Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his retirement on Tuesday
-- a move that's being met with cheers across America's, and the world's,
space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently used his
position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to thwart
international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year
after year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from
working with China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens
of nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China
has one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of
space, where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for
coordination of national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it
would be terribly counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant,
wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed
by Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration
with China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored
conferences, it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA
phones, it definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments
on one another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has
crucial parts and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia,
and many others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to
even buy him a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet
another Wolf missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International
Space Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but
was barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space
station, Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable
follow-on. In scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy
forging bonds in China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can
be a unique, mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical
trust-building measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and
fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996,
before most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American
satellite blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation
to get the secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification
of the International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing
satellites, spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States
Munitions List (USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the
president. Placement on the USML means long and arduous reviews by the
government to even discuss relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change
was a disaster for the U.S. space manufacturing industry. The space industry
is both highly competitive and highly international, and the new demands
added costs and complications that many foreign companies simply declined to
bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at
NASA Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press
conference to declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of
security lapses regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his
departure to China. At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to
take down all public information for a security review, including the
voluminous NASA Technical Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the
sum-total of NASA's scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all
foreign nationals at NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS
came back online with almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical
administration that it is, employs and contracts a large number of
foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will
bring an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but
it is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA
employees will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.

- See more at: http://complex.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/12/17/this_congressman_kept_the_us_and_china_from_exploring_space_together_0#sthash.ELDgQZwa.dpuf

Long-serving Rep. Frank Wolf of Virginia announced his
retirement on Tuesday -- a move that's being met with cheers across America's,
and the world's, space community. The congressman has repeatedly, consistently
used his position as chairman of the relevant appropriations subcommittee to
thwart international cooperation in space.

Perhaps his most consequential -- and most ridiculous -- legacy: Year after
year, Wolf did everything he could to utterly prevent NASA from working with
China in any capacity.

Space is unique in its borderlessness; a satellite could fly over dozens of
nations in a single orbit. It is also mind-bogglingly expensive, so
cooperation between national space programs -- sharing the massive costs and
risks -- is very common, and increasingly so. Because of its inherently
international status, everything about using space -- from communications
frequencies to orbital slots -- has to be hammered out by international
agreement, or at least discussed among the international community. China has
one of the foremost space programs in the world, and it lags behind only
Russia and the United States (and in some cases Europe) in virtually all
measures. (And in some others China has pulled ahead.) On the topic of space,
where international cooperation is so crucial not simply for coordination of
national programs but cooperating for mutual benefit, it would be terribly
counterproductive to wholly ignore such a participant, wouldn't it?

Not according to Wolf. Under legislation sponsored and largely championed by
Wolf, NASA is wholly prohibited from spending money on any collaboration with
China. That means no NASA employees attending Chinese-sponsored conferences,
it means no calls to the Chinese National Space Agency on NASA phones, it
definitely means no putting components or scientific instruments on one
another's spacecraft (for reference, NASA's Curiosity rover has crucial parts
and instruments from Canada, Germany, Spain, Finland, Russia, and many
others). "If my Chinese counterpart comes here, I'm forbidden to even buy him
a cup of coffee," said one high-ranking NASA employee after yet another Wolf
missive landed on his desk.

In fact the U.S. ban means a one-or-the-other choice for other nations:
Because the United States cannot collaborate with China on any international
projects, partners must all spend money either in a U.S. partnership or a
Chinese one. It is said that China wanted to buy in to the International Space
Station consortium, a program that could certainly use the money, but was
barred from doing so by U.S. refusal. So China launched its own space station,
Tiangong-1, and is planning a much larger and more capable follow-on. In
scientific and economic realms, U.S. institutions are busy forging bonds in
China that affect the policy of both governments. Space can be a unique,
mutually beneficial stage for collaboration and geopolitical trust-building
measures; instead, it is currently a matter of distrust and fear.

Few doubt (at least publicly) that Wolf's concern is genuine. In 1996, before
most of these regulations, a Chinese rocket carrying an American satellite
blew up after launch, and China used the subsequent investigation to get the
secrets of the satellite's design. The result was a modification of the
International Trafficking in Arms Regulations (ITAR) law, placing satellites,
spacecraft, and related components solidly on the United States Munitions List
(USML) and removing authority to reclassify from the president. Placement on
the USML means long and arduous reviews by the government to even discuss
relevant plans with foreign nationals. The change was a disaster for the U.S.
space manufacturing industry. The space industry is both highly competitive
and highly international, and the new demands added costs and complications
that many foreign companies simply declined to bear.

A famous incident was that of Bo Jiang, a contractor working on optics at NASA
Langley. Suspicion first fell on Bo when Rep. Wolf held a press conference to
declare that anonymous NASA employees had advised him of security lapses
regarding Bo, who was detained at the airport before his departure to China.
At the same press conference, Wolf called on NASA to take down all public
information for a security review, including the voluminous NASA Technical
Reports Server (NTRS) that contains virtually the sum-total of NASA's
scientific studies, and begin a massive review of all foreign nationals at
NASA. Bo was released, cleared of espionage, and NTRS came back online with
almost zero changes. NASA, highly technical administration that it is, employs
and contracts a large number of foreigners, and the disruption was enormous.

This is but one issue stemming from Wolf, at great frustration to NASA's
employees. Wolf's legacy in preventing cooperation with China will almost
certainly be reversed eventually -- the costs of such stringent legislation
are simply too great to ignore. In the meantime, Wolf's retirement will bring
an end to one of the most adversarial relationships NASA has with its
political overseers.

Who replaces Wolf at the subcommittee's helm is yet to be determined, but it
is difficult to envision another chairman so disparaging. Many NASA employees
will breathe a happy sigh of relief tonight.