With the growth of Gulen schools worldwide. We had requests from around the world to start a second blog on the Gulen Turkish Schools worldwide. From Mexico to Iraq, and Africa to Afghanistan we will post the news stories and as usual amuse you at the same time. To contrast and compare we invite you to http://www.gulencharterschoolsUSA.blogspot.com http://www.charterschoolwatchdog.com http://www.charterschoolscandals.blogspot.com

Gulen Schools Worldwide

Restore the Ottoman Caliphate. Disclaimer: if some videos are down this is the result of Gulen censorship which filed a fake copyright infringement to UTUBE.

Turkey: Could a Caliphate Make a Comeback?

The foreign policy of Turkey's governing Justice and Development Party, or AKP, has been described by some as "neo-Ottoman." And now, after a recent shakeup in the state body responsible for overseeing Islam nationally, some experts are wondering whether the AKP is mulling plans to resurrect the Ottoman-era institution of the Caliphate.
Speculation mounted following the mid-November resignation of the long-time chief of The Religious Affairs Directorate, or Diyanet, which is responsible for administering religious life in Turkey. In his acceptance speech, the new head of the directorate, Mehmet Gormez, promised to "act on the principle of service to all the world's Muslims, all the oppressed nations of the globe, all Muslim minorities."
Turkey is no stranger to using Islam as an instrument of foreign policy. After the September 11 terrorism tragedy, Ankara went along with US-led efforts to brand it as a counterbalance to al Qaeda. September 11 also helped accelerate efforts by Turkey's most powerful Muslim group, the Fethullah Gulen Movement[4], to re-brand itself as a leader of interfaith dialogue and tolerance.
What made Mehmet Gormez's words unusual is that Diyanet - beyond its long-standing supervision of an estimated 4 million Turks living in Europe – had tended to steer well clear of any pretension to lead all the Muslim faithful.
When the founder of the Turkish Republic Kemal Ataturk abolished the Caliphate in 1923, he did so in part to end what, in a 1927 speech, he described as "the delusion of imagining ourselves the masters of the world."
The Diyanet was a key tool in molding a new version of Islam in Turkey, one that Ataturk felt should be rational, staunchly national, and infused with disdain for what Turkish modernizers saw as "primitive" Arab Islam.
Turkish conservatives never forgave Ataturk for his efforts to distance Turkey from the rest of the Islamic world, replacing the Arabic alphabet with the Latin, and insisting that religious services be held in Turkish, rather than the language of the Koran.
Those nostalgic for the Ottoman era, an age when the sultans of Topkapi Palace ruled the heartlands of the Muslim world for roughly five centuries, have long nourished the hope that Turkey might once again assert itself as the leader of the faithful. Unsurprisingly, Gormez's statement set a few conservative hearts fluttering.
"Islam is rising to its feet," author Mehmet Ali Bulut wrote in an article posted on the website of the conservative television channel Kanal 7. The early 20th century Islamist thinker "Bediuzzaman [Said-i Nursi] said that 'the day will come when this nation will be praised above other Muslim nations' ... Mr. Gormez's speech showed how near that bright future is."
A columnist for the pro-AKP daily Yeni Safak, Akif Emre agreed that the tone of Gormez's speech was "reminiscent of a post-modern Caliphate mission."
But Emre was much less convinced than Bulut -- who contended that Ataturk never officially abolished the Caliphate -- that Turkey was on the verge of turning back the clock. "Both in its structure and its function, Diyanet is an obstacle to the creation of a religious understanding independent of the state, never mind taking the place of the Caliphate," he said.
His view of the Diyanet as an affront to freedom of religion is common among Turkish Islamists and western liberals.
Following Mehmet Gormez's appointment, however, some Islamists appear willing to revise their view of Diyanet for the better. "His appointment is a symbolic expression of the fact that the old, rigid bureaucratic mentality of ‘religious affairs’ no longer has a place" in a country finally trying to resolve decades-long problems, said Ali Bulac, a prominent Islamist intellectual.
Most Islamists didn't think much of Ali Bardakoglu, the previous Diyanet head. A moderate who worked hard to promote women's rights, Bardakoglu raised government hackles by refusing to pronounce publicly on the headscarf issue. He also allegedly opposed plans to permit Kurdish sermons in Kurdish mosques.
Diyanet-watchers say Gormez, an ethnic Kurd, is equally moderate, and a staunch supporter of efforts to build bridges with Kurds and non-Sunni Muslims in Turkey. His open-mindedness is likely to make him an ideal partner of the government, said Istar Gozaydin, a secular-minded law and politics professor at Istanbul Technical University who has written a book about Diyanet. "The government has begun using religion more and more in foreign affairs as a sort of soft power, and it seems logical that it should want to use Diyanet as part of that," Gozaydin added.
A Kurdish Islamist intellectual, Serdar Yilmaz is dismissive of the notion that Turkey could assume an intellectual leadership position of the Muslim world. "Diyanet is never going to be Al-Azhar," he says, referring to the prominent Islamic university in Cairo. "But the further you are from the parochial, nationalist Islam [that] the state serves up in this country the better. Mehmet Gormez's distance from Turkey's official ideology is likely to endear him more in the Middle East."

Turkey wants to be influential and visible in global politics, he said, adding that this ambition is a pillar of the current government’s policies. "Turkey wants to be one of the countries shaping the new world order. We want Turkey to be seen as a country that will help restore the international system," he said. "We don’t want to be a country adapting to the system. We want to be a central country whose word carries weight, a country that says how the UN system or G-20 should be shaped, a country offering a view on how the global financial crisis should be solved,"

Sunday, December 26, 2010

Gulen himself has never maried, the Gulen Cult er Movement is largely male dominated with many of the schools in Turkey being
segregated by gender. They have strict rules about dating, and generally women have nothing to do with the Gulen schools in the inner circle.

Polokwane - Three Turkish missionaries, who teach Islamic lessons at an aftercare centre in Polokwane, have been arrested for allegedly assaulting and molesting under-age boys.

The three young men appeared in the Polokwane Magistrate's Court on Wednesday on charges of assault, assault with the intent to inflict grievous bodily harm and contravention of the Sexual Offences Act.

The men, aged 24, 22 and 19, were arrested on Monday after a police investigation.

According to the law, they may not be identified because they have yet to plead on the sexual charges against them.12 complainants

Twelve of the boys who attend the centre are complainants in the case.

The boys, aged between 11 and 14, all come from previously disadvantaged communities in Limpopo, and they all come from poor families.

They are alleging that they were beaten and that the men apparently also set dogs loose on them. The boys also allege the men kissed and molested them.

Andries Rheeder, the men's legal representative, said during their bail application that all the pupils have since been removed from the aftercare centre.

They are currently in a place of safety. The boys were also taken to a hospital for medical examinations earlier this week.

The men have been involved in the aftercare centre for the past two years. They also live there, and apparently transport the children to and from the primary school every day.Can't speak English

After school, they teach the children about the Islamic faith.

The men can't speak or understand English at all. Court proceedings had to be translated into Turkish for them.

State prosecutor Alice Lekganyane did not oppose bail. The men have to hand in their passports.

Magistrate Janine Ungerer postponed the case to December 2 for further investigation.

www.nisnews.nl
As you read it, insert the name of your country where is says "Dutch" or "Amsterdam". Same shit different country!

Political Heavyweights Linked with Gulen Movement

AMSTERDAM, 21/12/10 - Alexander Rinnooy Kan and Agnes Jongerius have resigned from an advisory council of a Turkish organisation following media reports showing that it has links with the controversial Fethullah Gulen movement.
Rinnooy Kan has stepped down from the committee of recommendation of the Turkish-Dutch youth boarding school De Witte Tulp. He is thereby following the example of FNV chairwoman Jongerius who already departed last month, civil servants journal Binnenlands Bestuur reports.
The same journal last month published an article showing that De Witte Tulp had links with the Islamic Gulen movement. This movement of preacher Fethullah Gulen says it works in the Netherlands for the development of Turkish youth. But according to a number of experts, this is only a front for the disintegrative policy of Islamisation for which Gulen is allegedly aiming.
Rinnooy Kan is chairman of the Socio-Economic Council (SER) A survey by De Volkskrant selected him last week as the second most powerful person in the Netherlands. Jongerious ended up seventh on the list. She is chairwoman of the FNV union federation.
According to Binnenlands Bestuur, the Gulen movement abhors homosexuality and puts men above women. Although he has resigned as advisor to De Witte Tulp, Rinnooy Kan is continuing to link his name with the Science Festival organised annually by De Witte Tulp in Amsterdam's Nemo science centre.
Integration Minister Piet Hein Donner has meanwhile promised the Lower House to look once again at whether government subsidies go to organisations linked with the Gulen movement. He does not consider further investigation of the movement itself necessary because freedom of religion would in any case make a ban impossible.

The Turkish government has fiercely criticised the new Dutch government's stricter immigration and integration policies. Dutch newspaper de Volkskrant reports that Ankara's Labour and Social Security Minister Faruk Çelik said the new policies place immigrants in an isolated position.

Saturday, December 25, 2010

So why doesn't Gulen keep his ideologies to people of Turkey? Why force your beliefs on the world?
Read on, you will find that Turkey doesn't embrace Islamic Imam Fethullah Gulen's Hizmet. In fact he is exiled out of Turkey and lives in seclusion in the USA never leaving his compound in Poconos, PA.

On first looking at the volume edited by M. Hakan Yavuz and John L. Esposito entitled "Turkish Islam and the Secular State: The Gülen Movement" (Syracuse University Press, 2003), many people are likely to wonder who the man is pictured on the cover of the book. They will discover that he is Fetullah Gülen (b. 1938), an important figure in contemporary Turkish Islam. The book is a well-informed introduction by Western and Turkish experts to the Gülen movement – a movement that, as we shall see, sometimes looks more like a network.

This movement is one of the eight major groups derived from the work of the reformer Said Nursi (1873–1960), author of several volumes of Qur'anic exegesis known as Risale-I Nur. Nursi made an attempt to respond to the debates of his time (emergence of the new republic and Kemalist secularization efforts): he became the source of a powerful movement active in Turkey. Hakan Yasvuz explains:

"The Nur movement (also known as Nurculuk) differs from other Islamic movements in terms of its understanding of Islam and is strategy of transforming society by raising individual consciousness. As a resistance movement to the the ongoing statist modernization process in Turkey, it is forward looking and proactive."

Regarding the Gülen community, its impact is not limited to Turkey: putting into practice Nursi's educational ideals, the community has created more than 300 modern, high-quality schools (including high schools), not only in Turkey, but also in several other parts of the world (primarily in Central Asia and the Balkans, but also in more exotic places, such as Mongolia or Bangladesh as well as in some Western cities). The curriculums of these schools do not have any explicitly Islamic content. Gülen aspires to create an educated elite and does not see any conflict between reason and revelation. His schools also contribute to the development of Turkish influence abroad.

At the end of two introductory chapters, which put the movement into context, co-editor Hakan Yavuz (associate professor in political science at the University of Utah) claims that "this movement opens new venues for the radical reimagination of tradition". Gülen's community combines Islam and Turkish nationalism. Moreover, it is "secularization-friendly" – and also American-friendly, which is not very common today in the Muslim world, but apparently derives from an assessment of what is best for Turkish interests.

In order to find out more about the Gülen movement, Religioscope put several questions on the subject to Hakan Yavuz, considered to be one of the best academic experts on the movement. He agreed to share his insights with us.

Said Nursi (Source: http://www.bediuzzaman.org)

Religioscope - Fetullah Gülen has emerged as one of the manifestations of Said Nursi's legacy in Turkey. Could you please first summarize some of the key features of Said Nursi's teachings?

Hakan Yavuz - As far I know, Said Nursi attempted to empower Turkey's Muslims by updating Islamic terminology and language. He tried to provide them with a new vocabulary in order to allow them to participate in modern discussions and debates on issues like constitutionalism, science, freedom and democracy. So one of his primary goals was to empower Muslims with a new cognitive map.

Secondly, he tried to provide a new, flexible Muslim identity.

Thirdly, he stressed the idea that religion and science are not in tension: they are not mutually exclusive, but can work together. In a way, he tried to vernacularize science and modern discourses in an Islamic idiom, to facilitate the dissemination of scientific knowledge in Muslim countries.

These, essentially, were the three goals of the writings of Said Nursi.

Religioscope - Fetullah Gülen never met Said Nursi personally. How does his own teaching fit into Said Nursi’s legacy? And what are the relations between the group around Fetullah Gülen and the other parts of the Nur movement?

Hakan Yavuz - The Nur movement went through a number of processes of fragmentation or pluralization: firstly, as a result of political debates; secondly, as a result of class distinctions; thirdly, as a result of ethnic divisions between Kurds and Turkish Nurcus; and fourthly, in terms of the differences between highly-educated and less-educated Turks. This has led to different understandings and different groupings within the Nur movement.

The Gülen movement emerged very much out of the Nur movement. Yet there are certain characteristics that Gülen brought to it. This is why I call it a neo-Nur movement. In terms of nationalism, Gülen is more Turkish nationalist in his thinking. Also, he is somewhat more state-oriented, and is more concerned with market economics and neo-liberal economic policies. These, in my opinion, are the three major characteristics of the neo-Nur movement.

The Gülen movement tries to move from practice to ideas. Practice is important: action is very significant. In its view, Islam is not only about praying five times a day and reading the books of Said Nursi, but acting, doing and creating institutions. In that sense, the Gülen movement is more worldly: it wants to create heaven in this world – education system, hospitals, institutions, and so forth. So whereas Said Nursi stressed cognitive understanding, Gülen is more action-oriented.

Hakan Yavuz during the interview with Religioscope.

Religioscope - If we consider the context of contemporary Turkey, there is one key element: the harsh forms of secularism that Kemalist Turkey developed. This kind of secularism came to be a kind of state ideology. How do the Nur movement in general and Gülen specifically deal with this reality of secular Turkey?

Hakan Yavuz - In Turkey, there are two competing conceptions of modernity. One is top-down modernity, also known as Kemalism, the ideology of Mustafa Kemal, the founder of the Turkish Republic. This ideology has two pillars: nationalism and secularism. Secularism is very much equated with modernization and Westernization in Turkey. It eventually became the legitimizing ideology of the governing elite. Secularism does not necessarily mean separation of religion and politics. But as it increasingly came to define the identity of the ruling elite, it generated a major reaction from the Anatolian masses and the periphery. This reaction articulated itself against secularism.

The second conception of modernity in Turkey is a bottom-up modernity: here modernity is not an alien and negative thing. The Turks should enjoy it, but it should be negotiated and redefined. It should also be internalized by the masses rather than imposed by the state.

With those two different conceptions of modernity, you have also two different conceptions of secularism in Turkey. One is the top-down modernization-project conception of secularism: it is very much a laïcisme in the French sense. This approach means that there is no room at all for religion in the public sphere, resulting in the cleansing of religion from the public domain. Science becomes the guide, while religion is something negative: something to get rid of.

The second form of modernity – i.e. bottom-up modernity – allows room for religion in the public sphere. Its conception of secularism is in line with the Anglo-Saxon notion of this concept. Religion is seen as a source of morality and ethics. It also does not see religion and politics as being necessarily in conflict. However, it does not want religion to become a tool of politics, because if something then goes wrong in politics, people will blame religion.

The Nur movement always wanted religion to remain above politics, because it was concerned that politics would corrupt religion.

Today, in Turkey, the balance of power is shifting toward a bottom-up conception of modernity and a new vision of secularism. Gülen very much represents this approach, and he is an agent of this transformation. He has played a key role in transforming people’s minds and has led them to a new understanding of a bottom-up modernity.

Religioscope - You have described the Nur movement as a movement to cultivate faith without entering into a confrontation with modernity. What are its methods for achieving this in contemporary Turkey?

Hakan Yavuz - I understand modernity in terms of a market economy, human rights and creating new spaces for individual differences. The Nur movement is a modernizing system of faith and a modernizing activism generated and supported by Islam. Islam and modernity are not necessarily in conflict: they can work together.

In order to preserve their uniqueness and respect the uniqueness of others as well, Muslims need to share a new legal code, and to have a free-market economy, private education and free thinking. All these aspects of modernity have been internalized, but also disseminated and legitimized, by the Nur movement, which has stressed the idea of becoming and being a Muslim in the modern world by supporting and consolidating modern institutions of democracy, the rule of law, a free-market economy, and so forth.

Religioscope - From an organizational viewpoint, how does the Gülen movement express itself? As one speaks with followers of Fetullah Gülen, there is an obvious reluctance to acknowledge the group as an organization. Since the title of your book mentions the Gülen movement, do you consider this word as the most appropriate description? Or would you rather speak about a network? Sometimes, followers describe themselves as a cemaat (community).

Hakan Yavuz - This is an excellent question. Is this a movement, a community or a network? How should it be seen?

I use the term movement, because a movement has a collective goal that it intends to achieve through a collective engagement. In order to achieve it, you need networks. The Gülen movement consists of a number of networks, organized horizontally. In this loose network system, the traditional values and idioms of the community play an important role.

As a movement, it incorporates the network and community, or communal ethos. I would consider it as a movement based on the re-imagining of Islam and consisting of loose networks under the guidance and leadership of Fetullah Gülen.

These networks are not necessarily organized in hierarchical terms. But we see three circles. The first is the core circle around Gülen. The second circle consists of those who give their time and labour in order to achieve the collective goals of the movement. The third circle consists of those who are sympathizers: sometimes they support the movement by writing an article in the media, or they give money, or they support the movement in other ways.

So you have a number of circles, but each circle includes a number of networks. When we examine these networks, there is a sense of solidarity and of the Islamic ethos of brotherhood. This is the glue that joins these networks together.

Religioscope - The most important factor that holds these networks together seems to be Fetullah Gülen himself. Could the movement exist without him?

Hakan Yavuz - You are right that Gülen is in a way the integrating personality of these networks and circles. If Gülen dies, we will see a fragmentation. However, it could be just like the Nur movement: Said Nursi died, but the Nur movement survived and expanded.

After Gülen’s death, I expect a number of new groups to emerge and networks to be revised. I do not think that the movement is going to disappear. It could restructure itself under different names and with different leaders.

Religioscope - You have described the movement as an education-oriented movement. Could we say that an educational project is at the very core of the Gülen movement?

Hakan Yavuz - Gülen believes that the main problem in the world is lack of knowledge, which involves related problems concerning the production and control of knowledge. How do you create knowledge, maintain it and disseminate it? He thinks it can only be done through education. Education is very important if one wants to become a better Muslim.

Education is key. Not religious education: we are talking about secular education, science and the humanities – and of course religion as well. Gülen believes that those three forms of education should enhance and complement each other rather than compete with each other.

Religioscope - What most people know about the Gülen movement has been the creation of a network of schools. Interestingly, the movement did not only create schools in Turkey, but in a number of other countries as well. Does this education-oriented project go along with the movement’s strategic thinking? Is it a way of spreading values that go beyond the confines of the educational project?

Hakan Yavuz - Yes. The Gülen movement believes that we are living in a global world. Muslims are not isolated. Muslim communities are found in many non-Muslim countries. They have to interact and to create a shared understanding, a shared experience and a shared code of ethics.

The movement tries to achieve this through the educational system. By establishing schools in China, in Russia or in Africa, it aspires to educate other people about Islam and to educate Muslims about other cultures as well. It sees education as the only way to create a shared language and shared ethics – and also to create sympathizers around the world, which is the third circle I mentioned earlier.

Religioscope - Sympathizers for the Gülen movement, for Islam, for Turkey?...

Hakan Yavuz - That is correct: sympathizers for Gülen, sympathizers for Islam and sympathizers for Turkey.

The national aspect is very important for Gülen. He believes in something called Turkish Islam, shaped by Sufism, Turkey's positive experience with the West and Turkey's transformation. This is an understanding of Islam shaped by the history and contemporary experiences of Turkey.

Religioscope - Does this explain why the Gülen movement is not really active in the Arabic world? Or are there other circumstances that explain this fact?

Hakan Yavuz - You are right, the Gülen movement in not active in the Arab world. One of the key reasons is that some Arab countries do not allow the movement to operate and treat it as an agent of the United States (or even an agent of the CIA, since Gülen lives in the United States). It is also viewed as an agent of globalization. The Arab world is not at all sympathetic to this movement.

Also, Gülen and people around him do not necessarily want to get involved in the Arab world, because they believe that it does not understand Islam properly. In fact, they want to distance themselves from the Arab world. Here you have the nationalist aspect of the movement coming to the fore.

Religioscope - But are there some movements in the Arab world with which the Gülen movement maintains privileged relations?

Hakan Yavuz - As far as I know, no. I do not know any movement that – at the moment – is in interaction or in sympathy with the Gülen movement. In the movement’s newspaper, Zaman, and on its TV station, Samanyolu, I have yet to see an article that praises any Islamic movement in the Arab world as democratic or modern. They are either critical or silent on the subject.

The movement believes that the best Islam is the Islam of Turkey, the Islam that is defended and promoted by Gülen, who is in favour of dialogue and moderation. He has met with Pope John Paul II and several prominent religion scholars. He believes that Islam should not take on an identity of confrontation and conflict, but rather one of co-operation and coexistence.

Religioscope - Beside education, what is Fetullah Gülen's aim? In the recently published book, you stress that his aim is not to create an Islamic state.

Hakan Yavuz - According to Gülen and the Nur movement, it is anti-Islamic to talk about an Islamic state. But you can create a conscious Muslim. You can create Muslim networks. You can create Muslim ethics and good models of coexistence by utilizing Islam. But when Islam becomes a model for the state, Gülen believes it is not Islam anymore.

His goal is to raise Muslim consciousness and to get involved in modernity, democracy and a free-market economy, so as to get Muslims to enter into those global processes. His goal is also to turn Turkey into a regional power. Turkey means a lot to Fetullah Gülen.

Religioscope - In light of your explanations, it may seem quite surprising that, in recent years, some hardline secularists in Turkey have become extremely hostile to Fetullah Gülen – even though the movement seeks to avoid confrontation with the state and has sometimes even proved to be subservient to it; for instance, in the early 1980s, when Gülen supported the military coup. How do you explain why the movement has experienced such reactions to its work and teachings? Fetullah Gülen has been living abroad for several years in order to avoid unpleasant experiences.

Hakan Yavuz - In my book Islamic Political Identity in Turkey (Oxford University Press, 2003), I have attempted to explain that, when Turkey started to go through a process of neo-liberal economic reform in the early 1980s, it created a space for new opportunities. This allowed variousidentities to become more public, particularly communal processes. For instance, Kurdish and Alevi identities became more assertive. The Kemalist military state wanted to exploit the Gülen form of political Islam and they did, using it against Erbakan (the ex-Prime Minister and leader of political Islam in Turkey for many years).

After the military and their allies got rid of Erbakan, they turned against Gülen. Gülen represents a major threat for these people, because they want to see a backward, radical Islam, in order to justify repression – whereas with Gülen, you do not get that. This angers them even more!

Also, Gülen tries to educate the periphery by teaching them foreign languages and providing scholarships for study in foreign countries. This angers the establishment as well, because they want to control the country and not to share the resources with the rest of the population. There is also a conflict over resources. Gülen was on the side of the poor, while the establishment did not want to see his movement opening up educational opportunities for the marginal sectors of Turkish society. This frustrated militant secularists in Turkey.

Religioscope - What do the Gülen movement and the Nur movement in general represent in contemporary Turkey in terms of influence, intellectual impact, numbers, and so on?

Hakan Yavuz - The movement is very active, and is responsible for newspapers, financial institutions, the best hospitals and private high schools in Turkey, and so forth. It is part of every aspect of Turkish life. It tries to set a good example and to improve standards. I think it is well integrated into Turkish society.

The movement wants to provide a good image of Islam, not so much through indoctrination, but to teach Islam through its members setting a good example by becoming good doctors, good mathematicians, good politicians, good cooks, and so forth. Such people want to teach Islam by doing their duty properly.

In a way, they represent a new model of Islam in Turkey, at peace with democracy and modernity. This also reflects the Anatolian understanding of Islam, i.e. the Sufi conception of morality is at the centre of the movement.

It also stresses the "greater jihad" (jihad al akbar), i.e. the control of one's nafs (lower desires).

I think it has played a very positive role in developing closer ties with European countries.

Religioscope - Could we describe such a movement as an expression of post-Sufi trends?

Hakan Yavuz - Yes, one could see it as post-Sufism, or as a new Sufism – a religion structuring social interactions by reutilizing and reinterpreting religious values without imposing religion on society. It has to do with action informed by religion.

Religioscope - People involved in the Gülen movement are not involved in Sufi brotherhoods, are they?

Hakan Yavuz - No, they are not. Members of the Nur movement are not members of any Sufi group, because they believe that the age of Sufi tarikat [Sufi brotherhood] is past. Yet they believe that the ideas of morality, religion and God could be remodelled and utilized in the modern age.

Religioscope - And what is the interaction between the followers of Fetullah Gülen and the current leading party in Turkey, the Justice and Development Party (AKP)? Do they tend to belong to this party or do they vote primarily for parties without a Muslim background.

Hakan Yavuz - In previous elections, members of the movement voted for Bülent Ecevit (Democratic Left). In recent elections, I think their votes were divided between the AKP and Ecevit. Members of the movement do not necessarily vote for Muslim parties. They actually try to stay away from any party that describes itself as "Islamic" or "Muslim". But they have very good ties and relations with the AKP government.

Friday, December 24, 2010

http://www.thecommentfactory.com/the-gulen-movement-is-a-danger-spreading-from-turkey-to-the-world-2650/
From Burhan Gurdogan
January 2010
Radical Islamic groups have tried various ways to assert their authority over people, and that generally involved the use of force until today. These groups view the modern world as a threat to Islam; in order to remove this threat, they usually apply terrorism, considering innocent people as nothing more than collateral damage. But the policies of these organizations, which are based on terrorism, averted them from having a voice and led Islam to look antipathetic to the world.
In Turkey, cults developed further in their effectiveness beginning in the 1970s, and have made a significant breakthrough which has led to radical Islam taking over Turkey, and although it seems farfetched, these cult methods could eventually spread radical Islam through the world. First of all, a main difference between the Gulen Movement and other radical Islamic organizations is the importance they give to education and technology. By using the latter, this cult ensures that those members who join them end up pledging their allegiance while they are at young ages, paving the way for them to get a proper education and prepare them so they can get any position at government agencies. With this method, they avoid a direct conflict and argument between the state and themselves, and simultaneously place cult members into the various government agencies, also known as Trojan horses, and have them act completely in the interest of the cult in order to help “capture” the agencies they are working inside of. When we look at Fethullah Gulen’s (the leader of the Gulen movement) speech, on June 18, 1999, his advice to his followers included suggestions to not act until gaining all the power of every constitutional organization in Turkey; that shows there is a methodical plan going on.
Gulen movement has become the owner of nearly a thousand schools in the world and the controller of a serious amount of capital. According to Jane’s Defense Weekly, a publication from the leading U.S. security and intelligence organization, the Gulen movement controls $25bn in various companies and assets. They are organized in poor African countries especially, and they succeed by obtaining a grip on the resources of those countries. The movement does not balk at any expense in order to give its followers the best education they can; it sends them to developed foreign countries like the United Kingdom or the United States to get the best education available and to learn English. After their education, the cult brings those followers back to Turkey and gives them important tasks.Cult influence over the Justice and Development Party (AKP):
One of the main reasons the AKP has become the first party in the elections two times in a row is the coalescence of all the cults in Turkey giving their votes to the same party.
In its first term, the AKP government did not show its real (Gulen) face and they succeeded in deceiving the Turkish public that the government is modern and democratic; yet, after gaining all the power of the constitutional organizations, the AKP began to show its true self, and it has begun to act parallel with cult movements.
First, the AKP began a cleaning process with the media, starting with Cem Uzan, then they confiscated all the companies from big media bosses. This process ended by driving the Dogan Media Company to the edge by punishing them with a $5.9bn tax fine. All of those confiscated companies have now been sold to the business men who are connected to the Gulen Movement.
Following those incidents, many scholars, men of science, and military personnel have been thrown in jail due to the laws and regulations that are passed from the National Assembly in the middle of the night, and they are forced to deal with thousands of pages of cases; the only common thing among those people arrested is that all of them are opposed to the AKP and cults.
These processes have been applied by those cult members who have gained positions in the legal system. As a result of owning all the big media companies in the country, they propagandize their thoughts and all the incidents that take place in the country are being announced to the world as “democratization movements”. They use every opportunity to underline that the AKP gives great importance to the EU accession process and reforms.
Cult influence on the AKP government showcases its results in Turkey’s changing foreign policy. Turkey began a campaign of attacks on Israel in every area; even at the ministerial level. The ousting of the Israeli National Basketball Team from the Efes World Cup, the recanted invitation of Israel to participate in a joint military practice and the famous “one minute” incident at Davos are just a couple of examples. The Gulen cult has also begun a boycott campaign against Israeli products and they strongly oppose those products in areas that they are powerful in. Israel is accused of killing innocent people by Gulen scholars and it is being held responsible for every trouble occurring in Turkey through the movements personal TV series; for example, they show the Israelis as the cause for the failure of the Kurdish opening.The US connection
Everyone knows the strong alliance between Israel and the United States, but despite this alliance, some people might be surprised by the support given to the Gulen movement by the United States. After being sued and accused of trying to build a crime organization to destroy the states secular structure in Turkey with his movement, Fethullah Gulen moved to the United States, and when he applied for the green card, some CIA officers, including Graham Fuller, gave him reference letters for his application. These events show just how much support the United States gives to the Gulen movement.
The reason for this support is the U.S. efforts to defuse the Middle East and Caucasus via Gulen’s moderate Islamic policy and to then exert control of these regions. This policy leans on the idea that cult movements are less harmful than terrorist organizations, and if you use them in the right way, they can even be useful. When we look at Turkey’s example, while terrorist organizations would not be able to succeed in taking charge of a country, the Gulen Movement could succeed in doing so and in a short time period as well, and then they can continue their dissemination.
In addition, Iran’s rejection of Gulen schools, and the closing of 16 Gulen schools in Russia and the final closure of 4 faculties in Iraq on December 30, 2009, shows that this movement does not have lots of power in countries outside of Turkey and Africa. Following these facts, the United States should stop giving support to this movement and start the elimination process of this organization. The Gulen Movement tries to build the same structure in the United States by opening several schools and it could soon begin to exert more influence there as well. Investigations in Utah on the movements dealings could be interpreted that the United States is finally beginning to see them as a threat too.The future
Radical Islam could have succeeded in gaining control of the world before, but this time, its method is quite different and much more dangerous, of course. While the complete capture of Turkey is standing in front of us, it is impossible to approach the problem in an optimistic way. The Gulen Movement is trying what other Islamic organizations have failed to do, it wins the hearts and minds of people through good deeds and education, and that is proving to be just as dangerous as a ticking time bomb.
So, in order to extinguish a fire, first you must prevent it from spreading to other areas. If we want to put out the flames of this fire, then the U.S. must conduct detailed investigations into their schools and recognize them as “a crime organization without guns” and freeze their assets. It would lead to the Gulen cult losing their financial power and an eventual collapse of the organization itself; without money they will not be able to continue spreading. Once that has been accomplished Turkey can begin to eliminate them, since at this time, Turkey does not possess that power.

This report tells of the importance of the Fethullah Gulen missonary schools in Central Asia and the "natural resources" in the area. Central Asian countries also speak a Turkic language and are where the Turkish ancestors migrated from in the 1400s.

Saidjon, a 15-year-old student at Dushanbe's Haji Kemal Tajik-Turkish boarding school, is happy to be among the privileged few to attend what many consider one of the best schools in Tajikistan.

Saidjon speaks four languages and has won two international education contests. While trips abroad are beyond the dreams of most pupils in Tajikistan, Saidjon's school opens the world to its students.

"I've traveled to many countries to take part in Educational Olympiads," Saidjon says. "I went to Kazakhstan, Mongolia, and Vietnam. I mean, we are given an opportunity to see the world, to broaden our knowledge, and to represent Tajikistan in the international arena."

The Haji Kemal boarding school is highly popular with children from Tajikistan's elite and well-to-do families.

Lessons are taught in four languages -- English, Turkish, Russian, and Tajik.

Unlike many ordinary schools in the country, Haji Kemal is equipped with modern teaching facilities. Its thoroughly renovated, two-story compound with a gated courtyard stands out among other buildings in the area.Tolerance And Dialogue

The first so-called Turkish schools in Central Asia were founded in the mid-1990s. Turkish educational institutions there -- as well as in countries from Russia to North America -- were set up by the Gulen movement led by Turkish Islamic scholar and author Fethullah Gulen. Gulen is a Sunni Muslim who advocates tolerance and dialogue among different religions.

The schol's gated courtyard and modern construction make it stand out from other buildings in the area.

More than 65 Turkish educational institutions were once operating in Uzbekistan alone. There are some 25 Turkish schools, including boarding schools and two universities, in neighboring Kyrgyzstan. Tajikistan has six such institutions.

Throughout Central Asia, Turkish schools are known for their strict educational methods and discipline and are highly regarded by students and parents.

The majority of national and regional education contests are won by Turkish lyceum students. Easily passing English-language tests, many graduates win scholarships to Western universities.

Parents go to great lengths to enroll their children in Turkish schools, hoping such education will guarantee bright futures for them.Ulterior Agendas?

Yet, Turkish educational institutions have come under increasing scrutiny in Central Asia. Governments as well as many scholars and journalists suspect that the schools have more than just education on their agendas.

In Turkmenistan, education authorities have ordered Turkish lyceums to scrap the history of religion from curriculums.

In order to keep people in constant fear and turn their thoughts away from social and economic hardships, [Karimov] always needs a new enemy within.

In the only Persian-speaking country in the region, Tajikstan, the government, as well as academics, are wary of the possible spread of pan-Turkic ideas. They fear that these schools promote Turkish influence and the Turkish language in their country.

However, it is Uzbekistan that has taken the toughest stance toward Turkish schools. In 1999, Tashkent closed all Turkish lyceums after its relationship with Ankara turned sour.

This year, the authoritarian Uzbek government headed by President Islam Karimov took things a step further by arresting at least eight journalists who were graduates of Turkish schools. The journalists were found guilty of setting up an illegal religious group and of involvement in an extremist organization.

According to Uzbekistan's state-run media, the imprisoned men were members of the banned religious group Nurchilar and received prison sentences ranging from 6 1/2 to eight years. They have denied the charges.

The state-run media claims that Nurchilar followers have been active in Uzbekistan since the early 1990s, with the aim of undermining the country's secular system. Islam In Political Life

Uzbek officials have expressed suspicions that Turkish-school graduates in government offices and other key institutions use their positions to weaken the secular government. They charge that graduates of Turkish schools promote an aggressive form of Islam and even a role for Islam in political life.

There is something of an irony in the fact that such charges are being directed at schools inspired by the teachings of Fethullah Gulen. Gulen, though controversial, is generally regarded as a moderate Islamic thinker who condemns extremism and terrorism and promotes tolerance and harmony in society. He has written more than 60 books on subjects ranging from religion, Sufism, social and education issues, to art, science, and sports.

The 68-year-old scholar calls on Muslims to study both religion and modern science, including Darwin's theory of evolution.

He was also once a follower of Said Nursi before he broke ranks with that Turkish scholar's mainstream movement, which many see as the basis of Nurchilar.

However, Ilhom Merojov, a Russia-based academic, insists there is no such group or Islamic ideology called Nurchilar.

Merojov said there are people in Uzbekistan who are followers of Nursi, a Turkish religious thinker who advocated combining scientific and religious education, supported Turkey's participation in Western organization, and tried to unite Muslims and Christians in the fight against communism.

Merojov, whose translation of Nursi's works prevent him from returning to his native Uzbekistan, said that although there are Turkish lyceum graduates among Nursi and Gulen followers, these people are not necessarily related to Turkish schools.

It is well known that Fethullah Gulen inspired schools have become very prestigious and respectable educational establishments wherever they were opened. In Africa Turkish schools enjoy especially high popularity. Turkish schools provide such a superior education and have earned such a big trust that many African top officials prefer to send their children to these schools. Foreign Trade Minister of Turkey Zafer Caglayan shares that during his visit to African countries “every minister he met asked for more schools” to be established in the region.

Every minister I met in Africa asked for more schools

“I meet with my colleagues in every African country I visit. The common wish they all have is for more [Turkish-run] schools to be opened. I care very much about these schools. I visit them every time,” Çağlayan, who is on an official visit to Nigeria, Ghana and Equatorial Guinea, said during his visit to a Turkish college in the Nigerian capital city of Abuja. Explaining the importance of Turkish schools in these countries, Çağlayan said: “The children of almost all ministers and other high-ranking officials in Africa are educated in these schools. It may be that the ministers and prime ministers of the future will come from among them.” Hikmet Çoban, general director of all Turkish schools in the country, briefed Çağlayan and the delegation accompanying him about the schools.

Minister of State Çağlayan who called attention to the three-fold increase in the past six years of Turkey's exports to Africa called for cooperation. The first Turkish school in Nigeria was set up 12 years ago with 7 students. Today, Turkish schools in all parts of Nigeria have about 4 thousand African students. Çağlayan said that they met Turkish school

ISTANBUL // A book written by a prominent police official that alleges a clandestine power grab by Islamists has created controversy by reflecting the ongoing power struggle between secularists and conservatives in Turkey. Simons Living on the Golden Horn: A State Yesterday, A Religious Community Today, written by Hanefi Avci, sold 60,000 copies in the first six days after it was published, a huge number for a Turkish book.

Opponents of the ruling Justice and Development Party, or AKP, in power since late 2002, have long suspected that Islamists are trying to take over state institutions to weaken or overthrow the secular republic. Now Avci has added his voice to those claims. "It is a struggle between the status quo and change," Ferhat Kentel, a sociologist at Istanbul's Bilgi University, said in an interview yesterday, referring to the social tensions reflected in the book.
A story of a police raid in Ankara is one of many examples Avci uses to illustrate an alleged Islamic power grab. When police in Turkey's capital, Ankara, raided a hotel room in March 2009 after receiving a tip-off that a drugs courier was staying there, they found a married general in bed with his mistress. The general had to resign in disgrace. The way Avci sees it, the raid was much more than just an embarrassing incident for Turkey's military, the powerful secularist institution that is wary of the religiously conservative government.
The aim of the police action was to ensure the resignation of the general, Avci, 54, claims. "It was an operation by the religious community." He argues that followers of Fethullah Gulen, an Islamic preacher living in the United States, have been infiltrating institutions such as the police, judiciary and the armed forces, and have started to destroy the careers and reputations of everyone who stands in their way with the help of illegal wiretappings.

In the past, key posts in the state have traditionally been held by strict secularists, but a rise of a more observant middle class in recent years has meant pious Muslims have risen to important positions, including that of president and prime minister, leaving secularists worried. Avci says they have reason to be. "The scene before me is terrifying," he writes. "It is not correctly chosen men of the state that rule the state."
Avci questions actions by the police and the judiciary against suspected coup plotters in the military in recent years. Critics have accused Avci of failing to provide evidence for his claims. Taraf, an independent newspaper that published several coup plots alleged to have been hatched within the military, said Avci may have written the book because he was frustrated after he failed to be promoted.
Mr Kentel, the sociologist, said Avci may be trying to increase the "no votes" in a referendum on September 12 on wide-ranging constitutional amendments. Avci himself writes that he decided to go public because his warnings of the Gulen sect fell on deaf ears in Ankara. Mr Gulen, whose teachings stress the need to reconcile Islam with the modern world, founded hundreds of schools in Turkey as well as in South and Central Asia. Several respected Turkish media outlets also belong to the Gulen movement.

In 1999, a Turkish television channel broadcast one of Mr Gulen's speeches, in which he tells his followers to patiently work their way through state institutions in Turkey to reach the highest levels of the republic. A prosecutor charged him with "creating an illegal organisation aimed at changing the secular structure of the state". Mr Gulen fled to the United States. Turkey's court of appeals cleared him of the accusations two years ago.
In a statement published by his lawyers in Turkey, Mr Gulen denied the allegations by Avci and referred to the not-guilty verdict. This week, Avci, rightly assuming that the government would not like his book, asked to be relieved of his post as police chief of the province of Eskisehir, a request that was granted within hours. The interior ministry has opened an investigation against him for a suspected breach of rules governing the behaviour of civil servants.

Last year, Zeinab Abdel Aziz, an Egyptian-American teacher visited Egypt with her family to attend the weddings of her two brothers. Eventually, she decided to temporarily settle here to escape deteriorating economic conditions in the US. But the 31-year-old mother had to first find a decent school for her five-year old son.

“I was looking for an Islamic school; that was the most important thing for me," recalled Abdel Aziz. "At the same time, I wanted an American school because we can go back at any time.”

But as soon as she got wind of the nascent Salahaldin International School (SIS), a Turkish enterprise, Abdel Aziz felt compelled to investigate.

“When they told me about their vision and how they are implementing the American curriculum and applying the values of religion at the same time, I loved the school right away and told my husband 'this is the school',” said Abdel Aziz.

The confluent American curriculum and religious instruction did not only convince Abdel Aziz as a parent; it also encouraged her to apply for a teaching position at SIS. Eventually, her son was enrolled and in the fall of 2009 she was hired as a first-grade teacher.

Salahaldin has, since its establishment less than two years ago, conquered the booming market of international education in Egypt. The institution, located in the heart of Cairo's posh eastern suburbs, has succeeded in attracting 650 students whose parents, like Abdel Aziz, seek both a first-class education and religious upbringing.

“Parents do not want their kids to be totally in a Westernized environment,” said Salahaldin director Shawkat Shimshek. “They want good education with their social values. We said 'this is the environment you are looking for'.”

The school is affiliated with the international movement of widely known, liberal Islamic thinker Fethullah Gulen. Followers of the Sufi intellectual constitute the largest and most influential Islamic group in Turkey. The group, which aims to revitalize the Islamic faith, is known for its moderate views and promotion of universal values. Gulen currently lives in self-exile in the US and preaches tolerance, interfaith dialogue and co-existence between Muslims and the West.

Since the 1990s, the movement has sought to spread Islamic principles through educational outlets in Turkey and abroad. Schools started to crop up in Central Asia and eventually moved across the globe.

“We have a character education program," said Shimshek. "We focus on responsibility, respect, caring, citizenship and giving back to society.”

Islam stands out as the cornerstone of the school’s curriculum. Besides government-dictated religious books, the school offers a “character building” class that is inspired by Islam but taught in English.

“If we speak of honesty, we look for the Hadith [Prophet Mohamed’s sayings and deeds] or the Quranic verses that talk about honesty,” said Shimshek.

Quran sessions are a pillar of the school’s vision. All grade levels including kindergarten are expected to learn how to memorize and recite Quranic verses at least twice a week, according to Shimshek.

Kamal Mogheeth, an expert with the state-run National Center for Educational Resource Development, says schools that combine Western curricula and religious education meet the needs of a rising Islamized elite that seeks integration into an ever-globalizing world.

“These schools have seized the opportunity and want to cater to the need for Western education, foreign languages and the engagement in a global world on one hand and the urge to protect local identities whether religious or ethnic,” said Mogeeth.

But the religious focus at SIS has risked deterring some potential clients like psychiatrist Mona Yosri who was nearly dissuaded from enrolling her two sons last year.

“I did not send them to that school until I felt sure they were moderate," said Yosri. "I fear religious fanaticism especially that there are other Islamic schools that are very violent with kids and make them hate religion.”

Like most international schools in Egypt, the tuition fees at SIS are expensive. Depending on the grade level, the fees range between LE22,000 and LE35,000.

“Egypt is a very good market for international schools,” said Shimshek. “Maybe people want something different, possibly the facilities, the quality of education, and the English language which is very important in this county and the Gulf area. A lot of parents want their kids to be able to speak and communicate in English. They see this as the future for them.”

In small-sized classrooms, students from grade one through twelve are taught by Egyptian, Turkish, British, Canadian and American staff. As English is the first language, the school is keen to hire native speakers as instructors, according to Shimshek.

“They have everything, they make your life easier," said Abdel Aziz. "They pay for everything you want to use in the classroom."

Besides Islam, the school also strives to promote Turkish culture through optional language classes that are offered not only to students but also parents. Every Saturday, Yosri goes to Salahaldin to attend Turkish classes. In addition to language training, teachers and students are sent on exploratory journeys to Turkey during breaks in the school year.

“Turkish people serve as a good example for us,” said Yosri. “One of the reasons why I chose the school is because Turkey has progressed at an amazing pace in the last 20 years. I hope we can benefit from them and their expertise.”

In recent years, Turkey has risen as a formidable regional force, challenging traditional Middle Eastern power-wielders.

In May, the Turkish administration, led by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, impressed Arab observers by embarrassing Israel on the international stage after Israeli forces attacked the Turkish flotilla seeking to break the Gaza blockade. That incident added to Erdogan's established credibility in the region after he had clashed with Israeli President Shimon Peres over the humanitarian situation in Gaza at The World Economic Forum a couple of years ago.

Turkey is also regarded by laymen and intellectuals alike in the Arab World as a success story for its continuous progress and European Union admission prospects. The fascination with the Turkish model had prompted the Egyptian regime to routinely launch smear campaigns against Turkey in the state-owned press.

Turkish investment in education in the Arab region should be read in this context, according to Mogeeth.

“Turkey wants to play a regional role and it is logical for it to do that in parts of its former empire that fell almost a hundred years ago,” Mogeeth says. “It does not have to resurrect an empire along Ottoman lines but it can do it by spreading its Turkish culture.”