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Title: The Endeavour Journal of Sir Joseph Banks
Author: Sir Joseph Banks (1743-1820)
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The Endeavour Journal of Sir Joseph Banks

by

Sir Joseph Banks (1743-1820)

[Journal from 25 August 1768-12 July 1771]

Modern Chart showing track of Endeavour

Track of Endeavour from Torres Strait to Java

The text file of this work was prepared in 1962 from the manuscript
"The Endeavour Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, 1768—1771" held at the
State Library of NSW.
Illustrations have been taken from:
CAPTAIN COOK'S JOURNAL DURING HIS FIRST VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD
MADE IN H.M. BARK "ENDEAVOUR" 1768-71
EDITED BY CAPTAIN W.J.L. WHARTON, R.N., F.R.S.

AUGUST 1768

1768 August 25. Departed Plymouth

After having waited in this place ten days, the ship, and
everything belonging to me, being all that time in perfect readyness
to sail at a moments warning, we at last got a fair wind, and this
day at 3 O'Clock in the even weigd anchor, and set sail, all in
excellent health and spirits perfectly prepard (in Mind at least) to
undergo with Chearfullness any fatigues or dangers that may occur in
our intended Voyage.

1768 August 26.

Wind still fair, but very light breezes; saw this Even a shoal of
those fish which are particularly calld Porpoises by the seamen,
probably the Delphinus Phocaena of Linnaeus, as their noses
are very blunt.

1768 August 27.

Wind fair and a fine Breeze; found the ship to be but a heavy
sailer, indeed we could not Expect her to be any other from her
built, so are obligd to set down with this Inconvenience, as a
nescessary consequence of her form; which is much more calculated for
stowage, than for sailing.

1768 August 28.

Little wind today; in some sea water, which was taken on board to
season a cask, observed a very minute sea Insect, which Dr Solander
describd by the name of Podura marina. In the Evening very
calm; with the small casting net took several specimens of Medusa
Pelagica, whose different motions in swimming amus'd us very
much: among the appendages to this animal we found also a new species
of oniscus. We took also another animal, quite different from
any we had Ever seen; it was of an angular figure, about 3 inches
long and one thick, with a hollow passing quite through it. On one
end was a Brown spot, which might be the stomach of the animal.

Four of these, the whole number that we took, adherd together when
taken by their sides; so that at first we imagind them to be one
animal, but upon being put into a glass of water they very soon
separated and swam briskly about the water.

1768 August 29.

Wind foul: Morning employd in finishing the Drawings of the
animals taken yesterday till the ship got so much motion that Mr
Parkinson could not set to his Pencil; in the Evening wind still
Fresher so much as to make the night very uncomfortable.

1768 August 30.

Wind still Foul, ship in violent motion, but towards Evening much
more quiet: Now for the first time my Sea sickness left me, and I was
sufficiently well to write.

1768 August 31.

Wind Freshend again this morn; observ'd about the Ship several of
the Birds calld by the seamen Mother Careys chickens, Procellaria
Pelagica Linn. which were thought by them to be a sure presage of
a storm, as indeed it provd, for before night it blew so hard as to
bring us under our Courses, and make me very sea sick again.

SEPTEMBER 1768

1768 September 1. Coast of Spain

Still Blew, Mother Careys chickens had not yet left us, but
towards night wind slackened so that we were again tolerably easy; by
our reckoning we must make some part of the coast of Spain before
Morning.

1768 September 2.

This Morn about 7 saw the coast of Gallicia between Cape Ortegal
and Finisterre; weather tolerably fine, so that we could use the
casting net, which brought up two kinds of Animals, different from
any before taken; they came up in Clusters, both sorts
indifferen[t]ly in each Cluster, tho much fewer of the Horned ones
than of the others. They seem to [be] two species of one genus, but
are not at all reducible to any genus hitherto describd.

1768 September 3.

Blew fresh this morn. We were employd all day in describing the
animals taken yesterday; found them to be of a new genus and of the
same with that taken on the 28 of August Calld the genus
Dagysa from the likeness of one Species to a Gem. Towards Even
wind fair Settled tolerably fine.

1768 September 4.

Calm today; we were employd in fishing with the casting net and
were fortunate in taking several specimens of Dagysa saccata
adhering together, sometimes to the Lengh of a yard or more, and
shining in the water with very beautifull Colours; but another insect
which we took today was possest of more beautiful Colouring than any
thing in nature I have ever seen, hardly excepting gemms. He is of a
new genus and calld [] of which we took another species who had no
beauty to boast, but this which we called opalinum shone in
the water with all the splendor and variety of colours that we
observe in a real opal; he livd in the Glass of salt water in which
he was put for examination several hours; darting about with great
agility, and at every motion shewing an almost infinite variety of
changeable colours. Towards the Evening of this day a new phaenomenon
appeard, the sea was almost coverd with a small species of Crabbs
Cancer depurator of Linnaeus, floating upon the surface of the
water, and moving themselves with tolerable agility, as if the
surface of the water and not the bottom was their Proper station.
Here again as usual our casting net was of great service, we took
with it as many as were wanted, and went to bed well contented with
the Produce of the day.

1768 September 5.

I forgot to mention yesterday that two birds were caught in the
rigging, who probably had come from Spain, as we were not then
distant above 5 or 6 Leagues, this morning another was caught, and
brought to me, but so weak that it dyed in my hand almost
immediately; they were all three of the same species, and not
describd by Linnaeus, we calld them Motacilla velificans, as
they must be sailors who would venture themselves aboard a ship which
is going round the world. But to make some balance to our good
fortune now become too prevalent, a misfortune happned this morn,
equaling almost the worst which our enemies could have wishd; the
morn was calm and Richmond employd in searching for what should
appear on the surface of the water, a shoal of dagysa's were observd
and he Eagar to take some of them threw the cast-net fastned to
nothing but his wrist, the string slippd from him and the net at once
sunk into the profound never more to torment its inhabitants but
Leaving us for some time intirely without a resource, plenty of
animals coming past the ship, and no netts but in the hold, stowd
under so many things that it was impossible even to hope for their
being got out today at least, however an old hoop net was fastned to
a fishing rod, and with it one new speces of Dagysa was caught and
calld Lobata.

1768 September 6.

Fine and calm this morn, immence numbers of Dagysa Lobata
floated by, and were taken by our new contrivance, some of them in
clusters as many as 14 together, united by a Lobe on the underside.
Towards the Middle of the day the sea was almost coverd with dagysa's
of different kinds among which two intirely new ones were taken,
rostrata and strumosa, but neither of these were
observd hanging in clusters as most of the other Species had been,
indeed whether from the badness of the new machine or their scarcity
I cannot say; only one of rostrata and two of strumosa were
taken. It is now time to give some account of the genus of Dagysa, of
which there are already six species taken, all agreeing in many
particulars vastly well but cheifly in this very singular one, that
they have a hole at each end, which holes Communicate by a tube,
often as large as the body of the animal, by the help of which they
swim with some degree of activity when seperated from each other, for
several sorts are seen most generaly Joind together, gemma
more particularly which adhere in clusters of some hundreds
irregularly shap'd; in the midst of these were generaly found a few
specimens of cornuta, from which circamstance we may Judge
that they are very nearly allied.

It seems singular that no naturalist before this time should have
taken notice of thise animals as they abound so much where the ship
now is, not twenty Leagues from the coast of Spain; from hence
however great hopes may be formd, that the inhabitants of the deep
have been but little examind, and as Dr Solander and my self shall
have probably greater opportunity in the course of this voyage than
any one has had before us, it is a very incouraging circumstance to
hope that so large a feild of natural history has remaind almost
untrod, even till this time, and that we may be able from this
circumstance alone (almost unthought of when we embarkd in the
undertaking) to add considerable Light to the science which we so
eagerly Pursue.

This Evening a large quantity of the Carcinium opalinum
which may be calld opal insect came under the ships stern, making the
very sea appear with uncommon bea[u]ty, their colours appearing with
vast brightness even at the depth of two or three fathoms, tho they
are not more than three lines long and one broad.

1768 September 7.

On examining the Dagysa's which were taken yesterday, several
small animals were found Lodgd in the hollow parts of their bodys,
and some in the very substance of the flesh, which seems to be their
food, as many of the dagysas were full of scars which had undoubtedly
been the Lodgment of these animals some time before; upon a minute
inspection they provd to be animals not to be class'd under any of
Linnaeus's genera tho nearly related to Oniscus, from which
Circumstance the name of Onidium was given to the new genus,
and to them was added an animal taken the 28th of August and mentiond
in the second Page by the name of Oniscus Macropthalmos.

In one circumstance these insects differ from any hitherto
describd, and in that they all three agree, viz the having two Eyes
joind together under one common membrane, without the least
distinction or division between them, which circumstance alone seems
a sufficient reason for constituting a new genus.

The wind was now fair and we went very pleasantly on towards our
destind port, tho rather too fast for any natural Enquiries, for my
own part I could well dispence with a much slower pace, but I fancy
few in the ship, Dr Solander excepted, are of the same opinion, tho I
beleive Every body envyed our easy contented countenances during the
last Calm, which brought so much food to our pursuits.

1768 September 8.

Blew fresh today, but the wind was very fair so nobody complaind,
nor would they was the wind much stronger, so impatient has the Calms
and foul wind made every body; by the reckoning we were off Cape St
Vincent so shall soon bid adieu to Europe for some time.

1768 September 10.

Since the northerly wind began to blow it has not varied a point,
the Sea is now down and we go pleasantly on at the rate of about 6
Knotts; could any contrivance be found by the help of which new
subjects of natual history could be taken Dr Solander and myself
would be Quite happy, we are forc'd to be content; three days are now
passd since any thing has been taken or indeed seen, except a stray
turtle who swam by the ship about noon, but was left far behind
before any instrument by which he might have been taken could
possibly have been got to hand.

Today for the first time we dind in Africa, and took our leave of
Europe for heaven alone knows how long, perhaps for Ever; that
thought demands a sigh as a tribute due to the memory of freinds left
behind and they have it; but two cannot be spard, twold give more
pain to the sigher, than pleasure to those sighd for. Tis Enough that
they are rememberd, they would not wish to be too much thought of by
one so long to be seperated from them and left alone to the Mercy of
winds and waves.

1768 September 11.

Wind fair but rather slackend upon us, nothing however was
observ'd, we expected to have made Porto Santo tonight but did
not.

1768 September 12. Arrived Madeira

This morn Porto Santo and Madeira were in full veiw, they were
seen at day break, indeed we had a little overshot them; as the wind
was rather scanty we had however no doubt of fetching in at night.
Accordingly at ten tonight came to an anchor in Fonchiale bay.

1768 September 13.

This morn about 11 the product boat (as it is calld by English
Sailors) which is the boat from the oficers of health who must give
leave before any ships crew can land, came on board, and we
immediately went on shore in the town of Fonchiale, the Capital of
the Island, situate in Latitude 32:40 North, calld so from the Fennel
which grows in plenty upon the rocks in its neighbourhood and which
is calld Funcho in the Portugese Language. Here we immediately went
to the house of the English Consul Mr Cheap, one of the first
merchants in the place, where we were receivd with uncommon marks of
civility; he insisted upon our taking possession of his house and
living intirely with him during our stay which we did and were by him
furnishd with every accomodation that we could wish. Leave was
procurd by him for us to search the Island for whatever natural
productions we might find worth taking notice of, people were also
employd to procure for us fish and shells which we could not have
spard time to have collected ourselves, horses and Guides were also
got for Dr Solander and myself to carry us to any part of the Island
which we might chuse to visit. But our very short stay which was only
five Days inclusive made it impossible to go to any distance, so we
contented ourselves with collecting as much as we could in the
neighbourhood of the town, never going above three miles from it
during our whole stay.

The season of the year was undoubtedly the worst for both plants
and insects, being the hight of the vintage, when nothing is green in
the countrey but just on the verge of small brooks, by which these
vines are waterd; we made shift however to collect specimens of
several plants, etc.: of which a catalogue follows as it is not worth
while to mix them in the Journal, where they would take up much
room.

The five days which we remained upon the Island were spent so
exactly in the same manner, that it is by no means nescessary to
divide them, I shall therefore only say, that in general we got up in
the Morn, went out on our researches, retur[n]d to dine, and went out
again in the Evening; one day however we had a visit from the
Governor, of which we had notice before and were obligd to stay at
home, so that unsought honour lost us very near the whole day, a very
material part of the short time we were allowd to stay upon the
Island: we however contrivd to revenge ourselves upon his excellency,
by an Electrical machine which we had on board; upon his expressing a
desire to see it we sent for it ashore, and shockd him full as much
as he chose.

While at this place we were much indebted to Dr Heberden, the
cheif Physitian of the Island, and brother to the Physitian of that
name at London; he had for many years been an inhabitant of the
Canaries and this Island, and had made several observations cheifly
philosophical, some however were Botanical, describing the trees of
the Island: of these he immediately gave us a copy, together with
such specimens as he had in his possession, and indeed spard no pains
to get for us such living specimens of such as could be procurd in
flower.

We tryed here to learn what Species of wood it is which has been
imported into England, and is now known to Cabinet makers by the name
of Madeira mahogeny, but without much success, as we could not learn
that any wood had been exported out of the Island by that name; the
wood however of the tree calld here Vigniatico, Laurus indicus
Linn. bidds fair to be the thing, it being of a fine grain and brown
like mahogeny, from which it is dificult to distinguish it, which is
well shewn at Dr Heberdens house where in a bookcase vigniatico and
mahogeny were placd close by each other, and were only to be known
asunder by the first being not quite so dark colourd as the
other.

As much of the Island as we saw shewd evidently the signs of a
volcano having some time or other possibly produced the whole; as we
saw no one peice of stone which did not evidently shew signs of
having been burnt, some very much, especialy the sand which was
absolutely cinders. Indeed we did not see much of the countrey, but
we were told that the whole was like the specimen we saw of it.

When you first aproach it from seaward it has a very beautifull
appearance, the sides of the hills being intirely coverd with
vineyards almost as high as the eye can distinguish, which make a
constant appearance of verdure tho at this time nothing but the vines
remaind green, the grass and herbs being intirely burnt up except
near the sides of the rills of water by which the vines are waterd,
and under the shade of the vines themselves; tho these very few
Species of plants were in perfection the greater part being burnt
up.

The people here in general seem to be as idle, or rather uninformd
a set as I ever yet saw; all their instruments, even those with which
their wine, the only article of trade in the Island is made, are
perfectly simple and unimprovd. Their method is this: the Grapes are
put into a square wooden vessel, of dimensions according to the size
of the vineyard to which it belongs, into which the servants get
(having taken off their stockins and Jackets) and with their feet and
Elbows squeeze out as much of the Juice as they can; the stalks etc.
are then collected, tyed together with a rope and put under a square
peice of wood which is pressd down by a Leaver, to the other end of
which is fastned a stone that may be raisd up at pleasure by a screw;
by this way and this only they make their wine, and by this way
probably Noah made his when he had newly planted the first vineyard
after the general destruction of mankind and their arts; tho it is
not impossible that he might have used a better, if he rememberd the
ways he had seen us'd before the flood.

It was with great dificulty that some (and not as yet all) of them
were persuaded not long ago to graft their vines and by this means
bring all the fruit of a vineyard to be of one sort, tho before the
vine which it producd had been spoild by different sorts of bad ones
which were nevertheless sufferd to grow, and taken as much care of as
the best, because they added to the quantity of the wine. Yet were
they perfectly acquainted with the use of grafting, and constantly
practisd it on their chestnut trees, by which means they were brought
to bear sooner much than they would have done had they been allowd to
remain unimprovd.

Wheel carriages I saw none in the Island of any sort or kind,
indeed their roads are so intolerably bad that if they had them they
could scarcely make use of them: they have however some horses and
mules, wonderfully clever in traveling upon them, notwithstanding
which they bring to town every drop of wine they make upon mens
heads, in vessells made of goat skins. The only imitation of a
carriage they have, is a board a little hollowd out in the middle, to
one end of which a pole is tyed by a strap of whitleather, the whole
machine comeing about as near the perfection of a European cart as an
Indian canoe does to a boat with this they move the pipes of wine
about the town. Indeed I suppose they would never have made use even
of this had not the English introd[u]ced vessels to put their wine in
which were rather too large to be carried by hand, as they used to do
every thing else.

A speech of their late governeur is recorded here, which shews in
what light they are lookd upon even by the Portugese, (themselves I
beleive far behind all the rest of Europe, except possibly the
Spaniards): it was very fortunate said he that this Island was not
Eden in which Adam and Eve dwelt before the fall, for had it been so
the inhabitants here would never have been induc'd to put on Cloaths;
so much are they resolvd in every particular to follow exactly the
paths of their forefathers.

Indeed were the people here only tolerably industrious, there is
scarcely any Luxury which might [not] be produc'd that either Europe
or the Indies afford, owing to the great difference of Climate
observable in ascending the hills; this we experien[c]d in a visit to
Dr Heberden, who lives about two miles from the town, we left the
Thermometer when we set out at 74 and found it there at 66. Indeed
the hills produce almost spontaneously vast plenty of Wallnutts,
chestnutts, and apples, but in the town you find some few plants
natives of both the Indies, whose flourishing state put it out of all
doubt that were they taken any care of they might have any quantity
of them. Of these I mention some: the Banana tree, (Musa
sapientum Linn.) in great abundance; the guava (Psidium
pyriferum Linn.) not uncommon; the pine apple, Bromelia
ananas Linn. of this I saw some very healthy plants in the
provadores Garden; Mango, Mangifera indica Linn. one plant
also of this in the same garden Bearing fruit every year; Cinnamon,
Laurus cinnamomum Linn. very healthy plants of this I saw on
the top of Dr Heberdens house at Fonchiale, which had stood there
through the winter without any kind of Care having been taken of
them. These without mentioning any more seem very sufficient to shew
that the tenderest plants might be cultivated here without any
trouble; yet the indolence of the inhabitants is so great, that even
that is too much for them; indeed the policy of the English here is
to hinder them as much as possible from growing any thing themselves
except what they find their account in taking in exchange for Corn,
tho the people might with much Less trouble and expence grow the corn
themselves. What corn grows here, which indeed is not much, is of a
most excellent quality, Large graind, and very fine; their meat also
is very good, mutton, pork, and beef more especialy, of which what we
had on board the ship was agreed by all of us to be very little
inferior to our own; tho we Englishmen value ourselves not a
little on our peculiar excellence in that production. The fat of this
was white like the fat of mutton, yet the meat Brown, and coarse
graind as ours, tho much smaller.

The town of Fonchiale is situated at the Bottom of the Bay, very
ill Built, tho larger than the size of the Island seems to deserve.
The houses of the bettermost people are in general large but those of
the poorer sort very small, and the streets very narrow and
uncommonly ill pavd. The Churches here have abundance of ornaments,
cheifly bad pictures and figures of their favourite saints in lac'd
cloaths; the Convent of the Franciscans indeed which we went to See
had very little ornament; but the neatness with which those fathers
kept everything was well worthy of commendation, especialy their
infirmary, the contrivance of which deserves to be taken particular
notice of; it was a long room, on one side of which were windows, and
an altar for the convenience of administering the sacrament to the
sick; on the other were the wards, each just capable of containing a
bed, and lind with white duch tiles; to every one of these was a door
communicating with a gallery which ran paralel to the great room, so
that any of the sick might be supplied with whatever they wanted
without disturbing their neighbours.

In this Convent was a curiosity of a very singular nature; a small
chapel whose whole lining, wainscote, and ceiling, was intirely
compos'd of human bones, two large thigh bones across, and a skull in
each of the openings. Among these was a very singular anatomical
curiosity, a skull in which one side of the Lower jaw was perfectly
and very firmly fastned to the upper by an ossification, so that the
man whoever he was must have livd some time without being able to
open his mouth, indeed it was plain on the other side that a hole had
been made by beating out his teeth, and in some measure damaging his
Jaw bone, by which alone he must have receivd his nourishment.

I must not leave these good fathers without mentioning a thing
which does great credit to their civility, and at the same time shews
that they are not bigots to their religion: we visited them on
Thursday Even just before their supper time; they made many apologies
that they could not ask us to sup, not being prepard; but said they,
if you will come tomorrow, notwithstanding it is fast with us, we
will have a turkey roasted for you.

There are here, beside friarys, 3 or 4 houses of nunns. To one of
these (Sa'nta Clara) we went, and indeed the ladies did us the honour
to express great pleasure in seeing us there; they had heard that we
were great Philosophers, and expected much from us, one of the first
questions that they askd was, when it would thunder; they then desird
to know if we could put them in a way of finding water in their
convent, which it seems they were in want of; but notwishstanding our
answers to these questions were not quite so much to the purpose as
they expected, they did not at all cease their civilities, for while
we stayd, which was about half an hour, I am sure there was not the
fraction of a second in which their tongues did not go at an
uncommonly nimble rate.

It remains now that I should say something of the Island in
general, and then take my leave of Madeira till some other
opportunity offers of visiting it again, for the climate is so fine
that any man might wish it was in his power to live here under the
benefits of English laws and liberty.

The hills here are very high, much higher than any one would
imagine, Pico Ruevo the highest is 5068 ft which is much higher than
any land that has been measured in Great Britain; indeed as I hinted
before the whole Island has probably been the production of a
Volcano, notwishstanding which its fertility is amazing, all the
sides of the hills are coverd with vines to a certain hight, above
which are woods of chestnut and pine of immense extent; and above
them forests of wild timber of kinds not known in Europe, which amply
supply the inhabitants with whatever they may want. Among these some
there were whose flowers we were not able to procure and consequently
could not settle their Genera, particularly those calld by the
Portugese Mirmulano and Pao branco, both which, and
especialy the first, from the Beauty of their leaves promise to be a
great ornament to our European gardens.

The inhabitants here are supposd to be about 80,000; and from the
town of Fonchiale (its custom house I mean) the King of Portugal
receives 20000 pounds a year, after having paid the Governor and all
expences of every kind, which may serve to shew in some degree the
consequence which this little Island is of to the crown of Portugal;
was it in the hands of any other people in the world its value might
easily be doubled, from the excellence of its climate capable of
bearing any kind of crop, a circumstance which the Portugese do not
make the least advantage of.

The Coin current here is intirely Spanish, for the Balance of
trade with Lisbon being in disfavour of this Island all the Portugese
money naturaly goes there, to prevent which Spanish money is allowd
to pass: it is of three denominations, Pistereens, Bitts, and
½ bitts; the first worth about 1 shilling, the 2nd 6 pence,
the third 3 pence; they have also Portugese money of Copper, but so
scarce that I did not in my stay there see a single peice.

1768 September 18. Departed Madeira

This Evening every thing being ready for sea, we went on board,
and at 8 o'Clock got under way with a very light breeze.

1768 September 19.

Light Breezes all day, without any event worth writing about.

1768 September 20.

Still almost calm, which gave us an opportunity of taking with the
casting nett a most beautifull species of Medusa, of a colour
equaling if not exceeding the finest ultramarine; it was describd and
calld Medusa azurea.

1768 September 21.

This morn wind foul, saw however some rocks call'd in the old
charts Salvages which lay to the northward of the Canarys.

1768 September 22.

No land in sight this morn, towards noon almost calm, many fish
were about the ship, but our fishermen could not contrive to catch
any of them.

1768 September 23.

This morn we were calld up very early to see the pike of
Teneriffe, which now for the first time appeard at a vast distance
much above the clouds (I mean those which form a bank near the
Horizon); the hill itself was so faint, that no man who was not used
to the appearance of land at a great distance could tell it from a
cloud, it soon however appeard something clearer and a sketch was
made of it.

While we were engagd in looking at the hill a fish was taken which
was describ'd and called Scomber serpens; the seamen said they
had never seen such a one before except the first lieutenant, who
rememberd to have taken one before just about these Islands; Sr Hans
Sloane in his Passage out to Jamaica also took one of these fish
which he gives a figure of, Vol.1,T.1, f.2.

The Pike continued in sight almost all day, tho sometimes obscurd
by the clouds; at sunset however its appearance was most truely
elegant, the rays of the sun remaining upon it sometime after it was
set and the other land quite Black, and giving it a warmth of colour
not to be express'd by painting.

1768 September 24.

This Morn the Pike appeard very plain and immensely above the
clouds, as may well be imagin'd by its hight which Dr Heberden of
Madeira who has been himself upon it communicated to us, 15,396 feet.
The Dr also says that tho there is no eruption of visible fire from
it, yet heat issues from the chinks near the top so strongly that a
person who putts his hand upon these is scalded; from him we receivd
among many other favours some salt which he supposes to be the true
natron or nitrum of the ancients, and some native sulphur exceedingly
pure, both which he collected himself on the top of the mountain,
where large quantities, especialy of the salt, are found on the
surface of the Earth.

1768 September 25.

Wind continued to blow much as it had done so we were sure we were
well in the trade; now for the first time we saw plenty of flying
fish, whose bea[u]ty especialy when seen from the cabbin windows is
beyond imagination, their sides shining like burnishd silver; when
seen from the Deck they do not appear to such advantage as their
backs are then presented to the view, which are dark colourd.

1768 September 26.

Went as usual and as we expect to go these next two months; flying
fish are in great plenty about the ship. About one today we crossd
the tropick, the night most intolerably hot, the Thermometer standing
all night at 78 in the cabbin tho every window was open.

1768 September 27.

About one this morn a flying fish was brought into the cabbin, the
first that had been taken; it flew aboard, I suppose chasd by some
other fish, or maybe merely because he did not see the ship; at
breakfast another was brought, which had flown into Mr Green the
Astronomers Cabbin. This whole day we saild at the rate of 7 knotts,
sometimes a fathom or two more the wind being rather stronger than it
usualy is in the trade.

1768 September 28.

Wind rather slackend; three birds were today about the ship, a
swallow, to all appearance the same as our European one, and two
motacillas, about night fall one of the latter was taken; about 11 a
shoal of Porpoises came about the ship, and the fisgig was soon
thrown into one of them but would not hold.

1768 September 29.

This morn calm; employd in drawing and describing the bird taken
yesterday, calld it Motacilla avida; while the drawing was in
hand it became very familiar, so much so that we had a brace made for
it in hope to keep it alive; as flies were in amazing abundance
onboard the ship we had no fear of plentiful supply of provision.

About noon a young shark was seen from the Cabbin windows
following the ship, who immediately took a bait and was caught on
board; he provd to be the Squalus Charcharias of Linn[aeus]
and assisted us in clearing up much confusion which almost all
authors had made about that species; with him came on board 4 sucking
fish, echineis remora Linn. who were preserved in spirit.
Notwistanding it was twelve O'Clock before the shark was taken, we
made shift to have a part of him stewd for dinner, and very good meat
he was, at least in the opinion of Dr Solander and myself, tho some
of the Seamen did not seem to be fond of him, probably from some
prejudice founded on the species sometimes feeding on human
flesh.

1768 September 30.

This Morn at day break made the Island of Bonavista, one of the
Cape Verde Islands: Mr Buchan employd in taking views of the land; Mr
Parkinson busy in finishing the sketches made of the shark
yesterday.

This Evening the other Motacilla avida was brought to us,
it differd scarce at all from the first taken, except that it was
something larger; his head however gave us some good, by supplying us
with near twenty specimens of ticks, which differd but little from
the acarus vicinus Linn; it was however described and calld
Motacilla.

OCTOBER 1768

1768 October 1.

This Morn Bonetos were in great plenty about the ship, we were
calld up early to see one that had been struck, found it to be the
Scomber Pelamis Linn., had a drawing made of it; I confess
however that I was a good deal disapointd, expecting to find the
animal much more bea[u]tifull than it provd, tho its colours were
extreemly lively, especialy the blue lines on the Back (which equald
at least any ultramarine); yet the name, and accounts I had heard
from all who had seen them, made me expect an animal of a much
greater variety of colour, this consisting of no other than blue
lines on the back crossing each other, a gold and purple changeable
on the sides, and white with black lines on the bottom of the sides
and belly.

After having examind and drawn the animal we proceeded to disect
him, and in the course of the operation were much pleasd by the
infinite strength we observd in every part of him, specialy the
stomack, the coats of which were uncommonly strong especialy about
the sp[h]incter, or extremity by which the digested meat is
discharged; this I suppose is intended to crush and render usefull
the scales and bones of fishes which this animal must continualy
swalow without seperating them from the flesh.

From the inside of its scales we took a small animal who seemd to
be a louse (if I may so call it) as it certainly stuck to him and
preyd upon the Juices which it extra[c]ted by sucktion, probably much
to his disquiet; it provd to be monoculus piscinus Linn. which
Baster has given a figure of in his Opera subcessive, but has
by some unlucky accident mistaken the head to be the tail, and the
tail the head, and the ovaria for antennae.

In the inside of the fish were also found two animals which preyd
upon him, one in his very flesh tho near the membrane which covers
the intestines, Fasciola Pelamines Mss, the other in the
stomach sipunculus piscium Mss.

1768 October 2.

This morn two swallows were about the ship, tho we must now be 60
Leagues at least from any land, at night one of them is taken and
proved to be Hirundo domestica Linn.

1768 October 3.

This morn the other swallow was found dead upon the deck; now for
the first time we have lost the trade, and expected calm and squally
weather till we shall cross the line.

The trade had now lasted us pretty free from squalls or calms
these [] days it has been in general between [] but ever since we
have been in it the air has been uncommonly damp, every thing more
than usualy liable to mould, and all Iron work to rust, the air has
seldom been Clear, but a haize in it which was even perceiveable to
the human frame.

1768 October 4.

Today quite calm, I went out in a boat and took dagysa
strumosa, medusa porpita, the same which we before calld
asurea, mimus volutator, and cimex [] who runns upon
the water here in the same manner as C. Lacustris does on our
ponds in England. Towards even two small fish were taken under the
stern, they were following a shirt which was towing and showd not the
least signs of fear, so that they were taken with a landing net
without the least difficulty. Balistes monoceros Linn.

1768 October 5.

Weather pretty good, at night a squall with Lightning and rain,
another swallow came to the ship today and was taken with the
snippers as soon as he went to roost.

1768 October 6.

Blew fresh this morn with heavy rain; towards noon five swallows
came on board and were taken at roosting time, and provd like all we
have taken before to be H. domestica Linn.

1768 October 7.

This morn calm; went out in the boat and took what is calld by the
Seamen a Portugese man of war, Holothuria Physalis Linn; also
Medusa velella L. onidium spinosum Mss, Diodon
Erinaceus Mss, dagysa vitrea Mss, Helix Janthina
Linn,--violacea Mss and procellaria Oceanica Mss. The
Holothuria proved to be one of the most bea[u]tifull sights I had
ever seen, it consisted of a small bladder in shape much like the air
bladder of fishes, from the bottom of which descended a number of
strings of bright blue and red, some three or four feet in length
which if touchd stung the person who touchd them in the same manner
as nettles, only much stronger: on the top of this Bladder was a
membrane which he turnd either one way or the other as the wind blew
to receive it, this was veind with pink in an uncommonly beautifull
manner, in short the whole together was one of the most beautifull
sights I have seen among the mollusca, tho many of them are
beautifull.

The floating shells H. Janthina and violacea from
their particularity deserve also to be mentiond, they are found
floating on the top of the water by means of a small cluster of
Bubbles filld with air, which are composd of a tenacious slimey
substance, not easily parting with its contents; these keep him
suspended on the surface of the water and serve as a hiding for his
Eggs, and it is probable that he never goes down to the bottom, or
willingly comes near any shore, as his shell is of so brittle a
construction that few fresh water snails are so thin.

Every shell contains within it about a teaspoonfull of Liquid,
which it easily discharges on being touched, this is of a most
beautifull red purple colour and easily dies linnen clothes; it may
be well worth inquiry whether or not this is the purpura of
the ancients as the shell is certainly found in the Mediterranean. We
have not yet taken a sufficient quantity of the shells to try the
experiment, probably we shall do soon.

Procellaria oceanica differs very little from P.
pelagica Linn, but from his place of abode so far south and some
small difference in plumage it is more than likely that he is
different in species.

1768 October 8.

A fine Breze today; employd in figuring etc. what was taken
yesterday.

1768 October 9.

This morn a shark calld us out of our bedds, and was soon hookd,
but as soon broke his hold and went off: at noon went out in the boat
but found nothing on the surface of the water; on returning home
however found on the sterm of the ship two new species of Lepas
vittata and midas, they were both sticking to the bottom
in company with the anatifera, of which there was great
abundance. After dinner calld upon deck by another shark, who had
been lately wounded by a harpoon, but he was two cunning after his
misfortune to bite at our baits, which we much Lamented as he had
sucking fish upon him that were quite white, probably a species not
yet describd.

1768 October 10.

Went out in the boat today, took plenty of Helix Janthina
and some few of violacea, shot the black toed gull of Penn.
Zool. It had not yet been describd according to Linnaeus's
system, so calld it Larus crepidatus; its food here seems to
be cheifly Helixes which appeard probable at least, on account of its
dung being of a lively red colour, much like that which was procurd
from the shells.

I was drove home from this excursion by a very heavy squall of
rain, which intirely wetted me through long before it was possible to
return to the ship, however I receivd no other harm from the ducking
than the present inconvenience of being so thoroughly wet. The
remainder of today was very squally, with much rain; indeed it has
been so ever since we lost the trade, and the people who have been
here before say that it is generaly so in these latitudes; I can
liken it to nothing so much as April in England, when it is very
showery, the weather is never certain for two hours, or indeed half
the time, tho calms spend much the greatest part of our time in
idleness.

1768 October 11.

Today much like yesterday, very squally; saw a dolphin, and
admired the infinite beauty of his colour as he swam in the water,
but in vain, he would not give us even a chance of taking him.

1768 October 12.

A shark, squalus carcharias Linn. taken this morn, and with
him two pilot fish; at noon calm, I went out in the boat and took
several Blubbers. The pilot fish Gasterosteus ductor Linn. is
certainly as bea[u]tyfull a fish as can be imagind: it is of a light
blue with cross streaks of darker colour; it is wonderful to see them
about a Shark, swimming round him without expressing the least signs
of fear; what their motive for doing so is I cannot guess as I cannot
find that they get any provision by it, or any other emolument,
except possibly the company of the shark keeps them free from the
attacks of Dolphins or other large fish of prey, who would otherwise
devour them.

The blubbers taken today were Beroe Labiata and
Marsupialis Mss, the first of which made a pretty appearance
in the water, by reason of its swimmers, which line its sides like
fringes, and are of a changeable fire colour; Callirhoe bivia
Mss, the most lifeless lump of Jelly I have seen, it scarcely seems
to be possessd of life but for one or two motions we saw it make.

1768 October 13.

Calm this Morn; a shark was taken, but not one pilot fish attended
him, which is rather uncommon as they seldom are without a shoal of
from ten to twenty. At noon I went in the boat, and took the Sallee
man Phyllodoce velella Linn. who is a Sailor tho inferior in
size to the Portugese man of war, yet not without its beauty, cheifly
from the charming blue of its bottom; its sail is transparent but not
moveable, so it trusts itself to the mercy of the winds without being
able to turn to windward as the Portugese man of war maybe can? We
saw several of the latter today, and observd many small fish under
their tentacula who seemd to shelter there as if with its stings it
could defend them from large enemies.

1768 October 14.

Calm today but so squally and rainy that I dar'd not venture out
with the boat.

1768 October 15.

Ventur'd out today, but found the surface of the water so ruffled
that nothing at all floated upon it, I had the good fortune however
to see a bird of the shearwater kind which I shot, and it provd to be
not describd; it was about as large as the common but differd from it
in being whiter, especialy about the face: calld it Procellaria
crepidata, as its feet were like the gulls shot last week, black
without but white near the leggs.

A large shoal of fish were all this day under the shipp's stern,
playing about, but refusing to take bait; we however contrivd to take
one of them with a fish gigg, which provd not describd; it was in
make and appearance like a Carp, weighing near two pounds, its sides
were ornamented with narrow yellow lines and its finns almost
intirely coverd with scales: calld it Chaetodon
cyprinaceus.

1768 October 16.

A fine breeze of wind started up last night which held us all day,
so I found it impossible to go out in the boat; tonight however to
make these 24 hours not intirely unprofitable I had the opportunity
of seeing a Phenomenon I had never before met with, a lunar rainbow
which appeard about ten O'Clock very faint and almost or quite
without colour, so that it could be tracd by little More than an
appearance which lookd like shade on a cloud.

1768 October 17.

This morn went out in the boat but caught no one thing, I had
never been before so unfortunate. In the Evening a breeze of wind
sprung up from SE by S which makes us hope we had got the S.E.
trade.

1768 October 18.

Wind continued to blow fresh so we had little doubt of the reality
of yesterdays hopes. This evening trying as I have often (foolishly
no doubt) done to exercise myself by playing tricks with two ropes in
the Cabbin I got a fall which hurt me a good deal and alarmd me more,
as the blow was on my head, and two hours after it I was taken with
sickness at my stomack which made me fear some ill consequence.

1768 October 19.

Today thank God I was much better and easd of all apprehensions,
the wind continuing fair and I had given over all thoughts of boat
expeditions for some time at least.

1768 October 20.

Quite well today, employd in describing and attending the
Draughtsmen.

1768 October 21.

Trade continues. Today the cat killd our bird M. Avida who
had lived with us ever since the 29th of Septr intirely on the flies
which he caught for himself; he was hearty and in high health so that
probably he might have livd a great while longer had fate been more
kind.

1768 October 22.

Trade had got more to the Southward that it usualy had been, which
was unlucky for me as I proposd to the Captain to touch for part of a
day at least at the Island of Ferdinand Norronha, which he had no
objection to if we could fetch it: that however seemd very uncertain.
This Evening we saw 6 or 7 large fish of the whale kind which the
Seamen calld Grampuses tho I think they were very different from the
fish commonly so calld; they were however Certainly of the whale kind
and blew throug[h] two? pipes on the top of their heads. They had
heads smaller and rounder than those fish in general have and very
low back finns and very small tails; thus much was all that I could
see as they never came within two cables lengh of the ship.

1768 October 23.

Trade today was still more to the Southward, almost due South, so
that we tackd and stood to the eastward lest we should fall in with
the coast of Brazil to the Northward of Cape Frio.

1768 October 24.

Wind today as fair as we could wish, ship layd up so well that it
renewd our hopes of touching at the Island.

About noon today we experiencd what the Seamen call a white
squall, that is a gust of wind which came upon us quite unawares,
unattended with a cloud as squalls in general are and therefore took
us quite unprepard; it was however very slight so no ill consequence
ensued except Mr Parkinson and his potts going to leward, which
diverted us more than it hurt him.

1768 October 25. Crossed Equator

This morn about 8 O'Clock crossed the Aequinoctial line in about
33 degrees West Longitude from Greenwich, at the rate of four knotts
which our seamen said was an uncommonly good breeze, the Thermometer
standing at 29. (The Thermometers used in this voyage are two of Mr
Birds making after Farenheights scale, which seldom differ above a
degree from each other and that not till they are as high as 80, in
which case the medium between the two instruments is set down.) This
Evening the ceremony of ducking the ships company was performed as
always customary on crossing the line, when those who have crossd it
before Claim a right of ducking all that have not, the whole of the
ceremony I shall describe.

About dinner time a list was brought into the cabbin containing
the names of every body and thing aboard the ship, in which the dogs
and catts were not forgot; to this was affixd a petition, sign'd 'the
ships company,' desiring leave to examine every body in that List
that it might be know[n] whether or not they had crossd the line
before. This was immediately granted; every body was then calld upon
the quarter deck and examind by one of the lieutenants who had
crossd, he markd every name either to be duckd or let off according
as their qualifications directed. Captn Cooke and Doctor Solander
were on the Black list, as were my self my servants and doggs, which
I was oblig'd to compound for by giving the Duckers a certain
quantity of Brandy for which they willingly excusd us the
ceremony.

Many of the Men however chose to be duckd rather than give up 4
days allowance of wine which was the price fixd upon, and as for the
boys they are always duckd of course; so that about 21 underwent the
ceremony which was performd thus:

A block was made fast to the end of the Main Yard and a long line
reved through it, to which three Cross peices of wood were fastned,
one of which was put between the leggs of the man who was to be duckd
and to this he was tyed very fast, another was for him to hold in his
hands and the third was over his head least the rope should be
hoisted too near the block and by that means the man be hurt. When he
was fas[t]ned upon this machine the Boatswain gave the command by his
whistle and the man was hoisted up as high as the cross peice over
his head would allow, when another signal was made and immediately
the rope was let go and his own weight carried him down, he was then
immediately hoisted up again and three times served in this manner
which was every mans allowance. Thus ended the diversion of the day,
for the ducking lasted till almost night, and sufficiently diverting
it certainly was to see the different faces that were made on this
occasion, some grinning and exulting in their hardiness whilst others
were almost suffocated and came up ready enough to have compounded
after the first or second duck, had such proceeding been
allowable.

It is now time that I should say something of the climate and
degree of heat since crossing the tropick, as we have been for some
time within the bounds which were supposd by the ancients to be
uninhabitable on account of their heat.

Almost immediately on crossing the tropick the air became sensibly
much damper than usual, tho not materialy hotter, the thermometer
then in general stood from 80 to 82. The nearer we approachd to the
calms still the damper every thing grew, this was perceivable even to
the human body and very much so, but more remarkably upon all kinds
of furniture: every thing made of Iron rusted so fast that the knives
in peoples pockets became almost useless and the razors in cases not
free. All kinds of Leather became mouldy, Portfolios and truncks
coverd with black leather were almost white, soon after this mould
adheerd to almost every thing, all the books in my Library became
mouldy so that they were obligd to be wiped to preserve them. About
this time we came into the calms which we met with earlier than
usual; the thermometer was then at 83 and we sufferd from the heat
and damp together. Bathing however kept me in perfect health, tho
many of the ship[s] company were ill of bilious complaints which
however were but of short duration.

This continued till we got the S.E. trade, when or a little before
the glass fell to 88 and soon to 78 and 79, but the dampness
continued yet; to that I cheifly attribute the ill success of the
Electrical experiments of which I have wrote an account on separate
papers that the different experiments may appear at one view.

The air during the whole time sin[c]e we crossed the tropick and
indeed sometime before has been nearly of the same temperature
throughout the 24 hours, the Thermometer seldom rising above a degree
during the time the sun is above the horizon. The windows of the
cabbin have been open without once being shut ever since we left
Madeira.

1768 October 26.

Last night and today the weather has been squally, wind rather
fresh but keeping very much to the Southward; great plenty of flying
fish have been about the ship few or none of which have been seen
since we left the N.E. trade.

1768 October 27.

Fine weather but Wind rather too much to the Southward. We are
today nearly in the latitude of the Island of Fernand de Norhona, so
that I am not without hopes of making it if rightly laid down; night
however put an end to our hopes for the present at least, and left us
in no very agreable situation as shoals and foul ground is laid down
all round the Islands.

1768 October 28.

Fine breeze today, our hopes of seeing the Island were again
renewd but without success, so at night we judge ourselves to be past
it and that the longitude is wrong laid down.

1768 October 29.

Wind East very pleasant, we now gave up all thoughts of the
Island. This Evening the sea appeard uncommonly bea[u]tifull, flashes
of light coming from it perfectly resembling small flashes of
lightning, and these so frequent that sometimes 8 or ten were visible
at the same moment; the seamen were divided in their acco[u]nts some
assuring us that it proceeded from fish who made the light by
agitating the salt water, as they calld it, in their darting at their
prey, while others said that they had often seen them and knew them
to be nothing but blubbers (Medusas). This made us very Eager
to procure some of them, which at last we did one by the help of the
landing net. They prov'd to be a species of Medusa which when brought
on board appeard like metal violently heated, emitting a white light;
on the surface of this animal a small Lepas was fixd exactly
the colour of it, which was almost transparent not unlike thin starch
in which a small quantity of blue is disolv'd. In taking these
animals three or 4 species of Crabbs were taken also but very small,
one of which gave light full as much as a glow-worm in England tho
the Creature was not so large by 10/9ths; indeed the sea this night
seemd to abound with light in an uncommon manner, as if every
inhabitant of it furnishd its share, which might have been the case
tho none kept that property after being brought out of the water
except these two.

1768 October 30.

This Morn employd in Examining the things caught last night, which
being taken by the light of our lamps (for the wind which blows in at
the windows always open will not suffer us to burn candles) we could
hardly then distinguish into genera, much less into species, had the
good fortune to find that they were all quite new. Calld them
Medusa pellucens, Lepas pellucens,[], Clio [],
Cancer fulgens and Cancer amplectens, but we had the
misfortune to loose two more species of Crabbs overboard by the
tumbling of a glass overboard in which they were containd.

In the Evening the Sea was lighted in the same manner as it was
last night only not near so strongly; we renewd however our
endeavours to take some of the light carriers, not without success as
two new species of Crabbs were taken one of which was very
singular.

1768 October 31.

Nothing to be done today, found however that the crabbs taken
yesterday were both new, calld them vitreus and
Crassicornis.

NOVEMBER 1768

1768 November 1.

A shoal of small fish were today under our stern who attended the
ship for some time; she had however too much way through the water
for our instruments so we could not take any of them.

1768 November 2.

This day was quite void of Events, the wind however was very fair
and we now approachd the place where we were next to refresh
ourselves apace.

1768 November 3.

This morn the sun was immediately over our heads notwiths[t]anding
which the Thermometer was no higher than 77. Since we left the calms
under the line the weather has grown cooler by gradual degrees, now
we reckon it quite moderate after having felt the heat of 83 so
lately.

This Even I for the first time (for other people had seen them
much before) observd two Light spots in the heavens apearing much
like the milky way, one the largest and brightest Bore S. by E. the
other about South.

1768 November 4.

Still as we got more to the westward the wind became more
favourable, today it was almost aft and has been all along creeping
to the northward.

1768 November 5.

The thermometer kept still gradualy falling as the wind got more
to the northward, which appears odd as the North wind should now be
the warm wind; we were not yet however enough to the Southward to
find much alteration. Wind this morn was North-east, at noon North by
west, between this place and mid channel it has changd from South by
East. The Trade being to the Northward upon this coast has been
observd long ago, tho I question whether our navigators are
sufficiently apprisd of it. Piso in his Natural history of the
Brasils says that the winds along shore are constantly to the
Northward from October to March and to the southward from March to
October. Dampier also who certainly had as much experience as most
men says the same thing, advising ships outward bound to keep to the
westward where they are almost certain to find the Trade more
Eastward than in mid channel, where it sometimes is due South or
within ½ a point of it as we ourselves experienced.

1768 November 6.

Today light winds and very pleasant weather, the Thermometer was
never above 76. Towards evening the colour of the water was observd
to change upon which we sounded and found ground at 32 fathom; the
lead was cast three times between 6 and 10 without finding a foot
difference in the depth or quality of the bottom, which was incrusted
with coral; we supposd this to be the tail of a great shoal laid down
in all our charts by the name of Albrolhos, on which Ld Anson struck
soundings in his outward bound passage.

1768 November 7.

This morn at four no ground with 100 Fathoms of Line. About noon
long ranges of a yellowish colour appeard upon the sea, many of them
very large, one (the largest) might be a mile in lengh and 3 or 400
yards wide. The seamen in general affirmd roundly that they were the
spawn of fishes and that they had often seen the same appearance
before; upon taking up some of the water so coloured we found it to
be causd by innumerable small atoms, each pointed at the end and of a
yellowish colour, none of them above a quarter of a line in lengh; in
the microscope they appeard to be fasciculi of small fibres interwove
one within the other, not unlike the nidi of some Phryganeas which we
call caddices. What they were or for what purposes designd we could
not even guess, nor so much as distinguish whether their substance
was animal or vegetable.

1768 November 8. Continent of South America

At day break today we made the Land which Provd to be the
Continent of S. America in Lat. 21.16; about ten we saw a fishing
boat who told us that the countrey we saw belongd to the Captainship
of Espirito Santo.

Doctor Solander and myself went on board this boat in which were
11 men (9 of whom were blacks) who all fishd with lines. We bought of
them the cheif part of their cargo consisting of Dolphins, two kinds
of large Pelagick Scombers, Sea Bream and the fish calld in the West
Indies Welshman, for which they made us pay 19 shillings and
Sixpence. We had taken Spanish silver with us which we imagind was
the currency of the Continent, we were therefore not a little
surprizd that they askd us for English shillings and preferrd two
which we by accident had to the Pistereens, tho they after some words
took them also. The Business of these people seemd to be going a good
distance from land and catching large fish, which they salted in bulk
in a place in the middle of their boat made for that purpose; in this
place was about 2 Quintals of fish laid in salt which they offerd to
sale for 16 shillings, and would doubtless have taken half the money
had we been inclind to buy them, but fresh provisions was all we
wanted and the fresh fish they had which we bought servd the whole
ships company.

Their provision for the Sea consisted of a cask of water and a bag
of the flour of Cassada which they call Farinha de Pao or wooden
flour, a very proper name for it which indeed tastes more like
powderd chipps than any thing else.

Their method of drinking out of their cask of water was truely
primitive and pleasd me much. The cask was large, as broad as the
boat and exactly fitted a place in the Ballast made for it, they
consequently could not get at the bottom of it to put in a tap by
which the water might be drawn out. To remedy this dificulty they
made use of a cane about three feet long hollow and open at each end;
this the man who wanted to drink desired his neighbour to fill for
him, which he did by putting it into the cask, and laying the palm of
his hand over the uppermost hole hinderd the water from running out
of the other, to which the drinker applyd his mouth and the other
taking off his hand lett the liquor run into the drinkers mouth till
he was satisfied.

Soon after we came on board a Sphynx was taken which provd to be
quite a new one, and a small bird also who was the Tanagra
Jacarini of Linn; it seemd however from Linnaeus description as
well as Edwards's and Brissons that neither of them had seen the Bird
which was in reality a Loxia nitens.

The fish Brought on board provd to be Scomber anxia and
Falcatus, Coryphoena HipparisSparus pagrus and
Sciaena rubens; the second and last not being before describd
we calld them by these names.

Afternoon the wind came about South and South by East and it soon
came on to blow fresh which we were not at all accustomd to, so we
Boarded it along shore without gaining much.

1768 November 9.

This morn wind continued South and South by west but is more
moderate, but still more sea than we should chuse were we directors
of the winds and waves.

We however stood in with the land till we found ourselves in a
large bay the shores of which were very flat; in the middle of this
bay were some large hills which lay far inland and made the prospect
very remarkable, as expressd in the view. At this time we were by
guess within five miles of the shore and our water had decreasd
gradualy till we had less than five fathom; it was about four in the
Evening so our Captain thought proper to put about and stand off to
sea; in the Evening the wind freshend a little but was not near so
troublesome as last night.

1768 November 10.

Wind more moderate this morn; we stood in with the land and made
it nearly in the same place as we left it last night, our soundings
being from 15 to 10 fathoms.

After dinner the wind came more to the Eastward and freshend, and
little peices of Seaweed now came floating by the ship which we took
and it provd to be Sargaso fucus natans, which is generaly supposd to
increase upon the surface of the sea in the same manner as duck weed
Lemna does on fresh water without having any root; this however
plainly shewd that it had been rooted in the Coral rock on the
bottom, as two specimens particularly had large lumps of the coral
still adhering to their bottoms. Among the weed we got were some few
animals but scarcely worth mentioning, one Balistes but quite a fry
so young that it was impossible to referr it to its species; a worm
also was in it which provd to be Neireis pelagica.

In the course of this night we ran over a small bank on which the
water suddenly shoald to 7 fathom and kept thereabouts for some time,
it however deepend gradualy.

1768 November 11.

Light breezes to day, the wind much more fair than it has been so
that we began to get to the Southward. The Thermometer today was no
more than 72, so that we felt cold or cool at least, tho we could
[not] prevail on ourselves to shut the cabbin windows as we are soon
to come into much warmer weather.

Just before dark the Land was seen ahead which we supposed to be
an Island off Cape Frio so we hoped to be the lengh of Cape Frio by
tomorrow morn.

1768 November 12.

This morn we were abreast of the land which proved as we thought
last night to be the Island just without Cape Frio, which is calld in
some maps the Isle of Frio; the wind was fair and we passd it with a
pleasant Breeze hoping tomorrow to get into the harbour. About noon
we saw the hill calld Sugar Loaf which is just by the harbours mouth,
but it was a long way off yet so there were no hopes of reaching it
this night.

The shore from Cape Frio to this place has been one uninterruptd
beach of the whitest Colour I ever saw which they tell me is a white
sand.

This Evening wind still continued fair but very little, we now saw
the Sugar Loaf very plain but could not tonight reach it, so shortend
sail; we had seen for some time a small vessel under the land which
seemd to steer into the harbour as well as we.

The Land all along this Coast has been exceedingly high inland
except in the bay mentiond on the 7th: the mountains seen now about
Rio Janeiro were immensely high so that some of our people compared
them with the Pike of Tenerife, tho I do not myself think they
deserve a comparison so much higher is the Pike. Notwithstanding the
hills are high and begin to rise near the shore the beach is sandy
and appears to be of a firm sand.

In the Course of this Evening we aproachd very near the Land and
found it very cold, to our feelings at least; the Thermometer at ten
O'Clock stood at 68¼ which gave us hopes that the countrey
would be cooler than we should expect from the accounts of
travellers, especially Mr Biron who says that no business is done
here from 10 till 2 on account of the intense heat.

1768 November 13.

This Morn the Harbour of Rio Janeiro was right ahead about 2
leagues off but it being quite Calm we made our aproaches very
slowly. The sea was inconceveably full of small vermes which we took
without the least dificulty; they were almost all new except Beroe
labiata, Medusa radiata, fimbriata and Chrystallina,
Dagysa []. Soon after that a fishing boat Came a board and sold
us three Scombers which proved to be new and were calld Salmoneus;
his baites were Clupea Chinensis of which we also procurd
specimens.

As soon as we came well into the River the Captn sent Mr Hicks his
first Leutenant with a midshipman to get a pilot and stood up the
river expecting him down very soon. He did not nor did the boat till
we were on the point of dropping an anchor just under the town; the
boat then came without either of our officers, in exchange for whom
came a Subaltern Portugese who seemd to have no kind of Business with
us; the Cockswain brought word from the Leutenant that he was detaind
on shore till the Captain should go off. Soon after we came to an
anchor a ten Oard boat came alongside the ship with 12 or 14 soldiers
in it who rowed round us without taking any notice of us or saying a
word; a quarter of an hour after came a boat in which was a
Disembargador and a Colonel of a Portugese rejument who askd us many
questions which at first seemd to discourage our stay, as telling us
that the Governor would furnish us with any quantity of water in two
days. In the conclusion however he was immensely civil telling us
that the Governor would give us every assistance in his power; that
the Leutenant had not been confind but on account of the Practica had
not been allowd to go on shore, he should now however be sent on
board immediately; that the Captain was welcome to go on shore now
but he wishd the rest of the crew might remain on board till the
Paper they drew up had been delivered.

1768 November 14.

This morn Captn Cooke went ashore, Dr Solander and myself
impatiently waiting for his return which he promisd should be the
moment he had spoke with the viceroy, who would no doubt tell him
that the practica paper had been deliverd and we were all at liberty
to come ashore when we pleasd. About twelve he came on board with a
Portugese officer in his boat who had been put there by order of the
viceroy, out of a compliment as he termd it, and an English gentleman
Mr Forster by name a Leutenant in the Portugese service. The Captn
told us that we could not be allowd to have a house or sleep ashore,
so the Viceroy had told him, but Mr Forster told us that he had given
orders that no person but the Captn and such common sailors as were
requird to be upon duty should be permitted to go ashore, and that we
the passengers were probably particularly objected to. We however in
the Evening dress'd ourselves and attempted to go ashore under
pretence of a visit to the Viceroy, but were stopd by the Guard boat
whose officer told us that he had particular orders, which he could
not transgress, to Lett no officer or Passenger except the Captain
pass the boat; after much conversation to no purpose we were obligd
to return on board and the Captn went ashore to remonstrate to the
viceroy about it, but could get no answer but that it was the King of
Portugals orders and consequently must be.

1768 November 15.

This morn the Captn went again ashore and told the viceroy that it
was nescessary to give the ship a heel, in which case it would be
almost impossible for the gentlemen who were passengers to stay on
board her; the viceroy as I suppose misunderstood him, and supposing
that he wanted to have the ship hove down said that if the ship was
reported by one of his carpenters ( who should be sent on board) to
want such repairs he would give her all nescessaries for so doing; in
that case the Gentlemen should have a house ashore, but gave him to
understand that a centinel would be put at the door with orders not
to let us stir out or any one come in on any pretence whatever.

1768 November 16.

The Captn went ashore again and remonstrated particularly against
the Centinel that was put in his boat whenever he landed or came
aboard, which he was told was a compliment but now found to be a
guard. He received no satisfactory answers or rather none at all but
that it is the King of Portugals orders.

1768 November 17.

Tird with waiting and remonstrating only in words, both the Captn
and myself sent ashore written memorials (of which mine is subjoind
as well as another with the answers) which complain of his excellency
the viceroys behaviour to us as a Kings ship as almost a breach of
treaty.

1768 November 18.

Answers to our memorials came on board in which the Captn is told
that he has no reason to complain, as such usage as he has receivd
has been constantly the custom of the Ports of Brasil and that the
Viceroy himself servd an English ship just in the same manner at
Bahia; as for me I am told that as I have not brought proper
credentials from the Court of Lisbon it is impossible that I can be
permitted to land.

1768 November 19.

Both the Captn and myself sent answers to his excellencys
memorials this morn by the Leutenant, who had orders not to suffer a
guard to be put into his boat but if the Guard boat insisted upon it
to return on board. The boat let him pass, but the viceroy as soon as
he heard that he had come ashore without a guard orderd Centinels to
be put into the boat, and on the Leutenant refusing to go on board
unless the Centinels are taken out, orderd the boats crew to be taken
into custody, the boat detaind and the leutenant to be sent on board
in a guard boat under care of an officer. When he came on board he
reported what he has seen, that the men in our pinnace made not the
least resistance, notwithstanding which the soldiers who took them
into custody behavd with great indecency, striking them many times
and thrusting them out of the boat. The same guard boat also brought
back the letters unopend.

This Evening it blew very hard at about South, Puffs coming off
about three minutes distant from each other, which seldom lasted
above half a minute but in that time were as violent as I ever
saw.

At this time Our long boat came on board with 4 cask of rum in
her, she with difficulty fetchd the ship and soon after by some
mismanagemen[t] which I cannot account for broke adrift, carrying
with her my small boat which was made fast to her; we had now no boat
on board but a small 4 oard yawl, which was immediately sent after
her and took her in tow, but notwithstanding all that could be done
by the people who rowd in the long boat and those who towd in the
yawl she was very soon out of sight, and we were under the greatest
uneasiness well knowing that she drove directly upon the reef of
Rocks which Runns out from the point of Ilhoa das Ferreiras, just to
Leward of where we lay. After remaining in this situation till two in
the morning our people cam[e] onboard and told us that the Long boat
was sunk, but that they had left her riding to her grapling tho full
of water; as for my boat they had in returning to the ship faln in
with a reef of rocks, in which dangerous situation they had been
obligd to cut her adrift: this was poor comfort tho we were glad to
find the people safe, yet the Loss of our long boat which we much
feard was perhaps the greatest misfortune that could happen to people
who were going as we were upon discoverys.

I should have mentiond that on the detainder of our boats crew a
petty officer was sent ashore with the memorials and a letter from
the Captn demanding the Boat and men, who was sufferd quietly to go
ashore on taking a soldier out of the guard boat; the only answer he
got was verbal that the affair could not be settled as yet.

1768 November 20.

This morn the yawl, now the only boat we had, was sent ashore to
ask assistance: they returnd about nine and brought with her our boat
and crew that had been detaind, as well as another of the Viceroys
which had orders to assist us in searching for our boats.

The people who came in the Pinnace declard that they never made
the least resistance but said that the soldiers struck them often,
that they were confind in a loathsome dungeon where their companions
were cheifly Blacks who were chaind, but the Cockswain purchasd a
better apartment for seven petacks (about as many shilling
English).

Our situation this whole day was better imagind than describd: the
Shore boat came onboard at noon that the people might have their
victuals but brought no news of the Longboat. Tird with expectation I
confess I had almost given over all hopes of ever seeing her again,
when Just at dark night the pinnace came bringing with her both the
boats and all their contents: we now immediately passd from our
disagreable though[t]s to a situation as truly happy, and concluded
with defying the Viceroy and all that he could do to us.

1768 November 21.

Letters came from the Viceroy to both the Captn and myself, in
which he told me very politely that it is not in his power to permit
to go ashore; in the captns he raises some doubts of our ship being a
Kings ship, so I who could ground my pretensions to going ashore on
no other Foundation thought it best to drop them, hoping that by and
by when things were more quiet I might have an opportunity of
smugling myself ashore.

1768 November 22.

This morn I sent my servants ashore at day break who stayd till
dark night and brought off many plants and insects.

1768 November 23.

The viceroys answer to the Captns last memorial came on board in
which the Captn is accusd of smugling, which made us all angry but
our venting our spleen against the Viceroy will be of very little
service to us.

1768 November 24.

My servants went ashore again and brought off many plants etc.

1768 November 25.

This morn Dr Solander went into the town as surgeon of the Ship,
to visit a friar who had desird that the surgeon might be sent to
him; he receivd civilities from the people rather more than he could
expect.

1768 November 26.

I myself went ashore this morn before day break and stayd till
dark night; while I was ashore I met several of the inhabitants who
were very civil to me, taking me to their houses where I bought of
them stock for the ship tolerably cheap, a porker midlingly fat for
11 shill, a muscovy duck something under two shils etc.

The countrey where I saw it abounded with vast variety of Plants
and animals, mostly such as have not been describd by our naturalists
as so few have had an opportunity of coming here; indeed no one that
I know of even tolerably curious has been here since Marcgrave and
Piso about the year 1640, so it is easy to guess the state in which
the nat hist of such a countrey must be.

To give a Cataloge of what I found would be a trouble very little
to the purpose, as every particular is mentiond in the general
catalogues of this place. I cannot however help mentioning some which
struck me the most and consequently gave me particular pleasure:
these were cheifly the parasitick plants especialy renealmias, for I
was not fortunate enough to see one epidendron, and the different
species of Bromelia, many not before describd had I been fortunate
enough to see fructifications which I did of very Few. B.
Karratas I saw here growing on the decayd trunk of a tree 50 feet
high at least, which it had so intirely coverd that the whole seemd
to be a tree of Karratas. The growth of the [] also pleasd me much
tho I had before got a very good Idea of it from Rumphius, who has a
very good figure of the tree in his Herb: Amboin. Tab: Add to these
the whole Contrey Coverd with the Beatifull blossom of Malpigias,
Bannisterias, Pasifloras, not to Forget Poinciana and
Mimosa sensitiva and a beatifull species of Clutia of
which I saw great plenty, in short the wildest Spotts here were
varied with a greater quantity of Flowers as well as more beatifull
ones than our best devisd gardens, a sight infinitely pleasing to the
Eye for a short time tho no doubt it would soon tire with the
continuance of it.

The birds of many species especialy the smaller ones sat in great
abundance on the bough's, many of them coverd with most Elegant
plumage. I shot Loxia Brasiliensis and saw several specimens
of them. In sects also were here in great abundance, many species
very fine but much more Nimble than our Europaeans especialy the
Butterflies, which almost all flew near the topps of the trees and
were very difficult to come at except when the sea breeze flew fresh,
which kept them low down among the trees where they might be taken.
Humming birds I also saw of one species but could not shoot them.

The banks of the Sea and more remarkably all the Edges of small
brooks were coverd with innumerable quantities of small Crabbs,
cancer vocans Linn, one hand of which is very large. Among
these were many both whose hands were remarkably small and of equal
size: these my black servant told me were females of the others, and
indeed all I examind, which were many, provd to be females tho
whether realy of the same species with vocans I cannot
determine on so short an acquaintance.

I saw but little cu[l]tivation and that seemd to be taken but
little pains with; grass land was the cheif on which were many Lean
cattle feeding and lean they might well be, for almost all the
species of grass which I observd here were creepers, and consequently
so close to the ground that tho there might be upon them a sufficient
bite for horses or sheep yet how horned cattle could live at all was
all that appeard extraordinary to me.

I also saw their gardens or small patches in which they cultivate
many sorts of European garden stuff as Cabbage, peas, beans, kidney
beans, turnips, white raddishes, pumkins, etc. but all much inferior
to ours except perhaps the last; here also they grow water melons and
pine apples the only Fruits which I have seen them cultivate. The
water melons are very good but the Pines much inferior to those I
have tasted in Europe; hardly one I have yet had could have been
reckond among the midling sort, many were worse than I have seen sent
from table in England where nobody would Eat them, tho in general
they are very sweet they have not the least flavour; but more of
their Fruits by and by.

In these gardens grow also Yamms and Mandihoca or Cassada which
supplys the place of Bread here, for as our Europaean bread corn will
not grow here all the Flour they have is brought from Portugal at a
large expence, too great for even the midling people to purchase much
more the inferior ones.

1768 November 27.

This morn when the Boats returnd from watering they brought word
that they heard it said in the town that people were sent out in
search of some of our people who were ashore without leave: this we
concluded meant either Dr Solander or myself which made it nescessary
for us to go no more ashore while we stayd.

1768 November 28-30.

These three days nothing material hapned, Every thing went on as
usual only we if possible increasd our haste to be gone from this
place.

DECEMBER 1768

1768 December 1.

This Morn our boat returning from shore brought us the very
disagreable news that Mr Forster, who I before mentiond, was taken
into custody chargd with having smuggled things ashore from our ship:
this charge tho totaly without foundation was lookd upon as a
sufficient reason for his being put into prison, but we beleive the
real cause to be his having shewn some countenance to his Countrey
men, as we heard at the same time that five or six Englishmen
residing in the town and a poor Portugese who used to assist our
people in buying things were all put into prison also without any
reason being given.

1768 December 2.

This Morn thank god we have got all we want from these illiterate
impolite gentry, so we got up our anchor and saild to the point of
Ilhoa dos cobras, where we were to lay and wait for a fair wind which
shoud come every night from the Land. We were fortunate in the
arrival of a Spanish Brig comeing from Buenos Ayres with Letters for
Spain which arrivd about a week ago; her officers were receivd ashore
with all possible politeness and allowd to take a house without the
least hesitation. The Captn Don Antonio de Monte Negro y Velasco with
all possible politeness offerd to take our letters to Europe which we
accepted of as a very Fortunate circumstance and sent them on board
this morn.

1768 December 3-4.

We remaind without any Sea breeze.

1768 December 5.

This Morn early a dead calm, we attemptd to tow down with our
boats and came near abreast of Santa Cruz their cheif Fortification,
when to our great surprize the Fort fird two shot at us one of which
went just over our Mast: we immediately brought to and sent ashore to
enquire the reason, were told that no order had come down to allow us
to pass without which no ship was ever sufferd to go below that fort.
We were now obligd to send to town to know the reason of such
extraordinary behavior, the Answer came back about 11 that it was a
mistake, for the Brigadier had forgot to send the letter which had
been wrote some days: it was however sent by the boat and we had
leave to proceed. We now began to weigh our anchor which had been
droppd in foul ground when we were fird at, but it was hung so fast
in a rock that it could not be got out while the Land breeze blew,
which today continued almost till four in the Even; as soon as the
Sea breeze came we filld our sails and carrying the ship over the
anchor tripd it but were obligd to sail back almost as far as we had
towd the ship in the Morn.

This day and yesterday the air was crowded in an uncommon manner
with Butterflies cheifly of one sort, of which we took as many as we
pleasd on board the ship, their quantity was so large that at some
times I may say many thousands were in view at once in almost any
direction you could look, the greatest part of them much above our
mast heads.

1768 December 6.

No land breeze today so we are confind in our disagreable
situation without a possibility of moving: many curses were this day
expended on his excellence.

1768 December 7. Rio de Janeiro described

This morn weighd and stood out to sea. As soon as we came to Santa
Cruz the pilot desired to be dischargd and with him our enemy the
guard boat went off, so we were left our own masters and immediately
resolved to go ashore on one of the Islands in the mouth of the
harbour: their ran a great swell but we made shift to land on one
calld Raza, on which we gatherd many species of Plants and some
insects. Alstromeria salsilla was here in tolerable plenty and
Amarillis mexicana, they were the most specious plants; we
stayd till about 4 oClock and then came aboard the ship heartily
tired, for the desire of doing as much as we could in a short time
had made us all exert ourselves in a particular manner tho exposd to
the hottest rays of the sun just at noonday.

Now we are got fairly to Sea and have intirely got rid of these
troublesome people I cannot help spending some time in describing
them tho I was not myself once in their town, yet my intelligence
coming from Dr Solander who was, and our Surgeon Mr Monkhouse a very
sensible man who was ashore every day to buy our provisions, I think
cannot err much from truth.

The town of Rio de Janiero the capital of the Portugese dominions
in America situate on the banks of the River of that name, both are
call'd I apprehend from the Roman saint Januarius accord[in]g to the
Spanish and Portugese custom of naming their discoveries from the
Saint on whose feast they are made.

It is regular and well built after the fashion of Portugal, every
house having before its windows a Lattice of wood behind which is a
little balcony. For size it is much larger and I could have thought,
probably little inferior to any of our Countrey towns in England
Bristol or Liverpool not excepted; the streets are all straight
intersecting each other at Right angles and have this peculiar
Convenience, that much the greater number lay in one direction and
are commanded by the Gunns of their citadel calld St Sebastian which
is situate on the top of a hill over looking the town.

It is supplyd with water by an aqueduct which brings it from the
neighbouring hills upon two stories of arches, said in some places to
be very high; the water that this brings is conveyd into a fountain
in the great square immediately opposite the Governors palace, which
is guarded by a sentry who has sufficient work to keep regularity and
order among so many as are always in waiting at this place; there is
also water laid into some other part of the town but how it is
brought there I could not hear, only that it was better than the
fountain which is exceedingly indifferent, so much so as not to be
likd by us tho we had been two months at sea in which time our water
was almost continualy bad.

The Churches here are very fine dressd out with more ornaments
even than those in Europe, and all parts of their religion is carried
on with more shew; their processions in particular are very
extrordinary, every day one or other of the parishes go in solemn
order with all the insignia of their church, altar, host etc. through
their parish, begging for what they can get and praying in all form
at every Corner of a street.

While we were there one of the largest churches in the town was
rebuilding and for that reason the parish belonging to it had leave
to walk through the whole City, which they did once a week and
collected much money for the carrying on of their Edifice: at this
ceremony all boys under a certain age were obligd to attend nor were
the gentlemens sons ever excusd. Each of these were dressd in a Black
cassock with a short red Cloak reaching half way down their
shoulders, and carried in his hand a Lanthorn hung on the End of a
pole about 6 or 7 feet long, the light caused by this (for there were
always at least 200 Lights) is greater than can be imagind; I myself
who saw it out of the cabbin windows call[d] together my mess mates
and shewd it to them imagining that the town was on fire.

Besides this traveling religion a man who walks the streets has
opportunity enough to shew his attachment to any saint in the
Calendar, for every corner and almost every house has before it a
little cupboard in which some Saint or other keeps his Residence, and
least he should not see his votaries in the night he is furnishd with
a small lamp which hangs before his little glass window: to these it
is very customary to pray and sing hymns with all the vociferation
imaginable, as may be imagind when I say that I and every one Else in
the Ship heard it very distinctly every night tho we lay at least
half a mile from the town.

The Goverment of this place Seems to me to be much more despotick
even than that of Portugal tho many precautions have been taken to
render it otherwise. The Cheif Magistrates are the Viceroy, the
Governour of the town and a Council whose number I could not Learn,
but only that the Viceroy had in this the casting vote: without the
consent of this Council nothing material should be done, yet every
day shews that the Viceroy and Governour at least if not all the rest
do the most unjust things without consulting any one. Puting a man
into prison without giving him a hearing and keeping him there till
he is glad at any rate to get out without asking why he was put in,
or at best sending him to Lisbon to be tried there without letting
his family here know where he is gone to, is very common.

This we experien[c]d while here, for every one who had interpreted
for our people, and some who had only assisted in buying provisions
for them, were put into Jail merely I suppose to shew us their power.
I should however except from this one John Burrish an officer in
their customs, a man who has been here 13 years and is so compleatly
become a Portugese that he is known by no other name than Don John:
he was of service to our people, tho what he did was so clogd with a
suspicious fear of offending the Portugese as renderd it disgustfull.
It is nescessary that any one who should Come here should know his
Character, which is mercenary tho contented with a little as the
present given to him demonstrated, which consisted of 1 dozn of beer
10 galls of Brandy 10 peices of ships beef and as many of Pork: this
was what he himself askd for, and sent on board the Cagg for the
spirit and with this he was more than satisfied.

They have a very extrordinary method of keeping people from
traveling --to hinder them I suppose from going into any districk
where gold or diamonds may be found, as there are more of such than
they can possibly guard, which is this: there are certain bounds
beyond which no man must go, these vary every month at the discretion
of the Vic[e]roy, sometimes they are a few sometimes many Leagues
Round the City: Every man must in consequence of this come to town to
know where the Bounds are, for if he is taken by the guards who
constantly patrole on their edges he is infallibly put in prison,
even if he is within them, unless he can tell where they are.

The inhabitants here are very numerous, they consist of Portugese,
negroes, and Indians aborigines of the countrey. The township of Rio,
whose extent I could not learn but was only told that it was but a
small part of the Capitanea or province, is said to contain 37,000
whites and about 17 negroes to each white, which makes their numbers
629,000 and the number of inhabitants in all 666,000. As for the
Indians they do not live in this neighbourhood tho many of them are
always here doing the Kings work, which they are obligd to do by
turns for small pay for which purpose they come from their
habitations at a distance. I saw many of them as the guard boat was
constantly rowd by them, they are of a light copper colour with long
lank black hair; as to their policy or manner of living when at home
I could not learn any thing about it.

The military here consist of 12 regiments of Regulars, 6 Portugese
and 6 Creolians and as many of Provincial militia who may be
assembled upon occasion. To the regulars the inhabitants shew great
deference, for as Mr Forster an English Gentleman in their service
told me, if any of the people were not to pull off their hatts when
they meet an officer he would immediately knock them down, which
custom renders the people remarkably Civil to strangers who have at
all a gentlemanlike appearance. All the officers of these regiments
are expected three times a day to attend at the Sala or Viceroys
levee, where they formaly ask for commands, where their constant
answer is there is nothing new: this policy is Intended as I have
been told to prevent them from going into the countrey which it most
effectualy does.

This town as well as all others in South America belonging either
to Spanyards or Portugese has long been infamous for the unchastity
of its women; the people who we talkd with here confirmd the accounts
declaring, especialy Mr Forster, that he did not beleive there was
one modest woman in the township, which I must own appeard to me a
most wonderfull assertion but I must take it for granted as I had not
even the least opportunity to go among them. Dr Solander who was
ashore declares however that as soon as it was night the windows were
every one furnishd with one or more women, who as he walkd along with
two more gentlemen gave nosegays to which ever of them each preferrd,
which Complement the gentlemen returnd in kind, notwithstanding which
each of them threw away whole hatfulls of flowers in their walk tho
it was not a long one.

Assassinations are I fancy more frequent here than in Lisbon as
the churches still take upon them to give protection to criminals:
one accident of the kind happned in the sight of S. Evans our
Cockswain, a man who I can depend upon, who told me he saw two people
talking together to all appearance in a freindly manner, when one on
a sudden drew a knife and stabbd the other twice and ran away pursued
by some negroes who saw the fact likewise, but what the farther Event
of this was I could not learn.

Thus much for the town and its inhabitants. I shall now speak of
the countrey which I know rather more of than of the other as I was
ashore one whole day: in that time I saw much Cleard ground but
cheifly of an indifferent quality, tho doubtless there is such as is
very good as the sugar and tobacco which is sent to Europe from hence
plainly testifies; but all that I saw was employd in Breeding cattle
of which they have great plenty, tho their pastures are the worst I
ever saw on account of the shortness of the grass, and consequently
the beef sold in the market tho it is tolerably cheap is so lean that
an Englishman can hardly Eat it. I likewise saw great plantations of
Iatropha manikot, which is calld in the West Indies Cassada
and here Farina de Pao, i.e. wooden meal, a very proper name, for the
cakes they make with it taste as if they were made of Sawdust and yet
it is the only bread which is Eat here--for European bread is sold at
nearly the rate of a shilling a pound, and is also exceeding bad on
account of the flour which is generaly heated in its passage from
Europe.

The Countrey produces many more articles but as I did not see them
or hear them mentiond I shall not set them down, tho doubtless it is
capable of bringing any thing that our West India Islands do,
notwithstanding this they have neither Coffee or chocolate but import
both from Lisbon.

Their fruits however I must not pass over in Silence, they have
several I shall particularly mention those that were in season while
we were there, which were Pine apples, Melons, water melons, oranges,
Limes, Lemons, sweet Lemons, citrons, Plantanes, Bananes, Mangos,
Mamme apples, acajou apples and nutts, Jamboira, another sort which
bears a small black fruit, Coco nutts, Palm nuts of two kinds, Palm
berries. Of these I must seperately give my opinion, as no doubt it
will seem strange to some that I should assert that I have eat many
of them and especialy pine apples better in England than any I have
met with here. Begin then with the pines as the Fruit from which I
expected the most, they being I beleive natives of this countrey, tho
I cannot say I have seen or even heard of their being at this time
wild any where in this neighbourhood: they are cultivated much as we
do cabbages in Europe or rather with less care, the plants being set
between bedds of any kind of garden stuff and sufferd to take their
chance, the price of them in the Market is seldom above and generaly
under a vintain which is 3 halfpence. All that Dr Solander and myself
tasted we agreed were much inferior to those we had eat in England;
tho in general they were more Juicy and sweet yet they had no flavour
but were like sugar melted in water. Their Melins are still worse
from the Specimen we had, for we got but one, which was perfectly
mealy and insipid; their water melons however are very good for they
have some little flavour or at least a degree of acid which ours have
not. Oranges are large and very juicy, we thought them good,
doubtless better than any we had tasted at home, but probably Italy
and Portugal produce as good had we been there in the time of their
being in perfection. Lemons and limes are like ours, Sweet Lemons are
sweetish and without flavour, Citrons have a sickly faint taste
otherwise are like them. Mangos were not in perfection but promisd to
be a very fine fruit, they are about the size of a peach, full of a
melting yellow pulp not unlike that of a summer peach which has a
very gratefull flavour, but in all we had it was spoild by a taste of
turpentine which I am told is not found in the ripe ones. Bananas are
in shape and size like a small thick sausage, coverd with a thick
yellow rind, which is peeld off and the fruit within is of a
consistence which might be expected from a mixture of Butter and
flour but a little Slimey, its taste is sweet with a little perfume.
Plantanes differ from these in being longer and thinner and having
less lusciousness in their taste: both these fruits were disagreable
to most of our people but after some use I became tolerably fond of
them. Acajou or casshou is shapd like an apple but larger, he taste
very disagreab[l]e sourish and bitter, the nut grows at the top of
them. Mamme apples are bigger than a Codlin in England, Coverd with a
deep yellow skin, the pulp on the inside is very insipid or rather
disagreable to the taste, and full of small round seeds coverd with a
thick mucilage which continualy Cloy your mouth. Jamboira is the same
as I saw at Madeira, a fruit calculated more to please the smell than
the taste; the other sort are small and black and resemble much the
taste of our English bilberries. Coco nutts are so well known in
England that I need only say I have tasted as good there as any I met
with here. Palm nutts of two sorts, one long and shapd like dates the
other round, both these are rosted before their kernels are Eatable
and Even then they are not so good a[s] Coco nuts. Palm berries
appear much like Black grapes, they are the fruit of Bactris
minor, but for Eating have scarce any pulp covering a very large
stone and what there is has nothing but a light acid to recommend it.
Here are also the fruits of several species of prickle pears which
are very insipid. Of Europaean Fruits I saw apples but very mealy and
insipid and one peach which was also a very bad one.

Tho this Countrey should produce many and very valuable druggs we
could not find any in the apothecarys shops but Pareira Brava
and Balsam Copivi, of both which we bought at excessive cheap
prices and had very good of the sort. I fancy the drug trade is
cheifly carried on to the northward as is that of the Dying woods, at
least we could hear nothing of them here.

For manufactures I know of none carried on here except that of
Cotton hammocks, which are usd for people to be carried about in as
we do Sedan chairs, these are made cheifly by the Indians. But the
cheif riches of the countrey comes from the mines, which are situated
far up in the countrey, indeed no one could tell me how far, for even
the situation of them is as carefully as possible conceald and Troops
are continualy employd in guarding the Roads that lead to them, so
that it is next to impossible for any man to get a sight of them
except those who are employd there; at least no man would attempt it
from mere curiosity for every body who is found on the road without
being able to give a good account of himself is hangd
immediately.

From these mines a great quantity of gold certainly comes but it
is purchasd at a vast expence of lives; 40,000 negroes are annualy
imported on the Kings accompt for this purpose, and notwithstanding
that the year before last they dyed so fast that 20,000 more were
obligd to be draughted from the town of Rio.

Pretious stones are also found here in very large quantities, so
large that they do not allow more than a certain quantity to be
collected in a year, which is done thus: a troop of people are sent
into the Countrey where they are found and orderd to return when they
have collected a certain quantity, which they sometimes do in a month
more or less, then they return and after that it is death for any one
to be found in the Countrey on any pretence whatever till the next
year.

Diamonds Topazes of several different qualities and amethysts are
the stones that are cheifly found. Of the first I did not see any but
was told that the viceroy had by him large quantities and would sell
them on the King of Portugals account, but in that case they would
not be at all cheaper than those in Europe. Topazes and amethysts I
bought a few of for specimens; the former were divided into three
sorts of very different value, Calld here pinga dogua Qualidade
premeiro and segondo, and chrystallos ormerilles; they were sold
large and small good and bad together by octavos or the eighth part
of an ounce, the first sort 4sh:9d; 2[nd sort] 4:0; 3[rd sort] [] .
Amethysts [] [] [] . But it was smugling in the highest degree to
have any thing to do with them formerly there were Jewelers here who
wo[r]kd stones, but about 14 months ago orders came from the Court of
Portugal that no more stones should be wrought here except on his
account; the Jewellers were immediately orderd to bring all their
tools to the Viceroy which they were obligd to do, and from that time
to this have not been sufferd to do any thing for their support. Here
are however a number of slaves who work stones for the King of
Portugal.

The Coin current here is either that of Portugal especialy 36
shill peices, or Coin made here which is much debasd, especialy the
silver which are calld petacks, of which there are two sorts one of
less value than the other, easily distinguishable by the number of
rees markd on the outside, but they are little used; they also have
Copper coin like that in Portugal, 5 and 10 rey peices, two of the
latter are worth 3 halfpence, 40 petacks are worth 36 shillings.

The harbour of Rio de Janeiro is certainly a very good one: the
Entrance is not wide but the Sea breeze which blows every morning
makes it easy for any ship to go in before the wind, and when you get
abreast the town it increases in breadth prodigiously so that almost
any number of ships might lay in 5 or 6 fathom water oozey bottom. It
is defended by many works, especialy the entrance where it is narrow,
there is their strongest fortification calld Santa Cruz and another
opposite it; there is also a platform mounting about 22 gunns without
that just under the Sugar Loaf on the sea side, but that seems
intirely calculated to hinder the Landing of an Enemy in a sandy bay
from whence there is a passage to the back part of the town, which is
intirely void of Defence except that the whole town is open to the
Gunns of the Citadel St Sebastian as I said before. Between Santa
Cruz and the town are several small batteries of 5 to 10 gunns and
one pretty large one calld Berga Leon. Immediately before the town is
Ilhoa dos Cobras, an Island fortified all round, which seems
incapable of doing much mischeif from its immense size, at least it
would take more men to defend it even tolerably in case of an attack
than could Possibly be spard from a town totaly without Lines or any
defence round itself. As for Santa Cruz, their cheif fortification on
which they most rely seems very incaple of making any great
resistance if smartly attackd by shipping: it is a stone fort which
mounts many gunns indeed, but they lie tier above tier and are
consequently very open to the atack of a ship which may come within 2
cable lengh's or less of them. Besides they have no supply of water
there but what they have from a cistern in which they catch rain, or
in times of Drouth are supplyd from the adjacent countrey; this they
have been obligd to build above ground Least the water should taint
by the heat of the climate, which a free access of air prevents; a
shot consequently which fortunately should break that cistern would
reduce the defenders to the utmost nescessity.

I was told by a person who certainly knew and I beleive meant to
inform me right, that a little to the southward just without the
South head of the harbour was a bay in which boats might land with
all facility without an obstruction, as there is no kind of work
there, and from this bay it is not above three hours march to the
town, which you aproach on the Back part where it is as defenceless
as the Landing place; but this seems incredible yet I am inclind to
beleive it of these people whose cheif policy consists in hindering
people from looking about them as much as possible. It may therefore
be as my informer said that the existence of such a bay is but lately
found out, indeed was it not for that policy I could beleive any
thing of their stupidity and ignorance, when the Governor of the town
Brigadier General Don Pedro de Mendoza y Furtado ask'd the Captain of
our ship whether the transit of Venus which we were going to observe
was not the passing of the North star to the South pole, which he
said he always understood it to be.

The river and indeed the whole coast abounds with greater variety
of Fish than I have ever seen; seldom a day passd in which we had not
one or more new species brought to us, indeed the bay is the most
convenient place for fishing I have ever seen for it abounds with
Islands between which there is shallow water and proper beaches for
drawing the Seine. The sea also without the bay is full of Dolphins
and large mackrell of several sorts who very readily bite at hooks
which the inhabitants tow after their boats for that purpose, in
short the Countrey is Capable with a very little industry of
producing infinite plenty both of nesscessaries and luxuries: was it
in the hands of Englishmen we should soon see its consequence, as
things are tolerably plentifull even under the direction of the
Portugese, who I take to be without exception the laziest as well as
the most ignorant race in the whole world.

The Climate here is I fancy very good, the Countrey certainly is
very wholesome, during our whole stay the Thermometer was never above
83. We had however a good deal of Rain and once it blew very hard. I
am rather inclind to think that this countrey has rather more rain
than those in the same northern Latitude are observd to have, not
only from what happend during our short stay but from Marcgrave who
gives us metereological observations on this Climate for 3 years: you
may observe that it raind here in those years almost every other Day
throughout the year, but more especialy in May and June in which
months it raind along without Ceasing.

1768 December 8.

This morn at day break a dolphin was taken and soon after a shark
appeard who took the bait very readily, and during the time that we
were playing him under the cabbin window it cast something out of his
mouth that either was or appeard very like its stomack, this it threw
out and drew in again many times. I have often heard from seamen that
they can do it but never before saw anything like it before. (this
circumstance which by mistake is attributed to this shark belongs to
one taken the 11th).

1768 December 9.

A very heavy swell last night and this morn: we Judge that it has
blown very hard to the Southward and in this particular think
ourselves obligd to the viceroy of Brasil who by his dilatoryness in
supplying us kept us out of it, the swell however carried away our
fore top galant mast. The sea is today coulord with infin[it]e small
Particles the same as those seen Novr 7th and laying like them in
broad streaks.

1768 December 10.

Today also we see large quantities of the same small
particles.

1768 December 11.

This morn took a shark who cast up his stomack when hookd or at
least appears so to do, it proves to be a female and on being opend 6
young ones were taken out of her, five of which were alive and swam
briskly in a tub of water, the 6th was dead and seemd to have been so
for some time.

1768 December 12.

Wind fair today, no events.

1768 December 13.

Fair wind today likewise, at night a squall with thunder and
lightning which made us hoist the Lightning chain.

1768 December 14.

Wind Foul, blew fresh all day, in the evening saw a sail standing
to the northward.

1768 December 15.

Less wind but a great swell.

1768 December 16.

Wind fair.

1768 December 17.

Wind foul, blew rather fresh, so the ship heeld much which made
our affairs go on rather uncomfortably.

1768 December 18.

Calm at night, wind to the northward; we began to feel ourselves
rather cool tho the thermometer was at 76 and shut two of the Cabbin
windows, all which have been open ever since we left Madeira.

1768 December 19.

Charming fair wind and fine weather; the people were employd in
preparing a new suit of sails for the bad weather we are to expect.
Therm 70.

1768 December 20.

Fair wind today and rather warmer than it has been. During the
course of last night we had a very heavy squall which tho it did not
last above 10 minutes yet in that time blew as hard as it has done
since we have been on board the ship.

1768 December 21.

Foul wind and little of it.

1768 December 22.

This morn quite calm. A very large shoal of Porpoises came close
to the ship, they were of a kind different from any I have seen but
so large that I dared not throw the gig into any of them, some were 4
yards long, their heads quite round but their hinder parts compressd,
they had one fin upon their backs like a porpoise and white lines
over their eyes also a spot of white behind the fin; they stayd above
½ an hour about the ship. When they were gone Dr Solander and
myself went out in the boat and shot one species of Mother Careys
chickens and two shearwaters, both provd new, Procellaria
Gigantea and sandaliata. The Carey was one but ill
describd by Linnaeus, Procellaria fregata. While we were out
the people were employed in bending the new set of sails for Cape
Horn.

1768 December 23.

This morn calm again: went out shooting, killd another new
procellaria, aequorea, and many of the sorts we had seen
yesterday; caught Holothuria angustata, a species of floating
helix much smaller than those under the line, Phyllodoce
velella very small, sometimes not so large as a silver penny ye:
I beleive the common species; in the evening went out again, killd an
albatross Diomedaea exulans, who measurd 9 ft 1 inch between
the tipps of his wings, and struck one turtle testudo
caretta.

1768 December 24.

Fair wind and steady tho but little of it.

1768 December 25.

Christmas day; all good Christians that is to say all hands get
abominably drunk so that at night there was scarce a sober man in the
ship, wind thank god very moderate or the lord knows what would have
become of us.

1768 December 26.

Blows fresh today. A vast many birds are about the ship cheifly
procellarias, all that we shot last week and one more who is quite
Black without spot or speck that can be seen as he flies. Towards
even many beds of seaweed came past the ship which the seamen call
rockweek, but none near enough to the ship for us to catch them tho
we were constantly prepard.

1768 December 27.

Blows strong this evning, at night came to under a balancd mizzen
till day light when it grows more moderate. The water has been
discoulerd all day 50 fathom. All this day I have smelt a singular
smell from windward tho the people in the ship did not take notice of
it, it was like rotten seaweed and at some times very strong.

During the whole of this gale we had many procellarias about the
ship, at some times immense numbers, who seemd perfectly unconcernd
at the badness of the weather or the hight of the sea but continued
often flapping near the surface of the water as if fishing.

1768 December 28.

Less wind, the sea soon falls; the water both yesterday and today
has been a good deal discolourd. Sound and find 48 fathom.

1768 December 29.

Fair wind, water very white, sounded 46 fathom, about 4 in the
Even 44. We observd now some feathers and peices of reed to float by
the ship which made us get up the hoave net to see what they were;
soon after some drowned Carabi and Phalaenae came past which we took
and employd the hoave till dark night taking many specimens. Lat.
41:48. This morn a large sphinx [] came off probably from the land
and was taken.

1768 December 30.

This morn fine weather, water whiter than ever almost of a clay
colour; sounded 47 fathom. Plenty of insects passd by this morn, many
especialy of the carabi, alive, some grylli and one Phalaena. I stayd
in the main chaians from 8 till 12 dipping for them with the hoave
and took vast numbers. In the evening Many Phalenae and two papilios
came flying about the ship, of the first took about 20 but the last
would not come near enough to be taken and at last flew away; they
appeard Large. We have also both yesterday and today taken several
Ichneumons flying about the rigging. All the seamen say that we
cannot be less than 20 leagues from the land, but I doubt Grylli
especialy coming so far alive as they must float all the way upon the
water. They ground their opinion cheifly on the sounding [s] which
have been all along sand of different colours, which had we been
nearer the land would have been intermixd with shells; their
experience on this coast must however be but slight.

This whole day the evening especialy has been a series of calms
and squalls, towards night a thunderstorm in which the lightning was
remarkably bright, and rangd in long streaks sometimes horizontal and
sometimes perpendicular, the thunder was not loud but continued an
immence while with a noise in some claps so like the flapping of
sails that had I not been upon dcek I should not have beleivd it to
be thunder. Just before the storm we had an appearance of land to the
westward which all who had not been in these latitudes before imagind
to be real; it made like a long extent of lowish land and two Islands
to the Northward of it, the South end was buried in the clouds; this
lasted about ½ an hour and then rose gradualy up and
disapeard.

Lat. 42:31. A sea lion was enterd in the log book of today as
being seen but I did not see him. I saw however a whale coverd with
barnacles as the seamen told me, he appeard of a reddish colour
except his tail which was black like those to the Northward.

1768 December 31.

No insects seen today; the water changed to a little better
colour. On looking over those taken yesterday find 31 species of land
insects all so like in size and shape to those of England etc. that
they are scarcely distinguishable, probably some will turn out
identicaly the same. We ran among them 160 miles by the log without
reckoning any part of last night, tho they were seen till dark, and
most of this southing. Our latitude made us nearly opposite Baye Sans
Fond near which place Mr Dalrymple supposes there to be a passage
quite through the Continent of America. It should seem by what we
have seen that there should be at least a very large river, and that
probably at this time much flooded: if even that could have so great
an effect as (supposing us to be 20 leagues from the land)
discolouring the water to almost a clay Colour and bringing of
insects who never fly 20 yards such as grylli and one aranea.

I lament much not having tasted the water at the time which never
occurrd to me, but probably the difference of saltness would have
been hardly perceptible to the taste and my Hydrostatick balance
being broke I had no other method of trying it.

JANUARY 1769

1769 January 1.

New years day today made us pass many Compts and talk much of our
hopes for success in the year 69. Many whales were about the ship
today and much sea weed in large lumps but none near enough to be
caught.

In the Evening rather squally; the true sea green colour upon the
surface of the water was often to be seen now between the squalls, or
rather under the black clouds when they were about half a mile from
the ship. I had often heard of it before but never seen it in any
such perfection, indeed most of the seamen said the same, it was very
bright and perfectly like the stone calld aquamarine.

1769 January 2.

Fresh breezes today. In the Evening, Lat. about 45:30, met with
some small shoals of the red lobsters which have been seen by almost
every one who has pass'd these seas. They were however so far from
couloring the sea red as Dampier and Cowley say that I may affirm
that we never saw more than a few hundreds of them at a time, we took
however several in the Casting and hoave netts and describd them by
the name of Cancer Gregarius.

1769 January 3.

Lat: 47:17, all hands looking out for Pepys's Island; about
observing time an appearance was seen to the westward so like an
Island that we bear away after it almost assurd that it is Land as
the midshipman at the mast head declard; for half an hour, which time
he had steadily lookd at it, it did not alter its appearance at all,
however about 4 we were convincd that we were in chace of Cape fly
away as the seamen call it, no signs of Island or any thing else
appearing where it ought to have been.

This Evening many large bunches of sea weed came by the ship; we
caught some of it with hooks, it was of an immense size every leaf 4
feet long and the stalk about twelve, the footstalk of each leaf was
swelld into a long air vessel. Mr Gore tells me that he has seen this
weed grow quite to the top of the water in 12 fathom, if so the
swelld footstalks are probably the trumpet grass or weed of the Cape
of Good Hope; we describd it however as it appeard and calld it
Fucus Giganteus. Here were also this Evening large quantities
of a small bird somewhat like Mother Careys chickens but rather
larger and grey on the back, and plenty of Albatrosses indeed we have
seen more or less of them every day for some time.

1769 January 4.

Blew fresh today and night: the officer of the watch told me that
in the night the sea was very much illuminated in patches of many
Yards wide which appeard of a pale light colour.

1769 January 5.

Fair wind: the sea very light at night more so than ever I had
seen it, so that the ships course and every curl of a wave was of a
light colour, but none of the light patches seen last night were now
observd, which were cheifly remarkable as the animals there must have
shone without being agitated. In some of the water taken up observd a
small insect of a conical figure, very nimble, who movd himself with
a kind of whorl of legs or tentacula round the base of the cone; we
could not find any nereides or indeed any other insect than this in
the water but were not able to prove that he causes the light so
deferrd our observations on him till the morning.

1769 January 6.

Blew fresh foul wind, forcd to throw away the insects taken last
night from the ship having so much motion. The Southeast wind now
became very cold, to us at least so lately come from the Torrid Zone.
Therm at noon 48. All hands bend their Magellan Jackets (made of a
thick woolen stuff allowd them by the goverment calld fearnought) and
myself put on flannel Jacket and waistcoat and thick trousers. In the
Evening blew strong, at night a hard gale, ship brought too under a
mainsail; during the course of this my Bureau was overset and most of
the books were about the Cabbin floor, so that with the noise of the
ship working, the books etc. running about, and the strokes our cotts
or swinging beds gave against the top and sides of the Cabbin we
spent a very disagreable night. We this morn expected to have made
Falklands Islands where we intended to put in for a small time, so
the missing of them which we much fear was a great disapointment to
me, as I fear I shall not now have a single oppertunity of observing
the produce of this part of the world.

1769 January 7.

Blew strong, yet the ship still Laying too, now for the first time
saw some of the Birds calld Penguins by the southern navigators; they
seem much of the size and not unlike alca pica but are easily
known by streaks upon their faces and their remarkably shrill cry
different from any sea bird I am acquainted with. We saw also several
seals but much smaller than those which I have seen in Newfoundland
and black, they generaly appeard in lively action leaping out of the
water like porpoises, so much so that some of our people were deceivd
by them mistaking them for fish.

About noon weather much more moderate; set the lower sails; before
night sea quite down tho the wind still stood at south east. The sea
rises and falls quicker in these latitudes than it does about
England, which we have observd Ever since we came into variable winds
way to the South of the tropicks. During this whole gale we observed
vast plenty of birds about us, Procellarias of all the kinds we have
before mentiond, the grey ones of the 3d of this month and a kind?
all black, procell. aquinoctialis? Linn. but could not discern
whether or not their beaks were yellow, and plenty of Albatrosses;
indeed I have generaly observd a much greater quantity of birds upon
wing in gales of wind than in moderate weather, owing perhaps to the
tossing of the waves which must render swimming very uneasy; in this
situation they must be oftener seen than when they set on the
water.

The ship during this gale has shewn her excellence in laying too
remarkably well, shipping scarce any water tho it blew at times
vastly strong; the seamen in general say that they never knew a ship
lay too so well as this does, so lively and at the same time so
easy.

1769 January 8.

Smooth water and fair wind: many Seals and Penguins about the
ship, the latter leaping out of the water and diving instantly so
that a person unusd to them might easily be deceivd and take them for
fish; plenty also of Albatrosses and whales blowing very near the
ship. We were now too sure that we had missd Fauklands Islands and
probably were to the Westward of them.

The ship has been observd to go much better since her shaking in
the last gale of wind, the seamen say that it is a general
observation that ships go better for being what they call Loosnen in
their Joints, so much so that in chase it is often customary to knock
down Stantions etc. and make the ship as loose as possible.

1769 January 9.

Clouds to the westward appear so like land this morn that even our
first Lieutenant who prided himself on His judgement in this
particular was deceivd. Wind vereable and calmer, many seals and some
Albatrosses but none of those whitish birds which we saw in the gale
of wind.

1769 January 10.

Fine weather: Seals plentifully today and a kind of birds
different from any we have before seen, they were black and a little
larger than pidgeons, plump like them and easily known by their
flapping their wings quick as they fly contrary to the custom of sea
birds in general. This evening a shoal of Porpoises swam by the ship
different from any I have seen, spotted with large dabbs of white and
white under the belly, in other respects as swimming etc. like common
porpoises only they leap rather more nimbly, sometimes lifting their
whole bodys out of the water.

1769 January 11. Terra del Fuego sighted

This morn at day break saw the land of Terra del Fuego, by 8
O'Clock we were well in with it, the weather exceedingly moderate.
Its appearance was not near so barren as the writer of Ld Ansons
voyage has represented it, the weather exceedingly moderate so we
stood along shore about 2 Leagues off, we could see trees distinctly
through our glasses and observe several smokes made probably by the
natives as a signal to us. The captain now resolved to put in here if
he can find a conv[en]ient harbour and give us an opportunity of
searching a countrey so intirely new.

The hills within land seemd to be high and on them were many
patches of snow, but the sea coast appeard fertile especialy the
trees of a bright verdure, except in places exposd to SW wind which
were distinguishable by their brown appearance; the shore itself
sometimes beach and sometimes rock. At 4 in the evening wind came on
shore so stood off.

1769 January 12.

This morn make the land again soon after which it dropd calm, in
which time we took Beroe incrassata, Medusa limpidissima and
plicata and obliquata, Alcyonium anguillare,
probably the thing that Shelvocke mentions in his Voyage round the
world page 60, Alcyonium frustrum. After dinner a small breeze
sprung up and to our great Joy we discoverd an opening into the land
and stood in for it in great hopes of finding a harbour; however
after having ran within a mile of the shore were obliged to stand off
again as there was no appearance of shelter and the wind was on
shore.

When we were nearest in we could plainly discover with our glasses
spots in which the colour of white and yellow were predominant which
we judg'd to be flowers, the white were in large clusters almost
every where, the yellow in small spots or patches on the side of a
hill coverd with a beautifull verdure; the trees could now be
distinguishd very plainly and seemd to be 30 or 40 feet high with
flat bushy tops, their trunks in many places were bare and resembled
rocks a good deal till the glasses cleard up the deception.

Among the things taken today observd ulva intestinalis and
corrallina officin[alis]. The wind very vereable all day, at
nine this even the Three Brothers and Sugar Loaf were in sight and we
stood gently along shore in hopes to be at the streights mouth by the
Morning.

About 6 this even the gentlemen upon deck observd the Sugar Loaf
coverd with a cloud for a short time which left it intirely white,
they judgd it to have been a fall of snow upon the hill but as I did
not myself see it I cannot give my opinion.

1769 January 13.

This morn at day break we were at the streights mouth and stood in
a little way, but the tide turning against us soon set us out again;
at ½ past 8 tide again turnd in our favour but soon after wind
came foul so were forcd to turn to windward; the wind soon freshning
made us pitch most violently, so much that our Gib netting was quite
under water. At 12 today Lat: 54:42. Staten land is much more craggy
than Terra del Fuego tho the view of it in Ld Ansons Voyage is
exaggerated. About 4 it blew very hard and the tide turning against
us quickly drove us out of the streights the second time. At night
less wind tho still South West, stood into the Streights the third
time and had another violent pitching bout, the tide turnd against us
before we are half through so in the morning.

1769 January 14.

we found ourselves the third time drove out, wind SSW, Short sea
and ship pitching most violently. The Captn stood into a bay just
without Cape St Vincent and while the ship plyd off and on Dr
Solander and myself went ashore in the boat and found many plants,
about 100, tho we were not ashore above 4 hours; of these I may say
every one was new and intirely different from what either of us had
before seen. The countrey about this bay was in general flat, here is
however good wood and water and vast plenty of fowl and in the cod of
the bay a flat coverd with grass where much hay might be made. The
bay itself is bad affording but little shelter for shipping and in
many Parts of it the bottom rocky and foul. This however may be
always known in these Countreys by the beds of Fucus Giganteus which
constantly grow upon the rock and are not seen on sand or owse; they
are of an immence lengh, we sounded upon them and had 14 fathom
water; as they seem to make a very acute angle with the bottom in
their situation on the water it is difficult to guess how long they
may be, but probably they are not less than one half longer than the
depth of the water, which gives their lengh to be 126 feet, a
wonderfull lengh for a stalk not thicker than a mans thumb.

Among other things the bay affords there is plenty of winters
bark, easy to be known by its broad leaf like a laurel of a light
green colour and blueish underneath, the bark is easily stripd off
with a bone or stick as ours are barkd in England; its virtues are so
well known that I shall say little except that it may be us'd as a
spice even in culinary matters and is found to be very wholesome.
Here is also plenty of wild celery apium antescorbuticum,
scurvy grass cardamine antescorbutica, both which are as
pleasant to the taste as any herbs of the kind found in Europe and I
beleive possess as much virtue in curing the scurvy.

The trees here are cheifly of one sort, a Kind of Birch Betula
antarctica with very small leaves, it is a light white wood and
cleaves very straight; sometimes the trees are 2 or 3 feet in
diameter and run 30 or 40 feet in the bole; possibly they might in
cases of nescessity supply topmasts. Here are also great plenty of
cranberries both white and red, Arbutus rigida. Inhabitants I
saw none but found their hutts in two places, once in a thick wood
and again close by the beach; they are most unartificaly made,
Conical but open on one side where was marks of fire so that probably
the fire servd them instead of a door.

1769 January 15.

Stopd tide this morn in a bay on the Terra del Fuego side of the
water, probably Prince Maurice's Bay, which servd our purpose very
well; at 10 tide turnd and we stood out and by dinner came to an
anchor in the Bay of Good Success. Several Indians were in sight near
the Shore.

After dinner went ashore on the starboard side of the bay near
some rocks which make smooth water and good landing. Before we had
walkd 100 yards many Indians made their appearance on the other side
of the bay, at the End of a sandy beach which makes the bottom of the
bay, but on seeing our numbers to be ten or twelve they retreated. Dr
Solander and myself then walkd forward 100 yards before the rest and
two of the Indians advanc'd also and set themselves down about 50
yards from their companions. As soon as we came up they rose and each
of them threw a stick he had in his hand away from him and us, a
token no doubt of peace, they then walkd briskly towards the other
party and wavd to us to follow, which we did and were receivd with
many uncouth signs of freindship. We distributed among them a number
of Beads and ribbands which we had brought ashore for that purpose at
which they seem'd mightily pleasd, so much so that when we embarkd
again aboard our boat three of them came with us and went aboard the
ship. Of these one seemd to be a Preist or conjuror or at least we
thought him to be one by the noises he made, possibly exorcising
every part of the ship he came into, for when any thing new caught
his attention he shouted as loud as he could for some minutes without
directing his speech either to us or to any one of his
countreymen.

They eat bread and beef which we gave them tho not heartily but
carried the largest part away with them, they would not drink either
wine or spirits but returnd the glass, tho not before they had put it
to their mouths and tasted a drop; we conducted them through the
greatest part of the ship and they lookd at every thing without any
marks of extrordinary admiration, unless the noise which our conjurer
did not fail to repeat at every new thing he saw might be reckond as
such.

After having been aboard about 2 hours they expressd a desire of
going ashore and a boat was orderd to carry them. I went with them
and landed them among their countreymen, but I can not say that I
observd either the one party curious to ask questions or the other to
relate what they had seen or what usage they had met with, so after
having stayd ashore about ½ an hour I returnd to the ship and
the Indians immediately marchd off from the shore.

1769 January 16.

This morn very early Dr Solander and myself with our servants and
two Seamen to assist in carrying baggage, accompanied by Msrs
Monkhouse and Green, set out from the ship to try to penetrate into
the countrey as far as we could, and if possible gain the tops of the
hills where alone we saw places not overgrown with trees. We began to
enter the woods at a small sandy beach a little to the westward of
the watering place and continued pressing through pathless thickets,
always going up hill, till 3 o'Clock before we gaind even a near view
of the places we intended to go to. The weather had all this time
been vastly fine much like a sunshiny day in May, so that neither
heat nor cold was troublesome to us nor were there any insects to
molest us, which made me think the traveling much better than what I
had before met with in Newfoundland.

Soon after we saw the plains we arrivd at them, but found to our
great disapointment that what we took for swathe was no better than
low bushes of birch about reaching a mans middle; these were so
stubborn that they could not be bent out of the way, but at every
step the leg must be lifted over them and on being plac'd again on
the ground was almost sure to sink above the anckles in bog. No
traveling could possibly be worse than this which seemd to last about
a mile, beyond which we expected to meet with bare rock, for such we
had seen from the tops of lower hills as we came: this I particularly
was infinitely eager to arrive at expecting there to find the alpine
plants of a countrey so curious. Our people tho rather fatigued were
yet in good spirits so we pushd on intending to rest ourselves as
soon as we should arrive at plain ground.

We proceeded two thirds of the way without the least difficulty
and I confess I thought for my own part that all difficulties were
surmounted when Mr Buchan fell into a fit. A fire was immediately lit
for him and with him all those who were most tird remaind behind,
while Dr Solander Mr Green Mr Monkhouse and myself advancd for the
alp which we reachd almost immediately, and found according to
expectation plants which answerd to those we had found before as
alpine ones in Europe do to those which we find in the plains.

The air was here very cold and we had frequent snow blasts. I had
now intirely given over all thoughts of reaching the ship that night
and though[t] of nothing but getting into the thick of the wood and
making a fire, which as our road lay all down hill seemd very easy to
accomplish, so Msrs Green and Monkhouse returnd to the people and
appointed a hill for our general rendevous from whence we should
proceed and build our wigwam. The cold now increased apace, it might
be near 8 O'Clock tho yet exceedingly good daylight so we proceeded
for the nearest valley, where the short Birch, the only thing we now
dreaded, could not be ½ a mile over. Our people seemd well tho
cold and Mr Buchan was stronger than we could have expected. I
undertook to bring up the rear and se[e] that no one was left behind.
We passd about half way very well when the cold seemd to have at once
an effect infinitely beyond what I have ever experienced. Dr Solander
was the first who felt it, he said he could not go any fa[r]ther but
must lay down, tho the ground was coverd with snow, and down he laid
notwithstanding all I could say to the contrary. Richmond a black
Servant now began also to lag and was much in the same way as the dr:
at this Juncture I dispatchd 5 forwards of whom Mr Buchan was one to
make ready a fire at the very first convenient place they could find,
while myself with 4 more staid behind to persuade if possible the dr
and Richmond to come on. With much persuasion and intreaty we got
through much the largest part of the Birch when they both gave out;
Richmond said that he could not go any further and when told that if
he did not he must be Froze to death only answerd that there he would
lay and dye; the Dr on the contrary said that he must sleep a little
before he could go on and actualy did full a quarter of an hour, at
which time we had the welcome news of a fire being lit about a
quarter of a mile ahead. I then undertook to make the Dr Proceed to
it; finding it impossible to make Richmond stir left two hands with
him who seemd the least affected with Cold, promising to send two to
releive them as soon as I should reach the fire. With much difficulty
I got the Dr to it and as soon as two people were sufficiently warmd
sent them out in hopes that they would bring Richmond and the rest;
after staying about half an hour they returnd bringing word that they
had been all round the place shouting and hallowing but could not get
any answer. We now guess'd the cause of the mischeif, a bottle of rum
the whole of our stock was missing, and we soon concluded that it was
in one of their Knapsacks and that the two who were left in health
had drank immoderately of it and had slept like the other.

For two hours now it had snowd almost incessantly so we had little
hopes of seeing any of the three alive: about 12 however to our great
Joy we heard a shouting, on which myself and 4 more went out
immediately and found it to be the Seaman who had wakd almost starvd
to death and come a little way from where he lay. Him I sent back to
the fire and proceeded by his direction to find the other two,
Richmond was upon his leggs but not able to walk the other lay on the
ground as insensible as a stone. We immediately calld all hands from
the fire and attempted by all the means we could contrive to bring
them down but finding it absolutely impossible, the road was so bad
and the night so dark that we could scarcely ourselves get on nor did
we without many Falls. We would then have lit a fire upon the spot
but the snow on the ground as well as that which continualy fell
renderd that as impracticable as the other, and to bring fire from
the other place was also impossible from the quantity of snow which
fell every moment from the branches of the trees; so we were forc'd
to content ourselves with laying out our unfortunate companions upon
a bed of boughs and covering them over with boughs also as thick as
we were able, and thus we left them hopeless of ever seeing them
again alive which indeed we never did.

In these employments we had spent an hour and a half expos'd to
the most penetrating cold I ever felt as well as continual snow.
Peter Briscoe, another servant of mine, began now to complain and
before we came to the fire became very ill but got there at last
almost dead with cold.

Now might our situation truely be calld terrible: of twelve our
original number 2 were already past all hopes, one more was so ill
that tho he was with us I had little hopes of his being able to walk
in the morning, and another very likely to relapse into his fitts
either before we set out or in the course of our journey: we were
distant from the ship we did not know how far, we knew only that we
had been the greatest past of a day in walking it through pathless
woods: provision we had none but one vulture which had been shot
while we were out, and at the shortest allowance could not furnish
half a meal: and to compleat our misfortunes we were caught in a snow
storm in a climate we were utterly unaquainted with but which we had
reason to beleive was as inhospitable as any in the world, not only
from all the accounts we had heard or read but from the Quantity of
snow which we saw falling, tho it was very little after midsummer: a
circumstance unheard of in Europe for even in Norway or Lapland snow
is never known to fall in the summer.

1769 January 17.

The Morning now dawnd and shewd us the earth coverd with snow as
well as all the tops of the trees, nor were the snow squalls at all
less Frequent for seldom many minutes were fair together; we had no
hopes now but of staying here as long as the snow lasted and how long
that would be God alone knew.

About 6 O'Clock the sun came out a little and we immediately
thought of sending to see whether the poor wretches we had been so
anzious about last night were yet alive, three of our people went but
soon returnd with the melancholy news of their being both dead. The
snow continued to fall tho not quite so thick as it had done; about 8
a small breeze of wind sprung up and with the additional power of the
sun began (to our great Joy) to clear the air, and soon after we saw
the snow begin to fall from the tops of the trees, a sure sign of an
aproaching thaw. Peter continued very ill but said he thought himself
able to walk. Mr Buchan thank god was much better than I could have
expected, so we agreed to dress our vulture and prepare ourselves to
set out for the ship as soon as the snow should be a little more gone
off: so he was skinnd and cut into ten equal shares, every man
cooking his own share which furnishd about 3 mouthfulls of hot meat,
all the refreshment we had had since our cold dinner yesterday and
all we were to expect till we should come to the ship.

About ten we set out and after a march of about 3 hours arrivd at
the beach,, fortunate in having met with much better roads in our
return than we did in going out, as well as in being nearer to the
ship than we had any reason to hope; for on reviewing our track as
well as we could from the ship we found that we had made a half
circle round the hills, instead of penetrating as we thought we had
done into the inner part of the cuntrey. With what pleasure then did
we congratulate each other on our safety no one can tell who has not
been in such circumstances.

1769 January 18.

Peter was very ill today and Mr Buchan not at all well, the rest
of us thank god in good health tho not yet recoverd from our
fatigue.

It blew fresh without and made such a heaving swell in the bay
that no one could go ashore and even the ship was very uncumfortable,
rolling so much that one could scarcely stand without holding.

1769 January 19.

The swell still continued and we were again hinderd from going
ashore tho the loss of two days out of the short time we had to stay
here made the Dr and myself ready to venture any risk. The officer
who was sent to attempt landing returnd bringing word that it was
absolutely impossible without great danger of staving the boat, if
even that would do. Both yesterday and today a good deal of snow fell
in squalls.

1769 January 20.

Last night the weather began to moderate And this morn was very
fine, so much so that we landed without any difficulty in the bottom
of the bay and spent our time very much to our satisfaction in
collecting shells and plants. Of the former we found some very scarce
and fine particularly limpits of several species: of these we observd
as well as the shortness of our time would permit that the limpit
with a longish hole at the top of his shell is inhabited by an animal
very different from those which have no such holes. Here were also
some fine whelks, one particularly with a long tooth, and infinite
variety of Lepades, Sertularias, Onisci etc. etc. etc. much
greater variety than I have any where seen, but the shortness of our
time would not allow us to examine them so we were obligd to content
ourselves with taking specimens of as many of them as we could in so
short a time scrape together.

We returnd on board to dinner and afterwards went into the
Countrey about two miles to see an Indian town which some of our
people had given us intelligence of; we arrived at it in about an
hour walking through a path which I suppose was their common road tho
it was sometimes up to our knees in mud. The town itself was situate
upon a dry Knowl among the trees, ,which were not at all cleard away,
it consisted of not more than twelve or fourteen huts or wigwams of
the most unartificial construction imaginable, indeed no thing
bearing the name of a hut could possibly be built with less trouble.
They consisted of a few poles set up and meeting together at the top
in a conical figure, these were coverd on the weather side with a few
boughs and a little grass, on the lee side about one eighth part of
the circle was left open and against this opening was a fire made.
Furniture I may justly say they had none: a little, very little dry
grass laid round the edges of the circle furnishd both beds and
chairs, and for dressing their shell Fish (the only provision I saw
them make use of) they had no one contrivance but broiling them upon
the Coals. For drinking indeed I saw in a corner of one of their
hutts a bladder of some beast full of water: in one side of this near
the top was a hole through which they drank by elevating a little the
bottom which made the water spring up into their mouths.

In these few hutts and with this small share or rather none at all
of what we call the nescessaries and conveniences of life livd about
50 men women and children, to all appearance contented with what they
had nor wishing for any thing we could give them except beads; of
these they were very fond preferring ornamental things to those which
might be of real use and giving more in exchange for a string of
Beids than they would for a knife or a hatchet.

As this is to be the last time of our going ashore on this Island
I take this opportunity to give an account of such things the
shortness of my stay allowd me to observe.

Notwithstanding almost all writers who have mentiond this Island
have imputed to it a want of wood, soon after we first saw it even at
the distance of some leagues, we plainly distinguish'd that the
largest part of the countrey particularly near the sea coast was
coverd with wood, which observation was verified in both the bays we
put into, in either of which firing might have been got close by the
beach in any quantity, and some trees which to all appearance might
be fit for repairing a vessel or even in case of necessity to make
masts.

The hills are high tho not to be calld mountains, the tops of
these however are quite bare and on them frequent patches of snow
were to be seen, tho the time of the year when we were there answerd
to the beginning of July in England. In the valleys between these the
Soil has much the appearance of Fruitfullness and is in some places
of a considerable depth; at the bottom of almost every one of these
runs a brook the water of which in general has a reddish Cast like
that which runs through turf bogs in England but is very well
tasted.

Quadrupeds I saw none in the Island, exept the Seals and Sea lions
which we often saw swimming about in the bay might be calld such, but
Dr Solander and myself when we were on the top of the highest hill we
were upon observ'd the footsteps of a large beast imprinted on the
surface of a bog, but could not with any probability guess of what
kind it might be.

Land birds there are very Few. I saw none larger than an English
blackbird except hawks and a vulture, but water fowl are much more
plentyfull; in the first bay we were in I might have shot any
quantity of ducks or geese but would not spare the time from
gathering plants. In the other we shot some but probably the Indians
in the neighbourhood had made them shy as well as much less
plentiful, at least so we found them.

Fish we saw few nor could with our hooks take any fit to eat.
Shell fish however are in the greatest abundance, limpits, muscles,
Clams etc. none of them delicate yet such as they were we did not
despise them.

Insects there are very few and not one species either hurtfull or
troublesome; all the time we have been here we have seen neither gnat
nor musqueto a circumstance which few if any uncleard countrey but
this can boast of.

Of Plants here are many species and those truly the most
extrordinary I can imagine, in stature and appearance they agree a
good deal with the Europaean ones only in general are less specious,
white flowers being much more common among them than any other
colours. But to speak of them botanicaly, probably No botanist has
ever enjoyd more pleasure in the contemplation of his Favourite
pursuit than Dr Solander and myself among these plants; we have not
yet examind many of them, but what we have have turnd out in general
so intirely different from any before describd that we are never tird
with wondering at the infinite variety of Creation, and admiring the
infinite care with which providence has multiplied his productions
suiting them no doubt to the various climates for which they were
designd. Trees here are very Few, Birch Betula antarctica,
Beach Fagus antarcticus, winters bark Winterana
aromatica, the two first for timber the other for its excellent
aromatick bark so much valued by Physicians are all worth mentioning;
and of Plants we could not ascertain the virtues not being able to
converse with the Indians who may have experiencd them, but the
Scurvy grass Cardamine antescorbutica and wild Celery Apium
antarcticum may easily be known to contain antescorbutick virtues
capable of being of great service to ships who may in futurity touch
here. Of these two therefore I shall give a short description.
Scurvy grass is found plentifully in damp places near springs,
in general every where near the beach especialy at the watering place
in the Bay of Good Success; when young and in its greatest perfection
it lays flat on the ground, having many bright green leaves standing
in pairs opposite each other with an odd one at the end which makes
in general the 5th on a footstalk; after this it shoots up in stalks
sometimes 2 feet high at the top of which are small white blosoms
which are succeeded by long podds. The whole plant much resembles
that that is calld Ladys Smock or Cuckold flower in England only that
the flowers are much smaller. Wild Celery resembles much the
Celery in our gardens only that the leaves are of a deeper green, the
flowers like it stand in small tufts at the tops of the Branches and
are white; it grows plentifully near the Beach, generaly in the first
soil which is above spring tides, and is not easily mistaken as the
taste resembles Celery or parsley or rather is between. Both these
herbs we us'd plentifully while we stayd here putting them in our
soup etc., and found the benefit from them which seamen in general
find from vegetable diet after having been long deprivd of it.

The inhabitants we saw here seemd to be one small tribe of Indians
consisting of not more than 50 of all ages and sexes. They are of a
reddish Colour nearly resembling that of rusty iron mixd with oil:
the men large built but very clumsey, their hight from 5 ft 8 to 5 ft
10 nearly and all very much of the same size, the women much less
seldom exceeding 5 ft. Their Cloaths are no more than a kind of cloak
of Guanicoe or seal skin thrown loose over their shoulders and
reaching down nearly to their knees; under this they have nothing at
all nor any thing to cover their feet, except a few of them had shoes
of raw seal hide drawn loosely round their instep like a purse. In
this dress there is no distinction between men and women, except that
the latter have their cloak tied round their middle with a kind of
belt or thong and a small flap of leather hanging like Eve's fig leaf
over those parts which nature teaches them to hide; which precept tho
she has taught to them she seems intirely to have omitted with the
men, for they continualy expose those parts to the view of strangers
with a carelessness which thoroughly proves them to have no regard to
that kind of decency.

Their ornaments of which they are extreemly fond consist of
necklaces or rather Solitaires of shells and braceletts which the
women wear both on their wrists and legs, the men only on their
wrists, but to compensate for the want of the other they have a kind
of wreath of brown worsted which they wear over their Foreheads so
that in reality they are more ornamented than the women.

They paint their faces generaly in horizontal lines just under
their eyes and sometimes make the whole region of their eyes white,
but these marks are so much varied that no two we saw were alike:
whether as marks of distinction or mere ornaments I could not at all
make out.

They seem also to paint themselves with something like a mixture
of grease and soot for particular occasions, as when we went to their
town there came two out to meet us who were dawb'd with black lines
all manner of ways so as to form the most diabolical countenance
imaginable, and these two seemd to exorcise us or at least made a
loud and long harangue which did not seem to be address'd either to
us or any of their countreymen.

Their language is guttural especialy in some particular words
which they seem to express much as an Englishman when he hawks to
clear his throat, but they have many words that sound so ft enough.
During our stay among them I could learn but two of their words,
Nalleca which signified beads, at least so they always said
when they wanted them instead of the ribbands or other trifles which
I offerd them, and oouda which signified water, or so they
said when we took them ashore from the ship and by signs ask'd where
water was: oouda was their answer, making the sign of drinking and
pointing to our casks as well as to the place where we put them
ashore and found plenty of water.

Of Civil goverment I saw no signs, no one seemd to be more
respected than another nor did I ever see the least appearance of
Quarreling or words between any two of them. Religion also they seemd
to be without, unless those people who made strange noises that I
have mentiond before were preists or exorcisers which opinion is
merely conjectural.

Their food at least what we saw them make use of was either Seals
or shell fish. How they took the former we never saw but the latter
were collected by the women, whose business it seemd to be to attend
at low water with a basket in one hand, a stick with a point and barb
in the other, and a satchel on their backs which they filld with
shell fish, loosning the limpits with the stick and putting them into
the basket which when full was emty'd into the satchel.

Their arms consisted of Bows and arrows, the former neatly enough
made the latter neater than any I have seen, polishd to the highest
degree and headed either with glass or flint very neatly; but this
was the only neat thing they had and the only thing they seemd to
take any pains about. Their houses which I have describd before are
the most miserable ones imaginable and furniture they have none.

That these people have before had intercourse with Europaeans was
very plain from many instances: first from the Europaean Commodities
of which we saw Sail Cloth, Brown woolen Cloth, Beads, nails, Glass
etc., and of them especialy the last (which they used for pointing
their arrows) a considerable quantity; from the confidence they
immediately put in us at our first meeting tho well acquainted with
our superiority; and from the knowledge they had of the use of our
guns which they very soon shewd, making signs to me to shoot a seal
who was following us in the boat which carried them ashore from the
ship. They probably travel and stay but a short time at a place, so
at least it should seem from the badness of their houses which seem
intirely built to stand but for a short time; from their having no
kind of household furniture but what has a handle adapted to it
either to be carried in the hand or on the back; from the thinness of
their Cloathing which seems little calculated even to bear the
summers of this countrey much less the winters; from their food of
shell fish which must soon be exhausted at any one place; and from
the deserted huts we saw in the first bay we came to where people had
plainly been but a short time before, probably this spring.

Boats they had none with them but as they were not sea sick or
particularly affected when they came onboard our ship, possibly they
might be left at some bay or inlet which passes partly but not all
the way through this Island from the Streights of Magellan, from
which place I should be much inclind to beleive these people have
come as so few ships before us have anchord upon any part of Terra
del Fuego.

Their dogs which I forgot to mention seem also to indicate a
commerce had some time or other with Europaeans, they being all of
the kind that bark, contrary to what has been observd of (I beleive)
all dogs natives of America.

The weather here has been very uncertain tho in general extreemly
bad: every day since the first more or less snow has fallen and yet
the glass has never been below 38: unseasonable as this weather seems
to be in the middle of summer I am inclind to think it is generaly so
here, for none of the plants appear at all affected by it, and the
insects who hide themselves during the time a snow blast lasts are
the instant it is fair again as lively and nimble as the finest
weather could make them.

1769 January 21.

Saild this morn, the wind Foul, but our keeping boxes being full
of new plants we little regarded any wind provided it was but
moderate enough to let the draughtsmen work, who to do them justice
are now so used to the sea that it must blow a gale of wind before
they leave off.

1769 January 22.

Weather pleasant but a little cold wind came to the Northward and
we get a little westing.

1769 January 23.

At day break this morn there was land almost all round us, which
we judged to be Terra del Fuego not far from the streights and
attributed the little way we had made to the streng[t]h of the
current setting us to the Eastward. Our old Freind the Sugar Loaf was
now in sight who seemd to have followd us, for he was certainly much
nearer to us now than he was when we saw him last on the other side
of the streights.

1769 January 24.

Many Islands about us today: weather very moderate: one of the
Islands was surrounded by small pointed rocks standing out of the
water like the Needles.

Ever since we left the streights the albatrosses that have flown
about the ship have either been or appeard much larger than those
seen before we enterd them, but the weather has never been moderate
enough to give us an opportunity of getting out a boat to shoot any
of them.

1769 January 25.

Wind today Northwest: stood in with some Islands which were large,
we could not tell for certain whether we saw any part of the main.
The little Island mentiond yesterday was in view, and beyond that the
land made in a bluf head, within which another appeard tho but
faintly which was farther to the Southward; possibly that might be
Cape Horn, but a fog which overcast it almost immediately after we
saw it hinderd our making any material observations upon it, so all
we can say is that it was the Southermost land that we saw and does
not ill answer to the description [of] Cape Horn given by the French,
who place it upon an Island and say that it is composd of two bluff
headlands: v. Navigat aux terres australes tom 1. pag.
356.

1769 January 26.

Weather vastly moderate today, wind foul so we were sorry that we
had ran away from the land last night.

1769 January 27.

Wind came to the northward and we got some little westing,
possibly today we were to the westward of the cape, at least a great
swell from the NWt makes it certain that we were to the Southward of
it. Many large albatrosses d. exulans were about the ship
whose backs were very white; at noon a shag Pelecanus
antarcticus came on board the ship and was taken. Soon after
dinner saw an Island to the northward possibly Diego Ramires.

1769 January 28.

Pleasant breezes but a heavy swell from NNW continued and made it
likely that we were past the Cape, tho we had made but little
westing.

1769 January 29.

Wind still Foul and swell continued; today at noon lat. 59.00.

1769 January 30.

At noon today Lat 60.04: near calm: almost all navigators have met
with Easterly winds in this Lat. so we were in hopes to do the same:
towards Even wind got to the Southward.

1769 January 31.

Wind SE: stood to the westward with very fine weather.

FERBUARY 1769

1769 February 1.

Calm this morn: went out in the boat and Killd Diomedea
antarctica, Procellaria antarctica and turtur. Diomedaea
antarctica the Black billd albatross is much like the common but
differs from him in being scarce half as large and having a bill
intirely black. Procellaria lugens the Southern shear water
differs from the common one in being less and darker colourd on the
back, but is easily distinguishd by his flight which is heavy, and
two fascia or streaks of white under his wings which are very
conspicuous when he flies. Procellaria turtur Mother Careys
dove is of the peteril kind about the size of a barbary dove, of a
light silvery blue upon the back which shines beautifully as he flies
which he does very swiftly keeping generaly near the surface of the
water; more or less of these birds have been seen very often since we
left the lat. of Fauklands Island where in a gale of wind we saw
immense quantities of them.

1769 February 2.

This morn calm and Foggy much like the weather on the Banks of
Newfoundland; after dinner went in the boat and shot Procellaria
fuliginosa, Turtur, gigantea and Fregata. I saw
also a small bird not larger than a blackbird who flew quick flapping
his wings like a partridge, but was not able to get a shot at him,
probably he was of the alca tribe.

1769 February 3.

Calm again: went out and shoot Diomedaea Exulans Albatross
or Alcatrace, differing from those seen to the Northward of Streights
of La Maire in being much larger and often quite white on the back
between the wings, tho certainly the same species; Diomedaea
antarctica Lesser black billd Albatross; diomedaea profuga
Lesser Albatross with a party colourd bill, differing from the last
in few things except the bill the upper and under sides of which were
yellow and between them black; and Procellaria vagabunda.
Therm. 41.

1769 February 4.

Blew brisk today, made some northing and westing; we now began to
account ourselves certainly past the cape and the Captain (as in his
orders was recommended) resolvd to stand as far to the westward as
the winds will allow him to do. Two crabs were taken today in the
cloaths that hang overboard to tow.

I had been unwell these three or four days and today was obligd to
keep the Cabbin with a bilious attack, which tho quite slight alarmd
me a good deal, as Captn Wallis had in the Streights of Magellan such
an attack which he never got the better of throughout the whole
voyage.

1769 February 5.

All but calm today: myself a little better than yesterday, well
enough to eat part of the Albatrosses shot on the third, which were
so good that every body commended and Eat heartily of them tho there
was fresh pork upon the table. The way of dressing them is thus: Skin
them overnight and soak their carcases in Salt water till morn, then
parboil them and throw away the water, then stew them well with very
little water and when sufficiently tender serve them up with Savoury
sauce.

1769 February 6.

Foul wind, myself something better.

1769 February 7.

Myself better again, in the evening ship made a little
westing.

1769 February 8.

Fair wind, blew fresh.

1769 February 9.

Blew fresh all last night which has given us a good deal of
westing. This morn some sea weed floated past the ship and my servant
declares that he saw a large beetle fly over her: I do not beleive he
would deceive me and he certainly knows what a beetle is, as he has
these 3 years been often employd in taking them for me.

1769 February 10.

During all last night the ship has pitchd very much so that there
has been no sleeping for land men. Today misty with little wind.

1769 February 11.

Fair wind, stand to the westward.

1769 February 12.

Foul wind, but prodigious fine weather and smooth water makes
amends to us at least.

1769 February 13.

Wind still Foul and blew fresh, at night a little mended.

1769 February 14.

Wind South, water soon became smooth, at night little wind.

1769 February 15.

Calm this morn: went in the boat and killd Procellaria velox,
Nectris munda and fuliginosa, which two last are a new
genus between Procellaria and Diomedea: this we reckon a great
acquisition to our bird collection. My stay out today was much
shortned by a breeze of wind which brought me aboard by 11 o clock
and before night blew very fresh.

1769 February 16.

All last night and this morn it has blown very fresh, wind South,
so that we have 3 reefs in the topsails for the first time since we
left the streights of La Maire.

1769 February 17.

Blew fresh yet and wind stood, so we went well to the westward. In
the evening more moderate; I ventur'd upon deck for the first time
and saw several porpoises without any pinna dorsalis, black on the
backs, under the belly and on the noses white; also a kind of
Albatross different from any I have seen, he being black all over
except the head and bill which were white.

1769 February 18.

Fair weather, ship stood NW.

1769 February 19.

Went very slowly through the water tho pleasan[t]ly for the ship
had scarcely any motion.

1769 February 20.

Wind still foul but very moderate and the ship almost without
motion.

1769 February 21.

Still no swell from the west tho the ship had fresh way through
the water. A bird not seen before attended the ship about the size of
a pidgeon, black above and light colourd underneath, darting swiftly
along the surface of the water in the same manner as I have observd
the Nectris to do of which genus he is probably a species.

1769 February 22.

This morn settled rain and scarce any wind, the whole evening
small puffs of wind and rain and calms succeeded each other.

1769 February 23.

Calm: went out in the boat, shott Procellaria velox,
fuliginosa and velificans. At night wind came to the east
tho very little of it, it was however a matter of comfort to have any
as we have not had the name of East in the wind since 31st of
Janry.

1769 February 24.

At 12 last night the wind settled at NE; this morn found studding
Sails set and the ship going at the rate of 7 knotts, no very usual
thing with Mrs Endeavour.

1769 February 25.

Almost calm so that we trembled for the continuance of our east
wind and soon after noon it left us; at night Rain and dirty weather
wind N.

1769 February 26.

Blew fresh, before dinner handed all topsails. Albatrosses began
to be much less plentifull than they have been. Lat. 41.8'.

1769 February 27.

Moderate and fine, the weather began to feel soft and comfortable
like the spring in England.

1769 February 28.

Weather fine with a pleasant breeze. In the evening a great many
Porpoises of a very large size came about the ship; they differ'd
from any I have seen before in being very much larger, in having
their back fins a great deall higher in proportion, and in every one
having a white spot on each side of his face as large as the crown of
a hat but of an oval shape.

MARCH 1769

1769 March 1.

Fine weather and very pleasant, began the new month by pulling off
an under waistcoat.

1769 March 2.

Rather squally this morn and had been so all night: it did not
however blow up to a gale tho the ship had a good deal of motion,
indeed I began to hope that we were now so near the peacefull part of
the Pacifick ocean that we may almost cease to fear any more
gales.

1769 March 3.

Calm: went in the boat and killd Procellaria velox, 2
velificans, 3 sordida, 4 melanopus, 5 lugens,
agilis and Diomedaea exulans. The Albatross very brown exactly
the same as the first I killd, which if I mistake not was nearly in
the same latitude on the other side of the continent. Caught
Holothuria obtusata, Phillodoce velella exactly the same as those
taken on the other side of the continent except in size, which in
these did not exceed that of an English sixpence. Also Dagysa
vitrea the same as that taken off Rio de Janeiro; now however we
had an opportunity of seeing its ext[r]ordinary manner of breeding
which is better to be understood from the drawing than any
description I can give; suffice it therefore to say that the whole
progeny 15 or 20 in number hung in a chain from one end of the
mother, the oldest only or the largest adhering to her and rest to
each other.

While in the boat among a large quantity of birds I had killd, 69
in all, caught 2 Hippoboscas forest flies, both of one species
different from any described. More than probably these belongd to the
birds and came off with them from the land. I found also this day a
large Sepia cuttle fish laying on the water just dead but so
pulld to peices by the birds that his Species could not be determind;
only this I know that of him was made one of the best soups I ever
eat. He was very large, differd from the Europaeans in that his arms
instead of being (like them) furnished with suckers were armd with a
double row of very sharp talons, resembling in shape those of a cat
and like them retractable into a sheath of skin from whence they
might be thrust at pleasure.

The weather is now become pleasan[t]ly warm and the Barnacles upon
the ships bottom seemd to be regenerate, very few only of the old
ones remaining alive but young ones without number scarce bigger than
Lentils.

1769 March 4.

Fine weather, the ship goes 5 knotts without rowling or pitching
which she has not done this great while; this we attribute to the
empty water cask [s] in the fore hold having been filld with salt
water yesterday.

There were several bonitos about the ship or at least fish
something like them.

1769 March 5.

Fine weather but foul wind, it now begins to be very hot. Therm.
70 and damp, with prodigious dews at night greater than any I have
felt, this renews our uncomfortably damp situation, every thing
beginning to mould as it did about the aequinoctial line in the
Atlantick.

1769 March 6.

Weather wind and heat continued, dew to night as strong as
ever.

1769 March 7.

Wind weather heat and dew as yesterday. No Albatrosses have been
seen since the 4th, and for some days before that we had only now and
then a single one in sight so conclude we have parted with them for
good and all.

1769 March 8.

Rains today with uncommonly large and heavy drops, accompanied
with calms and small puffs of wind all round the Compass; in the
Evening a SE wind took the ship aback and before night blew
brisk.

1769 March 9.

Fine weather wind right aft. A tropick bird was seen by some of
the people but myself did not see him.

1769 March 10.

Fine weather continued, wind aft and very pleasant.

1769 March 11.

Wind and weather much the same as yesterday. Tho it had blown a
steady breeze of wind these three days no sea at all was up, from
whence we began to conclude that we pass'd the Line drawn between the
Great South Sea and the Pacifick ocean by the Council of the Royal
Society, notwithstanding we are not yet within the tropicks.

1769 March 12.

Wind continued fair but in the even flaggd a little; we began to
imagine that it must be the trade, at least if it continues we
resolv'd [to] call it so.

1769 March 13.

Almost calm to day tho not quite enough for going out in the boat.
I saw a tropick bird for the first time hovering over the ship but
flying very high; if my eyes did not deceive me it differd from that
describd by Linnaeus, Phaeton aethereus, in having the long
feathers of his tail red and his crissum black.

Towards even set the servants to work with a dipping net who took
Mimus volutator and Phyllodoce velella, both exactly
the same as those we have seen in the Atlantick ocean. Lat. 30.45,
Long. 126.23.45.

1769 March 14.

Very light winds today shifting from South to East: at noon an
alarm of Land being seen which proved at night to be no more than a
fog bank tho it certainly remaind many hours without any change in
its appearance.

The tropick birds this Evening made a noise as they flew over the
ship not unlike some gulls.

1769 March 15.

All but calm all this day: many tropick birds were about the ship.
The sea today was remarkably quiet so that the ship had little or no
motion.

This night happend an occultation of Saturn by the moon, which Mr
Green observ'd but was unlucky in having the weather so cloudy that
the observation was good for little or nothing.

1769 March 16.

Calm almost, but the ship stole through this remarkably smooth
water so that I do not think it worth while to have a boat hoisted
out; by observation to day they find that she has gone these two days
much faster than the log which they tell me is very often the case in
light winds when the ship goes before them.

Our water which was taken aboard at Terra del Fuego has remaind
till this time perfectly good without the least change, an instance
which I am told is very rare, especialy as in our case when water is
brought from a cold climate into a hot one. This however has stood it
without any damage and now drinks as brisk and pleasant as when first
taken on board, or better, for the red colour it had at first is
subsided and it is now as clear as any English spring water.

1769 March 17.

Most of this day as yesterday almost calm, at night a small breeze
came on from ENE so that the ship went 4 knotts.

1769 March 18.

Squally weather all night with heavy rain: this morn much the
same, the rain so heavy that the Cabbin was twice baild of more than
a bucket full at a time, all which came in at the crevises of the
weather quarter window, for there was no leak of any consequence in
any other part of the cabbin. The Wind was at N and brought with it a
hot damp air which affected (I may safely say) every man in the ship
more or less; towards even however it shifted towards the west and
was much dryer.

1769 March 19.

Pleasant breeze, ship went N by W. Some flying fish were seen this
morn and several procellarias cheifly of the brown sorts as
sordida.

1769 March 20.

Very fine as yesterday: many tropick birds were about the ship, as
indeed there has been every day since I first mentiond them but still
more of them as the weather was finer. Lat. today [] . Long. [] .
When I look on the charts of these Seas and see our course, which has
been Near a streight one at NW since we left Cape Horne, I cannot
help wondering that we have not yet seen land. It is however some
pleasure to be able to disprove that which does not exist but in the
opinions of Theoretical writers, of which sort most are who have
wrote any thing about these seas without having themselves been in
them. They have generaly supposd that every foot of sea which they
beleivd no ship had passd over to be land, tho they had little or
nothing to support that opinion but vague reports, many of them
mentiond only as such by the very authors who first publishd them, as
for instance the Orange Tree one of the Nassau fleet who being
separated from her Companions and drove to the westward reported on
her joining them again that she had twice seen the Southern
continent; both which places are laid down by Mr Dalrymple many
degrees to the eastward of our track, tho it is probable that he has
put them down as far to the westward as he thought it possible that
she could go.

To streng[t]hen these weak arguments another Theory has been
started which says that it is Nescessary that so much of the South
sea as the authors of it call land should be so, otherwise this
wor[l]d would not be properly bal[a]nc'd as the quantity of Earth
known to be situated in the Northern hemisphere would not have a
counterpoise in this. The number of square degrees of their land
which we have already chang'd into water sufficiently disproves this,
and teaches me at least that till we know how this globe is fixd in
that place which has been since its creation assignd to it in the
general system, we need not be anxious to give reasons how any one
part of it counterbalances the rest.

1769 March 21.

Calm this morn: went out in the boat and shot Tropick bird
Phaeton erubescens, and Procellaria atrata, velox and
sordida. Took Turbo fluitans floating upon the water in
the same manner as Helix Janthina, Medusa Porpita exactly like
those taken on the other side of the continent, and a small
Cimex? which also was taken before but appears to be a larva,
if so probably of some animal that lives under water, as I saw many
but none that appeard perfect tho they were enough so to propagate
their species or copulate at least. In examining the Phaetons found
that what appeard to me a black crissus as they flew was no other
than their black feet; on them was plenty of a very curious kind of
acarus Phaetintis which either was or appeard to be
viviparous.

Besides what was shot today there were seen Man of war birds
pelecanus aquilus, and a small bird of the Sterna? kind calld
by the seamen egg birds, which were white with red beaks about the
size of sterna hirundo. Of these I saw several just at night
fall who flew very high and followd one another all standing towards
the NNW; probably there is land on that point as we were now not far
from the Lat and Longitude in which Quiros saw his southermost
Islands Incarnation and St Jno Baptist.

1769 March 22.

Fresh breeze of wind today, the ship layd no better than west so
we were forcd to give over our hopes on the NNW point. Many man of
war birds were about the ship today and some egg birds, I shot 3 of
the first but none of them fell onboard the ship. All today the
weather very hot and damp, Thermometer 80, which it never was at sea
before except in the calms under the line.

1769 March 23.

Most troublesome weather, calms and squalls with very heavy rain
but the wind will not stirr. Many Egg birds seen today and some few
Tropick.

1769 March 24.

Blew fresh still, wind as foul as ever. The officer of the watch
reported that in the middle watch the water from being roughish
became on a sudden as smooth as a mill pond, so that the ship from
going only 4 knotts at once increasd to six, tho there was little or
no more wind than before this, and a log of wood which was seen to
pass by the ship by several people made them beleive that there was
land to windward.

At 8 when I came on deck the signs were all gone, I saw however
two birds which seemed to be of the sterna? kind both very small, one
quite white and another quite black who from their appearance
probably could not venture far from Land.

Today by our reckoning we crossed the tropick.

1769 March 25.

Wind continued much the same but more moderate, few or no birds
were about the ship but some sea weed was seen by some of the people,
only one bed.

This even one of our marines threw himself overboard and was not
miss'd till it was much too late even to attempt to recover him. He
was a very young man scarce 21 years of age, remarkably quiet and
industrious, and to make his exit the more melancholy was drove to
the rash resolution by an accident so trifling that it must appear
incredible to every body who is not well accquainted with the
powerfull effects that shame can work upon young minds.

This day at noon he was sentry at the Cabbin door and while he was
on that duty one of the Capts servants being calld away in a hurry
left a peice of seal skin in his charge, which it seems he was going
to cut up to make tobacco pouches some of which he had promisd to
several of the men; the poor young fellow it seems had several times
askd him for one, and when refus'd had told him that since he refusd
him so trifling a thing he would if he could steal one from him, this
he put in practise as soon as the skin was given into his charge and
was of course found out immediately as the other returnd, who was
angry and took the peice he had cut off from him but declard he would
not complain to the officers for so trifling a cause.

In the mean time the fact came to the ears of his fellow soldiers,
who stood up for the honour of their Core 13 in number so highly that
before night, for this hapned at noon, they drove the young fellow
almost mad by representing his crime in the blackest coulours as a
breach of trust of the worst consequence: a theft committed by a
sentry upon duty they made him think an inexcusable crime, especialy
when the thing stole was given into his charge: the Sargeant
particularly declard that if the person acgreivd would not complain
he would, for people should not suffer scandal from the ill behaviour
of one. This affected the young fellow much, he went to his hammock,
soon after the Sargeant went to him calld him and told him to follow
him upon deck. He got up and slipping the Sargeant went forward, it
was dusk and the people thought he was gone to the head and were not
convincd that he was gone over till half an hour after it hapned.

1769 March 26.

This whole day calms succeeded by hard squalls with much rain,
which weather the seamen call trolly lollys; the wind went more than
once round the Compass which made us hope that we were near the trade
at least. Few or no birds and no tropick birds.

1769 March 27.

Weather much like yesterday, no birds, at night a little more
setled.

1769 March 28.

Calm today: one tropick bird was seen this morn. After dinner a
Shark came the first we had seen in these seas, he greedily took the
bait but the line being old broke, very soon he however returnd with
the hook and chain hanging out of his mouth but would not take the
second bait.

1769 March 29.

Calm again. Bent a new shark line in the even a shark alongside
took the bait but broke the new line just as we were going to hoist
him in, I am told by the people that common fishing line will never
last above a year if ever so much care is taken of it.

1769 March 30.

Some birds and bonitos seen this morn but none after I came upon
deck.

1769 March 31.

Pleasant breeze of wind which is the trade: some few tropick birds
seen this morn. Myself not quite well a little inflammation in my
throat and swelling of the glands.

APRIL 1769

1769 April 1.

Something better today. As my complaint has something in it that
at least putts me in mind of the scurvy I took up the lemon Juice put
up by Dr Hulmes direction and found that which was concentrated by
evaporating 6 Galls into less than 2 has kept as well as any thing
could do. The small Cagg in which was lemon juice with one fifth of
brandy was also very good tho large part of it had leak'd out by some
fault in the Cagg; this therefore I began to make use of immediately
drinking very weak punch made with it for my common liquor.

1769 April 2.

Many birds today about noon passd by the ship making a noise
something like gulls, they were black upon the back and white under
the belly probably of the sterna kind; in company with them were 20
or 30 Men of war birds soaring over the flock, probably the whole
were in pursuit of a shoal of fish.

1769 April 3.

Several of the same kinds of birds seen today as were seen
yesterday, also many Egg-birds; the trade continued to blow fresh
with very pleasant weather.

1769 April 4.

At 10 this morn my servant Peter Briscoe saw the Land which we had
almost passd by, we stood towards it and found it to be a small
Island (Lagoon Island) about 1½ or 2 miles in lengh. Those who
were upon the topmast head distinguishd it to be nearly circular and
to have a Lagoon or pool of water in the middle which occupied much
the largest part of the Island. About noon we were Close to it within
a mile or thereabouts and distinctly saw inhabitants upon it of whoom
we counted 24. They appeard to us through our glasses to be tall and
to have very large heads or possibly much hair upon them, 11 of them
walkd along the beach abreast of the ship with each a pole or pike as
long again as himself in his hand and every one of them stark naked
and appearing of a brown copper colour; as soon however as the ship
had fairly pass'd the Island they retird higher up on the beach and
seemd to put on some cloaths or at least cover themselves with
something which made them appear of a light colour.

The Island was coverd with trees of many very different verdures;
the Palms or Cocoa nut trees we could plainly distinguish
particularly two that were amazingly taller than their fellows and at
a distance bore a great resemblance to a flag. The land seemd all
very low tho at a distance several parts of it appeard high yet when
we came near them they provd to be clumps of Palms. Under the shade
of these were the houses of the natives in places cleard of all
underwood so that pleasanter groves can not be imagind, at least so
they appeard to us whose eyes had so long been unus'd to any other
objects than water and sky.

After dinner land was again seen which we came up with at sunset;
it provd a small Island not more than ¾ of a mile in lengh but
almost round, we ran within less than a mile of it but saw no signs
of inhabitants nor any Cocoa nut trees, or indeed any that bore the
least resemblance to Palms tho there were many sorts of trees or at
least many varieties of verdure.

In the neighbourhood of both this and the other Island were many
birds, man of war birds and a small black sort of sterna? with a
white spot on his head which the seamen calld Noddies but said that
they were much smaller than the West Indian Noddies.

While we were near the Island a large fish was taken with a towing
line baited with a peice of Pork rind cut like a swallows tail [small
sketch] the seamen calld it a King fish Scomber
lanceolatus.

1769 April 5.

Less wind this morn than yesterday with some showers of rain.
While we were at dinner word was brought down that there was land in
sight from the mast head, and found it a low Island but of much
greater extent than either of those seen yesterday being from 10 to
15 leagues in circumference. Myself remaind at the mast head the
whole evening admiring its extrordinary structure: in shape it
appeard to be like a bow the wood and string of which was land and
the parts within occupied by a large lake of water, which bore about
the same proportion to the land as the void space within the bow does
to the string and wood. The string of the bow was a flat beach
without any signs of vegetation on it but heaps of sea weed laying in
ridges as higher or lower tides had left them; this was 3 or 4
Leagues long and appeard not more than 200 yards wide in any part tho
doubtless as flat objects foreshorten themselves so much it might be
much more. The Horns or angles of the bow were two large tufts of
Cocoa nut trees and much the largest part of its arch was filld up
likewise with trees of different hights and appearances, a small part
of it however was in my opinion low and like the string. Here some
thought there was an opening into the Pool in the center and myself
cannot say there was not, indeed it was at so great a distance that
all must be conjecture.

Along the low beach or bowstring we saild within less than a
league of the shore till sunsett when we judg'd ourselves about half
way between the two horns, we then brought too and sounded, 130
fathom of line out and no ground; night which came on here almost
instantly after sunset made us lose sight of the land before the line
was well hauld in. We then steerd by the sound of the breakers which
were very distinctly heard in the ship till we were clear of all.

That this land was inhabited appeard clearly by three smoaks in
different parts of the Island which we saw repeated several different
times, probably as signals from one to the other of our aproach. Our
2nd Lieutenant affirmed that he saw from the deck many inhabitants in
the first clump of Trees, that they were walking to and fro as if on
their ordinary business without taking the least notice of the ship,
he saw also many houses and Canoes hauld up under the trees. To this
I only say that I did not see them or know that any one else had till
the ship had passd the place ½ an hour.

1769 April 6.

Pleasant breeze, at ½ past 11 land in sight again, at 3
came up with it, proved to be two distinct Islands with many small
ones near them Joining by reefs under water.

The Islands themselves were long thin strips of land ranging in
all directions sometime ten or more miles in lengh but never more
than a quarter of a mile broad; upon them were many Cocoa nut and
other trees and many inhabitants several of whoom came out in Canoes
as far as the reefs but would not come without them; 6 particularly
who for some time walkd along shore abreast of the ship, on our
passing the end of the Island launchd two Canoes with great quickness
and dexterity and 3 getting into each the[y] put off as we thought
intending to come to us. The ship was brought to and we waited some
time but they like their fellows came no farther than the reef, where
they stoppd and waited for two messengers who we saw dispatchd from
the great canoes wading and swimming towards them along the reef,
they met and after a council I suppose resolvd not to come off. The
ship after waiting some time stood off and when 2 or 3 miles from the
shore was followd by a canoe with a sail, but not thinking it worth
while to bring too for her she soon gave over the chase and returnd
to the reef.

The people seemd as well as we could judge (who were a good
½ mile from the shore) to be about our size and well made, of
a dark brown complexion, stark naked, wearing their hair tied back
with a fillet which passd round their head and kept it sticking out
behind like a bush. The greatest number of them carried in their
hands two weapons, one a slender pole from 10 to 14 feet in lengh at
one end of which was a small knob or point not unlike the point of a
spear, the other not above 4 feet long made much like a paddle as
possibly it was intended, for their canoes were very different in
size. The two which we saw them launch seemd not intended to carry
more than barely the 3 men who got into each of them, others there
were which had 6 and some 7 men; one of these hoisted a sail which
did not seem to reach above 6 feet high above the boat, this (as soon
as they came to the reef and stoppd their boat) they took down and
converted into a shed to shelter them from a small shower of rain
which then fell. The Canoe which followd us to sea hoisted a sail not
unlike an English lugsail and near as lofty as an English boat of the
same size would have carried.

The people on the shore made many signals but whether they meant
to frighten us away or invite us ashore is dificult to tell: they
wavd with their hands and seemd to beckon us to them but they were
assembld together with clubs and staves as they would have done had
they meant to oppose us. Their signs we answerd by waving our hats
and shouting which they answerd by shouting again. Our situation made
it very improper to try them farther, we wanted nothing, the Island
was too trifling to be an object worth taking possession of; had we
therefore out of mere curiosity hoisted out a boat and the natives by
attacking us oblige us to destroy some of them the only reason we
could give for it would be the desire of satisfying a useless
curiosity. We shall soon by our connections with the inhabitants of
Georges Island (who already know our strengh and if they do not love
at least fear us) gain some knowledge of the customs of these
savages; or possibly persuade one of them to come with us who may
serve as an interpreter and give us an opportunity hereafter of
landing where ever we please without running the risk of being obligd
to commit the cruelties which the Spaniards and most others who have
been in these seas have often brought themselves under the dreadfull
nescessity of being guilty of, for guilty I must call it.

1769 April 7.

This morn at day break Land in sight again, by 8 O'Clock came up
with an Island made up like the last of narrow slips of land and
reefs of rocks, the greatest part of the land lookd green and
pleasant but it was without cocoa nut trees or any sign of
inhabitants.

I purposely omit to mention the size of these Islands as it is
almost impossible to guess at, and very dificult to give an idea of
the contents of narrow strips of land which run one within another as
a ribband thrown carelessly down would do. If you measure the lengh
of it, it 4 or 5 times exceeds the space of sea that it occupies, if
the circumference, such land of 100 Leagues in circumference would
scarce contain 100 square miles; if the Space of sea that they occupy
you err as much, for of that 20, 40 nay sometimes 100 parts are sea
for one of land, tho that sea is so shut in by banks and reefs that
no ship can get into it.

1769 April 8.

Pleasant breeze but we have as yet found the trade hardly so
strong as it was in the Atlantick. At 2 O'Clock Land was seen from
the masthead, the ship stands for it and about sunset came abreast of
it distant 2 leagues. It prove'd an Island larger than any we had
seen as it extended 6 or 7 leagues, it was every where coverd with
plenty of large trees probably Cocoa nuts and it is also inhabited as
we judge from a smoak rising from among the trees; in everything it
appeard exactly of the same nature with the rest which we have seen.
We could plainly distinguish it in some places broken off into reefs
behind which we saw distant land and thence judg'd that there was a
lagoon within it; the land however appeard to be broader than any we
had seen before.

1769 April 9.

Fine weather and pleasant breeze. It is now almost night and time
for me to wind up the clue of my this days lucubrations, so as we
have found no Island I shall employ the time and paper which I had
allotted to describe one in a work which I am sure will be more
usefull at, if not more entertaining to all future navigators, by
describing the method which we took to cure Cabbage in England; which
Cabbage we have eat every day since we left Cape Horne and have now
good store of, remaining as good at least to our palates and full as
green and pleasing to the eye as if it was bought fresh every morning
at Covent Garden market. Our Steward has given me the receipt which I
shall copy exactly false spelling exceptd.

Take a strong Iron bound cask for no weak or wooden bound one
should ever be trusted in a long voyage, take out the head and when
the whole is well cleand cover the bottom with salt. Then take the
Cabbage and stripping off the outside leaves take the rest leaf by
leaf till you come to the heart which cut into four; these leaves and
heart lay upon the Salt about 2 or 3 inches thick and sprinkle Salt
pretty thick over them and lay cabbage upon the salt stratum super
thick till the cask is full. Then lay on the head of the cask with a
weight which in 5 or 6 days will have pressd the cabbage into a much
smaller compass. After this fill up the cask with more cabbage as
before directed and Head it up. N.B. the Cabbage should be gatherd in
dry weather some time after sun rise that the dew may not be upon it.
Halves of cabbages are better for keeping than single leaves.

1769 April 10.

Last night a halo was observ'd round the moon which was followd by
a very disagreable night, the wind being all round the compass and
sometimes blowing very fresh with severe thunder and lightning and
very heavy rain.

This morning the wind from N to NW, the weather very hazey and
thick. About 9 it cleard up a little and showd us Osnabrug Island
discoverd by the Dolphin in her last voyage, it was distant about 6
leagues and appeard like a very short cone. Very light winds NW.
About one land was seen ahead in the direction of Georges Land, it
was however so faint that very few could see it. Soon after it was
seen off the deck kin the same faint manner but appearing high. Our
distance when it was first seen was 25 leagues. At sun set the ship
was nearly abreast Osnabrug Island 2 or 3 leagues from it, it appeard
to have many trees upon it but in some parts the rocks were quite
bare.

At this time it remaind in dispute whether what had been so long
seen to the Westward was realy land or only vapours; myself went to
the Masthead but the sunset was cloudy and we could see nothing of
it.

As soon as I came down a shark att the stern attackd the net in
which tomorrows dinner was towing to freshen, we hookd and took him
just as it became dark.

1769 April 11.

Up at 5 this morn to examine the shark who proves to be A blew
Shark Squalus glaucus, while we were doing it 3 more came
under the Stern of which we soon caught 2 which were common grey
Sharks Squalus Carcharias, on one of whom were some sucking
fish Echinus remora. The seamen tell us that the blew shark is
worst of all sharks to eat, indeed his smell is abominably strong so
as we had two of the better sort he was hove overboard.

Little wind and variable with Squalls from all points of the
Compass bringing heavy rain. Georges Island in sight appearing very
high in the same direction as the land was seen last night, so I
found the fault was in our eyes yesterday tho the non-seers were much
more numerous in the ship than the seers.

Today and yesterday many birds were about the ship among which a
bird which I took to be the common tropick bird Phaeton
aethereus was one, he was about the size of our tropick bird but
differd from him in having black barrs upon his back and the long
feathers in his tail white, so much I say but the weather was so
uncertain that I could not go out to shoot one.

Calm this even, at sunset Georges Land appeard plain tho we had
not neard it much: since the clouds went from the tops of the hills
it appeard less high than it did tho it certainly is very high.

As I am now on the brink of going ashore after a long passage
thank god in as good health as man can be I shall fill a little paper
in describing the means which I have taken to prevent the scurvy in
particular.

The ship was supplyd by the Admiralty with Sower crout which I eat
of constantly till our salted Cabbage was opend which I preferd as a
pleasant substitute. Wort was servd out almost constantly, of this I
drank from a pint or more every evening but all this did not so
intirely check the distemper as to prevent my feeling some small
effects of it. About a fortnight ago my gums swelld and some small
pimples rose in the inside of my mouth which threatned to become
ulcers, I then flew to the lemon Juice which had been put up for me
according to Dr Hulmes method describd in his book and in his letter
which is inserted here: every kind of liquor which I usd was made
sour with the Lemon juice No 3 so that I took near 6 ounces a day of
it. The effect of this was surprizing, in less than a week my gums
became as firm as ever and at this time I am troubled with nothing
but a few pimples on my face which have not deterrd me from leaving
off the juice intirely.

1769 April 12. Georges Land sighted

Very nearly calm all last night, Georges Land was now but little
nearer to us than last night, the tops of the hills were wrap'd in
clouds. About 7 a small breze sprung up and we saw some Canoes coming
off to us, by ten or eleven they were up with us. I forbear to say
any thing about either people or canoes as I shall have so many
better opportunities of observing them: we however bought their
cargoes consisting of fruits and cocoa nuts which were very
acceptable to us after our long passage.

1769 April 13. Arrival Port Royal Bay

This morn early came to an anchor in Port Royal bay King George
the thirds Island. Before the anchor was down we were surrounded by a
large number of Canoes who traded very quietly and civily, for beads
cheifly, in exchange for which they gave Cocoa nuts Bread fruit both
roasted and raw some small fish and apples. They had one pig with
them which they refus'd to sell for nails upon any account but
repeatedly offerd it for a hatchet; of these we had very few on board
so thought it better to let the pig go away than to give one of them
in exchange, knowing from the authority of those who had been here
before that if we once did it they would never lower their price. As
soon as the anchors were well down the boats were hoisted out and we
all went ashore where we were met by some hundreds of the inhabitants
whose faces at least gave evident signs that we were not unwelcome
guests, tho they at first hardly dare aproach us, after a little time
they became very familiar. The first who aproachd us came creeping
almost on his hands and knees and gave us a green bough the token of
peace, this we receivd and immediately each gatherd a green bough and
carried in our hands. They march'd with us about ½ a mile then
made a general stop and scraping the ground clean from the plants
that grew upon it every one of the principals threw his bough down
upon the bare place and made signs that we should do the same: the
marines were drawn up and marching in order dropd each a bough upon
those that the Indians had laid down, we all folowd their example and
thus peace was concluded. We then walkd into the woods followd by the
whole train to whoom we gave beads and small presents. In this manner
we walkd for 4 or 5 miles under groves of Cocoa nut and bread fruit
trees loaded with a profusion of fruit and giving the most gratefull
shade I have ever experienced, under these were the habitations of
the people most of them without walls: in short the scene we saw was
the truest picture of an arcadia of which we were going to be kings
that the imagination can form.

Our pleasure in seeing this was however not a little allayd by
finding in all our walk only 2 hogs and not one fowl. The Dolphins
people who were with us told us that the people who we saw were only
of the common sort and that the bettermost had certainly removd, as a
proof of this they took us to the place where the Queens palace
formerly stood of which there was no traces left. We howev[e]r
resolved not to be discouraged at this but to proceed tomorrow
morning in search of the place to which these superior people had
retreated, in hopes to make the same peace with them as we have done
with our freinds the blackguards.

1769 April 14.

This morn several Canoas came on board among which were two in
which were people who by their dress and appearance seemd to be of a
rank superior to those who we had seen yesterday. These we invited to
come on board and on coming into the Cabbin each singled out his
freind, one took the Captn and the other me, they took off a large
part of their cloaths and each dress'd his freind with them he took
off: in return for this we presented them with each a hatchet and
some beads. They made many signs to us desiring us to go to the
places where they livd to the SW of where we lay; the boats were
hoisted out and we took them with us and immediately proceeded
according to their directions.

After rowing about a league they beckon'd us in shore and shewd us
a long house where they gave us to understand that they livd; here we
landed and were met by some hundreds of inhabitants who conducted us
into the long house. Matts were spread and we were desired to set
down fronting an old man who we had not before seen, he immediately
orderd a cock and hen to be brought which were presented to Captn
Cook and me, we accepted of the present. Then a peice of Cloth was
presented to each of us perfumd after their manner not disagreably
which they took great pains to make us understand. My peice of Cloth
was 11 yards long and 2 wide: for this I made return by presenting
him with a large lacd silk neckcloth I had on and a linnen pocket
handkercheif, these he immediately put on him and seemd to be much
pleasd with.

After this ceremony was over we walkd freely about several large
houses attended by the ladies who shewd us all kind of civilities our
situation could admit of, but as there were no places of retirement,
the houses being intirely without walls, we had not an opportunity of
putting their politeness to every test that maybe some of us would
not have faild to have done had circumstances been more favourable;
indeed we had no reason to doubt any part of their politeness, as by
their frequently pointing to the matts on the ground and sometimes by
force seating themselves and us upon them they plainly shewd that
they were much less jealous of observation than we were.

We now took our leave of our freindly cheif and proceeded along
shore for about a mile when we were met by a throng of people at the
head of whoom appeard another cheif. We had learn'd the ceremony we
were to go through which was to receive the green bough which was
always brough[t] to us at every fresh meeting and to ratifie the
peace of which that was the emblem by laying our hands on our breasts
and saying Taio, which I imagine signifies freind. The bough was here
offerd and accepted and in return every one of us said Taio. The
cheif then made us signs that if we chose to eat he had victuals
ready: we accepted the offer and dind heartily on fish and bread
fruit with plantains etc. dressd after their way, raw fish was offerd
to us which it seems they themselves eat. The adventures of this
entertainment I much wish to record particularly, but am so much
hurried by attending the Indians ashore almost all day long that I
fear I shall scarce understand my own language when I read it
again.

Our cheifs own wife (ugly enough in conscience) did me the honour
with very little invitation to squat down on the mats close by me: no
sooner had she done so than I espied among the common croud a very
pretty girl with a fire in her eyes that I had not before seen in the
countrey. Unconscious of the dignity of my companion I beckond to the
other who after some intreatys came and sat on the other side of me:
I was then desirous of getting rid of my former companion so I ceas'd
to attend to her and loaded my pretty girl with beads and every
present I could think pleasing to her: the other shewd much disgust
but did not quit her place and continued to supply me with fish and
cocoa nut milk. How this would have ended is hard to say, it was
interupted by an accident which gave us an opportunity of seeing much
of the peoples manners. Dr Solander and another gentleman who had not
been in as good company as myself found that their pockets had been
pickd, one had lost a snuff box the other an opera glass.

Complaint was made to the cheif, and to give it weight I started
up from the ground and striking the but of my gun made a rattling
noise which I had before used in our walk to frigh[t]en the people
and keep them at a distance. Upon this as a signal every one of the
common sort (among whom was my pretty girl) ran like sheep from the
house leaving us with only the cheif his 3 wives and two or three
better dressd than the rest whose quality I do not yet guess at. The
cheif then took me by the hand to the other end of the house where
lay a large quantity of their cloth, this he offerd to me peice by
peice making signs that if it would make me amends I might take any
part or all. I put it back and by signs told him that I wanted
nothing but our own which his people had stole. On this he gave me
into charge of my faithfull companion his wife who had never budged
an inch from my elbow; with her I sat down on the mat and convers'd
by signs for near ½ an hour after which time he came back
bringing the snuff box and the case of the opera glass, which with
vast pleasure in his countenance he returnd to the owners, but his
face soon changed when he was shewn that the case was empty which
ought to have been full. He then took me by the hand and walkd along
shore with great rapidity about a mile. By the way he receivd a peice
of cloth from a woman which he carried in his hand. At last we came
to a house in which we were receivd by a woman; to her he gave the
cloth he had and told us to give her some beads. The cloth and beads
were left on the floor by us and she went out, she stayd about
¼ of an hour and then returnd bringing the glass in her hand
with a vast expression of joy on her countenance, for few faces have
I seen which have more expression in them than those of these people.
The beads were now returnd with a positive resolution of not
accepting them and the Cloth was as resolutely forcd upon Dr Solander
as a recompence for his loss. He then made a new present of beads to
the lady and our ceremonies ended we returnd to the ship admiring a
policy at least equal to any we had seen in civilizd countries,
excercisd by people who have never had any advantage but meer natural
instinct uninstructed by the example of any civilizd countrey.

1769 April 15.

This morn we landed at the watering place bringing with us a small
tent which we set up. In doing this we were attended by some hundreds
of the natives who shewd a deference and respect to us which much
amazd me. I myself drew a line before them with the butt end of my
musquet and made signs to them to set down without it, they obeyd
instantly and not a man attempted to set a foot within it, above two
hours were spent so and not the least disorder being committed. We
propos'd to walk into the woods and see if today we might not find
more hoggs etc. than when we last visited them supposing it probable
that a part of them at least had been drove away on our arrival: this
in particular tempted us to go away, with many other circumstances,
as our old man (an Indian well known to the Dolphins) attempted by
many signs to hinder us from going into the woods. The tent was left
in charge of a Midshipman with the marines 13 in number. We marchd
away and were absent above 2 hours. A little while before we came
back we heard several musquet shots. Our old man immediately calld us
together and by waving his hand sent away every Indian who followd us
except 3 every one of whoom took in their hands a green bough: on
this we suspected that some mischeif had happned at the tent and
hastend home with all expedition. On our return we found that an
Indian had snatchd a sentrys musquet from him unawares and run off;
the midshipman (may be) imprudently orderd the marines to fire. they
did fire into the thickest of the flying croud some hundreds in
number several shot, and pursueing the man who stole the musquet
killd him dead but whether any others were killd or hurt no one could
tell. No Indian was now to be seen about the tent but our old man,
who with us took all pains to reconcile them again; before night by
his means we got together a few of them and explaining to them that
the man who sufferd was guilty of a crime deserving of death (for so
we were forcd to make it) we retird to the ship not well pleasd with
the days expedition, guilty no doubt in some measure of the death of
a man who the most severe laws of equity would not have condemnd to
so severe a punishment.

1769 April 16.

No canoes about the ship this morning, indeed we could not expect
any as it is probable that the news of our behaviour yesterday was
now known every where, a circumstance which will doubtless not
increase the confidence of our freinds the Indians. We were rather
surprizd that the Dolphins old man who seemd yesterday so desirous of
making peace was not come on board today; some few people were upon
the beach but very few in proportion to what we saw yesterday. At
noon went ashore the people rather shy of us as we must expect them
to be till by good usage we can gain anew their confidence.

Poor Mr Buchan the young man who I brought out as lanscape and
figure painter was yesterday attackd by an epileptick fit, he was
today quite insensible, our surgeon gives me very little hopes of
him.

1769 April 17.

At two this morn Mr Buchan died, about nine every thing was ready
for his interment he being already so much changd that it would not
be practicable to keep him even till night. Dr Solander Mr Sporing Mr
Parkinson and some of the officers of the ship attended his funeral.
I sincerely regret him as an ingenious and good young man, but his
Loss to me is irretrevable, my airy dreams of entertaining my freinds
in England with the scenes that I am to see here are vanishd. No
account of the figures and dresses of men can be satisfactory unless
illustrated with figures: had providence spard him a month longer
what an advantage would it have been to my undertaking but I must
submit.

Our two freinds the cheifs of the west came this morn to see us.
One I shall for the future call Lycurgus from the justice he executed
on his offending subjects on the 14th, the other from the large size
of his body I shall call Hercules. Each of these brought a hog and
bread fruit ready dressd as a present for which they were presented
in return with a hatchet and a nail each. Hercules's present is the
largest he seems indeed to be the richest man.

In the afternoon we all went ashore to measure out the ground for
the tents, which done Cap Cooke and Mr Green slept ashore in a tent
erected for that purpose after having observd an eclipse of one of
the satellites of Jupiter.

1769 April 18.

This morn at day break all hands were ashore and employd in
getting up the tents and making a defence round them. The ground we
have pitchd upon is very sandy which makes it nescessary to support
it with wood, for the doing of this our people cut the boughs of
trees and the Indians very readily assisted them in bringing them
down to the place. Three sides of our fort are to be thus guarded the
other is bounded by a river on the banks of which water cask[s] are
to be placd.

The Indians brought down so much provision of Cocoa nuts and bread
fruit today that before night we were obligd to leave off buying and
acquaint them by signs that we should not want any more for 2 days;
every thing was bought for beads, a bead about as large as a pea
purchasing 4 or 6 breadfruits and a like number of Cocoa nutts.

My tents were got up before night and I sept ashore in them for
the first time. The lines were guarded round by many Sentries but no
Indian atempted to come near them during the whole night.

1769 April 19.

This morn Lycurgus and his wife come to see us and bring with them
all their household furniture and even houses to be erected in our
neighbourhood, a circumstance which gave me great pleasure as I had
spard no pains to gain the freindship of this man who seemd more
sensible than any of his fellow cheifs we have seen. His behavior in
this Instance makes us not doubt of having gaind his confidence at
least.

Soon after his arrival he took me by the hand and led me out of
the lines, signing that I should accompany him into the woods, this I
made no dificulty of dooing as I was desirous of knowing how near us
he realy intended to settle. I followd him about a quarter of a mile
when we arrivd at a small house or rather the awning of a canoe set
upon the shore, which seemd to be his occasional habitation; here he
unfolded a bundle of their cloaths and cloth'd me in two garments,
one red cloth the other very pretty matting, after this we returnd to
the tents. He eat pork and bread fruit which was brought him in a
basket using salt water instead of sauce, and then retird into my
bedchamber and slept about half an hour.

About dinner time Lycurgus's wife brought a hansome young man
about 22 to the tents whoom they both seemd to acknowledge as their
son. At night he and another chief who had also visited us went away
to the westward, but Lycurgus and his wife went towards the place I
was at in the morning which makes us not doubt of their staying with
us for the future.

Mr Monkhouse our surgeon walkd this evening into the woods and
brought back an account of having seen the body of the man who was
shot on the 15th. It was placd on a kind of Bier supported by stakes
and coverd by a small hut which seemd to have been built for the
purpose; the body was wrappd up in cloth and near it were plac'd war
instruments a hatchet some hair a cocoa nut and a cup of water.
Farther he did not examine on account of the stench of the body which
was intolerable. They also [saw] two more huts of the same kind in
one of which they saw the bones of the person who had lain there
quite dry. A custom so new as this appears to be surprized us all
very much, but whether all who die are thus disposd of or it is a
peculiar honour shewn to those who dye in war is to be cleard up by
future observation.

1769 April 20.

Raind hard all this day at intervals, so much so that we could not
stir at all, the people however went on briskly with the
fortification in spite of weather. Lycurgus dind with us, he imitates
our manners in every instance already holding a knife and fork more
handily than a Frenchman could learn to do in years. Notwistanding
the rain some provisions are brought to the market which is kept just
without the lines; indeed ever since we have been here we have had
more breadfruit every day than both the people and hogs can eat, but
in the pork way we have been so poorly supplyd that I beleive fresh
pork has not been servd to the ships company above once.

1769 April 21.

Several of our freinds at the tents this morn, one whoom from his
grim countenance we have calld Ajax and at one time thought to be a
great king. He had on his canoe a hog but he chose rather to sell it
at the market than give it to us as a present; which we account for
by his having in the morning receivd a shirt in return for a peice of
cloth, which made him fear that had he given the hog it might have
been taken into the bargain--a conduct very different from that of
our freind Lycurgus who seems in every instance to place a most
unbounded confidence in us.

1769 April 22.

Pleasant weather, our freinds as usual come early to visit us,
Hercules with two piggs and a Dolphins ax which he wishd to have
repaird as it acordingly was. Lycurgus brought 2 large fish an
acceptable present as that article has always been scarce with us.
Trade brisk today; since our new manufacture of hatchets has been set
on foot we get some hogs tho our tools are so small and bad that I
only wonder how they can stand one stroke.

The flies have been so troublesome ever since we have been ashore
that we can scarce get any business done for them; they eat the
painters colours off the paper as fast as they can be laid on, and if
a fish is to be drawn there is more trouble in keeping them off it
than in the drawing itself.

Many expedients have been thought of, none succeed better than a
mosquito net which covers table chair painter and drawings, but even
that is not sufficent, a fly trap was nesscessary to set within this
to atract the vermin from eating the colours. For that purpose
yesterday tarr and molasses was mixt together but did not succeed.
The plate smeard with it was left on the outside of the tent to
clean: one of the Indians observing this took an opportunity when he
thought that no one observd him to take some of this mixture up into
his hand, I saw and was curious to know for what use it was intended,
the gentleman had a large sore upon his backside to which this clammy
liniament was applyd but with what success I never took the pains to
enquire.

Hercules gave us today a specimen of the musick of this countrey:
4 people performd upon flutes which they sounded with one nostril
while they stopd the other with their thumbs, to these 4 more sang
keeping very good time but during ½ an hour which we stayd
with them they playd only one tune consisting of not more than 5 or 6
notes. More I am inclind to think they have not upon their
instruments which have only two stops.

1769 April 23.

Mr Green and myself went today a little way upon the hills in
order to see how the roads were. Lycurgus went with us but complaind
much in the ascent saying that it would kill him. We found as far as
we went, possibly 3 miles, exceeding good paths and at the farthest
part of our walk boys bringing wood from the mountans, which we look
upon to be a sure proof that journey will be easy whenever we atempt
to go higher.

In our return I visited the Tomb or Bier in which was deposited
the body of the man who was shot. I lifted up the cloth and saw part
of the body already dropping to peices with putrefaction about him
and indeed within all parts of his flesh were abundance of maggots of
a species of Beetle very comon here.

Such an advance of putrefaction in 8 days for it was no more since
he was shot is almost past credit but what will not a hot climate and
plenty of insects do.

We had this evening some conversation about an ax which was
brought in the morning by Hercules, it wanting grinding. Its make was
very different from that of our English ones, several gentlemen were
of opinion that it was a French one, some went so far as to give it
as their opinion that some other ship had been here since the
Dolphin. The difficulty however appeard to me at least easily solvd
by supposing axes to have been taken in the Dolphin as trade, in
which case old ones might have been bought of the make of any
countrey, for many such I suppose there are in every old iron shop in
London.

1769 April 24.

Dr Solander and myself went along shore to the eastward in hopes
of finding something worth observation by inlarging our ground. For
about 2 miles the countrey within us was flat and fertile, the hills
then came very near the waters edge and soon after quite into the sea
so that we were obligd to climb over them. This barren countrey
continued for about 3 miles more when we came to a large flat full of
good houses and wealthy looking people; here was a river much more
considerable than our own, it came out of a very deep and beautifull
valley and was where we crossd it near 100 yards wide tho not quite
at the sea. About a mile farther than this river we went when the
Land became again as barren as possible, the rocks every where
projecting into the sea, so we resolvd to return. Soon after this
resolution one of the natives made us an offer of refreshment which
we accepted. He was remarkable for being much the whitest man we had
seen.

On examining him more nearly his skin was dead pale without the
least signs of Complexion in any part of it, some parts were lighter
than others but the darkest was lighter than any of our skins, his
hair and eyebrows and beard were as white as his skin, his eyes
bloodshot, he apeard to be very short sighted, his whole body was
scurfy and dmaybe disease had been the cause of his colour; if not we
shall see more such. In our return met Lycurgus who seem'd much
rejoicd at seeing us as did all his women, to shew their regard I
suppose they all cry'd most heartily.

1769 April 25.

I do not know by what accident I have so long omitted to mention
how much these people are given to theiving. I will make up for my
neglect however today by saying that great and small cheifs and
common men all are firmly of opinion that if they can once get
possession of any thing it immediately becomes their own. This we
were convincd of the very second day we were here, the cheifs were
employd in stealing what they could in the Cabbin while their
dependants took every thing that was loose about the ship, even the
glass ports not escaping them of which they got off with 2. Lycurgus
and Hercules were the only two who had not yet been found guilty, but
they stood in our opinion but upon tickilish ground as we could not
well suppose them intirely free from a vice their countrey men were
so much given up to.

Last night Dr Solander lent his knife to one of Lycurgus's women
who forgot to return it, this morn mine was missing. I could give no
account of it so resolvd to go to Lycurgus and ask him whether or not
he had stole it trusting that if he had he would return it.

I went and taxd him with it. He denyd knowing any thing concerning
it, I told him I was resolvd to have it returnd. On this a man
present produc'd a rag in which was tied up 3 knives, one was Dr
Solanders the other a table knife the other no one laid claim to.
With these he marchd to the tents to make restitution while I remaind
with the women who much feard that he would be hurt; when come there
he restord the two knives to their proper owners and began
immediately to search for mine in all the places where he had ever
seen it lay. One of my servants seeing what he was about brought it
to him, he had it seems laid it by the day before and did not know of
my missing it. Lycurgus then burst into tears making signs with my
knife that if he was ever guilty of such an action he would submit to
have his throat cut. He returnd immediately to me with a countenance
sufficiently upbraiding me for my suspicions; the scene was
immediately changd, I became the guilty and he the innocent person,
his looks affected me much. A few presents and staying a little with
him reconcild him intirely; his behavior has however given me an
opinion of him much superior to any of his countreymen.

1769 April 26.

Plenty of trade this morn indeed we have always had enough of
bread fruit and cocoa nuts, refreshments maybe more nescessary for
the people than pork tho they certainly do not like them so well.

Our freinds as usual at the tents today but do nothing worthy
record.

1769 April 27.

The day passd as usual. Lycurgus and a freind of his (who eats
most monstrously) dind with us, we christend him Epicurus. At night
they took their leave and departed but Lycurgus soon returnd with
fire in his eyes, seizd my arm and signd to me to follow him. I did
and he soon brought me to a place where was our butcher, who he told
me by signs had either threatned or atempted to cut his wives throat
with a reaphook he had in his hand. I signd to him that the man
should be punishd tomorrow if he would only clearly explain the
offence, for he was so angry that his signs were almost
unintelligible. He grew cooler and shewd me that the Butcher had
taken a fancy to a stone hatchet which lay in his house, this he
offerd to purchase for a nail: His wife who was their refus'd to part
with it upon which he took it and throwing down the nail threatned to
cut her throat if she atempted to hinder him; in evidence of this the
hatchet and nail were produc'd and the butcher had so little to say
in his defence that no one doubted of his guilt. After this we parted
and he appeard satisfied but did not forget to put me in mind of my
promise that the butcher should tomorrow be punished.

This day we found that our freinds had names and they were not a
little pleasd to discover that we had them likewise; for the future
Lycurgus will be calld Tübourai tamaide and his wife
Tomio and the three women who commonly come with him Terapo,
Terarü and Omie. As for our names they make so poor a
hand of pronouncing them that I fear we shall be obligd to take each
of us a new one for the occasion.

1769 April 28.

Many of our freinds were with us very early even before day, some
strangers with them. Terapo was observd to be among the women on the
outside of the gate, I went out to her and brought her in, tears
stood in her eyes which the moment she enterd the tent began to flow
plentifully. I began to enquire the cause; she instead of answering
me took from under her garment a sharks tooth and struck it into her
head with great force 6 or 7 times. a profusion of Blood followd
these strokes and alarmd me not a little; for two or 3 minutes she
bled freely more than a pint in quantity, during that time she talkd
loud in a most melancholy tone. I was not a little movd at so
singular a spectacle and holding her in my arms did not cease to
enquire what might be the cause of so strange an action, she took no
notice of me till the bleeding ceas'd nor did any Indian in the tent
take any of her, all talkd and laugh'd as if nothing melancholy was
going forward; but what surpriz'd me most of all was that as soon as
the bleeding ceas'd she lookd up smiling and immediately began to
collect peices of cloth which during her bleeding she had thrown down
to catch the blood. These she carried away out of the tents and threw
into the sea, carefully dispersing them abroad as if desirous that no
one should be reminded of her action by the sight of them; she then
went into the river and after washing her whole body returnd to the
tents as lively and chearfull as any one in them.

After breakfast Mr Molineux came ashore and the moment he enterd
the tent fixing his eyes upon a woman who was setting there declard
her to be the Dolphins Queen, she also instantly acknowledg'd him to
be a person who she had before seen. Our attention was now intirely
diverted from every other object to the examination of a personage we
had heard so much spoken of in Europe: she appeard to be about 40,
tall and very lusty, her skin white and her eyes full of meaning, she
might have been hansome when young but now few or no traces of it
were left.

As soon as her majesties quality was known to us she was invited
to go on board the ship, where no presents were spard that were
thought to be agreable to her in consideration of the service she had
been of to the Dolphin. Among other things a childs dol was given to
her of which she seemd very fond. On her landing she met Hercules who
for the future I shall call by his real name Tootahah. She
shewd him her presents: he became uneasy nor was he satisfied till he
had also got a doll given to him, which now he seemd to preferr to a
hatchet that he had in return for presents, tho after this time the
dolls were of no kind of value.

The men who visited us constantly eat with us of our provisions,
but the women never had been prevaild on to taste a morsel; today
however they retird sometime after dinner into the servants apartment
and eat there a large quantity of plantains, tho they could not be
persuaded to eat with us, a mystery we find it very dificult to
account for.

1769 April 29.

My first business this morning was to see the promise I had made
to Tubourai and Tomio of the butchers being punishd performd, a
promise they had not faild to remind me of yesterday when the croud
of people who were with us hinderd it from being performd. In
consequence of this I took them on board of the ship where Capt Cooke
immediately orderd the offender to be punishd; they stood quietly and
saw him stripd and fastned to the rigging but as soon as the first
blow was given interfered with many tears, begging the punishment
might cease a request which the Captn would not comply with.

On my return ashore I proceeded to pay a visit to her majesty
Oborea [as] I shall for the future call her. She I was told
was still asleep in her Canoeawning, where I went intending to call
up her majesty but was surprizd to find her in bed with a hansome
lusty young man of about 25 whose name was Obadée. I
however soon understood that he was her gallant a circumstance which
she made not the least secret of. Upon my arrival Her majesty
proceeded to put on her breeches which done she clothd me in fine
cloth and proceeded with me to the tents.

At night I visited Tubourai as I often did by candle light and
found him and all his family in a most melancholy mood: most of them
shed tears so that I soon left them without being at all able to find
out the cause of their greif. Ouwhá the Dolphins old man and
another who we did not know had prophesied to some of our people that
in 4 days we should fire our guns: this was the 4th night and the
circumstance of Tubourai crying over me as it was interpreted alarmd
our officers a good deal. The sentrys are therefore doubled and we
sleep tonight under arms.

1769 April 30.

A very strict watch was kept last night as intended, at 2 in the
morn myself went round the point, found every thing so quiet that I
had no kind of doubts.

Our little fortification is now compleat, it consists of high
breastworks at each end, the front palisades and the rear guarded by
the river on the bank of which are placd full Water cask[s], at every
angle is mounted a swivel and two carraige guns pointed the two ways
by which the Indians might attack us out of the woods. Our sentrys
are also as well releivd as they could be in the most regular
fortification.

About 10 Tomio came running to the tents, she seizd my hand and
told me that Tubourai was dying and I must go instantly with her to
his house. I went and Found him leaning his head against a post. He
had vomited they said and he told me he should certainly dye in
consequence of something our people had given him to eat, the remains
of which were shewn me carefully wrapd up in a leaf. This upon
examination I found to be a Chew of tobacco which he had begg'd of
some of our people, and trying to imitate them in keeping it in his
mouth as he saw them do had chewd it almost to powder swallowing his
spittle. I was now master of his disease for which I prescribd cocoa
nut milk which soon restor'd him to health.

MAY 1769

1769 May 1.

This morn in walking round the point I saw a canoe which I suppose
to have come from a distance by her having a quantity of fresh water
in her in Bamboes; in every other respect she is quite like those we
have seen, her people however are absolute strangers to us. Before
noon our freinds visit us as usual and the day passed without any
events.

1769 May 2.

About 10 this morn the astronomical quadrant which had been
brought ashore yesterday was miss'd, a circumstance which alarmd us
all very much. It had been laid in Captn Cook's birth where no one
slept, the telescopes were in my tent safe. Every place was searchd
aboard and ashore but no such thing to be found. It appeard very
improbable that the Indians could have carried so large a thing out
of the tents without being observd by the sentries, our people might
have stole [it] as it was packd up in a deal case and might by them
be suppos'd to contain nails or some kind of traffick; a large reward
was therefore offerd to any one who could find it and all hands sent
out to search round the fort, upon a supposition that the Indians
would immediately quit a prize that could be of so little use to
them. In about an hour all returnd, no news of the Quadrant. I now
went into the woods to get intelligence no longer doubting but that
it was in the hands of the Indians. Tubourai met me crossing the
river and immediately made with 3 straws in his hand the figure of a
triangle: the Indians had opend the cases. No time was now to be
lost; I made signs to him that he must instantly go with me to the
place where it was, he agreed and out we set acompanied by a
midshipman and Mr Green, we went to the Eastward. At every house we
went past Tubourai enquird after the theif by name, the people
readily told him which way he had gone and how long ago it was since
he pass'd by, a circumstance which gave great hopes of coming up with
him. The weather was excessive hot, the Thermometer before we left
the tents up at 91 made our journey very tiresome. Sometimes we
walk'd sometimes we ran when we imagind (which we sometimes did) that
the chase was just before us till we arrivd at the top of a hill
about 4 miles from the tents: from this place Tubourai shew'd us a
point about 3 miles off and made us understand that we were not to
expect the instrument till we got there. We now considerd our
situation, no arms among us but a pair of pocket pistols which I
always carried, going at least 7 miles from our fort where the
Indians might not be quite so submissive as at home, going also to
take from them a prize for which they had venturd their lives. All
this considerd we thought it proper that while Mr Green and myself
proceeded the midshipman should return and desire captn Cooke to send
a party of men after us, telling him at the same time that it was
impossible we could return till dark night. This done we proceeded
and in the very spot Tubourai had mentiond were met by one of his own
people bringing part of the Quadrant in his hand. We now stop'd and
many Indians gatherd about us rather rudely, the sight of one of my
pistols however instantly checkd them and they behav'd with all the
order imaginable, tho we quickly had some hundreds surrounding a ring
we had markd out on the grass. The box was now brought to us and some
of the small matters such as reading glasses etc. which in their
hurry they had put into a pistol case, this I knew belongd to me, it
had been stole out of the tents with a horse pistol in it which I
immediately demanded and had immediately restord. Mr Green began to
overlook the Instrument to see if any part or parts were wanting,
several small things were, and people were sent out in search of them
some of which returnd and others did not; the stand was not there but
that we were informd had been left behind by the theif and we should
have it on our return, and answer which coming from Tubourai
satisfied us very well; nothing else was wanting but what could
easily be repaird so we pack'd all up in grass as well as we could
and proceeded homewards. After walking about 2 miles we met Captn
Cooke with a party of marines coming after us, all were you may
imagine not a little pleasd at the event of our excursion.

The Captn on leaving the Tents left orders both for the ship and
shore, which were that no canoes should be suffer'd to go out of the
bay but that nobodys person should be seizd or detaind, as we rightly
guessd that none of our freinds had any hand in the theft. These
orders were obeyd by the 1st Lieutenant who was ashore, but the
second aboard seeing some canoes going along shore sent a boat to
fetch them back; the boatswain commander did so and with them brought
Dootahah, the rest of their crews leap'd overboard, he was sent
ashore prisoner. The 1st Lieutenant of course could not do less than
confine him which he did to the infinite dissatisfaction of all the
Indians, this we heard from them 2 miles before we reachd the tents
on our return. Tubourai, Tomaio and every Indian that we let in Joind
in lamenting over Dootahah with many tears. I arrivd about a quarter
of an Hour before the Captn during which time this scene lasted; as
soon as he came he orderd him to be instantly set at liberty which
done he walkd off sulky enough tho at his departure he presented us
with a pig.

1769 May 3.

Dr Solander and myself who have all along acted in the capacity of
market men attended this morn but no kind of provisions were brought,
indeed few Indians appeard except the servants of Dootahah who very
early took away his Canoe. Soon after Tubia (Obereas right
hand man who was with her in the Dolphins time) came and overhauld
every part of her canoe which had also been detaind, seemd satisfied
with what he saw so much so that he would not take it away. About
noon several fishing boats came abreast the tents, they however
parted with very few fish. In the course of the whole day a small
quantity of bread fruit was got cheifly in a present and 6 Cocoa nuts
only were bought, a very disagreable change this from our former
situation; we have now no cocoa nuts and not ¼ enough of bread
fruit for the people, who have scarce ever before faild to turn away
the latter from the market and purchase of the other from 3 to 400 a
day.

In the course of the day I went into the woods. The Indians were
civil but every where complaind of the ill usage Dootahah had met
with, they said that he had been beat and pulld by the hair; I
endeavour'd all I could to convince them that no violence had been
offerd to them but without success, I fear the Boatswain has been
rougher in his usage of him than he chuses to acknowledge. Tupia
stayd with us all day and at night slept in Oboreas Canoe not without
a bedfellow tho the gentleman cannot be less than 45.

1769 May 4.

No trade this morn but a little fish so we are for the first time
in distress for nescessaries. I went into the woods to Tubourai and
perswauded him to give me 5 long baskets of bread fruit, a very
seasonable supply as they contain above 120 fruits. A very few
Indians appear today before the fort, fewer than yesterday. After
dinner came a messenger from Dootahah requesting a shirt and a
hatchet (he had been here yesterday with the same demand) I suppose
in return for the hog he gave us on his release; the Captn sent him
back telling him that he would tomorrow visit him and bring the
things himself. In the Evening I went into the woods, found the
Indians as usual civil but complaining much of the treatment Dootahah
had met with on the 2nd.

1769 May 5.

This morn Obadée (her majesties bedfellow) came
pretty early to visit us or rather himself to take a view of her
canoe. He carefully overhauld every thing in it and complaind of the
Loss of some trifling thing I could not understand what; after this
he brought every thing out of it and deliverd them into my charge
desiring that they might be taken care of, after which he left us. A
very small quantity of Bread fruit brought this morn. At breakfast
time came two messengers from Dootahah to put the captn in mind of
his promise of Visiting him. Accordingly at 9 the boat set out
carrying the Captn Dr Solander and myself. We arrivd in about an
hour, Eparre his residence being about 4 miles from the tents.
An immence throng of people met us on the shore crowding us very much
tho they were severely beat for so doing by a tall well looking [man]
who lacd about him with a long stick most unmercifully, striking all
who did not get out of his way without intermission till he had
cleard us a path sufficient to go to Dootahah, who was seated under a
tree attended by a few grave looking old men. With him we sat down
and made our presents consisting of an ax and a gown of Broad cloth
made after their fashion and trimmd with tape, with these he seemd
mightily satisfied. Soon after this Oborea joind us and with her I
retird to a house adjacent where I could be free from the suffocating
heat occasiond by so large a crowd of people as were gatherd about
us. Here was prepard for our diversion an entertainment quite new to
us, a wrestling match at which the other gentlemen soon joind us. A
large court yard raild round with Bamboo about 3 feet high was the
scene of this diversion; at one end of this Dootahah was seated and
near him was left seats for us but we rather chose to range at large
among the spectators than confine ourselves to any particular
spot.

The diversion began by the combatants some of them at least
walking round the yard with a slow and grave pace every now and then
striking their left arms very hard, by which they causd a deep and
very loud noise, which it seems was a challenge to each other or any
one of the company who chose to engage in the exercise. Within the
house stood the old men ready to give applause to the victor and some
few women who seem'd to be here out of compliment to us, as much the
larger number absented themselves upon the occasion.

The general challenge was given as I before said, the particular
one soon followd it by which any man singled out his antagonist, it
was done by joining the finger ends of both hands even with the
breast and then moving the Elbows up and down. If this was accepted
the challenged immediately returnd the signal and instantly both put
themselves in an attitude to engage, which they very soon did
striving to seize each other by the hands hair or the cloth they had
round their middles, for they had no other dress. This done they
attempted to seize each other by the thigh which commonly decided the
contest in the fall of him who was thus taken at disadvantage; if
this was not soon done they always parted either by consent or their
freinds interferd in less than a minute, in which case both began to
clap their arms and seek anew for an antagonist either in each other
or some one else.

When any one fell the whole amusement ceasd for a few moments, in
which time the old men in the house gave their aplause in a few words
which they repeated together in a kind of tune.

This lasted about 2 hours, all which time the man who we observd
at our first Landing continued to beat the people who did not keep at
a proper distance most unmercifully. We understood that he was some
officer belonging to Dootahah and was calld his Tom'te.

The wrestling over the gentlemen informed me that they understood
that 2 hoggs and a large quantity of Bread fruit etc. was cooking for
our dinners, news which pleasd me very well as my stomach was by this
time sufficiently prepard for the repast. I went out and saw the
ovens in which they were now buried, these the Indians readily shewd
me telling me at the same time that they would soon be ready and how
good a dinner we should have. In about half an hour all was taken up
but now Dootahah began to repent of his intended generosity; he
thought I suppose that a hog would be lookd upon as no more than a
dinner and consequently no present made in return, he therefore
changd his mind and ordering one of the pigs into the boat sent for
us who soon collected together and getting our Knives prepard to fall
too, saying that it was civil of the old gentleman to bring the
provisions into the boat where we could with ease keep the people at
a proper distance, who in the house would have crouded us almost to
death. His intention was however very different from ours for instead
of asking us to eat he ask'd to go on board of the ship, a measure we
were forcd to comply with and row 4 miles with the pig growing cold
under our noses before he would give it to us. Aboard however we dind
upon this same pig and his majesty eat very heartily with us. After
dinner we went ashore, the sight of Dootahah reconcild to us acted
like a charm upon the people and before night bread fruit and cocoa
nuts were brought to sell in tolerable plenty.

1769 May 6.

Plenty of bread-fruit at market this morn but few cocoa nuts.
After dinner Dootahah visited the tents bringing 5 baskets of
breadfruit and some cocoa nuts; he went to the eastward and slept
tonight at the long house. Trade rather slack this morn, but we have
so muc bread-fruit before hand from the trade and presents of
yesterday that [it] is immaterial whether we buy any or not
today.

1769 May 7.

After dinner Dootahah came in a double canoe, after him came
another bringing 4 hogs and one of these he orderd out of the boat
with some bread fruit. I undertook to coax him out of the rest but
had not the success I could have wishd, he would part with only one
more and for that both the Captn and myself were obligd to go aboard
with him and give him a broad ax.

1769 May 8.

Msrs Molineux and Green went to the eastward today in the pinnace
intending to purchase hoggs. They went 20 miles, saw many hogs and
one turtle but the people would part with neither one nor the other,
they belongd they said to Dootahah and without his leave they could
not sell them. We now begin to think that Dootahah is indeed a great
king much greater than we have been usd to imagine him, indeed his
influence upon the late occasion as well as today has prov'd to be so
great that we can hardly doubt it. Mr Green measurd today a tree
which he saw, it provd to be 60 yards in circumference. He brought
home some boughs of it but they were thrown overboard before I could
see them so the species of this monstrous tree remains a doubt with
us.

This morn I fix'd my little boat before the door of the Fort, it
serves very well for a place to trade in. Trade is not now as it has
been, formerly we usd to buy enough for all hands between sunrise and
8 O'Clock now attendance must be given all day or little can be
done.

1769 May 9.

Cocoa nuts have been for some days rather scarce, we are therefore
obligd for the first time to bring out our nails. Last night our
smallest size about 4 inches long were offerd for 20 Cocoa nutts,
accordingly this morn several came with that number so that we had
plenty of them. Smaller lots as well as bread fruit sold as usual for
beads.

Soon after breakfast Came Oborea, Obadee and Tupia bringing a hog
and some breadfruit; they stayd with us till night then took away
their canoe and promisd to return in 3 days. We had to day 350 Cocoa
nuts and more bread fruit than we would buy so that we aproach our
former plenty.

1769 May 10.

This morn Captn Cooke planted divers seeds which he had brought
with him in a spot of ground turnd up for the purpose. They were all
bought of Gordon at Mile End and sent in bottles seald up, whether or
no that method will succeed the event of this plantation will shew.
Plenty of Bread fruit and cocoanuts again today. Towards evening
Tubourai and Tomio returnd from the west and seemd extreemly glad to
see all of us.

We have now got the Indian name of the Island, Otahite, so
therefore for the future I shall call it. As for our own names the
Indians find so much dificulty in pronouncing them that we are forcd
to indulge them in calling us what they please, or rather what they
say when they attempt to pronounce them. I give here the List: Captn
Cooke Toote, Dr Solander Torano, Mr Hicks Hete,
Mr Gore Toárro, Mr Molineux Boba from his
Christian name Robert, Mr Monkhouse Mato, and myself
Tapáne. In this manner they have names for almost every
man in the ship.

1769 May 11.

Cocoa nuts were brought down so plentifully this morn that by
½ past 6 I had bought 350: this made it nescessary to drop the
price of them least so many being brought at once we should exhaust
the countrey and want hereafter; notwistanding I had before night
bought more than a thousand at the rates of 6 for an amber coulourd
bead, 10 for a white one, and 20 for a fortypenny nail.

1769 May 12.

Cocoa nuts very plentifull this morning. About breakfast time
Dootahah visits us. Immediately after while I sat trading in the boat
at the door of the fort a double Canoe came with several women and
one man under the awning. The Indians round me made signs that I
should go out and meet them, by the time I had got out of the boat
they were within ten yards of me. The people made a lane from them to
me. They stopd and made signs for me to do the same. The man in
company with them had in his hand a large bunch of boughs; he advancd
towards me bringing two, one a young plantain the other [] . Tupia
who stood by me acted as my deputy in receiving them and laying them
down in the boat: 6 times he passd backwards and forwards in the same
manner and bringing the same present. Another man than came forward
having in his arms a large bundle of cloth, this he opend out and
spread it peice by peice on the ground between the women and me, it
consisted on nine peices. Three were first laid. The foremost of the
women, who seemd to be the principal, then stepd upon them and
quickly unveiling all her charms gave me a most convenient
opportunity of admiring them by turning herself gradualy round: 3
peices more were laid and she repeated her part of the ceremony: the
other three were then laid which made a treble covering of the ground
between her and me, she then once more displayd her naked beauties
and immediately marchd up to me, a man following her and doubling up
the cloth as he came forwards which she immediately made me
understand was intended as a present for me. I took her by the hand
and led her to the tents acompanied by another woman her freind, to
both of them I made presents but could not prevail upon them to stay
more than an hour. In the evening Oborea and her favourite attendant
Othéothéa pay us a visit, much to my
satisfaction as the latter (my flame) has for some days been reported
either ill or dead.

1769 May 13.

Our Freinds with us this morn in very good time as they generaly
are, very shortly after sunrise plenty of cocoa nuts etc. at the
market. After it was over, about 10 O'Clock, I walkd into the woods
with my gun, as I generaly did to spend the heat of the day in the
Indian houses where I could be cool from the shade of the trees which
every where grow about them. In my return I met Tubourai near his
house; I stopd with him, he took my gun out of my hand, cockd it and
holding it up in the air drew the trigger, fortunately for him it
flashd in the pan. Where he had got so much knowledge of the use of a
gun I could not conceive but was sufficiently angry that he should
attempt to exersise it upon mine, as I had upon all occasions taught
him and the rest of the Indians that they could not offend me so much
as even to touch it. I scolded him severely and even threatned to
shoot him. He bore all patiently but the moment I had crossd the
river he and his family bag and baggage movd of to their other house
at Eparre.

This step was no sooner taken than I was informd of it by the
Indians about the fort. Not willing to lose the assistance of a man
who had upon all occasions been particularly usefull to us I resolv'd
to go this evening and bring him back, acordingly as soon as dinner
was over I set out acompanied by Mr Molineux. We found him setting in
the middle of a large circle of people, himself and many of the rest
with most melancholy countenances some in tears; one old woman on our
coming into the circle struck a sharks tooth into her head many times
till it foamd with blood but her head seemd to have been so often
excersisd with this expression of greif that it was become quite
callous, for tho the crown of it was coverd with blood enough did not
issue from the wounds to run upon her cheeks. After some few
assurances of forgiveness Tubourai agreed to return with us, in
consequence of which resolution a double canoe was put off in which
we all returnd to the tents before supper time, and as a token of a
renewal of freindship both him and his wife slept in my tent all
night.

About 11 one of the natives atempted to scale our walls intending
no doubt to steal whatever he could find, but seeing himself observd
he made off much faster than any of our people could follow him.

1769 May 14.

Our freinds Dootahah, Oborea, Otheothea etc. at the tents this
morn as usual. It being Sunday Captn Cooke proposd that divine
service should be celebrated but before the proper time of doing it
most of our Indian freinds were gone home to eat. I was resolvd
however that some should be present that they might see our behaviour
and we might if possible explain to them (in some degree at least)
the reasons of it. I went therefore over the river and brought back
Tubourai and Tomio and having seated them in the tent plac'd myself
between them. During the whole service they imitated my motions,
standing setting or kneeling as they saw me do, and so much
understood that we were about something very serious that they calld
to the Indians without the fort to be silent; notwisthstanding this
they did not when the service was over ask any questions nor would
they attend at all to any explanation we attempted to give them. We
have not yet seen the least traces of religion among these people,
maybe they are intirely without it.

1769 May 15.

In the course of last night one of the Indians was clever enough
to steal an Iron bound cask; it was indeed without the fort but so
immediately under the eye of the Sentry that we could hardly beleive
the possibility of such a thing having [happened] when we lookd at
the place. The Indians however acknowledg'd it and seemd inclind to
give intelligence, in consequence of which I set off in pursuit of it
and tracd it to a part of the bay where they told me it had been put
into a canoe. The thing was not of consequence enough to pursue with
any great spirit so I returnd home where I found Oborea, Otheothea,
Obadee etc. At night Tubourai made many signs that another cask would
be stole before morning, and thinking I suppose that we did not
sufficiently regard them himself his wife and family came to the
place where the cask[s] lay and making their beds said that they
would themselves take care that no one should steal them. On being
told this I went to them and explaining to them that a Sentry was
this night put over those particular casks they agreed to come and
sleep in my tent, but insisted upon leaving a servant to assist the
sentry in case the theif came, which he did about 12 and was seen by
the Sentry who fird at him on which he retreated most
expeditiously.

1769 May 16.

The morning wet and disagreable. We hauld the Seine in several
parts of the bay without the least success; the Indians are so fond
of fish and so expert in catching it, using almost every method we do
in Europe, that our want of success is not at all to be wonderd at.
Tonight Tubourai, Tamio, Oborea, Obadee and Otheothea slept in my
tent. At midnight the water casks were again atempted and two shot
fird at the theif which alarmd my bedfellows not a little, they were
however soon quieted by my going out and bringing back word of the
reason of the firing.

1769 May 17.

Fine weather. Oborea and her freinds went early to Eparre as the
rest of our cheifs did yesterday in 18 double canoes, so that we are
quite dull for want of company in the tents. Tubourai and Tamio slept
with me as usual.

1769 May 18.

Fine weather and good market, the apples begin now to be ripe and
are brought in in large quantities very cheap so that apple pies are
a standing dish with us.

1769 May 19.

This morning Tubourai who had slept [with] me as usual was observd
by my servant to have an uncommonly large nail under his Cloaths,
this I was informd of and knowing that no such had been either given
or dispos'd of in trade was obligd to suspect my freind of theft. I
therefore went instantly to his house and chargd him with it, he
immediately confessd but atempted to keep his booty by telling me
that the nail was gone to Eparre. I became much in earnest and a few
threats soon produc'd the stolen goods. I was more hurt at the
discovery than he was, I firmly beleive he was the only Indian I
trusted and in him I had placd a most unbounded confidence, this
event shews more than he could bear: 7 of these nails lay in a basket
in one of the tents and on examining it 5 were missing. I thought it
nesscessary after this discovery to bring the offender to the tents
to receive judgement which I did. Every body there was of opinion
that his fault was pardonable. I confess that upon thinking over the
circumstances I blam'd myself more for leaving the nails in his way
than him for stealing them. It was therefore resolvd that if he
brought back the other 4 he should be forgiven and his fault forgot:
this I told him and he agreed readily, but instead of performing his
part he and his family movd off before night taking with them all
their furniture.

1769 May 20.

Rain and very disagreeable weather so that we had but little
trade. About 10 Oborea came to the fort and brough[t] a large present
of bread fruit, she had with her Otheothea and her other maids of
honour as we call them but Obadee her gentleman attendant was absent.
We enquird the reason, she told us that she had dismiss'd him; about
8 however he came by torch light and going to the house in the woods
where she slept slept with her.

1769 May 21.

Sunday, Divine service performd, at which was present Oborea,
Otheothea, Obadee, etc. all behav'd very decently. After dinner
Obadee who had been for some time absent returnd to the fort. Oborea
desird he might not be let in, his countenance was however so
melancholy that we could not but admit him. He lookd most piteously
at Oborea, she most disdainfully at him; she seems to us to act in
the character of a Ninon d'Enclos who satiated with her lover
resolves to change him at all Events, the more so as I am offerd if I
please to supply his place, but I am at present otherwise engag'd;
indeed was I free as air her majesties person is not the most
desireable.

1769 May 22.

This morning showery and cool, seemingly a good opportunity of
going upon the hills. I went accompanied only by Indians, indeed all
of them but one soon left me, he however accompanied me during my
whole walk. The paths were very open and clear till I came to the
woods but afterwards very bad, so much so that I could not reach the
top of the lowest of the two high hills seen from the fort, which was
all I intended. I was in some measure however recompens'd by finding
several plants which I had not before seen, with which I returnd
before sunset, and had Oborea, Obadee and Otheothea to sleep with me
in my tent.

1769 May 23.

Trade very slack today, so much so that we have only Cocoa nuts
for the sick, and the people are obligd to have bread servd them at
dinner.

1769 May 24.

We had receivd repeated messages from Dootahah signifying that if
we would go and visit him we should have 4 hogs for our pains; in
consequence of this our first Lieutenant was sent today with orders
to go to him and try if by any civilities he could shew him he could
procure them. He found him removd from his old residence at Eparre to
a place calld Tettaháh about 5 miles farther. He was reciv'd
with great cordiality, one hog was immediately producd and he was
told that the others should be brough[t] somewhere from a distance if
he would stay till next morning. This he did not at all scruple, the
morning came however without the hogs so he was obligd to return with
the one he had got over night not a little dissatisfied with
Dootahahs nonperformance of his promises.

Msrs Monkhouse and Green atempted this day to climb the same hill
that I attempted on the 22nd, with much the same success; they got
however higher than I did but could not reach the summit.

1769 May 25.

Tubourai and Tamio made their appearance at the fort for the first
time since the breach of the 19th, he in particular seemd much
frightned nor did my behavior to him give him much comfort. I had
resolvd not to restore him either to my freindship or confidence
unless he restord the nails which he seemd to have no intention of
dooing; after staying a little time he went home sulky as he
came.

1769 May 26.

Mr Monkhouse who I think is rather too partial to Tubourai went
this morn to his house intending to persuade him to come to the
tents. He made many excuses, he was hungry, he must sleep, his head
achd, in short he would not nor did not come. Tamio however did but
took alarm at my being absent who was aboard of the ship and soon
departed.

1769 May 27.

This day Mr Monkhouse went to Eparre with Tubourai and Tamio.
Market tolerable. Mr Hicks in his return from Dootahah brought word
that if the Captn would go over the 4 piggs would be given to him:
this producd a resolution of going tomorrow, tho we none of us much
credited his promise, yet we would leave no stone unturnd to keep him
in good humour. I omitted to mention on the 25th that the longboat
being very leaky was hauld dry and her bottom found to be eat
intirely through by the worm, which surprizes us much as the Dolphins
boats met with no such inconvenience: her bottom was payd with
brimstone and tallow. The pinnace which has been in the water as long
as her is totaly untouchd which we atribute to hers being painted
with white lead and oil.

1769 May 28.

This morn the pinnace set out for the Eastward with the Captn Dr
Solander and myself. Dootahah was removd from Tettahah where Mr Hicks
saw him on the 24th to Atahourou, about 6 miles farther, a place to
which the boat could not go. We were resolv'd not to be disapointed
so walkd afoot. It was evening before we arrivd, we found him setting
under a tree with a vast croud about him as usual; we made our
presents in due form consisting of a yellow stuff peticoat etc. which
were graciously receivd, and a hog immediately [brought] with many
promises of more in the morning. Night came on apace, it was
nescessary to look out for lodgings; as Dootahah made no offer of any
I repaird to my old Freind Oborea who readily gave me a bed in her
canoe much to my satisfaction. I acquainted my fellow travelers with
my good fortune and wishing them as good took my leave. We went to
bed early as is the custom here: I strippd myself for the greater
convenience of sleeping as the night was hot. Oborea insisted that my
cloths should be put into her custody, otherwise she said they would
certainly be stolen. I readily submitted and laid down to sleep with
all imaginable tranquility. About 11 I awakd and wanting to get up
felt for my clothes in the place in which I had seen them laid at
night but they were missing. I awakd Oborea, she started up and on my
complaining of the Loss candles were immediately lit. Dootahah who
slept in the next canoe came to us and both went in search of the
theif, for such it seems it was who had stolen my coat and waistcoat
with my pistols powder horn etc., they returnd however in about
½ an hour without any news of the stolen goods. I began to be
a little alarmd, my musquet was left me, but that by my neglect the
night before was not loaded; I did not know where Captn Cooke or Dr
Solander had disposd of themselves, consequently could not call upon
them for assistance; Tupia stood near me awakd by the Hubbub that had
been raisd on account of my Loss; to him I gave my Musquet charging
him to take care that the theif did not get it from him, and betook
myself again to rest, telling my companions in the boat that I was
well satisfied with the pains that Oborea and Dootahah had taken for
the recovery of my things. Soon after I heard their musick and saw
lights near me; I got up and went towards them, it was a heiva or
assembly according to their custom. Here I saw Captn Cooke and told
my melancholy story, he was my fellow sufferer, he had lost his
stockins and two young gentlemen who were with him had lost each a
Jacket. Dr Solander was away we neither of us knew where: we talkd
over our losses and agreed that nothing could be done toward
recovering them till the morning, after which we parted and went to
our respective sleeping places.

1769 May 29.

At day break we rose according to the custom of our companions.
Tupia was the first man I saw, atending with my Musquet and the
remainder of my cloaths, his faith had often been tried, on this
occasion it shone very much. Oborea took care to provide me with
cloth to supply the place of my lost Jacket so that I made a motley
apearance, my dress being half English and half Indian. Dootahah soon
after made his apearance; I pressd him to recover my Jacket but
neither he nor Oborea would take the least step towards it so that I
am almost inclind to beleive that they acted principals in the theft.
Indeed if they did it may be said in their excuse that they knew I
had in my pockets a pair of pistols, weopons to them more dreadfull
than a cannon to a man marching up to its mouth: could they get
possession of them they thought no doubt that they would be as
usefull to them as to us; self defence and preservation therefore in
this case came in opposition to the laws of hospitality, duties to
which mankind usualy give the preference in all cases.

About 8 Dr Solander returnd from a house about a mile off where he
had slept: he had met with more honest companions than we had for
nothing of his was missing. We spent the most of the morning in
trying to persuade our freinds either to restore our cloaths or give
us some hogs acording to promise, but neiether could we do, so we
were forcd to set out for the boat with only the pig got yesterday,
dissatisfied enough with our expedition.

In our return to the boat we saw the Indians amuse or excersise
themselves in a manner truly surprizing. It was in a place where the
shore was not guarded by a reef as is usualy the case, consequently a
high surf fell upon the shore, a more deadfull one I have not often
seen: no European boat could have landed in it and I think no
Europaean who had by any means got into [it] could possibly have
saved his life, as the shore was coverd with pebbles and large
stones. In the midst of these breakers 10 or 12 Indians were swimming
who whenever a surf broke near them divd under it with infinite ease,
rising up on the other side; but their cheif amusement was carried on
by the stern of an old canoe, with this before them they swam out as
far as the outermost breach, then one or two would get into it and
opposing the blunt end to the breaking wave were hurried in with
incredible swiftness. Sometimes they were carried almost ashore but
generaly the wave broke over them before they were half way, in which
case the[y] divd and quickly rose on the other side with the canoe in
their hands, which was towd out again and the same method repeated.
We stood admiring this very wonderfull scene for full half an hour,
in which time no one of the actors atempted to come ashore but all
seemd most highly entertaind with their strange diversion.

1769 May 30.

Carpenters employd today in repairing the long boat which is eat
in a most wonderfull manner, every part of her bottom is like a
honeycomb and some of the holes 1/8th of an inch in diameter, such a
progress has this destructive insect made in six weeks.

1769 May 31.

The day of Observation now aproaches. The weather has been for
some days fine, tho in general since we have been upon the Island we
have had as much cloudy as clear weather, which makes us all not a
little anxious for success. In consequence of hints from Lord Morton
the Captn resolves to send a party to the eastward, and another to
Imáo, an Island in sight of us, thinking that in case
of thick weather one or the other might be more successfull than the
observatory. The Carpenters work very hard to finish the long boat. I
resolve to go on the Imáo expedition.

JUNE 1769

1769 June 1.

The boat could not be got ready till after dinner when we set out;
we rowd most of the night and came to a grapling just under the land
of Imáo.

1769 June 2.

Soon after day break we saw an Indian canoe and upon hailing her
she shewed us an inlet through the reef, into [which] we pulld and
soon fixd upon a Coral rock about 150 yards from the shore as a very
proper situation for our Observatory; it was about 80 yards long and
60 broad and had in hte middle of it a bed of white sand large enough
for our tents to stand upon. The 2nd Lieutent and people therefore
immediately set about it while I went upon the main Island to trade
with the inhabitants for provisions, of which I soon bought a
sufficient supply. Before night our observatory was in order,
telescopes all set up and tried etc. and we went to rest anxious for
the events of tomorrow; the evening having been very fine gave us
however great hopes of success.

1769 June 3.

Various were the Changes observd in the weather during the course
of last night, some one or other of us was up every half hour who
constantly informd the rest that it was either clear or Hazey, at day
break we rose and soon after had the satisfaction of seeing the sun
rise as clear and bright as we could wish him. I then wishd success
to the observers Msrs Gore and Monkhouse and repaird to the Island,
where I could do the double service of examining the natural produce
and buying provisions for my companions who were engagd in so usefull
a work. About eight a large quantity of provisions were procurd when
I saw two boats coming towards the place where I traded; these I was
told belongd to Tarróa the King of the Island who was coming
to pay me a visit. As soon as the boats came near the shore the
people formd a lane; he landed bringing with him his sister
Nuna and both came towards the tree under which I stood. I
went out and met them and brought them very formaly into a circle I
had made, into which I had before sufferd none of the natives to
come. Standing is not the fashion among these people, I must provide
them a seat,, which I did by unwrapping a turban of Indian cloth
which I wore instead of a hat and spreading it upon the ground; upon
which we all sat down and the kings present was brought Consisting of
a hog, a dog and a quantity of Bread fruit Cocoa nuts etc. I
immediately sent a canoe to the Observatory to fetch my present, an
adze a shirt and some beads with which his majesty seemd well
satisfied. Tubourai and Tamio who came with us now came from the
observatory; she said that she was related to Tarroa and brought him
a present, a long nail and a shirt, which she gave to Nuna. After the
first Internal contact was over I went to my Companions at the
observatory carrying with me Tarroa, Nuna and some of their cheif
atendants; to them we shewd the planet upon the sun and made them
understand that we came on purpose to see it. After this they went
back and myself with them. I spent the rest of the day in examining
the produce etc. of the Island and found it very nearly similar to
that of Otahite, the people exactly the same, indeed we saw many of
the Identical same people as we had often seen at Otahite, and every
one knew well every kind of trade we had and the value it bore in
that Island. The hills in general came nearer to the water and flats
were consequently less, and less Fertile, than at Otahite--the low
point near which we lay was composd intirely of sand and coral. Here
neither Breadfruit nor any usefull vegetables would grow; it was
coverd over with Pandanus tectorius and with these grew
several plants we had not seen at Otahite, among them Iberis [] ,
which Mr Gore tells me is the plant calld by the voyagers scurvy
grass which grows plentifully upon all the low Islands.

At sunset I came off having purchasd another hog from the King.
Soon after my arrival at the tent 3 hansome girls came off in a canoe
to see us, they had been at the tent in the morning with Tarroa, they
chatted with us very freely and with very little perswasion agreed to
send away their carriage and sleep in [the] tent, a proof of
confidence which I have not before met with upon so short an
acquaintance.

1769 June 4.

We prepard ourselves to depart, in spite of the intreaties of our
fair companions who persuaded us much to stay. What with presents and
trade our stock of Provisions was so large that we were obligd to
give away a large quantity. This done we put off and before night
arrivd at the tents, where we had the great satisfaction that the
observation there had been attended with as much success as Mr Green
and the Captn could wish, the day having been perfectly clear not so
much as a cloud interveining. We also heard the melancholy news that
a large part of our stock of Nails had been purloind by some of the
ships company during the time of the Observation, when every body was
ashore who had any degree of comand. One of the theives was detected
but only 7 nails were found upon him our of 100 Wt and he bore his
punishment without impeaching any of his acomplices. This loss is of
a very serious nature as these nails if circulated by the people
among the Indians will much lessen the value of Iron, our staple
commodity.

1769 June 5.

During our absence at Imao an old woman of some consequence, a
relation of Tamio, was dead and was plac'd not far from the fort to
rot above ground as is the custom of the Island. I went this morn to
see her. A small square was neatly raild in with Bamboe and in the
midst of it a Canoe awning set up upon two posts, in this the body
was laid coverd with fine cloth. Near this was laid fish etc. meat
for the gods not for the deceasd, but to satisfie the hunger of the
deitys least they shoud eat the body, which Tubourai told us they
would certainly do if this ceremony was neglected. In the front of
the square was a kind of stile or place lower than the rest, where
the relations of the deceasd stood when they cry'd or bled
themselves, and under the awning were numberless rags containing the
blood and tears they had shed. Within a few yards were two occasional
houses; in one of them some of the relations constantly remaind
generaly a good many; in the other the cheif male mourner resided and
kept a very remarkable Dress in which he performd a ceremony, both
which I shall describe when I have an opportunity of seeing it in
perfection which Tubourai promises me I shall soon have.

This day we kept the Kings birthday which had been delayd on
account of the absence of the two observing parties; several of the
Indians dind with us and drank his majesties health by the name of
Kihiargo, for we could not teach them to pronounce a word more like
King George. Tupia however to shew his Loyalty got most enormously
drunk.

1769 June 6.

In walking into the woods yesterday I saw in the hands of an
Indian an Iron tool made in the shape of the Indian adzes, very
different I was sure from any thing that had been carried out or made
either by the Dolphin or this ship. This excited my curiosity, much
the more so when I was told that it did not come out of either of
those ships but from two others which came here together. This was a
discovery not to be neglected. With much dificulty and labour I at
last got the following account of them, viz, that in their month of
Pepére which answers to our January 1768 2 Spanish
ships came here commanded by a man whoom they calld To
Otterah; that they lay 8 days in a bay calld Hidea,
some leagues to the eastward of Matavie where the ship now
lies; that during their stay they sent tents ashore and some slept in
them; that they were cheifly connected with a cheif whose name was
Orétte, whose younger brother they carried away with
them promising to return in nine months; that they had on board their
ships a woman; and that on their departure they stood to the westward
as long as they were seen from the Island. I was very particular in
these inquiries as the Knowledge got by them may be of some
consequence. The methods I took to gain this account would be much
too tedious to mention: one of my greatest dificulties was to
determine of what nation they were which was done thus, I pointed to
our colours and ask'd whether the ships had such or not. No, was the
answer when the question was thouroughly understood. I opend a large
sheet of Flaggs and askd which of them they had: Tubourai lookd
stedfastly over them and at last pitchd upon the Spanish ensign and
to that he adhered tho we tryd him over and over.

1769 June 7.

We were this morn visited by several of Dootahahs relations women
especialy, probably to sound us upon the score of our usage at
Atahourou. We had resolvd at that place rather to put up with our
losses than to mattow or frighten the Indians, the consequence of
which we knew to be scarcity of provisions; we therefore treated
these people very well, making them presents to tempt them to come
again and bring Dootahah, king of the hogs as we calld him and
certainly have always found him.

1769 June 8.

Fresh proofs of the Spanish ships every day in thing[s] of theirs
which have been left here, among the rest a course shirt and a woolen
jacket both of manufacture different from any English.

1769 June 9.

Yesterday and today the Heiva no Meduah or funeral ceremony
walkd. My curiosity was raisd by his most singular dress. I was
desirous of knowing what he did during his walk; I askd Tubourai, at
the same time desird leave to atend him tomorrow which upon my
consenting to perform a character was readily granted. Tomorrow
therefore I am to be smutted from head to foot and to do whatever
they desire me to do. Bread fruit has for some time been scarce with
us; about 10 days ago the trees were thinnd all at once from their
being a great shew of fruit; every one was employd in making
Mahie for about a week. Where the breadfruit we now have comes
from we cannot tell, but we have more than the woods in our
neighbourhood can supply us with. Probably our consumption has thinnd
the trees in this neighbourhood, as the Dolphins who came here about
this time saw great plenty all the time they stayd; if this is the
case what we now get may be brought from some neig[h]bouring place
where the trees are not yet exhausted.

1769 June 10.

This evening according to my yesterdays engagement I went to the
place where the medua lay, where I found Tubourai, Tamio,
Hoona the Meduas daughter and a young Indian prepard to
receive me. Tubourai was the Heiva, the three others and
myself were to Nineveh. He put on his dress, most Fantastical
tho not unbecoming, the figure annexd will explain it far better than
words can. I was next prepard by stripping off my European cloths and
putting me on a small strip of cloth round my waist, the only garment
I was allowd to have, but I had no pretensions to be ashamd of my
nakedness for neither of the women were a bit more coverd than
myself. They then began to smut me and themselves with charcoal and
water, the Indian boy was compleatly black, the women and myself as
low as our shoulders. We then set out. Tubourai began by praying
twice, one near the Corps again near his own house. We then proceeded
towards the fort: it was nesscessary it seems that the procession
should visit that place but they dare not to do it without the
sanction of some of us, indeed it was not till many assurances of our
consent that they venturd to perform any part of their ceremonies. To
the fort then we went to the surprize of our freinds and affright of
the Indians who were there, for they every where fly before the
Heiva like sheep before a wolf. We soon left it and proceeded
along shore towards a place where above 100 Indians were collected
together. We the Ninevehs had orders from the Heiva to
disperse them, we ran towards them but before we cam[e] within 100
yards of them they dispers'd every way, running to the first shelter,
hiding themselves under grass or whatever else would conceal them. We
now crossd the river into the woods and passd several houses, all
were deserted, not another Indian did we see for about ½ an
hour that we sepnt in walking about. We the Ninevehs then came to the
Heiva and said imatata, there are no people; after
which we repaird home, the Heiva undressd and we went into the
river and scrubbd one another till it was dark before the blacking
would come off.

1769 June 11.

This Evening Tubourai came to the tents bringing a bow and arrows,
in consequence of a challenge Mr Gore had given him sometime ago to
shoot. This challenge was however misunderstood, Tubourai meant to
try who could shoot the farthest, Mr Gore to shoot at a mark and
neither was at all practisd in what the other valued himself upon.
Tubourai to please us shot in his way; he knelt down and drew the bow
and as soon as he let slip the string droppd the bow from his hand,
the arrow however went 274 yards.

1769 June 12.

In my mornings walk today I met a company of traveling musicians;
they told me where they should be at night so after supper we all
repaird to the place. There was a large concourse of people round
this band, which consisted of 2 flutes and three drums, the drummers
acompanying their musick with their voices; they sung many songs
generaly in praise of us, for these gentlemen like Homer of old must
be poets as well as musicians. The Indians seeing us entertaind with
their musick, askd us to sing them an English song, which we most
readily agreed to and receivd much applause, so much so that one of
the musicians became desirous of going to England to learn to sing.
These people by what we can learn go about from house to house, the
master of the house and the audience paying them for their musick in
cloth, meat, beads or any thing else which the one wants and the
other can spare.

1769 June 13.

Mr Monkhouse our surgeon met to day with an insult from an Indian,
the first that has been met with by any of us. He was pulling a
flower from a tree which grew on a burying ground and consequently
was I suppose sacred, when an Indian came behind him and struck him;
he seiz'd hold of him and attempted to beat him, but was prevented by
two more who coming up seizd hold of his hair and rescued their
companion after which they all ran away.

1769 June 14.

I lay in the woods last night as I very often did. At day break I
was calld up by Mr Gore and went with him shooting, from which party
we did not return till night when we saw a large number of Canoes in
the river behind the tents, of which we had this account. Last night
an Indian was clever enough to steal a Coal rake out of the fort
without being perceivd. In the Morning it was missing and Captn Cooke
being resolvd to recover it, as also to discourage such atempts for
the future, went out with a party of men and seizd 25 of their large
sailing Canoes which were just come in from Tethuroa, a
neighbouring Island, with a supply of fish for the inhabitants of
this. The Coal rake was upon this soon brought back but Captn Cooke
thought he had now in his hands an opportunity of recovering all the
things which had been stolen: he therefore proclaimd to every one
that till all the things which had been stolen from us were brought
back the boats should not stir, a list of these was immediately drawn
up and read several times to the Indians, who readily promisd that
every thing should be brought back. Great application was made to me
in my return that some of these might be releasd. I did not till I
got to the fort understand the reason of their being detaind, and
when I did nothing apeard so plain as that no one of them should on
any account be let go from favour, but the whole kept till the things
were [returnd] if ever they were, which I much doubted as the Canoes
pretty certainly did not belong to the people who had stolen the
things. I confess had I taken a step so violent I would have seizd
either the persons of the people who had stolen from us, most of
whoom we either knew or shrewdly suspected, or their goods at least
instead of those of people who are intirely unconcernd in the affair
and have not probably interest enough with their superiors (to whoom
all valuable things are carried) to procure the restoration
demanded.

1769 June 15.

Some few presents today but no trade at all. We found ourselves
today involvd in an unexpected dificulty with regard to the boats:
they were loaded with provisions which their owners must live upon or
starve, in consequence of which they ask leave to go and take them
out and are allowd to do so as much as they can eat. We are not able
however to distinguish the true owners, so many avail themselves of
this indulgence by stealing their neighbours which we cannot prevent,
indeed in a few days more the whole consisting cheifly of fish (curd
to keep about that time) will be spoild.

1769 June 16.

Some presents today but no trade. Several petitions for canoes
backd by our principal freinds but none complied with. In the
afternoon the body of the old woman which lay near us was removd, but
to what place or on what account we could not learn.

1769 June 17.

This morn Mr Gore and myself went to Oparre to shoot Ducks, little
thinking what the consequence of our expedition would be; for before
we had half filld our baggs we had frigh[t]ned away Dootahah and all
his household and furniture, a matter of no small diversion to us to
find his majesty so much more fearfull than his ducks.

1769 June 18.

This morn the boat was sent to get Ballast for the ship; the
officer sent in her not finding stones convenient began to pull down
a burying ground. To this the Indians objected much and [a] messenger
came to the tents saying that they would not suffer it. I went with
the 2nd Lieutenant to the place. They had desird them to desist from
destroying the burying ground they had began upon, but shewd them
another. The officer however though[t] it best not to molest any
thing of the kind and sent the people to the river where they gatherd
stones very Easily without a possibility of offending anybody.

1769 June 19.

The fish in the Canoes stink most immoderately so as in some winds
to render our situation in the tents rather disagreable. This evening
Oborea, Otheothea and Tuarua came to visit us for the first time
since the affair of the Jacket; they were very desirous of sleeping
in the fort but my Marque [e] was full of Indians and no one else
chose to entertain them, so they were obligd to repair to their
Canoes to sleep there rather out of humour.

1769 June 20.

This morn early Oborea and Co came to the tents bringing a large
quantity of provisions as a present, among the rest a very fat dog.
We had lately learnt that these animals were eat by the Indians and
esteemed more delicate food than Pork, now therefore was our
oportunity of trying the experiment. He was immediately given over to
Tupia who finding that it was a food that we were not acustomd to
undertook to stand butcher and cook both. He killd him by stopping
his breath, holding his hands fast over his mouth and nose, an
operation which took up above a quarter of an hour; he then proceeded
to dress him much in the same manner as we would do a pig, singing
him over the fire which was lighted to roast him and scraping him
clean with a shell. He then opend him with the same instrument and
taking out his entrails pluck etc. sent them to the sea where they
were most carefully washd, and then put into Cocoa nut shells with
what blood he had found in him. The stones were now laid and the dog
well coverd with leaves laid upon them. In about two hours he was
dressd and in another quarter of an hour compleatly eat. A most
excellent dish he made for us who were not much prejudicd against any
species of food; I cannot however promise that an European dog would
eat as well, as these scarce in their lives touch animal food, Cocoa
nut kernel, Bread fruit, yams etc., being what their masters can best
afford to give them and what indeed from custom I suppose they
preferr to any kind of food.

1769 June 21.

This Morning came Oámo, a cheif we had not before
seen; with him came a boy and a young woman to whoom all the people
present shewd a most uncommon respect, every one taking their
garments from their shoulders and wrapping them round their breasts.
We were upon this very desirous of shewing them all the respect we
could as well as learning who they were: we could not however prevail
upon the woman to come into the tents tho she seemd very desirous of
it, the people all joind in preventing her by their advice at some
times almost using force; the boy was in the same manner kept
without. Dr Solander met him by accident close by the gate and laying
hold of his hand he followd him in before the people were aware;
those in the tents however very soon sent him out again. Upon inquiry
we find that this boy is son to Oamo and Oborea who are husband and
wife, but have long ago been parted by a mutual consent which gives
both leave to enjoy the pleasures of this life without controul from
their former engagements. The girl about 16 is intended for his wife
but he being not more than 8 years old they have not yet cohabited
together.

1769 June 22.

Our visiters returnd early this morn, Oborea, Otheothea, Oamo etc.
etc. The latter begins to shew himself a very sensible man by the
shrewd questions he asks about England its manners and customs etc.
Much interest is made to procure the release of the boats, indeed
Captn Cooke is now tird of keeping them as he finds that not the
least motion is made towards returning any of the stol'n goods; four
of them are therefore set at liberty.

1769 June 27.

Our Freinds with us as usual. One of our seamen a Portugese was
last night missing; as there was no news of him this Morning we
concluded that he was run away and meant to stay among the Indians.
Captn Cooke therefore offerd a hatchet to any man who would bring him
back, one soon offerd and returnd with him at night. He said that two
Indians seizd him and stopping his mouth forcd him away, but as he
was out of the fort after a woman this account apeard improbable, the
man was however not punishd.

1769 June 27.

Our freinds all went to the westward last night; nothing material
happend during our solitude. The market has been totaly stoppd ever
since the boats were seizd, nothing being offerd to sale but a few
apples; our freinds however are liberal in presents so that we make a
shift to live without expending our bread, which and spirits are the
most valuable articles to us. Late in the evening Tubourai and Tamio
returnd from Eparre bringing with them several presents, among the
rest a large peice of thick cloth which they desird that I would
carry home to my Sister Opia, and for which they would take no kind
of return. They are often very inquisitive about our families and
remember any thing that is told them very well.

1769 June 27.

Prayers today it being sunday, soon after Potattow and
Polotheara came to see us.

1769 June 27.

At 3 O'clock this morn Captn Cooke and myself set out to the
eastward in the pinnace, intending if it was convenient to go round
the Island, the weather calm and pleasant. We rowd till 8 and then
went ashore in a district calld Ohiana governd by a cheif
calld Ahio, who favourd us with his company to breakfast. Here
we saw our old acquaintances TitùboaloHoona,
who carried me immediately to their House near which was placd the
body of the old woman which was removd from Matavie on the 16th. This
it seems was the estate which descended to Hoona by inheritance from
her and it was on that account nescessary that she should be brought
here. From hence we proceeded on foot, the boat atending within call,
till we came to Ahidea the place where the Spanyards were said
to lay. We met with the cheif their freind Orétte, whose
brother Outorrou went with them. Our inquiries here were very
particular and we had the account I have before given confirmd; they
shewd us also the place where the ships lay, which is situate on the
west side of the great bay under the shelter of a small Island calld
Boooúrou near which is another calld Taawirry.
The breach in the reef was here very large but the shelter for ships
indifferent. We saw also the place where their tents were pitchd:
they pointed out the hole in which each pole stood and shewd one
corner in which they set up a cross I had made for them, and said
Turu turu which in their language signifies the knees. In
searching about upon this spot I found a small peice of potsheard or
tile, a sure proof tho a small one that in place at least the indians
had not deceivd me.

Soon after this we took boat and askd Tituboaro to go with us. He
refusd and advisd us not to go: on the other side of the bay he said
livd people who were not subjects to Dootahah and who would kill him
and us. On seeing us put balls into our musquets he however consented
to go with us. We rowd till dark at which time we arrivd at the
bottom of the deep bay; we were not yet among our enemies, we might
go ashore and sleep with safety. We did so but found few houses, here
were however some double canoes whose owners were known to us; they
provided us with supper and lodgins, for my share of which I was
indebted to Ourattooa a Lady remarkable among us for the
ceremonies she performd on the 12th of May last.

1769 June 27.

At day break we turnd out to see a little of the countrey about us
which we did not arrive at last night till dark. We found the traces
of Canoes having been hauld inland and the people told us that the
Island was in this place very narrow and that they draggd their
canoes quite across cheifly over soft boggs.--We now prepard to set
out for the other Kingdom for so we are told it is, Calld
Tiarreboo and governd by Waheatua, as ours is called
Oboreonoo and governd by Dootahah. Tituboalo is in
better spirits now than yesterday, they will not kill us he says but
they have got no meat. Indeed we had not since we came out seen a bit
of breadfruit; we thought that we might have exhausted it in this
part of the Island but hop'd to find plenty in the other, the people
of which if enemies had certainly not traded with us. After a few
miles rowing we landed in a District calld
Annuúhé, the Name of the chief of which was
Maraitátá (the burying place of men) and his
father Pahairedo (the stealer of boats) names which did not a
little confirm Tituboalos relation. These gentlemen however
notwithstanding their terrible titles receivd us with all manner of
civility, gave us provisions and after some delay sold us a very
large hog for a hatchet. We saw among the crowd only two people whose
faces we knew and not one bead or ornament which came out of our
ship, tho there were several European ones; in one of the houses lay
2 12 pound shot one of which was markd with the English broad arrow,
these they said had been given them by Toottero the Spanish
commander.--We now walkd forward on foot till we came to the district
which particularly belonged to Waheatua, it was situate on the
westernmost point of the large bay before mentiond, a large and most
fertile flat. On it was a river so large that we were obligd to ferry
over in a canoe and our Indian train to swim, which they did with as
much facility as a pack of hounds taking the water much in the same
manner. Here were no houses but ruind remains of very large ones. We
proceeded along shore and found at last Waheatua setting near some
pretty Canoe awnings which seemd to be intended to furnish him with
lodgins, he was a thin old man with very white hair and beard; with
him was a well looking woman of about 25 year old whose name was
Toudidde, we had heard her name mentiond very often and by
what the people told she was a woman of much consequence in this part
of the Island, answering in some measure to what Oborea is in the
other. From this place Tearre son to Waheatua acompanied us
after having sold us a hog. The countrey we went through was more
cultivated than any thing we have seen in the Island; the brooks were
every where bankd into narrow channels with stone and the very sea
was confind by a wall of stone also. The houses were not very large
or very numerous but the large canoes which were hauld up every where
along shore almost innumerable; they were of a different built from
those which we have seen at Oboreonoo, longer and their heads and
sterns higher. Upon these were kind of crotches which we suppos'd
were to support large images many of which we saw hanging up in their
houses; their awnings also were supported on pillars. At almost every
point was a morai or burying place and many within land. They
were like those of Oboreonoo raisd into the form of the roof of a
house, but these were cleaner and better kept and also ornamented
with many carvd boards set upright, on the tops of which were various
figures of birds and men; on one particularly a figure of a cock
painted red and yellow in imitation of the feathers of that bird. In
some of them were figures of men standing on each others heads which
they told me was the particular ornament of Burying grounds.-- But
fertile as this countrey was we did no[t] get or even see a single
breadfruit, the trees were intirely bared, the people seemd to live
intirely on Ahee Fagifera which were plentifull here.

After tiring ourselves with walking we calld up the boat but both
our Indians were missing, they had it seems staid behind at
Waheatuas, depending upon a promise we had made to the old man of
returning and sleeping with him (a promise we were often forcd to
make without any intention of performing it). Tearee and another went
with us. We rowd till we came abreast a small Island calld
Tuarrite when it became dark and our Indians piloted us ashore
to a place where they said that we might sleep; it was a deserted
house and near it was a very snug cove for the boat to lay, so we
wanted nothing but Victuals of which article we had met with very
little since morning. I went into the woods, it was quite dark so
that neither people nor victuals could I find except one house where
I was furnishd with fire, a breadfruit and a half and a few
ahees, with which and a duck or 2 and a few curlews we were
forcd to go to sleep, which I did in the awning of a Canoe that
followd us belonging to Tearee.

1769 June 28.

This morn at day break we rose and agreed to stay here an hour or
two in hopes to get some provision: salt beef we had with us but
nothing of the bread kind, for that we depended on the natives who
had on all former occasions been both able and willing to supply us
with any quantity of Breadfruit. I went out meaning to go among the
houses; in my way I went through several burying grounds
(Marai) on the pavements of which I saw several vertebrae and
sculls of men laying about as if no care was taken to bury them, in
every thing else they were quite like what we had seen before. In my
excursion I could not procure the least supply of provision so we
were forcd to set out in hopes of meeting some countrey where
provision was less scarce. We walkd and the boat followd us. In about
3 miles we arrivd at a place where were several large canoes and a
number of people with them; we were not a little surprizd to find
that these people were our intimate acquaintance, several at least,
who we had often seen at the tents and other places, Towia who
we were told was brother to Towdidde, Roudero etc. Here we
thought ourselves sure o getting a supply of provisions and apply'd
to our friends accordingly. They told us we should have some if we
would wait, we did till we were out of patience; we then desird them
to get us some cocoa nuts the kernels of which make a substitute for
bread, they said yes but nobody went up the trees. We were resolvd to
[have] them at least so calling for a hatchet we threatned to cut
down the trees if our demands were not complied with; nobody objected
to our doing so if we chose it, nor did any body atempt to climb the
trees to supply us. Just now however we luckily saw two men busy in
stripping a parcel of them, these we obligd to sell their stock
consisting of 16, with these we embarkd taking with us Tuahow
one of our Indians who had returnd to us last night long after dark.
When we in the boat talkd over this behaviour of our freinds we were
inclind to beleive that they were strangers here, and consequently
had not the disposal of the provisions; indeed we never had before
met with any dificulty in getting from them any provisions of which
they had enough.

The reef here was irregular and the ground very foul so that the
boat was continualy surroundd with breakers. We followd a canoe which
led us to a passage where by waiting for a slatch of still water we
got out, tho not without danger, for the sea broke quite across
almost as soon as the boat was clear. We were now off the SW end of
the Island. The land apeard very barren, no reef to shelter the coast
and the hills every where butting out to the sea without any flatts;
here were however some houses and inhabitants, and on ledges of the
hills here and there a little breadfruit and higher up large
quantities of Faé. This lasted for about a League when
we again saw the reef and a flat on which we went ashore by the
recomendation of our Indian guide, who told us that the countrey was
rich and good. The name of this district or whennua was Ahowe:
the cheif Mathiabo soon came down to us, he seemd a total
stranger both to us and our trade. His subjects brought down plenty
of Cocoa nuts and about 20 breadfruits, which latter we bought at a
very dear rate, while his majesty sold us a pig for a glass bottle
preferring that to any thing we could give him. We saw here an
English goose and a turkey cock which they told us had been left by
the Dolphin, both of them immensely fat and as tame as possible,
following the Indians every where who seemd immensely fond of them.
In a long house in this neighbourhood I saw a sight quite new to me:
15 underjaw bones of men were fastned to a semicircular peice of
board and hung up at one end of it, they appeard quite fresh, not one
at all damagd even by the Loss of a tooth. I askd many questions
about them but the people would not attend at all to me and either
did not or would not understand either words or signs upon that
subject. On our departure from hence Mathiabo desird leave to
acompany us which was granted, he provd a good pilot but persuaded us
to land often, 5 or 6 times in as many miles. In all these districts
we saw nothing remarkable; the general face of the countrey was
greener than on our side of the Island and the hills were coverd with
wood almost down to the waters edge, the flats in general small but
fertile enough. At last we opend a large bay, which being opposite to
as large a one on the other side almost intersects the Island at the
place over which they drag their canoes; about 2 thirds down this bay
we resolvd to lodge at a large house which we saw and which Mathiabo
informd us belongd to a freind of his. From this place many Canoes
came off to meet us and in them some very hansome women who by their
behaviour seemd to be sent out to entice us to come ashore, which we
most readily did, and were receivd in a very freindly manner by
Wiverou who was cheif of the district which was calld
Owiourou. He orderd his people to assist us in dressing our
provisions, of which we had now got a tolerable stock about 30
breadfruit some plantains and fish, enough to last us two days. I
stuck close to the women hoping to get a snug lodging by that means
as I had often done; they were very kind, too much so for they
promisd more than I ask'd, but when they saw that we were resolvd to
stay they dropd off one by one and at last left me jilted 5 or 6
times and obligd to seek out for a lodging myself. Supper was by this
time ready and we repaird to that part of the house where Wiverou was
to eat it; he sent for his at the same time and Mathiabo supping with
us we made a snug party. As soon as we had done we began to think of
sleeping and askd for a bed. We were shown a part of the house where
we might lay; we then sent for our cloaks and began to prepare
ourselves, myself as my constant custom was by stripping myself and
sending my cloaths into the boat, covering myself only with a peice
of Indian cloth after their fashion which I have done ever ever since
I had my Jacket etc. stolen at Atahourou. Mathiabo complaind of cold
and a cloak was sent for for him also, Captn Cooke and myself agreed
that he had behavd so well to us that there was not the least doubt
of his honesty. We laid down, Mathiabo did not come, I imagin'd that
he was gone to wash as the Indians always do in the evening. I was
almost asleep when an Indian who was a stranger to me came and told
me that he was gone off with the Cloak, I did not beleive him but
laid down again.

Tuahow our Indian then came and confirmd the report; I then found
it was high time to give chase so I leapd up and declard my case to
the company, shewing one of my pocket pistols which I always kept
with me. They took the alarm and began to walk of, I seizd however
the best looking man I could see and told him that if he did not find
out where Mathiabo was I would shoot him in his stead. The threat had
the desird effect: he offerd to accompany me in the chase: the Captn
myself and him set out as hard as we could run and in about ten
minutes met a man bringing back the cloak; but our freind Mathiabo
was fled and by that means escapd a severe thrashing which we had
decreed to be a proper reward for his breach of trust. When we
returnd every body was gone from the house; we quickly however made
them sensible that our anger was intirely confind to Mathiabo and
they all returnd, Wiverou and his wife taking up their lodging within
10 feet of us.

1769 June 29.

About 5 O'Clock our sentry awakd us with the alarming intelligence
of the boat being missing, he had he said seen her about ½ an
hour before at her grapling which was about 50 yards from the shore,
but that on hearing the noise of Oars he lookd out again and could
see nothing of her. We started up and made all possible haste to the
waterside, the morn was fine and starlight but no boat in sight. Our
situation was now sufficiently disagreable: the Indians had probably
attackd her first and finding the people asleep easily carried her,
in which case they would not fail to attack us very soon, who were 4
in number armd with one musquet and cartouch box and two pocket
pistols without a spare ball or charge of powder for them. In about a
quarter of an hour however we had the satisfaction to see the boat
return, which had drove from her grapling by some effect of the tide
probably as it was perfectly calm.

As soon as the boat returnd we got our breakfast and set out. The
first district on which we landed was the last in Tiarreboo, it was
governd by Omóe. He was employd in building a house for
which purpose he wanted a hatchet very much and was inclind to offer
any price for it but our stock was quite spent; after some
conversation we found that he would not deal for nails and put off
the boat. He and his wife Whannoouda followd in a canoe; we
took them into the boat and after rowing about a league they desird
we would put ashore, which we did and found his people who had
brought a very large hog. We had much chafering about the price of
it, it was worth any ax we had in the ship but we had no ax at all in
the boat. We therefore told Omoe that if he would come to Matavie
with his hog he should have a large ax and a nail into the bargain
for his trouble; which he after having consulted his wife readily
agreed to, and gave us a large peice of cloth as a pledge of his
intention to perform this agreement.

At this place we saw a singular curiosity, a figure of a man made
of Basket work, roughly but not ill designd; it was 7 feet high and
two bulky in proportion to its hight; the whole was neatly coverd
with feathers, white to represent skin and black to represent hair
and tattow; on the head were three protuberances which we should have
calld horns but the Indians calld them tata ete, little men.
The image was calld by them Maúwe; they said it was the
only one of the kind in Otahite and readily atempted to explain its
use, but their language was totaly unintelligible and seemed to
referr to some customs to which we are perfect strangers.--After this
we got into the boat and rowd several miles before we went ashore.
When we did we saw nothing remarkable but a burying ground whose
pavement was unusualy neat; it was ornamented by a pyramid about 5
feet high coverd intirely with the fruits of Pandanus
[tectorius] and Crataeva [gynandra]. In the
middle of all near the Pyramid was a small image of stone very
roughly workd, the first instance of carving in stone I have seen
among these people, and this they seemd to value as it was coverd
from the weather with a kind of shed built purposely over it; near it
were three sculls of men laid in order, very white and clean and
quite perfect. From hence we proceeded to Papárra, the
district of our freinds Oama and Oborea, where we proposd to sleep
tonight; we came there an hour before night and found that they were
both from home, they were gone to Matavie to see us. This did not
alter our resolution of sleeping here and we chose for that purpose
the house of Oborea, which tho small was very neat and had nobody in
it but her father who was very civil to us. After having setled our
matters we took a walk towards a point on which we had from far
observd trees of Etoa, Casuarina equisetifolia, from whence we
judgd that thereabouts would be some marai; nor were we disapointed
for we no sooner arrivd there than we were struck with the sight of a
most enormous pile, certainly the masterpeice of Indian architecture
in this Island so all the inhabitants allowd. Its size and
workmanship almost exceeds beleif, I shall set it down exactly. Its
form was like that of Marais in general, resembling the roof
of a house, not smooth at the sides but formd into 11 steps, each of
these 4 feet in hight making in all 44 feet, its lengh 267 its
breadth 71. Every one of these steps were formd of one course of
white coral stones most neatly squard and polishd, the rest were
round pebbles, but these seemd to have been workd from their
uniformity of size and roundness. Some of the coral stones were very
large, one I measurd was 3½ by 2½ feet. The foundation
was of Rock stones likewise squard, one of these corner stone[s]
measurd 4ft:7in by 2ft:4in. The whole made a part of one side of a
spatious area which was walld in with stone, the size of this which
seemd to be intended for a square was 118 by 110 paces, which was
intirely pavd with flat paving stones. It is almost beyond beleif
that Indians could raise so large a structure without the assistance
of Iron tools to shape their stones or mortar to join them, which
last appears almost essential as the most of them are round; it is
done tho, and almost as firmly as a European workman would have done
it, tho in some things it seems to have faild.

The steps for instance which range along its greatest lengh are
not streight, they bend downward in the middle forming a small
Segment of a circle: possibly the ground may have sunk a little under
the greatest weight of such an immense pile, which if it happend
regularly would have this effect. The labour of the work is
prodigious: the quarry stones are but few but they must have been
brought by hand from some distance at least, as we saw no signs of
quarry near it tho I lookd carefully about me; the coral must have
been fishd from under water, where indeed it is most plentifull but
generaly coverd with 3 or 4 feet water at least and oftenest with
much more. The labour of forming them when got must also have been at
least as great as the getting them; they have not shewn us any way by
which they could square a stone but by means of another, which must
be most tedious and liable to many accidents by the breaking of
tools. The stones are also polished and as well and truly as stones
of the kind could be by the best workman in Europe, in that
particular they excell owing to the great plenty of a sharp coral
sand which is admirably adapted to that purpose and is found
everywhere upon the seashore in this neighbourhood. About 100 yards
to the west of this building was another court or pavd area in which
were several ewhattas, a kind of altars raisd on wooden
pillars about 7 feet high, on these they offer meat of all kinds to
the gods; we have seen large Hogs offerd and here were the Sculls of
above 50 of them besides those of dogs, which the preist who
accompanied us assurd us were only a small part of what had been here
sacrafisd. This marai and aparatus for sacrafice belongd we
were told to Oborea and Oamo. The greatest pride of an inhabitant of
Otahite is to have a grand Marai, in this particular our
freinds far exceed any one in the Island, and in the Dolphins time
the first of them exceeded every one else in riches and respect as
much. The reason of the difference of her present apearance from that
I found by an accident which I now relate: in going too and coming
home from the Marai our road lay by the the sea side, and
every where under our feet were numberless human bones cheifly ribbs
and vertebrae. So singular a sight surprizd me much; I enquird the
reason and was told that in the month calld by them
Owiráhew last, which answers to our December 1768, the
people of Tiarreboo made a descent here and killd a large number of
people whose bones we now saw; that upon this Occasion Oborea and
Oamo were obligd to fly for shelter to the mountains, that the
Conquerors burnt all the houses which were very large and took away
all the hoggs etc., that the turkey and goose which we had seen with
Mathiabo were part of the spoils, as were the jaw bones which we saw
hung up in his house; they had been carried away as trophies and are
usd by the Indians here in exactly the same manner as the North
Americans do scalps.

1769 June 30.

After having slept last night without the least interuption we
proceeded forwards but during the whole day saw little or nothing
worth observation. We bought a little bread fruit which article has
been equaly scarce all round the Island, more so even than it is at
Matavie. At night we came to Atahourou, the very place at which we
were on the 28th of May: here we were among our intimate freinds, who
expressd the pleasure they had in entertaining us by giving us a good
supper and good beds, in which we slept the better for being sure of
reaching Matavie tomorrow night at the farthest. Here we learnd that
the bread fruit (a little of which we saw just sprouting upon the
trees) would not be fit to use in less than 3 months.

JULY 1769

1769 July 1.

Proceed homewards without meeting any thing new, the countrey we
pass'd by and over being the same as we had gone over on the 28th of
last month. The day turnd out rainy and bad, the only bad weather we
have had since we left the ship, in which instance we are certainly
fortunate as we had neither of us a change of Cloaths with us, so
little did either of us expect to go round the Island when we set out
from Matavie.

1769 July 2.

All our freinds crouded this morn to See us and tell us that they
were rejoicd at our return, nor were they empty handed, most of them
brought something or other. The Canoes were still in the river: Captn
Cooke finding that there was no likelihood now of any of the stolen
goods being restord resolvd to let them go as soon as he could. His
freind Potattow sollicited for one which was immediately [granted?]
as it was imagind the favour was askd for some of his freinds, but no
sooner did he begin to move the boat than the real owners and a
number of Indians opposd him, telling him and his people very
clamorously that it did not belong to them. He answerd that he had
bought it of the Captn and given a pig for it. The people were by
this declaration satisfied and had we not luckily overheard it he
would have taken away this and probably soon after have sollicited
for more. On being detected he became so sulky and ashamd that for
the rest of the day neither he or his wife would open their mouths or
look streight at any of us.

1769 July 3.

This morn very early Mr Monkhouse and myself set out, resolving to
follow the cour[s]e of the valley down which our river comes in order
to see how far up it was inhabited etc. etc. When we had got about 2
miles up it we met several of our neighbours coming down with loads
of breadfruit upon their backs. We had often wonderd from whence the
small supplys of breadfruit we had came, as there was none to be seen
upon the flats, but they soon explaind the mystery, shewing us
breadfruit trees planted on the sides of the hills and telling us at
the same time that when the fruit in the flats faild this became
ready for use, which had been by them planted upon the hills to
preserve the succession. The quantity was they informd us much less
than was in the low land and not sufficient by any means to supply
all the interval of scarcity; when this was exhausted they must live
upon ahee nuts, Plantains, and Vae, a wild plantain which grows very
high up in the mountains. How the Dolphins who were here much about
this time came to find so great plenty of Breadfruit upon the trees
is to me a mystery, unless perhaps the seasons of this fruit alter;
as for their having met with a much larger supply of hoggs fowls etc.
than we have done I can most readily account for that, as we have
found by constant experience that these people may be frightned into
any thing. They have often describd to us the terrour which the
Dolphins guns put them into and when we ask how many people were
killd they number names upon their fingers, some ten some twenty some
thirty, and then say worrow worow the same word as is usd for a flock
of birds or a shoal of fish: the Journals also serve to confirm this
opinion. 'When” say they 'towards the latter end of our time
provisions were scarce a party of men were sent towards Eparre to get
hoggs etc. an office which they had not the smallest dificulty in
performing, for the people as they went along the shore drove out
their hoggs to meet them and would not allow them to pay any thing
for them.'

We proceeded about 4 miles farther and had houses pretty
plentifully on each side the river, the vally being all this way 3 or
400 yards across. We were now shewn a house which we were told would
be the last we should see, the master offerd us Cocoa nutts and we
refreshd ourselves. Beyond this we went maybe 6 miles (it is dificult
to guess distances when roads are bad as this was, we being generaly
obligd to travel along the course of the river) we passd by several
hollow places under stones where they told us that people who were
benighted slept. At lengh we arrivd at a place where the river was
bankd on each side with steep rocks, and a caskade which fell from
them made a pool so deep that the Indians said we could not go beyond
it, they never did, their business lay upon the rocks on each side on
the plains above which grew plenty of Vae. The avenues to these were
truly dreadfull, the rocks were nearly perpendicular, one near 100
feet in hight, the face of it constantly wet and slippery with the
water of numberless springs; directly up the face even of this was a
road, or rather a succession of long peices of the bark of Hibiscus
tiliaceus which servd them as a rope to take hold of and scramble up
from ledge to ledge, tho upon those very ledges none but a goat or an
Indian could have stood. One of these ropes was near 30 feet in
lengh. Our guides offerd to help us up this pass but rather
recomended one lower down a few hundred yards which was much less
dangerous, tho we did not chuse to venture, as the sight which was to
reward our hazard was nothing but a grove of Vae trees which we had
often seen before.

In the whole course of this walk the rocks were almost constantly
bare to the view, so that I had a most excellent opportunity of
searching for any apearance of minerals but saw not the smallest. The
stones every where shewd manifest signs of having been at some time
or other burnd; indeed I have not seen a specimen of stone yet in the
Island that has not the visible marks of fire upon it, small peices
indeed of the hatchet stone may be without them but I have peices of
the same species burnd almost to a pumice, the very clay upon the
hills gives manifest signs of fire. Possibly the Island owes its
original to a volcano which now no longer burns; or Theoreticaly
speaking, for the sake of those authors who balance this globe by a
proper weight of continent placed near about these latitudes, that so
nesscessary continent may have been sunk by Dreadfull earthquakes and
Volcanos 2 or 300 fathoms under the sea, the tops of the highest
mountains only still remain[in]g above water in the shape of Islands:
an undoubted proof that such a thing now exists to the great
emolument of their theory, which was it not for this proof would
dhave been already totaly demolishd by the Course our ship made from
Cape Horn to this Island.

1769 July 4.

Very little company today. I employd myself in planting a large
quantity of the seeds of Water melons, Oranges, Lemons, limes etc.
which I had brought from Rio de Janeiro; they were planted on both
sides of the fort in as many varieties of soil as I could chuse. I
have very little Doubt of the former especialy coming to perfection
as I have given away large quantities among the natives and planted
also in the woods; they now continualy ask me for seeds and have
already shewd me melon plants of their raising which look perfectly
well. The seeds that Captn Cooke sewd have provd so bad that no one
has come up except mustard, even the Cucumbers and melons have faild,
owing probably to the method of their being packd which was in small
bottles seald down with rosin.

1769 July 5.

This morn I saw the operation of Tattowing the buttocks performd
upon a girl of about 12 years old, it provd as I have always
suspected a most painfull one. It was done with a large instrument
about 2 inches long containing about 30 teeth, every stroke of this
hundreds of which were made in a minute drew blood. The patient bore
this for about ¼ of an hour with most stoical resolution; by
that time however the pain began to operate too stron[g]ly to be
peacably endurd, she began to complain and soon burst out into loud
lamentations and would fain have persuaded the operator to cease; she
was however held down by two women who sometimes scolded, sometimes
beat, and at others coaxd her. I was setting in the adjacent house
with Tomio for an hour, all which time it lasted and was not finishd
when I went away tho very near. This was one side only of her
buttocks for the other had been done some time before. The arches
upon the loins upon which they value themselves much were not yet
done, the doing of which they told causd more pain than what I had
seen. About dinner time many of our freinds came, Oamo, Otheothea,
Tuarua etc.

1769 July 6.

We begin now to prepare in earnest for our departure, the sails
were today carried on board and bent, the guns also were taken on
board. Our freinds begin now to beleive that we are realy preparing
for our departure, a circumstance which they have of late much
doubted. This evening we had a second visit from Teareederry and
Toimata, the people again paying them the same respect as on the 21st
of June: poor Toimata was again baulkd in her desire of seeing the
fort, Oamo insisting that she should not come in. Soon after these
had left us some of our freinds came to inform us that Monaamia the
man who stole the Quadrant was landed and meant this night to make an
atempt upon us; all were ready to assist us and several, Tuanne Matte
especialy, very desirous of sleeping in the Fort, which probably was
the reason why this arch theif did not this night exercise his
abilities.

1769 July 7.

The carpenters were this morn employd in taking down the gates and
palisades of our little fortification to make us firewood for the
ship, when one of the Indians without made shift to steal the staple
and hook of the great gate. We were immediately app[r]ised of the
theft to the great affright of our visiters of whoom the bell tent
was full; their fears were however presently quieted and I (as usual)
set out on my ordinary occupation of theif catching. The Indians most
readily joind me and away we set full cry much like a pack of fox
hounds, we ran and walkd and walkd and ran for I beleive 6 miles with
as little delay as possible, when we learnt that we had very early in
the chase passd our game who was washing in a brook, saw us a coming
and hid himself in the rushes. We returnd to the place and by some
intelligence which some of our people had got found a scraper which
had been stole from the ship and was hid in those very rushes; with
this we returnd and soon after our return Tubourai brought the
staple.

1769 July 8.

Our freinds with us as usual, the fort more and more dismantled.
Our freinds seem resolvd to stay till we got tho the greatest part of
them are absolutely without victuals; we have been for some days
obligd to spare them every little assistance that we can and the best
of them are most thankfull for a single basket of apples.
Notwithstanding this we had 4 small pigs brought today from Oborea
and Polotheara.

1769 July 9.

Our freinds with us early in the morning as usual, some I beleive
realy sorry at the aproach of our departu[r]e others desirous to make
as much as they can of our stay. Several of the people were this
evening out on liberty. Two foreign seamen were together and one had
his knife stolen; he atempted to recover it, may be roughly, for the
Indians attackd him and wounded him greivously with a stone over his
eye, the other was also slightly wounded in the head; the people who
had done this immediately fled to the mountains.--Two of our marines
left the fort some time last night or this morn without leave. Their
doing this at a time when our departure is so near makes us suspect
them of an intention of staying among these people; nothing however
has been said about them today in hopes of their returning which they
have not yet done.

1769 July 10.

We are told by the Indians this morn that our people do not intend
to return; they are they say gone up into the mountains where our
people cannot get at them and one is already married and become an
inhabitant of Otahite. After some deliberation however Tuanne matte
and Patea undertook to carry our people to the place where they were;
they were known to have no arms so two were thought sufficient for
the service, a midshipman and a marine, who set off without loss of
time. We were now quite ready for the sea so no time was to be lost
in recovering the deserters. The Indians gave us but little hopes of
our people bringing them back: one certain method remaind however in
our power, the seizing of some of their principal people and
detaining them, which was immediately resolvd upon. Oborea, Potattow,
Polotheara, Tubourai, Tamio, Tuarua, Otheothea and Tetuahitea and
Nuna were in the fort and were told that they would not be permitted
to go from it till our people returnd. At first they were not at all
alarmd, they hardly beleivd us in earnest till they saw the Pinnace
come ashore and soon after go away to the westward, the[y]
immediately suspected what was the case, that she was gone to fetch
Dootahah. They were now alarmd but depending on our having usd them
well on all occasions shewd but little signs of either discontent or
fear, but assurd us that the people should be brought back as soon as
possible. In the evening Dootahah was brought on board, Lieutenant
Hickes who had been sent on the service found him at Tettahah and
easily took him or rather stole him from the people. Night came on,
it was thought unsafe to let the prisoners remain in the fort, which
was totaly dismantled; Oborea, Potattow and Tubourai were orderd to
the ship; in going into the boat they expressd much fear and shed
many tears. The Captn staid on board with them, I slept ashore and
the rest of the prisoners in my tent. About 8 our Indians came back
with the two deserters but brought the disagreable news of one of the
people who had been sent after them being seizd by the Indians, who
declard that they would not release them till Dootahah had his
liberty. The news was sent aboard and a boat came off immediately for
Nuna and Tuanne matte. They were sent to the ship, a boat armd went
immediately in search of the people and in her the latter and Tupia
who was our voluntary prisoner.

1769 July 11.

The night was spent tolerably well, the women cryd a little at
first but were soon quieted by asurances that at all events they
should not be hurt. At day break a large number of people gatherd
about the fort many of them with weapons; we were intirely without
defences so I made the best I could of it by going out among them.
They wer[e] very civil and shewd much fear as they have done of me
upon all occasions, probably because I never shewd the least of them
but have upon all our quarrels gone immediately into the thickest of
them. They told me that our people would soon return. Acordingly
about 8 they did safe and sound, we saw them through our glasses go
up the side and immediately dischargd our prisoners, making each such
a present as we though[t] would please them with which some were well
content. The prisoners from the ship were by this time coming ashore.
They were receivd with much joy by the multitude; I met them from the
boat but no sign of forgiveness could I see in their faces, they
lookd sulky and affronted. I walkd with Oborea along the beach: 4
hoggs were soon offerd me, two from her and as many from Dootahah, I
refusd them however positively unless they would sell them which they
refusd to do. The rest of the morning was employd in getting the
tents aboard, which was done by dinner time and we dind on board. The
small bower had been got up and the stock found to be so much worm
eaten that we are obligd to make a new one, and as we have no hopes
of the best bower being in better repair it is probable that we shall
not get to sea this day or two.

1769 July 12.

This morn Tupia came on board, he had renewd his resolves of going
with us to England, a circumstance which gives me much satisfaction.
He is certainly a most proper man, well born, cheif Tahowa or preist
of this Island, consequently skilld in the mysteries of their
religion; but what makes him more than any thing else desireable is
his experience in the navigation of these people and knowledge of the
Islands in these seas; he has told us the names of above 70, the most
of which he has himself been at. The Captn refuses to take him on his
own account, in my opinion sensibly enough, the goverment will never
in all human probability take any notice of him; I therefore have
resolvd to take him. Thank heaven I have a sufficiency and I do not
know why I may not keep him as a curiosity, as well as some of my
neighbours do lions and tygers at a larger expence than he will
probably ever put me to; the amusement I shall have in his future
conversation and the benefit he will be of to this ship, as well as
what he may be if another should be sent into these seas, will I
think fully repay me. As soon as he had made his mind known he said
that he would go ashore and return in the evening, when he would make
a signal for a boat to be sent off for him; he took with him a
miniature picture of mine to shew his freinds and several little
things to give them as parting presents. After dinner we went ashore
to the Marai no Dootahah of which I was desirous to have a drawing
made and had not yet done it. We no sooner landed than several of our
freinds, those who were not totaly afronted at the imprisonment of
the day before yesterday, came to meet us; we proceeded with them to
Dootahahs house where was Oborea etc. They were glad to see us and a
perfect reconciliation ensued, in consequence of which they promisd
to visit us tomorrow morning to take their leave of us, as we told
them that we should sail before noon. With them was Tupia who most
willingly returnd in the boat with us aboard the ship where he took
up his lodgins for the first time.

1769 July 13. Depart Otahite

About 10 this morn saild From Otahite leaving our freinds Some of
them at least I realy beleive personaly sorry for our departure,
notwisthstanding the confinement of the day before yesterday had
frigh[t]ned and affronted them as much as possible, yet our nearest
freinds came on board at this Critical time except only Tubourai and
Tamio. We had Oborea, Otheothea, Tayoa, Nuna, Tuanna Matte, Potattou,
Polotheara etc. on board when the anchor was weighd; they took their
leaves tenderly enough, not without plenty of tears tho intirely
without that clamourous weeping made use of by the other Indians,
several boats of whoom were about the ship shouting out their
lamentations, as vyeing with each other not who should cry most but
who should cry loudest--a custom we had often condemned in
conversation with our particular freinds as savouring more of
affected than real greif.

Tupia who after all his struggles stood firm at last in his
resolution of acompanying us parted with a few heartfelt tears, so I
judge them to have been by the Efforts I saw him make use of to hide
them. He sent by Otheothea his last present, a shirt to Potamai,
Dootahah's favourite mistress. He and I went then to the topmast head
where we stood a long time waving to the Canoes as they went off,
after which he came down and shewd no farther signs of seriousness or
concern.

In the Evening Tethuroa in sight; before night it appears clearly
to be a very low Island and but small, which with Tupias declaring
that there were no fixd inhabitants upon it only the people of
Otahite who went there for a few days to fish, determind us to
content ourselves with what we had seen and stand on in search of
Urietea, which he describd to be a well peopled Island as large as
Otahite.

1769 July 14.

Before Noon today two Islands are in sight which Tupia calls
Huahine and Ulhietea, both of them make high and large.

1769 July 15.

Calm all last night, this morn hazey so that no land is seen;
light breezes and calms succeeding each other all morn. Our Indian
often prayd to Tane for a wind and as often boasted to me of the
success of his prayers, which I plainly saw he never began till he
saw a breeze so near the ship that it generaly reachd her before his
prayer was finishd. At sunset a pleasant breeze. Owahine and Ulhietea
very plainly seen.

1769 July 16.

This morn we were very near the Island; some Canoes very soon came
off but appeard very much frightned, one however came to us bringing
a cheif and his wife, who on Tupia's assurances of Freindship from us
came on board. They were like the Otahite people in Language, dress,
tattow, in short in Every thing. Tupia has always said that the
people of this Island and Urietea will not steal, in which they
indeed differ much from our late freinds if they only keep up to
their Character.

Soon after dinner we came to an anchor in a very fine bay calld by
the natives Owalla and immediately went ashore. As soon as we landed
Tupia squatted down on the ground and ranging us on one side and the
Indians on the other began to pray, our cheif who stood opposite to
him answering him in kind of responses. This lasted about a quarter
of an hour in which time he sent at different intervals two
hankercheifs and some beads he had prepard for the purpose as
presents to Eatua; these were sent among many messages which pass'd
backwards and forwards with plantains, malapoides etc. In return for
this present to the gods which it seems was very acceptable we had a
hog given for our Eatua, which in this case will certainly be our
bellys.

1769 July 17.

Went ashore this morn and walkd up the hills; found the
productions here almost exactly similar to those of Otahite; upon the
hills the rocks and clay were burnt if any thing more than they were
in that Island. The people also were almost exactly like our late
[friends] but rather more stupid and lazy, in proof of which I need
only say that we should have gone much higher up the hills than we
did if we could have perswauded them to accompany us, whose only
excuse was the fear of being killd by the fatigue. Their houses are
very neat and their boathouses particularly very large, one of those
I measurd 50 long paces in lengh 10 broad and 24 ft high: the Gothick
arch of which it consisted was supported on one side by 26, on the
other by 30 pillars or rather clumsey thick posts of about 2 ft high
and one thick. Most of these were carvd with heads of men, boys or
other devices, as the rough fancy and more rough workmanship of these
stone hatchet furnishd gentrey suggested and executed. The flats were
filld with very fine breadfruit trees and an infinite number of Cocoa
nuts, upon which latter the inhabitants seemd to depend much more
than those of Otahite; we saw however large spaces occupied by
lagoons and salt swamps upon which neither breadfruit nor Cocoa nuts
would thrive.

1769 July 18.

This morning went to take a farther view of a building which we
had seen yesterday and admird a good deal, taking with us Tupias boy
Tayeto for himself was too much engagd with his freinds to have time
to accompany us. The boy told us that it was calld Ewharre no Eatua
or the house of the god but could not explain at all the use of it.
It consisted of a chest whose lid was nicely sewd on and thatched
over very neatly with palm nut leaves, the whole was fixd upon two
poles by little arches of carvd wood very neat; these poles seemd to
be usd in carrying it from place to place tho when we saw it it was
supported upon two posts. One end of the chest was open with a round
hole within a square one, this was yesterday stopd up with a peice of
cloth which least I should offend the people I left untouchd, but to
day the cloth and probably the contents of the chest were removd as
there was nothing at all in it.

Trade today does not go on with any spirit, the people when any
thing is offerd will not take it on their own judgement, but take the
opinion of 20 or 30 people about them which takes up much time; we
however got 11 piggs.

1769 July 19.

This morn trade rather better: got 3 very large hogs and some
piggs by producing hatchets, which had not been before given and we
hop'd to have had no occasion for in an Island which had not before
been seen by Europaeans. In the afternoon go to Sea.

The Island of Huahine differs scarce at all from that of Otahite
either in its productions or in the customs of the people. In all our
searches here we have not found above 10 or 12 new plants, a few
insects indeed and a species of scorpions which we did not see at
Otahite. This Island seems however this year at least to be a month
forwarder than the other, as the ripeness of the Cocoa nuts now full
of kernel and the new breadfruit, some of which is fitt to Eat, fully
evinces. Of the Cocoa nut kernels they make a food which they call
Poe by scraping them fine and mixing them with yams also scrapd;
these are put into a wooden trough and hot stones laid among them, by
which means a kind of Oily hasty pudding is made which our people
relishd very well especialy fryd.

The men here are large made and stout, one we measurd was 6ft 3
high and well made; the women very Fair, more so than at Otahite tho
we saw none so hansome. Both Sexes seem'd to be less timid as well as
less curious, the firing of a gun frightned them but they did not
fall down as our Otahite freinds at first generaly did. On one of
their people being taken in the fact of stealing and seizd upon by
the hair they did not run away, but coming round inquird into the
cause and seemingly at least approving of the Justice recomended a
beating for the offender which was immediately put in practise.

When they first came on board the ship they seemd struck with a
sight so new and wonderd at every thing that was shewn to them, but
did not seem to search and inquire for matters of curiosity even so
much as the Otahite people did, tho they had before seen almost every
thing we had to shew them.

1769 July 20.

At noon today come to an anchor at Ulhietea in a bay Calld by the
natives Oapoa, the entrance of which is very near a small Islet Calld
Owhattera. Some Indians soon came on board expressing signs of fear,
they were two Canoes each of which brought a woman, I suppose as a
mark of confidence, and a pig as a present. To each of these ladies
was given a spike nail and some beads with which they seemd much
pleasd. Tupia who has always expressd much fear of the men of Bola
Bola says that they have conquerd this Island and will tomorrow come
down and fight with us, we therefore lose no time in going ashore as
we are to have today to ourselves. On landing Tupia repeated the
ceremony of praying as at Huahine after which an English Jack was set
up on shore and Captn Cooke took possession of this and the other
three Islands in sight viz. Huahine Otahah and Bola Bola for the use
of his Britannick majesty. After this we walk together to a great
Marai calld Tapodeboatea whatever that may signifie; it is different
from those of Otahite being no more than walls about 8 feet high of
Coral Stones (some of an immense size) filld up with smaller ones,
the whole ornamented with many planks set upon their ends and carvd
their whole lengh. In the neighbourhood of this we found the altar or
ewhatta upon which lay the last sacrafice, a hog of about 80 pounds
weight which had been put up there whole and very nicely roasted.
Here were also 4 or 5 Ewharre no Eatua or god houses which were made
to be carried on poles. One of these I examind by putting my hand
into it: within was a parsel about 5 feet long and one thick wrappd
up in matts, these I tore with my fingers till I came to a covering
of mat made of platted Cocoa nut fibres which it was impossible to
get through so I was obligd to desist, especialy as what I had
already done gave much offence to our new freinds. From hence we went
to an adjoining long house where among several things such as rolls
of cloth etc. was standing a model of a Canoe about 3 feet long upon
which were tied 8 under jaw bones of men. Tupia told us that it was
the custom of these Islanders to cut off the Jaw bones of those who
they had killd in war; these were he said the jaw bones of Ulhietea
people but how they came here or why tied thus to a canoe we could
not understand, we were therefore contented to conjecture that they
were plac'd there as a trophy won back from the men of Bola Bola
their mortal enemies. Night now came on apace but Dr Solander and
myself walkd along shore a little way and saw an Ewharre no Eatua ,
the under part of which was lind with a row of Jaw bones which we
were also told were those of Ulhietea men. We saw also Cocoa nut
trees the stemms of which were hung round with nutts so that no part
of them could be seen, these we were told were put there that they
might dry a little and be prepard for making poe; we saw also a tree
of Ficus prolixa in great perfection, the trunck or rather congeries
of roots of which was 42 paces in circumference.

1769 July 21.

Dr Solander and myself walkd out this morn and saw many large
Boathouses like that describd at Huahine page 303 and 401. On these
the inhabitants were at work making and repairing the large Canoes
calld by them Pahee, at which business they workd with incredible
cleverness tho their tools certainly were as bad as possible. I will
first give the dimensions and description of one of their boats and
then their method of building. Its extreme lenght from stem to stern
not reckoning the bending up of both those parts 51 feet; breadth in
the clear at the top forward 14 inches, midships 18, aft 15; in the
bilge forward 32 inches, midships 35, aft 33; depth midships 3 ft 4;
hight from the ground she stood on 3ft 6; her head raisd without the
figure 4ft 4 from the ground, the figure 11 inches; her stern 8 ft 9,
the figure 2 feet. Alongside of her was lashd another like her in all
parts but less in proportion being only 33 feet in her extreme lengh.
The form of these Canoes is better to be expressd by a drawing than
by any description. This annexd may serve to give some Idea of a
section: aa is the first seam, bb the second, cc the third. The first
stage or keel under aa is made of trees hollowd out like a trough for
which purpose they chuse the longest trees they can get, so that 2 or
three make the bottom of their largest boats (some of which are much
larger than that describd here as I make a rule to describe every
thing of this kind from the common size); the next stage under bb is
formd of streght plank about 4 feet long and 15 inches broad and 2
inches thick; the next stage under cc is made like the bottom of
trunks of trees hollowd into its bilging form; the last or that above
cc is formd also out of trunks of trees so that the moulding is of
one peice with the plank. This work dificult as it would be to an
Europaean with his Iron tools they perform without Iron and with
amazing dexterity; they hollow with their stone axes as fast at least
as our Carpenters could do and dubb tho slowly with prodigious
nicety; I have seen them take off a skin of an angular plank without
missing a stroke, the skin itself scarce 1/16 part of an inch in
thickness. Boring the holes throug[h] which their sewing is to pass
seems to be their greatest dificulty. Their tools are made of the
bones of men, generaly the thin bone of the upper arm; these they
grind very sharp and fix to a handle of wood, making the instrument
serve the purpose of a gouge by striking it with a mallet made of a
hard black wood, and with them would do as much work as with Iron
tools was it not that the brittle Edge of the tool is very liable to
be broke.

When they have prepard their planks etc. the keel is layd on
blocks and the whole Canoe put together much in the same manner as we
do a ship, the sides being supported by stantions and all the seams
wedg'd together before the last sewing is put on, so that they become
tolerably tight considering that they are without calking.

With these boats they venture themselves out of sight of land; we
saw several of them at Otahite which had come from Ulhietea and Tupia
has told us that they go voyages of twenty days, whether true or
false I do not affirm. They keep them very carefully under such
boathouses as are describd p.[], one of which we measurd today 60
yards by 11.

1769 July 22.

Weather worse than yesterday, in the course of last night it blew
very fresh, this morn rainy. Walk out but meet little worth
observation. Saw a double pahie such as that describd yesterday but
much larger, she had upon her an awning supported by pillars which
held the floor of it 4 feet at least above the deck or upper surface
of the boat; also a trough for making Poe poe or sour paste carvd out
of hard black stone such as their hatchets are made of, it was 2 ft 7
long and 1 ft 4 broad, very thick and substantial and supported by 4
short feet, the whole neatly finishd and perfectly polishd tho quite
without ornaments. Today as well as yesterday every one of us who
walkd out saw many Jaw bones fix'd up in houses as well as out of
doors, a confirmation of their taking them instead of scalps.

1769 July 23.

Weather mended a little. Dr Solander and myself go upon the hills
in hopes of finding new plants but ill rewarded; return home at night
having seen nothing worth mentioning.

1769 July 24.

Foul wind. The Captn attempts to go out of the reef at another
passage situate between the two Islets of Opourourou and Taumou. The
ship turning to windward within the reef in doing which she narrowly
escapes going ashore, the Quartermaster in the chains calld out 2
fathom; the ship drawing at least 14 feet made it impossible that
such a shoal could be under her Keel, so either the man was mistaken
or she went along the edge of a coral rock many of which are here as
steep as a wall.

Soon after this we came to an anchor and I went ashore but saw
nothing but a small marai ornamented with 2 sticks about 5 feet long,
each hung with Jaw bones as thick as possible and one having a skull
stuck on its top.

1769 July 25.

This morn get to sea and turn to windward all day. Find that the
two Islands Ulhietea and Otahah are inclosed by one reef: Tupia says
that there is a large pasage through[h] it between them and a harbour
within it, also another fronting a large bay on the Eastermost end of
Otahah.

1769 July 26.

Foul wind Continues last night, the ship has faln much to leward.
Before night however we have gaind our loss and something more, as we
discover a low Island ahead which Tupia tells us is calld by the
natives Tupi; he says that it is low without a harbour and yields
nothing but Cocoa nuts and fish.

1769 July 27.

Turn to leward all night and all day again, so much that at night
Tupi is not in sight.

1769 July 28.

Wind still baffles us as much as ever. This morn hoisted out a
boat and sent ashore on the Island of Otahah in which Dr Solander and
myself took a passage. We went through a large breach in the reef
situate between two Islands calld Toahattu and Whennuaia within which
we found very spatious harbours, particularly in one bay which was at
least 3 miles deep. The inhabitants as usual so that long before
night we had purchasd 3 hoggs, 21 fowls and as many yams and
plantains as the boat would hold. Indeed of these last we might have
had any quantity and a more useful refreshment they are to us in my
opinion even than the pork; they have been for this week past boild
and servd instead of bread; every man in the ship is fond of them and
with us in the Cabbin they agree much better than the Bread fruit did
which sometimes gripd us. But what makes any refreshments of this
kind the more acceptable is that our bread is at present so full of
vermin that notwistanding all possible care I have sometimes had 20
at a time in my mouth, every one of which tasted as hot as
mustard.

The Island itself seemd more barren than Ulhietea tho much like it
in produce, bread fruit being less plentyfull than Plantains and
Cocoa nuts. The people perfectly the same, so much so that I did not
observe one new custom or any thing Else among them worth mention;
they were not very numerous but flockd from all Quarters to the boat
wherever she went bringing with them whatever they had to sell. Here
as well as in the rest of the Islands they paid us the same
Compliment they are used to pay to their own Kings, uncovering their
shoulders and lapping their Garments round their breasts; here
particularly they were so scrupulously observant of it that a man was
sent with us who calld out to every one we met telling him what we
were and what he was to do.

1769 July 29.

The wind last night has favourd us a little so that we are this
morn close under the Island of Bola Bola, whose high craggy peak
seems on this side at least totaly inaccessible to men; round it is a
large quantity of low land which seems very barren. Tupia tells us
that between the shore and the mountain is a large salt lagoon, a
certain sign of barrenness in this climate; he however tells us that
there are upon the Island plenty of Hogs and fowls as well as the
vegetables we have generaly met with.

We see but few people on the shore, Tupia tells us that they are
gone to Ulhietea where we shall find them. He says also that there is
no breach in the reef on this side the Island but on the other there
is one large enough for the ship to go in and a good harbour within
it.

1769 July 30.

This morn wind right on end. See a new Island calld by Tupia
Maurua, he says it is fertile and yeilds plentifully all kinds of
provision, but that there is no breach in the reef large enough for
the ship to go into.

1769 July 31.

Still turning to windward with the wind right in our teeth,
towards evening however it mends and gives us hopes that we may
tomorrow morn come to an anchor in Ulhietea. Tupia today shewes us a
large breach in the reef of Otahah through which the ship migh[t]
conveniently pass into a large bay, where he says there is good
anchorage. We have now a very good opinion of Tupias pilotage,
especialy since we observd him at Huahine send a man to dive down to
the heel of the ships rudder; this the man did several times and
reported to him the depth of water the ship drew, after which he has
never sufferd her to go in less than 5 fathom water without being
much alarmd.

AUGUST 1769

1769 August 1.

The wind right off the land of Ulhietea mak[in]g it dificult to
get in tho we see a good inlet; after turning to windward till
afternoon we however at last get hold of anchorage in the mouth of
it. Many canoes came immediately about the ship bringing all sorts of
trade so that before night we have purchas'd several piggs and fowls
and a large quantity of Plantains and Cocoa nutts.

On attempting to warp the ship in this even the anchor was found
to be fast in a rock; at least no attempts could stir it till night
when the tide (which runs strong through the inlet) turnd, the ship
then going over the anchor tripd it herself.

1769 August 2.

Dr Solander and myself have spent this day ashore and been very
agreably entertaind by the reception we have met with from the
people, tho we were not fortunate enough to meet with one new plant.
Everybody seemd to fear and respect us but nobody to mistrust us in
the smallest degree, men women and children came crouding after us
but no one shewd us the least incivility, on the contrary wherever
there was dirt or water to pass over they strove who should carry us
on their backs. When we came to the houses of the principal people we
were receivd with a form quite new to us. The people who generaly
followd us rushd into them before us leaving however a lane
sufficiently wide for us to pass; when we came in we found them rangd
on each side a long mat spread upon the ground, at the farther end of
which sat one or more very young women or children neatly dressd, who
without stirring expected us to come up to them and make them
presents, which we did with no small pleasure for prettier children
or better dressd we had no where seen. One of these Tettuas as they
were calld was about 6 years old, her ahou or gown was red and round
her head was wound a large quantity of Tamou (plaited hair) an
ornament they value more than any thing they have. She sat at the
farther end of a mat 30 feet long on which no one of the spectators
presumd to set a foot notwistanding the crowd, leaning upon the arm
of a well looking well dressd woman about 30, possibly her nurse. We
walkd up to her, as soon as we aproachd she stretchd out her hand to
receive the beads we were to give, but had she been a princess royal
of England giving her hand to be kissd no instruction could have
taught her to have done it with a better grace. So much is untaught
nature superior to art that I have seen no sight of the kind that has
struck me half so much.

Gratefull possibly for the presents we had made to these girls the
people in our return tryd every method to Oblige us; particularly in
one house the master orderd one of his people to dance for our
amusement which he did thus:

He put upon his head a large cylindrical basket about 4 feet long
and 8 inches in diameter, on the front of which was fastned a facing
of feathers bending forwards at the top and edged round with sharks
teeth and the tail feathers of tropick birds: with this on he dancd
moving slowly and often turning his head round, sometimes swiftly
throwing the end of his headdress or whow so near the faces of the
spectators as to make them start back, which was a joke that seldom
faild of making every body laugh especialy if it happned to one of
us.

We had also an opportunity of seeing the inside of the Ewharre no
eatua so often mentiond. There were 3 of them much ornamented with
jaw bones and very full of bundles lapd up with their cloth; these
the people opned with some perswasion and in them we found complete
skulls with their lower jaw bones in their proper places. Perhaps
these were the skulls of those of the victorious party who died in
battle and the jaw bones fastnd on the outside were those of the
conquerd, but for this conjecture I had no authority from the Indians
who seemd to avoid as much as possible any questions upon the
subject.

1769 August 3.

This day went along shore in the opposite direction to that we
took yesterday, intending to spend most of our time in purchasing
stock, which we have always found the people readyer to part with at
their houses and selling cheaper than at the market. In the course of
our walk we met a set of stroling dancers Calld by the Indians Heiva
who detaind us 2 hours and during all that time entertaind us highly
indeed. They consisted of 3 drums, 2 women dancers and 6 men; these
Tupia tells us go round the Island as we have seen the little Heivas
do at Otahite, but differ from those in that most of the people here
are principal people, of which assertion we had in the case of one of
the women an undoubted proof.

I shall first describe their dresses and then their dances. The
women had on their heads a quantity of tamou or plaited hair which
was rolled and between the interstices of it flowers of Gardenia were
stuck making a head dress truly Elegant. Their shoulders arms and
breasts as low as their arms were bare, below this they were coverd
with black cloth and under each shoulder was placd a bunch of black
feathers much as our ladies nosegays or Bouquets. On their hips
rested a quantity of cloth pleated very full which reachd almost up
to their arms and fell down below into long peticoats reaching below
their feet, which they managd with as much dexterity as our opera
dancers could have done; these pleats were brown and white
alternately but the peticoats were all white.

In this dress they advancd sideways keeping excellent time to the
drums which beat brisk and loud; they soon began to shake their hips
giving the folds of cloth that lay upon them a very quick motion
which was continued during the whole dance, they sometimes standing,
sometimes sitting and sometimes resting on their knees and elbows and
generaly moving their fingers with a quickness scarce to be imagind.
The chief entertainment of the spectators seemd however to arise from
the Lascivious motions they often made use of which were highly so,
more indeed than I shall atempt to describe.

One of these girls had in her ear 3 pearls, one of them very large
but so foul that it was worth scarce any thing, the other two were as
large as a midling pea and of a good and clear water as well as
shape. For these I offerd at different times any price the owner
would have but she would not hear of parting with them; I offerd once
the price of 4 hogs down and any thing she would ask beside, but she
would not hear of it. Indeed they have always set a value upon their
pearls, if tolerably good, almost equal to our valuation supposing
them as they always are spoild by the drilling.

Between the dances of the women (for they sometimes rested) the
men acted a kind of interlude in which they spoke as well as dancd.
We were not however sufficiently vers'd in their language to be able
to give an account of the Drama.

1769 August 4.

We had often heard Tubia speak of Lands belonging to him which had
been taken away by the Bola Bola men: these he tells us now are
situate in the very bay where the ship lies. On going ashore this
morning the inhabitants confirmd What he has told us and shewd us
several different whennuas which they all acknowledged belong of
right to him. The largest number of the people here are it seems the
so much feard Bola Bola men, and we are told that tomorrow Opoony the
King of that Island will come to visit us. We are much inclind to
receive him civily as we have met with so civil a reception from his
subjects.

Dr Solander and myself go upon the hills accompanied by several
Indians, who carried us by excellent paths so high that we plainly
saw the other side of the Island and the passage through which the
ship went out of the reef between the Islets of Opoorooroo and Tamou.
Our walk did not turn out very profitable as we found only two plants
that we had not seen before.

In coming down again we saw the game that the Indians call
Erowhaw, which is no more than pitching a kind of light lances headed
with hard wood at a mark: of this amusement they seem to be very fond
but none that we saw now excelld in doing it, not above one in 12
striking the mark which was the bole of a plantain tree about 20
yards distant.

1769 August 5.

Went in the boat to the Southward with the Captn etc. Saw two
inlets in the reef and good harbours within them; they were both
situate close to Islets, one having one on each side of it (indeed in
general I have seen Breaches in Reefs almost wherever there are
Islands upon them. The people all along shore were very poor, so much
so that after all our days work we did not procure either hog or fowl
nor indeed did we see either.

1769 August 6.

Yesterday Opoony the King of Bola Bola sent his Compts and a
present of hogs and Fowls to the King of the ship, sending word also
that he would in person wait upon him today. We therefore all hands
staid at home in hopes of the honour of his excellencys visit. We
were disapointed in our expectations not disagreably for instead of
his majesty came 3 hansome lively girls who staid with us the morning
and took off all regret for the want of his majesties company.

In the evening we all went to see the great king and thank him for
his civilities particularly of this morning. The King of the Tatatoas
or Club men who have conquerd this and are the terror of all other
Islands we expected to see young lively hansome etc. etc. but how
were we disapointed when we were led to an old decrepid half blind
man who seemd to have scarce reason enough left to send hogs, much
less galantry enough to send ladies.

1769 August 7.

We learnd from Opoony yesterday that his cheif residence was at
Otahah, to this place he proposd to acompany us. As today Captn Cooke
and Dr Solander went upon the expedition myself staid at home. They
proceeded with Opoony and all his train, many Canoes, to a bay in
Otahah calld Obooto-booto, his majesties cheif residence; here the
houses were very large and good and the Canoes also finer than any
the gentlemen had before seen. Such a prelude made them expect much
from the owners of so fine houses, a boat load of hogs was the least
they thought of, especialy as they had plenty of Spartan money to pay
for them; but alas, the Gentlemen who had fatigued themselves with
building the houses, chose to refresh themselves with eating the
hogs; so that after the whole day was spent a small number only were
procurd in proportion to what were expected. Myself staid at home
this morning and traded for some provisions and curiosities; in the
afternoon took Mr Parkinson to the Heiva that he might scetch the
dresses. The dancing was exactly the same as I had seen it before
except that another woman was added to the two I saw before. The
interludes of the men were varied, they gave us 5 or 6 which
resembled much the Drama of an English stage dance. Most of my
Freinds were constan[t]ly at the Heiva. Their names I set down and
relationships as they are cheifly one family (1) Tiarree no Horoa a
King or cheif; (2) Whannooutooa wife to 1; (3) Otoobooi sister to 2;
(4) Orai Elder brother to 2; (5) Tettuanue younger brother to 2; (6)
Otehammena dancing girl; (7) Ouratooa Do; (8) Mattehea father to 1;
(9) Opipi mother to 1.

1769 August 8.

Dr Solander and self went along shore to gather plants, buy hogs
or any thing else that might occurr. We took our course towards the
Heiva and at last came up to it; it has gradualy moved from very near
us till now it is 2 Leagues off, Tupia tells us that it will in this
manner move gradualy round the Island. Our Freinds receivd us as
usual with all manner of civility, dancing and giving us after the
amusement a very good dinner as well as offering us a quantity of
their Cloth by way of present, which we should have accepted had we
not been full stockd with it before. We now understood a little more
of the interludes than we had formerly done. I shall describe one as
well as I can. The men dancers were divided into two parties
differing in the colour of their clothes, one brown the other white.
The cheif of the brown ones gave a basket of meat to the rest his
servants that they might take care of it; the white represented
theives who atempted to steal it several times, dancing all the time.
Several different expedients they make use of without success till at
last they found the watchmen asleep; they then gently went up to them
and lifting them off from the basket, which for security sake they
had placd in the middle of them, they went off with their prize. The
others woke and danced but seem'd to shew little regret for their
loss or indeed hardly to miss the basket at all.

1769 August 9.

This morn spent in trading with the Canoes for whatever they would
bring, resolving to sail as soon as they left off to bring provision,
which about noon they did and we again Launchd out into the Ocean in
search of what chance and Tupia might direct us to.

1769 August 10.

Myself sick all day.

1769 August 11.

Tupia talks of an Island which he calls Mannúa, he says
that we shall see it tomorrow morning but points out its place upon
our weather bow so we shall probably go to leward of it.

1769 August 12.

Get rid of sea sickness today. Tupias Island not in sight, he
tells us that it is et-pa (we are past it) for the same word is usd
by them for the setting of the sun and the leaving behind of an
Island. He says however that tomorrow or next day we shall see
another which he calls Oheter-a.

1769 August 13.

At noon today high land in sight which proved to be Tupias Island
of Oheter-a. At night we were close in with it. He sayd that there
were many other Islands from south to south west of us most of their
names beginning with Ohete, none however were in sight. Many
Albecores have been about the ship all the evening, Tupia took one
and had not his rod broke would probably have taken many. He usd an
Indian fish hook made of mother of pearl so that it servd at the same
time both for hook and bait.

1769 August 14.

Close under the land: a boat was sent from the ship in which Dr
Solander and myself took a passage, she rowd right in for the land on
which several natives appeard armd with long lances. The boat
standing along shore not intending to land till she got round the
next point made them (I beleive) think that we were afraid of them.
The main body about 60 sat down upon the shore and sent two of their
number forwards, who after walking sometime abreast of us leap'd into
the water intending to swim to us but were soon left behind; two more
then atempted the same thing and were in like manner left behind; a
single man then ran forwards and taking good start of the boat fetchd
her easily, but when he was alongside I could not persuade the
officer of the boat to take him, notwisthstanding it was so fair an
opportunity of making freinds with a people who certainly lookd upon
us as their enemies. He was therefore left behind as was another who
followd his example.

We now came round a point where all our followers left us. We had
opend a large bay at the bottom of which we saw another body of men
armd like the former; here we hopd to land and pushd towards the
place. The natives had pushd off a canoe which came out to meet us.
As soon as it aproachd us we lay upon our oars and calld to them that
we were freinds and would give them nails if they would come to us;
they after a very little hesitation came up to the boats stern and
took the nails that were given them, seemingly with great
satisfaction, but in less than a minute seemd to have formd a design
of boarding our boat and taking her, in pursuance of which 3 leapd
almost in an instant into our boat and the others brought up the
canoe which had flown off a little intending probably to follow their
countrey mens example. The first who came in the boat was close to
me, he instantly snatchd my powder horn out of my pocket which I
immediately laid hold of and wrenchd out of his hand, not without
some dificulty; I then laid my hand on his breast and attempted to
shove him overboard but he was two strong for me and kept his place.
The officer orderd a musquet to be fir'd over their heads his own
having mis'd fire, two were immediately fird and they all instantly
leapd into the water; one of our people however inconsiderately
leveld a 3d at one of them who was swimming and the ball gras'd his
forehead but I beleive did him no material harm, as he recoverd his
boat and stood up in her as active as ever. The canoe now stood for
the shore where were a large number of people collected I beleive
200; our boat also pulld in but found the land guarded all round with
a shoal upon which the sea broke much, so was obligd to go along
shore in hopes of finding a more convenient landing place. We saw the
canoe go ashore where the people were assembled who came down to her
seemingly very eager to enquire into our behavior to them; soon after
a single man came along shore armd with a long lance, he came abreast
of the boat and then began to dance and shake his weapon calling out
in a very shrill voice, which we understood from Tupia was a defiance
sent from the people. We rowd along shore and he attended us
sometime, we found it however impracticable to land and as for the
gen lemans tricks we gave ourselves very little concern about them:
we therefore resolvd to return to the bay and try if it would be
practicable to land where the Canoe did, hoping that if we should not
the people would at least come and make peace either on the shoal or
in their Canoes of which we saw only two in the Island, which was one
more than Tupia allowd them who said they had but one.

As we rowd gently along shore our defying champion was joind by
another likewise armd with a lance and dressd with a large cap of the
tail feathers of tropick birds and his body coverd, as indeed many of
them were, with stripes of different coulourd cloths, yellow red and
brown; he (who we now calld Harlequin) danc'd as the other had done
only with much more nimbleness and dexterity. These two were soon
after Joind by an older looking man likewise armd who came gravely
down to the beach and hailing us askd from whence we came, Tupia
answerd him from Otahite. The three then went peaceably along shore
till the boat came to a shoal upon which a few people were collected;
they talkd together and soon after began to p-orah or pray very loud
to which Tupia made his responses but continued to tell us that they
were not our freinds. We after this enterd into a parley with them,
telling them that if they would lay by their arms which were lances
and clubbs we would come ashore and truck with them for whatever they
would bring; they agreed but upon condition that we should lay down
our musquets, an article which we did not think fit to comply with,
so our negotiation dropt for the present at least. After a little
time however they took courage and came nearer to the boat, near
enough to begin to trade which they did very fairly for a smal
quantity of cloth and some of their weapons, but as they gave us no
hopes of provisions or indeed any thing else unless we would venture
through a narrow channel to the shore we put off the boat and left
them.

In this expedition we labourd under many disadvantages: we left
the ship in a hurry taking with us no kind of arms but our musquets,
which without bayonets would have made but a poor resistance against
these peoples weapons all meant to fight hand to hand; but what was
worst of all was the dificulty of landing which we could not do
without wetting ourselves and arms unless we had venturd through the
passage I have spoke of, which was so small that tho the weather was
perfectly fine the sea often broke right across it, so that had we
gone in and the least surf rose we could never have got out again but
must have remaind the night in shoal water, liab[l]e to any
stratagems that our enemies might devise, ill furnishd as we were to
oppose their boarding us by swimming to which we were always
liable.

The Island to all apearance that we saw was more barren than any
thing we have seen in these seas, the cheif produce seeming to be
Et-a (the wood of which make their weapons); indeed every where along
shore where we saw plantations they were coverd by trees of this kind
planted between them and the sea. It is without a reef and the ground
in the bay we were in so foul and corally that tho a ship might come
almost close to the shore she could not possibly anchor. The water
was clearer than I ever saw it, I saw distinctly the ground at 25
fathoms depth.

The people seemd strong lusty and well made but were rather
browner than those we have left behind; they were not tattowd on
their backsides, but instead of that had black marks about as broad
as my hand under their armpits the sides of which were deeply
indented, they had also circles of smaller ones round their arms and
legs. Their dress was indeed most singular as well as the cloth with
which they were dressd which I shall first describe. It was made of
the same materials as the inhabitants of the other Islands make use
of and generaly died of a very bright and deep yellow. Upon this was
on some sorts spread a composition which coverd it like oil colour or
varnish, it was either red or of a dark lead colour; upon this again
was painted stripes in many different patterns with infinite
regularity much in the same way as some lute string silks in England
are wove, all the streight lines upon them drawn with such accuracy
that we were almost in doubt whether or not they were stampd on with
some kind of press. The red cloth was painted in this manner with
black, the lead coulord with white. Of this cloth, generaly the lead
coulourd, they had on a short jacket that reachd about their Knees
made of one peice with a hole through which they put their heads, the
sides of which hole was contrary to any thing I have seen before
stichd with long stitches. This was confind to their bodies by a
peice of Yellow cloth which pass'd behind their necks and came across
their breasts in two broad stripes crossing each other, it was then
collected round their waists in the form of a belt, under which was
another of the red cloth so that the whole made a very gay and
warlike apearance. Some had on their heads caps as before describd
made of the tails of tropick birds, but they did not become them so
well as a peice of white or lead colourd cloth which the most of them
had wound on like a small turban.

Their arms consisted of long lances made of the etoa or hard wood
well polishd and sharpnd at one end; of these there were some near 20
feet long and scarce so thick as three fingers; they had also clubs
or pikes of the same wood about 7 feet long, well polishd and
sharpned at one end into a broad point. How expert they may be in the
use of these weapons we cannot tell but the weapons themselves seem
more intended for shew than use, as the lance was not pointed with
the stings of Sting rays, and the clubs or pikes which must do more
execution by their weight than their sharpness were not more than
half so heavy as the smallest I have seen in the other Islands.
Defensive weapons I saw none, they however guarded themselves against
such weapons as their own by matts folded and laid upon their breasts
and bellys under their other cloths.

Of the few things we saw among these people every one was
ornamented infinitely superior to any thing we had before seen: their
cloth was better coulourd as well as nicely painted, their clubs were
better cut out and polishd, the Canoe which we saw tho a very small
and very narrow one was nevertheless carvd and ornamented very
highly. One thing particularly in her seemd to be calculated rather
for the ornaments of a thing that was never intended to go into the
water than a boat, which was two lines of small white feathers that
were placd on the outside of the canoe which were when we saw them
totaly wet with the water.

After leaving these unhospitable people we Stood to the Southward
as usual and had in the evening a great dew which wetted every
thing.See Manners and Customs of S Sea Islands, below

1769 August 15. Crossed Tropick

Crossd the tropick this morn, wind North and weather very
pleasant; at night wind rather variable.

1769 August 16.

Soon after we rose this morn we were told that land was in sight;
it provd to be a cloud but at first sight was so like land that it
deceivd every man in the ship, even Tupia gave it a name. The ship
bore down towards it but in about 3 hours all hands were convincd
that it was but a cloud.

1769 August 17.

A heavy swell from the SW all day so we are not yet under the Lee
of the continent: in the Even no wind. Our Taros (roots of the Yam
kind calld in the W. Indies Cocos) faild us today, many of them were
rotten; they would probably have kept longer had we had either time
or opportunity of drying them well, but I beleive that at the best
they are very much inferior to either Yamms or potatoes for
keeping.

1769 August 18.

SE swell continues today with little wind at N.

1769 August 19.

Weather and swell much as yesterday; some of our people tell me
that they have seen Albatrosses both yesterday and the day
before.

1769 August 20.

A Large Albatross about the ship most of the day. Little wind, the
swell less than yesterday but still troublesome, at night a heavy
Dew.

1769 August 21.

A fine breeze at NW. Some Pintado birds (Proc. capensis) about the
ship. This day our Plantains faild us, they were all eat, not one
ever was rotten. Indeed since we left Ulhietea the Hogs have almost
intirely subsisted upon them, of which we have no small number who I
fear will feel the loss of them most sensibly as not one I beleive
has yet eat the smallest proportion of English food.

1769 August 22.

Fresh breeze of wind but little sea. Several Albatrosses and
Pintado birds about the ship today.

1769 August 23.

Light breeze. Our hogs and fowls begin to die apace, of the latter
a great many, want of proper food and cold which now begins to pinch
even us is I suppose the cause. Afternoon calm, many Albatrosses and
Pintado birds about the ship.

1769 August 24.

The morning was calm. About 9 it began to flow fresh with rain
which came on without the least warning, at the same time a water
spout was seen to leward; it appeard to me so inconsiderable that had
I not been shewd it I should not have particularly notic'd the
apearance; it resembled a line of thick mist, as thick as a midling
tree, which reachd not in a strait line almost to the waters edge and
in a few minutes totaly disapeard; its distance I suppose made it
appear so trifling, as the Seamen judg'd it not less than 2 or 3
miles from us. Many Birds about the ship, Pintado, Common and
Southern Albatross.

1769 August 25.

Less wind today but the swell occasiond by yesterdays wind still
troublesome. Birds today about the ship Pintado, Common and Southern
Albatross and a shearwater in size and shape like the common, but
grey or whitish on the head and back. It was this day a twelvemonth
since we left England, in consequence of which a peice of cheshire
cheese was taken from a locker where it had been reservd for this
occasion and a cask of Porter tappd which provd excellently good, so
that we livd like English men and drank the hea[l]ths of our freinds
in England.

1769 August 26.

Few birds today cheifly Albatrosses, few pintados. In the evening
several grampuses about the ship.

1769 August 27.

Pleasant breeze: birds today as plentifull as ever, Albatrosses of
both kinds, Pintados and grey shearwaters.

1769 August 28.

Birds as yesterday with the addition of a kind of shearwater,
quite black, the same as was seen and shot on the 21st of March last
in our passage to the westward (p. atrata). Tupia not well today, he
complains of a pain in his stomach; his distemper probably proceeds
from cold of which we have for some days past had more than from our
latitude we shoud have expected. One of the seamen Rayden by name was
this morn found so drunk that he had scarce any signs of life and in
about an hour he expird. Where he could have got his liquor is a
mystery which however nobody seems to enquire into, probably not
fairly. I have more than once had occasion to congratulate myself on
my prudence in not taking wine on board at Madera, as I beleive I may
safely say that there is not a cask on board the ship that has not
been tap'd to the great dissatisfaction of the owners, who in general
have had the comfort to find the gentlemen honest enough not to have
filld up with salt water; in some cases however this was not a
Consideration of much comfort as many of the casks were 2/3 empty and
some quite.

1769 August 29.

Very moderate and pleasant, scarce any motion; few or no birds
about the ship. In the course of last night a phenomenon was seen in
the heavens which Mr Green says is either a comet or a Nebulus he
does not know which, the Seamen have observd it these 3 nights.

1769 August 30.

Our Comet is this morn acknowledged and proves a very large one
but very faint. Tupia as soon as he saw it declard that the people of
Bola bola would upon the sight of it kill the people of Ulhietea who
would as many as could fly into the mountains. More sea today than
yesterday heaving in from WSW. Several birds, Pintados, Albatross's
of both kinds, the little silver backd bird which we saw off Faukland
Isles and Cape Horn, Pr. velox and grey shearwater. Peter saw a green
bird about the size of a dove, the colour makes us hope that it is a
land bird, it took however not the least notice of the ship. Some sea
weed was also seen to pass by the ship but as it was a very small
peice our hopes are not very sanguine on that head. The thermometer
today 52 which pinches us much who are so lately come from a countrey
where it was seldom less than 80. A swell from SW.

1769 August 31.

Blows fresh this morn with a good deal of sea; about 7 in the morn
a heap of sea weed passd the ship. An immense quantity of birds are
about her today: Albatrosses of both kinds which are easily
distinguishd one from the other by their beaks, which in one is white
in the other black; also large black shearwaters and a smaller sort
with grey backs, Pintados; but above all many millions I may safely
say of the small bird mentiond yesterday about as large as a dove,
greyish on the back, some with a dark colourd mark going in a crooked
direction on that and its wings. I try'd today to catch some of these
numerous attendants with a hook but after the whole morning spent in
the atempt caught only one Pintado which provd to be Procellaria
capensis of Linnaeus.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS. 1769

[appeared after 14 August 1769]

We have now seen 17 Islands in these Seas and been ashore upon 5
of the most principal ones. Of these the Language manners and customs
have agreed almost exactly, I should therefore be tempted to conclude
that those of the Islands we have not seen differ not materialy at
least from them. The account I shall give of them is taken cheifly
from Otahite where I was well acquainted with their most interior
policy, as I found them to be a people so free from deceit that I
trusted myself among them almost as freely as I could do in my own
countrey, sleeping continualy in their houses in the woods with not
so much as a single companion. Whither or not I am right in judging
their manners and customs to be general throughout these seas any one
who gives himself the trouble of reading this Journal through will be
as good a Judge as myself.

All the Islands I have seen are very populous all along the sea
coast, where are generaly large flats coverd with a vast many
breadfruit and Cocoa nut trees. Here are houses almost every 50 yards
with their little plantations of Plantains, the tree that makes their
cloth etc. but the inland parts are totaly uninhabited except in the
vallies where are rivers and even there are but a small propo[r]tion
of people to what live upon the flats. They are of the larger size of
Europaeans, all excellently made, and some handsome both men and
women, the only bad feature they have is their noses which are in
general flat, but to balance this their teeth are almost without
exception even and white to perfection, and the eyes of the women
especialy are full of expression and fire. In Colour they differ very
much: those of inferior rank who are obligd in the excersise of their
professions, fishing especialy, to be much exposd to the sun and air
are of a dark brown; the superiors again who spend most of their time
in their houses under shelter are seldom browner (the women
especialy) than that kind of Brunette which many in Europe preferr to
the finest red and white. Complexion indeed they seldom have tho some
I have seen shew a Blush very manifestly; this is perhaps owing to
the thickness of their skins, but that fault is in my opinion well
compensated by their infinite smoothness much superior to any thing I
have met with in Europe.

The men as I have before said are rather large, I have measurd one
6 feet 3½; the superior women are also as large as Europaeans
but the inferior sort generaly small, some very small owing possibly
to their early amours which they are much more addicted to than their
superiors. Their hair is almost universaly black and rather coarse:
this the women wear always cropt short round their ears, the men on
the other hand wear it in many various ways, sometimes cropping it
short, sometimes letting [it] grow very long and tying it at the top
of their heads or letting it hang loose on their shoulders etc. Their
beards they also wear in many different fashions always however
plucking out a large part of them and keeping that that is left very
clean and neat. Both sexes eradicate every hair from under their
armpits and they look upon it as a great mark of uncleanliness in us
that we did not do the same.

During our stay in these Islands I saw some not more than 5 or 6
who were a total exception to all I have said before. They were
whiter even than us but of a dead Colour like that of the nose of a
white horse; their eyes hair eyebrows and beards were also white;
they were universaly short sighted and lookd always unwholesome,
their skins scurfy and scaly and eyes often full of Rheum. As they
had no two of them any connextions with one another I conclude that
the difference of colour etc. was totaly accidental and did not at
all run in families.

So much for their persons. I shall now mention their method of
Painting their bodies or Tattow as it is calld in their language.
This they do by inlaying the colour of Black under their skins in
such a manner as to be indelible; every one is markd thus in
different parts of his body according may be to his humour or
different circumstances of his life. Some have ill designd figures of
men, birds or dogs, but they more generaly have this figure Z eitheir
simply, as the women are generaly marked with it, on every Joint of
their fingers and toes and often round the outside of their feet, or
in different figures of it as square, circles, crescents etc. which
both sexes have on their arms and leggs; in short they have an
infinite diversity of figures in which they place this mark and some
of them we were told had significations but this we never learnt to
our satisfaction. Their faces are in general left without any marks,
I did not see more than one instance to the contrary. Some few old
men had the greatest part of their bodies coverd with large patches
of black which ended in deep indentations like coarse imitations of
flame, these we were told were not natives of Otahite but came there
from a low Island called Noouoora.

Tho they are so various in the application of the figures I have
mentiond that both the quantity and situation of them seems to depend
intirely upon the humour of each individual, yet all the Islanders I
have seen (except those of Ohiteroa) agree in having all their
buttocks coverd with a deep black; over this most have arches drawn
one over another as high as their short ribbs, which are often
¼ of an inch broad and neatly workd on their edges with
indentations etc. These arches are their great pride: both men and
women shew them with great pleasure whether as a beauty or a proof of
their perseverance and resolution in bearing pain I can not tell, as
the pain of doing this is almost intolerable especialy the arches
upon the loins which are so much more susceptible of pain than the
fleshy buttocks.

Their method of doing it I will now describe. The colour they use
is lamp black wich they prepare from the smoak of a kind of oily
nutts usd by them instead of candles; this is kept in cocoa nut
shells and mixt with water occasionaly for use. Their instruments for
pricking this under the skin are made of Bone or shell, flat, the
lower part of this is cut into sharp teeth from 3 to 20 according to
the purposes it is to be usd for and the upper fastned to a handle.
These teeth are dippd into the black liquor and then drove by quick
sharp blows struck upon the handle with a stick for that purpose into
the skin so deep that every stroke is followd by a small quantity of
Blood, or serum at least, and the part so markd remains sore for many
days before it heals.

I saw this operation performd on the 5th of July on the buttocks
of a girl about 14 years of age; for some time she bore it with great
resolution but afterwards began to complain and in a little time grew
so outrageous that all the threats and force her freinds could use
could hardly oblige her [to] indure it. I had occasion to remain in
an adjoining house an hour at least after this operation began and
yet went away before it was finished, tho this was the blacking of
only one side of her buttocks the other having been done some weeks
before.

It is done between the ages of 14 and 18 and so essential it is
that I have never seen one single person of years of maturity without
it. What can be a sufficient inducement to suffer so much pain is
difficult to say; not one Indian (tho I have askd hundreds) would
ever give me the least reason for it; possibly superstition may have
something to do with it, nothing else in my opinion could be a
sufficient cause for so apparently absurd a custom. As for the
smaller marks on the fingers, arms etc. they may be intended only for
beauty; Our European ladies have found the Convenience of patches,
and something of that kind is more usefull here, where the best
complexions are much inferior to theirs, and yet whiteness is esteemd
the first Essential in beauty.

They are certainly as cleanly a people as any under the sun except
in their lousyness, every one of them wash their whole bodies in the
running water as soon as they rise in the morn, at noon, and before
they sleep at night; and if they have not such water near their
houses as often happens, they will go a good way to it; as for their
lice had they the means only they would certainly be as free from
them as any inhabitants of so warm a climate could be. Those to whoom
combs were given provd this, for those who I was best acquainted with
kept themselves very clear while we staid by the use of them; as for
their eating lice it is a custom which none but children and those of
the inferior people can be chargd with. Their cloths also as well as
their persons are kept almost without spot or stain; the superiour
people spend much of their time in repairing, dying, etc. the cloth,
which seems to be a genteel amusement for the ladies here as it is in
Europe.

Their Clothes are either of a kind of cloth made of the Bark of a
tree, or matts of several different sorts. Of all these and their
manner of making them I shall speak in another place, here I shall
only mention their method of covering and adorning their Persons,
which is of course most various as they never form dresses, or sew
any two things together. It must be a peice of cloth which is
generaly 2 yards wide and 11 long, is sufficient Clothing for any
one, and this they put on in a thousand different ways, often very
genteel. Their dress of form however is, in the women, a kind of
Peticoat (Parou) wrappd round their hipps, and reaching about the
middle of their leggs; 1, 2 or 3 peices of thick cloth about
2½ yards long and one wide (Te buta) through a hole in the
middle of which they put their heads, and suffer the sides of it to
hang before and behind them, the open edges serving to give their
arms liberty of moving; round the ends of this, about as high as
their wastes, are tied 2 or 3 large peices of thin Cloth, and
sometimes another or two thrown over their shoulders loosely, for the
rich seem to shew their greatest pride in wearing a large quantity of
cloth. The dress of the men differs but little from this; their bodys
are rather more bare, and instead of the petticoat they have a peice
of Cloth passed between their leggs and round their waists (Maro)
which keeps up the strictest rules of decency, and at the same time
gives them rather more liberty to use their limbs than the womens
dress will allow. Thus much of the richer people, the poorer sort
have only a small allowance of cloth given them from the tribes or
families to which they belong, and must use that to the best
advantage.

It is reckond no shame for any part of the body to be exposd to
view except those which all mankind hide; it was no uncommon thing
for the richest of the men to come to see us with a large quantity of
cloth rolld round their loins, and all the rest of their bodies
naked, tho the cloth wrappd round them was sufficient to have clothd
a dozn people. The women at sun set always bard their bodys down to
the navel, which seemd to be a kind of easy undress to them as to our
ladies to pull off any finery that has been usd during the course of
the day, and change it for a loose gown and capachin.

Both sexes shade their faces from the sun with little bonnets of
cocoa nut leaves which they make occasionaly in a very few minutes,
some have these made of fine matting but that is less common. Of
matting they have several sorts, some very fine, which is usd in
exactly the same manner as Cloth for their dresses, cheifly in rainy
weather, as their cloth will not bear the least wett.

Ornaments they have very few, they are very fond of earings but
wear them only in one ear. When we came they had them of their own,
made of Shell, stone, berries, red pease, and some small pearls which
they wore 3 tied together; but our beads very quickly supplyd their
place; they also are very fond of flowers, especialy of the Cape
Jasmine of which they have great plenty planted near their houses;
these they stick into the holes of their ears, and into their hair,
if they have enough of them which is but seldom. The men wear
feathers often the tails of tropick birds stuck upright in their
hair, they have also a kind of wiggs made upon one string of the hair
of men, dogs, or Cocoa nut strings, which they tie under their hair
upon the back of their heads; I have seen them also wear whimsical
garlands made of a variety of flowers stuck into a peice of the rind
of plaintain, or of scarlet pease stuck upon a peice of wood with
gum, but these are not common. Their great pride of Dress seems to be
centerd almost in what they call Tamou, which is human hair platted,
scarce thicker than common thread, of this I may easily affirm that I
have peices above a mile in lenght worked upon an end without a
single Knot, and I have seen 5 or 6 of such peices wound round the
head of one woman, the effect of which if done with taste was most
becoming. Thus much of their common dresses, their dancing dresses I
have describd in the Island of Ulhietea and that of the Heiva I shall
when I come to their mourning ceremonies. They have also several more
suited to particular ceremonies which I had not an opportunity of
seeing, tho I was very desirous, as the singular taste of those
promise much novelty at least if not something worth imitation in
whatever they take pains with.

I had almost forgot the Oil with which they anoint their heads,
monoe it is calld in their language, a custom more disagreable to
Europeans than any other among them. This is made of Cocoa nut oil in
which some sweet woods or flowers are infusd; the oil is most
commonly very rancid and consequently the wearers of it smell most
disagreably, at first we found it so but very little use reconcild me
at least very compleatly to it. These people are free from all smells
of mortality and surely rancid as their oil is it must be preferrd to
the odoriferous perfume of toes and armpits so frequent in
Europe.

The houses or rather dwellings of these people are admirably
calculated for the continual warmth of their climate. They do not
build them in villages or towns but seperate each from the other
according to the size of the estate the owner of the house possesses;
they are always in the woods and no more ground is cleard away for
each house than is Just sufficient to hinder the Dropping of the
branches from rotting the thatch with which they are coverd, so that
you step from the house immediately under shade and that the most
beautifull imaginable. No countrey can boast such delightfull walks
as this, the whole plains where the people live are coverd with
groves of Breadfruit and cocoa nut trees without underwood; these are
intersected in all directions by the paths which go from one house to
the other, so the whole countrey is a shade than which nothing can be
more gratefull in a climate where the sun has so powerfull an
influence. They are built without walls so that the air coold by the
shade of the trees has free access in whatever direction it happens
to blow. I shall describe one of the middle size which will give an
Idea of all the rest as they differ scarce at all in fashion.

Its lengh was 24 feet, breadth 11, extreem high[t] 8½,
hight of the eaves 3½; it consisted of nothing more than a
thatchd roof of the same form as in England supported by 3 rows of
posts or pillars, one on each side and one in the middle; the floor
was coverd some inches deep with soft hay upon which here and there
were laid matts for the convenience of setting down; this is almost
the only furniture as few houses have more than one stool which is
the property of the master of the family and constantly usd by him,
and most are intirely without. These houses serve them cheifly to
sleep in and make their cloth etc., they generaly Eat in the open air
under the shade of the next tree if the weather is not rainy. The
matts which serve them to set upon in the day time are also their
beds at night; the Cloth which they wear in the day serves for
covering, and a little wooden stool, block of wood or a bundle of
cloth for a pillow. Their order is generaly this, near the middle lay
the master of the house and his wife and with them the rest of the
married people, next to them the unmarried women, next to them at
some small distance the unmarried men; the Servants, Toutous as they
are calld, generaly lay in the open air or if it rains come just
within shelter. Thus all privacy is banishd even from those actions
which the decency of Europaeans keep most secret: this no doubt is
the reason why both sexes express the most indecent ideas in
conversation without the least emotion; in this their language is
very copious and they delight in such conversation beyond any other.
Chastity indeed is but little valued especialy among the midling
people; if a wife is found guilty of a breach of it her only
punishment is a beating from her husband. Notwithstanding this some
of the Eares or cheifs are I beleive perfectly virtuous. They indeed
tho they have no decency in conversation have privacy; most or all of
them have small houses which when they move are tied upon their
Canoes; these have walls made of Cocoa nut leaves etc. in them they
constantly sleep, man and wife, generaly lifting them off from their
canoes and placing them on the ground in any situation they think
proper.

Besides these there are another kind of houses much larger. One in
our neighbourhood measurd lengh 162 feet, breadth 28½, high[t]
of one of the middle row of pillars 18. These we conjecturd to be
common to all the inhabitants of a district and raisd and kept up by
their joint labour, of use maybe for any meetings or consultations,
for the reception of any visitants of consequence, etc.; such we have
also seen usd as dwelling houses by the very principal people, some
of them much larger than this which I have here describd.

In the article of food these happy people may almost be said to be
exempt from the curse of our forefather; scarcely can it be said that
they earn their bread with the sweat of their brow when their
cheifest sustenance Bread fruit is procurd with no more trouble than
that of climbing a tree and pulling it down. Not that the trees grow
here spontaneously but if a man should in the course of his life time
plant 10 such trees, which if well done might take the labour of an
hour or thereabouts, he would as compleatly fulfill his duty to his
own as well as future generations as we natives of less temperate
climates can do by toiling in the cold of winter to sew and in the
heat of summer to reap the annual produce of our soil, which when
once gatherd into the barn must be again resowd and re-reapd as often
as the Colds of winter or the heats of Summer return to make such
labour disagreable.

O fortunati nimium sua si bona norint

may most truly be applied to these people; benevolent nature has
not only supplyd them with nescessaries but with abundance of
superfluities. The Sea about them in the neighbourhood of which they
always live supplys them with vast variety of fish better than what
is generaly met with between the tropicks, but these they get not
without some trouble; every one desires to have them and there is not
enough for all, tho while we remaind in these seas we saw above
species more perhaps than our own Island can boast of. I speak now
only of what is more properly calld Fish; but almost every thing
which comes out of the sea is eat and esteemd by these people,
Shellfish, lobsters, Crabbs, even Sea insects and what the seamen
call blubbers of many kinds conduce to their support. Some of the
last indeed that are of a tough nature are prepard by suffering them
to stink; custom will make almost any meat palatable and the women
especialy are very fond of this, tho after they had eat it I confess
I was not extreemly fond of their company.

Besides the Bread fruit the earth almost spontaneously produces
Cocoa nuts, Bananas of 13 sorts the best I have ever eat, Plantains
but indiffer[e] nt, a fruit not unlike an apple which when ripe is
very pleasant, Sweet potatoes, Yamms, Cocos, another kind of Arum
known in the East Indies by the name of Arum [] , a fruit known there
by the name of [Eug mallacc] and reckond most delicious, Sugar cane
which the inhabitants eat raw, a root of the Salop kind Calld by the
inhabitants Pea, the root also of a plant calld Ethee and a fruit in
a Pod like a large Hull of a Kidney bean, which when roasted eats
much like Chestnuts and is call[d] Ahee; besides a fruit of a tree
which they call wharra in appearance like a pine apple, the fruit of
a tree calld by them Nono, the roots and perhaps leaves of a fern and
the roots of a plant calld Theve which 4 are eat only by the poorer
sort of people in times of scarcity.

For tame animals they have Hogs, fowls and doggs, which latter we
learn'd to eat from them and few were there of the nicest of us but
allowd that a S-Sea dog was next to an English lamb; this indeed must
be said in their favour that they live intirely upon vegetables,
probably our dogs in England would not eat half as well. Their pork
is certainly most excellent tho sometimes too fat, their fowls are
not a bit better rather worse maybe than ours at home, often very
tough.

Tho they seem to esteem flesh very highly yet in all the Islands I
have seen the quantity they have of it is very unequal to the number
of their people, it is therefore seldom usd among them. Even their
most principal people have it not every day or even week, tho some of
them had piggs that we saw quarterd upon different Estates as we send
Cocks to walk's in England; when any of these kill a hog it seems to
be divided almost equaly among all his dependands himself taking
little more than the rest. Vegetables are their cheif food and of
these they eat a large quantity. Cookery seems to have been little
studied here: they have only two methods of applying fire, broiling,
or baking as we calld it which is done thus. A hole is dug in depth
and size according to what is to be prepard seldom exceeding a foot
in depth, in this a heap is made of wood and stones alternately laid;
fire is then put to it which by the time it has consumd the wood has
heated the stones sufficiently just enough to discolour any thing
which touches them. The heap is then divided; half is left in the
hole the bottom of which is pavd with them, on them any kind of
provisions are laid always neatly wrappd up in leaves, the whole is
then coverd with leaves on which are laid the remaining hot stones
then leaves again 3 or 4 inches thick and over them any ashes rubbish
or dirt that lays at hand. In this situation it remains about 2 hours
in which time I have seen a midling hog very well done, Indeed I am
of opinion that victuals dressd this way are more juicy if not more
Equably done than by any of our European methods, large fish more
especialy. Bread fruit cookd in this manner becomes soft and
something like a boild potatoe, tho not quite so farinaceous as a
good one yet more so than the midling sort. Of this 2 or 3 dishes are
made by beating it with a stone pestil till it make a paste, mixing
water or Cocoa nut liquor with it and adding ripe plantains, bananas,
sour paste etc.

As I have mentiond Sour paste I will proceed to de[s]cribe what it
is. Bread fruit by what I can find remains in season only 9 or 10 of
their 13 months so that a reserve of food must be made for those
months when they are without it. To do this the fruit is gatherd when
just upon the point of ripening and laid in heaps where it undergoes
a fermentation and becomes disagreably sweet; the core is then taken
out which is easily done as a small pull at the stalk draws it out
intire, and the rest of the fruit thrown into a hole dug for that
purpose generaly in their houses; the sides and bottom of which are
neatly lind with grass; the whole is coverd with leaves and heavy
stones laid upon them. Here it undergoes a second fermentation and
becomes sourish in which condition it will keep as they told me many
months. Custom has I suppose made this agreable to their palates tho
we dislikd it extreemly, we seldom saw them make a meal without some
[of] it in some shape or other.

As the whole making of this Mahai as they call it depends upon
fermentation I suppose it does not always succeed. It is done at
least always by the old women who make a kind of superstitious
mystery of it. No one except the people employd by them is allowd to
come even into that part of the house where it is; I myself spoild a
large heap of it only by inadvertenly touching some leaves that lay
upon it as I walkd by the outside of the house where it was. The old
directress of it told me that from that circumstance it most
certainly would fail and immediately pulld it down before my face,
who did less regret the mischeif I had done as it gave me an
opportunity of se[e]ing the preparation which perhaps I should not
otherwise have been allowd to do.

To this plain diet prepard with so much simplicity salt water is
the universal sauce; those who live at the greatest distance from the
sea are never without it keeping it in large bamboes set up against
the sides of their houses. When they eat a cocanut shell full of it
always stands near them, into which they dip every morsel especialy
of fish and often leave the whole soaking in it, drinking at
intervals large supps of it out of their hands, so that a man may use
½ a pint of it at a meal. They have also a sauce made of the
Kernels of cocoa nutts fermented till they dissolve into a buttery
paste and beat up with salt water; the taste of this is very strong
and at first was to me most abominably nauseous, a very little use
however reconcild me intirely to it so much that I should almost
preferr it to our own sauces with fish. It is not common among them,
possibly it is thought ill management among them to use cocoa nuts so
lavis[h]ly, or we were on the Islands at the time when they were
scarce ripe enough for this purpose.

Small fish they often eat raw and sometimes large ones. I myself
by being much with them learnt to do the same insomuch that I have
made meals often of raw fish and bread fruit, by which I learnt that
with my stomach at least it agreed as well as dressd and if any thing
was still easier of digestion, howsoever contrary this may appear to
the common opinion of the people at home.

Drink they have none but water and cocoa nut Juice, nor do they
seem to have any method of Intoxication among them. Some there were
who drank pretty freely of our liquors and in a few instances became
very drunk but seemd far from pleasd with their intoxication, the
individuals afterwards shunning a repitition of it instead of
greedily desiring it as most Indians are said to do.

Their tables or at least apparatus for Eating are set out with
great neatness tho the small quantity of their furniture will not
admit of much Elegance. I will describe the manner in which one of
their principal people is servd; they commonly eat alone unless some
stranger makes a second in their mess.

He setts commonly under the shade of the next tree or on the shady
side of the house; a large quantity of leaves either of Bread fruit
or Banana are neatly spread before him which serves instead of a
table cloth, a basket is then set by him which contains his
provisions and two cocoa nut shells, one full of fresh water the
other of salt. He begins by washing his hands and mouth thoroughly
with the fresh water which he repeats almost continualy throughout
the whole meal. He then takes part of his provision from the basket.
Supose (as it often did) it consisted of 2 or 3 bread fruits, 1 or 2
small fish about as big as a perch in England, 14 or 15 ripe bananas
or half as many apples: he takes half a breadfruit, peels of the rind
and takes out the core with his nails; he then cramms his mouth as
full with it as it can possibly hold, and while he chews that unlapps
the fish from the leaves in which they remain tied up since they were
dressd and breaks one of them into the salt water; the rest as well
as the remains of the bread fruit lay before him upon the leaves. He
generaly gives a fish or part of one to some one of his dependants,
many of whoom set round him, and then takes up a very small peice of
that that he has broke into the salt water in the ends of all the
fingers of one hand and sucks it into his mouth to get with it as
much salt water as possible, every now and then taking a small sup of
it either out of the palm of his hand or the cocoa nut shell. In the
mean time one of the standers by has prepard a young cocoa nut by
peeling of the outer rind with his teeth (an operation which at first
appears very surprizing to Europeans but depends so much upon a
sl[e]ight that before we left the Islands many of us were ourselves
able to do it, even myself who can scarce crack a nut) which when he
chuses to drink he takes from him and boring a hole through the shell
with his finger or breaking the nut with a stone drinks or sucks out
the water. When he has eat his bread fruit and fish he begins with
his plantains, one of which makes no more than a mouthful if they are
as big as black puddings; if he has apples a shell is nescessary to
peel them, one is pickd of the ground where they are always plenty
and tossd to him, with this he scrapes or cutts off the skin rather
awkwardly as he wastes almost half the apple in doing it. If he has
any tough kind of meat instead of fish he must have a knife, for
which purpose a peice of Bamboo is tossd him of which he in a moment
makes one by splitting it transversly with his nail, with which he
can cut tough meat or tendons at least as readily as we can with a
common knife. All this time one of his people has been employd with a
stone pestle and a block of wood beating breadfruit which by much
beating and sprinkling with water he Reduces to the consistence of
soft paste; he then takes a vessel made like a butchers tray and in
it he lays his paste mixing it with either bananas sour paste or
making it up alone according to the taste of his master; to this he
adds water pouring it on by degrees and squeezing it often through
his hand till it comes to the consistence of thick custard; a large
cocoa nut shell full of this he then sets before his master who supps
it down as we would do a custard if we had not a spoon to eat it
with; and his dinner is then finishd by washing his hands and mouth,
cleaning the cocoa nut shells and putting any thing that may be left
into the basket again.

It may be thought that I have given rather too large a quantity of
provision to my eater when I say he has eat 3 bread fruits each
bigger than two fists, 2 or 3 fish and 14 or 15 plantains or Bananas,
each if they are large 6 or 7 inches long and 4 or 5 round, and
conclude his dinner with about a quart of a food as substantial as
the thickest unbaked custard; but this I do affirm that it is but few
of the many of them I was acquainted with that eat less and many a
great deal more. But I shall not insist that any man who may read
this should beleive it as an article of faith; I shall be content if
politeness makes him think as Joe Millers freind said, 'Well Sir as
you say so I beleive it but by g-d had I seen it myself I should have
doubted it excedingly'.

I have said that they seldom eat together the better sort hardly
ever, even two brothers or sisters have each their respective baskets
one of which contains victuals the other cocoa nut shells etc. for
furniture of their seperate tables. These were brought every day to
our tents to those of our freinds who having come from a distance
chose to spend the whole day or sometimes 2 or 3 in our company;
these two relations would go out and setting down upon the ground
within a few yards of each other turn their faces different ways and
make their meals without saying a word to each other.

The women carefully abstain from eating with the men or even any
of the victuals that have been prepard for them. All their victuals
are prepard seperately by boys and kept in a shed by themselves where
they are lookd after by the same boys who attend them at their meals;
notwithstanding this when we visited them at their houses the women
with whoom we had any particular acquaintance or freindship would
constantly ask us to partake of their meals, which we often did,
eating out of the same basket and drinking out of the same cup. The
old women however would by no means allow the same liberty but would
esteem their victuals polluted if we touchd them; in some instances I
have seen them throw them away when we had inadvertently defil'd them
by handling the vessels which containd them.

What can be the motive for so unsocial a custom I cannot in any
shape guess, especialy as they are a people in every other instance
fond of society and very much so of their women. I have often askd
the reason of them but they have as often evaded the question or
given me no other answer but that they did it because it was right,
and expressd much disgust when I told them that in England men and
women eat together and the same victuals; they however constantly
affirm that it does not proceed from any superstitious motive, Eatua
they say has nothing to do with it. But whatever the motive may be it
certainly affects their outward manners more than their principles:
in the tents for instance we never saw an instance of the women
partaking of our victuals at our table, but we have several [times]
seen them go 5 or 6 together into the servants apartment and there
eat very heartily of whatever they could find, nor were they at all
disturbd if we came in while they were doing [it] tho we had before
usd all the intreatys we were masters of to invite them to partake
with us. When a woman was alone she would often eat even in our
company, but always took care to extort a strong promise that we
should not let her countrey people know what she had done.

After their meals and in the heat of the day they often sleep,
middle ag'd people especialy, the better sort of whoom seem to spend
most of their time in eating or sleeping. The young boys and girls
are uncommonly lively and active and the old people generaly more so
than the middle ag'd ones, which perhaps is owing to the excessive
venery which the heat of the climate and their dissolute manners
tempt them to. Diversions they have but few: shooting with the bow is
the cheif one I have seen at Otahite which is confind almost intirely
to the cheifs; the[y] shoot for distance only with arrows unfledgd,
kneeling upon one knee and dropping the bow from their hands at the
instant of the arrows parting from it. I measurd a shot that Tubourai
Tamite made, 274 yards, yet he complaind that as the bow and arrows
were bad he could not shoot so far as he ought to have done. At
Ulhietea bows were less common, but the people amusd themselves by
throwing a kind of Javelin 8 or 9 feet long at a mark which they did
with a good deal of force and dexterity, often striking the body of a
plantain tree their mark in the very center, but I could never
observe that either these or the Otahite people stakd any thing but
seemd to contend merely for the honour of victory.

Musick is very little known to them which is the more wonderfull
as they are very fond of it. They have only two instruments the flute
and the drum. The former is made of a hollow bamboo about a foot long
in which is 3 holes; into one of these they blow with one nostril
stopping the other with the thumb of the left hand, the other two
they stop and unstop with the fore finger of the left and middle
finger of the right hand; by this means they produce 4 notes and no
more of which they have made one tune that serves them for all
occasions, to which they sing a number of songs pehay as they call
them generaly consisting of two lines affecting a coarse metre and
generaly in Rhime. May be they would appear more musical if we well
understood the accent of their language but are as downright prose as
can be wrote. I shall give two or 3 specimens of songs made upon our
arrival:

At any time of the day when they are lazy they amuse themselves by
singing these couplets but especialy after dark. Their candles are
then lighted which are made of the kernel of a nut abounding much in
oil; many of these are stuck upon a skewer of wood one below the
other and give a very tolerable light which they often keep burning
an hour after dark and if they have many strangers in the house it is
sometimes kept up all night--a kind of guard maybe upon the chastity
of the ladies who upon such occasions are very shy of receiving any
mark of regard from their lovers.

Their Drumms they manage rather better: they are made of a hollow
block of wood coverd with sharks skin, with these they make out 5 or
6 tunes and accompany the flute not disagreably; they know also how
to tune two drums of Different notes into concord which they do
nicely enough. They also tune their flutes if two play upon flutes
which are not in unison, the short one is leng[t]hned by adding a
small roll of leaf which is tied round the end of it and movd up and
down till their ears (which are certainly very nice) are satisfied.
The drumms are usd cheifly in their heivas which are at Otahiti no
more than a set of musicians, 2 drums for instance two flutes and two
singers, who go about from house to house and play; they are alway
receivd and rewarded by the master of the family who gives them a
peice of cloth or whatever else he can best spare and while they
stay, 3 or 4 hours maybe, receives all his neighbours who croud his
house full. This diversion the people are extravagantly fond of most
likely because like concerts asemblys etc. in Europe they serve to
bring the Sexes easily together at a time when the very thoughts of
meeting has opend the heart and made way for pleasing Ideas. The
grand Dramatick heiva which we saw at Ulhietea is I beleive
occasionaly performd in all the Islands but that I have so fully
Describd in the Journal of that Island Augst ye 3d 7th and 8th that I
need say no more about it.

Besides this they dance especialy the young girls whenever they
can collect 8 or 10 together, singing most indecent words using most
indecent actions and setting their mouths askew in a most
extrordinary manner, in the practise of which they are brought up
from their earlyest childhood; in doing this they keep time to a
surprizing nicety, I might almost say as true as any dancers I have
seen in Europe tho their time is certainly much more simple. This
excercise is however left off as soon as they arrive at Years of
maturity for as soon as ever they have formd a connection with a man
they are expected to leave of Dancing Timorodee as it is calld.

One amusement more I must mention tho I confess I hardly dare
touch upon it as it is founded upon a custom so devilish, inhuman,
and contrary to the first principles of human nature that tho the
natives have repeatedly told it to me, far from concealing it rather
looking upon it as a branch of freedom upon which they valued
themselves, I can hardly bring myself to beleive it much less expect
that any body Else shall. It is this that more than half of the
better sort of the inhabitants of the Island have like Comus in
Milton enterd into a resolution of enjoying free liberty in love
without a possibility of being troubled or disturbd by its
consequences; these mix together with the utmost freedom seldom
cohabiting together more than one or two days by which means they
have fewer children than they would otherwise have, but those who are
so unfortunate as to be thus begot are smotherd at the moment of
their birth. Some of these people have been pointed out to me by name
and on being askd have not denyd the fact, who have contracted
intimacies and livd together for years and even now continue to do
so, in the course of which 2, 3 or more children have been born and
destroyd.

They are calld Arreoy and have meetings among themselves where the
men amuse themselves with wrestling etc. and the women with dancing
the indecent dances before mentiond, in the course of which they give
full liberty to their desires but I beleive keep strictly up to the
appearances of decency. I never was admitted to see them, one of our
gentlemen saw part of one but I beleive very little of their real
behavior tho he saw enough to make him give credit to what we had
been told.

This custom as indeed it is natural to suppose Owes as we were
told its existence cheifly to the men. A Woman howsoever fond she may
be of the name of Arreoy and the liberty attending it before she
conceives, generaly desires much to forfeit that title for the
preservation of her child: in this she has not the smallest
influence; if she cannot find a man who will own it she must of
course destroy it; and if she can, with him alone it lies whether or
not it shall be preserv'd: sometimes it is, but in that case both the
man and woman forfeit their title of Arreoy and the privelege annext
thereunto, and must for the future be known by the term Whannownow,
or bearer of children: a title as disgracefull among these people as
it ought to be honourable in every good and well governd society. In
this case the man and woman generaly live together as man and wife
for the remainder of their lives.

The great facility with which these people have always procurd the
nescessaries of life may very reasonably be thought to have originaly
sunk them into a kind of indolence which has as it were benumbnd
their inventions, and prevented their producing such a variety of
Arts as might reasonably be expected from the aproaches they have
made in their manners to the politeness of the Europeans. To this may
also be added a fault which is too frequent even among the politest
nations, I mean an invincible attachment to the Customs which they
have learnt from their forefathers which these people are indeed in
this degree excusable for: they derive their original not from
Creation but from the womb of an inferior divinity who was herself
with those of equal rank descended from the God Causer of
Earthquakes; they therefore look upon it as a Kind of Sacriledge to
attempt to amend Customs which they suppose to have had their
original either from their deities or their first ancestors, who they
hold as little inferior to the divin[i]ties themselves.

The thing in which they shew the most ingenuity is the making and
dying of their Cloth: in the description of these especialy the
latter I shall be rather diffuse, as I am not without hopes that my
countrey men may receive some advantage either from the things
themselves or at least by hints derivd from them.

The Material of which it is made is the interior bark or liber of
3 sorts of trees, the Chinese paper mulberry Morus Papyrifera, the
Breadfruit tree Sitodium altile, and a tree much resembling the wild
fig tree of the west Indians Ficus prolixa. Of the first which is
calld by them Äouta the finest and whitest cloth is made which
is worn cheifly by the principal people, it is likewise the properest
for dying especialy with the Colour of red; of the second which is
calld by them ooroo is made a cloth inferior to the former in
whiteness and softness, worn cheifly by people of inferior degree; of
the third which is much the most rare is made a coarse harsh Cloth of
the colour of the deepest brown paper, which is the only one they
have that at all resists water. It is much valued, the greatest
quantity of it is perfumd and usd by the most principal people as a
Morning dress.

These three trees are cultivated with much care especialy the
former which covers the largest part of their cultivated land. Young
plants of them only are us'd of 1 or 2 years growth, whose great
merit is to be thin, streight, and tall, without branches; to prevent
the growth of which they pluck off with great care all the lower
leaves and their Gemms, as often as there is any appearance of a
tendency to produce branches.

Their Method of manufacturing the Bark is the same in all the
sorts: one description of it will therefore be Sufficient: first
then, the thin cloth they begin to make thus. When the trees are
arrivd at a sufficient size they are drawn up and the roots and topps
cut of and strippd of their leaves; the best of the Aouta are in this
state about 3 or 4 feet long and as thick as a mans finger but the
ooroo are considerably larger. The bark of these rods is then slit up
longitudinaly and in this manner drawn off the stick; when all are
stripd the bark is carried to some brook or running water into which
it is laid to soak with stones upon it and in this situation it
remains some days. When sufficiently soakd the women servants go down
to the river, and stripping themselves set down in the water and
scrape the peices of bark, holding them against a flat smooth board,
with the shell calld by the English shell merchants Tygers tongue
Tellina Gargadia, dipping it Continualy in Water untill all the outer
green bark is rubbd and washd away and nothing remains but the very
fine fibres of the inner bark. This work is generaly finishd in the
afternoon; in the evening these peices are spread out upon Plantain
leaves. In doing this I suppose there is some dificulty as the
mistress of the family generaly presides, all that I could observe
was that they laid them 2 or 3 layers thick, and seemd very carefull
to make them every where of equal thickness; so that if any part of a
peice of Bark was scrapd thinner than it ought, another peice of the
same thin quality was laid over it, in order to render it of the same
thickness as the next. When laid out in this manner the size of the
peice of cloth [is] 11 or 12 yards long and not more than a foot
broad, for as the longitudinal fibres are all laid lenghwise they do
not expect it to stretch in that direction tho they well know how
considerably it will in the other. In this state they suffer it to
remain till morning, by which time a large proportion of the water
with which when laid out it is thouroughly soakd is either draind off
or evaporated and the fibres begin to adhere together, so that the
whole may be lifted from the ground without dropping in peices. It is
then taken away by the women servants who beat it in the following
manner: they lay it upon a long peice of wood one side of which is
very Even and flat, which side is put under the Cloth; as many women
then as they can muster or as can work at the board begin; each is
furnishd with a battoon made of a very hard wood calld by the natives
Etoa (Casuarina equisetifolia) these are about a foot long and square
with a handle; on each of the 4 faces of the square are many small
furrows of as many different fineness, in the first or coarsest not
more than [15] in the finest one [56] which cover the whole face of
the side. With the coarsest then they begin, keeping time with their
strokes in the same manner as smiths or Anchor smiths, and continue
until the Cloth which extends itself very fast under these strokes
shews by the too great thinness of the Grooves which are made in it
that a finer side of the beater is requisite; in the same manner they
proceed to the finest side with which they finish, unless the Cloth
is to be of that very fine sort which they call Hoboo which is almost
as thin as muslin. For the making of this they double the peice
several times and beat it out again and afterwards bleach it in the
sun and air which in these Climates cause whiteness in a very short
time, but I beleive that the finest of their Hoboo does not come to
either its whiteness or softness untill it has been worn some time,
then washd and beat over again with the very finest beaters. Of this
thin cloth they have as many different sorts almost as we have of
Linnen, distinguishing it into different finenesses and the different
materials of which it is made. Each peice is from 9 to 15 yards in
lengh and about 2 and a half broad and serves them for Cloths in the
day and bedding at night. When by use it is sufficiently worn and
become dirty it is carried to the river and washd, cheifly by letting
it soak in a gentle stream fasned to the bottom by a stone, or if
very dirty wringing it and squeesing it gently; several of the peices
of Cloth so washd are then laid on each other and being beat with the
coarsest side of the beater adhere together and become a cloth as
thick as coarse broad cloth, then which nothing can be more soft or
delicious to the feel. This however is not the case with it
immediately after being beat: it is then stiff as if newly starchd
and some parts not adhering together as well as others it looks
ragged, and is also of various thicknesses wherever any faults were
in the Cloth from whence it was made; to remedy this is the business
of the mistress of the family and principal women of it, who in this,
and dying, seem to amuse themselves as our English women do in making
Caps, ruffles, etc.; and in this they spend the greatest part of
their time. They are furnishd with each a k[n]ife made of a peice of
Bamboo cane, to which they make, by splitting it diagonally with
their nails, an edge which with great ease cuts any kind of cloth or
soft substance; and a certain quantity of a Paste made of the root of
a Plant which serves them also for food, and is calld by them Pea
(Chaitaea Tacca): with the former they cut off any ragged edges or
ends which may not have been sufficiently fixd down by the Beating;
and with the Paste they fasten down others which are less ragged, and
also put on patches upon any part which may be thinner than the rest,
generaly finishing their work, if intended for the best, by pasting a
compleat covering of the finest thin Cloth or Hoboo over the whole.
They make the thick Cloth also sometimes of thin, only half worn, and
which having been worn by cleanly people is not soild enough to
require washing; of this it is sufficient to paste the Edges
together, which is done with the same paste. This thick cloth, made
in either of these ways, is usd either for the garment calld Maro,
which is a long peice passd between the legs and round the waste that
serves instead of breeches; or the Tebuta as it is calld, a garment
usd equally by both sexes instead of a Coat or gown, which exactly
resembles that worn by the inhabitants of Peru and Chili that is
calld by the Spanyards Poncho.

The cloth itself both thick and thin resembles most the finest
cottons in softness especialy in which article it even exceeds them.
Its tenderness (for it tears by the smallest accident) makes it very
impossible that it can ever be usd in Europe; indeed it is properly
adapted to a hot climate; I usd it to sleep in very often in the
Islands and always found it far cooler than any English cloth, and
that it much prevented perspiration or else, by drying it up
immediately, the disagreable sensation of it.

Having thus describd their manner of making the Cloth I shall
proceed to their method of dying it. They have principaly two Colours
in which they excell, Red and Yellow; the first of these is most
beautifull, I might almost venture to say a more delicate colour than
any we have in Europe, aproaching however nearest to Scarlet; the
second is a good bright colour but of no particular excellence. They
also upon some occasions dye brown and black but so seldom that I had
not an opportunity during my stay to see the methods or learn the
materials which they make use of; I shall therefore say no more of
these Colours than that they were so indifferent in their qualities
that they did not much raise my curiosity to enquire concerning
them.

To begin then with the red, in favour of which I shall premise
that I beleive no Voyager has past these seas but he has said
something in praise of this colour, the brightness and elegance of
which is so great that it cannot avoid being taken notice of by the
slightest observer. This colour is made by the admixture of the
Juices of two vegetables neither of which in their seperate state
have the least tendency to the colour of Red, nor have any Parts of
them that I have at least been able to observe any circumstance
relating to them from whence any one should be led to conclude that
the colour of red was at all latent in them. They are Ficus tinctoria
which is calld by them Matte the same name as the colour and Cordia
Sebestena orientalis calld Etou; of these the fruits of the first and
the leaves of the second are usd in the following manner.

The fruits which are about as large as a rounceval pea or very
small Gooseberry, produce upon breaking off the stalk close to them
each one drop of a milky liquor resembling the Juice of a fig tree in
Europe, for indeed the tree itself is a kind of wild fig tree. This
liquor the women collect, breaking off the footstalk and shaking the
drop which hangs to the little fig into a small quantity of cocoa nut
water: to sufficiently prepare a gill of Cocoanut water will require
3 or 4 quarts of the little figs, tho I never could observe that they
had any rule in Proportioning the quantity except observing the Cocoa
nut water, which was to be of a Whey colour when a sufficient
quantity of the Juice of the little figs was mixd among it. When this
liquor is prepard the leaves of the Etou are brought which are well
wetted in it, they are then laid upon a Plantain leaf and the Women
begin first gently to turn and shake them about; afterwards as they
grow more and more flaccid by this operation to squeese them a
little, increasing the pressure gradualy, all which is done merely to
prevent the leaves from breaking; still as they become more flaccid
and spongy they supply them with more of the juice. In about 5
minutes the Colour begins to appear on the Veins of the leaves of the
Etou and in 10 or a little more all is finishd and ready for
straining, at which time they press and squeese the leaves as hard as
they possibly can. The method of straining is this: they have for the
purpose a large quantity of the fibres of a kind of Cyperus Grass
(Cyperus stupeus) calld by them Mooo, which the boys prepare very
nimbly by drawing the stalks of it through their teeth or between two
little sticks until all the green bark and the branny substance which
lays between them is gone. In a covering of these fibres then they
invelop the leaves and squeesing or wringing them strongly express
the dye which turns out very little more in quantity than the liquor
employd; this operation they repeat several times, soaking as often
the leaves in the dye and squeesing them dry again until they have
sufficiently extracted all their virtue, when they throw away the
remaining leaves keeping however the Möoo which serves them
instead of a brush to lay the colour upon the Cloth. The receptacle
usd for the liquid dye is constantly a Plantain leaf, whether from
any property it may have agreable to the colour, or the great ease
with which they are always got and the facility of dividing one and
making of it many small cups in which the dye may be distributed to
every one in company I do not know. Their method of laying it on the
Cloth is this: they take it up in the fibres of the Möoo and
rubbing that gently over the Cloth spread the outside of it with a
thin coat of dye. This of the thick cloth, the thin they very seldom
dye more than the edges of; some indeed I have seen dyed through as
if it had been soakd in the dye, but had not near so elegant a colour
as that on which a thin coat only was laid on the outside.

Though the Etou leaf is the most generaly usd and I beleive
produces the finest colour, yet there are several more which being
mixd with the Juice of the little figs produce a red colour, as
Tournefortia Sericea which they call Taheinoo; Convolvulus
brasilienis, Pohue the Eurhe; Solanum latifolium, Ebooa. From the use
of these different plants or from different proportions of materials
many varieties of the colour are observable among their cloths, some
of which are very conspicuously superior to others.

When the women have been employd in dying cloth they industriously
preserve the colour upon their fingers and nails upon which it shews
with its greatest beauty. They look upon this as no small ornament
and I have been sometimes inclind to beleive that they even borrow
the dye of each other merely for the purpose of dying their fingers;
whether it is esteemd as a beauty, a mark of their housewifry in
being able to dye, or their riches in having cloth to dye I know
not.

Of what use this preparation may be of to my Countreymen either in
itself or in any hints which may be drawn from an admixture of
vegetable substances so totaly different from any thing of the kind
that is practis'd in Europe, I am not enough vers'd in Chymistry to
be able to guess, I must however hope that it will be of some. The
latent qualities of vegetables have already furnishd our most
valuable dyes; no one from an inspection of the Plants could guess
that any coulour was hid under the herbs of Indigo, Woad, Dyers weed,
or indeed the most of the Plants whose leaves are usd in dying, and
yet those latent qualifications have when discoverd produc'd Colours
without which our dyers could hardly go on with their Trades.

The Painter whoom I have with me tells me that the nearest
imitation of the colour that he could mak[e] would be by mixing
together vermilion and Carmine, but even that would not equal the
delicacy of it tho a body colour, and the Indian only a stain in the
way that the Indians use it. I can not say much for its standing:
they commonly keep their cloth white till the very time when it is to
be us'd and then dye it as if conscious that it would soon fade. I
have however usd Cloth dy'd with it myself for a fortnight or three
weeks, in which time it has very little alterd itself and by that
time the Cloth was pretty well wore. Of it I have also some now in
chests which a month ago when I lookd into them had very little
alterd their colour; the admixture of fixing drugs would however
certainly not a little conduce to its standing.

So much for their Red: their yellow though a good colour has
certainly no particular excellence to recommend it in which it is
superior to our known Yellows: it is made of the bark of the Root of
a shrub calld by them Nono (Morinda umbellata) this they scrape into
water and after it has soakd there a sufficient time strain the water
and dip the cloth into it. The wood of the root is no doubt furnishd
in some degree with the same property as the Bark but not having any
vessels in which they can boil it it is useless to the inhabitants.
The genus of Morinda seems worthy of being examind as to its
propertys in dying; Browne in his hist of Jamaica mentions 3 species
whose roots he says are usd to dye a brown colour, and Rumphius says
of his Bancudus angustifolia, which is very nearly allied to our
Nono, that it is usd by the inhabitants of the East Indian Islands as
a fixing drug for the colour of red with which he says it
particularly agrees. They also dye Yellow with the fruits of a tree
calld by them Tamanu (Calophyllum Inophyllum) but their method I
never had the fortune to see; it seems however to be cheifly esteemed
by them for the smell which it gives to the cloth, a smell that is
more agreable to an Indian than a Europaean nose.

Besides their cloth the women make several kinds of matting which
serves them to sleep upon, and the finest for cloths: with the last
they take much pains, especialy with that sort which is made of the
Bark of the Tree calld by them Poorou, Hibiscus tiliaceus, of which I
have seen matting almost as fine as coarse cloth. But the most
beautifull sort, calld by them Vanne, which is white and extreemly
glossy and shining is made of the leaves of a sort of Pandanus calld
by them Wharra, of which we had not an opportunity of seing either
flowers or fruit. The rest of their Möeäs as they call them
which serve to set down or sleep upon are made of a variety of sorts
of Rushes, grass etc.: these they are extreemly nimble in making and
indeed every thing which is platted, baskets of a thousand different
patterns, some very neat etc. As for occasional Baskets or Paniers
made of a Cocoa nut leaf, or the little Bonnets which they wear to
shade the eyes from the sun of the same material, every one knows how
to make them at once; as soon as the sun was pretty high the women
who had been with us since morning sent generaly out for cocoa nut
leaves of which they made such bonnets in a few minutes, which they
threw away as soon as the sun became again low in the afternoon.
These however serve merely for a shade, coverings to their heads they
have none except their hair for these bonnets or shades only fit
round their heads not upon them.

Besides these things they make netts for fishing in the same
manner as we do, Ropes of about an inch, and lines, of the Poorou;
threads with which they sew together their canoes, and also belts, of
the fibres of the Cocoa nut, platted either round or flat very
neatly; all their twisting work they do upon their thighs in a manner
very dificult to describe and indeed unnecessary, as no European can
want to learn how to do an operation which his instruments will do
for him so much faster than it possibly can be done by hand. But of
all the strings that they make none are so excellent as the fishing
lines etc. which are made of the bark of a kind of frutescent nettle
calld by them Erowa (Urtica argentea) which grows in the mountains
and is consequently rather scarce; of this they make the lines which
are employd to take the briskest and most active fish as bonetos,
Albecores etc. As I never made experiments with it I can only
ascertain its strengh by saying that it was infinitely stronger than
silk lines which I had on board made by the best fishing shops in
London, tho not so thick by almost half.

In every expedient for taking fish they are vastly ingenious.
Their Seines, netts for fish to mesh themselves in etc. are exactly
like ours: they strike fish with harpoons made of Cane and pointed
with hard wood in a more dextrous manner than we can do with ours
that are headed with Iron, for we who fasten lines to ours need only
lodge them in the fish to secure it, while they on the other hand
throwing theirs quite from them must either mortaly wound the fish or
loose him. Their hooks indeed as they are not made of Iron must be
very different from ours in construction. They [are] of two sorts,
first that calld by them Witte witte which is usd for towing, of
which fig 1 is the profile and fig 2 the view of the bottom part. The
shank (a) is made of mother of Pearl the most glossy that can be got,
the inside or naturaly bright side of which is put undermost as in
fig 2; (b) is a tuft of white dogs or hogs hair which serves may be
to imitate the tail of a fish. These hooks require no bait. They are
usd with a fishing rod of Bamboo; the people who go out with them
having found by the flights of birds which constantly attend shoals
of Bonetos where they are, Paddle their Canoes as swift as they can
across them and seldom fail to take some. This Indian invention seems
far to exceed any thing of the kind which I have seen among
Europaeans, and is certainly more successful than any artificial
flying fish or other thing which is generaly usd for the taking of
Bonitos, so far it deserves imitation at any time when the taking of
Bonitos is at all desirable.

The other sort of hooks which they have are made likewise of
mother of Pearl or some hard shell, and as they can not make them
bearded as our hooks they supply that fault by making the points turn
much inwards as in the annexd figure; they hae them of all sizes and
catch with them all kinds of fish very successfully I beleive. The
manner of making them is very simple, every fisherman makes them for
himself. The shell is first cut by the edge of another shell into
square peices; these are formd with files of Coral which work in a
manner surprizing to any one who does not know how sharp Corals are;
a hole is then bord in the middle by a drill which is no more than
any stone that may have a sharp corner in it tied to a hand[l]e of
cane, which is turnd in the hand like a Chocolate mill untill the
hole is made; the file then comes into the hole and compleats the
hook which is done in such a one as the figure shews in less than a
quarter of an hour.

In their carpenters, joiners and stone cutters work etc. they are
almost as little obligd to the use of tools as in making these hooks:
an axe of Stone in the shape of an adze, a chisel or gouge made of a
human bone, a file or rasp of Coral, skin of Sting rays, and coral
sand to polish with, are a sufficient set of tools for building a
house and furnishing it with boats, as well as for quarrying and
squaring stones for the pavement of any thing which may require it in
the neighbourhood. Their stone axes are made of a black stone not
very hard but tolerably tough; they are of different sizes, some that
are intended for felling weigh 3 or 4 Pounds, others which are usd
only for carving not so many ounces. Whatever these tools want in
goodness is made up by the industry of the people who use them.
Felling a tree is their greatest labour, a large one requires many
hands to assist and some days before it can be finishd, but when once
it is down they manage it with far greater dexterity than is credible
to an Europaean. If it is to be made into boards they put wedges into
it, and drive them with such dexterity (as they have told me--for I
never saw it) that they divide it into slabs of 3 or 4 inches in
thickness, seldom meeting with an accident if the tree is good. These
slabs they very soon dubb down with their axes to any given thinness;
in this work they certainly excell; indeed their tools are better
adaptd for it than any other performance; I have seen them dubb of
the first rough coat of a plank at least as fast as one of our
carpenters could have done it; and in hollowing, where they have
liberty to raise large floors of the wood, they certainly work
quicker, owing to the weight of their tools: those who are masters of
this business, will take of a surprizing thin coat from a whole
plank, without missing a stroke; they can also work upon a peice of
wood of any shape as well as they can upon a flat one, for in making
their canoes every peice is formd first into its proper shape,
bilging or flat: for as they never bend a Plank all the bilging
peices must be shap'd by hand which is done intirely with axes. They
have small axes for carving also but all their carvd work was so bad
and in so very mean a taste that it scarce deservd that name. Yet
they love much to have carvd work and figures stuck about their
canoes, the great ones especialy, which generaly have a figure of a
man at the head and another at the stern of them. Their marai's also
are ornamented with different kinds of figures, one sort of which
represent many men standing on Each others heads; they have also the
figures of animals, and Planks whose faces are carvd in patterns of
squares and circles etc. but every part of their carving is in an
equaly bad taste. All their work however acquires a certain neatness
in the finishing for they polish every thing, even the side of a
canoe or a Post of a house, with Coral sand rubbd on in the outer
husk of a Cocoa nut and rays skin, which makes them very smooth and
neat.

Their Boats all at least that I have seen of them may be divided
into two general classes. The first which are calld by the natives
Ivahah are the only sort which are usd at Otahite; they serve for
fishing, and for short trips to sea but do not at all seem calculated
for long ones. The others again which are calld Pahei and are usd by
the inhabitants of the Societies Isles viz. Ulhietea, Bola Bola,
Huaheine etc. are rather too clumsey for fishing, for which reason
the inhabitants of those Isles have also Ivahas but are much better
adapted for long voyages than the others. The figure below gives a
section of both the kinds of which fig. I is the Ivahah and fig. II
the Pahei.

To begin then with the Ivahah these boats differ very much in
lengh, I have measurd them from 10 ft to 72, but by no means
proportionaly in breadth, for that of 10 feet was about 1 in breadth
and that of 72 scarce 2, nor is their hight increasd in a much
greater proportion. They may be subdivided into three sorts, the
fighting ivahah, the common sailing or fishing ivahah, and the
traveling ivahah. The fighting Ivahah is by far the largest; the head
and stern of these boats are considerably raisd above the body of
them in a semicircular form, the latter especialy which is 17 or 18
feet in hight when the body of the boat is scarcely 3. These boats
never go to sea singly: two are always fastned together side by side
at the distance of about 2 feet by strong poles of wood [which] go
across them, and upon them is built a stage in the fore part, about
10 or 12 feet long and a little broader than the two boats; this is
supported by pillars about 6 feet high and upon it stand the people
who fight with slings, spears etc.; below are the rowers who are much
less engagd in the battle on account of their confind situation but
who receive the wounded from the stage and furnish fresh men to
ascend in their room. This much from description for I never saw any
of their battles. The Sailing and fishing Ivahahs vary in size from
about 40 feet in lengh to the smallest I have mentiond, but those
which are under 25 feet in lengh seldom or never carry sail; their
Sterns only are raisd and those not above 4 or 5 feet; their heads
are quite flat and have a flat board projecting forwards beyond them
about 4 feet. Those which I have calld traveling Ivahas differ from
these in nothing but their being constantly joind 2 and 2 together in
the same manner as the fighting ones, and having a small neat house 5
or 6 feet broad and 7 or 8 long fastned upon the fore part of them,
in which the principal people, who use them very much, set when they
are carried from place to place. The sailing Ivahas have also
sometimes this house upon them when they are joind two and two
together, which is but seldom however; indeed the difference between
these two consists almost intirely in the rigging, and I have divided
them into two more because they are generaly seen employd in very
different occupations than from any real difference in their built.
All Ivahas however agree in that they are built wall sided and with
flat bottoms, in which they differ from the Pahie fig. II: whose
sides are built rounding out, or bilging as it is calld, and her
bottom sharp which answers in some measure instead of a Keel.

These Pahies differ very much in size. I have seen them from 60 to
30 feet in lenght but like the Ivahas they are very narrow in
proportion to their lengh: one that I measurd was 51 feet in lengh,
in breadth at the top (a) only 1½ ft and in the bilge (b) 3
feet, which is about the general proportion; their round sides
however make them capable of carrying much greater burthens and being
much more safe sea boats, in consequence of which they are usd merely
for fighting and making long voyages; for the purposes of fishing and
traveling along shore the natives of the Islands where these are
cheifly usd have Ivahas. The fighting Pahies which are the largest
are fitted in the same manner as the fighting Ivahas, only as they
carry far greater burthens the stages are proportionaly larger. The
Sailing ones are most generaly fastned two and two together: for this
purpose the middling sizd ones are said to be the best and least
liable to accidents in stormy weather; in these if we may credit the
reports of the inhabitants they make very long voyages, often
remaining out from home several months, visiting in that time many
different Islands of which they repeated to us the names of near a
hundred. They cannot however remain at sea above a fortnight or 20
days tho they live as sparingly as possible, for want of proper
provisions and places to put them in safe, as well as water of which
however they carry a tolerable stock in hollow Bamboes.

All these imbarkations which indeed are all that I saw us'd in any
of the Islands are disproportionaly narrow in respect to their lengh,
Which causes them to be so very Easily overset that not even the
Indians dare venture in them till they are fitted with a contrivance
to prevent this inconvenience; which is done either by fastening two
together side by side as has been before describd, in which case one
supports the other and they become the most steady Veh[i]cle that can
be imagind, or if one of them is to go out single a log of wood
fas[t]ned to two poles which are tied across the boat serves to
balance it tolerably, tho not so securely but that I have seen the
Indians overset them very often. This is upon the same principles as
that usd in the flying Proa of the Ladrone Isles describd in Ld
Ansons voyage, where it is calld an outrigger; indeed the vessels
themselves enough resemble the flying Proa to make it appear at least
possible that either that is a very artfull improvement of these or
these a very aukward imitation of that.

These boats are paddled along with large paddles which have a long
handle and a flat blade resembling more than any thing I recollect a
Bakers peel; of these generaly every one in the boat has one except
those who set under the houses and with these they push themselves on
pretty fast through the water. They are so leaky however that one
person at least is employd almost constantly in throwing out the
water. The only thing in which they excell is landing in a surf, for
by reason of their great lengh and high sterns they would land dry in
a surf when our boats could scarcely land at all, and in the same
manner put off from the shore as I have often experienc'd.

When fitted for sailing they have either one or two Masts fitted
to a frame which is above the canoe; they are made of a single stick;
in one that I measurd of 32 feet in lengh the mast was 25 ft high
which seems to me to be about the common proportion. To this is
fastned a sail of about one third longer but narrow, of a triangular
shape, pointed at the top and the outside curvd; it is borderd all
round with a frame of wood and has no contrivance either for reefing
or furling, so that in case of bad weather it must be intirely cut
away, but I fancy in these moderate climates they are seldom brought
to this necessity; the material of which it is made is universaly
Matting. With these sails their Canoes go at a very good rate and lay
very near the wind, probably on account of their sail being borderd
with wood which makes them stand better than any bowlines could
possible do. On the top of this sail they carry an ornament which in
taste resembles much our Pennants, it is made of feathers and reaches
down to the very water so that when blown out by the wind it makes no
inconsiderable shew. They are indeed fond of ornaments in all parts
of their boats; they commonly in the good ones have a figure at the
stern; in the Paheis which rise rounding both at the head and stern
they have a figure at both, and the smaller ivahas have commonly a
small carvd pillar standing upon their stern.

Considering these people as intirely destitute of Iron they build
these Canoes very well. Of the Ivahas the foundation is always the
trunks of one or more trees, hollowd out; the ends of these are Slopd
off, and sewd together with the fibres of the Husk of the cocoanut;
the sides of them are then raisd with plank, sewd together in the
same manner. The Paheis as they are much better embarkations so they
are built in a more ingenious manner. Like the others they are laid
upon a long keel which however is not above 4 or 5 inches deep; upon
this they raise with two ranges of Plank each of which is about 18
inches high and about 4 feet in lengh. Such a number of peices must
necessarily be framd and fitted together before they are sewd and
this they do very dexterously, supporting the Keel by ropes made fast
to the top of the house under which they work and then each plank by
a stantion: so that the canoe is compleatly put together before any
one part of her is fastned to that which is next to it, and in this
manner supported till the sewing is compleated. This however soon
rotts in the salt water: it must be renewd once a year at least, in
doing which the canoe is intirely taken to peices and every plank
examind, by which means they are always in good repair. The best of
them are however very leaky for as they use no calking the water must
run in at every hole through which the sewing is past; this however
is no great inconvenience to them who live in a climate where the
water is always warm, and go barefoot.

For the convenience of keeping these Paheis dry we saw in the
Islands where they are usd a peculiar sort of houses which were built
on purpose for their reception, and put to no use but that; they are
built of Poles stuck upright in the ground and tied together at the
top so that they make a kind of Gothick arch; the sides of these are
compleatly coverd with Thatch down to the ground but the ends are
left open. One of these I measurd, 50 paces in lengh, 10 in breadth
and 24 feet high, and this was of the midling size.

The people excell much in predicting the weather, a circumstance
of great use to them in their short voyages from Island to Island.
They have many various ways of doing this but one only that I know of
which I never heard of being practisd by Europaeans, that is
foretelling the quarter of the heavens from whence the wind shall
blow by observing the Milky Way, which is generaly bent in an arch
either one way or the other: this arch they conceive as already acted
upon by the wind, which is the cause of its curving, and say that if
the same curve continues a whole night the wind predicted by it
seldom fails to come some time in the next day; and in this as well
as their other predictions we found them indeed not infallible but
far more clever than Europaeans.

In their longer Voyages they steer in the day by the Sun and in
the night by the Stars. Of these they know a very large part by their
Names and the clever ones among them will tell in what part of the
heavens they are to be seen in any month when they are above their
horizon; they know also the time of their annual appearing and
disapearing to a great nicety, far greater than would be easily
beleivd by an Europaean astronomer.

For their Method of dividing time I was not able to get a compleat
Idea of it, I shall however set down what little I know. In speaking
of Time either past or to come they never use any term but Moons, of
which they count 13 and then begin again: this of itself sufficiently
shews that they have an Idea of the Solar year but how they manage to
make their 13 months agree with it I never could find out: that they
do however I beleive because in mentioning the names of months they
very frequently told us the fruits that would be in season in each of
them, the sort of weather that was usual in them etc. They have also
a name for the 13 months collectively but they never use it in
speaking of time, they use it only in explaining the mysteries of
their religion: in their metaphorical way they say that the Year
Tettowmatatayo was the daughter of their cheif Divinity
Taroataihetoomoo and that she in process of time brought forth the
months, who in their turn produc'd the days, of which they count 29
in every month including one on which the moon is invisible. Every
one of these has its respective name and is again subdivided into 12
parts containing about 2 hours each, 6 for the day and 6 for the
night, each of which has likewise its respective name; in the day
time they guess the divisions of these parts very well, but in the
night tho they have the same number of divisions as in the day seem
very little able to tell at any time which of them it then is, except
the cleverer among them who know the stars.

In counting they proceed from 1 to 10, having a different name for
each number; from thence they say one more, 2 more etc. till the
number 20, which after being calld in the general count 10 more
acquires a new name, as we say a score; by these scores they count
till they have got 10 of them, which again acquires a new name, 200;
these again are counted till they get 10 of them, 2000; which is the
largest denomination I have ever heard them make use of and I suppose
is as large as they can ever have occasion for, as they can count 10
of these 20,000 without any new term. In measures of space they are
very poor, indeed one fathom and ten fathoms are the only terms I
have heard among them; by these they convey the size of any thing as
a house, a boat, depth of the sea etc.; but when they speak of
distances from one place to another they have no way but time of
making themselves understood, but by the number of days it takes them
in their canoes to go the distance.

Their Language appeard to me to be very soft and tuneable, it
abounds much with vowels and was very easily pronounc'd by us when
ours was to them absolutely impracticable. I shall instance
particularly my own name which I took much pains to teach them and
they to learn: after three days fruitless trials I was forc'd to
select from their many attempts the word Tabáne, the only one
I had been able to get from them that had the least similitude to it.
Again Spanish or Italian words they pronouncd with ease provided they
ended with a vowel, for few or none of theirs end with a
consonant.

I cannot say that I am enough acquainted with it to pronounce
whether or not it is copious. In one respect however it is beyond
measure inferior to all European languages, which is its almost total
want of inflexion both of Nouns and verbs, few or none of the former
having more than one Case or the latter one tense. Notwithstanding
this want however we found it very easy to make ourselves understood
in matters of common necessaries, howsoever paradoxical that may
appear to an European.

The[y] have certain Suffixa and make very frequent use of them,
which puzzled us at first very much tho they are but few in number.
An instance or two may be necessary to make myself understood as they
do not exist in any modern European language. One asks another Harre
hea? where are you going? the other answers Ivahinera, to my Wives;
on Which the first questioning him still farther Ivahinera? to your
wives do you say? is answered Ivahinereia, Yes I am going to my
wives. Here the suffixa era and eia save several words to both
parties.

From the vocabularies given in Le Mair's voyage (See Histoire des
navigations aux Terres australes Tom 1. p.410) it appears clearly
that the Languages given there as those of the Isles of Solomon and
the Isle of Cocos are radicaly the identical same languages as those
we met with, the greatest number of words differing in little but the
greater number of consonants. The languages of New Guinea and Moyse
Isle have also many words Radicaly the same, particularly their
Numbers, tho they are so obscurd by a multitude of consonants that it
is scarce possible that they should be found out by any but one in
some measure acquainted with one of the Languages; for instance

New Guinea Hissou fish, is found to be the same as the Otahite Eia
by the medium of Ica of the Isles of Solomon; Talingan ears, in
Otahite Terrea; Limang a hand, Lima or Rima; Paring cheeks Paparea;
Isle of Moyse Sou Sou Breasts, Eu; Mattanga Eyes, Mata. They calld us
says the author Tata, which in Otahite signifies men in general;
besides several more.

That the people who inhabit this numerous range of Isles should
have originaly come from one and the same place and brought with
the[m] the same numbers and Language, which latter especialy have
remaind to this time not materialy alterd, is in my opinion not at
all past beleif, but that the Numbers of the Island of Madagascar
should be the same as all these is almost if not quite incredible. I
shall give them from a book calld a Collection of voyages by the Duch
East India Company Lond. 1703. p. 116, where supposing the author Who
speaks of ten numbers and has only nine to have lost the fifth their
similarity is beyond dispute.

It must be rememberd however that the author of this voyage during
the course of it touchd at Java and several more of the East Indian
Isles as well as Madagascar, so that supposing by any misarangement
of his papers that he has given the numerals of some of those Isles
for those of Madagascar our wonder will be much diminishd; for after
having tracd them from Otahite to New Guinea it should seem not very
wonderfull to carry them a little farther to the East Indian Isles,
which from their situation seem not unlikely to be the place from
whence our Islanders originaly have come; but I shall wave saying any
more on this subject till I have had an opportunity of myself seeing
the customs etc. of the Javans, which this Voyage will in all
probab[i]lity give me an opportunity of doing.

All the Isles I was upon agreed perfectly as far as I could
understand them; the people of Ulietea only chang'd the t of the
Otahiteans to a k, calling Tata which signifies a man or woman Kaka,
a circumstance which made their Language much less soft. The people
of Ohiteroa as far as I could understand their words which were only
shouted out to us seemd to do the same thing, and add many more
consonants and harshness's which made their Language still more
untuneable. I shall give a few of their words from whence an Idea may
be got of their language.

Among people whose dyet is so simple and plain Distempers cannot
be suppos'd to be so frequent as among us Europeans, we observd but
few and those cheifly cutaneous as erysipelas and scaly eruptions
upon the skin. This last was almost if not quite advanc'd to Leprosy;
the people who were in that state were secluded from society, living
by themselves each in a small house built in some unfrequented place
where they were daily supplyd with provisions; whither these had any
hopes of releif or were doom'd in this manner to languish out a life
of solitude we did not learn. Some but very few had ulcers upon
different parts of their bodies, most of which lookd very virulent;
the people who were afflicted with them did not however seem much to
regard them, leaving them intirely without any application even to
keep off the flies. Acute distempers no doubt they have but while we
stayd upon the Island they were very uncommon, possibly in the rainy
season they are more frequent. Among the numerous acquaintance I had
upon the Island only one was taken ill during our stay; her I visited
and found her as is their custom left by everybody but her three
children who sat by her; her complaint was cholick which did not
appear to me at all violent; I askd her what medicines she took, she
told me none and that she depended intirely upon the preist who had
been trying to free her from her distemper by his prayers and
ceremonies, which she said he would repeat till she was well, shewing
me at the same time Branches of the (Thespesia Populnea) which he had
left with her. After this I left her and, whether by the ceremonies
of the preist or the goodness of her constitution I know not, in
three days time she came down to our tents compleatly recoverd.

I never hapned to be present when their preists performd their
ceremonies for the cure of sick people, but one of our gentlemen who
was informed me that it consisted in nothing but the preist repeating
certain fixd sentences during which time he platted the leaves of the
Cocoa nut tree into different figures, neat enough, some of which he
fas[t]ned to the fingers and toes of the sick man, who [was during]
the time uncoverd as in respect to the prayers, the whole ceremony
almost exactly resembling their method of praying at the Marai's
which I shall by and by describe. That they have however besides
these operations of Preistcraft a knowledge of Medecine not to be
despis'd we were abundantly convinc'd of by the following fact. The
Spanish ship which visited this Island about 17 months before we came
brought with it the Venereal disease and that in a most virulent
degree; these people have often describd to me in most pathetick
terms the shocking symptoms with which the poor wretches were
afflicted who were first seizd by this filthy distemper, which in
their Language they call by a name of Nearly the same but a more
extensive signification than rotteness in English; their hair and
nails dropd off and their very flesh rotted from their bones so that
they dyed miserable objects shunnd by their nearest relations,
fearfull least they themselves might be tainted with the dreadfull
Contagion. Yet shocking as these symptoms were they had even at the
time when we came there found a method of cure and that I should
suppose not of a despicable nature, as we saw no one during the whole
of our stay in whoom the distemper arrivd to any hight and some who
went from us for their cure returnd in a short time perfectly
recover'd. When first we discoverd this distemper among these people
we were much alarmd, fearing that we ourselves had notwithstanding
our many precautions brought it among them; but upon strict inquiry
we found that one of our people had been infected within 5 days after
our arrival and when we a little better understood the Language the
natives explaind the matter fully to us.

That they have skillfull Chirurgeons among them we easily gatherd
from the dreadfull scars of wounds which we frequently saw that had
been cur'd, some of which were far greater than any I have seen any
where else, and these were made by stones which these people know how
to throw with slings with great dexterity and force. One man I
particularly recolect whose face was almost intirely destroyd, his
nose one cheek and one eye being beat in and all the bones there
flatted down so that the hollow would receive a mans fist, yet this
dreadfull wound was heald clean without any ulcer remaining. Tupia
who has had several wound[s] has had one made by a spear of his
countrey headed with the bone of a stingrays tail which has peircd
quite through his body, entering at his back and coming out just
under his breast, yet this has been so well curd that the remain[in]g
scar is as smooth and as small as any I have seen from the cures of
our best European surgeons.

Vulnerary herbs they have many, nor do they seem at all nice in
the choice of them so they have plenty of such herbaceous plants as
yeild mild juices devoid of all acridity, such as chickweed
groundsell etc. in England. With these they make fomentations which
they frequently apply to the wound, taking care to cleanse it as
often as possible, the patient all the time observing great
abstinence; by this method if they have told us true their wounds are
curd in a very short time. As for their medicines we learn'd but
little concerning them; they told us indeed freely that such and such
plants were good for such and such distempers, but it requird a much
better knowledge of the language than we were able to obtain during
our short stay to understand the method of application even of those
they attempted to explain to us.

Their Manner of Disposing of their dead as well as the ceremonies
relating to their mourning for them are so remarkable that they
deserve a very particular description. As soon as any one is dead the
House is immediately filld with their relations who bewail their Loss
with Loud lamentations, especialy those who are the farthest removd
in blood from or who profess the least greif for the deceasd; the
nearer relations and those who are realy affected spend their time in
more silent sorrow, while the rest join in Chorus's of Greif at
certain intervals between which they laugh, talk and gossip as if
totaly unconcernd; this lasts till day light on the Morn after their
meeting, when the body being shrowded in their cloth is laid upon a
kind of Bier on which it can conveniently be carried upon mens
shoulders. The priests office now begins; he prays over the body,
repeating his sentences, and orders it to be carried down to the sea
side; here his prayers are renewd, the Corps is brought down near the
waters edge and he sprinkles water towards but not upon it, it is
then removd 40 or 50 yards from the sea and soon after brought back
and this ceremony repeated which is done several times. In the mean
time a house has been built and a small space of ground round it
raild in; in the center of this house are posts set up for the
supporting of the bier which as soon as the ceremonies are finishd is
brought here and set upon them, where the Corps is to remain and
putrifie in state to the no small disgust of every one whose business
requires them to pass near it.

These houses of corruption, Tu papow as they are calld here, are
of a size proportionate to the rank of the Person containd in them;
if he is poor they merely cover the bier and these generaly have no
railing round them, the largest I ever saw was 11 yards in lengh.
They are ornamented according to the abilities and inclinations of
the surviving relations, who never fail to lay a profusion of Good
Cloth about the body and often almost cover the outside of the house;
the two ends which are open are also hung with kind of garlands of
the Fruits of the Palm nut (Pandanus) Cocoa nut leaves knotted by the
Preists in kind of Mystick knots, and a plant calld by them Ethee no
ta Marai (terminalia) which is particularly consecrated to funerals.
Near the House is also laid fish, fruits and cocoa nut or Common
water or such provisions as can well be spard, not that they suppose
the dead any way capable of eating this provision, but think that if
any of their gods should descend upon that place and being hungry
find that these preparations had been neglected he would infalibly
satisfy his appetite with the flesh of the dead corps.

No sooner is the corps fixd up within the House or ewhatta as they
call it than the ceremony of mourning begins again. The women (for
the men seem to think lamentations below their dignity) assemble Led
on by the nearest relation, who walking up to the door of the House
swimming almost in tears strikes a sharks tooth several times into
the crown of her head, on which a large effusion of blood flows,
which is carefully caught in their linnen and thrown under the Bier.
Her example is imitated by the rest of the women and this ceremony is
repeated at the interval of 2 or 3 days as long as the women chuse or
can keep it up, the nearest relation thinking it her duty to Continue
it longer than any one else. Besides the blood which they beleive to
be an acceptable present to the deceasd, whose soule they beleive to
exist and hover about the place where the body lays observing the
actions of the survivors, they throw in Cloths wet with tears, of
which all that are shed are carefully preservd for that purpose, and
the younger people cut off their hair either all or in part and throw
that also under the Bier.

When these ceremonies have been performd for two or three days the
men, who till now seemd to be intirely insensible of their loss,
begin their part which the Nearest relations take in turns. They
dress themselves in a dress so extrordinary that I question whether
words can give a tolerable Idea of it, I therefore refer intirely to
the annexd figure. In this dress they patrole the woods early in the
morn and late at night, preceeded by 2 or 3 boys who have nothing
upon them but a small peice of Cloth round their wrists and are
smutted all over with Charcoal; these sable emissaries run about
their principal in all directions as if in pursuit of people on whoom
he may vent the rage inspird by his sorrow, which he does most
unmercifully if he catches any body, cutting them with his stick the
edge of which is set with sharks teeth, but this rarely or never
happens for no sooner does this figure appear than every one who see
either him or his emissaries fly inspird with a sort of religious
awe, fly with the utmost speed, hiding wherever they think themselves
the most safe but by all means quitting their Houses if they lie even
near the path of this dreadfull apparition.

These ceremonies continue for 5 moons decreasing however in
frequency very much towards the latter part of that time. The body is
then taken down from the ewhatta, the bones washd and scrapd very
clean, and burried according to the rank of the person either within
or without some one of their Marais or places of publick worship; and
if it is one of their Earees or cheifs his Scull is preservd and
being wrappd up in fine Cloth is plac'd in a kind of case made for
that purpose which stands in the marai. The mourning then ceases
unless some of the women who find themselves more than commonly
afflicted by the Loss repeat the ceremony of Poopooing or bleeding
themselves in the head, which they do at any time or in any place
where they happen to be when the whim takes them. The ceremonies
however are far from Ceasing at this time. Frequent prayers are to be
said by the preist and frequent offerings made for the benefit of the
deceasd, or more properly for that of the Preists who are well paid
for their prayers by the surviving relations. During this ceremony
Emblematical devices are made use of: a young plantain tree signifies
the Deceased and a bunch of feathers the Deity invokd; opposite to
this the preist places himself often attended by relations of the
deceasd and always furnish'd with a small offering of some kind of
Eatables intended for the God; he begins by adressing the God by a
set form of sentences and during the time he repeats them employs
himself in weaving Cocoa nut leaves into different forms, all which
he disposes upon the Grave where the bones have been deposited; the
Deity is then adressed by a shrill scritch usd only on that occasion
and the offering presented to his representative, the little tuft of
feathers, which after this is removd and every thing else left in
statu quo, to the no small Emolument of the Rats who quickly devour
the offering.

Religion has been in ages, is still in all Countreys Cloak'd in
mysteries unexplicable to human understanding. In the South Sea
Islands it has still another disadvantage to present to any one who
has a desire to investigate it--the Language in which it is conveyd,
at least many words of it, are different from those usd in common
conversation, so that tho Tupia often shewd the greatest desire to
instruct us in it he found it almost impossible; in short it is only
needfull to remember how dificult it would be to reconcile the
apparent inconsistencies of our own religion to the faith of an
infidel, and to recolect how many excellent discourses are daily read
to instruct even us in the faith which we profess, as articles of
excuse in my favour when I declare that I know less of the religion
of these people than of any other part of their policy. What I do
know however I shall here write down wishing that inconsistencies may
not appear to the eye of the candid reader as absurdities.

This Universe and its marvelous parts must strike the most stupid
with a desire of knowing from whence themselves and it were producd.
Their Preists however have not Ideas sufficiently enlarg'd to adopt
that of Creation: that this world should have been originaly created
from nothing far surpasses their comprehension. They observd however
that every animal and every plant producd new ones by procreation and
adopted the Idea; hence it is necessary to suppose two original
beings one of whom they call Ettoomoo and the other which they say
was a rock Tepapa; these at some very remote period of time, and by
the common means allowd to us males and females their children, begat
all that is seen or known of by us; some things however they imagine
have increasd among themselves, as the Stars, the different species
of plants, and even the different divisions of Time; the Years say
they producd the Months who intermingling with each other produc'd
the days.

The First man say they was the Issue of a Connection between two
of their inferior deities or Eatuas who at that time inhabited the
Earth. He was when first born round like a ball but his mother with
great care drew out each Limb and formd him as we now are, after
which he was Calld Eothe which signifies finishd. When he arrivd at
maturity the Stings of nature made him very desirous of Excersising
those faculties with which the males of all animals are indued; his
mother was the only female he could find and consequently the Object
of his attempts; ignorant however what part of her he was in search
of he made several unsuccessfull efforts, at Last however chance
leading him right he begat a daughter whoom also he compressd and
begat another, nor could for several generations have one son; at
last however he had one who by the asistance of his many Sisters
peopled this world and is the ancestor of us all.

Their Gods are numerous; they are divided into two Classes, the
Greater and the Lesser Gods and of each Class are some of Both Sexes.
The cheif of all is Tarroati'ettoomoo the procreator of all things
whoom they emphaticaly stile the Causer of Earthquakes; his Son Tane
was however much more generaly calld upon as supposd to be the more
active deity. The Men worshipd the male Gods and the Women the
Females, the Men however supply the office of Preist for both
sexes.

They beleive in a heaven and a hell, the first they call Tairua
l'orai the other Tiahoboo. Heaven they describe as a place of Great
happines and hell is only a place enjoying less of the luxuries of
life; to this they say that the souls of the interior people go after
death and those of the cheifs and rich men to the other. This is one
of the strongest instances to shew that their religion is totaly
independent of Morality: no actions regarding their neighbours are
supposd to come at all under the Cognizance of the Deity, a humble
regard only is to be shewn him and his assistance askd on all
occasions with much Ceremony and some sacrafice, from whence are
derivd the Perquisites of the Preists.

The Tahowa or Preist is here a hereditary Character. They are
numerous and all ranks of People have preists among them, the cheif
is generaly however the younger brother of some very Good Family and
is respected in a degree next to their kings. All ranks of preists
are commonly more learned than the laity; their learning consists
cheifly in knowing well the names and ranks of the different Eatuas
or divinities, the origin of the universe and all its parts etc.;
these things have been handed down to them in set sentences of which
those who are clever can repeat an almost infinite number, in doing
which few words occur the same as those usd in common conversation,
which greatly increasd the dificulty we found in Gaining a knowledge
of their Theology.

Besides religion the Practise of Physick and the knowledge of
Navigation and Astronomy is in the Possession of the Preists. The
name indeed of preist, Tahowa, signifies a Man of Knowledge, so that
even here the Preists Monopolize the greatest part of the learning of
the Countrey in much the same manner as they formerly did in Europe;
the practise of which gains them profit as well as respect each in
his particular order, for each order has preists of its own nor will
the preists of the Manahounies do any thing for a Toutou who is below
them in rank.

Marriage is [in] these Islands no more than an agreement between
the man and the woman totaly independent of the preist, it is in
general I beleive pretty well kept unless they agree to seperate,
which is done with as little trouble as they came together. Few
people however enter this state but rather chuse freedom in their
Amours, tho bought at the inhuman expence of murthering their
children, whose fate is in that case intirely dependant on the
father; who if he does not chuse to acknowledge both them and the
woman and engage to contribute his part towards their support, orders
them to be strangled which is instantly put in execution. If our
preists have excelld theirs in persuading us that the Sexes can not
come lawfully together without having bought their benediction, they
have done it by intermingling it so far with religion that the fear
of punishment from above secures their power over us; but these
untaught parsons have securd to themselves the profit of two
operations without being driven to the necessity of so severe a
penalty on the refusal, viz. Tattowing or painting their bodies and
Circumsizing. Neither of these can be done by any but preists, and as
the highest degree of shame follows the wanting either the people are
as much necessitated to make use of them as if bound by the highest
ties of Religion, of which both customs are totaly independent. For
the first they give no reason but that their ancestors did the same,
for the other Cleanliness in hot climates always will be a sufficient
reason. For both these operations they are paid by every one
according to his abilities in the same manner as weddings Christnings
etc. etc. are paid for in Europe.

Their places of publick worship, which they call Marai, are square
enclosures of very different sizes, from 10 to 100 yards in diameter;
at one end of these is a heap or built up pile of stones near which
the bones of the principal people are interrd, those of their
dependants laying all round on the outside of the wall. Near or in
these enclosures are often placd planks carvd into different figures
and very frequently images of many men standing on each others heads;
these however are in no degree the objects of adoration, every prayer
and sacrafise being here offerd to the Invisible deities.

Near or even within the Marai are one or more large altars raisd
upon high posts 10 or 12 feet above the ground which are calld
Whatterow: on these are laid the offerings, Hogs, dogs, fowls, fruits
or what ever else the piety or superfluity of the owner thinks proper
to dedicate to the gods. Both these places are reverencd in the
highest degree, no man aproaches them without taking his Cloths from
off his shoulders and no woman is on any account permitted to enter
them. The women however have Marais of their own where they worship
and sacrifice to their Godesses.

Of these Marais each family of consequence has one which serves
him and his dependants; as each family values itself upon its
antiquity so are these esteemd. In the Society Isles especialy
Ulhietea were some of great antiquity particularly that of
Tapodeboatea; the building of these is rough and coarse but the
stones of which they are composd immensely large. At Otahite again
where either from frequent wars or other accidents many of the most
ancient families are extinct they have tried to make them as elegant
and expensive as possible, of which sort is that of Oamo describd in
the Journal of going round the Island.

Besides their Gods each Island has a Bird to which the Title of
Eatua or God is given, for instance Ulietea has the Heron and Bola
Bola a kind of Kingfisher; these birds are held in high respect and
by no means killd or molested. They are thought to be givers of Good
or Bad fortune but no kind of Worship is offerd to them.

Tho I dare not assert that these people, to whoom the art of
writing and consequently of Recording Laws etc. is totaly unknown,
live under a regular form of Goverment, Yet the Subordination which
takes place among them very much resembles the early state of the
feudal laws by which our Ancestors were so long Governd, a System
evidently formd to secure the Licentious Liberty of a few while the
Greater part of the Society are unalterably immersd in the most
abject Slavery.

Their Orders are Earee ra hie which answers to King; Earee, Baron;
Manahouni, Vassel; and Toutou, Villain. The Earee ra hie is always
the head of the Best family in the countrey; to him great respect is
paid by all ranks but in Power he seemd to us inferior to several of
the Principal Earees, nor indeed did he once appear in the
transacting of any part of our business. Next to him in Rank are the
Earees, each of whoom hold one or more of the Districts into which
the Island is divided (in Otahite there may be about 100 such
districts); which are by the Earees parceld out to the Manahounies,
who cultivate each his part and for the use of it owe their Cheif
service when calld upon and provisions, especialy when he travels,
which he often does accompanied by many of his freinds and their
families often amounting to near 100 principals beside their
attendants. Inferiour to the Manahounes are the toutous who are upon
almost the same footing as the Slaves in the East indian Islands,
only that they never appeard to us transferrable from one to the
other; these do all kinds of Laborious work, till the land, fetch
wood and water, dress the victuals, under the direction however of
the Mistris of the family, catch fish etc. Besides these are the two
classes of Erate and Towha which seem to answer to Yeoman and
Gentleman as they came between Earee and Manahouni; but as I was not
acquainted with the existence of these classes during our stay on the
Island I know little of their real situation.

Each of the Earees kept a kind of Court and hade a large
attendance cheifly of the Younger brothers of their own family and of
other Earees; among these were different officers of the Court, as
Heewa no t'Earee Whanno no t'Earee, who were sometimes sent to us
upon business. Of all these Courts Dootahah's was the most splendid,
indeed we were almost inclind to believe that he acted as Locum
tenens for Otou the Earee rahie, his nephew, as he livd upon an
estate belonging to him and we never could hear that he had any other
publick place of residence.

The Earees or rather the districts which they Possess are obligd
in time of a general attack to furnish each their Quota of soldiers
for the service of the Publick. Those of the Principal districts
which Tupia recolected when added together amounted to 6680 men to
which army it is probable that the small Quotas of the rest would not
make any great addition.

Besides these publick wars, which are to be headed by the Earee ra
hie, any private difference between two Earees is decided by their
own people without at all disturbing the tranquility of the Publick.
Their weapons are Slings which they use with great dexterity, pikes
headed with the stings of sting Rays, and Clubbs of 6 or 7 feet long
made of a very heavy and hard wood. With these they fight by their
own account very obstinately, which appears the more probable as the
Conquerors give no Quarter to Man Woman or Child who is unfortunate
enough to fall into their hands during or for some hours after the
Battle, that is till their Passion is subsided. Otahite at the time
of Our being there was divided into two Kingdoms, Oporeonoo the
larger and Tiarrebo the smaller. Each had its seperate king etc. etc.
who were at Peace; the king of Oporeonoo however Calld himself king
of both in just the Same manner as most European Monarchs usurp the
Title of king over kingdoms over which they have not the least
influence.

It is not to be expected that in a Goverment of this kind Justice
can be strictly administerd, we saw indeed no signs of Punishments
during our stay. Tupia however always insisted upon it that Theft was
punishd with death and smaller crimes in proportion: in cases of
Adultery the offenders were in the power of the offended party who if
he takes them in the fact frequently kills them both. All punishments
however were the business of the injurd party, who if superior to him
who committs the crime easily executes them by means of his more
numerous attendants; equals seldom chuse to molest each other unless
countenancd by their superior who assists them to defend their unjust
acquisitions. The cheifs however to whoom in reality all kinds of
Property belong punish their dependants for crimes committed against
each other, and the dependants of others if caught doing wrong within
their districts.

SEPTEMBER 1769

1769 September 1.

Blows very fresh with a heavy sea; the ship was very troublesome
all last night and is not less so today. Many birds are about but not
so many as yesterday, there are however all the sorts.

1769 September 2.

Wind still fresher, ship lays too. Bird[s] of all the sorts before
mentiond in great numbers round her. In the evening the weather
moderates and the sea falls fast. At night the comet was seen
brighter than when last observd but the tail was something shorter,
which when last seen measurd 42 degrees in lengh. Great sea from WSW.
At 4 lat. 40¡.

1769 September 3.

1769 September 4.

Almost calm, few birds as yesterday. In the Evening a light breeze
springs up and the sun sets among many dark black clouds edg'd with
fiery red, which is lookd upon by some seamen as a sure sign of a
gale of wind.

1769 September 5.

In the morn a pleasant breeze which increasd gradualy till about 4
when it blew fresh; about 6 hard rain came on which made both sea and
wind fall in a very short time. Many birds were seen today, all of
the 2nd and two that had not been seen before, probably varieties of
the common albatross; one at a distance appeard snow white but nearer
was easily seen to be thickly powderd over with small grey spotts,
the other milk white except the tipps of the wings which were black
as in Gannetts. Saw a peice of rock weed.

1769 September 6.

Moderate all day: few individuals of Birds but all the sorts of
yesterday.

1769 September 7.

Blows fresh: many birds, all the sorts of yesterday and one added
to the number, a shearwater of the common size (of a sea gull) black
above and white underneath except his chin and neck which were black.
A seal seen.

1769 September 8.

Little wind in the morn, at noon calm with rain; few birds seen
all of the common sorts. Great swell from SW.

1769 September 9.

Fair wind, light breeze and very pleasant weather: a small peice
of sea weed was seen; few birds only the Pintado and small
shearwater.

1769 September 10.

This morn a fog bank was seen upon our quarter which much
resembled land, we bore after it but were soon convincd of our
mistake. More birds than yesterday: Pintado birds, both the
albatrosses, the small grey backd bird like a dove (Mother Careys
dove), the grey backd shearwater of the 31st, and a small kind of
Mother Careys chicken black above and white underneath.

1769 September 11.

Fine weather and few birds.

1769 September 12.

Moderate. Saw another of the small bird of the 20th which are the
only two that have yet been observd. Swell from SSW.

1769 September 13.

Almost calm all last night; weather today very uncertain, breezes
succeeding calms. Few birds are about the ship, two were however seen
swimming in the water that were perfectly white and appeard larger
than Albatrosses.

1769 September 14.

Weather much as yesterday; swell from SSW.

1769 September 15.

Fresh breeze of wind but fair abundance of birds are again about
the ship, both the Albatrosses, Pintados, grey backd shearwater,
black backd d¡ of the 7th, Dove. In the even it blew hard,
myself far from well, complaint much like sea sickness.

1769 September 16.

Weather rather more moderate but still blows fresh. My self rather
better but still very sick at the stomach which continualy supplys a
thin acid liquor which I discharge by vomit. Birds as yesterday.

1769 September 17.

Moderate, few birds; myself quite well.

1769 September 18.

Moderate this morn, several pintados and albatrosses; in the
evening quite calm.

1769 September 19.

Quite calm today go out in the boat and shoot Procellaria velox
(the dove of the 31st), vagabunda (the grey backd shearwater of the
same day), Passerina (the small mother Careys chicken of the 10th).
Took with the dipping net Medusa vitrea, Phillodoce velella to one
specimen of which stuck Lepas anatifera, Doris complanata, Helix
violacea, Cancer..... Very few birds were to be seen, there were
however some Albatrosses and a kind of Shearwater quite black which I
was not fortunate enough to shoot. A large hollow swell from the
South.

1769 September 20.

Uncertain weather, Calms and light breezes often succeeding each
other; few birds about the ship.

1769 September 21.

Pleasant breeze: some birds about us, Albatrosses and black and
grey shearwaters.

1769 September 22.

Moderate. Few birds cheifly Albatrosses and Pintados; towards
night a large flock of Black shearwaters are seen that do not change
their place but keep hovering as if some prey was under them; two
whales were also seen. Southerly swell still continued.

1769 September 23.

Moderate today. Several birds are about the ship cheifly Pintados
and Albatrosses; in the evening another flock of Black shearwaters
passd the ship and soon after two whales were seen.

Dr Solander has been unwell for some days so today I opend Dr
Hulme's Essence of Lemon Juice, Mr Monkhouse having prescribd it for
him, which provd perfectly good, little if at all inferior in taste
to fresh lemon juice. We also today made a pye of the North American
apples which Dr Fothergill gave me, which provd very good, if not
quite equal to the apple pyes which our freinds in England are now
eating, good enough to please us who have been so long deprivd of the
fruits of our native Countrey. In the main however we are very well
off for refreshments and provisions of most species: our ships beef
and Pork are excellent as are the peas; the flour and oatmeal which
have at some times faild us are at present and have in general been
very good. Our water is as sweet and has rather more spirit than it
had when drank out of the river at Otahite. Our bread indeed is but
indifferent, occasiond by the quantity of Vermin that are in it, I
have often seen hundreds nay thousands shaken out of a single bisket.
We in the Cabbin have however an easy remedy for this by baking it in
an oven, not too hot, which makes them all walk off, but this cannot
be allowd to the private people who must find the taste of these
animals very disagreable, as they every one taste as strong as
mustard or rather spirits of hartshorn. They are of 5 kinds, 3
Tenebrios, 1 Ptinus and the Phalangium cancroides; this last is
however scarce in the common bread but was vastly plentyfull in white
Deal bisket as long as we had any left.

Wheat was allowd to the ships company which has been boild for
their breakfasts 2 or 3 times a week in the same manner as firmity is
made; this has I beleive been a very usefull refreshment to them as
well as an agreable food, which myself and most of the officers in
the ship have constantly breakfasted upon in the cold weather; the
grain was originaly of a good quality and has kept without the least
damage. This however cannot be said of the Malt of which we have
plainly had two kinds, one very good but that has been some time ago
us'd; that that is at present in use is good for nothing at all, it
has been originaly of a bad light grain and so little care has been
taken in the making of it that the tails are left in with innumerable
other kinds of Dirt; add to all this that it has been damp'd on board
the ship so that with all the care that can be usd it will scarce
give a tincture to water. Portable Soup is very good, it has now and
then requird an airing which has hinderd it from moulding. Sour Crout
is as good as ever and I have not the least doubt of its remaining
so.

So much for the Ships Company. We ourselves are hardly as well of
as them; our live stock consists of 17 Sheep, 4 or 5 fowls, as many
S. Sea hogs, 4 or 5 Muscovy ducks, an English boar and sow with a
litter of piggs; in the use of these we are rather sparing as the
time of our Getting a supply is rather precarious. Salt Stock we have
nothing worth mentioning except a kind of Salt Beef which was put up
by one Mellish a butcher at New Crane Stairs, which is by much the
best salt meat I have ever tasted, and Our Salted Cabbage, see p.210
which is now as good as it was then.

Our Malt liquors have answerd extreemly well: we have now both
small beer and Porter upon tap as good as I ever drank them,
especialy the latter which was bought of Sam. & Jno. Curtiss at
Wapping New Stairs. The Small beer had some art usd to make it keep,
it was bought of Bruff & Taylor in Hog Lane near St Giles's. Our
wine I cannot say much for tho I beleive it to be good in its nature,
we have not a glass fine these many months I beleive cheifly owing to
the Carelessness or ignorance of the Steward.

1769 September 24.

Weather very moderate: some birds seen, in the morning a flock. A
peice of sea weed and a peice of wood or something that lookd like it
and was coverd with Barnacles were seen from the ship.

1769 September 25.

Fine weather and fair wind: several birds seen of most of the
usual sorts.

1769 September 26.

Blows fresh today: fewer birds in sight than usual in such
weather. Several large leaves of sea weed have been seen to go by the
Ship today but no heaps of it.

1769 September 27.

Blows fresh still. A good deal of sea weed has been seen this morn
some in heaps as much together as would fill a large wheelbarrow;
after dinner a Seal is seen asleep upon the water which gives new
life to our hopes. In the evening a shoal of Porpoises black upon the
back, white under the belly and upon the nose, with either no back
fin or one placd very far behind. Few birds today, but some of almost
all the kinds we have usualy seen.

1769 September 28.

Blows fresh all day: some but not many birds seen, several heaps
of sea weed pass by the ship.

1769 September 29.

Pleasant weather: birds more plentiful than usual in such weather;
about noon saw one like a snipe but less and with a short bill which
I judge to be a land bird. Mr Gore saw a bird which he calls a Port
Egmont hen which he describes to be brown on the back, like a gull in
size and shape, but flyes like a crow flapping its wings. Some large
heaps of sea weed have been seen; some of the gentlemen upon deck
think that the colour of the water is chang'd consequently we are in
soundings.

1769 September 30.

Pleasant weather: several small peices of weed go by the ship; one
was taken with the hoave or dipping net, it seemd not to have been
long at sea as it was not much broken or rubbd.

OCTOBER 1769

1769 October 1.

Very little wind and yet vast quantities of small birds are about
the ship which has been to us a very uncommon sight in such fine
weather; a Seal seen from the ship. Several peices of sea weed are
taken and among them a peice of wood quite overgrown with
sertularias; it must have been a long time at Sea yet more hopes are
drawn from this than the sea weed, as we now have in our possession a
part of the produce of our Land of Promise. Among the weed are many
sea insects which are put into spirits weed wood and all, so we shall
at least have this to shew. Several whales have been seen today.

1769 October 2.

Calm: I go in the boat and take up Dagysa rostrata, Serena,
polyedra, Beroe incrassata, coarctata, medusa vitrea, Phyllodoce
velella, with several other things which are all put in spirits. See
a seal but cannot come near him to shoot. Shoot Diomedea exulans,
Procellaria velox, pallipes, Latirostris, longipes and Nectris
fuliginosa.

1769 October 3.

Calm almost this morn. About 5 a sudden squall came on with such
violence that the officer of the watch was obligd to settle the
topsails, it did not however last above 5 minutes; this we look upon
as a sure sign of land as such squalls are rarely (if ever) met with
at any considerable distance from it. I go in the boat and kill
Procellaria capensis, longipes and latirostris. In the course of the
day several peices of sea weed are taken up of species very new and
one peice of wood coverd with Striated Barnacles Lepas Anserina?

Now do I wish that our freinds in England could by the assistance
of some magical spying glass take a peep at our situation: Dr
Solander setts at the Cabbin table describing, myself at my Bureau
Journalizing, between us hangs a large bunch of sea weed, upon the
table lays the wood and barnacles; they would see that
notwisthstanding our different occupations our lips move very often,
and without being conjurors might guess that we were talking about
what we should see upon the land which there is now no doubt we shall
see very soon.

1769 October 4.

Several small peices of sea weed are seen today but no heaps;
weather pleasant, breeze rather of the gentlest. Towards evening we
were entertaind by a large shoal of Porpoises like those of the 30th
of last month; they came up to the ship in prodigious circl[in]g
action leaping out of the water sometimes 2 or 3 feet high as nimbly
as Bonetos; immediately after them came a number of a larger sort
quite black who movd very heavy in the water; both these troops kept
their course by the ship without taking much notice of her probably
in pursuit of some prey.

1769 October 5.

Our old enemy Cape fly away entertaind us for three hours this
morn all which time there were many opinions in the ship, some said
it was land and others Clouds which at last however plainly appeard.
2 Seals passd the ship asleep and 3 of the birds which Mr Gore calls
Port Egmont hens, Larus Catarrhactes, and says are a sure sign of our
being near land. They are something larger than a crow, in flight
much like one, flapping their wings often with a slow motion; their
bodies and wings of a dark chocolate or soot colour, under each wing
a small broadish bar of dirty white which makes them so remarkable
that it is hardly possible to mistake them. They are seen as he says
all along the Coast of America and in Faulklands Isles; I myself
remember to have seen them at Terra del Fuego but by some accident
did not note them down. Just before sun set we were much entertaind
by a shoal of Porpoises like those seen yesterday; they kept in sight
of the ship for near an hour, all that while as if in hot pursuit of
some prey, leaping out of the water almost over each other; they
might be very justly compard to a pack of hounds in full cry only
their numbers which were some thousands made them a much more
considerable object; sometimes they formd a line near ¼ of a
mile in lengh, sometimes contracted them selves into a much smaller
compass, keeping the water wherever they went in a foam so that when
they were so far from the ship that their bodys could not be
distinguishd any man would have taken them for breakers.

1769 October 6.

This morn a Port Egmont hen and a seal were seen pretty early. At
½ past one a small boy who was at the mast head Calld out
Land. I was luckyly upon deck and well I was entertaind, within a few
minutes the cry circulated and up came all hands, this land could not
then be seen even from the tops yet few were there who did not
plainly see it from the deck till it appeard that they had lookd at
least 5 points wrong. Weather most moderate. We came up with it very
slowly; at sun set myself was at the masthead, land appeard much like
an Island or Islands but seemd to be large. Just before a small shark
was seen who had a very piked nose something like our dog fish in
England.

1769 October 7.

This morn the Land plainly seen from the deck appears to be very
large; about 11 a large smoak was seen and soon after several more,
sure sign of inhabitants. After dinner dropd calm: myself in little
boat shot Nectris munda and Procellaria velox, took with the dipping
net Dagysa gemma and a good deal of Fucus, sertularia etc., the
examination of which is postpond till we shall have more time than we
are likely to have at present. In the Evening a pleasant breeze. At
sunset all hands at the mast head; Land still distant 7 or 8 leagues,
appears larger than ever, in many parts 3, 4 and 5 ranges of hills
are seen one over the other and a chain of Mountains over all, some
of which appear enormously high. Much difference of opinion and many
conjectures about Islands, rivers, inlets etc., but all hands seem to
agree that this is certainly the Continent we are in search of.

1769 October 8. Arrived New Zealand

This morn the land very near us makes in many white cliffs like
chalk; the hills are in general clothd with trees, in the valleys
some appear to be very large; the whole of the appearance not so
fruitfull as we could wish. Stood in for a large bay in hopes of
finding a harbour; before we are well within the heads saw several
Canoes standing across the bay, who after a little time returnd to
the place they came from not appearing to take the least notice of
us. Some houses were also seen which appeard low but neat, near one a
good many people were collected who sat down on the beach seemingly
observing us, possibly the same as we saw in the canoes as they
landed somewhere near that place. On a small peninsula at the NE head
we could plainly see a regular paling, pretty high, inclosing the top
of a hill, for what purpose many conjectures were made: most are of
opinion or say at least that it must or shall be either [a] park of
Deer or a feild of oxen and sheep. By 4 oclock came to an anchor near
2 miles from the shore. The bay appears to be quite open without the
least shelter: the two sides of it make in high white Cliffs, the
middle is low land with hills gradualy rising behind one another to
the chain of high mountains inland. Here we saw many great smoaks,
some near the beach others between the hills, some very far within
land, which we lookd upon as great indications of a populous
countrey.

In the evening went ashore with the marines etc. March from the
boats in hopes of finding water etc. Saw a few of the natives who ran
away immediately on seeing us; while we were absent 4 of them attackd
our small boat in which were only 4 boys, they got off from the shore
in a river, the people followd them and threatned with long lances;
the pinnace soon came to their assistance, fird upon them and killd
the cheif. The other three draggd the body about 100 yards and left
it. At the report of the musquets we drew together and went to the
place where the body was left; he was shot through the heart. He was
a middle sizd man tattowd in the face on one cheek only in spiral
lines very regularly formd; he was coverd with a fine cloth of a
manufacture totaly new to us, it was tied on exactly as represented
in Mr Dalrymples book p.63; his hair was also tied in a knot on the
top of his head but no feather stuck in it; his complexion brown but
not very dark.

Soon after we came on board we heard the people ashore very
distinctly talking very loud no doubt, as they were not less than two
miles distant from us, consulting probably what is to be done
tomorrow.

1769 October 9.

We could see with our glasses but few people on the beach; they
walkd with a quick pace towards the river where we landed yesterday,
most of these without arms, 3 or 4 with long Pikes in their hands.
The captn orderd three boats to be mannd with seamen and marines
intending to land and try to establish a communication with them. A
high surf ran on the shore. The Indians about 50 remaind on the
farther side of the river; we lookd upon that as a sign of fear, so
landing with the little boat only the Captn Dr Solander, Tupia and
myself went to the river side to speak to them. As soon almost as we
appeard they rose up and every man producd either a long pike or a
small weapon of well polishd stone about a foot long and thick enough
to weigh 4 or 5 pounds, with these they threatned us and signd to us
to depart. A musquet was then fird wide of them the ball of which
struck the water, they saw the effect and immediately ceasd their
threats. We though[t] that it was prudent to retreat till the marines
were landed and drawn up to intimidate them and support us in case of
nesscessity. They landed and marchd with a Jack carried before them
to a little bank about 50 yards from the river, which might be about
40 broad; here they were drawn up in order and we again advancd to
the river side with Tupia, who now found that the language of the
people was so like his own that he could tolerably well understand
them and they him. He immediately began to tell them that we wanted
provisions and water for which we would give them Iron in exchange:
they agreed to the proposal but would by no means lay by their arms
which he desird them do: this he lookd upon as a sign of treachery
and continualy told us to be upon our guard for they were not our
freinds. Many words passd the cheif purport of which was that each
side desird the other to come over to them; at last however an Indian
stripd himself and swam over without arms, he was followd by two more
and soon after by most of the rest who brought with them their arms.
We gave them Iron and beads, they seemd to set little value upon
either but especialy upon the iron the use of which they certainly
were totaly ignorant of. They caught at whatever was offerd them but
would part with nothing but a few feathers: their arms indeed they
offerd to exchange for ours which they made several atempts to snatch
from us; we were upon our guard so much that their attempts faild and
they were made to understand that we must kill them if they snatchd
any thing from us. After some time Mr Green in turning himself about
exposd his hanger, one of them immediately snatchd it, set up a cry
of exultation and waving it round his head retreated gently. It now
appeard nescessary for our safeties that so daring an act should be
instantly punishd, this I pronouncd aloud as my opinion, the Captn
and the rest Joind me on which I fird my musquet which was loaded
with small shot, leveling it between his shoulders who was not 15
yards from me. On the shot striking him he ceasd his cry but instead
of quitting his prize continued to wave it over his head retreating
as gently as before; the surgeon who was nearer him, seeing this fird
a ball at him at which he dropd. Two more who were near him returnd
instantly, one seizd his weapon of Green talk, the other attempted to
recover the hanger which the surgeon had scarce time to prevent. The
main body of them were now upon a rock a little way in the river.
They took the water returning towards us, on which the other three,
for we were only 5 in number, fird on them. They then retird and swam
again across the river. On their landing we saw that 3 were wounded,
one seemingly a good deal hurt: we may hope however that neither of
them were killd as one of the musquets only was loaded with ball,
which I think I saw strike the water without taking effect, and
Tupias gun which was the last that was fird I clearly saw strike two
men low down upon their legs, who probably would be so lame as to
walk with difficulty when they landed.

The Indians retird gently carrying with them their wounded and we
reembarkd in our boats intending to row round the bay, see if there
might be any shelter for the ship on the other side, and attempt to
land there where the countrey appeard to be much more fruitfull than
where we now were. The bottom of the bay provd to be a low sandy
beach on which the sea broke most prodigiously so that we could not
come near it; within was flat, a long way inland over this water
might be seen from the mast head probably a lagoon but in the boat we
could see no entrance into it. We had almost arrivd at the farthest
part of the bay when a fresh breze came in from the seaward and we
saw a Canoe sailing in standing right towards [us], soon after
another padling. The Captn now resolvd to take one of these which in
all probability might be done without the least resistance as we had
three boats full of men and the canoes seemd to be fishermen, who
probably were without arms. The boats were drawn up in such a manner
that they could not well escape us: the padling canoe first saw us
and made immediately for the nearest land, the other saild on till
she was in the midst of us before she saw us, as soon as she did she
struck her sail and began to paddle so briskly that she outran our
boat; on a musquet being fird over her she however immediately ceasd
padling and the people in her, 7 in all, made all possible haste to
strip as we thought to leap into the water, but no sooner did our
boat come up with her than they began with stones, paddles etc. to
make so brisk a resistance that we were obligd to fire into her by
which 4 were killd. The other three who were boys leapd overboard,
one of them swam with great agility and when taken made every effort
in his power to prevent being taken into the boat, the other two were
more easily prevaild upon. As soon as they were in they squatted down
expecting no doubt instant death, but on finding themselves well usd
and that Cloaths were given them they recoverd their spirits in a
very short time and before we got to the ship appeard almost totaly
insensible of the loss of their fellows. As soon as they came onboard
we offerd them bread to eat of which they almost devourd a large
quantity, in the mean time they had Cloaths given them; this good
usage had such an effect that they seemd to have intirely forgot
every thing that had happned, put on chearfull and lively
countenances and askd and answerd questions with a great deal of
curiosity. Our dinner came, they expressd a curiosity to taste
whatever they saw us eat, and did; salt pork seemd to please them
better than any thing else, of this they eat a good deal. At sunset
they eat again an enormous quantity of Bread and drank above a quart
of water each; we then made them beds upon the lockers and they laid
down to sleep with all seeming content imaginable. After dark loud
voices were heard ashore as last night. Thus ended the most
disagreable day My life has yet seen, black be the mark for it and
heaven send that such may never return to embitter future reflection.
I forgot to mention in its proper place that we pickd up a large
pumice stone floating in the bay in returning to the ship today, a
sure sign that there either is or has been a Volcano in this
neighbourhood.

1769 October 10.

In the middle of last night one of our boys seemd to shew more
reflection than he had before done sighing often and loud; Tupia who
was always upon the watch to comfort them got up and soon made them
easy. They then sung a song of their own, it was not without some
taste, like a Psalm tune and containd many notes and semitones; they
sung it in parts which gives us no indifferent Idea of their taste as
well as skill in musick. The oldest of them is about 18, the
middlemos[t] 15, the youngest 10; the midlemost especialy has a most
open countenance and agreable manner; their names are
Taáhourange, Koikerange, and Maragooete, the two first
brothers. In the morning they were all very chearfull and eat an
enormous quantity, after that they were dressd and ornamented with
bracelets, ancklets and necklaces after their own fashion. The boats
were then hoisted out and we all got into them: the boys express'd
much joy at this till they saw that we were going to land at our old
Landing place near the river, they beggd very much that they might
not be set ashore at that place where they said were Enemies of
theirs who would kill and eat them. The Captn resolvd to go ashore at
that place and if the boys did not chuse to go from us, in the
evening to send a boat with them to the part of the bay to which they
pointed and calld their home. Accordingly we went ashore and crossd
the river. The boys at first would not leave us. No method was usd to
persuade them; it was even resolvd to return and carry them home when
on a sudden they seemd to resolve to go and with tears in their eyes
took leave. We then went along a swamp intending to shoot some ducks
of which there was great plenty; the countrey was quite flat; the
Sergeant and 4 marines attended us walking upon a bank abreast of us
which overlookd the countrey. We proceeded about a mile when they
Calld out that a large body of Indians was marching towards us, we
drew together and resolvd to retreat; before we had put this in
execution the 3 boys rose out of a bush in which they were hid and
put themselves again under our protection. We went upon the beach as
the clearest place and walkd briskly towards the boats. The Indians
were in two parties, one marchd along the bank before spoke of, the
other came round by the morass where we could not see them; on seing
us draw together they ceasd to run as they had done and walkd but
gently on, a circumstance most fortunate for us, for when we came to
our boats the pinnace was a mile at least from her station, (sent
their by the officer ashore to pick up a bird he had shot); the small
boat only remaind, which was carried over the river, and without the
midshipman who was left to attend her: the consequence of this was
that we were obligd to make 3 trips before we were all over to the
rest of the party. As soon as we were well drawn up on the other side
the Indians came down, not in a body as we expected, but 2 and 3 at a
time, all armd and soon increasd to a considerable number; we now
despaird of making peace with men who were not to be frightned with
our small arms. As the ship lay so far from the shore that [she]
could not throw a shot there, we resolvd to reembark as our stay
would most likley be the cause of killing still more people: we were
begining to go towards the boats when on a sudden one of the boys
calld out that the people there were their freinds and desird us to
stay and talk with them, we did and much conversation past but
neither would the boys swim over to them nor they to the boys. The
bodys both of the man who was killd yesterday, and he who was killd
the day before, were left upon the beach. The first lay very near us,
to it the boys went and coverd it with part of the cloths we had
given them; soon after a single man unarmd swam over to us (the uncle
of Maracouete, the younger boy), he brought in his hand a green
bough, probably emblem of peace; we made him many presents after
having receivd his bough which he presented to Tupia our
interpr[e]ter. We askd him to go onboard of the ship but he refusd so
we left him, but all the 3 boys chose rather to return with us than
stay with him.

As soon as we had retird and left him to himself he went and
gatherd a green bough; with this in his hand he aproachd the body
with great ceremony, walking sideways, he then threw the bough
towards it and returnd to his companions who immediately sat down
round him and remaind above an hour, hearing probably what he said
without taking the least notice of us, who soon returnd to the ship.
From thence we could see with our glasses 3 men cross the river in a
kind of Catamaran and take away the body which was carried off upon a
pole by 4 men.

After dinner the Captn desird Tupia to ask the boys if they had
now any objection to going ashore at the same place, as taking away
the body was probably a ratification of our peace. They said they had
not and went most nimbly into the boat in which two midshipmen were
sent; they went ashore willingly but soon returnd to the rocks,
wading into the water and begging hard to be taken in again; the
orders were positive to leave them so they were left. We observd from
the ship a man in a catamaran go over the river and fetch them to a
place where 40 or 50 were assembled: they sat till near sunset
without stirring. They rose then and the 3 boys appeard who had till
now been conceald by being surrounded with people, they left the
party came down upon the beach and 3 times wavd their hands towards
the ship, then nimbly ran and joind the party who walkd leisurely
away towards the place where the boys live. We therefore hope that no
harm will happen to them especialy as they had still the cloaths
which we gave them on. After sunset loud voices were heard as usual
in the bottom of the bay.

1769 October 11.

This morn We took our leave of Poverty bay with not above 40
species of Plants in our boxes, which is not to be wonderd at as we
were so little ashore and always upon the same spot; the only time we
wanderd about a mile from the boats was upon a swamp where not more
than 3 species of Plants were found.

Weather this day was most moderate: several Canoes put off from
shore and came towards us within less than a quarter of a mile but
could not be persuaded to come nearer, tho Tupia exerted himself very
much shouting out and promising that they should not be hurt. At last
one was seen coming from Poverty bay or near it, she had only 4
people in her, one who I well rememberd to have seen at our first
interview on the rock: these never stopd to look at any thing but
came at once alongside of the ship and with very little persuasion
cam[e] on board; their example was quickly followd by the rest 7
Canoes in all and 50 men. They had many presents given to them
notwithstanding which they very quickly sold almost every thing that
they had with them, even their Cloaths from their backs and the
paddles out of their boats; arms they had none except 2 men, one of
whom sold his patoo patoo as he calld it, a short weapon of green
talk of this shape intended doubtless for fighting hand to hand and
certainly well contrivd for splitting sculls as it weigh[s] not less
than 4 or 5 pounds and has sharp edges excellently polishd.

We were very anxious to know what was become of our poor boys,
therefore as soon as the people began to lose their first impressions
of fear that we saw at first disturbd them a good deal we askd after
them. The man who first came on board immediately answerd that they
were at home and unhurt and that the reason of his coming on board
the ship with so little fear was the account they had given him of
the usage they had met with among us.

The people were in general of a midling size tho there was one who
measurd more than 6 feet, their colour dark brown. Their lips were
staind with something put under the skin (as in the Otahite tattow)
and their faces markd with deeply engravd furrows Colourd also black
and formd in regular spirals; of these the oldest people had much the
greatest quantity and deepest channeld, in some not less than 1/16
part of an inch. Their hair always black was tied on the tops of
their heads in a little knot, in which was stuck feathers of various
birds in different tastes according to the humour of the wearer,
generaly stuck into the knot, sometimes one on each side the temples
pointing forwards which made a most disagreable apearance; in their
Ears they generaly wore a large bunch of the down of some bird milk
white. The faces of some were painted with a red colour in oil some
all over, others in parts only, in their hair was much oil that had
very little smell, more lice than ever I saw before! and in most of
them a small comb neatly enough made, sometimes of wood sometimes of
bone, which they seemd to prize much. Some few had on their faces or
arms regular scars as if made with a sharp instrument: such I have
seen on the faces of negroes. The inferior sort were clothd in
something that very much resembled hemp; the loose strings of this
were fastned together at the top and hung down about 2 feet long like
a petticoat; of these garments they wore 2, one round their shoulders
the other about their wastes. The richer had garments probably of a
finer sort of the same stuff, most beatifully made in exactly the
same manner as the S. American Indians at this day, as fine or finer
than one of them which I have by me that I bough[t] at Rio de Janeiro
for 36 shillings and was esteemd uncommonly cheap at that price.
Their boats were not large but well made, something in the form of
our whale boats but longer; their bottom was the trunk of a tree
hollowd and very thin, this was raisd by a board on each side sewd
on, with a strip of wood sewd over the seam to make it tight; on the
head of every one was carvd the head of a man with an enormous tongue
reaching out of his mouth. These grotesque figures were some at least
very well executed, some had eyes inlaid of something that shone very
much; the whole servd to give us an Idea of their taste as well as
ingenuity in execution, much superior to any thing we have yet
seen.

Their behaviour while on board shewd every sign of freindship,
they invited us very cordialy to come back to our old bay or to a
small cove which they shewd us nearer to it. I could not help wishing
that we had done so, but the captn chose rather to stand on in search
of a better harbour than any we have yet seen. God send that we may
not there have the same tragedy to act over again as we so lately
perpetrated: the countrey is certainly divided into many small
principalities so we cannot hope that an account of our weapons and
management of them can be conveyd as far as we in all probability
must go and this I am well convincd of, that till these warlike
people have severly felt our superiority in the art of war they will
never behave to us in a freindly manner.

About an hour before sunset the canoes left us, and with us three
of their people who were very desirous to have gone with them but
were not permitted to return to the Canoes. What their reason for so
doing is we can only guess, possibly they may think that their being
on board will induce us to remain here till tomorrow when they will
return and renew the traffick by which they find themselves so great
gainers. The people were tolerably chearfull, entertaind us with
dancing and singing after their custom, eat their suppers and went to
bed very quietly.

1769 October 12.

During last night the ship saild some leagues which as soon as the
3 men saw they began to lament and weep very much, Tupia with
dificulty could comfort them. About 7, 2 Canoes apeard; they left no
sign unmade which might induce them to come to the ship. One at last
venturd, out of her came an old man who seemd to be a cheif from the
finenes of his garment and weapon, patoo patoo, which was made of
Bone (he said of a whale); he staid but a short time on board but
when he went took with him our 3 guests much to our as well as their
satisfaction.

In sailing along shore we could clearly see several spots of land
cultivated, some fresh turnd up and laying in furrows like ploughd
land, others with plants growing upon them some younger and some
older; we also saw in two places high rails upon the Ridges of hills,
but could only guess that they belong to some superstition as they
were in lines not inclosing any thing. Before noon another Canoe
appeard carrying 4 people; she came within about ¼ of a mile
of us and there (I beleive) performd several ceremonies, the man in
the bow of her sometimes seeming to ask and offer peace, at others
seeming to threaten with a weapon he held in his hand, sometimes
dancing sometimes singing. Tupia talkd much to him but could not
persuade him to come to the ship. About this time very distant land
was seen to the Southward forming a very large bay.

About dinner time the ship was hauling round an Island calld by
the inhabitants Teahoa, by us Portland, the ship on a sudden came
into very broken ground which alarmd us all a good deal; the officers
all behavd with great steadyness and in a very short time we were
clear of all dangers; we never had less than 7 fathom but the
soundings hardly ever were twice the same jumping from 11 to 7, which
made us very glad once more to get deep water under us. The Island
lay within a mile of us making in white cliffs, a long spit of low
land running from it towards the main. On the sides of these cliffs
sat a vast quantity of people looking at us, these probably observd
some confusion in the manoevre of the ship for 5 Canoes almost
immediately put off from the shore full of armd people; they came so
near us shouting and threatning that at last we were in some pain
least they [should seize] our small boat which had been lowerd down
to sound and now towd along side. A musquet was therefore fird over
them: the Effect of this was rather to encourage them than otherwise
so a great gun was orderd to be prepard and fird wide of them loaded
with grape, on this they all rose in their boats and shouted but
instead of continuing the chase drew all together and after a short
consultation went quietly away. About half an hour after this we
hawld in with the land again and two more canoes came off, one armd
the other a small fishing boat with only 4 men in her; they came
tolerably near and answerd all the questions Tupia askd them very
civily; we could not persuade them to come on board but they came
near enough to receive several presents which we hove over board to
them, with these they seem'd very much pleasd and went away. At night
the ship came to an anchor; many fires were kept up on shore possibly
to shew us that our freinds there were too much upon their guard to
be surprizd.

1769 October 13.

Brisk breeze of wind: 9 Canoes came after the ship this morn,
whether with war or peace we cannot tell for we soon left them
behind. We found that the land within Teahoura or Portland Isle makes
another Island or peninsula, both sides of this the natives have
calld Teracaco so that is in all likelyhood the name of it. Before
noon we were almost surrounded with land; that nearest us made in
green hills without the white Clifts which we have generaly seen, the
appearance more fertil tho we can not distinguish any cultivation as
we did yesterday; on the tops of the hills were several palings like
those seen yesterday. Towards evening stood in for a place that had
the appearance of an opening which provd no harbour so stood off
again with a pleasant breeze. A very large canoe soon put off
carrying 18 or 20 men armd who tho they could not get within a mile
of us shouted and threatned most prodigiously; after this the white
cliffs and more barren land began again to appear. At night pleasant
light breeze, stood along shore.

1769 October 14.

This morn high mountains inland were in sight on the tops of which
the snow was not yet melted, the countrey near the shore low and
unfavourable; in one place was a patch of something yellow that bore
much resemblance to a corn feild, probably some kind of flaggs decayd
as is common in swampy places, at a distance some detachd groves of
trees upon the flat that appeard very high and tapering. Several
canoes had put off from shore in the morning and came towards us,
about 10 O'Clock 5 were together seemingly holding a consultation
after which they pulld towards the ship in a body as if resolvd to
attack her, 4 more were coming after them from the shore. This
manoevre was not to be disregarded: the canoes were large, we judgd
that they could not contain less than 150 people, every one armd with
a sharp pike of hard wood and their little hand instrument calld
patoopatoo; were they to attempt any thing daring there could not
fail to be a dreadfull slaughter among such a croud of naked men were
we nesscesitated to fire among them; it was therefore though[t]
proper to fire a gun over their heads as the effect of that would
probably prevent any designs they might have formd from being put
into execution. They were by this time within 100 yards of the ship
singing their war song and threatning with their pikes; the gun was
levelld a little before their first boat and had the desird effect,
for no sooner had they seen the grape which scatterd very far upon
the water than they paddled away in great haste. We all calld out
that we were freinds if they would only lay down their arms. They did
so and returnd to the ship; one boat came close under the quarter and
taking off his Jacket offerd it to sale, but before any body had time
to bid for it she dropd astern as did the rest, refusing to come to
the ship again because they were afraid that we should kill them, so
easily were these warriors convincd of our superiority.

Before noon we plainly saw that there was a small river ashore but
no signs of shelter near it. About this time 6 more armd canoes came
off from the land, they got together about ½ a mile from the
ship and threatned most furiously with their lances paddles etc.
After they had done this for some time they came nearer and Tupia
talkd with them from the stern; they came into better temper and
answerd his questions relating to the names of the countreys kings
etc. very civily; he desird them to sing and dance and they did so.
He often told them that if they would come to the ship without their
arms we should be freinds with them; at last one boat venturd and
soon after 3 or 4 more, they put all their arms into one boat which
stayd at a distance while the others came to the ship and receivd
presents, after which they went away. One of these men had hanging
round his neck a peice of Green stone seemingly semitransparent, some
of our people imagind it to be a Jewel, myself thought it no more
than the green stone of which most of their tools and ornaments are
made.

In the evening the countrey flat: upon it were 3 or 4 prodigiously
pretty groves of tall trees; near one of them was a square inclosure
made with close and very high rails, what was within it we could not
guess. Some thunder and lightning this even, weather otherwise vastly
moderate. Many shoals of small fish about the ship.

1769 October 15.

Snow was still to be seen upon the mountains inland. In the morn
we were abreast of the Southermost Cape of a large bay, the
northermost of which is Portland Isle; the bay itself was calld Hawks
bay. From this point several canoes came of with netts and other
fishing implements in them; they came along side with a little
invitation and offerd to trade, we gave them Otahite cloth for their
fish which they were excessively fond of, often snatching it from one
another. With us they dealt tolerably fairly tho they sometimes
cheated us by bargaining for one thing and sending up another when
they had got their prise; after they had sold all their fish they
began to put the stones with which they sink their netts into baskets
and sell them but this was soon stoppd as we were not in want of such
commodities. About this time an armd boat came alongside and offerd
to trade for their Jackets. One of them had on one made of furr, this
the Captn wanted to buy and bargaind for it offering a peice of Red
baize; the bargain was struck and the baize sent down but no sooner
had the man got hold of it than he began with amazing coolness to
pack up both it and his furr jacket in a basket, intirely deaf to the
Captns Demands, and the canoe immediately dropd astern. A small
consultation now ensued among the boats after which they all returnd
alon[g]side and the fishermen again offerd fish to sale which was
accepted and trade renewd. The little Tayeto, Tupias boy, was employd
with several more to stand over the side and reach up what was
bought: while he was doing this one of the men in a canoe seizd him
and draggd him down, 2 then held him in the fore part of the Canoe
and three more in her paddled off as did all the other boats. The
marines were in arms upon deck, they were orderd to fire into the
Canoe which they did; at lengh one man dropd, the others on seeing
this loosd the boy who immediately leapd into the water and swam
towards the ship; the large boat on this returnd towards him but on
some musquets and a great gun being fird at them left off the chase.
Our boat was lowerd down and took up the boy frigh[t]ned enough but
not at all hurt. What number were killd in the boats we cannot tell,
probably not many as the people who fird at the boat in which the boy
was were obligd to fire wide of her least they should strike him, and
the other boats had only a few shots fird at them; when they
attempted to return some of the gentlemen who lookd through glasses
said however that they saw three carried up the beach when the boats
landed who were either dead or much wounded. From this daring attempt
the point was calld Cape Kidnappers.

As soon as Tayeto was a little recoverd from his fright he brought
a fish in to Tupia and told him that he intended it as an offering to
his Eatua or god in gratitude for his escape. Tupia approvd it and
orderd him to throw it into the sea which he did.

In the evening pleasant breeze. The land to the southward of Cape
Kidnappers made in bare white cliffs barren enough to appearance.

1769 October 16.

Mountains coverd with snow were in sight again this morn so that
there is probably a chain of them runs within the countrey. Land
makes in smooth hills like downs with little or no wood in sight;
after breakfast white cliffs again look as barren as ever. Vast
shoals of fish were about the ship, pursued by as large flocks of
brownish birds a little bigger than a pigeon Nectris munda. Their
method of fishing was amusing enough, a whole flock of birds would
follow the fish who swam fast along: they continualy plungd
themselves under water and soon after rose again in another place, so
that the whole flock vanishd sometimes, at others a large part of it
and rose again often where you did not expect them, and in less than
a minutes time they were down again and so alternately as long as we
saw them. Before dinner we were abreast of another cape which made in
a bluff rock, the upper part of a reddish coulourd stone or clay the
lower white; beyond this the Countrey appeard pleasant with little
smooth hills like downs. The Captn thought it not nescessary to
proceed any farther on this side of the coast so the ships head was
again turnd to the northward and the cape from thence call Cape
Turnagain. At night we were off Hawks bay and saw two monstrous fires
inland on the hills: we are now inclind to think that these and most
if not all the great smoaks and fires that we have seen are made for
the convenience of clearing land for tillage, but for whatever
purposes intended they are a certain indication that where they are
the countrey is inhabited.

1769 October 17.

Foul wind, ship turning to windward off Hawks bay. A seal was seen
floating on the water asleep. At night calm.

1769 October 18.

Fair wind: a whale was seen this morn. In the evening a small boat
with 5 people in her came off from Teracaco, the peninsula within
Portland Isle; they with much difficulty overtook the ship; 2 of them
who seemd to be the cheif people came on board with very little
invitation and orderd the other three their servants to stay in the
boat. They soon expressd satisfaction at their treatment and came
down into the cabbin where they very soon informd us that they would
sleep with us and not think of going ashore that night. We
remonstrated much against this telling them that tomorrow morn the
ship might be at a great distance from where she now was; they were
however resolvd and we were obligd to let them sleep in the ship,
into which they consented to have their canoe hoisted which was
accordingly done. The countenance of one of these men was the most
open I have ever seen, I was prejudicd much in their favour and
surely such confidence could not be found in the breasts of designing
people. They expressd great curiosity and surprize, attending to any
thing that was shewn to them and thankfully accepted the presents
which were made them but would not eat with us; their servants
however were not at all scrupolous on that head for they eat most
enormously almost every thing they could get.

1769 October 19.

Pleasant breeze all last night so that in the morn we were off
Table cape. Our guests expressd some surprize at finding themselves
so far from home but had their boat hoisted out and went ashore
abreast of the ship. We saild very briskly, soon passd Poverty bay;
the countrey beyond it seemd to be fertile with few or no cliffs.
About noon we passd by a remarkable white Cliff of a triangular shape
not unlike the Gable End of a farm house; this same cliff we had seen
from the sea when first we made the land and from its triangular
shape had compard it to a latteen sail, it was now calld Gable End
Foreland. Just here 3 Canoes came off, one man from them venturd on
board but soon went back and the boats dropd astern. In the evening
many shoals of very small brown shrimps passd by the ship that
coulurd the water as if dirt had been thrown into it.

1769 October 20.

During last night it once blew very fresh: in the morn the weather
was pleasant tho we felt ourselves rather cold, the Therm 50¡.
Several canoes followd us and seemd very peaceably inclind, inviting
us to go into a bay they pointed to where they said that there was
plenty of fresh water; we followd them in and by 11 came to an
anchor. We then invited two who seemd by their dress etc. to be
cheifs to come on board, they immediately accepted our invitation; in
the mean time those who remaind in the canoes traded with our people
for whatever they had in their boats most fairly. The Cheifs who were
two old men, the one Dressd in a Jacket ornamented after their manner
with dogs skin, the other in one coverd almost intirely with small
tufts of red feathers, receivd our presents and staid with us till we
had dind. When we went into the boat to go ashore they accompanied
us. The evening was rainy with heavy squalls of wind, we rowd almost
round the bay but found so much surf every where that we were forcd
to return; at last we told this resolution to our cheifs who calld to
the people ashore telling them to bring off a canoe for them which
was immediately done, and they went ashore in her promising to return
the next morn and bring of fish and sweet potatoes etc. We returnd on
board but in the course of the evening it became fair and we went
ashore. We were receivd with great freindship by the natives in
general who seemd carefull of giving us umbrage by collecting in too
great bodies: each family or the inhabitants of 2 or 3 houses which
generaly stood together were collected in a body, 15 or 20 men women
and children, these sat on the ground never walking towards us but
inviting us to them by beckoning with one hand movd towards the
breast. We made them small presents, walkd round the bay, and found a
place for watering where the people are to land tomorrow and fill
some at least of our empty cask.

1769 October 21.

This morn at day break the waterers went ashore and soon after Dr
Solander and myself; there was a good deal of Surf upon the beach but
we landed without much difficulty. The natives sat by our people but
did not intermix with them; they traded however for cloth cheifly,
giving whatever they had tho they seemd pleasd with observing our
people as well as with the gain they got by trading with them. Yet
they did not neglect their ordinary occupations: in the morn several
boats went out fishing, at dinner time every one went to their
respective homes and after a certain time returnd. Such fair
appearances made Dr Solander and myself almost trust them. We rangd
all about the bay and were well repaid by finding many plants and
shooting some most beautifull birds; in doing this we visited several
houses and saw a little of their customs, for they were not at all
shy of shewing us any thing we desird to see, nor did they on our
account interrupt their meals the only employment we saw them engagd
in.

Their food at this time of the year consisted of Fish with which
instead of bread they eat the roots of a kind of Fern Pteris
crenulata, very like that which grows upon our commons in England.
These were a little roasted on the fire and then beat with a stick
which took off the bark and dry outside, what remaind had a sweetish
clammyness in it not disagreable to the taste; it might be esteemd a
tolerable food was it not for the quantity of strings and fibres in
it which in quantity 3 or 4 times exceeded the soft part; these were
swallowd by some but the greater number of people spit them out for
which purpose they had a basket standing under them to receive their
chewd morsels, in shape and colour not unlike Chaws of Tobacco.

Tho at this time of the year this most homely fare was their
principal diet yet in the proper seasons they certainly have plenty
of excellent vegetables, tho we have seen no sign of tame animals
among them except doggs, very small and ugly. Their plantations were
now hardly finishd but so well was the ground tilld that I have
seldom seen even in the gardens of curious people land better broke
down. In them were planted sweet potatoes, cocos and some one of the
cucumber kind, as we judgd from the seed leaves which just appeard
above ground; the first of these were planted in small hills, some
rangd in rows other in quincunx all laid by a line most regularly,
the Cocos were planted in flat land and not yet appeard above ground,
the Cucumbers were set in small hollows or dishes much as we do in
England. These plantations were from 1 or 2 to 8 or 10 acres each, in
the bay might be 150 or 200 acres in cultivation tho we did not see
100 people in all. Each distinct patch was fencd in generaly with
reeds placd close one by another so that scarce a mouse could creep
through.

When we went to their houses Men women and children receivd us, no
one shewd the least signs of fear. The women were plain and made
themselves more so by painting their faces with red ocre and oil
which generaly was fresh and wet upon their cheeks and foreheads,
easily transferrable to the noses of any one who should attempt to
kiss them; not that they seemd to have any objection to such
familiarities as the noses of several of our people evidently shewd,
but they were as great coquetts as any Europaeans could be and the
young ones as skittish as unbroke fillies. One part of their dress I
cannot omit to mention: besides their cloth which was very decently
rolld round them each wore round the lower part of her waist a string
made of the leaves of a highly perfumd grass, to this was fastned a
small bunch of the leaves of some fragrant plant which servd as the
innermost veil of their modesty. Tho the men did not so frequently
use paint upon their faces yet they often did: one especialy I
observd whose whole body and garments were rubbd over with dry Ocre,
of this he constantly kept a peice in his hand and generaly rubbd it
on some part or other of him.

One peice of cleanliness in these people I cannot omit as I
beleive it is almost unexamp[l]ed among Indians. Every house or small
knot of 3 or 4 has a regular nescessary house where every one repairs
and consequently the neighbourhood is kept clean which was by no
means the case at Otahite. They have also a regular dunghil upon
which all their offalls of food etc. are heapd up and which probably
they use for manure.

In the evening all the boats being employd in carrying on board
water we were likely to be left ashore till after dark; the loss of
so much time in sorting and putting in order our specimens was what
we did not like so we applied to our freinds the Indians for a
passage in one of their Canoes. They readily launchd one for us, but
we in number 8 not being usd to so ticklish a convenience overset her
in the surf and were very well sousd; 4 then were obligd to remain
and Dr Solander, Tupia, Tayeto and myself embarkd again and came
without accident to the ship well pleasd with the behaviour of our
Indian freinds who would the second time undertake to carry off such
Clumsy fellows.

1769 October 22.

The surf being so great on the shore that water was got with great
difficulty made the Captn resolve to leave the bay this morn, which
he did tho the wind was foul so the whole day was spent in turning to
windward.

1769 October 23.

This morn found ourselves gone backwards, Tegadu bay which we left
yesterday was now to windward of us. Several canoes came alon[g]side
and told us that there was a small bay to leward of us where we might
anchor in safety and land in the boats without a surf where there was
fresh water; we followd their directions and they soon brought us
into a bay calld Tolaga where at 1 we anchord. Many Canoes came from
the shore and all traded for fish, curiosities etc. very honestly.
After dinner we went ashore and found as they had told us a small
cove where the boat might land without the least surf, and water near
it, so the Captn resolvd to wood and water here.

1769 October 24.

This morn Dr Solander and myself went ashore botan[i]zing and
found many new plants. The people behavd perfectly well, not mixing
with or at all interrupting our people in what they were about but on
the contrary selling them whatever they had for Otahite cloth and
Glass bottles, of which they were uncommonly fond.

In our walks we met with many houses in the vallies that seemd to
be quite deserted, the people livd on the ridges of hills in very
slight built houses or rather shedds. For what reason they have left
the vallies we can only guess, maybe for air, but if so they purchase
that convenience at a dear rate as all their fishing tackle and
lobster potts of which they have many must be brought up with no
small labour.

We saw also as extrordinary natural curiosity. In pursuing a
valley bounded on each side by steep hills we on a sudden saw a most
noble arch or Cavern through the face of a rock leading directly to
the sea, so that through it we had not only a view of the bay and
hills on the other side but an opportunity of imagining a ship or any
other grand object opposite to it. It was certainly the most
magnificent surprize I have ever met with, so much is pure nature
superior to art in these cases: I have seen such places made by art
where from an appearance totaly inland you was led through an arch 6
feet wide and 7 high to a prospect of the sea, but here was an arch
25 yards in lengh, 9 in breadth and at least 15 in hight. In the
evening we returnd to the watering place in order to go on board with
our treasure of plants, birds etc. but were prevented by an old man
who detaind us some time in shewing the excercise of this countrey,
arms, lance and patopato as they are calld. The lance is made of hard
wood from 10 to 14 feet long very sharp at the ends, the patopatoo is
made of stone or bone about a foot long shapd [] . A stick was given
him for an enemy, to this he advancd with most furious aspect
brandishing his lance which he held with vast firmness; after some
time he ran at the stick and supposing it a man run through the body
he immediately fell upon the upper end of it, laying on most
unmercifull blows with his patopatoo any one of which would probably
have split most sculls; from hence I should be led to conclude that
they give no quarter.

1769 October 25.

Went ashore this morn and renewd our searches for plants etc. with
great success. In the mean time Tupia who staid with the waterers had
much conversation with one of their preists; they seemd to agree very
well in their notions of religion only Tupia was much more learned
than the other and all his discourse was heard with much attention.
He askd them in the course of his conversation with them many
questions, among the rest whether or no they realy eat men which he
was very loth to beleive; they answered in the affirmative saying
that they eat the bodys only of those of their enemies who were killd
in war.

1769 October 26.

All this day it raind without intermission so hard that
notwithstanding our wishing neither Dr Solander or myself could go
ashore. In the course of the day very few canoes came on board and
not more than 8 or 10 Indians came down to the waterers.

1769 October 27.

Several Canoes came on board at day break and traded as usual. Dr
Solander went with the Captn to examine the bottom of the bay, myself
went ashore at the watering place to collect Plants. He saw many
people who behavd very civily to the boats crew shewing them every
thing they wanted to See; among other nicknacks he bought of a boys
top shap'd like what boys play with in England which they made signs
was to be whippd in the same manner; he found also several new
plants. Myself found some plants and went to the top of the hill
above the watering place to see a fence of poles which we had Observd
from the ship: it was on a hill almost inaccessible by wood and
steepness, we however climbd it and found several deserted houses
near the rails which only consisted of Poles of 14 or 16 feet high
set in two rows, each pole 10 feet from the next; the 2 rows were
about 6 feet distant joind on the topps by a few sticks laid across
sloping like the roof of a house; this rail work with a ditch which
was paralel to it went about 100 yards down the hill in a kind of
curve, but for what purpose it had been intended I could not at all
guess. The people of the watering place at our desire sung their war
song in which both men and women joind, they distorted their faces
most hideously roling their eyes and putting out their tongues but
kept very good time often heaving most loud and deep sighs.

1769 October 28.

This morn we went ashore in an Island on the left hand as you come
into the bay calld by the natives Tubolai. Here we saw the largest
canoe we had met with: her lengh was 68½ feet, her breadth 5,
hight 3:6: she was built with a sharp bottom made in 3 peices of
trunks of trees hollowd, the middlemost of which was much longer than
either of the other two; Her gunnel planks were in one peice 62 ft 2
in lengh carvd prettily enough in bass releif, the head was also
richly carvd in their fashion. We saw also a house larger than any we
had seen tho not more than 30 feet long, it seemd as if it had never
been finishd being full of chipps. The woodwork of it was squard so
even and smooth that we could not doubt of their having among them
very sharp tools; all the side posts were carvd in a masterly stile
of their whimsical taste which seems confind to the making of spirals
and distorted human faces. All these had clearly been removd from
some other place so probably such work bears a value among them.

While Mr Sporing was drawing on the Island he saw a most strange
bird fly over his head; he describd it about as large as a kite and
brown like one, his tail however was of so enormous a [length] that
he at first took it for a flock of small birds flying after him. He
who is a grave thinking man and is not at all given to telling
wonderfull stories says he judg'd it to be at least yards in
lengh.

1769 October 29.

Our water having been compleat the day before yesterday and
nothing done yesterday but getting on board a small quantity of wood
and a large supply of excellent Celary, with which this countrey
abounds, we this morn saild tho the wind was foul. We turnd to
windward all day and at night according to custom found ourselves to
leward of the place we had left in the morning.

1769 October 30.

Fine breeze: some canoes followd the ship in the morn but could
not come up with her. Before noon we passd by a Cape which the Captn
judgd to be the eastermost point of the countrey and therefore calld
it East Cape, at least till another is found which better deserves
that name.

1769 October 31.

Breeze continued fair: Countrey very pleasant to appearance.
Several canoes came off and threatned us at a distance which gave us
much uneasiness, as we hop'd that an account of us and what we could
and had done had spread farther than this; we had now our work to
begin over again and heartily joind in wishing that it might be
attended with less bloodshed than our late unfortunate Rencounters.
After a little time one of the canoes came almost close to the ship
and soon after we saw an immense large canoe coming from the shore
crowded full of People, all armd with long lances. They came near and
receivd signals from the boat that was near us: we Judgd there could
not be less than 60 people in her, 16 padlers of a side, besides some
who did not paddle and a long row of people in the middle from stem
to stern crowded as close as possible. On a signal from the small
canoe the[y] pulld briskily up towards the ship as if to attack. It
was judgd right to let them see what we could do, least should they
come to extremities we might be obligd to fire at them in which case
numbers must be killd out of such a croud: a gun loaded with grape
was therefore fird ahead of them: they stop'd padling but did not
retreat: a round shot was then fird over them: they saw it fall and
immediately took to their paddles rowing ashore with more haste than
I ever saw men, without so much as stopping to breathe till they got
out of sight. The countrey from whence they came and indeed all round
about appeard to be well wooded and pleasant; several small clusters
of houses were seen interspersd with trees appearing very pleasant,
some had a fence of pails round them others were to appearance quite
open. Towards evening 3 or 4 Canoes came off unarmd but would scarce
venture within musquet shot of us.

NOVEMBER 1769

1769 November 1.

Calm in the morn: at sun rise we counted 45 Canoes who were coming
towards us from different parts of the shore; 7 soon came up with us
and after some conversation with Tupia began to sell Muscles and
lobsters of which they had great plenty. In the beginning they dealt
fair but soon began to cheat, taking what we gave them without making
any return; one who had done so on being threatned began to defy us
and laugh, on which a musquet was fird over the boat which
instan[t]ly brough[t] him back and made trade very regular for some
time. At lengh the cabbin and gun room having got as much as they
wanted the men were allowd to come to the gangway and trade for
themselves, and I must say that there was not the same care taken to
prevent their being cheated as had been before, by which neglect the
Indians soon began to cheat with impunity and to despise our threats;
the consequence of which was that as soon as they had sold all they
had got one of the boats pulld forward and seeing some linnen which
was hanging overboard a man in her untied it without ceremony and put
it into his bundle. He was calld to but instead of returning it let
his boat drop astern and laughd at us. A musquet was fird over him
which did not at all spoil his mirth, small shot was then fird at him
which struck him upon the back; heated I suppose he was, for he
regarded it less than most men would do a stripe, just shrinking his
body without ceasing to bundle up the very linnen he had stole which
he was at that moment employd about. The boats dropd astern about 100
yards and several musquet balls were fird near them but they
continued their song of Defiance till the ship had left them 3 or 400
yards; a round shot was then fird which went over them and struck the
water 3 or 4 times at a large distance beyond them. This effectualy
shewd them that they could not easily get out of our reach for they
immediately began to paddle and proceeded quite ashore without
stopping to look behind them.

Just at night fall we were under a small Island from whence came
off a large double canoe, or rather 2 canoes lash'd together at the
distance of about a foot which was coverd with boards so as to make a
kind of deck; she came pretty near the ship and the people in her
talkd with Tupia with much seeming freindship, but when it was just
dark they ran their canoe close to the ship and threw in 3 or 4
stones after which they padled ashore.

1769 November 2.

Pass this morn between an Island and the main which appeard low
and sandy with a remarkable hill inland, flat and smooth as a mole
hill tho very high and large. Many canoes and people were seen along
shore: some followd us but could not overtake us. A Sailing canoe
that had chasd us ever since day break came up with us and provd the
same double canoe as pelted us last night which made us prepare for
another volley of their ammunition, dangerous to nothing on board but
our windows. The event provd as we expected for after having saild
with us an hour they threw their stones again; a musquet was fird
over them and they dropd astern not I beleive at all frightned by the
musquet but content with having shewd their courage by twice
insulting us. We now begin to know these people and are much less
afraid of any daring attempt from them than we were. At 12 the
countrey appeard low with small clifts near the shore but seemingly
very fertile inland. We saw plainly with our glasses villages larger
than any we had before seen situated on the topps of cliffs in places
almost inaccessible, besides which they were guarded by a deep fosse
and a high paling within it, so that probably these people are much
given to war. In the evening the countrey low as before: many towns
were in sight larger than those at noon, always situated like them on
the topps of cliffs and fenc'd in the same manner; under them upon
the beach were many very large canoes, some hundreds I may safely
say, some of which either had or appeard to have awnings but not one
of them were put off. From all these circumstances we judgd the
countrey to be much better peopled hereabouts and inhabited by richer
people than we had before seen, may be it was the residence of some
of their princes. As far as we have yet gone along the coast from
Cape Turnagain to this place the people have acknowledgd only one
cheif, Teratu: if his dominion is realy so large he may have princes
or governors under him capable of Drawing together a vast many
people: for himself he is always said to live far inland.

1769 November 3.

Continent appeard this morn barren and rocky but many Islands were
in sight, cheifly inhabited with such towns upon them as we saw
yesterday; 2 Canoes put off from one but could not overtake us. At
breakfast a cluster of Islands and rocks were in sight which made an
uncommon appearance from the number of perpendicular rocks or needles
(as the seamen call them) which were in sight at once: these we calld
the Court of Aldermen in respect to that worthy body and entertaind
ourselves some time with giving names to each of them from their
resemblance, thick and squat or lank and tall, to some one or other
of those respectable citizens. Soon after this we passd an Island on
which were houses built on the steep sides of cliffs inaccessible I
had almost said to birds, how their inhabitants could ever have got
to them much surpassd my comprehension; at present however we saw
none so that these situations are probably no more than places to
retire to in case of Danger which are totaly evacuated in peaceable
times. At 12 the Continent appeard still rocky and barren, few houses
were seen, they were not built in towns but stood seperate. About
dinner time 3 Canoes came alongside of much the most simple
construction of any we have seen, being no more than the trunks of
trees hollowd out by fire without the least carving or even the
addition of a washboard on their gunnels; the people in them were
almost naked and blacker than any we had seen only 21 in all, yet
these few despicable gentry sang their song of defiance and promisd
us as heartily as the most respectable of their countrey men that
they would kill us all. They remaind some time out of stones throw
but at last venturd close to the ship; one of our people gave them a
rope from the side to save them the trouble of Padling, this they
accepted and rewarded the man who gave it by thrusting at him with a
pike which however took no effect; they then went a few yards from
the ship and threw a lance into her which struck nobody; a musquet
was fird over them on which they all went off. Late in the evening
the ship came into a bay which appeard well shelterd by Islands and
gave hopes for the morn. Several Canoes with people like the last
came about the ship and talkd very civily to us. A bird was shot from
the ship in their sight as it swam on the water, this they took up
and tied to a fishing line that was towing astern for which they were
rewarded with a peice of cloth. Notwisthstanding all this they became
very saucy Just at night singing their song of Defiance and
attempting to tow away the buoy of the anchor; 2 or 3 musquets were
fird over them which had not the least effect, they threatned hard
and promisd that tomorrow they would return with more force and kill
us all and dispatchd a boat who told us that he was going to another
part of the bay for assistance.

1769 November 4.

Our freinds meant to be still better than their word for they
visited us twice in the night intending I suppose to wake us if we
should be asleep, but as they found us not so they went away as they
came without saying a single word. In the morn they returnd with the
earlyest day break, about 150 men in 10 or 12 Canoes all armd with
pikes lances and stones. We all got up to see the event. An hour and
a half was spent in conversation sometimes civil sometimes otherwise:
our resolution was that as we had in vain shewd them the power of
musquets by firing near them and killing the bird yesterday we would
on the first provacation they gave us fire at them with small shot,
the last resource we had to shew them our superiority without taking
away their lives. They at lengh offerd to trade for their arms and
sold two weapons very fairly, but took a price for the third and
refusd to send it up but offerd it for a second; the second was sent
down but a third was requird instead of the weapon being parted with;
this was a convenient time for the execution of our project as the
man who had thus cheated us swaggerd prodigiously, having paddled the
boat a few yards from the ship. Accordingly a musquet ball was fird
through the bottom of the boat and small shot at the offender which
struck him and another who sat next him, on which the canoe was
immediately paddled off and remaind about 100 yards from the ship;
but what was truly surprizing was that tho the men who were shot bled
a good deal not one of the other boats went near them or enquird at
all how much or in what manner they were hurt.

They returnd to the ship and renewd trade for their arms, a large
quantity of which they sold without attempting to play any tricks; at
last however one gentleman padled off with two different peices of
cloth which had been given for one weapon, he got about 100 yards
from the ship and thought himself safe. A musquet was fird after him
which fortunately struck the boat Just at the waters edge and
consequently made 2 holes in her; the people in her and the rest of
the Canoes padled hard, as a finishing stroke to convince them of our
superiority a round shot was fird over them and not a boat stoppd
till they got ashore. Soon after this the Captn went in the boats to
seek a place for the ship to stay that she might observe the transit
of Mercury; it raind and as we were sure of staying 5 days Dr
Solander and myself stayd on board. The Indians ashore were neither
freinds nor foes, they shewd however much fear whenever our boats
approachd them. After dinner the ship removd to the place he had
found where were great plenty of birds, much Celery and good hopes of
fish.

1769 November 5.

This morn some canoes came off but brought nothing to sell. One
old man whose name was Torava came on board; he seemd to be the cheif
both today and yesterday but in all the transactions of yesterday he
was observd to behave sensibly and well, laying in a small canoe
always near the ship and at all times speaking civily to those on
board. With some persuasion he venturd down into the cabbin and had
presents, Cloth, Iron etc. given him; he told us that the Indians
were now very much afraid of us, we promisd freindship if they would
supply us with provision at their own price.. After breakfast we went
ashore on the banks of a river. The Indians who were on one side made
all the signs of freindship imaginable, beckoning to us to land among
them; it suited our convenience for hawling the sein and shooting
Birds of which there were great numbers to land on the other side and
it was not without much persuasion that they about noon venturd over
to us.

The Sein was hawld with no success but several Birds were shot,
like sea pies but Black with red bills and feet, the trawl and drudge
were also today employd and caught nothing but a few shells. The
people who stayd by the boats saw two Indians fight on some quarrel
of their own: they began with Lances which were soon taken from them
by the old men but they were allowd to continue their battle, which
they did like Englishmen with their fists for sometime after which
all of them retird behind a little hill so that our people did not
see the event of the combat.

1769 November 6.

Went ashore: Indians as yesterday very tame. Their habitations
certainly were at a distance as they had no houses but slept under
the bushes. The bay may be a place to which parties of them often
resort for the sake of shell fish which are here very plentifull;
indeed where ever we went, on hills or in valleys in woods or plains,
we continualy met with vast heaps of shells often many waggon loads
together, some appearing to be very old; where ever these were it is
more than probable that Parties of Indians had at some time or other
taken up their residence, as our Indians had made much such a pile
about them. The countrey in general was very barren but the topps of
the hills were coverd with very large Fern, the roots of which they
had got together in large quantities as they said to carry away with
them. We did not see any kind of cultivation.

In the evening I walkd up the river which at the mouth looks very
fine and broad, it in 2 miles or less shoald to nothing. The countrey
inland was still more barren than that near the sea side.

1769 November 7.

Rain and most disagreable weather all day kept us on board as well
as the Indians from coming off to us.

1769 November 8.

Fine weather: many Canoes came off, in them our freind Torava.
While he was along side he saw 2 Canoes coming from the opposite side
of the bay on which he immediately went ashore with all the canoes,
telling us that he was afraid; he however soon returnd finding I
suppose that the canoes had not in them the people he expected. In
the two boats came an amazing number of fish of the macarel kind
which the people sold for little or nothing, so that all hands had
today fish enough.

We went ashore and botanizd with our usual good success which
could not be doubted in a countrey so totaly new. In the evening we
went to our friends the Indians that we might see the method in which
they slept: it was as they had told us on the bare ground without
more shelter than a few shrubbs over their heads, the women and
children were placd innermost or farthest from the sea, the men lay
in a kind of half-circle around them and on the trees close by them
were rangd their arms in order, so no doubt they are afraid of an
attack from some enemy not far off. They do not acknowledge any
superior king which all we have before seen have done, so possibly
these are a set of outlaws from Teratu's kingdom; their having no
cultivation or houses makes it clear at least that it is either so or
this is not their real habitation. They say however that they have
houses and a fort somewhere at a distance but do not say that even
there is any cultivation.

1769 November 9.

At day break this morn a vast number of boats were on board almost
loaded with macarel of 2 sorts, one exactly the same as is caught in
England. We concluded that they had caught a large shoal and sold us
the overplus what they could not consume, as they set very little
value upon them. It was however a fortunate circumstance for us as by
8 O'clock the ship had more fish on board than all hands could eat in
2 or 3 days, and before night so many that every mess who could raise
salt cornd as many as will last them this month or more. After an
early breakfast the astronomer went on shore to Observe the transit
of Mercury which he did without the smallest cloud intervening to
Obstruct him, a fortunate circumstance as except yesterday and today
we have not had a clear day for some time.

About noon we were alarmd by the report of a great gun fird from
the ship, the occasion of which was this: two canoes came to the ship
very large and full of people, they shewd by their behaviour that
they were quite strangers or at least so much so as not to be at all
afraid; they soon enterd into trade and almost immediately cheated by
taking the Cloth which was given to them without returning that which
was bargaind for. On this they immediately began to sing their war
song as if to defy any revenge those on board might chuse to take,
this enragd the 2nd lieutenant so much that he leveld a musquet at
the man who had still got the cloth in his hand and shot him dead.
The canoes went off to some distance but did not go quite away. It
was nescessary to send a boat ashore, so least they might atempt to
revenge his death upon the boat A round shot was fird over them which
had the desird Effect of putting them to flight immediately. The news
of this event was immediately brought on shore to our Indians who
were at first a little alarmd and retreated from us in a body; in a
little time however they returnd on their own accords and acknowledgd
that the dead man deservd his punishment--unaskd by us, who thought
his fate severe knowing as we did that small shot would have had
almost or quite as good an effect with little danger to his life,
which tho forfeited to the laws of England we could not but wish to
spare if it could be done without subjecting ourselves to the
derision and consequently to the attacks of these people; which we
have now learnt to fear not least they should kill us, but least we
should be reducd to the nescessity of killing a number of them which
must be the case should they ever in reality attack us.

A little before sunset we went home with the Indians to see them
eat their supper. It consisted of fish, shell fish, lobsters and
birds: these were dressd either by broiling them upon a skewer which
was stuck into the ground leaning over the fire, or in ovens as we
calld them at Otahite which were holes in the ground filld with
provision and hot stones and coverd over with leaves and Earth. Here
we saw a woman who mournd after their fashion for a dead relation.
She sat on the ground near the rest who (except one) seemd not at all
to regard her: the tears constantly trickled down her cheeks; she
repeated in a low but very mournfull voice words which we did not at
all understand, still at every sentence cutting her arms, face or
breast with a shell she held in her hand, so that she was almost
coverd with blood, a most affecting spectacle. The cutts she made
however were so managd as seldom to draw blood and when they did to
peirce a very small way into the flesh; but this si not always the
case with them, for many we have seen and some were among these very
people who had shocking large scarrs on their arms, thighs, breasts,
cheaks etc. which they told us had been done in this manner and upon
this occasion; may be they proportion the depth of their cutts to the
regard they have for the deceasd.

1769 November 10.

This day was employd in an excursion to view the large river at
the bottom of the bay which lay at some distance from it. The mouth
of it provd to be a good harbour with water sufficient for our ship
but scarce for a larger, the stream in many places very wide with
large flats of mangroves which at low water are coverd. We went up
about a league where it was still wider than at the mouth and divided
itself into innumerable channels seperated by mangrove flatts, the
whole several miles in breadth, the water shoal, so we agreed to stop
our disquisition here and go ashore to dine. A tree in the
neighbourhood on which were many shaggs nests and old shaggs setting
by them confirmd our resolution; an attack was consequently made on
the Shaggs and about 20 soon killd and as soon broild and eat, every
one declaring that they were excellent food as indeed I think they
were. Hunger is certainly most excellent sauce, but since our fowls
and ducks have been gone we find ourselves able to eat any kind of
Birds (for indeed we throw away none) without even that kind of
seasoning. Fresh provision to a seaman must always be most acceptable
if he can get over the small prejudices which once affected several
in this ship, most or all of whoom are now by vertue of good example
compleatly curd. Our repast ended we proceeded down the river again.
At the mouth of it was a small Indian village where we landed and
were most civily receivd by the inhabitants who treated us with hot
cockles, at least a small flat shell fish, most delicious food,
Tellina . Near the village was the ruins of an old Indian Eppah or
Fort which we went to see. It was situate on the point of a peninsula
inaccessible on three sides from the steepness of the cliffs; the
fourth was guarded by a ditch the bank of which nearest the fort
could not be less than 20 feet high, there has also been pallisades
both on the Inside and outside of he ditch but of these nothing was
left but thick posts almost rotten. Was any ship to winter or stay
any time here this would be a most excellent place to set up tents as
it is sufficiently spatious.

1769 November 11.

Rain and blowing weather all this day so that no canoes came off
nor did we go ashore. An oyster bank had been found at the river by
the wooding place, about ½ a mile up on the starboard hand
Just above a small Island which is coverd at high water; here the
longboat was sent and soon returnd deep loaded with I sincerly
beleive as good oysters as ever came from Colchester and about the
same size. They were laid down under the booms and employd the ships
company very well who I verily think did nothing but Eat from the
time they came on board till night, by which time a large part were
expended, but that gave us no kind of uneasiness as we well knew that
not the boat only but the ship might be easily loaded in one tide
almost, as they are dry at half Ebb.

1769 November 12.

Two canoes came early this morn who appeard to be strangers who
had heard of us by the caution and fear they shewd in approaching the
ship; two of them were however persuaded to come on board and the
rest traded for what they had very fairly. A small canoe also came
from the other side of the bay and sold some large fish which had
been taken the day before yesterday, as yesterday it blew too [hard]
for any Canoes to go to Sea. After breakfast we all went ashore to
see an Indian Fort or Eppah in the neighbourhood, uncertain however
what kind of reception we should meet with as they might be Jealous
of letting us into it, where probably all their valuable effects were
lodgd. We went to a bay where were two, we landed first near a small
one the most beautifuly romantick thing I ever saw. It was built on a
small rock detachd from the main and surroundd at high water, the top
of this was fencd round with rails after their manner but was not
large enough to contain above 5 or 6 houses; the whole appeard totaly
inaccessible to any animal who was not furnishd with wings, indeed it
was only aproachable by one very narrow and steep path, but what made
it most truly romantick was that much the largest part of it was
hollowd out into an arch which penetrated quite through it and was in
hight not less than 20 yards perpendicular above the water which ran
through it. The inhabitants on our aproach came down and invited us
to go in but we refusd intending to visit a much larger and more
perfect one about a mile off, we spent however some little time in
making presents to their women. In the mean time we saw the
inhabitants of the other come down from it, men women and children
about 100 in number, and march towards us; as soon as they came near
enough they wav'd and calld horomai and set down in the bushes near
the beach (a sure mark of their good intentions). We went to them and
made a few presents and askd leave to go to their heppah which they
with joy invited us to do and immediately accompanied us to it. It
was calld Wharretoowa and was situate on the end of a hill where it
Jutted out into the sea which washd two sides of it, these were
sufficiently steep but not absolutely inaccessible; up one of the
land sides which was also steep went the road, the other was flat and
open to the side of the hill. The whole was inclosd by a pallisade
about 10 feet high made of strong pales bound together with withs;
the weak side next the hill had also a ditch the face of which next
the pallisade we measurd to be 20½ feet in depth. Besides this
over the pallisade was built a fighting stage which the [y] call
Porava, which is a flat stage coverd with boughs of trees upon which
they stand to throw darts or stones at their assailants out of danger
of their weapons. The dimensions of it were thus: the hight from the
ground 20½ feet, breadth 6ft 6, the lengh 43 feet. Upon it
were laid bundles of darts and heaps of stones ready in case of an
attack. One of the Young men at our desire went up to shew their
method of fighting and another went to the outside of the ditch to
act assailant; they both sung their war song and dancd with the same
frigh[t]full gesticulations as we have often seen them, threatning
each other with their weapons; this I suppose they do in their
attacks to work themselves to a sufficient fury of courage, for what
we call calm resolution is I beleive found in few uncivilizd people.
The side next the road was also defended by a stage like this but
much lower, the other two were by their steepness and the pallisade
thought sufficiently secure. The inside was divided into I beleive 20
larger and smaller divisions, some of which containd not more than 1
or 2 houses others 12 or 14; every one of these were enclosd by its
own pallisade tho not so high and strong as the general one. In these
were vast heaps of Dryd fish and fern roots pild up in heaps, so much
that had they had water I should have though[t] them well prepard for
a siege but that must be fetchd from a brook below, so probably they
do not use to beseige a town as we do in Europe. Without the fence
were many houses and large netts which I suppose were brought in upon
any alarm; there was also about ½ an acre of Gourds and sweet
potatoes planted, the only Cultivation we have seen in the bay.

1769 November 13.

Rainy and blowing weather today so we did not go ashore, indeed
there was little temptation for we hade got by much the greatest
number or perhaps all the plants that the season afforded.

1769 November 14.

But midling weather. As we were resolvd to stay no longer here we
all went ashore, the boats to get as much Celery and Oysters as
possible, Dr Solander and myself to get as many green plants as
possible of sea stock for finishing scetches etc., so an enormous
number of all these articles came on board. Dr Solander who was today
in a cove different from that I was in saw the natives catch many
lobsters in a most simple manner: they walkd among the rocks at low
water about middle deep in water and still felt about with their feet
till they felt one, on which they divd down and constantly brought
him up. I do not know whether I have before mentiond these lobsters
but we have had them in tolerable plenty in almost every place we
have been in and they are certainly the largest and best I have ever
eat.

1769 November 15.

Little wind and that foul, sail however. Several canoes were on
board and in one of them Torava who sayd that as soon as ever we are
gone he must go to his heppah or fort, for the freinds of the man who
was killd on the 9th threatend to revenge themselves upon him as
being a freind to us.

1769 November 16.

Wind foul as yesterday. Many Islands were seen but neither the
main or them appeard at all Fertile or well inhabited; only one town
was seen all day and no people, indeed we were rather too far
off.

1769 November 17.

Foul wind and blowing fresh, so that we did not come near enough
to the land to make many observations.

1769 November 18.

Fine weather and Fair wind today repayd us for yesterdays Tossing.
The countrey appeard pleasant and well wooded. At 7 we were abreast
of a remarkable bare point jutting far into the sea; on it stood many
people who seemd to take but little notice of us but talkd together
with much earnestness. In about ½ an hour we saw canoes put
off almost at the same time from several different places and come
towards us, on which these people also put off a small Canoe they had
with them and came likwise towards us, she soon came up with us and
had in her 20 people and soon after another with 35. They sung the
song of Defiance as usual which we took very little notice of, in
about ½ an hour they threw 3 or 4 stones on board and then
departed towards the shore; we though[t] we were quite clear of them
but they soon returnd as if inclind (which I beleive is the common
policy of these people) to provoke us to shew them whether we had or
not arms superior to theirs. Tupia who I beleive guessd that they
were coming to attack us immediately went upon the poop and talkd to
them a good deal, telling them what if they provokd us we should do
and how easily we could in a moment destroy them all. They answerd
him in their usual cant 'come ashore only and we will kill you all'.
Well, said Tupia, but while we are at sea you have no manner of
Business with us, the Sea is our property as much as yours. Such
reasoning from an Indian who had not had the smallest hint from any
of us surprizd me much and the more as these were sentiments I never
had before heard him give a hint about in his own case. All his
preaching however had little effect for they soon renewd their stone
attack, on which a musquet ball was fird through one of their boats
on which they dropd astern and left us. At night the ship was in a
place which some people conjecturd to be a channel betwixt an Island
and the main, others a deep bay, where she came to an anchor.

1769 November 19.

This morn two Canoes came from the land who said they knew Torava
and calld Tupia by his name. We took some of them onboard who behavd
very well. Afterwards canoes came from the other side of the bay who
likewise mentiond Toravas name and sent a young man into the ship Who
told us that he was the old mans grandson: we never suspected him to
have had so much influence. In the evening it came on thick and misty
so we came to an anchor not a little pleasd to find our selves at
least in a peaceable countrey.

1769 November 20.

Weather still thick and hazey. We had yesterday resolvd to employ
this day in examining the bay so at day break we set out in the
boats. A fresh breeze of wind soon carried us to the bottom of the
bay, where we found a very fine river broad as the Thames at
Greenwich tho not quite so deep, there was however water enough for
vessels of more than a midling size and a bottom of mud so soft that
nothing could possibly take damage by running ashore. About a mile up
this was an Indian town built upon a small bank of Dry sand but
totaly surrounded by Deep mud, so much so that I beleive they meant
it a defence. The people came out in flocks upon the banks inviting
us in, they had heard of us from our good freind Torava; we landed
and while we stayd they were most perfectly civil, as indeed they
have always been where we were known but never where we were not.
After this visit we proceeded and soon met with another town with but
few inhabitants. Above this the banks of the river were compleatly
cloathd with the finest timber my Eyes ever beheld, of a tree we had
before seen but only at a distance in Poverty bay and Hawks bay;
thick woods of it were every where upon the Banks, every tree as
streight as a pine and of immense size: still the higher we came the
more numerous they were.

About 2 leagues from the mouth we stopd and went ashore. Our first
business was to measure one of these trees: the woods were swampy so
we could not range far, we found one however by no means the largest
we had seen which was feet in circumference and in hight without a
branch; but what was most remarkable was that it, as well as many
more that we saw, carried its thickness so truely up to the very top
that I dare venture to affirm that the top where the lowest branch
took its rise was not a foot less in diameter than where we measurd,
which was about 8 feet from the ground. We cut down a young one of
these trees; the wood provd heavy and solid, too much so for mast but
would make the finest Plank in the world, and might possibly by some
art be made light enough for mast as the pitch pine in America (to
which our Carpenter likened this timber) is said to be lightned by
tapping.

As far as this the river had kept its depth and very little
decreasd even in breadth; the Captn was so much pleasd with it that
he resolvd to call it the Thames. It was now time for us to return,
the tide turning downwards gave us warning so away we went and got
out of it into the bay before it was dark. We rowd for the ship as
fast as we could but nigh[t] overtook us before we could get
w[i]th[i]n some miles of it. It blew fresh with showers of rain, in
this situation we rowd till near 12 and then gave over and running
under the land came to a grapling and all went to sleep as well as we
could.

1769 November 21.

Before daybreak we set out again. It still blew fresh with mizling
rain and fog so that it was an hour after day before we got a sight
of the ship. However we made shift to get on board by 7 tird enough,
and lucky it was for us that we did, for before 9 it blew a fresh
gale so that our boat could not have rowd ahead so that had we been
out we must have either gone ashore or shelterd ourselves under it.
Before evening however it moderated so that we got under way with the
Ebb tide but did little or nothing.

1769 November 22.

This morn we weighd with the Ebb but breeze was so light that the
Captn went into the boat and dr Solander with him. There were many
Canoes about the ship with which I traded for their clothes, arms
etc. of which I had got few so I stayd on board, they sold cheifly
for paper. In the course of this commerce one young man who was upon
Deck stole a half minute glass which was in the Binnacle and was
catchd attempting to go off with it. The first Lieutenant took it
into his head to flogg him for his crime. He was accordingly seezd
but when they atempted to tie him to the shrowds the Indians on board
made much resistance: I heard it and came upon deck: they then began
to call for their arms which were handed them out of the boats and
one canoe atempted to come up the ships side. Just then Tupia came
upon deck, they ran to him immediately, he assurd them that their
freind would not be killd he would only be whippd, on which they were
well satisfied. He endurd the discipline and as soon as he was let go
an old man who perhaps was his father beat him very soundly and sent
him down into the canoes, into which they all went and dropd astern,
saying that they were afraid to come any more near us. They venturd
however at last but stayd a very short time promising however at
their departure to return with fish which they never performd.

1769 November 23.

Very light breezes: we have got but little as yet by Tideing. In
the morn 2 small canoes came off and promisd to return at night with
fish but did not.

1769 November 24.

Strong breeze off the land so we soon got clear of the bay. Land
in the morn appeard unfruitfull, few or no houses were seen; in the
Evening large sands which extended some way into the countrey in
little hills as I have seen in England. At night we came to an anchor
in a small open bay; our fishing lines were tried and we soon caught
a large number of fish which were calld by the seamen Sea bream, as
many as I beleive the ships company could eat in 2 days.

1769 November 25.

The countrey had a tolerably good appearance. In the morn some
stragling houses and 3 or 4 fortified towns were in sight, near which
was a large quantity of Cultivation; in the Evening 7 large canoes
came off carrying about 200 Indians. Two of them who said they had
heard of us came on board and receivd our presents: this did not
however hinder some of their companions from cheating as usual by
offering to trade and keeping what they had got without sending up
what they had offerd. Our usual punishment was inflicted, small shot,
which made the offender immediately relinqu[i]sh his prize (an old
pair of Black breches) which he threw into the water on seeing a
second musquet presented. His companions however as soon as they
thought themselves out of our reach began an usual to defy us which
made us think it nescessary to shew them what we could do, a conduct
surely most right when it can be done without hurting them: musquets
were fird near them which made them draw a little farther off, a
round shot was then fird over their heads on which they all set off
for the shore most stoutly.

1769 November 26.

Two small canoes came off early in the morn and told us that they
had heard of yesterdays adventure, they came on board and traded
queitly for whatever they had: soon after two larger ones came from a
distance, they calld the others to them and then All came up together
to the ship. The strangers were numerous and appeard rich: their
Canoes were well carvd and ornamented and they had with them many
weapons of patoo patoos of stone and whales bones which they value
much; they had also ribbs of whales of which we had often seen
imitations in wood carvd and ornamented with tufts of Dogs hair. The
people themselves were browner than to the Southward as indeed they
have been ever since we came to Opoorage, and they had a much larger
quantity of Amoco or black stains upon their bodys and faces; almost
universaly they had a broad spiral on each buttock and many had their
thighs almost intirely black, small lines only being left untouchd so
that they lookd like stripd breeches. In this particular, I mean
Amoco, almost every different tribe seem to vary their customs: we
have some days seen Canoes where every man has been almost coverd
with it, and at the same time others where scarce a man has had a
spot except his lipps black'd, which seems to be always Essential.
These people would not part with any of their arms etc. for any price
we could offer; at last however one producd an axe of Talk and offerd
it for Cloth, it was given and the Canoe immediately put off with it.
A musquet ball was fird over their heads on which they immediately
came back and returnd the cloth but soon after put off and went
ashore.

In the afternoon other Canoes came off and from some inattention
of the officers were sufferd to cheat unpunishd and unfrightned. This
put one of the Midshipmen who had sufferd upon a droll tho rather
mischeivous revenge. He got a fishing line and when the Canoe was
close to the ship hove the lead at the man who had cheated, with so
good success that he fastned the hook into his backside, on which he
pulld with all his might and the Indian kept back, so the hook soon
broke in the shank leaving its beard in his backside, no very
agreable legacy.

1769 November 27.

Light breeze. Several canoes came off and traded for fish but were
most abominably saucy, continualy threatning us, at last they began
to heave stone[s] with more courage than any boats we had seen. This
made it nescessary to punish them: the Captn went upon the Poop where
they immediately threw at him, he leveld a gun loaded with small shot
at the man who held a stone in his hand in the very action of
throwing and struck him. He sunk down so immediately into the Canoe
that we suspected he was materialy hurt; this however did not prevent
another Canoe from coming up with stones in their hands who met
another load of small shot at about 50 yards distant which struck
several of them and at once stopd their speed. The two canoes which
had been fird at went immediately for the shore, the others dropd
astern and we left them behind. The land appeard rocky and full of
Islands, the Continent behind them rose in a gradual slope and seemd
fertile; some cultivation was in sight. In the even foul wind.

1769 November 28.

Foul wind continued and this morn the ship was 2 leagues at least
to leward of yesterday. The Continent rose in gentle hills but did
not appear so fertile when near it as it did at a distance; several
large heppas were in sight one the largest we have seen, to
appearance far inland.

1769 November 29.

Wind as foul as ever and the ship moved more to leward, so we
res[o]lvd to bear away for a bay which we had Passd. We did so and by
10 came to an anchor in a most spatious and well shelterd harbour or
rather collection of harbours almost innumerable formd by
Islands.

Canoes crowded upon us from all quarters so that we soon had 37
large and small about us; the people in them traded very fairly for
what they had and shewd much fear of us, especialy if they saw any
thing like a gun which they were well acquainted with. They became
however soon a little more bold and while we were at dinner one of
them went to the Buoy which they atempted to tow away: a musquet was
fird over them without effect [and?] small shot at them but they were
too far off for that to take effect. A ball was then fird at them
which was thought to strike one of them as they immediately threw out
the Buoy which by this time they had got into their Canoe; a round
shot was then fird over them which struck the water and then went
ashore; 2 or 3 canoes landed immediately and the men ran about on the
beach as if in search of it. After this we calld to them and in a
little time they all returnd to the ship.

By this time she was properly moor'd and the Boats out, so we set
out for the shore. At our parting from the ship not a canoe stirrd
which we Judgd a good sign, but no sooner had we set a foot on the
shore about ¾ of a mile from the ship but every Canoe put off
in a moment and pulld towards us. We were in a sandy cove behind the
two heads of which the most of them landed, one or 2 only in sight;
out of these they came running with every man his arms, others
appeard on the tops of the hills and numbers from behind each head of
the Cove so that we were in a moment surrounded by (the gentlemen in
the ship say) 5 or 600 men tho we I beleive never saw more than 200
of them. We now every man expected to be attackd but did not chuse to
begin hostilities so the Captn and myself marchd up to meet them.
They crouded a good deal but did not offer to meddle with us, tho
every man had his arms almost lifted up to strike. We brought them
towards the party and made a line signing to them that they were not
to pass it: they did not at first but by this time a party from the
other side had come up and mixd with our people. They now began to
sing their war song but committed no hostility till 3 steppd to each
of our boats and attempted to draw them ashore. It was now time to
fire, we whose Guns were loaded with small shot did so which drove
them back. One man attempted to Rally them; he who was not 20 yards
from us came down towards us waving his Patoo patoo and calling to
his companions; Dr Solander whose gun was not dischargd fird at him
on which he too ran. They now got upon rising ground about us from
whence we dislogd them by firing musquet balls, none of which took
effect farther than frightning them. In this way we were about
¼ of an hour, resolving to maintain our ground, when the ship
had brought her broadside to bear and fird at the Indians who were on
the topps of the hills. The balls went quite over them
notwithstanding which they went off and at last left us our cove
quite to ourselves, so that the musquets were laid down upon the
ground and all hands employd in gathering Cellery which was here very
plentifull. An Old Indian now appeard who had been on board in the
morn with two more, they came immediately to us and provd to be his
wife and brother. He said that another brother of his was struck with
the small shot and askd whether he would dye: we told him no and gave
him a musquet ball with some small shot telling him that it was the
latter with which he was struck, but that if they again attackd us we
would shoot them with the former which would infallibly kill
them.

After this we went into the boats and rowd to another Cove in the
same Island near which was a high hill from whence we might have a
good view of the bay. We climbd up it and from thence saw that the
bay we were in was indeed a most surprizing place: it was full of an
innumerable quantity of Islands forming as many harbours, which must
be as smooth as mill pools as they Landlock one another numberless
times. Every where round us we could see large Indian towns, houses
and cultivations: we had certainly seen no place near so populous as
this one was very near us, from whence several Indians came to us
taking however great pains to shew us that they were unarmd. They
acompanied us down to the boat. Night coming on we went onboard
carrying much Celery, the only plant of any use even to us, for of
all the places I have landed in this was the only one which did not
produce one new vegetable.

1769 November 30.

Several canoes came off to the ship very Early but sold little or
nothing, indeed no merchandice that we can shew them seems to take
with them. Our Island cloth which usd to be so much esteemd has now
intirely lost its value: they have for some days told us that they
have of it ashore and shewd us small peices in their Ears which they
said was of their own manufacture, this at once accounts for their
having been once so fond of it and now setting so little value upon
it. Towards noon however they sold a little dryd fish for paper
cheifly or very white Island Cloth. Among other things they told us
that the man who was shot at with small shot on the [2] 7th was dead,
3 shot they said struck his Eye and I suppose found there an easy
passage to his brain.

In the Even we went ashore upon the Continent: the people receivd
us very civily and as tame as we could wish. One general observation
I here set down, that they Always after one nights consideration have
acknowledgd our superiority but hardly before: I have often seen a
man whose next neighbour was wounded or killd by our shot not give
himself the trouble to enquire how or by what means he was hurt, so
that at the time of their attacks they I beleive work themselves up
into a kind of artificial Courage which does not allow them time to
think much.

DECEMBER 1769

1769 December 1.

Several Canoes were on board by Day break and sold some things
cheifly for Indian Cloth and quart bottles. The day misty and stewy:
the boats were on shore on the Island which we searchd on the 29th
with so little success that we did not think it worth while to go
ashore.

It is now a long time since I have mentiond their custom of Eating
human flesh, as I was loth a long time to beleive that any human
beings could have among them so brutal a custom. I am now however
convincd and shall here give a short account of what we have heard
from the Indians concerning it. At Taoneroa the first place we landed
in on the Continent the boys who we had on board mentiond it of their
own accords, asking whether the meat they eat was not human flesh, as
they had no Idea of any animal but a man so large till they saw our
sheep: they however seemd ashamd of the custom, saying that the tribe
to which they belongd did not use it but that another very near did.
Since that we have never faild wherever we went ashore and often when
we convers'd with canoes to ask the question; we have without one
exception been answerd in the affirmative, and several times as at
Tolaga and today the people have put themselves into a heat by
defending the Custom, which Tubia who had never before heard of such
a thing takes every Occasion to speak ill of, exhorting them often to
leave it off. They however as universaly agree that they eat none but
the bodies of those of their enemies who are killd in war, all others
are buried.

1769 December 2.

Boats went ashore on the Island again. I do not know what tempted
Dr Solander and myself to go there where we almost knew nothing was
to be got but wet skins, which we had very sufficiently for it raind
all the time we were ashore as hard as I ever saw it.

1769 December 3.

Many Canoes were on board in the morn, one very large which
carried 82 people. After breakfast Dr Solander and myself went ashore
on the Continent; we found few plants and saw but few people but they
were most perfectly civil; we went by their invitation to their
little town which was situated in the bottom of a cove without the
least defence. One of the old men here shewd us the instruments with
which they stain their bodies which was exactly like those usd at
Otahite. We saw also here the man who was shot at on the 29th in
atempting to steal the Buoy; the ball had gone through the fleshy
part of his arm and grazd his breast; the wound was open to the air
without the smallest application upon it yet it had as good an
appearance and seemd to give him as little pain as if he had had the
best dressings to it. We gave him a musquet ball and with a little
talking to he seemd very fully sensible of the escape he had had.

In the Even we went ashore on another Island where were many more
people than we had seen in the morn, who livd in the same peacable
stile and had very large plantations of sweet potatoes, yamms etc.
all about their village. They receivd us much as our freinds in the
morning had done and like them shewd much satisfaction at the little
presents of necklaces etc. which were given to them.

1769 December 4.

Our Old man came on board and brought with him his brother who had
been shot with small shot on the 29th; it had slanted along his thigh
which I suppose had not less than 100 shotts in it. This wound was
likewise without any application and seemd to give him little or no
pain but was crusted over with a hard crust, natures plaister, equal
maybe when she chuses to apply it to any that art has contrivd.

After breakfast we went ashore at a large Indian fort or heppah; a
great number of people immediately crouded about us and sold almost a
boat load of fish in a very short time. They then went and shewd us
their plantations which were very large of Yamms, Cocos, and sweet
potatoes; and after having a little laught at our seine, which was a
common kings seine, shewd us one of theirs which was 5 fathom deep
and its lengh we could only guess, as it was not stretchd out, but it
could not from its bulk be less than 4 or 500 fathom. Fishing seems
to be the cheif business of this part of the countrey; about all
their towns are abundance of netts laid upon small heaps like hay
cocks and thatchd over and almost every house you go into has netts
in it making.

After this they shewd us a great rarity 6 plants of what they
calld Aouta from whence they made cloth like the Otahite cloth; the
plant provd exactly the same, as the name is the same, as is usd in
the Islands, Morus papyrifera Linn., the same plant as is usd by the
Chinese to make paper. Whether the Climate does not well agree with
it I do not know, but they seemd to value it very much and that it
was very scarce among them I am inclind to beleive, as we have not
yet seen among them peices large enough for any use but sticking into
the holes of their Ears. In the afternoon we went to a very distant
part of the bay, the people here were very few. All but one old man
ran away from us; he accompanied us where ever we went and seemd much
pleasd with the little presents we made him. Near where we landed was
a little fort built upon a small rock, surrounded by the sea at high
water and accessible only by a ladder. We expressd a desire to go
there; he said there was his wife but if we would promise to practice
no indecencies towards her he would accompany us; this we most
readily did and he was as good as his word. The ascent was so
difficult that tho there were stepps and a pole we found it dangerous
enough. When we came up there were in it 3 women who on our first
coming cried, but presents soon put them into better humour. There
were in all only 3 houses, but the situation as I have before
describd was so steep that the inhabitants of them might easily
defend themselves against almost any force that could be brought
against them.

1769 December 5.

A small spirt of fair wind before day break made us heave up the
anchor in a great hurry, but before we were well underway it was as
foul as ever so we were obligd to atempt turning out. Many canoes
came from all parts of the bay which is by far the most populous
place we have been in. In the middle of the day we were becalmd and
caught many fish with hooks. About 10 at night as we were going
through the outer heads on a sudden we wer[e] becalmd so that the
ship would neither wear nor stay: in a moment an eddy tide took hold
of us and hustled us so fast towards the land that before the
Officers resolvd what was best to be done the ship was within a
Cables lengh of the breakers, we had 13 fathom water but the ground
so foul that they dar'd not drop an anchor. The eddy now took another
turn and set her along shore opening another bay but we were too near
the rocks to trust to that: the pinnace was orderd to be hoisted out
in an instant to take the ship in tow, Every man in her was I beleive
sensible of the Danger we were in so no one spard to do his best to
get her out fast. The event however shewd how liable such situations
must be to Confusion: they lowerd down too soon and she stuck upon a
gun: from this she must be thrust by main force, in doing which they
had almost ove[r]set her which would have tumbled out her oars: no
man thought of running in the gun: at last that was done and she was
afloat, her crew was soon in her and she went to her duty. A faint
breeze of wind now sprung up off the land and with that and towing
she to our great Joy got head way again, at a time when she was so
near the shore that Tupia who was not sensible of our danger was
conversing with the Indians ashore, who made themselves very
distinctly heard notwithstanding the roaring of the breakers.

We were all happy in our breeze and fine clear moonlight; myself
went down to bed and sat upon my cott undressing myself when I felt
the ship strike upon a rock, before I could get upon my leggs she
struck again. I ran upon deck but before I could get there the danger
was over; fortunately the rock was to wind ward of us so she went off
without the least damage and we got into the proper channel, where
the officers who had examind the bay declard there to be no hidden
dangers--much to our satisfaction as the almost certainty of being
eat as soon as you come ashore adds not a little to the terrors of
shipwreck.

1769 December 6.

In the morn we were clear of all our dangers and at sea to our no
small satisfaction notwithstanding the wind was as foul as
possible.

1769 December 7.

Wind not much better than yesterday.

1769 December 8.

Very light breeze: we have ran off so far from the land that we
can distinguish nothing upon it. In the evening fair wind.

1769 December 9.

Fair wind tho but little of it. Many Canoes came off who shewd
much fear of us and after some time said that they had heard of our
Guns. Tupia at last persuaded them to come under the stern and after
having bought of them some of their cloths, which they sold very
fairly, began to enquire about the countrey. They told him that at
the distance of three days rowing in their canoes, at a place calld
Moorewhennua, the land would take a short turn to the southward and
from thence extend no more to the West. This place we concluded must
be Cape Maria Van Diemen, and finding these people so intelligent
desird him to enquire if they knew of any Countries besides this or
ever went to any. They said no but that their ancestors had told them
to the NW by N or NNW was a large countrey to which some people had
saild in a very large canoe, which passage took them up a month: from
this expedition a part only returnd who told their countreymen that
they had seen a countrey where the people eat hogs, for which animal
they usd the same name (Booah) as is usd in the Islands. And have you
no hoggs among you? said Tupia.--No.--And did your ancestors bring
none back with them?--No.--You must be a parcel of Liars then, said
he, and your story a great lye for your ancestors would never have
been such fools as to come back without them. Thus much as a specimen
of Indian reasoning. After much conversation our freinds left us but
promisd to return at night and bring with them fish, which they did
and sold it very reasonably.

1769 December 10.

This morn we were near the land which was as barren as it is
possible to conceive: hills within hills and ridges even far inland
were coverd with white sand on which no kind of vegetable was to be
seen, it was conjecturd by some that the wind blow[s] the sand quite
across it. Some Indian forts or Heppah's were seen and from them some
canoes put off but did not overtake us.

1769 December 11.

Wind as heard hearted as ever: we turnd all day without loosing
any thing, much to the credit of our old Collier, who we never fail
to praise if she turns as well as this.

1769 December 12.

Wind etc. as yesterday.

1769 December 13.

Wind as foul as ever and rather overblows so that in this days
turning we lost all we had [gaind?] last week.

1769 December 14.

Blows almost as fresh as it did yesterday but rather more fair; a
heavy swell from the west made us almost conclude that there was no
land to the Northward of us.

1769 December 15.

More moderate but not more fair: we begin to think this Cape our
Ne plus ultra.

1769 December 16.

We stood out to sea yesterday and last night so that we could in
the morn only Just see the land from the mast head: stood in for it
and at night made it plain.

1769 December 17.

This morn we were in with the land which trends a little to the
Southward so we hoped that our troubles are nearly at an end; during
the days turning however we contrivd to lose near a leag[u]e, no
great comfort to us.

1769 December 18.

Still more to leeward this morn and in the even still more. On a
rock pretty near us an Indian fort was seen through our glasses which
we all thought was encircled with a mud wall; if so tis the only one
of the kind we have seen.

1769 December 19.

Stood out to sea last night: tonight were in with the land and
found we had gaind something as we did also the last time we stood
far off, which made the seamen conclude that some small current along
shore must be the reason why we could never get any thing by our
short trips.

1769 December 20.

Some hopes of a fair wind in the morn but they soon left us and it
began to blow hard with violent claps of thunder, on which we again
stood out to sea.

1769 December 21.

Wind not quite so bad as yesterday but a great swell from the West
hinderd the ship much.

1769 December 22.

Swell as yesterday but the wind has come more to the Southward so
that we cannot come in with the land at all.

1769 December 23.

Little wind more favourable than yesterday so that at night the
land was seen from the Mast head.

1769 December 24.

Land in sight, an Island or rather several small ones most
probably 3 Kings, so that it was conjecturd that we had Passd the
Cape which had so long troubled us. Calm most of the Day: myself in a
boat shooting in which I had good success, killing cheifly several
Gannets or Solan Geese so like Europaean ones that they are hardly
distinguishable from them. As it was the humour of the ship to keep
Christmas in the old fashiond way it was resolvd of them to make a
Goose pye for tomorrows dinner.

1769 December 25.

Christmas day: Our Goose pye was eat with great approbation and in
the Evening all hands were as Drunk as our forefathers usd to be upon
the like occasion.

1769 December 26.

This morn all heads achd with yesterdays debauch. Wind has been
Easterly these 3 or 4 days so we have not got at all nearer the
Island than we were.

1769 December 27.

Blows very hard a[t] SE so that we were again drove off the Land,
not much displeasd as we all rejoicd much that it was not an on shore
wind.

1769 December 28.

Wind now SW right on shore but thank god we have so good an offing
that we are in not the least danger. All our sea people said that
they never before were in so hard a summers Gale.

1769 December 29.

Wind more moderate but still blows prodigiously fresh with a
monstrous sea. No such summer Gales as this to the Norward sayd our
Captn.

1769 December 30.

Blew very fresh still tho the heart of the Gale seemd to be broke:
we have been driven much to the Northward so that today we once more
passd in sight of Cape Maria and the 3 Kings.

1769 December 31.

Wind as yesterday, sea something abated: stood in for the Land
which we had not now seen for some time: dared not venture very near
as the wind was right on shore, it appeard very sandy and barren.

January 1770

1770 January 1.

The new year began with more moderate weather than the old one
ended with, but wind as foul as ever. We venturd to go a little
nearer the land which appeard on this side the cape much as it had
done on the other, almost intirely occupied by vast sands: our
Surveyors suppose the Cape shapd like a shoulder of mutton with the
Knuckle placd inwards, where they say the land cannot be above 2 or 3
miles over and that here most probably in high winds the sea washes
quite over the sands which in that place are low.

1770 January 2.

Weather not yet setled: in the morn we stood S and soon lost sight
of the land which we saw no more all day.

1770 January 3.

Stood in for the land with weather more moderate than it has been
for some days past: it appeard high but the sides of the hills often
interspersd with long tracts of sand even high up, their bottoms were
every where coverd with it. Many Albatrosses were about the ship
today swimming upon the water in small companies 10 or 20
together.

1770 January 4.

Stood rather nearer the land than yesterday but not near enough to
see whether or not it was inhabited: indeed we were obligd to hawl
off rather in a hurry for the wind freshning a little we found
ourselves in a bay which it was a moot point whether or not we could
get out of: indeed I beleive most people thought that we should not
till a lucky change in the wind at once allowd us to weather every
thing, to our no small Joy who had so lately been in so severe and
long a Gale of wind blowing right upon the shore which we had now
just weatherd.

1770 January 5.

Blew fresh and we stood out all day maybe rather too sensible of
the danger we had escapd yesterday.

1770 January 6.

Calm today: myself in the Boat shot Procellaria longipes, velox
and Diomedaea exulans (the Albatross). I had an opportunity to see
this last setting upon the water and as it is commonly said by seamen
that they cannot in a calm rise upon the wing I tryd the experiment.
There were two of them, one I shot dead, the other who was near him
swam off near as fast as my small boat could row; we gave chase and
came up a little; he attempted to fly by taking the moment of a waves
falling but did not succeed. I who was so far off that I knew I could
not hurt him fird at him to make his attempts more vigourous, which
had the effect for the third effort he got upon the wing, tho I
beleive had it not been for a little swell upon the water he could
not have done it.

1770 January 7.

Calm again: Myself shooting killd Procellaria longipes and
melanopus and saw a turtle Just before sunset who being awake divd
immediately. What wind there was was fair tho scarce a breath of it,
yet even that made us hope for better times.

1770 January 8.

Our fair wind continued but still so little of it that was there
any plenty of Birds or hopes of new ones I could outrow the ship in
much. More Land just in sight.

1770 January 9.

Much as yesterday, Land in sight but so faintly seen that a
Landsman would scarce distinguish it from Clouds.

1770 January 10.

In the morn a breeze of fair wind put us all into high spirits.
The countrey we passd by appeard fertile, more so I think than any
part of this countrey I have seen, rising in gentle slopes not over
wooded but what trees there were well grown. Few signs of inhabitants
were seen, a fire and a very few houses. About noon we passd between
the main and a small Island or rock which seemd almost totaly coverd
with birds probably Gannets; towards evening a very high hill was in
sight but very distant.

1770 January 11.

Calm this morn, some fish were caught: in the even foul wind. Our
high hill has been sometimes seen and sometimes wrapped up in clouds,
some of our people think it is as high as the Pike of Teneriffe; tho
I cannot be of half that opinion yet it is certainly in appearance
very like it.

1770 January 12.

This morn we were abreast of the great hill but it was wrappd up
in clouds and remaind so the whole day; it is probably very high as a
part of its side which was for a moment seen was coverd with snow.
The countrey beyond it appeard very pleasant and fertile, the sides
of the hills sloping gradualy; with our glasses we could distinguish
many white lumps in companies of 50 or 60 together which probably
were either stones or tufts of grass but bore much the resemblance of
flocks of sheep. At night a small fire which burnd about ½ an
hour made us sure that there were inhabitants of whoom we had seen no
signs since the 10th.

1770 January 13.

This morn soon after day break we had a momentary view of our
great hill the top of which was thick coverd with snow, tho this
month answers to July in England. How high it may be I do not take
upon me to judge, but it is certainly the noblest hill I have ever
seen and it appears to the utmost advantage rising from the sea
without another hill in its neighbourhood one 4th part of its hight.
At sun set the top appeard again for a few minutes but the whole day
it was coverd with clouds.

1770 January 14.

In a large bay calld in the Draughts Murderers bay. We stood
across it all day: at night had the appearance of a harbour just
ahead of us on the shore of which the natives made a fire: resolvd to
stand off and on all night and in the morn go in.

1770 January 15.

In the course of the last night we were drove to the Eastward more
than we had any reason to expect, so much that we found ourselves in
the morn past the harbour we intended to go into. Another however was
in sight into which we went: the land on both sides appeard most
miserably barren till we got pretty deep in when it began to mend by
gradual degrees. Here we saw some canoes who instead of coming
towards us went to an Indian town or fort built upon an Island nearly
in the middle of the passage, which appeard crowded with people as if
they had flockd to it from all parts; as the ship aproachd it they
wavd to us as if to invite us to come to them but the moment we had
passd by they set up a loud shout and every man brandishd his weapons
which none of them were without. The countrey about us was now very
fertile to appearance and well wooded so we came to an anchor about
long cannon shot from the fort, from whence 4 Canoes were immediately
dispatchd to reconoitre I suppose and in case they were able to take
us, as they were all well armd. The men in these boats were dressd
much as they are represented in Tasmans figure, that is 2 corners of
the cloth they wore were passd over their shoulders and fastned to
the rest of it just below their breast, but few or none had feathers
in their hair. They rowd round and round the ship defying and
threatning us as usual and at last hove some stones aboard which we
all expected to be a prelude of some behaviour which would oblige us
to fire upon them; but just at this time a very old man in one of the
boats express'd a desire of coming on board, which we immediately
encouraged, and threw a rope into his canoe by which she was
immediately hawld up along side and the old man (contrary to the
opinion of all the other Indians who went so far as to hold him fast
for some time) came on board, where he was receivd in as freindly a
manner as we possibly could and had many presents given to him, with
which he returnd to the canoes who immediately joind in a war dance--
whether to shew their freindship or enmity it is impossible to say,
we have so often seen them do it upon both those occasions. After
this they retird to their town and we went ashore abreast of the ship
where we found good wood and water and caught more fish in the Seine
than all our people could possibly destroy, besides shooting a
multitude of Shaggs. The countrey however did not answer so well to
Dr Solander and myself as to the ship, we finding only 2 new plants
in the whole even.

1770 January 16.

At day break this morn 3 Canoes and about 100 Indians came to the
ship bringing their women with them, a sign tho not a sure one of
peacable inclinations. Soon after our longboat put off from the ship
with Cask in her, they atempted to follow her on which a musquet
loaded with small shot was fird at them which made them immediately
return, tho as they were full 100 yards from the ship it is
improbable that blood was drawn from any of them. They had in their
canoes some fish which they offerd to sell and we to buy, so a man in
a small boat was dispatchd among them to trade; he bought several
bundles which they sold very fairly when one Indian seeing his
opportunity snatchd at the trade which he had in his hand, but
missing immediately put himself in a posture of defence flourishing
his patoo-patoo as if he meant to strike. A musquet load of small
shot was fird at him a few of which struck his knee, the rest missd
him, on which they all left of to trade but paddled peaceably enough
round the ship and at last came under the stern to Tupia and
discoursd with him about their antiquity and Legends of their
ancestors.

The women in these canoes and some of the men had a peice of Dress
which we had not before seen--a bunch of black feathers made round
and tied upon the top of their heads which it intirely coverd, making
them look twice as large as they realy were. On seeing this my
Judgement paid an involuntary compliment to my fair English countrey
women; for led astray by this head dress which in some measure
resembles their high foretops I was forward to declare it as my
opinion that these were much the hansomest women we had seen upon the
coast, but upon their nearer aproach I was convincd that nothing but
the head dress had misled me as I saw not one who was even tolerably
hansome.

After dinner we went in the boat towards a cove about a mile from
the ship. As we rowd along something was seen floating upon the water
which we took to be a dead seal; we rowd up to it and it provd to our
great surprize to be the body of a Woman who seemd to have been dead
some time. We left it and proceeded to our cove where we found a
small family of Indians who were a little afraid of us as they all
ran away but one; they soon however returnd except an old man and a
child who staid in the woods but not out of sight of us; of these
people we inquird about the body we had seen. They told Tupia that
the woman was a relation of theirs and that instead of Burying their
dead their custom was to tie a stone to them and throw them into the
sea, which stone they supposd to have been unloosd by some
accident.

The family were employd when we came ashore in dressing their
provisions, which were a dog who was at that time buried in their
oven and near it were many provision baskets. Looking carelessly upon
one of these we by accident observd 2 bones, pretty clean pickd,
which as apeard upon examination were undoubtedly human bones. Tho we
had from the first of our arrival upon the coast constantly heard the
Indians acknowledge the custom of eating their enemies we had never
before had a proof of it, but this amounted almost to demonstration:
the bones were clearly human, upon them were evident marks of their
having been dressd on the fire, the meat was not intirely pickd off
from them and on the grisly ends which were gnawd were evident marks
of teeth, and these were accidentaly found in a provision basket. On
asking the people what bones are these? they answerd, The bones of a
man.--And have you eat the flesh?--Yes.--Have you none of it
left?--No.--Why did not you eat the woman who we saw today in the
water?--She was our relation.--Who then is it that you do eat?--Those
who are killd in war.--And who was the man whose bones these are?--5
days ago a boat of our enemies came into this bay and of them we
killd 7, of whoom the owner of these bones was one.--The horrour that
apeard in the countenances of the seamen on hearing this discourse
which was immediately translated for the good of the company is
better conceivd than describd. For ourselves and myself in particular
we were before too well convincd of the existence of such a custom to
be surprizd, tho we were pleasd at having so strong a proof of a
custom which human nature holds in too great abhorrence to give easy
credit to.

1770 January 17.

This morn I was awakd by the singing of the birds ashore from
whence we are distant not a quarter of a mile, the numbers of them
were certainly very great who seemd to strain their throats with
emulation perhaps; their voices were certainly the most melodious
wild musick I have ever heard, almost imitating small bells but with
the most tuneable silver sound imaginable to which maybe the distance
was no small addition. On enquiring of our people I was told that
they had observd them ever since we have been here, and that they
begin to sing at about 1 or 2 in the morn and continue till sunrise,
after which they are silent all day like our nightingales.

A small canoe came this morn from the Indian town: as soon as they
came along side Tupia began to enquire into the truth of what we had
heard yesterday and was told over again the same story. But where are
the sculls, sayd Tupia, do you eat them? Bring them and we shall then
be convinced that these are men whose bones we have seen.--We do not
eat the heads, answerd the old man who had first come on board the
ship, but we do the brains and tomorrow I will bring one and shew
you.--Much of this kind of conversation passd after which the old man
went home.

1770 January 18.

Among other things that the Indians told us yesterday one was that
they expected their enimies to come and revenge the death of the 7
men, and some of our people thought they said that they had
intelligence that they were to come as today; which made us observe
the Indians town where we thought the people more quiet than usual
and seemingly not atending their usual occupations of fishing etc.
and no one canoe atempted to come near the ship. After breakfast we
went in the pinnace to explore some parts of the bay which we had not
seen, as it was immensely large or rather consisted of numberless
small Harbours, coves etc.; we found the countrey on our side of the
Bay very well wooded every where but on the opposite side very bare.
In turning a point today we saw a man in a small canoe fishing who to
our surprize shewd not the least fear of us. We went to him and quite
alongside his Canoe, he all the while following his occupation. On
our desiring him he took up his netts and shewd us his machine, which
was a circular net about 7 or 8 feet in diameter extended by 2 hoops;
the top of this was open and to the bottom was tied sea Ears etc. as
bait; this he let down upon the ground and when he thought that fish
enough were asembled over it he lifted it up by very gentle and even
motion, so that the fish were hardly sensible of being lifted till
they were almost out of the water. By this simple method he had
caught abundance of fish and I beleive it is the general way of
Fishing all over this coast, as many such netts have been seen at
almost every place we have been in. In this bay indeed fish were so
plenty that it is hardly possible not to catch abundance whatever way
is made use of.

In the course of this days excursion we shot many shaggs from
their nests in the trees and on the rocks. These birds we roast or
stew and think not bad provisions, so between shaggs and fish this is
the place of the greatest plenty of any we have seen.

1770 January 19.

Indians came this morn from another part of the bay where they
said was a town which we had not seen: they brought plenty of fish
which they sold for nails of which they hade by this time learnt the
value.

1770 January 20.

Our old man came this morn according to his promise, with the
heads of 4 people which were preservd with the flesh and hair on and
kept I suppose as trophies, as posibly scalps were by the North
Americans before the Europaeans came among them; the brains were
however taken out as we had been told, maybe they are a delicacy
here. The flesh and skin upon these heads were soft but they were
somehow preservd so as not to stink at all.

We made another excursion today. The bay every where where we have
yet been is very hilly, we have hardly seen a flat large enough for a
potatoe garden. Our freinds here do not seem to feel the want of such
places as we have not yet seen the least apearance of cultivation, I
suppose they live intirely upon fish dogs and Enemies.

1770 January 21.

Dr Solander and myself were fishing today with hook and line and
caught an immence number of fish every where upon the rocks in 4 or 5
fathom water. We have indeed immence plenty, the Seine is hawld every
night and seldom fails to furnish us with as much fish as we can
possibly destroy.

1770 January 22.

Made an excursion today in the pinnace in order to see more of the
Bay. While Dr Solander and Myself were botanizing the captn went to
the top of a hill and in about an hour returnd in high spirits,
having seen the Eastern sea and satisfied himself of the existence of
a streight communicating with it, the Idea of which had Occurd to us
all from Tasmans as well as our own observations.

1770 January 23.

Disagreable day squally with rain so we all staid at home. Mr
Monkhouse told me today that the day before yesterday he was ashore
in a place where were many Indian houses deserted: here he saw
several things tied up to the branches of trees, particularly hair of
a man which he brought away with him, enough to have made a sizeable
wig. This inducd him to think the place he had seen was a place
consecrated to religious purposes. Possibly it was as they certainly
have such places among them tho I have not yet been lucky enough to
meet with them.

1770 January 24.

Went today to the Heppah or Town to see our freinds the Indians,
who receivd us with much confidence and civility and shewd us every
part of their habitations which were neat enough. The town was
situated upon a small Island or rock divided from the main by a
breach in a rock so small that a man might almost Jump over it; the
sides were every where so steep as to render fortifications even in
their way almost totaly useless, accordingly there was nothing but a
slight Palisade and one small fighting stage at one end where the
rock was most accessible. The people brought us several Bones of men
the flesh of which they had eat, which are now become a kind of
article of trade among our people who constantly ask for and purchase
them for whatever trifles they have. In one part we observd a kind of
wooden Cross ornamented with feathers made exactly in the form of a
Crucifix cross. This engagd our attention and we were told that it
was a monument for a dead man, maybe a Cenotaph as the body was not
there: thus much they told us but would not let us know where it was.
All the while we were among the Indians they kept still talking
something about gunns and shooting people which we could not at all
understand. They did it however so much that it engagd us all so much
that we talkd about it in our return, but the more we thought the
more dark was the subject till we came on board, when on mentioning
[it] I was told that on the 21st one of our officers who went out on
pretence of fishing came to the heppah intending at a distance to
look at the people: but 2 or 3 canoes coming off towards his boat he
imagind that they meant to attack him and in consequence thereof fird
3 musquets, one with shot and 2 with ball, at them on which they very
precipitately retird, as well they might who probably came out with
freindly intentions (so at least their behaviour both before and
since seems to shew) and little expected so rough usage from people
who had always acted in a freindly manner to them, and whoom they
were not at all conscious of having offended.

1770 January 25.

Dr Solander and myself (who have now nearly exhausted all the
Plants in our neighbourhood) went today to search for Mosses and
small things, in which we had great success gathering several very
remarkable ones. In the evening we went out in the Pinnace and fell
in with a large family of Indians, who have now begun to disperse
themselves as I beleive is their custom into the different creeks and
coves where fish is most plenty, a few only remaining in the Heppah
or town to which they all fly in times of danger. These people came a
good way to meet us at a place where we were shooting shags and
invited us to the place where the rest of them were, 20 or 30 in
number, men, women, children, Dogs etc. We went and were receivd with
all possible demonstrations of freindship, if the numberless huggs
and kisses we got from both sexes old and young in return for our
ribbands and beads may be accounted such: they also sold and gave us
a good many fish with which we went home well pleasd with our new
acquaintance.

1770 January 26.

Went today to take an other view of our new streights the
Westermost end of which the Captn was not quite sure of; we found
however a hill in a tolerably convenient situation upon which we got
and saw the Streight quite open and 4 or 5 leagues wide. We then
erected a small monument of stone such a[s] 5 stout men could do in
half an hour and laid in it musquet balls beads shot etc. that if
perchance any Europeans should find and pull it down they will be
sure it is not Indian workmanship. This done we returnd to our
dinners of Shags and fish which we had shot and caught in coming and
were dressd by the boats crew. In the place we had apointed to dine
in was a family of Indians who as usual behavd with much freindship
and civility to us, shewing us water etc. from whence we went to the
town from whence Indians came on the 19th which was in this arm of
the bay. Here we were receivd as usual, every body seemd glad to see
us and conducted us through the whole works. The town was much like
the other, situated upon an Island or rock so steep in all parts that
it was almost in danger of our necks that we climbd up to it; like
the other it had also only one fighting stage; it containd maybe from
80 to 100 houses about as many as the other. Just as we were going
away our freinds took so great a fancey to our merchandise that they
filld our boat full of Dryd fish for which they took nails, ribbands,
Paper etc.

1770 January 27.

Indians came aboard in the morn and traded a little, afterwards
the Dr and myself went ashore but could find no plants at all. We
have I beleive got all that are in our neighbourhood, tho the immense
thickness of the woods which are almost renderd impassable by
climbing plants intangling every way has not a little retarded
us.

1770 January 28.

This morn at day break it Raind very hard but not enough to
disturb the concert of our little musical [neighbours] which we every
morning attend to with the greatest pleasure, they sung their time
till the sun disturbd them as usual; the rain however continued the
whole day.

1770 January 29.

This morn Our Old Man (Topaa by name, he that came first on board
the ship) came with 3 more Indians in a canoe and unfolded the story
of the 19th, saying that 2 Indians were struck with the balls one of
whoom was dead, this causd a good deal of conversation in the ship
and totaly unfolded the whole affair which had till now been kept a
secret from most people. After breakfast the Captn and Dr Solander
went out in the Pinnace, myself went ashore to air plants etc. etc.
In the even when we all returnd Tupia who had been with some of our
people and seen the Indians Told us that what we heard in the morn
was absolutely false, that so far from dead nobody was even hurt by
the shot. Our Freind Topaa is he says given too much to Lying.

1770 January 30.

Bad weather today rainy: myself out gathering Shells in which I
had some success.

1770 January 31.

Day but indifferent so of course but little could be done. Dr
Solander and myself fishd a little in the Evening and had good
sport.

February 1770

1770 February 1.

Raind this morn very hard, as hard I think as it possibly could;
our poor little wild musicians were totaly disturbd by it. In the
Even it came on to blow very hard, so much so that the ship drove and
for the first time in the Voyage we had 3 anchors down.

1770 February 2.

Still rainy so little could be done today, indeed little remaind
to be done.

1770 February 3.

Fine weather: the ship began to prepare for sailing so the Dr and
myself employd ourselves in getting together our last specimens of
seeds, shells etc. I stayd at the watering place, he went with the
Captn to the farther Heppah who wanted to buy Dry fish for sea stock,
and did buy so much that at last the Old men fairly told him that he
must go away or he would leave them without provisions, which they
enforcd by some threats; matters were however so well conducted that
they parted peacably.

One of our gentlemen came home to day abusing the natives most
heartily whoom he said he had found to be given to the detestable
Vice of Sodomy. He, he said, had been with a family of Indians and
paid a price for leave to make his adresses to any one young woman
they should pitch upon for him; one was chose as he thought who
willingly retird with him but on examination provd to be a boy; that
on his returning and complaining of this another was sent who turnd
out to be a boy likewise; that on his second complaint he could get
no redress but was laught at by the Indians. Far be it from me to
attempt saying that that Vice is not practisd here, this however I
must say that in my humble opinion this story proves no more than
that our gentleman was fairly trickd out of his cloth, which none of
the young ladies chose to accept of on his terms, and the master of
the family did not chuse to part with.

1770 February 4.

Prevented from sailing by our hay which had been so thoroughly
soked by the late rains that it was too wet to put on board. Some
conversation passd today concerning a report we heard yesterday. Two
of our boats went out different ways and returnd at different times;
the people of one said that they had met a double canoe who told them
that they had a few days ago lost a female child who they suspected
had been stole and eat by some of their neighbours; the other said
that they had also met a double canoe whose people told them that
they had yesterday eat a child, some of whose bones they sold them.
From hence many of our gentlemen were led to conclude that thefts of
this kind are frequent among these Indians. This story in my opinion
throws very little light upon the subject as I am inclind to beleive
that our two boats who went out at very different times in the morn
both in the same direction, one only farther than the other, saw one
and the same canoe and only differently interpreted the conversation
of the people, as they know only a few words of the language, and
eating people is now always the uppermost Idea in their heads. This
however I must say, that when such families have come off to the ship
even with an intention to fight with us they have very often brought
Women and young children in arms as if they were afraid to leave them
behind.

1770 February 5.

Ship employd in Warping herself into a better berth for sailing,
When after the anchor was carried out a fortunate eddy wind blew her
into it. Our Old Man Topaa was on board, of whoom Tupia askd many
questions concerning the Land etc. His answers were nearly as
follows: 'that the streights which we had seen from the hills were
realy a passage into the Eastern sea; that the Land to the South
consisted of 2 Islands or several which might be saild round in 3 or
4 days in their canoes; that he knew of no other great land than that
we had been upon, Aehia no Mauwe, of which Terawhitte was the
southern part; that he beleivd his ancestors were not born there but
came originaly from Heawye (the place from whence Tupia and the
Islanders also derive their origin) which lay to the Northward where
were many lands; that neither himself his father or his grandfather
ever heard of ships as large as this being here before, but that
[they] have a tradition of 2 large vessels, much larger than theirs,
which some time or other came here and were totaly destroyd by the
inhabitants and all the people belonging to them killd'. This Tupia
says is a very old tradition, much older than his great grandfather,
and relates to two large canoes which came from Olimaroa, one of the
Islands he has mentiond to us. Whether he is right, or whether this
is a tradition of Tasmans ships whose size in comparison to their own
they could not from relation conceive a sufficient Idea of, and whoom
their Warlike ancestors had told them they had destroyd, is dificult
to say. Tupia all along warnd us not to beleive too much any thing
these people told us; For says he they are given to lying, they told
you that one of their people was killd by a musquet and buried Which
was absolutely false.

Myself and the Dr went ashore today to wind up our bottoms and
fell in by accident with the most agreable Indian family we had seen
upon the coast, indeed the only one in which we have observd any
order or subordination. It consisted of 17 people; the head of it was
a pretty child of about 10 years old who they told us was the owner
of the land about where we wooded, the only instance of property we
have met with among these people. He and his mother (who mournd for
her husband tears of blood according to their custom) sat upon matts,
the rest sat round them; houses they had none, nor did they attempt
to make for themselves any shelter against the inclemencies of the
weather which I suppose they by custom very easily endure. Their
whole behaviour was so affable, obliging and unsuspicious that I
should certainly have accepted their invitation of staying the night
with them had not the ship been to sail in the morn. Most unlucky I
shall always esteem it that we did not sooner get acquainted with
these people, from whoom we might have learnt more in a day of their
manners and dispositions than from all that we have yet seen.

1770 February 6.

Foul wind continued but we contrivd to turn out and get into the
streights, which are to be calld Cooks streights. Here we were
becalmd and almost imperceptibly drawn by the tide near the land. The
lead was dropd and gave 70 fathom; soon after saw an apearance like
breakers towards which we drove fast. It was now sunset and night
came on apace. The ship drove into this which provd to be a strong
tide which set her directly upon a rock to which she aproachd very
near, when the anchor was dropd which brought her up about a Cables
lengh from it; now we were sensible of the force of the tide which
roard like a mill stream and ran at 4 knotts at least when it came in
its strongest pushes, for it varied much. It ran in this manner till
12 O'Clock, when with the slack water we got up the anchor with great
dificulty which lay in 70 fathom, and a light breeze from the
Northward cleard very soon from our dangers.

1770 February 7.

Sensible again of the Violence of the tides here which past us in
great ripples, even in the middle of the streights, tho they were
judgd to be 5 leagues over in the narrowest part. A large hill was
seen with much snow upon it on the SW side: at noon we were almost
abreast of it and clear of the streights, it provd to be so far
inland that we could hardly trace its outline so probably it is very
high indeed. The land between us and it was flat for a large extent
but seemd barren and swampy Land, after this barren and sandy and
rounded away fast to the Southward; a small smoak upon it in the Even
was the only sign of inhabitants that we saw.

1770 February 8.

As some of the officers declard last night that they though[t] it
probable that the land we have been round might communicate by an
Isthmus situate somewhere between where we now are and Cape Turnagain
(tho the Whole distance is estimated at no more than 90 miles) the
captn resolv'd to stand to the Northward till he should see that
cape, which was accordingly done in the morning the wind being fair
tho but a light breeze. As soon as we were in with the land it
appeard more fertile than any we had seen for some time, and the
flatts larger, but the weather was so hazey that we could not make
use of our glasses. About this time 3 Canoes put off from the shore
and followd us and had patience to do so till 3 O'Clock, when they
overtook us and immediately with very little invitation came on
board. They appeard richer and more cleanly than any people we have
seen since we were in the Bay of Islands, and their canoes were also
ornamented in the same manner as those we had formerly seen on the N
and this side of the Island, but have not now seen since the river
Thames if even there; they were also more civil in their behavior and
on having presents made them immediately made presents to us in
return (an instance we have not before met with in this Island). All
these things inclind me to beleive that we were again come into the
Dominions of Teratu but on asking them they said no he was not their
King.

1770 February 9.

Weather rather more clear than Yesterday. On the land white chalky
cliffs appeard such as we us'd to see; by 11 O'Clock Cape Turnagain
was in sight which convincd every body that the land was realy an
Island on which we once more turnd our heads to the southward.

1770 February 10.

Stood along shore nearer the land than when we passd it before: it
made in low hills which seemd pretty well clothd with trees but at
the bottom of them was lowish land making in tables, the topps of
which were coverd with white sand that through the glass had much the
appearance of ripe corn; between these were a few vallies in which
were wood and in one of these we saw a few houses. In the Evening the
countrey rather mended upon us I suppose, as many fires were seen by
which I suppose it to be better inhabited.

1770 February 11.

Calm this morn: 2 Canoes came off and sold us a few fish and some
of their fishing hooks made upon a peice of wood, which I beleive
serves instead of bait in towing as the mother of Pearl does on the
Islanders towing hooks. Light breeze: the land did not look to so
much advantage as when we passd it in our passage to the
Northward.

1770 February 12.

This morn the seamen all imagind that we had passd the mouth of
the streights when to our surprize the great snowy hill which we had
seen on the 7th appeard right ahead. At nigh[t] however we were
abreast of the streights which was it not for the hill might be
dificult to find in Cloudy weather.

1770 February 13.

Calm which gave me an opportunity of going out in the boat and
shooting some Albatrosses. The air today was so hazey that we could
scarce see the least traces of land and yet the snow on the top of
the mountain was very visible.

1770 February 14.

Shooting again, killd Nectris munda and Procellaria saltatrix.
While I was out 4 Canoes came off from the shore which I had not the
least suspicion of, as we were farther from the shore than ever
canoes had come before. Signals were made but as the ship was right
in the wake of the sun none of them were seen by us till we saw the
canoes themselves, when we immedi[a]tely pulld for the ship and got
aboard I beleive without the Indians ever seing us so much was their
attention taken up with looking at the ship; indeed if they had no
bad consequence could have ensued as they were so timourous that they
hardly dard venture within call of the ship. They stayd but a little
while and then went away, not time enough to get ashore before it was
dark, for at sunset we saw them not more than half way between us and
the shore. I had two or three oppertunities this even of seeing
Albatrosses raise from the Water which they did with great ease;
maybe when they are not able to do so (which I have seen) is when
they are Gorgd with food.

1770 February 15.

Calm again: at Noon I went out and shot in less than an hour 6
Albatrosses: had the calm continued I beleive I might have shot 60,
but a fair breeze of wind came which made me not much regret the Loss
of the rest.

1770 February 16.

Land this morn lookd fertile enough. We had now enterd upon a new
Island on which few signs of inhabitants were seen: a fire however
made us certain that howsoever thin they might be it was not totaly
destitute of them. All day the Weather was very clear. In the morn
early Mr Gore imagind that he saw land to the S. Eastward.

1770 February 17.

This morn we were close onboard of the land which made in ridges
not unlike the South Sea Islands (between the tropicks); the tops of
these were bare but in the Valleys was plenty of wood. On the SE part
was an opening which had all possible appearance of an excellent
harbour; near this on the top of a hill we saw two people setting. Mr
Gore notwi[th]standing Yesterdays run was of opinion that what he saw
yesterday morning might be land, so he declard on the Quarter deck:
on which the Captn who resolvd that nobody should say he had left
land behind unsought for orderd the ship to be steerd SE.

1770 February 18.

All yesterday, last night and this morn we stood for Mr Gore's
land but not seing any and at noon today finding ourselves in
Lat.45..17 Every body in the ship was convincd, except possibly Mr
Gore, that it was impossible to have on the 17th seen as far as where
we were now, so we again stood to the Westward. At night it was
Haizey and a large shoal of Bottle nosd Porpoises were about the
ship, soon after which it began to flow brisk but fair.

1770 February 19.

Last night about one the officer of the watch came down to the
captn with the disagreable news of land right ahead and very near,
which the wind which blew strong blew directly upon; we were soon
however set at ease by the Captn comeing down and telling us that it
was only a white cloud. In the morn it blew hard and before noon (to
our great surprize) land was indeed in sight very high and far off.
Many conjectures were made whether or not it was part of the land we
had left but that can only be determind by future observations. We
had most of us put great confidence in the intelligence we had got of
the Indians in the last anchoring place, notwithstanding Tupia had
even then warnd us much not to depend upon the people who he said he
was sure were liars. We had been told however at different times by
the inhabitants of both the towns that the streights realy joind the
two seas and that the land to the Southward might be saild round in
three or four days: the first we had found to be true and from thence
there appeard the highest probability that the other was so likewise,
nor could we devise any reason the Indians could have in wishing to
deceive us, especialy as we had ask'd the question of two different
societies who we had reason to think had not had any intercourse in
the intermediate time, which had made us rather stretch the bounds of
probability in allowing the practicability of a canoe sailing round
the first part of the land we had seen in the time given. There was
however between the farthest part of both the lands a space which we
had not seen of more than 20 leagues in lengh: supposing that to be a
streight the Indians certainly could not see over it, and the
countrey they inhabited being very thinly peopled they might at this
time be ignorant that there was land beyond it. This much for
conjectures, but be it remembred that they are merely such and upon a
subject that future observations will most probably clear up. Tho we
saw the land by noon and at that time we had a fresh breeze of Wind,
yet it dropping nearly calm soon after we were at night very distant
from it. We had however soundings a great way off and the land
appeard very high, so that we once more cherishd strong hopes that we
had at last compleated our wishes and that this was absolutely a part
of the Southern continent; especialy as we had seen a hint thrown out
in some books that the Duch, not contented with Tasmans discoveries,
had afterwards sent other ships who took the land upon the same lat.
as he made it in and followd it to the Southward as high as Lat
64¡S.

1770 February 20.

This morn we were close in with the land which appeard flat, sandy
and very barren near the shore but rising into high hills inland. We
stood in pretty near to it but saw no signs of inhabitants. W[ind]
Southerly all day blowing fresh.

1770 February 21.

Weather rather more moderate but still foul so that we saw again
today the same part of the coast as yesterday.

1770 February 22.

Still more moderate but will not let us proceed at all to the
southward.

1770 February 23.

At noon today calm which gives us hopes that we may have a fair
wind. As we have now been 4 days upon nearly the same part of the
coast without seing any signs of inhabitants I think there is no
doubt that this part at least is without inhabitants.

1770 February 24.

Fresh breeze of wind and fair so we went along shore briskly but
kept so far off from it that no observations could be made: we can
only say that we did not see any fires, other signs of people we
could not have seen by reason of our distance had they been ever so
numerous or conspicuous. In the evening the land ahead inclind a good
deal to the West. We were now on board of two parties, one who wishd
that the land in sight might, the other that it might not be a
continent: myself have always been most firm for the former, tho
sorry I am to say that in the ship my party is so small that I firmly
beleive that there are no more heartily of it than myself and one
poor midshipman, the rest begin to sigh for roast beef.

1770 February 25.

Wind whiffling all round the compass, at night settled at SW and
blew hard.

1770 February 26.

Still Blew hard, in some squalls very much so. Thermometer today
at noon was 48 which pinchd us a little.

1770 February 27.

Weather a little more moderate but no standing upon legs without
the assistance of hands as yet: hope however that the heart of this
long-winded gale is broke according to the sea phraze.

1770 February 28.

Weather a little more moderate so that we got a little respite and
our different occupations went on as usual. Opend today a Cask of
Cabbage put up by the receipt p. 210 of this Journal which provd most
excellently good, scarce at all worse for keeping in my opinion.

March 1770

1770 March 1.

Wind variable and weather sufficiently troublesome.

1770 March 2.

More moderate but a heavy swell from SW made the ship very
troublesome.

1770 March 3.

More moderate but SW swell almost as high as ever which gave great
spirits to the no Continent party.

1770 March 4.

Pleasant weather and fair wind so that we ran in towards the land.
In the morn 1 or 2 Penguins were about us that swam as fast as the
ship saild making a noise something like the shreiking of a goose;
the[y] seemd to be like Diomedaea demersa but whether they were or
not I cannot be certain. In the evening ran along shore but kept so
far of that little could be seen; a large smoak was however, which at
night shewd itself in an immence fire on the side of a hill which we
supposd to be set on fire by the natives; for tho this is the only
sign of people we have seen yet I think it must be an indisputable
proof that there are inhabitants, tho probably very thinly scatterd
over the face of this very large countrey.

1770 March 5.

Thick misty weather, the smoak of last nights fire still in sight.
A point of land seen this morn which inclind much to the Westward was
supposd by the no Continents the end of the land; towards even
however it cleard up and we Continents had the pleasure to see more
land to the Southward.

1770 March 6.

Very moderate and exceedingly clear. Land seen as far as South so
our unbeleivers are almost inclind to think that Continental measures
will at last prevail.

1770 March 7.

Almost calm so we remaind in the same place nearly all day, to[o]
far from the land to see any thing of it at least to depend upon our
observations.

1770 March 8.

Little wind and fair, which carried us to the Southward far enough
to ascertain that the appearance seen to the Southward in the eve of
the 6th was nothing but clouds, tho from its fixd and steady
appearance nobody at that time doubted in the least its being
land.

1770 March 9.

At the first dawn of day a ledge of rocks were discoverd right to
leward and very near us, so we had much reason to be thankfull that
the wind in the night had been very gentle otherwise we must in all
human probability have ran right among them, at least we could have
had no chance of escaping them but by hearing them as there was no
moon. The land appeard barren and seemd to end in a point to which
the hills gradualy declind--much to the regret of us Continent
mongers who could not help thinking this, a great swell from SW and
the broken ground without it a pretty sure mark of some remarkable
Cape being here. By noon we were pretty near the land which was
uncommonly barren; the few flat places we saw seemingly produc'd
little or nothing and the rest was all bare rocks, which were
amazingly full of Large Veins and patches of some mineral that shone
as if it had been polishd or rather lookd as if they were realy pavd
with glass; what it was I could not at all guess but it certainly was
some mineral and seemd to argue by its immense abundance a countrey
abounding in minerals, where if one may judge from the corresponding
latitudes of South America in all human probability something very
valuable might be found.

1770 March 10.

Blew fresh all day but carried us round the Point to the total
demolition of our aerial fabrick calld continent.

1770 March 11.

Fresh gales still and wind that will not let us get to the
northward. We stood in with the shore which provd very high and had a
most romantick appearance from the immence steepness of the hills,
many of which were conical and most had their heads coverd with snow,
on their sides and bottoms was however a good deal of wood, so much
we could see and no more and the wind baulking us would not let us
stand nearer the shore than two leagues.

1770 March 12.

Blew hard all day: immense quantities of Albatrosses and other sea
birds were seen which we had been without for some time.

1770 March 13.

Wind fair but still blew fresh with very unsetled weather. In the
evening we saw a harbour, stood in towards it and found it to have
all the appearances of a good one but it was too late to stand near.
The countrey about it was high inland tho not so much so as that seen
on the 11th as there was no snow on any part of it. Here were veins
in the rocks, very large, filld with a whiteish appearance different
from what we saw on the 9th. The sides of the hills appeard to be
well wooded and the countrey in general as fertile as in so hilly a
countrey could be expected, but not the least signs of
inhabitants.

1770 March 14.

Stood along shore with a fair breeze and passed 3 or 4 places that
had much the appearance of harbours, much to my regret who wishd to
examine the mineral appearances from which I had formd great hopes.
The countrey rose immediately from the sea side in steep hills which
however were tolerably coverd with wood; behind these were another
ridge of hills coverd in many places with snow, which from its pure
whiteness and smoothness in the morn and the many cracks and
intervals that appeard among it at night we conjecturd to be newly
falln.

1770 March 15.

Little wind in the morn, towards Even a brisk breeze. The countrey
today appeard coverd with steep hills, whose sides were but ill
wooded but on their tops was large quantities of snow especialy on
the sides that lookd towards the South. We imagind that about noon we
passd by some considerable river as the sea was almost coverd with
leaves, small twigs and blades of Grass. Many Albatrosses about the
ship today, we have not been absolutely without them since we came on
this side the land.

1770 March 16.

Much snow on the ridges of the high hills, two were however seen
on which was little or none: whatever the cause of it might be I
could not guess, they were quite bare of trees or any kind of
Vegetables and seemd to consist of a mouldering soft stone of the
colour of Brick or light red ocre. About noon the countrey near the
sea changd much for the better, appearing in broad Valleys clothd
with prodigious fine woods out of which came many fine streams of
water, but notwithstanding the fineness of the countrey there was not
the smallest signs of inhabitants, nor indeed have we seen any since
we made this land except the fire on the 4th.

1770 March 17.

Passd today by several large flatts which seemd low. The day in
general was foggy so that little could be seen.

1770 March 18.

Immense quantities of snow on the hills new falln which by noon
was plainly seen to begin to melt. The countrey near the shore was to
appearance fertile and pleasant enough.

1770 March 19.

Hazey weather and foul wind put us all out of spirits.

1770 March 20.

Blew fresh all day with much rain and hazey weather; at night
however wind came fair.

1770 March 21.

Hazey: the land was wrap'd in a cloak of fog all day Above which
the tops of some hills appeard. At night saw a Phaenomenon which I
have but seldom seen, at sun set the flying clouds were of almost all
colours among which was green very conspicuous tho rather faint
colourd.

1770 March 22.

Cloudey mistey and calm all day. Once we were very near the shore
on which we saw that there was a most dreadfull surf, occasiond by
the S and SW swell which has reignd without intermission ever since
we have been upon this side of the land.

1770 March 23.

Fine weather and light breezes.

1770 March 24.

Just turnd the Westernmost point and stood into the mouth of the
streights intending to anchor in the first harbour we could find when
an Easterly wind met us right in the teeth, to our no small
dissatisfaction as I beleive there has been no other part of the time
since we have left Cape Turnagain the first time when such a wind
would have been disagreable.

1770 March 25.

Light breezes but wind still at East. The sea is certainly an
excellent school for patience.

1770 March 26.

Light breezes and wind fair to our no small comfort. Afternoon we
saw a ripple near an Island which had something the appearance of
Breakers, but differd from them in the small waves breaking only
without any swell or large ones. Our boat sounded upon it but could
get no ground; we suppos'd it to be the effect of a strong tide such
as we felt in the streights a[s] we passd them. At night came to an
anchor in a Bay in some part of which it is probable that Tasman
anchord.

1770 March 27.

Went ashore this morn: the countrey hilly but not very high,
little or no flats were however to be seen. In the place where we
waterd were the remains of two or three Indian houses which clearly
had not been inhabited this year at least, but no signs that people
had been here since that time. While Dr Solander and self botanizd
Tupia and his boy caught almost a boat load of fish by angling in 2
or 3 fathom water.

1770 March 28.

Raind and blew so hard all today that going ashore was scarce
practicable, at least when we had so little hopes of success as our
yesterdays search had given us in which we found not one new
plant.

1770 March 29.

Raind and blew as hard as yesterday. Myself ill with sickness at
stomack and most violent headach, a complaint which in some of our
people has been succeeded by a fever. During the day many fish were
taken in the ship 90 out of the Cabbin windows alone.

1770 March 30.

Myself quite recoverd except a little soreness at my stomack
occasiond I suppose by reaching yesterday. The weather being fair I
resolvd to climb some hill in hopes of meeting some plants in the
upper regions as none had been found in the lower. I did with great
dificulty, walking for more than a mile in fern higher than my head;
success however answerd my wishes and I got 3 plants which we had not
before seen.

After coming down I examind the stones which lay on the beach.
They shewd evident signs of mineral tendency being full of Veins but
I had not the fortune to discover any ore of metal (at least that I
knew to be so) in them. As the place we lay in had no bare rocks in
its neighbourhood this was the only method I had of even
Conjecturing.

1770 March 31.

Our rout being settled in the manner above mentiond we this morn
weighd and saild with a fair breeze of wind inclind to fall in with
Van Diemens Land as near as possible to the place where Tasman left
it.

ACCOUNT OF NEW ZEALAND

As we intend to leave this place tomorrow morn, I shall spend a
few sheets in drawing together what I have observd of this countrey
and its inhabitants; premising in the mean time that in this, and all
others of the same kind which may occur in this Journal, I shall give
myself liberty of conjecturing and drawing conclusions from which I
have observd, in which I may doubtless often be mistaken; in the
daily Journal however the Observations may be seen, and any one who
referrs to that may draw his own conclusions from them, attending as
little as he pleases to any of mine. This countrey was first
discoverd by Abel Jansen Tasman on the 13th of December 1642 and
calld by him New Zealand; he however never went ashore upon it,
probably for fear of the natives; who when he had come to an anchor
set upon one of his boats and killd 3 or 4 our of 7 people that were
in her.

Tasman certainly was an able navigator: he saild into the mouth of
Cooks streights, and finding himself surrounded in all appearance
with land observd the tide of flood to come from the SE; from thence
he conjecturd that there was in that place a passage through the
land, which conjecture we provd to be true and he himself had
certainly done, had not the Wind changd as he though[t] in his
favour, giving him an opportunity of returning the way he came in,
which he preferrd to standing into a bay with an on shore wind. Upon
the strengh of conjecture only again, when he came the lengh of cape
Maria Van Dieman he observd hollow waves to come from the NE, from
whence he concluded it to be the northermost part of the Land, which
we realy found it to be: Lastly, to his eternal credit be it spoken,
tho he had been four months absent from Batavia when he made this
land, and had saild both Westward and Eastward, his longitude
(allowing for an Error of [] in that of Batavia as he himself has
stated it) differs no more than [] from ours, which is corrected by
an innumerable number of observations of the Moon and Sun etc. as
well as a transit of Mercury over the Sun; all calculated and observd
by Mr Green, a mathematician of well known abilities, who was sent
out in this ship by the Royal Society to observe the transit of
Venus. Thus much for Tasman: it were much to be wish'd however that
we had a fuller account of his voyage than that publis'd by Dirk
Rembranse, which seems to be no more than a short extract; and that
other navigators would Imitate him in mentioning the Latitudes and
Longitudes in which they account the places from whence they take
their departure to be situated; which precaution, usefull as it is,
may almost be said to have been usd by Tasman alone. The face of the
countrey is in general Mountanous, especialy inland, where probably
runs a chain of very high hills parts of which we saw at several
times; they were generaly coverd with snow and certainly very
high--some of our officers, men of experience, did not scruple to say
as much so as The pike of Teneriffe; in that particular however I
cannot quite agree with them, tho that they must be very high is
sufficiently provd by the hill to the Northward of the mouth of Cooks
streights, which was seen, and made no inconsiderable figure, at the
distance of [] Leagues.

The sea coast (should it ever be examind) will probably be found
to abound in good harbours: we saw several, of which the Bay of
Islands or Motuaro, and Queen Charlots Sound or Totarra nue, are as
good as any seaman need desire to come into, either for good
anchorage or convenience of Wooding and watering. The outer ridge of
Land which lies open to the Sea is (as I beleive is the case in most
countries) generaly Barren, especialy to the Southward, but within
that the hills are Coverd with thick woods quite to the top, and
every Valley produces a rivulet of Water.

The soil is in general light, and consequently admirably adapted
to the uses for which the natives cultivate it, whose crops consist
intirely of roots. On the Southern and western sides it is the most
barren, the Sea being there generaly bounded with either steep hills
or vast tracts of Sand, which probably is the reason why the people
in these parts were so much less numerous, and livd almost intirely
upon fish. The Northern and Eastern sides make however some amends
for the Barrenness of the others: in them we often saw very large
tracts of Ground which either actualy were or very lately had been
cultivated, and an immense quantity of Woodland, which was yet
uncleard, but promisd great returns to the people who would take the
trouble of Clearing it--of the latter especialy in Taoneroa or
Poverty bay, and Tolaga--besides Swamps, which might doubtless Easily
be draind, and sufficiently evincd the richness of their soil by the
great size of all the plants that grew upon them, and more
particularly of the timber trees which were the streightest,
cleanest, and I may say the largest I have ever seen--at least
speaking of them in the Gross; I may have seen several times single
trees larger than any I Observd among them, but it was not one but
all these trees which were enormous, and doubtless had we had time
and opportunity to Search, we might have found much larger ones than
any we saw, as we were never but once ashore among them, and that but
for a short time on the banks of the River Thames; where we rowd for
many miles between woods of these trees, to which we could see no
bounds. The River Thames is indeed in every respect the properest
place we have yet seen for establishing a Colony; a ship as large as
Ours might be carried several miles up the river, where she would be
moord to the trees as safe as alongside a wharf in London river, a
safe and sure retreat in case of an attack from the natives, as she
might even be laid on the mud and a abridge built to her. The Noble
timber, of which there is such abundance, would furnish plenty of
materials either for the building defences, houses, or Vessels. The
River would furnish plenty of Fish, and the Soil make ample returns
of any European Vegetables sown in it. I have some reason to think
from observations made upon the vegetables that the Winters here are
extreemly mild, much more so than in England; the Summers we have
found to be scarce at all hotter, tho more equably Warm.

The South part, which is much more hilly and barren than the
North, I firmly beleive to Abound with minerals in a very high
degree. This however is only conjecture; I had not, to my great
regret, an opportunity of landing in any place where the signs of
them were promising except the last; nor indeed in any one, where
from the ship the Countrey appeard likely to produce them, which it
did to the Southward in a very high degree, as I have mentiond in my
Daily Journal.

I[n] all the times that we have landed in this Countrey, we have
seen I had almost said no Quadrupeds realy original natives of it.
Dogs and rats indeed there are; the former as in other countries
companions of the men, and the latter probably brought hither by the
men, especialy as they are so scarce that I myself have not had an
opportunity of seeing even one. Of Seals indeed we have seen a few,
and one Sea Lion; but these were in the sea, and are certainly very
scarce, as we have seen no signs of them among the natives except a
few teeth of the latter, which they make into a kind of Bodkins and
value much. It appears not improbable that there realy are no other
species of Quadrupeds in the countrey; for the natives, whose cheif
luxury of Dress consists in the skins and hair of Dogs and the skins
of divers birds, and who wear for ornaments the bones and beaks of
birds and teeth of Dogs, would probably have made use of some part of
any other animal they were acquainted with: a circumstance which tho
we carefully sought after, we never saw the least signs of.

Of Birds there are not many species, and none except perhaps the
Gannet the same as those of Europe. There are however ducks and shags
of several kinds sufficiently like the European ones to be calld the
same by the seamen, Both which we eat and accounted good food,
especialy the former which are not at all inferior to those of
Europe. Beside these there are hawks, owls and Quails differing but
little at first sight from those of Europe, and several small birds
that sing much more melodiously than any I have heard. The sea coast
is also frequently visited by many Oceanick birds as Albatrosses,
Shearwaters, Pintados etc. and has also a few of the birds calld by
Sr Jno Narbourough Penguins, which are truly what the French call
Nuance, between birds and fishes, as their feathers especialy on
their wings differ but little from Scales; and their wings
themselves, which they use only in diving and by no means in
atempting to fly or even accelerate their motion on the surface of
the water (as young birds are observd to do), might thence almost as
properly be calld fins.

Neither are insects in greater plenty than birds: a few Butterflys
and Beetles, flesh flies very like those in Europe, Musquetos, and
sandflies maybe exactly the same as those of North America, make up
the whole list. Of these last however, which are most Justly
accounted the curse of any countrey where they abound, we never met
with any great abundance; a few indeed there were in almost every
place we went into but never enough to make any occupations ashore
troublesome, or to give occasion for using shades for the face which
we had brough[t] out to defend ourselves from them.

For this scarcity of animals on the land the Sea however makes
abundant recompense. Every creek and corner produces abundance of
fish not only wholesome but at least as well tasted as our fish in
Europe: the ship seldom anchord in or indeed passd over (in light
winds) any place whose bottom was such as fish resort to in general
but as many were caught with hook and line as the people could eat,
especialy to the Southward, where when we lay at an anchor the boats
by fishing with hook and line very near the rocks could take any
quantity of fish; besides that the Seine seldom faild of success,
insomuch that both the times that we anchord to the Southward of
Cooks streights every Mess in the ship that had prudence enough
salted as much fish as lasted them many weeks after they went to
sea.

For the Sorts, there are Macarel of several kinds, one precisely
the same as our English ones and another much like our horse macarel,
besides several more; these come in immence shoals and are taken by
the natives in large Seines from whoom we bought them at very easy
rates. Besides these were many species which tho they did not at all
resemble any fish that I at least have before seen, our seamen
contrivd to give names to, so that hakes, breams, Cole fish etc. were
appellations familiar with us, and I must say that those who bear
these names in England need not be ashamd of their nam[e]sakes in
this countrey. But above all the luxuries we met with the lobsters or
sea crawfish must not be forgot, which are possibly the same that in
Lord Ansons Voyage are mentiond to be found at the Island of Juan
Fernandes; they are large tho not quite so large as those at Juan
Fernandes and differ from ours in England in having many more
prickles on their backes, and being red when taken out of the water.
Of them we bought great quantities of the natives every where to the
Northward, who catch them by diving near the shore, feeling first
with their feet till they find out where they lie. We had also that
fish describd by Frezier in his voyage to Spanish South America by
the name of Elefant, Pejegallo, or Poisson Coq, which tho coarse we
made shift to Eat, several species of Skates or sting rays which were
abominably coarse, but to make amends for that we had among several
sorts of dog fish one that was spotted with a few white spots, whose
flavour was similar to but much more delicate than our skate. We had
flat fish also like Soles and flounders, Eels and Congers of several
sorts, and many others which any Europaeans who may come here after
us will not fail to find the advantage of, besides excellent oysters
and many sorts of shell fish and cockles, clams etc.

Tho the countrey is generaly coverd with an abundant verdure of
grass and trees yet I cannot say that it is productive of so great a
variety as many countries I have seen. The intire novelty however of
the greatest part of what we found recompens'd us as natural
historians for the want of variety. Sow thistle, garden nightshade,
and perhaps 1 or 2 kinds of Grasses were exactly the same as in
England, 3 or 4 kinds of Fern the same as those of the West Indies,
and a plant or 2 that are common to almost all the world: these were
all that had before been describd by any botanist out of about 400
species, except 5 or 6 which we ourselves had before seen in Terra
del Fuego.

Eatable Vegetables there are very few. We indeed as people who had
been long at sea found great benefit in the article of health by
eating plentifully of wild Celery, and a kind of Cresses which grew
every where abundan[t]ly near the sea side. We also once or twice met
with an herb like that which the countrey people in England call
Lambs Quarters or Fat hen, which we boild instead of Greens, and once
only a Cabbage tree the Cabbage of which made us one delicious meal.
These with the Fern roots and one other vegetable (Pandanus [] )
totaly unknown in Europe, which tho eat by the natives no Europaean
will probably ever relish, are the whole of the vegetables which I
know to be eatable, except those which they cultivate and have
probably brought with them from the countrey from whence they
themselves have originaly come.

Nor does their cultivated grounds produce many speceis of Esculent
plants, three only I have seen--Yams, sweet potatoes, and Coccos, all
three well known in both East and West Indies and much esteemd of
these, especialy the two former. They cultivate often peices of many
acres, and I beleive any ship that was to be to the Northward in the
Autumn about the time of digging them up might purchase any quantity.
Besides these they cultivate gourds, the fruits of which serve them
to make bottles, Jugs etc. and a very small quantity of the Chinese
paper mulberry tree, the same as the Inhabitants of the South Sea
Islands use to make their garments of. This they very much value, but
it is so scarce with them probably having been brought from a hotter
countrey and not thriving here, that tho they likewise beat it out
into cloth we never saw peices of it larger than what servd to put
into the holes they bore in their ears, making an ornament they are
very fond of, and this was doubtless the reason why they preferrd the
Cloth which we had brought from the South Sea Islands with us to any
merchandise we could shew them, and next to it white paper.

Fruits they have none, except I should reckon a few kind of
insipid berries which had neither sweetness nor flavour to recommend
them and which none but the boys took the pains to gather. The woods
however abound with excellent timber trees fit for any kind of
building in size, grain, and apparent durability. One which bears a
very conspicuous scarlet flower made up [of?] many threads, and is a
large tree as big as an oak in England, has a very heavy hard wood
which seems well adapted for the Cogs of Mill wheels etc. or any
purpose for which very hard wood is us'd. That which I have before
mentiond to grow in the swamps, which has a leaf not unlike Yew and
bears small bunches of Berries, is tall streight and thick enough to
make Masts for vessels of any size, and seems likewise by the
streight direction of the fibres to be tough but is too heavy: this
however I have been told is the case with the pitch pine in North
America, the timber of which this very much resembles, and that the
North Americans know how to lighten by tapping it properly and
actualy use for Masts. But of all the plants we have seen among these
people that which is the most excellent in its kind, and which realy
excells most if not all that are put to the Same uses in other
Countries, is the plant which serves them instead of Hemp and flax.
Of this there are two sorts: the leaves of Both much resemble those
of flags: the flowers are smaller and grow many more together, in one
sort they are Yellowish in the other of a deep red. Of the leaves of
these plants with very little preparation all their common wearing
apparel are made and all Strings, lines, and Cordage for every
purpose, and that of a strengh so much superior to hemp as scarce to
bear a comparison with it. From the same leaves also by another
preparation a kind of snow white fibres are drawn, shining almost as
silk and likewise surprizingly strong, of which all their finer
cloaths are made; and of the leaves without any other preparation
than splitting them into proper breadths and tying those strips
together are made their fishing nets. So usefull a plant would
doub[t]less be a great acquisition to England, especialy as one might
hope that it would thrive there with little trouble, as it seems
hardy and affects no particular soil, being found equaly on hills and
in Valleys, in dry soil and the deepest bogs, which last land it
seems however rather to prefer as I have always seen it in such
places of a larger size than any where else.

When first we came ashore we imagind the countrey to be much
better peopled than we afterwards found it, concluding from the
Smoaks that we saw that there were inhabitants very far inland, which
indeed in Poverty bay and the Bay of Plenty, which are much the best
peopled parts of the countrey that we have seen, may yet be the case.
In all the other parts we have been in we have however found the sea
coast only inhabited and that but sparingly, insomuch that the number
of inhabitants seem to bear no kind of proportion to the size of the
countrey which they possess, and this probably is owing to their
frequent wars. Besides this the whole Coast from Cape Maria Van
Diemen to Mount Egmont and seven eights of the Southern Island seems
totaly without people.

The men are of the size of the larger Europaeans, Stout, Clean
Limnd and active, fleshy but never fat as the lazy inhabitants of the
South Sea Isles are, vigorous, nimble and at the same time Clever in
all their excersizes. I have seen 15 paddles of a side in one of
their Canoes move with immensely quick strokes and at the same time
as much Justness as if the movers were animated by one Soul: not the
fraction of a second could be observd between the dipping and raising
any two of them, the Canoe all the While moving with incredible
swiftness; and to see them dance their War dance was an amusement
which never faild to please every spectator, so much strengh,
firmness and agility in their motions and at the same time such
excellent time kept that I have often heard above 100 paddles etc.
struck against the sides of their boats, as directed by their
singing, without a mistake being ever made. In Colour they vary a
little, some being browner than others, but few are browner than a
Spaniard a little sun burnd might be supposd to be. The women without
being at all delicate in their outward appearance are rather smaller
than Europaean women, but have a peculiar softness of Voice which
never fails to distinguish them from the men tho both are dressd
exactly alike. They are like those of the fair sex that I have seen
in other countries, more lively, airy and laughter loving than the
men and have more volatile spirits, formd by nature to soften the
Cares of more serious man who takes upon [him] the laborious toilsome
part as War, tilling the Ground etc. That disposition appears even in
this uncultivated state of nature, shewing in a high degree that as
well in uncivilizd as the most polishd nations Mans ultimate
happiness must at last be plac'd in Woman. The dispositions of Both
Sexes seems mild, gentle, and very affectionate to each other but
implacable towards their enemies, who after having killd they eat,
probably out of a princ[i]ple of revenge, and I beleive never give
quarter or take prisoners. They seem innurd to war and in their
attacks work themselves up by their War Dance to a kind of artificial
courage which will not let them think in the least. Whenever they met
with us and thought themselves superior they always attackd us, tho
seldom seeming to mean more than to provoke us to shew them what we
were able to do in this case. By many trials we found that good usage
and fair words would not avail the least with them, nor would they be
convincd by the noise of our fire arms alone that they were superior
to theirs; but as soon as they had felt the smart of even a load of
small shot and had had time allowd them to recollect themselves from
the Effects of their artificial courage, which commonly took up a
day, they were sensible of our generosity in not taking the advantage
of Our superiority and became at once our good freinds and upon all
occasions placd the most unbounded confidence in us. They are not
like the Islanders addicted to stealing, but would sometimes before
peace was concluded, if they could be offering any thing they had to
sale entice us to trust something of ours into their hands, refuse to
return it with all the coolness in the world, seeming to look upon it
as the plunder of an enemy.

Both sexes were much more modest in their carriage and decent in
their Conversation than the Islanders, which such of our people who
had a mind to form any connexions with the Women soon found, but they
were not impregnable: if the consent of their relations was askd and
the Question accompanied with a proper present it was seldom refusd,
but then the strictest decency must be kept up towards the young lady
or she might baulk the lover after all. Upon one of our gentlemen
making his adresses to a family of the better sort the following
answer was made him by the mistress of the family: 'Any of these
young ladies will think themselves honourd by your adresses but you
must first make me a proper present and must come and sleep with us
ashore, for daylight should by no means be a witness of such
proceedings'.

Neither sex are quite so cleanly in their persons as the
Islanders, not having the advantage of so warm a climate they do not
wash so often. But the most disgustfull thing about them is the Oil
with which they daub their hair: this is melted from the fat either
of fish or Birds: the better sort indeed have it fresh and then it is
intirely void of smell, but the inferior often use that that is
rancid and consequently smell something like Greenland dock when they
are trying Whale Blubber.

Both sexes stain themselves with the colour of black in the same
manner and som[e]thing in the same method as the South Sea Islanders,
introducing it under the skin by a sharp instrument furnish'd with
many teeth, but the men carry this custom to much greater lenghs and
the women not so far, they are generaly content with having their
lips black'd but sometimes have patches of black on different parts
of their bodies. The men on the contrary seem to add to their
quantity every Year of their lives so that some of the Elder were
almost coverd with it. There faces are the most remarkable, on them
they by some art unknown to me dig furrows in their faces a line deep
at least and as broad, the edges of which are often again indented
and most perfectly black. This may be done to make them look
frightfull in war; indeed it has the Effect of making them most
enormously ugly, the old ones at least whose faces are intirely
coverd with it. The young again often have a small patch on one cheek
or over an eye and those under a certain age (may be 25 or 26) have
no more than their lips black. Yet ugly as this certainly looks it is
impossible to avoid admiring the immence Elegance and Justness of the
figures in which it is form'd, which in the face is always different
spirals, upon the body generaly different figures resembling
something the foliages of old Chasing upon gold or silver; all these
finishd with a masterly taste and execution, for of a hundred which
at first sight you would judge to be exactly the same, on a close
examination no two will prove alike; nor do I remember to have seen
any two alike, for their wild imaginations scorn to copy as appears
in almost all their works. In different parts of the coast they
varied very much in the quantity and parts of the body on which this
Amoco as they call it was placd, but in the spirals upon their faces
they generaly agreed, and I have generaly observd that the more
populous a countrey was the greater quantity of this Amoco they had;
possibly in populous countreys the emulation of Bearing pain with
fortitude may be carried to greater lenghs than where there are fewer
people and consequently fewer examples to encourage. The Buttocks
which in the Islands was the principal seat of this ornament in
general here escapes untouchd: in one place only we saw the contrary:
possibly they might on this account be esteemd as more noble, as
having transferrd the seat of their ornament from the dishonourable
cheeks of their tail to the more honourable ones of their heads.

Besides this dying in grain as it may be calld they are very fond
of painting themselves with Red Ocre which they do in two ways,
either rubbing it Dry upon their skins, which some few do, or daubing
their faces with large patches of it mixd with oil which consequently
never drys: this latter is generaly practisd by the women and was
most universaly condemnd by us, for if any of us had unthinkingly
ravishd a kiss from one of these fair Savages our transgressions were
wrote in most legible Characters on our noses, which our companions
could not fail to see on our first interview.

The common dress of these people is certainly to a stranger at
first one of the most uncouth and extrordinary sights that can be
imagind. It is made of the leaves of the Flag describd before which
are split into 3 or 4 Slips each, and these as soon as they are dry
are wove into a kind of Stuff between netting and cloth, out of the
upper side of which all the ends, of 8 or 9 inches long each, are
sufferd to hang in the same manner as thrums out of a thrum mat. Of
these peices of cloth 2 serve for a compleat dress one of which is
tied over the shoulders and reaches about their knees, the other
about the waist which reaches near the ground; but they seldom wear
more than one of these and when they have it on resemble not a little
a thachd house. These dresses however, ugly as they are, are well
adapted for their convenience who are often obligd to sleep in the
open air and live some time without the least shelter even from rain,
so that they must trust intirely to their Cloaths as the only chance
they have of keeping themselves dry, for which they are certainly not
ill adapted as every strip of leaf becomes in that case a kind of
Guttar which serves to conduct the rain down and hinder it from
soaking through the cloath beneath. Besides this they have several
kinds of Cloth which is smooth and ingeniously enough workd: they are
cheifly of two sorts, one coarse as our coarsest canvass and ten
times stronger but much like it in the lying of the threads, the
other is formd by many threads running lenghwise and a few only
crossing them which tie them together. This last sort is sometimes
stripd and always very pretty, for the threads that compose it are
prepard so as to shine almost as much as silk; to both these they
work borders of different colours in fine stiches something like
Carpeting or girls Samplers in various patterns with an ingenuity
truly surprizing to any one who will reflect that they are without
needles. They have also Mats with which they sometimes cover
themselves, but the great pride of their dress seems to consist in
dogs fur, which they use so sparingly that to avoid waste they cut
into long strips and sew them at a distance from each other upon
their Cloth, varying often the coulours prettily enough. When first
we saw these dresses we took them for the skins of Bears or some
animal of that kind, but we were soon undeceivd and found upon
enquiry that they were acquainted with no animal that had fur or long
hair but their own dogs. Some there were who had these dresses
ornamented with feathers and one who had an intire dress of the red
feathers of Parrots, but these were not common.

The men always wore short beards and tied their hair in a small
knot on the top of their heads, sticking into it a kind of comb and
at the top two or 3 white feathers. About their Waists was tied a
belt from which hung a string which was tied round the preputium and
in this seemd to consist most or all of their decency in that
particular; for when that was tied they often exposd by different
motions every part of their bodies to our view and indeed not seldom
threw off all other dress, but shewd visible reluctance and signs of
shame when we desird them to untie it from a curiosity to see the
manner in which it was tied. The first man we saw when we went ashore
at Poverty bay who was killd by one of our people had his dress tied
on exactly in the same manner as is represented in Mr Dalrymples
account of Tasmans Voyage, in a plat which I beleive is copied from
Valentynes history of the East Indies; it was tied over his shoulders
cross his breast, again under his armpits, likwise across his breast
and round his loins. Of this dress we saw however but one more
in[s]tance during our whole stay on the Coast, tho it seems
convenient as it leaves the arms quite at liberty while the body is
coverd; in general indeed when they chose to set their arms at
liberty they at the same time freed all their other limbs by casting
off their cloaths intirely.

The Women contrary to the custom of the Sex in general seemd to
affect dress rather less than the men. Their hair which they wore
short was seldom tied, and if it was it was behind their heads and
never ornamented with feathers. Their cloaths were of the same stuff
and in the same form as those of the men but in decently covering
themselves they far exceeded them; their lower garments were at all
times bound fast round them and they never exposd to view any thing
even in the neighbourhood of those parts which nature co[n]ceals,
except when they gatherd lobsters and shell fish in which occupation
they were frequently obligd to dive, but then they never meant to be
seen by men and when once or twice accidentaly met by us shewd most
evident signs of Confusion, veiling as well as they could their naked
beauties with sea weed the only covering their situation afforded.
Round their waists instead of a belt they constantly wore a girdle of
many platted strings made of the leaves of a very fragrant Grass;
into this were tuckd the leaves of some sweet scented plant fresh
gatherd which like the fig leaf of our first mother servd as the
ultimate guard of their modesty.

Both sexes bord their ears and wore in them a great variety of
ornaments; the holes by stretching were generaly large enough to
admit a finger at least. These generaly (as if to keep them upon the
stretch) were filld up with a plug of some sort or other, either
cloth, feathers, Bones of large birds, or sometimes only a stick of
wood; into this hole they often also put nails or any [thing] we gave
them which could be put there. The women also often wore bunches of
the down of the albatross which is snow white near as large as a
fist, which tho very odd made by no means an unelegant appearance.
Besides these they hung to them by strings many very different
thing[s], often chissels or bodkins made of a kind of green talk
which they value much, the nails and teeth also of their deceasd
relations, dogs teeth, and in short every thing they could get which
was either valuable or ornamental. Besides these the Women wore
sometimes Bracelets and anclets made of the Bones of Birds, shells,
etc. and the men often had the figure of a distorted man made of the
beforementiond green talk, or the tooth of a whale cut slauntwise, so
as something to resemble a tongue, and furnishd with two eyes; these
they wore about their necks and seemd to Value almost above every
thing else. I saw one instance also of a very extrordinary ornament,
which was a feather stuck through the bridge of the nose and
projecting on each side of it over the cheeks; but this I only
mention as a singular thing, having met with it only once among the
many people I have seen, and never observd in any other even the
marks of a hole which might occasionaly serve for such a purpose.

Their houses are certainly the most inartificialy made of any
thing among them, scarce equal to an European dog kennel and
resembling one in the door at least, which is barely high and wide
enough to admit a man crawling upon all fours. They are seldom more
than 16 or 18 feet long, 8 or 10 broad and five or 6 high from the
ridge pole to the Ground and built with a sloping roof like our
Europaean houses. The materials of both walls and roof is dry grass
or hay and very tightly it is put together, so that nescessarily they
must be very warm. Some are lind with bark of trees on the inside,
and many have either over the door or fixd somewhere in the house a
peice of Plank coverd with their carving, which they seem to value
much as we do a picture, placing it always as conspicuously as
possible. All these houses have the door at one end and near it is
generaly a square hole which serves for a window or probably in
winter time more for a chimney, for then they light a fire in the
middle of the house. At the same end where this door and window are
placed the side walls and roof project, generaly 18 inches or 2 feet
beyond the end wall, making a kind of Porch in which are benches
where the people of the house often set. Within is a square place
fencd of with either boards or stones from the rest, in the middle of
which they can make a fire; round this the sides of the house are
thick layd with straw on which they sleep. As for furniture they are
not much troubled with it: one chest commonly contains all their
riches, consisting of Tools, Cloaths, arms, and a few feathers to
stick into their hair; their gourds and Baskets made of Bark which
serve them to keep fresh water, provision baskets, and the hammers
with which they beat their fern roots, are generaly left without the
door.

Mean and low as these houses are they most perfectly resist all
inclemencies of the weather and answer consequently the purposes of
mere shelter as well as larger would do. The people I beleive spend
little of the day in them (except may be in winter): the porch seems
to be the place for work, and those who have not room there must set
upon a stone or the ground in its neighbourhood.

Some few of the better sort have kind of Court Yards, the walls of
which are made of poles and hay 10 or 12 feet high, which as their
families are large incloses 3 or 4 houses. But I must not forget the
ruins or rather frame of a house (for it had never been finishd)
which I saw at Tolaga, as it was so much superior in size to any
thing of the kind we have met with in any other part of the land. It
was 30 feet in lengh, in breadth and [] high; the sides of it were
ornamented with many broad carvd planks of a workmanship superior to
any we saw upon the land; but for what purpose this was built or why
deserted we could not find out.

Tho these people when at home defend themselves so well from the
inclemencies of the Weather, yet when abroad upon their excursions
which they often make in search of fern roots fish etc. they seem
totaly indifferent of shelter: sometimes they make a small shade to
wind ward of them but oftener omit that precaution. During our stay
at Opoorage or Mercury bay such a party of Indians were there
consisting of 40 or 50, who during all that time never erected the
least covering tho it twice raind almost without ceasing for 24 hours
together.

Their food, in the use of which the[y] seem to be moderate,
consists of Dogs, Birds, especialy sea fowl as penguins albatrosses
etc., fish, sweet potatoes, Yams, Coccos, some few wild plants as sow
thistles, Palm Cabbage etc. but Above all and which seems to be to
them what bread is to us, the roots of a species of Fern very common
upon the hills and which very nearly resembles that which grows on
our hilly commons in England and is calld indifferently Fern,
Bracken, or Brakes. As for the flesh of men, although they certainly
do eat it I cannot in my own opinion Debase human nature so much as
to imagine that they relish as a dainty or even look upon it as a
part of common food. Tho Thirst of Revenge may Drive men to great
lenghs when the Passions are allowd to take their full swing Yet
nature through all the superior part of the creation shews how much
she recoils at the thought of any species preying upon itself: Dogs
and cats shew visible signs of disgust at the very sight of a dead
carcass of their species, even Wolves or Bears were never sayd to eat
one another except in cases of absolute nescessity, when the stings
of hunger have overcome the precepts of nature, in which case the
same has been done by the inhabitants of the most civilizd
nations.

Among fish and insects indeed there are many instances which prove
that those who live by prey regard little whither what they take is
of their own or any other species; but any one who considers the
admirable chain of nature in which Man, alone endowd with reason,
justly claims the highest rank and next to him are placd the half
reasoning Elephant, the sagacious dog, the architect Beaver, etc. in
Whoom instinct so nearly resembles reason as to have been mistaken
for it by men of no mean capacitys, from these descending through the
less informd Quadrupeds and birds to the fish and insects, which seem
besides the instinct of Fear which is given them for self
preservation to be movd only by the stings of hunger to eat and those
of lust to propagate their species, which when born are left intirely
to their own care, and at last by the medium of the Oyster, etc. etc.
which not being able to move but as tost about by the waves must in
themselves be furnishd with both sexes that the species may be
continued, shading itself away into the vegetable kingdom for the
preservation of whoom neither sensation nor instinct is
wanting--whoever considers this I say will easily see that no
Conclusion in favour of such a practise can be drawn from the actions
of a race of beings placd so infinitely below us in the order of
Nature.

But to return to my subject. Simple as their food is their Cookery
as far as I saw is as simple: a few stones heated hot and laid in a
hole, their meat laid upon them and coverd with Hay seems to be the
most dificult part of it. Fish and birds they generaly broil or
rather toast, spitting them upon a long skewer, the bottom of which
is fixd under a stone and another stone being put under the fore part
of the skewer it is raisd or lowerd by moving that stone as the
circumstances may require. The Fern roots are layd upon the open fire
untill they are thouroughly hot and the bark of them burnt to a coal,
they are then beat with a wooden hammer over a stone which causes all
the bark to fly off and leaves the inside consisting of a small
proportion of a glutinous pulp mixt with many fibres, which they
generaly spit out after having suckd each mouthfull a long time.
Strange and unheard of as it must appear to an Europaean to draw
nourishment from a class of Plant which in Europe no animal, har[d]ly
even insects, will taste, I am much inclind to think that it affords
a nourishing and wholesome diet: these people eat but little and this
is the foundation of their meals, all summer at least from the time
that their roots are planted till the season for digging them up.
Among them I have seen many very healthy old men and in general the
whole of them are as vigorous a race as can be imagind. To the
Southward where little or nothing is planted Fern roots and fish must
serve them all the Year. Here therefore we saw that they had made
vast piles of Both, especialy the latter which were dryd in the sun
very well, I suppose meant for winter stock when possibly Fish is not
so plentifull or the trouble of catching it greater than in Winter.
Water is their universal drink nor did I see any signs of any other
liquor being at all known to them, or any method of Intoxication. If
they realy have not happy they must be allowd to be above all other
nations that I at least have heard of.

So simple a diet accompanied with moderation must be productive of
sound health, which indeed these people are blessd with in a very
high degree. Tho we were in several of their towns where Young and
old crowded to see us, actuated by the same curiosity as made us
desirous of seing them, I do not remember a single instance of a
person distemperd in any degree that came under my inspection, and
among the numbers of them that I have seen naked I have never seen an
eruption on the skin or any signs of one by scars or otherwise. Their
skins indeed when they came off to us in their canoes were often
markd in patches with a white flowery appearance which at first
deceivd us, but we afterwards found that that was owing to their
having been in their Passage wetted with the spray of the sea, which
when it was dry left the salt behind it in a fine white powder. Such
health drawn from so sound principles must make physicians almost
useless: indeed I am inclind to think that their knowledge of Physick
is but small from the state of their surgery which more than once
came under my inspection. Of this art they seemd totaly ignorant; I
saw several who were wounded by our shot without the smallest
application upon their wounds, one in particular who had a musquet
ball shot through the fleshy part of his arm; he came out of his
house and shewd himself to us making a little use of the wounded arm;
the wound which was then of several days standing was totaly void of
inflammation, seemd well digested, in short appeard to me to be in so
good a state that had any application been made use of I should not
have faild to enquire carefully what it had Been which had had so
good an Effect.

A farther proof and not a weak one of the sound health that these
people enjoy may be taken from the number of old people we saw;
hardly a canoe came off to us that did not bring one or more and
every town had several whoom if we may judge by gray hairs and worn
out teeth were of a very advancd age. Of these few or none were
decrepid, indeed the greatest number of them seemd in vivacity and
chearfullness to equal the young, indeed to be inferior to them in
nothing but the want of equal strengh and agility.

That these people have a larger share of ingenuity than usualy
falls to the lot of nations who have had so little or indeed no
commerce with any others appears at first sight. Their boats, the
better sort of them at least, shew it most evidently. They are built
of very thin planks sewd together, their sides rounding up like ours,
but very narrow for their lengh. Some are immensely long: One I saw
which the people laid alongside the ship as if to measure how much
longer she was than the Canoe, which fairly reachd from the anchor
that hung at the bows quite aft, and consequently could not be less
than [] feet long; but indeed we saw few so large as that. All except
a few that we saw at Opoorage or Mercury bay, which were merely
trunks of trees hollowd out by fire, were more or less ornamented by
carving. The common fishing canoes had nothing but the face of a man
with a monstrous tongue and whose eyes were generaly inlayd with a
kind of shell like mother of Pearl in the fore part of them, but the
larger sort which seemd to be intended for war were realy
magnificently adornd. Their heads were formd by a Plank projecting
about 3 feet before the canoe, and on their sterns stood up another
proportiond to the size of the canoe, from ten to 18 feet high; both
these were richly carvd with open work and coverd with loose fringes
of Black feathers that had a most gracefull effect; the gunnel boards
were often also carvd in a grotesque taste and ornamentd with white
feathers in bunches placd upon a black ground at certain intervals.
They sometimes joind two small canoes together and now and then made
use of an outrigger as is practisd in the Islands, seldom towards the
north rather oftener to the Southward.

In managing these canoes they are very expert, in the padling of
them at least, in one I counted 16 padlers of a side and never did
men I beleive keep better time with their strokes, driving on the
boat with immense velocity. Their paddles are often ornamented with
carving, their blade is of an oval shape pointed towards the bottom,
broadest in the middle and again sloping towards the handle, which is
about 4 feet long, the whole being generaly near 6 feet long more or
less. But in sailing they are not so expert, we very seldom saw them
make use of Sails and indeed never unless when they were to go right
before the wind. They were made of mat and instead of a mast were
hoisted upon two sticks which were fastned one to each side, so that
they requird two ropes which answerd the purpose of sheets and were
fastned to the tops of these sticks; in this clumsey manner they
saild with a good deal of swiftness and were steerd by two men who
sat in the stern with each a paddle in his hand. I shall set down the
dimensions of one that we measurd that was of the largest size: it
was in lengh 68½feet, breadth 5, depth 3½; this was the
only one that we measurd or indeed had an opportunity of
measuring.

For the beauty of their carving in general I fain would say
something more about it but find myself much inferior to the task. I
shall therefore content myself with saying that their taste varied
into two materialy different Stiles, I will call them. One was
intirely formd of a number of Spirals diff[er]ently connected, the
other was in a much more wild taste and I may truly say was like
nothing but itself. Of the former the truth with which the lines were
drawn was surprizing, but above all their method of connecting
several spirals into one peice, which they did inimitably well,
intermingling the ends of them in so dextrous a manner that it was
next to impossible for the eye to trace their connections. For the
other I shall say nothing but referr intirely to the few drawings
which I had an opportunity of getting made of them; premising however
that the beauty of all their carvings depended intirely on the
design, for the execution was so rough that when you came near it was
difficult to find any bea[u]ties in the things which struck you most
at a distance.

After having said so much of their workmanship it will be
nescessary to say something of their tools. As they have no metal
among them these are made of Stone of different kinds, their hatchets
especialy of any hard stone they can get but cheifly of a kind of
Green Talk which is very hard and at the same time tough; with axes
of this stone they cut so clean that it would often puzzle a man to
say if the wood they have shapd was or was not cut with an Iron
hatchet. These axes they value above all their riches and would
seldom part with them for any thing we could offer. But their nicer
work which requires nicer edge tools they do with fragments of
Jasper, which they break and use the edges of it that are sharp like
flints till they are blunt, after which they are thrown away as
useless, for it impossible ever again to sharpen them; with these
fragments of Jasper I suppose it was that at Tolaga they bord a hole
through a peice of Glass that we had given to them, just large enough
to admit a thread in order to convert it into an ornament. But what
method they make use of to cut and polish their weapons calld by them
patoo patoo, which are made of very hard stone, I must confess I am
quite ignorant.

For their Cloths they are made exactly in the same manner as is
usd by the inhabitants of South America, some of whose workmanship
procurd at Rio de Janeiro I have on board: the warp or long threads
are laid very close together and each crossing of the woof is distant
from another an inch at least. But they have besides this several
other kinds of cloth and work borders to them all, which I have
before mentiond, but as to their manner of doing I must confess
myself totaly ignorant. I never but once saw any of this work going
forwards, that was done in a kind of frame of the breadth of the
Cloth, across which it was spread, and the cross threads workd in by
hand which must be very tedious; but howsoever they may be made the
workmanship sufficiently proves the workmen to be dextrous in their
way. One peice of notability in them I must not forget, which is that
to every garment of the better kind is fixd a Bodkin, as if to remind
the wearer that if it should be torn by any accident no time should
be lost before it is mended.

Netts for fishing they make in the same manner as ours, of an
amazing size. A seine seems to be the joint work of a whole town and
I suppose the joint property: of these I think I have seen as large
as ever I saw in Europe. Besides this they have fish pots and baskets
workd with twiggs, and another kind of net which they most generaly
make use of that I have never seen in any countrey but this. They are
circular and about 7 or 8 feet in diameter and 2 or 3 deep; they are
stretchd by two or three hoops and open at the top for near but not
quite their whole extent; on the bottom is fastned the bait, a little
basket containing the gutts etc. of fish and sea ears which are tied
to different parts of the net. This is let down to the bottom where
fish are and when enough are supposd to be gatherd together are drawn
up with a very gentle motion by which means the fish are insensibly
lifted from the bottom; in this manner I have seen them take vast
numbers of fish and indeed it is a most general way of fishing all
over the coast. Their hooks are but ill made, generaly of bone or
shell fastned to a peice of wood; indeed they seem to have little
occasion for them for with their netts they take fish much easier
than they could do with them.

In tillage they excell, as people who are themselves to eat the
fruit of their industry and have little else to do but to cultivate
nescessarily must. When we first came to Tegadu their crops were just
coverd and had not yet began to sprout: the mould was as smooth as in
a garden, and every root had its small hillock rangd in a regular
Quincunx by lines which with the pegs still remaind in the feild. We
had not an opportunity of seeing them work but once saw their tool,
which is a long and narrow stake flatted a little and sharpned,
across this is fixd a peice of stick for the convenience of pressing
it down with the foot; with this simple tool industry teaches them to
turn up peices of ground of 6 or 7 acres in extent; indeed the soil
is generaly sandy, is therefore easily turnd up, and the narrowness
of the tool the blade of which is not more than 3 inches broad makes
it meet with the less resistance.

Tillage, weaving and the rest of the arts of peace are best known
and most practisd in the North Eastern parts; indeed in the Southern
there is little to be seen of any of them. But War seems to be equaly
known to all tho most practisd in the South West parts. The mind of
man, ever ingenious in inventing instruments of destruction, has not
been Idle here. Their weapons tho few are well calculated for bloody
fights and the destruction of numbers, defensive weapons they have
none and no Missive ones except stones and darts which are cheifly
usd in defending their forts, so that if two bodies should meet
either in boats, or upon the plain ground, they must fight hand to
hand and the slaughter be consequently immense. Their Weapons are
Spears made of hard wood and pointed at both ends, sometimes headed
with human bones; of these some are 14 or 15 feet long; they are
graspd by the middle so that the end which hangs behind, serving as a
balance to keep steady that which is before, makes it much more
dificult to parry a push from one of them than it would be from one
of a spear only half as long which was held by the end. Battle axes
made likewise of a very hard wood about 6 feet long, the bottom of
the handle pointed, and the blade which is perfectly like the blade
of an axe but broader made very sharp; with these they chop at the
heads of their antagonists when an opportunity offers. Patoo patoos
as they calld them, a kind of small hand bludgeon of stone, bone or
hard wood most admirably calculated for the cracking of sculls; they
are of different shapes, some like an old fashiond chopping knife,
others of this [] or always however having sharp edges and a
sufficient weight to make a second blow unnescessary if the first
takes place; in these they seemd to put their cheif dependance,
fastning them by a strong strap to their wrists least they should be
wrenchd from them. The principal people seldom stirrd out without one
of them sticking in his girdle, generaly made of Bone (of Whales as
they told us) or of coarse black Jasper very hard, insomuch that we
were almost led to conclude that in peace as well as war they wore
them as a warlike ornament in the same manner as we Europaeans wear
swords. Darts about 8 feet long made of wood bearded and sharpned,
but intended cheifly for the defence of their forts where they have
the advantage of throwing them from a hight down upon their enemy;
they often brought them out in their boats when they meant to attack
us, but so little were they able to make use of them against us who
were by reason of the hight of the ship above them that they never
but once attempted it, and that dart tho thrown with the utmost
effort of the man who held it barely fell on board. Sometimes I have
seen them pointed with the stings of stingrays but very seldom: why
they do not oftener use them I do not know, nothing is more terrible
to a Europae[a]n than the sharp Jagged beards of those bones, but I
beleive they seldom cause death tho the wounds made by them must be
most troublesome and painfull. Stones however they use much more
dextrou[s] ly. Tho ignorant of the use of Slings they throw by hand a
considerable distance; when they have pelted us with them on board
the ship I have seen our people attempt to throw them back and not be
able to reach the Canoes, tho they had so manifest an advantage in
the hight of their situation.

These are all that can properly be calld arms. But besides these
the cheifs when they came to attack us carried in their hands a kind
of ensign of distinction in the same manner as ours, or spontoons:
they were either the rib of a Whale as white as snow carvd very much
and ornamented with dogs hair and feathers, or a stick about 6 feet
long carvd and ornamented in the same manner and generaly inlayd with
shell like mother of Pearl. Of these cheifs there were in their War
Canoes one two or 3 according to the size of them. When within about
a Cables lengh of the ship these generaly rose up, dressd themselves
in a distinguishing dress, often of Dogs skin, and holding in their
hands either one of their Spontoons or a Weapon directed the rest of
the people how to proceed; they were always old or at least past the
middle age and had upon them a larger quantity than common of the
black stains that they call amoco. These Canoes commonly paddled with
great vigour till they came within about a stones throw of the ship
(having no Idea that any missive weapon could reach them farther) and
then began to threaten us, this indeed the smaller canoes did as soon
as they were in hearing. Their words were almost universaly the same,
'haromai haromai harre uta a patoo patoo 'oge'--come to us, come to
us, come but ashore with us and we will kill you with our Patoo
patoos: in this manner they continued to threaten us, venturing by
degrees nearer and nearer till they were close alongside, at
intervals talking very civily and answering any questions we askd
them but quickly renewing their threats till they had by our
non-resistance gaind courage enough to begin their war song and
dance; after which they either became so insolent that we found it
nescessary to chastise them by firing small shot at them, or else
threw three or four stones on board and as if content with having
offerd such an insult unreveng'd left us.

The War Song and dance consists of Various contortions of the
limbs during which the tongue is frequently thrust out incredibly far
and the orbits of the eyes enlargd so much that a circle of white is
distinctly seen round the Iris: in short nothing is omittd which can
render a human shape frightful and deformd, which I suppose they
think terrible. During this time they brandish their spears, hack the
air with their patoo patoos and shake their darts as if they meant
every moment to begin the attack, singing all the time in a wild but
not disagreable manner and ending every strain with a loud and deep
fetchd sigh in which they all join in concert. The whole is
accompanied by strokes struck against the sides of the Boats etc.
with their feet, Paddles and arms, the whole in such excellent time
that tho the crews of several Canoes join in concert you rarely or
never hear a single stroke wrongly placd.

This we calld the War song, for tho they seemd fond of using it
upon all occasions whether in war or peace they I beleive never omit
it in their attacks. Besides this they have several other songs which
their women sing prettily enough in parts; they are all in a slow
melancholy stile but certainly have more taste in them than could be
expected from untaught savages. Instrumental musick they have not,
unless a kind of wooden pipe or the shell calld Tritons Trumpet with
which they make a noise not much differing from that made by boys
with a Cows horn may be calld such. They have indeed besides these a
kind of small pipe of wood, crooked and shapd almost like a large
tobacco pipe head, but it has hardly more musick in it than a whistle
with a Pea in it; but on none of these did I ever hear them attempt
to play a tune or sing to their musick.

That they eat the bodies of such of their enemies as are killd in
war is a fact which, tho universaly acknowledg'd by them from our
first landing at every place we came into, I confess I was very loth
to give credit to till I by accident found the bones of men well
pick'd in the very baskets where these people keep their provision:
so convincing a proof I could not withstand, so I proceeded to
inquire as well as I could with the small knowledge of their language
which I had and the Assistance of Tupia what were their customs upon
this occasion. They told us that a few days before a canoe of their
enemies had been surprizd by them and that out of her they killd 7
persons, to one of whoom the bones in the basket had belongd, that
now all the flesh of these people was eat up and most of the bones
thrown away, which we found to be true for in almost every cove where
we landed fresh bones of Men were found near the places where fires
had been made. The whole was still more confirmd by the old man who
we supposd to be the cheif of an Indian town which was very near us,
coming a few days afterwards and at our desire bringing with him in
his Canoe 6 or 7 heads of men preservd with the flesh on. These it
seems these people keep after having eat the brains as trophies of
their victories in the same manner as the Indians of North America do
scalps; they had their ornament in their ears as when alive and some
seemd to have false eyes. He was very jealous of shewing them. One I
bought tho much against the inclinations of its owner, for tho he
likd the price I offerd he hesitated much to send it up, yet having
taken the price I insisted either to have that returnd or the head
given, but could not prevail untill I enforc'd my threats by shewing
Him a musquet on which he chose to part with the head rather than the
price he had got, which was a pair of old Drawers of very white
linnen. It appeard to have belongd to a person of about 14 or 15
years of age, and evidently shewd by the contusions on one side of it
that it had receivd many violent blows which had chippd of a part of
the scull near the eye: from hence and many more circumstances I am
inclind to beleive that these Indians give no quarter, or ever take
prisoners to eat upon a future occasion as is said to have been
practisd by the Floridan Indians; for had they done so this young
creature who could not make much resistance would have been a very
proper subject.

The state of war in which they live, constantly in danger of being
surprizd when least upon their guard, has taught them not only to
live together in towns, but to fortify those towns; which they do by
a broad ditch and a pallisade within it of no despicable
construction. For these Towns or Forts, which they call Heppas, they
chuse situations naturaly strong; commonly Islands or Peninsulas
where the sea or steep cliffs defend the greatest part of their
works; and if there is any part weaker than the rest a stage is
erected over it of a considerable hight, 18 or 20 feet, on the top of
which the defendants range themselves and fight with a great
advantage as they can throw down their darts and stones with so much
greater force than the assailants can throw them up. Within these
forts the greatest part of the tribe to whoom they belong reside and
have large stocks of provisions, Fern roots and dryd fish laid up but
no water; for that article in all that I have seen was not to be had
but at some distance without the lines, from whence we were led to
conclude that sieges are not usd among them. Some however are
generaly out in small parties in the neighbouring creeks and coves
employd either in taking fish or collecting Fern roots etc., a large
quantity of which they bring back with them, a reserve I suppose for
times when the neighbourhood of an enemy or other circumstances make
the procuring of fresh provision dificult or dangerous.

Of these Forts or towns we saw many, indeed the inhabitants
constantly livd in such from the Westermost part of the Bay of Plenty
to Queen Charlots Sound; but about Hawk's bay, Poverty Bay, Tegadu
and Tolaga there were none, and the houses were scatterd about; there
were indeed upon the sides of hills stages built, sometimes of a
great lengh, which might serve as a retreat to save their lives at
the last extremity, and nothing else, and these were mostly in ruins.
Throughout all this district the people seemd free from apprehension
and as in a state of Profound peace. Their cultivations were far more
numerous and larger than we saw them any where else and they had a
far greater quantity of Fine boats, Fine cloaths, Fine carvd work; in
short the people were far more numerous, and livd in much greater
affluence, than any others we saw. This seemd to be owing to their
being joind together under one cheif or king, so at least they always
told us, Whose name is Teratu and who lives far up in the countrey.
It is much to be lamented that we could get no farther knowledge of
this cheif or king than only his name: his Dominions are certainly
for an Indian Monarch most extensive, he was acknowledgd for a lengh
of coast of upwards of [] Leagues and yet we do not know the eastern
limits of his dominions; we are sure however that they contain the
greatest share of the rich part of the Northermost Island and that
far the greatest number of people upon it are his subjects.
Subordinate to him are lesser cheifs who seem to have Obedience and
respect paid them by the tribes to whoom they belong and probably
administer justice to them, tho we never saw an instance of it except
in the case of theft on board the ship, when upon our complaint the
offender receivd kicks and blows from the cheif with whoom he came
onboard. These cheifs were generaly old men; whether they had the
office of cheif by birth or on account of their age we never learnt,
But in the other parts where Teratu was not acknowledg'd we plainly
learnt that the cheifs whoom they obeyd, of which every tribe had
some, receivd their dignity by inheritance. In the Southern parts
their societies seemd to have many things in common, particularly
their fine cloaths and netts, the former of which they had but few.
We never saw any body employd in making [them?], it might be that
what they had were the spoils of war. They were kept in a small Hut
erected for that purpose in the middle of the town; the latter seemd
to be the joint work of the whole society. Every house had in it
peices of netting upon which they were at work; by the joining
together these it is probable that they made the long Seins which we
saw.

The Women are less regarded here than at the South Sea Islands, at
least so Tupia thought who complaind of it as an insult upon the sex.
They eat with the men however. How the sexes divide labour I do not
know but I am inclind to beleive that the Men till the ground, fish
in boats and take birds, the Women dig up Fern roots, collect shell
Fish and lobsters near the beach and dress the Victuals and weave
cloth, while the men make netts--thus at least these employments have
been distributed when I had an opportunity of Observing them which
was very seldom, for our approach generaly made a holiday where ever
we went; men women and children flocking to us either to satisfy
their curiosity or trade with us for whatever they might have, taking
in exchange cloth of any kind, especialy linnen or the Indian cloth
we had brought from the Islands, Paper, Glass bottles, sometimes
peices of broken glass, Nails etc.

We saw few signs of religion among these people: they had no
publick places of Worship among them as the inhabitants of the South
Sea Islands, and only one private one came under my observation,
which was in the neighbourhood of a plantation of their sweet
potatoes. It was a small square, borderd round with stones; in the
middle was a spade, and on it was hung a basket of fern roots, an
offering (I suppose) to the Gods for the success of the Crop, so at
least one of the natives explaind it. They however acknowledged the
influence of superior beings and have nearly the same account of the
creation of the World, mankind etc. as Tupia; he however seemd to be
much better vers'd in such legends than any of them, for whenever he
began to preach as we calld it he was sure of a numerous audience who
attended with most profound silence to his doctrines. The Burial of
the Dead instead of being a Pompous ceremony as in the Islands is
here kept secret. We never saw so much as a grave where any one had
been interrd; nor were they always alike in the accounts they gave of
the manner of disposing of Dead bodies, in the Northern parts they
told us that they buried them in the ground and in the southern said
that they threw them into the sea, having first tied to them a
sufficient weight to cause their sinking. Howsoever they disposd of
the dead their regret for the loss of them was sufficiently visible;
few or none were without scarrs and some had them hideously large on
their cheeks, arms, thighs, legs etc. which proceeded from the cuts
they had given themselves during their mourning. I have seen several
with such wounds of which the blood was not yet staunchd and one
only, a woman, while she was cutting herself and lamenting. She wept
much, repeating many sentences in a plaintive tone of voice, at every
one of which she with a shell cut a gash in some part of her body;
she however contrivd her cutts in such a manner that few of them drew
blood and those that did penetrated a small depth only. She was old
and had outlivd probably those violent impressions that greif as well
as other passions of the mind make upon young people, her greif also
was probably of long standing; the scarrs upon the bodies of the
greater part of these people evincd however that they had felt
sorrows more severely than she did.

Thus much for the manners and customs of these people as far as
they have come to my knowledge in the few opportunities I had of
seeing them; they differ in many things but agree in more with those
of the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands. Their Language I shall
next give a short specimen of which is almost precisely the same at
least in fundamentals. It is true that they have generaly added
several letters to the words as usd by the inhabitants of Otahite
etc. but the original plainly appears in the composition. The
language of the Northern and southern parts differ cheifly in this:
the one has added more letters than the others, the original words
are however not less visible to the slightest observer. I shall give
a short table of each compard with the Otahite, taking care to
mention as many words as I know which are either of a doubtfull or
different original, Premising however two things: first that the
words were so much disguisd by their manner of pronouncing them that
I found it very dificult to understand them till I had wrote them
down; secondly that Tupia at the very first understood and conversd
with them with great facility.

I must remark that the greatest part of the southern Language was
not taken down by myself and I am inclind to beleive that the person
who did it for me made use of more letters in spelling the words than
were absolutely nescessary. The Genius of the Language especialy in
the Southern parts is to add some particle before a noun as we do
'the' or 'a'; 'the' was generaly He, or Ko; they also often add to
the end of any word, especialy if it is in answer to a question, the
word Oeia which signifies yes, realy, or certainly.

This sometimes led our gentlemen into most longwinded words, one
only of which I shall mention as an example. In the Bay of Islands a
very remarkable Island was calld by the natives Motu Aro: some of our
gentlemen askd the name of this from one of the Natives, Who answerd
I suppose as usual Kemotu aro; the Gentleman not hearing well the
word repeated his question, on which the Indian again repeated his
answer, adding Oeia to the end of the name which made it
Kemotuaroeiea: this way at least and no other can I account for that
Island being calld in the Log book etc. Cumattiwarroweia. The same is
practisd by the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands only their
Particle instead of He, or She, is To, or Ta; their oeia is exactly
the same which when first I began to learn the language producd many
difficulties and mistakes.

From the similarity of customs, the still greater of Traditions
and the almost identical sameness of Language between these people
and those of the Islands in the South Sea there remains little doubt
that they came originaly from the same source: but where that Source
is future experience may teach us, at Present I can say no more than
that I firmly beleive that it is to the Westward and by no means to
the East.

Having now intirely circumnavigated New Zealand and found it, not
as generaly has been supposd part of a continent, but 2 Islands: and
having not the least reason to imagine that any countrey larger than
itself lays in its neighbourhood, it was resolvd to leave it and
Proceed upon farther discoveries in our return to England being
determind to do as much as the state of the Ship and provisions would
allow. In consequence of this resolution a consultation was held and
3 schemes proposd: One, much the most elegible, to return by Cape
Horn keeping all the way in the high Latitudes, by which means we
might with certainty determine whether or not a Southern Continent
existed; but this was unanimously agreed to be more than the
Condition of the ship would allow. Our provisions indeed might be
equal to it--we had six months at 2/3 allowance--but our Sails and
rigging, with which the former especialy we were at first but ill
provided, were renderd so bad by the blowing weather that we had met
with off New Zealand that we were by no means in a condition to
weather the hard Gales that must be expected in a winter passage
through high latitudes. The second was to steer to the southward of
Van Diemens Land and stand away directly for the Cape of Good Hope,
but this was likewise immediately rejected: if we were in too bad a
condition for the former we were in too good a one for this. 6 months
provision was much more than enough to carry us to any Port in the
East Indies and the over plus was not to be thrown away in a Sea
Where so few navigators had been before us: the third therefore was
unanimously agreed to, which was to stand immediately to the
Westward, fall in with the Coast of New Holland as soon as possible,
and after following that to the northward as far as seemd proper, to
attempt to fall in with the Lands seen by Quiros in 1606. In doing
this, although we hopd to make discoveries more interesting to trade
at least than any we had yet made, we were obligd intirely to give up
our first grand object, the Southern Continent: this for my own part
I confess I could not do without much regret.--That a Southern
Continent realy exists, I firmly beleive; but if ask'd why I beleive
so, I confess my reasons are weak; yet I have a preposession in
favour of the fact which I find it dificult to account for. Ice in
large bodies has been seen off Cape Horn now and then; Sharp saw it
in [1681] and Monsr Frezier, in his return from the Coast of Chili,
in the month of March 1714; he also mentions that it has been seen by
other French Ships in the same place. If this Ice (as is generaly
beleivd) is formd by fresh water only there must be land to the
Southward: for the Coast of Terra del Fuego is by no means cold
enough to produce such an Effect. I should be inclind to think also
that it lays well away to the Westward, as the West and South West
Winds so generaly prevail that the Ice must be supposd to have
followd the direction of these winds, and consequently have come from
those points. When we saild to the Southward, in the months of August
and Septr 1769, we met with signs of land, sea weed, and a seal:
which, tho both of them are often seen at large distances from Land,
yet they are not met with in open oceans; and we were at that time
to[o] far from the Coast of New Zealand, and much too far from that
of South America, to have supposd them to have come from either of
these. The Body of this land must however be situated in very high
latitudes: a part of it may indeed come to the Northward, within our
track; but as we never saw any signs of land, except at the time
mentiond above, although I made it my particular business (as well as
I beleive the most of us) to look out for such, it must be
prodigiously smaller in extent than the theoretical continent makers
have supposd it to be. We have by our track provd the absolute
falsity of above three fourths of their positions, and after that the
rema[in]ing part can not be much rely'd upon; but above all, we have
taken from them their firmest Ground work, in Proving New Zealand to
be an Island, which I beleive was lookd upon even by the most
thinking people to be in all probability at least a part of some Vast
Countrey. All this we have taken from them: the land seen by Juan
Fernandes, the land seen by the Duch squadron under Hermite, signs of
Continent seen by Quiros, and the same by Roggewein, etc. etc. have
by us been provd not to have at all related to a Continent. As for
their reasoning about the Balancing of the two poles, which always
appeard to me to be a most childish argument, we have already shorn
off so much of their supposd counterbalancing land that by their own
account the South pole would already be too light, unless what we
have left should be made of very ponderous materials. As much fault
as I find with these gentlemen will however probably recoil on
myself, when I on so slight grounds as those I have mentiond again
declare it to be my opinion that a Southern Continent exists, an
opinion in favour of which I am strongly preposesd; but foolish and
weak as all prepossesions must be thought I would not but declare
myself so, least I might be supposd to have stronger reasons which I
conceald.

To search for this Continent then the best and readyest way by
which at once the existence or nonexistence of it might be Provd
appears to me to be this: Let the ship or ships destind for this
service leave England in the Spring and proceed directly to the Cape
of Good hope, where they might refresh their people and supply in
some articles their expence of provision; from thence to proceed
round Van Diemens Land to the Coast of New Zealand, where they might
again refresh in any of the numerous harbours at the mouth of Cooks
streights where they would be sure to meet with plenty of Water, Wood
and fish. Here they should arrive by the month of October that they
might have the good season before them to run across the South Sea,
Which by reason of the Prevailing westerly winds they would easily be
able to do in any Latitude; and if in doing this they should not fall
in with a Continent they might still be of service by exploring the
Islands in the Pacifick Ocean where they might refresh themselves and
proceed home by the East Indies. Such a Voyage, as a Voyage of Mere
Curiosity, should be promoted by the Royal Society to whoom I doubt
not but his majesty would upon a proper application grant a ship, as
the subject of such a voyage seems at least as interesting to Science
in general and the increase of knowledge as the Observation which
gave rise to the Present one. The small expence such an equipment is
to goverment is easily shown: I will venture roundly to affirm that
the Smallest Station Sloop in his majesties service is every year
more expensive than this ship where every rope, every sail, every
rope yarn even, is obligd to do its duty most thouroughly before it
can be dismissd; how trifling then must this expence appear when in
return for it the nation acquires experiencd seamen in those who
execute it, and the Praise which is never denied to countries who in
this publick spirited manner promote the increase of knowledge.

At the Cape of Good Hope might be procurd Beef, Bread, Flower,
Pease, Spirit, or indeed any kind of Provision at Reasonable Rates.
The Beef must be bought alive and salted, for which purpose it would
be proper to take out salt from Europe; the general price which
i[n[deed never varies is two pence a pound, it is tolerable meat but
not so fat as ours in England. Pork is scarce and dear, of that
therefore a larger proportion might be taken out. Bread, which varies
in price, is of the Rusk kind, very good but rather brown. Spirit is
Arrack from Batavia, the Price of which after having paid the Duties
of Import and Export is 60 Rd, 12 lb Sterling, a Legger of 150 Galls.
Wine is in vast plenty and very cheap and while I was there they
began to Distill a kind of Brandy, which however at that time was as
dear as Arrack and much inferior to it both in Strengh and goodness.
Should a ship upon this Expedition be obligd to go into False Bay,
into which the Dutch remove on the 12th of May, most of these
articles might be got there at a small advance occasiond by the
carriage which is very cheap; and any be wanted which could not, they
might be brought from the Cape town either by Dutch Scoots of which
there are several belonging to the Company in the Harbour, or by
Waggons over land as the Road is good and much frequented at that
season of the Year.

April 1770

1770 April 1.

Fresh breeze and fair all day.

1770 April 2.

Wind more to the westward but still fair.--Our malt having turnd
out so indifferent that the Surgeon made little use of it a method
was thought of some weeks ago to bring it into use, which was to make
as strong a wort with it as possible and in this boil the wheat which
is servd to the People for breakfast. It made a mess far from
unpleasant which the people soon grew very fond of: myself who have
for many months constantly breakfasted upon the same wheat as the
people, either did or at least thought that I receivd great benefit
from the use of this mess, it totaly banishd in me that troublesome
Costiveness which I beleive most people are subject to when at sea.
Whether or no this is a more beneficial method of administering wort
as a preventative than the common must be left to the faculty,
especialy that excellent surgeon Mr M'Bride whose ingenious treatise
on the sea scurvy can never be enough commended. For my own part I
should be inclind to beleive that the salubrious qualities of the
wort which arise from fermentation might in some degree at least be
communicated to the wheat when thouroughly saturated with its
particles, which would consequently acquire a virtue similar to that
of fresh vegetables, the most powerfull resisters of Sea scurvy
known.

1770 April 3.

Wind as yesterday: we got fast on to the Westward but the Compass
shewd that the hearts of our people hanging that way caus'd a
considerable North variation which was sensibly felt by our
navigators, who calld it a current as they usualy do every thing
which makes their reconings and observations disagree.

1770 April 4.

Wind and weather precisely as yesterday.

1770 April 5.

Wind is rather abated and weather considerably milder. The Captn
told me that he has during this whole vo[y]age observd that between
the degrees of 40¡ and 37¡ South latitude the Weather
becomes suddenly milder in a very great degree, not only in the
temperature of the air but in the Strenght and frequency of the gales
of wind, which increase very much in going towards 40 and decrease in
the same proportion as you aproach 37.

1770 April 6.

Almost calm, the air very mild. Some dusky colourd birds were seen
by Tupia and the Master who both sayd they were of a sort which they
had not seen before. Tupia also declard that he saw a flying fish, no
one else however observd it.

1770 April 7.

Almost calm: the air both yesterday and today was damp so that
many things began to mould. The sun today had greater power and heat
than we had felt for some months past.

1770 April 8.

No swell today, Very light breezes, sun and air much as
yesterday.

1770 April 9.

Fair breeze tho very little of it: the Sea both yesterday and
today was as smooth as a millpool, no kind of swell ranging in any
direction. In the Morn a red taild Tropick bird was seen who hoverd
some time over the ship but except him few or no Birds appeard.

1770 April 10.

Another red taild tropick bird was seen today and a Flying fish.
Weather as it has now been for several days rather troublesomly warm
and the Sea most uncommonly smooth.

1770 April 11.

Calm: myself went out a shooting and killd Diomedea exulans and
impavida, saw profuga; Procellaria melanopus, Velox, Oceanica,
Vagabunda and longipes, Nectris fuliginosa, which I find to be the
same bird as was seen by the Master and Tupia on the 6th. Took up
with dipping net Mimus volutator, Medusa pelagica, Dagysa cornuta,
Phyllodoce velella and Holothuria obtusata, of which last an
Albatross that I had shot dischar [g]d a large quantity, incredible
as it may appear that any animal should feed upon this blubber, whose
stings innumerable give a much more Acute pain to a hand which
touches them than Nettles.

1770 April 12.

Calm again: I again went out in my small boat and shot much the
same birds as yesterday; took up also cheifly the same animals to
which was added indeed Actinia natans. I again saw undoubted proofs
that the Albatrosses eat Holothurias or Portugese men of War as the
sea men call them. I had also an opportunity of observing the manner
in which this animal stings. The body of it Consists of a bladder on
the upper side of which is fixd a kind of Sail which he erects or
depresses at pleasure; the edges of this he also at pleasure gathers
in so as to make it Concave on one side and convex on the other,
varying the concavity or convexity to which ever side he pleases for
the conveniency of catching the wind, which moves him slowly upon the
surface of the sea in any direction he pleases. Under the bladder
hang down two kinds of strings, one smooth and transparent which are
harmless, the other full of small round knobbs having much the
appearance of small beads strung, these he contracts or extends
sometimes to the lengh of 4 feet. Both these and the others are in
this species of a lovely ultramarine blew, but in the more common one
which is many times larger than this being near as large as a Goose
egg, they are of a fine red. With these latter however he does his
mischeif, stinging or burning as it is calld if touchd by any
substance: they immediately exsert millions of exceeding fine white
threads about a line in lengh which peirce the skin and adhere to it
giving very acute pain. When the animal exserts them out of any of
the little knobbs or beads which are not in contact with some
substance into which they can peirce they appear very visibly to the
naked eye like small fibres of snow white cotton.

1770 April 13.

Calm and fine as Yesterday with the sun as powerfull as ever; last
night a great dew fell with which in the morn all the rigging etc.
was wet. Myself shooting as usual but saw no new birds except a
Gannet which came not near me: of those for these 4 or 5 days past
killd a good many, indeed during this whole time they have been tame
and appeard unknowing and unsu[s]picious of men, the generality of
them flying to the boat as soon as ever they saw it which is generaly
the case when at large distances from the land. Took up Dagysa vitrea
and Gemma, Medusa radiata and Porpita, Helix Janthina very large,
Doris complanata and Beroe biloba. Saw a large shoal of Esox
Scombroides leaping out of the water in a very extrordinary manner,
pursued by a large fish which I saw but could not strike tho I did
two of the former. In the Evening saw several fish much Resembling
Bonitos.

The weather we have had for these Nine days past and the things we
have seen upon the sea are so extrordinary that I cannot help
recapitulating a little. The Weather in the first place which till
the fifth was cool or rather cold became at once troublesomely hot
bringing with it a mouldy dampness such as we have experiencd between
the tropicks: the Thermometer at this time although it shewd a
considerable difference in the degree of heat was not near so
sensible of it as our bodies, which I beleive is generaly the case
when a damp air accompanies warmth. During the continuance of this
weather the inhabitants of the seas between the tropicks appeard: the
Tropick bird, flying fish and Medusa Porpita are animals very seldom
seen out of the influence of trade winds, several others also are
such as I have never before seen in so high a latitude and never
before in such perfection as now except between the tropicks. All
these uncommon appearances I myself can find no other method of
accounting for than the uncommon lengh of time that the wind had
remaind in the Eastern quarter before this, which Possibly had all
that time blown home from the trade wind, and at the same time as it
kept the sea in a quiet and still state had brought with it the
Produce of the Climates from whence it came.

1770 April 14.

A great dew this morn and Weather as calm as ever; in the
afternoon however a small breeze sprang up and increasd gradualy till
towards night when a large quantity of Porpoises were seen about the
ship.

1770 April 15.

Little or no Dew this morn: the Breeze freshned and came to WNW
which soon raisd a sea. Several flying fish were seen today; tho I
was not fortunate enough to see any of them yet they were seen by
people who I am sure could not be mistaken. After dinner a small Bird
of the Sterna kind came about the ship much like the Sterna [] of New
Zealand but browner upon the back; it stayd a long time about the
ship and seemd to me as if it had lost its way. At night the wind
moderated but with it came a kind of invisible spray or mist which
thouroughly wetted my hair as I walkd the deck.

1770 April 16.

No dew this morn: weather moderate and cloudy. In the Morn Tupia
saw a large float of sea weed and shewd it to one other man; it was
however so far from the ship that no one else saw it. At noon Our
second Lieutenant observd a small Butterfly as he thought. At night
some Thunder and a fresh gale at SW, with a heavy swell which seemd
to keep rather to the Westward of the Wind. Many Albatrosses and
black shearwaters were about the ship. At night a small land bird
came on board about the size of a sparrow; some of the boys tried to
catch it but it got from them in the rigging and was never seen
after.

1770 April 17.

During last night and this morn the weather was most Variable with
continual squalls and wind shifting all round the compass; such
weather is often met with in the neighbourhood of land so that with
this and the former signs our seamen began to prophesy that we were
not now at any great distance from it. A Gannet was seen which flew
towards the NW with a steady uninterrupted flight as if he knew the
road that he was going led to the shore. In the evening a Port Egmont
hen was seen. At night it blew strong at WSW.

1770 April 18.

Stiff gales and a heavy sea from the Westward. In the morn a Port
Egmont hen and a Pintado bird were seen, at noon two more of the
former. At night the weather became rather more moderate and a shoal
of Porpoises were about the Ship which leapd out of the water like
Salmons, often throwing their whole bodies several feet high above
the surface.

1770 April 19. New Holland sighted

With the first day light this morn the Land was seen, at 10 it was
pretty plainly to be observd; it made in sloping hills, coverd in
Part with trees or bushes, but interspersd with large tracts of sand.
At Noon the land much the same. We were now sailing along shore 5 or
6 Leagues from it, with a brisk breeze of wind and cloudy unsettled
weather, when we were calld upon deck to see three water spouts,
which at the same time made their appearance in different places but
all between us and the land. Two which were very distant soon
disapeard but the third which was about a League from us lasted full
a quarter of an hour. It was a column which appeard to be of about
the thickness of a mast or a midling tree, and reachd down from a
smoak colourd cloud about two thirds of the way to the surface of the
sea; under it the sea appeard to be much troubled for a considerable
space and from the whole of that space arose a dark colourd thick
mist which reachd to the bottom of the pipe. When it was at its
greatest distance from the water the pipe itself was perfectly
transparent and much resembled a tube of glass or a Column of water,
if such a thing could be supposd to be suspended in the air; it very
frequently contracted and dilated, lenghned and shortned itself and
that by very quick motions; it very seldom remaind in a perpendicular
direction but Generaly inclind either one way or the other in a curve
as a light body acted upon by wind is observd to do. During the whole
time that it lasted smaler ones seemd to attempt to form in its
neighbourhood; at last one did about as thick as a rope close by it
and became longer than the old one which at that time was in its
shortest state; upon this they Joind together in an instant and
gradualy contracting into the Cloud disapeard.

1770 April 20.

The countrey this morn rose in gentle sloping hills which had the
appearance of the highest fertility, every hill seemd to be cloth'd
with trees of no mean size; at noon a smoak was seen a little way
inland and in the Evening several more.

1770 April 21.

In the morn the land appeard much as it did yesterday but rather
more hilly; in the even again it became flatter. Several smoaks were
seen from whence we concluded it to be rather more populous; at night
five fires.

1770 April 22.

The Countrey hilly but rising in gentle slopes and well wooded. A
hill was in sight which much resembled those dove houses which are
built four square with a small dome at the top. In the morn we stood
in with the land near enough to discern 5 people who appeard through
our glasses to be enormously black: so far did the prejudices which
we had built on Dampiers account influence us that we fancied we
could see their Colour when we could scarce distinguish whether or
not they were men.--Since we have been on the coast we have not
observd those large fires which we so frequently saw in the Islands
and New Zealand made by the Natives in order to clear the ground for
cultivation; we thence concluded not much in favour of our future
freinds.--It has long been an observation among us that the air in
this Southern hemisphere was much clearer than in our northern, these
some days at least it has appeard remarkably so. A headland calld
Dromedaries Head, not remarkably high, had been seen at the
dist[ance] of 25 L'gs and judgd by nobody to be more than 6 or 8 from
us; it was now in sight plain and our distance from it by the ships
run was 23 l'gs, yet the Sea men acknowledg'd that tho they knew how
far it was from them they could not think that it appeard more than
10 l'gs off. The hill like a pigeon house was also seen at a very
great distance; the little dome on the top of it was first thought to
be a rock standing up in the sea long before any other part was seen,
and when we came up with it we found it to be several miles
inland.

1770 April 23.

Calm today, myself in small boat but saw few or no birds. Took
with the dipping net Cancer Erythroptamus, Medusa radiata, pelagica,
Dagysa gemma, strumosa, cornuta, Holothuria obtusata, Phyllodoce
Velella and Mimus volutator. The ship was too far from the shore to
see much of it; a larger fire was however seen than any we have seen
before. The Master today in conversation made a remark on the
Variation of the Needle which struck me much, as to me it was new and
appeard to throw much light on the Theory of that Phaenomenon. The
Variation is here very small, he says: he has three times crossd the
line of no variation and that at all those times as well as at this
he has observd the Needle to be very unsteady, moving very easily and
scarce at all fixing: this he shewd me: he also told me that in
several places he has been in the land had a very remarkable effect
upon the variation, as in the place we were now in: at 1 or 2 Leagues
distant from the shore the variation was 2 degrees less than at 8 Lgs
distance.

1770 April 24.

The wind was unfavourable all day and the ship too far from the
land for much to be seen; 2 large fires however were seen and several
smaller. At night a little lightning to the Southward.

1770 April 25.

Large fires were lighted this morn about 10 O'Clock, we supposd
that the gentlemen ashore had a plentifull breakfast to prepare. The
countrey tho in general well enough clothd appeard in some places
bare; it resembled in my imagination the back of a lean Cow, coverd
in general with long hair, but nevertheless where her scraggy hip
bones have stuck out farther than they ought accidental rubbs and
knocks have intirely bard them of their share of covering. In the
even it was calm. All the fires were put out about 5 O'Clock. Several
brown patches were seen in the sea looking much as if dirt had been
thrown into it, but upon a nearer examination they provd to be
myriads of small dagysas.

1770 April 26.

Land today more barren in appearance that we hade before seen it:
it consisted cheifly of Chalky cliffs something resembling those of
old England; within these it was flat and might be no doubt as
fertile. Fires were seen during the day the same as yesterday but
none so large.

1770 April 27.

The Countrey today again made in slopes to the sea coverd with
wood of a tolerable growth tho not so large as some we have seen. At
noon we were very near it; one fire only was in sight. Some bodies of
3 feet long and half as broad floated very boyant past the ship; they
were supposd to be cuttle bones which indeed they a good deal
resembled but for their enormous size. After dinner the Captn proposd
to hoist out boats and attempt to land, which gave me no small
satisfaction; it was done accordingly but the Pinnace on being lowerd
down into the water was found so leaky that it was impracticable to
attempt it. Four men were at this time observd walking briskly along
the shore, two of which carried on their shoulders a small canoe;
they did not however attempt to put her in the water so we soon lost
all hopes of their intending to come off to us, a thought with which
we once had flatterd ourselves. To see something of them however we
resolvd and the Yawl, a boat just capable of carrying the Captn, Dr
Solander, myself and 4 rowers was accordingly prepard. They sat on
the rocks expecting us but when we came within about a quarter of a
mile they ran away hastily into the countrey; they appeard to us as
well as we could judge at that distance exceedingly black. Near the
place were four small canoes which they left behind. The surf was too
great to permit us with a single boat and that so small to attempt to
land, so we were obligd to content ourselves with gazing from the
boat at the productions of nature which we so much wishd to enjoy a
nearer acquaintance with. The trees were not very large and stood
seperate from each other without the least underwood; among them we
could discern many cabbage trees but nothing else which we could call
by any name. In the course of the night many fires were seen.

1770 April 28. Botany Bay reached

The land this morn appeard Cliffy and barren without wood. An
opening appearing like a harbour was seen and we stood directly in
for it. A small smoak arising from a very barren place directed our
glasses that way and we soon saw about 10 people, who on our approach
left the fire and retird to a little emminence where they could
conveniently see the ship; soon after this two Canoes carrying 2 men
each landed on the beach under them, the men hauld up their boats and
went to their fellows upon the hill. Our boat which had been sent
ahead to sound now aproachd the place and they all retird higher up
on the hill; we saw however that at the beach or landing place one
man at least was hid among some rocks who never that we could see
left that place. Our boat proceeded along shore and the Indians
followd her at a distance. When she came back the officer who was in
her told me that in a cove a little within the harbour they came down
to the beach and invited our people to land by many signs and word[s]
which he did not at all understand; all however were armd with long
pikes and a wooden weapon made something like a short scymetar.
During this time a few of the Indians who had not followd the boat
remaind on the rocks opposite the ship, threatning and menacing with
their pikes and swords--two in particular who were painted with
white, their faces seemingly only dusted over with it, their bodies
painted with broad strokes drawn over their breasts and backs
resembling much a soldiers cross belts, and their legs and thighs
also with such like broad strokes drawn round them which imitated
broad garters or bracelets. Each of these held in his hand a wooden
weapon about 2½ feet long, in shape much resembling a
scymeter; the blades of these lookd whitish and some though[t]
shining insomuch that they were almost of opinion that they were made
of some kind of metal, but myself thought they were no more than wood
smeard over with the same white pigment with which they paint their
bodies. These two seemd to talk earnestly together, at times
brandishing their crooked weapons at us as in token of defiance. By
noon we were within the mouth of the inlet which appeard to be very
good. Under the South head of it were four small canoes; in each of
these was one man who held in his hand a long pole with which he
struck fish, venturing with his little imbarkation almost into the
surf. These people seemd to be totaly engag'd in what they were
about: the ship passd within a quarter of a mile of them and yet they
scarce lifted their eyes from their employment; I was almost inclind
to think that attentive to their business and deafned by the noise of
the surf they neither saw nor heard her go past them. At 1 we came to
an anchor abreast of a small village consisting of about 6 or 8
houses. Soon after this an old woman followd by three children came
out of the wood; she carried several peice[s] of stick and the
children also had their little burthens; when she came to the houses
3 more younger children came out of one of them to meet her. She
often lookd at the ship but expressd neither surprize nor concern.
Soon after this she lighted a fire and the four Canoes came in from
fishing; the people landed, hauld up their boats and began to dress
their dinner to all appearance totaly unmovd at us, tho we were
within a little more than ½ a mile of them. Of all these
people we had seen so distinctly through our glasses we had not been
able to observe the least signs of Cloathing: myself to the best of
my judgement plainly discernd that the woman did not copy our mother
Eve even in the fig leaf.

After dinner the boats were mann'd and we set out from the ship
intending to land at the place where we saw these people, hoping that
as they regarded the ships coming in to the bay so little they would
as little regard our landing. We were in this however mistaken, for
as soon as we aproachd the rocks two of the men came down upon them,
each armd with a lance of about 10 feet long and a short stick which
he seemd to handle as if it was a machine to throw the lance. They
calld to us very loud in a harsh sounding Language of which neither
us or Tupia understood a word, shaking their lances and menacing, in
all appearance resolvd to dispute our landing to the utmost tho they
were but two and we 30 or 40 at least. In this manner we parleyd with
them for about a quarter of an hour, they waving to us to be gone, we
again signing that we wanted water and that we meant them no harm.
They remaind resolute so a musquet was fird over them, the Effect of
which was that the Youngest of the two dropd a bundle of lances on
the rock at the instant in which he heard the report; he however
snatchd them up again and both renewd their threats and opposition. A
Musquet loaded with small shot was now fird at the Eldest of the two
who was about 40 yards from the boat; it struck him on the legs but
he minded it very little so another was immediately fird at him; on
this he ran up to the house about 100 yards distant and soon returnd
with a sheild. In the mean time we had landed on the rock. He
immediately threw a lance at us and the young man another which fell
among the thickest of us but hurt nobody; 2 more musquets with small
shot were then fird at them on which the Eldest threw one more lance
and then ran away as did the other. We went up to the houses, in one
of which we found the children hid behind the sheild and a peice of
bark in one of the houses. We were conscious from the distance the
people had been from us when we fird that the shot could have done
them no material harm; we therefore resolvd to leave the children on
the spot without even opening their shelter. We therefore threw into
the house to them some beads, ribbands, cloths etc. as presents and
went away. We however thought it no improper measure to take away
with us all the lances which we could find about the houses,
amounting in number to forty or fifty. They were of various lenghs,
from 15 to 6 feet in lengh; both those which were thrown at us and
all we found except one had 4 prongs headed with very sharp fish
bones, which were besmeard with a greenish colourd gum that at first
gave me some suspicions of Poison. The people were blacker than any
we have seen in the Voyage tho by no means negroes; their beards were
thick and bushy and they seemd to have a redundancy of hair upon
those parts of the body where it commonly grows; the hair of their
heads was bushy and thick but by no means wooley like that of a
Negro; they were of a common size, lean and seemd active and nimble;
their voices were coarse and strong. Upon examining the lances we had
taken from them we found that the very most of them had been usd in
striking fish, at least we concluded so from sea weed which was found
stuck in among the four prongs.--Having taken the resolution before
mentiond we returnd to the ship in order to get rid of our load of
lances, and having done that went to that place at the mouth of the
harbour where we had seen the people in the morn; here however we
found nobody.--At night many moving lights were seen in different
parts of the bay such as we had been usd to see at the Islands; from
hence we supposd that the people here strike fish in the same
manner.

1770 April 29.

The fires (fishing fires as we supposd) were seen during the
greatest part of the night. In the morn we went ashore at the houses,
but found not the least good effect from our present yesterday: No
signs of people were to be seen; in the house in which the children
were yesterday was left every individual thing which we had thrown to
them; Dr Solander and myself went a little way into the woods and
found many plants, but saw nothing like people. At noon all hands
came on board to dinner. The Indians, about 12 in number, as soon as
they saw our boat put off Came down to the houses. Close by these was
our watering place at which stood our cask: they lookd at them but
did not touch them, their business was merely to take away two of
four boats which they had left at the houses; this they did, and
hauld the other two above high water mark, and then went away as they
came. In the Evening 15 of them armd came towards our waterers; they
sent two before the rest, our people did the same; they however did
not wait for a meeting but gently retird. Our boat was about this
time loaded so every body went off in her, and at the same time the
Indians went away. Myself with the Captn etc. were in a sandy cove on
the Northern side of the harbour, where we hauld the seine and caught
many very fine fish, more than all hands could Eat.

1770 April 30.

Before day break this morn the Indians were at the houses abreast
of the Ship: they were heard to shout much. At su[n]rise they were
seen walking away along the beach; we saw them go into the woods
where they lighted fires about a mile from us. Our people went ashore
as usual, Dr Solander and myself into the woods. The grass cutters
were farthest from the body of the people: towards them came 14 or 15
Indians having in their hands sticks that shone (sayd the Sergeant of
marines) like a musquet. The officer on seeing them gatherd his
people together: the hay cutters coming to the main body appeard like
a flight so the Indians pursued them, however but a very short way,
for they never came nearer than just to shout to each other, maybe a
furlong. At night they came again in the same manner and acted over
again the same half pursuit. Myself in the Even landed on a small
Island on the Northern side of the bay to search for shells; in going
I saw six Indians on the main who shouted to us but ran away into the
woods before the boat was within half a mile of them, although she
did not even go towards them.

May 1770

1770 May 1.

The Captn Dr Solander, myself and some of the people, making in
all 10 musquets, resolvd to make an excursion into the countrey. We
accordingly did so and walkd till we compleatly tird ourselves, which
was in the evening, seeing by the way only one Indian who ran from us
as soon as he saw us. The Soil wherever we saw it consisted of either
swamps or light sandy soil on which grew very few species of trees,
one which was large yeilding a gum much like sanguis draconis, but
every place was coverd with vast quantities of grass. We saw many
Indian houses and places where they had slept upon the grass without
the least shelter; in these we left beads ribbands etc. We saw one
quadruped about the size of a Rabbit, My Greyhound just got sight of
him and instantly lamd himself against a stump which lay conceald in
the long grass; we saw also the dung of a large animal that had fed
on grass which much resembled that of a Stag; also the footsteps of
an animal clawd like a dog or wolf and as large as the latter; and of
a small animal whose feet were like those of a polecat or weesel. The
trees over our heads abounded very much with Loryquets and Cocatoos
of which we shot several; both these sorts flew in flocks of several
scores together.

Our second Leutenant went in a boat drudging: after he had done he
landed and sent the boat away, keeping with him a midshipman with
whoom he set out in order to walk to the Waterers. In his Way he was
overtaken by 22 Indians who followd him often within 20 yards,
parleying but never daring to attack him tho they were all armd with
Lances. After they had joind our people 3 or 4 more curious perhaps
than prudent, went again towards these Indians who remaind about
½ a mile from our watering place. When they came pretty near
them they pretended to be afraid and ran from them; four of the
Indians on this immediately threw their lances which went beyond our
people, and by their account were thrown about 40 yards; on this they
stoppd and began to collect the lances, on which the Indians retird
slowly. At this time the Captn Dr Solander and myself came to the
waterers; we went immediately towards the Indians; they went fast
away, the Captn Dr Solander and Tupia went towards them and every one
else stayd behind; this however did not stop the Indians who walkd
leasurely away till our people were tird of following them. The
accounts of every one who saw the Indians near today was exactly
Consonant with what had been obse[r]vd on the first day of our
landing: they were black but not negroes, hairy, naked etc. just as
we had seen them.

1770 May 2.

The morn was rainy and we who had got already so many plants were
well contented to find an excuse for staying on board to examine them
a little at least. In the afternoon however it cleard up and we
returnd to our old occupation of collecting, in which we had our
usual good success. Tupia who strayd from us in pursuit of Parrots,
of which he shot several, told us on his return that he had seen nine
Indians who ran from him as soon as they perceivd him.

1770 May 3.

Our collection of Plants was now grown so immensly large that it
was necessary that some extrordinary care should be taken of them
least they should spoil in the books. I therefore devoted this day to
that business and carried all the drying paper, near 200 Quires of
which the larger part was full, ashore and spreading them upon a sail
in the sun kept them in this manner exposd the whole day, often
turning them and sometimes turning the Quires in which were plants
inside out. By this means they came on board at night in very good
condition. During the time this was doing 11 Canoes, in each of which
was one Indian, came towards us. We soon saw that the people in them
were employd in striking fish; they came within about ½ a mile
of us intent on their own employments and not at all regarding us.
Opposite the place where they were several of our people were
shooting; one Indian may be prompted by curiosity landed, hauld up
his canoe and went towards them; he stayd about a quarter of an hour
and then launchd his boat and went off, probably that time had been
spent in watching behind trees to see what our people did. I could
not find however that he was seen by any body.--When the damp of the
Even made it necessary to send my Plants and books on board I made a
small excursion in order to shoot any thing I could meet with and
found a large quantity of Quails, much resembling our English ones,
of which I might have killd as many almost as I pleasd had I given my
time up to it, but my business was to kill variety and not too many
individuals of any one species.--The Captn and Dr Solander employd
the day in going in the pinnace into various parts of the harbour.
They saw fires at several places and people who all ran away at their
approach with the greatest precipitation, leaving behind the shell
fish which they were cooking; of this our gentlemen took the
advantage, eating what they found and leaving beads ribbands etc. in
return. They found also several trees which bore fruit of the Jambosa
kind, much in colour and shape resembling cherries; of these they eat
plentifully and brought home also abundance, which we eat with much
pleasure tho they had little to recommend them but a light acid.

1770 May 4.

Myself in the woods botanizing as usual, now quite void of fear as
our neighbours have turnd out such rank cowards. One of our
midshipmen stragling by himself a long way from any one else met by
accident with a very old man and woman and some children: they were
setting under a tree and neither party saw the other till they were
close together. They shewd signs of fear but did not attempt to run
away. He had nothing about him to give to them but some Parrots which
he had shot: these they refusd, withdrawing themselves from his hand
when he offerd them in token either of extreme fear or disgust. The
people were very old and grey headed, the children young. The hair of
the man was bushy about his head, his beard long and rough, the
womans was crop'd short round her head; they were very dark colourd
but not black nor was their hair wooley. He stayd however with them
but a very short time, for seing many canoes fishing at a small
distance he feard that the people in them might observe him and come
ashore to the assistance of the old people, who in all probability
belongd to them. 17 Canoes came fishing near our people in the same
manner as yesterday only stayd rather longer, emboldend a little I
suppose by having yesterday met with no kind of molestation. Myself
in the afternoon ashore on the NW side of the bay, where we went a
good way into the countrey which in this place is very sandy and
resembles something our Moors in England, as no trees grow upon it
but every thing is coverd with a thin brush of plants about as high
as the knees. The hills are low and rise one above another a long way
into the countrey by a very gradual ascent, appearing in every
respect like those we were upon. While we were employd in this walk
the people hawld the Seine upon a sandy beach and caught great plenty
of small fish. On our return to the ship we found also that our 2nd
lieutenant who had gone out striking had met with great success: he
had observd that the large sting rays of which there are abundance in
the bay followd the flowing tide into very shallow water; he
therefore took the opportunity of flood and struck several in not
more than 2 or 3 feet water; one that was larger than the rest
weigh'd when his gutts were taken out 239 pounds. Our surgeon, who
had strayd a long way from the people with one man in his company, in
coming out of a thicket observd 6 Indians standing about 50 yards
from him; one of these gave a signal by a word pronouncd loud, on
which a lance was thrown out of the wood at him which however came
not very near him. The 6 Indians on seeing that it had not taken
effect ran away in an instant, but on turning about towards the place
from whence the lance came he saw a young lad, who undoubtedly had
thrown it, come down from a tree where he had been Stationd probably
for that purpose; he descended however and ran away so quick that it
was impossible even to atempt to pursue him.

1770 May 5.

As tomorrow was fixd for our sailing Dr Solander and myself were
employd the whole day in collecting specimens of as many things as we
possibly could to be examind at sea. The day was calm and the
Mosquetos of which we have always had some more than usualy
troublesome. No Indians were seen by any body during the whole day.
The 2nd Lieutenant went out striking and took several large Stingrays
the biggest of which weighd without his gutts 336 pounds.

1770 May 6.

Went to sea this morn with a fair breeze of wind. The land we
saild past during the whole forenoon appeard broken and likely for
harbours; in the afternoon again woody and very pleasant. We dind to
day upon the stingray and his tripe: the fish itself was not quite so
good as a scate nor was it much inferior, the tripe every body
thought excellent. We had with it a dish of the leaves of tetragonia
cornuta boild, which eat as well as spinage or very near it.

1770 May 7.

During last night a very large dew fell which wetted all our sails
as compleatly as if they had been dippd overboard; for several days
past our dews have been uncommonly large. Most part of the day was
calm, at night a foul wind.

1770 May 8.

Very light breezes and weather sultry all day. We had lost ground
yesterday so the land was what we had seen before; upon it however we
observd several fires upon it. At night a foul wind rose up much at
the same time and much in the same manner as yesterday.

1770 May 9.

Wind continued foul and we turnd to windward all day to no manner
of purpose.

1770 May 10.

Last night a very heavy squall came off from the land which
according to the seamens phrase made all sneer again; it pay'd
however for the trouble it gave by bringing a fair wind. In the morn
the land appeard broken and likely for harbours; its face was very
various, some parts being well wooded and others coverd with bare
sand.

1770 May 11.

Fair wind continued. Land today trended rather more to the
Northward than it had lately done, look'd broken and likely for
inlets. At Sunset three remarkable hills were abreast the ship
standing near the shore, of nearly equal size and shape; behind them
the countrey rose in gradual slopes carrying a great shew of
fertility.

1770 May 12.

Land much as yesterday, fertile but varying its appearance a good
deal, generaly however well clothd with good trees. This evening we
finishd Drawing the plants got in the last harbour, which had been
kept fresh till this time by means of tin chests and wet cloths. In
14 days just, one draughtsman has made 94 sketch drawings, so quick a
hand has he acquird by use.

1770 May 13.

Wind off shore today, it let us however come in with the land.
Many porpoises were about the ship. At Noon several fires ashore, one
very large which I judgd to be at least a league inland. Innumerable
shoals of fish about the ship in the afternoon and some birds of the
Nectris kind.

1770 May 14.

For these three nights last much lightning has been seen to the
Eastward. Early in the morn it was calm and some few fish were
caught; after the weather became squally. The wind however after some
time settled at South, the briskest breeze I think that the Endeavour
has gone before during the voyage. In the afternoon the land was
rather more hilly than it has been. Several fires were seen and one
high up on a hill side 6 or 7 miles at least from the beach.

1770 May 15.

Wind continued fair, a brisk breeze. The land in the Morning was
high but before noon it became lower and was in general well wooded.
Some people were seen, about 20, each of which carried upon his back
a large bundle of something which we conjecturd to be palm leaves for
covering their houses; we observd them with glasses for near an hour
during which time they walkd upon the beach and then up a path over a
gently sloping hill, behind which we lost sight of them. Not one was
once observd to stop and look towards the ship; they pursued their
way in all appearance intirely unmovd by the neighbourhood of so
remarkable an object as a ship must necessarily be to people who have
never seen one. The Thermometer was at 60 which rather pinchd us. In
the evening two small turtle were seen. At sun set a remarkable peakd
hill was in sight 5 or 6 Leagues of in the countrey, which about it
was well wooded and lookd beautifull as well as fertile. We were
fortunate enough just at this time to descry breakers ahead laying in
the very direction in which the ship saild; on this we went upon a
wind and after making a sufficient offing brought too, but it blowing
rather fresh and a great sea running made the night rather
uncomfortable.

1770 May 16.

In the morn we were abreast of the hill and saw the breakers which
we last night escapd between us and the land. It still blew fresh; at
noon we were abreast of some very low land which lookd like an
extensive plain in which we supposd there to be a Lagoon, in the
neighbourhood of which were many fires.

1770 May 17.

Continued to blow tho not so fresh as yesterday. Land trended much
to the westward; about 10 we were abreast of a large bay the bottom
of which was out of sight. The sea in this place suddenly changd from
its usual transparency to a dirty clay colour, appearing much as if
chargd with freshes, from whence I was led to conclude that the
bottom of the bay might open into a large river. About it were many
smoaks especialy on the Northern side near some remarkable conical
hills. At sun set the land made in one bank over which nothing could
be seen; it was very sandy and carried with it no signs of
fertility.

1770 May 18.

Land this morn very sandy. We could see through our glasses that
the sands which lay in great patches of many acres each were
moveable: some of them had been lately movd, for trees which stood up
in the middle of them were quite green, others of a longer standing
had many stumps sticking out of them which had been trees killd by
the sand heaping about their roots. Few fires were seen. Two water
snakes swam by the ship; they were in all respects like land snakes
and beautifully spotted except that they had broad flat tails which
probably serve them instead of fins in swimming. In the evening I
went out in the small boat but saw few birds of three sorts, Men of
War birds (Pelecanus aquilus) Bobies (Pelicanus Sula) and Nectris
munda, of which last shot one, and took up 2 cuttle bones differing
from the European ones in nothing but the having a small sharp peg or
prickle at one end.

1770 May 19.

Countrey as sandy and barren as ever. Two snakes were seen, a man
of war bird, and a small Turtle. At sun set the land appeard in a low
bank to the sea over which nothing was seen, so that we imagind it
was very narrow and that some deep bay on the other side ran behind
it.

1770 May 20.

At day break the land in sight terminated in a sandy cape behind
which a deep bay ran in, across which we could not see; our usual
good fortune now again assisted us, for we discoverd breakers which
we had certainly ran upon had the ship in the night saild 2 or 3
leagues farther than she did. This shoal extended a long way out from
the land for we ran along it till 2 O'Clock and then passed over the
tail of it in seven fathom water; the Sea was so clear that we could
distinctly see the bottom and indeed when it was 12 and 14 fathom
deep the colour of the sand might be seen from the mast head at a
large distance. While we were upon the shoal innumerable large fish,
Sharks, Dolphins etc. and one large Turtle were seen; A grampus of
the middle size Leapd with his whole body out of water several times
making a Splash and foam in the sea as if a mountain had fallen into
it. At sun set a few Bobies flew past towards the NW.

1770 May 21.

Land seen only from the mast head. Innumerable bobies for near 2
hours before and after Sun rise flew by the ship comeing from NNW and
flying SSE, I suppose from some bird Island in that direction where
they roosted last night. At 9 new land was in sight the other side of
the bay which we left last night; as we aproachd it the depth of
water gradualy decreasd to 9 fathom. At 4 in the evening the land
appeard very low but coverd with fine wood; on it were many very
large Smoaks several of which were seen before we could see the land
itself. At night water still shoal, land low and well wooded, fertile
to appearance as any thing we have seen upon this coast. At 8 came to
an anchor till morn.

1770 May 22.

In the course of the night the tide rose very considerably. In the
morn we got under sail again. The land as last night fertile and well
wooded; at noon the land appeard much less fertile, near the beach it
was sandy and we plainly saw with our glasses that it was coverd with
Palm nut trees, Pandanus Tectorius which we had not seen since we
left the Islands within the tropicks. Along shore we saw 2 men
walking along who took no kind of notice of us. At night we were
working into a bay in which seemd to be good anchorage, where we came
to an anchor resolvd to go ashore tomorrow and examine a little the
produce of the countrey.

1770 May 23.

Wind blew fresh off the land so cold that our cloaks were very
necessary in going ashore; as the ship lay a good way from the land
we were some time before we got there; when landed however the sun
recoverd its influence and made it sufficiently hot, in the afternoon
almost intolerably so. We landed near the mouth of a large lagoon
which ran a good way into the countrey and sent out a strong tide;
here we found a great variety of Plants, several however the same as
those we ourselves had before seen in the Islands between the
tropicks and others known to be natives of the east Indies, a sure
mark that we were upon the point of leaving the Southern temperate
Zone and for the future we must expect to meet with plants etc. a
part of which at least have been before seen by Europaeans. The Soil
in general was very sandy and dry: tho it producd a large variety of
Plants yet it never was coverd with a thick verdure. Fresh water we
saw none, but several swamps and boggs of salt water; in these and
upon the sides of the lagoon grew many Mangrove trees in the branches
of which were many nests of Ants, one sort of which were quite green.
These when the branches were disturbd came out in large numbers and
revengd themselves very sufficiently upon their disturbers, biting
sharper than any I have felt in Europe. The Mangroves had also
another trap which most of us fell into, a small kind of Caterpiler,
green and beset with many hairs: these sat upon the leaves many
together rangd by the side of each other like soldiers drawn up, 20
or 30 perhaps upon one leaf; if these wrathfull militia were touchd
but ever so gently they did not fail to make the person offending
them sensible of their anger, every hair in them stinging much as
nettles do but with a more acute tho less lasting smart. Upon the
sides of the hills were many of the trees yeilding a gum like Sanguis
draconis: they differd however from those seen in the last harbour in
having their leaves longer and hanging down like those of the weeping
willow, tho notwithstanding that I beleive that they were of the same
species. There was however much less gum upon them; only one tree
that I saw had any upon it, contrary to all theory, which teaches
that the hotter a climate is the more gums exsude. The same
observation however held good in the plant yeilding the Yellow gum,
of which tho we saw vast numbers we did not see any that shewd signs
of gum.

On the shoals and sand banks near the shore of the bay were many
large birds far larger than swans which we judg'd to be Pelicans, but
they were so shy that we could not get within gunshot of them. On the
shore were many birds, one species of Bustard, of which we shot a
single bird as large as a good Turkey. The sea seemd to abound in
fish but unfortunately at the first hawl we tore our seine to peices;
on the mud banks under the mangrove trees were innumerable Oysters,
Hammer oysters and many more sorts among which were a large
proportion of small Pearl oysters. Whither the sea in deeper water
might abound with as great a proportion of full grown ones we had not
an opportunity to examine, but if it did a pearl fishery here must
turn out to immence advantage.

Those who stayd on board the ship saw about 20 of the natives, who
came down abreast of the ship and stood upon the beach for some time
looking at her, after which they went into the woods; we on shore saw
none. Many large fires were made at a distance from us where probably
the people were. One small one was in our neighbourhood, to this we
went; it was burning when we came to it, but the people were gone;
near it was left several vessels of bark which we conceivd were
intended for water buckets, several shells and fish bones, the
remainder I suppose of their last meal. Near the fires, for their
were 6 or 7 small ones, were as many peices of soft bark of about the
lengh and breadth of a man: these we supposd to be their beds: on the
windward side of the fires was a small shade about a foot high made
of bark likewise. The whole was in a thicket of close trees, defended
by them from the wind; whether it was realy or not the place of their
abode we can only guess. We saw no signs of a house or any thing like
the ruins of an old one, and from the ground being much trod we
concluded that they had for some time remaind in that place.

1770 May 24.

At day break we went to sea. The weather was fine; we however were
too far from the land to distinguish any thing but that there were
some fires upon it tho not many. At Dinner we eat the Bustard we had
shot yesterday, it turnd out an excellent bird, far the best we all
agreed that we have eat since we left England, and as it weighd 15
pounds our Dinner was not only good but plentyfull. In the evening it
drop'd calm and we caught some fish tho not many.

1770 May 25.

Land in the morn rocky, varied here and there with reddish sand,
but little wood was to be seen. In the evening it was calm, some few
fish were caught. At night perceiving the tide to run very strong we
anchord. No fires were seen the whole day.

We examind the orange juice and brandy which had been sent on
board as prepard by Dr Hulmes directions: See his letter p. [291]. It
had never been movd from the cag in which it came on board. About
½ of it had been usd or leakd out; the remainder was coverd
with a whitish mother but otherwise was not at all damagd either to
taste or sight when it came out of the cag, but when put into a
bottle in 3 or 4 days it became ropey and good for nothing. On this
we resolvd to have it evaperated immediately to a strong essence and
put up in Bottles immediately.

1770 May 26.

Standing into a channel with land on both sides of us and water
very shoal, many rocky Islets, the main land very rocky and barren;
at 1 the Water became so shallow that we came to an anchor. While the
ships boats were employd in sounding round about her myself in my
small boat went a shooting and killd several bobies and a kind of
white bird calld by the seamen Egg bird, Sterna....... Before I went
out we tried in the cabbin to fish with hook and line but the water
was too shoal (3 fhm) for any fish. This want was however in some
degree [supplied] by Crabs of which vast numbers were on the ground
who readily took our baits, and sometimes held them so fast with
their claws that they sufferd themselves to be hawld into the ship.
They were of 2 sorts, Cancer pelagicus Linn. and another much like
the former but not so beautifull. The first was ornamented with the
finest ultramarine blew conceivable with which all his claws and
every Joint was deeply tingd; the under part of him was a lovely
white, shining as if glazd and perfectly resembling the white of old
China; the other had a little of the ultramarine on his Joints and
toes and on his back 3 very remarkable brown spots. 2 fires were seen
upon an Island, and those who went to sound in the boats saw people
upon an Island also who calld to them and seemd very desirous that
they should land.--In examining a fig which we had found at our last
going ashore we found in the fruit of it a Cynips, very like if not
exactly the same species with the Cynips sycomori Linn. describd by
Haselquist in his Iter Palestinum; a strong proof of the fact that
figgs must be impregnated by means of insects, tho indeed that fact
wanted not any additional proofs.

1770 May 27.

The boats who sounded yesterday having brought back word that
there was no passage ahead of the Ship we were obligd to return,
which we did and soon fell in with the main land again which was
barren to appearance; on it were some smoaks. We passd by many
Islands. In the Eve the breeze was stronger than usual with Cloudy
weather.

1770 May 28.

This morn at day break the water appeard much discolourd as if we
had Passd by some place where a river ran into the sea; the land
itself was high and abounded with hills. Soon after we came round a
point into a bay in which were a multitude of Islands. We stood into
the middle of them, a boat was sent a head to sound and made a signal
for a shoal, on which the ship came too but before the anchor went
she had less than 3 fathm water; the boats now sounded all round her
and found that she was upon the shoalest part, on which the anchor
was got up and we stood on. Weather was hazey; at night anchord.

1770 May 29.

Early this morn we got up our anchor and stood in for an opening
in which by nine O'Clock we came to an anchor. We saw in coming in no
signs of People. After breakfast we went ashore and found several
Plants which we had not before seen; among them were however still
more East Indian plants than in the last harbour. One kind of Grass
which we had also seen there was very troublesome to us: its sharp
seeds were bearded backwards and whenever they stuck into our cloths
were by these beards pushd forward till they got into the flesh: this
grass was so plentifull that it was hardly possible to avoid it and
with the Musketos that were likewise innumerable made walking almost
intolerable. We were not however to be repulsd but proceeded into the
countrey. The gum trees were like those in the last bay both in leaf
and producing a very small proportion of Gum; on the branches of them
and other trees were large ants nests made of Clay as big as a
bushel, something like to those describd in Sr Hans Sloanes Hist of
Jamaica Voll. II, p. 221, t. 258, but not so smooth: the ants also
were small and had whitish abdomens. In another species of tree
Xanthoxiloides mite, a small sort of black ants had bord all the
twigs and livd in quantities in the hollow part where the pith should
be, the tree nevertheless flourishing, bearing leaves and flowers
upon those very branches as freely and well as upon others that were
sound. Insects in general were plentifull, Butterflies especialy: of
one sort of these much like P. Similis Linn. the air was for the
space of 3 or 4 acres crowded with them to a wonderfull degree: the
eye could not be turnd in any direction without seeing milions and
yet every branch and twig was almost coverd with those that sat
still: of these we took as many as we chose, knocking them down with
our caps or any thing that came to hand. On the leaves of the gum
tree we found a Pupa or Chrysalis which shone almost all over as
bright as if it had been silverd over with the most burnishd silver
and perfectly resembled silver; it was brought on board and the next
day came out into a butterfly of a velvet black changeable to blue,
his wings both upper and under markd near the edges with many light
brimstone colourd spots, those of his under wings being indented
deeply at each end. We saw no fresh water but several swamps of salt
overgrown with mangroves; in these we found some species of shells,
Among them the Trochus perspectivus Linn. Here was also a very
singular Phaenomenon in a small fish of [space] of which there were
great abundance. It was about the size of a minnow in England and had
two breast finns very strong. We often found him in places quite dry
where may be he had been left by the tide: upon seeing us he
immediately fled from us leaping as nimbly as a frog by the help of
his breast finns: nor did he seem to prefer water to land for if seen
in the water he often leapd out and proceeded upon dry land, and
where the water was filld with small stones standing above its
surface would leap from stone to stone rather than go into the water:
in this manner I observd several pass over puddles of water and
proceed on the other side leaping as before. In the afternoon we went
ashore on the opposite side of the bay: the productions were much
like those on the side we were on in the morn, but if any thing the
Soil was rather better. In neither morning nor evening were there any
traces of inhabitants ever having been where we were, except that
here and there trees had been burnt down.

1770 May 30.

Went again ashore in the same place as yesterday. In attempting to
penetrate farther into the countrey it was necessary to pass a swamp
coverd with mangrove trees; this we attempted chearfully tho the mud
under them was midleg deep, yet before we had got half way over we
heartily [repented of] our undertaking: so entangled were the archd
branches of those trees that we were continualy stooping and often
slipping off from their slimey roots on which we steppd; we resolvd
however not to retreat and in about an hour accomplishd our walk of
about ¼ of a mile. Beyond this we found a place where had been
4 small fires; near them were fish bones, shells etc. that had there
been roasted, and grass layd together upon which 4 or 5 people had
slept as I guessd about a fortnight before. Several of our people
were ashore on liberty, one of these saw a small pool of standing
water which he judgd to contain about a ton. Our second lieutenant
saw also a little laying in the bottom of a gully near which were the
tracks of a large animal of the Deer or Guanicoe kind; he who has
been in Port Desire on the Coast of South America seemd to incline to
think them like the latter. Some Bustards were also seen but none of
them shot; Great Plenty however of the Beautifull Loriquets seen in
the last but one anchoring place were seen and killd. The 2nd
Lieutenant and one more man who were in very different places Declard
that they heard the voices of Indians near them, but neither saw the
People. The countrey in general appeard barren and very sandy; most
of the trees were gum trees but they seemd not inclind to Yeild their
gum, I saw only one tree which did. It was most destitute of fresh
water, probably that was the reason why so few inhabitants were seen:
it seemd to be subject to a severe rainy season, so at least we judgd
by the deep gullys which we saw had been plainly washd down from
hills of a small hight.

Whether the sea was more fruitfull than the land We had not an
opportunity to try. It did not seem to promise much as we with our
hooks and lines could catch nothing, nor were there any quantity of
Oysters upon the shore. The tide rose very much, how high was not
measurd, but I think I may venture to guess not less at spring tides
than 18 or twenty feet, perhaps much more.

The Captn and Dr Solander went today to examine the bottom of the
inlet which appeard to go very far inland; they found it to increase
in its width the farther they went into it, and concluded from that
and some other circumstances that it was a channel which went through
to the sea again. They saw two men who followd the boat along shore a
good way but the tide running briskly in their favour they did not
chuse to stop for them; at a distance from them far up the inlet they
saw a large smoak. At night they returnd and having found neither
fresh water nor any other refreshment it was resolvd to leave this
place tomorrow morn.

1770 May 31.

Went out this morn, the weather misty and rainy and fresh breeze.
As we had found by experience that many sands and shoals lay off the
coast a boat was sent ahead; at noon she made a signal for shoal
water on which we came to an anchor; the boats sounded and found a
Passage on which we proceeded and at night came to an anchor under
the shelter of an Island in the midst of Innumerable Islands, rocks
and shoals.

June 1770

1770 June 1.

In the night it raind and at times blew strong not much to our
satisfaction who were in a situation not very desirable, as if our
anchor should come home or cable break we had nothing to expect but
going ashore on some one or other of the shoals which lay round us.
The night passd however without the least accident, and at day light
in the morn the anchor was got up and we proceeded, in hopes of
getting out of our Archipelago. By noon we got in with the main land,
which made hilly and barren; on it were some smoaks. In the Evening
the weather settled fine and we saild along shore; at night came to
an Anchor.

Tupia complaind this evening of swelld Gums; he had it seems had
his mouth sore for near a fortnight, but not knowing what cause it
proceeded from did not complain. The Surgeon immediately put him upon
taking extract of Lemons in all his drink.

1770 June 2.

Sailing along shore with fine weather, the countrey hilly and ill
wooded. Some Islands were still in sight ahead of us; at noon the
irregularity of the soundings made it necessary to send the boat
ahead again. In the evening the countrey was moderately hilly and
seemd green and pleasant; one smoak was seen upon it. At night we
anchord, several large Islands being without us.

1770 June 3.

At day break the anchor was weighd and we stood along shore till
we found ourselves in a bay off the outermost point of which were the
Islands seen yesterday; by 8 it was resolvd to stand out again
through a passage which was seen between them and the main which was
accordingly done. The countrey within the bay, especialy on the
innermost side, was well wooded, lookd fertile and pleasant. After
dinner standing among Islands which were very barren, rising high and
steep from the sea; on one of these we saw with our glasses 2 men a
woman and a small canoe fitted with an outrigger, which made us hope
that the people were something improvd as their boat was far
preferable to the bark Canoes of Stingrays bay.

1770 June 4.

Hills in the morn were high and steep but they soon fell into very
low land to all appearance barren. The water began now to be
discolourd and an appearance of Islands was seen ahead which made us
look out for more sholes. At noon one smoak was seen behind some
hills inland. At night we passd pretty near a head land which appeard
miserably rocky and barren. Much seaweed with very fine leaves passd
by the ship all day.

1770 June 5.

Land near the sea very low and flat behind which the hills rose:
in the countrey very little appearance of fertility however either on
one or the other: at noon one large fire was seen. Several Cuttle
bones and 2 Sea Snakes swam past the ship. In the Even the
Thermometer was at 74 and the air felt to us hotter than we have felt
it on the coast before. Many Clouds of a thin scum lay floating upon
the water the same as we have before seen off Rio de Janiero; some
few flying fish also.

1770 June 6.

Land made in Barren rocky capes; one in particular which we were
abreast of in the morn appeard much like Cape Roxent; at noon 3 fires
upon it. Many Cuttle bones, Some sea weed and 2 or 3 Sea snakes were
seen. In the evening it fell quite calm and I went out in the small
Boat and shot nectris nugax but saw nothing remarkable on the water;
the weather most sultry hot in an open boat.

1770 June 7.

Sailing between the main and Islands the main rose steep from the
Water rocky and barren. Just about sun rise a shoal of fish about the
size of and much like flounders but perfectly white went by the ship.
At noon the Islands had mended their appearance and people were seen
upon them; the Main as barren as ever with several fires upon it, one
vastly large. After dinner an appearance very much like Cocoa nut
trees tempted us to hoist out a boat and go ashore, where we found
our supposd Cocoanut trees to be no more than bad Cabbage trees. The
Countrey about them was very stoney and barren and it was almost dark
when we got ashsore; we made a shift however to gather 14 or 15 new
plants after which we repaird to our boats, but scarce were they put
off from the shore when an Indian came very near it and shouted to us
very loud; it was so dark that we could not see him, we however turnd
towards the shore by way of seeing what he wanted with us, but he I
suppose ran away or hid himself immediately for we could not get a
sight of him.

1770 June 8.

Still sailing between the Main and Islands; the former rocky and
high lookd rather less barren than usual and by the number of fires
seemd to be better peopled. In the morn we passd within ¼ of a
mile of a small Islet or rock on which we saw with our glasses about
30 men women and children standing all together and looking
attentively at us, the first people we have seen shew any signs of
curiosity at the sight of the ship.

1770 June 9.

Countrey much the same as it was, hills near the sea high, lookd
at a distance not unlike Mores or heaths in England but when you came
nearer them were coverd with small trees; some few flatts and valleys
lookd tolerably fertile. At noon a fire and some people were seen.
After dinner came to an Anchor and went ashore, but saw no people.
The countrey was hilly and very stony affording nothing but fresh
water, at least that we found, except a few Plants that we had not
before met with. At night our people caught a few small fish with
their hooks and lines.

1770 June 10.

Just without us as we lay at an anchor was a small sandy Island
laying upon a large Coral shoal, much resembling the low Islands to
the eastward of us but the first of the kind we had met with in this
part of the South Sea. Early in the morn we weighd and saild as usual
with a fine breeze along shore, the Countrey hilly and stoney. At
night fall rocks and sholes were seen ahead, on which the ship was
put upon a wind off shore. While we were at supper she went over a
bank of 7 or 8 fathom water which she came upon very suddenly; this
we concluded to be the tail of the Sholes we had seen at sunset and
therefore went to bed in perfect security, but scarce were we warm in
our beds when we were calld up with the alarming news of the ship
being fast ashore upon a rock, which she in a few moments convincd us
of by beating very violently against the rocks. Our situation became
now greatly alarming: we had stood off shore 3 hours and a half with
a plesant breeze so knew we could not be very near it: we were little
less than certain that we were upon sunken coral rocks, the most
dreadfull of all others on account of their sharp points and grinding
quality which cut through a ships bottom almost immediately. The
officers however behavd with inimitable coolness void of all hurry
and confusion; a boat was got out in which the master went and after
sounding round the ship found that she had ran over a rock and
consequently had Shole water all round her. All this time she
continued to beat very much so that we could hardly keep our legs
upon the Quarter deck; by the light of the moon we could see her
sheathing boards etc. floating thick round her; about 12 her false
keel came away.

1770 June 11.

In the mean time all kind of Preparations were making for carrying
out anchors, but by reason of the time it took to hoist out boats
etc. the tide ebbd so much that we found it impossible to attempt to
get her off till next high water, if she would hold together so long;
and we now found to add to our misfortune that we had got ashore
nearly at the top of high water and as night tides generaly rise
higher than day ones we had little hopes of getting off even then.
For our Comfort however the ship as the tide ebbd settled to the
rocks and did not beat near so much as she had done; a rock however
under her starboard bow kept grating her bottom making a noise very
plainly to be heard in the fore store rooms; this we doubted not
would make a hole in her bottom, we only hopd that it might not let
in more water than we could clear with our pumps.

In this situation day broke upon us and showd us the land about 8
Leagues off as we judgd; nearer than that was no Island or place on
which we could set foot. It however brought with it a decrease of
wind and soon after that a flat calm, the most fortunate circumstance
that could Possibly attend people in our circumstances. The tide we
found had falln 2 feet and still continued to fall; Anchors were
however got out and laid ready for heaving as soon as the tide should
rise but to our great surprize we could not observe it to rise in the
least.

Orders were now given for lightning the ship which was began by
starting our water and pumping it up; the ballast was then got up and
thrown over board, as well as 6 of our guns (all that we had upon
deck). All this time the Seamen workd with surprizing chearfullness
and alacrity; no grumbling or growling was to be heard throughout the
ship, no not even an oath (tho the ship in general was as well
furnishd with them as most in his majesties service). About one the
water was faln so low that the Pinnace touchd ground as he lay under
the ships bows ready to take in an anchor, after this the tide began
to rise and as it rose the ship workd violently upon the rocks so
that by 2 she began to make water and increasd very fast. At night
the tide almost floated her but she made water so fast that three
pumps hard workd could but just keep her clear and the 4th absolutely
refusd do deliver a drop of water. Now in my own opinion I intirely
gave up the ship and packing up what I thought I might save prepard
myself for the worst.

The most critical part of our distress now aproachd: the ship was
almost afloat and every thing ready to get her into deep water but
she leakd so fast that with all our pumps we could just keep her
free: if (as was probable) she should make more water when hauld off
she must sink and we well knew that our boats were not capable of
carrying us all ashore, so that some, probably the most of us, must
be drownd: a better fate maybe than those would have who should get
ashore without arms to defend themselves from the Indians or provide
themselves with food, on a countrey where we had not the least reason
to hope for subsistance had they even every convenence to take it as
netts etc., so barren had we always found it; and had they even met
with good usage from the natives and food to support them, debarrd
from a hope of ever again seing their native countrey or conversing
with any but the most uncivilizd savages perhaps in the world.

The dreadfull time now aproachd and the anziety in every bodys
countenance was visible enough: the Capstan and Windlace were mannd
and they began to heave: fear of Death now stard us in the face;
hopes we had none but of being able to keep the ship afloat till we
could run her ashore on some part of the main where out of her
materials we might build a vessel large enough to carry us to the
East Indies. At 10 O'Clock she floated and was in a few minutes hawld
into deep water where to our great satisfaction she made no more
water than she had done, which was indeed full as much as we could
manage tho no one there was in the ship but who willingly exerted his
utmost strength.

1770 June 12.

The people who had been 24 hours at exceeding hard work now began
to flag; myself unusd to labour was much fatigued and had laid down
to take a little rest, was awakd about 12 with the alarming news of
the ships having gaind so much upon the Pumps that she had four feet
water in her hold: add to this that the wind blew of the land a
regular land breeze so that all hopes of running her ashore were
totaly cut off. This however acted upon every body like a charm: rest
was no more thought of but the pumps went with unwearied vigour till
the water was all out which was done in a much shorter time than was
expected, and upon examination it was found that she never had half
so much water in her as was thought, the Carpenter having made a
mistake in sounding the pumps.

We now began again to have some hopes and to talk of getting the
ship into some harbour as we could spare hands from the pumps to get
up our anchors; one Bower however we cut away but got the other and
three small anchors far more valuable to us than the Bowers, as we
were obligd immediately to warp her to windward that we might take
advantage of the sea breeze to run in shore.

One of our midshipmen now proposd an expedient which no one else
in the ship had seen practisd, tho all had heard of it by the name of
fothering a ship, by the means of which he said he had come home from
America in a ship which made more water than we did; nay so sure was
the master of that ship of his expedient that he took her out of
harbour knowing how much water she made and trusting intirely to it.
He was immediately set to work with 4 or 5 assistants to prepare his
fother which he did thus. He took a lower studding sail and having
mixd together a large quantity of Oakum chopd fine and wool he stickd
it down upon the sail as loosely as possible in small bundles each
about as big as his fist, these were rangd in rows 3 or 4 inches from
each other: this was to be sunk under the ship and the theory of it
was this, where ever the leak was must be a great suction which would
probably catch hold of one or other of these lumps of Oakum and wool
and drawing it in either partly or intirely stop up the hole. While
this work was going on the water rather gaind on those who were
pumping which made all hands impatient for the tryal. In the
afternoon the ship was got under way with a gentle breeze of wind and
stood in for the land; soon after the fother was finishd and applyd
by fastning ropes to each Corner, then sinking the sail under the
ship and with these ropes drawing it as far backwards as we could; in
about ½ an hour to our great surprize the ship was pumpd dry
and upon letting the pumps stand she was found to make very little
water, so much beyond our most sanguine Expectations had this
singular expedient succeeded. At night came to an anchor, the fother
still keeping her almost clear so that we were in an instant raisd
from almost despondency to the greatest hopes: we were now almost too
sanguine talking of nothing but getting her into some harbour where
we might lay her ashore and repair her, or if we could not find such
a place we little doubted to the East indies.

During the whole time of this distress I must say for the credit
of our people that I beleive every man exerted his utmost for the
preservation of the ship, contrary to what I have universaly heard to
be the behavior of sea men who have commonly as soon as a ship is in
a desperate situation began to plunder and refuse all command. This
was no doubt owing intirely to the cool and steady conduct of the
officers, who during the whole time never gave an order which did not
shew them to be perfectly composd and unmovd by the circumstances
howsoever dreadfull they might appear.

1770 June 13.

One Pump and that not half workd kept the ship clear all night. In
the morn we weighd with a fine breeze of wind and steerd along ashore
among innumerable shoals, the boats keeping ahead and examining every
appearance of a harbour which presented itself; nothing however was
met with which could possibly suit our situation, bad as it was, so
at night we came to an anchor. The Pinnace however which had gone far
ahead was not returnd, nor did she till nine O'Clock, when she
reported that she had found just the place we wanted, in which the
tide rose sufficiently and there was every natural convenience that
could be wishd for either laying the ship ashore or heaving her down.
This was too much to be beleivd by our most sanguine wishes: we
however hopd that the place might do for us if not so much as we had
been told yet something to better our situation, as yet but
precarious, having nothing but a lock of Wool between us and
destruction.

1770 June 14.

Very fresh Sea breeze. A boat was sent ahead to shew us the way
into the harbour, but by some mistake of signals we were obligd to
come to an anchor again of the mouth of it without going in, where it
soon blew too fresh for us to Weigh. We now began to consider our
good fortune; had it blown as fresh the day before yesterday or
before that we could never have got off but must inevitably have been
dashd to peices on the rocks. The Captn and myself went ashore to
view the Harbour and found it indeed beyond our most sanguine wishes:
it was the mouth of a river the entrance of which was to be sure
narrow enough and shallow, but when once in the ship might be moord
afloat so near the shore that by a stage from her to it all her Cargo
might be got out and in again in a very short time; in this same
place she might be hove down with all ease, but the beach gave signs
of the tides rising in the springs 6 or 7 feet which was more than
enough to do our business without that trouble. The meeting with so
many natural advantages in a harbour so near us at the very time of
our misfortune appeard almost providential; we had not in the voyage
before seen a place so well suited for our purpose as this was, and
certainly had no right to expect the tides to rise so high here that
did not rise half so much at the place where we struck, only 8
Leagues from this place; we therefore returnd on board in high
spirits and raisd the spirits of our freinds on board as much as our
own by bringing them the welcome news of aproaching security. It blew
however too fresh to night for us to attempt to weigh the anchor, I
even think as fresh as it has ever done since we have been upon the
Coast.

1770 June 15.

Blew all day as fresh as it did yesterday. We thought much of our
good fortune in having fair weather upon the rocks when upon the
Brink of such a gale. Our people were now however pretty well
recoverd from their fatigues having had plenty of rest, as the ship
since she was Fotherd has not made more water than one pump half
workd will keep clear. At night we observd a fire ashore near where
we were to lay, which made us hope that the necessary lengh of our
stay would give us an oportunity of being acquainted with the Indians
who made it.

1770 June 16.

In the morn it was a little more moderate and we attempted to
weigh but were soon obligd to vere away all that we had got, the wind
freshning upon us so much. Fires were made upon the hills and we saw
4 Indians through our glasses who went away along shore, in going
along which they made two more fires for what purpose we could not
guess. Tupia whose bad gums were very soon followd by livid spots on
his legs and every symptom of inveterate scurvy, notwithstanding
acid, bark and every medecine our Surgeon could give him, became now
extreemly ill; Mr Green the astronomer was also in a very poor way,
which made everybody in the Cabbin very desirous of getting ashore
and impatient at our tedious delays.

1770 June 17.

Weather a little less rough than it was. Weighd and brought the
ship in but in doing it ran her twice ashore by the narrowness of the
channel; the second time she remaind till the tide lifted her off. In
the meantime Dr Solander and myself began our Plant gathering. In the
Evening the ship was moord within 20 feet of the shore afloat and
before night much lumber was got out of her.

1770 June 18.

A stage was built from the ship which much facilitated our
undertakings. Myself walking in the countrey saw old Frames of Indian
houses and places where they had dressd shellfish in the same manner
as the Islanders, but no signs that they had been at the place for 6
months at least. The countrey in general was sandy between the hills
and barren made walking very easy; Musquetos there were some and but
few, a peice of good fortune in a place where we were likely to
remain some time. Tupia who had employd himself since we were here in
angling and had livd intirely on what he caught was surprizingly
recoverd. Poor Mr Green still very ill. Weather blowing hard with
showers; had we not got in yesterday we certainly could not
today.

1770 June 19.

Went over the Water today to spy the land which there was sand
hills. On them I saw some Indian houses which seem'd to have been
inhabited since those on this side, tho not very lately. There were
vast flocks of Pigeons and crows; of the former which were very
beautifull we shot several; the latter exactly like those in England
were so shy that we could not come near them by any means. The Inlet
or river in which we lay ran very far into the countrey, keeping its
course over flat land overgrown with Mangroves; the countrey inland
was however sufficiently hilly. Evening hard rain.

1770 June 20.

Weather cleard up so we began to gather and Dry plants of which we
had hopes of as many as we could muster during our stay. Observd that
in many parts of the inlet were large quantities of Pumice stones
which lay a good way above the high water mark, Probably carried
there by freshes or extrordinary high tides as they certainly came
from the Sea. Before night the ship was lightned and we observd with
great pleasure that the springs which were now beginning to lift rose
as high as we could wish.

1770 June 21.

Fine clear weather: began today to lay Plants in sand. By night
the ship was quite clear and in the nights tide (which we had
constantly observd to be much higher than the days) we hauld her
ashore.

1770 June 22.

In the morn I saw her leak which was very large: in the middle was
a hole large enough to have sunk a ship with twice our pumps but here
providence had most visibly workd in our favour, for it was in great
measure pluggd up by a stone which was as big as a mans fist: round
the Edges of this stone had all the water come in which had so near
overcome us, and here we found the wool and oakum or fothering which
had releivd us in so unexpected a manner. The effects of the Coral
rock upon her bottom is dificult to describe but more to beleive; it
had cut through her plank and deep into one of her timbers, smoothing
the gashes still before it so that the whole might easily be imagind
to be cut with an axe. Myself employd all day in laying in Plants.
The People who were sent to the other side of the water in order to
shoot Pigeons saw an animal as large as a grey hound, of a mouse
coulour and very swift; they also saw many Indian houses and a brook
of fresh water.

1770 June 23.

The people who went over the River saw the animal again and
describd him much in the same manner as yesterday.

1770 June 24.

Gathering plants and hearing descriptions of the animal which is
now seen by every body. A seaman who had been out in the woods
brought home the description of an animal he had seen composd in so
Seamanlike a stile that I cannot help mentioning it: it was (says he)
about as large and much like a one gallon cagg, as black as the Devil
and had 2 horns on its head, it went but Slowly but I dard not touch
it.

1770 June 25.

In gathering plants today I myself had the good fortune to see the
beast so much talkd of, tho but imperfectly; he was not only like a
grey hound in size and running but had a long tail, as long as any
grey hounds; what to liken him to I could not tell, nothing certainly
that I have seen at all resembles him.

1770 June 26.

Since the ship has been hauld ashore the water that has come into
her has of course all gone backwards and my plants which were for
safety stowd in the bread room were this day found under water;
nobody had warnd me of this danger which had never once enterd into
my head; the mischeif was however now done so I set to work to remedy
it to the best of my power. The day was scarce long enough to get
them all shifted etc.: many were savd but some intirely lost and
spoild.

1770 June 27.

Some of the Gentlemen who had been out in the woods Yesterday
brought home the leaves of a plant which I took to be Arum
Esculentum, the same I beleive as is calld Coccos in the West Indies.
In consequence of this I went to the place and found plenty; on tryal
however the roots were found to be too acrid to be eat, the leaves
however when boild were little inferior to spinage. In the same place
grew plenty of Cabbage trees a kind of Wild Plantain whose fruit was
so full of stones that it was scarce eatable, another fruit about as
large as a small golden pippin but flatter, of a deep purple colour;
these when gatherd off from the tree were very hard and disagreable
but after being kept a few days became soft and tasted much like
indiferent Damsons.

1770 June 28.

Tupia by Roasting his Coccos very much in his Oven made them lose
intirely their acridity; the Roots were so small that we did not
think them at all an object for the ship so resolvd to content
ourselves with the greens which are calld in the West Indies Indian
Kale. I went with the seamen to shew them the Place and they Gatherd
a large quantity. Saw one tree and only one notchd in the same manner
as those at Botany bay. We have ever since we have been here observd
the nests of a kind of Ants much like the White ants in the East
indies but to us perfectly harmless; they were always pyramidical,
from a few inches to 6 feet in hight and very much resembled stones
which I have seen in English Druidical monuments. Today we met with a
large number of them of all sizes rangd in a small open place which
had a very pretty effect; Dr Solander compard them to the Rune Stones
on the Plains of Upsal in Sweden, myself to all the smaller Druidical
monuments I had seen.

1770 June 29.

One of our Midshipmen an American who was out a shooting today saw
a Wolf, perfectly he sayd like those he had seen in America; he shot
at it but did not kill it. The Seine was hauld today for the first
time and 150 lb of Fish caught in it.

1770 June 30.

The second lieutenant saw 2 animals like dogs but smaller, they
ran like hares and were of a straw colour. Sein caught 213 lb of
Fish.

July 1770

1770 July 1.

Being Sunday all hands were ashore on liberty, many animals were
seen by them. The Indians had a fire about a league off up the river.
O[u]r second Lieutenant found the husk of a Cocoa nut full of
Barnacles cast up on the Beach; probably it had come from some Island
to windward, From Terra del Espirito Santo possibly as we are now in
its latitude. The ship was now finishd and tomorrow being the highest
spring tide it was intended to haul her off, so we began to think how
we should get out of this place, where so lately to get only in was
our utmost ambition. We had observ'd in coming in innumerable shoals
and sands all round us so we went upon a high hill to see what
passage to the sea might be open. When we came there the Prospect was
indeed melancholy: the sea every where full of innumerable shoals,
some above and some under water, and no prospect of any streight
passage out. To return as we came was impossible, the trade wind blew
directly in our teeth; most dangerous then our navigation must be
among unknown dangers. How soon might we again be reducd to the
misfortune we had so lately escapd! Escapd indeed we had not till we
were again in an open sea.

1770 July 2.

A great dew, which is the first we have had, and a Land breeze in
the morn the first likewise. The Wild Plantain trees, tho their fruit
does not serve for food, are to us a most material benefit; we made
Baskets of their stalks (a thing we learnd of the Islanders) in which
our plants which would not otherwise keep home remain fresh for 2 or
3 days; indeed in a hot climate it is hardly Practicable to go on
without such baskets which we call by the Island name of Papa Mya.
Our Plants dry better in Paper Books than in Sand, with this
precaution, that one person is intirely employd in attending them who
shifts them all once a day, exposes the Quires in which they are to
the greatest heat of the sun and at night covers them most carefully
up from any damps, always carefull not to bring them out too soon in
a morning or leave them out too late in the evening. Tide rose not so
high as was expected so the ship would not come off.

1770 July 3.

The Pinnace which had been sent out yesterday in search of a
Passage returnd today, having found a way by which she past most of
the shoals that we could see but not all. This Passage was also to
windward of us so that we could only hope to get there by the
assistance of a land breeze, of which we have had but one since we
lay in the Place, so this discovery added little comfort to our
situation. He had in his return landed on a dry reef where he found
vast plenty of shell fish so that the Boat was compleatly loaded,
cheifly with a large kind of Cockles (Chama Gigas) One of which was
more than 2 men could eat. Many indeed were larger; the Cockswain of
the Boat a little man declard that he saw on the reef a dead shell of
one so large that he got into it and it fairly held him. At night the
ship floated and was hauld off; an Allegator was seen swimming along
side of her for some time. As I was crossing the harbour in my small
boat we saw many sholes of Gar fish leaping high out of the water,
some of which leap'd into the boat and were taken.

1770 July 4.

The ship has been a good deal straind by laying so long as she has
done with her head aground and her stern afloat; so much so that she
has sprung a plank between decks abreast the main chains. At night
however she was laid ashore again in order if possible to examine if
she had got any damage near that place.

1770 July 5.

Went to the other side of the harbour and walkd along a sandy
beach open to the trade wind. Here I found innumerable fruits, many
of Plants I had not seen in this countrey; among them were some Cocoa
nuts that had been open'd (as Tupia told us) by a kind of Crab, calld
by the Dutch Beurs Krabbe (Cancer Latro) that feeds upon them. All
these fruits were incrusted with sea productions and many of them
Coverd with Barnacles, a sure sign that they have come far by sea,
and as the trade wind blows almost right on shore they must have come
from some other countrey-- probably that discoverd by Quiros and
calld Terra del Esprito Santo as the Latitudes according to his own
account agree pretty well.

Tupia who parted from us and walkd away a shooting, on his return
told us that he had seen 2 people who were digging in the ground for
some kind of roots; on seeing him they ran away with great
precipitation.

1770 July 6.

Set out today with the second lieutenant resolvd to Go a good way
up the river and see if the countrey inland differd from that near
the shore. We went for about 3 leagues among Mangroves, then we got
into the countrey which differd very little from what we had seen.
From hence we proceeded up the river which contracted itself much and
lost most of its mangroves; the Banks were steep and coverd with
trees of a Beautifull verdure particularly what is calld in the West
Indies Mohoe or Bark tree (Hibiscus tiliaceus); the land within was
generaly low, coverd thick with long grass, and seemd to promise
great fertility were these people to plant and improve it. In the
course of the Day Tupia saw a Wolf, so at least I guess by his
description, and we saw 3 of the animals of the countrey but could
not get one; also a kind of Batts as large as a Partridge but these
also we were not lucky enough to get. At night we took up our lodgins
close to the banks of the river and made a fire, but the Musquetos,
whose peacefull dominions it seems we had invaded, spard no pains to
molest [us] as much as was in their Power: they followd us into the
very smoak, nay almost into the fire, which hot as the Climate was we
could better bear the heat of than their intolerable stings.

Between the hardness of our beds, the heat of the fire and the
stings of these indefatigable insects the night was not spent so
agreably but that day was earnestly wishd for by all of us; at
last

1770 July 7.

it came and with its first dawn we set out in search of Game. We
walkd many miles over the flats and saw 4 of the animals, 2 of which
my greyhound fairly chas'd, but they beat him owing to the lengh and
thickness of the grass which prevented him from running while they at
every bound leapd over the tops of it. We observd much to our
surprize that instead of Going upon all fours this animal went only
upon two legs, making vast bounds just as the Jerbua (Mus Jaculus)
does. We returnd about noon and pursued our course up the river,
which soon contracted itself into a fresh water brook where however
the tide rose pretty considerably; towards evening it was so shallow
being almost low water that we were obligd to get out of the boat and
drag her, so finding a convenient place for sleeping in we resolvd to
go no farther. Before our things were got up out of the boat we
observd a smoak about a furlong from us: we did not doubt at all that
the natives, who we had so long had a curiosity to see well, were
there so three of us went immediately towards it hoping that the
smallness of our numbers would induce them not to be afraid of us;
when we came to the place however they were gone, probably upon
having discoverd us before we saw them. The fire was in an old tree
of touchwood; their houses were there, and branches of trees broken
down with which the Children had been playing not yet wither'd; their
footsteps also upon the sand below the high tide mark provd that they
had very lately been there; near their oven, in which victuals had
been dressd since morn, were shells of a kind of Clam and roots of a
wild Yam which had been cookd in it. Thus were we disapointed of the
only good chance we have had of seing the people since we came here
by their unacountable timidity, and Night soon coming on we repaird
to our quarters, which was upon a broad sand bank under the shade of
a Bush where we hopd the Musquetos would not trouble us. Our beds of
plantain leaves spread on the sand as soft as a mattrass, our Cloaks
for bedcloths and grass pillows, but above all the intire absence of
Musquetos made me and I beleive all of us sleep almost without
intermission; had the Indians came they would certainly have caught
us all Napping but that was the least in our thoughts.

The land about this place was not so fertile as lower down, the
hills rose almost immediately from the river and were barren, stony
and sandey much like those near the ship. The river near us abounded
much in fish who at sun set leapd about in the water much as trouts
do in Europe but we had no kind of tackle to take them with.

1770 July 8.

At day light in the Morn the tide serving we set out for the ship.
In our passage down met several flocks of Whistling Ducks of which we
shot some; we saw also an Allegator of about 7 feet long come out of
the Mangroves and crawl into the Water. By 4 O'Clock we arrivd at the
ship where we heard that the Indians had been near them but not come
to them; Yesterday they had made a fire about a mile and a half of
and this morn 2 had appeard on the beach opposite to the ship. At
night the Pinnace which had been sent in search of a Passage to
leward returnd, she had been unsuccessfull in her main errand. Shoals
innumerable she had met with, upon one of them was lucky enough to
see a turtle which was pursued and many more were seen, so many that
three were taken with only the Boat hook. The promise of such plenty
of good provisions made our situation appear much less dreadfull;
were we obligd to Wait here for another season of the year when the
winds might alter we could do it without fear of wanting Provisions:
this thought alone put every body in vast spirits.

1770 July 9.

Myself went turtling in hopes to have loaded our long boat, but by
a most unacountable conduct of the officer not one turtle was taken.
I however went ashore upon the reef, saw the large Cockles and
gatherd many shells and sea productions. At night returnd with my
small boat leaving the large one upon the reef who I was sure would
catch no turtle.

1770 July 10.

Four Indians appeard on the opposite shore; they had with them a
Canoe made of wood with an outrigger in which two of them embarkd and
came towards the ship but stop'd at the distance of a long Musquet
shot, talking much and very loud to us. We hollowd to them and waving
made them all the signs we could to come nearer; by degrees they
venturd almost insensibly nearer and nearer till they were quite
along side, often holding up their Lances as if to shew us that if we
usd them ill they had weapons and would return our attack. Cloth,
Nails, Paper, etc. etc. was given to them all which they took and put
into the canoe without shewing the least signs of satisfaction: at
last a small fish was by accident thrown to them on which they
expressd the greatest joy imaginable, and instantly putting off from
the ship made signs that they would bring over their comrades, which
they very soon did and all four landed near us, each carrying in his
hand 2 Lances and his stick to throw them with. Tupia went towards
[them]; they stood all in a row in the attitude of throwing their
Lances; he made signs that they should lay them down and come forward
without them; this they immediately did and sat down with him upon
the ground. We then came up to them and made them presents of Beads,
Cloth etc. which they took and soon became very easy, only Jealous if
any one attempted to go between them and their arms. At dinner time
we made signs to them to come with us and eat but they refusd; we
left them and they going into their Canoe padled back to where they
came from.

1770 July 11.

Indians came over again today, 2 that were with us yesterday and
two new ones who our old acquaintance introduc'd to us by their
names, one of which was Yaparico. Tho we did not yesterday Observe it
they all had the Septum or inner part of the nose bord through with a
very large hole, in which one of them had stuck the bone of a bird as
thick as a mans finger and 5 or 6 inches long, an ornament no doubt
tho to us it appeard rather an uncouth one. They brought with them a
fish which they gave to us in return I suppose for the fish we had
given them yesterday. Their stay was but short for some of our
gentlemen being rather too curious in examining their canoe they went
directly to it and pushing it off went away without saying a word. At
night the boat which had been sent to the reef for turtle came home
and brought 3.

1770 July 12.

Indians came again today and venturd down to Tupias Tent, where
they were so well pleasd with their reception that three staid while
the fourth went with the Canoe to fetch two new ones; they introduc'd
their strangers (which they always made a point of doing) by name and
had some fish given them. They receivd it with indifference, signd to
our people to cook it for them, which was done, and they eat part and
gave the rest to my Bitch. They staid the most part of the morning
but never venturd to go above 20 yards from their canoe. The ribbands
by which we had tied medals round their necks the first day we saw
them were coverd with smoak; I suppose they lay much in the smoak to
keep off the Musquetos. They are a very small people or at least this
tribe consisted of very small people, in general about 5 feet 6 in
hight and very slender; one we measurd 5 feet 2 and another 5 feet 9,
but he was far taller than any of his fellows; I do not know by what
deception we were to a man of opinion, when we saw them run on the
sand about ¼ of a mile from us, that they were taller and
larger than we were. Their colour was nearest to that of chocolate,
not that their skins were so dark but the smoak and dirt with which
they were all casd over, which I suppose servd them instead of
Cloths, made them of that colour. Their hair was strait in some and
curld in others; they always wore it croppd close round their heads;
it was of the same consistence with our hair, by no means wooly or
curld like that of Negroes. Their eyes were in many lively and their
teeth even and good; of them they had compleat setts, by no means
wanting two of their fore teeth as Dampiers New Hollanders did. They
were all of them clean limn'd, active and nimble.

Cloaths they had none, not the least rag, those parts which nature
willingly conceals being exposd to view compleatly uncoverd; yet when
they stood still they would often or almost allways with their hand
or something they held in it hide them in some measure at least,
seemingly doing that as if by instinct. They Painted themselves with
white and red, the first in lines and barrs on different Parts of
their bodies, the other in large patches. Their ornaments were few:
necklaces prettyly enough made of shells, bracelets wore round the
upper part of their arms, consisting of strings lapd round with other
strings as what we Call gymp in England, a string no thicker than a
packthread tied round their bodies which was sometimes made of human
hair, a peice of Bark tied over their forehead, and the preposterous
bone in their noses which I have before mentiond were all that we
observd. One had indeed one of his Ears bord, the hole being big
enough to put a thumb through, but this was peculiar to that one man
and him I never saw wear in it any ornament. Their language was
totaly different from that of the Islanders; it sounded more like
English in its degree of harshness tho it could not be calld harsh
neither. They almost continualy made use of the Chircau, which we
conceivd to be a term of Admiration as they still usd it when ever
they saw any thing new; also Cherr, tut tut tut tut tut, which
probably have the same signification. Their Canoe was not above 10
feet long and very narrow built, with an outrigger fitted much like
those at the Islands only far inferior; they in shallow waters set
her on with poles, in deep paddled her with paddles about 4 feet
long; she just carried 4 people so that the 6 who visited us today
were obligd to make 2 embarkations. Their Lances were much like those
we had seen in Botany bay, only they were all of them single pointed,
and some pointed with the stings of stingrays and bearded with two or
three beards of the same, which made them indeed a terrible weapon;
the board or stick with which they flung them was also made in a
neater manner.

After having staid with us the greatest part of the morning they
went away as they came. While they staid 2 more and a young woman
made their appearance upon the Beach; she was to the utmost that we
could see with our glasses as naked as the men.

1770 July 13.

Two Indians came in their Canoe to the ship, staid by her a very
short time and then went along shore striking fish. Our Boat returnd
from the reef with one turtle and one large Sting ray.

1770 July 14.

Our second lieutenant who was a shooting today had the good
fortune to kill the animal that had so long been the subject of our
speculations. To compare it to any European animal would be
impossible as it has not the least resemblance of any one I have
seen. Its fore legs are extreemly short and of no use to it in
walking, its hind again as disproportionaly long; with these it hops
7 or 8 feet at each hop in the same manner as the Gerbua, to which
animal indeed it bears much resemblance except in Size, this being in
weight 38 lb and the Gerbua no larger than a common rat.

1770 July 15.

The Beast which was killd yesterday was today Dressd for our
dinners and provd excellent meat. In the evening the Boat returnd
from the reef bringing 4 Turtles, so we may now be said to swim in
Plenty. Our Turtles are certainly far preferable to any I have eat in
England, which must proceed from their being eat fresh from the sea
before they have either wasted away their fat, or by unatural food
which is given them in the tubs where they are kept given themselves
a fat of not so delicious a flavour as it is in their wild state.
Most of those we have caught have been green turtle from 2 to 300 lb
weight: these when killd were always found to be full of Turtle Grass
(a kind of Conferva I beleive); two only were Loggerheads which were
but indifferent meat; in their stomachs were nothing but shells.

1770 July 16.

As the ship was now nearly ready for her departure Dr Solander and
myself employd ourselves in winding up our Botanical Bottoms,
examining what we wanted, and making up our complement of specimens
of as many species as possible. The Boat brought 3 Turtle again
today, one of which was a male which was easily to be distinguishd
from the female by the vast size of his tail, which was four times
longer and thicker than hers; in every other respect they were
exactly alike. One of our people on board the ship who has been a
Turtler in the West Indies told me that they never sent male Turtle
home to England from thence because they wasted in keeping much more
than the females, which we found to be true.

1770 July 17.

Tupia who was over the water by himself saw 3 Indians, who gave
him a kind of longish roots about as thick as a mans finger and of a
very good taste. On his return the Captn Dr Solander and myself went
over in hopes to see them and renew our connections; we met with four
in a canoe who soon after came ashore and came to us without any
signs of fear. After receiving the beads etc. that we had given them
they went away; we attempted to follow them hoping that they would
lead us to their fellows where we might have an opportunity of seeing
their Women; they however by signs made us understand that they did
not desire our company.

1770 July 18.

Indians were over with us today and seemd to have lost all fear of
us and became quite familiar; one of them at our desire threw his
Lance which was about 8 feet in Lengh--it flew with a degree of
swiftness and steadyness that realy surprizd me, never being above 4
feet from the ground and stuck deep in at the distance of 50 paces.
After this they venturd on board the ship and soon became our very
good freinds, so the Captn and me left them to the care of those who
staid on board and went to a high hill about Six miles from the ship;
here we overlookd a great deal of sea to Leward, which afforded a
melancholy prospect of the dificulties we were to encounter when we
came out of our present harbour: in which ever direction we turnd our
eyes shoals innumerable were to be seen and no such thing as any
passage to sea but through the winding channels between them,
dangerous to the last degree.

1770 July 19.

Ten Indians visited us today and brought with them a larger
quantity of Lances than they had ever done before, these they laid up
in a tree leaving a man and a boy to take care of them and came on
board the ship. They soon let us know their errand which was by some
means or other to get one of our Turtle of which we had 8 or 9 laying
upon the decks. They first by signs askd for One and on being refusd
shewd great marks of Resentment; one who had askd me on my refusal
stamping with his foot pushd me from him with a countenance full of
disdain and applyd to some one else; as however they met with no
encouragement in this they laid hold of a turtle and hauld him
forwards towards the side of the ship where their canoe lay. It
however was soon taken from them and replacd. They nevertheless
repeated the expiriment 2 or 3 times and after meeting with so many
repulses all in an instant leapd into their Canoe and went ashore
where I had got before them Just ready to set out plant gathering;
they seizd their arms in an instant, and taking fire from under a
pitch kettle which was boiling they began to set fire to the grass to
windward of the few things we had left ashore with surprizing
dexterity and quickness; the grass which was 4 or 5 feet high and as
dry as stubble burnt with vast fury. A Tent of mine which had been
put up for Tupia when he was sick was the only thing of any
consequence in the way of it so I leapd into a boat to fetch some
people from the ship in order to save it, and quickly returning hauld
it down to the beach Just time enough. The Captn in the meantime
followd the Indians to prevent their burning our Linnen and the Seine
which lay on the grass just where they were gone. He had no musquet
with him so soon returnd to fetch one for no threats or signs would
make them desist. Mine was ashore and another loaded with shot, so we
ran as fast as possible towards them and came just time enough to
save the Seine by firing at an Indian who had already fird the grass
in two places just to windward of it; on the shot striking him, tho
he was full 40 yards from the Captn who fird, he dropd his fire and
ran nimbly to his comrades who all ran off pretty fast. The Captn
then loaded his musquet with a ball and fird it into the Mangroves
abreast of where they ran to shew them that they were not yet out of
our reach, they ran on quickning their pace on hearing the Ball and
we soon lost sight of them; we then returnd to the Seine where the
people who were ashore had got the fire under. We now thought we were
free'd from these troublesome people but we soon heard their voices
returning on which, anxious for some people who were washing that
way, we ran towards them; on seeing us come with our musquets they
again retird leasurely after an old man had venturd quite to us and
said something which we could not understand. We followd for near a
mile, then meeting with some rocks from whence we might observe their
motions we sat down and they did so too about 100 yards from us. The
little old man now came forward to us carrying in his hand a lance
without a point. He halted several times and as he stood employd
himself in collecting the moisture from under his arm pit with his
finger which he every time drew through his mouth. We beckond to him
to come: he then spoke to the others who all laid their lances
against a tree and leaving them came forwards likewise and soon came
quite to us. They had with them it seems 3 strangers who wanted to
see the ship but the man who was shot at and the boy were gone, so
our troop now consisted of 11. The Strangers were presented to us by
name and we gave them such trinkets as we had about us; then we all
proceeded towards the ship, they making signs as they came along that
they would not set fire to the grass again and we distributing
musquet balls among them and by our signs explaining their effect.
When they came abreast of the ship they sat down but could not be
prevaild upon to come on board, so after a little time we left them
to their contemplations; they stayd about two hours and then
departed.

We had great reason to thank our good Fortune that this accident
happned so late in our stay, not a week before this our powder which
was put ashore when first we came in had been taken on board, and
that very morning only the store tent and that in which the sick had
livd were got on board. I had little Idea of the fury with which the
grass burnt in this hot climate, nor of the dificulty of
extinguishing it when once lighted: this accident will however be a
sufficient warning for us if ever we should again pitch tents in such
a climate to burn Every thing round us before we begin.

1770 July 20.

Yesterday evening the ship was hauld off from the shore ready for
her departure. In the night by some unlucky accident she taild ashore
during the Ebb, and as the tide settled brought such a strain upon
her rudder as alarmd us all greatly; the Tiller which was in the most
danger beat hard under some strong sheep pens which had been built in
a Platform over it; as the tide settled still more it came to the
Point whether the tiller or Platform would Break, for one must, which
the Platform fortunately did and made us at once easy. No Indians
came near us but all the hills about us for many miles were on fire
and at night made the most beautifull appearance imaginable. The
Pinnace returnd which had been sent to Leeward in search of a
Passage: the officer in her had met with nothing but shoals and not
the least likelihood of a Passage that way, no very comfortable
situation. Our ship it is true was now repaird: Leaky she was from
the strains she had got but the water she made was trifling. We were
ready to sail with the first fair wind but where to go?--to windward
was impossible, to leward was a Labyrinth of Shoals, so that how soon
we might have the ship to repair again or lose her quite no one could
tell. Encounter the dificulty however we must and since our Bargain
was a bad one make the Best of it. At night the Yawl returnd with one
turtle in her: it had blown so much since she had been out that she
with dificulty took even that, for as all our turtle had been taken
by chasing moderate weather was absolutely necessary.

1770 July 21.

No signs of the Indians to day nor indeed any thing else worthy
note.

1770 July 22.

The Turtle which was killd this morn had an Indian turtle peg in
it which seemd to have laid there a long time. It was in the breast
across the fore finns, having enterd at the soft part near the finns
but the wound it had made in going in was intirely grown up; the peg
itself was about 8 inches in lengh and as thick as a mans little
finger. One of our people who had been sent out to gather Indian Kale
straying from his party met with three indians, two men and a boy, he
came upon them as they sat down among some long grass on a sudden and
before he was aware of it. At first he was much afraid and offerd
them his knife, the only thing he had which he thought might be
acceptable to them; they took it and after handing it from one to
another return'd it to him. They kept him about half an hour behaving
most civily to him, only satisfying their curiosity in examining his
body, which done they made him signs that he might go away which he
did very well pleasd. They had hanging on a tree by them, he said, a
quarter of the wild animal and a cocatoo; but how they had been
clever enough to take these animals is almost beyond my conception,
as both of them are most shy especialy the Cocatoos.

1770 July 23.

In Botanizing today on the other side of the river we accidentaly
found the greatest part of the clothes which had been given to the
Indians left all in a heap together, doubtless as lumber not worth
carriage. May be had we lookd farther we should have found our other
trinkets, for they seemd to set no value upon any thing we had except
our turtle, which of all things we were the least able to spare
them.

1770 July 24.

The blowing weather which had hinderd us from getting out several
days still lasted, not at all to our satisfaction who had no one wish
to remain longer in the place, which we had pretty well exhausted
even of its natural history. The Dr and me were obligd to go very far
for any thing new; to day we went several miles to a high hill where
after sweating and broiling among the woods till night we were obligd
to return almost empty. But the most vexatious accident imaginable
befel us likewise: traveling in a deep vally, the sides of which were
steep almost as a wall but coverd with trees and plenty of Brush
wood, we found marking nuts (anacardium orientale) laying on the
ground, and desirous as we were to find the tree on which they had
grown, a thing that I beleive no European Botanist has seen, we were
not with all our pains able to find it; so after cutting down 4 or 5
trees and spending much time were obligd to give over our hopes.

1770 July 25.

The Captn who was up the river today found the Canoe belonging to
our freinds the Indians, which it seems they had left tied to some
mangroves within a mile of the ship: themselves we could see by their
fires were 5 or 6 miles off from us directly inland.

1770 July 26.

In botanizing to day I had the good fortune to take an animal of
the Opossum (Didelphis) tribe: it was a female and with it I took two
young ones. It was not unlike that remarkable one which De Bufon has
decribd by the name of Phalanger as an American animal; it was
however not the same for De Buffon is certainly wrong in asserting
that this tribe is peculiar to America; and in all probability, as
Pallas has said in his Zoologia, the Phalanger itself is a native of
the East Indies, as my animal and that agree in the extrordinary
conformation of their feet in which particular they differ from all
the others.

1770 July 27.

This day was dedicated to hunting the wild animal. We saw several
and had the good fortune to kill a very large one which weighd 84
lb.

1770 July 28.

Botanizing with no kind of success. The Plants were now intirely
compleated and nothing new to be found, so that sailing is all we
wish for if the wind would but allow us. Dind today upon the animal,
who eat but ill, he was I suppose too old. His fault however was an
uncommon one, the total want of flavour, for he was certainly the
most insipid meat I eat.

1770 July 29.

Went out again in search of the animals: our success today was not
however quite so good as the last time, we saw few and killd one very
small one which weighd no more than 8½ lb. My greyhound took
him with ease tho the old ones where much too nimble for him.

1770 July 30.

Ever since the ship was hawld off for sailing we have had Blowing
weather till today, when it changd to little wind and rain which gave
us some hopes; in the evening however the wind returnd to its old
Byas.

1770 July 31.

Morning cloudy and Boisterous enough; even clear with less wind
which supplyd hopes at least for tomorrow.

August 1770

1770 August 1. New Guinea Coast

During the Night it Blew as hard as ever; the Day was rainy with
less wind but still not moderate enough for our undertakings.

1770 August 2.

Moderate and very rainy; great hopes that the Rain is a presage of
approaching moderate weather.

1770 August 3.

In the morn our people were dubious about trying to get out and I
beleive delayd it rather too long. At last however they began and
warpd ahead but desisted from their attempts after having ran the
ship twice ashore.

1770 August 4.

Fine calm morn. Began early and warp'd the ship out, after which
we saild right out till we came to the turtle reef where our turtlers
took one turtle. Myself got some few shells but saw many Beautifull
sea insects etc. At night our people who fishd caught abundance of
sharks.

1770 August 5.

The Turtlers were again out upon the shoal and took one turtle. At
2 we weighd, resolvd to stand out as well as we could among the
shoals, but before night were stoppd by another shoal which lay
directly across our way.

1770 August 6.

Blew so fresh that we could not move but lay still all day, not
without anxiety least the anchor should not hold.

1770 August 7.

During last night the gale had freshned much and in the morn we
found that we had Drove above a League. Fortunately no shoal had in
that distance taken us up but one was in sight astern and the ship
drove fast towards it, on this another anchor was let go and much
cable verd out but even this would not stop her. Our prospect was now
more melancholy than ever: the shoal was plainly to be seen and the
ship still driving gently down towards it, a sea running at the same
time which would make it impossible ever to get off if we should be
unfortunate enough to get on. Yards and Topmasts were therefore got
down and every thing done which could be thought of to make the ship
snug, without any effect: she still drove and the shoal we dreaded
came nearer and nearer to us. The sheet anchor our last resource was
now thought of and prepard, but fortunately for us before we were
drove to the making use of that expedient the ship stoppd and held
fast, to our great joy. During the time of its blowing yesterday and
today we became certain that between us and the open sea was a ledge
of rocks or reef just the same as we had seen at the Islands, no very
agreable discovery, for should that at any time join in with the main
land we must wait for another season when different winds from the
present ones prevaild; in which case we must infallibly be short of
provisions or, if the turtle should fail us, Salt provisions without
bread was all we had to trust to.

1770 August 8.

The night Dark as pitch passd over not without much anxiety:
whether our anchors held or not we could not tell and maybe might
when we least thought of it be upon the very brink of destruction.
Day light however releivd us shewd us that the anchors had held and
also brought us rather more moderate weather, so that towards evening
we venturd to get up Yards and top masts.

1770 August 9.

Night and morning still more moderate so that one anchor was got
up and we had great hopes of sailing on the next morn.

1770 August 10.

Fine weather so the anchor was got up and we saild down to leward,
convincd that we could not get out the way we had tried before and
hoping there might be a passage that way: in these hopes we were much
encouraged by the sight of some high Islands where we hopd the shoals
would end. By 12 we were among these and fancied that the grand or
outer reef ended on one of them so were all in high spirits, but
about dinner time the people at the mast head saw as they thought
Land all round us, on which we immediatedly came to an anchor resolvd
to go ashore and from the hills examine whether it was so or not.

The point we went upon was sandy and very Barren so it affforded
very few plants or any thing else worth our observation. The Sand
itself indeed with which the whole countrey in a manner was coverd
was infinitely fine and white, but till a glass house was built here
that would turn to no account. We had the satisfaction however to see
that what was taken for land round us provd only a number of Islands:
to one very high one about 5 leagues from the Land the Captain
resolvd to go in the Boat tomorrow in order to see whether the grand
reef had realy left us or not.

1770 August 11.

As propos'd yesterday the Captn went today to the Island which
provd 5 leagues off from the ship, I went with him. In going out we
passd over 2 very large shoals on which we saw great plenty of Turtle
but we had too much wind to strike any. The Island itself was high;
we ascended the hill and when we were at the top saw plainly the
Grand Reef still extending itself Paralel with the shore at about the
distance of 3 leagues from us or 8 from the main; through it were
several channels exactly similar to those we had seen in the Islands.
Through one of these we determind to [go] which seemd most easy: to
ascertain however the Practicability of it We resolvd to stay upon
the Island all night and at day break in the morn send the boat to
sound one of them, which was accordingly done. We slept under the
shade of a Bush that grew on the Beach very comfortably.

1770 August 12.

Great Part of yesterday and all this morn till the boat returnd I
employd in searching the Island. On it I found some few plants which
I had not before seen; the Island itself was small and Barren; on it
was however one small tract of woodland which abounded very much with
large Lizzards some of which I took. Distant as this Isle was from
the main, the Indians had been here in their poor embarkations, sure
sign that some part of the year must have very setled fine weather;
we saw 7 or 8 frames of their huts and vast piles of shells the fish
of which had I suppose been their food. All the houses were built
upon the tops of Eminences exposd intirely to the SE, contrary to
those of the main which are commonly placd under the shelter of some
bushes or hill side to break off the wind. The officer who went in
the Boat returnd with an account that the sea broke vastly high upon
the reef and the swell was so great in the opening that he could not
go into it to sound. This was sufficient to assure us of a safe
passage out, so we got into the boat to return to the ship in high
spirits, thinking our danger now at an end as we had a passage open
for us to the main Sea. In our return we went ashore upon a low
Island where we shot many birds; on it was an Eagles nest the young
ones of which we killd, and another built on the ground by I know not
what bird, of a most enormous magnitude--it was in

circumference 26 feet and in hight 2 feet 8 built of sticks; the
only Bird I have seen in this countrey capable of building such a
nest seems to be the Pelecan. The Indians have been here likewise and
livd upon turtle, as we could plainly see by the heaps of Callipashes
which were pild up in several parts of the Island. Our Master who had
been sent to leward to examine that Passage went ashore upon a low
Island where he slept. Here he saw vast plenty of turtle shells, and
so great plenty had the Indians had when there that they had hung up
the finns with the meat left on them in trees, where the sun had dryd
them so well that our seamen eat them heartily. He saw also two spots
clear of grass which had lately been dug up; they were about 7 feet
long and shaped like a grave, for which indeed he took them.

1770 August 13.

Ship stood out for the opening we had seen in the reef and about 2
O'Clock passd it. It was about ½ a mile wide. As soon as the
ship was well without it we had no ground with100 fathm of Line so
became in an instant quite easy, being once more in the main Ocean
and consequently freed from all our fears of shoals etc.

1770 August 14.

For the first time these three months we were this day out of
sight of Land to our no small satisfaction: that very Ocean which had
formerly been look'd upon with terror by (maybe) all of us was now
the Assylum we had long wishd for and at last found. Satisfaction was
clearly painted in every mans face: the day was fine and the trade
wind brisk before which we steerd to the Northward; the well grown
waves which followd the ship, sure sign of no land being in our
neighbourhood, were contemplated with the greatest satisfaction,
notwithstanding we plainly felt the effect of the blows they gave to
our crazy ship, increasing her leaks considerably so that she made
now 9 inches water every hour. This however was lookd upon as a light
evil in comparison to those we had so lately made our escape
from.

1770 August 15.

Fine weather and moderate trade. The Captn fearfull of going too
far from the Land, least he should miss an opportunity of examining
whether or not the passage which is layd down in some charts between
New Holland and New Guinea realy existed or not, steerd the ship west
right in for the land; about 12 O'Clock it was seen from the Mast
head and about one the Reef laying without it in just the same manner
as when we left it. He stood on however resolving to stand off at
night after having taken a nearer view, but just at night fall found
himself in a manner embayd in the reef so that it was a moot Point
whether or not he could weather it on either tack; we stood however
to the Northward and at dark it was concluded that she would go clear
of every thing we could see. The night however was not the most
agreable: all the dangers we had escapd were little in comparison of
being thrown upon this reef if that should be our lot. A Reef such a
one as I now speak of is a thing scarcely known in Europe or indeed
any where but in these seas: it is a wall of Coral rock rising almost
perpendicularly out of the unfathomable ocean, always overflown at
high water commonly 7 or 8 feet, and generaly bare at low water; the
large waves of the vast ocean meeting with so sudden a resistance
make here a most terrible surf Breaking mountain high, especialy when
as in our case the general trade wind blows directly upon it.

1770 August 16.

At three O'Clock this morn it dropd calm on a sudden which did not
at all better our situation: we judgd ourselves not more than 4 or 5
l'gs from the reef, maybe much less, and the swell of the sea which
drove right in upon it carried the ship towards it fast. We tried the
lead often in hopes to find ground that we might anchor but in vain;
before 5 the roaring of the Surf was plainly heard and as day broke
the vast foaming billows were plainly enough to be seen scarce a mile
from us and towards which we found the ship carried by the waves
surprizingly fast, so that by 6 o'clock we were within a Cables lengh
of them, driving on as fast as ever and still no ground with 100
fathm of line. Every method had been taken since we first saw our
danger to get the boats out in hopes that they might tow us off but
it was not yet acomplishd; the Pinnace had had a Plank strippd off
her for repair and the longboat under the Booms was lashd and fastned
so well from our supposd security that she was not yet got out. Two
large Oars or sweeps were got out at the stern ports to pull the
ships head round the other way in hopes that might delay till the
boats were out. All this while we were approaching and came I beleive
before this could be effected within 40 yards of the breaker; the
same sea that washd the side of the ship rose in a breaker enormously
high the very next time is did rise, so between us and it was only a
dismal valley the breadth of one wave; even now the lead was hove 3
or 4 lines fastned together but no ground could be felt with above
150 fathm. Now was our case truly desperate, no man I beleive but who
gave himself intirely over, a speedy death was all we had to hope for
and that from the vastness of the Breakers which must quickly dash
the ship all to peices was scarce to be doubted. Other hopes we had
none: the boats were in the ship and must be dashd in peices with her
and the nearest dry land was 8 or 10 Leagues distant. We did not
however cease our endeavours to get out the long boat which was by
this time almost accomplishd. At this critical juncture, at this I
must say terrible moment, when all asistance seemd too little to save
even our miserable lives, a small air of wind sprang up, so small
that at any other time in a calm we should not have observd it. We
however plainly saw that it instantly checkd our progress; every sail
was therefore put in a proper direction to catch it and we just
obse[r]vd the ship to move in a slaunting direction off from the
breakers. This at least gave us time and redoubling our efforts we at
last got out the long boat and manning her sent her a head. The ship
still movd a little off but in less than 10 minutes our little Breeze
died away into as flat a calm as ever. Now was our anziety again
renewd: innumerable small peices of paper etc. were thrown over the
ships side to find whither the boats realy movd her ahead or not and
so little did she move that it remaind almost every other time a
matter of dispute. Our little freindly Breeze now visited us again
and lasted about as long as before, thrusting us possibly 100 yards
farther from the breakers: we were still however in the very jaws of
destruction. A small opening had been seen in the reef about a
furlong from us, its breadth was scarce the lengh of the ship, into
this however it was resolvd to push her if posible. Within was no
surf, therefore we might save our lives: the doubt was only whether
we could get the ship so far: our little breeze however a third time
visited us and pushd us almost there. The fear of Death is Bitter:
the prospect we now had before us of saving our lives tho at the
expence of every thing we had made my heart set much lighter on its
throne, and I suppose there were none but what felt the same
sensations. At lengh we arrivd off the mouth of the wishd for opening
and found to our surprize what had with the little breeze been the
real cause of our Escape, a thing that we had not before dreamt of.
The tide of flood it was that had hurried us so unacountably fast
towards the reef, in the near neighbourhood of which we arrivd just
at high water, consequently its ceasing to drive us any farther gave
us the opportunity we had of getting off. Now however the tide of Ebb
made strong and gushd out of our little opening like a mill stream,
so that it was impossible to get in; of this stream however we took
the advantage as much as possible and it Carried us out near a
quarter of a mile from the reef. We well knew that we were to take
all the advantage possible of the Ebb so continued towing with all
our might and with all our boats, the Pinnance being now repaird,
till we had gott an offing of 1½ or 2 miles. By this time the
tide began to turn and our suspence began again: as we had gaind so
little while the ebb was in our favour we had some reason to imagine
that the flood would hurry us back upon the reef in spite of our
utmost endeavours. It was still as calm as ever so no likely hood of
any wind today; indeed had wind sprung up we could only have searchd
for another opening, for we were so embayd by the reef that with the
general trade wind it was impossible to get out. Another opning was
however seen ahead and the 1st Lieutenant went away in the small boat
to examine it. In the mean time we strugled hard with the flood,
sometimes gaining a little then holding only our own and at others
loosing a little, so that our situation was almost as bad as ever, as
the flood had not yet come to its strengh. At 2 however the
Lieutentant arrivd with news that the opening was very narrow: in it
was good anchorage and a passage quite in free from shoals. The ships
head was immediately put towards it and with the tide she towd fast
so that by three we enterd and were hurried in by a stream almost
like a mill race, which kept us from even a fear of the sides tho it
was not above ¼ of mile in breadth. By 4 we came to an anchor
happy once more to encounter those shoals which but two days before
we thought ourselves supreamly happy to have escap'd from. How little
do men know what is for their real advantage: two days [ago?] our
utmost wishes were crownd by getting without the reef and today we
were made again happy by getting within it.

1770 August 17.

As we were now safe at an anchor it was resolvd to send the boats
upon the nearest shoal to search for shell fish, turtle or whatever
else they could get. They accordingly went and Dr Solander and myself
accompanied them in my small boat. In our way we met with two water
snakes, one 5 the other 6 feet long; we took them both; they much
resembled Land snakes only their tails were flatted sideways, I
suppose for the convenience of swimming, and were not venomous. The
shoal we went upon was the very reef we had so near been lost upon
yesterday, now no longer terrible to us; it afforded little provision
for the ship, no turtle, only 300lb of Great cockles, some were
however of an immense size. We had in the way of curiosity much
better success, meeting with many curious fish and mollusca besides
Corals of many species, all alive, among which was the Tubipora
musica. I have often lamented that we had not time to make proper
observations upon this curious tribe of animals but we were so
intirely taken up with the more conspicuous links of the chain of
creation as fish, Plants, Birds etc. etc. that it was impossible.

1770 August 18.

Weighd and stood along shore with a gentle breeze, the main still
7 or 8 Leagues from us. In the even many shoals were ahead; we were
however fortunate enough to find our way through them and at night
anchord under an Island. The tide here ran immensely strong which we
lookd upon as a good omen: so strong a stream must in all probability
have an outlet by which we could get out either on the South or North
side of New Guinea. The smoothness of the water however plainly
indicated that the reef continued between us and the Ocean.

1770 August 19.

Weighd anchor and steerd as yesterday with a fresh trade wind. All
morn were much entangled with Shoals, but so much do great dangers
swallow up lesser ones that these once so much dreaded shoals were
now look[ed] at with much less concern than formerly. At noon we
passd along a large shoal on which the boats which were ahead saw
many turtle but it blew to [o] fresh to catch them. We were now
tolerably near the main, which appeard low and barren and often
interspersd with large patches of the very white sand spoke of
before. On a small Island which we passd very near to were 5 natives,
2 of whoom carried their Lances in their hands; they came down upon a
point and lookd at the ship for a little while and then retird.

1770 August 20.

Steering along shore as usual among many shoals, Luffing up for
some and bearing away for others. We are now pretty well experiencd
in their appearances so as seldom to be deceivd and easily to know
asunder a bottom colourd by white sand from a coral rock, the former
of which, tho generaly in 12 or 14 fathom water, some time ago gave
us much trouble. The reef was still supposd to be without us from the
smoothness of our water. The mainland appeard very low and sandy and
had many fires upon it, more than we had usualy observd. We passd
during the day many low sandy Islands every one of which stood upon a
large shoal; we have constantly found the best passage to lie near
the main, and the farther from that you go near the reef the more
numerous are the shoals. In the evening we observd the shoals to
decrease in number but we still were in smooth water.

1770 August 21.

Running along shore with charming moderate weather, as indeed we
have had ever since our second entering the reef. We observd both
last night and this morn that the main lookd very narrow, so we began
to look out for the Passage we expected to find between new Holland
and New Guinea. At noon one was seen very narrow but appearing to
widen: we resolv'd to try it so stood in. In passing through, for it
was not more than a mile in lengh before it widned very much, we saw
10 Indians standing on a hill; 9 were armed with lances as we had
been usd to see them, the tenth had a bow and arrows; 2 had also
large ornaments of mother of Pearl shell hung round their necks.
After the ship had passd by 3 followd her, one of whoom was the bow
man. We soon came abreast, from whence we concluded we might have a
much better view than from our mast head, so the anchor was dropd and
we prepard ourselves to go ashore to examine whether the place we
stood into was a bay or a passage; for as we saild right before the
trade wind we might find dificulty in getting out should it prove to
be the former. The 3 Indians plac'd themselves upon the beach
opposite to us as if resolvd either to oppose or assist our landing;
when however we came about Musquet shot from them they all walkd
leisurely away. The hill we were upon was by much the most barren we
had been upon; it however gave us the satisfaction of seeing a
streight, at least as far as we could see, without any obstruction.
In the Even a strong tide made us almost certain.

1770 August 22.

In the morn 3 or 4 women appeard upon the beach gathering
shellfish: we lookd with our glasses and to us they appeard as they
always did more naked than our mother Eve. The Ebb ran out so strong
that we could not weigh till near noon. We had the Wind variable from
N to W, the first time since we got the trade. Before we had
proceeded far we met with a shoal which made us come to an
anchor.

1770 August 23.

In the morn calm: at nine however a small breeze sprang up on
which we weighd and saild through a channel which had been found
during the calm. At noon we were abreast of an Island which was white
with the Dung of Birds; as we had little wind the ship was brought
too we went ashore upon it and shot bobies till our ammunition was
quite expended. I myself Botanizd and found some plants which I had
not before seen. After we came on board the winds were variable and
soon after calm and very hot. Water still continued very Shoal but
the swell, which ran larger than any we had met with within the reef,
gave us great hope.

1770 August 24.

Swell continued and in the morn the Best bower cable was broke in
weighing by it. The whole day was spent in fruitless attempts to
recover the anchor tho there was no more than 8 fathm water.

1770 August 25.

This morn by the first sweep the anchor was recoverd and we soon
got under sail and lost sight of land with only 9 fathm water. At
dinner met shoals which made us anchor again; in the eve however
found a passage out and saild clear enough of them.

1770 August 26.

Fine weather and clear fresh trade. Stood to the W and deepned our
water from 13 to 27. At night many Egg birds coming from the W.

1770 August 27.

Lay too all last night. In the morn fresh trade and fine clear
weather made us hope that our dificulties were drawing to a period:
it was now resolvd to hawl up to the Northward in order to make the
coast of New Guinea in order to assure ourselves that we had realy
got clear of the South Sea which was accordingly done. At dinner time
we were alarmd afresh by the usual report of a shoal just ahead: it
provd however to be no more than a bank or regular layer of a
Brownish colour extending itself upon the sea, which indeed had very
much the appearance of a shoal while at a distance. It was formd by
innumerable small atoms each scarce ½ a line in lengh yet when
lookd at in a microscope consisting of 30 or 40 tubes, each hollow
and divided throughout the whole lengh into many cells by small
partitions like the tubes of Confervas; to which of the three
kingdoms of Nature they belong I am totaly Ignorant, I only guess
that they are of a vegetable nature because on burning them I could
perceive no animal smell. We have before this during this voyage seen
them several times on the coast of Brazil and that of New Holland but
never that I recollect at any considerable distance from the Land. In
the Evening a small bird of the Noddy (sterna) kind hoverd much about
the ship and at night settled on the rigging where he was taken, and
provd exactly the same bird as Dampier has describd and given a rude
figure of under the Name of a Noddy From New Holland; See his voyages
Vol 111, p. 98, tab. of Birds fig. 5.

1770 August 28.

Still Standing to the Northward the water shoaling regularly. Vast
quantities of the little substances mentiond yesterday floating upon
the water in large lines a mile or more long and 50 or 100 yards
wide, all swimming either immediately upon the surface of the water
or not many inches under it. The seamen who are now convinc'd that it
was not as they had thought the spawn of fish began to call it Sea
sawdust, a name certainly not ill adapted to its appearance. One of
them, a Portugese who came on board the ship at Rio de Janerio, told
me that at St Salvador on the Coast of Brasil where the Portugese
have a whale fishery he had often seen vast quantities of it taken
out of the stomachs of whales or Grampus's there taken. In the
afternoon the Soundings became most irregular starting sometimes at
once from 18 to 7 fathoms. At 4 the Land was seen from the Mast head
but at Sun set was not seen from the deck. During the night we stood
off and on far from satisfied with our soundings.

1770 August 29.

During the whole night our soundings were as irregular as they had
been in the even, but never less than 7 and never so shoal for any
time. In the morn the land was seen from the Deck which was
uncommonly low but coverd very thick with wood. At 8 it was not more
than two Lgs from us but the water had gradualy [shoald] since morn
to 5 fathm and was at this time as muddy as the River Thames, so it
was thought not Prudent to go any nearer at present and accordingly
we stood along shore, seeing fires and here and there large Groves of
Cocoa nut trees in the neighbourhood of which we supposd the Indian
villages to be situated. In the Eve tho we kept the same distance
from the Land we got into less than 4 fathm and we got upon a wind,
we were very long before we could deepen it; the Bank however which
was soft mud provd inimitably regular.

1770 August 30.

In the morn tho the ship was in less than 7 fathom water the land
was but just seen from the Deck; we saild along shore however in and
about that depth, the Bank as regular as usual. In the Even a large
Fire was seen ashore. At Night of a sudden went away to the
Northward; we now judgd ourselves to be about the place calld in the
Draughts Valche Caep and supposd this to be it. Both yesterday and
today vast quantities of the sea Sawdust was seen; some of our people
observd that on passing through a bed of it much larger than common
they smelt an uncommon stink which they supposd to proceed from
it.

1770 August 31.

5½ fathm and the Land not seen even from the mast head: the
regularity of the bank which was soft mud made us very little regard
the shoalness of the water which was still as muddy as the Thames at
Gravesend. At night we anchord in 4½ fathm the Land being then
but just seen from the deck. * * * * *

SOME ACCOUNT OF THAT PART OF NEW HOLLAND NOW CALLED NEW SOUTH
WALES

[This section follows directly on from diary entry for 26th August
1770]
[The Journal continues again on September 1, 1770-- see after this
section]

Having now I beleive fairly Passd through between New Holland and
New Guinea and having an open sea to the Westward, so that we
tomorrow intend to steer more to the Northward in order to make the
South Coast of New Guinea, it seems high time to take leave of New
Holland, which I shall do by summing up together the few observations
I have been able to make on the countrey and people. I much wishd
indeed to have had better opportunities of seeing and observing the
people, as they differ so much from the account that Dampier (the
only man I know of who has seen them besides us) has given of them.
He indeed saw them on a part of the coast very distant from where we
were and consequently the people might be different; but I should
rather conclude them to be the same, chiefly from having observd an
universal conformity in such of their customs as came under my
observation in the several places we landed upon during the run of 00
leagues along the coast. Dampier in general seems to be a faithfull
relater, but in the voyage in which he touchd on the coast of New
Holland he was in a ship of Pyrates, possibly himself not a little
tainted by their idle examples: he might have kept no written Journal
of any thing more than the navigation of the ship and when upon
coming home he was sollicited to publish an account of his voyage
have referrd to his memory for many particulars relating to people
etc. These Indians when coverd with their filth which I beleive they
never wash of are, if not coal black, very near it: as negroes then
he might well esteem them and add the wooly hair and want of two fore
teeth in consequence of the similitude in complexion between these
and the natives of Africa; but from whatever cause it might arise,
certain it is that Dampier either was mistaken very much in his
account or else that he saw a very different race of people from
those we have seen.

For the whole lengh of coast which we saild along there was a
sameness to be observd in the face of the countrey very uncommon;
Barren it may justly be calld and in a very high degree, that at
least that we saw. The Soil in general is sandy and very light: on it
grows grass tall enough but thin sett, and trees of a tolerable size,
never however near together, in general 40, 50, or 60 feet assunder.
This and spots sometimes very large of loose sand constitutes the
general face of the countrey as you sail along it, and indeed of the
greatest part even after you have penetrated inland as far as our
situation would allow us to do. The Banks of Bays indeed are generaly
clothd with thick mangroves sometimes for a mile or more in breadth;
the soil under these is rank mud always overflowd every spring tide.
Inland you sometimes meet with a bog upon which the grass grows rank
and thick so that no doubt the soil is sufficiently fertile. The
Valleys also between the hills where runs of water come down are
thick clothd with underwood, but they are generaly very steep and
narrow, so that upon the Whole the fertile soil Bears no kind of
Proportion to that which seems by nature doomed to everlasting
Barrenness.

Water is here a scarce article or at least was so while we were
there, which I beleive to have been in the very hight of the Dry
season; some places we were in where we saw not a drop, and at the
two places where we filld for the ships use it was done from pools
not brooks. This drought is probably owing to the dryness of a soil
almost intirely composd of sand in which high hills are scarce. That
there is plenty however in the rainy season is sufficiently evincd by
the channels we saw cut even in rocks down the sides of
inconsiderable hills; these were in general dry, or if any of them
containd water it was such as ran in the woody valleys, and these
seldom carried water above half way down the hill. Some indeed we saw
that formd brooks and ran quite down to the sea but these were scarce
and in general brackish a good way up from the beach.

A Soil so barren and at the same time intirely void of the helps
derivd from cultivation could not be supposd to yeild much towards
the support of man. We had been so long at sea with but a scanty
supply of fresh provisions that we had long usd to eat every thing we
could lay our hands upon, fish, flesh or vegetable which only was not
poisonous; yet we could but now and then procure a dish of bad greens
for our own table and never but in the place where the ship was
careend met with a sufficient quantity to supply the ship. There
indeed Palm cabbage and what is calld in the West Indies Indian Kale
were in tolerable plenty, as was also a sort of Purslane. The other
plants we eat were a kind of Beans, very bad, a kind of Parsley and a
plant something resembling spinage, which two last grew only to the
Southward. I shall give their botanical names as I beleive some of
them were never eat by Europeans before: first Indian Kale (Arum
Esculentum), Red flowerd purslane (Sesuvium Portulacastrum), Beans
(Glycine speciosa) Parsley (Apium ), Spinage (Tetragonia cornuta).
Fruits we had still fewer; to the South was one something resembling
a heart cherry only the stone was soft (Eugenia ) which had nothing
but a light acid to recommend it; to the Northward again a kind of
Figs growing from the stalk of a tree, very indifferent (Ficus
caudiciflora), a fruit we calld Plumbs like them in Colour but flat
like a little cheese ( [] ), and another much like a damson both in
appearance and taste; both these last however were so full of a large
stone that eating them was but an unprofitable business. Wild
Plantanes we had also but so full of seeds that they had little or no
pulp.

For the article of timber, there is certainly no want of trees of
more than midling size and some in the valleys very large, but all of
a very hard nature; our carpenters who cut them down for fire wood
complaind much that their tools were damagd by them. Some trees there
were also to the Northward whose soft bark,which easily peels off, is
in the East Indies applyd to the use of calking ships in Lieu of
Oakum.

Palms here were of three different sorts. The first which grew
plentifully to the Southward had leaves pleated like a fan; the
Cabbage of these was small but exquisitely sweet and the nuts which
it bore in great abundance a very good food for hogs. The second was
very much like the real cabbage tree of the West Indies, bearing
large pinnated leaves like those of a Cocoa nut; these too yeilded
cabbage if not so sweet as the other sort yet the quantity made ample
amends. The third which as well as the second was found only in the
Northern parts was low, seldom ten feet in hight, with small pennated
leaves resembling those of some kinds of fern; Cabbage it had none
but generaly bore a plentifull Crop of nutts about the size of a
large chestnut and rounder. By the hulls of these which we found
plentifully near the Indian fires we were assurd that these people
eat them, and some of our gentlemen tried to do the same, but were
deterrd from a second experiment by a hearty fit of vomiting and
purging which was the consequence of the first. The hogs however who
were still shorter of provision than we were eat them heartily and we
concluded their constitutions stronger than ours, till after about a
week they were all taken extreemly ill of indigestions; two died and
the rest were savd with dificulty.

Other usefull plants we saw none, except perhaps two might be
found so which yeild resin in abundance: the one a tree tolerably
large with narrow leaves not unlike a willow which was very
plentyfull in every place into which we went; this yeilded a blood
red resin or rather gum-resin very nearly resembling Sanguis
draconis, indeed as Sanguis draconis is the produce of several
different plants this may perhaps be one of the sorts. This I should
suppose to be the gum mentioned by Dampier in his voyage round the
world p. and by him compard with sanguis draconis, as possibly also
that which Tasman saw upon Diemens Land, where he says he saw gum of
the trees and gum Lac of the ground; See his voyage in a collection
publishd at London in 1694 p.133. The other was a small plant with
long narrow grassy leaves and a spike of flowers resembling much that
kind of Bulrush which is calld in England Cats tail; this yeilded a
resin of a bright yellow colour perfectly resembling Gambouge only
that it did not stain; it had a sweet smell but what its properties
are the chymists may be able to determine.

Of Plants in general the countrey afforded a far larger variety
than its barren appearance seemd to promise. Many of these have no
doubt properties which might be usefull, but for Physical and
oeconomical purposes which we were not able to investigate, could we
have understood the Indians or made them by any means our freinds we
might perchance have learnt some of these; for tho their manner of
life, but one degree removd from Brutes, does not seem to promise
much yet they had a knowledge of plants as we plainly could percieve
by their having names for them.

Thus much for plants: I have been rather particular in mentioning
those which we eat hoping that such a remembrance might be of use to
some or other into whose hands these papers may fall. For
quadrupedes, Birds, fish etc. I shall say no more than that we had
some time ago learnd to eat every identical species which came in our
way: a hawk or a crow was to us as delicate and perhaps a better
relished meal than a partridge or Pheasant to those who have plenty
of dainties: we wanted nothing to reccomend any food but its not
being salt, that alone was sufficient to make it a delicacy. Shaggs,
Sea gulls and all that tribe of sea fowl which are reccond bad from
their trainy or fishy taste were to us an agreable food, we did not
at all taste the rankness, which no doubt has been and possibly will
again be highly nauseous to us whenever we have plenty of Beef and
mutton etc.

Quadrupeds we saw but few and were able to catch few of them that
we did see. The largest was calld by the natives Kangooroo. It is
different from any European and indeed any animal I have heard or
read of except the Gerbua of Egypt, which is not larger than a rat
when this is as large as a midling Lamb; the largest we shot weighd
84 lb. It may however be easily known from all other animals by the
singular property of running or rather hopping upon only its hinder
legs carrying its fore bent close to its breast; in this manner
however it hops so fast that in the rocky bad ground where it is
commonly found it easily beat my grey hound, who tho he was fairly
started at several killd only one and that quite a young one. Another
was calld by the natives Je-Quoll: it is about the size and something
like a polecat, of a light brown spotted with white on the back and
white under the belly. The third was of the Opossum kind and much
resembling that calld by De Buffon Phalanger. Of these two last I
took only one individual of each. Batts here were many. One small we
took which was much like if not identicaly the same as that describd
by de Buffon under the name of Fer de cheval; Another sort was as
large or larger than a partrige but of this Species we were not
fortunate enough to take one; we supposd it however to be either the
Roupette or Rougette of the same author. Besides these Wolves were I
beleive seen by several of our people and some other animals
describd, but from the unintelligible stile of the describers I could
not even determine whether they were such as I myself had seen or of
different kinds. Of these describtions I shall insert one as it is
not unentertaining. A Seaman who had been out on duty on his return
declard that he had seen an animal about the size of and much like a
one gallon cagg; it was, says he, as black as the Devil and had
wings, indeed I took it for the Devil or I might easily have catchd
it for it crauld very slowly through the grass. After taking some
pains I found out that the animal he had seen was no other than the
Large Bat.

Birds there were Several Species of--sea fowl, Gulls, Shaggs,
Soland geese or Gannets of 2 sorts, Bobies, etc. and Pelicans of an
enormous size, but these last tho we saw many thousands of them were
so shy tht we never got one of them; as were the Cranes also of which
we saw several very Large and some beautifull species. In the Rivers
were ducks who flew in large flocks but were very hard to come at,
and on the Beach were curlews of several sorts, some very like our
English ones, and Many small Beach Birds. The Land Birds were crows,
very like if not quite the same as our English ones, Parrots and
Paraquets most Beautifull, White and black Cocatoes, Pidgeons,
beautifull Doves, Bustards, and many others which did not at all
resemble those of Europe. Most of these were extremely shy so that it
was with dificulty that we shot any of them; a Crow in England tho in
general sufficiently wary is I must say a fool to a New Holland crow
and the same may be said of almost if not all the Birds in the
countrey. The only ones we ever got in any plenty was Pidgeons of
which we met Large flocks, of which the men who were sent out on
purpose would sometimes kill 10 or 12 a day; they were a Beautifull
Bird crested differently from any other Pidgeon I have seen. What can
be the reason of this extrordinary shyness in the Birds is dificult
to say, unless perhaps the Indians are very clever in deceiving them
which we have very little reason to suppose, as we never saw any
instrument with them but their Lances with which a Bird could be
killd or taken, and these must be very improper tools for the
Purpose; yet one of our people saw a white Cocatoe in their
Possession which very bird we lookd upon to be one of the waryest of
them all.

Of insects here were but few sorts and among them only the Ants
were troublesome to us. Musquetos indeed were in some places
tolerably plentyfull but it was our good fortune never to stay any
time in such places, and where we did to meet with very few. The ants
however made ample amends for the want of them, 2 sorts in
particular: one green as a leaf and living upon trees where he built
his nest, in size between that of a mans head and his fist, by
bending the leaves together and glueing them with a whiteish papery
substance which held them firmly together. In doing this their
man[a]gement was most curious: they bend down leaves broader than a
mans hand and place them in such a direction as they chose, in doing
of which a much larger force is necessary than these animals seem
caple of. Many thousands indeed are employd in the joint work; I have
seen them holding down such a leaf, as many as could stand by one
another each drawing down with all his might while others within were
employd to fasten the glue. How they had bent it down I had not an
opportunity of seeing, but that it was held down by main strengh I
easily provd by disturbing a part of them, on which the leaf bursting
from the rest returnd to its natural situation and I had an
opportunity to try with my finger the strengh that these little
animals must have usd to get it down. But industrious as they are
their courage if possible excells their industry; if we accidentaly
shook the branches on which such nest[s] were hung thousands would
immediately throw themselves down, many of which falling upon us made
us sensible of their stings and revengefull dispositions, especialy
if as was often the case they got posession of our necks and hair.
Their stings were by some esteemd not much less painfull than those
of a bee, the pain however lasted only a few seconds. Another sort
there were quite black whose manner of living was most extrordinary.
They inhabited the inside of the Branches of one sort of tree, [] the
pith of which they hollowd out almost quite to the ends of the
Branches; nevertheless the tree flourishd as well to all appearance
as if no such accident had happned to it. When first we found the
tree we of course gatherd the branches and were surprizd to find our
hands instantly coverd with legions of these small animals who stung
most intolerably; experience however taught us to be more carefull
for the future. Rumphius mentions a similar instance to this in his
Herbarium Amboinense Vol. II. p. 257; his tree however does not at
all resemble ours. A third sort nested in the inside of the root of a
Plant [] which grew on the Bark of trees in the same manner as
Miseltoe; the root was as large as a large turnip and often much
larger; when cut the inside shewd innumerable winding passages in
which these animals livd; the plant itself throve to all appearance
not a bit the worse for its numerous inhabitants. Several hundreds
have I seen and never one but what was inhabited, tho some were so
young as not to be much larger than a hasel nut. The ants themselves
were very small, not above half as large as our red ants in England.
They stung indeed but so little that it was scarce to be felt: the
cheif inconvenience in handling the roots came from the infinite
number, myriads would come in an instant out of many holes and
running over the hand tickle so as to be scarce endurable. Rumphius
has an account of this very bulb and its ants in the 6th Vol. p. 120,
where he describes also another sort the ants of which are black. The
fourth sort were perfectly harmless, at least they provd so to us tho
they resembled almost minutely the white ants of the East Indies, the
most mischevous Insect I beleive known in the world. Their
architecture was however far superior to that of any other species .
They had two kinds of Houses, one suspended on the Branches of trees,
the other standing upright on the ground. The first sort were
generaly 3 or 4 times as large as a mans head; they were built of a
brittle substance seemingly made of small parts of vegetables kneaded
together with some glutinous matter, probably afforded by themselves;
on breaking this outer crust innumerable cells appeard full of
inhabitants in winding directions, communicating with each other as
well as with divers doors which led from the nest. From each of these
went a passage archd over leading to different parts of the tree and
generaly one large one to the ground; this I am inclind to beleive
communicated with the other kind of house, for as the animals
inhabiting both were precisely the same I see no reason why they
should be supposd, contrary to Every instance that I know in nature,
to build two different kinds of houses unless according to the
conveniences of season, prey etc., they inhabited both equaly. This
other kind of house which I now speak of was very often built near
the foot of a tree, the Bark of which tree always had upon it their
coverd ways tho but seldom the first kind of house; it was formd like
an irregularly sided Cone and sometimes was more than 6 feet high and
near as much in diameter; the smaller ones were generaly flat sided
and resembled very much the old stones which are seen in many parts
of England and supposd to be remains of Druidical worship. The
outside Coat of these was 2 inches thick at least, of hard well
temperd clay, under which were their cells; to these no doors were to
be seen. All their passages were underground, where probably they
were carried on till the root of some tree presented itself, up which
they ascended and so up the trunk and branches by the coverd way
before mentiond. These I should suppose to be the houses to which
they retire in the winter season as they are undoubtedly ble to
defend them from any rain that can fall, while the others, tho
generaly built under the shelter of some overhanging branch, must be
but ill proof to a heavy rain from the thinness of their covering.
Thus much for the ants, an industrious race who in all countries have
for that reason been admird by man, tho probably in no countrey more
admirable than in this. The few observations I have wrote down of
them are cheifly from conjecture and therefore are not at all to be
depended upon; was any man however to be setled here who had time and
inclination to observe their oeconomy I am convincd it would far
exceed that of any insects we know, not excepting out much admird
bees.

The sea however made some amends for the Barreness of the Land.
Fish tho not so plentyfull as they generaly are in higher latitudes
were far from scarce; where we had an opportunity of haling the Seine
we generaly caught from 50 to 200 lb of fish in a tide. There sorts
were various, none I think but Mullets known in Europe; in general
however they were sufficiently palatable and some very delicate food;
the Sting rays indeed which were caught on the Southern part of the
coast were very coarse, but there little else was caught so we were
obligd to comfort ourselves with the comforts of Plenty and enjoy
more pleasure in Satiety than in eating. To the Northward again when
we came to be entangled within the great Reef (within which we saild
to our knowledge 0 Leages and we knew not how many more, perplexd
every moment with shoals) was a plenty of Turtle hardly to be
credited, every shoal swarmd with them. The weather indeed was
generaly so boisterous that our boats could not row after them so
fast as they could swim, so that we got but few, but they were
excellent and so large that a single Turtle always servd the ship.
Had we been there either at the time of Laying or the more moderate
season we doubtless might have taken any quantity. Besides this all
the shoals that were dry at half Ebb afforded plenty of fish that
were left dry in small hollows of the rocks, and a profusion of Large
shell fish (Chama Gigas) such as Dampier describes Vol III, p. 191.
The large ones of this kind had 10 or 15 lb of meat in them; it was
indeed rather strong but I beleive a very wholesome food and well
relishd by the people in general. On different parts of the Coast
were also found oysters which were said to be very well tasted; the
shells also of well sizd Lobsters and crabs were seen but these it
was never our fortune to catch.

Upon the whole New Holland, tho in every respect the most barren
countrey I have seen, is not so bad but that between the productions
of sea and Land a company of People who should have the misfortune of
being shipwreckd upon it might support themselves, even by the
resources that we have seen. Undoubtedly a longer stay and visiting
different parts would discover many more.

This immense tract of Land, the largest known which does not bear
the name of a continent, as it is considerably larger than all
Europe, is thinly inhabited even to admiration, at least that part of
it that we saw: we never but once saw so many as thirty Indians
together and that was a family, Men women and children, assembled
upon a rock to see the ship pass by. At Sting-Rays bay where they
evidently came down to fight us several times they never could muster
above 14 or 15 fighting men, indeed in other places they generaly ran
away from us, from whence it might be concluded that there were
greater numbers than we saw, but their houses and sheds in the woods
which we never faild to find convincd us of the smallness of their
parties. We saw indeed only the sea coast: what the immense tract of
inland countrey may produce is to us totaly unknown: we may have
liberty to conjecture however that they are totaly uninhabited. The
Sea has I beleive been universaly found to be the cheif source of
supplys to Indians ignorant of the arts of cultivation: the wild
produce of the Land alone seems scarce able to support them at all
seasons, at least I do not remember to have read of any inland nation
who did not cultivate the ground more or less, even the North
Americans who were so well versd in hunting sowd their Maize. But
should a people live inland who supported themselves by cultivation
these inhabitants of the sea coast must certainly have learn'd to
imitate them in some degree at least, otherwise their reason must be
supposd to hold a rank little superior to that of monkies.

Whatever may be the reason of this want of People is dificult to
guess, unless perhaps the Barreness of the Soil and scarcity of fresh
water; but why mankind should not increase here as fast as in other
places unless their small tribes have frequent wars in which many are
destroyd; they were generaly furnishd with plenty of weapons whose
points of the stings of Sting-Rays seemd intended against nothing but
their own species, from whence such an inference might easily be
drawn.

That their customs were nearly the same throughout the whole lengh
of the coast along which we saild I should think very probable. Tho
we had Connections with them only at one place yet we saw them either
with our eyes or glasses many times, and at Sting Rays bay, had some
experience of their manners; their Colour, arms, method of using
them, were the same as we afterwards had a nearer view of; they
likewise in the same manner went naked, and painted themselves, their
houses were the same, they notchd large trees in the same manner and
even the bags they carried their furniture in were of exactly the
same manufacture, something between netting and Knitting which I have
no where else seen in the intermediate places. Our glasses might
deceive us in many things but their colour and want of cloths we
certainly did see and wherever we came ashore the houses and sheds,
places where they had dressd victuals with heated stones, and trees
notched for the convenience of climbing them sufficiently evincd them
to be the same people.

The tribe with which we had connections consisted of 21 people, 12
men 7 women a boy and a girl, so many at least we saw and there might
be more, especialy women, who we did not see. The men were remarkably
short and slender built in proportion; the tallest we measurd was 5
feet 9, the shortest 5-2; their medium hight seemd to be about five
feet six, as the tall man appeard more disproportioned in size from
his fellows than the short one. What their absolute colour is is
difficult to say, they were so compleatly coverd with dirt, which
seemd to have stuck to their hides from the day of their birth
without their once having attemptd to remove it; I tryd indeed by
spitting upon my finger and rubbing but alterd the colour very
little, which as nearly as might be resembled that of Chocolate. The
beards of several were bushy and thick; their hair which as well as
their beards was black they wore cropped close round their ears; in
some it was lank as a Europeans, in others a little crispd as is
common in the South sea Islands but in none of them at all resembling
the wool of Negroes. They had also all their fore teeth; in which two
things they differ cheifly from those seen by Dampier; supposing him
not to be mistaken. As for colour they would undoubtedly be calld
blacks by any one not usd to consider attentively the colours of
different Nations; myself should never have thought of such
distinctions had I not seen the effect of Sun and wind upon the
natives of the South sea Islands, where many of the Better sort of
people who keep themselves close at home are nearly as white as
Europeans, while the poorer sort, obligd in their business of fishing
etc. to expose their naked bodies to all the inclemencies of the
Climate, have some among them but little lighter than the New
Hollanders. They were all to a man lean and clean limnd and seemd to
be very light and active; their countenances were not without some
expression tho I cannot charge them with much, their voices in
general shrill and effeminate.

Of Cloths they had not the least part but naked as ever our
general father was before his fall, they seemd no more conscious of
their nakedness than if they had not been the children of Parents who
eat the fruit of the tree of knowledge. Whether this want of what
most nations look upon as absolutely necessary proceeds from idleness
or want of invention is difficult to say; in the article of ornaments
however, useless as they are, neither has the one hinderd them from
contriving nor the other from making them. Of these the cheif and
that on which they seem to set the greatest value is a bone about 5
or 6 inches in lengh and as thick as a mans finger, which they thrust
into a hole bord through that part which divides the nostrils so that
it sticks across their face making in the eyes of Europeans a most
ludicrous appearance, tho no doubt they esteem even this as an
addition to their beauty which they purchasd with hourly
inconvenience; for when this bone was in its place, or as our seamen
termd it their spritsail yard was riggd across, it compleatly stop'd
up both nostrils so that they spoke in the nose in a manner one
should think scarce intelligible. Besides these extrodinary bones
they had necklaces made of shells neatly enough cut and strung
together, bracelets also if one may call by that name 4 or 5 ring[s]
of small cord wore round the upper part of the arm, also a belt or
string tied round the waist about as thick as worsted yarn, which
last was frequently made of either human hair or that of the Beast
calld by them Kangooroo. Besides these they paint themselves with the
colours of red and white: the red they commonly lay on in broad
patches on their shoulders or breasts; the white in stripes some of
which were narrow and confind to small parts of their body, others
were broad and carried with some degree of taste across their bodies,
round their legs and arms etc.; they also lay it on in circles round
their eyes and in patches in different parts of their faces. The red
they usd seemd to be red ocre but what the white was we could not
find out; it was heavy and close graind almost as white lead and and
had a saponaceos feel, possibly it might be a kind of Steatites. We
lamented not being able to procure a bit to examine. These people
seemd to have no Idea of traffick nor could we teach them; indeed it
seemd that we had no one thing on which they set a value equal to
induce them to part with the smallest trifle; except one fish which
weighd about ½ a pound that they brought as a kind of token of
peace no one in the ship I beleive procurd from them the smallest
article. They readily receivd the things we gave them but never would
understand our signs when we askd for returns. This however must not
be forgot, that whatever opportunities they had they never once
attempted to take any thing in a clandestine manner; whatever they
wanted they openly askd for and in almost all cases bore the refusal
if they met with one with much indifference, except Turtles.

Dirty as these people are they seem to be intirely free from Lice,
a circumstance rarely observd among the most cleanly Indians, and
which here is the more remarkable as their hair was generaly Matted
and filthy enough. In all of them indeed it was very thin and seemd
as if seldom disturbd with the Combing even of their fingers, much
less to have any oil or grease put into it; nor did the custom of
oiling their bodies, so common among most uncivilizd nations, seem to
have the least footing here.

On their bodies we observd very few marks of cutaneous disorders
as scurf, scars of sores etc. Their spare thin bodies indicate a
temperance in eating, the consequence either of necessity or
inclination, equaly productive of health particularly in this
respect. On the fleshy parts of their arms and thighs and some of
their sides were large scars in regular lines, which by their breadth
and the convexity with which they had heald shewd plainly that they
had been made by deep cuts of some blunt instrument, a shell perhaps
or the edge of a broken stone. These as far as we could understand by
the Signs they made use of were the marks of their Lamentations for
the deceasd, in honour to whose memory or to shew the excess of their
greif they had in this manner wept for in blood.

For food they seem to depend very much tho not intirely upon the
Sea. Fish of all kinds, Turtle and even crabs they strike with their
Lances very dextrously. These are generaly bearded with broad beards
and their points smeard over with a kind of hard resin which makes
them peirce a hard body far easier than they would do without it. In
the sourthern parts these fish spears had 4 prongs and besides the
resin were pointed with the sharp bone of a fish; to the Northward
again their spears had only one point; yet both I beleive struck fish
with equal dexterity. For the Northern ones I can witness who several
times saw them through a glass throw their Spear from 10 to 20 yards
and generaly succeed; to the Southward again the plenty of Fish bones
we saw near their fires provd them to be no indifferent artists.

For striking of Turtle they use a peg of wood well bearded and
about a foot long: this fastens into a socket of a staff of light
wood as thick as a mans wrist and 8 or 9 feet long, besides which
they are tied together by a loose line of 3 or 4 fathoms in lengh.
The use of this must undoubtedly be that when the Turtle is struck
the staff flies off from the peg and serves for a float to shew them
where the Turtle is, as well as assists to tire him till they can
with their canoes overtake and haul him in. That they throw this Dart
with great force we had occasion to observe while we lay in
Endeavours river, where a turtle which we killd had one of them
intirely buried in its body just across its breast; it seemd to have
enterd at the soft place where the fore fins work but not the least
outward mark of the wound remaind.

Besides these things we saw near their fire places plentifull
remains of lobsters, shell fish of all kinds, and to the Southward
the skins of those Sea animals which from their property of spouting
out water when touched are commonly calld sea squirts. These last,
howsoever disgustfull they may seem to an European palate, we found
to contain under a coat as tough as leather a substance like the guts
of a shell fish, in taste tho not equal to an oyster yet by no means
to be despisd by a man who is hungrey.

Of Land animals they probably eat every kind that they can kill
which probably does not amount to any large number, every species
being here shy and cautious in a high degree. The only vegetables we
saw them use were Yams of 2 sorts, the one long and like a finger the
other round and coverd with stringy roots, both sorts very small but
sweet; they were so scarce where we were that we never could find the
plants that producd them, tho we often saw the places where they had
been dug up by the Indians very newly. It is very probable that the
Dry season which was at its hight when we were there had destroyd the
leaves of the plants so that we had no guides, while the Indians
knowing well the stalks might find them easily. Whether they knew or
ever made use of the Coccos I cannot tell; the immence sharpness of
every part of this vegetable before it is dressd makes it probable
that any people who have not learnd the uses of it from others may
remain for ever ignorant of them. Near their fires were great
abundance of the shells of a kind of fruit resembling a Pine apple
very much in appearance, tho in taste disagreable enough; it is
common to all the East Indies and calld by the Dutch there Pyn appel
Boomen (Pandanus); as also those of the fruits of a low Palm calld by
the Dutch Moeskruidige Calappus (Cycas circinalis) which they
certainly eat, tho they are so unwholesome that some of our people
who tho forewarnd depending upon their example eat one or 2 of were
violently affected by them both upwards and downwards, and our hogs
whose constitutions we thought might be as strong as those of the
Indians literaly dyed after having eat them. It is probable however
that these people have some method of Preparing them by which their
poisonous quality is destroyd, as the inhabitants of the East Indian
Isles are said to do by boiling them and steeping them 24 hours in
water, then drying them and using them to thicken broth; from whence
it should seem that the poisonous quality lays intirely in the
Juices, as it does in the roots of the Mandihocca or Cassada of the
West Indies and that when thouroughly cleard of them the pulp
remain[in]g may be a wholesome and nutritious food.

Their victuals they generaly dress by broiling or toasting them
upon the coals, so we judg'd by the remains we saw; they knew however
the method of baking or stewing with hot stones and sometimes
practis'd it, as we now and then saw the pits and burnd stones which
had been made use of for that purpose.

We observd that some tho but few held constantly in their mouths
the leaves of an herb which they chewd as a European does tobacca or
an East Indian Betele. What sort of plant it was we had not an
opportunity of learning as we never saw any thing but the chaws which
they took from their mouths to shew us; it might be of the Betele
kind and so far as we could judge from the fragments was so, but
whatever it was it was usd without any addition and seemd to have no
kind of effect upon either the teeth or lips of those who usd it.

Naked as these people are when abroad they are scarce at all
better defended from the injuries of the weather when at home, if
that name can with propriety be given to their houses--as I beleive
they never make any stay in them but wandering like the Arabs from
place to place set them up whenever they meet with one where
sufficient supplys of food are to be met with, and as soon as these
are exhausted remove to another leaving the houses behind, which are
framd with less art or rather less industry than any habitations of
human beings probably that the world can shew.

At Sting-Rays Bay, where they were the best, each was capable of
containing within it 4 or 5 people but not one of all these could in
any direction extend himself his whole lengh; for hight he might just
set upright, but if inclind to sleep must coil himself in some
crooked position as the dimensions were in no direction long enough
to hold him otherwise. They were built in the form of an oven of
pliable rods about as thick as a mans finger, the Ends of which were
stuck into the ground and the whole coverd with Palm leaves and broad
peices of Bark; the door was a pretty large hole at one end, opposite
to which by the ashes there seemd to be a fire kept pretty constantly
to the Northward. Again where the warmth of the climate made houses
less necessary they were in proportion still more slight; a house
there was nothing but a hollow shelter about 3 or 4 feet deep built
like the former and like them coverd with bark; one side of this was
intirely open which was always that which was shelterd from the
course of the prevailing wind, and opposite to this door was always a
heap of ashes, the remains of a fire probably more necessary to
defend them from Mosquetos than cold. In these it is probable that
they only sought to defend their heads and the upper part of their
bodies from the Draught of air, trusting their feet to the care of
the fire, and so small they were that even in this manner not above 3
or 4 people could possibly croud into one of them. But small as the
trouble of erecting such houses must be they did not always do it; we
saw many places in the woods where they had slept with no other
shelter than a few bushes and grass a foot or two high to shade them
from the wind; this probably is their custom while they travel from
place to place and sleep upon the road in situations where they do
not mean to make any stay.

The only Furniture belonging to these houses, that we saw at
least, was oblong vessels of Bark made by the simple contrivance of
tying up the two ends of a longish peice with a withe which not being
cut off serves for a handle, these we imagind serv'd for the purpose
of Water Buckets to fetch water from the springs which may sometimes
be distant. We have reason to suppose that when they travel these are
carried by the women from place to place; indeed the few
opportunities we had of seeing the women they were generaly employd
in some laborious occupation as fetching wood, gathering shell fish
etc.

The men again maybe constantly carry their arms in their hands, 3
or 4 lances in one and the machine with which they throw them in the
other; these serve them in the double capacity of defending them from
their enemies and striking any animal or fish that they may meet
with. Besides these each has a small bag about the size of a moderate
Cabbage net which hangs loose upon his back fas[t]ned to a small
string which passes over the crown of his head; this seems to contain
all their worldly treasures, each man hardly more than might be
containd in the crown of a hat-a lump or two of Paint, some fish
hooks and lines, shells to make them of, Points of Darts and resin
and their usual ornaments were the general contents.

Thus live these I had almost said happy people, content with
little nay almost nothing, Far enough removd from the anxieties
attending upon riches, or even the possession of what we Europeans
call common necessaries: anxieties intended maybe by Providence to
counterbalance the pleasure arising from the Posession of wishd for
attainments, consequently increasing with increasing wealth, and in
some measure keeping up the balance of hapiness between the rich and
the poor. From them appear how small are the real wants of human
nature, which we Europeans have increasd to an excess which would
certainly appear incredible to these people could they be told it.
Nor shall we cease to increase them as long as Luxuries can be
invented and riches found for the purchase of them; and how soon
these Luxuries degenerate into necessaries may be sufficiently evincd
by the universal use of strong liquors, Tobacco, spices, Tea etc.
etc. In this instance again providence seems to act the part of a
leveler, doing much towards putting all ranks into an equal state of
wants and consequently of real poverty: the Great and Magnificent
want as much and may be more than the midling: they again in
proportion more than the inferior: each rank still looking higher
than his station but confining itself to a certain point above which
it knows not how to wish, not knowing at least perfectly what is
there enjoyd.

Tools among them we saw almost none, indeed having no arts which
require any it is not to be expected that they should have many. A
stone made sharp at the edge and a wooden mallet were the only ones
we saw that had been formd by art; the use of these we supposd to be
in making the notches in the bark of high trees by which they climb
them for purposes unknown to us, and for cutting and perhaps driving
wedges to take of the bark which they must have in large peices for
making Canoes, Sheilds and water buckets and also for covering their
houses. Besides these they use shells and corals to scrape the points
of their darts, and polish them with the leaves of a kind of wild Fig
tree (Ficus Radulo) which bites upon wood almost as keenly as our
European shave grass usd by the Joiners. Their fish hooks are made of
shell very neatly and some exceedingly small; their lines are also
well twisted and they have them from the size of a half inch rope to
almost the fineness of a hair made of some vegetable. Of Netting they
seem to be quite ignorant but make their bags, the only thing of the
kind we saw among them, by laying the threads loop within loop
something in the way of knitting only very coarse and open, in the
very same manner as I have seen ladies make purses in England. That
they had no sharp instruments among them we venturd to guess from the
circumstance of an old man who came to us one day with a beard rather
larger than his fellows: the next day he came again, his beard was
then almost croppd close to his chin and upon examination we found
the ends of the hairs all burnd so that he had certainly singd it
off. Their manner of Hunting and taking wild animals we had no
opportunity of seeing: we only guessd that the notches which they had
every where cut in the Bark of large trees, which certainly servd to
make climbing more easy to them, might be intended for the ascending
these trees in order either to watch for any animal who unwarily
passing under them they might peirce with their darts, or for the
taking birds who at night might Roost in them. We guessd also that
the fires which we saw so frequently as we passd along shore,
extending over a large tract of countrey and by which we could
constantly trace the passage of the Indians who went from us in
Endeavours river up into the countrey, were intended in some way or
other for the taking of the animal calld by them Kanguru, which we
found to be so much afraid of fire that we could hardly force it with
our dogs to go over places newly burnt. They get fire very
expeditiously with two peices of stick very readily and nimbly: the
one must be round and 8 or nine inches long and both it and the other
should be dry and soft; the round one they sharpen a little at one
end and pressing it upon the other turn it round with the palms of
their hands just as Europeans do a chocolate mill, often shifting
their hands up and running them down quick to make the pressure as
hard as possible; in this manner they will get fire in less than 2
minutes and when once posessd of the smallest spark increase [it] in
a manner truely wonderfull. We often admird to see a man run along
shore who seemd to carry no one thing in his hand and yet as he ran
along, just stooping down every 50 or 100 yards, smoak and fire were
seen among the drift wood and dirt at that place almost the instant
he had left it. This we afterwards found was done cheifly by the
infinite readyness with which every kind of rubbish, sticks, witherd
leaves or dry grass already almost dryd to tinder by the heat of the
sun and dryness of the season would take fire: he took for instance
when he set off a small bit of fire and wrapping it up in dry grass
ran on, this soon blazd, he then layd it down on the most convenient
place for his purpose that he could find and taking up a small part
of it wrappd that in part of the dry rubbish in which he had layd it,
in this manner proceeding as long as he thought proper.

Their Weapons, offensive at least, were precisely the same where
ever we saw them except that at the very last view we had of the
countrey we saw through our glasses a man who carried a Bow and
arrows; in this we might but I beleive we were not mistaken. They
consisted of one only species, a Pike or Lance from 8 to 14 feet in
lengh: this they threw short distances with their hands and for
longer, 40 or more yards, with an instrument made for the purpose.
The upper part of these Lances were made either of Cane or the stalk
of a plant something resembling a Bullrush ( ) which was very
streight and light: the point again was made of very heavy and hard
wood, the whole arfully balancd for throwing tho very clumsily made
in two, three or four joints, at each of which the parts were let
into each other and besides being tied round the Joint was smeard
over very thick with their Resin which made it larger and more
clumsey than any other part. The points were of several sorts: those
which we concluded to be intended against men were indeed most cruel
weapons: they were all single pointed either with the stings of
sting-rays, a large one of which servd for the point, and three or 4
smaller tied the contrary way made barbs: or simply of wood made very
sharp and smeard thick over with resin into which was stuck many
broken bits of sharp shells, so that if such a weapon pierced a man
it was many to one that it could not be drawn out without leaving
several of those unwelcome guests in his flesh, certain to make the
wound ten times more dificult to cure than it otherwise would be. The
others which we supposd to be usd merely for striking fish, birds
etc. had generaly simple points of wood or if they were barbd it was
with only one splinter of wood. The instrument with which they threw
them was a plain stick or peice of wood 2 and ½ or 3 feet in
lengh, at one end of which was a small knob or hook and near the
other a kind of cross peice to hinder it from slipping out of their
hands. With this contrivance, simple as it is and ill fitted for the
purpose, they threw the lances 40 or more yards with a swiftness and
steadyness truley surprizing; the knob being hookd into a small dent
made in the top of the lance they held it over their shoulder and
shaking it an instant as balancing threw it with the greatest ease
imaginable. The neatest of these throwing sticks that we saw were
made of a hard reddish wood polish[d] and shining; their sides were
flat and about 2 inches in breadth and the handle or part to keep it
from dropping out of the hand coverd with thin layers of polished
bone very white; these I beleive to be the things which many of our
people were deceivd by imagining them to be wooden swords, Clubs etc.
according to the direction in which they happned to see them.
Defensive weapons we saw only in Sting-Rays bay and there only a
single instance--a man who attempted to oppose our Landing came down
to the Beach with a sheild of an oblong shape about 3 feet long and
1½ broad made of the bark of a tree; this he left behind when
he ran away and we found upon taking it up that it plainly had been
piercd through with a single pointed lance near the center. That such
sheilds were frequently usd in that neighbourhood we had however
sufficient proof, often seeing upon trees the places from whence they
had been cut and sometimes the sheilds themselves cut out but not yet
taken off from the tree; the edges of the bark only being a little
raisd with wedges; which shews that these people certainly know how
much thicker and stronger bark becomes by being sufferd to remain
upon the tree some time after it is cut round.

That they are a very pusilanimous people we had reason to suppose
from every part of their conduct in every place where we were except
Sting Rays bay, and there only the instance of the two people who
opposd the Landing of our two boats full of men for near a quarter of
an hour and were not to be drove away till serveral times wounded
with small shot, which we were obligd to do as at that time we
suspected their Lances to be poisned from the quantity of gum which
was about their points; but upon every other occasion both there and
every where else they behavd alike, shunning us and giving up any
part of the countrey which we landed upon at once: and that they use
stratagems in war we learnt by the instance in Sting-rays bay where
our Surgeon with another man walking in the woods met 8 Indians; they
stood still but directed another who was up in a tree how and when he
should throw a Lance at them, which he did and on its not taking
effect they all ran away as fast as possible.

Their Canoes were the only things in which we saw a manifest
difference between the Southern and Northern people. Those in the
Southward were little better contrivd or executed than their Houses:
a peice of Bark tied together in Pleats at the ends and kept extended
in the middle by small bows of wood was the whole embarkation, which
carried one or two, nay we once saw three people, who movd it along
in shallow water by setting with long poles; and in deeper by padling
with padles about 18 inches long, one of which they held in each
hand. In the middle of these Canoes was generaly a small fire upon a
heap of sea weed, for what purpose intended we did not learn except
perhaps to give the fisherman an opportunity of Eating fish in
perfection by broiling it the moment it is taken.

To the Northward again their canoes tho exceeding bad were far
superior to these. They were small but regularly hollowd out of the
trunk of a tree and fitted with an outrigger to prevent them from
oversetting; in these they had paddles large enough to require both
hands to work them. Of this sort we saw only [] [] and had an
opportunity of examining only one of them which might be about 10 or
11 feet long but was immensely narrow; the sides of the tree were
left in their natural state untouch'd by tools but at each [end?]
they had cut off from the under part and left part of the upper side
overhanging; the inside also was not ill hollowd and the sides
tolerably thin. What burthen it was capable of carrying we had many
times an opportunity to see: 3 people or at most 4 were as many as
dare venture in it and if any more wanted to come over the river,
which in that place was about a half a mile broad, one of these would
carry back the Canoe and fetch them.

This was the only peice of workmanship which I saw among the New
Hollanders that seemd to require tools. How they had hollowd her out
or cut the ends I cannot guess but upon the whole the work was not
ill done; Indian patience might do a great deal with shells etc.
without the use of stone axes, which if they had had they would
propably have used to form her outside as well as inside. That such a
canoe takes them up much time and trouble in the making may be
concluded from our seeing so few, and still more from the moral
certainty which we have that the Tribe which visited [us] and
consisted to our knowledge of 21 people and may be of several more
had only one such belonging to them. How tedious must it be for these
people to be ferried over a river a mile or two wide by threes and
fours at a time: how well therefore worth the pains for them to stock
themselves better with boats if they could do it!

I am inclind to beleive that besides these Canoes the Northern
People know and make use of the Bark one of the South, and that from
having seen one of the small paddles left by them upon a small Island
where they had been fishing for Turtle; it lay upon a heap of Turtle
shells and bones, Trophies of the good living they had had when
there, and with it lay a broken staff of a Turtle pegg and a rotten
line, tools which had been worn out I suppose in the service of
Catching them. We had great reason to beleive that at some season of
the year the weather is much more moderate than we found it,
otherwise the Indians never could have venturd in any canoes that we
saw half so far from the main Land as Islands were on which we saw
evident marks of their having been, such as decayd houses, fires, the
before mentiond Turtle bones etc. May be at this more moderate time
they may make and use such Canoes, and when the Blustering season
comes on may convert the bark of which they were made to the purposes
of covering houses, making Water buckets etc. etc. well knowing that
when the next season returns they will not want a supply of bark to
rebuild their vessels. Another reason we have to imagine that such a
moderate season exists, and that the Winds are then upon the Eastern
board as we found them, is that whatever Indian houses or sleeping
places we saw on these Islands were built upon the summits of small
hills if there were any, or if not, in places where no bushes or wood
could intercept the course of the wind, and their shelter was always
turnd to the Eastward. On the main again, their houses were
universaly built in valleys, or under the shelter of trees which
might defend them from the very winds which in the Islands they
exposd themselves to.

Of their Language I can say very little. Our acquaintance with
them was of so short a duration that none of us attempted to use a
single word of it to them, consequently the list of words I have
given could be got no other manner than by signs enquiring of them
what in their Language signified such a thing, a method obnoxious to
many mistakes: for instance a man holds in his hand a stone and asks
the name of [it]: the Indian may return him for answer either the
real name of a stone, one of the properties of it as hardness,
roughness, smoothness etc., one of its uses or the name peculiar to
some particular species of stone, which name the enquirer immediately
sets down as that of a stone. To avoid however as much as Possible
this inconvenience Myself and 2 or 3 more got from them as many words
as we could, and having noted down those which we though[t] from
circumstances we were not mistaken in we compard our lists; those in
which all the lists agreed, or rather were contradicted by none, we
thought our selves moraly certain not to be mistaken in. Of these my
list cheefly consists, some only being added that were in only one
list such as from the ease with which signs might be contrivd to ask
them were thought little less certain than the others.

Wageegee the head Meanang Fire
Morye the hair Walba a stone
Melcea the ears Yowall Sand
Yembe the Lips Gurka a Rope
Bonjoo the Nose Bama a Man
Unjar the tongue Poinja a male Turtle
Wallar the Beard Mameingo a female
Doomboo the Neck Maragan a Canoe
Cayo the Nipples Pelenyo to Paddle
Toolpoor the Navel Takai Set down
Mangal the Hands Mierbarrar smooth
Coman the thighs Garmbe Blood
Pongo the Knees Yocou Wood
Edamal the Feet Tapool bone in nose
Kniorror the Heel Charngala a Bag
Chumal the sole Kulke the Nails
Chongarn the ancle Gallan the Sun
Cherr/Cherco/Yarcaw/Tut tut tut tut) expressions maybe of admiration which they
) continualy usd while in company with us

They very often use the article Ge which seems to answer to our
English 'a' as Ge Gurka a rope.

September 1770

1770 September 1.

Distant as the land was a very Fragrant smell came of from it
realy in the morn with the little breeze which blew right off shore,
it resembled much the smell of gum Benjamin; as the sun gatherd power
it dyed away and was no longer smelt. All the latter part of the day
we had calms or light winds all round the compass, the weather at the
same time being most intolerably hot.

1770 September 2.

Fresh breeze again at E. In the morn the sweet smell of yesterday
was observd tho in a much smaller degree. In the even it was almost
calm and again intensely hot.

1770 September 3.

After having saild all night along shore with a brisk breeze we
found ourselves in the morn not far from it: It appeard as it had
done whenever we had seen it before, uncommonly flat and low, not
having so much as a slope in any part, the whole one grove of trees
very thick and pleasant to all appearance. This was the sixth day we
had now coasted along still upon the same bank of mud, which by its
shoalness prevented our approaches near enough to make going ashore
convenient. This delay and the loss of so many days fair wind when we
well knew the SE Monsoon was nearly at an end was irksome to us all:
it was therefore resolvd to run the ship in as near the shore as
possible and then send off the pinnace, which might go ashore while
the ship ply'd off and on and learn whether the produce of the
countrey or the usage she might meet with from the inhabitants would
be such as might induce us to search farther. We accordingly stood
right in shore and at ½ past 8 had less than 3 fathm water 5
or 6 miles from the shore. The Captn Dr Solander and myself with the
Boats crew and my servants, consisting in all of 12 men well armd,
went in her and rowd directly towards the shore but could not get
nearer than about 200 yards on account of the shallowness of the
water; we quickly however got out of the boat and waded ashore
leaving two in her to take care of her. We had no sooner landed than
we saw the prints of naked feet upon the mud below High watermark,
which convincd us that the Indians were not far off tho we had seen
yet no signs of any. The nature of the countrey made it necessary for
us to be very much upon our guard: the close thick wood came down to
within less than 100 yards of the water, and therefore so near might
the Indians come without our seeing them, and should they by numbers
overpower us a retreat to the boat was impossible as she was so far
from the shore. We proceeded therefore with much caution, looking
carefully about us, myself and the Dr looking for plants at the edge
of the wood and the rest walking along the Beach. In about 200 yards
from our landing we came to a grove of Cocoa nut trees of a very
small growth but well hung with fruit standing upon the banks of a
small brook of brackish water. Near them was a small shed hardly half
coverd with cocoa nut leaves, in and about which were infinite Cocoa
nut shells, some quite fresh. We stayd under these trees some time
admiring and wishing for the fruit, but as none of us could climb it
was impossible to get even one so we even left them and proceeded in
search of any thing else which might occur. We soon found Plantains
and a single Bread fruit tree but neither of these had any fruit on
them, so we proceeded and had got about a quarter of a mile from the
boat when on a sudden 3 Indians rushd out of the woods with a hideous
shout, about 100 yards beyond us and running towards us. The formost
threw something out of his hand which flew on one side of him and
burnd exactly like gunpowder, the other two immediately threw two
darts at us on which we fird. The most of our guns were loaded with
small shot which at the distance they were from us I suppose they
hardly felt, for they movd not at all but immediately threw a third
dart on which we loaded and fird again. Our Balls I suppose this time
fell near them but none of them were materialy hurt as they ran away
with great alacrity. From this specimen of the people we immediately
concluded that nothing was to be got here but by force, which would
of course be attended with destruction of many of these poor people,
whose territories we had certainly no right to invade either as
discoverers or people in real want of provisions; we therefore
resolvd to go into our boat and leave intirely this coast to some
aftercomer who might have either more time or better opportunities to
gain the freindship of its inhabitants. Before we had got abreast of
her however we saw the two people in her make signals to us that more
Indians were coming along shore, and before we had got into the water
we saw them come round a point about 500 yards from us. They had met
probably the three who first attackd us for on seeing us they halted
and seemd to wait till the main body should come up, nor did they
come nearer us all the while we waded to her; they continued however
with their fire to defy us and shouted very loud. When we were
embarked and afloat we rowd towards them and fird some musquets over
their heads into the trees, on which they walkd gradualy off
continuing to throw abundance of their fires (whatever they migh[t]
be designed for). We guessd their numbers to be about 100.

After we had lookd at them and their behaviour as long as we chose
we returnd to the ship, where our freinds had sufferd much anziety
for our sakes imagining that the fires thrown by the Indians were
real musquets, so much did they resemble the fire and smoak made by
the firing of one. The place where we landed we judgd to be near Cabo
de la Colta de Santa Bonaventura, as it is calld in the French
charts, about 9 or 10 lgs to the Southward of Keer Weer. We were not
ashore upon the whole more than two hours so can not be expected to
have made many observations. The Soil had all the appearance of the
highest fertil[it]y but was coverd with a prodigious quantity of
trees which seemd to thrive luxuriantly. Notwithstanding this the
cocoa nut trees bore very small Fruit and the Plantains did not seem
very thriving; the only breadfruit tree that we saw however was very
large and healthy. There was very little variety of plants: we saw
only 23 species every one of which was known to us, except perhaps
the 1st and 2nd may prove upon comparison to be different from any of
the many Species of Cyperus we have still undetermind from New
Holland. Had we had axes to cut down the trees or could we have
venturd into the woods we should doubtless have found more, but we
had only an opportunity of examining the beach and edge of the wood.
I am of opinion however that the countrey does not abound in variety
of species, as I have been in no one before where I could not on a
good soil have gatherd more by far with the same time and
opportunity. Here follows the list:

The people as well as we could judge were nearly of the same
colour as the New Hollanders, some thought rather lighter, they were
certainly stark naked. Their arms that they made use of against us
were very light ill made darts of Bamboo cane pinted with hard wood
in which were many barbs; they may be shot them with bows but I am of
opinion that they threw them with a stick something in the manner of
the New Hollanders; they came beyond us about 60 yards, but not in a
point blanc direction. Besides these many among them, may be a fifth
part of the whole, had in their hands a short peice of stick may be
hollow cane, which they swung sideways from them and immediately fire
flew from it perfectly resembling the flash and smoak of a musquet
and of no longer duration; for what purpose this was done is far
above my guessing. They had with them several dogs who ran after them
in the same manner as ours do in Europe.

The house or shed that we saw was very mean and poor. It consisted
of 4 stakes drove into the ground, 2 being longer than the other two:
over these were layd cocoa nut leaves loose and not half enough to
cover it. By the cutting of these stakes as well as of the arrows or
darts which they threw at us we concluded that they had no Iron among
them.

As soon as ever the boat was hoisted in we made sail and steerd
away from this land to the No small satisfaction of I beleive thre[e]
fourths of our company the sick became well and the melancholy lookd
gay. The greatest part of them were now pretty far gone with the
longing for home which the Physicians have gone so far as to esteem a
disease under the name of Nostalgia; indeed I can find hardly any
body in the ship clear of its effects but the Captn Dr Solander and
myself, indeed we three have pretty constant employment for our minds
which I beleive to be the best if not the only remedy for it.

1770 September 4.

Brisk trade and fine weather. The alterd Countenances of our
common people were still more perceivable than they were yesterday.
Two thirds allowance had I beleive made the cheif difference with
them, for our provisions were now so much wasted by keeping that that
allowance was little more than was necessary to keep life and soul
together.

1770 September 5.

During last night a low Island was seen and in the morn another,
of a flat appearance but tolerably high. We supposd that these might
be the Arow Isles as the latitude agreed very well, but if they were
these Isles must be far nearer the Coast of New Guinea than any of
our draughts place them. Many very large Blubbers (medusas) were
seen, also Egg Birds, Bonitos and one Turtle. In the Eve we deepned
our water to 50 fathm and saw then some small Mother Careys chickens
(Proc. Fregata) about us which we always have lookd upon as a mark of
being at a good distance from the Land. We saw also a man of war
Bird, many Nectris's and Gannets; towards night a Booby (Pel )
settled on our rigging and was caught, the first we have met with in
the voyage.

1770 September 6.

Pleasant trade: our water deepned to 180 fathm. A tropick bird and
2 black and white Gannets seen about the ship. At Noon a large high
Island was in sight, possibly Timor Land, tho if so the charts have
laid it down much too far to the Southward. The supposition of its
being so made us think of Timor, which had been visited by our
countrey man Dampier; this thought made home recur to my mind
stronger than it had done throughout the whole voyage: the distance I
now conceivd to be nothing very great.

1770 September 7.

Trade as brisk and pleasant as ever. Infinite flying fish about
the ship, some nectris's and Man of War Birds, many Gannets also
seen; at Night 2 Bobies were caught.

1770 September 8.

Much less wind today; many Gannets and Bobies were seen. At Night
2 of the latter were taken.

1770 September 9.

Light breezes and almost calm. Myself in my small boat a shooting
killd 3 dozn. of Bobies and gannets; the last provd to be the
Pelicanus Piscator of Linnaeus. At night a strong appearance of very
high Land was observd to the Westward which causd many different
opinions; the Seamen however in general insisted on its being clouds,
an opinion which its unusual hight above the horizon considerd with
respect to the faintness with which it appeard seemd much to
favour.

1770 September 10.

Quite calm. The appearance of Land to the West was again seen and
most of the seamen by it Convincd that it realy was such; some
however still held to their former opinion. Many Dolphins were about
the ship and one shark was caught at Sunset. The Land appeard again
in exactly the same place which at last convinc'd our most sturdy
unbeleivers.

1770 September 11.

By day Break in the morn another shark was caught: the two
together weighing 126 lb were servd to the ships company and every
man in her, I may venture to affirm, from the Captn to the Swabber
dind heartily upon it. Many smoaks ashore.

1770 September 12.

As soon as the light was pretty clear the Land again appeard 5 or
6 Lgs off; by 7 the Wind came to west so we stood in for it. It was
very high rising in gradual slopes from the hills which were in great
measure coverd with thick woods; among them however we could
distinguish bare spots of a large extent which at least look'd as if
cleard by art; many fires were also seen on all parts of the hills,
some very high up. At night fall we were within 1 and ½ miles
of the Beach just abreast of a little inlet. The countrey seemd to
answer very well the description which Dampier has given of Timor,
the land close to the beach being coverd with high spiring trees
which he likens to Pines (Casuarina) behind which was great
appearance of Salt water creeks and many mangroves; in Parts however
were many Cocoa nut trees close down to the Beach. The flat land
seemd to reach in some places 2 or 3 miles before the rise of the
first hill. We saw no appearance of Plantations or houses near the
sea but the land looked most fertile, and from the many fires we had
seen in different parts we could not help having a good opinion of
its population.

1770 September 13.

With the wind as foul as ever we continued to ply along shore, not
gaining much and being too far off to see any thing but large fires
of which were several ashore. Our Croakers began now to talk of the
westerly monsoon, and say that they had sometime thought that the
unusual Briskness of the Trade wind for some days before we fell in
with this Island was a sure prognostick of it.

1770 September 14.

Our Westerly wind still continued and we plyd with our usual
success. Infinite albecores and bonetos were about the ship attended
(as they always are when near land) by some species of Sterna; these
were Dampiers New Holland Noddies which flew in large flocks hovering
over the shoals of fish. Many Man of War birds also attended and
Entertaind us by very frequently stooping at albecores so large that
20 times their strengh could not have lifted them, had they been
dextrous enough to seize them which they never once effected.

1770 September 15.

Wind came fair today and left our melancholy ones to search for
some new occasion of sorrow. There was much less of it than we could
have wishd and yet enough to alter the appearance of the countrey
very sensibly. The Island was now Hilly tho not near so high as it
had been; the Hills in general came quite down to the sea and where
they did not, instead of flats and mangrovy land, were immense groves
of Cocoa nut trees; about a mile up from the Beach began the
plantations and houses almost innumerable standing under the shade of
large groves of Palms appearing like Fan Palm (Borassus); the
Plantations which were in general enclosd with some kind of Fence
reach'd almost to the tops of the Hills, but near the Beach were no
certain marks of habitations seen. But what surpr[i]zd us most was
that notwithstanding all these indisputable marks of Populous
countrey we saw neither people nor any kind of cattle stirring all
the day, tho our glasses were almost continualy employ'd.

1770 September 16.

Trade rather fresher than yesterday. Soon after breakfast the
small Island of Rotte was in sight and soon after the opening appeard
plain which at last convincd our old unbeleivers that the Island we
has so [long?] been off was realy Timor. Soon after dinner we passd
the Streights. The Island of Rotte was not mountanous or high like
Timor but consisted of Hills and vales: on the East End of it some of
our people saw Houses but I did not: the North side had frequent
sandy beaches near which grew some few of the Fan Palm, but the
greatest part was coverd with a kind of brushy trees which had few or
no leaves upon them. The opening between Timor and the Island calld
by Dampeir Anabao we plainly saw which appeard narrow. Anabao itself
lookd much like Timor, only was rather less high: we saw on it no
signs of cultivation, but as it was misty and we were well on the
other side of the streights, which we judgd to be 5 Lgs over, we saw
it but very indifferently. Off the Western end of it was a small low
sandy Island coverd with trees; before night however we had left all
behind us.

About 10 O'Clock a Phaenomenon appeard in the heavens in many
things resembling the Aurora Borealis but differing materialy in
others: it consisted of a dull reddish light reaching in hight about
20 degrees above the Horizon: its extent was very different at
different times but never less than 8 or 10 points of the compass.
Through and out of this passd rays of a brighter colourd light
tending directly upwards; these appeard and vanishd nearly in the
same time as those of the Aurora Borealis, but were entirely without
that trembling or vibratory motion observd in that Phaenomenon. The
body of it bore from the ship SSE: it lasted as bright as ever till
near 12 when I went down to sleep but how much longer I cannot
tell.

1770 September 17.

In the morn an Island in sight very imperfectly if at all laid
down in the Charts. By 10 we were very near the East end of it; it
was not high, but composd of gently sloping hills and vales almost
intirely cleard and coverd with innumerable Palm trees; near the
Beach were many Houses, but no people were seen stirring. Soon after
we passd the NE point, and saw on the beach a large flock of sheep,
but still no people: the North side of the Isle appeard scarce at all
cultivated, but like that of Rotte coverd with thick brush wood
almost or quite destitute of Leaves: among these as we pass'd along
we saw numerous flocks of sheep, but no houses or plantations. At
last however one was discoverd in a grove of Cocoa nut trees, and it
was resolvd to send a boat in order to attempt a commerce with people
who seemd so well able to supply our many Necessities. The ship ply'd
off and on and a Lieutenant went: before he returnd we saw on the
Hills 2 men on horseback, who seemd to ride as for their amusement,
looking often at the ship--a circumstance which made us at once
conclude that their were Europeans among the Islanders by whoom we
should be receivd at least more politely than we were us'd to be by
uncivilizd Indians.

After a very short stay he returnd bringing word that he had seen
Indians in all respects as colour, dress etc. much resembling the
Malays; that they very civily invited him ashore and conversd with
him by signs but neither party could understand the other; they were
totaly unarmd except the knives which they wore in their girdles and
had with them a Jackass, a sure sign that Europeans had been among
them.

In Plying off and on we had had no ground tho very near a Coral
shoal which ran off from the Island, so had no hopes of anchorage
here; it was therefore resolvd that we should go to the lee side of
the Isle in hopes there to find a Bank; in the mean time however the
boat with some truck should go ashore at the Cocoa nut grove in hopes
to purchase some trifling refreshments for the sick in case we should
be disapointed. It accordingly put off and Dr Solander went in it;
before it reachd the shore we saw two new Horsemen, one of whoom had
on a compleat European dress, Blue Coat, white waiscoat and lac'd
hat: these as the Boat lay ashore seemd to take little notice of her
but only Saunterd about looking much at the ship. Many more horse-men
however and still more footmen gatherd round our people who were
ashore, and we had the satisfaction of seeing several cocoa nuts
brought into the boat, a sure sign that peace and plenty reignd
ashore.

After a stay of about an hour and a half the boat made a signal of
having had intelligence of a harbour to Leeward and we in consequence
bore away for it. The boat following soon came on board and told us
that the people had behavd in an uncommaly civil manner; that they
had seen some of their principal people who were dressd in fine
linnen and had chains of gold round their necks; that they had not
been able to trade, the owner of the Cocoa nut trees not being there,
but had got about 2 dozn of Cocoa nuts given as a present by these
principal people, who accepted of Linnen in return and made them
plainly understand by drawing a map upon the sand that on the Lee
side of the Island was a bay in which we might anchor near a town and
buy Sheep, hogs, fruits, fowls etc.; they talked much of the
Portugese and of Larntuca on the Island of Ende, from which
circumstance it was probable that the Portugese were somewhere on the
Island tho none of the natives could speak more than a word or two of
the Language, and the more so as one of the Indians in speaking of
the Town made a sign of something we should see there which would
shew us that we were right, by crossing his fingers, which a
Portugese who was in the boat immediately interpreted into a cross, a
supposition that appeard very probable; that just before they put off
the man in a European dress Came towards them, but the officer in the
boat not having his commission about him thoug[h]t proper to put off
immediately without staying to speak to him or know what countrey man
he was.

We saild along shore and after having passd a point of Land found
a bay shelterd from the trade wind in which we soon discoverd a large
Indian town or village, on which we stood in hoisting a Jack on the
foretopmast head. Soon after to our no small surprize Duch Colours
were hoisted in the town and 3 guns fird. We however proceeded and
just at dark got soundings and anchord about 1½ miles from the
shore.

1770 September 18.

In the morn the Boat with the 2nd Lieutenant went ashore and was
receivd by a guard of 20 or 30 Indians armd with musquets, who
conducted him to the town about a mile in the countrey, marching
without any order or regularity and carrying away with them Duch
Colours which had been hoisted upon the beach opposite to where the
ship lay. Here he was introduc'd to the Radja or Indian King who he
told by a Portugese interpreter that we were an English man of war
who had been long at sea and had many sick on board, for whoom we
wanted to purchase such refreshments as the Island afforded. He
answerd that he was willing to supply us with every thing we should
want, but being in alliance with the Duch East Indian Company he was
not allowd to trade with any other people without their consent,
which however he would immediately apply for to a Duchman belonging
to that Company who was the only white man residing upon the Island.
A letter was accordingly dispatchd immediately and after some hours
waiting answerd by the man in Person, who assurd him with many
Civilities that we were at liberty to buy of the natives whatever we
pleasd. He express'd a desire of coming on board, as well as the King
and several of his attendants, provided however that some of our
people might stay on shore, on which two were left and about 2 they
arrivd. Our dinners were ready and they readily agreed to dine with
us. At setting down however the King excusd himself, saying that he
did not imagine that we who were white men would suffer him who was
black to set down in our company. A complement however removd his
scruples and he and his prime minister sat down and eat sparingly.
During all dinner time we receivd many professions of freindship from
both the King and the European who was a native of Saxony by name
Johan Christopr Lange. Mutton was our fare: the King expressd a
desire of having an English sheep; we had one left which was
presented to him. An English dog was then askd for and my greyhound
presented to him. Mynheer Lange then hinted that a spying glass would
be acceptable and was immediately presented with one. We were told
that the Island abounded in Buffaloes, sheep, hogs, and fowls, all
which should the next day be drove down to the Beach and we might buy
any quantity of them. This agreable intelligence put us all into high
spirits and the liquor went about full as much as either Mynheer
Lange or the Indians could bear, who however expressed a desire of
going away before they were quite drunk. They were receivd upon deck
as they had been when they came on board, by the marines under arms:
the King expresssd a desire of Seeing them excersise, which
accordingly they did and fird 3 rounds, much to his majesties
satisfaction, who expressd great surprize particularly at their so
speedily cocking their guns, which he expressd by striking a stick
upon the side of the ship saying that all the locks made but one
click. Dr Solander and myself went ashore in the Boat with them; as
soon as we put off they saluted the ship with three chears which the
ship answerd with five guns.

We landed and walkd up to the town which consisted of a good many
houses, some tolerably large, each being a roof of thach covering a
boarded floor supported by Pillars 3 or 4 feet from the ground.
Before we had been long there it began to grow dark and we returnd on
board, having only just tasted their Palm wine which had a very sweet
taste and suited all our palates very well, giving us at the same
time hopes that it might be servicable to our sick, as being the
fresh and unfermented juice of the tree it promisd ante-scorbutick
virtues.

1770 September 19. Savu reached

In the morn we went ashore and proceeded immediately to the house
of assembly, a large house which we had yesterday mistaken for the
Kings Palace. This as well as 2 or 3 more in the Town or Negree as
the Indians call it have been built by the Duch East Indian Company;
they are distinguishd from the rest by 2 peices of wood, one at each
end of the ridge of the house, resembling cows horns--undoubtedly the
thing designd by the Indian who on the 17th made a sign of the mark
by which we were to know the town by crossing his fingers, which our
Catholick Portugese interpreted into a cross, from whence cheifly we
were assur'd that the settlement was originaly Portugese. In this
house of Assembly we met My [n]heer Lange and the Radja A Madocho
Lomi Djara attended by many of the Principal people: we told them
that we had in the boat an assortment of what few goods we had to
truck with and desird leave to bring them ashore which was
immediately granted and orders given accordingly. We then attempted
to settle the Price of Buffaloes, sheep, hogs, etc. which were to be
payd in money, but here Mynheer Lange left us and told us that we
must settle that with the natives who would bring down large
quantities to the Beach. By this time the morning was pretty far
advanc'd and we, resolving not to go on board and eat salt meat when
such a profusion of fresh was continualy talkd of, petitiond his
majesty that we might have liberty to purchase a small Hog, some rice
etc. and employ his subjects to cook them for our dinner. He answerd
that if we could eat victuals dressed by his subjects, which he could
hardly suppose, he would do himself the honour of entertaining us; we
expressd our gratitude and sent immediately on board for liquors.
About 5 O'Clock dinner was ready, consisting of 36 dishes or rather
baskets containing alternately Rice and Boild Pork, and 3 earthen
ware bowls of Soup or rather the Broth in which the Pork had been
boild; these were rangd on the floor and matts laid round them for us
to set upon. We were now conducted by turns to a hole in the floor
near which stood a man with a basket of water in his hand; here we
wash'd our hands and then rang'd ourselves in order round the
victuals waiting for the King to set down. We were told however that
the custom of the countrey was that the entertainer never sets down
to meat with his guests, however if we suspected the victuals to be
poisoned he would willingly do it; we suspected nothing and therefore
desire'd that all things might go as usual; all then sitting down we
eat with good appetites, the Prime Minister and My[n]heer Lange
partaking with us. Our wine passd briskly about, the Radja alone
refusing to drink with us saying that it was wrong for the master of
the feast to be in liquor. The pork was excellent, the Rice as good,
the broth not bad, the spoons only which were made of leaves were so
small that few of us had patience to eat it: every one however made a
hearty dinner and as soon as we had done removd, as the custom it
seems was to let the Servants and seamen take our Places. These could
not dispach all, but when the women came to take away they forcd them
to take away with them all the Pork that was left.

Before dinner Mynheer Lange had mentiond to us a letter which he
had in the morn receivd from the Governor of Timor: the particulars
of it were now discussd. It acquainted him that a ship had been seen
off that Island and had Steerd from thence towards that which we were
now upon: in case such ship was to touch there in any distress she
was to be supplied with what she wanted but was not to be allowd to
make any stay more than was necessary, and was particularly requird
not to make any large presents to the inferior People, or to leave
any with the Principal ones to be distributed among them after he was
gone. This we were told did not at all extend to the Beads or small
peices of cloth which we gave the Natives in return for their small
civilities, as bringing us palm wine etc. Some of our Gentlemen were
of opinion that the whole of this Letter was an imposition but
whether it was or not I shall not take upon myself to determine.

In the Evening we had intelligence from our trading place that No
Buffelloes or hogs had been brought down, a few sheep only, which
were taken away before our people who had sent for money could
procure it; some few fouls however were bought and a large quantity
of a kind of Syrup made from the Juice of the palm tree, which tho
infinitely superior to melasses or treacle sold at a very small