SIR: The subject of the release of Stephen J. Meany, claimed to be a citizen of the United States, and wrongfully convicted and sentenced by the English authorities, has been brought to my notice by a'lai-ge number of the citizens of New Jersey, with a. request that I would call the attention of your Excellency to the case.‘

Feeling confident of~your determination. and that of-the Secretary of State, to maintain with firmness and decision the rights of all who, as citizens, are entitled to protection. I would merely add that this case seems to me to require what I have no question you will give it, the fullest consideration.

With the highest respect, I am, yours,

MARCUS L. WARD. His Excellency the PRESIDENT.

iWIr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 1421.] . LEGATION or run UNITED STATES, London, August 9, 1867.

SIR : After many months of continued excitement, the great measure for the extension of the suffrage in this kingdom was last night brought to the shape in which its adoption by both houses of Parliament may be regarded as secured. The manner in which this result has been arrived at is as novel ‘in the history of the country as its general nature was unforeseen by all. ‘ Nobody pretends to be able to measure the consequences to which it may ultimately lead. The prime minister has accurately described the proceeding as a leap in the dark. Everybody anticipates a material alteration in the balance of power as it has existed heretofore, but the degree to which it will be carried and the point where the weight will hereafter preponderate present questions upon which conjectures take the place of evidence and fears prevail over reasoning.

Looking at the present character of the body politic, it does not appear to me that any vital change is likely to follow this measure immediately. The prominent public men of the country,'on one side or the other, are pretty sure to remain in‘ the direction of public affairs at least until the time when a new generation shall have sprung up—the otfspring of the transition—-who will show themselves competent to assume the responsibility that may devolve upon them. At the present moment it cannot‘ be said that the agitation has brought into prominence a single leader who was not well known before it commenced. Mr. Gladstone \vill never be an effective advocate of change. Mr. Bright, who is undoubtedly the most distinguished figure in the struggle, is rather the type of the class brought forward by the old reform bill of 1832 than of that which is

now to be introduced. His term of life is too far spent to promise great activ- "

ity for many years. He may, however, continue to serve during the period of progress from the old to the new, helping, perhaps, to smooth the Way for the ultimate establishment of republican institutions under the guidance of purely popular successors, That this must be the end, unless some extraordinary reactionary movement should intervene, is now pretty generally believed, even by those who do not care to say so aloud. The process may be made slow by the strong conservative influences, still powerful to delay what they cannot stop. In the mean time, ef1"0its will be made to extend the means of education so as to embrace the greater portion of the popular body and raise it to the level of its new responsibilities. Thus, the advance will be gradual, as it should be, and productive of no sudden shock to established institutions. The church, the aristocracy, and the Crown may hence be brought in succession ‘to yield their respective privileges Without the danger of a violent and destructive contest

What a contrast such a result would present to the fearful and ignorant icono

clasm of the French revolution, and ho_w much it would show to the world of an advance since that day in the faculty of self-government among the intelligent portions of the human race! .

It is nevertheless certain that the issue thus predicted will be liable to be effected more or less on one side or the other, according to the nature of the example which will be held forth in America. In the same degree that the breaking out of the late conflict contributed to revive the courage of the privileged classes and inspire hopes of permanent resistance to innovation, has the restoration of the Union served to quickenthe great movement made visible in the adoption of the present reform. But the end is not yet. Thorough peace and domestic harmony, with public prosperity—the direct result of them—are not yet so fully secured among us as to leave our ill-wishers no ground for reasonable cavil. There is still something to be done to prove to the world that the recuperative power of the people is not wasted away in internal strife and the protracted indulgence of hostile passions. The example is necessary to Great Britain, as it is to all the continental nations which are painfully struggling towards the end of intelligent self-government, to encourage them to per-_ severe. I trust that it may not be long before it can be brought to shine out in its fullest splendor. ' Y

SIR : I have now to recur to Lord Stanley"s despatch to Sir Frederick Wright Bruce of the 24th of May, concerning the so-called Alabama claims, a copy of which paper he placed inmy hands during our recent visit at Auburn.

You are authorized to inform his lordship that I did not understand his previous offer of arbitration to apply alone to the claims arising out of the depredations of the Alabama, to the exclusion of those arising out of the depredations of the Florida, the Shenandoah, the Georgia, and other vessels of that description ; and that, on the contrary, Lord Stanley’s offer of limited arbitration was understood to apply equally to those claims arising out of the depredations of the several vessels last named as to those arising out of the depredations of the Alabama. _

His lordship noW'0bserves that the British government is ready to go to arbi

tration upon the question whether, in the matters connected with all those vessels

out of whose depredations the claims of American citizens have arisen, the course pursued by the British government and those who acted upon its authority was , such as would involve a moral responsibility on the Tpart of the British government to make good, either in whole or in part, the osses of American citizens. The President considers these terms to be at once comprehensive and sulficiently precise to include all the claims of American citizens for depredations upon their. commerce during the late rebellion which have ‘been the subject of complaint upon the part of this government. But the United States government, in this view, would deem itself at liberty to insist before the arbiter that the actual. proceedings and relations of the British government, its ofi‘icers, agents, and subjects, towards the United States in regard to the rebellion and the rebels as they occurred during that rebellion, are among the matters which

are connected with the vessels whose depredations are complained of, just as in the case of general claims alluded to by Lord Stanley, the actual proceedings and relations of her Majesty’s government, its oflicers, agents, and subjects, _in regard to the United States and in regard to the rebellion and the rebels,are necessarily connected with the transactions out of which those general claims arose. ' Lord Stanley’s plan seems to be to constitute two descriptions of tribunals— one an arbiter to determine the question of the moral responsibility of the British government in respect of the Alabama, Florida, Georgia, and other vessels of that class; and the other a. mixed commission to adjudicate the so-called general claims of both sides; and a contingent reference to the same or other mixed commission. to ascertain and determine the amount of damages, for indemnity, to be awarded in the cases examined by the first tribunal in the event of a decision upon the question of moral responsibility in favor of the United States. N 0 distinction as to principle between the tribunals seems to the United States to be necessary, and in every case the United States agree only to unrestricted arbitration. Convenience may- require that the claims should be distributed between two tribunals, both of which, however, in the opinion of the United ‘ States, should proceed upon the same principles and be clothed with the same powers.

The President will be gratified if this explanation shall conduce to remove '

any of the difiiculties which have heretofore prevented the two governments from coming to the amicable and friendly un’derstanding and arrangement which is so sincerely desired by both.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

. Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.

No. 2038.] . DEPARTMENT or STATE, Washington, August 13, 1867.

SIR: I have to give you for your information and guidance a copy of an instruction‘ of this date, which has been transmitted to Mr. Dickinson, minister of the United States of Nicaragua, concerning a question which has arisen between that government and the government of Great Britain.

1 am, sir, your obedient servant,

llfr. Seward to Mr. Adams. '

No- 2039-] DEPARTMENT or STATE, Washington, August 13, 1867.

SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch of the 22d of July, No. 1409. ‘It authorizes me to assume that you will cheerfully comply with the joint resolution of Congress in regard to the dress to be worn on state ceremonial occasions. I have not the least doubt that your discretion will be a better

guide for your plroceedings in matters collateral with that subject than any_

* For enclosure see instructions to United States minister to Nicaragua.

No. 2042.] DEPARTMENT or STATE, . Washingtori, August 16, 1867.

SIR: I transmit a copy of a letter which has been handed to me by Colonel ‘ J. R. O’Bierne, late of the army of the United States. This letter, dated the 10th of this month, and addressed to him by William J. McClure, is in regard to the case of his brother, who is one of the Fenian prisoners, in relation to whom we have already had some correspondence. Any proper measures which you can set in motion _for the relief of McClure and his associates will receive the hearty approval of the department. ‘ I

KIND FRIEND: Pardon me for requesting_ your services again in behalf of my brother, who is at present confined in Millbank prison, England.

He appears (from a letter received from him ‘ lately) to be suffering greatly in his mental organization, produced by confinement, and I am fearful that it will affect his mind, which is not of the living-within-itself type, but requires association to make it active. In his composition he wanders, and some of the lines are erased, I presume by the British ofi-icials.

I received about a month ago assurances from Secretary Seward that my brother would be discharged from custody on the subsidence of the Fenian agitation in Ireland. If you will please see Mr. Seward and narrate to him the condition of my brother, and the injurious effect prison confinement produces on his mind, the sympathies of the Secretary may suggest further exertions on the part of the United States government for the prisoner’s release. I do not think he can bear imprisonment long, as my father informs me that he complained of a head affection during his incarceration at Cork, where he was treated quite leniently.

Trusting that you and family are blessed with health, and praying for your happiness,

I am yours, most sincerelyand gratefully,

WILLIAM J. MCCLURE. Colonel J. R. O’BIERNE, Washington, D. C.

SIR : I enclose a copy of a letter of the 31st ultimo from J. J. Rogers, esq., of New York, in regard to the arrest and imprisonment in Ireland of Mr. Augustine E. Costello, an American citizen.

You are instructed to take such measures as you may think proper for securing the early release of Mr. Costello.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

JULY 31, 1867. SIR: I have the honor to call the attention of your department to the fact that Mr. Angus

' tine E. Costello, an American citizen, was, on or about the 31st day of May last, arrested at

or near Dungauon, Ireland, and im risoned, and is now held and imprisoned under the “ habeas corpus suspension act,” of t e British government.

I transmit herewith a duly certified proof of the citizenship of the gentleman named, and request that it may be transmitted to our minister in London, and to the appropriate consul in Ireland with directions for the immediate release of the prisoner.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, ' JAMES J. ROGERS.

Hon. WILLIAM H. Srzwann,

Secretary of State.

Unrrno Srsrns or AMERICA, , ' State of New York, City and County of New York.‘

Be it remembered that on the twentieth day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-six, Augustine E. Costello up eared in the court of common pleas for the city and county of New York, (the said court ein a court of record, having common law juiisdiction. and a clerk and seal,) and applied to t e said court to be admitted to become a citizen of the United States of America, pursuant to the directions of the act of

- Congress of the United States of America, entitled “ An act to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and to repeal the acts heretofore passed on that subject,” passed April 14, 1802; and the act entitled “ An act for the regulation of seamen on board the public and private vessels of the United States,” passed March 3, 1813; and the act relative to evidence in cases of naturalization, passed March 22, 1816; and the act entitled “An act in further addition to an act to establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and to repeal the acts hereto

fore passed on that subject,” passed May 26, 1824'; and an act entitled “An act to amend '

the acts concerning naturalization," passed May 24, 1828; and an act to amend the act entitled “An act for the regulation of seamen on board the public and private vessels of the United States,” passed June '26, 1848; and “An act to secure the rights of citizenship to the children of citizens of the United States born out of the limits thereof,” passed 10th February, 1854. And the said applicant having thereupon produced to the court such evidence, made such declaration and renunciation, and taken such oaths as are by the said acts required, thereupon it was ordered by the said court that the said applicant be admitted, and lie was accordingly admitted to be a citizen of the United States of America.

In testimony whereof, the seal of the said court is hereto afiixed this 20th day of October, 1866, in the ninety-first year of the independence of the United States.

SIR : In connection with your despatch, No. 2031, of the 6th instant, relative to the case of Owen Dwyer, and his arrest in this country, on a charge of complicity with the Fenian movement in Ireland, I beg to call your attention to the fact which appears in the last of the accompanying papers, that Mr. Dwyer is not yet a citizen of the United States, having declared himself an alien at the time of declaring his intention to become such before the court at Memphis, on the 12th day of February last past. Hence, you will at once perceive that it could scarcely have been in my power to make any requisition on this government for his release. _

Very fortunately, the case seems to have been already disposed of by Mr. West, who, so long ago -as the 3d of July, had made an application on behalf of Mr. Dwyer, which is believed to have eifected his release. Although no report of the fact has yet been oflicially made to me by him, it appears to be certain that he called at the legation in person some time in the latter days of the last month. ~

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.