Pullman Strike

West's Encyclopedia of American Law
COPYRIGHT 2005 The Gale Group, Inc.

PULLMAN STRIKE

The Pullman Strike of 1894 was one of the most influential events in the history of U.S. labor. What began as a walkout by railroad workers in the company town of Pullman, Illinois, escalated into the country's first national strike. The events surrounding the strike catapulted several leaders to prominence and brought national focus to issues concerning labor unrest, socialism, and the need for new efforts to balance the economic interests of labor and capitalism.

In 1859, 28-year-old George M. Pullman, an ambitious entrepreneur who had moved from New York to Chicago, found success as a building contractor. When a new sewage system was installed that necessitated the raising of downtown buildings by ten feet, he ran a business where he oversaw large teams of men working with huge jacks to raise the buildings. Pullman quickly became wealthy.

Continuing his penchant for innovation, Pullman turned in 1867 to the subject of railroad travel and created a new line of luxury railroad cars featuring comfortable seating, restaurants, and improved sleeping accommodations. As demand for the "Pullman coaches" grew, Pullman further demonstrated his financial acumen. He did not sell his sleeping cars; instead he leased them to railroad companies. By 1893, the Pullman Company operated over 2,000 cars on almost every major U.S. railroad, and the company was valued at $62 million.

A firm believer in capitalism and moral uplift, Pullman gathered a group of investors and began to build the nation's first model industrial town near Lake Calumet on the southwest edge of Chicago. Between 1880 and 1884, the village of Pullman was built on 4,000 acres. In addition to the company's manufacturing plants, the town contained a hotel, a school, a library, a church, and office buildings as well as parks and recreational facilities. Houses were well-built brick structures that featured cutting-edge conveniences of the era such as indoor plumbing and gas heat. Other innovations included regular garbage pick-up, a modern sewer system, and landscaped streets. An equally firm believer in the necessity of making a profit, Pullman operated his town as he operated his company, leasing the housing to his workers and selling them food, gas, and water at a 10 percent markup.

A significant drop in the country's gold reserves, prodigious spending of U.S. Treasury surpluses, and the passage in 1890 of the Sherman Silver Act led to the financial panic of 1893. The ensuing corporate failures, mass layoffs of workers, and bank closings plunged the country into a major depression. In response, the Pullman Company fired more than a third of the workforce and instituted reduced hours and wage cuts of more than 25 percent for the remaining hourly employees. Because Pullman had promised the town's investors a 6 percent return, there was no corresponding reduction in the rents and other charges paid by the workers. Rent was deducted directly from their paychecks, leaving many workers with no money to feed and clothe their families.

In desperation, many workers joined the newly established American Railway Union (ARU) that claimed a membership of 465 local unions and 150,000 workers. ARU organizer and president eugene v. debs had become nationally prominent when he led a short but successful strike against the Great Northern Railway in early 1894. In May 1894, the workers struck the Pullman Company. Debs directed the strike and widened its scope, asking other train workers outside Chicago to refuse to work on trains that included Pullman cars. While the workers did agree to permit trains carrying the U.S. mail to operate as long as they did not contain Pullman cars, the railroads refused to compromise. Instead, they added Pullman cars to all their trains, including the ones that only transported freight.

Despite repeated attempts by the union to discuss the situation with Pullman, he refused to negotiate. As the strike spread, entire rail lines were shut down. The railroads quickly formed the General Managers Association (GMA) and announced that switchmen who did not move rail cars would be fired immediately. The ARU responded with a union-wide walkout. By the end of June, 50,000 railroad workers had walked off their jobs.

The economic threat and sporadic violence led the GMA to call for federal troops to be brought in. Illinois governor John P. Altgeld, who was sympathetic to the cause of the striking workers, refused the request for troops. In July, U.S. attorney general richard olney, who supported the GMA, issued a broad injunction called the Omnibus Indictment that prohibited strikers and union representatives from attempting to persuade workers to abandon their jobs.

When striking workers were read the indictment and refused to disperse, Olney obtained a federal court injunction holding the workers in contempt and, in effect, declaring the strike illegal. When the workers still refused to end the strike, Debs and other leaders were arrested and Olney requested the federal troops saying they were needed to move the mail. President grover cleveland sent more than 2,000 troops to Chicago, and fighting soon broke out between the rioting strikers and soldiers. Soldiers killed more than a dozen workers and wounded many more.

With strike leaders in prison and a growing public backlash over the looting and arson committed by some striking workers, the strike was effectively broken. Most of the workers returned to their jobs in August, although some were blacklisted and never again worked for the railroads. Debs was charged with contempt of court for disobeying the court injunction and conspiracy to obstruct the U.S. mail. clarence darrow, an attorney who had quit his job as general counsel of the Chicago and North Western Railway, defended Debs and the other ARU leaders, but they were convicted and spent six months in prison. They were released in November 1895.

Darrow went on to become a prominent defense attorney as well as a well-known public orator. Debs, whose contempt of court conviction was upheld by the U.S. Supreme Court in In re Debs, 158 U.S. 564, 15 S.Ct. 900, 39 L.Ed. 1092 (1895), was further radicalized by his experiences. In high demand as a popular speaker particularly in the industrial states of the North, Debs became the influential leader of the Socialist Party, running for president several times between 1900 and 1920.

Pullman, who continued to regard himself as a morally upright man despite the critical findings of a presidential commission appointed to investigate the strike, died in 1897. Fearful that his body might be degraded or stolen by former strikers, Pullman's family had his body buried in a concrete and steel casket in a tomb covered with steel-reinforced concrete. In 1971, the former "company" town of Pullman was designated as a national landmark district.

The Pullman Strike of 1894 and its aftermath had an indelible effect on the course of the labor movement in the United States. The use of federal troops and the labor injunction sent a message to U.S. workers that would not change until the new deal of the 1930s. The polarization of management and labor would continue for decades.

further readings

Hirsch, Susan E. 2003. After the Strike: A Century of Labor Struggle at Pullman. Champaign: Univ. of Illinois Press.

Pullman Strike

Dictionary of American History
COPYRIGHT 2003 The Gale Group Inc.

PULLMAN STRIKE

PULLMAN STRIKE. The Pullman Strike began on 11 May 1894, when workers at the Pullman Car Works in Chicago laid down their tools and walked off their jobs. Multiple factors precipitated their action. Pullman's preparations for the 1893 World's Columbia Exposition had raised wages and hours to new highs; the collapse of the national economy even as the exposition continued then drove them down to levels inadequate to meet basic needs. A harsh winter exhausted savings and left Pullman families vulnerable and angry. Exacerbating that anger was their complicated relationship with George M. Pullman and the town that bore his name. Almost half of the car works' employees lived in the Pullman Company's much-publicized planned community that provided residents with services and housing of a quality rarely found in working-class communities and bound their lives even more closely to company policies. Finally, recruiters for the American Railway Union (ARU), confident after the union's recent success against the Great Northern Railroad, promised the union's support for any action the Pullman manufacturing workers, if not its African American porters, took against the company.

George Pullman's refusal to intervene on their behalf and his apparent betrayal in laying off union leaders provoked the strike, but the hesitation of ARU's president Eugene V. Debs to launch a boycott of Pullman cars shaped its early weeks. Strikers realized that the company was too strong and Pullman too opposed to unionization of any kind for them to win alone. Helped by Chicago Mayor John P. Hopkins, himself a disgruntled former Pullman employee, strikers turned the company's publicity for the town on its head. Pointing to the poverty hidden within the town and recalling Richard T. Ely's critique of its undemocratic nature, they painted a portrait of an oppressive, closed environment that denied them and their families their rights as Americans. They especially targeted their message to the press and delegates to the upcoming ARU convention in Chicago.

Their strategy worked. At the end of June, the convention voted a boycott of all trains pulling Pullman cars. Rail traffic slowed and then stopped in the western United States; violence spread from Indiana to California. As the boycott grew, the struggle shifted from the Pullman Company to the ARU, the railroads' General Managers Association, and the U.S. government. Federal intervention ultimately decided the results. Federal judges issued an injunction prohibiting interference with trains and the mail they carried. President Grover Cleveland authorized federal troops to restore order from Chicago to California. ARU President Debs was jailed and later convicted of violating the provisions of the Sherman Antitrust Act.

Although the boycott collapsed by mid-July, the strike at Pullman continued well into August when the company gave most employees the opportunity to return to work if they abandoned the ARU. The legacy of both the company and the ARU, however, continued long after. Led by Governor John Peter Altgeld, the state of Illinois sued to force the company to sell the town. Debs embraced socialism and engaged the political system directly. The ARU and its industrial unionism receded until the federal government in the New Deal finally reversed its policies toward labor and unions forged during the Pullman Strike.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Lindsey, Almont. The Pullman Strike: The Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1942.

Smith, Carl S. Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, The Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995.

Pullman strike

The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed.

Copyright The Columbia University Press

Pullman strike, in U.S. history, an important labor dispute. On May 11, 1894, workers of the Pullman Palace Car Company in Chicago struck to protest wage cuts and the firing of union representatives. They sought support from their union, the American Railway Union (ARU), led by Eugene V. Debs, and on June 26 the ARU called a boycott of all Pullman railway cars. Within days, 50,000 rail workers complied and railroad traffic out of Chicago came to a halt. When the railroad owners asked the federal government to intervene, Attorney General Richard Olney, a director of the Burlington and Santa Fe railroads, obtained (July 2) a court injunction. On July 4, President Cleveland dispatched troops to Chicago. Much rioting and bloodshed ensued, but the government's actions broke the strike and the boycott soon collapsed. Debs and three other union officials were jailed for disobeying the injunction.