Every man for
himself
The Gorran List has announced that after
winning 25 seats in the new Kurdistan
Parliament, they will enter the January
elections as a separate entity from the
Kurdistan Alliance List. Will the entry
of multiple Kurdish lists weaken the
Kurdish position in Baghdad?
REGION page 3

Baghdad blues
From the onset of the US-led war, Kurds
were aware of the danger in Iraq being
able to stand on its own two feet in the
future and resume the cat and mouse
game with its Kurdish minority.
VIEWS page 10

Pressure points
Why the Shiite majority are likely to
continue exerting control over Iraq’s
vital oil ministry.
BUSINESS page 13

An old testament
The church at Sabunkaran stands as
a testament to the harmonious co-existence among the various ethnic and
religious communities in the Kurdistan Region.
CULTURE page 16

Slemani
burning
A rise in incidence of fires.
Awin Abdulrahman
SLEMANI
n increase in the incidence
of accidental fires has
plagued the city of Slemani since the beginning
of July. Not for a long time
have the people of this city witnessed such
raging fires - not since the burning of Wasman Pasha’s market in the 1990s.
A firefighter, who spoke on condition of
anonymity, said: “In Slemani we have five
firefighting centers, which have three teams
working 24 hours, seven days a week. Every
center has two or three vehicles or a water
tanker. But the grave concern for us now is
all these highrises they are building, when
we have only one 40-meter ladder.”
The big fires in July included an explo-

A

sion at a fuel station in Kanispika (northwest
of Slemani), which was reportedly caused
by a welder, and another fire in Sabunkaran
at a crowded bazaar due to an electric short
circuit. The brand new building of a regional
bank also went up in flames causing
50,000,000 Iraqi Dinars worth of losses. The
fire in Astell mountain in the Qaradagh area
followed the news of the Goezha mountain
fire, which caused tremendous losses for
nearby villages.
“Astell was the only mountain in Kurdistan where cutting trees was forbidden since
1992. The fire raged for three days. We were
only men without any equipment to extinguish the fire,” said Hama Salih Hama, one
of the village firefighters who worked as a
volunteer. “It was the tourists who caused
this accident.”

Kurds mourn passing of ‘defender
of Kurdish rights’
Lawen A. Sagerma
SLEMANI
he death of Abdul Aziz Al Hakim,
leader of the Supreme Iraqi Islamic
Council, was mourned by millions,
not just in Iraq but all over the world where
many memorial services were held for the
prominent Shiite leader.
Hakim lost his battle with cancer after
being diagnosed in May 2007 and died in
Iran, a country with which he had longstanding ties. Hakim had fled to Iran in
1982 and while in exile established the

T

www.soma-digest.com
editor@soma-digest.com

The late Hakim Abdul Aziz

A fire broke out on 29 August at the Central Bank of Kurdistan Region on Shorush
Street.
(photo by Darya Ibrahim)

Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in
Iraq. After the American invasion, Hakim’s
party emerged as a dominant force but
gradually lost influence. In an attempt to regain power, it announced an alliance with
radical anti-US cleric Moqtada Al Sadr.
Hakim, who lost a number of his family
members during Saddam Hussein’s
regime, was an advocate for human rights,
which won him a place in the hearts of both
Shiites and Kurds.
“His death comes as a loss for Kurds especially the Shiite community. Hakim and
his whole family in general were for human
rights and he was a defender of Kurdish
rights also,” said Sheikh Hussein Khoshnaw, head of the Imam Husseini Mosque
in Slemani.
According to Khoshnaw, Hakim was a

notable figure in Iraqi politics and his death
will no doubt leave its mark: “One of the
biggest memorial services ever to be held in
Iraqi history was held for him. This goes to
show the support that followed him and the
influence that he had.”
In the Kurdistan Region’s capital Erbil,
an official one-day funeral was held for the
eminent Shiite leader and two days of
mourning in Slemani.
The death of the 59-year-old leader of
the largest Shiite party comes at a time
when the country is gearing up towards the
January 2010 parliamentary elections that
will not only shape but change the political
demographics for the next four years.
Aziz’s son Ammar Al Hakim has been
groomed for a number of months to take
his father's place.

KURDISH LOBBY

ABLE AND WILLING

BEAT IT

An open
door policy

Kurdistan’s
disabled
community

Ramadan
drum roll

REGION page 4

COMMUNITY page 7

CULTURE page 15

INSIDE: A little bit of Taoism, by Agri Ismail p.8 Kurdish contribution to Iraqi democratization, by Dr Joseph Kechichian p.10 The way forward in Iraq, by Dr Harry Hagopian p.11

SOMA Digest wishes to introduce some
Kurdish phrases and expressions, which
the visitor to Kurdistan will find useful.
This episode relates to Judy Roberts, an
American school teacher, who has been
teaching English in a school in Slemani for
over a year. At the school, she has met Aso,
a Kurdish colleague, and their relationship
has grown so that they were formally engaged. Judy has followed up the recent Kurdistan Parliamentary elections. In this
episode, Judy and Aso are discussing their
observations:
Aso: Now that the elections are over,
what are your observations my dear?
Esta kawa helbzardin tawaw bu, sarinjekant cheen gyanekem?
Judy: Do you mean in general, my
darling?
Aya mebesta be sheweyeki gishti, azizakem?
Aso: I don't know. Any comments
that you might have.
Mn nazanim. Her serinjek ke het bet.
Judy: Oh, I see.
Ah, te gaishtm.

Aso: Any other points?
Hich khalli deka haya?
Judy: Yes, an important one. For the
first time, there will be an opposition group within parliament, which
is verydesirable.
Bally, khalleki gring. Bo yekameen
jara, le naw parlamanda, komalleki
oppozision debet, ka zor wistrawa.
Aso: What about negative points?
Ay khalli nere?
Judy: They are very few, but the
main one is that I wish the electioneering campaign could have been
done more harmoniously and quietly.
Zor kamn, bellam khalla serakiakayan awaya khozga helmati helbzardinaka btwanraya be tabaie u
bedengy bkraya.
Aso: I agree. We have made great
strides and will be even better in future.
Le galtam. Ema hengawi chakman
nawa u le ayendeda bash tresh debeen.

SLEMANI
he establishment of a 40-seat opposition in the new Kurdistan
Parliament was arguably the first
visible sign of the region’s nascent democracy making some
headway in the federal Kurdistan Region.
While the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan
(PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party
(KDP) - which formed the Kurdistani List
and won the elections on 25 July - try to figure out the new cabinet, something else is
stirring in the political arena.
The Iraqi parliamentary elections, set for
January of next year, will be a significant
political battle for not just Iraqi Shiite and
Sunni factions but also the Kurds who this
time around may not be entering as a united
list. The Gorran (Change) List, led by the
former deputy secretary general of the PUK
Nawshirwan Mustafa, has announced that
after winning 25 seats in the new Kurdistan
Parliament, they will be entering the January
elections as a separate entity from the Kurdistan Alliance List.
“If a number of Kurdish lists enter these
elections separately, Kurdish interests when
under threat will unite them, but it is better
for us to be united as it shows others our
unity and strength. If we didn’t have one
Kurdish voice in Baghdad in these last four
years we would have lost out on a number
of things,” said Abd Zebari, a member of the
Iraqi Parliament.
As Iraqi Arabs along with neighboring
countries and foreign observers keep a close
eye on developments, political observers

T

have said that this stance will divide and
weaken the Kurdish position in Baghdad. In
an interview with Al Jazeera, Mustafa said:
“We do not believe that Kurdish unity is
having a single Kurdish list, we believe that
Kurdish unity is having one Kurdish line.”
“If we talk about elections and differences and wanting to compete for different
roles, representatives and increasing the
Kurdish voice, I think this is better done
through different independent lists,” said
Mohammad Ahmed, a member of the Kurdistan Islamic Union in the Iraqi Parliament.
The opposition has argued that it is possible to work towards a common goal but
enter into the elections as separate political
entities. Others are not so sure.
“I voted for Gorran in the Kurdistan elections but I will not vote for them in the Iraqi
elections because I believe that it is important for all Kurds to be united in Baghdad. I
am in favor of them competing among
themselves in Kurdistan but we should be
together in Baghdad,” said Naz Shareef, an
engineer.
“I see a strong possibility of multiple
Kurdish lists in the next Iraqi elections,” said
Ahmed, adding that multiple lists will lead
to more transparency.
Those who favor separate independent
lists argue that the people of Iraq have been
familiar with lists entering as Shiites, Sunnis
and Kurds for more than half a decade now
and that the time has come for variety.
Feryad Rawanduzi, a member of the Iraqi
Parliament, said: “According to political demographics after the elections of the Kurdistan Region, it’s not likely that Kurds will

be going into the Iraqi elections as one list.
New Kurdish political entities have a newfound confidence and want to enter the elections independently.”
Rawanduzi added that in the current Iraqi
parliament there are two Kurdish lists, the
Kurdistan Alliance and the Kurdistan Islamic Union, the former which has 53 seats
and the latter five seats. He explains that despite this they are still viewed as one in parliament.
“When they speak of an important Kurdish issue, they see us as having 58 seats.
The worry is that if there are lots of small
may will weaken especially in regards to
strategic issues,” he says.
But others contest that the time is not yet
right for Kurds to follow their own path in
Baghdad.

A

people, possibly even the ‘impossible’
dream that is independence. They have
also discussed how at various times, often
for prolonged periods, the Kurds have
been brutally oppressed by these states.
It is interesting that it is always regarded
as a ‘Kurdish Problem’ and not referred to
as a problem of the state structures of the
Middle East.
Kemalist Turkey does not allow for
other ethnicities or nationalities, the very
essence of Turkey is that it believes its
population to be a homogenous entity.
That the current administration is now
willing to acknowledge the existence of
Kurds and contemplate a political solution
underlines the progress that the Kurds are
making and hopefully a welcome change
in the political thinking of the Turkish establishment.
It is possible that other than the fatigue
of fighting a battle with no end in sights
that two things have influenced the change
in position. Firstly the changes made due

Replay
‘Since 2004, Iraq has been
providing Syria with
detailed information
about terrorists’ activities
in Syria against Iraq.
Iraq’s stance is to demand
the United Nations to
form an international
criminal court to try those
involved in the ugly crimes
that have been
targeting Iraq and its
people.’
NOURI AL MALIKI, Iraqi Prime
Minister, says that 90 percent of
terrorists in Iraq infiltrate the
country through Syria.

‘When Syria is accused of
killing Iraqis, while it is
housing around 1.2
million
Iraqis … this
is considered
an immoral
accusation.’
BASHAR AL ASSAD, Syrian
President, rejecting Iraqi
charges that Damascus is
involved in attacks inside Iraqi
territories.

A problem shared is a problem halved
problem shared is a problem
halved, or so the saying goes.
Given that the ‘Kurdish’ problem
is actually quartered you would be forgiven for wondering why it has yet to be
solved.
The recent developments in Turkey
show that their government is now ready
to acknowledge that there is no military
solution to this ‘problem’, that a political
negotiation is necessary. It has led to many
discussions on the ‘Kurdish problem’ and
how solving this century old issue can aid
stability in the Middle East. Most of the
discussions have included reference to the
Treaty of Sevres which in not being ratified condemned the Kurds to being split
among four states - who were happy to
have access to the vast natural resources
of Kurdistan, yet not so accommodating
to its people. Were Kurdistan not so
blessed with water, oil and fertile soil, you
wonder if it would have had so much trouble in gaining autonomy and rights for its

“There is still the possibility that Kurds
may enter into the elections as one list. The
political situation in Iraq has not reached a
stage where Kurds should no longer fear
that their interests will be threatened. For example, the disputed territories have yet to be
resolved so entering as one list is the greatest support for the Kurdish cause and in particular these issues,” said Zebari.
“What is important is that Kurds have
one stand in parliament and in Baghdad. It
is inconceivable that Kurds be divided on
Kurdish matters in Baghdad. If there is a law
against Kurdish interests, every Kurd would
oppose it and having separate lists will not
change that unity,” said 37-year-old journalist Shadman Atoof.
Zebari explains that there are certain parts
of Iraq that do not believe in the Kurdish
cause or attach any significance to it and
often sideline them. He adds that one united
list will show Kurds as a powerful entity
with great strength. As January approaches,
it remains to be seen if it is every Kurd for
himself.

to Turkey’s wish to join the EU, such as
permitting the speaking of Kurdish and the
presence of Kurdish parties elected to the
Turkish parliament have aided the softening of Turkey’s stance. Secondly the emergence of the KRG as a constitutionally
recognized functional democracy has
shown that given the chance the Kurds can
handle their own affairs while still remaining part of a larger federal state such
as Iraq. Indeed the Kurdish region of Iraq
remains the most stable and secure part of
Iraq that is increasingly attractive to foreign investors- ironically the largest of
which is Turkey.
As previously mentioned the problem
is always characterized as being ‘Kurdish’. Yet Iraq is an artificial state created
by the British to protect their trade interests
in the region. Britain’s decision to develop
and encourage a minority Sunni ruling
class sent Iraq down a road fraught with
ethnic and religious conflicts.
The Western media is increasingly fo-

cusing on Iraq’s Kurdish problem that is
of disputed territories. The Iraqi constitution provides a mechanism for resolving
these issues, yet the resistance to implementing Article 140 is not Kurdish.
However, it is better to dwell on the
more positive developments. Turkey’s
moves to consult with Baghdad and Erbil
in order to solve the problem, shows political progression. It is not so long ago that
Iraq and Turkey among others would act
to exploit and encourage splits within the
Kurds and keep the region unstable. Efforts to facilitate autonomy and stability
should be encouraged and pursued carefully to ensure a smoother transition and a
fair agreement- with compromise from all
sides, not just a one sided concession. So
far the issues facing the Kurds in Iran and
Syria have received less attention, this
does not make them less pressing or important, but may be it is better initially to
let the ‘goodwill’ spread naturally outwards. The KRG in Iraq can serve as a
model of how to manage a ‘Kurdish Problem’. In avoiding the implementation of
Article 140, however, it shows that even

in Iraq the problem is not completely
solved. How Iraq chooses to tackle these
disputed areas, is likely to set a precedence
for what is an acceptable method for the
surrounding states to use should they grant
their Kurds autonomy.
The KRG is often criticized by Kurds
outside Iraq for not doing enough for those
Kurds, but its hands in that sense are politically tied. Yet what it can do for other
Kurds is to continue to build on its successes, further consolidate the democratic
process in Iraqi Kurdistan and fulfil its
promises to reform the less effective forms
of governance. In doing this they will continue to strengthen the argument for granting all Kurds full rights and regional
autonomy within Iran, Turkey and Syria.
This current round of good will is not
likely to mean a quick end to the problem,
but it should not be discounted lightly,
with careful nurturing it could lead to the
emergence of a second KRG, then the
problem would indeed have been halved.
— BY LARA FATAH IN LONDON

4

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

The KRG’s representative in the US discusses the
scope of his work and the challenges ahead.

An open door policy
Raz Jabary
WASHINGTON, DC
Qubad Talabany is the Kurdistan Regional
Government (KRG) representative in the
United States. Second son of Iraqi President Jalal Talabany, he was one of the key
negotiators in the drafting of the Transitional Administrative Law, Iraq's first postSaddam Constitution.
Does the KRG office attempt to unify the
various Kurdish groups to create a
stronger lobby?
To some extent we have been able to refocus the priorities of the variously different
Kurdish organizations in the US to adapt
more to the needs and challenges that Kurdistan as a region faces today internationally. Every Kurd living in the US can and
should act as an ambassador for Kurdistan,

Qubad Talabany

whether it is socially, culturally, politically,
economically or a whole host of different
ways. It is not just our office that should represent Kurds. We have not wanted to replicate or replace the work of existing and
capable organizations, but we have tried to
coordinate some of their activities better.
Does your office also maintain ties with
Kurdish organizations not from Iraq?
Undoubtedly being the official representation of the KRG to the United States a lot of
people look to this office, whether it is for
guidance, assistance or for a whole lot of
other reasons. We have an open door policy.
We deal with our obligations to have an
open door policy to the Kurds living in the
US. We maintain relationships with nonIraqi Kurdish organizations, but mainly for
coordination on cultural or educational activities, rather than of a political nature.

How do you gauge the effect of the June
25th elections on the political development of the Kurdistan Region?
Elections always generate excitement and I
am delighted to see the level of excitement
that was generated with the elections. Our
political progress is important. The fact that
there was a viable and healthy opposition in
the elections was important for Kurdistan’s
political development. We must respect the
process, respect the different ideologies and
different opinions, and we must try to act
within expected norms; not to try to create
instability. I am confident that the leaders of
the various slates will operate with integrity
and decency and with the wish to continue
developing the Kurdistan Region’s political
development... The fact that there is a vibrant and healthy opposition is exciting to
watch.

Do you think that in the near future the
post of KRG Representative to the US
will be replaced by Kurdish ambassador
to the US?
First of all for Kurdistan to have an ambassador, Kurdistan would need to be a country and need to have diplomatic recognition.
As that is not the policy of the KRG, I feel
that our representation abroad, while continuing to formalize and institutionalize, will
have to take on a creative role. It is less about
the title of the person, more about the substance of the work. Fact of the matter is that
today we are recognized as the representation of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, and
while we work with the embassy of Iraq, we
do not work for them.

What are your views on the KRG unification with Kirkuk?
We have been adamant in our insistent requests and calls for the full and speedy implementation of article 140 of Iraq’s
permanent constitution. That article is the
basis for discussion between the various political forces in the country. It is a critical
component to the validity of the constitution
as a whole. [And it] allowed all sides to actually agree on this constitution as a package, and we are a little disappointed at how
slowly steps have been taken to implement
this constitution. It is not for Kurdistan to
say that Kirkuk must rejoin Kurdistan and
not for Baghdad to say that Kirkuk should
not join Kurdistan. The people of Kirkuk

Democracy cannot be created
overnight - Joost Hilterman

The right balance
Lawen A. Sagerma
SLEMANI
he historic parliamentary and presidential elections in the Kurdistan Region, which saw close to 80 percent
turnout from the 2.5 million eligible voters,
resulted in the emergence of a viable opposition. Although the two main ruling parties retained power, 40 seats were won by
opposition parties. Still, experts lament that
there is still a long way to go before the Kurdistan Region’s transition to a full democratic system can be deemed a success.
“Democracy cannot be created
overnight. It requires not only electoral exercises but the building of democratic institutions and, more broadly, establishing the
rule of law. The emergence of a lively opposition is an encouraging sign, as it could
promote debate, transparency and accountability,” said Joost Hilterman, head of International Crisis Group (ICG).

T

The lack of dialogue and interaction between the people and their government has
been a point of contention for a number of
years but the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has now acknowledged that a
great deal of work needs to be done to regain
voters’ trust.
“As the KRG undergoes its democratic
transition, the people of the Kurdistan Region and their representatives in government
will need to have an ongoing dialogue to define what the right balance between party
and government activities is for them,” said
Andrew Snow, leader of the US Regional
Reconstruction Team.
Snow went to explain that they were encouraged by signs of a multi-party process
developing in the KRG.
With the liberation process in 2003 the
KRG grabbed the opportunity to exert some
real influence in Baghdad but Hilterman ex-

plains that while it has exercised power effectively, it hasn't governed effectively. As a
result, he says that “there is so much discontent on the street and this is why an opposition has arisen.”
The issue of corruption and transparency
were the main points of the election campaign by opposition parties. But with a livelier parliament soon set to commence, it is
hoped these vices will soon be dealt with as
Kurdistan’s nascent institutions become
powerful decision making tools.
“The US is supportive of budgetary and
political transparency in government. For
example, federal and state budgets in the
United States are a matter of public record.
The debate of how to ensure adequate transparency in Kurdistan is best conducted
among the people of the region and their
representatives in government,” said Snow.
“In the US, democracy is a process supported by sound institutions. In countries
around the world, we support the participation of citizens in this process and the
strengthening of these institutions. Democracy is not a single event, like an election.
It’s a process over time.”
With new political dimensions in play,
the KRG is also dealing with continuous
mounting tensions between Erbil and Baghdad. The political rumor mills insist that
Baghdad is slowly working for a strong cen-

must be given the opportunity to determine
their own destinies, but in order for that to
happen the injustices committed against the
people of Kirkuk must be reversed. We cannot allow Saddam’s genocide of Kirkuk to
be legitimized, which is why there must be
a normalization of the disputed territories,
in Kirkuk and other disputed territories, and
ultimately a referendum that determines the
political fate of these territories.
The KRG has been criticized over the
lack of progress in the execution of article
140. Could you update us on this matter?
It is a very complicated issue... The political will, nationally and regionally to move
this process forward and to gain the right
kind of attention and involvement from the
international community, has been difficult.
The multinational forces have not wanted to
deal with this issue quickly for a host of reasons, one of them being that it is just a very
complicated issue and that there is really a
win-win to be had in their mind. Another, I
think, impending factor has been the lack of
political will by key elements within the federal government in Baghdad and, to be a little self-critical, I think there has also been a
lack of a strategic policy on the part of the
Kurdish leadership. Up until very recently
there was not a unity of purpose within the
representations of Kurdistan inside Kirkuk,
and that has resulted in a criticism of the
people of Kirkuk towards the Kurdish leadership. I have seen most recently a change of
focus and a greater self-reflection. The leadership of Kurdistan, as it has been resolute
on the issue of hydrocarbons in Iraq, must
remain as resolute and united on the issue of
disputed territories and must present a united
Kurdistani front on resolving the disputed
territories.

the concerns of neighboring countries and
creating an environment where we have
mutual respect for each other and we have a
mutual understanding not to interfere in the
internal affairs of each other, which should
be the basis for any neighbouring relations.
There has been enormous progress in relations with, in particular, Turkey. If you recall about 19 months ago it was almost a
full-scale invasion by Turkey into the Kurdistan Region. There were daily aerial sorties over the Kurdistan Region and there
was a non-existent political relationship between Turkey and the KRG. There was
even actually no recognition of the KRG.
Since May of 2008 I have seen the relationship improve through behind the door meetings to slightly more official meetings, to
meetings with the Prime Minister of the
Kurdistan Region, culminating in meetings
between the Turkish envoy for Iraq and the
President of the Kurdistan Region. I think
the ice on the cake really was the meeting
between the President of Turkey and the
Prime Minister of the Kurdistan Region,
which was held in Baghdad last year. That
alone goes to show you the extent of the
turnaround in the relationship. Neither side
is getting ahead of itself; neither side is getting overly excited. There are serious concerns on both sides, but I think there is the
right trend, the right attitude by both sides
and I think a much greater level of respect
for each other’s concerns and expectations.

What is the state of the relationships that
the KRG maintains with its neighbors?
The relationship of Kurdistan with its
neighboring countries is constantly maturing and there is a much greater understanding by all sides involved as to respecting the
rights of the Kurdistan Region, respecting

Do you have any plans to move on to the
political stage in Kurdistan?
I certainly do not expect to stay her forever. I have been posted to the United States
for nine and a half years, take out a year in
2003 when I was in Iraq and Kurdistan. But
obviously I will go where is necessary to go
and if the leadership feels that I am valuable
somewhere else, I will do what is right for
Kurdistan and go where I could be most effective and most helpful. Of course it is my
dream to one day go back to Kurdistan and
serve Kurdistan from Kurdistan and not just
from the United States.

tralized government.
“The question of how decentralized Iraq
should be remains unsettled, thanks to the
fact that the constitution is so vague in this
respect. In any case, settling such matters in
any context would take a long time (which
argues for a more deliberative and inclusive
constitution-making process, both in Iraq,
where it was dangerously rushed in 2005,
and in Kurdistan, where it threatens to be
dangerously rushed now),” said Hilterman.
“Over-decentralization of the rest of Iraq
could jeopardize the country's territorial integrity; no government in Baghdad is going
to accept that. The KRG should hold onto
what it obtained in the 2005 constitution.”
Hilterman pointed out that there is going
to be a tug of war between the KRG and
Baghdad for some time and that as long as
matters were resolved peacefully and in accordance to the law then this shouldn’t be
construed as something negative. Other experts add that the emergence of a strong central government in Baghdad similar to those
of the past is not conceivable.
A bone of contention that has plagued the
KRG and increased hostility between the
Erbil and Baghdad administrations has been
Article 140 that has yet to see the light of
day. While President Massoud Barzani of
the Kurdistan Region has pledged to push
for its implementation, hope is slowly with-

ering.
“UNAMI is proposing to have a confirmatory referendum in Kirkuk, a yes/no referendum following a political agreement
between the principal stakeholders. This
would prevent any dispute about demographic manipulations before or after 2003,
and thus would take an incendiary problem
off the table,” said Hilterman. “The failure to
implement Article 140 and the absence of a
viable Iraqi process to solve the conflict suggest that external mediation would be useful
and necessary. UNAMI now has a process,
fully supported by the Obama administration. Let’s give it a chance.”
Recent bombings have instilled further
fear in all Iraqis that a total US withdrawal
could lead to a downward spiral of violence
and while many would argue with the fact
that foreign troops need to leave the country,
the time span in which they should do so is
very negotiable.
“Iraqi state institutions remain very weak
and may not be able to withstand a US troop
withdrawal. This would be dangerous for
everyone, including the Kurdistan Region,”
said Hilterman. “The basic conflict between
the KRG and Baghdad over power, territory
and resources (oil and gas) will need to be
settled in some way prior to a US troop
withdrawal if the country is to stay together.”

5

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Turkey extends olive branch to Kurds
Zheno Abdulla
SLEMANI
he Kurdistan Region welcomes
Ankara’s new position vis-a-vis
the longstanding Kurdish question. Turkish Prime Minister
Recep Tayeb Erdogan, addressing parliament, presented his ‘roadmap’
for improving the government’s relationship with the country’s 20 millionplus Kurdish population.
Falah Mustafa, head of the Foreign Relations office of the Kurdistan Regional
Government (KRG), said that relations
between Erbil and Ankara have improved,
adding that the KRG has always had
friendly and neighborly intentions towards
Turkey.
The KRG, he explained, is viewing
these efforts as valuable progress. According to Mustafa, the Turkish government is now acknowledging that the
Kurdish issue requires dialogue. He
dubbed this ‘roadmap’ as a ‘positive’ step
toward achieving a solution.
“Turkish interests are behind these positive steps forward and we as a neighbor
respect this stance. We think that it is the
right decision and an important factor in
establishing peace, security and stability
for the parties involved,” said Mustafa.
Aram Ali, a specialist in Turkish affairs,
said that relations between the Kurdistan
Region and Turkey have been normalized
for a significant period of time now, noting
that in addition to political relations, there
are strong economic and commercial relations that reach hundreds of millions of
dollars.
“Most of those economic relations are
through oil production, which are strategic ties, and the KRG has tried continuously to stabilize the situation in the region
in order to make these relations a priority,”
said Ali.
He added that the Turkish government
would blame the KRG for the activities of
the PKK from time to time but that there
will be ‘no more blaming and accusing the
KRG.’
“The KRG will take on an important
role in solving these issues because the
Kurdish leaders have a lot of diplomatic
experience in assuming a referee role,”
said Ali.
Kurds assumed an important role in ral-

T

Kurdish citizens could soon be given the same rights and duties as Turkish citizens as Turkey adopts a new stand.
(photo by Kamaran Najm)

‘Turkish interests are behind these
positive steps forward and we, as a
neighbor, respect this stance.’
lying together the various communities of
Iraq, whether Shiite, Sunni or other.
While applauding the positive steps
taken by Turkey, Ali expressed some
doubt over what the Turkish model for
solving the Kurdish question would involve.
“We see that the Iraqi solution for solving Kurdish issues in Iraq is federalism in
accordance with the Iraqi constitution
which is far from perfect as there are still
a number of points that need implementation,” he said. “But this model is an important step for solving the Kurdish issues
in other parts because federalism is much
more progressive than the autonomy system.”
According to Ali, the model offered by
the Turkish government, as well as the solution that Abdulla Ocalan is about to declare in his project, is a democratic model,
which has no room for racial discrimination. This concept will no longer be permissible in Turkey and the solution will be
on the level of citizenship meaning total

KURDISH PROVERB
A thousand friends are too few;
one enemy is one too many.

equality between Turkish and Kurdish citizens.
“Turkey has to make changes in its constitution because I don’t think this solution
is a modern one. I think that if this model
is to be taken as a basic step for solving
the Kurdish issue, it will have an impact
on our federalism in addition to those issues that surround the disputed territories
such as Turkey’s sensitivity towards
Kirkuk, for example,” said Ali.
“We must point out that the Kurdish
issue in Turkey won’t be solved by giving
Kurds the right of citizenship alone. They
must follow the Iraqi example,” he added.

The Erdogan government's 'roadmap' addresses the Kurdish question in the
country. The 20 million strong population has long been oppressed.

6

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

COMMUNITY|&

LOCAL NEWS
PERSONALITIES

‘If someone can make peace between two sides while
making money in the process, he is within his rights’.

Campaign art
he recent elections in the Kurdistan Region unleashed a torrent of campaign
advertisements by various parties and individuals aiming to win the support of the
populace. Others used the opportunity to launch their own campaign to re-ignite a
sense of patriotism and brotherhood among the peoples of the region, irrespective of
their ethnic, religious or political affiliations.

T

Darya Ibrahim
ERBIL
The Kurdistan Region’s landmark
presidential and parliamentary elections
were preceded by a month of feverish
campaigning to win the support of over 2
million registered voters. There were
minor sporadic clashes between diehard
supporters of the competing political parties, while those watching from the sidelines prayed that the month would pass
peacefully and without bloodshed.
Adding another dimension to these
elections was the role of artists, who
mostly worked through their art to remind
the people of the sense of brotherhood
that must prevail in the region despite differences of opinion. National unity and
brotherhood were the ideas that they
sought to push forward and deep into the
psyche of voters.
Burhan Majeed, one of Kurdistan’s
most famous singers, is well known for
his patriotism and forthright manner. During the month long campaign leading up
to the historic elections, he endeavored to
unify the people through promoting the
notions of brotherhood and patriotism in
his music.
Majeed’s last song, ‘Khami Khak’
(Land’s worries), paid homage to these
virtues, and was broadcasted on most tel-

evision and radio channels irrespective of
their political affiliations.
“The day I finished recording, I gave it
to all the media channels as a gift because
I felt that the television channels were
lacking any content that could serve to
unite us all, which is our sense of brotherhood as the Kurdish nation,” said Majeed, whose song instantly struck a chord
with all and sundry.
“I worked on that song with all my
feelings of patriotism. I gave it to the
channels and allowed them the discretion
to make a video clip however they saw fit
with the one condition that it didn’t contain ideas from any particular side.”
Majeed says that he recorded the song
entirely at his own cost: “One of the parties offered me a lot of money to record
the song exclusively for them but I couldn’t because I wasn’t in it for the money.
My aim was to instill in everyone a feeling that we all needed.”
The speed with which Majeed came
out with this song took even some of his
most fervent fans by surprise, but the
artist is quick to correct those who think
his sense of patriotism was re-ignited by
these elections.
“I have dedicated my whole life to my
nation and my country. I will not rest easy
until I see my people living in peace and

with a sense of brotherhood despite their
differences,” he said.
The concept of brotherhood and unity
was also flagged by a number of merchants whose motives were brought into
question.
“It is the intention that is important so
if someone can make peace between two
sides while making money in the process,
then he is within his rights,” said 36-yearold Pakhshan Ariz.
Karzan Koey is a Kurdish merchant
who owns a factory for selling olives by
the name of ‘Awa’ olive. His advertisement for his olives can be seen in many
places especially in the bazaars where
large posters are posted familiarizing people with this brand.
“I have my own style of advertising for
every different occasion especially during
a time when I felt that my people need
me. For instance in the Iraqi elections, I
participated in the propaganda campaign
by supporting the Regional Kurdish Alliance because it was for the good of the
Kurdish people. I also showed my happiness in the execution of Saddam as well
as many other different occasions,” he
said.
Koey’s style of advertising is very attractive and unique. It is done by publishing and hanging posters and slogans

The presidential and parliamentary elections on 25 July engaged all layers of
society especially the youth.
(photo by Aram Eissa)

specialized for different occasions in public places, sometimes by writing a joke or
something that resonates with the feelings
or mood of the people.
For example, after the execution of
Saddam Hussein, the slogan they wrote
was: “We send our condolences to both
the channels Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya
for the loss of their son Saddam.” This
caused great controversy at the time.
“I think about two things during such
public occasions. First the feeling of patriotism and the second the advertisement
of my company,” said Koey.
The slogans that ‘Awa’ olive used during the campaign month for the elections
included such statements as: “Youngsters,
if you continue with the mindset of fighting based on color [the colors associated
with the political parties] then our hands
will be stained with each other’s blood.”
This statement refers back to the civil
war which ensued after the 1992 elections. An attractive theme that ran through

their work was the use of a variety of colors and styles.
“I wanted to use all the different colors
in my advertisement because I wasn’t referring to a particular list or party. On the
contrary I intended to use all the colors
even those used by the opposition because
I was doing something for public and my
olives are used by everyone,” said Koey.
Despite the efforts of many ordinary
citizens, artists and merchants to create a
sense of brotherhood, there were some
who worked in the opposite direction to
complicate the situation.
“All those whose work can have an impact must remain independent. As an
artist, I curse those who support and encourage conflicts among the people. Art
is holy and pure and must not be used as
material to start conflicts,” said Majeed.
“An artist’s role is to encourage people
to love their country and nation, and not
work to separate them,” added Majeed.
Koey concurs.

‘All those
whose work
can have an
impact must
remain
independent.
As an artist, I
curse those
who encourage
conflicts.’
The poster reads: “Violence during the elections will create a civil war and civil
war means blood, coffins, terror, inflation, funerals...”

“Youngsters, if you continue with the mindset of fighting based on color then our
hands will be stained with each other’s blood”

7
Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

RECOMMENDATION

‘Brief Recollections:
Personal Flashbacks in
Kurdistan’

The disabled community in the Kurdistan Region ask for nothing more than equal rights.

“Brief Recollections: Personal Flashbacks in Kurdistan”
is a new book by our Language
Editor, Anwar Qaradaghi, that
is just published by Khak Foundation in Slemani. Its content
comprises his columns (and
some other articles) in the first
55 issues of this paper, SOMA
Digest, of the last three years or
so – and it is in English. Its
price per copy is 3,000 Iraqi Dinars and available through
Khak or Soma
The majority of the pages
speak of differing aspects of life
in the city of Slemani and its
surrounding areas in the last 60
years or so. That is how they
used to be in his recollections
and how they have become or
could have developed.
In most cases they also contain suggestions for improvement. Consequently, they
contain interesting details to tell
about Slemani, the Kurds and
Kurdistan and Iraq in general.
Moreover, it is believed that
these short articles may be interesting and useful to visitors
of the region with the aim of
giving them some general in-

(photo by Aram Eissa)

Kurdistan’s disabled community require the
means to lead normal lives.

Able and willing
Roshna Rasool
SLEMANI
andicapped persons are
part of every community,
and due to a physical or
mental disability they naturally require more help
and assistance in their daily lives. But in
the Kurdistan Region, a law has yet to be
put forth to protect their rights in society.
Omar Karim Mohammad, head of the
Disabled Union of Kurdistan from the
Slemani Center, said that a lack of statistics has meant that accurate numbers of
disabled people are not easy to come by..
However he added that in Slemani there
are 50,000 people with disabilities.
“Eight percent of people in the Kurdistan Region have a disability many by
mines in the villages followed by car accidents and birth deformations,” he said.
Mohammad added that there are larger
numbers of disabled women than men.
Taha Omar Rashid, a lawyer, says that
the physically or mentally disabled person
should be entitled to the same rights as
every other citizen in the region. For those
who are mentally disabled, a lawyer is allocated for them to ensure that when making important decisions such as selling or
purchasing a plot of land, the final deal is
made in the best interest of the person. The
government has yet to allocate a lawyer for
those with disabilities and so the burden
falls on the persons themselves.
Such transactions also include marriage.
“One can enter a marital relationship, but
there are terms. The person who is to marry
a disabled person must be aware of their
partner’s disabilities, and the marriage is
granted as long as it would not cause trouble,” explains Rashid.
It is not so much the physical disability
of a person that could potentially cause
problems in a marriage, but mental issues,
points out Rashid.
An institute in Slemani is dedicated to

H

educating those with physical disabilities.
Here, the visually impaired are taught to
read and write in Braille. There are also
centers where they are taught crafts, which
may become useful professions. The point
is to help them find ways to get past their
disability and earn a living.
Acknowledging their disabilities does
not mean that they should be looked at any
differently, or that they should be pitied.
“When a person behaves differently and
judges a disabled person, be it on a negative
level or otherwise, it simply shows the ignorance of those people, which may even
reflect the general viewpoint of society,”
Rashid states.
Rebwar Khdir, who has lost a leg, believes that the disabled must be encouraged
to live out normal, independent lives: “I
personally believe, as a person who has a
physical disability, that it is better for us to
find work and find a way to earn a living.
It’s better than just doing nothing and waiting for that monthly income support.”
When addressing the special needs of a
segment of society, all aspects of their lives
must be taken into consideration and for
those with physical disabilities this includes
transport and entry and exit of public buildings that will allow people with disabilities
to have easier access.
Ari Rahim, an engineer, said: “In hotels,
the bazaars and other public areas, there
have been buildings designed so that people with disabilities would find places that
would accommodate their needs.”
However, easier access in this regard has
at times been overlooked but in new designs there have been orders that plans
should be made with the disabled minority
in mind and something that would benefit
the community as a whole. Rahim went on
to explain that some designs have been altered so as to accommodat for the needs of
the disabled before construction is given
the go ahead.
However, Rahim lamented that once
construction has been approved there is lit-

tle that can be done to change a design that
hasn’t made access easier for disabled persons.
“Unfortunately once the permission is
granted for construction, one can’t alter the
design and once it’s done there is not much
we can do about it,” he says.
The fact that there are initiatives and
groups of people in society that see it as a
duty to assist those with disabilities is a
positive sign. It indicates that with time,
more will be done for the disabled, along
with international standards of care for all
its citizens.

formation about the Region, its
history, culture, language, customs, and aspirations.
Anwar Qaradaghi, who
(holds MBA from Leicester
University in Educational Management), has had many years
of teaching, administration,
writing and translation experience, has other published works
that include two collections of
English short stories translated
into Kurdish and a history book
on Kirkuk translated from Arabic into English.
— EDITORIAL

The treatment originates
from the Arabs. In Islam,
it was recommended by
the Prophet. As such,
most people regularly
used these cups to purge
the blood of toxins. The
Kurds later adopted the
practice as well.
Aram Eissa & Rashid Kh. Rashid
SLEMANI
here are many traditional
Kurdish treatments of complicated ailments, for which
medical science has yet to
find a cure. It is a known fact
that everywhere in the world, most
people do not care about how any
given treatment works, so long as
they are told it will cure their affliction. Most traditional remedies work
because they provide an immediate
sense of comfort to the patient, at a
psychological level at least. They are
given a sense that they are being
cured at once, whereas medical science involves investigative tests and
waiting for results before any treat-

T

A little bit of Taoism in volatile times

THE BORNE
IDENTITY
AGRI ISMAIL
here is a well-known Taoist parable which goes something like
this: Once upon a time, there was
an old farmer who had used his one
and only horse to work his crops for
many years. One day, his horse runs
away. His friends and neighbors come
over to visit to offer their sympathies.
The farmer shrugs and says: “We’ll
see.”

T

A couple of days later, the horse returns. With it it has brought a whole
band of wild horses. Again, the friends
and neighbors come by, this time congratulating the farmer on his good luck
and once more, the farmer shrugs and
says: “We’ll see.”
A few weeks after that, the farmer’s
only son tries to ride one of the untamed horses, and is thrown to the
ground and breaks his leg. The friends
and neighbors run over with flowers
and say how sorry they are. Again, the
farmer - who truth be told is acting
rather more like a Zen master or someone with a severe case of autism at this
point than a worried father - says:
“We’ll see.”
Finally, the imperial guards come
by, taking all the young boys of every
family (think the introductory scene in
Mulan) to fight in a bloody and pointless battle somewhere on the other

side of the kingdom. Since the
farmer’s son had a broken leg, they do
not take him. Everyone runs over to
the farmer, congratulating him on how
well things had turned out.
And of course, the farmer merely
said: “We’ll see.”
In a related anecdote, I recently
went to see Wagner’s opera “The Ring
Cycle”. For those not in the know this
is the longest opera ever written, lasting four nights and a total of over nineteen hours. It was a trial of endurance
I would probably never do again, although I am pleased that I did. There is
something about works on such epic
scale: be it watching Fassbinder’s 15hour Berlin Alexanderplatz, reading
David Foster Wallace’s Infinite Jest or
listening to the Magnetic Fields’ 69
Love Songs or partaking in Apted’s
Up-series of films… something
touching, something that impresses us

ment is administered.
Medical clinics also require greater
costs as well as time. Many patients
complain that doctors give less personal
attention to their needs. While proponents of modern science will argue that
traditional procedures are out-of-date
and sometimes make no sense, average
people still resort to their usage especially when science has told them all
hope is lost.
The traditional remedies used by any
nation draws heavily on the particular
climate or weather prevalent in that
area. In Kurdistan in the last two
decades, the rate of blood pressure
problems have been on the rise. Most
specialists claim that this is a direct result of the high levels of stress endured
by the people. It also reflects the
mediocre quality of imported food
products, which come through the UN
Oil-for-Food program.
According to data from the Ministry
of Health, there is also a high percentage of first and second-hand smokers.
This also contributes to blood pressure
problems.
‘ Natural cupping ability’
One traditional remedy widely considered effective is Kalashakh or, ‘cupping’. There are different forms of
cupping practiced in the region. Some
are professionals in cupping, but there
are also some homeopathic centers
which administer the treatment.
“Humans have the natural cupping
ability in their body through the spleen
and liver but there will still be some
non-active blood cells in the system due
to their dying as they have a limited
lifespan,” explains Homayoon Abdulla
Hama Khan, a specialist in cupping and

in the way that human nature can aspire to such scale. As I was sitting
there, watching the drama unfold over
the course of many, many hours I was
struck by how tragedy was striking
these characters although they had
nothing but the best intentions at heart.
Everyone else in the audience seemed
to know the plot already (maybe because it was written right there in the
programme) but I was happy not
knowing because I truly wanted to
know how it would turn out. We’re so
jaded by Hollywood’s insistence on
happy endings we’ve forgotten how
liberating art can be when the ending
is hidden from us. And so, when
tragedy befell them at the end, when
the handful of main characters had
genuinely tried their best, it was all the
more moving. We are formatted to believe that there is a positive causality
to things: namely, if something good
happens to us now, the consequences
will be good and vice versa. We need

a certified nurse. “Daily I treat 10 persons for cupping, but I can’t treat more
than 10, because it needs half an hour
for each person.”
The treatment originates from the
Arab tradition. In Islam, the practice is
‘sunna’, advised by the Prophet. As
such, most people took it religiously,
regularly using these cups to purge the
blood of toxins. Afterward, the Kurds
adopted the practice, using a deer’s
horn and did the cupping by sucking the
blood through the horns. Cupping also
existed in China and other cultures
some 1,200 years before Islam, employing cups per se. They would suction the air out of the cups and stick the
cup upside down over the area of the
body where blood was to be drawn.
Healthcare standards
Generally cupping has two methods,
traditional and medical. Most of those
who practice the traditional method do
not abide by healthcare standards. They
often use their equipment for more than
one person and as such, cause the
spread of viral infections. For this reason, most informed people will seek out
the treatment from certified medical
professionals.
Prior to receiving the treatment, the
patient must not have eaten or smoked
a cigarette for two hours. Sexual intercourse is also prohibited until 24 hours
after treatment.
This treatment is used for those who
suffer from body pains, headaches,
blood problems, diabetes, high cholesterol and those who want to give up
smoking. But there are special precautions for those who suffer from coronary complications.

this form of thinking to stay sane, otherwise we’d never stop worrying
about whatever impending doom
might befall us, but it is also a logical
fallacy. The truth is simple: we have
no idea what the future will bring.
So, when I’m asked about the election results, what this will mean for the
Kurdistan Region, whether the power
of the regional government will be
eroded or not all I can say, in the echo
of the Taoist farmer, is: “We’ll see”.

9

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Word on the street
Aram Eissa asks average Kurds what they make of
the price hike in the bazaars during Ramadan and
how they rate the KRG’s efforts to build entertainment
venues.
Jamal Mahmud, 35 (shopkeeper)
What do you make of the increase in prices?
“The increase has mainly been in food prices
which has meant that some shopkeepers have
seen a decrease in their customers. This has
hampered the way people celebrate Ramadan
but the increase hasn’t affected other goods like
clothes.”
Has the KRG built enough entertainment venues?
“We need to have big parks and gardens in every
area because people won’t leave their cars if they
have to park it far from a park. Erbil has a smaller
population than Slemani but it has more parks.”

Jamal Qadir, 29 (shopkeeper)
What do you make of the increase in prices?
“There is no monitoring or supervision by the KRG and so
everyone sells as they please. I would like to have more
customers but stabilizing the prices is on the KRG’s shoulder.”
Has the KRG built sufficient entertainment venues?
“There are not enough places even for children. There
are private places but they are full of smokers and loud
games and most people need some rest so they can’t
stand those places.”

Rebaz Anwar, 20 (barber)
What do you make of the increase in prices?
“One of the factors is the tax imposed by the KRG
on exports. Sometimes the government bans
some goods so the local ones are sold which also
leads to increases in price.”
Has the KRG built sufficient entertainment venues?
“We don’t have a place that makes me feel that
I’m in nature. We need more green spaces. The
people have the education to have new trees
Hussen Mustafa, 42 (greengrocer)
and green spaces in the city but the governWhat do you make of the increase in prices?
ment doesn’t know how to keep them green.”
“The main problem is that the whole bazaar
has increased their prices but this is something normal during Ramadan because the increase in demand causes the increase in
price.”
Has the KRG built sufficient entertainment
venues?
“I don’t think we need places for comfort or to
have fun, we need the situation to be better
and for people to feel they are living in comfort which means they will feel it everywhere.”

Hardi Jalal, 29 (carpenter)
What do you make of the increase
in prices?
“This unstable market is a misunderstanding of the free market,
which people believe to mean that
everyone is free in setting prices.
Ramadan is a holy month and we
must have respect for every people.”
Has the KRG built sufficient entertainment venues?
“Our country is a place that has
great potential in being a big place
for rest and leisure. I hope that
Kurdistan becomes a land of
greenery from east to west like it
always has been.”
Rahem Azez, 64 (retired)
What do you make of the increase in prices?
“If I talk about myself, I can’t afford those high
prices, there must be a limitation on prices because most people especially those who are
retired have a limited salary.”
Has the KRG built sufficient entertainment venues?
“Most places are full of youths in crowds with
some coming to study but need places that are
suitable for us. We would love to have some
place peaceful in the city where we would go
and relax.”

Ibrahem Nasrulla, 54
(shopkeeper)
What do you make of
the increase in prices?
“There are two factors: one, the majority
of retailers have lost
their conscience and
two, the government
do not supervise the
market and so cannot
set prices.”
Has the KRG built sufficient entertainment
venues?
“We lost our old parks
by neglecting them
and by building many
houses and big building which have made
everything crowded and uncomfortable. We
don’t have new parks and places, they are all
for special groups of people, not the general
public.”

Raza Muhammad, 39 (butcher)
What do you make of the increase in
prices?
“Our economic system doesn’t have
a strong infrastructure. One of the
important elements is the villages
and animal resources but they are
underdeveloped and so the government can’t maintain market prices.”
Has the KRG built sufficient entertainment venues?
“What venues? We had a beautiful resort inside the Sarchinar neighborhood which the government was busy with for more than three years and it
will be worse year after year. And Azadi Park is not for us except when foreigners come, we welcome them there.”

10

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

VIEWS|&

EDITORIALS
COMMENTARY

hat is now eagerly anticipated is how influential the success of the
Kurdistan Region’s
elections will be in dissipating problems with Baghdad. One
problem that has seen sporadic face offs
has been the role of the Peshmarga forces
alongside the Iraqi army. Iraqi Defense
Minister Abdulqadir Ubaedi has denied
such tension, stating that a conflict involving the two forces is a ludicrous notion and something that the central
government will never allow.
From the onset of the US-led war, Kurds
were aware of the danger in Iraq being able
to stand on its own two feet in the future and
resume the cat and mouse game with its
Kurdish minority. Recent bouts of friction
between the two administrations on a number of key issues, oil and gas, Article 140
and the armed forces to name a few, has
meant that the Kurds have had reasonable
cause for concern.
In an interview with Asharq Al Awsat
newspaper in late July of this year, Ubaedi
played down the tension between the two
forces when he was asked if there was a
possibility that the Iraqi army and the Peshmarga forces be involved in a battle.
“We have tried all our methods to avoid
this ridiculous situation because the Peshmarga are a part of the national Iraqi forces
and there is no way that something like this
would be allowed to occur,” he said.
Ubaedi said that there is continual connection and understanding between Arabs
and Kurds ‘so that we don’t allow our enemies to be happy’.

W

BAGHDAD BLUES
KURDAWAN MUHAMMAD
The statement of
the minister of defense comes after a
statement by the
Kurdistan Regional
G o v e r n m e n t ’s
(KRG) prime minister, Nechirvan
Barzani,
who
pointed to the danger of an armed
conflict between the
Iraqi army and the
Peshmarga forces.
In a statement by
the KRG’s prime
minister to the
Washington Post in
June, Barzani said:
“We were barely
able to avoid a
bloody war with the
Iraqi army in late
June in the town of
Makhmoor
between Kirkuk and Mosul when the Iraqi
army wanted to access Makhmoor but the
Peshmarga forces there didn’t allow them.”
In the same statement, he added: “Discussions among the American, Iraqi government representative and Kurdish
representative continued for 24 hours until
the Iraqi army were pulled back.”

Both Massoud Barzani, President of the
Kurdistan Region, and Nechirvan Barzani,
in two different statements to the Washington Post, pointed out that if the Americans
hadn’t interfered in that situation, a war
would have probably started. The former
speaker of the Iraqi army referred to the situation as a misunderstanding and nothing

Kurdish contribution to Iraqi democratization

DEMOCRACY IN
IRAQ
DR JOSEPH KECHICHIAN
uly 25, 2009 will long be remembered in contemporary Iraqi affairs for
a variety of reasons but, perhaps, the
most interesting may well be as a model to
emulate for peaceful changes. Throughout
a long campaign, many hoped that these
elections would “shake up the entrenched
regional government, and help reduce longstanding tension with Baghdad over oil and
land disputes that threaten the country’s stability.” They were not disappointed as preliminary results indicated that Gorran, the
new challenger party apparently won a significant portion of the 111 seats in the re-

J

gional parliament. A concurrent race for the
region’s president, the first time Kurdistan
elects its head of state directly by popular
vote, reinvested the incumbent, Massoud
Barzani, who now has to maneuver around
three dominant parties.
Because this vote was the first to offer
meaningful choices beyond the two established parties, the Kurdistan Democratic
Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of
Kurdistan (PUK), there was a rush to judgment that the future was bleak and that Kurdish politics would now become messy.
Comically, any change in an Arab country,
especially when it is achieved through
peaceful elections, produces such stale conclusions. It is, as if electors last Saturday
could not possibly know how best to look
after their own interests. Sadly, when rapid
reactions conclude that the end result would
be chaotic, one wonders what else but lunacy motivates such commentators.
Useful democratization lesson
In the event, and while the entrenched
leadership appeared disappointed in early
returns, there were and are no reasons to believe that the process itself, as well as the
results, would not be accepted to everyone.
On the contrary, it seems clear that Kurds
in Iraq have just put on a useful democrati-

zation lesson to their fellow citizens, even if
some individuals were shaken given that no
politicians anticipates or appreciates a loss.
Of far greater importance was the lesson
that these regional elections provided,
which ushered in a new coalition running
on a change platform, and which managed
to convey its message more effectively.
Needless to say that this will put the onus on
the majority to deliver on repeated promises.
Defensive position
According to Aram Sheik-Mohammed,
a Kurdish civil society activist quoted by
the New York Times, the election results
were “historic because there was opposition and the authorities were in a defensive
position.” Whether serious internal rifts will
now be exploited by the central government
in Baghdad, as envisaged by Sheik-Mohammed, is difficult to ascertain, although
Baghdad may actually be far more impressed by the way these elections were
conducted. Putative challengers in Baghdad will surely and very carefully study the
nascent party that catapulted itself into the
Kurdish scene and see whether they may
learn how to live with similar phenomena
elsewhere in Iraq.
To its credit, and because of internal con-

more. The Iraqi
troops that went to
Makhmoor, he explained, did so only
to replace another set
of troops but the
people of the town
who saw their arrival
misjudged it and
they were the ones
who allegedly created the problem in
mistaking the intention of the Iraqi
army.
The issue of
Kirkuk is one of the
most important issues occupying Iraqi
and Kurdish politics
and has been a point
of conflict between
the KRG and the
federal government.
Last April, Stefan de
Mistura, then UN special representative, offered a suggestion for the Iraqis to solve the
Kirkuk problem, but it wasn’t the solution.
The Turkmen and Arab communities of
Kirkuk have asked for the administrative
positions to be equally divided among the
different ethnic groups in Kirkuk. The
Kurds have rejected this suggestion, argu-

cerns—ranging the gamut from financial
corruption to nepotism and cronyism—that
preoccupied citizens for two decades, all
three parties will now assume their full responsibilities. Nevertheless, no one should
doubt Gorran’s bona fide as far as purely
Kurdish questions are concerned, as it will
jockey with both the KDP and PUK but
never on existential matters. There will be
unanimity on the fate of the oil-rich city of
Kirkuk, as well as sharing budget revenues
for oil and gas resources exported from the
Kurdish semiautonomous region, with
Baghdad. To expect otherwise is infantile
even if such contemplations cannot be dismissed. Naturally, Prime Minister Nouri
Kamal Al Maliki is aware that these unanimous views are held by the entire Kurdish
spectrum, which will place him and his
government at odds with Kurdish officials
unless a modus vivendi is found soon.
Setting precedent
Far more serious is the precedent that has
just been set, with several non-Kurdish factions facing serious challenges elsewhere,
which will probably empower reformists
throughout Iraq to launch similar efforts.
Whether Al Maliki will favor opposition
from within his own ranks will be tested before long after the media points out to the
Kurdish model where real issues were discussed and significant competition upset the
proverbial political applecart. Al Maliki will

ing that if this equation were practiced in
Kirkuk then it is also the right of Kurds to
have it implemented in Mosul and Salahaddin provinces, which hold large Kurdish
majorities. But this has been rejected by
Sunni Arabs.
In addition, Kurds are adamant that Article 140 must be executed, which would,
they believe, restore the demographic situation to that prior to the rule of Saddam Hussein, who Arabized the city. Kurds have
called for the population census to be completed and then a referendum held to allow
Kirkukis to determine their own fate but
Arabs believe that Article 140 (six years
after it was constitutionally agreed on) has
expired and cannot rule on any matter. An
official of the UN told Reuters in July a
bloody war was viable in Kirkuk if a referendum was held in the city to determine
whether or not Kirkuk must be put under the
jurisdiction of the KRG.
The Iraqi Prime Minister in a statement
to an American newspaper accused the
Kurds of crossing over their permitted lines
many times but the recent success of the
parliamentary and presidential elections in
the Kurdistan Region has instilled hope for
attempts to resolve pending issues between
the central and regional government. The
primordial question, however, remains:
when will this hope materialize into positive
actions?
It also remains to be seen whether on the
back of highly publicized and successful
elections, the KRG will change its attitude
towards Baghdad or continue with more of
the same.

draw a sharp lesson from these changes,
noticing that Noshirwan Mustafa led Goran
with gusto, even if the former stalwart separated from his former patron—President
Talabani. The Iraqi Prime Minister will now
look closely at his lieutenants, hoping that
most would remain loyal, and refrain from
denouncing him for corruption, nepotism
and cronyism.
With the exception of Lebanon, the Arab
political arena is predictable with dominant
groups stifling opposition voices. Kurds in
Iraq have now joined the Lebanese in putting on a rare display that should make
Baghdad, as well as most Arab capitals,
blush with envy. Many Iraqis are persuaded
that their government is far worse than they
are led to believe, with significant oil resources lining the pockets of a new oligarchy that emerged after the collapse of the
Baath regime. It behooves Prime Minister
Al Maliki to accelerate reforms unless he
wishes to confront angry citizens who, like
in neighboring Iran, may take to the ballot
boxed to usher in change. A failure to respond will send the masses into Iraqi streets
to voice their discontent. Kurds in Iraq just
showed the way how to avoid such an outcome.
Dr Joseph Kechichian is an expert
in Arab and Gulf affairs, and
author of several books.

11

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

THE WAY FORWARD IN IRAQ
The sole litmus test is whether there will be sufficient
determination, persistence and follow-through.
DR HARRY HAGOPIAN
s my SOMA readers
might recall, I had already
surmised the outcome of
both the presidential and
parliamentary elections in
my previous article almost a week before
Iraqi Kurds went to the polls. And it seems
I was not far off at all.
Indeed, with the regional elections in
Kurdistan now done and dusted, the recently-formed coalition of the Patriotic
Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) won again a
majority of the popular votes. In fact, such
has been the case since Kurdistan acquired
a sort of de facto independence in 1991,
with those two parties being regularly voted
into power - first separately, and now collectively - that they have almost established
a sense of predictable complacency.
However, the major change that took
place last month is that a real opposition
emerged at long last and garnered overall 24
percent of the votes for the parliamentary
seats - in fact reaching almost 51 percent in
the important powerbase of Slemani. The
party that managed this breakthrough is
Gorran, or Change, that was formed only
three months ago. It ran on a platform
pledging to abolish backroom dealing and
autocracy that together had become a trademark of regional politics. Moreover, it stood
for transparency and accountability. Mind
you, Gorran, headed by Nawshirwan
Mustafa, sprang out of the PUK and is rumored to enjoy the backing of Baghdad.
Regardless, it could still become the fresh
impetus - the political spark as it were - that
would open up the region towards more
democracy and establish it as a model for
the whole of Iraq.
However, what is the model the country
ought to seek now that the regional elections
are past? After all, as evidenced by the recent visits of Prime Minister Nouri Al Ma-

A

liki to the USA and then to Iraqi Kurdistan,
it seems to me that the US Administration is
already turning impatient with its different
Iraqi allies and is nudging them testily toward compromise. It is also clear to me that
this model can only be political, not military, whereby Iraqi Arabs and Kurds unfreeze the five leadership committees in
Baghdad and learn to compromise on a solution that includes a division or sharing of
power, resources and territory.
Such a series of deals should focus on a
federal hydrocarbons law, a settlement over
Kirkuk and other disputed territories, and
agreement over the division of powers that
would pave the way toward consensus on
amending the constitution. But this should
occur now, not after the Iraqi legislative
elections in January 2010, and the biggest
conflict remains Kirkuk, with Arabs, Kurds
and Turkomans, where everyone is fighting
everyone else over untold reserves of oil and
gas.
All political actors have a role in tailoring solutions to outstanding issues, or at least
in facilitating those solutions. Perhaps one
key catalyst would be the United Nations
Assistance Mission in Iraq (UNAMI)
whose report on disputed internal boundaries of April 2009 offers an important draft
for negotiations. An overarching strategy
would then focus on power versus resources, and UNAMI is quite well-placed
to facilitate a deal since it is the least partial
international body in Iraq.
For me, though, the real problem is not
necessarily one of impossible solutions but
rather of impossible problems. After all,
many global conflicts could be resolved relatively expeditiously if only genuine goodwill were present in those negotiating
rooms! Instead, conflicts simmer endlessly
and usually lapse into gory violence. In the
Iraqi case, all parties, both Kurdish and
Arab, should stop believing that they could

win outright against their opponents and
then impose willy-nilly their own political
and military will. As I read the geo-political
map of the whole region, let alone the loose
federation of alliances supporting different
Iraqi factions, I know that there is no possible knockout or checkmate available here.
The sole answer - and in that sense, the sole
litmus test - is whether there will be sufficient determination, persistence and followthrough.
If we look at the history of Iraq, at least its
contemporary chapter spanning the past few
decades, one can surely realize that common sense and joint action might take this
rich country to impressive heights of prosperity whereas bellicose actions - whether
coming from Baghdad or Erbil - would
plunge it into further mayhem and instability. This is the most difficult part of the equation, a realization by all and sundry that
since there are no friends in politics, only interests, it is not useful for any Iraqi party to
allow one group overrunning the other. If
this were taken as a truism, even a paradigm
to build upon, then any political shift-shaping becomes redundant and counter-productive to the interest of all Iraqis.
After all, is it not this sense of placid
cronyism and political corruptibility that
hinder progress and oppress people? And is
it not this short-sightedness marketed as political interest which pushes extremists and
radicals into prominence? Treat your people with equality, and deal with your people
democratically, and the dividends become
manifold. Do it with contempt, or apply
other powersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; agendas, and you, your people and your country, would be the ultimate
losers. This rule applies almost to the whole
world, and I pray that Iraq in the months
ahead would prove an exception to this regrettable two-way traffic.
ÂŠ hbv-H @ 4 August 2009

12

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

AND THE WINNER IS
The recent elections broke taboos and created
opportunities. The real winners were the people.
DR HUSSEIN TAHIRI
raqi Kurdistan went through parliamentary and presidential elections
amid many claims and counter
claims. Security, corruption and
service provisions topped the
agenda in this election.
The final result of the Kurdistan elections
announced by the Independent High Commission of Elections in Iraq showed that the
Kurdistani List (a coalition of Kurdistan
Democratic Party and Patriotic Union of
Kurdistan) has won 59 seats, the Change list
25 seats, and the Reform and Service list 13
seats. Adding other lists, the opposition lists
won 42 seats. This is by any measure a huge
swing against the KDP and PUK which
have dominated Kurdish politics for
decades. This is despite the fact that the Kurdistani List had huge media and publicity
outlets, including government resources, at
its disposal to run a concerted campaign
against their less prepared and less resourced opposition.
There were various reports of electoral violations
and irregularities that occurred during the election.
The Unrepresented Nations
and Peoples Organization
(UNPO) election monitors
visited a total of 12 polling
centers within the Erbil Governorate and observed voting
in 36 polling stations. They
reported some irregularities
but in general assessed the
election as fair.
Of course, no one should
claim or can claim that the
Kurdistan election was on
par with democratic elections
in a Western country. Above
all, Kurdistan is a part of the
Middle East and the region
has no experience of modern
democracy. However, the
election as a whole could be considered as
a success.
The Kurdistan election on 25 July showcased some interesting issues. It highlighted
some lessons to be learned by the population of the region, the ruling political parties
and the opposition groups.
It was interesting to see that the Change
List, though it was in the making for a long
period, as a political entity which emerged
just a few months earlier gained 25 seats.
This showed the depth of dissatisfaction
with the ruling powers. If the Change List
did not run in this election, the protest votes
would probably have gone to the Islamic
parties and they would emerge in this election as the big winners.
Another interesting issue in this election
was the PUK’s support for Masoud
Barzani’s presidential candidacy.
If the PUK was not a part of the Kurdistani List it would have face a resounding de-

I

feat and might have become the third major
party in Iraqi Kurdistan. The PUK was defeated by its main rival the Change List in its
own traditional territory. This has weakened
their position in Kurdistan and as a coalition
partner.
More interesting was the alliance of another opposition group comprised of the
coalition of four smaller Kurdish parties, the
Kurdistan Islamic Union, Kurdistan Islamic
Group, the Kurdistan Socialist Democratic
Party and the Independent Kurdistan Toilers' Party. Who would have thought that Islamists and socialists who historically have
been considered as sworn enemies, would
come together to form one list?
The presidential election showed another
interesting dimension in Kurdish politics. In
some parts of Kurdistan, which traditionally
used to be a stronghold of the PUK, Dr
Kamal Mirawdali, another presidential candidate, was ahead of President Barzani. Dr.

Mirawdali, though considered an intellectual, is a lesser known figure in Kurdistan.
This means that PUK constituents still have
issues with Barzani’s leadership.
The KDP and PUK won the election and
they have a majority to form the government but there are many lessons to be
learned. They should know by now that the
support of the people of Kurdistan cannot
be taken for granted and the old slogans are
no longer effective. The population expect
decent services, a transparent government,
and an end to nepotism and corruption.
The KDP and PUK should know that the
business of running the government and a
political party must be separate. The parties
with majority votes form the government
but the government and political parties are
not the same. In no democracy is the government funded by political parties and run
by members of political parties who do not
hold offices in the government. When a

government has no power it cannot be
transparent and accountable. This encourages corruption and nepotism.
Just imagine if the opposition groups
won the election; how could the power be
transferred to them? Even if the KDP and
PUK allowed the opposition to take over the
government, what would the opposition do
with a government with no power and no
funding? The KDP and PUK, of course,
would not finance a government run by
their rivals. This could cause a major
dilemma. Maybe, it was a blessing for the
people of Kurdistan that the Kurdistani List
won the election. Otherwise, a huge problem would have arisen.
The opposition also has a lot to learn
from this election. They need to unite in
order to put effective pressure on the ruling
parties. They should criticize when the government does not carry out its duties as it
should. Opposition is not about political assassination of their opponents; it is about criticizing
their policies and proposing
alternative policies. Opposition does not mean opposing
anything the ruling parties
say. There are issues of national interest that all parties, both the ruling parties
and the opposition parties,
need to unite for. An ineffective opposition leads to
an ineffective government
and vice versa.
To conclude, this election, despite some irregularities, was a step towards
democracy in Kurdistan.
The people of Kurdistan
showed that they would not
blindly follow any political
party; they expect good
governance. If the KDP and
PUK do not fulfil their expectations the people would not hesitate to
vote them out of office. The same applies
to the opposition. They need to fulfil their
duties as the opposition to earn the trust of
the people. They must be extra effective if
they are to be voted into office and form a
government.
This election made many things possible that would normally be considered impossible. It reconciled contradictions and
broke many taboos. It created opportunities. The real winners in this election were
the people of Kurdistan.
Dr. Hussein Tahiri is the author of the
structure of Kurdish society and the
struggle for a Kurdish state. He is a
commentator on Middle Eastern
affairs. He is currently an Adjunct
Research Associate with the School
of Political and Social Inquiry,
Monash University, Australia.

L E T T E R S
Compilation of
columns
It is a brilliant idea to publish a
compilation of ‘Flashbacks’, the
regular column penned by Mr
Anwar M. Qaradaghi. I began reading SOMA Digest a year ago, but I
understand he has been writing
since the very first issue three years
ago. It will be interesting to read
what I’ve missed.
However, I would suggest that you
publish similar compilations of the
works of your other columnists as
well, some of whom share excellent
insights on the political and/or social realities in Iraq and the Kurdistan Region. This would benefit your
readers, I am sure. There is so very
little out there about Kurdistan that
those who are interested are keen to
get their hands on any source of material.

erally unkind to animals. I have
seen the most brutal treatment of
cats and dogs by people in this region, and I think this boils down to
the lack of education. Animals are
also God’s creatures and deserve to
be treated humanely. There should
also be a municipal program to keep
stray animals healthy so as to avoid
the spread of diseases. This means,
routine vaccination of stray animals.
The media has an important role to
play in promoting a better understanding of this issue and I was
happy to see SOMA Digest taking
the lead.
May I also take the opportunity to
congratulate you on your new website! It looks great.
Pinar Kurdi
AMMAN

C O N TA C T U S

Ron Saber
DOHUK
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

Kindness to animals
I commend your effort to promote a
love for animals in Kurdish society.
(‘How much is that doggie in the
window?’ page 17 no.60). I think
more should be written about the
benefits of keeping pets, whether
for security, companionship or
other. Sadly, the Middle East is gen-

Want to be published in SOMA? We’d
really like to know what you’re thinking.
If you’ve got a comment on one of our
stories, or about an important issue, simply email it to:
editor@soma-digest.com
Letters may be edited for purposes of
space, clarity and decency.

13

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

BUSINESS|&

INVESTMENTS
MARKET NEWS

‘We want to
diversify our
economy’
- Talabany
Talking business with Qubad Talabany, KRG Representative to the
United States.

Pressure points. Why the Shiite
majority are likely to continue exerting
control over Iraq’s vital oil ministry.
Zheno Abdulla
SLEMANI
here has been much controversy surrounding Iraq’s oil
and gas wealth from the very
beginning of ‘Operation Iraqi
Freedom’ in 2003 when the
American army took control of the
country’s oil wells. Many argued that
the Americans did so in a bid to prevent Iraq’s infrastructure from falling
apart, while others maintained that the
US administration’s policy intended to
divide Iraq’s oil wealth among the
country’s three main political groups.
Oil is undoubtedly a source of power
in the country, and all political groups
have sought to exert control over this
vital resource. After the formation of the
first elected Iraqi government in 2005,
it is important to look at who took control of the oil ministry.
During the transitional phase, the position went to Dr Ibrahim Bahr Al Ulum,

T

a Shiite candidate. In the Nouri Al Maliki governing cabinet, Dr Hussein
Shahristani, who was very close to the
prime minister, got this post.
Why has this position been given to
the Shiites for such a long period of time
with some monitors thinking that it will
not be handed over to anyone else in the
future? Is this because the Shiites who
form the majority in Iraq feel they have
the right to this position, or is there another reason? And what is America’s
role in all this?
Dr Jaza Talib, a university professor
and national security specialist, believes
that this is a natural consequence of the
authorization of a governing cabinet; the
majority will take the positions of
power. However, political monitors see
a different trend. They view the Shiites’
continued control over Iraq’s oil ministry as involving other factors. Oil
makes up a significant part of the Iraqi
budget and constitutes a great economic

source. It also aids in forging local relationships as well as international ones,
notably with America, and those parties
with vested interests in Iraqi economic
affairs.
Absence of law
The absence of a law regulating oil
and gas in Iraq after the fall of Saddam
Hussein’s regime was one of the main
points of conflict between the Kurdistan
Regional Government (KRG) in Erbil
and Baghdad. The federal government
has always criticized the KRG over oil
contracts they have signed with foreign
firms, considering them void. As such,
the issue of oil and gas has always been
a bone of contention between the two
administrations despite other pending issues that require attention.
How much of an impact will these
conflicts between Erbil and Baghdad
have on the political equation in Iraq
and how will it affect the upcoming parliamentary elections in January 2010?

Dr Talib believes that if the two governments do not resolve the issue by 16
January 2010, then the elections for the
next parliament may be delayed which
will put great strain on the already fragile relationship between Erbil and Baghdad.
Other critics disagree with Dr Talib in
the belief that Al Maliki’s visit to the
Kurdistan Region and his meeting with
Iraqi President Jalal Talabani and the
Kurdistan Region’s President Massoud
Barzani in the resort town of Dukan
went some way to appease the political
malaise that surrounded a number of issues.
In a press conference, Al Maliki explained that his visit was aimed at furthering mutual understanding and
finding a solution for pending issues.
But cynics have said that the Iraqi
PM’s visit was nothing more than a political stunt to gain popular support
among the Kurdish population.

Could you give us an update on the
latest American private investment
in Kurdistan?
US investment by and large outside
the oil sector has been slow. We have
tried to attract US private sector investment, but the US business community has been somewhat more
conservative when you compare it to
the private sectors of other countries.
We have been disappointed at the relatively slow pace of US investment in
Kurdistan. I am a little more optimistic in the coming years that there
will be greater US investment. We already have a significant US oil presence in Kurdistan, but we want to
diversify our economy. We want to
reach out to other sectors, in particular
agriculture, industries, banking and finance, and with the recent change to
the US travel advisory for Iraq that
has made a distinction between Kurdistan and the rest of the country I
think this will be an important incentive for greater US investment in Kurdistan.
How many US companies are currently operating in the region?
There are currently 49 US companies
operative in various sectors. But
rather than looking at the number of
companies, what we try to assess is
the kind of different projects that they
are engaged in. We want to get them
more involved strategically.
How has Kurdistan’s political development been affected by foreign
investors over the years?
By opening Kurdistan to the international community politically, socially
and economically it intensifies our
own efforts to develop. We know that
to attract the right kind of investment,
we need to have the right kind of political and economic climate for the
region. We need to have the right kind
of checks and balances to ensure that
there is the rule of law. I think that the
passage of the relevant laws in parliament are a direct result of the need for
Kurdistan to change politically and
our government’s ability to adapt to
the requirements of today, which is to
be more transparent and put in place
mechanisms and processes that limit
corruption.
— BY RAZ JABARY
IN WASHINGTON, DC

14

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Meeting the needs. Critics
pan the lack of planning in
building projects across region.
Brwa Ab. Mahmud
SLEMANI
he sluggish pace of development and reconstruction in
Slemani has often been
panned and compared to the
relatively speedier progress
witnessed in the Kurdish region’s
capital, Erbil. The reality boils
down to the failure of those individuals in decision-making positions to
prioritize projects on the basis of the
city’s actual needs, says one expert.
Hama Ghareb Tagarani, a member
of the Executive Committee of the
Contractors’ Union in Slemani,

T

‘The province is supplied
with 175 megawatts of
electricity, whereas it
needs 500 megawatts.’
ABDULNASSER AL MAHDAWI,
Governor of Diala, describing
deteriorating situation of
services and economy in the
province, and calling on the
govn’t to provide further support for Diala’s residents.

‘The agricultural sector in
Basra will be wiped out
before winter.’
AAMER SALMAN, Director of
Agriculture Department in
Basra, on damage incurred by
imports, shortage of funds and
low levels of water supplies.

laments the lack of such a ‘priority
list’, which he says results in a haphazard building of projects across the
city and hampers the development of
the region. He refers to unnecessary
projects carried out in inappropriate
locations for what he calls ‘political
reasons’.
Priority list
“The government does not appear
to have a list of priority projects,
which it must carry out at a particular
time for a particular area, especially
in Slemani province,” he says.
“Sometimes the decision of starting
and completing a particular project is
based on political motives. For in-

‘Crude oil prices are still
going up, worth nearly 70
dollars per barrel. [Iraq
Iraq is now] exporting
close to 2.38 million
barrels. The ministry has
an urgent plan to add
300,000 to 500,000
barrels daily in one year or
more,
which
should
sustain the
budget.’
ASIM JIHAD, Iraqi Oil Ministry
Spokesman, stating that the
daily rate of crude oil barrel for
the state budget of 2010 is
within ‘reasonable limits’.

stance, there is a library that was built
in a far district some four years ago,
but up to now, no one has benefited
from it. This is because they don’t
need a library. The only benefit of
having this building is so that they

can pretend that they have a library!”
The tragedy of this scenario is that
the truly necessary projects often take
the backburner, he says.
According to Tagarani, the process
itself is also wrought with problems.
As all contracts for the region pass
through the Prime Ministers’ office in
Erbil for permission and funds, this
has posed obstacles for projects intended for Slemani. The two administrations only united in 2006, and then
the Ministry of Planning was not efficiently coordinating the projects of
the various ministries.
“The Ministry of Planning must
study all projects and set a suitable
time-period and budget, because it is
not a practical procedure if all projects automatically go to execution
mode after receiving approval from
the prime ministers’ office,” Tagarani
points out.
Quality and quantity
Moreover, there is controversy over
the quantity and quality of projects
carried out in Slemani as compared to
those in Erbil. Many Slemani residents are both wow-ed and disspirited
when they visit the capital, wondering
when such development will take
place on their own home turf.
Some critics claim this is a result of
Slemani getting a smaller portion of
the region’s budget, while others
claim the problems stem from the
central government. Wherever the
blame is to be pinned, the troubles do
not stop there.
‘Wasta’ (connections) is another
factor that affects the pace and
progress of projects. More often than
not, personal relationships dictate

‘The planning ministry must set a suitable
time-period and budget [for each project].
It is not practical for projects to be
executed on approval by the PM’s office.’

‘Until August 4, wheat
production was 1.232
million tons. Barley
production was 289.2
thousand tons.’
IRAQI TRADE MINISTRY,
in a release, said that wheat and
barley production in 2009 had
exceeded all expectations, and
would cover one third of total
local demand.

‘I have put forward a fiveyear plan, which will put
the Iraqi economy on the
right track.’
ALI BABAN, Iraqi Minister of
Planning, proposing a fiveyear plan to revive domestic
economy.

‘The Iraqi government is
determined to develop
relations with Britain in
all levels and in various
domains. Challenges will
not affect us and
will not
weaken
our
determination
to rebuild
Iraq.’
NOURI Al MALIKI,
Iraq’s Prime Minister, in a
meeting with a British
Petroleum (BP) delegation in
Baghdad last month, called on
BP to develop its work in Iraq.

whether a project gets approved and
executed, versus the actual requirement of such a project in that particular area, says Tagarani.
However, a general lack of planning is the principal criticism levelled
at the government by most experts.
“Most projects do not finish on
time because, as contractors claim, of
the ponderous procedures they must
undergo. On the other hand, the government has special committees for
evaluating time and budget for all
projects. Then the government gives
the contracts of these projects to
someone who will finish them at a
cost far less than the evaluated
budget, which leads to cheating,” explains Tagarani.
Devil in the details
According to Wasta Rauf, the supervisor of a building project, the
problem stems from the very beginning when the government appoints
an engineer as a supervisor of all projects.
“This engineer may not be aware of
every detail in every project because
of his limited knowledge so when
projects are finalized, there are many
deficiencies that may have been prevented either at the beginning or even
mid-way in the project,”he says.

Hama Ghareb Tagarani

‘The ministry has
abandoned the patchingup methods and
embarked on an
integrated strategy to
overhaul power in Iraq.’
KAREEM WAHEED, Iraqi
Minister of Electricity,
announcing an integrated
strategy for power in Iraq.

‘Kirkuk’s share of fuel is
more than one million
liters a day, but the
province currently receives
680,000 liters a day.’
ABDULRAHMAN MUSTAFA,
Governor of Kirkuk, asking for a
larger share of fuel for the
province.

15

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Culture
FILMS

MUSIC

Drumroll
please
he holy month of Ramadan is a
special time of the year for the
Muslim community of the Kurdistan Region and weeks before
the first day, it is the topic of
conversation everywhere. But there are
a number of traditions associated with
this occasion that have slowly diminished over the last few years. Among
these is the sound of drummers going
through the streets during the early hours
of the morning when people are having
their ‘parshew’ or their last meal before
the morning or ‘fajr’ prayer. This was a
very audible part of Ramadan.
The drummer has the task
of hitting hard on his
drum through the
neighborhoods to
awaken
the
Muslims for
t h e i r
‘parshew’
meal and
for many
this was a
delight
during
t h e
month.
Pishko
Abdulrahman, 36, believes Ramadan
was more joyful
years ago than it is now.
“When we heard the drumming, we knew that we didn’t have much
time left before it was time for morning
prayer so we had to eat fast and get ready
to begin the day’s fasting,” he recalls. “I believe it was not only joyful for us but also
our mothers because they were very eager
to wake up before us and prepare the meal.
But now there is no drumming and Ramadan has lost that joy.”
Hamadameen Qadir, a 65-year-old religious teacher, said that the drums were
very useful in making people aware of the
time: “There was not another way to
awaken people as there wasn’t communication and technology like there is now
with phones and alarm clocks so people
would wait to hear the drums to know what
time to stop eating.”
Although Qadir conceded that his memory fails him often, he does remember that
the drummers didn’t only wake people up
for their very early breakfast but also to
stop them eating just before the morning
prayer, which was the sign that the fast for
that day had begun.

T

LITERATURE

“Most of the drummers were gypsies
who didn’t believe in the holy month but
were doing it for money and gradually
asked for more as the month went on,” said
Abdulrahman. “To earn more, they would
continue the drumming in particular neighborhoods for a few days and then at the end
of the month would ask for more money
from the people.”
Although the drumming was very useful for Muslims to wake them up so they
would engage in their religious duty, the
noise did become a nuisance for those who
were not of the Muslim faith or were not
fasting. There were also some fasting Muslims who felt that the loud drumming wasn’t necessary, especially in the early hours
of the morning. Sometimes there were
scuffles between the drummer and the people which often ended up with the drummer having to run away.
According to Abdulrahman, there are
many factors that contributed to people
getting annoyed by the drumming: “In the
past, communication was a difficult matter and people were more
emotionally connected
so they were concerned about one
another and always made
sure
to
make one
another
aware of
particular matters.”
H e
added:
“Now it is
different and
people wake
when they want
without causing annoyance to anyone. This
is one reason why the drumming has vanished.”
Latif Mustafa, 42, says he enjoyed the
drumming during the month of Ramadan:
“It is a fact that they are more visible in Ramadan mainly because they make money
from it but I myself enjoy hearing them,
especially during this month.”
“When they come to ask for money at
the end of the month, I have a condition before I hand anything over. They must play
music and beat the drum for a few minutes
until everyone in the neighborhood is
dancing,” added Mustafa.
With the onset of the holy month, some
of the drummers still go about their Ramadan duty and can be heard now and
then.
“Although this phenomenon has been
drastically reduced, there are still some
drummers who visit a number of neighborhoods in the city and earn money,” said
Abdulrahman.
— BY SAKAR ABDULLA
IN SLEMANI

INSIDE

An old testament to
harmonious co-existence
JEN A. SAGERMA IN SLEMANI

HERITAGE

Traditional Kurdish games are still played by the children in the streets of their neighborhoods.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

Child’s play
Modern electronic gadgets and games
have eclipsed traditional Kurdish pastimes.
Roshna Rasool
SLEMANI
odern
electronic
gadgets and games
have meant that
many
traditional
Kurdish games have
been forsaken, or forgotten, and as a
result, there are many differences between the youth of yesteryear and
those of today. New inventions and
electronic game stations have offered
today’s children a more sophisticated
way to play, but critics say they have
robbed them of the social interaction
and intellectual stimulation that the
olden games provided.
“When we were children we used to
play a number of games, it was something that stayed in our memories till
this day,” recalls Zana Ahmed.
Haluken and Tultulen
There are two old games that are
known in Kurdish tradition, ‘Haluken’
and ‘Tultulen’. These two games consist of rhymes that may be chanted or
sung by the children. The rhymes were
improvised by the children and they
were repeated and memorized.
‘Tultulen’ is a game that requires two
stones, one of which is flat and is called
‘bardi sar yaprakh’. This name originated from the stone women used to use
over the yaprakh (stuffed vine leaves)

M

dish once it was cooking. The other
stone needs to be round and smaller
than a tennis ball and is often shaped
using a hammer.
“The flat stone is thrown like a frisbee and aimed at the smaller round ball
causing the ball to move from its stationary position. The distance in which
it travels is measured by steps, and the
first to get to an agreed number of steps
after successive rounds, is the winner,”
said Nahro Shawqi, an artist who went
on to explain that this game in fact is
similar to a French game that is played
using metal balls and frisbees.
Halmaqoh
The game of ‘Halmaqoh’ or ‘Halmaten’ is a popular game often played
by girls, using five small round stones,
with six rounds to determine the winner
of the game. Each round consists of different placements of the stones. One
stone is thrown gently in the air and
while in the air, the stones in their
placements are to be picked up and then
the stone in the air to be caught with the
hand of which the other stones were
grabbed. Depending on the level of success of each round, points are awarded,
collected and then counted to conclude
who the winner is at the end of the
game.
Buzhanawa
‘Buzhanawa’ is another game that is

the Kurdish equivalent of ‘hide and
seek’, with the Kurdish headquarters
known as the ‘qala’ (the castle), which
could be as simple as a plain wall or
barrel, where the other participants of
the game will aim to reach in order to
strike the seeker out of the game which
is how the game comes to an end. The
participants take turns to be the seeker
and they continue the game until they
choose to stop playing.
Chil bard
A very unusual game that was played
in those days was one that was often
played by youngsters who were no
longer considered children. The game
of ‘chil bard’ translated to ‘40 stones'
was played by those who did not wish
to leave their homes but wanted to remain active to a certain degree. The
game consisted of 40 stones which
were placed in a corner of a room. A
stone was taken from the pile and had to
be taken to another corner.
One would return to that corner and
take another stone and would go back
and forth, until all 40 stones were situated in another corner of the room and
this was repeated a number of times.
This game however did not have a winner or loser and was played by one person alone as a form of exercise rather
than a recreational game.

16

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

The old church in the Sabunkaran neighborhood in Slemani has stood the test of time.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

An old testament
The church at Sabunkaran stands as a testament to
harmonious co-existence in the Kurdistan Region.
Jen A. Sagerma
SLEMANI
narrow street in the neighborhood of Sabunkaran in
Slemani is home to one of
the oldest churches in the
city. Its simple door takes
you into a rather unorthodox dwelling
used by the Christian minority. Dating
back many decades, this plot of land was
used not only for prayers and religious
gatherings but also served as a graveyard
for the local Christian community.
The Virgin Mary Church in Slemani was
built in 1862 and its current garden area
used to be a cemetery.
“This used to be the church graveyard
that has now been laid with grass. We didn’t have a graveyard as such back then so
they were buried here,” said Abdul Meseh
Yusuf, a Christian resident in the
Sabunkaran neighborhood.
Six French Christians who died working
on the tunnel in Darbandikhan are also
buried under the green grass of the garden
that was once a cemetery.
“This church consists of a number of
parts. There is the prayer hall, this used to be
a small graveyard consisting of 49 graves
that were put into the walls. The lower part
is a hall for guests. The upper hall is much
bigger and up until last year it was used for
funerals. This house used to belong to Bahjat Eissa who bequeathed his house to the
church after his death,” added Yusuf.
Up until last year a large cave took up a
great portion of the garden but it was torn
down to make way for something much
simpler, which also serves a symbolic purpose. The cave that was built by Goriyal
Mati Allah Wardi in 1988 and contained
three relics from the Virgin Mary but because the cave took up a lot of the space it

A

was torn down this year and a smaller statue
was built in its place.
This cave is just one of many that are created in churches all over. It is an example
of a cave in France where Virgin Mary was
first seen. The statue of the Virgin Mary
with baby Jesus in her arms has its symbolic
place in the church garden. Christians as
well as some Muslims come every day, although larger crowds tend to come on Sundays to light a candle and wish for a certain
something that they want to come true.

two bowls of water that they dip their fingers into and then use for saying in the
name of the Father, the Son and the Holy
Spirit.
The hall apart from being used for morning and evening prayers is also used for
Christenings, weddings and funerals.
“The prayer hall of the church has been
renovated a number of times. Ten years ago
it was destroyed in a fire and Iraqi President
Jalal Talabani paid for its reconstruction.
Last year a large part of the church was ren-

The prayer hall of
the church has been
renovated a number
of times. Ten years
ago it was destroyed
in a fire and Iraqi
President Jalal
Talabani paid for its
reconstruction.

Many of those who come are students
wishing to do well in their exams.
A small room within the church grounds
serves as the cemetery for 49 tombs of ordinary Christians of Slemani.
“This graveyard has 49 graves that are
on the wall. This goes back to the time of
priest Pari who created this graveyard himself. All the 49 graves are of ordinary citizens of Slemani. I think the last burial that
took place here was 15 years ago,” said
Yusuf.
As people enter the prayer hall, there are

ovated with funds from the fourth branch
of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP)
in Slemani.”
The prayer hall walls are adorned with
14 photos depicting the different stages in
the life of Jesus Christ, from when he was
captured to the Crucifixion. This simple yet
beautiful church has been part of the Christian community for generations and is a testament to the peaceful coexistence among
the various communities of the Kurdistan
Region.

17

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

Lifestyle
DINING

FASHION

INTERIORS

COMPILED BY
JEN A. SAGERMA IN SLEMANI
SAKAR ABDULLA IN ERBIL

LEISURE

As modernity seeps into everyday life in Kurdistan, affluent young Kurds
find ways to reconcile global trends with tradition.
The advent of modern technology and global trends in Iraqi Kurdistan have not dissipated the beloved customs of old. The onset of
the holy month of Ramadan never fails to rekindle the warm sense of community prevalent among all the peoples of Kurdistan,
irrespective of religion or ethnicity. Lifestyle, a vista to an emerging society, takes you inside.

The global Facebook phenomenon has not
spared Iraqi Kurdistan.

Face to Facebook

I spy with my little iphone

The Facebook phenomenon has swept
across the world like wildfire and it has not
spared Iraqi Kurdistan. As if it weren’t hard
enough to safeguard one’s private life in
Kurdish society, Facebook has added
another dimension, yet another portal
through which friends, acquaintances and
even strangers can learn of your daily
activities, meetings or state of mind. Albeit,
privacy settings can be adjusted to control
the level of public access. The Kurdish
presence is steadily increasing on this
popular social-networking site as countless
sign up daily. The youth are great ethusiasts, but even those with little grasp of the
English language are joining and learning
as they go along.

The people of Slemani have always been
known for ‘keeping up with the Joneses’.
Despite financial constraints, they never
deprive themselves of the latest gadget on
the market. The latest craze is none other
than the glorious iPhone. Costing over
US$700, the touch screen marvel was
initially restricted to the elites of the region or
those who had saved for months on end.
Slowly the iPhone episode became a gadget
that everyone seemed to own. Depending on
the model and functions, the iPhone’s price
tag can exceed US$1,000. The iPhone offers
networking facilities, games and access to
the Internet. With fads such as Facebook
and Twitter, the iPhone is primordial to the
daily life of the modern Kurd.

Most Kurds save up for months to buy the
latest craze on the market, the iPhone.

IN FOCUS

Delicious puffy treats
during Ramadan
he holy month of Ramadan is primarily a period
during
which
Muslims are meant to engage in self reflection
and soul cleansing. But for those
who observe the month-long fast
from sunrise to sunset, the holiday also brings sumptuous feasts
and delectable desserts specially
prepared for the occasion.
The bazaars during the holy
month are no less busy than any
other time but there is a strict
change in the lifestyle of many
who are faithful servants of one of
the five pillars of Islam.
What people tend to do during
the holy month is to sleep more
and work less. Admittedly, it slows
down the pace of work in the office but no food and drink from
sunrise to sunset does mean it is
best not to get on the wrong side of
those fasting for they are often
cranky.
However, these negative side effects of abstaining from food and
drink are overshadowed by the
warm sense of community during

T

Nawsaji can be seen made on the streets in the bazaar and sold to be taken home ready
and warm, often eaten with natural yogurt and tea early in the morning or as a snack in
the evening. Not quite the healthy option but nobody counts calories this month!

Ramadan as people become more
social and generous, giving food or
money to those in need.
Plates of sweets or dates can be
seen on every corner of the market
to hand out to those in the bazaars
to break their fast with.
But the most tasteful treat
around during Ramadan is
‘nawsaji’. If every holiday has its
staple food, then ‘nawsaji’ may be
the symbol of the holy month in
Kurdistan. The fried puffy bread is
often made at home and sometimes given in charity by families
to the less fortunate in the neighborhood.
Nawsaji can also be seen made
on the streets in the bazaar and
sold to be taken home ready and
warm, often eaten with natural yogurt and tea early in the morning
or as a snack in the evening. Not
quite the healthy option but nobody counts calories this month!
Its sweet flavor with a slight
salty aftertaste is eagerly eaten by
Kurds of all faiths especially when
it has just been fried. The smell
and hot steam coming off it is sim-

ply too hard to resist.
There are a number of houses in
the Kurdish community that make
them and send it to their neighbors
during the month but there are also
shops and individuals in the bazaar
who make them as well. There are
more than 50 places that sell
‘nawsaji’ in the bazaars of Slemani
but if you are looking for the tastiest of them all, your best bet is the
Khanaqa area. In Slemani alone it
is estimated that 15,000 nawsajis
are sold daily.
The fried puffy bread also
makes a cameo in contemporary
Kurdish history when back in the
late 1980s every male was obligated to join the army as there was
conscription. During that period,
there were a lot of economic hardships and not much could be afforded. Nawsaji was easy to make,
cost less money than a full meal,
didn’t require a lot of luggage
space and always got the taste
buds going!
— BY BRWA AB. MAHMUD
IN SLEMANI

18

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

HISTORY

War in the Garden of Eden
Maureen McLuckie
LONDON
Kermit Roosevelt (1889 –1943) was the
son of U.S. President Theodore Roosevelt.
Kermit was an explorer, a graduate of Harvard University, a soldier serving in two
world wars, a businessman, and writer.
Kermit joined the British Army to fight in
Mesopotamia during World War I. This
book covers his experiences in
Mesopotamia, and includes details of the
Tigris Front, patrolling the ruins of Babylon, skirmishes and reconnaissance along
the Kurdish Front, and the attack on the
Persian Front. It was first published by
Charles Scribner's Sons, New York, 1919
but has been reprinted many times since.
There are still many original hardback
copies available from around £25.00 and
paperbacks published in 2007 and 2008
from around £5.00
nce we had
reached the far
side we set out
to pick our
way
round
Kirkuk to get astride the road leading
thence to Altun Kupri. This is the main
route from Baghdad to Mosul, the chief
city on the upper Tigris, across the river
from the ruins of Nineveh. It was a difficult task finding a way practicable for the
cars, as the ground was still soft from the
recent rains. It was impossible to keep defiladed from Turkish observation, but we
did not supply them with much in the way
of a target. At length we got round to the
road and started to advance down it to
Kirkuk. The town, in common with so
many others in that part of the country, is
built on a hill. The Hamawand Kurds are
inveterate raiders, and good fortifications
are needed to withstand them. As we
came out upon the road we caught sight of
our cavalry preparing to attack. The Turks
were putting up a stout resistance, with
darkness fast coming to their aid. After approaching close to the town, we were ordered to return to a deserted village for the
night, prepared to go through in the early
morning.
The co-ordinates of the village were
given, and we easily found it on the map;
but it was quite another proposition to locate it physically. To add to our difficulties,
the sky clouded over and pitchy blackness
settled down. It soon started to rain, so we
felt that the best we could do was select as
likely a spot as came to hand and wait for
morning. I made up my mind that the front
seat of a van, uncomfortable and cramped
as it was, would prove the best bed for the
night. My estimate was correct, for at midnight the light drizzle, which was scarcely
more than a Scotch mist, turned into a wild,
torrential downpour that all but washed
away my companions. The waterproof flap
that I had rigged withstood the onslaughts
of wind and rain in a fashion that was as
gratifying as it was unexpected. The vivid
flashes of lightning showed the little dry
ravine beside us converted into a roaring,

“O

swirling torrent. The water was rushing past
beneath the cars, half-way up to their hubs.
A large field hospital had been set up close
to the banks of the stream at Taza. We afterward heard that the river had risen so rapidly
that many of the tents and a few ambulances
were washed away.
By morning it had settled down into a
steady, businesslike downpour. We found
that we were inextricably caught in among
some low hills. There was not the slightest
chance of moving the fighting cars; they
were bogged down to the axle. There was
no alternative other than to wait until the rain
stopped and the mud dried. Fortunately our
emergency rations were still untouched.
Our infantry went over at dawn, and won
through into the town. If it had not been for
the rain we would have made some important captures. As it was, the Turks destroyed
the bridge across the Khasa Su and retreated
to Altun Kupri by the road on the farther
bank. From a hill near by we watched
everything, powerless to help in any way.
At noon the sky unexpectedly cleared
and the sun came out. We unloaded a Ford
van, and with much pushing and no little
spade work managed to get it down to a
road running in the direction of Kirkuk. We
found the surface equal to the light car, and
slowly made our way to the outskirts of the
town, with occasional halts where digging
and shoving were required. We satisfied
ourselves that, given a little sun, we could
bring the armoured cars out of their bog and
through to the town.
Next morning, in spite of the fact that
more rain had fallen during the night, I set to
work on my tenders, and at length succeeded in putting them all in Kirkuk. We
were billeted in the citadel, a finely built,
substantial affair, with a courtyard that we
could turn into a good garage. The Turks
had left in great haste, and, although they
had attempted a wholesale destruction of
everything that they could not take, they had
been only partially successful. In my room
I found a quantity of pamphlets describing
the American army—with diagrams of insignia, and pictures of fully equipped soldiers of the different branches of the service.
There was also a map of the United States
showing the population by States. The text
was, of course, in Turkish and the printing
excellently done. What the purpose might
be I could not make out.
The wherefore of another booklet was
more obvious. It was an illustrated account
of alleged British atrocities. Most of the pictures purported to have been taken in the
Sudan, and showed decapitated Negroes.
Some I am convinced were pictures of the
Armenian massacres that the Turks had
themselves taken and in a thrifty moment
put to this useful purpose. This pamphlet
was printed at the press in Kirkuk.
There were a number of excellent buildings—mainly workshops and armouries,
but the best was the hospital. The long corridors and deep windows of the wards
looked very cool. An up-to-date impression
was given by the individual patient charts,

with the headings for the different diagnoses
printed in Turkish and French. The doctors
were mainly Armenians. The occupants
were all suffering from malnutrition, and
there was a great deal of starvation in the
town.
I did not wish to return to Baghdad until
I could be certain that we were not going to
advance upon Altun Kupri. The engineers
patched up the bridge, and we took the cars
over to the other side and went off on a reconnaissance to ascertain how strongly the
town was being held. The long bridge from
which it gets its name could easily be destroyed, and crossing over the river would
be no light matter. The surrounding mountains limited the avenue of attack. Altogether
it would not be an easy nut to crack, and the
Turks had evidently determined on a stand.
What decided the army commander to
make any further attempt to advance was
most probably the great length of the line of
communications, and the recent floods had
made worse conditions which were bad
enough at the best. The ration supply had
fallen very low, and it seemed impossible to
hold even Kirkuk unless the rail-head could
be advanced materially.
I put in all my odd moments wandering
about the bazaars. The day after the fall the
merchants opened their booths and transacted business as usual. The population was
composed of many races, chiefly Kurd, Turcoman and Arab. There were also Armenians, Chaldeans, Syrians, and Jews. The
latter were exceedingly prosperous. Arabic
and Kurdish and Turkish were all three spoken. Kirkuk is of very ancient origin—but
of its early history little is known. The natives point out a mound which they claim to
be Daniel's tomb. Two others are shown as
belonging to Shadrach and Meshech; that
of the third of the famous trio has been lost.
There are many artificial hills in the neighbourhood, and doubtless in course of time it
will prove a fruitful hunting-ground for archaeologists. As far as I could learn no serious excavating has hitherto been undertaken
in the vicinity.
The bazaars were well filled with goods
of every sort. I picked up one or two excellent rugs for very little, and a few odds and
ends, dating from Seleucid times, that had
been unearthed by Arab labourers in their
gardens or brick-kilns. There were some
truck-gardens in the outskirts, and we traded
fresh vegetables for some of our issue rations. There are few greater luxuries when
one has been living on canned foods for a
long time. I saw several ibex heads nailed
up over the doors of houses. The owners
told me that they were to be found in the
near-by Mountains, but were not plentiful.
There is little large game left in
Mesopotamia, and that mainly in the mountains. I once saw a striped hyena. It is a nocturnal animal, and they may be common,
although I never came across but the one,
which I caught sight of slinking among the
ruins of Istabulat, south of Samarra, one
evening when I was riding back to camp.

Post-election expectations:
revision and improvement

ANWAR M. QARADAGHI

FLASHBACKS
oday is Monday, 27 July and the
subject of the elections is the
third consecutive one for this
column. To this moment, the number
of seats obtained by each of the different factions has not been clarified
with complete certainty. However, the
approximate totals were announced
and the final pronouncements are not
believed to cause much alteration. It
is expected that the new Kurdistan
Parliament formation would be representative of the true wishes of the
inhabitants.
If this is interpreted into a clearer
statement, it would mean the commencement of a clear system of opposition together with an assured
mandate for formation of a government of a reliable majority.
During the canvassing and electioneering period, all the main related
sides made numerous pledges for bettering the current state of affairs.
Therefore, one hopes that as they all
claim to desire and want to serve the
region's multiple needs, they would or
should soon develop a working relationship based on counseling, constructive dialogue and civil discussion
as authority and opposition towards
reaching their announced objectives.
This is relevant as the modern world
has become so unpredictable that it
has cut many bonds among people
and their common ambitions.
The election results provide a suitable hub of information for all parties
and others who wish and want to further promote democracy in the region.
Here the role of an objective media is
very desirable.
All might also wish to look and see
what lessons could be learned from
the recent elections as such observations could play an important part in
fulfilling promises made during the
election campaign and assist in preparations for the next Iraq parliamentary
elections, not to speak of the next
Kurdistan parliamentary elections.
In view of some of the difficulties
experienced by those who were not
able to locate where they could vote
or why their names had not been registered, it is essential to realize that the
right of the individual to register to
vote is of fundamental importance in

T

any system of democracy and individuals should take responsibility for
their own registration.
It is pertinent to record here that the
forms introduced by the Independent
High Electoral Commission were
simple and easy to complete. Moreover, it is proper that in future elections, all efforts are exerted to ensure
that all those who are eligible will be
able to vote, together with offering the
best possible service for voters.
It is pleasing to observe a high voter
turnout, which goes to reveal the determination of voters to exercise their
political will in a democratic manner
and in an organized environment that
involved no violence.
Countries with a long history of
successful elections, plan opportunities, after each election, through their
Electoral Commissions so as representatives of their political parties participate on seminars and discussion
meetings to review various practical
aspects of the elections they have just
had in order to learn of any criticisms
with the aim of identifying performance standards leading to improving
things for all in the next time round. It
is useful to closely analyze a few reports made of alleged irregularities
during the election process and take
note of them, if found justified.
It goes without saying that a large
number of essential functions await
the total commitment and perseverance of all members of the new Kurdistan Parliament and regional
government. The tasks are enormous
and pressing for improving the lot of
the people. Some useful work has already been accomplished and these
may require further enhancement,
others may have to be tackled afresh.
One can enumerate possible requirements for fulfillment. These may
include support for enhancing the role
of the private sector, appreciation and
encouragement for internal products
of whatever kind and quantity, considering possible ways and means for
reducing rampant unemployment,
particularly among the young and the
graduates, and doing whatever is humanly possible to eliminate corruptions of all sorts, sizes and levels. For
a long time the people have had to tolerate the role, status and unjustified
privileges given to ineligible children
and close relatives of those in authority – this needs to be changed. It is not
very easy, but members of the public
wish to see that the authority and the
system are seen to work towards endingthat unfortunate and obvious part
and parcel of our current society. All
these tally with the maintenance of
good governance and the sincere application of the rule of law.
anwarqaradaghi2003@yahoo.co.uk

19

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

SOCIETY| &

LIFE
TIMES

The annual ballet festival at the Culture Hall.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

An exhibition by Kurdish artists in Zamwa Gallery.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

Sardam Music Group perform their first
concert at Tawar Hall.
(photos by Aram Eissa)

The Kurdish youth
are encouraged to
embrace global
cultural trends,
without forsaking
their own heritage.
The summer
months featured
many opportunities
for both.

An exhibition by Razawa Motasam and Amanj Jabar.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

Sardam Institute for learning a foreign language put on a festival at Tawar Hall.

(photo by Aram Eissa)

20

Issue 60 July 31 - August 13, 2009

The teahouse is a popular Kurdish institution, where wisemen (or, wiseguys) gather every evening to discuss life, politics and
the future. Dr Sherko Abdullah lends an ear to the talk, and reports what Bayiz and Jwamer had to say...
BAYIZ
Oh my God, Jwamer, are you OK?
JWAMER
Yeah, why do you ask?
BAYIZ
You were talking to yourself.
JWAMER
I was just repeating some great advice I had
heard.

more important than Kirkuk?

BAYIZ
And are you a wise man?

JWAMER
Who told you that I’ve forgotten about Kirkuk?

JWAMER
Frankly speaking? No.

JWAMER
Don’t trust your feelings.

JWAMER
I’m afraid it’s not that easy. Give me a few

BAYIZ
What great advice?

JWAMER
It is just because I am worried about your
feelings.

BAYIZ
I feel it.

BAYIZ
So delete it from your mind.

BAYIZ
That’s enough. I don’t allow people to speak
against my feelings.

BAYIZ
My feelings never lie.

JWAMER
Why? Are your feelings sacred?

At the chaikhana

JWAMER
It says that if you want a happy life, you must

BAYIZ
I should cry because I have honest feelings?
What is wrong with you? You’re not yourself.

BAYIZ
At least they don’t lie.

And you’re proud? This is
not the era of truth.

I trust my feelings. They
never lie.

JWAMER
That is the problem. This is not the era of
honesty and truth. Our world runs on lies!

pretend to be stupid.
BAYIZ
What nonsense. Don’t believe such drivel.

BAYIZ
But we should not be a part of that world.

JWAMER
How so? It’s the most meaningful proverb I’ve
ever heard.

JWAMER
It’s impossible. Globalization is everywhere.

BAYIZ
Please go see a doctor, you’re a sick man.

BAYIZ
Even still, we can manage not to be liars.

JWAMER
I told you that I am quite well.

JWAMER
But you know, lying is very good for your
health.

BAYIZ
If so, you shouldn’t believe in such silly
sayings. Tell me one thing my friend, are you
happy?
JWAMER
Of course not.

BAYIZ
Here’s to your health then!
days.
BAYIZ
A few days just to forget a useless saying! Is it

JWAMER
And you are proud of it? If I were you, I would
be weeping not laughing.

Dr Sherko Abdullah is editor of Sekhurma Cartoon
magazine.

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