Western North Africa, known as Ifrikia or Berberia before Arab occupation,
is known nowadays as Maghreb, that is 'west' in Arabic. It has also been
referred to as 'the end of the world' or 'the edge of the world' occasionally.
The region includes Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia. The Atlantic Ocean in the
west, the Mediterranean in the north and the Sahara in the south to the Lybian
desert in the east surrounded it to make it an 'island' into itself, even if it
was not in reality.

Hebrews knew Maghreb and Maghreb knew the Hebrews since antiquity, according
to legends. The 4500 kilometers that separated Jerusalem from Fes, did not keep
Hebrews away and the 'edge of the world' was not an edge at all for them.
Phoenicians, Greeks, Romans and Vandals, and most recently the French among
other Europeans have always come and gone, as if they hardly existed, but Arabs
and Jews inhabited North Africa until very recently.

Ephraim

In oral accounts, Joseph led Egypt to greatness around 1350 BCE. Hebrews
settled in Egypt because it offered opportunities but also because droughts and
tribal rivalry left little room for Hebrews in Canaan. Canaanites as well as
internal family feuds made Hebrews seek greener pastures. Ishmael made claims
on Abraham's land leaving little room for his brother Isaac. Later Jacob sought
refuge in Aram in fear of his brother Esau. But beyond canonized Biblical
accounts, oral tales tell another story. Hebrews did not migrate east only.
They sailed to the edge of the world to places such as 'Tarshish' and
'Sepharad,' which were located in the west, rather than in the east. No one can
tell where Tarshish and Separad are for sure, but there is little doubt that
they were in the far west, possibly as far as Morocco or Spain.

Oral tales suggest that Ephraim, one of Joseph's sons, occupied territories
west of Egypt (around 1300 BCE). It is not clear exactly where but elderly
Moroccan Jews believed firmly that they were descendents
of Ephraim. According to them, Ephraim established a kingdom in Ifrikia and
that it survived, albeit in altered forms until the time of the Mouahidoun
(1147 CE). Scattered evidence validates their accounts, for example: the
massive adoption of Judaism by local tribes in North Africa, the existence of
the kingdom of the Djeruya, tribal names such as Ait Israel and Ait Mussa and
more to be discussed later.

Biblical accounts convey that a new Pharaoh who did not 'know' Joseph
oppressed the Hebrews and imposed upon them immigration restrictions. The
Hebrews rejected the immigration restrictions and negotiated greater quotas.
When Pharaoh refused, Egyptian Hebrews called upon allies (Medianites) and
Hebrew brothers who remained in Canaan to assist them (and possibly other
Hebrews based in the south (Ehtiopia) and the west (Ephraim)). The long
struggle resulted in the legendary 'Exodus.' But did all Hebrews
immigrate eastward? Oral tales suggest otherwise. Hebrews in all likelihood
moved in other directions. Some went west to join Ephraim and some moved south
to Sudan and Ethiopia. Oral accounts propose that Moses led a kingdom in
southern Egypt prior to assuming the leadership of the Hebrew rebellion and
Exodus (1279 - 1212 BCE).

Oulad Moussa

An oral tale suggests that Children born to Moses with Zipora the Medianite
settled in Sigilmassa (Mount Moses), south of the Valley of Ziz. They settled
there in a very ancient time (about 1250 BCE), presumably as a protest that
their father was forbidden from crossing the Jordan into the Land of Israel.
The children of Moses walked bare feet to the 'edge of the world' where a voice
from heaven said that the Valley of Ziz would be renamed Sigilmassa and that
the caravans going North or South would passed there to make it the greatest
city South of the Atlas Mountains. And God's name became known beyond the
mountains and there were more people who claimed affinity to Moses (Oulad
Moussa) than any other people in all of Ifrikia. Oulad Moussa lived in
Sigilmassa in peace and great was their reputation in Ifrikia for their wisdom
and wealth.

After the destruction of the Temple (586 BCE), the Children of Israel (Ait
Israil) found refuge in Sigilmassa and their name is still remembered there
till this day. Moses' Children (Oulad Moussa) welcomed the Children of Israel
and showered water upon them, for that was the custom they remembered from
Mount Sinai. According to this tale, the Hebrews fell asleep at the foot of
Mount Sinai while waiting for Moses when he went to fetch the Commandments. The
Children of Moses showered water upon the Children of Israel to awaken them.
Till this day, Jews of Maghreb sprinkle water each on another in Pentecost
(Shavuot). For they remember 'the showers of awakening' and related blessings
associated with rain and water (see for example Mazel, 1971 based on 'The
Secret History of the Jews Of Dra').

Legends convey also that Canaanites migrated westward at a result of the
Hebrew conquest of Canaan led by Joshua (1200 BCE). Another wave of migration
westward occurred when David defeated Goliat (1004-964 BCE). Subsequently, Yoah
Ben Zeruya's chased Canaanites and pursued them as far as 'the edge of the
world.' (A kingdom of the Djeruya, in all likelihood descendents of Yoav Ben
Zeruya, existed in North Africa till the days of the Arab conquest.) Similar
legends suggest that Hebrews sailed westward on Tarshish sailboats in all
likelihood to Ifrikia and Spain. A review of relevant ancient sources by
Hirschberg suggests that the antiquity and reliability of these oral traditions
should not be doubted. It is possible that local populations developed some
affinity to Judaism around this time (Hirschberg, 1965).

Under the influence of the Phenicians
Cathaga, 814 - 146 BCE

No one knows when Hebrews traveled to the 'edge of the world' with
certainty. One thing is sure: Hebrews did travel back and forth from Canaan to
the 'edge of the world' since a very ancient time. They marched through desert
sands to escape war and walked on Northern paths through Europe in search of
adventures but most often, they sailed along Mediterranean Shores to trade. For
a chain of settlements linked Canaan to the 'edge of the world' and people
hopped from one place to the next all the time. It happened long before the
destruction of the First Temple (about 586 BCE). Carthaga (814 BCE) is
remembered in some historical accounts, but there was more than Carthaga to the
Old World and Hebrews knew it. If there is no doubt about sailing back and
forth between Phenicia and the 'edge of the world,' there should be no qualm
about Hebrews traveling there too.

According to popular tales, King Solomon (965 BC) sent tradesmen westward.
They were expert in construction as well as in arts and crafts. These envoys
built a synagogue in 'Gheriba' on a cornerstone brought from Solomon's Temple.
Tales suggest that another synagogue was built in Jerba (Tunisia) around that
time (Selouche taf shin bet; Gerber 1992).

300 BCE - 700 CE

Jews in Lybia and Tunisia The earliest historical evidence indicating that
Hebrews lived in North Africa is from the time of King Talmay (285-323 BCE),
who sent 100,000 Hebrew soldiers to Cyrene (Lybia). Greek sources indicate
further that Hebrews lived in significant numbers in Egypt and in every city in
the world and that their influence was considerable. Later Roman sources
suggest that Jews had a communal autonomy in Cyrene and Bereniki (contemporary
Bengazi). It seems that at least one million Jews lived in Egypt and Lybia and
that the Jewish population in the region increased following the destruction of
the Second Temple. Some Jews immigrated to the area of their own free will. But
Romans also brought Jewish slaves to farm North Africa lands, i.e., Titus
(Hirschberg, 1965).

Talmudic sources also mention North Africa, referring specifically to
Cartage (tevota detunes) and Berberia 'beyond which the world is inundated by
sea.' Galpira the widow of Herod's son Alexandros married Joba, the King of
Mauritania. Zealots retreated to North Afrika in significant numbers in 73 CE
and tried to incite a rebellion against Rome there too. African Jews refused to
support the zealots and informed Roman authorities. Subsequently, Jonathan the
leader of the zealots claimed that wealthy Jews, including Josephus Flavius
(i.e., Yossef Ben matatiahu), were behind the rebellion. Aspasianus Ceasar did
not believe Jonathan. Josephus was spared but 3000 wealthy Jews were executed
in Egypt. It is possible that zealots who found refuge in the region organized
the rebellion against Rome in the time of Trianus Ceasar (96-117 CE). Rabbi
Akiva visited Africa before the rebellion but it is not known if he supported
it or not. The rebellion was of significant dimensions and spread all the way
to Mesopothamia. A Berber legion led by Lucius brought the rebellion under
control. Talmudic sources address the dispersion of the Jews as far as Berberia
('Some of you went to exile in Berberia…).

It is very likely that many Jews moved further to western North Africa
following the massive destruction of Jewish settlement in eastern North Africa.
Archeological findings provide evidence that Jewish settlements existed in
western North Africa as far as Volubilis (near contemporary Meknes in Morocco)
as well as in Sale and Tangier. Within five hundred years, the forest of North
Africa were chopped, lions were shipped to Roman arenas, elephants to Caesar's
battle fields and new crops overtook the virgin land to yield vine, olives and
wheat to feed a growing appetite of the Empire. The fate of the Hebrews, many
of them slaves, was sealed. It was their destiny to alter the face of Rome and
Ifrikia. There can be little doubt that Jews served Romans in North Africa
(Hirschberg, 1965 and Flavius, 1996).

The Spread of Judaism in the Roman Empire and the
Development of Christianity. 70 - 430 CE.

Of all the nations conquered by Rome, only the Jews maintained their old
laws and traditions. Paradoxically, their dispersion in the Empire became an
asset. It brought them close to remote populations, who adopted Judaism or came
very close to adopting it in significant numbers. Many people worshipped the
Divine in Heaven in North Africa. And all the efforts of the Romans to prevent
this worship failed. After a time, even Romans succumbed to the charm of
Judaism and when they did, the evolving and internal split in the synagogue
opened wide. A new church rose from within the synagogue to gather strength.
The foundation of the Roman Catholic Church was laid in North Africa, more than
anywhere else (Saint Augustus, 354-430 CE, The Divine
City).

But the emergence of Christianity from within Judaism to dominate the Roman
Empire could not be an internal Jewish matter entirely. For as much as it was
an active Jewish adaptation of Judaism to the Greco-Roman world, where
assimilation was rampant, it was a pro-active adaptation of Judaism to the
needs of local inhabitants who liked Jewish life but were prevented from
adopting it by Roman as well as Jewish conservative authorities. In this
context it is likely that early Christians, who were despised and persecuted in
their beginning, developed a reactionary response, which formed the foundation
of anti-Semitism.

In the beginning, the division between Jews and Christians related to Jesus'
teachings and primarily his stand on social justice, i.e., his objection to
Roman and Jewish elites exploitation of the people. Immediately after the
destruction of the Temple and the dispersion on the Jews in the Roman Empire,
the Sabbath and consumption practices began to distinguish Jews from
Christians. The latter were in the most assimilated Jews in need of a
theological platform to ease their integration in the Roman Empire. It is only
at a later stage that circumcision separated between Jews and Christians
because Gentiles adopted Judaism in an increasing number, partly for economic
reasons, i.e., business relations and freedom from slavery after seven years and
partly for socio-cultural reason such as learning traditions and rest on the
Sabbath.

The honor of enslaved men and women in Jewish households was protected.
Owners could not take advantage of them sexually. Sexual abuse led to
liberation, i.e., an abusive owner had to marry the abused slave. A man could
have sex with his slave without the permission of his wife. The same rule
applied in the case of taking a second wife. Jewish slave owners did marry
gentile slaves in the time of the Romans. A similar practice continued under
Islam. Most slaves converted to Judaism. Many children were born from such
relations. Most children were raised as Jews. This may explain why the Jewish
population grew significantly in North Africa, in spite of the split between
Judaism and Christianity (see for example Hirschberg, 1965).

Oral accounts suggest that although the split within synagogues and
communities in Ifrikia was in the most part peaceful, there were occasion when
it turned into bloody battles. Names such as 'El Hi Ani' (I am a living God)
may be a vestige of a period when Jews adopted names to flag adherence to
Christianity. Correspondence linked Ifrikia to Babylon and Jerusalem and
Tiberias in the time of the Mishnah and the Talmud. Correspondence between an
Aghamat rabbi (near Marrakech) and Babylon is mentioned in the Talmud. North
African rabbis were trained in Babylon as late at 1000 CE. Rabenu Nissim and
Rabenu Hananel who taught in Kerouan (contemporary Algeria) were among the last
to study in Jewish centers of learning in Babylon before its decline. A network
of runners, merchant-ships, caravans and an official post office, often
non-Jewish, linked between east and west. Later, haj' caravans played a postal
role under Islam. Routes between east and west were well established. The
seashore route linked Zur, Acre, Gaza, Alexandria, Cyrene, Mahdia, Sebta, Ksar
El Kbir, Tangier, Arzila, Larache, Sale, a'Zemour,
Safi, Essaouira and Agadir. A mountain route from Marakesh, Aghamat, Melal,
Meknes, Fes, Taharat, Messila, Ashir, Kala't Hmad and Mjana connected to the
sea route. A southern route went from Sousse, Kubbe, Talwit, Melal, Dra',
SigilMassa, Wa' rglan, Babess, Nafezawa, Al Hama, Gedams, Messine, Jadua,
Nafussa, making SigilMassa was a gate to the South, deep into Africa.
Pilgrimage made Cyrene a main stop between east and west as well as north and
south. The pilgrims' route had stops at Bagdad, Haleb (Alepo), Damascus,
Tiberias, Ramlah, Cairo, Barka, Lebda, Trablus, Kabess, Sussa, Mehdiah, Cyrene,
Alger, Messila, Ashir, Taharat, Tlemcen, Oran, Sebta, Tangier, Sla (Rabat),
Fes, and Aghamat (Marrakech). A trip lasted 30 days from Cyrene to Sigilmassa
in land, or 50 days along the sea route. Commercial relations made routes
viable. There were markets in every transit town, especially in Cyrene and
Trablous. Ifrikia supplied beautiful mixed race women, oil, wool, silk, horses
and donkeys, animals such as sheep and cows, turmeric, pepper, saffron,
leather, and leather products, fruits, dates, wax, among other products. There
would have been no commerce if there were no elaborate transportation and
security systems. Routes survived and even strengthened under Arab rule.
Security weakened only when central government became unstable as accounts of
piracy indicate (see for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki,
1985).

Under the influence of the Vandals
429 - 533 CE

In 429 CE, German Vandals crossed the marine bridge that linked Mount Tarik
(Gibraltar) to Tingitana (Tangier). Within ten years Berberia fell in their
hands and by 455 CE, local inhabitants rallied around them to take vengeance of
Rome and rob it of the wealth it acquired by its strong arm.

Those were the days when the holy vessels of the Temple brought by Titus
from Jerusalem to Rome found refuge in Carthaga. The Vandals, who lived by
their swords the whole days of their existence, fell in the hands of Byzantium
and disappeared from the face of the earth. The holy vessels of the Temple were
moved to Constantinople (533 CE). Jews lived in relative peace under the rule
of the Vandals but significant constraints were imposed on them as soon as
Byzantium re-conquered North Africa due to catholic influence (see for example
Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985).

Under the influence of Byzantium
533- 685 CE

The rule of Byzantium in North Africa, marked by persecutions and economic
exploitation, threw the whole region into economic and cultural decline. Jews,
Christian Vandals and Pagans alike escaped deep into Berberia, for if Rome took
the cream of their crop, Constantinople cut into their flesh and deprived them
religious freedom. It is also important to note that although Byzantium ruled
over large areas in North Africa, its control over the region was not complete.
North Africans always knew how to preserve their freedom by retreating to
remote areas and Jews did the same. For this reason Jews settled remote centers
such as Sigilmassa. Jews emigrated from Spain to Mauritania-Tingitania
(Morocco) for similar reasons (see for example Gibbons 1979, Hirschberg, 1965
Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985).

Historical sources indicate that Jewish communities were well organized.
Synagogues were the focal point of communal organization as well as education.
Some Jews served in the Roman Army but others were involved in farming, trade,
commerce and transportation (shipping). There were centers of wealth in North
Africa and it is likely that Jews did not fare badly. As usual, although
congregation around synagogues and education preserved Jewish traditions, involvement
in secular occupations and mobility led to assimilation. Jews adopted not only
local languages but local names and customs too. In spite of the assimilation
tendencies, Jews preserved their identity. They also maintained ties with other
Jewish centers and especially Israel, to which they returned to dedicate their
life to learning or to spend the end of their days. This pattern held many
centuries (Hirschberg, 1965).

Jews acquired Roman citizenship and were dispersed in the Empire. However,
the split in synagogues evolved and when Christianity gathered strength and
became a state religion, debates and anti-Jewish propaganda spread, turning
into violent conflicts from time to time. Christian sources indicate that Jews
practiced their religion freely and that many gentiles adopted Jewish
traditions, although they did not convert fully. In this context it would be
appropriate to raise the issue of massive adoption of Judaism in the region.
Arab and Jewish sources tend to confirm oral tales that Judaism spread in North
Africa. It is well established that "Heaven Fearer" had close
affinity to Judaism during the Roman era. However, with the rise of
Christianity in the region, many gentiles opted for it. Subsequently most of
the gentiles who were associated with Judaism (i.e., the Djeruya) and
Christians converted to Islam. Based on general probability trends, it would be
reasonable to assume that some Jews adopted Islam too (Hirschberg, 1965).

Under the influence of the Arabs
600 CE

The decline of the Roman Empire began when its exploitation of foreign
nations reached its peak. To some extent, the daring war of the Hebrews against
mighty Rome marked the beginning of its decline. It demonstrated to the Old
World that small nations could stand up to Roman might. But the Hebrews paid a
heavy price. Israel was destroyed and its citizens scattered in the Roman
Empire, many as slaves. But mighty Rome paid a heavy price too. Its plans to
subdue Parthia were curtailed and Rome's fault lines began to show. Byzantium split
from Rome and the Empire ran out of steam. By this time Jewish thinking
filtered through the Roman mind, to be reborn in a Christian spirit. Throughout
the tumultuous changeover, Arab tribes, inspired by Hebrew prophets, sought to
establish a New World Order where the pursuit of justice became more
fundamental that before (see for example Gibbons 1979, Hirschberg, 1965,
Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985).

Glory and Uncertainty under Islam

After a period of expansion and glory of Mohammad, division grew in all the
lands that came under the reign of Islam, for Sunnis slaughtered Shiites, as if
they were not brothers at all. So great was the animosity between Caliphs from
Egypt to Baghdad and between Emirs from the Near East to the Far West that the
days of peace and prosperity were clouded by war.

Ever since, it has been prescribed that prosperity would spread in Arab
lands only in times of abundance and that uncertainty would reign there in
times of scarcity. For whenever only a few enjoyed the wealth of the land, rain
withdrew its grace from it and crops did not rise from its depth and hunger
drove distant tribes to pirate what was left. Those were days of instability
for every one, but Hebrews suffered most, for even protectors turned against
them. But in days of abundance, Jews were protected as dhimmis and were better
off than the Christians and the foreign 'a'jam'. Jews managed their own affairs
and excelled in their occupations and commanded much respect in the land, in
spite of the head tax (dhimma) and legal restrictions imposed by Omar.

Most Christians converted to Islam in North Africa. But some preferred
conversion to Judaism because they could practice Christianity under cover of
Judaism without fear, waiting for an opportunity to return to Christianity when
possible (see for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985).

Dahia al Kahana and the Djeruya Kingdom.
582 - 702 CE

As mentioned earlier, oral accounts indicate that Ephraim established a
Hebrew Kingdom in North Africa. Historical evidence also point to a significant
growth of the Jewish population in North Africa following the destruction of
Jerusalem and the dispersion of Jewish slaves in the Roman Empire as well as
due to the adoption of Judaism by Berbers and Romans alike. Jews were strong
enough to rule at least parts of the region. Little is known of the legendary
kingdom of Ephraim. Yet, when Arabs made an attempt to spread Islam in North
Africa, they met stiff resistance from the Djeruya, sometimes pronounced
'Tseruya' or 'Zerouya'. The Djeruya, according to oral accounts, were
descendents of Yoav Ben Tseruya (1004 - 965 BCE), yet another indication as to
the existence of a strong Hebrew presence in Ifrikia in antiquity.

Hassan Ben Nou'man beat the Byzantines in North Africa in 685 CE and
conquered Carthaga. Kusseila, a Christian Berber, the military leader of the
Byzantines fell in the hands of Hassan and adopted Islam. But Kusseila was a
Berber and an ally of Dahia, the Queen of the Djeruya, with whom he had a son.
And when Hassan Ben Nou'man sent Kusseila along with Ukeiba, his chief of
staff, against the Djeruya (687 CE), Kusseila betrayed the Arabs in the course
of the battle. The Arabs had to retreat to Cyrene due to significant losses and
in spite of some gains in the battlefield.

Many Arab prisoners fell in the hands of the Djeruya. Dahia adopted Khaled
Ben Yazid, an Arab of privileged descent. She learnt from him that the Arabs
were interested not only in converting Ifrikia to Islam but also to establish
an economic base along the North African coast, which was rich in port cities
and essential to control commerce in the Mediterranean as well as to launch a
campaign against Christian Rome from the West.

Dahia destroyed all the settlements along the coast of North Africa from
Tripoli to Tangier, assuming that it would make the region less attractive to
the Arabs. But the destruction caused a deep rift in North Africa and Dahia
lost her support among Berbers, Christians and Jews alike.

While Hassan Ben Nou'man waited for reinforcement in
Barka, Dahia prophesized her loss. Khaled Ben Yazid informed Hassan Ben
Nou'man as to the state of affairs in the Djeruyas' camp. Five years after the
retreat to Barka, the Arab army defeated the Djeruya at Bir Al Kahena, named
after Dahia till this day. Dahia died in 702 CE. Dahia's sons, the Djeruya and
most of the Berber tribes adopted Islam shortly thereafter. Ever since, there
was hardly any memory left of the Christian era in Ifrikia, and gone were the
vestiges of Rome, the Vandals and Byzantium with it. Yet, although many Jews
adopted Islam, Judaism managed to survive for the price of a head tax (dhimma).
The surviving Jews became dhimmis in Arab lands until the establishment of the
State of Israel. Ifrikia or Berberia became known as Maghreb.

Then, in the time when Al Hakim Be'amer Allah ruled Egypt, evil took over
eastern North Africa. Every holy place that was not Muslim East of Cyrene was
leveled or burnt to the ground. People deserted the East and sought refuge in
the West, for Maghreb had been a land of refuge since antiquity. And as the
East declined, the Maghreb rose (see for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983
and Chouraki, 1985).

Walil (Volubilis)
Enf of 8th century

Idriss I, the son of Fatma, the daughter of the Prophet Mohamed deserted the
East and went to Maghreb. Tales recount that news had reached Idriss that the
west was blessed. And when he saw that the land was good and its people pure,
he established a kingdom there. And he made Walil (the old Volubilis in the time
of the Rome) his home, and capital and severed his
ties with Baghdad. And till this day, people go on pilgrimage to Walil, for
Idriss the Great rests there.

Hebrews lived in Volubilis, now Walil, since the time of Rome. Oral accounts
indicate the Hebrews prospered there. For there were many farmers among them
and there was not one among them that did not have a cow, a sheep or a goat for
milk, butter, cheese, meat, wool and leather, which were abundant in the
region. And the rich among them had large herds… And they supplied cheese and
butter to the land… Local produce carried a stamp that said 'beraca'
(benediction) and the cream of the crop was stamped with a menorah, with the
word 'beraca' etched on its base. It was a time when Volubilis was surrounded with
grazing fields and orchards of every fruit. And property owner had many slaves
to labor the land.

Around the same time, Berber tribes demanded equality among the races in
Islam. The movement known as 'hargia' (secessionists)
rebelled and established new kingdoms in contemporary Algeria with Taharat as
its capital as well as in Tlemcen and the Ziz Valley with Sigilmassa as
capital. Jewish communities of great significance lived in these
capitals. Rabbi Abraham, a Gaon in Babylon, originated from Kabes in
contemporary Tunisia, indicating that learning remained of value in North
Africa (see for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985).

Fez
900-1020

Idriss II left Walil to make Fez his capital. Idriss II called upon every
Jew of independent means to settle there. And so numerous were the Jews in Fez
that it became known in the land as the 'City of the Jews.' As King Idriss
protected the Jews, his coffers filled. And although Jews lived in every place
in Maghreb, their number remained the largest in Fez. Jews lived in peace and
were busy in every occupation known in the land. The most fortunate Jews served
the King in every corner of Maghreb. They also represented him in foreign
lands. Court Jews would serve Moroccan kings for many years to come.

The land was rich of many crops and wheat and fruits and spices. And gold
was abundant. Among all the peoples in the land, the Children of Israel were
blessed in their ability to read and write since a very ancient time and they
knew every foreign land and they came and went in the Old World, much like we
travel in our days. Although Jew in Maghreb were
dhimmis, the people of the land respected them. And when Amir Ihiah the son of
Idriss II defiled the honor of a Jewish woman, the whole land stood against him
and buried him alive. It seems obvious that legend and real intertwine in this
account, but the essence remains quite factual. Jews were omnipresent in
commerce (i.e., wax, dates, Henna, wool, and spices). They were relatively well
educated. They had commercial ties with Europe, especially in Spain, Italy and
France but also elsewhere. They occupied significant roles in Arab royal courts
as doctors, advisors and ministers (in military spheres too). They were also
translators in the service of the king and had a hand in many agreements
between Europe and Maghreb.

It is important to note that Jews could not occupy such central positions
overnight. Jews must have had a base in North Africa for a long time. They
played an important role during the Roman era. They led the Berbers against the
Arabs. Then they joined the secessionists in Taharat and Sigilmassa. In fact,
in spite of the significant decline of the Jewish population in Maghreb, Jews
still advise the king of Morocco (see for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani,
1983 and Chouraki, 1985, Eliany 2005).

Knowledge of Arabic and Hebrew
Rabbi Yehuda Ibn Koreish (950 CE)

By 950 the knowledge of Arabic spread among Jews in Maghreb while Aramaic
comprehension weakened. Rabbi Yehuda Ibn Koreish (950 CE), a
liturgical poet (paytan), linguist and doctor recommended to the Fez rabbinical
council to translate the Pentateuch to Aramaic to facilitate understanding
Torah and Hebrew. Ibn Koreish followed in all likelihood Babylonian
rabbinical authorities instructions that objected to singing in Arabic not only
in religious settings but also in secular events. Rav Hay repeated this
objection later. Rabbi Donat Ben Labrat HaLevy and Rabbi Yehuda Hayuj studied
with Rabbi Yehuda Ibn Koreish. Thus a custom evolved in Maghreb for children to
learn Torah for Bar Mitzvah, with at least one translation but not necessarily
Aramaic. In this context David Ben Abraham of Fez composed a Hebrew Dictionary
before his departure to Jerusalem. Ben Abraham may have been a Karai, a Jewish
sect that followed the Torah only. His active involvement in community affairs
indicates that Moroccan Jews did not discriminate against the Karaiim.
Intermarriage with Karaiim was permitted in Morocco, thus facilitating their
assimilitation (see for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki,
1985).

Yacov Ibn Jo
975-1020 CE

In the time when the Oumayade of Cordoba fought the Idrissis of Maghreb, the
hostilities endangered Jewish life on both sides of the conflict. Each side
demanded of the Jews more taxes to finance its war, even when wealth dwindled.
Each side demanded Jewish support. And no matter which side Jews chose, the
other accused them of treason. According to some accounts, the king appointed
Yacov Ibn Jo as Minister to collect taxes and rule in all Jewish matters. Yacov
collected all that the Jews had and when there resources dwindled, the king
demoted him and imprisoned him. This oral account is pretty factual too. For it
was typical for the lord of the land to appoint a loyal merchant to lead the
Jews, use him to extort taxes and then demote him and rob him of all his
wealth. For this reason, among others, rabbinical rulings exempted Jewish
leader in royal service from the obligation to pay taxes (see for example
Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985, Eliany 2005).

Synthesis and Simplification in Rabbinical Thinking in North Africa
according to Rabbi Isaac Alfasi, 1013-1103

Rabbi Isaac Alfasi, known also as Harif, is the author of 'Sefer Hahalacot,'
a synthesis of the Talmud. He was the first to review the Talmud in its
entirety in order to write a simplified and orderly summary or a concise
Talmud.

Harif was born in the small village of Kala' Hamad in contemporary Algeria
and studied in Kirouan with Rabenu Nissim and Rabenu Hananel, among the last to
study in Babylon.

Researchers who often emphasized the lack of information on North African
Jewry tend to neglect that Rav Hay kept close ties with Maghreb and Spain,
hoping that they would continue their support to Babylon rather than to Israeli
centers such as Tiberias. But, there was a strong tendency in
Maghreb to go back and forth to Israel and thus naturally to support Israeli
centers of learning too.

Around 1038 CE Rabbi Hananel relied on Jerusalem Talmud in his teaching, for
the love of Jerusalem remained strong in Maghreb, although Babylonia wisdom
originating from Surah and Pumbeditah was consumed with eagerness too. Maghreb
Jews collected funds for both Jerusalem and Babylon and send them to Rabbi
Yossef Ben Beraciah in Cyrene once a year, on the occasion of the gathering of
the sages (shivtah deriglah) there. One part of the funds was sent to Jerusalem
and nine parts to Babylon. The allocation was justified because 'learning on
matters of purity originated from Jerusalem while knowledge in matters of
contract came from Babylon.' Rav Hay in all likelihood influenced decisions
made in this regard through Babylonian emissaries, who also taught in Maghreb
(i.e., Cyrene or Kirouan).

Following the death of Rav Hay, the last of the Rabbis known as Geonim,
Babylon declined as a center of learning while other Academies rose to
prominence in western Africa. Rabenu Nissim and Rabenu Hananel brought
Babylonian learning traditions to Kirouan, turning it into an important center
of learning in North Africa.

Harif, one of the formost graduates of the Kirouan Academy, moved to Fez as
soon as he earned his rabbinical accreditation and served there as rabbi, judge
and teacher for at least forty years. It was a time when the Talmud was known
only by the learned and even so, it was too complex to follow. Simplified
interpretations such as Rashi's came much later. Therefore, Harif undertook a
comprehensive review of the Talmud to produce a simplified code following legal
principles (Halacot). His work gained him reputation throughout the Jewish
World then and remains relevant in our own days. Some also argue that Harif's
work paved the way to Maimonides' Code (Mishneh Torah).

Harif left Fez in difficult circumstances. It appears that he issued a
judgment that favored a humble community member in a case against a community
leader who abused his power as advisor to the king. As the said community
leader rejected Harif's ruling and tried to harm him, the rabbi and judge escaped
to Cordoba in Spain, spent a few months there, then assumed the function of
chief rabbi at Lucena, where he established a new center of learning. Harif
taught Baruc Albaliah, Yehuda Halevy and Yossef Ben Meir Migash in Lucena.

Maimonides, among other leading rabbinic authorities, had great respect for
Harif. Some equaled him to Rav Hay, the last of the Babylonian Geonim.
Maimonides instructed his students to study Harif's 'Sefer Hahalacot' and said
about it that 'it equals the sum of all predecessors contributions
to the Talmud!' (See for example Sar Shalom, Berliner, 1876).

Reconciliation between Rationalism and Jewish belief Systems in North Africa
and Spain and Maimonides

Transmition of knowledge has been the key to Jewish continuity and survival
across generations. As mentioned in Harif's tale, researchers who often
emphasized the lack of information on North African Jewry tended to neglect
linkages between Babylon and North Africa. Specifically, that as Babylon
declined, other Academies rose to prominence, among them Kirouan in Algeria and
Fez in Morocco. Rabbi Isaac Alfasi's (Harif), studied in Kirouan with Rabenu
Nissim and Rabenu Hananel, among the last to study in Jewish centers of
learning in Babylon. Rabbi Isaac Alfassi left Fez to Spain at old age and
established a rabbinical centre of learning in Lucena, where Baruc Albaliah,
Yehuda Halevy and Yossef Ben Meir Migash studied.

Maimonides, born in Cordoba in 1135, was the student of Rabbi Yossef Ben
Meir Migash and acquired rabbinical accreditation under his tutelage.
Maimonides was groomed to assume rabbinical leadership in Cordoba but increasing
hostilities between Christians and Moslems in Spain led his family to move to
Fez, Morocco, where relative stability still reigned in spite of the rise of
the fundamentalist Mouahidoun movement. Maimonides moved to Fez (1160) not only
to escape religious persecution but also to continue his rabbinical and medical
studies with Rabbi Yehuda Hacohen Eben Shoshan.

As demonstrated above, teachers and students moved back and forth between
Spain and North Africa. Thus transmission of rabbinical knowledge could not be
clearly demarcated as Spanish or North African. Linkages were intense and
mutual influences - significant (see for example Sar Shalom and Ben Naim).

The devastation of the Spanish and Western North African Jewry

The fundamentalist Mouahidoun movement spread all across Morocco and North
Africa like a storm. Ibn Toumert offered Jews conversion or death (1125). Then
Abd El Moumin of Sousse launched a campaign to conquer Maghreb for Islam
(1141-1147). In the beginning of his campaign, he used inter-faith debates to
convince Non-Muslims to convert, but when the soft approach failed, Jews had to
choose between conversion and death. Some chose death, Rabbi Yehuda Hacohen
Eben Shoshan among them. Yet many Jewish refugees managed to move to Egypt,
Israel, Syria and Yemen, among other countries. By 1160 hardly any Jews
survived in North Africa between Tangier in the west to Mahdiah in the eastern
Maghreb. The devastation of the Spanish and Western North African Jewry was
complete as witnessed in the poetry of Rabbi Abraham Eben Ezra (see for example
Sar Shalom and Ben Naim).

Conversion to Islam and related Controversy

Although a segment of the population followed Eben Shoshan's example and
chose death rather than conversion, most Jews converted to Islam to preserve
life. Converts continued to practice Judaism covertly. Rabbinical rulings
indicate that efforts were made to keep converts property and inheritance in
Jewish hands whenever and wherever feasible.

Maimonides diverged with his teacher, Eben Shoshan. He comforted converts to
Islam, encouraged them not to despair, maintain Jewish beliefs covertly and
move to places of refuge as soon as possible ('in secret or in the open, learn
Torah and pray to the heavens and do not despair if your knowledge of Hebrew is
gone, for God listens to you in every language and from every place.'
Maimonides's Conversion Letter known as Igeret Hashemad).

Maimonides managed to survive in Fez but even he could no longer stay there
in spite of his privileged relationship with the king. Maimonides moved east
like most refugees. He spent a few months visiting holy sites in Israel, and
then moved to Egypt where he assumed a rabbinical post as well as a medical
position at the royal court (1165). Maimonides did not forget Jews in distress
in western North Africa. He called upon Jews to collect funds to free prisoners
as well as assist converts to move to safer places of refuge where they could
practice Judaism overtly (see for example Sar Shalom).

Reconciliation between Rationalism and Jewish belief Systems in North Africa
and Spain

Maimonides became one of the leading philosophers of the Middle Ages. He was
a doctor, mathematician, astronomer, community leader and rabbi. Following
Rabbi Isaac Alfassi's approach, Maiminides reviewed the Talmud with the purpose
to re-compose it within a manageable legal and rational framework (Mishneh
Torah). He later wrote 'A Guide to the Perplexed' (Moreh Nevoocim) in which he
reconciled the Jewish belief system with rationalism (Aristotelian thinking). Maimonides's
philosophical approach influenced Baruc Spinoza and Moses Mendelssohn as well
as Christian (Saint-Thomas d'Aquino and Eckhart) and Moslem thinkers too. He
also published medical treaties of great significance.

Some reviewers tend to emphasize Maimonides's rational approach and
distinguish it from subsequent 'mystical' approaches underlying the work of Avi
Hatsira Yaacov. But in reality, the difference was only in emphasis. Avi
Hatsira did not reject rational thinking. He only argued that Judaism as a
belief system cannot be derived from rules of nature or rationalism. Both could
easily live with theological and rational derivations side by side (Margolis
and Marx, 1927 and Manor).

Jewish life in Maghreb and Spain

Fez remained an important center of rabbinical and medical learning even
after the departure of Harif, as Maimonides settle there to continue his
rabbinic and medicine studies there with Rabbi Yehuda Hacohen Eben Shoshan.

Jews went back and forth from Spain to Morocco. Differences were minor,
mostly in marriage practices (i.e., polygamy was forbidden in Spain) and in
ritual slaughter. There was complete agreement on every thing else. Even in
areas of disagreement, i.e., in matters relating to the treatment of women,
women were respected and protected. Polygamy was discouraged. Marriage
contracts (ketubot) were often updated to conform to community progress.
Divorces were discouraged. And in general, family relations appear to reflect a
sense of content (see for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki,
1985).

Rabbinical Courts (beth din) in Fez ruled in all matters of
Maghreb Jewry, with the exception of persecution periods (during the rule of
the Mouahidoun or hameyahadim in Hebrew). Grooming judges required a
whole system of education. Morocco did not import rabbis. It produced its own.
Morocco even exported learned rabbis to foreign countries, including Spain. The
head of local rabbinical academies (beth midrash or
yeshiva) appointed rabbis and judges (dayanim). Only in very special cases did
the local judges call for Israeli or Babylonian judges to add an opinion.
Islamic authorities kingdom recognized rabbinical
ruling, through a Jewish minister or president (nagid or nassi). Jewish courts
dealt in matters between Jews and non-Jews occasionally. In most cases,
enforcement was voluntary but occasionally they called upon secular authorities
to enforce sentences. Islamic authorities were called upon to enforce
rabbinical rulings in a few rare cases. The most common custom among Jews in
Maghreb was to use rabbinical courts rather than rely on the courts of the
land, mainly to avoid rulings that contradict Jewish law as well as a measure
of compassion for the poor. An effort was made to avoid the use of Islamic
courts as they lacked legal expertise and their assessment of witness
reliability was limited, in addition to problems associated with corruption.
Similar problems applied to lower Jewish courts in which non-experts served as
judges. Jews avoided Islamic courts so that oath would not be required in
contradiction to Jewish customs. Jewish authorities were also concerned that
use of Islamic courts could be interpreted as rejection of Jewish law. The key
concern was justice. If Jewish courts could deliver justice, they were preferred.
If they could not then, Islamic court were used and respected.

Most Jews used rabbinical courts and accepted their judgments. Rabbinical
courts called upon Jewish authorities to enforce judgments whenever people did
not comply voluntarily. When enforcement became impossible, community
excommunication was used. Flogging (malkot) was used occasionally. In places
where there was no rabbinical court (dayan), learned
people used mediation based on rabbinic guidelines.

In general, a president (Rais or rosh kehila) led communities with the
assistance of a council of elders (zikney haiir) or a committee of notables
(necbadim), often representing the secular arm (wealthy or educated people).

Religious affairs were led by rabbis with rabbinical accreditation, teachers
who were learned but without rabbinical accreditation, Torah-readers (hazan),
prayer-leaders (shaliah tsibur) and sometimes, rabbinical judges too. It
depended on the size of the community, its level of education and its distance
from centers of learning. In some cases, learned rabbis sent students to teach
and guide small and remote communities. In other cases, rabbis spent a part of
their time in distant communities on a voluntary basis. Following periods of
decline, North African Jews abroad (i.e., Jerusalem) sent messengers to remote
communities in Morocco to teach and revive Jewish learning (see for example
Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985, Eliany, 2005).

Sigilmassa
1030 CE

Oral tales coincide with historical evidence that sages in Aghamat, Kerouan
and Sigilmassa corresponded with Rav Hay in Babylonia in a time when 'people
sinned' and rain did not show its face in Maghreb and hunger came upon the land
and grasshoppers came from the South to devour all the crops of the North.
Sages of Sigilmassa decreed that the children of Israel could eat grasshoppers
to save their lives in light of the drought and lack of food. It was a time
when the learned were wise, for in all Maghreb, from Fes to Kerouan, sages
spoke in one voice. And the laws of purity (kashrut) were void, for life was
deemed of higher value than strict adherence to law. Rav Hay of Babylon praised
the ruling of the sages of Sigilmassa. Ever since, it has been a tradition in
Maghreb to eat grasshoppers in good and bad times, in memory of ancestors who
fed on them, like manna from heaven.

According to oral history, when the Mourabitoun (1082 - 1130 CE) and the
Mouahidoun rose to power (1147), Oulad Moussa went to Camerounia and Nigeria
and to the lands of Africa that were known as Western Sudan (Sudan Al Gharbi),
because in those days Sudan extended from East to West and the path of Camels
linked the oceans. Jews then lived in Touat, Toukourat and Timbuktu and in
other places deep in Africa and 'the Divine in Heaven was known in all those
places'. And the Mouahidoun could not reach Jews who sought refuge there. They
lived in complete freedom and did not submit to any ruler. The strong among
them rode horses and camels and carried arms. There were times when they had
kings and many were the tribes who paid them tributes in gold and silver and
virgins and the animals that were the crop of the land. They were tall and
strong because they were blessed and a loaf of bread and a skin of water
satisfied them for many days.

It was a time when the Children of Moses (Oulad Moussa) built forts (kasba
and ksar), for they knew how to turn straw and mud
into strong walls since the time they lived in Egypt. They dug wells everywhere
and farmed lands in the most remote places and caravans that ventured into Africa, ate and slept in their settlements. They made
jewelry of African silver and gold in Timbuktu, and many were among them the
merchants who traded dates for wheat and the tradesmen who made leather out of
camels' skins, among many other things.

After many years, Oulad Moussa submitted to King Al Rashid Al Alaoui who
extended control deep into Mauritania (1666-1672). Although Oulad Moussa and
Ait Israil are Jewish ancestry by name, their customs changed, for many years
had passed and little did they remember of their Jewish past, although many
still take their oath by Moses (Sidna Moussa). And
people in Africa still call them Yahoud al A'rab! (See for
example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983, Chouraki, 1985 and Eliany interviews).

The Secret History of the Jews of Dra

A Judeo-Arabic manuscript known as 'The Secret History of the Jews Of Dra'
attest to the ancient origin of the Jews of the Dra region as well as to the
existence of an ancient Jewish kingdom (as mentioned earlier) and recurring
armed conflicts with Christians. But the document has been copied many times.
Most versions are consistent is mentioning the existence of an independent
network of Jewish settlements led by a king but variation occurs as to who Jews
were in conflict with. In one version the conflict is with Christians (Jean
Gattefosse) but in other versions the conflict is with Moslems or both (Bar
Shalom). However, when details are closely studied, it seems that the narrative
is an accurate description of Abd El Moumin's campaign in the region at the
beginning of the rise of the Almohads. Based on this account Jews led by king Samuel (shmuel) encountered Almohad forces, won early
battles but were misled to believe that Moslem forces were willing to sign a
peace treaty. The Almohad forces laid a trap and massacred the Jews instead.
Almohad forces went on to conquer the rest of Morocco, forcing Jews to convert
or die (about 1147-1165). The account above, among others, indicate that
Moroccan Jews did not submit to oppression passively. Some migrated to distant
places of refuge but some re-grouped to fight, as the tale above indicates
(Mazel, 1971).

Maghreb
1127-1163 CE

Military campaigns by the Mourabitoun and the Mouahidoun as well as internal
divisions amongst them and recurring raids of Berber nomad tribes brought to
the fall of Cyrene and Mahdiyah rose in its stead (1000-1100 CE). Many Jews
were sold into slavery in Maghreb then. Surviving Jewish communities redeemed
as many Jewish slaves as possible, for there was no greater mitzvah than relief
from slavery in Maghreb Al Aktsa. Rabbi Nissim escaped to Mahdiya, but
continued to comfort Jews and converts in their misery. Maimonides did the same
upon his arrival to Egypt (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and
Chouraki, 1985).

Dra'
1082-1147 CE

Sigilmassa declined and Dra' and Marakesh began to rise, for the Mourabitoun
came from Dra' to conquer in a storm many cities in Maghreb and Spain (1082
CE). It was a time when Jews served in the army of Ibn Tashfin's Mourabitoun.
Jewish soldiers consumed only milk products and vegetables and were permitted
to rest and drink wine on Sabbath. Mourabitoun soldiers maintain a cordial
relationship with Jews at this stage. Jews gained respect for their learning
and knowledge of trade, crafts and medicine.

As the Mourabitoun weakened (1130 CE), the Mouahidoun assumed the task to
strengthen Islam in Spain (Cordoba 1147 CE) and unify the Maghreb (1163 CE).
The following oral account describes the condition as factually as any
historian would:

'And in those days, Rabbi Moshei of Dra' studied Torah with Rabbi Yossef
Halevi in Andalousia. And he came to Fez and a word came to him that Ibn
Toumert, the leader of the Mouahadin came from Tafilalet to debate on matters
of Islam with the Sages of the Mourabitoun (1127 CE). And when Rabbi Moshei
heard Ibn Toumert speaking, he remembered the clouds of the Mourabitoun from
their early days and the Mouahadin appeared in his dreams as a violent storm.
And on the morning after his dream, Rabbi Moshei walked in the street of the
Jewish quarter (melah) and went to every synagogue to tell any man who would
listen of the coming storm. And people sought refuge in Andalusia and other
went to Livorno but the majority who did not know what to do or where to go
prepared to follow Rabbi Moshei to Jerusalem as if he, and no one else, was the
Redeemer.' (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983
and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence, Eliany, interviews).

The Devastation of the North African Jewry

Ibn Toumert and his followers initiated debates within the Moslem community
in a drive to strengthen support to his movement (1125 CE). Then Abd El Moumin
of Sousse launched a campaign to conquer Maghreb for Islam. The Mouahidoun
summoned Jews to debates with the sole purpose to convert them without
resorting to force. But when Jews did not respond positively, they were offered
conversion or death. Some chose death but most converted, but continued to
practice Judaism covertly. Synagogues were converted into mosques and hardly
any Jews were left West of Mahdiah (in eastern North Africa) (1141-1147 CE).

Abd El Moumin consolidated his conquest of the Eastern Maghreb in the years
1159-1160 CE. Mahdiah submitted on good terms but Tunis did not and the
Mouahidoun confiscated half its wealth. Remaining Jews and Christians were
forced to convert or die. Every one else yielded without war. It was a time
when there was nowhere to flee and there were more converts among the Jews than
there were Jews who fled or chose death. And although they were converts, they
remained Jews in their hearts. And the wisest amongst them escaped to Egypt, or
to the Land of Israel, Syria and Yemen (See for example Hirschberg, 1965
Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Aghamat and Marakesh
1106-1142 CE

Aghamat, the old capital of the Mourabitoun stood proud at the foot of the
High Atlas Mountains, a day's walk South East of
Marrakech. Jews lived in Aghamat since an ancient time, according to oral
accounts since the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the First Temple
(586 BCE). Priests (Cohanim) sought refuge there.

Before Ibn Tashfin made Marrakech a holy city and before Jews were permitted
to live there, Marrakech was a marketplace. But Ibn Tashfin wanted to make it a
capital city, an alternative to Fez. So he called upon the learned and skilled
Jews to settle in Marrakech. Many Jews from Andalusia responded to Ibn
Tashfin's call. Rabbi Meir Ben Kamniel a medical practitioner became Ibn
Tashfin's personal doctor (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and
Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Community Organization and Occupations

The community was led by 'Caid al Yahud,' sometimes called Nagid, Gaon or
Rais. The community leader had a police service (shurtha) at his disposal to
enforce order as well as an announcer (dalal).

A rabbinical judge (dayan) dispensed justice. Other
actors provided community services: prayer-leaders (hazan), rabbis (often
called sages or hacamim), ritual slaughter specialists (shocet), teachers
(melamedim) and scribes (katab or sofer). There were also translators
(torg'man) in languages such as Hebrew, Arabic, Persian, Andalusian, French,
German and Italian as well as doctors (tabib or rofei). Jews had communal
autonomy and lived well in good times but their suffering was great in times of
political instability or religious fundamentalism.

Many Jews in coastal cities such as Essaouira, Sla or Tangier were overseas'
merchants (import and export), because the income was good and the encounter
with foreign nations offered 'protection' (hemaya or hasut) in the form of
foreign nationality or passport. But the occupation was risky due to the danger
of drowning, piracy and change in market conditions (change in market prices
and related losses). The learned were merchants who turned to medicine and
learning after failure or accumulation of wealth. Sailing routes passed through
Essaouira, Safi, Sale and Tangier in Morocco, Alger, Tunis and Cyrene (which
was also a meeting place for travelers) in Algeria, Alexandria and Fostat (a
meeting place for travelers) in Egypt. Acre and Gaza in Palestine and from
there: land routes to Ramleh, Damascus, and Baghdad. There were also routes to
Ubula near Basra (Iraq), and Oman to India and China. Additional routes went to
Yemen and then to India and China. There were also commercial ties with Spain,
Genoa, Pizza and Livorno in Italy (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani,
1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Yehuda Ibn Abbas
Fez 1159-1160 CE

Abd El Moumin of Sousse relaxed his attitude towards Jews towards the end of
his rule and although many converted to Islam earlier, no one examined if they
practiced Judaism in private. As mentioned earlier, Maimonides moved to Fez in
1160 to study with Rabbi Yehuda Hacohen Ibn Shoshan. Rabbi Yehuda Ibn Abbas, a
local liturgical poet (paytan) could correspond with Rabbi Yehuda Halevi,
another poet and doctor in Andalusia, and sing his songs in spite of the
hardship. Jews had to maintain a low profile to survive and they could do so
because their beliefs held firm, although learning declined and superstitions
spread (i.e., the revival of beliefs in talismans and spirits (jnun).

As conversion pressures increased, Maimonides encouraged Jews to leave
Morocco rather than wait for a Redeemer. Maimonides did what he preached and
immigrated to Egypt (1165 CE) as mentioned earlier (See for example Hirschberg,
1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Reconstruction
1276 CE

In the days of Abu Yussuf al Manzur (1184-1199 CE), the granson of Abd Al
Moumin, even Jews who converted to Islam had to wear distinctive cloths and
were forbidden to marry 'perfect' Muslims or owning Muslim slaves, mostly
because Jewish converts remained suspect and because the old king was subject
to persistent attacks from within and oppressed Jews and converts to
demonstrate his zeal. For even Abu Yussuf the Victorious, the conqueror of
Spain, was subject to the cycle of seasons that governed the Maghreb, a Spring
to rise, a Summer to flower, a Fall to linger and a Winter to slumber and its
was the time for aspiring sheiks to challenge the aging lion.

Converts then had no choice but marry within their own midst. Thus the
interdiction to marry 'others' turned into a blessing, for although four
generations passed since the early conversions and although few synagogues
remained in Maghreb Al Aktsa, converts remembered their origin and returned to
Judaism! But Al Manzur succumbed to a rebellion and his son
Mohamed took his place, only to loose a new round of wars against Christian
Spain (1212 CE) as well as his father's gains in Maghreb. Soon Oulad
Hafez made Tunisia an independent kingdom (1228 CE), Oulad Ziyan did the same
in Algiria (1235 CE) and Oulad Merin assumed the rule of Morocco (1269 CE). By
the year 1276 CE, there was no remembrance of Oulad Moumin in Maghreb al Aktsa.
They were all buried alive in Hatsan Al Tinmal, the highest elevation of the
Atlas Mountain!

Jews came out of their hiding places as soon as the Mouahidoun kingdom broke
apart, rebuilding communities and synagogues in places where they lived before.
And where there was a synagogue, there was a place of learning, a ritual
slaughterer, a rabbinical judge and enough support to provide for the poor, the
widow and orphan. Resilience facilitated in all likelihood the reconstruction
of Jewish communities in Morocco; but beyond resilience there was a pattern.
Oral tales stress again and again the sacrifice of rabbis who traveled to
remote places to teach the young and comfort the old. Some of these rabbis rose
from within but some also came from expatriates in Israel. Many were rewarded
with annual commemorations (hilulot) as well as a touch of reverence or
sainthood (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985
for related historical evidence and Eliany 2005).

Califa the Great
1286-1307

Soon Jews settled in Fez and Marrakech again, rebuilding trading networks,
linking the four corners of Morocco with the world. Some represented kings in
matters of peace and war and commerce. Jews lived well again. And it became a
custom in the land to leave a part of the inheritance (hekdesh) to the poor, to
a rabbi or judge (dayan) or to a synagogue or to a
remote community to install a rabbi or a judge. And the just among the learned
went to every place where Jews lived before and established synagogues in
humble places and there were more synagogues at that time than in the troubled
times before. And children learnt how to read Torah in proper intonation once
more. And it became a custom in Maghreb for Jews to learn prayers by heart,
even when they could not read. All this happened in the time of Califa the
Great (Ben Hayun), the advisor of King Yussuf Ibn Yakub (1286-1307). But as
usual in Moroccan courts, envy combined with greed not only to displace Califa
and most of his family from their positions of power but also to deprive them of
their lives and wealth (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and
Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

The Retreat from Andalusia and the Struggle for Power in North Africa 1285 -
1400

In spite of major efforts, King Yussuf signed a peace treaty with Castilia
and retreated to North Africa. Here his descendents did better. Abu Hassan Ali
(1331-1351) asserted his authority on Tlemcen and Tunis. Yet, rival tribes did
not yield and managed to extend their territories gradually.

Interestingly, the retreat of Muslim and Jewish refugees from Andalusia to
North Africa brought economic development to many cities and towns along the
Atlantic and Mediterranean shores as well as in the interior. And in spite of
vestiges of fundamentalists' pressures, Moroccan kings protected Jews and
relied on their skills and services to develop the local economy. Jews fared
relatively well, as many of them used Jewish commerce networks around the
Mediterranean Sea (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki,
1985 for related historical evidence).

Turkish Rule in North Africa
1430-1830

Turkey ruled a good part of the eastern Mediterranean, bringing under its
rule Jews in the Balkan region, Turkey, the Middle East as well as North
Africa, with the exception of Morocco. A council of Janissars, officers
overseeing pirates' operations, ruled North Africa, except Morocco. The
Janissars' rule was tough and oppressive at the administrative level but had
little impact over every day life.

The New Jewish Quarter in Fez
1438 CE

Jews lived in Old Fez (Fez Al Bali) in relative peace for a while but an old
Sheriff remembered 'suddenly' the long forgotten tomb of King Idriss at the
edge of the quarter where some Jews lived. And as if it was an act of Heaven, a
wine cup was found in one of the mosques in the old city. Upon the
disenchanting discovery, Moslems raided homes where Jews could be found, some
to rob and some to kill, some to rape and some to convert the remaining living
souls to Islam. Since it became a tradition among Jews in Maghreb to value life
above all, many converted. But when the king saw that fundamentalist Moslems
were not satisfied that Jews lived amongst them, even after the killings and
conversions, he allocated a piece of land below his palace to survivors and
Jews built new homes there and lived there ever since (i.e., melah)
(Hirschberg, 1965).

Harun A Saraf
1465 CE

In the days of Abd El Haq the Marinide, Harun A Saraf rose among all Jews to
become the Minister of Ministers in Abd El Haq's palace. And the children of
Ibn Al Wattas who was the Minister of Ministers before, called upon their
supporters among the Berber tribes and told Mohamed Ben Amran, the old Sheriff
at the Cyrene Mosque in Fez: 'let's revive faith in Islam!' and the old Sheriff
saw that the anger against Abd El Haq and the Jews was great and blessed the
believers. And before the sun set that day, the blood of the Children of Israel
ran in the streets of New and Old Fez like flush flood in a desert stream and
the blood of Harun A Saraf mixed with Abd El Haq's, the last of the Marinide's
Kings, and no one could tell the difference between them by evening. And those
who loved life among the Jews cried loud in the streets of Fez that 'there was
no God but Allah and Mohamed was his Prophet' once more. And there was no town
left in Maghreb where Jews could live in peace. Those were the days when chaos
(Dar a Siba) reigned in Maghreb, for law and order (Dar Al Maczan) weakened.
And Romans (i.e., Europeans) dared establish posts along Moroccan coasts again.

And the very few Jews who survived slaughter and conversion, found refuge in
remote villages where Jews were still welcomed, for strong was the belief in
the land that Oulad Israel and Oulad Moussa were of the same blood and deserved
to be spared for the blessings they brought to the land. And many years passed
before Jews returned to Fez, although the tombs of their ancestors remained
there. Here too, oral accounts coincide with historical evidence closely (see
for example, Hirshberg, 1965).

Sources of Information and related Biases

Oral tales, as problematic as they may be in terms of reliability, provide
long forgotten testimonies as to what may have happened in the past. There is
confusion in oral tales about locations, chronology as well as key players. But
careful reviews often provide significant leads. They convey a pattern of
survival whereby Jews adopt Islam overtly but continue to practice Judaism
covertly. Furthermore, they move to remote places, deep in the Moroccan interior
or abroad, to survive.

Rabbinical sources proved more reliable in specifying locations, chronology
and key players but were biased in terms of their focus on centers such as Fes,
Meknes, Rabat or Marrakech. They also tend to deal with problems privileged
Jews encountered in urban centers (i.e., in royal courts), while neglecting
accounts relating to Jews in the periphery, where many Jews lived a relatively
peaceful life. From time to time, however, rabbinical documents shed light on
community organization and related cultural characteristics and activities.

European sources such as those of diplomats, merchants, artists and tourists
had their own pitfalls. Europeans had easier access to Jewish circles,
especially Jewish diplomats and merchants. Therefore European reports reflected
only part of the reality in Morocco. They were also tinted by hatred towards
Jews or lack of understanding of the local context, i.e., the dhimmi status
(Gelfand 1999 on Charcot). And yet, some of the reports do convey that Jews had
a decent community life (i.e., Delacroix).

Most Muslim sources were not interested in Jewish matters and when they did,
they emphasized issues such as the legal status of Jews in Arab Lands (dhimma),
conversion and Jews in royal courts. There were also period when Jews were not
mentioned at all in Muslim sources, mainly because Jewish communities were
taken for granted. In such period, Jews lived in peace and fared well.

Existing gaps and discrepancies between the different sources require an
analytical reconciliation. The most evident gap lies between popular beliefs
and documented accounts. Oral accounts report cordial relations between Moslems
and Jews in Morocco over extended periods of time. Tales do point out abuses
due to the inferior status of the Jews (dhimma), especially during periods of
political instability, but Moslems suffered as much then too. Overall, it seems
that stable government were associated with fair
living conditions as much as instability correlated with general suffering.
Further, in periods of transition when treasuries emptied or when government
expenses rose (i.e., due to rising military expenses), kings tended to be more
demanding of all their citizens but more so of their Jews.

Given the constraints mentioned above, it seems that Jews did manage to lead
a 'normal' community life within the context of a turbulent and evolving
Moroccan society. There are also indications that Jews may have fared better
than Muslim neighbors on average. Jews did better because of their educational
system as well as knowledge of trades and involvement in commerce, including
import and export (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki,
1985 for related historical evidence and Eliany 2005 for tales).

Refuge in Morocco
1450-1497

The reign of the Moors weakened in Spain as internal divisions increased. As
Christians made progress in their war against Islam, Jews suffered. Expulsions
and forced conversions pressed Jews to seek refuge in Maghreb, although order
hardly reigned there. Very few ventured into Algeria, Tunisia and Lybia because
of the Christian threat that hanged over those lands.

Spanish and Portuguese Jews went to places where they had connections and
where local authorities were at least tolerant, if not welcoming. In the
beginning, welcome was common but as the stream of refugees increased, the
local population protested and local authorities imposed an entree tax.
Authorities were interested in the skills of the Spanish and Portuguese Jews
and closed their eyes. But law and order were weak in many parts of Morocco
(dar a siba). Many Jews sought refuge deep in the interior in places where
local sheiks offered protection and safety. Other Jews left North Africa to
destinations in Europe (Balkan, Greece, but also Italy, Holland and a few to
England) as well as in the Middle East (Turkey, Syria, Israel and Egypt). But
most refugees stayed in Morocco. As difficult as it may have been under the
Moslem rule, it was difficult to leave the whole community behind, because
people had a community life in the places where they lived, so that even in
hardship, they were surrounded by people they knew and the learned among them
taught them that the hard times would pass and they found comfort in Torah and
'Eternal' delivery (see for example, Hirshberg, 1965).

Enslavement and Redemption
1472-1554

Oral accounts, supported by historical evidence indicate that law and order
(dar al maczen) weakened during the reign of Oulad Watass, and strong-armed
robbers ruled the interior (dar a siba). When Jews came from Spain and
Portugal, Andalusian Moslems who came with the Jews faced the robbers and said:
'Go after the Jews. They have precious belongings' to escape robbers' wrath.
Thus impoverished refugees had to shed the little they had and when there was
nothing left, hostages were taken among them to be sold into slavery. And the
cry of the Children of Israel in Maghreb rose to Heaven, for little money was
left to redeem prisoners. Jews pleaded for mercy and where there was no mercy
left in the heart of men, inhabitants joined Moslem neighbors to say: 'let no
more refugees in!' But it was a time when there was no place to go, for Maghreb
became a land of last refuge.

Spanish and Portuguese refugees scattered in every remote place in Maghreb
Al Aktsa and lived there in great humility, yielding in every way to the
Judgment imposed on them by Heaven, although no one could justify it. And the
learned among them sought understanding in the Book of Splendor (Zohar) and
attributed mystical meanings to every kind of suffering and people found
comfort in every explanation to hang on to life, although it was not worth
living. For it was a time when hunger spread in the land even before the
arrival of the refugees and people laid bare under barren clouds for lack of
accommodation and decent living.

And in the great misery, there were people for whom old explanations could
not provide hope any longer. Some left Maghreb for distant Christian lands. For
in many corners of the world, the despised Jews seemed useful against all odds,
especially to princes eager to exploit every situation. And even Spain and
Portugal accepted them back and many Jews returned there in great despair and
although some remembered their origins in agony, most realized that it was best
to forget the past and live their new life in the Christian faith. But it is in
the nature of things for old problems to reappear and after some years, Jews
turned 'New Christians' shined again and in face of unwanted competition, even
most sincere conversions seemed suspect and the suffering continued and the
Gods in Heaven stood still and the words of their prophets turned empty of any
meaningful significance. The inquisition made sure of it.

But most Spanish and Portuguese refugees stayed in Maghreb and settled in
every place where they could make a living, often where old Jewish community
existed. After a time, one could not tell who lived in Maghreb from an old time
(inhabitants) and who came from Spain or Portugal due to expulsion or
conversion (expelled or megorashim). Rabbi Yacob Rosales became a King's
Merchant and he went in and out of the king's palace like a minister. And Rabbi
Menahem Senanes represented the sultan in the courts of the kings of Spain and
Portugal among other Christian lands. And after him, came Yacov Ruti and did
the same. And Yacov Ruti brought many converts back to Judaism and was a just
man all his life (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki,
1985 for related historical evidence).

The 'Inhabitants' versus 'Expelled' Controversy

A rift between Spanish-Portuguese Jewish refugees and the old Jewish
'inhabitants' of Morocco in relation to ritual slaughters practices as well as
marriage contracts has been used to suggest that the two populations did not
mix. However, a massive flow of Jewish refugees from Spain and Portugal into
Morocco and their assimilation into the 'inhabitants' population, with some
exceptions, lend credence to the argument that the rift has been exaggerated
and that the assimilation has been downplayed.
Historical backgroundIt was well established above that the origins of the
Iberian Jewry was in North Africa and that people went back and forth between
the Iberian Peninsula and North Africa. Most celebrated is Harif's move to
Lucena and Maimonides travel to Fez to further his education, after studying
with Rabbis of Moroccan origin in Spain (Hirschberg, 1965).
There are also occasional references to Morocco and North Africa as centers of
refuge for the Spanish-Portuguese Jewry after the 1492 expulsion from Spain and
the 1497 forced and massive conversion in Portugal (Hirschberg, 1965,
Chouraqui, 1985, Zafrani 1983).
Occasionally, a rift between Spanish-Portuguese Jewish refugees and the old
Jewish 'inhabitants' of Morocco in relation to ritual slaughtering practices
and marriage contracts has been used to indicate that the two populations did
not mix. Highlighting the rift appears to be a research bias due to excessive
reliance on rabbinic documentation and the lack of other empirical observations
as to everyday life in Morocco.
A good review of historical facts does point to a massive in land flow of
Jewish refugees from Spain into Portugal around 1492 mainly due to lack of
sufficient maritime means of transportation, impoverishment (and abuse) of the
Jewish population around the time of the decree of expulsion, limiting the
ability to buy a way out, in addition to constraints on massive immigration to
neighboring countries, including North Africa (Hirschberg, 1965, Chouraqui,
1985, Zafrani 1983).
Similar circumstances limited the ability of Jews to leave Portugal in 1497,
leading to their massive conversion and the establishment of a significant New
Christian population in Portugal.
But life was not easy for the New Christians in Iberia and many sought refuge
elsewhere. The tales of Spanish-Portuguese Jewish centers in places such as
Amsterdam, Livorno, Sarajevo and Kushta to mention only a few, are well known.
But less known is the tale of the massive immigration of Spanish-Portuguese
Jews to Morocco.
Many Spanish-Portuguese Jews found refuge in Morocco for the following reasons:
1. Morocco was close and relatively easy to reach by sea at a modest cost;
2. Local Jews assisted their friends and relatives to settle in Morocco; 3.
Internal conditions led Arab leaders to sponsor Spanish-Portuguese Jews to
settle across the land including remote Southern areas; 4. Spanish-Portuguese
New Christians used Spanish and Portuguese ports on Moroccan land, i.e.,
Mogador, to establish contacts with the so-called Jewish 'inhabitants' of
Morocco and to settle amongst them;
5. After settling in Morocco, Spanish-Portuguese New Christians returned to
Judaism and assisted their relations to leave Iberia in order to settle in
Morocco (Roth 1932, Hirschberg, 1965, Chouraqui, 1985, Zafrani 1983, Fernandes
1980).
The case for assimilationThe question that remains is what happened to all the
Spanish-Portuguese New Christians who settled in Morocco. Contrary to widely
held opinions; it seems that most assimilated in the local Jewish population
and only a minority kept a distinct identity. The following case study provides
some evidence.
According to established oral traditions, Cohanim played an important role in
the development of trade and commerce in and around Marrakech since a very
ancient time. Leading Cohanim families, among others, participated in the
Moors' conquest of Spain and settled there. But family and commercial ties were
maintained overtime, even during turbulent times.
Around the time of the expulsion from Spain and following the forced conversion
of the Portuguese Jewry, Arab and Berber leaders sought skilled Jewish refugees
to fortify Southern Morocco after a period of decline.
According to the same oral sources (1), several families of Cohanim adopted
distinct New Christians names such as DeJesus and DeDieu. The Khesus (read
Jesus) family, for example, had expertise in silver and gold embroidery and
worked for the governor of Marrakech and Southern Morocco from generation to generation
and could trace their background to one of the New Christian families who were
Cohanim before the conversion.
According to the same sources (1), the families could not re-adopt the Cohen
status and name because of the 'conversion sin.' Some families maintained the
'Khesus' and 'Dadia' (3) names (Arabic distortions of Jesus and DeDieu) to
remember the conversion disaster. Other families adopted Hebrew names such as
'Ben Zicri' or 'Ben Shoshan' to denote their priesthood (Cohanim) ancestry.
It is interesting to note that most of the families above, with the exception
of one (Ben Shoshan) (3) did no longer speak Spanish or Portuguese and one
could not distinguish them from local Jewish 'inhabitants.' Among their elders,
vestiges of memories held that relatives lived 'across the sea' (read in
Portugal, Spain, Cape Verde and Manchester) but their mention was taboo,
probably because the foreign branches lived as Christians (i.e., Corcos and Ben
Saud as Protestants in Manchester and elsewhere in England as well as De Jesus
as Catholics in Lisbon and Cape Verde) (4).
Members of some of the families above were known to live as Jews in Morocco but
maintained a Christian lifestyle elsewhere until recent years. In one case, a
relative of the Khesus of Marrakech, who lived as a Jew and Cohen in Mogador
and who maintained commercial ties with the De Jesus of Lisbon, married in the
early 1900's a woman of De Jesus family. This Cohen-De Jesus family settled
later in Cape Verde and some of its descendents live in Lisbon, Portugal as
well as Ottawa and Montreal in Canada. Most members of these families remember
their origins but live a secular lifestyle, wearing Jewish symbols such as the
Star of David discreetly.
Note also that ongoing persecutions, persisting over centuries rather than
decades, did not distinguish between 'inhabitants' and 'expelled.' Everyone
suffered equally. But there is evidence that urban dwellers in centers such as
Fez may have suffered more. For example, after the death of Mohamed Ben Abd
Allah (1790) and the rise of his son Yazid (nicknamed mezid, i.e., abuser), the
Jews of Fez were expelled when they failed to deliver an exorbitant levy and
were forced to wander into the interior of Morocco, where the so called
'inhabitants' absorbed them to an extent that it was impossible to distinguish
between the 'inhabitants' and 'expelled' in the 20th century or by the time of
the massive immigration to Israel (Eliany, 1992).

Christians Posts on Moroccan Shores - Mazagan
1411-1521

After the slaughter of Abd El Haq, the rule of the king weakened in Maghreb
Al Aktsa and the Portuguese strengthened their foothold on the shores of North
Africa, adding Arzila (1471 CE) to Sebta (1415 CE) in the North and Azemour
(1486 CE) to Safi (1488 CE) in the South. They built a port in Mazagan
(Essaouira) further South and it was their ambition in
those days to set posts all around Africa on the way to India. New Christians
who left Spain and Portugal lived in the Christian posts in Africa, joining
Jews who lived there from an ancient time before. It was a time when many New
Christians followed their Jewish brethren and settled in many places in Maghreb
and lived there as Jews without fear or persecution.

Those were the days when the wisdom of Ben Zemiro spread from Safi and was
heard from Lisbon to Dra, for his knowledge of Torah and Mishneh Torah was
great and his poetry became known in the land. The remains of Ben Zemiro lie in
Safi now and people go there on pilgrimage to remember the past and celebrate
the present but mostly to plead for a better future.

This is to say that even when life appeared to be bearable, misfortune came
upon Jews in Maghreb many times, for it was a time of uncertainty and
Portuguese and Ishmaelite robbers roamed the land and took every opportunity to
enrich themselves on account of merchants who ventured into the interior of
Morocco to make a living. Those were the days when belief became necessary to
survive, for prayers were not answered from the heavens and salvation did not
come from the earth below (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and
Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Christian Ambitions in North Africa
1509 - 1578

It was a time when Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabel of Castilia completed
their conquest of Iberian land from the hands of the Moors and although they
had ambitions to solidify their gains with additional conquest in Africa, they
were constrained by a vow they made to the King of Portugal who took their
daughter for a wife. But it was a time when the Castilian army was strong and
the Catholic Church was full of fervor and it was in the best interest of all
to direct their energy to go as far as Oran in a campaign to combine interests
of the Holy Cross with earthly appetite for exploitation of foreign lands. So
it happened that the Moors turned weak and Oran and Alger and Tunis and
Trablous fell in the hands of Christians once more. And the Jews paid the
price, once more, in enslavement, if not in conversion, if they did not retreat
deep into the land that became their refuge since antiquity. And so great was
the number of slaves that all the money in the coffers of the Jews in Fez and
Dra' did not suffice to fulfill the holy commandment of prisoners' redemption.

And in spite of all the might of Lisbon and Castilia, Christian rule in
Africa did not last 50 years, for by 1578 their last hope was buried with the
fall of Sebastien the King of Portugal in Ksar Al Kbir (See for example
Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Moshe and Yacov Ruti
1547

In 1547, the Inquisition established an office in Tangier, where Franciscan
brothers arrested Moshe Ruti, who came to visit from Arzila, and made
accusation against him that he enticed New Christians to re-join the rank of
the Jews by proposing to them marriages with the fairest women in the land,
among other business offers.

The commander of the Portuguese post in Arzila intervened on behalf of Ruti
for fear of reprisal from Moshe's brother Yacov who had a say in the king's court
in Fez. And after a time, Moshe was released and returned to Arzila because the
Portuguese, who already lost most of their posts along the Maghreb's Southern
Coast, feared that the Jews would turn against them. For in those days, Jews
made arms and knew where to buy them and where to sell them and they sold them
to the king of Maghreb who vowed to protect them (See for example Hirschberg,
1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Jews in Dra' under Oulad Sa'ad
1511-1549

Oulad Sa'ad rose in the Dra' Valley and extended their government all the
way to the Atlantic Ocean and neither the Portuguese or
Oulad Watas could stop them. And many were the New Christians who settled in
Marrakech and returned to live among the Jews and married among them. And there
were among them weapon makers, doctors and translators and people who could
make salt and sugar and wax and honey and soap, among many other products. And
Oulad Sa'ad saw that they could draw benefits from them and vowed to protect
them. And Jews in the service of Oulad Sa'ad advised them with wisdom and
Agadir fell into Moslem hands (1541 CE) and the Portuguese left all their posts
along the coast except Mazagan (Essaouira). Then Oulad Sa'ad turned against
Oulad Watas and the Turkish soldiers who supported them and conquered Fez (1549
CE) and ruled the whole Maghreb thereafter. Jews paid Oulad Sa'ad in Dinars of
Sousse, in wheat and soap in exchange of a vow to protect them. It was a time
when Jews sought refuge in Meknes for fear of the soldiers of the Sultan of the
Turks who supported Oulad Watas and who defiled Jewish virgins and enslaved
many Jews (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985
for related historical evidence).

Jews in Diplomacy and International Commerce
Marrakech 1557

After the death of Muhammad Al Sheikh, his son AbdAllah made Marrakech the
capital of Morocco and Mogador its port city (1557-1574). And Abd Al Malek took
over the kingdom and died after four years in the battle of the Three Kings
(1578 CE) and his brother Ahmed led the war in his stead and was victorious and
he became known as Ahmed Al Manzur because of his victory and he ruled many
years (1578-1603 CE).

Those were the days when France and England sought to befriend Maghreb to
counter the influence of Spain. As usual, Moroccan kings used Jewish emissaries
to deal with European nations. It was a time when Jews lived in the four
corners of Maghreb and served their kings to meet their ends. Some collected
his taxes; some printed his coins while others managed his dealings with
foreign lands. And although much of the wealth of the land passed through their
hands, in the eyes of the kings, dhimmis remained but servants and little
benefits remained in their hands (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani,
1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence, Eliany 2005).

The Resurgence of Judaism in Morocco
1580-1684

Tangier changed hands many times because Spain and Portugal and England
sought a foothold in Maghreb to enhance its interest. It was a time when
Europeans bartered arms for phosphates needed to make gunpowder. Morocco
resumed its control over Tangier only in 1684.

Jews lived in relative peace in quasi-autonomous communities. Synagogues
sprung everywhere, but remained modest, so as not to attract the attention of
Moslems who did not approve of the resurgence of Judaism in Morocco. Economic
conditions improved but wealth accumulation remained rare. Rulers exploited the
Jews who spoke Spanish or Portuguese, French or Italian or Turkish as well as
those who lived in the land for many generations and spoke Moroccan Arabic and
among them those who came from the countryside and spoke one of three Berber
dialects, Rifit, Tashelhit or Sahraouite. And there were among them many merchants
and jewelers and they made coins and exchanged them and they had their hand in
every trade, they knew how to saw and work leather and die thread and cloth.
And they taught their children Hebrew and they read and wrote Arabic in Hebrew
letters. And in spite of the blessings they brought to the land, they were
despised and wore distinctive cloths and the rich among them traveled to
Christian lands and lived there as Christians and in Maghreb they lived as
Jews, although some also were known as Muslims. Jews traveled to Gibraltar and
returned to Tangier after thirty days. And when they did not return after the
prescribed time, they were fined and expelled. Jews built three synagogues in
Gibraltar. Some wandered to Amsterdam and Manchester. And some lived there are
Christians.

In the month before Purim (1558 CE) a disease (a plague?) spread from Old to
New Fez and the cemetery, below the melah walls (beautifully maintained in
1996) filled with the dead and many were among them the old and the children.

South of Marrakech in the High Atlas, in Sousse Al Aksa, Jews rode horses
and carried arms although they paid a head tax (dhimma). Some were accepted as
full members of local tribes. They were artisans and farmers among them. Some
belonged to the karaiim sect that assimilated into the local Jewish community
and disappeared (1600 CE) (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983,
Chouraki, 1985, and the chapter on Azoulay for related historical evidence).

Samuel and Joseph Palagi
1603-1650

In the time of King Zeidan, Samuel and Joseph Palagi held residences in both
Marrakech and Amsterdam and served as official representatives of the Sa'adien
kings who ruled Morocco in Marakesh in all matters of trade and diplomacy. It
was a time when Moroccan Jews had several 'minians' (prayer quorum of at least
10 adults) in Manchester and Amsterdam. Moroccan Jews made sugar for export to
England and Holland and imported fabric and textiles. Reports indicate that
Samuel behaved like a noble man and was highly respected in Holland. He died in
Amsterdam and was buried there. He donated a Torah scroll to the Portuguese
synagogue (Neve Shalom). After his death, Joseph built war ships for Zeidan who
paid for them in wheat and phosphates and he served the kings who came after Zeidan
(1638). Joseph yearned to end his days in Jerusalem but it is not known if he
ever visited there. When Joseph died, his children represented the Saadien
kings till the end of their days (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani,
1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

North Africans in Livorno, Italy
1640

In the days of Ferdinand of the House of Medici, men of all races and
religions were permitted to settle in Livorno to conduct commerce and trade.
And when Jews of Maghreb saw that they were welcome in the land of the
Christians again, their count in Livorno increased from a few hundreds to a few
thousands within a few years. And it became a custom for the old to settle in
Livorno and for the young to travel back and forth between Africa and Europe.
This was the time when every new manuscript prepared in the land of Maghreb was
sent to Livorno and the old printed it in local printing houses and sent copies
back to the Land of Maghreb.

And there were among the Jews who settled in Livorno those who redeemed
merchandise and prisoners taken by North African pirates. And many among them
had the rights to trade in wax and dyed cotton and wool and every woven cloth.
And there were among them who had the rights to trade in oil and collect taxes
too (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for
related historical evidence).

Yearning for Redemption
1603- 1665

Oral accounts as well as rabbinical sources tend to recount hardship and
destruction of Jewish communities often. Sometimes tales of hardship appear
exaggerated because it is evident that Jews did also experience decent
relations with Moslem neighbors. They held important positions in government,
diplomacy and commerce, especially in import and export and wholesale and
distribution all across Morocco. Rabbinical rulings calling upon Jews to
celebrate life cycle events such as weddings and Bar Mitzvahs with modesty do
indicate Jews accumulated enough resources to spend lavishly. Yet, hardship
remains omnipresent as in the following account.

It was a time when no king was safe in his kingdom and war among the kings'
children and brothers spread in the land and rendered life not worthy of
living. And each king turned to the people of the land and to the Jews among them
to demand wheat and gold to feed the soldiers and to finance the never-ending
wars. And Jews prayed day and night but their suffering did not end, as levies
multiplied, rain shied away from the land, until people were reduced to
starvation.

Those were the days when a donkey's head sold for gold coins and many among
the children of Israel died from thrust and starvation and those who survived
were slaughtered in their escape and women were sold in Moslem markets while
mobs defiled Torah scrolls and houses of prayer. And the children were
assembled around the oldest Torah scrolls and the aged stood around them and
pleaded with the Creator to spare the community on account of the toddlers who
did not sin. But each king in his turn, turned against his Jewish citizens. And
each demanded provisions they no longer had because of disorder in the land.
Those were the days when chaos (dar a siba) reigned in the land and law and
order (dar al maczen) was reduced to nothing, for it was a time when kings had
no one to dominate except for Jews. And Jews paid them
multiples of the prescribed dues, yet no one felt safe and no one could earn a
living for fear of the strong-armed that ruled the land. And people cried
asked: 'Just of Justs, when will injustice end? When shall Your
mercy show its face at last?' And rumors spread in the land that a redeemer
(Shabtay Tsvi, 1665) was born. But just when people began to believe that
suffering was not in vain; the redeemer proved to be false (See for example
Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical
evidence).

The rise of the Alaouites
1672-1727

When king Zeidan died, his kingdom weakened in the hands of his inheritors.
And the Alaouites gathered strength from their base in Tafilalet to rule the
land. In the days A Rashid Al A'laoui (1666-1672 CE), 'Dilim and Shabtayim'
were subdued equally.

Those were the days when false prophecies spread in the land and synagogues
were ordered closed. On account of the messiah rumors, Jews were ordered to
walk bare feet and were forbidden to congregate in groups exceeding ten
(minian). Jews in Morocco were so tired of exile that even false prophecies
offered them comfort that better days would come (See for example Hirschberg,
1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Mimran, Toledano and Ben Atar
1672-1727

In the days of Ishmael Al A'laoui (1672-1727) peace came upon the land again
and Mimran, Toledano and Ben Attar represented the king in foreign lands and
brought him armaments to maintain order from Tangier in the North to River Nun
in the South. But in spite of the blessing they brought to the land, Jews
walked bare feet in the street and had to pay their dues in labor (without
remuneration), on top of the dhimma levies they paid.
Those were the days when injustice made blessings bitter and they praised
Heaven that they earned a living in spite of their hardship and that the poor
did not go hungry and rarely were they lost to Israel in spite of isolation and
dispersion in most remote corners of the land (See for example Hirschberg, 1965
Zafrani, 1983, Chouraki, 1985 and relevant chapters in Mind and Soul… for
related historical evidence).

Droughts and Hardship
1727-1757

After the death of Ishmael Al A'laoui, each of his ten sons made a claim to
the throne and for thirty years there was no peace in the land (1727-1757). And
when injustice did not seem to end, a drought came upon Maghreb to warn the
Children of Ishmael but all warnings were ignored and famine spread in the
land. Those were the days when life was not worth living and life made no sense
at all and the Children of Israel sought refuge deep in the interior of the
land. And there was no peace in the land until the reign of Mohamed Ben Abd
Allah (1757-1790). In 1765 the king rebuilt the port of Mogador (Essaouira) and
modernized the city and appointed ten Jews to be the king's merchants to deal
with foreign nations in matters of international commerce, among them Samuel
son of Elisha', Aaron Af-Lalo of Agadir, Moses Eved-Rahem of Tetouan and Maimon
Ben Isaac of Marrakech, the son of Joshua the Castilian, the Rabbi of the city
of Corcos just before the expulsion. But even then, there was no security even
in high rank, for the most notable among the Children of Israel were but servants
in the hands of the kings and from the highest of all positions, they often
ended humbled, like the most common man in all the land, for it was a time when
fate was determined more by shifting political needs than by reciprocity or any
sense of justice. (See for example Hirschberg, 1965 Zafrani,
1983, Chouraki, 1985, Sar Shalom and Eliany 2005 for related historical
evidence).

The expulsion of the Jews of Fez
1790

Upon the death of Mohamed Ben Abd Allah (1790), chaos came upon Maghreb
again. Road pirates robbed Jews everywhere, defiled women and desecrated
synagogues. And Yazid the son of Abd Allah demanded levies Jews did not have
and when they did not deliver the expected payment, he expelled them from Fez.
And Jews wandered like nomads and lived in tents in the heat of the summer and
robbers raided them and took the little they had left and even serpents,
scorpions, insects and rodents came to take their dues. And after two years,
Yazid went to Marrakech and filled its streets with corpses and robbed it of
all its wealth and Moulay Hissam could not stop him and escaped. Thereafter
Yazid brought death and ruin to other cities until a bullet spilled his blood
(See for example Hrschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related
historical evidence).

Persecution in the time of Moulay Suliman
(1792-1822)

Moulay Suliman became king after the death of his brother Yazid (1792 -1822)
and he brought peace to the land again (1820-1822). Some of the survivors of
Yazid's persecutions returned to Fez and lived there in peace for a while. And
since that time, it became a custom in the land to bless the king in Jewish
prayers. But opposition to the king remained strong and insecurity in the
periphery was widespread. Thus Jewish suffering continued. Worse, in the year
1820, a rumor spread that the king passed away and Oudaya rebels raided Jewish
Quarters everywhere. And as it happened in the past in times of uncertainty,
Jews were robbed of all their wealth, and women and
synagogues were defiled and the corpses of the dead laid on the ground for days
before anyone could bring them to burial. And after two year, when Mulay
Suliman really died, Jews were subject to persecution again (See for example
Hrschberg, 1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical
evidence).

As a rule, weak central governments in Morocco imply rising opposition in
the periphery and disorder everywhere. In such conditions, production suffers
and living conditions deteriorate. In addition, Morocco has been subject to
recurring droughts. Thus natural disasters added to the general hardship from
time to time, as irrigation systems were neither widespread nor sophisticated.

Under the rule of Abd A Rahman (1822- 1859)
political instability and natural disasters combined to bring about an economic
downturn and a widespread famine. Jews suffered like everyone else. Rabbinical
accounts reported Jews dying of starvation everywhere. Yet, Moslems believed
that Jews were better off and thus subjected them to repeated raids.

Rabbinical accounts documented Jewish suffering in Morocco in detail. Yet, a
personal account of a Jewish family from the interior indicates that
devastation was of unimaginable dimensions. Berbers raided Jewish homes, slid
open stomachs, believing that Jews swallowed gold to preserve their savings. In
a family of 12 children, only three survived the massacre: one man who studied
at the Avihatsira Academy in Tafilalet, one brother who found refuge in a
remote Berber village and converted to Islam and one sister who was left behind
as dead. This tale, however gruesome, does also point to the fact that island
of kindness did exist in the sea of cruelty and that some Moslem did protect
Jews and offered them shelters, sometime for the price of temporary conversion
(the Jew in question returned to Judaism later) (Eliany, 2005).

Some may suggest that Moroccan elites, kings included, differed in their
behavior from the masses or that benevolence towards Jews was greater in the
center than in the periphery or vise versa. However reality suggests otherwise.
Jews were victimized systematically during periods of instability associated
with political unrest, economic downturns or natural disasters. In addition, Jews
were persecuted in 'good times' for religious reasons because fundamentalists
believed Jews should live in inferior conditions at all times to bring about
conversions and to justify the religious superiority of Islam over Judaism.
Furthermore, kings perceived Jews as easy targets to exploit. They used their
services to enrich themselves and robbed them of their wealth if they
accumulated any.

The conditions above had significant consequences on consumption patterns
among Moroccan Jews. Specifically, Moroccan Jews tend to consume accumulated
wealth in ongoing celebrations such as holidays and lifecycle celebrations till
this day. They used those occasions to share wealth with the poor and the
needy. One may recall rabbinical rulings urging Jews to avoid conspicuous
consumption. Community leaders were fully aware that conspicuous consumption
would cause envy and bring about increased levies as well as raids. The rulings
were definitely not motivated by theological considerations (i.e., humble
lifestyle was expected of the devout who followed AviHatsira, for example). By
the same token, the fact that Jews earned enough to afford lavish celebrations
does indicate that they fared relatively well in spite of the adverse living
conditions.

King Abd A Rahman (1822 - 1859) did the best to
survive in difficult circumstances. Like other kings, he used Jewish merchants
to salvage the economy (export of sugar and wax) but his attitude was not
different from that of preceding kings. He believed firmly that Moslem law permitted
persecution and exploitation of Jews (See for example Hrschberg, 1965 Zafrani,
1983, Chouraki, 1985 and Potugali, 1993 for related historical evidence).

Divergence between Legend and Reality
The case of Sol the Just (1817-1834)

After a family feud, Solika sought refuge at a Moslem neighbor's home. The
neighbors decided to take her as a wife and claimed that she converted to Islam
of her own will. But when she denied his claim, she was brought before the
court of King Abd A Rahman and was sentenced to death.

Many tales evolved around Solika thereafter. Solika was elevated to the
status of a saint for her refusal to convert. Jews, but also some Moslems, go
on pilgrimage to her tomb to plead for good luck and especially, fertility. In
many cases, tales suggest that a prince sought to marry Solika. Glorification
or exaggeration is part of the storytelling but the essence remains bound to
factual circumstances. An adaptation of the tale of Solika-the-Just follows for
illustration purposes.

In all of Fez, and some say, even from one end of Maghreb to another, there was
no beauty to match Sol the graceful. She was barely seventeen, some say only
fifteen, when prince Abd A Rahman heard of the Jewish
belle and summoned her to his court. And when Sol appeared before the prince,
he told her that in no time at all, he would be king and his desire for her
would make her queen!

-Oh, son of kings,
Heir of prophets,
How could a dhimmi
Wear a crownIn a castle of believers? Said
Solika.

- Enchanted I am,
By your charm,
Bewitched -
By your spell,
Oh uncle's daughter.
Say:
"Muhammad is your prophet.
The Eternal is one." Replied the son of kings.

- Oh successor,
Fortune maker, My faith is Sarah's,
My head is yours to take,
If you wish!

And so it was in eighteen hundred and thirty-four to the count of the
Romans, the lovely head was chopped and served on a golden platter to the
would-be-king. Some say, the sacrifice was necessary for the Eternal's glory,
for the one who witnesses all and pronounces right judgments! (Eliany, 2005).

Alliance Israelite Universelle
Tetuan 1862

Ongoing persecution of Jew in Morocco attracted the attention of foreign
powers. It is clear that Jews were not the prime interest of intervention.
Benevolence was only an excuse for European nations to advance their interests
in North Africa. France succeeded especially in doing so. It used Jewish
organization to introduce French education in Jewish Schools through the
Alliance Israelite Universelle (AIU or Col Israel Haverim in Hebrew). AIU schools
were opened in Tetuan (1862) and Tangier (1865) and spread from there
everywhere. By the time Moroccan Jews began their exodus to Israel, a
significant percentage went though the AIU education system.

French education as we shall see would provide new opportunities to Jews as
agents of modernization and social change in Morocco.

Jews as Mediators and Agents of Change
1859-1873

For centuries, European nations aimed to secure their interests in Africa by
holding strongholds on its shores. Portugal, Spain, France, England and Holland
exploited every diplomatic or military opportunity to set a foothold on Maghreb
soil. When central governments were strong, Europeans secured treaties and sent
diplomats to represent their interest in Maghreb. But diplomats were often
targets of extortion and piracy, because law and order (dar Al Maczen) remained
weak in face of its challenging opposition (dar a siba). For stability was a
relative matter in Moslem lands and European diplomats had to learn that signed
treaties were almost always only an expression of good will that had to stand
the test of reality. And as it is in the nature of men to learn from
experience, Europeans began to adopt Moroccan practices, i.e., using Moroccan
Jews as consular representatives to reduce their own risks. This was one of the
peculiar historical situations where the perennial weakness of the marginal Jew
turned into a seasonal blessing, as circumstances positioned him to bridge
between cultures. And so, in season, selected Jews rose to prominence while
negotiating diplomatic and commercial treaties on behalf of both Europeans and
Africans. In perspective, Jews' benefits were almost always short lived and
more often than not, they ended up squeezed out of the deal! They rarely
received any salary and had to be content with a quasi-diplomatic status, which
could be withdrawn any time and under the circumstances, they were obliged to
strive for a very fine balance.

As usual in times of transition, the crowning of a new monarch in Maghreb
was accompanied by internal instability. But when Mohamed Ben Abd A Rahman (1859-1873) was anointed king, he had to face an
additional challenge. Spain launched an attack from the North to strengthen its
positions on Moroccan soil. Spain managed to conquer Tetuan (1860). As usual in
times of war, the retreating army proved its prowess by beating on the weak and
defenseless Jews. And in no time at all, the flow of refugees filled Gibraltar.
It is hard to say exactly what happened but unlike in past history, on this
very special occasion, British Authorities did allow Jewish refugees to land on
the tip of the Iberian soil. The gentle breeze of the Spring of Nations may
have been still blowing in the air and the world may have began
to recognize that the Children of Israel were after all brethrens!

In 1864, the old Montifiori arrived to Marrakech, after stops in Tangier and
Mogador, to seek from the Moroccan monarch the emancipation of Jewish brethren.
It was a time when a rumor spread that soon the Children of Israel would gain
their freedom from exile to settle new colonies in the Land of Israel. But when
the aged Montifiori appeared alone and without an army, it became clear that
redemption was not near. Yet Montifiori managed to convince King Mohamed Ben
Abd A Rahman to grant his dhimmis basic rights, at
least on paper. For those were the days when Moroccan
monarchs were well drilled in signing treaties with no intent to respect them
at all. And so Jews continued to walk bare feet like before and their
humiliation in the land knew no end at all. Around the same time, Montifiori
sponsored the establishment of agricultural colonies in Palestine and Argentina
to accommodate North African Jews (See for example Hrschberg, 1965 Zafrani,
1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

The French in Algeria
1827- 1870

In the year 1827, diplomats assembled at Hussein Dai's palace in Alger to
pay him honor in the occasion of Id al Fetar. One after the other, representatives
of countries with interest in Algeria paid their dues in words and gifts to
appease the Dai who had the power to disrupt shipping in the Mediterranean Sea
and who supplied Europe with wheat in normal days of peace.

It was a beautiful sunny day in Alger then. It was a time to feast and
celebrate and no one could imagine the day would bring war. For when Deval, the
consul of France stood in front of Hussein Dai, the Dai could not contain his
anger that France failed to pay debts for years of wheat supplies. Embarrassed,
the French diplomat found no words to appease the Dai, who slapped him in front
of the whole community of assembled diplomats. And when after three years of
mediation the Dai refused to apologize, the Prime Minister of France, Prince de
Polignac, sent Marshal de Bourmont to teach the Dai a lesson but also to secure
France's interests: a steady supply of wheat in times of need.

It was a time when the power of the Turks in Alger weakened and Hussein Dai
opted to save his private fortune rather than fight to defend his honor. The
Turks lost Algeria while the French learnt that the real power was in the hands
of the Berbers who held on to their autonomy no matter who claimed power in
Alger. For dozens of years, French generals came and went while Berber tribes
remained free. France called upon its citizens to farm the fertile lands of
Algeria. Algerian land was cheap: it was free. Many French urbanites came along
and settled in Alger and Constantine, among other cities where opportunities knocked.

When the French strengthened their hold on Algeria, new hopes were born in
Jewish hearts in Maghreb and Jews flocked there from North and South and from
East and West and new communities came into being in places where they were
forgotten for long. Those were the days when Jews who were citizens of France
called upon their government to do away with the position of the Mokadem, who
was the Prince of the Jews during the rule of the Turks in Algeria and appoint
a counsel dominated by French Jews in its place. And so, French Jews who fought
for democracy in their own land came to Algeria to deny local Jewish
inhabitants the right to elect leaders according to the rule of majority, for
fear that they would loose their position of domination. It was a time when
European Jews believed they knew better what was good for Algerian Jews,
although the local inhabitants survived thousands of years of hardship in
Maghreb. It was a time when there were more Jews from Morocco in Oran than
Algerians for without them there was no life in the market place.

European influence in North Africa increased gradually. France occupied
Algeria in 1830 and Tunisia in 1881. Italy took over Lybia in 1911. It was the
beginning of the breakdown of the Turkish Empire (See for example Hrschberg,
1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Under French influence
Morocco 1912

Morocco remained independent except for a few European strongholds in port
cities such as Mogador and Ceuta. By 1912, France signed a 'protectorat' treaty
with Morocco while Spain controlled the Northern Rif region. Historically,
Moroccan kings ruled effectively only over parts of Morocco, mainly the capital
region in Fez or Rabat (i.e., bled al maczan), with limited control over the
rest of the country (i.e., bled a siba) where local sheikhs had real control.

Perennial instability gave an excuse to European countries to meddle in
Moroccan affairs. In 1880, France, Spain and England, among other countries
convened with Hassan Ben Mohamed (1873-1894) in Madrid to secure diplomatic
privileges to individuals in their service (Moroccan Jews in most cases) as
well as squeeze a declaration of intent to grant equal rights to all
non-Muslim, including the Jews (1880).

But those were the days when the king ruled only in Fez and Dar A Siba
extended its wings over most of the land and things did not improve with the
crowning of Abd Al Aziz at the age of 15 (1894-1908) and Abd Al Hafet
(1908-1923). Those were the days when there was no safety on the roads and Jews
were targets of raids even within the confines of walled quarters (melah) and
when there was no safety for the Jews, it was a sign
that existence was miserable all over Maghreb.

Although the fate of Jews was never of any significant concern to European
Nations, when European interests were at stake, it became one of the causes for
armed penetration into Morocco under a Protectorat agreement (1912). The French
were given the authority to rule the land with the blessing of the king. When
necessary, one king was de-crowned (Abd al Hafet, 1923) to make room for a new
one (Moulay Youssef Ben Mohamed, 1923-1961) to accommodate French interests.
But in the North, Spain held its ground, making Tetuan the capital of the Rif,
while Tangier remained under international rule (See for example Hrschberg,
1965 Zafrani, 1983 and Chouraki, 1985 for related historical evidence).

Jews under French Influence
1941-1943

In the beginning the French established their rule mainly in coastal and
urban areas. Efforts to pacify the periphery (dar a siba) took place between
the two World Wars and especially after WWII.

In the mind of many, the French brought much blessing to Moroccan Jews.
Under their rule, modern secular education became widespread and Jews could
earn a living again with an increasing measure of security. But discrimination
did not end. The French replaced Jews where they could (i.e., in import-export)
and used them to advance their interests where they could not (i.e.,
wholesale/retail). Under the Nazi cloud, the French prohibited Jews from
dealing in real estate and money lending, in addition to professional
restrictions (limits on doctors, lawyers, government positions, military
service, etc…). Limits on the number of Jewish students were also imposed (10% of
non-Jews in elementary and high schools and 3% for higher learning). Jews were
also obliged to register their person and property in preparation for typical
Nazi persecution and were forbidden to live outside of Jewish quarters
(melahs), leading to unbearable density and increased health problems. Many
were also interned in labor camps in terrible conditions. Interestingly, little
is known of the Nazi threat and related Jewish losses in North Africa (Abitbol,
1989).

But the Maghreb was not Europe and in spite of Muslim tendencies to despise,
humiliate and persecute Jews, Moroccans ignored
Franco-German anti-Jewish rules and the king, Mohamed Ben Youssef even objected
to them and the Jews were a relieved only after the departure of General Nogues
to Portugal (1943).

The Exodus of the Moroccan Jewry
1948 - 2005

As usual, when living conditions do not accommodate decent living, Jews seek
to move elsewhere. Moroccan Jews immigrated to other countries when given
opportunity. Traditionally, they went to Zion for religious reasons. They also
left Morocco to other Mediterranean countries due to persecutions. But they
went to Argentina and Palestine, as well as Spain, Britain, Holland and Italy
for economic reasons too. Later, AIU offered educational opportunities in
France, Switzerland and Belgium. Younger Jews benefited from them but in
relatively small numbers.

The greatest opportunity to leave Morocco behind and start a new life
elsewhere came with the establishment of Israel (1948). Jews left Morocco in
significant number as soon as the gates of immigration to Israel opened.
Immigration was massive between 1948 and 1956. Nowadays most Jews of Moroccan
origin live in Israel. A significant number of Moroccan Jews settled in France,
Canada, USA and Mexico, among other countries.

In spite of significant difficulties, Moroccan Jews managed to rebuild their
life in Israel and elsewhere. A small community remains in Morocco (about
1000), mostly in large urban centers such as Casablanca. Most Jews are doing
well there. Authorities extend them adequate protection and equal rights. Yet,
one cannot ignore the sense of insecurity individuals feel.

There is no doubt that the standard of living and quality of life of
Moroccan Jews improved a great deal in Israel. They are an integral part of the
Israeli society in all streams of life. Yet, equality of opportunity lingers in
development towns and disadvantaged neighborhood in larger urban centers. This
segment of the Israeli population (certainly not of Moroccan origin exclusively)
appears to have paid the price of policies, which diverted resources to settle
occupied territories and maintain security there. Israelis will have to
confront this matter head on to avoid far reaching consequences within the
Israeli society.

Elsewhere, the Moroccan Jewish Diaspora has fared relatively well, although
signs of insecurity seem to make North African Jews quite uneasy in France in
recent years.

References

Abitbol, M.1989, The Jews of North Africa During the Second World War, Wayne
State University Press.