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June 28, 2006

IAUC Loses Confidence in Hain

Washington, D.C. June 28, 2006 - The Irish American Unity Conference(IAUC) has said Irish America has lost confidence in Britain'sNorthern Secretary State Peter Hain to fairly manage the peaceprocess.

In a statement today, IAUC President Dr. Robert Linnon said: "A seriesof controversial decisions by Peter Hain which have been clearly andunashamedly designed to bolster unionism and disadvantage nationalismhave undermined his authority and standing in Irish America. Mr. Hainhas become a team player for the DUP and not a referee, making itimpossible for him to bring the pressure to bear on Dr Paisley's partywhich is needed if the political logjam is to be broken."

Dr. Linnon pointed out five major areas where Mr. Hain has madedecisions that hark back to the days of unionist rule at Stormontrather than the era of fair play supposedly ushered in by the GoodFriday Agreement. These were:

1. Bending the rules of the Parades Commission appointments process toput two obviously biased Orangemen on the Commission while making noeffort to have the views of nationalist residents represented. Thisdecision is continuing to be challenged in the courts by the residentsof Garvaghy Road.

2. Appointing a head of the Victims' Commission after consulting alonewith the DUP. Again this decision is being challenged by nationalistvictims' groups in the courts.

3. Blocking demands for a full investigation of British security forcecollusion in the case of murdered human rights attorney Pat Finucaneand seeking to frustrate attempts by nationalists to uncover the truthabout past killings by the British security forces.

4. Refusing start-up assistance and advertising on a par with otherpro-government newspapers to the pro-United Ireland newspaper DailyIreland.

5. His imprisonment of republican Sean Kelly in June 2005 showed thatMr. Hain is more interested in pandering to the DUP than pushingforward the peace process."

Dr. Linnon said Mr. Hain's pandering continues to the present day withthe proffering of a November 24 deadline to the DUP when they shouldbe told to get the power-sharing Executive up and running now.

More Pictures from Ireland

The Posing Goat

Hi all,

Here is probably the final installment of "what we did on our summer vacation" for 2006. We return next Monday and we are Dublin doing some genealogical research. (No, the goat is NOT family!! I don’t think.)

An Irish activist group that has been lobbying forimmigration changes is heading back to Washington. Thistime, it is focusing on the House of Representatives.

On June 28, the New York-based Irish Lobby for ImmigrationReform will go to the capital to bolster support forimmigration changes in the House. A Senate bill, known asthe Kennedy-McCain bill, passed last month.

Organizers said they would try to meet with severalcongressmen - namely Reps. Pete King, R-Long Island; TomTancredo, R-Colo.; and F. James Sensenbrenner, R-Wis.; andMajority Leader John Boehner, R-Ohio, - who now do notsupport the Senate's version.

"We're hopefully going to change their views and hopefullythey'll realize this is the best way to fix a brokenimmigration system," said Matt Reilly, a Blauvelt man whohas been active in the immigration movement. "We're goingto talk to them and persuade them to support the Kennedy-McCain bill."

The lobby group expected Sen. Edward Kennedy, D-Mass., tojoin them. The Senate bill was introduced last year byKennedy and Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz.

It called for a guest-worker program that would admit up to200,000 people per year; hiring of more Border Patrolagents; building hundreds of miles of fencing on theborder; and allowing illegal immigrants who have been inthe country for at least five years to remain, pay $2,000in fines and settle back taxes, among other provisions.

It is estimated that the number of illegal immigrantsranges from 6 million to 11 million and that there arebetween 40,000 and 50,000 from Ireland in the UnitedStates.

In March, thousands from the Lower Hudson Valley, the BronxQueens, Stamford, Conn., Boston and Philadelphia marched onthe capital to lobby senators. A month later, McCainvisited the Bronx as part of a town hall meeting sponsoredby the Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform.

Kelly Fincham, director of the immigration group, said thetrip in March that focused on the Senate was a success andshe expected similar numbers for this trip.

"We're prepared to knock on all 531 doors," she said. "Wewould hope to be changing some minds in the House."

Leaders who oppose the Senate's version have raisedconcerns about potentially granting amnesty to immigrants.

King, for example, has said cracking down on illegalimmigration was paramount in the post-Sept. 11 world. Hisapproach called for stricter immigration laws that payparticular attention to border controls and enforcement. Hehas also proposed making it a crime to be in this countryillegally.

That has many in the Irish community concerned, but Finchamhoped the trip might change King's mind.

"There's still room for him to be a friend of the Irish,"she said.

----If you go

What: The Irish Lobby for Immigration Reform is going toWashington as part of its efforts to advance immigrationchange in the House.Cost: freeWhen: June 28Where: Buses leave from Katonah Avenue in the Bronx at 5a.m.Information: Call 845-359-0392 or 914-595-2558. Visit thegroup's Web site at www.irishlobbyusa.org.----To receive this news via email, click HERE.No Message is necessary.To Get RSS Feed for Irish Aires News click HERE(Paste http://irishaires.blogspot.com/atom.xml into a News Reader)To June IndexTo Index of Monthly Archives

Gerry Kelly - Bodenstown Address

Gerry Kelly - Bodenstown AddressSinn Féin Ard Chomhairle member and MLA for North Belfast Gerry Kelly on Sunday delivered the main address at the annual Wolfe Tone Commemoration in Bodenstown attended by thousands of republicans from across the island and beyond.

I am very honoured to be here today to speak of those who fought and died for the freedom of the people of Ireland and to do so at the graveside of Theobald Wolfe Tone, the father of Irish Republicanism.

Here was a visionary. An Irish republican, a father, brother, husband and son. A lawyer, a writer, a gun-runner. A civil rights activist who became a revolutionary because in his time freedom and equality was impossible without revolution. Here was a young protestant man, as many in the leadership of the United Irish men were. His commitment and dedication was such that he was able, after arriving in France in February of 1796, on the run, to convince the French Republican government to send a fleet of 15,000 soldiers off to Ireland. He convinced them to put their most experienced General Lazare Hoche in charge of the expedition, who in turn, appointed Wolfe Tone as an Adjutant General in the French army. He was so persuasive that after an atrocious sea storm aborted the landing at Bantry Bay the French sent three further fleets - one in 1797 and the other two in 1798. The year of the great rebellion.

Unfortunately he was captured by the British off the Donegal coast in 1798 and died in jail just before he was due to be hanged on the gallows.

He would find good company here today.

But perhaps his biggest achievement was his vision. His ideas of freedom were boundless and more importantly he acted on them. Those ideas have inspired the oppressed in Ireland and throughout the world ever since. It is a fire still burning in the heart of every Irish republican.

This year is also the 90th anniversary of the 1916 rising and Wolfe Tone‚s tremendous influence can be seen in Pádraig Pearse‚s 'The Separatist Idea' published in 1916. We can also see the commitment, determination and courage of Tone in those who gave their lives in the Hunger Strike of 1981 some 25 years ago. This is also the 30th anniversary of Vol. Frank Stagg and the 60th anniversary of Seán McCaughey who both died on Hunger Strike.

In commemorating and celebrating the bravery of Wolfe Tone and our fallen comrades since then, I want to pay tribute to the volunteers and leadership of the IRA today because they have shown outstanding valour and vision on and off the battlefield. They have played the most pivotal role in this phase of the struggle and I commend their initiatives, patience, discipline and tenacity.

If courage were the yardstick of success then the British would be long gone.

Indeed individual and collective courage have been the mainstay of this long struggle. It was the courage shown by the leadership of Oglaigh na hEireann in calling a cessation of military operations in 1994 which was the catalyst for not only the overall peace process but for the ongoing development of the republican strategy which has brought us so far.

Since we last gathered here in 2005 the Irish Republican Army announced that it has formally ended its armed campaign. This was a courageous and truly historic step to advance the cause of peace and the cause of Irish freedom.

Although this is the first time I've been on the platform at Bodenstown, I have spoken at the gravesides of many fallen comrades so let me repeat what I have consistently stated, I don't know what Wolfe Tone would think of our present day strategy and tactics or indeed what James Connolly or Bobby Sands or Mairead Farrell or Sheena Campbell or other friends who were killed during the present phase of struggle might say.

I do know that we all agree with Tone's words, still relevant two hundred and more years after his death;

To subvert the tyranny of our execrable government,

To break the connection with England,

The never failing source of all our political evils,

And to assert the independence of my country-

These were my objects.

To unite the whole people of Ireland,

To abolish the memory of all past dissensions,

And to substitute the common name of Irishman

In place of the denominations of Protestant, Catholic, and Dissenter-

These were my means,

- Theobald Wolfe Tone

We strive for that same independence and unity.

I do know that those who are left behind, those who survive must take up the mantle and do the best we can in the era that we live in. We must lead, we must strategise and use tactics suitable and workable to the 21st century. That is the onerous task our fallen comrades leave to us.

Now there are turning points in a nation‚s history that change the course of that nations people. 1798 was such a point, the 1916 rising was such an event as was the Hunger Strike of 1981. Despite the profound difficulties for many Republicans the IRA statement of July 28th, 2005 is another such event. The IRA has provided a golden opportunity to advance a new era in our long struggle. It is crucial that this opportunity be grasped by Republicans and opponents alike.

In the coming weeks there will be renewed efforts to advance the peace process. Republicans had taken hugely important decisions. It is time for others to respond in like manner. The challenge is there not just for the DUP but more importantly for the British and Irish government.

The inescapable question for the DUP is whether they are prepared to join with the rest of us in sharing power. If they refuse then it is the two governments who must deliver on their commitments to jointly implement all other elements of the Good Friday Agreement. Unionism must be shown that power sharing is much more preferable than British ministers implementing policies over their heads which are detrimental to the lives of everyone living in Ireland, nationalist or unionist.

Many people will be frustrated at the slow pace of progress and angry that those opposed to change are being pandered to. However these are the perennial tactics of our opponents.

Our response lies in our strengths; Sinn Féin has become the largest nationalist party in the North. We became the 3rd largest party in Ireland. We are the only all-Ireland party. We have the capability of achieving a united Ireland and we must continue constantly building the capacity to achieve that goal.

We will only do that by leading with courage and imagination, by taking initiatives and above all by hard work. More and more people in Ireland North and South are joining us and looking to us for leadership. It has meant activists changing and adapting their role in our struggle. Perhaps few activists thought they could adapt, but, as they say ˆ „the proof is in the pudding‰. It has been the Republican ability to face each new situation, each new obstacle to overcome, in an open and imaginative way which has proven the versatility and ability of the Republican activist. There is no lack of work and make no mistake, the effort that republicans put into this struggle is the envy of political struggles the world over.

Sinn Féin is not going to stand by and allow Human rights, equality, ending discrimination, the rights of Irish language speakers, the achievement of an acceptable policing service or any other of our rights, to be subject to any unionist veto. These are our rights and we will persist until they are achieved. Let‚s also remember POW‚s still incarcerated. There are still political prisoners in jail. There are people on the run. They all should be free to be with their families.

Let us also here today pledge our ongoing support for the families of those killed across this island through the British State policy of collusion over many decades. Their refusal to accept the lies and cover-up of the British State is an inspiration for the rest of us, and more importantly is a clear reminder for the British government that this issue will not go away.

Sinn Féin believes in people. We believe in empowering people, in working in partnership with local communities to tackle problems and map out new alternative policies.

One of the most encouraging aspects of this phase of our struggle has been the numbers of young people attracted to our party. A new generation of activists are taking their place in the struggle and we must ensure that place is secured. We are the only political party, which is experiencing such growth, and it is a sign that young men and women see this party as a vehicle for change for a new generation. The first people out to defend our areas against physical attack are youth ˆ they are needed in the vanguard of our political project.

Our goal is to see a united Ireland, which delivers real social and economic change. We are the only party with a strategy and policies for achieving Irish unity and independence. An all-Ireland democracy. An Ireland of Equals.

We will never again accept the status of second class citizens North or South. Neither will we ever impose second class citizenship upon anyone else.

But unionists too have responsibilities and this includes the need to break with sectarian politics. The politics of domination.

However, we are mindful that for many unionists the change we have embarked upon is a terrifying prospect. Change is always difficult. When taken in the context of a conflict resolution process, change can be traumatic. And this can be mr party would go into coalition with anybody to make up the numbers.

Sinn Féin wants to be in government, North and South. We want to see change in the here and now. We are about building a complete alternative to the kind of government which presides over one of the wealthiest economies in the world yet is failing to deliver.

Despite 15 years of unprecedented economic growth. 15% of our children live in constant poverty.

Patients are left for days on end on hospital trolleys.

Remember that in 1980 there were over 17,500 acute hospital beds now there are only 12,000 for an increased population. And, if you are rich you many jump the queue for treatment ˆ a queue that for the poor is never ending.

44,000 families are on the social housing waiting list while building land around our cities is controlled by a small cartel of speculators who have friends in high places.

And to cap it all the government hands over our natural resources to multi nationals like Shell and then jails a few brave Mayo men for standing up to Shell.

The people Sinn Féin represents have rights. So does everyone on this island, North and South alike. We have a vision. Our goal is an Irish unity that is inclusive, that everyone including unionists will feel welcome in, that they are a part of.

There is much work to do. But we believe that we are in the countdown to a united Ireland. We believe that together we can make great strides forward and truly transform Irish society on this island forever.

Is the British government up for this?

Time will tell.

Is the Irish government up for this?

Let‚s test that. The Irish government has after all a constitutional imperative to work for a united Ireland.

There are simple things the government in Dublin can do but inexplicably refuse to do.

MP‚s elected in the 6 counties should be accorded speaking rights in the Dail.

Voting rights for Presidential elections should be extended to citizens in the six counties.

Let us see action on these rights as a small beginning.

Is Sinn Féin up for it?

The answer is a word unionist political leaders need to learn. The answer is an emphatic YES. Sinn Féin is up for making this work. Our activists and supporters are up for it.

Is the IRA up for it?

Who, except for the most vitriolic and blind anti-republican elements could doubt that the IRA is up for it. Republicans have stretched themselves repeatedly to put the process back on track.

Sinn Féin is in this process to the end. We want the British government and the Irish government and the unionists to work with us and finish the work we have all started. The length of the journey can be shortened and the ups and downs on the road can be smoothed out if we go at it collectively. If we do it together.

All of you here today are part of the fastest growing party in Ireland. Whether it is here in Bodenstown, or in Derry, or Upper Bann, or North Antrim or Wexford, or Dublin or Belfast, or South Armagh, or Cork it is clear that Sinn Féin is winning more and more hearts and minds right across the island. Everyday there are more and more Irish republicans. We are building our political strength.

Republicans are not chained by history. They learn from it and use it. That is why important initiatives have been taken on so many occasions. While unionists are fixated with slowing down and frustrating change republicans want more change, want to move on from the past. But there will be a need for more discipline and a well of patience by republicans. More courage is called for. Those who have set their minds against change will be more provocative. The bigots and the securocrats dream of wrecking the structure of change. They want to destroy rather than build. Their tools are bigotry, mistrust, political policing and paramilitary attacks. They should be starved of anything that feeds their frenzy.

Republicans have a better vision. I am confident that we will build on our achievements and substantially increase our political strength. We must continue to build on that strength, the stronger we are the closer our goal of a free independent, and united Ireland will come.

We face difficult challenges ahead but also there are great opportunities. We stand on the threshold of historic change. Standing on the deck of a ship heading into battle as Wolfe Tone did, is one way to experience the historical moment. Many generations before us have struggled for a united Ireland. For hundreds of years we have struggled. It is, however, our generation who have the potential of achieving that goal. All struggles are won on the accumulation of many smaller battles. Do your bit, win your battle and you will have brought the day of freedom of our country that much closer. Remember our fallen comrades were ordinary people in extradionary circumstances who rose to the challenge. There are young people here today who have that same ability. So go out and do what we do best.

June 15, 2006

Action Item for Malachy McAllister

Mid NJ Chapter President and longtime IAUC member Eileen Kelly Kean informed us that her son Sean Kean, who is a NJ assemblyman, has introduced a resolution in the NJ Assembly supporting Malachy McAllister. The proposed resolution is AR182 and can be viewed at:

After a week of deadlock between the Democratic UnionistParty and the other Northern parties on who should chair thePreparation for Government Committee, Mr Hain decided totake the decision himself.

He said: "I would have preferred not to have had to issue adecision on this procedural matter."

Deputy Speakers Jim Wells of the Democratic Unionist andFrancie Molloy of Sinn Féin will chair the committee whichhas been tasked with identifying issues ahead of theNovember 24th deadline for the return of a power sharinggovernment.

Assembly members on the committee last week rowed over howthe committee should be chaired.

The Democratic Unionists had wanted Stormont Speaker EileenBell to take charge of the committee. She refused, seekinglegal advice to back her refusal.

The other parties on the committee - Sinn Féin, the UlsterUnionists, the nationalist SDLP and the Alliance Party -suggested that the chairmanship should be rotated betweenall the parties but that was vetoed by the DUP.

Mr Hain issued a direction to the Assembly speaker todaycalling a meeting of the Preparation for GovernmentCommittee at 4pm local time and announcing that Mr Wells andMr Molloy would from now on chair its meetings.

His statement stressed that the Deputy Speakers would chairthe meetings as impartial presiding officers and not asrepresentatives of their respective parties.

Earlier, Mr Hain said that he "would have preferred not tohave had to issue a direction on this procedural matter".

"The deadlock must not be allowed to stand in the way of theimportant work that needs to be done," he added.

Mr Hain said all the parties had "accepted that deadlockmust not be allowed to stand in the way of the importantwork that needs to be done to prepare for the return oflocally accountable government."

"The committee's initial task is to identify the issues thatneed to be addressed to prepare for government and to referappropriate topics that need to be publicly aired anddebated in the assembly as part of the preparation process,"he said.

The DUP had taken most of the blame from the other partiesfor the deadlock.__________________________________________________________

The Irish American Information Service is a non-profit organizationproviding up-to-the-minute political news from Ireland to the world.The IAIS is funded entirely by your contributions. Please send yourtax-deductible contributions to IAIS at the 907 F St NE, WashingtonDC 20002. You can visit us on the Web at http://www.iais.org/

June 07, 2006

US at Odds With Brits on SF Fundraising

BRITAIN is pressing President Bush’s Administration to lift a fundraising ban imposed last year on the leadership of Sinn Fein, The Times has learnt.

But Mitchell Reiss, Mr Bush’s special envoy to Northern Ireland, has so far refused to heed calls from the British and Irish governments. They believe that Sinn Fein should be rewarded for renouncing its armed struggle and decommissioning IRA weapons.

Both sides are playing down any talk of a significant row, although sources in London have confirmed that “there is a clear difference of opinion between us on this issue”.

A senior US official acknowledged that it was “ironic” that Britain, having spent years fulminating over the millions of dollars raised by the Irish Northern Aid Committee (Noraid) to finance Sinn Fein and the IRA, should be seeking to get a fundraising ban lifted.

Restrictions were reintroduced by the Bush Administration last year after controversy over the IRA’s alleged role in the murder of Robert McCartney and the £26.5 million Northern Bank robbery.

These do not stop Friends of Sinn Fein (FOSF) raising up to $1 million a year.

Instead, the ban limits the scope of visas issued to leaders such as Gerry Adams, preventing him from participating in fundraising. He had relished his star status in America since an earlier travel ban was lifted by President Clinton more than a decade ago.

Much of the $10 million-plus raised by FOSF has paid for luxury hotels and first-class flights for the party leadership, as well as the cost of staging events in the US. Less than 10 per cent of the money was registered to Sinn Fein back in Ireland.

Mr Bush’s ban has proved costly and personally humiliating for Mr Adams. In March FOSF had to refund more than $100,000 to supporters who attended a St Patrick’s Day breakfast in Washington with the Sinn Fein leader. The party president then missed a political event in Buffalo, New York State, when he was delayed at an airport by security staff who spotted his name on a federal terrorist alert list.

Since then, Mr Reiss is understood to have held talks with Peter Hain, the Northern Ireland Secretary, over lifting the ban. The British Government’s official position is that this “remains a matter for the US authorities”. But privately, Mr Hain believed that Sinn Fein deserved credit for the progress made during the past year and, perhaps, needs to demonstrate to its own community that their sacrifices have been recognised.

Mr Reiss, however, believes that the ban remains a useful lever on Sinn Fein in general — and the party’s refusal to sign up to Northern Ireland’s policing structures in particular.

Mr Reiss confirmed yesterday that he had spoken to the British and Irish governments about the ban, adding: “We remain in close consultation on this matter.”

He told The Times: “This is not so much about pressure from the US Government. If there is any pressure it is from inn Fein’s own constituents to remove sociopaths from their neighbourhoods.”

Significantly, he highlighted his recent article in an Irish-American publication, which stated: “In a worst-case scenario, Sinn Fein will not join policing for many, many years. Who polices these communities until then?” British officials believe that recent remarks from Sinn Fein leaders indicate that it is preparing to change its mind on participating in policing.

A special conference may be held in September, which could help to persuade the White House to lift the fundraising ban by November — the month when Sinn Fein last year hosted a $5,000-a-table dinner in New York.

Saving cash on '£7' tout

FREED loyalist informer Ken Barrett may be broke - but his release last week will save the Prison Service a whopping £200,000 per year.

Barrett - the only man convicted of murdering Belfast solicitor Pat Finucane - hasn't received a financial package from any government agency.

He was whisked out of Belfast last Tuesday afternoon just hours after being freed from Maghaberry Prison where he was serving a 22-year sentence for his part in the murder of the high profile lawyer.

His departure has saved the Prison Service £200,000 a year in costs because he had to be guarded round the clock by at least four prison officers due to fears he would be attacked by other UDA inmates.

Four specially trained officers also had to accompany Barrett every time he was moved from a segregation unit to a special visits or medical area.

The former UDA enforcer pleaded guilty to all the charges put against him in the Crown Court in September 2004 and never divulged his role in the infamous murder which is still being probed by the Stevens Inquiry team.Ken Barrett's solicitor Joe Rice has already dismissed reports that the UDA killer has received a substantial 'financial package' as a payoff for keeping quiet about the murder.

"Ken Barrett left Belfast with £7 in his pocket. It's absolute nonsense to suggest that he received any financial package from the British Government, never mind a substantial financial package.

"Nothing could be further from the truth.

"He will be on benefits and his wife is surviving on benefits.

"He is broke."

Last month the Sentence Review Commission upheld Barrett's application to be considered for early release under the terms of the Prisoner Release Scheme which became law after the Belfast Agreement was signed.

The Secretary of State Peter Hain opposed Barrett's release on the grounds that he was likely to resume association with the UDA, a suggestion dismissed by sources in the outlawed organisation.

One senior UDA figure said: "Barrett would have got whacked just like (William) Stobie if he had returned to live in Belfast.

"He was a tout and nobody in the West or North Belfast Brigades would have trusted him.

"So I don't know where the Northern Ireland Office is getting this from."Barrett served two years and eleven months for his part in the Finucane murder, which loyalist sources claim was simply to drive the gunmen to the solicitor's North Belfast home.

The main gunman is understood to be a senior UDA figure from the West Belfast Brigade who is currently facing serious criminal charges.

NI Secretary Peter Hain has made a U-turn on his decisionnot to hold any debates at the assembly next week.

Mr Hain's announcement on Thursday had been met withcriticism from the DUP, the UUP, the SDLP and the Alliance.

But an NIO spokesman later confirmed Mr Hain would tell thespeaker assembly business could take place next Tuesday.

The DUP had threatened to boycott the new Preparation forGovernment Committee had Mr Hain not changed his mind aboutassembly business.

Sinn Fein, SDLP, UUP and Alliance have said they will jointhe new Preparation for Government Committee, which will bechaired by assembly speaker Eileen Bell.

BBC Northern Ireland's political editor Mark Devenportsaid, at this stage, it seemed that no party would boycottit.

However, the DUP has insisted that the committee should notbe a negotiating body.

On 15 May, Northern Ireland's politicians took their seatsin the Stormont assembly for the first time since October2002.

While there is no immediate prospect of a power-sharingexecutive being formed, the government hopes recalling thepoliticians will help to pave the way towards a deal in theautumn, by its deadline of 24 November.

Devolved government was suspended over allegations of arepublican spy ring. The court case that followedcollapsed.

Direct rule from London was restored in October 2002 andhas been in place since.

Northern Ireland Secretary Peter Hain has been forced intoa U-turn on the sitting next week of the Stormont Assembly,it was claimed last night.

The Reverend Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionists claim MrHain was forced to back down on a plan to hold no debatesfor the second week running at Stormont after theythreatened not to participate in a special committee formedat Stormont to prepare for devolved government.

There was outrage from unionists, nationalists and cross-community politicians after Mr Hain informed Assemblymembers there would be no debates next week.

Assembly members had suggested debates on the imposition ofrates on manufacturers in Northern Ireland and on theBritish government's controversial plans for the shake-upof local government and public bodies.

"Dr Paisley made it clear that there would be noPreparation for Government Committee unless there was anAssembly debate next week," a source said. "We have nowbeen informed a debate will take place."

Stormont sources speculated that the government wasunwilling to risk the prospect of the SDLP joining SinnFéin in boycotting the debates in protest at the BritishGovernment's attitude to the reconvened Assembly.

The SDLP has initially agreed to participate in the debatesdespite their reservations about the Assembly sittingbefore the possible return of devolution.

The SDLP has given the British government a testing periodto prove it is willing to take the Assembly's willseriously, particularly on motions which criticise BritishGovernment policy in Northern Ireland.

Sinn Féin has said it will only participate in Assemblybusiness on the formation of a power-sharing executive. Theparty has stayed away from two debates so far on theeconomy and new planning regulations, claiming they werepointless in the absence of devolution.

The UVF was behind the attempted murder of the informerMark Haddock, the Belfast Telegraph can reveal today.

The disclosure comes from a senior and credible source, whospoke to this newspaper within the past 24 hours.

Another source has revealed that Haddock will know thegunman who fired the shots that critically wounded him.

The only unanswered question is whether the UVF will nowformally admit to its involvement in the shooting.

It was not a maverick attack and nor was it carried out byindividuals acting without authority.

The background commentary on this shooting is thatTuesday's attempt to kill Haddock resulted from the mostrecent revelations about his informer activities.

But, according to reliable sources, he was de-activated - amove that coincided with the opening of the PoliceOmbudsman investigation four years ago into eventssurrounding the 1997 murder of Raymond McCord Jnr and apurge of the informer world ordered by the Chief Constable.

The police have not yet publicly linked the UVF toTuesday's shooting, but the confirmation obtained by thisnewspaper that that group was involved will increasepressure on the Ulster Unionists over their Stormontarrangement with David Ervine.

The PUP leader, whose party has political links to the UVF,has been saying in interviews that he believes there was noauthorisation for the shooting.

A lengthy consultation involving meetings in NorthernIreland, Scotland and England has now been completed.

But the loyalist group is delaying making a declaration onits future intentions until after the November 24 deadlinefor a political deal at Stormont.

Next week, the Ulster Unionists will meet the IndependentMonitoring Commission - the body that reports to theBritish and Irish Governments on continuing paramilitaryactivity and the state of ceasefires.

The Haddock shooting - and who was responsible - will bepart of the agenda for that meeting.

A senior Ulster Unionist source said his party's objectiveis to try to bring paramilitarism to an end, to get thearms issue dealt with and to stop young people joiningloyalist organisations.

Meanwhile, Haddock is recovering from his injuries and hasbeen able to talk to family members from his hospital.

Anti-UVF campaigner Raymond McCord today challenged ChiefConstable Hugh Orde to order the arrest of Haddock over themounting allegations about his paramilitary past.

"The PSNI should not wait for the Ombudsman's report. NualaO'Loan is not investigating Mark Haddock, she has beenlooking into the police investigation of my son's murder."

DR. RAYMOND McClean - who attended most of the post mortemexaminations of those shot dead on Bloody Sunday - hasspoken for the first time of the "emotional distress" heexperienced while giving evidence to the Saville Inquiry.

The retired Derry GP claims he was "unfairly treated"during his testimony to the probe in December 2001.

Speaking to the 'Journal' this week, Dr. McClean - who toldthe Saville tribunal that some of the Bloody Sunday deadmay have been shot by deliberately tampered 'dum dum'bullets - claimed his credibility as a witness had beencalled into question during his evidence.

"On an emotional basis," he said, "I left the witness boxdistressed and totally fatigued.

"I felt that, for the first time in my professional career,my personal integrity had been very seriously attacked. Ialso felt that I had been left with no adequate means ofreply or redress."

During his evidence, claims Dr. McClean, he endured aparticularly "lengthy and arduous cross examination" fromEdwin Glasgow QC - senior counsel for most of the Britishsoldiers at the Inquiry.

This cross-examination, says the GP, left him "physicallyexhausted."

This, he says, was in direct contrast to his testimony tothe Cameron, Himsworth and Scarman probes which took placein the late 1960s.

"In each of these investigations I felt entirelycomfortable, in that I was allowed to give my evidencewithout hindrance and was treated with respect at alltimes.

"My experience in giving evidence to the Bloody SundayInquiry was entirely different."

Dr. McClean - who had no personal legal representation atthe Inquiry - believes he received no "protection" duringhis evidence to the tribunal.

He added: "My experience at the Bloody Sunday Inquiry isprobably best explained by focusing on its logical andemotional aspects.

"Turning to the logical experience, I left the witness boxfrustrated and with the clear understanding that I had notbeen given the opportunity to put forward evidence whichhad come to my attention since I had submitted my originalwritten statement to the tribunal."

Emotionally, he says, he was treated unfairly with the"major emphasis" being to question his credibility as awitness.

Tribunal chairman, Lord Saville, however, expressed theopinion that the doctor had not been 'unfairly treated."

Dr. McClean says he has since written to the Inquiryseeking an apology.

"No apology has, as yet been received," he said. "However,I shall continue to live in hope."

As UVF sources admit the attack on Mark Haddock, securityexpert Brian Rowan assesses the political fall-out

02 June 2006

The Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey will be feelingthe heat of the political kitchen right now.

Even before the UVF fired six shots into Mark Haddock onTuesday, there was some serious questioning of Sir Reg'sjudgement in inviting David Ervine to join the UlsterUnionist Group at Stormont - not just a questioning fromoutside the party but from inside it as well.

That questioning will be all the more intense as the fulltruth of Tuesday's shooting emerges.

Haddock was a Special Branch informer - de-activated we aretold when the Police Ombudsman started to probe the 1997murder of Raymond McCord junior and when the chiefconstable ordered a purge of the informer world.

The names of some agents have spilled out from that world.

Scappaticci was spared, Donaldson is dead, Barrett willforever have to hide, and six bullets will spell out toHaddock that the UVF want him dead.

Yes, the UVF, not mavericks within that organisation, notindividuals acting without authority.

There will be no loyalist court martial after the Haddockshooting - those involved knew what they were doing andknew there would be no comeback from those who sit at thetop of the UVF, inside its Brigade or Command Staff.

The only question still to be answered is whether theloyalist group will formally admit to its involvement inTuesday's shooting.

There are some who think it should whatever the politicalimplications.

But why was Haddock targeted and shot now?

His agent role has been an open secret for some time. TheUVF have long had their suspicions.

He was dismissed from the loyalist wing at Maghaberry jailand, inside and outside prison, he was ostracised by theloyalist organisation.

The background commentary on this shooting is thatTuesday's attempt to kill Haddock resulted from the mostrecent revelations about his informer activities, but oneimagines guns were being pointed at him long before then.

Haddock will know who he met on Tuesday, and therefore willknow the man who came to kill him.

The gunman did not intend the informer to live. Six bulletsis proof of that.

David Ervine meets and speaks to the UVF leadership everyweek. They will be talking today, and those in the roomwill know that they have put Sir Reg Empey in a verydifficult place.

So far there has been no knee-jerk response from the UlsterUnionist leader, but he will want to keep a certain degreeof wriggle room as the story of Tuesday's shootingcontinues to emerge.

Up to this point, Ervine has survived within the UlsterUnionist Group at Stormont.

Sir Reg Empey knows the real world of the peace process andknows what can happen, and so too does the chief constable.

We do not hear Hugh Orde calling for Dawn Purvis of the PUPto be removed from the Policing Board.

David Ervine and Dawn Purvis had nothing to do with theshooting of Mark Haddock, and those who know them well willknow what they want the UVF to do.

That organisation needs to get on with it. It has had itsconsultation on its future, but has delayed an announcementon its decision until after the November deadline for apolitical deal at Stormont.

The longer it stays on the stage - the longer it allowsactions such as Tuesday's shooting - the more vulnerableand fragile the Empey-Ervine arrangement at Stormont willbecome.

John Hume has been here before. In the same period as SDLPand Sinn Fein delegations met in 1988, the IRA murderedsoldiers - 14 of them - in Lisburn and at Ballygawley.

The Hume-Adams process survived the Shankill bomb andWarrington and it went on to help deliver the ceasefires of1994 and 1997.

Making peace is about taking risks.

But Northern Ireland is a political glasshouse, and thosewho live in it keep throwing stones.

We should reserve judgment on the Empey-Ervine arrangementand the reaction to it, until we know the full story of allof the talking and all of the meetings that have takenplace at many different times during our long Troubles.

There have been contacts and there has been talking that wehave not yet been told about.

If Reg Empey is being asked to show David Ervine thepolitical door, should unionist politicians - all kinds ofunionist politicians - also stay out of the meeting hallswhen marching is being discussed in the company of theleaders of the UVF, the UDA and Red Hand Commando?

Reg Empey has taken a risk and he has been embarrassed bythe actions of the UVF, but if the Ulster Unionist leadercan help deliver on the loyalist side what Hume achievedwith the IRA, then it will have been a risk worth taking.

One of the problems in the North is that everybody knowseveryone else. There are few delightful surprises. Yet whenSir Reg Empey said in a television discussion that unionistpoliticians had "used" loyalist paramilitaries through muchof the Troubles and that he had been wrong 34 years ago tojoin Vanguard - an umbrella group for loyalistparamilitaries as well as unionist politicians - hesilenced his audience and, for the moment anyhow, theloquacious Gregory Campbell of the DUP.

It was a brave and honest thing to say, acknowledgement ofsomething long denied with consistency, heat and veryoften, threats of legal action. The Ulster Unionist leaderdeserves praise and recognition. He will get neither frommany Protestants, and most unionists. Nor may he reapappreciation from nationalists, though he should: what hesaid cannot be unsaid.

Campbell's insistence that the DUP "do not have discussionswith people linked to terrorist organisations or who arefront people for terrorist organisations", and hisrewriting of the 1974 loyalist strike to assert that hisparty had not "sat down with paramilitaries", seemed toprompt Empey's frankness. Earlier he had made the point,but in passing, that "unionist politicians used theparamilitaries for their own purposes".

At that point he was explicitly trying to justify hisinvitation to David Ervine, the sole representative of theUVF's tiny front party in Stormont, to join the UU group inthe Assembly - a move that could give Empey's party onemore ministerial position than Sinn Féin.

Sir Reg himself called this "a tactical decision" to giveunionists the majority of executive positions, push SinnFéin into third place behind the two unionist parties;though he went on to claim that in addition it was part ofa high-minded strategy to detach loyalists from violence.It was universally mocked as a stunt, and one which wouldsurely backfire since security forces, other paramilitariesand the media agree that the UVF is responsible for most ofthe killings in the last six years.

Right on cue, last Monday persons unknown shot leading UVFman Mark Haddock.

He remains critically ill, the chief suspects are his ownorganisation.

Embarrassed faces around Empey in Stormont testified tounease and worse in the party. Here was a demonstration ofhow low the once mighty Ulster Unionists had fallen and howhumiliated they have been: that they should claw themselvesinto second place behind the DUP, through taking, asCampbell gloated on television, a "representative of activeterrorism into their group and potentially into the heartof government". Sir Reg did his best to sound competent atStormont but left an impression of gabbling. Ian Paisleypromptly wallowed in righteous identification of hiscommunal rivals with "Sinn Féin/IRA". The final blow camefrom observers who pointed out disobligingly that any dealabout a new executive will surely be followed by anotherAssembly election. Sinn Féin and the DUP will both want tohave another go at wiping out their respective rivals. SirReg's hard-won "extra ministry" will almost certainlyevaporate as the UU's vote continues to fall.

But the next time he faced a sizeable television audiencehe made a convincing comeback. A telling line on the Let'sTalk programme was his "this isn't simply an opportunisticthing" admission of the element that blighted his chance oftaking the high moral ground in Stormont. On the same panelMark Durkan swatted Gregory Campbell's brazen profession ofthe DUP's purity from paramilitary association, past andpresent, with a ringing: "For years unionist politiciansjustified the nonsense that loyalist violence was only areaction to republicans."

Empey acknowledged the SDLP leader, remarkable in itself:"All of us - a lot of us - have not had an absolutelypristine record in terms of dealing with paramilitarism.There's a lot of truth in what Mark said." He thoughtunionist politicians had a responsibility now to "clear upthe mess", because in the 1970s and '80s they had usedparamilitary organisations for political purposes: "That'sa fact." He recalled that the DUP and his own party hadbeen in the same voting group in Belfast City Council foryears with David Ervine's party and the UDA'srepresentatives, "and that's when there was no ceasefire".

Mr Campbell watched him in silence. It was a point thatUlster Unionists, like the DUP, were in the habit ofdismissing angrily at the time, with much abuse of thejournalists who put it to them.

Yes, he had been in Vanguard, Empey said, the umbrellagroup including politicians and paramilitaries which backedthe 1974 loyalist strike, "and I think my attitude in 1974was wrong". Sir Reg broke ranks, and tore up the pretences.The oddity is that he should have flouted such a tribalrule and had the courage to question his own past so soonafter meriting universal scorn. But he did it.

If you think so, you presumably also believe the Martin-McGuinness-as-British-spy theory

COULD THE MAN we all believe to have launched a thousandcar bombs and to have twice ordered the assassination ofthe British Cabinet at Brighton in 1984 and in the 1991mortar attack on Downing Street really have been workingfor the British Secret Service all along? Our very ownDerry version of 007?

A few months ago such a thesis would and could be dismissedas even too fantastical for the plot of a James Bond movie.It would be like saying that the Rev Ian Paisley had,despite the fire and brimstone, secretly all along been anagent of the Papacy.

But times are changing in Northern Ireland. After hangingup their guns Irish republicans have turned to their secondfavourite activity — poring over the past to unmask allegedtraitors. Irish republicans are second only to the Lebanesein their fervent belief in conspiracy theories, fiendishBritish plots and the ever-present Judas within their ownranks. And just because the Shinners are paranoid it doesnot mean they are wrong.

As we have discovered the British state did indeed have anamazing array of agents within the Provisional’s hierarchyincluding Freddie Scappattici, the IRA’s chief interrogatorand Witchfinder-General, and Denis Donaldson, the allegedSinn Fein spy at Stormont who turned out to be a Britishspy instead. But could such betrayal actually includesomeone like McGuinness, a man who to his followers is theIRA?

For three decades McGuinness, who rose from the ranks ofthe 1969 Bogside rioters, has along with Gerry Adams beenthe primus inter pares in the tiny, hermetic elite that hasruled the Provisionals. From 1976 he was the IRA’s directorof operations in its Northern Command — the bit of the IRAthat did all the bombings and killings in Northern Ireland.And from 1978 to 1982 he was the IRA’s Chief of Staff — themost important single post in the republican organisation.

In the 1990s McGuinness was the man Michael Oatley, the MI6European counter-terrorism chief, approached to negotiatesecretly the end of our Irish war. McGuinness was the onlyman, MI6 believed, who had the power to get the gunmen tocease their terrorist onslaught.

McGuinness has devoted his entire life to the destructionof the British state in Ireland. Could this all really be alie? The allegations of his alleged MI6 role broke in theIrish newspapers last weekend in a farrago of murkydocuments, competitive journalism and hidden, suspectmotives by embittered former agents. Allegedly a documenthas surfaced that “proves” McGuinness took instructionsabout the bombing of checkpoints from his MI6 handler.

In reality the document does nothing of the kind. All goodplots, from the Protocols of the Elders of Zion to theHitler Diaries, always revolve around “documents” thatsubsequently turn out to be patent forgeries. The onlyimportant thing is that enough people at the time believein the document long enough for the presses to roll. Andonce the lie has been printed, then, in the world of theconspiracy theorist, it must be true.

McGuinness did himself few favours by calling a pressconference to deny the rumours as “hooey”. As we all nowknow from similar “denial” media events, be they staged bythe police or new Labour, the only sure outcome is thatthose on the platform protesting their innocence will bearrested or thrown out of office the following week. It isone of the iron rules of our media age — all formal denialsmerely act to confirm the validity of the originalallegation.

So where does this all leave us? For the paranoid Provoprosecutor the case against McGuinness could soon becomecompelling. Despite all his years of IRA activityMcGuinness has only ever served one short term ofimprisonment. In Derry, despite living within sniper rangeof the local RUC barracks, McGuinness travelled freelywithout bodyguards in an ordinary family saloon.

One alleged assassination attempt by the notorious loyalistkiller Michael Stone was foiled when mysteriouslyMcGuinness failed to show up at his normal newsagent on theappointed day. That McGuinness had contact with Oatley ofMI6 is ipso facto damning evidence. McGuinness must havebeen protected by somebody. Ergo, MI6. He must have beentheir agent all along.

It does make a wonderful conspiracy and it might be evenmore plausible after a couple of glasses of Guinness but Idoubt if it’s true.

In the Troubles, where almost everything on the surface wasa lie or a deception, the only hard certainties are thebullets, the bombs and the dead bodies left in the ditch.In the summer of 1984 Patrick Magee, a veteran bomber,acting on the orders of the IRA’s Army Council, really didplant a bomb behind the bath panel of room 621 of the GrandHotel. When that bomb exploded six weeks later it very,very nearly killed Margaret Thatcher and most of herCabinet.

If McGuinness had been an MI6 agent then MI6 must haveknown about the Brighton bomb and then allowed thepotential decapitation of the British Government to goahead. Therefore MI6 was really behind the Brighton bomb.Instead of being plausible the thesis that McGuinness was aMI6 agent becomes nonsensical.

Is the Pope a Catholic? And is Martin McGuinness an enemy,not an agent, of the British state? The answer to bothquestions is the same.

Kevin Toolis is a terrorism expert working on a film forChannel 4 on female and Western suicide bombers

Irish people spend more on alcohol and "binge-drink" morethan any other Europeans. Yet more Irish men abstain fromalcohol than their counterparts across the EU. These arethe key findings in a 400-page report on alcohol publishedyesterday by the European Commission. Alcohol in Europeshows that Irish people go on drinking binges on average 32times per year, more than four times as often as Italians.

The report defines binge-drinking as five pints of beer,one bottle of wine or five shots of spirits on a singleoccasion.

The report also shows young people in the Republic are thebiggest bingers on alcohol across the EU.

Almost one-third of 15 to 16-year-old students have bingedthree or more times in the past 30 days, according to thereport, which relies on a wide range of data collectedbetween 1999 and 2005.

Irish households spend three times more than any otherEuropeans on alcohol. The report notes that they spend onaverage €1,675 per year on alcohol, compared to €531 byDanish households - the next-highest-listed among theoriginal 15 EU members. Greek households spend just €146 onalcoholic drinks.

The report notes that Ireland has the second-highest taxrate on alcohol in the EU.

Irish people are behind only the Czechs and theLuxembourgers in the volume of alcohol consumed every year.The Irish consume 14 litres (25 pints) of alcohol each onaverage per year, compared to 16 and 15 litres of alcoholrespectively, says the survey.

The report notes that consumption of alcohol in Irelandrose by one-quarter between 1995 and 2000. Beer is thepreferred drink, making up just in excess of 60 per cent oftotal drink consumed. The remainder is split evenly betweenspirits and wine.

Almost 80 per cent of drink in Ireland is consumed withoutfood. In Italy, just 20 per cent of drink is consumedwithout food.

However, the report highlights that Ireland also has thehighest number of men who abstain from drinking alcohol inthe EU. One in 10 Irish men does not drink alcohol, whilejust more than 20 per cent of women in the Republicabstain.

The Institute of Alcohol Studies prepared the report, whichwas funded and published by the European Commission.

Overall, it found the EU was the heaviest-drinking regionof the world, consuming 11 litres of alcoholic drinks perperson on average per year. An estimated 23 millionEuropeans are dependent on alcohol in any year, leading toa "tangible cost" of €125 billion in 2003. The report callsfor more research and action plans to be put in place tofight alcohol abuse.

The drinks industry strongly criticised the report, sayingit was "extraordinary" that one of Europe's staunchestcritics of alcohol policy, Dr Peter Anderson, had beeninvited to prepare it for the commission.

It said the report was based on outdated information thatbore little relationship with the current market.

"Key arguments are made about spending on alcohol indifferent countries but the research was undertaken sevenyears ago, in 1999. In Ireland, consumption levels peakedin 2001 and have been declining pretty much since," it saidin a statement. A spokesman for the Drinks Industry Groupin Ireland said the report was another attempt by the anti-alcohol lobby to demonise the alcohol industry and pressurepolicymakers into introducing draconian measures to tacklea serious but limited problem.

The managing director of premium-rate call company PsychicsLive is to lodge a complaint with the BroadcastingComplaints Commission (BCC) over an item on the Today withPat Kenny programme on RTÉ Radio yesterday.

Tom Higgins is to make a formal complaint this morningafter comments made by Pat Kenny yesterday in relation tothe upholding by the BCC of a previous complaint made overan interview with Mr Higgins in November 2005.

On yesterday's programme, while introducing a recordedadjudication by the BCC, Pat Kenny gave a statement of hisown in which he said that Irish Psychics Live had been"caught" by the programme's reporter "to be in breach ofregulations in regard to informing its customers of thecharges being run up using premium-rated phone lines".

To put it at its kindest, he said, "the so-called psychics'service provided was shown to be valueless". Kenny added:"For our part, we believe then, and continue to believethat there is no neutrality required when vulnerable peopleare being exploited."

In its adjudication, the BCC said it upheld two complaintsagainst the original item on the basis that it infringedthe fairness regulations of the Broadcasting Act, 2001.While acknowledging that the subject matter was of publicinterest and that the interview would therefore be expectedto be conducted robustly, the commission noted that "thepresenter made statements throughout the piece that were anexpression of his own opinions".

It added: "While playing the devil's advocate is anacceptable interviewing style, the commission believes thatthe interviewer, in both tone and content, persisted withstatements and allegations in a partial manner andconcludes that the interviewer dealt with the subjectmatter in an unfair manner."

Mr Higgins said he was "flabbergasted" at Kenny's"extraordinary" statement on yesterday's programme. "What Iwas unhappy with was how Pat Kenny introduced it. He dug atrench he didn't need to dig.

"That repeated what he did in the first interview. [Yesterday's] broadcast was, if anything, worse than thefirst one. At least on that occasion I was there to put mypoint across, but [ yesterday] there was no attempt topresent any balance . . . He has attacked us for breachingregulations and then with this seems to be saying that hedoesn't have to observe the statutory regulations inrelation to the BCC. It makes a mockery of the BCC'sdecision."

Mr Higgins said he did not believe his company was inbreach of regulations, while he regarded the charge thatits service "was shown to be valueless" as defamatory. "Iam actively taking legal advice," he said.

Mr Higgins's original complaint alleged that RTÉ and PatKenny failed in their duty to conduct an interview with himin an impartial manner.

Clare County Council's summer ban on dogs on beaches mayhave come into force yesterday, but there were stillanimals walking on Lahinch strand.

Dog-owners face fines of up to €1,270 if found on the beachwith their pets between 11am and 6pm each day.

However, at Lahinch yesterday, the council had yet to erectany signage informing people of the new bylaws and therewas no trace of any official patrolling the beach on thelookout for anyone contravening the new rules.

Dog-owner Michael O'Halloran travelled from Clooney in eastClare to bring his two Labradors for a walk on the beach.He said: "I have bought two new leads for my two dogs todayand I have been told that I can't walk them on the beach. Ithink it is ridiculous. It doesn't make any sense. I intendto bring them on the beach, it is a crazy law."

Carlow woman Evelyn Carroll was on Lahinch promenade withher cocker spaniel, Wally. She said: "A total ban on dogs.What is the world is coming to? Ah, my God. A curfew? It'slucky they don't smoke. What next?"

However, the new council ban won the support of mothers ofyoung children at Lahinch. Sophie Coughlan, a mother-of-three on holidays from Britain, said: "I would be very muchin favour. My two youngest are scared of dogs and it upsetsthem to see dogs bounding about. My children were buildinga sandcastle yesterday and a dog fouled nearby with theowner carrying on and he had to be asked to clean it up.

"In the UK, people are very good about scooping, but dogswouldn't be banned on the beach."

Another mother, Jane O'Shea, said: "I would be in favour ofthe new law because I would be very anxious when stray dogscome close to my children. It is not safe."

Opposed to the outright ban, Cllr Joe Carey (FG) saidyesterday: "If Clare County Council enforced the existinglaws that are there, there would be no need to introducethe dogs ban."