An ill-timed
decisionWhy the fare hike ahead of the
railway budget?By
raising the rail fares and freight rates from June 25, the Modi
government has administered the first dose of the bitter medicine he
seems to have prepared to improve the health of the economy. As Chief
Minister, Narendra Modi had opposed a similar hike by the UPA two
years ago.

Pushing for HindiWhen promotion becomes impositionThe
widespread criticism of the move by the Ministry of Home
Affairs asking government officials to prioritise the use of Hindi in
their social media interactions shows how sensitive the issue is.
Caught on the back foot, the government now says that the directive
originated during the tenure of UPA II and that it would only apply to
the Hindi-speaking states.

Ambala, Saturday, June 23, 1964Kairon dissociates
from sonsMR. PARTAP SINGH KAIRON today
publicly dissociated himself from all activities of his two sons —
Surinder and Gurinder. In a Press statement, Mr. Kairon lamented:
"I wish I could have done it earlier". He added that he did
not desire to seek any public office and would engage himself
whole-heartedly in constructive work. Devotion to the great national
organisation, the Congress, loyalty to its "able and experienced
leadership" and service of the masses, would remain his
"sole occupation" the statement added.

Missing from the
top tableEgypt's turmoil prevents
its regional roleS Nihal SinghAS
India frets over the fate of its nationals caught up in the Iraq
quagmire and regional and world powers seek to safeguard their
interests, the traditional heavyweight is missing from the scene.
Egypt, the inevitable deal maker and mediator, is too involved in its
own problems of transition to spare time for Iraq and the onslaught of
the extreme militant group ISIS as it threatens Baghdad.

Weighty canine
connectionsParbina RashidIhave
not read Rujuta Diwekar's “Women and The Weight Loss Tamasha” but
I have a fair idea of what the author wants to say. As a lifestyle
journalist, I have to edit columns on weight loss, fitness experts’
opinions on sustainable weight loss, dieticians offering platter-full
of wonder diets and gyms coming out with innovative steps to lose
those loathsome calories.

Reclaiming North
WaziristanZahid HussainTHIS
will indeed be the most critical battle in Pakistan’s long war
against militant insurgency. Ending its prolonged dithering, the
government has finally ordered a full-scale military operation in
North Waziristan rightly described as the centre of gravity of
terrorism. Thousands of ground troops backed by air force jets have
moved into action after the announcement of the offensive to reclaim
control over the strategically placed territory.

First and last
lovesFS AijazuddinLoyalty
is a 19th-century
construct. In the 20th century, it was replaced by discretion, and
most recently by disclosure. Politicians (more so their aides) can
hardly wait for the ink to dry in their official inkwells before they
scribble their memoirs and rush to the press. If television provides
its audience with instant coverage of events, published memoirs serve
as replays of contemporary history.

EDITORIALS

An ill-timed decisionWhy the fare hike ahead of the railway budget?

By raising the rail fares and freight rates from June 25, the Modi government has administered the first dose of the bitter medicine he seems to have prepared to improve the health of the economy. As Chief Minister, Narendra Modi had opposed a similar hike by the UPA two years ago. That hike had come after a decade when passenger fares had remained untouched. Now the Congress is playing politics by criticising the fare increase. The NDA is only implementing what the UPA had proposed on May 16, the day the election results were announced. The hikes, rather steep and third in 18 months, should have been part of the railway budget, which is just a fortnight away.

Politics apart, the burden on poor train travellers like migrant labour is real and painful. Their travel as well as food items transported by trains will become costlier. The higher cost of carrying coal will further stress the almost bankrupt state power utilities and make electricity dearer for consumers and industry. Given the cascading effect on the cost of living, the poor may find the pre-poll Modi talk of “achhe din” as a cruel joke. Many had voted the BJP to power to find relief from price rise. Since prices of onions, potatoes and other eatables have started rising in anticipation of a below-normal monsoon, the ill-timed freight hike has only added to inflationary pressures. The middle and upper classes with rising, inflation-proof incomes may not feel the heat. For them what matters more are things like safety, punctuality, sanitation, faster trains, good food and service-oriented staff. “Shining India” residents share Prime Minister Modi's dream of having bullet trains.

The Railways, it is true, badly need additional money to tide over its financial crisis, caused by unviable and delayed projects; rise in diesel prices and staff salaries; and populist railway ministers' refusal to raise passenger fares in tandem with the increase in production costs. Apart from the frequently suggested reforms, one easier way to fix the finances is to commercially exploit the surplus railway land.

Pushing for HindiWhen promotion becomes imposition

The
widespread criticism of the move by the Ministry of Home Affairs asking government officials to prioritise the use of Hindi in their social media interactions shows how sensitive the issue is. Caught on the back foot, the government now says that the directive originated during the tenure of UPA II and that it would only apply to the Hindi-speaking states. The last bit is significant given the cross-party criticism of the move in Tamil Nadu and other non-Hindi speaking states.

Hindi is the official language of India but English, too, has always been one and the Official Languages Act of 1963 has provision for continuing it, even as the government must make efforts to widen the adoption of Hindi. The government must realise that even though a large number of Indians learn to read and write Hindi as part of their school curriculum, they resent its imposition, especially in the South. The Constitution recognises 22 languages, and these hold sway in their respective regions, where these languages are the mother tongue.

As for the social media, English is the lingua franca of the Internet, adopted as a common language between Internet users with different native languages. Using any language other than English on any social media site severely limits the audience. There is no doubt that there are many Indians who do not know English. For them, communication in Hindi and other regional languages would be a great boon. The government could have well asked its officers to use English as well as other Indian languages in their communications so as to reach out to a wider audience. Now this is how Hindi could have been promoted without it becoming an imposition. The BJP's majority in the Lok Sabha also imposes on it the responsibility to show sensitivity towards those who do not share its priorities. The recent directive was a step in the wrong direction, although the government has responded swiftly by clarifying its position on it.

The trouble with wedlock is that there's not enough wed and too much lock.
— Christopher Morley

On this day...100 years ago

Ambala, Saturday, June 23, 1964

Kairon dissociates from sons

MR. PARTAP SINGH KAIRON today publicly dissociated himself from all activities of his two sons — Surinder and Gurinder.

In a Press statement, Mr. Kairon lamented: "I wish I could have done it earlier". He added that he did not desire to seek any public office and would engage himself whole-heartedly in constructive work. Devotion to the great national organisation, the Congress, loyalty to its "able and experienced leadership" and service of the masses, would remain his "sole occupation" the statement added.

Mr. Kairon received Pressmen in the working room of his house and handed them the statement. It said: "I accept the verdict of the Das Commission with all humility. Whatever I have to say by way of explanation, I shall do so later".

The following is the text of his statement:

"As a direct consequence of the Das Commission's report, I have already quit the office of Chief Minister. I have done so as a disciplined soldier of the great organisation to which I have the privilege to belong and to maintain high standards of public life.

"While I lay down the charge of my office, I must share my feeling with the people who have wished me well and shared my grief and sorrow and have all along identified their interests with mine, throughout my efforts they gave me unstinted support and affection.”

“The keynote of the report is that my two sons have amassed wealth in different ways and that in doing so they sometimes exploited my name and mis-utilised official machinery. Thus it is mainly for the doings of my sons that I have come to suffer. It is not the first time in the history that it has so happened. I take the opportunity to publicly dissociate myself from all activities of my two sons."

ARTICLE

Missing from the top tableEgypt's turmoil prevents its regional role
S Nihal Singh

Egypt's President Abdel Fattah al-Sissi greets students as he attends the graduation ceremony of Egypt's defence academies in Cairo on June 19

AS India frets over the fate of its nationals caught up in the Iraq quagmire and regional and world powers seek to safeguard their interests, the traditional heavyweight is missing from the scene. Egypt, the inevitable deal maker and mediator, is too involved in its own problems of transition to spare time for Iraq and the onslaught of the extreme militant group ISIS as it threatens Baghdad.

The former Field Marshal and army chief, Abdel el-Sisi, has assumed the Presidency after nearly three years of turmoil. There was first the dethroning of the long-time ruler Hosni Mubarak, then the assumption of office of the first freely elected President in the country's history, Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood, and most recently Mr Sisi's coronation.

Not surprisingly, most Egyptians are tired of the riots, demonstrations and deaths that have punctuated the fall of Mubarak and are looking forward to a period of quiet so that they can live their lives in peace. There is undoubtedly popular support for Mr Sisi, despite his voluble opponents in the Brotherhood, which has been banned, and the minority of liberals who despair their country going back to the Mubarak era.

However, Egypt's domestic preoccupations have left a political vacuum in the region, beset as it is with the threat of a brutal extremist organisation, ISIS, varying under the names of the Islamist State of Iraq and Syria and the Levant, and the dangers presented by the disintegration of Iraq and Syria. On the sidelines, Israel is conducting a military operation in the occupied West Bank arresting more than 150 Palestinians for the alleged kidnapping of three Israeli teenagers. It is not lost upon the region and the world that Egypt has been the traditional midwife to resolve such problems.

How long Egypt will remain absent from the top tables in the regional capitals deliberating the fate of Syria and Iraq will depend upon its ability to bring about a measure of order and prosperity to its people. Financially, the country is in dire straits living on the generosity of the Gulf monarchies who have given an initial $12 billion for immediate needs. But Egypt has a crushing subsidy burden and urgently needs economic reform.

There are limits to Egypt undertaking reforms because a major economic power in the country is the army itself with its own empire. Second, Egypt has taken crony capitalism to absurd limits and corruption forms a lubricant to economic activity. There are no signs that the army is willing to divest itself of its economic empire. Second, while the United States is continuing to give an annual subvention to Egypt for signing the peace treaty with Israel, the regional powers are pursuing their own interests.

Led by Saudi Arabia, the Gulf monarchies' aim is to keep the Muslim Brotherhood at bay. Indeed, it was a horror scenario for them during the year Mr Morsi was in power. The Brotherhood is 86 years old and has offshoots in many Arab countries. Its own strength has been built up through welfare and charity work for the poor and the underprivileged in states that do not have adequate social security nets. Hence the support the organisation draws from the grassroots, despite its periodic persecution by the authorities.

Admittedly, the present focus in the region is on the dire situation in Iraq and the continuing civil war that rages in Syria. In fact, the threat presented by the ISIS has concentrated minds as never before even leading to something of a rapprochement between the United States and Iran. The Obama administration's dilemma is obvious. He was elected on the promise of ending the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and Americans are war weary.

For the present, President Obama has made a compromise, first by sending 275 military personnel to guard the US embassy and institutions in Baghdad, then announcing the dispatch of 300 military advisers and retaining the option to use selected air strikes. Obviously, the last thing the US wants is to get militarily involved in Iraq again, but events have a way of pre-empting options.

Against this backdrop, the great days of the Arab Spring seem far away. Tunisia, where it all started, is the only country that has tried to make a success of the revolution, despite the bumps on the way. Egypt seems to be well on the way to returning to the familiar Arab pattern of autocratic rule. Elsewhere, turmoil, rather than any hope for democracy, has marked the journey.

If Egypt is to remain the bellwether of Arab hopes and desires, there is much riding on Mr Sisi's success in bringing about a new era for his people. Initial signs are hardly propitious. The Brotherhood has been classed as a terrorist organisation, its leaders and supporters have been arrested by the thousands and hundreds of them have been sentenced to death after summary trials.

The nature of media censorship is apparent from the arrest of Egyptian journalists and even of journalists from international media organisations such as Al Jazeera, one of whose members has been released after 10 months on health grounds and three others are awaiting the verdict after nearly six months in jail. The world is waiting to find out if these are emergency measures or longer lasting edicts so familiar to autocracies.

Partly, future developments will depend upon the shape the ISIS takes in the weeks and months to come. There was a combination of circumstances that led to the stunning advance of its fighters in Iraq. The Iraqi Prime Minister, Mr Nouri al-Maliki, has run a Shia-dominated government, marginalising the Sunnis, some 25 per cent of the population. The disaffected Sunnis have joined up with the ISIS to fight the Maliki government as have the ex-Baathists of the Saddam Hussein era.

Mr Maliki is now seeking American military assistance, but has shown few signs of changing political course in accommodating Sunni and Kurdish interests, as demanded by President Obama. In these circumstances, Egypt's place at the top table seems some way away.

MIDDLE

Weighty canine connectionsParbina Rashid

I have not read Rujuta Diwekar's “Women and The Weight Loss Tamasha” but I have a fair idea of what the author wants to say. As a lifestyle journalist, I have to edit columns on weight loss, fitness experts’ opinions on sustainable weight loss, dieticians offering platter-full of wonder diets and gyms coming out with innovative steps to lose those loathsome calories.

But nothing had ever enticed me to try out any of those. Not even the alluring walking trail of Sukhna Lake could sustain my interest for more than two days. Too much of hard work! Besides, by Punjabi standards, I am not fat, just pleasantly plump!

However, my recent trip to Guwahati turned out to be the starting point for my weight loss “tamasha”. Travelling from Punjab, I was just on time to catch my afternoon flight. After crossing the security check, I didn't even have to look at my boarding pass to spot the gate that led to my flight.

The queue that had the maximum number of girls wearing shorts was the gate for the Guwahati-bound plane. Naturally thin and willowy, Northeastern girls can carry off shorts as if they were born in it. Instinctively, I looked down at my mid-section. The bulge was visible, even through the loose kurta, but so what? I had my 5 feet 8 inch tall teenaged son to justify that bulge!

As soon as I boarded the plane and made myself comfortable to the soothing tune of Eagle's intoxicating Just Another Tequila Sunrise, I forgot about the weighty issue. Such a refreshing change from our Yo Yo’s disgustingly fattening “Char Bottle Vodka”!

By the time I reached home, it was time for high tea. Evening tea in Assam is not just high but heavy too. No one would bat an eyelid if you offer them biriyani or lucy (the Assamese version of Punjabi puri) for tea.

As I was gulping down the biryani and kebabs cooked by my mother, Jackie, our three-legged dog, joined us. Jackie’s entry into this world and our home was a dramatic one.

One rainy night, a stray dog came into the verandah of our house and delivered a baby before she died. My sister brought the baby inside and nurtured her so well that Jackie never in her life acknowledged that she belonged to the canine family.

The only time she showed interest towards the animal kingdom was when she found a cat to chase. During one such chase, her leg got entangled in a protruding iron rod and she broke her limb. Several visits to the vet couldn't make her limb straight and eventually Jackie learnt to walk with three legs. But the flip side was weight gain due to lack of exercise.

“Jackie has gone fat, Ammi,” I commented as I picked up another kebab. “Yes. But she is losing now as she is on a slimming medicine.” My hand stopped mid-way.

“What?” I couldn't believe my ears. Jackie on a slimming medicine!

“Yes. It is by some German homeopath doctor. No side effect. See her curves are showing now.”

I had no clue where one should look for curves in a dog’s body and I believed my mother. After all, who knows Jackie's anatomy better than her?

I got tempted enough to check Jackie's medicine chest and then take a swig from her bottle. If this German doctor can help our dog regain her curves, I am sure his magic potion can help me reduce the convexity of my unwanted bulges too. I asked my mother to get me a complete dose.

Maybe, it's time to invest in a pair of shorts!

OPED
Pakistan

Reclaiming North WaziristanZahid Hussain

Families fleeing the military offensive against the Pakistani militants in North
Waziristan, arrive in Bannu, located in Pakistan's Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa province. Reuters

THIS will indeed be the most critical battle in Pakistan’s long war against militant insurgency. Ending its prolonged dithering, the government has finally ordered a full-scale military operation in North Waziristan rightly described as the centre of gravity of terrorism. Thousands of ground troops backed by air force jets have moved into action after the announcement of the offensive to reclaim control over the strategically placed territory.

Terrorist den

No doubt, the decision to eliminate the terrorist den was imminent after the collapse of peace talks with the Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, but the bloody siege of the international airport in Karachi last week proved to be the proverbial last straw. The Sharif government was left with no choice but to declare an all-out war against those responsible for the brazen assault on the state. The incident shook the country and the demand for action became ever louder.

There was certainly no other option but to face the challenge head on. A lot of time has already been wasted because of indecisiveness on the part of our national leadership. The endless talk about talks delivering peace had exposed the weakness of the state. Despite the decision, however, the prime minister still appears unwilling to take charge and has left it to the military to run the show.

While immensely critical, the latest campaign is much more complex than any other undertaken by the security forces so far in its decade-long war in this treacherous mountainous territory. Despite the fact that the military is now much more experienced in fighting insurgency and battle-hardened, this asymmetric war was never easy. One thing is certain — it is going to be a long haul.

This will not be the first time the Pakistan Army is carrying out an operation in North Waziristan. The earlier expedition, launched in 2004, ended in a peace deal with the tribal militants after two years of fierce fighting. The truce allowed the militants to not only regroup, but also strengthen their positions. It will be even more difficult to dislodge them now.

Foreign fighters

The biggest of the seven tribal agencies North Waziristan is a haven for a lethal mix of foreign and local militants presenting an existential threat to the country. Many of the terrorist attacks in other countries also have roots in the region. The number of foreign fighters in the territory is roughly estimated by the intelligence agencies to be around 8,000. More than half of them — some 4,800 — are reportedly Uzbek. They have not only been involved in the Karachi airport attack, they have also participated in other high-profile attacks eg, Bannu jail, Mehran and Kamra air bases.

Apart from the Uzbeks there are other foreign militant groups such as networks of isolated Chechens, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group and Chinese Uighur militants of the East Turkestan Islamic Movement. Reportedly, the majority of Arab militants have either been killed by US drone strikes or left the region. Thousands of Punjabi militants also moved to North Waziristan over the years, and established training camps in the restive border region.

Endgame in Afghanistan

The battle for control over this lawless region has assumed much greater gravity with the approach of the endgame in Afghanistan. Al Qaida-linked groups present a worrying, long-term security threat for Pakistan, in fact, for the entire region.

Counter-terror
operation

Pakistan announced the start of a full-on military offensive recently to quash an increasingly assertive Taliban insurgency in the tribal ethnic Pashtun region where some of the region's most feared
Al-Qaida-linked militants are based.

Their belongings piled up high on rickety buses, donkey carts and tractors, thousands of refugees poured out of Pakistan's North
Waziristan. People are terrified by both state troops and Taliban insurgents fighting for control of the troubled region.

Foreign hand

The number of foreign fighters in the territory is roughly estimated by the intelligence agencies to be around 8,000. More than half of them are reportedly Uzbek.

Foreign fighters have been involved in the Karachi airport attack, they have also participated in other high-profile attacks.

Apart from the Uzbeks there are other foreign militant groups such as Chechens, the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group and Chinese Uighur militants of the East Turkestan Islamic Movement.

A major concern for Pakistani security forces pertains to terrorists crossing over to Afghanistan as has happened in the past, and the use of the sanctuaries for cross-border attacks. The Pakistan military has requested the Afghan security forces to seal the border on their side to facilitate the elimination of terrorists who attempt to flee across the border. But that may not work given the tension between the two
neighbours.

There is certainly a greater need for cooperation and a joint strategy between Kabul and Islamabad to fight militancy. The security of the two countries has never been so intertwined as now. The militants’ sanctuaries on either side of the border will have serious consequences for the region, particularly, after the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan.

Securing control

Surely a major objective of the offensive is to secure the control of the lawless territory. But military action alone does not offer a long-term solution to an extremely complex problem. The government needs to take urgent measures to end the alienation and backwardness of the tribal region as well. The ongoing military operation provides a great opportunity to push for the long-delayed integration of the region with the rest of the country in order to end its ambiguous semi-autonomous status.

The military operation in North Waziristan is only one dimension of the wider battle against militancy and violent extremism in the country. The militant groups have strong networks across the country. For a long-term solution, the government needs to develop a coherent and overarching counterterrorism strategy in order to strengthen the capacity of the civilian law-enforcement and intelligence agencies. There is also need for closer coordination among the various intelligence agencies and strict enforcement of rule of law.

What is most positive is the evolution of a wider political consensus on the war against terrorism. Almost all political parties with the exception of some right-wing Islamic groups such as the Jamaat-i-Islami are united in their support of the military campaign. But that unity can only be sustained by developing a strong internal security narrative.

One must learn from past military operations in other tribal regions. A major flaw in the approach was that after clearing the areas, no effort was made to establish a proper administrative system. As a result, the state’s control over those areas remained tentative.

Swat and South Waziristan present glaring examples of battles not fully won. The presence of the military does not provide permanent solutions. Therefore, it is necessary to establish a formal civilian system along with the military operation. Without that, the objectives of the operation will never be fully
achieved.

By arrangement with the Dawn

First and last lovesFS Aijazuddin

Loyalty
is a 19th-century
construct. In the 20th century, it was replaced by discretion, and most
recently by disclosure.

Politicians (more so their aides) can hardly wait
for the ink to dry in their official inkwells before they scribble their
memoirs and rush to the press. If television provides its audience with
instant coverage of events, published memoirs serve as replays of contemporary
history.

Most retirees rely upon their memory, some on official documents,
others on letters to friends and family. A few — most notably Alistair
Campbell (Tony Blair’s communications director) — have written their
memoirs while still in office. He accumulated a cache of two million words.
Later, he published a selection titled The Blair Years (2007), and then
had enough left over to fill three more volumes — Prelude to Power
1994–1997 (2010), Power and the People 1997–1999 (2011), and Power
and Responsibility 1999–2001 (2012).

By contrast, diplomats are
expected to be reticent. They are trained to be their country’s watchdogs,
observant and obedient. That collar drops off on retirement. Freed of that
constriction, many unburden themselves, not always exactly as their
governments expect. Two books by former US ambassadors have revealing titles: Rogue
Ambassador — An African Memoir by Smith Hempstone (Kenya, 1989–1993),
and The Politics of Truth: Inside the Lies That Put the White House on
Trial and Betrayed My Wife’s CIA Identity: A Diplomat’s Memoir by J.C.
Wilson IV, (ambassador to Gabon, 1992-1995).

Their British counterparts
prefer the cloak to the dagger. Sir Alan Munro (British ambassador to Saudi
Arabia, 1989-93), feeling that he had to exculpate his country’s conduct
during the First Gulf War, gave his book the jingoistic title: Keep the
Flag Flying: A Diplomatic Memoir (2013). His colleague Sir Christopher
Meyer (British ambassador to the US, 1997-2003) gave his an American twist: DC
Confidential (2005). That did not prevent it from attracting a thunderbolt
from the then head of the Foreign Service Sir Michael Jay.

Writing to senior
members of the Foreign Office, Jay cautioned: "Let me stress that we
cannot serve ministers effectively unless they trust and confide in us, which
they will only do if we respect that confidence, not just when we’re doing
our jobs, but afterwards, too. If we don’t have ministers’ trust, they
will not consult us, involve us or take our advice — and we will all lose,
ministers, the [diplomatic] service, and the conduct of foreign policy, under
no matter what administration."

Of the 18 British ambassadors/high
commissioners to Pakistan since 1947, only two have published their memoirs.
Michael Jay’s admonition came too late for the first, and went unheeded by
the second.

The first memoir — Pakistan Chronicle (1992) by Sir
Morrice James (high commissioner, 1961-1966) — covers the period of the 1965
war with India. The most incendiary part of the book is a recollection of his
meeting with a beleaguered president Ayub Khan as Pakistan’s Operation
Gibraltar foundered ignominiously.

Addressing him "with complete
frankness, discarding all diplomatic flannel", Morrice James warned Ayub
Khan that "if the Chinese would involve themselves there would be a risk
of massive escalation. It might well involve the superpowers and lead to a
nuclear confrontation with incalculable consequences for the peace of the
world." Scanning Ayub Khan’s "grim" face, James wondered
whether he had perhaps gone too far.

In such situations, diplomats rely on
Ben¬jamin Franklin’s timeless advice that the attributes of a diplomat are
"sleepless tact, unmovable calmness, and a patience that no folly, no
provocation, no blunders may shake".

No provocation, no blunders shake
the second set of memoirs. Sir Nicholas Barrington (am¬ba¬ssador 1987-89,
high commissioner 1989-94) has just published Envoy: A Diplomatic Journey
(2014), which covers his 37-year career. Sir Nicholas saw (and remembered) the
foibles of princes and the follies of politicians. At a pool party for Prince
Andrew, Barrington held off his pursuers until he could change into his
swimming trunks before being tossed into the water. His gallantry remained
water-proof: "Not everyone has been thrown into a pool by a royal
prince!"

His middle-class prudery though found the follies of
politicians harder to forgive. He recounts a meal at the grand British embassy
in Paris. "Afterwards class was revealed when the aristocrats, Home
(foreign secretary) and Soames (ambassador) went into the garden to relieve
themselves on the grass."

Sir Nicholas’ pervasive ubiquity and
immeasurable popularity during his postings in Pakistan led people to suspect
that he might be an MI5 agent. Certainly the KGB thought so; even more so
after he facilitated the defection of their official Kuzichkin.

Nicholas
Barrington (despite the KGB’s sinister attentions) is now in his eighties.
He and the late Morrice James shared an unusual bond. The love that they
shared the longest, their first and their last love, in and after service, was
Pakistan.