CHAPTER 4

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH4.0 RationaleIn this chapter, a grammatical sketch of Qazaq is offered with a view toward providing a basic understanding of elements that constrain rhetorical relations in Qazaq. Of course, not all the elements of the grammar are directly related to Rhetorical Structure Theory (RST). In fact, some of the aspects of derivational suffixes may not be considered closely related to rhetorical relations at all. Some elements which might be thought to be extraneous to RST are also included in this grammar sketch, since there is relatively little written in a systematic, coherent way interfacing Turkic grammar with discourse considerations (Clifton pc 1999). Thus, this work is a first step toward a discourse grammar of Qazaq. Additionally, it is hoped that students of Eastern Turkic languages who lack a reference grammar may be able to find this portion of the thesis a useful supplement to their studies.50

Even so, there are some low-level parts of Qazaq grammar that bear important realtions to RSA. It is important to note that suffixes like -LIK 'nominalizer' and -DAn 'ablative of reason' combine with the participializer -GAn to form reason clauses. Further, some inflectional mood suffixes like -SA form conditionals or temporal clauses; which correspond to the RST relations cause/result and circumstance relations respectively. It is important also to be able to recognize the various finite endings of verbs, since they often signal the end of a clause. As noted in the chapter 3, Data and Methods, the clause is the basic unit of RST segments. Some elements of the grammar, such as tense-aspect-mood (TAM) have been omitted from this present work, since they do not play as crucial a role as other features of the grammar in the hierarchical 50Of course, not all the elements of grammar and syntax which interface with discourse (pragmatic) function are included here. 48structure of expository and hortatory texts.51 Other components of grammar, like the nominal system and pronominal reference, have more to do with the questions of thematicity and participant reference. For this reason, they have not been included in the present work. It is useful though in performing Rhetorical Structure Analysis (RSA) on texts to have a good handle on these aspects of grammar, since RST assumes a familiarity with the language.524.1 PhonologyThe purpose of this section is to provide the reader with a basic understanding of morpho-phonemic changes which occur in written Qazaq so that they will not be fazed by changes induced by vowel harmony or apocopation (deletion) with regard to case suffixes. 4.1.1 Phonemic Inventory of Qazaq (Keyes 2000c)4.1.1.1 VowelsThe vowels in Qazaq can be described by three parameters: front and back, rounded and unrounded, low and high. Table 8 contrasts these features and gives the IPA equivalents for the Cyrillic letters which are bracketed in parentheses. It is the vowel and consonant harmony of Qazaq that lead to positing LIK (nominalizer) and others as morphemes. See further discussion below in footnote 53. 51It is recognized, however, that many discourse analysts, such as Longacre and Talstra consider verbal and nominal systems to be the backbone of foregrounding and backgrounding. Longacre views the verbal system as of primary importance, while Talstra bases his approach on the nominal system. (Longacre 2001a). 52A sharing of the cultural conventions of the author is also assumed. 49TABLE 8CONTRASTING HEIGHT, ROUNDNESS AND BACKNESS PARAMETERS-back +back-round + round - round +round-low +high {} - ~

o {y} , ~- high - ~ o {o}+low l ~ Source: Adapted from Reed 1997.4.1.1.2 ConsonantsTable 9 lists the phonemes in the Qazaq alphabet.53 Sounds foreign to Qazaq are listed with a super-script f. IPA values are given for the various Cyrillic letters. 53In the RST charting with RST Tool, digraphs were used to represent // and /o/. These are ae and oe respectively. 50TABLE 9CONSONANTS IN QAZAQ54

Onset RhymeNucleus Coda(C) (C) (X) V4.1.1.3.1 Syllable TemplateFigure 10 shows the syllable template used by Qazaq (Keyes 2000c). This diagram illustrates that the syllable may or may not consist of an consonantal onset (beginning), but will definitely have a nucleus consisting of a vowel. Qazaq words may or may not include a coda (ending).55 The coda of the syllable may be complex, that is, a combination of consonants. The consonants which may exist in the coda are symbolized by (X) and (C). The (X) indicates that the elements are consonants of different classes. In this case, the consonants which may be included in (X) are the sonorants, namely trills, liquids, nasals, and semivowels listed in table 10. The (X) may combine with other consonants, provided that they are less sonorous than (X).56 If (X) is not included in the coda, then (C) may consist of any consonant except /h/. 4.1.1.4 Vowel HarmonyVowel harmony in Turkic languages has been the subject of much linguistic discussion. In Qazaq orthographic conventions, vowel harmony usually involves the opposition of frontness and backness and vowel height, but not roundness.57 Consider example 4.(4) kotrr 'to lift'In this word we note that both the vowels are front vowels. We note also, however, that the rounding of the first syllable does not spread to the second syllable. A similar phenomenon can be seen in example 5. 55The parentheses in the diagram indicate that the constituent is optional. 56For a detailed discussion on the Sonority Dispersion Principle, see Clements 1990. See Keyes 2000b for its application to Qazaq. 57Krippes (1996) claims that oral Qazaq displays a great deal of rounding harmony. Lars Huttar (pc November 2000) concurs with this opinion. 52Figure 10. The syllable template in Qazaq.(5) qumarliq 'addiction' In this example, the vowels are all 'back' vowels, but do not necessarily match in height or rounding, though they may do so. Vowel harmony also extends to the consonants, since Qazaq associates certain consonants with frontness and backness. Contrast example 6 with 5.(6) merqendtk 'sharp shooting'The /K/ in the deverbalizing suffix LIK58 is manifested as [k] if associated with a front vowel, and [q] if associated with a back vowel. An apparent exception to this is found in the phonemes / o/ and /i/. Though these phonemes are back high and front high vowels respectively, they do not appear to participate in vowel harmony.59 See example 7.(7) qifindiq 'difficulty'4.1.1.5 Voice AssimilationVoicing assimilation between adjacent consonants is another prominent feature of Qazaq phonology. In Qazaq, the consonantal onsets of suffixes take the voicing of the consonants which precede them. Consider example 8.(8) qifindiq-tiq 'difficulty-GEN'In example 8 we notice that the underlying representation of the nominalizing suffix /LIK/ has become [-tiq].60 In terms of feature geometry, the [+ lateral] feature has become 'unlinked.' Additionally, vowel harmony has spread to the other parts of the morpheme.61 Further, the voiceless uvular stop [q] delinks the nasality and voicing of the onset in the underlying representation for the genitive morpheme /NIp/, yielding the [t] as the initial consonant. Vowel harmony spreads to this morpheme as well, resulting 58Archiphonemes (phonemes which may be manifested differently depending on considerations of vowel harmony or voicing assimilation) are represented in capital letters. 59Huttar (pc November 2000) believes these to participate in vowel harmony as diphthongs. 60The features that made the /L/ an "l" have disappeared, leaving a voiced coronal [d].61That is, /IK/ has become [iqj.53in the surface representation [ij. In addition to voice assimilation, Qazaq often displays deletion of the initial or medial segments of a morpheme. For example, words like bolip 'be-CNV' are often truncated to bop. The phenomenon of apocopation is especially productive in the prominal system. This is an interesting topic worthy of attention. However, it is beyond the scope of our present discussion. 4.2 Basic typology of QazaqAccording to Hawkins (1983:286), Qazaq belongs to language type 23. Qazaq's word order is shown in example 9. (9) SOV/Po/GN/ANThat is to say it orders its constituents as Subject, Object, Verb; it has postpositions (as opposed to prepositions); it places genitives before the nouns they modify; and likewise, it places adjectives before the nouns they modify. Turkic is said to be a 'rigid' SOV type language according to Hawkins (1983:137).Greenberg (1966) proposed two types of SOV languages: rigid and nonrigid. In the former, exem-plified by Japanese, the verb is rigidly final in the clause, whereas in the latter, exemplified by Basque, at least one operator on the verb typically follows the verb as the basic order.According to Hawkins, Qazaq appears last in the continuum between VSO type languages and SOV type languages:(i) V, S, DO, IO, OBL, ADV, VSO.(ii) S, V, DO, IO, OBL, ADV, SVO.(iii) S, DO, V, IO, OBL, ADV, SOV non rigid.(iv) S, IO, DO, V, OBL, ADV, SOV non rigid.(v) S, OBL, IO, DO, V, ADV, SOV non rigid.(vi) S, ADV, OBL, IO, DO, V, SOV rigid.54Table 11 summarizes the ordering of constituents which are likely in an SOV language like Qazaq. TABLE 11ORDERING OF CONSTITUENTS Word order Subject Object VerbRelator order PostpositionalRelative clause order Relative clausenounAdjective order Adjective-nounGenitive order Genitive-nounDemonstrative order Demonstrative-nounNumber order Number-nounAuxiliary order Verb auxiliaryVerb order Subordinate verb, main verbModifier order Adverb-adjectiveComparison Standard-marker-adjectiveYes-no/question particle Final Wh-word Immediately before verb (Erguvanli 1984)Ordering of common versus proper noun Proper nouncommon nounAffixes Suffixing Source: Adapted from Greenberg 1966 in Hawkins 1983:24.4.3. Inflectional Suffixes and PostpositionsInflectional suffixes often signal the relationships which hold between the words within a phrase, clause or sentence. The inflectional suffixes include case markers and tense, aspect, and mood markers. 554.3.1 Case suffixesCase suffixes carry a variety of meanings, many of which are derived from context. The range of meanings is quite elastic, depending on the case suffix. These are equivalent to 'syntactic functions' in classical philology; see Chisholm (1998) for Biblical Hebrew, and Brooks and Winberry (1979) and Wallace (1999) for New Testament Greek.62 These may be a source confusion for many students of elementary Qazaq. It is important to note also that the system of case in Qazaq is both synthetic and analytic (Zakir 1999:100). That is to say that case may be signaled either by means of suffixes or separate words.63 Additionally, it should be noted that the various adpositions govern certain cases (Krippes 1996). Thus, case suffixes are important for RST analysis, since some of the case suffixes participate in rhetorical relations. For the purposes of this paper, it will be assumed that Qazaq has seven cases. These are nominative, accusative, ablative, dative, instrumental, genitive, and possessive. 4.3.1.1 Nominative CaseThe noun phrase in the nominative case is usually the subject, hence the prototypical agent. It usually takes a zero suffix. Example (10) demonstrates a typical example of a subject. (10) qambar ap auIaudi qumarIiq kopiI kotcruqambar ap- auIa -u -di qumarIiq kopiI- kotcr -uQambar animal hunt -INF ACC addiction heart lift -INF yjsIn asayan balii cmcs.yjin asa -yan batir cmcsDAT(purpose) make PF.PTC hero NEG Qambar is not a hero who does hunting ...to amuse himself (Ghabdullin1958:44)62Departure from the prototypical usage may carry nuances of control in causation as Comrie 1989 suggests. Comrie (1989), Erk (1982), and Erguvanli (1984) suggest that the accusative case overlaps with the ideas of definite and indefinite, animate and inanimate. Other factors may be involved. The similar syntactic functions among the various suffixes are worthy of comparison, and deserving of further study in order to isolate the factors which may be involved.63The analytic system of postpositions will be mentioned in a separate section.56The subject, Qambar, is in the nominative case and receives no suffix. It is interesting to note that the non-referential NPs: balii 'hero' (which acts as the predicate) and aq- 'animal' and koqtl- 'heart' (which act as verbal complements) also do not take a suffix.64 Qambar is considered the subject because of its sentence initial position, which also marks it as topic. 4.3.1.2 Accusative CaseThe noun phrase in the accusative case is usually the direct object. This is usually the object of a transitive verb and encodes a number of case roles. It is often the prototypical patient, undergoer, or goal. The accusative case is marked with the case suffix -(N)I. The accusative case suffix is homophonous with the adjectivizer DI in many cases. The distinguishing factor is the role that the word with the suffix plays. If the word modifies a noun or verb, the suffix is the adjectivizer DI. Additional confusion is added because of the homophony existing between these and the past-evidential marker DI. In the following examples, only (11) shows the accusative case marker. (11)miItiqti ta basqa pajda-Ian-yan.miItiq-ti ta basqa pajda-Ian-yan.gunpowder -ACC and others use-PASS-PF.PTC gunpowder and so forth were used. (Ghabdullin1958:44)(12) kimdc kim ijincn kcrcktt soz tapsakimdc kim ij -i -ncn kcrck-tt soz tap-sawhoever inside 3S.POSS -ABL need -ADJR word find 3S.CONDIf anyone finds the words (they) needed from among them (Abai QS 1)(13) dcp ubatti dc -p ubat - ti say CNV encourage -3S.PST.EVD ...he said encouragingly (bdireev 1995)In example (11) the word mIIliq 'gunpowder' is marked as the direct object by the suffix -li. In example (12), the modal particle krrrk 'need' is marked as an adjective with the adjectivizing suffix -tt, while in example (13) the 3S past-evidential marker is indicated by the suffix -li. Important clues in 64In the case of koqtl 'heart,' it may be considered to be in the accusative case. 57differentiating these suffixes are related to their word class and position relative to other words in the sentence. It's fairly obvious for example, that ubat 'encourage' is a verb because it occurs immediately after the gerundive suffix IP. It also occurs in the clause final position, which is usually, but not always reserved for verbs. 4.3.1.3 Locative CaseThe locative case is signaled by the suffix DA. It may indicate a spatial relationship or temporal relationship. It often encodes the RST relation circumstance. Consider the examples in (14) and (15).(14) auiI -davillage -LOCin the village(15) az -dasummer-LOCin the summer (bdireev 1995)4.3.1.4 Instrumental CaseThe instrumental case is signaled by the suffix MEn. This case suffix has two main uses. First it indicates that the suffixed NP is used to carry out an event (Larson 1998:222), as in example (16):(16) bykiI auiIdarin apnip kustip jctimen asirap urgcnbykiI auiI-dar-in apnip kus-tip jct-i-men whole village PL -3S.POSS ACCanimal GEN bird -GEN flesh -3S.POSS -INSTRasir -ap ur -gcnfeed CNV go PRF.PTC (they) went about feeding whole villages with the flesh of animals and birds (Ghabdullin1958:44)58Here the flesh of animals and birds is used to carry out the event 'going about feeding.' This would encode the RST relation 'means.' Another identifiable function of MEn is that it can signal the direct object as in example (17):(17) ...irtqij apdarmrn arpaIisadiirtqij ap-dar-mrn arpaIis -adiferocious animal -PL -INSTR struggle -FUT.3S.PST.EVDT he struggles with fierce animals (Ghabdullin1958:45)As mentioned in footnote 52 above, Comrie (1989) suggests that departure from the usual accusative marker indicates a relative lack of control. Another possibility is simply collocation. That is, this usage of the instrumental case may be restricted to certain verbs. 4.3.1.5 Dative CaseThe dative case is signaled by the suffix -(G)A. This case suffix has multiple uses. In terms of rhetorical relations, this case suffix is somewhat important because, when combined with the verbal infinitizer -Au, it marks a purpose or reason clause. In this instance, it is the synthetic counterpart of the preposition yjtn 'for, because.' Example (18) illustrates -(G)A signaling reason.(18) tamaq rcimin buzu scbcbIcrqc yana cmcstamaq rcimin buz-u scbcb-Icr-qr yana cmcsfood regimen destroy-INF reason-PL-DAT only NEGNot only because of the reasons that destroy an eating regimin...(Komarova 1994:5)The reason clause is also overtly signal by the lexical item srbrb 'reason.' Example (19) also illustrates the signaling of reason by the dative suffix (G)A. (19) ...bir botcn adamnip iqqanina maqtanarIiq nc orni bar1bir botcn adam-nip iq-qan-i-naINDEF whole person-GEN defeat-3S-POSS -PF.3S.POSS.DATmaqtanarIiq nc orn-i barboast-IMPF-ADJR what place-POSS existwhat place is there for rejoicing over having defeated a whole person? (Abai QS 26)59Example (20) which is taken from a Qazaq cookbook (Komarova 1994) illustrates the suffix -(G)A functioning to signal purpose. It is suffixed to the inifinitive of jrkrfl 'decorate.'(20) onip birncjc kcscgin jckcjIcygc aIip qaIu kcrcko-nip birncjc kcscg-in jckcj-I-cy-qr aI-ip qaI-u kcrck3S-GEN some piece-ACC ornate-VBLR-INF-DATget-CNV remain-INF needIt is necessary to take some pieces of it in order to decorate ... (Komarova 1994:228)In addition to introducing purpose and reason clauses, the suffix -(G)A functions in many other ways as well. Possible functions of the dative suffix include: identifying the goal of an action as in (21), identifying the recipient of an action as in (22), or identifying the source of an action as in (23). (21) auizina pijcnip kok qauiIdiryan otiqtiradiauiz-i-na pijcn-ip kok qau-iI-dir-yan tos-ipmouth-3S.POSS-DAT hay-GEN green dry-PASS-CAUS-PF.PTC stuff-CNV

otiq-tir-adieat grass-CAUS-3S.FUT.EVDhe weaned (it) by stuffing green hay into its mouth (bdireev 1995)(22) oIardip adam baIasina kcItirgcn pajdasino-Iar-dip adam baIa-si-na kcI-tir-gcn pajda-s-in3S-PL-GEN adam child-3SPOSS-DAT come-CAUS-PF.PTC benefit-3SPOSS-ACC...the benefits which they brought to people (children of Adam) (Ghabdullin1958:45)(23) oyan soz bar ma?o -yan soz bar ma?3S 3S.DAT word exist QPIs there news about him? (Asabaev 1989:4)In addition to these functions, other functions of (G)A include: identifying an object, as in (24). This usage may be restricted to certain verbs. It may indicate a comparison as in (25); indicating the manner in which an event occured as in (26); and finally, combining with the participializer GAn to indicate temporal succession as in (27).(24) oyan nanbao -yan nan-ba3S -3S.DAT believe-NEGDon't believe him (Abai QS 26)60(25) aqiIya tcrisaqiI-ya tcriswisdom-DAT incorrectincorrect according to wisdom (Abai QS 26)(26) apjiIiq qambarya opajya tuspcjdi dc apjiIiq qambar-ya opaj-ya tus-pcj-di dchunting Qambar-DAT easily-DAT fall-NEG.FUT-EVD FOCUSHunting didn't come easily to Qambar (Ghabdullin1958:45)(27) Iaqtayanina on jaqti kyn boIyan sari tujaniIaq ta yan i na on jaqti kyn kid -VBLR-PF.PTC -3S.POSS-DAT ten-about dayboI-yan sari tujan-ibe-PF.PTC yellow nanny goat-ACCa yellow nanny goat which, after having given birth about ten days ago(bdireev 1995)4.3.1.6 Ablative CaseThe ablative case is signaled by the suffix NAn. The ablative suffix has several functions.One common function of NAn is the identification of goal as in (28). (28) jcjcsi bctincn syjip.jcjcsi bctinrn syjip.mother-3SPOSS cheek-3SPOSS-ABL kiss-CNV...his mother, kissing him on the cheek... (bdireev 1995)The case role sgnaled by the ablative case suffix identifies location, that is, the spatial placement of an event (Larson 1998:222). Here goal is indicated. Therefore, this may be termed an 'ablative of goal.' This may be conditioned by the collocation of certain verbs. Another case role signaled by the ablative case suffix is source as in example (29).(29) oI orninan torip...oI orn-i-nan tor-ip...3S seat-3S.POSS-ABL stand-CNVhe got up from his seat (bdireev 1995)61In (29), the ablative signals the place from which the event (the person's standing) began. This may be termed an ablative of source. 62A somewhat interesting relationship is signaled by this next use of the ablative. The ablative works in conjunction with the deictic (demonstrative pronoun) osi 'this' to point back to a previously mentioned bit of discourse.65 Consider the example in (30).(30) qambardiqqambar-dipQambar-GENQambar's [words]:qus clin bciip bayamin... (poetry)qus clin bciip bayaminbird flesh-ACC give-CNV go-PF.PTC-1SI have gone to give the flesh of birds......dcjtini [osidanJdc-j-tin-i os-i-dansay-PPOG-HAB-3SPOSS DEM-3SPOSS-ABLattest of this (Ghabdullin1958:45)Because this ablative serves an anaphoric function, that is, it serves to point back to a previous referent, this usage might be termed an 'ablative of topic.' This relates to RST as the rhetorical relation 'summary.' Another usage of the ablative signals the instrument by which an action is performed. Similarly, the author has termed this an ablative of instrument. Consider the example in (31). (31) qas-qabayin qoIdan tyzcp...qas-qabay-in qoI-dan tyz-cpeyebrow-eyelid-ACC hand-ABL arrange-CNVarranging one's eyebrows and eyelids with the hand, (Abai QS 18)Much like the dative case, the ablative case can also signal a reason clause. It should be noted that it usually does so in conjunction with the participializer Gan or the nominalizer -LIK + possessive suffix. However, it seems that the suffix LIK may signal reason in conjunction with the possessive suffix and the 65In this case, this is really part of an elaborate quote frame. It is paired with the quotative genitive in mentioned in the subsequent section. 63ablative case. Consider example (32).(32) ondaj oqsaqtiq...qoyamdiq omirdip oqsastiyinan ty-adi.on-daj oqsaq-tiq... qoyam-diq omir-dip oqsas-tiy-i-nan ty-adi.3S-ADVRsimilar-NOMcommune-ADJRlife-GEN similar-NOM-POSS-ABLbear-FUT-EVDThis sort of similarity stems from the similarities in their communal living...(Ghabdullin1958, 1996:7)Here, Ghabdullin is pursuing the Soviet line of thinking that similarities among related ethnic groups were not a result of intertextuality and language contact, but of similar lifestyles. 4.3.1.7 Genitive CaseThe genitive case has multiple functions. Like genitives in many languages e.g., Greek or Hebrew,66 it may signal many case roles (syntactic functions). Of course, the prototypical usage of the genitive signals possession. As we will see, however, Qazaq uses the genitive suffix in unique ways which relate to RST. As to the proto-typical usage of the genitive, its relation to the possessive case will be mentioned in the section 4.3.1.8. Turkic languages have a system of posssessor agreement between genitives and the heads they modify. That is, there is agreement between the NP which carries the genitive suffix and the possessive suffix on the head it modifies. Consider the example in (33).(33) mcn-tq kitab-im 1S-GEN book-POSS.1Smy bookThe pronoun and the genitive suffix modify the head noun (the arrow points to the head of the phrase) kitab 'book.' The possessive suffix (I)m agrees with the first person singular pronoun Men 'I.'67

Some prototypical categories of genitive which may potentially affect RST interpretation include genitive of attribute, genitive of kinship, genitive of class, and the partitive genitive. The genitive of attri-66English also uses the genitive to signal "syntactic functions," but Ancient Greek and Biblical Hebrew are chosen as examples, because this phenomenon has been documented in excruciating detail. 64bute indicates an attribute; that is, the NP modifies another NP.68 Consider example (34).(34) kcrbczdtq iskcrbcz - dtq is - vanity-GEN matter-3S.POSS(this is) a matter of vanity (Abai QS 18)The genitive of kinship indicates a kinship relation. Consider example (35).(35) bizdtq qazaqtipbizdtq qazaqtip1PL-GEN Qazaq-GENour Qazaqs (Abai QS 26)This can be considered a genitive of kinship because the Qazaqs refer to one another and other Turkic peoples with fictive kinship terms69 (Cirtautas 1992b). The genitive of class indicates class membership. Consider example (36).(36) kcp ajiIyan pima irdiq biri 'kokcndct' kcp ajiIyan pima -irdiq biri 'kokcndct'wide place-PASS-PF.PTC story-ballad-GEN INDEF-3SPOSS 'sky-executioner.'One of the widely circulated story-ballads is 'sky-executioner.' (Ghabdullin1958:45)Closely allied to the genitive of class is the partitive genitive, which indicates a part-whole relationship. Consider example (37). (37) apniq ctin, onin, tcrisin turmisindayi kcrcginc aratqan.ap-niq ct-i-n on-in tcris-in animal-GEN meat-3SPOSS-ACC fur-3SPOSS-ACC skin-3SPOSS-ACCturmis-in-dayi kcrcg-in-c ara-t-qan.life-3SPOSS-ADJR need-3SPOSS-DAT satisfy-CAUS-PF.PTCAnimal's meat, fur, and skin met the needs of life' (Ghabdullin1958:44)67The application of the genitive paradigm to the pronominal system is worked out in detail in the section dealing with pronouns.68SSA would consider this relation 'item-IDENTIFICATION.'69Fictive kinshipa term borrowed from anthropology. People from outside the extended or immediate family are assigned familial relationships such as "uncle" or "aunt." 65The genitival relationship which most affects RST interpretation is the quotative genitive, which can be interpreted as preparation.70 Consider example (38) which illustrates the quotative genitive: (38) qambardiq qus clin bciip bayamin... (poetry)qambar-diq qus clin bciip bayaminQambar-GEN bird flesh-ACC give-CNV go-PF.PTC-1S...dcjtini osidandc-j-tin-i os-i-dansay-PPOG-HAB-3SPOSS DEM-3SPOSS-ABLQambar's (words): " I have gone to give the flesh of birds" attest to this (Ghabdullin 1958:45)The genitive of time also affects RST interpretation. It may be interpreted as circumstance. In the case of temporal circumstance, the genitive may be suffixed to the participializer (G)An.71 Example (39) illustrates the temporal genitive.(39) qoIina kczin aIip otiryaniqqoI-i-na kcz-i-n aI-ip otir-yan-iqhand -3S.POSS-LOC measure 3S.POSS.ACC take -CNV CONT-PF.PTC-GENwhen it is being measured in the hand (Abai QS 1)Another interesting usage of the genitive is topicality (subjecthood minus agency) in example (40). (40) ozdim yoj dcmcktiq bri dc aqimaqtiqoz-dim yoj dc-mck-tiq bri dc aqimaq-tiqexcel-PST.EVD.1S INTJ say-INF-GEN all CONJ foolish-NOMthe saying "I excelled indeed"is all foolishness. (Abai QS 26)Genitive of object is indicated in example (41).(41) auizina pijcntq kok qauiIdiryan otiqtiradiauiz-i-na ptjrn-tq kok qau-iI-dir-yan tos-ipmouth-3S.POSS-DAT hay-GEN green dry-PASS-CAUS-PF.PTC stuff-GER70This relates to the SSA relation set as orienter-CONTENT. 71-(G)An is quite versatile, since it interacts with derivational suffixes to signal causal and circumstantial relations. 66

otiq-tir-adieat grass-CAUS-3S.FUT.EVDhe weaned (it) by stuffing green hay into its mouth (bdireev 1995) Here, the genitive signals the direct object in what appears to be a pragmatically marked construction. The benefactive genitive indicates the beneficiary of an event. In this case, the genitive is suffixed to the reflexive pronoun. Consider example (42).(42) qiziyin ozq tygcI korc aImajtuyin qiziy-i-n oz-tq tygcI kor-c aI-maj-tuyin profit-3S.POSS self-GEN completely see-IMPF ABIL-NEG.HAB(I am) completely unable to enjoy their prosperity myself (Abai QS 1)4.3.1.8 Possessive CaseIt is impossible to end a discussion of genitives in Turkic without mentioning the possessive particle. As illustrated in example (33), the possessive case often works in concert with the genitive in a sort of agreement.72 Because Turkic languages are not consistent in their application of this construction, Zakir (1999) terms it a "broken" system. The possessive particle is often, but not always, suffixed to the head of the genitive phrase. These are known in the literature as Izafet constructions (Waterson 1980), presumably after the terminology in Persian philology (Elwell-Sutton 1941, 1975:10-11; Thackston 1993:21), since this phenomenon occurs in Persian and Ottoman Turkish (an Arabic-Persian-Turkish creole73) as well. The construction is illustrated in example (43).(43) kcrbczdtq istkcrbcz - dtq is - tvanity-GEN matter-3S.POSS(this is) a matter of vanity. (Abai QS 18)The possessive particle has two forms which are phonologically conditioned. The first, as noted in 72A similar kind of possessor agreement is found in Tzeltal, a language of Central America. See Bickford and Daly 1996: F-3 (MINT);M-2.4 (SUPL) and M-4.4.3(CAGR). 73The fact that Ottoman Turkish contains elements of Persian and Arabic is well known. However, not many seem comfortable with calling it a creole language. The effort to rid Turkish of Persian and Arabic was the main thrust of the language reforms carried out in the 1920s and 30s. 67example (43), occurs after a consonant. The second adds /s/ if the stem it is attached to ends in a vowel. Consider the example in (44).(44) apniq miqtisi ap-niq miqti-sianimal-GEN might-3S.POSS(The) mightiest of beasts (Ghabdullin1958:45)Sometimes the possessive particle may appear without the genitive as in example (45). (45) jcjcst bcttncn syjip... jcjc-st bct-t-ncn syj-ip... mother-3S.POSS face-3S.POSS-ABL kiss-CNV... his mother kissing him on his cheek... (bdireev 1995)This is done where the identity of the referent is "known" or given information. It is thus 'backgrounded' to give prominence to a new referent, or the referent in focus, such as in example (45). Since possesive suffixes agree with their antecedents, In the case of the possessive case marking, the suffixes are minimal. These suffixes are summarized by the paradigm in table 12.TABLE 12THE POSSESSIVE PARADIGM FORPRONOMINAL REFERENCESingular familiar formal Plural familiar formal 1S - m 1Pl - MIz2S- p (Iz) 2Pl- LArIp (Iz)3S - 3Pl - (LAr)4.3.2 PostpositionsThe postpositions in Qazaq are associated with the cases mentioned previously. Postpositions govern the cases of their complements (Burquest pc 2001).Since one may consider the postpositions in Qazaq the analytic counterparts of case suffixes (Poppe 1964:40, Zakir 1999:93) This gives rise to the confusing situation that the case a postpostion will assign its complement, while the case that it signifies as 68the analytic counterpart of a case suffix may be different. A case of this sort may be found in postpostions which signal relations between constituents within the clause. Postpositions in Qazaq are important from the standpoint of rhetorical relations since under certain circumstances, they may indicate temporal, circumstantial, or purpose or reason relations between adverbial and main clauses. The postpositions listed in table 13 were attested in literature examined thus far by the author. The table was compared with Krippes (1996) and Zakir (1999) for accuracy. Of course, this is not an exhaustive list. Qazaq has many more postpositions than are listed here. TABLE 13PARTIAL LIST OF POSTPOSITIONS IN QAZAQPostposition Gloss Function Case Assigned To Complementyjinin order to indicates benefective relationshipnominativemcnwith spatial proximity nominativeqarayandacompared withndicates comparisondativeqarajwith a view towardmanner or purpose dativejcjinuntil, before spatial or temporalindicates extent dative (goal)kcjinafter indicates position in terms of space or temporality also social status by extensionablativebasqaother ndicates separation, differentiationablativeiIgcribefore indicates temporal or spatial relationsablativeburinbefore temporal or spatial ablativeaIdindabefore indicates location genitivearasin(d)aamong indicates location genitivearqasindabehind indicates reason genitiveThe postposition yjtn 'in order to' indicates purpose or a benefactive relationship. It assigns the 69nominative case to its complement. Consider the example in (46). (46) batirIiq bcjncsin korsctu yjtnbatirIiq bcjncs-in korsct-u yjtn heroic character-ACC show-INF in order to(DAT of purpose)in order to show his heroic character (Ghabdullin1958:45)The postposition yjtn 'in order to' is somewhat tricky, because although it assigns the nominative case to its complement, it itself is the analytic counterpart to the dative case marker (G)A. The postposition mrn 'with' indicates spatial or spatial proximity or accompaniment . It assigns the nominative case to its complement. Consider example (47).(47) cscngcIdi mrn ctim Iaqti koripcscngcIdi mrn ctim Iaq-ti kor-ipEsengeldi with (DAT) orphan kid-ACC see-CNVseeing Esengeldi with the orphan kid goat (bdireev 1995)Of course, when affixed to a noun, -Men signals the instrumental case. The postposition keftn 'after' indicates position in terms of space or temporality also inferior social status by extension. It assigns the ablative case to its complement. Consider example (48). (48) ozincn krjtnqtqroz-i-ncn krjtn-qt-qrself-POSS-ABL after-ADJZR-DAT...to those who are (socially) inferior to him (Abai 18)The postposition tlqrrt 'before' indicates temporal or spatial relations, and in a similar manner with keftn 'after', it may indicate superior social status. It assigns the ablative case to its complement. Consider example (49).(49) bizdcn kop tlqrrtbiz-dcn kop tlqrrt1Pl-ABL much before...much earlier than us (Abai QS 3)70The postposition basqa 'other' functions to indicate separation in terms of categories. It assigns the ablative case to its complement. Consider example (50):(50) jcndi munan basqa jcjbir umisim oqjcndi mu-nan basqa jcjbir umis im oqnow DEM-ABL(from) other none work-1S.POSS Neg. Now, other than this I have no other responsibilityThe postposition burin 'before' indicates temporal or spatial relationship. It assigns the ablative case to its complement. Consider example (51).(51) osidan tort iI ma bcs iI burin baosi-dan tort iI ma bcs iI burin baDEM-ABL four year QP five year before QPperhaps four or five years before this (Asabaev 1989:4-5)In this case, 'before' is indicating a temporal relationship between constituents. The postposition qarayanda 'compared with' indicates comparison. It assigns the dative case to its complement. Consider example (52).(52) byyan qarayandaby-yan qarayandaDEM-3S.DAT compared with....in comparison with this...(Ghabdullin1958:44)The postposition qaraj 'according to' indicates manner or purpose. It assigns the dative case to its complement. Consider example (53).(53) auIajtin apina qarajauI-ajtin ap-i-na qarajhunt-HAB.PTC animal-3SPOSS-DAT according to...according to the animal which was being hunted (Ghabdullin1958:44)The postposition jrftn 'until, before' indicates a spatial or temporal relationship with regard to extent. It assigns the dative case to its complement. Consider the example in (54).(54) ijck - qarnimizya jrjtnijck qarni -miz -ya jrjtn71intestine stomach-1Pl-DAT untilUp to our intestines and stomach (indicating intimate association) (Asabaev 1989: 3)The postposition aldinda 'before' indicates a spatial relationship. It assigns the genitive case to its complement. Consider example (55).(55) qazaqtip qosqan ati aIdinda kcIsc qazaq-tip qos-qan at-i aldinda kcI-scQazaq-GEN own-PF.PTC horse-3S.POSS before come-CONDIf a horse a Qazaq owns comes in front (Abai QS 26)The postposition arastn(d)a 'among' indicates location.74 It assigns genitive case to its complement (Krippes 1996) Consider the example in (56).(56) qazaq arasina kcp ajiIyanqazaq arasina kcp aj-iI-yanQazaq among wideplacePASS PF.PTCWidely distributed among the Qazaqs (Ghabdullin1958:45)The postposition arqasinda 'behind or because of' indicates location or reason.75 It assigns the genitive case to its complement. Consider example (57). (57) soIardip arqasindaso-Iar-dip arqa-sin-daDEM-PL-GEN back-POSS-LOCbehind them 4.4 ConnectivesConnectives are essential to understanding clause combining and intersentential relations. Thus, they play a key role in understanding rhetorical relations which are overtly marked. The connectives identified in table 14 are classified with relation to their being additive, concessive, sequential, or causal after Rudolph (1988:106). Additionally, the kind of rhetorical relation they occur with in texts examined by the author are also listed. It should be noted that the particle DA 'also' has a special status as either topic or 74The /d/ in DA has been assimilated into /n/.75The preposition arqasinda consists of several elements in combination which mean 'in back of it.' 72focus marker. Erguvanli (1984) notes that the addition of DA in Turkish serves to create what she terms a "strong" topic. That is, the constituent which is marked with DA may also serve as the "point of departure" for the sentence. The author notes that DA is often found in high level moves of discourse (Keyes 2000b). Table 14 shows the various relations which may be overtly marked by the various connectives. In the discussion following in section 4.9 entitled Clause Combining and Connectives in Qazaq, these connectives and their functions with regard to rhetorical relations will be discussed in detail.

TABLE 14PARTIAL LIST OF CONNECTIVES IN QAZAQConnective Gloss Classification Rhetorical RelationMcnand additive jointDA and or but additive or concessive summary (satellite)restatementsolutionhood (nucleus)non-volitional result (nucleus)non-volitional cause (nucleus)-sa daeven though contrastive concession (satellite)ncand additive jointncmcscor additive jointjaor additive jointjakior additive contrasthcmeven contrastive elaboration(concession)circumstancejtyirnevertheless contrastive concessionIckinbut contrastive concessionbiraqbut contrastive concessioncgcrif causal conditionaIthen causal solutionhood (satellite)sopsince causal non-volitional causecndinow causal preparationsummaryboImasaotherwise causal solutionhoodvolitional cause734.5 Verbs and Verb PhrasesSince the basic unit of analysis in RST is the clause, it will be necessary to examine the subject of verbs and verb phrases. The details of verbal morphology will not be considered except to differentiate between dependent, medial, and independent clauses. This is because verbal morphology operates within a different subset of the discourse functions of grammar, namely foregrounding and backgrounding.76

4.5.1 Intransitive VerbsIntransitive verbs in Qazaq are represented by stative verbs, verbs of motion, and emotive verbs. Some representative intransitive verbs are listed in table 15.TABLE 15INTRANSITIVE VERBSVerb Gloss Verb Glossojna dance, play qajtto returnjiqcome out ujto extinguishbargo arato sufficetoj to be full kirto entertinto be silent biIirato act foolishlymapirto bleat oqsato be similartusto fall ozto excelyrto walk toqtato stopajto open qajranto be surprisedotirto sitctto reachtuto be bornturstandajIanto turnatto liebastato begin76See Longacre 1981:33759, 1996:24; Hopper and Thompson 1980: 25199; and Dooley and Levinsohn 1999:40-43. 744.5.2 Transitive VerbsTransitive verbs seem to be a bit more numerous than intransitive verbs. A list of transitive verbs is shown in table 16.TABLE 16TRANSITIVE VERBSVerb Gloss Verb Glosscto eat qojto putijto drink iIto catch (with claws)otiqto eat grass tutto catchsoqto hit tap to getqoIdato use tart to pullquto chase al to takebaptato prepare usta to master, catchqosto own, compose, join ti to touchasato make ajqas to conflict withctto make cpto defeatqiIto make qoryato rulesojto kill by slitting the throat minto ride4.5.3 Ditransitive VerbsDitransitive77 verbs are quite numerous also. The verb ber 'give' is an example of an inherently ditransiitve verb. Derived ditransitive verbs are formed by a valence-raising operation such as affixing a causative suffix to a intransitive or transitive root. In the case of asir 'to feed,' the stem is formed from a nominal. The causative suffixes -(T)(Ir) and -GIz form a stem from the root. The sheer number of derived ditransitive verbs in Qazaq is a testament to the power of agglutinative languages to synthesize words. 77Ditransitive verbs are verbs which require two objects. 75