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20091231

Dec 31 2009 -- We have started an archive on the most crucial documentation pertaining to the Boeremag treason trial. Fourteen of these 22 presumably innocent men, brought clapped in chains and wearing prison uniforms through crowds of howling, angry ANC-supporters who were swept up by massive media hysteria, are for their own safety, sitting in solidary cells in a high-security jail awaiting trial -- and one of these accused men has already died from a brain-infection incurred in the filthy prison conditions; others were bitten by prisoners, they get daily death threats and threatened that they will be gang-raped; they have been assaulted by prison wardens; bombarded with loud music for weeks on end and subjected to sleep-deprivation and other tortures.

Yet officially, under South African law, accused people are still presumed innocent until they are proven to be guilty – yet one of the accused men has already died due to this imprisonment, while ‘awaiting trial’ – he thus effectively was given the death sentence without ever having been proven guilty.

The trial starts its seventh year in May 2010. In May 2009, the Legal Aid Board announced that this trial had so far cost it R20_ 424_ 817, (R20,4-million +) making this the most expensive trial the organisation had ever funded.

The trial of the surviving 21 accused, who while readily admitting that they were Boer patriots, which isn’t a crime (yet) -- nevertheless either pleaded not guilty to 42 charges including sabotage, murder and attempted murder, or refused to plead at all -- is proceeding at a snail’s pace. This trial has caused great mental anguish for the accused men and their families. It’s not known whether the snail’s pace in which this trial is conducted, is deliberate or not: senior prosecutor Paul Fick SC confirmed in May 2009 that they have only sat court about an hour per day since February this year, saying this while accused Boeremag leader Tom Vorster was on the stand – and who finally balked. refused to testify any further after a gruelling two-month session.

Thus far, the testimony seems to strongly indicate that the main instigator of these ‘planned acts of treason’ had been the police spy Johan C Smit – who was one of the co-founders of the Boeremag -- and who during cross-examination by defence lawyers, openly admitted to signing statements written by security police handlers on his behalf, without even reading them – and admitted in court that ‘some details of the statements he’d signed, had been inaccurate’.

Testimony by Boeremag members such as the potato farmer Henk van Zyl also revealed that this man was duped – that he would never even have considered making bombs until police spy Johan C Smit had actually suggested the idea to them, and taught them this skill.

Picture: Dr Lets Pretorius, leader of the practically defunct Boervolk organisation, testified in two-month cross-examination sessions at the Boeremag trial. Click on the picture to hear his Nov 15 2009 radio interview with ‘The Right Perspective,’ a US internet radio station, in which he describes details from his testimony .

There were many accusations by defence council that Smit’s security police handler superintendent Louis Pretorius was ‘manipulated’ and deliberately misled by Smit; that the police spy had embellished and even lied outright about specific incidents to get more money from the police. This police spy – the State’s most important witness who was a convicted thief -- was also revealed as a liar who may even have been involved in the assassination of the Afrikaner security expert Chris van Rensburg, who was his former boss.

The archives start with summaries from SAPA news reports containing testimony pertaining to the SA State’s most important witness, the police spy Johan C. Smit. We will be adding more details but these are of course very brief summaries. After all, this trial has already been going on since May 2003…

South African law enforcement officials charge that the Boeremag was responsible for the 2002 Soweto bombings and arrested twenty-six men, alleged to be members of the Boeremag in November and December 2002, and reportedly seized over 1,000 kilograms of explosives in the process. Further arrests followed in March 2003.

The first trial of Boeremag suspects began under tight security in Pretoria during May 2003. Twenty-two men were charged with forty-two counts of treason, murder, and illegal weapons possession. Six pleaded not guilty, two have not entered pleas, one refuses to plead, and thirteen are challenging the court's jurisdiction, alleging that the post-apartheid constitution and government of South Africa are illegitimate.

JOHANNESBURG (Dutch news agency ANP) – 26 August 2002 – The treason trial against 22 extreme-right South Africans was postponed after the defence accused the authorities of torturing the trial-awaiting prisoners in prison by continuously playing deafeningly-loud ‘black pop music’. The defence counsellors written unsuccessful complaints to the prison authorities. Advocate Piet Pistorius said the music has a ‘drastic psychological effect’ on his trial-awaiting clients, in such a way that they cannot prepare themselves for their trial. He described the playing of this very loud music an invasion of the human rights of these trial-awaiting men. Judge Eben Jordaan had already also asked earlier that the prison authorities stop playing the music but this thus far hadn’t happened, he said. The process should have started in May 2002 – but it constantly being postponed due to defects in procedures Adv Pistorius also submitted a request for postponement because the public prosecution had obtained information which should have only been sent to the defence attorneys, he said. http://www.stormfront.org/forum/showthread.php?t=84650

A self-confessed Boeremag coup plotter on Monday described police spy Johan C Smit as an "adder" who had egged him on to commit acts of terror. Free State potato farmer Henk van Zyl said in cross-examination in the Pretoria High Court if it had not been for Smit giving him instructions on how to make bombs, he would probably never have built one or become involved in acts of terror. Van Zyl claimed not only Smit, who earlier testified that he had infiltrated the Boeremag while secretly working for the police, but also alleged Boeremag leader Tom Vorster were government agents who had instigated the coup plot.

"There were so many informers and people who worked for the state that the Boeremag was still-born. It is my view that the whole Boeremag case was set up for the 1994 elections. We were misled all along. We ran after Tom Vorster, who deliberately misled us. Thank the Lord my eyes are open. If I had continued (manufacturing bombs) and those cylinders had exploded I would probably have been charged with murder." Van Zyl agreed with a statement that Smit had been "an active source of crime".

He said if Smit had not given him the instructions for a bomb, he would probably not have acted the way he did. "J C Smit is an adder, if have to be honest. He swore an oath with us before God that we were ‘all one’ while knowing that he was an informer. He took a false oath, that's why he's an adder," he said.. key words: Henk van Zyl testimony; police_spy_ J_ C_ Smit_ taught_ bomb-making; Tom Vorster; URL: http://70.84.171.10/~etools/newsbrief/2004/news0907.txt

February 2 2004 sabc - In the so-called Boeremag trial, cross-examination of the main witness, police spy Johan C Smit, has turned the court room into a story-teller competition, as Smit's testimony about a plan to 'overthrow the (Azanian) state' was challenged by Advocate Harry Prinsloo, counsel for for the accused Mike Du Toit. Asked how hethought one could carry out a wide-ranging plan to take over the country with so little money, Smit told the court about 'a certain Oom Jan from Bethlehem', who allegedly told someone else that he would give a field of sunflowers, - but the accused would have to harvest it themselves. Another person in the Free State had offered to donate 200 sheep, he said. Smit also mentioned Mike du Toit's retirement package, and the sale of bullets. Counsel for the defence put it to Smit that the accused would deny that a so-called coup plot had ever been discussed at any of the meetings testified about by Smit. Smit was forced to concede that the "meetings" - many of them around "braaivleis" fires - were never formal and usually took the form of open discussions. He also conceded that nothing concrete had ever been done and no absolute final acts of terror had been described in his presence. He admitted that the meetings had just been "a lot of talking". But he remained adamant that a document setting out a detailed coup plan had been discussed at just about every one of those occasions, including an alleged meeting at a striptease club in Pretoria.

Meanwhile, police spy Johan Smit's cross-examination has led to other interesting developments. Smit, who claims he infiltrated the inner circle of the nationalist Boer organisation, is still being cross-examined by the different advocates representing the more than 20 Boers accused of planning to set up a Boer Republic. In a revealing admission, he said a security policeman had actually written it down, before he signed the statement. He conceded that he had never read through the statement word by word before testifying, although he signed it as correct. "That was my memory then, but I've noticed last night on reading my statement that there were a few mistakes...," he said.

Smit also changed tack on what he had earlier alleged were plans to take over the country's radio stations. While expanding on his earlier evidence that targets identified as part of an alleged coup plan included the SABC, Radio Jakaranda and Radio Pretoria, Smit said that 'later' it was decided to retain Radio Pretoria for propaganda purposes. To a question by Judge Eben Jordaan on how the SABC would have been destroyed, Smit said: "Well, the place had to be blown up... It would definitely not have been a job for one or two guys. It would not have been humanly possible. I don't know how they would have done it."

Smit's testimomony on what the Boeremag was planning to blow up or take over includes, so far, the SABC, the SA National Defence Force's operational headquarters in Pretoria, the fuel depot at Watloo, 4 Reconnaissance Unit headquarters at Swartkops, military aircraft like the Rooivalk helicopters, and many other 'targets'. Smit also once again touched on an alleged plan to chase all black people out of the cities along the N1 highway to Zimbabwe. http://www.sabcnews.com/south_africa...,73484,00.htmlkey words: Johan C Smit testimony; Adv Harry Prinsloo; Mike du Toit;

Published 30 Jan 2004 - Article by: Laurian Clemence, SAPA. The Boeremag treason trial heard yesterday that some of the tape recordings secretly made by police during several Boeremag meetings may be usable. This was despite earlier claims by the prosecution that all of the tapes, which police spy Johan C Smit claimed he had helped to make, were inaudible and could not be used. Yesterday, chief prosecutor Paul Fick told the Pretoria High Court there were a total of 11 tapes, of which eight had been handed to the defence counsel. All of these tapes had been examined by different sets of experts and were found not to be usable.

He however revealed that three tapes might contain usable information and were presently being transcribed. It would be handed over to the defence as soon as it was ready. Fick also revealed that the originals of all of the tapes were no longer available as the tapes had been used again for other purposes. Only duplicates, or "original working copies" were still available.

Smit, who claimed to have infiltrated the inner circle of the Boeremag and testified about a series of meetings where a violent coup was planned, for the first time revealed the existence of the tape recordings during cross examination. This caused the defence counsel to demand access to the tapes, which they said could supply evidence in support of their clients' version. Advocate Harry Prinsloo, appearing for one of the alleged Boeremag leaders Mike du Toit, again confronted Smit with evidence he said a Chris Streicher would give for the defence.

Streicher, an arms dealer of Potchefstroom, will go on trial for the alleged murder of Nic van Rensburg, owner of the First Defence Training Institute in Centurion, later this year. Smit denied claims by Streicher that he (Smit) had opened a door at Van Rensburg's house for Streicher, after which he had stolen Van Rensburg's hard drive and computer on the orders of police handler Superintendent Louis Pretorius.

He admitted that he had been at the house when Streicher stole the computer box, but insisted that Streicher had broken down the door with a hammer. He also denied telling Streicher that he had money problems, that Streicher had given him R2,500 or that Streicher had offered to help him hide from police if the need arose. Smit flatly denied that he had discussed a document setting out a detailed coup plan with Streicher at a church camp or that they had discussed Smit's involvement in making bombs and access to explosives.The trial continues today. – Sapa. Edited by: laurian clemence Key words: John C Smit was employed by First Defence Training Institute, Adv. Paul Fick, Adv Harry Prinsloo; Mike du Toit; Chris Streicher; Nic van Rensburg; First Defence Training Institute; Police handler superintendent Louis Pretorius; http://www.polity.org.za/article/some-boeremag-tapes-may-be-usable-2004-01-30

12 February 2004 – SAPA. The possibility of obtaining a formula for poison to put into water reservoirs in black townships had been discussed at a Boeremag meeting, a police spy claimed in the Pretoria High Court on Thursday. Johan Smit, the "shadow Boer" who claimed he had infiltrated the Boeremag's inner circle while secretly spying for the police, made this claim during cross-examination by Daan Mostert, who represents alleged Boeremag member Adriaan van Wyk. Told that Van Wyk would deny ever attending any meetings in connection with the Boeremag, a planned coup or targets being allocated, Smit said: "He did". "He was at a meeting with Sarel Kruger and Jan Viljoen (not accused) where they discussed plans to put poison in the water reservoirs in black townships. "Sarel Kruger said he had links with a man in America who was involved with the Ku Klux Klan and could get a formula for poison and that they could create a mass epidemic." Mostert said Van Wyk would deny these claims and would testify that Smit had told him about a planned mass attack by blacks on whites called the "Night of the Long Knives". "He will testify that you told him nothing can be done to stop it and that the government was behind the entire conspiracy. You said the security forces would not do anything," Mostert said, to which Smit replied that he knew nothing about such a conversation. Smit said he could not remember where he had met Strijdom Square massacre hitman Barend Strydom, but insisted that his only links with Strydom was regarding the case of bus shooter De Wet Kritzinger, because he (Smit) "was working on that case". He denied telling Strydom in 2001 about the planned coup and that the "new government" would release rightwing prisoners and give them amnesty. He also denied telling Strydom that Van Wyk was a "traitor" who should be killed. Mostert said Strydom would testify that Smit had told him Van Wyk had broken into premises, stole a computer hard drive and handed it to the police, causing people to be arrested. Smit said Strydom was clearly trying to "cover" for rightwinger Chris Streicher, who has been linked to a break-in and the murder of Smit's former employer Nic van Rensburg. He said if it was true that he had fingered Van Wyk as a traitor, Van Wyk's name would also have been on Strydom's hit lists. Smit claimed his name was on top of a number of hit lists distributed by Strydom. Smit denied that he had approached a rightwinger from Brits, a Mr P W Nel, and offered to supply him with explosives. He also denied telling Nel about a coup plan and badgering Nel about setting up a meeting to discuss the coup. To questions by Mostert if an informer could "manipulate" his police handler, Smit said this was not possible. Mostert said a former police informer would testify that he had been paid for information and had manipulated his police handler. This line of questioning resulted in a heated exchange between Mostert and Smit and caused chief prosecutor Paul Fick to enter the fray. Fick said it appeared that Mostert was "going into Smit's character". "He should be warned that we can do it too," he said. Mostert appealed to Judge Eben Jordaan to allow vigorous cross-examination of Smit. "My client faces very serious charges... He says he was involved in something he knows nothing about. The witness is paid for information. He is paid better for better information," Mostert said. http://70.84.171.10/~etools/newsbrief/2004/news0213.txt

Published 14 Feb 2004 - Article by: Laurian Clemence, SAPA - A statement by police spy Johan C Smit, the state witness in the Boeremag treason trial concerning an unrelated murder investigation yesterday resulted in heated argument and an application to gag the media. Prosecution leader Paul Fick asked judge Eben Jordaan to rule that the press could not publish a statement by Smit, the police spy who infiltrated the Boeremag's alleged inner circle and is one of the state's chief witnesses against the 22 accused. The statement in dispute relates to the assasination-style murder of Smit's former boss, Nic van Rensburg, who owned the First Defence Training Institute in Centurion. Rightwinger (arms-dealer) Chris Streicher has been arrested in connection with the murder and will, according to the state, go on trial in Pretoria High Court later this year. Attorney Daan Mostert, who represents the accused Adriaan van Wyk, wanted to use the statement in Smit's cross-examination, claiming it was relevant and related to Smit's credibility but the prosecution strenuously objected, saying that it was not relevant at all.Smit has been fending off a series of pointed questions by the defence since the trial resumed last month. He has been accused of "selling" information to the police and "manipulating" his police handler - which he denied. Judge Jordaan did not make a ruling about the statement, instead postponing the trial until Monday and asking Mostert to prepare written argument on the issue. – Sapa. Edited by: laurian clemence http://www.polity.org.za/article/statement-causes-argument-in-boeremag-trial-2004-02-14TRC testimony pertaining to General Nic van Rensburg

Published 28 Feb 2004 Article by: laurian clemence Sapa - An accused in a murder trial will be one of the witnesses for the defence in the Boeremag treason trial, the Pretoria High Court heard yesterday. Counsel for one of the alleged Boeremag leaders, Mike du Toit, during cross-examination, confronted police spy and state witness Johan Smit with the evidence of Chris Streicher, whom he said would testify for the defence. Streicher has been charged with the murder of Nick van Rensburg. Van Rensburg, the owner of the First Defence Training Institute in Centurion, was gunned down in an assassination-style murder in May 2002. Streicher, 42, of Potchefstroom, was thereafter arrested for the murder. The National Director of Public Prosecutions will this week determine a trial date for Streicher's trial in the Pretoria High Court. During his bail application Streicher accused Smit of committing the murder and putting the blame on him. Mike du Toit's advocate, Harry Prinsloo, put it to Smit that Streicher would testify that he had witnesses who saw Smit selling firearms from the boot of his car at a shooting range in Swartkop where Smit provided firearm training. "Streicher will testify that you planted a cooldrink can with the fingerprints of Adriaan van Wyk (one of the accused) at the scene of a housebreaking (at the murdered Van Rensburg's house)," he said. Van Wyk denied that he had ever sold firearms, although he admitted that he had kept an illegal firearm in his possession on the orders of his police handler. "There were rumours that Van Wyk's fingerprints were found at the break-in at Van Rensburg's house. Nothing like that was ever found at the scene and if Streicher says so he's lying," Smit said.Smit admitted that there was "bad blood" between him and Van Wyk "because he (Van Wyk) kept on lying to me about certain aspects". Sapa. http://www.polity.org.za/article/murder-accused-to-testify-in-boeremag-trial-2004-01-28

On October 29 2004 the Pretoria High Court heard testimony from a witness, Deon Crous, who stated under oath that he had assisted two of the accused, Kobus Pretorius and Jacques Jordaan, to manufacture 1500 kg of explosives. Crous testified that five amounts of 300 kg were reserved for five separate bombs. One of the planned bomb attacks was cancelled as there was too high a risk of white civilians being injured. The bombs were to be detonated on December 13 2002, with various attacks planned to follow the bombings.

Pretoria – Oct 29 2004 Self-confessed Boeremag bomber Deon Crous told Pretoria High Court he helped to manufacture 1.5 tons of explosives for five powerful car bombs. The Boeremag allegedly had planned to set the bombs off in Pretoria and Johannesburg in December 2002. Crous testified in the trial of 22 alleged Boeremag members, who have denied guilt on charges ranging from treason and sabotage to terrorism, murder and attempted murder. He and accused Kobus Pretorius, with the help of another accused, Jacques Jordaan, manufactured more than a ton of explosives using garden fertiliser and diesel. They were on the run from police after a series of bomb explosions in Soweto, Port Edward and at the Grand Central Airport in Midrand during which one woman was accidentially killed in Soweto by a collapsed roof 1km away from the alleged blast. Crous said:

"We talked about the explosives, which were to be divided into five bombs of 300kg each. "One of the bombs was to go off at Marabastad in Pretoria and Herman van Rooyen (one of the accused) talked about another one in Pretoria between high buildings near a bunch of taxis.

D-Day was Friday the 13th

"They also talked about two bombs in Johannesburg and Van Rooyen asked me what I thought about a bomb at Hammanskraal. "But, I said white people also did business there so it was shelved as a spare. "It was planned that the bombs would go off on Friday, the 13th of December 2002, which Van Rooyen referred to as "D-Day"," he testified. Jordaan wanted to leave at one stage, but Van Rooyen said he knew too much and could not go home. Van Rooyen had told them after the bombs exploded, they would start with attacks. He planned to attack and take over the Warmbaths police station and to free Boeremag member Braam van Leeuwen, whom they believed was being held there. Crous and Van Rooyen were near a Boeremag safe house in Pretoria with a bakkie full of explosives - a bomb in a sports bag, egg timers used for bomb timing devices, equipment for shrapnel bombs, their pistols and R-4 rifles - when they were arrested on December 11 by members of the police task force. According to Crous, Van Rooyen had told him to be ready to start firing when he realised they were being followed by police, but he did nothing when he realised the policemen were white. http://www.news24.com/Content/SouthAfrica/News/1059/a79c0b53ba1143718aaa379fed6927c7/29-10-2004-10-00/Boeremag_We_made_explosives

2004-10-22 Pretoria - The conditions under which 14 of the Boeremag treason trial accused are being held in jail are to improve considerably for the next few months. After giving notice of an urgent application to stop correctional services from moving them out of their single cells at Pretoria's local prison into communal cells, the accused on Friday reached an agreement whereby they would be moved to the C-section at Pretoria's maximum security prison, C-Max, until their cells have been renovated.

The accused complained that they received death threats on a daily basis, were threatened with sodomy and were victimized in jail not only by fellow, black prisoners, but also by some of the warders.

One of the accused, Adriaan van Wyk, said he had to receive a tetanus injection and anti-retrovirals after being bitten by a black prisoner in a seemingly crazed attack. They said they feared for their lives in communal cells and would not have access to electronic equipment presently used to follow the trial. According to the agreement, the Boeremag accused will get their own section at C-Max, where they will be housed in communal and single cells.

They will also have limited access to a private courtyard with grass and shrubs, will be allowed to use their own linen and have access to washing facilities. They will be able to keep television sets, radios and specified electrical equipment in their cells and will even be allowed to keep certain musical instruments and practise hobbies. Apart from this, they will retain all of their present privileges as trial-awaiting prisoners, including visits from family, friends, lecturers and religious workers under certain conditions, access to a public phone and the right to privileged consultations with their legal representatives. They will also receive medically prescribed diets and medical treatment where necessary. According to court documents, the cells where they were to be kept were particularly clean and neat, in contrast with their present cells where they complained about cockroaches, broken windows, sewerage overruns and a lack of water. Their "vacation" at C-Max will probably last throughout the Christmas holiday period until January 2005, when they will be moved back to the local prison. http://www.news24.com/Content/SouthAfrica/News/1059/a19fbd7894594c3ebf988d620b30dc15/22-10-2004-07-58/Boeremag_trialists_relocate

May 5 2009 -- The Boeremag treason trial has hit another snag, which may see even more tax money spent on the defence of the accused. The Legal Aid Board said on Monday the trial had so far cost it R20 424 817, making this the most expensive trial the organisation had funded to date. On Monday, after more than two months in the witness stand, alleged Boeremag leader Tom Vorster told the court he would not testify any further. He said he "would no longer tolerate" the "unacceptable behaviour" of the state and the correctional services department towards him.

The trial of the 21 treason accused -- who pleaded not guilty to 42 charges including sabotage, murder and attempted murder -- has been running for almost six years. Senior prosecutor Paul Fick SC confirmed the trial has on average sat about an hour per day since Vorster took the stand in February this year to testify in his own defence.

Vorster has been involved in a heated verbal sparring match with Fick in the past few weeks, which saw him accusing the senior prosecutor of "lying" and being "malicious". He even told off Fick for "being fat" -- to which the prosecutor complained to the court that Vorster was becoming "absurd and vulgar". His complaints that he was not feeling well, or at times that he was "so angry" with Fick that he could not continue testifying, had resulted in the trial being postponed several times. http://www.mg.co.za/article/2009-05-05-boeremag-trial-hits-another-snag

20091227

2009-12-26 Welkom/Thabong - The badly mutilated body of 3-year-old toddler Onele Galata was found on Saturday, just hours after she was reported missing to Thabong police. The little girl went missing on Christmas day. She was grossly mutilated, with multiple stab wounds to her right eye, right side of the mouth, over the left ear, chin, neck, right ribs and middle chest – and her genitals were removed.

Her intestines were protruding from her little body. These injuries all indicate that the child was undoubtedly the victim of a so-called ‘muti-murder’, in which her body parts would have been cut out while she was alive ‘so that her fear and screams increase the potency of the medicine’.

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Picture: the vast majority of ‘traditional healers’ are herbal doctors like this man in Pretoria who would never make medicine from human body parts and reject this inhumane practice. However the practice still persists throughout South Africa and recently, in the run-up to the World Cup 2010, the muti-murders have increased dramatically.

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Such body parts usually are ‘ordered’ by ‘traditional healer’ who do make very expensdive ‘good-luck medicines’ from such human flesh and would buy the ‘harvest’ from the child’s murderers.

Officially, an annual 200 ‘muti-murders were reported to the SAPS last year –although these statistics are not maintained in seperate categories and are grossly inaccurate: unofficially it has been reported by medical authorities that at least one child a day is slaughtered in this way in South Africa – sometimes, especially where males are left alive after genital mutilation, these lives can still be saved if they can reach the trauma units of public hospitals in time.

Government crackdown on 200+ annual muti-murders? The South African government, together with the Council for Traditional Healers, claims it wants to stamp out the witchcraft-related trade in human body parts, to which many children succumb. The harvesting of body parts is usually done while the victim is alive – carried under the guidance of a traditional healer . However, this murky underground world of witchcraft is particulary difficult to investigate because many police officers also fear arresting or questioning the practioners of witchcraft.

Whites increasingly targetted by harvesters of witchcraft-body parts: While some 200 to 300 'muti' (traditional medicine) related killings are reported during an average year in South Africa, whites usually weren’t targetted as frequently before 1994 as they are now. The organisation Doctors For Life - representing a large numbers of medical doctors, dentists, veterinaries and other professionals – started warning from 2004 that South Africa’s legalisation of African witchcraft was very dangerous: read law "Traditional healers should be kept out of South Africa's health care system because traditional medicines were potentially harmful to patients,' they warned. It is also seen inside the political system that traditional healersyield great political power behind the scene with ruling-party high-level officials. DFL predicted that the Bill would provoke more so-called "muti" murders. Many healers do share the belief that "human tissue can make powerful medicine," the doctors' organisation warned. The Doctors for Life campaigners were correct: ever since the new Act was adopted and ‘traditional healers’ were placed on a legal par with medical practitioners, a gruesome, thriving trade has grown up in the trade of human body parts. A large variety of body parts are being harvested: penises, eyes, noses, vaginas, breasts, heads and limbs - with the hapless victims preferably screaming and fully aware. The 'traditional healers' who order these body parts are almost never prosecuted, even though some victims survive the mutilation see here The live harvesting is necessary, they say, because the victims' pain and fear 'increases the power of the muti.' Besides the fact that whites also are increasingly mutilated while alive and their body parts harvested for muti before they are slain, fears are also growing among white South Africans that they will increasingly be forced to submit to the local-level political rule of the traditional leaders and their witchdoctors. This worry was first raised in 2008 -- in the following debate between a Boer and a black resident who asked why whites shouldn’t submit to ‘traditional tribal customs’ on this video: http://www/youtube.com/watch?v=FD6Nlok93ww&sdig=1

Unnamed Dutch tourists breast, hand removed after car accident (we know the victims’ names but withhold these to protect the family) 20090621 Acornhoek Mpuma, two men were arrested at traditional healer’s shop trying to sell the body parts. On July 17 2009 a 48-year-old man accused of ‘violating a corpse and selling human body parts” was denied bail at the Acornhoek Magistrates' Court .The famous South African ‘muti-killer-hunter,’ captain Leonard Hlathi said Philemon Batulekile Baloyi was one of two men arrested for the crime in June. Baloyi was caught after an “inyanga,” (traditional herbal healer) who he tried to sell body parts to, alerted police. The suspect was found in possession of a white woman's breast and a manicured left hand. "He told police that he received the body parts from a certain man at a funeral parlor, who was also arrested.The funeral home's official did not deny that they had arranged the shipment of the bodies of two Dutch tourists, a mother and daughter who had died in one accident in Lydenburg in May, exactly as was described by their arrested ex-employee. Two other members of the same family, a father and son who ran a hotel in a small Dutch town, also were seriously injured in this crash.Baloyi wanted to be paid 800 Euro’ for the body-parts. He in turn had bought the body parts for 80 Euro from Mr Ben Mongadi, 35, described as a part-time employee at a funeral parlor. http://censorbugbear-reports.blogspot.com/2009/11/farm-murders-names-dates-sources.html

20091226

The SA Institute of Race Relations has issued a criticism against the liberal South African daily newspaper The Mail & Guardian for publishing an attack on Anthea Jeffery’s book, “The People’s War, New Light on the Struggle for South Africa”. The SAIRR has slammed the newspaper for failing to publish the author’s response to the newspaper’s criticism of her book. Jeffery is Head of Special Research at the South African Institute of Race Relations.

Anthea Jeffery’s response:

“Drew Forrest’s review in the Mail and Guardian of People’s War: New Light on the Struggle for South Africa is an unconvincing parody of my book. For Forrest seeks to explain away 540 pages of evidence about the ANC’s people’s war on the simplistic basis that my alleged ‘dizzy romance’ with Inkatha lies behind my supposed determination to ‘stretch the facts to fit my preconceptions’. [‘Polemic pretending to be history’, Mail & Guardian 27 November 2009]

ANC learned formula for warfare in communist Vietnam in 1979

Jeffery: ‘His review is also an extraordinary perversion of the truth, for he asserts that the ‘people’s war’ was ‘largely a figment’. He thus ignores:

The ANC’s visit to Vietnam in 1978 to learn the formula for people’s war;

its decision to adopt that formula, reflected in the ANC document The Green Book: Lessons from Vietnam;

the determination made clear in The Green Book that the ANC would now embark on ‘a protracted people’s war’ in which opponents would be overcome via ‘a combination of political and military action’; and

a host of subsequent ANC broadcasts and publications further exhorting people’s war and, in time, praising the achievements of this strategy.

Forrest also implicitly asserts that the struggle was simply ‘a mass movement of ordinary South Africans’, led by the United Democratic Front (UDF), in which the ANC was largely confined to ‘cheering from the sidelines’. But this ignores the fact that:

the UDF was a puppet of the ANC (24 of the UDF’s 25-strong national executive committee being members of the ANC underground);

the ANC was unbanned and back inside South Africa when the people’s war intensified in the early 1990s and the death toll in political violence rose three-fold from what it had been in the 1980s.

To explain away this sudden surge in violence after political liberalisation, the ANC and its allies developed the Third-Force theory, which Forrest endorses too. According to this theory, state president F W de Klerk had a ‘dual strategy’ of talking peace while waging war: of pretending a commitment to negotiations while using the police and the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) to destabilise the ANC.

The obvious involvement of both the police and the IFP in political violence lent significant support to this theory. But the theory also has many weaknesses:

no credible evidence of De Klerk’s duplicity has ever been found, despite assiduous endeavour;

more than 800 policemen were killed in the early 1990s, many in premeditated ambushes, while thousands of IFP office-bearers and supporters were killed in similar ways; while

a Third Force that killed so many of its own made no sense at all, especially when neither the police nor the IFP drew advantage from the killings but were instead discredited and weakened by them.

By contrast (all of which Forrest overlooks):

the ANC had a declared ‘dual strategy’ of persisting with its people’s war after negotiations began for it saw the talks as nothing but ‘an additional terrain of struggle’;

the ANC had little compunction about attacking black civilians, including its own supporters, for the formula for people’s war draws no distinction between combatants and others and regards all civilians (irrespective of their political affiliation) as expendable in conflict;

the ANC had a motive to unleash violence, for it wanted to create enough mayhem and unrest either to spark an insurrection or to weaken its opponents to the point where it could triumph in negotiations;

the ANC had the means to unleash violence, for the peace process allowed it to bring back into South Africa some 13 000 armed and trained combatants whom it then refused to disarm or disband; and

the ANC was the only organisation to draw benefit from the 15,000 political killings that took place in the early 1990s (after all major apartheid laws had been repealed), for it used these to:

stigmatise De Klerk and the IFP,

stampede negotiators into giving it what Joe Slovo called ‘a famous victory’ in negotiations, and

put great pressure on the first all-race election, while making it unthinkable for anyone to demand a re-run of the deeply flawed April 1994 poll in which it was accorded (no accurate count being possible) some 63% of the vote.

Forrest also suggests that Inkatha was the principal villain in violence and that the book seeks simply to obscure this. But this ignores one of the most important of the lessons from Vietnam – that people’s war can be used not only against an incumbent government but also against all other rivals for power. Moreover, such rivals must be so weakened by the time of the transition as to give the insurgents hegemony and pave the way for the further stages of the revolution.

Against this background, it is not surprising that most of the violence was directed against Inkatha, which already had a million members in KwaZulu/Natal and on the Reef when the people’s war began and so posed the greatest obstacle to the ANC’s determination to dominate a post-apartheid South Africa. The IFP also bore the brunt of the casualties, for the police were correct in their analysis that ‘the ANC was waging an aggressive war’ against the IFP ‘by military means’ and that the IFP was ‘disadvantaged in its resistance’ because it ‘lacked the quantity and sophistication of the weaponry available to the ANC’.

Forrest also overlooks the violence directed at many other groups, all of which were targets for attack under the formula for people’s war. From 1984 to 1994, there was violence between the ANC and black councillors; between the ANC and the police; between the ANC and the Azanian People’s Organisation; between the ANC and the Pan-Africanist Congress; between the ANC and the locally influential Labour Party in Port Elizabeth; between the ANC and alleged ‘vigilantes’: in fact, moderate blacks tired of being coerced to take part in the ANC’s campaigns of mass action. Always it was the ANC that was the common denominator in the conflict.

To all of this, Forrest turns a determinedly blind eye. It is thus not my book but his review which is ‘a shallow polemic’. His real gripe is doubtless that the book succeeds too well in piercing the veil the ANC has drawn across our recent past.

- Dr Anthea Jeffery. Jeffery is Head of Special Research at the South African Institute of Race Relations and author of People’s War: New Light on the Struggle for South Africa, recently published by Jonathan Ball Publishers.

20090623 Donald, Yvonne Gubb, survive attack, Pemberton dairy farm, Chrissiesmeer Mpuma The SA Press Association reports on June 24 2009 that yet another couple have been attacked on a dairy farm. This follows shortly after the recent gruesome murders of several dairy farmers in the greater Pretoria area in which farmer Attie Van der Grijp, the Van Den Bosch couple of The Netherlands and several others, were murdered. In today’s attack, the elderly parents of dairy farm owner Tracy Pemberton, Donald and Yvonne Gubb, were attacked and robbed at the Pemberton dairy farm in Chrissiesmeer, The couple were reported stable at hospital http://jv.news24.com/Beeld/Suid-Afrika/0,,3-975_2532443,00.html

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Rapes of white SA men in police-jails is a war-crime pattern

What is Genocide?

IMPORTANT NOTICE

October 20 2017

Please note that my site with the PAST SEVEN YEARS' information on atrocities against white South Africas, was hacked away. It used to be on https://www.censorbugbear.org. I apologize that this information is no longer available online. Anyone needing information about specific cases please email me at a.j.stuijt@knid.nl

For a name-list of murdered white farmers, - smallholders and their family and workers in South Africa, up to April 2011, view:

and for reports of human-rights violations against South African minorities, including whites, after 2011 see: http://censorbugbear-reports.blogspot.nl

The term "genocide" was coined by legal scholar Raphael Lemkin in 1943, writing:

'Generally speaking, genocide does not necessarily mean the immediate destruction of a nation, except when accomplished by mass killings of all members of a nation. It is intended rather to signify a coordinated plan of different actionsaiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves.

The objectives of such a plan would be the disintegration of the political and social institutions, of culture, language, national feelings, religion, and the economic existence of national groups, and the destruction of personal security, liberty, health, dignity and lives of the members of such groups... '