WHAT EXACTLY IS NEOCONSERVATISM? Journalists, and now even presidential candidates, speak with an enviable confidence on who or what is "neoconservative," and seem to assume the meaning is fully revealed in the name. Those of us who are designated as "neocons" are amused, flattered, or dismissive, depending on the context. It is reasonable to wonder: Is there any "there" there?

Even I, frequently referred to as the "godfather" of all those neocons, have had my moments of wonderment. A few years ago I said (and, alas, wrote) that neoconservatism had had its own distinctive qualities in its early years, but by now had been absorbed into the mainstream of American conservatism. I was wrong, and the reason I was wrong is that, ever since its origin among disillusioned liberal intellectuals in the 1970s, what we call neoconservatism has been one of those intellectual undercurrents that surface only intermittently. It is not a "movement," as the conspiratorial critics would have it. Neoconservatism is what the late historian of Jacksonian America, Marvin Meyers, called a "persuasion," one that manifests itself over time, but erratically, and one whose meaning we clearly glimpse only in retrospect.

Viewed in this way, one can say that the historical task and political purpose of neoconservatism would seem to be this: to convert the Republican party, and American conservatism in general, against their respective wills, into a new kind of conservative politics suitable to governing a modern democracy. That this new conservative politics is distinctly American is beyond doubt. There is nothing like neoconservatism in Europe, and most European conservatives are highly skeptical of its legitimacy. The fact that conservatism in the United States is so much healthier than in Europe, so much more politically effective, surely has something to do with the existence of neoconservatism. But Europeans, who think it absurd to look to the United States for lessons in political innovation, resolutely refuse to consider this possibility.

Neoconservatism is the first variant of American conservatism in the past century that is in the "American grain." It is hopeful, not lugubrious; forward-looking, not nostalgic; and its general tone is cheerful, not grim or dyspeptic. Its 20th-century heroes tend to be TR, FDR, and Ronald Reagan. Such Republican and conservative worthies as Calvin Coolidge, Herbert Hoover, Dwight Eisenhower, and Barry Goldwater are politely overlooked. Of course, those worthies are in no way overlooked by a large, probably the largest, segment of the Republican party, with the result that most Republican politicians know nothing and could not care less about neoconservatism. Nevertheless, they cannot be blind to the fact that neoconservative policies, reaching out beyond the traditional political and financial base, have helped make the very idea of political conservatism more acceptable to a majority of American voters. Nor has it passed official notice that it is the neoconservative public policies, not the traditional Republican ones, that result in popular Republican presidencies One of these policies, most visible and controversial, is cutting tax rates in order to stimulate steady economic growth. This policy was not invented by neocons, and it was not the particularities of tax cuts that interested them, but rather the steady focus on economic growth. Neocons are familiar with intellectual history and aware that it is only in the last two centuries that democracy has become a respectable option among political thinkers. In earlier times, democracy meant an inherently turbulent political regime, with the "have-nots" and the "haves" engaged in a perpetual and utterly destructive class struggle. It was only the prospect of economic growth in which everyone prospered, if not equally or simultaneously, that gave modern democracies their legitimacy and durability. The cost of this emphasis on economic growth has been an attitude toward public finance that is far less risk averse than is the case among more traditional conservatives. Neocons would prefer not to have large budget deficits, but it is in the nature of democracy--because it seems to be in the nature of human nature--that political demagogy will frequently result in economic recklessness, so that one sometimes must shoulder budgetary deficits as the cost (temporary, one hopes) of pursuing economic growth. It is a basic assumption of neoconservatism that, as a consequence of the spread of affluence among all classes, a property-owning and tax-paying population will, in time, become less vulnerable to egalitarian illusions and demagogic appeals and more sensible about the fundamentals of economic reckoning.

This leads to the issue of the role of the state. Neocons do not like the concentration of services in the welfare state and are happy to study alternative ways of delivering these services. But they are impatient with the Hayekian notion that we are on "the road to serfdom." Neocons do not feel that kind of alarm or anxiety about the growth of the state in the past century, seeing it as natural, indeed inevitable. Because they tend to be more interested in history than economics or sociology, they know that the 19th-century idea, so neatly propounded by Herbert Spencer in his "The Man Versus the State," was a historical eccentricity. People have always preferred strong government to weak government, although they certainly have no liking for anything that smacks of overly intrusive government. Neocons feel at home in today's America to a degree that more traditional conservatives do not. Though they find much to be critical about, they tend to seek intellectual guidance in the democratic wisdom of Tocqueville, rather than in the Tory nostalgia of, say, Russell Kirk.

But it is only to a degree that neocons are comfortable in modern America. The steady decline in our democratic culture, sinking to new levels of vulgarity, does unite neocons with traditional conservatives--though not with those libertarian conservatives who are conservative in economics but unmindful of the culture. The upshot is a quite unexpected alliance between neocons, who include a fair proportion of secular intellectuals, and religious traditionalists. They are united on issues concerning the quality of education, the relations of church and state, the regulation of pornography, and the like, all of which they regard as proper candidates for the government's attention. And since the Republican party now has a substantial base among the religious, this gives neocons a certain influence and even power. Because religious conservatism is so feeble in Europe, the neoconservative potential there is correspondingly weak.

AND THEN, of course, there is foreign policy, the area of American politics where neoconservatism has recently been the focus of media attention. This is surprising since there is no set of neoconservative beliefs concerning foreign policy, only a set of attitudes derived from historical experience. (The favorite neoconservative text on foreign affairs, thanks to professors Leo Strauss of Chicago and Donald Kagan of Yale, is Thucydides on the Peloponnesian War.) These attitudes can be summarized in the following "theses" (as a Marxist would say): First, patriotism is a natural and healthy sentiment and should be encouraged by both private and public institutions. Precisely because we are a nation of immigrants, this is a powerful American sentiment. Second, world government is a terrible idea since it can lead to world tyranny. International institutions that point to an ultimate world government should be regarded with the deepest suspicion. Third, statesmen should, above all, have the ability to distinguish friends from enemies. This is not as easy as it sounds, as the history of the Cold War revealed. The number of intelligent men who could not count the Soviet Union as an enemy, even though this was its own self-definition, was absolutely astonishing.

Finally, for a great power, the "national interest" is not a geographical term, except for fairly prosaic matters like trade and environmental regulation. A smaller nation might appropriately feel that its national interest begins and ends at its borders, so that its foreign policy is almost always in a defensive mode. A larger nation has more extensive interests. And large nations, whose identity is ideological, like the Soviet Union of yesteryear and the United States of today, inevitably have ideological interests in addition to more material concerns. Barring extraordinary events, the United States will always feel obliged to defend, if possible, a democratic nation under attack from nondemocratic forces, external or internal. That is why it was in our national interest to come to the defense of France and Britain in World War II. That is why we feel it necessary to defend Israel today, when its survival is threatened. No complicated geopolitical calculations of national interest are necessary.

Behind all this is a fact: the incredible military superiority of the United States vis-à-vis the nations of the rest of the world, in any imaginable combination. This superiority was planned by no one, and even today there are many Americans who are in denial. To a large extent, it all happened as a result of our bad luck. During the 50 years after World War II, while Europe was at peace and the Soviet Union largely relied on surrogates to do its fighting, the United States was involved in a whole series of wars: the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, the Kosovo conflict, the Afghan War, and the Iraq War. The result was that our military spending expanded more or less in line with our economic growth, while Europe's democracies cut back their military spending in favor of social welfare programs. The Soviet Union spent profusely but wastefully, so that its military collapsed along with its economy.

Suddenly, after two decades during which "imperial decline" and "imperial overstretch" were the academic and journalistic watchwords, the United States emerged as uniquely powerful. The "magic" of compound interest over half a century had its effect on our military budget, as did the cumulative scientific and technological research of our armed forces. With power come responsibilities, whether sought or not, whether welcome or not. And it is a fact that if you have the kind of power we now have, either you will find opportunities to use it, or the world will discover them for you.

The older, traditional elements in the Republican party have difficulty coming to terms with this new reality in foreign affairs, just as they cannot reconcile economic conservatism with social and cultural conservatism. But by one of those accidents historians ponder, our current president and his administration turn out to be quite at home in this new political environment, although it is clear they did not anticipate this role any more than their party as a whole did. As a result, neoconservatism began enjoying a second life, at a time when its obituaries were still being published.

LOL! How much money do you think a Navy E-6 makes, with baby and a stay-at-home wife (who, by the way, was downsized) makes?

If someone is breaking the law, they should be arrested and prosecuted. You'll get no dispute from me on that one. I do not and never have defended the breaking of the law. Where I disagree with it, I try to work to get it changed. I was discussing the basic economics of it.

Oh, and BTW, you were absolutely RIGHT over on that "Church vs. Porn" thread. See? Common ground.

153
posted on 05/25/2004 9:23:12 AM PDT
by Long Cut
("Fightin's commenced, Ike, now get to fightin' or get outta the way!"...Wyatt Earp, in Tombstone)

Look, economic realities have a way of changing. People who made buggy-whips had to get jobs in the S&M field after the car was invented (JOKE! It's just a joke...). Just because someone realizes this doesn't mean that they're Robber Barons or want to enslave the working class. It DOES mean that from time to time, people have no choice but to adapt to changing circumstances.

Back when my dad and me were putting in hardwood floors in New York, we were constantly being undersold by crews composed of illegals. We managed to get along, and even make a few bucks, by simply doing MUCH better work. They wound up with the cheap, low-dollar work, and we got all the high-end, custom work. They manufacture to low standards; we made our work an art.

In 1991, I got my Commercial pilot's license, with images in my head of working for an airline for big bucks. Guess what? That same year, the airline industry cratered, and never really recovered. Next.

There are people who, expecting to work at the same factory their grandaddy did, for the same high wages, neglected to make alternate plans. They must shoulder that burden now.

I do think we can do better on illegal immigration, and I do think the law should be enforced. But there's far more to it than just that.

We need to shut down the social giveaways that attract illegals; We need to enact reforms that stop penalizing employers for just doing business; We might try some means to get the states and local governments to stop inhibiting the INS, and refusing to cooperate with them.

Those are just SOME of the things we can do. Tort reform is another good one. If the climate for business is good, they'll stay in America and employ Americans.

As for the social programs, back to my original point...vote the Dims out. That'll go a long way towards fixing things. Note also, the only party containing people like Tom Tancredo who are actually pushing the issues you are concerned with is NOT the Dims.

155
posted on 05/25/2004 9:50:14 AM PDT
by Long Cut
("Fightin's commenced, Ike, now get to fightin' or get outta the way!"...Wyatt Earp, in Tombstone)

Good. I wouldn't want to be associated with anything "you" would consider conservative...Chamberlain. However, I can assure you, I am fully persuaded as to what you are...nothing more then a defeatist troll.

Sorry I couldn't wait around for you to respond...I know you don't like to do that until you know your betters have retired for the night.

So poet, you said that Conservatives who support the war are in the minority, and that the "kamp" you're in opposes it. Care to finally share with use which "kamp" you're in that is the majority over us?

My reading skills are fine. You said that we Conservative Americans who support the war on terror are in the minority. Since you're one of those opposed to the war, and claim to be in the majority, it would be nice to know just which "kamp" you're in.

Of course if you are too embarrassed to identify your majority group who are opposed to the war, I can understand.

Hey Mr. Troll-hood, in case you haven't checked lately your kamp is in the minority and will quickly become known within conservative circles as the political mistake that cost the GOP the Whitehouse. Neo-conned again...

I never said I was in a kamp, I said you were (kamp = Neo-Cons).

Being influenced by Trotsyites Neo-Cons view borders as an evil - they want global one world govt just like the neo-liberals.

You said that we Conservative Americans who support the War on Terror are in the majority. Now everyone knows that doesn't include you and your defeatist view point. So what majority "kamp" are you in?

You haven't answered anything Kerry Poet...you skipped, twisted and still refuse to identify the majority anti-war group you represent...you know, the one that makes us Conservatives who support the War on Terror the minority.

What group is that other then the anti-war group so ably represented by your spirtual mates Michael Moore and Jim McDermott?

I guess we will just have to accept your avoidance of identifying your majority "kamp" as being nothing less then the only group that can come close to making Conservatives supporting the war a minority...the Michael Moore and Jim McDermott "kamp".

So there Kerry Poet...ready to come clean on the majority anti-war "kamp" you speak for? Or are you content with simply being identified with the only anti-war "kamp" that could possibly out number Conservative Americans who support the war?

you don't have any interest (at least that you make public) in pro-life, tax cuts, racial quotas, conservative judges, sanctity of marriage or the immigration mess - - and yet you have the gall to question my conservative commitment, when I've been posting on these issues for six years.

If it doesn't involve bloodshed in the middle east, you're not interested. But that doesn't make you a conservative, it just makes you some guy who is obsessed with the middle east.

Oooh, I see. Foreign antisemites denounce the role of da jooz in US foreign policy, ergo the role of jooz in US foreign policy creates openings for our enemies, ergo the jooz have too big a role in US foreign policy. Ergo, whatever foreign antisemites allege is true. Ergo, to understand everything we must become foreign antisemites. Brilliant. Such reasoning. Why hadn't we all thought of it before? Replace with any term you like and prove anything you like. All you need is one immoral enemy idiot anywhere in the world to agree.

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