OROMIA: A NATIONAL CRISIS, OPEN DIALOGUE, AND BUILDING NATIONAL CONSENSUS

By Asafa Jalata | December 18, 2011

We have reached at the dead end in our national struggle. The Oromo national movement has lost its steam and direction as its leadership and ideology have faced deep crises. The leadership of the Oromo national movement, specifically the OLF, could not effectively lead an Oromo revolution due to some external and internal factors. The external factors have included regional, domestic and international forces (i.e. Ethiopian, regional and global forces) that are determined to destroy the Oromo struggle. The internal factors have included the lack of substantial coherent revolutionary Oromo elites, the explosion of opportunist and mercenary Oromos, the failure to transform Oromo awareness to Oromummaa (Oromo nationalism), the lack of ideological clarity, and the political ignorance, passivism, and the fatalism of the populace. These internal problems were mainly caused by the policies of the successive Habasha governments that have conspired against the Oromo people by destroying their independent leadership and institutions and by denying an education to the Oromo majority. This piece focuses on the problems of the human agency the Oromo elites and society, and proposes some urgent practical solutions.

The Oromo Elites: Recognizing Shortcomings and overcoming them

The division of the OLF into three wings due to political ineptness and immaturity, the lack of understanding of the complexity of the Oromo nation and its politics, false competition for political power, low level of nationalist consciousness, and the use of the cheap politics of clan and region have created deeper crises and confusions among the Diaspora Oromo. Furthermore, the inability of one of these branches to develop itself as a formidable liberation front has complicated the crisis of the Oromo national movement. In addition, the three branches of the OLF have failed to learn from their past mistakes and to reconcile in order to unify and rebuild the Oromo national movement. Unfortunately, other Oromo independent organizations have also drastically failed to carry out their political missions and objectives. All these conditions have given an ample opportunity for the external and the internal enemies of the Oromo nation to attack clandestinely and openly the Oromo movement in order to reduce its effectiveness or to destroy it totally. What are our national responsibilities for those of us who have understood these chains of problems and dangers for our struggle and our nation? To solve our internal problems and to mobilize and organize our people in the Diaspora in this age of apathy and confusion are going to be an upward battle.

The Oromo elites whether they are in leadership or not lack ideological coherence, political maturity, and skills for national consensus building. They focus on their narrow perceptions and agendas. Hence they jump to form political organizations that promote such perceptions and agendas at the cost of the national interest. Those in leadership position are determined to maintain their dead-end politics and status quo without effective contributions. There are also some Oromo elites who have commitment to serve the enemies of the Oromo people. In the 1970s, some Oromo elites joined Ethiopian and Somali organizations while a few created the OLF. Furthermore, the lack of ideological and political maturity led to the division of the OLF in the 1970s, and recently, in the 2001 and 2008. Without creating the Oromo national power, the Oromo elites fight on non-existence power. Some Oromo elites have also formed several nominal liberation fronts and other political organizations without engaging in armed and real political struggles. Overall, the Oromo elites did not yet establish a political and cultural mechanism that helps in resolving their contradictions. Consequently, they have failed to understand that they are on one team that must work together to organize the Oromo nation for its self-defense and liberation.

It is impossible to build an effective institutional order or organization without integrating formal and informal rules of the society. As a result of the lack of bureaucratic codes and procedures in Oromo tradition, Oromo political leaders and the Oromo community at-large have had no immediately-available, culturally-consistent models to draw upon when confronted with the need for establishing the bureaucratic structures that are an essential part of the overall liberation struggle. As a result, the Oromo elites have reacted in a number of different and contradictory ways. This lack of coherence in the leadership in turn has created conditions in which suspicion has flourished creating conditions that have prevented open and honest dialogue among leaders and between leaders and followers. In the absence of a coherent organizational milieu, rumor, gossip, and impression management have replaced a critical and open dialogue within the movement. Like any movement, the Oromo national movement must develop a collective identity that results in collective action. Oromo nationalists cannot develop an Oromummaa that facilitates collective action without critical discussion and open dialogue.

The role of the leader is very important in building a leadership core through persuasion, analytical capacity, capacity to communicate, and capacity to listen and learn. The leader is responsible for the creation of formal and informal networks that allow for the development of an effective leading political team by bringing together layers of people who share strategic ideas to win over others. Recently, the Oromo movement has tried to create an exclusivist leadership that does not fit Oromo-centric democratic values. While the Oromo love their heroes and heroines and admire them, they expect open dialogue and interaction consistent with their democratic political tradition. The Oromo also reject the leadership style of the Habasha. The Oromo dislike exclusivist leaders who equate their personal interests with the interests of the organization they lead and separate themselves from the rank and file members. Practically speaking, the Oromo political leadership is neither coherent nor exclusivist, although there has been an attempt by a few leaders to develop an exclusivist leadership modeled on the Habasha political culture. However, there is no question that the leadership of the Oromo national movement manifests some exclusivist characters. Just as the Oromo nationalist leadership lacks political coherence, some Oromos lack organizational discipline and engage in political anarchism or passivism. Without challenging anarchism and passivism among the Oromo populace and the exclusivist political tendency of the leadership, the Oromo nationalist movement cannot search for combinations of forms of organization and leadership, which are practically compatible with larger struggles for popular self-emancipation. Oromo nationalists need to speak up and struggle to develop leadership for self-emancipation through facilitating the integration of “leading” and “led” selves of the Oromo political leadership. While struggling to build a democratic and coherent political leadership, Oromo nationalists must fight against political anarchism, passivism, and anti-leadership sentiment that emerge in some Oromo sectors. Anarchist and anti-leadership Oromo elites discourage the emergence of strong leadership by engaging in endless debate on secondary issues—such as clan, religious, and regional identity—and by making personal attacks on prominent Oromo leaders and organizations as a means of avoiding substantive debate. While demanding accountability from their leadership, the Oromo must fight publicly against an anti-leadership ideology. The Oromo need to acknowledge, value, encourage, and support an emerging democratic Oromo political leadership since strengthening the leadership of the Oromo movement is essential in the struggle to defeat dangerous enemies. Since an amorphous and less structured leadership is functionally ineffective, the Oromo national struggle must have a more structured leadership that can provide the organizational capacity necessary to eventually take state power and establish a functioning democracy consistent with the principles of Oromummaa.

Oromo nationalists cannot build a more structured leadership without clearly understanding the processes of leadership and followership. Just as Oromo leaders do not adequately understand the essence and characteristics of their followers, the followers lack information about their leaders and leadership. While Oromo political leaders like to lecture their followers and sympathizers, they are less interested in establishing formal and informal relationships with their followers and sympathizers in order to engage them in dialogical conversation. Because they care little about the opinions and experiences of their followers, they fail to ask for the input from their followers. Leadership is a processing of influencing followers and others by changing their perceptions through closely relating and communicating with them. Similarly, much of the Oromo populace has yet to develop constructive mechanisms by which they can influence their political leaders and hold them accountable. As a result, sometimes they engage in personal attacks and debates on peripheral issues blunting the impact of their personal political efforts and delaying the development of an effective political leadership. It is difficult to identify the weaknesses of the leadership without identifying those of the followership. I recognize that the role played by the Oromo national political leadership is dangerous, complex, and difficult. This leadership has been politically, ideologically, and militarily attacked both internally and externally.

To date the movement has been able to survive by developing shared meaning, purpose, language, and symbols. But as the complexity of the Oromo movement increases and as the number of Oromo nationalists expands, the leadership will not be able to improve its organizational capacity without simultaneously developing a degree of internal cohesion, leadership expertise, and widespread support through the establishment of effective coalitions within and beyond the Oromo nationalist movement. Without (1) changing the past habits, ideologies and approaches, (2) building internal cohesion by developing Oromummaa on the individual, relational and collective levels, and (3) fully mobilizing Oromo human and economic resources, the current Oromo political leadership will continue to face more crises and may eventually become a political liability. The Oromo national political leadership must be challenged to abandon its reliance on a narrow political circle and borrowed political ideologies and practices. In addition, it must be encouraged to embrace Oromo-centric democratic values, using them to develop different forms of organizational leadership in Oromo society thus making the dynamic connection between the values of Oromo society and its organizational structure. The Oromo leadership should be pressured to speak with the Oromo people and listen as well, allowing the Oromo community at-large to engage in the process of self-emancipation by participating in and owning their national movement. More than any time in its history, the Oromo national struggle now requires a more centralized structured organization and matured national leadership that can learn about the Oromo people in order to organize and lead them to take any necessary actions for national survival and liberation. The maturation of the Oromo national leadership will be recognized by many factors; one of these factors is to know the defining characteristics of Oromo society.

The Main Characteristics of Oromo Society

After the Oromo were colonized and until Oromo nationalism emerged, Oromoness (Oromumma – Oromo identity and culture) primarily remained on the personal and the interpersonal levels since the Oromo were denied the opportunities to form national institutions. Oromoness was targeted for destruction and colonial administrative regions that were established to suppress the Oromo people and exploit their resources were glorified and institutionalized. As a result, Oromo relational identities have been localized, and not strongly connected to the collective identity of national Oromummaa. The Oromo have been separated from one another and prevented from exchanging goods and information on national level for more than a century. Their identities have been localized into clan families and colonial regions. They were also exposed to different cultures (i.e., languages, customs, values, etc.) and religions and adopted some elements of these cultures and religions. Consequently, today there are members of Oromo society and elites who have internalized clan and externally imposed regional or religious identities because of their low level of political consciousness or political opportunism and the lack of clear understanding of Oromummaa or Oromo nationalism. What makes these problems complex is that some Oromos who claim that they are nationalists confuse their sub-identities with the Oromo national identity. Oromo relational identities include extended families and clan families. Historically and culturally speaking, Oromo clans and clan families never had clear geopolitical boundaries among themselves. Consequently, there are clans in Oromo society that have the same name in southern, central, northern, western and eastern Oromia. For example, there are Jarso, Gida, Karayu, Galan, Nole and Jiru clans all over Oromia. The Ethiopian colonial system and borrowed cultural and religious identities were imposed on the Oromo creating regional and religious boundaries. Consequently, there were times when Christian Oromos were more identified with Habashas (Amhara-Tigray) and Muslim Oromos were more identified with Arabs, Adares, and Somalis than they were with other Oromos. Under these conditions, Oromo personal identities, such as religion replaced Oromoness, central Oromo values, and core Oromo self-schemas. There are Oromos who still confuse such identities with the Oromo central identity.

Colonial rulers saw Oromoness as a source of raw material that was ready to be transformed into other identities. In the colonial process, millions of Oromos lost their identities and assimilated to other peoples. Consequently, the number of Amharas, Tigrayans, Adares, Gurages, and Somalis has increased at the cost of the Oromo population. The Oromo self was attacked and distorted by Ethiopian colonial institutions. The attack on Oromo selves at personal, interpersonal and collective-levels has undermined the self-confidence of some Oromo individuals by creating an inferiority complex within them. Without the emancipation of Oromo individuals from this inferiority complex and without overcoming the ignorance and the worldviews that their enemies imposed on them, they cannot have the self-confidence necessary to facilitate individual liberation and Oromo emancipation. Because of internal cultural crises and external oppressive institutions, Oromo collective norms or organizational culture is at rudimentary level at this historical moment. So some comrades in an Oromo organization do not see themselves as members of a team, and they engage in undermining members in their team through gossips and rumors. For sake of self- promotion, they belittle their comrades in his or her absence. Such individuals do not have strong organizational culture or norm. Such individuals cannot develop a core of Oromo leadership that is required in building a strong liberation organization.

Today, the Oromo are diverse and heterogeneous people, and it is impossible to organize them for liberation without understanding these complexities. Some Oromo elites do not understand these issues. Collective identities are not automatically given, but they are essential outcomes of the mobilization process and crucial prerequisite to movement success. Oromo nationalists can only reach a common understanding of Oromoness through open, critical, honest dialogue and debate. Fears, suspicions, misunderstandings and hopes or aspirations of Oromo individuals or groups should be discussed through invoking Oromo cultural memory and democratic principles. Through such discussion a single standard that respects the dignity and inalienable human rights of all persons with respect to political, social, and economic interaction should be established for all Oromos and their neighbors who support the rights to national self- determination. Oromo personal and social identities can be fully released and mobilized for collective actions if reasonable Oromos recognize that they can freely start to shape their future aspirations or possibilities without discrimination. This is only possible through developing an Oromo identity on personal and collective levels that is broader and more inclusive than gender, class, clan, family, region, and religion.

While recognizing the unity of Oromo peoplehood, it is important to recognize the existence of diversity in Oromo society. The lack of open dialogue among Oromo nationalists, political leaders, activists, and ordinary citizens on the issue of religious differences and/or the problems of colonial regional identities have provided opportunities for those who profit from the continued subjugation of the Oromo people to employ a divide and conquer strategy by exploiting religious and regional differences among the Oromo people. Since Turks, Arabs, Habashas, and Europeans imposed both Islam and Christianity on the Oromo in order to psychologically control and dominate them, Oromo nationalists must encourage an open dialogue among adherents of an indigenous Oromo religion, Islam and Christianity and reach a common understanding of what it means to be an Oromo and the positive role religion can play in Oromo society. Also, issues of clans and colonial regional identities must be addressed openly and honestly. Since these issues are not openly addressed, reactionary forces and opportunist Oromo individuals and groups turn Oromo on one another to use them. Basing our understanding of these Oromo issues on Oromummaa eliminates differences that may emerge because of religious plurality and regional differences.

The Ethiopian colonial regions do not correspond to Oromo group or regional identities. As a result, the political diversity of Oromo society can and should transcend regional identities based on the boundaries of colonial regions. The Oromo political problems have emerged primarily from low level of political consciousness, attitudes, behavior, and perceptions that have been shaped by a culture that valued domination and exploitation and have seen diversity and equality as threats to the colonial institutions most Oromos passed through. These problems still play a significant role in undermining the development of Oromummaa and the organizational capacity of the Oromo national movement. The behavior and political practices of most Oromos and elites and leaders of Oromo institutions in the Diaspora—like churches and mosques, associations, and political and community organizations—demonstrate that the impact of the ideology of domination and control that was impacted by Ethiopian colonial institutions and organizations is far-reaching. Despite the fact that the Oromo are proud of their democratic tradition, their behavior and practices in politics, religion, and community affairs indicate that they have learned more from Habashas and Oromo chiefs than from the gadaa system of democracy.

While the social and cultural construction of the Oromo collective identity is ongoing process, this process cannot be completed without the recognition that Oromo society is composed of a set of diverse and heterogeneous individuals and groups with a wide variety of cultural and economic experiences. Hence, Oromo nationalists need to recognize and value the diversity and unity of the Oromo people because “people who participate in collective action do so only when such action resonates with both an individual and a collective identity that makes such action meaningful.” Today, those Oromo political leaders who are fragmenting the OLF into three branches and those who are claiming to have nominal political organizations cannot adequately understand the crisis and danger that the Oromo national movement is facing.

In every society, personal and social identities are flexible, and are not rigid and monolithic. Similarly, Oromo self-identity exists at the personal, interpersonal, and collective levels with this confederation of identity being continuously shaped by Oromo historical and cultural memory, current conditions, and hopes and aspirations for the future. The Oromo social selves emerge from the interplay between intimate personal relations and less personal relations. The former comprise the interpersonal or relational identity and the latter are a collective identity. The relational-level identity is based on perceptions or views of others about an individual. Thus, individual Oromos have knowledge of themselves from their personal viewpoints as well as knowledge from the perspective of significant others and larger social groups. The concept of individual self emerges from complex conditions that reflect past and present experiences and future possibilities. The self-concept allows individuals to have “the capacity to reinstate a past situation and locate themselves in it; they also have the capacity to project the self into future contexts, anticipating possible actions and their consequences for the self.” Some Oromos are more familiar with their personal and relational selves than they are with their Oromo collective self, because their level of Oromummaa is rudimentary.

Oromo individuals have intimate relations with their family members, friends, and local communities. These interpersonal and close relations foster helping, nurturing, and caring relationships. Without developing these micro-relationships into the macro-relationship of Oromummaa, the building of Oromo national organizational capacity is illusive. Organizing the Oromo requires learning about the multiplicity and flexibility of Oromo identities and fashioning from them a collective identity that encompasses the vast majority of the Oromo populace. This process can be facilitated by an Oromo political leadership that is willing to develop an understanding of the breadth of the diversity of Oromo society looking for those personal and relational identities that can be used to construct an Oromo collective identity, expanding Oromummaa. Change starts with individuals who are both leaders and followers. Culture, collective grievances, and visions connect leaders and followers in oppressed society like the Oromo. Consequently, to be effective the Oromo political leadership must be guided by Oromo-centric cardinal values and principles that reflect honesty, fairness, single standard, equality and democracy in developing Oromummaa. As one source notes, “a critical task for leaders may be to construct group identities for followers that are both appealing and consistent with a leader’s goals. Indeed, this is a critical aspect of political leadership. Effective political leaders do not simply take context and identity as given, but actively construct both in a way that reconfigures the social world.” The political leadership of Oromo society needs to understand the concept and essence of the changing selves of the Oromo. These self- concepts include cognitive, psychological and behavioral activities of Oromo individuals. Collective grievances, the Oromo language and history, the historical memory of the gadaa system and other forms of Oromo culture, and the hope for liberation have helped in maintaining fragmented connections among various Oromo groups. The emergence of Oromo nationalism from underground to public discourse in the 1990s allowed some Oromos to openly declare their Oromummaa without clearly realizing the connection between the personal and interpersonal selves and the Oromo collectivity. This articulation occurred without strong national institutions and organizational capacity that can cultivate and develop Oromummaa through transcending the political and religious barriers that undermine the collective identity of the Oromo. Oromo nationalists cannot build effective national institutions and organizations without taking Oromo personal, interpersonal and collective-level Oromo selves to a new level. Oromo collective selves develop through relations with one another.

Good interpersonal relations and good treatment of one another create sense of security, confidence, sense of belonging, strong and effective bonds, willingness to admit and deal with mistakes and increase commitment to political objectives and organizations. The individuality of an Oromo can be observed and examined in relation to the concept of self which is linked to psychological processes and outcomes, such as motivation, affection, self-management, information processing, interpersonal relations, commitment, dignity and self- respect, self-preservation and so forth. The Oromo self-concept as an extensive knowledge structure contains all pieces of information on self that an individual Oromo internalizes in his or her value systems. Every Oromo has a self-schema or a cognitive schema that organizes both perceptional and behavioral information. An individual’s self-schema can be easily captured by accessible knowledge that comes to mind quickly to evaluate information on any issue. The Oromo self is the central point at which personality, cognitive schema and social psychology meet. The Oromo self consists both personal or individual and social identities, and the former is based on an individual’s comparison of oneself to other individuals and reveals one’s own uniqueness and the latter are based on self-definition in relation to others or through group membership.

Without recognizing and confronting these issues at all levels, the Oromo movement cannot build its organizational capacity. The social experiment of exploring and understanding our internal selves at individual, relational and collective selves must start with the Oromo elites who aspire to organize and lead the Oromo people. Since the ideological and organizational tools that Oromo elites have borrowed from other cultures have reached their maximum limit of capacities and cannot move the Oromo movement forward in the quest for achieving self- determination and human liberation, Oromo nationalists must reorganize and practice their approaches based on Oromummaa and the gadaa democratic heritage. The Oromo elites have passed through schools that were designed to domesticate or “civilize” them and to mold them into intermediaries between the Oromo people and those who dominated and exploited them. They have been disconnected from their history, culture, language, and worldviews, and have been trained by foreign educational and religious institutions that glorified the culture, history, language and religion of others. Consequently, some Oromo elites do not adequately understand Oromo history, culture and worldview. Today, some of such individuals have emerged as agents of the Tigrayan elites by joining the OPDO and are terrorizing the Oromo people.

Although the Oromo movement has achieved many important accomplishments, the organizational and ideological tools that it has used did not provide an effective basis for organizing the Oromo people and enabling them to defend themselves from their enemies. At present, the Oromo human and material resources are scattered and used by the enemies of the Oromo nation. Without a structured organization and national leadership, the Oromo people cannot take effective political actions that involve national self-defense and a popular and wide rebellion through the total mobilization of the nation. For many generations, young Oromos have been forced to fight as mercenaries and defended the interest of the Ethiopian state elites that have repressed and exploited their society. Even the Siad Barre government of Somalia used Oromo fighters as mercenaries. The Habasha elites and their Oromo collaborators claim that the Oromo fighters have built Ethiopia, and hence they are Ethiopians like Amharas and Tigrayans. To be forced to fight for their colonizers cannot make a people to share identity and to own a country with their colonizers. Therefore, fighting for the Ethiopian state could not make Oromo fighters equal citizens with their colonizers; the Ethiopian state they have fought for has maintained their second-class citizenship status through violence. Therefore, the Oromo elites and society must stop the utilization of the Oromo youth as raw materials by the Ethiopian state elites or others. The Oromo national movement by learning from the gadaa system must be able to mobilize and organize the Oromo youth to fight for the liberation of their nation and their fatherland, Oromia. In addition to the major problems that I have discussed above, the Oromo national movement has some constraints that it must overcome and some opportunities that it must capture to be successful.

The Major Opportunities and Constraints for the Oromo Struggle

The Oromo national movement that emerged in the 1960s and 1970s by a few determined nationalists reached the Oromo populace in the early 1990s. It took almost three decades and heavy sacrifices in the lives and sufferings of these few nationalists to resurrect the Oromo name, language, nationhood, and the name of Oromia from the dustbin of history. In this process, Oromummma—Oromo national identity, culture, and nationalism—has been resurrected. Currently, the external and internal enemies of the Oromo people use the resurrected names and the Oromo language while attacking and suppressing the Oromo nationalists and self-respecting Oromos. Since they could not stop the rising wave of Oromummaa, the Tigrayan colonial elites have used Oromo mercenaries to gradually destroy it.

Ethiopian colonialism had disconnected the Oromo nation from the international community for more than a century. However, with the resurrection of the Oromo national identity, culture, and nationalism, the Oromo people have started to be represented in the world by its political refugees. For the first time in Oromo history, the Oromo people started to have its Diaspora that has a great potential to link Oromia to the global community. The imposition of Ethiopian state terrorism on the Oromo to suppress Oromo nationalism created and expanded the Oromo Diaspora in the world. In this process, a few serious Oromo intellectuals emerged on the global level and dug the graveyards of history to uncover Oromo history and culture and to publish books and journals that are stored in world libraries. Furthermore, in Oromia, millions of the qubee generation (Oromo youth educated in the Oromo language) emerged as demonstrated by the recent Oromo student movement. The national projects that were designed by the Oromo national movement have produced fundamental results that have become the cornerstones of the Oromo national struggle. These achievements are great political opportunities for the Oromo nation.

Unfortunately, since the Oromo national struggle did not yet achieve its main objectives, the enemies of the Oromo people have created political constraints to abort the struggle. There are millions of Oromos who have betrayed their nation to satisfy their economic interests. By creating and building the OPDO and recruiting such Oromos to this subservient organization, the Meles regime uses them to attack the OLF and other organizations and to suppress and control the Oromo people. The regime has also mobilized several ethnonations against the Oromo people and their movement. There are also anti-Oromo forces such as Amhara colonial organizations and others who use any opportunity to undermine the interest of the Oromo nation. The constraints of the Oromo struggle are not limited to these problems. The Oromo national movement did not yet secure adequate sympathy and support for the Oromo cause from the international community.

It is very clear that the Tigrayan-led government with the support of global powers and its agents terrorize and rule the Oromo not because of their strengths but because of the weaknesses of the Oromo movement, political leadership, and Oromo society. If some elements of Oromo society are well organized under one structured organization and leadership, they can rebel and dismantle the Meles regime within a short period. The Tigrayan soldiers, cadres, and their agents can be easily dismantled in Oromia if substantial numbers of Oromos engage in self-defense and coordinated uprising. If the Oromo people intensify their struggle, the international community will recognize the political problem of the Oromo nation. The Oromo people will achieve their national self-determination by intensifying their national struggle by any means necessary and by receiving international recognition.

The crisis of the Ethiopian Empire that started in the early 1970s still continues. The popular uprisings of ethnonations, classes, and social groups have challenged the collapsing Ethiopian state for several decades and introduced some changes. These uprisings have resulted in the overthrowing of the Haile Selassie and Mengistu regimes and caused the emergence of the Meles government and Tigrayan ethnocracy. But these changes have failed to change the nature of Ethiopian colonialism. Ethiopia is still ruled by an authoritarian-terrorist government that practices colonial terrorism and clandestine genocide on the colonized peoples such as the Oromo, Somali, Sidama, Annuak and others. The Tigrayan-led regime that emerged in 1991 has intensified the crisis of the Ethiopian state and created the conditions that will give a death-below for this state. We know that the Oromo nation lost its political opportunities in the 1970s and the 1990s and remained politically insignificant force.

Learning from the past experiences of the Ethiopian state, we can understand that the Meles regime has already dug its own grave. This regime is already rotten from inside, and it only survives because of the weaknesses of different political forces in the empire and financial and diplomatic support it receive form powerful countries. What will happen if the Meles regime collapses? Are the Oromo liberation fronts and political organizations ready to use this political opportunity? Oromo nationalists, liberation fronts, political organizations, community organizations and associations should start a serious national political dialogue to overcome their political naiveté and immaturity in order to build a national political consensus that will enable them to capture state power in Oromia by any means necessary and to build multinational democracy with other nations that accept the principles of self-determination and democracy. While preparing themselves to use any available political opportunity, the Oromo national movement and society must start to fashion a national Gumii Gayyo to produce a designed political results. These designed political results can be produced through determination, hard work, sacrifice, and a collective effort of all Oromo liberation fronts, political organizations, and associations.

Immediate Political Tasks for Genuine Oromo Nationalists

History demonstrates that the determined people can liberate themselves. The Oromo elites in general and that of the Diaspora in particular must start to determine the destiny of their nation by taking the following concrete steps immediately. First, in the Diaspora, they must initiate town hall meetings in every town where the Oromo community lives and discuss about the fate of the Oromo people by focusing on their achievements, failures, challenges, opportunities, and constraints as a nation. This is not possible in Oromia because the Oromo people are denied the freedom of self-expression, organization, and the media. Second, the Oromo in the Diaspora must stop the politics of self-destruction by avoiding engaging in clan, religious, and regional politics, and by isolating the Oromo mercenaries from every Oromo community. Since the Oromo mercenaries use clan, religious, and regional politics to divide the Oromo people and turn them against one another, the Oromo community must reject them and their politics. The Oromo community must ostracize them by not relating to them and by refusing to participate in their social events such as death and marriage. Every Oromo community must identify, expose, and expel the Oromo mercenaries from their networks, churches, mosques, associations, and other social worlds.

Third, the Oromo Diaspora must challenge the Oromo activists who have built their separate organizations in order to break down barriers among different Oromo organizations and unite them under one structured organization and leadership. Fourth, Oromo youth and women should be mobilized in order to actively participate in national dialogues and town hall meetings; they must play a leading role since they are less corrupted by the ideologies of egoism, clan, religious and regional politics. Fifth, Oromo nationalists must establish the rule of law fashioning on the principles of gadaa and other democratic traditions to use it in running their national affairs. Sixth, since unconscious people cannot liberate themselves from colonial domination, the Oromo Diaspora should receive liberation knowledge through regular dialogues, seminars, conferences, workshops, lectures, and study circles. The Oromo must learn their history, culture, language, and traditions; they also need to learn about the world around them. At this historical moment, the number one enemy of the Oromo people is political ignorance; Oromo nationalists must smash this enemy.

When this is accomplished, the Oromo people are going to play their historical roles that will commensurate with their number. When this sleeping giant nation will be awakened, others cannot use the Oromo as raw materials. One of the main reasons why the forty million Oromos are terrorized and ruled by the elites that emerged from about four million Tigrayans is the low level political consciousness. Low level of political consciousness results in passivism and fatalism. Seventh, every self-respecting Oromo must realize that he or she has power to determine the destiny of Oromia. Every Oromo must be educated about his or her potential power and what he or she must do to translate it to real power. Eighth, the Oromo Diaspora movement must start building from bottom-up a confederation of Oromo political, religious, community, and self-help organizations to create a Global Gumii Gayyo of Oromia that will contribute ideological, organizational, and financial resources for consolidating the Oromo struggle and the Oromo Liberation Army and self-defense militias in Oromia.

Ninth, most members of the Oromo Diaspora must engage in public diplomacy by introducing the Oromo and their plight to the international community. Tenth, Oromo nationalists in the Diaspora must start to build a well-regulated system that can provide support and security for Oromo’s who are determined to advance the Oromo national interest whenever they face hardship beyond their control. Finally, the Oromo must believe that they will liberate themselves by any means necessary. There is no any doubt that, despite hardships and sacrifices, the Oromo “social volcano” that is being fermented will soon burn down Ethiopian colonial structures that perpetuate terrorism, genocide, diseases, absolute poverty, and malnutrition in Oromia and beyonders.

Asafa Jalata (ajalata@utk.edu) is a Professor of Sociology, Global Studies, and Africana Studies at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.He has published and edited eight books and authored sixty refereed articles in regional and international journals and several book chapters.

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47 Responses to “OROMIA: A NATIONAL CRISIS, OPEN DIALOGUE, AND BUILDING NATIONAL CONSENSUS”

Dear Prof. Asafa,
Thank you very much, for your inspiring idea, how we can solve our internal conflict and to direct our human and material resources against our national enemy, to kick them out of our ancestral land(OROMIYYA) and build independent Oromo Republic according to OLF program of 1974, based on our many centuries democratic system of Gadaa. Your proposal as our road map to reach our national goal is a crystal clear, what Oromo must do to consolidate our unity, step by step and clean up from our communities enemy paid agents. I ask all Oromo historians, sociologists, journalists, political scientists, poets, singers, human rights activists and other professionals to direct our nation to be free from brutal dictatorship of colonial empire of Abyssinia. The members of our Genius political organization OLF, who are genuine to liberate our nation from this genocide regime must break the wall of fear and reunite our origination using our Gadaa election system to uproot individuals who are obstacle for our national liberation. OSA must play a leading role to unify our scholars under the principle of United Nations’ general Assembly Resolution 1514(XV), on 14 December 1960 article 2 “All peoples have the right to self-determination ; by virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, cultural social and cultural development”
Let us unite under this international law, which is the right of all nations to have their own state, but no imperial state gave for any nation independence except by blood of children of oppressed nations.
Nagaan,
Jabeessa Gadaa

Thank you Dr Asafa for your well articulated article and your call for the very imperative tokkummaa of our freedom fighters!! The only way to hinder the barbaric action of the fascist and racist Gujile now ruling in Finfinne palace is the necessity of our freedom fighters to unite at least spritually, if not structurally! Let’s bombard the Gujile from different directions, leaving to waste our resources in fighting against each others! Here is the culture and nature of the Oromo liberation movement, which we need to implement!

———-The Victorious Culture and Nature of The Oromo Liberation Movement!———-

The political enemies of the Oromo nation, specially the currently ruling Gujile from the Tegaruland, tried to give the Oromo liberation movement in genreal and the OLF in particular a fake and false picture. They tried to present it as a secessionist or separatist movement just trying to discredit the legitimate struggle of the Oromo people for bilisummaa/freedom and walabumaa/sovereignty in the eyes of the international community. They also tried to exploit and use certain areas of conflict in the Oromo liberation camp to hinder the forward march of the Oromo people to bilisummaa.

Fortunately, after many years of conflicts in the Oromo liberation camp, now it seems that all Oromo nationals from the Oromo political spectrum, extending from the left wing to the right wing, are coopertaing with each other and coordinating our efforts in order to liberate the Oromo people from the currently ruling fascist and racist regime.

Specially, it is encouraging to observe the still strong Oromian Students’ Movement (OSM), including the Qeerroo movement for freedom and democracy, being part and parcel of the ongoing Oromo liberation movement (part of our Fighter-Jet). I think we can present this Fighter-Jet as an airkraft with the following left wing, middle body and right wing. The skilled pilot of the Fighter-Jet is, of course, our famous mindset of bilisummaa, the OLF.

1) The left wing, who talks about the possibility of forging ‘Oromia in Ethiopia’. This wing includes those Oromo nationalists, who do want to have an integrative Oromia in a form of an autonomous Oromian state within Ethiopian federation, for they think that even the large part of the so called Abyssinia in the current geography of Ethiopia belongs to Oromia.

2) The middle body, who strives to realize ‘Oromia vs Ethiopia’ as the two separated neighbouring nations, the same as the two-states-solution of the Israel-Palestinian conflict; this group considers Ethiopia as being the same to the colonizer Abyssinia.

3) The right wing, who tries to foster the notion of an integrative Oromia in a form of ‘Oromia is Ethiopia’, claiming that even the whole Ethiopia was once Oromia and can again be transformed into Oromia,

This Fighter-Jet is actually a well developed Oromo liberation movement like a well grown butterfly, which had firstly got its caterpillar and then developed its two wings. The middle body (the caterpillar) of the Oromo liberation movement is the one which started in 1969 with the kaayyoo/goal of realizing an independent Oromia to be liberated from the colonizer neighbouring Abyssinia. The left wing grew in 1991 as the Oromo liberation movement could get rid of the fascist Derg trying to forge free ‘Oromia in Ethiopia’. Now the right wing is developing in order to get rid of the currently ruling fascist and racist Gujile and then foster a liberated country in a form of ‘Oromia is Ethiopia’.

Interestingly this currently ongoing pan-OLF movement tries to take into consideration the beneficial move of the above three factions of the Oromo liberation movement and tries to harmonize these three types of moves towards bilisummaa. But, in order to accomodate these different Oromo positions regarding our future type of Oromian sovereignty, all Oromo nationalists have to be able to concentrate on the common denominator of all the positions, i.e on bilisummaa of the Oromo people. To comprehend what I do mean, we just need to compare the following interesting three concepts: secession, independence and sovereignty. Let me try to put the difference in short as follows:

– secession needs the precondition of being legally part of one sovereign nation and being a minority nation at the periphery. Oromia has never been legally part of Ethiopia and it is neither a minority nation nor at periphery unlike Tigrai. So Oromia’s question is not a question of secession in this sense.

– independence is the liberation of a subjugated nation from the other oppressive one, as the case we do see in the attempt of some Oromo nationals trying to emancipate the occupied Oromia from the oppressive Abyssinia.

– sovereignity is the right of the liberated and free nation to decide on the type of arrangement it wants, like the sovereignty of the Oromo nation to decide on its future in a form of an independence, be it within or without Ethiopia.

Thus, according to the right of the Oromo nation to its own bilisummaa and walabummaa, it is not wrong if some Oromo nationals do strive for the right of Oromo and Oromia within Ethiopia, as long as the determining factor is the result of the referendum. That is why it is so nice to see that our nationalists are bombarding tyranic Abyssinists from the three parts of our Fighter-Jet.

This is really very scary for the enemy of the Oromo nation. Important is that all the three parts do fight the enemy, but do not attack each other. In the currently ongoing rhetorics, it is good that the OLF factions are refrainig from attacking each other. Of course, it is clear that we do read nowadays a lot of the criminal cadres of the Gujile camouflaging as Oromo nationals in order to sow a discord in the Oromo liberation camp by trying to support one faction of the OLF and attack the others!

Your great contribution to unify great but disintegrated Oromoo people for more powerful action is highly appreciated and the Oromoo generation who has open eyes and ears will speak for you.
Oromoo has many great internationally recognized scholars like you but except few many has turned their face on a century suffered brothers and sisters of Oromoo. But I extremely happy to see a great scholars like you who are working for globally and internally forgotten nation Oromia.
Oromia has great potential to bring freedom for its own people. This article will help genuine Oromoo individual, communities and institutions to solidify the potentials. As you have mentioned starting from the grass root at the level of educating individuals and communities requires determination and discipleship. I hope this can take us to the higher ladder to take action. We don’t have to wait til all group agree and unified but we can start from small group and gradually include those who are outside and even those has forgotten their identities through training.And like your words ‘Good interpersonal relations and good treatment of one another create sense of security, confidence, sense of belonging, strong and effective bonds, willingness to admit and deal with mistakes and increase commitment to political objectives and organizations.’ As you have mentioned Oromoo is under colonization by small tribe of TPLF not because of their strength but because of weakeness of leadership and organization among Oromoo. But if we know our weakness we can change it by determination and strategies for common goal. At the moment it is only oromoo’s enemy who like Oromoo to be divided and prolong the terrible suffering on us. We can bring changes if we are genuinely determined to solidify Oromoos from every corner and level!

The Oromo have repeatitively proved that you have dedication, thinking outside the box, seeing the cirlce of the problem in the national movement in triangual method and proposing sollutions skills. The Oromoo populace is very pleased having a very few pragmatic and non-opportunist intelecutals like you. What you pointedout are real and existing. The sollution you propossed are the fundamental medcine that eventually cure our cronic disease iff every stakeholder intakes (swallows)it. I think the rest Oromo intelectual would be aweakenup and contribute their share from now onwards positively. And the political, religious and communities’ leaders and the every Oromoo individaula should see itself through the mirror, this essay.

Thank you for insightful analysis and presentation unlike some individuals who start their writting career by insulting organization and persons just for the sake of getting atttention. This kind of unbiased thinking can heal our wound and find lasting solution.

Dear Prof. Assafa,
Thank you so much for your sense of responsibility of Oromummaa for breaking our national silence for our own weakness and the blueprints for its remedy and the way how we should look at our preformances and national securities of our national Identity. As a nation we have no lack of intellectual assets, but ironically still our talented power seving the empire which prefers to assasinate them for only being an Oromo. Even the Tigre ethnic group as a ruling party standing for their Tigray identity rather than helping the empire. The Oromo oppotunists like Girma Biru and others are serving their ignorant enemies for a penny interest over national interest.The lack of national pressure over such our internal enemies brought in a temporary obstacle for our movement.Based on this historical blueprint our Civic Organizations and the Qeerrroo movement should concentrate on marching popular movement in a well organized sense for the liberation of Oromoia and others. As our Communities are doing their best from Australia to Trans-Atlantic we need to double our efforts for our national cause and historical resonsibility to lead our nation for our destiny.
Galatoomi!!.

I dearly love your coments on this jiant yet invisible issues of ours. I share almost all of your ideas. We need people who knows what to do and when to do, yet blind folowers and blind leaders are dominating the playfileds. Oromos must turn sharp away from the status quo. let us start quastioning why we are enslaved and why we are not doing enough to liberate. Dr. I honor your coments please keep updating us with all short cuts you think of Bilisuma.

“….There is no any doubt that, despite hardships and sacrifices, the Oromo “social volcano” that is being fermented will soon burn down Ethiopian colonial structures that perpetuate terrorism, genocide, diseases, absolute poverty, and malnutrition in Oromia and beyonders.”

Thanks indeed for your continuous effort. This is what Oromo needs if change should come.

Yes reality should be spoken and silence should bebroken! Wise people can learn from this. You have put all in a very proffessional way. You touched things that were perceived as ‘untachables’. May God give you long life!

This artcle should be read by all Oromos who can read and write! I suggest to translet to Afan Oromo and all people take the inciative to share to their friend in home.

Everybody must read this article its great. Specially, those oromos who are wasting their time on paltalks must read and discusse on this issue as to how to implemet it practically. Dr. Aseffa mentioned every details of oromo probles in all spectrums deeply, I think, it is upto all diaspora oromos to discuss on the issue at their community level and struggle for practicallity!!

WHEN THIS KIND OF SHAKE HAPPEN THAT MEANS GOD IS WORKING AND GOD IS OPPENNING OUR EYES WHERE IS THE PROBLEM AND WHO IS REAL OROMO AND WHO IS NOT, WHO IS PURE OROM WHO IS MIXED, WHY THE MIXED ONE IS HATE THE UNITY OF OROMO,AND BEYOND THE THEIR IDIOLOGY, WHAT IS THEIR TARGET OF THE STRUGLE, FOR ALL THESE LET GOD OPEN OUR EYES AND FIND WHO IS WHO THEN WE CAN CHOOSE WHO MUST LEAD US AND WHO MUST GO.HOWEVER; OUR STRUGLE IS LONG OUR POEPLE WILL CHEER THE DESIRE OF THEIR HEART WHICH IS TOTAL FREEDOM LIBERTY AND JUSTICE.OROMIYA SHALL BE FREE.

Aite Hawwinee,
what matters is not the position of your gut, but more the direction of your verbal gun (pen)! As I see your position (independent Oromia) is not different from the position of the genuine Oromo nationalists using differnt strategy, whom you like to demonize, even though they always advocates the CORE-Kaayyoo of Oromo liberation movement being an independent Oromia. But you do differ from the genuine Oromo nationalists like Dr Asafa in the ‘direction of your gun’; you do direct your gun (verbal bullet) on Oromo nationalists, who do have different approachs from that of yours, whereas the genuine Oromo nationalists like Dr Asafa consequently and consiously direct their gun ONLY unto the current tormenting enemy, unto the Woyane! You do shoot continously the Oromo nationalists, who do have different approach, whereas they do tolerate all Oromo political groups having different tactics and strategies towards both bilisummaa Oromo and walabummaa Oromia. So please, check the direction of your gun, we do have no problem with the position of your gut; you can love independent Oromia as you claim, but just wake up and see how many Oromo nationalists you continously kill with your verbal bullet, unless otherwise you are in that Gujile’s mission, being camouflaged as a pro-independence Oromo nationalist! Otherwise, I would like to invite you read the following!

I would like to clarify here that the genuine Oromo nationalists do have no conflict when it comes to bilisummaa/freedom of the Oromo people from the currently ruling fascist and racist Gujile. The only conflict area, which is actually reconcilable, is the one based on their view regarding the type of walabummaa/sovereignity of future Oromia they want to realize. In this respect there are the following seven positions entertained in the Oromo community at large:

Position 1: that of the nationalists, who strive to achieve an independent republic of Oromia seemingly disregarding the possible regional union with the neighbouring nations, specially with the nations, who are now living in Ethiopia.

Position 2: who advocate a nationally independent Oromia within a regional union of free nations in the Horn of Africa (union with nations living around Oromia) in a form of a ‘union of independent nations’, something like confederation.

Position 3: who are open for both the positions 1 and 2 as long as the Oromo people will decide per referendum.

Position 4: who want to have an integrative Oromia in a form of an autonomous Oromian state within Ethiopian federation; i.e the ‘union of autonomous nations’.

Position 5: who try to achieve an integrative Cush Oromia being the same to the whole Ethiopia, without necessarily having an autonomous Core Oromia within Ethiopia; simply it is an integrative republic of Oromia, which is geographically greater.

Position 6: who do say “Oromian national autonomy within Ethiopian federation is not bad, but we don’t need to die for it”; they are considering that even Gondar and other northern parts of the empire are parts of Oromia; accordingly, they want to realize either position 4 or 5 per Oromo public verdict.

Position 7: who are open for the above varities (positions 1, 2, 4 and 5), as far as the determiners in this choice are the Oromo public. They believe that neither the samaller ‘independent Core Oromia’ nor the greater ‘integrative Cush Oromia’ is disadvantageous as long as bilisummaa of the Oromo people will be realized and further respected.

Despite these different positions, which do characterize the arrab-torbee (seven tounged) nature of the Oromo nationalists regarding walabummaa Oromia, in comparison to their arrab-tokkee (one tounged) position referring to bilisummaa Oromo, the political enemies of the Oromo nation, specially the currently ruling Gujile from the Tegaruland, attempt to give the Oromo liberation movement in genreal and the OLF in particular a fake and false picture. They try to present it as a secessionist or separatist movement just wanting to discredit the legitimate struggle of the Oromo people for bilisummaa and walabumaa in the eyes of the international community.

They also do exploit and use the above mentioned area of conflict in the Oromo liberation camp to hinder the forward march of the Oromo people to bilisummaa. Even some politically conscious Oromo nationalists fell in their trap and described the other genuine Oromo nationalists with different position on walabummaa as Quislings in the Oromo liberation movement. But, actually, the only true Quesilings are those Oromo nationals, who are against bilisummaa Oromo, not those genuine pro-bilisummaa nationalists with their own different position regarding walabummaa.

Fortunately, after many years of conflicts in the Oromo liberation camp, now it seems that all Oromo nationals from the Oromo political spectrum, extending from the left wing to the right wing, are coopertaing with each other and coordinating our efforts in order to liberate the Oromo people from the currently ruling fascist and racist regime.

Specially, it is encouraging to observe the still strong Oromian Students’ Movement (OSM), including the Qeerroo movement for freedom and democracy, being part and parcel of the ongoing Oromo liberation movement (part of our Fighter-Jet). I think we can present this Fighter-Jet by summarizing the above seven positions in to three parts, as an airkraft with the following left wing, middle body and right wing. The skilled pilot of the Fighter-Jet is, of course, our famous mindset of bilisummaa, the OLF.

1) The left wing, who talks about the possibility of forging ‘Oromia in Ethiopia’. This wing includes those Oromo nationalists, who do want to have an integrative Oromia in a form of an autonomous Oromian state within Ethiopian federation, for they think that even the large part of the so called Abyssinia in the current geography of Ethiopia belongs to Oromia.

2) The middle body, who strives to realize ‘Oromia vs Ethiopia’ as the two separated neighbouring nations, the same as the two-states-solution of the Israel-Palestinian conflict; this group considers Ethiopia as being the same to the colonizer Abyssinia.

3) The right wing, who tries to foster the notion of an integrative Oromia in a form of ‘Oromia is Ethiopia’, claiming that even the whole Ethiopia was once Oromia and can again be transformed into Oromia,

This Fighter-Jet is actually a well developed Oromo liberation movement like a well grown butterfly, which had firstly got its caterpillar and then developed its two wings. The middle body (the caterpillar) of the Oromo liberation movement is the one which started in 1969 with the kaayyoo/goal of realizing an independent Oromia to be liberated from the colonizer neighbouring Abyssinia. The left wing grew in 1991 as the Oromo liberation movement could get rid of the fascist Derg trying to forge free ‘Oromia in Ethiopia’. Now the right wing is developing in order to get rid of the currently ruling fascist and racist Gujile and then foster a liberated country in a form of ‘Oromia is Ethiopia’.

When we look at the current OLF activists, we do detect that there are some 1st-generation OLFites, who do consider themselves as part of only the caterpillar, but deny the importance of the development of the two wings; many 2nd-generation OLFites, who do see the political significance of the left wing, but failed to accept the necessitiy of the right wing; and there are few 3rd-generation OLFites, who started to recognize the very imperative and important development of the butterfly/figther-jet with its middle body having the Core Kaayyoo of independence and using tactically both the left wing and the right wing to come to the planned goal of the Oromo liberation movement.

That is why, interestingly, the currently ongoing pan-OLF movement tries to take into consideration the beneficial move of the above three factions of the Oromo liberation movement and tries to harmonize these three types of moves towards bilisummaa. But, in order to accomodate these different Oromo positions regarding our future type of Oromian sovereignty, all Oromo nationalists have to be able to concentrate on the common denominator of all the positions, i.e on bilisummaa of the Oromo people. To comprehend what I do mean, we just need to compare the following interesting three concepts: secession, independence and sovereignty. Let me try to put the difference in short as follows:

– secession needs the precondition of being legally part of one sovereign nation and being a minority nation at the periphery. Oromia has never been legally part of Ethiopia and it is neither a minority nation nor at periphery unlike Tigrai. So Oromia’s question is not a question of secession in this sense.

– independence is the liberation of a subjugated nation from the other oppressive one, as the case we do see in the attempt of some Oromo nationals trying to emancipate the occupied Oromia from the oppressive Abyssinia.

– sovereignity is the right of the liberated and free nation to decide on the type of arrangement it wants, like the sovereignty of the Oromo nation to decide on its future in a form of an independence, be it within or without Ethiopia.

Thus, according to the right of the Oromo nation to its own bilisummaa and walabummaa, it is not wrong if some Oromo nationals do strive for the right of Oromo and Oromia within Ethiopia, as long as the determining factor is the result of the referendum. That is why it is so nice to see that our nationalists are bombarding tyranic Abyssinists from the three parts of our Fighter-Jet.

This is really very scary for the enemy of the Oromo nation. Important is that all the three parts do fight the enemy, but do not attack each other. In the currently ongoing rhetorics, it is good that the OLF factions are refrainig from attacking each other. Of course, it is clear that we do read nowadays a lot of the criminal cadres of the Gujile camouflaging as Oromo nationals in order to sow a discord in the Oromo liberation camp by trying to support one faction of the OLF and attack the others!

Let’s not bring in our personal ideology here. Better to be focused. Issues raised in this article are wide and a must dealt well. If you guys keep bringing and debating on you vegue ideology/Prof has mentioned it well/, we are merely wasting time. In this way,this priceless article won’t get the attention needed and harly meet the sought target.

We are living in a very complex world. Population growth and globalization has led to a fierce competition for natural resources and markets. The food crisis to feed the world population is putting a hitherto unprecedented pressure on the developing countries specially Africa.

The other challenge is the climate change as a result of human intervention in mother nature such as deforestation, overgrazing, soil erosion, big dam constructions and pollution as a result of industrial waste.

Fierce competition for these scarce resources has led to another development – the land grab. This is a new development and it is the biggest challenge ahead of us and the best solution is learning to think outside the box. Instead of wasting our time on accusing one another, it is worth to start learning from our intellectuals about the importance of civility while we make dialogue.

Professor Assefa’s paper must be read through the lines. It is not a simple article that we read once and forget but a road map that could be used in our next journey – the last phase of our liberation movement.

If we have any different opinion, we can point out our facts and arguments without attacking the author. For instance, I have a different opinion from the renowned Professor on one word, that is, instead of saying fatherland Oromia I personally prefer motherland Oromia. My points of argument for having a different opinion are as follows: I know many mothers that are weeping day in day out for those who have lost their precious lives while fighting for bilisummaa; for the sake of a mother that gave testimony in front of many human rights activists and organizations that the TPLF militia have raped her daughter in front of her for writing a poem about the severe human rights abuses in that evil empire; for the sake of all mothers whose children have become the victims of enforced disappearances; for all mothers whose children became victims of extra judicial executions; for all mothers whose children became victims of torture and detention in the Abyssinian concentration camps; for mothers of the best and brightest Oromos who refused to succumb to slavery and forced into exile and longing for their loved ones and their motherland Oromia; for the sake of all mothers that are abused, marginalized and reduced to second class citizens.

Here are my facts and I don’t really mean all are born without fathers. I know how mothers feel and I am sure a young Oromo scholar, Kulani Assefa Jalata would join me to promote my idea. I did not earn the intellectual capital of Professor Assefa and I gladly accept my defeat if my idea did not win any vote at all.

Thank you for such a superb and great job. May Waaqaa bless your works and help us to use our hands and minds to their fullest potential.

Thanks Dr. Jaalataa. Hopefully, some one may take notice of your opinions and suggestions to resolve the current crisis (the future possibile liability) of the highly inchoeherent political leadesrhip.

Imagine the magnitude of the lost time. A young man of 20 years (who left for Eritrea 20 years back) is 40 years (an old man) today. According to the life expectancy in our reginin, he is left only with a maximum of 5 years. If he dies within the next 5 years without producing anything, it is the highest shame.

Now let me use Odaa as a metaphor to make the relationship between bilisummaa Oromo and walabummaa Oromia clear! Odaa is really a very good symbol for bilisummaa Oromo and walabummaa Oromia. The stem of Odaa is the representation for bilisummaa and the seven main branches of it are the representation for the seven positions, which are now entertained in Oromo community regarding walabummaa:

– at the left end of Odaa is the branch representing the position of the nationalists, who strive to achieve an independent republic of Oromia seemingly disregarding the possible regional union with the neighbouring nations, specially with the nations, who are now living in Ethiopia.

– next to this left end is the position of those who are open for both the above mentioned position and the following middle left position, as long as the Oromo people will decide per referendum.

– the middle left position belongs to those who advocate a nationally independent Oromia within a regional union of free nations in the Horn of Africa (union with nations living around Oromia) in a form of a ‘union of independent nations’, something like confederation.

– on the top of Odaa at the center is the position of those who are open for all the varities in the left and right, as far as the determiners in this choice are the Oromo public. These nationalists believe that neither the smaller ‘independent Core Oromia’ nor the greater ‘integrative Cush Oromia’ is disadvantageous as long as bilisummaa of the Oromo people will be realized and further respected.

– the middle right position is that of those who want to have an integrative Oromia in a form of an autonomous Oromian state within Ethiopian federation; i.e the ‘union of autonomous nations’.

– near the right end is the position of those who do say “Oromian national autonomy within Ethiopian federation is not bad, but we don’t need to die for it”; these nationals are considering that even Gondar and other northern parts of the empire are parts of Oromia; accordingly, they want to realize either the above mentioned middle right position or the following right end position.

– at the right end of Odaa is the position of those who try to achieve an integrative Cush Oromia being the same to the whole Ethiopia, without necessarily having an autonomous Core Oromia within Ethiopia; simply put this goal is an integrative republic of Oromia, which is geographically greater.

As described here, the stem of Odaa (bilisummaa) is the common line of life for all the seven branches (types of walabummaa); it is the common ground for all Oromo antionalists. Such clarification of the Oromo liberation movement with different metaphors and symbols helps our confused friends and our confusing foes to make up their mind and it help them to let us fight in unison against the currently tormenting fascist and racist Gujile in Finfinne palace!

Dr Assafa
Thank you for been the first Oromo professor to take this hard line, you might get a lot of critics in this, but, you take a great call on right time. I think all educated focus whom call themself an Oromo and believe in Oromo struggle, should follow this pat, to Bering all Oromo together despite their difference. We need to save our motherland from wayyane mafia whom are sweeping everything for the last 20 years. 2011, has been the worse abuse for Oromo’s and other Ethiopian also. This mass arrest and judicial killing turn the spot light of every one. The Oromo leaders and organization turn bland eye on this and turn on each other specially, for last 10 years as Dr Assafa has put it. I think it is time oromos from all walk of life should stand up and say enough is enough to division and take all our effort on our common enemy.

As I saw closely, most of the Oromos, who want give their lives for Oromia independence, they are not concerned about religion, clan, and region. These quality Oromos have been joined honestly these three divided political parties, because they think this one better than others. To tell the truth, they have not enough information about these political parties leadership and the people around them.These innocent Oromos divided among these three groups and isteade of strength themselves they weakend each other.

Dear, Oromo politician and intellectuals:
1. Could you do the reaserch on these Oromo leaderships, what their back grounds, strength and weakeness.
2.Could you to help to prepare the young genaration for leadership or find a good leadership.

With out good leadership, no political success. No one can blame the Oromo people.
Those leadership stll on power, they have taken enough time. It is not a contract. “A foot ball team can show a good play in the field, but the most important is a goal.”

Dear professor, thank you for speaking up the truth, though it’s bitter, the pill must be swallowed by all to cure chronic disease that persist in our struggle. You raised and pinpoint the critical crisis that should be discussed in detail and thoroughly, it is this reality now surfacing and must face it or quit it. When you face, you must fix problem that put us in to this dreadlock position and make sure you paved necessary foundation how one qualify to lead organization, their term of leadership in the organization. It also require not only leadership, also look in to the fundamental objective of Oromo, whether to call to national assemble inclusive of all Oromo stake holders where ideas and strategies as well all the common goal is clearly stated publicly, where in national convention inclusive to all, the objective and strategies drafted and adapted accepted by all to move us out of dreadlock to free us and think for common good.
In doing so, in my opinion, I propose three cycle that we must process through to achieve what we want and have common ground and unity to be a formidable force that rock the enemy as we united and confront with united forces.
1. Fair mind Oromo individuals from all corners must gather and form assemble where independent discussion panel formed and grass root discussion shall initiated in all corners of Diaspora and home, Oromia
2. With recommendation of independent panel at free public discussion, bring all stake holders to public historical forum where their differences and sources of their disagreements shall spelled out publicly, their recommendation and their version of resolution states in public for Oromo people to see and digests all sources of information and look for common solution. Such discussion must revisit honestly from the beginning of OLF formation, the spilt of OLF in to OLF and IFLO, down to different faction including to QC, jijjirama and so on and so forth. With out going out and revisiting all sources of problems, we can not find common solution, hiding problems and not revisiting sources of the problems is going in to vicious circle to no avail. My humble thought is we must resurrect from dust and find concrete solutions that no one here after drive to own ego and term but stand still on a ground. When I say this, I cry out humbly what is best for our common good than individual’s window and lockout circle.
3. It require simultaneous set up of genuine Three different national committee from all inclusive that work in different agendas but one goal to solve and bring comprehensive solution for one sound organization we rally behind.
THREE COMMITTEES THAT SIMULTENOULSY SHOULD BE ASSEMBLED:

1. National Committee that lead panel of discussion( this committee mainly deal with different political organization , organizing public meeting and refining their differences and their version of solution for public verdict and convince these different oromo political organization to agree and live with resolution drafted and accepted and adapted by upcoming national assembly inclusive to all)
2. National Committee that review OLF objectives and strategies, may include policy etc.., draft to be introduced to OLF general or Oromo national assembly( Where ABO Jijjiramaa, shanee, QCA, & ULFO, etc.., all free Oromo political organization take part and be parcel of it) in Such draft I would humbly would like to see be included:
1. Process of lelection and definition of OLF leadership whether the new draft resolution strictly states includes leadership live that in Oromia and lead from oromia)
2. Term limit, duty, disciplinary action and rights of elected individuals
3. Discipline and member’s right
4. Etc… be added
3./ National Committee, to set up date, place and work on the ground for inclusive national assembly to find lasting solution, these committee exclusively work on inclusive bases that incorporated all inckluding oromo civic organization, elders, womens and youth to take part in this historic nationale assembly.

It’s my sincerer believe, if we have a will to resolve our problem and face the enemy, there is a wide range of solution, we must solve and move forward, That is my thought, can be expanded or rejected by oromo.

From the out set,for his honesty and admission of the harm his group Shanee group has caused to our struggle, I would like to congratulate Prof. Assaffa.I urge others who are still in shanee Gumii to follow the example of Prof Assafa and join Oromia independence camp. Having said this, his assessment does not go deep and unearth the root cause of problem in OLF. He simply touched on the symptoms of problems. The root cause of difference in OLF is the difference in Objective and how to achieve it.While one faction of OLF fights for the establishment of independent Oromia, the two factions of OLF do not know what Oromo people should fight for. As political organization, responsible to formulate political solution to people’s political problem, the two factions of OLF do not know the direction Oromo people should take after the demise Wayyanee. While, the two faction of OLF do not have clear political path for Oromo people, one faction has a clear road map as to where Oromo and Oromia should go after the demise of Wayyanee.One faction of OLF believes in the establishment of People’s Democratic Republic of Oromia and has a plan to present this agenda for confirmation through referendum.This is the root cause of our problem that Prof.Assaffa did not clearly explain. Without knowing the root cause of the problem, we can not find correct:solution, objective,strategy, plan, organization, leadership,recruitment policy and tactics. When we find the root cause of the problem, it means that we have solved half of it.

Dear Aannannee, fir this or that, there must be open public discussion, time is run out to say this and that behind screen or dance in their favorite club, it must come forth and discuss in public, therefore, people will decide and find solution from information said in public and discussion.

In my opinion, this could only solved when all the said Oromo political organizations set stage in public forum together where there ideas will be debated, where their disagreement is publicly spelled out, there is no free ride, there should be fierce but civil debate among these groups to come to common good.

Once public recognize their difference and their version of solution, it goes to next level where general assembly inclusive to all will decide, including objectives, pathway, strategies and goal we pursue. There after, leadership common to all and with consensus to all will emerge as general assembly put in convention and introduce the process and quality of leadership as well as term and limit.
I think the road after that is simple, because, anything choose by general assemble (inclusive to all) can not re written by faction again, it’s a common goal we all recognize and stand still and move fore for common good.

I think, if all parties are coonfident to present their case and argue with great debate in open public on the same stage with others and take the matter to be decided by Oromo national assemble, there is nothing to fear unless still they would like to bound and prefer to their usual club inclusive to own members but exclusive to majority.

Me and You,
Thank you for having time and coming up with the way you think we should solve our problems.However, I do not think this is the way political organizations operate.For that matter, all organizations do not operate this way. Those who share the same problem or want the same need to be addressed come together and formulate goals that can solve this problem or meet this need. They then, prepare and approve rules and procedure that governs the operation of this organization.They elect leaders who are in charge of the operation of the organization.It is the must that those who have different :beliefs, vision and goals have different organizations.These are why we have different political organizations here in America.Members and supporters of Democratic party can be invited to solve the problem of Republican party and vice versa.How on earth can loins work for the unity of antelope.It is only those who are interested, in the promise we made: to our martyrs, OLF and it’s goal of establishing independent Oromia who can can be entrusted with the mission of uniting OLF. According to me, what determines the kind of organization and the kind of unity we should have is the kind of goal we want to accomplish.For us,the kind of goal we should accomplish was set by:

1. The “harma muraa and harka muraa” of Annoolee.
2. The last message by Rooba Bultum:”Guyyaa itti diinni lafa keenya irraa ka’ee ilmaan keenya argan ni dhufa.”
3. The Calanqoo massacre.
4. The Raayyaa and Daawwee resistance struggle.
5. The letter sent to League of Nation by western Oromia Federation.
6. The Baalee Oromoo resistance movement.
7. The establishment of Macha and Tuulamaa Self help association.
8. The establishment of OLF and it’s declaration of objective to establish People’s Democratic Republic of Oromia in 1973.
9. The death of thousands of gallant Oromos in pursuit of this goal.
10. The acceptance of OLF and it’s goal of establishing independent Oromia by majority of Oromo people during the transitional period of 1991-92.
11. The watar massacre
12. The more than 22,000 oromo prisoners of concience in Ethiopian empire today.
13. Thousands and thousands of exiled oromos because of their support for the establishment of independent Oromia.

So, the goal and the unity around which we should organize ourselves should be to accomplish goal for which tremendous sacrifices have been made so far. The solution therefore is, for those who betrayed these ,sacrifices to come back to the promise we made to our martyrs and form unity to make that promise a reality. If we honer our martyrs, Oromo poeple should put pressure on whose who betrayed the promise they made to our martyrs to join the independence camp.No body has the right to change the goal of establishing independent Oromia for which thousands and thousands of sons and daughters of Oromia paid their precious lives.Those who are tired of the struggle, the honorable thing they should do is to keep quite and live in peace.

Dear Saartuu,
Thank you very much for thought and kind words.
Having said that, however, I still argue that we are at stage of searching for freedom, lost dignity, identity, country and control of our resources( what ever we claim is ours), be at the destiny of ours . Mind you this is the journey, we still on the journey to achieve what is mentioned above. My argument is that we are not a political party or political rivals, WE ARE A FREEDOM FIGHTERS”, a freedom fighters can not be a political rivals when we do not have country and every things come with it but still in journey.
Therefore, if the Oromo people embark in this journey of political rivalry than freedom fighter, I assure you that it’s going to be long shot before we see ”damn freedom” in our generation which is sad story to pass inhuman treatment to our next generation to deal with.
When freedom fighters embark in political rivalry, you will create a room for creations of mushrooms political organization or faction, which have no any impact on enemy but political polarizations among own people and nationalists.
Moreover political rivalry among freedom fighters would, in my opinion weakens their strength to fight enemy in united and formidable forces. This is the reality we live in now, you drain resources and split man power, all the resources (be it human or material divided among mushrooms faction to no any effect but to keep faction diatribe / rhetoric alive.), it affects the unity of Oromo nationalist and oromummaa. This is the history we living in for the past for 40 years and years to come if you will. If we learn any thing from this it is that we are weakened and hit dead end by rivaling each other than fight for common good in unity.IFLO back early 70’s? Do you think they fail to recognize what you have mentioned? Do you think the reason they fought each other badly than enemy was one want to create independent oromia and the other do not? To me it’s none of the above, it’s a political rivalry , that should not be happened and had it had been handled wisely and bravely, it should not have been blew out of proportion and cascaded down the hill up to latest faction of Jijjiramaa..
Therefore, my dear Saartuu, we have to find viable solution, we have to refine our journey, the journey that yield us to control country, resources and destiny. To do that, all the “mushrooms political organization” (freedom fighters) must come forth and debate in public, no more hiding and embark on usual diatribe. We had enough of that. We can not listen to freedom fighters one said left the other say right. We do not know where to turn, confusion after confusion. We must have a clear cut drawn goal by all, that we all agree upon and rally all our resources behind and won back our dignity in unity.
Thereafter, your assertion would come forth play when we have country, If I would live through and see the freedom of oromia, you and I too entitled to create own party and run for what ever political interest we run for, yet we must recognize that we are not there, we misplaced our priority, the priority is draw common goal and rally behind it in unity and behave like freedom fighter not rivalry.

Please read this paragraphs …..I challenge you to go back and look in to the history of OLF and why OLF was split between OLF and IFLO back early 70’s? Do you think they fail to recognize what you have mentioned? Do you think the reason they fought each other badly than enemy was one want to create independent oromia and the other do not? To me it’s none of the above, it’s a political rivalry, that should not be happened and had it had been handled wisely and bravely, it should not have been blew out of proportion and cascaded down the hill up to latest faction of Jijjiramaa.

From the words you used and the tone of your response, I can see a genuine Oromo, who is really angry and in pain about state of our struggle. Brother, your anger is my anger;your pain is my pain. Your frustration is my frustration. Your determination to solve our problems and march from colony to country is mine too.I totally agree with you that open discussion must be carried out and binding solution should be found.However, my difference with you is only how to do it.What am saying is that, your suggestion can not really help to put our house in order, unite OLF under one goal of establishing independent Oromia, under one organization, political program, constitution, leadership by which the promise we have made to Oromo martyrs can be a reality.Remember what happened to reconciliation talk between Shanee and jijjiiramaa that intentionally excluded QC-ABO, look at what happened to the much publicized reconciliation between Shanee and jijjiramaa, look at what jijjiramaa is doing with racist habasha opposition party today, remember what shanee did with “Qinijjit”, remember what Shanee did by taking QC-ABO to court, look at Shanee’s recent statement that wishes to own OLF as it’s company. For the fact that he spoke the truth, look at the way Shanee group is denouncing and trying to belittle Prof Assaffaa Jaallataa.Do you see any sprite of reconciliation in these?

All these done, I believe that we should always be optimistic and I like that optimism in you.Therefore,I support your idea and support you in what ever way I can.Let’s go for it.

Thank you for sharing this fascinating article. Especially, for letting us know our mistakes with a possible solutions. We the Oromo people need to find our unity and freedom. To achieve this big goal, it takes dedication and hard working in order to become united Oromo People.

Dear Prof,
Many thanks and appreciations for your contributions/article. I urge you or anyone else who can translate this article to Afan Oromo because it should be read by all Oromos. I believe this piece will guide the Tokummaa for Oromummaa and Bilisummaa.
Every oromo should read this paper and start to do with the discussion and dialogues among each other.
I hope other oromo intellectuals like prof. Aseffa should contribute to come to our road- Oromo national movement for freedom.
I hope when we mobilize our people under one umbrella and able to put the direction of our struggle in one and only one array (towards our enemies), we will drive the STRATEGY, TACTIC and RESOURCES how to win our enemies and achieve our objectives-Self determination.
Finally, I like to put my own responsibility. Here I go:
1) As a single oromo individual, let me liberate my self from those problems mentioned in the article by prof Aseffa and beyond. This can help me to think rational on oromo matter and develop consciousness.
2) Let me start talking practically about the oromo issues and challenges in order to grasp ideas within my nearest peers and friends.
3) Let me devote myself among (may be few)others individuals whose perceptions reach to overcome oromo cause/ problems. Then I hope a few individuals can engulf the whole and then we can mobilize Oromos from corner to corner.
Here I go, please let us go together!!!

Ammam iyyuu halkan dheeratu bari’uun hin oolu!
History prevail that how long time it takes nations get free of their oppressors. Take an example South African Apartheid, they had got free after 82 years of struggle.

This is the best article I have ever read on Oromo issues. It is comprehansive, reflective, instructive and a telescope to show where Oromo should go and how to get there. The most important Oromo problems are the lack of unity, self identity and selfless leadership. Among these, selfless leadership is the most critical atribute. I believe that we can solve these problems once we create a selfless leadership.

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Appeal Letter of Oromo Students of Jimma University To: The Administration of Jimma University Jimma March 2, 2015 We, the Oromo students of Jimma University, are deeply disturbed by the multifaceted repression, subjugation, political marginalization, economic exploitation, and mass and indiscriminate killings that the Oromo people are subjected to by the current TPLF/EPRDF government and […]