ความคิดเห็นที่ 6 orawan_gay@hotmail.com (Guest)

ความคิดเห็นที่ 8 mybarbeer_j2hotmail.com (Guest)

Telephone is apparatus for transmission and reproduction of sound by means of frequevcy electric waves. It consists of a receiver and a mouthpiece. It was invented by Alexander Graham Bell in 1876 and important role in communication world since then. <BR><BR>How to read telephone numbers. <BR><BR>When we read telephone numbers, we normally say them seperatele and we pause between the group or section of the number. So 01 242 2528 is oh-one, two-four-two, two-five-two-eight. When the same number occurs twice, we can say them seperately or 'double'. So 99 can be nine-nine or double nine. <BR>In other words, when the same number occurs twice, we can say them seperately or 'triple'. So 999 can be nine-nine-nine or nine double nine or triple nine. <BR>As mentioned earlier that a telephone is used for transmission and reproduction of sound, you cannot,thus, communicate by gestures, facial expressions or signals. Here are some tips to give a good impression on telephone. <BR><BR>

27 พ.ค. 2551 15:46

﻿

ความคิดเห็นที่ 9 ช่วยแปลให้ทีนะคะแล้วส่งกลับไปที่เมลด้วย (Guest)

Telephone is apparatus for transmission and reproduction of sound by means of frequevcy electric waves. It consists of a receiver and a mouthpiece. It was invented by Alexander Graham Bell in 1876 and important role in communication world since then. <BR><BR>How to read telephone numbers. <BR><BR>When we read telephone numbers, we normally say them seperatele and we pause between the group or section of the number. So 01 242 2528 is oh-one, two-four-two, two-five-two-eight. When the same number occurs twice, we can say them seperately or 'double'. So 99 can be nine-nine or double nine. <BR>In other words, when the same number occurs twice, we can say them seperately or 'triple'. So 999 can be nine-nine-nine or nine double nine or triple nine. <BR>As mentioned earlier that a telephone is used for transmission and reproduction of sound, you cannot,thus, communicate by gestures, facial expressions or signals. Here are some tips to give a good impression on telephone. <BR><BR>

27 พ.ค. 2551 15:47

﻿

ความคิดเห็นที่ 10 popo_gals@hotmail.com (Guest)

a. The words about or approximately used in connection with the amount of the credit or quantity or the unit price stated in the credit are to be construed as allowing a tolerance not to exceed 100% more or 10% less than the amount, the quantity or the unit price to which they refer.

b. A tolerance not to exceed 5% more or 5% less than the quantity of the goods is allowed, provided the credit does not state the quantity in term of a stipulated number of packing units or individual items and the total amount of the drawings does not exceed the amount of the credit.

c. Even when partial shipments are not allowed, a tolerance not to exceed 5% less than the amount of the credit is allowed, provided that the quantity of the goods, if stated in the credit, is shipped in full and a unit price, if stated in the credit, is not reduced or that sub-article 30 (b) is not applicable. This tolerance does not apply when the credit stipulates a specific tolerance or uses the expressions referred to in sub-article 30 (a)

ความคิดเห็นที่ 14 natty-41@hotmail.com (Guest)

New Zealand's economy is 80.2 percent free, according to our 2008 assessment, which makes it the world's 6th freest economy. Its overall score is 0.8 percentage point lower than last year, reflecting slightly lower scores in five of the 10 economic freedoms. New Zealand is ranked 4th out of 30 countries in the Asia–Pacific region, and its overall score is much higher than the regional average.

New Zealand rates highly in almost all areas of economic freedom but is most impressive in financial freedom, property rights, business freedom, labor freedom, and freedom from corruption. A globally competitive financial system based on market principles attracts many foreign banks, helped by low inflation and low tariff rates. A strong rule of law protects property rights, and New Zealand is one of the world's most corruption-free countries. Foreign and domestically owned businesses enjoy considerable flexibility in licensing, regulation, and employment practices.

New Zealand could do better in terms of government size and fiscal freedom. The top income tax rates, tax revenue, and government spending are fairly high, but the overall effect is eclipsed by the amount of economic freedom that has been established. New Zealand's economy is a global competitor and a regional model of economic freedom.

Background:New Zealand is one of Asia's richest democracies. Following two decades of sound economic policies and structural reforms, it has transformed itself into a modern, flexible economy with one of the lowest unemployment rates of any member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. Its export market is dominated by agricultural commodities. New Zealand relies heavily on international trade, and its openness has helped to boost exports of goods and services. Securing bilateral and regional free trade agreements is one of the government's major foreign policy goals, along with diversification of the economy into industrial goods.

Business Freedom - 99.9%

The overall freedom to start, operate, and close a business is strongly protected by New Zealand's regulatory environment. Starting a business takes an average of 12 days, compared to the world average of 43 days. Obtaining a business license requires much less than the world average of 19 procedures and 234 days. Closing a business is very easy and straightforward.

Trade Freedom - 80.8%

New Zealand's weighted average tariff rate was 4.6 percent in 2005. The trade regime is relatively open, but import restrictions, service market access barriers, import taxes and fees, restrictive sanitary and phytosanitary regulations, and issues involving the enforcement of intellectual property rights add to the cost of trade. An additional 10 percentage points is deducted from New Zealand's trade freedom score to account for non-tariff barriers.

Fiscal Freedom - 60.5%

New Zealand has high tax rates. The top income tax rate is 39 percent, and the top corporate tax rate is 33 percent, which is higher than those of most developing Asian countries. Other taxes include a value-added tax (VAT) and a tax on interest. In the most recent year, overall tax revenue as a percentage of GDP was 36.6 percent.

Freedom from Government - 56%

Total government expenditures, including consumption and transfer payments, are high. In the most recent year, government spending equaled 38.3 percent of GDP. The state's role in the economy has been reduced, and spending management has been reasonably sound.

Monetary Freedom - 83.7%

Inflation is moderate, averaging 3.2 percent between 2004 and 2006. Relatively unstable prices explain most of the monetary freedom score. There are no official price controls, but the government regulates the prices of utilities and subsidizes pharmaceuticals. An additional 5 percentage points is deducted from New Zealand's monetary freedom score to account for policies that distort domestic prices.

Investment Freedom - 70%

New Zealand encourages foreign investment. Foreign ownership is restricted in Telecom New Zealand, Air New Zealand, and fishing. Land and real estate purchases are subject to strong restrictions. Permits or licenses are needed for gold, coal, petroleum, or other minerals mining. Foreign investments involving acquisition of an existing business where foreign ownership would be 25 percent or greater or the investment exceeds NZ$50 million require the Overseas Investment Commission's approval. Incentives are offered to promote activity in information communications technologies as well as research and development. There are no restrictions on current transfers, repatriation of profits, or access to foreign exchange.

Financial Freedom - 80%

Regulation is minimal and transparent in accordance with international standards. The central bank is independent. There were 16 registered banks at the end of 2006. Foreign-owned banks account for approximately 90 percent of assets. The government owns Kiwibank Limited. New Zealand is a world leader in the use of electronic fund transfers and banking technology. Non-bank financial institutions may offer banking services, subject to normal restrictions. Mortgages represent over half of all lending. Regulations are different from ordinary banking supervision, requiring publicly available quarterly reports on risk and exposure. Capital markets are small but well developed, and stocks are actively traded. Insurance is lightly regulated, foreign participation is high, and the government is involved in the accident and earthquake sectors of the market. Capital markets are open to foreign participation.

Property Rights - 90%

Private property is well protected. The judiciary is independent, and contracts are notably secure. Legislation has been proposed to bring the patent law into closer conformity with international standards by tightening the criteria for granting a patent. Manufacturers have expressed concern that parallel imports of "gray market" goods under New Zealand law will result in the importation of dated or unsuitable products.

Freedom from Corruption - 96%

Corruption is perceived as almost nonexistent. New Zealand is ranked 1st out of 163 countries in Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index for 2006. New Zealand is renowned for its efforts to ensure transparent, competitive, and corruption-free government procurement. Stiff penalties against bribing government officials or accepting bribes are strictly enforced.

Labor Freedom - 85.5%

Flexible employment regulations enhance employment opportunities and productivity growth. The non-salary cost of employing a worker is low, and dismissing a redundant employee is costless. Regulations related to the number of work hours are flexible. New Zealand's level of labor freedom is one of the highest in the world.ช่วยแปลแล้วส่งมาในเมล์

21 พ.ย. 2551 19:18

﻿

ความคิดเห็นที่ 15 เเอ่ม (Guest)

so what up lil bud?

4 เม.ย. 2552 18:36

﻿

ความคิดเห็นที่ 16 too.tou2532@gmail.com (Guest)

ช่วยแปลทีนะ
the theory and rhetoric of the learning society
The idea of the learning society has featured strongly in recent pronouncements around adult and lifelong learning. But what actually is the learning society? How have notions of the learning society developed. We the theory and rhetoric of the learning society and provide an introductory guide and reading list.
contents: introduction  the development of the idea of the learning society  current models of the learning society  conclusion  further reading and references  to cite this article
Today there is much talk of the learning organization, the knowledge economy and the like. The 'learning society' is an aspect of this movement to look beyond formal educational environments, and to locate learning as a quality not just of individuals but also as an element of systems (see the social/situational orientation to learning). Here we briefly examine the development of the notion and its current application. We suggest that when we strip away the rhetoric, the notion of the learning society may have utility as an aspirational and descriptive tool.
The development of the idea of the learning society
Notions of the learning society gained considerable currency in policy debates in a number of countries since the appearance of Learning to Be:
If learning involves all of one's life, in the sense of both time-span and diversity, and all of society, including its social and economic as well as its educational resources, then we must go even further than the necessary overhaul of 'educational systems' until we reach the stage of a learning society. (Faure et al 1972: xxxiii)
The notion has subsequently been wrapped up with the emergence of so called 'post-industrial' or 'post-Fordist' societies and linked to other notions such as lifelong learning and 'the learning organization' (see, in particular, the seminal work or Argyris and Schon 1978). It is an extra-ordinarily elastic term that provides politicians and policymakers with something that can seem profound, but on close inspection is largely vacuous. All societies need to be charactized by learning or else they will die!
Donald Schon and the loss of the stable state. An early, defining, contribution was made by Donald Schon (1963, 1967, 1973). He provided a theoretical framework linking the experience of living in a situation of an increasing change with the need for learning.
The loss of the stable state means that our society and all of its institutions are in continuous processes of transformation. We cannot expect new stable states that will endure for our own lifetimes.
We must learn to understand, guide, influence and manage these transformations. We must make the capacity for undertaking them integral to ourselves and to our institutions.
We must, in other words, become adept at learning. We must become able not only to transform our institutions, in response to changing situations and requirements; we must invent and develop institutions which are learning systems, that is to say, systems capable of bringing about their own continuing transformation. (Schon 1973: 28)
One of Schons great innovations was to explore the extent to which companies, social movements and governments were learning systems  and how those systems could be enhanced. He suggests that the movement toward learning systems is, of necessity, a groping and inductive process for which there is no adequate theoretical basis (ibid.: 57). The business firm, Donald Schon argued, was a striking example of a learning system. He charted how firms moved from being organized around products toward integration around business systems (ibid.: 64). He made the case that many companies no longer have a stable base in the technologies of particular products or the systems build around them. Crucially Donald Schon then went on with Chris Argyris to develop a number of important concepts with regard to organizational learning. Of particular importance for later developments was their interest in feedback and single- and double-loop learning.
However, as Griffin and Brownhill (2001) have pointed out three other earlier conceptions of the learning society also repay attention.
Robert M. Hutchins and the learning society. Hutchins, in a book first published in 1968, argued that a learning society had become necessary. Education systems were no longer able to respond to the demands made upon them. Instead it was necessary to look toward the idea that learning was at the heart of change. The two essential facts are the increasing proportion of free time and the rapidity of change. The latter requires continuous education; the former makes it possible (1970: 130). He looked to ancient Athens for a model. There:
education was not a segregated activity, conducted for certain hours, in certain places, at a certain time of life. It was the aim of the society. The city educated the man. The Athenian was educated by culture, by paideia. (Hutchins 1970: 133)
Slavery made this possible  releasing citizens to participate in the life of the city. Hutchins argument was that machines can do for modern man what slavery did for the fortunate few in Athens (op. cit.).
Torsten Husén, technology and the learning society. Torsten Husén argued that it would be necessary for states to become 'learning societies' - where knowledge and information lay at the heart of their activities.
Among all the 'explosions' that have come into use as labels to describe rapidly changing Western society, the term 'knowledge explosion' is one of the most appropriate. Reference is often made to the 'knowledge industry', meaning both the producers of knowledge, such as research institutes, and its distributors, e.g. schools, mass media, book publishers, libraries and so on. What we have been witnessing since the mid-1960s in the field of distribution technology may well have begun to revolutionize the communication of knowledge within another ten years of so. (Husén 1974: 239)
Husén's approach was futurological (where Hutchins was essentially based on classical humanism). The organizing principles of Husén's vision of a relevant educational system have been summarized by Stewart Ranson (1998) and included:
Education is going to be a lifelong process.
Education will not have any fixed points of entry and 'cut-off' exits. It will become a more continuous process within formal education and in its role within other functions of life.
Education will take on a more informal character as it becomes accessible to more and more individuals. In addition to 'learning centers', facilities will be provided for learning at home and at the workplace, for example by the provision of computer terminals.
Formal education will become more meaningful and relevant in its application.
'To an ever-increasing extent, the education system will become dependent on large supporting organizations or supporting systems... to produce teaching aids, systems of information processing and multi-media instructional materials' (Husén 1974: 198-9)
Husén's vision was based 'upon projections from current trends in communications technology and the likely consequences of these for knowledge, information and production' (Griffin and Brownhill 2001: 58. Significantly, these predictions have largely come true.
Roger Boshier, adult education and the learning society. Boshier argued for an integrated model of education that allowed for participation throughout a person's lifetime. Influenced by more radical and democratic writers like Freire, Illich and Goodman, and his appreciation of economic and social change, Boshier looked to the democratic possibilities of a learning society.
When we turn to current explorations of the learning society it is possible to discern the various strands developed by these writers: technological, cultural and democratic. (The philosophical underpinning of these models is discussed by Griffin and Brownhill 2001). However, it is the technological that appears to have become dominant in many policy documents.
Current models of the learning society
The learning society can be approached as an aspiration and as a description (Hughes and Tight 1998: 184). It is seen as something that is required if states and regions are to remain competitive within an increasingly globalized economy. It may be sought after as a means of improving individual and communal well-being. Edwards (1997) has provided us with a helpful mapping of the territory. He identifies three key strands in discourses around the notion of a learning society in which there is a shift from a focus on the provision of learning opportunities to one on learning. The first is portrayed as a product of modernism, the third as exhibiting a typically post-modern orientation. The second strand, with its emphasis on markets, economic imperatives and individual achievement, he argues, currently dominates.
Richard Edwards on learning society
The learning society is an educated society, committed to active citizenship, liberal democracy and equal opportunities. This supports lifelong learning within the social policy frameworks of post-Second World War social democracies. The aim is to provide learning opportunities to educate adults to meet the challenges of change and citizenship. Support for this conception was put forward largely by liberal educators in the metropolitan areas of the industrialized North in the 1960s and 1970s. This is part of a modernist discourse.
A learning society is a learning market, enabling institutions to provide services for individuals as a condition for supporting the competitiveness of the economy. This supports lifelong learning within the economic policy framework adopted by many governments since the middle of the 1970s. The aim is for a market in learning opportunities to be developed to meet the demands of individuals and employers for the updating of skills and competences. Support for this conception has come from employers' bodies and modernizing policy think-tanks in the industrialized North since the mid-1970s in response to economic uncertainty. The usefulness or performativity of education and training becomes a guiding criterion.
A learning society is one in which learners adopt a learning approach to life, drawing on a wide range of resources to enable them to support their lifestyle practices. This supports lifelong learning as a condition of individuals in the contemporary period to which policy needs to respond. This conception of a learning society formulates the latter as a series of overlapping learning networks... and is implicit to much of the writing on post-modernity with its emphasis on the contingent, the ephemeral and heterogeneity. The normative goals of a liberal democratic society - an educated society - and an economically competitive society - a learning market - are displaced by a conception of participation in learning as an activity in and through which individuals and groups pursue their heterogeneous goals.

There has been a significant amount of critical debate around these themes and the very notion of the learning society itself. For example, the development of the notion of the learning society can be approached as a modern day myth. It builds on earlier myths of productivity and change (such as those explored by Donald Schön) and of lifelong learning and the learning organization, and operates largely in the interests of capital, the state and professional interests.
[T]he function of the learning society myth is to provide a convenient and palatable rationale and packaging for the current and future policies of different power groups within society.... Nothing approaching a learning society currently exists, and there is no real practical prospect of one coming into existence in the foreseeable future.
Yet this myth has power. [It] is a product of, and also embodies, earlier myths which link education, productivity and change. (Hughes and Tight 1998: 188)
In Britain the notion of the learning society has certainly bitten deep into the rhetoric of policy makers - as the Green Paper The Learning Age (DFEE 1998) demonstrates - and highly instrumental and vocational understandings of education appear to predominate. There is relatively little talk of, or resources flowing into, more liberal and emancipatory educational processes (see, for example, social exclusion, 'joined-up thinking' and individualization - the connexions strategy). However, does this make a case for abandoning the notion of the learning society?
Michael Strain and John Field (1998) have been critical of views like that put forward by Hughes and Tight. They argue that we should be too hasty in our rush to sideline the notion.
The project may indeed come to be subverted, hijacked by corporatist, instrumentalist, universalist interests embodied in national governments and globalized financial institutions (of which the World Bank is a signal example)... But democratic conditions still make possible a formative discourse from which much stands to be gained. We should not give up so easily and on such a superficial and limited critique. There is 'out there' a real society in which knowledge and other resources are unequally distributed, to a degree that is not only inimical to the fulfillment of individual capabilities and freedoms, but, arguably, detrimental to the collective survival and development of human society. (Strain and Field 1998: 240).
In a similar fashion Stewart Ranson (1992, 1994, 1998) has argued that the notion of a learning society provides us with a helpful way of making sense of the shifts required in the context of the profound changes associated with and other dynamics of social and economic change.
So what are we to do? It pays to approach the rhetoric of policy makers around the learning society and lifelong learning with skepticism. As Ranson (1998: 243) has commented: 'There is a need for greater clarity in defining the meaning of the learning society, and for establishing criteria which allow some rather than all usages to be interpreted as legitimated'. The notion of the learning society may have some theoretical and analytical potential - but it does require considerable work if that potential is be realized.
The strength of the idea of a learning society as a concept is that in linking learning explicitly to the idea of a future society, it provides the basis for a critique of the minimal learning demands of much work and other activities in our present society, not excluding the sector specializing in education. Its weakness is that so far the criteria for the critique remain very general and therefore, like many terms of contemporary educational discourse such as partnership and collaboration, it can take a variety of contradictory meanings. (Young 1998: 193)
It is necessary to deepen our theorization of the relationship between education and economic life; to appreciate developments in our theorization of learning; and to draw upon understandings of human beings as active, and cooperative, agents if the notion of the learning society is to move beyond the level of rhetoric (or even myth). It may well be that, as Richard Edwards (1997) suggests, the idea of learning networks or webs (after Illich) may be a more appropriate and convivial way forward.

, it provides the basis for a critique of the minimal learning demands of much work and other activities in our present society, not excluding the sector specializing in education. Its weakness is that so far the criteria for the critique remain very general and therefore, like many terms of contemporary educational discourse such as partnership and collaboration, it can take a variety of contradictory meanings. (Young 1998: 193)
It is necessary to deepen our theorization of the relationship between education and economic life; to appreciate developments in our theorization of learning; and to draw upon understandings of human beings as active, and cooperative, agents if the notion of the learning society is to move beyond the level of rhetoric (or even myth). It may well be that, as Richard Edwards (1997) suggests, the idea of learning networks or webs (after Illich) may be a more appropriate and convivial way forward.
Further reading and references
Department for Education and Employment (1998) The Learning Age: A renaissance for a new Britain, London: The Stationery Office. Glossy Green Paper full of policy speak, that reveals the shift to individualized, market-driven notions of lifelong learning.
Edwards, R. (1997) Changing Places? Flexibility, lifelong learning and a learning society, London: Routledge. 214 + x pages. Edwards looks at some of the key discourses that he claims have come to govern the education and training of adults. He looks at the context for such changes and their contested nature. The focus is on how the idea of a learning society has developed in recent years. The usual trip through postmodern thinking is followed by an analysis of the ways in which specific discourses of change have been constructed to provide the basis for a growing interest in lifelong learning and a learning society. Edwards also argues that there has been a shift in discourses from a focus on inputs, on adult education and provision toward one on outputs, on learning and the learner. This shift is linked to supporting access and flexibility. A further chapter examines 'adult educators' as reflective practitioners and as workers with vocation - and how they are being constructed as 'enterprising workers'. The book finishes with a return to the notion of the learning society.
Faure, E. and others (1972) Learning to Be, Paris: UNESCO. 312 pages. Important and influential statement of the contribution that lifelong learning can make to human development. Argued that lifelong education should be 'the maste concept for educational policies in the years to come for both developed and developing countries' (p. 182). The first part of the book looks to the current state of education, part two looks at possible futures, and part three examines how a learning society might be achieved. The latter includes chapters in the role and function of educational strategies, elements for contemporary strategies, and roads to solidarity.
Jarvis, P. (ed.) (2001) The Age of Learning. Education and the knowledge society, London: Kogan Page. 229 pages. Collection of chapters that explores the emergence of the learning society; learning and the learning society; the mechanics of the learning society; the implications of the learning society; and reflections on the age of learning.
Raggett, P., Edwards, R. and Small, N. (1995) The Learning Society: Challenges and trends, London: Routledge. 302 + x pages. Examines the demographic, technical, economic and cultural changes that have led to an interest in a 'learning society'. Produced for E827 (MA in Education). Useful collection of material.
Ranson, S. (ed.) (1998) Inside the Learning Society, London: Cassell. 294 + x pages. The introductory chapter explores the lineages of the learning society; part one of the book examines different perspectives on the learning society; part two, the learning society and public policy; part three, the critical debate; and a concluding chapter looks to the learning democracy. One of the best collections of material around the learning society.

26 มิ.ย. 2552 13:10

﻿

ความคิดเห็นที่ 17 tuktuk003@windowslive.com (Guest)

hi just been to bahrain and got back to the emails thank you they look good any golf in samui?