Two major controversial votes in two parliaments and two street demonstrations in two capital cities, the only difference being that it's the British who now appear more radical and militant than their Irish counterparts.

Watching yesterday's disturbances following the student protests in London against tuition fees, there was a stark contrast to what happened in central Dublin earlier in the week.

Where the demonstrators around Westminster smashed the windows of key government buildings, and later businesses in Oxford Street, their Irish equivalents in Dublin beat drums and blew horns and whistles outside Dail Eireann in Kildare Street. In the area around Leinster House, there wasn't a single window broken.

Even inside the two parliaments, the contrasting attitude of politicians was stark. Although the Conservative-Liberal Democrat government secured a 20-strong majority to get the tuition fees bill passed, both parties – particularly the latter – faced internal rebellions.

In Dublin, the ruling Fianna Fail/Green party coalition held firm with no rebels on the backbenches, albeit relying on the votes of just two independent members of the Dail. The administration held the line by pushing through legislation that will cut welfare, take one euro per hour off the minimum wage and trim civil servants' pensions.

The evidence from the streets of Dublin city centre, and other parts of the city among less vocal, middle of the road Irish citizens this week, was that the populace may hate the austerity measures in the budget but are likely to accept four years of fiscal pain because they believe there is no alternative.

This doesn't mean public anger over the way this government has mismanaged the fiscal crisis and the toxic debts of Ireland's banks will peter out.

The Irish people will take their revenge in the first week of March in the expected general election. Fianna Fail will suffer historic losses of close to an unprecedented 20% of the popular vote, whilst their Green coalition partners could face oblivion.

In the government's place, a new coalition will be formed, consisting of Fine Gael and the Irish Labour party. A number of veteran students of the Irish electoral system, such as former Taoiseach Garrett Fitzgerald, estimate that this alternative government could hold a majority of 30 plus once the votes are counted. Such an outcome would mark a major shift in the Irish political landscape.

Fianna Fail, meanwhile, is already pondering its post election-hammering strategy. The party's high command would prefer if the embattled Taoiseach, Brian Cowen, leads Fianna Fail into the expected disaster rather than a taint a new, fresh leader with the mark of defeat. Party strategists will hope that under new, younger leadership the party can start its fightback and try to exploit some obvious contradictions between Fine Gael and Labour when they take power – contradictions such as the issue of public sector reform, which Fine Gael wants but Labour is nervous about, given the party's link with public sector trade unions.

Privately, Fianna Failers hope such divisions will open up major fissures in the new government and lead to Labour's exit from it within two to three years. Meanwhile, Fianna Fail indicated that it may declare a political ceasefire if the Fine Gael/Labour administration continues with the austerity programme and follows, broadly, the four-year plan to repair the country's finances.

Fianna Fail will try to paint itself in opposition as non-partisan, patriotic and operating in the national interest.

Ironically, the legacy of austerity that Fianna Fail will hand over to Fine Gael and Labour may be the Soldiers of Destiny's real undoing because, if the measures the current government is taking to drive down national debt are replicated by the alternative government, Ireland may end up turning a corner.

Confidence could return to the economy and banking system, whilst debt as a proportion of GDP is slashed from more than 30% to just over 3% by 2014.

In those benign circumstances, the Fine Gael-Labour administration could benefit from the country's recovery. The cosmic irony would be that a series of harsh budgetary measures, which Fianna Fail advocated and lost power because of, could end up bolstering the reputation of the two parties who are going to take power in just over three months time.