U.S. President George W. Bush,
addressing Polish President Aleksander Kwasniewski and about 700 students
and faculty at Warsaw University, presented an American policy that foresees
no bargains with Russia regarding NATO membership for Latvia and the other
Baltic states. Here is the text of the speech, as released by the White
House.

5:45 P.M. (L)
Thank you very much. Mr. President,
thank you very much for your gracious hospitality that you and your wife
have shown Laura and me. Mr. Prime Minister, members of the government,
distinguished members of the clergy, distinguished citizens, and this
important friend of America, students, Mr. Rector, than you very much for
your warm greeting.

It's a great honor for me to visit
this great city -- a city that breathes with confidence, creativity and
success of modern Poland.

Like all nations, Poland still
faces challenges. But I am confident you'll meet them with the same
optimistic spirit a visitor feels on Warsaw's streets and sees in the city's
fast-changing skyline. We find evidence of this energy and enterprise
surrounding us right now in this magnificent building. And you can hear it
in the air. Today's own -- Poland's orchestra called Golec's -- is telling
the world, "on that wheat field, I'm gonna build my San Francisco; over
that molehill, I'm gonna build my bank."

Americans recognize that kind of
optimism and ambition -- because we share it. We are linked to Poland by
culture and heritage, kinship and common values.

Polish glass makers built and
operated the New World's first factory in Jamestown, Va., in 1608. Seeking
the right to vote, those same Poles also staged the New World's first labor
strike. They succeeded. It seems the Poles have been keeping the world
honest for a long period of time.

Some of the most courageous moments
of the 20th century took place in this nation. Here, in 1943, the world saw
the heroic effort and revolt of the Warsaw Ghetto; a year later, the 63 days
of the Warsaw Uprising; and then the reduction of this city to rubble
because it chose to resist evil.

Here communism was humbled by the
largest citizens' movement in history, and by the iron purpose and moral
vision of a single man: Pope John Paul II. Here Polish workers, led by an
electrician from Gdansk, made the sparks that would electrify half a
continent. Poland revealed to the world that its Soviet rulers, however
brutal and powerful, were ultimately defenseless against determined men and
women armed only with their conscience and their faith.

Here you have proven that communism
need not be followed by chaos, that great oppression can end in true
reconciliation, and that the promise of freedom is stronger than the habit
of fear.

In all these events, we have seen
the character of the Polish people, and the hand of God in your history.
Modern Poland is just beginning to contribute to the wealth of Europe -- yet,
for decades, you have contributed to Europe's soul and spiritual strength.
And all who believe in the power of conscience and culture are in your debt.

Today, I have come to the center of
Europe to speak of the future of Europe. Some still call this "the East"
-- but Warsaw is closer to Ireland than it is to the Urals. And it is time
to put talk of East and West behind us.

Yalta did not ratify a natural
divide, it divided a living civilization. The partition of Europe was not a
fact of geography, it was an act of violence. And wise leaders for decades
have found the hope of European peace in the hope of greater unity. In the
same speech that described an "iron curtain," Winston Churchill
called for "a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be
permanently outcast."

Consider how far we have come since
that speech. Through trenches and shell-fire, through death camps and
bombed-out cities, through gulags and food lines men and women have dreamed
of what my father called a Europe "whole and free." This free
Europe is no longer a dream. It is the Europe that is rising around us. It
is the work that you and I are called on to complete.

We can build an open Europe -- a
Europe without Hitler and Stalin, without Brezhnev and Honecker and
Ceaucescu and, yes, without Milosevic.

Our goal is to erase the false
lines -- our goal is to erase the false lines that have divided Europe for
too long. The future of every European nation must be determined by the
progress of internal reform, not the interests of outside powers. Every
European nation that struggles toward democracy and free markets and a
strong civic culture must be welcomed into Europe's home.

All of Europe's new democracies,
from the Baltic to the Black Sea and all that lie between, should have the
same chance for security and freedom -- and the same chance to join the
institutions of Europe -- as Europe's old democracies have.

I believe in NATO membership for
all of Europe's democracies that seek it and are ready to share the
responsibilities that NATO brings. The question of "when" may
still be up for debate within NATO; the question of "whether"
should not be. As we plan to enlarge NATO, no nation should be used as a
pawn in the agendas of others. We will not trade away the fate of free
European peoples. No more Munichs. No more Yaltas. Let us tell all those who
have struggled to build democracy and free markets what we have told the
Poles: from now on, what you build, you keep. No one can take away your
freedom or your country.

Next year, NATO's leaders will meet
in Prague. The United States will be prepared to make concrete, historic
decisions with its allies to advance NATO enlargement. Poland and America
share a vision. As we plan the Prague Summit, we should not calculate how
little we can get away with, but how much we can do to advance the cause of
freedom.

The expansion of NATO has fulfilled
NATO's promise. And that promise now leads eastward and southward, northward
and onward.

I want to thank Poland for acting
as a bridge to the new democracies of Europe, and a champion of the
interests and security of your neighbors, such as the Baltic states, Ukraine,
Slovakia. You are making real the words: "For your freedom and ours."

All nations should understand that
there is no conflict between membership in NATO and membership in the
European Union. My nation welcomes the consolidation of European unity, and
the stability it brings. We welcome a greater role for the EU in European
security, properly integrated with NATO. We welcome the incentive for reform
that the hope of EU membership creates. We welcome a Europe that is truly
united, truly democratic, and truly diverse -- a collection of peoples and
nations bound together in purpose and respect, and faithful to their own
roots.

The most basic commitments of NATO
and the European Union are similar: democracy, free markets, and common
security. And all in Europe and America understand the central lesson of the
century past. When Europe and America are divided, history tends to tragedy.
When Europe and America are partners, no trouble or tyranny can stand
against us.

Our vision of Europe must also
include the Balkans. Unlike the people of Poland, many people and leaders in
Southeast Europe made the wrong choices in the last decade. There, communism
fell, but dictators exploited a murderous nationalism to cling to power and
to conquer new land. Twice NATO had to intervene militarily to stop the
killing and defend the values that define a new Europe.

Today, instability remains and
there are still those who seek to undermine the fragile peace that holds. We
condemn those, like the sponsors of violence in Macedonia, who seek to
subvert democracy. But we've made progress. We see democratic change in
Zagreb and Belgrade; moderate governments in Bosnia; multi-ethnic police in
Kosovo; the end to violence in southern Serbia. For the first time in
history, all governments in the region are democratic, committed to
cooperating with one another, and predisposed to join Europe.

Across the region, nations are
yearning to be a part of Europe. The burdens -- and benefits -- of
satisfying that yearning will naturally fall most heavily on Europe, itself.
That is why I welcome Europe's commitment to play a leading role in the
stabilization of Southeastern Europe. Countries other than the United States
already provide over 80 percent of the NATO-led forces in the region. But I
know that America's role is important, and we will meet our obligations. We
went into the Balkans together, and we will come out together. And our goal
must be to hasten the arrival of that day.

The Europe we are building must
include Ukraine, a nation struggling with the trauma of transition. Some in
Kiev speak of their country's European destiny. If this is their aspiration,
we should reward it. We must extend our hand to Ukraine, as Poland has
already done with such determination.

The Europe we are building must
also be open to Russia. We have a stake in Russia's success -- and we look
for the day when Russia is fully reformed, fully democratic and closely
bound to the rest of Europe. Europe's great institutions -- NATO and the
European Union -- can and should build partnerships with Russia and with all
the countries that have emerged from the wreckage of the former Soviet Union.

Tomorrow, I will see President
Putin, and express my hopes for a Russia that is truly great -- a greatness
measured by the strength of its democracy, the good treatment of minorities
and the achievements of its people.

I will express to President Putin
that Russia is part of Europe and, therefore, does not need a buffer zone of
insecure states separating it from Europe. NATO, even as it grows, is no
enemy of Russia. Poland is no enemy of Russia. America is no enemy of Russia.
We will seek a constructive relationship with Russia, for the benefit of all
our peoples.

I will make the case, as I have to
all the European leaders I have met on this trip, that the basis for our
mutual security must move beyond Cold War doctrines. Today, we face growing
threats from weapons of mass destruction and missiles in the hands of states
for whom terror and blackmail are a way of life. So we must have a broad
strategy of active non-proliferation; counter-proliferation; and a new
concept of deterrence that includes defenses sufficient to protect our
people, our forces, and our allies; as well as reduced reliance on nuclear
weapons.

And, finally, I'll make clear to
President Putin that the path to greater prosperity and greater security
lies in greater freedom. The 20th century has taught us that only freedom
gets the highest service from every citizen -- citizens who can publish,
citizens who can worship, citizens who can organize for themselves --
without fear of intimidation, and with the full protection of the law.

This, after all, is the true source
of European unity. Ultimately, it's more than the unity of markets. It is
more than the unity of interests. It is a unity of values.

Through a hard history, with all
its precedents of pain, Europe has come to believe in the dignity of every
individual: in social freedom, tempered by moral restraint; in economic
liberty, balanced with humane values.

"The revolutions of
1989," said Pope John Paul II, "were made possible by the
commitment of brave men and women inspired by a different, and ultimately
more profound and powerful, vision: the vision of man as a
creature of intelligence and free will, immersed in a mystery which
transcends his own being and endowed with the ability to reflect and the
ability to choose -- and thus capable of wisdom and virtue."

This belief successfully challenged
communism. It challenges materialism in all its forms. Just as man cannot be
reduced to a means of production, he must find goals greater than mere
consumption. The European ideal is inconsistent with a life defined by gain
and greed and the lonely pursuit of self. It calls for consideration and
respect, compassion and forgiveness -- the habits of character on which the
exercise of freedom depends.

And all these duties, and all these
rights are ultimately traced to a source of law and justice above our wills
and beyond our politics -- an author of our dignity, who calls us to act
worthy of our dignity.

This belief is more than a memory,
it is a living faith. And it is the main reason Europe and America will
never be separated. We are products of the same history, reaching from
Jerusalem and Athens to Warsaw and Washington. We share more than an
alliance. We share a civilization. Its values are universal, and they
pervade our history and our partnership in a unique way.

These trans-Atlantic ties could not
be severed by U-boats. They could not be cut by checkpoints and barbed wire.
They were not ended by SS-20s and nuclear blackmail. And they certainly will
not be broken by commercial quarrels and political debates. America will not
permit it. Poland will not allow it.

This unity of values and aspiration
calls us to new tasks. Those who have benefitted and prospered most from the
commitment to freedom and openness have an obligation to help others that
are seeking their way along that path. That is why our trans-Atlantic
community must have priorities beyond the consolidation of European peace.

We must bring peace and health to
Africa -- a neighbor to Europe, a heritage to many Americans, a continent in
crisis, and a place of enormous potential. We must work together to shut
down the arms trafficking that fuels Africa's wars; fight the spread of AIDS
that may make 40 million children into orphans; and help all of Africa share
in the trade and promise of the modern world.

We must work toward a world that
trades in freedom -- a world where prosperity is available to all through
the power of markets; a world where open trade spurs the process of economic
and legal reform; a world of cooperation to enhance prosperity, protect the
environment, and lift the quality of life for all.

We must confront the shared
security threats of regimes that thrive by creating instability, that are
ambitious for weapons of mass destruction, and are dangerously unpredictable.
In Europe, you're closer to these challenges than the United States. You see
the lightning well before we hear the thunder. Only together, however, can
we confront the emerging threats of a changing world.

Fifty years ago, all Europe looked
to the United States for help. Ten years ago, Poland did, as well. Now, we
and others can only go forward together. The question no longer is what
others can do for Poland, but what America and Poland and all of Europe can
do for the rest of the world.

In the early 1940s, Winston
Churchill saw beyond a world war and a Cold War to a greater project:
"Let the great cities of Warsaw and Prague and Vienna banish despair
even in the midst of their agony," he said. "Their liberation is
sure. The day will come when the joy bells will ring again throughout Europe,
and when victorious nations, masters not only of their foes but of
themselves, will plan and build in justice, in tradition, and in freedom a
house of many mansions where there will be room for all."

To his contemporaries who lived in
a Europe of division and violence, this vision must have seemed unimaginable.
Yet, our fathers -- yours and mine -- struggled and sacrificed to make this
vision real. Now it is within our grasp. Today, a new generation makes a new
commitment: a Europe and an America bound in a great alliance of liberty --
history's greatest united force for peace and progress and human dignity.
The bells of victory have rung. The Iron Curtain is no more. Now, we plan
and build the house of freedom -- whose doors are open to all of Europe's
peoples and whose windows look out to global challenges beyond. Our progress
is great, our goals are large, and our differences, in comparison, are small.
And America, in calm and in crisis, will honor this vision and the values we
share.

Poland, in so many ways, is a
symbol of renewal and common purpose. More than half a century ago, from
this spot, all one could see was a desert of ruins. Hardly did a single
unbroken brick touch another. This city had been razed by the Nazis and
betrayed by the Soviets. Its people were mostly displaced.

Not far from here is the only
monument which survived. It is the figure of Christ falling under the cross
and struggling to rise. Under him are written the words: "Sursum corda"
-- "lift up your hearts."

From the determination in Polish
hearts, Warsaw did rise again, brick by brick. Poland has regained its
rightful place at the heart of a new Europe and is helping other nations to
find their own.

"Lift up your hearts" is
the story of Poland. "Lift up your hearts" is the story of a new
Europe. And, together, let us raise this hope of freedom for all who seek it
in our world.