Friday, November 30, 2012

The Kapiti Coast District Council, according to today's Dominion Post, has identified 40 "sacred" Maori sites on which owners will not be allowed to subdivide, alter existing buildings, or disturb the land.

As I write this, I'm fervently hoping the citizens of the Kapiti Coast will be laying siege to the council offices and that the mayor, the councillors and the council functionaries (who I suspect are the real villains of the piece, because that's usually the case) will be cowering in terror in a basement panic room.

If not, they certainly should be. But it won't happen, because the populace has become so desensitised to this type of attack on their rights that they have become utterly supine.

According to the Dominion Post, letters were sent to affected Kapiti property owners last month giving them four weeks' notice that the historic status of the "wahi tapu" sites would be included in the new district plan, which takes effect this week.

Landowners appear to have been taken by surprise. One said the letter came out of the blue.

If I correctly interpret a statement by Waikane Community Board chairman Michael Scott, details of sites deemed to be tapu have already been entered on land information memorandums (LIMs) and titles. In other words, property values have potentially been undermined even before owners have had a chance to react.

Affected owners will be able to make submissions on the proposal until March 1, but it looks suspiciously like a fait accompli. After all, it's far easier for a council to defend something that has already been imposed than to convince people beforehand that it's fair, reasonable and necessary. The council bureaucrats will probably count on a high proportion of owners, weakened and demoralised by decades of increasingly brazen encroachments on their rights and freedoms, rolling over and passively accepting it. And they will probably be right.

Now, how did this come about? Well, from what the Dominion Post tells us, the council commissioned three local iwi to look at possible sites of historic interest to them on the Kapiti Coast.

They came up with a list of 400, which has been whittled down to 40 for inclusion in the proposed district plan.

What evidence was required to establish the validity of the iwis' claims? That's not clear, but I'm hoping someone on the Kapiti Coast will have the gumption to file an offical information request demanding to know.

One property owner is quoted as saying Maori researchers believed a pa site and an urupa (burial ground) may have been on his land. But the property had been in European ownership and farmed since 1830, and previous owners had never mentioned a pa site.

The owner is now prevented from carrying out earthworks, modifying existing buildings or subdividing. Just like that.

According to Michael Scott, who is a lawyer, the restrictions mean owners will not be able to dig a hole and put a swimming pool in. A farmer will be allowed to graze stock, but not disturb the land surface.

Does this mean, I wonder, that a property owner will have to pay koha to the local iwi for the right to plant lettuce and tomato plants? I'm not being entirely flippant, because given the now-routine ritual subservience to Maori claims, which can delay a highway construction project because of concerns that a taniwha might be disturbed, anything is possible.

The most obvious objection to what the KCDC is proposing is that it's a flagrant violation of property rights - in other words, the right to determine what to do with one's own assets and possessions. Tragically, this fundamental right has already been so circumscribed that most people have given up trying to defend it. (It says a lot about the architects of our Bill of Rights Act, passed by a Labour government in 1990, that reference to property rights was omitted.)

But even more alarming is the casual acceptance by the Kapiti council that certain people who define themselves as Maori should have the power to determine what other people do with their land - in other words, the conferring of special privilege on the basis of race. Twenty years ago such a proposition would have rightly been regarded as outrageous. But this is the logical and inevitable outcome of a pernicious policy of biculturalism under which people's rights and privileges are determined by the extent to which they can claim, however tenuously, Maori ancestry.

We don't know who these iwi representatives are or on what basis they determined that certain pieces of land are sacred and inviolable. They are not elected and not accountable for the consequences of anything they recommend. It's power without responsibility, the antithesis of democracy.

The real villains, however, are not the local iwi (after all, it's human nature to avail oneself of any special treatment offered) but those in the Kapiti council who have orchestrated this abuse of power. Elected, paid and entrusted by the hapless citizens of Kapiti to ensure their interests are protected and their rights respected, they choose instead to shaft them.

And the worst part about it is that Kapiti represents, in microcosm, what is happening all over New Zealand on a grand scale.

Saturday, November 24, 2012

In this morning’s Dominion Post, he tut-tuts about the terms
“moderate drinking” and “responsible drinking”, calling them “Humpty Dumpty
terms”.

A Humpty Dumpty term, presumably, is one that means whatever
the user chooses it to mean, as in Lewis Carroll's Through the Looking-Glass. Effectively, Sellman is saying such terms should
be taken with a grain of salt.

Funny, then, that the same man doesn’t hesitate to make grotesquely
alarmist statements about “heavy” drinking. In 2009, Sellman made the absurd
claim that 700,000 New Zealanders – the equivalent of the combined populations
of Wellington and Christchurch (pre-quake) – were “heavy drinkers”.

I think he’s guilty of Humpty
Dumptyism himself. He asserts the right to use the arbitrary term “heavy
drinker” while simultaneously pooh-poohing the notion that anyone might be
capable of “moderate” or “responsible” consumption. He can’t have it both ways.

In my book, anyone who consumes
alcohol without suffering adverse health consequences, breaking the law or
suffering relationship problems can accurately be described as a moderate,
responsible drinker.

That describes the vast majority
of New Zealanders. But Sellman and others of his
ilk are so fixated on the conspicuous minority who abuse alcohol that they are blind to its
social benefits.

Perhaps I should add health and
economic benefits too, because as Canterbury University economist Eric Crampton
pointed out in the same newspaper story, drinkers on average earn more than
non-drinkers, light drinkers have a lower mortality rate than non-drinkers and light-to-moderate
drinking produces better ageing outcomes.

Crampton is possibly the only
person on the public payroll prepared to counter the incessant barrage of hysterical
anti-alcohol propaganda emanating from academia and the health bureaucracy. Thank
God there are still one or two independent thinkers in the universities.

Friday, November 23, 2012

(First published in the Nelson Mail and Manawatu Standard, November 21.)

Certain aspects of the American character puzzle me.

Their ardent patriotism is one. It’s on display everywhere,
from “God Bless America” bumper stickers to the Stars and Stripes that flutter
from houses in virtually every street.

Another is their intense religiosity. No one from New
Zealand – a country so irreligious that some Christians are almost embarrassed to admit
they go to church – can fail to notice the fervent faith of many Americans.

It’s especially noticeable in the more conservative states,
where on Sundays it’s common to see acres of cars parked outside large,
imposing churches, even in sparsely populated rural areas.

That brings me to another curious aspect of the American
character. Public morality is an infinitely more sensitive issue there than in New
Zealand.

That was obvious from the political furore that blew up over
the revelation that the military hero General David Petraeus, who commanded US
forces in Iraq and Afghanistan, had conducted an affair with a much younger
woman who wrote his biography. The scandal ended his brief career as head of
the CIA.

Paula Broadwell had spent much of last year “embedded” with
American troops in Afghanistan as she gathered material for her book. In this
context that term, which is usually applied to journalists reporting the war, took
on a whole new meaning.

As often happens with political scandals, one disclosure led
to another. The Petraeus scandal soon enveloped other people – notably
socialite twin sisters from Florida who had a penchant for cultivating
politicians and senior military figures.

One of the sisters, Jill Kelley, complained to an FBI agent that
she was receiving threatening emails – supposedly from Broadwell, who appeared
to suspect Kelley of making a play for Petraeus. Another four-star general,
John Allen, was then exposed as having exchanged suggestive emails with Kelley.

Are you managing to keep up so far? If not, never mind.
Because the interesting point is that in America, private affairs often have
public consequences.

In Italy and France, it’s generally assumed that prominent
men will have extra-marital liaisons. In fact it’s almost expected of them, as
if you’re less of a man if you don’t have a mistress tucked away somewhere.

Though the Brits tend to be more discreet, the British
public too has generally been tolerant of infidelity in high places. Mild-mannered
former prime minister John Major’s reputation didn’t seem to be seriously
harmed – in fact may even have been enhanced – by the revelation that he had
carried on a four-year affair with backbench MP Edwina Currie.

David Lloyd George, leader of Britain’s coalition government
in the latter years of World War I, was nicknamed the goat on account of his
womanising (he was also, by all accounts, prodigiously endowed), and King
Edward VII had a string of high-profile mistresses.

In Britain, things seem to get messy only when there are
national security implications, as when Defence Minister John Profumo was
famously sacked for having a relationship with call-girl Christine Keeler, who
was simultaneously sleeping with a Soviet spy.

Closer to home, Australian prime minister Bob Hawke had a
reputation as a philanderer. Like Petraeus, Hawke had a relationship with his
biographer (the exotically named Blanche d’Alpuget). The Aussie media knew of
Hawke’s infidelities – the relationship with d’Alpuget was public knowledge –
but it was never a hot political issue.

Closer still, New Zealand journalists have tended to turn a
blind eye to politicians’ affairs, even when they were relatively common
knowledge (as in the case of the late Robert Muldoon, who was once the subject
of a wickedly witty fake newspaper billboard that read Rooting pig shot in Ngaio; PM safe). The general view was that it was
none of the public’s business unless the relationship compromised the
participants politically, implicated them in illegality (as in the case of two Labour
MPs who were outed for homosexual activity before it was decriminalised) or
reflected poorly on their ability to do their job.

An exception was National MP (and later Speaker of the
House) Doug Kidd, whose affair with a parliamentary secretary was exposed by
the feminist lobby in 1983 with the express purpose of causing him political
embarrassment. The feminists were gunning for Mr Kidd (as he was then – he was
later knighted) because he had moved to amend the abortion law.

Otherwise, the only recent sex scandals I can recall in New
Zealand politics were those that came to public attention because they were the
subject of police complaints. The politicians involved – National’s Richard
Worth and Labour’s Darren Hughes – both resigned.

The big difference in America is that even when an
adulterous relationship has been between consenting adults and there has been
no suggestion of criminality, the code of public morality often demands that
the transgressor be punished.

For a long time, a respectful American press left presidents
alone. Franklin D Roosevelt had mistresses, one of whom was even assigned a
code name by the Secret Service. Dwight D Eisenhower’s relationship with his English
female chauffeur during World War II was never referred to while he was alive.
John F Kennedy scattered his seed with impunity, knowing he was protected by the
sanctity of his office.

All that changed post-Watergate, when the US media began applying
much more critical scrutiny to politicians.Two high-flying casualties were senators Gary Hart in the 1980s and John
Edwards in 2008 – both contenders for the Democratic Party’s presidential
nomination who became soiled political goods when their extra-marital
activities were made public.

Even in business, careers have been destroyed by affairs –
as in the case of Lockheed Martin president Chris Kubasik, who was forced to
step aside because of his relationship with a subordinate.

President Bill Clinton is a remarkable exception to the rule.
Miraculously, perhaps due to personal charisma, America seems to have forgiven
him his indiscretions with Monica Lewinsky (and Gennifer Flowers, and Paula
Jones, and probably others that we don’t know about).

Adultery and politics are natural bedmates, if you’ll pardon
the metaphor. The personal characteristics that make men successful in politics
– ambition, charisma, energy – are often the same as those that make them
sexually adventurous and attractive to women.

No doubt that’s true of many military commanders too. And
it’s hard not to feel sympathy for General Petraeus.

Few men wouldn’t have been tempted in his situation:
isolated from home and family, in a lonely, dangerous and unimaginably
stressful job, suddenly finding himself the subject of flattering attention
from a much younger woman. But he has paid the price demanded by a tradition of
censorious public morality that probably dates all the way back to the
puritanical Pilgrim Fathers.

Tuesday, November 20, 2012

If I had to name the most important political commentator in the country, it would be Colin James.

For starters, he has longevity on his side. I first met him when he was No 2 in the Dominion's press gallery team behind Keith Hancox.

That was in 1969. James makes even the Herald's John Armstrong and Newstalk ZB's Barry Soper look like johnnies-come-lately.

That gives him a wider and, dare I say it, more mature perspective than most others covering politics. He's able to evaluate political trends and events within an historical and cultural context that escapes younger journalists.

That's part of what makes him so valuable, but the other factor is that he floats above the daily political drama and takes in the big picture. While other political journalists are reporting from the skirmish lines, amid the blood and severed limbs, James is on a strategic ridge several kilometres back, coolly surveying the scene through binoculars and taking in the broader implications.

For a typical example, check out his latest column in the Otago Daily Times. Other political writers are totally absorbed with Labour's leadership tensions, but James gives them only a passing mention. He's more interested in the latest report of the Land and Water Forum, which has largely been ignored by the rest of the media but may have far more significant long-term ramifications than David Cunliffe's bungled leadership aspirations.

James doesn't write with the flair and wit of a Jane Clifton. Reading his columns requires a mental change of gear, since his style is dry and can be somewhat oblique. But his insights are always interesting and you sense that his judgment is sound.

He's also fair and even-handed. James is one of those political journalists who carries purity to excess (in my view) by choosing not to vote, but in any case it's hard to discern what his personal leanings, if any, might be. Given the intensely partisan nature of much political commentary since the emergence of the blogosphere, that only reinforces his credibility.

Saturday, November 17, 2012

ACUTE sensitivity disorder has gripped the nation again. The latest outbreak
was touched off by prime minister John Key’s comment that a radio interviewer’s
red jersey looked a bit “gay”. As predictably as Pavlov’s dogs learned to
salivate at the sound of a bell, the gay lobby rose up in anger.

Protesters labelled it a slur against gays and took to the
streets wearing red tops as a gesture of solidarity with the oppressed. Sir Ian McKellen, perhaps mistakenly
thinking his on-screen aura of Gandalfian wisdom has somehow carried over into
real life, went online to register his dismay.

I suspect most New Zealanders would have viewed the fuss with
an air of worldly resignation. They have become well-accustomed to minority
groups rearing up on their hind legs at every imagined slight.

If the gay rights lobby is to be believed, Mr Key’s
statement was likely to excite prejudice against gay men. But what’s more likely
to generate a backlash is the fuss gay activists make every time someone says anything
that might be construed, however tenuously, as an attack on them.

In many people’s eyes, it reinforces the impression – am I
allowed to say this? – that they are a bit precious.

We live in a robust, liberal democracy. People say things
every day that could cause upset if the maligned parties were of a mind to take
offence. Most of us manage to ignore it and get on with life.

In Mr Key’s case, he was merely making an attempt to sound
blokey in order to connect with that radio programme’s predominantly male, rural audience.

Politicians do this all the time, possibly without even
realising it. I remember years ago hearing Helen Clark being interviewed on a
youth-oriented radio station in Auckland. It was a different Helen Clark than
I’d ever heard before: both her manner of speaking and the language she used
were obviously calculated to communicate with that particular audience.

N

o one can seriously accuse Mr Key of being anti-gay. How
quickly his critics forget that he has ingratiated himself with gay men too –
for example, by speaking at the Big Gay Out rally in Auckland last February and
posing for photographs with transvestites and bare-chested gay men.

That’s what politicians do: pander to whichever group they
happen to be addressing at the time. But surely there are far worse things a
prime minister could be accused of than trying to be one of the boys.

* * *

DEAR ME. The Labour Party’s problems are graver than I
thought.

At the party’s annual conference on Sunday, leader David
Shearer will deliver a speech that is being treated as a make-or-break moment. Many
in the party are unhappy with his performance and will look to his address for
a sign one way or another: either he can galvanise Labour with an
inspirational, visionary speech or he becomes a footnote in the party’s
history.

Trying to shore up his credentials in an article published
in this paper last week, Mr Shearer was reported as saying: “I believe I have
very strong views. I am very value-driven as a politician.” He went on to say
he had lived the values of “opportunity, fairness and giving people a fair go”.

Really? Is that the best he can do? He “believes” he has strong
views? Is he waiting for confirmation from someone else? Such equivocal language
is likely to reinforce rather than counteract suspicions about his lack of
fire.

And how strikingly unoriginal to say he believes in
“fairness” and a “fair go”. Show me a politician who doesn’t profess to believe
in a fair go. It’s probably the most shop-soiled cliché in the politician’s
lexicon.

Mr Shearer’s comments ahead of his speech hardly seem likely
to create a sense of feverish anticipation. But then, are his prospective rivals
any more promising?

The Listener
recently published a profile of another Labour Party David, the ambitious David
Cunliffe, and it seems he too has trouble breaking out of the cliché trap. In
his own words, he has certain ideals and values “and they are about fairness,
about equity, about opportunity and it’s good old Kiwi stuff, you know”.

Wow. There’s fresh thinking for you. Isn’t there anyone in
the Labour hierarchy capable of elevating the political dialogue above the
level of a 1960s bumper-sticker?

* * *

I WAS ASTONISHED
recently to see a BBC correspondent named Jeremy Bowen reporting from the
Middle East on One News.

How did this bloke ever get on television? He’s male, for a
start, and he’s more than 50 years old – a veritable fossil. He’s got thinning
grey hair and an unfashionable moustache. Doesn’t the BBC have any respect for
its viewers?

Then there’s Orla Guerin, another BBC reporter who keeps
popping up in world trouble spots. At least she’s female, but come on – she’s
46 years old!

What’s more, she doesn’t seem to care too much about her
appearance. She doesn’t even wear makeup. Can’t they find her a backroom job
somewhere?

How much nicer to see the pretty young things TVNZ and TV3
employ. Thank God our own broadcasters still strive to maintain some sort of
basic standard, even if the Beeb doesn’t.

Friday, November 16, 2012

Muriel Newman's latest NZCPR Weekly contains an alarming analysis by Roger Bowden, former professor of economics and management at Victoria University. Bowden's advice, in a nutshell? Forget all that government propaganda about the proceeds of state asset sales going towards health and education, because the money will be entirely swallowed up paying for Treaty settlements.

These ongoing liabilities include the outrageous "top-ups" built in to the Tainui and Ngai Tahu settlements, whereby what were considered fair compensation sums at the time they were negotiated get ratcheted up to ensure some sort of spurious relativity is retained.

Here's the most salient bit from Bowden's analysis:

Let’s start with the annual
appropriations for running costs, covering such things as negotiation costs, the
Waitangi Tribunal & representation, and disbursements under the Marine and
Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) Act. The 2012 budget request is $169,969m. The same
annual sum (can it ever diminish?) capitalised over 10 years at the current NZ
govt bond yield, as the opportunity cost of capital, comes to $1,409m.

Now add in the cost of
outstanding and projected settlements up to 2016(not 10 years, but bear with me here),
amounting to $2,800 m. Together with the capitalised running costs, that comes
to $4,209m, if my arithmetic is correct.

I’m not sure whether this
includes the ratchets promised to Tainui and Ngai Tahu in previous settlements,
which at the time envisaged a total of $2 billion instead of the $4 billion so
far awarded or projected. Last I heard, Tainui and Ngai Tahu will be sharing a
top up of $138.5m, but there will be more down the track as the settlements
continue to mount. Nor does this year’s Waitangi Vote allow for future annual
costs under the ‘co-management’ regimes that are becoming the norm for Waitangi
settlements.

But any way you add up the
sums, the message is that present and future commitments under just the one
Vote, Treaty Negotiations, will comes to something like 5-6 billion dollars in
total present value, probably even more. It’s hard to find Votes with a
similarly spectacular explosion. No doubt there are others on a smaller scale;
the ministerial travel budget, perhaps? But otherwise, even the traditional
biggies like Health and Education seem under control, at least on Treasury
projections, especially for Education, which is projected to level off, even
turn negative. Expect yet more belt tightening after the latest revenue
figures.

Coincidentally, the latest Treaty settlement bill, compensating Auckland's Ngati Whatua tribe, passed through Parliament yesterday. Compared with the Tainui and Ngai Tahu deals, it's relatively small beer. But there are many more potentially large settlements in the pipeline, and there's a very real prospect that the Crown will have to negotiate water access river by river, hapu by hapu, if the courts rule in favour of Maori water rights .

Bowden concludes by saying: "The conclusion is inescapable. We need the partial asset sales to finance the soaring costs of the Treaty industry."

All of which raises the question that no politician seems willing to confront: how far can New Zealand continue wading into this morass before it becomes completely unaffordable (if it isn't already)?

Wednesday, November 14, 2012

In a revealing interview with Audrey Young in today's New Zealand Herald, former Labour candidate and political commentator Josie Pagani lifts the lid on the toxic factionalism within the party.

It seems that anyone who doesn't fall into line with strident far-left agitators in the blogosphere or the unions - and that means people like John Tamihere, David Shearer and Pagani herself - can expect to be exposed to ugly personal campaigns of vilification.

This of course will come as good news to the right, because if the hard-core socialists in Labour prevail, they will render the party unelectable.

Monday, November 12, 2012

OBVIOUSLY disturbed by Education Ministry boss Lesley
Longstone’s trouble-at-mill South Yorkshire accent, someone complained to Radio New Zealand’s Morning Report recently about
the preponderance of British migrants in top government jobs.

Surely the complainer hadn’t just noticed. This has been
going on for decades, and not just at the top level of the public service.
British migrants are disproportionately represented throughout the public
sector, from building inspectors and animal control officers upward. They show a particular fondness for jobs that require a uniform, as has been apparent from some of the witnesses in the Christchurch earthquake inquiries.

Several of our most important government departments have
British chief executives. Besides Longstone at Education, there’s Gabriel
Makhlouf at the Treasury – arguably the most influential public servant of them
all – and David Smol, who heads the new “super-ministry”, the Ministry of
Business, Innovation and Employment (although to be fair, Smol had previous
experience in New Zealand).

At a function last month I heard speeches from the chief
executive of the Earthquake Commission, Ian Simpson, and the head of Te Papa,
Michael Houlihan – both Brits who replaced New Zealanders. Houlihan’s
appointment was particularly intriguing, given that the institution he runs is supposedly
all about defining what it means to be a New Zealander.

Is this a lingering legacy of the cultural cringe, whereby
we assume that outsiders are more capable than we are?

It’s worth recalling that we farewelled the last British
governor-general, Bernard Fergusson, in 1967. New Zealanders have done the
vice-regal job ever since. It’s puzzling that nearly five decades later, we
still turn to Britain for so much expertise in other areas. While the government obviously has to recruit the best
people for the job, I can’t imagine other countries – Australia, for example –
tolerating such a high proportion of imports in top public service jobs.

I have a theory about this, albeit one that’s completely
unscientific.

It’s often said that New Zealanders lack ambition. A common
explanation for the lack of big New Zealand companies, for instance, is that
Kiwi business people are not interested in building world-leading empires. Once
they’ve got the “three Bs” – the bach, the boat and the BMW – they are content.

You could argue, I suppose, that this is a reflection of our easy-going, she'll-be-right culture. Life in New Zealand is essentially pretty cruisy for the majority; it's not a country where you have to claw and compete to survive, and there's always a generous welfare system to cushion failure.

Of course there are
ambitious New Zealanders, but most tend to go overseas. This country is too
small, and the opportunities too limited, to contain them.

Has this, I wonder, created a talent vacuum in the upper
echelons of the public service that can be filled only by recruiting abroad?

Getting back to Longstone, it was very clear from her recent
contretemps with teachers that she’s hopelessly unfamiliar with the New Zealand
way.

Longstone copped flak for daring to say New Zealand’s education
was not world-class. Had she spent more time here, she would understand that only
teachers and their unions are allowed to say there’s anything wrong with the
education system, and that only they are entitled to define what’s wrong and
what’s right.

Longstone riled the teachers by drawing attention to the stubbornly
high proportion of under-performing Maori and Pacific Island students. Teachers
are allowed to highlight this, but only as a way of exposing government
failings and condemning inequity in the system. When they are not focusing on
the system’s failings, teachers are forever talking up our internationally high
achievement rankings (which Longstone acknowledged), for which they like to take
credit.

What upsets the teachers when
the head of the Ministry of Education brings up the subject of
under-achievement is that it threatens to turn the debate in a direction they
don’t like. When teachers talk about under-achievement, it’s with a view to leaving
the system unchanged but having more money ploughed into it: more teachers at
the chalkface, higher pay (to encourage more people to take up the profession) and smaller class sizes. But when Longstone brings the subject
up, in the teachers’ eyes it can only be because the government wants to soften
us up for some wicked neoliberal experiment such as charter schools.

How much simpler everything would be if we forgot foolhardy
alternative ideas and left it to teachers to control the education debate. That’s
the natural way of things. The sooner the English interloper comes to terms with
this peculiar fact of New Zealand education, the sooner we can all get back to normal.

Saturday, November 10, 2012

I didn’t listen
to Kim Hill this morning. I didn’t listen to her last week and I probably won’t
listen to her next Saturday either.

I realise I may
well miss something worth hearing, because she sometimes has interesting guests
and she’s a very capable interviewer. But I have to weigh those factors against
the likelihood that I’ll be irritated by her overweening ego, her increasingly
exaggerated mannerisms and her disgraceful ideological bias.

It was announced this week that Hill had been named International Radio Personality of the Year 2012 at some awards ceremony in London. I don't wish to sound churlish, but I'm afraid that merely confirms my scepticism about such awards.

Setting aside the intrinsic conceit of this particular award (did every radio personality on the planet enter, as the title implies?), the problem is that entrants can be very selective about what they put in front of the judges.

I hold the view that the only people genuinely in a position to judge how well Hill does her job are her New Zealand listeners who hear her (or choose not to hear her, as in my case) week after week. (I've said the same about newspaper awards, which is why I no longer judge them. The only people who can say whether a paper is doing its job well are the local readers who get it every day.) And while Hill clearly has a devoted fan base that won't hear a word against her, most people I know - including many habitual Radio New Zealand listeners - have long since tuned out for much the same reasons as I have.

Thursday, November 8, 2012

(First published in the Nelson Mail and Manawatu Standard, November 7.)

I recently had what might be termed a difference of
professional opinion with some of my fellow journalists. It was touched off by
a newspaper editorial that took a whack at “enthusiastic amateurs” sounding off
on such issues as climate change, vaccinations and fluoridation.

Everyone was entitled to their opinion, the editorial writer
loftily pronounced, but not all views should be accorded equal weight. The
views of people with years of study and experience behind them were worth more
than those of non-experts.

“Everyone is free to disagree but ignorance does not have an
equal right to be heard,” the editorial concluded.

A member of an internet journalism discussion group to which
I belong applauded the editorial, saying she couldn’t agree more. “These
amateur know-it-alls are a menace,” she declared.

I thought this a peculiar position for a journalist for
take. I mean, aren’t we supposed to believe in freedom of speech?

Another member chimed in that the Sensible Sentencing
Trust’s Garth McVicar should be added to the “list of nutters”. Then someone
else suggested a couple of other names for what was shaping up as a blacklist:
David Round and Lindsay Mitchell.

For the benefit of those who haven’t heard of them, I should
explain who these people are.

David Round is a University of Canterbury law lecturer who has
written extensively over many years about Treaty of Waitangi issues. Unusually
for an academic, he scathingly dismisses the Treaty settlement process as a
rort and a gravy train.

Lindsay Mitchell is a Wellington researcher who, in her own
words, sets out to debunk the myths surrounding the welfare state, which she
describes as economically, socially and morally unsustainable. Hers is a
courageous and often lonely voice challenging the vast body of agencies,
bureaucrats and academics with a common interest in propping up an unwieldy and
seriously flawed welfare system.

What was immediately noticeable was that the individuals
dismissed by some of my fellow journalists as not deserving any publicity were,
loosely speaking, all right of centre.

I noted that no one suggested that the ubiquitous, all-purpose
left-wing activist John Minto gets far too much attention from the media. Yet
over time, Minto has been on our television screens and in the news columns of
our newspapers far more often than the three people mentioned above.

Minto irritates me, but I wouldn’t suggest for a moment that
he should be silenced. Yet here were journalists arguing, in effect, that the
media pays far too far much attention to activists from the other side of the
political divide.

I concluded that among journalists who belong to the group,
or at least those who take part in the online discussions, there was a
pronounced bias against the right.

Is this true of journalists generally? I’m not sure. It may
simply be true of the journalists who feel strongly enough to express an
opinion. Journalism has always attracted a percentage of people who are
motivated by idealism, and idealists are often left-wing.

But the individual political leanings of journalists are not
so important in this context. What matters is that they should be committed to
freedom of expression, regardless of whether they agree with the opinion being
expressed.

That’s fundamental to journalism in a liberal democracy, and
I found it highly ironic – and said so – that people who called themselves journalists
appeared to be arguing that certain views, right-wing views, shouldn’t be given
the time of day. (Some denied my accusation that they were arguing for
suppression, but it was hard to see what other inference could be drawn from
their statements.)

In any case, let’s examine this question of “expert” versus
“non-expert” a little more closely.

It was clear from the discussion that the word “expert” is generally
equated with a university degree. In the climate change debate, you’re not
considered credible unless you have a relevant academic qualification.But in more than 40 years in journalism, I’ve come across
any number of highly-qualified “experts” whose opinions seemed to owe more to
ideology than to academic credibility.

Many academics are moralists by nature, always ready to
lecture us on what they perceive to be the world’s failings. I remember sitting
in a university lecture theatre several years ago, surrounded by gullible young
students, and being appalled by the brazenly ideological cant spouted by the
eminent academic addressing us.

Whatever the subject – whether climate change or alcohol law
reform, to choose two topical examples – many academics are inclined to
cherry-pick the theories that suit their political leanings. They often give
the game away by indulging in extravagant rhetoric that is more emotive than
scientific.

But assuming that academic qualifications confer some sort
of authority, how does one of my fellow journalists explain his suggestion that
David Round has no credibility? According to the University of Canterbury
website, Mr Round has an honours degree in law. I can only conclude that in the
eyes of some journalists, left-wing people with degrees are entitled to respect
but right-wing people with degrees should be ignored.

Let’s take this further still. Why should we bow to academic
experts anyway, when they are notorious for getting things wrong?

Political scientists are hopeless at predicting election
outcomes. Seismologists and meteorologists are often wise only after the event
(only last January our own Niwa confessed it had got its summer weather outlook
completely wrong). Historians differ wildly in their interpretation of events - which means at least some of them must be wrong - and the study of economics is famously inexact. And don’t get me started on media
“experts”, many of whom have only the most tenuous grip on reality.

Journalists of all people should know to treat “experts”
with a healthy degree of scepticism.

Besides, there are other ways, apart from a university
education, to acquire knowledge and expertise.

A diligent, intelligent and enthusiastic amateur can acquire
a body of knowledge to rival that of any academic. For that reason it’s
dangerously elitist to dismiss a group such as the Sensible Sentencing Trust as
having nothing of value to contribute to the debate on crime and punishment.

Amateur pressure groups play a crucial role in a
participatory democracy. Confine public debate to “experts” and you risk
excluding legitimate and often highly knowledgeable participants.

Take Lindsay Mitchell, for example. She is an assiduous
researcher who frequently exposes flaws in the arguments of welfare “experts”.
Such individuals should be treasured in a free and open democracy – yet here
were journalists, of all people, arguing that they should be ignored.

Several times, in newspaper columns and in this blog, I have mocked TVNZ reporter Jack Tame as a lightweight, chosen for accelerated promotion through the newsroom hierarchy on account of his cute telegenic appeal rather than journalistic ability.

Well, today I formally recant.

The boy wonder, as I like to call him, was recently posted to New York as TVNZ's correspondent in America. And over the past week, in particular, he has proved himself up to the job.

His coverage of super storm Sandy was first-class. Like all good reporters, Tame thrives on big stories. He was popping up all over New York - rather like a jack-in-the-box, if you'll pardon the pun - and seemed to be on the job around the clock.

He segued from Sandy into another demanding assignment, the presidential election, and did a similarly impressive job. He still has that puppyish enthusiasm (and that grating Kiwi accent), but he reports with clarity and authority. He's relaxed on camera and ad libs fluently.

Wednesday, November 7, 2012

Is it something in the water down Dunedin way? The
University of Otago seems to produce more than its share of moralistic,
finger-wagging academics, especially when it comes to matters of health and
nutrition.

They have a knack for turning every negative health statistic
into an attack on free markets and, by implication, a government that is
callously indifferent to the needs of the poor. It doesn’t seem to matter that their
statements often fly in the face of logic and common sense.

Today’s Dominion Postreports that poor dental health is the most common cause of avoidable hospital
admissions for pre-schoolers in the Wellington region. Pacific Island and Maori
children are particularly susceptible, with rates of hospital admission several
times higher than other groups.

The paper quotes Murray Thomson, Otago’s head of dental
public health, as saying: “Kids are being given things in sippy cups and
bottles that are neither milk nor water.” Fair enough – but then he goes on to
say: “It’s just another marker of poverty, really.”

Hang on. How does that add up? Are Maori and Pacific Island
parents forced to give their small children Coke and other high-sugar drinks
because they can’t afford water or milk? That seems an absurd conclusion. But it
will play well to Prof Thomson’s colleagues because it conforms to the
prevailing orthodoxy which holds that everything bad in New Zealand can be
attributed to poverty, and that poverty in turn could be eliminated at a stroke
if only the government were of a mind to do it (presumably by increasing benefits
and the minimum wage, and thereby increasing the burden on the productive
sector that must ultimately bear the cost).

Thomson may be closer to the mark when he cites lack of
education as a cause of poor dental health among children. Perhaps the Maori mother
my wife recently observed feeding her baby Coke on a train simply didn’t know that
Coke isn’t good for babies. Or was it just that Coke is more convenient than
healthier alternatives? (Normally my wife would have said something, but chose
not to because the woman was accompanied by tough-looking members of her whanau
who might not have appreciated being given advice by a Pakeha.)

Problem is, every time an “expert” like Thomson glibly attributes
this type of health issue to "poverty", it removes personal responsibility from
the equation – and gives the supposed “victims” licence to carry on, since their
behaviour is out of their control. It’s all the fault of the government and the
economic system.

Tuesday, November 6, 2012

The media are finally losing interest in the Dotcom saga.
It’s no longer generating daily headlines and the journalistic wolf pack has
moved on.

But here’s the thing: the public was never that interested
anyway. To use the fashionable jargon, it was a classic Beltway issue (the
Beltway being the highway that encircles Washington DC, and hence a metaphor
for any issue that excites political obsessives but leaves ordinary citizens
wondering what all the fuss is about).

What made the Dotcom affair particularly riveting for
political junkies was that it implicated normally secretive security agencies –
a rare treat. Better still, it exposed them to embarrassment and ridicule.

Combine the scent of a wounded prime minister’s blood with
the spectacle of panic and discomfort among the "spook" community, to use another
term much loved by reporters, and you have what might crudely be called a
political journalist’s wet dream.

But even if the public had cared much in the first place,
which I doubt, they would have very quickly lost interest as the tangle of allegations
became ever more intricate.

This is not to say the media should have ignored the affair,
especially when a government security agency had flagrantly disregarded the
law. But its significance in the eyes of the public was probably
greatly over-estimated.

Still, there are rich pickings there for anyone interesting
in scripting a political farce. It might be something for my fellow Dominion Post columnist,
the parodist Dave Armstrong, to pursue when he’s not tending his basil plants.

Thursday, November 1, 2012

This story in today's New Zealand Herald bears out exactly what I said in a recent column about chief executives always managing to come out ahead, regardless of how well their company performs. Whatever the mysterious formula for calculating their entitlements, it's obviously failsafe.

'Former Meridian Energy chief executive Tim Lusk was paid $1.37 million, including more than $800,000 in bonuses, during his last six months with the state-owned power company.
Mr Lusk's pay during a period when Meridian's profits fell sharply was disclosed in its annual report, which also revealed the company's generous pay to other top executives.
The company paid $1.84 million in chief executive remuneration during the year to June.
That included $1.37 million to Mr Lusk, who left last December, and $471,605 to his replacement, Mark Binns, who took over the next month.
Mr Lusk's pay was made up of $554,409 in fixed remuneration and $812,177 in "at risk performance incentive payments", or bonuses.
But the year to June was not a good one for Meridian, New Zealand's largest power company. Its net profit fell from $303.1 million to $74.6 million.
.... Meridian chairman Chris Moller defended the amount paid to Mr Lusk, saying the large short-term bonuses were effectively accumulated over 18 months, and $182,266 in bonuses for long-term performance related to a three-year period, including "a record year" for the firm.'

About Me

I am a freelance journalist and columnist living in the Wairarapa region of New Zealand. In the presence of Greenies I like to boast that I walk to work each day - I've paced it out and it's about 15 metres. I write about all sorts of stuff: politics, the media, music, wine, films, cycling and anything else that piques my interest - even sport, though I admit I don't have the intuitive understanding of sport that most New Zealand males absorb as if by osmosis. I'm a former musician (bass and guitar) with a lifelong love of music that led me to write my book 'A Road Tour of American Song Titles: From Mendocino to Memphis', published by Bateman NZ in July 2016. I've been in journalism for more than 40 years and like many journalists I know a little bit about a lot of things and probably not enough about anything. I have never won any journalism awards.