I AM a serving member of the police force who is currently
stationed atHarare Central Police Station under Assistant Inspector Ndou. I
would liketo express my outrage and utter disgust at the way we were, on
March 4 2002,compelled to vote for Zanu PF.

We were made to fill in
application for postal vote forms, stating thatduring March 9/10, we would
be out of our constituencies.

Superintendent Mafolo (officer
commanding operations Harare Central) thentold us that there was no choice
but for us to vote for Zanu PF, as thecommissioner had regularly stated.
Now, given that I - and most officerswithin the force - dislike the ruling
party for the misery it has brought toZimbabweans, this was humiliation of
the worst order.

Zimbabwe is like a beautiful woman married to a
cruel man. And on March 4,the cruel man raped, brutalised and shamed me. I
am sad - deeply sad.

May the leader of the opposition party MDC,
Morgan Tsvangirai, know that theruling party rigged the election. Most
officers hate Zanu PF save for a fewtop bosses and war
veterans.

We are also acutely aware that because of President Robert
Mugabe, Zimbabweis a jewel in the mud. We had hoped Tsvangirai would pull
the jewel out ofthe mess.

If there is one day I felt immensely
abused and humiliated, then it wasMarch 4. The MDC was otherwise destined
for a landslide victory had it notbeen cheated.

But are you, Zanu
PF supporters, not aware that your party is leading us upa dark alley?
Aren't you seeing the hunger and doom that you are bringingright into your
homes by voting for this ruthless party?

And you Sadc members -
especially Thabo Mbeki - why are you so spineless asto stand by idly and
watch us being abused and brutalised?

My hope though still remains
with MDC. One day the tentacles of the dinosaurwill be cut - and hope will
return to Zimbabwe once again.

I AM sure I was just one of many frustrated people
bitterly disappointed atbeing unable to vote on Saturday. I have voted,
along with my family and ourstaff ever since being able to
vote.

Saturday, however, was different ... the one common ground was that
in ourlittle group of eight, our opinions are now polarised into a
single-mindeddetermination to stop the rot and rid ourselves of the
power-hungry leaderswho will balk at nothing to cling on to
power.

And the magnitude of the turnout at one of our (now much
fewer) pollingstations, and the comments heard along the long lines echoed
this sentiment.

There was a palpable determination to queue for
however long it took to beable to exercise our democratic right to vote.
Something so taken forgranted in democratic countries where voter apathy is
rife.

Here it is more attributable to intimidation, calculated
confusion andbecause of very real threats to life and
limb.

However, despite being at the polling station by 6am, and
possibly at number150 in the queue, we only reached the booths nearly six
hours later.

Ironically, we were voting at a secondary school that I
had attended in theseventies as one of the all white starry-eyed and
innocent pupils, later toreturn for a very fulfilling stint as relief
teacher, to all black studentsin 1990.

Yes, I was one of the many
who was born here and opted to stay and live andwork among my fellow
Zimbabweans, way back then; a decision never regretted,innocently never
anticipating the very real hatred now perpetrated by ourpresident and
government leaders towards our much blamed and accused ethnicminority, who
are erroneously perceived to be part of a "plot" (along withall our black
"sellout" friends) to re-colonise our own country!

And, horror of
horrors, by a mere fluke of genealogy my husband and I happento have parents
born in Britain.

Recently hurried legislation meant that to be
law-abiding, we had to claim acitizenship! A real dilemma: Zimbabwean? An
obvious choice of the heart, abirth- right even, but in the current climate
of uncertainty the decisiongets more complicated!

Or British? To
start our lives all over again in a country that is simplynot home, worrying
about all the friends and family left behind who were notas lucky to have an
escape option?

It was not an easy choice, and we are not even certain
it was the right one.Probably basic survival weighed in slight favour of the
British option, sowe went with that. But last minute changes meant we were
unable to vote! Thelogic is stupefying. Along with the flouting of the
simple law that thevoters' roll is not supposed to be altered after
announcement of theelection!

But the goalposts and rules are
changed so swiftly here, you can't reallyhope to keep up.

Even
the polling officer in charge took me aside and admitted that he justhad to
do his job and that he knew it was unlawful to have only this
morningreceived a hurriedly drawn up list of the "renouncers" that he was
toldunder no circumstances was he to allow to vote!

This list
that arrived half way through the morning of the first day ofpolling? Free
and fair? I know of at least one person who beat the list andwas allowed to
vote. I was insistent as far as I was able: I saw my name onthe main voters'
roll with my own eyes, a fact denied by the obvious rulingparty official who
tried to hurriedly hide the page with her ample arm andvery threatening
attitude.

The obviously embarrassed presiding officer took me outside
and said all hecould do was give me the number of the registrar-general,
though he admittedas readily as I did that it would do me no
good!

My only consolation was that at least six of us had managed to
vote, betterthan some more remote stations where it's easier to refuse
people the rightwithout recourse. It was also with somewhat wry humour that
I smiled at theironic thought that the very classroom that was used was the
one that wasused for the remedial classes of errant pupils of
old!

I really fear for us all as I feel the frustration first hand
and see itreflected in so many people out there today. The evidence of all
thesuffering and frustrations and short- ages and hardships of the last
fewyears are plain to see on every
face.

I
WAS one of the lucky ones. Having seen the long lines of people atAvondale
primary school on Sunday morning and finding my usual pollingstation at
Blakiston school closed, a victim of Tobaiwa Mudede's
arbitraryredistribution, I resolved to wait until Sunday
evening.

Checking again in the paper to see what polling stations were
open in theHarare Central constituency, I saw Selborne- Routledge school
listed. Idrove over there at 5pm on Sunday and found myself the only person
present.I voted and then immediately alerted as many people as possible to
thisseemingly hidden location.

Needless to say, given the ordeal
other people were going through I feltrather guilty. On Sunday night, with a
colleague, I toured polling stationsin Chitungwiza. At St Mary's about 300
people were waiting to vote outside acandle-lit tent. Only 1 000 had passed
through that day, the presidingofficer told me, and 900 the day before. But
at least they were lettingeverybody vote.

Moving on to a school
in Zengeza 2 I found the perimeter gates to thepolling station locked with
30 people outside begging the policemen on dutyto let them in. When we
arrived a cheer went up as many people thought wehad the power to admit
them. I spoke to the presiding officer but sheinsisted she had given
instructions for all those within a 100-metre radiusof the gates to be
allowed in when the station closed at 7pm. Those outsidehad arrived
subsequently. We conveyed the sad news to the hopefuls outsideand suggested
they try St Mary's.

This lack of consistency was evident across the
city. At places like WarrenPark and Mount Pleasant Hall hundreds of people
were shut out on Sundayevening.

I watched television news footage
of President Mugabe voting in Highfield.He chose Highfield because it is
where his nationalist career began. Most ofthe voters there on Saturday
clearly hoped it would mark the end. The factthat Zanu PF gangs attacked
voters going to polling stations in Highfield onMonday tells us all we need
to know about Mugabe's revolutionary legacy.

However helpful Sadc
leaders may prove, he is not going to get away with thepretence that this
was a free and fair poll. How can it be when voters weredeliberately
prevented from voting by an arbitrary decision of theRegistrar-General
acting on the orders of a president who was himself acandidate? This
election was a sham and the world, as well as Zimbabweans,will see it as
such. Rarely has a government acted so brazenly in rigging
apoll.

But we should not despair. In procuring his own return so
clumsily Mugabehas signed his political death warrant. He is so obviously
scared of his ownelectorate that he wants to silence their democratic voice
except in areaswhere his militias roam free. In so-doing he has forfeited
the nation'sconfidence and will now rule on the narrowest of political
bases, clearlynot the choice of many of those he affects to speak for. He
will have nolegitimacy at home and abroad the international community will
shun hisminority regime.

Jonathan Moyo said the conduct of the
election was "exemplary". It wasexemplary of how despots, lacking popular
support and determined to inflicttheir brutal and bankrupt rule upon a
restive nation, proceed to prolongtheir purchase on power. But for how much
longer we must ask?

This report does not purport to cover all
the incidents that are taking place in the commercial farming areas.
Communication problems and the fear of reprisals prevent farmers from reporting
all that happens. Farmers names, and in some cases farm names, are omitted to
minimise the risk of reprisals.

NATIONAL REPORT IN
BRIEF

A farm owner in Mutare
was summoned to a meeting at Mountain Home 14.03.02 by the three "war vets" on
farm.They said they would be taking
over Coldstream Farm immediately, which was issued with a Section 8 on
11.12.01.

The Nyamazaan manager, Featherstone,
returned briefly on 11.03.02 to collect a few possessions from his home, but was
unable to leave as he was barricaded in by a mob. Demands were made he pay the
workers’ retrenchment packages and he could then reclaim the money from the
owner. The situation was defused.

Wenimbi Valley - On the morning of
13.03.02, as it became clear which way the election result would go, a mob of
"war vets"/youths/settlers arrived at the homestead on Spes Bona farm,
confronting the owner. He was given six hours to get off the farm. The mob took
a tractor and entered a shed where some maize was stored, which they stole. The
group then proceeded to Ruware, where again the owner was given six hours to go,
and told his possessions were now theirs to share out amongst themselves. Police
response has been decisive.

Braeside
Farm, Banket, was looted 1630 hr on 12.03.02.The group of 33 damaged the outhouses then moved down to the farm
village.Both police and Support Unit
reacted, arresting 12 people.Meryl
Harrison of the National SPCA conducted an animal rescue on the
farm.

Chakari -
ZANU (PF) youths on the celebration night after the election result came out,
beat up two people on Mopani Park. They then went to Deweras and burnt three
houses as well as a beer hall and a kitchen in the farm village at approximately
2030 hr. Police did respond but the group went on to Chevy Chase Farm and burnt
21 kitchens outside the houses of all the work force. Police appear to be
responding and making arrests.

At Umjanjele Ranch, Masvingo, the
owner was told that now ZANU PF has won the election he had better sort the
grinding mill out and have electricity connected for its
use.

REGIONAL NEWS

MANICALANDGeneral -
it is unbelievably quiet in the towns.Headlands - A group
of youths went to a farm, demanding beer and meat for their celebrations.
Support Unit reacted very quickly and arrested the youths. On Wakefield Farm,
youths arrived but seemed to disperse very quickly.Mutare –
a farm owner was summoned to a meeting at Mountain Home 14.03.02 by the three
"war vets" on farm. They said they would be taking over Coldstream Farm
immediately, which was issued with a Section 8 on 11.12.01. The owners do not
feel it is a threat at the moment.Rusape - A local "war
vet" arrived at Arbeid Farm 13.03.02 and told the owner to be off the farm by
morning. The "war vet" followed up the next day and told the farmer to move all
off his cattle as he would be moving on his own herd. He then left someone to
keep guard. The incident was reported to the OIC, who stated he would not
tolerate these actions. Arbeid has been served with a Section
8.Chimanimani – Although MDC offices were broken into last
night no one was arrested in connection. Everything is quiet on the
farms.

MASHONALAND EASTBeatrice – on 14.03.02, "war
vet" Chitsinde was seen travelling along the Zanka road with Zanu (PF) youth and
a weapon was seen. Chitsinde arrived later at Adlams Rest and a lot of singing
and chanting took place before they left. At Nebo a driver was assaulted but
when police arrived he could not be found.Featherstone –
the Nyamazaan manager returned briefly on 11.03.02 to collect a few possessions
from his home, but was unable to leave as he was barricaded in by a mob. Demands
were made he pay the workers’ retrenchment packages and he could then reclaim
the money from the owner. The situation was defused. Harare South
- On 14.03.02, CIO searched the Harare South clubhouse and the club
manager’s house, taking his handheld radio. They went on to Edinburgh and
searched the son’s house. The son is chairman of the district radio committee.
They returned to the club where the radio repeater is sited. A lot of questions
were asked as the police suspected the repeater was used to communicate with
South Africa. They moved on to the PTC side of the repeater. As the farmer had
no key, the lock was broken off. The farmer could not answer the questions about
the PTC side so CIO bought the farmer a drink and left. At Walmer a small group
of Zanu (PF) youth ran around the house on the night of 12.03.02, singing and
keeping the owner awake. In the morning when the owner confronted them, most
were 14 year olds, with a couple of 18 year olds. The youth said it was his last
day on the farm and they would be back in the afternoon. He told them to go away
and they did, without returning. On Auk’s Nest a settler’s dogs got into the
sheep pen, killing six sheep. The police took statements but would not allow the
owner to shoot the dogs even though this was the second time it had
happened.Marondera Urban - Following the announcement of the election
result, the town was fairly quiet apart from a few scattered and passing
celebrations. Mood generally is sombre.Marondera South – on
Igudu Wedsec security guards made a checking visit to this farm that has
continued to come under pressure from "war vets"/Zanu (PF) youths. Whilst
driving out through an illegal roadblock, the "war vets"/Zanu (PF) youths
dropped a steel boom on to the vehicle, smashing the windscreen. The guards beat
a hasty retreat driving on a punctured tyre.Wenimbi Valley
- On the morning of 13.03.02, as it became clear which way the election
result would go, a mob of "war vets"/youths/settlers arrived at the homestead on
Spes Bona farm confronting the owner. He was given six hours to get off the
farm. The mob took a tractor and entered a shed where some maize was stored,
which they stole. The group then proceeded to Ruware where again the owner was
given six hours to go, and told his possessions were now theirs to share out
amongst themselves. A visit was also made to Bali Hai where similar demands were
made. No looting took place at the latter two farms. Police reaction was
decisive. Support Unit arrived at Spes Bona and arrested about 15 individuals.
The mob at Bali Hai dispersed as soon as Support Unit approached, and by that
time no one from the group remained at Ruware. This appears to have been driven
from the "war vet"/youth base on Malabar farm, commanded by "war vet" Wilfred
Marimo. On 14.03.02 at Mjanje Zanu (PF) youth from Zana arrived and took two
tractors and trailers and loaded up all the firewood at the boiler. They left
word the tractors would be found at Zana. Police and Support Unit arrived very
quickly, found the tractors and told the youth to behave. Tractors were
returned. On the night of 13.03.02, Riverside reported a mob resident at the
farm went to the farm village, where they damaged doors and windows, overturned
chicken coops and stole goods. Labour fled and spent the night in the bush.
DISPOL was informed. Marondera North - on 14.03.02 at
Dorset a settler sold 12 pine trees to the Marondera saw mills The police were
informed and an RRB number was given. At Essexdale jubilant Zanu (PF) youth
tried to get the guard to let them into the security fence. They left after an
hour with no damage occurring.Macheke/Virginia – On
8.03.02, Glen Somerset Farm reported an all night pungwe by Zanu (PF) youth and
"war vets". The owner reported on 14.03.02 that wood was stolen from the barns.
When the police were phoned they refused to react and the phone was put down. At
Wheatlands Farm a cow was slaughtered. The Hazeldene Farm "war vet" base
commander was seen openly carrying a 303 rifle. At Nyadora Farm the police put
up a notice at the farm, stating that anyone seen carrying any weapons, i.e.
axes, sticks etc, would be arrested between the 5 - 15th March. At Journeys End
Farm the owner’s cattle allegedly got into the settlers’ maize on Nygadzi Farm
The owner was forced to pay compensation of six bags of maize. He tried to
report this to the Police at Macheke but they refused to talk to him and put the
phone down on him. Wedza – on 11.03.02, "war vet"
Chigwedere has declared his intention to round up all farmers who assisted in
observing polling stations in the area. Enterprise - All
quiet. Rumblings at Mbare were quickly contained by the
police.

MASHONALAND WEST (NORTH)Trelawney/Darwendale
– there is some land pressure to take out tobacco
stalks.Banket – Braeside farm was looted 1630 hr on
12.03.02. The group of 33 damaged the outhouses then moved down to the farm
village. Both police and Support unit reacted, arresting 12 people. Meryl
Harrison of the National SPCA conducted an animal rescue on the farm. The local
vet lives on the farm and his car is frequently stoned by settlers. Wannock
Glen reported the Zanu (PF) youth and headman Ndundu, based themselves inside
the security fence and looted the outbuildings and workshops, in addition to the
pantry and laundry room. Although police responded, the situation has not been
defused. On Tramore Farm two dairy cows were slaughtered and eaten on 13.03.02
and a demonstration was held at the security gate. On 14.03.02, another
demonstration was held, with the mob threatening the killing of the cattle would
be nothing compared to what they would do. ZRP Mutorashanga spoke to the
demonstrators, who dispersed, promising to come back the following day when the
DA Zvimba will address them. Demands are made all over this area for food and
transport for a rally of celebration.Ayrshire – Chimbada
Ranch came under attack by looters on 13.03.02. The owner stayed in his house,
and had seven sheep stolen and ZW$ 12 900 in cash stolen from the farm
store.Doma – it was reported Police Support Units were
flown into the area by helicopter and a fixed wing aircraft.
Chinhoyi – the looting damage on Chisaki Farm is estimated
to be about ZW$ 2,5 million. On Hillpass Farm the looters took electrical goods
and linen. Maize is being seized in the area and Section 8s received.
Tengwe – a group of Zanu (PF) youth took maize meal and
meat from the butchery without paying for it. Karoi – a
demand for a cow to celebrate was turned down.

MASHONALAND WEST
(SOUTH)Norton - On Windsor the owner and his wife came home about
2200 hr and were attacked at their gate by a group of 70 people. They were
forced to dance and chant ZANU (PF) slogans in front of their labour. The
owner’s wife tripped over someone’s leg and was made to get on her hands and
knees to apologise, and slapped around the face. The group entered the house,
demanding the owner’s weapons, as well as radios and other items. They took
shotgun ammunition. Farmers went to Norton police station but police only
reacted after the owner had been evicted. Two cattle were slaughtered by the
group after the owner left after midnight. On Emojeni there are fifty ZANU (PF)
youths now living in the homestead. Selous - On Pilmiur Farm
settlers tried to burn the irrigated maize the owner grew for his work force.
The work force managed to put out the fire. Chegutu - On
Bougainvillea youth stole a tractor. Several hours later when police had not
responded they came back to steal another tractor, and then tried to steal a
third. They also got into the chicken run and killed 340 chickens as well as
driving 60 of their own cattle into the garden. ZANU (PF) slogans and chanting
went on around the front door of the house for some time. The same group also
went to Burnbank and took five bags of wheat. Police eventually responded and
some arrests made. Kadoma - On Glenview Farm there has
still been no reaction from police regarding Lieutenant Shumba's occupation of
the homestead. Lieutenant Shumba was in uniform and appears to have divided up
the contents of the house with sixteen others. They also broke into the
workshop.Chakari - ZANU (PF) youths on the celebration
night after the election result came out, beat up two people on Mopani ParkThey
then went to Deweras and burnt three houses as well as a beer hall and a kitchen
in the farm village at approximately 2030 hr. Police did respond but the group
went on to Chevy Chase Farm and burnt 21 kitchens outside the houses of all the
work force. Police appear to be responding and making arrests.
General - Various threats are issued by ZANU (PF) officials
regarding people that assisted in transporting polling agents etc. There are
also very strong demands for cattle etc to celebrate the victory of His
Excellency president RG Mugabe.

MASVINGOMasvingo East and
Central – at Fomax Dairy 18 metres of fencing stolen last Sunday
evening. Gutu/Chatsworth - Blyth Farm reported two youths
approached the owner on 13.03.02 and told the owner he and his workers had to
vacate the property by the following morning. He was also told the farm sheds
had to have all the contents removed, as these were required for a school that
all stealing done previously was now legal and he should take the above threats
seriously. The two youths’ wives arrived on the property 14.03.02 and said that
since they were not yet off the farm, they should expect a huge delegation of
people at 1400 that day (14.03.02).Save Conservancy -
Nothing to report.Mwenezi - Lumbergia Ranch reports one cow
speared by settlers. The owner had to destroy the cow. On LaPache Ranch one cow
and two steers were snared over the weekend of elections. Some meat was taken.
Nandice Ranch reported two youths were caught for poaching and snaring. Police
were too busy with elections to offer any assistance. While the owner was
transporting the poachers, a crowd surrounded the vehicle and the youths were
released. The owner was told hunting and poaching would continue regardless and
he had better accept it. The farm foreman was then summoned to a meeting at
1000 hr on 14.03.02, which he declined to attend. The settlers however made the
following demands:

No more cattle were to be moved on to Nandice Ranch

The owner must remove all his pumps and engines, as they would like to put
their own in.

The staff must vacate all their houses as they wish to take them over and
occupy them

The game scouts were not allowed to continue with their jobs and, should
they do so, they would be killed.

The owner should not return to the property and, should he do so, he too
would be killed.

At the Oerwoud Ranch owner’s cattle kraal, 13.03.02, settlers wired up the
labourer’s door and proceeded to beat on his hut with sticks, threatening to
kill him if he came out. They then killed two calves, taking the meat. The
labourer had to be released from his hut the next morning. On Merrivale Ranch
the owner had been told that should ZANU PF win the elections he should get off
his property. At Umjanjele Ranch the owner was told that now ZANU PF has won
the election he had better sort the grinding mill out and have electricity
connected for its use. On Edenvale Ranch 10 cattle were slaughtered over the
past few days.

MIDLANDSKwekwe - Grasslands/Kwekwe
Farms had their motor stolen from their pump on the night of 9.03.02. A reward
was offered for its return by the following night - it was returned. On
Belgrave Farm 35 cattle are reported missing and a search party is in operation
but another cow has been slaughtered on Sable. On Delvillewood Estates maize
theft is continuing. The four culprits are from Village 12 and can be
identified. It has been reported to the police.

DisclaimerUnless specifically stated that this message is a
Commercial Farmers' Union communiqué, or that it is being issued or forwarded to
you by the sender in an official CFU capacity, the opinions contained therein
are private. Private messages also include those sent on behalf of any
organisation not directly affiliated to the Union. The CFU does not accept any
legal responsibility for private messages and opinions held by the sender and
transmitted over its local area network to other CFU network users and/or to
external addressees.

LONDON, March 15 — British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw
said on Friday ''thegame is up'' for President Robert Mugabe after his
disputed victory in theZimbabwe elections. Britain has refused to
recognise Mugabe's victory, pledging to keepup the pressure on its former
colony and arguing that voters had been deniedtheir basic
rights.

Straw said he hoped that Mugabe and his ZANU-PF Party
would recognisethat ''The game is up. They have been found out. Robert
Mugabe thought hecould cheat his way to power.'' ''He thought he
could cheat his way to power and that nobody wouldnotice and he could get
away with it,'' he told BBC Radio. ''I hope very much he is coming
under the most intense pressure fromthe people who have the greatest ability
to put him under pressure, namelyhis African neighbours.'' Mugabe
was officially declared re-elected as Zimbabwe's president onWednesday after
a controversial and hotly-contested election. Britain accused Mugabe
of a sustained campaign of violentintimidation, but failed to win support
for action by the 54-nationCommonwealth before the vote. Straw
said leaders at the European Union summit which opens inBarcelona on Friday
would look at ways of strengthening sanctions againstthe leadership of
ZANU-PF. ''There is total widespread condemnation of the way Mugabe
stole thiselection and a readiness to continue with the humanitarian
assistance we areproviding to the people of Zimbabwe because of the way
Mugabe hasimpoverished his nation.''

March 15 2002 at 06:39AMThe beleaguered South African
observer mission to the Zimbabwe electionsreceived an unexpected helping
hand yesterday. It came from Colin Gwiyo,deputy general secretary of the
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU).

He made sense out of the
apparently contradictory assessment issued by thehead of the mission, Sam
Motsuenyane. Motsuenyane declared that, while theelections were not free and
fair, the "election process was legitimate".

"By this they seem to mean
that the form of the election event - competingparties, polling stations,
queues of voters - was followed, in accordancewith existing laws. But that
the democratic substance underlying it wasabsent," Gwiyo said.

In
other words, there was a facade that fairly accurately portrayed
themechanics of the polling days, within a legal framework. But the
frameworkundermined, and the overt processes hid, the reality that the
democraticrights of most Zimbabweans were subverted.

It was a way of
declaring the elections to have been a farce, but in such adiplomatic manner
as to try to avoid confrontation. "It was a very politicalassessment, along
the lines of South Africa's 'softly-softly' approach,"said a member of the
Zimbabwe Banks and Allied Workers' Union.

As such, it resulted in
confusion and derision directed at Motsuenyane whenhe stressed that the
elections had not been free and fair and insisted atthe same time that the
process had been "legitimate".

There was an outburst of laughter and some
jeering at the Harare pressconference at which the statement was first made
before a large group ofjournalists, international observers and diplomats.
Several diplomats walkedout.

But so far as many senior Zimbabwe trade
unionists are concerned, it is thesubstance of the elections that matters;
whether they followed the norms ofa parliamentary democracy and were as free
and fair as possible. "The SouthAfrican mission has said they were not free
and fair, and that is correct,"said Gwiyo.

He and ZCTU may be accused
of being overly generous in their interpretationof Motsuenyane's statement.
But the interpretation does make sense.

And what ZCTU says and feels is
important, both in a Zimbabwean and aregional context. Like Cosatu in South
Africa, ZCTU is the largest organisedcivilian grouping in that
country.

It has 30 affiliates organising a total of 150 000 workers, or
roughly 17percent of the sorely depleted workforce in the formal sector. Two
yearsago, before widespread retrenchments against a background of violence
andfarm invasions, 25 percent of a larger workforce was
unionised.

One of the hardest-hit unions is that which organised farm and
plantationworkers. Its 15 000 paid-up members and those who worked alongside
them werea prime target of "war veteran" and militia groups.

ZCTU
officials admit that the union now exists almost in name only. Itsmembers
have been intimidated and cowed, displaced and scattered, many ofthem badly
beaten and several killed.

Most of those who have fled the land have
added to an unemployment rate nowprobably exceeding 60 percent. As a result,
ZCTU has embarked on a programmeof organising in the informal
sector.

The federation is financially weak, but it boasts a strong
organisationalbase. It was this base that provided the impetus to make the
Movement forDemocratic Change (MDC) a serious challenger to the government
of PresidentRobert Mugabe.

But although the MDC is headed by former
mineworkers' union and ZCTU generalsecretary, Morgan Tsvangirai, ZCTU is not
an affiliate of the MDC.

"It is probably correct to say that most trade
unionists are MDC supportersand the ZCTU supports certain policies such as
democracy and transparencyadvocated by the MDC," said Gwiyo. "But we are not
part of the MDC. We arean independent trade union organisation, uniting
workers as workers."

In the immediate wake of independence in 1980, ZCTU
supported Zanu and,later, Zanu-PF.

A move from within the trade union
movement to affiliate to Zanu-PF wasrebuffed by Mugabe.

"He was
afraid of trade union influence, but it was a lucky escape for us,"said
Gwiyo. The unions remained an independent force, free to supportwhomsoever
they felt best served worker interests.

"Now we have to decide what is
the best way forward for us."

Part of this would involve discussions with
other trade union organisationsin the region, most notably
Cosatu.

The leading South African federation was still meeting yesterday
afternoonto decide its official attitude to the Zimbabwe elections. A senior
officialadmitted there had been a "problem" created by the fact that the
ANC, as thesenior partner in South Africa's governing alliance, had
apparently endorsedthe elections.

UNCERTAINTY was rife in the foreign currency market this week
ahead of theannouncement of the watershed presidential election result,
resulting indealers not buying or selling any currency.

The market
was this week in a flux; to sell or not to sell, with mostadopting a
cautious approach and standing in the wings.

Dealers said that they
were hedging to cut their losses if they sold beforethe market stabilised.
President Robert Mugabe's victory is expected to pushthe parallel market
rates up. The greenback is selling upwards of $350 onthe parallel market,
against 55 on the pegged interbank market.

"We will only start buying
forex next week after the announcement of theresults, but for this week we
are not buying or selling anything," onedealer

said.

"Zanu
PF has failed to inspire the market for the past two years andbesides, they
do not have any sympathisers in the international community."

The
government has been battling to find a workable exchange rate systemsince
August 2000, when the local unit was fixed at $38 against
thegreenback.

Since October 2000 the exchange rate has been fixed
at $55 to the US dollarand the resultant foreign currency crisis has seen
the mushrooming of athriving parallel market where the US dollar fetches
more than $325, thusrepresenting a premium of more than
490%.

At the Market with Tetrad: No cure in sight for
Zimbabwe's ailing economyBy Tony Fisher

AS the n'angas and family
members hover around the ailing patient,discussions become heated as to the
next course of action. The impoverishedfamily cannot afford the very
expensive foreign medical drugs as the patientstarts entering into the
comatose stage. Pleas for foreign assistance aremute. Who is this patient?
Obviously, of course, Zimbabwe.

Results coming through in recent weeks
have continued to defy the pooroperating environment in which our country
finds itself. To a large degree,pricing power and stock profits have been
the common thread, as the majorityof the following batch of financials
reveals.

Beginning with BiccCafca, the company experienced a
magnificent year,turning around a loss making position at year-end 2000. In
contrast withother exporting companies, domestic turnover, thanks to "number
onecustomer" Zesa, increased 249% to over $2 billion and was
largelyresponsible for the overall 210% growth in sales to $2,4 billion.
Exportswere up 84% to $338 million.

The higher volumes attained
as well as a focus on process improvement andmore effective material and
product flow, saw operating profit jump morethan twenty times to $425
million, and margins improved dramatically from2,6% to 17,8%. Despite
increased borrowings throughout the year, financecharges at $26 million were
only up 47% thanks to the low interest rateregime, and the company went from
an attributable loss of $17 million torecord a profit of $275
million.

Zimplow's interim results to December proved similarly
impressive. Turnoverwas up 220% on the comparative, to $535 million. Local
sales contributed 67%to this figure, whilst exports accounted for the
balance. The increase inturnover stemmed not only from price increases, but
from growth in unitsales, 56% locally and 36%
regionally.

Operating profit was up 300% as cost increases lagged
sales growth, andmargins, as if they weren't high already, were up 8% to
39,4%. Despite largecash outflows due to increased stock purchases, the
company remained cashpositive, and generated interest income of $7 million.
Attributable earningsfor the half-year were $153 million compared with $39
million in 2000. Thecompany expects the next six months to be challenging,
with margins comingunder increased pressure. The resettlement exercise
should go some waytowards offsetting this however, though the increased
prospects of afull-blown drought will affect negatively affect sales.
Year-end results atbest are expected to slightly improve on the first half
performance.

If Afdis's results are anything to go by, Zimbabweans
are continuing todrink their problems away! The distiller experienced
significant volumegrowth in most product categories, as it benefited from
high money supplygrowth and informal cross border sales. Net turnover thus
increased 230% to$1,9 billion. The productivity gains coming through as a
result of therestructuring exercise carried out during 1999, and tight cost
controls sawmargins improving from 16,4% to 28,9%. Operating income
increased 471% to$560 million.

As a result of an increase in
short-term borrowings, interest payable morethan doubled to $17 million.
Attributable earnings for the half year were$352 million, 469% up on the
comparative and more than double the amountachieved for the full year to
June 2001. The company remains a strong cashgenerator, managing to be cash
positive at the operational level despiteworking capital outflows of $449
million. Despite all the problems existingaround us, hic, management
considers that the company should maintain itsfirst half
performance.

Dairibord produced excellent results for the year ended
2001. Turnoverincreased from $3,4 billion to $6,9 billion, underpinned by a
first rateperformance from its subsidiaries, with Lyon's contributing 15% to
groupturnover, whilst Dairibord Malawi contributed 2%. Allied with the
subsidiaryperformances were regular price adjustments on products during the
year. Adecline in export volumes of 7% was offset by an increase of 12% in
exportrevenues as the company shifted from commodity to value added
products.Interest receivable declined by 41% to $98 million, despite the
company'shuge cash resources. Attributable earnings at $611 million were
123% higherthan the $274 million achieved in prior
year.

Management maintains price controls have so far had a minor
effect on itsperformance. In terms of future supplies, they do not foresee
any problemsas their view is that milk producers are still in possession of
an adequate,high quality herd. However, reports of culling by dairy farmers
due mainlyto problems with new settlers, as well as the shortage of stock
feed andmilk supplies to the public would seem to contradict this
view.

Now we look at the results of two of the listed clothing
retailers,Truworths and Edgars who reported interim and year end results
respectively.Both companies saw sales benefiting from same factors which
boosted Afdis'sturnover. With all the three chains under its umbrella, that
is Truworths,Topics and Number 1 performing well, turnover for the Truworths
groupincreased by 248%, 185% and 180% respectively. As a result overall
groupturnover was up more than threefold to $1,3 billion. The biggest
contributorto both sales and operating profit in the group remains the
Topics chain.

Improved productivity and stock turnover, allied with a
well manageddebtors' book and more efficient cost controls, saw operating
profit jump ahuge 761% to $323 million, and margins almost trebling from
8,6% to 24,7%.This resulted in attributable earnings growth of 613% to $225
million.

Edgars produced a much improved second half performance
after first halfsales had lagged inflation. Net turnover increased 126% to
$4,4 billion,with the Express chain experiencing the largest increase whilst
the Edgarschain remained the biggest contributor. The core clothing business
saw unitturnover increasing by 20% during the year, whilst overall unit
turnovergrowth was 36%. Operating profit more than doubled to $1,1 billion,
butmargins at 25% remained unchanged due to the weaker first half period.
Netinterest received declined due to the lower interest rates and the fact
thatthe investment in stock saw Edgars go cash negative compared with
theprevious year.

Attributable earnings growth was 120% to $712
million. Given the exceptionalnature of the operating environment this past
year, the company feels it maystruggle to match the inflation rate
performance wise in the current year.

Finally we look at the year end
results of Clan. Turnover was up by only 64%to $706 million, as the group's
core transport business for export ofmanufacturers' products experienced a
decline of 50% in terms of tonnagesavailable from existing customers. Most
of its other operations alsoexperienced a reduction in business. Operating
profit at 9% to $90 millionwas virtually flat, as margins were squeezed from
19,2% to 12,7%. Netfinance costs at $30 million were up 46%, inclusive of
$9,1 million in forexlosses.

An impressive performance from the
associated tyre business saw associateincome increase five fold to $75
million, and this helped boost theattributable earnings figure, which grew
76% to $88 million.

MOVEMENT for Democratic Change leader Morgan Tsvangirai has
rejected theprospect of a government of national unity as a South African
initiative tobring the MDC and President Robert Mugabe's Zanu PF together
ran into abrick wall.

Yesterday, as South Africa's deputy president
Jacob Zuma arrived in Harareto help rescue Zimbabwe from isolation,
international condemnation ofMugabe's stolen victory reverberated around
European capitals andWashington. US Secretary of State Colin Powell said on
Wednesday Mugabecould not claim democratic legitimacy.

"Mr Mugabe
may claim victory, but not democratic legitimacy," said
Powell.

Yesterday US Assistant Secretary of State, Walter Kansteiner,
in a radiointerview said "something had to be done" about Mugabe before
there could beany international assistance.

"We can't just live
with it," said Kansteiner.

"Living with it would, in fact, spell
economic doom for Zimbabwe because thegreater international community is not
going to come in and give theZimbabwe government the assistance that is so
desperately needed. Not whenyou have a very flawed electoral process like
that," he said.

Asked what the US would do now he said: "The most
interesting thing we do iswhat we don't do, in the sense that there won't be
economic assistancecoming. There won't be the rebuilding of the
infrastructure that is in suchdire straits right now in
Zimbabwe."

Zuma's visit is part of an attempt by Pretoria to sell to
Mugabe'sgovernment the idea of a government of national unity, diplomatic
sourcessaid yesterday.

Details of the meeting between Zuma and
Vice-President Joseph Msika were notimmediately available. But sources
yesterday said MDC leader MorganTsvangirai had been in touch with Chief
Shonekan, Nigerian leader OlusegunObasanjo's special envoy, regarding the
issue of a government of nationalunity.

Yesterday Tsvangirai
dismissed the possibility of the MDC participating insuch a government aimed
at reconciling the 1,2 million voters who opposedMugabe with the Zanu PF
regime.

"First of all Mugabe has to reconcile himself with the people
of Zimbabwe,"said Tsvangirai.

"This is not about appointing
people to certain positions without firstachieving stability. Mugabe cannot
buy legitimacy by forming a government ofnational unity with the
MDC."

Speaking yesterday, MDC secretary-general Welshman Ncube said
his partywould like to see a significant expansion of the targeted sanctions
alreadyin place, to cover a broader section of individuals associated with
Zanu PFwho he said were guilty of manipulating the electoral process to
deliver afraudulent victory.

"We also recommend that targeted
sanctions be extended to include thosebusinessmen whose financial wealth
stems from their close affiliation andloyalty to Zanu PF," Ncube said.
"Essentially we want all those pampered byMugabe's elitist system of
patronage to be exposed to the full impact oftargeted sanctions."

ZANU PF militias have been unleashed on commercial
farms whose owners areaccused of giving logistical support to the opposition
Movement forDemocratic Change in its bid to oust President Robert
Mugabe.

"So far 15 farmers have
been visited by groups of youths of varying size -up to 50 in a group - and
given up to six hours to leave. Five were inMashonaland West, three in
Mashonaland East and five in the Chegutu area,"said Williams.

The
militia has also gone on the rampage looting and slaughtering cattle onthe
farms.

"Of the 15 farmers visited, five had their homes looted with
Bruce Douglas'shouse in Lions Den being cleaned out. The farmers have
stay-ed put and insome instances so have small contingents of the groups who
demanded to befed. Two dairy cattle were slaughtered by the invading party
on one farm,"she said.

The Zimbabwe Independent was yesterday
inundated with calls from farmersaround Norton who said they were being
ordered off their farms by militiasat one hour's notice. Farmers in Banket
and Raffingora also reported threatsfrom militias

CASES of
vote-buying by ruling Zanu PF supporters were unearthed last weekin Bulawayo
where party members were caught in the act by South Africanelection
observers and international journalists in the
Lobengula-Luveveconstituency.

A group of women operating from a house
in Lobengula was seen taking downnames and identification numbers of
potential voters promising them money ifthey voted for President Robert
Mugabe.

One of the women approached by the Zanu PF supporters, Ethel
Moyo, tippedoff South African observers and the media who rushed to the
house and foundthe women with lists of people who had already been paid for
voting forMugabe.

The Zanu PF members claimed they were only
registering the names ofsupporters who wanted to vote. The exercise was also
seen outside a pollingstation in Makokoba and at MacDonald Hall in
Mzilikazi.

The women in Makokoba were allegedly paying $100 to anyone
promising to votefor the ruling party candidate.

Meanwhile,
scores of Zanu PF youths, who disappeared before the weekendpolls,
resurfaced at a polling station in Sauerstown on Saturday wherepolice
allowed them to form their own queue and to vote ahead of otherpeople who
had been queuing for hours.

When the Independent together with the
foreign press arrived at the pollingstation, scores of the militia were seen
milling outside the polling stationwhile a sizeable number were inside
casting their vote.

Independent election monitors stationed about 100
metres from the pollingstation said the youths were initially turned away
but later allowed to voteafter the intervention of Zanu PF
officials.

The election agent for the Movement for Democratic Change
at the pollingstation, Dave Mnkandla, claimed the youths were not on the
voters' roll butwere still allowed to vote.

Black and white, rich and poor, 'anyone who can'
prepares to join massexodusBy Karen MacGregor in Harare15 March
2002

The re-election of President Robert Mugabe is expected to
accelerateZimbabwe's economic crisis and prompt a mass exodus of the
professional andmiddle classes, both black and white

Many people had
been waiting to see what happened this week before decidingwhether to leave
a country whose economy has shrunk by 30 per cent a year inthe past two
years and shed tens of thousands of jobs.

One of them was Ben Mbanga, a
mechanical engineer. "Enough is enough," hesaid yesterday after a crowd of
2,000 led by a pistol-toting thug stormedthe gold mine he works for in
Kwekwe, south-west of Harare. He said: "Theywanted to pan for gold to
celebrate Mr Mugabe's victory. They forced theirway in and started
digging."

The people Zimbabwe can least afford to lose – the skilled and
the wealthy –are prominent among those who will leave. Already more than two
millionZimbabweans are living elsewhere, some 400,000 in Britain. A fresh
exodus islikelyas people contemplate continued economic collapse and
renewedinvasions of farms and businesses. State television has announced
that thetake-overs will be speeded up now that Mr Mugabe has a popular
mandate.

Many, but not all, of those planning to leave are well-off, and
many havealready tried to leave. In the first six weeks of this year,
neighbouringSouth Africa caught some 7,000 migrants, most of them poor, who
had riskedswimming the crocodile-infested Limpopo River to seek a better
life.

The shipping manager of one of the country's biggest removal
companies said:"We're expecting an awful lot of people to leave now so we're
gearing up.Most are going to Europe.

"The number of people going
abroad rose sharply last year, and we'reanticipating many, many more as
people look into a future with a worthlesscurrency, declining living
standards, more violence and no jobs ... Mostdon't want to leave but feel
they have to. Dual citizens are packing up andleaving for good."

A
smaller shipping agent said: "Who's leaving? Everybody who can."

Jacob
Mafume, a young lawyer in Harare, said he had been "paralysed" byconcern for
the future after the election result. He is staying put,believing that his
human rights work will be needed now more than ever. Hisfrozen productivity
has not been helped by the departure of his secretary,who has gone to work
in Britain.

Mr Mbanga sent his family to safety in Canada in November,
after "warveterans" began arriving at his home at night and demanding money
forretrenched workers.

"One night three truckloads of war veterans
arrived and, in front of ourkids, threatened us and demanded money. Things
got ugly. This is not whatyou want your children to see. I was also taken
hostage at the mine, withtwo other managers, for 24 hours by war veterans
who forced us to write thema cheque for 6m [Zimbabwe] dollars. There is no
rule of law here any more.It's scary and it's dangerous."

Lovemore
Moyo (not his real name), who has spent two years working in aHarare factory
to save enough money to take up a university place he hasbeen offered,
lights up when he hears I live in South Africa. "Please, giveme your
address. Can you find me a job? Forget about university here," hesaid. "I'd
do anything to live somewhere with a future."

The mood at the Movement for Democratic
Change's regional office in Bulawayoon Wednesday was one of disbelief at the
reelection of President RobertMugabe.

"Mugabe has clearly cooked up
the results," said an MDC member.

For an excerpt from the Africa 2002
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here.

A few hours earlier armed military personnel had stormed
the streets."Clearly they were trying to send us a message," said an MDC
supporter. Butthe opposition party is not sure how long it will be able to
restrain itssupporters. "People are angry - we cannot stop them!" said
TamsanqaMahlangu, a national executive member of the MDC's youth
wing.

MDC MP for Bulawayo David Coltart met representatives of the
ZimbabweanCongress of Trade Unions on Wednesday afternoon to try to calm the
situationand prevent workers from taking to the streets. Later
regionalrepresentatives plotted their course of action. MDC members would
wear blackon Thursday. They would be in mourning.

Matabeleland, which
comprises the provinces of Matabeleland North and Southand Bulawayo, is an
MDC stronghold. In the 2000 parliamentary elections theparty won 21 out of
23 seats there, losing only Beitbridge and Gwanda Southto
Zanu-PF.

Last weekend Zanu-PF not only managed to win more votes than the
MDC butincreased its support in die-hard MDC areas, such as in rural and
urbanMatabeleland.

Matabeleland comprises the Shona and Ndebele
communities. Thousands ofmembers of the Ndebele community were killed in a
Mugabe-led action in the1980s. Animosity towards Mugabe still prevails in
Ndebele areas such asTsholotsho in the north. It is therefore surprising
that Mugabe managed topoll more votes than the MDC in the area. Zanu-PF
support rose from 5634 in2000 to 10838 last weekend.

There also seems
to have been an unexplained spurt in the rural population,which apparently
voted for Mugabe. In Nkayi in Matabeleland North Zanu-PFsupport rose from
5746 to 11552, while there was little change in MDCsupport - 15601 in 2000
to 15616.

But perhaps the most surprising result came from Bubi Umguza in
MatabelelandNorth, where support for Zanu-PF rose from 6645 to
16433.

Even in traditional Zanu-PF areas support for Mugabe increased.
InBeitbridge Zanu-PF support rose from 12 988 to 16 448, while the
MDC'sslipped from 7686 to 6844.

"Even if the 1000-odd MDC supporters
went over to Zanu-PF, how do youexplain the materialising of the more than 2
000 new voters?" asked one MDCmember.

The MDCbelieves its supporters
were intimidated and prevented from going topolling stations around
Bulawayo. The party backs it argument with the dropin the number of votes
cast for it in the province's eight constituencies.The party won all eight,
but the votes dropped by an average of 2000 aconstituency. "It means those
people were prevented from voting," said aparty member.

Disbelief and
a feeling of hopelessness was evident in the rural areas
ofMatabeleland.

Roadworker Kismoir Siziba and his colleagues Phethile
Ndlovu and KessinkiNdou were upset at the outcome of the election. They had
hoped for change."There is no mielie meal - there will be no food . People
will fight forfood now," says Ndou.

Mtshiwa Mandekwa, an MDC polling
agent, fears that the MDC, particularly thewhite members of the party, will
now face increasing pressure from Zanu-PF.The MDC's regional office was
burned down in November last year. It hassince been rebuilt, but members
still conduct their business out oftemporary offices, which they keep
changing for fear of being raided orarrested.

President Thabo Mbeki is in a suffocatingly tight corner in
the aftermath ofa deeply flawed Zimbabwe presidential election, which
returned Robert Mugabefor a fifth term by a 500 000-vote margin.

By
late Thursday, more than 24 hours after the results had been announced,Mbeki
had significantly not pronounced on whether the election reflected thewill
of Zimbabwe's people. Western diplomats said his stance on the electioncould
make or break the New Economic Partnership for Africa's Development(Nepad),
the African recovery plan he is driving.

The presidency said Mbeki was
consulting world bodies and governments andhad already been in touch with
United Nations secretary general Kofi Annanand the United States government.
He would not comment before receivingreports from the South African,
regional, Organisation of African Unity andCommonwealth observer
missions.

However, Mbeki appeared to rule out any punitive response by
insisting SouthAfrica had "an obligation to assist Zimbabwe irrespective of
the outcome ofthe elections".

His cautious stance was welcomed by
Australian Prime Minister John Howard.The two men, together with Nigerian
President Olusegun Obasanjo, make up the"troika" of leaders charged with
deciding the Commonwealth's election stanceon the strength of its observer
team's report.

The fear in Western diplomatic circles is that the troika
will not be ableto reach agreement - despite the Commonwealth observer
team's finding,announced yesterday, that "conditions did not adequately
allow for a freeexpression of will by the electors".

The Nigerian
observer group has endorsed the election and Obasanjo isreportedly planning
to try to persuade Europe and the US to accept theresult.

One set of
pressures on Mbeki is domestic. The South African observermission under Sam
Motsuenyane endorsed the poll as "legitimate" and theAfrican National
Congress enthusiastically acclaimed Mugabe's victory.

Sources said the South African parliamentary observer team was
expected tosplit along party lines, with ANC members endorsing the poll at a
meeting ofthe team next week.

Mbeki will also be wary of breaking
ranks in a context where theinternational response to the Zimbabwe poll has
been largely polarised alongracial and "north-south" lines.

The
election result has been welcomed by the Kenyan, Zambian and
Chinesegovernments, as well by Namibian, Nigerian and Organisation for
AfricanUnity observers. The only dissenting African voice has been the
SouthernAfrican Development Community's parliamentary observer team, which
foundthat the election did not meet SADC standards.

In contrast, US
Secretary of State Colin Powell said there was "overwhelmingevidence the
election was neither free nor fair". The European Parliamentwas to hold an
emergency debate yesterday on a motion calling for theinternational
community to reject the poll, proposing "further measures"against the
Zimbabwe government and urging Mbeki to show "real leadership"and take tough
action.

British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw was expected to make what a
diplomaticsource described as "an extremely hard-hitting statement" in the
House ofCommons on Wednesday.

Mbeki is acutely conscious of the
reactions of the G8 countries' on whichNepad, and his personal attempts to
rehabilitate Zimbabwe in world financialcircles, critically
depend.

The Nepad plan entails an expansion of Western aid and trade
access inexchange for African self-policing on governance and
democracy.

Western diplomats expressed "disappointment" with Africa's
response to theelection yesterday, saying it seemed to be driven by racial
solidarity andsupport for an African liberation icon, rather than concerns
for goodgovernance and democratic practice.

The United Kingdom's
deputy high commissioner in South Africa, Andy Sparks,would say only that
the British government was "very interested" in howMbeki would react. A
Western diplomatic source, who asked not to be named,said: "Tony Blair is
sympathetic to Nepad, but if Mbeki rolls over onZimbabwe, British domestic
opinion may leave him little room for manoeuvre."

The diplomat said it
was unrealistic to expect the developed world toseparate Nepad and the
Zimbabwe election, as urged by South Africa's deputyforeign minister, Aziz
Pahad.

He expected the US and many European countries, particularly
Scandinavia andWest Germany, also to view "Zimbabwe - and the African
response to it - asan acid test of the continent's commitment to
democracy".

It appears South Africa is still pinning its hopes on the
formation of agovernment of national unity embracing the opposition Movement
forDemocratic Change. Indeed, government sources said a way out for Mbeki
mightbe to accept the election, but press publicly for a unity
government.

There was little sign of conciliation, or a softening of
pre-electionstrong-arm tactics, by Zanu-PF or its supporters on Thursday.
New landinvasions were reported in Chinhoyi, Banket, Raffingora and Chegutu,
withfarmers being given an hour's notice to vacate. The MDC complained that
thehouse of one of its MPs, Bethel Makwembere, had been teargassed and
raidedby police.

The editor of the Zimbabwe Independent, Iden
Wetherall, estimated that inHarare alone 350 000 of a potential 800 000
voters - almost the margin ofMugabe's victory - had been denied the right to
vote.

Wetherall said
there was deep frustration, particularly among the urbanyouth, over the
poll. But the heavy security force presence in urban areasmade large-scale
civil commotion unlikely. "We have no tradition of peacefulprotest in
Zimbabwe, and the MDC has made it clear it will not go to thestreets," he
said.

Observers in Zimbabwe are pessimistic about Mbeki's response,
pointing tothe public statements of his senior ministers in Zimbabwe.
Minister ofSafety and Security Steve Tshwete said last Friday he was
impressed withelectoral arrangements. Commenting on the arrest of MDC
secretary generalWelshman Ncube, Minister of Labour Membathisi Mdladlana
said he had veryserious charges to answer and should cooperate with the
police.

In its preliminary report the Commonwealth mission slammed the
activities ofZanu-PF paramilitary youth groups, finding that they unleashed
"a systematiccampaign of intimidation and violence" against MDC
supporters.

The observers also found police failed to probe reported
cases of violenceand intimidation, particularly against the opposition.
Thousands ofZimbabweans were disenfranchised by the electoral registration
process andthe wide discretion of the registrar general.

Let there be no doubt: South Africa's response to last weekend's
election inZimbabwe and its outcome will have a defining influence on the
life chancesof many millions of people in our region. This imposes a
heavyresponsibility on the shoulders of President Thabo Mbeki. For,
havingannexed to his office decisions on South African policy on Zimbabwe,
hecannot now offload the responsibility to apply South Africa's weight in
theregion. He must confront the reality that Robert Mugabe is back in power
andshould not be there.

The moral issue should be as clear to Mbeki
as it is to the majority ofZimbabweans whom Mugabe has cheated of the
president they want. Mugabebullied, swindled and gerrymandered his way to
victory over his rival,Morgan Tsvangirai.

The sorry Sam Motsuenyane
and others who determined the South Africanobserver team's report find this
difficult to recognise. They were,evidently, so blinded by Africanist
sympathies that they could not findagainst Mugabe, whatever he did.
Journalists and diplomats who jeeredMotsuenyane when he released his report
in Harare on Wednesday seemed torecognise this. A South African-based
diplomat yesterday described thereport to this newspaper as "laughable".
Motsuenyane's and his mission'sconclusion that Zimbabwe's presidential
election was "legitimate" wasfeeble-minded and morally
dishonourable.

Mbeki is also sometimes given to judging the merits of an
argument ongrounds of the ideological or racial origins of the antagonists
rather thanon the quality of the evidence and arguments they adduce. This
tendency isat odds with his modernising efforts in a number of fields,
particularlyeconomics. But Mbeki has all the intellectual equipment needed -
and muchmore - to take a rational approach to Mugabe, much as he does to the
issuesbefore our economy. Let us hope he can bring himself to do
so.

If Mbeki can, he will recognise that Mugabe constitutes - now more
thanever - a malign liability to Zimbabwe, to South Africa and to the
region. Hewill decline to make any noises about the election that will give
comfort toMugabe. He will make it clear in carefully modulated language that
SouthAfrica finds the conduct of the elections unacceptable - though it will
nowdeal with the victor. Mbeki will appreciate that it is vital that
Mugabeabsent himself, or be removed, from government in Zimbabwe as quickly
aspossible. He will ensure that South Africa does whatever is necessary
toprovide Mugabe with an easy way out - if needs be by helping him
findimmunity from prosecution in a foreign state. Mbeki will understand he
mustestablish relations with (and support) elements within the ruling
Zanu-PFparty and the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change who
recognisethe need for a far-reaching compromise between them if Zimbabwe is
not toimplode like Somalia. He will seek out Zimbabwean notables in the
churchesand elsewhere whose stature and reputations for integrity and fair
dealingsuggest they could facilitate early moves towards a government of
nationalunity in that country. And Mbeki will place in charge of these
efforts anindividual with the nous and cunning to chivvy the strategy along
- and thatexcludes the likes of Membathisi Mdladlana and Steve Tshwete, as
well as hishubristic foreign minister, Nkosazana
Dlamini-Zuma.

Alongside this strategy, he will have to develop another.
It must involvethe readiness of South Africa - with United Nations approval,
and inpartnership with its significant political allies in southern
Africa,Botswana and Mozambique, and in the West - to intervene in Zimbabwe
if thatcountry moves towards outright anarchy or large-scale violations of
basichuman rights. If Southern African Development Community (SADC)
governmentssuch as those in Namibia and Angola cannot commit themselves
explicitly todemocratic practice, we should not let them delay us in our
duty to thepeople of Zimbabwe. Rather, we should be content to leave them
behind.

Our attitude can no longer be one in which we humour or indulge
neighbourswhose behaviour has devastating effects on our currency, on our
ability toattract inward foreign direct investment and on our capacity to
create anenvironment in which our millions of poor people can prosper. We
have a realinterest in how our neighbours behave. Their behaviour is our
business. Theymust be made aware that we take this view. In other words, it
is time wethrew out the timidity that has largely characterised our foreign
policysince 1994. We have regional interests. We must advance and defend
them.

Beyond them, we have continental interests. If Africa is to develop
theproductive forces and markets it needs in order to rise out of its
poverty,some process akin that described in the new economic partnership
forAfrica's development (Nepad) will have to unfold. Nepad's lodestars
includegood governance, the rule of law, sound economic management and
democraticgovernment. These are values - moral, political and economic - on
which weshould brook no further compromise.

Zimbabwe is a very
important test of these values. We - and Mbeki - must notbe found wanting.

AFTER the theft by
Robert Mugabe of the election in Zimbabwe, the questionis whether even worse
must follow.

The prospects for any sort of democracy and human rights
are bleak. Theeconomy has collapsed. There is imminent danger of civil war.
And the scopefor outside help is very limited. The sanctions imposed by the
EuropeanUnion are very mild, but harsher sanctions would have no guarantee
ofworking.

British Commonwealth leaders are loath to criticise
President Mugabe. It isdifficult for Britain, or any former colonial power,
to press them.

Slender hopes must now rest on one country, South
Africa. For all itsinternal problems, it is the only credible source of
leadership for thewhole of southern Africa. But the West should not merely
shout from thesidelines. It should give Pretoria all the assistance it
needs.

OTTAWA (CP) - Canada has
withdrawn all funding to the Zimbabwean governmentand its officials won't be
welcome here, Prime Minister Jean Chretien saidtoday.Chretien said
Canada and its Commonwealth partners and other allies willdiscuss what other
action to take to show displeasure with the government ofPresident Robert
Mugabe, who was re-elected after a campaign that sawopposition politicians
detained amid an atmosphere of fear and intimidation.

Election observers
in the fractured African country issued a preliminaryreport today indicating
that the election last weekend was not free and fairand was held in a
climate of fear.

Government officials in Zimbabwe have repeatedly denied
irregularities.According to the government, Mugabe won a new six-year term
with about 56per cent of the vote.

The 78-year-old former freedom
fighter who has led the southern Africacountry since its independence from
white rule, was once hailed as a modelof African statesmanship. But for the
past two years he has resorted toviolence to cement his hold on
power.

Chretien's statement said the Zimbabwean people showed courage
anddetermination in exercising their democratic rights "under
difficultcircumstances."

"We implore the Zimbabwean government to
provide transparent legal recourseto those arrested or detained in recent
days," the statement said.

In Washington, President George W. Bush also
said the United States isconsulting with other countries to decide how "to
deal with this flawedelection."

HARARE (Reuters) - Zimbabwe is facing growing global diplomatic
isolation ascriticism of its presidential poll mounts, but it has the
support of manyAfrican neighbours.

The world was still waiting on
Friday for a clear verdict on the poll fromregional economic giant South
Africa, which has sent out conflicting signalson its assessment of the March
9-11 poll that kept President Robert Mugabein office.

South Africa
has been criticised for taking a soft approach in the face ofits neighbour's
growing political and economic crisis which has dentedinvestor confidence in
the world's poorest continent.

One casualty has been South Africa's rand,
which has been mauled partlybecause of events in Zimbabwe.

South
African Deputy President Jacob Zuma went to Harare on Thursday
tocongratulate Mugabe and pronounced the poll in which he defeated
challengerMorgan Tsvangirai free and fair.

"We sent observers here,
who were here observing each and every detail. Theyhave reported back and
made their statement to say the elections werelegitimate, are valid, they
were free and fair and we've got to respectthat," Zuma told state television
in Zimbabwe after meeting Mugabe.

It was not clear if Zuma reflected
official policy.

A spokesman in Pretoria said South African President
Thabo Mbeki had stillnot reached a verdict on the election.

WEST,
AFRICA DIVIDED

Opposition leader Tsvangirai, who accuses Mugabe of
bringing the formerlyprosperous nation to the brink of economic ruin, said
the president stolethe election through violence and by preventing tens of
thousands of peoplefrom voting.

Commonwealth observers, Britain and
the European Parliament added theirvoices on Thursday to the chorus of
condemnation of the poll. But there wasapproval from Nigeria and Namibia as
well as South Africa, exposing cleardivisions with the West.

The
61-member Commonwealth observer group issued a scathing report
sayingMugabe's re-election did not reflect the will of the people, that the
pollhad disenfranchised thousands of voters and was held in a climate of
fear.

British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw said London would deny access
tointernational funds for its former colony, which has been ruled by
Mugabeever since the end of white rule and independence in
1980.

"Zimbabweans have plainly been denied their fundamental right to
choose bywhom they are governed," he told parliament.

The European
Parliament slammed the election as "not free and fair" andcalled on the
European Union to widen the scope of sanctions against Mugabeand his inner
circle. The United States said on Wednesday that it did notrecognise the
election result.

Zimbabwe dismissed the criticism.

"The
Commonwealth...had 42 observers and 19 staff members, and most of whatthey
would say, you would expect it is based on hearsay because they werenot
everywhere," Information Minister Jonathan Moyo said in remarksbroadcast on
state television.

"Europeans put Europeans first. Americans put Americans
first. A time hascome, for us not to be surprised, when Africans put
Africans first. We arean African country, a proud African country," he
said.

South African poll observers criticise 'legitimate'
findingBy John Battersby in Johannesburg15 March 2002

Some
members of South Africa's observer mission in Zimbabwe broke ranksyes-terday
to criticise the dele-gation's decision that the re-election ofRobert Mugabe
was "legitimate".

Bobby Godsell, who was a member of the 50-strong South
African team, said:"I am both confused and uncomfortable about the use of
the word 'legitimate'to describe the Zimbabwean poll."

Another
observer, who preferred not to be identified, said he and two otherSouth
African observers had been taken aback by the "hardline policeharassment of
government opponents" in the election, both in urban and
ruralareas.

When the observer mission leader, Sam Motsuenyane, a
South Africanbusinessman, announced their findings in Harare on Wednesday he
wasreportedly jeered by journalists and diplomats.

South Africa's
Deputy President, Jacob Zuma, who held talks in Harare withPresident Mugabe
yesterday, said the government in Zimbabwe was "happy" withthe observers'
report that concluded the election "should be consideredlegitimate" but not
"free and fair." But Mr Godsell said that he wasconfused by the conflicting
terminology used.

He said: "I don't understand the difference between
legitimate and free andfair. I don't understand how an election can not be
free and fair but canalso be legitimate."

Mr Godsell was an observer
in Harare where there had been some "distinctproblems".

"I understand
that the mission is to release a final report and I amassuming that there
will be an opportunity to debate and discuss thefindings that have been
made," he said.

"So I am hoping that there will be a chance to clarify
the irregularitiesbut I concede that the damage has been done already by
now."