Chairman McGovern, Chairman Wolf, Commission Members, thank for giving me the opportunity to testify before the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.
This is my first visit to Washington, D.C., since assuming the office of Kalon Tripa of Tibet following the historic transfer of political authority by His Holiness the Dalai Lama earlier this August.

The late Tom Lantos has a special place in the hearts of the Tibetan
people. He was a dear friend to His Holiness the Dalai Lama and his
message of compassion. He was an eloquent and passionate advocate for
the cause of Tibet and the Tibetan people’s quest for dignity. We are
proud that the House of Representatives has honored his legacy by
putting his name on this esteemed commission dedicated to the promotion
of human rights.

The commission itself is also special for Tibetans. In 1987, its
predecessor, the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, was the first
parliamentary body to give His Holiness the Dalai Lama a public
audience. For this we extend our utmost gratitude.

The United States Congress has been the vanguard of the Tibet cause
for more than two decades. We are deeply grateful for the invaluable
support, both programmatic and policy, that you have provided over the
years. The benefits of this support are real and tangible. A young
Tibetan refugee who has fled her home in Tibet is now able to get a real
Tibetan education in India that is unavailable in occupied Tibet under
the People’s Republic of China. She benefits from the United States
humanitarian aid that provides an essential lifeline to the refugees who
make the dangerous transit across the Himalayas, through Nepal, and
into exile.

Take the example of the monks of Tongren, who lit fireworks last year
to celebrate the meeting between President Obama and the Dalai Lama, in
defiance of Chinese attempts to undermine his influence. They heard
about this through the Voice of America and Radio Free Asia Tibetan
services, which provide a vital link to the outside world in the face of
Chinese attempts to seal off Tibet.

In very difficult times, American support keeps Tibetans’ spirits up
and their hopes alive – hopes that the future may bring change that will
allow Tibetans to reclaim their dignity and their fundamental
freedoms. The seven Tibet programs supported by the United States
government are very small in your budget, but their impact in the lives
of Tibetans is immense and, I believe, a smart investment toward your
country’s efforts to promote democracy and human rights.

I come here to report to you on the state of Tibet – the daily
struggles of Tibetans inside Tibet trying to maintain their dignity
under the iron fist of repression, and the continuing efforts of those
of us living in freedom, working to preserve Tibetan culture in exile
until we can return home.

I am proud to say that the Tibetan spirit is strong. Through the
brilliant leadership of His Holiness the Dalai Lama for all these years,
our issue remains alive, our hopes remain buoyant. The rule imposed on
us by Beijing may be tough, but the Tibetan people are tougher still.

Democratic transition. The year 2011 has been a momentous one
in the history of Tibet. Since the 17th century, His Holiness the
Dalai Lama has served as both the spiritual and the temporal leader of
the Tibetan people. The current Dalai Lama, the 14th, Tenzin Gyatso,
held political office as the head of the local Tibetan government based
in Lhasa, Tibet, before he was forced to flee into exile in 1959.

In the following decades, the Dalai Lama quietly proceeded to
dismantle the traditional theocratic ¬aristocratic system and, with his
wisdom, prepared the Tibetan people for the day when they would have to
be their own leaders. In 1960, Tibetans in exile elected their first
parliament. In 1991, we had the first direct election of the chief
executive.

And in March of this year, His Holiness announced he would relinquish
the last vestiges of his formal political role in the government.
These changes, ratified by our parliament, put the leadership of the
Tibetan people in the hands of the elected leadership – the executive
branch (under the Kalon Tripa) and the parliament.

A few days after His Holiness’s announcement, the Tibetan exile
community held an historic vote. In elections that were judged free and
fair by international observers, the Tibetans elected me as the next
Kalon Tripa, with 55 percent of the vote, and a new 44 member
parliament.

Let me be clear, this does not mean that the Dalai Lama has retired.
He remains the spiritual and most revered leader of the Tibetan people,
and is identified as such in the Tibetan Charter (our constitution).
He continues to travel the world and meet with world leaders, as he did
with President Obama this past July.

This democratic transition is an important one for the United States
to absorb. Recall that in 1991, in legislation signed into law by the
first President Bush, Congress declared that, “Tibet’s true
representatives are the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government in exile
as recognized by the Tibetan people.” The Tibetan Policy Act of 2002
directs the State Department’s Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues to
“maintain close contact with religious, cultural, and political leaders
of the Tibetan people.” The U.S. government already engages with the
Central Tibetan Administration, notably in regard to the Tibetan support
programs. It is worth the effort to consider how the world’s oldest
continuous democracy can deepen its engagement with the democratic
Tibetan government.

This democratic fulfillment is also important in the context of the
“Arab spring” and the new wave of democratic, anti-despotic movements.
The last few years have witnessed democratization not only in the
Tibetan government based in northern India, but in Bhutan and Nepal,
countries on the southern periphery to Tibet and the People’s Republic
of China. This follows the democratic achievements in the 1980s and
1990s in Taiwan, South Korea, and the Philippines, on China’s eastern
rim.

The Tibetan fulfillment of democracy provides inspiration to all
those inside the People’s Republic of China, not just Tibetans, who
yearn for the democratic freedoms long denied by the ruling Communist
Party. It clearly undermines the (false) notion peddled by Beijing that
democracy is a western value not suitable to an Asian context.

Further, this achievement sends a clear message to Beijing that
leadership of the Tibet freedom movement has been entrusted to a younger
generation. China is calculating that the Tibetan cause will fade when
the current Dalai Lama passes. This will not happen.

In short, American investment in Tibetan democracy is a wise one and on the right side of history.

Of the United States and the international community, we ask you to:

(1) Affirm that Tibet’s true representatives are the Dalai Lama and the
Central Tibetan Administration as recognized by the Tibetan people;

(2) Support the transfer of political power to the new Kalon Tripa
of Tibet and the Parliament in Exile of the Central Tibetan
Administration;

(3) Commend the Tibetan exile community on their successful development and implementation of democratic self-governance;

Middle Way approach on Tibet-China relations. The Tibetan people
remain firmly committed to non-violence. We do not view China as a
nation and Chinese as a people with malice but with respect. Tibetans
and their distinct culture have lived alongside our Chinese brothers and
sisters for thousands of years.

When His Holiness appeared before the Human Rights Caucus in 1987, he
presented his “five point peace plan,” one of the first articulations
of his ‘Middle Way’ approach before an international audience. Guided
by his wisdom, my administration will continue the Middle Way policy,
which seeks genuine autonomy for Tibet within the People's Republic of
China. This remains the best opportunity for a durable solution for
both the Tibetan and Chinese peoples. We believe in a peaceful
resolution for Tibet, which means a peaceful process and peaceful
dialogue. We stand ready to negotiate with the Chinese government
anytime, anywhere.

Repression and religious freedom in Tibet. In 2008, Tibetans
across the Tibetan plateau rose up in dramatic and largest protest of
Chinese policies. Since that time, more than 150 separate protests have
taken place across the Tibetan plateau. Sadly, rather than responding
to the legitimate grievances of Tibetans, Chinese authorities responded
by making a hard line harder, turning many parts of Tibet into a virtual
state of martial law. This has driven the Tibetan people to a
desperate situation.

In 1950, when the Chinese and their Army of “liberation” came to
Tibet, they promised Tibetans a ‘socialist paradise.’ After more than 60
years of misrule in Tibet, there is no socialism, just colonialism;
there is no paradise, only tragedy.

Political repression, cultural assimilation, economic marginalization
and environmental destruction continue in occupied Tibet. The new
railway line from Beijing to Lhasa is exporting our natural resources
and importing more Chinese migrants. Today, around 70 percent of
private-sector firms in Tibet are owned or run by Chinese, and more than
50 percent of government officials are Chinese. Yet approximately 40
percent of Tibetans with university and high school degrees are
unemployed.

I recall a photo of a help-wanted sign from Lhasa a couple years
ago. A shop was looking to hire Tibetans at 30 renminbi and Chinese at
50 renminbi, a blantant case of economic discrimination. Tibetans have
been made second-class citizens in their own land.

The U.S. government has consistently found that repression in Tibet
is “severe,” as documented in annual State Department reports on human
rights and religious freedom and the reporting by the
Congressional-Executive Commission on China. Chinese authorities impose
extremely rigid regulations on day-to-day religious activity. Acts of
religious devotion are seen suspiciously as expressions of political
separatism. To revere openly His Holiness the Dalai Lama can be
considered a criminal act. Monks and nuns routinely encounter
interference in their ability to conduct teaching and practice of
Tibetan Buddhist religious traditions.

The Tibetan religious community has been particularly affected during
the recent crackdown. A case study can be made in the town of Ngaba
(Chinese province of Sichuan, Tibetan area of Amdo).

Kasur Kirti Rinpoche who will testify after me will attest that since
1996 Kirti Monastery, and others in the region, have been targeted for
“patriotic education,” or political indoctrination. Local schools that
were started by Kirti monastery’s sister monastery in Kansu were
forcibly shut down, cutting off basic education to rural children, which
was deeply resented by the monastic and lay communities in the region.
Kirti Rinpoche, who fled into exile in 1959, has only been allowed to
visit Ngaba once, in the 1980s. His visa request to travel to Tibet has
been repeatedly denied. Monks at Kirti monastery revere him as their
spiritual head and hold him in as high a regard as the Dalai Lama.
These policies create deep resentment among the people in the area.

It is in this context that we have seen the tragic self-immolations
of ten Tibetans, all but one from around Kirti monastery, to protest
against Chinese government policies, demand freedom and the return of
His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Tibetans are being pushed to the brink.
We all wonder what we can do in the face of this tragic situation. The
Tibetan Cabinet recently held a day-long special prayer service,
including His Holiness the Dalai Lama, His Holiness the Karmapa and Kiri
Rinpoche, in solidarity with those Tibetans who have sacrificed their
lives for the cause of Tibet.

The Tibetan administration does not encourage or support
self-immolations. While we feel the pain of those Tibetans sacrificing
themselves, at the same time, as Buddhists, we can’t help but wish that
their precious lives were not lost. His Holiness the Dalai Lama's
position has been clear and consistent on any form of drastic action. He
has always appealed to the Tibetans not to resort to such desperate
acts.

We ask the Chinese government to stop its repressive policies,
including suspension of implementation of religious control regulations,
review of religious and security policies implemented since 2008 in
Ngaba, and a transparent dialogue with the leaders of Tibetan Buddhist
schools.

Of the United States and the international community, we ask you to:

(1) call on China to abide by its obligations to international human rights conventions
with respect to the religious freedoms and basic human rights of the
monastic and lay communities in Ngaba, and seek a full accounting of the
forcible removal of monks from Kirti monastery;

(2) demand access to Ngaba by journalists, diplomats and United Nations officials;

(3) call on the China to stop implementing counterproductive
policies and aggressive ‘patriotic education’ programs in
Tibetan-populated areas such as Sichuan, Gansu and Qinghai, places where
human rights violations have created tensions; and

(4) urge the Chinese government to resume its dialogue with the
representatives of the Dalai Lama toward genuine autonomy for Tibetans
within the People’s Republic of China.

Reincarnation/succession. No issue illustrates the Chinese
government’s desire to control the hearts and minds of the Tibetan
people, and demonstrates it moral bankruptcy, more than the attempt to
dictate the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama. It may be complicated, but
it is not esoteric. This issue is not only a matter of fundamental
religious freedom, but it is a political one that gets to the heart of
the Tibet problem.

In 2007, the Chinese authorities approved regulations requiring
government approval for the recognitions of lamas as reincarnate
“tulkus.” Government bureaucracies must approve reincarnations of high
lamas, and the State Council reserves the right to deny recognition.
The rules state that no foreign entity can interfere in the selection of
reincarnate lamas, and require all reincarnate lamas to be reborn
within the PRC.

The purpose and position of the Chinese government is very clear: only it can approve the next Dalai Lama.

This situation, of course, is absurd. The Chinese Communist Party,
synonymous with the government, is officially atheist. Their leadership
has never believed in reincarnation and treats religion as poison.
They have no experience, and certainly no right, to interfere in matter
of the heart and of the spirit.

On September 24, 2011, the Dalai Lama gave a statement laying out his
position. Citing the tenets of Tibetan Buddhism and centuries of
practice and tradition, His Holiness makes the case that (1) the future
of the institution of the Dalai Lama is up to the Tibetan people, and
(2) that he will determine whom his successor will be, either through a
process of reincarnation or emanation of his spirit.

The coming political fight is clear. The Chinese authorities will
attempt to hijack the process for selecting the next Dalai Lama, exactly
as they did with the 11th Panchen Lama 16 years ago, in the hopes it
will extinguish the distinct Tibetan identity. In this they will fail.
I am confident that Tibetan people and Buddhists around the world will
whole heartedly follow the guidance of the 14th Dalai Lama, and embrace
the boy or girl that is his true successor.

Buddhism has been around for 2,500 years, the Chinese Communist Party for merely 90. I believe we will outlast them.

I ask members of the Commission, on behalf of the Congress and the
U.S. government, to see the battle over the Dalai Lama’s succession as a
fundamental issue of religious freedom worthy of advocacy and
protection. On this issue, I recommend that the U.S. government:

(1) join with other governments around the world to adopt a unified
position on the successor to the Dalai Lama, based on fundamental
principles of religious freedom; and

(2) express to the Chinese government that the United States
believes that the relationship between the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan
people will be solely determined by the Tibetan people.

Refugee resettlement: Since 1959 the Tibetan exile community has
persevered due to the tremendous generosity of our Indian hosts. The
government and people of India gave us lands to settle and to farm. But
after half a century, these settlements are aging. Infrastructure is
crumbling. Our human capital is thinning. Our sustainability is at
risk.

One of the biggest challenges I face as Kalon Tripa is how to
revitalize the Tibetan refugee settlements in India and Nepal so that
they can continue to serve as the foundation for our efforts to preserve
Tibetan culture until the time we can re-import it back to Tibet.

Education will be the number one priority of my administration. We
seek to create 10,000 Tibetan professionals in the next two decades. We
will establish a Tibet Policy Institute to serve as an intellectual
platform to envision, develop, and execute policies that will strengthen
Tibet. We will create also “sister settlements” to strengthen
solidarity between Tibetans in India and the West and launch Tibet Corps
which offers talented community-minded Tibetan professionals and
college students an opportunity and platform to serve their community
through a voluntary service program.

Our settlements are crowded. While we must revitalize, there is also
a need to have Tibetan refugees settle in countries outside of India
and Nepal. As His Holiness has long advocated, a vibrant Tibetan
diaspora in the West is an essential element in our effort to maintain
global support for the Tibetan cause.

To advance these two goals, the United States has already contributed
much. In 2009, Congress approved $2 million in the Foreign Operations
bill for settlement revitalization. We are currently working with USAID
on the final disposition of these funds. We are deeply grateful for
this aid.

In an act of foresight two decades ago, Congress approved legislation
granting immigration status to 1,000 Tibetans from India. This program
was successfully implemented, at no cost to the taxpayer. In the
current Congress, Congressmen Jim Sensenbrenner and George Miller have
introduced H.R. 699, to initiate a new and limited immigration program
for Tibetans. Tibetan-American communities now exist across the country
and are ready and able to receive a new round of immigrants. This
legislation would help fulfill His Holiness’ vision.

While Tibetans in South Asia are strong in spirit, self-reliant, and
determined to reunite our people, we are still refugees. Those in
India, while appreciative of Indians’ generosity, do not enjoy full
rights. They live in special settlements. They cannot go home to Tibet
due to a legitimate fear of persecution. Those in Nepal face
additional hardships. Three quarters lack documentation, which the
government of Nepal has failed to provide. They suffer harassment due
to the heavy pressure exerted by China in Nepal.

The U.S. government is successfully executing the resettlement of
Bhutanese refugees from Nepal, relieving the Nepalese of one
intransigent refugee problem. The U.S. government has proposed to
resettle some Tibetans from Nepal, but this has not been approved by the
Nepalese government.

Resettlement of Tibetan refugees from Nepal, and from the most remote
and destitute settlements in India, is another path to achieving His
Holiness’ goal. It would also serve U.S. foreign policy goals in
Nepal. In this light, I recommend that Congress:

(1) approve H.R. 699, the Tibetan immigration bill; and

(2) urge the Administration to resettle Tibetan refugees from South
Asia, including the Nepal program that is already on the table, and a
potential India program that would target Tibet refugees in the most
marginal communities.

Tibet’s environment and strategic importance. Tibet sits between
two of the largest countries in the world, and at a crossroads that
connects China to South and Central Asia. The Tibetan plateau has some
of the largest deposits of fresh water outside the two poles. It is the
source of many of the Asia’s major rivers, including the Yarlung Tsangpo
(Brahmaputra), Senge Khabab (Indus), the Langchen Khabab (Sutlej), the
Macha Khabab (Karnali), Arun (Phongchu), the Gyalmo Ngulchu (Salween),
the Zachu (Mekong), the Drichu (Yangtse) and Machu (Huang he or Yellow
River), these rivers flow into China, India, Pakistan, Nepal Bhutan,
Bangladesh, Burma, Thailand, Vietnam, Laos and Combodia. These rivers
system and their tributaries sustains the lives of millions of people in
the Asian continent.

For millennia, the Tibetan people have served as the guardians of the
plateau, its rivers and environment. China’s policies, however, are
creating potential disasters. For one, they are forcibly removing
Tibetan nomads, the land’s traditional stewards, from the grasslands,
while at the same time promoting mining and foresting. Changes in
Tibet’s ecology could have negative effects far beyond the plateau.
Temperatures are rising faster on the plateau than the global average.
Glaciers are melting. Water flows and monsoon patterns are more
variable.

At the same time, China is undertaking massive dam construction on
these major rivers. Additional projects to divert waters to China’s
drought-ridden areas could have major consequences for downstream
nations like India, Bangladesh, Cambodia and Laos whose livelihood
depends on rivers that flow from Tibet.

The United States should work in partnership with other nations to
promote a multilateral framework on regional water sharing, in order
avoid potential conflicts over water resources.

In addition, China is building out new railway lines through Tibet
and into Nepal, expanding their economic, political and military reach
into South Asia. Newly built airfields in Tibet offer the Chinese
military new possibilities for power projection to the nation’s south
and west.
Conclusion: This year's dynamic events – the Tibetan election and
His Holiness’ devolution of power -- showed the world our commitment to
genuine democracy and the universal principle of human freedom. Through
this achievement, we are demonstrating that Tibetan unity is built upon
and sustained by universal democratic principles that transcend region,
sect, gender, and generations. With this unity, we can strengthen and
sustain the Tibet movement until the time that His Holiness returns to
Tibet and the Tibetan people regain their freedom.

China is the fastest growing major economy in the world and is backed
by the largest army in the world. Sadly, however, China lacks moral
power, which cannot be purchased in the market or imposed with military
might. It has to be earned. As long as Tibetans are repressed, there
will be resistance and a continuation of this moral deficit. Finding a
lasting solution to the Tibet question will go a long way toward
restoring China’s positive image in the minds and hearts of people
around the world, as well as towards protecting its territorial
integrity and sovereignty. We will continue to reach out to the Chinese
people to build mutual understanding and trust.

I look forward to the day when the United States can look with pride
that, through its political and programmatic support, it helped nurture a
lasting solution to the Tibet problem. Such an achievement would be
one of the most defining stories of the 21st century, as it would
reaffirm faith in humanity’s capacity to build peace, non-violence and
universal freedom. This would be a victory not only for the Tibetan
people, but for all the marginalized people around the world.