Kasai, which covers some 325,000 square kilometres encompassing
17% (7,167,000) of Zaire's population, is divided into
two regions: Occidental (west) and Oriental (east).
The capital of Kasai Oriental, Mbuji-Mayi, is the most
economically significant and has a population of 3,830,000.
The capital of Kasai Occidental, Kananga, has a population
of 3,337,000 (1). As the birthplace of Zaire's first
prime minister, Patrice Lumumba, a Pan Africanist who
led Zaire's only national based party at independence,
the Kasains have no love of Mobutu. Along with Shaba
secessionists leader Moise Toshombe, they indirectly
blame for Lumumba's death. Tshisekedi, Zaire's most
influential opposition leader, and his political party,
Union pour la Democratie et le Progres Social (UDPS),
derive much of their support from Kasai Oriental and
his Luba ethnic group (2). In 1993, in a show of support
for deposed Prime Minister Tshisekedi, both of the
Kasai regions refused to accept the new currency, Nouveau
Zaires, and have continued to use the old Zairean notes.

In an attempt to undermine support for the UDPS in Kasai,
internal and regional ethnic tensions have been periodically
enflamed. However, despite interference from Kinshasa,
Kasai has persevered and prospered. Following the 1992-94
expulsion of Kasaian workers from Shaba, Kasai grew
significantly in economic power, becoming Zaire's second
largest economic centre, rivaling that of Shaba. Expelled
intellectuals, former professors at Lubumbashi University
and the business elite, formed the Conference pour
le Developpement Economique de Kasai Oriental (CDEKO).
Its first act was to initiate a boycott of Shaba beer
and maize, leading to the development of a brewery
and an increase in overall agricultural output for
the Kasai regions. It also promoted the creation of
a locally controlled airline, Wetrafa. Moreover, in
1990 a university was established in Mbuji-Mayi; jointly
sponsored by the two main power brokers, the Catholic
church, and the mining company Miniere de Bakangu (MIBA).
CDEKO, which was strongly supported by Tshisekedi,
was incorporated into the university and is presided
over by MIBA director Jonas Mukambu Kadiate Nzema (3).
It is model of successful regional development that
many regions had hoped to emulate.

The success of the CDEKO's economic development activities
fueled Kasaian demands for greater autonomy and economic
independence. Kasaians however, notably the Lubas,
do not want separatism but, instead, favour greater
economic autonomy within a federated Zaire. They fear
that a push for independence would result in a backlash,
similar to the Shaba expulsions, against the Luba migrants
who are spread throughout Zaire. Thus, a principle
aim of CDEKO has been to build up Kasia's economy to
strengthen its bargaining position for the 1997 elections.
However, there is always the possibility that internal
ethnic rivalry between Bena Mutu wa Mukuna (people
of the upper plateau), Tshisbanga and Mukamba's people,
and Bena Tshibanda (people of the lower plateau), Tshisekedi's
people, could interfere in this process.

Outside of Tshisekedi's call for a negotiated solution
to the current crisis, Kasains have no direct ties
with Kabila's ADFL forces. However, their animosity
towards Mobutu and Kinshasa, exasperated by the arrival
of fleeing FAZ soldiers from Kindu, who have reportedly
looted Kasain towns in the region of Sankuru (4), has
encouraged popular sympathy for the ADFL movement.

B. Economic

The Kasai regions derive their principal wealth from
diamonds. The main diamond area is located around Bakwanga
in Kasai Oriental. Diamonds are so prevasive to the
market that the old Zairean banknotes, which are only
in use in Kasai, are now pegged to the region's diamond
production with a rate of exchange that has remained
stable despite soaring inflation in other parts of
Zaire.

Founded in 1991, the main diamond company, MIBA is 80%
state and 20% SGB-Sibeka (Belgiam/French) owned and
accounts for 50% of the Zaire's national diamond production
(5), the receipts of which account for a substantial
portion of Zaire's active economy. Following a drop
in production in the early 1990s, diamond production
started to recover from 1993 onward. The fall of SOMINKI
in Maniema and Kilo Moto in Haut Zaire to ADFL forces
increases the political and economic importance of
both MIBA and Shaba based Gecamines.

Although the CEDKO has advanced Mbuji-Mayi as the second
most important economic capital, neither of Kasai's
two regions has developed strong independent links
with neighbouring countries. To reach Zambia, Kasai
trade must pass through Shaba province and Angola's
civil war has prevented the development of the necessary
infrastructure to facilitate a lucrative cross-border
trade. Because of this, both Kasai Oriental and Kasai
Occidental remain hemmed in, dependent on the good
will of their neighbours. Kasai is also dependant,
to a limited degree, on the hydro-electic station in
Bas Zaire to run some of its mining operations.

C. Kasai Who's Who

C.1 Jonas Mukamba Kadiata Nzemba

Nzemba, who is Kasaian, is considered to be an influential
member of the Mobutu's party, Mouvement Populaire pour
le Revolution (MPR), who paradoxically calls himself
a "brother" of Tshisekedi (6). For the past
ten years he has been president and chief executive
of Miniere de Bakwanga (MIBA), Zaire's richest mining
company following the decline of Shaba based Gecamines.
According to Zairean opposition paper le Soft, Nzemba
said he would willingly work for Kabila if he arrived
in Kasai (7). For more detailed information refer to
Zaire: IRIN Briefing Part II.

C.2 Bishop Tarcisse Tshibangu

As bishop of Mbuji-Mayi, Tshibanga is the leader of
the Catholic church in Kasai, which is considered to
whold considerable political influence and power. He
was significant in the development of CEDKO and the
establishment of the University of Mbuji-Mayi.

C.3 Etienne Tshisekedi

Tshisekedi is Zaire's most influential opposition leader.
Key members of his party, UDPS, and entourage have
recently undertaken negotiations with Kabila (8). For
more detailed information refer to, Zaire: IRIN Briefing
Part II for more information.

ENDNOTES

Most of the above information was gathered from news
and wire services, the journal 'Africa Confidential'and
interviews with various local sources. Other sources
include:

The above has been compiled from varied sources and
in no way reflects the views of the United Nations.

Nairobi, 20 March 1997

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