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1 II. Poverty and Welfare in Serbia and Montenegro 10. Poverty has many dimensions including income poverty and non-income poverty, with non-income poverty affecting for example an individual s education, labor market and health status as well as a household s housing situation. Both income and non-income dimensions of poverty of the population in Serbia and Montenegro are at the center of this report s analysis. This section assesses income poverty and households characteristics correlated with income poverty, while the next section reviews non-income dimensions. 1. WHO ARE THE ROMA IN SERBIA AND MONTENEGRO? 11. Identifying households and individuals and assessing the exact population figures is difficult. This is not just because of the s mobility and recent inflow into Serbia and Montenegro of displaced from Kosovo, chronic non-registration, but also because of failure to report being in the census for reasons of fear of stigmatization. In addition, in Serbia and Montenegro are internally diverse, with various sub-groups and languages. In Kosovo and Montenegro the population is particularly diverse, for example, with distinct, Ashkaelia and Egyptian communities. Moreover, there is the important difference between integrated and those who live in non-permanent settlements and precarious housing The population is a large and recently growing minority in both Serbia and Montenegro: According to the 2002 Serbian census, constituted 1.4 percent of the population (over 108,000 individuals), while estimates by NGOs and international organizations place the population, including settlement, at between 4-6 percent of the population ( ,000 individuals). Approximately 20,000, Ahkaelia and Egyptians (RAE) are estimated to live in Montenegro, making up an estimated 3.3 percent of the population. Many RAE in Serbia and Montenegro were displaced from Kosovo in the wake of the armed conflict there. In Montenegro, while 37.7 percent of RAE survey respondents were originally from Montenegro, 58.7 percent were displaced from Kosovo and 3.6 percent were refugees from the other former Yugoslav Republics, most of who had fled because of armed conflict there as well 14. According to UNHCR, an estimated 40,000 to 50,000 RAE were forced to leave Kosovo in 1999, with most of them fleeing to either Serbia or Montenegro 15. In September 2004 UNHCR estimated that there were about 18,000 IDPs living in Montenegro, of which 26 percent were estimated to be RAE 16. In Serbia, the displacement problem may be exacerbated by the recently initiated repatriation to Serbia of Kosovo refugees from Western Europe, with up to 40,000 from Germany alone. 13 Integrated were captured in the general population living standards survey (SLS) in Serbia, while settlement were surveyed separately through the 2003 SLS booster. While there is no question in the general population survey questionnaire related to ethnicity, some general population respondents identified themselves as to the interviewers and were considered integrated (21 households with 81 individuals). While this allows for a direct poverty headcount comparison, the sample of integrated is too small to allow for a representative and disaggregated discussion of individual characteristics associated with poverty, such as education or employment. 14 Data for Montenegro from Institute for Strategic Studies and Prognoses and United Nations Development Program (2003), Household Survey of, Ashkaelia and Egyptians, Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons 15 UNHCR/UN OCHA (2004) Analysis of the Situation of Internally Displaced Persons from Kosovo in Serbia and Montenegro: Law and Practice. A Legal Analysis prepared by the IDP Interagency Working Group. 16 As presented in ICRC (2005) 10

2 Box 2. Registration, documentation and access to social services Many, Ashkaelia and Egyptians, in particular IDPs, often lack all or part of basic citizenship documents required to access social services. An Oxfam/Argument survey of settlements in Belgrade in 2001 revealed that almost 40 percent of respondents did not have a valid ID card, and almost 55 percent were without a birth certificate and citizenship respectively. There is also anecdotal evidence that many RAE from Kosovo never held registration or identification documents even prior to their displacement. This creates a circular or intergenerational problem: In order to obtain basic citizenship documents, one needs to provide evidence that one was born in Serbia; however, such proof is impossible if the parents were not registered in the first place. The following table indicates the types of documents often missing and their purpose. Type of Document Birth Certificate ID Card (Lična Karta) Marriage License Work Booklet General Purpose Registration for school Obtaining citizenship card Key to many other documents Proof of residency Access to services Proof of identity Proof of Marriage Legal rights of married persons Proof of work history and qualifications Obtaining new employment Registering at Employment Bureau as unemployed Claiming pension Moreover, there is no obvious procedure to obtain or update such documents: Analysis conducted by an interagency legal working group on IDP issues, convening a number of UN organizations and NGOs, shows that presently, there is no legal mechanism in place for the chronically unregistered to become registered. With missing registration representing the primary access barrier to social services, efforts to address poverty and social exclusion of the need to begin with introducing a straightforward procedure to obtain missing documentation. Sources: UNHCR/UN OCHA (2004) Analysis of the Situation of Internally Displaced Persons from Kosovo in Serbia and Montenegro: Law and Practice. A Legal Analysis prepared by the IDP Interagency Working Group; Oxfam and Argument (2001), The Livelihood in Belgrade Settlements, Belgrade 13. The exact magnitude of living in both Serbia and Montenegro is unclear due to chronic non-registration which excludes many households from public services, in particular IDP. households and communities have for long been under-registered due to both mobility and social exclusion and related limited effort on part of the authorities to develop a full picture of demographics and residence. Even when households have secured citizenship status for some or all household members, their residence in an unregistered settlement without a formal address often exclude them from accessing services. In addition, many internally displaced, Ashkaelia and Egyptians from Kosovo who moved further north in Serbia or into Montenegro have not registered as IDPs but often mingle with the local community predominantly in the urban centers of Belgrade and Podgorica and in unofficial settlements. IDPs also remain unregistered because of missing original documentation such as birth certificates and ID cards. This non-registration locks many households out of the education system as well as social service and humanitarian assistance systems: One cannot register as an IDP without an ID card, and without an address one cannot register for an ID card. Living conditions for many displaced in Serbia and Montenegro are extremely poor, with 72 percent of displaced in Serbia living in poverty compared to 60 percent of the domicile (see Serbia poverty profile presented below). 11

3 Table 2.1: households residing in settlements in Serbia are significantly larger on average than general population households (persons, in percent) Household Size General Population Mean household size Source: Own calculations based on Serbia 2003 SLS and Booster 14. The population is substantially younger than the general population in Serbia and Montenegro: Survey results suggest significant demographic differences between and non- populations in both Serbia and Montenegro. have larger households than non-, as indicated in Table 2.1. The population in Serbia and Montenegro is also significantly younger than the general population. In both Republics, households have significantly more children than general population households. This is consistent with evidence from other countries in Central and Eastern Europe on an intergenerational poverty trap and points strongly towards the need to focus on improving educational outcomes for to break their poverty cycle. Figure 2.1 summarizes the comparative age distribution for residing in settlements and general population in Serbia, and in particular the striking difference in the share of children below the age of 14 in the populations. Figure 2.1: The residing in settlements in Serbia are significantly younger than the general population 100% 80% 60% 40% Ages 55+ Ages Ages Ages % 0% General Source: Own calculations based on Serbia 2003 SLS and booster 2. POVERTY PROFILE OF ROMA IN SERBIA 15. continue to stand out even among Serbia s and Montenegro s poor in terms of exclusion and deprivation. Figure 2.2 shows how both integrated and those living in settlements stand out from the general population in terms of poverty in Serbia, while Figure 2.3 further below presents the comparative poverty picture for RAE in Montenegro. Most remarkably, poverty for both sub-categories is dramatically higher than that among the non- internally displaced people (IDPs) and refugees. Moreover, internally displaced 12

4 settlement are substantially more likely to be poor than non-displaced settlement. There appear to be substantial differences between Serbian residing in precarious settlements and those who are more integrated. Unsurprisingly, integrated appear to be significantly less affected by poverty and social exclusion than settlement, as Figure 2.2 indicates. However, it is also notable that the risk of poverty among integrated is substantially higher than among the general population. This section attempts to develop the profile of comparative poverty and welfare for living in settlements. Figure 2.2: poverty in Serbia in 2003 stands out Poverty Headcount percent General Population IDP/refugee, non- Integrated Settlement (non-idp) Settlement (overall) Settlement (IDP) Source: Own calculations based on Serbia SLS 2003 and Booster; for definition of integrated and derivation of poverty rate, see footnote The development of the poverty lines and poverty rates in this report follows the methodology used for the 2003 Serbia and Montenegro Poverty Assessment 17. The booster survey in Serbia was based on the SLS survey and enables comparability between settlement and general population. The analysis for Montenegro uses a household survey with comparable sub-samples for Ashkaelia and Egyptians (RAE), refugees, internally displaced persons and the general population 18. Experience shows that consumption is a better proxy for welfare than income. Therefore, we build the consumption aggregate using current consumption expenditures (minus investment expenditures) as well as the imputed values of inkind food and non-food consumption based on local prices, however excluding the imputed values for housing/rent. 17. The Serbia poverty analysis differentiates between the very poor and the extremely poor, and shows significant differences between and non-. Based on the consumption data, we develop two different poverty lines for in Serbia 19 : The poverty line for the very poor and for the extremely poor. The very poor poverty line is based on the general poverty line, but excludes imputed housing rent. With settlement households likely to be spending significantly less on housing compared to the general population, if anything, their comparative poverty would be overestimated if imputed housing expenditure was included in overall household consumption. The very poor poverty line is 17 World Bank (2003), Serbia and Montenegro Poverty Assessment 18 Note that the poverty rates for and RAE between Serbia and Montenegro cannot be directly compared to each other, as they are based on differently defined samples. 19 This complements the previously identified poverty lines in the Poverty Assessment: (i) vulnerable poverty line (general poverty line + 50%, no assessment for yet), (ii) general poverty line (assessment for is impossible, as the booster is without housing imputation), (iii) poverty line for the very poor, and (iv) extreme poverty line. 13

5 based on a monthly adult equivalent 20 consumption of Dinars 3,997 for Furthermore, we develop a measure of extreme poverty by establishing the local cost of a minimum consumption basket which meets key minimum nutritional requirements 21. This extreme poverty line is based on a monthly adult equivalent consumption of Dinars 1,901. Based on this approach, we establish that 60.5 percent of the population are considered very poor, as compared to 6.1 percent of the general population. Moreover, a significant 9.8 percent of the are extremely poor, compared to negligible 0.2 percent of the general population. In addition to the simple headcount measure of poverty, which does not indicate whether all poor are equally poor, we estimate the poverty gap which reveals how far below the poverty line people are 22. The poverty gap for the general population in Serbia is 1.2 percent, while it is 19.3 percent for. Poverty severity, closely related to the poverty gap but giving a higher weight to those further away from the poverty line, is 0.4 percent for the general population and 8.4 percent for. While these results suggest that the depth of poverty among the general population is not profound, the data clearly point towards the existence of high extreme and deep poverty among. What drives these remarkable differences between poverty among and general population households? The remainder of this section presents the detailed poverty profile of the in Serbia. 18. While the drivers of poverty are similar between the residing in settlements and the general population in Serbia, their correlation appear to be much stronger for than for non-. For example, educational attainment of the household head reduces the risk of poverty much more for non- households. poverty remains very high irrespective of educational attainments of the households head. Moreover, for both populations employment is a key driver in reducing the risk of poverty, but for households the risk of poverty remains substantial even where the household head is employed. The analysis of employment status in Chapter III shows that employment is mostly informal, part-time or short-term, suggesting lower and infrequent wage income. Table 2.4 also presents the extreme poverty correlates which confirm the main drivers of poverty for. Households residing in slum-type settlements are at a significantly higher risk of being extremely poor, as are large households. Poverty risk is also strongly centered in households in which only ni language is spoken. Lack of knowledge of the local language reduces an individual s opportunities in the labor market and undermines children s educational outcomes. However, it is important to note that, even where Serbian language is the primary language, the risk of poverty remains high. As for the characteristics of the household head, those households are at high risk of poverty whose head has no education, is unemployed, lives on social protection income or is considered unable to work. Lastly, IDPs stand out from within the population in terms of poverty and deprivation. The poverty rate for IDPs stands at 72.1 percent, almost 20 percent higher than the already worryingly high poverty rate of 60 percent among the overall population. 19. Poverty among households in Serbia appears to have a gender bias and to affect children in particular. The household size correlates presented in Table 2.2 show that the larger the household, the higher the risk of poverty. This is an important insight, given that Serbia SLS data show that 45 percent of households are larger than 6 persons (see Section III of this report). With household size most often driven by the number of children, this suggests that children are at a particular risk of poverty. Moreover, while there appears to be no gender 20 Adult equivalent is defined as per the OECD scale. See World Bank (2003) for details. 21 This follows an approach proposed by Ravallion (1992). 22 Poverty gap and severity is based on the very poor poverty lines respectively in both Republics. 14

6 bias for poverty among the general population, female-headed household are significantly more at risk of poverty and extreme poverty than male-headed households. Table 2.2: Main poverty correlates in Serbia (poverty rates, in percent) Very Poor Extremely poor Characteristics of the Household Head General population Total Type of Settlement Slums Rural settlements in towns Poor rural settlements Suburban settlements Household size Gender Male Female Current residential status Serbian citizen IDP or refugee Education of the Household Head No Schooling Elementary Vocational (1-2 years) Vocational (3-4 yrs) or gymnasium Employment of the Household Head Employed Works, unofficial Others, working Unemployed Pensioners social protection income Housewife Unable to work Language spoken in Household Only Only Serbian Combination and Serbian Other Source: Own calculations based on Serbia 2003 SLS and Booster; relates to households residing in settlements 20. Multivariate analysis of poverty in Serbia confirms these findings: The previous paragraphs presented the univariate analysis of poverty, i.e. how poverty rates differ across households based on single differentiating characteristics such as employment status or educational attainment of the household head. However, often many such characteristics are correlated amongst each other. For example, households headed by an individual with low 15

7 educational attainments faces a higher risk of poverty. However, household heads who have low educational attainments may also face a higher probability of being unemployed. And, finally, unemployment status is correlated with a higher probability of being poor. This raises the question whether low educational attainment has a direct impact on poverty risk, or whether its impact channels though the employment status, or whether it is a mixture of both. Multivariate poverty analysis will help answer these questions. For this purpose we run a regression of log adult equivalent consumption on a set of household characteristics on the Serbia dataset. The regression results are presented in detail in Annex 3. Most explanatory variables have their expected signs, albeit with varying significance. Household size and geography (rural) are negatively related to household welfare, with the household size correlation with household poverty being strongly significant. Indicators of unemployment or less than full formal employment are negatively associated with household welfare, with unemployment status, inability to work and receipt of social protection income figuring most strongly and being highly significant. As expected, education is positively related with household welfare, with increasing returns to education status. The type of settlement is positively related with household welfare if the reference is being resident in a slum. The status of being a minority household in the community is more strongly related with household poverty than a majority status. Lastly, any ability of household members to speak languages in addition to ni is positively related with household welfare and strongly significant. Figure 2.3: RAE poverty stands out from other groups in Montenegro in 2003 Poverty Headcount percent General Population IDPs Refugees RAE Source: Own calculations based on ISSP POVERTY PROFILE OF ROMA, ASHKAELIA AND EGYPTIANS IN MONTENEGRO 21. Although poverty in Montenegro is high, the analysis indicates less striking diversions in poverty rates between RAE and other vulnerable groups such as refugees and displaced persons. To construct the RAE poverty profile for Montenegro, we replicate the approach presented above: Using the 2003 ISSP dataset for Montenegro which includes the general population, RAE, refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), we adjust the previously used poverty line of Euro per person per month to Euro 84 by excluding imputed housing rent (using the same approach as for the Serbia dataset). The reason is that the inclusion of imputed rent is expected to overestimate poverty for RAE. This report introduces rates for the very poor, compared to the previously identified poverty rates for RAE (previously 52.3 percent) as well as refugees (previously 38.8 percent) and IDPs (previously 38.6 percent). Figure 2.3 and Table 2.3 present the new very poor poverty rates for all categories. The poverty rate for RAE is almost 40 percent, ten percentage points above that of refugees, though roughly equal for internally displaced and domicile RAE (39.2 and 40.5 percent respectively). While RAE 16

8 poverty in Montenegro does not stand out as much as in Serbia, it is significantly more profound than for the other vulnerable categories and the general population. The poverty gap for RAE is 18.3 percent compared to 10.2 and 7.5 percent for non-rae refugees and IDPs respectively and 1.9 percent for the general population. Moreover, poverty severity for RAE is 11.5 percent, compared to 4.8 percent for refugees, 2.7 percent for IDPs and 0.7 percent for the general population. 22. The drivers of poverty in Montenegro are similar across RAE, refugees and IDPs and the general population, while varying in relevance. Table 2.3 summarizes the main poverty correlates for RAE, Refugees, IDPs and general population in Montenegro. Household size for example is clearly correlated with poverty in all sub samples, and the rates for RAE do not stand out from IDPs and refugee populations. Location of residence is a key correlate of poverty, with residence in the economically more active south of Montenegro being related with lower poverty rates for all captured groups, except RAE whose poverty rates remain well above country average regardless 23. Educational attainments, or the lack thereof, are a key driver of poverty for all groups, but for IDPs and refugees oven more so than for RAE. Household size is positively related with the risk of poverty for all groups, although poverty rates by household size are found to be lower for RAE than for IDPs and refugees. The analysis of the correlation of employment characteristics of the household head produces a striking result which shows that employment is significantly less likely to reduce poverty for RAE than for any other group, suggesting that many employed RAE are actually working poor, possibly driven by more precarious informal employment. Table 2.3: Main poverty correlates in Montenegro (Poverty Rate, in percent) Characteristics of the Household Head RAE Refugees IDPs General Montenegro Total Location South Center North Household Size Gender of the Household Head Male Female Education of the Household Head Primary or lower Secondary Higher N/A N/A 0.6 Employment Status of the Household Head Working Job search/unemployed Working age inactive N/A 4.2 Retired Source: Own calculation based on ISSP The discrepancy of poverty rates in Southern Montenegro between RAE and other groups has been explained by point to the fact that there are no official collective centers for the displaced in the southern regions, and many RAE families there live in particularly precarious unofficial collective centers which have been covered in the survey. 17

9 23. There are significant differences in the Serbia and Montenegro survey results in terms of comparative poverty rates and profiles between and other vulnerable groups in the population. In Serbia, poverty of residing in settlements stands out significantly from overall poverty and poverty among IDPs and refugees. In Montenegro, these differences are less pronounced. One possible explanation is that, while the Serbia SLS booster survey explicitly covered settlement which are known to be facing deep poverty and deprivation, and not integrated households, the Montenegro survey has not made that explicit distinction and may have covered in particular the latter, less poor group. In order to shed more light onto the issue of comparative poverty and social exclusion in particular, it is useful to also analyze non-income dimensions of poverty which we do in the next section. 18

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