Japan, U.S. cooking up island defense war games
Kyodo News
Japan and the United States are preparing to hold a joint exercise in December that will focus on defending islands in remote waters, sources involved in bilateral relations said Sunday.
The scenario for the exercise is likely to involve an invasion of remote Japanese islands by an armed force, which will give the Self-Defense Forces and the U.S. military a chance to use joint tactics to deal with the situation, the sources said.
The maritime part of the drill is likely to be held on the Pacific side of the Nansei Islands, which consists of such isles as Okinawa and Ishigaki Island. The candidate site for the ground part of the exercise is likely to be the Ground Self-Defense Force's Hijudai exercise area in Oita Prefecture on Kyushu, the sources said.
The U.S. Navy's 7th Fleet is likely to dispatch the aircraft carrier USS George Washington for the sea drill, while the GSDF's Western Army is likely to be dispatched for the ground drill, they said.
The plan, which was drawn up in the previous fiscal year, is not a response to the collisions last month between a Chinese trawler and Japan Coast Guard cutters near disputed territories in the East China Sea, the sources said.
But the exercise will likely highlight the close cooperation between the security allies, given China's strong reaction to the incident, which took place near the Japanese-administered Senkaku Islands also claimed by Taiwan and China.
There is also an exercise planned off the Noto Peninsula in the Sea of Japan to deal with a hypothetical missile attack from North Korea, they said.
The Japan Times: Monday, Oct. 4, 2010
(C) All rights reserved
Kyodo News
Japan and the United States are preparing to hold a joint exercise in December that will focus on defending islands in remote waters, sources involved in bilateral relations said Sunday.
The scenario for the exercise is likely to involve an invasion of remote Japanese islands by an armed force, which will give the Self-Defense Forces and the U.S. military a chance to use joint tactics to deal with the situation, the sources said.
The maritime part of the drill is likely to be held on the Pacific side of the Nansei Islands, which consists of such isles as Okinawa and Ishigaki Island. The candidate site for the ground part of the exercise is likely to be the Ground Self-Defense Force's Hijudai exercise area in Oita Prefecture on Kyushu, the sources said.
The U.S. Navy's 7th Fleet is likely to dispatch the aircraft carrier USS George Washington for the sea drill, while the GSDF's Western Army is likely to be dispatched for the ground drill, they said.
The plan, which was drawn up in the previous fiscal year, is not a response to the collisions last month between a Chinese trawler and Japan Coast Guard cutters near disputed territories in the East China Sea, the sources said.
But the exercise will likely highlight the close cooperation between the security allies, given China's strong reaction to the incident, which took place near the Japanese-administered Senkaku Islands also claimed by Taiwan and China.
There is also an exercise planned off the Noto Peninsula in the Sea of Japan to deal with a hypothetical missile attack from North Korea, they said.
The Japan Times: Monday, Oct. 4, 2010
(C) All rights reserved

Honestly it is quite difficult to understand the prosecutor's decision to release the Chinese skipper using non legal argument and it is clear that Chinese pressure was enough to force or produce the release.

Remember that 4 japanese were arrested and accusing of spying after the row between China and Japan about the skipper became more unfriendly.

So the release of the captain of the fishing boat was a sort of trade for those Japanese.

However, the important point is the Japanese Coast Guard (JCG) usually does not arrest the crew or skipper of those fishing boat unless is a serious crime happened as hitting or colliding the JCG boats. So from the Japanese side it is not a issue who owns the island, it is about colliding or hitting a Japanese ship and then run away as the Chinese captain was doing. Sadly China did not understand that.

Most people in Japan, including me, is quite frustrated with the Japanese Goverment's response.

In February I was visiting my former boss, he is retired, and he told that he does not see properly what the new Prime Minister Hatoyama was doing and it was trying to get closer China.

I should confess that I gave my support to Hatoyama just to push out from power the other party. I during the election I was mostly concerned with domestic issues. However, since that conversation, I was not sure about what should be the correct approach toward China from the new Prime Minister. But this event made sure for me that from now China will be seen as not as competitor or partner but as an unfriendly rival and I am sure that many Japanese agree with me.

Just for the record I do not hate China and do not practice China Bashing.

The point is not who owns the island or who is right in this dispute or whether Japan is too weak or not. The point is that China had woken in the Japanese mind with its rude diplomacy and agressiveness the need to be stronger and that is exactly what China will not like.

But this event made sure for me that from now China will be seen as not as competitor or partner but as an unfriendly rival and I am sure that many Japanese agree with me.

You should have that awakening 10 years ago. Then, on the second thought, you people have never been threatened by commies until fair recently and had pretty much the upper hand in dealing with commies before the passing decade.

China's invaluable lesson

Japan has suffered a diplomatic humiliation by succumbing to China's demand for the release of a Chinese fishing boat captain who was arrested for operating in Japanese territorial waters and for ramming his boat into Japanese Coast Guard patrol ships.

The incident occurred on Sept. 7 when the Coast Guard spotted the Chinese trawler near the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea. Its 41-year-old captain rammed his ship against two patrol boats in an apparent attempt to escape. The ship was towed to a nearby Japanese port with the captain and 14 other crewmen on board. Beijing immediately lodged a stern protest, claiming sovereignty over the islands.

Although Japan returned the fishing boat and its crew to China shortly afterward, the captain remained in custody and Beijing resorted to a series of tactics in retaliation during the next few days, such as publicly accusing Japan of resorting to violence, summoning Ambassador Uichiro Niwa to Beijing to the Chinese Foreign Ministry a number of times and calling off a visit to Japan by about 10,000 Chinese tourists.

After a Japanese court of law accepted the prosecutors' request to detain the caption for another 10 days until Sept. 29, China escalated its retaliatory actions by suspending all Cabinet-level interchanges with Japan that had already been scheduled and denying a planned visit to the Shanghai Expo by a Japanese pop group. In a speech before a Chinese community in New York on Sept. 21, Prime Minister Wen Jiabao pledged to take further retaliation against Japan if the captain was not released and declared that Tokyo would be held responsible for all consequences. It is rare for a head of government to make such a threat publicly.

Indeed, Beijing suspended exports to Japan of rare earth metals, indispensable for the production of hybrid automobiles and other high-tech products. This was nothing short of an economic sanction since Japanese industry depends on China for 90 percent of its requirements for such materials. China also detained four Japanese employees of Fujita Corp. in Hebei Province (the last of whom was not released until Saturday).

All these actions taken by Beijing led the Japanese prosecutors on the afternoon of Sept. 24 to release the captain of the Chinese fishing boat without indictment. Officially, the release was decided on solely by the prosecutors.

The handling of the incident has proved to the world how inept Japanese politicians are when it comes to facing diplomatic problems. But the incident has cast an even more serious question of why China has taken such a tough stand against Japan. The answer seems to lie in Beijing's apparent pursuit of policies patterned after the "Big Stick" diplomacy initiated in the early 20th century by the United States under President Theodore Roosevelt.

Close to becoming the second most powerful nation, both economically and militarily, China has been building naval bases in countries like Myanmar, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Pakistan under the pretext of helping construct port facilities. China is also determined to take control of the South China Sea, where it is engaged in territorial disputes over islands like the Paracels and Spratlys with Vietnam, Taiwan and the Philippines.

A typical pattern followed by Beijing is to send naval vessels to catch Vietnamese and Filipino fishing boats operating in the waters near these disputed islands, and establish a de facto control over them. The Chinese leadership seems to be fully aware that Big Stick diplomacy works most effectively against weaker nations. China now seeks to expand its sphere of influence not only in the South China Sea but also in the East China Sea.

The Chinese territorial claim over the Senkaku Islands, which is part of Okinawa Prefecture, was emphatically stated by the Global Times, a Chinese newspaper. It asserted on Sept. 19 that in the early 19th century the Japanese government snatched Okinawa from the Qing Dynasty, which ruled China at the time, and that Tokyo today is suppressing the Okinawans' aspirations for independence.

The Chinese leaders may have started to think that they are close to restoring the power and prosperity attained by the Qing Dynasty, given China's economic and military power. To maintain the living standards of its 1.3 billion people, China has to secure resources. It sometimes dares to invade lands and territorial waters of other countries.

Toward that end, China is waging wars on three fronts. One is to build up domestic and international public opinion that is supportive of China. The second is psychological warfare aimed at lowering the m

But this event made sure for me that from now China will be seen as not as competitor or partner but as an unfriendly rival and I am sure that many Japanese agree with me.

You should have that awakening 10 years ago. Then, on the second thought, you people have never been threatened by commies until fair recently and had pretty much the upper hand in dealing with commies before the passing decade.

The sooner you people have nukes, the better your position will be.

Japan clearly does have nuclear weapons, the "we only have to tighten the screws" are essentially an admission that the component parts probably do already exist, and simply need to be assembled - As to declaring themselves a Nuclear-armed state, I don't agree it's a good idea, the situation is well-understood and it could be advantageous to use that declaration strategically should it ever be necessary.

In terms of its current situation regarding China, hopefully, like the rest of the world it sees the true face of chinese "friendship" it is solely for their own advantage and swiftly becomes almost childlike belligerence, it's their diplomatic form of brinksmanship - In any case I think China has a lot more to worry about, Hu's recent and rather pathetic groveldom at the EU (regarding the value of the RMB to USD/EURO) pleading the case of his country's migrant workers and employment/strife balance revealed just how vulnerable they are if they suffer the same sort of crash that the west did, with tens of thousands of factories continuing to churn out shit that no one is buying there will be more problems to worry about domestically than perhaps even the ruling party can manage, that said, there will in that event be a temptation to either scapegoat regional partners or cause external conflict to solidify national unity, that is what I would be worried about anyway.

While the island dispute and diplomatic row has been an international soap opera, Beijing, behind the curtains, probably feel uneasy right now. It is not solely about Japan. Within the last few months, with the global recession staying put, there has been rise in anti-China sentiments across the West. At first, deficit-hawks and austerists were the loud-mouths, but now just about everyone is eyeing on China and the bulk of the crowd are not even deficit-hawks. (I have seen a number of notable liberal economists also in favor of taking tough stance against China.) It becomes more fun: Now, more and more policymakers are contemplating 'beggar thy neighbor' trade policies. Everyone wants to competitively devalue their currencies, but they find out that China is getting in their way. If the US (and to a lesser extent, EU and Japan) get their way, the Yuan will have to be appreciated. Either Beijing changes its economic policy to increase domestic consumption or the great job machine of China will lose steam and that could result in domestic turmoil.

But owing to a wakeup call in the East China Sea  military tensions with Beijing  Japan is taking a fresh look at the role of the U.S. military in the country.

The tension with China has led people in Japan to acknowledge the strategic importance of having U.S. forces based here, not only for the defense of Japanese territory but also to maintain stability throughout East Asia.

In the past month, Tokyo and Beijing waged a war of words over the Senkaku Islands after Japan arrested a trawler captain near the uninhabited islets in the East China Sea. The islets are controlled by Japan but also claimed by China and Taiwan. Japan Coast Guard boats were trying to board the trawler, and it collided with them.

Tokyo even saw what an economic war would look like, as Beijing apparently halted exports of rare earth minerals critical to Japan's high-tech industry.

China's fury over the sea incident eventually prompted Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton to confirm that the Japan-U.S. security treaty applies to the Senkakus. The treaty obliges the U.S. to defend Japan against an "armed attack" by another country.

Before the Senkaku crisis, Japan was having a hard time trying to sell the relocation of U.S. Marine Corps Air Station Futenma within Okinawa amid strong local opposition.

"The crack between Japan and the U.S. had a major impact" on China's decision-making, prompting it to take an aggressive attitude toward Japan, said Yoshimitsu Nishikawa, a professor of international relations at Toyo University.

"China was testing the U.S. and the Japanese government to see how far it can go."

Indeed, before the crisis, many people at home and abroad were questioning the strength of the Tokyo-Washington military alliance.

The relationship was suffering for the past year from the contentious Futenma airfield relocation in Okinawa, where antibase sentiment is strong, a fact not lost on politicians looking to score votes.

But contrary to Beijing's hopes, many in Japan's leadership ranks have felt compelled to reaffirm the strength of the U.S. alliance, particularly amid perceptions of China's growing military strength, and potential reach.

Many leaders around Asia would agree. During a May 15 interview with the Asahi Shimbun, senior Singapore statesman Lee Kuan Yew emphasized the strategic importance of U.S. forces in Japan  in particular those in Okinawa  as a counterweight against China's growing military power.

"If you remove all bases of America, I think your position and that of Asia, that position will be weaker strategically," Lee said.

"And the Japanese people, never mind the government of the day, will have to decide where is their longer-term interest and which is more important  your security or your convenience of the Okinawa people?"

Since its defeat in World War II, Japan has renounced war. The Constitution, drafted under the Allied Occupation, stipulates the nation will not field a standing military. The Self-Defense Forces are relegated to the role their name implies, while the U.S. maintains numerous bases here to help defend Japan and maintain "peace and security in the Far East."

But the scope of the Japan-U.S. military treaty has been extended far beyond "the Far East," roughly defined as areas north of the Philippines. The U.S. bases here support global engagements, including in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Indian Ocean.

A strong Japan-U.S. security alliance also benefits other countries, including Vietnam, Malaysia and the Philippines, which have their own territorial disputes with China, in the South China Sea, and

China Bullies Japan With Rare Earths

China released its last Japanese hostage Saturday, marking an end to the recent East China Sea conflict, but the diplomatic waters remain choppy. Trade and Industry Minister Akihiro Ohata confirmed Tuesday that China continues to wield a de facto export ban over Japanese industry, marking a new stage in China's aggressive behavior. Tokyo and other liberal capitals have been startled by this turn of events - which means it's long past time for policy makers to plan a better response to this serious threat.

China's squeeze on rare earths is a more subtle means of putting pressure on an advanced society, but it's the same principle. These minerals, which include neodymium, lanthanum and gadolinium, are crucial to the production of advanced industrial products like television screens, hybrid-car batteries, and lasers, as well as military technology. While these materials are found all over the world, they are produced in and shipped overwhelmingly from China because other countries have stopped mining them. Some estimates put China's global share as high as 97%.

Ironically, Japanese companies are particularly vulnerable to rare earth squeezes because of the revolutionary "just in time" supply-chain techniques they pioneered. Although major companies stockpile these crucial materials, restricting their supply nonetheless is an unmistakable threat to Japan's economic survival. While industry isn't yet grinding to a halt, it eventually couldit's not easy to find new sources of rare earth minerals since it will take years to reactivate mines in California and elsewhere.

Japan isn't impotent against these threats. Like China, Japan could have slowed down the customs and inspections process for Chinese imports; it could have frozen Chinese financial holdings until the ban was lifted; it could have cut the billions of dollars in development aid it provides to Beijing. Had Japan taken these actions, China's response would have revealed just how strong the Chinese perceive themselves and the risks they are willing to take in forcing other countries to accept their position.

TOKYO - Japan will consider relaxing its long-standing ban on weapons exports as the country explores ways to bolster its military capabilities, Foreign Minister Seiji Maehara said in an interview Thursday.

The move reflects concern among some Japanese leaders that Japan is falling behind in security and weapons technology, even amid potential threats from China and North Korea.

A proposed change in the arms-export ban would probably trigger widespread debate within Japan's government, as well as opposition from Prime Minister Naoto Kan. Many members of the ruling Democratic Party of Japan view the weapons policy as a pillar in the nation's pacifist defense posture.

But signs are growing that Maehara and other officials might be seeking a more muscular approach to defense, even as Tokyo tightens its alliance with the United States. Maehara emphasized that reconsideration of the export ban is not connected to a recent spat with China over disputed islands in the East China Sea. The newly appointed foreign minister instead mentioned Japan's desire to participate in multination technology projects - something it cannot do under its "three principles" policy, which bans arms exports.

"The trend in the world today is for various countries participating in joint development to bring together their technology in order to develop better equipment at a cheaper cost," Maehara said.

In the interview with a reporter and editor from The Washington Post, Maehara also called on China to maintain a responsible presence in the region, adding that he remains "concerned" about its rapid military expansion.

Japan has complained repeatedly about recent behavior by its neighbor, which remains its top trade partner. The latest territorial dispute flared after a Chinese trawler rammed two Japanese coast guard boats near the Senkaku Islands, known as the Diaoyu Islands to the Chinese. Raising pressure during the standoff, China restricted exports of rare-earth elements necessary for the production of major Japanese products, such as batteries and hybrid cars.

There is also the matter of differences regarding Iran. Japan withdrew from an oil-drilling project in Iran this month, bowing to U.S. pressure to impose sanctions over Tehran's nuclear development program. Since Japan's Inpex Corp. backed away from the Azadegan oil field project, however, China National Offshore Oil Co. has worked to fill the void.

"That portion that Japan gave up was taken up by China," Maehara said.

Japan's ban on weapons exports dates to 1967, when then-Prime Minister Eisaku Sato established the three principles, prohibiting arms deals with communist bloc countries, countries subject to embargo under U.N. resolutions and countries involved in international conflicts.

Nine years later, those three principles were tightened into a near-absolute ban on weapons exports - though exceptions are made for one-on-one dealings with the United States.

At a meeting in Hanoi this week, Japanese Defense Minister Toshimi Kitazawa expressed his desire for a major overhaul of the three principles. The perfect opportunity, he said, will come at the end of the year, when Japan reviews its national defense posture.

"We should not just sit and watch domestic defense production bases and technological platforms deteriorate in a situation in which we are bound hand and foot," Kitazawa told reporters, according to the Mainichi Daily News.

The move would be well received in Washington, which views an easing of the embargo as an opportunity for greater cooperation in joint projects with the United States and Europe.

"Flexibility in Japan's approach would offer some greater opportunities in alliance cooperation, particularly things like ballistic missile defense," a senior U.S. defense official said Thursday, speaking on the condition of anonymity so he could speak freely. "So obviously, any flexibility on Japan's part is something that would be welcomed."

Earlier this year, an advisory panel to Kan argued that Japan's weapons ban caused problems for its defense industry and ultimately made Japan reliant on expensive weapons imports. But Kan said Tuesday that he does not want to revise the three principles.

The defense debate reflects broader questions in Tokyo about how to deal with growing threats in the region. The Senkaku d