Iraq war may kill feminism as we know it
By Wendy McElroy
web posted March 24, 2003
Social transformation at home always accompanies war abroad,
and its effects are felt for decades after the military conflict is
over. The death of feminism as we know it may be a domestic
consequence of war with Iraq.
Historically, war has exerted a defining influence on American
feminism. World War II ushered women out of the kitchen and
into Rosie-the-Riveter jobs. Feminism in the '60s grew out of the
anti-Vietnam War movement, to which current feminism owes
much of its leftist bias. During the Civil War, feminists such as
Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony consciously
subordinated "the woman question" in order to support the
Union cause. When the 15th Amendment to the Constitution -- a
postwar measure -- enfranchised black men, feminism reacted
by becoming a one-issue movement: The cry was "votes for
women!"
The war with Iraq and its aftermath will have an equally dramatic
impact. One reason: Western feminism will be forced to confront
its Eastern counterpart, which is, in significant ways, a mirror
opposite: Islamic feminism. The encounter is likely to change the
definition of feminism itself.
What is Islamic feminism? The superficial answer: It is the sum
total of the feminist organizations that have sprung up in almost
every Muslim nation, from Uzbekistan to Egypt, from Iraq to
Palestine. Muslim women are networking, protesting and
petitioning for relief from real injustice, such as the legal denial of
education.
The ideology of Islamic feminism is more difficult to capture
because the goals and beliefs of the women involved vary
widely. The realities of a feminist like Benazir Bhutto, former
prime minister of Muslim Pakistan, cannot be compared to those
of a displaced Palestinian mother living in a refugee camp.
Nevertheless, generalizations can be made.
Consider only two:
1) Most Islamic feminists base their demand for equality upon
the teachings of Islam. They do not separate themselves or their
identity as women from the larger context of religion. To them,
the current inequality results from a misinterpretation of the
Koran.
By contrast, Western feminists reject a religious basis for equality
and argue from an entirely secular perspective. Indeed, they are
hostile to religion, and especially to Christianity, which is viewed
as an institution that oppresses women. The rejection of religion
has deep roots within American feminism, dating back to
Stanton's "The Woman's Bible." In the introduction, Stanton
writes, "all the religions on the face of the earth degrade her
[woman], and so long as woman accepts the position that they
assign her, her emancipation is impossible."
This sentiment alone places Western feminism on a collision
course with its Muslim counterpart.
2) Islamic feminism tends to be pro-family and not inherently
anti-male. In her book In Search of Islamic Feminism, researcher
Elizabeth Fernea reports that many Muslim women call
themselves "feminists" but want to distance themselves from
Western feminism because of its perceived antagonism toward
men and the family. Haifa Abdul Rahman, deputy secretary of
the General Federation of Iraqi Women, observed: "We see
feminism in America as dividing men from women -- separating
women from the family. This is not good for anyone."
Western feminism rests on the concept of patriarchy -- the class
system of male domination and female oppression. The
traditional family and family roles are considered to be basic
building blocks of patriarchy. This leaves little room for liberated
women to embrace men or the family structure.
Western feminists seem to have three options with regard to their
Islamic "sisters": 1) open up the definition of feminism and accept
them within it; 2) ignore them; and, 3) misrepresent Muslim
women in such a manner as to make them politically acceptable.
The first option is unlikely. American feminism has fought with
clawed nails to avoid expanding its definition. It has ignored
women who are stay-at-home moms, pro-life, home-schoolers,
or who disagree with them on virtually anything. It has
discounted the majority of American women. Why would it treat
foreigners with more respect?
The second option of simply ignoring Islamic feminism is more in
character. American feminism is practiced at turning a blind eye,
for example, to the current oppression of Iraqi women about
whom they are virtually mute. And, yet, the incredible surge of
Islamic feminism cannot be ignored. Indeed, it may be the most
significant development in feminism within the last decade.
The third option of misrepresenting Islamic feminism is already
underway. If you doubt this, ask yourself: Do you believe
"Islamic feminism" is a contradiction in terms ... and is your belief
based on equating the oppression of Afghan women under the
Taliban with the treatment of all women under Islam? If so, you
have accepted the prevailing Western feminist view of Islamic
feminism.
Ask yourself another question: Do you believe that "Christian
feminism" is a contradiction in terms, that a Christian cannot be a
strong, liberated, self-respecting woman? If you do not believe
this of Christian women, why do you believe of Muslims? Again,
perhaps you have accepted the prevailing view.
Western feminists cannot resolve their ideology with that of
Islam. War and its aftermath will bring the two movements into
intimate contact and conflict. The result is likely to be a recasting
of the definition of feminism itself.
Wendy McElroy is the editor of ifeminists.com and a research
fellow for The Independent Institute in Oakland, Calif. She is the
author and editor of many books and articles, including the new
book, Liberty for Women: Freedom and Feminism in the 21st
Century (Ivan R. Dee/Independent Institute, 2002). She lives
with her husband in Canada.
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