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Title: A History of the Cambridge University Press
Author: S. C. Roberts
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A HISTORY OF THE
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1521-1921
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
C. F. CLAY, MANAGER
LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C. 4
[Illustration]
NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO.
BOMBAY }
CALCUTTA } MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.
MADRAS }
TORONTO: THE MACMILLAN CO. OF
CANADA, LTD.
TOKYO: MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
[Illustration: THE PITT PRESS BUILDING]
A HISTORY OF THE
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY
PRESS
1521-1921
BY
S. C. ROBERTS, M.A.
SOMETIME SCHOLAR OF
PEMBROKE COLLEGE
[Illustration]
CAMBRIDGE
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
1921
PREFACE
As may be inferred from the title-page, this book has been written
to mark the four hundredth anniversary of Cambridge printing.
Of the original authorities used in its compilation the most
valuable has been the large collection of documents relating to the
Press which are preserved in the Registry of the University. Access
to this collection has enabled me to glean some fresh information
concerning the careers of the university printers and a series
of accounts and vouchers from 1697 to 1742 has brought to light
several new titles of books printed at Cambridge during that period.
The making of this book, however, would not have been feasible,
in the limited time at my disposal, had I not been free to use
the work of the pioneers, from Christopher Wordsworth and Henry
Bradshaw onwards, and the chief items of this work are recorded in
the short bibliography on page xiii.
In addition, my personal obligations are many: Mr Francis
Jenkinson, University Librarian, Mr Charles Sayle, Mr A. T.
Bartholomew, and many other members of the Library staff have
helped me ungrudgingly, both in putting their own special knowledge
at my command and in guiding me to the proper authorities; the
Registrary (Dr J. N. Keynes) and his staff have similarly given
me ready access to the documents in their charge; Mr J. B. Peace,
University Printer, provided me with the picture which serves as
frontispiece and with the revised plan of the Press buildings; Mr
G. J. Gray corrected several of my statements in proof and gave
me the benefit of his own latest researches into the career of
John Siberch before they were published; to many other friends
(including my colleagues in the several departments of the Press) I
am indebted for items of advice and help too many to be enumerated.
I have also to thank the Master of Trinity College for leave to
reproduce the portrait of Bentley; Messrs Bowes and Bowes for the
blocks used on pp. 6 and 14; and the Cambridge Antiquarian Society
for leave to make use of the papers on Cambridge printing published
in their _Proceedings_.
* * * * *
Those who are familiar with the _Catalogue of Cambridge Books_ and
the _Biographical Notes on Cambridge Printers_ will appreciate the
measure of my debt to the work of the late Robert Bowes. When, in
1913, I sent him a copy of a magazine article on the University
Press, he wrote:
I am by it carried back to my pleasant work of 25 to 30 years ago,
and I am very glad in my 78th year to see younger men interesting
themselves in the subject.
Time has robbed me of the pleasure of offering him a work which
owes much to his research.
* * * * *
Finally, it should be stated that the book attempts to trace the
general history of Cambridge printing and not to enter into the
finer points of bibliographical technique. Similarly, only the
briefest sketch is given of the growth of Cambridge publishing in
the last 50 years; to do more would be to cross the border-line
between history and advertisement. In Appendix II I have carried
on the work begun by Mr Jenkinson for another 100 years. The list
of books, though it may claim some new titles, makes no pretension
to finality; it is rather a starting-point for the professed
bibliographer.
S. C. R.
_1 August 1921._
CONTENTS
PAGE
PREFACE v
BIBLIOGRAPHY xiii
I JOHN SIBERCH 1
II THE CHARTER--THOMAS THOMAS AND THE STATIONERS 15
III FROM JOHN LEGATE TO ROGER DANIEL 30
IV PRINTERS OF THE COMMONWEALTH AND RESTORATION 62
V RICHARD BENTLEY--THE FIRST PRESS SYNDICATE 74
VI EIGHTEENTH CENTURY PRINTERS 101
VII THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY 120
VIII THE LATEST AGE 142
APPENDIX
I UNIVERSITY PRINTERS, 1521-1921 152
II CAMBRIDGE BOOKS, 1521-1750 153
INDEX 188
ILLUSTRATIONS
THE PITT PRESS BUILDING FRONTISPIECE
(From a water-colour attributed to R. B. Harraden)
PAGE
PART OF HAMOND'S PLAN OF CAMBRIDGE, 1592 6
A PAGE FROM _HENRICI BULLOCI ORATIO_, THE
FIRST CAMBRIDGE BOOK 9
TITLE-PAGE OF THE SECOND CAMBRIDGE BOOK FACING 10
TITLE-PAGE OF FISHER'S SERMON FACING 13
TRADE-MARK OF JOHN SIBERCH 14
ORNAMENT USED BY THOMAS THOMAS 29
PETITION OF THE UNIVERSITY TO JAMES I, 1621 37
THE REPLY TO THE PETITION 39
PRINTING HOUSE OF THOMAS BUCK FACING 50
(Cole MSS. XLIII. 260)
TITLE-PAGE OF THE FIRST CAMBRIDGE EDITION
OF THE AUTHORISED VERSION FACING 54
TITLE-PAGE OF _THE TEMPLE_, 1633 57
A PAGE OF _LYCIDAS_ WITH CORRECTIONS IN MILTON'S HAND 59
ORNAMENT USED BY BUCK AND DANIEL 61
_IMPRIMATUR_ FOR A BIBLE, 1662 66
ALMANACK, 1675 71
RICHARD BENTLEY FACING 74
(From the portrait in the Master's Lodge, Trinity College)
TITLE-PAGE OF BENTLEY'S EDITION OF HORACE, 1711 83
KUSTER'S RECEIPT FOR A PORTION OF HIS FEE 90
A COMPOSITOR'S RECEIPT, 1705 93
TITLE-PAGE OF _CHRISTIAN MORALS_, 1716 94
TITLE-PAGE OF BENTLEY'S _BOYLE LECTURES_, 1735 FACING 99
JOHN BASKERVILLE FACING 106
(From an engraving, after the portrait by Miller, reproduced in
Straus and Dent's _John Baskerville_)
A PAGE OF BASKERVILLE'S PRAYER-BOOK, 1762 110
RIVINGTON'S ACCOUNT WITH THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1767 114
THE SENATE HOUSE, THE NEW LIBRARY, AND ST MARY'S CHURCH 119
(From _Cantabrigia Depicta_, 1763)
A PAGE FROM ISAAC MILNER'S NOTE-BOOK, 1800 121
PLAN OF THE PRESS BUILDINGS FACING 128
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cole MSS. British Museum.
Minute Books of the Syndics of the Press.
Registry MSS. relating to the Press.
University Press Accounts.
ALDIS, H. G. The Book-Trade, 1557-1625 (_Camb. Hist. of Eng. Lit._
IV). Cambridge, 1909.
ALLEN, P. S. Opus Epistolarum Des. Erasmi. 3 vols. Oxford, 1906-13.
ARBER, E. A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers
of London, 1554-1640. 5 vols. Privately printed, 1875-94.
BARTHOLOMEW, A. T., Catalogue of Cambridge Books bequeathed to the
University by J. W. Clark. Cambridge, 1912.
BARTHOLOMEW, A. T., and CLARK, J. W., Richard Bentley, D.D. A
Bibliography. Cambridge, 1908.
BOWES, R., Biographical notes on the University printers (_C.A.S.
Proc._ V. 283-363). Cambridge, 1886.
Catalogue of Cambridge Books. Cambridge, 1894.
Note on the Cambridge University Press, 1701-1707 (_C.A.S.
Proc._ VI. 362). Cambridge, 1891.
On a copy of Linacre's Galen de Temperamentis (_C.A.S. Proc._
IX. 1).
BOWES, R. and GRAY, G. J. John Siberch: bibliographical notes,
1886-1905. Cambridge, 1906.
BRADSHAW, H. Henrici Bulloci Oratio. With bibliographical
introduction. Cambridge, 1886.
Cambridge Historical Register to 1910. Ed. J. R. TANNER. Cambridge, 1917.
CARTER, E. History of the University of Cambridge. London, 1753.
COOPER, C. H. Annals of Cambridge. 5 vols. Cambridge, 1842-1908.
COOPER, C. H. Athenae Cantabrigienses. 3 vols. Cambridge, 1858-1913.
CRANAGE, D. H. S. and STOKES, H. P. The Augustinian Friary in Cambridge
and the History of its Site (_C.A.S. Proc._ XXII. 53). Cambridge,
1921.
DARLOW, T. H. and MOULE, H. F. Historical Catalogue of the printed
editions of Holy Scripture. 4 vols. London, 1903-11.
DUFF, E. G. The English Provincial Printers, Stationers and
Bookbinders to 1557. Cambridge, 1912.
DYER, G. Privileges of the University of Cambridge. London, 1824.
GED, W. Biographical Memoirs of. London, 1781, and Newcastle, 1819.
Grace Book _Α_. Ed. S. M. LEATHES. Cambridge, 1897.
_Β_ Parts I, II. Ed. MARY BATESON. Cambridge, 1903, 1905.
_Γ_ Ed. W. G. SEARLE. Cambridge, 1908.
_Δ_ Ed. J. VENN. Cambridge, 1910.
GRAY, G. J. Bibliography of the works of Sir I. Newton. Ed. 2.
Cambridge, 1907.
Index to the Cole MSS. Cambridge, 1912.
John Siberch. Cambridge, 1921.
The earlier Cambridge stationers and bookbinders, and the first
Cambridge printer. Oxford, 1904.
GRAY, G. J. and PALMER, W. M. Abstracts from the Wills of Printers,
Binders, and Stationers of Cambridge, 1504-1699. London, 1915.
HART, H. Charles, Earl Stanhope and the Oxford University Press
(Collectanea III). Oxford, 1896.
HERBERT, W. Typographical antiquities. Begun by Joseph Ames. 3
vols. London, 1785-90.
JENKINSON, F. J. H. On a letter from P. Kaetz to J. Siberch
(_C.A.S. Proc._ VII. 188). Cambridge, 1890.
On a unique fragment of a book printed at Cambridge early in the
sixteenth century (_C.A.S. Proc._ VII. 104). Cambridge, 1890.
LOFTIE, W. J. A Century of Bibles. London, 1872.
MONK, J. H. The Life of Richard Bentley, D.D. London, 1830.
MULLINGER, J. B. The University of Cambridge. 3 vols. Cambridge,
1873-1911.
NEWTH, S. On Bible Revision. London, 1881.
NICHOLS, J. Literary Anecdotes of the Eighteenth Century. 6 vols.
London, 1812.
POLLARD, A. W. Fine Books. London, 1912.
REED, T. B. A history of the old English letter foundries. London, 1887.
ROBERTS, W. The Earlier History of English Bookselling. London, 1889.
SAYLE, C. E. Early English printed books in the University
Library, Cambridge (1475-1640). 4 vols. Cambridge, 1900-7.
STOKES, H. P. Cambridge Stationers, Printers, Bookbinders, &c.
Cambridge, 1919.
The Esquire Bedells of the University of Cambridge
(_C.A.S. Publications_, 8º Series, XLV). Cambridge, 1911.
STRAUS, R. and DENT, R. K. John Baskerville. London, 1907.
WILLIS, R. and CLARK, J. W. Architectural History of the
University of Cambridge. 4 vols. Cambridge, 1886.
WORDSWORTH, C. The Correspondence of Richard Bentley. 2 vols.
London, 1842.
Scholae Academicae. Cambridge, 1877.
I
JOHN SIBERCH
Excursions into the realm of legend have long served as the
traditional method of approach of the academic historian to his
subject. True, the story of the foundation of the university of
Cambridge by "one Cantaber, a Spaniard, about 370 years before
Christ," or, as Fisher described him in 1506, "Cantaber, a king
of the East Saxons, who had been educated at Athens," is now
definitely rejected as unhistorical; but it was only in 1914 that
the name of Sigebert, King of the East Angles, was removed from the
list of royal benefactors[1].
University printing, like the university itself, has its Apocrypha.
Edmund Carter, writing in 1753, includes a short section on
_University Printers_:
Printing had not been long used in _England_ before it was brought
hither, but by whom it is difficult to ascertain, tho' it may be
supposed that _Caxton_, (who is said to be the first that brought
this curious art into _England_, and was a _Cambridgeshire_ Man,
born at _Caxton_ in that County, from which he takes his Name)
might Erect a Press at _Cambridge_, as well as at _Westminster_,
under the care of one of his Servants; (for it is Conjectured, he
brought several from _Germany_ with him). The first Book we find
an Account of, that was Printed here, is a Piece of _Rhetoric_,
by one _Gull. de Saona_, a Minorite; Printed at _Cambridge_
1478; given by Archbp. Parker to _Bennet_ College Library. It
is in Folio, the Pages not Numbered, and without ketch Word, or
Signatures.
Alas for Carter's pious suppositions! Caxton, according to his own
testimony, was born in Kent and Cambridge can claim only to be the
place of compilation of the _Rhetorica_; the phrase at the end of
the book, _Compilata in Universitate Cantabrigiae_, no doubt led
to the entry being made in the catalogue in the form _Rhetorica
nova, impressa Cantab, fo._ 1478, and the mistake persisted for two
centuries.
Nor is Oxford without a controversial prologue to the story of
its printing. In the first Oxford book the date appears in the
colophon as MCCCCLXVIII and for long it was sought to establish
the claim that Oxford printing preceded Caxton. But though it has
been contended that the ground for the claim "has not yet entirely
slipped away," it is now generally accepted by bibliographers that
the printer omitted an X from the date, which should in fact be
MCCCCLXXVIII.
"The oldest of all inter-university sports," said Maitland, "was a
lying match."
* * * * *
To return to Cambridge, we are on firmer, though not very spacious,
ground, when we come to the name of John Siberch, the first
Cambridge printer. "True it is," says Thomas Fuller, "it was a
great while before Cambridge could find out the right knack of
printing, and therefore they preferred to employ Londoners therein
... but one Sibert, University Printer, improved that mystery to
good perfection."
Of the life of Siberch, either at Cambridge or elsewhere, we know
little. He was the friend of several great humanists of the
period, including Erasmus; he was in Louvain, evidently, in 1518.
"I was surprised," writes Erasmus to John Caesarius on 5 April of
that year, "that John Siberch came here without your letter."
The earliest appearance of his name on a title-page is in 1520,
when Richard Croke's _Introductiones in rudimenta Graeca_ was
printed at Cologne "expensis providi viri domini Ioannis Laer de
Siborch."[2] His full name, then (of which there are many forms),
is John Lair and his place of origin Siegburg, a small town
south-west of Cologne.
A discovery made by Mr Gordon Duff in the Westminster Abbey Library
in 1889 makes it almost certain that Siberch was already in England
when Croke's book was printed; for in a copy of a book bound by
Siberch there was found, besides two printed fragments and a letter
from Petrus Kaetz[3], a portion of the manuscript of the _Rudimenta
Graeca_. It seems clear, therefore, that Siberch was in England
when proofs and 'copy' of the work were sent to him.
Richard Croke (afterwards the first Public Orator) was at this
time the enthusiastic leader of Greek studies in Cambridge. He had
earned fame as a teacher at Cologne, Louvain, Leipzig, and Dresden
and, in succession to his friend Erasmus, was appointed Reader in
Greek to the university in 1519. His text-book could not be printed
in England, because there was as yet no Greek fount owned by an
English printer; and it is quite probable, as Mr Duff suggests,
that John Siberch, himself settled in Cambridge, had undertaken to
have Croke's work printed by a friend, possibly by his old master,
in Cologne. Possibly, too, Croke may have previously met Siberch in
Germany and, with Erasmus, have been responsible for his coming to
Cambridge. This, of course, is conjectural, but of the friendship
between Erasmus and Siberch there is no doubt, since, in a letter
from Erasmus to Dr Robert Aldrich, written on Christmas Day 1525,
there is a message sent to "veteres sodales Phaunum, Omfridum,
Vachanum, Gerardum, et Joannem Siburgum, bibliopolas."
From this it would naturally be inferred that Siberch was still in
Cambridge in 1525, but his name does not appear in the Subsidy Roll
of 1523-24 and it is probable, therefore, that, unknown to Erasmus,
he left in the early part of 1523[4].
Siberch, then, probably lived in Cambridge from 1520 to 1523, a
period during which the labours of the first Cambridge humanists
were beginning to bear fruit. In 1497, the Lady Margaret, mother
of Henry VII, had appointed as her confessor John Fisher, Master
of Michaelhouse; and "to the wealth and liberality of the one,"
in Mullinger's words, "and the enlightened zeal and liberality of
the other the university is chiefly indebted for that new life and
prosperity which soon after began to be perceptible in its history."
To the Lady Margaret were due the foundation of St John's and
Christ's Colleges and the Professorship and Preachership which bear
her name; Fisher, afterwards Bishop of Rochester and President of
Queens' College, was the first holder of the Divinity chair and
it was at his invitation that Erasmus, who had taken a degree in
divinity in Cambridge in 1506, came to live, in 1509 or 1510, in
the turret-chamber of Queens'. Though it is, perhaps, as the first
teacher of Greek (himself for the most part self-taught and not,
as Gibbon says, the importer of Greek from Oxford) that Erasmus is
most famous, the result of his first lectures was disappointing:
So far I have lectured on the grammar of Chrysoloras, but to few
hearers; perhaps I shall have a larger audience when I begin
the grammar of Theodorus, perhaps I shall take up a theological
lectureship.
This last hope was fulfilled in 1511, when Erasmus was elected to
the Lady Margaret's professorship of divinity. His letters are full
of petulant complaints which may be taken as seriously as those
of Gray in later years. He sees no hope of lecture-fees since his
conscience will not let him rob 'naked men,' and only by touting
does it appear possible to get pupils. The college beer is bad
and the townsmen boorish. So he retires to his garret in Queens'
and applies himself to his work on the New Testament (_Novum
Instrumentum_) and his edition of St Jerome, both of which were to
play an important part in preparing the way for the Reformation in
England.
When weary of study, "for lacke of better exercise he would take
his horse and ryde about the Market Hill." But he has words of
praise for the Cambridge school of theology:
In the University of Cambridge instead of sophistical arguments,
their theologians debate in a sober, sensible manner and depart
wiser and better men.
[Illustration: PART OF HAMOND'S PLAN OF CAMBRIDGE, 1592]
It was to this Cambridge and, probably, to this patron in Cambridge
that John Siberch came. The single reference to his place of
residence and to his position in the university occurs in the
_Annals_ of Dr Caius:
The space (he writes) between the gate of humility and the gate
of Virtue was formerly occupied by a tenement called the King's
Arms. This was once the residence of John Sibert, alias Siberch,
the University Printer, who printed some books of John Lydgate and
others, and of Erasmus when he was residing at Cambridge.
The "tenement called the King's Arms" explains the use by Siberch
of the royal arms as a printer's device; but although _cum gratia
et privilegio_ appears on the title-page of several books printed
by him, there is no official confirmation of his having held the
office of university printer[5].
There are entries, however, in _Grace Books_ and in the _Audit
Book_ of the university which show that in 1520 or 1521 the
university advanced to him the sum of twenty pounds:
Obligatur doctor Manfeld loco et vice magistri Norres pro summa
pecunie quam recepit Johannes bibliopola ab universitate[6].
Probably, Mr Duff suggests, this sum of money--a larger amount than
a university stationer's fee--may have been advanced with a view to
helping Siberch in the establishment of a press.
The debt is entered in the proctors' accounts until the year
1524-25 and in _Grace Book B_ it is recorded under the date
1538-9 that John Law, an alien priest, with Drs Ridley, Bulloke,
Wakefield, and Maundefelde owed £20 sterling to the university,
for which they had given a bond with their signature and seals;
reference is made to this bond in the _Audit Book_ under the dates
1546, 1549, and 1553. From the description of Siberch as "presbiter
alienigena" Mr Duff infers that Siberch eventually forsook printing
for the Church.
Such are the fragmentary references that have survived concerning
the career of the first Cambridge printer.
* * * * *
Fortunately, however, eight complete specimens of his book-printing
have been preserved:
I The first Cambridge book (of which a page is shown in facsimile)
reflects the atmosphere of the time. It is the _Oratio_ delivered
by Henry Bullock, D.D., Fellow of Queens' College and afterwards
Vice-Chancellor, in honour of the visit of Cardinal Wolsey to the
university in the autumn of 1520. The 'frequentissimus cetus'
before whom the oration was given included the imperial ambassadors
and several bishops.
The cardinal was lodged at Queens' College and both town and
university delighted to honour him, as may be seen from the
following items from the proctors' accounts:
To the Vicechancellor for expences in going round the town with
the mayor, to cleanse the streets against the coming of the
Cardinal, 2_s_ 2_d_.
Gifts to the Cardinal: for wine £3 6_s_ 8_d_; for carrying the
same to Queens coll. 12_d_; for 2 oxen, £3 7_s_ 8_d_; for 6 swans,
28_s_ 8_d_; for 6 great pikes, 33_s_ 4_d_; for 6 shell fish, 4_s_
4_d_; for a river fish called a breme, 6_s_ 8_d_.
For repairing the streets on the Cardinal's coming, 13_d_.
To 2 scholars who carried an altar on the coming of the Cardinal,
4_d_.
[Illustration: A PAGE FROM _HENRICI BULLOCI ORATIO_, THE FIRST
CAMBRIDGE BOOK]
The style of the oration is even more lavish than the ceremonial
preparations. "Scarcely from the obsequious senates of Tiberius and
Domitian did the incense of flattery rise in denser volume or in
coarser fumes."[7]
Bradshaw pointed out that the type used for the printing of the
_Oratio_ appears to be quite new. Many of the lines are wavy and
irregular and there are no woodcut initials or ornaments of any
kind. The second imprint, at the end of the book, runs: _Impressa
est haec oratiūcula Cantabrigiae, per me Ioannem Siberch, post
natum saluatorem, Millesimo quingentesimo uicesimoprimo. Mense
Februario._ A second impression was printed a few months later and
issued with Siberch's third book.
Four libraries possess copies: the British Museum; the Bodleian
Library; Lambeth Palace; and Archbishop Marsh's Library, St
Patrick's, Dublin. Cambridge unfortunately has no copy.
II The second Cambridge book is the rarest of all those printed by
Siberch, only one copy (John Selden's, bequeathed to the Bodleian
Library in 1659) having been preserved.
It contains a letter addressed by a 'certain faithful Christian' to
'all Christians' and a sermon of Augustine _De miseria ac brevitate
vitae_, of which the full title may be read in the facsimile. In
addition to its uniqueness, the book has a further interest in
that the Greek motto on the title-page was printed from the first
genuine moveable Greek type used in England. Woodcuts depicting
scenes from the Last Judgment and probably copied from a German
_Book of Hours_ are also used on the title-page.
[Illustration: TITLE-PAGE OF THE SECOND CAMBRIDGE BOOK]
III The next book contains Lucian _περὶ δωδιψάδων_ translated by
Henry Bullock, together with a reissue of the _Oratio_. On the
title-page there appears for the first time the elaborate border
with the Arma Regia (the sign of the house in which Siberch lived)
at the foot. No other ornament is used, but Greek type appears on
the title-page, in the dedication, and at the end of the book.
Four copies are known: two in the British Museum, one in St John's
College, Cambridge, and one at Lambeth Palace.
IV The fourth book, Archbishop Baldwin's _Sermo de altaris
sacramento_ (1521), contains for the first time a woodcut initial
and the Arma Regia in another form. The book is dedicated to
Nicholas West, Bishop of Ely, and in the dedication Siberch claims
to be the first printer to use Greek type in England--"Ioannes
Siberch primus utriusque linguae in Anglia impressor."
Nine copies have survived: two in the Bodleian, two in the
University Library, Cambridge, one in Trinity College, Cambridge,
one in Magdalene College, Cambridge, one in All Souls' College,
Oxford, one in Lincoln and one in Peterborough Cathedral Library[8].
V The next book has many points of interest. In the first place,
it is by the printer's friend, Erasmus, and its title gives a
brief survey of the manner of its composition: _Libellus de
Conscribendis epistolis, Autore D. Erasmo, opus olim ab eodem
cœptum, sed prima manu, mox expoliri cœptum, sed intermissum, Nunc
primum prodit in lucem...._ MDXXI.
Secondly, it is the first book of any size undertaken by Siberch.
"Ignosces," he pleads, "candide lector iam primum experienti mihi."
Further, the phrase _Cum gratia et privilegio_ is now used on the
title-page for the first time; for this leave had probably been
obtained through Bishop Fisher, in a dedication to whom the printer
calls himself 'Cantabrigiensis typographus.'
Four copies are known: two in the British Museum, one in St John's
College, Cambridge, and one in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge;
the last has an additional interest in that it was bound by
Nicholas Speryng.
VI The sixth of the books printed by Siberch is the commonest. It
is a translation of Galen by Thomas Linacre: _Caleni Pergamensis de
Temperamentis, et de inaequali intemperie libri tres Thoma Linacro
Anglo interprete._
It is described on the title-page, which has the same border-device
as III, as "opus non medicis modo, sed et philosophis oppido q_uam_
necessariu_m_"; it is dedicated to Pope Leo X and printed "cum
gratia et privilegio."
[Illustration: TITLE-PAGE OF FISHER'S SERMON]
The existing copies of the book are in two states: a copy in the
first state was found by the late Mr Robert Bowes in the library
of Trinity College, Dublin, containing only the _De Temperamentis_
and having on the last leaf but one a woodcut of the Adoration
of the Shepherds. The copy in the Royal College of Physicians
consists of this first issue with the second essay added. The
remaining ten copies--University Library, Cambridge (2); Bodleian
Library (2); British Museum; Trinity College, Cambridge; All
Souls' College, Oxford; Hunterian Museum, Glasgow; the Duke of
Devonshire; Mr Bowes--are in the second state, containing both the
_De Temperamentis_ and the _De inaequali intemperie_, the last two
leaves of the former essay as they appear in the first state being
cancelled.
VII The full title of the seventh Cambridge book may be read in
the facsimile here shown. It is a Latin translation of the sermon
delivered in London by Fisher when Luther's books were publicly
burned.
Siberch has now discarded his ornamental title-border, but at
the end of the book there appears a new device, embodying his
trade-mark and initials. The book was printed late in 1521 and
probably issued early in the January of the next year.
Five copies are known: two in the Bodleian Library; one in the
University Library, Cambridge; one in Magdalene College, Cambridge;
and one in the John Rylands Library, Manchester.
VIII The last of the eight books printed by Siberch of which
complete copies survive is _Papyrii Gemini Eleatis Hermathena,
seu De Eloquentiae Victoria_, printed on the 8th December, 1522.
There are three different states of the title-page and six complete
copies are known: University Library, Cambridge; British Museum; St
John's College, Oxford; Archbishop Marsh's Library, St Patrick's,
Dublin; Duke of Devonshire; Lincoln Cathedral Library.
To these eight books must be added the _De octo partium orationis
constructione libellus_ of Lily and Erasmus, two leaves of which
were found in the book bound by Siberch which Mr Duff discovered
at Westminster. This _libellus_, originally written by William
Lily and revised, at Colet's suggestion, by Erasmus, was a popular
school book of the period.
It was in the binding of the same book that the letter from Petrus
Kaetz, a Dutch printer, was also found. This letter has many points
of interest. Kaetz sends Siberch "25 prognostications and 3 New
Testaments small," as well as a parcel to be delivered to Niclas
[Speryng] and we may fittingly conclude our notice of Siberch with
the tribute of a contemporary to his prospects as a printer:
Know, Jan Siborch (writes Petrus Kaetz) that I have received your
letter as [well as specimens] of your type, and it is very good;
if you can otherwise ... and conduct yourself well, then you will
get enough to print.
(Translation by Dr Hessels, Jenkinson, _C.A.S._ VIII, 186.)
[Illustration: TRADE-MARK OF JOHN SIBERCH]
II
THE CHARTER--THOMAS THOMAS AND THE STATIONERS
Though it may not be clear to what extent John Siberch was
officially recognised as printer to the university, it is evident
that no successor to him was immediately appointed. University
stationers and bookbinders, however, had been for some time
established in a privileged position. As early as 1276 we find a
reference to the "writers, illuminators, and stationers, who serve
the scholars only," and in a note on this phrase Fuller defines
the _stationarii_ as "publicly avouching the sale of staple-books
in standing shops (whence they have their names) as opposite to
such circumforanean pedlers (ancestors to our modern Mercuries and
hawkers) which secretly vend prohibited books."
In 1350 John Hardy, procurator of the Corpus Christi Gild, is
described as "stationarius of the University" and we learn
something of the stationers' duties from the prohibition by
Convocation in 1408 of the use in schools of "any book or tract
compiled by John Wiclif, or any one else in his time or since or to
be compiled thereafter" unless first examined by the universities
and afterwards approved by the Archbishop. After the book had been
finally sanctioned, it was to be delivered "in the name and by the
authority of the University to the stationers to be copied; and a
faithful collation being made, the original should be deposited in
the chest of either University, there to remain for ever."
In his edition of _Grace Book A_ (1454-88) Sir Stanley Leathes
summarises the position of the _Stationaries_ as follows:
They were not students, nor were they exactly servants or
tradesmen. They were the official agents of the University for the
sale of pledges, and official valuers of manuscripts and other
valuables offered as security. They seem to have received an
occasional fee from the Chest.... Like the servants and tradesmen
dependent on the University they were under the University
jurisdiction.
Many of the stationers were binders as well and the keeping of the
university chest was included in their duties; from the will of
Petrus Breynans (_c._ 1504) it also appears that they were provided
by the university with a distinctive gown[9].
At the beginning of the sixteenth century, we find the stationers
involved in one of the many disputes between university and town,
damaging alike to study and to business. In 1502 both parties
besought the "amicable interference" of the Lady Margaret, who
counselled arbitration; the result was an "indenture of covenant"
executed by university and town "pursuant to the award of Sir
Thomas Frowycke and the other arbitrators." One clause in the
indenture runs:
ITEM, yt ys covenanted, accorded, and agreed bitwene the said
Parties, accordinge to the said Award, that all Bedells of the
said Universitie, and all Mancipills, Cooks, Butlers, and Launders
of everye Colledge, Hostell, and of other places ordeyned for
Scolers, Students, and places of religion in the said Universitie,
and all appotycares, Stacioners, Lymners, Schryveners,
Parchment-makers, Boke-bynders, Phisitions, Surgeons, and Barbers
in the sayd Universitie ... shall be reputed and taken as Common
Ministers and Servants of the said Universitie, as longe as they
shall use eny such occupacion, and shall have and enjoye lyke
privilege as a Scolers Servant of the same Universitie shall have
and enjoye....[10]
In the list at the end of the award containing the names of
those privileged by the university, the last entry is "Garreit
Stacioner.", This "Garreit" is the stationer and binder generally
known as Garrett Godfrey. When he first began business in Cambridge
is not known, but more than fifty specimens of his binding,
dating from 1499 to 1535, have survived. We know also that he was
churchwarden of Great St Mary's in 1516 and again in 1521 and that
he died in 1539[11].
Erasmus refers to him in 1516 as his "old host, Garrett the
bookseller" (which suggests that he stayed in his house during his
first visit to Cambridge), and in 1525 sends a message, already
quoted, to Garrett and other booksellers.
Another stationer and bookbinder of the period is Nicholas
Spierinck (Speryng), whose name first appears in _Grace Book B_
under the date 1505-6. Little is known of him as a stationer. He
was a Dutchman by birth and, like Garrett Godfrey, was a friend of
Erasmus and a churchwarden of Great St Mary's. His will, of which
he appointed Thomas Wendy, the royal physician, as supervisor,
shows him to have been a man of property, since he bequeathed to
Nycholas Spyrynke, his "sonnes sonne," the "howse of the Crosse
Keyes"--a brewery in Magdalene Street[12]; of his work as a binder
nearly fifty examples remain.
The third of the Cambridge stationers of this period whom we must
consider is Segar Nicholson. He also came from Holland, and, as Mr
G. J. Gray remarks, affords an early example of a member of the
university engaging in business, being a pensioner of Gonville Hall
from 1520 to 1523. His career has more varied features than those
of his fellow-stationers.
In 1529 he was charged with holding Protestant views and further
with the unlawful possession of Luther's books and other heretical
works. Now Luther's books had been publicly burnt in Cambridge
eight years before and the ceremony had, as we have seen, been the
occasion of a notable sermon by Bishop Fisher. About this time,
however, there had grown up a small society of members of the
university who were sympathetic towards Lutheran doctrine. They met
in secret in the White Horse inn, which stood where are now the
back buildings of the Bull Hotel--a place chosen so that members
might enter unobserved by the back door and nicknamed 'Germany' by
the orthodox[13]. Among the heretics who frequented these meetings
was Segar Nicholson.
Foxe, in his _Acts and Monuments_, gives a sad account of the
treatment of Nicholson: "The handling of this man," he says, "was
too too cruel." After his release from prison, Nicholson remained
a stationer till the age of 60, when he was ordained deacon by the
Bishop of London.
In the meantime the university had taken steps to ensure the
suppression of heretical books. In 1529 a petition was presented to
Cardinal Wolsey, begging:
that for the suppression of error, there should be three
booksellers allowed in Cambridge by the King, who should be sworn
not to bring in or sell any book which had not first been approved
of by the censor of books in the University, that such booksellers
should be men of reputation and gravity, and foreigners, (so it
should be best for the prizing of books,) and that they might have
the privilege to buy books of foreign merchants[14].
It was, no doubt, as a result of this petition that five years
later Cambridge printing was formally established by royal charter
on 20 July, 1534, when Henry VIII by letters patent gave licence to
the Chancellor, masters, and scholars
to assign and elect from time to time, by writing under the
seal of the Chancellor of the University, three stationers and
printers, or sellers of books, residing within the University,
who might be either aliens or natives, and hold either their
own or hired houses. The stationers or printers thus assigned,
and every of them, were empowered to print all manner of books
approved of by the Chancellor or his vicegerent and three doctors,
and to sell and expose to sale in the University or elsewhere
within the realm, as well such books as other books printed
within or without the realm, and approved of by the Chancellor
or his vicegerent and three doctors. If aliens, these stationers
or printers were empowered to reside in the University, in
order to attend to their business, and were to be reputed and
treated as the King's faithful subjects and lieges, and to enjoy
the same liberties, customs, laws, and privileges; and to pay
and contribute to lot, scot, tax, tallage, and other customs
and impositions as the other subjects and lieges of the King.
Provided, that the said stationers or printers, being aliens, paid
all customs, subsidies, and other monies, for their goods and
merchandizes imported or exported, as other aliens[15].
This is the _Magna Carta_ of Cambridge printing and Fuller quotes
with quiet pride the opinion of Sir Edward Coke that "this
University of Cambridge hath power to print within the same 'omnes'
and 'omnimodos libros' which the University of Oxford hath not."
We should now expect to see a steady continuance of university
printing. But, in spite of the King's letters patent, the history
of Cambridge printing for nearly fifty years is a blank. It is true
that the university immediately availed itself of the privilege
conferred upon it, and the "three stationers and printers or
sellers of books residing within the university" who were appointed
were Nicholas Speryng, Garrett Godfrey, and Segar Nicholson,
whose careers have been sketched above. That two of these were
bookbinders and churchwardens, that one owned a brewery, and that
one took holy orders we have evidence, but of printing there is
no trace. The strangest appointment is that of Nicholson, since
the aim of the university in petitioning Wolsey for the control
of printing and bookselling was the suppression of those Lutheran
doctrines for which Nicholson had recently been imprisoned.
But it is clear that, for a time at any rate, the university, while
showing no desire to encourage the art of printing, was quick to
establish its control and censorship of books.
Some idea of a university bookseller's stock at this time may be
obtained from the will of Nicholas Pilgrim[16], appointed in 1539
as successor to Garrett Godfrey, from whom he inherited a "furryd
gown and iij presses with a cuttynge knife." Of the 717 books of
which an inventory is given in Pilgrim's will 216 were bound and
501 unbound, the whole stock being valued at £26 11_s_ 6_d_. Most
of the books are either editions of the classics or theological
works, but there are a few on medical and botanical subjects.
But like Richard Noke, appointed in 1540, and Peter Sheres (1545-6)
Pilgrim appears to have been university printer only in name.
At the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, when all unlicensed printing
was prohibited, the powers of the chancellors of the universities
to license books were duly recognised and in 1576, when John
Kingston was appointed as printer, the university seems definitely
to have contemplated the establishment of a printing-press:
On the 18th of July, Lord Burghley wrote from Theobalds to Dr Goad
Vicechancellor and the Heads, with reference to their intention
of bringing the exercise of printing into the University, for
which purpose they had engaged one Kingston of London, whom
they purposed to protect with the University privilege to print
Psalters, Books of Common Prayer, and other books in English,
for which the Queen had already granted special privileges to
William Seres, Richard Jugge, John Day, and others. His Lordship
disapproved of any attempts to prejudice the Queen's grants,
but thought they might employ an artificer for printing matters
pertaining to the schools &c.[17]
In the light of this pronouncement it is easy to understand why
John Kingston, who was well-known as a London stationer, printed no
books in Cambridge.
At last, in 1583, we come to the name of a university printer who
in fact printed books at Cambridge: Thomas Thomas, Fellow of King's
College, was appointed University printer by grace of 3 May, 1583,
and in the same year began to print a work by William Whitaker.
The Stationers' Company of London quickly seized his press and
declared that his attempt was an infringement of their rights.
In a letter to Burghley, dated 1 June, 1583, the Bishop of London
wrote:
There was alsoe found one presse and furniture which is saide to
belonge to one Thomas a man (as I heare) utterlie ignoraunte in
printinge, and pretendinge that he entendeth to be the printer for
the universitie of Cambridge.
The Vice-Chancellor and Heads, however, took up the cause of
their printer and in reply to a letter from Burghley suggesting a
conference with the Stationers, wrote as follows:
Our most humble duties to your honour remembred.
Whereas we understand by your honours letters, that certain of
the company of the stationers in London have sought to hinder the
erecting of a print within the university of Cambridg, and to
impugne that antient privilege, granted and confirmed by divers
princes for that purpose, to the great benefit of the university
and augmentation of learning: these are in most humble manner to
desire your honour, not so much in respect of Mr Thomas, who hath
already received great injury and dammage at their hands, as in
behalf of the university; which findeth itself very much aggrieved
with the wrongful detaining of those goods, wherewithal, as we
are persuaded, in right and equity they ought not to meddle, to
continue our honorable patron, and to direct your favourable
warrants to the warden of the stationers, that he may have his
press delivered with speed; lest that by their means, as he hath
been disappointed of Mr Whitakers book, so by their delays he be
prevented of other books made within the university, and now ready
for the press.
As for the doubts which they caused, rather in respect of their
private gain and commodity, and to bring the universities more
antient privileges in this behalf than theirs under their
jurisdiction at London, than for any other good consideration, the
deciding or peril whereof also pertaineth not to them; we dare
undertake, in the behalf of Mr Thomas whom we know to be a very
godly and honest man, that the press shall not be abused, either
in publishing things prohibited, or otherwise inconvenient for the
church and state of this realm. And this we promise the rather,
for that his grace (whereof we have sent a copy to your honour by
himself) was granted unto him upon condition that he should stand
bound from time to time to such articles as your honour and the
greatest part of the heads of colleges should ty him unto.
And for the conference, whereunto your honour moveth us, if it
shall be your honours pleasure, wee, as desirous of peace and
concord, (the premisses considered,) shall be ready to shew
our willingness thereunto, if it shall please the company of
stationers in London to send hither some certain men from them
with sufficient authority for that purpose. Thus most humbly
desiring that the press may no longer be stayed, and hoping
that your honour will further our desire herein, we do in our
daily prayer commend your lordship to the blessed tuition of the
Almighty.
From Cambridge, this 14th of June[18].
This letter has been quoted in full partly because it is the first
of a long series of protests, partly because it is a good example
of the attitude consistently adopted by the university in regard
to printing--a dutiful desire not to abuse their privilege coupled
with a dignified determination not to be bullied by the Stationers.
As a result of the appeal contained in the letter, the charter of
1534 was submitted to the Master of the Rolls, who concurred in
the opinion that it was valid; and on 24 July, 1584, Thomas entered
into a recognizance in 500 marks before the Vice-Chancellor.
Books now began to issue from Thomas's press and some of them
quickly excited the odium theologicum; when, for instance, a work
by Walter Travers in support of Presbyterianism was printed, the
greater part of the edition was confiscated.
Ever sens I hard that they had a Printer in Cambridg (wrote
Archbishop Whitgift to Lord Burghley), I did greatlie fear this
and such like inconveniences wold followe, nether do I thingk
that yt wyll so stay, for althowgh Mr Vicechancellor that now
ys, be a verie careful man and in all respectes greatlie to be
commended, yet yt may fawle owt hereafter, that some such as shal
succeade hym wyll not be so well affected, nor have such care for
the publike peace of the Church, and of the state, but whatsoever
your Lordship shall thingk good to be done in this matter ...
I wyll performe yt accordinglie. I thingk yt verie convenient
that the bokes should be burned, beeing verie factius and full
of untruthes: and that (yf printing do styll there continew)
sufficient bonds with suerties shold be taken of the printer not
to print anie bokes, unlesse they be first allowed by lawfull
authoritie, for yf restrante be made here and libertie graunted
there, what good can be done....[19]
From this time forward, indeed, Cambridge printing was for many
years continually harassed by two disturbing forces--theological
suspicion and by commercial jealousy. Thus, in 1585, when it was
discovered that London printers had printed various books already
printed by the universities, a grace was passed forbidding
Cambridge booksellers to sell, and Cambridge students to buy, "any
book printed at London or elsewhere in England, which had been
or thereafter should be printed at Cambridge or Oxford," always
provided that the university printers did not sell their books at a
higher price than that fixed by the Vice-Chancellor and the others
named in Thomas's articles.
In the next year the archbishop was again growing anxious; in June,
1586, it was laid down by a Star Chamber ordinance that no book
was to be printed without either his own or the Bishop of London's
approval, and a few months later Whitgift wrote to his very loving
friend the Vice-Chancellor:
Salutem in Christo. I understand that there is now in printing by
the printer of that university, a certain book, called Harmonia
Confessionum Fidei, in English, translated out of Latin; which
book, for some special causes, was here [i.e. in London] rejected,
and not allowed to be printed. These are therefore to require
you, that presently upon receipt hereof you cause the said book
to be stayed from printing any further; and that nothing be don
more therein, until you shall receive further direction from me.
And whereas there is order taken of late by the lords of the
council, that from henceforth no book shall be imprinted either in
London or in either of the universities, unless the same shall be
allowed and authorized by the bishop of London or my self, I do
likewise require you to take special care, that hereafter nothing
be imprinted in that university of Cambridge but what shall be
authorised accordingly. And so not doubting of your diligent
circumspection herein, I commit you to the tuition of Almighty
God[20].
As the _Harmony of Confessions_ was duly published in the same
year, it would appear that it eventually received the archbishop's
approval; Macaulay's view of Whitgift as a "narrow-minded, mean,
and tyrannical priest" would certainly have been confirmed had he
considered him in the light of his censorship of Cambridge books.
Thomas Thomas's greatest achievement, perhaps, was the compilation
and printing of his _Latin Dictionary_ and when the London
stationers began to publish editions of this and other Cambridge
books, the university made another long protest to the Chancellor,
pointing out that it was a "verie hard matter" either for the
university to maintain its privilege or for the printer to do any
good by his trade and begging of him "to become a meanes to her
highnes in this behalf ... to graunt a speciall lycence to this our
Universitie."
As the Star Chamber decree of 1586, to which reference has been
already made, ordained that "none of the printers in Cambridge
or Oxford for the tyme being shal be suffered to have any moe
apprentices then one at one tyme at the most," it is not to be
expected that the output from Thomas's press should be very large.
But we know that before his death at the early age of 35 he printed
at least twenty books[21]. Many of these reflect the theological
controversies of the time as, for instance, _Two Treatises of the
Lord His holie Supper ... written in the French tongue by Yues
Rousseau and Iohn de l'Espine ... translated into English_ ("a
very elegant type, and as carefully printed," according to Herbert)
and _Antonii Sadeelis viri clarissimi vereque Theologi de Rebus
Grauissimis controuersis Disputationes accuratae Theologice et
scholastice Tractatae_, both printed in 1584. In the inventory
of his will it is interesting to note that, with one exception,
Thomas had stock, at the time of his death, of all books printed
by himself; he left, too, 39 Reames of pott paper in the garret
(£8) and 8 skynnes of parchment ruled with read ynck (2_s_ 8_d_).
His serviceable type, consisting of long primer, pica, and brevier
(Roman and Italique), together with some "greeke letter," amounted
to 1445 lb and was valued at 3_d_ a lb. In his "necessaries for
pryntinge" are included "one presse with the furneture" (66_s_
8_d_), "iiijͦͬ payer of chases" (13_s_ 4_d_), "ij great stooles"
(12_d_), "iiijͦͬ gallies" (16_d_) and "the wasshing troufhe"
(12_d_)[22].
* * * * *
But it is on his _Latin Dictionary_ that the fame of Thomas Thomas
chiefly rests. "In hoc opere" he writes on the title-page, "quid
sit praestitum ad superiores _λεξικογραφοὺς_ adjectum, docebit
epistola ad Lectorem" and in the _epistola_ we learn how the work
came into being:
Precibus enim Ludimagistrorum ac studiosorum victus, quibus
accessit etiam amicorum frequens postulatio, ex immenso Lexicorum
pelago nostrum contraxi, quod trivialibus saltem ludis inserviret.
The last words of this same address to the reader show that,
like Johnson's, the dictionary was not compiled "in the soft
obscurities of retirement, or under the shelter of academick
bowers":
Cantebrigiae ex nostris aedibus, carptim inter operarum susurros,
Tertio Nonas Septembres, Anno salutis per Christum Dominum partae,
1587.
In the eleventh edition, printed by Thomas's successor in 1619, the
following tribute is paid to him in the dedication to Francis Bacon:
He was about 30 years ago a famous Printer among your
Cantabrigians; yes something more than a Printer such as we
now are, who understand the Latin that we print no more than
Bellerophon the letters he carried, and who sell in our shops
nothing of our own except the paper _black with the press's
sweat_. But he, a companion of the Stephenses and of the other,
very few, printers of the true kind and best omen, was of opinion
that it was men of learning, thoroughly imbued with academic
studies, who should give themselves to cultivating and rightly
applying that illustrious benefit sent down from heaven and given
to aid mankind and perpetuate the arts. Accordingly what more fit
than that when he had wrought what was worthy of type, he should
himself, needing aid of none, act as midwife to his own progeny.
Thomas's printing-office was in the Regent Walk, immediately
opposite the west door of Great St Mary's; his death is said to
have been hastened by the labours of the dictionary, and in 1588 he
was buried in the churchyard of Great St Mary's.
[Illustration: ORNAMENT USED BY THOMAS THOMAS]
III
FROM JOHN LEGATE TO ROGER DANIEL
No time was lost, after the death of Thomas Thomas, in appointing
a successor, for John Legate was elected by grace of 2 November,
1588, "as he is reported to be skilful in the art of printing
books"; and almost immediately the new printer became involved in
disputes with the Stationers' Company.
The corporate existence of the London Stationers dates back to
1407, but their first charter was granted by Mary in 1557. The
result of this charter of incorporation was that no one, except the
holders of special licences or privileges, could print books for
sale; by the rules of the company a member who wished to print a
book and claim the ownership of it was required to enter its name
in the register of the company. Thus he obtained the only kind of
'copyright' which then existed.
On her accession, Elizabeth confirmed the Stationers' charter, but
shortly afterwards, _Injunctions_ were issued which required all
books to be licensed either by the Queen herself, or six members of
the Privy Council, or the Archbishops, or the Bishop of London, or
the Chancellors of the Universities, or the bishop of the diocese.
It was, however, found to be impossible to enforce such a stringent
regulation and in 1577 we find a number of printing licences
issued to private persons. Thus John Jugge became Her Majesty's
printer of Bibles; to Richard Tothill was given the "printinge of
all kindes _Lawe bookes_"; to John Day the monopoly of the _ABC_
and _Catechism_; to Thomas Marshe "Latin books used in the grammar
schools"; to William Seres "salters, primers and prayer books."
As we have already seen, it was these grants which, in spite of the
confirmation of the university's licence at the beginning of the
reign, effectually stood in the way of the establishment of a press
at Cambridge by John Kingston.
The London Stationers also took alarm and petitioned the Queen. At
first they were merely rebuked for daring to question the royal
prerogative but, "approaching her Majesty a second time more humbly
than before," the Company was granted a monopoly of both printing
and selling psalters, primers, almanacks, _ABC_'s, the little
Catechism, and Nowell's English and Latin Catechism.
Of all such monopolies the university, by the power given to it
in the charter of 1534 to print _omnimodos libros_, had been
made nominally independent, and it was therefore inevitable
that disputes should arise; furthermore, there being as yet no
regularised law of copyright, such disputes were likely to be most
violent when there was competition in the sale, as well as in the
printing, of a text-book.
Thus when John Legate, himself a freeman of the Stationers'
Company, printed an edition of Terence for the use of scholars
in 1589 and sent copies to be sold in London, the Stationers
quickly confiscated them; on their part, the Stationers were at
the same time contemplating another pirated edition of Thomas's
_Dictionary_. The university made its usual, dignified complaint to
Lord Burghley.
Again, in 1591, Legate, who had in that year produced the first
English bible printed at Cambridge, was accused of infringing the
monopoly of Barker and Day, the privileged printers. In their reply
to the charge, the Vice-Chancellor and Heads of Houses whilst
hinting that the doctrine "that the prince by virtue of prerogative
may, by a later grant, either take away or abridge a former" is
not only "against the rule of natural equity" but also "dangerous
to all degrees, opening a way to the overthrow of all patents and
privileges," base their appeal upon an _ad misericordiam_, with a
final reminder of the charter and its ratification; in particular,
they emphasise the plight of the printer himself:
The suit which they [the Stationers] have made unto your lordship
for the stay of our printer until the next term, is so prejudicial
to the poor man, as if they should prevail therein, it could not
but tend to his utter undoing; especially Sturbridge-fair now
drawing near; being the chiefest time wherein he hopeth to reap
greatest fruit of this his travail[23].
Similarly, in 1596, Legate was charged--this time by the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners--with infringing the right of the
Queen's patentees by printing the Grammar and Accidence. The
Vice-Chancellor was required to collect all copies printed at
Cambridge and to take bond with surety in £100 of each of the
university printers not to print either book without leave. Some
months later the Vice-Chancellor reported to the Archbishop that
search had been made "by honest men sworn who said upon their oath
that there were no such books printed here." This is the last we
hear of such disputes for some time, but it is clear that the
university jealously guarded its right of selling, as well as of
printing, books, since in 1592 J. Tidder, of London, was sued in
the Vice-Chancellor's Court for selling books in the Cambridge
market[24].
In the later part of his career Legate became intimately associated
with the London stationers. An entry in the Stationers' Registers
under the date 1 August, 1597, shows that his official position was
then recognised:
WHEREAS John legat hathe printed at Cambridge by Aucthoritie of
the vniuersitie there a booke called the _Reformed Catholike_:
This seid booke is here Registred for his copie so that none of
this Company shall prynt yt from hym. PROVIDED that this entrance
shalbe voyd yf the seid booke be not Aucthorised by the seid
vniuersitie as he saieth it is, vjͩ.[25]
Legate married the daughter of Christopher Barker and became Master
of the Stationers' Company in 1604. He left Cambridge in 1609 and
after that date all books printed by him have _London_ on the
title-page; the title, however, of "printer to the university" he
retained until his death in 1620.
In Cambridge he rented a shop for _5s_ per annum in St Mary's
parish from 1591 to 1609, probably the same house in the Regent
Walk as that in which Thomas had lived, and was the first printer
to use the device _Alma Mater Cantabrigia_ with the motto _Hinc
Lucem et Pocula Sacra_ surrounding it.
In partnership with Legate was John Porter. There is no record
of his appointment, but it is evident that he was one of the
university stationers appointed under the charter. In 1593 we find
him associated with Legate in the prosecution of John Tidder and
several books of 1595 and other dates are described as printed for
him and John Legate[26].
* * * * *
In the Register of the Stationers' Company it is recorded under the
date 26 April, 1589:
Cantrell Legge sonne of Edwarde Legge of Burcham in the Countie of
Norffolk Yoman, hathe put himself apprentize to John Legat Citizen
and Stacioner of London for Eighte yeres from midsomer nexte[27].
This Cantrell Legge was appointed one of the university printers
in 1606 and appears to have issued many books in co-operation with
the Stationers. Later, however, difficulties again arose, for
in 1620 Legge was prosecuted by the company for printing Lily's
_Grammar_. The university vehemently protested to the Archbishop
of Canterbury:
Ferunt enim Londinenses Bibliopolas suum potius emolumentum quam
publicum spectantes, (quae res et naturae legibus et hominum
summe contraria est) monopoliis quibusdam inhiare, ex quo timemus
librorum precia auctum iri, et privilegia nostra imminutum. Nos
igitur hoc metu affecti, ubi sanguis solet in re dubia ad cor
festinare, ita ad Te confugimus primariam partem ecclesiastici
corporis....
and to Lord Chancellor Bacon:
Ecquid permittis Domine?... Aspicis multitudinem Librorum indies
gliscentem, praesertim in Theologia, cujus Libri si alii aliis
(tanquam montes olim) imponerentur, veri simile est, eos illuc quo
cognitio ipsa pertingit ascensuros. Quod si et numerus Scriptorum
intumescat, et pretium, quae abyssus crumenae tantos sumptus
aequabit? Jam vero miserum est, pecuniam retardare illam, cui
naturae spiritum dederit, feracem gloriae, et coeleste ingenium
quasi ad metella damnari. Qui augent precia Librorum, prosunt
vendentibus libros non ementibus, hoc est cessatoribus non
studiosis....[28]
Evidently the high prices charged by the Stationers for books of
which they held, or claimed to hold, a monopoly were the source of
bitter complaints amongst teachers and students and the university
authorities set up a spirited opposition: "As to ye poore printer,"
wrote Dr Gooch, Master of Magdalene, to the Registrary (James
Tabor): "there is no waye but one, the universitie must stand upon
our Charter."[29]
Tabor prepared a list of comparative prices showing that while the
Stationers charged 4_d_ a sheet for Aesop's _Fables_ the Cambridge
printer sold them at 3_d_, that Ovid's _Epistles_ cost 8_d_ a sheet
in London and only 5_d_ in Cambridge and so on[30].
Finally, the university seized the opportunity offered by the King
passing through Royston on 16 December, 1621, to bring the matter
before the supreme tribunal.
Dr Mawe, the Vice-Chancellor, was in London at the time but,
leaving his own business unfinished, he hastened back and with Dr
Warde, Dr Beale, the Registrary, and Legge himself "went to Royston
to deliver a Letter and Petition to the King in ye behalf of ye
Universitye."[31] The King, having heard the complaint against the
Stationers' monopoly of "ye cheife vendible books in the land,"
against their high prices, their bad paper, and their inaccurate
printing, referred the matter to a committee composed of the
Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Lincoln, Lord Maundeville,
and the Lord Chief Justice.
[Illustration: PETITION OF THE UNIVERSITY TO JAMES I, 1621]
This committee, however, by reason of "several and distracted
imployments" had no time to discuss the case and, acting on its
recommendation, the King himself directed that the university
printer might continue to sell his _Grammars_ without the let or
disturbance of any person whomsoever.
But a trade dispute of long standing was not settled, even in the
seventeenth century, by a royal injunction. The leading London
booksellers combined to keep the Cambridge edition of Lily's
_Grammar_ ("though sold at the cheapest price") out of the market
and by intimidation compelled other booksellers to follow their
lead; the university retaliated by a grace of the Senate which
forbade Cambridge booksellers to deal with the hostile London group
and ordered all members of the university "who should desire any
author, of whatsoever language, or any composition of his own, to
be printed, wheresoever he should live in England," to offer his
work to the university printer in the first instance and further,
if he should become a schoolmaster, "to use the books printed in
the university which may be for the profit of his boys, and not
suffer others than those printed in the university in his school,
whilst the same books should be printed and sold here at a moderate
and fair price by the royal authority." That the university
authorities became impatient of the continual disputes both between
Cambridge printers themselves and between the Cambridge printers
and the London stationers is shown by the appointment in 1622 of
a syndicate to examine "what charters orders and decrees have
heretofore been granted and made concerning the government of the
University presses and the printers and the stationers and how they
have been observed and when broken and by whom."[32]
[Illustration: THE REPLY TO THE PETITION]
(With the signatures of James I, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the
Bishop of Lincoln, and Lord Maundeville)
The next award of the Privy Council, made on 29 November, 1623,
embodied a compromise: the Cambridge printers were authorised to
comprint with the Stationers all books save bibles, books of common
prayer, grammars, psalters, primers or books of common law; they
were to have one press only and to print only those almanacks of
which the first copy was brought to them. A later order similarly
forbade the printing of prayer-books, "and as to books whereof the
first copy was brought to the University printer, he was to have
the sole printing, as the London printers were to have of all books
whereof the first copy was brought to them."
From the rather wearisome history of this constantly recurring
dispute[33], two main facts seem to emerge: the difficulty, in the
absence of any fixed law, of establishing copyright in a printed
book and the incompatibility of the wide powers conferred on the
university by the charter of 1534 with the Stationers' claim to a
trade monopoly.
A study of the list of books printed between 1588 and 1625 will
show that there was by this time a slow, but steady, output of
Cambridge books. Prominent among them are the works of that
voluminous theologian, William Perkins, "the Learned, pious, and
painfull preacher of God's word in St Andrewes in Cambridge" whose
virtues are celebrated by Fuller in the second book of _The Holy
State_ (1642):
His Sermons were not so plain but that the piously learned did
admire them, nor so learned but that the plain did understand
them.... He would pronounce the word _Damne_ with such an
emphasis as left a doleful Echo in his auditours ears a good
while after. And when Catechist of Christ-Colledge, in expounding
the Commandments, applied them so home, able almost to make his
hearers hearts fall down, and hairs to stand upright.
Perkins's works, dealing with such subjects as _A Direction
for the government of the Tongue_, _Salve for a Sicke man_, _A
Reformed Catholike_, and _The Damned art of witchcraft_, and other
theological matters were collected into three folio volumes.
Thomas's _Latin Dictionary_ was regularly reprinted, reaching its
tenth edition in 1610.
In 1603 there appeared _Threnothriambeuticon. Academiae
Cantabrigiensis ob damnum lucrosum, & infoelicitatem foelicissimam,
luctuosus triumphus_, a symposium of classical expressions of
grief and joy on the death of Elizabeth and the accession of
James I. Amongst the contributors were Phineas Fletcher, Matthew
Wren (afterwards Bishop of Ely) and Dr Stephen Perse. Similar
anthologies of loyalty were published in celebration of the return
of the Prince of Wales from Spain in 1623 and of his accession in
1625, and the practice was continued throughout several reigns; a
poem in Latin hexameters (_In homines nefarios_) was also provoked
by the Gunpowder Plot. Two works of James I were printed at the
Press: _A Princes Looking Glasse_, translated by W. Willymot
(1603), and _A Remonstrance for the Right of Kings_ (1616 and 1619).
In 1610 there appeared the first work of Giles Fletcher: _Christs
Victorie and Triumph in Heaven and Earth over and after death_,
with a dedicatory epistle to Nevile, the Master of Trinity:
My opinion of this Island hath always been, that it is the very
face, and beauty of all Europe, in which both true Religion is
faithfully professed without superstition, and (if on earth) true
Learning sweetly flourishes without ostentation: and what are the
two eyes of this Land, but the two Universities ... and truly I
should forget myself, if I should not call Cambridge the right eye.
In the same year there was printed for David Owen, Fellow of Clare
Hall, a controversial work entitled _Herod and Pilate reconciled_.
This led Ralph Brownrigg (Fellow of Pembroke and afterwards Bishop
of Exeter) to invite Owen to his rooms and to catechise him as to
whether a king breaking fundamental laws might be opposed. The
Vice-Chancellor thereupon summoned Brownrigg to Trinity and after
reminding him that Owen's book had received official sanction to be
printed, suspended him from his degrees both for questioning the
university's privilege of printing and for propounding seditious
questions to Owen. Brownrigg recanted shortly afterwards and was
restored by the Vice-Chancellor, but the incident is interesting,
as showing the jealousy with which the privilege of university
printing was guarded and the limitations imposed upon free speech
even in college rooms.
More serious trouble arose out of the publication of a
controversial work entitled _The Interpreter_ by John Cowell,
Master of Trinity Hall. It was suppressed by royal proclamation in
1610 and all copies were ordered to be brought to the Chancellor or
Vice-Chancellor.
In 1623 Legge printed the first Cambridge book which contained
music--_The Whole Booke of Psalmes ... with apt notes to sing them_.
Upon the methods and costs of printing at this time an interesting
light is thrown by a document of 1622 entitled _A direction to
value most Bookes by the charges of the Printer and Stationer as
paper was sould_[34].
The finest paper is reckoned at 5_s_ 6_d_, the lowest quality at
3_s_ 4_d_ the ream; the former was used for Bibles and Psalms in
8vo, for which the charge of printing and paper is estimated at
13_s_ 4_d_ the ream, the cheaper kind for grammars and school
books, printed for 8_s_ the ream ("though the Londiner giveth but
6_s_ 8_d_ at the most").
Evidently the writer is seeking to show that the London Stationers
were making exorbitant profits on the sheets they bought from the
Cambridge printers, for he goes on:
If upon the first sight of any booke printed in England you desire
to knowe the chardge of the printer for paper and printinge,
Looke in the Alphabett what letter the last sheete beareth, then
reckon to that ... for example take Legg's Grammer, the letter is
O, so there are 14 sheetes in that booke ... if you will allow
them 10_s_ a Reame, that is ¼_d_ the sheete, it is 3½_d_ for the
Grammer in Quires, and now the Stationers sell them for 8_d_ in
Quires and so they get 4½_d_ in every eight pence.
Similarly the Stationers are accused of buying the Psalms at 12_s_,
and selling them at a price equivalent to £1 17_s_ the ream.
Cantrell Legge died in 1625[35]. Thomas Brooke, Esquire Bedell,
had been appointed some time before 1608; he evidently printed in
partnership with Legge, as is shown by the title-page of Perkins's
_Exposition of the Sermon in the Mount_ (1608) and the document
containing his resignation may be assigned to the years between
1621 and 1625[36].
Leonard Greene, admitted a member of the Stationers' Company in
1606, had been appointed by grace of 31 October, 1622. He had a
shop "at the south side of the steple" of Great St Mary's and was
in partnership with Thomas and John Buck; thus on the title-page of
Pietro Sarpi's _History of Italy under Paul_, translated into Latin
by W. Bedell (1626), the three names appear together.
Thomas Buck of Jesus, afterwards Fellow of St Catharine's College
and Esquire Bedell, was one of the most distinguished Cambridge
printers of the seventeenth century. He had many partners, with
most of whom he quarrelled, and he produced many fine books.
Charles I had come to the throne a few months before Buck's
appointment and on the occasion of the new king's proclamation
loyal Cambridge had spent 9_s_ 4_d_ for "a gallon of sacke and 2
gallons of Clarrett," 5_s_ "for sugercakes" and 6_s_ "for a bone
fier that night." Immediately after his accession Charles issued
a`proclamation "to inhibit the sale of Latin books reprinted beyond
the seas, having been first printed in Oxford or Cambridge"--a
further illustration of the evils which arose out of the laxity of
copyright. But a document of much greater importance in the history
of Cambridge printing was the charter granted to the university
in 1628: the King, in an attempt to settle the controversy once
and for all, ratified the grant made by Henry VIII and declared
that the university stationers and printers might print and sell
any books which he or his two predecessors had licensed any
person or body of persons to sell; and, further, that they might
print and sell all books which had been, or should be, allowed
by the Chancellor, "any letters patent, or any prohibition,
restraint, clause, or article, in any letters patent whatsoever,
notwithstanding."
In spite of this, we find an order of the Privy Council in 1629
recognising the right of the university to print bibles which
should contain the liturgy and the psalms, but not to print "these
alone without the bibles"; further, the university's output of
Lily's _Grammar_ was limited to 3000 copies a year and a few years
later the university appears to have surrendered its right to print
bibles, almanacks, and Lily's _Grammar_ for three years in lieu of
an annual payment from the London Stationers.
Meanwhile, Thomas Buck was vigorously extending the activities of
the Cambridge Press. His first partner was Leonard Greene with whom
in 1625 he bought the whole of Cantrell Legge's printing-house from
Legge's executrix[37]; Greene's complaints throw an interesting
light on the difficulties of co-operation between the Cambridge
scholar and the London man of business:
That whereas L. Gr. beinge acquainted with the matter of bookes
and printinge by reason of his trade therein for the space of
thirtie yeeres almost, and Mr Bucke being unexperienced, haveing
lead a students life, the said L. Gr. did hide nothing and
conceale nothing from the said Mr Bucke nor spare any paines
(although to the hindrance of his owne busines divers from this)
whereby the common benefite of the presse might be furthered.
That for divers copies the sole printinge whereof the said L.
Gr. might have had for his owne profite as he is of the Company
of Stationers of London, he hath ever brought to this presse,
notwithstandinge he hath but a third part therein (and some of
them and the best were his before ever Mr Bucke came into the
place), and besides the charge of printinge at Cambridge is deerer
then at London.
One of Greene's further complaints was that Buck deserted the
old printing-house in Regent Walk ("which Thomas and Legatt had
successivelie all their time hired") and took instead a lease
of "the Angell," an inn which faced Market Hill on the site now
occupied by Messrs Macintosh[38].
For all the time (Greene complained) since the presse went to the
Angell his [Thomas Buck's] behaviour was to me not as to a Partner
but as to a stranger or servant; when ever we came to debate any
matter betweene us if I did not yeeld to him he would put me off
in this manner that I came to trouble him; whereas the business
concerned me as well as himselfe....
Now last of all he hired a house soe farre from me as possiblie I
could not be there in partnership with him.... Beinge thus wearied
with uncertainties and havinge noe bonds either for partinge or
continueinge whereby I might either get or save, I thought it the
safer of two evills to chuse the lesse, although with great losse
for the time past and hope for time to come, besides the partinge
with the deerest favour of the Universitie priviledge, which I
never would have doone till my death, had it not beene for the
danger I was in for debt.
Finally, Greene claims "a part in the profite of the presse for
the time accordinge to rate knowne by workmen for 1275 Remes
printed"[39] as well as his "third part in the Bishops booke, in
Almanacks, schoole bookes etc."
How far Greene was able to substantiate his claim before the
university is not recorded; he died in October, 1630.
Thomas Buck's other partner was his brother John, appointed in
1625. Though he, like all Thomas's colleagues, afterwards found
cause of dispute with him, it is interesting to note how, on
Leonard Greene's death, the brothers quickly co-operated to secure
the vacant office of printer for another member of the family. The
following letter[40] was written by John to Thomas on 24 October,
1630:
Brother Thomas,
I pray returne with all speede to Cambridge. Leonard Greene
is dead, there's a patent void and within 14 dayes a third man
must be chosen. I pray be not dissartoned att it. For I have the
Vice-Chancellor and ten Heads and Presidents sure to us, and they
have all (I humbly thank you) promised me faithfully to prick
whomsoever you and I shall desire; I think my brother ffrancis
would be a fitt man to commend unto you; but if you know it to
bring in Mr Barker[41] would prove more advantagious to us, I
desire you to intreat him to come downe with you, or any other in
London whom you best like of. This in hast. I remitt you to God and
rest,
Your very loving brother,
John Buck.
Francis Buck was accordingly elected in 1630, but seems to have
taken no active share in the printing business. When he resigned
two years later he claimed nothing for his patent and afterwards
declared:
I only did beare the name of it to do them [Thomas and John] a
pleasure or benefitt; and likewise when I did give it over to Mr
Daniel I thought it would be a benefitt to my brothers.
From this it seems clear that the appointment of Roger Daniel as
printer on 24 July, 1632 (three days after the resignation of
Francis) was in accordance with the plans of the brothers Buck[42].
Another family arrangement, made earlier (31 May) in the same year,
was one by which John Buck demised the "benefitt of his patent of
Printer to the Universitie for the terme of vii yeares to Thomas
Buck, he paieing yearely the summe of lviˡͥ for the same and John
Buck should exercise his brother Thomas Buck's place of Bedell
during the said terme."[43]
With two bedellships and two printer's patents in the family,
Thomas evidently felt it better that each brother should specialise
in one department.
By his first agreement with Thomas Buck Daniel promised to take
that Capitall messuage and tenement called the Augustine Fryers
wherein the said Thomas Buck now dwelleth together with the
printing house and all other houses yards orchards closes wayes
and all other easements and commodities thereunto belonging.
Except ... all that chamber over the parlor commonly called the
great chamber together with the green chamber and cole house
thereunto adjoyning, as also two studies in the correcting
roome[44].
This paragraph has a special interest in that it describes the only
one of the early printing-houses of which a pictorial record has
been preserved. The sketch here shewn is described by Cole as
The West Prospect of what remains of the Priory of St Austin in
Cambridge, late the Dwelling House of Mr Buck, and now the House
belonging to the Curator of the Botanic Garden. It was taken Jan.
19, 1770 by Mr Tyson, Fellow of Benet College, from a Chamber
Window in that College, and just opposite to it. It is drawn
rather too short at the North end[45].
The building was "just behind the East End of St Benedict's Church
and Corpus Christi College."
The inventory of the goods, of which Daniel was to enjoy the
free use, shows something of a seventeenth century printer's
stock-in-trade:
Six printing presses, five copper plates, six bankes, seven great
stones, one muller, thirteen frames to set cases on, all the poles
for drying of bookes ... twelve candlesticks for the presses, two
frames to put cases in, six and fifty paire and an halfe of cases
for letters made of mettle and one case for wooden letters, five
and twenty chases, twenty gallies, fifty paper and letter bords,
two tressell tables, four tables with drawers, two troughs of lead
and all the shelves and formes of deal in the wool-house.
Daniel, on his part, agreed to pay an annual rent of £190, to
employ but three presses at a time, and to use paper, ink, and
letter "very commendable and good so as the University may receive
credit and honour thereby."
[Illustration: PRINTING-HOUSE OF THOMAS BUCK]
Like others, Daniel quickly found cause of complaint against Thomas
Buck. By the second deed of partnership (1633) he was to receive
one-third of the profits, but in the next year protested that Buck
had insisted upon impossible conditions.
One of the features of Thomas Buck's career is his close
association with the London Stationers. Thus in 1631 he entered
into a contract with Edmund Weaver to supply him with certain
quantities of books and almanacks for three years. By this
agreement Buck tied himself to print only for the Stationers for
this period, Weaver "sending paper and paieing London price for
the printinge," and Buck being allowed to retain as many books and
almanacks as were required for sale in Cambridge. The following
summary shows the type of school book most in demand and the number
of books supplied during the three years:
Aessop's Fables 12,000
Virgills 3,000
Mantuans 6,000
Castalians Dialogues 4,250
Apthonius 2,000
Pueriles Sententiae 18,000
" Confabulationes 6,000
Ludovic vir. Dialog. 3,000
Epitome Colloquiorum
Ovid, Epistles 3,000
Stuvenius Epist. 3,000
Ovid, Tristia 3,000
Corderius 3,000
Almanacks 1,560
For Buck's business the arrangement was no doubt a profitable
one, but the Cambridge stationers complained that, when they
wanted school books printed at the Press, either they could not
have them "because alreadie they were sent up to London," or else
they were obliged to pay the high prices demanded by the London
Stationers[46].
At the time of the agreement with Weaver, Daniel had evidently been
acting for Buck in London, but after three years' experience of
partnership with Buck he had begun to look at the matter in a new
light.
In 1635 he presented a petition to the Vice-Chancellor in which
Buck is attacked as a grasping monopolist:
At yᵉ petitioner's first entrance to be printer to the University,
Mr Thomas Buck tyed him by covenants and bonds of a thousand
pounds to performe and keep such Covenants as he had formerly
made with the Stationers of London ... it will appeare that the
University Presse is servant to the said Stationers and the
University and commonwealth deprived of that benefit which is
intended by our Priviledge....
He perceiving that I was able to goe on with yᵉ printing Psalmes
without his helpe, and that I was forward and willing to print
other bookes which would more honour the Universitie Presse
then those schoole books which he had agreed to print for yᵉ
Londoners....
He is continually defaming chyding and brawling with your
petitioner, often fighting with, beating, threatning and vexing
your petitioners servants, so your petitioner and they are weary
of their lives[47].
Daniel then proceeds to show that it will be more honourable for
the university, more beneficial to scholars, and more agreeable to
the charter to have two or three printing-houses instead of one:
For so the books printed in the University shall not be
monopolised but freely vented.
The parting of the Printers will beget in them a laudable
emulation which of them shall deserve best....
Whereas it is a common complaint that when schollars have taken
great paines in writing usefull bookes, they cannot get them
printed but at their own great charges. It is probable that there
will be cause of the like complaint here in Cambridge, if there be
but one printing house, which likewise will be taken away, for it
is likely if one Printer will not, another will[48].
The result of this petition is not recorded; but it certainly
did not lead to the dissolution of the partnership, for in 1639
we find an elaborate agreement[49] between Thomas Buck and Roger
Daniel on the one side and six London stationers (Robert Mead, John
Parker, Miles Flesher[50], Robert Young, Edward Brewster, John
Legate[51]) relating to the sale of bibles, service books, singing
psalms, grammars and other school books. The large stock of these
books printed at Cambridge was bought by the London syndicate,
who guaranteed to leave sufficient copies in Cambridge to supply
the needs of the university, whilst Buck and Daniel undertook not
to print further copies of the books for the space of ten years
without the consent of the Stationers.
From the preamble of this agreement it also appears that John Buck
had assigned his rights as printer to Roger Daniel.
* * * * *
However difficult, not to say tyrannical, Thomas Buck's dealings
with his various partners, and however questionable some of his
dealings with the Stationers may have been, his name stands high in
the annals of Cambridge typography. The first Cambridge edition of
the Authorised Version was printed by him in 1629, a fine book with
an elaborately engraved title-page. In the next year two quarto
editions were produced, and these were followed by several other
editions during the next ten years. Buck and Daniel were so well
satisfied with their folio of 1638 ("perhaps the finest bible ever
printed at Cambridge") that they posted a notice on the door of
Great St Mary's Church challenging scholars to find a mistake in
it, and offering a free bible to anyone who should do so.
"The _Bible_," says a document of about 1655, "was never better
printed than by Mr _Buck_ and Mr _Daniel_."[52]
It was about this time, too, that the encouragement of the study
of Arabic in the university began. In 1626 Archbishop Usher had
endeavoured to obtain from Leyden matrices of Syriac, Arabic,
Ethiopic, and Samaritan letters for the use of the University
Press, but was forestalled by the Elzevirs[53].
[Illustration: TITLE-PAGE OF THE FIRST CAMBRIDGE EDITION OF THE
AUTHORISED VERSION]
Thomas Adams (afterwards Sir Thomas Adams, Bart., Lord Mayor of
London) had in 1632founded a professorship of Arabic and some
years later (probably in 1645) the Senate decreed, that having
established a press and such other apparatus as should be required,
they should devote their attention to the production of books in
Arabic, in order that the fruits of the Adams benefaction should
be handed down to posterity and diffused throughout the world[54].
There is, however, no record of Arabic printing at Cambridge until
a much later date[55].
Buck was a scholar as well as a printer[56]; the edition of _Poetae
Graeci Minores_ printed by him in 1635, which has a title-page
engraved by William Marshall, was described, though with some
exaggeration, as "the most elegant book of the Cantabrigian press
delivered to the public"; Mede's _Clavis Apocalyptica_ (second
edition, 1632) is also notable for its fine Hebrew type.
Apart from the typographical interest of the work of Thomas Buck
and his partners, there are some famous names amongst the authors
whose works they printed. Those of Giles and Phineas Fletcher, the
two brothers who "head the line of poets who were divines of the
English church," are prominent in the list. The former's _Christ's
Victorie_ was reprinted in 1632 and 1640 and under the name of
Phineas (who, like his brother, had contributed to _Sorrowes Joy_
in 1603) we find _Locustae, vel pietas jesuitica_ (1627), the poem
which is said to have contributed to the inspiration of _Paradise
Lost_; and, in 1633, _Sylva Poetica_, _The Purple Island_, and
_Elisa or An Elegie Upon the Unripe Decease of Sir Antonie Irby_.
A more famous work of the period is that of George Herbert, Public
Orator from 1619 to 1627, during which time, according to Walton,
he managed the office "with as becoming and grave a gaiety, as
any had ever before or since his time; for he had acquired great
learning, and was blessed with a high fancy, a civil and sharp wit,
and with a natural elegance, both in his behaviour, his tongue,
and his pen." From his deathbed he sent a manuscript to "his dear
brother Ferrar," describing it as "a picture of the many spiritual
conflicts that have passed betwixt God and my soul, before I could
subject mine to the will of Jesus my Master; in whose service I
have now found perfect freedom."
This was the manuscript of _The Temple_, published in 1633, and
reprinted many times in the following ten years.
Another of the 'sacred poets' whose works were printed at Cambridge
at this time is Richard Crashaw (_Epigrammatum Sacrorum Liber_,
1634).
John Donne is represented by a volume of _Six Sermons upon severall
occasions, preached before the King, and elsewhere_, posthumously
published in 1634; and Thomas Fuller, that loyal son and historian
of the university, by _The Historie of the Holie Warre_ (1639).
[Illustration: TITLE-PAGE OF _THE TEMPLE_, 1633]
But the most famous name of all is that of John Milton, for at
Cambridge was printed the first edition of _Lycidas_. It was
included in the _Obsequies to the memorie of Mr Edward King_
(1638)[57] and the University Library copy contains corrections in
Milton's own hand.
These few titles, selected from the long list of Cambridge books of
this period, are themselves a justification of Bowes's conclusion
that "the press was in a condition of great activity during the
period that Buck was connected with it."
Buck, moreover, was active in university and college affairs as
well as at the Press; he was Esquire Bedell from 1624 to 1670[58]
and was a benefactor both to Jesus and St Catharine's Colleges[59].
Roger Daniel, as has been seen above, represented the business
side of the partnership and kept a bookshop in London. Thus on the
title-page of a bible of 1638 we read: "to be sold by Roger Daniel
at the Angell in Lumber Street, London." Though Buck retained his
interest in the Press until 1668, Daniel's name appears by itself
on title-pages printed between 1640 and 1650.
[Illustration: A PAGE OF _LYCIDAS_ WITH CORRECTIONS IN MILTON'S
HAND]
Among the authors may be noted the names of some of the Cambridge
Platonists: Henry More's _Ψυχωδία Platonica_ was printed in 1642,
his _Democritus Platonissans_ in 1646 and his _Philosophicall
Poems_ (second edition) in 1647; Ralph Cudworth's _Sermon before
the House of Commons_ was printed in the same year.
Thomas Fuller's most popular work, _The Holy State_, appeared
in 1642--a small folio with an engraved title-page on which
the portrait of Charles I is characteristically flanked by the
emblematic figures of Truth and Justice. A second edition of the
book appeared in 1648. Other noteworthy books are the _Sermons_ of
Lancelot Andrewes (1641), the second edition of Francis Quarles's
_Emblemes_ (1643), Bede's _Historiae Ecclesiasticae Gentis Anglorum
Libri V_ (1643) and William Harvey's _Exercitatio Anatomica de
Circulatione Sanguinis_ (1649). A less important medical tract
is _Warme Beere_ (1641), a treatise in which are expounded "many
reasons that Beere so qualified is farre more wholesome then that
which is drunke cold." In 1645 Daniel printed _Tachygraphy_, a work
which claimed to be "the most exact and compendious methode of
short and swift writing that hath ever yet been published by any."
It was compiled by Thomas Shelton, "Authour and Professour of the
said Art," and a special interest is attached to the book in that
the principles of shorthand expounded in it were those adopted by
Pepys in the writing of his _Diary_.
It was, however, the printing of political tracts that brought
Daniel's name into greatest prominence. In 1642, "by his Majesties
speciall command," he printed _His Majesties answer to the
Declaration of both Houses of Parliament, Concerning the Commission
of Array_ and on 23 August of the same year he was summoned to
appear before the House of Commons, which enjoined him "not to
print anything concerning the Proceedings of Parliament, without
the Consent or Order of one or both Houses of Parliament." A few
months later the House of Commons again took offence at a book
printed at Cambridge (_The Resolving of Conscience_, by Henry
Fern); this time Daniel was arrested, but was subsequently released
on bail, after Dr Holdsworth, the Vice-Chancellor, had been
specially summoned to the House of Commons, under the escort of
Captain Cromwell.
By an ordinance of 1649 Parliament recognised the universities
(together with London, York, and Finsbury) as privileged
printing-places; Daniel's printing patent, however, was cancelled,
on the ground of neglect, in 1650.
He continued to print books in London after that date, but the
petition for his restoration to the position of university printer
in 1660 does not seem to have borne fruit.
[Illustration: ORNAMENT USED BY BUCK AND DANIEL]
IV
PRINTERS OF THE COMMONWEALTH AND RESTORATION
The printer who succeeded Roger Daniel, John Legate the younger,
has already been mentioned in connection with the agreement of
1639 between Buck and the Stationers. Admitted freeman of the
Stationers' Company in 1619, he took over several of the books
printed by his father, including Thomas's _Dictionary_. For many
years before his appointment he had described himself as printer
to the university and shortly after the grace for his election (5
July, 1650) he and William Graves, another Cambridge stationer,
"entered into recognisances with two sureties of £300 each not to
print any seditious or unlicensed books, pamphlets, or pictures,
nor suffer their presses to be used for that purpose"--a pledge
similar to that given by the brothers Buck in the previous year.
Perhaps the most interesting feature of Legate's short tenure
of the office of printer is the fact that Thomas Buck, without
resigning his patent, made an agreement with him and Octavian
Pulleyn by which he undertook to hand over his printing rights to
the Stationers' Company of London:
The said Mr Buck shall surcease to print in Cambridge, and soe
long as he shall forbeare to exercise his printing place there,
that the said Companie of Stationers ... shall pay unto the said
Mr Buck the summe of twenty pounds per Annum....
Neither the said Thomas Buck nor his brother John Buck shall
resyne their ... Patents for the Printers place, without the
consent of the aforesaid John Legate ... soe as the said Mr Legate
may enjoy the sole exercise of Printing in the University of
Cambridge....
In regard Mr Buck hath many Bookes which he hath lately printed in
Cambridge now lieing upon his hand (some whereof he hath lately
printed whilst he freed Mr Legate from takeing the share of the
Presse in Cambridge whereunto he had otherwise been obliged) the
said Companie of Stationers shall really, and bona fide, use the
utmost of their best indeavours to sell all the said bookes....
For all the letter in the Printinge house of Cambridge (mentioned
in founders' Bills and bought since Mr Legate was first chosen
to be a Printer in Cambridge, as also the long Primmer and
Pica-greeke ...) the Companie of Stationers shall pay unto the
said Thomas Buck two full third parts of the several prices they
cost....
The said John Legate shall oblige himself soe to exercise the
Priviledge of Printing in the University of Cambridge as may be
most for the honor, and reputation of the said University, soe as
the said Mr Thomas and John Buck may noe wayes be injured in their
reputation, but may safely forbeare the exercise of their severall
printinge Places in the said University[60].
This last obligation, however, does not appear to have been
fulfilled, since Legate's patent was cancelled for neglect in
1655[61].
John Field, who followed him, was in close touch with the
Parliamentary party. Before his appointment by grace of 12
October, 1655, he had been "printer to the parliament" and had
produced several editions of the bible, as well as a number of
political tracts.
_The London Printers Lamentacon, or, the Press opprest, and
overprest_ (? 1660) contained a violent outburst against him:
Who printed the pretended Act of the Commons of England _for
the setting up an High Court of Justice, for the tryall of his
Martyred Majesty in 1648_? Or, _the Acts for abolishing King-ship,
and renouncing the Royall Line and Title of the Stuarts_? Or,
_for the Declaring what Offences should be adjudged Treason_?...
or, _the Proclamation of 13. of September 1652_ after the fight
at Worcester, _offering, One Thousand pound to any person, to
bring in his Majesties person_? but only John Feild Printer to
the Parliament of England (and since by _Cromwell_ was and is
continued Printer to the University of Cambridge!) ... Have
they[62] not invaded and still do intrude upon His Maiesties
Royall Priviledge, Praerogative and Praeeminence.... Have they
not obtained, (and now keep in their actuall possession) the
Manuscript Copy of the last Translation of the _holy Bible_ in
English (attested with the hands of the Venerable and learned
Translators in King _James_ his time) ever since 6 March 1655[63]?
On receiving his appointment Field built a "large shop or
printing-house" in Silver Street, the land being leased to the
university by Queens' College. The new press stood on part of the
site now occupied by the master's lodge of St Catharine's College,
and served as the university printing house until about 1827.
Between 1650 and the year of Field's death (1668) there was, as
may be seen from Appendix II, a considerable output of books from
the press. Not many are of intrinsic importance, but the titles
show considerable variety and a further point of interest is that
the printer's copies of a large number of _imprimaturs_ of books
printed between 1656 and 1692 have been preserved[64]. Orders "for
the better government of the presses and Printers" were reaffirmed
by the Vice-Chancellor and Heads in 1655 and it is clear that
the university at this time exercised a closer supervision over
its press than in the days when Buck conducted his independent
negotiations with the London Stationers. The specimen _imprimatur_
which is reproduced overleaf shows the care with which Field
preserved his authority for printing any particular book.
One of the first books printed by Field was _The History of the
University of Cambridge_ by Thomas Fuller (1655), who, in spite
of his Royalist convictions, appears to have raised no objection
to his work being printed by one who styled himself "one of his
Highness's Printers."
[Illustration: _IMPRIMATUR_ FOR A BIBLE, 1662]
Cromwell's death in 1658 called forth the customary _Musarum
Cantabrigiensium Luctus & Gratulatio_, containing a Hebrew poem by
Cudworth; whilst two years later Field, with fine impartiality,
printed _Academiae Cantabrigiensis ΣΩΣΤΡΑ_, as well as two editions
of the speech delivered by Richard Love in honour of the return of
Charles II and a sermon by John Spencer on the same happy theme.
Several bibles were printed during this period, including a folio
"with Chorograph Sculps by T. Ogilby" (1660)[65]. Field, however,
did not (in the earlier years of his career, at any rate) maintain
the high reputation of Cambridge bibles established by Buck and
Daniel; for in 1656 William Kilburne presented a statement to the
Vice-Chancellor showing a long list of errata in bibles printed
by Field in 1653, 1655, and 1656. These errata were based upon an
examination only of a few sheets and in a note at the end of the
list it is stated:
If those severall Bibles were read over throughout, they would
be found egregiously erroneous, without all question; And of
the severall Impressions, there were about fower score Thousand
printed, And all, or the greatest part of them sold by Mr Field
and dispersed, to the great scandall of the Church[66].
Amongst the editions of classical authors printed during this
period may be noted Statius (1651), Poetae Minores Graeci (1652,
1661, 1667), Terence (1654), Cicero, _de Officiis_ etc. (1660),
Homer (1664), Sophocles (1665, 1669), Sallust (1665).
Editions of Euclid appeared in 1655 and 1665, the former by Isaac
Barrow, afterwards Lucasian Professor and Master of Trinity College.
A work which has a special interest in the history of the study
of botany in Cambridge is _Catalogus plantarum circa Cantabrigiam
nascentium_ (1660) to which ("in gratiam tyronum") various indexes
were added. The author was John Ray, of St Catharine's, afterwards
Fellow of Trinity College.
Controversial theology is, of course, prominent; _Ichabod: Or Five
Groans of the Church_ (1663) prudently foresees and passionately
bewails the Church's Second Fall and on the title-page is a
mournful female figure holding a church in her lap.
A work of lighter fancy is _University Queries, In a gentle Touch
by the By_ (1659). One of the queries propounded runs:
Whether if the Universities of Cambridge and Oxford should be
annihilated, and the revenues imployed to the publique affairs of
this Commonwealth, (Religion being now out of date, and learning
of no use, where men are so generally inspired,) it is not fitting
that Brasen Nose College in Oxford should be exempted from that
general devastation, as a memorial of the Respect they bore to
Oliver late Lord Protector.
This period was not free from disputes between the university and
the London Stationers. Field and his partner had in 1655 bought
from Christopher and Matthew Barker "ye Manuscript Coppie of the
Bible," and the right of printing it, for £1200. In August 1662
two letters were received by the Vice-Chancellor from Charles
II, ordering the university to "forbeare to print the Bible and
new Testament otherwise than according to the Orders of 1623 and
1629." The university appealed against this and Lord Clarendon
appointed a day for hearing both parties--the King's printers and
the university. Field undertook not to publish any prayer-books
until further orders; Clarendon proposed "an accommodation by way
of agreement," and John Pearson, Bishop of Chester, advised the
university to make a composition with its rivals. From another
correspondent, who signs himself W. D.[67], the Vice-Chancellor
received very different advice:
The University's priviledge is looked upon as a trust for the
publick good, and theire printing of these bookes will force the
Londoners to print something tolerably true ... who otherwise
looking meerly at gaine will not care how corruptly they print,
witness the 200 blasphemy's wͨͪ Mr B. found in theire bibles; &
the millions of faults in their schoolbookes, increasing in every
edition, so long as Mr B's composition with the stationers held
... whence it was that often errors were drunk in in grammer
schooles scarcely after to be corrected at the University, unlesse
schoolmͬˢ were so careful as to correct bookes by hand before they
lett theire boys have them. It being therefore the University's
interest to have youths well and truly grounded in school bookes &
the interest of the whole nation to have true bibles, I cannot but
think the University trustees in both respects, & feare they would
afterwards rew the betraying of so great a trust if they should
sell it by farming[68].
The university appears to have taken this advice and a New
Testament printed by Field appeared in 1666.
Field's name is found in the St Botolph's parish books from 1657 to
1668, and in 1660 he was churchwarden.
He died on 12 August, 1668, and no successor was immediately
appointed, a letter being received by the Vice-Chancellor from the
King requesting that the office should not be filled for a time.
At this point the names of Thomas and John Buck re-appear. In a
petition to the Vice-Chancellor they repeat accusations, made
against Field in 1665, both of false printing and of failure to pay
sums due to the two brothers[69]. Whether the claim against Field's
estate was substantiated does not appear, but it is evident that
Thomas and John Buck still held their printer's patents in 1668.
The first election made after Field's death was that of Matthew
Whinn, Registrary, in March, 1669; this seems, however, to have
been a purely formal appointment and Field's successor was in
fact John Hayes, who was elected in October of the same year, the
printing having previously been leased to him for £100 a year,
on the condition that there should be no further treaty with the
London Stationers.
The books printed during the earlier part of Hayes's tenure of
office are similar in general character to those of his predecessor
John Field. Dyer describes the Andronicus Rhodius of 1679 as an
_editio optima_ and among the other books of the period will be
found the usual congratulatory, or lachrymatory, symposia evoked by
the funeral of Henrietta Maria, the marriage of William and Mary,
the death of Charles II; several university and assize sermons;
editions of Homer, Sophocles, Euripides, Terence, Lucretius, Ovid,
Livy, Sallust; Crashaw's _Steps to the Temple_ and the second
edition of _Poemata et Epigrammata_ (1670); John Ray's _Collection
of Proverbs_ (1670 and 1678); editions of à Kempis, _De Christo
Imitando_ (1685), of Erasmus, _Enchiridion_ (1685), and of North's
Plutarch's _Lives_ (1676); as well as bibles, prayer-books, and
almanacks. The almanacks are an interesting feature of Cambridge
printing at this period. Every year, under a pseudonymous heading
(Dove, Swallow, Pond, Swan, etc.), a number of these attractive
little books were issued.
[Illustration: ALMANACK, 1675]
The title-page of _Swan_ (1675) is reproduced here and in _A Brief
Chronology_ included in the book the history of the world is
summarised from the Creation (4004 B.C.) and the Flood (2347 B.C.)
to the building of Cambridge (635 A.D.) and the peace with the
Dutch (1674 A.D.).
At this time the printing of Hebrew seems to have fallen into
disuse, as Isaac Abendana, writing from Cambridge in 1673,
complains:
Paravi nuperrime versionem ... sed his desunt characteres Hebr.[70]
Hayes probably remained as printer--in name, at any rate--until
his death in 1705, since there is in existence a bond of 1703, by
which John Hayes and John Collyer (a London stationer) promised
to pay the university £150 a year so long as Hayes continued as
printer[71].
A pleasant description of the printing-house in 1689 is preserved
in the diary of Samuel Sewall, an American judge who visited
Cambridge in that year:
By it [Katherine Hall] the Printing Room, which is about 60 foot
long and 20 foot broad. Six presses. Had my cousin Hull and my
name printed there. Paper windows, and a pleasant garden along one
side between Katherine Hall and that. Had there a print of the
Combinations[72].
During Hayes's lifetime several other appointments to the office
of printer were made: John Peck (1680), Hugh Martin (1682), James
Jackson (1683), Jonathan Pindar (1686), H. Jenkes (1693), another
Jonathan Pindar (1697)[73]. All these appointments seem, however,
to have been merely formal. They were, presumably, the last to be
made in accordance with the original provision of the charter of
1534, by which the university was empowered to elect three printers
simultaneously. Far more important was the arrival of Cornelius
Crownfield. As early as 1694 his name appears on the title-page
of Joshua Barnes's edition of Euripides of which Dyer says: "the
magnificence and typographical excellence ... form an epoch in
the History of Greek Printing at Cambridge. It reminds us of the
blooming infancy of this useful art, and the Harlem press"; and
Crownfield's appointment, in 1698 or earlier, as Inspector of the
Press, was part of an energetic movement to establish Cambridge
printing on a new basis.
V
RICHARD BENTLEY--THE FIRST PRESS SYNDICATE
In the movement for the revival of Cambridge typography at the
end of the seventeenth century the most prominent name is that of
Richard Bentley.
The renovation of the University Press (writes his biographer,
Monk), which had continued in decay since the Usurpation, was
projected by him, and mainly accomplished through his agency. New
buildings, new presses, and new types were all requisite; and the
University itself being destitute of funds, a subscription for
these purposes was procured principally by his exertions; and the
deficiency was made up by the Senate borrowing a thousand pounds.
The task of ordering types of every description was absolutely
committed to his discretion by a _grace_ in very complimentary
terms; and the power of attorney given him on this occasion is the
most unlimited I recollect ever to have seen[74].
The reference to the continuous decay of the Press during fifty
years savours of exaggeration. The typographical inaccuracies in
Field's bibles, it is true, became notorious; but it was Field who
built the new printing-house and from 1655 onwards there is no year
in which the continuity of book-production is broken.
[Illustration: RICHARD BENTLEY]
On the other hand, it is clear that the old system inaugurated
by the charter of 1534 had broken down. Under that system the
university simply licensed tradesmen (who might, or might not, be
members of the university) to print and sell books; and the proper
working of the Press was dependent on the capabilities of the
individual printer. He might be bullied by the London Stationers,
as were Thomas Thomas and John Legate (the elder), and involve the
university in a long series of petitions and counter-petitions; on
the other hand he might make commercially profitable arrangements
with the Stationers' Company, as did Thomas Buck, and disregard
the interests of the university; he might accept the office with
no intention of printing, but simply in the interests of a family
monopoly, as did Francis Buck; or he might neglect his duties
altogether, as did John Legate, the younger.
Consequently, the standard of typography, the expansion of the
Press buildings, and the purchase of new type were at the mercy of
the commercial fortunes of the holders of the patents.
It was with the object of bringing the Press directly under the
control of the university and, at the same time, of making it
worthier of Cambridge scholarship that the movement associated with
Bentley's name began.
The formal initiative came from the Chancellor himself. On 29 June,
1696, the Duke of Somerset wrote to the members of the Senate:
GENTLEMEN
As I have yͤ honour to be a servant to you all, soe am I ever
thinking of wͭ may be most for yͬ interest, and for yͤ support
of that reputation, and great character wͨͪ yͤ University have
soe worthily deserved in yͤ opinion of all good, and of all
learned men: & in my poore thoughtes, noe way more effectual,
than the recovering yͤ fame of yͬ own printing those great, and
excellent writinges, yͭ are soe frequently published from yͤ
Members of yͬ own body; wͨͪ tho' very learned, sometimes have been
much prejudiced by yͤ unskillful handes of uncorrect printers.
Therefore it is, yͭ I doe at this time presume to lay before
you all, a short, and imperfect Scheame (here enclosed) of some
thoughtes of mine, by way of a foundation, for you to finishe, and
to make more perfect; wͨͪ tho' never soe defective at present,
yett they have mett with aprobation among some publick spirited
men (much deserving the name of friends to us) who have freely
contributed eight hundred pounds towards yͤ Carying on this good,
and most beneficiall worke.
Now, Gentlemen, their is nothing wanting of my part, to endeavour
the procuring the like su[̄m]e againe from others, but yͬ
aprobation, and consent, to have a Presse once more erected at
Cambridge: and when that shall bee resolved on, then to give a
finishing hand (like great Masters as you are) to my unfinished
thoughtes, that I may be proude in having done some thing, yͭ you
think will bee for your service; wͨͪ I doe hope will bee a meanes
to procure mee a general pardonn from you all, for laying this
Matter before you, having noe other ambition, than to bee thought
your most obedient and most faithfull humble servant.
SOMERSET.
The duke himself lent the university the sum of £200 towards the
cost of the scheme[75] and the Senate quickly acted on his letter,
for on 10 July a grace was passed authorising Bentley to act on
behalf of the university and the power of attorney, referred to by
Monk, gave him
potestatem generalem et mandatum speciale omnimoda literarum et
characterum genera ab exteris gentibus comparandi et omnia ad idem
negotium spectantia et pertinentia pro arbitratu suo perquirendi
et sumptibus Academiae in nostrum usum coemendi.
"The commission," says Monk, "was executed with promptitude and
judgment: he procured to be cast in Holland those beautiful
types which appear in Talbot's Horace, Kuster's Suidas, Taylor's
Demosthenes, &c."[76]
The next step was a grace of the Senate for the appointment of the
first Press Syndicate:
Placeat vobis, ut Dⁿͧˢ Procancellarius, Singuli Collegiorum
Praefecti, Dⁿͥ Professores, Mͬ Laughton Coll. Trin. Academiae
Architypographus, Dͬ Perkins Regin. Mͬ Talbot and Mͬ Lightfoot
Trin. Mͬ Nurse Joh. Mͬ Beaumont Petr. Mͬ Moss CCC. Mͬ Banks Aul.
Pemb. Mͬ Leng Aul. Cath. Mͬ Pierce E[̄m]an. Mͬ Wollaston Sidn. Mͬ
Gael Regal. aut eorum quinque ad minus, quorum semper unus sit
Dⁿͧˢ Procancellarius, sint Curatores Praeli vestri Typographici
lect. & concess. 21 Jan. 169⅞.
Though Hayes retained his position as printer, the active part in
the renovation of the Press was taken by Crownfield in his capacity
as Inspector. Crownfield is described by Ames as "a Dutchman, who
had been a soldier, and a very ingenious man"; and the earliest
orders of the newly-appointed Curators seem to have been carried
out by him.
A new printing-house, facing Queens' Lane, was built to the north
of that established by John Field; and for some years it appears
that both may have been in use[77]. But in 1716 a grace was passed
allotting the new printing-house (as being _Academiae alioquin
infructuosum_) to the use of the Professors of Chemistry and
Anatomy for lectures and experiments, and the printing was carried
on at the older press at the corner of Queens' Lane and Silver
Street.
The Curators' activities may be illustrated by some extracts from
the first Order Book[78]:
Aug. 23rd 1698
1 Agreed then at a meeting of yͤ Curators of yͤ University-Press,
yͭ Mͬ Jacob Tonson have leave to print an edition of Virgil,
Horace, Terence, Catullus, Tibullus and Propertius in 4ᵗͦ with
yͤ double Pica Letter: he paying to such persons as shall be
appointed by yͤ said Curators 12ˢ p. Sheet for yͤ impression
of 500 copies: 14ˢ for 750; and so in proportion for a greater
Number: and yͭ Dͬ Mountague, Dͬ Covell, Mͬ Leng, Mͬ Laughton and
Mͬ Talbot shall sign yͤ Articles of yͤ agreement above mentioned,
on yͤ part of yͤ University.
2 Agreed at yͤ same time, yͭ Mͬ Edmund Jeffries have leave to
print an Edition of Tully's works in 12ᵐͦ with the Brevier Letter:
he paying 1ˡ. 10ˢ. yͤ sheet for 1000 Copies.
3 That Cornelius Crownfield have leave to send to Roterdam for
300ˡ weight of yͤ double Pica letter in order to yͤ Printing of
Virgil, Horace, &c in yͤ manner above mentioned.
The next extract shows the executive arrangements made by the
Curators; clearly the whole body (including the Heads of Houses and
Professors) was too large to handle the details of administration
and committees of delegates were appointed to take monthly tours of
duty.
Provision was also made for the reading of proofs by competent
scholars to be nominated by the editor and approved by the
delegates.
Octob. 17. 98.
Present Dͬ James Vicechancellour, Dͬ Covell,
Dͬ Blithe, Dͬ Roderick, Dͬ Smoult, Dͬ Perkins,
Mͬ Barnet, Mͬ Laughton, Mͬ Leng, Mͬ Beaumont,
Mͬ Pearse, Mͬ Wollaston, Mͬ Talbot, Mͬ Bennett.
1 Agreed yͭ all resolves made at any meeting of yͤ Curatours for
the press be entered in yͤ Register for yͤ Press.
2 That yͤ Major part of yͤ Curatours present at any meeting shall
determine who shall write yͤ resolves then made into yͤ said
Register.
3 That all graces granted by yͤ Senate relating to yͤ Press be
entered into yͤ said Register.
4 That there shall be a general meeting of yͤ Curatours upon yͤ
first Wednesday in every month.
5 That yͤ general monthly meeting shall determine, wͭ persons
shall be delegates for yͤ said Month.
6 That the sͩ delegates appointed by them shall meet weekly on
Wednesdays at 2 of yͤ clock in yͤ afternoon.
7 That every Editour shall appoint his own inferiour Correctour to
attend yͤ press.
8 That no Editour shall have power to appoint any inferiour
Correctour to attend yͤ Press, but such as shall be approved by
the delegates, & yͭ yͤ allowance for yͤ Correctours labour be set
by yͤ delegates.
The delegates for this month are Mͬ Vice-Chancellour Mͬ Peirse, Mͬ
Leng, Mͬ Talbot, Mͬ Bennett.
Wednesday Octob. 26. 1698
1 Ordered, yͭ Mͬ Cornelius Crownfield do go to London to procure
an Alphabet of Box flourish't Letters, and to retain Workmen for
the Press, and to take care for yͤ Carriage of Mͬ Tonson's Paper:
and to hasten yͤ return of yͤ double Pica Letter from Holland.
2 Upon yͤ proposall of Mͬ Talbot of Dˢ Penny[79] to be his
correctour for yͤ edition of Horace with yͤ approbation of yͤ
delegates; agreed, yͭ the said Dˢ Penny be spoken to to undertake
yͤ said office of Correctour.
January yͤ 4ᵗʰ 1698/9.
At a meeting of Eight of yͤ Curators--
Ordered that Mͬ Talbot have full power to treat about & procure a
Rolling press fit for yͤ service of yͤ Printing house the charges
thereof to be defrayed out of such money as he shall receive upon
subscriptions to yͤ press at London.
Agreed also that 4 pence [p_] week for copy money be allowed to yͤ
workmen at yͤ Press and half a crown [p_] Quarter for cleaning yͤ
Press[80].
The three following entries show that in their first few years of
office, at any rate, the Curators approached their duties in a
business-like way:
March 4 1698
1 Orderd, that a particular account of each Body of Letter, & of
all Tooles & Moveables belonging to yͤ New Printing House be taken
in writing in yͤ presence of the Delegates for yͤ weekly meetings
of this Month, and yͭ it be entered into yͤ Journal Book by yͤ
person appointed to keep that Book: and yͭ yͤ said account be
sign'd by yͤ Delegates, & Mr Crownfield yͤ Printer....
3 Order'd, That all Combinations, Verses, and other exercises upon
Public Occasions be printed only at yͤ University's New Printing
House.
May 3ͬͩ 1699
Ordered--that 400 lbs weight of Paragon Greek Letter be sent for
to the Widow Voskins in Holland.
* * * * *
At a general meeting of the Curators June 7ᵗʰ 1699
Order'd that Dͬ Green & Dͬ Oxenden or either of them do examine Dͬ
Bentley's account in relation to our Press, and upon his delivery
of the Vouchers relating to it, and all other things in his hands
belonging to the University Press; give him a full discharg; and
likewise take a discharg of him for the Summ of four hundred and
thirty three pounds received by him of the University.
1 At a General Meeting of the Curatͬˢ Septebͬ yͤ 6ᵗʰ 1699 'twas
then agreed yͭ Mr Crownfield be order'd to buy twelve Gallons of
Linseed Oyle and a rowl of Parchment.
2 Order'd yͭ yͤ Sashes be renew'd.
3 Order'd yͭ twenty shillings per annū be allowed to Printers for
their weigh-goes.
This last entry refers to the printers' annual holiday of which
Randall Holme, writing in 1688, says
It is customary for all journeymen to make every year, new paper
windows about _Bartholomew-tide_, at which time the master printer
makes them a feast called a _waygoose_ to which is invited the
corrector, founder, smith, ink-maker, etc., who all open their
purses and give to the workmen to spend in the tavern or ale-house
after the feast. From which time they begin to work by candle
light[81].
By 1701 Bentley's activities had begun to bear fruit.
Already (says Monk) some handsome editions of Latin Classics had
been printed.... Terence had been edited by Leng, of Catharine
Hall, afterwards Bishop of Norwich; Horace by Talbot, the Hebrew
Professor; Catullus, Tibullus, and Propertius by the Hon. Arthur
Annesley, Representative for the University; and Virgil by J.
Laughton of Trinity.
Nor was it only in Holland that search was made for beautiful
types. In 1700 Matthew Prior was sent, on behalf of the university,
to procure Greek type (the famous _Grecs du Roi_) from the Paris
press. The negotiations, however, fell through owing to the
demand of the French that on the title-page of any book for which
their type was used there should be added after the words _typis
Academicis_, a full acknowledgment in the form _Caracteribus Græcis
e typographeo regio Parisiensi_. Correspondence passed between
Prior, the Earl of Manchester, the Chancellor, and the Abbé Bynon,
but the university refused to comply with this condition[82].
Of the books printed about this time we may note first the works
edited by Bentley himself.
The title-page of the famous edition of Horace (1711) is reproduced
here and a full account both of its compilation and of its
reception may be read in Monk's _Life_:
This publication had been long and anxiously expected; and its
appearance excited much sensation and surprise. There were found
between seven and eight hundred alterations of the common readings
of Horace; all of which, contrary to the general practice of
classical editors, were introduced into the text.... This book
was, it must be confessed, unlike any edition of a Latin author
ever before given to the world.
[Illustration: TITLE-PAGE OF BENTLEY'S EDITION OF HORACE, 1711]
Especially characteristic of the atmosphere in which Bentley
lived and worked is "the important affair of the dedication."
Having discovered that the Earl of Oxford was "anxious that the
world should know, that his ancestors were related to the Veres
and Mortimers of former centuries, and that his family estate in
Herefordshire had been in possession of the Harleys since the reign
of Edward the First," Bentley took particular pains that these
glories should be "fully and accurately displayed." "Good taste"
comments Monk "had not yet abolished the fashion, which demanded
from every dedicator, whether classical or vernacular, the most
unsparing praise that language could supply."
Bentley's edition of Terence (1726) was designed,
characteristically, to supplant and extinguish that of Francis
Hare, Dean of Worcester. The text was corrected "in not less
than a thousand places" and in every line the first accented
syllable of every _dipodia_ was marked with an acute accent--"a
laborious task, which must have vastly increased the trouble of
correcting the press." Included in the first half of the volume
were a _Schediasma_ or dissertation upon the metres of Terence and
Bentley's _Commencement Oration_ of 1725, on the occasion of the
creation of seven Doctors of Divinity. The second half of the book
consisted of an edition of Phaedrus and Publius Syrus, the Phaedrus
being undertaken to anticipate an edition projected by Hare
containing emendations "of the most daring class."
_A Sermon upon Popery_, preached by Bentley before the university
on 5 November, 1715, and printed in the same year, is of interest
not only as an expression of the vigorous No-Popery spirit of 1715,
but as supplying material and phraseology for the sermon recited by
Corporal Trim in the second book of _Tristram Shandy_.
It was Bentley, too, who arranged for the publication of a second
edition of Newton's _Principia_ in 1713. "The first impression
being entirely exhausted," says Monk, "the lovers of philosophy
were, in a manner, debarred access to the fountain of truth" and
Bentley engaged Roger Cotes to supervise the new edition.
Into the history of Bentley's many controversies it is fortunately
unnecessary to enter, but one of his pamphlets, which brought the
university printer into the Vice-Chancellor's court on a charge of
libel, must be mentioned.
In 1721 there appeared a pamphlet, written by Conyers Middleton,
but published anonymously in London, entitled _Remarks, Paragraph
by Paragraph, upon the Proposals lately publish'd by Richard
Bentley, for a New Edition of the Greek Testament and Latin
Version_, and full of "sheer personal malice." Bentley's proposals
were described as "low and paltry higgling to squeeze our money
from us," reminiscent of "those mendicants in the streets, who beg
our charity with an _half sheet of proposals_ pinned upon their
breasts."
Bentley's reply was prompt and vigorous; he chose to assume
that the author of the pamphlet was Dr John Colbatch, the
Casuistical Professor[83], and answered him in what Monk describes
as the vocabulary of Billingsgate. "Cabbage-head," "Maggot,"
"Gnawing-rat," "Mountebank" were some of the terms used. "He
never," wrote Bentley, "broaches a piece of mere knavery, without
a preface about his conscience; nor ever offers to us downright
nonsense, without eyes, muscles, and shoulders wrought up into the
most solemn posture of gravity."
This was too much, even for academic controversy of the eighteenth
century; Colbatch, having first disavowed the authorship of
the _Remarks_, appealed to the Heads of Colleges. This body
declared the book to be "a most virulent and scandalous libel"
and Crownfield was prosecuted in the Vice-Chancellor's Court for
having sold it. Dr Crosse, the Vice-Chancellor, was a "quiet and
timid man" and after hazarding a judgment in Crownfield's favour,
adjourned the case. In the next year Bentley was cited to appear
in the Vice-Chancellor's Court to give evidence concerning the
libel. "There was no difficulty," says Monk, "in obtaining the
citation, but a great one in getting it served upon the Master: the
Esquire-beadles ... were all as averse to such perilous service,
as the mice in the fable were to undertake the office of belling
the cat." One of the beadles, however, was bribed with a double
fee, and Bentley offered no resistance. Instead, he contrived, by
an exchange with a brother-chaplain, to be on duty at St James's
during the month in which the Court was to assemble and eventually
the proceedings against him were abandoned.
The most ambitious work which the University Press undertook about
this time was an edition of the Suidas Lexicon in three volumes
folio. For this enterprise Bentley was chiefly responsible. Ludolf
Kuster, a professor from Berlin, had collated three of the Suidas
manuscripts at Paris and was invited by Bentley to take up his
residence at Cambridge and to publish his edition of the lexicon
at the Press. Accordingly on 4 October, 1701, the university made
an agreement with John Owen, an Oxford stationer, by which Owen
undertook to purchase an edition of 1500 copies (150 on large
paper) of Suidas in three volumes at the price of £1 10_s_ 6_d_ per
sheet[84].
The exact relation of Owen to Cambridge is not quite clear.
Evidently, he was a protegé of Bentley and though there is no
record of his official appointment as a Cambridge printer, several
books bear his imprint as _Typographus_, including Cellarius,
_Geographia_ 1703; Ockley, _Introductio_ 1706; Caesar, 1706;
Minucius Felix, 1707; Sallust, 1710[85]. The word _typographus_, as
Bowes pointed out, is used rather loosely and Owen seems only to
have been the publisher of the books quoted; on the other hand,
there are among Crownfield's vouchers for 1705 the following:
June 23. 1705
Then received of Mr Corn. Crownfield (for the use of Mr Davies,
and for correcting Caesars Commentary) the summe of thirty seven
shillings and four pence, being for 28 sheets at 16_d_ the sheet
from A to Ee, inclusive by me
£ _s_ _d_ JOHN OWEN
01 17 4
Compos'd in Caesar's Commentary's the sheets Ccc, Ddd, Eee, Fff at
8_s_ the sheet--_l_1 12_s_ 0_d_
Sept. 17. 1705
Receiv'd by JOHN OWEN
These receipts appear to show that Owen actually was at work as a
compositor upon Davies's edition of Caesar which appeared with the
imprint _Impensis Joannis Oweni, Typographi_[86].
From passages in Bentley's correspondence it also appears that Owen
travelled in Holland on Bentley's behalf in 1706[87].
But long before this Owen had found himself unable, "through great
poverty and being imprisoned on the amount of debts contracted," to
carry out the Suidas agreement, and on 8 May, 1703, a new contract
was made with Sir Theodore Janssen, who had already supplied Owen
with large quantities of paper, for the completion of the work at
the joint expense of the university and of Janssen himself, the
editor's fee being fixed at £200[88].
As has been noted above, however, the Press continued to print
certain other books for Owen. Thus Janssen writes to Crownfield on
19 October, 1704:
I have sent you to-day 150 Reams of fine genoa paper which is to
be for yͤ use of Mͬ Jͦⁿ Owen when he hath signed an agreement such
as Dͬ Bentley doth require ...[89].
In later years Owen seems to have laid his misfortunes at Bentley's
door, since, in a dedication written by him to "Elias Abenaker of
London, Gent." and prefixed to Ockley's translation of Modena,
_History of the present Jews_ (ed. 1711), he writes:
I ... want Words to tell the World how much I am your Debtor,
how often you have rescued me and my whole Family from the Jaws
of Destruction; what noble Assistances you have supplied me
with, to raise my Fortune in the World, and put my Affairs into
a prosperous and flourishing Condition, had not a Person of an
high Character, and a pretending Encourager of Arts and Sciences,
and Printing in particular, (by the Encouragement of whose
specious Promises I was induced to leave Oxford) been as Sedulous
and Industrious to ruine and destroy me, by such Injustice and
Cruelties, which if I should particularize, would gain Credit with
few but those of the University of Cambridge, where the Fact is
notoriously known[90].
In the meantime Kuster's edition of Suidas had duly appeared in
1705:
Kuster (writes Monk) having now, by means of his [Bentley's]
patronage, completed the three noble volumes of his Suidas, their
appearance raised the fame of the editor, while it excited public
admiration at the spirit and liberality of the University of
Cambridge in undertaking so magnificent a publication.
Correspondence between Janssen and Crownfield throws some
interesting side-lights on business details--the fixing of the
price and the choice of selling agents[91]:
Now that yͤ hurry of treating her Majᵗʸ is over[92] (writes
Janssen) I hope yͤ University will come speedily to a resolution
at what rate to sell Suidas, I would not have them to think of too
high a price and I believe 3£ will be rather too much hoever I
leave it to them but I hope they will not exceed 3£ which is 20_s_
a volume.
[Illustration: KUSTER'S RECEIPT FOR A PORTION OF HIS FEE]
Dͬ Bentley had told me you would write to some booksellers in
Hollͩ. Since we refused Mͬ Mortier's offers it might perhaps be
of service but I think we could not pitch on a fitter person for
disposing of a good quantity of Suidas beyond sea.
Bentley's financial negotiations with the Dutch booksellers were
apparently not successful, since copies of the _Lexicon_ were
disposed of to foreign booksellers by the method of exchange:
Feby 1ᵗʰ 1705/6. Agreed then also yͭ foreign booksellers be
treated with for an exchange of an hundred[93] Suidas's, for
a number of bookes wͨͪ shall be esteem'd of equal value, & yͭ
Catalogues of proper bookes wᵗʰ their respective prises, be
procur'd from them to be approv'd of by yͤ University.
The succession of troubles encountered by the university both
in the production and distribution of this book illustrates the
difficulties of the Curators in attempting to grapple with the
details of stock-keeping and accountancy. By 1732 "part of yͤ
impression was in yͤ University warehouse and yͤ rest was got into
Mͬ Innys's[94] hands in London, but in such manner, yͭ neither had
a perfect book."
After some two or three years of negotiation for the mutual
purchase of sheets at ½_d_ a piece, the university, having bought
the whole of Innys's stock for £400, acquired 410 complete sets of
the work and appointed a Syndicate to dispose of them. The Syndics,
however, found remaindering difficult:
It were well (says the writer of a memorandum of 1749) if we could
get some one to take them all off our hands at almost any rate. I
have tried Knapton and Whiston in vain. They durst not venture on
the whole: but advise to advertize them at 30ˢ a Book, and let yͤ
Booksellers have them at 25ˢ....
I have hopes yͭ Vailliant may take them all at 25ˢ a book,
especially if he be allowed time for payment of the money, & yͤ
University would take some of it in books, which we really want
for yͤ Rustat Library[95].
Eventually, in 1752, 75 sets were disposed of to T. Merrill (a
Cambridge bookseller) at one guinea each and the rest seem to
have been exchanged[96]. So ended the most ambitious of the early
publishing enterprises of the university.
Amongst the other books printed during this period, editions of
the classics are prominent. The titles of these will be found in
Appendix II and Davies's editions of Cicero, Barnes's Anacreon
(1705) and Homer (1711), Taylor's Lysias (1740) may be specially
noted. The edition of the _Medea_ and _Phoenissae_ of Euripides by
W. Piers (1703) contains, in its preface, an interesting tribute to
the renovation of Cambridge typography:
Si _Typorum elegantiam_ mireris, gratias merito ingentes
habeto _Illustrissimo Principi_ Carolo _Duci_ Somersetensium
_munificentissimo nostrae Academiae Cancellario_, cui Cordi est
_nostrum_ imo _suum_ denuò revixisse _Typographéum_.
Mathematics is represented primarily by the second edition of
Newton's _Principia_ (1713), by Le Clerc's _Physica_ (1700 etc.),
by Robert Green's _Principles of Natural Philosophy_ (1712--an
anti-Newtonian treatise) and by the _Praelectiones_ (1707 and
1710) and other works of W. Whiston; biography by Knight's _Life
of Erasmus_ (1726); Oriental studies by Ockley's _Introductio ad
Linguas Orientales_ (1706) and Lyons's _Hebrew Grammar_ (1735).
A work of more general interest is the first edition of Sir Thomas
Browne's _Christian Morals_, published from the MS of the Author by
John Jeffery and printed by Crownfield in 1716.
[Illustration: A COMPOSITOR'S RECEIPT, 1705]
(Among the items may be noted one of Sir Isaac Newton's works and
the Vice-Chancellor's order putting Sturbridge Fair out of bounds)
These, of course, are only a few titles selected from the
bibliography of the period.
[Illustration: TITLE PAGE OF _CHRISTIAN MORALS_, 1716]
Between 1725 and 1738/9 there are no entries in the Curators'
minute-book; the driving power of Bentley's energy and enthusiasm
was flagging and the Press had become a source of pecuniary
loss to the university. The agreements of 1706 and 1727 with
the Stationers, by which the university surrendered the right
of printing a large number of school books in return for money
payments, no doubt represent an attempt to meet this difficulty[97].
Similarly in December, 1730, it was resolved to lease the
university's right of printing bibles and prayer-books to "Mr
James & Company" for the sum of £100 per annum, an additional £5
per annum to be paid during the lifetime of Jonathan Pindar, whose
formal resignation had been arranged by a grace of 28 August[98].
This arose out of an application which has a special interest in
the history of printing.
About the beginning of 1730 William Fenner, a London stationer,
did bring up from Edinburgh a Scotsman named Wᵐ Ged; who had or
pretended to have found out the Art of casting, upon Plates, whole
Pages of Letters ... wͨͪ 'twas thought would be of great advantage
to the publick, as well as to the proprietors of the Invention.
This invention came to the notice of a type-founder named Thomas
James who was so much struck by its possibilities that he was
of opinion that the Design of printing by such plates would in
short time be brought to such perfection as would greatly injure
if not wholly ruine the business of letter-founding, by wͨͪ he
then made shift to support a large family.
Accordingly a partnership was formed between Ged, Fenner, and
Thomas James. The design, it was alleged, "had at that time all
imaginable appearance of Success"; Thomas James, being unable to
get any help from his father ("a Clergyman then living upwͩˢ of 85
years of age, who had, upon a small Endowmͭ in Hampshire, brought
up a numerous family"), applied to his brother John, an architect
at Greenwich, for financial assistance. John James came into the
partnership, paying an entrance fee of £100, and, as the invention
of stereotype plates was likely to be used with most advantage for
the printing of bibles and prayer-books, undertook to apply for a
licence to the University of Cambridge--"the only one at that time
unemploied."[99]
This application was successful and the lease was granted to Fenner
on 23 April, 1731; Fenner's name was used as that of the only
member of the partnership who was a stationer, and John James gave
a bond for £100.
The plates were at first made in London, at a house in Bartholomew
Close, but in the summer of 1732 a house was hired in Cambridge
and all the materials and implements moved thither. "For yͤ better
prosecuting the Affair," a certain James Watson was sent to Holland
"as well as to hire Men, as to buy Presses" and several Dutchmen
were employed in printing the nonpareil bible and the small book of
common prayer by the new process.
But the business did not prosper. Ged quarrelled with Fenner and
"left the whole business at a stand, Secreting or taking with him
several Tools and other things to which he had no Right"[100];
Baskett, the king's printer, filed a Bill in Chancery against
Fenner for printing bibles; the injunction was subsequently
withdrawn, but meanwhile John James was losing confidence in the
scheme and growing anxious about his money; he urged Fenner to
"go on with the Cambridge Patent Work in common Type Way by the
Assistance of Mr Watson, _and have nothing farther to do in the
Plate Way_." "As far as I can learn," wrote James in another letter
(28 Nov. 1732), "the Booksellers all agree that the Prayer-Book
that is done will by no means pass. So that to proceed farther in
this Way will but run us more and more out of Pocket." Finally,
Fenner died in debt in 1734; four specimens of his work in
Cambridge have survived: an octavo Book of Common Prayer, Thomas
Johnson's _Letter to Mr Chandler_, John Colbatch's _Examination of
the marriage treaty of Charles II_, and _A Collection of Poems_,
by the Author of _A Poem on the Cambridge Ladies_.
His widow, Mary Fenner, carried on such business as was left and
a bitter controversy, recalling the days of Thomas Buck, arose
between her and her deceased husband's partners. The brothers
James declared that they were £1000 out of pocket and had received
not a penny in return; that Fenner had taken a grossly unfair
advantage of the lease being in his name. Mrs Fenner, in reply,
maintained that her husband had borne the brunt of many business
difficulties alone and that his appeals to his partners for help
and co-operation had been neglected.
In their complaints to the Vice-Chancellor Thomas and John James
did not mince their words:
I humbly request (writes Thomas) that my Brother and I may be
heard; that so the Scene of Iniquity carried on by Mr Fenner and
now prosecuted by his Widow may be laid open ... for I do not find
the change of Mrs Fenner's Religion has made any alteration in her
morals.
As to what Fenner's wife (writes John) (who I fear is of as bad a
principle as he was) may alledge, I can only say, she has no other
cause of complaint, than that I refused to throw away all I had in
yͤ world, for the Knave her husband to make Ducks and Drakes with.
[Illustration: TITLE-PAGE OF BENTLEY'S _BOYLE LECTURES_, 1735]
The details of the controversy need not be examined here[101], but
one short letter from Mrs Fenner to the Vice-Chancellor is worth
preserving:
London 19 Jun. 1735
Honͬͩ
Sͬ
these wates on you to beg the favour you will be so good as to
stay three weeaks & then will wate on you, in that time will Do my
indaver to See Mͬ James & if it is possable to bringe him to Some
agreament I Rely upon your Goodness till that time & then Shall
have an oppertuneyty to inform your worship of my case & will do
wat is in my power to make you eassey as to the Deate is oing to
the university
I am Sͬ your
Dutyful Sarvant
Mary Fenner
Only one book bearing the imprint of Mary Fenner (the sixth edition
of Bentley's _Boyle Lectures_, 1735) has been preserved and her
association with the university came to an end in 1738. In that
year she relinquished her lease and John James agreed to pay
£150 in settlement of the university's claim upon the ill-fated
partnership.
The chief cause of the failure of the Press to fulfil the high
hopes of 1696 appears, in Monk's words,
to have been the want of a permanent committee of management, a
measure which, however obvious, was not adopted till many years
afterwards. In the meantime, the receipt and disbursement of large
sums of money, as well as the necessary negotiations with persons
of business, were entrusted to the individuals holding the annual
office of Vice-Chancellor, who in many cases possessed no previous
acquaintance with the concern; a system which inevitably led to
injurious and almost ruinous consequences.
This state of affairs is reflected in the preamble of the grace of
1737:
Cum prelum typographicum in usum et commoditatem Academicam olim
destinatum per quadraginta retro annos ita negligenter fuerit
administratum, ut Academiam oneraverit sumptu ultra bis mille et
trecentas libras....
A Syndicate was accordingly appointed with plenary powers over the
Press for three years.
This Syndicate "took the State of the Press into Consideration"
purchasing new types, presses and other materials; and "that they
might be able to retain good Hands there, by securing them constant
Employment, began to print an Impression of the Bible in 12ᵐͦ."
The further measures taken for the development of the bible trade
will be recorded in the next chapter. Here it may be noted that
one important modification of the Copyright Act, which had been
finally passed in 1710, was made in 1739; in that year a new act
repealed the clause which empowered the Vice-Chancellors of the two
universities to set and reform the prices of books.
In 1712, 1735, and subsequent years clauses were also included in
the acts imposing duties on paper by which, "for the Encouragement
of Learning" the University Presses were allowed a "drawback" on
paper used "in the printing any Bookes in the Latin Greek Orientall
or Northern Languages."[102]
VI
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY PRINTERS
Crownfield retired from the office of printer in 1740 and received
a pension from the university until his death in 1743[103]. He
was a bookseller as well as a printer and seems to have done some
binding as well[104]. His bookselling business was carried on after
his death by his son James, and a book of 1744 is described on the
title-page as "printed for J. Crownfield."
His successor was Joseph Bentham, appointed first by the Curators
as 'Inspector' on 28 March, 1740[105], and elected printer on 14
December of the same year.
Bentham was the son of Samuel Bentham, Vicar of Wichford, near Ely;
one of his brothers was James Bentham the historian of Ely and
another, Edward Bentham, of Oxford, author of _Funebres Orationes_
and other works.
Joseph Bentham was free of the Stationers' Company and Carter, the
historian of Cambridge, refers to him as "allowed by all Judges to
be as great a Proficient in the Mystery as any in _England_; which
the _Cambridge_ Common Prayer Books and Bibles ... printed by him,
will sufficiently evince."[106]
Before Bentham's appointment, steps had already been taken by the
university to revive the business of printing and selling bibles.
Thus, in December, 1740, the Curators agreed to print small bibles
(9000) price 2_s_ and 1000 on large paper at 2_s_ 6_d_, and six
months later 11,000 small nonpareil bibles and 1000 on large paper.
The services of Charles Bathurst, of London, were secured as agent
and from 1738 to 1744 he was engaged in "buying, procuring, and
expediting Paper, Types, Servants, and other necessaries."
Bathurst's memorandum of 1751, though an _ex parte_ statement,
throws an interesting light on printing conditions at Cambridge:
The Insolvency (he writes) of the University's late Lessees for
Bibles and the wishes and power of the King's Printer considered,
it was then a prevailing opinion, that no advantage could well
be made by printing Bibles and Com. Prayers: therefore the
Syndics were very diffident and cautious in undertaking other
Impressions[107].
However, having previously passed a resolution that Bentham was
to sell no bibles without authority from one of themselves, the
Syndics in March, 174¾, covenanted with Bathurst that he should
be the sole selling agent for all books printed at Cambridge.
Several editions of the bible and prayer-book were put in hand and
subsequently reprinted, "but not near so fast as they were sold."
Bathurst grew impatient: "If two presses will not do," he wrote
to the Vice-Chancellor, "[I hope that] three shall [be] employ'd
in it: for truly the jests People make here of the negligence of
our Advantage and Honour are very irksome." The university, on
the other hand, found itself unable to make the necessary outlay
of money for paper. Bathurst had, according to his own account,
spent considerable sums in the purchase of type and had made a six
weeks' voyage to Holland in 1747 to procure a good stock of paper.
One parcel was duly received by Bentham at Cambridge, but by the
time that the second consignment arrived, a new Vice-Chancellor (Dr
Parris, Master of Sidney Sussex College) had taken office and the
paper was promptly returned.
I have returned your paper again (wrote the Vice-Chancellor) which
yet I would not have done, if we had either wanted it, or had
money left to have paid for it.... The Welsh Bible is paid for
within a trifle: works of authors bring in but a trifle: our chief
dependance must be on what our books in your hands produce.... I
am reduced to yͤ necessity of either returning your paper, or,
what is still worse, putting an intire stop to yͤ press[108].
A fresh arrangement was therefore proposed by which Bathurst should
pay ready money for books printed and the university should not be
required to advance money to carry on the business.
Another source of trouble both to the Press and to Bathurst during
this period was a second attack made by Baskett, the king's
printer, upon the rights of the university.
In 1741 the Syndics had printed for Bathurst an _Abridgement of
the Laws of Excise_, and on its publication Baskett obtained an
injunction to stop its sale. Litigation dragged on until 1758, when
the Court of King's Bench decided in favour of the university,
declaring that it was entrusted with "a concurrent Authority to
print Acts of Parliament and Abridgements by letters patent of K.
Hen. VIII and K. Charles I."
Dyer says of Bentham that "he was not eager after money in the way
of business, but rather ambitious of printing Works that would
do him credit. He had a great taste for Gardening and a turn for
humour. He was an amiable man, as all the Benthams were; and was
the only Bentham of the family that was not in orders. There were
six brothers, who all used to assemble at the Prebendal-house in
Ely at Christmas."[109] Joseph was an alderman of Cambridge and
lived in a house adjoining the Press in Silver Street, the whole
group of buildings forming "a sort of Quadrangle or Square." This
house had belonged to Matthew Stokes, Registrary from 1558 to 1591,
and Cole refers to the arms ("carved very handsomely and very
large") over the chimneypiece in the parlour[110].
Of the books printed by Bentham the most sumptuous is _The History
of Ely Cathedral_ by his brother, James Bentham, a large volume
illustrated with many engravings and published in 1765.
Other illustrated works of some interest are Zachary Grey's edition
of Samuel Butler's _Hudibras_ (1774) with a "set of new cuts" by
Hogarth and _Cantabrigia Depicta_ (1763)[111]. There may also be
noted a Latin version of Pope's _Ode on St Cecilia's Day_ and
a succession of Seatonian prize poems by Christopher Smart; a
volume of _Odes_ (1756) by William Mason; Roger Long's _Astronomy_
(1744); Robert Masters's _History of the College of Corpus Christi_
(1752); a Latin version (anonymously published) of Gray's _Elegy_
by Christopher Anstey and W. H. Roberts, Provost of Eton: and many
editions of the classics, including Squire's _Plutarch de Iside et
Osiride_ (1744), Taylor's _Demosthenes_ (various years) and Richard
Hurd's _Horace_ (1757).
In 1715, when James Gibbs presented his design for "the Publick
Building at Cambridge," his plans included provision for the
printing-house above the Registrary's office in the southern wing;
and it has been therefore inferred that the printing-house in
Silver Street was not adequate to the needs of the university[112].
Only a portion of Gibbs's scheme (the Senate House) was carried out
and in 1762 the Syndics of the Press, seeking fresh accommodation,
purchased a house, called _The White Lion_, which probably stood on
the south side of Silver Street, facing the old Press. This was the
first step taken in the acquisition of the present site.
* * * * *
Bentham continued in office until 1766 and well maintained the
typographical reputation of the Press, but a more famous name is
that of John Baskerville. Originally a writing-master at Birmingham
where, from 1733 to 1737, he was teaching at a school in the Bull
Ring, he afterwards took up, with great success, the trade of
japanning and in 1750 began his experiments in type-founding. He
set his mind to the improvement of type, press, paper, and method
of printing:
It is not my desire (he wrote in the preface to his _Milton_,
1757) to print many books, but such only as are books of
Consequence, and which the public may be pleased to see in an
elegant dress, and to purchase at such a price as will repay
the extraordinary care and expense that must necessarily be
bestowed upon them.... If this performance shall appear to persons
of judgment and penetration in the Paper, Letter, Ink, and
Workmanship to excel; I hope their approbation may contribute to
procure for me what would indeed be the extent of my Ambition, a
power to print an Octavo Common-Prayer Book, and a Folio Bible.
This ambition was fulfilled by Baskerville's getting into touch
with the university. In 1757 he sent a specimen of type to a friend
at Cambridge, explaining that
the size is calculated for people who begin to want Spectacles but
are ashamed to use them at Church.... If I find favour with the
University, & they give me a Grant to print an Edition of a prayer
book according to the specimen I would ... send to Cambridge two
presses, Workmen & all other requisites, but should be glad to
take the chance of the Edition to my self, & make the University
such Considerations as they should think fit to prescribe.... My
highest Ambition is to print a folio Bible, with the same letter
of the inclosed Specimen.
[Illustration: JOHN BASKERVILLE]
The application was successful and on 15 December, 1758, an
agreement was made with the university by which Baskerville was
to have leave to print a folio bible and two octavo common-prayer
books, and on the following day Baskerville was duly elected to be
"one of the Stationers & Printers" of the university for ten years,
securities for £500 each being given by Baskerville himself and by
John Eaves, a toymaker of Birmingham.
The conditions imposed upon the new printer were strict: he was to
print in Cambridge only such books as the Syndics gave him leave
to print; on the title-page of no other book was he to describe
himself as Printer to the University; inspectors appointed by
the Syndics were to have free access to his printing-office; and
Baskerville was to pay the university £20 for every 1000 of the 8vo
common-prayer. On 31 May, 1759, Baskerville wrote from Birmingham
to the Vice-Chancellor:
Sir,
I have at last sent everything requisite to begin the Prayer Book
at Cambridge. The Bearer Mͬ Tho. Warren is my Deputy in conducting
the whole. I have ordered him to inform you of every step he
takes, and to desire you would appoint a person to tell out the
number of sheets before they go to press and again before they
are packed up for Birmingham. Mͬ Bentham will inform you how many
sheets per 1000 are allowed for wast. I have attempted several
ornaments, but none of them please me so well as the specimen;
which I hope will be approved by you and the Gentlemen of the
Syndick. I propose printing off 2000 the first impression, but
only 1000 of the State holidays &c which the patentee has left
out. The paper is very good and stands me in 27 or 28 shillings
the Ream.
I am taking great pains, in order to produce a striking title-page
& specimen of the Bible which I hope will be ready in about six
weeks. The importance of the work demands all my attention;
not only for my own (eternal) reputation; but (I hope) also to
convince the world, that the University in the honour done me has
not intirely misplaced their Favours.
You will please to accept & give my most respectful duty to the
University, particularly to the Gentlemen of the Syndick. I should
be very happy if I could make an Interest to a few Gentⁿ. to whom
the work would not be disagreeable, to survey the sheets, after
my people had corrected them as accurately as they are able, that
I might, if possible, be free from every error of the press; for
which I would gladly make suitable acknowledgements. I procured
a sealed copy of the Common prayer with much trouble and expense
from the Cathedral of Litchfield, but found it the most inaccurate
and ill printed book I ever saw: so that I returned it with
thanks[113].
Evidently neither the university nor Bentham was willing to give
Baskerville a free hand. Bentham was naturally jealous of his own
position and the Syndics' previous experience of leases granted
to outside printers had been unfortunate. Reed's criticism is
therefore a little too harsh: "This learned body," he writes,
"appear to have been influenced in the transaction more by a
wish to fill their own coffers than by a desire to promote the
interests of the Art; and the heavy premiums exacted from
Baskerville for the privilege thus accorded effectually deprived
him of any advantage whatever in the undertaking."[114]
By a further agreement of 3 July, 1761, Baskerville undertook to
pay £12 10_s_ 0_d_ per 1000 for the 4000 copies to be printed of
the 12 mo Common Prayer and in a letter of 2 November, 1762, he
wrote in a dismal strain to Horace Walpole:
The University of Cambridge have given me a Grant to print
there 8vo. & 12mo. Common prayer Books; but under such Shackles
as greatly hurt me. I pay them for the former twenty, & for
the latter twelve pound ten shillings the thousand, & to the
Stationers Company thirty two pound for their permission to print
one Edition of the Psalms in Metre to the small prayer book: add
to this the great Expence of double and treble Carriage, & the
inconvenience of a Printing House an hundred Miles off. All this
Summer I have had nothing to print at Home. My folio Bible is
pretty far advanced at Cambridge, which will cost me near £2000
all hired at 5 p Cent. If this does not sell, I shall be obliged
to sacrifice a small Patrimony which brings me in [£74] a Year
to this Business of printing; which I am heartily tired of &
repent I ever attempted. It is surely a particular hardship that I
should not get Bread in my own Country (and it is too late to go
abroad) after having acquired the Reputation of excelling in the
most useful Art known to Mankind; while every one who excels as a
Player, Fidler, Dancer &c not only lives in Affluence but has it
[in] their power to save a Fortune.
[Illustration: A PAGE OF BASKERVILLE'S PRAYER-BOOK, 1762]
However, four prayer-books (two with long lines and two in double
column) were produced by Baskerville in 1760 and of these two were
reprinted in the following year; the folio bible appeared in 1763.
In spite of their failure from the commercial point of view,
Baskerville's prayer-books and bible were recognised as something
finer than, or at any rate as something different in kind from,
what had been produced before. Dibdin called the bible "one of the
most beautifully printed books in the world" and called special
attention to the title-page as having "all the power and brilliancy
of copper-plate." The contrast, too, between the dignified design
of Baskerville's title-pages and the conventionally crowded
title-page of the period has also been duly emphasised[115].
On the other hand, Baskerville's type has been criticised as being
modelled too closely upon his own mastery of penmanship--the
upstrokes very thin, the downstrokes very thick, the serifs very
fine[116]. Controversy apart, Baskerville's is without doubt
the most distinguished typographical work associated with the
University Press in the eighteenth century.
Depressed by the financial failure of his bible, Baskerville
printed no more in Cambridge after 1763[117]; when he died twelve
years later, a French society bought his types and used them for an
edition of Voltaire and other works.
* * * * *
Bentham continued to hold the office of printer until 1766. On 13
December of that year he resigned and John Archdeacon, an Irishman,
was elected in his place, his salary being fixed two years later
at £140 a year. Archdeacon had been appointed Inspector of the
Press two months before, and, as appears from certain passages in
Nichols's _Literary Anecdotes_[118], had been associated with a
scheme by which Bowyer had contemplated taking over the management
of the University Press:
In consequence (writes Nichols) of overtures from a few
respectable friends at Cambridge, Mͬ Bowyer had some inclination,
towards the latter end of 1765, to have undertaken the management
of the University Press, by purchasing a lease and their
exclusive privileges, by which for several years they had cleared
a considerable sum. To accomplish this he took a journey to
Cambridge; and afterwards sent the Compiler of these Anecdotes to
negotiate with the Vice-Chancellor. The treaty was fruitless; but
he did not much regret the disappointment.
Evidently it was intended that Archdeacon should be the printer
under Bowyer's management, since Nichols wrote to Bowyer in
September, 1765:
I write to you now from the house of Mͬ Labutte[119], with whom I
have dined, and who has most obligingly shewn me all in his power.
Mͬ Archdeacon is not at home. I have opened to Mͬ Labutte my plan,
who is of opinion something may be done. I have talked also with
a _Compositor_, who is sensible, and who now works in the house.
_Six hundred_ a year I believe may carry it. They _talk_ of _ten_
having been _offered_. For 7 years last past the University have
_cleared one-thousand-three-hundred pounds_ annually; besides
farming the _Almanack_ (200 l. more). This might at least be
_doubled by opening the trade_ in new channels. If any bookseller
of reputation would enter into a scheme with you, _an immense
fortune would certainly be raised_....
and Bowyer, in his reply, wrote:
Mͬ Archdeacon, as you observe, must be a leading person, and there
is some delicacy necessary to be shewn to him.
This proposal, however, came to nothing, and no university
documents relating to it have been preserved.
From the business point of view, the printing and selling of bibles
and prayer-books no doubt continued to be the most important branch
of Archdeacon's activities. In a collection of agents' accounts
for the years 1766 and 1767 the well-known names of Edward Dilly,
John Rivington, James Waugh, T. and J. Merrill appear. One of these
accounts, made out in Archdeacon's own hand[120], is reproduced
here as showing the numbers and prices of bibles supplied to
Rivington during the period of six months and also the way in which
the accounts were examined and approved by the Syndics of the Press.
In the year following that of Archdeacon's appointment a contract,
similar to those of 1706 and 1727, was made with the Stationers'
Company by which the Stationers, in return for an annual payment of
£500, were granted the right of printing a large number of books
(including school editions of classical authors, Lily's Grammar,
Almanacks, Gradus ad Parnassum, Horn Book prints and Psalters) for
the term of 21 years[121].
[Illustration: RIVINGTON'S ACCOUNT WITH THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, 1767]
Later, in 1775, an Act of Parliament secured to the universities
the perpetual copyright of all schoolbooks bequeathed to them; but
in the same year it was ruled in the Court of Common Pleas that
the right of printing almanacks was a common law right over which
the Crown had no control, and the Stationers' Company thereupon
discontinued their payments to the universities.
However, in 1781 a new almanack duty act granted to each university
the sum of £500 per annum as compensation. At Cambridge this sum
was placed at the disposal of the Syndics of the Press for the
publication of works of learning by the following grace of 11 June,
1782:
Cum ad graves librorum imprimendorum sumptus sublevandos
omnigenaeque adeo eruditionis studium promovendum, annuo
quingentarum librarum reditu Academiam nuper auxerit munificentia
publica; ne aut nostra negligentia deflorescat tantus publice
habitus literis honos, aut in alios usus transferatur quod
doctrinae amplificandae sacrum esse oporteat; placeat vobis ut
Typographici Preli Curatores in hac etiam parte Syndici vestri
constituantur, atque ut quingentae quotannis librae, si ipsis
necessarium videatur, vel in novas veterum scriptorum editiones
apparandas, vel in recentiorum opera divulganda insumendae iis hoc
nomine e Communi Cista erogentur....
Since the abolition of the paper duty and the consequent loss to
the university of the advantage of drawback, this grant constitutes
the single subsidy which the Syndics of the Press receive from an
outside source.
About this time the competency of the Syndics was called into
question. It was alleged, for instance, that one Syndic did not
know the difference between _collating_ and _collecting_ MSS;
a more serious charge was that the warehouse in Silver Street,
acquired in 1672, was damp and that great injury had been done to
the stock of sheets kept there. In reply, Dr Plumptre asserted that
the damage done amounted only to £20. Archdeacon remained in office
till the year of his death, 1795; in 1793 John Burges was elected
printer and acted in partnership with him for two years.
Of the books printed in the last thirty years of the eighteenth
century one of the most ambitious was Thomas Kipling's facsimile
edition, in two folio volumes, of the _Codex Bezae_ (1793),
"the very crown of the Cambridge Press." Kipling was the leader
of the prosecution of William Freind, author of _Peace and
Union recommended to the associated bodies of Republicans and
Anti-Republicans_ (2nd ed. 1793), and refused to allow Gilbert
Wakefield's _Silva Critica_ to be printed at the Press on account
of the author's unorthodoxy[122].
Gray's _Commemoration Ode_, set to music by Dr Randal, was printed
in 1769[123]; Samuel Ogden's _Sermons on the Efficacy of Prayer and
Intercession_ (Boswell's favourite reading during his tour to the
Hebrides) were published in 1770 and were followed by other volumes
of sermons in 1777; the Parker MSS were catalogued by James Nasmith
and published in 1777, the Baker collection by Robert Masters in
1784; Thomas Martyn, Professor of Botany, published a _Catalogus
Horti Botanici_ in 1771 and _Elements of Natural History_ in 1775;
the second edition of John Wesley's _Duty and Advantage of early
rising_ was printed in 1785 and the changing spirit of the age is
reflected in a sermon of 1788 entitled _Slavery inconsistent with
the Spirit of Christianity_ and a _Sermon on Duelling_, by Thomas
Jones (1792).
The beginnings of the study of modern languages in Cambridge are
seen in La Butte's _French Grammar_ (2nd ed. 1790) and in various
editions of Tasso and other Italian authors by Agostino Isola, a
teacher who, at different times, could reckon Thomas Gray, William
Pitt, and William Wordsworth among his pupils[124].
_Ten Minutes' Advice to Freshmen_ by A Questionist, printed by
Archdeacon for J. Deighton in 1785, deserves a few lines of
quotation:
It is not reckoned fashionable to go to _St Mary's_ on a
Sunday.--But I know no harm in going, nor that it is any reproach
to a man's understanding to be seen publickly in the same
place with the most dignified and respectable persons of the
University.--To say nothing about the regularity of the thing,
and its being approved of by people whose good opinion you may be
desirous to obtain.
It is neither my business nor my inclination to prose to you upon
the usefulness of Mathematical learning--it is sufficient that it
has its uses....
Of the standard of mathematical printing at this period a
circumstantial complaint is preserved by Nichols in a letter from
William Ludlam, author of _Rudiments of Mathematics_ (2nd ed. 1787)
and other works[125]:
For my own part, I am sometimes forced to make types, which are
commonly brass, of which I here send you a specimen (± a ± b ± c).
It is called plus-minus ±. I printed my first tracts at Cambridge
when Archdeacon (not Bentham) was their printer. I was very sick
of it; the University meanly provided with mathematical types
insomuch that they used daggers turned sideways for _plus's_.
They were sunk into arrant traders, even to printing hand-bills,
quack-bills, &c., which they then for the first time permitted for
Archdeacon's profit. As to tablework of which I had a deal, they
knew nothing of it; and many a brass rule was I forced to make
myself.... I complained of this to Mr Bowyer, and would have had
him print my essay on Hadley's quadrant[126]; but he was too full
of more important work. I remember I told him I had marked all
Archdeacon's damaged letters; which were not a few, especially in
the italic. To which the old gentleman replied 'I don't like you
the better for that.'
One of the last books printed by the Archdeacon-Burges partnership
was a translation of a Latin poem, _The Immortality of the Soul_,
by Isaac Hawkins Browne who, "one of the first wits of this
country," according to Johnson, "got into Parliament, and never
opened his mouth."
John Burges continued as sole printer after the death of
Archdeacon in 1795. Two large dictionaries were, amongst other
works, printed during his term of office: Ladvocat's _Historical
and Biographical Dictionary_ (1800-1801) and Hoogeveen's
_Dictionarium Analogicum_ (1800); academical works of reference,
such as _Cambridge University Calendar_ (1796) and the _Graduati
Cantabrigienses_ (1800), also begin to appear; the _Calendar_,
however, was not regularly printed at the Press until 1826, and it
is only since 1914 that the Syndics have been responsible for its
publication[127].
Finally, there may be noted Relhan's _Flora Cantabrigiensis_ (2nd
ed. 1802) and Harraden's _Picturesque Views of Cambridge_ (1800)
containing 24 views from original drawings by Richard Harraden, a
London artist who came to Cambridge in 1798.
[Illustration: THE SENATE HOUSE, THE NEW LIBRARY, AND ST MARY'S
CHURCH]
(From _Cantabrigia Depicta_, 1763)
VII
THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY
The immediate official successor of Burges as university printer
was John Deighton, elected on 28 April, 1802; he, however, held
office only till 11 December of the same year and seems to have
served the Press as publishing agent rather than as printer. Thus
in 1803 he, with Francis Hodson of Cambridge and Richard Newcomb
of Stamford, undertook to purchase the whole stock of royal octavo
bibles belonging to the university (amounting to 5627 copies in
all) for the sum of £2323 10_s_.
Deighton had begun business in Cambridge about 1777 and removed to
London in 1786; in 1795 he appears to have returned to Cambridge,
where he established the bookselling firm that has since become
Deighton, Bell and Co.
About this time the Syndics seem to have taken counsel of, or at
any rate to have compared notes with, the Oxford University Press;
a rough notebook, kept by Isaac Milner, one of the most active
of the Cambridge Syndics, contains various memoranda concerning
the Oxford method of management. Milner seems particularly to
have discussed with Mr Dawson, of the Clarendon Press, the proper
percentage of profit on the printing and selling of bibles. One of
Milner's notes is reproduced here as being of interest not only
in the history of Cambridge printing, but also in the history of
business; it should be added that there is a note appended to the
calculation explaining that "the 25 per cent., it is supposed, will
nearly leave the proposed profit of £10 per cent. and pay all the
wear and tear and salary of superintendence."
[Illustration: A PAGE FROM ISAAC MILNER'S NOTE-BOOK, 1800]
Richard Watts, the printer elected at Cambridge to succeed John
Deighton in December, 1802, also appears to have had previous
experience in Oxford, where he had conducted, and had a share in,
a paper under Dr Manor, called the _Oxford Mercury_, in opposition
to Dr Jackson's _Oxford Journal_. Immediately before his election
he seems to have been agent for Mr Hamilton, a printer of Falcon
Court, London.
A little more than a year after this appointment Cambridge received
another offer of a secret for the process of stereotype printing.
The inventor was the third Earl Stanhope, a remarkable man who,
besides being prominent in political life, was a Fellow of the
Royal Society, the author of _Principles of Electricity_, and the
inventor of many devices including a microscopic lens, a new kind
of cement, a calculating machine, an artificial tile for keeping
out rain, a cure for wounds made in trees, an instrument for
performing logical operations, and several improvements in the art
of printing. Of these last the most important were the Stanhope
press and an improved process of stereotyping: the Stanhope press
was made of iron instead of wood and an ingenious mechanism made
it possible to print a sheet twice as large as on the old wooden
presses; the university bought two of these new presses, which are
still in use at the present day.
The offer of the stereotype secret came to the university from
Andrew Wilson, the London printer employed by Earl Stanhope. By a
preliminary agreement of 20 April, 1804, Wilson was to receive for
the space of 14 years one-third of the savings resulting from the
employment of the stereotype process and was to act, in conjunction
with Watts, as agent for the Syndics' bibles and prayer-books.
The savings were to be calculated by arbitrators appointed by the
respective parties.
This not very business-like arrangement naturally led to a dispute
before long. As early as October, 1805, Milner seems to have had
misgivings both about the scheme and about Wilson's competency, as
the following entries in his notebook show:
Qy whether Wilson's declaration of 30,000 profits in 8 years be
not a proof want of judgmͭ.
Qy whether Wilson be not an adventͬ--without judgment.
Hints to new Vice-Cͬ.
1. The system of talking _before_ them viz. Watts and Wilson.
The absolute necessity of others being informed in the stereotype
art.
Watts talks of going to London again by Wilson's directions to
see what chases and things he wants--and when I say he should not
leave them, he says, Oh, there is no more in leaving them now than
when he was ill--they are to be trusted.
Qy--Quid cogitant ille and Wilson.
Qy _x_ to agree with Oxfͩ? as a Stereotyper?
The supposition contained in the last cryptic note was well
justified, as Wilson had in March, 1805, proposed to the Clarendon
Press "to put the University in possession of the Art of Stereotype
Printing"; later in the same year the Delegates, having resolved
that "the University of Cambridge being in possession of the Art,
it seems not only expedient, but necessary, that Oxford should
be possess'd of the same advantages," entered into an agreement
by which Wilson was to instruct their representatives in the
stereotype processes for the sum of £4000[128].
In 1806 Wilson claimed that, as the introduction of stereotyping
had enabled the Syndics to convert a warehouse into a
printing-office for the sum of £1500 instead of building a new one
at a cost of £4500, he was entitled by the agreement to his share
of the saving of £3000 thus effected.
On 6 March, 1807, the university agreed to pay Wilson the sum of
£865 16_s_ 9_d_ for the composition and two sets of plates of a
bourgeois testament, a brevier testament and a nonpareil Welsh
testament[129]; it being provided that the university should make
for Wilson (from type supplied by himself) so many perfect plates
towards octavo editions of Ainsworth's Dictionary and Johnson's
Dictionary as should amount in value to the aggregate of Wilson's
bill. Later in the same year the university definitely acquired
the stereotype secret by a further agreement: £2000 was to be paid
immediately, £1000 which had been previously advanced to Wilson
was to become his property, and further sums were to be paid in
accordance with the amount of the sales of bibles, testaments and
prayer-books[130].
The following extracts, describing the outline of the stereotype
process, are taken from Milner's notebook:
1. The pages as they come from the composers have been first well
cleansed with a solution of American Potash--14 lb in 3 buckets of
water.
2. They must then be gently dried by the fire and then _cool_ and
a little oil of Turpentine is put on a plate with 2 parts sweet
oil.... This mixture gets thick by time: The plate is then well
done over with a little of this mixture by one of the small soft
brushes like a painter's brush....
3. Then a _copper measure_ of the powdered calcined gypsum is
taken--viz. about ½ or ¾ pint and the same quantity of soft water
and they are put into a copper vessel and shaken exceedingly well
together: and then the mixture is to be poured upon the types,
there being first placed upon them an iron frame to form an Edge
to sustain the fluid Gypsum and water.
4. Immediately, and without the least loss of time the short
square brushes are now to be taken and you must work the Air out
quickly with them and continue working till the gypsum is too
fixed to allow of more working.
5. When so fixed that you can easily make an impression, that is,
while the Plaster is softish, take off the upper frame and scrape
clean all the elevated plaster. It will rise again above the level
by and by; scrape again--and lastly as soon as it is so fixed that
it is not easy to make a mark with yͬ nail, then lay it carefully
upon a _soft frame_ (covered with a sort of cloth) and then take a
piece of wood that nearly fits the cake, and gently thrust it so
as to make it quit the frame; and then dress it with a knife and
lay it between two pieces of marble to keep it from warping.
6. The types must now be cleaned by picking out any bits of gypsum
left in the Interstices ... and lastly they must be brushed; and
then done over again for a new mold.
7. The artist, Mr Austen, Engraver can dress and cure any little
imperfection in the plates when cast.
8. The Gypsum requires about 2 hours for calcination; and is known
to be right when you break the pieces, and see them moulded quite
thro'--Matter of Experience.
9. The Gypsum should be broken with small bits about 2 ounces each.
10. and when calcined they are to be ground on a Stone....
11. When the moulds are made, and placed between the marbles ...
they will be ready in 2 or 3 hours for baking....
12. They are to be baked being placed upright on stands like
those for toasted bread--raised a little from the bottom of the
furnace--About 2 hours or 2½hours will take the moulds....
Casting
The metal is precisely the Type metal. The Pots must be made quite
as hot as the metal--or rather more--. Then the floating plate
must be placed in the frame--and the cake or mould directly upon
it with its face downwards: Then place upon the top the cover of
the frame, and screw it down: and dip the whole in metal melted so
that a match will light at it.--The melted metal will run in at
those places made in the mould by the bits of brass--till all be
full--and then remove the whole to be cooled on a tile in water
with lime upon it--and as it cools and shrinks, supply with fresh
melted metal.
The acquisition of this secret did not end the disputes with
Wilson; the university in 1811 protested against payment of the
bill referred to in the agreement of March, 1807, on the ground
that Wilson had not supplied them with the type for Ainsworth's and
Johnson's Dictionaries and that they were so prevented from selling
the plates to him. No documents have been preserved to show how
the case ended, but the following hypothetical case on which the
university invited the opinion of counsel about this time may be
quoted in conclusion:
Whether supposing A.B. to be acquainted with the secret mode of
making stereotype plates, and supposing C.D. to know the mode now
in general use, and whereas it is conceived that the secret is now
no secret. Supposing A.B. to inquire of C.D. his (C.D.'s) mode of
making the plates, and by his answers it appeared that he (C.D.)
was acquainted with all the peculiarities of the secret, would
A.B. be justified in telling C.D. that such was the secret?
Meanwhile, the Press buildings were growing. On the site of the
White Lion Inn, bought in 1762, a warehouse had been built in 1786
and on 20 April, 1804, the Syndics instructed Mr Watts, with the
assistance of Mr Humphreys, to "prepare a plan for altering the
Warehouse into a Printing office." This building was described by
Dyer, writing in 1809, as "a commodious brick building, situated
in Silver Street, with a stereotype foundry adjoining" and, as has
been already seen, it was claimed that this economical conversion
was made possible by the introduction of stereotype printing.
The Syndics' relations with their printer at this time were not
altogether happy. In 1808 two of the Syndics (Dr Milner and Mr
Wood) were appointed to examine the Press accounts, since it was
alleged that, in contrast to the average annual profit of £1500 for
a number of years before 1802, Watts had shown no profit at all for
five years. These charges were set forth in a pamphlet entitled
_Facts and Observations relative to the state of the University
Press_, to which Watts wrote a _Reply_. Watts resigned as soon
as the enquiry was instituted and, when the examination of the
accounts was completed in the next year, it was decided to elect
a new printer. Apart from the various stereotype editions of the
bible and prayer-book no books of great importance seem to have
been printed by Watts.
His successor, John Smith, was elected in 1809 and held the office
of printer for 26 years.
It was during this period that the University Press began to
assume its present appearance[131]. By 1820 the existing buildings
had become quite inadequate to the growing business of the Press
and the Syndics recommended the university to purchase Mr James
Nutter's estate in Silver Street for the sum of £5060. The
following grace was accordingly passed by the Senate on 24 January,
1821:
Quum in Typographeo vestro, ex angustiis loci, multa detrimenta
atque incommoda subinde exoriri soleant; quumque, in remedium mali
istius, Preli Typographici Curatores pactionem inierint cum Domino
Nutter, ut facultate a vobis impetrata, quasdam domos illius
quinque mille et sexaginta librarum pretio redimerunt: Placeat
Vobis, ut pactio ista rata ac firma habeatur, atque ut summa
praedicta e cista communi, usibus istis destinanda, erogetur.
[Illustration: PLAN OF THE PRESS BUILDINGS]
(Based on Willis & Clark, III. 132. Recent additions are
marked----)
The property thus acquired was on the site of the ancient inn known
as The Cardinal's Cap. Its boundaries are marked on the plan and
in 1824, the Syndics of the Press, having taken the advice of an
"eminent London Printer" (Mr Hansard), recommended that, as the
existing buildings were "so dilapidated and so inadequate to the
effectual conducting of the business," immediate steps should be
taken towards extension. In the next year plans by James Walter
for a new printing-house on the west side of the quadrangle and a
printer's house in Mill Lane were approved by the Senate. These
buildings were completed in January, 1827, the fitting of them
being superintended by Thomas Hansard[132].
A more famous addition to the Press buildings is that associated
with the name of William Pitt.
On 25 May, 1824, the following letter was addressed to the
Vice-Chancellor (John Lamb, Master of Corpus Christi College) by
the Marquess Camden, chairman of the London Pitt Club Committee:
Sir,
I have the Honor to inform you that I am just returned from a
Meeting of the Committee appointed to consider of the disposal of
the surplus of Money subscribed, many years ago, for the Erection
of a Statue to the memory of Mͬ Pitt.
I am, now, authorized by that Committee to state to you, Sir,
that which I had the Honor of personally communicating to you
at Cambridge: 'the disposition of that Committee to recommend
to a general Meeting of Subscribers to the Fund above-mentioned
the Disposal of a considerable Sum of Money for the Erection of
an handsome Building connected with the University Press at
Cambridge;' but, as it will be necessary to state to the general
Meeting how far the University is disposed to find and provide
a proper Scite for the erecting such Building, near or opposite
to Pembroke College, I now trouble you on that subject, and I
request you will have the goodness to inform me how far I may be
authorized to inform the General Meeting of the Disposition of the
University to find and provide a proper Scite as above-mentioned
for the erecting of an handsome Building, which the Committee
is desirous should be erected on such a scale as to be a
distinguished Ornament to the University, and tend to perpetuate
the Name and Memory of Mͬ Pitt.
I have the Honor to remain, Sir,
Your most obedient humble Servant,
CAMDEN.
A favourable reply having, no doubt, been received from the
university, the Committee, at a meeting held at the Thatched
House Tavern on 18 June, 1824, unanimously passed the following
resolution:
That the surplus of the Fund, after defraying the Expense of the
Statue in Hanover-Square, as resolved at the former meeting on
the 11ᵗʰ instant, be applied to the Erection of a handsome and
appropriate Building at Cambridge, connected with the University
Press; such to bear the name of Mͬ Pitt. That the Committee be
desired to take the necessary steps for carrying into execution
this Resolution.
The university, on its part, appointed a Syndicate with authority
to expend the sum of £8000 in purchasing "houses or leases of
houses for the purpose of making exchanges with the Proprietors of
the houses between Silver Street and Mill Lane fronting towards
Trumpington Street."
After some years of delay the Committee approved the designs
submitted by Edmund Blore, who came to Cambridge with a letter
of introduction from the Marquess Camden in 1829. In this letter
the desire of the Committee for an imposing central chamber and
staircase is evident:
It is necessary to premise, that the Committee is desirous that
an handsome Room should be included in the Design, together with
a staircase leading to it, but that the Committee would be most
desirous any Accommodation could be given to the Press in the
Building to be erected which did not interfere with those parts
which they think should be ornamented.
Subsequently the university obtained the whole frontage between
Mill Lane and Silver Street--a larger site than that on which
Blore's original design had been based. Furthermore, the Pitt
statue in Hanover Square cost more than had been anticipated.
The Pitt Memorial Committee, therefore, undertook to erect the
main building in Trumpington Street at a cost of £9000, while the
university authorised an expenditure of not more than £2000 upon
the buildings (also designed by Blore) which form the north side of
the Press quadrangle.
The first stone of the Pitt Press building was laid by the Marquess
Camden on 18 October, 1831, and the work was completed in about
eighteen months, the total cost being £10,711 8_s_ 9_d_.
It consists of three floors with a square central tower containing
a lofty room designed for the Press Syndicate, but now used as the
Registry of the University. As to the architectural style of the
building, comment may best be confined to the repetition of Willis
and Clark's laconic description: "The style of the building is
Late Perpendicular." Some extracts from the account of the opening
on 28 April, 1833, abridged from _The Cambridge Chronicle_ (1 May,
1833), may also be given in conclusion:
The Pitt Press having been completed, Tuesday last was appointed
for the Vice-Chancellor to receive the key of the building from
the Marquis Camden and a deputation of the Pitt Committee....
Having arrived at the building the Marquis Camden, accompanied by
the members of the Committee, proceeded into the grand entrance
hall, and having invited the Vice-Chancellor to the door, spoke as
follows:
"Mr Vice-Chancellor and Gentlemen of the University of Cambridge:
The idea of connecting the name of Mr Pitt with the Press of that
University to which he owed his education and so much of his
fame, was met by all parties with enthusiasm. The University have
displayed an activity and liberality in providing this magnificent
site which could only have been prompted by an admiration for
the character of Mr Pitt. The Committee, animated by a personal
respect and affection towards their contemporary, have endeavoured
to cause to be erected on this site, such a building as might
prove an addition to the other great improvements already
perfected in this place and which, from its peculiar destination,
will unite the name of Mr Pitt with all those works of religion,
morality, and science, which will in future emanate from it,
and diffuse throughout the world the connexion of his name with
erudition and learning....
Sir, you have caused this ceremony to be attended by all the
undergraduates as well as by the dignitaries of the University.
Let me call the peculiar attention of all to this ceremony, and
allow me to impress on the undergraduates that we, Mr Pitt's
contemporaries, have been witnesses of his uniting the closest
study with the utmost cheerfulness, and, when not employed in
solving the most abstruse problems, he has engaged the admiration
of his friends and companions, by the liveliest sallies of wit
and imagination. Let his example stimulate you to the greatest
exertion during your residence in this place, so well calculated
to provide for your instruction in every department of literature
and science."[133]
The key was then presented to the Vice-Chancellor, who grew
eloquent in his reply:
What more appropriate monument then could be erected to the memory
of Pitt than this building, the chief purpose and object of which
is to send forth to the world the Word of God; and could he,
with prophetic eye, when residing in yon neighbouring college,
whose proudest boast is to number him among her sons--could he
have beheld such a structure, bearing his name, raised for such a
purpose, and erected by such friends, even his own eloquence would
have scarce sufficed to express the feelings of his heart. My
Lord, the edifice with which you have adorned this University, and
the illustrious name it bears, will add a fresh stimulus to our
exertions in the dissemination of truth, the extension of science,
and the advancement of religious knowledge; and I humbly trust
that nothing will ever issue from these walls but such works as
may conduce to the furtherance of these important objects....[134]
After which, the company, having printed off copies of the
inscription on the foundation-stone from a press specially set up
for the occasion, "went upstairs into the Syndicate Room, where
they partook of a cold collation given by the Press Syndicate."
* * * * *
In the early part of his career, John Smith laboured under the
difficulties arising out of the "dilapidated and inadequate"
condition of the old Press buildings. The chief source of business
continued to be the sale of bibles and prayer-books and agencies
were arranged with Rivingtons, Baldwin & Co., and other London
booksellers.
Of the books printed by Smith the most notable are the editions of
classical authors for which the "Great Porson Greek" type was used.
This fine fount had been cut under Porson's direction by Austin,
of London, with the assistance of Richard Watts and was used for
various editions of the Greek tragedians by Blomfield, Monk, and
Scholefield.
In 1824 the King expressed his gracious pleasure that the newly
discovered MS of Milton should be printed at the University Press
and a new fount of pica type (weighing 12 cwt.) was specially
ordered from Messrs Millar, of Edinburgh, for the purpose[135].
In 1827 the Syndics, having again taken counsel of eminent London
printers and booksellers (Charles and John Rivington, Mawman,
Baldwin, Hansard, Gilbert), resolved upon the expediency of
appointing "a Superintendent of the concerns of the Press in
all its departments, immediately under the Vice-Chancellor and
General Syndicate," and, while no charges were brought against
the technical quality of Smith's printing, there seems to have
been a general feeling that he was not adequate to the control of
the whole business. Smith's _Observations relating to the Affairs
of the Press_ (16 March, 1829) throw an interesting light on the
difficulties with which he had to contend. He begs to observe, for
instance,
that many of the works brought to the Press are in the most
unprepared state possible ... the consequence is, that when
proof-sheets are sent to the respective Authors, the work is much
cut-up, and subject to continued Overrunnings and Corrections....
The Authors, for the most part being Gentlemen of the University
engaged with Pupils during Term-time, furnish their Copy in
detail--loosely written--and frequent suspensions of MS, which
necessarily occasions great delay and inconvenience.... The
Gentlemen of the Press Syndicate must be aware (tho' a London
Printer cannot, unless he witnessed the operation) that the
Examination-Papers which of late years have abundantly increased,
must from their nature have retarded all regular work in the
Composing Room. These papers could only be executed by Workmen
competent and accustomed to Mathematical and Greek Composition;
and my best Mathematical Compositors are those who have been
brought up and trained in our own Office: London Workmen having
in several instances left the Office, rather than undertake the
Composition of such Works[136].
Smith also claims a development of the bible business:
I had the honour of being elected Printer at the close of 1809--at
that time the number of Presses employed did not exceed eight: the
number increased in 1812 and 1813 to thirteen. At this period, and
on to 1815 and 17 increased and increasing Orders flowed in from
the British and Foreign Bible Society and also (through Messrs
Rivingtons) from the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge....
The fact is, that from 1813 to 1815 the demand for Bibles etc
was such, that had the same quantity of work to be executed been
required to be finished in the manner in which the same books are
now printed, they would not possibly have been done with the means
the Press then possessed--"Send up the Books in gatherings" (i.e.
divisions) was the repeated order of the Bible Society--"and we
will spare you the trouble of booking off etc, etc." Many thousand
copies were thus supplied which were never properly dried....
Finally, a statement is presented showing an average annual profit
of £3191 from 1809 to 1827.
The Syndics, however, adhered to their view and invited Mr Clowes,
of London, to examine the Press; Clowes sent his overseer, John
William Parker, and in February, 1829, was appointed Superintendent
of the Press at a salary of £400 a year on the understanding
that, while he himself should execute the London business which
the appointment involved, the actual superintendence at Cambridge
should be deputed to Parker.
Parker infused new life into the business: he introduced improved
methods of book-keeping, bought new types and hydraulic presses,
installed an apparatus "for warming the Press buildings by means of
heated air," and in 1832 established a depository for the sale of
Cambridge bibles and prayer-books at his house in the Strand.
When John Smith retired with a pension in 1836, Parker was
appointed printer in his place, visiting Cambridge for two days
every fortnight; the bible business continued to expand and in
1838 Parker could offer fifty-six different editions of the
bible and prayer-book. One bible calls for special comment: on
10 January, 1835, King William IV wrote to the Marquess Camden
from the Pavilion, Brighton, suggesting that there should be
printed at Cambridge, as at Oxford, a certain number of bibles for
presentation to sovereigns visiting the country. The Chancellor
conveyed the suggestion to the Syndics who unanimously agreed "that
in obedience to His Majesty's command a quarto Bible with marginal
references be immediately put to press"; 250 copies, printed on
Imperial paper, were to be reserved for purposes of presentation
and one copy was to be struck off on vellum for the King himself;
larger editions were to be printed on ordinary paper for general
sale and Parker was instructed to order a special fount of English
type.
Reductions in the cost of bibles were also effected and the Royal
Commission of 1850-52 remarked upon the great reduction of price
between 1830 and 1850 "attributable to improved machinery and
to better arrangements in the establishment." One of the most
important of these improvements was the introduction of steam-power
for printing, the Syndics resolving on 13 June, 1838, "that it
appears expedient to introduce machinery into the Pitt Press."
For many years, however, the Bible Society stoutly refused to
purchase books printed by steam presses.
Apart from the great advances made in the actual processes of
printing during this period, Parker's work is also of great
importance in the development of Cambridge publishing.
As has been already noted, Parker established a publishing house
in the Strand in 1832 and besides acting as agent for Cambridge
bibles, he included in his catalogue the greater part of the
educational books printed at the Press. The stock-books kept
at Cambridge show that the bulk of the editions were delivered
to Parker's warehouse in London or to Deighton's in Cambridge
and the names of both firms frequently appear on title-pages.
University publications, together with classical, mathematical,
and theological text-books and treatises, predominate in the list
and the names of such scholars as Blomfield, Babington, Colenso,
Donaldson, Hare, Monk, Paley, Scholefield, Shilleto, Trench, and
Whewell are to be found amongst the authors.
In 1844 it was proposed to reprint a number of standard works
in theology and general literature "in order to provide against
the loss which the want of full employment for the Workmen
frequently occasions." It was hoped that by such an undertaking
"the University would not only be enabled to secure regular
occupation for their Printing Establishment, but would, also,
acquire a copyright-interest in certain important Works which would
ultimately prove a permanent source of income." Out of a long
list three titles were chosen for publication: Stillingfleet's
_Conferences and Tracts_, Cosin's _History of the Canon_, and
Knight's _Life of Erasmus_.
Not all the books printed, of course, can be regarded as the
publications of the Syndics of the Press. Some were printed to
the order of an author or bookseller or society (e.g. the Parker
Society); others were private ventures of Parker himself (such as
his series of _Popular Literature_ including _Linnaeus and Botany_,
_Smeeton on Lighthouses_, _Cuvier and Natural History_, _Sir Joseph
Banks and the Royal Society_); but others were definitely the
property of the university, as the following minute of the Syndics
of 25 May, 1838, shows:
At a meeting of the Syndicate held this day it was agreed, that
the following be the form of an imprint for the New Edition of
Wilson's Illustrations etc of the New Testament and that the same
be adopted as the imprint in all such editions of books as shall
be retained as the property of the University
Cambridge, printed at the Pitt Press,
by J. W. Parker, Printer to the University
and again in 1850 it was ordered that it should be stated on the
title-page whether the book was printed for the author, editor, or
publisher.
Towards the end of Parker's career in Cambridge, there was a
distinct decline of business; the extension of the right of
printing bibles to the Scottish printers in 1842 led to "the forced
production of inferior editions which gradually lowered the prices
of those of better quality produced in England." The Syndics, in
a report to the Senate in 1849, while declaring the management
of the previous 20 years to have been most satisfactory, found
themselves faced by two alternatives for the future: either a large
outlay upon new types and stereotype plates, or the placing of the
establishment upon a reduced footing--and the second course was
recommended.
The condition and extent of the Press in 1852 is summarised in the
statement prepared by the Syndics for the Royal Commission.
There were at this time eighteen Syndics, who met once a fortnight
during term; by a grace of 1752 five (of whom one must be the
Vice-Chancellor or his deputy) constituted a quorum and the average
attendance was 7-9/23.
The printing-office contained frames for 70 compositors, presses
for 56 press men, and 8 printing machines, requiring about 50 men
and boys to work them; a 10-horse steam-engine, 2 boilers, twining
lathe, forge, and circular saw; one steam power milling machine,
hydraulic and screw hot presses employing about 100 men and boys in
all. The machinery was claimed to be "good of its kind." There was
provision also for "any number of Readers, Observers, Warehousemen
and Boys, necessary to carry on, get up, complete, and deliver the
greatest amount of work which could at any time be done."
The two financial privileges enjoyed by the Press were the
'drawback' of 1½_d_ a lb. on the paper duty and the Government
annuity of £500, less income tax[137].
The business of the Press was defined as consisting of the printing
of bibles, testaments, and prayer-books; of printing work for the
university and colleges; of printing books edited for the Syndics;
of book and job printing for the members of the university; of
printing works published by the Parker and other learned societies;
and of "such Book work, as, subject to the 'Imprimatur' of the
Vice-Chancellor, may be offered by Publishers and other connexions
of the Press."
Finally, the Syndics declared that it did not appear to them that
any change of management could produce greater profits than were at
that time realised.
Parker retired in 1854 and, in spite of the serious fluctuations in
the bible trade, the first half of the nineteenth century must be
regarded as a period of expansion in building, in machinery, and
in business. For the first time the chief servant of the Syndics
was a man with an intimate knowledge of the book trade, who served
the university as publisher as well as printer. The assumption by
the Syndics themselves of the full responsibilities of a publishing
firm was reserved for the later half of the century.
VIII
THE LATEST AGE
In spite of the statement of the Syndics quoted at the end of the
preceding chapter, the University Commissioners of 1850-52 reported
their opinion that
it is only by associating printers or publishers in some species
of co-partnership with the University, or by leasing the Press to
them, that any considerable return can hereafter be expected from
the capital which has been invested in it ... we are satisfied
that no Syndicate, however active and well chosen, can replace the
intelligent and vigilant superintendence of those whose fortune in
life is dependent upon its success.
Accordingly, on the resignation of Parker, the Syndicate
recommended that the university should enter into partnership
with "Mr George Seeley of Fleet Street, London, Bookseller, and
Mr Charles John Clay, M.A. of Trinity College and of Bread Street
Hill, London, Printer," and the grace for the deed of partnership
was passed on 3 July, 1854.
The control of the printing thus came into the hands of Mr
Clay, whilst Mr Seeley received the sole agency for the sale of
Cambridge bibles and prayer-books; Mr Seeley, however, retired two
years later and Mr Clay entered into a fresh agreement with the
university.
The period of Mr Clay's management was one of great expansion. At
the end of his first ten years of office it was estimated that
the Press produced about four or five times as much as when he
first undertook the management; in 1876, and again in 1886, the
Syndics reported to the Senate that the business had attained a
considerable magnitude and that large additions had been made to
the machinery and plant.
Increase of business naturally demanded increased accommodation and
in 1863 a foundry was built upon the site of some old cottages in
Black Lion Yard. Eight years later new machine-rooms and warehouses
were built on the site of Diamond Court, leading out of Silver
Street, and a still larger addition was made in 1877-78, when a
three-storied building was erected in the south-west corner of
the quadrangle. The most recent additions are the extensions of
the warehouse and machine-room on the Silver Street side and the
red brick building (containing the syndicate room and secretarial
offices), which forms the south side of the quadrangle[138].
In 1882 Mr John Clay, son of Mr C. J. Clay, was admitted into the
partnership with the university and from 1886 to 1904 Mr C. F.
Clay was also associated with it. Mr John Clay became university
printer on his father's retirement in 1895 and held the office
until his death in 1916, when the partnership was dissolved and
the present printer, Mr J. B. Peace, Fellow of Emmanuel College,
was appointed. From 1917 to 1919 the Syndics also employed the
services of Mr Bruce Rogers, whose distinguished work as a printer
is well known on both sides of the Atlantic. One of the best known
figures in the Press in the later half of the nineteenth century
was that of Alfred Mason. His remarkable personality dominated the
counting-house for a long period and when he died in 1919 he had
been for 65 years in the service of the Press.
The present buildings of the Press include machine-rooms,
containing large quad royal and quad demy perfectors, revolution
presses, and single cylinder machines; a foundry comprising
a stereotyping department, an electro-moulding room, an
electro-battery room, and two finishing rooms; type storerooms,
composing-rooms, and monotype-rooms; an art department for
lithographic, half-tone, and other process work; and the warehouse,
where the finished sheets are stored ready to be sent away for
binding. Every month an average of 40 tons of printed matter leaves
the Press to be delivered to London binders.
Printing is done in a wide variety of languages, including Hebrew,
Arabic, Pali, Coptic, Sanskrit, Hausa, Syriac and Amharic, and the
type catalogue makes a volume of about 200 pages.
Perhaps the greatest fame of the Cambridge Press rests upon its
mathematical typography. To glance at a page, say, of _Principia
Mathematica_ is to realise a little--but only a little--of the
minute care and skill required of the compositor, the press-reader,
and the machine-minder in the production of such a book. It may be
permissible here, perhaps, to quote one recent tribute from the
preface to Professor E. W. Brown's _Tables of the Motion of the
Moon_, printed in 1918 for the Yale University Press:
The reading of the proof has been almost entirely directed
to the detection of errors in the manuscript. That this has
been possible is due to the remarkable record of the Cambridge
University Press which in setting up over five hundred quarto
pages of numerical tables has allowed less than a dozen printer's
errors to pass its proof-readers and has, in addition, frequently
queried our own mistakes. Few sheets have required a second proof
and in the actual use of the Tables, as finally printed, for the
calculation of the ephemeris for two years, no error of any kind
has been detected.
On the retirement of Mr George Seeley in 1856, Messrs Hamilton,
Adams & Co., of Paternoster Row, were appointed as agents for the
Syndics' books[139]. This arrangement, however, does not seem
to have been satisfactory, as the name of a new agent--George
Cox--appears in the following year; a further change was made in
1862 when the firm of Rivingtons became agents for Cambridge books;
finally, when this agreement came to an end, ten years later,
the Syndics reported to the Senate that "acting on the advice of
Mr Clay" they had decided "not to appoint other Agents, but to
conduct their London business in an office of their own, under the
superintendence of a paid Manager" and that they had agreed "to
take a Lease of convenient premises in Paternoster Row."
The beginning of the Syndics' career as London publishers--in
the strict sense of the term--must therefore be assigned to the
year 1872. At that time the number of books published by the
Syndics--apart from bibles and prayer-books--was very small. Among
them, however, may be noted the first volume of Mullinger's _The
University of Cambridge_, published in 1873, the first instalment
of a monumental work which remained uncompleted at the author's
death in 1917.
In 1874 an important step was taken, the Syndics deciding to
publish a series of editions of Greek, Latin, French, and German
authors designed for use in schools and especially for candidates
for the Local Examinations. This was the beginning of the Pitt
Press Series, which now includes over 300 volumes, and such
editions as Sidgwick's _Virgil_ and Mr Verity's _Shakespeare_--to
name but two out of many--have become familiar to many generations
of schoolboys.
The Syndics' catalogue for 1875 (a pamphlet of 16 tiny pages)
reflects the beginnings of schoolbook publishing: it opens with
some nine volumes in the Pitt Press Series; then follow Scrivener's
_Paragraph Bible_, Scholefield's _Greek Testament_ and several
theological works including Isaac Barrow's _Works_ in nine volumes;
there are five editions of Greek and Latin authors, among them
being Paley and Sandys's _Private Orations of Demosthenes_ and
Heitland's _Cicero pro Murena_; mathematics and physics claim
nine books, including Kelvin and Tait's _Elements of Natural
Philosophy_; history is represented by Mullinger's first volume,
already referred to, and Mayor's edition of Baker's _History of St
John's College_; of law books there are three, including Whewell's
edition of _Grotius de Iure Belli ac Pacis_; and the list ends with
a few catalogues and university examination papers.
In 1877 the publication of another important series was begun--_The
Cambridge Bible for Schools_. The general editor was Dr J. J. S.
Perowne, afterwards Bishop of Worcester, and the first volume to
appear was Maclear's _St Mark_.
Originally designed for school use, the series soon attained a
wider public. It was begun before the publication of the Revised
Version and at the very time when the controversy was raging in
Scotland which resulted in the suspension of Robertson Smith
from his professorship at Aberdeen; when the series was finally
completed by Sir George Adam Smith's _Deuteronomy_ in 1918, many
of the older volumes had already been replaced or revised. On the
death of Bishop Perowne in 1904 _The Times_ referred to the series
as one which had "done more to spread accurate Biblical knowledge
among English-speaking people than any book except the Revised
Version."
The agreements between the university presses and the two companies
of revisers for the publication of the Revised Version had been
completed, "after much careful consideration as well as protracted
negotiation," in 1873.
Three years earlier the New Testament company had held the first
of its 407 meetings in the Jerusalem Chamber of Westminster
Abbey. The company included the most distinguished theologians
of the time--Hort, Westcott, Lightfoot, Ellicott, Scrivener, W.
F. Moulton--and at first an average of only seventeen verses was
revised in the daily session. Later, however, progress became a
little more rapid and the revision was completed on 11 November,
1880. The Revised New Testament was published jointly by the
university presses in 1881 and the Old Testament three years
later. The secretary of the Old Testament company was W. Aldis
Wright, for more than 30 years a Syndic of the Cambridge Press.
By 1890 the catalogue of the Syndics' publications had grown
considerably, not only by additions to the Pitt Press and other
Series, but by the publication of larger works on literary and
scientific subjects, such as Robertson Smith's _Kinship and
Marriage in early Arabia_, Willis and Clark's _Architectural
History of the University of Cambridge_, Maitland's edition of
_Bracton's Note Book_, and Jebb's _Sophocles_.
Cayley's _Collected Mathematical Papers_, in thirteen volumes,
were published between 1889 and 1897, and have since been followed
by similar collections of the mathematical and scientific work of
Kelvin, Rayleigh, Reynolds, Stokes, Sylvester, Tait, and other
scholars. Meanwhile, larger publishing premises were found to be
necessary, and in 1884 the London office was moved to Ave Maria
Lane; with the growth of business these premises similarly became
inadequate and the lease of the present offices in Fetter Lane was
bought by the university in 1904.
One of the most important of the Syndics' undertakings towards the
end of the last century was _The Cambridge Modern History_. Lord
Acton had been elected Regius Professor of Modern History in 1895
and early in 1896 the Syndics approached him with a view to the
compilation of a great English universal history. In his report of
15 July, 1896 Lord Acton wrote:
Universal history is not the sum of all particular histories, and
ought to be contemplated, first, in its distinctive essence,
as Renaissance, Reformation, Religious Wars, Absolute Monarchy,
Revolution, etc. The several countries may or may not contribute
to feed the main stream, and the distribution of matter must be
made accordingly. The history of nations that are off the line
must not suffer; it must be told as accurately as if the whole was
divided into annals....
and later in a more detailed report:
It will be necessary to prescribe exact limits and conditions,
and to explain clearly what we desire to obtain, and to avoid. We
shall avoid the needless utterance of opinion, and the service
of a cause. Contributors will understand that we are established
not under the meridian of Greenwich, but in longitude 30 West;
that our Waterloo must be one that satisfies French and English,
Germans and Dutch alike.... Ultimate history we cannot have in
this generation; but we can dispose of conventional history and
show the point we have reached on the road from the one to the
other.... If History is often called the teacher and the guide
that regulates public life, which, to individuals as to societies,
is as important as private, this is the time and the place to
prove the title....
The essential elements of the plan I propose for consideration are
these:
Division of subjects among many specially qualified writers.
Highest pitch of knowledge without the display.
Distinction between the organic unity of general history and the
sum of national histories, as the principle for selecting and
distributing matter.
Proportion between historic thought and historic fact.
Chart and compass for the coming century.
Lord Acton, however, did not live to carry out the work and the
editorship was entrusted to Sir A. W. Ward, Sir G. W. Prothero, and
Sir Stanley Leathes.
The first of the volumes of text appeared in 1902 and the whole
work was completed by a general index published in 1912.
This plan of co-operative history has been adopted by the Syndics
in several other branches of learning: _The Cambridge History of
English Literature_ was completed under the editorship of Sir A.
W. Ward and Mr A. R. Waller in 1916, and other works in progress
are _The Cambridge Medieval History_, _The Cambridge History of
India_, _The Cambridge History of British Foreign Policy_, and _The
Cambridge Ancient History_.
Another important undertaking was the publication of the eleventh
edition of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_ in 1911.
* * * * *
Short of summarising the forty-five main subject-headings of the
current catalogue, it would be difficult--as well as invidious--to
enter into further detail concerning the modern publications of
the Cambridge University Press. It may suffice to note that in the
years immediately preceding the war the average annual output of
new books, exclusive of journals, was 150. This figure excludes, of
course, the various editions of Cambridge bibles and prayer-books:
at the present time there are, apart from the various styles of
binding, 26 different editions of the Authorised, and 19 of the
Revised Version; 19 editions of the English, and 6 of the Scottish
prayer-book; of the latter, as of the new Canadian prayer-book, the
Syndics are the sole publishers.
During the war both the printing and publishing businesses
suffered from shortage of personnel, of metal, and of paper. Two
hundred and fifty-two servants of the Syndics joined His Majesty's
forces and of these forty-one were killed, or died, on service.
In conclusion, it may be remarked that the method of the government
of the Press by a body of Syndics appointed by the Senate of the
university has, with certain important modifications, persisted
since 1698.
The constitution of the Syndicate has been more than once
revised--notably in 1782 and 1855--and the length of a Syndic's
tenure of office varied from time to time. The present body
consists of the Vice-Chancellor (_ex officio_) and fourteen
Syndics; the term of appointment is seven years and two Syndics
retire each year. The first permanent secretary, Mr R. T. Wright,
formerly Fellow of Christ's College, was appointed in 1892; on his
retirement in 1911 he was succeeded by the present secretary, Mr A.
R. Waller, of Peterhouse.
The Syndics employ a staff of about 280 in Cambridge and of 110,
under the management of Mr C. F. Clay, at their publishing office
in Fetter Lane; their current catalogue contains the titles of some
2500 books bearing the _imprimatur_ of the university.
* * * * *
Such, in brief summary, is the measure of the development of
Cambridge printing since John Siberch set up his press at the sign
of the _Arma Regia_ in 1521.
APPENDIX
I. UNIVERSITY PRINTERS, 1521-1921
The names of those who are not known to have printed anything in
Cambridge are underlined
1521. ~JOHN SIBERCH~ He disappears after 1522
1534. ~NICHOLAS SPERYNG~
~GARRETT GODFREY~
~SEGAR NICHOLSON~
1539. ~NICHOLAS PILGRIM~
1540. ~RICHARD NOKE~
1546. ~PETER SHERES~
1577. ~JOHN KINGSTON~
1583. THOMAS THOMAS, M.A. D. 1588
1588. JOHN LEGATE D. 1620
? ~JOHN PORTER~ (before 1593)
1606. CANTRELL LEGGE D. 1625
? THOMAS BROOKE, M.A. (before 1608) Resigned (?) 1625
1622. LEONARD GREENE D. 1630
1625. THOMAS BUCK, M.A. At least till 1668
JOHN BUCK, M.A. At least till 1668
1630. FRANCIS BUCK Resigned 1632
1632. ROGER DANIEL Patent cancelled 1650
1650. JOHN LEGATE (_the younger_) Patent cancelled 1655
1655. JOHN FIELD D. 1668
1669. ~MATTHEW WHINN~
1669. JOHN HAYES D. 1705
1680. ~JOHN PECK, M.A.~
1682. ~HUGH MARTIN, M.A.~
1683. ~JAMES JACKSON, M.D.~
1683. ~JONATHAN PINDAR~
1693. ~H. JENKES~
1697. ~JONATHAN PINDAR~ At least till 1730
1705. CORNELIUS CROWNFIELD Pensioned 1740
1730. WILLIAM FENNER }
MARY FENNER } Lease relinquished by Mrs Fenner
THOMAS JAMES } 1738
JOHN JAMES }
1740. JOSEPH BENTHAM Resigned 1766
1758. JOHN BASKERVILLE Nothing after 1763
1766. JOHN ARCHDEACON D. 1795
1793. JOHN BURGES D. 1802
1802. JOHN DEIGHTON Resigned 1802
1802. RICHARD WATTS Resigned 1809
[1804. ANDREW WILSON (?) 1811]
1809. JOHN SMITH Pensioned 1836
1836. JOHN WILLIAM PARKER Resigned 1854
1854. GEORGE SEELEY Retired 1856
1854. { CHARLES JOHN CLAY, M.A. Retired 1895
1882. { JOHN CLAY, M.A. D. 1916
1886. { CHARLES FELIX CLAY, M.A. Retired 1904
1916. JAMES BENNET PEACE, M.A.
II. CAMBRIDGE BOOKS, 1521-1750
The list of books from 1521 to 1650 is reprinted, with some
additions, from that compiled by Mr F. Jenkinson and included in
Bowes's _Catalogue of Cambridge Books_
There is some doubt about the books printed in italics
1521
Bullock (Hen.). Oratio. 4º.
Augustinus de miseria vitae. 4º.
Lucianus _περὶ διψάδον_. Bullock. 4º.
Balduinus de Altaris sacramento. 4º.
Erasmus de conscribendis epistolis. 4º.
Galenus de Temperamentis. Linacre. 4º.
Fisher (Joan.). Contio. Latin by R. Pace. 4º.
1522
Geminus (Papyrius). Hermathena. 4º.
Date not known (J. Siberch)
[Lily, Wm.]. De octo orationis partium constructione libellus. 4º.
1584
Bright (Tim.). In physicam G. A. Scribonii animadversiones. 8º.
Martinus (Jac.). De prima corporum generatione. 8º.
Ovidius. Fabularum interpretatio a G. Sabino. [Ed. T. T.]
Ramus (Petr.). Dialecticae libri duo, scholiis G. Tempelli. 8º.
Rouspeau (Yves) and J. de l'Espine. Two Treatises, translated. 8º.
Sadeel (Ant.). [La Roche de Chandieu (Ant.).] Disputationes. 4º.
[Stokes (M.).] Catalogus Rectorum et Cancellariorum.
1585
Pilkington (Jas.) and Rob. Some. Exposition on Nehemiah etc. 4º.
" " Two treatises on Oppression. 8º.
Ramus (P.). Latin Grammar, in English. 8º.
[Stokes (M.).] Catalogus procancellariorum.
Ursinus (Zach.). Doctrinae christianae compendium. 8º.
Whitaker (W.). Answer to a book by W. Rainolds. 8º.
Willet (Andr.). De animae natura et viribus. 8º.
1586
Clarke (Wm.). Treatise against the Defense of the Censure. 8º.
Harmony of Confessions. 8º.
1587
Carmichael (Jas.). Grammaticae Latinae liber II. 4º.
Plato. Menexenus. 4º.
Thomas (Tho.). Dictionarium linguae Latinae. 8º.
Ursinus (Zach.). Explicationes catecheticae. Ed. 2. 8º.
1588
Whitaker (W.). Disputatio de sacra scriptura. 4º.
Sine anno (J. Legate)
Achilles Tatius. De Clitophontis et Leucippes amoribus. 8º.
Bastingius (J.). Exposition upon the Catechism. 8º.
Beza (T.). Job expounded. 8º.
" Ecclesiastes. 8º.
New Testament. (Genevan Version.) 24º. [Cotton gives 1589.]
Willet (Andr.). Sacrorum emblematum centuria una. 4º.
1589
Bastingius (J.). Exposition upon the catechism. 4º.
Cicero. De oratore libri tres. 16º.
Terentius. Comoediae sex. 12º.
Thomas (Tho.). Dictionarium linguae Latinae. Ed. 2. 8º.
1590
Greenwood (John). Syntaxis et prosodia. 8º.
Holland (Hen.). Treatise against Witchcraft. 4º.
Perkins (Wm.). Armilla Aurea. Edd. 1 and 2. 8º.
Willet (Andr.). De generali Judaeorum vocatione. 4º.
1591
Bible (Genevan version). 8º.
Perkins (W.). A Golden Chaine. 8º.
1592
L'Espine (Jean de). A very excellent Discourse (trs. by E. Smyth). 4º.
Lipsius (Justus). Tractatus ad historiam Romanam. 8º.
Perkins (W.). Prophetica. Ed. 2. 8º.
" Armilla Aurea. Ed. 3. (n.d.).
" A Golden Chaine. Ed. 2. 8º.
Sohn (Georg). A briefe and learned Treatise (trs. by N. G.). 8º.
Thomas (Tho.). Dictionarium. Ed. 3. 4º.
Zanchius (H.). Spirituall mariage. 16º.
1593
Bell (Thomas). T. Bels Motives. 4º.
[Cowell (John).] Antisanderus. Edd. 1 and 2. 4º.
Lysias. Eratosthenes, praelectionibus illustrata A. Dunaei. 8º.
More (John). Table from the beginning of the world. 8º.
Perkins (W.). Direction for the government of the tongue. 8º.
" Two Treatises. 8º.
1594
Danaeus (Lamb.). Commentarie upon the twelve small Prophets. 4º.
G[reaves] (P.). Grammatica anglicana. 8º.
Hawenreuter (J. L.). _Σύνοψτς τῆς φυσικῆς τοῦ Ἀριστοτέους_. 8º.
The Death of Usury. 4º.
Thomas (Tho.). Dictionarium. Ed. 4. 8º.
Whitaker (W.). Adv. T. Stapletoni defensionem duplicatio. Fᵒ.
1595
_Bastingius (J.). Exposition of the [Heidelberg] Catechism._ 8º.
C. (W.). Polimanteia. 4º.
Lycophron. _Ἀλεξάνδρα_. 12º.
Perkins (W.). Two Treatises. 4º.
" Two Treatises. Ed. 2. 8º.
" Exposition of the Creed. 4º.
" A Salve for a Sicke man. 8º.
" A Golden Chaine (trs. by R. H.) Ed. 2. 4º.
" A Direction for the government of the Tongue. 4º.
Plutarchus. _Περὶ τοῦ ἀκούπερὶ τοῦ ἀκούειν_. 8º.
R[acster] (John). De hypocritis vitandis. 4º.
1596
G. (C.). A Watchworde for Warre. 4º.
Perkins (W.). Exposition of the Creed. Ed. 2. 4º.
Some (R.). Three questions. 8º.
The Apocalypse with exposition by F. Du Jon [trs. by T. B.]. 4º.
Thomas (Tho.). Dictionarium. Ed. 5. 4º.
1597
Pacius (Julius). Institutiones Logicae. 18º.
Perkins (W.). A Reformed Catholike (159 ).
Perkins (W.). A Golden Chaine. Ed. 2. 4º.
" Exposition of the Creede. 8º.
" Salve for a Sicke man (and other tracts). 4º. Edd. 1 and 2.
Praecepta in monte Sinai data. (Latine) per Ph. Ferd. Polonum. 4º.
_Spiritual epistles._ 4º.
1598
Bird (S.). Lectures upon Hebrews XI and Psalm XXXVIII. 8º.
" Lectures upon II Cor. VIII and IX. 8º.
Chemnitius (Mart.). Exposition of the Lords Prayer. 8º.
F[letcher]., I. Causes of urine. 8º.
Lincoln. Visitation Articles in the xl. yeare of Elizabeth. 4º.
Perkins (W.). De Praedestinationis modo. 8º.
" A Reformed Catholike. 8º.
Specimen Digesti sive Harmoniae etc. [by W. Perkins]. Fᵒ.
Stoughton (Tho.). General Treatise against Popery. 8º.
Terence in English, by R. B[ernard]. 4º.
Wilcox (Tho.). Discourse touching the Doctrine of Doubting. 8º.
1599
Dillingham (Fra.). A Disswasive from Poperie. 8º.
Polanus (Amandus). Treatise concerning Predestination. 8º.
Whitaker (W.). Praelectiones. + Cygnea Cantio. 4º.
Zanchius (Hieron.). Confession of Christian religion. 8º.
1600
Perkins (W.). A Golden Chaine (and 10 other works). 4º.
" A Treatise tending. 12º.
Thomas (T.). Dictionarium. Ed. 6. 8º.
Whitaker (W.). Praelectiones de conciliis. 8º.
" Tractatus de peccato originali. 8º.
1601
An Ease for Overseers of the Poor. 4º.
Hill (Rob.). Life everlasting. 4º.
Perkins (W.). How to live and that well. 12º.
" A warning against the Idolatry etc. 8º. (2 eds.)
[ " ] The True Gaine. 8º.
" Foundation of Christian religion. 8º.
1602
Cogan (Tho.). Epistolarum Ciceronis epitome. 8º.
Dillingham (Fra.). Disputatio adv. R. Bellarminum. 8º.
Pagit (Eusebius). The Historie of the Bible. 12º.
[Perkins (W.).] Treatise of Gods free grace and mans free will. 8º.
Willet (A.). A Catholicon on Jude. 8º.
1603
Dillingham (Fra.). A Quartron of reasons prooved a quartron of
follies. 4º.
" Tractatus in quo ex Papistarum confessione etc. 8º.
Heydon (Sir Christ.). Defence of Judiciall Astrologie. 4º.
James I. A Princes Looking Glasse (trs. by W. Willymot). 4º.
Perkins (W.). Works in one volume. Fᵒ.
" A Direction for the Tongue. 12º.
" A Treatise of Vocations. 8º.
" _A Treatise of Christian Equitie._
" _The True Lawe of Free Monarchies._ 12º.
Playfere (Tho.). Power of praier. 8º.
" Heart's delight. 8º.
Sharpe (Leonell). Sermon before the University, 28 March. 8º.
" Dialogus inter Angliam et Scotiam. 8º.
Smith (J.). The bright morning star.
Sorrowes Joy. 4º.
Threnothriambeuticon. 4º.
Willet (A.). Ecclesia triumphans. 8º.
1604
Bownde (Nich.). The Holy Exercise of Fasting. 8º.
Gibbon (Cha.). The Order of Equalitie. 4º.
Manning (Jas.). A New Booke intituled I am for you all. 4º.
Oliver (Tho.). De sophismatum praestigiis cavendis. 4º.
Perkins (W.). Problema de Romanae fidei ementito catholicismo. 4º.
" Commentarie on Galatians. 4º.
" First Part of the Cases of Conscience. 8º.
1605
Bell (Thomas). T. Bels Motives. Ed. 2. 4º.
Cowell (John). Institutiones juris Anglicani. 8º.
Dillingham (Fra.). Spicilegium de Antichristo. 8º.
" Sermon. 8º.
In homines nefarios. (Gunpowder Plot.) 4º.
Leech (J.). Plaine and Profitable Catechisme for Householders. 8º.
Perkins (W.). Works. Vol. I. Fᵒ.
Playfere (Tho.) The Sick Man's Couch. 8º.
Willet (A.). Hexapla in Genesin. Fᵒ.
1606
A Supplication of the Family of Love examined. 4º.
Dillingham (Fra.). Disputatio de natura Poenitentiae. 8º.
" Progresse in Pietie. 8º.
Hieron (Sam.). Truths Purchase. 8º.
Perkins (W.). Cases of Conscience. 8º.
Thomas (T.). Dictionarium. Ed. 7. 4º.
1607
Bernard (R.). A Double Catechisme. 8º.
" Terence. Ed. 2. 4º.
Cowell (John). The Interpreter. 4º.
Hieron (Sam.). Three Sermons. 4º.
" The Dignity of the Scripture. 4º.
Lipsius (Just.). Tractatus ad historiam Rom. cognoscendam. 8º.
Perkins (W.). A Treatise of Man's Imaginations. 12º.
[Rogers (Tho.).] The Faith of the Church of England. 4º.
Walsall (Sam.). Sermon before King at Royston. 4º.
Willet (A.). Loidoromastix. 4º.
" Harmonie upon Samuel I. 4º.
1608
Bownde (N.). The unbeleefe of S. Thomas the Apostle. 8º.
Hieron (S.). Sixe sermons. 4º.
Perkins (W.). A discourse of the damned art of witchcraft. 8º.
" _A treatise tending unto a declaration._ 12º.
" The whole treatise of the Cases of Conscience. 8º.
" A godly exposition of Christs Sermon in the Mount. 4º.
" Works. Vol. I. Fᵒ.
Walkington (T.). Salomons sweet harpe. 8º.
1609
Hieron (S.). Three sermons: A Remedie for securitie etc. 4º.
Perkins (W.). Works. Vol. II. Iohn Legat. Fᵒ.
" Works. Vol. III. Cantrell Legge. Fᵒ.
Playfere (T.). [Four Sermons.] 4º.
1610
Anthonie (Fr.). Medicinae, chymicae, et veri potabilis auri
assertio, etc. 4º.
Ely Visitation Articles. 4º.
Fletcher (Giles). Christs Victorie. 4º.
Owen (D.). Herod and Pilate reconciled. 4º.
Perkins (W.). A discourse of the damned art of witchcraft. Ed. 2. 8º.
Playfere (T.). Ten sermons. 8º.
Thomas (T.). Dictionarium. Ed. 10. 8º.
Willet (A.). Hexapla in Danielem. Fᵒ.
1611
Perkins (W.). A godly exposition of Christs Sermon in the Mount. 4º.
Willet (A.). Hexapla upon Romans. Fᵒ.
1612
Cambridge University Act Verses.
Collins (S.). Increpatio Andreae Eudaemono-Johannis Jesuitae. 4º.
Epicedium Cantabrigiense. 2 eds. 4º.
Nethersole (Sir F.). Laudatio funebris. 4º.
Playfere (T.). Nine sermons. 8º.
Pownoll (N.). The young divines apologie. 8º.
Taylor (T.). Commentarie upon the epistle of Paul to Titus. 4º.
" Japhets first publique perswasion into Sems tents. 4º.
1613
Despotinus (Gaspar). Hirci Mulctra disceptatio medica. 4º.
Perkins (W.). Works. Vol. III. Fᵒ.
Robartes (Foulke). The Revenue of the Gospel is tythes. 4º.
_S_[_mith_] (_S._). _Art. Mag. Aditus ad Logicam._
1614
Kilby (R.). The Burthen. 8º.
Mosse (Miles). Justifying and Saving Faith distinguished. 4º.
Willet (Andr.). Harmonie upon the first booke of Samuel. Fᵒ.
" Harmonie upon the second booke of Samuel. Fᵒ.
" Ecclesia Triumphans. 3 pts. Fᵒ.
1615
God and the King, a dialogue. 8º.
Melanthe. Fabula Pastoralis. 4º. [By Mr Brookes.]
Yates (John). God's arraignment of Hypocrites. 4º.
1616
Farley (Henry). The Complaint of Paules to all Christian soules. 4º.
Gostwyke (Roger). The Anatomie of Ananias. 4º.
James I. Remonstrance for the Right of Kings. 4º.
Office of Christian parents. 4º.
Perkins (W.). Exposition of the Creede. 4º.
_Stirbridge Fair Passes._
Yates (J.). God's arraignment.
1617
Collins (Sam.). Epphata to F. T. 4º.
Hieron (Sam.). David's Penitential Psalm opened in 30 several
lectures. 4º.
1618
Perkins (W.). Works. Vol. III. Fᵒ.
Taylor (Tho.). Christ's Combate and Conquest. 4º.
1619
Angelos (Christopher). _Ἐγκώμιον Μεγάλις Βρεττανίας_. 4º.
" " _Ἐγχειρίδιον, Περὶτῆς καταστάσεως τῶν
Ἑλλήνον_. 4º.
Gurnay (Edm.). Corpus Christi, a sermon. 12º.
James I. Remonstrance for the Right of Kings. 2 eds. 4º.
Lacrymae Cantabrigienses in obitum Annae. 4º.
Norwich Visitation Articles. 4º.
Sympson (W.). Full and profitable interpretation of proper names. 4º.
Taylor (Tho.). Commentarie upon the Epistle to Titus. 4º.
1620
Willet (Andr.). Hexapla upon Romans. Fᵒ.
1621
Playfere (Tho.). Nine Sermons. 8º.
Short Introduction of Grammar. 8º.
1622
Owen (David). Anti-Paraeus. 8º.
1623
Crakanthorpe (Ric.). De providentia Dei. 4º.
Gratulatio de S. P. reditu ex Hispaniis. 4º.
Herbert (G.). Oratio de Principis Caroli reditu ex Hispaniis. 4º.
The Whole Booke of Psalmes with apt notes to sing them. 8º.
1624
Chevalier (Guillaume de). The Ghosts of the deceased Sieurs de
Villemor. 8º.
1625
Almanack. Sheet c. 8º.
Cantabrigiensium Dolor et Solamen. 4º.
" " (with additions). 4º.
Epithalamium Caroli Regis et H. Mariae Reginae. 4º.
Novum Testamentum Graecum. 8º.
1626
Almanack (Strof). 8º.
Holland (Abr.). Hollandi Post-huma. 4º.
Sarpi (Paolo). Interdicti Veneti historia (trs. into Latin by W.
Bedell). 4º.
1627
Almanacks (Dove, Frost, Lakes, Rivers, Strof, Waters). 8º.
_Bishop's Book._
Davenant (Joh.). Expositio epistolae Pauli ad Colossenses. Fᵒ.
Fletcher (Phineas). Locustae. 4º.
Lincoln Visitation Articles. 4º.
Mede (Jos.). Clavis Apocalyptica. 4º.
Perrot (Rich.). Jacob's Vowe, or the true historie of Tithes. 4º.
Sudbury Visitation Articles. 4º.
Winterton (R.). Gerhard. Meditations. 12º.
Wren (Matth.). Sermon before the Kings Majestie. 4º.
1628
Bedell (Wm.). Examination of certaine motives to Recusansie. 8º.
Carter (John). Winter evenings communication with young novices. 8º.
Dent (Daniel). Sermon against drunkenness. 4º.
New Testament. 24º.
Sternhold (T.). Psalms in metre. 8º.
" " 12º.
1629
Almanacks (Pond, Rivers). 8º.
Bible. Fᵒ.
Common Prayer. Fᵒ.
Short Introduction of Grammar. 8º.
Sternhold (T.). Psalms in metre. Fᵒ.
1630
Bible. B. L. 4º.
" Roman Letter. 4º.
Cicero de officiis etc. 8º.
Common Prayer. 4º.
Davenant (John). Expositio epistolae ad Colossenses. 2nd ed. Fᵒ.
Lincoln Visitation Articles. 4º.
[Sarpi (Paolo).] Quaestio quodlibetica. [Trs. by W. Bedell.] 4º.
Sternhold (T.). Psalms in metre. 4º.
1631
Aesopus. Fabulae. 8º.
Aphthonius. Progymnasmata. 8º.
Audomarus Talaeus. Rhetorica. 8º.
Castalio (Seb.). Dialogorum sacrorum libri IV. 8º.
Cicero. Epistolarum libri IV, a Jo. Sturmio. 8º.
Davenant (Jo.). Praelectiones. Fᵒ.
Genethliacum Caroli et Mariae. 4º.
Hippocratis aphorismorum liber primus, Gr. et Lat. 4º.
Moses Maimonides. Canones poenitentiae, Latine a G. N. 4º.
Ovidius. Metamorphosees. 12º.
Seton (J.). Dialectica. 8º.
Winterton (R.). Gerhard. Meditations. Ed. 2. 12º.
1632
Anthologia in Regis Exanthemata. 4º.
Baptista Mantuanus. Adolescentia. 8º.
Cruso (John). Militarie instructions for the Cavallerie. Fᵒ.
Dalechamp (Caleb). Christian Hospitalitie. Harrisonus honoratus. 4º.
Fletcher (Giles). Christs Victorie. Ed. 2. 4º.
Heywood (Tho.). Englands Elisabeth. 12º.
Mede (Jos.). Clavis apocalyptica. Ed. 2. 4º.
Novum Testamenturn, graece. 8º.
Randolph (Tho.). The Jealous Lovers. 4º.
Schonaeus (Corn.). Terentius Christianus. 8º.
Winterton (R.). Gerhard. A Golden Chaine. 12º.
" " Meditations. 12º.
1633
Bible. B. L. 4º.
Bible (2 states). 4º.
Castalio (Seb.). Dialogorum sacrorum libri IV. 8º.
Cicero, de Officiis. 12º.
Corderius (Matt.). Colloquiorum scholasticorum libri IIII. 8º.
Ducis Eboracensis fasciae a Musis Cantabrig. raptim contextae. 4º.
Fletcher (Giles). De literis antiquae Britanniae etc. 8º.
Fletcher (Phineas). The Purple Island, etc. 4º.
F[letcher] (P)[hineas]. Sylva Poetica. 8º.
Fosbrooke (Joh.). Six sermons. 4º.
Hausted (Peter). Senile Odium, comœdia. 8º.
Herbert (George). The Temple. 12º. (State A and State B.)
" " " Ed. 2. 12º.
Hippocrates. Aphorismi, graece, + Epigrammata Reg. Med. Professorum. 8º.
Kellet (Edw.). Miscellanies of Divinitie. Fᵒ.
Nowell (Alex.). Christianae pietatis prima institutio. 8º.
Peterborough Visitation Articles. B. L. 4º.
Psalms with apt notes. B. L. 4º.
Rex redux. 4º.
Scot (Tho.). Assize Sermon at Bury St Edmunds. 4º.
Scott (J.). Broadsheet containing list of officers etc. Fragments.
Vives (Joan. Lud.). Linguae Latinae exercitatio. 8º.
Winterton (R.) Dionysius de situ orbis. 8º.
1634
Almanacks (Clark, Dove, Kidman, Rivers, Swallow, Turner, Winter). 8º.
Baptista Mantuanus. Adolescentia. 8º.
Cantebrigia (_Map_).
Crashaw (R.). Epigrammatum sacrorum liber. 8º.
Davenant (John). Determinationes quaestionum theologicarum. Fᵒ.
Donne (John). Six sermons. 40.
Erasmus. Epitome colloquiorum. 8º.
Garthwaite (H·). _Μονοτεσσαρον_. The Evangelicall Harmonie. 4º.
Gerhard (John). Meditationes Sacrae. 24º.
Golius (Theophilus). Epitome doctrinae moralis ex decem libris
Aristotelis. 8º.
Hawkins (Will.). Corolla varia. 8º.
Herbert (Geo.). The Temple. Ed. 3. 12º.
Lessius (Leonardus). Hygiasticon + Cornaro's Treatise. Edd. 1 and 2. 12º.
[Lily (Wm.).] A short introduction of Grammar. 8º.
Psalms. 4º.
Randolph (Thos.). The Jealous Lovers. 4º.
Russell (John). The two famous pitcht battles of Lypsich and Lutzen. 4º.
1635
Almanack. Broadsheet.
Anianus. Fabulae. 8º.
Aphthonius. Progymnasmata. 8º.
Audomarus Talaeus. Rhetorica. 12º.
Bible. 4º.
" B.L. 4º.
Carmen natalitium ad cunas principis Elizabethae. 4º.
Common Prayer. 4º.
Cuique suum. _Ἀντωδὴ_ contra Cathari cantilenam. 4º.
Dalechamp (Caleb). Haereseologia tripartita. 4º.
_Erasmus. Epitome Colloquiorum._ 12º
Herbert (Geo.). The Temple. Ed. 4. 12º.
_Hill, J. Schrevelius, Lexicon._ 8º.
Kellet (Edw.). Miscellanies of Divinitie. Fᵒ.
Lincoln Visitation Articles. 4º.
Ovidius. Heroides, Amores, De arte amandi. 8º.
Ravisius (Joannes). Epistolae. 8º.
Schonaeus (Corn.). Terentius Christianus. 8º.
Shelford (Rob.). Five pious and learned discourses. 4º.
Swan (John). Speculum mundi. 4º.
Winterton (R.). Poetae minores Graeci. 8º.
" Gerhard. Meditations, Ed. 4 + Prayers, Ed. 5. 12º.
1636
Benlowes (Ed.). Sphinx Theologica. 8º.
Cade (Ant.). Sermon of the Ceremonies of the Church. Appendix. 4º.
Dalechamp (C.). Haeresologia Tripartita. 4º.
Dugres (Gabriel). Grammaticae Gallicae compendium. 8º.
Hodson (William). Credo resurrectionem carnis. Ed. 2. 12º.
Lessius (Leonardus). Hygiasticon. Ed. 3. 12º.
Manutius (Aldus). Phrases linguae Latinae. 8º.
[Nowell (Alex.).] Christianae pietatis prima institutio. 8º.
Saltmarsh (John). Poemata sacra, latine et anglice scripta. 8º.
Simson (Edw.). Mosaica. 4º.
Winterton (R.). Drexelius. Considerations upon Eternitie. 12º.
1637
Bible. (Colophon 1638.) 4º.
" B. L. 4º.
" 8º.
Burgersdicius (Fr.). Institutionum logicarum libri duo. 8º.
_Cicero. Epistolae._
Common Prayer. Fᵒ.
" 8º.
D[uport] (J.). _Θρηνοθρίαμβος_, seu liber Job graeco carmine. 8º.
Morton (Tho.). Antidotum. 4º.
Peterborough Visitation Articles. 4º.
Sternhold (T.). Psalms in metre. B. L. 4º.
" " 8º.
" " Roman Letter. 4º.
_Συνῳδία_ sive Musarum Cantabrigiensium concentus. 4º.
1638
Bible. Fᵒ.
" 4º.
Common Prayer. Fᵒ.
" 4º.
" 8º.
Directions for musters. 4º.
Herbert (Geo.). The Temple. Ed. 5. 12º.
Isocrates. Orationes et Plutarchus. 8º.
Justa Edouardo King ... + Obsequies. 4º.
Norwich Visitation Articles. 4º.
Ovidius. De tristibus. 8º.
Panegyricon inaugurale Praetoris Regii. 4º.
Psalms in metre. Fᵒ.
" 4º.
Winterton (R.). Gerhard. Meditations (Ed. 5) + Prayers (Ed. 6). 12º.
1639
Bible. B. L. 4º.
Cade (Anthony). Sermon on Conscience. 4º.
Cicero de Officiis. 8º.
Davenant (Jo.). Expositio Epistolae ad Coloss. Fᵒ.
" " Determinationes.... Edd. 2 and 3. Fᵒ.
Du Praissac (Sieur). Military Discourses. Englished by J. C[ruso]. 8º.
" " Short method for the easy resolving etc. 8º.
Fuller (Tho.). The Historie of the Holie Warre. Fᵒ.
Gurnay (Edm.). Towards the vindication of the Second Commandment. 24º.
H[odgson] (W.). The Holy Sinner. 12º.
Psalms in metre. B. L. 4º.
1640
Almanacks (Rivers, Swallow). 8º.
Ball (J.). A friendly trial of the grounds tending to Separation. 4º.
B[enlowes?] (E.)· A Buckler against the fear of death. 8º.
Bible. B. L. ft. 4º. (N.T. title 1639.)
Common Prayer. B. L. 4º.
Davenant (J.). Ad fraternam communionem adhortatio. 12º.
Downame (G.). A Godly and learned treatise of Prayer. 4º.
Drexelius (H.)· The School of Patience. 12º.
Endeavour (An) of making the principles of the Christian religion
plain. 8º.
Eustachius (Fr.). Summa philosophiae quadripartita. 8º.
Fenner (W.). The Souls Looking-glasse. 8º.
Fletcher (Giles). Christs Victory. 4º.
Fuller (Tho.). Historie of the Holy Warre. Ed. 2. Fᵒ.
Gerhard (Joh.). The Summe of Christian Doctrine. 24º.
Gower (J.). Ovids Festivalls. 8º.
Heinsius (Dan.). Sacrarum exercitationum libri xx. 4º.
H[odgson] (W.). The Divine Cosmographer. 12º.
[Lily (W.).] A short introduction of grammar. 8º.
Morton (Tho.). Decisio controversiae de eucharistia. 4º.
Posselius (Joh.). Syntaxis graeca. 8º.
Ramus (P.). Dialecticae libri duo. 12º.
Randolph (T.). The Jealous Lovers. 8º.
Rohan (Henri de). The Complete Captain: trs. by John Cruso. 8º.
Voces votivae. 4º.
Winterton (R.). Gerhard. Meditations (Ed. 6) + Prayers (Ed. 7). 12º.
1641
Andrewes (Lancelot). Nineteen sermons concerning Prayer. 12º.
Christian's Pattern, The. 12º.
Davenant (John). Animadversions upon a treatise (of S. Hoard). 8º.
Dury (J.). On Peace ecclesiastical. 4º.
Gataker (T.). Defence of Anthony Wotton. 8º.
Herbert (G.). The Temple. Ed. 6. 12º.
Heywood (T.). England's Elisabeth. 12º.
Irenodia Cantabrigiensis. 4º.
Layer (John). Office and Duty of Constables. 8º.
L'Estrange (Hamon). Gods Sabbath etc. 4º.
Maisterson (Henr.). Sermon on Hebr. xiii. 18. 4º.
Manuell, A, or a Justice of Peace his Vade-mecum. 12º.
Munning (Humphry). A Pious Sermon etc. 4º.
Salernitanus, B. De Fontibus Artium. 12º.
Sherman (J.). A Greek in the Temple. 4º.
Sternhold (T.). Psalms in metre. 12º.
Thorndike (H.). Of the Government of Churches, a Discourse etc. 8º.
Warme Beere, or, A Treatise. 12º.
1642
Almanacks (Dove, Swallow). 8º.
Demosthenes. Orationes Selectae. Gr. et Lat. 12º.
Du Praissac (Sieur). Military Discourses. Englished by J. C[ruso]. 8º.
Fern (Henry). Resolving of Conscience. 4º. (Two states.)
Fuller (Tho.). The Holy State [and the Profane State]. Fᵒ.
His Majesty's Declaration to all His loving Subjects. Aug. 12, 1642. 4º.
Answer to Declaration of Parliament of July 1. 4º.
Holdsworth (Ri.). Sermon in St Maries upon Mar. 27. 4º.
Kempis of the following of Christ. 8º.
Love (Ri.). The Watchman's Watchword. 4º.
Magirus (Jo.). Physiologicae Peripateticae libri VI. 8º.
More (Hen.), _Ψυχωδια_ Platonica. 8º.
Novum Testamentum (Beza). 2 states. Fᵒ.
Petition of the Commons of Kent. 4º.
Petition of Lords and Commons, and His Majestie's Answer. 4º.
Proclamation. That no Popish Recusant shall serve. 4º.
[Spelman (Sir H.).] A Protestant's Account of his Orthodox Holding. 4º.
Thorndike (Herbert). Of Religious Assemblies. 8º.
Torriano (G.)· Select Italian Proverbs. 12º.
Watson (Ri.). Sermon touching Schisme. 4º.
1643
Beda. Historia Ecclesiastica. Fᵒ.
Catalogue of remarkable mercies conferred upon the seven counties. 4º.
Fenner (W.). The Souls Looking-Glasse. 8º.
_Introductio ad Sapientiam._ 24º.
Jackson (Art.). Help. 4º.
Minucius Felix (M.). Octavius. 16º.
Quarles (Fra.). Emblemes. Ed. 2. 8º.
Revindication of Psalme 105. 5, Touch not mine Anointed. 4º.
Swan (John). Speculum Mundi. Ed. 2. 4º.
1644
Beda. Historia Ecclesiastica. Fᵒ.
Burgersdicius (Fra.). Institutionum Logicarum libri II. 8º.
Crofts (J.). The Copy of a letter. 4º.
Dering (Sir Edw.). A Discourse of Proper Sacrifice. 4º.
A Discourse etc. 4º with different title.
Grimston (Sir H.). A Christian New Years gift. 16º.
Lambarde, W. _Ἀρχαιονπμία_. Fᵒ.
_Military Instructions for the Cavallrie._ Fᵒ (see Cruso 1632).
Swan (J.). Speculum Mundi. 4º.
Totius Rhetoricae adumbratio in usum Paulinae Schol. 8º.
Winterton (R.). Gerhard. Meditations and Prayers. 12º.
1645
_Bible._ 12º. (_N.T. title_ 1646.)
Bythner (Victorinus). Lingua Eruditorum. 8º.
Chronometra aliquot memorabilium rerum his certis annis gestarum etc. 4º.
Crofts (J.). The copy of a letter. Ed. 2. 4º.
Howell (James). _Δενδρολογία_. Dodona's Grove or the Vocal Forest. 12º.
Psalms in metre. 4º.
Sarson (L.). Analysis of 1 Tim. i. 15; Chronologia Vapulans. 4º.
Shelton (T.). Tachygraphy. 8º.
Stahl(D.). Axiomata Philosophica. 12º.
Torriano (G.). Directions for the Italian Tongue. 4º (n. d.).
1646
Ames (W.). Philosophemata. 12º.
Bible. 8º.
Britannicus his blessing (in verse). 4º.
Buxtorf (Jo.). Epitome Grammaticae Hebraeae. 8º.
Duport (J.). Tres libri Solomonis Graeco carmine. 8º.
Hall (John). Poems. 8º.
Heinsius (Daniel). Crepundia Siliana. 12º.
Jackson (Art.). Annotations. 4º.
More (Henry). Democritus Platonissans. 8º.
Quarles (F.). Judgment and Mercy for afflicted souls. 8º.
Sleidan (J.). De quatuor summis Imperiis libri tres. 24º.
Sternhold (T.). Psalms. 12º.
Valdesso (John). Divine Considerations. 8º.
1647
Animadversions upon proceedings against the XI members. 4º.
_Bible._ 12º.
Bolton (Sam.). Fast Sermon. 4º.
Burgersdicius (F.). Institutiones Logicae. 8º.
Cudworth (R.). Sermon before the House of Commons. 4º.
Declaration from Sir Thomas Fairfax and his Councell of Warre. 4º.
Fuller (Tho.). Historie of the Holie Warre. Ed. 3. Fᵒ.
Graecae Grammatices compendium.... Westm. 8º.
Hammond (H.). Five propositions to the Kings Majesty. 4º.
H[austed] (P.). _Πρόσσω καὶ ὀπίσσω_. A Sermon at St Maries, 1640. 4º.
Heads of a Charge delivered in the name of the Armie.
_Introductio ad Sapientiam._ 24º.
J.(H.). Modell of a Christian Society + Right hand of Christian love. 8º.
Letter from the Court at Oatelands. 4º.
Manifesto from Sir T. Fairfax June 27. 4º.
More (Henry). Philosophicall Poems. Ed. 2. 8º.
_Papers of Intelligence from Cambridge._ 4º.
Proclamation by his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax. 4º.
Representation from Sir Tho. Fairfax. 4º.
Shelton (T.). Tachygraphy. 8º.
Short introduction to Grammar.... Westminster. 8º.
Solemn Ingagement. 4º.
Stierius (Joh.). Praecepta doctrinae tabellis compacta. Ed. noua. 4º.
The Kings majesties declaration and profession.
Two petitions of the Counties of Buckingham and Hertford. 4º.
[Vigerius (Fra.).] De praecipuis Gr. dictionis idiotismis. 8º.
1648
_Anacreon. Odae, Gr. Lat._ (_ab H. Stephano_). 8º.
Beaumont (Jos.). Psyche. Fᵒ.
Bible. 12º. (6 eds.)
Bythner (Victorinus). Clavis Linguae Sanctae. 8º.
Catechisms (Greek). 12º.
Caussin (N.). Christian Diary. 12º.
Eustachius (Fr.). Summa Philosophiae Quadripartita. 8º.
Fuller (Tho.). Holy and Profane State. Ed. 2. Fᵒ.
Hill (Tho.). The best and worst of Paul. 4º.
Homerus. Ilias. Gr. et Lat. 8º.
New Testament. 12º.
Wendelin (M. F.). Admiranda Nili. 4º.
" Contemplationes Physicae. 4º.
White (Thos.). The smoak of the botomlesse pit. 8º.
Wollebius (J.). Compendium Theologiae Christianae. 12º.
1649
Dickson (D.). A Short Explanation of the Ep. of Paul to the Hebrews. 8º.
Eustachius. Summa philosophica quadripartita. 8º.
Harvey (Wm.). Exercitatio Anatomica de Circulatione Sanguinis. 12º.
Jacchaeus (Gilb.). Summa Philosophiae. 12º.
Mede (Jos.). Clavis Apocalyptica ex innatis. 4º.
Thorndike (H.). Of the Right of the Church in a Christian State. 8º.
Torriano (G.). Select Italian Proverbs. 24º.
1650
Burgersdijck (Fra.). Collegium Physicum. Editio tertia. 12º.
Davenant (John). Dissertationes duae. Fᵒ.
Pemble (W.). Tractatus de origine formarum. (n. d.) 12º.
Thorndike (Herb.). Two Discourses. 8º.
Winterton (R.). Drexelius. Considerations upon Eternity. 24º.
1651
Castalio (S.). Dialogorum Sacrorum Libri iii. 8º.
Coldwell. Regulae morum. Fᵒ.
Culverwell (N.). Spiritual Opticks.
Dillingham (W.). Sir H. Vere, Commentaries of War. Fᵒ.
Stephens (T.). Statius. Sylvae. 8º.
" " Achilleis. 8º.
The Second Lash of Alazonomastix. 8º.
1652
Beza (T.). Novum Testamentum. Fᵒ.
Gataker (T.). Antonini Meditationes. 4º.
Mede (J.). Opuscula Latina ad rem Apocalypticam. 4º.
Nicols (T.). A Lapidarie. 4º.
Winterton (R.). Poetae Minores Graeci. 8º.
1653
D[uport] (J.). Θρημοθρίαμβος, sive liber Job Graeco carmine. Ed. 2. 8º.
Lily (W.). Brevissima Institutio. 8º.
Scattergood (A.). Annotationes in Vetus Testamentum. 8º.
Smith (T.). Daillé, Apology for the Reformed Churches. 8º.
1654
Cambridge Victuallers License (Single leaf).
Dove. Prognostication. 8º.
Eustachius. St Paulo: Ethica. 8º.
Jacchaeus (T.). Onomasticon Poeticum. 8º.
Muretus (H. A.). Terentius. 8º.
Oliva Pacis ad Oliverum. 4º.
Smetius. Prosodia. 12º.
Winterton (R.). Drexelius, Considerations upon Eternitie. 12º.
1655
Barrow (I.). Euclid. 8º.
Epictetus. Enchiridion. 8º.
Fuller (T.). History of the University of Cambridge. Fᵒ.
Lucas Holstenius. Porphyrius de Abstinentia. 8º.
Officium Concionatoris. 4º.
1656
Aesopus. Fabulae. 8º.
Dillingham (W.). Two Sermons. 4º.
[ " ] Confessio fidei. 8º.
Muretus (M. A.). Terentius. 8°.
1657
Arrowsmith (J.). Tactica Sacra. 4º.
Bible. 8º.
" (N.T. title 1661.)
Corderius (M.). Colloquia. 8º.
Dillingham (W.). Sir F. Vere's Commentaries. Fᵒ.
Dorislaus (I.). Proelium Nuportanum. Fᵒ.
Frost (J.). Select Sermons. Fᵒ.
New Testament. 8º.
Stephanus (H.). Statius, Opera. 8º.
Sternhold (T.). Psalms. 2 eds. 8º.
1658
Aesopus. Fabulae. 8º.
Atwell (G.). The faithfull Surveyor. 4º.
Bible, 16º.
Corderius (M.). Colloquia. 8º.
Frost (J.). Select Sermons. Fᵒ.
Lightfoot (J.). Horae Hebraicae in Chorographiam. 4º.
" " in Evang. Matth. 4º.
Musarum Cantabrigiensium Luctus and Gratulatio. 2 eds. 4º.
Spencer (W.). Origenis contra Celsum. 4º.
1659
Arrowsmith (J.). Armilla Catechetica. 4º.
Aylesbury (T.). Diatribae de aeterno decreto. 4º.
Bible. Fᵒ.
Cicero. De Officiis, de Amicitia, de Senectute. 8º.
[Dillingham (W.).] Confessio Fidei in Latinum versa. 8º.
Ivory (J.). A Continuation.
New Testament. Fᵒ.
University Queries. 4º.
1660
Academiae Cantabrigiensis _ΣΩΣΤΡΑ_. 2 eds. 4º.
Bible. (N.T. title 1659.) Fᵒ.
Burgersdicius (F.). Institutionum Logicarum Libri duo. 8º.
Cicero de Officiis, de Amicitia etc. 8º.
Common Prayer. Fᵒ.
Dunconus (E.). De Adoratione Dei versus Altare. i2º.
Duport (J.). Evangelicall Politie 4º.
" Homeri Gnomologia. 4º.
Gardiner (S.). De efficacia gratiae convertentis. 4º.
H[acon] (J.). A Review of Mr Horn's Catechisme. 8º.
Love (R.). Oratio post regem reducem. 2 eds. 4º.
[Ray (J.).] Catalogus plantarum circa Cantabrigiam nascentium. 8º.
Smith (T.). The Life and Death of Mr William Moore. 8º.
Spencer (J.). The Righteous Ruler. 4º.
1661
Almanacks (Pond, Swan). 8º.
Bible. 8º.
Colet (J.). A Sermon of Conforming and Reforming. 8º.
Lily (W.). Short Introduction of Grammar. 8º.
New Testament. 8º.
_Nye (P.). An exact concordance to the Bible._
Poetae Minores Graeci. 8º.
Psalms. 8º.
Savonarola (H.). The Truth of the Christian Faith. 12º.
Stephens (T.). Three Sermons. 12º.
Sternhold (T.). The Whole Book of Psalms. 8º.
Threni Cantabrigienses in funere Henrici et Mariae. 4º.
1662
Anticlassicus (P.). Vindication of the Inner Temple. 8º
Atwell (G.)· The Faithfull Surveyour. 4º.
Common Prayer. 8º.
Duport (J.). Epithalamia Sacra. 8º.
Epithalamia Cantabrigiensia Caroli II et Catharinae. 4º.
H[acon] (J.). A Vindication of the Review. 8º.
Hyde (E.). The true Catholick's Tenure. 8º.
Muretus (M. A.). Terentius. 8º.
[Newman (S.).] Concordance. Fᵒ.
New Testament. 8º.
Psalms. 8º.
1663
_Aesopus. Fabulae._
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swan).
Bible. 4º.
" 8º. (N.T. title 1662.)
Common Prayer. 4º.
Fortrey (S.). England's Interest. 8º.
Heerebord (A.). Logica (_Ἑρμηνεία_) seu Synopseos. 8º.
Ichabod. 4º.
_Le Franc (J.). The Touchstone of Truth._
Lightfoot (J.). Horae Hebraicae. 4º.
[Ray (J.).] Appendix ad Catalogum. 8º and 12º.
Spencer (J.). A Discourse concerning Prodigies. 4º.
Sternhold (T.) etc. The Whole Book of Psalms. 4º.
_Vossius (G. J.). Elementa Rhetorica._
Winterton (R.). Epigrammata Therapeutica. 8º.
1664
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan).
Bible, 12º.
Homerus. Ilias. 8º.
" Odyssea. 8º.
Psalms (Greek). 12º and 8º.
Salmasius (C.). L. Annaeus Florus.
Whear (D.). Methodus legendi historias. 8º.
1665
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan). 8º.
Beaumont (J.). Observations upon the Apologie of Dr Henry More. 4º.
Bellum Belgicum Secundum. 4º.
_Castalio (S.). Biblia Sacra._
Common Prayer (Greek). 12º and 8º.
Duhamel (J. B.). Elementa Astronomica. 12º.
Edwards (J.). The Plague of the Heart. 4º.
Fournier (G.). Euclid. 12º.
Hoole (C.). Terminations of Declensions. 8º.
New Testament (Greek). 2 eds. 12º.
Old Testament (Greek). (2 states.) 12º.
Sallustius. 12º.
Sophocles. Tragoediae. 8º.
Swan (J.). Speculum Mundi. Ed. 3. 4º.
1666
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan). 8º.
Bible. 4º.
Burgersdicius (F.). Institutionum Logicarum Libri duo. 8º.
" " " Synopsis. 8º.
Common Prayer. 4º.
_Concordance._
_Drexelius. Considerations upon Eternitie._ 12º.
Duport (J.). Psalms in Greek verse. 4º.
Heereboord (A.). _Ἑρμηνεία Logica_. Ed. 2. 8º.
New Testament. 4º.
_Pachymerius (G.). Epitome Logices Aristotelis._ 8º.
Sternhold (T.). The Whole Book of Psalms. 4º.
1667
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swan). 8º.
[Bullokar (John).] An English Expositour. 12º.
Dillingham (T.). Visitation Articles. 4º.
Salmasius (C.). Annaeus Florus. 12º.
Winterton (R.). Poetae Minores Graeci. 8º.
1668
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swallow). 8º.
Bible. 4º.
Bible. (N.T. title 1666.) 4º.
Galtruchius (P.). Mathematicae totius Institutio. 8º.
Hill (J.). Schrevelius, Lexicon. 4º.
Jackson (J.). Index Biblicus. 4º.
Kemp (E.). University Sermon. 4º.
Sophocles. Scholia. 8º.
Starkey (W.). The divine obligation of human ordinances. 4º.
1669
_Aesopus. Fabulae._ 8º.
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swan, Whiting). 8º.
Casaubon (M.). Letter to P. du Moulin. 4º.
Dictionarium etymologicum. 4º.
Ellis (J.). Clavis Fidei. 8º.
Gouldman (F.). Dictionary. Ed. 2. 4º.
_Heereboord (A.). Logica._ 8º.
Livius. 8º.
Protestant Almanack. 8º.
Scargill (D.). Recantation. 4º.
Sophocles. Tragoediae. 8º.
Spencer (J.). Dissertatio de Urim et Thummim. 8º.
Threni Cantabrigienses in exequiis Henriettae Mariae. 4º.
1670
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan). 8º.
Barne (M.). Sermon at Newmarket. 4º.
Bible. 4º.
_Cato. Disticha de moribus cum Scholiis Erasmi._ 8º.
Common Prayer. 4º.
Crashaw (R.). Poemata et Epigrammata. Ed. 2. 8º.
" Steps to the Temple. 8º.
_Culmann (L.). Sententiae Pueriles._ 8º.
Dillingham (T.). Visitation Articles. 4º.
_Gallus (E.). Pueriles Confabulatiunculae._ 8º.
_Hume (J.). Character of a heavenly conversation._
Johnson (J.). The Judges Authority. 4º.
" Nature inverted. 4º.
Lacrymae Cantabrigienses in obitum ... Henriettae. 4º.
Molinaeus (P.). Poematum libelli tres. 8º.
New Testament. 4º.
_Ovid. Tristia._ 8º.
R[ay] (J.). Collection of Proverbs. 8º.
Seignior (G.). Sermon at Saxham. 4º.
Sheringham (R.). De Anglorum gentis origine. 8º.
Spencer (J.). Dissertatio de Urim et Thummim. Ed. 2. 8º.
Sternhold (T.) and others. The Whole Book of Psalms. 4º.
Sturm (J.). Cicero, Epistolarum Libri iv. 8º.
Threnodia in obitum Georgii Ducis Albaemarlae. 4º.
Winterton (R.). Gerhard. Meditations. 12º.
1671
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan). 8º.
B[ullokar] (J.). An English Expositour. 12º.
Drexelius. Considerations. 12º.
Epicedia in obitum Principis Annae. 4º.
Gale (T.). Opuscula Mythologica. 8º.
Laney (B.). Ely Visitation Articles. 4º.
_Lily (W.). Short Introduction of Grammar._ 8º.
North (J.). Sermon before King at Newmarket. (2 eds.) 4º.
Winterton (R.). Poetae Minores Graeci. 8º.
1672
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan). 8º.
Foundation of the University. Broadsheet.
Homer, Iliad.
N[ewman] (S.). Concordance. Ed. 2. Fᵒ.
Ovid. Metamorphoses. 8º.
Pearson (J.). Vindiciae Epistolarum Ignatii (with Vossius,
Epistolae). 4º.
Puffendorf (S.). Elementa Jurisprudentiae. 8º.
Ramus (P.). Dialectic. 8º.
Ravisius (J.). Epistolae. 8º.
Schrevelius (C.). Hesiod. 8º.
Sophocles (Greek and Latin). 8º.
Varenius (B.). Geographia Generalis. Ed. I. Newton. 8º.
1673
Almanack. 8º.
Barclay (J.). Argenis (engraved title 1674). 8º.
Bible. 4º.
Catechesis in usum scholae Buriensis. 8º.
Common Prayer. 4º.
Fortrey (S.). England's Interest. Ed. 2. 8º.
Friendly Vindication of Dryden. 4º.
Grotius. De principiis juris naturalis. 8º.
Lily (W.). Short Introduction of Grammar. 8º.
North (J.). Plato, Dialogi Selecti. 8º.
Smith (J.). Select Discourses. Ed. 2. 4º.
Sophocles, Tragoediae. 8º.
Sternhold (T.) and others. The Whole Book of Psalms. 4º.
Varenius (B.). Descriptio Japoniae. 8º.
1674
Almanack (Dove). 8º.
Bible. Fᵒ.
Casimir (M.). Lyricorum Libri. 24º.
Cicero. De officiis, etc. 8º.
Crashaw (R.). Poemata et Epigrammata. Ed. 2. 8º.
Gouldman (F.). Dictionary. Ed. 3.
Lightfoot (J.). Horae Hebraicae. 4º.
Olivier (P.). Dissertationes Academicae. 8º.
Ovid. Heroides. 8º.
1675
Almanack (Swan). 8º.
Bible. 4º.
Common Prayer. 4º.
Faber (T.). Lucretius. De Rerum Natura. 12º.
Ivory (J.). A Continuation. Bds.
Jackson (W.). Of the Rule of Faith. 4º.
Magna et antiqua charta Quinque Portuum. 8º.
M[arvell] (A.). Plain Dealing. 12º.
[Rogers (T.).] Faith professed in the XXXIX Articles. 4º.
1676
Beza (T.). Novum Testamentum. 12º.
Briggs (W.). Opthalmographia. 8º.
B[ullokar] (J.). An English Expositour. 12º.
Common Prayer. 4º.
D[uport (J.).] Musae Subsecivae. 8º.
Muretus (M. A.). Terentius. 8º.
North (Sir T.). Plutarch's Lives. Fᵒ.
Rhodokanakis (C.). Tractatus de resolutione verborum. 8º.
Robertson (W.). Thesaurus Graecae Linguae. 4º.
Scattergood (S.). Sermon before king at Newmarket. 4º.
_Simon (M.). Opera Theologica._
Templer (J.). Visitation Sermon. 4º.
1677
Beza (T.). Novum Testamentum. 32º.
Bible. 4º.
" (N.T. title 1675.)
Epithalamium in nuptiis Gulielmi-Henrici Arausii et Mariae. 4º.
Spencer (W.). Origen, Contra Celsum. 4º.
W[alker] (W.). Plea for Infant Baptism. 8º.
Winterton (R.). Poetae Minores Graeci. 8º.
Wittie (R.). Gout Raptures. 4º.
1678
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan). 8º.
Babington (H.). Mercy and Judgment. 4º.
_Badius (J.). Baptista Mantuanus._ 8º.
Gouldman (F.). Dictionary. Ed. 4. 4º.
Ray (J.). English Proverbs. Ed. 2. 8º.
1679
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan). 8º.
Bible. 4º.
Common Prayer. 4º.
Crashaw (R.). Poemata et Epigrammata. 8º.
Heinsius (D.). Andronicus Rhodius, Ethicorum Paraphrasis. 8º.
Livius. Historia. 8º.
Sallustius. 12º.
Sternhold (T.). Psalms. 4º.
1680
Almanacks (Culpepper, Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan). 8º.
B[ullokar] (J.). An English Expositour. 12º.
Burgersdicius (F.). Institutionarum Logicarum libri duo. 8º.
Florus, Pontanus, Ampelius. 12º.
Heerebord (A.). _Ἑρμηνεία_ Logica. Ed. nova. 8º.
New Testament. (Engraved table 1683.) 4º.
1681
Almanack (Wing). 8º.
Hill (J.). Schrevelius, Lexicon. 8º.
Lily (W.). Short Introduction of Grammar. 8º.
Robertson (W.). Phraseologia Generalis. 8º.
[Rogers (T.).] Faith professed in the XXXIX Articles. 4º.
Varenius (B.). Geographia Generalis (ed. Sir Isaac Newton). Ed. 2. 8º.
1682
Almanacks (Culpepper, Dove, Pond, Swallow, Swan, Wing).
Barne (M.). Two University Sermons. 4º.
Bible. 4º.
" (N.T. title 1680.) 4º.
" ( " 1666.) 4º.
N[ewman] (S.). Concordance. Ed. 3. Fº.
Pindarick Poem to Duke of Albemarle. Fº.
Puffendorf (S.). De officio hominis et civis. 8º.
Schuler (J.). Exercitationes ad principiorum Descartes primam partem. 8º.
1683
Barne (M.). University Sermon (large paper). 4º.
Bible. 4º.
" (N.T. title 1680.) 4º.
" ( " 1666.) 4º.
Common Prayer. 4º.
_Davenant (J.). De morte Christi._ 12º.
Eusebius, etc. Fº.
Hymenaeus Cantabrigiensis. (2 issues.) 4º.
Jewel (J.). Apologia Ecclesiae Anglicanae. 12º.
North (J.). Plato, Dialogi selecti. Ed. 2. 8º.
Robertson (W.). Manipulus Linguae Sanctae et Eruditorum. 4º.
Sternhold (T.) and others. Psalms. 4º.
1684
Barne (M.). Assize Sermon, Hertford. 4º.
Baronius (R.). Metaphysica. 12º.
Beda. Historia Ecclesiastica. Fº.
Bullokar (J.). An English Expositour. Ed. 7. 8º.
Cambridge University Statuta. 8º.
Casimir (M.). Sarbievii Lyricorum libri IV. 24º.
Euripides. Fº.
Naudaeus (G.). Bibliographica politica. 8º.
Stephanus (H.). Anacreon. 12º.
Whear (D.). De ratione et methodo legendi utrasque historias. 8º.
Winterton (R.). Poetae Minores Graeci. 8º.
1685
Academiae Cantabrigiensis Affectus, decedente Carolo II. 4º.
Almanacks (Culpepper, Dove, Fly, Swallow). 8º.
Baron (R.). Metaphysica Generalis. 8º.
Castalio (S.). à Kempis, De Christo imitando. 12º.
_Concordance._
Erasmus (D.). Enchiridion Militis Christiani. 12º.
_Faber (T.). Longinus._
Gostwyke (W.). Sermon for victory over rebels. 4º.
Gower (H.). Discourse after death of Peter Gunning. 4º.
Hill (J.). Schrevelius, Lexicon. Ed. 6. 8º.
Lactantius. Opera. 8º.
_Prayers for use in Trinity College Chapel._ 4º.
_Ray (J.). Second Appendix ad Catalogum._
Rhodokanakis (C.). De resolutione verborum.
Robertson (W.). Liber Psalmorum (Hebrew). 12º.
Spencer (J.). De legibus Hebraeorum. Fº.
_Statuta Academiae Cantabrigiensis._ 8º.
1686
Almanack (Wing). 8º.
Articles of Enquiry. 4º.
Homer. Iliad. 8º.
Lucretius. 12º.
[(?) Newton (Sir I.).] Tables for renewing College leases. 8º.
Novum Testamentum.
Robertson (W.). Manipulus Linguae Sanctae. 8º.
Schuler (J.). Exercitationes ad primam partem ... Philosophiae. 8º.
Sleidan (J.). De Quatuor Monarchiis. 12º.
Tertullianus, Apologeticus; Minucius Felix. 12º.
Thurlin (T.). Necessity of Obedience to Spiritual Government. 4º.
Turner (F.). Letter to Clergy of Ely. 4º.
Wolf (H.). Isocrates, Orationes et Epistolae. 12º.
1687
Almanacks (Fly, Pond). 8º.
Ovid. Metamorphoses. 8º.
Vincentius Lirinensis. Commonitorium. 12º.
1688
Almanacks (Culpepper, Dove, Pond, Wing). 8º.
Barnes (J.). History of Edward III. Fº.
Browne (T.). Concio ad Clerum. 4º.
B[ullokar] (J.). An English Expositor. 12º.
Castalio (S.). à Kempis, De Christo imitando. 12º.
Illustrissimi Principis Ducis Cornubiae Genethliacon. 4º.
Musae Cantabrigienses. Wilhelmo et Mariae. 4º.
Sanderson (R.). Casus Conscientiae Novem. 8º.
[Saywell (W.).] The Reformation justified. 4º.
" The Office of a Chaplain. 4º.
Valla (L.). De linguae Latinae elegantia. 8º.
Widdrington (R.). _Δεῖπνον καὶ Ἐπίδειπνον_. 12º.
1689
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Wing). 8º.
Fleetwood (W.). Sermon in King's College Chapel. 4º.
Homer. Iliad. 4º.
Launoius (J.). Erpistolae. Fº.
Musae Cantabrigienses. 4º.
1690
Fuller (S.). Canonica successio. 4º.
Hypomnemata didactica. 8º.
Milner (J.). De Nethinim sive Nethinaeis. 4º.
1691
Hanbury (N.). Supplementum analyticum ad aequationes Cartesianas. 4º.
Heyrick (T.). Miscellany Poems. 4º.
" Submarine Voyage. 4º.
Power (T.). Paradise Lost I (Latin). 4º.
Walker (T.). Divine Hymns. 4º.
1692
Almanacks (Swallow, Wing). 8º.
Anatomy of a Jacobite. 4º.
_De Meronvile_ (_P. C._). Cicero. Orationes Selectae (Delphini). 4º.
Edwards (J.). Enquiry into four remarkable texts of the N.T. 4º.
Eusebius, etc. Fº.
Minellius (J.). Terentius, Comoediae. 4º.
Saywell (W.). The necessity of adhering to the Church of England. 4º.
1693
A new dictionary in five alphabets. 4º.
Jeffery (J.). Sermon at Norwich. 4º.
Knatchbull (Sir N.). Annotations upon difficult texts of N.T. 8º.
Robertson (W.). Phraseologia generalis. 8º.
Russell (J.). Sermon. 4º.
Walker (T.). Assize Sermon. 4º.
1694
Almanacks (Pond, Swallow). 8º.
Barnes (J.). Euripides. Fº.
Elis (J.). Articulorum XXXIX Defensio. 12º.
Milner (J.). Defence of Archbishop Usher. 8º.
1695
Almanacks (Dove, Swallow). 8º.
Censorinus. De die natali. 8º.
Concordance. 12º.
Lacrymae Cantabrigienses in obitum Mariae. 4º.
Lily (W.). Short Introduction of Grammar. 8º.
Whitefoot (J.). A discourse on the power of charity. 8º.
1696
Almanacks (Culpepper, Dove, Pond, Wing). 8º.
Aristotle. De Poetica. 8º.
Busteed (M.). Orationes duae funebres. 12º.
1697
Aesop Naturaliz'd. 8º.
Prognostication (Fly). 8º.
1698
Almanack (Fly). 8º.
Hutchinson (F.). Commencement Sermon. 4º.
N[ewman] (S.). Concordance. Ed. 4. Fº.
Nourse (P.). Commencement Sermon. 4º.
Ovid. Metamorphoses. 8º.
Patrick (J.), Brady, and Tate. Psalms in metre. 8º.
1699
Almanacks (Culpepper, Dove, Fly, Pond, Swallow, Wing). 8º.
Cicero. Orationes (Delphini). 8º.
Edwards (J.). Commencement Sermon. 4º.
Leeds (E.). Methodus Graecam Linguam docendi. 8º.
Leng (J.). Sermon before the King at Newmarket. 4º.
Marsh (R.). Sermon at St Mary's. 4º.
Talbot (J.). Horatius. 4º.
Warren (Robt.). The Tablet of Cebes. 12º.
1700
Almanacks (Dove, Pond). 4º.
Bennet (T.). An Answer to the Dissenters' Pleas. Ed. 2. 8º.
Blackall (O.). Commencement Sermon. 4º.
Dillingham (W.). Vita Laurentii Chadertoni. 8º.
Edwards (J.). Contio et Determinatio pro gradu Doctoratus. 12º.
Gaskarth (J.). Commencement Sermon. 4º.
" Concio ad Clerum. 4º.
Hare (F.). Sermon at St Mary's. 4º.
Le Clerc (J.). Physica. 12º.
New Testament (Greek). 12º.
[? Newton (Sir I.).] Tables for leases. Ed. 2. 8º.
Philips (A.). Life of John Williams. 8º.
_Syntaxis et Prosodia._ 8º.
Winterton (R.). Poetae Minores Graeci. 8º.
1701
Alleyne (J.). Sermon at Loughborough. 4º.
Almanacks (Culpepper, Dove, Fly, Pond, Swallow, Wing). 8º.
Annesley (W. A.). Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius. 4º.
Bennet (T.). Confutation of Popery. Edd. 1 and 2. 8º.
" Answer to the Dissenters' Pleas. Ed. 3. 8º.
Cornwall (J.). Sermon at St Mary's. 4º.
Kettlewell (J.). Help to worthy communicating. Ed. 4. 8º.
_Kuster (L.). De Suida Diatribe._ 4º.
Laughton (J.). Vergilius, Bucolica, Georgica et Aeneis. 4º.
Leeds (E.). Veteres poetae citati ad P. Labbei sententiam. 12º.
Leng (J.). Terentius. Comoediae. Ed. 2. 12º.
Marsden (R.). Concio ad Clerum. 4º.
_Milner (J.). Animadversions upon Le Clerc's reflexions._
_Puffendorf (S.). De Officiis Hominis et Civis._ Ed. 6. 8º.
Talbot (J.). Horatius. Ed. 2. 12º.
1702
Almanacks (Culpepper, Dove, Fly, Pond, Swallow, Wing). 8º.
_Archbishop of Philippolis' Speech._
Beaumont (J.). Psyche. Ed. 2. Fº.
Bennet (T.). A Discourse of Schism. Edd. 1 and 2. 8º.
Curcellaeus (S.). Synopsis Ethices. 8º.
Descartes (R.). Ethice, in methodum et compendium. 8º.
Gassendus (P.). Institutio Astronomica. Ed. 6. 8º.
Laughton (J.). Vergilius, Bucolica, Georgica et Aeneis. Ed. 2. 4º.
Patrick (J.), Brady, and Tate. Psalms in Metre. 8º.
Stillingfleet (E.). Origines Sacrae. Ed. 7. Fº.
_Verses on the death of the King._
Whiston (W.). Chronology of the Old Testament.
" Harmony of the Four Evangelists. 4º.
1703
Bennet (T.). Defence of the Discourse of Schism. 8º.
" Answer to Mr Shepherd's considerations. 8º.
Cellarius (C.). Notitia orbis antiqui. 4º.
Crispinus (D.). Ovidius de Tristibus. 8º.
Davies (J.). Maximus Tyrius. 8º.
Grotius de jure Belli et Pacis, Epitome. Ed. 2. 8º.
Piers (W.). Euripides, Medea et Phoenissae. 8º.
Whiston (W.). Tacquet, Elementa Geometriae. 8º.
1704
Bennet (T.). A Discourse of Schism. Ed. 3. 8ºº.
" Answer to Mr Shepherd's considerations. Ed. 2. 8º.
" Defence of the Discourse of Schism. Ed. 2. 8º.
Cassianus Bassus. 8º.
Le Clerc (J.). Logica. Ed. 4. 12º.
Leeds (E.). Lucian. 8º.
Leng (J.). Sermon at consecration of St Catharine's Chapel. 4º.
Needham (P.). Geoponica. 8º.
Savage (J.). Sermon at Welwyn. 4º.
" Assize Sermon at Hertford. 4º.
Sherwill (T.). Sermon on SS. Simon and Jude. Ed. 2. 4º.
" University Sermon. 4º.
Willymot (W.). Peculiar use of certain Latin words. 8º.
1705
Barnes (J.). Anacreon. 12º.
" Anacreon Christianus. 8º.
Bennet (T.). Confutation of Quakerism. 8º.
_Cambridge Poll Book._ Fº.
Cicero. Epistolae Selectae. 8º.
Dawes (Sir W.). University Sermon. 4º.
_Jeffery (J.). Sermon._
Kuster (L.). Suidas. Lexicon. Fº.
Le Clerc (J.). Physica. Ed. 2. 8º.
Ovid. Tristia (Delphini). 8º.
St John (P.). Quatuor Orationes. 4º.
_Stephens. Sermon._
Tixier (J.). Epistolae. 8º.
Whiston (W.). Sermon at Trinity Church. 4º.
Willymot (W.). Peculiar Use of certain words in Latin Tongue. Ed. 2. 8º.
Woolston (T.). Old Apology revived. 8º.
1706
Bennet (T.). Confutation of Popery. Ed. 3. 8º.
Bouchery (W.). Hymnus Sacer e libro Judicum V. 4º.
Cicero. Orationes (Delphini). 8º.
Davies (J.). Caesar (Gr. and Lat.). 4º.
Dawson (J.). Lexicon to Greek Testament. 8º.
Ockley (S.). Introductio ad Linguas Orientales. 8º.
Snape (A.). Sermon before the Princess Sophia. 4º.
[Tudway (T.).] Anthems used in King's College Chapel. 8º.
Whiston (W.). Essay on Revelation of St John. 4º.
1707
Alleyne (J.). Sermon at Leicester. Ed. 2. 4º.
Almanacks (Dove, Pond, Wing). 8º.
[Bennet (T.).] Answer to the Dissenters' Pleas. Ed. 4. 8º.
" Necessity of Baptism. 8º.
Bentley (R.). Visitation Articles. 4º. (170 .)
Cannon (R.). Sermon before the Queen at Newmarket. 4º.
Davies (J.). Minucius Felix. 8º.
_Horatius cum lectionibus variis._ 12º.
[Jenkins.] Defensio S. Augustini. 8º.
Laughton (R.). Sheet of questions on Newtonian philosophy.
Newton (Sir I.). Arithmetica Universalis [ed. W. W.]. 8º.
Snape (A.). Commemoration Sermon in King's College Chapel. 4º.
_Virgilius ex edit. Emmesiana._
_Webb. Table of University Officers._
Whiston (W.). Praelectiones Astronomicae. 8º.
1708
Bennet (T.). Joint Use of precompos'd Forms of Prayer. Edd. 1 and 2. 8º.
" Discourse of Schism. Ed. 2. 8º.
_Christian Manual of Devotions._
_Johnson (T.). Sophocles, Antigone et Trachiniae. 8º._
Le Clerc (J.). Physica. Ed. 7. 12º.
_Waller. Sermon at Bishop Stortford._
Whiston (W.). Accomplishment of Scripture Prophecies. 8º.
" New Theory of the Earth. Ed. 2. 8º.
1709
Bennet (T.). A Confutation of Quakerism. Ed. 2. 8º.
Bentley (R.). Emendationes ad Ciceronis Tusculanas. 8º.
Davies (J.). Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes. 8º.
Needham (P.). Hierocles. 8º.
Sherwill (T.). Monarchy the best establishment. 4º.
_Verses on the death of the Prince._
_Walker. Divine Essays._
1710
Hughes (J.). Chrysostom de Sacerdotio. 8º.
Laughton (R.). Philosophical Questions.
N. (J.). Compendium of Trigonometry. 12º.
Wasse (J.). Sallustius. 4º.
Whiston (W.). Praelectiones Physico-Mathematicae. 8º.
" Tacquet, Elementa Geometriae. Ed. 2. 8º.
1711
Barnes (J.). Homer. 4º.
Bentley (R.). Horatius. 4º.
Brome (E.). Christian Fasting. 8º.
Green (R.). Demonstration of the truth of the Christian Religion. 8º.
_Herodotus, Vita Homeri._ 4º.
Laughton (R.). Mathematical Lectures.
1712
Davies (J.). Minucius Felix et Commodianus. 8º.
Duport (J.). and Needham (P.). Theophrastus, Characteres. 8º.
Green (R.). Principles of Natural Philosophy. 8º.
Hughes (J.). Chrysostom de Sacerdotio. Ed. 2. 8º.
Ockley (S.). Oratio Inauguralis. 4º.
_Peck. Essay on Study._
_Quaestio Medica._
Thirlby (S.). Answer to Whiston's 17 Suspicions. 8º.
Varenius (B.). Geographia generalis. 8º.
1713
[Bentley (R.).] Emendationes in Menandri et Philemonis Reliquias. 8º.
" Epistola de Johanne Malela. Ed. 2. 8º.
Bentley (T.). Notes on Bentley's Horace. 8º.
Drake (S.). Castilionis de Curiali sive Aulico. 8º.
_Jesus College Statutes._
Massey (E.). Plato, de Republica. 8º.
Newton (Sir I.). Principia Mathematica. Ed. 2. 4º.
Oldham (G.). Sermon at Bishop's Stortford. 4º.
Pycroft (S.). Enquiry into Free-thinking. 8º.
Thirlby (S.). Defense of the Answer to Whiston. 8º.
_Verses upon the Peace._
Waterland (D.). Assize Sermon. Edd. 1 and 2. 4º.
Whiston (W.). Reflexions. Ed. 2. 8º.
1714
Acad. Cant. Carmina Funebria et Triumphalia. Fº.
_Bachelors' Statutes._ 8º.
Potter (E.). Vindication of our Saviour's Divinity. 8º.
Pycroft (S.). Reflections on the Nature of Contentment. 8º.
Quaestiones una cum carminibus. 8º.
_Statutes of the University._ 8º.
_Varenius (B.). Geographia._ 8º.
Waller (J.). University Sermon. 4º.
1715
_Acts of Parliament._
Aspinwall (E.). Preservative against Popery. 8º.
Bentley (R.). Sermon on Popery. 8º.
_Clemens Alexandrinus._
_Green. Sermon at Canterbury._
_Innocency of Error._ Ed. 2.
_Puffendorf (S.). De Officio Hominis et Civis._ 8º.
[S. (J.).] Herodotus, Clio. 8º.
Sherlock (T.). Sermon (20 Nov. 1715). 4º.
_Tydall. Sermon._
_Wright. Sermon (5 Nov. 1715)._
1716
Browne (Sir T.). Christian Morals. 12º.
Fleetwood (W.). Charge to the Clergy. Edd. 1 and 2. 4º.
Lyng (W.). Sermon at Yarmouth. 4º.
Needham (P.). University Sermon. 8º.
Pearce (Z.). Cicero de Oratore. 8º.
Sturmy (D.). Discourses. 8º.
[Wake (W.).] Archbishop of Canterbury's Letter. 4º.
Waterland (D.). Thanksgiving Sermon. 8º.
Waterland (T.). Sermon on anniversary of King's accession. 8º.
1717
Bentley (R.). Boyle Lectures etc. 8º. (n.d.)
Laughton (R.). Sermon before the King at King's College Chapel. 2
eds. 8º.
1718
Bentley (R.). Boyle Lectures. 8º. (n.d.)
Bentley (T.). Cicero de Finibus, Paradoxa. 8º.
Colbatch (J.). Commemoration Sermon in Trinity College Chapel. 8º.
Crossinge (R.). Sermon (Peace and Joy). 8º.
Davies (J.). Cicero de Natura Deorum. 8º.
" Cicero de Finibus. 8º.
" Lactantius. Epitome. 8º.
Whitfield (J.). Assize Sermon at Ely. 8º.
Wotton (H.). Clemens Romanus. 8º.
1719
_Booth. Friendly Advice to Anabaptists._
Elegiae Tristes ad pudicitiam exhortantes. 8º.
Needham (P.). Hierocles. 8º.
Plaifere (J.) and others. Tracts concerning Predestination. 8º.
Waterland (D.). A vindication of Christ's divinity. Edd. 1 and 2. 8º.
1720
_Cambridge Concordance._ Fº.
Descartes (R.). Ethice. 8º.
[_Gastrell (F.)._] _Bishop of Chester's Case._
Reading (W.). Valesius, Eusebius, etc. Fº.
Waterland (D.). An answer to Dr Whitby's reply. 8º.
" Eight sermons. Edd. 1 and 2. 8º.
" Vindication of Christ's divinity. Ed. 3. 8º.
1721
Barnes (J.). Anacreon. Ed. 2. 12º.
Davies (J.). Cicero, De Divinatione. 8º.
Maichelius (D.). Introductio ad Historiam Literariam. 8º.
Waterland (D.). Arian Subscription. Edd. 1 and 2. 8º.
" Vindication of Christ's divinity. Ed. 4. 8º.
" Sermon at St Paul's. 8º.
1722
Cotes (R.). Harmonia Mensurarum. 4º.
Covel (J.). Account of Greek Church. Fº.
Davies (J.). Cicero, De officiis. 8º.
Jortin (J.). Lusus Poetici. 4º.
King (J.). Epistola ad J. Friend. 8º.
Smith (J.). Beda, Historia Ecclesiastica. Fº.
Waterland (D.). Supplement to Arian Subscription. 8º.
Whiston (W.). Tacquet, Elementa Geometriae. Ed. 3. 8º.
Whitfield (J.). Visitation Sermon at Ely. 8º.
1723
Davies (J.). Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes. Ed. 2. 8º.
" De Natura Deorum. Ed. 2. 8º.
_Hare (F.). Cicero (Manutii)._
Leng (J.). Terentius. Ed. 3. 12º.
Markland (J.). Epistola critica ad F. Hare. 8º.
Middleton (C). Bibliothecae Cantabrigiensis Ordinandae Methodus. 4º.
Piers (W.). Euripides, Medea et Phoenissae. Ed. 2. 8º.
_Short Introduction to Grammar, for the use of Bury School._
1724
Bentley (R.). Boyle Lecture Sermons. Ed. 5. 8º.
Doughty (G.). Sermon in King's College Chapel. Edd. 1 and 2. 4º.
Drake (S.). Concio ad Clerum. 4º.
[Gooch.] Caius College Statutes. 8º.
_Harding (C.). Vida, Poetica._
_Hennebert (C.). Terence in French and Latin._
Newcome (J.). University Sermon. Edd. 1 and 2. 4º.
Parne (T.). Sermon at Bedford. 4º.
_Rolfe (T.). Syllabus of Anatomy._
Shuckford (S.). Sermon at Norwich. 4º.
Waterland (D.). Critical History of Athanasian Creed. 8º.
Whitfield (J.). Sermon at St Mary's. 80.
1725
Bentley (R.). Remarks upon a late Discourse of Free-Thinking. Ed. 6. 8º.
Davies (J.). Cicero, Academica. 8º.
Dawson (J.). Lexicon to Greek Testament. Ed. 2. 8º.
Harris (S.). Oratio Inauguralis. 4º.
Poll for Knights of the Shire of the County of Cambridge.
Whitfield (J.). University Sermon. 8º.
1726
Arnald (R.). Sermon at Bishop Stortford. 4º.
Bentley (R.). Terentius, Phaedrus, Publilius Syrus. 4º.
Davies (J.). Curae Secundae in Caesaris Commentarios. 8º.
King (J.). Euripides, Hecuba, Orestes, Phoenissae. 8º.
Knight (S.). Life of Erasmus. 8º.
Paris (J.). Miscellanea Practico-Theoretica. 8º.
1727
Academiae Luctus in Obitum Georgii I. Fº.
Chappelow (L.). Spencer, De legibus Hebraorum. Fº.
Davies (J.). Cicero, De legibus. 8º.
" Caesar, Opera. 8º.
Green (R.). Expansive and Contractive Forces. Fº.
Inglis (A.). Bentivoglio's Lettres in Italian. 8º.
Stebbing (H.). Polemical Tracts. Fº.
1728
_Aristotle, Poetica (Ed. Goulstoniana 2)._
Battie (W.). Aristotelis Rhetorica. 8º.
Blomfield (B.). University Sermon. 8º.
Davies (J.). Cicero, De finibus. 8º.
_Edwards. Poem on Copernican System._
Hough (T.). Sermon at St Paul's School. 4º.
Long (R.). Commencement Sermon. Edd. 1 and 2. 4º.
[Newcome (S.).] Enquiry into evidence of Christian Religion. 8º.
_Objections against Book of Daniel considered._
Waterland (D.). Critical History of Athanasian Creed. Ed. 2. 8º.
1729
Baker (W.). Sermon preached at Lichfield. 4º.
Battie (W.). Isocrates. 8º.
Cicero, Orationes (Delphini). 8º.
Disney (J.). View of Ancient Laws against Immorality. Fº.
Knight (S.). Spittall Sermon at St Bridget's. 4º.
Stebbing (H.). Defence of Confirmation. 4º.
Warren (M.). Epistle on Abuse of Bark in Fevers. 4º.
1730
Davies (J.). Cicero de Divinatione. Ed. 2. 8º.
" " Tusculanae. Ed. 3. 8º.
" " _Philosophica_. 8º.
Kent (N.). Excerpta ex Luciani operibus. 8º.
Quaestiones una cum carminibus. 8º.
[Waterland (D.).] Advice to a young student. Ed. 2. 8º.
1731
[Chapman (J.).] Remarks on a letter to Dr Waterland. 8º.
[Gretton (P.).] Concio ad Clerum. 8º.
Johnson (T.). On Moral Obligation. 8º.
" University Sermon. 8º.
Law (E.). King's Origin of Evil. 4º.
Mounteney (R.). Demosthenes, Selectae orationes. 8º.
Trevigar (L.). Conic Sections. 4º.
[Waterland (D.).] Scripture Vindicated. Pt. II. 8º.
Welchman (E.). Tertullianus de Trinitate Liber. 8º.
1732
[Chapman (J.).] Remarks on Christianity as old as Creation. 8º.
Common Prayer. 8º.
Cotes (R.). Harmonia Mensurarum. 4º.
_Crossinge (S.). Sermon before King William at Newmarket._ 2 eds. 4º.
Davies (J.). Cicero de Natura Deorum. 8º.
Gretton (P.). Condones duae. 8º.
[Johnson (T.).] Quaestiones Philosophicae. 12º.
Pearce (Z.). Cicero, De Oratore. Ed. 2. 8º.
University Statutes. 8º.
1733
Chapman (J.). Remarks on Christianity as old as Creation. 8º.
Colbatch (J.). Marriage-treaty between Charles II and Catherine. 4º.
Collection of Poems. 8º.
Common Prayer. 8º.
Davies (J.). Cicero, De Natura Deorum. Ed. 3. 8º.
Gratulatio Acad. Cantab. Principis Auriaci nuptias celebrantis. Fº.
_Markland (F.) and Hare (F.). Epistola Critica._ 8º.
1734
Chapman (J.). Examination of Sykes on Phlegon. 8º.
Clarke (Joseph). Further Examination of Dr Clarke on Space. 8º.
Clarkson (C). Visitation Sermon at Melton Mowbray. 4º.
Guarini (G. B.). Il Pastor Fido. 4º.
Johnson (T.). Letter to Mr Chandler. 8º.
Law (E.). Enquiry into the ideas of Space, Time, etc. 8º.
Mason (C.). Oratio Woodwardiana. 4º.
Rowning (J.). Natural Philosophy. Pt. I. 8º.
1735
[?Arbuthnot (J.).] Critical Remarks on Gulliver's Travels. 8º.
Bentley (R.). Boyle Lecture Sermons. Ed. 6. 8º.
Chapman (J.). Re-examination of Phlegon. 8º.
Johnson (T.). Puffendorf de Officiis. 12º.
" Quaestiones Philosophicae. Ed. 2. 12º.
Kerrich (S.). Commencement Sermon. 8º.
_Kynnesman. Latin Grammar._ Ed. 2.
Lyons (I.). Hebrew Grammar. 8º.
Middleton (C.). Origin of Printing in England. 4º.
Pastoral poem on the death of Lord How at Barbados. Fº.
Rowning (J.). Natural Philosophy, Pt. II. 8º.
Waterland (D.). Discourse of Fundamentals. 8º.
1736
Davies (J.). Cicero, Academica. Ed. 2. 8º.
Gratulatio Acad. Walliae Principis nuptias celebrantis. Fº.
Pigg (T.). Assize Sermon at Thetford. 4º.
Warren (R.). Answer to Plain Account of Sacrament [by B. Hoadly]. 8º.
1737
Arnald (R.). Sermon at Leicester. 4º.
Bentley (R.). Remarks upon a late Discourse of Free-Thinking. Ed. 7. 8º.
Catalogue of Mr Johnson's books.
Muscut (J.). Visitation Sermon at Bedford.
Warren (R.). Appendix to Answer. 8º.
Waterland (D.). Review of Doctrine of Eucharist. 8º.
1738
Catalogue for a sale of books by Thurlbourn.
Davies (J.). Cicero, Disputationes Tusculanae. Ed. 4. 8º.
Lyons (I.). Hebrew Grammar. Ed. 2. 8º.
[Newcome (S.).] Nature and end of the Sacrament. 8º.
Pietas Acad. in funere Principis Wilhelminae Carolinae. Fº.
Smith (R.). Compleat System of Opticks. 4º.
Williams (P.). University Sermon. 4º.
1739
Chapman (J.). Eusebius or the true Christian's Defense. 8º.
[Colbatch (J.).] Treatise for altering the present method of letting
leases. 8º.
Cradock (J.). University Sermon. 4º.
Dunthorne (R.). Astronomy of the Moon. 8º.
Law (E.). King, Origin of Evil. Ed. 3. 8º.
Weston (W.). Two Sermons. 8º.
1740
Saunderson (N.). Elements of Algebra. 4º.
Taylor (J.). Lysias. 8º.
" Appendix to Suidas.
1741
Chapman (J.). De aetate Ciceronis de legibus. 8º.
Colbatch (J.). The Case of Proxies. 8º.
Davies (J.). Cicero de Finibus. Var. Ed. 2. 8º.
" de Divinatione. Ed. 3. 8º.
" de Legibus. 8º.
Davies (R.). Memoirs of Dr Nicholas Saunderson. 4º.
Garnett (J.). Assize Sermon. 4º.
Johnson (T.). Quaestiones Philosophicae. Ed. 3. 8º.
Keill (J.). Introductio ad veram Physicam. Ed. 6. 8º.
Squire (S.). Defense of the Antient Greek Chronology. 8º.
" The Ancient History of the Hebrews. 8º.
Taylor (J.). Demosthenes. Vol. III. 4º.
_The Inward Call to the Holy Ministry._
Tunstal (J.). Epistola ad C. Middleton. 8º.
1742
Abridgement of Acts of Parliament relating to Excise. 8º.
Catalogue of Duplicates in Royal Library. 8º.
Long (R.). Astronomy. Vol. i. 4º.
Taylor (J.). Commentarius ad Legem Xviralem. 4º.
1743
Bally (G.). Solomon de Mundi Vanitate. 4º.
[Bentley (R.).] Remarks on a late discourse of Free-thinking. Ed. 8. 8º.
Bible. 12º.
Common Prayer. 8º.
" " 12º.
" " 32º.
Law (E.). Assize Sermon, Carlisle. 8º.
Newcome (J.). Sermon before the House of Commons. 4º.
Richardson ( ). Godwin. De praesulibus Angliae. Fº.
Rutherforth (T.). Ordo Institutionum Physicarum. 4º.
Smart (C). Carmen Alex. Pope in S. Caeciliam. Fº.
Taylor (J.). Demosthenes in Midiam et Lycurgus contra Leocratem. 8º.
" Marmor Sandvicense. 4º.
Wesley (S.). Poems. Ed. 2. 8º.
1744
Butler (S.). Hudibras. 2 vols. 8º.
Davies (J.). Cicero de Natura deorum. Ed. 4. 8º.
Grey (Z.). Review of Neal's History of the Puritans. 8º.
Rutherforth (T.). Nature and obligations of virtue. 4º.
Squire (S.). Plutarchus de Iside et Osiride. 8º.
Sternhold (T.). The Whole Book of Psalms. 32º.
1745
Bennet (P.). University Sermon. 8º.
Common Prayer. Fº.
" " 8º.
" " 12º.
Davies (J.). Cicero de Legibus. Ed. 2. 8º.
Dawes (R.). Miscellanea Critica. 8º.
Elstobb (W.). Pernicious consequences of replacing Sluices. 8º.
Garnett (J.). Commemoration Sermon. 4º.
Law (E.). Considerations on the state of the world. 8º.
_Tryal of Jeroms and Footman._ 8º.
Warner (M.). Sermon on the present rebellion. 8º.
" Fast Sermon. 8º.
Williams (P.). Sermon at Starston. 8º.
1746
[A Divine.] Nature and Necessity of Catechising. 8º.
Bateman (W.). Concio ad Clerum. 4º.
Bible (Welsh). 8º.
Kerrich (S.). Thanksgiving Sermon. 8º.
Knowles (T.). The existence and attributes of God. 8º.
Mays (C.). Thanksgiving Sermon. 8º.
[Powell.] Heads of Lectures in Experimental Philosophy. 8º.
Psalms (Welsh). 8º.
Rutherforth (T.). Determinatio Quaestionis Theologicae. 4º.
" Sermon before the House of Commons.
Smart (C). Carmen Alex. Pope in S. Caeciliam Latine redditum. Ed. 2. 4º.
Warner (M.). Thanksgiving Sermon. 8º.
Warren (Rich.). Mutual duty of minister and people. 4º.
Weston (W.). Rejection of Christian Miracles by Heathens. 8º.
" Moral impossibility of conquering England. 8º.
1747
Bible, 12º.
Cotes (R.). Hydrostatical and Pneumatical Lectures. Ed. 2. 8º.
Heathcote (R.). Historia Astronomiae. 8º.
Taylor (J.). Demosthenes. 8º.
1748
Brooke (Z.). Defensio Miraculorum. 4º.
Common Prayer. Fº.
" " 12º. (2 eds.)
Goodall (H.). Duties attending a proper discharge of the Ministry. 4º.
Gratulatio Acad. Cant. de reditu Georgii II. Fº.
Rutherforth (T.). System of Natural Philosophy. 2 vols. 4º.
Sternhold (T.). The Whole Book of Psalms. 12º. (2 eds.)
Weston (W.). On the remarkable wonders of antiquity. 8º.
1749
Beaumont (J.). Poems. 4º.
Bennet (P.). Two University Sermons. 8º.
Fauchon (J.). A publick lecture to La Butte. 4º.
Green (J.). Commencement Sermon. 4º.
Law (E.)· Considerations on the state of the world. Ed. 2. 8º.
" Discourse upon the life of Christ. 8º.
Mason [W.]. Installation Ode. 4º.
Moody (S.). Concio Academica. 8º.
[Ross (J.).] Cicero, Epistolae. 8º.
Smith (R.). Harmonics. 8º.
Sternhold (T.). The Whole Book of Psalms. 12º.
Taylor (J.). Sermon at Bishop-Stortford. 4º.
1750
Chapman (T.). On the Roman Senate. 8º.
Common Prayer. 12º.
[Grey (Z.).] Historical account of Earthquakes. 8º.
Hubbard (H.). Sermon at Ipswich. 4º.
Knowles (T.). Existence and Attributes of God. 8º.
[Masters (R).]. List of ... members of Corpus Christi College. 4º.
Michell (J.). Treatise of artificial magnets. 8º.
Rutherforth (T.). Defence of [Sherlock's] discourses. Edd. 1 and 2. 8º.
Smart (C). On the Eternity of the Supreme Being. 4º.
INDEX
Abendana, I., 72
Acton, Lord, 148, 149
Adams, Sir T., 54
Aldrich, R., 4
Andrewes, L., 60
Anstey, C., 105
Archdeacon, J., 111-118
Bacon, Francis, 29, 35
Baker, T., 146
Baldwin, Archbp., 11
Barker, C., 32, 33, 68
Barker, M., 68
Barnes, J., 73, 92
Barrow, I., 67, 146
Baskerville, J., 106-111
Baskett, J., 104
Bathurst, C., 102 ff.
Beale, J., 36
Bede, 60
Bentham, E., 102
Bentham, James, 101-105
Bentham, Joseph, 101-111
Bentley, R., 74-93
Blomfield, C. J., 134
Blore, E., 131 ff.
Bowes, R., 12, 13, 55, 59, 63
Bowyer, W., 112
Brewster, E., 53
Breynans, P., 16
Brooke, T., 44
Brown, E. W., 144
Browne, I. H., 118
Browne, Sir T., 93
Brownrigg, R., 42
Buck, F., 48, 75
Buck, J., 47-53, 59, 62, 63, 70
Buck, T., 44-59, 62, 70, 75
Bullock, H., 8, 11
Burges, J., 116-119
Burghley, Lord, 23, 32
Caius, Dr, 6
Camden, Marquess, 129 ff., 136
Cantaber, 1
Carter, E., 1, 2
Caxton, W., 1, 2
Cayley, A., 148
Charles I, 45
Charles II, 65, 68, 70
Charters, Printing, 19-20, 45
Clarendon, Lord, 68
Clark, J. W., 148
Clay, C. F., 143, 151
Clay, C. J., 142, 143, 145
Clay, J., 142, 143
Clowes, W., 136
Coke, Sir E., 20
Colbatch, J., 86
Cole, W., 50, 104
Colet, J., 15
Collyer, J., 72
Cotes, R., 85
Cowell, J., 43
Cox, G., 145
Crashaw, R., 56, 70
Croke, R., 3, 4
Cromwell, O., 61, 65
Crosse, T., 86
Crownfield, C., 73-101
Crownfield, J., 101
Cudworth, R., 60, 65
Daniel, R., 48-61
Davies, J., 88, 92
Day, J., 31, 32
Deighton, J., 117, 120
Dillingham, W., 69
Dilly, E., 113
Donne, J., 56
Duff, E. G., 3, 4, 7, 8, 14
Dyer, G., 73, 127
Elizabeth, 30, 31, 41
Erasmus, 3 ff., 17, 72
Fenner, M., 98, 99
Fenner, W., 95-99
Field, J., 63-70, 74
Fisher, J., 1, 4, 5, 12, 13
Flesher, M., 53
Fletcher, G., 42, 55
Fletcher, P., 41, 55
Freind, W., 116
Fuller, T., 2, 15, 20, 41, 56, 60, 65
Galen, 12
Ged, W., 95 ff.
Gibbs, J., 105
Godfrey, G., 17, 21
Gooch, B., 35
Graves, W., 62
Gray, G. J., 4, 18, 111
Gray, T., 5, 105, 116, 117
Green, R., 92
Greene, L., 44, 46, 47
Grey, Z., 105
Hamilton, Adams & Co., 145
Hansard, T., 129, 134
Hardy, J., 15
Hare, F., 84, 138
Harraden, R., 119
Harvey, W., 60
Hayes, J., 70-73
Heitland, W. E., 146
Henry VIII, 19, 45
Herbert, G., 56
Hodson, F., 120
Holdsworth, R., 61
Holme, R., 81
Hurd, R., 105
Innys, W., 91
Isola, A., 117
Jackson, J., 73
James I, 36, 37, 39, 42
James, J., 96 ff.
James, T., 96 ff.
Janssen, Sir T., 88
Jebb, Sir R. C., 148
Jenkes, H., 73
Jones, T., 117
Jugge, J., 31
Kaetz, P., 3, 14
Kelvin, Lord, 146, 148
Kilburne, W., 67
Kingston, J., 22, 31
Kipling, T., 116
Knight, S., 92
Kuster, L., 77, 87 ff.
La Butte, R., 112, 117
Lamb, J., 129
Leathes, Sir S., 16, 149
Le Clerc, J., 92
Legate, J. (the elder), 30-34, 75
Legate, J. (the younger), 53, 62, 63, 75
Legge, C., 34 ff.
Lily, W., 14, 34, 38, 45, 46, 113
Long, R., 105
Love, R., 65
Ludlam, W., 118
Luther, M., 13
Lyons, I., 92
Maclear, G. F., 147
Maitland, F. W., 2, 148
Margaret, The Lady, 4, 5, 16
Marshe, T., 31
Martin, H., 73
Martyn, T., 117
Mason, A., 144
Mason, W., 105
Masters, R., 105, 117
Maundeville, Lord, 38
Mawe, L., 36
Mayor, J. E. B., 146
Mead, R., 53
Merrill, T., 92, 113
Middleton, C., 85
Milner, I., 120 ff.
Milton, J., 58
Monk, J. H., 74 ff., 134, 138
More, H., 60
Mullinger, J. B., 4, 10, 145, 146
Nasmith, J., 117
Nevile, T., 42
Newcomb, R., 120
Newton, Sir I., 85, 90, 92, 93
Nichols, J., 112
Nicholson, S., 18, 19, 21
Noke, R., 21
Nutter, J., 128
Ockley, S., 92
Ogden, S., 116
Owen, D., 42
Owen, J., 87 ff.
Oxford, Printing at, 2, 120, 123
Parker, J., 53
Parker, J. W., 136-141
Parris, F. S., 103
Peace, J. B., 143
Pearson, J., 69
Peck, J., 73
Pepys, S., 60, 67
Perkins, W., 41, 44
Perowne, J. J. S., 146, 147
Perse, S., 41
Piers, W., 92
Pilgrim, N., 21
Pindar, J. (i), 73
Pindar, J. (ii), 73, 95
Pitt, W., 117, 129 ff.
Plumptre, R., 116
Porter, J., 34
Prior, M., 82
Prothero, Sir G. W., 149
Pulleyn, O., 62
Quarles, F., 60
Randal, J., 116
Ray, J., 68, 70
Rayleigh, Lord, 148
Reynolds, O., 148
Rivington, J., 113, 114, 134, 145
Roberts, W. H., 105
Rogers, B., 143
Sandys, Sir J. E., 146
Scholefield, J., 134, 146
Scrivener, F. H. A., 146, 147
Seeley, G., 142, 145
Seres, W., 31
Sewall, S., 72
Shelton, T., 60
Sheres, P., 21
Siberch, J., 2-14, 15, 20
Sidgwick, A., 146
Sigebert, 1
Smart, C., 105
Smith, Sir G. A., 147
Smith, J., 128-136
Smith, W. Robertson, 147, 148
Somerset, Duke of, 75, 76
Spencer, J., 65
Speryng, N., 12, 14, 17, 18, 21
Spierinck. _See_ Speryng
Squire, S., 105
Stanhope, Earl, 122
Stationers' Company, 22 ff., 30 ff., 43, 44, 51, 53, 62, 65, 68, 69,
95, 113
Stationers, University, 15 ff.
Stokes, Sir G. G., 148
Stokes, M., 104
Sylvester, J. J., 148
Tabor, J., 7, 35, 36
Tait, P. G., 146, 148
Talbot, J., 77
Taylor, J., 77, 92, 105
Thomas, T., 22-29, 32, 34, 41, 75
Tidder, J., 33, 34
Tothill, R., 31
Travers, W., 25
Usher, Archbp., 54
Verity, A. W., 146
Wakefield, G., 116
Waller, A. R., 150, 151
Walpole, H., 109
Ward, Sir A. W., 149, 150
Warde, S., 36
Watts, R., 122-128, 134
Waugh, J., 113
Weaver, E., 49, 51
Wendy, T., 18
Wesley, J., 117
West, N., 11
Westminster Abbey, 3, 14, 147
Whewell, W., 146
Whinn, M., 70
Whiston, W., 92
Whitaker, W., 22, 23
Whitgift, Archbp., 25-27
William IV, 136
Willis, R., 148
Willymot, W., 42
Wilson, A., 122-127
Wolsey, Cardinal, 8, 17, 19, 21
Wordsworth, W., 117
Wren, M., 41
Wright, R. T., 151
Wright, W. A., 148
Young, R., 53
CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY J. B. PEACE, M.A., AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS
FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Cambridge Historical Register_, pp. 1, 168.
[2] The binding of a copy of this book in Lincoln Cathedral is almost
certainly the work of Siberch.
[3] See below, p. 14.
[4] See G. J. Gray, _John Siberch_ (1921).
[5] John Tabor, Registrary from 1600 to 1645, wrote in 1620: "John
Seberch a printer of the University of Cambridge was the first that
printed in England in greeke letter" (Registry MS 33. 2. 17).
[6] _Grace Book_ Γ
[7] Mullinger, I, 546.
[8] The Bury St Edmund's copy is now lost.
[9] See also _Grace Book A_, p. 117, where there is the following item
in the proctors' accounts for 1476-7:
Item stacionario pro toga xiijˢ iiijͩ
[10] Cooper, _Annals_, I, 262.
[11] "Garard et spierinck" were sureties for Jerome Leonard, the
Carmelite, in 1520-1 (_Grace Book B_, p. 91). In the same volume it
is recorded that Garrett Godfrey bound a book for Cardinal Wolsey in
1528-9 (p. 152).
[12] The oak panelling and carved mantelpiece belonging to this ancient
house have recently been removed to the new Combination room at
Magdalene College (A. B. Gray, _Cambridge revisited_, p. 46).
[13] See G. F. Browne, _C.A.S. Proc._ III, 407.
[14] Cooper, _Annals_, I, 329.
[15] Abbreviated translation quoted from Cooper, _Annals_, Ii, 368.
Cooper, however, has "Chancellor _and_ his vicegerent _or_ three
doctors" in one place, and Wordsworth (_Scholae Academicae_, p. 378)
copies his mistake.
[16] Gray and Palmer, _Wills of Cambridge Printers_, pp. 10-30.
[17] MS Baker XXIX, 374, quoted in Cooper, _Annals_, II, 357.
[18] Cooper, _Annals_, II, 393.
[19] Cooper, _Annals_, II, 400.
[20] Cooper, _Annals_, II, 425.
[21] See Appendix II.
[22] Gray and Palmer, _Wills of Cambridge Printers_, pp. 70, 71.
[23] Strype, _Annals of the Reformation_, IV, 51, quoted in Cooper,
_Annals_, II, 491.
[24] Registry MS 33. 2. 1.
[25] Arber, _Stat. Reg._ III, 88.
[26] _The Foundation of the Christian Religion_, by W. Perkins (1601),
was printed for John Porter only.
[27] Arber, _Stat. Reg._ II, 157.
[28] Herbert's _Remains_, 217, 218, quoted in Cooper, _Annals_, III,
138, 139.
[29] Registry MS 33. 2. 23.
[30] Registry MSS 33. 2. 19, 95.
[31] Tabor kept a careful account of the expenses of the visit. The
following is a typical extract:
Sunday night supper Brest of mutton xviijd Salletts iiijd Pullett xxiid
Larkes xviijd Cheese ijd Wine and tobacco xvjd bred and bere xxd
sum viijs iiijd
Buttord Alle ijs Suger iiijd bere xd fyre ijs vid
vs xd (Registry MS 33. 2. 29)
[32] Registry MS 33. 1. 6.
[33] Registry MSS 33. 2. 2-67. See also _Scintilla_, a tract of 1641
reprinted in Arber, _Stat. Reg._ (IV, 35), and Darlow and Moule (I,
189) and containing "a remarkable testimony to the never-ending
competition in the book trade."
[34] Registry MSS 33. 6. 8 and 33. 2. 95.
[35] Registry MS 33. 6. 15.
[36] _Ibid._ 33. 1. 6.
[37] Registry MS 33. 6. 15.
[38] Oak panelling, formerly part of this inn, has been preserved. (See
A. B. Gray, _Cambridge revisited_, p. 102.)
[39] This amount is also referred to in Registry MSS 33. 2. 95 and 33.
6. 9 as having been printed between September, 1625, and February,
1626. From the same documents it appears that the normal output of a
press at this time was 900 reams per annum.
[40] Registry MS 33. 1. 21.
[41] The king's printer.
[42] Before his election at Cambridge Daniel was already acting for
Thomas Buck. The Articles of Agreement between the Bucks and Edmund
Weaver (see p. 51) were written by him and the payments made by Weaver
to him (Registry MS 33. 1. 13).
[43] Registry MSS 33. 1. 15 and 33. 6. 15. The "gathering of mulcts
and the arresting Masters of Artes in his walke and transcribing of
combinations for his said walke" were excepted from the duties which
John took over from his brother.
[44] Registry MS 33. 1. 19.
[45] MSS Cole, xliii, 260. For other pictures of the house see Cranage
and Stokes, _The Augustinian Friary in Cambridge_ (_C.A.S. Proc._ XXII.
53). The house was used as the headquarters of the King's army in 1647
(_Extract from certain papers of intelligence from Cambridge_, 1647).
"The report is" says the writer of the letter "that it will be this
night [7 June] the King's quarters."
[46] Registry MS 33. 6. 15.
[47] Registry MS 33. 1. 22.
[48] Registry MS 33. 1. 23.
[49] _Ibid._ 33. 1. 24.
[50] Arber (_Stat. Reg._ v, xxx) notes that "in Charles I's reign there
came a new development in the trade: Robert Young, Miles Flesher and
John Haviland formed themselves into a Syndicate, and became privately
the real owners of Printing businesses carried on ostensibly in other
people's names."
[51] Afterwards university printer (see p. 62).
[52] _Humble Proposals_ (Registry MS 33. 6. 25). The bible of 1638
remained the standard text until 1762 (Darlow and Moule, I, 182). Isaac
Barrow also paid a tribute to Buck in his _Mathematic Lectures_:
He, with the loss of his health and money, took the greatest care of
the University Press, out of regard to the honour of it: and with what
types he printed, especially the sacred writings, all posterity will
admire (Stokes, _Esquire Bedells_, 97).
[53] Parr, _Life of Usher_, pp. 342, 343.
[54] Registry MS 33. 6. 16.
[55] Bowes, in a note on _Pietas Acad. Cant. in funere ... Carolinae_
(1738), says: "This appears to be the first occasion on which Arabic
types were available at the Univ. Press, as up to 1736 all verses in
that language were printed in Hebrew characters" (_Catalogue_, p. 121).
[56] He was 17th in the _Ordo Senioritatis_ of 1612-13; George Herbert
was 2nd in the same year.
[57] Reprinted at the Dublin University Press, 1835.
[58] His two colleagues in this office were his brother John (elected
1626) and Francis Hughes (elected 1629). By a grace of 5 December,
1664, the three bedells, "being all old and infirm," were allowed a
deputy. The number of bedells was reduced to two in 1858. See also p.
49.
[59] For details of Buck's activities outside the Press, see Stokes,
_Esquire Bedells_, 96-99. He had a special pew in St Edward's and was
buried in that church.
[60] Registry MS 33. 1. 27. Cf. Bowes, _Biog. Notes_, p. 303, "He
[Buck] is said to have resigned in 1653." This agreement makes it clear
that Buck sold, but did not resign, his printing rights in 1653.
[61] Legate's only benefaction to the university seems to have been the
gift of _Annotations upon the Bible_ (a two-volume work printed by him
in London in 1651) to the University Library.
[62] Field and Hills, another Republican who was his partner.
[63] Arber, _Stat. Reg._ III, 27.
[64] Registry MS 33. 6. 22.
[65] A copy was brought to Samuel Pepys in quires by his bookbinder
on 27 May, 1667. "But," writes Pepys, "it is like to be so big that I
shall not use it."
[66] Registry MS 33. 6. 27.
[67] Probably William Dillingham, Master of Emmanuel College.
[68] Registry MS 33. 2. 106.
[69] Registry MS 33. 1. 26.
[70] _Steinschneider Festschrift_, p. 90, brought to my notice by Mr
Israel Abrahams.
[71] Registry MS 33. 1. 32.
[72] Massachusetts Historical Society, 1878, quoted in Bowes, _Biog.
Notes_, p. 309.
[73] In 1699 _The Tablet of Cebes_ was printed by Crownfield for
Pindar, who held one of the printer's patents until 1730, receiving a
salary of £5 per annum. See p. 95.
[74] Monk, _Life of Bentley_, p. 56.
[75] This was paid back by 10 Dec. 1697 (_Press Accounts_, 1697).
[76] "52 Alphabetts, or Setts of Printing Letters, Call'd Types" for
the University Press were brought to Harwich in the Bridgeman Sloope
from Brill on 28 January, 1698 (_Press Accounts_, 1698).
[77] See Carter, 469; Willis and Clark, III, 133; Bowes, _Biog. Notes_,
314. Some of the items of expenditure upon the new Press have been
preserved in remarkable detail. Robert Smith's account of 12 October,
1696, for carpenter's work, consists of about 80 items.
[78] This book is, most unfortunately, not now to be found. The
extracts, therefore, are necessarily taken from Wordsworth, _Scholae
Academicae_ (Appendix IX).
[79] This Dˢ Penny had been placed second in the _Ordo Senioritatis_ of
1697-98 and was paid 9ͩ per sheet (i.e. one sixth of the compositor's
allowance) for his revision of the proofs.
[80] Copy-money was the money granted in lieu of copies of books, to
which the workmen were originally entitled.
[81] Hone, _Everyday Book_, Ii, 1133.
[82] _Notices et Extraits des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi_,
1787, I, xciii ff.
[83] The Knightbridge professorship, founded in 1683, was originally
described as that of "Moral Theology or Casuisticall Divinity."
[84] Registry MSS 33. 6. 31, 32.
[85] Bowes, _C. A. S. Proc._ VI, 362 and _Biographical Notes_ (Errata).
[86] Crownfield had also purchased a press from Owen in 1703 for the
sum of £11 16_s_ 6_d_ (_Press Accounts_, 1702-3).
[87] _Correspondence of Bentley_, ed. Wordsworth, I. 245.
[88] Registry MS 33. 6. 33.
[89] Registry MS 33. 6. 35.
[90] Bowes, _C. A. S. Proc._ VI, 364.
[91] Registry MSS 33. 6. 36, 37.
[92] The university and town entertained Queen Anne on 16 April, 1705,
when the conduits ran with wine and Isaac Newton was knighted (Cooper,
IV, 71, 72).
[93] This number seems to have been increased to "3 or 400" (Registry
MS 33. 6. 83).
[94] William Innys, referred to by Hume as "the great bookseller in
Paul's Churchyard." Samuel Johnson, in his will, left £200 to be
paid to his representatives. The Thomas Johnson who assisted in the
negotiations between Innys and the university (Registry MS 33. 6. 77)
may have been Johnson's cousin.
[95] Registry MS 33. 6. 83.
[96] _Ibid._ 33. 6. 86.
[97] Registry MSS 33. 6. 39, 44. Cf. also the _Memoranda_ of Thomas
Sherlock (B.M. Add. MSS 5822. 237):
They have now let their Right of printing Bibles, Almanacks etc. to the
Company of Stationers for 210_l_ per annum. The money is constantly and
well paid by the Clerk of the Company. There is likewise an uncertain
Revenue arising from our Press at home, the accounts of which are
audited at the general audit.
[98] Registry MS 33. 6. 45. The Jonathan Pindar referred to is the
second printer of that name. (See p. 73.) He also worked at the
University Library and his account for 1713 includes charges for pens,
ink, paper, mops, brooms, cleaning books, scouring the brass gloab,
ringing St Mary's bell, weading, and Printer's Place (£5).
[99] Ged had previously won a wager from William Caslon, the famous
type-founder; each had been given a page of type and allowed eight days
to produce a plate, and the umpire had decided in Ged's favour.
[100] Ged's edition of Sallust, printed at Edinburgh _non typis
mobilibus, ut vulgo fieri solet, sed tabellis seu laminis fusis_, was
published in 1739.
[101] There is a series of 26 documents (Registry MSS 33. 6. 47-72)
dealing with the Fenner-James dispute and the account given here
is mainly based on them. Access to these has made it possible to
supplement and correct one or two points in Bowes's _Notes_ (pp. 315,
316). The account of the partnership given in Nichols, _Literary
Anecdotes_, II, 721, is inaccurate in some details. Ged's own story of
his career (which it is difficult sometimes to reconcile either with
that of Fenner or of the brothers James) is given in _Biographical
Memoirs of William Ged_, London, 1781, and Newcastle, 1819.
[102] In 1794 "Bibles, Testaments, Psalm-books, and Books of Common
Prayer" were added to this list (Cooper, _Annals_, IV, 451).
[103] He was buried in the chancel of St Botolph's. His name appears
many times in the parish book and in 1715 there is the following entry:
Received of Mr Crownfield from yͤ year 1708 seven shillings for a piece
of ground commonly called ye round O in his garden which should have
been paid at 1 shilling the year for ye use of ye poor.
The "round O" was a paschal garden which supported the Easter candle.
The annual rent of one shilling was paid by Hayes up to 1703. (F. R.
and A. W. G[oodman], _Notes on St Botolph's Church_.)
[104] Thus in 1706 he supplied six books to the University Library, the
gift of Mr Tomlinson. In his account there is an item "for yͤ binding
and putting yͤ Donor's Name in each book."
[105] A condition of this appointment was that if the profits should
not reach £60 per annum, the university should make good the deficiency.
[106] The most important bible printed by Bentham was that of 1762, the
'standard' edition prepared by Dr T. Paris.
[107] Registry MS 33. 7. 7.
[108] Registry MS 33. 7. 4.
[109] Nichols, _Literary Anecdotes_, VIII, 451.
[110] MSS 5809. 38. The coat of arms to which Cole refers now hangs in
the University Press.
[111] Cambridge is depicted in rosy colours:
The Air is very healthful, and the Town plentifully supplied with
excellent Water.... Nor is it better supplied with Water, than it is
with other Necessaries of life. The purest Wine they receive by the Way
of _Lynn_.... Firing is cheap; Coals from Seven-pence to Nine-pence a
Bushel.
[112] Willis and Clark, III, 134. Gibbs's complete design is shown on
the title-page reproduced opposite p. 99.
[113] Registry MS 33. 7. 17.
[114] Reed, _Old English Letter Foundries_, p. 276 (quoted in Straus
and Dent, _John Baskerville_, p. 46).
[115] Straus and Dent, p. 50.
[116] Pollard, _Fine Books_, p. 300.
[117] Mr G. J. Gray has discovered that Baskerville lived in the Old
Radegund Manor House in Jesus Lane.
[118] Vol. II, pp. 458 ff.
[119] René La Butte, one of Bowyer's printers who came to Cambridge
with Walker and James, the founders of _The Cambridge Journal_, the
first Cambridge newspaper; through the influence of Conyers Middleton,
La Butte was established as a French teacher in Cambridge; Bentham
printed his _French Grammar_ (2nd ed.) in 1790.
[120] Archdeacon requests Mr Rivington to return it after examination,
as it will save him "much trouble in transcribing."
[121] Registry MS 33. 7. 20.
[122] Wakefield had published a Latin version of Gray's _Elegy_ in 1775
and a volume of Latin poems in 1776, but left the Church of England ten
years later. He was afterwards imprisoned for a libel on Bishop Watson.
[123] Cf. Cole's diary, 1 July, 1769: "Mr Gray's ode exceedingly
elegant and well set to music."
[124] Wordsworth, _Scholae Academicae_, p. 153. See also Stokes,
_Esquire Bedells_, pp. 116, 117.
[125] _Literary Anecdotes_, VIII, 414.
[126] Published in London, 1771.
[127] See _Cambridge Historical Register_, p. vii.
[128] _Collectanea_, vol. III, Part VII (_Oxford Historical Society_),
where a full account (by Horace Hart) of Stanhope's invention and of
his connection with the Clarendon Press will be found.
[129] Details of Wilson's bill may be seen in Registry MS 33. 7. 24,
and have been printed in Bowes, _Biographical Notes_, p. 327.
[130] Registry MS 33. 7. 26.
[131] The provision of refreshment at meetings of the Syndicate had
also been introduced by this time. A receipt for tea, coffee, muffins,
and toast provided during the years 1815 and 1816 is preserved at the
Press.
[132] In recognition of his services Hansard was presented by
the Syndics with "a handsome silver inkstand with an appropriate
inscription."
[133] Quoted in Willis and Clark, III, 142.
[134] Quoted in Willis and Clark, III, 142.
[135] Syndics' Minute Book 1823-43, from which various extracts are
quoted in the later part of this chapter.
[136] Registry MS 33. 1. 46.
[137] See pp. 100, 115.
[138] See plan, facing p. 128.
[139] The catalogue of _Works edited for the Syndics_ (1857) contained
about 25 titles.
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
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-Letter p with macron below has been rendered as [p_]
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