1. (U) Summary: Chiang
Rai's [เชียงราย]
Thai Rak Thai [พรรคไทยรักไทย]
connections make it the "second most suspect province" in the
country, according to the provincial police chief, who claimed that
vigilance has prevented the school fires and bombs that have plagued
other parts of the country. Meanwhile, leaflets that appear to have
originated in Chiang Rai and distributed in the northern region
attack the Council for National Security [คณะมนตรีความมั่นคงแห่งชาติ]
(CNS) for serving Muslim interests. End summary

2. (SBU) During a meeting
with the Consul General in Chiang Rai Jan. 11, Provincial Police
Commander Pol. Maj. Gen. Sutep Dechrugsa [พล.ต.ท.สุเทพ
เดชรักษา] vigorously defended the coup,
citing the corruptive effects of big money on democratic systems
such as elections. Patting his back pocket he described how unnamed
politicians used "capitalism" to buy elections, adding that "even
the US, the best democratic system in the world, has problems; how
can Thailand deal with this?"

Abb.: Sutep Dechrugsa [พล.ต.ท.สุเทพ
เดชรักษา]
[Fair use]

3. (SBU) Sutep said many
coup supporters in Bangkok view Chiang Rai, Thailand's northernmost
province, and Buriram [บุรีรัมย์]
in the northeast as the top two "suspect provinces" where opposition
to the CNS has the strongest hold. Chiang Rai apparently won its
place in the top ranks thanks to Yongyut Tiyapairat [ยงยุทธ
ติยะไพรัช, 1961 - ], who represented the
district in parliament and served as one of former Prime Minister
Thaksin Shinawatra's [ทักษิณ ชินวัตร, 1949 -
] key lieutenants. Coup supporters claim
that Yongyut, as Minister of Natural Resources and Environment, was
instrumental in countering PAD [People's Alliance for
Democracy -
พันธมิตรประชาชนเพื่อประชาธิปไตย]
demonstrations by organizing forestry workers, allegedly
undocumented migrant workers, to attack protest gatherings in
Bangkok. Yongyut was detained for ten days following the Sept. 19
coup and his actions have been closely monitored since.

4. (SBU) Sutep credited
police vigilance for sparing Chiang Rai from school burnings or
bombs, actions that have elsewhere been seen as anti-coup protests
or provocations. Calling an aide to set up a monitor, he showed
visitors closed circuit TV coverage from nine spots in the city. The
system cost hundreds of thousands of baht he conceded, adding that
this is what is needed to stop bombings. (Although he implied that
Chiang Rai was uniquely favored with the budget for this system,
Chiang Mai [เชียงใหม่]
has a similar set-up, installed as a traffic control measure about
two years ago.)

5. (U) A TRT [Thai Rak
Thai - พรรคไทยรักไทย] contact in Chiang Rai told the Consulate Jan. 16
that a series of anti-CNS leaflets have been sent to local police
stations in the province claiming that the Sept. 19 coup was meant
to serve Muslim interests. The leaflets and a CD, issued by the
"Buddhists" and "Buddhist Monks", note that the CNS chairman and
Interior Minister are Muslims and allege that the upcoming
Constitution will be based on an Islamic model. According to
"Manager On-Line" [ผู้จัดการออนไลน์] news
service, the leaflets were first distributed Jan. 4 at a gathering
in honor of revered Thai monk Khruba Boonchum [พระครูบาบุญชุ่ม]
at a temple in Burma opposite Thailand's Chiang Saen/Mae Sai [เชียงแสน
/ แม่สาย] district. The leaflets have
since been reported in Chiang Mai and Phitsanulok [พิษณุโลก]
as well as in Chiang Rai.

6. (U) Bio note: Pol. Maj.
Gen. Sutep Dechrugsa [พล.ต.ท.สุเทพ
เดชรักษา] graduated in law from
Chulalongkorn University in 1977 and earned an MPA from NIDA [National
Institute of Development Administration -
สถาบันบัณฑิตพัฒนบริหารศาสตร์]
in the early 1980's. Since joining the Royal Thai Police in 1978 he
has been posted in the Upper North, including Lampang [ลำปาง],
Tak [ตาก],
Lamphun [ลำพูน],
Chiang Mai and Mae Hong Son [แม่ฮ่องสอน].
In Chiang Mai he served many years as chief of the Phuping [ภูพิง]
Police Station, Investigation Chief for Provincial Police Region 5
Headquarters, and Deputy Provincial Police chief. He was promoted to
Maj. Gen. in late 2005, becoming police chief of Mae Hong Son before
being transferred to Chiang Rai the following year. Sutep is seen as
a fast-rising star in Police Region 5, thanks both to his
investigative skills and his close ties with the Crown Prince.
Office of Narcotic Control Board contacts speak highly of him,
especially his integrity and crime-busting efficiency. Sutep's wife,
Kasama Dechrugsa [กษมาเดชรักษา],
teaches in the Law Faculty at Chiang Mai's Payap University [มหาวิทยาลัยพายัพ].

"The Legend of King Naresuan (Thai:
ตำนานสมเด็จพระนเรศวรมหาราช; RTGS: Tamnan
Somdet Phra Naresuan Maha Rat) is a Thai biographical historical drama film
about King Naresuan the Great (สมเด็จพระนเรศวรมหาราช), who ruled Siam from 1590 until his death in 1605.

The films are directed by Chatrichalerm Yukol
(หม่อมเจ้าชาตรีเฉลิม ยุคล, 1942 - )
and are a followup to his 2003
film, The Legend of Suriyothai
(สุริโยไท) .

Part I, Hongsawadee's Hostage(องค์ประกันหงสา)
,was
released on January 18, 2007. Part II, Reclaiming Sovereignty(ประกาศอิสรภาพ), was
released on February 15, 2007. Part III Naval Battle (ยุทธนาวี) was released on March 31, 2011.

The
films were released in the U.S. under the titles Kingdom of War.

Part I deals with Naresuan's boyhood, when he was taken hostage by Burmese
King Bayinnaung (ဘုရင့်နောင်
ကျော်ထင်နော်ရထာ,
1516 - 1581) to keep the vassal Ayutthaya Kingdom
(อาณาจักรอยุธยา)
subservient. During this
time, he was a novice Buddhist monk under the tutelage of a wise father-figure
monk (Sorapong Chatree - สรพงษ์ ชาตรี,
1950 -).

Part II depicts Naresuan as a young adult prince,
already a formidable military strategist, as he leads his army on exploits
against breakaway kingdoms for King Bayinnaung's successor, King Nanda Bayin (နန္ဒဘုရင်,
1581 - 1599),
and eventually breaks away to declare sovereignty for Siam.

Part III was to
depict Naresuan's military and leadership skills and the expansion of the
Siamese kingdom.

In production for more than three years, the project has an estimated budget
of 700 million baht, making it the most expensive Thai film made.[1][2][3]

As King of Fire, part II was selected as Thailand's submission to the
80th Academy Awards for Best Foreign Language Film.[4][5]

Plot

Part I:
Hongsawadee's Hostage (องค์ประกันหงสา)

The film concerns the childhood of King Naresuan. Born in 1555, he was taken
to Burma as a child hostage; there he became acquainted with sword fighting and
became a threat to the Burmese empire

The film begins in 1564, during the Burmese siege of Phitsanulok
(พิษณุโลก), the center
of the languishing Sukhothai kingdom (ราชอาณาจักรสุโขทัย). Naresuan's father, Maha Thammarachathirat
(พระมหาธรรมราชาธิราช),
admits defeat and follows Burmese orders that his two sons, Naresuan (nicknamed
Ong Dam) and Ekathotsarot (สมเด็จพระเอกาทศรถ), be taken hostage and be raised in Pegu
(ပဲခူးမြို့) (the center of
the Hanthawadi (ဟံ​သာ​ဝ​တု) kingdom) under the watchful eyes of Bayinnaung
(ဘုရင့်နောင်
ကျော်ထင်နော်ရထာ), the Burmese king.
This creates a rift between Naresuan's father and his mother, Queen Wisutkasat,
whose brother is the king of the neighboring Ayutthaya kingdom (อาณาจักรอยุธยา), as Phitsanulok
is now a Burmese vassal state.

Immediately after entering the Burmese palace, Naresuan sees the palace
politics and rivalries between himself and Bayinnaung's grandson, Minchit .
Naresuan is sent to be educated as a novice monk, by an ethnic Mon (မောန်) Buddhist monk
named Khanchong (พระมหาเถรคันฉ่อง), at a Buddhist monastery outside the palace. There, while
wandering the Thai village outside Pegu (made up of Thais displaced by
Bayinnaung's expansionist campaigns and subsequent forced relocations to
Hanthawadi), he befriends Bunthing, a Thai street child who is later allowed to
work as a temple boy. He also befriends Maneechan, a temple girl at the
monastery. The monk Khanchong, who had also trained Bayinnaung, teaches Naresuan
the skills of war and ethics.

Part II:
Reclaiming Sovereignty (ประกาศอิสรภาพ)

Bayinnaung dies in the beginning of the film from natural causes. Thammaracha
(พระมหาธรรมราชาธิราช),
the governor-king of Ayutthaya, believes it is important that he go and pay
respect to the dead king out of fear that the new Burmese king Nanda (နန္ဒဘုရင်)
would deem
it as an insult and attack Ayutthaya. King Naresuan, however, having been raised
in Pegu (the kingdom of Hanthawadi) and who regards Bayinnaung as a second
father, convinces Thammaracha to let him go in his place.

Upon arriving in Hanthawadi (Hongsawadi in Thai), Naresuan's childhood
teacher, a Buddhist monk named Khan Chong, informs him about the dangers that
king Nanda and many factions in Burma are plotting his assassination. At king
Bayinnaung's funeral, all representatives from vassal kingdoms are present
besides for one, the Krang kingdom (ลาวครั่ง). King Nanda sees it as a disrespect and
seizes the opportunity to wage war and siege the mountain top city. Naresuan's
Ayutthaya army is successful in taking the mountain top city and shows rival
Burmese armies, namely of the Lord of Pyay (ပြည်မြို့) and of Minchit (the eldest son of
Nandabayin), the capabilities of the Siamese force. Burmese rivals felt even
more threatened by the strength and wits of Naresuan's army. During the battle,
Naresuan's friend, Bunthing, falls for the princess of Krang, who becomes his
companion.

A plot is uncovered by Naresuan's childhood friends, two Mon rulers, that the
Burmese are in fact planning the assassination of Naresuan. Upon finding out,
Naresuan executes the plotters and ceremoniously declares Ayutthaya free and
sovereign from Hanthawadi. King Nanda and his Burmese are furious and begin a
military campaign to capture and kill king Naresuan before his forces and
liberated Siamese subjects can reach the Sittoung River (စစ်တောင်းမြစ်). King Naresuan uses the
strategy of a fighting retreat. His forces built a wooden bridge across the
river and engage the pursuing Burmese army as they follow. Several battles took
place during the crossing. However, as the Burmese forces catch up, the Siamese
citizens and forces have already crossed to the other bank.

The Burmese, determined to defeat the Siamese, try to pursue Naresuan's
forces by crossing the river. The king is then approached by his revered
Buddhist teacher, Mon monk Khanchong. Here, he is given a special musket, which
is capable of firing across the river. According to history, the movie portrays
king Naresuan firing the musket across the Sittaung River, and with one strike,
killing the general of the Burmese army. With the general dead, Burmese forces
retreated back to Hanthawadi. King Naresuan and his now independent Siamese
forces head back to Ayutthaya and the king declares ; "It's not over yet, there
is more work for us to do!"

"Seri Wangnaitham (Thai: เสรี หวังในธรรม,
January 3, 1937 - February 1, 2007, Bangkok, Thailand) was a Thai choreographer
and performer of Thai traditional dance. Seri was considered a master khon (โขน)
dancer, which is regarded as Thailand's highest performing art form. He was also
an actor, playwright, director, songwriter, poet and television producer. He was
named a National Artist (ศิลปินแห่งชาติ) in 1988.[1]

Biography

Early life and career

Seri was born in Bangkok, the son of Leu and Sa-nga
Wangnaitham. He was educated in the Thailand Fine Arts Department's College of
Dramatic Arts (วิทยาลัยนาฏศิลป์), and in 1954 joined the department as a musical artist. He
eventually became head of the music division. He received a scholarship to study
fine arts at the University of Hawaii from 1962 to 1965.

In 1988, he was named a National Artist for performing
arts.

Among Seri's works was the television variety show,
Srisuk Nattakham, which ran for 13 years. He also produced the educational
program, Singkhuanroo Kon Doo Khon (Things You Need to Know Before
Viewing Khon) in 1972, which served as an introduction to khon for a new
generation of Thais.

He was a regular performer at important cultural events,
including a khon performance by 2,526 dancers in Sanam Luang (สนามหลวง) to celebrate the
200th anniversary of Rattanakosin island (รัตนโกสินทร์).[1]

Later works

Among his later works was an adaptation of Thailand's
national epic, the Ramayana, Ramayana Epic: the Incarnation of Rama,
with 150 performers at the National Theater in 2005.[2]

In his later years, Seri suffered from heart disease,
asthma and emphysema, prompting occasional hospital stays. He died at Mission
Hospital after being admitted a day earlier while suffering from exhaustion
following a trip to Rama II Park in Amphawa (อัมพวา), Samut Songkhram Province
(สมุทรสงคราม).

"Final Score (Thai:
365 วันตามติดชีวิตเด็กเอ็นท์or 365 Wan Tam Tid Cheewit Dek Ent) is a 2007 Thai
documentary film directed by Soraya Nagasuwan (โสรยา
นาคะสุวรรณ) and produced by Jira Maligool (จิระ
มะลิกุล, 1961 - ). The
film follows four Mattayom 6 (มัธยม 6)students for one year as they take their university entrance
exams.

Synopsis

The film focuses on Suwikrom "Per" Amaranon (สุวิกรม
"เปอร์" อัมระนันทน์,
1988 - ), a middle class
Thai student in his senior year at Suankularb Wittayalai School (โรงเรียนสวนกุหลาบวิทยาลัย)in Bangkok, and
his three friends, Big Show (บิ๊กโชว์), Lung (ลุง) and Boat (โบ๊ท). They are depicted as average
students, not especially studious but are still obedient of their parents and
are hopeful of their prospects for getting into a university in Thailand.

The film follows the boys through one year, from May 2005
to May 2006. Documentarian Soraya Nagasuwan is never heard asking the boys
questions, simply letting her camera crew follow the boys through their days at
school, at home with their families or enjoying time off school while on a visit
to the beach and attending a rock music festival.

In order to qualify for admission to a university faculty,
students must take standardized tests. In Thailand these tests are the
O-Net/A-Net exams. Minimum scores are needed in order to be admitted to certain
universities and university faculties.

Coincidentally, the February 2006 exams that the boys took
were hit with a scandal after the results were incorrectly reported.
Approximately 300,000 students were affected by error, with many puzzled over
receiving test results when they had not even taken the tests.

The boys weather the pressure of taking the exams and the
erroneous reporting of the scores, however, and ultimately win their choice of
disciplines and universities.

"Chotiros "Amy" Suriyawong (Thai:"เอมี่" โชติรส
สุริยะวงศ์) is a Thai actress and university student.

Awards Dress Controversy

During the 2007 Subhanahongsa Awards
(รางวัลภาพยนตร์แห่งชาติ สุพรรณหงส์) on February 17, Chotiros
wore a revealing black dress that attracted media attention, proved to be
controversial and resulted in Chotiros being disciplined by her university. The
ankle length dress had a 3-inch-wide (76 mm) front slit held together by seven
thin strips of fabric that started at her left hip and curved upward to her
cleavage, exposing a significant proportion of the Chotiros' cleavage and left
half of her body.[1][2]
Additionally, Chotiros told reporters that she wasn't wearing underwear under
the dress.[3] However she later had
to demonstrate to the university that the dress had in-sewn underwear.

A moral backlash against Chotiros and her dress arose in
the days following the awards show. Somsak Techaratanaprasert (สมศักดิ์
เตชะรัตนประเสริฐ, 1970 - ), the owner of
Sahamongkol Film International (บริษัท สหมงคลฟิล์ม
จำกัด, Thailand's largest production house), ordered
all footage of Chotiros to be deleted from his next film Suay Samurai (สวยซามูไร),
saying "I don't want my actresses to dress that way. We are not a porn
production house, and it goes against Thai culture." He also banned her from
appearing in any of his future films. Culture Minister Khaisri Sri-aroon called
her dress "very inappropriate." However, Amy was also supported by many, some of
whom resented the junta's morality drive.[2]
The University Rector Suraphol Nitikraipot (สุรพล
นิติไกรพจน์) and Assistant Rector for Student
Affairs Prinya Thewanaruemitkul (ปริญญา
เทวานฤมิตรกุล) at Thammasat University
(มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์), at which Chotiros was a
senior at the Faculty of Liberal Arts, forced Chotiros to appear before a press
conference with deans of the University, and made her apologize for her actions.
As punishment, she was ordered to read books to blind children for 15 days, as
well as perform other community services."

Ping (พิง) wishes to become a musician. He becomes a student of
Master Duang (ครูด้วง), a famous master musician. Master Duang owned the mysterious drum
called Peung Mang, which is said to have been made by the skin of a beautiful
woman named Thip (ทิพย์). Ping falls in love with a beautiful girl who teaches him how
to master drum skills but she is in fact the ghost living inside the drum.
Meanwhile, an arrogant musician called Muan (หมือน) tried to convince all the students
to leave Master Duang. Some students died horribly. Even if Muan is defeated by
Ping during a drum contest, things get worst and the drum becomes not only an
instrument of music but also an instrument of death."

"People's Television (PTV) was a Thai
satellite television station. It was established by former executives of the
Thai Rak Thai (พรรคไทยรักไทย)
party after the
2006 Thailand military coup overthrew the Thai Rak Thai-led government. It
launched despite warnings from the
Council for National Security (คณะมนตรีความมั่นคงแห่งชาติ), the military junta that seized power. PTV
executives insisted that if ASTV (a satellite
television station run by anti-Thai
Rak Thai activist and media tycoon
Sondhi Limthongkul [สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล
/林明達,
1947 -) could operate, then so could PTV.[1]

PTV's inaugural broadcast on 1 March 2007 was stopped
because of CAT
Telecom's (บริษัท กสท โทรคมนาคม จำกัด) refusal to grant an internet link from Bangkok to a
satellite up-link station in
Hong Kong (香港).
CAT Telecom claimed that it never received PTV's application for internet access.
PTV executives claimed that CAT Chairman and
junta leader
Saprang Kalayanamitr (สพรั่ง กัลยาณมิตร,
1948 - ) was preventing it from broadcasting for political
reasons.[2]

PTV executives led several public protests against the
junta's censorship. In a demonstration on 23 March 2007 attended by 1,500-3,000
protestors, thousands of police in riot gear attempted to disperse the protest.[3][4][5]
The protests caused the junta to request that the government declare emergency
rule in Bangkok.

PTV was controversially shut down by Prime Minister
Abhisit Vejjajiva (อภิสิทธิ์ เวชชาชีวะ,
1964 - ) in the early days of the
2010 Thailand political protests.

Leadership and vision

The new television station was led by former
Thai Rak Thai Party executives
Veera Musikapong (วีระกานต์ มุสิกพงศ์,
1948 - ),
Jatuporn Prompan (จตุพร พรหมพันธุ์,
1965 - ), and
Nattawut Saikua (ณัฐวุฒิ ใสยเกื้อ,
1975 - ), as well as former government spokesman
Chakraphob Penkhair (จักรภพ เพ็ญแข, 1967 - ). Veera denied that any funding for the station came from
former Thai Rak Thai party leader
Thaksin Shinawatra. Thaksin lawyer,
Noppadon Pattama (นพดล ปัทมะ,1961 - ) , likewise denied any involvement between Thaksin and PTV.[6]

Veera claimed that PTV aimed to serve the public by acting
like "a small candle shedding the light of truth." He added that "In the past,
the channels of communication that served the nation were limited, and we saw no
hope for the future. If a station that helps people constructively exchange
views exists, it will help the country maintain its democracy." After the
2006 Thailand coup, all other Thai television stations were censored and
forbidden from reporting on the activities of
Thaksin. Foreign broadcasts by
BBC and
CNN were also
censored.

PTV is operated by Peuan Pong Nong Phi (Thai:
เพื่อนพ้องน้องพี่)
Co. Ltd. Peuan Pong Nong Phi was founded in 2002 by students from
Ramkhamhaeng University (มหาวิทยาลัยรามคำแหง). It originally produced print media and was
established with registered capital of 5 million
baht. Prior to commencing broadcasting, its registered capital was increased
to 50 million baht, most of the capital coming from the new management. Jatuporn
Promphan claimed that further capital would be raised from the public.[7]

Legal status and
controversies

Both PTV and ASTV transmitted their programs via satellite
from earth stations outside of Thailand to
cable TV operators inside the kingdom. Both stations claimed that this
practice allowed them to run on cable television without being subjected to the
government's broadcast regulatory bodies.[8]

Minister to the Prime Minister's Office
Thirapat Serirangsan (ธีรภัทร์ เสรีรังสรรค์, 1955 - ) ordered the Director-General of the Public Relations
Department to press legal charges against PTV. He insisted that no double
standards were being applied. "If PTV insists on going on the air, the
director-general of the Public Relations Department, as the officer in charge,
will have to take legal action, just as ASTV has also been legally pursued since
the last government," said Thirapat, referring to ASTV's pending court
injunction. Thai Day Dot Com Co, the operator of ASTV, filed a criminal lawsuit
against the Public Relations Department, alleging that it abused its powers when
questioning ASTV's legal status. During the last days of the Thaksin government,
the Administrative Court granted ASTV's request for an injunction to stop
authorities from taking it off the air while the court is considering its
petition.[6][9]

Station executive Veera claimed that Article 3 of the
junta's interim constitution (รัฐธรรมนูญแห่งราชอาณาจักรไทย
(ฉบับชั่วคราว) พุทธศักราช 2549) guaranteed the right to engage in broadcasting
all activities in accordance with the law.[1]

Former opposition and
Democrat Party (พรรคประชาธิปัตย์)
leader
Abhisit Vejjajiva advised the junta to ensure equal treatment for both PTV
and ASTV.[6]

PTV newsmen were refused press passes to Government House
on grounds they had not yet accredited.[10]

Defence Minister Boonrawd Somtas claimed that the station
received financial support from an "old power clique." PTV executives
consistently denied they have direct links or received funding from ousted Prime
Minister Thaksin Shinawatra or his Thai Rak Thai Party. PTV executives sued the
Defence Minister for defamation. The executives also planned to file a civil
case against General Boonrawd for 50 million
baht.[11]

After a bomb was exploded outside of
Chitrlada Palace (พระตำหนักจิตรลดารโหฐาน) in early May 2007, junta leader
Sonthi Boonratkalin (สนธิ บุญยรัตกลิน,
1946 - ) claimed that the "old power group" was behind it, and
told the press to ask PTV to learn more.[12]

Protests

Station executives held several demonstrations in
Sanam
Luang (สนามหลวง)to protest the junta's ban against the station's broadcasts.[13]
In one demonstration, 1,800 police in
riot-gear surrounded approximately 1,500-3,000 protestors and attempted to
dismantle PTV's protest stage. The operation was an implementation of security
operation plan Pathaphi 149, which was designed to protect the army from public
rallies.[5][14]
However, the police backed off after the protesters threw plastic bottles and
yelled at them. PTV executives asked the demonstrators not to attack the police.[3][4][5]
Station executives vowed to stage weekly Friday rallies.[15]
Junta chief
Sonthi Boonyaratkalin vowed to prosecute any former
Thai Rak Thai leaders if they provided financial support for the rallies.[16]

Junta chief
Sonthi Boonyaratkalin requested Prime Minister
Surayud Chulanont (สุรยุทธ์ จุลานนท์,
1943 - ) to declare emergency in Bangkok on 28 March 2007 in
response to the protests. In an interview, he noted that the protests had so far
been peaceful, but that he was afraid the movement could lead to "mutiny and
chaos in the country."[17]
CNS Spokesman Sansern Kaewkamnerd (สรรเสริญ แก้วกำเนิด, 1963 -
) asked, "What will we do if the numbers of
protesters go beyond 100,000? It will greatly damage the country's image."
Emergency powers allowed the government to ban public gatherings, impose curfews
and censor local news reports.[18]
Surayud did not comply with the request.

A PTV rally in Bangkok City Hall's (สภากรุงเทพมหานคร) Lan Khon Muang
(ลานคนเมือง) grounds
on 30 March 2007 was attended by 4,000 people. The rally proceeded under tight
security.[19]
The Bangkok city government positioned more than 10 municipal
garbage trucks full of rotting refuse next to the protest area.[20]

Follow-on protests were planned for Sunday 7 April 2007.
Defence Minister
Boonrawd Somtas (พลเอกบุญรอด สมทัศน์, 1941 - ) warned that the military would not tolerate protests against
the junta, and that "whoever tries to cause trouble in the country is nothing
else but a traitor," adding that the PTV protesters intended to undermine
harmony in the country.[21]

Junta leaders threatened a third time to declare a state
of emergency due to PTV's planned protests on 27 April 2007.[22]

Protests organized by PTV and attended by PTV's executives
escalated. In July 2007, Veera Musikapong led thousands of protestors in a
demonstration outside the house of Privy Councilor
Prem Tinsulanonda (เปรม ติณสูลานนท์,
1920 - ), claiming that he was behind the 2006 coup and the
military junta. The government impeded the protests and cracked down on the
protestors, wounding many. Several protestors were arrested, including Veera, an
interim National Human Rights Commissioner, and a former Chief Justice of the
Criminal Court.[23]
Afterwards, junta chief Sonthi Boonyaratklin visited Prem to apologise for the
protests on behalf of the government. One day later, Prime Minister Surayud
Chulanont, along with 34 members of his Cabinet, went to Prem's house to
apologize to Prem for "apologise for failing to take good care of him." Surayud
accused the protestors of trying to "bring down the highest institution of the
country."[24]

"Mom Rajawongse Pridiyathorn Devakula (Thai:
ปรีดิยาธร เทวกุล[prīːdìjāːtʰɔːn tʰēwâkūn];
born 15 July 1947) served as Minister of Finance in Thailand's interim
civilian government. Before
being named to the Cabinet of Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont (สุรยุทธ์
จุลานนท์), Pridiyathorn
had served as Governor of the Bank of Thailand (ธนาคารแห่งประเทศไทย)
since 2001. Following the
September 2006 coup d'état, there was speculation that he would be appointed
prime minister by the junta.

Early life and education

Pridiyathorn was educated at Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์),
Bangkok, and at the Wharton Business School, University of Pennsylvania,
where he gained an MBA. From 1971 to 1990 he worked for the Thai Farmers
Bank, becoming Senior Executive Vice President. In 1990 he became official
spokesman for Prime Minister Chatichai Choonhavan (ชาติชาย
ชุณหะวัณ). In the governments of
Anand Panyarachun (อานันท์ ปันยารชุน) and Suchinda Kraprayoon (สุจินดา
คราประยูร, 1991–92) he was Deputy Minister
of Commerce. He was appointed member of the Thai Senate (วุฒิสภาไทย) from 1992 to 1993.
In 1993 he became president of the Export-Import Bank of Thailand, and in
May 2001 he was appointed Governor of the Bank of Thailand (ธนาคารแห่งประเทศไทย), the nation's
central bank. He is also a Director of the Civil Service Commission and of
the Thammasat University Council.

Pridiyathorn holds the titles Knight Grand Cross
(First Class) of the Most Noble Order of the White Elephant (เครื่องราชอิสริยาภรณ์อันเป็นที่เชิดชูยิ่งช้างเผือก) and Knight Grand
Cross (First Class) of the Most Noble Order of the Crown of Thailand
(เครื่องราชอิสริยาภรณ์อันมีเกียรติยศยิ่งมงกุฎไทย).

The
KTB non-performing loan scandal

In 2004, the
state-owned Krung Thai Bank (KTB, ธนาคารกรุงไทย) shocked Thailand's financial world by
reclassifying approximately 40 billion baht as problem loans. Pridiyathorn
threatened to fire KTB chief executive officer Viroj Nualkhair if he did not
resign. Viroj was a former financial advisor to media proprietor Sondhi
Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล /
林明達), having helped him make the initial public offering one of his
first companies. As Krung
Thai Bank head, Viroj had forgiven 1.6 billion baht of Sondhi's debts and
arranged for further rounds of forgiveness. Using all his media outlets,
Sondhi attacked Pridiyathorn and defended Viroj.

Viroj was eventually forced to leave Krung Thai Bank.

September
2006 Thailand coup

Two days after the coup
which deposed Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, the Bangkok newspaper
The Nation reported:

"Business leaders have called for the Council for
Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy to pick Bank of Thailand
(BOT) Governor MR Pridiyathorn Devakula to serve as interim prime
minister. Pridiyathorn has emerged as the front runner for the
premiership, even though he said on Wednesday he had not been approached
by the council. Council leader General Sonthi Boonyaratglin said a
civilian would be picked within two weeks to become interim prime
minister.

"Bangkok Bank chairman Chatri Sophonpanich said
yesterday he supported Pridiyathorn becoming the new premier. He said
the new prime minister would be well received by Thais and foreigners
alike if he or she had a background in economics, and that Pridiyathorn
fit the criteria."

Surayud Chulanont was eventually named prime minister,
but he in turn named Pridiyathorn to his Cabinet as Minister of Finance, a
move that business leaders saw as positive.
He was succeeded as governor of the Bank of Thailand by Tarisa
Watanagase (ธาริษา วัฒนเกส), the first woman to head the BoT.

Deputy
Prime Minister and Minister of Finance

Pridiyathorn's policies as Minister of Finance included,

Fiscal deficits. A budget deficit of 147 billion
Baht for fiscal year 2007. This was the first budget deficit since 2003
Fiscal deficits were also expected for 2008.

Suvarnabhumi City. Pridiyathorn opposed the
establishment of a new province, dubbed Suvarnabhumi City (นครสุวรรณภูมิ), around the
newly constructed Suvarnabhumi Airport (ท่าอากาศยานสุวรรณภูมิ). The plan to establish a new
province had been proposed by the deposed government of Thaksin
Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร). "There are a lot of retention ponds in the area and water
experts said they serve as waterways, allowing floods to flow to the
sea. If there are buildings, they will obstruct water from flowing out,
and cause the inner city to flood. If the Department of Town and Country
Planning proposes to build a community in the area, I'll oppose it,"
said Pridiyathorn.

Capital controls. Pridiyathorn instituted capital
controls to attempt to reverse a strengthening of the baht, but reversed
the measure after the Thai stock market crashed, destroying US$20
billion of market value in one day. Pridiyathorn later noted that “This
was not a mistake. Measures always have side effects. Once we knew the
side effects, we quickly fixed it.... Just one day of stocks falling is
not considered much damage.”
He came under harsh criticism. Bratin Sanyal, head of Asian equity
investments at ING in Hong Kong noted, "The one thing worse than an
incompetent central bank is an incompetent central bank that
flip-flops." Catherine Tan, head of Asia Emerging Markets at Forecast in
Singapore, noted, "They are proving themselves to be very
unprofessional. Their actions are very irresponsible. They have totally
lost credibility... I don't see foreigners returning to Thailand any
time in the near future. Markets now have no confidence in the
government." The
Export-Import Bank of Thailand also criticized the capital controls.

Limiting foreign companies investing in List I
and II businesses (including media, telecoms, and aviation) from holding
more than 50% of shares. List III businesses (including retailers and
hotels) were exempted from the new restrictions. Investors holding more
than 50% would be forced to lower their stakes within a year. Investors
holding more than 50% of voting rights would be forced to lower their
voting stakes within a year. Finance Minister Pridiyathorn noted, "If
they (foreign investors) had seen the details (of the foreign investment
law), I am sure that they would be happy."
He later backtracked, and said that telecommunications firms would be
exempt from the new regulations. He claimed that he had misspoken when
he earlier included the telecommunications business into the categories
to be affected by the law amendments.

Corruption investigations into Thaksin Shinawatra.
Pridiyathorn sparked controversity in his dealings with Jaruvan Maintaka
(จารุวรรณ เมณฑกา) of the junta-appointed Assets Examination Committee. Jaruvan accused
Thaksin's wife of inappropriately buying a plot of land from the
Financial Institutions Development Fund (FIDF) while Pridiyathorn was
FIDF Chairman. Pridiyathorn guaranteed that the purchase was legal and
refused to file charges, claiming that the FIDF was not a damaged party.
Jaruvan then claimed that Pridiyathorn violated the law by sitting on
the boards of more than three state enterprises. Pridiyathorn countered
by claiming that Jaruvan was trying to destroy his reputation.

Monetary policy. Pridiyathorn took the unusual
step of urging the Bank of Thailand to cut interest rates by half a
percentage point, rather than 25 basis points as expected by most
analysts. Bank of Thailand is independent of the Ministry of Finance,
and did not heed Pridiyathorn's call. He resigned the next day.

Pridiyathorn resigned on 28 February 2007. He cited
reasons for resignation included,

Premier Surayud's decision to appoint
Pridiyathorn's rival, former Thaksin-government Finance Minister Somkid
Jatusripitak (สมคิด จาตุศรีพิทักษ์), as a self-sufficiency economy special envoy. Somkid
resigned from his position after less than a week.

Prime Minister's Office Minister Thirapat
Serirangsan's alleged preference to certain private media interests.
Several analysts speculated that he was referring to the preferential
treatment the junta gave to leading anti-Thaksin critic Sondhi
Limthongkul (สนธิ ลิ้มทองกุล
/ 林明達), who was also a long-time critic of Pridiyathorn.

His resignation shocked the political world as well as
the business community. "The reasons he gave were quite strange," noted
Pornsilp Patcharinpanakul, deputy secretary-general of Board of Trade.
In turn, Pridiyathorn was replaced by Chalongphob Sussangkarn (ฉลองภพ
สุสังกร์กาญจน์).

Junta leader General Saprang Kalayanamitr (พลเอก
สพรั่ง กัลยาณมิตร) was also
implicated in Pridiyathorn's resignation. The Bangkok Post reported
that Pridiyathorn resigned in protest after a CNS member lobbied him to sell
shares of IRPC (formerly known as Thai Petrochemical Industry) back to a
former shareholder. Saprang's brother, Chienchuan, was a key financial
advisor to Prachai Liaophairat (ประชัย เลี่ยวไพรัตน์), the estranged founder of TPI.

Wealth

Despite working in the civil service for over 25 years,
Pridiyathorn is tremendously wealthy. Disclosures to the National Counter
Corruption Commission revealed that 30 days after leaving his Cabinet
position in March 2007, Pridiyathorn had 730 million baht in assets, a
slight drop from 754 million baht when he took office in October 2006. His
wife Praphaphan has a net worth of 283 million baht, while his daughter
Pudjeep has 7 million baht."

"K-Otic,(เค-โอติค) is a Thai pop boy band
consisting of five members; two of which are Thai-Japanese mixed and one who is
Korean. The band debuted with the single, "Ya Wai Chai"
(อย่าไว้ใจ) in March 2007,
releasing the premier album later in October.

Members

Panu Chiragun (Thai: ภาณุ จิระคุณ;
RTGS: Phanu Chirakhun) or Poppy (Thai: ป๊อปปี้) - born
on March 27, 1991 (21 years old), and studying at Chulalongkhon University (จุฬาลงกรณ์มหาวิทยาลัย)
International College, having one elder sister.

Pataradanai Setsuwan (Thai: ภัทรดนัย เสตสุวรรณ;
RTGS: Phattharadanai Setsuwan) or Koen (Thai: เขื่อน; RTGS:
Khuean) - born on January 22, 1992 (20 years old), and studying at Stamford
International University (มหาวิทยาลัยนานาชาติแสตมฟอร์ด), having one elder sister

Kenta Tsuchiya (Thai: เคนตะ ซึทจิยะ) -
born on April 6, 1990 (22 years old) to a Japanese father and a Thai mother,
and studying at Bangkok University (มหาวิทยาลัยกรุงเทพ) International College.

Visava Thaiyanont (Thai: วิศว ไทยานนท์;
RTGS: Witsawa Thaiyanon) or "Tomo" (Thai: โทโมะ) - born on
June 7, 1990 (22 years old) to a Thai father and Japanese mother, he has one
older sister and one older brother, and is studying at Bangkok University (มหาวิทยาลัยกรุงเทพ)
International College.

Park Jongbae (Thai: ปาร์ก จองเบ) -
born on April 7, 1989 (23 years old), in Seoul, and studying at Stamford
International University (มหาวิทยาลัยนานาชาติแสตมฟอร์ด), having one younger sister and another one younger
brother."

"There are many cases in
which the previous government was impolite to the Royal Family and
to the King himself. The Thai people cannot and will not tolerate
anybody who shows even slight disrespect to the King or his family."

"There was interference with
many organisations, especially the independent organisations
established to oversee and scrutinise the government's actions. The
previous government wanted to control the whole system.

That [led to] large-scale
corruption [and] vote-buying during local and general elections. The
people knew about these things, and they could not accept it. As far
as the army staging a coup, we could not just do it on our own. We
needed the consent of the people to help us preserve democracy,"

"Boonchu Rojanastien (Thai: บุญชู โรจนเสถียร,
Chinese: 黃聞波, Huang Wenbo[1] born
January 20, 1921, Chon Buri Province (ชลบุรี), Thailand, died March 19, 2007, Bangkok)[2]
was a Thai-Chinese banker. Touted as Thailand's first "economics tsar", he
served in the government of Kukrit Pramoj (คึกฤทธิ์ ปราโมช,
1911 - 1995) in 1975 and 1976. During his tenure as
finance minister, he initiated a policy of "ngern phan" (เงินผัน, money allocation),
which distributed several billion baht of government funds to 5,000 tambon (ตำบล), or
local government, councils.[3]
His populist policies would later be embraced under the administration of
Thaksin Shinawatra (ทักษิณ ชินวัตร,
1949 - ).

Biography

Early life and
business career

Boonchu was the eldest of
five children born to a carpenter of Hainanese origin (海南人) in Chon Buri Province.[4]
He married Renu Rojanastien, and had two children Krip Rojanastien and Ora
Rojanastien. He excelled at school and entered Thammasat University (มหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์), graduating
with a degree in accounting. He then opened his own accounting firm, and shortly
after that joined Bangkok Bank (ธนาคารกรุงเทพ). He eventually became president of the bank, from
1977 to 1980,[5] and led
the institution through expansion and the establishment of branches across
Thailand.[2][3]

Politics

He became involved in politics in 1973 under the
administration of Prime Minister Sanya Dharmasakti (สัญญา
ธรรมศักดิ์, 1907 - 2002). Boonchu was appointed a
senator and he played a role in drafting the Constitution in 1974.

He joined Social Action Party (พรรคกิจสังคม) and was elected as an member
of parliament from Prachin Buri Province (ปราจีนบุรี). This was during the short reign of Seni Pramoj
(หม่อมราชวงศ์เสนีย์ ปราโมช,
1905 - 1997), who was succeeded by his brother, Kukrit Pramoj
(คึกฤทธิ์ ปราโมช, 1911 - 1995).

Under Kukrit, Boonchu served as deputy prime minister and
finance minister, and he initiated his populist "ngern phan" (เงินผัน)
program of doling
out billions of baht to local governments.

He left politics in 1983 and returned to banking, serving
as chairman of Siam City Bank, only to return to politics in 1986 as the head of
the Kijprachakhom Party. The party later consolidated with other parties to form
the Ekaphap Party, of which Boonchu served as deputy. He later led the Palang
Dharma Party (พรรคพลังธรรม).

Boonchu eventually joined the Democrat Party (พรรคประชาธิปัตย์) and served as
a cabinet member and then adviser to the first government of Chuan Leekpai (ชวน
หลีกภัย, 1938 - ).

"The future of a political party hinges on its policies.
Any inappropriate policies will just simply fade away," was Boonchu's famous
motto.[3]

Boonchu left politics in 1998 after serving on the House
Budget Committee.[6]

Later years

Boonchu's family weathered the 1997 East Asian financial
crisis. He then start the Chiva-Som International Resort and Spa in Hua Hin (หัวหิน),
which at its peak, became one of the best Resort and Spa and was awarded the top
resort and spa of the world.

He suffered from leukemia,[6]
and was treated at Vichaiyudh Hospital in Bangkok, where he died on March 19,
2007.[3]"

"The Bodyguard 2 (Thai:
บอดี้การ์ดหน้าเหลี่ยม 2)
is a 2007 Thai action-comedy film written, directed by and starring Petchtai
Wongkamlao (เพ็ชรทาย วงษ์คำเหลา,
1965 - ). A prequel to his 2004 film, The Bodyguard (บอดี้การ์ดหน้าเหลี่ยม),
The Bodyguard 2tells the origins of Petchtai's bodyguard character, and like
the first film, it features a host of cameo appearances by Thai celebrities,
including action star Tony Jaa (จา พนม,
1976 - ).

With a budget of over 100,000,000 baht, the film was the
most expensive in Thai cinema before Ong Bak 2
(องค์บาก 2)
surpassed it in late 2008.

Plot

Khamlao (คำเหลา) is a secret agent for the country of Wongnaileum,
which shares the common Isan dialect (ภาษาอีสาน) and culture with its neighboring country,
Thailand (similar to Laos). He is dispatched to Bangkok on a secret mission to
track down some terrorists. To do so, he goes undercover as a luk thung (ลูกทุ่ง)
singer
working for a record label that serves as a front company for dealers in weapons
of mass destruction. As he probes deep inside the record company, he finds that
the company's executive secretary is actually a CIA agent, assigned to the same
mission. Meanwhile, Khamlao's wife, Keaw (เขียว), discovers that Khamlao had lied to her
about his job in Thailand.

Jay-Taew (เจ๊แต๋ว), Cartoon (เจ๊การ์ตูน), Mot-dum (มดดำ) and Songkram are four aging katoey
(กะเทย, drag queens) who run a boarding house for boys in provincial Thailand. After
helping to cover up the mysterious deaths of "Pancake" (แพนเค้ก) and Num-Ning
(น้ำนิ่ง), two local
teens, their spirits begin to haunt the dormitory, forcing the "girls" to try
all sorts of crazy schemes to get rid of the ghosts. Eventually, they realize
that the only way to do this is to help the ghosts to avenge their deaths.

"The Sperm (Thai:
อสุจ๊าก, or
Asujaak) is a 2007 Thai science fiction comedy film directed by Taweewat
Wantha (ทวีวัฒน์ วันทา).

Plot

A young, struggling Bangkok rock musician, Sutin
(สุทิน), constantly
dreams about having almost sex with sexy model-actress La-mai (แลมมี่), but always wakes
up before he can actually have sex. When he wins a chance to appear in a battle
of the bands contest, and La-mai presents the prize, he is not sure he is
dreaming, so he crudely propositions La-mai on live television. Embarrassed by
what he's done, Sutin proceeds to go out to dinner with his bandmates and become
very intoxicated. Later that night, he masturbates in front of a poster of
La-mai, and then the next day thousands of women in the city become pregnant.
The women then give birth to abnormal, fast-growing babies that all look like
Sutin.

Observing the proceedings is a scientist, Dr. Satifeung
(ด็อกเตอร์สติเฟื่อง),
and assisted by his daughter, he tries to come up with a way to stop the "look
alike gang", but soon there are bigger problems.

2. (C) ISOC's
[Internal Security Operations Command -
กองอำนวยการรักษาความมั่นคงภายในราชอาณาจักร]
roots lie in the Communist Suppression
Operations Command (CSOC) of the 1960s. CSOC was established
under the Anti-Communist Activity Act to provide Ministry of
Defense (MOD) [กระทรวงกลาโหม]
coordination for military, police and Ministry
of Interior (MOI) [กระทรวงมหาดไทย´]
operations against the communist movement
in Thailand. A series of military governments in that era
also used CSOC--in 1969 renamed ISOC--to facilitate their
rule, including the bloody suppression of student-led
protests in 1976.

3. (C) By the 1980s, with the dissolution of the communist
threat and Thailand's move towards increased democratic
governance, ISOC was an organization without a mission.
While ostensibly having oversight over border areas that were
still under martial law--in effect giving the Royal Thai Army
(RTA) [กองทัพบกไทย], which dominated the ISOC structure, precedence in
those areas--ISOC became a dumping ground for generals
without portfolio.

4. (C) In 1999, then-PM Thaksin
[ทักษิณ ชินวัตร,
1949 - ] dissolved the old ISOC and
re-instituted it as a coordinating body formally charged with
defending Thailand's borders and fighting illegal narcotics.
Under this new formula, the PM served as head of ISOC, which
was no longer subordinate to MOD. Thaksin's Deputy PM,
Chawalit Yongchaiyudh [ชวลิต ยงใจยุทธ, 1932 - ] tried to push passage of a new internal
security act, which would give ISOC personnel (Note:
soldiers, police and civilians on rotation to ISOC. End
Note.) broader domestic security powers, but the law inspired
political opposition and died. ISOC briefly reappeared in
the news in 2006, after several RTA officers serving in ISOC
slots were implicated in the alleged car-bomb attempt on
then-Prime Minister Thaksin.

WE CAN REBUILD IT. STRONGER, FASTER...

5. (C) Following the September 19, 2006 coup, leaders on the
Council on National Security (CNS) [คณะมนตรีความมั่นคงแห่งชาติ]
began to publicly propose
reinvigorating the old ISOC, ostensibly to better coordinate
operations in the restive South and to deter public
"undercurrents;" for example, school-burnings attributed to
pro-Thaksin supporters in the countryside, which GEN Sonthi [Sonthi
Boonyaratglin - สนธิ บุญยรัตกลิน,
1946 - ] has called "domestic terrorism." Given Sonthi and his
allies' penchant for invoking the successes of the
anti-Communist campaign, and the need to apply the lessons
learned back then, this made sense. In an October 2006
order, interim PM Surayud Chulanont reorganized ISOC, placing
RTA and CNS Chief Sonthi Boonyaratglin in charge.

...THE MONSTER IS ALIVE!

6. (C) Despite having existed on paper in this new
incarnation for nearly five months, the exact nature and role
of ISOC remains publicly unclear. Critics have publicly
labeled ISOC a power grab by the Army, or an attempt to
institutionalize military governance. One subset of this
criticism alleges that the new ISOC will allow the CNS to
maintain control even after a democratic government is
elected later this year. Local media has also reported
variations on the rumor that ISOC will have its own pool of
personnel--separate from Army or civilian bodies on loan from
other ministries--ranging from a few hundred to tens of
thousands. Several press reports focused on an alleged
proposal by GEN Sonthi to establish an ISOC "Special
Operations Command," with as many as 60,000 personnel at its
disposal.

7. (C) RTG leaders have not added much clarity to the debate
over ISOC, with conflicting public statements over the new
organization. Some have characterized ISOC as similar to the
U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) with others
denying that the new organization will absorb other agencies
as DHS did.

8. (C) Earlier this month Polcouns
[political counselors] and poloff [political officers] met with Major
General Surapong Suwana-adth [สุรพงษ์ สุวรรณอัตถ์], Director of Policy and Plans at
Supreme Command to discuss ISOC. Surapong, who is one of the
key players in establishing the new security body, painted a
picture of a coordinating command still in flux. According
to Surapong, there is a "misunderstanding in the media" about
the scope and role of ISOC. While the vision for ISOC
remains relatively unchanged, the details surrounding its
organization and capabilities are rapidly in flux; Surapong
complained that even government officials have trouble
understanding it. As Surapong outlined it, ISOC is the
government's attempt to provide better coordination and
policy implementation in the face of several non-traditional
security issues, ranging from illegal immigration to
narcotics and terrorism. "ISOC is a new vehicle to tackle
these non-traditional threats."

9. (C) Surapong bemoaned the difficulty the RTG has in
coordinating responses to these challenges--given the host of
rival agencies and organizations with overlapping
responsibilities and resources. In the Thai cultural
context, effective coordination depends on face-to-face
contact and personal relationships, which means that relevant
agencies must be brought together in an institutionalized
manner to produce results. Surapong added that fixing this
problem is even harder, saying, "changing the government
structure is like moving a mountain." Past attempts to
rectify these shortcomings led to ad-hoc fixes that failed to
produce effective coordination. For a given problem, a
temporary working group was established. But that working
group often focused on the interests of whichever ministry or
department led the effort, leading to suboptimal results.
Surapong admitted that the Army effectively dominates the
current ISOC structure.

HOW ISOC WORKS

10. (C) Surapong explained that the Thai National Security
Council (NSC) [คณะมนตรีความมั่นคงแห่งชาติ]
will continue to formulate policy, but "NSC is
only 100 people." ISOC will serve as "the eyes and ears of
NSC" in implementing that policy. He emphasized that the
vast majority of people working for ISOC, were dual-hatted,
i.e. serving in other staff positions in their parent career
service, but responsible for attending ISOC coordinating
meetings. Surapong dismissed press reports that anywhere
from 60,000 to one million civil servants worked for ISOC,
saying that this number reflected personnel serving in their
career ministries, sitting in their "old jobs," but with new
responsibilities under ISOC. When asked if Thai leaders, in
comparing ISOC to the U.S. DHS [Department of Homeland Security], envisioned a similar merging
of individual agencies under one new ministry, Surapong
appeared somewhat surprised by this concept, and denied any
such plan.

11. (C) In explaining ISOC's structure, Surapong emphasized
that it is different from the "old" ISOC. The only full-time
ISOC body is a coordinating center in Bangkok with
representatives from 22 ministries and 10 independent
agencies. This center serves as a clearing house for
information and allows RTG [Royal Thai Government] leaders to coordinate policy
implementation. The center is supplemented by separate,
regular meetings of inter-agency officials on specific issues
of concern. CNS [Council for National Security -
คณะมนตรีความมั่นคงแห่งชาติ] and RTA
[Royal Thai Army - กองทัพบกไทย] Chief Sonthi serves as ISOC
commander, with RTA Chief of Staff Montri [Montri Sangkasub - มนตรี สังขทรัพย์,
1949 - ] as
secretary-general. Eight deputy ISOC
SIPDIS
commanders--representing the Army, Air Force, Navy, Marines,
Supreme Command, Police, Ministry of Interior and Ministry of
Justice--serve under Sonthi. The four chiefs of each Army
region concurrently serve as ISOC regional commanders, with
Army subordinates in each province serving as provincial ISOC
commanders. (Note: this appears to have had the most impact
in the restive South, where ISOC is technically in charge of
the reconstituted Southern Border Provinces Administration
Center (SBPAC) [ศูนย์อำนวยการบริหารจังหวัดชายแดนภาคใต้] and the Civilian-Police-Military Task Force
43, although the SBPAC legally reports directly to the PM [Prime Minister]. Surapong was unable to explain this contradiction, which we
understand has further muddled the already confused chain of
command in the South. End Note.)

12. (C) When asked about GEN Sonthi's proposal to place Army
officers as deputy governors in each province--which has been
publicly criticized as an Army power grab--Surapong was
dismissive, saying that such critics don't "get the whole
picture." He characterized the proposal as similar to
placing U.S. National Guard liaison officers in each U.S.
statehouse. As Surapong explained, the Army is traditionally
responsible for a host of non-traditional security issues,
particularly in border areas. For example, during seasonal
flooding or forest fire outbreaks, the Army is responsible
for mobilizing the government's response. Surapong cited his
personal experience with the difficulty in coordinating the
Army relief efforts--Governors (who are MOI [Ministry of Interior - กระทรวงมหาดไทย] careerists) often
call Army headquarters in Bangkok asking "what do I do?" Surapong says that the new system will allow for swifter and
smoother responses to these issues; "it may save lives." He
added that the police and other ministry representatives
serve in the governors' offices, "why not the military?"
Besides, he continued, the officer filling the deputy
governor slot would have no troops under his control "just a
car and a driver." Surapong says that he understands that
some local politicians are concerned that an ISOC deputy
governor could serve "as a check on them," but added "if
local politicians don't do anything wrong, this shouldn't be
a problem." (Note: we have seen no actual progress in
implementing this plan outside of the South--where ISOC
deputy governors appear to be in place. Expanding this
program throughout the country is likely to remain
controversial. End Note.)

SO,
HOW'S IT WORKING?

13. (C) When asked what, if any issues, ISOC has achieved
success on, Surapong admitted none, saying that ISOC was only
in its "beginning stages." According to Surapong, initial
ISOC meetings are improving the coordination of information
flows--he also hopes to develop a central database for
sharing reports--but has not led to much action. Surapong
admitted that most of the RTG [Royal Thai Government] still depends on hard copy
reports, and that sharing information--even at the ground
level in the South--remains difficult. Alluding to the New
Year's Eve bombings and subsequent threat rumint leaked to
the press, PolCouns [political counselors] asked if ISOC was playing a role in
vetting and circulating threat information. Surapong replied
in the affirmative, but added that some senior officials
"talked too much." Such information is "difficult to
filter," according to Surapong.

NEW
SECURITY LAW

14. (C) Surapong confirmed that ISOC operates under a Prime
Minister's order and that officials are currently discussing
whether Thailand needs a law establishing ISOC and its
authorities (see ref for PM Surayud's comment to the
Ambassador that just such a law is in the works.) When
pressed for hypothetical examples of these new authorities,
Surapong described a scenario where military personnel
discovered some illegal immigrants. The ISOC structure would
facilitate coordination with the police and immigration
authorities to ensure their arrest. Surapong emphasized that
even under the new system, soldiers would not have powers of
arrest. "That is not our job." Instead, Surapong repeatedly
cited the need for adequate legal "protection" for military
officers serving on the border.

COMMENT

15. (C) Surapong certainly did his best in trying to portray
ISOC as a much needed effort to improve RTG policy
coordination and implementation. Everyone agrees that
breaking down stovepiping, particularly in the South, is long
overdue. Much of the more sinister rumint surrounding the
new organization--secretive special operations groups and the
like--appears to be false. But there is no doubt that the
PM's order re-engineering ISOC gives the Army greater
authority over internal security enforcement than it has had
in the recent past, and that will be cause for concern for
many Thai. How ISOC's expansion is codified in law, and
whether these new powers are used in a responsible manner,
will remain key issues for debate in the coming months.
This, as in so many other initiatives undertaken by the
interim government, may prove impossible to implement.

Pim (พิม) was born as a twin, conjoined at the stomach with her
sister, Ploy (พลอย). Pim was very sweet and protective of Ploy. However, it was Ploy
who threw rocks at a group of children who were taunting them. While they were
staying in a hospital, Pim and Ploy met a boy named Wee (วี). Although both loved him,
Wee only returned Pim's affections, which made Ploy angry and jealous. Finally
Wee recovers from his illness and was able to leave. As he is getting into the
car, Wee decided he wanted to see Pim one last time. Since the twins' room was
on the second floor, he decides to call to her. As much as Pim wants to see Wee,
Ploy would not get out of bed. Wee is upset and leaves. Angry and in tears, Pim
demands that she and Ploy be separated. The twins had an operation to separate
them, but Ploy did not survive.

Several years later Pim, who is now living in South Korea
and is dating Wee, receives a phone call from Thailand that her mother has had a
stroke. When Pim and Wee return to Thailand, Ploy comes back to haunt her.
Curious, Wee looks into Pim's family affairs. In a stroke of irony, Wee learns
that Pim is actually Ploy. Revealed in a flashback, Ploy strangled Pim in a
jealous rage after Pim demanded they be separated. In order to save Ploy's life,
doctors had to amputate Pim's corpse from Ploy. Ploy assumed Pim's identity in
order to be with Wee. Throughout the film, Pim's ghost was actually trying to
tell Wee the truth. Ploy's mother knew of her actions as well, and tried to tell
him but was unable to talk due to her weakened state.

After confronting Pim, Ploy takes Wee hostage, but not
before killing her mother. However, Wee escapes, and the ensuing fight with Ploy
causes the house to catch on fire. Wee escapes, but a shelf falls on Ploy.
Trapped underneath, Pim's ghost confronts and holds her down, taking Ploy with
her as burning debris rain down around them. In the end, Wee visits the twins'
grave, apologizes, and places a necklace on their tombstone.

Box office

Like Pisanthanakun and Wongpoom's previous film
Shutter,
Aloneopened at #1 at the Thai Box Office
grossing $960,000 before falling to #2 grossing $411,043. In total the film
grossed $2,040,003 in Thailand becoming the 21st highest grossing film of the
year. The film fared even better internationally grossing $9,365,071 worldwide
out grossing the directors' previous film Shutter.[2]

The Indian remake rights has been acquired by Global One
Studios, Chennai (சென்னை)
and it was shot in Kannada, titled
Chaarulatha. The
Kannada version of the movie was dubbed into Telugu and Tamil version into
Malayalam. Name of the movie remains the same in all the four languages. It is
also being planned in Hindi."

"Mhee Noi
(Thai: หมีน้อย) are a Thai indie punk rock band from Bangkok, formed in
2004. They have released five singles on myspace and play live.

Early career

Before becoming one of the
members of Mhee Noi, Ling decided to promote the songs he wrote and do
something completely new and different.

In 2004, he formed a band
called Dek-Lek (เด็ก-เล็ก) project with other 4 members: Noob, Vivorn,
Atom, Yingyod to participate in a music contest at their school. However
the result was unsuccessful because such rude words in their songs were
unacceptable.

In 2005, Noob and Ling decided
to change their style of music to Rock with two new members, Vee and
Joe. They then decided to change the name of the band to Anti-All and
participated in their school's Music contest again while Atom left to
formed the new band with Petch, his friend called Geub Jazz.

In 2006, Noob went to United
States for study aboard. Due to his departure, the band split.

Ling continued to accumulate
musical knowledge and experience from his previous band, spending time
improving his musical skills and his song-writing ability.

That same year, Geub Jazz
surprisingly by awarded first prize in their music school contest while
Petch was treated in sanatorium for mental illness.

Reunion, Formed Mhee
Noi

In 2007, Noob
returned to Thailand. He came up with the idea to write songs critiquing
the Culture of Thailand and Thai society so he formed a new band
consisting of Ling, Atom, Petch and himself. They wrote 'severe' songs
full of sarcasm and irony reflecting the reality of Thai society. This
band, therefore, is called Mhee Noi.[1]

Controversies
on songs and public

In
April 2007, Mhee Noi first released their songs in myspace.com.[2]
The first song released was the song named "Diet Coke" the song is about
the corruption in Thai Police Society, and then followed by a popular
song named "Wat Pantip" (วัดพันธ์ทิพย์)
which has been greatly
criticized controversy because of its inappropriate meaning about the
Bhikkhu in bad behaviour.

"Vegetarian" (แดกหมู)
is the song about the
terrorism on Southeast Asia may refer to Islamic terrorism.

The next single, "Land
of Shit" (ควยประเทศเหี้ย) presented about vandalism, Poverty, Political
corruption, The Riots from the P.A.D. and the NUFDA all happened in
Thailand.

all of those songs are so
critical that Mhee Noi has undoubtedly been blamed for their
unacceptable song and disgrace to mainstream.

Present

Without concerning with any
critical comment on their songs, Mhee Noi has still been making
mainstream friendly songs as well as severity like always in order to
satisfy themselves and the listeners such songs as "Nerd", "Mirror".

In November, In Fat Festival
7, Mhee Noi combined Wat Pantip into album named Mind The Gap,
containing various songs from different independent artists and this
album has been available on the internet for free downloads in a name,
My Ass Hurts, But My Hua-Jai Loves It.

Ma-Mha (Thai:
มะหมา 4 ขาครับ, or
Ma-Mha 4 Ka Krub, also
Mid-Road Gang) is a 2007 Thai comedy-drama
film directed by Pantham
Thongsang (พันธุ์ธัมม์ ทองสังข์) and Somkiet Vituranich (สมเกียรติ วิทุรานิช) about a pack of stray
dogs in suburban Bangkok who want to cross a busy highway in hopes of finding a
better life on the other side of the road. It is the first Thai live-action
feature film to feature main characters that are animals.[1]

Plot

Makham (มะขาม) is a Thai Ridgeback
(ไทยหลังอาน) living with his middle-class owner
and girlfriend and the girlfriend's white Persian cat. After the cat tricks Makham into chewing on her master's shoes, the girlfriend becomes furious and
when her boyfriend is gone, sneaks the dog off to a suburban Bangkok Buddhist
temple, and leaves the dog.

Makham falls in a pack of five stray dogs who live in a
burned out neighborhood. An illustrated sequence during the opening credits
shows the lives of the strays and how their village came to be burned down. The
five strays are led by an old mixed breed hound named Lung Kaffee (ลุงกาแฟ). The other
dogs are mostly mixed breed as well, except for a poodle named Sexy (เซ็กซี่). The dogs
are starving. They cannot forage for food in the nearby temple because of a
rival pack of strays. A neighboring orchard is off limits because of some fierce
guard dogs. And there is a gated, high-class housing estate, but the dogs are
stopped from entering by a kindly young security guard.

Makham manages to sneak his way into the estate anyway,
and his eyes are captured by a female collie, Nam Kang (น้ำค้าง) . A rich neighbor is after
Nam Kang's female owner, and brings in his own collie, Tommy (ทอมมี่) , as a potential
companion for Nam Kang to woo Nam Kang's owner. The man is angry with Makham
because Makham had earlier disrupted a lavish birthday party. The man reveals
himself as a cruel person, wanting to poison the strays or shoot them with a
pistol.

Hope for the strays comes from Makham, who knows of a "Dogtopia",
where all dogs are well fed and cared for. It is across a busy highway that no
dog has survived the crossing. The older dog, Lung Kaffee, is injured in an
initial attempt at crossing. So the strays pool their resources to try and cross
the road. They find a wagon to pull Lung Kaffee in, and determine that on the
full moon, there is a temple fair when traffic will be stopped and they can
cross.

Eventually they do cross and find Dogtopia, where indeed
they are cared for. Makham is reunited with his owner, who is at the fair. And
all the dogs live happily ever after.

"Ghost Station (Thai:
โกยเถอะเกย์) is a
2007 Thai comedy-horror film directed by Yuthlert Sippapak (ยุทธเลิศ
สิปปภาค, 1966 - ) as a spoof of Brokeback Mountain (2005).

Plot

Udd (อู๊ด) and Yai (ใหญ่) are a gay couple who love cowboy movies and move
from the city to a rural area to have a more intimate, rustic setting for their
relationship. They buy an abandoned filling station and look to settle down. Udd
then finds that Yai is having an affair with Tangmo (แตงโม ), a local woman who has a
lesbian lover, Jenny (เจนนี่ ). Neither Yai nor Tangmo are aware of either of their sexual
histories, but Udd discovers the affair and plans to have anal sex with his
grandfather out of revenge. However, none of them know that he is a zombie, and
lives with some scary spirits.

"Former judge turned
charter drafter Wicha Mahakhun [วิชา มหาคุณ, 1946 - ]
yesterday hit back at scepticism over the constitution giving judges
the power to select members of the senate and independent
organisations, saying the judges had won the trust of His Majesty
the King.

"We all know elections are evil, but [why do] many people still want
to see history repeated?" Wicha told a public hearing on the draft
charter held by the National, Economic and Social Advisory Council
(Nesac) [สำนักงานสภาที่ปรึกษาเศรษฐกิจและสังคมแห่งชาติ]
yesterday.

He
said MPs had to be elected, because it was not possible to let 65
million citizens draft laws.

"People, especially
academics who want to see the constitution lead to genuine
democracy, are naive," he said. "Electing senators is a problem, as
seen in the past, so why don't people want judges to help select
senators?

"I would like to recall HM
the King's speech here. On April 9, His Majesty told the judges to
perform their duties firmly and without caring what others might
say. His Majesty said if the courts did not support good people,
society could not survive. His Majesty said it was most imperative
[for judges] to ensure justice," he said.

"Even HM the King places
trust in the judges; would you condemn them?" he asked, adding that
most people the drafters had met during their fieldwork wanted to
see senators appointed at a Supreme Court [ ศาลฎีกา]
meeting.

"The country collapsed
because politicians played politics without principle, but these
people [who want elected senators] have never learned from the
[country's] crisis," he said.

Constitution Drafting
Committee (CDC) [คณะกรรมาธิการยกร่างรัฐธรรมนูญ,
1950 - ] deputy chairman Charan Pakdithanakul [จรัญ
ภักดีธนากุล)] said the CDC had placed
judges in many places in the draft because it wanted neutral
organisations in politics, since elected senators could not be
neutral. Charan is permanent secretary of the Justice Ministry and
also a member of the National Legislative Assembly."

"Jatukham Rammathep(จตุคามรามเทพ) is the name of an unusually
popular amulet sold by some Buddhist temples in Thailand. The amulet is
named for two princes of the Srivijaya kingdom of southern Thailand, and is
believed to provide protection and good fortune to the bearer. Some legends
hold that the name actually belongs to an incarnation of the Bodhisattva
Avalokitesvara, whose worship was known in the south due to the presence of
Mahayana Buddhism there during earlier eras.

The original Jatukham Rammathep amulets were created
in 1987 by a Thai policeman named Khun Phantharak Rajjadej (พลตำรวจตรี
ขุนพันธรักษ์ราชเดช, 1903 - 2006) who believed that
the spirit of Jatukham Rammathep had assisted him in solving a difficult
murder case.

During 2006, following on the death of Khun Phantharak
Rajjadej, Jatukham Rammathep amulets began to grow wildly in popularity
among Thais who believed in their ability to grant good fortune and solve
personal problems. The amulets were initially distributed by a temple in the
town of Nakhon Si Thammarat (นครศรีธรรมราช) in southern Thailand. As the demand for these
amulets grew, they began to also be produced at other temples in Thailand.

In April 2007, a woman died after being trampled in a
rush to acquire reservations for a batch of Jatukham Rammathep amulets being
produced at the Mahathat Woromaha Vihan (วัดพระมหาธาตุวรมหาวิหาร) temple in Nakhon Si Thammarat.
Later that month, in the face of a crime wave of daily amulet robberies,
Thailand's Supreme Patriarch (พระสังฆราช)) stopped providing materials from the temple,
such as ash from incense, used to make the amulets.

Trucks with loudspeakers blare promotions for
different series of amulets all day in Nakhon Si Thammarat, and colorful
posters cover many walls.

It is estimated that sales of the Jatukham Rammathep
amulet in Thailand will amount to over 20 billion baht during 2007."

"The website www.pantip.com re-opens its
political webboard or the “Ratchadamnoen Room” yesterday night
(April, 10th). Pantip has discussed codes of conduct for its users
in detail with the Ministry of Information and Communication
Technology (ICT).

Pantip.com has assured the ministry that it can control the webboard
and informed its users of the ministry’s request, asking them not to
post messages which might be considered as
lèse-majesté.
The ministry also requests them not to mention personal issues of
privy councilors.

Meanwhile, the ICT Ministry affirms it respects the right to
expression of netsurfers. However, it calls for them to criticize
the government and the Council for National Security (CNS) with
rationally and constructively. "

"Pantip.com is a popular Thai-language website
and discussion forum. As of April 2008, Pantip.com was one of the top 10
websites in Thailand, along with rival Thai portal Sanook.com.
Discussions about Thai politics and current events on Pantip.com's topic
boards are often cited in the Thai press, particularly in such
English-language newspapers as the Bangkok Post and The Nation,
as a gauge of the public's mood about various issues.

At the beginning, the site gained its popularity from
people's misunderstanding of its name which is similar (and identical in
English spelling) to Bangkok's famous IT shopping center, Pantip Plaza (พันธุ์ทิพย์พลาซ่า),
however it is in no way affiliated with the mall (The name is actually
styled in Thai as พันทิป, meaning a thousand tips.) Nevertheless, there is a
significant IT-related community there.

History

Pantip.com was founded in 1997 by Wanchat Padungrat (วันฉัตร
ผดุงรัตน์), an
electrical engineer. He holds directorship and ownership of the site. Along
with the popular Thai-language portal Sanook.com, Pantip.com was one of the
first websites established in Thailand when the Internet was being
introduced in the country. As opposed to Sanook.com's lucrative buyout from
MWeb, a now-defunct dot com company, Wanchat has no plans to sell the site.

CommunityTables

One of the features of the site is the "Café", which
consists of 20 "tables" for discussions on a variety of topics. The tables
are named after famous places in Thailand, such as Siam Square (สยามสแควร์), MBK Center
(มาบุญครอง),
Silom (สีลม) and Chatuchak Weekend Market
(จตุจักร). Topics for discussion include politics,
religion, celebrities and education as well as films, sports and outdoor
recreation.

Other features include LiveChat, Pantip Market,
PanTown, Game Room, E-Card, BlogGang and Pantip Musicstation.

Membership
system

Pantip.com has a belief that its
members should be held accountable for what they write on its webboard in
order to avoid unpleasant exchanges that often bring about defamation,
rudeness, or simply unhealthy cyber environment for its members. Thus, since
2004 it has started requiring that new members must provide their IDs (Thai
National ID or passport number) in order to subscribe for a membership . At
first, this measure had received a lot of criticism, with concerns about
privacy and security of personal information. However, such criticisms have
subsided as there has been no indication of any harm as of yet. Apparently,
Pantip.com is one of the few, if any, online webboards that have such stiff
requirements involving personal identity of the member. According to Wanchat,
the outcome of such measure is quite satisfying, the members are contented
with the improved quality of the discussion and the membership has grown.

Alternatively, people who do not wish to apply as a
member can still post using a temporary ticket-pass that only requires an
e-mail address. But the ticket-pass holders do not enjoy some special
benefits of the members such as intra-communication tools and blog.

Recently, in Ratchadumnern table, where heated and
uncivil political debates often occur, Pantip.com has started requiring that
every post there must be accompanied by member login only. Thus, everyone
who wishes to post in Ratchadumnern table must have member login name.
However, the problem of using false identification or IDs of other people to
apply for membership is still pervasive.

Netiquette

The forum has rules, or "netiquette", which are actively
enforced. Offensive posts can be reported to the webmaster, who may remove
the offending post to the "trash" page, where the pages can still be viewed
and commented on. The rules are:

Messages critical of the king and the royal
family are absolutely prohibited.

No foul language or sexually explicit content.

No insults or posts that may cause a person to be
hated.

No posts that are solely intended to cause
quarrels or chaos.

No negative attacks on religions or the teachings
of any religion.

Don't use pseudonyms that resemble somebody
else's real name with the intention of misleading others.

No messages that might cause conflicts among
educational institutions.

Bus Laneopened in Thailand
cinemas on April 12, 2007. It was No. 1 at the box office on opening weekend,
knocking the Thai canine comedy Ma-Mha (มะหมา
4 ขาครับ) from the top spot, and beating out the
Jim Carrey (1962 - ) thriller The Number 23, which opened the same week. [1]It held the No. 1 spot for a second week, before dropping to
No. 2 in its third week, No. 3 in its fourth week, and finally No. 10 and No. 16
in the subsequent two weeks."

"Suwat Woradilok (Thai: สุวัฒน์ วรดิลก,
July 14, 1923 in Bangkok – April 15, 2007, Amphoe Si Racha - ศรีราชา, Chonburi
Province - ชลบุรี) was a Thai writer. He produced a variety of works, including short
stories, novels, plays, scripts for television dramas, radio dramas and
screenplays. He had several pen names, including S. Voradilok, Phrai Visanu
(ไพร วิษณุ)
and Rapheeporn (รพีพร).
He was named a Thailand National Artist (ศิลปินแห่งชาติ) for literature in 1991.

His well-known books include Rajinee Boad (ราชินีบอด,
Blind
Queen). He
also penned the story for Dark Heaven (สวรรค์มืด), which was made into both a
television drama and a 1958 film, directed by Rattana Pestonji (รัตน์
เปสตันยี, 1908 - 1970).

Suwat was married to singer Pensri Poomchoosri(เพ็ญศรี
พุ่มชูศรี, 1929 - 2007), also a
National Artist. The two married in the 1950s, after they worked together in
a theater troupe. After a visit to China in 1957, Suwat and his wife were
jailed on charges of being involved in communist activities. The two were
jailed for four years, with Pensri spurning offers of early release to
remain with her husband.

The couple had no children of their own, but adopted a
child, Chatrachai Woradilok.

In his last years, Suwat suffered from heart disease
and diabetes and was confined to bed in his home in Si Racha, Chon Buri
Province. Less
than a month after he died, his wife followed him in death on May 14, 2007."

"(London) - The Thai
government’s growing reliance on abusive militias for security as it
fights a growing insurgency in the southern provinces places
civilians at increasing risk, Human Rights Watch said today.

On April 9,
government-backed village defense volunteers in Ban Pakdi village of
Yala [ยะลา]
province’s Ban Nang Sta [Bannang
Sata - บันนังสตา
/ بنڠ ستار]
district fired on a crowd of Muslim funeral goers, killing four
students and injuring at least five other people. The incident
occurred after Unit 4202 of the Army rangers, an army-trained and
equipped paramilitary force, fired on a civilian vehicle in Ban Ta
Seh [ตาเซะ]
village of Yala’s Muang district on March 9, killing Abukari Kasoh,
a 15-year-old student, and seriously wounding his brother-in-law,
Afandi Pohma.

“These cases of deadly
use of force show how dangerous it is for the government to arm
and deploy poorly trained militia forces,” said Brad Adams, Asia
director for Human Rights Watch. “Villagers in southern Thailand
have a right to defend themselves from attacks by insurgents,
but we’ve seen examples from around the world of how
ill-disciplined volunteer militias use weapons improperly and
set off a vicious cycle of reprisal attacks against civilians.”

The government of General
Surayud Chulanont, which was installed after the military staged a
coup d’état last September, has significantly stepped up its use of
paramilitary Army rangers and village defense volunteers to face the
growing challenge posed by separatist groups in Thailand’s
predominantly Muslim southern provinces.

Over the past month,
insurgents have increased their attacks across Yala [ยะลา],
Pattani [ปัตตานี]
and Narathiwat [นราธิวาส]
provinces. They allegedly burned more than 10 government schools and
bombed markets and shops owned by Buddhists. They have murdered
Buddhists, as well as Muslims working with Thai authorities. The
victims in two cases, Patcharaporn Boonsamas (aged 25) from Yala and
Thongme Maiman (aged 70) from Narathiwat, were shot and then burned
to death.

In response, the
government this year has recruited nearly 3,000 local volunteers,
some from the families of Buddhists and Muslims killed or injured by
insurgents, to join the 30 newly formed Army ranger companies.

The Army has defended the
actions of the militias, asserting that the village defense
volunteers in Ban Pakdi in April were acting within their right to
self-defense against what they saw as angry protesters. The victims
of the April 9 incident were mourners returning on pickup trucks
from a funeral for a local Muslim politician, Buraheng Puna, who had
been killed earlier that day. The shooting occurred after a tense
confrontation between angry funeral-goers, who believed that Thai
security forces were behind Puna’s murder, and a group of Buddhist
village defense volunteers manning the security checkpoint in Ban
Pakdi. The village defense volunteers were attacked with sticks and
rocks before they opened fire on the crowd with shotguns.

In the March 9 Ban Ta Seh
shootings, the Army claimed that the rangers shot at a pickup truck
during hot pursuit of insurgents. Before the incident, an outpost of
rangers in that area was attacked hit-and-run style by seven gunmen
on a pickup truck. According to an Army spokesman, troops from Unit
4202 of the rangers were trying to stop the escaping gunmen. They
opened fire with AK-47 [Автомат
Калашникова образца 47]
rifles when they saw a pickup truck heading towards them from the
direction where the first attack took place. However, there has been
no independent evidence to show that Abukar and Afandi were involved
in the earlier attack on the rangers.

After the shooting
witnesses reported that rangers, some of whom were drunk, broke into
Ponoh Ta Seh Islamic boarding school. After teachers and students
tried to explain that the two youths shot were not insurgents and
had already been sent to the hospital, some rangers started shooting
into the male dormitory area. They ordered male students to come out
of school buildings, take their shirts off, and sit with their faces
to the ground. The rangers verbally abused the students and spat at,
kicked and hit some of them in the head.

“Thai authorities have
a duty to discipline and, where necessary, prosecute Army
rangers and any other irregular forces that commit abuses,” said
Adams. “It should start by conducting a credible and transparent
investigation into the killings by paramilitary forces in Ban
Pakdi and Ban Ta Seh.”

Units from regular Army
forces have also been implicated in the use of excessive force. On
April 13, soldiers shot dead three unarmed Muslim boys, aged 13 and
14, in Ban Bana [บานา]
village of Pattani province’s Muang district [เมืองปัตตานี].
A group of soldiers from Taskforce 2 of the Army in Pattani was
chasing insurgents who had burned down mobile phone cell stations in
nearby villages. One of the survivors told Human Rights Watch that
he and his friends were playing on the roadside when heavily armed
soldiers arrived in Humvees in Ban Bana village. He and his friends
ran away because they were scared. They tried to hide in the bushes.
But the soldiers allegedly shot them without warning with rifles,
which the witness identified as US-made M16s. Muslim community
leaders have pressed the government to investigate and prosecute
those responsible.

“The Thai government
must understand that any attempt to cover up the misconduct of
its security units or to protect them from criminal
responsibility could set off a cycle of killings and reprisals,”
Adams said. “The impunity of government forces has become the
most common justification used by insurgents to carry out
retaliatory attacks on civilians.”

Human Rights Watch urged
the government to instruct its forces to comply with the United
Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law
Enforcement Officials. The Basic Principles state that all law
enforcement officials, in carrying out their duty, shall as far as
possible apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of
force. Whenever the lawful use of force is unavoidable, law
enforcement officials shall use restraint and act in proportion to
the seriousness of the offense. The legitimate objective should be
achieved with minimal damage and injury, and preservation of human
life respected."

A man is robbed while making a call in a phone booth.
Staggering in the middle of the road from the beating by the thieves, he is then
struck by a car driving by a woman named Oom (อุ้ม). Feeling sorry for him, Oom brings
the man to her apartment and gives him shelter. The man, it turns out, has
developed amnesia. Based the name on a pendant the man is wearing – his only
possession – Oom names him Tan (แทน). A doctor's examination reveals that Tan is
uninjured except that he can't remember anything about his life prior to being
struck by Oom's car. Tan is given a journal and urged to free associate in an
effort to recall his past life.

Oom is experiencing trouble in her own life. She has
recently broken up with her domineering boyfriend, Krit (กริช), whom she still sees at
her workplace, where she is a creative director for an advertising agency. Oom
is also had motherhood thrust upon her, since she is caring for her nephew, the
son of her dead sister.

Initially, having Tan around adds stress to the situation,
and when Tan reorganizes her stacks of magazines, and interferes in her
disciplining of Ohm, she is angry.

But Tan proves useful around the apartment. He is looked
up to as a father figure by Ohm (โอม). And for Oom, he builds up the self-esteem and
confidence she lost in her relationship with Krit. Tan seems to instinctively
know things about feminimity, such as what dress Oom should wear and what shade
of lipstick is appropriate. As a family unit with Oom and Ohm, Tan goes to an
amusement park and defends Oom after he gets in trouble for fighting in school,
with the result being Tan getting punched by the other boy's father.

While visions of his past nag him, Tan seems perfectly
happy with Oom and Ohm, especially after he becomes romantically involved with
Oom. "I don't want to remember anymore. I want to be like this with you here,
forever," he tells Oom one night as they watch the sunset from a ledge outside
her apartment.

Eventually the memories of the past catch up with Tan.
Taking some numbers he wrote in his journal, he retraces his steps to the scene
of the car accident, and eventually finds the numbers are an address to a house.
The home belongs to a man whom Tan had a homosexual relationship with, but since
the man is married to a woman and has a family, he must keep the relationship
secret.

Meanwhile, the police call Oom. They have some items
recovered from the thieves who attacked Tan on the night he was struck by her
car. Among the items is a mobile phone. The police have already called the
number, and Tan's friends from Phuket (ภูเก็ต)
on their way to Bangkok to claim the phone
and find out more about their missing friend. The friends, it turns out, are all katoey
(กะเทย)
dancers in a transvestite cabaret, where Tan was the star attraction.

Pratanporn Phuwadolpitak
(ประทานพร ภูวดลพิทักษ์) as Neighbor across the hall

Pornpisit Somchatvong (พรพิศิษฐ์
สมชาติวงศ์) as Neighbor across the hall

Tanit Jitnukul (ธนิตย์ จิตนุกูล,
1956 - ) as Police sergeant (cameo)"

Festivals and awards

Me ... Myself was featured in the Thai Panorama
program at the 2007 Bangkok International Film Festival. It was screened at the
38th International Film Festival of India, where Pongpat Wachirabunjong won a
Silver Peacock award for "most promising director".[2]

"Syndromes and a Century (Thai:
แสงศตวรรษsaeng
satawǎat, literally Light of the Century[1])
is a 2006 Thai drama film written and directed by Apichatpong Weerasethakul
(อภิชาติพงศ์
วีระเศรษฐกุล, 1970 - ). The
film was among the works commissioned for Peter Sellars' (1957 - ) New Crowned Hope
festival in Vienna to celebrate the 250th anniversary of the birth of Wolfgang
Amadeus Mozart (1756 - 1791).[2]It premiered on August 30, 2006 at the 63rd Venice Film
Festival.

The film is a tribute to the director's parents and is
divided into two parts, with the characters and dialogue in the second half
essentially the same as the first, but the settings and outcome of the stories
are different. The first part is set in a hospital in rural Thailand, while the
second half is set in a Bangkok medical center. "The film is about
transformation, about how people transform themselves for the better",
Apichatpong said in an interview.[3]

In Thailand, Syndromes and a Centurybecame controversial after the Board of Censors demanded that
four scenes be cut in order for the film to be shown commercially. The director
refused to cut the film and withdrew it from domestic release.[4]Since then, the director had agreed to a limited showing in
Thailand where the cut scenes were replaced with a black screen to protest and
inform the public about the issues of censorship.

Cast

Nantarat Sawaddikul (นันทรัตน์
สวัสดิกุล) as Dr. Toey (หมอเตย)

Jaruchai Iamaram (จารุชัย
เอี่ยมอร่าม) as Dr. Nohng (หมอหน่อง)

Nu Nimsomboon (นุติ์ นิ่มสมบุญ) as Toa
(โต๋)

Sophon Pukanok (โสภณ ภู่กนก) as Noom
(หนุ่ม), the orchid expert

Jenjira Pongpas as Pa Jane

Arkanae Cherkam (อาคเนย์ เชื้อขำ) as Dentist Ple

Sakda Kaewbuadee (ศักดิ์ดา
แก้วบัวดี) as Monk Sakda (พระศักดา)

Sin Kaewpakpin as Old Monk

Origins

"It's
a film about heart", the director told the Bangkok Post.
"It's not necessarily about love, it's more about memory. It's about
feelings that have been forever etched in the heart."[5]

It was originally
entitled Intimacy and Turbulenceand was to be an autobiographical
look at his mother and father, who were both physicians working in a
hospital in Khon Kaen (ขอนแก่น), Thailand. But the director revised that
concept when he cast the actors and began filming. The story still
focuses on a male and female doctor, and is dedicated to the director's
parents, but is set in two hospitals 40 years apart and explores both
the memories and current lives of the protagonists.

"I began with my parents'
story, but it has sprung to other things", Apitchatpong said in an
interview. "When I met the actors, when I found the location, there were
other stories combined and added in. I try not to limit it. I allow it
to flow whichever way it goes. It is very exciting."[6

[...]

Thai reception and
censorship

A limited theatrical release in
Bangkok was originally slated for April 19, 2007, but was indefinitely delayed
after the Board of Censors demanded the removal of four scenes. Apichatpong
refused to cut the film and withdrew it from domestic circulation.

He explained his reasons for doing so in an article in the
Bangkok Post:

I, as a filmmaker, treat my works as I do my own sons
or daughters. I don't care if people are fond of them or despise them,
as long as I created them with my best intentions and efforts. If these
offspring of mine cannot live in their own country for whatever reason,
let them be free. There is no reason to mutilate them in fear of the
system. Otherwise there is no reason for one to continue making art.[4]

Two of the "sensitive" scenes involve doctors engaging in
"inappropriate" conduct (kissing and drinking liquor) in a hospital; the others
depict a Buddhist monk playing a guitar and two monks playing with a remote-control
flying saucer.[4]
The censors refused to return the print unless the requested cuts were made.[13]

Later in 2007, the film was shown twice in privately
arranged screenings at the Alliance française in Bangkok.

The censorship of the film came about as a motion picture
rating system was being considered by the National Legislative Assembly (รัฐสภา). A
replacement for the 1930 film act, the ratings law contained a restrictive
ratings structure and retained the government's powers to censor and ban films
it deemed would "undermine or disrupt social order and moral decency, or that
might impact national security or the pride of the nation".[14]

To oppose the draft law, Apichatpong and other directors
formed the Free Thai Cinema Movement (เครือข่ายรณรงค์เพื่อเสรีภาพของภาพยนตร์).

"We disagree with the right of the state to ban films",
Apichatpong was quoted as saying. "There already are other laws that cover
potential wrongdoings by filmmakers."[15]

Ladda Tangsupachai (ลัดดา ตั้งสุภาชัย), director of the Ministry of Culture's
Cultural Surveillance Department, said the ratings law was needed because
moviegoers in Thailand are "uneducated". "They're not intellectuals, that's why
we need ratings", she was quoted as saying.[16]

Despite the protest, the law was passed on December 20,
2007.[14]

The film was released for a limited run in April, 2008 at
the Paragon Cineplex (พารากอนซีนีเพล็กซ์)
in Bangkok, Thailand in its censored form. In protest of
the censoring, the director inserted black, scratched film trailer in place of
each of the censored scenes, the same length as the scenes that were cut. The
result is that the audience experiences no sound and no picture for the same
time and in the same spots in the film as the censored scenes."

Editorial : Military needs dose of its own
medicine. -- In: The Nation <Bangkok>. -- 2007-04-24

"Without an overhaul
of the armed forces, a peaceful and democratic Thailand will remain
elusive

There is no better proof of the military's failure than the fact
that Islamic militants/Malay separatists have successfully turned
what started out as a sporadic terrorist acts and low-intensity
conflict with security forces into a full-scale insurgency in the
deep South. Three years on and after more than 2,000 people have
been killed, the insurgents have managed to gain an upper hand,
throwing the Thai military into disarray and leaving people in the
predominantly-Muslim southern provinces of Yala [ยะลา],
Pattani [ปัตตานี]
and Narathiwat [นราธิวาส]
cowering in fear.

One would think the armed forces would have
learned some valuable lessons and adapted their counter-insurgency
tactics and strategies to suppress the rebellion and restore peace
in the troubled region. One would expect that after the September 19
coup by the military, and after the National Legislative Assembly
gave the green light to the Defence Ministry's proposed 2007 budget
of Bt115 billion - an almost 50-per-cent jump over that of the
previous fiscal year - the armed forces would begin to shape up. But
no such thing has happened.

The injection of huge
funds into the Army, Navy and Air Force has not resulted in an
improvement in performance commensurate with the additional
resources. Worse still, the military has slipped further in its
ability to engage the southern insurgents, who continue to inflict
huge casualties on security personnel through roadside bombs and
ambushes. This explains why the armed forces' effort to win the
hearts and minds of people in the deep South is not working as
planned. A military that is incapable of protecting its own soldiers
does not inspire confidence in local people, who then refuse to
cooperate in any way with the authorities for fear of reprisal from
ruthless insurgents who kill and maim unarmed civilians with
impunity. Without cooperation from the locals, the armed forces can
gain no intelligence and the tens of thousands of soldiers deployed
to combat insurgents become sitting ducks.

The problem with the armed
forces is that they have been and continue to be weighed down by
debilitating structural problems, lack of professionalism and
corruption. But no one discusses these festering problems, even
though it is no longer possible for anyone to ignore the utter
failure of the armed forces to achieve the objectives they set out.
It is disturbing that the Thai public continues to make allowances
for a military that is not doing its job.

In order to make its own
failings seem less obvious, the military set up and armed ranger
units, made up of volunteers who are given only a few months of
training before being deployed to areas heavily infiltrated by
insurgents to fight on behalf of standing military units. Military
commanders are reluctant to dispatch standing military units into
the battle zones, either because their battle-readiness is very much
in doubt or because they want to minimise additions to the
"official" casualty list. Lowly-paid rangers are not listed as
personnel of the armed forces and they are considered dispensable in
the sense that the government is not required to include them in the
armed forces' official casualty list or to offer substantial
compensation to their families if they are killed in action.

It cannot be emphasised
enough that in the absence of armed conflict over the past two
decades, the armed forces have become bloated. Between them, the
Army, Navy and Air Force have hundreds of desk-bound generals,
admirals and air marshals who have no real job to do. Such a
top-heavy structure explains why the military is spending up to
60-70 per cent of its total budget on salaries, leaving little money
to upgrade weapon systems or to maintain a high level of
battle-readiness.

Prime Minister Surayud
Chulanont, a former Army chief, and Council for National Security
chairman General Sonthi Boonyaratglin [สนธิ
บุณยรัตกลิน, 1946 - ],
the current Army chief, owe it to the Thai people and members of the
armed forces to clean up entrenched inefficiency and corruption
before the end of their respective tenures. The future of democracy
in this country depends on having a professional military that is
capable of dealing effectively with national security threats while
submitting to civilian rule. Even people who call themselves
guardians of the nation and restorers of democracy can benefit from
a dose of their own medicine. "

There are two theories. One is that they really wanted to get rid of
Thaksin. They saw Thaksin was very detrimental to Thailand,
particularly to the monarchy.

Who precisely?

All of them: the military, [Privy Council president] Prem [เปรม
ติณสูลานนท์, 1920 - ] ... You have to
understand Thai politics. Whether you like it or not, since 1976 you
cannot analyze political events without involving the monarchy
institution. That's for sure.

The involvement of the king has depended on how severe the situation
was. In certain circumstances, the king sends a mild signal and
things come to an end. Sometimes the king has to come out - like he
did with [coup leader] General Suchinda Kraprayoon [สุจินดา
คราประยูร, 1933 - ] to stop the fighting
[in 1992] - and send a strong signal. But whatever the case, the
request for military intervention or for the king to come out has
always had one prerequisite: there must be bloodshed.

That old political theory, that there must be bloodshed for the king
to intervene, did not work when its purpose was to get rid of
Thaksin. So that more or less upset their planned solution. I
remember vividly that when there was [street protest] against
Thaksin, I always had people calling me: "Khun Sondhi, could you
move things a little bit forward, have a little confrontation, let
us see a little blood?"

"Pallop Pinmanee (Thai:
พัลลภ ปิ่นมณี,
born 25 May 1936) is a retired
Thai Army
general who took part in several
coups, ordered the massacre of insurgents at
Krue Sae Mosque (มัสยิดกรือเซะ)
and allegedly played a role in the attempted car-bomb
assassination of
Prime Minister
Thaksin Shinawatra. After a
2006 military coup overthrew Thaksin, the
military junta appointed Pallop
public relations adviser to the
Internal Security Operations Command (กองอำนวยการรักษาความมั่นคง
ภายในราชอาณาจักร) of Thailand.

Military
career

Pallop was a member of Class Seven of the
Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy (โรงเรียนนายร้อยพระจุลจอมเกล้า), the "Young Turks", where he befriended
classmate
Chamlong Srimuang (จำลอง ศรีเมือง,
1935 - ).
He began his military career as a commando and self-professed assassin.
With his Young Turk classmates, Pallop was involved in successful military coups
against the governments of Seni
Pramoj (เสนีย์ ปราโมช,
1905 - 1997) and
Tanin Kraivixien (ธานินทร์ กรัยวิเชียร,
1927 - ) and an unsuccessful
April Fool's Day 1981 coup against the government of
Prem Tinsulanonda (เปรม ติณสูลานนท์,
1920 - ). He also admitted masterminding a number of
assassination attempts against General
Arthit Kamlang-ek (อาทิตย์ กำลังเอก,
1925 - 2015), commander of the Army under Prem.

He participated in guerrilla-warfare missions in
Laos in 1966 and 1967 and was appointed chief of the Special Thai Ranger
Army, a volunteer unit which carried out clandestine, anti-communist
guerrilla operations financed by the US
Central Intelligence Agency against the
North Vietnamese Army along the
Ho Chi Minh Trail in
Laos, in 1968.
Two years later, he was appointed leader of a secret seven-man unit which
carried out extrajudicial killings. "The assignment was to kill the leaders of
communist groups all over Thailand", he told a reporter, and claimed to have
assassinated many suspected communists.

Pallop was appointed a senator by the military-led
government in 1979, and became commander of the 19th Infantry Regiment the
following year. He participated in operations along the Thai-Cambodian border in
1986 and 1987.

He was involved in several
coups.
With other members of the Young Turks, he helped topple the elected government
of Seni
Pramoj after the
massacre of 6 October 1976. Pallop also participated in the 1977 coup
against the ultra-conservative government of
Tanin Kraivixien. During the Prem government, the Young Turks
tried to seize power on 1 April 1981. When it became clear that the royal
family continued to support Prem, the coup failed; although Pallop fled to the
Lao PDR to escape punishment, he was jailed for two months by the Laotian
government. He later admitted masterminding a number of
assassination attempts against General
Arthit Kamlang-ek, commander of the army in Prem's administration.

Although Pallop was rehabilitated and retired from the
Royal Thai Army with the rank of general in 1996, he was appointed deputy
director-general of the Internal Security Operations Command. In this position,
he ordered military forces to storm the Krue Sae Mosque during a standoff with
southern insurgents.

Krue Sae mosque incident

Pallop was appointed commander of the Southern Peace
Enhancement Center to deal with insurgency in southern Thailand. On 28 April
2004, more than 100 militants carried out attacks against 10 police stations
across
Pattani (ปัตตานี),
Yala (ยะลา)
and
Songkhla (สงขลา)
provinces in southern Thailand.
Thirty-two insurgents retreated to the
Krue Sae Mosque, the main
mosque in
Pattani. A seven-hour standoff ended when Pallop, the senior army commander on
the scene, ordered an assault on the mosque; all the insurgents were killed. He
later said, "I had no choice. I was afraid that as time passed the crowd would
become sympathetic to the insurgents, to the point of trying to rescue them."

It was learned that Pallop's order to storm the mosque
contravened an order by defense minister
Chavalit Yongchaiyudh (ชวลิต ยงใจยุทธ,) to seek a peaceful resolution to the standoff,
regardless of how long it took.
Pallop was immediately ordered out of the area, and later tendered his
resignation as commander of the Southern Peace Enhancement Center. The forward
command of the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), which Pallop headed,
was also dissolved. Although a governmental investigative commission found that
security forces had overreacted, the
Asian Centre for Human Rights questioned the commission's independence and
impartiality. During a 3 May 2004 Senate hearing, Senator
Kraisak Choonhavan (ไกรศักดิ์ ชุณหะวัณ,
1947 - ) noted that most of those killed at Krue Se Mosque were
shot in the head and had signs that rope had been tied around their wrists. The
incident sparked conflict between Pallop and Defense Minister
Chavalit (who was also director of the ISOC),
and Pallop later demanded that the defense minister end his involvement in
managing the southern insurgency.

Opposition to
Thaksin Shinawatra

Pallop is critical of former prime minister
Thaksin Shinawatra. During protests against Thaksin in early 2006, Pallop
said: "As a real friend and former classmate from military school, I fully
support
Chamlong (Srimuang) in his move (to oust Thaksin)".[1]
He also threatened Thaksin with a military coup if Thaksin did not resign from
the premiership.

Assassination plot

Pallop was dismissed from his ISOC deputy-director
position after Thawatchai Klinchana, his driver, was found driving a car
containing 4.5 kg of explosives near Thaksin's residence. According to
Metropolitan Police Bureau commissioner Wiroj Jantharangsee, the explosives were
assembled, equipped with a remote sensor and ready to be detonated.
Kamthorn Ooycharoen, head of the police bomb-disposal squad at the scene,
confirmed that the bomb was ready for detonation.[12]
It was composed of a remote control unit, M-8 military fuses, sticks of
TNT,
C-4
plastic explosives, and nine plastic containers containing
ammonium nitrate fuel
oil (ANFO).

Pallop denied any involvement: "If had wanted to do it, I
would have done it more subtly. In my career, I have led death squads. If I had
wanted to kill him, the prime minister would not have escaped".
According to him, "The explosives were being transported; they were not
assembled to be detonated."

After
the 2006 coup

A military coup overthrew the Thaksin government on 19
September 2006, and the junta appointed Pallop public-relations adviser to the
ISOC in May 2007. He promised to use "secret tricks" and negotiation, avoiding
violent clashes: "Don't see me as a man who favours violence".

During the political crisis which began in October 2013,
Pallop told the media in late February 2014 that he had been asked by the
caretaker government to join the Centre for Maintaining Peace and Order (CMPO).
According to an Australian academic, Pallop was recruited to advise on dealing
with "men in black" gunmen at protests; the term originated during the 2010
crackdown on red-shirt supporters, when mysterious armed figures emerged.
Military sources have said that the "men in black" may be mercenaries.

Personal
life

Pallop is married to
Khunying Naruedee Pinmanee (นฤดี ปิ่นมณี),
and has a son and two daughters."

"Pensri Pomchoosri (Thai: เพ็ญศรี พุ่มชูศรี;
(RTGS: Phensi Phumchusi); born: June 17, 1929, Changwat Phitsanulok (พิษณุโลก); died:
May 14, 2007, Changwat Samut Prakan-
สมุทรปราการ) was a Thai pop singer and actress,
active for more than five decades from the 1940s. She was named a National
Artist of Thailand (ศิลปินแห่งชาติ) in 1991. She was married to writer Suwat Woradilok
(สุวัฒน์ วรดิลก,
1921 - 2007), also
a National Artist, who died on April 15, 2007. Her nickname was Pee Jow
(Thai: พี่โจ๊ว;
RTGS: Phi Chow; meaning Sister Jow).

BiographyEarly
life and career

Born Pongsri Pomchoosri in
Phitsanulok Province, she entered singing contests at the age of eight. She
won several trophies including one from the Phu Khao Thong (ภูเขาทอง,
Golden Mountain)
fair, where a number of artists made their musical debuts. By the age of 12
she had made a record and had changed her name to Pensri. Her first record,
Sila Tham Tang Ha (ศิลธรรมทั้งห้า, Five Precepts in Buddhism) was written by
the renowned composer Siwa Woranat.

An oft-told legend about Pensri is that in 1941 her
family had no money to pay medical bills for her father, who was
hospitalized, and Pensri knelt down and sang for the doctor, who was so
moved by her singing voice that he waived all the expenses.

As a teenager, Pensri joined a band led by Eua
Sunthornsanan (เอื้อ สุนทรสนาน,
1910 - 1981) and Wes Sunthronchamorn, and received vocal training. She
attracted national acclaim in 1947 when she performed "Sai Fon" (สายฝน), a song
composed by King Bhumibol Adulyadej (ภูมิพลอดุลยเดช), in a live broadcast. She recorded the
song in 1948. Other songs she is remembered for include "Sakuntala"
(ศกุนตลา), "Man Sai Yoi" (ม่านไทรย้อย) and "Rampan Sawad"
(รำพันสวาท).

Marriage,
jail

In 1951 and 1952 she joined a theater
troupe of Suwat Woradilok. The two artists then married. Pensri was featured
in the musical film, Dark Heaven (สวรรค์มืด), released in 1958. Suwat wrote and
produced, and it was directed by Rattana Pestonji (รัตน์
เปสตันยี, 1908 - 1970).

The couple became controversial when returned from a
trip to China in 1957 and were charged with being engaged in communist
activities and jailed. In jail, she remained by her husband's side, and
refused early release on parole. She was jailed for four years. After her
release, Pensri returned to singing.

Later
life

In 1991 she was named a National Artist
in performing arts (international music), alongside Suwat, who was named a
National Artist for literature.

Suwat died on April 15, 2007. Less than a month later,
on May 14, Pensri choked while having breakfast and collapsed. She was
rushed to a local clinic, and then to Muang Samut Hospital in Samut Prakan,
where she collapsed again and died of heart failure.

Funeral rites were held at Wat Makut Kasattriyaram
(วัดมกุฏกษัตริยารามราชวรวิหาร) in
Bangkok, and her body was to be cremated along with that of her husband."

"Sakorn Yang-keawsot (Thai: สาคร ยังเขียวสด; 1922
in Nonthaburi Province (นนทบุรี) – May 21, 2007 in Bangkok, Thailand) was a Thai puppeteer.
He was a master of the hun lakorn lek (หุ่นละครเล็ก, traditional Thai small puppets).
Also known by his English nickname, Joe Louis (โจหลุยส์), in 1985 he founded the Joe
Louis Puppet Theatre. He was named a National Artist for performing arts in
1996.[1][2][3]

Biography

Sakorn was born in 1922 to parents who were both khon (โขน,
masked
drama) performers and puppeteers in the troupe of Krae (แกร) Suppavanich. Sakorn
performed in a likay (ลิเก,
Thai folk opera) troupe as comedian, but also learned
puppetry from Krae. He adapted and improved upon Krae's large hun luang
(หุ่นหลวง, royal puppets) and revived the art of the hun lakorn lek puppets, which
were not as detailed as the larger puppets but allowed for more mobility and
life-like movements. As many as three puppeteers would be used to control the
moves of one puppet.[1][2][3]

His puppet troupe was popular in the years following the
Second World War, and it was during this time he was given the nickname Joe
Louis, taking the name from a mispronunciation of his Thai nickname, "Liew", and
in honor of the American heavyweight boxing champion.[4]
He revived the art of Thai puppetry, which dates back to the 11th century, but
struggled to keep the artform relevant as Thailand modernized. In 1985, he
formed the Joe Louis Puppet Theatre with his children, performing adaptations of
epic Thai literature, such as the Ramakien (รามเกียรติ์), with his puppets constructed
from light wood, papier-mâché and fabric. The performances are accompanied by a piphat (ปี่พาทย์,
traditional Thai classical music) orchestra.[1]

Joe Louis Puppet Theatre

From 2001, his Joe Louis Puppet Theatre put on nightly shows
in the Suan Lum Night Bazaar in Bangkok. The troupe nearly collapsed in 2004
when it could not afford the rent of its venue, but was saved after a public
outcry and funds were raised. At the time of Sakorn's death in 2007, the future
of the Suan Lum Night Bazaar was in doubt, and a new troupe formed by some of
Sakorn's children was to start giving shows in the 578-seat Aksara Grand Theatre
at the King Power Complex on Soi Langnam in Bangkok in September 2007.[2]

Sakorn had nine children. His son, Pisutr Yang-keawsot led
the Joe Louis Puppet Theatre, which won the "Best Traditional Performance Award"
at the 10th World Festival of Puppet Art in Prague in June 2006.[2]

Sakorn was suffering from lung disease and kidney failure
and had been admitted to Kasemrad Rattanathibet Hospital on May 9. He was
discharged on May 18 because he wanted to return home, but was re-admitted on
May 20 and was being treated in its intensive care unit at the time of his death.
Funeral rites were at Wat Bangpai in Bang Bua Thong (บางบัวทอง), Nonthaburi Province
(นนทบุรี)."

"Jaran
Ditapichai [จรัล ดิษฐาอภิชัย]
gave an interview [in which he stated] that if he had to choose
between being a servant of Thaksin and of a dictator, he would
choose Thaksin. He further said that Thaksin did not do very much
wrong. He only wanted too much power. However, Jaran once gave an
interview to the Bangkok Post. I still remember the date.
During the "War on Drugs," when many people died, he said that
Thaksin was creating "a Kingdom of Fear." Jaran was a member of the
subcommittee of the National Human Rights Commission investigating
the Jana case [Amphoe Chana -- อำเภอจะนะ].
The report, signed by Jaran himself, clearly indicated that there
was a violation of many articles of the constitution. How could he
say that Thaksin did not do very much wrong? "

On its release, despite negative reviews by film critics,
the film was No. 1 at Thailand cinema box offices, topping such Hollywood films
as Shrek the Third (2007), Ocean's Thirteen(2007) and
another Thai film, Ploy (พลอย,
2007).[1]

Plot

Bumbling parking valets Nong
(โหน่ง) (Choosak Iamsuk) and Teng (เท่ง ) (Pongsak
Pongsuwan) are assigned by their gangster boss (Phairoj Jaising - ไพโรจน์
ใจสิงห์, 1943 - ) to deliver a
valuable Chinese statuette to another gangster boss Hia See (เฮียสี่) (Andy Khemphimook
- แอนดี้ เขมพิมุก, 1978 - ).
During the journey, they decide to take a side trip and what should have been a
simple job turns into a major fiasco with a police chase led by Lt Namtarn
(หมวดน้ำตาล ) (Jirada
Yohara - จิรดา โยฮารา).

"Science will discover, that
these mediums have nanotechnology. Nanotechnology! [This is]
something very small, so small that you can’t see, but [something
that] will allow you to communicate with other worlds."

In a run-down, suburban Bangkok hospital, young Dr. Tar
(หมอต้า) (Wichan
Jarujinda) and seven nurses have been running a scheme to sell dead bodies on
the black market. However, one nurse, Tahwaan (ตาหวาน)(Chol Wachananont), has found out
that her boyfriend, Dr. Tar, has been having an affair with her sister, Nook
(นุ๊ก) (Chidjun
Rujiphan). Growing tired of the body-selling scam and enraged by her sister and
boyfriend's betrayal, Tahwaan threatens to call the police.

However, before Tahwaan can take action, the doctor and
six resident nurses at the hospital strap Tahwaan to an operating table, kill
her, and then wrap her in a black plastic garbage bag. They then dump her in the
trunk of the doctor’s car, where her corpse will be kept on dry ice until it can
be sold.

All the women have their own obsessions and weaknesses.
The spirit of Tahwaan uses these obsessions to torment and ultimately kill the
other six nurses. Scenes shown toward the end of the film indicate that many of
these obsessions were in part encouraged by Dr. Tar, or in some cases, used by
him to seduce some of the women. For example, Aeh (เอ๊ะ) (Kanya Rattanapetch) seems
unhealthily attracted to material possession such as jewelry, dresses, and
handbags. One brief scene shows Dr. Tar giving Aeh a handbag that was shown sewn
to her head and neck earlier in such a manner that when Nook tries to undo the
stitching, Aeh is left decapitated.

It is eventually revealed that Tahwaan was actually a
homosexual male who had undergone a sex change so that he could marry Dr. Tar.
He finally kills his own sister by being literally reborn through her and as he
stares at Tar, he mutters "marriage" and the screen goes black.

Cast

Chol Wachananont (ชล วจนานนท์,
1985 - ) as Tahwaan (ตาหวาน)

Wichan Jarujinda (วิชญะ
จารุจินดา) as Dr. Tar (หมอต้า)

Chidjan Rujiphun (ชิดจันทร์
รุจิพรรณ, 1988 - ) as Nook (นุ๊ก)

Kanya Rattanapetch (กัญญา
รัตนเพชร, 1989 - )
as Aeh (เอ๊ะ)

Dollaros Dachapratumwan (ดลรส
เดชะประทุมวัน) as Jo (โจ้)

Ase Wang (王惠敏,
1981 - ) as Yim (ยิ้ม)

Ampairat Techapoowapat (อำไพรัตน์
เตชะภูวภัทร) as Orn (อร)

Ampaiwan Techapoowapat (อำไพวรรณ
เตชะภูวภัทร) as Am (แอม)

Release and reception

Sick Nurses was released in Thailand cinemas on June
14, 2007, where critical and box-office response was muted and maybe due to less
cinema release of 50 and runs only for 2 weeks. According to Box-officeMojo.com
its total gross to date is $335,399 [1]excluding the DVD sales worldwide.

[...]

In July 2007, at a workshop discussion on censorship in
Thailand, producer Prachya Pinkaew revealed that the Board of Censors had in
fact called for cuts to be made in the film, asking that a scene in which a
medical cross symbol falls off the hospital building and kills a character be
altered to eliminate the killing, because the censors believed that was a bad
association for the symbol."

Abb.: "BAN SAMSAN, Thailand (June 19, 2007) - A Royal
Thai Army dentist gives a numbing shot to a local citizen, while Lt. Karen
Wiebe, assigned to Operational Health Support Unit Detachment Lima Great
Lakes, comforts her. Both dentists were working together during a dental
civil action project (DENCAP) in a local village during the exercise
Cooperation Afloat Readiness and Training (CARAT) 2007. CARAT is a scheduled
series of bilateral military training exercises with several Southeast Asia
nations designed to enhance interoperability of the respective sea
services."
[Bildquelle: U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 1st Class
Thomas J. Brennan (RELEASED) / Wikimedia. -- Public domain]

1. (C) Summary. Chiang
Mai's [เชียงใหม่]
large foreign Christian community provides a safe base for religious
groups engaged in quiet work elsewhere in the region. While most do
not identify their activities to the Consulate, our presence and
American citizen services contribute to Chiang Mai's appeal for
these organizations. End summary.

2. (U) Northern Thailand,
with an American missionary presence dating from 1867, has served as
a fall-back zone for religious groups forced out of China, Tibet,
and Burma for over half a century. More recently, Chiang Mai has
attracted organizations such as the Christian Conference of Asia,
which moved from Hong Kong [香港]
in 2005 (ref b), as well as those seeking temporary haven, such as
Pakistan's Murree [مری]
Christian School in 2003.

3. (C) A look at one of
these groups, Friends of China (FOC), shows a route by which
religiously motivated individuals find their way into China as
English teachers and "qualified professionals in various fields".
The foundation, which moved its regional office to Chiang Mai in
1997 after a decade in Hong Kong, lists Chengdu [成都]
as the main China location, with rep offices in Xining [西宁],
Xian [西安] and
Urumqi [ئۈرۈمچى
شەھىرى]. FOC currently has about 150
"associates" working in 7 provinces and municipalities in China. An
estimated 40 percent of these associates are US citizens.

4. (C) The FOC website
includes no reference to religion, referring instead to "support for
education". In contrast, a brochure available at the Thailand office
defines FOC as "a charitable foundation that seeks to place, equip
and support Christian professionals serving primarily in western and
central China." The Chiang Mai office director, a Norwegian who
worked in China for Ericsson as part of the program, says that FOC
associates do not hide their religion but are advised on the
prevailing cultural boundaries of their various locations.

5. (SBU) A visit to the
back-street Chiang Mai office of FOC included a tour by an American
teacher who was helping staff the office while on leave from
Zhengzhou [郑州]
during the last trimester of his wife's pregnancy. Chiang Mai's
medical facilities, low cost of living, church community and access
to Consular Reports of Birth Abroad contribute to this kind of
arrangement.

6. (C) Applications for
FOC jobs pass through the Chiang Mai office, where they are cleansed
of references to religious affiliation before being sent on to
Chengdu for processing. Most associates enter China through Chiang
Mai, where they receive a short orientation and apply at the Chinese
Consulate for visas. The receiving work units in China arrange
longer-term visas for those under their responsibility.

7. (C) In response to
questions about visas and other procedures, the head of the Chiang
Mai office repeatedly referred to Chinese "flexibility", noting that
flexibility increases with distance from Beijing [北京].
He rated Qinghai [青海]
as "the most flexible" province, acknowledging that Xinjiang [شىنجاڭ
ئۇيغۇر ئاپتونوم رايونى] is particularly
sensitive. Although no FOC associates have been expelled from the
country in the organization's 20 year history, several have not have
their visas renewed, including recently a Swedish couple in
Xinjiang.

"National fonts (Thai:
ฟอนต์แห่งชาติ[1];
RTGS: [font] haeng chat), or colloquially SIPA fonts (Thai:
ฟอนต์ซิป้า[2]),
are a group of thirteen Thai-Roman fonts distributed and used by the Government
of Thailand as public and official fonts after they won a national competition
held in 2007. The fonts and all of their subsequently developed versions are
released by the Software Industry Promotion Agency (Public Organisation), or
SIPA, together with the Department of Intellectual Property through f0nt.com,
and can be downloaded freely on the website.[3]

The competition was organised by Abhisit Vejjajiva's
Council of Ministers (คณะรัฐมนตรี คณะที่ 59) with a view to replacing all
existing fonts the Thai Government has bought from the private sectors,
including Microsoft's "Angsana New", "Browallia New", "Cordia New" and "EucrosiaUPC"
which were extensively used at that time, with the fonts created by the Thai
nationals. The competition was part of a project proposed by the Ministry of
Information and Communication Technology (กระทรวงเทคโนโลยีสารสนเทศ
และการสื่อสาร), called the "Standard Fonts for Thai
Public Sectors" Project (โครงการฟอนต์มาตรฐานราชการไทย). The Ministry was quoted
as saying: "...Various fonts are now used among the public agencies, that's why
the state papers have never become standard. The fonts are also from the private
companies which monopolise the rights over them, so we cannot use them as much
as we should...".[4]

On September 7, 2010, the Council of Ministers officially
announced the thirteen fonts as the public fonts, naming them the "national
fonts". The public agencies were ordered to use these fonts, especially "TH
Sarabun PSK", in their state papers. They were required to cease to use the
private sectors' fonts by December 5, 2010, Bhumibol Adulyadej's 83rd birthday
anniversary. The legislative branch and the judicial branch were also asked for
cooperation.[5]

The font "TH Sarabun PSK" is used in the Government
Gazette of Thailand (ราชกิจจานุเบกษา)
on and from January, 2011, replacing "Angsana New". The
Gazette's first volume using such font is "volume 128, part 1 A, dated January
7, 2011," in which the "Ministerial Regulation Determining the Criteria and
Procedure for Acknowledging the Aircraft Type Certificates or Supplementary Type
Certificates issues by the State Parties to the Conventions governing the
Application for Certificates of Airworthiness or by the States with which
Thailand has adopted the similar Agreements, BE 2553 (2010)"
("กฎกระทรวงกำหนดหลักเกณฑ์และวิธีการรับรองใบรับรองแบบอากาศยานหรือใบรับรอง
แบบส่วนเพิ่มเติมที่ออกโดยรัฐภาคีแห่งอนุสัญญาหรือประเทศที่ได้ทำความตกลง
กับประเทศไทย เพื่อขอใบสำคัญสมควรเดินอากาศ พ.ศ. 2553") was published.[6]

The font "TH Sarabun PSK" is also used on the current logo
of Thai Wikipedia. This version of the logo was designed by Pratya Singto
(ปรัชญา สิงห์โต), a graphic designer who runs f0nt.com, and was adopted by the
Community as it won a competition in 2008.[7]

The thirteen fonts are:[3]

#

Name

Designers

Samples

Notes

1.

TH Sarabun PSK

Supphakit Chaloemlap (ศุภกิจ เฉลิมลาภ)

The name "Sarabun" (สารบรรณ, RTGS: Saraban) means
documentary affairs. The font is later improved and distributed on
August 19, 2011 under the name "TH Sarabun New".

2.

TH Chamornman

Ekkalak Phianphanawet (เอกลักษณ์ เพียรพนาเวช)

The name "Chamornman" (จามรมาน, RTGS: Chamon Man)
means the heart of a rain tree, known in Thailand as a symbolic
tree of Chulalongkorn University. However, the designer is an alumnus of
Bangkok University, not Chulalongkorn.[8]

The name "Srisakdi" (ศรีศักดิ์, RTGS: Si Sak)
means prestige. The Thai scripts are in the "court style", a style of
writing prominent during the Thon Buri Kingdom and the initial period of
the Rattanakosin Kingdom

5.

TH Niramit AS

Aksaramethi Team

The name "Niramit" (นิรมิต) means being invented
by magic.

6.

TH Charm of AU

Kanlayanamit Noraratphutthi (กัลยาณมิตร
นรรัตน์พุทธิ)

7.

TH Kodchasan

Kansuda Piamprachakphong (กัลย์สุดา
เปี่ยมประจักพงษ์)

The name "Kodchasan" (คชสาร, RTGS: Khotchasan)
means an elephant.

8.

TH K2D July8

Kan Rotsawat (กานต์ รอดสวัสดิ์)

9.

TH Mali Grade 6

Sudarat Leotsithong (สุดารัตน์ เลิศสีทอง)

It is the handwriting of a grade-6 girl named
"Little Jasmine" or "Mali" (เด็กหญิงมะลิ), a character created by the
designer.