*this week will consider three developments affecting middle-class
lifestyle and thought from the 1890s to the 1920s: (1) rise of
universities including the "antiformalist/pragmatist/realist
reorientation of thought; (2) professionalization (3)
suburbanization. Related only in the sense that professionals
attended universities and often lived in some of the newer suburbs.
However, all three had consequences for women and gender
relations.

I. University Revolution: changing structures of knowledge and social Authority

*as products of the university system, TR and Wilson participated in
a significant reorientation of social thought in the 1880s, and
related shift ion the sources of social authority in the U.S. ,
Wilson as academic more than TR.

C. Pragmatism and the "Revolt against formalism"(see Chronologies.
Antiformalism for Chart: to be handed out) .

1. Nature: 3 levels

a. Philosophically. 1. was a reaction against the "formalism" of
British empirical tradition, as described on outline; e.g. "economic
man" of classical economics; the "happiness maximizer" of
utilitarianism; the "power maximizer" of older political theory (e.g.
Federalist papers) Eg. see James "Pragmatism," Reader, p. 51.

*as such it is an example of new "realism" and "practicality" that
had implications for "genteel tradition" although here differences
occur.

b. but also against equation of "science" with simple "fact
gathering," as in the narrowly inductive method preferred by
mid-century American scientists (so called Baconian induction`)

*rather stressed :(1) historicism,
doctrine that things can only be
understood in terms of their past; and (2) organicism: everything must be
understood in terms of its relations to other things. Thus not
possible to separate and segregate realism of "politics",
"economics," "social"

2. Institutionally antiformalism represented the professionalization
of scholarship in various areas, whereby the social sciences take
their "modern" shape. In each case, antiformalism was both an early
stage of professionalization and a protest against it .Antiformalism,
in turn , was challenged by new generation of "scientistic"
practitioners after ca. 1909. (see sheet for generations)

3 Politically/ideologically had implications for "New Liberalism"
that provided the basis of progressivism/New Deal. Here evaluation
has changed as "progressivism" has been reassessed by several
generations of historians.

1. C. S. Pierce. Inaugurated "pragmatism" in philosophy in an
essay the "Fixation of Belief" and other that appeared in
Popular Science Monthly in 1878-79. Argued for a conception of "science" later to
be called the "hypothetico-deductive method." Arguing that the
ongoing inquiry of a scientific community provided the surest basis
for "belief", he attacked both (a) the abstract deductionism of which
he characterized as "medieval." and (b)the narrow induction of
so-called "Baconian" science" that reigned in the U.S. in the
mid-19th century.

2. Lester Frank Ward in Dynamic
Sociology (1883) likewise attacked (a) the
abstract (and deterministic) evolutionary philosophy of Herbert
Spencer and (b) the narrowly statistical fact-gathering that passed
for science among many of his colleagues at the Smithsonian, where he
worked most of his career.

3. Oliver Wendall Holmes, Jr in his Common
Law (1882) also attacked (a) the abstract
conceptions of "law" as being something more than what lawyers,
courts and legislatures do; and (b) the inductionist "case study"
method that Langdell had introduced at Harvard Law school in the
1870s.

4. William James made his reputation with his Psychology (1890) before
becoming the chief popularizer of "pragmatism" in a series of
lectures at Columbia University in 1906. Within psychology, he
opposed the abstract "elementalism" of the so-called Wundt-Titchener
tradition; and (b) the narrow physicalism of the "somatic style that
reduced all mental states to physical problems, and prescribed often
draconian physical cures accordingly.

5. John Dewey

Note: in dealing
with "pragmatism," is important to avoid easy generalizations

1. pragmatism was not simply the result of the application of
Darwinism or science, but rather an attempt to get away from an
overly strict empiricism by redefining "science." In fact, Peirce's
thought had its roots in the neo-Kantian revival of the 1870s. His
community of observers (scientists) was an attempt to actualize the
Kantian categories as an ongoing community of inquiry. For
elaboration of this theme see Bruce Kuklick, Rise of American Philosophy.

2. although sometimes accused of wanting only the "cash value" of
ideas, and hence being an evidence of the growing "materialism" of
late 19th century America, their goal was to make more room for the
knowing, feeling, active subject.

3. Hence antiformalists, James especially, wished to make more room
for "faith." See especially James Will to Believe" (1897) and his
Varieties of Religious
Experience (1902).

C Institutional context. Relation to professionalization. In their
careers, each was a transitional figure in the development of a new
professionalism, which they shared but also suspected. Pierce, for
example, never had a decent academic position; James, although a
professor at Harvard, attacked the growing power of what he termed
"The Ph.D. Octopus;" Ward obtained an academic position at Brown
University only in the final years of his life (1906-13); and Holmes
was a critic of the academic ritualism of Langdell's methods at
Harvard. Their "half way" position within the emerging
professional academic culture provides a key to many of their leading
ideas.

D. Political\ideological legacy. Although most of the leaning
antiformalists were theorists rather than activists, the ideological
payoff of their approach can be seen in a number of reforms of the
progressive era.

1. psychology-philosophy in John Dewey's theories of education, and
the progressive emphasis on "leaning by doing."

2. Ward's "ideal of government by an elite of"sociocrats" found
expression in the so-called "Wisconsin Idea," wherein experts from
the university of Wisconsin were consulted with respect to
legislation passed in that state.

3. Holmes's joined the Supreme Court in 1901, and was soon a leading
dissenter against the "conservative" actions of the Court as a hole,
e.g. in Lochner v. New York, where he upheld a ten hours law passed
by the state of NY.

*more generally, the antiformalists emphasis on "ideas" as taken
shape through adaptation to environment broke down older defenses of
property rights and "laissez faire" based on "laws of nature."
E. Later developments within antiformalism. As a particular product
of its time and place, the reformist antiformalism of the years
1880-1910 gradually grew more cautious and conservative.

1. Intellectually, the attempt to combine subjective feeling with
objective conditions led some to turn to a sort of mysticism, (the
"feel good" subjectivism that was always inherent in the "soft" side
of William James's philosophy, e.g.) or objectivism (see lecture on
scientism).

2. Professionally, the ongoing process of professionalization and the
"organization of knowledge" turned academic opinion against the "arm
chair" philosophizing (as it now seemed) of the older generation. In
the classroom, professors increasingly encountered more narrowly
trained students with neither knowledge of nor interest in
synthesizing all realms of knowledge, the thrust of much 19th century
evolutionary thinking.

3. socially-politically, progressivism itself became more
increasingly interested in "controls," and manipulation--the product
of fears of socialism, of immigrants, and of popular culture--all of
which increased markedly after 1910. An early example of this
reorientation was Edward A. Ross's Social
Control (1901).

*Illustrate by looking at "Progressive Education"

II.
ProfessionalizationHandout: "The
Process of Professionalization." Illustrates pattern during 19th 20th
century and some of the distinguishing characteristics of
"professionalizing"

(a) Using examples from your own experience, explain the various
characteristics of "professionalism." By your definition who is not a
professional (plumber, real estate salesperson). Why or why not? Are
there contradictions among the criteria of "professional" ? Why has
"professional" become such a mark of prestige in the U.S.? For
further theoretical discussion see Goode, William J., "Community
within a Community: The Professions," American Sociological Review22 (1957),
194-200; Wilensky, Harold, "The Professionalization of Everyone?
American Journal of
Sociology70 (1964), 137-48.B. Historical evolution:

* General: consideration of Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism.
1. three hypotheses: (a) "logic" of science or reflects structures of
knowledge
b. copy medical (or other specialized field, "science" as model to be
emulated)
c. social authority/power for specific groups or middle-class as a
whole (Bledstein)
d directly serve industry/ rise of foundations

2. Bledstein in detail

Question: Is there a single "process of professionalization" that is
roughly similar for each of the professions? If not, how explain the
different orientations of the different professions: Pure
professional, bureaucratic, business-oriented (Hobson)? What is the
"organizational synthesis" in scholarship, and how would Hobson
modify it?

2. Professionalization and bureaucracy? (historical look at evolution
of bureaucracy: Nelson, Roots of American
Bureaucracy).

Question: What are the defining characteristics of "bureaucracy"?
What is the relation between "bureaucracy" and "professionalism?" To
"capitalism" (see Hobson especially). For further information see
Hall, R.H., "Professionalization and Bureaucratization,"
American Sociological
Review33 (1968), 95; and "The Concept
of Bureaucracy," American Journal of
Sociology69 (1963), 32-40C.Case studies

1. Law . For an introduction to each of the individual professions
you might profitably look at: Stevens, "Two Cheers for 1870: The
American Law School," Perspectives in
American History (1971), 403-548;

Question: How do you explain the rise (or in the case of law,
medicine etc. the revitalization) of the ideal of "professionalism"
during the progressive era. New kinds of knowledge that required
expertise? social factors (anti-immigrant)?

3. Engineering: roots of "scientific management" (to be considered in
detail later in course)

*suburbanization, although not unique to U.S is one of most distinct
characteristics by end of 20th century. Between 1950 and 1980 18 or
25 largest U.S. cities showed net loss of population, while
independent suburbs gained more than 60 million persons (Jackson, p.
283) . 1968 A Spiro Agnew first suburban politician to achieve
national office.

**but suburbanization, like urbanization, is a process that
intersects with so many other processes, that it is problematic
whether one should consider it a separate category. E.g. in 19th
century merges with celebration of "home," "family" and cult of
domesticity. In 20th, consumerism. But will consider of limited
utility as with categories such as "gender" "class" etc. to see what
light it sheds on the progressive era. . Problems of defining
"suburb"

1. different definitions for different purposes. Jackson p. 4-5:
"Suburbia is both a planning type and a state of mind based on
imagery and symbolism. "

a. economists define in germs of functional relations between core
and surrounding regions

b. demographers: residential density

c. architects as building type (detached with "yard")

d. sociologists on "way of life.

2. some exclusive areas within cities are "suburban in ever way
except law (River Oaks in Houston, Country Club district in Kansas
City, and Fieldston in Bronx); while other are legally independent
although surrounded by cities (Highland Park in Detroit, and Beverly
Hills in LA). Since it is an ongoing process, areas that were once
suburban later become "urban." (E.g. Cambridge Mass, Evanston,
Illinois.)
3. also difficult to pinpoint chronologically

A. Patterns of Suburbanization in late 19th-early 20th century
U.S..

*Despite problems can see several "stages" as tied primarily to
"transportation revolution:"

1. intellectual tradition, partly derived from Britain. (cf. Dutch
who settled earliest American cities differently). Jackson argues
that this may be more a universal set of values however, so should be
seen as necessary precondition, but not sufficient explanation
(Discuss).

2. massive and sustained urban population growth. In 19th c. U.S
cities Literally exploded (but this also happened elsewhere, e.g.
Latin America but without the same consequences.

3. race: esp after northern migration of African Americans after
1918, and Brown decision of 1954.

B. General implications for U.S. in 19th century with reference to
themes of this course:

1. contributed to celebration of "home" separation of sexes, and
"cult of domesticity" (arguably stronger than in Britain)

2. also separation of classes, although at same time another basis
for obliteration of class lines (laying basis for "embourgeoisment"
cited below.

C. Implications for Progressive
era"?

Note: of the stages mentioned above "street car" suburbs are the most
distinctly located in the progressive era. But insofar as others had
taken shape from 1850s onward, many future 'progressives" lived in
suburbs.