Kathleen Wynne ‘ready’ to
face spring election over unpopular plan to raise additional $2B a year
to fund transit

Coming up on the one-year anniversary of
her election as Liberal party leader, Kathleen Wynne has kept just
enough distance between herself and her predecessor to remain at the
head of a minority government.

Bright sun streams through the second-floor, south-facing window of
Kathleen Wynne’s Queen’s Park office, and on this freezing weekday
morning it feels like the warmest place in Toronto.

The Premier of Ontario confirms that she was out before the sun was
up for her morning run, despite the cold. “It’s not so bad when it’s not
that windy,” she says.

Ms. Wynne runs a lot. Most mornings, even while travelling, and in a
Liberal Party television ad that shows her trudging up a switchback in
Dufferin County. She’s also still running from the legacy of Dalton
McGuinty, who left office under the cloud of the gas-plant scandal and
having alienated the party’s one-time union allies. Coming up on the
one-year anniversary of her election as party leader, Ms. Wynne has kept
just enough distance between herself and her predecessor to remain at
the head of a minority government.

But the Premier is by all appearances also running out of time. Just
before the provincial legislature rose for its winter break, Ms. Wynne
received a report from a panel she appointed that recommends options for
raising $2-billion a year from taxpayers to fund transit expansion and
other infrastructure. She has vowed to move forward with some version of
that plan in the spring budget, which will almost certainly act as a
poison pill. The opposition Progressive Conservatives and leader Tim
Hudak have been trying to defeat the government for what seems like
forever, while Andrea Horwath’s NDP, which has propped the Liberals up
through two budgets, has for months said a transit plan funded by new
taxes and fees is a non-starter.

Ms. Wynne insists the transit report, itself the product of a panel
that was reviewing the work of an earlier panel, will not be punted
again.

“We’re going to carry on,” the Premier says, sitting in an armchair
across the office from her large wooden desk. “My hope is the opposition
will see that it’s critical that we have a revenue stream,” she says. “I
know that Tim Hudak has said that he has a plan, I don’t know how
exactly he would fund his plan, but Andrea Horwath doesn’t have a plan
at all.”

Ms. Wynne says she still believes one of the two parties might buy
into her transit strategy.

“But if they don’t, we’ve said all along that we’re ready. Whether
it’s on this issue or whether it’s on the broader issues that are part
of the budget, we are ready for a general election.”

And so, Ontario moves toward a crossroads. The province has been
governed by the Liberals for more than a decade, with Mr. McGuinty twice
coming from behind to win elections he was expected to lose. Mr. Hudak,
who lost the last of those campaigns, has spent much of his time since
lamenting the Liberal management of the economy, which even under rosy
government forecasts is not scheduled to climb out of deficit until
2017-18, or three years after the federal government is expected to do
the same.

But while the Liberals and PCs would have been expected to do battle
on the campaign trail over the economy and persistent deficits, the
coming campaign may be fought over different issues entirely. Mr.
Hudak’s party has released a series of white papers that promote
fundamental policy shifts across all levels of government. Though the
PCs aren’t expected to include all of them in an election platform, the
leader has made labour reform, or rewriting the law that allows unions
to make membership mandatory, one of his consistent targets. He told a
Toronto business audience this month that his plan, which he calls
modernizing labour laws and union leaders call an attempt to destroy
their organizations, was an important part of stemming the manufacturing
job losses that in the past few weeks alone have seen companies such as
Heinz and Kellogg announce plans to relocate work from southwestern
Ontario to the United States.

A floor above Ms. Wynne’s office at Queen’s Park, Mr. Hudak says he
is aware that picking a fight with organized labour in the province is
risky.

“I get the advice almost on a daily basis that I should just stay out
of the way, let the government defeat itself and walk into the Premier’s
office,” he says. “But I am going to need a mandate to bring the kind of
change that’s required to the province.”

This is pretty much the opposite of what Mr. Hudak tried in 2011,
when he ran against Mr. McGuinty without saying a lot about what he
would do differently. The unions went after him anyway. This time
around, no one would be under any illusions, which might have the effect
of driving labour supporters back to the Liberal camp. (The austerity
measures brought in under Mr. McGuinty had unions literally protesting
in the street against the Liberals.)

A battle over labour laws could also have the effect of distracting
the electorate from the economy, which should be fertile ground for the
PCs, who have been arguing for months that the Liberals can’t control
spending enough to wrestle the deficit down. Rising hydro prices, the
continuing fallout over the $1-billion dollar gas-plant scandal, an
audit that pointed to wildly excessive compensation at the public power
generator and those manufacturing closures point to plenty of ammunition
for a party keen to attack the Liberals over fiscal mismanagement.

There’s also the fact that the Liberals this fall for the first time
acknowledged that the target date of their long-term deficit-reduction
plan is not as rigid as once thought.

In our year-end interview (which came before the ice storm and its
aftermath), Ms. Wynne repeated the theme of the Fall Economic Statement,
telling the National Post that while she expects to remain on
target to balance the budget by 2017-18, if economic conditions are such
that “those interim targets are going to be difficult for us to hit as
we make investments that are going to make the economy grow, we are not
going to stay on course.”

“I really believe we have the capacity to reach that long-term
target,” the Premier said. “The interim targets? We’ll see.”

Of course, “investments that make the economy grow” could in theory
be, well, anything. And given that Ms. Wynne is already planning for a
multi-billion-dollar transit spend, and has indicated her party is
prepared to spend billions more on a public-pension plan after the
federal government said it wanted to hold off on expanding CPP, it’s a
reasonable assumption that the forecasts of the 2014 budget will look
nothing like the forecasts of the one delivered in 2013. The government
was already facing major challenges on the spending side, where
according to its own targets it was going to have to reduce total
program spending in the years between 2015 and 2018. Not hold the line
on spending, and certainly not keep it in line with inflation: actually
spend fewer discretionary dollars in 2018 than it will spend in 2015.
That is a huge undertaking. And it’s entirely possible that the Wynne
government has decided not to undertake it. Big new programs like a
20-year transit plan and a public-pension scheme would muddy the budget
waters enough that earlier forecasts would no longer be comparable. Move
the target date for a balanced budget out a year or two, add in some
optimistic growth forecasts, and the Liberals could present a roadmap
that makes for good campaign material.

The Premier insists that spending goals have not been abandoned.
“We’ve said we do not have money in the budget to fund increases, so
there are going to be difficult discussions about tradeoffs within the
[spending] envelopes,” she said. “But we’re still in a period of
constraint, it’s very important that people understand that. We’re going
to have to continue [make changes] in all of our ministries that allow
us to keep services, but reduce costs.”

But will that be enough? When economist Don Drummond headed the
commission on public services that produced what became known as the
Drummond Report in 2012, it considered the possibility of extending the
target date to return to balance by a year or two. “We examined this
option, but found that it offers little relief from the need for severe
spending curbs,” the report says. “The minor additional flexibility on
spending does not outweigh the risk of slipping out of fiscal control.”

Search all the statements of Ms. Wynne and her Finance Minister,
Charles Sousa, meanwhile, and you will find no references to severe
spending cuts, no matter the target break-even date. Both instead have
been training their focus of late on Ottawa, which they say is
shortchanging the province.

It’s not about winning the keys to the Premier’s office. It’s about
turning the economy around

“I just want to say that it’s really important to me to work
collaboratively with the federal government,” Ms. Wynne said in her
office. “So far there doesn’t seem to be a willing partner.”

Again, it’s a message that seems road-tested for the campaign trail.

Mr. Hudak, for his part, says the Liberals have had more than enough
time to prove they can improve the provincial economy, and they have
come up wanting. He says he will enter the new year still pushing his
party’s policy proposals, even though they will draw fire from
opponents.

“It’s not about winning the keys to the Premier’s office. It’s about
turning the economy around,” he says.

Kathleen Wynn makes me want to puke.
She is a classic supporter for Ontario's largest Criminal Organization
and as premier she turns a blind eye and facilitates the payment of
Billions of Dollars towards Ontario's largest criminal organization
called
The Children's Aid Societies of Ontario.

The nastiest, most vile, most corrupt, criminal organization with a
reputation for child abuse, is the unaccountable, secretive
organization, called the Children's Aid Societies of Ontario and one of
the strongest supporters of this Criminal Cult is
Kathleen Wynne.

These 48 private corporations operate like a Cult, and have corrupted
Ontario Society on such a massive scale that it defies belief or
understanding most people and if you are in the Ottawa Police, you are
trained to be blind deaf and dumb when it comes to criminal offences by
this rogue criminal organization.

These worst of the worst criminals, child abusers, have gained control
of the courts, they have their own legislation to protect them called
the Child and Family Services Act.

These Criminals have infested and riddled the Judiciary of the Superior
Court of Ontario with their own hand picked lawyers who spent many years
paying their dues for this criminal organization, fabricating evidence
and then getting an almost automatic appointment to the judiciary.

Ottawa Superior Court is riddled with them, to the point that there is
little point in litigating against them. They have so much power in the
courts, with the court administration with direct lines to their former
lawyers now judges to get judges changed, to get orders made without
even the other party being in the court room.

And it costs Ontario Billions, yes, Billions of dollars, it takes money
away from fighting genuine criminals, it swamps the courts, to the point
that the majority of litigation is generated by corrupt public officials
for their own make work projects.

The vast majority of CAS children in care and or adoptions are obtained
by the Fabrication of Evidence and by judges like our former CAS lawyers
turned judges, turning a deliberate blind eye and Rubber Stamping,
anything and everything the CAS want.

When they actually get a judge with balls, they intimidate him via their
own judges in judges chambers, these are the most ruthless, criminals in
society and the Ottawa Police and our Judiciary promote and encourage
these criminal child abusers.

Take the lawyer Marguerite Isobel Lewis of the Children's Aid Society of
Ottawa, she fabricates evidence in the court room, before a former CAS
lawyer turned judge who turns a deliberate blind eye and, wait for it
the Ottawa Police start an investigation and drop it upon one phone call
from the CAS.

Then we have Child Protection Worker Philip Hiltz-Laforge who habitually
fabricates evidence and the Ottawa Police do nothing. He gets the stamp
of approval from the former CAS lawyers turned judges who turn a
deliberate blind eye to the worst of the worst criminals in society who
don't protect children but abuse them.

Enough is enough.

It's time to disband Ontario's Largest Criminal Organization and a first
step is to
ensure that you vote for any party OTHER THAN the Liberals who are
entirely responsible for the endless promotion of this criminal
organization not to mention, the abuse of children and robbing Ontario
of Billions of dollars for decades.

Visit www.Blakout.ca to gain an idea of how theses criminals operate.
If you have information on this criminal organization, please email
stopcasdotca@gmail.com