An ideology without a single example of success is neoliberalism. Since free-market liberalism was resurrected by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher, it has done nothing but cause misery for the vast majority of the world’s population.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels anticipated two major stages of communism. Both stages are, by definition, international. Joseph Stalin’s so-called “socialism in one country” is a novel idea, but it is not based on the writings of Marx or Engels.

In the first phase, communism will develop within the matrix of capitalism. That is to say, the state will remain, but it will be run by the proletariat (the workers), not by the capitalists and imperialists. The economic form of organization will be worker and producer coöperatives. These will be regulated by the proletarian state.

In the second phase, at least according to this writer’s understanding, the state will, quoting Engels, “wither away and die.” In place of a state will be established an administration — a federation if you prefer — which will coördinate the operation of society. However, unlike the first phase, communism will now be decentralized and localized. The coöperatives will remain.

In both cases, communism will be radically democratic. The Bolshevik idea of centralism has no place in communism. A diversity of views will be tolerated, encouraged, and promoted. “Red Rosa” Luxemburg 🌹 never wanted to see any of her comrades expelled from the party — no matter how much at variance their ideas were from her own. Marxism–Luxemburgism can be considered, to use my own term, proto–left communism, since Rosa died before left communism (i.e., communism to the left of Vladimir Lenin) was formally established.

Many Trotskyists, supporters of the ideas of the Bolshevik Leon Trotsky, claim to be democratic, but Trotsky himself was far from being a democrat. Arguably he moved to the right under Vladimir Lenin. Later, following his exit from the Soviet Union, he maneuvered back toward the left. Nevertheless, consider the situation of Trotskyism today. There are few, or relatively inconsequential, differences between the abundance of Trotskyist organizations. Yet, they factionalize over and over again. They seem to be more interested in the charisma of their leaders than in genuine revolutionary struggle. The germ of the single-party state is, even now, present in the Trotskyist movement.

That being said, on a personal level, I have generally gotten on quite well with Trotskyists. There is a great deal about Trotskyism (as well as Titoism) which I find attractive. Furthermore, Trotskyists — as well as all communists, syndicalists, and revolutionary socialists — are cordially welcomed to struggle side by side with the Democratic Communist Federation.

The autonomist Antifa movement (MP3), or anti–fascism, opposes the domination of subaltern (MP3) or marginalized races, ethnicities, nationalities, castes, and tribes. Autonomism (MP3), for its part, is anti–authoritarian communism. Antifa is a tactic for distracting people from the false dichotomy between social liberalism—namely, the faux left—and the right wing. There is, on a Venn diagram (), an overlap between social liberalism and the Left. The question is which of those two will emerge as the foundation for one’s assumptions. Alas, while advancing toward the pursuit of collective and individual emancipation, progressivism, social democracy, or Keynesianism can be among the major impediments to proletarian class consciousness.

The Antifa Luxemburgist Communist Collective™ (MP3; ALCC™) or Antifa Luxemburgism™ (MP3), as a unifying agent of left regroupment, remains nonviolent and nonconfrontational. Its practices are protective and defensive, never aggressive and offensive. Regarding left refoundation, ALCC is based upon Marxism–Luxemburgism (MP3) as the overall framework with Bhaskarian critical realism (MP3) as the metatheory and intersectionality (MP3) as a key theory. When events wannant, activists may, as an illustration, escourt intended victims to safe areas. Meanwhile, union members and non–unionized workers can, as a strategy, coördinate the transition to communism. Follow ALCC on Facebook (join) and dialogue with us on our NationStates forum (join).

Arguably, fascism is a form of libertation, but it is a liberation of the wrong kind. Many fascists, oddly enough, apparently wish to liberate the oppressor from the oppressed. This pseudo–deliverance is unequivocally opposed by ALCC. Some fash crudely misappropriate the language and symbols of the Left, including populist references to revolution and even the use of a fist clenched in solidarity. These confiscations, perhaps intended to hoodwink certain less informed people, may occasionally be successful. However, antifa activists should persevere in an alertness to such deceptive activities and, when appropriate, directly and decisively challenge them. An indispensable facet of any effective praxis—which is far more important than one’s chosen leftist current—must be intellectual warfare.

Fascism and its cousins—nazism, alt–rightism, neo–confederalism, white identitarianism and nationalism, nativism, ôðalism or odalism (MP3), thuleanism (MP3), xenophobia (MP3), the neo–folkish movement (German, die neo–völkisch Bewegungen; MP3), and an assemblage of ultra–right creeds—negate the unifying essence of humanity. Tolerating fascism and the like is unconscionable. Rather, an eradication of this virulent scourge of the Earth must become a universal moral responsibility. The multiple contradictions observed in fascistic ideologies should be dutifully acknowledged, established as ethically illegitimate, and then swiftly cast aside as untenable. ALCC is dedicated to the proposition that fascism can be thoroughly vanquished in the space of one or two generations.

ALCC accepts Rosa’s typology of spontaneity and organization. Spontaneous uprisings will be largely unplanned responses to continuing deteriorations in the capitalist world–system. They shall, quite likely, intensify over the coming months and years. Organized revolutionary activities, perhaps persisting for several centuries, will follow the collapse of capitalism. Communism, the completion of the dialectic, might then be established in two stages: first, a transnational state and, second, a localized global federation or administration. Yet, the political economy to come must be worked out by future generations. In the view of the collective’s founder—a communist nurtured in the New Left beginning in 1968—traditionalism is one of communism’s chief obstacles and, indeed, the last refuge of scoundrels.