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Antoine-Marie Chambeyron (1797-1851) was a disciple of Jean-Etienne Esquirol (1772-1840) that history forgot, undoubtedly because he made no original contribution to psychiatric nosography. In 1827, his interest in the medical-legal status of the insane led him to translate into French and annotate the first medical-legal psychiatric treatise ever published, which was the work of the German philosopher Johann Christoph Hoffbauer (1766-1827). His translation played a role in shaping the French Law of 1838, the first piece of modern legislation aimed at protecting the rights of mental patients and limiting the State's power to confine them arbitrarily. Chambeyron is among the least-cited contributors to the prestigious work of nineteenth-century French alienists.

RESUMEN

The purpose of this study is to understand the reality of imperial medicine by exploring the strategic attitude of the Japanese authority targeting the public who were not patients of Hansen's disease. For this purpose, this study examines the mass media data related to Hansen's disease published in Korea and Japan during the Japanese colonial rule. Research on Hansen's disease can be divided into medical, sociohistorical, social welfare, and human rights approach. There are medical studies and statistics on the dissemination of medical information about Hansen's disease and management measures, the history of the management of the disease, guarantee of the rights of the patients and the welfare environment, and studies on the autobiographical, literary writings and oral statements on the life and psychological conflicts of the patients. Among existing research, the topics of the study on Hansen's disease under the Japanese colonial rule include the history of the Sorokdo Island Sanatorium, investigation on the forced labor of the patients in the island, human rights violations against the patients, oral memoirs of the patients and doctors who practiced at that time. All of these studies are important achievements regarding the research on the patients. An important study of Hansen's disease in modern Japan is the work of Hujino Utaka, which introduces the isolation of and discrimination against the patients of Hansen's disease. Hujino Utaka's study examines the annihilation of people with infectious diseases in Japan and its colonies by the imperial government, which was the consequence of the imperial medical policies, and reports on the isolation of Hansen's disease patients during the war. Although these researches are important achievements in the study of Hansen's disease in modernity, their focus has mainly been on the history of isolation and exploitation in the Sorokdo Island Sanatorium and discrimination against the patients within the sanatorium, which was controlled by the director of the sanatorium. Consequently, the research tends to perceive the problem within the frame of antagonism between the agent of imperialism and the victims of exploitation by the hands of imperialism. Hence, it has limitations in that it has not fully addressed the problem of the people who were not Hansen's disease patients and as such, existed somewhere in between the two extremes in the process of administering medicine under the imperial rule. The purpose of this study is to identify the direction of imperial medicine in the history of Hansen's disease in Japan and to comprehend the characteristics of policy on Hansen's disease developed by Mitsuda Kensuke, who was behind the policy of imperial medicine, and examine the process of imperial medicine reaching out to the people (of Japan and its colonies). To achieve the goal, this study explores how the agent of imperial medicine gain the favor the public, who are not Hansen's disease patients, by means of the mass media. Specifically, this paper examines data in the Japanese language related to Korean patients of Hansen's disease including the mass media data on Hansen's disease in the source book titled The Collection of Data on Hansen's Disease in Joseon under the Colonial Rule(8 volumes) compiled by Takio Eiji, which has not been studied until now. It also reviews the cultural and popular magazines published in Japan and Joseon at that time.

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The "Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR)" of the United Nations (UN) of 1948 sets out a right to health as a common ideal and aspiration. In his writings on the reform of the Prussian Medical Charter "Public Health and property" 100 years before the UDHR was set out, the Jewish physician Salomon Neumann had defined health as a right for every citizen, a right that should to be protected by a public system of health care. His reasoning went beyond contemporaneous critical social discussion. Right of humans to health has been acknowledged nationally and internationally; in the Federal Republic of Germany, the question as to whether there is a basic right to health is still open.

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This article outlines the historical development of the principle of patients' free choice of doctor in the Netherlands. Far from being the result of debates on patients' rights, this principle was used instead as an instrument by the medical profession to gain a foothold in the power relations between doctors and sickness funds back in the early 20th-century. This development created a medical power bloc that lasted for most of that century and forced sickness funds and private insurers to start organizing in this fashion too. Therefore, when the new market ideology of introducing competition in health care was introduced in 1987, the fields of health provision and insurance were already defined by a high degree of cartelization. These relations lingered even after the introduction of regulated competition in 2006. Knowledge of this history therefore leads to a better understanding of current debates and problems in the organization of Dutch health care.

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Reconstructing some of the experiences of people living with tuberculosis in Argentina in the first half of the twentieth century, as reflected not only in written and oral accounts but also in individual and collective actions, this article explores the ways in which patients came to grips with medical expertise in times of biomedical uncertainty. These negotiations, which inevitably included adaptations as well as confrontations, highlight a much less passive and submissive patient-physician relationship than is often assumed. Though patients were certainly subordinate to medical doctors' knowledge and practices, that subordination, far from absolute, was limited and often overthrown. The article focuses on patients' demands to gain access to a vaccine not approved by the medical establishment. By engaging with media organizations, the sick invoked their "right to health" in order to obtain access to experimental treatments when biomedicine was unable to deliver efficient therapies.

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Psychiatric treatment prior to 1955 seemed to be at a standstill. All kinds of treatments, including surgical ones, were used ineffectively. Then suddenly, out of nowhere, a new treatment -chlorpromazine - created a worldwide revolution. Here is what we saw in Delaware. It was not much different in the rest of the world. Patients improved and were rapidly dischargedfrom mental institutions causing workforce reductions. I was sitting on a state employee job application evaluation committee and witnessed these events. It was also exciting to see rapid changes in administration at the state hospital. Since what happened in Delaware also happened nationally, this was a national event and should be recognized as such. The following few pages are to remember the details. Major changes made psychiatry more of an accepted medical specialty. Psychiatrists are no longer "outsiders." I would be glad to answer any questions about the information presented here.

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This paper examines the origins of consumerist discourse in health care from a communication perspective via a historical textual analysis of health writing in popular magazines from 1930 to 1949. The focus is on Consumers Union's Consumer Reports and the American Medical Association's lay health magazine, Hygeia. Findings from Consumer Reports show that the consumer movement of the 1930s-40s staunchly advocated for universal health insurance. Whereas consumer rights language nowadays tends towards individual choice and personal responsibility, consumerism in health care during that era articulated ideas about consumer citizenship, framing choice and responsibility in collectivist terms and health care as a social good. This paper also illuminates the limits and weaknesses of a central tenet in consumerism-freedom of choice-by analyzing stories in Hygeia about the doctor-patient relationship. A textual analysis finds that the AMA's justification in the 1930s-40s against socialized medicine, i.e., the freedom to choose a doctor, was in practice highly controlled by the medical profession. Findings show that long before the rhetoric of the "empowered consumer" became popular, some patients exercised some choice even in an era when physicians achieved total professional dominance. But these patients were few and tend to occupy the upper socioeconomic strata of US society. In reality choice was an illusion in a fee-for-service era when most American families could not afford the costs of medical care.

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If the aphorism "history will be the judge" is deployed, the active agent of this formulation is the historian. Comparing two great(ly infamous) doctors,John C. Cutler and Alan Berkman, the article considers how historians balance digging for sources, creating meaningful narrative, and acknowledging our own beliefs that embed in the judgments we make. The article explores our responsibility for balance and moral judgment at the same time. Cutler, admonished for his role in the infamous sexually transmitted diseases studies in Tuskegee and Guatemala, also was a well-respected researcher and teacher. Berkman, renowned for his success in global HIV/AIDs activism, was also only the second physician in U.S. history to be charged with accessory to murder after the fact and who served seven hard years for bombings and robbery. The author considers her relationship to these physicians and the effort to create a passionate historical practice.

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Clinical research with patient-subjects was routinely conducted without informed consent for research participation prior to 1966. The aim of this article is to illuminate the moral climate of clinical research at this time, with particular attention to placebo-controlled trials in which patient-subjects often were not informed that they were participating in research or that they might receive a placebo intervention rather than standard medical treatment or an experimental treatment for their condition. An especially valuable window into the thinking of clinical investigators about their relationship with patient-subjects in the era before informed consent is afforded by reflection on two articles published by psychiatric researchers in 1966 and 1967, at the point of transition between clinical research conducted under the guise of medical care and clinical research based on consent following an invitation to participate and disclosure of material information about the study. Historical inquiry relating to the practice of clinical research without informed consent helps to put into perspective the moral progress associated with soliciting consent following disclosure of pertinent information; it also helps to shed light on an important issue in contemporary research ethics: the conditions under which it is ethical to conduct clinical research without informed consent.

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Between 1839 and 1853 several petitions have been addressed by inmates of the Haina hospital (Hesse, Germany) in order to save them from being transferred to the Anatomical Institute of the University of Marburg for post mortem dissection. In 1855, exemptions were granted in certain cases. Initially, the petitioners' strategies of argumentation and procedure have been analysed; then--referring to the application being sent in December 1847 and signed by 30 persons--the focus goes to the formation of this group and their opportunities for action. As a result it can be stated that inmates being physically ill or impaired or with impeded visual sensory perception tried to withstand unsuitable restrictions of their liberty of action as well as their personal rights induced by the routines of every-day hospital life. Guiltless for depending on public assistance they were not willing to accept unjustified curtailing of their personal and moral integrity. The attempts of being saved from anatomical dissection are part of the inmates' self-assertion.

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