Abstract

This paper challenges the claim that experiencer arguments of psych predicates block long-distance control of PRO in extraposition Super-Equi constructions (Landau 2000, 2001) in English, using data from both naturalness ratings and eye-tracking during reading. In these studies, no evidence is found to support the claim that experiencers act as absolute intervenors for long-distance control in such cases. The results of both experiments show a preference for local over long-distance controllers in Super-Equi extraposition, but no evidence for a grammatical constraint ruling out long-distance control, with or without experiencers. These results suggest experiencer intervenors do not exceptionally force obligatory local control in Super-Equi (contra Landau 2001).