By going beyond the simple question ‘Do women make a difference?’ and delving into the meaning of elected women’s sense of connection of women using this dynamic framework, the results provide ...
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By going beyond the simple question ‘Do women make a difference?’ and delving into the meaning of elected women’s sense of connection of women using this dynamic framework, the results provide insight into factors that encourage substantive representation of women and shape the meaning of gender. They suggest that women may not only transform institutions, but be transformed by them and the larger political environment. To that end, the conclusion suggests six strategies likely to further substantive representation of women at any given level of descriptive representation: (1) strengthening the voices of women on the outside to encourage those on the inside to challenge masculinist values and amass the majorities they need to effect change; (2) electing men who see women as a political group with legitimate needs and interests; (3) strengthening the recruitment of gender conscious women, while nurturing gender consciousness among women inside and outside the institution; (4) increasing the legitimacy of substantive representation of women by casting achievement of such goals in terms consistent with institutional norms; (5) confronting the legitimacy of women’s claims to act for women by rejecting essentialist assumptions; and (6) confronting the contested meaning of substantive representation of women in theory and practice, while simultaneously accommodating the realities women face as actors within institutions with norms and values beyond their control. These strategies in the long term may help determine whether any compromises women make as ‘team players’ will contribute to the regendering of this political institution or simply mean more political jobs for women who reinforce long established norms, and whether ultimately we can expect ‘regendering’ within Congress to transform the nature of partisan political debate or simply reinforce the divisions of contemporary partisan politics.Less

Conclusion: Looking Toward the Future

Debra L. Dodson

Published in print: 2006-05-01

By going beyond the simple question ‘Do women make a difference?’ and delving into the meaning of elected women’s sense of connection of women using this dynamic framework, the results provide insight into factors that encourage substantive representation of women and shape the meaning of gender. They suggest that women may not only transform institutions, but be transformed by them and the larger political environment. To that end, the conclusion suggests six strategies likely to further substantive representation of women at any given level of descriptive representation: (1) strengthening the voices of women on the outside to encourage those on the inside to challenge masculinist values and amass the majorities they need to effect change; (2) electing men who see women as a political group with legitimate needs and interests; (3) strengthening the recruitment of gender conscious women, while nurturing gender consciousness among women inside and outside the institution; (4) increasing the legitimacy of substantive representation of women by casting achievement of such goals in terms consistent with institutional norms; (5) confronting the legitimacy of women’s claims to act for women by rejecting essentialist assumptions; and (6) confronting the contested meaning of substantive representation of women in theory and practice, while simultaneously accommodating the realities women face as actors within institutions with norms and values beyond their control. These strategies in the long term may help determine whether any compromises women make as ‘team players’ will contribute to the regendering of this political institution or simply mean more political jobs for women who reinforce long established norms, and whether ultimately we can expect ‘regendering’ within Congress to transform the nature of partisan political debate or simply reinforce the divisions of contemporary partisan politics.

This chapter examines women’s relationship to political parties and how they gained access to representative institutions in South Africa and Uganda. It is shown that women in South Africa were ready ...
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This chapter examines women’s relationship to political parties and how they gained access to representative institutions in South Africa and Uganda. It is shown that women in South Africa were ready at the right moment to make an impact, and were able to introduce notions of women’s rights to participation on the grounds of their equal citizenship. In Uganda, women were pre-empted by a powerful political association that obtained significant electoral mileage from stressing women’s difference as a group.Less

In and Against the Party: Women's Representation and Constituency‐Building In Uganda and South Africa

Anne Marie GoetzShireen Hassim

Published in print: 2002-11-07

This chapter examines women’s relationship to political parties and how they gained access to representative institutions in South Africa and Uganda. It is shown that women in South Africa were ready at the right moment to make an impact, and were able to introduce notions of women’s rights to participation on the grounds of their equal citizenship. In Uganda, women were pre-empted by a powerful political association that obtained significant electoral mileage from stressing women’s difference as a group.

This chapter summarizes and analyses the findings from the comparative analysis of abortion policy debates in 11 countries. The first section describes similarities and differences in abortion ...
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This chapter summarizes and analyses the findings from the comparative analysis of abortion policy debates in 11 countries. The first section describes similarities and differences in abortion politics, including how abortion reform came to the public agenda, which institutions are responsible for abortion policy, and the pattern of conflict. In the second section, the summary of frames of the abortion debates show policy makers eventually incorporating gendered ideas that promote the status, rights, and autonomy of women, leading in most cases to increased substantive and descriptive representation of women. The third section shows that most women's movements have been unified in support of women's abortion rights, but have not achieved their full demands. The fourth section reports comparative findings testing the five hypotheses of the state feminist theory, and showing conditions under which states’ women's policy agencies have helped women's movement activists achieve feminist policy and participation goals.Less

Conclusion: Comparative Abortion Politics and the Case for State Feminism

Dorothy McBride Stetson

Published in print: 2001-11-15

This chapter summarizes and analyses the findings from the comparative analysis of abortion policy debates in 11 countries. The first section describes similarities and differences in abortion politics, including how abortion reform came to the public agenda, which institutions are responsible for abortion policy, and the pattern of conflict. In the second section, the summary of frames of the abortion debates show policy makers eventually incorporating gendered ideas that promote the status, rights, and autonomy of women, leading in most cases to increased substantive and descriptive representation of women. The third section shows that most women's movements have been unified in support of women's abortion rights, but have not achieved their full demands. The fourth section reports comparative findings testing the five hypotheses of the state feminist theory, and showing conditions under which states’ women's policy agencies have helped women's movement activists achieve feminist policy and participation goals.

This chapter reviews existing research about women's participation in political parties and women's organizations, including both groups that developed as part of the contemporary women's movement ...
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This chapter reviews existing research about women's participation in political parties and women's organizations, including both groups that developed as part of the contemporary women's movement and more traditional groups. Baer suggests an agenda for future research that would help bridge the gap between the sub‐fields of women and politics and interest groups and parties, and that includes more attention to historical context and to issues of leadership, recruitment, and organizational culture.Less

Women, Women's Organizations, and Political Parties 1

Denise L. Baer

Published in print: 2003-02-06

This chapter reviews existing research about women's participation in political parties and women's organizations, including both groups that developed as part of the contemporary women's movement and more traditional groups. Baer suggests an agenda for future research that would help bridge the gap between the sub‐fields of women and politics and interest groups and parties, and that includes more attention to historical context and to issues of leadership, recruitment, and organizational culture.

The analysis of women’s self-described roles as representatives of women finds both convincing evidence of consensus among women members over time and across parties as well as an abundance of ...
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The analysis of women’s self-described roles as representatives of women finds both convincing evidence of consensus among women members over time and across parties as well as an abundance of complexity, pointing once again to the importance of going beyond what women say to other factors that give practical meaning to their words: perceptions of women as a group, resentment of perceived gender-related problems facing women, commitment to advancing women, and differences in the relative priority of working on behalf of women. Deconstructing ‘women’ and ‘women’s issues’ reveals differences in meanings that may contribute to different actions on different issues, benefiting different women. A closer look at partisan differences in the institutional and extra-institutional environments reveals challenges and opportunities for surrogate representation of women, which contribute to disunity among women in practice and perhaps diversity in the way feminist protest is manifested.Less

Representing Women: The Constituency Connection

Debra L. Dodson

Published in print: 2006-05-01

The analysis of women’s self-described roles as representatives of women finds both convincing evidence of consensus among women members over time and across parties as well as an abundance of complexity, pointing once again to the importance of going beyond what women say to other factors that give practical meaning to their words: perceptions of women as a group, resentment of perceived gender-related problems facing women, commitment to advancing women, and differences in the relative priority of working on behalf of women. Deconstructing ‘women’ and ‘women’s issues’ reveals differences in meanings that may contribute to different actions on different issues, benefiting different women. A closer look at partisan differences in the institutional and extra-institutional environments reveals challenges and opportunities for surrogate representation of women, which contribute to disunity among women in practice and perhaps diversity in the way feminist protest is manifested.

The introduction describes in full the comparative politics research design developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and used to study the role of women's policy agencies as ...
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The introduction describes in full the comparative politics research design developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and used to study the role of women's policy agencies as allies or adversaries of women's movement activists in influencing abortion policy and politics. The theoretical foundation integrates several theoretical strands: democratic representation, new institutionalism, and social movement impact. The chapter describes the network's theory of state feminism and provides a primer on the comparative method in policy research.Less

Introduction: Abortion, Women's Movements, and Democratic Politics

Dorothy McBride Stetson

Published in print: 2001-11-15

The introduction describes in full the comparative politics research design developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and used to study the role of women's policy agencies as allies or adversaries of women's movement activists in influencing abortion policy and politics. The theoretical foundation integrates several theoretical strands: democratic representation, new institutionalism, and social movement impact. The chapter describes the network's theory of state feminism and provides a primer on the comparative method in policy research.

Abortion law reform was a mobilizing issue for the women's movement actors in Germany. Despite their activism, abortion debates returned again and again to the goal of protecting unborn fetal life. ...
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Abortion law reform was a mobilizing issue for the women's movement actors in Germany. Despite their activism, abortion debates returned again and again to the goal of protecting unborn fetal life. Thus, despite two reforms that decriminalize abortion in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, the women's movement has not been successful in gaining its demands. Their primary adversary is the Constitutional Court, which has required that the law put the rights of the foetus first. Today, abortions are criminalized but not prosecuted if the woman gets extensive mandatory pro‐birth counselling. Women's policy agencies were active in the 1990s, but largely symbolic with respect to movement goals on the abortion issue.Less

Abortion Debates in Germany

Lynn Kamenitsa

Published in print: 2001-11-15

Abortion law reform was a mobilizing issue for the women's movement actors in Germany. Despite their activism, abortion debates returned again and again to the goal of protecting unborn fetal life. Thus, despite two reforms that decriminalize abortion in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy, the women's movement has not been successful in gaining its demands. Their primary adversary is the Constitutional Court, which has required that the law put the rights of the foetus first. Today, abortions are criminalized but not prosecuted if the woman gets extensive mandatory pro‐birth counselling. Women's policy agencies were active in the 1990s, but largely symbolic with respect to movement goals on the abortion issue.

This chapter explores the three phases of political development in Malaysia, and the changing features of women’s movements as they interface with the politics of ethnicity and democratisation. ...
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This chapter explores the three phases of political development in Malaysia, and the changing features of women’s movements as they interface with the politics of ethnicity and democratisation. Gender politics evolved by taking three main facets: political sponsorship, political division, and political inclusion. It is argued that under Malaysia’s current phase of political reconstruction, conflicting gender interests are at risk for being coalesced as ethnic identities and interests are being de-emphasized. However, this process can only be sustained if autonomous feminist movements can withstand pressures to succumb to the agendas of opposition and ruling political parties that exploit the gender discourse for their legitimacy.Less

The Politics Of Gender, Ethnicity, and Democratization In Malaysia: Shifting Interests and Identities

Maznah Mohamad

Published in print: 2002-11-07

This chapter explores the three phases of political development in Malaysia, and the changing features of women’s movements as they interface with the politics of ethnicity and democratisation. Gender politics evolved by taking three main facets: political sponsorship, political division, and political inclusion. It is argued that under Malaysia’s current phase of political reconstruction, conflicting gender interests are at risk for being coalesced as ethnic identities and interests are being de-emphasized. However, this process can only be sustained if autonomous feminist movements can withstand pressures to succumb to the agendas of opposition and ruling political parties that exploit the gender discourse for their legitimacy.

Great Britain was the first country to reform its criminal abortion law with the Abortion Act of 1967, a law that was strict in form but liberal in practice. Active anti‐abortion forces sought to ...
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Great Britain was the first country to reform its criminal abortion law with the Abortion Act of 1967, a law that was strict in form but liberal in practice. Active anti‐abortion forces sought to turn back the 1967 reform, putting movement activists in a position to defend the law on the books, and little opportunity to seek greater rights for women with respect to the abortion decisions. With occasional help of women's policy agencies, the women's movement actors were successful in defending legal abortion through the 1990s. The key to their success was the openness of the policy process through private member bills in parliament and commitment of feminist MPs in the Labour party.Less

Women's Movements' Defence of Legal Abortion in Great Britain

Dorothy McBride Stetson

Published in print: 2001-11-15

Great Britain was the first country to reform its criminal abortion law with the Abortion Act of 1967, a law that was strict in form but liberal in practice. Active anti‐abortion forces sought to turn back the 1967 reform, putting movement activists in a position to defend the law on the books, and little opportunity to seek greater rights for women with respect to the abortion decisions. With occasional help of women's policy agencies, the women's movement actors were successful in defending legal abortion through the 1990s. The key to their success was the openness of the policy process through private member bills in parliament and commitment of feminist MPs in the Labour party.

The first major abortion debates in the United States—in Roe vs. Wade legalizing abortion in the first 24 weeks and the Hyde Amendment denying funding—established the terms of conflict over the ...
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The first major abortion debates in the United States—in Roe vs. Wade legalizing abortion in the first 24 weeks and the Hyde Amendment denying funding—established the terms of conflict over the issue: right to life of the foetus versus women's right to seek and choose abortion services. These debates also constructed two great social movements which have confronted each other ever since. Although women's movement and pro‐choice forces form an alliance that has successfully maintained access to legal abortion, the pro‐life movement has robbed them of energy and time to achieve full reproductive rights for women. In the latest skirmish over the ‘partial birth’ abortion ban, women's movement actors would have failed without the assistance of a Democratic president and his women's policy agency. Even so, their frame of activism has been narrowed to women's health.Less

US Abortion Debates 1959–1998: The Women's Movement Holds on

Dorothy McBride Stetson

Published in print: 2001-11-15

The first major abortion debates in the United States—in Roe vs. Wade legalizing abortion in the first 24 weeks and the Hyde Amendment denying funding—established the terms of conflict over the issue: right to life of the foetus versus women's right to seek and choose abortion services. These debates also constructed two great social movements which have confronted each other ever since. Although women's movement and pro‐choice forces form an alliance that has successfully maintained access to legal abortion, the pro‐life movement has robbed them of energy and time to achieve full reproductive rights for women. In the latest skirmish over the ‘partial birth’ abortion ban, women's movement actors would have failed without the assistance of a Democratic president and his women's policy agency. Even so, their frame of activism has been narrowed to women's health.

The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ...
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The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ‘abortion pill’—in the late 1990s. The women's movement has been very influential in all abortion debates through their activism in the left‐wing Austrian Social Democratic party and the long‐term commitment of that party to women's right to self‐determination. In all debates as well, the women's policy agencies acted for the movement inside the state policy‐making processes. Austrian abortion politics is an example of movement success in part through state feminism.Less

State Feminism and Policy Debates on Abortion in Austria

Regina Köpl

Published in print: 2001-11-15

The author describes three policy debates in Austria: initial legalization in the early 1970s, the defeat of an anti‐abortion referendum initiative in 1978, and the authorization of Mifegyne—the ‘abortion pill’—in the late 1990s. The women's movement has been very influential in all abortion debates through their activism in the left‐wing Austrian Social Democratic party and the long‐term commitment of that party to women's right to self‐determination. In all debates as well, the women's policy agencies acted for the movement inside the state policy‐making processes. Austrian abortion politics is an example of movement success in part through state feminism.

It took 15 years and many debates before women's movement activists persuaded the Belgian politicians to liberalize the old abortion law dating from the Napoleonic Penal code of 1910. In this ...
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It took 15 years and many debates before women's movement activists persuaded the Belgian politicians to liberalize the old abortion law dating from the Napoleonic Penal code of 1910. In this ‘partyocracy’ the issue produced an unbridgeable division between the left‐wing socialists and the right‐wing Christian Democratic parties, finally bridged only when the Socialists worked out a compromise with the third party power—the Liberals. When the new law was finally passed in 1990, it authorized women's self‐determination regarding abortion with oversight from doctors in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. This movement success was not due to any involvement of women's policy agencies which, dominated by Christian Democrats, refused to push what the movement actors agreed was a top priority for women's status.Less

The Abortion Debates in Belgium 1974–1990

Karen Celis

Published in print: 2001-11-15

It took 15 years and many debates before women's movement activists persuaded the Belgian politicians to liberalize the old abortion law dating from the Napoleonic Penal code of 1910. In this ‘partyocracy’ the issue produced an unbridgeable division between the left‐wing socialists and the right‐wing Christian Democratic parties, finally bridged only when the Socialists worked out a compromise with the third party power—the Liberals. When the new law was finally passed in 1990, it authorized women's self‐determination regarding abortion with oversight from doctors in the first 12 weeks of pregnancy. This movement success was not due to any involvement of women's policy agencies which, dominated by Christian Democrats, refused to push what the movement actors agreed was a top priority for women's status.

Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ...
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Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ruled this law unconstitutional in 1988, it marked a complete success for the women's movement activists. They were able to seal this victory by stopping, barely, the attempts by the Conservative government to return abortion law to the criminal code. The movement developed its political clout without the help of numerous women's policy agencies that, although sympathetic to feminist goals and well‐funded, were silenced by the policy environment.Less

Of Rights and Power: Canada's Federal Abortion Policy 1969–1991

Melissa Haussman

Published in print: 2001-11-15

Canada's government gained constitutional autonomy from Britain in the 1960s and decriminalized abortion for a few women under the strict control of doctors and hospitals. When the Supreme Court ruled this law unconstitutional in 1988, it marked a complete success for the women's movement activists. They were able to seal this victory by stopping, barely, the attempts by the Conservative government to return abortion law to the criminal code. The movement developed its political clout without the help of numerous women's policy agencies that, although sympathetic to feminist goals and well‐funded, were silenced by the policy environment.

The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy ...
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The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy they believed was still too restrictive. Their influence later increased under the leadership of activist women's policy agencies appointed by Socialist governments. In 1983, the Ministry of Woman's Rights initiated government funding of abortion costs. In the 1990s, a different agency fought anti‐abortion movement efforts to obstruct access to abortion clinics with an amendment to the criminal code.Less

Gendering the Abortion Debate: The French Case

Jean C. Robinson

Published in print: 2001-11-15

The National Assembly in France tentatively reformed abortion law in 1975 and reaffirmed legal abortion in 1979. The women's movement campaigned on the issue but did not claim success for a policy they believed was still too restrictive. Their influence later increased under the leadership of activist women's policy agencies appointed by Socialist governments. In 1983, the Ministry of Woman's Rights initiated government funding of abortion costs. In the 1990s, a different agency fought anti‐abortion movement efforts to obstruct access to abortion clinics with an amendment to the criminal code.

The direction of abortion policy in Ireland began with criminal restrictions and proceeded towards constitutionally based prohibitions on legalized abortion. Pressure for reform has been eased ...
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The direction of abortion policy in Ireland began with criminal restrictions and proceeded towards constitutionally based prohibitions on legalized abortion. Pressure for reform has been eased because women can get legal abortions in Great Britain. For the women's movement, abortion law reform has not been a central issue and has divided activists. These factors, along with an exceptionally strong pro‐life movement based in the Conservative Catholic Church, help explain the exceptional case of abortion law in Ireland. Still, the movement has had some success, first in getting access to the policy‐making process and then limiting the extreme controls on women's lives, notably in the ‘X’ case, which secured the right to travel. The issue remains unresolved and weak women's policy agencies inside the state are symbolic with respect to movement demands.Less

Abortion Debates in Ireland: An Ongoing Issue

Evelyn Mahon

Published in print: 2001-11-15

The direction of abortion policy in Ireland began with criminal restrictions and proceeded towards constitutionally based prohibitions on legalized abortion. Pressure for reform has been eased because women can get legal abortions in Great Britain. For the women's movement, abortion law reform has not been a central issue and has divided activists. These factors, along with an exceptionally strong pro‐life movement based in the Conservative Catholic Church, help explain the exceptional case of abortion law in Ireland. Still, the movement has had some success, first in getting access to the policy‐making process and then limiting the extreme controls on women's lives, notably in the ‘X’ case, which secured the right to travel. The issue remains unresolved and weak women's policy agencies inside the state are symbolic with respect to movement demands.

The abortion issue rose to the agenda in the Netherlands at the same time as the rebirth of the women's movement, when doctors were performing illegal abortions on demand. Thus, at first, the frame ...
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The abortion issue rose to the agenda in the Netherlands at the same time as the rebirth of the women's movement, when doctors were performing illegal abortions on demand. Thus, at first, the frame of the debate focused on how much autonomy doctors should have in light of moral considerations. As the women's movement activism grew, so did the recognition of abortion as a matter of women's autonomy and control over reproduction. When the government legalized abortion in 1981, it was a victory for the movement although movement activists were not part of the decision‐making process. They did get access during the implementation process and, through an active insider women's policy agency, achieved unfettered access to abortion procedures for all women.Less

Policy‐Making on Abortion: Arenas, Actors, and Arguments in the Netherlands

Joyce Outshoorn

Published in print: 2001-11-15

The abortion issue rose to the agenda in the Netherlands at the same time as the rebirth of the women's movement, when doctors were performing illegal abortions on demand. Thus, at first, the frame of the debate focused on how much autonomy doctors should have in light of moral considerations. As the women's movement activism grew, so did the recognition of abortion as a matter of women's autonomy and control over reproduction. When the government legalized abortion in 1981, it was a victory for the movement although movement activists were not part of the decision‐making process. They did get access during the implementation process and, through an active insider women's policy agency, achieved unfettered access to abortion procedures for all women.

After the establishment of a democratic constitution in Spain, the Socialist government included abortion law reform on its agenda to modernize Spanish policy in line with other European democracies. ...
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After the establishment of a democratic constitution in Spain, the Socialist government included abortion law reform on its agenda to modernize Spanish policy in line with other European democracies. Facing intense opposition, the government allowed abortions only for ethical, eugenic, and therapeutic conditions. For the women's movement, abortion reform was a top priority, but activists were not heard directly, and had to settle for this moderate legalization. When the Ministry of Health sought to add further restrictions through a cumbersome set of committees and regulations, the women's movement had a women's policy agency inside the bureaucracy as an ally. The agency intervened to facilitate women's access to abortion services and thus helped the movement gain a successful response from the state.Less

Gendering Abortion Debates: State Feminism in Spain

Celia Valiente

Published in print: 2001-11-15

After the establishment of a democratic constitution in Spain, the Socialist government included abortion law reform on its agenda to modernize Spanish policy in line with other European democracies. Facing intense opposition, the government allowed abortions only for ethical, eugenic, and therapeutic conditions. For the women's movement, abortion reform was a top priority, but activists were not heard directly, and had to settle for this moderate legalization. When the Ministry of Health sought to add further restrictions through a cumbersome set of committees and regulations, the women's movement had a women's policy agency inside the bureaucracy as an ally. The agency intervened to facilitate women's access to abortion services and thus helped the movement gain a successful response from the state.

This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state ...
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This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state feminism—the extent to which women's policy agencies further goals of women's movements for descriptive and substantive representation. In 11 countries in Western Europe and North America, including Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and the US, authors analyse the most significant debates on abortion policies from the 1970s through the 1990s. Following a common research design, individual researchers describe how each issue came to the public agenda, the goals of women's movement actors, the effectiveness of movement actors and women's policy agencies in inserting pro‐woman gendered perspectives into the issue frames, and the policy outcomes. They assess the success of the women's movement in gaining both access to the policy subsystem as well as favourable policy content. The comparative conclusion to the book examines several hypotheses in light of the descriptive information in the chapters. Have women's movement been successful in increasing their representation and thus making policy processes more democratic? To what extent have women's policy agencies been allies of movement activists? What explains patterns of movement success? In addition to state feminism theory, the conclusion assesses the explanatory power of theories of resource mobilization and political opportunity structure on women's movement effectiveness.Less

Abortion Politics, Women's Movements, and the Democratic State : A Comparative Study of State Feminism

Published in print: 2001-11-15

This work presents the results of a comprehensive and integrated research project in comparative abortion policy and politics in post‐industrial democracies. It focuses on the questions of state feminism—the extent to which women's policy agencies further goals of women's movements for descriptive and substantive representation. In 11 countries in Western Europe and North America, including Austria, Belgium, Canada, France, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands and the US, authors analyse the most significant debates on abortion policies from the 1970s through the 1990s. Following a common research design, individual researchers describe how each issue came to the public agenda, the goals of women's movement actors, the effectiveness of movement actors and women's policy agencies in inserting pro‐woman gendered perspectives into the issue frames, and the policy outcomes. They assess the success of the women's movement in gaining both access to the policy subsystem as well as favourable policy content. The comparative conclusion to the book examines several hypotheses in light of the descriptive information in the chapters. Have women's movement been successful in increasing their representation and thus making policy processes more democratic? To what extent have women's policy agencies been allies of movement activists? What explains patterns of movement success? In addition to state feminism theory, the conclusion assesses the explanatory power of theories of resource mobilization and political opportunity structure on women's movement effectiveness.

The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around ...
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The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around efforts to overturn legal abortion. Unlike other countries, the abortion issue split the radical feminists from the rest of the movement that had to turn to allies in the parties and unions of the left to promote women's rights to abortion. The early debates occurred before Italy had established women's policy agencies. Only in the 1990s, when the issue of in vitro fertilization stimulated pro‐life deputies to protect the foetus through restrictive laws, could the movement count on even marginal state support for keeping the 1978 compromise law on the books.Less

Debates and Controversies on Abortion in Italy

Marina Calloni

Published in print: 2001-11-15

The debate over legalization of abortion dominated politics in Italy in the 1970s, part of a broader challenge to Catholic domination over families and women. Subsequent debates have revolved around efforts to overturn legal abortion. Unlike other countries, the abortion issue split the radical feminists from the rest of the movement that had to turn to allies in the parties and unions of the left to promote women's rights to abortion. The early debates occurred before Italy had established women's policy agencies. Only in the 1990s, when the issue of in vitro fertilization stimulated pro‐life deputies to protect the foetus through restrictive laws, could the movement count on even marginal state support for keeping the 1978 compromise law on the books.

This chapter examines the demand for women in the legislatures of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. There is currently little demand for female legislators, with a prevailing attitude in ...
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This chapter examines the demand for women in the legislatures of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. There is currently little demand for female legislators, with a prevailing attitude in many countries that men make better political leaders. Although this view is most evident among older less educated citizens, it is sufficiently echoed by younger and better educated women. Support for the women’s movement in Eastern and Central Europe appears to be for a non-feminist, maternalist movement; men and women generally believe that the role of homemaker and mother is essential to a woman’s happiness.Less

Popular Support for Electing Women in Eastern Europe

Clyde WilcoxBeth StarkSue Thomas

Published in print: 2003-05-01

This chapter examines the demand for women in the legislatures of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. There is currently little demand for female legislators, with a prevailing attitude in many countries that men make better political leaders. Although this view is most evident among older less educated citizens, it is sufficiently echoed by younger and better educated women. Support for the women’s movement in Eastern and Central Europe appears to be for a non-feminist, maternalist movement; men and women generally believe that the role of homemaker and mother is essential to a woman’s happiness.