On the day of his farewell speech, a look back on the career of Orrin Hatch, Utah’s longest serving U.S. senator

ST. GEORGE — When Orrin Hatch was elected 42 years ago, “Rocky” was the top movie, Steve Jobs founded Apple and Jimmy Carter won the presidential election, and on Wednesday, the longest-service Republican senator and Utah senator in U.S. history gave his farewell speech on the floor of the U.S. Senate.

As a political icon, Hatch has sponsored or cosponsored over 12,000 pieces of legislation – many of which helped shape taxes and health care in this country. As he retires to make room for Mitt Romney, the senator will have spent half of his life serving in Congress.

Hatch started his career as an attorney in Pittsburgh before coming to Utah to practice law in 1969. His first time running for political office was when he ran against and beat Utah Sen. Frank Moss, a three-term incumbent Democrat, in 1976.

In a bit of irony, during his first political campaign, Hatch criticized Moss for his lengthy time in office, saying “What do you call a senator who’s served in office for 18 years? You call him home.”

At that time, Hatch campaigned on a conservative platform against abortion, big government and threats to religious freedom, which continue to be his hallmarks today.

Some of the landmark bills Hatch helped pass include the Americans with Disabilities Act, Children’s Health Insurance Program and the PROTECT Act, which created AMBER Alerts. Hatch called the Americans with Disabilities Act one of his most influential bills that he helped author, saying that “few statutes have had a greater impact on the everyday lives of people the world over.”

In his farewell speech on Wednesday, he attributed the passing of that act to the spirit of camaraderie that he says has been missing as of late in politics.

Referring to his first days in the Senate in 1978, he said that in those days, he counted Democrats among his “very best friends.”

“One moment, we would be locking horns on the Senate floor; the next, we would be breaking bread together over family dinner,” he said in his speech.

He specifically cited what he called an “unlikely friendship” with the late Sen. Ted Kennedy, whom he called a “dyed-in-the-wool Democrat.” He said:

By choosing friendship over party loyalty, we were able to pass some of the most significant bipartisan achievements of modern times — from the Americans with Disabilities Act and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act to the Ryan White bill and the State Children’s Health Insurance Program

Nine years after Teddy’s passing, it’s worth asking: Could a relationship like this even exist in today’s Senate? Could two people with polar-opposite beliefs and from vastly different walks of life come together as often as Teddy and I did for the good of the country? Or are we too busy attacking each other to even consider friendship with the other side?

Beyond his bipartisan efforts, Hatch was a frequent champion of President Donald Trump, and as chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, he was a key player in getting Trump’s tax reform passed in 2017.

Hatch was an important part in getting several Justices confirmed to the Supreme Court. He was among Republicans who fought and won to confirm two conservative justices who were both accused of sexual assault – Clarence Thomas in 1991 and Brett Kavanaugh in 2018.

In a press statement following Kavanaugh’s confirmation, Hatch called the moment “one of the most important things we have done in my 42 years in the Senate.”

“Judge Kavanaugh’s confirmation sent a strong message to the country that civility, process, and the integrity of our institutions matter,” he said. “While the American people will not soon forget the unfair and unjust behavior that led us to one of the Senate’s lowest points in decades, today we took an important step in overcoming the politics of personal destruction.”

President Donald Trump shakes the hand of Sen. Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, at the Utah State Capitol in Salt Lake City, Dec. 4, 2017 | Associated Press photo by Rick Bowmer, St. George News

Hatch was also a strong voice for Republicans in the Senate to prevent then-President Barack Obama from getting Merrick Garland confirmed to the Supreme Court in 2016. This led the way for Trump’s nominee Neil Gorsuch to be confirmed to the court in 2017.

“I remain convinced that the right way for the Senate to do its job is to conduct a (Supreme Court) confirmation process after this contentious presidential election season is over,” Hatch said in the midst of the 2016 presidential campaign between Trump and Hillary Clinton.

Hatch has always been outspoken for his support for Trump. Out of the seven presidents who’ve been in office during Hatch’s career, he referred to Trump as “one of the best I’ve served under.” And Trump returned the praise Nov. 16 when he awarded Hatch with the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

“The first recipient is one of the longest-serving and most respected senators in American history – Sen. Orrin Hatch, a friend of mine, a great friend of mine,” Trump said at the award ceremony.

As a songwriter, Hatch pushed for music copyright reform to make it easier for musicians to receive royalties on their songs. And as an active member of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, he pushed for the Religious Liberty Protection Act. But not necessarily in lock-step with the church, in LGBT Pride Month in June, Hatch called for greater inclusion and understanding.

“No one should ever feel less because of their gender identity or sexual orientation,” Hatch said. “LGBT youth deserve our unwavering love and support. They deserve our validation and the assurance that not only is there a place for them in this society, but that it is far better off because of them.”

At the same time, Hatch spoke of the bipartisan proposal he introduced in 2017 with Indiana Sen. Joe Donnelly to create a national suicide prevention hotline number, a bill which passed in August.

As Hatch returns to Utah as a citizen next year, the Senate will miss his talent, productivity and wisdom, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Kentucky, said when Hatch announced his retirement at the beginning of 2018.

“Orrin’s long list of accomplishments means he will depart as one of the most productive members ever to serve in this body,” McConnell said. “But even more than what Orrin did, his friends and colleagues here will remember how he did it. We’ll remember the unfailing energy, kindness and straightforward honesty that he brought to work every day.”

In Hatch’s farewell speech, he called on his colleagues and the American people to “heed the better angels of our nature” by recommitting to comity, restoring civility to the public discourse, embracing the principles of pluralism and striving for unity by rejecting the politics of division.

He called out the media for their part in creating divisiveness by “adopting outrage as a business model.”

“But we are complicit when we use words to provoke rather than to persuade, to divide rather than to unite,” he said. “We only make the problem worse when the object of our discourse becomes to belittle the other side.”

“Our better angels call on us to resist identity politics by recommitting ourselves to the American idea, the idea that our immutable characteristics do not define us,” he said.

It’s the idea that all of us—regardless of color, class or creed—are equal, and that we can work together to build a more perfect union. When we heed this call, we can achieve unity. And ideas—not identity—can resume their rightful place in our public discourse. …

When we heed our better angels—when we hearken to the voices of virtue native to our very nature—we can transcend our tribal instincts and preserve our democracy for future generations. That we may do so is my humble prayer.

The full transcript of the speech as prepared for delivery is as follows:

Mr. President, for more than four decades, I have had the distinct privilege of serving in the United States Senate, what some have called the world’s greatest deliberative body. Speaking on the Senate floor; debating legislation in committee; corralling the support of my colleagues on compromise legislation—these are the moments I will miss. These are the memories I will cherish forever.

To address this body is to experience a singular feeling—a sense that you are a part of something bigger than yourself, a minor character in the grand narrative that is America.

No matter how often I come to speak at this lectern, I experience that feeling—again and again. But today, if I’m being honest, I also feel sadness. Indeed, my heart is heavy. It aches for the times when we actually lived up to our reputation as the world’s greatest deliberative body. It longs for the days in which Democrats and Republicans would meet on middle ground rather than retreat to partisan trenches.

Now some may say I’m waxing nostalgic, yearning—as old men often do—for some golden age that never existed. They would be wrong.

The Senate I’ve described is not some fairytale but the reality we once knew. Having served as a Senator for nearly 42 years, I can tell you this: things weren’t always as they are now.

I was here when this body was at its best. I was here when regular order was the norm, when legislation was debated in committee, and when members worked constructively with one another for the good of the country. I was here when we could say, without any hint of irony, that we were members of the world’s greatest deliberative body.

Times have certainly changed.

Over the last several years, I have witnessed the subversion of Senate rules, the abandonment of regular order, and the full-scale deterioration of the judicial confirmation process. Polarization has ossified. Gridlock is the new norm. And like the humidity here, partisanship permeates everything we do.

On both the left and the right, the bar of decency has been set so low that jumping over it is no longer the objective. Limbo is the new name of the game. How low can you go? The answer, it seems, is always lower.

All the evidence points to an unsettling truth: The Senate, as an institution, is in crisis. The committee process lies in shambles. Regular order is a relic of the past. And compromise—once the guiding credo of this great institution—is now synonymous with surrender.

Since I first came to the Senate in 1978, the culture of this place has shifted fundamentally—and not for the better. Here, there used to be a level of congeniality and kinship among colleagues that was hard to find anywhere else. In those days, I counted Democrats among my very best friends. One moment, we would be locking horns on the Senate floor; the next, we would be breaking bread together over family dinner.

My unlikely friendship with the late Senator Ted Kennedy embodied the spirit of goodwill and collegiality that used to thrive here. Teddy and I were a case study in contradictions. He was a dyed-in-the-wool Democrat; I was a resolute Republican. But by choosing friendship over party loyalty, we were able to pass some of the most significant bipartisan achievements of modern times — from the Americans with Disabilities Act and the Religious Freedom Restoration Act to the Ryan White bill and the State Children’s Health Insurance Program.

Nine years after Teddy’s passing, it’s worth asking: Could a relationship like this even exist in today’s Senate? Could two people with polar-opposite beliefs and from vastly different walks of life come together as often as Teddy and I did for the good of the country? Or are we too busy attacking each other to even consider friendship with the other side?

Mr. President, many factors contribute to the current dysfunction. But if I were to identify the root of our crisis, it would be this: the loss of comity and genuine good feeling among Senate colleagues.

Comity is the cartilage of the Senate—the soft connective tissue that cushions impact between opposing joints. But in recent years, that cartilage has been ground to a nub. All movement has become bone on bone. Our ideas grate against each other with increasing frequency—and with nothing to absorb the friction. We hobble to get any bipartisan legislation to the Senate floor, much less to the President’s desk. The pain is excruciating, and it is felt by the entire nation.

We must remember that our dysfunction is not confined to the Capitol. It ripples far beyond these walls—to every state, to every town, and to every street corner in America.

The Senate sets the tone of American civic life. We don’t mirror the political culture as much as we make it. It’s incumbent on us, then, to move the culture in a positive direction, keeping in mind that everything we do here has a trickle-down effect. If we are divided, then the nation is divided. If we abandon civility, then our constituents will follow.

And so, to mend the nation, we must first mend the Senate. We must restore the culture of comity, compromise, and mutual respect that used to exist here. Both in our personal and public conduct, we must be the very change we want to see in the country. We must not be enemies but friends. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory…will yet swell…when again touched…by the better angels of our nature.

These are not my words but the words of President Abraham Lincoln. They come from a heartfelt plea he made to the American people long ago on the eve of the Civil War. Lincoln’s admonition is just as timely today as it was then. If ever there were a time in our history to heed the better angels of our nature, it is now.

How can we answer Lincoln’s call to our better angels? In the last year, I have devoted significant time and energy to answering that question. Today, I wish to put flesh on the bones of Lincoln’s appeal.

Our challenge is to rise above the din and divisiveness of today’s politics. It is to tune out the noise and tune into reason. It is to choose patience over impulse, and fact over feeling. It is to reacquaint ourselves with wisdom by returning to core principles.

Today, allow me to offer a prescription for what ails us politically. Allow me to share just a few ideas that—when put into practice—can help us not only fix the Senate but put our nation back on the right path.

Heeding our better angels begins with civility. While our politics have always been contentious, an underlying commitment to civility has held together the tenuous marriage of right and left. But the steady disintegration of public discourse has weakened that marriage, calling into question the very viability of the American experiment.

As the partisan divide deepens, one thing becomes increasingly clear—we cannot continue on the current course. Unless we take meaningful steps to restore civility, the culture wars will push us ever closer toward national divorce.

We would do well to remember that without civility, there is no civilization. Civility is the indispensable political norm—the protective wall between order and chaos. But more than once, that wall has been breached.

Consider recent events: the pipe bomb plot in the midterm election, the terrorist attack in Charlottesville last year, and the shooting at the Congressional baseball practice before that. These are stark reminders that hateful rhetoric, if left to ferment, becomes violence.

Restoring civility requires that each of us speak responsibly. That means the President. That means Congress. And that means everyone listening today.

We live in a media environment that favors outrage over reason, and hyperbole over truth. The loudest voices—not the wisest ones—now dictate the terms of public debate. For evidence, simply turn on the TV. But be sure to turn down the volume.

The media deserves some culpability in creating this environment by adopting outrage as a business model. But we are complicit when we use words to provoke rather than to persuade, to divide rather than to unite. We only make the problem worse when the object of our discourse becomes to belittle the other side—to own the libs, for example, or to disparage the deplorables. If you’re looking to convert someone to your side, humiliating them is probably not the best place to start. Who among us would make friends with the same person who would make him a fool?

Put simply, pettiness is not a political strategy. It is the opposite of persuasion, which should be the ultimate aim of our dialogue. Our better angels call on us to persuade through gentle reason. They call on us to inspire and unite rather than to provoke and incite. In short, they call on us to embrace civility.

In addition to embracing civility, we must rediscover a forgotten virtue, one that lies at the heart of our nation’s founding: pluralism. Pluralism is the adhesive that holds together the great American mosaic. It is the idea that we can actually be united by our differences, not in spite of them.

In a pluralist society, we can be polar opposites in every respect yet still associate freely with one another. I can be white, conservative, and Christian, and my friend can be black, progressive, and Muslim. We can be different but united precisely because we are united by our right to be different. That, in a nutshell, is pluralism.

Pluralism is the alchemy that makes out of many, one possible. It is the means by which we have been able to weave together the disparate threads of a diverse society more successfully than any nation on earth. At the heart of pluralism is the understanding that our country was built not on a collection of common characteristics but on a common purpose.

When we approach political problems from a pluralist perspective, we recognize that the majority of our disagreements are not matters of good vs. evil but good vs. good. Pluralism acknowledges that there is more than one way to achieve the good life. Accordingly, it seeks to accommodate different conceptions of the good rather than pit them against each other.

The adversary of pluralism is zero-sum politics, which we embrace at our own peril. Zero-sum politics tempts us to view life through an absolutist prism—one that filters all nuance and recasts everything as an either-or fallacy. This distorted way of thinking renders every policy squabble as a Manichean struggle for the soul of the country. If the Republican tax bill passes, it will be Armageddon. If a Democrat takes the White House, it will be the end of America as we know it. Funny how these prophecies never come to fruition.

Answering the call to our better angels requires us to reject zero-sum politics in favor of pluralism. It requires us to make room for nuance and to see our differences not as competing but as complementary.

Nowhere is the pluralist approach more needed than in the fraught relationship between religious liberty and LGBTQ rights. As my colleagues know, I’ve made religious liberty a priority of my public service. Of all the hundreds of pieces of legislation I’ve passed during my 42 years in the Senate, the one that I’m most pleased with, and the one that I hope will most define my legacy, is the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. Religious liberty is a fundamental freedom. It deserves the very highest protection our country can provide.

At the same time, it’s also important to take account of other interests, especially those of our LGBTQ brothers and sisters. We are in the process now of working out the relationship between religious liberty and the rights of LGBTQ individuals here in America. There are some who would treat this issue as a zero-sum game, who would make the religious community and LGBTQ advocates into adversaries. This is a mistake.

Pluralism shows us a better way. It shows us that protecting religious liberty and preserving the rights of LGBTQ individuals are not mutually exclusive. I believe we can find substantial common ground on these issues that will enable us to both safeguard the ability of religious individuals to live their faith and protect LGBTQ individuals from invidious discrimination. We must honor the rights both of believers and LGBTQ individuals. We must, in short, find a path forward that promotes fairness for all.

In my home state, we were able to strike such a balance with the historic Utah Compromise, a bipartisan anti-discrimination law that both strengthened religious freedoms and offered special protections to the LGBTQ community. No doubt we can replicate that same success on a federal level. That’s why, as one of my final acts as a US Senator, I challenge my colleagues to find a compromise on this crucially important issue—a compromise that is true to our founding principles and that is fair to all Americans.

Our better angels invite us to walk the path of civility and to embrace the principles of pluralism. But above all, they call on us to strive for unity.

Before President Lincoln beckoned us to our better angels, he warned that a house divided against itself cannot stand. That warning is especially relevant in our time. Today our house is as divided as any time since the Civil War.

Each year, red and blue America drift further apart. As progressives move to the coasts and conservatives retreat to the interior, we increasingly sort ourselves by geography. We also sort ourselves by ideology, with media diets catered to quiet our cognitive dissonance and confirm our pre-conceived notions. It’s a sad consequence of the Information Age that Americans can now live in the same city but inhabit completely different worlds.

Something has to give; the status quo cannot hold. These are, or should be, the United States of America. While that name has always been more aspirational than descriptive, it at least gives us an ideal to strive for.

To achieve the unity that is our namesake we must reject the politics of division, starting with identity politics. Identity politics is nothing more than dressed-up tribalism. It is the deliberate and often unnatural segregation of people into categories for political gain. This practice conditions us to define ourselves and each other by the groups to which we belong—in other words, the things that divide us rather than unite us.

When institutionalized, identity politics causes us to lose sight of our shared values. In time, we come to see each other not as fellow Americans united by common purpose but as opposing members of increasingly narrow social subgroups. And thus begins the long descent into intersectional hell.

Our better angels call on us to resist identity politics by recommitting ourselves to the American idea, the idea that our immutable characteristics do not define us. It’s the idea that all of us—regardless of color, class or creed—are equal, and that we can work together to build a more perfect union. When we heed this call, we can achieve unity. And ideas—not identity—can resume their rightful place in our public discourse.

Mr. President, this is the last request I will ever make from this lectern—that as a Senate and as a nation, we listen to our better angels; that we recommit ourselves to comity; that we restore civility to the public discourse; that we embrace wholeheartedly the principles of pluralism; and that we strive for unity by rejecting the rhetoric of division.

When we heed our better angels—when we hearken to the voices of virtue native to our very nature—we can transcend our tribal instincts and preserve our democracy for future generations. That we may do so is my humble prayer.

Now, Mr./Mme. President, before I close, let my parting words be words of gratitude. There are countless people I need to thank, but first and foremost, I wish to thank the good people of Utah. Without you, I could have accomplished nothing. The landmark reforms that I passed in Congress have always been a joint effort—drafted by me under constant guidance from people like you. In that sense, the legislative legacy I leave behind is not mine but ours. Representing the Beehive State has been the privilege of a lifetime. Thank you for 42 years.

I likewise wish to thank my family—my sweet wife Elaine and our six children, who have stood by me through thick and thin. And of course, I wish to thank my congressional colleagues, especially Leader McConnell and Speaker Ryan, and the countless other public servants I have had the privilege of working with over the years. These are friendships I will treasure forever.

I also wish to thank my protective detail—the 20-plus men and women who have worked day and night to keep me safe over the years. These officers are like family to me.

As all of you know, a Senator is only as good as his staff, which is why I need to recognize mine today. My Finance Committee Staff, led by Jeff Wrase, has helped me accomplish things I never could have accomplished on my own.

In particular, I wish to thank my personal staff—the countless men and women who have served alongside me over the years. Because of you, I have been able to pass more bills into law than any legislator alive today. Thank you. Let me take just a moment to recognize them personally.

Thanks to my Chief of Staff Matt Sandgren, I am ending this term on a crescendo of legislative activity, having introduced more bills this Congress than at any other time during my Senate service. In the last two years, we’ve also enacted a historic number of bills into law. My staff has not let up in the final stretch—not one bit. We’ve been a legislative powerhouse to the very end, and I’ve got Matt Sandgren to thank for that. I’ve had many chiefs of staff, but I think I saved the best for last.

Last, and perhaps most importantly, I wish to thank my Father in Heaven, who has allowed me to serve for much longer than my detractors would have hoped. Each time I walk into this chamber, I am humbled by the significance of it all. And I am reminded of a passage of scripture, one of my favorites: For of him unto whom much is given much is required. Truly, God has given me so much. In return, I’ve tried to give back as much as I could. I hope He will accept my best efforts.

Now before I get any more sentimental, I should note that this is a final floor speech—not a final goodbye. Three weeks from now, I will no longer hold office, but I will continue to hold a special place for all of you in my heart. I look forward to continuing these special friendships even long after I have left the Senate.

Thank you, again, to everyone. May God bless all of you. May he bless the Senate, and may He bless the United States of America.

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About the Author

Spencer Ricks is a Seattle native who graduated from Dixie State University in 2017. He is the former Editor-in-Chief of the Dixie Sun News – DSU's student newspaper. He has also written for KSL.com and Seattle Met Magazine, covering everything from local politics to flash floods. Spencer joined the St. George News team as a reporter in January 2018.

Statesman are you joking Bike ?
And what does the dysfunctional view of being more consistent with a freak world of degenerates views a plus.
BTW, what freedoms do the sane population have that the insane don’t… just one will do Bike, just one….

Let me spell it out for you Bike ,
LGBTq is not a majority in this great nation we call home.
The majority do not think this way for good reason. Procreation.
They, the LGBTq think they need more rights than ME. (INSANE)
What rights do I have that they don’t. (SANE)
It’s not a right that I have to accept THEIR beliefs, but it sure sounds like that’s whats being shoved down my throat in this fair well speech and on the MSM.
Now you getting my drift?

bikeandfishDecember 13, 2018 at 7:42 pm

Your “drift” is fallacious. What rights do they claim they need more than you? And your construction of sane and insane is illogical and absurd. I don’t answer questions based on fallacies and absurdities. Specifically, I never said they deserved more rights.

But thanks for walking into the trap you attempted to set for me.

Just GuessinDecember 13, 2018 at 7:59 pm

(bike)-Your “drift” is fallacious.
(ME)-Typical Snowflake answer bike

What rights do they claim they need more than you?

And your construction… (and the construction Is not your’s BIKE)… of sane and insane is illogical and absurd. I don’t answer questions based on fallacies and absurdities. Specifically, I never said they deserved more rights.
But thanks for walking into the trap you attempted to set for me.

NO BIKE you stepped in a big pile of … right there Fool

Ed. ellipsis

bikeandfishDecember 13, 2018 at 8:24 pm

Snowflake, huh? Who is the one that got moderated? Too funny. At least try an original or effective insult.

You might want to behave rationally and present viable ideas if you don’t want to get called out.

iceplantDecember 14, 2018 at 8:00 am

You might want to get a handle on that bigotry you’re displaying. The less you hate the longer you live.

The man is a tyrannical parasite that never did an honest day’s work in his life. If we could stop celebrating the lives of men like Hatch that live lives of luxury on the backs of the very people they oppress, that’d be great.

+1. Hatch has always been an extreme opportunist. He’s been very good for big banks, big pharma, big military contractors, etc. I suspect the man has an extremely warped sense of morality. After all, his religion tells him he gets be become a god in the afterlife. And I still suspect he’s some kind of closeted polygamist. He is one crafty, cleaver, cunning, conniving SOB I’ll give him that. Extremely politically savvy because of his craftiness and cunning. I truly believe he is a wicked sort of creature–an opportunist snake. But Orrin could probably make a snake blush. Because the snake is a noble creature in comparison.

Though his comments about divided politics is accurate, I am afraid he contributed to a lot of that himself. This sounds very mean, but, figuratively speaking, he seemed eager to be among the first to plant his lips securely on the backside of Republican presidents. He did a few good things in the Senate, but I feel he outlived his usefulness by far too many terms.

Obama wasn’t a criminal.
There’s your “just one.”
I can name many but I’m sure I already lit your firecracker just by saying his name. Obama.
Obama was a good president. Only to be followed up by a filthy dirtbag con man.

Just GuessinDecember 17, 2018 at 7:35 pm

Why you pick Obama ice? ROTFLMFAO
You letting your Bias show.
Name me some more Please cause they are all criminal predators, all of them L and R.
Boom…… my M-80 just went off.
You are so brainwashed its unbelievable…. its pathetic

bikeandfish December 13, 2018 at 8:24 pm
Snowflake, huh? Who is the one that got moderated? Too funny. At least try an original or effective insult.
You might want to behave rationally and present viable ideas if you don’t want to get called out.

Sorry I didn’t get back to you sooner BikeFlake but its a busy time of year for me..
So your contention is that since I was edited by the MOD proves WHAT???
I’m not a Politically Correct kind of person and feel the author had an obligation to edit what I wrote because of where the writer works.
I know you are smarter than me… cause you prove in every post (Snicker)
Still Id like to know your claim of “your construction of sane and insane is illogical and absurd. I don’t answer questions based on fallacies and absurdities” Give me a definition flake cause I know you are smarter than me

The word bigot has been around MUCH longer than the SJW era. And if the shoe fits…

Just GuessinDecember 18, 2018 at 5:46 pm

That wasn’t the question , Just like most of your posts its…. look over here at this and not answer relevant questions.
Still want to know how I can pull your chain to get the rest of the SJW badges. I only got bigot so far and want to go to camp this summer. Come on Bike you could help poor Ice out here.

iceplantDecember 18, 2018 at 6:21 pm

SJW badges? You must be one of those 4chan/Reddit goobers. I don’t SJW. I don’t have a Twitter account or a Facebook account. I don’t even own a smartphone. I don’t believe in being politically correct most of the time either. Political correctness is for people who struggle with manners and being courteous. I do, however, believe in calling people out and putting them in their place. If that offends you, that’s not my problem.
Maybe your internet incel buddies can give the badges you’re looking for. I don’t need no stinking badges.

Just GuessinDecember 19, 2018 at 6:19 pm

Well I’m not even a real person and I live under a bridge. Your getting this transmission through a secret RUSSIAN moonbeam from Venus. I’m certainly not offended by your political view, what you don’t have and how well you think you fit in. I don’t know what 4chan/Reddit is but i’ll look into it since you have some knowledge there.
WE have gotten way off topic here so i will end this nonsense but will see you down the road i’m sure.
Thank You for you insight into a world I’ve never known
Just Guessin