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83
Sallie in New York and apologized for a
sloppy letter because her “ head is so full of
the scary times I don’t know what to do.”
Sallie later received a letter from her mother
in Wilmington who described election day
as one of “ intense uneasiness . . . no one can
realize the torture or suspense until
experienced.” 35
Other Wilmingtonians were not as
susceptible to the propaganda that generated
much of the fear among residents.
Businessman Robert Mason wrote his
cousin on election day that all was quiet and
that the situation was exaggerated by the
newspapers and “ in the excited minds of
some of the extremists.” He expressed his
hopes that the “ conservative elements will
keep things down.” In response to fears
among his workers that a riot was imminent,
Mason claimed that it was “ idiotic” to close
the mill since he thought that to do so would
acknowledge a threat that he perceived did
not exist. 36 The sentiment, reflected by the
upper- class businessmen, was that the threat
of violence was sufficient and they hoped to
avoid actual violence. Upper class insider
Louis Meares wrote that he had “ great
confidence in the ability of our people to
suppress the indiscretion of a certain class of
whites who are inclined to urge a conflict
and so to smooth over the pending
trouble.” 37
The White Government Union
emerged as a primary outlet for the
dissemination of information and the
35 Mary Parsley to Sallie, November 2, 1898, Eccles
Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection;
Mother to Sallie, November 9, 1898, Eccles Family
Papers, Southern Historical Collection.
36 Mason was the cashier for the North Carolina
Cotton Oil Company. R. Beverly Mason to Bess,
November 8, 1898, John Steele Henderson Papers,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North
Carolina Library, Chapel Hill; 1897 Wilmington City
Directory.
37 Louis Meares to Richard Meares, November 5,
1898, Meares and de Rosset Family Papers, Southern
Historical Collection.
organization of the citizenry in the city.
Attorney William B. McKoy and other
Wilmington leaders organized WGU
meetings throughout the city, and, by mid-
August, Wilmington had a WGU in every
ward, its members proudly displaying their
large white “ White Government Union”
campaign buttons. WGU meetings took
place at regular intervals and the newspapers
advertised meeting times and places for each
ward and precinct. Most of the meetings
took place in prominent locations such as
the office of congressional candidate John
D. Bellamy Jr., the office of William B.
McKoy, Democratic headquarters in the old
National Bank Building, or the Seaboard Air
Line Railroad building. Membership was
open to anyone who desired “ decent
government,” including women who could
participate in meetings but had no vote in
club decisions. The night before the
election, Wilmington’s WGU met in a joint
session at the courthouse under the
chairmanship of Frank Stedman, with all
individual WGU clubs in attendance. After
speeches by Waddell and Bellamy, the
group named over 150 men to attend polls in
their wards and precincts all day during the
election, asked businesses that employed
voters who planned to vote Democratic to
close, and appointed an additional group of
over eighty men to represent the candidates
during ballot counting. 38
The bridge between the WGU and
the Red Shirt/ Rough Rider phenomenon is
much more evident in Wilmington. Mike
Dowling, admitted leader of Red
Shirt/ Rough Rider activity and member of a
WGU stated that the club sought to win the
election “ at all hazards and by any means
38 Morning Star ( Wilmington), August 11, 18, 19, 25,
26, 27, 1898; Morning Star ( Wilmington), September
2, 3, 9, 18, 21, 22, 1898; Evening Dispatch
( Wilmington), August 24, 25, 1898; Evening
Dispatch ( Wilmington), October 8, 24, 1898;
Wilmington Messenger, November 8, 1898.

83
Sallie in New York and apologized for a
sloppy letter because her “ head is so full of
the scary times I don’t know what to do.”
Sallie later received a letter from her mother
in Wilmington who described election day
as one of “ intense uneasiness . . . no one can
realize the torture or suspense until
experienced.” 35
Other Wilmingtonians were not as
susceptible to the propaganda that generated
much of the fear among residents.
Businessman Robert Mason wrote his
cousin on election day that all was quiet and
that the situation was exaggerated by the
newspapers and “ in the excited minds of
some of the extremists.” He expressed his
hopes that the “ conservative elements will
keep things down.” In response to fears
among his workers that a riot was imminent,
Mason claimed that it was “ idiotic” to close
the mill since he thought that to do so would
acknowledge a threat that he perceived did
not exist. 36 The sentiment, reflected by the
upper- class businessmen, was that the threat
of violence was sufficient and they hoped to
avoid actual violence. Upper class insider
Louis Meares wrote that he had “ great
confidence in the ability of our people to
suppress the indiscretion of a certain class of
whites who are inclined to urge a conflict
and so to smooth over the pending
trouble.” 37
The White Government Union
emerged as a primary outlet for the
dissemination of information and the
35 Mary Parsley to Sallie, November 2, 1898, Eccles
Family Papers, Southern Historical Collection;
Mother to Sallie, November 9, 1898, Eccles Family
Papers, Southern Historical Collection.
36 Mason was the cashier for the North Carolina
Cotton Oil Company. R. Beverly Mason to Bess,
November 8, 1898, John Steele Henderson Papers,
Southern Historical Collection, University of North
Carolina Library, Chapel Hill; 1897 Wilmington City
Directory.
37 Louis Meares to Richard Meares, November 5,
1898, Meares and de Rosset Family Papers, Southern
Historical Collection.
organization of the citizenry in the city.
Attorney William B. McKoy and other
Wilmington leaders organized WGU
meetings throughout the city, and, by mid-
August, Wilmington had a WGU in every
ward, its members proudly displaying their
large white “ White Government Union”
campaign buttons. WGU meetings took
place at regular intervals and the newspapers
advertised meeting times and places for each
ward and precinct. Most of the meetings
took place in prominent locations such as
the office of congressional candidate John
D. Bellamy Jr., the office of William B.
McKoy, Democratic headquarters in the old
National Bank Building, or the Seaboard Air
Line Railroad building. Membership was
open to anyone who desired “ decent
government,” including women who could
participate in meetings but had no vote in
club decisions. The night before the
election, Wilmington’s WGU met in a joint
session at the courthouse under the
chairmanship of Frank Stedman, with all
individual WGU clubs in attendance. After
speeches by Waddell and Bellamy, the
group named over 150 men to attend polls in
their wards and precincts all day during the
election, asked businesses that employed
voters who planned to vote Democratic to
close, and appointed an additional group of
over eighty men to represent the candidates
during ballot counting. 38
The bridge between the WGU and
the Red Shirt/ Rough Rider phenomenon is
much more evident in Wilmington. Mike
Dowling, admitted leader of Red
Shirt/ Rough Rider activity and member of a
WGU stated that the club sought to win the
election “ at all hazards and by any means
38 Morning Star ( Wilmington), August 11, 18, 19, 25,
26, 27, 1898; Morning Star ( Wilmington), September
2, 3, 9, 18, 21, 22, 1898; Evening Dispatch
( Wilmington), August 24, 25, 1898; Evening
Dispatch ( Wilmington), October 8, 24, 1898;
Wilmington Messenger, November 8, 1898.