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VMJiDi 4 Women were part of a recent 27 hour occupation of the Premier's Vancouver offices. Why were they there? 6 The federal government is heading toward some pension reform for Canada's seniors. What are the facts facing women and pensions and why does VSW differ from NAC in regards to proposed pensions for homemakers as a solution to the problem? 7 Women had a high profile at the recent World Council of Churches conference held here in Vancouver. But how committed is the Council to welcoming a feminist perspective into its decisions? Barbara Blakely reports. 8 Against a lot of odds, the women of Comiso, Italy have established a women's peace camp. Monika Grunberg recently interviewed two women who had visited the Sicilian October *83 camp and describes the situation of women peace activists in this U.S. military outpost. 11 Kinesis includes a special supplement on Abortion this month and questions in its opening article whether or not men have taken over the debate. 14 In 1970, a caravan of women travelled across country to declare war on the federal government for its limited initiative on the abortion question. Margo Dunn, who was part of the action, tells us the story. 19 Top Girls is a new feminist play in town. Pamela Harris interviewed the cast and director at a special preview/dinner held in late September. 20 Are white feminists really listening to women of color? Cy-Theo Sand reviews two recent journals written and compiled by women of color collectives. COVER: Design by Claudia MacDonald. Photos from Kinesis file. SUBSCRIBE TO KIMMJIJ Published 10 times a year by Vancouver Status of Women 400A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8 □ VSW membership - includes Kinesis subscription - $20 (or what you can afford) □ Kinesis subscription only - $13 □ Institutions - $40 CD Sustainers - $75" Name _ Amount Enclosed_ Please remember that VSW operates on inadequate funding — we need member support! KIMMSiJ Women and children picnic against the budget By Jan DeGrass Kids were a special presence at a combination picnic and anti-budget day in Grand- view Park, Saturday, September 25th marking the end of the Solidarity Coalition's third "week of action"; this one focussing on the effects, of the legislation on women and children. Picnic organizer Ellen Shapiro, part of the B.C. Daycare Action Coalition, said that the organizers wanted a "fun, festive event that would get children involved This budget has some awful repercussions for children in the province," she said. "It's amazing how much the kids are aware of that." Children were part of the planning committee to develop the day's activities. They designed a sticker featuring a Pacman chomping on the words, "Kids Against the Budget". They rewrote the solidarity petition into their own language: "only for up-to-19 year olds", and two of the teenagers, Britannia student Jesse Frank and 13 year-old "Michelle Hoeppner, were the keynote speakers before the assembled mothers, tots and community supporters. In her speech, Michelle pointed to just some of the ways that kids and their parents are discriminated against: finding adequate housing,, especially in an "Adults only" apartment, and the negative attitude many stores have toward children, ignor ing their needs or short changing the smaller ones. Jesse spoke about how much harder it would go with school teachers after the education restraints were in place and about the dismal future for sexually-abused kids or children from homes that badly need family support workers. Judging by the exhibits of colourful hand- drawn posters, there was lots more the kids had to say about this anti-children budget: "The reason' Bennett doesn't care about human rights is because he's not human, right?" said one of the first messages to be pinned to a tree in the park. And: "Why does Bennet spend our money on highways when he can make B.C. Penitentiary into a casino and make money and give people jobs?" which shows at least one kid may be thinking more creatively than a majority of the legislature. Perhaps because the sun shone brightly and, as one woman put it, "we all need a relief from demonstration tension" most of the adults present didn't worry too much about whether the message was being heard in Victoria. Stop the attack on Women and Children THE BUDGET HURTS WOMEN Women work hard. Many women already do 2 jobs: one at home and one in the work place. The new budget will make our work harder. It will cut out services for you and your family. It will mean worse working conditions and wages. Women have, fought hard for these services. Women have fought hard for better working conditions and wages. Now the government is taking them away from us. WHAT DOES THE BUDGET MEAN TO YOU? • You may lose your day care subsidy. • Your welfare cheque is frozen. That means your cheque will stay the same size although prices will go up. • Did your mother or grandmother do without medical care because the family couldn't afford it? You might too. Health costs are going to go up. • If you buy something and find that the seller tricked or cheated you, the government won't help you. They are closing the Consumer's Centres. • You may lose your job. The government fired many hospital workers, teachers and social workers. Most of them were women. • Are you an immigrant? There may be no room for you in an English class. • You may not be able to go to the Senior Citizens' Centres because 35 of them are • You may not be able to afford to phone your family because there are new phone taxes. • Are you a lesbian? You know you were never very safe. You could be fired or lose your home or children. There's a bigger danger now because you won't be able to get help from the Human Rights Branch. — B.C. government cuts back VSW — Vancouver Status of Women is in an urgent funding crisis. At the end of September, the Provincial Government cutback our already barebones budget of $97,769 to $83,492. At the beginning of the fiscal year we had applied for a desperate five percent increase. Now, midway through the year, we have received a cutback which in effect amounts to 20 percent. VSW's five staff, funded through the Attorney-General's office, currently net $1,000 a month. Our operating budget has not been sufficient to meet escalating inflation costs for several years. We are asking our members and concerned friends to contact the office to let us know how they can help with the situation. "There's no reason why we can't have and protest at the same time," said Renate Shearer, one of the few adult speakers at the picnic. Renate, a former Human Rights officer, and a social planner, now sits on the administration committee for the Solidarity Coalition. In her expressive speech she reminded us of a time when the Human Rights Code enacted a law to protect us. That law spoke about "reasonable cause" and helped protect women from wrongful dismissal from their jobs, usually brought about in cases of sexual harassment. "The same chance for everyone - that's the bottom line of human rights", she said. The theme of the budget's affect on children laps over into next week with a public meeting on Oct. 5th, 7:30p.m. at Tem- pleton High School, sponsored by the B.C. Daycare Action Coalition. Greenham Visitor Two women will undertake a cross-country tour in October and November of this year to provide peace and women's groups with information about the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp at Greenham Common, England, and the recently established women's peace camp at Cole Bay, Saskatchewan. Sicily peacecamp: p.8 Aggie Jakubska, who has camped at Greenham almost since the camp's inception, and also helped set up the women's peace camp in Comiso, Italy, will be joined by Monika Gruenberg of Vancouver, who spent some time at Greenham and played a part in the Women Gathering to Stop the Cruise Peace Camp/ Ritual/Action in Cole Bay this August. Their tour will include personal accounts, as well as a film of some of the Greenham actions; a slide show; information about the cruise missile and women's actions to stop its deployment; and photos and materials from Cole Bay. continued on p. 9 2 Kinesis October'83 MOVEMENT MATTERS Post-partum faces shutdown On Oct. 31, 1983 Post Partum Counselling is scheduled to close down. When this happens 11 years of valuable feminist knowledge and experience will be lost. As B.C.G.E.U. members and feminists we are faced with a huge dilemna. At this time the union is asking that workers not seek funding for discontinued programs. The reasons for this are obvious: 1) funded workers would be asked to perform the same service for less pay, no job security, no benefits and no protection from abuse by an employer; 2) the union would lose its members; 3) seeking funding would be an agreement with government that services could and should be privatized. The staff at Post Partum Counselling do not want to play into the government's hands. We respect our union's position but the consequences may be that once again the knowledge women have accumulated over the last decade will be lost. Post Partum Counselling started 11 years ago when a number of Vancouver women realized that the work of taking care of small children was isolating them and causing them to experience severe depression. Very soon these women developed a way of helping each other. Each woman who had survived a depression supported a woman whc was currently depressed. The "women helping women" model developed further as experienced women became staff and supported less experienced women who became volunteer counsellors. The staff was able to provide consistency and to take the responsibility for women in high risk situations. Although the service ended up as part of M.H.R., we have managed KtMMJiJ KINESIS is published ten times a year by Vancouver Status of Women. Its objectives are to enhance understanding about the changing position of women in society and work actively towards achieving social change. VIEWS EXPRESSED IN KINESIS are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect VSW policy. All unsigned material is the responsibility of the Kinesis editorial group. CORRESPONDENCE: Kinesis, Vancouver Status of Women, 400 A West 5th Ave., Vancouver, B.C. V5Y 1J8. MEMBERSHIP in Vancouver Status of Women is $20/year (or what you can afford). This includes a subscription to Kinesis. Individual subscriptions to Kinesis are $13/year. SUBMISSIONS are welcome. We reserve the right toedit, and submission does not guarantee publication. WORKERS THIS ISSUE: Libby Barlow, Jan Berry, Frances Bula, Jan De- Grass, Cole Dudley, Dorothy Elias, Mich Hill, Nicky Hood, Kim Irving, Emma Kivisild, Barbara Kuhne, Janet Lakeman, Arlene Lamont, Cat L'Hi- rondelle, Claudia MacDonald, Ruth Meechan, Rosemarie Rupps and Cindy Shore. KINESIS is a member of the Canadian Periodical Publishers' Association. to keep the program's feminist perspective. The staff are women who have themselves been through a post partum depression. One of. the most powerful aspects of Post Partum Counselling is that it reaches women in the suburbs and in traditional family situations. They come to groups led by feminist counsellors and often for the first time they experience the support of other women and see the common issues in their lives. Many go on to form their own support groups. We are proud of the way many women's.lives have been changed by their contact with us. So our commitment is three-fold: 1) to provide a feminist service to depressed mothers; 2) to the union; 3) to ourselves - we do not want to be abused by this government. jssIkSs^' We are in a total quandry as to what to do. If any other group is facing this particular dilemna could you please contact us at 736-2501. (Post Partum Counselling - Fran Moore, Penny Handford, Trisha Joel, Allison Howard," Sandra Knight) VSW plans discussion series Vancouver Status of Women has co-ordinated the following three-evening discussion series on topics of importance for women. The series will be held at VSW, 400 A W. 5th Ave.(5th & Yukon) from 7:30 - 10p.m. There will be no charge and childcare will be provided if you call ahead to make arrangements. A Look At How Older Women Live - Tues., Oct. 18. Older women will be speaking about their living situations - seniors residences, co-ops, shared homes and private homes. They will talk about the family, financial and other circumstances that effected their choices, what they like and don't like about where they live and what they want in their future. Sexual Harassment - Wed., Oct. 26. Resource women will be presenting information on definitions of sexual harassment, union contract clauses, the impact of recent human rights cuts and human rights codes in other provinces. Pornography and Violence - Tues., Nov. 1. A discussion evening on how pornography is used to ensure the control and domination of women; and how pornography relates to an overall system of violent coercion in our culture (i.e. militarism, sexual violence and racism). Please call Patty Moore at 873-1427 to .request childcare or for more information. Feminist actions stop "Snuff film by Elizabeth Dworan New York - Not for good, and not everywhere. But for now, and at least from the 8th St. Playhouse, a Greenwich Village "art" cinema, showing of the movie Snuff has been blocked. The movie, a nonstop panorama of violence against women which ends with a woman being tortured, disemboweled and murdered, was being shown Mon. nights, advertised by a poster which showed a woman having her neck split open with a pair \of scissors held by anonymous hands. The ad copy read, "Made in South America, Where Life is Cheap." Snuff last played in New York in 1976, when feminists organized an ongoing picket for several weeks outside the midtown theatre where it was being shown. The theatre manager had responded indifferently to the picket, reporting simply that if anything, it was bringing in business. This time around, some women decided that picketing was not enough. Horrified community members and women's groups had been calling the theatre's owner, Steve Hirsh, for the first two weeks of the film's showing, to protest. Women Against Pornography had planned a legal picket for the subsequent week. By the second week, however, a group of feminists had taken direct action, painting the facade of the theatre and the front sidewalk with the message "STOP SNUFF - A WOMAN WAS KILLED HERE." WAP disclaimed all knowledge of the action. Hirsch then agreed to meet with representatives of women's groups the following day to screen the film and discuss their objections. The meeting resulted in his promise to pull the film - though not before showing it as scheduled the following week. The theatre's tape machine played a message which went, "Monday is your last night to see Snuff. Members of the community have been offended by the film, and we don't want to offend anyone." Boeing blockade planned The Puget Sound Women's Peace Camp is calling for a mass encirclement by women of'ñ†the Boeing Plant in Kent, Washington. The encirclement will take place on October 24th, from 6 am to 6 pm. . Any women who can make it to Kent on the 24th are urged to participate. Come self-sufficient, and come colourful. The Puget Sound Women's Camp is outside the Boeing Plant, where cruise missiles are produced. If you are interested in going, in Vancouver call: 731-6349. Course explores labour "herstory" There is a long, little known record of women's experiences and actions on the job in British Columbia. For the first time ever, Capilano College Labour Studies Programme offers students the opportunity to learn from the stories of these women. In a new course, The History of the Labour Movement in B.C. - The Role of Women Unionists, instructor Sara Diamond will share memories from B.C.'s working women and years of research. Together the class will explore the lives of waitresses, domestics, "hello girls" working for the telephone exchange, retail workers and women in manufacturing, at the turn of the 20th century. The class will also look at women's brief sojourn in industry during the First World War and attempt to find the ways that women helped themselves, their neighbours and their families through the Great Depression. Monday evening seminars in the ten week credit course will begin on October 3rd at the Hospital Employees Union, 2286 West 12th Avenue. Classes are from 7-10pm to enable working people to attend. Those interested in registering should call: The Labour Studies Programme, Capilano College: 986-1911, Local 430. Registration will also be accepted in- person at the first seminar. October'83 Kinesis 3 ACROSS B.C. WANT co-sponsors peace conference Women Against Nuclear Technology(WANT) and the Trident Action Group(TAG), two Vancouver based peace groups, are jointly organizing a two-day educational conference - "Disarmament and Beyond" - to be held at the campus of Langara College, 100 W.49th Ave. in Vancouver, B.C. Dates for the conference aire set for October 29 and 30, to coincide with the closing of United Nations Disarmament Week. The conference, partly funded by a grant from Oxfam, Canada, will feature speakers, workshops and discussions as well as a number of pertinent films directed at exploring the connections and focusing on the values inherent in the systems that perpetuate suppression and oppression of all people and exploitation of the environment. Organizers hope that the topics and the format of the conference will incite those people already interested in the issues to further their own growth and education and provide a forum in which these issues may be addressed. At least half of the workshop will be organized and presented by women, and perspectives offered throughout the conference will reflect principles of feminism, nonviolence, and non-racism. A sampling of workshop themes includes: Women Pioneers in the Peace Movememt; Feminism and Militarism; Violence as a Form of Social Control; and the Peace Tax Fund's view that the one place that the Federal Government treats men and women equally is in the taking of their taxes. Further information on the conference is available by writing: Disarmament and Beyone, c/o Carol Bruce, 351 E. 9th St., North Vancouver, B.C. V7L 2B3 (604) 988- Media, justice system on trial Throughout the pre-trial hearing of the 'Squamish Five' last month, there was more on trial than the accused themselves. Both the commercial media and the administration of the justice system itself came under heavy attack from defense lawyers who argued that justice had been circumvented by the Crown's elimination of a preliminary hearing and its move to a direct indictment. The defense also accused -the police, the Attorney-General, and the press of contributing to a situation where pre-trial prejudicial publicity had effectively damaged their clients' rights to a fair trial. A stay of proceedings, they argued, was the only way to purge the prejudice that now existed in the public mind and thereby make way for an unbiased jury. The accused - Julie Belmas, Ann Hansen, Gerry Hannah, Doug Stewart and Brent Taylor - who were arresed January 20 in a police roadblock near Squamish, are up on a series of charges filed in four separate indictments. This first indictment, includes possession of stolen property, possession of a restricted weapon, and conspiracy to commit robbery of a Brink's armoured car. The five" also will face charges relating to sabotage of B.C.'s Cheekye-Dunsmuir hydro substation and the firebombing of three Red Hot Video outlets in Vancouver. Stan Guenther, counsel for Ann Hansen, introduced material from The Sun, The Province, The Globe and Mail, the Colum bian, Maclean's magazine, and tapes from most Lower Mainland television and radio stations, as evidence that a media judgement had been made against the accused. Expert witness Dr. Jay Schulman, who has given testimony in such well-known U.S. political trials as Wounded Knee and the Symbionese Liberation Army, said he had discovered 557 separate references in the material provided to him that con- :i tained "invidious,'ñ† negative or emotionally locaded references to the defendants." More than 400 of these were attributed to either the police or the Crown. Guenther told Justice S.M. Toy, "The most prejudicial publicity was generated by the police and was acceded to by the prosecutor." Referring to a press conference convened by the Coordinated Law Enforcement Unit (CLUE), the day following the arrests, he said Crown attorney Jim Jar- dine refused requests from defense counsel to cancel the conference. Guenther's conclusion: the action of the entire justice administration and the pre-trial reporting of the arrests,bordered on contempt. The defense did not win their bid for a stay of proceedings, but Justice Toy did place tan immediate ban on any republication of the contents of newsreports submitted in evidence by the defense. He also lectured the jury panel, reminding them of the legal presumption of an accused's innocence and the responsibility of a jury to determine the facts of the case. "In this country we do not try citizens in the press or on the radio or on television, but in open court on the evidence presented." After asking the panel if anyone doubted their impartiality, 16 left. At press time, the jury selection process was continuing in the New Westminister courthouse. ^^^T^P^x l v*im fc>^l li^^^^^^^^K^'JP Imt^ .V^SnJS f "^B^^r^mB^ aKtjjMk kNk! ^Isir^iynl from the stores after student society members complained to the board of trustees. In response to protests about selling pornography in the UBC bookstore, Hedgecock has moved the magazines to the back row of the magazine rack, where only the titles show. He insists pornography does not promote violence toward women any more than Time magazine does. "We're surrounded by violence," he said. "Anyone could buy a book on chemistry and build a bomb, but no-one asks me if I'm promoting violence by stocking chemistry books." (from The UBYSSEY) Kootenay hospital's birthing policies NELSON - Kootenay Lake District Hospital's labour support policy permits only one person to be present with a mother during labour and birth. Since this is in most cases the father, this policy eliminates the possible presence of anyone else the mother feels close to and who may be helpful in offering emotional support and guidance during her labour and birth. This particular policy differs greatly from many other hospitals. For example, in the Lower Mainland, various hospitals, including Burnaby General, Lions Gate, Mission Memorial, Maple Ridge and Richmond General allow one other labour support person present besides the father. At St. Paul's Hospital, a mother may choose to have two others present and the New Grace Hospital, with its Birthing Suite, allows the numbers present to depend upon the mother's wishes and the practise of the attending physician. Presently, all caesarean sections at KLDH are performed under general anaesthesia, with the father's presence forbidden in the delivery room. This policy is also contrary to many other hospital practices, where epidural anaesthesia is used, allowing a mother to be awake for the birth of her baby. And in fact, father- present, mother conscious caesarean births are now routinely performed in hospitals across Canada and the U.S. In the Lower Mainland, St. Paul's, Grace, Surrey Memorial and Mission Memorial hospitals all allow fathers to be present for scheduled caesarean sections, and all but Surrey allow fathers to be present for unplanned or emergency caesareans as well, (from Images) UBC bookstore still carries porn The UBC bookstore is still selling pornography despite a petition circulated last year by UBC students requesting its removal. Bookstore director John Hedgecock said the bookstore will continue to sell Playboy, Penthouse and Playgirl unless the UBC board of governors dictates otherwise.. One Vancouver educational institution has already banned pornography from its bookstore shelves. Vancouver Community College president Tony Manera said the magazines were withdrawn BCFW convention The 10th annual B.C. Federation of Women (BCFW) convention will take place November 4th, 5th, and 6th in Naramata. The convention is still in the planning stages, but will include plenary sessions, workshops and social events. A detailed agenda will be sent to all registrants by mid-October. Delegates may attend the convention depending on the size of their member group. Childcare will be provided, and subsidies are available for childcare, travel, and registration. Registration is $40 for delegates and observers. Cheques payable to BCFW, mail to Press Gang, 603 Powell St. Van. V6A 1H2 4 Kinesis October '83 BUDGET by Gail Meredith In the early morning hours of Friday, September 16th, 80 women and men began an occupation of the Vancouver office of the Premier of British Columbia; an occupation which lasted almost 30 hours. The occupiers, almost half of whom were women, were individuals from trade unions, feminist groups, community groups and the unemployed. Their goal was to bring to the attention of tfie government and the people of B, C. their intense dissatisfaction with the Social Credit's Budget and so-oalled "programme of restraint, " When our group of women gathered together in a coffee shop near the courthouse we had no idea how the occupation would come off. Everyone was nervous; our tension showing in our laughter and in the way our eyes went past each others faces to search the room. There were a remarkable number of familiar people there, with no real reason to be downtown for coffee at 8:30 on a Friday morning. From here, we moved up onto the street; 80-odd people trying to look inconspicuous. Was it going to work? Was everyone going to get in? Perhaps there had been a leak and we would simply take our sandwiches and go home. To anyone watching, we must have looked like a tour group equipped with our flight bags and,cameras, walking down the street and up the outside stairs of the courthouse. The last long halt was in the stairwell; 80 people and it was dead quiet. Then the: word came down the line. "Go in. Go in fast and sit down." Then we all ran, still quietly, through the outside doors, down a cement corridor, around past the elevators and into the premier's office. Lots of glass and wood and art and a very surprised woman at a large wrap-around desk. Patrick Kinsella, principal secretary to the premier's office was angry and rigid. Clearly, he had not been forwarned of the occupation. Some of the women talked to the secretary at the desk to explain what was happening and to try to reassure her that it was a peaceful action. The rest of the group fanned out around the huge office suite. As one person said, "The reception room alone is bigger than the main floor of my house." There was also a large cabinet room furnished with a massive oak table and the premier's office, complete with private washroom, Persian rugs, plushy chesterfield and chair and three additional offices. In almost no time at all the doors had been secured and barred, our press release issued and occupiers were busy answering the phones. The organizing was superb. Kinsella and the secretary were 27 hour sit-in Fightback heats up persuaded to leave. I'm not sure Kinsella ever spoke, he was so angry. Before they left, one of the organizers followed them around like a sheep dog, nipping at their heels, insisting they lock up everything and take all papers with them. We had no intention of interfering with any of the office's materials. Once they left, everything calmed down for a few minutes and people stopped to think, as I did, about why we were there. When the budget was brought down, few of us could believe what it contained or were aware of the damage it would do to people's lives, especially to the lives of women and children. But as we studied it and listened to other analyses, our own sense of outrage and anger grew. At the same time, we became increasingly aware that the government not only didn't take the effects on us into consideration to begin with, but essentially they were not prepared to listen to our concerns at all. Their response to outcries, to delegations, to rallies and demonstrations was a yawn and a dismissal. This occupation was an attempt to show how serious our opposition to the budget really is. Only in extreme situations will people be willing to break the law or take a chance on being jailed in an attempt to make a statement the government simply cannot ignore. We wanted to focus people's attention on the budget, and jolt people who were only vaguely aware of the budget and its implications into active opposition. If people knew we were so strongly opposed to it, maybe they would re-think the situation and become active in anti- budget organizing. Everyone who went into the occupation was a thoughtful, mature self-disciplined person. The words of Frederich Douglass, a black slave, I think accurately reflect our collective feelings about the action. In 1849 he said, "Power concedes nothing without a demand - it never did and it never will. Find out just what people will submit to, and you have found out the exact amount of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them; and these will continue till they have resisted with either words or blows or with both. The limits of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those who they suppress." We had many concerns about how the occupation would be received. In particular, we wondered what actions the police would take against the occupation. Their only public response was that they saw a peaceful, orderly demonstration and would not interfere. The media was another story. Overall they gave us good, thoughtful coverage, but the process was painful. Most of the media in pursuit of a story pulls no punches. At times some of them were rude, pushy, badgering and downright ornery, and seemed to recognize no principles except those of getting their story. On the whole, they were unresponsive to the concerns of women and children regarding the budget. They wanted hard news and provocative statements. They tended to ignore women who spoke and turned cameras off when women's issues were addressed. The press bias against women was so strong that it even angered the men in the occupation, some of whom made strenuous efforts to turn that around. Throughout the occupation we spent much of our time watching the television coverage in the cabinet meeting room, while the TV cameras photographed us watching TV. It seemed the cameras were always there, ever-watching. I disliked the feeling of being on display. For our own safety, we allowed some representatives of the media to remain with the occupation overnight. We feared that after the building closed, the government might remove us through the ocre of the building and out the court exits. They have facilities for handling prisoners and could have done it in total privacy if the camera crews had not been present. Spending the night in a place built to be cut off from the world with"only piped in air and thick sound proof glass was strange and uncomfortable. It was like being on a thirty-hour long plane trip. The outside support was tremendous, however. People brought us food, juice and toilet paper. Some supporters set up a vigil outside the offices to let passersby know we were there. The women in the occupation contributed greatly to its success and to the strength of the group feeling within the 80. The women were funny, knowledgeable, dedicated and experienced. Women spoke well to all the issues of the occupation. They contributed a lot to the singing and guitar playing and taught some of the men feminist songs. Two women modified an old union song which we sang as we marched out to join the Saturday rally. It was an incredible moment when we joined the 2000 people, demonstrating in support of workers and the unemployed. The rally was extremely supportive of the occupation and that support felt very good. The occupiers dispersed into the crowd very rapidly feeling we had accomplished the goals of our occupation. Now, all of us were going back to be part of, as we had always been part of, our own groups in the Solidarity Coalition. We don't know exactly where organizing will go next, but we were strengthened in our commitment to continue to fight Bennett's budget and the Social Credit's view that people really don't matter. Occupier tries out Bennett's chair October'83 Kinesis 5 Co-op Radio's Mark McGuire interviewed women during the September 16 occupation. Four of them appear here. No names were given. Why are you here? Because I am a concerned citizen and I'm protesting the budget legislation, personally, and as it affects the Downtown East- side. Especially cuts like the Residential Tenancy Act, welfare, and the freezing of the welfare rates, the elimination of the CIP, cutbacks to home makers, cutbacks to senior centres...One year ago Grace McCarthy said she'd in no way tough the seniors and now she's eliminated all the funding to senior centres. Do you think this occupation will accomplish anything? Yes, I think it will point out to people who are not here and focus attention on the protests. Why are you here? What are the major point of the budget that have upset you as a group of women to come here today? The legislation that directly affects the work I do is the removal of the funding for transition houses. I work with battered women. It means that women in violent relationships will have less resources to draw on, and they will be trapped in those relationships. Do you think it's really a. case of restraint like Bennett says, by cutting grants to women 's groups like the Health Collective, or will it cost more in the long run? Oh, I think it will cost more in the long run. I don't think any of their cuts aee about restraint. They're simply based on ideological concerns. They're not at all concerned with saving miney, as represented by the human rights branch and CIP - that amounts to peanuts in the long run. It's a direct statement on the part of the government, a policy which says we don't give a damn about any other groups that don't have power." Why are women here today? There are two pieces of legislation that will badly affect women but aren't always talked about in connection with them. The Compensation Stabilization Act, which means that the wage gap between men and women will get much broader, because they're talking about percentage cuts and rollbacks and the same percentage of a little amount of money is almost nothing. So women's wages will really suffer. The other thing that affects women profoundly is the gutting of the Human Rights Code and removal of the Human Rights Commission. The Commission says that 80% of complaints they handled were 'work related ', and that means cases like wrongful dismissal due to sexual harassment, or, actual sexual harassment. The part of the Code used to prosecute these cases was the section about 'reasonable cause' and now that's been removed. There will now be no recourse for those women. Other parts of the human rights also affect us. There will be no inclusion of discrimination abound sexual orientation. That means that lesbian women will be in no position to identify themselves - they can be refused work, evicted, refused every right they've ever had. BUDGET 'Bad budget' says kids' art Ellen Shapiro was responsible for setting up a children's picture drawing session at the Sept. 25 "Picnic Against the Budget". She says she began by giving the children the question, "What does the budget mean to you?" and letting them go to it with drawings and colour. She told us she was impressed with "how clearly kids were able to express themselves" and "how much they know about this issue." Some of their slogans were: "A two bedroom house normally for rent at $250 per month now $1000 per month due to rent controls.", "BC Place, make the rich richer, and the poor poorer.", "The only good thing about this budget is cigarettes cost more so maybe my parents won't burn their lungs out." Ellen would like to see two of the pictures choosen to be used in a major poster campaign. By the sounds of it - it would be one of the stongest statements yet, coming from children - all the more powerful. Kids can still do pictures responding to the budget and mail them to: SOLIDARITY, 6th Fir., 686 W. Broadway, Van. Action for daycare Anti-budget speakers at an open meeting on Oct. 5th will discuss possible plans of action around a fundamental women's issue childcare. Sponsored by the B.C. Daycare Action Coali tion, the meeting will include four speakers representing the B.C. Teacher's Federation, special needs children, family and social services, and daycare. Each will talk about what the Socred bills are that pertain directly to childcare, what they mean in practice, and how we can fight them. The Action Coalition is a part of Operation Solidarity, and is playing a role in the provincial petition campaign as well. Bill Bennett's 'restraint' budget attacks the hope of universally accessible childcare in a few ways. A directive to MHR offices on August 22nd declared that as of October 1st the financial needs test for childcare subsidy will be eliminated. The test is different from the income test which sets a ceiling of $1031 monthly income on single Jparents if they are to receive full subsidy. The needs test applies to those with ah income above that ceiling and takes into, account monthly expenses such as rent, taxes, loans and court order payments. Most affected by the" Socredl directive are the parents of special needs (handicapped) children, who have unusually high expenses, even if their monthly income is_ slightly above poverty level. Parents with more than one child are also hard hit. The budget officially freezes subsidies for non-handicapped children: they did not go up in 1982 either. There is also a strong possibility that childcare workers will be laid off. Sharon Mackin of the Action Coalition points out that some of the workers men tioned are those who inspect centres for their compliance with health regulations Many now have a caseload of 600 centres each. Layoffs would increase that number to staggering proportions. Mackin is hopeful about the development of action strategies. As it is, the test for special needs children has been postponed for six months, and she feels it may be a direct result of the furor generated aroundl the policy. Everyone is urged to attend the October 5th| meeting, 7.30 pm Templeton High School, 727 Templeton. (Childcare provided). ft! Po 0 photo by Kim Irving f^row five; SjHI *Kfca*fc->-- 6 Kinesis October'83 PENSION REFORM Pensions for homemakers Women's groups differ on proposals by Lorri Rudland In December of 1982, the federal govern- nent released its "Green Paper" entitled, better Pensions for Canadians to provide i focus for public discussion on the Issue of pension reform. Although the Ireen Paper discusses women and pensions, It does not support certain changes women's groups think -Important and is totally silent on others. 1 federal all-party Parliamentary Task ?orce on Pension Reform is currently 'tolding public hearings across Canada and oill submit its report to Parliament at the end of 1983. The Vancouver Status of Women appeared before the Task Force in September in Vancouver. The facts about women and pfen&ions are grim. They go far be^ogd teh conventional wisdom that "many elderly women are poor". In fact, most elderly women are desperate*- ly poor and most live alone on a Canadian pension of no more than $503 per month. This amounts to approximately $2,000 per person per year below the Canadian Council on Social Development's urban poverty line of $7,975. There are many layers to the Canadian pension system. The following is a brief outline of pension plans and supplements available: 1) Old Age Security (OAS): paid to all wo- nen and men over 65 years who meet Canadian residency requirements. It is a universal payment, not dependent on a means test. As of March, 1983, it amounted to $251. 2) Guaranteed Income Supplement (GIS): an income-tested supplement. As of March, 1983, it provided a maximum of $252 for singles and $194 for marrieds. 62% of women in 1982 received the GIS. 3) Spouses Allowance: a program introduced several years ago to assist spouses aged 60 to 64 (mostly women) whose partners received only the OAS and GIS. No such benefit exists for single women in the 60 to 64 age group, nor is it paid to a surviving spouse if the older spouse dies. 4) Canada Pension Plan (Quebec Pension Plan for Quebec residents) (C/QPP): federally sponsored public pension plan available to both women and men working in the paid labour force. Because women earn only 60% of the wages men earn, benefits are rated accordingly. In 1976, more than 70% of male contributors aged 20 - 64 had incomes that surpassed the maximum pensionable amount (in 1983, it is $345/month), whereas only 35% of female contributors had such earnings. 5) Private, employer-sponsored pension plans: these plans are notoriously unreliable, sidcriminatory to women in a variety of ways, and are unavailable to most women. Only 38% of full-time employed women are covered by such plans. 6) Provincial Supplements or Private Savings: Seniors may be eligible for small provincial supplements if their income is low enough. Private saveings as a means of providing for retirement are limited to the very rich. According to the federal Green Paper, "over half of current middle- age, millde income couples and individuals will have insufficient savings at retirement to replace over 15% of pre-retirement earnings. We support a pension system that is universal and non-wage related in order to respect the dignity and contribution to Canadian society of all Canadian residents. The appalling economic hardship of women and men presently existing on incomes considerably below the poverty line must be alleviated. Old Age Security benefits should be immediately increased to a level above the poverty line for all those aged 65 and over, and for all those aged between 60 and 65 who are not in the paid labour force. How best to provide pension benefits to recognize the economic contribution of women working in the home has been the focus, of an on-going debate among women's organizations for several years. There are two major positions on this subject, with Louise Delude of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women representing one position and Monica Townson, economic consultant and author, representing the opposing position. The National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) published a "Pink Paper" entitled Pension Reform: What Women Want. NAC takes the position that long-term homemakers should receive pensions "in their own right" according to two criteria: a) long-term homemakers who are at home performing services that directly benefit all of society, such as child care or care of disabled relatives, should receive pensions which would be totally paid for by all other contributors to C/QPPs and b) long-term homemakers who are providing services exclusively to the family (rather than society) for example, keeping house only for their husbands, should receive pensions which would be tatally paid for by their husbands' contribution of both the employer and employee portion. Because women have no actual earnings upon which to base what this pension should be, NAC recommends that it be based on a "hypothetical income equal to 1/2 of the average industrial wage (about $10,000)." with children under the age of three, who work in the paid labour force, has increased by 40% in the last five years. Two earner couples now outnumber the traditional one-earner couple, and the percentage of two earner couples is increasing. Having homemakers receive pensions paid for by their husbands' contributions makes these women, in effect, employees of their husbands. We strongly oppose such . a benefit structure. The alternative to this structure is that already recognized by the matrimonial porperty law of two provinces, British Columbia and Manitoba (albeit imperfectly). We support the concept of marriage as a joint economic partnership with women being full partners, entitled to 1/2 of the proceeds jointly acquired during the marriage, rather than women as the employees of their husbands. Consequently, we support pension credit-splitting wherein both spouses share their Q/CPP benefits equally with each other. In the event of divorce, pension credit- splitting should be made madatory. Al- thought there is a law currently in force allowing pension credit-splitting if an application is made, only 3% of people (mostly women) apply. The most appropriate method of recognizing the economic value of women's unpaid la- 'ñ† bour in the home is to recognize their joint econimic contribution to the marriage in the form of MANDATORY, PENSION CREDIT- SPLITTING when the younger spouse reaches the age of 65, or in the event of. separation, divorce or death of a spouse. In conjunction with the above conclusion, we also agree with other women's organizations who recommend that the Q/CPP should be doubled from the present 25% of the replacement rate of the average industrial wage to provide 50% of the replacement rate. We support the immediate implementation of the "drop-out" provision (already included within the CPP) which allows for the years spent out of the labour force in child rearing (for children up to age 7) to be eliminated from the calculation of "average lifetime earnings." We would adjust that provision to allow the parent/s to choose their drop-out period per child, rather than have the state choose the first 7 years as the appropriate period, and we would extend it to include the years spent caring for very disabled family members. The Vancouver Status of Women is a member group of the NAC, an umbrella organization with a membership of women's groups across Canada. We oppose the method of compensation NAC has recommended for long-term homemakers. We fully agree that women working in the home should have their economic contribution to family and society recognized but we agree with the alternative position suggested by Monica Townson and other women's organizations. The major problem with subsidizing pensions for homemakers is that only the unpaid work in the home performed by the full-time homemaker will be recognized. For the over 50% of women in Canada who work in the paid labour force and in the home, as married women, single parent mothers, or single women, there is no recognition for .their unpaid labour in the home. The composition of the Canadian labour force is rapidly changing, and more women are working today than ever before. Married women with at least one child under 16 years work in the paid labour force in greater numbers than all other married women combined. The percentage of mothers Women and Poverty: -61% of women aged 65 or over at the time of the 1976 Census were alone. -61% of spouseless women aged 65 and over lived below the poverty line in 1979, compared to 45% of spouseless men age 65. -70% of spouseless women aged 70 and over lived in poverty in 1980. -of all spouseless elderly people, 75% are women. Women and Work: -over 50% of women work in the paid labour force, -two-earner couples now outnumber the traditional one-earner family, -women still earn only 60% of the wages men earn; the wage gap is as wide as it was in the last major depression. -51% of working men have pension coverage through their employer, while only 34% of working women of pension plans. October'83 Kinesis 7 Church women break ground at world assembly By Barbara Blakely In a position paper entitled, "Moving Toward Participation", the Sixth Assembly of the World Council of Churches recognized that: "Women constitute the largest percentage in congregations around the world, but the structures of power within and outside the churches inhibit their growth and full participation." The Paper goes on to say, "Jesus demands that we be born anew through the word of God to become new people, who are no longer oppressors or racists or sexists, who set on our journey in search of a new way of being truly human." The statement insists that church structures provide the means for women's full participation, and that they continue to fund such programs even in times of restraint. This is the World Council of Churches' "official position" about women. At its July 24 to August 10 meeting in Vancouver, one thousand delegates, representing four million Christians in three hundred churches in one hundred countries around the world, presented a vision of the church engaging the world through protesting injustice and promoting freedom. In this context, women were recognized as a people facing injustice, a people in need of strong and positive action toward their liberation. It is tragically rare for the church to recognize women as an oppressed people. The WCC went even further than this in its call for member churches to break that oppression. Strong women were very much in evidence throughout the WCC. Helen Caldicott addressed the plenary assembly to present .her familiar theme that this planet is essentially "terminally ill" with the threat of nuclear war. Feminists might object to her rallying cry to women, which emphasizes women's mothering love as the primary motivation to act against war, but there is no doubt that her urgency and immediacy had a powerful emotional effect. Dorothee Soelle, a West German theologian, spoke of the personal transformation we all must undergo if we are to transform our world. She emphasized the effect that our western lifestyle has in impoverishing two thirds of the world, saying that as we participate in structures that drive the poor to the edge of survival, we destroy any fullness of life for ourselves as well. We live in material wealth and spiritual poverty. Women from the Third World spoke movingly of their suffering in several situations. In vivid contrast to the long, abstract discourses of several men, women frequently spoke terse and dramatic truths: We know we're dying out. There's no cure for these radiation problems. More de- Left to right/ Pauline Webb, Britain; Sarah Simon, Ft. McPherson, NWT; Dorothee Solle, West Germany; Mother Euphrasis, Romania; and Shobana Jeyasingh, Indonesia. formed babies are. born every year. The baby is born on the labour table, and it breathes and moves up and down, but it is not shaped like a human being. It is colourful and looks like a bag of jelly. These babies live only a few hours. (From Darlene Keju of the Marshall Islands where nuclear testing has gone on for 35 years.) The taste of death all around you lays bare all illusions. It extirpates that which is mediocre in you. It educates you in an infinite manner. It purifies the air. It confronts you time and again with that which your mind cannot fully grasp and from which you cannot turn away. (From Frieda Haddad, who made us feel the human cost of the war in Lebanon.) These women spoke most profoundly out of their life experiences, yet did so only implicitly as feminists. Their wisdom and power did not derive from a feminist analysis per se. It was in an adjunct program of the WCC that explicit feminist positions were presented and discussed. Vancouver women organized The Well/La Source, a centre for programs, meals, childcare and conversation. At The Well we heard about violence to women on an international scale; hearing women from India, South Korea and Palestine. And we heard from native women about the violence done to indigenous women in our own country. The church was clearly indicted here, bearing responsibility for cultural and spiritual destruction, as well as the breakup of families. We were also given hope for the future of women in the church, in several presentations by women theologians, church leaders and priests. We challenged partriarchal images and language, explored our experiences which open us to new spiritual mysteries, and shared our anger at oppressive structures. We shared our joy at real gains made in claiming our own religious space. Barbara Brown Zikmund, Academic Dean of Pacific School of Religion gave us a chronology of stages in women's progress through the church (or other institutions), moving from recognizing that women have a right to be heard, to seeing that we represent a legitimate constituency, through to achieving ordination as the fullest empowerment, and on to questioning the very structures that we now occupy. And Luise Schottroff, one of three feminist Biblical scholars in Europe, gave us tools for radically reinterpreting the Biblical traditions which normally serve to oppress us. Her view of the New Testament is filled with hope, as she works with passages like the Magnificat to see it as a text demanding justice, liberation, and solidarity with the poor. Mary here symbolizes not meekness but revolutionary courage. Despite these very positive events, there remain serious limitations in the WCC's commitment to women. Despite the "official line", few delegates and staff show any deep consciousness of women's situation and experience. Others who will even enforce the official policy, regard it as a perfunctory truism that has no implications for their own identity and practice. And for others, women are not regarded as legitimate partners in the struggle for liberation. It is symptomatic of these problems that motions to discuss abortion and homosexuality were soundly defeated. The most sensitive issue to emerge concerned the ordination of women to the priesthood. The Orthodox churches, numerically the largest, refuse to consider women's ordination at all. Imagery of God and the Trinity remain thoroughly masculine, and the priest must embody that masculinity. The natures of men and women are held to be distinctly different, by divine command. Therefore, the official statement on "Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry" falls far short of mandating women's full participation in ordained ministry. Many women assert that this is an issue of justice and human dignity, that the integrity of the WCC is at stake when it condones the oppression of women in its own position papers. Yet this issue was repeatedly silenced and hidden. Similarly, the number of women as delegates remains low. The target for the next Assembly, seven years hence, is only 33 per cent (up from 30 per cent at this Assembly). The percentage of women on the Central Committee is only 26 per cent. Three women are among the seven presidents of the Central Committee, including Lois Wilson, former Moderator of the United Church. Even these numbers are difficult to achieve. Member churches, who choose delegates back home, are resentful of even that 33 per cent goal. Women are obviously no't yet seen as legitimate spokespersons for their churches in many parts of the world. Still, the WCC had a profound effect on many women who were in attendance. Women did find the space to speak clearly for justice, for changed structures, for new power. Others were touched and will claim new power in their own situations. And the WCC will continue to change as women press home these claims. 8 Kinesis October '83 i WOMEN AND PEACE By MonikasgrUnberg While ilwas' staying in Greenham Common thisjjsummer I met a number of women who had been to Comiso, in Italy. They had just been released from prison for a blockade action, they had undertaken at the military base there.,. They told us of a woman's peace camp that was. in the making in Sicily. Because I immediately associate..Sicily with the Mafia, as well . l as an extremely-oppressive environment for women, a woman's camp seemed like a particularly difficult undertaking. I . asked Aggie, who had recently returned to I Greenham from Sicily; -to tell me more about Comiso, and its connection with the Greenham camp. One day in early August we went to London to a friend's house to meet another woman who had just returned from Italy and together we spent the evening talking about Italy's first woman's peace camp, "La Ragnatela" - The Spider- web. .'■■' \ji*&0$&§L -*Magliaccq is the name of the disused airport near Comiso ,~a^4:awjuPX^7»000 in the province of Ragusa in Southeastern Sicily, which will become the nerve centre of an area of prime military importance to American war strategists. Local produce farmers had planned to start a cooperative and use Magliocco airport to fly out their produce to better markets. The opposition of the conservative Christian Democrats and some local unions cancelled this plan. The airport has become the proposed site for 112 cruise missiles to be deployed early in 1984. With its missiles this base will represent the culmination of Sicily's evolution into an American military fortress since the end of the Second World War. At least 19 other American military installations are already on the island. Deployment of the cruise here also signals the completion of a network of American and NATO military stations in the part of Europe closest to Africa and the Middle East. Cruise missiles are designed to be used as first strike weapons. To deploy them here, so close to an already highly unstable area, is to increase the possibility of a nuclear war to an incredible degree. Libya has already threatened retaliation if the missiles are deployed, and Israel and Pakistan possess impressive arsenals of nuclear arms already. Sicily's history has long been one of foreign domination, and in fact the island is more its own country than it is a part of Italy.,Sicilian is almost a language of its own, and Rome and the Italian government are far away. Different rules govern the island. Its feudal system of "padre-padrone" dependancy functions as well as it did hundreds of years ago, and using the influence of the Mafia and the right connections is still the only way to make a career or good'profits. The good-willed attempts of socialist reforms have worked little change. In fact, they have been easily absorbed into the already well established system of corruption and intimidation. All of these conditions combine to create an ideal climate for foreign interference and domination. The American military never left Sicily after WW II. Sicilian Mafiosi in North American prisons were set free and sent back to Italy on the condition they prepare the ground for military re-establishment and enlargement. The drug trade has become very profitable business for the Mafia. Next to Berlin, Sicily is one of the key centres through which heroin enters Europe. The military bases are seen to be key channels in the operation of the trade. Profits of this kind often go to land speculation around military bases, provided good connections exist between the decision making agencies. Expropriation is the norm, though those with the right connections make massive profits. In the # Italian Military H.Q. OUS.A. Naval H.Q * Nuclear Warheads ■*? Nuclear Submarine e Artillery Range ■*■ Airport H Radar-Radio Stdtion 'la Ragnatela* — Spiderweb Weavers of peace case of Testa d'Aqua, a whole- village was expropriated to make way for an American w radar station, and the villagers are still waiting for payments for the loss of their land. Often farmers are forced to forestall expropriation by selling their land for next to nothing. At the moment Magliocco houses about 500 men, mostly Americans. Once the base is finished, 15,000 soldiers and technicians will live in and around Comiso. The subcontracting for the necessary extensive construction has been taken over by a Ra- gusan construction firm with strong Mafia connections, and all local contracts are reached according to political considerations. There are in fact very few local people who have found jobs inside the base. Public funds have been used up to build an elaborate pipe system going to the base as well as to resurface all roads leading to Magliocco. Those who are opposed to what is going on are kept under control. The law of silence keeps a tight grip on people, for those who talk are assassinated in a prolonged and brutal, way and found with a stone in their mouths. If they had been as silent as stones they would still have been alive... . It used to be those with money and power who were Mafia targets, but now ordinary people who are missile opponents, like a Comiso truck driver,who had a 'No Missile' sticker in the backwindow of his truck, become the victims of snfashed windows and bombs planted in vehicles. What has been the reaction of the peace movement to these developments? The Italian Movement together with the Italian Communist Party have used the strategy of staging large scale demonstrations, the biggest of which drew 100,000 to Sicily in 1981. In 1982 a mixed international peace camp was established at Comiso, supported by the European nuclear.disarmament coalition and U.S. church groups. There were internal leadership disputes It used to be those with money and power who were mafia targets, but now ordinary people, like a Comiso driver who had a 'No Missile' sticker, become the victims of smashed windows and and debates about strategy and direction, which stifled the group's-energy consider- "abty-^Jj/hile the peace movement in Sicily was starting' up, a women's group from | Catania brought a statement to a woman's peace conference in Amsterdam, which firmly established a connection between nuclear escalation and male /violence. They recognized the dead end road of a peace movement bound to political parties and caught in intrigues, and tried to find ways to reach all women. It took more than a year to get women, involved as a group on their own account, independant of party lines and considerations other than- those for peace. In the end of 1982 a group of Greenham women went to ComispVgto take information on the planned embracing of the Greenham base, and stayed. As a parallel action, a circle of women was formed in front of the Magliocco base, which then moved to the Piazza Fonte Diana. Italian piazzas traditionally are a male space in which information is circled, jobs are traded, business is done' and politics are discussed and developed. In short, the space symbolizes the public life women are excluded from. Moving into the piazza, the circle, widened and widened and slowly pushed all men out into the neighboring streets. In this action of reclaiming the space for women the peace activists were joined by many Comiso women. From then on more and more women became involved. On January 4, 1983 a web was spun across the base's main gate, closing it down for four hours. On IWD 600 women from. Italy, Europe and the U.S. protested in a week of actions, effectively blockading the base, but confronting massive police violence. Twelve women were arrested and imprisoned. All foreign women were deported on the personal order of the Minister of the Interior. Without being able to consult their Italian lawyers they await their sentences which range from two to 12 years imprisonment. During these actions it became increasingly clear that the existing structure of the Peace Movement in Comiso would not effectively challenge the threat of missile deployment. However, in Comiso a Women's Peace Camp can play an important role. Feminism is difficult in Italy, especially in Sicily. Women's groups have not yet been involved adequately in the Italian or Sicilian peace movements. "It is not the church and not the political parties, but the women, the new force which is bound to stir people and strengthen the movement in Comiso", says a recent statement. "In a sex-haunted society as it is in Sicily, women living together are considered more serious and respectful than mixed groups October 33 Kinesis 9 of men and women. Experience proved in the past that women's actions stirred immediate interest in the public eye. They were not associated with political parties, and people sensed that they were moving for something which goes beyond the traditional political games people are fed up with." June became an important month for the idea of a woman's camp. The women who had staged the actions found a piece of land with a small house on it right next to the base and in the range of a possible runway extension. On June 25, on the day of the full moon, 28 women signed the sales contract for 4200 sq. metres of land "to establish 'a space where women can work collectively in non-competitive, honest, practical, emotional and magical ways, and learn how to face our feelings of weakness and anger and to move beyond them into nonviolent direct action." "After much discussion and heartache about getting entangled in bureaucracy/institutions, we finally decided to form an association, called 'La Ragnatela', which we are using only to buy land, so that all . women are legally joint land-owners. We hope the land will be owned by thousands of women... . Should an expropriation of the land be attempted, the association would be notified and only the women present at the signing of the contract would be individually notified - so it would be up to all of us to make our resistance felt." I asked Briony from Comiso how effective woman's peace camp could be against the combined machinery of the U.S. and the Sicilian mafia. "Having a woman's peace camp is a way not just to oppose the missiles, but to oppose a whole system. I Having a women's peace camp is a way to oppose the whole system. \ refuse to live in a patriarchal society. refuse to live in a patriarchal society.. ...Having a woman's space is very important because it gives me time to think about what I'm doing, without the immediate critical evaluation and judgement that usually comes from being involved in a group with still very strong partiarchal conditioning. Women's energy has for so long been channelled and kept underneath the surface, and in some places like Greenham or Comiso it bursts out and many women come to the sudden realization that we are not really powerless at all." "The way we can best convey this energy, the sense of power, is not by words, but rather by example. Although we need the media to the extent of letting others know that we exist, our emphasis is on examples, on action, and on the strength of our personal involvement and the impact it has on the women we meet. Individual contact is of much more power and lasting effect than any media coverage ever can be." The idea of women's peace camps does not only function in the North American and the British context. It was Sicilian women who first sent out the information about Comiso. The women in Comiso are supportive and friendly toward the camp despite the fact that it is made difficult for them to be The Comiso women's peace camp asks women from all over the world to buy shares for sq. metres of land for the nominal price of five dollars. Donation from mixed groups for the general upkeep of the camp are also welcome. The camp's address is: La Ragnatela, Campo Di Donne per la Pace, Comiso, Money orders to Raffaella Iurato, Conto:8I/ 8992/P'c/o Banca Agricola Populare di Ragusa, Comiso, Sicilia. B.C. hosts nuclear leaders by Cindy Shore Approximately 230 people attended the 4th Pacific Basin Nuclear Conference at the Hyatt Regency Sept. 11-15, 1983. The delegates came from all over the Pacific Basin as well as from Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Chile, France, England and Austria. The men who want to make sure nuclear power is here to stay were out in full force. They include, Bertram Wolf V.P. of General Electric, William Voight, Jr. the special assistant for strategic policy for the U.S. Department of Energy, and of course James Donnelly, President of Atomic Energy of Canada. The Sunday Night Action Group (SNAG), a local non-violent direct action group working on peace issues, also made a point of attending the three-and-a-half day nuclear conference. Together with Vancouver's Women Against Nuclear Technology, a group from Victoria, and the Trident Action Group, they leafletted delegates during conference registration and throughout the week. The action took on a rather colourful presence -in the late afternoon of Sept. 14, when a handful of protesters dressed in radiation suits surprised delegates and hotel guests with their unexpected theatrical antics in the hotel lobby. The agenda for the conference itself consisted of a series of 13 sessions ranging from "Nuclear Power Programs in the Pacific Basin Status and Prospects" to "Issues Affecting Nuclear Goals". The formal proceedings of the conference were, more or less, for information sharing, and a little selling of one's own system as the industry favorite. The cocktail-time and backroom discussions were where the important information was traded and the heavy lobbying was carried out. It was obvious the U.S. and Canada wanted to make it very clear they intend to make nuclear power the energy source of the future. Canada's first research reactor was in 1945 and in 1952 Atomic Energy of Canada was in- Geneva action In Germany this summer women, called for an international march for peace from Berlin to Geneva in early August. The marchers arrived in Geneva Sept. 17, where they were joined by people from all over Europe directly showing their concern that the U.S.-Soviet peace talks be carried on under enforcement to achieve peace settlements. Peace protesters created a human chain from the Soviet to the U.S. embassy to emphasize the necessity of nuclear disarmament. On Tuesday, Sept. 20, 47 women climbed over the fence into the Soviet compound in Which the talks were happening. Five women were actually allowed to present their statements to both the Soviet and the American negotiators. The statement was later made available to the media who preferred to stay silent. A complete media blackout in both Europe and North America has kept the Geneva events from reaching the public. (This story from one of the women who participated) . corporated as a Crown Corporation. In 1962 the first, power reactor was established. Candu, which stands for Canada Deuterium and Uranium, is the Canadian designed and built reactor. This system is establishing itself in the industry by having 31 reactors under operation or construction in six countries throughout the world. However, the nuclear power industry is not growing at the expected rate...but the uranium industry is. As the world demand for uranium increases, the glut will dry up arid Canada will increase its exploitation of the uranium fields, especially at Key Lake in northern Saskatchewan. This mill is expected to start up at close to capacity, making it one of the largest mills in the world. By 1984, Canada plans to be the world's leading producer of uranium. William Voight, Jr. from the U.S. Department of Energy presented some pretty startling figures. He projects that by 1997 the time related costs for the nuclear power industry will have increased by 5,360%(that's right, 5,360%). The U.S. government has already invested $13 billion in commercial use plants, and private sector $150 billion. Due to President Reagan's nuclear power initiatives, recommendations have been made to the Nuclear Regulatory Commission which include one step permits, increases in the number of licenses to be issued, and changes in the waste management program which will allow for emergency interim storage. It seemed no one reaily knew what to do about the long-term effects of radioactive materials, so the nuclear industry is thinking about hiding it in ocean beds and rock pits with the hope that earthquakes won't create leakages. When asked how the industry can curb public opposition to waste management, David Packard, Chairman of Hewlett-Packard Co., responded "We must replace emotions with reason, and abandon quick fix-it responses to long-term problems. We must define our long-term energy goals and set about making the commitment and investment that are essential in achieving these goals." ,'This 'make a reactor today, worry about the waste tomorrow' attitude was most prominent in the minds of the conference men. I was reminded of Mark Hertsgaard, author of Nuclear Inc. , who states that the nuclear power industry was first established to legitimize the use of nuclear energy for military purposes. He outlines how, after World War II, military leaders, government officials, corporation heads, and scientists came together to plan how to control the nuclear industry, forming what he called "the Atomic Brotherhood". This "Brotherhood" realized the potential the nuclear industry had to obtain control over global energy sources, as well as to use nuclear energy as the ultimate weapon of terror and domination- The nuclear industry tries to separate the use of nuclear power into civilian and military by putting on conferences such as the Pacific Basin Nuclear Conference, but this separation is a false one. Just as the use of violence is seen as a method of domination of men over women, one country over another, so should the use of nuclear power be seen as a method of domination by the Atomic Brotherhood over our environment and health. continued from p.l The Greenham Common camp has been an inspiration to peace activists around the world. In December 1982, the women there brought 30,00 women to the Greenham U.S. Air Force Base. They embraced the nine mile perimeter of the base and shut it down for one day. It is a Greenham Common philosophy to establish alternatives to the commercial media, and this tour provides an opportunity for Canadians to shar% information with the camp, and establish a network of communication. In Vancouver, Aggie will show the film and lead a workshop ati<the 'Disarmament and Beyond conference to be held at Langara Oct. 29th.- Watch for posters advertising a benefit film showing for Women Gathering to Stop the Cruise. Financial support for the tour is desperately needed. Groups interested in hosting them on any part of the tour, or in obtaining more information, contact Monika Grunberg, 1736 William St., Vancouver, V5L 2R4, (604) 25 3-4802. _ 10 Kinesis October'83 SPORTS Women on top... and still climbing by Marsha Ablowitz Arlene Blum will be in Vancouver Sunday evening Oct. 30th speaking at UBC-IRC building. I first read about Arlene Blum in her summit account The Damsels On Denali. This was the first time I had read a personal account of an all women's attempt on a major peak. The account was graphic, dramatic and left an incredible impression of the strength and group commitment of these women climbers. Later while holidaying in Italy I struggled with the Italian accounts of the tragic Russian all women's ascent of Lenin Peak. On that climb, all the women were trapped near the summit in a blizzard and all died. The reaction of the male-dominated climbing community was typical. This was evidence that mountain climbing was not an activity for women. But.many women continued to climb. In 1976 Arlene was part of the successful American Bicentennial Everest Expedition. However, despite her proven skill and experience she found it almost impossible to be accepted on male organized expeditions. Women were seen as too weak mentally and physically to go on high mountains. One man refused her saying a woman's presence would be embarrassing around excretion needs and would spoil the happy male comraderie. Arlene Blum was one of the first women to publicise these issues. In Annapurna: A Woman's Place she writes: We did not organize the Annapurna Expedition to prove that women could climb high mountains. We knew that before we began, but the publicised success of the venture brought that message to people all over the world. Arlene has been active encouraging women's involvement in science and athletics for a long time. In 1977 in Berkeley, California she began organizing the financing, team recruitment, logistics and publicity of The American Women's Himalayan Expedition to Annapurna I. This Nepali mountain is 26,540' high, the tenth highest mountain in the world. It had never before been climbed by an American team. Of the climbers who had attempted it, several had been killed in the attempt. It was a treacherous, technically difficult ascent, however one of the hardest tasks was funding. Volunteers helped in fund raising. One way they thought of to raise money for this climb was to sell t-shirts with a logo of the mountain and the quote, "A Woman's Place is on Top". The slogan caught on and the t-shirts sold like hot cakes. They are still in demand! (Arlene may have some with her for anyone interested who comes to her talk.) The Annapurna Expedition was the first all-women's Himalayan expedition; the first ascent of the mountain by a woman and the North American high altitude climbing record for women. Tragically the success of this climb was marred by the deaths of two of the women members. In the preface to her book Annapurna: A Woman's Place, Blum writes: For us it was a bittersweet victory, and its after effects have been complex. The deaths of our dear friends Vera Watson and Alison Chadwick-Onysykiewicz have cast long- shadows into our lives. Since separating as a team each of us has had to deal in her own way with the adjustments of resuming a normal life after this extraordinarily intense experience. In 1980 Arlene was the leader of The Joint Indian-American-New Zealand Women's Expedition to Garwhal Himalaya Bhrigupanth 22,300'. This expedition achieved a successful first ascent. Prior to this an ;attempt at Dhaulagiri was called off due to danger and accidents. Then in 1981-82 Arlene organized a 2,000 mile trek across the Himalayas from Bhutan in the east, through Napal to the Western India Himalayas in the west. Arlene Blum like most women climbers does other things besides climb. She is a graduate of Reed College, Portland, Oregon with a PhD in biophysical chemistry from Berkeley. She has taught and has done chemical research which influenced the banning of tris, a hazardous chemical used as a flame retardent on children's sleepwear. She is also a professional writer and photographer with many publications and pictures in magazines and papers such as: National Geographic, Summit, Quest, Viva, New York Times, Washington Post and San Francisco Chronicle. The book Annapurna - A Woman 's Place was published by Sierra Club Books in 1980 and is now out in paperback. Arlene's presentation, "Women on Top: 1808-1983" is a 90-minute slide lecture Mountaineer Arlene Blum Five golds for Rackiecki A B.C. wheelchair athlete broke ground , for women recently by becoming the first woman ever to be awarded the title of the Top Class II Athlete of the Canadian Games of the Physically Disabled. Diane Rackiecki, a physical education major at UBC (see Kinesis April '83) won ry event she entered at the '83 games in Sudbury, Ontario, garnering five gold medals, including one Canadian record. She bested the competition in the 100m, 200m, 400m, and 1500m, and set the record of 2:59.6 in the 800m. Rackiecki was also the first Canadian female wheelchair athlete to compete in a marathon when she entered the Vancouver marathon this summer, and since then has been invited to compete in the Montreal (marathon in late September. It is expected there will be some other wheelchair women in the Montreal race. Rackiecki continues to struggle with the federal 'carding' (individual funding) regulations for wheelchair athletes, which fail to recognize different levels of participation on the parts of male and female athletes and consequently exclude all women from financial assistance. She is currently funded at the provincial level and by private sponsor. 'which "...combines the best slides taken by Arlene Blum on her three major women's expeditions with a fascinating history of 175 years of climbing and exploration by women. "Beginning with Maria Paradis who climbed Mt. Blanc in 1808 to get more business for her souvenir stand at the foot of the mountain, the lecture discusses such women as Fanny Bullock Workman who carried a sign proclaiming, "Votes for Women," to 21,100' in Pakistan; Alexandra David-Neel, who at the age of 56, walked 2,000 miles to Lhasa disguised as a Tibetan beggar woman; and Claude Kogan, a ninety-pound French bikini designer who carried easily eighty pound loads while making numerous ~ first ascents in the Andes and Himalayas. "Arlene Blum then tells the stories of her .own major, climbs. The classic story of the 1978 Annapurna expedition is briefly told. The lecture follows the historic route of the climb up precipitous slopes through storms, avalanches, the summit day, and the loss of the second summit team two days later. Then Blum recounts the adventures of eight women climbers from the U.S., India and New Zealand who made" the first ascent of Bhrigupanth. The lecture concludes with brief accounts of |important recent women's climbs and a series of striking portraits of women climbing in the Himalayas and of Himalayan women. The motivation for all-women climbs - to gain confidence, technical ability and leadership skills - will be explained, and upcoming expeditions of men and women climbing as equals will be ' discussed. "Thousands of slides were taken on these expeditions; the best will be presented in a two-projector format with a dissolve unit, accompanied by Himalayan and Western music." (See Bulletin Board for event information) Association news Media Kit The Canadian Association for the Advancement of Women and Sport (CAAW&S) has compiled a media kit for sportwriters designed to combat the overwhelmingly sexist content of sports pages, as well as introduce them to CAAW&S. Repeatedly, the kit points out that women are participating in sports more now than ever before, interested in hearing about it more than ever before, and that a media directed solely at men is no longer accept' able. The package also talks about CAAW&S, its history, goals, and strategies for action, and provides a bibliography of.resource materials. Seminar On the weekend of October 14-16, CAAW&S will be holding a Leadership Seminar, bringing together CAAW&S members and interested women from all regions of B.C. The emphasis of the seminar will be on promoting women's sports participation, and providing information on how to organize and gain access to facilities. The seminar will be at Kitsilano Community Centre, 2690 Larch St., Vancouver. Contact CAAW&S to register: 1200 Hornby Street, Vancouver, V6Z 2E2, 687-3333, loc. 266. P October'83 Kinesis 11 ABORTION ...where to from here? It is by Emma Kivisild and Patty Gibson time for a reassessment. As women gather in pro-choice rallies and demonstrations across the country, throughout the weekend of October 1, they will also be taking stock of where the abortion issue now stands, and the course the pro- choice campaign will take in the forthcoming months. The battle women have waged for their rights to choice on abortion now spans more than a decade. And yet, the most recent wave of attacks on the pro-choice movement has pushed it into its most defensive posture to date. Raids on freestanding abortion clinics in both Toronto and Winnipeg. Joe Borowski's recent pro- fetus fiasco in the Regina courts. The stacking of numerous local hospital board elections. A barrage of sensationalist advertising, and viscious public statements by increasingly outspoken anti-abortionists. The arson attack intended for the Toronto clinic that instead devastated the Toronto Women's Bookstore. It seems that despite the impressive statistical support for choice in this country, the movement itself is barely weathering the storm. Where it once seemed possible to win a relaxation of the current laws regarding abortion, it now appears that just the reverse could happen. Until the establishment of Morgentaler's free standing abortion clinics once again brought the choice campaign into the public eye, anti-abortion antics dominated the stage. For some time, the majority of the feminist movement seemed content to entrust the issue to those groups whose primary mandate was to continue the work begun by the women involved wi£h the Abortion Caravan of 1.970. The move to establish abortion clinics, however, has escalated both feminist initiative on the issue as well as intensifying the blows of the new right. To realize the dangerous position we are now in, is reason to evaluate the goals and strategies of the pro-choice campaign. Is this movement fully determined by women? Has the abortion debate, especially as it is played out in the courts, become primarily a debate between men? What are our goals regarding choice? Is not the demand that abortion become an issue between a woman and her doctor a paradox within a movement fighting for freedom from a male- controlled medical establishment? Have we inadvertantly allowed the so-called .'pro- life' movement to define the parameters of such a fundamental women'_s issue? There is no doubt that feminists, over the years, have maintained an immovable position regarding choice on abortion. For all of us, the principles of the issue are clear cut. However, it is disturbing that abortion remains little more than an addendum to developing feminist thought on other issues relating to control of our bodies: violence against women, pornography, healing, lay midwifery and home birth, sexual preference, and sexual freedom of all kinds. It is time the anti-abortion position was understood for what it is: direct manipulation of our fertility and continuing enslavement of female sexuality. It is time the issue was fought on that level as well. Otherwise, we will continue to be pressured into haggling over whether or not abortion is murder, whether or not the rights of the fetus should supercede the rights of the mother, whether or not little feet, little hands, or little fingernails mean little thinking human beings, and if termination of unwanted pregnancies is but the first step in a march toward the It is time the anti-abortion position was understood for what it is: direct manipulation of our fertility and continuing enslavement of female sexuality. It is time the issue was fought on the level as well. elimination of -the aged, so-called social misfits, handicapped people and so on. This is the tangent we have been forced to debate because the real issues %at the heart of the pro-choice movement have not been forced upon the opposition. To be fighting for choice on abortion alone means we are locked into a defensive position. Essentially, we have been robbed of all the other options right from the start. Without full control of our sexuality and our reproductive lives, without our own safe and effective means of controlling our fertility, unable to be safe on the streets, in our workplaces or in our home, cut off from economic and social independence, women take up the struggle for choice on abortion as the last recourse available to them. In a world where women were liber ated from these constraints, abortion, as we now know it, would be extremely rare. The so-called 'pro-life' movement is an anti-sex movement. Anti-sex education, anti-birth control, and anti-sex with any other motive than procreation. For these people, carrying a fetus to term is not born of deep concern for human life. Rather, at its best it is an assertion that women's role is primarily that of a receptacle and at its worst it is an intent to punish those young women who have 'indulged' in sexual activity before marriage. This puritannical ethec is one which feminists are fighting on numerous fronts. It is the root which sees women as evil, and as beings whose sexual powers must be harnessed within the confines of marr riage and overall male control. It is the motive force that drove women from their historical role as healers and ultimately burned an estimated nine million female lay healers as witches during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. "The crime of these women," says Claudia Dreif- us in her introduction to Seizing Our Bodies, "was often nothing more than the fact that they were keepers of traditional knowledge about childbirth, abortion and contraception." The drive to remove women from any independant role in healing practices, she states, "came from a male fear that female healers would provide their sisters with instruments of biologic liberation." So here.we have the crux of the problem. The replacement of women healers by the male gynecological establishment represents a central power over women's lives that is not undercut by any of our demands for "a woman's right to choose". As Lisa Freedman and Susan Ursel state in the July issue of Broadside, men have always wanted control over women's ability to procreate. "From this perspective," they say, "laws which are permissive of abortion make sense in that they allow men to control women's ability to terminate pregnancy while at the same time offering the relative safety of procedures performed by licensed doctors." They go on to point, out that when women begin to use the service more freely than some would like, or if they demand control over the service itself, "the clamouring for stricter laws begins. This clamouring has nothing to do with a sudden rediscovery of the holiness of life, and has everything to do with a per- | ceived loss of con- i trol." Given this context. it is questionable continued on p. 18 R V°se , -WMMTIOK ms&hM €* m^m^J /soK SW TMM WIN IN MPL & PRtClOUJ lift |jj \m am crimld. mis mcwum wbtsn. 12 Kinesis October'83 Canadians act on choice Thanks to Marva Blackmore and Concerned Citizens for Choice on Abortion for the information on this page. On October 1, 1983, the Day of Action for Choice.on Abortion, the Canadian Abortion Rights Action League and pro-choice groups and coalitions across Canada called on their supporters to visibly demonstrate support for a woman's right to choose. At press time, groups in vir- tually every province were calling on governments to defend a woman's right to choose, remove abortion from the Criminal Code, and legalize freestanding abortion clinics. British Columbia: A march and rally is taking place in Victoria. In Vancouver, Lynn Crocker, Head Nurse at the Win- nipeg Free Standing Abortion Canadian abortion laws Canadian abortion law is based on British law. Prior to 1800 English common law reflected Catholic doctrine and made a distinction between early and late abortions. It was believed that the soul entered the body at "quickening" - the time when movements were first felt by the woman. However, abortion after quickening was not considered a serious crime, but rather, a misdemeanor. After 1803 abortion after quickening became a capital offense which qualified for the death penalty for the abortionist. The woman who attempted to obtain her own abortion was not punished. Abortion ceased to be a capital offense in 1837. The penalty was set as transportation overseas for 15 years or three years imprisonment. The distinction between early and late abortions was removed. "tipilli Canada inherited the 1861 British legislation which also made the woman liable to charges as well. She could be imprisoned for three years to life. We also inherited the 1937 Bourne precedent which said abortion was justified if the doctor is of the opinion that the probable consequence of the birth would be to make the woman a "mental or physical wreck". In 1967 the British liberalized their own abortion law. Canada followed in 1969 with ammendment to the Criminal Code which removed contraception from the Code and set up our present law which allows abortion under some circumstances. The laws which make abortion legal or illegal are made by the -federal government. The provincial governments, in turn, administer the law. They decide who will be charged with an offense and prosecuted. The provincial governments also provide health care services. They certify the doctors, approve- hospitals, and provide funding for medical services. The only surgical procedure referred to in the federal Criminal Code of Canada is abortion. Section 251 of that Code says anyone who does anything to cause a miscarriage is liable to imprisonment for life. The same section makes a woman who tries to abort herself or allows anyone to abort her liable to imprisonment for two years. Another part of the Criminal Code makes any person who aids or encourages the doctor or the woman to do these acts guilty of the crime as well. The same law that makes abortion a serious crime also creates an exception. Abortion is not a criminal act if: a) it is performed by a medical doctor; b) in an approved or accredited hospital; c) after being approved by the majority of a committee of three other doctors; d) who certify in writing that continuation of the pregnancy would or would be likely to endanger the woman's life or health. Removing all sections referring to abortion from the Criminal Code would make abortion a matter to be decided by a woman and her doctor. It would make abortion an operation to be performed according to the general rules which apply to all other medical operations. *'Äû v**5^. Clinic, will speak at a rally following a march through downtown Vancouver. Alberta: A film day is scheduled in Edmonton and the women in Calgary are sponsoring a march and rally. Saskatchewan: Marjorie Maguire, from Catholics for a Free Choice, spoke in Moose Jaw on Sept. 29, Regina on Sept. 30 and will headline a public meeting being held in Saskatoon on Oct. 1. Organizers in Regina are also planning a parade followed by guerilla theatre on Oct. 1. Manitoba: The Coalition for Reproductive Choice is sponsoring a rally at the legislative buildings which will be followed by a Choice-a-thon. Participants are invited to walk, run, skip, bicycle, wheelchair, or whatever (your choice) ten kilometers in support of choice. Ontario: A Parliament Hill demonstration is planned for Ottawa and a march and rally in Toronto. CARAL/Hamilton is arranging for supporters to join the demonstration in Toronto and in Kitchener-Waterloo supporters will parade through the downtown, get on busses and attend the Toronto rally. Quebec: Organizers in Montreal are planning a press conference ana public meeting. New Brunswick: A demonstration will take place in front of the legislature in Fredericton. Nova Scotia: There will be an information evening at the 'Y' in Halifax. Besides these major events, groups in other communities a- cross the country are circulating petitions and letters to be signed. There are information booths being set up and telegrams sent in support of choice. Pro-choice groups across the country have been using the same poster, logo, and demands. A nation-wide endorser list has been compiled and the Winnipeg coalition designed buttons, bumper stickers, and t-shirts which are being sold on Oct. 1 mmm i Churches support choice In a report published in 1982 and approved by the National Executive Council of the Anglican Church, it was stated that abortion may be morally permissable if, for economic and social reasons, a pregnant woman's physical health and sanity was seriously threatened. Although refusing to take a stand on free-standing abortion clinics until further study, the committee advocated equal access to legal abortion. "We believe...women should not be denied access to legal abortion because of geographi cal, financial or other irrelevant factors." Urging Anglicans to "put their money where their mouth is" - to offer alternatives to abortion - the report says parishes must offer more practical assistance to pregnant woman and lobby government for better financial and social benefits for single mothers. It also supported birth control information being provided earlier in school in order to reduce the incidence of abortion. The Unitarian Church has been a vocal supporter of a woman's right to choose for many years. They were presenting briefs to continued on p. 16 October'83 Kinesis 13 j Among those arrested at the raid of the Winnipeg free | standing abortion clinic was Head Nurse, Lynn \ | Crocker. She is facing two charges of conspiracy to | procure abortions, and one of procuring abortions, j She speaks here about her experiences at the clinic, I and her beliefs and hopes for the pro-choice ) j movement. byGwenKallio In May, 1983 Dr. Henry Morgentaler, a major proponent of abortion rights in Canada, opened a free standing abortion clinic in Winnipeg. This clinic, his first outside Quebec, was set up in direct challenge to Section 251 of the Criminal Code. Under this Section, abortions may only be performed in an approved or accredited hospital with the permission of a panel of doctors who believe the mother's health will be endangered by continuing the pregnancy. The Manitoba government has refused to approve Morgentaler' s clinic as a hospital. On June 3, the clinic was raided by police. Dr. Morgentaler and eight of his staff were later charged with conspiracy to procure abortions. Despite-thisi and the loss of records and some equipment, the clinic re-opened. A second police raid took place on June 25. This time the police confiscated most of the equipment and again charged the staff with conspiracy. Three of the staff were also charged with procuring abortions. Kinesis: Perhaps you can begin by explaining a bit about your own background, and what brought you to the pro-choice movement and the Morgentaler clinic. Crocker: I am a registered nurse and have taken training as a nurse practitioner at McMaster University. My background has been primarily in the field of Public Health, and I first made contact with women by doing health care, counselling and education about family planning at community health centres - particularly at Klinic in Winnipeg. I've also been involved with sexual assault programs at community health centres and have done volunteer counselling with them. I became involved with the Morgentaler Clinic at a time when I was between positions. I was approached and asked if I would be interested in working with Dr. Morgentaler in his clinic. Actually, at first I said that although I was very supportive of the cause I couldn't see myself being able to deal with the publicity. I did get a call one Sunday evening from Dr. Morgentaler - someone had given him my name, and we talked. Although I had never spoken to him before, I felt very comfortable. We met a couple of weeks later and he offered me the job. I was very excited, I remember, but at the same time very anxious. I didn't give him my decision right away, but took a lot of time to think about it. I made . myself say "No" for while...doesn't that sound odd...I rejected it at first and relaxed enough to think, "No, you don't have to take it." I realized then that I really wanted to be part of it. K: Did you anticipate the possibility of raids and charges at that point? C: I did know what Dr. Morgentaler had gone through when he was charged ten - years ago. I did know that there were risks although we had no idea that the police would go to the extent they have in Manitoba by charging all the staff. K: The clinic in Winnipeg was raided - tell us about what happened. C: Actually, we really never expected a raid. The doctors had made it quite public that they would co-operate fully with authorities if they wanted information.. On June 3 we came to work and immediately knew it was an unusual day - we saw these plainclothes police and cars all over the clinic district. The day proceeded as usual - the staff at the clinic were just wonderful, absolutely an excellent staff. In fact we had just begun our day when we heard a commotion downstairs and heard people rushing through the building and banging on doors. We were afraid they were going to come through them! "The police were very apologetic and embarrassed during the first raid. During the second raid I was very angry seeing women in tears and watching the continual harrassment. Abortion clinic staff charged by police after raid in Winnipeg. women. We have a warm, caring clinic and people recognize this. After about a week, the staff was formally charged. K: After the raid, you went back to the clinic and re-opened. Then, a couple of weeks later, you were raided again. C: Yes...this time we definitely did not expect it, as they had all the records... everything. This time when we heard the commotion, we had a pretty good idea what was happening. It was interesting though, to see the reaction of the police officers. They were very apologetic and embarrassed during the first raid. During the second raid I was very angry... seeing these women in tears and watching a continual harrassment. The police were really hound-dog, you know, hanging their heads down. One officer couldn't look me in the eye, he talked to me looking somewhere over my shoulder. We were taken to the Public Safety Building and charged again. K: What is happening at the clinic now? C: Right now I'm the only person at the clinic on salary - half-time salary because of our financial situation. The rest of the staff are helping where they can, and waiting. I talked to them last night when I knew I was going to be talking to you and asked them how their morale was, and they said, "Tell them it's great! We're waiting to get this all over with so we can get back to work!" The support has been remarkable. I had no idea when I started at the clinic that so many people were there for us. People come to me and say, "I really "believe in what you're doing. This has to happen1" There's just so much support that it far outnumbers those who are opposed. Women are still calling the clinic and now we have opened it for basic primary care. We have doctors coming here to volunteer their time. I see a real need for us to do more. There is such a gap in the area of counselling, aside from everything else. Women need a place just to go to when they are faced with making this difficult decision -sometimes only to talk. Some of the doors to examining,rooms were locked. The intruders did not identify themselves at first, just knocking, "Bang, Bang, Bang". When they did identify themselves, we opened the doors and let them in. The police segregated everyone so the staff couldn't go near any of the women who were in the clinic that day. They were all pushed together. It was very upsetting for the staff to see the women who were really anxious about their condition to begin with, become more and more upset! K: What happened to those women? C: I understand they were questioned and taken to the Public Safety Building, where they were questioned further. They were taken separately from the staff, so I'm not sure what happened there. Some of these women have since contacted us. There is a real closeness between the staff and these One woman I saw recently called me in the evening and was very distraught. She was into her mid-trimester and had been informed by a doctor that she'd had rubella early in her pregnancy. She was having to make a decision about terminating and had been given no help or support by that doctor. That is what all of us at the clinic are there for - to be there for these women. The need is so great. We're doing a little bit but we sure wish we could do more. K: When do you go to trial? C: The preliminary trial date in Winnipeg is set for October 5. At that point I gather that the trial date will be set - if there is a trial. K: Well, you certainly carry a great many people's good wishes and hopes with you into that courtroom! C: Thanks, your support helps keep us going. 14 Kinesis October'83 October ^3 Kinesis 15 by Cole Dudley On April 28, 1979, the Abortion Caravan left Vancouver and travelled across Canada to support the cause of free abortion on demand. They stopped at cities along the way where they gained supporters and publicized their demands\ The Caravan arrived in Ottawa on May 9th. Mother's Day was the 10th and on the 11th the women declared war on the Government of Canada. Margo Dunn was one of the women who travelled with the Caravan. Below is her account of the trip to Ottawa, given during an interview with Kinesis. Women in Vancouver had been actively working on the abortion issue since the '60's. I have seen letters in archival material to John Diefenbaker, trying to get the law out of the Criminal Code. In that general sexual offenses bill of 1969, where homosexuality was decriminalized, Trudeau liberalized the abortion law and set up all the red tape we have today. This brought the issue before many women's eyes. The whole women's movement was beginning to gel about 1968-1969. Control over our bodies became a very basic issue. Women here started thinking about the possibility of doing a caravan, drawing from those treks to Ottawa during the great labour struggles. Ours would be unique in that it would be the first women's action of that kind. We wanted to draw support for the abortion cause because it seemed like a prime time to act. The law was not as firmly entrenched as it is today and we wanted to get it off the books. We wanted abortion to be a matter of a woman's free choice, to be provided safely and humanely in clinics and to be paid for by the government. We also stressed secondary issues like control over our bodies in general in terms of safe, effective birth control and the connections with the pharmaceutical industry and how large it was in Canada. I think the group of us who were active on this issue were always aware of the other side of the coin - abortion as genocide. Compul- sary sterilization for poor women, for Native women. We were aware that abortion could be used against women as well as to our benefit. Women did a lot of pre-organization in writing to all the women's groups where we were going to stop and asking if they could provide us with accommodation. We also wrote to Trudeau, Turner(then Justice Minister), Monroe(then Health Minister), asking to meet with them. We received positive responses from the women's groups but were denied meetings with the Prime Minister and the MP's. When we wrote to our law-makers, we always referred to our- There were 17 of us who, for various reasons were able to travel on the caravan. We were all from Vancouver except for one woman from Nova Scotia, who happened to be out here at the time and traveled across with us. Some women, because of children or jobs, were not able to go with us, whild others flew out to Ottawa just for the rally. No children went with us. We started our trip with a rally at the courthouse the morning of the 28th. One thing that struck me at the time was one of the women who turned up for the rally. She was Mary Norton, a suffragist active in the suffrage movement in the early part of the century. There was a real continuum of the old radicals and new radicals. Throughout this whole thing we always had a sense of history. Our vehicles consisted of a volkswagon van which carried a coffin on top representing the women who died of illegal abortions, a pick-up truck which had been camperized and had an intercom between the cab and the structure on bake, and one large car. The VW van was very dramatic because of the coffin and because it had slogans painted all over it. Definitely something you would notice on the highway. We also had tapes and quite large speakers and whenever we reached a new town we would play this tape. We had a tape of songs by Elaine Brown(she was the education minister of the Black Panthers), which were wonderful, passionate liberation songs. Also, Judy Collins' version of Marat/Sade. We would blare this over the loud speakers with, of course, a voice saying what the abortion caravan was about. We had a very packed agenda, stopping in Kamloops, Calgary, Edmonton, Regina, Saskatoon, Winnipeg, Thunder Bay, Sudbury, Toronto and then Ottawa. We stopped in smaller towns only if we had time and there we would ride up and down the streets with the tape on. In each large town we would have a major parade and a public meeting in the evening. The women's centre or women's liberation group in each place organized this, as well as our accommodation. The women were expecting us because of our earlier communication and would paint their cars and bring banners for our arrival. We also did guerilla theatre. The four or five women doing theatre would take off as soon as we got to a-town and find out where all the malls were. They would run in and do their performance and run out again to rejoin, us. The way that we organized ourselves along the way was the most democratic part of the women's movement in which I have ever been involved. Each night we would plan, first of all, who rode in what vehicle and who would speak at the public meetings and meet the press. The speakers and the women meeting the press were organized in this way: a woman who considered herself experienced and a woman who considered herself inexperienced would work together, so by the time we got to Ottawa, every woman had done both tasks. There were no stars. We also made a very great effort not to use our own names in any publicity, not from any fear of reprisals, but simply because we felt that we weren't stars and were only able to go on the caravan through circumstance. So, we would use the names of famous feminist women who, of course, ;were not famous'at that time. Consequently, there are press clippings that say, "Emma Goldman said for the abortion caravan..." We used names like Helena Gutteridge (a Vancouver alderwoman) and the Pankhursts. All these names crop up in old press clippings because the media always demands a name for a quote. We had very little harassment across the country - a lot less than we expected. Just once, in Wawa Ontario, the van carrying the coffin was given a ticket for something absolutely impossible, like failure to stop at a non-existant stop sign. We had to fork out $25 for this. In Thunder Bay we had one instance of a meeting being broken up by Catholic anti-abortionists. There were quite a number of them and they waited until half an hour into the meeting and then started to scream "murderers" so the meeting was broken up immediately. It was impossible to continue. Also, there was a bit of a scuffle on the way outside. We had asked to be able to stay together, not to be billeted in houses separately. So, we slept in United Church basements all along the way. There must have been some support from the Church. We wanted to stay as a cohesive group and with our schedule we couldn't be scattered around. The meetings were quite important because usually women from the towns would speak as well as women from the caravan. Inevitably, when the floor was thrown open for -discussion women would get up and tell the most appalling stories of things that had happened to them through illegal abortions or through bearing children that they had not wanted. And quite often we would wind up in tears at the end of the night. There was quite a lot of emotion involved. One thing I remember happening that connected us with the world apart from ourselves, was when I walked into a store in Sudbury and saw the headlines of the students shot at Kent State. I think we hadn't noticed the invasion of Cambodia because we were so wrapped up in what we were doing. We had tossed around the idea of breaking up Parliament and the shootings represented what was happening to people who were doing this kind of thing in the States. We were really horrified. Wg$4i I don't think we encountered any personal strain or annoyance on the way across. I was determined that I was going to remain the person I saw muself as, so I carried along a candle and flask of brandy and a saki cup. I was a night person and would lie at night in my sleeping bag sipping brandy and reading or writing poetry by the light of.my candle. I was really on Cloud 9. There was something about the exhileration, the joy of struggle, the intensity of it that turned me on. I have this very glowing picture of the abortion caravan despite the fact that I was very ill with asthma for the first four days. There were strains on a political level because we didn't come out of any common political philosophy. Abortion was an issue we agreed on - we didn't use the word "choice" then - but there was quite a difference in the analysis of how much of the system had to be changed along with the abortion laws. There was definite disagreement among us on that level. A lot of this discussion crystalized around one of the slogans that had been written on the van - "smash capitalism". There were women who felt that the slogan would*be really offensive to people who would support us around the abortion issue. Each night after we had done our driving, our theatre, and our public meeting we would go back, organize our schedule for the next day and then have a discussion about taking the slogan off the side of the van. Some nights we only got to sleep by 2a.m., and we had to get up at 6 or 7a.m. to do this massive day's driving. By the forth or fifth night we were absolutely exhausted. I was one who thought the slogan should be on the van. I felt that quite strongly, but certainly the issue wasn't going to go away and we had to keep peace in the group. Finally we decided to repaint it. Some women got up early in the morning and painted over the smash capitalism. When we pulled into Ottawa there were over 500 people waiting. Hundreds of women had rented buses and come from Toronto and a smaller contingent from Quebec. Some Francophone women sent a telegram saying that they supported our efforts but didn't feel in a position to declare war on the Government of Canada because they didn't believe in the Government of Canada. All along the route, on every telephone pole, were signs that said "the women are coming"! We arrived on May 9th and stayed for three days, bunking in an old high school. That- day there was a public meeting in the Railway Committee Room of the House of Commons to which there were invited speakers - Dr. Henry Morgentaler, NDP MP Grace Maclnnis and a woman from Toronto who gave one of the most powerful speeches I have ever heard. It was reprinted in the anthology of writings from the women's movement, Women Unite. The woman's name was Doris Power and she was eight months pregnant with a child she had tried to have aborted. She was a welfare mother with several other children and she was very active in the anti-poverty movement in Toronto. She gave a speech that just took the roof off. So, there was this angry crowd of women with a lot of energy. This is the Saturday and we had given the government until noon on Monday to change the law but nothing was happening. Trudeau, Turner and Mun- ro had refused to meet with us. We tried very hard to get them to meet with us. Trudeau was on one of his Pacific Rim tours and John Turner sent us a telegram refusing a meeting. "The Minister of Justice will not be available to meet with your group on May 9th, in spite of ultimatums, demands and threats as set out in your letter of March 19th." We hadn't planned anything for after the meeting but we needed to do something with all this energy so it was kind of instantaneously decided that this crowd would march to Trudeau's house. Some women from Vancouver beetled' out and got the coffin and dragged it over while the rest of us walked to 24 Sussex Drive. - We had a sense through the whole thing that they didn't take us very seriously. When we got to the gate, it was wide open and there were only three RCMP officers there. That was it. And so we waltzed on in. There were a few men supporters marching with us and they got into a bit of a scuffle position with the RCMP. You see, the police couldn't handle the fact that there were women coming through the gates and they glommed onto the men and tried to make an issue. One of the RCMP officers drew a gun and someone from the back started yelling, "Sit down. Sit down, they've got guns." This caused a bit of a panic. If those people -had not yelled about the gun we would have gone into the House. What we would have done once we were in, I don't know. There we were sitting on Trudeau's lawn; hundreds of people. Some women started saying that they were going to sit there until the law was changed but others wanted to get off the lawn. Then it started to rain. It was difficult to think of a gracious way of getting out without losing face. Meanwhile, there were more and more police arriving. Some women went up to the door to see if Trudeau was in and were told he was away. Instead, his aide Gordon Gibson came out of the house, to try to mollify us. We were in a bit of a dilemma, having nothing prepared to do. So, we decided to present the coffin which we had carried across Canada and leave it on the doorstep. In my shoulder bag I had some of the instruments women use for do-it-yourself abortions - a coat hanger, a tube, a vacuum cleaner hose, a can(empty) of Draino and a few other things like that. I had been carrying these things with the hope of giving them to any cabinet minister who would listen. I also had a speech prepared which was quite gruesome. The instruments I presented to Gordon Gibson along with the speech in which I said,. "This is a vacuum cleaner hose. Women use it for the suction to withdraw the fetus from their bodies. It often removes the entire uterus. This is a can of Draino. Women inject it into their uteruses to attempt an abortion. It turns their in- sides into soup." It went on with the rious tools that have been used and their dire consequences. We met in the school ail through Sunday and there was a great debate as to whether we should have a demonstration on the hill or just go away and call it quits. I remem-. her one woman saying that we shouldn't go into the House of Commons like a bunch of screaming banshees but use the example of the British suffragists who did outrageous acts, but always with dignity. Somehow, that seemed to sway things. Finally, we decided that 35 women would go into the Houses of Parliament (for which we had tickets to the four different galleries) and by bicycle chains, chain themselves to the seats. They would each say a memorized speech which had the whole analysis. It was a short speech that said abortion should be removed from the Criminal Code because of the deaths of women and because we had a right to control over our bodies. As the guards would go to get one woman, another in an opposite gallery would stand up and start the speech over. Consequently, there would be a continuous speech going on and a chance that some parts of it would be heard. This was scheduled for 3:30p.m. At 3:00, hundreds of us went to the eternal flame. We had red kerchiefs on like the women in the French Revolution had worn, and over them we work larger, black kerchiefs. There was a silent, very well-marshalled demonstration where we marched two by two with bowed heads around the eternal flame. We intended this to appear to be the war of the women against the Government of Canada. We fully expected to be arrested and had chosen women to go inside who had no incumberances. In fact, there were no extra guards posted at all. They had no idea that we would actually do anything like that. The action was extremely well-organized. We had a list of every woman who went inside and bail money in case anyone was arrested. We had also conferred with a lawyer as to the possible charges "that could be laid against us. |^¬ßSff? At 3:30 they started and the first woman stood up to begin her speech. The security guards grabbed her and the next woman stood up to continue the speech. After about the third speaker, the guards realized that they needed hack saws. But by this point there was complete pandomonium and the guards began to get nasty. Nobody was arrested. A few women were taken to the basement and given a lecture on being "good girls". They didn't even threaten to lay charges, so our legal preparations turned out to be unnecessary. continued next page Nobody was arrested. A few women were taken to the basement and given a lecture on being "good girls". 16 Kinesis October'83 Borowski's fetus fiasco by Abby Ulmer On May 9, 1983, the city of Regina began to host one of the most absurd court spectacles in its history: the challenge to the 1969 therapeutic abortion law. Joe Borowski, a former Manitoba cabinet minister, launched the action and was given the right to speak on behalf of the fertilized ova. - Borowski claims that parts of Section 251 of the Canadian Criminal Code are invalid because they infringe upon the rights of the unborn. Special intermediary status had been sought earlier in the year by the Canadian Abortion Rights Action League (CARAL) and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association to allow the voice of women to be heard.Their requests were denied thus allowing many to speak on behalf of the fetus and none to speak on behalf of Canadian \ Morris Shumiatcher, for a heft- y fee in the range of $300,000 agreed to represent Borowski. To this end he contacted nine "expert" witnesses from around the world to testify as to when life begins. The Justice Department, represented by Edward Sojonky, was mistakenly under the assumption that this medical testimony would not be allowed as evidence in the court. Their argument being, that the court case was to be based on the constitutionality of the law and not when life begins. However, on the first day of trial, Justice W.R. Matheson agreed that the nine "expert" witnesses would be allowed their day in court. This day lasted two weeks. Sir William Liley, a professor in perinatal medicine from Auckland, New Zealand called women "...scratchy and bitchy" when pregnant and claimed that during this time women con- stantly change their minds. He also stated a correlation between women who have had a- bortions and abuse their children and said that women have abortions for convenience. Liley also mentioned that there .would be no medical situation where a woman's life would be endangered by a pregnancy. Under cross-examination however, Liley had to admit that indeed there might be some cases where a woman would die unless she had an abortion. Our next "expert" was Dr. Jerome Lejedne, a geneticist from Paris, France. After providing us with a serious talk on impregnating cattle and "...tiny cattle beings" he stated "there is little difference between a cow and a woman." The difference is that the mother who is "just a recipient to the fetus," knows when she is pregnant, whereas a cow does not. He went so far as to refer'to "Mrs. Charolais" and Mrs. Holstein". Lejeune then continued to describe the dancing of the eleven week old fetus and elaborated on the Tom Thumb fairy tale. IX was incredible to see all of the above categorized under the guise of "expert" testi- ;'Ģ mony. Through the rest of the court proceedings mention was never made of faulty or dangerous contraception; we were told that victims of rape and incest should be forced to continue their pregnancies to term; socioeconomic considerations were mentioned, but were swept under the rug and not considered closely. At various points we were also shown a slide of an eleven week old fetus and the size of a hand (in actuality a fetus at eleven weeks is approximately one and a half inches long) we were told that the "...child is not part of a woman's body"; we were shown several slides of happy husband, wife and baby; and inundated with terms such as "tiny chap", "little people", "baby" and almost exclusively the fetus was referred to as "he". We were also treated to Dr. Harly Smythe, a neurosurgeon, who so eloquently stated, "I am the fetus that was". Dr. Donald Carnduff, administrator at the Regina General Hospital, was quizzed about how the therapeutic abortion committee at the General works. Many courtroom observers were shocked when Schumiatcher entered a number of confidential patient records of women who had obtained abortions at the Regina General in past years; there was some confusion before the names on these were blacked out. Testimony was allowed from a woman who said she had three miscarriages because God was punishing her for an abortion she had when a teenager. After all the "scientific" evidence, it was with extreme shock that the women of Canada witnessed the government's lawyer state they did not dispute the medical evidence. But they did not consider it the argument In point. Sojonky's evidence consisted of the 'Badge- ley Report on the Operation of the Therapeutic Abortion Law' and two reports from Statistics Canada. We had therefore been subjected to "right to life" propaganda with no refutation stated in court. This has serious implications for any higher court that the case goes to. The Supreme Court, for example, would look over the evidence as was presented, no new evidence or witnesses would be allowed in. To our eyes it appeared as if the Justice Department was not overly concerned in defending their legislation. Due to this lack of defense, the anti-abortionists received the best press they have ever had. It was only during the final summations that the Justice Department actually presented their case. Sojonky argued that the abortion law was set up foi particular situations, that it should remain as is within the code and that the fetus is not a legal entity and therefore does not have the same rights as a legal person. To this end he also discussed the wording of the constitution and presented legal cases to prove his point. Court was adjourned on May 27, 1983 and we now await a decision from Justice Matheson. continued from p.12 'the government in the late sixties and continue to offer support to groups in the pro- choice movement. Catholics for a Free Choice (CFFC) - In the United States, a national group of Catholics is speaking out on behalf of reproductive freedom and abortion rights. Stating that they are the voice of the 72% of Catholics who are pro-choice, they point out that before 1869, the Catholic Church held that the early fetus did not have a soul and early abortion was therefore permissible. Since Pope Pius IX declared that the fetus was a person at conception, Church practice has continued to contradict the opinion that a fully human life begins at conception. The Church does not baptize the fetus in the womb, even if there is danger of miscarriage. It does not bury stillborn or miiscarried fetuses, or provide them with the last rites of the church. Only in the case of abortion does the church currently presume a soul and concern itslef with its destiny. It is not only the lay Catholics who are parting company with the Church's hard line on abortion. The National Coali-o tion of American Nuns has also taken a pro-choice stand. While continuing to oppose abortion in both principle and practice, they state that they consider abortion to be "a matter of conscientious moral choice for women to make. You can't make a law that forces consensus on a moral conscience issue." Other religious groups taking public pro-choice positions include the Lutheran Church of America, the National Council of Jewish Women, American Baptist Churches (USA), United Church of Christ, and the United Presbyterian Church in the USA to name but a few. continued from p. 15 As the women came running our the front doors, we all cheered and there was a joyful reunion. Meanwhile, we had all whipped off our black kerchiefs at 3:30 when the action started inside. We marched up the* steps of the Parliament buildings and three or four women spoke about our war on Canada and how we would not stop until abortion was completely legal. It was about a half an hour before the first women came running out. The House of Commons was shut down for 45 minutes, which was a first. I remember Turner saying that these women have set their cause back ten years. The media reported us a group of screaming women. After the action, we went back home to our respective communities to initiate the work we had decided on the day before. Since we understood this kind of action, rally or demonstration couldn't be carried on every week; it wasn't the way to get the law changed. The most important thing now for us to do was for each woman to work in her own community, trying to get abortion made more available and to get a ground swell of support. Access to abortions in large cities was relatively easy", but things needed to change in the small towns. Hospitals needed to be pushed to do more and more abortions and we needed to find ways to cut through the red tape. Personally, I found this action very politicizing. The main thing was getting in touch with the joy of struggle. It was empowering to realize that we could do something with hundreds of people, organize it in a few hours and have it work. Certainly, for me, it was politics in action. f^Nw.. October'83 Kinesis 17 U.S. Abortion Policy: Reagan equates abortion with slavery by Barbara Kuhne Midway through the most right- wing administration of our lifetimes, the pro-choice movement in the U.S. has had to fight just to keep abortion viewed as a medical decision rather than as an immoral act. In a ten-page article in Human Life Review's spring edition, President Ronald Reagan equates abortion with slavery as a moral wrong and says, "we cannot survive as a free nation" as long as legal abortion continues. His sentiments are echoed by right-to-life groups seeking to enshrine fetal personhood and to pass "feticide" laws which equate causing the death of a fetus with murder. Vocal anti- abortionists continue to lobby for the elimination of all uses of public funds for abortions in any context, including state employees' health insurance payments and any funded health care facilities. The Right to Life Committee convention in.July, 1983, indicated that they are designating money for developing "well- polished commercials" with anti- abortion messages. Meanwhile there are increasing numbers of incidents of harassment and violent intimidation directed at the staff and clients of abortion clinics - incidents ranging from picketting to property destruction, occuring from Seattle to Boston. Earlier this year the Illinois Supreme Court ruled that the state had the right to force an abortion clinic operator to disclose patients' names during a grand jury investigation of possible fraud. The justices ruled that disclosure constituted only a minimal intrusion of the women's privacy. Also in the spring of this year state legislators in Idaho passed two anti-abortion bills. One requires doctors to provide women considering abortion with state-approved photographs of fetuses from the fourth to the twenty-fourth week, and literature about fetal anatomy, physiology, and brain functions. The other bill forbids insurance companies from providing coverage of elective abortions except as an option requiring an additional premium. The bill defines elective abortions as abortions for reasons other than saving the life of the mother. Attempts were made to expand the definition of non- elective to include abortions due to pregnancy caused by incest or rape, but this amendment was dismissed on the basis that the incidence of pregnancy when fear is present is almost none. "If it's true rape and they 're afraid, then pregnancy almost never occurs, " said Senator William Moore. He cited as further evidence sources which suggest that one-third of rapists cannot produce a pregnancy. In Pennsylvania House Bill 669 introduced a measure that would defund' any family planning service in the state that so much as offered options counselling or a referral for a legal abortion. The bill also provided that any agency which violates the statute would have to pay back its grant with a 10% fine. In the U.S. Senate a constitutional amendment stating "A right to abortion is not secured by this Constitution" was defeated because anti-abortion activists did not think it restrictive enough as it would not entirely outlaw abortion in the U.S. We see that here, as in the Supreme Court decisions outlined below, even what appears as a progressive move is actually achieved for the wrong reasons. 'Senator in Your Bed' Campaign ■-**i§* jf ^ THE DECISION TO HAVE A BABY COULD SOON BE BETWEEN YOU,YOUR HUSBAND AND YOUR SENATOR. ABORTION IS SOMETHING PERSONAL NOT POLITICAL On June 15th, 1983, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled six to three that the government cannot interfere with the "fundamental right" to abortion unless justified by "accepted medical practice." This decision re-iterated a 1973 decision, Roe vs. Wade, which held that women have a constitutional right to abortion. The effect of the Court's rulings will make it much more difficult for federal, state and local governments to pass legislation which limits access to abortion and which would also be constitutional. Laws in twenty-two states which required that hospitals rather than clinics perform abortions after the first three months of pregnancy were invalidated by this ruling. The Court also declared unconstitutional an Akron, Ohio ordinance which had become a model anti-abortion law. The Akron law required a 24-hour waiting period, an inflexible list of warnings that every ive Freedom Project of the American Civil Liberties Union, discusses the possible reasons why the Court upheld women's constitutional right to abortions despite mounting pressure from a right-wing government. She notes that the Reagan administration filed a special brief in the Akron case asking the Court to defer to local legislatures on sensitive issues like abortion. She goes on to say that had this argument succeeded, similar ones would have followed in other highly political cases such as those concerning affirmative action and busing, with the result that the Court's power would have been significantly eroded. She explains the Court's decision to uphold the Roe vs. Wade decision in this way: "Why they adhered to it probably has more to do with reaction to flagrant attempts by the right wing to strip courts of their institutional power and role as guardians of judicial review than U.S. Supreme Court upholds women's right woman was forced to hear, and a requirement that abortions after the first trimester be performed in hospitals. The Akron decision reaffirmed that the state does not have a compelling interest - that ' is, important enough to impose restrictions on the availability of abortions - in the fetus until after the point of viability, which is approximately the beginning of the third trimester. The Akron decision also makes clear that abortion is the woman's right, not the right of a doctor-patient "unit"'. What the decision does not affect is the government's right to deny funding for women's abortions. The right to access to abortions is therefore conditional on the . ability to pay. In an analysis of the Supreme Court's decision Nan Hunter, a lawyer with the Reproduct- any heartfelt devotion to the liberation of women." Despite this, the Court's decision is clearly an enormous victory for women. Nan Hunter concludes her analysis by saying: "Although we cannot afford for a moment to assume that our right to abortion is now safely insulated, we should take advantage of these victories. We should use the opportunity they give us to assess the lessons of the last 10 years and to re-think the directions for political work that flow from our own feminist vision. " (This article is compiled from abortion coverage in the May, June and August/September issues of Off Our Backs. For the complete text of Nan Hunter's analysis of the Supreme Court's decision, see pp. 18 & 19 of the Aug./Sept. 00B.) THE TOP STORY IN THE NEWS TOOAV WAS PRESIDENT REAGAN'S PRESS CONFERENCE... AT THE PRESS CONFER. ENCE, MR. REAGAN REPEATED H15 SUPPORT FDR THE NEUTRON """ MR. REAGAN ALSO REAFFIRMED HIS OPPOSI TION TO ABORTION, CITING THE SANCTITY OF HUMAN LIFE - Bri o« by Mark Scgelman 18 Kinesis October'83 by Lorna Zabeck During all my time doing'abortion and pregnancy counselling at the Vancouver Women's Health Collective, I have wanted an opportunity to dispel a myth that I've heard over and over again, that being that women who have abortions are selfish, unfeeling murderers and that abortion is an easy choice. In fact, I have not talked to one woman for whom abortion was an easy choice. The women that we see who are pregnant come to the Health Collective for many reasons: Some are glad to be pregnant and are completely secure in their decision to continue the pregnancy. However, there are many women who had not wanted to be pregnant, were using contraception and are pregnant because of birth control failure;' Others lacked information about contraception or had not found a method that they could use safely and effectively (current birth control methods, as most of us know, leave a lot to be desired). I talk to women who have been coerced into sexual encounters that they haven't been full partners in choosing and on top of all that have ended up pregnant; I talk to women who have been raped. There are young women who live with their parents or who cannot take on the responsibility of a child, even if they want to; there are women whose families have grown up and who find themselves facing an unwanted pregnancy. There are women whose partners are supportive of whatever they choose to do, women whose partners have left them with the pregnancy and the decision, women who are being pressured into motherhood by their mates. Some women think that having children is a woman's role in life even if it means giving up a career or postponing an education to do it. But then, they tell me, they're not sure that's what they want. Some women tell me that they don't believe in abortion, that abortion is murder, that they would never have one, but here they are, pregnant and not seeing any way to fit a baby into their lives. They will suffer tremendous guilt and anxiety, caught between their principles and the reality of their situation. Each woman's story is unique. No woman I've talked to has faced unplanned pregnancy without being conflicted and unsure about what to do. Even women who plan their continued from p.11 whether women's so-called "right to choose" is anything more than the right to choose one doctor over another, or the right to undergo one established method of pregnancy termination. And as any woman who has had a medical abortion knows, the proceedure is far from an empowering experience. Clearly, women must reclaim the abortion issue as our own and establish goals that embrace the broader feminist ethic regarding control of our bodies. The public debate can no longer be one that is conducted primarily between men who are sympathetic to abortion and those who oppose it. Nor can we remain idle while men decide under what circumstances they would be prepared to liberalize the abortion laws. Again, to quote Freedman and Ursel: "The issue for men isn't, and never has been, the sanctity of life (be it the mother's or the fetus's). If it were, the paradoxes of war, nuclear weapons and starving children would fall before the mighty male impulse to protect life." It is time for women to stop fighting for our rights to be passive recepients of therapeutic abortions and to begin to fight: the issue as active healers. "Conversation", Linocut by Claire Kujundzic, 1979 Never an easy choice pregnancies can experience doubt. As the economic situation in our society worsens, as resources available to parents decrease, bringing a child into the world can add insurmountable stress to a woman's life. Being a single parent heaps additional pressure onto an already stressful situation. On the emotional side, most women love babies and, given an adequate situation would probably have one (or more). However, on the practical level, many women are forced to decide on abortion as the only choice they have. Once a woman has gone through this long and often painful process of deciding that abortion is her only choice, she then must go about getting one within a system that sets countless obstacles in the way of her making a free choice. Abortion in Canada is legal only under certain circumstances. The law states that a pregnancy must endanger the life or health of the mother in order to be terminated. Legally, a committee of uninvolved doctors at the hospital where a woman would have her abortion must decide whether her particular circumstances warrant terminating the pregnancy. In order for hospitals in Canada to perform abortions, they must have therapeutic abortion committees (TAC's). Less than 20 per cent of hospitals in Canada have them and can therefore do abortions. What this means is that women living in smaller towns or in rural areas often do not have access to abortion facilities in their own communities and must travel sometimes hundreds of miles to get an abortion. This presents many women with an impossible financial burden. Often these women cannot leave their families for long enough to make such a trip. Therapeutic abortion committees interpret the law governing abortion (covered in the Criminal Code, by the way) differently. Vancouver General Hospital, for example, defines the word health as the World Health Organization does - a complete state of physical, mental and social well-being - and believes that the health of any woman who does not want to be pregnant will be endangered by her pregnancy. They grant abortions freely to women. There are many hospitals, however, in which the TAC's interpret the law more literally: Women are required to sign that they are physically ill or mentally unstable in order to obtain an abortion. Doing this can have a disastrous effect should a woman's medical record be involved in any future dealings she might have with the system. All this decision making and manoeuvring around the law takes time. It is often three weeks at least between the time a woman formally requests an abortion and the time she actually has her abortion. The fact that many women are physically sick during this period or are suffering the emotional upheaval sometimes caused by hormonal changes doesn't make things any easier. The legal time limit for first trimester abortions in Canada is 12 weeks from the first day of the last menstrual period (Imp). A woman must have made a decision by her ninth week in order to qualify for a vacuum suction abortion - significantly less risky and traumatizing than a prosto- glandin or saline second trimester procedure. Most available pregnancy tests are only effective after six weeks Imp which leaves a woman three weeks at the outside to decide what to do. This, for most women, is not enough time. Abortions, at least in B.C., are performed under general anaesthetic. This is mainly for convenience within hospital routine (abortions are performed safely and easily in many other countries with local anaesthetic) and adds a measure of risk to be considered by women undergoing an otherwise simple procedure. Even women who are completely clear about choosing abortion can end up being intimidated and demoralized by this unweildly system. It is much harder for women who are not so clear. Making abortion inaccessible to women is just one of the ways in which we are discouraged from acting on our sexual feelings, from deciding if, when and under what circumstances we will bear children, from making decisions about our lives in general. The right to choose must be ours! October'8? Kinesis 19 ARTS by Pamela Harris Rina Fraticelli's report on the Status of Women in Canadian Theatre clearly reveals that women are minimumly represented in the theatre, whether as directors, playwrights, artistic directors or actors. Tamahnous Theatre's first production ot this season, the Canadian premiere of Top Girls, promises a feminist work from a socialist perspective. Written by British playwright Caryl Churchill, the play has been produced in London and New York. Caryl Churchill has worked with a feminist touring company in England and recently has written two plays for the Joint Stock Theatre Group, a collective with a radical approach to both content and production of their plays. In an interview with the Village Voice(Mavch, 1983), Churchill explains that the woman playwright is herself a break with literary convention. "Women don't write plays because they usually aren't encouraged to think about initiating action or dealing with conflict." The play Top Girls breaks theatrical convention by placing the fir-st scene at a dinner party among five women figures from his/herstory. Pope Joan, who rose to position of Holy Father from 845-856; Lady Nijo, an. Imperial Japanese courtesan; Dull Gret, painted by Brueghel; Isabella Bird, the Victorian travellor and patient Griselda from Chaucer, are the invited guests who converse with the modern-day protagonist and Top Girl Marlene. Marlene has risen to the top of a prestigious employment agency in London. As their respective stories unfold we find a common link among the women of children, abandonment of lovers, the dues they have paid for success. In September Tamanhous staged a preview of the first scene at "Tommy O's Restaurant." Kinesis interviewed the all-woman cast as well as the play's director Larry Lillo. Question: Why Top Girls? Answer: It's'an excellent play by a terrific playwright with a socialist - feminist conscience. Churchill has written a play that is entertaining and humorous as well as having certain political overtones. This is important because people want to be entertained when they come to see theatre. Over the past two years Tamanhous has been looking for a play about women. This play brings together many levels of politics and women's issues, as well as entertaining at the same time. Q: Did you have a collective process while working on the show? A: No. There is a director and the cast, as in a typical production, but the cast was allowed their own input during rehearsals. Q: Was there any feminist analysis among the cast during rehearsals? A: Doing the research about the historical characters was revealing because these women from history which Caryl, Churchill has picked did things in their own time which paved the way for women today. But few of us even knew about these women "until we began to work on the play. It approaches both negative and positive aspects of feminism, and by doing the play we personally discovered some new things about ourselves and in our relationships at home. The play's opening scene is a dinner party with five women of historical significance. Top Girls: top women in herstory Pope Joan, a woman who became pope in mid-800 A.D., is one of the play's characters. Q: Is this a feminist play? A: The play doesn't seem strictly feminist. It's not that black and white. It presents a variety of viewpoints. But it is a political piece in that it sees us as victims of a society which dehumanizes and alienates the individual - that there is a common enemy which is leading us to the destruction of humanity. Q: Do you think the play will alienate men? A: Who cares?! It is a reversal of what men have been depicting in plays for centuries. It shows the struggle for humanity - both men and women. Everyone in the 'Ģ play (even the politically 'left' sister) needs her consciousness raised. Q: Have you worked on an all-women's play before? Is it different than working with a mixed cast? A: It's great to be working together on a play that gives women something to say; that deals with real life issues for women. It beats a thankless role in a play in which you have no say, or where you have to play a sex-stereotyped role. (At this point one of the actors tells me that it's often preferable to play the heroine's best friend - because at least you don't have so many stupid lines to say!) There is a certain tension lacking in this rehearsal process which would be there with a mixed cast. It's great to play roles that are not demeaning to women. But this production is a special case - an exception. Q: Would you like to do more shows written by women with a feminist orientation? A: Yes. But there aren't many opportunities. It's a given which you learn to accept: that as a woman in this profession there are fewer good parts. When you start out you just want to do theatre so you take any role. Then as you develop, you can sometimes say 'no' to a part - and that feels good. But it's difficult because it's a risky profession with little security, and most actors still have to eat and pay rent, so they don't have a choice. As it is, most artists in this country subsidize their work, but after years of working you want to be paid for what you do. So you make that choice. Q: Do you think women in theatre have more difficulty getting their work produced; or getting work as directors, actors, etc? A: Yes. It is more difficult because there are fewer roles for women, and more women than men so the competition is stiffer. There are a few women directors and artistic directors but that doesn't necessarily mean that they are more sympathetic to women or hire women. . The stage is a great equalizer. Because everyone is there to work towards the production; the fear of being on stage and putting yourself on the line in front of an audience neutralizes people. Then it doesn't matter whether you are gay/straight/| female/male, etc. Q: Does the play break down any patriarchal sex-stereotypes about women? A~: Not necessarily. The play shows women in certain positions of success and power and reveals how poverty-stricken their lives are - even the "successful" ones. Q: Are any of you feminists? A: (long pause) No. As shown by Rina Fraticelli's report, theatre does reflect our society. The established theatre continues to perpetuate the traditional roles and values established by a patriarchal system which oppresses women. Women who choose the theatre as a profession must learn to survive in a competitive, male-dominated syster. Is there a real-life analogy between women in theatre and women in society in general, and specifically to the Top Girls of Caryl Churchill's play ? After these interviews, Harris attended a preview performance of 'Top Girls', and found it "an excellent production of an extremely well-written play, a chance to see our lives on stage." She urges women to see the show. 20 Kinesis October'83 ARTS 1 ¥ We Appear Silent To People Who Are Deaf To What We Say by Cy-Thea Sand Women of colour have played out key roles, have blazed important -trails, and have laid down bridges on which many of us today intrepidly tread. Yet much of today 's Teaching related to Women -all to its detriment - ignores, omits, or simply fails to acknowledge such realities. For Women's Studies, or Teaching related to Women, by receiving a booster shot in the arm from the Women's Movement, have thus inherited all its accompanying concepts, norms and ... alas, colour-blindness. Esmeralda Thornhill Fireweed 16 Two feminist journals - one Canadian, one American - have recently published special issues on and by women of colour. Sinister Wisdom 22/23(SW) is entirely devoted to the work of native Indian women from both Canada and the United States; Fireweed 16 is comprised of work by Canadian women of Chinese, East, West, native Indian, Japanese and African descent. SINISTER WISDOM 22/23 - A GATHERING OF SPIRIT, NORTH AMERICAN INDIAN WOMEN'S ISSUE. P.O. Box 660 Amherst, MA 91004, U.S.A. 1983, 223 pp. FIREWEED 16 - WOMEN OF COLOUR. P.O. Box 279, Station B, Toronto, Ont., Canada, M5T 2W2. 1983, 163 pp. The publication of the two anthologies is cause for both celebration and introspection. The guest collective of Fireweed 16 states that women of colour were never lost but rather "appear silent to people who are deaf to what (they) say." Furious at the white middle class makeup of the women's movement, Fireweed's guest collective chose the print medium "first to reach out to women of colour and second, to educate white feminists." Beth Brant, who skillfully edited A Gathering/ of Spirit singlehandedly, proclaims: "We are angry at a so-called women's movement that always seems to forget we exist. Except in romantic fantasies of earth mother or equally romantic and dangerous fantasies about Indian- woman -as-victim." lllllllll For me, the power of art exists in its ability to alter consciousness^ to shake a reader out of her narrow boundaries of -experience. We are too easily numbed by political statistics of horror and destruction, but good literature can effect an agony of recognition, an identification with character that can radicalize our world view. So it is with Beth Brant's piece A Long Story. Brant juxtaposes her experience of losing a custody battle because of her lesbianism, with the agony of a mother whose children were stolen from her in 1890 to be educated in the white man's school. Brant's writing is raw with agony and rage; both women howl at a world deaf to their maternal longings: 1890 My brother'is changed. He says that I have changed and bring shame to our clan.■ He says I should accept the fate. But I do not believe in the fate of child-stealing. There is evil here. There is much wrong.in our village. He says I am a crazy woman because I howl at the sky every night. He is a fool! I am calling my children. He says the People are becoming afraid of me because I talk to the air, and laugh like the loon overhead. But I am talking to the children. They need to hear the sound of me. I laugh to cheer them. They cry for us. 1979 Grunting and sweating, I am pushed by rage, and the searing wound in my soul. Like a wolf, caught in a trap, at her own leg to set herself free, begin to beat my breasts to deaden the pain inside. A noise gathers in my throat and finds the way out. I begin a scream that turns to howling, then turns to hoarse choking. I want to take my fists, my strong fists, my brown fists, and smash the world until it bleeds. The short fiction in this issue is impressive. Linda Hogan's New Shoes emotes an acceptance between mother and daughter which is rare in fiction by white women. Debra Swallow's A White Man's Word is short and powerful, expressing the destuc- tive nature of oppressive language. The Lamp in the Window is a beautiful tale of a child's fear of death being taken s'er- iously by her grandmother and Kateri Sar- della's Urban Dwellers is a strong piece depicting the city life of Indian children for whom parental guidance has disintegrated into despair gnd neglect. The children end up in foster homes or in institutions run by nuns, who tell them their brown skin will lighten through good behavior and vigorous scrubbing. Autobiographical pieces like Emilie Gallant 's White Breast Flats and A Short Autobiography by Dorothy Hayes, offer divergent views of childhood. Emile Gallant reminisces about the lushness of growing up on the Piegan Reserve in southwest Alberta; Dorothy Hayes' childhood in St. Louis is marred by sickness and self- hate. Also included in this collection is an interview with Winona LaDuke on the effects of uranium mining on native people as well as an analysis of the oppression of Canadian Indians: The Department of Indian Affairs, INDIAN CONDITIONS, states that the suicide rate among Native people is three times the national rate. Suicides also account for 35 per cent of "accidental deaths" in the 15-24 age group, and 21 per cent in the October'83 Kinesis 21 ARTS In Greater Vancouver, the majority of farmworkers are Indian for subsistence wages, and often living in substandard housing. 25-34 age group. The study concludes that "approximately 50-60 per cent of illness and death among Natives is alcohol-related. r Chinese, working hard Part of a photo essay in Fireweed,"Images of Black Women", shows life in Toronto. A 1979 inquiry by the Ontario Native Council on Justice revealed the minimum clear profit received by the government from the sales of alcohol to Natives was 25 million dollars. Only 4 per eent, $5.50 per capita, was'returned to Native alcohol treatment centres. Ihe balance between despair and determination, which Beth Brant accomplishes with her editorial choices, is reflected in Marilpu Awiakta's piece entitled Amazons In Appalachia. This work of woman identification and native myth-making is followed by a series of photographs by Nila North- sun. Awiakta's prose and Northsun's photography bear witness to the beauty of Indian women and their survival against tremendous odds. These images stayed with me, like amulets of hope, as I read with increasing rage Carol Lee Sanchez' essay on the systematic decimation of her people: For fifty years, children in this country have been raised to kill Indians mentally, subconsciously through the visual media, until it is an automatic reflex...Cowboys and Indians is still played every day by children all over America of every creed, colour and nationality. Well - it's harmless isn't it? Just kids playing kill Indians. It's all history. But it's still happening every day, and costumes are sold and the cheap'western is still rolling out of Hollywood.. .Would you allow your ohildren to play Nazis and Jews? Blacks and KKK's? Complete with costumes? Yes! It is a horrifying thought, but in thinking about it you can see how easy it is to dismiss an entire race of people as bar- 'Ģ baric and savage, and how impossible it is, after this has been inculcated in you, to relate to an Indian or a group of Indians today. Ihis anthology also contains poetry of varying subjects, styles and strengths, letters from women in prison and an introduction by the editor outlining the evolution of this special issue and its impact on her. Reading Beth Brant's labour of love I remember the summer of 1969 when I was completing my degree with a course on native cultures in British Columbia. The professor's coldness, acerbity and rudeness had diminished our class - composed mainly of teachers - to a third of its original size. Dn the final day of class she stunned us by saying that she had treated us over the summer like B.C. teachers treat their native students. I left the course in awe of this woman's rage, and shaken out of my ignorance. Beth Brant's work leaves me similarily moved. Sinister Wisdom's special issue on North American Indian Women is great reading'and a testimony to the revolutionary potential of small press feminist publishing. The evolution of Fireweed's special issue on women of colour seems to have been more tumultuous than Beth Brant's anthology. The latter was conceived one snowy night when Beth asked Michelle Cliff and Adrienne Rich - editors of SW at the time - if they had ever thought of devoting an issue to the writings of native women. Excited and enthused they asked Beth to edit it. The guest collective of Fireweed have a different story to tell. They - Himani Bannerji, Dionne Brand, Nila Gupta, Prahba Khosla and Makeda Silvera - took over two years to convince the Fireweed collective that a special issue on and about women of colour had to be editorially controlled by women of colour as well. Their rage spills over onto the first page of their anthology in a dialogue entitled: WE APPEAR SILENT TO PEOPLE WHO ARE DEAF TO WHAT WE SAY: "I'm really sick of some of these white feminists when they talk about rape. It's always from their perspective" asserts Makeda Silvera as she sets a tone for a vigorous discussion on racism in the women's movement in Canada. Dialogue and documentation form a major focus of Fireweed 16. There is a discussion between a group of lesbians in which the women talk about the painful lack of community for those who are caught between the homophobia of their home cultures and the racism of lesbian communities. Prabha Khosla interviewed and translated the stories of East Indian workers which profile the special problems of non-English speaking workers in Canada. Karen Pheasant discusses her life in relation to the native Friendship Centre movement and its commitment to helping native people retain their cultural ties. An excerpt from Makeda Silvera's book Silenced, scheduled to be published this Fall, powerfully documents the oppression of West Indian domestic workers in this country. The detailed account of one woman's struggle to earn a living to support her children in Jamaica is staggering. Her forced separation from her children - out of economic necessity - links her in spirit to the women in Beth Brant's A Long Story in SW 22/23. Ihere is a profound class consciousness in this collection, an insistence on the economic aspects of women's oppression. A lengthy review of Angela Davis' Women, Race and^ Class by Cecilia Green, articulates the gender, race and class triad. I was pleased that this review was so well integrated into the text as a whole. Many book reviews are tacked on at the end of journals which tend to undermine the im portance of critical writing. Fireweed 16 also contains an open letter to her Rastafarian sisters by Makeda Silvera, a brief presented by the Sub- Committee on Sex Discrimination Against Indian Women to the Standing Committee on Indian Affairs and Northern Development, and a short discussion on racism in the Women's Studies movement. Silvera's open letter is potent, capturing as it does the complexity of women's oppression and the contradictions for Silvera in being a feminist Rastafarian. I feel honored that Makeda Silvera chose a feminist forum for this act of courage. The short fiction and poetry in this volume are concerned mainly with the theme of imprisonment and struggle. This focus is expected; the precise language and picturesque imagery gratifying. Himani Bannerji's The Story of a Birth is an exceptional piece of writing. Using prison imagery to dramatize a woman's conflicts with marriage and pregnancy, Bannerji's story belongs, in theme and quality, with Charlotte Perkins Gilman's classic short work The Yellow Wallpaper. Both pieces are intense, succint expressions of woman's primal, existential battle against confinement . Window-Pane by Dora Nipp leaves me with a lasting impression of a Chinese woman's view of life at the turn of the century in Victoria. Like her main character, Nipp's language is brisk and efficient. Nila Gupta's poem So She-^ Could Walk chillingly details a child's fear of racist assault. Judith Pilowsky-Santos, exiled from Chile in 1976, gives us a gruesome glimpse into the psyche of a tortured political prisoner. On poem, Someone's Old Favorite by Slyvia Hamilton, passionately engages the white reader with a vision of racism: the first time I was called it how old I was, what day it was* who said it and why, Only that it happened enough other times the first doesn't matter any more. And now, on my twenty-sixth birthday, out of the anonymity of the night came the familiar sound from a passing car (N-I-G-G-E-RRRRRRRR) which once again accompanied me home. Fireweed, 16 and Sinister Wisdom 22/23 are must reading. I hope women of colour and white women will get together to discuss the wealth of material in these two anthologies. As an avid reader of feminist journals I want to read more and more writing by the women presented here, some published for the first time. This is work to be respected, debated and studied. 22 Kinesis October'83 ARTS Fat liberation Shadow on a tightrope by Bonnie Ramsey The strength of fat women is not so well known. But as you read this book you'll come to know it. And if you're fat, in case you haven't yet seen the strength in yourself, I promise you, you will. This statement appears in the forward by Vivian F. Mayer, and Shadow on a Tightrope keeps the promise. Shadow on a Tightrope; Writings by Women on Fat Oppression, edited by Lisa Schoen- fielder and Barb Wieser. Published by Aunt Lute Book Co. "Ask,..., why are racists so eager to prove blacks inferior? Why are Americans so determined to prove it is immoral (i.e., self-destructive) to be fat?" Shadow on a Tightrope is not for fat women only. Fatism is no more the sole problem of fat women than racism is the sole problem of women of colour, or homophobia that of lesbians. If you think that fat liberation is frivolous and bourgeois, when you read Shadow on a Tightrope you will learn of the class distinctions by size and that the highest percentage of fat women are black and living below the poverty level. As well, you will learn that these women consume the least calories. Elana Dykwomon compares the crippling practice of foot binding, the smaller the better, i.e. more class mobility, with dieting. Shadow on. a Tightrope is an insightful look at fat women's lives. It is about the daily horror bf fat women but most of all it is about the strength, beauty, and. courage of these women. This is a collection of writings by fat women, not only about their oppression but also about their struggles to combat that oppression. It is about the strength and beauty of fat women who are round in this angular male society. There are many statistics to back up the claim that being fat is not a choice, nor in and of itself an unhealthy state of being. Yet this book is anything but dry. And the bottom line is that no one should suffer torture, mutilation and indignations that are the lot of fat women in this fatist society. As Judy Freespirit points out in, "A Day In My Life", she is ridiculed by young boys on the bus and no one will sit beside her, until the bus is full. And then only reluctantly. She is conscious of the stares and disapproving looks that she is the brunt of in the coffee shop, as though she doesn't have a right to eat. The feminist community is not free of fato- phobia either as we see in Elana Dykwonon's "Travelling Fat". She tells of her tour of feminist communities to do readings of her work and finding an abundance of women drinking diet pop as well as feminist t- shirts that only go up to size large. Elana finds, instead of a safe place for herself and her fat sisters (in a community that has supposedly thrown off the yoke of lookism), that the burden has fallen to her to educate these women to fat politics. Anorexia is a result of this fat hating, woman hating society and Joan Dickenson, in "Some Thoughts on Fat", says this of it, 'I maintain she is trying to become a boy. Who could blame her? We are all taught that *boys are better; girls are meant to be mothers'". Joan also raises the question, Dark Circle Compelling atomic accounts by Emma Kivisild Dark Circle is an Independent Documentary Group Production; written by Judy Irving and Chris Beaver; directed by Irving, Beaver, and Ruth Landy. It was shown in Vancouver as a fundraiser for two local Dark'Circle is an anti-nuclear documentary that takes the form of 'atomic biographies' There are several main 'characters' whose personal stories weave through the film, all people whose lives have been drastically altered by their contact with some link in the circular chain of the nuclear shadow. Most are victims of radiation, as citizens of the United States or Japan, or as military employees or personnel. Nuclear weaponry is not isolated in Dark Circle. We see its interdependence with both the nuclear power industry and the military industry. We see its reliance on propaganda. And most significantly, it becomes undeniable that the dangers of preparing for nuclear war are not limited to the possibility of holocaust - they are killing people here and now. "The bomb is being used on Americans," says atomic veteran Richard McHugh in Dark Circle, expressing the ultimate dark circle of atomic weapons: our own b6mbs come back to haunt us. Much of the film explores the spread of radiation-caused cancer, and the barriers in the way of preventing it at its source. Interwoven with the lives of people from the area of the Rocky Flats Nuclear Weapons Plant, the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant in California, and the experiences of Hiroshima and Nagasaki victims, is a powerful analysis of the ways and means that perpetrate nuclear madness. The filmmakers viewed literally hundreds of thousands of feet of film in 30 archives from Washington^!). C. to Nagasaki, Japan in order to assemble a comprehensive look at the hidden world of nuclear weapons. Much of the archival film finally used is being declassified for the first time: the actual assembly line for the hydrogen bomb, the explosions of unshielded nuclear reactors in a series of U.S. government tests from the 50's and 60's, and an atomic bomb test in which 700 pigs were dressed in military uniforms and exposed to the blast, heat and radiation of a nuclear weapon. What is most compelling about Dark Circle is the clear connections it makes between the possibility of a nuclear war, its causes, and the destruction that possibility has already "yielded. A basic consciousness of the nuclear threat tells anyone that Armageddon is a likelihood, and that it is hurting us emotionally. But we need to know more in order to move beyond despair and paralysis. Dark Circle is a film that actually provides a basis of information with which to make that move. It outlines the basic physical and economic facts around pluton- ium, explores the health issues around radiation, and removes some of the anonymity that shrouds those who hold our lives in their hands. Dark Circle is thus an excellent film for those of us who want to take action. It shows us what we are up against, preparing us not only for the military mind, but also for the battles we have to fight against the control that mind has over many lives, often despite knowledge of nuclear warmaking. Yes, it is_ hard to win against a company that represents the livelihood of many people. Here is the dogged leafletting of the Diablo Canyon workers and the struggle of a peace activist to convince her husband to quit his job at Rocky Flats. It is most painful to hear Lloyd Mixon, whose livestock have been genetically mutated because of their proximity to Rocky Flats, and who has had several tumors removed from his ) own body, justify the plant's existence on the grounds of national security. The secondhand lies are harder to take than the firsthand ones. 'Ģ %Sf|;;.U^ However, there are activists in the film as well, and we see both their victories and their frustrations. It is in this area that extensive input of women into the film is most clear. It is primarily the thoughts of women that we hear in the film, and it is the strategies of women that are acted out. The actions against the nuclear monster are directed, orchestrated, and carried out primarily by women. Thus, while the verbal message of this documentary makes no overt reference to feminist - issues, the intrinsic message clearly establishes a primary position for us in anti-nuclear work, according importance to our struggles, and our voices. The use of a woman as narrator emphasizes the importance of this role. Dark Circle offers urgency and hope. Urgency because of the nature of the nuclear threat, with the added immediacy of the devastation of cancer today. Hope is apparent not in the proffering of easy solutions, or even of unclouded victories, but rather in the many consciousnesses that are raised within the film. There is hope, too, in the work Dark Circle does toward arming all of us against the war already being waged on North American soil. October'83 Kinesis 23 Jl '<&Jhi ■«L Jain A SCREAM ^ FROm SILENCE I by Kim Irving A Scream From Silence was produced by NFB Montreal in 1979. It has had some showings in Ontario and Quebec but has remained almost untouched in B.C. until the recent change of policy at NFB Vancouver, which now allows a commercial release. (The film is also available for free viewing at NFB). It is expected that it will be shown more in local theatres. French with English Subtitles Directed by Anne Claire Poirier ■ Best Foreign Film, Academy Awards 1980 Best Actress, Chicago Film Festival, 1980 Mourier a Tue-Tete (a take off from the french expression "Rire A Tue-Tete" - to die laughing) the french title of A Scream From Silence - a film about rape's power to kill. It is a film about making a film on rape, so it asks questions but doesn't necessarily provide the answers. It is explicit, it is violent, it is rape. It is a story of how rape can kill a woman's desire to love - it can kill her sexuality. It is how women are the victims-victims of domination by men, victims of the courts, victims of violence and victims of emotion. Suzanne (played by Julie Vincent), a nurse on the way home from the hospital is abducted and dragged into a van at knife point. Through a long violent scene you take her position on the floor as the rapist (Germain Houde) paces the van, swears at her, spits beer on her and strikes out at her body with his fists and feet. You close your eyes when she closes hers; you push back in your seat as he comes closer. "...Tell me your scared...", he spits, "You think you're too good for me...". With her eyes, you watch him tear off her clothes with the knife. He sweats, swears and grunts as he mounts and struggles on top of the camera. He is raping her - you can almost smell him. "No man can identify with that rapist" says the editor (Michelene Lanctot) as she turns on the light, "he's disgusting". "But, if you want a reference so everybody can understand - you have to have this rape" comments the director (Monique the judge to represent all the girls raped as children. Thirty some children enter the courtroom - the judge quickly demands their removal - the woman objects, "You are so scared that we will talk - and act first". Suzanne's story doesn't have a happy ending. The rape, and the fear that has taken over her soul, breaks her and kills her. It is a sad and desperate loss. The director and editor debate after the mournful ending. Could love have healed her? Should we let her live? Maybe she should have talked more? Why do some women survive? Her life fades to white. "Each human being with a vagina, should have a whistle around her neck", we are warned, as whistles scream out the silence. What is different about Anne Claire Poirier 's A Scream From Silence from the other numerous films about rape, is her honesty and her commitment to making you "Each human being with a vagina, should have a whistle around her neck." Miller) beside her. Is this erotic, they question. How would men react to this scene? Is that what we want? Suzanne's silent scream is mirrored with actual documentary footage of the rape and the torturing of women in Vietnam and Bangledesh - with rare footage from a clitoridectomy done in Africa and some mixed scenes from the shaving of heads of women conspirators during World War II. Testifying before an unseen and unemotional male judge, some women introduce their rape and their rapist — psychiatrist, a clerk, a husband, a director... . "Once again, it is only the act of rape that is on trial. This trial is a lie", tells a blindfolded woman. A woman stands before feel the degradition and humiliation of the rape - rather than telling it. You feel it during the rape - after the rape when Suzanne spreads her legs for the male doctor and the male photographer - when she's questioned by the police and after she dies. And it will stay with you - long after you have left the theatre. N The Quebec/french emotional response is quite different from English-Canadian. The women in the film speak of their lost souls their spirituality, the love that's dead. Unfortunately, some of this is lost during the translation. Due to the film's violence and subject matter it's recommended that a discussion time be provided after viewings, if possible. Chained Heat by Kim Irving A young woman in the corner. She is handcuffed. Black Male enters. She pulls out a gun. The woman guards notice - they grab their guns. They shoot many times. No questions asked. The woman falls in slow motion, bullet ridden. Women are shoved into the prison. They are similiar; wild hair, tight clothes, lots of make-up. Except one. She is well dressed. She's the fish. The system. It's cruel. They are given clinging night shirts. No bras, no underwear. The warden is male. He seduces the convicts - in his Jacuzzi, of course. He promises to make them stars. Porn stars. One of his stars is murdered. She was a snitch. Then a black woman is stabbed by several white women. She dies. No one saw what happened. Ericka, the white leader trys to seduce Carol, the fish. No one has refused Erica before. Captain Taylor is wicked. She only makes deals with Lester. Lester is a prison pimp. Warden calls up Carol. He treats her like a father. Twinks is cute. Twinks is dragged out into the hall and sliced up by some women. Then she is raped by the black man. The red haired guard watches and she smiles. Duchess is the black woman leader. She wears jeans and work shirts, as all the black women do. Duchess hates Ericka. Ericka hates Duchess. Lester lets some of the women out so they can prostitute for him. Carol goes but won't screw a stranger. Lester beats up Carol. A white woman sits on the can in the prison. A black hand reaches over the top. Later that night, Carol finds the very white woman hanging in the stall. Yuck. Carol demands that the warden do something. He does. He rapes her. Damn, he says, I forgot to tape it. The warden is drowned by the red haired guard and Captain Taylor. Red haired guard escorts Val (Carol's friend) back to the dorm. Val never gets there - the red haired guard shoved a batton down her throat. Val's dead. Carol's angry. Carol is thrown in the hole. Ericka and Duchess finally have it out. White hates Black. Black hates White. Carol steals the warden's porn tape. Duchess drowns the red haired guard in the fish tank. Ericka chains up the black guard. She is sweating. Twinks is offered the chance to finish him off. Captain Taylor chases Carol up to the roof. Carol tricks her. Captain falls over the edge. Carol, Ericka and the Duchess join hands and"deliver tape to the police. This is porn. Yet is has a commercial release. The violence is horrible, the misogyny not new, and its message so clearly understood. Women Against Women (a classic in porn); Ericka and the Duchess both want the leadership. They are similiar; both tall, dominate 'their people', intelli gent and both have strong inside pulls. Both are masculine - butches. The white is the 'earthy' prostitute - the black is the laborer - the working class. Women want Bower; power is the struggle, yet power quests in reality are quite the opposite of this. This is how men view women, especially women in prison. Carol demands that the warden do something about the white woman hanging in her stall. He does. He rapes her. Rape is Power; Carol is raped by the white warden. She suddenly attains power and status. She takes over the 'lead' from Ericka and Duchess. Rape has given her power. Racial Minorities are the Rapist; Twinksis raped by a black man. She is offered revenge by a white woman. Twinks sweats - she is in heat (Chained Heat) as she swings the eight inch blade above him. Racial hatred in this film is completely sexual- ized. Women must be Silenced; women are snitches. That is quite apparent. Women must be controlled; Women hate men...it goes on throughout the film. This film is now playing at the Coronet, West Van Odeon, Fraser, Westminister Mall and Westminister Drive In. It would be useful to register complaints with these theatres. 24 Kinesis October '83 ARTS When is art subversive? When do politics subvert art? by K.O. Kanne Subversive, subvert, are very strange words. In some, they inspire a kind of pride and joy, a feeling of life purpose and direction; in others the same words cause near death spasms of terror mustering images of black-masked gunpersons, destruction, chaos and hellish fires. My Oxford dictionary offers the following: 'SUBVERT: to overthrow, demolish, overturn a state, law, or set of ideas.' Further searching uncovers the Latin radical VERT: 'to change the direction of and SUB: 'under'. From this I extrapolate the meaning of subvert: to change the direction of the world from below, from the great well of the subconscious, from the depths of our hearts, from the bottom of the heap of the hierarchical power structure - a kind of grass-roots movement. On a concrete level I know the meaning of these words only too well. The penalties for subversion in most countries either with or without trial, are extreme and include life imprisonment, torture and death. And artists are not exempt from these consequences. The ready avail- ibility of examples is sickening. The image that has always stayed with me as the most ironically materialistic and sadistic (and I use the word 'materialistic' accurately) is the severing of a musician's hands - the hands of Victor Jara in the stadium of Santiago, Chile. I bring this up for two reasons. The first being to point out the extremely limited intelligence of those with whom we battle; to point out the nature Of mind that would draw the conclusion that to cut off our hands or for that matter our, tongues, would be enough to silence us or Art. And I also bring this up to remind us to be vigilant. The nature of our work as writers has a iong tradition of occupational hazards ~ not the least of which have been grinding poverty, alcoholism and the madhouse . I do not mean vigilance in some leftist - paranoid - fantasy sense where social points are handed out for the number of phone taps or the size of your dossier (it's become so 'hip') but rather in the sense of what eventually the work demands of and from us. If, like myself, you believe in the visionary possibilities of art, if you believe in the transformational power of that vision (in the sense of seeing what is), and if you believe in that power to do no less than totally change the world in which we live, then you must also have knowledge of the truly dangerous task we have set for ourselves as writers. The vigilance I mean is the type of spiral intensity, the consuming nature of an art that draws us to ever greater commitments both internally and externally: commitments to ourselves, our visions and perceptions, and commitments to what is life- giving and humane.' But the question given this panel is not whether art i_s subversive, but rather when is art subversive. My personal theory goes something like .this: In a time when those in power are fixated, to the point of causing our decimation, with a perception of existence that is linear, materialistic, competitive, patriarchal and exploitative; In a time when the machinations of the defence mentality can bring us all to our deaths in a matter of a few minutes; In a time when power is equated with money, property and privilege; In a time when most of the new words coming into our language are technological in nature; Ln a time when cultural and social needs are subservient to the needs of industry, Einance.and sports; £n a time like NOW, art is subversive when it points to a holistic, holographic and spiral interpretation of time, space and reality. Art is subversive when it pro- notes erotic, sensual and nurturing possibilities; when it directs us to look at human needs instead of economic; when it argues that matter is merely the extension of what we call spirit or soul. Art is subversive when it articulates that power is what arises from the inside, not from the outside. Art' is subversive when it strikes us to our core, when it allows us to lose our ego (even for the briefest second) and connect with the other - connection in the sense of compassion. Art whole notion of what art is but will not go into it here. Perhaps in the dialogue which follows our assumptions about art will be clarified. What I'd like to turn to now is the second question put to this panel. When does politics subvert art? To give a glib answer, I would say that Politics, with a big "P", almost always subverts art. To carry this further: Politics subverts art whenever it is tagged on as a directive as opposed to having already been integrated into the entire vision. What I mean by this is, when art becomes subservient to the practice of dogma, or is made to tow the party line, I believe it is not art but rather sinks into the morass of rhetoric, dialectical discursiveness and moralization. ART is a wily and independent creature. My experience with her over the past fifteen years has taught me only to follow where she leads. She supercedes my ego and even my will. is subversive when it asks 'improper' questions, demands new answers, and does anything that fundamentally threatens the accepted status quo, either within the macro or micro power structure. And I will mis-quote one of my favorite lines here, from Rita Mae Brown: 'If you can't raise consciousness, at least raise a little hell. . .' Which in a round about way brings up the particular for me, which is being a writer and a lesbian. It can be argued that just being an artist in this society is subversive: against the grain of the work ethic, against the demands of being economically viable, against the expectations of being a non-thinking automaton that dutifully goes to work, goes to market, or goes to war. Even more convincingly, it can be argued that to be a woman AND an artist does no less than add injury to insult. Bnt add to that women who deliberately chose to thumb their noses at everything that seems to stand as holy in this society, and you hit pay-dirt in the subversion department as far as I'm concerned. Thus I believe that being a writer and writing from a lesbian perspective is in and of itself a subversive act. I have another paper stewing about the ART is a wily and independent creature. My experience with her over the past fifteen years has taught me only to follow where she leads. She supercedes my ego and even my will. Whenever 'I' have tried to dictate her movements, my writing is little better than garbage. And with this converence in mind, I must say that this applies to the dictates of the feminist, and yes, lesbian, partyline as well. Dogma is dogma is dogma. The concept of 'politically correct' is an elitist dictate that as far as I can discern arises out of fear of loss of power - the same dynamic that can be seen in any hierarchical power structure. It is as much a form of censorship as any I have known. I want to say this in particular to younger lesbian writers: Write via your ear and your heart, not from what you think you should be writing as a 'good feminist', nor from what you think people want to hear, nor from what you think the current political climate will bear. Only follow the truth of your own tongue; otherwise you'll be cheating yourself and our community at large. As writers we have got to be free to say things the way we see them. (3) k.o. kanne 1983 October'83 Kinesis 25 LETTERS Open letter to community Update on Lesbian Information Line With all the cutbacks to community services and all people in B.C. in 1983, our information and counselling line for lesbians is still going strong. Perhaps more than ever, we realize how valuable and necessary our organization is to women in B.C. who are struggling with their sexuality and whole identities. One way to stay visible is in our listing in the white pages of the phone book - and many women do call us using this source. The Lesbian Information Line has been operating for over five years and providing short-term telephone counselling and community information on women's groups, counsellors, clubs, dances and publications. Our group has always been composed of lesbian women of various ages, family status and mixed backgrounds - in this variety we have been able to provide a comprehensive suitable service to all lesbians in their varying stages of coming out. Some of our founding members - Dorrie Brannock, Susan Western, Lee MacKay and Laurel Kimberley - built up a credible and energetic lesbian organization when few such groups existed. The early line existed on their work and their money and we would like to thank them all for their efforts and for their good foundations. In the past couple of years LIL has stayed afloat with old members leaving and new women joining. It may be true to say that our analysis and commitment to the broader women's struggle is less than in previous years, but it is fair to say that as the collective itself becomes more knowledgeable about feminism and the broader struggle, our involvement is increasing. We have been active in the Women Against the Budget Coalition and have written letters to the editor about the cuts and overall 1983 budget fight. But as with many organizations, we have a limited number of members, at present nine, and in all of our work we put the running of the line and all that this entails first. Believe me,, this prioritizing is difficult but essential if we are to reach the women who need us. How Do We Function? ' LIL is formed on a collective basis and consensus is the approach we use for decision making. Our members have a commitment to abide by our constitution and policy and to work two nights a month on the line (at least for the first six months and then other work can be taken up instead) and to attend a meeting once a month. With these limitations, other work and decision making is made via the phone and in a new attempt to expedite decisions, we have formed a working commit- FEATURINGE Do Gonlan v&cal. < vi&es \3G£>2>& AngOS on tvwe*WM» t vCxal WEDNESDAYS *'s Mumr--MU8*. tee of three for a couple of months at a time - to decide on a problem and to contact other members if it is in fact a policy decision. This new method has begun to involve more members. This structural change has allowed us to be more active and visible in the women's community and at the same time it has helped us to further educate ourselves. Our meetings are held at a member's house and we deal with various matters such as sensitive call and questions on counselling techniques, new resources and gaps in our service, assignment of tasks, ideological questions and new policy - often difficult as we sometimes have to make a policy after an issue has occurred - but then we are only human! In all of this we try not to be too bureaucratic but sensitive to all of our needs, the*concerns of the women who use our service while getting business done as well. The meetings are important for all of us -since we do not see each other as a group otherwise and it is an opportunity to catch up with our lives and to share in our main belief - that lesbianism is a viable and enjoyable lifestyle and we are all proud to be lesbians! Why Join LIL? We have all joined LIL because of our positive belief in lesbianism but also because we want to participate in a women's group and help other women. As well, LIL provides a social and educational experience for everyone and a place to learn new skills - i.e. counselling, bookkeeping, letter writing, resource gathering, public speaking, advertising and dance organization. Many of us at the moment work and live most of our lives in the straight, male world and LIL is like a haven from all of this. The support we give each other is dynamic and essential If we are to function as women loving women. It is certainly not essential that an interested woman needs to have counselling experience or even have been a part of a women's group befpre. We are always on the look-out for new members and are aware that being warm and open on initial contact with prospective members is important. One way we are trying to achieve this is by giving an interested woman a contact partner, a sister who she can talk to and discuss line information with. We have found this to be effective since in the past, interested women were left ln the lurch too often not knowing who to talk to before the monthly meeting. New women are welcome to come to the line, check us out, meet us, and take a few calls, and read over the constitution and VSW Notes Vancouver Status of Women (VSW) has a new Board of Directors. On June 29, 1983, we elected Kate Andrew, Janet Berry, and Nancy Keough (second terms), and Vicky Donaldson, Janet Lakeman, Susan Stewart, Rosemarie Rupps, and Heather Wells (first terms). Congratulations 1 First order of business for the new directors, and members, was a special meeting on Septemebr 15th to revise the VSW Con- titution. Pending registration in Victoria, our new constitution will be available to all VSW members for $1.00. Mark December 3rd on your calendar for VSW's benefit December Party ! policy. The more members a new woman works with on the line, the better counselling skills we feel will be developed. We do not have a planned training program at this time but use on-the-line training and discussion of calls at the time. Our Approach To Counselling The most important philosophy behind our approach is that we accept our caller or drop in visitor where she is at. We are supportive and caring and non-judgemental. As well, we all know that there are times when we will not have all the answers - and that's O.K. We try to be good listeners and to pick up on feelings - sometimes it is intuition and asking questions to help the woman is the best way to do it. Many of us ourselves have been to therapists or peer counselling. We try to use what we have learned from our own experiences and from each other. Because we are helping each other via the phone, our own life experiences can become valuable assets and also become validated from another caller's feelings. This aspect, the counsellor receiving affirmation of their own past, is an incredible experience . Sometimes old pain is kindled in us and we can re-evaluate and become better in our assistance to other lesbians. Improving Our Line Updating our files and resources is a continual battle. In addition we have participated in several community women's events such as the Lesbian Conference, International Women's Day and so on - and are always picking up pamphlets and brochures when we see them. VGCC News and Kinesis provide a lot of assistance for our resources as well. A major gap still exists in the area of helping persons - we need names of doctors, therapists and dentists to list. LIL would like to expand by speaking at more public engagements and through advertising and mailouts we are attempting to reach more of the straight world. We are always open to suggestions on how to expand our service - your input is most welcome. LIL operates totally on volunteer workers and we raise most of our own funds through a yearly dance (usually in June). Thanks to the Women's Health Collective, we use a space two nights a week for our line when the Health Collective is not operating. The rest of our money comes from donations from individuals and organizations, such as the Gazebo Connection and the late S.P.A.G. We exist on around $1400 a year - and most of this goes to paying the phone and advertising costs - our biggest expenses. Of cource we wouldn't say no to anyone out there willing to give us a few bucks (at this time though we have not applied for a tax number.) • An Invitation , If you think it is time to get involved in the women's community and a lesbian feminist group, how about dropping down to LIL. Maybe you are going on a trip and want to know what clubs mid groups exist in other cities; drop down to LIL, we have a book on such information. Or maybe you want to know the name of a good therapist - call us. LIL is not just a counselling line - we are an information centre as well and we also provide a drop in space on Sundays. If you are Interested in LIL - call us Thursday and Sundays, 7-10 p.m. at 734- 1016 or drop in at the Health Collective, (the same nights) at 1501 West Broadway. LIL is a lesbian feminist group and it is as strong as ever. I 26 Kinesis October'83 LETTERS Film crew turned down Kinesis: The following describes our personal frustration with the situation concerning our attempts to film the Women's Peace Camp, but it also poses some important questions for the women's community to address. On Thursday August 15, 1983, two days before the Women's Peace Camp was scheduled to begin in Cole1 Bay, Saskatchewan, three Vancouver women came together with the realization that it would be possible to get the time, equipment and supplies needed to cover the event on film. Although the National Film Board's Studio 'D' and director Bonnie Klein had already been working with the event's committee of the Peace Camp for some time and were also covering it, we as independent filmmakers from the Vancouver women's community felt that our coverage would be a positive contribution to the event, and more immediately accessible to the community. We were prepared to invest personal time, effort and money into producing a short, ten minute documentary, our objective being the documentation of an important event organized by women in support of the Peace Movement. As women and filmmakers, we also feel that it is important for women to use the media to record, document and distribute our feminist perspective. We contacted some women on the organizing committee and initially our suggestion was favourably received. Several hours later a decision was made; we were not given permission to film. Our frustration with the situation lies not with the individuals involved but with the unrepresentative decision making process and therefore the decision itself. The reasons for the refusal were not clear, but two in particular stand out. First, that we had waited until the last minute, therefore it was too late, and second, that the National Film Board was covering it anyway so it was not necessary to 'duplicate' their coverage. These 'reasons' and the decision itself raise some interesting and important issues that need to be addressed by the organizers of the Peace Camp and the women's community at large. How is it possible that three Women with the necessary expertise, resources, and commitment to participate in their own way to support the Peace Camp are denied the opportunity to film this event by a committee in their own community? We had individually known about the Peace Camp for some time, however, it would not have been possible for any one of us to cover the event alone, even though the desire had- been strong. By combining our skills and resources it became apparent that we could pull together enough money and equipment for a short film, a realization that unfortunately did not occur until two days before the scheduled Peace Camp. Although we realized thaf we were approaching the organizing committee 'at the last minute' we did not expect this to be a major problem. After all individual women artists rarely have the time and resources to organize such a project much in advance, considering our day to day struggle to merely survive as women artists. Any scheduled women's events from a political rally, to a protest march, to a concert, to a theatrical performance, must be prepared to deal with last minute changes. Why was there no such preparation or flexibility within the Peace Camp's organization? The second factor in question is the National Film Board's coverage of the event. We were aware the N.F.B. was covering the Peace Camp but felt that the one and a half hour shooting time that we could have done would have been different in style and technique, simply because we are individuals with our own unique way of seeing. Considering this, our coverage would have provided more visibility and promotion of the goals and values embodied in the Peace Camp, not a mere 'duplication' of events. A related issue to be considered here is the individual versus the institution; the independent filmmaker versus the National Film Board. Was it the perception of the Peace Camp organizers that since the N.F.B. is a more established filmmaking body, they were more professional and hence, command more validity? We don't see ourselves in competition with the N.F.B. crew, and in fact, certainly support their presence in principle. We find it difficult to understand why they were allowed to record the event while we were not. Surely the missed opportunity here is twofold! Our ability to effectively organize ourselves into a functioning team was thwarted,' and another perspective was lost. Are we mistaken in assuming that a symbolic event, such as a Women's Peace camp, could only benefit from as much publicity as possible? Isn't documentation of the action important in promoting the values of peace and unity that the event represents? Wouldn't a film solely about the event (with the participation of mostly western Canadian women) produced by Vancouver feminists have been valuable in broadening the Peace Movement locally? A decision was made. The possibility for the existence of such a film was eliminated. As the would-be producers, we can only stand by in frustration and disappointment, hoping that organizers of similar events in the future will not be so shortsighted. In solidarity, Jin Hong, Laurie Meeker, Clo Laurencelle Experience for women paramount Kinesis: In response to the letter appearing in Kinesis, which was also forwarded to the Women's Gathering, by Jin Hong, Laurie Meeker and Clo Laurencelle we, the Events Committee of Women Gathering to Stop the Cruise, would like to clarify our reasons for not allowing a second film crew to film the Women's Peace Camp at Cole Bay. Our reasons were two-fold and centred around the nature of the camp. The events of the weekend were geared towards the women participating in a political ritual. This was to be a new experience for most of the women involved and it was vital that a safe atmosphere be developed in which women felt free to express their thoughts and feelings openly. Our first reason - the last minute timing of the proposal - would not have been a problem for most events. As it was, a few people on the Events Committee were approached on the afternoon before the day we were to leave for Cole Bay and we felt unable to make a 'yes' decision without consulting the whole group. If we had been approached even two days earlier the decision could have been made at a general meeting and frustration would have been avoided on both sides. Our second reason was our concern over the quality of the experience for the participating women. A lot of time and care had gone into making the decision to allow one crew to film the event. Although we recognized the importance of documentation and publicity, the major goal of the gathering was to encourage women to make connections to the Metis and Cree people of Cole Bay and to the movement for peace. In weighing the benefits of good documentation against the quality of the experience for the women involved the majority of the Events Committee decided that a second camera would be too disruptive. Although our decision may have seemed pro- institution, we would like to make it clear that our reasons for rejecting the group of independent filmmakers had nothing to do with a preference for the more established NFB crew. As women who have been active in the women's movement for years we are very aware of the problems that non-funded artists and groups face and believe strongly in the need for mutual support. Our decision was a difficult one and we regret the frustration that it has caused. The experience, like any new experience, has been one of learning. In the overall evaluation of the weekend many different views were expressed. Some women found the presence of one film crew too intrusive while others would have liked to have seen more documentation of the event. Obviously, the problem of how to achieve a balance between the quality of an experience and the documentation of it has yet to be resolved for us. This is an issue which we hope will continue to be discussed. Anne Beesack, Pat Feindel, Paulette Roscoe, Wendy Solloway, Heather Wells. The B.C. Federation of Women Convention is approaching (November Remembrance weekend). VSW members interested in attending as delegates please contact VSW at 873-1427 for. further information. October'83 Kinesis 27 BULLETIN BOARD EVENTS AN EXCITING NEW COURSE - "History of the Labour Movement in B.C. - The Role of Women Unionists" will begin on Mon., Oct. 3rd at the Hospital Employees Union, 2286 W. 12th Ave., 7-10 p.m. This ten week course will offer an in-depth view of working women's history and organization in the province. Facilitator is Sara Diamond. Register at 986-1911, Local 430 or come in person to the first seminar. Cost is $25.50 for two weeks, plus a $10 college registration fee, and is sponsored by Capilano College Labour Studies Programme. Optional course materials cost an additional $10. This is a unique opportunity to learn a history that effects all of our lives as women. SPECIAL SHOWING: FEMINIST FILMMAKER. Three films by Sarah Halpern (formerly Barbara Martineau) at NFB Theatre, 1155 West Georgia. Sunday, Oct. 2 at 7:30 p.m. WITH THESE HANDS: An exhibit of visual arts by women at Sister's Restaurant from Oct. 4 - Nov. 13. Sponsored by Battered Women's Support Services. Opening: Oct. 3 at 8 p.m. SOLIDARITY FILM SERIES every Tues. at Little Mountain Neighbourhood House, 3981 Main St. Begins Oct. 4, 7:30 - 9:30 p.m. For more info, call 879-7104. THIS BUDGET HURTS CHILDREN: A Public Meeting Wed. Oct. 5, 7:30 p.m. at Templeton High School, 727 Templeton. Childcare available. Sponsored by B.C. Daycare Action Coalition. BENEFIT YARD SALE for Women Gathering to Stop the Cruise, Sun., Oct. 9th, 10am-4pm, 1736 William, Donations needed 253-4802 AT WOMEN IN FOCUS - THE PARISIAN LAUNDRY: An Extravaganza of Women's Work from Toronto. A show of 44 artists in the mediums of painting, drawing, photography, video, film and performance. Opening Oct. 7 thru Nov. 5, Mon.-Fri., noon to 5p.m. Sat., 10:30a.m. to 5p.m. $3 entrance fee; $2 unemployed. Oct. 7- performance; Oct. 12 - video evening; Oct. 19 - film evening; Oct. 26 - video afternoon; Oct. 29 - performance; Nov. 2 - video evening. For more info, contact Women in Focus, Ste. 204-456 W. Broadway, phone: 872-2250. PUBLIC MEETING: MARGARET RANDALL speaking on "Correcting the Lies - Nicaragua Today". Sat., Oct. 15 at 8p.m. At the Russian Hall, 600 Campbell St. $3. SHARON H. NELSON READS from her new book of poems, Mad Women and Crazy Ladies, Sun., October 16th, 2 pm, Ariel Books. LESBIANS AND GAYS HAVE A PLACE on the Steering Committees of both Solidarity Coalitions. We need to discuss who will represent us and our concerns. Therefore all lesbians are invited to attend a meeting on Wednesday, Oct. 19, 1983 at 7:30pm. at Vancouver Status of Women, 400 A West 5th Ave. Contact Jan at 734- 0485 if you need more information. YWCA FIFTH ANNUAL SINGLE MOTHERS' SYMPOSIUM, Oct. 21 & 22, 1983. Theme: "Choices & Change", Keynote speaker Joy Leach. Cost: Fri. & Sat. $25; Fri. only $7; Sat. only $20. Financial aid is available to those on income assistance through the financial aid worker. Register by Oct. 14. For more info phone the YWCA at 683-2531, local 310. FEMINIST COUNSELLING ASSOCIATION PRESENTS 1983-84 SPORTSWOMEN WALL CALENDAR (16mths.) FALL WORKSHOP: "A Feminist Approach to Female Sexuality" on Sat., Oct. 29 from 9a.m. - 4p.m. at the Unitarian Centre (49th & Oak). Cost: $30 or exchange. For further info, contact: Marsha Ablowitz at 261-8953 or 228-7029. LEADING MOUNTAINEER, PHOTOGRAPHER ARLENE BLUM speaking on a history of women's mountaineering, "Women on Top". Date: Sun., Oct. 30th at 7:30 p.m. Location: UBC - Instructional Resource Centre (IRC) Lecture Hall #6 - Woodward Library. Admission: $3.50 students and in advance; $4.50 at the door. Tickets available at CAAW&S, 1200 Hornby, 3rd floor; Ariel Books; Octopus East; AMS Box office at UBC-SUB. VANCOUVER FOLK MUSIC FESTIVAL presents Queen Ida and the Bon Temps Zydeco Band at the Commodore Ballroom on Fri., Nov. 4, 8:00 p.m. Tickets: Black Swan Records, Octopus Books East, Vancouver Folk Music Festival Office, and all VTC/CBO outlets. AN EVENING IN SOLIDARITY WITH PERU. Latin American songs, poetry, dances and a panel discussion on the situation in Peru. Dance to Communique.'ĢAdmission: $4 in advance, $5 at the door. West End Community Centre, Sat. Nov. 5, 6p.m. - 12a.m. CLASSIFIED WEST WIND CIRCLE T-SHIRTS: A Women's business. We specialize in silk-screening and custom designs/logos. We have special rates for political groups. Call Carol 327-5778 (message); Susan 873-5804. - THE VANCOUVER ASSOCIATION OF WOMEN AND THE LAW, local caucus of the National Association of Women and the Law, is presently encouraging more women to become members. We are: a) a contact group for women who wish to discuss legal issues; b) a lobbying force at the Municipal, Provincial, and Federal levels. We also offer: a) public education; b) speakers; c) conferences. Fees are $15 per year for a regular membership, or $5 per year for a student membership. For more info., contact Linda King at 669-6238 or at the UBC Faculty of Law Legal Clinic (228- 5911). WEST COAST REVIEW IS INVITING SUBMISSIONS of short works of fiction for consideration for a special issue. The issue will be a companion volume to two previously published WCR books and will be called New: West Coast Fiction. Scheduled publication is January-February, 1984. Works should be previously unpublished and accompanied by a brief autobiographical statement of about 50 words. Enclose a SASE. Deadline: Nov. 1, 1983. Mail to: The Editor, West Coast Reveiw, c/o The English Dept., SFU, Burnaby, B.C. V5A 1S6 DROP-IN WRITING WORKSHOP - JOAN HAGGERTY is starting an on-going drop-in writing workshop at 168 W. 19th Aye. on Wed. and Thurs. evenings. You pay $30 a year to belong to the group. You come whenever you want. If you are presenting material for criticism, you pay $12-$15 for that session. If you want to listen, you pay $5. The Thurs. evenings will be for women only. Both sessions will start at 7:30p.m. Joan Haggerty is the author of two books, Please, Miss, Can I Play God? (Methuen, London. Bobbs-Merrill, N.Y.C.) and Daughters of the Moon (Bobbs-Merill, N.Y.C.) Photographs include Softball, Lacrosse, Basketball, Soccer, Martial Arts. Lists women's Olympic history, Canadian holidays, lunar phases. Send $8.75(Can.): Brushfire Press-Ki, 2349 Indianola, Columbus, OH, USA 43202. WORKSHOP SPACE FOR RENT, available immediately. Phone Press Gang at 253-1224 WEIGHT TRAINING CLINIC FOR WOMEN. Beginner or intermediate levels. Includes safety tips, basic skills, avoiding injury, principles of muscle development. Nov. 5, 1983, 9a.m.-2p.m. at Riley Park Community Centre. Call Riley Park for registration before Nov. 2. $15-$20. Instructor: Betty Baxter. FEMINIST THERAPY - Sliding Scale Fees. Phone Maggie Ziegler, 251-3215. KINESIS IS EXPANDING ITS ARTS SECTION. We are soliciting copies of newly published books and passes to the openings of plays and films. Anyone interested in reviewing books, plays, film, art shows or photography shows, please contact Cole Dudley, 873-1427. We also need photographers who could take pictures for use in Kinesis. ROOMATE NEEDED - Vintage lesbian-feminist household needs a fourth woman. We live co-operatively in a big non-smoking house with a cat, garden, and darkroom. Very reasonable rent. Near Fraser and 25th. Call 876-4541. VANCOUVER STATUS OF WOMEN needs member involvement with fundraising and member help with the upcoming December dance. Call Vicky 687-8531; Cat 873-1427. ARIEL BOOKS IS HAVING A SALE, SALE, SALE, from Oct.l to Oct.15, at 2766 W. 4. ON THE AIR CO-OP RADIO HIGHLIGHTS FOR OCTOBER: A special fund-raising day of women's programming: selections from the women and words conference, music, interviews with local poets and writers arid much more on: Saturday, October 15 from 12-6 pm. Listen in on 102.7 FM, Cable 104.9. Pledge lines will be open all weekend October 14,15,16 to help raise Co-op Radio's rent. GROUPS ASSERTIVENESS TRAINING GROUP at VSW six Tues. evenings starting Nov. 8, 7:30 - 9:30p.m. No charge; childcare provided if requested ahead. Call Patty Moore, 873-1427 to register and for more info. WOMEN'S BISEXUAL SUPPORT GROUP meets twice monthly: meeting/discussion on the first Tues. of each month, social evening on the third Fri. of each month. Coming events: Tues., Oct. 4, 8:00p.m. - "Coming Out as a Bisexual - Shared Experiences". Fri., Oct. 21, 8:00p.m. - Potluck/Party. Tues., Nov.l, 8:00p.m. - "Arguments for/against our Relationships with Men". Fri., Nov. 18, 8:00p.m. - night on the town. F> - further info, contact: Beth 251-7473. Joyce 255-6997. THE HEALTH COLLECTIVE NEEDS VOLUNTEERS! The Vancouver Women's Health Collective is looking for women interested in working day or evening shifts in our resource centre. We will begin training sessions on Tues., Oct. 4 in the morning. If you are interested, please call the Health Collective, 736-6696 for more Info.