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Wednesday, March 5, 2014

Knockdoe (1504): the archaeological & historical significance of one of Ireland's great but forgotten battles

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Knockdoe (1504): the archaeological & historical significance of one of Ireland's great but forgotten battles

In 2007 the Department of the Environment, Heritage& Local Government launched the Irish Battlefields Project. This ambitious
undertaking that sought to look at all the battles fought in the Republic of
Ireland between the 8th century and 1798, with a view to determining how many
were locatable in today’s landscape. An advisory panel developed a set of
criteria to determine what a ‘battlefield’ constituted, while Rubicon Heritage Services Ltd and Eneclann Ltd were appointed to carry out the archaeological
and historical research. Over 200 potential battlefields were examined, and a
large number were eventually mapped.

One of these was the battlefield of Knockdoe, county
Galway. This often overlooked battle, fought on 19 August 1504,
is in fact one of the most significant engagements to have taken place in
Ireland, and is also, in a European context, of great archaeological
significance. The
battle was fought on a low, but locally prominent, hill of the same name
in the parish of Lackagh/Turloughmore, 16 kilometres north-east of Galway city,
near the town of Claregalway. This
hill is surrounded on all sides by flat, low-lying land, with the River Clare
meandering to the east and the south. Today it is a quiet agricultural
landscape; the largest nearby settlement being the village of Carnoneen, on the
southern slope of the hill itself. A castle and church to the south-east of the
hill are among the monuments in the area that were present at the time of the
battle. It seems likely that, aside from the addition of some field boundaries,
the landscape today is much as it was 500 years ago.

Historical Background

Looking South West from the summit of Knockdoe

This
battle took place at a time when the island was divided between two cultural
groups. The native inhabitants of Ireland, known as the Gaelic Irish, dominated
much of the north and the west of the country at this time, and the descendants
of the Anglo-Norman invaders of the 12th century (who many historians now refer to as the 'Old English'), who dominated most of the south
and east of the island. Both communities had, of course, become somewhat intermixed
with each other after centuries of interaction (though levels of intermingling
varied from place to place) and they also supplied the vast majority, if not
all, of the troops in this battle. Consequently, Knockdoe is described in some
textbooks as the largest battle between Irishmen in history. This is
understandable, though it should be pointed out that many of the combatants, specifically
those who came from the Old English community of the Pale (Dublin and the area
immediately surrounding it), despite the previous centuries of intermingling, would
have took offence at being described as Irish. Indeed, the Old English
community still recognised the monarch of England’s claim to be lord of Ireland
at this time, and would do so for many generations after.

Despite
this problem one can still say that Knockdoe involved a very large number of
troops raised within the island of Ireland. Its importance was not lost on the
local community; many folktales from the locality attest to the lasting impact
of the battle on the local populace, and the local heritage organisation have
held a number of commemorative activities over the last years. Indeed, the
townland name itself (Knockdoe in Irish is “cnoc tuagh”, literally “the hill of
axes”), may come from the military axe, the favoured fighting instrument of the
galloglass, the professional military caste of medieval Ireland. These
particular soldiers made up a considerable part of both armies at Knockdoe.

Near-contemporary
accounts of the battle are found in a number of Gaelic Irish annals, including
the Annals of Loch Cé, the Annals of
Ulster and theAnnals of Connacht. The Annals of the Four Masters also has a
description of the battle. The most detailed account is to be found in the mid
to late-sixteenth century composition, the Book of Howth, being a chronicle of
the St. Lawrence family, Barons of Howth. The St. Lawrence family was
represented in Kildare’s forces. There are significant differences between the
Gaelic Irish accounts and that found in the Book of Howth. The former
chronicles are principally concerned with giving poetic and dramatic accounts
of the numbers involved and the casualties suffered, though they make little
comment on the political and military significance of the battle. The Book of
Howth depicts the battle as an Old English victory over the Gaelic Irish. It is
even critical of Kildare’s Gaelic allies and portrays Clanricard as a full
member of the Gaelic Irish community.

The
chief protagonist on one side was the royal Lord Deputy Garret Mór FitzGerald,
8th earl of Kildare, the major magnate of Old English descent in the island at
the time. Garret Mór Fitzgerald had succeeded to the aforementioned earldom in
1478 while in his early twenties, following the death of his father. He rose to
significant power on becoming earl as he was immediately elected the English Crown’s
temporary governor of Ireland by the Irish royal council in Dublin. This
appointment did not last long, as the Yorkist king, Edward IV, replaced him
with a more experienced English politician soon after. This loss of office was
a short-term one, however, as within a year he was re-appointed to the post, following
a period when the House of Kildare refused to co-operate with royal government
in the Pale. Garret Mór remained as viceroy until 1494. Henry VII’s seizure of
the English throne from the House of York in 1485 created serious problems for
Garret Mór. The earl was a staunch Yorkist and in 1487 he provided significant
support to Lambert Simnel, the Yorkist pretender. Simnel’s cause failed
following defeat at the battle of Stoke, a clash where Garret Mór’s brother
Thomas was amongst the dead. Garret Mór remained on as royal governor, however,
as he was too powerful to be removed. The next year, 1488, saw the earl of
Kildare swear loyalty to Henry VII. When another Yorkist pretender, Perkin Warbeck, appeared in 1491 Kildare did not openly support him, but Henry VII
removed the earl from office the following year as a precaution. Other
governors tried to fill Kildare’s shoes with varying success, and in 1495 one
of them, Edward Poynings, accused Fitzgerald of obstructionism and treason.
This led to Fitzgerald’s commitment in the Tower of London that year, but a
show of resistance by his supporters and allies in Ireland, both Old English
and Gaelic, caused Henry VII to reconsider. Charges against the earl were
dropped by 1496 and he was re-appointed as the crown’s lord deputy in Ireland.
He held this office until his death in 1513. Between 1496 and his death Garret
Mór did much to uphold and even extend royal power in Ireland and the campaign
that led to Knockdoe arguably represents the height of Garret Mór Fitzgerald’s
political and military power in Ireland.

Garret
Mór, while he was of Old English lineage, had familial connections to the
Gaelic Irish community in Ireland, and in some ways he shared in Gaelic
culture. That being said, Garret Mór often distanced himself from the Gaelic Irish
community when it suited him. This cannot be said of Ulick De Burgo, head of
the McWilliam Uachtair, or Clanrickard Burkes. He was Garret Mór’s rival and
was the other major protagonist in this battle. Like Fitzgerald, he too was of Old
English descent, but his family had become gaelicised over the previous
centuries. The use of the alternative gaelicised surname, McWilliam, by this
dynasty attests to this.

Ulick
De Burgo became the lord of Clanricard in 1485. While not as
large a figure on the historical stage as Garret Mór, he was still a
significant magnate. Garret Mór, for one, clearly recognised this as he married
a daughter, Eustacia, to this western lord. In the two decades before Knockdoe De
Burgo concerned himself with three things: maintain the longstanding alliance
between the O’Briens of Thomond and the Clanricard Burkes (and he attacked the
earldom of Desmond in 1485 to do this), keeping the O’Donnells of Tyrconnell
out of north Connacht (something which took up his first decade as earl), and increasing
Clanricard Burke hegemony in the rest of the province. De Burgo pursued this
latter policy throughout the late 15th and early 16th century, to the detriment
of those Gaelic Irish and Old English families around him, including another
branch of the De Burgo family in Connacht, the Mayo McWilliam Burkes. He also pursued
his family’s interests at the expense of the towns of Galway and Athenry, two Old
English urban centres which, despite their remoteness from the Pale, were
notable for their loyalty to Crown government in Ireland. In particular, De
Burgo began levying tolls on Galway city’s trade. Then, in 1503, the death of
the leader of the Mayo McWilliam Burkes presented De Burgo with an opportunity
to encroach upon the territory of the former’s allies, the O’Kellys of Uí Maine
(Hy Many), in east Galway. The leader of the O’Kellys, Melaghlin O’Kelly, was also
a political client of Garret Mór Fitzgerald, however, and he now appealed to this
patron for assistance. The earl of Kildare consequently began preparations to
move against De Burgo.

Garret
Mór may have had other reasons for challenging De Burgo. For one, despite his
marriage to Eustacia Fitzgerald, Ulick De Burgo had proven to be somewhat of a
problem for the House of Kildare. Most notably, Clanricard was an ally of the
Fitzgeralds’ traditional enemies, the Butlers of Ormond. As the royal lord deputy,
moreover, Kildare may have felt obliged to defend the liberties of the towns of
Galway and Athenry. Furthermore, tradition states that Eustacia returned to her
father about this time with tales of mistreatment and cruelty. If she did,
though, it may not have been because of marital discord, but may instead have
been a gesture of support for the House of Kildare.

Nevertheless,
whatever his reasons for it, Garret Mór (or Kildare, as he shall be referred to
from here on) decided to react to Ulick’s (henceforth, Clanricard) aggrandising
policies by preparing a military move against his western rival. This decision
led directly to the battle at Knockdoe.

Troops

Kildare’s
forces at this battle included the muster of four counties from the Crown-controlled
region of the Pale, two bodies of men from the towns of Dublin and Drogheda, as
well as his own retainers and galloglass from Kildare. The employment of
galloglass here is significant. Aside from testifying to his dynasty’s adaption
to Irish circumstances, the use of such troops by Crown forces had been forbidden
in the statutes of Kilkenny. In addition, Kildare was aided by many Gaelic
lords from the northern half of Ireland. These included Hugh Roe O’Donnell of
Tyrconnell and some of the O’Neills, the O’Conor Roe, the McDermots of Moylurg,
the McMahons from modern-day county Monaghan, the Magennises, the O’Reillys of
Cavan, the O’Farrells of Longford, the O’Hanlons of Armagh, the Mayo McWilliam
Burkes, and the O’Kellys. There were also, allegedly, 120 of the Crown’s forces
in Ireland, consisting of 40 spearmen and 80 archers, amongst Kildare’s army,
though some scholars have raised doubts about this. Clanricard’s allies were
mainly Gaelic chiefs from the southern half of Ireland. They included O’Brien
of Thomond, the McNamaras, Ely O’Carroll, the O’Kennedys from the lordship of
Ormond, Mac I Brien of Ara, as well as by some minor branches of the O’Kellys.

One of the most interesting aspects of the battle of
Knockdoe is that the troop-types and weapons we see at it bridge the medieval
and early modern periods. The Old English part of Kildare’s army consisted of
archers under Viscount Gormanstown and Baron Killeen, Bill-men under St. Lawrence of Howth and cavalry under Lord Delvin (though sources make it clear that
there was cavalry in both armies, most of the fighting was done by foot
soldiers, and it is even likely that the cavalry dismounted to fight).
Yet, Kildare was also one of the first major proponents of firearms in Ireland,
and he also brought at least some of the relatively new handgunners with him.

A significant part of both armies, (indeed, the
majority of Clanricard’s force) was drawn from the Gaelic Irish community.
These troops included lightly armed Gaelic Irish troops known as kerne, and the
great professional soldier caste of Gaelic Ireland, the galloglass. Literally
meaning foreign young men or foreign young warriors, the galloglass had first come
into Ireland from the Scottish Isles as early as the 13th century. Over the
following centuries these men had established themselves under the patronage of
different Gaelic Lords, first in Ulster but soon spreading to other parts of
the country. Among the most famous galloglass septs were the MacSweeneys, the MacDonalds
and the MacCabes. These imposing warriors usually operated in battalions of 80
fighting men, with each Galloglass supported by two lightly armed retainers who
carried darts. The galloglass themselves were noted for their height and
imposing physical appearance. They wore long mail shirts and padded jackets
together with an iron helmet. Their most notable possession was their
long-handled axes, which they wielded with deadly skill in the service of their
Lords.

In all it is thought Kildare commanded some 6,000
troops at Knockdoe; an army of this size would not be seen again in Ireland until
later in the century. Clanricard’s force which faced them was probably about
4,000 strong.

According
to the Book of Howth, Kildare’s forces arrived in the vicinity of Knockdoe on
the evening of 18 August, and held a council of war 20 miles to the east of the
hill. Here it was decided to give battle. Kildare declared his intention to use
his own galloglass in the main part of the battle. Historians differ as to why
he did this, largely because the text in the Book of Howth is unclear.
Hayes-McCoy used the interpretation put on one crucial passage of the Book of
Howth by the 19th century editors of the Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts. These
editors transcribed one sentence in the following way: ““Well,” said the Earl; “call to me the captain of the galoglas,
for he and his shall begin this game, for it is less force of their lusts than it is of our
young men.” Hayes McCoy took the words lusts to means “lustys” and
interpreted the sentence, somewhat awkwardly, to mean that the lusty galloglass
would require less force to overcome their enemies than the young men of the
Pale.

Other
historians, however, including this one, prefer to interpret the controversial
word as “losses”, and not “lustys”, for a number of reasons. First, other present-day
historians, who have seen the original text, prefer to read the word as
“losses”. Second, the editors of the calendar of Carew manuscripts acknowledged
in a footnote that the word in question could be read in another way (they gave
this alternative interpretation as “lostys”). Third, reading the word as losses
gives us a much more straightforward sentence, which is easier to interpret and
in keeping with the general anti-Gaelic Irish tone found in this account of the
battle. ““Well,” said the Earl; “call to me the captain
of the galoglas, for he and his shall begin this
game, for it is less force of their losses than it is of our young men.” Finally, this interpretation of
the sentence fits in better with what follows, more of which a little later. In
short, this reading of the text means that in order to reduce the losses
amongst the Old English contingent, Kildare ordered that his galloglass should
bear the brunt of the attack.

Regardless
of why Kildare made this decision, the Book of Howth goes on to say that the
galloglass commander was delighted, as he saw it as an honour. Some Old English
nobles supposedly objected to Kildare’s decision, however, believing that the forces
from the Pale were superior to those of the enemy and that their casualties
would accordingly be slight. Lord Howth reportedly exclaimed that “I will be the beginner of this dance, and my kinsmen and friends, for we will not hazard our English goods upon the Irish blood”.
In other words, the Irish posed little threat to the Palesmen, so there was no
need for Kildare’s galloglass to start the fighting. Howth also reportedly
insisted that the Irish and Old English forces not be intermingled. These
remarks, if actually made (remember, the Book of Howth was composed about half
a century after the battle), may have been motivated by two major concerns. The
first of these was the ethnic hostility and rivalry referred to earlier. Simply
put, although Gaelic Irish and Old English lords were fighting with each other
in both armies, there was a certain amount of distrust and disdain between both
communities. The Palesmen, for their part, did not hold the fighting prowess of
their Gaelic neighbours in high regard, and therefore probably felt that Kildare’s
caution and protection of their lives was unnecessary. They also clearly wanted
to be distinguished from their Gaelic allies. The concept of honour may also
have played a part. If the Old English nobility and gentry insisted on starting
the battle then this was probably because they wanted to add to their own
military reputations and good names by having a greater part in the fighting.

The following morning Kildare’s men drew up in line
of battle atop Knockdoe hill. They used a wall of some two feet in height (this had
previously been erected by local to protect their corn crop)
to anchor their position. This wall extended across Kildare’s front, and
turned off towards the right wing of his army. His
cavalry, many of whom would have been armoured, may have dismounted to fight on
foot. His deployments saw the cavalry on the left, with archers immediately to
their right. The centre consisted of Old English billmen, and this may also
have been where Kildare’s galloglass were located, though the Book of
Howth does not mention this. The right of Kildare’s line was
formed of his Gaelic Irish allies, a force of kern and galloglass, supported by
more archers. It thus seems that Kildare kept the Old English soldiers and
the troops of his Gaelic Irish allies apart. This deployment
of troops apparently allowed the centre and the right of Kildare’s line to
shelter behind the wall.

Kildare’s
archers were commanded by Viscount Gormanstown and the Baron of Killeen
respectively, the billmen in the centre were commanded by St. Lawrence of
Howth, while the cavalry were commanded by Lord Delvin. Kildare also had a
reserve force guarding his baggage train in the rear, under the command of his
17 year old son, Garret Óg. The arrangement of Ulick De Burgo’s forces was
simpler. His infantry was drawn up in one great line facing the centre of
Kildare’s army. His cavalry was on the left, facing the right wing of Kildare’s
army and the wall.

It
is suggested in the Book of Howth that Delvin led Kildare’s cavalry in an
initial sally against Clanricard’s forces, though this may be a later
interpolation into the text. Be that as it may, Clanricard initiated the battle
proper, by sending his galloglass forward to attack Kildare’s line. The
Galway Earl tried to conform his line to match Kildare’s dispositions, drawing
up his infantry in one long line across from the Great Earl’s centre, with his
cavalry on the left. This
was met by a hail of fire from Kildare’s archers (and
presumably his handgunners), dropping large numbers of the advancing
galloglass. They were unable to drive Clanricard’s
galloglass off before they hammered into the centre of Kildare’s line, however.
Soon, both sides were engaged in confused, hand-to-hand, melee fighting. There
was little tactical sophistication at play here – both sides would pummel each
other until one or the other broke. The long handled axe, the preferred
weapon of the galloglass, was not ideal for this type of situation as it was
not suited to close combat, and this probably put Clanricard’s forces at a
disadvantage here against Kildare’s billmen. Beyond this, there is little
evidence for any manoeuvring on the battlefield by either army.

Single combat

The site of St. Columbkille's Church near Knockdoe,a site extant during the battle

The
various chronicles do suggest that a certain amount of challenges to
hand-to-hand combat were issued in the course of the battle and these were
taken up. A MacSwiney captain of the Clanricard galloglass, for instance,
defeated an Old English magnate, Sir William D’Arcy of Platten in such a fight.
MacSwiney was subsequently killed by Baron Nagle of Navan in another combat
soon after. Such instances of single combat in a battle context are more often
associated with the ancient past and mythology. One has only to think of David
and Goliath, Cuchulainn and Ferdia, or Achilles and Hector. Yet, single combat,
or at least instances of challenges to single combat, in a medieval/early-modern
battle would not have been unusual. The most famous instance in a late medieval
context is that involving Robert the Bruce at the battle of Bannockburn in
1314. Examples of such challenges also occurred on the continent both at this
time and afterwards. The commander of the parliamentarian forces challenged his
royalist counterpart to single combat before the battle of Edgehill during the
English civil war, for example. The recording of these instances would not have
been unusual either, as to contemporaries they would have reflected well on the
military prowess and honour of the combatants, and on their communities.

Victory and defeat

The view to the west from the crest of Knockdoe

Engaging
as they are, these individual duels would not have decided the battle. Instead,
the fighting continued unabated for many hours,
pitting kern and galloglass against kern and galloglass, and galloglass against
billmen, until at last Clanricard’s force began to be forced back. They
eventually broke, always the most disastrous occurrence for any army of the
period. Once one side began to flee, the slaughter proper began. The killing
continued as far as Claregalway and to the banks of the Clare River. Folklore
suggests that a number of skirmishes took place along this river’s bank.

At
the moment of victory, though, it appears that Garret Óg Fitzgerald left his
post and abandoned Kildare’s baggage train to pursue the fleeing enemy. This
left the baggage train open to attack from Clanricard’s cavalry, which still
had not abandoned the battlefield, and they took the opportunity to ransack
Kildare’s supplies. Hayes McCoy surmises that this cavalry force did not
participate in the battle proper, but had instead ridden around Kildare’s
forces and had fallen on them from behind. This seems to have been the only
major setback for the victor’s army, however.

Casualties
were heavy on both sides, with some accounts stating that both sides suffered
equally, though, given the fact that Clanricard’s army broke and fled, this
seems unlikely. The annals of Loch Cé, typically of all the Irish annals,
states that a large number of the Old English and Gaelic nobility were slain.
The Book of Howth implausibly states that 9,000 men died. A more conservative,
and believable, estimate puts the casualties at about 2,000 men, though Hayes
McCoy asserts that this may also be an over-estimation. Interestingly, the
figure of 2,000 casualties comes from a compilation of the antiquarian JamesWare’s works, known as the history andantiquities of Ireland, published in 1705. Ware was dead by the time this
work came out and historians now accept that the 1705 compilation was not the
most accurate rendering of his writings. Ware’s Rerum Hibernicarum contains his original account of Knockdoe and
was published in 1664. This puts the dead at Knockdoe at 4,000, though it
provides no information on where this figure comes from. In this account Ware
also cites an excerpt he had got from the white book of the exchequer
(destroyed in 1610) which claims that no Englishman died in the battle. John
Marsden, in his recent book on galloglass, uses it to support his contention
that the Old English took no part in the fighting. It is hard to know what to
make of the white book of the exchequer’s claim, though. English in this
context could refer to the 120 Crown troops reputedly at this battle (and it is
not implausible that, assuming they were there, they all survived the encounter).
Equally, it could refer to Old English soldiers from the Pale, as Marsden
believes. Given that all accounts agree that there were heavy casualties on
both sides in the battle, and that the Gaelic Irish annals say that nobility
and gentlemen from both communities fell in the fighting, this seems unlikely.
In should also be remembered that the book of Howth mentions that the Palesmen
were anxious to fight before the battle, that an Old English gentleman fell in
single combat and that various Old English commanders led different parts of
the forces involved in the fighting. Given this, while galloglass clearly took
the lead in most of the fighting, it is hard to support the assertion that they
were the only combatants. Ware, it should also be said, described the claim
about English casualties in the white book of the exchequer as “wonderful and
almost incredible”.

The immediate aftermath of Knockdoe

Afterwards,
Kildare’s forces marched to Galway, where they were welcomed and feasted by the
town’s corporation. The Fitzgerald coat of arms was reputedly placed on Lynch’scastle to commemorate Kildare’s victory. A number of prisoners and hostages
were also taken by Kildare after this battle, two sons and a daughter of Ulick
De Burgo being among these. Clanricard himself, though clearly humiliated by
this setback, was not subjected to any personal punishment.

According
to local tradition and folklore, those who died in the battle were buried in
the nearby townlands of Ballybrone and Anbally. Some believe that the former
locality got its name from the grieving that took place there after the battle.
The tradition that some of those slain at Knockdoe are buried at Anbally is
linked to an old burial mound in that area.

Political significance

Signage at Knockdoe

The
extension of royal power in the Ireland and the ending of Clanricard Burke
influence over Galway city, and even Athenry, are attributed to this battle. Yet,
it would seem that Kildare also had personal dynastic reasons for fighting this
action, and he was fortunate to escape the Royal wrath for using his position
to engage in what some deemed to be a private row. Yet, having won the day,
Henry VII rewarded him with further grants of land and he may have also become
a knight of the Garter in 1505 because of this. Yet, despite this, the size of
the battle and the high level of casualties, there was no long-lasting
political or strategic outcome. The Clanricard Burkes, though their expansion
halted, continued to be significant players in Connacht afterwards. The
O’Briens of Thomond continued to thrive also. Indeed, they even defeated Kildare
at O’Briens’ Bridge, on the border of county Clare, in 1510.

Military/tactical significance.

It
should be noted that Lord Delvin had promised during the previous day’s council
that he would be the first to throw a spear at the enemy. This casting of
spears was a feature of Gaelic Irish warfare and not of Old English warfare,
and it clearly suggests that some Gaelic modes of warfare had by this time been
adopted by the Palesmen. Knockdoe is the first Irish battle in which a handgun
is known to have been used. It is said to have been carried by a Dublin
soldier, who used it to bludgeon an enemy to death. It is likely that this
soldier was not the only combatant carrying a gun and that these others were
probably used in a more conventional way. In terms of size, though it may have
anticipated developments later in the sixteenth century (e.g. larger military forces, the use of firearms, etc.) nothing on
the scale of Knockdoe was to occur again until the Nine Years’ War.

From
an archaeological perspective Knockdoe is a high potential battlefield. The
area of the fighting atop the hill remains a largely greenfield site and in all
likelihood would contain artefacts that were dropped on 19 August 1504, thus
presenting us with an opportunity to explore the physical traces left by a
battle that straddled the chronological boundary between the medieval and early
modern world. The key to precisely locating this battlefield lies with the low
stone wall which sheltered Kildare’s main line, and which should be
archaeologically identifiable. To locate the wall is to locate the battlefield.

In
an international context, Knockdoe is potentially important for the study of
firearm development on the battlefield. We know from the fate of one of the
Clanricard horsemen who attacked the baggage train that guns were employed at
Knockdoe. The historical sources tell us that a Dublin soldier ‘struck him with
a gun with both his hands and so beat out his brains.’ This, as is clear from
the preceding, has led us to suggest that Kildare employed handgunners at this
battle. If evidence for firearm use at Knockdoe can be established, it would
join important investigations such as those carried out at Bosworth Field
(1485) in producing artefacts relating to early guns on the battlefield - representing
the early days of a weapon that would come to dominate warfare. Knockdoe is a
fascinating battlefield, and one with many important historical and
archaeological facets. It is to be hoped that it is the subject of much further
study in the future.Primary Sources:-

The Lambeth Palace Library, the
Carew Papers, Ms 623 (The Book of Howth), ff. 108-112

“The Book of
Howth,” J.S. Brewer & William Bullen (eds) Calendar of the Carew Manuscripts preserved in the Archepiscopal
Library at Lambeth, 6 (London, 1871) 181-186

B. McCarthy (ed) Annals of Ulster, 3 (Dublin, 1895)
469-71

William Hayes
(ed), Annals of Lock Cé, 2 (Dublin,
1939), 203

A. Martin Freeman
(ed), Annals of Connacht (Dublin,
1996), 609

John O'Donovan, Annala Rioghachta Eireann: Annals of the
kingdom of Ireland by the Four Masters, from the earliest period to the year
1616, vol. V (Dublin, 1856), 1275-1277

Secondary Sources:-

James Ware, Rerum Hibernicarum Annales (Dublin,
1664), 71-72

“The Annals of
Ireland in the reign of Henry VII”, James
Ware, The Antiquities and History of Ireland (Dublin, 1705), 47

Valerie McGowan
Doyle, The Book of Howth: The Elizabethan
Re-Conquest of Ireland and the Old English (Cork, 2011)

About the authors

A Clareman by birth and inclination, John Jeremiah Cronin initially graduated with an MA degree from NUI Galway. In 2007 he was awarded a PhD by the European University Institute, Florence. He has, amongst other things, worked with Eneclann on the Irish-government sponsored Irish Battlefields Project, where he focused on early-modern conflicts. He has also worked as a teaching assistant in NUI Galway, on the Oscail programme of Dublin City University, the Liberal Arts programme of the CDVEC, Mary Immaculate College (University of Limerick), and in University College Dublin. He has, furthermore, overseen a number of local History projects in county Galway. The fruits of his research, which focuses on Irish elites and nobility, have been printed in Belgium, Canada, Britain, the US and Ireland. Most recently he has published on duelling amongst seventeenth-century Irish elite exiles.