Thursday, December 18, 2014

The following is from the New York Times, 22 August 1907. Dr. David Wlffsohn, a Jew from Lithuania and second President of the World Zionist Organization, gave the closing speech at a convention in the Hague. He exhorted Jews to take over the world.

Thursday, October 2, 2014

"Be Reminded!" was written by Adolf Hitler in 1923 and dedicated to his mother. This was written well after her death in 1907. Of Hitler, his family doctor had observed: "In all my career I have never seen anyone so prostrate with grief as Adolf Hitler."

Klara Hitler (1860-1907) was devoted to her son.

Denk' Es, "Be Reminded!"

Adolf Hitler, 1923

When your mother has grown older,When her dear, faithful eyesNo longer see life as they once did,When her feet, grown tired,No longer want to carry her as she walks,Then lend her your arm in support,Escort her with happy pleasure—The hour will come when, weeping,You must accompany her on her final walk.And if she asks you something,Then give her an answer.And if she asks again, then speak!And if she asks yet again, respond to her,Not impatiently, but with gentle calm.And if she cannot understand you properly,Explain all to her happily.The hour will come, the bitter hour,When her mouth asks for nothing more.

Friday, September 12, 2014

Translated by Hadding Scott, 2014.From the original post: "This booklet was originally published, with the approval of the NSDAP, in 1935. The edition on which this translation was based is dated 1942. It will be posted here in about ten installments."

Friday, August 8, 2014

In 1938, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain wrote a letter to the Hitler Youth, praising it for "taking responsibility" for their "country's future," "national heritage and traditions," "national honour" and "national sovereignty." He broadened the letter to an admonition to the youth of Germany to be mindful of their responsibility for "the future of the world," naming the year 1938 as "The Year of Understanding."(1)Today, Chamberlain's critics, particularly pro-Israel neoconservatives who use his legacy as an "appeaser" to ridicule enemies of US interventionism, peddle ignorance about Hitler's real goals. They use this letter as proof of his moral laxity in the face of Hitler's aims. Chamberlain's critics are right to argue that Hitler was bent on war, but he wanted Britain as an ally; the war Hitler wanted was a war against the USSR.

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(1) This letter turned up while searching for interwar correspondence. This letter was written and sent within a year prior to the outbreak of British and German hostilities. It evidences a strain of thought in Chamberlain's worldview that inclined to Anglo-German peace.

Saturday, August 2, 2014

Houston S. Chamberlain was a British philosopher, son-in-law of Richard Wagner, racial theorist, and a prolific writer whose ideas influenced NSDAP racial policy. In 1923, two years before Mein Kampf was published and a ten years before Hitler took office, H.S. Chamberlain wrote a letter to Hitler. In this letter, reproduced below, he took up a defense of Hitler against accusations then in circulation, conveyed hope for a revival of Germany, and acknowledged Hitler as the rightful leader of Germany.

I found the letter here. It can also be found on page 85 of a book titled The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts; a .pdf of this book can be found here.

Most respected and dear Herr Hitler:

You have every right to be surprised at this intrusion having seen with your own eyes how difficult it is for me to speak. But I cannot resist the urge to address a few words to you. I view this, however, as an entirely one-sided act, i.e. I do not expect an answer from you.

I have been wondering why it was you of all people, you who are so extraordinary in awakening people from sleep and humdrum routines, who recently gave me a longer and more refreshing sleep than I have experienced since that fateful day in August 1914 when I was first struck down by this insidious sickness. Now I believe I understand that it is precisely this that characterizes and defines your being: the true awakener is at the same time the bestower of peace.

You are not at all, as you have been described to me, a fanatic. In fact, I would call you the complete opposite of a fanatic. The fanatic inflames the mind, you warm the heart. The fanatic wants to overwhelm people with words, you wish to convince, only to convince them-and that is why you are successful. Indeed, I would also describe you as the opposite of a politician, in the commonly accepted sense of the word, for the essence of all politics is membership of a party, whereas with you all parties disappear, consumed by the heat of your love for the fatherland. It was, I think, the misfortune of our great Bismarck that he became, as fate would have it (by no means through innate predisposition), a little too involved in politics. May you be spared this fate.

You have immense achievements ahead of you, but for all your strength of will I do not regard you as a violent man. You know Goethe's distinction between force and force. There is the force that stems from and in turn leads to chaos, and there is the force which shapes the universe.... It is this creative sense that I mean when I number you among the constructive men rather than those who are violent.

I constantly ask myself whether the poverty of political instinct for which Germans are so often blamed may not be symptomatic of a much deeper talent for state-building. In any case the German's organizational skills are unsurpassed and his scientific capacity is unequalled. In the essay Politische Ideale I pinned my hopes on this. The ideal kind of politics is to have none. But this non-politics must be frankly acknowledged and forced upon the world through the exercise of power. Nothing will be achieved so long as the parliamentary system dominates; for this the Germans have, God knows, not a spark of talent! I consider its prevalence to be the greatest misfortune; it can only drag us continually into the mire and ruin every plan for a healthy and revitalized father­land.

But I am digressing, for I wanted only to speak of you. That you brought me peace is related very much to your eyes and hand gestures. Your eye works almost as a hand: it grips and holds a person; and you have the singular quality of being able to focus your words on one particular listener at any given moment. As for your hands, they are so expressive in their movement that they rival your eyes. Such a man brings rest to a poor suffering spirit! Especially when he is dedicated to the service of the father­land.

My faith in Germandom has never wavered for a moment, though my hopes had, I confess, reached a low ebb. At one blow you have transformed the state of my soul. That Germany in its hour of greatest need has given birth to a Hitler is proof of vitality; your actions offer further evidence, for a man's per­sonality and actions belong together. That the magnificent Ludendorff openly supports you and embraces your movement: what a wonderful combination!

I was able to sleep without a care. Nothing caused me to awaken again. May God protect you!

Sunday, June 22, 2014

In Mein Kampf, published in 1925, Hitler affirms a twofold unifying vision: To reunite lost German peoples and lands and secure their future existence. Integral to the first part of this project was retaking German lands stripped away after World War I and following Versailles. An important facet of the second aspect of this project was new living space [lebensraum]. Hitler wanted to avoid repeating the mistakes Germany made prior to World War I, when the Kaiser sought colonial outlet for Germany principally overseas. Hitler came to view the Soviet Union as the only viable living space. Eliminating this enemy would also remove a threat to Europe.

And so we National-Socialists consciously draw a line beneath the foreign policy tendency of our pre-War period. We take up where we broke off six hundred years ago. We stop the endless German movement to the south and west, and turn our gaze toward the land in the east. At long last we break of the colonial and commercial policy of the pre-War period and shift to the soil policy of the future.If we speak of soil in Europe today, we can primarily have in mind only Russia and her vassal border states.Here Fate itself seems desirous of giving us a sign. By handing Russia to Bolshevism, it robbed the Russian nation of that intelligentsia which previously brought about and guaranteed its existence as a state. For the organization of a Russian state formation was not the result of the political abilities of the Slavs in Russia, but only a wonderful example of the state-forming efficacity of the German element in an inferior race. Numerous mighty empires on earth have been created in this way. Lower nations led by Germanic organizers and overlords have more than once grown to be mighty state formations and have endured as long as the racial nudeus of the creative state race maintained itself. For centuries Russia drew nourishment from this Germanic nucleus of its upper leading strata. Today it can be regarded as almost totally exterminated and extinguished. It has been replaced by the Jew. Impossible as it is for the Russian by himself to shake off the yoke of the Jew by his own resources, it is equally impossible for the Jew to maintain the mighty empire forever. He himself is no element of organization, but a ferment of decomposition. The Persian empire in the east is ripe for collapse. And the end of Jewish rule in Russia will also be the end of Russia as a state. We have been chosen by Fate as witnesses of a catastrophe which will be the mightiest confirmation of the soundness of the folkish theory.

Our task, the mission of the National-Socialist movement, is to bring our own people to such political insight that they will not see their goal for the future in the breath-taking sensation of a new Alexander's conquest, but in the industrious work of the German plow, to which the sword need only give soil.

Sunday, June 8, 2014

Hans Schmidt (d. 30 May 2010) was a member of the Waffen-SS and a dedicated soldier. In protest of distortions and outright lies included in the film, Saving Private Ryan, he sent the letter reproduced below to its producer, Steven Spielberg. Schmidt remained politically and socially active well after World War II. In 1983 he founded the German-American National Political Action Committee. In 1995 he was sentenced to prison for passing out political newsletters and sentenced for "incitement to hate" in Germany.

Hans Schmidt (1927-2010) in his youth, as a

soldier of the pan-European Waffen-SS.

Dear Mr. Spielberg,

Permit me, a twice wounded veteran of the Waffen-SS, and participant in three campaigns (Battle of the Bulge, Hungary and Austria) to comment on your picture, "Saving Private Ryan."

Having read many of the accolades of this undoubtedly successful and, shall we say, "impressive," film, I hope you don’t mind some criticism from both a German and a German-American point of view.

Apart from the carnage immediately at the beginning of the story, during the invasion at Omaha Beach, whereon I cannot comment because I was not there; many of the battle scenes seemed unreal.

You made some commendable efforts to provide authenticity through the use of several pieces of original-looking German equipment, for instance, the Schützenpanzerwagen (SPW), the MG 42s, and the Kettenkrad.

And, while the appearance of German infantry soldiers of the regular Army in the Normandy bunkers was not well depicted, the Waffen SS in the street fighting at the end of the film were quite properly outfitted.

My comment about the unreality of the battle scenes has to do with the fact that the Waffen-SS would not have acted as you depicted them in "Private Ryan."

While it was a common sight in battle to see both American and Russian infantry congregate around their tanks when approaching our lines, this rarely if ever occurred with the Waffen-SS.

(The first Americans I saw during the Battle of the Bulge were about a dozen dead GIs bunched around a burned-out, self-propelled, tracked howitzer.)

Furthermore, almost all the German soldiers seen in "Private Ryan" had their heads shaved, or wore closely cropped hair, something totally in conflict with reality. Perhaps you were confusing, in your mind, German soldiers with Russians of the time.

Or else, your Jewishness came to the fore, and you wanted to draw a direct line back from today’s skinheads to the Waffen-SS and other German soldiers of the Third Reich.

Also, for my unit you should have used 18 or 19-year old boys instead of older guys. The average age, including general officers of the heroic Hitlerjugend division at Caen, was 19 years!

The scene where the GI shows his Jewish “Star of David” medallion to German POWs and tells them: "Ich Jude, ich Jude!" is so outrageous as to be funny.

I can tell you what German soldiers would have said to each other if such an incident had actually ever occurred: "That guy is nuts!"

You don’t seem to know that for the average German soldier of World War II, of whatever unit, the race, color or "religion" of the enemy didn’t matter at all. He didn’t know and he didn’t care.

Furthermore, you committed a serious error in judgment when, in the opening scenes of "Private Ryan" you had the camera pan from the lone grave with the Jewish star to all the Christian crosses in the cemetery.

I know what you wanted to say but I am sure that I was not the only one who immediately thereafter glanced over all the other hundreds of crosses one could see, to discover whether somewhere else was another Star of David.

And you know the answer. In fact, you generated exactly the opposite effect of what you had intended. Your use of that scene makes a lie out of the claim now put forth by Jewish organizations that during World War II Jews volunteered for service in numbers greater than their percentage of the general population, and that their blood sacrifice was (therefore) higher also.

I visited the large Luxembourg military cemetery where General Patton is buried and counted the Jewish stars on the gravestones. I was shocked by their absence.

After World War I, some German Jewish leaders mounted the same ruse: They claimed then and still do to this day that, "12,000 Jews gave their lives for the Fatherland," which would also have made their general participation higher, which it was not. But perhaps the "12,000" figure is intended as a symbol denoting, "from our point of view, we did enough."

During World War II, as now, about a quarter of the American population considered itself German-American. Knowing the patriotic fervor German-Americans harbor for America, we can be certain that their numbers in the Armed Forces were equal or higher than their percentage of the population.

Yet in "Saving Private Ryan" there was not one single German name to be heard or seen among the Americans.

Did you forget Nimitz, Arnold, Spaatz or even Eisenhower? Well, perhaps Capt. Miller from Pennsylvania was a German whose name had been anglicized. In omitting the American Germans you seem to have taken a cue from the White House at whose contemporary state dinners rarely someone with a German name can be found.

Well, maybe someone thinks that the abundance of German sounding names such as Goldberg, Rosenthal, Silverstein and Spielberg satisfies the need for "German-American" representation.

My final comment concerns the depictions of the shooting of German POWs immediately after a fire fight. A perusal of American World War II literature indicates that such incidents were much more common than is generally admitted, and more often than not, such transgressions against the laws of war and chivalry are often or usually excused, "because the GIs got mad at the Germans who had just killed one of their dearest comrades".

In other words, the anger and the war crime following it was both understandable and, ipso facto excusable. In "Private Ryan" you seem to agree with this stance since you permit only one of the soldiers, namely, the acknowledged coward, to say that one does not shoot enemy soldiers who had put down their arms.

As a former German soldier I can assure you that among us we did not have this, what I would call, un-Aryan mindset.

I remember well, when in January of 1945 we sat together with ten captured Americans after a fierce battle, and the GIs were genuinely surprised that we treated them almost as buddies, without rancor.

If you want to know why, I can tell you. We had not suffered from years of anti-enemy hate propaganda, as was the case with American and British soldiers whose basic sense of chivalry had often (but not always) been dulled by watching too many anti-German war movies usually made by your brethren.

(For your information: I never saw even one anti-American war movie - There were no more Jewish directors at the UFA studios.)

Thursday, March 20, 2014

"Nothing less is at stake than our undeferrable facing of the fact that we are confronted by a crucial choice: Either to infuse, again, our German spiritual life with genuine indigenous forces and educators, or to leave it at the mercy, once and for all, of the growing Jewish contamination, both in a larger and a narrower sense."

Martin Heidegger (1889-1976) is at last being freedfrom the charge that he was not an antisemite.

For decades, Martin Heidegger's phony supporters have argued that he was not a sincere antisemite, and have constantly downplayed criticism from his detractors. Heidegger's now published 'black notebooks' have firmly established Heidegger's antisemitism. Heidegger is the only academic philosopher to have consistently rejected appeals to acknowledge the Jewish historical narrative and the Holocaust story. His postwar philosophical writings are an extension of a worldview that was never altered in its fundamentals, and as a consequence a special debt is owed to Heidegger for having sustained National-Socialist ideas in his own way.

Monday, February 10, 2014

Knut Hamsun (1859 - 1952) was a Norwegian Nobel laureate. He long sympathized with German fascism and admired Hitler. In 1940 he wrote: "the Germans are fighting for us." On Hitler's death on 30 April, 1945, he wrote a moving obituary of the German leader, remarkable in political context and content. He was tried for treason but due to age and health, he was confined to a hospital in Grimstad, where he died in 1952.Click here to see some materials on Hamsun.

Knut Hamsun in 1945, the year that he wrote his obituary for Adolf Hitler.

The following was published in the Alftenposten:

Adolf Hitler

I'm not worthy to speak up for Adolf Hitler, and to any sentimental rousing his life and deeds do not invite.

Hitler was a warrior, a warrior for humankind and a preacher of the gospel of justice for all nations. He was a reforming character of the highest order, and his historical fate was that he functioned in a time of exampleless brutality, which in the end felled him.

Thus may the ordinary Western European look at Adolf Hitler. And we, his close followers, bow our heads at his death.

Sunday, February 2, 2014

On 23 July 1939, the Indian nationalist wrote the following remarkable letter to Hitler. In it, he tells Hitler that friends have urged on him to write Hitler, and impresses on Hitler the hope that Europe's current crisis and its descent into war could be halted.

The time is relevant to the context. From late 1938 through the summer of 1939, Germany was trying to convince Poland to return Danzig. A British war guarantee to Poland on 31 March 1939 convinced the Polish government that it did not have to negotiate with Berlin. Now, Britain was pledged to fight a war to prevent Poland from returning a German city to Germany. The war guarantee was, of course, hollow, as Britain lacked the capacity to come to Poland's aid. From 31 March, when the war guarantee was given, through August 1939, Britain and Germany were on a collision course toward a second World War.

Gandhi's letter was sent to Hitler less than two months before the British declaration of war. It was intercepted and prevented from reaching him by British agents.