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Sociolinguistics from the Periphery "presents a fascinating book about change: shifting political, economic and cultural conditions; ephemeral, sometimes even seasonal, multilingualism; and altered imaginaries for minority and indigenous languages and their users."

Hana Skoumalová, Institute of Theoretical and Computational Linguistics, Charles University

INTRODUCTION

This volume is a collection of papers which describe treatment of clitics and affixes in various theoretical frameworks. The book consists of two parts - "Clitic sequences" and "Clitics vs. Affixation", each of them contains five articles. The book opens with an overview by the editors. There are endnotes and references after each paper. The book also contains table of contents, names and addresses of contributors, and three indexes.

SUMMARY

In the introduction "Clitic ordering phenomena: The path to generalization", the editors Lorie Heggie and Francisco Ordóñez list some of the problems connected to clitics and affixes. First, they mention the hypothesis that affixes are the endpoint of a grammaticalization process (called 'cline') involving the reduction of words to clitics and then to affixes. This hypothesis is interesting for the diachronic perspective but in the synchronic view we need criteria for distinguishing clitics from affixes. The authors list some counterexamples to criteria stated by Zwicky and Pullum (1983). In the further text, the authors concentrate on some problems with the ordering of clitic and affixes: second position clitic phenomena, ACC-DAT vs. DAT-ACC order in Romance, prohibition of certain combinations of clitics, which is shown on 'me-lui' constraint, ordering dependent on the grammatical functions of the clitics, extra clitics (ethical dative, clitic doubling), and change of the clitic form under certain conditions (spurious 'se' in Spanish). The next part of the paper deals with representative approaches to clitic combinations, where two main directions occur: templatic approach and representational approach such as Optimality Theory. Finally, the authors list several problems for future research, as the combination of first and second person dative object with a third person accusative object, correlation between non-syncretic clitics for third person and the ordering of dative and accusative forms, and replacement of dative clitic with a locative clitic.

In "Romance clitic clusters: The case connection", Louis H. Desouvrey investigates ordering of object clitics in preverbal position in French and spurious 'se' in Spanish.

Features of French clitics are presented in a table, where Case ([A] and/or [O]) of every clitic and the animacy are shown. The author supposes that every clitic is specified for Case, unlike the strong forms of pronouns, which lack Case feature. The behavior of verbs and pronouns is governed by the interaction of their features. The author also formulates five constraints on the features and well-formedness conditions on the representation. The placement of pronominal clitics is a result of clitic climbing. The clitics are generated in the same position as the nominals and then they are moved to the left, because they are specified for Case and their original position violates Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP). If there are two pronouns in the sentence, the question arises which of the two clitics moves first (and occupies the first position in the clitic cluster). The order depends on the original order of both arguments, on animacy hierarchy, and number of Cases for which single clitics are specified. Eliminating violations of OCP and other constraints we get the right order for various clitic clusters.

In Spanish, the situation differs in that first and second person are assumed to exist in two different but homophonic morphemes: accusative and oblique. This is very important for the further explanations but unfortunately, the author does not elucidate why it is so. The clitic movement from the position where they are generated is motivated by the same principles as in French: they move so that the violation of OCP was eliminated. The spurious 'se' replaces third person clitic 'le' in sentences where third person accusative clitic 'la' or 'lo' also occurs. The explanation is as flows: clitic with two Cases ('le') is in pole position (closer to the verb), hence it absorbs both Cases of the verb and thus the second clitic is not licensed. The remedy of this situation is to remove the Accusative feature from 'le', which yields the 'se' as the closest element. The same mechanism is suggested for Italian, where the strong form pronoun replaces the indirect object clitic in a clitic cluster.

The rest of the paper is devoted to co-occurrence restrictions on clitics (me-lui constraint, Person Case Constraint). These restrictions are explained as violations of OCP or other constraints which cannot be eliminated. Author's conclusion is that only Case and animacy are relevant to the syntax of clitics.

"Constraining Optimality: Clitic sequences and Feature Geometry" by David Heap is a discussion with Grimshaw's (1997, 2001) OT accounts of clitic selection and ordering. The material used in the paper are Romance clitics, and especially their variations in Spanish.

Grimshaw gives the following Universal Markedness Hierarchies (UMHs) for Person and Case in Italian and Spanish: *2 >> *1 >> *3 *DAT >> *ACC These constraints are stipulated without being motivated and they treat all persons regardless of the number. In Spanish dialect, however, we can observe asymmetry between SG and PL: in singular, both variants 'me se' and 'se me', or 'te se' and 'se te' are allowed while in plural only the variants 'se nos' and 'se os' are possible.

For Spanish clitics the author proposes a structure which is a hybrid of Bonet's Feature Geometry for clitics and Harley and Ritter's Feature Geometry for number and gender paradigms. In this proposal, 'se' has the simplest structure with the node CL only, the third person clitics are the most complex. This reflects the assumption that more complex structures are are more marked and vice versa.

For the linear ordering of clitics in standard Spanish, the author proposes a constraint called Least Leafy to the Left (LLL): Arrange clitics from the morphologically least specified to most specified. If we allow variably underspecified clitics we can get variations found in Spanish dialect. The structure of 'se' can be enhanced by features which are not required but which are compatible with it. Thus it can have the same amount of specification as 'me' or 'te' but not the same as 'nos' or 'os'.

In "The syntax of clitic climbing in Czech" by Milan Rezac, the author tries to formulate syntactic analysis of clitic climbing in Czech, within the Principles and Parameters framework.

In Czech, clitic cluster occupies the second position in a sentence. The cluster itself consists of several disjoint sets of clitics. The author claims that there are ten such sets, but Franks and King (2000) never said the exact number. The author also oversimplified the discussion on conditionals and thus he created non-existent combination 'by jsem' (cond+perf.aux). As the paper deals with climbing of dative and accusative clitics, this mistake is not too important. There are more serious errors, in the Czech examples, which suggests that Czech is not author's first language and that he should consult his examples with native speakers.

The author presents Czech verbs with finite and non-finite clausal complements and the division of verbs taking non-finite complements to raising and control type. Clitic climbing is only allowed from non-finite complements, no matter whether the matrix verb is of raising type, object-control or subject-control type. Climbing is, however, limited to complement infinitives. The next claim, that climbing is all-or-nothing phenomenon should not be declared so categorically: the sentences (11c) and (11d) sound awkward but they are not worse than (11a), where both clitics stay at the embedded infinitive. Finally, clitics cannot climb from wh-infinitives.

In the next part, impersonal constructions with reflexive 'se' are examined. The author claims that in Czech, there is the option for the internal argument to stay in accusative, but this is wrong. Such a sentence can be said in a language play but not in a "normal" speech. The matrix verb assigns nominative to the infinitival object and agrees with it. The sentences in (14) and (15) are thus wrongly marked.

The next issue is binding domain. A clitic that has climbed cannot be coreferential with the matrix subject, while one that has not can. Clitic climbing should block a subject-oriented anaphor within the infinitive from being bound by a matrix object, even though it is interpreted as the subject of the infinitive. This is exemplified by sentence (18), which is unfortunately again wrongly asterisked. All these observations were to serve to the conclusion that there are two kinds of infinitival complements. One is non-restructuring infinitive (NRI), which is CP and blocks clitic climbing. The other is restructuring infinitive (RI), which is a bare VP and requires clitic climbing.

There is also interaction between Case and climbing. If the matrix verbs has no object or dative object, the climbing is allowed. However, if it has accusative object, no climbing is allowed. There is an additional restriction, which is double dative ban. If the matrix verb has a dative object, a dative clitic cannot climb from the infinitival complement. And the last issue is the Person-Case Constraint. This constraint is believed to be universal and the author brings theoretical arguments why it is so. Unfortunately, his examples in (43) are again wrongly marked. The sentence glossed 'I will show him.dat you.acc tomorrow' is correct, as well as the other examples. The prohibited combination of clitics can result from clitic climbing as well, as in (44).

In "Romance clitic clusters: On diachronic changes and cross-linguistic contrasts", Fabrice Nicol investigates Romance pronominal clitic cluster and especially the diachronic changes in French. In Old Romance, the accusative-dative ordering ('illum mihi') was standard. Most Modern Romance varieties have shifted to dative-accusative order ('mihi illum').

In standard French, three constraints apply: (i) Person unicity - there is no more than one first or second person in a cluster; (ii) Person first - first or second person come first; (iii) No Direct Object person - there is no first or second person as a Direct Object in a clitic cluster.

In the Minimalist theory, every clitic is represented as a bundle of features (case, affix and person-gender-number). In the text, which is rather technical, the author explains how the cluster with 'mihi illum' order is derived. Further, he formulates Morphological Opacity (MO) as follows: Let F be an Interpretable Feature that cannot be erased in the syntax. If the maximal word-level projection X0max contains such a feature F, then X0max=[F[...X0...]]. First and second person features cannot be erased in the syntax and therefore there will not be any first or second person clitic in second linear position.

In the next section, Italian and Spanish are investigated. These languages tolerate some clitic combinations that violate MO when one of the clitics is a reflexive. This requires parametrization of MO for the two languages. Diachronic changes in Italian and Spanish are then described, as well as raising and causative constructions in Standard French. The result of this discussion is a final version of MO. This part is closed by formulating Case Syncretism property (CSP): In languages with 'mihi illum' clusters, at least one feature of a third person cluster pronoun is case-syncretic.

The following three sections contain discussion of the single groups of Romance languges: Case-syncretic group (Valencia Catalan, Portuguese and Galician, Italian Basilicatese, Piedmontese, Sardinian, Veneto, Modern Occitan, Modern Rumanian) Conservative group (with 'illum mihi' ordering - Aragonese, Majorca Catalan, Modern Provençal: Niçois, Old French/Occitan/Provençal, (conservative variety of) Modern Occitan, Corsican), and Mixed ordering group (Aragonese, Barcelona and Minorca Catalan, Modern Gascon, Modern French).

The last section discusses related theoretical issues and unsolved problems.

The paper "Strong and Weak Person Restrictions: A feature checking analysis" by Elena Anagnostopoulou investigates the constraint which prohibits 1st and 2nd person weak direct object together with weak indirect object ('me lui' or Person-Case constraint). There are two versions of the constraint. In the strong version there is absolute prohibition of 1st and 2nd person weak direct object in the presence of weak indirect object regardless of the person. In the weak version, 1st and 2nd person weak direct object cannot co-occur with 3rd person weak indirect object.

There is an interesting correlations between Person-Case constraint and agreement restriction in some languages, e.g. Icelandic: In the presence of a dative subject, the agreeing nominative object has to be 3rd person. The constraint applies only in the case when the nominative object agrees with the verb. The strong version of PCC and the restriction on nominative objects in Icelandic are compared, and these similarities are found: (i) in both cases the restriction arises in environment involving an argument with an indirect object role and another argument with a direct object role or, in infinitivals, a lower subject; (ii) the indirect object argument typically bears morphological dative or genitive case while the other argument has structural Case; (iii) the argument with structural Case has to be 3rd person; (iv) reflexive pattern with 1st and 2nd person pronoun cannot co-occur with the dative argument; (v) the two constraint arise whenever both the dative and the argument with structural Case relate to the same functional head via movement or agreement; (vi) the constraints are relaxed in order to circumvent the prohibition of 1st/2nd person.

In the next section, a theoretical analysis of the two constraints follows. The author proposes use of split feature checking. Further, the analysis of the weak version of PCC is discussed, and the author proposes to to use Multiple Agree with the two objects. In the last part of the paper, the author shows that Multiple Agree can be used also in analysis of inverse language, which is shown on Passamaquoddy.

"Non-morphological determination of nominal affix order in Korean" by James Hye Suk Yoon starts with a discussion on nature of nominal particles in the agglutinative East Asian languages - whether they are affixes added to the nominal root in morphology or whether they should be treated as heads of functional projections in the syntax. The Korean nominal particles behave as phrasal affixes, similar to English possessive: the particle attaches to the right edge rather than to Head, the nominative particle displays allomorphy and in turn causes stem allomorphy with certain stems, it attaches after lexical affixes, it must attach within the phrase it is associated with, and it can appear in each conjunct separately or once in a coordinate structure.

The next section contains lexicalist critique of syntactic analyses, namely Sells' (1995) arguments that show difficulties with syntactically oriented analyses. The main arguments are non-local c-selection, problem of underlying structure, and paradox of movement and selection. In the lexicalist approach, morphological templates are used, but this solution brings some problems. First, all slots are optional, which is quite unusual. Secondly, the interpretation of null particle is context-dependent. Thirdly, there are no discontinuous dependencies holding among the slots. And finally, the ordering of nominal particles is not completely fixed.

The author proposes a non-morphological analysis of nominal particle ordering. First, he argues that the honorific Nominative marker '-kkeyse' is in fact a Postposition and then he analyses constructions with Copula. The question is whether Copula occupies the last slot in the template. The answer is that there are several different types of Copula construction in Korean: Canonical CC, Inverse CC and Cleft construction, and other particles may intervene between the predicate nominal and the Copula. Author's conclusion after the analysis is that the Korean nominal particles can be treated in syntax.

"Clitic positions within the left periphery: Evidence for a phonological buffer" by Adam Szczegielniak discusses auxiliary clitics in Polish. Polish has pronominal clitics (which are weak pronouns) and auxiliary clitics. The auxiliary clitics must be differentiated from auxiliary affixes which attach to verbs. The auxiliary clitics occur in past tense formation and serve as subject-verb agreement marker. They attach to the elements preceding the verb. They can be stressed and coordinated. They can break up a constituent but only when the constituent can be broken up by other non-clitic elements (possessive NP, coordination or multi-syllabic prepositions).

The author adopts Rizzi's (1997) model of Left Periphery phrase structure and he argues that auxiliary clitics are generated in Fin (head of the Left Periphery that can carry tense/agreement features). The last issue is why the auxiliary clitics cannot be clause initial. The author proposes that syntax over-generates and the structures with initial auxiliary clitics are then ruled out by a phonological filter.

In "The Wh/Clitic-Connection" by Cedric Boeckx and Sandra Stjepanovic, the authors observe the parallel between wh-phrases and clitics in Bulgarian and Serbo-Croatian. First, they present the facts. In BG, wh-phrases are not separable in syntax (they form a unit) and clitics form a cluster in syntax, as well. In SC, wh-phrases do not need to form a unit and nor do the clitics. Though multiple wh-fronting is possible in both languages, they differ in that wh-phrases can be split in SC but not in BG. In BG, "Attract All Wh" property takes effect, while in SC we can observe selective attraction. The clitic 'li' can intervene in BG wh cluster, which is explained by that 'li' is a focus affix in BG, unlike SC, where this clitic is a complementizer.

The conclusion drawn from the above observations is that BG wh-phrases form a cluster targeting a unique projection, while in SC the possibility exists of targeting distinct projections. In both languages, wh-phrases and clitics occupy the same type of projection in syntax. The difference between SC and BG is that the former allows multiple such phrases, while the latter does not.

In "Morphosyntax of two Turkish subject pronominal paradigms" by Jeff Good and Alan C. L. Yu, the authors describe behavior of two Turkish subject pronominal paradigm. One of the paradigms (k-paradigm) can be attached to past and conditional suffix, while the other (z-paradigm) can be attached to any other predicate, verbal and non-verbal with the exception of optative and imperative predicates. While the k-paradigm suffixes can occur in the end of a verb or between two tense, mood and aspect (TMA) markers, z-paradigm suffixes can be only attached to the end of a verb. Further, k-ending can be stressed (Turkish stress is word-final), while z-endings cannot. z-endings can have wide scope over more than one conjunct in coordination. Authors conclude that k-paradigm endings are affixes while z-paradigm endings are clitics. This hypothesis is supported also by the historical development of the two paradigms: z-endings are cliticized pronouns but k-paradigm endings are the result of a reanalysis of possessives.

In the rest of the paper, hierarchy of lexical types for Turkish is sketched, as well as signs of the single types. The verbs with k-ending thus is of lexical type finite, while verb with z-ending is of type non-finite. The finite verbs can have an element of type subj-suffix as a daughter. The non-finite structures, on the other hand, combine with elements of the type clitic-pro(noun) in the syntax.

In the paper "On the syntax of doubling", Juan Uriagereka explores the relation between clitic doubling and inalienable possession. The author first examines sentences like 'le vi el cordón de ella' (lit. her I-saw the cord to her). This sentence has only one reading - with inalienable possession. The inalienable reading, however is not caused by mere presence of the clitic, as the sentence 'vi su cordón de ella' (lit. I-saw her cord of her) has the inalienable reading, too. The inalienable relation need not involve cliticization. However, when a possessive clitic is used, the relevant interpretation must be inalienable. A sort of inalienable possession is implied in any instance of clitic doubling, not just possessive examples. This idea is called Inalienable Double Hypothesis (IDH): the denotation of a double stands in an inalienable relation with respect to the denotation of its clitic.

The next section answers syntactic questions raised by IDH. The passage is rather technical and the conclusion is that doubling construction is headed by a complete determiner introducing the relational structure, whereas the possessive construction is not.

EVALUATION

This book collects papers directed at a quite narrow field of linguistic research. In addition, some problems ('me lui' constraint, spurious 'se' in Spanish, 'mihi illum' order) are explored in more than one paper, which brings the chance for the reader to compare the competing hypotheses.

Most papers are based on Minimalist theory, only one uses HPSG as the theoretical framework. Some of the papers contain many technicalities which makes them hard to read for someone who is not familiar with all the details of the theory, but on the other hand, some other papers (Desouvrey, Heap, Good and Yu, above all) are very clear and intelligible.

Hana Skoumalová works at the Institute of Theoretical and Computational Linguistics at Faculty of Arts, Charles University, Prague, as a research worker. She also teaches courses on constraint-based grammars. Her interests are syntax and morphology, and formal methods in linguistics.