During the 1780s, a few liberal members of the ruling Protestant Ascendancy, organised as the Irish Patriot Party led by Henry Grattan, campaigned for: reform of the Irish parliament; a lessening of British interference in Ireland's affairs; and expanding the rights and voting franchise for Catholics and Presbyterians. Backing them up was the Irish Volunteers movement, which had widespread Protestant support. Whilst they had limited success such as the establishment of Grattan's Parliament and the repeal of some of the discriminatory Penal Laws, they fell short of many of their aims. When the parliamentary reform movement collapsed in 1784, it left radicals without a political cause.[2]

By the mid-1780s, radicalism in Ireland was taking a new, bolder form, typified by the letters penned by William Drennan, which were published in the Belfast Newsletter and in pamphlets;[2] in them he hit out at leaders of the Volunteers such as Grattan and Charlemont for their conservatism and restraint, and at the political establishment for preventing the reform of the Irish parliament.[2] Most notably was his appeal for all Anglicans, Dissenters, and Roman Catholics to unite as one indifferent association, however he accepted that this would only appeal to the minority within each denomination.[2] Inspiring and increasing the radicalisation of Irish reformists was the French Revolution which had started in 1789, and had so far remained largely bloodless, with the French king forced to concede effective power to a National Assembly.[2]

Also in 1789 the Whig party was founded in Ireland and soon it became an alliance of radicals, reform-minded parliamentarians, and dissident representatives of the governing class.[2] By 1791 this alliance however was already fracturing, and several rival Whig clubs were set up by people such as Napper Tandy in Dublin and Belfast.[2] Another grouping was a "shadowy" organisation of eleven people headed by Samuel Neilson, that sought to move the recently revived Volunteer movement in as far a radical direction as possible.[2]

The enthusiasm for the French Revolution saw great Irish interest in Thomas Paine's The Rights of Man released in May 1791, which defended it and saw around 20,000 cheap copies printed for digest in Ireland.[2] A couple of months later the Belfast Volunteer company gathered to celebrate the second anniversary of the fall of the Bastille,[2] it was intended that a new radical society was to be announced during the celebrations which William Drennan, who was to give a declaration, asked to add in resolutions.[2] Drennan refused due to the short notice of the request and suggested that a Theobald Wolfe Tone be asked.[2]

Tone's reformist radicalism had advanced beyond that of the Whigs, and he proposed three resolutions for the new society, which he named the Society of United Irishmen,[2] the first resolution was for the denouncing of the continuing interference of the British establishment in Irish affairs.[2] The second was for the full reform of the Irish parliament and its representation,[2] the last resolution called for a union of religious faiths in Ireland to "abolish the differences that had long divided Irishmen" and sought to give Catholics political rights.[2] This last proposal however was quietly dropped by the Belfast Volunteers to ensure unanimity for the proposals amongst the people.[2]

This seemed to delay the launch of the new society and by August 1791, Tone in response to the rebuff of his third resolution, published the popular and robust An Argument on Behalf of the Catholics of Ireland, which argued why they should be included in attempts at reform.[2] That October, Tone was invited to a debate on the creation of a new society by a group of people including Neilson.[2] Here he found that his resolutions were now found a few months later to be "too tame".[2] A new set of resolutions were drafted and agreed to on 14 October, which the Belfast branch of the Society of United Irishmen adopted on 18 October, and the Dublin branch on 9 November,[2] the main problem they identified for Ireland was the issue of national sovereignty:

“

We have no national government; we are ruled by Englishmen, and thus servants of Englishmen, whose object is the interest of another country, whose instrument is corruption; whose strength is the weakness of Ireland.[2]

As 1791 drew to a close there were references to other lesser branches of the United Irishmen in a number of places such as: Armagh, Clonmel, Limerick, and Lisburn, yet Belfast and Dublin retained their primacy.[2] The popularity of the society continued to grow throughout Ulster especially amongst the Presbyterians; in 1795 the United Irishmen linked up with the Defenders, a Catholic agrarian secret society.

The movement quickly developed a strategy of spreading its ideals by means of pamphlets, leaflets, newspapers, ballads, "catechisms" and travelling emissaries. Whilst the Belfast Newsletter was a liberal newspaper, the society sought for the publication of a more radical one in Belfast, resulting in the Northern Star,[2] it was especially successful, both commercially and politically and had a wide readership until its suppression in 1797.[2]

The spread of the society was watched with growing alarm by the authorities and it was banned in 1793 following the declaration of war by France.

Members of the United Irishmen had a varied range of differing and divisive views and opinions on different matters, some of which persisted even when the society had moved firmly in one direction. Whilst many of the divisions were between members, there were also some between the Belfast and Dublin branches.[2]

A problem in forming policies troubled the early years of the society. Issues such as universal male suffrage, restricting the franchise, and secret balloting etc. divided members of both the Belfast and Dublin branches. It has been suggested that one of the issues behind these differences was how the bulk of the population—who were property-less and thus without a vote—would use empowerment other than in a destructive manner.[2]

Another divisive issue was that of Ireland's relationship with Britain,[2] the United Irishmen from the onset sought a fully independent and representative parliament for Ireland free from the interference of the British establishment, however retaining the Union of Crowns—ideals that followed those of the Patriot Party.[2] Some such as Tone however thought that complete separation would be a blessing for Ireland, yet refrained from mentioning anything of the sort in the society's resolutions,[2] the silence Tone showed at this time on the issue was no doubt shared by others, yet there were those who opposed such an idea.[2] By the time the society had resolved to establishing an all out republic and instigated the Irish Rebellion of 1798 to achieve it, there were still members who sought the retention of a shared monarch as long as Ireland had a free parliament.[2]

In regards to cultural identity the time of the Patriot Party and the Volunteers in the late 1770s and early 1780s saw cultural nationalism become a central theme of the reformist tradition.[2] Yet cultural nationalism remained independent of political leanings, and even within the United Irishmen there were those such as Tone himself, who had no interest in it at all.[2]

By 1794, the authorities had increased their suppression of the United Irishmen, and possibly as a result, they came up with the extremely radical proposal for annually elected parliaments, with 300 equally-sized electoral districts where all males over the age of 21 would have a vote,[2] the Dublin society however would not commit to the abolition of the House of Lords, or even to the removal of the monarchy.[2]

The makeup and conduct of the two main branches of the United Irishmen also revealed stark differences, the Belfast society was predominantly made up of a close-knit group of middle-class Presbyterians from the town, headed by an internal committee that met in secret.[2] The Dublin branch however held its meetings in public, and of its membership of 400, 140 are identified as being Catholic, whereas only 130 could be identified as Protestants,[2] this membership consisted of people from a wide range of occupations, including around 50 members from outside Dublin itself.[2] When the Dublin society was recommended by Neilson from the Belfast society to form an inner committee to thwart informants, they outright refused.[2]

The ideal of religious equality and Catholic Emancipation was a central commitment of the United Irishmen,[2] the reform movement on the early 1780s was limited to the Protestant minority in Ireland, and this was seen as key to the failure of it to gain emancipation.[2] Some such as Tone realised that this movement was "built on too narrow a foundation", and that for it to be successful it would need the support of Catholics themselves.[2]

In 1790 the Catholic Committee, which had lain dormant since 1784, was revived, seeking further reforms and relief bills for Irish Catholics,[2] some Catholic Committee members such a John Keogh had already joined the United Irishmen, with Tone appointed secretary of the Committee.[2] The Committee would show a high level of political dexterity in campaigning for its aims.[2]

In 1791, the government passed the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1791, which gave some concession; in 1792, a town meeting in Belfast, saw a declaration in favour of full Catholic emancipation, opposing suggestions for a gradual process.[2] In an attempt to prevent a union of the Catholic Committee and radicalised Protestants, the government during 1792 passed yet more bills repealing laws against Catholics,[2] despite this, whilst they could appeal for further civil rights, Catholics were to be firmly refused political enfranchisement.[2] This refusal only help cause the union that the establishment had been seeking to prevent.[2]

When the next Bastille Day celebrations were to be held that July, volunteer companies from throughout Ulster gathered in Belfast, such support was not secure.[2] Tone remarked that some of the volunteer companies who had gathered were no better than the sectarian anti-Catholic Peep o' Day Boys movement,[2] despite having a resolution for full religious equality passed, it required nervous prior discussion, with the exact wording of it being changed so that: "Irishmen of all religious denominations" was changed to simply "Catholic".[2][2]

The methods employed by the Catholic Committee to advance their cause caused mixed feelings amongst the United Irishmen, with some fearing that if things advanced too far, then they would lose the moderate conservatives in the society.[2] Drennan also observed that the Catholics sought to have "two strings to their bow" so that if one failed they could try the other, in reference to either working with the government or the Protestant radicals to achieve their aims.[2]

By working together the Committee and United Irishmen had in 1793 earned more concessions for Catholics, resulting in the winding up of the committee and thus an end to their alliance;[2] in a parting show of support the Committee declared its support for parliamentary reform.[2] Emancipation however had still not been secured, and the United Irishmen continued to press for it.[2]

Following the French declaration of war on Britain in February 1793, the movement was outlawed and went underground from 1794 as they became more determined to force a revolt against British rule. The leadership was divided into those who wished to wait for French aid before rising and the more radical elements that wished to press ahead regardless. However, the suppression of a bloody preemptive rebellion, which broke out in Leitrim in 1793, led to the former faction prevailing and links were forged with the revolutionary French government with instructions to wait sent to all of the United Irish membership.

Worried by its presence, the Dublin administration conceded some reforms, allowing Catholics the vote, to become barristers and to enroll at Trinity College Dublin in 1793, the Hearth Tax, paid by all households, was abolished in 1795, and St Patrick's seminary at Maynooth was founded. Catholics were also expected to join the militia and to inform on any United Irish activities.

A French fleet carrying 15,000 troops set sail for Ireland in 1796, under General Hoche and spent days in sight of the Cork coast at Bantry Bay but weather conditions prevented its landing, and its remnants not wrecked or captured returned to France. The British government responded to the threat it represented by sweeping up much of the United Irish leadership, it imposed martial law from 2 March 1797 in an attempt to break the movement by the widespread use of terror during searches for weapons.

By early 1798, the United Irish membership on the ground (by now 280,000 sworn members) was under severe pressure, suffering from the terror of a roving campaign of disarmament while under instructions to do nothing until the arrival of French aid; in March 1798, the bulk of the leadership was arrested and preemptive risings had already broken out in Tipperary but indecision still divided the rump leadership. Finally, the unrelenting pressure led the militant faction of the United Irishmen to set the date for a general uprising on 23 May without French aid. However, information from the informers Thomas Reynolds and Francis Magan led to the arrests of Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Samuel Neilson shortly before the rising but more crucially foiled the planned rising in Dublin which was to be the central core of the planned rebellion. On the 5 June, Sir Edward Crosbie of Carlow became the first United Irishman to be executed for treason.

The grave in Bangor Abbey, County Down, of United Irishman Archibel Wilson, who was hanged for his part in the 1798 rebellion.

General Napper Tandy, a leader of the uprising, authored a proclamation entitled 'Liberty or Death': "Can you think of entering into a treaty with a British Minister? A Minister too, who has left you at the mercy of an English soldiery, who has laid your cities waste, and massacred inhumanely your best Citizens ... Horrid crimes have been perpetrated in your country, your friends have fallen a sacrifice to their devotion to your cause, and their shadows are around you and call for vengeance ... wage a war of extermination against your oppressors, the war of Liberty against tyranny, and Liberty shall Triumph."[4]

Nevertheless, tens of thousands rose in the surrounding counties but the resulting rebellion was severely hampered by the lack of leadership and was crushed with vicious brutality, the campaign met with little success except in Wexford where a number of massacres of loyalist civilians who were largely Protestant raised the spectre of sectarianism which was seized upon by enemies of the United Irishmen to weaken their non-sectarian appeal. The eventual arrival of 1,000 French troops in Killala, County Mayo in August was too little and too late to turn the tide for the United Irishmen; in October, Wolfe Tone himself was captured when a supporting French fleet of 3,000 troops was intercepted and defeated by the Royal Navy near Lough Swilly.

Upon his capture, Wolfe Tone famously said, "From my earliest youth I have regarded the connection between Ireland and Great Britain as the curse of the Irish nation, and felt convinced, that while it lasted, this country would never be free or happy. In consequence, I determined to apply all the powers which my individual efforts could move, in order to separate the two countries." After being denied a soldier's death by firing squad, Wolfe Tone cheated the hangman by cutting his own throat.

The suppression of the rising was followed by a period of renewed repression of the United Irishmen as the general amnesty offered by Lord LieutenantCornwallis specifically excluded rebel leaders many of whom were United Irishmen, however the United Irishmen still managed to survive as both a functioning clandestine organisation, especially in Dublin and as a military force with several rebel bands still active, though severely reduced and confined to a few counties.

Prior to uprising in County Antrim, some Belfast merchants who had been ardent supporters of revolution, abandoned the radical cause for economic reasons.[5] Events in France, such as the Reign of Terror and the invasion of the Netherlands and Switzerland also helped cool support.[5] Thomas Percy, a Church of Ireland clergyman, stated that "A wonderful change has taken place amongst the republicans in the North, especially in and near Belfast, they now abhor the French as much as they were formerly partial to them, and are grown quite loyal".[5]

During the rebellion itself sectarian massacres of Protestants by the Defenders in County Wexford "did much to dampen" the rebellion in Ulster.[6] News of these massacres, most notably the one at Scullabogue, were spread by government agents to increase Protestant fears and enhance the growing division.[7]

By mid-1798 a schism between the Presbyterians and Catholics had firmly developed, with radical Presbyterians wavering in their support for revolution,[7] the government capitalised on this by starting to act against the Catholics in the radical movement instead of the northern Presbyterians.[7] Prior to the rebellion, anyone who admitted to being a member of the United Irishmen was expelled from the Yeomanry, however former Presbyterian radicals were now able to enlist in it, and those radicals that wavered in support saw it as their chance to reintegrate themselves into society.[7] Anglican clergyman Edward Hudson claimed that "the brotherhood of affection is over", as he enlisted former radicals into his Portglenone Yeomanry Corps,[7] on 1 July 1798 in Belfast, the birthplace of the United Irishmen movement, it is claimed that everyman had the red coat of the Yeomanry on.[7]

Highlighting the increased division between Presbyterian and Catholic radicals, one of the insurgent leaders who was about to be executed in Belfast is claimed as saying: "the Presbyterians of the north perceived too late that if they had succeeded in their designs, they would ultimately have had to contend with the Roman Catholics".[8]

Most of the United Irish leadership and ideologues were born into Presbyterian families. While the United Irish had declared themselves to be non-sectarian from 1791, there were other liberal Protestants in the Irish Parliament who were also anti-sectarian and sought a more democratic franchise, such as Henry Grattan and John Philpot Curran. Although the United Irishmen was a staunchly non-sectarian body which sought to unite all Irishmen, regardless of religion or descent many among their ranks were former Defenders, a term applied to many loosely connected, exclusively Catholic, agrarian resistance groups. Many of these men, as well as their Presbyterian counterparts in Ulster, had been shaped by the sectarianism that was prevalent in eighteenth century Ireland and it was no mean feat to persuade Catholic, Protestant and Dissenter to put aside their differences and view each other simply as fellow Irishmen, although the project met with remarkable success, it was quickly recognised by the establishment that sectarianism was a useful ally in the fight against the United Irishmen.

The formation of the Orange Order in 1795 was to prove particularly useful as it provided the government with allies who had detailed local knowledge of the activities of their enemies, the brutal disarming of Ulster in 1797, where the United Irish had successfully radicalised both Presbyterians and Catholics, saw thousands of Catholics driven from counties Antrim, Down and Armagh, and the murder, torture and imprisonment of hundreds of Protestants suspected of United Irish sympathies.

Also in 1795 the Dublin administration funded the new St Patrick's College seminary for Roman Catholic priests, which ensured the support of the Irish Catholic hierarchy, the church was opposed to republicanism, though individual priests were supportive. The French government that supported the United Irish had engaged in a policy of "dechristianisation" for some years, and in February 1798 its army had expelled Pope Pius VI from Rome and formed the short-lived "Roman Republic". The Catholic hierarchy was therefore in a difficult position, being opposed to the United Irish while fully aware of the underlying social grievances of its members.

Religious division and hatred was, therefore, never completely buried and a minority of the Defenders did not reject completely their previous anti-Protestant outlook, during the course of the 1798 rebellion, the Defenders who had risen with the United Irishmen perpetrated several sectarian massacres, most notoriously in County Wexford at Scullabogue and Wexford Bridge. While sectarianism undoubtedly played a part in many murders during the rising, religion was often taken as a signifier of loyalty or disloyalty by both sides and the fact that Protestants were often among the perpetrators and Catholics among the victims of rebel massacres indicates that victims lost their lives for being perceived as loyalists as opposed to purely religious reasons, such subtleties were ignored in the aftermath, as the memory of such massacres was simplified and exploited in following years by politicians to cement the sectarian divide and to ensure the loyalty of Protestants to the British Crown.

The decision to abolish the Irish Parliament resulting in the Act of Union in 1800 that created the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland played on sectarian hopes and fears and was to gradually erode the United Irishmen by playing Catholic against Protestant. This was despite the original recognition that the "bigotry" (to quote Prime Minister William Pitt) of the Protestant Parliament in Dublin had only contributed to sedition in Ireland.

The failure of Robert Emmet's rebellion in 1803 triggered the effective collapse of the Society of United Irishmen, the last armed rebel group led by James Corcoran was destroyed in 1804 and the first half of the 19th century saw sectarianism replace separatism as the touchstone for political unrest in Ireland. Not until the Young Ireland movement in the 1840s was an attempt made to resurrect the non-sectarian ideals of the United Irishmen. However, the alliance between Catholic and Protestant was never fully regained as Protestants were drawn closer to a "British" identity through fear of having a perceived position of privilege eroded by the slowly growing political power of the Catholic majority, as a consequence, subsequent organised republican resistance to British rule in Ireland was largely confined to the Catholic population and seen as a threat by the majority of the Protestant population.

1.
Wolfe Tone
–
He was captured at Letterkenny port on 3 November 1798. Theobald Wolfe Tone was born on 20 June 1763, the Tones were descended from a French Protestant family who fled to England from Gascony in the 16th century to escape religious persecution. A branch of the family settled in Dublin in the 17th century, theobalds father Peter Tone was a Church of Ireland coach-maker who had a farm near Sallins, County Kildare. His mother came from a Catholic merchant family who converted to Protestantism after Theobald was born and his maternal grandfather was captain of a vessel in the West India trade. He was baptised as Theobald Wolfe Tone in honour of his godfather, Theobald Wolfe of Blackhall, County Kildare, however, it was widely believed that Tone was the son of Theobald Wolfe, which if true made him a half-brother of the poet Charles Wolfe. In 1783, Tone found work as a tutor to Anthony and Robert, younger half-brothers of Richard Martin MP of Galway, Tone fell in love with Martins wife, but later wrote that it came to nothing. During this period he considered a career in the theatre as an actor. He studied law at Trinity College, Dublin, where he became active in the College Historical Society debating club and he graduated BA in February 1786. He qualified as a barrister in Kings Inns at the age of 26, as a student, he eloped with Martha Witherington, daughter of William and Catherine Witherington of Dublin. She would go on to change her name to Matilda, on Wolfe Tones request, in September 1791 Tone published An Argument on behalf of the Catholics of Ireland, signed A Northern Whig. In October 1791 Tone converted these ideas into practical policy by founding, in conjunction with Thomas Russell, Napper Tandy and others, the Society of the United Irishmen. Until 1794, this society aimed at no more than the formation of a union between Catholics and Protestants, with a view to obtaining a liberal measure of parliamentary reform. In 1792 he was appointed assistant secretary of the Catholic Committee, the Catholics involved were not united regarding the steps they were taking, and in December 1791, sixty-eight members withdrew, led by Lord Kenmare, with the support of the higher clergy. A petition was made to King George III early in 1793, and they could not, however, enter parliament or be made state officials above grand jurors. The Convention voted to Tone a sum of £1,500 with a gold medal, in 1794 the Society of United Irishmen became a sworn association, using oaths that clearly aimed at the overthrow of the state. Tone drew up a memorandum for Jackson on the state of Ireland, an attorney named Cockayne, to whom Jackson had imprudently disclosed his mission, betrayed the memorandum to the government, and in April 1794 Jackson was arrested on a charge of treason. Several of the leading United Irishmen, including Archibald Hamilton Rowan, fled the country, the papers of the United Irishmen were seized, and for a time the organisation was broken up. Tone, who had not attended meetings of the society since May 1793, remained in Ireland until after the trial of Jackson, the United Irishmen reformed in 1796

2.
Dublin
–
Dublin is the capital and largest city of Ireland. Dublin is in the province of Leinster on Irelands east coast, the city has an urban area population of 1,345,402. The population of the Greater Dublin Area, as of 2016, was 1,904,806 people, founded as a Viking settlement, the Kingdom of Dublin became Irelands principal city following the Norman invasion. The city expanded rapidly from the 17th century and was briefly the second largest city in the British Empire before the Acts of Union in 1800, following the partition of Ireland in 1922, Dublin became the capital of the Irish Free State, later renamed Ireland. Dublin is administered by a City Council, the city is listed by the Globalization and World Cities Research Network as a global city, with a ranking of Alpha-, which places it amongst the top thirty cities in the world. It is a historical and contemporary centre for education, the arts, administration, economy, the name Dublin comes from the Irish word Dubhlinn, early Classical Irish Dubhlind/Duibhlind, dubh /d̪uβ/, alt. /d̪uw/, alt /d̪u, / meaning black, dark, and lind /lʲiɲ pool and this tidal pool was located where the River Poddle entered the Liffey, on the site of the castle gardens at the rear of Dublin Castle. In Modern Irish the name is Duibhlinn, and Irish rhymes from Dublin County show that in Dublin Leinster Irish it was pronounced Duílinn /d̪ˠi, other localities in Ireland also bear the name Duibhlinn, variously anglicized as Devlin, Divlin and Difflin. Historically, scribes using the Gaelic script wrote bh with a dot over the b and those without knowledge of Irish omitted the dot, spelling the name as Dublin. Variations on the name are found in traditionally Irish-speaking areas of Scotland, such as An Linne Dhubh. It is now thought that the Viking settlement was preceded by a Christian ecclesiastical settlement known as Duibhlinn, beginning in the 9th and 10th century, there were two settlements where the modern city stands. Baile Átha Cliath, meaning town of the ford, is the common name for the city in modern Irish. Áth Cliath is a name referring to a fording point of the River Liffey near Father Mathew Bridge. Baile Átha Cliath was an early Christian monastery, believed to have been in the area of Aungier Street, there are other towns of the same name, such as Àth Cliath in East Ayrshire, Scotland, which is Anglicised as Hurlford. Although the area of Dublin Bay has been inhabited by humans since prehistoric times and he called the settlement Eblana polis. It is now thought that the Viking settlement was preceded by a Christian ecclesiastical settlement known as Duibhlinn, beginning in the 9th and 10th century, there were two settlements where the modern city stands. The subsequent Scandinavian settlement centred on the River Poddle, a tributary of the Liffey in an area now known as Wood Quay, the Dubhlinn was a small lake used to moor ships, the Poddle connected the lake with the Liffey. This lake was covered during the early 18th century as the city grew, the Dubhlinn lay where the Castle Garden is now located, opposite the Chester Beatty Library in Dublin Castle

3.
Irish republicanism
–
Irish republicanism is an ideology based on the belief that all of Ireland should be an independent republic. This followed hundreds of years of British conquest and Irish resistance through rebellion and it launched the 1798 Rebellion with the help of French troops. The rebellion had some success, especially in County Wexford, before it was suppressed, a second rising in 1803, led by Robert Emmet, was quickly put down, and Emmet was hanged. The Young Ireland movement, formed in the 1830s, was initially a part of the Repeal Association of Daniel OConnell, primarily a political and cultural organisation, some members of Young Ireland staged an abortive rising, the Young Irelander Rebellion of 1848. Its leaders were transported to Van Diemens Land, some of these escaped to the United States, where they linked up with other Irish exiles to form the Fenian Brotherhood. They staged another rising, the Fenian Rising, in 1867, in the early 20th century IRB members, in particular Tom Clarke and Seán MacDermott, began planning another rising. The execution of the Risings leaders, including Clarke, MacDermott, Patrick Pearse and James Connolly, the elected members did not take their seats but instead set up the First Dáil. Between 1919 and 1921 the Irish Republican Army, who were loyal to the Dáil, fought the British Army and Royal Irish Constabulary in the Irish War of Independence. Talks between the British and Irish in late 1921 led to a treaty by which the British conceded, not a 32-county Irish Republic and this led to the Irish Civil War, in which the republicans were defeated by their former comrades. That same year, the movement took the decision to focus on Northern Ireland thereafter. The Border Campaign, which lasted from 1956 to 1962, involved bombings, the failure of this campaign led the republican leadership to concentrate on political action, and to move to the left. Following the outbreak of The Troubles in 1968-9, the movement split between Officials and Provisionals at the beginning of 1970. The Provisional IRA, except during brief ceasefires in 1972 and 1975, kept up a campaign of violence for nearly thirty years, directed against security forces and civilian targets. This began to change with a speech by Danny Morrison in 1981, advocating what became known as the Armalite. Under the leadership of Gerry Adams, Sinn Féin began to focus on the search for a political settlement. When the party voted in 1986 to take seats in legislative bodies within Ireland, there was a walk-out of die-hard republicans, who set up Republican Sinn Féin and the Continuity IRA. Following the Hume–Adams dialogue, Sinn Féin took part in the Northern Ireland peace process led to the IRA ceasefires of 1994 and 1997. However, another split occurred, with anti-Agreement republicans setting up the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, today, Irish republicanism is divided between those who support the institutions set up under the Good Friday Agreement and the later St Andrews Agreement, and those who oppose them

4.
Classical liberalism
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Classical liberalism was first called that in the early 19th century, but was built on ideas of the previous century. It was a response to urbanization, and to the Industrial Revolution in Europe, notable individuals whose ideas contributed to classical liberalism include John Locke, Thomas Jefferson, Jean-Baptiste Say, Thomas Malthus, and David Ricardo. It drew on the economics of Adam Smith and on a belief in natural law, utilitarianism, the term classical liberalism was applied in retrospect to distinguish earlier 19th-century liberalism from the newer social liberalism. These beliefs were complemented by a belief that labourers could be best motivated by financial incentive and they opposed any income or wealth redistribution, which they believed would be dissipated by the lowest orders. Drawing on ideas of Adam Smith, classical liberals believed that it is in the common interest that all individuals be able to secure their own economic self-interest and they were critical of what would come to be the ideas of the welfare state as interfering in a free market. A landlord, a farmer, a manufacturer, a merchant, though they did not employ a single workman. Many workmen could not subsist a week, few could subsist a month, in the long run the workman may be as necessary to his master as his master is to him, but the necessity is not so immediate. The workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as little as possible, in a free market, both labour and capital would receive the greatest possible reward, while production would be organised efficiently to meet consumer demand. For society to guarantee positive rights requires taxation over and above the minimum needed to enforce negative rights. in the late 19th century, classical liberalism developed into neo-classical liberalism, which argued for government to be as small as possible to allow the exercise of individual freedom. In its most extreme form, neo-classical liberalism advocated Social Darwinism, right-libertarianism is a modern form of neo-classical liberalism. Friedrich Hayek identified two different traditions within classical liberalism, the British tradition and the French tradition, the French tradition included Rousseau, Condorcet, the Encyclopedists and the Physiocrats. This tradition believed in rationalism and sometimes showed hostility to tradition and religion, Hayek also rejected the label laissez faire as originating from the French tradition and alien to the beliefs of Hume and Smith. Classical liberalism in Britain developed from Whiggery and radicalism, and was heavily influenced by French physiocracy. Whiggery had become a dominant ideology following the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the origins of rights were seen as being in an ancient constitution, which had existed from time immemorial. These rights, which some Whigs considered to include freedom of the press and they believed that the power of the executive had to be constrained. While they supported limited suffrage, they saw voting as a privilege, British radicals, from the 1790s to the 1820s, concentrated on parliamentary and electoral reform, emphasising natural rights and popular sovereignty. Richard Price and Joseph Priestley adapted the language of Locke to the ideology of radicalism, the radicals saw parliamentary reform as a first step toward dealing with their many grievances, including the treatment of Protestant Dissenters, the slave trade, high prices and high taxes. There was greater unity to classical liberalism ideology than there had been with Whiggery, classical liberals were committed to individualism, liberty and equal rights

5.
Politics of Ireland
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The island of Ireland comprises two political jurisdictions, The sovereign state called Ireland, also known as the Republic of Ireland, which occupies about five-sixths of the island. Northern Ireland, a part of the United Kingdom, which lies in the northeast of the island, since the enactment of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1922, these two jurisdictions have been governed separately. At least six of these must to be areas where policy is agreed together, at least six further areas of co-operate must be areas were policy is agreed together and implemented through all-island or cross-border agencies. For example, food safety is managed by the all-Ireland Food Safety Promotion Board whereas transport policies may be agreed together but are implemented separately in each jurisdiction. The British–Irish Intergovernmental Conference is a forum through which the two sovereign governments can reach consensus on areas of mutual interest, including the government of Northern Ireland. Lastly, the North/South Inter-Parliamentary Association is an joint parliamentary forum created between the parliament of the Republic of Ireland and the Northern Ireland Assembly. The Good Friday Agreement also envisages a consultative forum formed from members of civil society, however, this has yet to be established. Devolution of power to Northern Ireland from the UK central government is dependent upon the participation of the Northern Ireland Executive in the North/South Ministerial Council. Three major political parties, Sinn Féin, the Green Party and, most recently, Fianna Fáil, however, only Sinn Féin and the Greens have contested elections and have held legislative seats in both jurisdictions. Additionally, a number of significant civil society organisations, such as the Irish Congress of Trade Unions, Politics of the Republic of Ireland Politics of Northern Ireland Ireland-United Kingdom relations Category, All-Ireland organisations

6.
Liberalism
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Liberalism is a political philosophy or worldview founded on ideas of liberty and equality. Liberalism first became a political movement during the Age of Enlightenment. Liberalism rejected the social and political norms of hereditary privilege, state religion, absolute monarchy. The 17th-century philosopher John Locke is often credited with founding liberalism as a philosophical tradition. Locke argued that man has a natural right to life, liberty and property. Liberals opposed traditional conservatism and sought to replace absolutism in government with representative democracy, prominent revolutionaries in the Glorious Revolution, the American Revolution, and the French Revolution used liberal philosophy to justify the armed overthrow of what they saw as tyrannical rule. Liberalism started to spread rapidly especially after the French Revolution, the 19th century saw liberal governments established in nations across Europe, South America, and North America. During the 20th century, liberal ideas spread even further as liberal democracies found themselves on the side in both world wars. In Europe and North America, the establishment of social liberalism became a key component in the expansion of the welfare state, today, liberal parties continue to wield power and influence throughout the world. Words such as liberal, liberty, libertarian, and libertine all trace their history to the Latin liber, which means free. One of the first recorded instances of the word occurs in 1375. The words early connection with the education of a medieval university soon gave way to a proliferation of different denotations and connotations. In 16th century England, liberal could have positive or negative attributes in referring to someones generosity or indiscretion, in Much Ado About Nothing, Shakespeare wrote of a liberal villaine who hath. confest his vile encounters. With the rise of the Enlightenment, the word acquired decisively more positive undertones, being defined as free from narrow prejudice in 1781, in 1815, the first use of the word liberalism appeared in English. In Spain, the Liberales, the first group to use the label in a political context. From 1820 to 1823, during the Trienio Liberal, King Ferdinand VII was compelled by the liberales to swear to uphold the Constitution, by the middle of the 19th century, liberal was used as a politicised term for parties and movements worldwide. Over time, the meaning of the word began to diverge in different parts of the world. According to the Encyclopædia Britannica, In the United States, liberalism is associated with the policies of the New Deal programme of the Democratic administration of Pres

7.
Parliament of Great Britain
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The Parliament of Great Britain was formed in 1707 following the ratification of the Acts of Union by both the Parliament of England and the Parliament of Scotland. This lasted nearly a century, until the Acts of Union 1800 merged the separate British and Irish Parliaments into a single Parliament of the United Kingdom with effect from 1 January 1801. Following the Treaty of Union in 1706, Acts of Union ratifying the Treaty were passed in both the Parliament of England and the Parliament of Scotland, which created a new Kingdom of Great Britain. The Acts dissolved both parliaments, replacing them with a new parliament, referred to as the Parliament of Great Britain and it was not even considered necessary to hold a new general election. While Scots law and Scottish legislation remained separate, new legislation was thereafter to be enacted by the new parliament, after the Hanoverian King George I ascended the British throne in 1714 through the Act of Settlement of 1701, real power continued to shift away from the monarchy. George was a German ruler, spoke poor English, and remained interested in governing his dominions in continental Europe rather than in Britain. Reformers and Radicals sought parliamentary reform, but as the French Revolutionary Wars developed the British government became repressive against dissent and progress towards reform was stalled. During the first half of George IIIs reign, the still had considerable influence over Parliament. Most candidates for the House of Commons were identified as Whigs or Tories, reformers like William Beckford and Radicals beginning with John Wilkes called for reform of the system. In 1780 a draft programme of reform was drawn up by Charles James Fox and Thomas Brand Hollis and this included calls for the six points later adopted by the Chartists. Pitt had previously called for Parliament to begin to reform itself, proposals Pitt made in April 1785 to redistribute seats from the rotten boroughs to London and the counties were defeated in the House of Commons by 248 votes to 174

8.
American Revolution
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The British responded by imposing punitive laws on Massachusetts in 1774 known as the Coercive Acts, following which Patriots in the other colonies rallied behind Massachusetts. Tensions escalated to the outbreak of fighting between Patriot militia and British regulars at Lexington and Concord in April 1775, the conflict then developed into a global war, during which the Patriots fought the British and Loyalists in what became known as the American Revolutionary War. The Continental Congress determined King George IIIs rule to be tyrannical and infringing the rights as Englishmen. The Patriot leadership professed the political philosophies of liberalism and republicanism to reject monarchy and aristocracy, Congress rejected British proposals requiring allegiance to the monarchy and abandonment of independence. The British were forced out of Boston in 1776, but then captured and they blockaded the ports and captured other cities for brief periods, but failed to defeat Washingtons forces. After a failed Patriot invasion of Canada, a British army was captured at the Battle of Saratoga in late 1777, a combined American–French force captured a second British army at Yorktown in 1781, effectively ending the war in the United States. The Treaty of Paris in 1783 formally ended the conflict, confirming the new nations complete separation from the British Empire. The United States took possession of all the territory east of the Mississippi River and south of the Great Lakes, with the British retaining control of Canada. Among the significant results of the revolution was the creation of a new Constitution of the United States. Historians typically begin their histories of the American Revolution with the British victory in the French and Indian War in 1763, the lands west of Quebec and west of a line running along the crest of the Allegheny mountains became Indian territory, temporarily barred to settlement. For the prior history, see Thirteen Colonies, in 1764, Parliament passed the Currency Act to restrain the use of paper money which British merchants saw as a means to evade debt payments. Parliament also passed the Sugar Act, imposing customs duties on a number of articles, none did and Parliament passed the Stamp Act in March 1765 which imposed direct taxes on the colonies for the first time. All official documents, newspapers, almanacs, and pamphlets—even decks of playing cards—were required to have the stamps, the colonists did not object that the taxes were high, but because they had no representation in the Parliament. Benjamin Franklin testified in Parliament in 1766 that Americans already contributed heavily to the defense of the Empire, stationing a standing army in Great Britain during peacetime was politically unacceptable. London had to deal with 1,500 politically well-connected British officers who became redundant, in 1765, the Sons of Liberty formed. They used public demonstrations, boycott, violence, and threats of violence to ensure that the British tax laws were unenforceable, in Boston, the Sons of Liberty burned the records of the vice admiralty court and looted the home of chief justice Thomas Hutchinson. Several legislatures called for united action, and nine colonies sent delegates to the Stamp Act Congress in New York City in October 1765, moderates led by John Dickinson drew up a Declaration of Rights and Grievances stating that taxes passed without representation violated their rights as Englishmen. Colonists emphasized their determination by boycotting imports of British merchandise, the Parliament at Westminster saw itself as the supreme lawmaking authority throughout all British possessions and thus entitled to levy any tax without colonial approval

9.
French Revolution
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Through the Revolutionary Wars, it unleashed a wave of global conflicts that extended from the Caribbean to the Middle East. Historians widely regard the Revolution as one of the most important events in human history, the causes of the French Revolution are complex and are still debated among historians. Following the Seven Years War and the American Revolutionary War, the French government was deeply in debt, Years of bad harvests leading up to the Revolution also inflamed popular resentment of the privileges enjoyed by the clergy and the aristocracy. Demands for change were formulated in terms of Enlightenment ideals and contributed to the convocation of the Estates-General in May 1789, a central event of the first stage, in August 1789, was the abolition of feudalism and the old rules and privileges left over from the Ancien Régime. The next few years featured political struggles between various liberal assemblies and right-wing supporters of the intent on thwarting major reforms. The Republic was proclaimed in September 1792 after the French victory at Valmy, in a momentous event that led to international condemnation, Louis XVI was executed in January 1793. External threats closely shaped the course of the Revolution, internally, popular agitation radicalised the Revolution significantly, culminating in the rise of Maximilien Robespierre and the Jacobins. Large numbers of civilians were executed by revolutionary tribunals during the Terror, after the Thermidorian Reaction, an executive council known as the Directory assumed control of the French state in 1795. The rule of the Directory was characterised by suspended elections, debt repudiations, financial instability, persecutions against the Catholic clergy, dogged by charges of corruption, the Directory collapsed in a coup led by Napoleon Bonaparte in 1799. The modern era has unfolded in the shadow of the French Revolution, almost all future revolutionary movements looked back to the Revolution as their predecessor. The values and institutions of the Revolution dominate French politics to this day, the French Revolution differed from other revolutions in being not merely national, for it aimed at benefiting all humanity. Globally, the Revolution accelerated the rise of republics and democracies and it became the focal point for the development of all modern political ideologies, leading to the spread of liberalism, radicalism, nationalism, socialism, feminism, and secularism, among many others. The Revolution also witnessed the birth of total war by organising the resources of France, historians have pointed to many events and factors within the Ancien Régime that led to the Revolution. Over the course of the 18th century, there emerged what the philosopher Jürgen Habermas called the idea of the sphere in France. A perfect example would be the Palace of Versailles which was meant to overwhelm the senses of the visitor and convince one of the greatness of the French state and Louis XIV. Starting in the early 18th century saw the appearance of the sphere which was critical in that both sides were active. In France, the emergence of the public sphere outside of the control of the saw the shift from Versailles to Paris as the cultural capital of France. In the 1750s, during the querelle des bouffons over the question of the quality of Italian vs, in 1782, Louis-Sébastien Mercier wrote, The word court no longer inspires awe amongst us as in the time of Louis XIV

10.
Irish Rebellion of 1798
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The Irish Rebellion of 1798, also known as the United Irishmen Rebellion, was an uprising against British rule in Ireland lasting from May to September 1798. The United Irishmen, a revolutionary group influenced by the ideas of the American. It governed through a form of institutionalised sectarianism codified in the Penal Laws which discriminated against both the majority Irish Catholic population and non-Anglican Protestants. As in England, the majority of Protestants, as well as all Catholics, were barred from voting because they did not pass a property threshold. When France joined the Americans in support of their Revolutionary War, many thousands joined the Irish Volunteers. In 1782 they used their powerful position to force the Crown to grant the landed Ascendancy self-rule. The Irish Patriot Party, led by Henry Grattan, pushed for greater enfranchisement, in 1793 parliament passed laws allowing Catholics with some property to vote, but they could neither be elected nor appointed as state officials. The prospect of reform inspired a group of Protestant liberals in Belfast to found the Society of United Irishmen in 1791. The organisation crossed the divide with a membership comprising Roman Catholics, Presbyterians, Methodists, other Protestant dissenters groups. The Society openly put forward policies of democratic reforms and Catholic emancipation. The outbreak of war with France earlier in 1793, following the execution of Louis XVI, forced the Society underground and toward armed insurrection with French aid. The avowed intent of the United Irishmen was to break the connection with England and it linked up with Catholic agrarian resistance groups, known as the Defenders, who had started raiding houses for arms in early 1793. To augment their strength, the United Irish leadership decided to seek military help from the French revolutionary government. Theobald Wolfe Tone, leader of the United Irishmen, travelled in exile from the United States to France to press the case for intervention, the despairing Wolfe Tone remarked, England has had its luckiest escape since the Armada. The French fleet was forced to return home and the army intended to spearhead the invasion of Ireland split up and was sent to fight in other theatres of the French Revolutionary Wars. The Establishment responded to widespread disorder by launching a counter-campaign of martial law from 2 March 1798, in May 1797 the military in Belfast also violently suppressed the newspaper of the United Irishmen, the Northern Star. Brigadier-General C. E. Knox wrote to General Lake, I have arranged, to increase the animosity between the Orangemen and the United Irishmen, or liberty men as they call themselves. Upon that animosity depends the safety of the counties of the North

11.
Protestant Ascendancy
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Until the Reform Acts even the majority of Irish Protestants were effectively excluded from the Ascendancy, being too poor to vote. In general, the privileges of the Ascendancy were resented by Irish Catholics, english soldiers and traders became the new ruling class, as its richer members were elevated to the Irish House of Lords and eventually controlled the Irish House of Commons. This class became known as the Anglo-Irish. The phrase was first used in passing by Sir Boyle Roche in a speech to the Irish House of Commons on 20 February 1782. George Ogle MP used it on 6 February 1786 in a debate on falling land values, When the landed property of the Kingdom, the Corporations resolution was a part of the debate over Catholic emancipation. In the event, Catholics were allowed to vote again in 1793, the phrase therefore was seen to apply across classes to rural landowners as well as city merchants. However, those protected by the Treaty were still excluded from political life. The situation was confused by the policy of the Tory party in England and Ireland after 1688 and they were Protestants who generally supported the Catholic Jacobite claim, and came to power briefly in London in 1710–14. This provided the main political excuse for the new laws, thousands did so, as recorded on the Convert Rolls, and this allowed for the successful careers of Irishmen such as that of William Conolly, but the majority declined to convert. It did, however, push for reforms allowing equality within the system, some 9% of this land belonged to formerly-Catholic landlords who had converted to the state religion. Reform, though not complete, came in three stages and was effected over 50 years, Reform of religious disabilities in 1778–82, allowing bishops, schools. Reform of restrictions on property ownership and voting in 1778–93, restoration of political, professional and office-holding rights in 1793–1829. The parliament repealed most of the Penal Laws in 1771–93 but did not abolish them entirely, Grattan sought Catholic emancipation for the catholic middle classes from the 1780s, but could not persuade a majority of the Irish MPs to support him. From 1840 corporations running towns and cities in Ireland became more democratically elected, Ireland remained a net exporter of food throughout most of the famine. About 20% of the population emigrated, the Encumbered Estates Act of 1849 was passed to allow landlords to sell mortgaged land, where a sale would be restricted because the land was entailed. Many landlords went bankrupt as their tenants could not pay any rent due to the famine, the Irish Rebellion of 1798 was led by members of the Anglo-Irish class, some of whom feared the political implications of the impending union with Great Britain. Reformist and nationalist politicians such as Henry Grattan, Wolfe Tone, Robert Emmet, and Sir John Gray were also Protestant nationalists, local government was democratised by the Act of 1898, passing many local powers to councillors who were usually supportive of nationalism. Formerly landlords had controlled the grand jury system, where membership was based on being a large ratepayer, nearly 300 stately homes of the old landed class were burned down between 1919 and 1923

12.
Irish Patriot Party
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The Irish Patriot Party was the name of a number of different political groupings in Ireland throughout the 18th century. They were primarily supportive of Whig concepts of personal liberty combined with an Irish identity that rejected full independence, due to the discriminatory penal laws, the Irish Parliament at the time was exclusively Anglican Protestant. Their main achievement was the Constitution of 1782, which gave Ireland legislative independence, in 1689 a short-lived Patriot Parliament had sat in Dublin before James II, and briefly obtained de facto legislative independence, while ultimately subject to the English monarchy. The parliaments membership mostly consisted of land-owning Roman Catholic Jacobites who lost the ensuing War of the Grand Alliance in 1689–91, the name was then used from the 1720s to describe Irish supporters of the British Whig party, specifically the Patriot faction within it. Swifts Drapiers Letters and earlier works by Domville, Molyneaux and Lucas are seen as precursors, in contrast with the 1689 parliament, this movement consisted of middle-class Protestants. The appointed senior political and church officials were usually English-born, the Money Bill dispute of 1753–56 arose from the refusal of Henry Boyle, an MP and Chancellor of the Exchequer of Ireland, to allow an Irish revenue surplus to be paid over to London. Supported by the Earl of Kildare and Thomas Carter, Boyle was dismissed by the viceroy Dorset, in 1755 the next viceroy arranged a favourable compromise, and Boyle was re-instated and created Earl of Shannon. It was also used to describe Irish allies of the Patriot Whigs of William Pitt the Elder in the 1750s and 1760s, the Dependency Act of 1719 was considered particularly contentious. In the latter half of the 18th century some influential but relatively small grouping of Irish politicians emerged who called themselves the Irish Patriot Party. This was led in its early years by Henry Flood who was succeeded by Henry Grattan and they came to prominence during the American War of Independence when they pushed for legislative independence for Ireland. With the possible threat of invasion by France in 1778, a large militia had been formed known as the Irish Volunteers. Similar to the American colonists before 1776, they arranged local non-importation agreements in 1779 and they also wanted freer trade with the outside world, as Irish overseas trade had been greatly restricted and taxed since the 1650s by the Navigation Acts. Merchants had to sell through England and could not trade directly with other countries or even the rest of the British Empire, a host of Irish goods were banned from export including wool. Reforming the Navigation Acts in December 1779 was the Patriots most useful achievement, controls such as Poynings Law were abolished. From 1780, the Irish Parliament refused to vote for taxes to support the British government in, the young Jonah Barrington recalled the military ardour which seized all Ireland, when the whole country had entered into resolutions to free itself for ever from English domination. My father had raised and commanded two corps—a dragoon regiment called the Cullenagh Rangers, and the Ballyroan Light Infantry and my elder brother commanded the Kilkenny Horse and the Durrow Light Dragoons. The general enthusiasm caught me, and before I well knew what I was about, I found myself a military martinet and a red-hot patriot. Having been a university man, I was also considered to be, of course, a writer, in April 1782, Grattan argued against compromise and secured autonomy

13.
Henry Grattan
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Henry Grattan was an Irish politician and member of the Irish House of Commons, who campaigned for legislative freedom for the Irish Parliament in the late 18th century. He has been described as, a superb orator – nervous, high-flown, Grattan opposed the Act of Union 1800 that merged the Kingdoms of Ireland and Great Britain, but later sat as a member of the united Parliament in London. Grattan was born at Fishamble Street, Dublin, and baptised in the church of St. John the Evangelist. Like his friend Henry Flood, Grattan worked on his eloquence and oratory skills by studying models such as Bolingbroke. After studying at the Kings Inns, Dublin and being called to the Irish bar in 1772 he never practised law but was drawn to politics. He entered the Irish Parliament for Charlemont in 1775, sponsored by Lord Charlemont, Grattan quickly superseded Flood in the leadership of the national party, not least because his oratorical powers were unsurpassed among his contemporaries. The Presbyterians of Ulster likewise had little power, power was held by the Kings Viceroy and by a small element, the Anglo-Irish families loyal to the Anglican Church of Ireland who owned most of the land. A bill so approved might be accepted or rejected, but not amended, more recent British Acts had further emphasised the complete dependence of the Irish parliament, and the appellate jurisdiction of the Irish House of Lords had also been annulled. Moreover, the British Houses claimed and exercised the power to legislate directly for Ireland without even the nominal concurrence of the parliament in Dublin. This was the constitution which William Molyneux and Swift had denounced, which Flood had attacked, calls for the legislative independence of Ireland at the Irish Volunteer Convention at Dungannon greatly influenced the decision of the government in 1782 to make concessions. I found Ireland on her knees, Grattan exclaimed, I watched over her with a paternal solicitude, I have traced her progress from injuries to arms, spirit of Swift, spirit of Molyneux, your genius has prevailed. After a month of negotiation the claims of Ireland were conceded, the gratitude of his countrymen to Grattan was shown by a parliamentary grant of £100,000, which had to be reduced by half before he would accept it. In September of the year, Grattan became a member of the Privy Council of Ireland. He was expelled in 1798, but was re-admitted on 9 August 1806, in Dublin, he was a member of Dalys Club. One of the first acts of Grattans parliament was to prove its loyalty to the Constitution by passing a vote for the support of 20,000 sailors for the Royal Navy, Grattan was loyal to the Crown and the British connection. He was, however, anxious to achieve moderate parliamentary reform and it was evident that without reform, the Irish House of Commons would not be able to make much use of its newly won legislative independence. Grattans parliament had no control over the Irish executive, the Irish House of Commons was unrepresentative of the Irish people at a time when democracy was rare in Europe. It was to give stability and true independence to the new constitution that Grattan pressed for reform, having quarrelled with Flood over simple repeal, Grattan also differed from him on the question of maintaining the Volunteer Convention

14.
Parliament of Ireland
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The Parliament of Ireland was a legislature that existed in Dublin from 1297 until 1800. It comprised two chambers, the House of Commons and the House of Lords, the House of Lords consisted of members of the Irish peerage and the bishops, while the Commons was directly elected, albeit on a very restricted franchise. The main purpose of parliament was to approve taxes that were levied by. Those who would pay the bulk of taxation, the clergy, merchants and landowners, in 1541 the parliament voted to create the Kingdom of Ireland. However, this Irish Parliament was a meeting of Irish nobles and bishops, later, in the 15th century, Irish parliaments began to invite representatives of the people. Among its most famous meeting places were Dublin Castle, the Bluecoat School, Chichester House and, its permanent home. The Irish Parliament was formally founded in 1297 by the Justiciar, John Wogan, to represent the Irish, in 1292 a less formal assembly of unelected nobles and merchants had raised £10,000, known as the lay subsidy. This tax was a fifteenth of the net worth of the chattels of wealthier citizens, the poor, the Parliament arose from and for citizens of the Lordship of Ireland, based on Norman laws and English practices. Magna Carta was extended in 1217 in the Great Charter of Ireland, alongside this reduced control grew a Gaelic resurgence that was political as well as cultural. In turn this resulted in numbers of the Anglo-Irish Old English nobility joining the independent Gaelic nobles in asserting their feudal independence. Eventually the crowns power shrank to a fortified enclave around Dublin known as the Pale. The Parliament thereafter became essentially the forum for the Pale community until the 16th century, the role of the Parliament changed after 1541, when Henry VIII declared the Kingdom of Ireland and embarked on the Tudor conquest of Ireland. Initially in 1537, the Irish Parliament approved both the Act of Supremacy, acknowledging Henry VIII as head of the Church and the dissolution of the monasteries, the Plantation of Ulster allowed English and Scottish Protestant candidates in as representatives of the newly formed boroughs in planted areas. Initially this gave Protestants a majority of 132-100 in the House of Commons, in the House of Lords the Catholic majority continued until the 1689 Patriot Parliament, with the exception of the Commonwealth period. Following the death of Cromwell and the end of the Protectorate, then, during the reign of James II of England, who had converted to Roman Catholicism, Irish Catholics briefly recovered their pre-eminent position as the crown now favoured their community. When James was overthrown in England, he turned to his Catholic supporters in the Irish Parliament for support, nonetheless, the franchise was still available to wealthier Catholics. Until 1728, Catholics voted in House of Commons elections and held seats in the Lords, for no particular reason, beyond a general pressure for Catholics to conform, they were barred from voting in the election for the first parliament in the reign of George II. Privileges were also limited to supporters of the Church of Ireland

15.
Irish Volunteers (18th century)
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The Volunteers were local militias raised by local initiative in Ireland in 1778. Taking advantage of Britains preoccupation with its rebelling American colonies, the Volunteers were able to pressure Westminster into conceding legislative independence to the Dublin parliament, members of the Belfast 1st Volunteer Company laid the foundations for the establishment of the United Irishmen organisation. The majority of Volunteer members however were inclined towards the yeomanry, as far back as 1715 and 1745, self-constituted bodies of defensive local forces where formed in anticipation of Stuart invasions. In 1757 and 1760 there were volunteer units formed due to the Seven Years War, the roll-call of the militia that marched on the French at Swinford listed in the Collectanea politica, published in 1803, was titled Ulster volunteers in 1760. From 1766 onwards units were embodied by local landlords in various parts of the country for the preservation of peace, early volunteer groups included, First Volunteers of Ireland, Kilkenny Rangers, First Magherafelt Volunteers, and the Offerlane Blues. The rise of the Volunteers was a spontaneous event fired by patriotism, with British troops being dispatched from Ireland for the war with the American colonies, the landed gentry reacted nervously, and misunderstandings arose about Irelands defence capabilities. Claims that Ireland was ill-prepared for an attack, along with alleged negligence from Dublin Castle, was used to justify the existence of Volunteer companies and their role in defending Ireland. In fact around 4,000 soldiers had been dispatched to the American colonies, the Volunteers were built upon existing foundations. Dublin Castle had created throughout the 18th century, however these had fallen into disuse. The Volunteers filled the gap left behind, with half of its officers having held commissions in the militia. Historian Thomas Bartlett claims that the purpose of the militia as defined in 1715 would have fitted with the aims of the Volunteers, all such insurrections and rebellions, and repelling of invasions. The Volunteers were independent of the Irish Parliament and Dublin Castle, the regular military deemed the Volunteers of low value in regards to helping repulse a foreign threat. Instead they held the view that they could be a riot police. For example, Volunteer companies did duty whilst regular troops had been called away, the British victory over the Spanish off Cape St. Vincent in 1780 saw the fear of invasion dissipate, causing the Volunteers to also become involved in politics. Initially they started off agitating for reforms and measures to promote Irelands prosperity, in the end Parliament was victorious. The Volunteers however were also marked by political views. The Volunteers additionally provided an outlet, with each corps becoming a debating society. This brought about a shift in power with the Volunteers being controlled by progressive politically minded people, the Volunteers also saw the annual Protestant commemorations such as the Battle of the Boyne and the Battle of Aughrim become displays of patriotic sentiment

16.
The News Letter
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The News Letter is one of Northern Irelands main daily newspapers, published Monday to Saturday. It is the oldest English language general daily newspaper still in publication, the newspapers editorial stance and readership, while originally republican, is now strongly unionist. Its primary competitors are the Belfast Telegraph and the Irish News, the News Letter has changed hands several times since the mid-1990s, and since 2005 is owned by the Johnston Press holding company Johnston Publishing. The full legal title of the newspaper is the Belfast News Letter, founded in 1737, the Belfast News Letter was printed in Joys Entry in Belfast. The Joys were a family of Huguenot descent who added much to eighteenth-century Belfast, francis Joy, who founded the paper, had come to Belfast early in the century from the County Antrim village of Killead. In Belfast, he married the daughter of the town sovereign, in 1737, he obtained a small printing press which was in settlement of a debt, and used it to publish the town’s first newspaper at the sign of ‘The Peacock’ in Bridge Street. The family later bought a mill in Ballymena, and were able to produce enough paper not only for their own publication. Originally published three times weekly, it became daily in 1855, the title is now located at two addresses - a news section in Donegall Square South in central Belfast, and a features section in Portadown, County Armagh. Before the partition of Ireland, the News Letter was distributed island-wide, historical copies of the Belfast News Letter, dating back to 1828, are available to search and view in digitised form at the British Newspaper Archive. The paper publishes weekly and infrequent supplements, such as Farming Life. It also prints many titles for publishers including Trinity Mirror. It also prints the Ulster-Scots Agency publication, The Ulster-Scot, in the period December 2010-June 2011, it had an average daily circulation of 23,492. It fell to 20,755 for January to June 2013

17.
Whigs (British political party)
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The Whigs were a political faction and then a political party in the parliaments of England, Scotland, Great Britain and the United Kingdom. Between the 1680s and 1850s, they contested power with their rivals, the Whigs origin lay in constitutional monarchism and opposition to absolute monarchy. The Whigs played a role in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, and were the standing enemies of the Stuart kings and pretenders. The Whigs took full control of the government in 1715, and remained dominant until King George III, coming to the throne in 1760. The Whig Supremacy was enabled by the Hanoverian succession of George I in 1714, the Whigs thoroughly purged the Tories from all major positions in government, the army, the Church of England, the legal profession, and local offices. The Partys hold on power was so strong and durable, historians call the period from roughly 1714 to 1783 the age of the Whig Oligarchy. The first great leader of the Whigs was Robert Walpole, who maintained control of the government through the period 1721–1742, his protégé was Henry Pelham, who led from 1743 to 1754. Both parties were founded on rich politicians, more than on votes, there were elections to the House of Commons. The Whig Party slowly evolved during the 18th century, later on, the Whigs drew support from the emerging industrial interests and wealthy merchants, while the Tories drew support from the landed interests and the royal family. The term Whig was originally short for whiggamor, a term meaning cattle driver used to describe western Scots who came to Leith for corn. In the reign of Charles I the term was used during Wars of the Three Kingdoms to refer derisively to a faction of the Scottish Covenanters who called themselves the Kirk Party. It was then applied to Scottish Presbyterian rebels who were against the Kings Episcopalian order in Scotland, Whig was a term of abuse applied to those who wanted to exclude James on the grounds that he was a Roman Catholic. The fervent Tory Samuel Johnson often joked that the first Whig was the Devil, the Whigs, under Lord Shaftesburys leadership, wished to exclude the Duke of York from the throne due to his Catholicism, his favouring of monarchical absolutism and his connections to France. They believed the Duke, if allowed to inherit the throne, would endanger the Protestant religion, liberty, the first Exclusion Bill was supported by a substantial majority on its second reading in May 1679. In response, King Charles prorogued Parliament and then dissolved it and this new parliament did not meet for thirteen months, because Charles wanted to give passions a chance to die down. When it met in October 1680, an Exclusion Bill was introduced and passed in the Commons without major resistance, Charles dissolved Parliament in January 1681, but the Whigs did not suffer serious losses in the ensuing election. The next Parliament first met in March, at Oxford, but Charles dissolved it only after a few days, when he made an appeal to the country against the Whigs, and determined to rule without Parliament. In February, Charles had made a deal with the French King Louis XIV, without Parliament, the Whigs gradually crumbled, mainly due to the Rye House Plot

18.
Napper Tandy
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James Napper Tandy was an Irish revolutionary, and member of the United Irishmen. A Dublin Protestant and the son of an ironmonger, Tandy was baptised in St. Audoens Church on 16 February 1739 and he went to the famous Quaker boarding school in Ballitore, south Kildare, also attended by Edmund Burke, who was eight years older. He started life as a small tradesman, in April 1780, Tandy was expelled from the Dublin Volunteers for proposing the expulsion of the Duke of Leinster. Tandy and John Binns persuaded the corporation of Dublin to condemn by resolution Pitts amended commercial resolutions in 1785 and his opinions, strongly influenced by French Revolutionary ideas, now brought Tandy to the notice of the British Government. In February 1792, an allusion in debate by Toler, the attorney general, sympathy with the French Revolution was rapidly spreading in Ireland. A meeting of some 6,000 people in Belfast voted an address to the French nation in July 1791. He was about to be tried in 1793 for distributing a pamphlet in County Louth when the government found out he had taken the oath of the Defenders. He arrived at the isle of Arranmore, off the coast of County Donegal, the locality, however, was sparsely populated and showed little enthusiasm in joining with the expedition. Tandy sailed his vessel round the north of Scotland to avoid the British fleet and he reached Bergen in safety having brought with him a British ship captured along the way. In 1799 HMS Xenophon, under Commander George Sayer, brought Tandy, on 12 February 1800, Tandy was put on trial at Dublin and was acquitted. He remained in prison in Lifford Jail in County Donegal till April 1801 and he pleaded guilty and was sentenced to death, he was reprieved and allowed to go to France. This leniency may have been due to doubts as to the legality of the demand for his surrender by the Hamburg authorities. Moreover, Napoleon vigorously intervened on his behalf and is said to have made Tandys release a condition of signing the Treaty of Amiens. This article incorporates text from a now in the public domain, McNeill

19.
Thomas Russell (rebel)
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Thomas Paliser Russell was a co-founder and leader of the United Irishmen. He was executed for his part in Robert Emmets rebellion in 1803, born in Dromahane, County Cork to an Anglican family, he joined the British army in 1783 and served in India. He returned to Ireland in 1786 and commenced studies in science, philosophy, in July 1790 he met Theobald Wolfe Tone in the visitors gallery in the Irish House of Commons and they became firm friends. In 1790 Russell resumed his career as a junior officer in the 64th Regiment of Foot and was posted to Belfast. With its thriving linen and textile industries and mercantile community, Belfast was called the Athens of the North, as an officer of the garrison, Russell had access to the newly emerging professional and business class, many of whose members were radicals excluded from the Ascendancy. The French Revolution in 1789 was warmly greeted in Belfast as were its ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity. With his keen mind and radical ideas, Russell soon became a confidante of Henry Joy McCracken, James Hope, Samuel Neilson, with them he developed ideas of parliamentary reform, to include the bulk of the people, and Catholic emancipation. Russell left the army in July 1791 and attended a convention of the Whig Club in Belfast to mark Bastille Day, however, Russell noted the lack of trust between Dissenters and Catholics which was due to fears that Catholic radicalism could be bought off by religious concessions. Informing Wolfe Tone of his observations, who within weeks published his Argument on Behalf of the Catholics of Ireland to address these suspicions, in January 1794, Russell took the post of librarian at the Belfast Society for Promoting Knowledge, later to become the Linen Hall Library. The event was noted in Dublin Castle although there was to be no immediate move to disband or arrest the members of the United Irishmen. In 1796, Russell published an ambitious and far-sighted document, Letter to the People of Ireland, Russell took an active part in organising the Society of United Irishmen which spread rapidly assisted by their newspaper, the Northern Star, becoming the United Irish commander in County Down. He was released on condition of exile to Hamburg in June 1802 following a brief cessation in the war with France. Not content to sit out in Hamburg, Russell soon made his way to Paris where he met Robert Emmet who was planning another insurrection pending the French renewal of the war against England. Russell agreed to return to Ireland in March 1803 to organise the North in conjunction with the veteran of the battle of Antrim, James Hope. However he met little success as much of the north was subdued following the suppression of the 1798 rebellion. Finally finding some support in the vicinity of Loughinisland, Russell prepared to take to the field on 23 July 1803, however the plan was badly thought out and quickly collapsed forcing Russell to flee to Dublin before a shot was fired in anger. He was promptly arrested and sent to Downpatrick Gaol where he was executed by hanging then beheaded on 21 October 1803. Russells legendary organisational abilities and influence were commemorated in Florence Mary Wilsons famous ballad The Man from God Knows Where Peter Linebaugh,21 October 2003, -On the Bicentennial of the Hanging of Thomas Russell

20.
Anglicanism
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Anglicanism is a tradition within Christianity comprising the Church of England and churches which are historically tied to it or hold similar beliefs, worship practices and church structures. The word Anglican originates in ecclesia anglicana, a medieval Latin phrase dating to the Magna Carta and before, adherents of Anglicanism are called Anglicans. As the name suggests, the churches of the Anglican Communion are linked by bonds of tradition, affection and they are in full communion with the See of Canterbury, and thus the Archbishop of Canterbury, in his person, is a unique focus of Anglican unity. He calls the once-a-decade Lambeth Conference, chairs the meeting of primates, Anglicans base their Christian faith on the Bible, traditions of the apostolic Church, apostolic succession, and writings of the Church Fathers. Anglicanism forms one of the branches of Western Christianity, having declared its independence from the Holy See at the time of the Elizabethan Religious Settlement. Many of the new Anglican formularies of the mid-16th century corresponded closely to those of contemporary Protestantism, the word Anglican originates in ecclesia anglicana, a medieval Latin phrase dating to at least 1246 that means the English Church. Adherents of Anglicanism are called Anglicans, as an adjective, Anglican is used to describe the people, institutions and churches, as well as the liturgical traditions and theological concepts developed by the Church of England. As a noun, an Anglican is a member of a church in the Anglican Communion, the word is also used by followers of separated groups which have left the communion or have been founded separately from it, although this is sometimes considered as a misuse. The word Anglicanism came into being in the 19th century, although the term Anglican is found referring to the Church of England as far back as the 16th century, its use did not become general until the latter half of the 19th century. Elsewhere, however, the term Anglican Church came to be preferred as it distinguished these churches from others that maintain an episcopal polity, as such, it is often referred to as being a via media between these traditions. Anglicans understand the Old and New Testaments as containing all necessary for salvation and as being the rule. Reason and Tradition are seen as means to interpret Scripture. Anglicans understand the Apostles Creed as the symbol and the Nicene Creed as the sufficient statement of the Christian faith. Anglicans celebrate the sacraments, with special emphasis being given to the Eucharist, also called Holy Communion. Unique to Anglicanism is the Book of Common Prayer, the collection of services that worshippers in most Anglican churches used for centuries and it was called common prayer originally because it was intended for use in all Church of England churches which had previously followed differing local liturgies. The term was kept when the church became international because all Anglicans used to share in its use around the world, in 1549, the first Book of Common Prayer was compiled by Thomas Cranmer, who was then Archbishop of Canterbury. The founding of Christianity in Britain is commonly attributed to Joseph of Arimathea, according to Anglican legend, Saint Alban, who was executed in 209 AD, is the first Christian martyr in the British Isles. A new culture emerged around the Irish Sea among the Celtic peoples with Celtic Christianity at its core, what resulted was a form of Christianity distinct from Rome in many traditions and practices

21.
Henry Joy McCracken
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Henry Joy McCracken was a Presbyterian Ulster Scot Protestant and industrialist from Belfast, Northern Ireland. He was a member of the Society of the United Irishmen. Henry Joy McCracken was born in High street, Belfast into two of the citys most prominent Protestant industrial families and he was the son of Presbyterian Ulster Scot shipowner Captain John McCracken and Ann Joy, daughter of Francis Joy, of French Huguenot Protestant descent. The Joy family made their money in linen manufacture and founded the Belfast News Letter, Henry was the elder brother of political activist and social reformer Mary Ann McCracken, with whom he shared an interest in Irish traditional culture. In 1792, he helped organise the Belfast Harp Festival which gathered aged harpists from around Ireland, Bunting, who lodged in the McCrackens Rosemary Lane home, was a classically trained musician. McCracken became interested in politics from an early age and joined the Society of the United Irishmen in 1795 which quickly made him a target of the authorities. He regularly travelled throughout the country using his business as a cover for organising other United Irish societies, while imprisoned with other leaders of the United Irishmen, McCracken fell seriously ill and was released on bail in December 1797. Following the outbreak of the United Irishmen-led Rebellion in Leinster in May 1798, the meeting ended inconclusively with a vote to wait for French aid being passed by a narrow margin. A new meeting of delegates was held in Templepatrick on 5 June where McCracken was elected general for Antrim and he quickly began planning military operations. McCracken formulated a plan for all towns in Antrim to be seized after which rebels would converge upon Antrim town on 7 June where the countys magistrates were to hold a crisis meeting. Although the plan met initial success and McCracken led the rebels in the attack on Antrim, his United Irishmen were defeated and his army melted away. Although McCracken initially escaped with James Hope, James Orr, although offered clemency if he testified against other United Irishmen leaders, McCracken refused to turn on his compatriots. He was court-martialled and hanged at Corn Market, Belfast, on land his grandfather had donated to the city, on 17 July 1798, aged 30. McCrackens remains are believed to have been reinterred by Francis Joseph Biggar in 1909 at Clifton Street Cemetery, Belfast and his illegitimate daughter Maria, was raised by her aunt Mary Ann McCracken. List of people on stamps of Ireland Protestant Irish nationalists Grehan Sisters Song on Henry Joy

22.
Armagh
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Armagh is the county town of County Armagh in Northern Ireland, as well as a civil parish. It is the capital of Ireland – the seat of the Archbishops of Armagh. In ancient times, nearby Navan Fort was a ceremonial site. Today, Armagh is home to two cathedrals and the Armagh Observatory, and is known for its Georgian architecture, although classed as a medium-sized town, Armagh was given city status in 1994 and Lord Mayoralty status in 2012, both by Queen Elizabeth II. It had a population of 14,749 people in the 2011 Census, making it the city in Northern Ireland. Eamhain Mhacha, at the edge of Armagh, is believed to have been an ancient pagan ritual or ceremonial site. According to Irish mythology it was one of the royal sites of Gaelic Ireland. It appears to have largely abandoned after the 1st century. In the 3rd century, a ditch and bank was dug around the top of Cathedral Hill and its circular shape matches the modern street layout. Evidence suggests that it was a sanctuary and the successor to Navan. Like Navan, it too was named after the goddess Macha – Ard Mhacha means Machas height and this name was later anglicised as Ardmagh, which eventually became Armagh. After Christianity spread to Ireland, the sanctuary was converted into a Christian one. According to tradition, Saint Patrick founded his church there in the year 457. Saint Patrick was said to have decreed that only those educated in Armagh could spread the gospel. According to the Annals of the Four Masters, Ard Mhacha was founded by Saint Patrick, it having been granted to him by Daire, son of Finnchadh, son of Eoghan, twelve men were appointed by him for building the town. In 839 and 869, the monastery in Armagh was raided by Vikings, as with similar raids, their goal was to acquire valuables such as silver, which could often be found in churches and monasteries. The Book of Armagh came from the monastery and it is a 9th-century Irish manuscript now held by Trinity College Library in Dublin. It contains some of the oldest surviving specimens of Old Irish, Brian Boru is believed to be buried in the graveyard of the St. Patricks Church of Ireland cathedral

23.
Clonmel
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Clonmel is the county town and largest settlement of County Tipperary in Ireland. The town is noted in Irish history for its resistance to the Cromwellian army which sacked both Drogheda and Wexford and it is in the former barony of Iffa and Offa East. The name Clonmel is derived from the anglicisation of the Irish name Cluain Meala meaning honey meadow or honey vale. It is not clearly known when it got this name, many suppose that it came from the fertility of the soil, Clonmel grew significantly in medieval times, and many remainders of this period can be found in the town. A small section of the walls remain in place near Old St. Marys Church. This building is one of the architectural features of the town. It was originally built in the 14th century or earlier but has been reconstructed or renovated on numerous occasions, the church was fortified early in its history, the town being strategically important, initially for the Earls of Ormonde, and later the Earl of Kildare. There were originally three gates in the town, North, East and West – with the South being protected by the river Suir. The West Gate is now an open arched entrance on to OConnell street, the present sword and two silver maces date only from Cromwellian times. The sword, of Toledo manufacture, was donated by Sir Thomas Stanley in 1656 and displays the Arms, the larger mace is stamped 1663. Oliver Cromwell laid siege to Clonmel in May 1650, the walls were eventually breached, but Hugh Dubh ONeill, the commander of the towns garrison, inflicted heavy losses on the New Model Army when they tried to storm the breach. That night, ONeill, deciding that further resistance was due to a lack of ammunition, led his soldiers. The story is told that Cromwell became suspicious of ONeills desperate situation when a bullet was discharged by the townspeople at his troops outside the walls. The following morning,18 May 1650, mayor John White was able to surrender the town on good terms as Cromwell was still unaware of the garrisons escape just hours before, although feeling deceived, he did not put the inhabitants to the sword as occurred elsewhere. A permanent military presence was established in the town with the completion of Kickham Barracks in 1805, following the failed attempt at rebellion near Ballingarry in 1848, the captured leaders of the Young Irelanders were brought to Clonmel for trial. The event was followed with great interest internationally and for its duration brought journalists from around the country, standing in the dock in the image opposite are Thomas Francis Meagher, Terence MacManus and Patrick ODonoghue. Their co-defendant, William Smith OBrien was also sentenced to be hanged, drawn and quartered, when delivering the guilty verdict, the foreman of the Grand Jury, R. M. The sentences of OBrien and other members of the Irish Confederation were eventually commuted to transportation for life to Van Diemens Land

24.
Limerick
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Limerick is a city in county Limerick, Ireland. It is located in the Mid-West Region and is part of the province of Munster. Limerick City and County Council is the authority for the city. The city lies on the River Shannon, with the core of the city located on Kings Island, which is bounded by the Shannon. Limerick is also located at the head of the Shannon Estuary where the river widens before it flows into the Atlantic Ocean. With a population of 95,854, Limerick is the third most populous area in the state. There are 102,161 people living in the Limerick City Metropolitan District, on 1 June 2014 following the merger of Limerick City and County Council a new Metropolitan District of Limerick was formed within the united council which extended the city area. The Metropolitan District includes the city area and extends outwards towards Patrickswell in the west. The City Metropolitan Area however excludes city suburbs located within County Clare, when included this increases the overall city and metropolitan area by a further 5,000 with a combined total population of 107,161. Limerick is one of the constituent cities of the Cork–Limerick–Galway corridor which has a population of 1 million people and it is located at a strategic position on the River Shannon with four main crossing points near the city centre. To the south of the city is the Golden Vale, an area of rich pastureland, historically, much of the citys industry was based on this rich agricultural hinterland and it is particularly noted for Limerick Ham. Luimneach originally referred to the area along the banks of the Shannon Estuary known as Loch Luimnigh. The earliest settlement in the city, Inis Sibhtonn, was the name for Kings Island during the pre-Viking and Viking eras. This island was also called Inis an Ghaill Duibh, The Dark- Foreigners Island, the name is recorded in Viking sources as Hlymrekr. Antiquitys map-maker, Ptolemy, produced in 150 the earliest map of Ireland, history also records an important battle involving Cormac mac Airt in 221 and a visit by St. Patrick in 434 to baptise an Eóganachta king, Carthann the Fair. Saint Munchin, the first bishop of Limerick died in 652, in 812 the Vikings sailed up the Shannon and pillaged the city, burned the monastery of Mungret but were forced to flee when the Irish attacked and killed many of their number. The Normans redesigned the city in the 12th century and added much of the most notable architecture, such as King Johns Castle, one of the kingdoms most notable kings was Brian Boru, ancestor of the OBrien Clan of Dalcassians. The word Thomond is synonymous with the region and is retained in place such as Thomondgate

25.
Lisburn
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Lisburn is a city in Northern Ireland. It is 8 mi southwest of Belfast city centre, on the River Lagan, Lisburn is part of the Belfast Metropolitan Area. It had a population of 71,465 people in the 2011 Census, formerly a borough, Lisburn was granted city status in 2002 as part of Queen Elizabeth IIs Golden jubilee celebrations. It is the third-largest city in Northern Ireland, Lisburn is one of the constituent cities that make up the Dublin-Belfast corridor region which has a population of just under 3 million. The town was known as Lisnagarvy after the townland in which it formed. This is derived from Irish Lios na gCearrbhach, meaning ringfort of the gamesters/gamblers, the origin of the towns current name is uncertain. The modern spelling Lisburn first appears in a January 1662 entry in church records, after February 1662, the name Lisnagarvy is no longer found in the records. It is commonly believed that the town was renamed after being burnt during the Irish Rebellion of 1641, there is evidence that the name existed even at the time of the rebellion. In the depositions concerning the rebellion, an English soldier stated on 9 June 1653 that the rebels entered the town of Lisnagarvy at a place called Louzy Barne. Carmody believes that, in the early days, there were two co-existing ringforts, Lisnagarvy to the north and Lisburn to the south. He suggests that both come from Irish and concludes, Lisburn, being shorter and more easily pronounced by the English settlers, became the familiar name. The original name is used in the titles of some local schools. Lisburns original site was a fort located north of modern-day Wallace Park, in 1609 James I granted Sir Fulke Conway, a Welshman of Norman descent, the lands of Killultagh in southwest County Antrim. During the 1620s the streets of Lisburn were laid out just as they are today, Market Square, Bridge Street, Castle Street and Bow Street. In 1628, Sir Edward Conway, brother to the now deceased Sir Fulke and this is still held in the town every Tuesday. The Manor House was destroyed in the fire of 1707 and was never rebuilt. Lisburn is also known as the birthplace of Irelands linen industry, an exhibition about the Irish linen industry is now housed in the Irish Linen Centre, which can be found in the old Market House in Market Square. In 1920, disturbances related to the ongoing Irish War of Independence saw almost all of Lisburns Catholic businesses burned out, the town was one of the first to recruit special constables, who went on to become part of Northern Irelands Ulster Special Constabulary

26.
Union of the Crowns
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The Union of Crowns followed the death of Elizabeth I of England — the last monarch of the Tudor dynasty, who was Jamess unmarried and childless first cousin twice removed. The Union was a personal or dynastic union, with the Crown of Scotland remaining both distinct and separate—despite Jamess best efforts to create a new throne of Great Britain. However, England and Scotland would continue to be states, sharing a monarch with Ireland, until the Acts of Union of 1707 during the reign of the last Stuart monarch. The marriage was the outcome of the Treaty of Perpetual Peace, concluded the previous year, the marriage merged the Stuarts with Englands Tudor line of succession, despite the improbability of a Scottish prince acceding the English throne at the time. However, many on the English side were concerned by the implications of matrimony. The peace did not last in perpetuity, it was disturbed in 1513 when Henry VIII, King of England and Lord of Ireland, in response France invoked the terms of the Auld Alliance, her ancient bond with Scotland. James duly invaded Northern England leading to the Battle of Flodden, in the decades that followed, Englands relations with Scotland were turbulent. The line of Margaret Tudor was excluded from the English succession, though, in the last decade of her reign it was clear to all that James VI of Scotland, great-grandson of James IV and Margaret Tudor, was the only generally acceptable heir. Cecil advised James not to press the matter of the succession upon the queen but simply to treat her with kindness, in March 1603, with the queen clearly dying, Cecil sent James a draft proclamation of his accession to the English throne. Strategic fortresses were put on alert, and London placed under guard, Elizabeth died in the early hours of 24 March. Within eight hours, James was proclaimed king in London, the news received without protest or disturbance. On 5 April 1603, James left Edinburgh for London, promising to return three years, and progressed slowly from town to town, in order to arrive in the capital after Elizabeths funeral. Local lords received James with lavish hospitality along the route, and Jamess new subjects flocked to see him, as James entered London, he was mobbed. The crowds of people, one reported, were so great that they covered the beauty of the fields. Nevertheless, all London turned out for the occasion, The streets seemed paved with men, stalls instead of rich wares were set out with children, open casements filled up with women. Whatever residual fears many in England may have felt at the prospect of being ruled by a Scot, the greatest and most obvious of these was the question of his exact status and title. James intended to be King of Great Britain and Ireland and his first obstacle along this imperial road was the attitude of the English Parliament. In his first speech to his southern assembly on 19 March 1604 James gave a statement of the royal manifesto

27.
Catholic emancipation
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Requirements to abjure the temporal and spiritual authority of the Pope and transubstantiation placed major burdens on Roman Catholics. The penal laws started to be dismantled from 1766, the most significant measure was the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1829, which removed the most substantial restrictions on Roman Catholicism in the United Kingdom. In Canada, British since 1763, the Quebec Act of 1774 ended some restrictions on Roman Catholics, reaction against this led to riots in Scotland in 1779 and then the Gordon Riots in London on June 2,1780. Further relief was given by an Act of 1782 allowing the establishment of Roman Catholic schools, the British Roman Catholic Relief Act 1791 was adopted by the Irish Parliament in 1792–93. Since the electoral franchise at the time was determined by property. Non-conformists also suffered discrimination at this time, but it was expected to be a consequence given the proportionately small number of Roman Catholics in the United Kingdom as a whole. William Pitt the Younger, the Prime Minister, had promised emancipation to accompany the Act, no further steps were taken at that stage, however, in part because of the belief of King George III that it would violate his Coronation Oath. Pitt resigned when the Kings opposition became known, as he was unable to fulfill his pledge, Catholic emancipation then became a debating point rather than a major political issue. The increasing number of Irish Catholics serving in the British army led to the army giving freedom of worship to Catholic soldiers in 1811 and their contribution in the Napoleonic wars may have contributed to the support of Wellington for emancipation. In 1823, Daniel OConnell started a campaign for emancipation by establishing the Catholic Association, in 1828 he stood for election in County Clare in Ireland and was elected even though he could not take his seat in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom. He repeated this feat in 1829, oConnells manoeuvres were important, but the decisive turning point came with the change in public opinion in Britain in favour of emancipation. Politicians understood the importance of public opinion. They were influenced as well by the support for the measure by the Whigs in the House of Lords. The balance of opinion in the House of Lords shifted abruptly in 1828–29 in response to public opinion, in 1828 the Sacramental Test Act removed the barrier that required certain public officials to be members of the Established Church. Finally, the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel changed positions and this removed many of the remaining substantial restrictions on Roman Catholics throughout the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The major beneficiaries were the Roman Catholic middle classes, who could now enter careers in the civil service. The year 1829 is therefore regarded as marking the chief moment of Emancipation in Britain. The obligation, however, to pay tithes to the established Anglican church in Ireland remained, resulting in the Tithe War of the 1830s, a series of further reforms were introduced over time

28.
Peep o' Day Boys
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The Peep o Day Boys was an agrarian Protestant association in 18th-century Ireland. The Orange Order would blame the Peep o Day Boys for the Armagh outrages that followed the battle. In 1792 in Dyan, County Tyrone, just across the River Blackwater that separates it from County Armagh and they were so called after the Protestant King William of Orange, who had defeated his uncle James II at the Battle of the Boyne in 1690. The News Letter in its 1 February 1793 edition reported that a meeting of the Orange Boys had been held on 22 January 1793 consisting of 138 members. The winter of 1795–6, immediately following the formation of the Orange Order, in a sign that tension over the linen trade was still a burning issue, Wreckers continued the Peep o Day Boys strategy of smashing looms and tearing webs in Catholic homes to eliminate competition. This resulted in a reduction in the hotly competitive linen trade which had been in a brief slump, a consequence of this scattering of highly-political Catholics, however, was a spread of Defenderism throughout Ireland. In the Irish House of Commons,20 February 1796, Henry Grattan observed. that of these outrages he had received the most dreadful accounts and their object was, the extermination of all the Catholics of that county. These insurgents call themselves Orange Boys or Protestant Boys, that is, a banditti of murderers, committing massacre in the name of God, the Orange Order repudiated the activities of the Peep o Day Boys, and blamed them for what became known as the Armagh outrages. R. H. Wallace states that the first Orangemen did not sympathise with the Peep-of-Day Boys or wreckers, mervyn Jess, however, notes that some Peep o Day Boys might have slipped through the net but if so they found themselves in a vastly different organisation. Some historians have attributed the outrages to the Order, a determination was expressed to driving from this quarter of the county the entire of its Roman Catholic population. A written notice was thrown into or posted upon the door of a warning the inmates, in the words of Oliver Cromwell. Agrarian society Hearts of Oak Hearts of Steel Irish Volunteers Molly Maguires Ribbonism United Irishmen Whiteboys Captain Rock

29.
French Revolutionary Wars
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The French Revolutionary Wars were a series of sweeping military conflicts, lasting from 1792 until 1802, resulting from the French Revolution. They pitted the French First Republic against Britain, Austria and several other monarchies and they are divided in two periods, the War of the First Coalition and the War of the Second Coalition. Initially confined to Europe, the fighting gradually assumed a global dimension as the political ambitions of the Revolution expanded, French success in these conflicts ensured the spread of revolutionary principles over much of Europe. The Revolutionary Wars began from increasing political pressure on King Louis XVI of France to prove his loyalty to the new direction France was taking. In the spring of 1792, France declared war on Prussia and Austria, the victory rejuvenated the French nation and emboldened the National Convention to abolish the monarchy. A series of victories by the new French armies abruptly ended with defeat at Neerwinden in the spring of 1793, by 1795, the French had captured the Austrian Netherlands and knocked Spain and Prussia out of the war with the Peace of Basel. A hitherto unknown general called Napoleon Bonaparte began his first campaign in Italy in April 1796, in less than a year, French armies under Napoleon decimated the Habsburg forces and evicted them from the Italian peninsula, winning almost every battle and capturing 150,000 prisoners. With French forces marching towards Vienna, the Austrians sued for peace and agreed to the Treaty of Campo Formio, the War of the Second Coalition began with the French invasion of Egypt, headed by Napoleon, in 1798. The Allies took the opportunity presented by the French strategic effort in the Middle East to regain territories lost from the First Coalition. The war began well for the Allies in Europe, where they pushed the French out of Italy and invaded Switzerland—racking up victories at Magnano, Cassano. However, their efforts largely unraveled with the French victory at Zurich in September 1799, meanwhile, Napoleons forces annihilated a series of Egyptian and Ottoman armies at the battles of the Pyramids, Mount Tabor, and Abukir. These victories and the conquest of Egypt further enhanced Napoleons popularity back in France, however, the Royal Navy had managed to inflict a humiliating defeat on the French fleet at the Battle of the Nile in 1798, further strengthening British control of the Mediterranean. Napoleons arrival from Egypt led to the fall of the Directory in the Coup of 18 Brumaire, Napoleon then reorganized the French army and launched a new assault against the Austrians in Italy during the spring of 1800. This latest effort culminated in a decisive French victory at the Battle of Marengo in June 1800, another crushing French triumph at Hohenlinden in Bavaria forced the Austrians to seek peace for a second time, leading to the Treaty of Lunéville in 1801. With Austria and Russia out of the war, the United Kingdom found itself increasingly isolated and agreed to the Treaty of Amiens with Napoleons government in 1802, concluding the Revolutionary Wars. The lingering tensions proved too difficult to contain, however, in 1789–1792, the entire governmental structure of France was transformed to fall into line with the Revolutionary principles of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. As a result, one of the first major elements of the French state to be restructured was the army, the transformation of the army was best seen in the officer corps. Before the revolution 90% had been nobility, compared to only 3% in 1794, Revolutionary fervour was high, and was closely monitored by the Committee of Public Safety, which assigned Representatives on Mission to keep watch on generals

30.
County Leitrim
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County Leitrim is a county in Ireland. It is in the province of Connacht and is part of the Border Region and it is named after the village of Leitrim. Leitrim County Council is the authority for the county, which had a population of 31,972 according to the 2016 census. Leitrim is the 26th largest of the 32 counties by area and it is the smallest of Connacht’s 5 counties in both size and population. Leitrim is bordered by the counties of Donegal to the north, Fermanagh to the north-east, Cavan to the east, Longford to the south, Roscommon to the south-west, Fermanagh is in Northern Ireland while all the other neighbouring counties are within the Republic. There are five historic baronies in the county, while baronies continue to be officially defined units, they are no longer used for many administrative purposes. Their official status is illustrated by Placenames Orders made since 2003 and they are Carrigallen, Drumahaire, Leitrim, Mohill and Rosclogher. Leitrim has the shortest length of coastline of any Irish county that touches the sea, at Tullaghan, the coastline is only 2.5 kilometres long. The Shannon is linked to the Erne via the Shannon-Erne Waterway, notable lakes include, Lough Melvin Lough Allen Lough Gill is to the northwest of Dromahair, Parkes Castle is located on the lake shore. Belhavel Lough is also located in Dromahair, within the parish of Killargue, Lough Scur, and Saint Johns Lough, on the Shannon–Erne Waterway. Other lakes include Upper Lough MacNean, Glencar Lough, Glenade Lough, Garadice Lough, Rinn Lough, Lough Scannal, Lough Erril, in ancient times Leitrim formed the western half of the Kingdom of Breifne. This region was influenced by the ORourke family of Dromahair. The Normans invaded in the 13th century and occupied the south of Breifne, much of the county was confiscated from its owners in 1620 and given to Villiers and Hamilton. Their initial objective was to plant the county with English settlers, English Deputy Sir John Perrot had ordered the legal establishment of Leitrim County a half-century prior, in 1565. Perrott also demarcated the current county borders around 1583, many of these great forests were denuded for the making for Charcoal for Iron works around Slieve Anierin. The population subsequently continued to decrease due to emigration, after many years, the wounds of such rapid population decline have finally started to heal. Agriculture improved over the last century, Leitrim now has the fastest growing population in Connacht. Working of the rich deposits of iron ore began in the 15th century

31.
Trinity College, Dublin
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Trinity College is the sole constituent college of the University of Dublin, a research university in Ireland. It is one of the seven ancient universities of Britain and Ireland, originally it was established outside the city walls of Dublin in the buildings of the dissolved Augustinian Priory of All Hallows. Trinity College was set up in part to consolidate the rule of the Tudor monarchy in Ireland, although Catholics and Dissenters had been permitted to enter as early as 1793, certain restrictions on their membership of the college remained until 1873. From 1871 to 1970, the Catholic Church in Ireland forbade its adherents from attending Trinity College without permission, women were first admitted to the college as full members in January 1904. Trinity College is now surrounded by Dublin and is located on College Green, the college proper occupies 190,000 m2, with many of its buildings ranged around large quadrangles and two playing fields. Academically, it is divided into three faculties comprising 25 schools, offering degree and diploma courses at undergraduate and postgraduate levels. The Library of Trinity College is a deposit library for Ireland. The first University of Dublin was created by the Pope in 1311, following this, and some debate about a new university at St. The first Provost of the College was the Archbishop of Dublin, Adam Loftus, two years after foundation, a few Fellows and students began to work in the new College, which then lay around one small square. During the eighteenth century Trinity College was seen as the university of the Protestant Ascendancy, Parliament, meeting on the other side of College Green, made generous grants for building. The first building of this period was the Old Library building, begun in 1712, followed by the Printing House, during the second half of the century Parliament Square slowly emerged. The great building drive was completed in the nineteenth century by Botany Bay. In December 1845 Denis Caulfield Heron was the subject of a hearing at Trinity College, Heron had previously been examined and, on merit, declared a scholar of the college but had not been allowed to take up his place due to his Catholic religion. Heron appealed to the Courts which issued a writ of mandamus requiring the case to be adjudicated by the Archbishop of Dublin, the decision of Richard Whately and John George de la Poer Beresford was that Heron would remain excluded from Scholarship. This decision confirmed that the position remained that persons who were not Anglicans could not be elected to Scholarship, Fellowship or be made a Professor. However within less than three decades of this all disabilities imposed on Catholics were repealed as in 1873, all tests were abolished. Prior to 1956 it was the responsibility of the local Bishop, the nineteenth century was also marked by important developments in the professional schools. The Law School was reorganised after the middle of the century, the Engineering School was established in 1842 and was one of the first of its kind in Ireland and Britain

32.
St Patrick's College, Maynooth
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St Patricks College, Maynooth, is the National Seminary for Ireland, and a Pontifical University, located in the village of Maynooth,24 km from Dublin, Ireland. In 2015–16 there were approximately 80 men studying for the priesthood at Maynooth,60 resident seminarians, the college and seminary are often referred to as Maynooth College. The college was established as the Royal College of St Patrick by an Act of Grattans Parliament in 1795. Thomas Pelham, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, introduced his Bill for the foundation of a Catholic college, degrees are awarded by the Pontifical University at Maynooth, which was established by a Pontifical Charter of 1896. The Pontifical Charter entitles the university to grant degrees in law, philosophy. The college is associated with the separate Maynooth University, the town of Maynooth, County Kildare, was the seat of the Fitzgeralds, Earls of Kildare. On October 7,1515 Henry VIII granted licence for the establishment of a College, in 1518, the 9th Earl presented a petition to the then Archbishop of Dublin, for a license to found and endow a college at Maynooth, the College of the Blessed Virgin Mary. In 1535 the College was suppressed and its endowments and lands confiscated as part of the Reformation, the present college was created in the 1790s against the background of the upheaval during the French Revolution and the gradual removal of the penal laws. Until this time a significant number of Irish Catholic priests were educated on the European continent, with the opening of Clongowes Wood in 1814, the lay college was closed and the college functioned solely as a Catholic seminary for almost 150 years. The college was intended to provide for the education of Catholic priests in Ireland. The added value in this was the reduction of the number of returning from training in revolutionary France thus hindering potential revolution. The value to the government was proved by the condemnation by the Catholic Church hierarchy of the 1798 rebellion, in 1800, John Butler, 12th Baron Dunboyne, died and left a substantial fortune to the College. Butler had been a Roman Catholic, and Bishop of Cork, however, there were no children to his marriage and it was alleged that he had been reconciled to the Catholic Church at his death. Were this the case, a Penal Law demanded that the will was invalid, much litigation followed before a negotiated settlement in 1808 that led to the establishment of a Dunboyne scholarship fund. The land was donated by William FitzGerald, 2nd Duke of Leinster and he lived nearby at Carton and also at Leinster House. The building work was paid for by the British Government, parliament continued to give it an annual grant until the Irish Church Act 1869, when this law was passed the College received a capital sum of £369,000. The trustees invested 75% of this in mortgages to Irish landowners at a yield of 4. 25% or 4. 75% per annum and this would have been considered a secure investment at that time but agitation for land reform and the depression of the 1870s eroded this security. The largest single mortgage was granted to the Earl of Granard, accumulated losses on these transactions reached £35,000 by 1906