Miko (巫女?, literally "shaman woman") is a Japanese term that anciently meant a "female shaman, spirit medium" who conveyed oracles from kami ("spirits; gods"), and currently means a "shrine maiden; virgin consecrated to a deity" who serves at Shinto shrines.

English has diverse translation equivalents for Japanese miko. While "shrine maiden" is frequently used, other equivalents are "female shaman" (aka "shamaness" or "shamanka"), "(spirit) medium", "prophet", "priestess", "witch", or "sorceress". Some scholars prefer the transliteration miko over translations, and contrast Japanese "mikoism" with East Asian "shamanism". Fairchild explains:

Women played an important role in a region stretching from Manchuria, China, Korea and Japan to the Ryukyu Islands. In Japan these women were priests, soothsayers, magicians, prophets and shamans in the folk religion, and they were the chief performers in organized Shintoism. These women were called Miko, and the author calls the complex "mikoism" for lack of a suitable English word. (1962:57)

Historical miko

Miko traditions date back to ancient Japanese women prophets who were believed to go into trances and convey the words of the gods, comparable with the pythia or sibyl in Ancient Greece (Blacker 1975:104).

The (ca. 712) Kojiki mytho-history contains what scholars interpret as the oldest reference to miko trance dancing. Japanese mythology recounts a legend about the sky turning dark when the sun goddess Amaterasu Omikami got angry with her brother Susanoo-no-Mikoto and sealed herself into the dark Amano-Iwato cave. In order to restore light to earth, the gods devised a plan to trick Amaterasu using a mirror hung on a bejeweled sakaki tree (which later became Shinto symbols). The goddess of revelry Ame-no-Uzume-no-Mikoto performed a shamanistic dance to lure Amaterasu out of the cave.

Her Augustness Heavenly-Alarming Female [Uzume] hanging round her the heavenly clubmoss of the Heavenly Mount Kagu as a sash, and making the heavenly spindle-tree her head-dress, and binding the leaves of the bamboo-grass of the Heavenly Mount Kagu in a posy for her hands, and laying a soundingboard before the door of the Heavenly Rock-Dwelling, and stamping till she made it resound and doing as if possessed by a Deity, and pulling out the nipples of her breasts, pushing down her skirt-string usque ad privates partes [Latin for "all the way to her private parts"]. (tr. Chamberlain 1919:64–65)

When Amaterasu heard the roar of gods' laughter, she came out in fascination with her mirror image, and restored sunlight. One traditional school of miko, says Kuly (2003:198) "claimed to descend from the Goddess Uzume".

Other mythical and historical examples of Japanese women identified as shamanistic miko include:

During the Nara period (710–794) and Heian period (794–1185), government officials tried to control miko practices.

In 780 A.D. and in 807 A.D. official bulls against the practice of ecstasy outside of the authority of the shrines were published. These bulls were not only aimed at ecstasy, but were aimed at magicians, priests, sorcerers, etc. It was an attempt to gain complete control, while at the same time it aimed at eradicating abuses which were occurring. Fairchild (1962:53)

The early Japanese miko was an important figure who associated with the ruling class. "In addition to her ritual performances of ecstatic trance", writes Kuly (2003:199), "she performed a variety of religious and political functions." For example, the Heian statesman Fujiwara no Kaneie consulted with Kamo Shrine miko before he made important decisions.

During the feudal Kamakura period (1185–1333) when Japan was controlled by militaristic shoguns,

the miko was forced into a state of mendicancy as the shrines and temples that provided her with a livelihood fell into bankruptcy. Disassociated from a religious context, her performance moved further away from a religious milieu and more toward one of a non-ecclesiastical nature. The travelling miko, known as the aruki miko, became associated with prostitution. (Kuly 2003:199)

During in the Edo period (1603–1868), writes Groemer (2007:46), "the organizational structures and arts practiced by female shamans in eastern Japan underwent significant transformations". Miko practices were heterogeneous, working independently or in hierarchical groups, they transmitted spirit voices of the deceased, performed exorcisms to cure illness, and sold talismans and ema plaques.

During the Meiji period (1868–1912), authorities prohibited many shamanistic miko practices. Groemer explains,

After 1867 the Meiji government's desire to create a form of state Shinto headed by the emperor—the shaman-in-chief of the nation—meant that Shinto needed to be segregated from both Buddhism and folk-religious beliefs. As a result, official discourse increasingly repeated negative views of miko and their institutions. (2007:44)

In the 20th century, the miko was restored back to her respectable position in Japanese society. Miko are often female attendants at Shinto shrines, traditionally the daughter of a shrine's kannushi 神主 "Shinto priest". The Shinto kagura 神楽 (lit. "god-entertainment") dance ceremony, which originated with miko ritual dancing to convey divine oracles, has transformed into the popular ceremonial dance called miko-mai 巫女舞 or miko-kagura 巫女神楽.

Mikos performed in Japan throughout history. The term miko means possession by gods and spirits, and while originally perhaps all mikos employed ecstasy, the term gradually came to include many groups which did not use ecstasy. Mikos performed both within the shrines and outside of the shrines, divining, driving out evil spirits, performing sacred dances, etc., the purpose of which was to serve mankind by preserving life and bringing happiness to man. (1962:61)

Contemporary miko

Modern miko are often seen at Shinto shrines, where they assist with shrine functions, perform ceremonial dances, offer omikuji fortune telling, and sell souvenirs. Kuly (2003:201) describes the contemporary miko, "A far distant relative of her premodern shamanic sister, she is most probably a university student collecting a modest wage in this part-time position." The traditional attire of a miko would be a pair of red hakama (which are long, divided trousers), a white haori (which is a kimono jacket), and some white or red hair ribbons. In Shintoism, the color white symbolizes purity.

Researchers have further categorized contemporary miko in terms of their diverse traditions and practices. Fairchild (1962:62–85) grouped them into: blind itako (concentrated in north and east Japan), mostly blind okamin (north and east Japan), blind waka or owaka (northeastern Japan), moriko (north and east of Tokyo), nono (central Japan), blind zatokaka (northwest Japan), sasa hataki who tap sasa "bamboo grass" on their faces (northeast of Tokyo), plus various family and village organizations. Kawamura (2003:263-264) divided miko or fujo by blindness between blind ogamiya 尾上屋 "invocation specialist" or ogamisama who perform kuchiyose and spirit mediumship and sighted miko or kamisama who perform divination and invocations.

In Zeami Motokiyo's 15th-century Noh drama Aoi No Ue, a miko named Teruhi performs an exorcism to remove the spirit of Lady Rokujo from the body of Lady Aoi.

Manga and anime typically portray a miko as a heroine who fights evil spirits or demons. Miko are frequently ascribed with magical or supernatural powers, especially divination, and skilled in Japanese martial arts. Examples are Kannagi: Crazy Shrine Maidens and Kannazuki no Miko. In western role-playing games, they sometimes correspond with clerics or white witches. Some romantic bishōjo video games and visual novels portray miko as attractive but prim girls. Fictional Kuro miko 黒巫女 "Black/Dark Miko" are an evil counterpart to traditional miko; for instance, the manga Shrine of the Morning Mist depicts kuro miko as proficient in demonology and black magic.