Editorial Notebook; The World Through Beijing's Eyes

By DAVID C. UNGER

Published: January 1, 1992

BEIJING—
From America, China's leaders look tough, dangerous and maddeningly contemptuous of international opinion. From close up, they look worried about adverse international trends, frightened by their post-Tiananmen isolation and willing to make pragmatic concessions.

There's no getting around many pernicious Chinese policies. But by understanding Beijing's state of mind, Washington can respond in ways that increase American leverage.

Beijing offends international decency in a variety of ways. It profits from prison labor and tolerates copyright piracy. It relentlessly persecutes people who campaign for democracy and for self-rule in Tibet. It supplies arms to Myanmar's murderous State Law and Order Restoration Council and, until recently, to Cambodia's genocidal Khmer Rouge. It exports missiles to Syria and shares nuclear technology with Iran, Algeria and Pakistan.

When other countries protest, Beijing accuses them of impermissible interference in Chinese domestic affairs or colonialist trampling on China's culture and sovereignty.

No context can justify China's misdeeds or negate the need for a vigorous American response. The challenge for Washington is to find responses likely to yield constructive results.

Deng Xiaoping and his hard-line allies crushed the 1989 democracy protests because they believed their survival was at stake. Now, Beijing believes it has restored political stability. China's rulers are unlikely to agree to release all political prisoners immediately for fear of resurrecting a powerful movement. But they can and should be pressed toward leniency, case by case.

Prison exports and copyright violations grow out of the lawless atmosphere created by decades of revolutionary convulsions. China's leaders are, on their own, taking steps toward rebuilding the rule of law. These trade abuses also reflect Beijing's desperate drive to accumulate hard currency for development. For Washington to threaten stiff trade sanctions if these practices persist is both appropriate and effective.

China's arms sales to tyrants and belligerents is deplorable. But until the U.S. renounces such sales for itself, it cannot credibly demand purity from China. U.S. diplomats have consistently raised arms sales and proliferation issues with Beijing, sometimes to good effect. These efforts are worth continuing, and toughening.

Last month China assured Secretary of State Baker that it would soon ratify the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. Even now, Beijing is said to be applying treaty rules to its civilian nuclear cooperation with Iran. China has also been prepared, for its own reasons, to discourage North Korea from developing nuclear weapons.

When viewed from Beijing, the Bush Administration's China policies seem tougher than many American critics think. U.S. sanctions against China stayed in place far longer than Europe's or Japan's. And while top leaders of other Western countries are again visiting Beijing, America has limited official travel to a tough-talking working visit by the Secretary of State.

America is now in an excellent position to work for changes in China. But to do so, the Administration needs to rebuild a consensus on policy toward Beijing. That consensus collapsed not only because of Beijing's murderous repression, but also President Bush's repeated stumbles in the months following the Tiananmen massacre.

The ideal way to undo the damage would be for the public to hear a clear articulation of U.S. values and purposes, direct from President Bush.