"Turn outward the woman's, turn inward, so
to speak, and fold double the man's, and you will find the same in both in every
respect." -- Galen, 2nd century A. D.

Physicians throughout time have analyzed, compared,
and puzzled over the male and female
reproductive organs. In 1620, the Scottish medical student John Moir aptly
summed up the problems of this elusive subject: "A consideration of
the genital members is very difficult, and everything should not be revealed
particularly with youths, because sin makes the subject of generation diabolical
and full of shame, and a discussion might excite impure acts."
Christianity, at least, had to overcome its special shame over this part of the
body in order to inquire further into its structure.

Were men and women different? Were they
different in degree or in kind? From antiquity through the Renaissance, most physicians
portrayed the female and male reproductive organs as counterparts of each
other and wrote of homologous anatomical structures. Female genital organs
were often explained as "lesser" male organs due to differences
in size, complexion and orientation. Words such as testes applied
to both male and female reproductive parts, since it was believed that both
produce substance by similar means that contributed to generation. What
that substance was became a matter of heated debate. In the fourth century
B. C., Aristotle wrote that man contributed the form of humanity through his
semen, while woman contributed only brute matter -- a substance less pure and
less sanctified than semen itself. Hippocrates and Galen preferred to
describe human conception as occurring from two "seeds," though they
differed slightly on the relative importance of each contribution. In this
model, both men and women produced semen.

The Aristotelian model of the body emphasized
sexual difference, though it harbored the potential for a Platonic universe in
which all creatures might become male. Galen, as a physician, could not
envision such a world. Instead he sought to understand
the nature of the difference of the sexes through their commonality. His
elaborate though experiment yielded the following: "[T]he scrotum would necessarily take the place of the uteri, with
the testes lying outside, next to it on either side; the penis of the male
would become the neck of the cavity that had been formed; and the skin at
the end of the penis, now called the prepuce, would become the female pudendum
[the vagina] itself." Look at the two images from Vesalius. How
does they contain traces of Galen's idea?

Debates about these different models of the body continued
throughout the Middle Ages. We might even say that they intensified as
Aristotle and Galen became key authorities in philosophy and medicine
respectively, and moral questions of sexuality became of increasing interest in
medieval society. In the early eleventh century, we can see the Islamic
medical philosopher Avicenna reintroducing Aristotle's ideas of sexual
difference. In theCanon of Medicine, he
wrote: "According to the teaching of philosophy, the process of generation
may be compared with the processes which take place in the manufacture of
cheese. Thus the male 'sperm' is equivalent to the clotting agent of milk,
and the female 'sperm' is equivalent to that of milk. The starting point
of the clotting is in the rennet; so the starting-point of the clot 'man
' is in the male semen." He even cited a saying of the Prophet to
support this idea: "We made the life-germ a clot."
By contrast, Master Nicolaus of Salerno appears a fairly orthodox Galenist in
the late twelfth century, when he writes of the testes: "In
men they are large, in women small. In both sexes they germinate sperm."
Compare these two medieval images of male and female anatomy from Islam and
Europe. What information is each trying to convey?

Galen's neat idea of the uterus as an interior
scrotum notwithstanding, most medieval medical practitioners believed the uterus
to be a distinctly female organ that caused a host of specifically female
diseases. "The uterus is called also matrix because it is the
mother of all," wrote John Moir in 1620. It was a cold and dry
organ. Less attractively, some proposed that the uterus was a
"sewer" -- a site of noxious poisons that caused diseases such as the
"suffocation of the mother," a condition in which the womb wandered
throughout the body and which the Greeks described as hysteria. No
equivalent male organ could be found that affected the body so dramatically.

The uterus was also the site of a great deal of
reproductive speculation. For centuries, its structure was thought to
reveal the mysteries of the number and sex of its offspring. "It is hollow and villous within,
smooth outside, divided into seven cells, and has two openings," wrote
Master Nicolaus, reflecting the standard view that the womb had as many
divisions as the days of the week and could yield a maximum of seven children at
a time. Mondino de' Liuzzi affirmed this idea in 1316. Others divided the womb simply into two
parts, arguing that males were born on the right side and females on the
left. "Woman was endowed with two wombs," wrote Moses Maimonides
in the late twelfth century, arguing that they corresponded to the number of
breasts. Many insisted on a central cell in which hermaphrodites were
born. Finally, anatomists argued for the presence of uterine horns, an
error that arose from dissecting animals. Look at the medieval images of
the uterus on the right. Can you see the uterine horns? What other
peculiarities do you observe? Look at the sixteenth-century diagram of the
uterus on the left. What features of the medieval uterus do you still see?

By contrast, the male reproductive organs
were described in far less detail, undoubtedly because there was little
considered to be peculiar about them. "The origin of the penis is situated upon the pubic bone in that
it can resist it's active force on coition," wrote Leonardo da Vinci at the
end of the fifteenth century. "If this bone did not exist,
the penis in meeting resistance would turn backwards and would often enter
more into the body of the operator that into that of the operated."
Medical practitioners devoted far more attention to male reproductive fluids
than to male reproductive anatomy. In the Galenic model, both men and
women were believed to have "seminal vessels" that carried sperm to
its point of exit; at the end of the fifteenth century, Jacopo Berengario da
Carpi affirmed that these vessels must be longer in the male because male semen
was "thicker." How male sperm was generated was a source of some
speculation. Did it come directly from the brain via the spinal
cord? Was it concocted from purified blood? "The semen is a superfluous nourishment of the body, a material
pure and separate from the principle members necessary for generation,"
wrote Alessandro Benedetti in 1497. " It is believed on the authority of Galen that it is drawn from the brain."

Benedetti also noted one fact of male anatomy that
continued to suggest the connections between the sexes. "When [the
testicles] are cut off the masculine form and behavior is almost completely
changed and becomes feminine, for men lose their strength, boldness, habits, and
beard." In 1653, William Harvey also concurred, citing ancient
authority: "Rufus says that eunuchs, as I believe, are
women." Males could become more female, though it rarely happened by
nature alone but through surgical intervention. Accounts of lactating
monks and fathers who breastfed their daughters after the death of the mother
suggested that other circumstances might render the male body female. More
easily, the female body might become male at puberty, much in the way that Galen
had suggested: the inside simply dropped out. While the uterus was
predominantly female and a strong, life-giving semen predominantly male, neither
sex could claim absolute autonomy.

Several key developments altered the traditional
images of the reproductive organs. Vesalius and his followers began to
give more physical specificity to the human uterus. Initially, Vesalius in
1543 prominently displayed the uterine horns -- he described them as "two
blunt angles .. which resembe the immature honrs on the foreheads of
calves" -- but he began to wonder why they, like the cells of the uterus
were so difficult to see. In the 1570s, Laurent Joubert stoutly
contradicted the idea of the womb "being divided in two in the manner of
animals" or having "booths separated one from another."

New anatomical features of the female genitalia
emerged. In 1559, the anatomist Realdo Colombo claimed to have discovered
the clitoris, which cast some doubt on Galen's claims about the nature of an
interior penis, not to mention the idea that women took no pleasure in
conception. By the end of the century, Gabrielle Fallopia had identified
the Fallopian tubes, though no one was yet sure what there function was.
Look at the Renaissance illustration to the right. How can we see some of
the changes in female anatomy depicted here?

In the seventeenth century, the vocabulary for the
male and female bodies grew much more specific to each sex. Terms such as
"ovaries" are a product of an era of increased dissection and
ultimately the introduction of the microscope as a tool of investigation.
In 1672, for example, the Dutch anatomist Renier de Graaf published On the
Generative Organs of Women, in which he mistakenly identified the Graafian
follicles, by which we now remember him, as "eggs." Like his
predecessor William Harvey, de Graaf placed great emphasis on woman's
contribution to reproduction.

By contrast, the Dutch microscopist Antoni van
Leeuwenhoek argued by the end of the 1670s that "a human being originates not from an egg but from an
animalcule that is found in the male semen." The sins of Adam and Eve
had yet to be resolved. In the meantime, the formation of the offspring of
this union remained the ultimate mystery of all -- a human seed, both male and
female, immaterial and material, that both sexes claimed for their
own. Look at Leonardo's famous image of the human fetus to the
right. Its uterus resembles nothing more than an acorn cracked open, a
birth of nature rather than of mankind.

QUESTIONS: WHAT WERE THE
REASONS FOR EMPHASIZING SIMILARITIES OR DIFFERENCES IN MALE AND FEMALE
GENITALIA? HOW DID ADVANCES IN ANATOMY AND DISSECTION AFFECT THE VIEW OF
THEM?