ALL other actions necessary for carrying
on the affairs of the city were now to be called upon to give place
to the first and supreme duty of all good government, an effort to
protect the community from the threatened attack of an outside
enemy.

On 1st August, 1714,
Queen Anne died. Had her half-brother James been of a more energetic
and enterprising disposition, or had he been inclined to adopt the
Protestant faith, he might have made an immediate bid for the
throne, which would not have been without some prospects of success.
But he was none of these things. He let the psychological and vital
moment pass. Thenceforth he was to be no more than "the Chevalier"
or "the Pretender," according to the politics of the parties who
made use of his name. His second cousin, the Elector of Hanover,
great-grandson of James VI., and a Protestant, was duly proclaimed
in Scotland on 4th August as King George I., and landed at Greenwich
to assume the crown on 17th September.

When the royal proclamation was made
in Glasgow an incident occurred which brought some discredit on the
city. Part of the crowd present on the occasion made its way to a
church where the English liturgy was used, and tore it down. The
outrage was brought to the notice of the Lords of the Regency, who
directed the Lord Advocate to make strict enquiry into the matter,
as outrages of the kind had been frequent of late in the west of
Scotland; but the perpetrators were never discovered. [Hill Burton,
viii. 252.] Among the Jacobites the incident was cited as an
evidence of the intolerance of the Hanoverian party, while by the
supporters of the Government it was declared to be a put-up affair,
designed to throw discredit on the party of King George. Possibly it
was nothing but a late demonstration of the Covenanters' intolerance
of Episcopacy. Similar riotous outrages took place at the same time
in England. There, however, it was the Jacobite mob which burned the
chapels of dissenters and plundered the houses of their ministers.
[Tales of a Grandfather, iii. chap. vi.]

Almost immediately, however, the city
fathers had the possibility of much more serious trouble to
consider.

From the first, Glasgow had made
quite clear its intention to support the Protestant succession to
the Crown in the person of King George. In April 1714, when it was
reported that the Elector's son, Prince George Augustus, was about
to visit Britain, the magistrates had sent him a loyal letter with a
burgess ticket conferring the freedom of the city, and on 16th
August, after his father's accession, the Prince had graciously
accepted the gift, writing from Hanover in French, and signing
himself "George, Duke of Cambridge." Next, on 1st October, a
fortnight after his landing in this country, the city sent King
George himself a loyal address.

By the month of August in the
following year the country had become full of the rumours of coming
rebellion. The Earl of Mar, indignant that the seals of office as
Secretary of State for Scotland had been taken from him and given to
the Duke of Montrose, and alarmed at the coldness with which his too
effusive protestations of loyalty were received at court, had fled,
disguised as a seaman, in a coal gabbart to Scotland, and summoned
the Highland chiefs to a great hunting at Braemar, to consider plans
for a rising.

On the very day, the 26th of August,
on which that gathering was held, with all its menace to the House
of Hanover, the Provost of Glasgow reported the issue of a very
pretty compliment which the city had paid to the Princess of Wales.
Following the expressions of regard which had already passed between
the Prince and Princess of Wales and the Town Council, the
magistrates had taken occasion to send the Princess a gift of some
pairs of the best plaids manufactured in the city. These plaids were
presented in person by Mr. Smith, the city's member of Parliament,
who was introduced into the royal presence by the Duke of Montrose.
The gift was most graciously received by Her Royal Highness, a fact
duly reported to the Town Council, both by the Duke and the member
of Parliament.

It has been customary for narrators
of this incident to set it down as nothing better than an astute
device to advertise the city's wares; but there can be little
question that, in view of the circumstances, it was something more
disinterested, a gesture and assurance of loyalty when such a
gesture and assurance were most needed, and most likely to be
desired. If proof of this were required it is furnished by another
gesture of the magistrates and Town Council reported at the same
meeting. In view of "a designed invasion from abroad, signified by
his Majesty's royal proclamations," the magistrates had called a
meeting of the citizens "to concert measures most proper for their
own security and the defence of his Majesty, and his government, and
of our religion, laws, and liberties." At that meeting it had been
resolved to address King George with an offer to provide a regiment
of five hundred men, with ten captains and other officers, and to
maintain it for sixty days at the city's expense. The offer had been
presented to the King by the Duke of Montrose, and had been "very
graciously received as a seasonable testimony of the city of
Glasgow's singular zeal and affection." His Majesty, however,
intimated that he did not desire to put the city to so heavy a
charge, and believed that his own arrangements already made would
sufficiently secure the safety of the kingdom. [Burgh Records, 26th
Aug. 1715. In his letter on this occasion the Duke both began and
ended by addressing the provost as "My Lord." Lord Townshend still
more pointedly used the term.]

Almost immediately, nevertheless, the
situation assumed a more serious aspect. On 6th September the Earl
of Mar raised the standard of "James VIII. and III." in his own
country on the upper Dee. The Jacobite gentry in the east and north
of Scotland were known to be raising their vassals. And a plan was
actually formed, and all but proved successful, for the surprise and
capture of Edinburgh Castle. But for the folly of some of the
conspirators and the treachery of others, the wall of the fortress
above the sally port where Dundee had climbed to interview the Duke
of Gordon on a memorable occasion twenty-six years before, would
have been scaled, and the stronghold, with its great store of arms,
ammunition, and treasure, secured for the Jacobite rebels.

The attempt was made on 8th
September. On that same day the Duke of Argyll, as
commander-in-chief and general of the army in Scotland, attended to
receive his final instructions from King George at St. James's, and
next morning set off to take command of the forces in North Britain.
These, he found, amounted to no more than 1800 menófour regiments of
foot of 257 men each, and four of cavalry of 200 men each. These
General Wightman had wisely concentrated at Stirling, the key of the
passage between the north of Scotland and the south; and the Duke,
who arrived at Edinburgh on 14th September, at once began to collect
reinforcements.

The place upon which he set most
reliance in this matter, and the town to which he made his first
appeal, was Glasgow. Immediately on reaching the capital he wrote a
friendly letter to the Provost, saying he understood that the city
had "a considerable number of well-armed men ready to serve his
Majesty," and asking that a body of 500 or 600 be sent to Stirling
under such officers as the magistrates and council might think fit
to entrust with the command. [Hill Burton, viii. 273.]

The city promptly responded, and
despatched a regiment of ten strong, well-officered companies,
numbering between 600 and 700 men, under Colonel Blackadder, which
reached Stirling on the 19th. This welcome reinforcement was
cordially welcomed by the Duke, who reported the city's loyal
promptitude to the King, with the result that the Provostónamed "my
lord" in all these communications from the Courtóreceived a special
letter of royal approval. [Burgh Records, 12th Oct. 1715.]

In the Duke's own letter of thanks he
made the suggestion that the fencible men of the towns and districts
round Glasgow should be embodied and brought together in the city.
Again the magistrates took prompt action, and sent out letters to
the neighbouring towns. Paisley was the first to respond and send in
a contingent. It was followed by Kilmarnock, which had been alarmed
by the sudden appearance on Sunday, 18th September, of two Glasgow
citizens who vividly pictured the sudden descent of the Highland
clans on the west country. In consequence, next morning, at
daybreak, the townsmen met, and despatched a body of 220 men, who
were followed, a day later, by the Earl of Kilmarnock, at the head
of his tenantry, 130 strong. [Hill Burton, viii. 273.]

To complete the arming of the Glasgow
men at Stirling and of others willing to serve, Provost Bowman
procured an order from Argyll and brought four hundred firelocks and
cartridge boxes from Edinburgh Castle. [Burgh Records, 12th Oct.
1715.] Otherwise the equipment and maintenance of the Glasgow
contingent, which remained on garrison and field duty at Stirling
for ten weeks, were paid for by the city. To meet this immediate
expense the Town Council, after consulting the Merchants and Trades
Houses, borrowed the sum of 0o sterling. [Burgh Records, 29th Oct.
1715.]

But the payment of its armed force
was not the only expense forced upon the city by the Jacobite
rising. On the advice of the Duke of Argyll, lines of entrenchment
were hastily drawn round the town, substantial barricades were
erected, and cannon were mounted for the defence of the place. After
the defeat of the Jacobite army at Sheriffmuir, also, the city was
burdened with the maintenance of 353 prisoners in the Bishop's
Castle. These prisoners, it appears, required a guard of no fewer
than one hundred men. [Ibid. 12th Dec. 1715.]

In the actual fighting at the battle
of Sheriffmuir on Sunday, 13th November, the Glasgow levies suffered
no loss. Though their able commander, Colonel Blackadder, declared
them fit for action in the field, they were, greatly to his chagrin,
appointed to the charge of keeping Stirling bridge. [Life of Colonel
Blackadder, ch. xix.] The duty, though not exciting, was important
enough, for it safeguarded the only avenue of retreat to Argyll's
force, which was no more than four thousand strong, should it be
overpowered by Mar's Highland army, at least three times its size.

As all the world knows, however, even
the victorious right wing of the Highland army never swung further
south than Dunblane. Though the Glasgow contingent remained in arms
for another month, it saw no further service. By the middle of
December Argyll's army was reinforced by British regiments, 6000
strong, which had been serving in Holland, and the Glasgow levies
were allowed to go home.

Under the expert military direction
of Colonel Maxwell of Cardoness the city kept up its preparations
for defence till 9th February. There was the possibility to be
guarded against of a raid by the Macgregors and other clansmen of
the near Highlands. These clansmen had made an actual threatening
demonstration on Loch Lomondside, where a military expedition had to
be organised against them by the inhabitants of Dunbarton.1 And it
had been necessary to maintain a garrison at the house of Gartartan,
near Aberfoyle, to check any descent through the western passes.
[Hill Burton, viii. 281; Irving's Dunbartonshire, p. 231. Hill
Burton, Viii. 274.]

It was not till the month of February
that all danger was deemed over. By that time the colourless "James
VIII. and III.," who had landed seasick at Peterhead, too late to be
of any use, had sailed again for France with his futile general, the
Earl of Mar, leaving their followers to shift for themselves, and
Argyll, marching to Aberdeen, had dispersed the last of the Jacobite
army without firing a shot. That was on 8th February, 1716. On the
9th Glasgow ceased military precautions, and upon parting with
Colonel Maxwell of Cardoness, presented him, as a token of gratitude
for his services, with a silver tankard "weighting fourty eight unce
thirteen drop, at seven shillings starline per unce, and a set of
suggar boxes, weighting ninetein unce fourtein drop, at eight
shillings per unce, and a server wing weighting thirty one unce and
twelve drop at six shilling and four pence per unce." [Burgh
Records, 12th March, 1716.] The entire cost of the gift, according
to the council minutes, was £35 1s. 9d. sterling, and it was
accompanied with an expression of the town's "favour and respect"
for the colonel's good service.

This, however, was merely an item in
the expense entailed upon the city by Mar's rebellion. Long lists of
payments made by the burgh treasurer for various services, losses,
and the like, appear from time to time in the council's minutes.
There are charges for cartage of stones for the barricades, and
cartage of the volunteers' baggage to Stirling, £16 16s. for the
funeral of Walter Therms, who died at Stirling of his wounds,
freight of the great guns from Port-Glasgow, express from the
Highlands with news that the clans were in arms, express to Ayr with
an officer sent to Ireland with orders for the regiments there to
come to Scotland, tools and labour at the trenches, watching the
guns at night, straw and water barrels for the prisoners at the
castle, 5000 flint stones sent to Stirling; ale, coal, and candles
for the town's guards; firelocks and bayonets, large quantities of
gunpowder, etc. Besides the amount paid by the inhabitants for the
subsistence of the six hundred volunteers sent to Stirling, the
expenditure amounted to £19,987 12s. 4d. Scots, or £1665 13s. 2d.
sterling. [Ibid. 23rd Dec. 1717.]

As might be expected, Glasgow itself
was not without sympathisers with the Jacobite cause. Or perhaps, as
in all wars, there were persons in the city willing to make profit
out of supplying arms to the enemy. At any rate, in May 1715, three
months before the rebellion broke out, it came to the knowledge of
Provost Aird that arms were being put on board a vessel at the
Broomielaw for shipment to the Highlands. Going in person to the
harbour he found there, about to be shipped on board a boat of
which, significantly, a Highlander named Macdonald was master, three
chests of firelocks, bayonets, and pistols. These the Provost
promptly confiscated, and lodged in the Tolbooth, and, when the
Jacobite rising presently took place, they were used to equip
certain of the Glasgow volunteers sent to join Argyll's forces at
Stirling. [Ibid. 16th Feb. 1716.]

Altogether Glasgow must be held to
have come with ample credit out of the trying emergency of the first
Jacobite rebellion.

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