To Albert Gallatin Monticello, Dec. 26, 1820

DEAR SIR,

-- `It is said to be an ill wind which blows
favorably to no one.' My ill health has long suspended the too
frequent troubles I have heretofore given you with my European
correspondence. To this is added a stiffening wrist, the effect of
age on an antient dislocation, which renders writing slow and
painful, and disables me nearly from all correspondence, and may very
possibly make this the last trouble I shall give you in that way.
Looking from our quarter of the world over the horizon of yours
we imagine we see storms gathering which may again desolate the face
of that country. So many revolutions going on, in different
countries at the same time, such combinations of tyranny, and
military preparations and movements to suppress them. England &
France unsafe from internal conflict, Germany, on the first favorable
occasion, ripe for insurrection, such a state of things, we suppose,
must end in war, which needs a kindling spark in one spot only to
spread over the whole. Your information can correct these views
which are stated only to inform you of impressions here.
At home things are not well. The flood of paper money, as you
well know, had produced an exaggeration of nominal prices and at the
same time a facility of obtaining money, which not only encouraged
speculations on fictitious capital, but seduced those of real
capital, even in private life, to contract debts too freely. Had
things continued in the same course, these might have been
manageable. But the operations of the U.S. bank for the demolition
of the state banks, obliged these suddenly to call in more than half
of their paper, crushed all fictitious and doubtful capital, and
reduced the prices of property and produce suddenly to 1/3 of what
they had been. Wheat, for example, at the distance of two or three
days from market, fell to and continues at from one third to half a
dollar. Should it be stationary at this for a while, a very general
revolution of property must take place. Something of the same
character has taken place in our fiscal system. A little while back
Congress seemed at a loss for objects whereon to squander the
supposed fathomless funds of our treasury. This short frenzy has
been arrested by a deficit of 5 millions the last year, and of 7.
millions this year. A loan was adopted for the former and is
proposed for the latter, which threatens to saddle us with a
perpetual debt. I hope a tax will be preferred, because it will
awaken the attention of the people, and make reformation & economy
the principles of the next election. The frequent recurrence of this
chastening operation can alone restrain the propensity of governments
to enlarge expence beyond income. The steady tenor of the courts of
the US. to break down the constitutional barrier between the
coordinate powers of the States, and of the Union, and a formal
opinion lately given by 5. lawyers of too much eminence to be
neglected, give uneasiness. But nothing has ever presented so
threatening an aspect as what is called the Missouri question. The
Federalists compleatly put down, and despairing of ever rising again
under the old division of whig and tory, devised a new one, of
slave-holding, & non-slave-holding states, which, while it had a
semblance of being Moral, was at the same time Geographical, and
calculated to give them ascendancy by debauching their old opponents
to a coalition with them. Moral the question certainly is not,
because the removal of slaves from one state to another, no more than
their removal from one country to another, would never make a slave
of one human being who would not be so without it. Indeed if there
were any morality in the question it is on the other side; because by
spreading them over a larger surface, their happiness would be
increased, & the burthen of their future liberation lightened by
bringing a greater number of shoulders under it. However it served
to throw dust into the eyes of the people and to fanaticise them,
while to the knowing ones it gave a geographical and preponderant
line of the Patomac and Ohio, throwing 12. States to the North and
East, & 10. to the South & West. With these therefore it is merely a
question of power: but with this geographical minority it is a
question of existence. For if Congress once goes out of the
Constitution to arrogate a right of regulating the conditions of the
inhabitants of the States, its majority may, and probably will next
declare that the condition of all men within the US. shall be that of
freedom, in which case all the whites South of the Patomak and Ohio
must evacuate their States; and most fortunate those who can do it
first. And so far this crisis seems to be advancing. The Missouri
constitution is recently rejected by the House of Representatives.
What will be their next step is yet to be seen. If accepted on the
condition that Missouri shall expunge from it the prohibition of free
people of colour from emigration to their state, it will be expunged,
and all will be quieted until the advance of some new state shall
present the question again. If rejected unconditionally, Missouri
assumes independent self-government, and Congress, after pouting
awhile, must recieve them on the footing of the original states.
Should the Representative propose force, 1. the Senate will not
concur. 2. were they to concur, there would be a secession of the
members South of the line, & probably of the three North Western
states, who, however inclined to the other side, would scarcely
separate from those who would hold the Misisipi from it's mouth to
it's source. What next? Conjecture itself is at a loss. But
whatever it shall be you will hear from others and from the
newspapers. And finally the whole will depend on Pensylvania. While
she and Virginia hold together, the Atlantic states can never
separate. Unfortunately in the present case she has become more
fanaticised than any other state. However useful where you are, I
wish you were with them. You might turn the scale there, which would
turn it for the whole. Should this scission take place, one of it's
most deplorable consequences would be it's discouragement of the
efforts of the European nations in the regeneration of their
oppressive and Cannibal governments.
Amidst this prospect of evil, I am glad to see one good effect.
It has brought the necessity of some plan of general emancipation &
deportation more home to the minds of our people than it has ever
been before. Insomuch, that our Governor has ventured to propose one
to the legislature. This will probably not be acted on at this time.
Nor would it be effectual; for while it proposes to devote to that
object one third of the revenue of the State, it would not reach one
tenth of the annual increase. My proposition would be that the
holders should give up all born after a certain day, past, present,
or to come, that these should be placed under the guardianship of the
State, and sent at a proper age to S. Domingo. There they are
willing to recieve them, & the shortness of the passage brings the
deportation within the possible means of taxation aided by charitable
contributions. In this I think Europe, which has forced this evil on
us, and the Eastern states who have been it's chief instruments of
importation, would be bound to give largely. But the proceeds of the
land office, if appropriated, would be quite sufficient.