By Boris Kozinitz, Dokshitz-Tel-Aviv

I was born in 1919 in Dokshitz, a small town
near Vilna. In 1931 I finished my studies in the "Tarbut" school
and in 1934 entered a Polish school. I was later an apprentice at
a tailor shop. In 1941 I was drafted to the Red Army and was
stationed in the town of Zelba, near Volkovisk, close to the
German border.

With first light on June 22, 1941, the
Germans crossed the border and invaded the Soviet Union. Our
regiment retreated with fright towards Baranovitch, but
retreating, we avoided the cities already taken by the German
tanks. We turned to the Minsk road, between Mir and Stolpzi. Here,
we were overtaken by the Germans. We - my friend Molly Wand, two
soldiers from the Red Army and I, managed to escape from the road
and slip to the forests.

After a half-day in the forest we found out
that Minsk had fallen in the hands of the Germans. For two days we
hid in the forest but our hunger had become oppressive, so I went
by myself to look for food. I reached a Polish village where I was
fed generously by a Polish farmer who even filled my bags with
food for my friends in the forest. The farmers told us that the
Germans announced to the villagers that from now on they could
make use of all the property left by the Soviets at their
withdrawal (meaning the lands of the Kolchozs, the Sovchozs and
all the materials in them).

Back in the forest I told my friends that we
were surrounded. They suggested giving ourselves up to the Germans
of our own free will but I was adamantly opposed. I decided, on my
own, to reach my hometown which was 400 km away. My decision
influenced that of my friends, who did not want to join me but
decided to stay in the forest. I parted from my friends heartily
and made my way again to that village where generous farmers
supplied me with civilian cloths and food.

As the Germans opened up the Soviet camps
and jails, the roads were filled with political prisoners. This
helped me present myself as a "released political prisoner" and
using secondary roads I turned towards Molodetchna. The first town
in my way was Ivinitz. The town resembled a ghost town. Its Jews
locked themselves and dared not go outside. A Jew whom I stumbled
upon explained that looking for relatives in this town was
useless; it would be better to leave soon since danger was lurking
ahead. Due to lack of choice, I left Ivinitz and on my way to
Molodetchna I slept that night in a pigsty in a field. No farmer
would let me enter his home. The Germans had warned in a special
announcement that prisoners of war - Red Army soldiers or Jews,
should not be housed.

Before arriving in Molodetchna it was hinted
to me that my shaved head could arouse German suspicion, since
every man whose head is shaved is sent to P.O.W. camp. With a
farmer leading his cows, I managed to get to town. Another Jew
told me that the Germans were treating the Jews brutally, forcing
them to do hard work and with bare hands - without equipment -
they are forced to fix the roads. I realized that this town would
not be a good hiding place, not even for a short while, and turned
toward the town Stary-Vileika, where my brother Jacob lived, but
reaching his house was impossible. He lived close to the rail way
station and at the time the non-Jewish residents of the town were
busy pillaging train carts full of sugar and liquor which were
left behind by the Russians. The streets were swarming with
drunkards. In spite of everything I succeeded in reaching the
place and found out that my brother and his wife, Hasia, escaped
to Russia.

I kept wandering. I spent the night at the
attic of a woman who worked as a cleaning lady with the N.K.V.D.
There was no order in the town so I could still rest my head
someplace. She led me up to the attic and I was fast asleep. In
the middle of the night I heard some poles breaking into the
woman's house to search it. They even reached the attic but
luckily, I was not discovered as I hid under the hay.

In the morning, I was told by the woman that
a Jew was just shot to death for refusing to give up his
bicycle.

At nightfall I arrived in Dolginov, which I
found in utter confusion. I spent the night with my relatives, the
Mirkens, and at dawn continued to Dokshitz.

My Homecoming

I arrived in Dokshitz on the 29th or 30th of June in 1941. Notices were
posted on the streets telling all former soldiers to present
themselves at the German headquarters. Thanks to my ragged
farmer's cloths, I was not recognized. I entered the house of my
relatives who immediately sent word to my parents. My father,
Mendel, promptly arrived and took me home where I hid for many
days.

The Germans forced the Jews to do dirty hard
labor. Later the Jews were sent to help the farmers at their
tasks. Nothing was received in exchange for this labor.

The first two victims of the Germans were
Musin, a deranged man, and Markman, who was shot to death in his
home. In July, the decree to wear the yellow patch, was made
public.

In those days I turned to the community to
sign up for work. The workers were concentrated every morning and
in small groups were sent to work or to temporary camps. The
discipline in the camps was extremely strict. When Zalman Raskind
was a few minutes late for work, he was ordered to crawl on all
four and a German soldier flogged him twenty-five times. We
watched, suffered and kept quiet as we saw the strong and healthy
Zalman Raskind shiver with pain at every lashing. In our hearts we
swore revenge and little did we imagine that in a short while most
of the town Jews would not be among the living.

The Germans began choosing the craftsmen
from the group of workers. I was sent to cloths workshop, and with
its primitive equipment we worked for the army. On this work, was
my fate dependent during the horrible times of the Nazi
occupation. A local authority was appointed in Dokshitz. As
head-council, the Germans appointed the so called "quiet" Pole,
Kovalsky; As chief of police - Komolka, who was a master sergeant
in the Polish army. He was born in Poznan but spoke German. He
collected twenty-five policemen such as himself: The brothers
Winitch, the brothers Litvin, Yochniewitch, Taragonsky etc. In
their brutal and cruel treatment of the Jews they surpassed even
their German masters. Komolka used to be a prisoner of the Soviets
but in their haste they did not take him with them. The Germans
released him and now he served them loyally. In 1951 Komolka was
caught and hanged after a trial in Poznan.

As "mayor" was appointed Spitchonk, who hid
the Jewish family, the Kramers (now in the U.S.A.). This man
perished as a result of a partisan grenade.

From Germany arrived the "hangmen": Hartman,
whom I worked for Until the "final liquidation", and his helpers:
Ungerman, Dimenovsky, Strathoff and a few "unterams".

When the Gestapo arrived the first thing
done by it was "taking care" of the Jews who were active under
Russian rule: Gronam Kloft, Abraham Levitan, Zalman Tzicklin and
others. After four days of torture they were taken outside of town
where they were shot to death, their grave unknown until
today.

The Germans allowed the second group of
victims: Israel Freedman, Hana Bloch, Razel Freedman and others to
be buried in a common grave. This happened in the month of August
in 1941. It was then that we began to receive news of mass
killings of Jews in neighboring towns like Berezino and Begomel.
In these murders took part the aforementioned policemen who were
so good at their job that some of them were promoted.

The terrible danger awaiting the Jewish
population slowly seeped through into our consciousness. With
Hartman's permission I began sewing at home. My payment was bread
rolls, sometimes a loaf of bread, a steak or a bit of tobacco.
Despite the rumors and news of mass killings of Jews, we still
insisted on disillusioning ourselves that this was the fate only
of the Jews living in the east, in the territory under Soviet
rule.

Already was noticed a shortage of foodstuffs
although a veritable hunger was yet to come. The Jewish children
were unable to renew their studies in the schools for these were
shut down at German orders. Also, praying in synagogues and houses
of the Lord on new-year's-day was forbidden. Only in Yom Kippur,
after chief Komulka was bribed with money and a new suit, were we
allowed to pray in a remote house. however, already early in the
morning, during the hour of "shaharit" policemen showed up, which
he himself sent, and dispersed the faithful.

In the period between June and the holidays,
we were made to pay every two weeks different payments- in Zloty,
in Dollars, in gold or in shoes and furs .

The Ghetto in Dokshitz

In September 1941 the area commissioner made
public an order to set up a ghetto in Dokshitz. The ghetto area
began from the synagogue yard and included some adjacent alleys
and and part of the main street, Kostiushko.

On a Saturday all Jews were ordered to move
into the ghetto within two hours and to take with them anything
that can be loaded on a hand-wagon. Once again, the Jews needed to
bribe the enforcers of the decree so as to lengthen the time
allocated to the transfer to the ghetto. As our house was to be
found inside the area allotted to the ghetto, we were spared the
burden of transfer. However, in our house settled four other
families. The Judenrat, set up immediately after the German
conquest was moved to the ghetto as well. The Judenrat people did
all in their power to help and make things easier. In fact, they
did manage to reopen the synagogue and set up a clinic. At first,
only one nurse was employed - Sonia Want. Later worked there also
the doctor Shim'on Gleichenhous, a native of Dokshitz, having
spent most of his years in soviet Russia and managing a field
hospital in Vilna. Running from the Germans, the man hid with his
relatives in Dokshitz.

All experts working for the Germans received
permits (Sheinen) to perform their work. My father and I received
schänen as well in order to sew their cloths.

Hunger creeped in on the 3000 souls residing
in the ghetto. Not even the 300 gram bread - per - person was
given out regularly and often was given very late. If not for the
large number of craftsmen and men employed at the camps that were
able to leave the ghetto on a daily basis and buy or exchange
valuables for food, many a person would have died.

In Passover Taf shin beit (1942) rumors
reached us saying that in all towns east of Dokshitz: Dolginov,
Olchanovitch and Butzlav within Polish territory there were no
Jews left. This was a project called "judenfrei" by the Nazis.
Fear and horror took their hold on the Jews at the face of
extermination, the fate of the Jews of the aforementioned
towns.

The First Pogrom

The first pogrom took place in April, 1942.
The local police, without help from the Germans, barged into the
ghetto and began to rage and take vengence upon the Jews from the
the days of Polish or Soviet rule. Stumbling upon a Jew they would
arrest him; others were simply taken from their homes. Among them
were my uncle, Zalman Freiman, and his wife, Pesia, who ran away
from their home seeking refuge in ours. The woman alone managed to
escape while my uncle was caught.

Early the next morning a group of youngsters
were ordered by policemen to deepen the hole from which mainly
sand was taken out, and which was found in the vicinity of the
Jewish cemetery. Now, the arrested Jews were led there and shot.
The murder was witnessed by many Christian habitants who were
there at the time. We, too, in the ghetto heard clearly echoes of
many shots and the single shots finishing off the wounded. The
group of youngsters which had dug the grave was sent back to the
ghetto. With my uncle Zalman, caught and killed, were murdered our
neighbors: Katzovitch, Friedman, Sossman, Bloch and others. It
should be noted that some of the Judednrat did not take part in
this murder, and did not help local police in the arrest of the
Jews. After this pogrom many began building hideouts and the
younger generation began considering joining the partisans who
were at the time already working in the forests. However, a young
man wanting to join, not in possession of a weapon, was not
accepted. A weapon was impossible to obtain since neither Red nor
Polish armies passed through the town. Many a Jew began residing
with Polish neighbors.

I was obliged to remain in my home since the
entire ghetto would suffer, had a Jewish craftsman joined the
partisans. I continued my work but the rest of the household
commenced digging bunkers. A hole was dug under the kitchen floor
2.70 meters deep. We covered it with thick beams over which we
poured much sand. The opening to the bunker was a chimney. We dug
a tunnel from the garden to the bunker which supplied us with air
to breath but hid it with rocks. This is how we readied ourselves
for the second pogrom.

The Second Pogrom

The second "Action" took place in the month
of May, 1942. At daybreak the ghetto was surrounded by the Polish
police and Germans who were later to be joined by Gestapo and
Gendarmerie. The Jews, forewarned, took to the bunkers. It was the
Judenrat's warning who after the first pogrom posted guards around
the clock to watch police and German stations. The Judenrat even
planned an organized escape; one of the bunkers, in the school was
to be used as a gathering point. It was useless. This hideout
could contain no more than fifty persons and escape without
weapons was as good as giving ourselves up, since the partisans
drove away anyone coming to them weaponless. In the entire ghetto
there was not one pistol to be found. Another reason keeping the
youngsters from leaving the ghetto was the disinclination to leave
their family behind - parents, children, woman, brothers and
sisters. Most decided to hide within the ghetto.

All of our family hid in the ghetto as well.
With them hid a few neighbors, together about twenty persons. My
father vehemently refused to hide in the bunker and remained in
his house. From our hideout we clearly heard the policemen's
footsteps and the screaming of our beaten father. The German for
which we sewed clothing recognized him and ordered him to be left
alone. In the afternoon my father knocked on the bunker's entrance
telling us the pogrom was over.

Deeply shocked we looked at the toll taken
by the pogrom: The bodies of the murdered lay in the streets and
the roads and sidewalks were flooded with blood. In the houses, on
the beds lay shot people as well - sick people who couldn't get up
from bed. In the neighbor's house lay the elder Mordechai Ze'ev
Schultz with his eye flowing out of it's socket. This was my first
sight of a Nazi victim.

On the bridge was Yehuda Pessach Kaplan
picking up the brain of his little child, Hannan, who was
clobbered by the Germans. The child's body was no more. All Jews
caught in the bunkers or in their homes were concentrated in the
place near the club, about 200 hundred meters from the big hole.
There, the Germans checked which of them was in possession of a
shein. The ones employed by the Germans were released and the rest
were taken to the common grave and there shot to death. In this
pogrom died 350 Jews, among which was found rabbi Sheinin. He did
not hide. The murderers found him in his house praying, a Talit
and Tfilin around him. When taken by the murderers to the murder
place, the rabbi became happy, saying he was sanctifying the Holy
Name. Was he insane?

After the "Action" no one left for work. In
the afternoon the "Sonder-führer" and Komolka showed up at
the Judenrat saying that since the ghetto population was down
12%-15%, the area of the ghetto will be made respectively smaller.
The street Kostiushko and the adjacent alleys would be taken out.
Relatives had no time to mourn their dead, having to move into a
smaller and more populated ghetto immediately. The oppression was
unbearable. Nevertheless, plagues did not burst out because the
Judenrat was very careful about hygiene. The bathhouse worked
daily.

The Last "Action" and the Final
Extermination of the Ghetto (end of May, 1942)

It happened on a Saturday. At 4 o'clock in
the morning we were wakened by our neighbor and relative, Zeinell
Kazinitch, telling us the ghetto was surrounded. Enforced shifts
were posted near the river, at the ghetto border. On the other
side of the ghetto, bordering the main street, shifts were posted
as well. The ghetto is surrounded from every which way, and there
is no way to escape.

This time, as in precedent cases, the Jews
imagined they could save themselves hiding in bunkers.

In our bunker, as well as our family, hid
the neighbors; Lipkind, Markman, and Freiman; aunt Pesia
(grandfather was killed in the second "action") and others. All in
all 20 persons. Since the space was not sufficient for us all,
some of them moved to another bunker which we dug under the
floor.

When the Germans entered the ghetto they
found no one except for Judenrat members, their families, and the
chief of Jewish police - Warfman. This time they did not hide, as
in the second action since the ghetto Jews denounced them for
hiding in the past instead of trying to save Jewish lives by way
of bribery.Now the Germans found them in the Judenrat building,
used also as the apartment of the Judneltester, Ya'akov Butwinik.
The Germans now took their anger out on these Jews beating them
savagely. They were later taken to a side alley near our hiding
place.

At eight o'clock in the morning the Germans
found our trail and began taking apart the oven under which our
bunker was built. With the first rays entering, the shouting
began: "Juden, heraus"!

No one answered their calls and they
threatened to throw in a hand - grenade if we didn't come
out.

There was no reason left to remain in the
bunker. I was the first to come out and was given a blow in the
neck with a cudgel. I scurried out and was beaten savagely in the
legs. I was surrounded by Gestapo armed with sub-machine guns and
bats. I crossed quickly the corridor leading to the door, skipped
over the balcony , and not sparing a look back, I was already on
the other side of the street, leaving the Gestapo murderers
behind.

The ones left behind were beaten
mercilessly. My father was hit in the head and bled
profusely.

All of a sudden I found myself near a group
of Judenrat men: Warfman, his wife, and his daughters. Inside of
an hour 70 Jews were taken to this place. we were all taken to the
ghetto gates and there sat down under heavy guard.

More and more Jews were brought. Some of
them wept and some lay on the ground and did not get up. Next to
me sat Gdallia Levin, the tubercular, and whispered in my ear:
"Take a good look at the trees and the houses, you shall not see
them again. These will stay after we are gone, nothing changed,
but we will not. The world will keep on existing but many Jews
will not be in it". I remember his words, until today. They are
engraved in my memory forever.

In the afternoon the Judneltester, Butwinik,
was led to the police station in Gleboki, so that he could not
escape. On the way he saw a group of farmers waiting impatiently
for the end of the ghetto extermination so that they could pillage
the houses of the murdered. They told him that extermination had
begun. remembering the discontentment after the last "action" he
decided to turn on his tracks, but the two ghetto policemen with
him decided to keep going toward the Gleboki ghetto hoping it was
still there.

When Butwinik reached the ghetto gate he was
arrested immediately and taken to the concentration area where I
found him among the other arrested. A Gestapo officer came to him,
and taking some bullets for a Russian rifle from his shirt pocket,
said: "Look what the Judenrat men are busying themselves with". He
slapped his face and ordered him to sit down under heavy
guard.

At that moment, a man, David Glazer, asked
the policeman for a match to light a cigarette. When he was
offered the match, Glazer began running towards the ghetto. They
shot at him but missed. We thought him insane since it was
impossible to escape from the surrounded ghetto. Later, when we
met in the Gleboki ghetto, he told me he had been hurt in his leg
from the shots but managed to reach shelter. He dressed the
bleeding wound by himself and arrived in the Gleboki ghetto after
4 days and nights.

When the Germans collected 350 Jews they
ordered us on our feet. They put Butwinik at the head and told him
to lead us. Surrounded by four rows of policeman, we were led
through Pilsodsky street. The people standing on both sides of the
sidewalk, looked at us indifferently. We thought we would be led
to the "Club" where they would make a "selection" but no, we were
led straight to the big hole. Passing the club without halting, I
lost my last hope of survival.

Near
the hole we saw we were surrounded by many policeman and Germans.
People trying to escape were shot at once, near me lay the first
killed. The Judneltester jumped into the hole but a German pulled
him back saying "you, as a Judneltester, have to see all your
community being killed and we will kill you last". At that
moment Lipkind charged at Komolka, hit him in the face and jumped
into the hole. The German asked the Pole if he should take him out
and Komolka answered: "No, there's no need, he'll be shot soon
anyway".

On any account I saw two who ran away and
were already far from us. A sub-machine gun opened up on them,
they fell down and when the shooting stopped, one got up and
recommenced running and the other lay motionless. The police shot
him a few times and he died.

At that time, I was approached by
Sonder-Führer Hartman and was called aside. He called also my
father, my stepmother Gutte and her daughter Haya. My brother,
Haim, approached Sonder-Führer Ungerman presented his shein
and added that he was employed by the Germans. As an answer he
received a slap in the face. He began to run towards the Jewish
cemetery and I clearly saw that he succeeded in reaching it.
However, there are gentiles from the town present at the killings
and they told me later that my brother was killed by Gend'arm
Witwizky from Gleboki who ran after him with a submachine
gun.

Next to me stood Sarah Markman, our
neighbor. She told the Sonder-Führer she was my wife. He did
not respond and she stayed in our group. Yasin, the shoemaker, and
his wife were also added to our group, but their children were to
be murdered. The Sonder-Führer took us back to town. Near the
hole, the Jews were massacred and were ordered to undress
beforehand.

About 200 hundred meters from the hole we
were put in a garage and locked in. Only now did I notice that the
brothers, Zelka and Samuel and my sister, Sarah, were not with us.
In my great despair I hit the guiltless Sarah Markman.

Silently, we sat awaiting our slaughter. At
twilight we heard shouting from the street. Through a narrow
porthole we could see another group of Jews being led towards the
hole under heavy guard. The screaming and howling did not subside
and after a while even grew louder. We understood that they were
now being killed.

At sundown the door opened and in came
Sonder - Führer Ungerman, gend'arm and S.S. men. Some of them
were leading Butwinik's daughter and her husband. They gathered
all the women and asked me whom they should take and whom to
leave. "According to the law" - they said - they could spare the
life of only one man of every profession. Father immediately
answered that he was ready to die as he was an old man and I was
still young. I then said: "You should know that I can only sew and
cannot cut, whereas my father can cut beautifully. The Germans
took council together and decided to spare us both. They took all
the women with them, locked the door and were off. In dead silence
we stayed seated all that night. The next day Komulka arrived in
the morning and told us that we would all stay alive. We would not
have to wear the yellow patch, and we would be able to roam the
town in liberty. Also, we would receive living quarters but we
would have to work obediently and loyally. "You will receive a
horse and a wagon to transport your belongings and equipment". -
He added - and left.

We returned to the ghetto. The sights there
were horrible. The doors and shades were shattered. German police
looking for gold roamed the streets. The closets in our house were
broken, nothing left in them. Everything broken and in chaos. I
knew of a hideout where we hid some valuables but did not approach
it to check.

Just when we were taking our sewing machine
to take it to the new place Komulka showed up. He asked why
weren't we taking our personal belongings with us as well? I took
some bedclothes with me but I did not need much at that point in
time.

All the craftsmen were concentrated in one
house. Facing us, in the yard were all the Jews found in their
hideouts. They were ordered to undress and were left only in their
underclothes. Later, they were taken to a big warehouse. Through
our window we saw how more groups of Jews were constantly led and
how the pile of cloths gradually grew. They were photographed one
by one and in groups, while being beaten savagely. Many were
friends and aquaintences. Barefoot and naked some of them held
money or valuables which the Germans took.

So passed the second day of the "Action", us
not eating a thing in over 48 hours. However we did not feel
hunger. On the third day of the "Action" we saw them being taken
out of the warehouse and made to run to the hole in files, one man
leading the way. Less than thirty minutes later we could hear the
shots echoing. They were murdered. The extermination of the
Dokshitz ghetto lasted 17 days since very many hid.

For nine days we stayed in this house
witnessing all the horrors taking place in our town. During all
that time no food entered our mouths and all I swallowed was a
little medicinal alcohol which I had remembered to take with me
when I left home. I gave ten liters of this alcohol to the
policeman that took me home and thanks to this alcohol my spirit
did not break.

Through the days the following people were
brought in to join us: Gitlin, the blacksmith; Izsche Plavnik, the
carpenter; the brothers Reitman, the locksmith; Freidman, the
mechanic and Joseph Gurwitch, the tailor. So were gathered twelve
"expert" craftsmen and we had a woman with us, Butwinik's sister
to see to our needs.

On our fifth of sixth day in the house we
saw Butwinik's brother-in-law led to the warehouse. He was a
refugee from Warsaw named Schimek, but I cannot recall his family
name. When Butwinik saw Schimek being undressed and made to run to
the warehouse he broke down and cried and with him all of us. With
the tears still in our eyes we could see the policeman put on
Schimek's leather coat and boots.

At the same time a nurse injected herself
and her children poison in the warehouse. Her eight-year-old
daughter was taken out lifeless and her son dropped dead near the
hole. She, herself, it was told, did not reach the hole.

On the eighth day of the "Action" everyone
was taken out of the warehouse. I saw Judek Golkowitz - probably
already insane - at the head of the row. He did not understand
what went on around him and was beaten cruelly in his
underclothes. Among the sentenced I saw the sisters Shleifer. They
were dressed only in very short night-dresses. They pulled at
their dresses constantly, embarrassed. Thus, naked and
embarrassed, they were led to their death.

At the end of that day Dr. Gleichenhous was
brought to the warehouse. He was undressed and beaten harshly.
Every now and them he would fall down and almost lifeless he was
dragged to the warehouse. When Komulka heard that Gleichenhous had
been caught he ordered him brought to his house and from there he
was taken out thrashed and bleeding beyond recognition.

There were not very many Jews left in the
town and the killings took place every two to three days. On the
last day of the extermination (the 17th) a last group of
Jews was caught - 20 persons. After the destruction, we came to
know that this group survived, escaped from the ghetto and hid in
the ruins of a Jewish house on the way to Gleboki. A shepherd boy
found them and turned them into the hands of the police. Among
them were: The teacher Juttkovsky and his wife, Holtz, the
Koplovitch family and others. I cannot describe what they looked
like when caught, after having spent seventeen days without food
and in horrible fear for their lives. Some farmers also said to us
that one woman, Gutte Markman, succeeded in crawling from the big
pile of the murdered and in reaching one of the villages about 4
km from Wieczery. A farmer sheltered her during four days and then
threw her out. Looking for new shelter, she was caught by peasants
who turned her to the police.

Thus in June 1942 came to it's end the
Jewish community in Dokshitz.

How strange and horrible was it that only we
- a small group of Jews, were left alive continuing our
work.

Organization of the Workshops

Two weeks later we were transferred to
another house, in the market square, above the pub. It was a seven
room apartment where workshops were organized for shoemaking,
tailoring, carpentry, locksmithy, and black- smithing. The
mechanics worked in town. We ate what the Germans threw to us and
the blacksmiths earned a little "on the side" working for the
farmers in the vicinity. We shared our food like one big
family.

After some time Sonder-Führer Strothoff
came to visit us, wanting to know "how we were doing". He asked
how it came to be that we were left without our families. During
the extermination, he said wringing his hands, he was in Germany.
Was he a scoundrel or an honest man? I wouldn't know. He went on
to say that everything was the fault of two people - Stalin and
Hitler. "I have no need for this war" he said "I'm a judge. These
two want this war but I have nothing to do with them".

After the extermination we began to think of
escape. I proposed killing a visiting German, throw his body to
the cellar and take his weapon. With a gun we could join the
partisans. Unfortunately, I was always opposed by the mechanics.
They said that since we were left alive we should not make other
plans and just continue our work. Because of this opinion they
were later killed.

One day a German truck stopped near the
house and from it stepped out two Germans. One of them, a man by
the name of Finster, came in to the workshop and ordered us to fix
the truck. We were very frightened as we were never asked such a
thing from an unknown German. This German, Finster, came from the
Gleboki ghetto and took dairy products from the dairy in Dokshitz
to Gleboki. He began questioning us about our relatives in
Gleboki. We did not answer. So he put in the corner a few kilos of
butter and cream and handed us a letter from Max Butwinik, the
brother of the Judenrat's chairman. In his letter Butwinik made it
clear to us that we should try to reach him in Gleboki. From there
we could run away - we'll have the means. We understood the letter
very well. As it turned out, Finster would sell weapons for gold
to the Gleboki Jews.

When the German left we began discussing the
idea. How would we get to Gleboki? Again we were not all of the
same opinion and stayed divided for three months.

In the beginning of September 1942 a decree
was made public by the commissioner of the Gleboki area that Jews
could not reside outside the ghetto. The Sonder-Führer tried
to object since he could not find other craftsmen but it was
useless. When the second order arrived all thirteen of us were
transferred to Gleboki. I was content with this fact as I believed
I could get hold of a weapon there and join the partisans.

In the Gleboki ghetto

We were taken through the gate to the
Judenrat. We were given a place to sleep and were left alone for a
few days. Then we had to sign up for bread-cards and to go to
work. From the moment I reached Gleboki I knew I was not staying
and immediately began finding out how to escape.

It turned out that many young people had
already escaped from this ghetto and joined the partisans in the
woods. I indeed, I heard many had come back from the woods because
of the weather conditions and the bands of criminals, but despite
all this and despite the nagging doubts I did not give up on the
idea of running from the ghetto. I began looking for contacts and
ways to acquire a weapon. I managed to purchase a rifle with 14
bullets from world war I . I bought the gun from some farmers
dealing in weapons in the ghetto. I prepared forged Arien
documents printed in the press of the county commissioner by the
Jews working there.

With the gun and documents in my hand
-hidden in the cellar- I awaited the right moment. I did not tell
my father about my acquisition but hinted that I would probably be
leaving him soon as I did not want to end up another victim in the
big beetroot hole-the killing place of the Jews and Russian
P.O.W.'s.

At that time there were 8000 Jews in the
Gleboki ghetto. Here were concentrated the remaining Jews from all
the ghettos in the area. Despite the begging, the bribery, the
flattery and the fact that the Jews filled all their requests, the
everyday killings of Jews did not come to an end. The victims were
taken outside the ghetto and murdered in Barok grove.

Knowing all this, I dared not come out. I
came out only when it was absolutely necessary.

During the first week in this ghetto we
organized the first group. From the Dokshitz community were
Glazer, Plavnik and I; from Gleboki - Friedman and Swiedler. We
wanted to enlarge and strengthen the group and in a short while we
had 14 men. Some armed and some not (Kopelovich, Kantrovitch and
Radoschkovitch). Many more asked to join us but we could not
comply as they were weaponless.

Father found a bullet in my pocket. I was
forced to tell him my secret and added that in the next few days I
would be running from the ghetto. Father started to cry. It was
impossible to take him with me because the wounds he had from the
beatings in his head had not healed yet. I hoped that after I got
settled in the forest and the wound healed, I'd take him to
me.

Two partisans appeared in the ghetto - The
brothers Friedman: one from Postov and the other from Dolginova.
They gave us the address of the contact man, Yashka, who lived in
the village Domislav, near the town Miadel. Moreover, they
explained in which forests and where we could find the partisans
from the "Avengers of the People" regiment. They, themselves,
stayed in the forests in their base "The high Island" among the
swamps.

Our group fof warriors decided on one of the
days in the end of September at 9 o'c as the running time. We
would run from the ghetto, from one of the houses near the
concertines.

when I commenced parting with my father he
cried and begged of me not to leave him. "If we are together at
least I'll know when we're killed" he said. This way, he'd live on
the rumers reaching him. He knows that I'm going to my death and
not to life. It's happened before that runaways did not succeed in
passing the concertine and were shot then and there. If he hears
that partisans were caught, he'll be sure that I'm among
them.

He cried continuously, begged and did not
leave me alone that whole night. That night I slept in the ghetto
in my cloths with the gun in my hand so as to not be taken by
surprise in case someone informed the Germans. I decided to look
for another group of partisans since I was sure my friends had
left. However, in the morning I found out that they didn't want to
leave without me, saying I was the only one that knew how to
manage in the rear as I had already been in this situation when
the war began. We posponed the escape for two more days and left
the ghetto at10 o'c. I promised my father I would come back for
him in a month of two. Each one took a small bundle of linen, a
sweater and the cloths on his back.

We cut the fence, and one by one, took to
the open field. The Gleboki train station was a big railway
intersection making it difficult to cross. However, we made it and
turned towrds Wolkolati.

The Road to the Partisans

After putting a few kilometers between us
and the railway we decided to stock up on food supplies. We
knocked on the window in one of the farmhouses, and addressed them
in the German language. When they saw we were armed, they became
scared and gave us all that we wanted. We left immediately and
reached the forest at dawn.

We continued and after a long way knocked
again on the doors of farmers. We got from them wagons and horses
and that same night, reached one of the contact men, not far from
Wolkolati. We hid in the barn all day long and continued at dark.
The contact pointed out a forest where we could hide also during
the day and even meat Partisans.

As a resting place we chose a location where
we found traces of partisans - dead fires, remenents of food and
clothes. In this forest we met two Jewish partisans from "The
people's Avengers". Their names were: Sagalchik from Dolginova and
"Zoska of Estonia" (a Jew from Estonia). They set out on orders
from their regiment, which was staying on the other side of the
Berezina, in the Plestchenitz area, near Minsk. They went on
reconnaissance since the regiment was getting ready for fighting
in the western area, and to get food. They took us with them then
and we were introduced to their commander. They promised us that
we would be accepted to their group as we were young, without
families and armed.

On the way, we stumbled upon a group of
Moscovite infiltrators made up of about 20 men. At first, we
thought they were disguised policemen. Their commander was
Dergatchow, an officer in the N.K.V.D. To prove they were Russian,
they showed us a new submachine gun manufactured in 1942 With
dawn, we all set out to the "High Island" where the whole platoon
would meet.

Dergatchow presented us with a document of
the "Great Earth" (Russia was so called) which showed that all
armed forces operating in the Villeika area were to be under his
command. Unfortunately, Dergatchow did not live up to our
expectations. He turned out to be a drunkard and a bully with only
pillaging on his mind.

Impatiently we awaited the arrival of the
regiment. At first, only one company arrived, they were supposed
to ready the camp.

When the platoon arrived we were presented
to the commander, Sokolov. He liked us and was willing to let us
join his men. Meanwhile, a conflict developed between him and
Dergatchow. The latter refused to give us up and Sokolov
threatened to take us by force. If Dergatchow did not submit, he
would send his gunners and disarm his ten men. At this, Dergatchow
gave up.

One by one we were taken to the headquarters
and interrogated as to how we escaped.

In the regiment there were about fifty Jews,
and a Jewish unit was organized with Sagalchik at it's
head.

The Miadel Operation and the Freeing of
the Miadel Ghetto

The October festivities nearing, the
regiment decided to celebrate this date with a few military
skirmishes in the Miadel area. As the first operation was planned
and assault on army barracks in Miadel.

In the beginning of 1942 the whole regiment
gathered for a census. Sokolov, by now appointed commandeer,
spoke. He explained to his subordinates how the operation would
take place. We would start out at 9 p.m. and reach our destination
at midnight. Each company knew it's job and the Kazachstany,
Kaliosov, second in command, headed the whole operation.

I was very tense as this was for me the
first battle.

The regiment set out and the headquarters
was left in the cemetery under the protection of the Markov
regiment.

Our Jewish unit had the following mission:
We would ambush the Germans on the Narotch stream bank. We knew
the Germans planned to come to the aid of the guard from the other
side of the stream.

Our commander, Sagalchik, was also a guide,
as he had lived in Miadel for many years and was familiar with the
area.

When we arrived everything was quiet.
Suddenly shots were heard. We laid down and awaited the Germans.
When we received the sign to attack we ran to the houses where the
Germans and Lithuanian sharpshooters were. The battle lasted a few
hours and the Germans dispersed. Some of them enclosed in a
monastery and from there shot at us and others charged us, but we
held them off. At dawn we were called to help the group storming
the monastery where our men already had positions. When we neared
the monastery which was only 200 meters from the ghetto gate, we
talked to Sagalchik about freeing the ghetto. According to the
plan we were supposed to take from the ghetto only men vital to
us: A doctor with his equipment; medicines; the dentist
Simchelevitch and others, but with Sagalchik we talked about
freeing the whole ghetto.

Meanwhile we received orders to set fire to
the monastery. It caught and burned all through the night, the
shots not ceasing. In the tumult of he battle we slipped away and
with the buts of our guns broke down the gates and into the
ghetto.

Despite the shots in the ghetto, there was
no one in sight. The windows were all shaded. We walked up to the
first house, knocked on the window, but no one answered. Only when
we addressed them in Yiddish, did the windows open. We told them
what was happening in the town and said that now is their chance
to run away. We explained to them where to go, where the "High
Island" was and about our Jewish unit. The news traveled very
quickly and about 80 people began running away. Leaving the
ghetto, only one woman was hurt (now she is living in Israel). On
the way a 70-year-old woman died. All the rest arrived on our base
safely. The wounded were sent for treatment together with the
wounded in battle.

At dawn the battle was renewed. The Germans
received aid from the surrounding barracks and we began to
retreat. On our way back, we were shot at by the Germans hiding on
rooftops, but we managed to retreat slowly. Meanwhile, Sagalchik
left us to settle an account with a farmer's wife, who informed on
the Jews. She was hurt by him.

I received an order from the unit commander
to charge into a house from which Germans were shooting. Storming
into the yard I saw, facing me, a German with a machine gun and
policemen laying next to him. I succeeded in jumping away and
immediately out machine guns shot at the yard killing all the
murderers. Again, I went into the yard and pulled the boots off a
dead German laying in a pool of blood. This was my first sight of
German blood.

Outside of the town we stopped to gather our
wounded from the town streets. Morning had broken and the Germans,
noticing us, shot at us continuously. The commandeer's lieutenant,
fatally wounded, sat next to me. He died on the way. The German
losses reached 32. The Jews of Miadel and others, having reached
us in many ways, were transferred by commisar Ivan Matvelvitch
Timchuk to the rear. I would like to note the friendly and humane
attitude shown towards the Jews by this man. Jews would join us,
constantly. However, once, when a group of Jews, about 70 women,
children and elderly folk, tried to reach us with a partisan as a
guide, they were found by a shepherd. He immediately notified the
Germans in Dolginov. The group and it's guide, save a few, were
shot to death.

The Luban Operation

A few days later we received an order to
blow up an alcohol factory and to confiscate all the farm animals
and pigs in Luban, near Vileika. At night we began shooting at the
factory. The Germans dispersed without resistence.

We then set fire to the hospital and the
buildings near it. From there we turned to the sovchoz to get the
livestock. Seeing the flames, the livestock refused to budge. In
spite of this we succeeded in taking from the farm 300 cows and
300 pigs. In this operation we lost not one life.

In the Gleboki Ghetto

After these operations, and after we stocked
on meat and cereals for the winter our regiment moved to the other
side of the Berezina, to the islands among the swamps, in the
vicinity of Plestchenitz. The camp and the H.Q. of the brigade
were set up here.

Our task, all winter long, was to ambush the
Germans.

All this time I thought of going to the
Gleboki ghetto to release my father and bring him to me. This was
not an easy task since it was forbidden to operate outside our
military frame. Also, Gleboki was 200 km from us and we needed to
cross two railways. Despite this I managed to convince our
commandeer, and we set out accompanied by maybe five friends
(Glazer, Friedman, Kopelovitch, Katzowich and two others whose
names escape me). This was in February 1943.

without further obstacles we arrived in
Wolkolati. From our contact men we found out that from the offices
of the Wolkolati council it was possible to "acquire" a typing
machine, money and other thing for our brigade. Also, there was a
dairy supplying dairy products to the Germans. It should be noted
that partisans never operated in this area. We set to work. With
axes we broke the dairy equipment, set fire to all books and
documents, and destroyed the installations. When we began breaking
into the council hall through the windows we were shot at. This
was unexpected and so we ran away and reorganized at dawn.

We reached the ghetto a bit late. I slipped
my friends through the gate near our house where my father lived.
We wore white robes and on one noticed us. When we knocked on the
door we frightened the household. I fell in my father's arms and
that night tried to convince him and the rest to join us.

In the morning the entire ghetto knew of our
presence. In the evening arrive the Judenrat representatives and
the Jewish police and asked us to promptly leave the ghetto. They
were willing to give everything that they had for us to leave
immediately.

Our order for letters for type-setting and a
printing press was filled. That whole time I spoke to my father
trying to convince him to leave the ghetto. The wound in his head
had not healed and I promised that he would receive the necessary
medical treatment with us. Alas, he did not posses the strength to
set out on this long and dangerous road. We decided that I would
come again in the spring to the ghetto and then he will join
me.

We took with us 16 other men, all armed.
These were: Yassin - a cousin of father's, Roderman the shoemaker,
Pessia Zeplovitch and others. I alone, set out with the 16 men.
The rest stayed behind to recruit more men.

On foot we reached the first huts, where we
confiscated wagons and horses and we were quickly on the "High
Island" awaiting the rest of the men from the Gleboki ghetto. A
few days later five men arrived and we headed to the
brigade.

Episodes

Here are some episodes that are engraved in
my memory: Among the new men who joined us was a boy named
Weinstien. When he just arrived he was told to guard a spy from
Villeika, a Russian clerk. He was to stand guard from midnight to
2 a.m. I warned him not to fall asleep but despite my warning he
slept like a log and the spy escaped. After and alarm, the spy was
caught but Weinstien was sentenced to death. He was tried at
absence. The verdict was carried out, but became common knowledge
only afterwards.

On the way to the Zazorna village - as if he
were taken to a trial - he was shot. He was a 17-year-old boy and
had just arrived from the ghetto. This made a horrifying
impression on all the Jews.

After Lederman's two sons,Motel and
Yerucham, escaped from the ghetto, the Germans badgered him as
Judneltester and accused him of having contact with partisans.
They advised him to have his sons return or they will kill many
Jews in the ghetto.

At that time some Jewish partisans -
brothers Lederman, Friedman of Dolginova and Yerachmiel convinced
Sagalchik to send people to the ghetto in order to enlist more
Jews. They left from Yezurna, where the regiment was stationed.
This was a month after Weinstien was killed. They were delayed at
Yashka,the contact man's place, and as it turned out Gordon
arrived there from ghetto Gleboki with a letter from Lederman to
his two sons. Gordon gave the letter and went back to the ghetto.
Partisans went to the ghetto two days later.

A week went by and the regiment received no
news from them. The contact with them was broken. After a week the
bodies of Yerachmiel and Friedman were found on the way to Gleboki
and the Ledermans were in the ghetto. They were let into the
ghetto after handing their weapons to the Germans. Despite this,
the Germans arrested them after ten days. During the arrest shots
were let off and Yerucham, the older, was killed. The younger
managed to escape after killing a few Germans. He ran to join some
partisans. Not to us of course, but to the Polotzk area.
Judneltester Lederman was also arrested and led to Minsk where he
was killed.

As our reconnaisance figured, Friedman and
Yerachmiel were killed by the brothers Lederman on the way to the
ghetto. It is a fact that their boots and leather jackets were
still on them and there weren't mutilated as would have been
German victims.

The Transfer to the Naliboki
Forests

After these happening we returned in
February to the other side of the Brezina. There we received an
order to mobilize toward the Naliboki forests. The entire brigade
set out right away in winter wagons and on horses to it's
destination. We traversed fifty kilometers every night. We crossed
the railway, 5 kms long, in broad day light under the eye of the
Germans who dared not attack us.

A few days later we reached the Naliboki
forests. Here we met other Jewish partisans from Bailski's
regiment. We also saw a family camp made up only of Jews. We were
cheered up seeing another Jewish unit in the famous regiment in
Bailorussia.

We made camp in the towns near the forests.
I made the house of Graff Tishkevitch my base, while the camp was
built in the forest. These were non-comouflaged clay huts. A big
force of partisans was stationed in the forest, but before we
could get settled, we received an order to return to Polik. We
left the camp leaving some of our men to help construct a new
brigade. Among those who stayed behind were Glazer, Ziskind and
others.

As time went by they reached responsible and
honored positions in the brigade. Glazer was made "Natchalnik" in
the special division, but because of friction with the H.Q. he was
killed under vague circumstances.

Back to the Old Base

On our way back we stumbled upon a group of
Polish warriors from the A.K. (Armia Kraiova). Crossing a stream
not far from Lida, our scouts were seen by an unknown group of
partisans. The strangers immediately shot the horses of our scouts
to prevent them from running away. However, we heard shooting and
hurried to help them. A skirmish ensued where both side suffered
losses. We then offered a cease-fire and each group went on it's
way. In spring 1943, the entire brigade moved to the Pleshtchenitz
area. A hospital was set up without equipment, tools, medicines or
bandages. The brigade's head doctor, Shtshaglov, was named general
director of the hospital. He was a Jew who ran from the Minsk
ghetto in 1942.

With him escaped the Jewish writer, Dubin
(to him I told of my experiences in the Dokshitz ghetto and he put
them on paper), Gurewitch, Tonik and others. The commander of our
Jewish unit, Sagalchik, was named administrative director, and I
was in charge of equipment. The cook was Susman, a woman from the
Dokshitz ghetto.

The hospital was situated in the
Pleshtchenitz area, between two villages: Hodaki and
Lesniki.

At first there were not many wounded, but at
summer, with more military operations, the number rose.

In May 1943 the Germans began combing the
forest intensively. We had to retreat to the East, to Polic - an
island in the midst of a 100 km of swamps and dense forests. The
island could be reached by boat only, and this made transportation
very difficult. Then we found out the Germans besieged us. 10000
partisans were under this siege. The brigade deserted the island
hospital and decided to break through from it's side. A special
German force was concentrated east of Polik.

The Germans posted guards in all the
villages in the Minsk area and from Miadel to Polozk. Retreating,
the partisans found themselves under fire, many were wounded and
the siege became tighter around us. All along the roads and
railways there were Germans posted. Cut off from the world we
continued working in the hospital giving aid to the injured who
were brought to us in the boats.

Once, we received a man seriously wounded in
the leg. He was  a partisan and had stepped on a mine.
His leg was bandaged in a sheet and during the three days that it
took to bring him to us, no medical aid was given to him. When the
wound was opened, we saw that he had blood poisoning.

Dr. Samuel Shtshegolov decided to amputate
the leg, but had no equipment or anesthetic. I was sent to the
hospital of the nearest brigade, not far from Polik, to obtain the
necessary tools. The saw I brought was not good for the surgery.
Nevertheless, time was running short. Sending the patient through
the fire line to a hospital was not feasible due to the blockade.
The Doctor decided to sterilize a regular saw in fire.

The patient was put on a table, two men held
his hands and head; and his leg was held by me and another man.
The doctor cut the skin off the leg and sawed it. This was the
first time I attended such a barbaric amputation. The patient
screamed and cried that he was being tortured. The operation
lasted a half hour. afterwards he was put in a tent and he slept.
He was soon well and survived.

Some days later, the partisans broke the
siege and we were forced to leave Polik. The moderately wounded
were sent back to the brigade, while six of the gravely injured
(the amputee among them) were carried by us. The wounded groaned
and were a burden. Transferring them, we lost two to three hours.
When the last of the injured, a partisan, and I left, we were 50
meters from Polik, and the Germans had just arrived there. We had
to sleep in the swamps. I was so close to the Germans that I could
overhear their conversations. An injured, with bullet holes in his
lungs groaned all night. The next day we somehow transferred him
to the hospital on the island.

A few days later the siege was finally
broken and we remained on the island until the wounded were well
again. The hospital was transferred to Zadorna village, in the
Plestchenitz area, not far from the brigade's H.Q. It was given
the name: "The people's avengers brigade in the name of
Voronietzki"

Revenge of the Jewish
Partisans

During an entire year - from the summer of
1943 to the summer of 1944 - we stayed in the village with the
hospital. Once in a while, we would follow the brigade to battle,
but our main duty until the arrival of the Red-Army soldiers, was
to supply the hospital with foodstuffs and guard it from the
enemy. However, we did not, for one minute forget our obligation
to avenge the tortures and murders of our relatives.

In the fall of 1943, Sagalchik, Friedman,
two Russians and I went out to obtain foods and decided to
penetrate Protniki village, near Krivichi,where Germans were
stationed. In this village resided a family by the name of
Kamaiko. We had heard that the sons of this family would dig in
the Jewish graves and take the gold teeth from the Jewish
cadavers.

On the 11th we reached Protnik village. We
left the wagons not far from the village and after finding out
where Kamaiko's house was, we broke in. The house was full of
Jewish furniture, crystal utensils, money and other articles from
the houses of murdered Jews. First we gathered all that we needed.
This was not difficult as everything was there for us to see.
Never had partisans reached this village because of it's proximity
to the German barracks at Krivichi.

After taking the things and beating them, we
broke their arms and teeth. We had no permission to shoot them
without a verdict from the specialized department. We left feeling
we had avenged our people a bit. Later we found out one of them
died and the rest stayed in the hospital for a long time.

In the winter of 1944, this unit, made up of
12 men, set out again to obtain foodstuffs. This time we decided
to avenge the Dolginov Jews. We decided to take a risk, enter the
town, and reach the Jewish cemetery where a Christian family that
helped exterminate the Dolginov ghetto, resided. The name of the
gentile escapes me. One of the family worked for the "polizei".
Sagalchik hit him in the head until blood spurted out. Meanwhile,
the unit took the pigs and the cow. Then, we drove two men only in
their underclothes out to the freezing cold. We ordered them to
set out on the way we would take back. At that moment the Germans
noticed us and opened fire from sub-machine guns. They probably
thought we were a large force. Luckily, they chose a defensive
strategy, remembering the times they were hit by the
partisans.

We began running with our two prisoners.
Five km from Dolginov we ordered them off the road. They
understood that they were to be shot and tried to run away. Our
bullets were quicker. Two days past before the Germans took
them.

This action was, in fact, illegal, as the
Dolginov area belonged to the special department of the Kutusov
brigade. We were not permitted to operate there. There was a very
strict rule saying one brigade could not operate in the area of
another. Death was the punishment for breaking this rule. However,
since a headquarters unit took part in this skirmish, we managed
to conceal the matter.

The Second Siege

In spring 1944 the front lines reached
Witbesk, 200 km from our base. The Germans knew they would have no
choice but to retreat, and so wanted to "clean up" the rear and
empty it of partisans. In order to do this they took 6 to 7
divisions out of the Witbesk lines. First they tried to besiege
Navel Veliki-Luki, but were beaten. The Germans, running away,
began putting pressure on us. From the other side, the western,
from Molodechna, we were also charged. Now we were in "tweesers'
from both sides.

Following the brigade, which went out to
battle many times, we were forced to retreat from the Zadorani
village. With the brigade we reached the Tzana village, near
Bogomil. Here, the brigade took to the west, deserting the
hospital. A few men, wounded and Typhoid-stricken, set out in 60
wagons in an unknown area, towards Polik, in the hope that they
would survive the siege.

I walked at the side of the transport all
night long, not keeping up with the team in the front, and caught
up with them in the morning.

The Germans again posted guards in the
nearby villages, setting fire to all communities suspected of
sheltering partisans. This action was a heavy burden to us. The
population ran to the forests a hunger spread in the area. Unable
to feed the sick, we sent the healing back to the brigade.

The situation worsened in July when the
siege tightened. Seventeen days went by without food or help for
our wounded on the island near Polick, where the Germans were
stationed. We could hear their voices.

In the night we heard the sounds of
artillery, telling us the Red-Army began it's attack. Bombs fell
on Polick where there was a German camp. During the whole second
siege we were ready for the Germans to find us. The wounded were
hidden among the swamps. We kept them alive with the little food
that we had. We had a ready - made plan in case the Germans found
us.

Once, we heard explosions from the west. We
sent scouts that came back to tell us the Russians were nearing. I
then decided to go together with Sagalchik to Polick, where we hid
some supplies. When we arrived, it seemed no one was there. We
shot a few times and were duly answered... The Germans opened
fire, but from the other side of the Berezina. We took the
supplies from the hiding place and headed towards the island. A
couple of days later the hospital was transferred to
Polick.

Freedom

In July 1944 the Red-Army arrived. The
wounded were transferred to the sanitary department, the partisans
received orders to report in Minsk, for a partisan parade. There,
we met our brigade. We took part in the parade where 25 brigades marched.

In Minsk our brigade was dismantled, and
most were sent to the front. I was sent to Dokshitz,to the
militia, to organize the local authorities. Dokshitz was burnt and
destroyed. The center of the area authorities was moved to
Parafianow, 10 km from Dokshitz. Two Jewish families returned to
Dokshitz: Kramer and Shapira. Most of the time I stayed in
Parafianow and did not visit Dokshitz, where my relatives died. My
father was killed during the extermination of the Gleboki ghetto.
Except for my brother Jacob, who ran to Russia, no one was left of
my family.

After the war I moved to Vilna. I married
Lucia Kaminkovitch from Dokshitz. Her mother, Zina and her sister
Sarah were killed by the Nazis before my eyes.

In 1957 I returned to Poland, as I was told
that Poland agreed to let it's Jews make "Aliya". I stayed in
Poland a year and eight months and on November 4th 1958 I arrived
in Israel.

All that was told here is but a small part
of the experiences that I and the others went through in the
Dokshitz ghetto and with the partisans. A more detailed
description would call for an entire book and I am in no state to
do this. Until this day these memories haunt me and cause me
pain.

All I have put to paper is but a small
monument in memory of the martyrs, together with the monument
built in Dokshitz. Today the place is used to heard cattle, and no
trace is left of the horrors that occurred...

Ceremony at the unveiling of the memorial for the Victims of the Nazis in Dokshitz

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