and contexts. Furthermore, it
emphasizes the idea that multiple masculinities are constructed within
society and that homosocial relations can be places for challenging
hegemonic masculinity rather than reinforcing them.

Homosocial relations among men have been identified as spaces for
defining, maintaining, and redefining what it means to be a man.
Researchers like Kimmel (2006) acknowledge that men construct and
measure their manhood in relation to one another. According to Bird
(1996), homosocial relationships are the social interactions,
strategies, and desires maintained among men, where gender meanings are
"socially shared" and either "reinforced" or
"weakened" (p. 121) to uphold the power structure. Homosocial
interactions are recognized as key in the maintenance of the hegemonic
form of masculinity in U.S. society (Bird; Lipman-Blumen, 1976;
Sedgwick, 1985).

Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) define hegemonic masculinity as
"the currently most honored way of being a man, it require[s] all
other men to position themselves in relation to it; and it ideologically
legitimate[s] the global subordination of women to men" (p. 832).
Contemporary Western definitions of appropriate and valued qualities of
masculinity include an emphasis on strength, competition, violence,
prestige, rationality, heterosexuality, sexualization of women,
homophobia, and suppression of emotion (unless it is anger). While this
version of masculinity remains the norm within society, it is not static
or essential.

Given the unstable nature of hegemonic masculinity, multiple
masculinities are constructed within society (Kimmel, 2006). Certain
subcultural settings are known to be conducive to groups of men enacting
alternative masculinities. These sites include: the arts, music,
literature, and film world; gay, drag, and erotica lifestyles;
skateboarding; wind surfing; and certain environmental movements (Beal,
1996; Cohen, 1997; Connell, 1997; 2005a; Hawkins, 2009; Hennen, 2008;
Schippers, 2002; Taylor & Rupp, 2005; Wheaton, 2000). While these
arenas do reinforce hegemonic masculinity in many ways, they also allow
men to be creative and socially active in ways regarded as feminine or
un-masculine in the larger culture. Although the contemporary norms
concerning "feminine" characteristics are also in constant
flux, for the sake of this article they are described as socially
constructed behaviors and performances that uphold the gender dichotomy
through such qualities as: expressing emotions such as caring, joy,
sadness, anxiety, and fear; being openly affectionate with peers;
maintaining stylized/fashion forward dress codes that accentuate the
body; engaging in beautification practices like styling one's hair
and adorning the body with accessories; and performing activities that
sexualize the body and draw the gaze of onlookers. By incorporating
these conventional feminine characteristics into the enactment of their
masculinity and homosocial relations with other men, male participants
in certain subcultures and social settings are challenging hegemonic
masculine norms (Barber, 2008; Hawkins, 2009; Henson & Rogers, 2001;
Schippers, 2000). One group that has embraced an alternative masculinity
is the men of indie rock bands in North America. This study investigates
the reasons behind indie rock men's construction of alternative
masculinities, the ways they reinforce and challenge hegemonic notions
of masculinity, and the manners in which they report engaging in and
redefining homosocial practices. These men and their reported enactments
of alternative masculinity and homosociality in a largely male-dominated
subculture call into question previous findings that homosociality is
solely a mechanism for reinforcing hegemonic masculinity. Therefore, I
will argue that there are certain homosocial locations and contexts that
can help produce alternative masculinities that reject notions of
hegemonic masculinity.

INDIE ROCK AND MASCULINITY

Bannister (2006) defines indie (independent) rock as "a
post-punk subgenre of independent or alternative rock, featuring mainly
white, male groups playing mainly electric guitars, bass and drums ...
to primarily white, male audiences, recording mainly for independent
labels, being disseminated at least initially through alternative media
networks ... and displaying a countercultural ethos of resistance to the
market" (p. 57). Additionally, even though there is an increasing
number of female fans and female fronted bands, the indie rock scene is
still predominantly made up of male artists and patrons and thus a prime
location for male homosociality. Another defining characteristic of
indie rock is that it created autonomy for musical artists from
corporations and mass marketing influence (Hesmondhalgh, 1999). The
genre of indie rock emerged from many different forms of music over
time, and in the 2000s has become a melting pot of musical influences.
Leading away from more mainstream attitudes and record labels of the
early 1990s and taking back the D.I.Y. (Do It Yourself) approach
pioneered by Minor Threat and later Fugazi and Pavement, the indie rock
bands of the late 1990s and 2000s, such as Jawbreaker, Braid, The Faint,
Mineral, At the Drive In, American Football, and Of Montreal have drawn
back on the core sounds of their 1980s predecessors and autonomous
notions of music.

The autonomy constructed within the indie rock subculture provides
a space for male rockers not only to defy mainstream music industry
norms concerning sound and promotion, but also to challenge hegemonic
constructions of masculinity. In conjunction with autonomy, Battersby
(1989) argues that notions of romanticism have allowed artists in
general, especially 'feminine males,' to be valued for their
"capacity to express their own feelings and imaginings" and
for their "uniqueness and individuality" (p. 13) by the
audience. The notion of romanticism, developed in the 18th century by
male, elite scholars, is used to describe the genius behind both
cultural and scientific creativity of men. Romanticism allows men the
ability to appropriate traditionally defined female qualities like
passion, imagination, and emotion as essential and necessary to the
production of their art and to the separation from the mainstream. In
the process however, romanticism also normalizes male creativity causing
female artists to be identified as Other, thus maintaining gender
inequality. The male indie rockers in this study do acknowledge
upholding hegemonic masculinity in some respects. However, by taking
advantage of the autonomy and romanticism provided to them within the
indie rock scene, the artists also report constructing alternative
masculinities through the use of traditionally "feminine"
forms of fashion/style and physical displays of affection toward other
men; the open expression of feelings in their songs and relationships
with other men; and the outright rejection of hypermasculine attitudes
and behaviors. Most significantly, these men report maintaining
alternative masculinities through homosocial relations with other men.

HOMOSOCIALITY IN LITERATURE AND IN SUBCULTURES

A wealth of research has identified how men construct and reinforce
hegemonic masculinity through homosocial practices (Bird, 2006;
Lipman-Blumen, 1976; Sedgwick, 1985). Kimmel (2006) reports that
homosociality among men has been prevalent throughout American history,
symbolized through organizations like the Free Masons, the Boy Scouts,
and fraternities. Scholars recognize certain behaviors as important in
the construction of homosocial relationships, including men giving
advice to friends on maintaining bachelorhood, sexist joking, and
homophobia (Britton, 1990; Flood, 2008; Lyman, 2008). In addition,
Kiesling (2005) points to the way men use indirect language, like
talking about sports, to engage in homosocial behaviors; and Flood
(2008) looks at how men in military academies construct a homosocial
culture by prioritizing male-male relationships and engaging in
competitive (hetero)sexual behaviors and storytelling.

Researchers have also looked at homosociality within subcultures.
For example, West (2001) looks at drinking subcultures among men in
fraternities and the U.S. Navy, and Singleton (2003) identifies
men's church groups as spaces that are free of women and
homosexuals and thus conducive for male bonding, competition, and
recreational heterosexuality. Bannister's (2006) research on indie
rockers in the 1980's and early 1990's found that the
homosocial relations among men in bands were constantly in conflict, in
their effort to uphold hegemonic norms. He argued that "the indie
ideals of autonomy and independence, defined through a limited musical
style ... are inherently masculinist;" and that the influences of
the mass media and the fear of selling out, as well as "the
presence of an audience, or women, highlights problems with homosocial
bonds between men--specifically, the latent homosexuality and other
suppressed emotions within male-male bonding" (Bannister, 2006, p.
92). For Bannister these problems are central to why so many indie bands
break up. In contrast, I contend that within the new generation of indie
rock men, the homosocial environment has the potential to lead the men
to embrace alternative masculinities that are based on and produce more
harmonious homosocial relations. In particular, these homosocial
interactions allow the men to express rather than suppress their
affection and emotions toward other men and support their construction
of alternative masculinities.

DOING HOMOSOCIALITY--DOING MASCULINITY--DOING ALTERNATIVE?

Researchers attribute homosociality to men doing masculinity, which
allows hegemonic ideals to become internalized individually, in group
situations, and institutionally (Bemiller, 2005; Bird, 2006; Kendall,
2000; West & Zimmerman, 1987). Hierarchical relationships among men
are identified as essential in the maintenance of masculinity. Connell
(2005a & b) points out that by doing masculinity, a strict code of
behavior and emotion is enforced among men, creating many problems for
those who are unable to uphold the masculine ideal. Such constraints
limit the full potential for how men may act, socialize, and affect the
world around them.

When doing masculinity, bodies figure importantly into the displays
of gender performed by men, especially in the case of indie rock men.
Gender and masculinity theorists have focused on the body as a
"vessel" for doing gender and reinforcing gender norms. Butler
(2006) identifies how social ideals construct boundaries based on the
binary sex norm that are used to maintain the "surface politics of
the body," rendering it a "passive medium" (Butler, 2006,
pp. 175, 185). Men and women adamantly work to uphold body politics
through superficial bodily displays of normative gender practices, such
as working out, dieting, maintaining a fashion sense, undergoing plastic
surgery, and wearing makeup (Acker, 1990; Alexander, 2003; Butler, 2006;
Dworkin & Messner, 1999; Georgakopoulou, 2004). However, Butler
(2006) also states that when an individual's gender performance
does not coincide with their sex, "dissonance" is formed
identifying "a fluidity of identities that suggests an openness to
resignification and recontexualization" (p. 187). Thus, when
socially "appropriate" masculine behaviors are not upheld by
the body, causing the performativity of being a man (or woman) to be
highlighted and the notion that gender is static and innate to be
problematized, then opportunities for change are created.

Research also presents the experiences of men in unconventional
locations and cultures, and their effects on the men doing masculinity.
Studies identified alternative subcultures such as snowboarding, the
punk rock scene, the southern rock scene, and rock climbing as places
for men to construct hegemonic masculine norms (Anderson, 1999; Eastman,
2011; Leblanc, 1999; Robinson, 2009). At the same time, other
alternative groups, such as the early 1990's alternative rockers
and both past and present day british pop dandies, are reportedly
rejecting the normative gender definitions of their societies (Hawkins,
2009; Schippers, 2000, 2002).

In a similar fashion, Bannister describes the 1980's early
1990's indie rock scene as less macho and misogynist and producing
more androgynous performances by bands in comparison to its punk/rock
predecessors. Yet he found that normative homosocial relations remained
intact among the male performers. Along with Bannister, Cohen's
(1997) research on indie rock bands in Liverpool found that
participation in the scene provided men with opportunities to create
close relationships with other men and engage in the public expression
of emotions that were attributed as unmasculine by popular culture. Yet,
she found that for the most part women were excluded from the scene and
its activities; and that there were contradictory masculinities within
the scene--traditional masculinities that upheld competition, status,
and assertiveness, and alternative masculinities that presented
emotional, insecure, and subversive behavior. In line with the previous
authors, research by Haenfler (2006) concerning the straight edge scene
found that while many of the politics behind the culture promoted
progressive ideas about gender equality, the scene also supported
contradictory masculinities, profeminist and hypermasculine, and women
tended to be placed at the periphery and ignored. Other research on
alternative music subcultures, like southern rock, goth, and metal, have
also found a variety of contested masculinities (Eastman, 2011; Wilkins,
2004; Rafalovich, 2006).

As a final point, Connell (2005a) recognizes that different
masculinities are constructed in opposition to the hegemonic masculine
norm. While these alternative masculinities might not challenge the
gender structure, they provide new characteristics that might become
part of the dominant masculine norm over time. In line with Connell and
Messerschmidt (2005), then, the indie rock men in my study remind us
that hegemonic masculinity is not stable, but rather a constantly
challenged concept that is susceptible to change.

METHOD

I wanted to understand how my respondents constructed and
negotiated their gendered identity in their roles as indie rock
performers and participants in the indie rock subculture and as members
of the larger culture. I wanted to explore how they felt about
masculinity in and out of the indie scene and the intimate details of
their relationships with other men. Thus, I conducted semi-structured,
in-depth interviews because they could provide the rich data needed to
address sensitive issues related to my participants' construction
of gender and sexuality (Berg, 2004). This method provided me with
detailed knowledge of how my respondents understand their gender
performances; however, because I did not conduct ethnographic fieldwork,
I am unable to confirm whether their self-reports fully match their
genuine actions.

I have been an avid listener of indie rock music since childhood
and have close friends who were and still are in indie rock bands. A
large portion of my life consisted of my engaging with the indie rock
scene. I was not just a fan but also the occasional merchandise
representative (I sold cd's, buttons, and t-shirts) or promoter
(passed out flyers) for a friend's band, which gave me a marginal
insider status in certain situations. Drawing upon this status, I used
convenience and then snowball sampling to contact my interviewees. With
friends' and participants' help, in 2008, I contacted
potential participants through email, phone, and face-to-face
interactions at shows and parties, inviting them to participate in my
study. While my attachment to a core group of indie rockers did provide
me access into the subculture, it also influenced my preconceptions
about the community at large. In order to seek perceptions of the indie
rock scene outside of my own (which might contradict my assumptions), I
chose respondents who I either never met before, had only seen on stage,
or who were only connected to my social network superficially.

I interviewed fifteen indie rock musicians. My sample consisted of
thirteen white men and two men of mixed Anglo and Hispanic ethnicity,
with ages ranging from early twenties to early thirties. Thirteen were
lead singers in their indie rock bands, and the other two were lead
guitarists. All identified as heterosexual. I chose musicians because
they personify the indie rock culture. Not only do these performers live
the indie rock life on a daily basis (especially when out on tour), they
also directly contribute to the scene's primary purpose, music and
performance. Furthermore, because the musicians experience both the
backstage and frontstage of the indie rock culture, they are better able
to provide an in-depth perspective of the subculture and its politics
that a casual fan/observer would not be able to offer. Finally, the
musicians are the trendsetters for their fans and the social
representatives of indie rock to the outside culture, making them key
figures in understanding the essence of indie rock. I chose the
traditional "front men," in particular, because they tend to
be the spokesperson for the band and represent for fans and outsiders
what the band and music scene stands for.

After I had transcribed my interviews, I began content analysis on
my interviews. First, I used open coding to highlight and write down
themes and categories that seemed important in the interviews (Berg,
2004). Once I was through with open coding, I developed themes that had
come up in all or in several of the interviews. After identifying the
most prominent themes that related to my study, I went over my
interviews again using focused coding in order to identify quotes
directly related to my themes. This extensive data analysis method
allowed me to find the most relevant and rich information contained in
my interviews regarding the issues on masculinity, homosociality, and
the indie rock scene I am focusing on (Berg, 2004).

The men represented bands from the local indie rock scenes of two
geographically close major southwestern cities. I chose local bands for
two reasons, convenience and because, as Connell and Messerschmidt
(2005) point out, local constructions of masculinity, especially
hegemonic masculinity, can be essential links to understanding wider
gender dynamics. By understanding how local subcultures provide places
for men to construct their gender alternatively in relation to the local
hegemonic masculine norm, better insight can be gained into how notions
of masculinity might be redefined in society more generally. In
addition, while there are regional differences within any subculture,
local indie rock artists are influenced by national indie rock artists,
open for national acts, and tour nationally; thus they have access to
knowledge about how indie rock operates throughout North America and
reflect the most recent and popular trends among indie rock men. Also,
the two southwestern cities my respondents are based out of are
nationally recognized hubs for music, and attract musicians and
listeners from across North America to move to and visit specifically
for music related reasons. These reasons include numerous music venues,
festivals, conferences, and showcases, all of which support a musician
friendly lifestyle. Therefore, while regional location is important to
understanding music subcultures and masculinities, certain national
characteristics can also be found within local contexts.

ALTERNATIVE MASCULINITIES AND HOMOSOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS

Two major themes emerged from my interviews. The first concerned
indie rock men's reported construction of an alternative
masculinity through the integration of elements of conventional
masculinity and femininity. Related to this theme were the
participants' use of role models, masculine characteristics,
anti-masculine characteristics, feminine characteristics, and defiance
to establish their masculinity. The second theme was the use of
homosocial relationships to maintain this new masculinity. I found that
the men reaffirmed their alternative masculinity through their
relationships with other men in the indie rock scene.

Constructing Alternative Masculinities: Strategic Use of
Masculinity and Femininity

The indie rock men reported using both masculine and feminine typed
behaviors when constructing and performing their masculinity on stage
and off. One practice they frequently used to construct their
alternative masculinity involved drawing upon unconventional male role
models. A majority of the indie rockers acknowledged that one or more of
the influential men in their lives deviated from normative ideals of
masculinity. They pointed out that these men had challenged them in some
positive sense, allowing them to construct new ideas concerning
masculinity. This was the case for Corey (24 yrs. old, lead singer). (1)
When I asked him if he was influenced by any men in the indie scene who
were breaking masculine norms, he said:

Other respondents also indicated that men who are
"emotional" (Jaime--26 yrs., lead singer/guitarist) and who
"walk that line of gay or straight," (Bailey--26 yrs., lead
singer/keyboardist) had some influence on their own expressions of
masculinity. Logan (24yrs., lead guitarist) enthusiastically explained
his connection to men who challenged gender norms, when he stated:

By identifying with these men, some of whom maintained subordinate
masculinities due to their open homosexuality, my participants stated
they modeled their gender around alternative forms of masculinity that
"push[ed] society's limitations" (Tristan--23 yrs., lead
singer). Learning alternative socially shared meanings through
interactions with these more effeminate men, the indie rockers
encountered alternative definitions of being a man.

However, the indie rock men were influenced by traditional
masculine norms as well. All respondents mentioned particular family
members, such as a father, mother, uncle, grandfather, or wife as an
influence on their construction of masculinity. Sociologists define the
family as a normative institution that plays a large role in the
construction of an individual's gender. In general, the family
teaches boys and girls the normative gender ideals, thereby reproducing
the hegemonic, binary gender system (Connell, 2005b). The indie men used
labels like "responsible," "protector,"
"provider," "chivalrous," and "honorable"
to characterize what their family role models taught them about how a
man should act.

In line with these ideas, some of the participants also indicated
that they performed traditional masculine behaviors in a strategic way
to draw attention to themselves when they were playing music. In
describing how he uses his masculinity on stage, Corey stated:

Corey reported gaining attention among his peers through the use of
his physical and vocal power. Through intimidation, Corey was displaying
the normative behaviors of his sex. Similar accounts from other artists
described high-energy performances where acceptable forms of behavior
were "guys jumping around together" (Sammy--25 yrs., lead
singer/guitarist), "projecting strength" (Bailey), and
"losing my shit on stage ... like ... some sort of raw animal"
(Tristan).

Along with doing hegemonic masculinity at certain times in the
indie scene, the rockers also described maintaining hegemonic norms
outside of the scene. Jaime reported "like at work I think ... I
keep some normal social roles up there, where it's like I'm
the, acting like a man." Casey (29 yrs., lead singer/guitarist)
acknowledged acting in traditional ways when interacting with women
outside the scene "like, just taking care of women. Giving up your
seat, opening doors." Adrienne also reported that in the past he
and his friends had "do[ne] stupid things, like have like fight
clubs and things like that." Outside the indie rock scene, my
respondents were more likely to uphold the hegemonic norms of
masculinity such as strength, responsibility, chivalry, and violence.
Their actions correspond to West and Zimmerman's (1987) research on
"doing gender," and uphold the practices that reinforce
hegemonic masculinity as the dominant gender norm for men (Connell,
2005a).

While the men's reported behaviors within the larger culture
do call into question the extent to which they are challenging hegemonic
masculinity, they do not diminish the alternative masculinity they
reported practicing within the indie rock scene. In a sense, the men are
performing multiple, sometimes contradictory, masculinities like those
discussed by Cohen (1997) and Haenfler (2006). By constructing different
masculinities depending on the social location and situation, the indie
rockers demonstrate that gender is not static; but rather, fluid and
susceptible to place and context. Also, the men's paradoxical
gender performances highlight the argument that the indie rock scene is
a social location in which it is possible to construct alternative
masculinities that defy hegemonic norms.

The indie rock men indicated a number of strategies they used when
constructing their alternative masculinity in the indie rock scene.
These strategies included inverting gender norms, blending masculinity
and femininity into their body presentations, and being emotionally
expressive.

Inversion of Gender Norms--Rejection of Hypermasculinity. While
some of the men reported playing up their masculine characteristics
outside of the scene, many of them stated that masculinity was not
important in the indie rock scene and implied that the culture supported
relaxing and even inverting gender norms. Logan acknowledged this by
stating "It's one of the fewest cultures where like the less
masculine you are, the fucking, the more of a man you are." This
statement was supported by other respondents' comments: "My
masculinity, or lack of sometimes ... lets me play music that is more
emotional" (Jaime); "The more masculine you are the less
you'll be liked by indie rock" (Jordan--23 yrs., lead
singer/guitarist). The men's statements indicate that the indie
rock scene is a social location where hegemonic masculine behaviors are
not an important part of constructing one's masculinity. Schippers
(2002) would identify the indie rock scene as a place where "gender
maneuvering" can occur, since the indie rockers were able to resist
gender norms, therefore making hegemonic masculinity less relevant.

The men also reported anti-hypermasculine sentiment when describing
how they constructed their masculinity in the indie rock scene. Corey
feels "completely disgusted" and "embarrassed" when
men act "macho" and "get into fights." He
emphasized, "I don't want to have anything to do with
that." These beliefs concerning hegemonic masculinity led the indie
rock men to shun and ridicule such practices in the scene.
Tristan's response to how hypermasculine men react to his
alternative masculinity at certain shows best describes the indie
men's intentions:

Similar to the women in Schippers' (2002) study, the indie
rock men reported rejecting many of the attitudes and behaviors
associated with hegemonic masculinity. While the men state that
masculinity is not very important in the scene, the disproportionate
number of men in all areas of the scene (fans, promoters, distributors,
and musicians) should be recognized as a challenge to this claim. If
gender were not relevant, we should see an equal proportion of women and
men in the scene with equal access to the most important positions.

Feminine Body Presentations When Doing Masculinity. All of my
participants reported that they incorporated feminine characteristics
when constructing and performing masculinity. Many of the indie rock men
identified some of their physical characteristics as effeminate. Corey
exemplified the look of many of the men in the indie scene. He described
his features as follows:

By not maintaining the correct surface politics of the body that
are socially defined as masculine, the indie rock men negated the gender
displays maintained by the binary sex system (Butler, 2006;
Messerschmidt, 2009). The men's body politic is similar to that of
Schippers' (2002) female participants, in that they used their
bodies as a way to disrupt gender/sexual norms.

Some of the indie rockers identified their sense of style (clothing
and makeup) as effeminate. Stella Bruzzi (1997) contends that
"clothes are not just clothes" but "how the social world
'reads' and contextualizes" (p. 148) an individual's
gender. From the pants and jackets to the shirts and shoes, the men
labeled their fashion as feminine in style, and in some cases they even
wore women's clothing. Corey said:

Dylan also recognized that his effeminate style, "typical
indie rock kinda tight clothes," was a way for indie rockers to
identify themselves to other indie rockers, thus inviting more listeners
to pay attention to their performance. Schippers (2002) reports that
some of the male musicians in her study adopted "feminine styles,
not as parody, but as a stylistic maneuver" (p. 110). Those men
reported the use of feminine style occasionally in their performance,
but my interviews indicate that the rockers dress similarly on and off
stage regularly. Schippers (2002) asserts that individuals do gendered
dress as a way of associating their style with the binary sex system.
However, Bruzzi (1997) and Butler (2006) point out that androgynous
clothes can also assist in the blurring of gender. In addition, Mort
(1996) reports that more feminine, style conscious, and fashion forward
dress styles are historically associated with alternative forms of
masculinities. Also, Hawkins' (2009) asserts that fashion and
public display were essential mechanisms for British pop dandies to
queer/redefine gender norms concerning their masculinity. For the men in
my study, the reported use of a more feminine style allowed them to
reject certain masculine notions of appropriate dress, placing them in
what Schippers (2002) calls a "no-man's-land of gender,"
(p. 111) and also to express their affiliation with the indie rock
scene.

Public Emotionality as an Accepted Masculine Behavior. Along with
their style, respondents indicated that their strategic use of emotions
allowed them to become more open with their audience and better express
the feelings that inspired their music. While they recognized that this
was not normal masculine behavior, they indicated that it was an
essential part of being an artist. Jessi pointed this out when he
reported that performing allowed him to be "really open with
feelings and stuff like that ... I probably am a little too much of an
open book for my own good sometimes ... music for me is really like a
therapy." Similarly, Cameron acknowledged "if sorta leaving
myself open emotionally, or show[ing] the sensitivity or a willingness
to bare all [is] to be considered feminine, I mean that's the sorta
thing that I try and do." Sammy also noted "I like to talk
about my feelings, my raw emotions," it's a "way of
saying 'hey this is what's bothering me.'" Unlike
the men in Kiesling (2005), Kaplan (2005), and Singleton's (2003)
research, the indie rock men reported creating a space of acceptance
where the men could express their feelings without being forced to
comply with the dominant masculine norm of being emotionless. Cohen
(1997) reported similar emotional expressions as ways of alternatively
performing masculinity among indie rockers in Liverpool, as did the
dandy's in Hawkins (2009) research. Battersby (1989) would argue
that notions of romanticism held by the audience, including praise for
the passionate, creative, and expressive nature of the artist, permitted
the men's actions on stage. However, she might also note that these
same perceptions have excluded women from being identified as noteworthy
musicians, and therefore are part of why there is not actually gender
equality in the indie music scene.

The difference in the men's reported performances, in and
outside of the scene, point to the idea that gender is fluid. At times
both inside and more often outside the scene, many of my respondents
described consciously doing hegemonic masculinity through their
energetic performances on stage, actions at work, and interactions with
women and friends outside of the scene. However, within the scene the
majority of the men recounted instances of doing alternative masculinity
by rejecting hegemonic norms through their performances and interactions
with friends and fans offstage. Some caution in the indie mens'
accounts must be taken, since contrasts can occur between what is said
and actually done. Nevertheless, it should be recognized that the indie
rock subculture does provide a social space and context for the indie
rockers to not maintain some aspects of hegemonic masculinity.

Redefining Homosociality in the Indie Rock Scene

Many of my participants reported that their homosocial interactions
in the indie rock scene were influential in maintaining their
masculinity. The scene provided them a space to construct alternative
masculinities freely, and receive support for these alternative
constructions from similar-minded friends, band mates, and fans. An
important aspect of the scene for my participants was the freedom it
allowed them to interact with one another with less concern for
upholding hierarchies and rigid boundaries among other men, making the
maintenance of hegemonic masculinity less relevant. This is in contrast
to previous research on homosociality, which asserts that men interact
with one another under strict and unwritten rules in order to reinforce
hegemonic masculine behaviors and maintain dominant and subordinate
positions of power (Bird, 2006; Britton, 1990; Kaplan, 2005; Roper,
1996; Sedgwick, 1985).

Supportive Rather than Selective Relationships. My respondents
reported that interactions with other men within the indie scene were
casual, supportive, and tolerant. For Adrienne (24 yrs., lead
guitarist), this freedom allowed him to "try to be understanding
... [and] just try to be pretty open to other people's [in
particular, gay men's] ideas," because "it kind of keeps
you grounded a little bit. It's nice to have another perspective in
things." Because the homosociality among men in the scene allowed
them "more opportunity for just more honest disclosure,... to share
a strange sense of humor, or being more open about any number of
things" (Morgan--24 yrs., lead singer/guitarist) there is less
chance for stigmatization and more reinforcement of doing an alternative
masculinity. My respondents' perceptions of their interactions to
provide and promote a tolerant atmosphere among the other men in the
scene are similar to Bird's (1996) research showing that
interactions among men are used to construct "socially shared"
(p. 122) meanings. However, in contrast to her research, which revealed
that the meanings shared reinforced hegemonic masculinity, the indie
men's perceived relations became opportunities for displaying less
stereotyped masculinities and accepting alternative gender identities.
However, since the men reported engaging in some traditional masculine
behaviors, it is safe to assume that certain homosocial practices, like
supporting aggressive behavior on stage, do occur within the indie rock
scene. Furthermore, because men make up the majority of the population
and positions of power in the indie scene, the hegemonic masculine
notion of male exclusivity is being upheld.

Intimacy and Public Affection over Emotional Detachment and
Homophobia. Some of the indie rockers reported family-like relationships
with other men in the scene, especially their male band mates. These
relationships created strong bonds among the men, and provided
acceptance and support for practicing alternative masculine behaviors,
rather than stigmatization. When describing his interactions with male
band members, Sammy stated, "I mean I guess in a band there's
a little brotherhood that develops, and [it] just becomes ... it
doesn't become taboo to...show your feelings to them." The
close bonds formed by the indie rock men reportedly allowed them to be
open, express their feelings, creating more intimate male-male
relationships. Previous research by Bird (1996), Kaplan (2005), Kiesling
(2005), Lyman (1987), and Singleton (2003) found that men used emotional
detachment and stigmatization to resist intimate and meaningful behavior
with other men, and that when they did express intimacy; it was through
behavior that reinforced hegemonic masculine norms. In contrast, among
the indie rock men, intimate behavior was acceptable and welcomed. All
but one of the indie rock men acknowledged that he acted more
affectionately with men in the indie rock scene than with men outside of
the subculture. When talking about interactions with other male friends
in the subculture, Casey stated: "You get away with a lot more
stuff.., like you feel fine about just like going and causing a scene,
giving your friend a hard time and just like giving him a big kiss or
something like that." For indie rockers, homosociality is
reconstructed, allowing for emotional attachment and affection to occur
in order to create stronger friendships. Unlike Bemiller's (2005)
and Henson and Roger's (2001) research on male cheerleaders and
clerical workers who used masculine strategies to maintain normative
masculine appearances, the indie rockers reported interacting in
effeminate ways without worrying about the possibility of being
stigmatized. Because other men in the scene reaffirmed the men in their
actions, they were not labeled gender deviants.

In addition, many reported instances of intimacy and/or hugging and
kissing other men as forms of interaction within the scene. Tristan
remarks:

The men's reported actions clearly reject hegemonic
heterosexuality. For some of the men, homoerotic participation was not
only a way of showing affection, but also a way of rebelling against the
masculine norm. In response to whether or not he is more affectionate
with men in the scene compared to men outside of the scene, Dylan
stated:

This reported behavior can be identified as what Schippers (2002)
labels "gender maneuvering" because the men are stretching
gender rules. Schippers (2002) defines gender maneuvering as "a
process of negotiation in which the meanings and rules for gender get
pushed, pulled, transformed, and reestablished," to
"manipulate the relationship between masculinity and femininity in
ways that impact the larger process of gender structuration" (p.
37). Like the alternative rockers in her study, by "blurring the
masculine position," the indie rockers undermined male power
relations within the scene through "intragender erotic play"
without being labeled homosexual (Schippers, 2002, pp. 32, 148). Their
non-normative homosocial interactions contrast with the normative
notions of masculine behavior among men. Then again, the indie
men's "brotherhood" at times upheld normalized masculine
notions of exclusivity. Thus, while they challenged hegemonic masculine
norms, they seemed to do little to actively promote equality between
women and men in the scene. Yet, within the indie scene men are doing
masculinity differently and providing an example of how homosocial
relations do not always have to uphold hegemonic masculine behaviors.
Through these small acts, constructing a more positive version of
hegemonic masculinity that is less hierarchical and more emotionally
healthy, supportive, and accepting becomes a more reachable goal.

CONCLUSION: HOMOSOCIALITY REVISITED

A summary of my research findings can be found in Table 1. My
findings show that when constructing their masculinity on stage and off,
North American indie rock men described using both masculine and
feminine characteristics. While they did engage in some normative
masculine activities in order to draw attention to themselves during
their performance, they more often reported acting in hegemonic
masculine ways outside the scene to gain respect, joke around, interact
in a chivalrous manner with women, and be seen as a male authority. In
comparison to my respondents' gender performances outside the
scene, they reported to more likely blend masculine and feminine
behaviors and engage in gender strategies onstage and within the indie
scene in order to do alternative masculinities (Bemiller, 2005; Bird,
1996; Connell, 2005a; Schippers, 2002). The interviewees reported that
masculinity was unimportant in the indie rock scene and some even
criticized any behavior thought of as hypermasculine or
"macho." All of the indie rockers incorporated conventional
feminine characteristics into the process of constructing their
masculinity within the scene.

All of these social practices and beliefs were part of the
construction of contradictory masculinities, both traditional and
alternative, that the men reported performing within and outside of the
scene. This paradoxical behavior by the men to uphold their male
privilege within the larger culture, while resisting hegemonic
masculinity in the indie rock scene points to the notion that there are
social spaces and contexts that less rigidly enforce hegemonic masculine
behaviors and identities onto men. Still, the indie rock scene is
predominantly a male space. Thus, even though it reportedly provides a
place to construct alternative masculinities, it has characteristics
that limit women's presence and participation in the scene.
Furthermore, the acceptance of the men's "feminine"
attributes can be partially explained through the concept of
romanticism, which identifies the artists' non-normative behaviors
as creative and expressive and part of the genius associated with art.
Unfortunately, this same praise is not directed toward female artists,
and creates exclusionary perceptions of what and who is artistic, which
might account for the mostly male participation in the music scene.

The homosociality reported within the scene allowed the men to
freely construct their alternative masculinities through socially shared
meanings that did not uphold the hegemonic norm. The men indicated
interacting with one another in ways that reinforced non-hegemonic
gender norms. These interactions included showing affection/friendship
through intimacy, undermining the rules of masculinity, and challenging
hegemonic power relations through erotic gestures to construct an
intimate atmosphere among male friends, band mates, and fans. My
subjects were able to "play with" their sexuality through
homoerotic behaviors (e.g. kissing other men), without putting their
heterosexual identities in jeopardy. However, it must be pointed out
that since all of the men identified as heterosexual, their ability to
challenge hegemonic norms concerning sexuality without putting their own
at risk suggests that the indie rockers maintained some form power
within the scene. Because I did not investigate, through ethnographic
observation, whether the men backed up their claims with action, I have
to assume that there might be some disconnect between what they say and
do. Thus, while the men stated challenging certain norms, some of their
behavior may have upheld hegemonic masculinity.

My findings provide further support for the assertions that men can
construct alternative masculinities. Furthermore, the men's
reported homosocial interactions provide a challenge to previous
research that has solely associated homosociality with the maintenance
of hegemonic masculinity. My findings suggest that homosocial relations
can be places for rejecting certain hegemonic masculine norms.
Furthermore, the paradoxical characteristics of the men's
construction of masculinity provide an example of how gender is fluid
and susceptible to being redefined. While we can be critical of whether
the men's accounts of their behaviors match up with their actual
actions, and indeed, further research should be conducted to ascertain
this, we cannot ignore how these men understand their behavior in
relation to the dominant masculine culture. With this in mind, I believe
my participants' alternative masculinities and homosocial
interactions allowed them to reject masculine norms in certain
locations, contexts, and times rather than engage in behaviors that
would reinforce them.

Several questions need to be answered that could not be resolved in
my study. Because these performers are "in the spotlight" on
stage, and are potential role models for other male indie rock fans, how
influential are they on other men in the scene? What are women's
reactions, beliefs, feelings, and experiences with these men and their
alternative masculinities? Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) recognize
the valuable role women play in the construction of masculinity. As
central figures in the lives of men, women are integral to the
production of masculinities and gender hierarchies, and so to learn
about their experiences with men in the scene is important to furthering
our understanding of how gender operates within it. Further research
also should be conducted on how men in other contexts and social
locations construct alternative masculinities and homosocial
relationships.

A glimpse of redefining hegemonic masculinity and homosocial
relations in a more positive light can be found in the indie rock scene.
This study emphasizes the idea that masculinity is complex and fluid,
rather than dualistic, and that new forms of masculinity and homosocial
interactions are constructed and deconstructed by men in certain social
locations that resist normative gender differences. Connell and
Messerschmidt (2005) write, "masculinity is not a fixed entity
embedded in the body or personality traits of individuals. Masculinities
are configurations of practice that are accomplished in social action
and, therefore, can differ according to the gender relations in a
particular setting" (p. 836). They also point out that these
differing masculinities influence one another, causing new masculine
behaviors to be adopted as part of the current hegemonic masculine
definition. In light of this, some of the alternative behaviors
reportedly performed in the indie rock scene could be embraced in the
construction of a positive hegemonic masculinity that supports more
nurturing and equal male-male relationships and more psychologically and
physically healthy lifestyles. Hegemonic masculinity and its
reinforcement through homosociality is far from absolute, and
alternative homosocial subcultures can provide spaces for men to
challenge the normative assumptions of masculinity and construct more
positive gender norms.

Lipman-Blumen, J. (1976). Toward a homosocial theory of sex roles:
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Lyman, P. (1987). The fraternal bond as a joking relationship: A
case study of the role of sexist jokes in male group bonding. In M.S.
Kimmel (Ed.), Changing men: New directions in research on men and
masculinity (pp. 148-163). Newbury Park: Sage.

Oh yeah man, I mean, I'm really influenced by people who are
pushing buttons, well like more of an expressive almost freestyle
motion ... but people that are real flamboyant, really over
expression, dramatic, pouring out emotion, I really am influenced
by them, and I love when men can push buttons. I don't like it when
it's overboard, I like it when its right on the line, subtly, its
almost hanging over the edge, just pushing it, knowing how to work
it. So I love the people that can walk the line very well.

Some of the most awesome individuals that have been, are these
flamboyantly gay men, which is a completely challenging thing if
you are a heterosexual man. It's like, "Wow! I really look up to
this extremely flamboyant homosexual person" ... and that has
always been challenging for me ... but I was always drawn to it.

You know, I mean I'm a monkey stomping in the middle of the
freakin' woods. Beatin' around, screaming, yelling, flexing, making
these sounds, making these beat like sounds, you know. It's the
beating of the chest, it's the tiger screams (laughing), it's there
... I very much use that in my performance, to get attention.
Fucking grab somebody that ain't lookin,' I want them to look.
Cause I'm going to friggin' do something to make them look.

A lot people aren't ready to swallow that (his alternative
masculinity), a lot of people are like 'aww what the fuck is he
singing like, that's not cool, that sounds fucking gay, you know?
We get a whole lot of that ... But, it's obvious to me the people
who aren't ready for it, they're just gonna make me wanna go even
further. And it's gonna drive them fucking insane. But someone's
gotta do it because this world's about equality of everything.

I think especially when I shave and with my long hair, my body type
not being hugely muscled, [not] being like a jock and toned, I'd
have many guys think that I was a women when I was turned around.
You know, so I wear really tight jeans, it shows off my legs, so
I'm not this big bulky guy; I'm a more feminine type body style.

A lot of where I get my style from is looking at women ... I'll
look at magazines that my girlfriend gets in, and be like "aww that
looks good on her, that'll look good on me." I'll be like "those
jeans are nice, those jeans will look good on me." I don't ever
look at men's clothes, or the way men are dressed.

My friends like getting homoerotic. A couple of them. I've always,
I don't know, I've always been weird about that stuff ... [but]
I'll sometimes just get gay with my brothers, you know? I don't
know ... [Interviewer: do you see it as wrong?] No, it's not wrong
at all. It's cool, it's cool on some levels you know?... Like, the
other day, hanging out with just the guys in the band. We just all
were talking, and we're like "I think we're all gay" like
legitimately. And it's so weird cause it probably gets pretty deep
psychologically, but we can all laugh about it [their close
relationship], joke about it, and then also express it.

In my experience, people who are into indie rock and all the things
that go along with it that ... are generally intelligent, creative
people that are drawn to things that are little bit outside the
norm or whatever. And so I think it [the scene] does forge a lot of
close relationships.... Most of the people who are kind of in that
scene would prefer to be as like as far away from that kind of
macho crap thing as possible ... [and] especially with a lot of my
good friends ... [because] there was a time when we were all doing
a lot more drugs and just kind like wanted to do things to be
provocative or to be shocking or whatever. Like ... guys making out
and nudity and [those] things always tended to do the trick, as far
as being provocative and shocking ... just kind of trying to push
the limit.

Table 1
Summary of Main Findings
1 Indie rock men use both masculine and feminine characteristics
when constructing their alternative masculinities.
2 Indie rock men reported constructing contradictory masculinities,
both supporting and rejecting hegemonic masculinity, within and
outside of the scene.
3 The indie rock men's rejection of hegemonic masculinity within
the indie rock scene supports the notion that certain social spaces
and contexts less rigidly enforce hegemonic masculine behaviors and
identities onto men.
4 The homosociality within the indie rock scene allowed the men to
construct alternative masculinities that did not always support
hegemonic masculinity.
5 Depending on the social location and context, homosocial
relationships can be places for rejecting certain hegemonic
masculine norms.