Journal of African Foreign Affairs: Most Recent Articleshttp://journals.co.za/content/journal/aa_jafa?TRACK=RSS
Please follow the links to view the content.The feasibility of an Ubuntu ethic in a modernised worldhttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182080?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>Ubuntu is a moral and epistemological theory that has been claimed to inform the moral habits of Africans South of the Sahara. It maintains a philanthropic approach to human conduct based on its humanness ideals. In this setup, human beings are claimed to be considerate of fellow human beings and egoistic tendencies are close to non-existent. In this paper, we explore the basic tenets of Ubuntu and determine whether they are practical or attainable in today's world. The motivation is a suspicion towards the reverence that the theory has received from pan-African scholars who have upheld its existence. In light of the challenges bedevilling sub-Saharan countries such as Zimbabwe, South Africa and others in the 21<sup xmlns="http://pub2web.metastore.ingenta.com/ns/">st</sup> century such as dictatorships, human rights abuses, economic hardships, high unemployment rates and xenophobic attacks on fellow Africans we argue that the Ubuntu theory, as a moral standard is either outdated or non-existent in today's African experience. We argue that if Ubuntu is still effective as a moral yardstick, then countries like South Africa would not experience such events as xenophobic attacks on foreign nationals as witnessed in early 2015, or Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe's 1980s past. Also, beggars and people living in the streets would be non-existent due to the philanthropic nature of Africans as Ubuntu advocates claim. In our analysis we reveal that the Ubuntu discourse has become more of an obsolete ideal that may have been present and practical in pre-colonial Africa, and not in 21<sup xmlns="http://pub2web.metastore.ingenta.com/ns/">st</sup> century Africa.</p></div>Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182080?TRACK=RSSClive Tendai Zimunya, Joyline Gwara and Obert Bernard Mlambo2015-01-01T00:00:00ZAfrica and the philosophy of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD)http://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182079?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>This work examined the task of developing Africa within the framework of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) with a view to evaluating the philosophical implications of the programme on sustainable development in the continent. Using secondary source of information, findings from the research reveals that the NEPAD philosophy is primarily anchored on the African ownership and management of its development process, owing to the continent's conviction that no development paradigm can succeed optimally unless it is built on what its people genuinely requires, knows, understands and overwhelmingly controls. However, two major factors; financial constraints and indigenous technical capacity inadequacy have seriously undermined Africa's ownership and control of the NEPAD programme. The programme's adoption of a neo-liberal philosophical development framework, and its main reliance on external funding have also imposed overwhelming hardship on vast majority of Africans owing to the draconian conditionality for the release of such fund by many development partners. Although the shortcomings of a neoliberal development framework is well noted, further findings show that there is no country that can escape from the process because the contemporary imperative to development is premised on sufficient funding, adequate knowledge of scientific and technological know-how all of which are the hallmark of neo-liberalism. Africa thus needs to align its development philosophy with the global best practices in order to achieve the best for its citizens. There is also the need for Africa to re-negotiate the neo-liberal contents in the NEPAD to make the programme more relevant and more responsive to the development aspirations of Africans.</p></div>Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182079?TRACK=RSSShittu Raji2015-01-01T00:00:00ZA historical anatomy of Nigeria-South Africa relations since the end of Apartheidhttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182078?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>Nigeria-South Africa relations date back to the era Nigeria's independence. At the Independence Day address, Nigeria made it clear that Africa is the centrepiece of her foreign policy and the elimination of apartheid in south Africa, her greatest challenge. The then South African government saw that as an affront and regarded Nigeria as a threat and enemy. Such frosty relationship continued till 1992 when President De-Klerk and his entourage stormed Nigeria to embrace each other. Consequently, bilateral relations that could benefit both countries based on their national interest, was initiated. The work reveals that the relations and diplomatic policies was however, threatened during the administrations of Nelson Mandela and Nigeria's dictator, General Sani Abacha but normal relations were restored during the Mbeki and Obasanjo regimes. However, the era of Zuma and Jonathan respectively has being filled with diplomatic challenges. Occasionally, their policies and relations are cordial and at some other times, frosty. This paper examines the relationship that exists between South Africa and Nigeria since the 1990s. It argues that mutual bilateral relations between the two countries could be factored to promote their national interests and thus recommends a more friendly relations that would eliminate frosty policies and strengthen their relationship as they gain more in friendship, being the two strongest economies in Africa.</p></div>Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182078?TRACK=RSSNnanyere Chukwu Ogo, Kelechi Johnmary Ani, Nnanyere Chukwu Ogo and Kelechi Johnmary Ani2015-01-01T00:00:00ZInterrogating the 2015 coup in Burkina Fasohttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182077?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>The chapter interrogates the 2015 failed military coup in Burkina Faso. It provides a brief history of the country, including its experiences with military coups. It summarises some theoretical explanations of military interventions in African politics and argues that none of the theories can conclusively explain the 2015 failed military coup in the country. Following from this, the chapter focuses on lessons to be learnt from that military misadventure in Burkina Faso.</p></div>Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182077?TRACK=RSSJideofor Adibe2015-01-01T00:00:00ZUnderstanding illicit financial flows in post-2000 Zimbabwehttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182076?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>This article explores the trajectories of illicit financial flows in Zimbabwe, with special focus on the post-2000 period. It employs a political economy approach in order to trace the trajectory of illicit financial flows within the broader post-2000 Zimbabwean political economy context that bred these flows. The article argues that although the unprecedented post-2000 socio-economic and political crises provided the opportunities that bred money laundering and illicit financial flows, the problem of illicit flows and corruption broadly should be understood within the context of a predatory nature of the post-colonial Zimbabwean state, which has often relied on coercion and material inducements to promote patronage-driven political corruption. The political economy lens reveals the priority given to politics (power retention and consolidation) over the anti-corruption agenda's utility for the public good, which does not augur well for meaningful attitude changes by elites regarding real or imagined negative consequences of illicit financial flows for Zimbabwe's developmental agenda.</p></div>Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/2/1_2/EJC182076?TRACK=RSSCornelias Ncube and Ufo Okeke-Uzodike2015-01-01T00:00:00ZAfrica : old habits die hard : editorial commentaryhttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167576?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>Africa remains bedeviled by several developmental challenges despite the current Afro-optimism - a deep-seated belief that the future is bright for the continent. In fact so much has changed since March 2000 when The Economist declared Africa "a hopeless continent." (The Economist, 2000). In fact the wave of Afro-optimism has been such that by December 2011, The Economist, the same magazine that 'anointed' Africa a "hopeless continent" in 2000, changed tune, and talked about "Africa Rising", saying the continent has a realistic chance of following in the footsteps of Asia (Odinga, 2014). In fact, Africa is increasingly becoming the beautiful bride of the world, with six of the ten fastest growing economies in the world being in the continent (CP-Africa, 2014).</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167576?TRACK=RSSJideofor Adibe, Seifudein Adem and Gani Joses Yoroms2014-01-01T00:00:00ZRebel movements, militia groups and the problematic of contemporary African political leadershiphttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167575?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>Africa has recently been witnessing rising incidents of rebel and militia activities. For a continent whose disparate groups and peoples in many instances were lumped together in single political economy by imperialistic forces, the development undoubtedly poses serious challenge to the political leadership, especially where the continent reeks of acute leadership deficit. Although not exactly a new phenomena while most of the actors are driven by sheer inordinate quest for power, some of the movements have their roots in the politics of exclusion prevalent in many parts of Africa. In the Cold War era, marginalized groups have sought to throw off the yoke of hegemony through coup plot. Anathematization of military regimes in the post-Cold War period appears to have left such groups with no options. The African Union (AU) should support its intolerance of unconstitutional change of power with encouraging politics of inclusiveness among members. It should however devise formulae that will allow for peaceful separation among obviously incompatible groups as a panacea to the increasing rebel and militia activities that have brought untold human and material costs on the continent.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167575?TRACK=RSSSimeon H.O. Alozieuwa2014-01-01T00:00:00ZApproaches and challenges in ECOWAS' security sector reform and governance in West Africahttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167574?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>Prior to the efforts embarked upon by the African Union (AU) to set out its security architecture the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) had been inundated with all sorts of security frameworks. These frameworks though focused on security and democratic governance but lack synergy between governance and reform. That is, though there exist security governance structures they are not embedded with the reform of security sector. While the AU acknowledged this lacuna and has been able to perfect and institutionalized its own Security Sector Reform framework but ECOWAS is unable to do so in spite of the fact that it started well-ahead of AU. Never the less it was good that AU achieved this fete as it is expected that it sets the guidelines for all the regional economic commissions in Africa to chart their SSR Frameworks. However, the delay for ECOWAS to complete the task of its security sector reform framework smacked on the legion of complex environment of conflict which it has found itself. This has been exacerbated by serial conflicts by the insurgencies in the sub region which its Mechanism for conflict prevention and resolution lacks the capacity to resolve. For instance the threats of insurgencies in Mali and Nigeria have persisted without concrete approaches to tackling them. Though for Mali crisis, the AU and UN have been able to tackle it with the support of foreign power such as France but the threat of Boko Haram in Nigeria has turned bizarre because the assumption that Nigeria has the capability to tackle the threat without external support has proved otherwise. These are the challenges that ECOWAS faces even as they have impact on the delay for ECOWAS to fashion its SSR framework. The paper attempts to explain the challenges and noted that for a SSR framework to be instituted in a conflict prone environment like ECOWAS it requires exceptional consultations and planning by all the stakeholders.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167574?TRACK=RSSGani Yoroms and Gani Yoroms2014-01-01T00:00:00ZThe paradoxes of Africa's development : African Union's contributions to Africa's recent achievements, 2005-2014http://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167573?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>This paper focuses on Africa's paradoxes pertaining to meeting its development goals. The paper claims that while one can present a number of examples showing serious challenges confronting countries on the continent in meeting their development goals, one can also present many examples of these same countries making important development achievements, especially in the past decade. For example, the paper shows that the average life expectancy in Africa in 2006 was 53.3 years; in 2014, it increased to 61 years. The average infant mortality rate in Africa in 2006 was 73.5 deaths per 1000; in 2014, it declined to 53 deaths per 1000. The average death rate in Africa in 2006 was 14.2 deaths per 1000; it declined to 9.6 deaths per 1000 in 2014. Africa's per capita Gross Domestic Product in 2008 was $2,660; it increased to $3,167 in 2013. The paper claims and presents examples illustrating that the African Union (AU) has contributed substantially to Africa's development achievements in the past decade and argues that if African nations were to give more of their sovereignty to the AU and make it a stronger federal union, it could do more to improve the lives of the vast majority of people on the continent.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167573?TRACK=RSSAmadu Jacky Kaba2014-01-01T00:00:00ZTrade and investment relations between Nigeria and Russiahttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167572?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>The dynamics of relations between Nigeria and Russia is best understood from the prism of trade and investment relations between them. The relationship, which began on a low key entered a new phase following the historic support given to Nigeria by the Soviet Union during Nigeria's civil war (1967-70). This opened the gates for the development of a robust relationship in economic, political, security, social and cultural spheres. The disappearance of ideological differences since the 1990s, as well as the return of Nigeria to democratic rule since 1999, further broadened the space of diplomatic contacts and discussions to explore opportunities for mutually beneficial relations between them. Despite the efforts on the part of both countries to reposition their relationship for mutual benefits, the potential areas for trade and investment between them remain quite huge and untapped due to several unresolved issues such as the case of Ajaokuta project. The paper concludes by recommending that Nigeria and Russia need to move their bilateral relation to a new level of functional cooperation in key and strategic economic sectors, so as to increase both the quantity and quality of trade and investments between them.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167572?TRACK=RSSSharkdam Wapmut2014-01-01T00:00:00ZDecoding the discourse on China in Africahttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167571?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>The burgeoning literature about China-Africa relations has sought to address the inescapable question of whether or not China is a force for good in Africa. But all too often the available evidence seems to lend support to the twin and contradictory claims that China is looting Africa and that it is developing the continent. To put it in another way, on closer examination the 'reality' about Sino-African relations, as they are imposed by representational practices, waver between two ideal types. On the one hand, there is a declaration of transformative possibilities (Sino-optimism) and, on the other hand, there is a depiction of doomsday scenarios (Sino-pessimism). Then there is also a sentiment of moderate uncertainties (Sino-pragmatism). This essay offers one perspective on how we could sharpen our understanding of the discourse on China in Africa.
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"We [Africans] are particularly pleased that in our relationship with China we are equals and that agreements entered into are for mutual gain." This statement was made in 2012 by Mr. Jacob Zuma, President of South Africa (Hanauer and Morris 2014:10). Mr. Zuma's predecessor, Mr. Thabo Mbeki, had also this to say on the same subject six years earlier: "The potential danger, in terms of the relationship that could be constructed between China and the African continent, would indeed be a replication of that colonial relationship" (Eisenman 2012:808). Empirical evidence seems to lend support to the contradictory claims suggested by the two African statesmen: one lauding China for treating Africans like equals and the other virtually implying that China was behaving like a neocolonial power in Africa. We seem not only to welcome such contradictions but even expect them in contemporary discourse.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167571?TRACK=RSSSeifudein Adem2014-01-01T00:00:00ZA History of Overseas Chinese in Africa to 1911, Li Anshan : book reviewhttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167570?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>As depicted from the title, Li Anshan's book is a succinct account of the presence of the Chinese in Africa up to the beginning of the 20th century. Li Anshan shows in this book that it must be appreciated that research into the history of the overseas Chinese in Africa, unlike in other continents, is 'still very weak'. However, of late there is a proliferation of books on China-Africa relations, especially on the post-independence period. This book, therefore, serves as a backdrop on which these later books ought to have been built. In this direction, therefore, this book ought to have been written earlier, if this were to be realized.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/2/EJC167570?TRACK=RSSHarvey C.C. Banda2014-01-01T00:00:00ZAfrica in world politics : editorial commentaryhttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167569?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>Africa appears to be the guinea pig of the world where theories are verified and tested. For some countries such as the USA, an end in a given historical development (socialism) is an opportunity for the universalization of the value they cherish most (liberal democracy) or as Fukuyama (1992) would put it, 'the end of history'. The history of Africa remains that of underdevelopment, conflicts and poverty despite the fact that six of the fastest growing economies in the world today are in the continent (The Economist, 2011; Rensburg, 2012). For some analysts therefore, nothing seems to matter about Africa which in the theorem of Lord Lugard (1965) seminal work is a 'dark continent'.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167569?TRACK=RSSGani Joses Yoroms, Jideofor Adibe and Seifudein Adem2014-01-01T00:00:00ZForeign military forces in Africa : permanence and changehttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167568?TRACK=RSS
<div><p> The geopolitical and geostrategic importance of the African continent constitutes a permanent feature of the global political arena. Subsequent military calculations explain the salience of the American and French military presence in Africa. Even when political action occurs far from Africa itself, thoughts of their application to the African context are not far from the minds of geopolitical actors.
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For example, in the volume <span class="jp-italic">Dans le Secret des Princes</span> (1986: 161-162), French journalist Christine Ockrent and Comte Alexandre de Marenches, former Director of the <span class="jp-italic">Direction Générale de la Sécurité Extérieure</span> (General Agency for External Security), France's equivalent of the CIA, explained the ultimate goals of the 1979 <span class="jp-italic">Opération Barracuda</span>, France's military intervention that removed Emperor Bokassa from power in what was then the Central African Empire (current Central African Republic). According to the authors, the operation was to "free" the country from its Emperor and to prevent Libya from occupying a position at the center of Africa. The French speculated that the strategic thinking of Colonel Gadhafi was to occupy Chad, then the Central African Republic situated just below. Ockrent and de Marenches compared that strategic area to the <span class="jp-italic">Plateau du Pratzen</span> (the Pratzen plateau) on the basis of which Napoleon conceived of the maneuver of the battle of Austerlitz in 1805. The area could be used as a launching pad for conquests either in the direction of the Gulf of Guinea (West Africa) or the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea (East Africa). In the 1970s, such conquest would help consolidate the communist regime in Ethiopia and achieve control over a large part of Africa.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167568?TRACK=RSSMarcel Kitissou2014-01-01T00:00:00ZPost-liberation state building in South Sudan : potentials and challengeshttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167567?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>This paper seeks to examine the post-liberation state building endeavour in South Sudan. Two civil wars stretching over more than five decades in quest for self-determination resulted in the secession of South Sudan. A negotiated settlement formalised in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement signed between the ruling National Congress Party and Sudan people's Liberation Movement in 2005 offered South Sudan the possibility to determine it destiny through popular plebiscite. When the plebiscite took place in January 2011, south Sudanese voted overwhelmingly for secession. On 9 July 2011 South Sudan was declared sovereign state that paved the way for the arduous process of state building. The nascent state was however born into serious problems. This article seeks to analyse the problems and enablement the nascent state encounters.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167567?TRACK=RSSRedie Bereketeab2014-01-01T00:00:00ZThe Libyan question and the responsibility to protect : whither Africa in the 21st centuryhttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167566?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>Africa has been going through difficult situations for more than a period of five centuries. In all these difficult situations it has been a guinea pig of the world; whether it is in the sciences (testing of HIV/AIDS), humanities (slave trade), economics and social science (exploitation of economic resources and political imperialism) among others. This paper attempts to look at the concept of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) which is assumed to be one of the means to test run its efficacy in Africa. The concept was enunciated by the United Nations with all good intentions and purposes, at least on the surface of it. However, the application and indeed the implementation of the concept in Libya present a different picture and indeed met the apprehension of African leaders that it could be used against Africa. The paper indeed presented the narratives and provided the measures required to make R2P work in Africa. This includes giving the Africans especially the liberty to exercise the right to determine the nature of how R2P can be operated.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167566?TRACK=RSSGani Joses Yoroms and Gani Joses Yoroms2014-01-01T00:00:00ZThe private military and security sector and African conflicts : a case study of Sierra Leonehttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167565?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>The paper examines the factors that account for the involvement of the private military and security sector in African conflicts, with specific reference to Sierra Leone. While the activities of these entities have come under scrutiny, there has not been any concrete effort by African states to address the challenges associated with the consequences of such involvements. The paper argues that while weak state capacity was responsible for the involvement of the private sector in the Sierra Leonean conflicts, the centrality of the market, which is linked to profit maximization, was a major driver and incentive for the private sector. The paper argued further while the private sector has come to stay in the military and security landscape of African societies, effective mechanisms for regulation remain the potent option for African states, particularly Sierra Leone.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167565?TRACK=RSSM.A. Kwaja, Chris2014-01-01T00:00:00ZA History of Overseas Chinese in Africa to 1911, Li Anshan : book reviewhttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167564?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>As depicted from the title, Li Anshan's book is a succinct account of the presence of the Chinese in Africa up to the beginning of the 20th century. Li Anshan shows in this book that it must be appreciated that research into the history of the overseas Chinese in Africa, unlike in other continents, is 'still very weak'. However, of late there is a proliferation of books on China-Africa relations, especially on the post-independence period. This book, therefore, serves as a backdrop on which these later books ought to have been built. In this direction, therefore, this book ought to have been written earlier, if this were to be realized.</p></div>Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://journals.co.za/content/aa_jafa/1/1/EJC167564?TRACK=RSSHarvey C.C. Banda2014-01-01T00:00:00Z