CARRY THE REVOLUTION THROUGH TO THE END

[This New Year message for 1949 was written by Comrade Mao Tse-tung for the Hsinhua News Agency.]

The Chinese people will win final victory in the great War of Liberation.
Even our enemy no longer doubts the outcome.

The war has followed a tortuous course. When the reactionary Kuomintang
government started the counter-revolutionary war, it had approximately three
and a half times as many troops as the People's Liberation Army; the equipment,
manpower and material resources of its army were far superior to those of
the People's Liberation Army; it had modern industries and modern means of
communication, which the People's Liberation Army lacked; it had received
large-scale military and economic aid from U.S. imperialism and had made
long preparations. Therefore, during the first year of the war (July 1946
-- June 1947) the Kuomintang was on the offensive and the People's Liberation
Army on the defensive. In 1946 in the Northeast, the Kuomintang occupied
Shenyang, Szepingkai, Changchun, Kirin, Antung and other cities and most
of Liaoning, Liaopei and Antung Provinces; [1]
south of the Yellow River, it occupied the cities of Huaiyin and Hotse and
most of the Hupeh-Honan-Anhwei, Kiangsu-Anhwei, Honan-Anhwei-Kiangsu and
Southwestern Shantung Liberated Areas; and north of the Great Wall, it occupied
the cities of Chengteh, Chining and Changchiakou and most of Jehol, Suiyuan
and Chahar Provinces. The Kuomintang blustered and swaggered like a conquering
hero. The People's Liberation Army adopted the correct strategy, which had
as its main objective to wipe out the Kuomintang's effective strength rather
than to hold territory, and in each month destroyed an average of some eight
brigades of the Kuomintang regular troops (the equivalent of eight present-day
divisions). As a result, the Kuomintang was finally compelled to abandon
its plan for the over-all offensive and by the first half of 1947 it had
to limit the major targets of its attack to the two wings of the southern
front, i.e., Shantung and northern Shensi. In the second year (July 1947
-- June 1948) a fundamental change took place in the war. Having wiped out
large numbers of Kuomintang regulars, the People's Liberation Army went over
from the defensive to the offensive on the southern and northern fronts,
while the Kuomintang had to turn from the offensive to the defensive. The
People's Liberation Army not only recovered most of the territories lost
in northeastern China, Shantung and northern Shensi but also extended the
battle front into the Kuomintang areas north of the Yangtse and Weishui Rivers.
Moreover, in the course of attacking and capturing Shihchiachuang, Yuncheng,
Szepingkai, Loyang, Yichuan, Paoki, Weihsien, Linfen and Kaifeng, our army
mastered the tactics of storming heavily fortified points.
[2] The People's Liberation Army formed its own
artillery and engineer corps. Don't forget that the People's Liberation Army
had neither aircraft nor tanks, but once it had formed an artillery and an
engineer corps superior to those of the Kuomintang army, the defensive system
of the Kuomintang, with all its aircraft and tanks, appeared negligible by
contrast. The People's Liberation Army was already able to conduct not only
mobile warfare but positional warfare as well. In the first half of the third
year of the war (July-December 1948), another fundamental change has occurred.
The People's Liberation Army, so long outnumbered, has gained numerical
superiority. It has been able not only to capture the Kuomintang's heavily
fortified cities but also to surround and destroy strong formations of Kuomintang
crack troops, a hundred thousand or several hundred thousand at a time. The
rate at which the People's Liberation Army is wiping out Kuomintang troops
has become much faster. Look at the statistics on the number of Kuomintang
regular units of battalion level and above which we have destroyed (including
enemy troops who have revolted and come over to our side). In the first year,
97 brigades, including 46 brigades entirely wiped out; in the second year,
94 brigades, including 50 brigades entirely wiped out; and in the first half
of the third year, according to incomplete figures, 147 divisions, including
111 divisions entirely wiped out.[3] In these six
months, the number of enemy divisions entirely wiped out was 15 more than
the grand total for the previous two years. The enemy front as a whole has
completely crumbled. The enemy troops in the Northeast have been entirely
wiped out, those in northern China will soon be entirely wiped out, and in
eastern China and the Central Plains only a few enemy forces are left. The
annihilation of the Kuomintang's main forces north of the Yangtse River greatly
facilitates the forthcoming crossing of the Yangtse by the People's Liberation
Army and its southward drive to liberate all China. Simultaneously with victory
on the military front, the Chinese people have scored tremendous victories
on the political and economic fronts. For this reason public opinion the
world over, including the entire imperialist press, no longer disputes the
certainty of the country-wide victory of the Chinese People's War of Liberation.

The enemy will not perish of himself. Neither the Chinese reactionaries nor
the aggressive forces of U.S. imperialism in China will step down from the
stage of history of their own accord. Precisely because they realize that
the country-wide victory of the Chinese People's War of Liberation can no
longer be prevented by purely military struggle, they are placing more and
more importance each day on political struggle. On the one hand, the Chinese
reactionaries and the U.S. aggressors are using the existing Kuomintang
government for their "peace" plot; on the other hand, they are scheming to
use certain persons who have connections both with them and with the
revolutionary camp, inciting and instigating these persons to work artfully,
strive to infiltrate the revolutionary camp and form a so-called opposition
faction within it. The purpose is to preserve the reactionary forces and
undermine the revolutionary forces. According to reliable information, the
U.S. government has decided on this scheme and begun to carry it out in China.
The U.S. government has changed its policy of simply backing the Kuomintang's
counter-revolutionary war to a policy embracing two forms of struggle:

1. Organizing the remnants of the Kuomintang's armed forces and the so-called
local forces to continue to resist the People's Liberation Army south of
the Yangtse River and in the remote border provinces, and

2. Organizing an opposition faction within the revolutionary camp to strive
with might and main to halt the revolution where it is or, if it must advance,
to moderate it and prevent it from encroaching too far on the interests of
the imperialists and their running dogs.

The British and French imperialists support this U.S. policy. Many people
do not yet see this situation clearly, but it probably will not be long before
they do.

The question now facing the Chinese people, all democratic parties and all
people's organizations is whether to carry the revolution through to the
end or to abandon it half-way. If the revolution is to be carried through
to the end, we must use the revolutionary method to wipe out all the forces
of reaction resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely; we must unswervingly
persist in overthrowing imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism;
and we must overthrow the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang on a country-wide
scale and set up a republic that is a people's democratic dictatorship under
the leadership of the proletariat and with the worker-peasant alliance as
its main body. In this way, the Chinese nation will completely throw off
the oppressor; the country will be transformed from a semi-colony into a
genuinely independent state; the Chinese people will be fully emancipated,
overthrowing once and for all both feudal oppression and oppression by
bureaucrat-capital (Chinese monopoly capital) and will thus achieve unity,
democracy and peace, create the prerequisites for transforming China from
an agricultural into an industrial country and make it possible for her to
develop from a society with exploitation of man by man into a socialist society.
If the revolution is abandoned half-way, it will mean going against the will
of the people, bowing to the will of the foreign aggressors and Chinese
reactionaries and giving the Kuomintang a chance to heal its wounds, so that
one day it may pounce suddenly to strangle the revolution and again plunge
the whole country into darkness. That is how clearly and sharply the question
is now posed. Which of these two roads to choose? Every democratic party,
every people's organization in China must consider this question, must choose
its road and clarify its stand. Whether China's democratic parties and people's
organizations can sincerely co-operate without parting company half-way depends
on whether they are agreed on this question and take unanimous action to
overthrow the common enemy of the Chinese people. What is needed here is
unanimity and co-operation, not the setting up of any "opposition faction"
or the pursuit of any "middle road".[4]

In the long period of more than twenty years from the counterrevolutionary
coup d'état of April 12, 1927 [5] to this
day, have the Chinese reactionaries headed by Chiang Kai-shek and his ilk
not given proof enough that they are a gang of blood-stained executioners,
who slaughter people without blinking? Have they not given proof enough that
they are a band of professional traitors and the running dogs of imperialism?
Think it over, everybody! How magnanimous the Chinese people have been towards
this gang of bandits in the hope of achieving internal peace with them, since
the Sian Incident of December 1936, since the Chungking negotiations of October
1945 and since the Political Consultative Conference of January 1946! But
has all this goodwill changed their class nature by one jot or little? In
their history not a single one of these bandits can be separated from U.S.
imperialism. Relying on U.S. imperialism, they have plunged 475 million of
our compatriots into a huge civil war of unprecedented brutality and slaughtered
millions upon millions of men and women, young and old, with bombers, fighter
planes, guns, tanks, rocket-launchers, automatic rifles, gasoline bombs,
gas projectiles and other weapons, all supplied by U.S. imperialism. And
relying on these criminals, U.S. imperialism on its part has seized China's
sovereign rights over her own territory, waters and air space, seized inland
navigation rights and special commercial privileges, seized special privileges
in China's domestic and foreign affairs and even seized the privilege of
killing people, beating them up, driving cars over them and raping women,
all with impunity. Can it be said that the Chinese people, who have been
compelled to fight such a long and bloody war, should still show affection
and tenderness towards these most vicious enemies and should not completely
destroy or expel them? Only by completely destroying the Chinese reactionaries
and expelling the aggressive forces of U.S. imperialism can China gain
independence, democracy and peace. Isn't this truth clear enough by now?

What deserves attention is that all of a sudden the enemies of the Chinese
people are doing their best to assume a harmless and even a pitiable look
(readers, please remember that in the future they will try to look pitiable
again). Didn't Sun Fo, who has now become president of the Kuomintang's Executive
Yuan, state in June last year that a "settlement will finally come, provided
militarily we fight to the end"? But this time, the moment he took office
he talked glibly about an "honourable peace" and said that "the Government
has been striving for peace and only resorted to fighting because peace could
not be realized, but the ultimate objective of fighting is still to restore
peace". Immediately afterwards, on December 21, a United Press dispatch from
Shanghai predicted that Sun Fo's statement would meet with widespread approval
in U.S. official quarters and among the Kuomintang liberals. At present,
U.S. officials have not only become deeply interested in "peace" in China
but also repeatedly assert that ever since the Moscow Conference of Foreign
Ministers of the Soviet Union, the United States and Britain in December
1945, the United States has adhered to a "policy of non-interference in China's
internal affairs". How are we to deal with these worthies from the "Land
of Gentlemen"? Here, it is fitting to quote an ancient Greek fable. One winter's
day, a farmhand found a snake frozen by the cold. Moved by compassion, he
picked it up and put it in his bosom. The snake was revived by the warmth,
its natural instincts returned, and it gave its benefactor a fatal bite.
The dying farmhand said, "I've got what I deserve for taking pity on an evil
creature."[6] Venomous snakes, foreign and Chinese,
hope that the Chinese people will die like the farmhand, that like him the
Chinese Communist Party and all Chinese revolutionary democrats will be
kind-hearted to them. But the Chinese people, the Chinese Communist Party
and the genuine revolutionary democrats of China have heard the labourer's
dying words and will well remember them. Moreover, the serpents infesting
most of China, big or small, black or white, baring their poisonous fangs
or assuming the guise of beautiful girls, are not yet frozen by the cold,
although they already sense the threat of winter.

The Chinese people will never take pity on snake-like scoundrels, and they
honestly believe that no one is their true friend who guilefully says that
pity should be shown these scoundrels and says that anything else would be
out of keeping with China's traditions, fall short of greatness, etc. Why
should one take pity on snake-like scoundrels? What worker, what peasant,
what soldier, says that such scoundrels should be pitied? True, there are
"Kuomintang liberals" or non-Kuomintang "liberals" who advise the Chinese
people to accept the "peace" offered by the United States and the Kuomintang,
that is, to enshrine and worship the remnants of imperialism, feudalism and
bureaucrat-capitalism so that these treasures shall not become extinct on
earth. But they are decidedly not workers, peasants or soldiers, nor are
they the friends of workers, peasants and soldiers.

We hold that the Chinese people's revolutionary camp must be expanded and
must embrace all who are willing to join the revolutionary cause at the present
stage. The Chinese people's revolution needs a main force and also needs
allies, for an army without allies cannot defeat the enemy. The Chinese people,
now at the high tide of revolution, need friends and they should remember
their friends and not forget them. In China there are undoubtedly many friends
faithful to the people's revolutionary cause, who try to protect the people's
interests and are opposed to protecting the enemy's interests, and undoubtedly
none of these friends should be forgotten or cold-shouldered. Also, we hold
that we must consolidate the Chinese people's revolutionary camp and not
allow bad elements to sneak in or wrong views to prevail. Besides keeping
their friends in mind, the Chinese people, now at the high tide of revolution,
should also keep their enemies and the friends of their enemies firmly in
mind. As we said above, since the enemy is cunningly using the method of
"peace" and the method of sneaking into the revolutionary camp to preserve
and strengthen his position, whereas the fundamental interests of the people
demand that all reactionary forces be destroyed thoroughly and that the
aggressive forces of U.S. imperialism be driven out of China, those who advise
the people to take pity on the enemy and preserve the forces of reaction
are not friends of the people, but friends of the enemy.

The raging tide of China's revolution is forcing all social strata to decide
their attitude. A new change is taking place in the balance of class forces
in China. Multitudes of people are breaking away from Kuomintang influence
and control and coming over to the revolutionary camp; and the Chinese
reactionaries have fallen into hopeless straits, isolated and abandoned.
As the People's War of Liberation draws closer and closer to final victory,
all the revolutionary people and all friends of the people will unite more
solidly and, led by the Communist Party of China, resolutely demand the complete
destruction of the reactionary forces and the thoroughgoing development of
the revolutionary forces until a people's democratic republic on a countrywide
scale is founded and a peace based on unity and democracy is achieved. The
U.S. imperialists, the Chinese reactionaries and their friends, on the contrary,
are incapable of uniting solidly and will indulge in endless squabbles, mutual
abuse, recrimination and betrayal. On one point, however, they will co-operate
-- in striving by every means to undermine the revolutionary forces and preserve
the reactionary forces. They will use every means, open and secret, direct
and indirect. But it can definitely be stated that their political intrigues
will meet with the same defeats as their military attacks. Having had plenty
of experience, the Chinese people and their general staff, the Communist
Party of China, are certain to smash the enemy's political intrigues, just
as they have shattered his military attacks, and to carry the great People's
War of Liberation through to the end.

In 1949, the Chinese People's Liberation Army will advance south of the Yangtse
River and will win even greater victories than in 1948.

In 1949, on the economic front we shall achieve even greater successes than
in 1948. Our agricultural and industrial production will rise to a higher
level than before, and rail and highway traffic will be completely restored.
In their operations the main formations of the People's Liberation Army will
discard certain survivals of guerrilla habits and reach a higher level of
regularization.

In 1949, the Political Consultative Conference, with no reactionaries
participating and having as its aim the fulfilment of the tasks of the people's
revolution, will be convened, the People's Republic of China will be proclaimed,
and the Central Government of the Republic will be established. This government
will be a democratic coalition government under the leadership of the Communist
Party of China, with the participation of appropriate persons representing
the democratic parties and people's organizations.

These are the main concrete tasks which the Chinese people, the Communist
Party of China and all the democratic parties and people's organizations
in China should strive to fulfil in 1949. We shall brave all difficulties
and unite as one to fulfil these tasks.

In our struggle we shall overthrow once and for all the feudal oppression
of thousands of years and the imperialist oppression of a hundred years.
The year 1949 will be a year of tremendous importance. We should redouble
our efforts.

NOTES

1. Following the Japanese surrender in 1945, the Kuomintang
government divided the three northeastern provinces of Liaoning, Kirin and
Heilungkiang into nine provinces, Liaoning, Liaopei, Antung, Kirin, Hokiang,
Sungkiang, Heilungkiang, Nunkiang and Hsingan. In 1949 our Northeast
Administrative Commission redivided the area into five provinces, Liaotung,
Liaohsi, Kirin, Heilungkiang and Sungkiang. Together with Jehol, these provinces
were then referred to as the six northeastern provinces. In 1954 the Central
People's Government Council merged the two provinces of Liaotung and Liaohsi
into the one province of Liaoning and the two provinces of Sungkiang and
Heilungkiang into the one province of Heilungkiang, while Kirin remained
unchanged. In 1955 Jehol Province was abolished and the area previously under
its jurisdiction was divided and incorporated into the provinces of Hopei
and Liaoning and the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region.

2. The dates of the taking of these key points were:
Shihchiachuang, November 12, 1947; Yuncheng, December 28, 1947; Szepingkai,
March 13, 1948; Loyang, first on March 14, 1948, and again on April 5, 1948;
Yichuan, March 3, 1948; Paoki, April 26, 1948; Weihsien, April 27, 1948;
Linfen, May 17, 1948; and Kaifeng, June 22, 1948. All these cities were fortified
with many groups of blockhouses, and some had high, thick city walls; also,
they all had auxiliary defence works, including multiple lines of trenches,
barbed-wire entanglements and abatis. Our army at the time had neither planes
nor tanks, and little or no artillery. In attacking and taking these cities,
our army learned a complete set of tactics for taking strong fortifications.
These tactics were:

(1) successive demolition -- using explosives to demolish the enemy's different
defence installations in succession;

(2) tunnel operations -- secretly digging tunnels to and under the enemy's
blockhouses or city walls, then blowing them up with explosives and following
up with fierce attacks;

(5) "sharp knife" tactics -- concentrating manpower and firepower to effect
a breakthrough and to cut up the enemy forces.

3. The brigades mentioned here were those designated as
brigades after the reorganization of the Kuomintang army, while the divisions
were pre-reorganization divisions (which were practically the same as the
reorganized brigades).

4. The "middle road" was also called the "third road".
See "The Present Situation and Our Tasks", Note 9, p. 176 of this volume.

5. See "The Situation and Our Policy After the Victory
in the War of Resistance Against Japan", Note 8, p. 23 of this volume.