Guest Writers

June 22, 2013

On June 20, nearly 2 million Brazilians took to the streets as the country's largest protests in two decades grew. But things got a lot less hopeful and a lot weirder.

Those who showed up with banners from the Worker's Party (PT) were harrassed at the São Paulo protest and forced to leave, and there were even reports of people just wearing red (the color of the PT) getting shouted out and even attacked. There were vocal calls to impeach Dilma; an online petition has now reached nearly 330,000 signatures. The bus-fare protest organizers said they would no longer organize demonstrations, saying the protests had been infiltrated by right-wing groups. In Rio, both violent vandals and the police--who even hostilized people who weren't protesting--spread fear throughout the city over the past two days. It looked like a protest that was so amorphous and allegedly non-partisan was actually turning into something else.

After years of fighting to organize large numbers of Brazilians and get them in the streets, groups like the Free Fare Movement found themselves at a loss when they succeeded.

For insight on the turn of events, I turned to Brazilian journalist Juliana Cunha, a sharp observer who's been reporting on the protests from the ground in São Paulo. The international media hasn't necessarily been able to capture the subtlties and the history of what's going on; there's much more to this just the economy. So Juliana was kind enough to write a piece for this blog explaining her perspective.

Juliana Cunha: Be Careful What You Wish For

*****

If you have any interest in Brazil, you may be wondering what’s going on in this country. What are these so-called peaceful and “cordial” people so angry about? First, people were angry about the bus and subway fare increases. It's a lot of money for most people in Brazil to pay R$3.20 (US$1.42) for a ride on a lazy and inefficient public transportation system, but to understand what happened, we need to go back a few years.

Ten years ago, public transport had become an important agenda item for social movements in Brazil. This happened during the so called “Bus Riot," when Salvador—the fourth largest city in the country—stopped for almost two weeks when protests spread throughout the city, blocking traffic to fight against the fare increase.

The protests at the time had many of the characteristics of the current revolts. One of these features is the hatred of political parties, which ends up extending to unions, student organizations, and all forms of traditional and organized social movements. In a way, this was a response to the fact that most social movements and leftist parties became co-opted by the government after Lula became president, to the extent that they practically became an arm of the administration.

Over the past decade, the public transportation agenda has become one of the most popular causes of social movements in major cities. It is easier to mobilize people in Brazil when the bus fare rises than when a corruption scandal breaks. It's a given that when the the cost of transportation goes up, you'll be able to get people to protest.

So over a month ago, when it was announced that São Paulo’s bus fares would rise in June, the Movimento Passe Livre (MPL), or Free Fare Movement—an organized and non-partisan movement whose main cause is making public transport free—decided to organize a big protest against the increase. The invitation was made mainly through Facebook.

A week before the fare increase, MPL held some small demonstrations in the suburban neighborhoods of Pirituba, Dom Pedro, and Jardim Angela in São Paulo. They were very small events with 50 to 100 people. Right after the increase they held small protests in M’Boi Mirim and Vila Leopoldina; again, peripheral neighborhoods in São Paulo. Then, four days after the increase, they got 4,000 people in the streets, stopping Nove de Julho Avenue, a major route in São Paulo. Police cracked down on protesters. Other cities across the country began to hold demonstrations against the bus fares. Even in places where the rate did not go up, there were protests. There were protests in favor of other protests, protests against corruption, and protests against the excess of public funds used for the World Cup.

Two days later, MPL organized another protest of 4,000 people, in Largo da Batata. There was no police repression. Four days later, 12,000 people took to the streets. Two days later, there were 14,000 people in the streets with heavy police repression. Reporters from major newspapers were shot with rubber bullets, and beaten.

After that, everything changed. The coverage of Folha de São Paulo, the country’s main newspaper, stopped calling the protesters rioters and turned against the police. Rede Globo, the country's largest television station—a channel that was complicit with the military dictatorship among other things—also changed its mind and reinforced the non-partisan and spontaneous nature of the demonstrations. The press practically congratulated the protesters and called on people to go to the streets with generic demands.

The demonstrations, which used to be against the bus fare increase, became protests for the right to protest.

A massive demonstration was organized. People who previously called the protesters deluded or vandals decide to join the march, influenced by the change in media coverage and the police violence. At least 65,000 people took to the streets of São Paulo, and 100,000 in Rio de Janeiro. But everything changed again. Acts of vandalism spread throughout the country. While the protests used to be left-leaning, they became ideologically confused. Elements like those from the London riots—masses of poor youth excluded from the consumer world, firing on shops—began to attack. Middle-class leftists lost control of the protests.

And then bus fares were reduced in several cities. It was a victory that tasted like failure. Why did Brazilian social movements need to get so many people in the streets to win something as small as a slight rate reduction? Things got even worse for the original protesters when right-wing protesters took over the demonstrations.

The great masses who are on the streets today are groups who no longer believe in the structure of political parties. Some of the more organized right-wing groups appeared in a few isolated parts of the demonstrations, and they were willing to adopt the masses of young, vaguely nationalist, and conservative protesters who lack defined political ideologies. This mass of newcomers to politics does not accept the presence of parties, organizations, or labor unions. They adhere to advertising slogans like "come to the street" (taken from a Fiat commercial) and "the giant awoke" (taken from a Johnnie Walker commercial) and to pop symbols like the mask from "V for Vendetta."

The left asked people to take to the streets and they did, but now they have no clue of what to do with so many lost and confused people. Youth with no experience in protesting and who never organized politically were mobilized by the Internet and the media's change in opinion. They adopted a nationalistic tone, because they think this is a neutral position. They created a dichotomy between political parties and the country itself.

Now the left is trying to unite around a central agenda. They don’t really know what to ask for next. They don’t really know if anyone is in the position to ask for anything. Why would the government give you something without any guarantee that in exchange, people will calm down? The truth is that it would look bad for the left to demobilize the population after these massive demonstrations. People in the streets: isn't that what they always wanted? In this case, I think it would be appropriate to recall the famous saying: O desejo é ouro, a posse é prata. Desire is gold, but possession is silver. Or in English, be careful what you wish for.

July 03, 2011

Today's guest post comes from Micaela, an acquaintance of mine from the New York - Rio connection who recently started a blog about Rio de Janeiro. After reading my recent post about crime statistics in Rio, she commented that people reported as disappeared don't factor into murder statistics, which are likely much higher. She went on to write the following post, which she kindly offered as a guest post here.

Twelve days ago, 11 year-old Juan Moraes, a resident of the low-income Rio suburb of Nova Iguaçu, disappeared during a confrontation with the military police (PM). As of yet, the government-led investigation has failed to locate the young boy, who is now feared dead. Although it will be nearly impossible to prove without a body, many claim the boy was assassinated in cold blood by the PMs.

On June 20th, PMs invaded the comunidade of Danon, in Nova Iguaçu. Juan was last seen during during a confrontation between police and residents, in which his 14 year-old brother Weslley was wounded by PM gunshots. Another young man, 19 year-old Wanderson, was also gravely injured by bullets as he was walking home from the candy store where he had worked for over a year. Both Weslley and Wanderson were hospitalized for their wounds, and discharged several days later.

Later, Juan's mother Rosineia identified a bloody sandal recovered by criminal investigators as Juan's, and declared that she believes her son is no longer alive. "That's my sandal, which I let Juan use," cried Rosineia. "I didn't have money to buy him a pair, so he was using mine."

Further evidence corroborating the probable assassination of Juan by the invading PMs emerged on the 28th, when 5 PM vehicles present during the operation in Nova Iguaçu underwent a luminol examination. At least one of the vehicles presented "streaks of blood", and is being tested to confirm that the blood is human. However, director of the Carlos Eboli Institute of Criminology, Sergio Henriques, says it will take at least a week to carry out the tests.

Meanwhile, following a series of threats, Juan's family has entered into the witness protection program at the suggestion of Federal Deputy Marcelo Freixo (PSOL).

Unfortunately, the progression of the Juan case - like so many other "disappearance" investigations - is likely being hindered by a number of factors, the most obvious of which would be a cover-up attempt by the PMs involved. Although Secretary of Public Security Jose Beltrame has confirmed that the PMs present at the Nova Iguaçu confrontation have been temporarily dismissed, many questions remain regarding their involvement. Although the media does not specify the source of the threats made against Juan's family, it does not take big leap of faith to conclude that those responsible for the threats are also responsible for Juan's "disappearance."

Disappearances such as Juan's are common in Rio de Janeiro. So common, in fact, that few batted an eyelash when a body recovered by investigators on Wednesday turned out to be that of another missing child. There was no media mention of whether another homicide investigation would be launched to ID the body that was found.

Rio de Janeiro's public security forces and politicians point to declining homicide rates as evidence that the police pacifying units (UPPs) and anti-corruption measures are working to produce a safer state. While homicide statistics do indicate that there has been an overall decrease in murders, what the statistics will not tell you is that "disappearances" - such as Juan's - are not included in the data. Examining the data provided by the Institute for Public Security reveals a homicide incidence of 29, 573 for the period of 2007-2011. The number of people officially registered as "missing persons" was 22,533 for the same period. It's probably fair to assume that the majority of these 22,533 are now dead, and that many were the victims of homicide. In other words, if missing persons were included in homicide statistics, Rio could be looking at a homicide rate of nearly twice what the Institute of Public Security reports.

Sadly, the attention that Juan's case has received is the exception, not the rule. Most such "disappearances" will never be reported, never investigated, and never solved.

Micaela is currently living in Rio, and has spent a total of three years there working for various NGOs. After graduating from Johns Hopkins with a major in Latin American Studies, she's now working on her Master's in international development at Tulane. She writes Rio Outside-In.

December 18, 2010

One of the things that most irritates Brazilians is criticism from foreigners, something I've written about extensively and something that every foreigner in Brazil will always encounter. While suspicion of foreign intervention and dislike of foreign criticism is deeply ingrained, and while it has become something of a knee-jerk reaction to dismiss the "gringo metido," I always like to stress that there is a big difference in where the criticism is coming from. If it's from someone who knows almost nothing about Brazil, the kind of person who says, "Brazil will never be ready for the World Cup," or "Brazil is really dangerous," without any kind of actual facts or infomration to back them up, then irritation is certainly warranted. But when criticism comes from someone who knows a lot about Brazil, someone who lives or lived there and actively follows current events and geniunely loves the country as if it was his or her own, it's another story. We have a lot to say because we care, and we feel a vested interest in seeing positive change. Such is the case with me, but also with many of my gringo readers.

One reader is Adam, a former missionary and jack of all trades who spent several years living in Brazil, whose dream is to move back and work on social development projects. He wrote an interesting piece in his blog, Igneous Quill, that I think is not only very astute, but a perfect example of someone who genuinely seeks solutions for a place he loves. He was kind enough to let me share it, so here it is.

What Keeps Brazil Back - Adam Gonnerman

The few years I lived in Brazil were both wonderful and frustrating. Wonderful because of the people I was with and the experiences we shared, frustrating because of the systemic problems that put a drag on the ability of people to get ahead in life. By the time I left Brazil and began my exile of sorts here in the United States I had distilled my explanation of Brazil’s systemic failure down to three points: centralism, collectivism and positivism. Despite Brazil being one of the “BRIC” nations and considered an emerging economy, this nation has a lot of reform to do before its true potential can be released. And by “reform” I mean “simplication.”

First, there’s centralism. The entire tax structure of Brazil is centralized. It’s actually called a “tribute system,” and municipal and state taxes are collected and funneled to the national capital, Brasilia. Control of so much money concentrated in one place assures that there will me massive corruption. The Brazilian federal government is unarguably too big, with far too many employees on the payroll. Most of these keep their full pay and benefits after retirement. It has been argued that such a tribute system is necessary to sustain the poorer states, and that Rio and Sao Paulo serve as the “economic engines” of the country. I say, drop the excessive and unnecessary rules and you’ll see people in those poorer states put their creativity to good work.

November 24, 2010

I'm taking a little blog break for the Thanksgiving holiday, so I just wanted to take the opportunity to put a call out for guest posts! If it's Brazil related, I'm interested! I don't accept every submission, and I prefer new posts to already published posts, but I will definitely link to your blog or site of your choice if I publish your post. I also accept posts in Portuguese. Submissions can be sent to: riogringaconsult at gmail dot com.

I'll be back next Monday with all new adventures I'm excited to write about, so stay tuned.

April 20, 2010

One of my fellow Latin America-philes was kind enough to write a guest post about a huge Colombian drug kingpin bust in Rio. Brazil has become a major transshipment point for cocaine in the Americas, and big time dealers seem to have even lived in Brazil without much of a hassle--until recently. Joint task forces and Federal Police operations have managed to bring not one but two Colombian drug kingpins down in Brazil, the most recent one in one of Rio's most famous playgrounds.

Narco Arrested in Copacabana

One of Colombia’s most wanted drug barons was arrested while leaving his apartment on the afternoon of April 16.

The apartment wasn't a luxurious residence hidden in the hills outside Medellin or Cali. Nor was it a multimillion-dollar apartment in downtown Bogotá.

It was the intersection of Rua Hilário de Gouveia and Avenida Atlantida on Copacabana beach. A joint task force consisting of three different Brazilian anti-crime organizations and collaboration from the United States’ Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) arrested Nestor Ramon Caro Chapparo, aka “Felipe”, in one Rio's most famous neighborhoods. The US Department of State was offering up to US $5 million for Caro Chapparo’s arrest.

It’s the second high-profile bust of a Colombian drug trafficker in one week that occurred outside of Colombia. Ramon Quintero, a suspected leader of the Norte del Valle Cartel, was arrested in a bakery in an upscale neighborhood in northern Quito, Ecuador, on April 13. Like Caro Chapparo, the US State Department was willing to pay up to US $5 million for information leading to Quintero's arrest.

However, unlike Quintero, who was a leader of one of Colombia’s most powerful cartels, authorities believe that Caro Chapparo was largely an independent trafficker, who likely used his connections with the former members of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) to facilitate the transportation of thousands of kilograms of cocaine to the United States, as well as West Africa and Europe via various points along the Brazilian coast.

The timing of Caro Capparo’s arrest occurs within the same week that a Defense Cooperation Agreement between Brasilia and Washington in “defense related matters” and “cooperation in any other military fields that may be of mutual interest to the Parties”.

The arrest of Caro Chapparo highlights Brazil’s relevance as a port of exit for drugs bound for the US and Europe. Caro Chapparo was not the first to fall. In August 2007, Brazilian authorities arrested Juan Carlos Ramirez Abadia, another Norte del Valle leader, in Aldeia da Serra in Greater Sao Paulo. Though the local market, which Veja says is dominated by Bolivian cocaine, exists in Brazil, the presence of internationally wanted suspects such as Caro Chapparo shows that it is Brazil's geographic location, not population, that attracts international drug traffickers.

At the local level, a lethal confrontation between Police and gang members in an attempted bust of a leading trafficker in Vila Alianza on April 20 that left five dead offers a chilling reminder that men like Capo Chapparo are the exception, not the rule, in drug-related arrests and attempted arrests in Brazil.

April 11, 2010

I've met some really amazing people, on and offline through my blog, and Mallory and Henrique are some of my favorites. Mallory, an American, recently married Henrique, a Paulista, in Brazil, and she was kind enough to put together a guest post on what it takes for a foreigner to marry in Brazil, inspired by my K-1 visa series. She also wrote a very sweet post about her wedding day on her blog, which you can read here. Hopefully, her guide will be helpful to foreigners looking to marry their Brazilian partners in Brazil, be it to settle in Brazil or before moving to other countries on spouse visas. The process is a bit tricky and requires quite a bit of paperwork, so it's useful to get an overview before you jump in.

Without further ado, here is a guide to getting in married in Brazil.

Guide to Foreign Marriage in Brazil

Rachel began her K-1 visa how-to guide with the opening line, “So you fell in love with a Brazilian”, which uncannily happens to be our step one here for Mallory's Guide to the Obsessive Compulsive Process that is Marriage in Brazil as well. However, unlike in the U.S. where you immigrate first and then marry, in Brazil you marry first and then immigrate. Sounds so much easier than the humiliatingly long and expensive process with the USCIS, does it not? To be honest, I was expecting it to be snap. My thoughts were: marriage has often historically been abused to gain a green card in the U.S., but what are the statistics of an American buying a residency in Brazil through a scam marriage? What a breeze, I thought, all I have to do is say I do. Wrong. Don't let the Brazilian stereotype fool you; there is nothing simple nor laid-back about Brazilian bureaucracy. It is apparent that the words unnecessary and detail were born in this country. Did I cry? Only once. But the consular officer (known as the Michigan Man) at the Sao Paulo Consulate put it best at my final visit—All this to get married? He better be worth it. A great reminder that it really is all worth it, because a life in Brazil with my best friend is more than worth it. So take a breath, and go.

April 03, 2010

Ernesto, the Brazil Boricua, a blog friend who writes Zero Tres, was nice enough to let me use one of his posts for a guest post here. He and I have had similar experiences in Brazil, and I have found that as much as I hated doing this, it works really well, especially when I most needed help. So I give you: the lost gringo trick.

A lot of foreigners in Brazil are
bumbling idiots. They don’t speak Portuguese (or they try to get by with
Spanish), they don’t know the culture, they are naive and carefree
while on vacation.

No offense to anyone in particular; I was like that back in 2004. But
time passes and you learn. And one thing I’ve learned is that, when
necessary, I can play the role of bumbling idiot. Play up to the
stereotype that Brazilians expect, and thus Brazilians help me out.

It can be as simple as picking batata doce at the
supermarket. I have no fucking clue how to pick batata doce and
macaxeira and inhame. Simple: just exaggerate the
accent, and ask the old lady: “É bom?“. She’ll ask if you’re a
gringo, you’ll answer “sim” with a thick accent, and she will
proceed to select the best available vegetables for you. You can almost
see the mental *sigh* as she smiles and thinks “coitado do
gringo“. (If you’re a female, try the young, male supermarket
employees.)

It’s fantastic.

It’s also worked with Brazil’s Department of Transportation (DETRAN).
Before I had my Brazilian driver’s license I would always show my
Puerto Rican driver’s license, plus my passport, and exaggerate the
accent. “Oh, I can’t drive? Really? Oh, I’m sorry. I didn’t
know.” No fine, no fuss, no breathalyzer test. Free to go. They
wave me on as they think to themselves “coitado do gringo“.

Once in Maranhão I was offered a pousada for R$85
(“oitenta-e-cinco”); I took out R$35 (“trinta-e-cinco”) and handed it
over. “Oh no,” the owner said, now with hand gestures, “oitenta-e-cinco“.
So I apologize (because my Portuguese is obviously very poor and I must
have misunderstood); I put the money back in my pocket and begin to
walk away. “But,” he says, “no, it’s ok. You are alone.
R$85 is for a couple.” It’s low season, and the pousada is empty,
so why would he let me walk away? I smile and hand over the R$35,
thinking that if it was indeed R$85 for a couple then it should be
R$42.50 for a single. I may have just saved R$7.50 or R$50 without even
negotiating. But how much I saved doesn’t matter; I’m happy, because the
lost, confused, misunderstood gringo persona worked again.

It’s not all personal benefit; it also helps in uncomfortable
situations too. For example, I don’t like pointing out when someone
gives me the incorrect change, and the “bumbling idiot gringo” persona
helps. You simply look at the change you received, with a confused look
on your face, and ask (with a thick accent, of course) “Quanto?“.
It’s a nice way of saying: “You are either trying to rip me off, or
you failed math class.” But the Brazilian smiles, counts and
corrects the mistake.