In this talk, I will address two asymmetries observed in derivational morphology across languages. The first asymmetry, discussed in Baker (2003), is that while nominalization is extensive, verbalization is limited. The second one, discussed in Borer (2013), is that there are no zero-derived verb-noun pairs that involve overt affixes. I will approach these asymmetries by adopting a view on word formation couched within the framework of Distributed Morphology.

Abstract:
Two typical Bantu syntactic characteristics are subject inversion and symmetrical double objects, which are both problematic for current theories of Case and agreement. I propose that both can be captured using a new concept of flexible licensing by low functional heads (Appl and v), connected to topicality.

In subject inversion the logical subject appears postverbally and a preverbal locative/patient/instrument agrees with the verb (-zi- in 1):
(1) Inzogá nti-zi-nywá abáana.
9.alcohol NEG-9SM-drink 2.children
‘It’s the children who do not drink alcohol.’ Kinyarwanda (Ngoboka 2016: 356)

In double object symmetry, either object of a ditransitive (recipient or theme) can be passivised and either can be object-marked (OM) on the verb (2):
(2) a. U-mama u-ba-nik-e in-cwadi (aba-ntwana).
1a-mama 1SM-2OM-give-PFV 9-book 2-children
‘Mama gave them a book (the children).’
b. U-mama u-yi-nik-e aba-ntwana (in-cwadi).
1a-mama 1SM-9OM-give-PFV 2-children 9-book
‘Mama gave the children it (a book).’ Zulu (Adams 2010: 11)

The challenge is how T (for inversion) or v (for object marking) can agree with a lower Goal (theme) across a higher one (subject or benefactive), given standard non-intervention locality restrictions on Agree. I explore the hypothesis that the intervening argument can be licensed by the head that introduces it (v or Appl), if and only if it is non-topical. This allows the higher head to probe past it (assuming no defective intervention).

This talk discusses participant cross-reference in Panará, a Northern Jê language spoken in central Brazil. Previous work on the language (Dourado 2001, 2003) concluded that Panará presents a partial alignment split in the exponence of case. While DPs (both pronominal and lexical) are case-marked in an accusative pattern, the pronominal clitic system works in an alignment split: in realis mood, clitics mirror the case exponed on DPs, but in irrealis mood a different accusative alignment system emerges with the irruption of a different nominative clitic paradigm.

After introducing the existing narrative and comparing the Panará case with the existing claims for other Jê languages, I will challenge the two basic claims in the existing view of Panará alignment: there is no clitic nominative paradigm, and there is no clitic alignment split. I will argue that the illusion of a nominative clitic paradigm results from one of the instances of multiple exponence (Campbell 2012) in the Panará participant cross-reference system, and from a shift in the person features targeted by person exponence in irrealis mood.

Adverbs and adverbial expressions have played a somewhat subordinate role in the history of generative linguistics; see, though, Cinque’s (1999) seminal study on adverbs. Plausibly, this is due to their somewhat “elusive” nature. As has become clear from studies on adverbial syntax, the boundaries of the concept “adverb”, its grammatical characterization and its internal syntax are often unclear and not agreed upon by researchers (see among others Bowers 1975, Jackendoff 1977, Emonds 1985, Travis 1988, Baker 2003, Alexiadou 2013).

Many adverbs and adverbial expressions display “small elements” (functional material) whose status is not always immediately clear. In Dutch, for example, we find the element -s in adverbial expressions such as anders (other-s, ‘differently’) and straks (soon-s, ‘soon’). This -s also shows up in adverbial expressions such as voorzichtigjes (careful-dim-s, ‘carefully’), which features the diminutive morpheme -je besides the “adverbial” morpheme -s. And what about expressions like op z’n Trumps (at his Trump’s, ‘in a Trump-like way’), which display a possessive pronoun in combination with what superficially looks like a possessor noun phrase? Trying to be (as) imaginative (as rapper Eminem), I hope to give some insight into the linguistic nature and behavior of these small functional elements and this way also into the inner structure of adverbs/adverbial expressions.

Abstract:
In Chinese languages, both SVO and SOV surface orders are common. We see variation both within and between languages. Some languages, like Cantonese opt almost exclusively for SVO, while languages from the Wu and Min families tend to have SOV as soon as either the V or the O is more than just a bare V or a bare O. Mandarin, finally, shows both orders in several contexts. In this talk I try to find out whether we can understand what is going on if our analysis of these patterns involves Voice and little v, which may or may not be split or bundled all the time.

Joint work with Adam Ledgeway and Giuseppina Silvestri (University of Cambridge)

Abstract:
The aim of this talk is to investigates the expression of progressive aspect by means of verbal periphrases in the Italo-Greek variety known as Grico, spoken in Salento (southern Italy). Building on the extremely valuable, yet out-dated, description of Rohlfs (1977), we first present an overview of the array of different patterns brought to light by our recent fieldwork and through a survey of a selection of both early and contemporary sources which include combinations of (non-)inflected STAND with (non-)finite forms of a lexical verb, optionally linked by functional elements. After describing the empirical scenario, we assess the degree of grammaticalization of the patterns which are still productive today, reconstructing their evolution from earlier periphrases and paying particular attention to the grammaticalization of the ambiguous element pu ‘where; from; that’. Finally, we analyse a hybrid structure currently consistently produced by semi-speakers from different villages, which seems to instantiate a new ‘third’ option within the local repertoire. We conclude with of a number of observations about the role of this case study for our knowledge of diatopic morphosyntactic microvariation in Grico and for the nature of language contact and language change.

Whether characterized as “semantically impoverished” (Butt 1995), “semi-lexical” (Corver and van Riemsdijk 2001), “vague” (Bruening 2015), or as “having no independent semantic content” (Ritter and Rosen 1997), different researchers seem to agree on the intuitive description of what the notion “light verb” is about. The formalization of what it means to be “light” or “semantically vacuous”, however, seems to elude us.

Taking the empirical domain of HAVE as a testing ground and the work of Ackema and Marelj (2012) as a starting point, I pursue the formalization of thematic lightness while maintaining the lex parsimony, i.e., having one single entry for all the guises of HAVE. This will further lead us to discuss the purported “specialness” of the complements of HAVE and probe into the relation between the Thematic and the Aspectual realms.

The upshots of the talk are the following:

HAVE: <[ ]> , where [ ] is an interface, unvalued feature.

The complements of light verbs are not per se aspectually “special”. It is the aspectual “scaffolding” they are embedded in that makes them look “special”.

Thematic & Aspectual roles cannot and should not be collapsed into each other.

Abstract:
The morphosyntactic variation in Dutch finite verb clusters has been studied extensively (Barbiers et al. 2005; Wurmbrand 2017), in contrast to their non-finite counterparts. This talk focuses on regiolectal variation in verb clusters consisting entirely of non-finite verbs, and in which the infinitival marker te ‘to’ is required to appear based on selection requirements. I conducted a large-scale questionnaire study of three types of non-finite three-verb clusters, in which selection requirements dictate te should appear on V1 (te-V1-V2-V3) on V2 (V1-te-V2-V3; cf. (1)), and on V3 (V1-V2-te-V3). The data show that there is variation among speakers regarding the presence/absence of te and the placement of te. That is, there are speakers who: (i) allow or need te to be absent, contrary to selection requirements, (ii) allow or need te to be raised, i.e. to appear on a higher verb in the cluster than is required by selection requirements, and (iii) allow te to be doubled, i.e. to appear twice, when only one te is required.

In (1), the highest verb within the non-finite verb cluster, hoeven ‘need’, selects a te-infinitive: selection requirements thus dictate te to appear on V2gaan ‘go’. However, the data show that te can be either completely absent (te-drop), appear on V1 instead of V2 (te-raising), or appear on both (te-doubling).
I analyze Dutch non-finite verb clusters are cases of functional restructuring (Wurmbrand 2001; IJbema 2001; Ter Beek 2008). I argue that variation in te-drop is due to differences in structural complement size of the verb selecting the te-infinitive. Furthermore, I argue that te-raising is a case of clitic climbing, a well-known restructuring phenomenon of other restructuring languages such as Italian (Rizzi 1982; Cinque 2001). Te-doubling is analyzed as spell-out of both copies of raised te. By showing that clitic climbing is also attested in Dutch non-finite verb clusters, this talk fills a previously unexplained gap in the cross-linguistic distribution of restructuring phenomena across Germanic and Romance.

Abstract:
When various dialects enter in intense and prolonged mutual contact in a new sociological setting, they may converge (Weinreich 1954, Trudgill 1986) in a process of koineisation (Chambers & Trudgill 1980). This situation occurs with enhanced intensity in newly-colonized areas, in so-called language islands (Rosenberg 1994): convergence of a conglomerate of mutually intelligible dialects towards this new koinè. In this talk we study a well-known, but often ignored mechanism and outcome: retreat to default settings, the rise of the unmarked. The case study pursued here is the complete loss of the infinitival prefix tau ‘to’ in Pomeranian, a West Germanic language, extinct in Europe, but still spoken in isolated communities in Brazil. While the original Pomeranian dialects in Europe had a considerable amount of variation in this particular domain, Pomeranian in Brazil has converged to a remarkably uniform new construction, which was not present in Europe in the days of emigration. We will evaluate the koineisation hypothesis vis-a vis the alternative that language contact with Portuguese be at stake.

About ComSyn

ComSyn started as discussion group about Comparative Syntax at Leiden University Center for Linguistics (LUCL). Now, it is primarily a series of lectures about (comparative) syntax. Speakers from all over the world are very welcome to present their work in an informal setting. ComSyn is the perfect place to present work in progress, do a mock defense, do dry runs for a conference or simply present a syntactic problem one would like to share with other people. If you have any suggestions, please contact one of the organisers, Martin Kroon, Hang Cheng, and Astrid van Alem.