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1
GOVERNMENT - THE COMMUNIST VIEWPOINT
By Linn A. B. Gale
'res
Aarchisra has a lure and fascination that often
attract almost irresistibly even the hard-headed. It
uncompromising spirit of revolt, its impatient, ir
rational longing for that absolute freedom which is
an impossibility on an earth inhabited by human
beings and circumscribed by limitations of mundane
existence, its fierce ehafing at the leash of laws, be
ihey just or unjust, all these things find almost
unconscious response in many of us.
There is strong appeal in this philosophy that
would abolish all forms of restraint and leave ui
"free" to unite in voluntary cooperative groups or
live individually, as we might wish. It is so easy to
forget that this is a relative world, not an absolute
ne, and that .,absolute freedom" is an impossibility,
to attempt which would only produce an oxtrenie
reaction that would result in a tyranny worse than
that from which we seek escape. The Hermetic axiom
that extremes mept is liteAlly true with regard to
Anarchism. The fierce desire for liberation which
would end arl government, would send us back hit
a slavery more intolerable than ever by the unre
pressed force of the extreme reaction.
"If it is wrong for an individual to rob, murder
or interfere with another's liberty, is it any less
wrong for a group or class to do these things!" asks
K. B. E. Yes, most emphatically. Morality is not an
abstract thing, a blue-print of human actions, some
of -which are forever and inherently right and some
f which arc forever and inherently wrong. That
which is right under some circumstances is wrong
wider others. Conditions are the determining factor.
As a general proposition, it may be wrong to steal,
but if it were necessary to steal to save the life
of a starving nun, I would say. "To hell with the
rights of property!'' and take what has needed to
present nervation.
Notwithstanding what Edmund Burke says, gov
erinent ean be used for good as well as for ill.
K. B. B. directs his artillery against the uses to
which government is put under capitalism. He ignores
the point that government resting on exploitation
and legalized robbery must necessarily be evil,
whereas if government rested on the ownership of
wealth by its producers, it would be just and
beneficient.
It is true that one has a right to the product of
his own labor. It is also true that capitalistic govern
ments do not assure that right, but instead, deprive
the worker of what he creates and give it to capital
ists.' But under Anarchism and without a central
governing authority, the chances of a man keeping
the fruits of his work would be far less than they,
are now. "Absolute freedom" would bo nothing of
the kind at least so long as the present qualities of
greed and selfishness have not been bred out of
human nature. Instead of people living like brothers
and Biaters, and exchanging their products in equi
table, fraternal fashion, -the ersvwhile profiteers aud
money-lords would get together, pounce upon the
well-disposed of the community tnd try to make
! laves out of them. The "absolute freedom" wouldn't
last 10 days. Either those who formerly exploited
the masses would regnn their dominance by raw
losort to brute force, or the masses would have to
nuite economically, establish a proletarian dictatorship
just as Kussia did. and ruthlessly expropriate the
expropriators.
In either case, Anarchism would be short-lived.
Autocracy would succeed it or the Dictatorship of tho
Proletariat. Government, much-despised tho it were,
would come back to curse or bless, depending on tho
1 ind of government established.
The Anarchist comrade asks. "Since the only just
litle to the ownership of anything arises from ifs
production by its owner, is it not just as much rob
bery for a majority to take property from an in
dividual as for an individual or a minority to do
so?" Certainly, but under Communism the majority
'.von't take property from an individual. Communism
ill give to the individual what he produces and
eliminate the class which has hitherto lived on the
labor of others. That is the difference between Com
munism and capitalism. That is the purpose of Com
munist government. It will be an industrial govern
not a political one. When there are nd cap-
is:! ists and all are isef il workers, anl when those
uHfm workers arj the government, functioning col
Idtiwiy in industrial government won't be a means
. v .K-ion. Go' vfl'uut in U.'ly oppress when
there is :i rich, pri'i'eged tiass that owns the re
sources of the country 8trip that class of land, mines,
factories, industries, etc , and give them to the
People don't rob themselves, tC. B. E. is constantly
thinking of a bourgeois government which, of course,
ia owned by a few people. His criticisms don't ap
ply to a proletarian democracy at all, for the sim
ple reason that under Soviets, the people are the
government They are not exploited because they have
no reason for picking their own pockets.
Instead of Communism aiming to steal from the
worker and give the products of his toil to a
different set of people than those receiving these
products under capitalism, it would provide the
force necessary to proteet the worker in the en
joyment ,of those products. Anarchism wants the
worker to get the fruit of his labor, too, but it
would provide nothing to guarantee him in its pos
session, nothing to stop a bigger fellow from snatch
ing it away from him. It would leave the lab
orer at the mercy of the economic highwayman,
just as capitalism does. But Communism, realizing
that "right without might is moonshine," wnld
back up this unquestionable right of the worker,
with a new kind of government, an economic one,
which conld crush the robber the minute he began
to ply his old trade.
If, however, when K. B. E. speaks of the ma
jority taking property from the individual, he refers
to taxation under Soviets, his reasoning is equally
defective. True, the worker would not get quite all
that he produces, for a small percentage of it woul l
have to be deducted to help defray the expenses
of government. You can't maintain a government on
nothing. Neither ccnld you do so with a factory,
even if that factory were run by its workers in
voluntary cooperation under Anarchism. They would
have to set aside a little of what they produced to
pay for secretarial work, upkeep, etc... wouldn't they?
If this is " obbery", then there always will be rob
bery, and Anarchism assuming it werp succes
ful, which is inconceivable would be no exception
to the role. The only difference is that under Com
munism the taxation would be imposed by a central
authority elected by the workers, while under volun
tary cooperation, it would be imposed by each sep
arate in tustrial group, independent of every other
group. In order to gain the benefits of collective
action, we must surrender a little, at least, of
what we might receive if each worked alone and
received the total result of his efforts. The "absolute
freedom ' ' of the Anarchist is like the personal
liberty" of the boozefighter, a farce and a fantasm.
The isolated inhabitant of the desert comes as near
' having "absolute freedom" as anybody can in a
relative world, and even he doesn't have it, entirely.
Aud the minute he enters into relationship with other
human beings, he has still less. All we can enjoy, at
the most, is a maximum of liberty consistent with
4.he liberty of others. Communism, by taking away
from the bourgeois class some of the "liberty" it
possesses to steal from the proletariat, would give
( very man a larger share of liberty athn any other
system yet proposed.
"The absolute inviolability of person - and pro
every man a larger share of liberty than any ether
we all want Anarchists and Communists eliko. But
A-e won't get it by throwing off all government,
laying aside all weapons and going on in the blind
and blissful delusion that because we don't rob
ethers, they won't rob us.
We must have power. The master class has power
to day economic power, from which comes political
powtr, its offspring. Let the workers take that power
away from the masters, appropriate it to themselves,
Md be the government. Then - and not till then
will the workers retain the nearest possible approach
to all that they create.
workers in each unit subjecting each industrial
group to control by a central body elected by them
selves and it will be au impossibility for that
government to be used for robbery and tyranny.
Bolshevik Policy in the East
Continued from page 1.
their own exertions. It is their own
affair, not that of the Soviet Govern
ment. We can only offer our sym
pathy; anything further would be for
bidden towards a country with which
we were at peace."
Relations with Other States Igland for
"Soviet Russia would then settle
down amind a non-Socialist world a,i
one State among the others!"
Revolution' are mutually contradic
tory," replied Kadek. " Kevoiution
means the achievement of self-government
by the masses. The French Re
volution became Imperialist for two
reasons: (1) it was only a bourgeois
revolution; (2) it was the last act ju
the struggle between France and Eu-
mies. As one of your
historians says, Pitt made Napolc4n7.
Let me refer to Lenin's statement
"Why not!" was Radek's reply.
"It is the standpoint of the Russian
Government that normal and good re
lations are just as possible between
Socialist and capitalist States as they
kavo been between capitalist, and feu
dal States. For example, Imperialist
England lived on quite good terms
with Tsarist feudal Russia in the days
of serfdom. I, personally, am convinced
that Communism can only be saved
through good relations with the cap
italist States. All the capitalist States
are moving towards Sosialism along
their own roads and in their varying
degrees, and the pace will be quickened
by the burden of war taxes and debt
high prices, and the lowered standard
of living. But in each of these count
ries the battle will be won from
within in the growing struggle between
the peoples and Governments. Revolu
tions never originate in foreign af
fairs, but are made at home."
"But. so far you have talked ouly
f possibilities," I pointed out.
"Yes, I am speaking not of plans
that we have, but of things we may
be compelled to attempt. Russia to-day
is too weak to indulge in a world-pol
icy or in a drive against India, yet
she is strong enough to hurt in self
defonco. The workers are utterly tired
of war, but know that peace U denied
them by the Entonte. If they have no
work and nothing to eat they know
it is duo to Entente intervention, and
the knowledge only strengthens their
will to fight. Our enmpaign is one or
dered by the Government, which could
not by its mere command make the
workers fight, but is supported by the
masse in dosperation. To sum up in
a few words, when tho Northcliffe
press talks of a Red Invasion of In
din it docs so insincerely, and as
sheer vilifying of Soviet Russia. Nev
ertholoes, if the Northcliffe pruss
succeeds in misleading English opinion
into war against Russia, then what
is now a fantasy may easily becomo
a reality."
"If We are Forced to Plant"
"Voo are accused of political expan
sionism an Imperialism of Revolu
tion." "The Nro words 'Imperialism' and
at the last party congress in March,
1819 'The sword is not the means
by which the victory of Communism
is to be won. Such a policy of aggres
sion would weaken us and our cause.
Were we by action from outside to
enable a revolutionary Government to
be set up in a country not strong
enough to carry through a revolution
itself, we should weaken ourselves by
dispersing forces needed for our own
defence.
"But there is another side of the
question. If we are forced to fight,
naturally we seek a field of war where
success is most easily attained. It is
not true that we can do nothing; the
Eastern door is open, and there are
great possibilities. Had the old Tsarist
Government determined to advance on
India it would have had to build rail
ways, organise armies, accumulate snip
es in short, employ the resources
of a capitalist Kultur. With us it is
quite different. All we have to do is to
send out our most active workers to
stir up unrest among populations. That
is no new thing for Russians. You may
remember tho part played by Social
Democrats from the Caucasus in the
Persian Revolution in 1906 and later.
1 know personally quite a number of
Caucasian comrades wlio were nevoid
tionary leaders in Persia.
Ten Agitators Equal to an Army.
"What we can supply is the leader
ship so lacking in the East. We can
sond officers as instructors not of
ficers of the old Bchool, but men of
oir own training, in particular artil
lery instructor who were formely en-
pincers in the Putiloff Arsenal. These,
the most intelligent artisans in Russia,
have the necessary mathematical know
ledge to make first-rate artillery of
ficcrs. We can send technical experts
and can erect explosive factories and
arsenals. And remember that when
wo proletarians send ten pickod men,
after our experience of the last two
years, it is equal to an expeditionary
force. Wo are already in touch with
the Young Turks by way of Tashkent,
the Caspian, and Caucasian Azerbaijan.
Our armies are already on the Sea of
Azov. Young Turkish officers whom I
hav? recently met here in Borlin as
sure me that it would require fifteen
REVIEW OF I. W. W. CASE.
(By a Special Correspondent)
Montensano, Wash., Feb. There
have been times in the four weeks of
the Centralia tragedy trial when the
lives of the 11 defendants seemed
balanced on the point of a needle. For
the main tragedy at Centralia hap
pened in a space of time to be meas
ured by seconds, and the stories ofj
eye-witmesses frequently coniiict.
Day after day the prosecution has
produced evidence which on its face
looked damaging to the men on trial
for the alleged murder of Warren
Grimm in the Armistice Day parade.
And then George F. Vandervecr, coun
sel for the defense, would tear at that
testimony with accumulative confid
ence and astuteness and lay wasto
some of the state's best foundations.
Standing out from the month's
events 'in tho trial are: the admission
as evidence of Loren Roberts' alleged
confession after a battle by the de
fense to exclude it; the story told in
court by Tom Morgan, former I. W. W.
who turned state's evidence against
his fellows; and the smashing down
of the testimony of one of the state's
star witnesses under the sledge-hammer
blows of Vanderveer.
Robert's statement was opposed by
the defense on the ground that ho was
insanse when he signed it: and' Van
derveer offered to prove this, con
tending that, the Centralia uiob hud
put the fear of death upon Roborts
to obtain the confession. But Judge
John N. Wilson ruled that the state
ment was admissible and that the jury
imiRt decide what weight should Lo
given to it.
If it is accepted at face value,
however, it will hear out Vanderveer 's
contention that the defendants shot at
the paraders only in self-defense, for
it soys the Industrial Workers had
lieen warned, of a raid nnd prepared
to defend, themselves. Morgan's sto
ry also bore this out.
When Elsie Hornbeck was put on
the stand, it marked a sudden sweep
ing turn in favor of the defense. This
slim Semetic gin is a bookkeepor in
a garage opposite the Avalon Hotai,
from which the prosecution declares
some shots wcr fired.
This girl said she saw a thin-facud
man in a window of the Ava'.on
shortly before the riot; identified
Fugene Barnett in the court-room as
that man; insisted that she had never
seen him f"om that "hysterical day
three months ago until this day m
court; led the jury to believe that
she was able to identify Barnett solely
through the vivid impression his face
had made upon her on Armistice Day.
Then Vanderveer trapped her into
admitting she had seen two photo
graphs of Barnett. Her manner
throughout has been hesitant and un
certain; she had looked helplessly at
Special Prosecutor Abel, causing Vnn-
derveer more than once to command
her to look at him; had admitted that
a man out in the hall had told her
that barnett was inside; and then,
commanded by Vanderveer to go out
and find him. did so and returned to
report that he wasn't there.
Knowing it was a matter of Ufa
and death, she swore, with the manner
of one taking a plunge into the dark,
that Barnett was the man she had
seen in the Avalon. She repeated her
positive assertion that the man in
the Avalon was thin-faced. But, as
Vanderveer pointed out, Barnett is
full-faced.
Both the Associated Press and tho
United Press picture Elsie Hornbeck
as identifying Barnett unqualifiedly,
and say nothing about the photo
graphs; and practically every news
paper in the country, except the
Portland Journal and three radical
papers, The New York Call, Butte Bul
letin and Seattle Record has priuted
thi snmo unqualified story about the
"identification."
Ruminations of a Rebel
By Tom Clifford.
"My Dear Mr. Lansing," chirruped
Woodrow In his billet doux to the
Secretary of State announcing, that his
dignity had been ruffled by the
assumption of Presidential functions
by the latter gentleman in calling
sessions of the Cabinet without per
mission from his Toyal higbnes? , pre-
piratory to administering the coup
do grace that would scpernte, the
Secretary from his job. "My Dear
Mr. President," parroted Lansing in
bis reply, all the while knowing h-3
was to get it where the chicken got
the ax. Of course these are little bour
geois social amenities that are under
stood to be meaningless. I am not iu
the least interested in the fracas
other than that if they had declared
war on each other the affair should
have been settled without indulgence
in hypocritical cant. Insincerity is
so common among the bourgeoisie that
a positive vice has been transformed
into a virliue. They are morally cock
eyed. A bourgeois is so dishonest he
can't play solitaire without cheating
himself. Chicanery and deceit are so
generally practiced by our "best citi
en's that it is surprising their en
dowed colleges have not established
chairs to teach camouflage. Yet it
must he confessed that this moral
obliquity is in complete harmony with
capitalist ethics. An honest man to
day has about as much chance in com
batting the wiles of these past masters
in the art of duplicity u the prever-
1 dal snow ball in hell.
A
THE BLACK CHEEP
LOCAL AKRON. COMMUNIST LABOR PARTY
Is continuing Its regular Sunday Afternoon
Propaganda Meetings
AT 50 SOUTH HOWARD ST.
These are tho ltvett worker's meetings in town. The public is Invited,
of 0 tmw0mm
divisions to dispose of the existing
Turkish nrmies. Moreover, Asia Minor
is already something of an intcrnation
al, interracial powder magazine.
"But there is no need to enlarge
further on possibilities. Our crippled
industries are paralysed. Our historic
task is to reconstruct Russia, and for
that pence is essential. We are fighting
simply became we are forced to do
so, and are given no other choice.
Russia is a democracy of poasanta and
workers f r at least half a century
to come. Your statrsmrnt can count
with certainty on the entire absence
of capitalist Imperialism in Russia. All
the talk about our plans to disrupt
ind destroy the British Empire Is
the sheerest nonsease and Northcliffe
bluff."
Continued from page 2.
they did not lend to iiuch painful con
elusions."
What do you mean," the other
two gasped almost in ono breath.
I mean what I say. We belong
tc the working class. You say the
working class must be organized. Ono
of you day soberly and the other
says generally. Now why don't you
ask can they be organized. Collins
says yes, it least that, pnrt of them
who do not drink. For this Rudolph
calls him a christian. How aro Rudolph
nnd Collins going to work togethor in
tho same organization, when It tnk
steel cage to keep them from "heating
oach other up," yet both of them
ure sober men., Collins wants to eli
minate the weak and let them die,
liudolph wants to forgive the weak,
which means that h. must carry thorn.
For it is logical that If a man is
wt&k he will haVe to lean on yon
Now if you aro fighting tho boss who
has both of his fists ready with
drunkard in one arm and a mental
defective In another, then who ii going
to get rich. '
"That's what I say," roared' Col-
Jack ignored htm, "Both of yon say
that acquired characteristics sre lot
transmitted, yet yon try to give to
the Vace a mental tendancy which hj
It now transpires that the leaders
of the Democratic party am becoming
frantic over the political sitnatiou.
All efforts to suppress Wilson's ambi
tion for a third term havo apparently
only stimulated that nentlemnn's burn
ing desire to be a record breaker, and
thoy arc running around in circles Bonk
ing a way out of their dilemma. Tho
League of notions Is still the pet hobby
of the President, and he evidently
loires to succeed himself for tho
prestige accruing therefrom to qualify
for tho position of high priest in that
organization of world imperialism
Some of the best talent among, the
st at rumen nt Washington arc engaged
in the futile sttempt to convince the
President he has - had honors enough
nnd should give some one elso a chance
Nothing doing there, gentlemen.
Youv'e a white elcphtnt on your
hands.
Tn the meantime the woods are full
of hungry aspirants for the same job.
McAdoo wants it, Brvan yearns for
it, and a score or more of others are
ready to swap their chances in the
sweet bye and bye for four years in
the White House. Not a single one of
them, however, can offer any reason
for this inordinate crawing to succeed
the man who made the "world safe
for democracy" other than he wants
the job. Well, that is a good and suf
ficient reason, isn't it? At least it has
always been so considered. None but
Socialists expect a man to desire pub
lic office as a means of "serving so
ciety, and everybody kuows they are
impractible visionaries.
t
The bankers are getting scared ovor
the financial situation notwithstand
ing it is everywhere conceded that we
are passing through an era of "un
paralleled prosperity." They are de
manding a reduction of outstanding
loans. If you want to save your bacon,
dig up your Liberty bonds, tote them
down to the bank, and turn them in
at discount. Don't grumble brother.
Just take your medicine uncomplain
ingly, like a good little wage slave,
i
It is now announced that tho foreign
diplomats at Washington, out of re
spect for the national prohibition law,
will waive their right to import liquors
for their own use. Does anyone believe
itf Not if his brain is working normal
ly. Those gentlemen are not noted for
indulgence in self sacrifice. This state
ment is doubtless prompted by n de
sire to coni'sivo their stock of wet
goods for thcmselvos ond prevent an
onslaught of their friends.
-O
BYESVII.LE MEETING
Tom Clifford will ispeak at
Byoeville Sunday 2 P. M.
March 7th.
All Guernsey County com
rades are invited and urged
to bring another worker with
them.
nature it does Dot possess except for
purposes of buttle There is no ten
dancy toward productive solidarity in
the human race that I can see. They
do not crpaniie for production, They
bunch together for strife, The brainiest
nd brightest of the rare are contin
nally crawling npwsrd over tho duller
and tho weaker. That ii the law of
life, and it appcaiw to me that yonr
endeavor to set uj a republic of the
weak will always be successfully
thwarted by the strong."
Continued next week.
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