This panoramic view of the sacred mountain Wutai shan (“Five-Terrace Mountain”) is a six- foot-wide woodblock print on cloth that has been hand colored. There are
eleven surviving prints of this map that have been identified around the world.125 The map was made on Wutai shan in 1846 by a Mongolian monk at a local
Mongolian monastery, Cifu si (Fig. 4, no. 21).
Construction of Cifu si was completed in 1829; therefore, this map was made shortly
after the monastery was founded, and, as Cifu si is placed near the center of the
image, it literally puts this new temple on the map, establishing it in a position of authority.126
Cifu si became the main lodging for Mongolian monks visiting the mountain.

This map contains more than 130 sites of interest to the pilgrims who ventured to Mount Wutai (see Fig. 4). These
sites are labeled with Chinese and Tibetan inscriptions, including Buddhist monasteries, Taoist temples, villages, sacred objects, and locations of
events, both historic and miraculous. Winding paths with tiny travelers link one temple to another, suggesting possible itineraries of pilgrimage.
Pilgrims traveled this sacred mountain to see divine visions, which took the form of miraculous light and cloud formations, a ubiquitous presence on
this map. The most prominent monastery, which appears much larger than the others (Fig. 4, no. 14) is Bodhisattva Peak Monastery (Pusa
ding).

A masked dance procession, the focus of ritual activity on the mountain, leads from the monastery down the center of the map. This temple was
converted into a Manchu imperial establishment shortly after the Qing dynasty was founded in
the mid-seventeenth century, denoted by its bright yellow roof.

The content of these sites and events marked on the map are a complex historical layering of Chinese, Tibetan, Mongol and Manchu involvement on the
mountain. This layering of identities includes some of the earliest Chinese monasteries associated with the cult of Mañjuśrī on the mountain, such as Foguang
si (Fig. 4, no. 1 – curiously painted over in the RMA printing) founded in the sixth century; the
twelfth-century tantric adept PadampaPha dam pa (Fig. 4, no.
13) who Tibetans regard as one of the earliest direct links between their tradition and the mountain; Tāranātha (Fig. 4, no. 62), root of the first Mongol incarnation lineage, the Jetsün DampaRje btsun dam pa, seen emanating out of his stūpa wearing the black-lobed hat of that preeminent office, underscoring his adopted Mongolian identity in his role as Bogda Gegen; and the Kangxi emperor (ruled 1662-1722)
– the first Manchu emperor to be overtly declared Mañjuśrī incarnate – is depicted
pacifying the region by shooting a tiger (Fig. 4, no. 64).127

The Mongols were militant followers of the GelukpaDge lugs pa, the monastic order of the Dalai
Lama, and this map asserts not only a Tibetan Buddhist religious identity to Wutai
shan, but more specifically a GelukpaDge lugs pa identity. The founder of the
GelukpaDge lugs pa, TsongkhapaTsong kha pa, who was considered a Tibetan emanation of Mañjuśrī, can be found
everywhere on the map – such as visions of him emanating on clouds from Wutai shan’s
five peaks. Thus this map declares both an ethnic and sectarian identity.

The differences between various printings of this map around the world have been well studied by Chou,128 revealing various interpretive strategies employed by the colorists who altered the content of several stories. Some other important clues
can also be found in the coloring of the print in the top left corner of the map (Fig. 38) which suggests
alternate interpretations as to the identity of the artist. For instance, the palette of the coloring of this print in the Rubin Museum of Art, with its heavy layers of green and blue, is consistent with Tibetan painting in the sman bris
style as it traveled to Mongolia.129 This, coupled with the covering over of the dated Chinese colophon, and the miss-spelling of such a simple word as “mountain” in the Tibetan
title of the work, both at top left, all point to a Mongolian artist as the colorist.130

In conjunction with this exhibition a digital scan of this woodblock map of Wutai
shan allows the viewer to explore the rich detail contained within this historic document.131 A group of approximately forty sites of particular historic importance have been selected out for special attention, providing the viewer
with descriptions drawn primarily from Chinese gazetteers and Tibetan pilgrimage guides of Wutai shan, photographs of the actual sites being represented, and related artwork in the exhibition:

The content of the trilingual dedicatory inscriptions at the bottom of the map, translated below, vary depending on their audiences. For instance the
second part of the Chinese inscription is of particular interest, as Chou has observed, it
instructs the viewer on the image’s efficacy and uses, which does not appear in the Tibetan or Mongolian texts. This marks the Chinese as somewhat
outside the tradition by the maker of the 1846 map, even though the visual strategy of depicting Wutai shan and its miraculous geography is a Chinese convention that goes back at least a millennium.

Homage to this realm (Wutai shan), which all the Buddhas of the Three Times
thoroughly praise; to the body radiating light that illuminates the three worlds;133 to the excellent Teacher Mañjuśrī who displays the three Buddha
bodies,134 who
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is himself the three jewels (the Buddha, his teachings, and the monastic community).135

Herein is a condensed illustrated arrangement of this supreme place of pilgrimage that many sūtra
and tantra praise, such as: The Flower Garland
Sūtra says:136 “In a land on the northeastern boarder from here, there is a holy site called ‘Clear and Cool Mountain.’ In former times many
bodhisattvas resided there. Nowadays the bodhisattva, the noble Mañjuśrī,
resides there, together with a retinue of ten thousand bodhisattvas, and preaches the holy dharma.”
Also, the Ratnagarbha-​dhāraṇī Sūtra says: “The Bhagavat proclaimed to Gyelwo Kyinkang MekyiRgyal bo kyin kang me kyi (Vajrapāṇi),137 ‘After I pass away, on the northeastern edge of the Rose Apple Continent, there is a great holy place called ‘Five-Peak Mountain’138 where the youthful Mañjuśrī roams and dwells and preaches the dharma for the sake of all beings. Innumerable [deities of the] eight classes of gods and serpent spirits (nāga), together with their retinues, pay obeisance to him.”

Intending that this [map] be a cause for all who come into contact with it via sight, hearing, and memory in all generations will be cared for
by the venerable Mañjuśrī, I, the bhikṣuLhündrupLhun grub, a carver from the Sangga monastic community (ayimag) [of Amurbayas Qulangtu Monastery, Mongolia],139 the senior attendant to the faithful donor, the Jetsün DampaRje btsun dam pa of
Da Khüriye (Takhurétā khu
re) [Mongolia],140
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applied resources to this holy map at the teacher’s residence (labrangbla brang)
of Jamgé LingByams dge gling Monastery141 of Five-Peak Mountain, on the fifteenth day of the fourth month of the twenty-sixth year of the reign of Emperor Daoguang of the Great
Qing dynasty (1846).

To whom and where ever, the offering of this map of the holy land of the savior Mañjuśrī is made, there and then, may unfavorable conditions be pacified and may happiness flourish. May it be auspicious!
Mangalam!142

All Buddhas of the three ages praise the Clear and Cool [Mountain]. The dharma illuminates the three
realms and all directions. Mañjuśrī’s transformations reach all ordinary
beings and sages. The Three Treasures and all immortals are this very person [Mañjuśrī]. Mañjuśrī’s true countenance has long dwelled in the
realm of the Clear and Cool Mountain, where people have paid respect to it without seeing it. The Flower Garland Sūtra (Avataṃsaka Sūtra) says, “In a place
northeast of here, there is a certain region called the Cool and Clear Mountains. Many bodhisattvas from olden times have calmly abided in
there. Nowadays the holy Mañjuśrī, together with a retinue of ten thousand
bodhisattvas, dwells there and preaches the dharma.” In addition, the [Mañjuśrī] Ratnagarbha-​dhāraṇī Sūtra says, “The Buddha said
to the Vajra-wielding guardian bodhisattva ‘after I enter nirvana, in the northeastern part of the Jambudvīpa, is a country called the Great China, where there is a holy mountain called the Five Peaks, in the midst of which the
youthful Mañjuśrī roams, dwells, and preaches the dharma for the benefit of
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all sentient beings. At that time innumerable gods and the Eight
Classes of Beings, together with their retinue, gather around to make offerings.’” You [the viewer] can investigate this for yourself. This
little map of Wutai shan cannot possibly exhaust every detail of the mountain.
The benefactors from all four directions who make a pilgrimage to the sacred realm of the Clear and Cool Mountain, who see this map of the
mountain, and who listen to and recount the spiritual efficacy and wondrous dharma of the
bodhisattva, will in this life be free from all calamities and diseases, and enjoy boundless blessings, happiness, and longevity. After this
life, they will be reborn in a blessed land. All these [benefits] can be acquired through the bodhisattva’s merciful transformations.
Therefore, the disciple of Jetsün DampaRje btsun dam pa of Da Khüriye [Mongolia], the engraver Monk LhündrupLhun grub (Longzhu) from the Sengge Aimag, makes a great vow, to carve this woodblock with his own hands in order to extend [the merit] to the benefactors of the
four directions. Should a person make the vow to print this image, they will accumulate immeasurable merit.143

iii. Mongolian

“Composition of the Land of Cool-Clear Mountain”

Om suvasti! I prostrate myself before the land that has been praised by all those [Buddhas] who have vanquished the three times [past, present,
and future], the supreme teacher (lamabla ma), Mañjuśrī, who, with the body of one that works to illuminate the brilliant interstices of the Triple World, reveals
the form of the Threefold Body, and before the one who assembles [in himself] the essence of the Three Jewels. In the Flower Garland Sūtra (daihuayan
jing) it is said that to the northeast of here there is a certain land called Clear-Cool Mountain. Formerly many bodhisattvas
resided there. Now the holy Mañjuśrī, together with myriad companion
bodhisattvas, abides there preaching the dharma. Also in that dhāraṇī, the Bagavant made the following edict to Jingang miji
wang (金剛密跡王, Gyelbo Kyinkang Mekyirgyal bo kyin kang me kyi; Vajrapāṇi): “After attaining Parinirvāṇa, in the northeast interstice of the rose-apple continent
there is a place known as the Five Peaks and Passes. There resides the youthful Mañjuśrī. When he preaches the dharma for the benefit of all living beings,
innumerable gods and serpent spirits (nāga) of
the
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eight classes, together with their retinue, perform rites of offering and respect. [In this way] this place has
been eulogized in numerous sūtras and tantras.

The sketching of this map is intended to bring salvation by arresting one’s attachment to every sort of thing that is found as a consequence of
seeing, hearing, thinking, and touching. It was engraved and offered by the monk (gelonggelung, gelongdge
slong), Lhunrub, a carver of Sangga monastic community [of Amurbayasqulangtu Monastery] and a disciple of the faithful alms-giver, the holy Jebsun Damba of
Yeke Kuriye (present day Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia). Happiness!

On the supremely good day, the 15th day of the 4th month of the 26th year [in the reign] of Daoguang [1846] of the Great Qing dynasty.144

Cat. 2: Changja Rölpé DorjéLcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje (1717-1786)

The ChangjaLcang skya Hutukhtu Rölpé DorjéRol pa’i rdo rje was the most influential teacher (lamabla ma) of Inner Asia and China in
the eighteenth century. From childhood Rölpé DorjéRol pa’i rdo rje was educated with the
Manchu imperial princes, and together they studied Buddhist scripture as well as Chinese, Mongolian, Manchu, and Tibetan languages. This close
contact between monk and emperor from such an early age was unprecedented, and it allowed Rölpé DorjéRol pa’i rdo rje to take a leading role at court. He became the emperor’s religious teacher and trusted political confidant, helping craft
a policy toward Tibet and Mongolia that underscored the Manchu inheritance of Qubilai Khan’s
realm, both politically and symbolically, through the production of religious art focusing on the image of Mañjuśrī (Fig. 27).

Even Changja Rölpé DorjéLcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje’s own incarnation lineage was carefully
crafted to reflect that the patron-priest relationship between Qubilai and his Tibetan preceptor
Pakpa’Phags pa (Fig. 5) was reborn, quite literally, in
Qianlong and himself (see introductory essay above). Rölpé DorjéRol pa’i rdo rje’s role in the production of Tibetan Buddhist images is particularly interesting in light of their
politically symbolic role in the Qing court, and his own function within that same context as
an incarnation – a living object of legitimization.

Wutai shan was at the heart of the Mañjuśrī cult in China, and Rölpé DorjéRol pa’i rdo rje was important
in giving the site a Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhist identity. He wrote a Tibetan guide to Wutai
shan, which actively promoted pilgrimage to Wutai shan among the
Mongols and Tibetans. Rölpé DorjéRol pa’i rdo rje spent thirty-six consecutive summers in
meditative retreat at Taming the Ocean Monastery (Zhenhai si) on Wutai shan, until his
death there in 1786. He was buried on the mountain (Fig. 4, no. 37; Fig. 29).

It is interesting to note that a characteristic feature, a small lymphoma-like lump on the right side of his jaw, is not included in his official
iconography or extent paintings (see Cat. 3, top left corner). It is unusual for the physical defect of a lamabla ma to appear in a portrait at all. It does, however, appear on a number of statues
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like this one, and there is some evidence to suggest that the owner of such an image, likely a member of the imperial court, had a
personal relationship with him.

Cat. 3: Vajrabhairava (Daweide Jingang, 大威德金刚) Maṇḍala

Here the meditational deity Vajrabhairava, a wrathful emanation of the
Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, is depicted in his celestial palace (maṇḍala).

In the realm of art the Qianlong emperor’s court chaplain, Changja Rölpé DorjéLcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje, who appears in the top-left corner of this painting, had a guiding hand in the
formation of this imperial Buddhist artistic style of the Qing dynasty that would come to
symbolize Manchu rulership (Fig. 27). Rölpé DorjéRol pa’i rdo rje produced the definitive iconographic guides for artists, established a workshop of tangkathang ka painting in Beijing, and was given oversight in the production of Buddhist
images in the imperial workshops.145 This style is recognizable by characteristics such as the pale pastel pink, blue, and green clouds seen here in
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a
somewhat muted palette. The landscapes were derived from Tibetan forms that picked up elements of Chinese painting such as the blue-green style in
the early Ming, and were by the eighteenth century recycled through a Tibetan filter back to the Chinese court painters. Qing court tangkathang ka remained faithful to the Tibetan
iconographic strictures while cleverly working in Chinese auspicious motifs such as clouds in “as you
wish” (ruyi, 如意) shapes.

These images were carefully used during the Qianlong emperor’s reign in the Chinese court, which
put great emphasis on the power of symbols, to bolster Manchu legitimacy as successors to the Yuan Empire. For instance, below the deity’s palace are arrayed the seven treasures of the universal monarch (Buddhist ruler): the wish-granting jewel, the beautiful queen, the strong elephant, the wheel of the law, the swift
horse, the wise minister, and the brave general – all symbols of the sacral king who rules the earth. Encircled offerings floating on clouds, such as
the seven treasures and the eight auspicious symbols seen here, are characteristic of these eighteenth and nineteenth century Chinese
productions.146

Stūpas

Arising historically from the funerary mounds (caitya) of early Buddhism in India, the stūpa is viewed as a physical representation of the
enlightened mind of a Buddha. Thus, the stūpa is also an architectural symbol of wisdom. Above the dome are
thirteen gold discs representing the stages of the enlightened mind: from the ten bodhisattva levels to the three stages of a Buddha, all crowned by an
ornate parasol, white crescent moon, and golden disc of the sun. A large, stark-white stūpa at the foot of
Pusa ding Monastery, called Stupa Grove Monastery (Tayuan si, 塔院寺), dominates the center of the landscape of Wutai shan (Fig. 4, no. 40) and has become an icon of the mountain itself.

Cat. 9: Stūpa

Dance Masks

At the heart of the procession leading down the steps from the central monastery on Wutai
shan, Pusa ding (Fig. 4, no. 14), is a
troupe of dancers wearing masks (Fig. 36). These three masks – Mahākāla, Yama, and Deer – were prominent characters in this dramatic
performance and all can been seen in this colorful and lively procession, which is the center of ritual activity on the map.

The Tibetan dance (chamcham) dance was
introduced to Wutai shan in the seventeenth century, when the mountain took on an
increasingly Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhist identity. Typically this dance was performed on Wutai
shan on the fourteenth and fifteenth days of the sixth month of the lunar calendar (which typically falls in July) as part of a festival
which marks the culmination of
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a month-long assembly for worship and Buddhist teachings.147 Mongolian monks from monasteries on Wutai shan such as Yongquan Monastery (Fig. 4, no. 33) would assemble at
Pusa ding Monastery (Fig. 4, no. 14) for the dance
ritual, which was followed by a grand procession, such as the one depicted here, leading from the gate of Pusa ding Monastery passing through Guangzong si (Fig.
4, no. 17), Yuanzhao si (Fig. 4, no. 66),
Rāhula Temple (Fig. 4, no. 41), Shifang Hall (Fig. 4, no. 67), and ending at the Cave of Sudhana (Fig. 4, no. 69).148 Each time they reached a monastery they recited sūtras, chant mantras, and performed. The
procession was lead by an image and the high lamabla ma of Wutai shan.

The small icon being paraded in a palanquin in the procession depicted in the map appears to be Maitreya, another of the great bodhisattvas, suggesting
that this is indeed the Future Buddha (maitreya) Festival.149 First established in Tibet in 1409 by the founder of the Gelukdge lugs monastic order, TsongkhapaTsong kha pa (1357-1419), the Maitreya Festival was then brought to Mongolia in 1657 by the
first Mongolian incarnation, the Jetsün DampaRje btsun dam paZanabazar where it became extremely popular. Zanabazar himself visited Wutai shan in 1695 in the company of the
Kangxi emperor (and may have something to do with its establishment on Wutai as well).150 The choice of depicting this particular festival as the ritual center of the map reinforces an attempt by its maker to assert a Mongolian
GelukDge lugs ethnic sectarian identity to the site. The figures carrying the Maitreya sculpture on the map wear yellow robes with orange trim, which Tuttle identifies as the color coding used as an ethnic marker of Chinese practitioners of Tibetan Buddhism,
suggesting a strong Chinese participation in these rituals as well.

Cat. 13: Buddha Footprints

This woodblock print would have been a relatively affordable image that a Mongol might have brought back as a souvenir from his pilgrimage to
Wutai shan. From the Tibetan text we know that the original woodblock for this
image was carved at Pusa ding Monastery (map no. 14). From the Chinese text we learn
that the imperially appointed overseer of Wutai shan, the great teacher Ngawang LozangNgag dbang blo bzang (Awang
Laozang, 阿王老藏, 1601-1687),
donated the money to paint and publish this image. This famous and important Mongolian monk from one of Beijing’s most prominent Tibetan Buddhist monasteries was both Pusa
ding’s abbot and manager of Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist affairs at Wutai
shan. He held this office from 1659 to 1668, allowing us to closely date the carving of the original woodblock to the early second half
of the seventeenth century.

The Tibetan colophon which runs along the bottom of this piece reads:

These footprints are the footprints of the Bhagavān (the Buddha) at the time of his nirvāṇa. Having been brought from India to Five-Peak Mountain, [this image] was carved on an auspicious day at Pusa ding. May it be auspicious!151

These two woodblock prints were likely based on the “Buddha Footprint Stele” (Fozu bei, 佛足碑) dated to
1582 (Ming Wanli renwu qiu, si seng you’an tu ke shi [明萬歷壬午秋，寺僧又按图刻石]) that once sat to the left of the Great White Stūpa
at Wutai shan (Fig. 4, no. 40), which contains a
longer explanatory inscription recorded in the local gazetteer, the Record of Clear and Cool
Mountain.152 The
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Chinese text between the footprints on this object appears to be a condensed version of that same text, which
reads:

According to the Record of Travels to Western Lands (Xiyu ji, 西域記):153 “In a temple of the city of Pāṭaliputra, in the [ancient Indian] Kingdom of Magadha
there is a great stone, where the Tathāgata Śākyamuni tread, a pair footprints
appear to remain, one foot (chi) eight inches (cun) long and six inches wide,
both [adorned] with thousand-spoke wheel sign,154 on all ten toes appear to flower swastika,155 and the shape of the treasure vase, fish, and sword.156 The Tathāgata of the past traveled to Kuśinagara City,157 prepared to show/demonstrate nirvāṇa (death), looked back [to Magadha and
stamped his foot on] this stone, and told Ānanda saying: “I, now at the very end [of my life],
leave behind this footprint, [in order to] teach sentient beings of the latter days of this Buddha-kalpa (the age of the decline of the dharma). For those who are able to see [it will generate great] faith. To those who supply worship and
make offerings: it will end the suffering
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of inconceivable cycles of life and death (saṃsāra), they will be constantly [re-] born as men and gods in the favorable stages (of rebirth), they will have happiness and
prolonged life, they will be far from all evil deeds, and they will always obtain good fortune.” [From] Dharma Master Xuan Zang’s Travels to Western Lands [this image and writing] were requested to
be engraved in stone and offerings were made. The imperially appointed Overseer of Wutai
shan, the great lamabla ma, Ngawang LozangNgag dbang blo bzang (1601-1687) donated money to paint and publish it.158

The Buddha’s footprints were akin to a touch relic, a portable form of transmitted blessing, which could stand in for the presence of the absent
Buddha. According to the Chinese inscription on the nearly identical footprint image (see Cat no. 13), these were modeled on stone Buddha footprints
brought back to China from the ancient Indian Kingdom of Magadha by the renowned Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang in the seventh century. The Buddha’s footprints were often carved on stone tablets in front of Chinese temples and appear at
several places on the map of Wutai shan along pilgrimage pathways.

Other surviving examples of such footprint stele can be found in temples and monasteries throughout China such as at Ciyun si (慈雲寺) on Qinglong Mountain (Qinglong
shan, 青龍山) in Henan Province (河南; see Fig.
39); a stele at Shaolin Temple (Shaolin si, 少林寺) dated to the
Mongol Yuan period (1318); and a stele at Crouching Dragon Temple (Wolong si, 卧龍寺) in Xi’an dated to the Chinese Ming period
(fifteenth year of the Hongwu reign; 1382).

This image may be painted over a woodblock print, similar to the footprints (Cat. 13), by a Mongolian artist.

Looking upward at a vision, KhedrupMkhas grub (1385-1438) holds a symbolic offering of the
universe (maṇḍala), constructed of precious substances, to his teacher, the Lord TsongkhapaTsong kha pa (1357-1419), who floats above on a cloud bank mounted atop an elephant. This
painting depicts one of the five visions that the student KhedrupMkhas grub had of his
teacher after his death.159 This same scene appears at the top right of the map of Wutai shan (Fig. 40),
where the elephant that TsongkhapaTsong kha pa rides has become part of the clouds that
support him.

The inscription below reads:

The venerable King of Dharma, TsongkhapaTsong kha pa, who bestowed the empowerment and instructions of Vajrabhairava on
Khedrup Gelek PelMkhas grub dge legs dpal, who cleared away the faults/interpolations in the ritual texts
for service and worship of Six-armed Mahākāla.160

Corresponding to this inscription (visually documenting this transmission and reinforcing the teacher-student relationship), Vajrabhairava, whose teachings TsongkhapaTsong kha pa bestowed on his student KhedrupMkhas grub, floats above him at
top right. One of the main GelukDge lugs protectors, Six-armed Mahākāla, whose worship KhedrupMkhas grub
especially promoted and is therefore also mentioned in the inscription, appears at bottom left.

The founder of the GelukDge lugs monastic order, TsongkhapaTsong kha pa, who was himself considered a Tibetan emanation of Mañjuśrī, can be found everywhere on the map of Wutai shan, including
the five visions of him emanating on clouds from each of the mountain’s five peaks (Fig. 4, nos. 2, 9, 11, 18, 28).
In his secret biography TsongkhapaTsong kha pa tells KhedrupMkhas grub that he has emanations on Wutai, and may be related to this tradition of depicting Mañjuśrī as TsongkhapaTsong kha pa on the
mountain.161 The Mongols were militant followers of the GelukDge lugs, the monastic order of the
Dalai Lama, and this map asserts not only a Tibetan and Mongolian Buddhist religious identity on Wutai shan but, more specifically in this case, a GelukDge lugs
identity. Through this imagery, the map declares a sectarian religious vision of the mountain.

Nepalese Roots

For Tibetans the idea that Wutai shan is the earthly abode of Mañjuśrī has its source in Nepal. A famous legend tells that Vipashwi Buddha planted seeds in
a lake that grew into a great jeweled lotus that emitted light. From far away in China, on the highest peak of Wutai shan, Mañjuśrī saw this beacon.
Observing that beings were unable to reach this relic of Vipashwi Buddha in the middle of a lake, Mañjuśrī cut a gorge with his sword, Candrahas, to drain the water, forming the Kathmandu Valley. A stūpa was built over this relic, which was originally called Mañjuśrī Stūpa (mañju-caitya), and later renamed Svāyambhū, one of the greatest Buddhist sacred sites in
Nepal. Mañjuśrī was inspired by this relic to cut his hair and become an ascetic, and
it is said that the lice that lived in his hair became monkeys, an animal for which this site is famous.

Cat. 16: Svāyambhū Stūpa

The presence of Mañjuśrī at middle left and the monkey at the bottom left likely
identifies this as the famous Svāyambhū Stūpa of the Kathmandu Valley. Mañjuśrī permeates Nepalese society and
rituals, in this case the depiction of the Chariot Ritual (bhīmarata), the birthday celebration for a Nepalese elder of Kathmandu.

Cat. 17: Mañjuśrī

This unusual Nepalese form of Mañjuśrī can be identified by his five tufts of hair,
the distinctive “tiger claw” shape of his necklace, and the small seed or jewel that he holds in his left hand. The similar small silver Nepalese
sculpture with nearly identical attributes nearby confirms the identity of this figure.

Cat. 20: Seated Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī

This unusual and stately form of Mañjuśrī, the bodhisattva who is believed to dwell
at Wutai shan, is identifiable by his Nepalese iconography, including the small seed
or jewel that he holds in his right hand, and the distinctive “tiger claw”-shaped necklace he wears.

Cat. 21: The Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī-​ghoṣa)

While this painting of The Glorious One with a Melodious Voice is Tibetan, aesthetically it closely
follows Nepalese conventions, such as a rich red palette and symmetrical schematic composition, which were for many centuries the guiding artistic
force in Tibet. The beautiful shimmer in this painting’s red is due to the build up of arsenic in the ground mineral pigments.

At the bottom-right corner is a Tibetan monastic figure, either the commissioner of the work or the intended recipient of the merit generated by its
production.

The Three Mañjuśrī of Tibet

Three great Buddhist scholars from different monastic orders in Tibet – Sakya PenditaSa skya paṇḍita (1182-1251) of the SakyaSa skya school, LongchenpaKlong chen pa (1308-1363) of the NyingmaRnying ma school, and TsongkhapaTsong kha pa (1357-1419) of the GelukDge lugs school – are known as the “Three Mañjuśrī of Tibet,” believed to be
emanations of the Bodhisattva of Wisdom on Earth. All three of these teachers have Mañjuśrī’s characteristic attributes, the sword and the book, which sit on utpala blossoms at
their shoulders and identify these people with the Bodhisattva of Wisdom, Mañjuśrī.
The sword metaphorically cleaves through the dark clouds of ignorance and the text is the Book of
Transcendental Wisdom (Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra).

One of Tibet’s greatest scholars, Sakya PenditaSa skya paṇḍitaKünga GyentsenKun dga’ rgyal mtshan (1182-1251), was considered an emanation of Mañjuśrī, the Bodhisattva of Wisdom, on Earth. Sakya PenditaSa skya paṇḍita was one of the most influential thirteenth-century Tibetan figures said to have visited Wutai shan during his trip to the Mongol court in the thirteenth century.162 At Wutai shan he is supposed to have written many famous letters giving
philosophical and spiritual advice, which he sent back to Tibet. He also composed many prayers that extolled the virtues of Mañjuśrī and the mountain and helped promote Tibetan interest in the pilgrimage site.

In this painting Sakya PenditaSa skya paṇḍita is accompanied by his nephew Chögyel Pakpa Lodrö GyentsenChos rgyal ’phags pa blo gros rgyal mtshan (1235-1280), who visited
Wutai shan repeatedly. The historical record is clearer regarding Chögyel PakpaChos rgyal ’phags pa’s visits to Wutai shan, where he spent several years composing texts that eulogized Mañjuśrī and the mountain. Pakpa’Phags pa’s poetry of Wutai shan was some of the most influential, such as his one-hundred verse poem: “The Garland of Jewels: Praise to Mañjuśrī at Five-Peak Mountain,” written in 1257.

This figure is identified by inscription on the front of the sculpture as the great SakyaSa skya scholar Sakya PenditaSa skya paṇḍita. His hat is a shoulder-length cloth cap modeled on the hats worn by
Indian Learned men (paṇḍita).

Longchenpa Drimé ÖzerKlong chen pa dri med ’od zer, the second major Tibetan emanation of
Mañjuśrī, was a prolific author and systematizer of early NyingmaRnying ma contemplative literature. He is most famous for his wide-ranging commentaries, known
as the “Seven Treasuries.” He was pivotal in the history of the NyingmaRnying ma tradition,
emphasizing a blend of rigorous academic scholarship and meditation. The figure seated directly below LongchenpaKlong chen pa is the famous teacher Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo’Jam dbyangs mkhyen rtse dbang po (b. 1819), one of the founders of the non-sectarian (rikmérigs med) movement, allowing us to date this painting to the nineteenth
century.

Cat. 28: TsongkhapaTsong kha pa (1357-1419)

TsongkhapaTsong kha pa was the founder of the GelukDge lugs school of Tibetan Buddhism, which would come to wield great religious and political influence throughout Inner Asia
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries among the Tibetans, Mongols, and Manchus alike. He was considered an emanation of the Bodhisattva of
Wisdom, Mañjuśrī, indicated by the sword and book prominently displayed on utpala flowers at his shoulders. The influence of his school of Buddhism was profound, and he can, therefore,
be found everywhere on the map of Wutai shan in this exhibition.

A Tibetan inscription sewn on the back of this textile states that this cloth image of Mañjuśrī (manifested as TsongkhapaTsong kha pa) was given to the Geshé Sudhi
by “the lady of noble lineage, the jewel-holding protectoress.” The patron who commissioned this object was the elder sister of a monk named
Jampel DorjéJams dpal rdo rje studying at one of the great GelukDge lugs monasteries outside of LhasaLha sa, Drepung’Bras spungs. The inscription stipulates that this image was to be placed in the NorzangNor bzang Cave (Norzang Druppuknor bzang sgrub phug), known in Chinese as the Cave of
Sudhana (Shancai dong, 善財洞; Fig. 4, no. 69) at Wutai
shan, together with the stūpa of the remains of the master Jñāna.

Cat. 29: TsongkhapaTsong kha pa (1357-1419)

TsongkhapaTsong kha pa is presented in this sculpture with his common attributes – monastic
robes, hands forming a teaching gesture, and a sword and book above the shoulders. His pointed yellow hat (see Cat. 28) is
often realized in sculptures by a textile hat placed on the head.

While TsongkhapaTsong kha pa was never known to have visited Wutai shan himself, because he was considered an emanation of the Bodhisattva of Wisdom, Mañjuśrī, and the founder of the GelukDge lugs monastic order to which the Mongols and Manchu rulers were particularly devoted, visions of him as Mañjuśrī can be found all over the mountain, such as in Cat. nos. 1, 15, and 28.

The Book of Transcendental Wisdom

The Book of Transcendental Wisdom is one of the earliest recorded discourses in Indian Buddhism,
dating to the first to second century CE. The teaching is conveyed mainly through dialogue between the Buddha and his major followers, and a special
emphasis is given to the role of the bodhisattva, someone who aspires to attain enlightenment for the benefit of all beings. These teachings of the
Buddha were believed to be too profound at the time to be understood properly, and so this text was handed over for safe keeping to the king of serpent
spirits (nāga) to await a more propitious time. These teachings on
the nature of wisdom were kept in the king’s underwater realm for many years until he bestowed this book on the worthy scholar, the great Indian
philosopher Nāgārjuna, as foretold by prophecy.

The Book of Transcendental Wisdom is seen as the source of wisdom that Mañjuśrī later came to embody, and thus, this bodhisattva became closely associated with the text.

Cat. 30: Illustrated Eight Thousand-Verse Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra

The Book of Transcendental Wisdom (Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra) is the text almost always depicted with Mañjuśrī, typically at his left shoulder. It is not simply an idealized symbol of wisdom but an actual book containing philosophical
discourse and narrative content.

Several figures depicted in this text are considered emanations of Mañjuśrī, such
as Tri SongdetsenKhri srong lde btsan (740-798) – on the right side of the page holding book
and sword – the Tibetan emperor who established Buddhism as the official religion of the Tibetan state and built Tibet’s first monastery, SamyéBsam yas.

The earliest Tibetan contact with Wutai shan was said to have been through the
Indian siddha Padampa SanggyéPha dam pa sangs rgyas – on the left side of the page with his
knees held up by a meditation strap – who lived for many years in Tibet, gathering many Tibetan disciples, and also spent twelve years on Wutai shan in the late eleventh century.

Many Tibetans believe that the Sixth Dalai Lama Tsangyang GyatsoTshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho (1683-1706/1746; Fig. 35) – on the right side of the page holding up a flower – a popular and controversial historical figure who was
supposed to have been executed, secretly lived out his days in meditation in a cave at Wutai
shan (Fig. 4, no. 63). His cave became an important focus of pilgrimage in its own rite.

Cat. 36: Nāga King

Forms of Mañjuśrī

Mañjuśrī is one of the most important bodhisattvas in the Buddhist pantheon, the
patron deity of wisdom, education, composition, and memory. He represents the wisdom of all the Buddhas of the ten directions and the three times, and
can manifest in different forms depending on the circumstances. Typically, Mañjuśrī is
depicted as a beautiful youth wielding a flaming sword that cuts through the ignorance that obscures the true nature of reality and binds beings to a
cycle of suffering. In his
[page 82]
left hand he holds a book, the Book of Transcendental
Wisdom, both the source and embodiment of his awakened understanding.

Wutai shan is defined as Mañjuśrī’s abode on Earth by the five unique forms of Mañjuśrī that are
said to dwell, one each, on its five peaks. This arrangement of Wutai shan comes out of
the Mañjuśrī astrological system that explains the origins of the world and arranges
the mountain’s five peaks into a cosmic diagram (maṇḍala), with each peak placed in a cardinal direction and
assigned a corresponding primary color associated with one of the five Buddha realms.

North Peak: Stainless Mañjuśrī (vimala)

West Peak: Mañjuśrī seated on a lion
(vādisiṁha)

Central Peak: Mañjuśrī wielding a sword
(mañjuśrī nātha)

East Peak Four-armed Mañjuśrī (mañjughoṣa tikṣṇa)

South Peak: White Mañjuśrī (jñānasattva)

Cat. 37: Indian Teachers Nāgārjuna and Āryadeva

This painting depicts a serpent spirit offering the great philosopher Nāgārjuna the Book of Transcendental Wisdom from
his watery realm, while his student Āryadeva looks on. This same scene appears in the lower
left-hand corner of the adjacent painting.

Above, a luminous White Mañjuśrī hangs in the center of the sky like an autumn
moon, while floating down on a diagonal trail of clouds is another form of Mañjuśrī, riding a shaggy Chinese lion, which is associated with the Mañjuśrī emanations at Wutai shan (Fig.
2).

This simple and open composition, with sparing use of pigment and with other Chinese visual conventions such as the stand of bamboo framing the
figures to the left, is a worthy transmitter of Situ PenchenSi tu paṇ chen’s painting
style.

Cat. 38: Mañjuśrī

This is a non-iconic form of Mañjuśrī commissioned by the innovative
scholar-painter Situ PenchenSi tu paṇ chen (1700-1774) as part of his “Eight Great
Bodhisattva” set.163 One of Situ PenchenSi tu paṇ chen’s greatest artistic legacies was his role in
designing simple open painting compositions such as this one.

Normally with an orange color one would expect Mañjuśrī to be energetically
wielding his sword, as in Cat. 39. Instead, Situ chose the simple grace of a relaxed pose over the rippling water of a lotus
pond, which imbues this image with a quiet contemplative feeling.

Cat. 39: Mañjuśrī - Arapachana

This sculpture corresponds to the form of Mañjuśrī who dwells on Wutai shan’s central peak, where he is called Mañjuśrī Nātha. A characteristic feature of Mañjuśrī is
that he wears his hair in five tresses or braids, corresponding to the five peaks of Wutai
shan, which is vividly depicted in this sculpture.

Cat. 40: Mañjuśrī - Arapachana

This painting represents the most common form of Mañjuśrī found in all traditions
of northern Buddhism. His name, Arapachana, derives from the mystical alphabet based on the Book of
Transcendental Wisdom itself. This form corresponds to the Mañjuśrī who
dwells on Wutai shan’s central peak, called Mañjuśrī Nātha. His peak is made of gold and is associated with the realm of the Buddha Vairocana. His right hand holds aloft the blue flaming sword of wisdom which severs
ignorance. The left holds the stem of an utpala flower supporting on the blossom the Book of Transcendental Wisdom.

Above in the clouds appear teachers of the SakyaSa skya school of Tibetan Buddhism. Mañjuśrī is considered very important to the SakyaSa skya school, so
much so that all of the important
[page 85]
lineage holders of the SakyaSa skya school were regarded
as emanations of the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī.

Cat. 41: Mañjuśrī - Arapachana

This orange form of Mañjuśrī, wielding his sword and holding the Book of Transcendental Wisdom aloft, is associated with Wutai shan’s central peak. At the bottom center Sarasvatī, Goddess
of Literature, Learning, and Music, plays her lute.

This painting is a pastiche of several compositions by the great eighteenth-century scholar-painter Situ PenchenSi tu paṇ chen (1700-1774). It includes Asaṅga and Vasubandhu at bottom right and Āryadeva and Nāgārjuna receiving the Book of Transcendental
Wisdom from the serpent spirits (nāga) at bottom left, both
from a larger set of Indian scholars called the “Six Ornaments and Two Superiors.” (See Cat. 37 for one of the compositions
this painting was based on.) However, something of Situ PenchenSi tu paṇ chen’s brilliance as
a composer of paintings is lost in the repeated copying, most noticeably where his billowing-cloud and swirling-water forms of Chinese inspiration
have become hardened into flat linear patterns.

Cat. 45: White Mañjuśrī

White Mañjuśrī corresponds to the form of Mañjuśrī that inhabits Wutai shan’s
southern terrace, where he is called Jñānasattva. His peak is made of semiprecious
stones and is associated with the realm of the Buddha Ratnasaṁbhava. Here he is
depicted as an eight-year-old youth, white, like the autumn moon, with his hair tied into five tufts. The Book of Transcendental Wisdom is supported by an utpala blossom at his left
shoulder. As described in early liturgical texts, below the deity’s lotus throne a pair of elephants plays in the water.

The Tibetan painter’s choices of color create a remarkable effect in this painting. The deep blue of the sky combined with the soft warm orange of
the nimbus overlaid with fine lines of gold contrasts with the cool luminous white of the bodhisattva’s body, causing it to shine forth like
moonlight, just as he is described in his liturgy.

Cat. 46: Mañjuśrī Nāmasaṃgīti

This four-armed form of Mañjuśrī is similar to the one who resides on the eastern
terrace of Wutai shan, where he is called Mañjughoṣa Tikṣṇa. His peak is made of crystal and is associated with the realm of the Buddha Akṣobhya.

Iconometric measuring lines have been drawn with red and blue ink, indicating the correct physical proportions for the drawing of this form of
Mañjuśrī. The Tibetan Buddhist painting traditions follow strict guidelines for
body proportions, which vary according to the kind of figure being depicted.

Cat. 47: Mañjuśrī Nāmasaṃgīti

This form of Mañjuśrī is similar to the one that resides on the eastern terrace of
Wutai shan, where he is called Mañjughoṣa Tikṣṇa. Filling the surrounding space of this painting are one hundred figures displaying the three most common
forms of Mañjuśrī. At the bottom left is a teacher (lamabla ma) seated on a throne, wearing red monastic robes and hat, and accepting white scarves from a lamabla ma and a lay woman wearing an apron. Opposite, just above the bottom right corner, are two small
figures seated upon lotus blossoms and facing toward the main figure of Mañjuśrī.
These two, possibly deceased children, may be the reason for the commissioning of the work. The merit gained from the sponsoring and viewing of the
painting is dedicated toward a beneficial rebirth of the two individuals.

At the top of the deities’ throne back, a scrolling vegetal pattern of curling leaves is painted in cool blues and greens against a contrasting warm
red ground causing them to spring forth, creating an abstract pattern that gives this provincial painting
[page 89]
its charm. This
painting is likely from the remote area of DölpoDol po on the Tibet-Nepal border.

Cat. 48: Mañjuśrī

This sculpture of Mañjuśrī, with his leg hanging down, could have once been seated
on a lion (now lost), which would make him Mañjuśrī Dharmadhātu or Siṁhanāda, corresponding to the form of Mañjuśrī who lives on Wutai shan’s western peak.

There are several features that identify this sculpture as Nepalese, specifically the distinctive helmet crowned with a vajra that he wares and the
inlaying of translucent semiprecious stones such as crystal, which is more common in Nepal than Tibet.

Cat. 49: Mañjuśrī

This sculpture from western Tibet follows pala patterns of non-iconic forms, in which the
deity holds the attributes of the bodhisattva, such as the sword, here held in a martial pose at his chest, but does not follow Tantric textual
descriptions.
[page 91]
In such non-iconic images, the composition of the figure is arranged by the sculptor based on personal
artistic considerations and are, therefore, often some of the more visually interesting.

Cat. 50: Protective Astrological Chart

This Tibetan astrological chart is an auspicious talisman and an instructional tool that brings good fortune to all those who see, display, or
possess it. Such charts can often be found hanging on the walls of Tibetan houses or even engraved on amulets carried on one’s person. This Tibetan
system of astrology derives from China and was believed to have been taught by Mañjuśrī at Wutai shan. It is unclear when this association with
Mañjuśrī on Wutai
shan as the source of Tibetan divination started, but it is already present in the fourteenth-century Pema KatangPadma bka’ thang (1352), a biography of Padmasambhava (Pema Jungnépad ma ’byung gnas) by the treasure revealer
Orgyen LingpaO rgyan gling pa (b. 1323).164 By the seventeenth century this perception that Mañjuśrī taught this system
of divination represented in this chart on Wutai shan is firmly established, as can
be seen in The White Beryl (Baiḍūṛya dkar po), an (encyclopedic) treatise on Tibetan astrology and divination commissioned by the Fifth Dalai Lama’s regent, the
Desi Sanggyé GyatsoSde srid sangs rgyas rgya mtsho (1653-1705).165

The primary figure at bottom center is a yellow tortoise, an emanation of the Bodhisattva Mañjuśrī, lying on its back. The tortoise is a metaphor for creation, and origin myths of the world were based on this system of
astrology, with the image of the tortoise at its center. On the tortoise’s belly is a small circle of nine colored squares containing the nine magic numbers (mewa gusme ba dgu), the
eight trigrams (parkha gyéspar kha
brgyad), and the twelve animals of the zodiac, which, combined with the five elements, form the sixty-year cycle of the Tibetan calendar.
Along the
[page 92]
sides are rows of sigils, each representing a negative spirit, which binds them in a contract agreeing not to harm
the displayer of the image. Along the top Indian deities, planetary deities, and important stars guard against maladies like epilepsy.

Seated at top center of this painting is Mañjuśrī in his more familiar form,
wielding a flaming sword.

Cat. 51: Mañjuśrī

At the top and bottom of this Chinese-inspired painting of Mañjuśrī are small
narrative scenes, possibly depicting Mañjuśrī’s previous lives. This is an unusual
theme to find illustrated, and based on comparisons to other known sets, this work would likely have been the fifth painting from a set of
seven.166

Although painted with a strong Chinese sensibility, the Tibetan identity of the painters is revealed in Tibetan language artists’ color notations
where the paint has flaked away (Fig. 41). Also, while the clothing of the secondary figures are quite Chinese in general appearance, details like
the crown and hat of the two attendant figures to the left (Fig. 42) do not appear in either Tibetan or Chinese painting, suggesting that Tibetan
painters referenced models from another culture with strong connections to Chinese art, such as the Tanguts, Kitans, or Jurchin of Central Asia. In overall palette and style this painting would appear to be an eighteenth-century
work.167

[127]
A number of these sites are identified and discussed by Chou, “Ineffable Paths.” The black-lobed hat depicted on the figure emanating out of the Tāranātha Stūpa
can be most clearly seen in the Helsinki printing (see Chou, “Maps of Wutai Shan,” Image 6) and can be compared to nineteenth-century depictions of hats worn by
the First Mongol Jetsün DampaRje btsun dam pa, Zanabazar (1635-1723), such as seen in Berger, “Preserving the Nation,” 129, fig. 2. In essence then, it is the Mongol Jetsün DampaRje btsun dam pa who is depicted emanating out of the Tāranātha Stūpa, branding Wutai shan with a Mongol identity.

[129]
As Chou (“Ineffable Paths” and “Maps of Wutai Shan”)
points out, this is unlike the coloring of other published versions of this woodblock print, such as the one in Helsinki, which is hand colored reminiscent of popular Chinese New Year Woodblock
print (nianhua, 年畫) of Shanxi Province. The coloring of the copy in the Library of Congress conforms more to Chinese
conventions of landscape depiction (Chou, “Ineffable Paths”).

[130]
The Tibetan spells “ro bi” instead of “ri bo.” Such a basic mistake in such a
prominent place on this work suggests that the colorist who re-copied the titles that were covered over with heavy pigment was not Tibetan
literate. In the Chinese epigraphic tradition the dated colophon is extremely important, and it is unlikely that a Chinese artist would have
forgotten to recopy this section. This differs from Chou’s reading in “Maps of
Wutai Shan,” who sees a Tibetan hand at work.

[131]
Special thanks to David Newman for all of his work on the design of this valuable digital resource and to Professor Gray Tuttle for sharing his photographs of Wutai shan.

[132]
The poetic Tibetan title for this map comes from the old Chinese name for Wutai shan, “Clear and Cool Mountain”
(Qingliang shan, 清涼山, Riwo Dangsilri bo
dwangs bsil), which is the name of Wutai shan’s gazetteer,
Record of Clear and Cool Mountain (Qingliang shan zhi; composed in 1596 and revised in 1661). Riwo DangsilRi bo dwangs bsil is also the name used for Wutai shan in the title of Changja Rölpé DorjéLcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje’s Tibetan guide to Wutai shan, Zhingchok Riwo Dangsilgyi Neshé Depé Pemo Gyejé Ngotsar Nyimé NangwaZhing mchog ri bo dwangs bsil gyi gnas bshad dad pa’i padmo rgyas byed ngo mtshar nyi ma’i snang ba, from whence this map title probably comes.
Interestingly the Chinese title for the map simply calls the site “Wutai
shan,” its more common appellation. The Mongolian title follows the Tibetan, not the Chinese: Composition
of the Land of Cool-Clear Mountain (Serigün tungγalaγ aγula-yin oron-u jokiyal; see
below).

[133]
The three realms of being or world realms are: the desire realm (Döpé Kham’dod pa’i khams, kāmadhātu), the form realm (Zuk Khamgzugs khams, rūpadhātu), and the formless realm (Zukmekyi Khamgzugs med kyi khams, ārūpyadhātu).

[134]
The three buddha bodies are: dharmakaya, sambhogakaya, and nirmanakaya.

[135]
Here Mañjuśrī takes the role of the guru, or teacher,
who embodies the three jewels. While one’s teacher might be described this way, it is unusual for a deity.

[136] Rinpoché Nyingpö ZungRin po che snying po’i gzungs = Mañjuśrī-​dharma-​ratnagarbha-​dhāraṇī Sūtra ([Wenshu shili fa] Baozang tuoluoni jing, [文殊師利法]寶藏陀羅尼經)? Interestingly the
Tibetan version of the text being quoted here (Rinpoché Nyinpo ZungRin chen snying po gzungs) does not mention Mañjuśrī or
Wutai shan (the Sanskrit version of the Mañjuśrī-​dharma-​ratnagarbha-​dhāraṇī Sūtra is no longer extant). Etienne Lamotte has argued that the Chinese translation of the Flower Garland
Sūtra was “falsified” to assign Mañjuśrī a dwelling place on
Mount Wutai, just as accounts of Chinese history were refashioned long after the actual events to legitimize the bodhisattva’s long
tenure on the mountain. See: Mary Anne Cartelli, “On a Five-colored Cloud: The Songs of Mount Wutai,” The
Journal of the American Oriental Society (Oct 2004).

[137] Gyelwo Kyinkang MekyiRgyal bo kyin kang me kyi is transliterated
from the Chinese, Jingang miji wang (金剛密跡王; Soothill, Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, 281; a form of Vajrapāṇi). That the Tibetan text on the map does not use the common Tibetan name for this
deity is likely because this passage of the text is a Chinese interpolation that does not exist in the Tibetan (see footnote 10 above).
It also suggests that the text on the map was first written in Chinese and then translated into Tibetan.

[138]
The Chinese texts says “there is a country called ‘Great China’” which is omitted here.

[139]
Around large Mongolian monasteries were special lama communities called ayimag. Around Amurbayasqulangtu Monastery in northern Khalkha (Mongolia), a monastery built in honor of the Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu, were six or
so such lama communities, one of which was Sangga or Sanggai. Five to six hundred lamas lived here. This, most likely is the Sangga-yin
monastic community that is referred to. I would like to thank Brian Baumann, who translated
the Mongolian text on this map, for explaining this Mongolian term to me.

[140] Takhurétā khu re is the Mongolian name Da Khüriye, or “The Great Monastery” of the Jebtsundamba incarnations, founded in 1654,
which became the core of the capital of Mongolia, modern day Ulaanbaatar (see Atwood, “Validation by
Holiness or Sovereignty,” 566.) Interestingly Chun Rong, “Cifu si”; and Chou, “Ineffable
Paths,” take the text to say: “the disciple of Jebtsundamba from the Great Kingdom of
China (dazhenna, 大震那)…”
However I believe this to be in error, the Chinese text rather reading Dakuwei
(大窟圍), reflecting the Tibetan reading “TakhuréTā khu re” (Da Khüriye). This previous
reading of the Chinese text by Chun Rong, and followed by Chou, “Ineffable Paths,” inserts a loaded modern political meaning into this
nineteenth-century text, calling Mongolia part of China. Chou has since revised her
translation provided here.

Translated by Brian Baumann. Unfortunately a Mongolian Unicode font is not available at this time to record the actual inscription
here as done in Tibetan and Chinese above, so transliteration will have to suffice.

[145]
One of Rölpé DorjéRol pa’i rdo rje’s most significant contributions to
the production of religious images was the composition and engraving of several Tibeto-Mongolian iconographic guides with his teacher Erdeni Nomyn Khan, which were the most authoritative of the eighteenth century: the Collection of Images of Tibetan Buddhist Deities (Lamajiao Shengxiangji, 喇嘛教聖像集) and Guide to the Sacred Images of All the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas (Zhufo Pusa Shengxiangzan, 諸佛菩薩聖像贊), also called simply the Guide to the Sacred Images of All the Buddhas and Bodhisattvas (Sku brnyan sum brgya) which established the Sino-Tibetan iconic forms for the next two hundred
years. His own image is interestingly enough included in this collection of images for veneration, depicting himself with the same attributes
as Pakpa’Phags pa. Not a case of self aggrandizement, this was rather in recognition of
himself as a symbol of Manchu legitimization, sublimating himself to his role as Pakpa’Phags pa incarnate, and by extension re-affirming Qianlong in his role as Qubilai. See: Blanche Christine Olschak and Thupten Wangyal, Mystic Art of Ancient Tibet
(Boston, MA: Shambhala, 1973), no.
53; and Sushama Lohia, Lalitavajra’s Manual of Buddhist
Iconography (New Delhi: International Academy of Indian Culture, 1994), 98, no.
53. In his role in the production of images at court Changja Rölpé DorjéLcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje again bears some resemblance to Pakpa’Phags pa, who was entrusted by
Qubilai Khan to establish an Imperial Buddhist image for the Yuan dynasty, and groomed his protégé Anige for the
task of its formation and the oversight of its execution in the imperial workshops.

[149] Chou, “Ineffable Paths,” 119. This festival is also called Mañjuśrī’s birthday; see for instance Charleux (“Mongol Pilgrimages to Wutai Shan in
the Late Qing Dynasty”), who identified the image in the palanquin as Mañjuśrī.

[153] Xuanzang (玄奘), Datang xiyu ji (大唐西域記). Xuanzang’s (c. 596-664) record of his seventeen-year long trip to India, where he went to study
and gather Buddhist scriptures. Written in 646 at the behest of the emperor, Xuanzang’s
journey through over one hundred and thirty-eight states in Central Asia and India, remains one of our most valuable records of those
regions in the seventh century.

[154] Sahasrāra, cakra-caraṇatā: the
second of the thirty-two marks (lakṣaṇa) of a great personage or perfected being.

[159]
This painting is part of a larger set depicting the previous incarnations of the Penchen LamaPaṇ chen bla ma, one of the main hierarchs of the GelukDge lugs monastic order. On this composition also see Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted
Scrolls, I and II (rpt. Kyoto: Rinsen Book Co., 1980), 414.

[161]
It is possible that the five forms of Mañjuśrī may be related
to TsongkhapaTsong kha pa’s five visions of Mañjuśrī.

[162]
For a brief discussion of the historicity of Sakya PenditaSa skya paṇḍita visiting Wutai shan, see above essay and footnote
40.

[163]
In 1732 SituSi tu set up a workshop for painters and had the artist
Trinlé RappelPhrin las rab ’phel of KarshöKar shod trace and sketch older painting(s) of the Eight Great Bodhisattvas originally painted by the great artist
Könchok PendéDkon mchog phan bde of ÉE.
Könchok PendéDkon mchog phan bde was a painter of the MenriSman ris school who had been active over one century earlier as court artist of the Ninth KarmapaKarma pa and teacher of Namkha TrashiNam mkha’ bkra shis, founder of the Encampment painting tradition. The tracings of his paintings were then painted by artists from
KarshöKar shod at SituSi tu’s request. Not only does this set point to the existence of strong Chinese figural and compositional elements in pre-Encampment
style painting in the court of the Ninth KarmapaKarma pa in the sixteenth century but
also indicates what kind of models SituSi tu selected in the revival of this artistic
style. See David Jackson, Patron & Painter: Situ Panchen and the Revival of
the Encampment Style (New York, NY: Rubin Museum of Art, 2009), 10-11, 121-23, and 223.

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A set of seven paintings of this unusual theme, otherwise unknown to me in Tibetan Buddhism, can be found in the Palace Museum
in Beijing. Thanks to Jeff Watt for this
identification and bringing this set in Beijing to my attention. Another painting in the
RMA collection of Mañjuśrī Arapachana C2006.31.5 (HAR 65662) with narrative
scenes in the corners, each labeled; may belong to a related thematic set.

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There is also a painting of Maitreya in the Rubin Museum of Art (C2006.66.34 HAR 1111) of similar size and general appearance in the RMA which
has been identified by some as belonging to the same set (see for instance: http://www.himalayanart.org/image.cfm?icode=1111), and it has even been suggested that both these works date to the Tangut period (eleventh to early thirteenth century). However in comparing these two
paintings closely one notices that the painters who produced the Maitreya
composition had a good grasp of how a Chinese landscape is built up with layers of ink, using specific specialized brush techniques, such as
the “axe” texture stroke, while the painters of the Mañjuśrī painting here
employ no recognizable Chinese brushwork in this simple blue-green landscape of only distant Chinese inspiration, such as can be seen in the
rocks framing the foreground. Also, as already noted in Rhie and Thurman (Marylin Rhie and Robert Thurman, eds., Worlds of Transformation: Tibetan Art of Wisdom and
Compassion [New York, NY: Tibet
House, 1999], 198-200, no. 33), the composition of the landscape in the Maitreya painting is more consistent with paintings of Chinese forms of Avalokiteśvara, such as Water Moon Guanyin (Shuiyue Guanyin, 水月观音), opening even this identification of the central deity to question. It is almost as if within the same workshop
there are two sets of painters at work, one Chinese-trained who provided the ink landscape and the three large attendant figures at the bottom
(such as the boy sudhana), and another Tibetan-trained who painted the main figure of this red Maitreya, bearing his distinctive identifying attributes stūpa and ewer, as
well as the surrounding narrative scenes. Evidence of this hypothesis is visible on the main figure, where green pigment has abraded away to
reveal the same Tibetan painting notations visible in the Mañjuśrī painting
presented here. The early dating of these paintings to the eleventh-early thirteenth century also seems unlikely, for while certain archaic
forms such as the hats of the attendant figures in the Mañjuśrī painting do
appear, the landscape conventions employed are consistent with much later Chinese painting, such as those of the eighteenth century.