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1 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL NEWS Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation Volume 35, No. 3 Summer 2002 $5.00 ISSN Sugar and Strike Thomas Basil Humphreys Simpcw and Secwepemc Rambling in BC in 1887 Steamboats: James W. Trahey Award Winners 2001 Stuart Thomon foto, City of Vancouver Archives CVA Above: This photo of two anymous young women; one holding a baseball, was taken during a picnic for employees of the BC Sugar Refinery on Bowen Island. In Not Always Sweet, starting on page 2, Janet Nicol writes about a bitter labour dispute at Benjamin T. Rogers s sugar refinery during the First World War.

3 BRITISH COLUMBIA HISTORICAL NEWS Journal of the British Columbia Historical Federation Volume 35, No. 3 Summer 2002 $5.00 ISSN No Change 2 Not Always Sweet: The 1917 Vancouver Sugar Refinery Strike by Janet Mary Nicol 6 The Simpcw of the North Thompson by Muriel Poulton Dunford 9 The Honourable Thomas Basil Humphreys: A Controversial Contributor to Change in Early BC Politics by Jean (Foote) Humphreys 16 Three Men in British Columbia: 1887 by Stewart Platts 20 TOKEN HISTORY by Ronald Greene Humphreys & Pittock of Nelson, BC 22 BOOK REVIEWS 29 NEWS AND NOTES 30 REPORTS Powerhouse at Stave Falls by Meg Stanley The Spanish Jar: New Light from an Old Chart by David Stone 32 LETTERS BY READERS 33 ARCHIVES AND ARCHIVISTS Museum at Campbell River Archive Research Centre by Sandra Parrish 34 STEAMBOAT ROUND THE BEND by Ted Affleck The Governor Douglas, the Colonel Moody, and James W. Trahey 35 WINNERS OF THE COMPETITION FOR WRITERS 36 FAMILY HISTORY by Brenda L. Smith 37 WEB SITE FORAYS by Gwen Szychter 38 HISTORY WEB SITE PRIZE REVELSTOKE FEDERATION NEWS 44 PRINCE GEORGE 2003 Any country worthy of a future should be interested in its past. W. Kaye Lamb, 1937 This journal shall continue to be called British Columbia Historical News as it has been for 35 years. Most attending the council meeting preceding the AGM in Revelstoke wished a change in the name of this quarterly, but when the matter was raised at the AGM, participants were not so keen. One observer s opinion: the audience was lukewarm at best, puzzled, and basically against change. Please Let Us Know Please write me a note, a brief report, or send a newspaper clipping about extraordinary historical events in your community. Delegates of member societies at the AGM talked about Her Honour the Lieutenant-Governor visting Galiano Island; Don Pedro de Alberni s death, 200 years ago, being remembered with an interesting symposium hosted by the Alberni District Historical Society; and Pixie McGeachie, now an honorary citizen of Burnaby. Remember: This is your journal and news is part of its name. Fall 2001 Issue I have received a request for a copy of the Spanish presence issue and have none left. If you have one to spare, could you mail it to me? the editor BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SUMMER

4 Not Always Sweet The 1917 Vancouver Sugar Refinery Strike by Janet Mary Nicol Janet Nicol has been teaching with the Vancouver School Board for 15 years and is currently a Social Studies teacher at Killarney Secondary School. She was a clerical worker and union organizer with an independent Vancouver-based feminist union, SORWUC. 2 ALL was quiet along the Vancouver waterfront in the early dawn of 22 April A lone male figure passed through the refinery gates and observed smoke rising from the factory stacks where men had refined raw sugar for 26 years. Through an arched window on the main floor of an elongated six-storey brick building, he could see five men unloading jute bags of sugar cane. He was determined to turn around and leave with these men if refinery owner Benjamin Tingley Rogers didn t respond to their demands for overtime pay for Sunday work. But the American-born Rogers, who trained his first group of 75 employees on the alchemy of sugar refining at age 25 and had since made his fortune closely managing the city s pioneering factory, was aware of his employees rebellious talk. From his yacht Aquilo, anchored off a nearby Gulf Island, he had radioed his superintendent the previous day. I learned the melting house gang intends to quit Sunday morning unless given time and a half. Are led by a man known as Irish Johnny. Rogers ordered the worker fired. Will discharge Irish Johnny in the morning, superintendent William Aitchison wired back. Irish Johnny could have been any one of the 25 John s or J s listed as sugar refinery employees in the 1917 Henderson Directory of Vancouver. On that fateful Sunday, the ubiquitous John was summoned and dismissed soon after he entered the building, along with a foreman who came to his defence. Next day, when more than 240 employees arrived at work and heard about the firings, most walked off the job. They rallied at the Vancouver Labor Temple on Dunsmuir Street and formed the Sugar Workers Union. These series of events marked the beginning of a bitter 92-day labour dispute, pitting one of Vancouver s earliest millionaires against recently immigrated labourers. Rogers resided with his wife and seven children in a stone mansion (now a restaurant) on Davie Street at Nicola in the city s west end. He was among the city s first citizens to drive to work in an automobile. Refinery workers owned homes within walking distance of the sugar factory in the east-end neighbourhoods of Strathcona and Grandview. Many of their two-storey wood-framed houses still stand. Though the workers attempt to form a union at BC Sugar would end in defeat, their confrontation with Rogers provides an insightful glimpse into Vancouver s early days. Rogers sailed back to Vancouver the day the workers walked off the job and promptly issued a statement to the press: The men went out on strike because the superintendent saw fit to let out one of the laborers, he maintained. The men want him reinstated. I don t know what reason the superintendent had for discharging him, but I will stand behind the superintendent until the crack of doom. Blaming the superintendent for firing John didn t improve Aitchison s popularity with the staff. No matter when or how the employees return to work there will be serious friction as long as this man is in charge, a striking employee complained in an anonymous letter to Rogers. We could name about 20 instances of Mr. Aitchison s craziness, meanness, and insulting ways, in dealing with men of long service who have far more intelligence than he. We think he is incapable of handling men. Rogers had closed the refinery for eleven weeks the previous December, further distressing his employees. He claimed raw sugar cargoes were delayed because of shipping disruptions caused by the First World War. The shortage of manpower on the home front impacted much later in the west. Consequently workers in Vancouver were still receiving layoff notices in the winter of 1916 with slips reading: Your king and country need you we don t. Workers also had to contend with inflationary prices of consumer goods (including sugar) while their wages remained constant and BC Sugar, a monopoly operation in Western Canada, continued to profit. The week before the strike, nearly all of the 206 men and 36 women on staff had signed a petition requesting a wage increase from 32 ½ cents to 40 cents an hour with time and a half for overtime and Sunday work and a maximum ten-hour day and a minimum five-day week. For mechanics, watchmen, and women, the workers BC HISTORICAL NEWS - VOL. 35 NO. 3

5 City of Vancouver Archives M requested a pay increase from 20 cents to 24 cents an hour. The petition was left in the storeroom where it was found by the timekeeper who took it to management. The following day management pinned a response in the staff dressing room, offering a three-cent increase to male labourers only. The workers considered the offer unsatisfactory. Rogers made it clear he would not deal with a union and continued operating the refinery. He hired a personal bodyguard and retained the services of the Thiel Detective Agency, an American firm specializing in labour relations, with offices in five Canadian cities. Rogers resolve may have been strengthened by the fact that when he was 18 years old, his father, also a refinery owner, was killed by a brick thrown during a labour dispute at his sugar plant in New Orleans. Rogers told newspaper reporters the wages for the common labourer at the refinery were as high a rate per hour as those for certain skilled BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SUMMER 2002 workmen. As for the women who filled and sewed the sugar bags, they are well paid at twenty cents per hour and I have taken a personal interest in their welfare by giving them each day a plentiful hot lunch free of charge. An unnamed female striker took a different view. After getting through a day s work all we can do is to just about get home, she told the press. And any recreation is altogether out of the question. She said most of the factory girls were between 16 to 20 years old. About half of them support themselves on their earnings. It is not only having to handle the sacks on one day 40 of us had 30,000 of them to fill and sew, she said, but the hours we have to remain standing are unendurable. As for Rogers s free lunch for girls, refinery striker William Lane argued, If the girls were paid a reasonable rate for their work they would be able to buy their own meals and would be independent of his charity. Above: B.C. Sugar Refinery, Vancouver, 191-? 3

6 SOURCES BOOKS Boyd, Robert. BC Sugar Refinery Company. Vancouver: Howard, Irene. The Struggle for Social Justice in British Columbia: Helena Gutteridge, The Unknown Reformer. Vancouver: UBC Press, ILWU, Local 500 Pensioners, Man Along the Shore! The Story of the Vancouver Waterfront As Told by Longshoremen Themselves. Vancouver: Kluckner, Michael. ML Rogers Privately published memoir of Mary Isabella Rogers. Vancouver: Leier, Mark. Rebel Life: The Life and Times of Robert Gosden Revolutionary, Mystic, Labour Spy. Vancouver: New Star Books, McDonald, Robert A.J. Making Vancouver. Vancouver: UBC Press, Phillips, Paul. No Power Greater: A Century of Labour in B.C. Vancouver: Boag Foundation, Rogers, M.I. The Story of BC Sugar Refinery. Vancouver: BC Sugar, Schreiner, John. The Refiners: A Century of BC Sugar. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, Working Lives Collective, Working Lives: Vancouver Vancouver: New Star Books, JOURNALS Conley, James R. Frontier Labourers, Crafts in Crisis and the Western Labour Revolt: The Case of Vancouver, Labour/Le Travail, 23 (Spring 1989): Rosenthal, Star. Union Maids: Organizing Women Workers in Vancouver BC Studies 41 (Spring): The top news stories of Vancouver s four dailies were about the war overseas but the inside pages gave sympathetic coverage to the numerous work stoppages in the city and across the country, including the strike at BC Sugar. The older men are grave and self-contained, the Daily World observed of the picketers, the boys delighted to escape a day or two from the daily round and common task, the girls chattering among themselves after their kind and plainly excited by the enterprise on which they had embarked, that of joining a real labour union and opposing the will of him who had reigned so many years as undisputed master of the sugar works. The Daily World also noted the strikers were...what in labor circles are designated white, that is to say, they belonged to that race which, by whatever channels these representatives reached Vancouver and the sugar refinery, has its ancestral home in the British Isle. Rogers had agreed to exclude Asian workers in a deal he struck with city council when he arrived from Montreal with financial backing in Eager to encourage industry in a frontier port, council members gave Rogers a $30,000 grant, free water for 10 years and a tax waiver for 15 years. Labour leaders were behind the exclusion hiring demand, believing it was a necessary strategy to prevent employers from undermining wage rates. BC Sugar began an informal practice of hiring relatives of employees. Spirits were high as three Scottish pipers led a parade of sugar workers through the downtown streets the Saturday following the walkout. Later, 120 men and seven women from the refinery, including a Thiel operative hired by Rogers, attended a meeting at the Vancouver Trade and Labor Council. Parm Pettipiece, VTLC editor of The BC Federationist, advised the strikers to go back to work until they had their union properly organized and recognized by the company, the detective reported. This seemed to somewhat discourage the strikers and a good many of them were undecided as to what to do, the detective told Rogers. Some staff chose to cross the picket line and new employees were hired. Inside the factory, the refined granulated sugar continued to pour out. Longshoremen who supported the strikers suggested their response to the strikebreakers was too mild-mannered. And so with the longshoremen s help, the tactics got tougher. On 1 May the Daily World reported a crowd of considerably over 100 strikers and sympathizers were gathered at the gates. They howled and catcalled at those inside, inviting them to come out. Fearful strikebreakers were sleeping in the refinery overnight. When a merchant tried to deliver blankets to them, the strikers burned the blankets. A boy attempting to cross to deliver milk was turned around. Somebody threw a stone at one man, the Daily World reported. And it struck him on the forehead, inflicting a cut. This man when overtaken was fisticuffed. Several other strikebreakers were roughed up. On 2 May Harry Burgess, the refinery coppersmith, crossed the picket line, and was seized by three picketers who pounded him, knocked him down and kicked him about the face and head, according to the Vancouver Province. On the same day strikers appeared at the front of the home of strikebreaking electrician Harry Pavey. According to news reports the crowd cat-called and jeered him. Rogers was dissatisfied with police protection of strikebreakers and complained bitterly to the Vancouver mayor, Malcolm McBeath. Not content with the mayor s response that the entire city depended on a third of its police manpower due to wartime conditions, Rogers wired BC Attorney General M.A. Macdonald and later sent him detective reports of picket-line confrontations. To Rogers dismay, Macdonald passed responsibility back to the Vancouver mayor. The longshoremen refused to unload raw sugar at the docks and the VTLC declared a boycott of Rogers scab sugar. Picketers received $2 a day, relying on other unions and fund-raising events. But on 10 May, a Thiel detective posing as a striker reported to Rogers of a growing despondency among the strikers. The fact, that smoke was seen coming from the stacks and many guards at work did not serve to cheer them up any, he observed. The company now offered to raise the hourly wage for men to 38 cents and to 22 cents for the women. A delegation of two strikers met with Rogers to discuss the offer. Rogers son Blythe, grooming for his father s job, kept a detailed diary of events. He noted that it was a short, tough meeting and that his father would not recognize a union. One of the strikers, William McIntosh asked: The men would like to know if they can have a union of their own. Would you discrimi- 4 BC HISTORICAL NEWS - VOL. 35 NO. 3

7 nate against any man for that? Rogers replied in part, I will not have the few more years I have left to run this refinery spoilt by any union. On 12 May, the refinery was staffed by 76 people, including 14 Thiel detectives and the crew of the yacht Aquilo. They melted 200,000 pounds of sugar, according to Blythe s diary account. Rogers s plan was to carry on the work and starve us out, Robert Stevenson, president of the Sugar Union, told the press. We are receiving all the assistance we can desire from other unions and we are fighting for a principle, he said. We want conditions improved for the girls also and now we want the right to have our union. But Thiel detectives posing as strikers urged the workers to return to work. Detectives were also harassing strikers, trailing after the girls on strike no matter where they go, at all hours of the day and night, according to the BC Federationist. On 20 May, Blythe s diary recorded 103 men were working at the refinery. A car with curtained windows, dubbed the Black Maria by strikers, drove workers through the picket lines. Samuel Bellamy, the union s secretary, was fined $25 plus costs for smashing its windows. In another incident, an unnamed female striker was fined $5 for roughly persuading a female strikebreaker not to cross the line. Two more months on the picket line passed before striking sugar workers acknowledged defeat and met with government officer J.D. McNiven to set up a meeting with management. Rogers refused to recognize a union, McNiven reported, but agreed to reinstate as many of his former employees as there were vacancies, without discrimination, except as to those who had been convicted of violations of law and order. McNiven advised the refinery workers to accept the offer, believing the strike was lost to them. On 22 July they voted to end the strike and seek their jobs back. Those rehired about half of the original staff gained an hourly wage increase of six cents (with no increase for women), had their hours regularized to ten hours a day, and began receiving employer-subsidized meals for all in the company cafeteria. When former striker Alex McKinnon made it a point to refer to non-strikers as scabs one of the Thiel detectives retained by Rogers reported: It is evident to the Operative that this man McKinnon is creating dissension and promoting ill feeling and if it is possible to replace him, Operative believes it would be a good thing in the BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SUMMER 2002 interests of harmony. McKinnon was fired at noon that day. However he was eventually rehired and would retire in 1944 after 48 years of service. Samuel Bellamy was not hired back at the refinery because of his picket-line conviction. He is listed as a longshoreman in the 1918 Vancouver Directory. Bill Perry, a crew member of Rogers yacht, helped run the refinery during the strike. He rose from the position of sugar boiler in 1917 to superintendent, retiring in The destiny of Irish Johnny is a mystery. After the labour dispute he may have drifted to another job, perhaps as a longshoreman on the nearby docks. Or he may have gone to war following the conscription legislation in June 1917, which saw government agents dragnet for men aged 18 to 35 along Vancouver s waterfront. A concluding Thiel operative reports that those men who have gone back to work seem to be a very good class of workmen, being steady, sober and reliable and unless some agitator works his way in among them, he does not look for any trouble for some time to come. BC Sugar organized a staff picnic at Bowen Island in an attempt to heal the rifts caused by the dispute. The following year Rogers died at age 53. His son Blythe took over the operations and fought another union drive when 141 sugar workers organized into the short-lived Warehouseman s Union and in 1919 sugar workers participated in a citywide one-month sympathy strike in conjunction with the Winnipeg General Strike. Women workers at the refinery did not join the walkout, possibly discouraged by their lack of gains in the 1917 dispute. In 1944 BC Sugar employees organized into the Industrial Union of Sugar Workers. They later joined the Retail Wholesale Union and currently have about 155 members, mostly men. The manual jobs once performed by female labourers have long since been automated. Sugar is still being refined in the modern buildings on the waterfront property. After three generations of ownership by the Rogers family, BC Sugar was sold to Lantic whose headquarters are in eastern Canada. Today, the original six-storey building facing Powell Street is used for storage. Its gothic factory brick exterior is a popular backdrop for film makers, but at one time was the scene of real-life drama among Vancouver s earliest residents. Roy, Patricia. The BC Electric Railway and its Street Railway Employees: Paternalism in Labour Relations, BC Studies, 16 ( ): THESES Conley, James Robert. Class Conflict and Collective Action in the Working Class of Vancouver, BC MA thesis, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Carleton University, Creese, Gillian. Working Class Politics, Racism and Sexism: The Making of a Politically Divided Working Class In Vancouver, Ph.D. thesis, Carleton University, McDonald, Robert. A.J. Business Leaders in Early Vancouver Ph.D. thesis, University of BC, NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS Industrial Progress and Commercial Record; BC Federationist; Vancouver Daily World; Vancouver News-Herald; Vancouver Province; Vancouver Sun. GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS Canadian Royal Commission on Industrial Relations, Minutes of Evidence (1919) (Mathers Commission), Vol 1. BC, Dept. Of Labour, Annual Report for 1918 (Victoria, 1919). OTHER Henderson s Directory, 1917, Vancouver City Archives. Minutes of VTLC Executive Minutes, 1917, UBC, Special Collections. Vancouver Court Records, 1917, Vancouver City Archives. Photos: City of Vancouver Archives, Vancouver Public Library, UBC Special Collections. 5

8 The Simpcw of the North Thompson by Muriel Poulton Dunford Muriel Dunford spent more than half a century in the North Thompson Valley. She is the author of North River, The Story of BC s North Thompson Valley & Yellowhead Highway 5, published by Sonotek Publishing in Merritt. 1 Mary Balf, Why That Name? (Kamloops: Kamloops Museum, 1978), Ken Favrholdt, Piecing Together an Ancient Culture, Kamloops Daily News, 12 February Frequent early spelling was Kameloops, indicating that the second c should have been read as an e. 4 Alexander Ross, The Fur Hunters of the Far West (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 1956), Coffey, Goldstrom, Gottfriedson, Matthew and Walton, The First 100 Years of Contact (Kamloops: Sewepemc Cultural Educational Society, 1990), HBC Thompsons River Journal, 8 September Ibid. 27 September, Simpson s 1828 Journey to the Columbia, edited by E.E. Rich (London: the Champlain Society for the Hudson s Bay Record Society, 1947), Jean Murray Cole, Exile in the Wilderness (Don Mills: Burns and MacEachern, 1979), 119. Notes continue on page 8 6 THE SIMPCW ( SEEM-kuh ) of the North Thompson form part of the Secwepemc, the largest division of the Interior Salish spread over 56,000 square miles. The closest we come to the pronunciation of the name of the Secwepemc is perhaps suh-whep-muh. In their journals the traders tried several versions of the name: Shewhoppes, She-whaps, and eventually Shuswaps persisted. For a long time the name was also understood to be a corruption of the French sauvage into Siwash. Some said the name denoted a many-legged insect, like the shape of Shuswap Lake with its four long arms. 1 Others suggest that the name refers to scattered people 2 aptly so considering their huge territory. David Stuart first encountered the Secwepemc of the North and South Thompson rivers in 1811, when his search for furs stranded him in a dim, smoky pit house for the winter months. From Fort Astoria on the Pacific he had probed the Columbia-Okanagan route up to the junction of the two Thompson rivers when frigid weather closed in. On a return trip the next year, the North West Company s profits burgeoned as a reported 2,000 Natives congregated at Cumcloups, 3 eager for trade goods. Five leaves of tobacco bought a topquality beaver pelt; the last remnant of white cloth fetched twenty luxuriant skins. Ten days of trading sent sixteen packhorse loads of furs back to Fort Astoria. Five years after trade began at the Thomson rivers confluence, Stuart first explored the north branch as far as the present East Barriere Lake, aided by Native guides. He called this lake Friendly Lake, having had an amicable meeting there with two North Thompson families who were living on fish, roots and berries, which they were all employed in procuring and seemed in their wretched condition to live very comfortably and happy. 4 In 1821, at the time of the merger of the North West Company and the Hudson s Bay Company, the traders had established Thompson s Post, later Fort Kamloops. Surrounded and outnumbered by indigenous people, the traders imposed crude law: an early log names a white man who shot and killed a North River Indian, but mentions no retribution. 5 However, in general the Simpcw of the North Thompson proved co-operative on occasional encounters to exchange furs for kettles, ammunition, or blankets with the traders. In an 1822 journal an HBC bourgeois described them as the gentle Shinpoos, noting that a chief had discovered a company officer s medal upriver and brought it to the fort: This shows their honesty. Indeed, I have better opinion of this band than of any I have yet seen in the Columbia. 6 The HBC journal often found other Shuswap insolent and quarrelsome; within a couple of years Governor Simpson threatened to close the post down until the Kamloops Band had learned some humility. Simpson thought that were Thompson s Post closed the Shinpo could travel by Athabasca Pass to trade at Rocky Mountain House. The Simpcw travelled east of the Rockies to Jasper s House. 7 They endured the rigours of paddling up the North Thompson and Albreda rivers, and portage three days over to the Canoe River, to eventually arrive at the upper Columbia, but it took two weeks just to reach the portage. 8 Fortunately Simpson never did execute his threat. During the 1820s fur-bearers had been trapped to extinction around Kamloops. Archibald McDonald, bourgeois at the Thompson Post from , wrote that he saw only small brown squirrels: even the name of a Beaver is scarcely heard among the Natives. 9 The North Thompson country was on the other hand a significant source of beaver. However, not all was well along the North Thompson either; McDonald told of Chinpoos reduced to eating roots and moss, having probably sold the traders salmon that should have been their staple. Rich Sockeye and Chinook migrations up the main river and its tributaries were always crucial to the Simpcw s existence. Their ninth lunar month was called The Salmon Come; their tenth was The Salmon Moon, the People Fish All Month, when they harvested with net, line, and weir, or speared fish by torchlight. To prepare for winter, they smoked and air-dried the fish on racks, methods some still use today. Flaked and pulverized between stones, then packed into grass baskets lined and covered with smoked salmon skins, the fish could last several years. What hindered the salmon migration of 1854 is unknown, but its fail- BC HISTORICAL NEWS - VOL. 35 NO. 3

9 Left: The Secwepemc Nation as shown by the Secwepemc Cultural Education Society (SCES) on their Web site < Cathy Chapin - Lakehead University - Thunder Bay ure was disastrous: Chief Trader Paul Fraser wrote, By the arrival of an Indian from the North River I am informed that the Indians of that quarter with their families have gone to Fraser s River as not a salmon was taken in their country. 10 The Simpcws visits continued to be profitable for the HBC, so that in 1850, when the Simpcws requested an auxiliary post up the valley, a small fort was established, where the New Caledonia fur brigades used to cross the North Thompson about sixty miles upriver. Although it closed within two years, the name endures for the modern settlement whose sign boasts, Little Fort, Established With the fur trade shrinking, Natives began bartering a rare new prize. In far-off Fort Victoria in 1861 Governor Douglas spoke of Indians finding coarse gold above the mouth of the Clearwater. While indigenous people had been of use to the fur traders, they were inconvenient competition for prospectors. In 1862 the Cariboo gold rush sent death up the north valley. Smallpox flowing inland with American miners attacked those without immunity to a strange virus and weakened by loss of their old ways. The chief trader tried to BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SUMMER 2002 vaccinate the few Simpcw who came to the fort by pricking their skin and rubbing it with some of the scab, at best a questionable kill-or-cure solution. His journal contains several entries, one reading: Indians dying off with the Small Pox [sic] up North River. As families migrated for fish and berries, infection traveled alongside. The annual gatherings at Green Lake and Lac La Hache spread disease. When the hungry Overlanders struggled down the valley that fall, they scrounged potatoes left growing at a village depleted of its inhabitants. In 1863 a British tourist travelling the route, Dr. Cheadle, told of a headless corpse of a Native seated against a tree; beside him several small tools and fragments of horse bones sucked dry indicated that he had been too ill to hunt. Farther on, Cheadle s party passed two dead Indians laid out, covered with blanket, all goods and chattels around, not yet completely rotten. Could not make out whether starvation or small-pox.they give fearful accounts of ravages of the latter. 11 No one was left there to attend to the dead. Sandford Fleming s survey party of 1872 noted many empty pit houses: Small pox had reduced the number of Siwashes in this part of the country to the merest handful. 12 Out of thirty Secwepemc bands only seventeen survived the onslaught, including a remnant of the Simpcw. Few pit houses were reoccupied. Extensive CPR surveys of North Thompson regions in the 1870s furnished jobs for some of the survivors as axemen and packers who carried extraordinary loads from a tumpline across the forehead. The engineer, Marcus Smith, commended the Natives integrity, but reported: an Indian injured severely a poor Indian was drowned our Indian attendants carried heavy 7

10 Right: This faded photograph shows Joe Saul on his horse in HBC Journal, 1 November Walter B. Cheadle, Cheadle s Journal of a Trip Across Canada, (Edmonton: Hurtig, 1971), p George M. Grant, Ocean to Ocean (Edmonton: Hurtig, 1967), Sandford Fleming, Report of Progress on Explorations and Surveys up to January, 1874, From Clear Water, North Thompson River, British Colonist, 1 September The aboriginal name for the site meant Red Willow. 16 An old rancher s story illustrates one man s problem with modern transportation. His horse and wagon approached the Peavine railway, where a gate barred each side of the crossing. When his wife opened the first, but before she could open the second, the man drove onto the crossing just as the one and only train that day hove in sight, tooting wildly. Father and youngsters jumped to safety but it demolished the wagon. Hearing the noise, the rancher ran to help, and had to shoot the horse. The family philosophically set off walking. 17 Muriel Dunford, North River (Merritt: Sonotek, 2000), loads over places which looked as if a goat could scarcely find footing on them. 13 A dispatch to the Colonist deemed the Simpcw much more intelligent than those on the Island, and strictly honest. 14 In 1850, already diminished by foreign infections like measles, whooping cough, influenza, and tuberculosis, the estimated population of Natives of the lower North Thompson was 500; by 1906, it had dwindled to 130. In 1850 the first people of the upper reaches totalled about 250; in 1906, only 70 remained. In the 1870s the government, without treaty or consent, created the Red Trees Reserve 15 at Chu Chua on river flats with good soil, but partially flood plain. When mining interests opposed plans for a reserve at Tête Jaune, its residents were transplanted to Chu Chua in Mr. F. Blackman of Valemount recalls a childhood memory of the long, orderly file plodding by on horseback, ignoring the whites staring as they passed. Among those shifted south, old Catherine was a familiar sight as she went out daily to carry home on her back a bundle of firewood tied with rags. She died in the bitter winter of 1950, said to be 110 years old, and speaking only her mother tongue. Noel Montagnon remembers as a child in Vavenby in 1930 showing Joe Saul an arrowhead he had found; holding it, Joe mused, Poor old people. He was of an age to have seen flint used in his youth. It was thought that granting suitable land and grazing privileges would encourage tribes in farming and ranching, but the acreage of the reserves was insufficient. While some tried to adapt without adequate land or equipment, the old huntinggathering subsistence prevailed. The Simpcw roamed, camping at ancient fishing stations on ranches like Aveley and Peavine; they gladly used garden produce if invited, but never helped themselves without permission. They picked huge quantities of wild huckleberries and blueberries, and drove their one-horse wagons by settlers cabins, peddling the berries. 16 From about 1890 to 1970 Simpcw children were confined most of the year in the Kamloops Residential School, first known as an Industrial Farm. Its regimen was harsh and comfortless. A two-ton cattle truck came for us. Kids from six to sixteen had to go, but smaller ones got taken, too. We got the strap if we spoke our own language, so some of the little kids forgot how. Sisters and brothers could not talk to each other. Our parents had no way to visit us. We could not wear our own Courtesy Muriel Dunford clothes. Religion was drilled into us. We were told what to think. We were always hungry, although the school grew lots of food. The boys learned farm work but back home in Chu Chua nobody had enough land to farm properly. Indeed, the pupils did most of the physical labour, both indoors and out. The school farm produced dairy products to sell, yet for them butter, milk, and eggs were scarce. The Simpcw staggered under profound change. After the fur trade economy with its concomitants had permanently disrupted their old ways, the gold rush had introduced smallpox; and a distant authority now imposed reserves and residential schools on them. Having lost language, culture, and identity, graduates entered the larger world as misfits, belonging nowhere, ashamed of their race. The Second World War offered them an unlikely opportunity to earn respect. One Native veteran said: In the military we were accepted, we were equal. 17 Some achieved special status as marksmen. One Simpcw lance-corporal lies in Dutch soil. Those who returned from overseas brought a new air of self-assurance to their people. In the intervening years the North Thompson Band, while cherishing its heritage, has sought to advance in education and business. As with all First Nations, problems deep-rooted in the past still must be addressed but the Simpcw are confidently taking their place in the present. BC HISTORICAL NEWS - VOL. 35 NO. 3

11 The Honourable Thomas Basil Humphreys A Controversial Contributor to Change in Early BC Politics by Jean (Foote) Humphreys For this essay the society for the Promotion of British Columbia History awarded Jean (Foote) Humphreys a Margaret Ormsby Award for the year ANYONE interested in the history of British Columbia would recognize many names associated with early politics, such as Amor de Cosmos, Dr. Helmcken, Joseph Trutch, George Walkem, and Robert Dunsmuir, but not the name of the Honourable Thomas Basil Humphreys, another gentleman who established a considerable reputation while playing a part on the BC political scene between 1869 and Over the years Humphreys has slipped into relative obscurity, unjustly so because he was an interesting member of early BC governments, serving in various administrations and holding several portfolios throughout his career. He was a controversial character, variously referred to as a ranting demagogue, a destroyer of governments, a silver-tongued orator, or a generous, wholehearted, and honest friend, depending upon whose opinion was being aired. Humphreys was an apt representative of the rough-and-tumble of provincial politics of his day. 1 A good argument can be made that the Honourable Thomas Humphreys, in spite of his faults, and in the context of the times in which he lived, had the general public interest at heart and attempted to act, for the most part, on their behalf. Representing the mining riding of Lillooet, Humphreys had been elected to the Legislative Council in 1868 as a pro-confederation candidate. Listed on the electoral rolls as a labourer for his entire life, Humphreys was originally from Great Britain. He had a fair education, having gone to school at Walton-on-the Hill (near Liverpool). He claimed to have served in the East India Company first as a cadet and later as a midshipman, although this and other details of his early life are sketchy. 2 In late July 1858, after mining for a while in California, he arrived in British Columbia on the steamship Oregon, later describing himself as a needy adventurer. 3 His gold-seeking days were brief and he was hired as BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SUMMER 2002 a constable at Fort Hope in March 1859, later transferring to Port Douglas. Humphreys was a courageous young man, not afraid to track down thieves and outlaws who preyed on miners. One particular incident saw him barricaded in a cabin defending himself against eight outlaws. Shots were exchanged, but he finally managed to capture two of the outlaws and bring them to justice. For this he received a public commendation from Judge Begbie. 4 Humphreys s independent character and way with words was notable even in those days, intemperance of language being the descriptive term used. After a stormy resignation in December 1860 he continued at Port Douglas for a short while as auctioneer and conveyancer, then moved to Lillooet where he auctioneered and mined until being elected in 1868 to the Legislative Council as a pro-confederation member. 5 During his Lillooet years Humphreys became convinced of the importance of the mainland and its need for representation in the legislature. He believed in responsible government and wasn t afraid to say so, often in sharp terms. A sample of his views is reflected in these statements taken from his reply to the requisition from the electors of his district in July 1871: The next Legislative assembly will probably be the most important that has ever met in this colony, and it behoves all good men to be vigilant, and to exert themselves to insure the successful working of Parliamentary government... It is not probable that any modern English community has suffered political ills so patiently as the people of British Columbia. The amount of maladministration, and the extraordinary nature of official aggrandisement is perfectly astounding. A more deplorable collection of despotic follies can hardly be imagined. We have seen public servants voting their own salaries, fixing their own pensions, defying public opinion, and pursuing with studied malevolence the popular representatives...there are certain requisites indispensably necessary to the security and efficiency of all just governments, the most important of which I believe to be freedom and security against wrong. 6 Jean Humphreys likes the great outdoors and BC wilderness areas. She graduated from the University College of the Cariboo this spring. Jean works as a reference assistant at the Kamloops Library. 1 Michael F. Halleran, Humphreys, Thomas Basil, in Canadian Biography, Family accounts and other sources such as the Daily Colonist, 19 August 1951, say that as a cadet in the East India Company Humphreys was selected to receive the huge Koh-i-Noor diamond on behalf of Queen Victoria, kneeling before the Lion of the Punjab, Dhuleep Singh, to receive it and pass it on to the Viceroy who sent it to London. 3 Halleran, Canadian Biography. 4 Life s Shadows are Past, Colonist, 27 August Halleran, Canadian Biography. Humphreys s resignation in 1860 was connected to his alliance with a Native woman with whom he had children. In 1873 Thomas Humphreys married a white woman, Caroline (Carrie) Watkins, in Victoria. In the 1950s their grandson Llewellyn met his Native counterpart in Lytton. In the Lytton cemetery are several headstones showing the name Humphreys. See also Jean Barman s Invisible Women: Aboriginal Notes continue >>> 9

12 Mothers and Mixed Race Daughters in Rural British Columbia, in R.W. Sandwell, ed., Beyond the City Limits: Rural History in British Columbia (Vancouver: UBC Press, 1999), Family scrapbook reproduction of printed statement. Source not given. 7 John Douglas Belshaw, Provincial Politics, , in The Pacific Province, ed. Hugh Johnson (Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1996), Daily Colonist, 25 January The gold watch event generated different viewpoints. F.W. Howay writes in his book British Columbia from the Earliest Times to the Present (Vancouver: S.J. Clarke, 1914) that the donors thought they were supporting the movement for more liberal institutions, whereas they were simply placing a premium on vulgar and unmeasured abuse. D.W. Higgins, after being set straight by Humphreys s daughter, published a letter retracting an earlier statement that Humphreys had been expelled, and confirming that as a member of the Council when confederation occurred, Mr. Humphreys was entitled to be addressed as Honourable. Copies found among the family papers unfortunately without the date and publication title. 10 Sessions of the Legislative Council, 1870, 1871, , Courtesy Jean Humphreys His views were to place him in direct conflict with the powerful Joseph Trutch. Early governments during Humphreys s lifetime did not have the characteristics of the party-based system we know today: they revolved around alliances of individuals...a succession of dynasties held together by shared policy objectives, ideology, religion, social status, and common (often venal) interests. 7 In addition, the legislature featured elected and appointed members; the latter with connections to judicial and powerful figures who resisted change. One of the most prominent appointees was Joseph Trutch, an Englishman, who was the Chief Commissioner of Lands and Works. He represented the development mentality and belief in the superiority of British civilization that characterized the powerful upper classes of the day. Things livened up considerably with Humphreys s presence in the legislature. He questioned ideas put forward by the conservative elites, placing motions before the house, and making observant remarks. His efforts on behalf of his constituents were evident: for example, on 24 January 1870 a bill had been introduced by Dr. Carrall encouraging the introduction of Thomas s patent road steamers into the province. Amor De Cosmos protested presenting such a measure and Humphreys objected to the bill being so hastily put forward. He was certain his constituents knew nothing about the matter and since it concerned them more than anybody else, he wanted to get their opinion. Other protesting members agreed and they saw the bill successfully withdrawn. 8 Humphreys found a responsive audience outside parliament in Victoria as well as in his own constituency, but his eloquence landed him in hot water in April 1870, when at a public meeting, he said that he felt degraded by sitting in the present Council and accused Trutch of fiscal mismanagement. He further said he had no confidence in the Executive, called the Legislative Council an infamous, rascally arrangement, and accused Trutch of embezzlement to the tune of $500,000. Although Amor De Cosmos tried to prevent further action, the Council pursued the issue, moving that Humphreys be suspended for breach of privilege on 19 April He refused to sign a written apology proposed by Trutch, preferring to submit his own, which was not satisfactory to the Council. Humphreys s popularity was undiminished. A petition for his reinstatement was circulated (perhaps the same one was sent to Queen Victoria), which contained 160 signatures. On 13 May 1870 at a public meeting chaired by Amor De Cosmos, Thomas Basil Humphreys was presented with an inscribed gold watch and chain from the grateful citizens of Victoria. 9 Humphreys then stood for re-election at Lillooet and was returned with a very large majority. With the Queen s approval he was reinstated with honour for the 8th session (pre-confederation). 10 It wasn t very long before he was back sniping at Trutch and his supporters. For example, the British Colonist, which reported daily on happenings in the legislature, related on 23 January 1871 that Humphreys had moved that all flour made from wheat raised in the colony be exempted from road toll. During the ensuing discussion Trutch opined that he would not change his mind in spite of anything that was said and the tolls would stay until confederation. Dr. Helmcken and some members agreed with Trutch while others thought that all tolls should be removed. Finally BC HISTORICAL NEWS - VOL. 35 NO. 3

13 BC HISTORICAL NEWS - SUMMER 2002 Courtesy Jean Humphreys Amor De Cosmos moved that the flour tolls be removed and an amendment bill be sent down by His Excellency the Governor. Before the vote Humphreys voiced his opinion that he was not surprised at what the Chief Commissioner (Trutch) had said. He characterized the acts of the Hon. Chief Commissioner as arbitrary and unjust, and called him the bootmaker of the colony every man was compelled to wear the boots made by him whether they fitted or not. 11 The fact was that Trutch was behind all the road building and tolls imposed in those days, the first Alexandra bridge, a toll bridge, in the Fraser Canyon being an example. However, this occasion saw De Cosmos s amendment carried and the flour was exempted. Confederation was on everyone s minds in 1870 and during the confederation debates Humphreys was concerned that as many offices as possible be retained in the hands of British Columbians. He was concerned that the people had been overlooked and reiterated his call for responsible government. Among other statements he said: We must have a government by and for the people. [I]t is a gross libel upon the intelligence of the people of this Colony, to say that we are not fitted for self- government...all the civil wars and troubles have not arisen from the uneducated, but from the ambition of these so-called educated classes...take away the so-called intelligent and educated classes and it will be no great loss, the labouring classes can always supply men to fill their places; but take away the working classes and you kill the world, the educated classes cannot fill their places. In my opinion sir, the people want practical reality... I think that responsible government should be a sin qua non of Confederation. 12 In some ways Humphreys was ahead of his time by questioning class distinctions when it came to decision making and influence. That summer, Joseph Trutch stopped in Ottawa on his way to England to lobby Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald about the proposed transcontinental railway link. Macdonald and people in Ottawa were impressed by Trutch with the result that he came back to Victoria bearing the title of Lieutenant Governor. 13 The opening of the first session of the first provincial legislative assembly took place on 6 February Trutch, the Lieutenant Governor, read the speech from the throne as John F. McCreight, his appointee for premier, sat nearby. After the ceremonies when Trutch left the chambers, T.B. Humphreys described the formalities as a farce. During the ensuing uproar McCreight said the Sovereign had been insulted. Humphreys apologized if it seemed that way, he just was being critical of gold lace and folderols which he thought unnecessary. 14 On 11 April 1872, Humphreys made a sensation in the House when he rose to move that in Clause 13 of the Municipal Bill that was being considered, the word male be struck out, allowing any freeholder, leaseholder, etc. either male or female to vote in Municipal elections. Calling it a fairer deal for females, he argued that they had to pay taxes on estates left to them by deceased relations. But after long arguments the motion was voted down. The editorial comment in the Colonist printed the heading Female Suffrage and went on to say: We draw the attention of our readers to our report of the evenlog [evening] session of the Assembly in which the senior member for Lillooet made a motion tantamount to an assertion that he is in favour of Women s Rights. 15 Later that year the issue of the transcontinental railway was the focus of legislative concern, plus the even touchier issue of Chinese labour, for members only had to look to the United States to see who had helped build those lines. Two anti-oriental bills had been introduced but both were defeated. The second one, moving for the prevention of Chinese labour in any provincial works or federal works within the province, had been described by Humphreys as pure buncombe. 16 But he was also among those who warned about Canada dictating terms of railway construction to British Columbia, no doubt concerned about the independent character of the Left and opposite page: In 1870, at a public meeting chaired by Amor De Cosmos, Humphreys was presented with an insribed gold watch and chain from the grateful citizens of Victoria. 11 British Colonist, Victoria, 23 January James E. Hendrickson, ed. Journals of the Colonial Legislature , Vol.II (Victoria: British Columbia Provincial Archives, 1980). 13 Robin Fisher, Contact and Conflict: Indian European Relations in British Columbia, , (Vancouver: UBCPress, 1977), Sydney W. Jackman, The Men at Cary Castle, (Victoria: Morriss Publishing, 1972), Evening Session, Female Suffrage, Colonist, (Victoria), 11 April James Morton, In the Sea of Sterile Mountains: The Chinese in British Columbia, (Vancouver: J.J. Douglas Ltd., 1973),

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