Protests in Hong Kong: The Umbrella Movement

October 24, 2014
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October 24, 2014
Protests in Hong Kong: The Umbrella Movement
an estimated 100,000 people gathered in Admiralty, and
hundreds rallied in Causeway Bay and Mong Kok,
protesting the use of tear gas and supporting the protests.
A Brief History of the Protests
Hong Kong’s protests, dubbed the “Umbrella Movement”
by its organizers, began on September 23, 2014, when a
group of university students organized by the Hong Kong
Federation of Students (HKFS) and another student
organization called Scholarism, marched through central
Hong Kong to protest against the China’s National People’s
Congress Standing Committee’s (NPCSC) August 31,
2014, decision, which would restrict the number of and
manner in which candidates for the city’s next Chief
Executive may be selected. The NPCSC decision could lead
to the election of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage,
as provided for in Hong Kong’s Basic Law (which grants
Hong Kong’s “high degree of autonomy” under China’s
“one country, two systems” policy) and the NPCSC’s
December 2007 decision.
In the days immediately following the march, thousands of
protestors gathered in Tamar Park, the site of Hong Kong’s
main government buildings, calling for a meeting with
Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying (C. Y. Leung). The
Hong Kong government declared the demonstrations
illegal, and called for the protesters to leave Tamar Park.
Early on September 26, a group of students evaded a police
cordon and staged a sit-in at an open air courtyard outside
of the Hong Kong government’s main office building,
known as Civic Square. After some clashes between the
police and the students, several students were arrested. On
September 28, another group, Occupy Central with Love
and Peace (OCLP), announced its decision to support the
ongoing student protests.
An estimated 30,000–50,000 people gathered in Admiralty
(near Tamar Park) on September 28, in response to a call
from HKFS and Scholarism. Around 6:00 pm, Hong Kong
police fired over 80 rounds of tear gas into the crowd of
protesters and sprayed others with pepper spray. Protesters
used umbrellas to shield themselves from the pepper spray
and tear gas, prompting the protesters to adopt the umbrella
as the symbol of the demonstrations. Police officers in riot
gear attempted to disperse the protesters, but were
unsuccessful. The following day, Chief Secretary Carrie
Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor announced the postponement of
previously announced public consultations on election
reforms until “we have settled down for a while the
sentiments that we are now seeing in society.”
The use of tear gas, pepper spray, and riot gear appeared to
rally greater support for the protests, as well as spread the
demonstrations across Hong Kong Island and Kowloon.
Some protesters fled the tear gas and gathered in Causeway
Bay and Mong Kok. On the nights of September 29 and 30,
Over the following week, the number of demonstrators at
the three main locations—Admiralty, Causeway Bay, and
Mong Kok—declined, but the Hong Kong government
appeared to make no overt effort to stop the demonstrations.
In addition, anti-protest groups appeared, complaining
about the economic impact and inconvenience caused by
the protests, especially in Mong Kok.
On October 8, the Hong Kong government and HKFS
agreed to hold talks on October 10. Following the
announcement of the scheduled talks, the demonstration
leaders announced a rally on the afternoon of October 10.
On October 9, Chief Secretary Lam told the press that she
had cancelled the talks because she “realised that the basis
for a constructive dialogue between us and the students has
been seriously undermined.”
On October 14, the Hong Kong police cleared some of the
barricades blocking roads in Admiralty and Causeway Bay,
reducing the footprint of the protests. During the police
action, seven officers were filmed by a local television
station, kicking and beating a handcuffed protester, later
identified by the Hong Kong police as Ken Tsang Kin-chiu,
a member of the pro-democracy Civic Party. The seven
officers have been suspended, pending an investigation.
Two days later, the police dismantled the barricades and
tents in Mong Kok, but protesters reassembled hours later,
blocking a major road in Mong Kok. On October 16, Chief
Executive Leung announced that the Hong Kong
Government was reaching out to HKFS via unnamed
“middlemen” to reschedule the cancelled talks. Those talks
were held live on local television on the evening of October
21, but yielded no specific results.
Since the release of the NPCSC decision, the Chinese
government has repeatedly publicly expressed its
confidence in the ability of the Hong Kong government to
handle the protests. Chinese officials have also cautioned
other governments to refrain from interfering in the
“internal affairs” of China. Coverage of the Hong Kong
protests is heavily censored in mainland China, and the
official Chinese media have alleged that “external forces”
are supporting the protests.
Protest Organizers
The demonstrations in Hong Kong are being led by three
separate organizations—the Hong Kong Federation of
Students, Scholarism, and Occupy Central with Love and
Peace—but their control over the protestors reportedly is
limited, especially in Mong Kok.
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Protests in Hong Kong: The Umbrella Movement
The Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS)
The Hong Kong Federation of Students (HKFS) is an
association of the student organizations at Hong Kong’s
eight largest universities. Its Secretary-General is Alex
Chow Yong-kang, who has been one of the leaders of the
Umbrella Movement. The HKFS Vice Secretary, Lester
Shum Ngo-fai, has also been a major figure in the
demonstrations.
Scholarism (HKFS)
Scholarism is an organization of high school and university
students. Its co-founder, Joshua Wong Chi-fung, gained
prominence in Hong Kong in 2012 when he organized
opposition to a “moral and national education” curriculum
the Chinese government wanted the Hong Kong goverment
to introduce in Hong Kong schools. Wong helped organize
a rally of over 100,000 people after which the Hong Kong
government withdrew plans to introduce the curriculum.
Occupy Central with Love and Peace (OCLP)
Established in March 2013 by Professor Chan Kin-man,
Rev. Chu Yiu-ming, and Professor Benny Tai Yiu-ting,
OCLP is a grassroots organization that had originally
planned to stage a large-scale sit-in in Central, Hong
Kong’s main business and financial center, if the Hong
Kong government did not propose election reforms that
meet “international standards in relation to universal
suffrage,” including “no unreasonable restrictions on the
right to stand for election.”
In June 2014, OCLP organized an informal poll in which
nearly 793,000 registered voters participated. A plurality
(42%) selected an option which allows for civil nomination,
political party nomination, and nomination by the
nominating committee. The PRC and Hong Kong
governments called the Occupy Central poll “illegal” and
“invalid.” OCLP reportedly has generally followed the lead
of HKFS and Scholarism during the protests.
Non-violent Civil Disobedience
Since the beginning of the protests, the three main
organizing groups have remained committed to the
principles of non-violent civil disobedience. OCLP posted a
“Manual on Disobedience” on its webpage, describing the
philosophy and rules of non-violent civil disobedience. The
vast majority of the protesters have complied with the call
for non-violence, and the organizers have trained members
to intervene when tensions flare.
Obama Administration Response
White House and State Department officials reportedly
have raised the issue of democratic reforms in Hong Kong
with senior Chinese officials during private meetings.
Following the release of the NPCSC decision, State
Department Spokesperson Jen Psaki stated that the U.S.
government “supports universal suffrage in Hong Kong, in
accordance with the Basic Law and the aspirations of the
Hong Kong people.” On September 29, White House Press
Secretary Josh Earnest reiterated U.S. support for universal
suffrage in Hong Kong, and stated, “The United States
urges the Hong Kong authorities to exercise restraint and
for the protesters to express their view peacefully.”
On the same day, the U.S. Consulate in Hong Kong issued a
statement consistent with Earnest’s statement, but added,
“We do not take sides in the discussion of Hong Kong’s
political development, nor do we support any particular
individuals or groups involved in it.” In addition, the White
House, in response to an online petition that received over
197,000 signatures, wrote, “We believe the legitimacy of
the Chief Executive will be greatly enhanced if the Basic
Law’s ultimate aim of selection of the Chief Executive by
universal suffrage is fulfilled and the election provides the
people of Hong Kong a genuine choice of candidates
representative of the voters’ will.”
Congressional Response
Members of Congress from both chambers, and from both
parties, have expressed concerns over the situation in Hong
Kong, and support for democratic reforms in Hong Kong.
Senator Marco Rubio wrote to Secretary Kerry, urging him
to “clearly speak out against this recent decision by the
NPCSC and to work with your Chinese counterparts to
ensure that Beijing does not further limit Hong Kong’s
promised autonomy and its ability to move toward full
democracy.…” Senator Menendez wrote to Chef Executive
Leung, calling on him to “exercise your leadership to
guarantee your citizens, the people of Hong Kong, receive
the full democratic rights and freedoms that they have been
promised and which they deserve.”
What to Expect
It is uncertain how much longer the demonstrations will
continue, or if and when the Hong Kong police will attempt
to disperse the protestors and dismantle their camps. Each
instance in which police have tried to do so appears to have
rallied popular support for the protesters and increased the
number of people at each protest site. It is also unclear if
the October 21 talks will provide the basis for the end of the
demonstrations. The Hong Kong government’s perceived
inflexibility regarding the NPCSC’s decision and its efforts
to break up the demonstrations had led the HKFS and
Scholarism to doubt Chief Executive Leung’s sincerity.
Similarly, the Hong Kong government questions the
willingness or ability of the student leadership to end the
demonstrations, regardless of the results of the talks.
More Information
For more information see CRS Reports: China's Leaders
Quash Hong Kong's Hopes for Democratic Election
Reforms (IN10146); Hong Kong’s Summer for Democracy?
(IN10114); Prospects for Democracy in Hong Kong: The
2012 Election Reforms (R40992); and Prospects for
Democracy in Hong Kong: China’s December 2007
Decision (RS22787).
Michael F. Martin, mfmartin@crs.loc.gov, 7-2199
www.crs.gov | 7-5700
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