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left, a bribe is held out to tlie rest logo to Texas! Well, if they will go, all 1 can Ray is,Northern farmers, come liero and settle. Suchland as yon can sell in New York and Pennsylvania fur fifty, and seventy-five, and ahundred dollars nn aero, you can buy licre forfrom throe to ton. It is "a shame', I say, thatthis beautiful rountry, so blest in climate,it ml needing so little, oidy the fertilizing handof man, should he without people. Hero isan old venerable river running past my door,older than tlio Hudson, now lined with townsand villages much older than Ohio, (olderin settlement and geography, I mean,) butwhere are the people? Tor a hundred andfifty miles from Richmond to Norfolk, thefirst explored river running into the AtlanticOcean, the homo of Powhatan and Pocahontas, and the scenes of the truly chivalrousJohn Smith where are the people? Gone, Isay, gone lo the South and est, the trumpet blowing among them now to go to Texas!Virginia has here depopulated herself to makehomes elsewhere. The cry of one set of herpoliticians is, manufactures that would keepthe people hero are nothing Texas is everything. Were I a Virginian, I should esteemas worth more on James river, one good whiteman, than all of Texas, from the Sabine tothe Rio del Norte. Why here isjTexas allabout us, land as cheap as in the distant Texas, and as good."SOUTHERN HUMANITY."Immediate measures should he taken byour government to restore to liberty the whitechildren now held in captivity by the Cumanches. In their marauding expeditions against Texas, this tribe has carried oft a number of children, who were spared from thotomahawk and scalping knifo only to endurea life of cruel hardship and bondage. Thehumanity of the American people is stronglyappealed to, and in such a cause, the appealcannot be in vain, nor receive a tardy response. We trust that such instructions willpromptly bo sent to our Indian agents andmilitary posts on tho western frontier, aswill expedite the discovery and release ofthe kidnapped children. Aew (Jreans Com.llulktin.'Liberty to the white children!' Why notliberty to the black and yellow children, inthe hands of while savages'! Why should ourgovernment interfere for the liberation of afew while children beyond its jurisdiction,andrefuse to do anything for the liberation of themillions of men and women and children, atAomc.who, to say the least, have as good claimupon its humanity! Or rather, why liberatethe one and lend its power to enslave the other? The New Orleans editor is quite tenderly affected in view of these Texan childrenbeing doomed 'to endure a life f cruel hardship and bondage,' while he seems whollyunmindful of the thousands of poor childrenthus doomed within the precincts of his owncity, and some, probably, even in his ownfamily.'The humanity of the American people isstrongly appealed to, he says. And pray,has not this 'humanity' been appealed to foryears in behalf of tho millions of Americans,groaning in worse than Algcrine bondage,and all in vain? And lias not this same editor sneered at, and denounced these appeals?Why then, talk of making appeals in behalfof the white children ot lexaslNo; if our government was designed toprotect the liberty of one human being underits jurisdiction, it was designed to protect allwithout distinction of color or condition.And no person, of common sense, and common intelligence, can honestly contend, thatit is any more the duty of our government tointerfere in behalf of the most wealthy andinfluential white person, than of the poorestand most despised black one in the nation.True Christianity and true humanity arestrictly impartial. The action of our government was never intended, by its founders, tocontravene those principles, or in any way todepart from them. Ami lie who would counselsuch contravention or departure, must befalse to all. JIampshire Herald.GnowiNo Devout. Since the separationof the southern Baptists and Methodists fromtheir Northern brethren, the former have beencrowing devout. 1 hey seem to have wakedup wonderfully to the work of tho Lord.bishop Andrew, for instance, who was sns-perilled for his slaveholding from the exerciseof Episcopal functions, lias not only exercised them in defiance of tho Methodist General Conference, but in a letter recently addressed to his slaveholding brethren, he stirsthem tin to a new zeal for souls. lie savsin referring to the strifes through which heand his brethren have passed,' It is now time to stop tho overwhelmingof these turbid waters, and, in their stead, tobring over, tho land the healing streamsof peace and holiness." A writer in the Christian Advocate ofthis city, reviewing this letter of the Bishopcomments on the above passage as follows:"Jvowttme. llow emphatic that word'now' is! Now that the Church is severedsud half her infl icnce lost now that "South'ern rights" are secured, and a bishop mayhold as many slaves as he pleases, let us"brine over tho land the healing streams ofpeace and holiness." lieally, this remindsus of the pious grocer who, in the morning,said to his clerk, " William, have you sanda the sugar! " V es sir. "Have youwatered the molasses?" " Yes Bir." "Wellnow come in to prayers !"But says tho Bishop, " Let us rememberthat our cause may have been good and ourprovocation great, and yet we may not unjustified." What is this good cause? Slaveryin the Kpiscopaey ! neither inoro or less !t'all that good if you will. W hat was tlinature of this "great provocation?" A mildrespectful, but resolute effort to keep slaveryand the episcopacy apart. Nothing morethan Hint. Tho little book asks, "What shallbo done for the extirpation of the evil of sla-very?" Tho bishops's names are in thathook. They ''earnestly recommend" it.They "iriili to sua it ill the house of everyMethodist." That question with tho resttie; huok tlif-v wish rend and considered.lint lo! one of these bishops becomes a iaveholder. The Cmire.li protests. Anotlibishop supports him in his new position.convention is called. The Church is tornasunder. Slavery is baptized, justified, andsanctified."Hosannnhs ring through hell's extendedborders.And Satan's self has thoughts of takingorders."Ohservo the above is not from an abolitionpaper, but from the central organ of the Methodist Church of the United States a paperthat four years ago was among the foremostin its nbuso of ubolitionists. .inti-SlaveryW purler,SPEECH OF WENDELL PHILLIPS,AT THE ANTI-TEXAN MASS MEETING INFANEUIL HALL.You told us, Sir, at the opening of thismeeting, that Texas stood on the threshholddemanding admittance to the Federal Union.That I understand to he the precise pointwhich our action is to touch. We come torally our State to meet that emergency; torouse the people to protest against her entrance. Your words, Sir, recall to my mind nn anecdote of one whoso living image looks downupon us from these walls, I mean, SamuelAdams. When once his wife told him sheexpected, that day, to come into the family, acolored girl that onoot tier neignnors nau given her. "no as a slave!" said tho high-sou-led patriot; "if she passes tnis threshold,she leaves her fetters behind her."I hail this moement, friends and followcitizens, as one of kindred spirit. It says toTexas, standing at our door with her constitutional provisions for Slavery, "Only freewomen can pass this threshold: only freemen ouaht to dwell under this roof."I anticipate and advocate, in this movementall that energy anil moderation, which you,Sir. have invoked: but 1 conless the dilhculty of being moderate, about Slavery, and inFaneuil Hall! (Applause.) It is hard to bemoderate here and as Luther said to Erasmus. "To tread on eggs without breaking them."It was the word of Wellington to his troopson the eve of Waterloo, " hat will theythink of us at home?" We are here, 1 trust,to put it under bonds, sinned, sealed, and delivered to our Senators and Representatives,what wo shall think of them at home; whatwe expect, and what only wo will sustainand iftliey do not resist tho entrance of Texas as a slave State, I hope such a voice will goup to tho Capitol from Massachusetts, asshall if necessary, rouse its "very stones torise and mutiny!" (Applause.)I coine, to-night, with various emotions tosustain the resolutions before you, and I sharesomewhat in the hope they express. But ifit be indeed too late, there still are reasonswhy I wish to come again and again to Faneuil Hall, to protest against this deed ofTexan Annexation, i neneve iiiai omy instruggle can virtue live in a land like this,...i ci . : : ....... ,,.,! ;,. i.rt r...,wnere oiavery is iiiuuijiuuhcu m.v ,uu vumstitution and Government of the nation.Here, as on the Pontine marshes, sleep isdeath. One of those whose names have justeen read to us as examples, has fallen lromis high estate, a warning to us not to sitown in the Ian of corruption. No, Sir, thereis no safety but in battle array there shouldbe no slumber but on your arms.I now hold in my hand a letter, part ot acorrespondence w ith the Secretary of thisCommonwealth, who has just addressed us.It comes from the attorney of slaves in Virginia, fifty in number, tho descendants of awoman ot color who, two years alter me a-iloption of our Hill of Rights, was stolen fromthe town of .Southwick, in Massachusetts;and now, after the lapse of two generationseach handing down the memory that theirmother was free, these, her posterity, ask acertificate of the State of Massachusetts, thatthe Constitution ol 1780 was broad enoughto cover the rights of the long forgotten slaveof 1782.God bless the noble hearts that framed it!They rest from their labors, and the blessingsot their great work do lollow them lorover-more ! 1 he Constitution they trained in17H0 tor the Hay Male, in ltilo sweeps filtyhuman beings from the grasp of the Old Dominion, and places them beneath the broadshield of its own State Fcedoin. (Applause.)1 commend the example ol that forlorn andenslaved family to the State of Massachusetts, during the darkness of national Slavery, through which she must struggle in order to preserve even her own freedom inviolate. Still, through the long night of forgct-fulness to which they were consigned, havethey clung to the little thread of tradition thatbound them lo the Hancocks, the Adamses,and the Otisis of Massachusetts; and still, inliko manner, let us hand down to our children, by tho constancy of our protest, thememory of our freedoms's birthright, andswear them upon her alter that they thoughtfully " hide their tunc," anil oiuitno ellort totake, at last, upon Slavery, a freeman s deepand abiding revenge ! (Applause.)I believe there is power in the continualtestimony, even of a single individual, to doa mighty work for Freedom. One vote sentOliver Cromwell to tho long Parliament.Little thought the holder of that vote that hishand was to send Charles Stewart to thoscaffold, in front of Whitehall; and, who thatstands ticre to-night can say that his own isnot the will, whoso expression shall finallyturn the chances of the lot! What then willbo tho moral might of the united voices of aStile, in arousing the tailing heart of a nation!"Utvnio the tiiunuer into surlo tones, saystho German Schiller, "and it becomes a lullaby for children; but pour it forth in onequick peal, and the royal sound shall shakethe heavens!So shall it be with this Commonwealth.Let her pour forth her people's voice in oneundivided not ot protestation, without waiting till parties practice self-denial, or politiccians become brave: moderate 1 would haveIt, with you, Mr. President, but most eniphatic in ita energy; "for the people, like the air,are never heard but when they speak in thandor. Clear, emphatic, and undoubted,would our act might be; so as to claim andarrest the attention of all Christendom sothat, horcafter, when on the world's highwayswe shall sen the finger of scorn pointed ntthe United States with the taunt, "Beholdthe Republican hypocrites the Texan slave-holders!" I would fain have it to reply, 'notme! I come from old Massachusetts! Universal and enthusiastic Jpplnnse.)I hope much may yet be done to avert thedisgraceful catastrophe, iheineaot Annexation has come suddenly upon the great bodyof our people, like the sharp, quick crack ofthe avalanche to the Swiss peasant, ona midsummer's day: while to thoso who have longwatched the formation and tho decline of parties, and tho progress of political intrigue, ithas been tho subject of long years of apprehension, till, at length, they could only hopethat the mighty fragment might, nt least, awaken tho North by tho shock of its u si cut.We have seen tho North, meanwhile, engaged in driving Manchester from tho market ofCanton, in sending ice to Calcutta, andgranite to Louisiana, while the green andgilded snake of Slavery has glided upwards,till ilrom the ton of tho Capitol it hangs 'hissing nt the nobler man below.' Wo haveseen the allegory of the muck-rake of Bun-yan, niado a reality by men of our own times,who sutler the temptation ol tho sticks andstraws beneath their feet, to divert jthcireyesfrom the freeman's crown that hangs abovetheir heads. We have seen men spell-boundby the mean magic of place and gain, evenwhile over the mirror of the present, stealsthe giant shadow of the coiningdespotisin!-(Applause.)but 1trust, Sir, we shall gather, in goodtime, a throng of earnest men, and defeat thoproject of Annexation in its latest stage.The throng present at this moment, so densely filling the floor of this hall, in spite of allthe fury of the storm without, gives promisethat our hope shall not go out in night. Itrust the river-gods of tho Connecticut, thosons of our Hawleys, our Ellsworths, andSedgwieks.will speedily be heard respondingto tho call now made on them. And whenthat spirit which first anchored in PlymouthBay, the stern old heart of Puritanism, itscold high purpose, ill remorseless determination, its iron will, girds itself for the conflictwith the hot zeal of tho fiery South let whowill, tremble, 1 shall cheerfully abido the re'8ii It. (Overwhelming applause.)It is to aggregate that spirit into one united and intelligible voice, to gather together the isolated opposition of our laud, and listit Know now strong it is, mat we are here tonight. Our work is the work of freedom:Cod bless it: and help us to nurture ourchildren to carry it on!The history of tho past docs notdiscourageme. There has nothing happened that thoughtful men might not have foreseen. YY lien, inthe compromise of 1781), the South chosepower, and the North bartered right for thecertainty of gain, how easy to anticipate theoverhearing insolence w hich would soon markone party and the truckling and shuffling policy, the "bated breath" of the other. TheRoman girl, at the lout ot the lurpeian, ask-cd the enemies' bracelets, as the reward ofher treachery-why should we bo surprised,lli'it IlL-n hnr llifl Vlrlna nt llir Anrlltsmothered beneath the vorv reward itemvedlTrue, no partial efforts can save us now.slave power is and always has been,mighty in the land. It has scattered to thewinds the mightiest! parties it has laidlow the fairest reputations it has throwndown the bulwarks of Saxon liberty, "covered with tho hoar ot innumerable ages, -and now it looks on this last triumph as ac neck-mate.God grant that it may overleap itself andthat this effort to rally all honest men to theconflict, may be crowned with complete success. ( Loud and universal applause.)Thirteen Davs Later fuom the Citvof Mexico. We copy the following fromthe New Orleans Picayune of the !th inst:La Voz del Pueblo fan opposition journalof the city of Mexico) furnishes the founda-Hon ot the report that negotiations are likely10 oe resumeu ueiweenine united orates andMexico. It states that in a secret session ofthe two chambers of Congress, on the 1 fthof October, the Minister of Foreign Affairscommunicated to them that tho Consul oftransmitted to him despatches from the Cabv...,o, , ,v.w, ..Ml.inet at Washington, tho tenor of which wasas follows: That, desiring to avoid hostilities between two Republics which ought tole firmly united by sympathy and a thousandties of mutual interest, tho Government atWashington was disposed to submit the af-fair of Texas to negotiation; and that, in or-der to arrive at a determination of the matterat once reasonable and honorable to both parties, it would send an envoy extraordinary,should the Mexican Government bo disposedto receive him.The Government of Mexico replied thatthe relations between the two countries beingbroken, it could not receive the envoy in apublic character, but would admit him as thesimple private bearer of the message in question, upon the condition that, first ol all, theI.'. S. Government should withdraw Us squadron from the waters of Vera Cruz. The minister added, that, without prejudice to theseuiloriual coiniiiuni.-ations, the ..lex lean Gov.eminent would continue to tike measures toprotect the nation from a coup-de-main on thepart ol ilie I mted States.N. CAROLINA—BALTIMORE.James Cannings Fuller, well known byleputation to most of our readers, stopped aday in this city on his return trom rsortliCarolina, where he lias just been to attend theYearly Meeting, lie gives a most encouraging account of his visit and the state of thecause , i j "v i , m;.s . i ihe never attended a early Meeting in thiscountry, where there was so much said a-gainst slavery, and where there seemed to bea oeiier ami-siavery s pirn, among y. ...e.,hers. In this respect lie was most delightfully disappointed. Where he expected frowns,he met a cordial reception, and where he looked for opposition he found sympathy.The state of things in North Carolina heconsidered much more encouraging than inBaltimore, In the latter place public sentiment seemed, from somo indications, to beretrograding. Slave auctions (ono of whichho attended and described,) he was told wereless repugnant to the people, and tho slavetrade obtruded some of its most odious features before the public, without the wontedmanifestations ol abhorrence. Wo were notprepared to hear so discouraging nn accountof Baltimore, and are inclined still to hope,that tnend r uller may bo misinformed.What are tho facts in tho case, Dr. Snod-grass? Perhaps you can tell us in tho nextnumber of your excellent " lsitor. l'a.freeman.Man Fon Sale at the Capitol of thisNation. "The Daily Union," of Tuesday,the 7th inst., President Polk's official organ,publishes the following advertisement:" Autice Will be sold, at the jail of Washington county, 1). C. on Friday the tli oliNovember, 1815, at 10 o'clock, A. M. a negro man, committed as a runaway, who callshimself John Smith. He is a dark mulatto,about ti feet high, and about 28 or 2'J yearsof age. Had on when committed, a stripedsummer coat and pantaloons, a black fur hat,and has other clothing with him, principallyhome-made. He savs he is a sl ave, and lie-longs to a Mr. John Smith, who lives in Henrico county, between Petersburg and Richmond. He has a scar under the left eye, andone in the upper lip, and says that his master's nearest neighbor is Mr. John Richardson. Tho owner or owners of the ahovo described negro man are hereby requested to comoforward, prove him, and tike him away, orhe will he sold for his prison and other expenses as the law directs.ROBT BALL., Jailer.For A. Hunter, Marshall, D. C."The African's Love of Home.The lollowing beautiful and affecting passage is from the writings of the unfortunateMango Park:I he poor negro feels this ileuro in itsfull force. No water is sweet to him, butwhat is drawn from his own well; and notree has so sweet and pleasant a shade, as thetaboo tree ol Ins own hamlet. When warcompels hiin to leave the delightful spotwhere he first drew breath, and to seek sitety in some other kingdom, his timo is spentin talking of tho country of his ancestors;and no sooner is peace restored, than lieturns his hack on the land of strangers, hastens to rebuild his f illen walls, and exults tosee tho smoke of his native village."COMMUNICATIONS.ANTI-SLAVERY A MORAL ENTERPRISEPRISE.honestly can for the destruction of the diabolTho ical system of American Slavery. Todol-ssStanding on the platform of human rightsin a country whose public declaration is thatall men are born frco and equal, I regard itas a duty to define my position in the anti-slavery ranks. I am an abolitionist on moral,.ce. I claim it as my privilege and con-" "sider U my duty to 8ay and to d a" that 1than this, would bring guilt on my soul, andrender extremely doubtful my Christian character. In saying this, I not only pledge myself to each and every one of my anti-slaverybrethren who go the same length with me infulfilling anti-slavery duties, hut I also holdmyself responsible for all the moral evil thatmay necessarily follow emancipation on moral principle. It is a sound maxim that infaith and practice, indi,idual responsibility isnot lost in voluntary association, civil or ecclesiastical, for what is d ine by one's agent, isdone by one's self.Ecclesiastically, if I ama member of a pro-slavery church, or of ono,w ; : fi,ii,ai,i .;,i, ,0i.,, i,ri...... . .. ... - ,es 1 81,a" "e c!rfcrea'e with me sin ot Slavery. I shall bo contaminated with its guilt,ag an accessory whatever I may say or do for, r.. , , ,. m fl,,n ,n- " " - - - T ........ ... J .....countcractcd, it will be a spot on my feast ofcharity, a stain on my garment which mustbe washed out, a sin that must be repentedof, consequently forsaken. I am aware thatby taking this ground I shall be subjected tothe charge of infidelity, and with a design ofattempting to destroy tho church of Christ,under tho cloak of anti-slavery. Now doesnot the attempt to bring such a charge againstus, imply that the church is pro-slavery; andthe fear of its being dostroyed, that it is notowned and sustained by Christ? Let antislavery go through the churches with herspirit of reform, and the next geneitition willrise up and call her blessed. Furthermore, Iam not answerable either for the sustentationof the church, or the destruction of slavery.I am accountable only for the moral character of my words and actions, and the rectitude of the measures I pursue. My concernis with truth and du'y. Then if the influence of the church is on the side of the oppressor, or if she takes neutral ground and refuses to rebuke tho sin, in cither caso shewill be guilty. How then can I act with herand be innocent? How then can I be identified with her and escape contamination?P"P 8om "e '"' you must remon-1 "8trate- i'P08e 1 uo a'l continues ln-corrigible! Docs not every one see, thathav.brought a charge against the church, itmust eventuate in our final separation unlessone of the parties repent?I repeat it, I am an abolitionist on moralprinciple. The instrumentality I wouldwield, is superior, and lies buck of the ballot-box.Slavery is an infraction of a lawolder than the Constitution of the UnitedSlates, and can never bo abolished but by arecognition of human rights. Tho spirit thatbreathed the declaration "all men are bornfree and equal," and then disappeared, must herecalled, or all our legislation will be in vain.When our revolutionary fathers compromisedthe rights of the colored man for a Constitution to secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their while posterity, the genius ofimpartial freedom fled from our shores. Shodid not stay even to preside over the formation of that Constitution, which makes slavehunting ground of all the northern and western Stites. Nay, she did not tarry even until the 20 years of slave migration from Africa ended.That tha Constitution of the United Statesis a pro-slavery document, who can deny?Tho fugitive slave cannot deny it 1 The conductors of the underground rail-way to Canada cannot deny it! The twenty-five members in Congress who hold their seats by virtue of the three-fifths slave representationcannot deny it! The members of the Convention, who refused to vote for the adoptionof the Constitution, cannot deny it! Neithercould those men who made flaming speechesagainst slavery when it interfered with theirinterests in tho matter of taxation; but cast adamning veto against human rights, in favorof perpetual slavery, deny it. Hear them.Mr. Patterson, (of New Jersey) says, "Howould regard negroes in no light but as property. They are no free agents, have no personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property; but, on tho contrary, are themselves property, and like all other property, entirely atthe will of their master. , He wasalso against such an indirect encouragementif the slave trade; observing that Congress intheir act relating to thoir change of tho eightharticle of confederation, had been ashamed louse the term slaves, and had substituted a description." Mr. Morris, (of Pennsylvania,)says " Unit domestic slavery is the most prominent feature in tho aristocratic countenanceof tho proposed Constitution. The vassalageol the poor his cvct been the favorite offspring of aristocracy. And what is tho proposed compensation to the Northern States fora sacrifice of every principle of right, of every impulse of humanity? They are to bindthemselves to march their militia for the de.fence of the Southern States, for their defenceagainst these very slaves of whom they complain." I will call upon the stand but oneclass ef witnesses more tho leading politicians in the free States (soealled.) Atwh.itperiod since the revolution, has the prejudiceagainst the cast and color of the African niceceased to be rife? Let tho broken up schoolof Miss Crandell, the destruction of a NewHampshire Academy let the black laws ofOhio let tho decisions of magistrates in favor of claimants of fugitive slaves let thenegro pews, and tha echoes of pro-slaverypulpits, tell the story. In view of a capitulation of this mass of undesirable, though unimpeachable testimony, we cannot avoid(though would to God we could,) the conclusion that the Constitution of the United Statesis pro-slavery. How thn can I vote underit, or swear allegiance ,t it? My duty toGod forbids it. My , elation to my robbedand down-trodden brother forbids it. Justiceforbids me lo strike hands with the robber,and the oppressor of my brother and sister.My complaint against the Constitution isnot that it is obscure or imperfect, but that itdesignedly consigns to unmitigated bondagea large class of my brethren, naive born Aniericans, a portion of whom fought in thobattle fields of the American Revolution sidoby side with our sires. Why then deprivethein of their portion of the boon? Will theGod of justice wink at such hypocrisy, robbery and oppression as this? In what articloand section of the instrument, drawn up to"establish justice," is the grant of freedomsecured? If the Constitution does not securefreedom to the slave, it m -tiers not what itsecures. It is a pro-slavery document, andcannot bo sustained with moral integrity.J. S.DISUNION.Friends Editors:I send you a copy of a resolution whichhas been discussed for some two or threemonths in our Anti-Slavery meetings at Unionville, and which was recently adopted.Whereas, we believe that the framers of theUnited States Constitution were not men oftheir ward, but hypocritical in their conduct,and iintruo to their profession of the love ofliberty; and believing as we do, that moral power is the only means by which the abolition of slavery can ever be accomplished;therefore,Resolved, That no true Anti-slavery mancan consistently act under the present Constitution of the United States by holding anyoffice, the entrance upon which requires anoath or affirmation to support it.This resolution created much excitementin this neighborhood; some were anxious itshould be adopted, others exerted their influence, against it. I will give you a briefsketch of the grounds assumed by its opposers, that you may comment upon them if youI -o iii. incy admitted that the preamble to