A Structuralist Analysis of Puerto Rican Santería

Lily Díaz

Introduction

Among the many religious phenomena that have come to the attention of
anthropologists is the syncretism of African and Catholic belief systems
in the Caribbean. Puerto Rican Santería is one of such syncretist belief
systems "whose external manifestations is the parallelism created between
the diverse images drawn from the Catholic cult and the representational
deities of an African group...known to ethnologists as the Yoruba."
(Dalmau, 1978: 6) Those wishing to study of these phenomena are faced with
the existence of a wide array of arguments and methodologies.
In this essay I will present some of the methodologies that have been used
by anthropologists who have researched Puerto Rican Santería. The essay
also provides the reader with a brief introduction to some of the elements
and concepts of this religion.

Anthropology and the Study of Religious Phenomena

Functionalism, Social Disorganization and the Theory of Deprivation
Functionalism, for example, is a school of thought which purports that
there must be an inherent cause-effect relationship between the parts and
the whole, between the economic base, social structure and ideological
superstructure, and thus between religion and society as "two aspects of
the same unitary whole." (Leach, Lessa and Vogt, eds., 1965: 575) It is
also a framework that has been used to develop some of the theories that
seek to explain this phenomenon. The Theory of Social Disorganization and
the Theory of Deprivation are two examples of this type of approach.

The Theory of Social Disorganization defines Puerto Rican Santería and
other related phenomena as 'crisis cults' or as "new projective systems
resulting from culture shock and the strains of acculturation." (LaBarre,
1971: 3) It explains these cults as existing mainly in "traditional
societies, in exceptionally unstable societies or as deviant pathological
behavior in the context of modern industrial mass society." (Bourgoignon;
Zaretsky, ed., 1974: 243)

Alan Harwood, an anthropologist who has studied Santería, utilizes a
methodology that is based on the Theory of Deprivation. In his book,
Rx:Spiritist as Needed, Harwood defines Santería as a cult that is part
of a sub-culture within a general culture framework. (Harwood, 1976: 36)
As a cult, it serves the function of self-identification from the part of
its adherents to a certain set of values which are actualized through
rituals. In the ritual, the medium is seen as the tour de force because
s/he plays the role of activating the chain of events through which both
believer and cult are manifested. All of these in turn are defined within
the role which they may play in a social context at large.

Harwood's definition of cult, presupposes self-identification within a
social framework that is labeled a sub-culture because it fails to fulfill
the function of providing a complete world-view that would equip people
with beliefs and values to help them to "earn a living or vote at the
polls..." (Harwood, 1976: 36) Harwood thus correlates religious fervor
and socio-economic conditions with a rationale that views every
representative aspect of culture as having a social value. Yet it has been
proven that religion and socio-economics do not necessarily go hand in
hand. The anthropologist Bryan Wilson, for example, found that his
"Pentecostal groups becoming disturbingly middle class and was forced to
conclude that the relationship between socio-economic circumstances and
modes of religious expression no longer holds." (Hine; Zaretsky, ed.,
1974: 649)

Although the fieldwork resulting from these studies is of relevance, I
believe that the aforementioned approaches are inconclusive. They also
fail to give more than a superficial account about a phenomenon like
Santería. This is because, from a methodological point of view, they begin
by establishing a series of categories that reduce social reality to yet
another set of categories. (We all know that a graveyard a million of
years old is the study of archeology and not city planning.) Categories
are not intrinsic to the phenomenon being studied. They should be
recognized as research tools that serve the sole purpose of drawing
methodological boundaries.

Structuralism as an Alternative Methodology
The structuralist point of view refers to religious phenomena as a human
activity and attempts to analyze it "according to the different structures
which they produce." (Douglas; Leach, ed., 1967: 49) Social life, is seen
as a matter of interaction between persons. In this approach, three basic
structures that delineate information transfer among people of all
societies are defined. These are kinship, or the rules for the
transference of people within geographical boundaries, economy, or the
"structure underlying transfer of goods and services" (Douglas; Leach,
ed., 1967: 50) and language, or the transfer of knowledge.

Rather than abstracting from the data, a structural approach uses
comparison between elements in categories, to render proximity. Since it
also attempts to retain the richness in texture that is so characteristic
of religion, it maintains that the constituent units "have no meaning by
themselves, they acquire it only because of the way in which they are
combined." (Douglas, Leach, ed., 1967: 50)

Whereas the functionalist approach would view Santería as an almost
conscious rejection of native or indigenous culture -- it renders it as
non-adaptive and advocates that "anything not African has be white, and
whatever does not derive from ancestral tradition is assumed to be
borrowed from the Master Race" (Bastide, 1971: 208) -- a structuralist
point of view takes into account the "part played by adaptation, the
influence which economic infrastructures can have, and indeed the whole
basic process by which civilizations are formed." (Bastide, 1971: 208)

In addition, the structuralist approach does not see religion as a passive
activity and even the ordering "of Nature is not mechanically registered
but created by human agency...achieved via human consciousness" (and) "not
an order in itself." (Worsley, Leach ed., 1967: 142) Religion is a human
activity that is reciprocal in nature: humankind makes religion and this
in turn shapes the way that it perceives and attributes value to its
world.

Structuralism: Roger Bastide's Methodology
In the structuralist methodology outlined by the anthropologist Roger
Bastide, he compares 'Preserved' and 'Living' religions. 'Preserved'
religions are those that are the result and expression of a threatened
culture's will to resist, to preserve its ethnic identity by crystallizing
tradition and removing it from the flux of history." (Bastide, 1971: 13) A
'Living' religion, on the other hand, is not a phenomenon that can be
termed as being 'alive' in the sense that it does not evolve or change
through time but rather "it remains anchored to a ritual as has been laid
down by the ancestors." (Bastide, 1971: 129)

Unlike 'Preserved' religions, 'Living' religions do not possess either a
purely African or purely Western structure that they may seek to preserve.
A 'Living' religion evolves in its own fashion "and adapts itself to the
changing world as a totality, a collective complex of mystical rites and
observances, a totality both outside and above those persons who form its
membership." (Bastide, 1971: 132) In Puerto Rico, continued colonialism
and suppression have achieved, to a greater degree, a re-composition of
African and non-Catholic indigeneous religious practices to the extent
that these have become secularized and assimilated into folklore. Thus,
Puerto Rican Santeria can, at least initially, be seen as a popular cult
with syncretist elements that, although surviving in a structure that
follows a predominantly African pattern, cannot be labeled as being a
'Preserved' religion. Unlike Brazilian Candomble and Cuban Santería,
which thanks to the existence of ethnic associations, have survived as
'Preserved' religions (Bastide, 1971: 99), in Puerto Rico, the diverse
elements of the cult should be examined from the point of view of it being
a 'Living' religion.

Following this approach can perhaps render some interesting insights and
help explain why the cult's syncretist aspects do not really change
through time, but rather these remain "on the plane of coexistence between
disparate objects." (Bastide, 1971: 155) It also can allow us to
understand why "although in religious practices Catholic images are used,
its only Christian element lies in that exterior manifestation because in
rigor it believes in idols and is pagan." (Dalmau, 1978: 7)

Puerto Rican Santería: A Description

A Syncretist Essence
The syncretist nature of Puerto Rican Santería relates to the diversity of
origins of the cult's elements: It is composed of beliefs and artifacts
gathered from African religions, Indian folklore and the French spiritism
developed by Allan Kardek. We can visualize these syncretist elements as
modalities that exist in a continuum. On the one end we have the artifacts
and practices which derived from Mesa Blanca -- the scientific
spiritualism of Allan Kardek introduced in the island in the end of the
19th century -- and on the other the Indian traditions. African traditions
constitute a mid-point, or center, in this continuum. I believe that they
also provide most of the performance elements of the ritual in the cult as
it stands today. The existence of the Indian traditions at one end of the
continuum may be due to the demographic regression that eliminated a large
percentage of the Indian population during the early stages of imperialist
dominance by Spain. Because their place was filled in by Africans brought
as slaves to the colony, it would be logical to assume that many of the
Indian traditions were assimilated into religious practices of African
origin.

The origins of the African modality of Puerto Rican Santería is further
crystallized when Yoruba deities are identified with Catholic saints. In
this modality the saints are invested with specific supernatural powers.
Mesa Blanca, on the other hand, implies the existence of a hierarchical
structure in which spirits are organized from the most to the least
developed, or impure, spirits. (Harwood, 1976: 49)

Among the interesting sociological aspects is the economic distinction
between Mesa Blanca and the African modality that has been identified.
Mesa Blanca is the aspect of the cult whose practitioners come, or came,
from an upper strata in Puerto Rican society. The African modality is
reportedly more common among the members of lower classes. Through this
observation Alan Harwood argues that as the socio-economic distinctions
between the practitioners of both modes dissolve into one self-identifying
role of ethnic background, the two aspects of the cult are blending into
one. However, since individuals "freely consult mediums of both
traditions" (Harwood, 1976: 49) the cult cannot really be seen as
fulfilling a functional, identification role.

Paraphernalia and other Representational Aspects of the Cult:
Among the first things that are readily observable in the cult of Puerto
Rican Santería is the paraphernalia found in both the centros and the
domestic altars. The centros are gathering places for the community, where
important ritual places take place. Please note that domestic altars are
a tradition in Latin America and the Caribbean. Their existence as a
separate quarter depends on the economic welfare of the household. Among
the poorer, the domestic altar may exist within the space of a bedroom.

In the domestic altar we can observe some of the integral aspects of the
cult's teleology. These include animism and totemism. The altars usually
contain talismans, saint images, candles, flowers and vases of water.
Talismans, can be found objects which are believed to have been
"sanctified by nature itself." (Cabrera, 1974: 266) They can also be
assigned by a Babalawo, or high priest of the cult. This means that the
talisman must undergo certain rituals. Through these rituals it is
verified that it is indeed "animated by a supernatural force of an Oricha"
(Cabrera, 1974: 266) It is not unusual for a talisman to be bestowed in
connection with rituals of initiation to the cult.

Saint images of all sizes and appearances are maintained in the altars, as
are the so-called attributes of the saints. These attributes are
assemblages of objects that are part of the narrative through which the
symbolic representation of the saint occurs. For example,Yemayá, the
goddess of the sea, has attributes usually made of silver that include a
full moon, the sun, an anchor, a life saver, a boat, seven oars, seven
rings of silver, a key and a star. (Cabrera, 1974: 268) These saint
images are described as representing "the saints who are the protectors of
the mediunidad." (Harwood, 1976: 62) but in the home they are the
protectors of the family. Candles and flowers, as objects that denote
devotion and worship, are routinely lit and kept by the saint images. The
candles come in all colors, and they may vary according to the saint or
Oricha in question. In the case of Saint Barbara, whose representation as
an Oricha would that of Changó, the candles utilized are red.

The presence of water receptacles is also a consistent element in these
altars. It is explained in terms of the strong belief in the spiritual
strength of water. Therefore, the recommendation is made of "keeping a
small receptacle full of water under the bed to cleanse away all evil
influences." (Gonzalez-Wippler, 1971: 19) Water is also used as part of
the ritual in both the African modality of Santería and in Mesa Blanca. In
the latter it is always used at the beginning of the ritual and in
connection with the invocation of Eleggua, the Guardian Spirit of roads
and doorways, so that he "will not obstruct what we do." (Cabrera, 1974:
144). In Mesa Blanca, water is used in the seances "as a receptacle for
the evil spirits and influences that the mediums remove from clients."
(Harwood, 1976: 62) In the ritual, candles can also be used to "dispel an
intranquil spirit from the house, as part of the rite of sorcery, and in
request to a saint for help." (Harwood, 1976: 62)

The use of herbs is also an integral part of the cult. These can used by
healers, also referred to as santiguadores and Herbalists. These are
individuals who "specialize in treating illness through concoctions of
herbs." (Delgado, 1979: 7) The use of these items can be observed in the
practice of rituals 'simple' exorcisms.

Simple Rituals

These are the rituals that constitutes a part of everyday life. They do
not require the specialized knowledge of a santiguador, and you do not
have to be a Santero, or active practitioner, in order to practice them.
Despojos, or ritual baths fall in this category. There are despojos "for
love, money, and general good luck, the most popular ones being those of
Saint Claire, the Seven African Powers and rompezaraguey and Saint
Michael." (Gozalez-Wippler, 1974: 71)

Sahumerios and riegos, are other rituals that also belong to the category
of 'simple' exorcism and are used in everyday life. A sahumerio consists
of mixtures "of incense, storax, mastic, garlic skins and brown sugar
which is burned over live coals." (Gonzalez-Wippler, 1974: 73) The
resulting smoke is allowed to penetrate every corner of the house. Riegos
are concoctions of herbs, water, and alcohol used to clean the floor of
the house.

The positive aspect of Sahumerios and riegos is that they are used to
dispel evil influences. This may help to explain their co-existence with
despojos for love, money and general good luck.

Deities and Spirits of the Cult

In the mythology, the creation of the earth from matter is an event that
can be empirically observed and understood. It is also explained in
relation to the genealogy of the Yoruba pantheon. In this pantheon there
are many saints and Orichas. Each has a representative color and symbols.
In addition, they each have a human aspect under their jurisdiction.

Creator/Olodumare: The Yoruba creative being is composed of "three
separate and equally undeniable spirits." (Gonzales-Wippler, 1973: 25).
Although the Afro-latin sources consulted digress as to the actual names
that compose this creator, all of them agree on the identity of this
creative principle, Olodumare. It is also a commonly held belief that it
is a "very different god, who never comes down to earth and who never
becomes possessed in the body of a believer." (Agun-Efunde, 1978: 27)

Olodumare is also composed of Olofi, Olorun, Olodumare-Nzame and
Baba-Nkwa. He is syncretised as the Crucified Christ (Gonzales-Wippler,
1973: 29) or Jesus Christ, the Lord (Agun-Efunde, 1978: 29).

Agayanú,: Son of Obatalá and Oddudua. The brother and husband of Yemayá.
"His cult has lessened." (Gonzales-Wippler, 1973:26). Like Osain, he is
syncretized as Saint Joseph. His Ileke is a large, white bead, followed by
nine red beads and eight yellow beads.

Obatalá: The second "man," created by Olodumare, he was left in charge of
the Earth when the former decided to go somewhere else in the universe. In
some myths, he is the creator of the human race. In others, he is the
creator of the human head (or brain). He controls all white substance.
This includes the bone structure and the brains, He represents purity and
peace, and is one of the most powerful Orichas. In the güemileres, or
rituals of Santería, he is invoked when one wants to rid oneself of evil
influences.Obatalá is depicted as a knight on a white horse. His syncretist
representation is Our Lady of Mercy. His Ileke is made of all white beads.

Oddudua: This deity is the wife of Obatalá. She is the symbol of the
Earth. "Some Santeros say that Oddudua is the female aspect of Obatalá and
not a separate entity." (Gonzales-Wippler, 1973: 102) It is also said that
she is "the oldest Obatalá." (Cabrera, 1974: 123). The syncretist
representation is Saint Claire.

Yemayá: The daughter of Obatalá and Oddudua, the sister and wife of
Agayanú,, she is also the wife of Oggún and Orunla. Yemayá is the only
female deity that speaks Dilogún in the Table of Ifá. She is the goddess
of the waters. In her oldest aspect, or avatar, she is the masculine
Yemayá Olokun, the god of the ocean. The syncretist representation is Our
Lady of la Regla. Her Ileke is seven white beads, alternating with seven
blue beads, "then one white, and one blue until seven of each have been
threaded..." (Gonzáles-Wippler, 1973: 32)

Eleggua: Son of Olofi. Also described as one of the aspects of Olodumare.
In his domain lie the ability to 'open' and 'close' doors and or to change
situations. "The Orichas are not free of his power and mischief, they are
very careful not to cross him since he can close the roads and put a stop
to their ways." (Cabrera, 1974: 85) Like the other deities, he has many
aspects. In his aspect of Eshu, he is the equivalent of the Christian
devil. As Eshu Oku Oru, he is in command of life and death and some
Santeros say that "Eshu, without further appelatives, is all the 21
Elegguas rolled into one." (Gonzales-Wippler, 1973: 107) In the güemileres
he is always the first one to be invoked. He is syncretized as the Holy
Guardian Angel, the Soul in Purgatory, and the Infant of Atocha. His Ileke
is three red beads, alternating with three black beads.

Orunla (or Orummila): Created by Olodumare "sometime after the creation
of the earth." (Agun-Efunde 1978: 35) His powers are confined strictly to
divination through the Table of Ifá. He is never used directly for spells
or cures and he never possesses the believer. He is syncretized as Saint
Francis of Assisi and his Ileke is a green bead alternating with a yellow
bead.

Orisha-Oko: "God of fields and harvests. Brings fertility to the land and
families." (González-Wippler 1978: 81) His Ilekes are purple and white
beads with a red mark.

Babalu-Ayé: The half-brother of Changó. He is the patron of the sick and
his symbol is a pair of crutches. "He is represented by a leprous old man
accompanied by two dogs." (González-Wippler 1973: 28) He is syncretized as
Saint Lazarous and his Ileke is made from black beads.

Osain:The god of herbs and curative plants, he has no particular Ileke
that we know about. (Interesting to note is that all the Ilekes are bathed
in herbs before they are bestowed.) He is syncretized as Saint Joseph.

Changó: "God of fire, thunder and lightning." (Gonzalez-Wippler 1973: 26)
"The one who becomes bigger the more he screams." (Cabrera 1974: 34) The
son of Yemayá and Agayanú, in his domain we find passion and the
conquering over enemies. He is syncretized as Saint Barbara and his Ileke
is made of six white beads alternating with six red beads.

Oke: "God of the mountains and protector of those who live in high places.
Some say that he was conceived of the union of Obatalá and Oddudua, but
this is debated by many Babalawos." (González-Wippler 1973: 28) One of
the husbands of Yemayá. He is syncretized as Saint Peter or as Saint
Michael the Archangel. His Ilekes vary. Some consist of seven brown beads
followed by three black beads; others are seven green beads followed by
seven black beads.

Oshún: Goddess of the rivers. The Venus of the Yoruba pantheon, she is
Changó's sister and favourite concubine. (González-Wippler 1973: 28) "The
owner of gold, she can give it or take it away." (Agun-Efunde 1978: 52)
She is synchretized as Our Lady of La Caridad del Cobre and her Ilekes are
yellow.

The Seven African Powers: The deities described can be represented alone
or as a group. A very popular combination is that one of the Seven African
Powers. They are believed to control every aspect of human life. For
example, Obatalá brings peace and harmony among people; Changó gives power
over one's enemies, and is a symbol of sensual pleasure; Eleggua opens all
the doors to opportunity and removes all obstacles; Oshún is the patroness
of gold, love and marriages; Oggún is the god of war and gives work to the
unemployed; Orunla gives great power and opens the doors of past and
future and Yemayá is the goddess of fertility and maternity."
(González-Wippler 1973: 103)

Used only when encountering very difficult situations, only a Babalawo can
wear the Ileke, of the Seven African Powers. This consists of red, black,
yellow, blue, white, green, and brown with a large crystal ball in the
middle.

The Seven African Powers: Attributes

Obatalá:

White

Peace, purity

White substance, brain, bones

Eleggua:

Red, black

Messages, opens and closes doors

iron nails, small iron rooster

Orunlá:

Green,yellow

Divination

Table of Ifá

Yemayá:

Blue, white

Maternity, womanhood

Seashell, canoe, fans

Oggún:

Green, black

War, employment

iron knives, steel weapons

Changó:

Red,white

Passion, enemies

Double edged sword,castle, thunder

Oshún:

Yellow,green,red

Love, marriage, gold

Mirror, fan, seashells, pumpkins

The Botánicas

All of the paraphernalia mentioned is easily accessible to mediums,
Santeros and laymen at Botánicas, or specialty shops. These shops are very
important as they also provide literature in the form of prayer books, and
other materials such as candles, statues of saints, ointments and also
because "the shop owners are very knowledgeable about folk healing
techniques and may serve to prescribe herbs or to refer patrons to local
healers." (Delgado, 1979: 4) The role of the Santiguadores and Herbalists
can be either fulfilled by a medium or a Santero, or by a senior member of
the community." (Delgado, 1979: 7)

The Belief System

In the cult there is a vision that comprehends nature as an animate being
to which humans stand in relation to. They define and can control nature,
but it also molds them. Exorcism is, therefore, not seen as resulting from
a pathological conception of ethos. Evil is not seen as lurking evil that
is chaotic or destructive in absolute terms, but rather as a necessary and
intrinsic element. It is part of a principle of inertia that enables good
to manifest itself. Destruction and chaos, if present, are not finite,
negative things, but part of a dynamic process that clears the path for
the evolution of life. A Santero who does work of an apparently
destructive force is looked upon as "using the negative aspect of a
positive force." (Gonzalez-Wippler, 1974: 18)

If the world view includes a strong belief in the power of exorcism, this
is re-enacted via rituals and the practice of magic in a context that
includes every day life. What results is a framework of values with a
notion that humankind, although dependent to nature has at its disposal
the resources to understand, control and manipulate it. Thus Mesa Blanca
explains the contradictions of human existence in the following terms

...the bad things in life are composed of two parts, one is the things
that man cannot prevent and the other is his tribulations, whose first
cause is its insecurity and its excesses...it is very evident that man is
the author of his own tribulations and afflictions which he should save by
acting always with moderation and prudence.
(Kardek, Allan, No date: 7)

Unlike Mesa Blanca, the African modality of Puerto Rican Santería does not
possess such theology, but rather relies on the relationship between
believer and deities to explain how the latter can be as passionate as
human beings, and in certain instances unjust." (Agun, Efunde, 1978: 33)