Disarmament Diplomacy

The Kashmir Dispute

Editor's note: As reported in Issue No. 38, in Washington on 4 July
Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif committed his Government to
urge the strict observance by all fighting forces of the 'Line of
Control' in Kashmir established by India and Pakistan under the
1972 Simla Accord. In late May, an incursion into the Kargil sector
of Kashmir by forces seeking Kashmiri independence triggered
intense conflict resulting in many casualties, military and
civilian. On 9 July, India and Pakistan agreed a deadline of 16
July for the completion of the withdrawal of insurgent forces. On
12 July, India announced that all Pakistan regular forces had
withdrawn. Pakistan consistently denied the involvement of any of
its regular armed personnel in the fighting in Kargil. Despite this
significant de-escalation of tension between the two States,
however, serious incidents continued throughout the period under
review in this issue - see News Review for more coverage.

Statements & Comment

Speech by Prime Minister Sharif, 12 July

Address to the Nation by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, 12 July
1999

"Not everyone will know of the tensions that we have gone
through and the circumstances we have braved during the last month
and a half. It is a fact and no secret anyway that the
deterioration in Pakistan-India relations brought our two countries
to the brink of war. While there is no doubt that the Kashmiri
Mujahideen through their sacrifices and battle successes wrote out
a new chapter in their freedom struggle, the situation on the
diplomatic front became so complicated that it was no easy task to
straighten it out or control its adverse fallout.

By the grace of God, Pakistan is not a wall of sand or a child's
plaything. We have the ability to deal befittingly with aggression.
Had war been imposed on us, the invader would have lived to regret
the day. However, we do not wish to make war, nor have we looked
for it. We know that in a nuclear conflict there can be no
victors.

It is my considered opinion that by going to war Pakistan and
India can only multiply their problems without solving even one of
them. I have repeatedly said that the Kashmir dispute should be
resolved amicably. I am also aware of the record of those who vowed
to fight for a thousand years. I know what their aims were. Their
only gift to the nation was ignominy and lasting regret. After
taking stock of past events and making an objective study of
history, I have come to the conclusion that our principal national
priority should be making Pakistan a great self-reliant economic
power. Only then can we achieve our supreme national
objectives.

After the Lahore Declaration in February this year, not only the
people of Pakistan and India but the international community as
well had begun to hope that after their long history of discord,
our two countries had chosen the path of peace. Prime Minister
Vajpayee of India visited the Minar-i-Pakistan in Lahore and what
he said on the occasion was a good augury for the future since it
showed that he wanted to begin a new chapter in our relations, with
the bitterness of the past forgotten and old attitudes abandoned. I
welcomed this. While we were preparing to open negotiations in line
with the Lahore Declaration, the Indian Lok Sabha [Parliament] was
dissolved and fresh elections were announced. On the other hand,
the Kashmir freedom struggle which has been underway for the last
eleven years entered a new and intensified phase with the freedom
fighters gaining control of the Kargil mountains.

Prime Minister Vajpayee phoned me, expressing his concern at
these developments. I suggested a meeting between local commanders
while pointing out that we should resolve this matter at a local
level, as in the past so that there should be no escalation. He
agreed with me and the next day the two local commanders met but,
simultaneously, India turned its heavy guns on us, while the Indian
air force began to pound the Mujahideen-held positions. This sudden
escalation was unexpected. It is true that the Mujahideen were
present on several Kargil heights but it was part of their long
freedom struggle and inseparable from it. ... Once the Mujahideen
had succeeded in drawing world attention to Kashmir, it is
understandable that they would wish to disengage.

Had we tried, this matter could have been resolved peacefully;
but India set the fires of war alight instead of dealing with the
situation through negotiations. It also chose to engulf the entire
country in a war frenzy. However, Pakistan remained unprovoked and
we saw to it that there was no war hysteria in the country. We also
ensured that there would be no break in mutual contacts. Since the
start of the crisis in Kargil, up to this day, I have spoken to
Prime Minister Vajpayee on the phone several times. I also sent my
Foreign Minister over though his visit proved fruitless. Given all
this, it is unfair to allege that we stabbed anyone in the back. It
has been my constant effort that our countries be spared the horror
of a nuclear war. Only a desire for collective suicide can prompt
us to take such a step. I have no such intention. I believe Prime
Minister Vajpayee has no such intention either. However, going by
the attitude of India, it did seem to us that New Delhi was rapidly
moving towards war. The use of air and land power in Kargil by
India was on a scale associated with a large and regular war only.
Pakistani positions were shelled from across the Line of Control
resulting in the death of innocent civilians and armed forces
personnel who were merely defending themselves.

The number of troops deployed by India on our borders was again
warlike. Its naval power was moved close to our shores and its
nuclear missiles turned towards us. The Indian air force was put on
red alert. I salute the armed forces of Pakistan which took all
necessary steps to deal with the expected Indian attack with
exemplary efficiency and speed. I also wish to pay tribute to all
those innocent citizens who fell victim to Indian shelling. ...

We have decided to give diplomacy another chance. This decision
is neither hasty nor has it been taken under pressure or out of
nervousness. It has been said that it takes more courage to
extricate oneself from war than to start one. ...

Even if we succeeded in capping the fire-spitting mountains of
Kargil, unless the basic problem was addressed, there will be
outbreaks elsewhere. If the Kashmiri people were not given their
right of self-determination, there would be other Kargils. Neither
we, nor India, would be able to stop that. The only way to stop
more Kargils from happening was to do justice to the Kashmiris. The
promises made to them had to be fulfilled. That was the message I
carried to America and I am glad that President Clinton agreed that
unless the basic issue of Kashmir was resolved, the clouds of war
would continue to hover over the Subcontinent. This was the
backdrop of the joint statement issued in Washington. The statement
clearly stated that as soon as the situation on the Line of Control
returned to normal, negotiations between India and Pakistan would
begin in order to resolve all outstanding issues, including
Kashmir. President Clinton extended the assurance that he would not
only encourage all moves aimed at settling all outstanding disputes
through dialogue, but he would take a personal interest in these
efforts in order to ensure that they were intensified.

This assurance, coming from the head of a great power like the
United States is no ordinary matter. It is clear that after this
unequivocal commitment from President Clinton in particular and the
international community in general, the world will pay serious
attention to Kashmir, being now aware of its importance and
sensitivity. That is why we appealed to the Mujahideen to come down
from the heights they were occupying in Kargil and give diplomacy a
chance so that it could carry forward and complete the mission for
which they had made so many sacrifices. I am grateful to the
Mujahideen for having accepted our appeal. The outcome of every war
leads to negotiated decisions which is the route we have also taken
and I am sure that truth and justice will prevail in the end.
..."

"Operation Vijay has been a resounding success. Pakistani
forces have been defeated on the ground and status quo ante on the
Line of Control in the Kargil sector is being restored. Almost the
entire sub-sector Batalik and the sub-sector Dras have been cleared
of Pakistani aggression in the last 48 hours. Pakistani armed
intruders comprising overwhelmingly of their regular troops and
some extremist elements under their command and control have been
evicted. The pressure of our decisive military action in the other
two sub-sectors of Mushkoh valley and Kaksar was also proving
unbearable for the Pakistani army.

Pakistan being faced with the inevitable, their DGMO [Director
General of Military Operations] called his Indian counterpart on
the evening of 9 July. He sought an early meeting. Our DGMO
suggested that the meeting be held at the Border Security Force
Reception Hall, on our side of the Joint Check Post, at Attari on
Amritsar - Lahore Road on the 11th afternoon. Our DGMO also
informed him that we expected Pakistan would begin withdrawing its
troops from the Kaksar Sub-sector even before this meeting, and
that this withdrawal will be completed by 12th morning.

During his meeting with the Pakistani DGMO yesterday our DGMO
informed him that Pakistani forces must withdraw well north of the
Line of Control by the morning of the 16th of July. The Pakistani
DGMO said that Pakistan would comply with this schedule. ...

The withdrawal of Pakistani forces from Kaksar appears to
already have taken place. Our troops are proceeding to verify this
withdrawal. We have information that the withdrawal of Pakistani
forces in Mushkoh valley is also under way.

This withdrawal of Pakistani forces has been brought about by
the skill, determination and valour of our armed forces, who rolled
back Pakistan's aggression from Kargil, even while conforming to
government's direction that the sanctity of the Line of Control be
maintained.

Our forces have not de-escalated their action, nor has any
dis-engagement taken place. The Indian army is not impeding by fire
the retreat of Pakistani forces. After this withdrawal has been
completed, we expect that Pakistan will reaffirm the inviolability
and sanctity of the Line of Control. The continuance of cross
border terrorism in the State of Jammu & Kashmir is a clear
violation of the Line of Control and must be abandoned by
Pakistan.

Pakistan has persisted with its claim that those who occupied
the Kargil heights were 'Mujahideen'. It is abundantly clear by now
that the overwhelming majority of those who crossed over from
Pakistan in the Kargil sector were Pakistani troops in pursuit of a
misadventure, fully planned and conducted by the Pakistani
authorities. The presence of Pakistani regulars is borne out by the
evidence that our forces have collected in the form of identity
cards of regular troops, official army documents, personal letters
and photographs and the nature of Pakistani weaponry in the posts
recaptured by our troops.

It is also tragic that the Pakistan army has refused to accept
the bodies of their regular troops who died in action against our
forces in the Kargil sector. Our forces have buried the Pakistani
dead in accordance with military custom."

"I'm not in a position to comment on whether or not they are
preparing additional [nuclear] tests. It is clear from recent
conduct on the part of both that they have been determined to
develop nuclear capability. ... We think that the tensions there,
as demonstrated by the most recent events, indicate that it's
important that there be a peaceful resolution of the situation in
Kashmir... We have encouraged both sides to try to resolve the
situation in a peaceful fashion. But the development of a nuclear
capability is certainly something that is a concern to all
nations."