Word gradually spread among the
nineteenth-century Norwegian immigrants in the United States
that equality of opportunity also existed in British Columbia,
but years were to pass before anything like a Scandinavian migration
to the province developed. Linked, however, as it was to the
American Pacific coast generally and to such cities as Seattle
and San Francisco, it had a strong appeal for people who responded
to the twin attractions of free land and a bountiful sea.

According to Martin Ulvestad, the first Norwegian in British
Columbia was Hans Helgesen, who lived in or near Victoria
after 1860 and was a member of the provincial parliament.
The same author credits John L. Broe from Fayette County,
Iowa, with starting a permanent settlement at Aldergrove in
1884. Fillip Jacobsen pioneered at Clayoquot, on Vancouver
Island, and was a correspondent to the immigrant press. Sailors
and fishermen began making their homes in Victoria and Vancouver
at an early date, increasingly in the mainland city after
1890. {1}

Significant settlement in British Columbia, however, was
to [81] come after 1893 as a consequence of governmental assistance
and organized company activity. Most interesting and perhaps
most controversial was the planned colony of Bella Coola.
Founded in the autumn of 1894 as the northernmost coastal
settlement in the province, it was the home of Norwegians
mainly from the Crookston, Minnesota, area. Its leader was
the Reverend Christian Saugstad of the Lutheran Free Church.
The provincial government made other attempts to attract Scandinavians,
both to the mainland and to Vancouver Island, by offers of
free land and other help. The response was quantitatively
small; the Canadian census of 1901 listed only 2,742 persons
in the province who had been born in Sweden or Norway. {2}

By 1900 interest in British Columbia, however, was considerable
in the Middle West, where various forces were soon at work
giving a strong push to the westward movement of immigrants.
The economic crisis of 1893 and the depression that followed
it generally stimulated interest in the Pacific Northwest.
The filling in of the western lands of the Upper Midwest combined
with a growing discontent concerning certain features of the
older settlements. Low prices for agricultural products, a
dark future for farm renters, low wages for the workers —
or worse, the loss or threat of loss of farms and jobs — often
removed the last restraining ties that held a restless minority
to their old homes in America.

One of many Pacific coast attractions was the offer by British
Columbia of free land to persons who would agree to organize
colonies and supply a certain number of settlers for specially
designated tracts of land. Bella Coola resulted from such
an agreement. The Norwegian settlement at Quatsino Sound,
on Vancouver Island, was a second venture in such colonization.
[82]

I

On November 10, 1894, H. O. Bergh wrote a letter from Victoria,
British Columbia, to Decorah-Posten informing readers of the
immigrant press that, with several other persons, he had left
Fargo, North Dakota, in search of a place on the west coast
suitable for a Norwegian settlement. They had traveled as
part of a company under the guidance of Jens Johnson, a Northern
Pacific Railway agent who frequently served in this capacity
for Scandinavians. In British Columbia he had found government
officials most "forthcoming" in their attitude toward
immigrants. In fact, they had done everything in their power
to help Bergh’s group find land and organize a colony in their
province. One major requirement was that such a settlement
must number a minimum of 30 families or mature single persons.
Another was the possession by each family or individual of
cash in the amount of $300. The land —160 acres per family
or 80 acres for the single adult — would be granted free of
charge by the province after occupation and cultivation for
a five-year period, if an increase in value amounting to $5
per acre had resulted. The government promised to build a
road through the settlement, to provide a school, and to pay
the salary of a teacher.

Bergh maintained that immigrants thinking of visiting the
west coast in search of a place to start a new life should
organize into companies. They should then send one or two
dependable men from their group to hunt out desirable land.
After selecting a site, they should migrate in the spring
of the year. He conceded that there were also suitable locations
on the American side of the boundary, especially for those
who had sufficient money to buy land, and he promised to write
later about the Yakima Valley in eastern Washington, where
irrigation was practised. {3}

When Bergh wrote again to the newspapers, in the summer of
1895, he observed that many eyes had turned toward British
Columbia since the Reverend C. Saugstad had begun his [83]
famous mainland colony at Bella Coola, and he called special
attention to a second Norwegian settlement at Quatsino Sound,
on the northwest coast of Vancouver Island, some 100 miles
south of Bella Coola. The new colony, he reported, already
was being started; about 30 persons had arrived and others
would soon follow them. It had a lovely setting near mountains,
and the soil was rich but covered by forest. There was little
or no prairie land anywhere along the entire coast of the
province.

Rainfall at Quatsino was about the same as in Puget Sound,
and the lowest temperature recorded during the previous winter
had been 27 degrees Fahrenheit. Most of the snow, five to
six inches in depth, had disappeared after a week, and there
were no thunder storms in the summertime. The area had many
creeks and small rivers, and in August and September salmon
in great numbers swam up them. Numerous small lakes were well
supplied with trout. Thirty miles from the new settlement
fruit trees thrived; apples, pears, and cherries were raised.
Quatsino Sound, with its many indentations, enjoyed no less
than 200 miles of coastline, and along its course there were
a number of places where from 30 to 40 families could find
land adequate for their use. The government already was building
a road across the island to Hardy Bay on the east coast. By
fall it would still be only a "pack trail," but
in time it would be a proper road. Meanwhile, most of the
settlers were working on it at good wages from the government.
Much effort and hard work would be required to create permanent
homes, but these would come in due course. {4}

II

Bergh had entered into correspondence with the Honorable
Colonel James Baker, provincial secretary and minister of
immigration, on December 15, 1894. He had identified himself
as a representative of the Nova Co-operative Society of Minneapolis,
and had specifically asked that British Columbia "set
[84] aside part of the Peninsula terminating at Quatsino Narrows,
including part of Townships 10, 11, 18 and 19, and part of
the other shore opposite Limestone Island, as a site for said
colony, provided they conclude to settle on said land. All
of said land is timbered by spruce and hemlock except two
small meadows opposite and below Limestone Island." He
explained in his letter that he had recommended to the potential
settlers from the Fargo region that, if they decided favorably
on the location, they should bring along "a small saw-mill
and a bark mill to utilise as much as possible of the timber
while clearing the land." The group would then require
a river large enough to turn the mill, and it was "doubtful
if the creeks on the Peninsula are strong enough and permanent
so they would probably have to look to one of the streams
on the opposite shore, for instance, the one emptying into
or near Kultus Cove." He would not think of settling
there "if it was not for the advantage of a water front,
and the possible chance of manufacturing the timber into some
useful article of trade while clearing the land, as I consider
the cost of clearing $100 an acre or more."

In reply, Baker explained that the land "on the north
of the Island" had been reserved "for your colonies,"
but he added that Bergh’s letter had not been "sufficiently
definite to warrant me in reserving it specially for your
colony." He required further information "as to
the names and numbers of the colonists." He also asked
if Bergh’s was the same colony as that of Chris F. Nordstrom
and "the other company of Norwegians who lately went
to the north of the Island." He could not deal definitely
"unless the colonists sign an agreement appointing say
one or two delegates to deal directly with the Government
on their behalf." He concluded with the remark that an
appropriation "had been placed upon the Estimates for
a waggon road to Fort Rupert"; this would put the settlers
"in touch with a port of call."

It was Nordstrom, not Bergh, who continued the correspondence
with the provincial government. Nordstrom, too, had written
to Baker on December 15, 1894, saying that he [85] and his
companions had not been able to find enough "suitable
land" for their purpose, and that he thought it would
be difficult to locate a tract "in a body big enough
for us all, so we have to spread out." He felt the "first
and most necessary step" was "to get a road cut
to Fort Rupert from the most favourable place on the bay."
It would be easier to bring in cattle from that side than
from any other point.

Baker answered Nordstrom in the same manner as he had with
Bergh. Early in January, 1895, in response to a request from
Nordstrom for an engineer, he maintained that the colonists
must first mark on a map the sections of land they desired
and send a list of the settlers, together with "written
requests that they are ready to accede to the terms of agreement
with the Government as per enclosed draft indenture."
Furthermore, the colonists would have to "depute you
or someone else to act in their behalf in negotiating with
the Government." An engineer would then be sent to lay
out the holdings of the settlers. He assured Nordstrom that
the lands "in the neighborhood of Quatsino Sound and
the Rupert Arms are already reserved from occupation pending
the settlement of your colony."

Nordstrom regretted on January 18 that he could not yet give
definite replies to Baker’s questions. It was impossible to
travel about in the Quatsino Sound area because of bad weather,
and, besides, there were only ten of his group present. He
explained that they had been "sent out to find a location
for a colony, and everything is depending on us, but we have
no way of communicating with the outside world as we have
been here two months and not received a letter yet."
He knew there was plenty of mail for the group some place.
"If we had a road to Fort Rupert," he concluded,
"it would be possible to send and receive mail. If we
settle here, it will not be less than 100 people in our colony."

The deputy provincial secretary assured Nordstrom that the
minister of immigration had brought the matter of mail service
to the attention of the post office authorities, who in [86]
turn had promised to arrange for having the Quatsino settlement
returned from Alert Bay as soon as possible for transmission
by the steamer "Mischief" or in another way to Coal
Harbour. He also forwarded such mail for the settlement as
had come to his office. In April, Baker appealed to Andrew
Haslam, a member of parliament from Nanaimo, explaining that
a "large colony of Norwegians, probably two hundred or
more," were settling near Quatsino Narrows and were anxious
to have regular mail service. "It is important to have
things go as smoothly as possible," he concluded, "as
other Scandinavian colonies are to be encouraged to settle
in other portions of the Province, and they make the best
of immigrants."

With immediate problems apparently somewhat resolved, the
men already in Quatsino Sound wrote to Baker on March 13,
1895: "We . . . being desirous of forming ourselves into
a colony for the purpose of acquiring and occupying land .
. . do hereby appoint Mr. C. Nordstrom to act as our representative
in all matters regarding the formation of said colony. And
we agree to abide by any conditions he makes with the Government."
Interestingly, the 23 signatures included H. O. Bergh, B.
C. Loken, E. Evanson, Hannah Nordstrom, Alex Finlaison, H.
P. Nordby, C. F. Nordstrom, Harold Strandwold, H. R. Fotte,
Louise Nordstrom, Ole Akre, G. T. Sanners, Wm. Thompson, J.
Udby, and T. O. Sanners. In addition, there were five male
McDonalds, a J. Ingersol, a W. Hunt, and a T. Labimiere. The
composition of the Quatsino group clearly was not exclusively
Norwegian or even Scandinavian. {5}

III

The Victoria Daily Colonist, in every sense friendly to the
government’s program for "Settling the Lands," explained
the plan in detail early in 1896. The "principal move"
in landtaking, the paper said, had been "on the part
of Norwegians from the prairie states." It spoke of much-publicized
Bella Coola [87] on the mainland, and also called attention
to Quatsino on the island. "‘It is Norway over again,’
they say, ‘only a great deal better." Additional contingents
of Norwegians, chiefly from Minnesota, the paper continued,
would soon join those already in the province. "The exodus
of these desirable settlers to the coasts of British Columbia
would be much larger but for the difficulty of disposing of
their prairie farms."

The colony at Quatsino was not as old as the one at Bella
Coola, but it, too, had "made good progress in the past
year," and the settlers were "more than satisfied
with their lot and prospects." The government was building
a road, and in surveying for it had found some "fifteen
thousand acres of excellent land, slightly timbered. . . .
This stretch of arable land was hitherto unknown to exist.
It assures incoming settlers . . . an abundance of choice
of location."

The newspaper referred to a letter written by Baker to the
provincial board of trade, in which the minister had outlined
the method of colony making: A surveyor is sent with the delegates
of the colonists to lay out the holdings of the immigrants,
after which the settlers go in and take jobs at building the
road through or out of the area. The government then makes
free grants of land on the condition of its being developed
and provides schools. It does not, however, give any money,
for travel or for any other purpose, to the immigrants, who
"will not be nursed in any way." New areas were
being surveyed and would be "ready for location next
autumn or the spring of next year." The story reminded
readers that colonists on the coast had the "advantage
of the fishing industry as one of their occupations."
The soil was rich and often easily cleared. There was ample
water power for mills. Farming could include dairying, the
raising of grains, root crops, fruit, and, in places, hops.
{6}

George Amorsen also made known to readers of the Norwegian
immigrant press the new settlement policy of the government.
In articles dealing both with Bella Coola and [88] Quatsino,
he presented the program with sympathy and in great detail.
He emphasized the government’s insistence on the possession
of cash and the need to remain on the land and to increase
its value. Anyone, even a foreigner who wished to become a
citizen, could also, if he wished, receive 160 acres of land
by purchase.

Amorsen’s interest in immigration is revealed in his statement
that Scandinavians in British Columbia who would be writing
to the old countries to bring friends and relatives to the
province could purchase tickets to Victoria on easy terms
from the Allan, Beaver and Dominion Line. As he personally
issued the tickets, he could guarantee good handling and speedy
passage. {7}

IV

Matters had not gone entirely according to plan at Quatsino.
H. Burnet, a surveyor, reported to Baker in June, 1895, that
he had completed the survey of 85 lots, 30 of them near Hecate
Cove and the others on Limestone Island; these he considered
adequate for the time being. He was currently "surveying
the outlines of a block on the south side of Quatsino Sound
and about three miles southwest of the existing settlement,"
a work that he thought would require only a week’s time. When
finished, he would be able to estimate the number of settlers
that could be placed in the vicinity; he would then also start
on the location of the road.

Burnet explained that he had done the surveys first, "as
several of the settlers wished to build at once, and of course
could not do so until they were properly located." Fifteen
claims had been taken up thus far, and Nordstrom had told
him that more settlers were coming on the next steamer. Six
of the immigrants had built cabins on their claims, and the
men used in making the survey would start on their dwellings
while the surveyor was busy locating the road.

The people appeared to be "satisfied with their locations,"
[89] the surveyor continued, and most of them were "content
with 80 acres." He thought it "much better for them
to take that amount of land as . . . it is quite sufficient
for any settler in this densely wooded country, and possesses
the further advantage of forming a more united colony."
He had not yet had time to "fill in any of the Indentures,"
which would be sent off in a short time. He forwarded a rough
plan of the surveys, and remarked that the "present location
is well adapted for a settlement, the soil being fairly good,
and well drained by numerous small creeks."

Baker fully approved of the steps taken by Burnet and stated
in his reply to the surveyor that if "any of the friends
of the Scandinavians . . . are possessed of sufficient means
and wish to take up land," the northwest corner of the
island was "open to them for settlement on similar terms."

As late as August 31, 1895, Nordstrom was still asking whether
the settlers might receive mail, have a post office of their
own, and also enjoy boat service in order to obtain provisions.
If such matters were not tended to, he said, "we don’t
see how we can live here." In his reply, Baker spoke
of "a temporary inconvenience" and explained that
the wagon road building from Coal Harbour to Hardy Bay was
intended to put the colonists in communication with the steamers
that plied regularly on the east coast. He expected the road
to be finished toward the end of September. He asked Nordstrom
to get in touch with Burnet and to try to work out an arrangement
by which letters could be forwarded regularly to a point on
Hardy Bay.

Burnet, reporting to the provincial surveyor general on January
16, 1896, stated that much of the land at Quatsino Sound had
been subdivided into "half-quarter sections of eighty
acres each." The divided area was "principally rolling,
and timbered with hemlock, balsam, spruce, fir and cedar."
The soil was mostly a "clayey loam, gravelly in places."
The surveys had been made from April 19 to June 16 and from
October 15 to November 12, 1895. In the interval between [90]
June and October he had been engaged in the "construction
of the Colonization Road." He estimated that there were
about 15,000 acres of land "suitable for settlement"
within a "limit of three miles on each side of the road"
— all of it timbered, mainly with hemlock and balsam trees
measuring on the average two feet in diameter and having patches
of heavy cedar and a few open swamps. He also called attention
to the great variety of fish — sockeye, silver, and spring
salmon, cohoes, dog salmon, and humpbacks — in Quatsino Sound,
including the southeast, west and Rupert arms. Large numbers
of halibut entered the waters in winter, coming from the feeding
banks about six miles off the entrance to the sound. Herring,
smelt, and cod were abundant, and trout were everywhere in
the streams. Deer, bear, and wapiti were also present.

Baker, in a return to an order of the provincial legislature,
reported that as of December 31, 1895, the number of bona
fide settlers at Quatsino was 17, and that two others were
"embraced" in the colony without being immigrants
in the true sense. A total of $2,461.80 had been expended
by the government, chiefly in making the surveys. {8}

V

From the settlers’ point of view, all was not well at Quatsino
in 1896. Chris Nordstrom, now officially president of what
had been called Scandia Settlement, and S. K. Float, secretary
pro tem., wrote to Baker on April 13, reporting that at a
public meeting of the colonists the same day a motion had
been passed unanimously requesting the government to continue
work during the summer, "in order to get a passable road
from Coal Harbour to Hardy Bay." Several of the men were
eager to "get in some cattle, which we can reasonably
buy at the East Coast." The existing trail was impassable
even for animals, and "to get stock in from the west
side is impossible so [91] long as only the little steamer
calls in here, which does not meet our demands, also in several
other respects." They shrewdly reminded the minister
that a proper road would "open up an extensive area of
good agricultural land, besides helping the colony in its
present need."

On June 24, Nordstrom answered a query from Baker about the
number of arrivals anticipated in the settlement by saying
he was sure there would be "more than 30 before the summer
is over," and that there were 21 at the moment. He again
raised the question of road construction, as no work had been
done despite promises. The colonists could accomplish little
without cattle, and the only route of transportation was from
Hardy Bay. He also asked what would be done relative to land
titles if the full quota of 30 was not attained by fall.

Baker, never slow to come directly to the point in a discussion,
replied in July that if the group "can get the required
number of thirty before the close of the summer you can come
under the favourable laws of colonization which give you the
land free." If, however, the requisite number did not
appear, they "would have to pay the Government price
for agricultural land, which would be $5.00 an acre."
In response to another letter from Nordstrom in November,
asking whether the colony would be allowed to hold land under
the arrangement made with Baker until 30 colonists had been
brought in, the minister stated that the company already had
"been given considerable latitude," but he added
that, as there was a "reasonable prospect of more colonists
coming into the settlement in a short time," he would
be willing to "extend the term for six months from the
1st January next."

By the end of 1896, it was apparent that the Scandia company
was having serious difficulty in attracting settlers. Meeting
as a corporation on December 28, they resolved to ask Baker’s
indulgence. Bergh, serving as secretary pro tem., assured
the minister that the colonists were "all so far contented
with the location," although as pioneers they had had
to "endure many kinds of hardships." Therefore,
they thought [92] it would be "nothing but right"
to permit them to "have the land free, the same as the
rest of the colonies in the Province." It was hardly
necessary to point to the fact that "the land is hard
to clear, that the people with small means have all they can
do to make a living and doing the required improvements, without
paying for the land; and of course it takes the labouring
class to go into the forest to make homes and build up the
country, as moneyed men will never do it."

Bergh admitted that little had been reported from Quatsino,
but maintained that the people already there were "not
ashamed to show anyone what has been done so far." The
first to arrive had "good houses, some built of timber,
others of logs, valued at least from 150 to 250 dollars, and
each one from one to two acres slashed and partly cleared."
True, the colony thus far had been "unsuccessful in getting
the required number of settlers, but have had a few families
join us during the past summer and fall, and have now 20."
Of late they had received "quite a number of letters
enquiring about the Quatsino Colony, but as it is now running
to the end of time allowed us to fill the number of 30, we
are now afraid to advise anybody to come and get free land,
as long as the possibilities are that the Government will
charge for it." There were actually persons at Quatsino
"who would not have come if they had thought they would
have to pay for the land."

The Scandia group therefore appealed for an extension of
time in providing the full quota of settlers: they "earnestly
prayed" for a full year. In support of their request,
they could point to a total of 43 people in the settlement,
of whom nine were children of school age, and to the fact
that a few men on the spot hesitated to send for their families
"as long as the present uncertainty lasts . . . otherwise
we would have enough children . . . to form a school."
Bergh explained further that 28 had resolved to start a fund
for advertising the colony in Scandinavian newspapers, and
to appoint a man to "attend to the correspondence and
work for the immigration to this place, in case we receive
a favourable answer." Mainly the [93] immigrants wanted
a "definite answer so as to be able to go ahead without
fear of the future attitude of the Government."

The colony did not get a year’s extension, but on January
20, 1897, Baker assured Bergh that it had to June 30 to secure
the required number of bona fide settlers. He emphasized,
however, that no titles to land already held would be forthcoming
before the group met their contractual obligations.

It is interesting to note that expenditures for road construction
from Fort Rupert to Rupert Arm in 1895—1896 had added up to
$3,071.34. Costs of materials and labor in the first part
of 1897 had come to $1,967.50. {9}

VI

Bergh was obviously the person charged with writing about
the settlement in the Scandinavian-American press. His letters,
detailed and moderate in tone, constitute a valuable source
of information about a pioneer community in the Pacific Northwest.

In late January, 1897, he apologized for the long absence
of reports from Quatsino. The settlers there were getting
along satisfactorily, he explained, but as yet had not been
able to make the location the kind of home for Scandinavians
that they had in mind. They had worked earnestly in the knowledge
that the sound one day would become a center of great traffic
and activity.

While waiting for that material development, the pioneers
could rejoice in a uniquely healthful climate and the natural
beauty and rich resources of the area. There were glorious
forests and mighty waterfalls that in hundreds of places crashed
down into the quiet fjords, waterfalls that in time would
drive stamping mills to crush the ore concealed in the rich
repositories of the mountains. There were, in addition to
minerals, the treasures of the ocean in the form of fish which
each man could pursue, as it were, at his own doorstep, a
rich [94] soil that only awaited strong arms, that should
be applied at once to the primeval forests in order to subdue
them and provide warm homes in an attractive and sociable
community.

The winter thus far had been unusually mild and pleasant,
and this situation was normal on the west coast of Vancouver
Island. Grass and a variety of vegetables had kept fresh and
been growing from November until late January. The settlement
had had snow only a couple of times, and then only for a few
hours. Similarly, the colony had had little rain — in fact,
only on five to six days of the month. It was pleasant in
midwinter to "go out into the woods and see beautiful,
fresh ferns and glistening leaves under the trees," and
to hear the wrens and other small birds "blend their
pleasant chirping with the cry of the gulls from the fjord."
If, as often happened, the sun shone warmly, it was like a
lovely spring day, and "when one then thinks of the harsh
winters and trying weather [of the Midwest], one is glad to
be where he is."

There was room, as Bergh pointed out, for more people at
Quatsino. "We need men and women of . . . set purpose,
who will build up the land, not adventurers who run away as
soon as the lightest contrary wind blows or are satisfied
in no place; such we will reject, as they are no help."

Quatsino offered an opportunity to secure land right on the
fjord, and people from Norway’s west coast, who were accustomed
to the sea and to fishing, should be satisfied there. "Not
only they, but also persons who are not afraid of the forest
and who like to cultivate the soil will find themselves at
home here, as the soil is good and . . . especially ideal
for raising hay, vegetables, and fruit."

Much progress had been made in the settlement since the first
party had arrived two years earlier. "Thus we now have
two shops and several well-constructed houses, and a cannery
will be built here in the spring. We have a post office and
regular monthly connections with Victoria, as the C. P. N.
Company’s large steamer ‘Tees’ sails from that city on the
first or second each month for the west coast, with this place
as its [95] last stop." Mills would be in order, as there
was opportunity both in timber and in fuel.

A Danish colony starting on the north end of the island —
at Cape Scott — was only 25 to 30 miles from Quatsino. Bergh
thought it an ideal location. He also cited the kind of misfortune
common to a sailing people: the sealing schooner "Osprey,"
out of Victoria, on which two of the colony’s members had
sailed to the Bering Sea the previous summer, had recently
lain at anchor at Quatsino waiting for Indians who didn’t
show up because they couldn’t get finished with a dance. The
ship had finally sailed off on the return trip to Victoria,
but was lost at Browns Point, near the mouth of Quatsino Sound.
The skipper and crew had escaped in a boat and were awaiting
the steamer from Victoria. {10}

On April 3, Bergh wrote that the "Tees" would leave
Victoria on the thirtieth of each month thereafter, so that
people from Washington and other places planning to go up
north would be able to board the steamer. "The last boat,"
he said, "brought a number of colonists for the Danish
settlement up on Cape Scott." The weather had been rough
at the time — a regular equinoctial storm — and thus they
had had an unpleasant journey. Accommodations aboard the "Tees,"
however, were very good, and persons thinking of going to
Quatsino need have no fear of the sea journey. It had been
quite different when the "little, dirty ‘Mischief’ was
the only means of coming up here." Replying to a common
query, whether land really was free, Bergh explained that
"such is the situation in this colony and in the two
others, namely Bella Coola and Cape Scott." Elsewhere
in the province government land suitable for agriculture sold
for $5.00 per acre. He reported that the settlers at Quatsino
were "clearing, burning, digging, and building."
Three children had been born in the colony since the last
summer. All living in the community liked it. {11}

Next month, Bergh said that the settlement had been enjoying
[96] spring for some time, and that all types of leaves and
flowers had long been out. The transition from winter to spring
and from spring to summer was so gradual as to be hardly observable.
Quatsino had had remarkably good weather during Easter week,
with a temperature of 72 degrees Fahrenheit in the shade.
The seal hunters, however, reported stormy weather away from
the coast; several had sought shelter in the sound for a short
time during the hunting season, repairing the damage done
to boats and equipment. The seal hunt nevertheless had been
profitable for some.

Mining had become increasingly important in the northern
part of the island. Rich deposits of precious metals were
already being operated at Tegnovar Narrows on the east coast.
"Some of the local colonists," he reported, "also
have made what promises to be a valuable discovery of ores
near the settlement"; there might even be a "mining
boom" in the near future if the tests should prove what
the ore seemed to promise. A good piece of land on the sound
would then be worth having, even if covered with forest. Bergh
shrewdly predicted, too, that the trees which at the moment
seemed only to stand in the way of farming, soon would be
of value as timber; even the bark of hemlock, which grew everywhere,
would be prized if tannin were extracted from it. Clearly,
here was an example of the opportunities presented to men
with imagination and means. The resources were ample, but
people and capital were in short supply. In addition, as he
had often written, the soil at Quatsino was such that it could
be readily cultivated. Planted and wild grasses on his claim
already were about 28 inches in height. "Growths in the
East never have the fresh, juicy, green look that they have
out here on the coast." {12}

In writing to papers in the Puget Sound area, Bergh concentrated
on specific points, recognizing that his readers were familiar
with general conditions in the Pacific Northwest. In his letters
to such papers as Decorah-Posten, he struck a more [97] general
tone. He spoke of the mild climate, influenced by the Japanese
current, discussed Bella Coola and Quatsino as Norwegian colonies,
and told of the vast forests in both areas. No one in his
settlement had been sick during the winter of 1896—1897, despite
rain and fog. Life could be hard in British Columbia as elsewhere
during the pioneer stage, and it took a long time to carve
a farm out of the forest even though fewer acres were required
for farming than in the Middle West. He also discussed fishing
for herring, stressing the fact that it was and would continue
to be a major source of income; it also offered opportunities
for persons with some capital.

The two stores in the colony dealt with both whites and Indians.
Of the latter, there were three tribes — including the Quatsinos.
They were all peaceful, good-natured people. The settlers
were building good houses along the strand, in a "solid
Norwegian manner." There was room for more settlers and
good opportunity to secure free land. "The boat is horse
and wagon here for the time being," and large ships could
go in and out of the sound to any point, as the water was
deep at all times. Bergh concluded on the theme of the rich
discoveries of gold, silver, and copper on both the mainland
and the island, calling attention to the significance of mining
communities in providing markets for farm products. It was
not, he added wryly, "entirely impossible to clear a
farm out here in the wilderness." {13}

Bergh’s articles, although clearly designed to attract people
as well as to provide information, were of the "soft
sell" variety. Nevertheless, they produced a "mass
of letters" with queries about land and conditions in
Quatsino. In July, 1897, he attempted to reply to these letters.
He made it clear, first of all, that one did not as a rule
receive land in British Columbia without paying for it unless
he belonged to a colony, in which case every male eighteen
years of age or older received 160 acres. He then explained
the responsibilities of the government to the colony of 30
or more land recipients, and the fact [98] that settlers received
$2.00 per day without board for work on a road. As for schools,
the minister of education saw to the construction of buildings
and paid teachers when there were as many as 15 children of
school age in the district. Education in the province, as
in the States, was nonsectarian.

The deadline for supplying the necessary number of settlers
was June 30, but Bergh had learned that the date would be
advanced in order that persons coming or thinking of coming
in the fall would be able to take advantage of the privileges
the colony had received from the government. He also informed
readers that immigrants from the States could bring in as
many as ten head of cattle duty free. It would not pay, however,
to move livestock and furniture from the East unless a number
of persons went together and filled a railroad car. Despite
generally good times and bright prospects for the future,
it would not be wise to "come empty-handed." The
benefits of the resources would appear later, "when everything
is brought into order and the mines are fully worked."
{14}

VII

While the Norwegians were still facing uncertainty and hardship
at Quatsino, the Danes were moving into their settlement farther
north at Cape Scott. Something of the nature and experience
of this colony is revealed in a report of July 23, 1897, by
Ernest A. Cleveland to the provincial surveyor general in
Victoria. Cleveland had gone north from the capital on March
20, accompanied by an assistant surveyor and "a party
of eight or ten colonists." According to the agreement
made by the Danes with the government, each member of the
colony was to receive 80 acres of "bush land" and
a 10-acre "block of meadow" if he worked on a dike
"to its satisfactory completion for the reclamation of
the meadow from tide water." The Danes were also to furnish
"all assistance on the survey of their lands, with the
exception of one experienced assistant."

As it turned out, the amount of meadow land was found to
[99] be less than anticipated and thus could not provide 10-acre
blocks to all settlers. The colonists were therefore given
the option of a piece of meadow and 80 acres nearby, "or
a quarter section just outside the section subdivided into
eighties." Cleveland reported that about 124 acres of
grassland were flooded at extremely high tide, and the area
of tidal lands, regularly flooded, was 510 acres. He thought
that a dike about 2,000 feet in length, crossing the lagoon
just above the mouth of the main river, would reclaim about
180 acres. It would also protect the grass land from the spring
tides. He expected that the Danes would get at the job of
building the dike during the coming winter. He had provided
lots in all for about 80 colonists.

The greater part of the settlement area was wooded; a number
of places had "fairly open land covered with light scrubby
timber." The banks of the main river had stands of excellent
spruce, which would supply lumber for houses. The region generally
seemed well suited for raising small fruits and vegetables,
but the colonists had come too late in the spring to cultivate
the soil, and they had been busy with survey and road work.
Cleveland thought the land suitable for dairy farming and
stock raising, as well as deep-sea fishing, especially at
the halibut banks off Fisherman’s Bay.

Among the Danes were several experienced dairy-, stock-,
and fishermen. Many new settlers were expected from the States,
especially from California and Minnesota, in the fall. Fisherman’s
Bay was the port of call for steamers. From this port a trail
should be built eastward for eighteen to twenty miles to Shusartie,
and about $50 should be appropriated for the purpose. Cleveland
thought that "if our northern coast can be successfully
colonized, the Danish colony at Cape Scott will furnish the
proof as no better class of men for the undertaking could
be found. They are without exception, hardy, industrious and
intelligent, and well deserve success."

Both Quatsino and Cape Scott were destined to succeed, and
at very little cost to the government. In reply to questions
[100] in the legislature, treasury officials revealed in June,
1898, that the government had expended a total of $4,670 at
Quatsino for a population of about 100, and $2,850 at Cape
Scott for about 50 persons. These figures compare with $26,368
at Bella Coola on the mainland, where the population was thought
to be 250. {15}

The minister of finance estimated that as of June 30, 1898,
the cost of locating immigrants and building roads and trails
at Quatsino had been $2,206, for a population of 125. The
amount expended for the same purposes in the Cape Scott colony
had been $3,494.12, for about 90 people. The comparable figure
for Bella Coola, covering the locating of immigrants and for
building roads, bridges, trails, a wharf, and five schools
was $27,644.58. These figures did not, however, cover the
cost of surveys for the three Scandinavian colonies; this
expense came to $13,026.62. {16}

By 1908 a letter writer at Quatsino could report that the
several arms and bays of the fjord, or sound, were now lined
with the homes of Norwegians, and that they lived "like
kings on their holdings." Houses were being made of lumber,
"paneled and painted a shining white on the interior."
The Indians, who once had made tribal war on one another and
thus decimated their numbers, were now peacefully pursuing
the ways of the white man, but were tending to die out. The
writer waxed eloquent over the beauty of snow-clad mountains
visible in most directions, and over the wild life in the
forest — animals, birds, bees, and even woodland flowers,
all of which he compared with what he had known in Norway.

In addition to raising chickens and food for livestock, engaging
in logging, fishing, and even sailing, the colonists were
taking part in the mining activity of the region, although
seemingly a few of them who had invested money in "wildcat"
mines had been given a real scare. "Many fine ‘prospects’
of [101] gold, silver, copper, iron, and tin, however, can
be pointed out, both near the water and deeper in the forest."
A few years earlier there had been a regular boom in mining,
during which a number of the settlers had earned a considerable
sum of money, only to turn their backs on Quatsino in favor
of the city. "How stupid," the writer thought, implying
that the colony could offer everything that reasonable men
could desire. {17}

VIII

Elsewhere, too, in British Columbia, but not in planned colonies
as at Bella Coola and Quatsino, Norwegians established themselves
in the mid-1890’s and early 1900’s. Ever since the gold rush
to the Fraser River in 1858, mining possibilities in the province
had attracted scores of Norwegian Americans, especially those
already living on the west coast. George M. Kjølseth
of Spokane, for example, sent to Luther College in Decorah,
Iowa, samples of gold ore in 1896, some of it from Trail Creek,
some from Stevens County and the Coleville reservation in
northern Washington. He wrote about the gold mines of British
Columbia, explaining that a narrow-gauge railroad was being
completed on the Canadian side to link the mines of Rossland
with those of Trail. He expected sensational development in
the Trail Creek district during the summer. The ore, containing
silver and copper as well as gold, had paid out well in 1895.
{18}

"Nemo" next year wrote extensively about the mountains
and mines of the province and described the people — Chinese,
Indian, and white — washing gold along the rivers. Some had
good luck, most did not. The majority of gold seekers seemed
headed for the Kootenay country, but others were making their
way to the Cariboo district up to the Peace River. Among the
Norwegians who seemed to be "striking it rich" was
Frank Oleson of Seattle, who soon had an interest in a number
of British Columbia mines and advertised them in the immigrant
[102] press. Adolph Dahl, well-known realtor in Seattle, spent
four months in the north of the province in 1900, where with
three others he found and staked out five valuable quartz
claims. {19}

But farming, blended with fishing, logging, and even sailing,
was the more normal activity in British Columbia, as elsewhere
on the Pacific slope. Wharnock on the Fraser River experienced
new life in 1897, when a number of Norwegians normally bought
30 acres of land each and set to work at once clearing it.
One writer described the enormous spruce and cedar trees,
the hemlock, birch, and other stands of timber found in the
area. When one sought to clear enough trees to support a cow
and a hen, he said, one wished he had claws like a bear and
the strength of a Samson. "Farming here," he added,
"is still in its childhood; a number have cleared a few
acres; some have done almost nothing." All who lived
at Wharnock engaged in salmon fishing in the summer. He concluded
that there were altogether too many bachelors in the area
going about in groups of ten to twenty and living two and
three to a cabin in the settlement. {20}

Eleven canneries were planned for the Fraser River in 1897,
and the "Lee boys" of Wharnock bought shares in
the most northerly one, paying for them by bringing piling
and lumber for building and operating the cannery. The people
in the settlement were from Trøndelag in Norway, and
they were getting along well by 1899 but were still cutting
down giant trees. One writer thought salmon fishing on the
Fraser the most important occupation, but conceded that the
soil was very fertile. He thought that, with a little capital,
one could do quite well at farming. It was hard going with
no money, but there was no evidence of real need or suffering
among the settlers. Good land for sale at reasonable prices
was available, some of it partially worked up and owned by
people of British origin. Wharnock was visited by three steamers
daily, and one could travel to New Westminster, 21 miles distant,
and back [103] the same day at a cost of $1.00 for the round
trip. Trains of the Canadian Pacific Railway also ran nearby.
{21}

Washington-Posten reported the presence of some 40 Norwegians
at Clayoquot Sound, on Vancouver Island, in 1897; others seemed
on the verge of going into the province during the summer
of that year to take land. Nils A. Norgaard, writing from
Steveston, said he wouldn’t warn against the move, nor would
he urge it, but he thought the Fraser River Valley generally
a poor area to settle, because of floods that destroyed crops.
There were many desirable places with good land free of floods;
one was Clayoquot Sound, where the Norwegians appeared to
be contented with their lot. He asked why immigrants should
arrive one at a time and pay for land when they could organize
a colony very simply. The trip from Victoria to the sound
cost only $7.00, food and bed included, and was only 140 miles.
He suggested that they get in touch there with Eduard Skunke
from Trondhjem. {22}

G. A. Skugrud wrote to Amerika in the fall of 1900, saying
that if any readers of the paper were planning to buy land
on the west coast and settle on it, he wished them to know
that a group was thinking of organizing a Scandinavian colony
on Matzque Prairie at Mission Junction in British Columbia
— a place known for its beauty. It was only a few miles from
the boundary with Washington and 28 miles from the coast.
There was a considerable amount of government land there that
could be homesteaded and turned to good use for cattle raising.
His brother-in-law, August Halvorson, whom he described as
a pioneer among Norwegian settlers on the Pacific coast, lived
with his family only two miles south of Mission Junction near
a railroad; he would be happy to be of assistance to new settlers.
An excursion left the first and third Tuesdays each month
from the Twin Cities to Mission Junction. The cost was only
$52 for the round trip, and tickets could be purchased from
the Canadian Pacific agent, W. R. Calloway, in Minneapolis.
{23} [104]

Thus the movement continued — with probings, reports, and
a few arguments — well into the twentieth century, as individuals
and small groups of immigrants found their way into British
Columbia and accommodated themselves, as at Quatsino, to conditions
quite unlike those of the Middle West.

<2> The present author has written an account of the
beginnings at Bella Coola for volume 3 of Americana Norvegica,
a series of publications initiated by the American Institute
in Oslo. He will deal extensively with Norwegian settlement
in the western United States and Canada after 1893 in a volume
under preparation for the Norwegian-American Historical Association.