SECT. II. Ecclesiastical History.[578-590]

50. Revolutions in religion seldom happen.

The history of religion, among all the
different nations that have existed in the world, is a subject no
less important and interesting than that of civil history. It is,
however, less fertile of great events, affords an account of fewer
revolutions, and is much more uniform, than civil history. The reason
of this is plain. Religion is conversant about things which cannot
be seen; and which of consequence cannot suddenly and strongly affect
the senses of mankind, as natural things are apt to do. The expectation
of worldly riches can easily induce one nation to attack another;
but it is not easy to find any thing which will induce a nation
to change its religion. The invisible nature of spiritual things,
the prejudice of habit and early education, all stand in the way
of changes of this kind. Hence the revolutions in religion have
been but few, and the duration of almost any religion of longer
standing than the most celebrated empires; the changes which have
happened, in general have acquired a long time to bring them about,
and history scarce affords an instance of the religion of any nation
being essentially and suddenly changed for another.
With regard to the origin of religion, we must have recourse to
the Scriptures; and are as necessarily constrained to adopt the
account there given, as we are to adopt that of the creation given
in the same book; namely, because no other hath made its appearance
which seems in any degree rational, or consistent with itself. -
In what manner the true religion given to Adam was falsified or
corrupted by his descendants before the flood, doth not clearly
appear from the Scripture. Idolatry is not mentioned: nevertheless
we are assured that the inhabitants of the world were then exceedingly
wicked; and as their wickedness did not consist in worshipping false
gods, it may be concluded that they worshipped none at all; i.e.
that the crime of the antediluvians was deism or atheism.

51. Origin of idolatry.

After the flood, idolatry quickly made
its appearance; but what gave rise to it is not certainly known.
This superstition indeed seems to be natural to man, especially
when placed in such a situation that he hath little opportunity
of instruction, or of improving his rational faculties. This seems
also probable from a caution given to the Jews, lest, when they
looked up to the sun, moon, and stars, and the rest of the host
of heaven, they should be driven to worship them. The origin
of idolatry among the Syrians and Arabians, and also in Greece,
is therefore accounted for with great probability in the following
manner by the author of The Ruins of Balbeck. "In those uncomfortable
deserts, where the day presents nothing to the view but the uniform,
tedious, and melancholy prospect of barren sands, the night discloses
a most delightful and magnificent spectacle, and appears arrayed
with charms of the most attractive kind. For the most part unclouded
and serene, it exhibits to the wondering eye the host of heaven
in all their variety and glory. In the view of this stupendous scene,
the transition from admiration to idolatry was too easy to uninstructed
minds; and a people whose climate offered no beauties to contemplate
but those of the firmament, would naturally look thither for the
objects of their worship. The form of idolatry in Greece was different
from that of the Syrians; which perhaps may be attributed to that
smiling and variegated scene of mountains, valleys, rivers, woods,
groves, and fountains, which the transported imagination, in the
midst of its pleasing astonishment, supposed to be the seats of
invisible deities."
A difficulty, however, arises on this supposition; for if idolatry
is naturally produced in the mind of uninstructed and savage man
from a view of the creation, why hath not idolatry of some kind
or other [579] taken place among all the different nations
of the world? This certainly hath not been the case; of which the
most striking examples are the Persians of old, and the Moguls in
more modern times. Both these nations were strict deists; so that
we must allow some other causes to concur in producing idolatry
besides these already mentioned; and of these causes an imperfect
and obscure notion of the true religion seems to be the most probable.

52. General account of the Heathen superstitions.

Though idolatry, therefore, was formerly
very prevalent, it neither extended over the whole earth, nor were
the superstitions of the idolaters all of one kind. Every nation
had its respective gods, over which one more excellent than the
rest was said preside; yet in such a manner, that this supreme deity
himself was controlled by the rigid empire of the fates, or by what
philosophers called eternal necessity. The gods of the east
were different from those of the Gauls, the Germans, and the other
northern nations. The Grecian divinities differed widely from those
of the Egyptians, who deified plants, animals, and a great variety
of the productions both of nature and art. Each people also had
their own particular manner of worshipping and appeasing their respective
deities, entirely different from the sacred rites of other countries.
All this variety of religions, however, produced neither wars nor
dissensions among the different nations; each nation suffered its
neighbours to follow their own method of worship, without discovering
any displeasure on that account. There is nothing surprising in
this mutual toleration, when we consider, that they all looked upon
the world as one great empire, divided into various provinces, over
each of which a certain order of divinities presided; for which
reason they imagined that none could behold with contempt the gods
of other nations, or force strangers to pay homage to theirs. -
The Romans exercised this toleration in the most ample manner; for
though they would not allow any change to be made in the religions
that were publicly professed in the empire, nor any new from of
worship to be openly introduced, yet they granted to their citizens
a full liberty of observing in private the sacred rites of other
nations, and of honouring foreign deities as they thought proper.
The heathen deities were honoured with rites and sacrifices of various
kinds, according to their respective natures and offices. Their
rites were absurd and ridiculous; while the priests, appointed to
preside over this stranger worship, abused their authority, by deceiving
and imposing upon the people in the grossest manner.

53. State of religion at the appearance of Christ.

From the time of the flood to the coming
of Christ, idolatry prevailed among almost all the nations of the
world, the Jews alone excepted; and even they were on all occasions
ready to run into it, as is evident from their history in the Old
Testament. At the time of Christs appearance, the religion
of the Romans, as well as their empire, extended over a great part
of the world. Some people there were among the heathens who perceived
the absurdities of that system; but being destitute of means, as
well as of abilities, to effect a reformation, matters went on in
their old way. Though there were at that time various sects of philosophers,
yet all of them proceeded upon false principles, and consequently
could be of no service o the advancement or reformation of religion.
Nay, some, among whom were the Epicureans and Academics, declared
openly against every kind of religion whatever.
Two religions at this time flourished in Palestine, viz. the Jewish
and Samaritan; between whose respective followers reigned the most
violent hatred and contempt. The difference between them seems to
have been chiefly about the place of worship; which the Jews would
have to be in Jerusalem, and the Samaritans on mount Gerizzim. But
though the Jews were certainly right as to this point, they had
greatly corrupted their religion in other respects. They expected
a Saviour indeed, but they mistook his character; imagining that
he was to be a powerful and warlike prince, who should set them
free from the Roman yoke, which they bore with the utmost impatience.
They also imagined that the whole of religion consisted in observing
the rites of Moses, and some others which they had added to them,
without the least regard to what is commonly called morality
or virtue; as is evident from the many charges our Saviour
brings against the Pharisees, who had the greatest reputation for
sanctity among the whole nation. To these corrupt and vicious principles,
they added several absurd and superstitious notions concerning the
divine nature, invisible powers, magic, &c. which they had partly
imbibed during the Babylonian captivity, and partly derived from
the neighbours in Arabia, Syria, and Egypt. The principle sects
among them were the Essenes or Essenians, Pharisees,
and Sadducees. The Samaritans, according to the most general
opinion, had corrupted their religion still more than the Jews.

When the true religion was preached by
the Saviour of mankind, it is not to be wondered at if he became
on that account obnoxious to a people so deeply sunk in corruption
and ignorance as the Jews then were. It is not here requisite to
enter into the particulars of the doctrine advanced by him, or of
the opposition he met with from the Jews; as a full account of these
things, and likewise of the preaching of the gospel by the Apostles,
may be found in the New Testament. - The rapid progress of the Christian
religion, under these faithful and inspired ministers, soon alarmed
the Jews, and raised various persecutions against its followers.
The Jews, indeed, seem at first to have been everywhere the chief
promoters of the persecution; for we find that they officiously
went from place to place, wherever they heard of the increase of
the gospel, and by their calumnies and false suggestions endeavoured
to excite the people against the apostles. The Heathens, however,
though at first they showed no very violent spirit of persecution
against the Christians, soon came to hate them as much as the Jews
themselves. Tacitus acquaints us with the causes of this hatred,
when speaking of the first general persecution under Nero. That
inhuman emperor having, as was supposed, set fire to the city of
Rome, to avoid the imputation of this wickedness, transferred it
on the Christians. Our author informs us that they were already
abhorred on account of their many and enormous crimes. "The
author of this name (Christians)," says he, "was
Christ, who in the reign of Tiberius, was executed under
Pontius Pilate, procurator of Judæa. The [580] pestilent
superstition was for a while suppressed: but it revived again, and
spread, not only over Judæa, where this evil was first broached,
but reached Rome, whither from every quarter of the earth is constantly
flowing whatever is hideous and abominable amongst men, and is there
readily, embraced and practised. First, therefore, were apprehended
such as openly avowed themselves to be of that sect; then by them
were discovered an immense multitude; and all were convicted, not
of the crime of burning Rome, but of hatred and enmity to mankind.
Their death and tortures were aggravated by cruel derision and sport;
for they were either covered with the skins of wild beasts and torn
in pieces by devouring dogs, or fastened to crosses, or wrapped
up in combustible garments, that, when the day-light failed, they
might, like torches, serve to dispel the darkness of the night.
Hence, towards the miserable sufferers, however guilty and deserving
the most exemplary punishment, compassion arose; seeing they were
domed to perish, not with a view to the public good, but to gratify
the cruelty of one man."
That this account of Tacitus is downright misrepresentation and
calumny, must be evident to very one reads it. It is impossible
that any person can be convicted of hatred and enmity to mankind,
without specifying a number of facts by which this hatred showed
itself. The burning of Rome would indeed have been a very plain
indication of enmity to mankind; but of this Tacitus himself clears
them, and mentions no other crime of which they were guilty. It
is probable, therefore, that the only reason of this charge against
the Christians, was their absolute refusal to have any share in
the Roman worship, or to countenance the absurd superstitions of
Paganism in any degree.

54. Tacitus's account of the first persecution by Nero.

55. Second persecution.

The persecution under Nero was succeeded
by another under Domitian; during which the Apostle John was banished
to Patmos, where he saw the visions, and wrote the book called his
Revelations, which completes the canon of Scripture. This
persecution commenced in the 95th year of the Christian
era; and John is supposed to have written his Revelation the year
after, or in the following one.
During the first century, Christian religion spread over a great
number of different countries; but as we have now no authentic records
concerning the travels of the Apostles, or the success which attended
them in their ministry, it was impossible to determine how far the
gospel was carried during this period. We are, however, assured,
that even during this early period, many corruptions were creeping
in, the progress of which was with difficulty prevented even by
the Apostles themselves. Some corrupted their profession by a mixture
of Judaism, others by mixing it with oriental philosophy; while
others were already attempting to deprive their brethren of liberty,
setting themselves up as eminent pastors, in opposition even to
Apostles, as we learn from the epistles of St. Paul, and the third
epistle of St. John. Hence arose the sects of the Gnostics, Cerinthians,
Nicolaitans, Nazarenes, Ebionites, &c. with which the church
was troubled during this century.
Concerning the ceremonies and method of worship used by the Christians
of the first century, it is impossible to say any thing with certainty.
Neither is the Church order, government, and discipline, during
this period, ascertained with any degree of exactness. Each of those
parties, therefore, which exists at this day, contends with the
greatest earnestness for that particular mode of worship which they
themselves have adopted; and some of the most bigotted would willingly
monopolize the word church in such a manner as to exclude
from all hope of salvation every one who is not attached to their
particular party. It doth not however appear that, excepting baptism,
the Lords supper, and the anointing sick with oil, any external
ceremonies or symbols were properly of divine appointment. According
to Dr. Mosheim, "there are several circumstances which incline
us to think, that the friends and apostles of our blessed Lord either
tolerated through necessity, or appointed for wise reasons, many
other external rites in various places. At the same time, we are
not to imagine, that they ever conferred upon any person a perpetual,
indelible, pontifical authority, or that they enjoined the same
rites in all churches. We learn, on the contrary, from authentic
records, that the Christian worship was form the beginning celebrated
in a different manner in different places; and that, no doubt, by
the orders, or at least with the approbation, of the apostles and
their disciples. In those early times, it was both wise and necessary
to show, in the establishment of outward forms of worship, some
indulgence to the ancient opinions, manners, and laws, of the respective
nations to whom the gospel was preached."

56. History of the second century.

The second century commences with the
third year of the emperor Trajan. The Christians were still persecuted;
but as the Roman emperors were for the most part of this century
princes of a mild and moderate turn, they persecuted less violently
than formerly. Marcus Aurelius, notwithstanding the clemency and
philosophy for which he is so much celebrated, treated the Christians
worse than Trajan, Adrian, or even Severus himself did, who was
noted for his cruelty. This respite from vigorous persecution proved
a very favourable circumstance for the spreading of the Christians
religion; yet, it is by no means easy to point out the particular
countries through which it was diffused. We are, however, assured,
that in the second century, Christ was worshipped as God almost
through the whole east; as also among the Germans, Spaniards, Celtes,
and many other nations: but which of them received the gospel in
the first century, and which in the second, is a question unanswerable
at this distance of time. The writers of this century attribute
the rapid progress of Christianity chiefly to the extraordinary
gifts that were imparted to the first Christians, and the miracles
which were wrought at their command; without supposing that any
part of the success ought to be ascribed to the intervention of
human means, or secondary causes. Many of the moderns, however,
are so far from being of this opinion, that they are willing either
to deny the authenticity of all miracles said to have been wrought
since the days of the apostles, or to ascribe them to the power
of the devil. To enter into the particulars of this controversy
is foreign to our present purpose; for which reason we must refer
to the writers of polemic divinity, who have largely treated of
this and other points of a similar nature.

57. Ceremonies multiplied.

[581] The corruptions which had
been introduced in the first century, and which were almost coeval
with Christianity itself, continued to gain ground in the second.
Ceremonies, in themselves futile and useless, but which must be
considered as highly pernicious when joined to a religion incapable
of any other ornament than the upright and virtuous conduct of its
professors, were multiplied for no other purpose than to please
the ignorant multitude. The immediate consequence of this was, that
the attention of Christians was drawn aside from the important moral
duties of morality; and they were led to imagine, that a careful
observance of the ceremonies might make amends for the neglect of
moral duties. This was the most pernicious opinion that could possibly
be entertained; and was indeed the very foundation of that enormous
system of ecclesiastical power which afterwards took place, and
held the whole world in slavery and barbarism for many ages.

58. Misteries introduced.

Another mischief was the introduction
of mysteries, as they were called, into the Christian religion;
that is, insinuating that some parts of the worship in common use
had a hidden efficacy and power superior to the plain and obvious
meaning assigned to them by the vulgar: and by paying peculiar respect
to these mysteries, the pretended teachers of the religion of Jesus
accommodated their doctrines to the taste of their heathen neighbours,
whose religion consisted in a heap of mysteries, of which nobody
knew the meaning.

59. The teachers assume a power over the people.

By these, and other means of a similar
kind, the Christian pastors greatly abridged the liberty of their
flock. Being masters of the ceremonies and mysteries of the Christian
religion, they had it in their power to make their followers worship
and believe whatever they thought proper; and this they did not
fail to make use of for their own advantage. They persuaded the
people, that the ministers of the Christian church succeeded to
the character, rights, and privileges, of the Jewish priesthood;
and accordingly the bishops considered themselves as invested with
a rank and character similar to those of the high-priest among the
Jews, while the presbyters represented the priests, and the deacons
the Levites. This notion, which was first introduced in the reign
of Adrian, proved a source of very considerable honour and profit
to the clergy.

60. Form of church government.

The form of ecclesiastical government
was in this century rendered permanent and uniform. One inspector
or bishop presided over each Christian assembly, to which office
he was elected by the voices of the whole people. To assist him
in his office, he formed a council of presbyters, which was not
confined to any stated number. To the bishops and presbyters the
ministers or deacons were subject; and the latter were divided
into a variety of classes, as the different exigencies of the church
required. During a great part of this century, the churches were
independent of each other; nor were they joined together by association,
confederacy, or any other bonds but those of charity. Each assembly
was a little state governed by its own laws, which were either enacted,
or at least approved of, by the society. But in process of time
all the Christian churches of a province were formed into one large
ecclesiastical body, which, like confederate states, assembled at
certain times, in order to deliberate about the common interests
of the whole. This institution had its origin among the Greeks;
but in a short time it became universal, and similar assemblies
were formed in all places where the gospel had been planted. These
assemblies, which consisted of the deputies or commissioners from
several churches, were called synods by the Greeks, and councils
by the Latins; and the laws enacted in these general meetings were
called canons, i.e. rules.

61. Changes produced by the institution of councils.

These councils, of which we find not the
smallest trace before the middle of this century, changed the whole
face of the church, and gave it a new form; for by them the ancient
privileges of the people were considerably diminished, and the power
and the authority of the bishops greatly augmented. The humility,
indeed, and prudence, of these pious prelates hindered them from
assuming all at once the power with which they were afterwards invested.
At their first appearance in these general councils, they acknowledged
that they were no more than delegates of their respective churches,
and that they acted in the name and by the appointment of their
people. But they soon changed this humble tone; imperceptibly extended
the limits of their authority; turned their influence into dominion,
their counsels into laws; and at length openly asserted, that Christ
had empowered them to prescribe to his people authoritative rules
of faith and manners. Another effect of these
councils was the gradual abolition of that perfect equality which
reigned among all bishops in the primitive times: for the order
and decency of these assemblies required, that some one of the provincial
bishops met in council should be invested with a superior degree
of power and authority; and hence the rights of Metropolitans derive
their origin. In the mean time, the bounds of the church were enlarged;
the custom of holding councils was followed wherever the sound of
the gospel had reached; and the universal church had now the appearance
of one vast republic formed by a combination of a great number of
little states. This occasioned the creation of a new order of ecclesiastics,
who were appointed in different parts of the world as heads of the
church, and whose office it was to preserve the consistence and
union of that immense body, whose members were so widely dispersed
throughout the nations. Such was the nature and office of the Patriarchs;
among whom, at length, ambition, being arrived at its most insolent
period, formed a new dignity, investing the bishop of Rome with
the title and authority of the Prince of the Patriarchs.

62. Account of the Ascetics.

During the second century, all the sects
continued which had sprung up in the first, with the addition of
several others; the most remarkable of which were the Ascetics.
These owed their rise to an error propagated by some doctors of
the church, who asserted that Christ had established a double
rule of sanctity and virtue for two different orders of Christians.
Of these rules, one was ordinary, the other extraordinary; the one
of a lower dignity, the other more sublime; the first for persons
in the active scenes of life; the other for those who, in a sacred
retreat, aspired after the glory of the celestial state. In consequence
of this system, they divided in two parts all those moral doctrines
and instructions which they had received either by writing or tradition.
One of these divisions they called precepts, and the other
counsels. They gave the name of precepts to those
laws that were universally obligatory, [582] upon all orders
of men; and that of counsels to those which related to Christians
of a more sublime rank, who proposed to themselves great and glorious
ends, and breathed after an intimate communion with the Supreme
Being. - Thus were produced all at once a new set of men, who made
pretensions to uncommon sanctity and virtue, and declared their
resolution of obeying all the precepts and counsels
of Christ, in order to their enjoyment of communion with God here,
and also that, after the dissolution of their mortal bodies, they
might ascend to him with the greater facility, and find nothing
to retard their approach to the centre of happiness and perfection.
They looked upon themselves as prohibited from the use of things
which it was lawful for other Christians to enjoy; such as wine,
flesh, matrimony, and commerce. They thought it their indispensable
duty to extenuate their body by watchings, abstinence, labour, and
hunger. They looked for felicity in solitary retreats, and desert
places; where, by severe and assiduous efforts of sublime meditation,
they raised the soul above all external objects and all sensual
pleasures. They were distinguished from other Christians, not only
by their title of Ascetics, Spoudaioi, Eklektoi, and philosophers,
but also by their garb. In this century, indeed, those who embraced
such an austere kind of life, submitted themselves to all these
mortifications in private, without breaking asunder their social
bands, or withdrawing themselves from mankind; but in process of
time they retired into deserts, and after the example of Essenes
and Therapeutæ, they formed themselves into certain companies.
This austere sect arose from an opinion which has been more or less
prevalent in all ages and in all countries, namely, that religion
consists more in prayers, meditations, and a kind of secret intercourse
with God, than in fulfilling the social duties of life in acts of
benevolence and humanity to mankind. Nothing can be more evident
than that the Scripture reckons the fulfilling of these infinitely
superior to the observance of all the ceremonies that can be imagined;
yet it somehow or other happens, that almost every body is more
inclined to observe the ceremonial part of the devotion than the
moral; and hence, according to the different humours or constitutions
of different persons, there have been numberless forms of Christianity,
and the most virulent contentions among those who professed themselves
followers of the Prince of Peace. It is obvious, that if the moral
conduct of Christians was to be made the standard of faith, instead
of speculative opinions, all these divisions must cease in a moment;
but while Christianity, or any part of it, is made to consist in
speculation, or the observance of ceremonies, it is impossible there
can be any end of sects and heresies. No opinion whatever is so
absurd, but some people have pretended to argue in its defence;
and no ceremony so insignificant, but it hath been explained and
sanctified by hot-headed enthusiasts; and hence ceremonies, sects,
and absurdities, have been multiplied without number, to the prejudice
of society and of the Christian religion. This short relation of
the rise of the Ascetic sect will also serve to account for the
rise of any other; so that we apprehend it is needless to enter
into particulars concerning the rest, as they all took their origin
from the same general principle variously modified, according to
the different dispositions of mankind.
The Ascetic sect began first in Egypt, from whence it passed into
Syria and the neighbouring countries. At length it reached the European
nations; and hence that train of austere and superstitious vows
and rites which totally obscured, or rather annihilated, Christianity;
the celibacy of the clergy, and many other absurdities of the like
kind. The errors of the Ascetics, however, did not stop here. In
compliance with the doctrines of some Pagan philosophers, they affirmed,
that it was not only lawful, but even praiseworthy, to deceive,
and to use the expedient of a lie, in order to advance the cause
of piety and truth; and hence the pious frauds for which
the church of Rome hath been so notorious, and with which she hath
been so often and justly reproached.

As Christians thus deviated more and more
from the true practice of their religion, they became more zealous
in the external profession of it. Anniversary festivals were celebrated
in commemoration of the death and resurrection of Christ, and of
the effusion of the Holy Ghost on the apostles. Concerning the days
on which these festivals were to be kept, there arose violent contests.
The Asiatic churches in general differed in this point from those
of Europe; and towards the conclusion of the second century, Victor
bishop of Rome took it in his head to force the eastern churches
to follow the rules laid down by the western ones. - This they absolutely
refused to comply with: upon which Victor cut them off from communion
with the church of Rome; though, by means of the intercession of
some prudent people, the difference was made up for the present.

63. Contests concerning festivals.

64. Third century.

During most of the third century, the
Christians were allowed to enjoy their religion, such as it was,
without molestation. The emperors Maximinus and Decius, indeed,
made them feel all the rigours of a severe persecution; but the
reigns were short, and from the death of Decius to the time of Dioclesian
the church enjoyed tranquillity. Thus vast multitudes were converted;
but at the same time, the doctrine grew daily more corrupt, and
the lives of professed Christians more wicked and scandalous. New
ceremonies were invented in great numbers, and an unaccountable
passion now prevailed for the oriental superstitions concerning
demons, whence proceeded the whole train of exorcisms, spells, and
fears for the apparition of evil spirits, which to this day are
nowhere eradicated. Hence, also the custom of avoiding all connections
with those who were not baptised, or who lay under the penalty of
excommunication, as persons supposed to be under the dominion of
some evil spirits. And hence the rigour and severity of that discipline
and penance imposed upon those who had incurred, by their immoralities,
the censures of the church. Several alterations were now made in
the manner of celebrating the Lords supper. The prayers used
on this occasion were lengthened, and the solemnity and pomp with
which it was attended were considerably increased. Gold and silver
vessels were used in the celebration; it was thought essential to
salvation, and for that reason administered even to infants. Baptism
was celebrated twice a year to such as, after a long course of trial
and preparation, offered themselves candidates. [583] The
remissions of sins was thought to be its immediate consequence;
while the bishop, by prayer and imposition of hands, was supposed
to confer those sanctifying gifts of the Holy Ghost that were necessary
to a life of righteousness and virtue. An evil demon was supposed
naturally to reside in every person, who was the author and source
of all corrupt dispositions and unrighteous actions of that person.
The driving out of this demon was therefore an essential requisite
for baptism; and in consequence of this opinion, the baptized persons
returned home clothed in white garments, and adorned with crowns,
as sacred emblems, the former of their inward purity and innocence,
and the latter of their victory over sin and the world. - Fasting
began now to be held in more esteem than formerly. A high degree
of sanctity was attributed to this practice; it was even looked
upon as indispensably necessary, from a notion that the demons directed
their force chiefly against those who pampered themselves with delicious
fare, and were less troublesome to the lean and hungry who lived
under the severities of a rigorous abstinence. - The sign of the
cross also was supposed to administer a victorious power over all
sorts of trials and calamities; and was more especially considered
as the surest defence against the snares and stratagems of the malignant
spirits: for which reason, no Christian undertook any thing of moment,
without arming himself, as he imagined, with the power of this triumphant
sign. The heresies which troubled the church during this century,
were the Gnostics, (whose doctrines were new-modelled and
improved by Manes, from whom they afterwards chiefly called Manicheans),
the Hieracites, Noetians, Sabellians, and Novatians;
for a particular account of which, see those articles.

65. Fourth century.

The fourth century is remarkable for the
establishment of Christianity by law in the Roman empire; which,
however, did not take place till the year 324. In the beginning
of the century, the empire was governed by four chiefs, viz. Dioclesian,
Maximian, Costantius Chlorus, and Galerius, under whom the church
enjoyed a perfect toleration. Dioclesian, tho much addicted
to superstition, had no ill-will against the Christians; and Costantius
Chlorus, having abandoned polytheism, treated them with condescension
and benevolence. This alarmed the Pagan priests, whose interests
were so closely connected with the continuance of the ancient superstitions;
and who apprehended, not without reason, that the Christian religion
would at length prevail throughout the empire. To prevent the downfal
of the Pagan superstition, therefore, they applied to Dioclesian
and Galerius Cæsar, by whom a most bloody persecution was commenced
in the year 303, and continued till 311. An asylum, however, was
opened for the Christians in the year 304. Galerius having dethroned
Dioclesian and Maximian, declared himself emperor in the east; leaving
all the western provinces, to which great numbers of Christians
resorted to avoid the cruelty of the former, to Costantius Chlorus.
At length Galerius, being overtaken with an incurable and dreadful
disease, published an edict ordering the persecution to cease, and
restoring freedom to the Christians, whom he had most inhumanly
oppressed for eight years. Galerius died the same year: and in short
time after, Constantine the Great ascended the throne, the Christians
were freed from any farther uneasiness, by his abrogating all the
penal laws against them; and afterwards issuing edicts, by which
no other religion than the Christian was tolerated throughout the
empire.

66. Christianity established by Constantine.

67. Increase of its corruptions.

This event, however, so favourable to
the outward peace of the church, was far from promoting its internal
harmony, or the reformation of its leaders. The clergy, who had
all this time been augmenting their power at the expence of the
liberty of the people, now set no bounds to their ambition. The
bishop of Rome was the first in rank, and distinguished by a sort
of pre-eminency above the rest of the prelates. He surpassed all
his brethren in the magnificence and splendor of the church over
which he presided, in the riches of his revenues and possessions,
in the number and variety of his ministers, in his credit with the
people, and in his sumptuous and splendid manner of living. Hence
it happened, that when a new pontiff was to be chosen by the presbyters
and people, the city of Rome was generally agitated with dissensions,
tumults, and cabals, which often produced fatal consequences. The
intrigues and disturbances which prevailed in that city in the year
366, when, upon the death of Liberius, another pontiff was to be
chosen in his place, are a sufficient proof of what we have advanced.
Upon this occasion, one faction elected Damasus to that high dignity;
while the opposite party chose Ursicinus, a deacon of the vacant
church to succeed Liberius. This double election gave rise to a
dangerous schism, and to a sort of civil war within the city of
Rome; which was carried on with the utmost barbarity and fury, and
produced the most cruel massacres and desolations. The inhuman contest
ended in the victory of Damasus; but whether his cause was more
just than that of Ursicinus, is not so easily determined.
Notwithstanding the pomp and the splendor which surrounded the Roman
see, it is certain that the bishops of Rome had not yet acquired
that pre-eminence of power and jurisdiction which they afterwards
enjoyed. In the ecclesiastical commonwealth, indeed, they were the
most eminent order of citizens; but still they were citizens as
well as their brethren, and subject, like them, to the laws and
edicts of the emperors. All religious causes of extraordinary importance
were examined and determined, either by judges appointed by the
emperors, or in councils assembled for that purpose; while those
of inferior moment were decided in each district by its respective
bishop. The ecclesiastical laws were enacted either by the emperor
or councils. None of the bishops acknowledged that they derived
their authority from the permission and appointment of the bishop
of Rome, or that they were created bishops by the favour of the
apostolic see. On the contrary, they all maintained that
they were the ambassadors and ministers of Jesus Christ, and that
their authority was derived from above. It must, however, be observed,
that even in this century several of those steps were laid by which
the bishops of Rome mounted afterwards to the summit of ecclesiastical
power and despotism. This happened partly by the imprudence of the
emperors, partly by the dexterity of the Roman prelates themselves,
and partly by the inconsiderate [584] zeal and precipitate
judgement of certain bishops. The imprudence of the emperor, and
precipitation of the bishops, were remarkably discovered in the
following event, which favoured extremely the ambition of the Roman
Pontiff. About the year 372, Valentinian enacted a law, empowering
the bishop of Rome to examine and judge other bishops, that religious
disputes might not be decided by any profane or secular judges.
The bishops assembled in council at Rome in 378, not considering
the fatal consequences that must arise from this imprudent law both
to themselves and to the church, declared their approbation in the
strongest terms, and recommended the execution of it in their address
to the emperor Gratian. Some think, indeed, that this law empowered
the Roman bishop to judge only the bishops within the limits of
his jurisdiction; others, that his power was given only for a certain
time, and for a particular purpose. This last notion seems the most
probable; but still this privilege must have been an excellent instrument
in the hands of sacerdotal ambition.

68. Bishops of Rome and Constantinople rival each other.

By the removal of the seat of the empire
to Constantinople, the emperor raised up, in the bishop of this
new metropolis, a formidable opponent to the bishop of Rome, and
a bulwark which threatened a vigorous opposition to his growing
authority. For as the emperor, in order to render Constantinople
a second Rome, enriched it with all the rights and privileges, honours
and ornaments, of the ancient capital of the world; so its bishop,
measuring his own dignity and rank by the magnificence of the new
city, and its eminence as the residence of the emperor, assumed
an equal degree of dignity with the bishop of Rome, and claimed
a superiority over the rest of the episcopal order. Nor did the
emperors disapprove these high pretensions, since they considered
their own dignity connected in a certain measure with that of the
bishop of their imperial city. Accordingly, in a council held at
Constantinople in the year 381, by the authority of Theodosius the
Great, the bishop of that city was, during the absence of the bishop
of Alexandria, and against the consent of the Roman prelate, placed
by the third canon of that council in the first rank after the bishop
of Rome, and consequently above those of Alexandria and Antioch.
Nectarius was the first bishop who enjoyed these new honours accumulated
upon the see of Constantinople. His successor, the celebrated John
Chrysostom, extended still farther the privileges of that see, and
submitted to its jurisdiction all Thrace, Asia, and Pontus; nor
were the succeeding bishops of that imperial city destitute of a
servant zeal to augment their privileges and extend their dominion.
By this unexpected promotion, the most disagreeable effects were
produced. The bishops of Alexandria were not only filled with the
most inveterate hatred against those of Constantinople, but a contention
was excited between the bishops of Rome and Constantinople; which,
after being carried on for many ages, concluded at last in the separation
of the Greek and Latin churches.

69. Form of church government established by Constantine.

Constantine the Great, in order to prevent
civil commotions, and to fix his authority on a stable and solid
foundations, made several changes not only in the laws of the empire,
but also in the form of the Roman government. And as there were
many important reasons which induced him to suit the administration
of the church to these changes in the civil constitution, this necessarily
introduced among the bishops new degrees of eminence and rank. The
four bishops, of Rome, Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria,
were distinguished by a certain degree of pre-eminence over the
rest. These four prelates answered to the four prætorian prefects
created by Constantine; and it is possible, that even in this century
they were distinguished by the Jewish title of patriarchs.
After these followed the exarchs, who had the inspection
of several provinces, and answered to he appointment of certain
civil officers who bore the same title. In a lower class were the
metropolitans, who had only the government of one province;
under whom were the archbishops, whose inspection was confined
to certain districts. In this gradation the bishops brought
up the rear; but the sphere of their authority was not in all places
equally extensive; being in some considerable ample, and in others
confined within narrow limits. To these various ecclesiastical orders
we might add that of the chorepiscopi, or superintendents
of the country churches; but this last order was in most places
suppressed by the bishops, with a design to extend their own authority,
and enlarge the sphere of their power and jurisdiction. The administration
of the church itself was divided by Constantine into an external
and internal inspection. The latter which was committed to
bishops and councils, related to religious controversies, the forms
of divine worship, the offices of priests, the vices of the ecclesiastical
orders, &c. The external administration of the church the emperor
assumed to himself. This comprehended all those things which related
to the outward state and discipline of the church; it likewise extended
to all contests that should arise between the ministers of the church,
superior as well as inferior, concerning their possessions, their
reputation, their rights and privileges, their offences against
the laws, &c. but no controversies that related to matter purely
spiritual were cognizable by this external inspection. In consequence
of this artful division of the ecclesiastical government, Constantine
and his successor called councils, presided in them, appointed the
judges of religious controversies, terminated the differences which
arose between the bishops and the people, fixed the limits of the
ecclesiastical provinces, took cognizance of the civil causes that
subsisted between the ministers of the church, and punished the
crimes committed against the laws by the ordinary judges appointed
for that purpose; giving over all causes purely ecclesiastical to
the bishops and councils. But this famous division of the administration
of the church was never explained with sufficient accuracy; so that
both in the fourth and fifth centuries, there are frequent instances
of the emperors determining matters purely ecclesiastical, and likewise
of bishops and councils determining matters which related merely
to the external form and government of the church.

70. Scandalous lives of the clergy.

After the time of Constantine many additions
were made by the emperors and others to the wealth and honours of
the clergy; and these additions were followed by a proportionable
increase of their vices and luxury, particularly among those who
lived in great and opulent cities. The bishops, on the one hand,
contended with each other in the most scandalous manner [585]
concerning the extent of their respective jurisdictions; while,
on the other, they trampled on the rights of the people, violated
the privileges of the inferior ministers, and imitated in their
conduct and in their manner of living the arrogance, voluptuousness,
and luxury of magistrates and princes. This pernicious example was
soon followed by the several ecclesiastical orders. The presbyters,
in many places, assumed an equality with the bishops in point of
rank and authority. Many complaints are also made by the authors
of this century about the vanity and effeminacy of the deacons.
Those more particularly of the presbyters and deacons who filled
the first stations of these orders, carried their pretensions to
an extravagant length, and were offended at the notion of being
placed on an equality with the colleagues. For this reason they
not only assumed the titles of arch-presbyters and arch-deacons,
but also claimed a degree of authority and power much superior to
that which was vested in the other members of their respective orders.

71. Contests between the bishops of Rome, and Constantinople.

In the fifth century, the bishops of Constantinople
having already reduced under their jurisdiction all the Asiatic
provinces, began to grasp at still further accessions of power.
By the 28th canon of the council held at Chalcedon in
451, it was resolved, that the same rights and honours which had
been conferred on the bishop of Rome were due to the bishop of Constantinople,
on account of the equal dignity and lustre of the two cities in
which these prelates exercised their authority. The same council
confirmed also, by a solemn act, the bishop of Constantinople in
the spiritual government of those provinces over which he had usurped
the jurisdiction. Leo the Great, bishop of Rome, opposed with vehemence
the passing of these laws; and his opposition was seconded by that
of several other prelates. But their efforts were vain, as the emperors
threw in their weight into the balance, and thus supported the decisions
of the Grecian bishops. In consequence, then, of the decisions of
this famous council, the bishop of Constantinople began to contend
obstinately for the supremacy with the Roman pontiff, and to crush
the bishops of Antioch and Alexandria. About the same time, Juvenal,
bishop of Jerusalem, attempted to withdraw himself and his church
from the jurisdiction of the bishop of Cæsarea, and aspired after
a place among the first prelates of the Christian world. The high
degree of veneration and esteem in which the church of Jerusalem
was held among all other Christian societies (on account of its
rank among the apostolical churches, and its title to the appellation
of mother-church, as having succeeded the first Christian
assembly formed by the Apostles), was extremely favourable to the
ambition of Juvenal, and rendered his project much more practicable
than it would otherwise have been. Encouraged by this, and likewise
by the protection of Theodosius the younger, this aspiring prelate
not only assumed the dignity of patriarch of all Palestine, a rank
which rendered him independent of all spiritual authority; but also
invaded the rights of the bishop of Antioch, and usurped his jurisdiction
over the provinces of Phnicia and Arabia. Hence arose a warm
contest between Juvenal and Maximus bishop of Antioch; which the
council of Chalcedon decided, by restoring to the latter the provinces
of Phnicia and Arabia, and confirming the former in the spiritual
possession of all Palestine and in the high rank which he had assumed
in the church.
In 588, John, bishop of Constantinople, surnamed the Faster,
either by his own authority or that of the emperor Mauritius, summoned
a council at Constantinople to enquire into the an accusation brought
against Gregory, bishop of Antioch; and upon this occasion assumed
the title of cumenical or universal bishop.
This title had been formerly enjoyed by the bishops of Constantinople
without any offence; but now, Gregory the Great, at that time bishop
of Rome, suspecting that John was aiming at the supremacy over all
the churches, opposed his claim with the greatest vigour. For this
purpose he applied by letters to the emperor, and others, whom he
thought capable of assisting him in his opposition; but all his
efforts were without effect; and the bishops of Constantinople were
allowed to enjoy the disputed title, though not in the sense which
alarmed the Roman pontiff.
Gregory, however, adhered tenaciously to his purpose, raised new
tumults and dissensions among the clergy, and aimed at nothing less
than an unlimited supremacy over the Christian church. This ambitious
design succeeded in the west; while, in the eastern provinces, his
arrogant pretensions were scarcely respected by any but those who
were at enmity with the bishop of Constantinople. How much the people
were at this time deluded by the Roman pontiffs, appears from the
expression of Ennodius, one of the flatterers of Symmachus (who
was a prelate of but ambiguous same), that the Roman pontiff was
constituted judge in the place of God, which he filled as the vicegerent
of the Most High. On the other hand, it is certain, from a variety
of the most authentic records, that both the emperors and the nations
in general were far from being disposed to bear with patience the
yoke of servitude which the see of Rome was arrogantly imposing
on the whole church.

72. Origin of the supremacy of the Pope.

In the beginning of the seventh century,
according to the most learned historians, Boniface III engaged Phocas,
emperor of Constantinople, to take from the bishop of that metropolis
the title of cumenical or universal bishop, and
to confer it upon the Roman pontiff; and thus was first introduced
the supremacy of the pope. The Roman pontiffs used all methods to
maintain and enlarge this authority and pre-eminence which they
had acquired from one of the most odious tyrants that ever disgraced
the annals of history.
In the eighth century, the power of the bishop of Rome, and of the
clergy in general, increased prodigiously. The chief cause of this,
besides the superstition of the people, was the method at that time
used by the European princes to secure themselves on their thrones.
All these princes being then employed either in usurpation or in
self-defence, and the whole continent being in the most unsettled
and barbarous condition, they endeavoured to attach warmly to their
interests those whom they considered as their friends and clients.
For this purpose they distributed among them extensive territories,
cities, and fortresses, with the various rights and privileges belonging
to them; reserving only to themselves the supreme dominion, and
the military service of these powerful vassals. For this reason
it was by the European princes reckoned a high instance of political
prudence to distribute among the [586] bishops and other
Christian doctors the same sort of donations which had formerly
been given to their generals and clients. By means of the clergy,
they hoped to check the seditious and turbulent spirits of their
vassals; and to maintain them in their obedience by the influence
and authority of their bishops, whose commands were highly respected,
and whose spiritual thunderbolts, rendered formidable by ignorance,
struck terror into the boldest and most resolute hearts.
This prodigious accession to the opulence and authority of the clergy
in the west, began at their head, viz. the Roman pontiff; from whence
it spread gradually among the inferior sacerdotal orders. The barbarous
nations who had received the gospel, looked upon the bishop of Rome
as the successor of their chief druid of high priest: and as this
tremendous druid had enjoyed, under the darkness of Paganism, a
kind of boundless authority; so these barbarous nations thought
proper to confer upon the chief bishop the same authority which
had belonged to the chief druid. The pope received these august
privileges with great pleasure; and lest, upon any change of affairs,
attempts should be made to deprive him of them, he strengthened
his title to these extraordinary honours by a variety of passages
drawn from ancient history, and, what is still more astonishing,
by arguments of a religious nature. This swelled the Roman druid
to an enormous size; and gave to the see of Rome that high pre-eminence
and despotic authority in civil and political matters, that were
unknown to former ages. Hence, among other unhappy circumstances,
arose that monstrous and pernicious opinion, that such persons as
were excluded from the communion of the church by the pontiff himself,
or any of the bishops, forfeited thereby, not only their civil rights
and advantages as citizens, but even the common claims and privileges
of humanity. This horrid opinion, which was a fatal source of wars,
massacres, and rebellions, without number, and which contributed
more than any thing else to confirm and augment the papal authority,
was borrowed by the clergy from the Pagan superstitions. - Though
excommunication, form the time of Constantine the Great, was in
every part of the Christian world attended with many disagreeable
effects; yet its highest terrors were confined to Europe, where
its aspect was truly formidable and hideous. It acquired also, in
the eighth century, new accessions of terror; so that from that
period the excommunication practised in Europe differed entirely
from that which was in use in other parts of Christendom. Excommunicated
persons were indeed considered in all places as objects of hatred
both to God and man; but they were not, on that account, robbed
of the privileges of citizens, nor of the rights of humanity; much
less were those kings and princes, whom an insolent bishop had thought
proper to exclude from the communion of the church, supposed to
forfeit on that account their crowns or their territories. But from
this century it was quite otherwise in Europe. Excommunication received
that infernal power which dissolved all connections; so that those
whom the bishops, or their chief, excluded from church communion,
were degraded to a level with the beasts. The origin of this unnatural
and horrid power was as follows. On the conversion of the barbarous
nations to Christianity, these ignorant proselytes confounded the
excommunication in use among Christians with that which had been
practised in the times of Paganism, and which was attended with
all the dreadful effects above mentioned. The Roman pontiffs, on
the other hand, were too artful not to encourage this error; and
therefore employed all sorts of means to gain credit to an opinion
so well calculated to gratify their ambition, and to aggrandize
in general the episcopal order.

73. He becomes a temporal prince.

The annals of the French nation furnish
us with the following instance of the enormous power which was at
this time vested in the Roman pontiff. Pepin, who was the mayor
of the palace to Childeric III king of France, and who in the exercise
of that high office was possessed in reality of the royal power
and authority, aspired to the titles and honours of majesty also,
and formed a scheme of dethroning his sovereign. For this purpose
he assembled the states in 751; and though they were devoted to
the interests of this ambitious usurper, they gave it as their opinion
that the bishop of Rome was previously to be consulted whether the
execution of such a scheme was lawful or not. In consequence of
this, ambassadors were sent by Pepin to Zachary, the reigning pontiff,
with the following question, "Whether the divine law did not
permit a valiant and warlike people to dethrone a pusillanimous
and indolent prince who was incapable of discharging any of the
functions of royalty; and to substitute in his place one more worthy
to rule, and who had already rendered most important services to
the state?" The situation of Zachary, who stood much in need
of the succours of Pepin against the Greeks and Lombards, rendered
his answer such as the usurper desired; and when this favourable
decision of the Roman oracle was published in France, the unhappy
Childeric was stripped of his royalty without the least opposition;
and Pepin, without the smallest resistance stepped into the throne
of his master and his sovereign. This decision was solemnly confirmed
by Stephen II the successor of Zachary; who undertook a journey
into France in the year 754, in order to solicit assistance against
the Lombards. The pontiff at the same time dissolved the obligation
of the oath of fidelity and allegiance which Pepin had sworn to
Childeric, and violated by his usurpation in the year 751; and to
render his title to the crown as sacred as possible, Stephen anointed
and crowned him, with his wife and two sons, for the second time.
This complaisance of the pope was rewarded with the exarchate of
Ravenna and all its dependencies, as we have already related. See
Civil History, n° 44 supra;
and History of Italy.

74. His power still increases.

In the succeeding centuries, the Roman
pontiffs continued to increase their power by every kind of artifice
and fraud which can dishonour the heart of man; and, by continually
taking advantage of the civil dissensions which prevailed throughout
Italy, France, and Germany, their influence in civil affairs arose
to an enormous height. The increase of their authority in religious
matters was not less rapid. The wisest and most impartial among
the Roman Catholic writers acknowledge, that from the time of Louis
the Meek the ancient rules of ecclesiastical government were gradually
changed in Europe by the counsels and instigation of [587] the
church of Rome, and new laws substituted in their place. The European
princes suffered themselves to be divested of the supreme authority
in religious matters, which they had derived from Charlemagne; the
power of the bishops was greatly diminished, and even the authority
of both provincial and general councils began to decline. The popes,
elated with their overgrown prosperity, and become arrogant beyond
measure by the daily accessions that were made to their authority,
were eagerly bent upon establishing the maxim, that the bishop of
Rome was constituted and appointed by Jesus Christ supreme legislator
and judge of the church universal; and that therefore the bishops
derived all their authority from him. This opinion which they inculcated
with the utmost zeal and ardour, was opposed in vain by such as
were acquainted with the ancient ecclesiastical constitutions, and
the government of the church in the earlier ages. In order to gain
credit to this new ecclesiastical code, and to support the pretensions
of the popes to supremacy, it was necessary to produce the authority
of ancient deeds, in order to stop the mouths of such as were disposed
to set bounds to their usurpations. The bishops of Rome were aware
of this; and as those means were looked upon as the most lawful
that tended best to the accomplishment of their purposes, they employed
some of their most ingenious and zealous partisans in forging conventions,
acts of councils, epistles, and such like records, by which it might
appear, that in the first ages of the church the Roman pontiffs
were clothed with the same spiritual majesty and supreme authority
which they now assumed. There were not, however, wanting among bishops
some men of prudent and sagacity, who saw through these impious
frauds, and perceived the chains that were forging both for them
and the church. The French bishops distinguished themselves eminently
in this respect: but their opposition was soon quashed; and as all
Europe was sunk in the grossest ignorance and darkness, none remained
who were capable of detecting these odious impostures, or disposed
to support the expiring liberty of the church.

75. Extreme insolence of the popes.

This may serve as a general specimen of
the character and behaviour of the pretended vicegerents of Jesus
Christ to the 16th century. In the 11th century,
indeed, their power seems to have risen to its utmost height. They
now received the pompous titles of masters of the World,
and Popes, i.e. universal fathers. They presided every
where in the councils by their legates, assumed the authority of
supreme arbiters in all controversies that arose concerning religion
or church discipline, and maintained the pretended rights of the
church against the encroachments and usurpations of kings and princes.
Their authority, however, was confined within certain limits: for,
on the one hand, it was restrained by sovereign princes, that it
might not arrogantly aim at civil dominion; and on the other, it
was opposed by the bishops themselves, that it might not arise to
a spiritual despotism, and utterly destroy the privileges and liberty
of synods and councils. From the time of Leo IX the popes employed
every method which the most artful ambition could suggest to remove
those limits, and to render their dominion both despotic and universal.
They not only aspired to the character of supreme legislators in
the church, to an unlimited jurisdiction over all synods and councils
whether general or provincial, to the sole distribution of all ecclesiastical
honours and benefices, as divinely authorised and appointed for
that purpose; but they carried their insolent pretensions so far,
as to give themselves out for lords of the universe, arbiters of
the fate of kingdoms and empires, and supreme rulers over the kings
and princes of the earth. Hence we find instances of their giving
away kingdoms, and loosing subjects from their allegiance to their
sovereigns; among which the history of John king of England is very
remarkable. At last they plainly assumed the whole earth as their
property, as well where Christianity was preached as where it was
not; and therefore, on the discovery of America and the East Indies,
the pope, by virtue of this spiritual property, granted to the Portuguese
a right to all the countries lying eastward, and to the Spaniards
all those lying to the westward, of Cape Non in Africa which they
were able to conquer by force of arms; and that nothing might be
wanting to complete their character, they pretended to be lords
of the future world also, and to have a power of restraining even
the divine justice itself, and remitting that punishment which the
Deity hath denounced against the workers of iniquity.

All this time the power of superstition
reigned triumphant over those remains of Christianity which had
escaped the corruptions of the first four centuries. In the fifth
century began the invocation of the happy souls of departed saints.
Their assistance was intreated by many fervent prayers, while none
stood up to oppose this preposterous kind of worship. The images
of those who during their lives had acquired a reputation of uncommon
sanctity, were now honoured with a particular worship in several
places; and many imagined that this drew into the images the propitious
presence of the saints or celestial beings which they were supposed
to represent. A singular and irresistible efficacy was attributed
to the bones of martyrs, and to the figure of the cross, in defeating
all the attempts of Satan, removing all sorts of calamities, and
in healing not only the diseases of the body, but also those of
the mind. The famous Pagan doctrine concerning the purification
of the departed souls by means of a certain kind of fire, i.e.
purgatory, was also confirmed and explained more fully than it had
formerly been; and every one knows of how much consequence this
absurd doctrine hath been to the wealth and power of the Romish
clergy.

In the sixth century, Gregory the Great
advanced an opinion, that all the words of the sacred writings
were images of invisible and spiritual things; for which
reason he loaded the churches with a multitude of ceremonies the
most insignificant and futile that can be imagined; and hence arose
a new and most difficult science, namely, the explication of these
ceremonies, and the investigation of the causes and circumstances
whence they derived their origin.
A new method was contrived of administering the Lords supper,
with a magnificent assemblage of pompous ceremonies. This was called
the canon of the mass. Baptism, except in cases of necessity,
was administered only on the great festivals. An incredible number
of temples were erected in honour of the saints.

77. Introduction of the mass.

The places set apart for public worship were also very numerous:
but now they were considered as the means of purchasing protection
[588] and favour of the saints; and the ignorant and barbarous
multitude were persuaded, that these departed spirits defended and
guarded against evils and calamities of every kind, the provinces,
lands, cities, and villages in which they were honoured with temples.
The number of these temples was almost equalled by that of the festivals,
which seem to have been invented in order to bring the Christian
religion as near the model of Paganism as possible.

78. Superstition still increases.

In the seventh century, religion seemed
to be altogether buried under a heap of superstitious ceremonies;
the worship of the true God and Saviour of the world was exchanged
for the worship of bones, bits of wood (said to be of the cross),
and the images of saints. The eternal state of misery threatened
in Scripture to the wicked was exchanged for the temporary punishment
of purgatory; and the expressions of faith in Christ by an upright
and virtuous conduct, for the augmentation of the riches of the
clergy by donations to the church and the observance of a heap of
idle ceremonies. New festivals were still added; one in particular
was instituted in honour of the truecross on which
our Saviour suffered: and churches were declared to be sanctuaries
to all such as fled to them, whatever their crimes might have been.
Superstition, it would seem, had now attained its highest pitch;
nor is it easy to conceive a degree of ignorance and degeneracy
beyond what we have already mentioned. If any thing can possibly
be imagined more contrary to true religion, it is an opinion which
prevailed in the eighth century, namely, that Christians might appease
an offended Deity by voluntary acts of mortification, or by gifts
and oblations lavished on the church; and that people ought to place
their confidence in the works and merits of the saints. The piety
in this and some succeeding ages consisted in building and embellishing
churches and chapels; in endowing monasteries and basilics; hunting
after the relics of saints and martyrs, and treating them with an
absurd and excessive veneration; in procuring the intercession of
the saints by rich oblation, or superstitious rites; in worshipping
images, in pilgrimages to those places which were esteemed holy,
particularly to Palestine, &c. The genuine religion of Jesus
was now utterly unknown both to clergy and people, if we except
a few of its general doctrines contained in the creed. In this century
also, the superstitious custom of solitary masses had its
origin. These were celebrated by the priests alone in behalf of
souls detained in purgatory, as well as upon some other occasions.
They were prohibited by the laws of the church, but proved a source
of immense wealth to the clergy. Under Charlemagne they were condemned
by a synod assembled at Mentz, as criminal effects of avarice and
sloth. A new superstition, however, still sprung up in the tenth
century. It was imagined, from Rev. xx. i. that Antichrist was to
make his appearance on the earth, and that soon after the world
itself would be destroyed. An universal panic ensued; vast numbers
of people, abandoning all their connections in society, and giving
over to the churches and monasteries all their worldly effects,
repaired to Palestine, where they imagined that Christ would descend
from heaven to judge the world. Others devoted themselves by a solemn
and voluntary oath to the service of the churches, convents, and
priesthood, whose slaves they became, in the most rigorous sense
of that word, performing daily their heavy tasks; and all this from
a notion that the supreme judge would diminish the severity of their
sentence, and look upon them with a more favourable and propitious
eye, on account of their having made themselves the slaves of his
ministers. When the eclipse of the sun or moon happened to be visible,
the cities were deserted, and their miserable inhabitants fled for
refuge to hollow caverns, and hid themselves among the craggy rocks,
and under the bending summits of steep mountains. The opulent attempted
to bribe the saints and the Deity himself by rich donations conferred
upon the sacerdotal tribe, who were looked upon as the immediate
vicegerents of heaven. In many places, temple palaces, and noble
edifices both public and private, were suffered to decay, nay, were
deliberated pulled down, form a notion that they were no longer
of any use, as the final dissolution of all things was at hand.
In a word, no language is sufficient to express the confusion and
despair that tormented the minds of miserable mortals upon this
occasion. The general delusion was indeed opposed and combated by
the discerning few, who endeavoured to dispel these terrors, and
to efface the notion from which they arose in the minds of the people.
But their attempts were ineffectual; nor could the dreadful apprehensions
of the superstitious multitude be removed before the end of the
century, and this terror became one of the accidental causes of
the Crusades.
That nothing might now be wanting to complete that antichristian
system of religion which had overspread all Europe, it was in the
11th century determined that divine worship should be
celebrated in the Latin tongue, though now unknown throughout the
whole continent. During the whole of this century, also, Christians
were employed in the rebuilding and ornamenting their churches,
which they had destroyed through the superstitious fear already
taken notice of.
In much the same way with what is above related, or worse if possible,
matters went on till the time of the reformation. The clergy were
immersed in crimes of the deepest dye; and the laity, imagining
themselves able to purchase pardon of their sins for money, followed
the examples of their pastors without remorse.

79. Extravagant behaviour of the reputed saints.

The absurd principle formerly mentioned, namely, that religion
consists in acts of austerity, and an unknown correspondence with
God, produced the most extravagant and ridiculous behaviour in the
devotees and reputed saints. They non only lived among the wild
beasts, but also after the manner of these savage animals; they
ran naked through the lonely deserts with a furious aspect, and
all the agitation of madness and frenzy; they prolonged their wretched
life by grass and wild herbs, avoided the sight and conversation
of men, remained almost motionless in certain places for several
years exposed to the rigour and inclemency of the seasons, and towards
the conclusion of their lives shut themselves up in narrow and miserable
huts; and all this was considered as true piety, the only acceptable
method of worshipping the Deity and attaining a share in his favour.
- But of all the instances of superstitious frenzy which disgraced
the times we now speak of, none was held in higher veneration, or
excited more the wonder of the multitude, [589] than that
of a certain order of men who were called Stilites by the
Greeks, and Sancti Columnares, or pillar Saints, by the Latins.
These were persons of the most singular and extravagant turn of
mind, who stood motionless on the tops of pillars expressly
raised for this exercise of their patience, and remained there for
several years amidst the admiration and applause of the stupid populace.
The inventor of this strange discipline was one Simeon a
Syrian, who began his follies by changing the agreeable employment
of a shepherd for the austerities of a monkish life. He began his
devotion on the top of a pillar six cubits high; but as he increased
in sanctity, he also increased the height of his pillar, till, towards
the conclusion of his life, he had got up on the top of a pillar
40 cubits in height. Many of the inhabitants of Syria and Palestine,
seduced by a false ambition and an utter ignorance of true religion,
followed the example of this fanatic, though not with the same degree
of austerity. This superstitious practice began in the fifth century,
and continued in the east for 600 years. The Latins, however, had
too much wisdom and prudence to imitate the Syrians and Orientals
in this whimsical superstition; and when a certain fanatic, or impostor,
named Wulsilaicus, erected one of these pillars in the country
of Treves, and proposed to live on it after the manner of Simeon,
the neighbouring bishops ordered it to be pulled down.
The practices of austere worship and discipline in other respects,
however, gained ground throughout all parts of Christendom. Monks
of various kinds were to be found in every country in prodigious
numbers. But though their discipline was at first exceedingly severe,
it became gradually relaxed, and the monks gave into all the prevailing
vices of the times. Other orders succeeded, who pretended to still
greater degrees of sanctity, and to reform the abuses of the preceding
ones; but these in their turn became corrupted, and fell into the
same vices they had blamed in others. The most violent animosities,
disputes, and hatred, also reigned among different orders of monks;
and, indeed, between the clergy of all ranks and degrees, whether
we consider them as classed in different bodies, or as individuals
of the same body. To enter into a detail of their wranglings and
disputes, the methods which each of them took to aggrandise themselves
at the expence of their neighbours, and to keep the rest of mankind
in subjection, would require many volumes. We shall only observe,
therefore, that even an external profession of the austere and absurd
piety which took place in the fourth and fifth centuries, continued
gradually to decline. Some there were, indeed, who boldly opposed
the torrent of superstition and wickedness which threatened to overflow
the whole world: but their opposition proved fruitless, and all
of these towards the era of the reformation had been either silenced
or destroyed: so that, at that time, the pope and clergy reigned
over mankind without controul, had made themselves masters of almost
all the wealth in every country of Europe, and many truly be said
to have been the only sovereigns; the rest of the human race,
ever kings and princes, being only their vassals and slaves.

80. Rise of Mahometanism.

While the Popish superstition reigned
thus violently in the west, the absurd doctrines of Mahomet overspread
all the east. The rise of this impostor is related under the article
Arabia. His successors conquered in order to establish the
religion of their apostle; and thus the very name of Christianity
was extinguished in many places where it had formerly flourished.
The conquests of the Tartars having intermingled them with the Mahometans,
they greedily embraced the superstitions of that religion, which
thus almost entirely overspread the whole continents of Asia and
Africa; and, by the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453,
was likewise established throughout a considerable part of Europe.

81. State of religion in the beginning of the 16 th century and
since that time.

About the beginning of the 16th
century, the Roman pontiffs lived in the utmost tranquillity; nor
had they, according to the appearance of things at that time, any
reason to fear an opposition to their authority in any respect,
since the commotions which had been raised by the Waldenses, Albigenses,
&c. were now entirely suppressed. We must, not however, conclude,
from this apparent tranquillity and security of the pontiffs and
their adherents, that their measures were universally applauded.
Not only private persons, but also the most powerful princes and
sovereign states, exclaimed loudly against the tyranny of the popes,
and the unbridled licentiousness of the clergy of all denominations.
They demanded, therefore, a reformation of the church in its head
and members, and a general council to accomplish the necessary purpose.
But these complaints and demands were not carried to such a length
as to produce any good effect; since they came from persons who
never entertained the least doubt about the supreme authority of
the pope in religious matters, and who, of consequence, instead
of attempting themselves to bring about that reformation which was
so ardently desired, remained entirely inactive, or looked for redress
to the court of Rome, or to a general council. But while the so
much desired reformation seemed to be at such a great distance,
it suddenly arose from a quarter whence it was not at all expected.
A single person, Martin Luther, a monk of the order of St. Augustine,
ventured to oppose himself to the whole torrent of papal power and
despotism. This bold attempt was first made public on the 30th
of September 1517; and notwithstanding all the efforts of the pope
and his adherents, the doctrines of Luther continued daily to gain
ground. Others, encouraged by his success, lent their assistance
in the work of reformation; which at last produced new churches,
founded upon principles quite different from that of Rome, and which
still continue. But for a particular account of the transactions
of the first reformers, the opposition they met with, and the final
settlement of the reformed churches in different nations in Europe,
see the articles Luther and Reformation.
The state of religion in other parts of the world seems as yet to
be but little altered. Asia and Africa are sunk in the grossest
superstitions either of the Mahommedan or Pagan kinds. The southern
continent of America, belonging to the Spaniards, continues immersed
in the most absurd superstitions of Popery. The northern continent,
being mostly peopled with colonies from the Great Britain, professes
the reformed religion. At the same time it must be owned, that some
kind of reformation hath taken place even in Popery and Mahommedanism
themselves. The popes have no [590] longer that authority
over states and princes, even those most bigoted to Popery, which
they formerly had. Neither are the lives either of the clergy or
laity so corrupt as they were before. The increase of learning in
all parts of the world has contributed to cause men open their eyes
to the light of reason, and this hath been attended with a proportional
decrease of superstition. Even in Mahommedan countries, that furious
enthusiasm which formerly emboldened the inhabitants to face the
greatest dangers, hath now almost vanished; so that the credit of
Mahomet himself seems to have sunk much in the estimation of his
followers. This is to be understood even of the most ignorant and
bigoted multitude; and the sensible part of the Turks are said to
incline much towards deism. With regard to those nations which still
profess Paganism, the intercourse of Europeans with them is so small,
that it is impossible to say any thing concerning them. As none
of them are in a state of civilization, however, it may be conjectured,
that their religion is of the same unpolished cast with their manners;
and that it consists of a heap of barbarous superstitions which
have been handed down among them from time immemorial, and which
they continue to observe without knowing why or wherefore.