Mazowiecki's personal secretary, Michal Prochwicz, told The Associated Press that the former prime minister died early Monday in hospital. Prochwicz said Mazowiecki was taken to hospital Wednesday, with a high fever.

A lawyer by trainingcovers for samsung galaxy, a writer and thinker by temperament, Mazowiecki was well equipped for his role in ousting communism from Poland and shaping a democracy. As prime minister, he called for drawing a "thick line" to separate the communist past from new Poland, a much-criticized position which contributed to his ouster after a year in office.

He made a crucial decision in August 1980 to join thousands of workers on strike at the Gdansk Shipyard to demand restitution of a job for fired colleagueTranslate English to Chinese, Anna Walentynowicz, better pay and a monument to workers killed in the 1970 protest. Within days, their action grew into a massive wave of strikes that gave birth to Solidarity, Eastern Europe's first free trade union and a nationwide freedom movement, led by a charismatic shipyard electrician, Lech Walesa, whose name quickly became known around the globe.

Walesa later said that "everybody was very glad that the intellectuals are with the workers. It was a very important signal for the authorities."

From the days of the strike until well into Poland's democracy in the 1990s, Mazowiecki was among Walesa's closest counselors. He advised Walesa in the tough yet successful negotiations with the communists, who granted union and civic freedoms in 1980.

He shared Walesa's lot in the bleak days of martial law that Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski imposed Dec.13, 1981, to curb the freedom that had irritated Moscow. Under the military clampdown Solidarity was outlawed, the economy stagnated and Walesa, his advisers, and hundreds of Solidarity activists were imprisoned for many months.

Mazowiecki spent one year in confinement. When released, he returned to Walesa's side and also wrote analytical reports about the deep stagnation of social and economic life under the rule of the military.

The hardships, shortages and a lack of prospects inspired a new wave of strikes in 1988. Mazowiecki walked arm in arm with Walesa at the head of angry workers marching through the streets of Gdansk. The protests brought the communists to the negotiating table to discuss the terms of democratization with Walesa, Mazowiecki, and other Solidarity leaders. Mazowiecki authored many of these terms.

The outcome was Eastern Europe's first partly free parliamentary election. The June 4, 1989, vote gave Solidarity seats in parliament and —hard to believe at the time — paved the way for the first democratic government in the cracking communist bloc. In September, Mazowiecki became the region's first democratic prime minister. A popular picture in which he flashes a V-for-victory sign to the chamber became the symbol of Poland's triumph over the oppressive communism.

Mazowiecki began working as a journalist and editor for Catholic magazines in the late 1940s. A declared believer, he undertook the impossible task of carving a space for ethics and religious views in politics under the anti-church communist system, imposed on Poland as a result of World War II.

In the 1960s he served as a Catholic lawmaker, but his protest in parliament against use of force on protesting students in 1968 and his demands for explanations of the deaths of dozens of shipyard workers protesting price hikes in 1970 provoked the communist authorities to expel him from his seat.

The 1970s marked Mazowiecki's growing involvement in independent, often clandestine think tanks that educated Poles toward democracy and civic rights. Mazowiecki supported and advised workers' protests — still few at the time and kept secret by the communists.

Poland's peaceful revolution set in motion rapid freedom changes in other countries of the region — climaxing in the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989.

Usually serious and pensive, Mazowiecki showed a flash of humor during his historic policy speech in parliament, when he suddenly felt faint. Returning to the floor after a lengthy break, he drew applause by saying that the stress and hard work had brought his condition down to the level of Poland's dilapidated economy.

His government was hastily composed of Solidarity backers, who were experts in their fields but had no experience in running a country. Still, they accomplished a milestone task: In a matter of months they laid foundations for a new democratic state.

"I had this very strong conviction that we will make it, that we will be able to build the foundations of a new state on those ruins. That we must be successful," Mazowiecki said in a 2004 interview.

The finance minister, Leszek Balcerowicz, gained universal respect for his unprecedented plan of stringent economic reforms that halted rampant inflation, made the local currency — the zloty — convertible, curbed central governance and paved the way for private business and for a market economy. The painful effect was a sudden, high unemployment from closed steel mills and state-run farms, which still clouds Balcerowicz's reputation in Poland.

Mazowiecki also was accused of leniency for the communists, and many thought the "thick line" amounted to turning a blind eye to past evils. In retrospect, he believed his phrase was "right and wise."

Mazowiecki's critics point to the general impunity of communist leaders, the authors of the martial law that led to the deaths of some 100 people. Jaruzelski was defendant in two trials —concerning martial law and the 1970 workers' deaths — but they were discontinued due to his poor health before verdicts were reached. Only a handful of secret security agents have been brought to justice, while many communist-era politicians started successful businesses and are among the nation's richest people.

The price of the reforms was high. Mazowiecki's government stint ended abruptly when he unexpectedly lost in the 1990 first free presidential election to a complete unknown, a Polish emigre from Peru, Stan Tyminski. Walesa won in the runoff.

"This government's role was to make this painful beginning. We did not try to arouse hopes which could not be fulfilled."— Tadeusz Mazowiecki, address ending his 15-month term as Poland's first non-communist leader."This government's role was to make this painful beginning," Mazowiecki said in an address ending his 15-month term as the former East bloc's first non-communist leader. "We did not try to arouse hopes which could not be fulfilled."

In 1992 Mazowiecki was appointed the first U.N. envoy to war-torn Bosnia and widely reported on atrocities there. Angered by a lack of international reaction to the killings, which he termed as war crimes, he resigned in 1995 after the fall of Srebrenica. Serb troops overran the city and killed some 8,000 Muslim men and boys, despite Srebrenica being declared by U.N. forces as a safe heaven. At the time of Mazowiecki's resignation the U.N. was already seeking to react with force, but his move was an additional impulse, although seen by some as backing out.

Mazowiecki said at the time that his resignation was "all I can do for these people to tell the world, the Western and U.N. leaders that the situation cannot go on this way."

He continued as lawmaker and politician in Poland and co-authored the 1997 Constitution. He served as adviser to President Bronislaw Komorowski since 2010.

Mazowiecki was born April 18, 1927, in the central city of Plock to the deeply religious family of medical doctor, Bronislaw Mazowiecki. His father died in 1938.

In an interview for the Plock edition of Gazeta Wyborcza, Mazowiecki said he remembered going with his father to bakeries to have whipped-cream cakes. He also remembered being terrified of the dentist to the degree that anesthesia had to be used on him.

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Micro-investing app Stash has raised an additional $40 million in Series C funding, the company announced this morning, following rapid growth in terms of sign-ups from new users – 86 percent of whom are first-time investors. The startup’s app is designed to help ease people into investing by allowing anyone to start with as little as $5, then build a portfolio you contribute more to over time.

Stash competes in a market that’s now rife with apps for those looking for less traditional ways to invest, ranging from robo-advisors like Betterment, stock trading apps like Robinhood, and rival micro-investing apps like PayPal-backed Acorn, among others.

In Stash’s case, users don’t need to have a large amount of money set aside before getting started with their investment plans. Instead, you can set up an account in just a couple of minutes by connecting Stash’s app to your bank account. You can then access over 35 different investment options and receive personalized guidance to create your first portfolio.

Of course, because investments of small change will only lead to small results, the larger goal here is to get users comfortable with investing, so they’ll begin to automate the process by regularly transferring larger sums from their bank account, through the app’s “Auto-Stash” feature.

Like many others in this space, Stash aims to appeal to younger users and first-time investors, who are afraid of investing and uncomfortable using traditional tools. The company also notes that other people previously locked out of the market – like freelancers, military personnel, and teachers – are now using its tool to not only invest, but learn financial strategies Local Express.

This plan seems to be working. Stash says it’s now servicing over 850,000 users accounts, the majority having been created by a group of people who had never before invested their money. In 2017, the company said it added over half a million new investors to its platform, with over 25,000 new users joining every week.

Users can also customize their investments to their own beliefs and interests, Stash says, as it teaches you about the different sectors in an accessible, jargon-free way. Its financial education platform is today being accessed by over 1.5 million content subscribers, the company adds.

Stash in December had raised a $25 million Series B round, so this additional $40 million brings the startup’s total raise to date to $78 million – all raised under two years’ time.

The new round was led by Coatue Management, an investor in Snap and China’s Didi Chuxing art supplies storage.

“Stash is disrupting the financial services industry by removing barriers and making investing more approachable and accessible to the 100 million-plus Americans on the sidelines,” said Coatue’s Founder and Portfolio Manager Philippe Laffont, in a statement. “Its rapid growth in a short period of time shows that Stash has found a way to transform how Americans manage their money and gain financial independence,” he added.

Existing investors Breyer Capital, Goodwater Capital, and Valar Ventures also joined the Series C round. The startup is now valued at $240 million, according to Business Insider.

The company says it plans to use its new funding for further investment in its own technology and data analytics, which will allow it to offer more personalization, educational tools and other new products. One such product in the works, Stash Retire, will be launched on mobile this summer stable vpn.