“There are no more pan-democrats. There are only pan-localists,” Wong Wing declared on his Commercial Radio public affairs programme “Our Way Out” (人民大道中) on March 8, 2016.

I agree with his conclusion but not the rationale. Wong suggests that the pan-democrats have been forced to become localists by the dramatic rise of Edward Leung Tin-kei, a Hong Kong University student and spokesperson for Hong Kong Indigenous.

It is a common argument after the Legco by-election in New Territories East geographical constituency on February 28 that the localists have become a third force that will contend with the traditional pro-democracy and pro-establishment camps. Although Leung did not win a seat, he rose from being an unknown figure to capturing 66,524 votes or 15% of the overall votes. Alvin Yeung of Civic Party won the election with 160,880 votes, narrowly beating Holden Chow of the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong who secured 150,329 votes.

As Leung is most likely to take over votes from the pan-democrats in the general Legco elections in September, Wong argues that the pan-democrats are now compelled to win back support by becoming more like the localists.

Meanwhile, three slightly older localist groups, the Civic Passion, Hong Kong Resurgence Order and Proletariat Political Institute, have declared a joint platform to field candidates in all five geographical constituencies in the general elections, scheduled for September 4. Curiously, the coalition excludes the Hong Kong Indigenous. Chin Wan of Hong Kong Resurgence Order even plans to run in New Territories East, where Edward Leung had contested.

When asked if older localist groups are harvesting from their hard-won ascendance, Edward Leung is diplomatic, expressing confidence that both he and Chin Wan could win in the multiple-seat elections.

However, a deeper question is if various self-proclaimed “localist” groups really sleep in the same bed. Edward Leung’s position is simultaneously overlapping with but also contradictory to the raison d’être of the older groups’ platform.

When it was disclosed that Edward Leung is a mainland immigrant, the pro-establishment camp sneered. This is because the older localist groups define a localist as someone who was born and raised in Hong Kong. They have aggressively campaigned against the influx of mainland immigrants.

Leung’s supporters retort that anyone who identifies with Hong Kong’s distinctive values is a localist. One’s birthplace is unimportant. After all, the Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying was born in Hong Kong but has been accused of sacrificing Hong Kong’s interests. Compared with the older group’s emphasis on exclusive ethnic identity, Hong Kong Indigenous holds a more liberal and inclusive civic identity. As such, only the young localists deserve the label while the older groups should be properly called “nativists.”

All the self-labeled “localists” reject the notion that there is a split among them. Yet, if Leung has been repeatedly asked if the older groups are trying to ride on the back of their success, then these groups are probably seen as opportunistic “nativists” by Leung’s supporters and bystanders. It will be easy to confirm if the electorate sees the older groups as “localists” or “nativists”: If Chin Wan runs against Edward Leung as he said he would, then we can observe if he wins a similar vote count or if he loses by a large margin. (Dr Horace Chin Wan-kan opens district office in Tai Wai)

Once we see that there are two overlapping but divergent lines under the “localist” label, it is easy to see that the Hong Kong Indigenous is not entirely at odds with the long-standing pan-democratic camp. After all, the pan-democrats can point out that they have been fighting for the same cause: upholding Hong Kong’s separate system under “one country, two systems,” resisting China’s encroachment into Hong Kong, and preserving the city’s unique values and institutions. Indeed, resistance to “mainlandization” of Hong Kong was the key campaign theme in the last Legco elections in 2012 (see 赤的疑惑).

Thus, the pan-democrats are in fact “localists.” It is just that they are not “nativists.”

Non-establishment parties should form a pan-localist camp

What the “localists” have succeeded in monopolizing is the label. In politics, symbolism matters as much as substance. Wong is right that the pan-democrats should reclaim the lost ground. And the best way to do so is to form a pan-localist camp.

HKU law professor Benny Tai urges all non-establishment groups to unite against the pro-establishment camp in the general Legco elections. There should instead be a coalition of pan-localists.

There is no doubt that the pan-localists are deeply divided, especially over the wisdom of calling for Hong Kong independence and responding to police violence with violence. However, it is only by working together that they would have a chance at winning enough seats to effectively control the Legco agenda. For traditional localists, they should welcome the entry of new localists into the game play of nonviolent legislative resistance. For the new localists, they should see that taking control of Legco is a more effective means to defend Hong Kong’s interests than throwing bricks at the police (see “fishball protests“).

All hope is on the younger pan-localists. Alvin Yeung and Edward Leung seem to have developed some mutual respect during the by-election. (楊岳橋梁天琦握手) Young people declared during the umbrella movement that they were fighting for their future. Young pan-localists need to work together toward a shared future.

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Postscript

Both nativists and localists are celebrating the rise of localists. My observation is that we are seeing the rise of young localists but not middle-aged nativists. We can see how the nativists do vis-a-vis localists in the Sep. elections.

Curiously, Chin Wan, who now advocates “forceful resistance,” once promoted “joyous resistance” :「快樂抗爭就是懷抱歡喜心，直面痛苦，啟發思想，集結龐大民眾，以人民總量令到壓迫者畏懼，宣揚民眾的快樂生活方式而使到壓迫者愧疚而信服，從而達致彼此的解放。」 See also 杜耀明书评：在文化战场上快乐抗争–介绍陈云著《终极评论，快乐抗争》

It is worth noting that in struggles of minorities against majorities, the minority has a better chance if it tries to win sympathy from the majority. Blacks in South Africa worked hard to appeal to white Afrikans. Palestinians have tried to win support from liberal Israelis. If this is any lesson, then it could be a strategic mistake for young people to nurture mutual hatreds between Hong Kong and mainland china. Upholding civic identity and universal values would be consistent with not just HK’s existing core values, but also serves to win over liberal Chinese. See Views from China — and why don’t HK protestors reach out to mainland Chinese?

It is often argued that the pan-democrats’ primary engagement is with democracy in China while the localists give priority to democracy in HK. This is a false distinction and just shows that the “localists” have succeeded in monopolizing the discourse, complete with the label “左膠.” Why did HK people become interested in democracy in China after 1989? Remember the slogan “today’s Tiananmen, tomorrow’s HK.” Most HK people care about China only because they understand that one-party dictatorship in China would make any promises for “one country, two systems” for HK meaningless. The issue is better conceived of as a spectrum rather than a dichotomy. See RTHK series 我係乜乜乜–我係大中華膠? ; new HKU student union chair’s rejection of the 左膠 label .

I emphasize that the hope is placed on young pan-localists. Older folks have built up too much mutual hatreds for any meaningful reconciliation. Both the District Council elections and the Legco by-election show the urgent need to pass on the torch to young party members. Wong Wing also said that the best thing the Civic Party could do is to turn over the leadership to Alvin Yeung. I agree. Of course, Emily Lau and senior members of the Democratic Party should step down as well. Young people who don’t have historical baggage may be better able to form a united front.

The long-standing localists that I respect a lot are those who have been working at the grassroots level for ages, such as 小麗 who has organized democracy workshops, spoken out for the poor, and campaigned against the high-speed railway, and 朱凱迪 who has been campaigning for proper use of New Territories land and against the high-speed railway. Also Ming Gor who distributes free food to the homeless in Shum Shui Po. Could these less controversial figures bring together a united front?

The pro-establishment camp’s ability to push through unpopular funding requests for the high-speed railway shows that the only way to continue the democracy struggle is to unite together to gain enough seats to control the Legco agenda.

It is today’s young people who have to map out a post-2047 Hong Kong. If they don’t overcome differences and come together, then HK will surely go down the drain.

Meanwhile, “Over 30 young individuals from various pro-democracy groups have jointly signed a declaration entitled “Resolution for Hong Kong’s Future”, stating that Hongkongers themselves should decide the political status of Hong Kong after 2047. The declaration, which was posted on Reform HK’s page on Thursday morning, was signed by pro-democracy figures acting in their personal capacity. They include Civic Party members Alvin Yeung and Tanya Chan, the Democratic Party’s Eric Lam, political science scholar Brian Fong, and social commentator Max Wong.” (Let Hongkongers decide city’s future after 2047, pro-democracy figures say; 民主派中青代發表《香港前途決議文》全文) They advocate “internal self-determination” and nonviolence.

Winners And Losers Of Legco By-Election: Alvin Yeung and the Civic Party: At 34, Yeung has emerged as a young high-flier in the Civic Party and the pan-democratic camp. Faced with a Beijing-backed election machinery and caught between the mainstream and radical factions in the camp, it is almost impossible for him to find a balance among various factions and win the seat. Yeung has managed to do so with humility, maturity and far-sightedness, in particular in his mildly positive remarks on Edward Leung’s challenge. That will prove to be an important quality for him to play a role in forging dialogue with the radical localist groups.

The fishball protests forced Yeung to fight on two fronts: the clashes in Mong Kok less than a week before the by-election were widely regarded as an advantage for the DAB because of the tide of public opinion against the violence. Despite the fact that pan-democrats quickly dissociated themselves from the instigators of the violence and denounced it, most commentators predicted that the clashes might take their toll on the Civic Party if it resulted in undecided moderate voters being put off. Also, Alvin Yeung was fighting a war on two fronts. He was simultaneously up against the pro-establishment camp and the indigenous faction, more often known as the “valour faction” in the wake of the Mong Kok clashes.

Radical democrats are likely to splinter the most. Long Hair is getting the hardest hit after criticizing Edward Leung for feeding voters with “human blood buns” (梁國雄：革命作幌子吸票如食「人血饅頭」). Radical democrats have the strongest incentive to coordinate in the general Legco elections: 反對陣營的重新洗牌 — 一種本土意識、兩條本土路線 ;社民連、人力為自保 擬協調「進步民主派」出選名單 ; 【蔡子強．新東補選初步簡評】五大啟示: 本土派今次的突出表現與士氣大振，卻可能反過來為他們九月參選帶來隱憂，因為受到今次補選結果鼓舞，激進和本土政團勢將不斷湧現和參選。以新界東為例，上屆有社民連、人民力量、新民主同盟三隊；今屆卻極有可能倍增，如本土民主前線、熱血，甚至是其餘的傘後組織，以及同是爭取年青選民的學民新黨。結果或會是嚴重攤薄了選票，就算以兩成五的選票份額來計，也未必夠這些激進和本土政團來瓜分，隨時會「攬炒」。

And it doesn’t take long for the “localists” to splinter. Some are grouping together without HKI: Localist groups announce action plan for Sept LegCo election as CY urged to reflect on by-election result: The groups, including Civic Passion, Hong Kong Resurgence Order and Proletariat Political Institute, said on Monday that they would nominate someone shortly for September’s race. They said the theme of their platform would be: “Creating a de facto referendum in five constituencies; allow all citizens to participate in the creation of constitution”. …. The coalition, however, did not include Hong Kong Indigenous, whose candidate Edward Leung Tin-kei ran for the by-election on Sunday.

It is noteworthy that young people continue to have lower voting rates than older generations: 即使在雨傘運動之後的2015年區議會選舉，年輕人投票率出現強勁增長，但18至30歲年輕選票也只是佔全港整體選票數目的12.74%；即使以18至40歲來計，也只是24.75%，仍然低於61歲以上長者的33.12%。(年輕選票在選舉中所起的影響with graphics below)

Deng Xiaoping said when announcing the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984: We should have faith in the Chinese of Hong Kong, who are quite capable of administering their own affairs. The notion that Chinese cannot manage Hong Kong affairs satisfactorily is a leftover from the old colonial mentality . . . We are convinced that the people of Hong Kong are capable of running the affairs of Hong Kong well. (Hong Kong and the Demise of ‘One Country, Two Systems’ )