Distinguished President of the Parliamentary Assembly, distinguished
Secretary General of the Council of Europe, distinguished members
of the Assembly, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, it is a distinct
pleasure and honour to address you today in this historic European
institution, which brings together parliamentarians from all corners
of Europe. The founding fathers of the Council of Europe envisaged
this hall to serve as a parliament of Europe. Although their dreams
seemed idealistic back in 1949, in a Europe divided and still healing
the wounds of war, without their ideas and activism we would not
have come so far in overcoming the challenges and rising above the
dangers.

Strasbourg is not only a seat of European institutions; rather,
it is a symbol of how a difficult history and old quarrels can be
put aside in a united Europe. This remarkable city has served as
a source of inspiration for Croatia since we attained statehood
and commenced the process of adhesion to international organisations. The
European idea, and commitment to abide by its standards and values,
guided us in our request for membership of the Council of Europe.

On my way to this session I was reminded that even before
Croatia acceded to the Council of Europe Lujo Tončić-Sorinj, an
Austrian politician and a Croatian national, acted as the Secretary
General of the organisation. I am certain that he, himself proudly
European, would have enjoyed the fact that one day the country of
his ancestry, Croatia, would take a seat at this pan-European table.

Ladies and gentlemen, I am addressing you today as the Prime
Minister of the Government of the Republic of Croatia that came
to power in December last year following general elections. Let
me reiterate that my government espouses all the ideas that the
Council of Europe stands for: multilateralism as the core of our foreign
policy; a state based on the protection of human, civil and minority
rights with the rule of law at its foundations; independent judiciary;
gender equality; tolerance and non-discrimination; solidarity; and prevention
of corruption.

The President of Croatia, Ivo Josipović, delivered his address
before this Assembly two years ago and presented a comprehensive
view on the transformation of Croatia and the consolidation of its
democracy. Today I can proudly state that during the past two years
Croatia has continued along its path of further democratisation,
which resulted in fulfilling all preconditions to achieving one
of our major national goals, membership of the European Union. Along
with completion of EU accession negotiations, co-operation with neighbouring
countries was further increased and contribution to the maintenance
of international peace and security was strengthened.

The main task of the Croatian Government is to create a stable
and prosperous country, placing strong emphasis on accountability
towards its own citizens. We strive to build a society in which
the principles of social justice and solidarity prevail, as well
as respect for minorities, regardless of their ethnicity, sex, belief
or choice. The new government has continued to make further progress
in preventing corruption, fighting organised crime, reforming the
judiciary, prosecuting war crimes at the Croatian courts, and co-operating
with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
in The Hague. All these issues have been subject to ongoing monitoring
by the EU, and the government is in constant close communication
with our European partners, and with civil society in Croatia.

I use this opportunity to call on all parliamentarians present
from EU member states that have not yet ratified our accession treaty
with the EU to work with their governments and with their colleagues
in national parliaments to conclude the process in good time, so
that Croatia can become the 28th member of the EU on 1 July 2013,
as is envisaged by the treaty.

As we prepare for EU membership, we remain realistic, conscious
of the challenges in the EU such as the economic and financial crisis,
and the rise of populist rhetoric and extremism among some of its
political parties. I welcome the fact that you included in your
deliberations the debate on the impact of the financial and economic
crisis on our societies and democracies. That proves that the Parliamentary
Assembly is keenly aware of the enormous responsibilities that European
citizens have entrusted it with.

As I will be attending the meeting of the European Council
tomorrow I am aware that, although the issues of fiscal discipline
and economic governance feature prominently on our agenda, the bearings
that these issues might have on the future of Europe as our common
home, and on its values and standards, should not be overlooked.

The foundation on which this Organisation is built is its
relevance and credibility. That was tested some time ago when the
Council of Europe and its parliamentarians played a critical role
in admitting a large number of countries, including mine, to membership,
thus helping us to develop further our European vocation and commitment
to European ideas, and to stabilise the continent democratically.
It is precisely due to that ability to remain relevant, and to rise
up to the challenge, that the Council of Europe has become the bearer
of the European torch in furthering individual freedoms and human
rights. Maybe the concept of human rights has been invented elsewhere,
but no other organisation has developed such a comprehensive structure
to safeguard them.

Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, last year in Croatia we
celebrated 15 years of our membership of the Council of Europe.
Throughout that journey, we have come a long way from dealing with
our traumatic past resulting from the war to presenting the country
as a reliable member of the European community of nations.

With our own determination, and assistance offered by organisations
such as the Council of Europe, we crossed a threefold transition:
a transition from a communist one-party system to a multi-party
democracy; a transition from an imposed conflict to post-conflict
peace and stability; and a transition from a centralised planned
economy to a free-market economy, which is becoming increasingly
competitive on the European stage. All three transitions were accompanied
by overall economic and societal changes in a relatively short time
span. I know that many of you coming from countries with similar
historical background are familiar with these transitions and their
inherent consequences. At the end of this process, Croatia not only
benefitted from the expertise and membership of the Council of Europe,
but that membership served as a vehicle of transformation for the
entire region.

I am particularly pleased that our partner and ally in south-eastern
Europe, Albania, is at the helm of the Committee of Ministers, and
we wish it all the best in its endeavours. The region has been given
a chance to prove its full potential. In particular, I appreciate
the focus of Albania’s presidency on diversity and promotion of
intercultural change.

Now, all the countries of the region are fully fledged democracies
and members of the Council of Europe, with the exception of Kosovo.
The ongoing bilateral and regional co-operation, which not only
includes political co-operation but spreads to justice and home
affairs, defence, trade, economy, energy and transport, points to
the fact that it is owned and driven at the regional level. The
troubled legacy of the conflict in the 1990s is often best reversed
by concrete and resolute measures that testify to the commitment
of regional leaders to work together to create conditions for a
better future. Here I refer to the closure of the issue of refugees
and displaced persons at the recent regional conference in Sarajevo.
All four involved countries – Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro
and Serbia – have made sincere efforts and were assisted financially
by the international community to find durable solutions to that
prolonged problem. That is proof of the maturity and responsible nature
of the countries concerned.

Distinguished parliamentarians, let me turn to Croatia’s view
on current trends in the Council of Europe and challenges ahead.
Croatia strongly supports the ongoing reform process launched by
the Secretary General to make the Organisation, in his own words,
“more relevant, more effective and more visible”. We share the opinion
that, in the new European architecture, the Council of Europe should
focus on the area of its proven excellence. In that respect we welcome
streamlining of the activities and financial resources around three fundamental
pillars – human rights, the rule of law and democracy, which represent
the core business of the Council of Europe.

Ensuring the long-term effectiveness of the European Court
of Human Rights remains another important challenge, which requires
full commitment and support of the whole membership of the Council
of Europe, with a view to preserving its pivotal role and unique
character among the human rights protection mechanisms worldwide.

The European Court is trusted by our citizens, and Croatia
has always been a strong supporter of the Court and the Convention
mechanism. The right of individual application represents, in our
view, a cornerstone and a key element of the Strasbourg mechanism.
Preservation of the right of individual application represents a
key element in ensuring the access of all individuals to the Court.

It is our firm view that the important legacy of the Strasbourg
system lies in its direct impact on the promotion and protection
of each and every individual in Europe. The adoption of the Brighton
Declaration and its dynamic follow-up in the coming months would
certainly give a new impetus for the effective application of the
European Convention on Human Rights and indispensable reform of
the Court, with a view to ensuring, through our joint efforts, the
viability of this unique system of human rights.

As a member of the Council of Europe and an EU accession country,
Croatia also strongly supports the accession of the EU to the European
Convention on Human Rights. In our view, that remains essential
in the context of achieving full coherence of the Strasbourg mechanism
of human rights protection, as well as in the context of avoiding
possible loopholes in human rights protection in Europe.

Croatia has ratified all core treaties relating to the protection
of human rights, having often drawn inspiration from the Council
of Europe’s work in this field. Croatia strongly supports the ongoing
efforts of this Organisation to perfect the pan-European area of
human rights and to ensure wider acceptance of the standards set
out in these instruments, including in those states on our continent
that are not yet members of the Council of Europe.

Ensuring protection of human rights in all parts of Europe
remains one of the important goals of the Council of Europe, as
a true pan-European organisation. The central mission of our Organisation
– to promote core values across the European continent – cannot
be fully realised if non-member states and respective territories
and peoples in Europe are left outside.

In that respect, Croatia supports the pragmatic 2010 Recommendation
1739 of the Parliamentary Assembly, aiming at promoting direct and
significant contact between Council of Europe staff and Kosovo authorities
at all levels, focused on targeted and concrete co-operation and
projects. This would benefit the strengthening of standards of democracy,
human rights and the rule of law in Kosovo, and represent an additional
contribution to the attaining lasting peace and democratic stability
in south-eastern Europe.

Croatia is following with great interest and appreciation
the active engagement of this Organisation in some of the countries
in the region. Croatia recognises the key role that Council of Europe
plays in the process of consolidation of democratic stability in
the region. We support the existing assistance programmes and encourage
the Council of Europe to continue providing its expertise to help
those parts of the region in which it is most needed.

There have been positive developments in the regions in the
past decade, evidenced most notably by a prevailing readiness to
settle outstanding open issues peacefully, in a true European spirit.
As an example, let me remind you that Croatia and Slovenia reached
an agreement in 2010 to resolve a long-standing border dispute through
arbitration. At the same time, we must acknowledge that there are
some worrisome signals indicating that certain countries and their
leaders have not yet made a sincere effort in confronting the past.

Regardless of these isolated instances, the positive momentum
in the region must not be further compromised. Countries and peoples
in southern Europe have reached a solid level of mutual trust and
reconciliation. This has to be further strengthened in order to
preserve the security and prosperity of the region and Europe as
well.

We expect the region to receive an additional boost by the
European Council’s decision to open accession negotiations with
Montenegro at its meeting tomorrow. The validity of the EU project
– Magnet Europa, as Konrad Adenauer called it – which in the aftermath
of the Second World War started as a peace project with its enlargement
policy tool, is still holding its relevance.

In this context, I would like to stress that the one significant
achievement of the European integration project, which has probably
made the biggest difference when compared to other instances of
political union in the past, is cohesion, or, more precisely, reducing
regional differences in the level of development and well-being.
Unlike former Yugoslavia, where the difference between the richest
and the poorest region remained virtually constant in the 70 years
of its existence, the European Union is a successful example of
using cohesion policy to bring underdeveloped states and regions
more in line with the EU average.

With this in mind, we support our neighbours in the European
Union bid, firmly convinced that it will represent the best framework
for their overall development. Croatia has been actively assisting
them in transferring our negotiating knowhow and creating a network
of bilateral agreements on Euro-Atlantic partnership.

Let me inform you that I have chosen Bosnia and Herzegovina
as the first foreign destination in my capacity as a newly elected
Prime Minister of Croatia, which demonstrates Croatia’s commitment
to the preservation of its sustainability and territorial integrity,
and to the equality of its three constituent peoples on the entire
territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Croatia shares the longest borderline with Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In recent months, my government has been actively working, in partnership
with the EU officials, to allay fears that after our accession to
the EU this border will become a dividing line, given the magnitude
of our common interests. We see a lot of potential further to exploit
this opportunity for increased cross-border co-operation and exchanges
to the benefit of citizens of both countries.

The implementation of the Sejdić-Finci judgment in Bosnia
and Herzegovina represents one of the challenges ahead not only
for Bosnia and Herzegovina, but for the Council of Europe and the
credibility of its Convention system. We hope that political dialogue
and readiness for compromise will produce concrete results allowing the
full implementation of the judgment.

Croatia sees the implementation of the Sejdić-Finci judgment
as a part of a wider set of necessary constitutional, legal and
institutional reforms in Bosnia and Herzegovina, including those
in electoral legislation. The reforms would lead to a more functional
state in which the full equality of three constituent peoples and
all citizens will be guaranteed and practically implemented at all
levels, thus ensuring the long-term stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

We highly appreciate the Council of Europe’s response to the
developments in the southern Mediterranean and other neighbouring
areas through its “Policy towards neighbouring regions”, which is
the most obvious proof of relevance of our Organisation and its
capability to anticipate and address, adequately and in a timely fashion,
social and political challenges in Europe and beyond.

In that respect, the Parliamentary Assembly deserves a special
mention, both for its early response to the vast upheavals in the
Arab world and for dynamic co-operation already established under
the Partnership for Democracy arrangements.

Bearing in mind the fact that the development of societies
based on respect for democracy, rule of law and the protection of
human rights remains the sole guarantee of the long-term peace and
stability in our neighbourhood, we firmly believe that the Council
of Europe, through its legal instruments and proven expertise, may
provide, within a demand-driven pattern, significant assistance
in facilitating the necessary reforms to our neighbours on their
way to democratic transition.

As a future EU member with particular experience in post-conflict
rehabilitation and democratic transition, Croatia stands ready to
share this experience not only with our immediate neighbours, but
with other fragile and post-conflict societies, including southern
Mediterranean countries. Croatia acquired particular experience and
knowledge in areas such as the return of refugees and displaced
persons, confidence building, protection of the rights of national
minorities, strengthening the judicial system, and co-operation
and partnership with civil society. EU accession negotiations could
serve as an important tool for institution building in any country, offering
particular benefits for post-conflict and transitional societies.

As part of the overall efforts aimed at supporting democratic
processes and transition in the European neighbourhood, one session
of this year’s Croatia Summit, which will be held in Dubrovnik on
6 and 7 July, will be devoted to partnership and institution building
in the southern Mediterranean.

In conclusion, allow me once again to pay tribute to the excellent
work done by the Council of Europe in general, and the Parliamentary
Assembly in particular. I congratulate the newly elected Deputy
Secretary General, Ms Gabriella Battaini Dragoni, and wish her all
the best in discharging her important duties.

I pay tribute to all the people who laid the foundations that
make this great Organisation work. As a left-liberal politician,
I shall now quote a good solid Conservative. The eminent politician
and visionary, Winston Churchill, said of the Organisation back
in 1949, “The dangers threatening us are great, but great too is
our strength.” The dangers gave way to the challenges of the day,
but the rest remained the same. As always, we should continue to
build on our strength and shared vision.

Thank you
very much, Mr Milanović, for your interesting address. Members of
the Assembly have questions to put to you now. I remind them that
questions must be limited to 30 seconds.

The first question is from Mr Volontè on behalf of the Group
of the European People’s Party.

Mr VOLONTÈ (Italy) (interpretation)

said that he welcomed
the Prime Minister and thanked him for his continued European policies.
The EPP had supported Croatia through the accession process, but
he was concerned about the proposed amendment changing the Croatian
radio television law, which he regarded as appropriate in its current
state.

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

If my understanding is correct, you were asking me about the preparatory
work in the Croatian Parliament on amendments to the media law regulating
the status of the national broadcasting service. I understand that
that is a matter of the utmost concern to you. In the long-standing
process of the European negotiations, we have encountered a number
of chapters and benchmarks, the media question being only one of
them. We have been tasked with making changes, and the work has
been unprecedented in comparison with all previous accession processes.

The media law is not part of the acquis communautaire, so
the European law does not have to be directly transposed and is
not directly applicable. The Croatian media law has been passed,
and the model was established 10 years ago, in 2002. It was remodelled
and amended a year and a half ago. Our position is that the institution
remains ungovernable. The Croatian national television institution
remains one of the pillars – albeit not the most important one –
of our identity. Nothing on Croatian television is more important
to me than the information and news programmes.

In the political arena, the biggest concern – unfounded and
incorrect, in my view – is that the government will influence and
tamper with the editorial content of the information programmes.
There is long-established competition in the market in that area,
so the situation is nothing like that of the late 1990s when the
public were being informed through only one channel. Now, there
is a plethora of channels and competition is strong. I do not harbour
a single ambition to interfere with that.

National television in Croatia is not just daily news; it
is drama and cultural programmes as well, and commercial concerns
show no interest in those programmes. If we do not establish the
correct system to finance and monitor such programmes in the national
broadcasting company, those services will evaporate. They will cease
to exist. For me, that is the greatest concern.

Lord ANDERSON (United Kingdom)

In what
ways is your country using its own experience technically to help
your regional neighbours for preparing for EU entry, and can Croatia
help to resolve the name dispute over Macedonia?

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

The first question relates to the traditional, and expected,
health of the new EU member states in the adjacent regions. The
second one relates to the altogether different issue of the name
dispute over Macedonia. In my meeting with the President of the
Parliamentary Assembly in his office a short while ago, I told him
that we stand ready to co-operate, to extend our advice and to extend
our hand to those countries. We have already traded with Montenegro
the whole package of translated European documents – the whole acquis
– in languages that are highly mutually intelligible. What serves
us, serves Montenegro as well. Beyond that, we stand ready to co-operate
and give advice, but not to mentor or hold tutorials. We are not
interested in doing that. Given the sheer volume of our economic
operation and the reliance of Croatian exports on those markets,
my expectation is that the co-operation will be strong and in all our
mutual interests.

On Macedonia, frankly, I do not think that the demeanour and
attitude displayed towards Macedonia regarding the NATO accession
some years was necessarily fair. The country was left on the sidelines,
with the dispute unresolved. She was left to her own devices, but
the issue will have to be addressed shortly. There again, we are
not a neighbouring country of hers and we are not in a position
to prescribe solutions. At some point, however, a solution must
be reached, otherwise we will flunk the exam. The exam involves
bringing Macedonia closer. She has been standing on the sidelines
for the last three years following the NATO discussions, and that
is not fair.

Earl of DUNDEE (United Kingdom)

Prime
Minister, while Croatia’s progress with EU entry requirements has been
timely and impressive, chapter 8 on the removal of shipbuilding
subsidies and chapter 23 on the reform of the judiciary remain outstanding
issues. In the light of your country’s current action plan, which
further stages of progress will have been reached this autumn, when
EU member states that have still to ratify Croatia’s accession treaty
will be scrutinising your performance in their national parliaments?

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

Scrutiny of this process is something that we stand ready
for – that is what I am here for. You are all national parliamentarians
too, and you will be raising your hand or withdrawing your support
when Croatia’s European Union accession agreement appears on the
agenda of your parliaments.

You asked about the judicial system and the shipyards – again,
not a typical or key issue, but one of paramount importance that
speaks volumes about the functioning of the state. The judiciary
is an ongoing process, in which the finest and most binding complement
is trust in the system. You can appoint as many judges as you like,
but if trust is not deeply embedded in the system, it will not be
considered reliable or attractive for foreign investments. It will
not work. The current European financial crisis is first and foremost
a crisis of confidence and trust, and only after that a crisis of
quality – a lack of ideas and so forth. We are doing our best. We
are a liberal, left-leaning government. We know what human rights
are. We are extending the area of freedom everyday in Croatia, and
it is not always met with applause and cheering – indeed, to the
contrary. So, this is a hard and longstanding process.

The ship-building industry is the bedrock of Croatian material
culture. We are a country that extends over different climactic,
geographical and cultural regions. We are a small nation, but we
are very much stretched geographically, with a coastline that stretches
over close to 2 000 km. There have been a number of shipyards, traditionally
employing local people, allowing them to learn skills and pass them
from one generation to another, but now we have reached the terminal
point at which some of them will have to terminate their activity and
cease to exist, although some will continue, under the very strict
terms prescribed and agreed upon in the European accession treaty
for Croatia.

My government has inherited, if not a mess, then certainly
a conundrum of issues, which have been dragging on for 20 years.
We have to bring it to a close and resolve the whole package in
little more than six months – our first six months in office. The
task is not insurmountable but it is hard. So, one shipyard – by
the way, the oldest – has been shut down. I will not be cheered
by the voters for that, when most of the shipyards represent our
political constituency, but that is something that nobody will ask
me for or about. Unfortunately, some shipyards will be closed and
some already have been – it is very bad news for us – and the others
will have to restructure, a process that is already under way. There
is one profitable state-owned shipyard that is not part of the package,
but the others will have to merge, or else – you know.

However, we are doing our best to preserve what is the bedrock
of Croatian material culture. Rijeka, the northernmost big port
in Croatia, was the imperial port of Austria-Hungary, and is the
biggest besides Trieste. It is also the place where the first torpedo
in the world was produced, at the beginning of the 20th century,
and distributed worldwide. It is also where more than three dreadnoughts
were built for the Austro-Hungarian fleet, so Rijeka was Austrian
but is also Croatian. That is our identity. It is very hard when
we have to give up on that, but the rules are very clear and we
have to play by them.

Mr JAKIĆ (Slovenia)

Prime Minister,
I congratulate you and your country on the achievements you have made
in your path towards the European Union, particularly given the
Commission’s positive assessment for Croatia this year. According
to the Commission’s report, there are still some shortcomings in
respect of the judiciary and fundamental rights – you have just
answered these points – but also in respect of justice, freedom and
security, which I am confident will soon be addressed. Can you please
tell us what measures your government has undertaken to make good
on these shortcomings?

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

As you mentioned, I have already addressed the first part
of your question, at the request of your colleague. Maybe something
further could or should be added. It is a long process, at the bedrock
of which lies trust and confidence. We are on that path; I am quite
confident about that. We will also have one of the longest land
borders among all EU states with a non-EU member state. The Croatian-Bosnian
border is 1 000 km long, and it will cost money to monitor it. As
I said, we are working hard. We have good faith and the best intentions.
We have achieved a lot so far. We have been exposed to unprecedented
scrutiny – deserved but unprecedented – and the number of areas
that the EU and the Commission showed a particular interest in scrutinising
far exceeds anything seen so far, so the same or an even higher
standard will be applied to all new aspiring states. I hope that
satisfies you.

Mr L. KALASHNIKOV (Russian Federation) (interpretation)

said
that Croatia was very attractive to tourists and had a number of
bilateral agreements in place with regard to visas. Now that it
was joining the European Union, arrangements would have to be stricter,
although there may still be some flexibility. How did Mr Milanović
intend to implement new measures with regard to visas?

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

Let me go back 20 years, which might demonstrate the perspective
of my country at that time. We were in the midst of the ravages
of the war – we were the object of aggression – but we were not
for one moment exposed to the European visa regime. It is a weird
fact, but it is a fact. So, in 1992 and 1993, when the war was raging
in our country and when, by conventional wisdom, we should have
been considered a risk country, Croatian citizens were free to enter
the United Kingdom without visas. We were free to enter Italy with
just our IDs – without passports. It is a strange but true fact.
Visas were introduced briefly in the late 1990s, but they were taken
away a few years later. All the other countries were far more scrutinised
in that respect, and the regime was harsher for them. Once Croatia
is a new member, we will have to play by strict rules. We know what
the Schengen regime is and we have signed up to it, so we cannot apply
a specific, tailor-made regime.

Concerning Russia and Ukraine, which are countries from which
an increasing number of tourists, who are welcome guests, come to
Croatia, previous governments have introduced, and we have pursued,
if not a bizarre, then an interesting visa policy. Now we are here
to act; this is the first year of my administration. We would, in
principle, have a visa waiver system for Russians and Ukrainians
during the summertime, but then reintroduce visas for them in October,
which hardly makes any sense to me. This year the Ukrainians and Russians
will be free to enter Croatia without visas during the summertime,
as though they were trusted during the summertime, with that trust
dwindling in October, when visas are reintroduced. Once we become
EU members, we will have to play by the Brussels rules. There is
nothing I can do about that, but what I have described has been
the practice of my country up to this year. If that clarifies the
situation for you, I am content with that, but there is not much
we can do, because the rules are quite strict.

Mr GHILETCHI (Republic of Moldova)

Prime
Minister, Croatia is set to become the 28th member of the EU. I
congratulate you on this great achievement. As you probably know,
my country, Moldova, is striving to join the European Union. How
do you see the extension of the European Union and, given your experience,
what chance do you think countries such as Moldova have to join
the European Union in the foreseeable future?

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

I thank you for the question. Well, you have to work hard.
The standards are extremely high, and we have experienced that in
one of the longest, if not the longest, negotiation processes in
history. We have been talking back and forth for six and a half
years – a long period, perhaps a bit over-long – and in the process
we learned a lot. We have been exposed to harsh scrutiny and high
standards not only in the application of the strict acquis directives
and regulations, but far beyond. That is something that lies ahead
of you as well, but when the time comes, we will be here to assist
you. In the meantime, you have to be patient. Something extraordinarily
important should be extrapolated from the process: patience. You
need patience but do not be naïve.

Mr GRUBER (Hungary)

Mr Prime Minister,
first what are the latest developments in the implementation of the
constitutional act on the rights of minorities? Secondly, how can
Croatia contribute to the energy security of central eastern Europe?
What is the added value of the liquefied natural gas terminal at
Krk island in terms of the diversification of the region’s gas pipelines?
Thank you.

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

The first question is on the implementation of the constitutional law
on the rights of minorities. Actually, 20 years ago, when Croatia
was internationally recognised as a sovereign state, that law was
one of the fundamental preconditions for the international recognition
of Croatia. It has been a long time since then, and we think that
it is doing fine and going smoothly, because Croatia is a country
of Croatian peoples – of Croats – and the constitution has been
written that way. That is also my political platform. I should never
lose sight of the fact that we and our ancestors have lived and
are still living on soil that has been inhabited by other cultures
and peoples, to whom we owe a lot and from whom we have learned
a lot, and vice versa. So it is a country of Croatian people, but
it is also a country of all ethnicities, religions and faiths that
wish to hold other views. They have every right to exercise such
diversity and their differences. That is the foundation – the bedrock
– of my coalition’s and my party’s policies and programmes for an
open and liberal society. I can say that we as a party attract a
large proportion of the minority vote in Croatia, but that should
not be taken for granted. The representation of the members of the
minorities in my government is probably the highest ever, but that
did not happen intentionally. It was spontaneous, because the party
and the programme beforehand attracted not only Serbs in the first
place but others. Such an outlook and policy builds further trust,
but it is not an overnight process. It takes time and confidence
between Serbs and Croats in Vukovar, which was ravaged by war –
destroyed, razed to the ground – to bring them together on the same
political platform and regional council. That speaks volumes regionally.
For me, these things matter even more than the strict implementation
of the constitutional law on the rights of minorities, which in my
view is doing just fine, but beyond that there is something: it
is the cultural heart of our society. My party in our coalition
is not a strictly ethnic party – it is a party of citizens – and
our platform includes Croats, Serbs and the others, and it works
in practice.

On energy security, Rijeka is a very deepwater port. You know
that the Chinese have to go to the Yangshan islands just 30 miles
off the Yangtze estuary, to find a spot where the depth of the water
exceeds 20 metres. So Rijeka port, with the Brsica refinery, is
predestined to serve as a container port and as an energy port.
The liquefied natural gas terminal is perhaps my government’s most
important strategic project. The area for co-operation is open.
So somebody may see it as strategic in relation to the position
of Russia and the East, but we see it as being strategic for Croatia.
That project must go rolling on, and so must the railway from Rijeka
to Vienna and Budapest. In bringing those projects to maturity,
we rely on European capital and money. Whoever makes an offer on
good terms is welcome for business. For us, it is a business issue.

Mr GAUDI NAGY (Hungary)

Mr Prime Minister,
Hungary and Croatia have a long common history. We lived in the
same state for 900 years. We supported the accession of Croatia
to the EU. Many Hungarians who live in Croatia fought for it to
become a free country. Please help them to live in better conditions,
because they live in the poorest region of Croatia. What would you
suggest to Serbia, which is striving to become a member of the EU
but is not inclined to ensure the territorial autonomy of the Hungarians
living in a part of Serbia, according to the norms of the Council
of Europe?

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

If there is one neighbouring country with which Croatia does
not have a single open issue, it is certainly Hungary. Over the
past 20 years, relations between Croatia and Hungary can be described
as impeccable – perfect. Border issues are non-existent. Minority
issues are non-existent. I can confirm your statement that the Hungarian
minority mostly live in the least-developed and most war-affected
region of Croatia. However, I must stress at this point that the
Hungarian minority has the right to direct representation in the
Croatian Parliament, which is a standard not necessarily exercised
elsewhere in every single country. So we have intrinsically good
standards. Many minorities have direct representation on lower census
and turnout figures. They get direct representation in the Croatian
Parliament. For the Social Democratic or Conservative representative
to get elected to the parliament and exercise the full rights of
a parliamentarian it takes 20 000 votes on average, whereas some
minorities can make it into the parliament with 300 votes. That
certainly makes a difference, and it shows Croatia’s standards.
I am not pressing any country to implement that, but we have it.
I will not be tampering with Serbia and its territorial arrangements,
the status of minorities and the territorial autonomy of any minority
in Serbia. They have the autonomous province of Vojvodina, which
regained part of its autonomy compared with its status in the 1970s
and `80s, when its autonomy was abolished by Slobodan Milošević.
Vojvodina has traditionally been home to Serbs, Hungarians, Germans
and Croats among others. It is a multinational, multilingual and
multicultural region. It is a central European melting pot. Well,
in fact, it is not a melting pot because everyone retained their
identities, which have flourished together but separately. Serbia
is just about to form its government. The Government of Serbia makes
a difference because the role of the president is honorary but not
quite concrete in terms of internal and foreign policy. Once we
see who rolls the dice in Belgrade, we can talk.

Mr HAUGLI (Norway)

Prime Minister,
today, this Assembly is debating the state of democracy in Europe
and how the rather negative attitudes towards minority groups are
exploited for political purposes. Sexual minorities form one such
group, and I want to congratulate you on your statement on securing
fundamental rights for all. How do you view the situation for sexual
minorities in Croatia, particularly when it comes to partnership
law and violence, including police violence?

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

Our political programme stipulates that we will further extend freedom
and equality for LGBT couples. We might not necessarily grant them
the status that they enjoy in some Nordic and other European countries,
but we will certainly go beyond the current standard. That has been
our pledge, and that pledge will be fulfilled.

When I make my statements, I always bear in mind the future,
the past and tradition. The tradition of a society, be it Christian,
Islamic, Catholic or whatever, is not necessarily the best reference.
Traditionally, husbands were allowed to beat up women. That was
part of the tradition, not just in my country, but elsewhere. That
was a very bad tradition. Things change. It takes time, but we will
change the law and implement new standards, and we will talk and
talk and talk. That is what the rule of law is all about. It is
not just button pressing; it is about permanent conversation to
do with the spirit of the law, what the law really means and what
it stands for. It is about the element of trust and confidence.
It is a lengthy and complicated process, but we think we are on
the right and just path.

Only yesterday, two lesbian girls were beaten up in downtown
Zagreb on board a tram for exposing their sexual affinity in a very
mild and benign fashion. They were approached by a thug and he punched
one of them. Such a thing has not happened in Zagreb for a very
long time, and Gay Pride attracts very little attention. In Rijeka, there
is no march at all, because there is no interest. It is fully open
and liberal.

As you might know, in Split, another Croatian city that is
very close to my heart, identity and ancestry, the situation is
slightly different. If we strike too harshly against opponents who
are not getting our message, we might just be paying lip service
to the cause. We must do things slowly, permanently and diligently,
step by step. Then things will change. Things are already much better
in Split this year than last year. Last year, there was a police
incident and a mob attacked the march. It did not bode well for
my country politically, but things are changing.

Croatia is a country of diversity – a country of the Mediterranean,
central Europe and the north, culturally and even in human appearance.
It is a small nation, but very diverse.

Mr NIKOLOSKI (“The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”)

Croatia will be the second country of the former Yugoslavia
to become a member of the European Union. As you know, we received
our candidate status together in 2005, but unfortunately Macedonia
has not started the negotiations because of the Greek veto. We have
the same problem with NATO, because Greece is not respecting the
decision of the International Court of Justice.

Do you believe that the model that you used with Slovenia
to resolve the open issues can be used in our case to start negotiations
and then resolve the problem? How can you and Slovenia be advocates
in that process?

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

I do not think that the two cases should necessarily be compared. We
had a border dispute with Slovenia, not an identity dispute. Identity-wise,
the lines were drawn long in the past. It was about the border and
maritime delimitation. Eventually, after 20 long years, we have
resorted to the solution that should have used in the first instance.
We have wasted 20 years. What we – thank God – did in 2011 should
by all accounts have been done in 1991, but it was not, because
there was a lot of nervousness, despite the ambition to resolve
the issue. The issue was used in internal political squabbles on
both sides, and it served as a mighty tool for political manipulators
year after year. Now it is before the Arbitration Commission, which
has a very strict role in setting maritime delimitation. Getting
it to the commission was not easy in itself, because we had to agree
a set of rules by which the arbitration should operate. However,
if you are really committed, it can work – and it has worked, even
beyond my expectations, which were quite conservative.

We do have open issues with some other neighbouring countries.
I do not completely rule out the possibility that we will resort
to arbitration with Serbia, for instance. We will not press or push
Serbia on the border issue while it is on its path towards EU membership.
That is not a carrot that we wish to hold in our hand. We intend to
be fair, because it is a very complex issue. It is not “take it
or leave it”. We do not want to abuse our position as an EU member
– if you abuse it, it is not nice.

The issue between Macedonia and Greece is an identity and
name issue. It is quite weird to me. I really do not have the right
advice for you. I have just said what I meant and meant what I said
– it has been naturally unfair to Macedonia for the whole international
community to leave the country on the sideline for two and a half
years due to its own indecision. I am aware of the ruling of the
International Court of Justice, but it cannot be forced upon Greece,
so you will have to talk further. I know that my answer is highly
irritating to you, but that is reality.

Mr IVANOVSKI (“The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia”)

The rule of law is one of the main values of the Council of
Europe. Furthermore, you mentioned in your speech your dedication
to fighting against organised crime and corruption. I congratulate
you on that. You have made excellent and remarkable progress in
fighting against crime and particularly against political corruption,
and you have increased institutional capacity. How can you transfer
your positive legislative and political progress against crime and
corruption to the other Balkan countries, especially Macedonia,
where a lot of the criminal practices of the former Croatian governing
party are being copied by the Macedonian governmental parties?

Mr Milanović, Prime Minister of Croatia

I do not necessarily share your views. Ever since the trials commenced
in Croatia, I have refrained from any comments, because the matter
is sub judice. I have been a very strong critic of the previous
government and ruling party, but I have been silent during the trials,
because I want the matter to be peacefully resolved.

I avoided the phrase “fighting against corruption” for the
most part during the campaign and the drafting of our programme,
because it is about more than that – the prevention of corruption.
I believe that that was the phrase I used in my speech. When the
point comes at which you have to fight corruption, that implies
that its influence and presence in society are overwhelming. That
is a very bad fate.

You prevent corruption through practice, through legislation
and through anything else you can. By setting examples personally
and through the whole system, we can ensure that corruption simply
does not appear. Once it is embedded into the system, it is too
late to resolve it quickly. It takes years. Croatia was not necessarily
infested with corruption, but in some circles it was a way of life.
Now, it will stop.

THE PRESIDENT (translation)

That brings
to an end the questions to Mr Milanović. I thank you most warmly
on behalf of the Assembly for your address and for the remarks that
you made in the course of questions. I wish you all the best, and
we hope to see you very soon here or in Zagreb.