“I not only weaken the opposition, I’m going to make them dead … and if anyone is strong enough to try to hold a demonstration, I will beat all those dogs and put them in a cage.”

No, this was not Muammar el-Qaddafi in his infamous “cockroach” speech in 2011, when he urged his supporters to go “house to house” to kill the opposition. The speaker was Prime Minister Hun Sen of Cambodia, responding with typically threatening language to the suggestion by a Cambodian critic that he should be worried about the overthrow of a dictator in Tunisia.

Brad Adams is Asia director at Human Rights Watch and worked as a lawyer with the United Nations in Cambodia.

Often overlooked in discussions about the world’s most notorious autocrats, on Friday Hun Sen will join the “10,000 Club,” a group of strongmen who through politically motivated violence, control of the security forces, massive corruption and the tacit support of foreign powers have been able to remain in power for 10,000 days.

With the fall of dictators in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, the ranks of the 10,000 Club have been depleted, making Hun Sen one of the 10 longest-serving political leaders in the world.

A former Khmer Rouge commander, Hun Sen has proven to be a highly intelligent and ruthless leader, able to keep his domestic opponents and international critics off balance. His main tactic has been the threat and use of force.

For example, when the then largest-ever United Nations peacekeeping force entered Cambodia to implement the 1991 Paris Peace Agreements, Hun Sen and his party mobilized the security forces to intimidate and attack opposition party members. More than 100 opposition party members were killed under the U.N.’s nose.

In March 1997 his personal bodyguard unit colluded in a grenade attack on a rally led by the opposition leader, Sam Rainsy, in which 16 people died and more than 150 were injured. Because an American citizen was wounded, the F.B.I. was sent to investigate. Its chief investigator concluded that the chain of command led to the prime minister.

Months later, fearful of losing the next election, Hun Sen staged a coup against his royalist coalition partners. Units under his command committed more than 100 extrajudicial killings. My U.N. colleagues and I dug up bodies of men stripped to their underwear, handcuffed, blindfolded and shot in the head. No one has ever been held accountable.

One of the most acute problems in Cambodia now is a massive land grab by Hun Sen’s cronies through what the government calls “economic land concessions.” This has led to widespread protests, but they carry severe risks.

In April, Chut Wutty, Cambodia’s best-known environmental activist, was gunned down while researching illegal timber sales. The government first claimed he died in a shootout, then that he had been killed by a soldier who had subsequently managed to commit suicide by shooting himself twice in the chest. Last week, 13 women protesting their forced eviction from prime real estate in Phnom Penh — sold by the government to a crony company and its Chinese partner — were whisked off to court and summarily sentenced to prison terms.

Widespread corruption is the subject that makes Cambodians most angry. Though Hun Sen has worked only for the Cambodian government since 1979, he appears to be fabulously wealthy. Ten years ago a U.S. State Department official told me the U.S. government estimated his personal wealth at $500 million. When I repeated this figure last year to a different U.S. official, he said, “Is that all?”

Today Hun Sen rules Cambodia with an iron fist, a fact that no Phnom Penh diplomat would dispute, but few confront. He has forced opposition leader Sam Rainsy into exile after orchestrating a prison sentence of 10 years for an act of nonviolent protest. The country goes through the trauma of manipulated elections every five years in which no one imagines that the vote will be free and fair or that an electoral defeat would result in Hun Sen leaving power.

In 1998, after government-manipulated elections, tens of thousands of protesters poured into Phnom Penh’s streets. In a Tahrir Square-style show of defiance, they set up a “Democracy Square” in a park and demanded a recount or new elections. Hun Sen ultimately sent in his shock troops and cleared the park. Western governments muttered their disapproval but did nothing. When Cambodians had their “Khmer Spring,” the world let them down.

At 59, Hun Sen is the youngest member of the 10,000 Club. He has said that he wants to rule until he is 80. After all the pious post-Arab Spring diplomatic talk about confronting dictatorships, Cambodians can be forgiven for asking why no one seems to be paying attention while Hun Sen begins work on his next 10,000 days.

Brad Adams is Asia director at Human Rights Watch and worked as a lawyer with the United Nations in Cambodia.

“I publicly appeal for compatriots, brothers and sisters, children and grandchildren not to be scared of oppression, intimidation or threats by any individual or political party,” King Norodom Sihamoni stated in the May 9 statement.

Cambodia has been under an intense atmosphere in the lead-up to the 2012 Commune Elections due to an ongoing increasingly illegal land grabs, land disputes political intimidation, threat, violence, killing of a dynamic environmentalist Chut Wutty, imprisonment of the 15 Boeng Kak lak residents, illegally forced evictions, and the forced detention of Ven. Loun Sovath by the supreme patriarch, mid-level ranking Buddhist officials, and police.

Cambodia, a Buddhist country, has experienced a rude awakening through French colonialism for almost 100 years, short-lived independence, short-lived Khmer republic, short-lived and horrific comunism 1975-1979, invasion and occupation of Vietnamese armed forces 1979-1989, and a one-man rule of Hun Sen 1979 – present.

Released by Joint Organizations
May 30, 2012 – We, Cambodian and International civil society organizations represented in this statement, condemn the use of armed force and escalating violence against citizens peacefully defending their land, labor and natural resources rights. We are referring to not only the events earlier last week on 22nd May, when dozens of peaceful Boeung Kak Lake (BKL) protesters were violently dispersed and two days later when fifteen (fourteen women and one male) BKL residents were sent to Prey Sar prison and charged and convicted of unfounded criminal offenses,1 but also the recent shooting incidents-the killings of environmental activist Chut Wutty2 in Koh Kong province and 14-year old girl Heng Chantha3 in Kratie province, and the shooting of three young women protesting for better working conditions in Svay Rieng province. These incidents are particularly disturbing because they indicate an increasing readiness on the part of security and military forces to use lethal force against civilians.

The year 2012 has already witnessed at least five such instances, not including numerous other human rights abuses. We are deeply concerned, shocked and saddened about this escalation of violence, particularly in disputes related to Economic Land Concessions (ELCs). Pursuant to Article 41 of the Cambodian Constitution and international conventions to which Cambodia is a party, all citizens enjoy a fundamental right to free expression, which includes the right to protect against decisions of public authorities that infringe on their rights and livelihood . In practice, the exercise of this right is all too often denied or met with violent repression.

Cambodian citizens have a right to live under the rule of law. They deserve to be protected, served with dignity and fairness based on universally agreed basic rights. Public authorities not only have a duty and obligation to ensure that a culture of impunity is never condoned but also must make fighting against impunity a priority. All instances involving the use of firearms against civilians should be promptly, thoroughly and impartially investigated. Investigations that find shootings to be “accidental” or the result of low-ranking officers acting on their own initiative should be supported by evidence gathered in a rigorous, transparent manner. At the very least, protection against threats and intimidation should be provided to witnesses and all victims should have access to effective judicial verdict and justice.

The recent shootings took place despite the fact that Prime Minister Hun Sen has made an announcement prohibiting the use of firearms against protesters4 and issued a moratorium on the granting of ELCs5. Civil society organizations welcome the Prime Minister’s much needed directives, which work to improve human rights in Cambodia. However, the Prime Minister’s directives should be followed by detailed, binding regulations that highlight how public authorities-both local and provincial and armed forces-should thoroughly and systematically implement these directives.

It is necessary to fully review all existing concessions to ensure they all are fully compliant with relevant national and international legal frameworks. Gaps in resources or technical capacity should be identified and addressed, and the implementation of these decisions should be monitored and reported to the public.

We, the 122 undersigned civil society organizations, believe that violence against citizens is never acceptable and should cease immediately and will also continue to monitor individual cases related to land, labor and natural resources rights. In addition, we will seek to engage the Royal Government of Cambodia with the aim to strengthen the rule of law and to break the current cycle of violence and impunity.

This statement is endorsed by the following Cambodian and International Civil Society
Organizations:

Nalanda, the first university of the world, is close to the place where Buddha delivered His last sermon.

Rajgir, India — “The ruins of Nalanda stretches out below us, a poem in red. The remains of this ancient monastic university, located on the way from Patna to Rajgir consist of classrooms, stupas, monk’s cells and temples. The crimson of the bricks glows in the light of the midday sun,” said Kauusalya anthanam writing a news feature on the world’s first university, the Nalanda.

“Some of the bricks look worn with age while others look bright and new; one admires their quality and endurance for the university is said to have flourished from the 5th to the 12th Century A.D. I have only to shut my eyes to think of the robed monks making their way across the impressive structures to attend classes in logic, grammar or medicine, and above all Buddhist studies. All the subjects Nalanda was famous for and that brought students here from many countries” the journalist from the Hindu said further. Read more…

Nalanda – the first university of the world – is close to the place where Buddha delivered His last sermon

Rajgir, India — “The ruins of Nalanda stretches out below us, a poem in red. The remains of this ancient monastic university, located on the way from Patna to Rajgir consist of classrooms, stupas, monk’s cells and temples. The crimson of the bricks glows in the light of the midday sun,” said Kauusalya anthanam writing a news feature on the world’s first university, the Nalanda.

Nalanda - the first university of the world - is close to the place where Buddha delivered His last sermon

“Some of the bricks look worn with age while others look bright and new; one admires their quality and endurance for the university is said to have flourished from the 5th to the 12th Century A.D. I have only to shut my eyes to think of the robed monks making their way across the impressive structures to attend classes in logic, grammar or medicine, and above all Buddhist studies. All the subjects Nalanda was famous for and that brought students here from many countries” the journalist from the Hindu said further.

Spanning dynasties

Nalanda was believed to have been visited by Buddha and Mahavira in the 6th Century B.C. Mahavira is said to have often spent the rainy season here, according to Jain texts. The ruins conjure up a panorama of planned and well-executed architecture. During the excavations, nine levels of construction were discovered, contributed to by the various dynasties – the Gupta, Sunga and Pala rulers. The ruins are at various levels. Presiding over them all are the grand ruins of the great temple with the shallow stepsleading up to it. Our guide,Santhanam said an elderly man, has a Masters in Pali.“The curved shape that forms the base on the ground is typical of the architecture of the Gupta dynasty while the bricks in the reconstructed ruins are an intermingling of various centuries,” he says.

“As one walks up the steps to a reconstructed parapet or down to the granary or the cell of the monks with its stone beds, it is easy to visualise their way of life. The Chinese pilgrim Fa Hien perhaps visited Nalanda in the 4th Century A.D. while Hiuen Tsang did so in the 7th Century A.D., our guide goes on. Hiuen Tsang’s lyrical description when he came here during the reign of King Harshavardhana who was a great patron of Nalanda matches the poetic name of the university that derived from the lotus, the symbol of knowledge: “where an azure pool winds around the monasteries, adorned with the full-blown cups of the blue lotus…”

“Nalanda spread its fragrance till the invasion by the Turks destroyed it in the 12th Century. The university was also devastated by fire. It vanished from view, an obscure mound till Francis Buchanan discovered it in 1812. But it was Sir Alexander Cunningham who identified it as Nalanda in 1861. The Archaeological Survey of India took up the excavation in a big way in the early years of the last century. At the archaeological museum nearby we see magnificent images of the Buddha, terracotta figures and artifacts recovered from the site. But what is unique is the image of Trailokyvijaya trampling over Siva and Parvati, testifying to the tussle between Buddhism and Hinduism.

“From Nalanda we hop over to Rajgir, just 12 km away. We stop at the base of the hill at the small ropeway station. A chair car appears swinging before me, someone thrusts me in, slams the horizontal bar and before I know it I am airborne with only my prayers to keep me company. Eyes shut, I manage to reach the top. But is it worth it! The domed white structure that houses images of the Buddha in the four corners is striking.

“But more impressive is the fact that the Buddha would climb up here to Griddhakuta or Hill of the Vultures to deliver his sermons to his disciples and to the crowds gathered below.

“After descending the hill and travelling a short distance, we are brought to earth with a nasty thud as we near the remnants that are claimed to have been a royal jail. It is believed King Bimbisara of Magadha was imprisoned here by his son Ajathashatru in an unforgivable hurry to get the throne.

The last sermon

“We soon come upon a magnificent sight in Kolhua — a huge stupa surrounded by smaller ones. Towering above them is the Asokan pillar mounted by the lion — he sits there firmly, lord of all that he surveys and witness to the events of the past 2,300 years! The plaque says this was where Buddha preached his last sermon and announced his approaching nirvana.

:We also visit the stupa now in ruins, which marks the spot where one eighth of the relics of the Buddha were buried. As we drive back to Patna, the past seems more potent than the present and the intervening centuries, a mirage.”

An interview with Senator Thach Setha, Executive Director of the Khmer Kampuchea Krom Community, KKC, born in Kampuchea Krom, on 1. Preparation for the 63rd Annual Kampuchea Krom Commemoration and the Offering Ceremony to 1,949 Buddhist monks, 2. Role of Buddhist monks, 3. Supreme Patriarch, mid-level ranking monk officials and police violatedly detained Ven. Loun Sovath against his will with no wrongdoing and 4. The arrest and imprisonment of the Boeng Kak villagers, land owners

Land grabs and disputes are on the rise in Cambodia. The government officials, the powerful military, rich and foreign companies get away and live a free life. While the weaker and poor people are thrown in jail with a drive-by court hearing.

Villagers in Kratie province block the road in January 2012 after four people in a group of villagers protesting against alleged land grabbing by the TTY company were shot. Photo courtesy Heng Chivoan/Phnom Penh Post

Ven. Loun Sovath forced by Supreme Patriarch Non Nget and his associates to sign an agreement on May 24, B.E.2556, A.D.2012 against his human rights to cease defending the weaker and poor people of Cambodia. Read the agreements

“Even though he is a monk, he still has the right to defend human rights, but in contrast he is arrested,” Am Sam Ath, Licadho's senior technical officer, said.

On May 24, 2012, Ven. Loun Sovath was forced to sign this ridiculous promise which violates his freedom rights.

Trumped up charges against Ven. Loun Sovath: On March 19, 2012, Ven. Loun Sovath was accused of incitement for crime in Phnom Penh and overseas in 2011.

Trumped up charges against Ven. Loun Sovath: On February 14, 2012, Ven. Loun Sovath was accused of [receiving] a call from the Lotus Revolution movement to free Cambodia and the Cambodian population in 2012. He is also accused of owning photos and CDs showing the actions of Soun Serey Ratha. He is also accused on participating in a KPPM [led by Soun Serey Ratha] meeting in the US on 16 May 2011.

វត្ត​ច័ន្ទ​តារតន៍​ ហៅ​វត្ត​ភូមិ​ថ្មី​ ស្ថិត​​នៅលើ​ដង​ផ្លូវ​ជាតិ​លេខ​៤ ​ដែល​មាន​ចម្ងាយ​ប្រមាណ​ ៨​គីឡូ​ម៉ែត្រ​ពី​ព្រលាន​យន្ត​អន្តរ​ជាតិ​ ភ្នំពេញ​ ព្រះ​រាជា​ណាចក្រ​កម្ពុជា
Wat Janta Darath also known as Wat Phumi Thmei
Located on National Route 4, approximately 8 kilometers from the Phnom Penh International Airport, Cambodia.

The Kapilavastu district of Nepal contains a number of Buddhist temples that draw scores of pilgrims throughout the year. The UNESCO World Heritage site of Lumbini however, is eternally sacred as the presumed birthplace of Siddhartha Gautama, who later became the Buddha Gautama. At the foothills of the Himalayas, near the border of India, points of interest in Lumbini include ancient ruins and the Mayadevi temple where the Buddha was apparently born.