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1 Transparency and accountability are important elements of nuclear disarmament. The action plan adopted at the 2010 Non-Proliferation Treaty Review Conference encouraged the nuclear weapon states to agree on a reporting standard that would help demonstrate progress in their commitment to pursue reductions of nuclear arsenals. This study presents a model for such reporting, based on the approach developed by the Russian Federation and the United States in the New START treaty. As the study demonstrates, the framework of the US Russian nuclear disarmament process could serve as the foundation for a multilateral transparency and accountability regime, and provide a basis for closer cooperation and conf idence-building measures among all NPT member states to help advance the goal of nuclear disarmament. UNITED NATIONS INSTITUTE FOR DISARMAMENT RESEARCH A New START Model for Transparency in Nuclear Disarmament Tamara Patton, Pavel Podvig, and Phillip Schell Designed and printed by the Publishing Service, United Nations, Geneva GE February ,130 UNIDIR/2013/2

2 UNIDIR/2013/2 A New START Model for Transparency in Nuclear Disarmament Tamara Patton, Pavel Podvig, and Phillip Schell UNIDIR United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research Geneva, Switzerland New York and Geneva, 2013

3 About the cover Satellite image by GeoEye NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. * * * The views expressed in this publication are the sole responsibility of the individual authors. They do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of the United Nations, UNIDIR, its staff members or sponsors. UNIDIR/2013/2 Copyright United Nations, 2013 All rights reserved UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS

4 The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) an autonomous institute within the United Nations conducts research on disarmament and security. UNIDIR is based in Geneva, Switzerland, the centre for bilateral and multilateral disarmament and non-proliferation negotiations, and home of the Conference on Disarmament. The Institute explores current issues pertaining to the variety of existing and future armaments, as well as global diplomacy and local tensions and conflicts. Working with researchers, diplomats, government officials, NGOs and other institutions since 1980, UNIDIR acts as a bridge between the research community and governments. UNIDIR s activities are funded by contributions from governments and donor foundations.

7 vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The authors would like to thank their colleagues who consulted with us on this study at various stages, encouraged us to continue this work, and contributed their own perspectives, comments, and suggestions. Special thanks go to Nick Ritchie and Corentin Brustlein, who provided valuable comments, and to Karina Qian, who made an important contribution to the project at its early stages. The authors would also like to thank the staff of UNIDIR for their support and help. This project was generously supported by the Government of Japan.

8 vii ABOUT THE AUTHORS Tamara Patton is a Researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute in the Arms Control and Non-Proliferation Programme. Patton s research focuses on the uses of satellite imagery, mapping, 3-D modeling, and other geospatial tools for analysis of issues relevant to nuclear nonproliferation and disarmament. She was previously a Visiting Fellow with the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs. She has also worked with the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies, the US Naval Postgraduate School s Common Operational Research Environment (CORE) Laboratory and Remote Sensing Center, and the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies. Patton holds an MA in Nonproliferation and Terrorism Studies from the Monterey Institute of International Studies and a BA in International Studies from the University of Washington. Pavel Podvig is Programme Lead of the Weapons of Mass Destruction programme at UNIDIR and Director of the Russian Nuclear Forces Project. Podvig started his work on arms control at the Center for Arms Control Studies at the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology, which was the first independent research organization in the Russian Federation dedicated to analysis of technical issues of disarmament and non-proliferation. In recognition of this work, the American Physical Society awarded Podvig the Leo Szilard Lectureship Award of 2008 (with Anatoli Diakov). He has worked with the Program on Science and Global Security at Princeton University, the Security Studies Program at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and the Center for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford University. His current research focuses on the Russian strategic forces and nuclear weapons complex, as well as technical and political aspects of nuclear non-proliferation, disarmament, missile defence, and the US Russian arms control process. Podvig is a member of the International Panel on Fissile Materials. He has a physics degree from the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology and a PhD in political science from the Moscow Institute of World Economy and International Relations. Phillip Schell is a Researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute in the Arms Control and Non-Proliferation Programme. Schell s research focuses on security issues related to weapons of mass destruction arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation with a regional specialization on East Asia. Before joining the Institute, his assignments included the North Atlantic Treaty Organization s Weapons of Mass Destruction Non-Proliferation Centre and the James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies. He has also worked with the International Atomic Energy Agency and the International Crisis Group. Schell holds an MA in International Policy Studies and Nonproliferation from the Monterey Institute of International Studies and an undergraduate degree in Chinese Studies and Political Science from the University of Cologne.

9 viii FOREWORD Transparency and accountability are essential elements of nuclear disarmament. The action plan adopted by the 2010 Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference brought new attention to this issue by asking the nuclear-weapon states to agree on a reporting standard that would help to evaluate progress towards reductions of nuclear arsenals and to establish an important confidence-building mechanism. A number of NPT states parties as well as non-governmental expert groups have tabled proposals outlining specific measures that the nuclear-weapon states could take to fulfil the recommendation of the 2010 action plan. The nuclear-weapon states have discussed the issue in a series of P-5 meetings in recent years; some states have already made commendable progress towards releasing information about nuclear arsenals and fissile material stocks. However, the goal of a universally accepted reporting standard remains elusive, owing to the complexity of the issue, which involves a great number of legal, technical, and political choices and requires an unprecedented degree of cooperation among all of the nuclear-weapon states. In 2012 UNIDIR launched a project that approaches the development of a transparency regime as a process that should take full advantage of the decades of experience that has been accumulated in US Russian nuclear arms control. The transparency arrangements implemented by the Russian Federation and the United States could provide a valuable model for the reporting mechanism anticipated in the 2010 action plan. Moreover, these arrangements could be a starting point for even more ambitious transparency measures that could include disclosure of detailed information about all components of nuclear arsenals and verification procedures. This study outlines a first step in this process by presenting a model data-exchange arrangement based on the US Russian New START treaty. As the study demonstrates, a data exchange of this kind is well within reach and there is little that would prevent the other nuclear-weapon states from joining the Russian Federation and the United States in disclosing information about their nuclear forces. Done on a voluntary basis at first, these steps would help build confidence and encourage dialogue and cooperation, to lay a foundation for more formal and comprehensive transparency arrangements. I hope that this study will contribute to the discussion of transparency during the NPT review process and provide a model for practical action in implementing the goals set by the 2010 Review Conference. Theresa Hitchens Director UNIDIR

10 A NEW START MODEL FOR TRANSPARENCY IN NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT OVERVIEW Nuclear disarmament is one of the key elements of the nuclear non-proliferation regime established by the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Article VI of the treaty explicitly commits all states to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament. The number of nuclear weapons has indeed been dramatically reduced in the last decades it was estimated that in 2010 all nuclear-weapon states together had about 18,000 nuclear warheads in their arsenals, down from the peak of almost 70,000 in It is clear, however, that nuclear arsenals can be reduced even further. The NPT review process reinforced the obligation of article VI of the NPT by calling on all nuclearweapon states to pursue systematic and progressive efforts to reduce nuclear weapons globally, with the ultimate goals of eliminating those weapons. 2 The 2010 NPT Review Conference action plan reaffirmed this commitment and identified transparency and accountability as an important part of the nuclear disarmament process. The action plan encouraged nuclear-weapon states to agree as soon as possible on a standard reporting form and to determine appropriate reporting intervals for the purpose of voluntarily providing standard information. 3 In the NPT review process non-nuclear-weapon states made a number of proposals regarding the information that they would like to see the nuclear-weapon states to disclose. Transparency was also one of the topics of the series of meetings held by the five NPT nuclear-weapon states (the P-5) since One of the agreements reached at the P-5 conference in Paris in 2011 established a working group that was tasked with development of a glossary of nuclear terms. 4 However, the P-5 have not yet adopted a coordinated approach towards transparency of their nuclear arsenals. As of 2013, the only nuclear-weapon states that have an obligation to provide information about their nuclear forces are the Russian Federation and the United States. They exchange data, some of which they make public, as part of the New START agreement, which entered into force in February States with smaller nuclear arsenals are reluctant to accept formal obligations regarding transparency of their arsenals, arguing that the two largest nuclear powers, which still hold about 95 per cent of all nuclear weapons, would have to undertake deep reductions before transparency could be established as a universal norm. Nevertheless, France and the United Kingdom unilaterally and voluntarily released a great deal of information about their nuclear forces, declaring the upper ceilings for the total number of nuclear warheads in their arsenals and as well as the number of 1 This number does not include about 7,000 nuclear warheads that are believed to be scheduled for dismantlement. R.S. Norris and H.M. Kristensen, Global nuclear weapons inventories, , Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, vol. 66, no. 4, Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Final Document, document NPT/CONF.1995/32 (Part I), 1995, annex, decision 2, para. 4(c) Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Final Document, document NPT/CONF.2010/50 (Vol. I)*, 2010, I(F)i, action Permanent Mission of France to the United Nations in New York, First P5 follow-up meeting to the NPT Review Conference (Paris, June 30th July 1st, 2011) statement by the Spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs, 1 July 2011; US Department of State, Third P5 conference: implementing the NPT, 29 June New START refers to the Treaty between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on Measures for the Further Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. 1

11 2 operationally available warheads. The nuclear arsenal of China is largely non-transparent, although the Chinese government has declared its support of the principle of transparency. 6 A coordinated approach to transparency of nuclear arsenals would serve a number of purposes. First, it would provide a mechanism of accountability in the obligation to pursue efforts to reduce nuclear weapons that nuclear-weapon states accepted during the NPT review process. But equally importantly, it would become a valuable confidence-building measure that could help strengthen global and regional stability and create an institutional framework for bringing all the nuclear-weapon states together in the nuclear disarmament process. Development of a comprehensive accountability standard as called for in the 2010 NPT action plan would require strong political commitment on the part of the nuclear-weapon sates. It would also have to address a number of legal and technical issues related to the differences in the size, structure, and operational practices of nuclear forces as well as to policies of maintenance and modernization of nuclear arsenals. Given the complexity of these issues, finding a coordinated approach to dealing with these differences might take considerable time. However, important elements of a future transparency regime are already in place in the US Russian nuclear disarmament process. The legal and institutional framework created by the US Russian nuclear disarmament treaties, New START in particular, could provide a practical template for transparency of all the nuclear arsenals of the NPT nuclear-weapon states. 7 This report considers the practical aspects of using New START as a model for developing the transparency and accountability measures called for in the 2010 NPT action plan. It presents an overview of efforts to introduce transparency and accountability measures and of the status of transparency of nuclear arsenals of the NPT nuclear-weapon states. The report considers the structure of the US Russian arrangements in this area and suggests the steps that all NPT nuclearweapon states could take to join the Russian Federation the United States in reporting on the status of their nuclear forces. As the first step towards transparency, all nuclear-weapon states would disclose their aggregate numbers of deployed strategic delivery vehicles, deployed warheads, and the total number of deployed and non-deployed launchers in the format specified by New START. The report presents a model New START-type data exchange that reflects the status of strategic forces of all nuclear-weapon states at the date of the most recent US Russian data exchange. A discussion of the assumptions that went into this model data exchange is included in annex A. A more comprehensive transparency regime would involve exchange of detailed data on deployed and non-deployed strategic systems; missile, submarine, and air bases; as well as other facilities that support operations of strategic nuclear forces. The Russian Federation and the United States already exchange such data every six months. An online supplement to this report, available at NuclearForces.org, includes model data-exchange documents for all NPT nuclear-weapon states. The supplement also contains the information that has been used to prepare these documents as well as a detailed description of the structure of the strategic forces of each state and the system and facilities that are included in the documents. A model data-exchange document for the United Kingdom is included in annex B. 6 Permanent Mission of the People s Republic of China to the United Nations Office at Geneva and other International Organizations in Switzerland, Transparency in armaments, 16 April 2004, 7 P. Podvig, Broadening the disarmament agenda through START, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, 4 March 2009; J.M. Acton, Low Numbers: A Practical Path to Deep Nuclear Reductions, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2011.

12 3 The New START framework would also allow the expansion of transparency beyond data exchange. The treaty contains detailed provisions for notification and verification measures that include on-site inspections. Also, New START-type arrangements could allow non-nuclear-weapon states to take part in some verification and inspection activities. The results presented in this report demonstrate that New START provides a practical opportunity from which all nuclear-weapon states could take advantage of the experience that the Russian Federation and the United States have accumulated in their efforts to reduce nuclear arms. This opportunity should be used to build a universal transparency and accountability mechanism to advance the goals of the 2010 NPT action plan. TRANSPARENCY IN THE NPT REVIEW PROCESS By joining the NPT, nuclear-weapon states recognized their responsibility to pursue negotiations on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to reductions of their arsenals. However, while the NPT requires non-nuclear-weapon states to place their nuclear activities and materials under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards, the treaty does not provide a mechanism that would ensure that the nuclear-weapon states are in compliance with their obligation to make progress towards nuclear disarmament. This issue has been addressed during the NPT review process, resulting in a number of decisions that reinforced the disarmament commitment and made first steps towards establishing basic transparency and accountability requirements. The 1995 NPT Review Conference, which extended the treaty indefinitely, adopted an agreement on the Principles and Objectives for Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament that reaffirmed the commitment by the nuclear-weapon states to undertake systematic and progressive efforts to reduce nuclear weapons globally, with the ultimate goals of eliminating those weapons. 8 The Principles and Objectives also established the first elements of accountability in this process the states parties expressed their desire to create a mechanism that would include periodic evaluations of the progress in achieving the goals of the treaty, including progress in nuclear disarmament. However, no practical steps in that direction had been made at the time. The final document of the 2000 NPT Review Conference included more specific language regarding periodic evaluation of progress towards nuclear disarmament. The Conference required all states parties to submit regular reports on the implementation of article VI and on the earlier commitment to pursue systematic and progressive efforts to reduce nuclear weapons. This requirement was also included in the action plan adopted by the 2010 NPT Review Conference. 9 The 2010 action plan also included a specific proposal regarding accountability in the nuclear disarmament process by encouraging nuclear-weapon states to agree on a standard reporting form and to determine reporting intervals for providing information. The plan also invited the United Nations to establish a publicly accessible repository of the information provided by the nuclear-weapon states. Following the Review Conference, the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs created a web page that will serve this purpose. However, since no information has yet been submitted, the page displays a statement of intent: Information will be made available on this web page once Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Final Document, document NPT/CONF.1995/32 (Part I), 1995, annex, decision 2, para. 4(c) Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Final Document, document NPT/CONF.2010/50 (Vol. I)*, 2010, I(A)vi, action 2.

13 4 action is taken in accordance with Action 21 of the Final Document of the 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. 10 The 2010 action plan did not set any specific requirement for the reporting format or the timeline for reaching an agreement on information exchange, leaving these decisions to the nuclear-weapon states. However, it calls on the nuclear-weapon states to make progress towards a number of disarmament goals, which include reductions of nuclear stockpiles, enhancing transparency and increasing mutual confidence. The nuclear-weapon states are expected to report these undertakings to the 2014 NPT Preparatory Committee. 11 Transparency appears to be one of the areas where the nuclear-weapon states are expected to make significant progress. 12 STATUS OF TRANSPARENCY OF NUCLEAR FORCES The current level of transparency of nuclear arsenals varies substantially across nuclear-weapon states. There is no international norm that would require the nuclear-weapon states to disclose information about their nuclear forces or a mechanism for them to do so. Some steps in the direction of increased transparency of nuclear forces have been made in the context of US Russian nuclear arms control efforts and in voluntary declarations by individual states regarding aspects of their nuclear arsenals. Of all the nuclear-weapon states, the United States has disclosed the most information about its nuclear arsenal. In addition to the data on the number of strategic launchers and deployed warheads provided in accordance with New START, the United States has also released data on the number of nuclear weapons in its active nuclear arsenal. In its most recent New START data report, the United States declared that in September 2012 it had 1,722 deployed strategic warheads. 13 The actual number of warheads in the US arsenal is larger according to the warhead declaration, made in 2010, the United States had 5,113 nuclear weapons in its active force and several thousand retired warheads awaiting dismantlement. 14 According to independent estimates, there are about 3,000 retired warheads in the dismantlement queue. 15 The 2010 declaration also contained historical data on the size of the US active nuclear arsenal, which allowed the United States to demonstrate progress in reductions of its nuclear forces. However, the US government made no commitment to publish this kind of information on a regular basis. Also, some important information about the US nuclear arsenal remains unavailable. For example, the United States has not released data on the number of its nuclear warheads deployed in Europe. Independent estimates suggest that there are about 200 nuclear weapons deployed there. 16 In contrast to the United States, the Russian Federation has never officially released data about its nuclear forces or fissile material holdings beyond what was required by international agreements, including US Russian arms control treaties. Furthermore, the Russian Federation has never publicly 10 United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs, Repository of information provided by nuclear-weapon states, Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Final Document, document NPT/CONF.2010/50 (Vol. I)*, 2010, I(B)iv, action US Department of State, Third P5 conference: implementing the NPT, 29 June US Department of State, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, New START Treaty aggregate numbers of strategic offensive arms, fact sheet, 30 November US Department of Defense, Increasing transparency in the U.S. nuclear weapons stockpile, fact sheet, 3 May H.M. Kristensen and R.S. Norris, U.S. nuclear forces, 2012, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, vol. 68, no. 3, 2012, p Ibid.

14 5 released detailed exchange data most of the information that is available comes from the releases by the United States. In particular, only the aggregate numbers of operationally deployed warheads and deployed and non-deployed strategic launchers that are submitted as part of the biannual New START data exchange are publicly available. 17 These data show that in September 2012 the Russian Federation declared 1,499 deployed strategic warheads. As a result of the Russian Federation s policy not to release detailed data, there is some uncertainty regarding the exact breakdown of the Russian numbers. Also, there is no reliable information about the number of nuclear weapons assigned to non-strategic systems. Independent estimates suggest that the Russian Federation has about 4,400 nuclear warheads in its arsenal. This number includes warheads in the active arsenal as well as those in reserve and storage. Additionally, about 5,500 warheads are believed to be awaiting dismantlement. 18 Over the past two decades, France has made efforts to make its nuclear arsenal more transparent in some areas and has been more reserved in others. In 1994, President Mitterrand provided details about the number of French nuclear-weapon delivery systems, the number of nuclear tests France had conducted, and the approximate number of available nuclear warheads (about 500). 19 Most recently, President Sarkozy stated in 2008 that France could and should be more transparent with respect to her nuclear arsenal than anyone ever has been, and announced a planned reduction of the nuclear arsenal to fewer than 300 warheads. 20 Sarkozy also declared that France is completely transparent because she has no other weapons beside those in her operational stockpile. This statement seems to support the absence of a reserve of warheads, as is the case of some other nuclear-weapon states. The United Kingdom has demonstrated a fairly high level of transparency of its nuclear forces over the past few decades. The 1998 Strategic Defence Review announced the United Kingdom s commitment to be as open as possible about Britain s nuclear forces. 21 The review also concluded that the United Kingdom needs less than 200 operationally available warheads and that it will limit the total number of weapons in its arsenal. 22 In the Strategic Defence Review completed in 2010, the United Kingdom confirmed its position on openness, stating that greater transparency about nuclear programmes adds to international trust and security. The review disclosed that the United Kingdom would reduce its requirement for operationally available warheads from fewer than 160 to no more than 120, reduce its overall nuclear weapons stockpile to no more than 180, and further reduce the number of operational missiles on each submarine. 23 Also, the 2010 Review did not alter the policy stated in the 1998 Review of having only one submarine on patrol at a time. 24 China generally supports the concept of transparency in armaments but also calls for the thorough examination of specific transparency measures and a different treatment of each, depending on 17 US Department of State, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, New START Treaty aggregate numbers of strategic offensive arms, fact sheet, 30 November H.M. Kristensen and R.S. Norris, Russian nuclear forces, 2012, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, vol. 68, no. 2, Institut François Mitterand, François Mitterrand et la dissuasion nucléaire, 22 February 2012, www. mitterrand.org/francois-mitterrand-et-la.html. 20 Presentation of SSBM Le Terrible speech by M. Nicolas Sarkozy, President of the Republic, 21 March 2008, 21 UK Ministry of Defence, Strategic Defence Review, 1998, supporting essay 5, para UK Ministry of Defence, Strategic Defence Review, 1998, chp. 4, para United Kingdom, Securing Britain in an Age of Uncertainty: The Strategic Defence and Security Review, 2010, p UK Ministry of Defence, Strategic Defence Review, 1998, chp. 4, para. 67.

15 6 their implications for China s security. The Chinese position on nuclear transparency follows these principles: China supports appropriate and feasible transparency measures in armaments in a bid to promote mutual trust between states and regions and to enhance world peace, security and stability. It should be emphasized that transparency in armaments is [a] means rather than [an end]. Under the current international situation, no country can support or achieve absolute transparency in armaments. When and at what stage a certain country can and should undertake what transparency measures must be guided by the basic principle of assured security for all states. Countries can define specific transparency measures consistent with their national or regional situation and requirements on the basis of voluntary choice or through consultations according to their specific surroundings and political, military and security conditions. 25 Despite its commitment to transparency, China has revealed the least information about its nuclear arsenal and posture compared to the other NPT nuclear-weapon states. The only official statement regarding the size of its nuclear arsenal was made in The Chinese Foreign Ministry declared in a fact sheet that, Among the nuclear-weapon states, China possesses the smallest nuclear arsenal. 26 Independent estimates suggest that China s arsenal includes about 180 weapons that could be assigned to various delivery systems. 27 Even in the cases where states have provided data about their nuclear forces, the numbers are not fully comparable, complicating the effort to build a universal transparency and accountability regime. For example, the numbers of deployed warheads that are disclosed by the Russian Federation and the United States do not correspond to the number of operationally available warheads reported by the United Kingdom or to the overall size of the nuclear stockpile reported by France. Also, it is not entirely clear which standard should be applied to China s statement on the size of its nuclear arsenal. PROGRESS TOWARDS A COMMON STANDARD The action plan adopted at the 2010 NPT Review Conference brought new attention to the effort to develop a mechanism that would allow the nuclear-weapon states to release information about their arsenals and demonstrate systematic and progressive efforts to reduce nuclear weapons. As part of this effort, non-nuclear-weapon states have put forward a number of proposals that indicate their strong interest in creating a working transparency and accountability mechanism within the NPT review process. In 2008, Japan submitted a proposal that the nuclear-weapon states should disclose information about their progress towards nuclear disarmament. 28 According to this proposal, that information would include the extent of reductions in nuclear stockpiles, the number of deployed warheads and delivery systems, as well as the status of fissile material production and plans to dispose of excess military material. 25 Permanent Mission of the People s Republic of China to the United Nations Office at Geneva and other International Organizations in Switzerland, Transparency in armaments, 16 April 2004, 26 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People s Republic of China, Fact sheet: China: nuclear disarmament and reduction of, 27 April 2004, 27 H.M. Kristensen and R.S. Norris, Chinese nuclear forces, 2011, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, vol. 67, no. 6, Preparatory Committee for the 2010 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Cluster 1: Nuclear Disarmament: Working Paper Submitted by Japan, document NPT/CONF.2010/PC.II/WP.10, 28 April 2008.

16 7 At the 2010 NPT Review Conference, Australia and New Zealand put forward a proposal that nuclear-weapon states submit information in four key areas nuclear doctrine, policy regarding fissile materials, warhead and delivery vehicle numbers, and strategic and tactical reductions. 29 The proposal suggested that nuclear-weapon states could report the current numbers, expressed as reductions, of warheads and delivery vehicles during the NPT review cycle and submit information on projected reductions. Most recently, a transparency proposal was developed by a group of non-nuclear-weapon states, known as the Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative. 30 This proposal further developed the approach suggested by Australia and New Zealand in 2010 and accommodated earlier ideas regarding transparency as well. 31 The Initiative submitted its draft of a nuclear disarmament reporting form for consideration by the nuclear-weapon states ahead of the 2011 P-5 meeting in Paris. 32 So far, the nuclear-weapon states have not indicated that they are ready to accept the proposal as a basis for further discussions. 33 According to the terms of the 2010 action plan, it is the responsibility of the nuclear-weapon states to come up with agreed definitions of the terms that will be used in the reporting form. First steps in that direction were made at the P-5 meetings in Paris in 2011 and in Washington, DC, in The P-5 established a working group, led by China, that will develop an agreed glossary of definitions for key nuclear terms. 34 This work, however, is not considered part of the effort to increase transparency of nuclear arsenals. Rather, the glossary is to be developed to increase efficiency of P5 nuclear consultation and increase P5 mutual understanding and facilitate further P5 discussions on nuclear matters. 35 While agreed definitions of key terms could greatly facilitate discussions of nuclear issues, unless these definitions have strictly defined meanings they would fall short of the standard that would be required for the purposes of monitoring progress by the nuclearweapon states towards meeting their nuclear disarmament obligations. While these initiatives represent significant progress in creating a mechanism for accountability in nuclear disarmament, implementation of these proposals is likely to encounter a number of difficulties. Most importantly, in the absence of detailed definitions of key terms to be used in the reporting forms such as warhead or delivery vehicle reported numbers might not provide Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Working Paper Submitted by Australia and New Zealand, document NPT/CONF.2010/WP.40, 22 April The group is also known as the Friends of Non-Proliferation Treaty or the Berlin Ten. It includes Australia, Canada, Chile, Germany, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands, Poland, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. 31 Preparatory Committee for the 2015 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Transparency of Nuclear Weapons: The Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative, document NPT/CONF.2015/PC.I/WP.12*, 20 April Statement of the Third Ministerial Meeting of the Non-Proliferation and Disarmament Initiative, New York, 21 September Permanent Mission of France to the United Nations in New York, First P5 follow-up meeting to the NPT Review Conference (Paris, June 30th July 1st, 2011) statement by the Spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs, 1 July 2011, 34 Ibid.; US Department of State, Third P5 conference: implementing the NPT, 29 June 2012, www. state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2012/06/ htm. 35 Ibid.; Permanent Mission of France to the United Nations in New York, First P5 follow-up meeting to the NPT Review Conference (Paris, June 30th July 1st, 2011) statement by the Spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign and European Affairs, 1 July 2011,

17 8 a meaningful picture of progress. Unless there is a clear, mutual understanding of what is involved in nuclear reductions, data in reporting forms might actually tell a distorted story of disarmament efforts and even become a source of misunderstanding and distrust. The lack of commonly accepted definitions of the terms that describe nuclear arsenals reflects the complexity of developing a framework that would accurately take into account various aspects of operations of nuclear weapons complexes. There are substantial differences in the structure of nuclear forces, capabilities of delivery systems, operational procedures, nuclear warhead handling and maintenance systems, and the fissile material production complexes, which make it extremely difficult to come up with a uniform set of definitions that would be applicable in all nuclear-weapon states. For example, nuclear warheads could be installed on operationally deployed delivery vehicles, such as land-based or submarine-launched ballistic missiles. Warheads could be stored in close proximity to their delivery systems or moved to a centralized storage facility. Warheads in storage could be considered part of the active arsenal, ready to be deployed, or they could be designated for dismantlement. The situation is even more complicated with regard to delivery vehicles. A number of delivery systems, such as bombers, cruise missiles, or ballistic missiles, can be used to deliver conventional as well as nuclear weapons. In this situation, without an agreed understanding of what kinds of nuclear warheads and delivery vehicles should be accounted for, a disclosure of aggregate numbers would reveal very little about the actual status of nuclear arsenals or progress towards nuclear disarmament. TRANSPARENCY IN US RUSSIAN NUCLEAR ARMS CONTROL Most of the issues associated with accurate reporting on nuclear disarmament have been successfully resolved in the US Russian nuclear arms control process. In the long history of bilateral arms control, the United States and the Russian Federation have created increasingly elaborate legal and institutional mechanisms to support their efforts to limit and reduce nuclear arsenals. The first transparency measures were implemented in the SALT I agreements, signed in 1972, 36 in which the parties agreed not to interfere with national technical means, such as satellite observation, that were used to verify compliance. The next arms control agreement negotiated by the United States and the Soviet Union, SALT II, included a limited exchange of data about the composition of strategic nuclear forces, but did not provide for other transparency measures or include inspection procedures. Nevertheless, the SALT agreements confirmed the essential role of transparency in nuclear arms control. In the 1980s, the United States and the Soviet Union achieved a significant breakthrough in the area of transparency. The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty, signed in 1987, included provisions for exchange of detailed data on intermediate-range missiles, as well as for on-site inspections to verify information submitted in the data exchange and elimination of missiles, and for monitoring of production facilities. The INF Treaty also established an important precedent by directly involving non-nuclear-weapon states in nuclear disarmament activities. First, the United States and the Soviet Union concluded separate agreements with the states that had missile bases and other facilities on their territories in order to allow inspection activities there. 37 Second, after 36 SALT refers to the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. 37 The United States signed agreements with West Germany, the United Kingdom, Belgium, Netherlands, and Italy. The Soviet Union had agreements with East Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, and Hungary.

18 9 the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, the Russian Federation and most other former Soviet republics were recognized as successor states. Four of the states that had inspectable facilities on their territory the Russian Federation, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine actively participated in the treaty activities, which included data exchange, consultations, notifications, and inspections. Since inspection activities of the INF Treaty ended in 2001, these states continue to exchange information as required by the treaty. 38 Since the treaty is of unlimited duration, the data exchanges will continue as long as the treaty remains in force. The data exchange, notification, and inspection provisions were also included in the US Soviet START I Treaty that reduced strategic nuclear arsenals. 39 The treaty, signed in 1991, required the parties to submit biannual declarations that contained data on strategic nuclear forces, and included provisions for notification on a range of activities related to deployment and operations of nuclear forces as well as conversion and elimination of delivery vehicles and their launchers. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, four former Soviet states became parties to the treaty the Russian Federation, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and Ukraine. Between 1994 and 2009, while the treaty remained in force, all five parties to the treaty exchanged information on their strategic forces and participated in inspection activities. 40 The next US Russian arms control agreement, the Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty (SORT), signed in 2002 in Moscow, demonstrated that progress towards greater transparency cannot be taken for granted. The treaty committed the Russian Federation and the United States to reducing their respective nuclear arsenals to between 1,700 and 2,200 strategic nuclear warheads, but never specified the meaning of this term. 41 Even after the treaty entered into force, the parties did not develop a common approach to accounting for the warheads limited by the agreement. Instead, each state used its own definition, which called into question verifiability and irreversibility of the reductions and undermined the confidence-building value of the treaty. Also, the treaty included no verification measures that would help resolve the uncertainty surrounding the terms of the agreement. New START, which was signed by the United States and the Russian Federation in April 2010 and entered into force in February 2011, superseded SORT and returned to the practice of accountability that was established by earlier US Russian arms control agreements. Moreover, the treaty set a new standard for transparency in US Russian nuclear arms control. New START preserved the key elements of the bilateral transparency regime detailed definitions, provisions for regular data exchange, notifications, and inspections, as well as institutional mechanisms to support implementation of the treaty. The treaty also introduced provisions that require disclosure of the actual number of warheads deployed on strategic delivery systems, so that the data released by the parties more accurately reflect the operational status of the nuclear forces and progress towards the reduction of nuclear arsenals. 38 Statement of Jamie F. Mannina, Spokesman in the US Department of State s Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, 17 December 2012, available at start_and_inf_treaty_inspectio.shtml. 39 START I refers to the Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Reduction and Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. 40 Statement of Jamie F. Mannina, Spokesman in the US Department of State s Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, 17 December 2012, available at start_and_inf_treaty_inspectio.shtml. 41 Treaty Between the United States of America and the Russian Federation on Strategic Offensive Reductions, article I.

19 10 NEW START TRANSPARENCY PROVISIONS New START established three central limits on the strategic nuclear forces of the Russian Federation and the United States. It requires the parties to reduce the number of deployed strategic delivery vehicles to no more than 700 and the number of deployed warheads to no more than 1,550. Also, the total number of launchers, deployed and non-deployed, should be reduced to no more than 800. The reductions will have to be completed by the end of the seven-year period since entry into force by February After that, the treaty provisions will remain in force until The parties will also have the option of extending the treaty for five years. In terms of the numbers, the reductions called for in New START are relatively modest. In fact, the first data exchange showed that, at the time the treaty entered into force in February 2011, the Russian Federation was already below the treaty limits on deployed systems it had 1,537 deployed warheads on 521 deployed strategic delivery vehicles. The numbers declared by the United States were higher 1,800 deployed warheads and 882 deployed strategic delivery vehicles but still close to the treaty limits. 42 Neither state will have difficulty reducing its forces below the limits in the seven years allowed for treaty implementation. Even though New START does not require significant reductions of nuclear arsenals, it makes an extremely valuable contribution to nuclear disarmament. The treaty preserves and strengthens the legal and institutional framework of strategic arms control that allows reductions of nuclear forces to proceed in a transparent and verifiable manner. New START also includes provisions that make most of the reductions of nuclear forces irreversible. The treaty limits three categories of strategic delivery systems land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and heavy bombers. It defines an ICBM as a ballistic missile with a demonstrated range of more than 5,500km. For an SLBM to be covered by New START, it has to have a demonstrated range of more than 600km. A heavy bomber is defined as either a bomber with a range of more than 8,000km or a bomber that can carry longrange nuclear air-launched cruise missiles (long range defined as more than 600km). 43 New START also specifies that in order to be counted against the limit of 700 deployed delivery systems, a ballistic missile must be installed in a launcher a silo, a road-mobile launcher, or a launch tube on a submarine. All heavy bombers that fit the definition and located at declared air bases are also counted as deployed unless they are converted to non-nuclear missions according to a procedure described in the treaty. The treaty further specifies that all re-entry vehicles installed on deployed ballistic missiles should be counted against the limit of 1,550 operationally deployed warheads. One warhead should be counted for each deployed bomber. Finally, the treaty accounts for all launchers, deployed or non-deployed, as a way to limit the maximum number of ballistic missiles that each party could deploy and therefore provide a degree of irreversibility to the reductions. To support implementation of the treaty, New START requires the parties to exchange biannual reports that provide detailed information on the systems limited by the treaty. These reports contain data on the number of deployed delivery vehicles, their locations, and the number of deployed warheads at each operational base. The reports also provide information about non-deployed 42 The Russian Federation and the United States declared 865 and 1,124 deployed and non-deployed strategic launchers accordingly. US Department of State, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, New START Treaty aggregate numbers of strategic offensive arms, fact sheet, 1 June Protocol to New START, part I, paras. 37, 77, 23, 41 respectively.

20 11 launchers these include silos without missiles, mobile launchers at production and storage facilities, and training and test launchers and bombers. Even though the treaty does not limit the number of non-deployed delivery vehicles, the data exchange includes detailed information about them. For the first time in the history of nuclear arms control, each missile or aircraft, as well as each missile launcher, whether deployed or not, is assigned a unique identification number that can be used to trace its movements. Also, although the biannual reports do not contain data on the number of warheads (that is, re-entry vehicles) installed on individual missiles, this information could be disclosed for the purposes of inspections activities. To verify the correctness of the information provided in the data exchanges, New START includes a number of provisions that facilitate verification. It prohibits interference with national technical means of verification, such as satellite observation, and includes provisions for on-site inspections. Each party is allowed to conduct up to 18 inspections a year to confirm the accuracy of the data exchange reports. Ten of these inspections can be conducted at the operational bases to verify the information about the number of delivery vehicles located there and the number of warheads deployed on missiles or the number of nuclear armaments that are carried by bombers. Eight inspections can be used to access other facilities declared in the treaty storage sites, training facilities, test ranges, as well at conversion and elimination sites. In addition to the biannual data exchange, the treaty requires the parties to give prompt notification of any change in the data provided in the report. Also, the parties should notify each other of all significant events concerning strategic weapons, such as movements of missiles and bombers, major exercises, and production or elimination of delivery systems. Notifications are handled by national Nuclear Risk Reduction Centers, established in 1988 to facilitate time-sensitive communication between the United States and the Soviet Union and since then expanded to serve a range of bilateral and multilateral treaties and agreements. 44 The treaty established the Bilateral Consultative Commission that is responsible for resolving questions about compliance with the treaty and ensuring its viability and effectiveness. The Commission holds biannual meetings in Geneva to discuss issues of treaty implementation. If necessary, the Commission could also discuss other issues related to the treaty, such as new kinds of strategic arms. 45 Even though the New START transparency and accountability provisions were developed in the context of bilateral US Russian nuclear arms control, they could be applied to the nuclear arsenals of other nuclear-weapon states. The key advantage of New START is that it provides a legal and organizational framework for nuclear reductions that has been thoroughly tested in practice. Extending this framework to all nuclear-weapon states would be a natural and direct way of building a comprehensive system that could ensure transparency and accountability in nuclear disarmament. It is very important that the treaty provides a clear set of definitions to describe components of the nuclear forces and their operational status, so that the information submitted by the parties is comparable and can be interpreted in an unambiguous way, especially in those cases where definitions used by individual states are different from those specified in New START. 46 By requiring the parties to account for operationally deployed delivery systems and warheads specified in the treaty, New START makes it possible to closely track progress towards nuclear force reductions. Also, 44 US Department of State, Bureau of Arms Control, Verification and Compliance, United States Nuclear Risk Reduction Center (NRRC), 24 October Protocol to New START, part 6, I. 46 China, for example, defines an ICBM as having a range greater than 8,000km, whereas New START specifies a range greater than 5,500km. See for example J.W. Lewis and Hua Di, China s ballistic missile programs, technologies, strategies, goals, International Security, vol. 17, no. 2, 1992, p. 6.

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