WASHINGTON, Dec 11 (Reuters) - While some bemoan the slowpace of talks on the "fiscal cliff" and the lack of specificsoffered in the negotiations, one seasoned deficit hawk inWashington, North Dakota Democratic Senator Kent Conrad, thinksit's the only way to get the job done.

"I don't know what's going on in that room," he said of themeetings between Democratic President Barack Obama and House ofRepresentatives Speaker John Boehner, a Republican.

"But I do know that if you have too much time, that justgives time for all the opposing groups to organize" against adeal to avert the cliff, a series of major tax increases andspending cuts set to take effect starting early next year thateconomists say could lead to recession.

The right time to get a deal? "About Tuesday of next week."

He added that while he had "no insider information. I justknow how this place works."

In fact, the city has been swarming with lobbyists - thehighly paid and the unpaid - for months.

The defense industry lobby, anti-tax activist GroverNorquist, and AARP - the seniors lobby group - are only the bestknown members of what is politely called the influence industry.

Just last week, a small group concerned about cuts to socialprograms in general peppered Republican Senator Rob Portman ofOhio with so many questions that he had to abruptly halt aspeech he was delivering.

Some 300 executives of charitable organizations were onCapitol Hill at roughly the same time, to lobby against limitingthe deduction for charitable contributions.

Another organization, concerned about social servicesgenerally, showed up to seek divine intervention, singing hymnsand saying prayers.

PROTESTS NATIONWIDE

And it isn't just happening in Washington.

Concerned constitutents have been regularly appearing inforce at the home district offices of members of Congress.Republican Representative Bob Goodlatte's Lynchburg, Virginia,offices were the site of a protest on Monday.

Federal workers have been demonstrating in cities across thecountry to protect their particular agencies' budgets.

Each comes armed with reasons as to why their cause isspecial.

Advocates from universities and research institutions havebeen among the most vocal and well-organized, fearing for thebudget of the National Institutes of Health, among otheragencies.

"I don't see why you would cut off the funding for basicresearch at a time when you're trying to gin up the economy andget people back to work," said April Burke, president ofLewis-Burke Associates, a lobbying and consulting firm focusedon higher education and science.

But it's a feature of "across-the-board" spending cuts thatnothing is special. That makes the lobbying job tougher.

In ordinary times, lobbying tends to focus more narrowly onspecific programs that might be on the chopping block in aparticular sub-committee of Congress. Activists can refine theirefforts to concentrate on particular members of Congress andtheir staffs for intensive persuasion.

But "across-the-board" cuts are indiscriminate. They couldhit every program that does not have the protected status of"mandatory expenditure," such as the bulk of the Medicare andMedicaid healthcare programs for the elderly and the poorrespectively.

But these mandatory entitlement programs could be on thechopping block later, in the event a deal is reached, so much ofthe energy is aimed at protecting them.

Sarah Binder, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution,said much of the lobbying is probably about 2013, when lawmakerscould take on tax reform and a longer-term debt plan.

"My hunch is they want to put their markers down to makesure that when a full-fledged battle erupts next year, they havemade clear to lawmakers where their constituencies stand," shesaid.