Tuesday, April 8, 2008

What is the politics of the journal?

To ask this question would imply two presumptions made:

The journal is meant to be political and

The contributors are in unanimous agreement regarding the first point.

To ask this question is again not to presume that there is a single coherent line of politics which is to be perpetrated by means of the journal. The journal for the time being is a presentation in the public sphere of certain concerns which are occasioned by the Dalit-Studies class and subsequent discussions. The public sphere available is our university which is also the site of our academic pursuits. We are therefore part of a university sponsored programme to promote the cause of the Dalit. Thus the answer to the question raised in one of the responses- “Is this university sponsored propaganda?” would be, yes it is. Yet the fact that the promotion of this cause is being funded and regulated by the university (or the UGC) should raise significant concerns for the class itself which has by now gotten used to comprehending urban centres of privilege(like the university) as a manifestation of the state’s negligence towards the caste question as such. Does that mean that we, along with our journal stand to be representatives of a changing face of the Indian state which in Dalit representations is often signified as the embodiment of Hindu nationalism and capitalist rationality? We, in the publication of the journal are therefore in a way describing and therefore reinforcing the secular, caste-neutral face of modern urban India. Our criticism is leveled from a vantage point which is commonly attributed to the urban intellectual space- the vantage point of caste-neutrality. This is not a claim to be found in our contributions to the journal. This is rather an obvious political implication of the liberal, civil-society virtues, values, etc. that the journal in spite of the best of our intentions cannot help but bear. The first issue is an embodiment of this liberal ethic. The issue along with all its components turns out to be a collection of informative doctrines which presents the cause of Dalit Studies in a form which is amended to suit public and popular consumption. While there are obvious advantages to this approach, it remains a fact that to inform and to render the information amenable to popular consumption cannot be the only objective of the journal; it can only be one such objective. We have successfully generated a ‘pop’ Dalit studies approach (something akin to pop-history books). Whereas this remains a marvelous way to introduce the subject to the public sphere, it definitely misses out on a certain critical edge which brings us back to the question framed in the title. As we attempt to approach the question, we once again discover ourselves positioned in the framework grounded in the liberal ethic prevalent in the very institution of the journal.

Does this imply that the journal is yet another manifestation of “the politics of despair” which seems to be a constant accompaniment to any and every political struggle in the world today? Is there no avenue for escape from this liberal ‘apolitics’? The answer could well be yes. That makes this introspection unnecessary. But if the answer is no and we are prepared to make an effort to locate ourselves outside this liberal ethic (which is also perpetuated in the state’s interest), then this is a time to recover the critical edge which has remained the radical point of departure from usual practices of social sciences adopted by the discipline of Dalit Studies. Thus to begin with we have to lose our vantage point. We have to confess to our caste subjectivities while framing critical approaches. This is easier said than done. To even conceive of such an approach remains a challenge to be borne by the journal in future. It is not similar to using one formula instead of another. But if we do not manage to attain or come close to a point of exit from the predominant liberal ethic, we cannot even begin to ask the question framed in the title. In that case Jyoti would remain a subject of ‘cruel oppression’ for which our university, our journal and our politics has hardly anything more than sympathy.

There are 2 other ways of dealing with this. One is denying the validity of the titular question, the other being a denial of the two presumptions which foreground the titular question. If these two ways are the desired methods then off course this response is unnecessary and can be rejected immediately.

No, dear anonymous, you have the option to click on the "older post" option, you can easily go through the other articles that have been posted during the period of time when the course was held.Thanks however for your enthusiasm.

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Dear friends,Me and some of my friends would like to know a certain thing : who was the high caste bengali student who didnt want a Dalit for a room mate.As far as we think, when someone chooses their room mate, what they see is if they can get along well with each other. Did anyone ask someone his/her caste while doing so?A reply will be appreciated.Thank you, Shukti

From the Editor:As far as we think, when someone chooses their room mate, what they see is if they can get along well with each other. Did anyone ask someone his/her caste while doing so?A reply: As far as the editors are concerned, we sincerely do not know of any such case where a bengali upper caste student refusing to share rooms with a Bengali Dalit student 'citing' (if one would really cite it) the particularity of caste differences. but that is definitely not a claim made in the survey report. let us take a look at was being claimed in the report:We share rooms with people whom we are comfortable with. That is definitely true. *But a survey of shared rooms in the 3 hostels indicates that in over 70% of the shared rooms, the roommates are of the same caste.* Though choice of roommate may be made on the basis of linguistic or religious or course wise uniformity, it remains a question whether a Bengali Higher caste student (to take one example) would share a room with another Bengali Dalit student. Cultural differences are significant in such choices but these differences might just preclude caste differences too.the example is clearly a hypothetical situation drawn up to explicate the point that among people who are obviously sharing rooms with people from the same linguistic community, there is a peculiarity of caste uniformity observed. again as we choose roommates with whom we are comfortable with or as shukti put it, we "get along well with", the 'comfort' or 'getting along well with' is definitely a quotient of our situated and historical realities. that would be why a Bengali student necessarily shares rooms with a Bengali student or majority of Arabic participants share rooms with each other. so much as we continue denying it presently, (and this is exactly what we were planning to counter when we claimed to attack caste neutrality in the journal) the claim made in the survey report was specifically addressed to the fact that the getting along well with is not as innocent as it seems. this yet again does not indicate a proliferation of caste considerations at the level of primary intentionality in choosing roommates. that was clearly not the point made and this does not require explication, it was more than obvious from the language. but the fact that our 'traditional' practices seem to be repeated even in our 'modern' setups requires serious analysis and thought if we are really to track caste or any other inequality in its real sites and contexts which seem to have a certain capacity of reiterability as is clear from our present conditions-there is no Dalit professor or 40%-50% of group D employees are Dalits.We ask the rest of the class if they really can think of any 'concrete' reason as to why such a huge majority of shared rooms in the university have people from the same caste?if the unconscious cannot be brought to test, criticism can hardly proceed after a point. that in itself is a difficult task. perhaps a few people we have read might help us to deal with this. We hope this is a satisfactory reply. we can off-course take the qustion to the next class and bring out the 'uglier' dimesions. we, the editors would be more than happy to respond and it also bears upon us to do so.Thanks, GeetanjaliRia JimmyRitamAsmita.

Thank you for the reply.If there is proper study to back up the statement, it is fine. I was just curious because many of the people I know here have roommates who are not from the same caste, or same linguistic or cultural community, and sometimes not from the same religion. But since the situation is hypothetical, I would like to state that it becomes a bit complicated for us to understand the statement without an explaination.Caste consciousness may be importatnt in some cases, but I think what really matters is a common course or a common language, or geographical proximity. Some of the people I know come from the same linguistic community yet have a huge difference in lifestyle and opinions. An M.A. english student will naturally look for an M.A. participant as a roommate. As for the case of Arabic, I think since most of them come from one particular religion, their roommates obviously will be Muslims.I guess what matters is the friends circle. Probably that is why not all people who belong to the same community hang out together.I understand that the aim of the survey was to say that "choosing a roommate is not an innocent phenomenon." But in order to genralize a hypothetical situation, I think other perspectives should also be considered. It is also important taht facts should be made available(cite specific examples, who stays with whom and what are their castes.)I think the survey/study should be made available to end such confusions. If we can have a look at it, it will help us to clarify. It is not a request from me but from many of my friends who find it difficult to agree with the claims. With specific examples, the claims can be justified.Thanks,Shukti