The book analyses the changes that have occurred in developing countries since the end of the Cold War. The first section highlights major areas of change in economics, politics, and security and ...
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The book analyses the changes that have occurred in developing countries since the end of the Cold War. The first section highlights major areas of change in economics, politics, and security and institutions, while the second section develops these themes and reveals the diversity of experience through regional case studies (Latin America, Asia Pacific, Africa, South Asia, and the Middle East).Less

The Third World Beyond the Cold War : Continuity and Change

Published in print: 2000-10-19

The book analyses the changes that have occurred in developing countries since the end of the Cold War. The first section highlights major areas of change in economics, politics, and security and institutions, while the second section develops these themes and reveals the diversity of experience through regional case studies (Latin America, Asia Pacific, Africa, South Asia, and the Middle East).

This chapter discusses the first phase of UN involvement in Iraq, in which it acted as a Cold War Peacemaker and peacekeeper, using its neutral position eventually to broker a settlement between Iran ...
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This chapter discusses the first phase of UN involvement in Iraq, in which it acted as a Cold War Peacemaker and peacekeeper, using its neutral position eventually to broker a settlement between Iran and Iraq in 1987-88. It focuses on several critical moments during the Iran-Iraq war, the significance of which was overlooked at the time. First, the Security Council’s inadequate, indeed misguided, reaction to Iraq’s attack on Iran in 1980 that contributed to Saddam Hussein’s contempt for the UN. The UN’s involvement over the next decade provides a catalog of the measures available to it as a peace-broker in the Cold War years. A new phase is introduced, in which, with Cold War tensions subsiding, the P-5 working together could be more creative (and quietly assertive) than previously. A new era in P-5 relations and in the capacity of the UN to address hitherto intractable conflicts had dawned.Less

Cold War Peacemaker: Brokering Peace in the Iran–Iraq War

David M. Malone

Published in print: 2006-06-22

This chapter discusses the first phase of UN involvement in Iraq, in which it acted as a Cold War Peacemaker and peacekeeper, using its neutral position eventually to broker a settlement between Iran and Iraq in 1987-88. It focuses on several critical moments during the Iran-Iraq war, the significance of which was overlooked at the time. First, the Security Council’s inadequate, indeed misguided, reaction to Iraq’s attack on Iran in 1980 that contributed to Saddam Hussein’s contempt for the UN. The UN’s involvement over the next decade provides a catalog of the measures available to it as a peace-broker in the Cold War years. A new phase is introduced, in which, with Cold War tensions subsiding, the P-5 working together could be more creative (and quietly assertive) than previously. A new era in P-5 relations and in the capacity of the UN to address hitherto intractable conflicts had dawned.

Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological ...
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Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological fashion, five phases of the story are here discerned. The first phase deals with the Council’s role as Cold War peacemaker during the Iran-Iraq war. The second phase involves its response to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. The third phase is characterized by ‘creeping unilateralism’, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. The fourth phase covers the period between 9/11 to the bombing of UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003. The fifth phase focuses on the Council’s efforts to find its feet in Iraq, and its contemplation of reform in its way of doing business.Less

The International Struggle Over Iraq : Politics in the UN Security Council 1980-2005

David M. Malone

Published in print: 2006-06-22

Spanning the last quarter century, this book examines the impact the United Nations Security Council has had on Iraq - and Iraq’s impact on the Security Council. Told largely in chronological fashion, five phases of the story are here discerned. The first phase deals with the Council’s role as Cold War peacemaker during the Iran-Iraq war. The second phase involves its response to Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait. The third phase is characterized by ‘creeping unilateralism’, occurring within the context of a more multidisciplinary approach to peace operations. The fourth phase covers the period between 9/11 to the bombing of UN headquarters in Baghdad in August 2003. The fifth phase focuses on the Council’s efforts to find its feet in Iraq, and its contemplation of reform in its way of doing business.

Addresses a number of definitional and methodological issues relating to the effect of the end of the cold war on developing countries. This is followed by an examination of expectations regarding ...
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Addresses a number of definitional and methodological issues relating to the effect of the end of the cold war on developing countries. This is followed by an examination of expectations regarding the impact of the end of the cold war on the Third World expressed at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s. These expectations are compared with the progression of events in the Third World since 1989, and the reasons for the discrepancy between expectation and reality are discussed. Observations are then made on salient issues of Third World politics and security that were underemphasized or misconstrued in the cold war era, and that receive a fuller airing in subsequent thematic and regional chapters of the book. In particular, questions are raised about the extent to which a literature in security studies and international relations that emphasizes the centrality of the state, and the explanatory value of systemic structure, can adequately explain the evolution of politics in the Third World subsequent to the cold war.Less

Taking Stock : The Third World and the End of the Cold War

S. Neil Macfarlane

Published in print: 2000-10-19

Addresses a number of definitional and methodological issues relating to the effect of the end of the cold war on developing countries. This is followed by an examination of expectations regarding the impact of the end of the cold war on the Third World expressed at the end of the 1980s and early 1990s. These expectations are compared with the progression of events in the Third World since 1989, and the reasons for the discrepancy between expectation and reality are discussed. Observations are then made on salient issues of Third World politics and security that were underemphasized or misconstrued in the cold war era, and that receive a fuller airing in subsequent thematic and regional chapters of the book. In particular, questions are raised about the extent to which a literature in security studies and international relations that emphasizes the centrality of the state, and the explanatory value of systemic structure, can adequately explain the evolution of politics in the Third World subsequent to the cold war.

This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, ...
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This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.Less

Namibia: Group of Three and Western Contact Group

Jochen Prantl

Published in print: 2006-03-01

This chapter examines the role and performance of the Group of Three and the Western Contact Group in the process leading to the independence of Namibia in 1990. At the United Nations level, decolonization resulted in a significant increase in membership that shifted governance in the General Assembly and the Security Council. The admission of post-colonial states turned decolonization into an ideological issue that contributed to a situation where direct UN involvement became ineffective. It complicated the process towards the further dismantling of the colonial system, and generated a push towards exit as epitomized in the formation of informal groups. The case of Namibia illustrates the potential and limits of engaging the United States in a cooperative framework.

Reflects on the relevance and role of the Third World in the emerging world order; more specifically, it examines the extent to which the end of the cold war affected the insecurity and vulnerability ...
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Reflects on the relevance and role of the Third World in the emerging world order; more specifically, it examines the extent to which the end of the cold war affected the insecurity and vulnerability of the Third World countries and the state of the North–South divide as it relates to the prospects for global cooperation and maintenance of order in the post‐cold war era. The discussion is in three parts. The first looks at the question of whether the end of the cold war will increase or dampen instability and conflict in the Third World. This is followed by an assessment of emerging areas of North–South tension over world order issues, especially those that are associated with the North's ill‐defined vision of a ’New World Order’. The third part examines the changing role of Third World platforms and institutions, both global and regional, in addressing the political, security, and economic concerns of the developing countries.Less

Developing Countries and the Emerging World Order : Security and Institutions

Amitav Acharya

Published in print: 2000-10-19

Reflects on the relevance and role of the Third World in the emerging world order; more specifically, it examines the extent to which the end of the cold war affected the insecurity and vulnerability of the Third World countries and the state of the North–South divide as it relates to the prospects for global cooperation and maintenance of order in the post‐cold war era. The discussion is in three parts. The first looks at the question of whether the end of the cold war will increase or dampen instability and conflict in the Third World. This is followed by an assessment of emerging areas of North–South tension over world order issues, especially those that are associated with the North's ill‐defined vision of a ’New World Order’. The third part examines the changing role of Third World platforms and institutions, both global and regional, in addressing the political, security, and economic concerns of the developing countries.

This chapter examines in detail which fundamental features of postwar American political theory facilitated a disregard of the central agency of political life: the state. The chapter presents two ...
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This chapter examines in detail which fundamental features of postwar American political theory facilitated a disregard of the central agency of political life: the state. The chapter presents two initial viable causes for such actions. The first gives emphasis to capitalism and its role in American political explanation while the second highlights the anti-authoritarian tendencies of Cold War political thinking in the United States. However, the chapter argues that these two are insufficient to explain such exclusion. Obsession with the exclusive, oppressive, and tyrannical character of popular opinion and conventional wisdom in the United States is also taken into consideration when discussing why a generation of political theorists removed the state and situated “liberal tradition” in its place.Less

The Missing State in Postwar American Political Thought

Desmond KingMarc Stears

Published in print: 2009-10-02

This chapter examines in detail which fundamental features of postwar American political theory facilitated a disregard of the central agency of political life: the state. The chapter presents two initial viable causes for such actions. The first gives emphasis to capitalism and its role in American political explanation while the second highlights the anti-authoritarian tendencies of Cold War political thinking in the United States. However, the chapter argues that these two are insufficient to explain such exclusion. Obsession with the exclusive, oppressive, and tyrannical character of popular opinion and conventional wisdom in the United States is also taken into consideration when discussing why a generation of political theorists removed the state and situated “liberal tradition” in its place.

This chapter discusses challenges to the compound nature of American democracy raised by the global role the country has played since the end of World War II. Topics covered include the ...
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This chapter discusses challenges to the compound nature of American democracy raised by the global role the country has played since the end of World War II. Topics covered include the justifications and implications of America as a compound democracy, the role of President in the Cold War ear, presidential power in the era of divided government, and the rise and fall of presidential power.Less

American compound democracy and its challenges: the domestic implications of global power

Sergio Fabbrini

Published in print: 2007-11-15

This chapter discusses challenges to the compound nature of American democracy raised by the global role the country has played since the end of World War II. Topics covered include the justifications and implications of America as a compound democracy, the role of President in the Cold War ear, presidential power in the era of divided government, and the rise and fall of presidential power.

After 1949, the British Empire in Hong Kong was more vulnerable than the lack of Chinese demand for return and the success of Hong Kong's economic transformations might have suggested. Its ...
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After 1949, the British Empire in Hong Kong was more vulnerable than the lack of Chinese demand for return and the success of Hong Kong's economic transformations might have suggested. Its vulnerability stemmed as much from Britain's imperial decline and America's Cold War requirements as from a Chinese threat. It culminated in the little known ‘1957 Question’, a year when the British position in Hong Kong appeared more uncertain than any time since 1949. This is the first scholarly study that places Hong Kong at the heart of the Anglo–American relationship in the wider context of the Cold War in Asia. Unlike existing works, which tend to treat British and US policies in isolation, this book explores their dynamic interactions — how the two allies perceived, responded to, and attempted to influence each other's policies and actions. It also provides a major reinterpretation of Hong Kong's involvement in the containment of China. The author argues that, concerned about possible Chinese retaliation, the British insisted and the Americans accepted that Hong Kong's role should be as discreet and non-confrontational in nature as possible. Above all, top decision-makers in Washington evaluated Hong Kong's significance not in its own right, but in the context of the Anglo–American relationship: Hong Kong was seen primarily as a bargaining chip to obtain British support for US policy elsewhere in Asia. Using a variety of British and US archival material as well as Chinese sources, the author examines how the British and US government discussed, debated, and disagreed over Hong Kong's role in the Cold War, and reveals the dynamics of the Anglo–American alliance and the dilemmas of small allies in a global conflict.Less

Hong Kong and the Cold War : Anglo-American Relations 1949-1957

Chi-kwan Mark

Published in print: 2004-08-05

After 1949, the British Empire in Hong Kong was more vulnerable than the lack of Chinese demand for return and the success of Hong Kong's economic transformations might have suggested. Its vulnerability stemmed as much from Britain's imperial decline and America's Cold War requirements as from a Chinese threat. It culminated in the little known ‘1957 Question’, a year when the British position in Hong Kong appeared more uncertain than any time since 1949. This is the first scholarly study that places Hong Kong at the heart of the Anglo–American relationship in the wider context of the Cold War in Asia. Unlike existing works, which tend to treat British and US policies in isolation, this book explores their dynamic interactions — how the two allies perceived, responded to, and attempted to influence each other's policies and actions. It also provides a major reinterpretation of Hong Kong's involvement in the containment of China. The author argues that, concerned about possible Chinese retaliation, the British insisted and the Americans accepted that Hong Kong's role should be as discreet and non-confrontational in nature as possible. Above all, top decision-makers in Washington evaluated Hong Kong's significance not in its own right, but in the context of the Anglo–American relationship: Hong Kong was seen primarily as a bargaining chip to obtain British support for US policy elsewhere in Asia. Using a variety of British and US archival material as well as Chinese sources, the author examines how the British and US government discussed, debated, and disagreed over Hong Kong's role in the Cold War, and reveals the dynamics of the Anglo–American alliance and the dilemmas of small allies in a global conflict.

The end of the cold war removed what Acharya (in Ch. 4) has called a 'structural element in the international framework facing the developing countries’, i.e. the global competition between the ...
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The end of the cold war removed what Acharya (in Ch. 4) has called a 'structural element in the international framework facing the developing countries’, i.e. the global competition between the superpowers and the consequent search for allies/proxies in the developing world. But the end of competition meant a decisive change in Western policy towards developing countries, particularly the poorest of the poor in Africa: they could no longer expect to be able to use their strategic position, mineral resources, or political support in regional conflicts as bargaining chips with the superpowers. Against the background of these structural changes the effects are examined of the end of the cold war on three specific areas, which profoundly effect Africa's current political, economic, and social development: (1) the international environment within which African states operate; (2) the effects of structural change in this environment on the evolution of African political systems; and (3) the consequences of the changes for continental and regional security and the prevention or solution of regional conflicts.Less

Africa After the Cold War : Frozen out or Frozen in Time?

Keith Somerville

Published in print: 2000-10-19

The end of the cold war removed what Acharya (in Ch. 4) has called a 'structural element in the international framework facing the developing countries’, i.e. the global competition between the superpowers and the consequent search for allies/proxies in the developing world. But the end of competition meant a decisive change in Western policy towards developing countries, particularly the poorest of the poor in Africa: they could no longer expect to be able to use their strategic position, mineral resources, or political support in regional conflicts as bargaining chips with the superpowers. Against the background of these structural changes the effects are examined of the end of the cold war on three specific areas, which profoundly effect Africa's current political, economic, and social development: (1) the international environment within which African states operate; (2) the effects of structural change in this environment on the evolution of African political systems; and (3) the consequences of the changes for continental and regional security and the prevention or solution of regional conflicts.