Ubuntu-it's a word describing an African worldview, which translates as "I am because you are," and which means that individuals need other people to be fulfilled. And that is what this blog is all about.My contact details are: Ayoub Mzee- Tel +447960811614, email: swahilidiaries@yahoo.co.uk. Alternatively you can watch my program- swahili diaries on BEN TV SKY 184 or www.bentelevision.com every week Tuesdays at 10pm and Sundays at 10AM.
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Thursday, 3 December 2009

THE WHITE HOUSEOffice of the Press Secretary_________________________________________________________________________________________________For Immediate Release December 1, 2009REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTTO THE NATIONON THE WAY FORWARD IN AFGHANISTAN AND PAKISTANEisenhower Hall TheatreUnited States Military Academy at West PointWest Point, New York8:01 P.M. ESTTHE PRESIDENT: Good evening. To the United States Corps of Cadets, to the menand women of our Armed Services, and to my fellow Americans: I want to speak to youtonight about our effort in Afghanistan -- the nature of our commitment there, the scopeof our interests, and the strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this war to asuccessful conclusion. It's an extraordinary honor for me to do so here at West Point --where so many men and women have prepared to stand up for our security, and torepresent what is finest about our country.To address these important issues, it's important to recall why America and ourallies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first place. We did not ask forthis fight. On September 11, 2001, 19 men hijacked four airplanes and used them tomurder nearly 3,000 people. They struck at our military and economic nerve centers.They took the lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith orrace or station. Were it not for the heroic actions of passengers onboard one of thoseflights, they could have also struck at one of the great symbols of our democracy inWashington, and killed many more.As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda -- a group of extremists who havedistorted and defiled Islam, one of the world’s great religions, to justify the slaughter ofinnocents. Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in Afghanistan, where they were harboredby the Taliban -- a ruthless, repressive and radical movement that seized control of thatcountry after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and after theattention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al Qaeda andthose who harbored them -- an authorization that continues to this day. The vote in theSenate was 98 to nothing. The vote in the House was 420 to 1. For the first time in itshistory, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5 -- the commitment thatsays an attack on one member nation is an attack on all. And the United Nations SecurityCouncil endorsed the use of all necessary steps to respond to the 9/11 attacks. America,our allies and the world were acting as one to destroy al Qaeda’s terrorist network and toprotect our common security.Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy -- and onlyafter the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden -- we sent our troops intoAfghanistan. Within a matter of months, al Qaeda was scattered and many of itsoperatives were killed. The Taliban was driven from power and pushed back on itsheels. A place that had known decades of fear now had reason to hope. At a conferenceconvened by the U.N., a provisional government was established under President HamidKarzai. And an International Security Assistance Force was established to help bring alasting peace to a war-torn country.Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war, in Iraq. Thewrenching debate over the Iraq war is well-known and need not be repeated here. It'senough to say that for the next six years, the Iraq war drew the dominant share of ourtroops, our resources, our diplomacy, and our national attention -- and that the decision togo into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the world.Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a responsibleend. We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end of next summer, and allof our troops by the end of 2011. That we are doing so is a testament to the character ofthe men and women in uniform. (Applause.) Thanks to their courage, grit andperseverance, we have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are successfullyleaving Iraq to its people.But while we've achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation inAfghanistan has deteriorated. After escaping across the border into Pakistan in 2001 and2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe haven there. Although a legitimategovernment was elected by the Afghan people, it's been hampered by corruption, the drugtrade, an under-developed economy, and insufficient security forces.Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause with alQaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government. Gradually, theTaliban has begun to control additional swaths of territory in Afghanistan, whileengaging in increasingly brazen and devastating attacks of terrorism against the Pakistanipeople.Now, throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a fractionof what they were in Iraq. When I took office, we had just over 32,000 Americansserving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at the peak of the war. Commandersin Afghanistan repeatedly asked for support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban,but these reinforcements did not arrive. And that's why, shortly after taking office, Iapproved a longstanding request for more troops. After consultations with our allies, Ithen announced a strategy recognizing the fundamental connection between our wareffort in Afghanistan and the extremist safe havens in Pakistan. I set a goal that wasnarrowly defined as disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its extremistallies, and pledged to better coordinate our military and civilian efforts.Since then, we've made progress on some important objectives. High-ranking alQaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we've stepped up the pressure on alQaeda worldwide. In Pakistan, that nation's army has gone on its largest offensive inyears. In Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping apresidential election, and -- although it was marred by fraud -- that election produced agovernment that is consistent with Afghanistan's laws and constitution.Yet huge challenges remain. Afghanistan is not lost, but for several years it hasmoved backwards. There's no imminent threat of the government being overthrown, butthe Taliban has gained momentum. Al Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in thesame numbers as before 9/11, but they retain their safe havens along the border. And ourforces lack the full support they need to effectively train and partner with Afghan securityforces and better secure the population. Our new commander in Afghanistan -- GeneralMcChrystal -- has reported that the security situation is more serious than he anticipated.In short: The status quo is not sustainable.As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger. Some of youfought in Afghanistan. Some of you will deploy there. As your Commander-in-Chief, Iowe you a mission that is clearly defined, and worthy of your service. And that's why,after the Afghan voting was completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy.Now, let me be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troopdeployments before 2010, so there has been no delay or denial of resources necessary forthe conduct of the war during this review period. Instead, the review has allowed me toask the hard questions, and to explore all the different options, along with my nationalsecurity team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and our key partners.And given the stakes involved, I owed the American people -- and our troops -- no less.This review is now complete. And as Commander-in-Chief, I have determinedthat it is in our vital national interest to send an additional 30,000 U.S. troops toAfghanistan. After 18 months, our troops will begin to come home. These are theresources that we need to seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that canallow for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.I do not make this decision lightly. I opposed the war in Iraq precisely because Ibelieve that we must exercise restraint in the use of military force, and always considerthe long-term consequences of our actions. We have been at war now for eight years, atenormous cost in lives and resources. Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have leftour unity on national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized and partisanbackdrop for this effort. And having just experienced the worst economic crisis since theGreat Depression, the American people are understandably focused on rebuilding oureconomy and putting people to work here at home.Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you -- a military that,along with your families, has already borne the heaviest of all burdens. As President, Ihave signed a letter of condolence to the family of each American who gives their life inthese wars. I have read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed. Ivisited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed. I've traveled to Dover to meetthe flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to their final resting place. I seefirsthand the terrible wages of war. If I did not think that the security of the United Statesand the safety of the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly orderevery single one of our troops home tomorrow.So, no, I do not make this decision lightly. I make this decision because I amconvinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This is the epicenterof violent extremism practiced by al Qaeda. It is from here that we were attacked on9/11, and it is from here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak. This is no idledanger; no hypothetical threat. In the last few months alone, we have apprehendedextremists within our borders who were sent here from the border region of Afghanistanand Pakistan to commit new acts of terror. And this danger will only grow if the regionslides backwards, and al Qaeda can operate with impunity. We must keep the pressureon al Qaeda, and to do that, we must increase the stability and capacity of our partners inthe region.Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear. This is not just America's war.Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe havens have been the source of attacks against London andAmman and Bali. The people and governments of both Afghanistan and Pakistan areendangered. And the stakes are even higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because weknow that al Qaeda and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reasonto believe that they would use them.These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies. Our overarchinggoal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda in Afghanistan andPakistan, and to prevent its capacity to threaten America and our allies in the future.To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within Afghanistan.We must deny al Qaeda a safe haven. We must reverse the Taliban's momentum anddeny it the ability to overthrow the government. And we must strengthen the capacity ofAfghanistan's security forces and government so that they can take lead responsibility forAfghanistan's future.We will meet these objectives in three ways. First, we will pursue a militarystrategy that will break the Taliban's momentum and increase Afghanistan's capacity overthe next 18 months.The 30,000 additional troops that I'm announcing tonight will deploy in the firstpart of 2010 -- the fastest possible pace -- so that they can target the insurgency andsecure key population centers. They'll increase our ability to train competent Afghansecurity forces, and to partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight.And they will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer responsibility tothe Afghans.Because this is an international effort, I've asked that our commitment be joinedby contributions from our allies. Some have already provided additional troops, andwe're confident that there will be further contributions in the days and weeks ahead. Ourfriends have fought and bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan. And now, we mustcome together to end this war successfully. For what's at stake is not simply a test ofNATO's credibility -- what's at stake is the security of our allies, and the commonsecurity of the world.But taken together, these additional American and international troops will allowus to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan forces, and allow us to begin thetransfer of our forces out of Afghanistan in July of 2011. Just as we have done in Iraq,we will execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on the ground.We'll continue to advise and assist Afghanistan's security forces to ensure that they cansucceed over the long haul. But it will be clear to the Afghan government -- and, moreimportantly, to the Afghan people -- that they will ultimately be responsible for their owncountry.Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the Afghanpeople to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the government can takeadvantage of improved security.This effort must be based on performance. The days of providing a blank checkare over. President Karzai's inauguration speech sent the right message about moving ina new direction. And going forward, we will be clear about what we expect from thosewho receive our assistance. We'll support Afghan ministries, governors, and local leadersthat combat corruption and deliver for the people. We expect those who are ineffectiveor corrupt to be held accountable. And we will also focus our assistance in areas -- suchas agriculture -- that can make an immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people.The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades. They've beenconfronted with occupation -- by the Soviet Union, and then by foreign al Qaeda fighterswho used Afghan land for their own purposes. So tonight, I want the Afghan people tounderstand -- America seeks an end to this era of war and suffering. We have no interestin occupying your country. We will support efforts by the Afghan government to openthe door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human rights of theirfellow citizens. And we will seek a partnership with Afghanistan grounded in mutualrespect -- to isolate those who destroy; to strengthen those who build; to hasten the daywhen our troops will leave; and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is yourpartner, and never your patron.Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in Afghanistan isinextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.We're in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading through thatcountry. But this same cancer has also taken root in the border region of Pakistan. That'swhy we need a strategy that works on both sides of the border.In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who've argued that the struggleagainst extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is better off doing little or seekingaccommodation with those who use violence. But in recent years, as innocents have beenkilled from Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani people whoare the most endangered by extremism. Public opinion has turned. The Pakistani armyhas waged an offensive in Swat and South Waziristan. And there is no doubt that theUnited States and Pakistan share a common enemy.In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan narrowly. Thosedays are over. Moving forward, we are committed to a partnership with Pakistan that isbuilt on a foundation of mutual interest, mutual respect, and mutual trust. We willstrengthen Pakistan’s capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries, and havemade it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe haven for terrorists whose location is knownand whose intentions are clear. America is also providing substantial resources tosupport Pakistan’s democracy and development. We are the largest internationalsupporter for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting. And going forward, the Pakistanpeople must know America will remain a strong supporter of Pakistan’s security andprosperity long after the guns have fallen silent, so that the great potential of its peoplecan be unleashed.These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to create theconditions for a transition; a civilian surge that reinforces positive action; and an effectivepartnership with Pakistan.I recognize there are a range of concerns about our approach. So let me brieflyaddress a few of the more prominent arguments that I've heard, and which I take veryseriously.First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam. Theyargue that it cannot be stabilized, and we're better off cutting our losses and rapidlywithdrawing. I believe this argument depends on a false reading of history. UnlikeVietnam, we are joined by a broad coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacyof our action. Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency. Andmost importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously attacked fromAfghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists who are plotting along itsborder. To abandon this area now -- and to rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from adistance -- would significantly hamper our ability to keep the pressure on al Qaeda, andcreate an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and our allies.Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can't leave Afghanistan in itscurrent state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops that we already have. Butthis would simply maintain a status quo in which we muddle through, and permit a slowdeterioration of conditions there. It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong ourstay in Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate the conditions needed totrain Afghan security forces and give them the space to take over.Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a time frame for our transition toAfghan responsibility. Indeed, some call for a more dramatic and open-ended escalationof our war effort -- one that would commit us to a nation-building project of up to adecade. I reject this course because it sets goals that are beyond what can be achieved ata reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests. Furthermore, theabsence of a time frame for transition would deny us any sense of urgency in workingwith the Afghan government. It must be clear that Afghans will have to takeresponsibility for their security, and that America has no interest in fighting an endlesswar in Afghanistan.As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility, our means, orour interests. And I must weigh all of the challenges that our nation faces. I don't havethe luxury of committing to just one. Indeed, I'm mindful of the words of PresidentEisenhower, who -- in discussing our national security -- said, "Each proposal must beweighed in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in andamong national programs."Over the past several years, we have lost that balance. We've failed to appreciatethe connection between our national security and our economy. In the wake of aneconomic crisis, too many of our neighbors and friends are out of work and struggle topay the bills. Too many Americans are worried about the future facing our children.Meanwhile, competition within the global economy has grown more fierce. So we can'tsimply afford to ignore the price of these wars.All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistanapproached a trillion dollars. Going forward, I am committed to addressing these costsopenly and honestly. Our new approach in Afghanistan is likely to cost us roughly $30billion for the military this year, and I'll work closely with Congress to address thesecosts as we work to bring down our deficit.But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility, we mustrebuild our strength here at home. Our prosperity provides a foundation for our power. Itpays for our military. It underwrites our diplomacy. It taps the potential of our people,and allows investment in new industry. And it will allow us to compete in this century assuccessfully as we did in the last. That's why our troop commitment in Afghanistancannot be open-ended -- because the nation that I'm most interested in building is ourown.Now, let me be clear: None of this will be easy. The struggle against violentextremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well beyond Afghanistan andPakistan. It will be an enduring test of our free society, and our leadership in the world.And unlike the great power conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20thcentury, our effort will involve disorderly regions, failed states, diffuse enemies.So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that we endwars and prevent conflict -- not just how we wage wars. We'll have to be nimble andprecise in our use of military power. Where al Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish afoothold -- whether in Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere -- they must be confronted bygrowing pressure and strong partnerships.And we can't count on military might alone. We have to invest in our homelandsecurity, because we can't capture or kill every violent extremist abroad. We have toimprove and better coordinate our intelligence, so that we stay one step ahead of shadowynetworks.We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction. And that's why I'vemade it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose nuclear materials fromterrorists, to stop the spread of nuclear weapons, and to pursue the goal of a worldwithout them -- because every nation must understand that true security will never comefrom an endless race for ever more destructive weapons; true security will come for thosewho reject them.We'll have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the challenges of aninterconnected world acting alone. I've spent this year renewing our alliances andforging new partnerships. And we have forged a new beginning between America andthe Muslim world -- one that recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle ofconflict, and that promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated bythose who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity.And finally, we must draw on the strength of our values -- for the challenges thatwe face may have changed, but the things that we believe in must not. That's why wemust promote our values by living them at home -- which is why I have prohibited tortureand will close the prison at Guantanamo Bay. And we must make it clear to every man,woman and child around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny thatAmerica will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend to the light of freedomand justice and opportunity and respect for the dignity of all peoples. That is who weare. That is the source, the moral source, of America’s authority.Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of ourgrandparents and great-grandparents, our country has borne a special burden in globalaffairs. We have spilled American blood in many countries on multiple continents. Wehave spent our revenue to help others rebuild from rubble and develop their owneconomies. We have joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions -- fromthe United Nations to NATO to the World Bank -- that provide for the common securityand prosperity of human beings.We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times mademistakes. But more than any other nation, the United States of America has underwrittenglobal security for over six decades -- a time that, for all its problems, has seen wallscome down, and markets open, and billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientificprogress and advancing frontiers of human liberty.For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination. Ourunion was founded in resistance to oppression. We do not seek to occupy other nations.We will not claim another nation’s resources or target other peoples because their faith orethnicity is different from ours. What we have fought for -- what we continue to fight for-- is a better future for our children and grandchildren. And we believe that their liveswill be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren can live in freedom and accessopportunity. (Applause.)As a country, we're not as young -- and perhaps not as innocent -- as we werewhen Roosevelt was President. Yet we are still heirs to a noble struggle for freedom.And now we must summon all of our might and moral suasion to meet the challenges of anew age.In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the strength ofour arms. It derives from our people -- from the workers and businesses who will rebuildour economy; from the entrepreneurs and researchers who will pioneer new industries;from the teachers that will educate our children, and the service of those who work in ourcommunities at home; from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who spread hopeabroad; and from the men and women in uniform who are part of an unbroken line ofsacrifice that has made government of the people, by the people, and for the people areality on this Earth. (Applause.)This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue -- nor shouldwe. But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our leadership, nor navigate themomentous challenges of our time, if we allow ourselves to be split asunder by the samerancor and cynicism and partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our nationaldiscourse.It's easy to forget that when this war began, we were united -- bound together bythe fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the determination to defend our homelandand the values we hold dear. I refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon thatunity again. (Applause.) I believe with every fiber of my being that we -- as Americans -- can still come together behind a common purpose. For our values are not simply wordswritten into parchment -- they are a creed that calls us together, and that has carried usthrough the darkest of storms as one nation, as one people.America -- we are passing through a time of great trial. And the message that wesend in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause is just, our resolveunwavering. We will go forward with the confidence that right makes might, and withthe commitment to forge an America that is safer, a world that is more secure, and afuture that represents not the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes. (Applause.)Thank you. God bless you. May God bless the United States of America.(Applause.) Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)

ENDING CHILD MARRIAGE

By 2020, 140 million girls around the world will become child brides. Another shocking fact: in sub-Saharan Africa, more than one third of girl children are married by their 18th birthday. These girls are often taken from their friends, and their family....

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Mr Ayoub Mzee

Broadcasting Journalist,PR,Communications, Producer and Presentor specialising in showcasing Africa to the world.I research the best of Africa and present it to the world

Introduction: Ubuntu Platform

The internet media is now central to major developments of our modern societies.Its role is now seen as the main stem to the emergency of serious debates on issues like good governance,citizenship,commercial enterprises,.That is the purpose of this blog.To keep our audience informed and entertained,develop an understanding of their local,national and global political,social,economic and cultural environments.

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