The contributors to this volume have identified a range of tensions and fissures in the conservative movement and fissures in the conservative movement and a significant level of doubt and ...
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The contributors to this volume have identified a range of tensions and fissures in the conservative movement and fissures in the conservative movement and a significant level of doubt and uncertainty about the future direction of the Republican Party. This chapter briefly synthesizes some of these tensions and uncertainties in an attempt to clarify the dilemmas facing conservative adherents and in anticipation of the continuing challenges that conservatives and Republicans are likely to face. The chapter argues that while the American conservative movement is marked by differences between adherents of the various strands of conservatism, it is strengthened by a vibrant intellectual life and by the fact that a large proportion of the public think of themselves as conservatives or moderates.Less

Conservative Tensions and the Republican Future

Joel D. AberbachGillian Peele

Published in print: 2011-06-17

The contributors to this volume have identified a range of tensions and fissures in the conservative movement and fissures in the conservative movement and a significant level of doubt and uncertainty about the future direction of the Republican Party. This chapter briefly synthesizes some of these tensions and uncertainties in an attempt to clarify the dilemmas facing conservative adherents and in anticipation of the continuing challenges that conservatives and Republicans are likely to face. The chapter argues that while the American conservative movement is marked by differences between adherents of the various strands of conservatism, it is strengthened by a vibrant intellectual life and by the fact that a large proportion of the public think of themselves as conservatives or moderates.

This chapter scrutinizes important steps taken by women's liberation in detail. The chapter first discusses the origins of the anonymous SNCC position paper on women. The position paper presented a ...
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This chapter scrutinizes important steps taken by women's liberation in detail. The chapter first discusses the origins of the anonymous SNCC position paper on women. The position paper presented a critique of sexism and recommended that women should confront it collectively. The paper also compared the treatment of women with the racist treatment of blacks by whites. In the year 1965, the U.S. government published a report by Daniel Patrick Moynihan which was commonly known as the Moynihan report. The report striked the most powerful antiwoman and antifeminist blows of the decade. The chapter backlashes the Moynihan report. The chapter tells of how African American women fought the influence of the Moynihan report.Less

Next Steps to Women's Liberation

Carol Giardina

Published in print: 2010-04-01

This chapter scrutinizes important steps taken by women's liberation in detail. The chapter first discusses the origins of the anonymous SNCC position paper on women. The position paper presented a critique of sexism and recommended that women should confront it collectively. The paper also compared the treatment of women with the racist treatment of blacks by whites. In the year 1965, the U.S. government published a report by Daniel Patrick Moynihan which was commonly known as the Moynihan report. The report striked the most powerful antiwoman and antifeminist blows of the decade. The chapter backlashes the Moynihan report. The chapter tells of how African American women fought the influence of the Moynihan report.

This chapter begins with the origins story of what became the largest international men’s antiviolence organization, the White Ribbon Campaign, sparked by the infamous 1989 Montreal Massacre. The WRC ...
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This chapter begins with the origins story of what became the largest international men’s antiviolence organization, the White Ribbon Campaign, sparked by the infamous 1989 Montreal Massacre. The WRC story exemplifies men’s ally work during a transitional period during which a mass feminist movement fractured from antifeminist backlash as well as from internal schisms. Meanwhile, feminists built the groundwork for community-based rape crisis and domestic violence centers, national advocacy organizations, campus women’s centers, and women’s studies programs, culminating with the passage of the 1994 Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). The chapter traces the continued work of Movement Cohort veterans who built community-based antiviolence nonprofits, as well as the emergence of a younger and more diverse group of men, the Bridge Cohort, whose pathways to antiviolence work were increasingly paved by women’s studies courses, campus feminist organizations, and the beginnings of a professionalized antiviolence curriculum.Less

Digging In : The Bridge Cohort, Mid-1980s to 1990s

Michael A. MessnerMax A. GreenbergTal Peretz

Published in print: 2015-03-17

This chapter begins with the origins story of what became the largest international men’s antiviolence organization, the White Ribbon Campaign, sparked by the infamous 1989 Montreal Massacre. The WRC story exemplifies men’s ally work during a transitional period during which a mass feminist movement fractured from antifeminist backlash as well as from internal schisms. Meanwhile, feminists built the groundwork for community-based rape crisis and domestic violence centers, national advocacy organizations, campus women’s centers, and women’s studies programs, culminating with the passage of the 1994 Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). The chapter traces the continued work of Movement Cohort veterans who built community-based antiviolence nonprofits, as well as the emergence of a younger and more diverse group of men, the Bridge Cohort, whose pathways to antiviolence work were increasingly paved by women’s studies courses, campus feminist organizations, and the beginnings of a professionalized antiviolence curriculum.

Asha Nadkarni contends that whenever feminists lay claim to citizenship based on women’s biological ability to “reproduce the nation,” they are participating in a eugenic project—sanctioning ...
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Asha Nadkarni contends that whenever feminists lay claim to citizenship based on women’s biological ability to “reproduce the nation,” they are participating in a eugenic project—sanctioning reproduction by some and prohibiting it by others. Employing a wide range of sources from the United States and India, this book shows how the exclusionary impulse of eugenics is embedded within the terms of nationalist feminism. This book reveals connections between U.S. and Indian nationalist feminisms from the late nineteenth century through the 1970s, demonstrating that both call for feminist citizenship centered on the reproductive body as the origin of the nation. It juxtaposes U.S. and Indian feminists (and antifeminists) in provocative and productive ways: Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s utopian novels regard eugenic reproduction as a vital form of national production; Sarojini Naidu’s political speeches and poetry posit liberated Indian women as active agents of a nationalist and feminist modernity predating that of the West; and Katherine Mayo’s Mother India from 1927 warns white U.S. women that Indian reproduction is a “world menace.” In addition, the book traces the refashioning of the icon Mother India, first in Mehboob Khan’s 1957 film Mother India and Kamala Markandaya’s 1954 novel Nectar in a Sieve, and later in Indira Gandhi’s self-fashioning as Mother India during the Emergency from 1975 to 1977.Less

Eugenic Feminism : Reproductive Nationalism in the United States and India

Asha Nadkarni

Published in print: 2014-04-01

Asha Nadkarni contends that whenever feminists lay claim to citizenship based on women’s biological ability to “reproduce the nation,” they are participating in a eugenic project—sanctioning reproduction by some and prohibiting it by others. Employing a wide range of sources from the United States and India, this book shows how the exclusionary impulse of eugenics is embedded within the terms of nationalist feminism. This book reveals connections between U.S. and Indian nationalist feminisms from the late nineteenth century through the 1970s, demonstrating that both call for feminist citizenship centered on the reproductive body as the origin of the nation. It juxtaposes U.S. and Indian feminists (and antifeminists) in provocative and productive ways: Charlotte Perkins Gilman’s utopian novels regard eugenic reproduction as a vital form of national production; Sarojini Naidu’s political speeches and poetry posit liberated Indian women as active agents of a nationalist and feminist modernity predating that of the West; and Katherine Mayo’s Mother India from 1927 warns white U.S. women that Indian reproduction is a “world menace.” In addition, the book traces the refashioning of the icon Mother India, first in Mehboob Khan’s 1957 film Mother India and Kamala Markandaya’s 1954 novel Nectar in a Sieve, and later in Indira Gandhi’s self-fashioning as Mother India during the Emergency from 1975 to 1977.

This chapter discusses the Federalist Balance's unmistakably antifeminist message that turbulent women, aspiring to public place, should be silent. This message certainly could be found in print ...
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This chapter discusses the Federalist Balance's unmistakably antifeminist message that turbulent women, aspiring to public place, should be silent. This message certainly could be found in print everywhere in the early Republic, but in Hudson in the late fall of 1802 it would have had a powerful and specific resonance. Between December 1801 and June 1802 the Hudson Monthly Meeting of Friends, whose membership encompassed about a third of the city's households, had been wracked with controversy. Over these seven months Hannah Barnard, a recognized minister in the Hudson Meeting who had undertaken a three-year itinerant ministry in Ireland and England, was investigated by a committee for publishing her doctrinal disputes with the London Yearly Meeting.Less

Female Interventions

John L. Brooke

Published in print: 2010-11-15

This chapter discusses the Federalist Balance's unmistakably antifeminist message that turbulent women, aspiring to public place, should be silent. This message certainly could be found in print everywhere in the early Republic, but in Hudson in the late fall of 1802 it would have had a powerful and specific resonance. Between December 1801 and June 1802 the Hudson Monthly Meeting of Friends, whose membership encompassed about a third of the city's households, had been wracked with controversy. Over these seven months Hannah Barnard, a recognized minister in the Hudson Meeting who had undertaken a three-year itinerant ministry in Ireland and England, was investigated by a committee for publishing her doctrinal disputes with the London Yearly Meeting.