I am a political activist who has worked and lived in the West Bank of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. This blog chronicles my time in Palestine and also provides news and analysis about Palestine and the situation on the ground in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.

“The legislation would give separate
representation and separate consideration to the Christian population,
that will separate them from Muslim Arabs,” Levin told Maariv a few
months ago. “It’s a historic and important step that could balance the
State of Israel and connect us to the Christians, and I am careful not
to refer to them as Arabs, because they are not Arabs.”

The attempt by Zionists to divide the Palestinian community along religious grounds is not new. During the British occupation and the British Mandate period (1917 -1948), both the British Mandate Authorities and the Zionist movement attempted to divide the Palestinian community and pit Palestinian Christians against Palestinian Muslims but repeatedly failed. Palestinians refused to be divided along religious grounds and resisted all Zionist and British attempts to do so.

Palestinian Christians and Muslims in both Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories face discrimination, oppression and human rights abuses at the hands of the Israeli state.

Israeli human rights group, Adalah, has documented more than 50 laws which actively discriminate against Palestinian citizens of Israel - both Christian and Muslim - in all areas of life, including their rights to political participation, access to land, education ,state budget resources, criminal procedures, marriage, culture and much more. Some of these laws also violate the rights of Palestinians living in the 1967 Occupied Palestinian Territories and Palestinian refugees.

Adalah has compiled a database of the apartheid laws, which can be accessed and read - click here to view.
In her Christmas message, Mayor of Bethlehem, Vera Baboun noted the impact of Israel's occupation on all Palestinians, as well as the joint struggle of Palestinian Christians and Muslim's against Israel's human rights abuses, war crimes and occupation policies:

"Today,
our little town has become even smaller due to the continued expansion
of Israeli settlements, but the message of Jesus Christ remains in our
hearts, overcoming with hope the despair of decades of living under a
foreign occupation and being deprived of our rights".

and

"Bethlehem is not a museum, nor just a wooden grotto. It is a living
experience of a daily struggle for existence, for a just and lasting
peace, and this is the Bethlehem we also share with the world. A
Bethlehem that is a model of natural coexistence between Christians and
Muslims, an example for the rest of the region".

Baboun went onto noted that Bethlehem was home to thousands of Palestinian refugees, both Christian and Muslim and that all had suffered injustices at the hands of the Israeli state. Read her full statement here.See also my earlier posts on Israel's human rights abuses and occupation of Bethlehem, here and here.I have included below two articles explain in detail the racist nature of the new apartheid law, as well as a press release issued by PLO Executive Committee member, Dr. Hanan Ashrawi, condemning the new law.

PLO Executive Committee member, Dr. Hanan Ashrawi, strongly
condemned the passing of a new Israeli Knesset bill that was sponsored by MK
Yariv Levin of the Likud Party and that explicitly distinguishes between Muslim
and Christian Palestinian citizens of Israel. Furthermore, she denounced Knesset’s discussion
of a proposal initiated by right-wing MK Moshe Feiglin regarding the extension
of Israeli sovereignty over the Al-Aqsa Mosque:

“These moves demonstrate that Israel is transforming its military
occupation into an outright religious confrontation and an ideological component
of official policy as demonstrated in its insistence on the recognition of the
‘Jewishness of the state.’”

“Such developments, along with its systematic campaign to annex
and distort the character and demography of Jerusalem, constitute institutionalized
racism, which is illegal by all measures of international law and defies all
the basic principles of democracy and human rights.”

“They are also fundamentally offensive to all other religions and
constitute an extreme provocation to Muslims worldwide. Using religion as a pretext to impose sovereignty
on historical places of worship threatens to plunge the entire region into great
conflict and instability. It is
reminiscent of the same regressive ideology that brought the Crusades to Palestine
in the Middle Ages,” stressed Dr. Ashrawi.

She added, “History has revealed the dangers of extremism and
religious bigotry being used to instigate and promote sectarianism and strife. This strategy is not only imposed on the
Palestinians in Occupied Palestine, but it is also forced on Palestinian
citizens of Israel (Christians, Muslims and Druze) who are subjected to an
apartheid system of laws that neither respects nor implements human rights.”

“We call on all members of the international community to hold
Israel accountable and to curb Israel’s legislated racial discrimination and
deliberate aggression and assaults on Palestinian holy sites.”

“While Palestine is committed to the principles of tolerance,
pluralism, diversity, and inclusiveness in a genuinely democratic system of
governance consistent with the global values of the 21st century,
Israel is adopting a policy of the classification of its citizens based on
religion or ethnicity which is an obsolete and outdated practice,” concluded
Dr. Ashrawi. ***

Israel ratified a new law that legally distinguishes between Muslim and Christian citizens of the state, Haaretz
reported Monday. The bill, which easily passed by a 31-6 vote in its
third and final reading, recognizes the Christian Arab population as a
separate, though not national minority for the first time.The law, which expands the Advisory Committee for Equal Opportunity
in the Employment Commission by adding to it a separate Christian
representative, was marketed as a way to better integrate Christians
into the Israeli workforce. However, in practice, it is being carried
out at the blatant expense of Muslim citizens. There are approximately
160,000 Christians living in Israel, compared with over a million Muslim
citizens.According to the bill’s sponsor, Likud MK Yariv Levin, Christians are
“our natural allies, a counterbalance against the Muslims who want to
destroy the state from within.” Levin, an outspoken opponent of the
establishment of a Palestinian state (like other fellow MKs in Likud and
the Jewish Home party) also emphasized that he refuses to call
Christian citizens “Arabs.” “I’m being careful about not calling them
Arabs because they aren’t Arabs,” he told the Israeli daily Ma’ariv a
few weeks ago, despite the fact that the large majority of them are, in
fact, Arabs, and many identify as part of the Palestinian nation.Through the Knesset’s passing of the law, along with Levin’s candid
comments, the Israeli government has made two things abundantly clear
(if they weren’t already):1. “Arab” is a bad word, and the Muslim Arab population specifically –
the largest minority in the country – is made up of evil citizens
intent on destroying the state, and are therefore not eligible to have
equal rights.2. Israel defines and subsequently prioritizes the rights of its
citizens according to religion and ethnicity, in blatant contravention
of its Declaration of Independence and the most common working
assumptions of any democracy. This new law adds another chunk of
evidence that Israel is an ethno-religious state with systematic,
structural inequalities that work mainly to privilege the Jewish
population living between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River.This new law has legally enshrined the de facto reality in which
Muslim citizens of Israel are not entitled to equal rights, just by
virtue of being born that way. This is the definition of a racist
policy.Jews sit at the top of the pyramid of religious privilege, followed
by Christians and then Muslims. Of course, there are also
inner-hierarchies within every sector (i.e. Russian Jews before
Ethiopian Jews, urban middle class Palestinians before Bedouin in the
periphery).

What strikes me about Levin’s comments is how he makes Christians out
to be the Jews’ best friends, while the Muslims are the inherent
enemy. This makes me think he knows nothing about basic history.***

Such a distinction is designed to spark conflicts between minorities in a divide-and-conquer style.

Israeli Arabs and Israeli Jews with their favorite flags, May 2010.Photo by Reuters

Likud MK Yariv Levin’s new bill threatens to erode even
further the concept of citizenship in Israel. According to the bill,
Christian Arabs will have their own representatives on the advisory
council mandated by the Equal Employment Opportunities Law. Ostensibly
the purpose is to ensure better representation for communities whose
members have a hard time finding their place in the labor market. But
Levin doesn’t conceal his true goal: “To grant separate representation
and separate treatment to the Christian community, which will be
distinguished from the Muslim Arabs.” “I
take pains not to call them Arabs,” Levin added in an interview with
the daily Maariv, referring to Christians. According to Levin, Arabs are
“Muslims who want to destroy the state from within.” The widespread
support for the bill in the Knesset shows that crazy ideas like these
aren’t the province of an extremist, borderline-loony MK. They’re part
of the national consensus.
Christianity,
like Islam and Judaism, is a religion. To be Arab refers to an
ethnicity and a nationality. The new covenant between Levin and
Christian Arabs will not change their Arab identity. The unfortunate
distinction between “good Arabs” – Christians – and “bad Arabs” –
Muslims – not only reflects ignorance and racism, it does a great
injustice to members of both religions who as minorities are not treated
properly by the state. The
Knesset’s test of “love of the Jewish state” empties of meaning the
concept of citizenship, which does not differentiate between religion,
color or gender. This test paints the Muslim minority as a single
entity, in shades of hatred and suspicion. Such a distinction is
designed to spark conflicts between minorities in a divide-and-conquer
style that breaches international agreements that Israel has signed. It
pushes Israel into the ranks of the darkest states. Levin’s
racist legislation is made possible in a Knesset in which the
opposition is mute. One wonders how these silent MKs would respond if
some country branded the Jews there as “people who want to destroy the
state from within,” or if it distinguished between “good Jews” and “bad
Jews.”
The
Knesset, led by the opposition, must immediately halt legislation that
crushes the country’s democratic foundations. Such legislation does not
reflect love of one’s country. It’s ugly racism by nationalist zealots.

***On twitter,
facebook and social media, the report has gained a lot of coverage, with
the vast majority of people being shocked and appalled at Israel's
abuse of Palestinian children. Following the ABC's airing of the report, many other Australian media outlets have reported on both the report and the reaction to it and/or have run their own stories on Palestinian child prisoners.

Australian Zionist organisations, however, have sought to try and discredit the report and deflect attention from Israel's human rights abuses. Even before the report aired, the Zionist Council of Victoria (ZCV) and the Zionist Federation of Australia issued a briefing statement (click here to read) justifying the child abuse carried out by the Israeli state and its military, deeming the report to be "one-sided" and calling on supporters to complain to the ABC. The briefing statement issued by the Zionist Council of Victoria provides the standard Zionist hasbara talking points and apologism for Israel's human rights abuses, ignoring the fact that the Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories have been oppressed and occupied by Israel for the past 47 years.

The Zionist Federation of Australia took to twitter adding its own racist interpretation to the ZVC's briefing statement tweeting:

@ZionistFedAus #4corners you throw around figures of 700+ with no breakdown of how many are 17 &18 yr olds toting guns vs 5 yr olds on the street

Two days later after the airing of Stone Cold Justice, ZFA continues to tweet about how unfair it was and has issued it own statement using many of the same hasbara talking points which appeared in the ZCV statement.

The impact of the ABC's report has been further highlighted by the fact that today, Julie Bishop, the deputy Prime Minister and Australia's Foreign Affairs minister who recently deemed that Israel's illegal settlements were not illegal, in response to the report has been forced to feign concern for Palestinian children saying she is "deeply concerned" by the reports of Israel's occupation forces raiding Palestinian homes to kidnap children in the middle of the night. But like the true Israeli apologist she is, Bishop, goes on to applaud "Israel's ongoing efforts to address these issues".

As the Fairfax media report notes,"the Abbott government quietly swung its support further behind Israel at the expense of Palestine, giving tacit approval to controversial activities including the expansion of Jewish settlements in the occupied territories". Fairfax reporter, Jonathan Swan goes on to point out: "The Abbott government has also indicated it no longer believes Israel, as an "occupying power", should be forced to comply with the 1949 Geneva Conventions".

***
Overall, Four Corners' Stone Cold Justice report was excellent. My only criticism of the Stone Cold Justice report was the failure of Four Corners to follow up in regards to the accusations made against the five Palestinian boys accused of allegedly throwing stones at a settler car and injuring a 3 year old settler child. The program interviewed Adva Biton, the mother of the injured child and also an Israeli army spokesman, both of whom deemed the five Palestinian children "terrorists" (this case is also cited in the ZCV briefing statement linked to above).

What Four Cornersdid NOT reportwas that the five accused boys in this particular case are from the village of Hares and that there is no evidence that the car accident was caused by stone throwing. There are no eyewitnesses to the supposed stone throwing, nor is there any evidence that the alleged stone throwing was done by the five Hares boys who have been arrested.
There is currently a campaign to free the five boys who have been charged, in an unprecedented move, with attempted murder. If they are convicted, it will mean that the Israeli military and the occupation courts can charge and convict anyone accused of stone throwing with attempted murder.

You can find out more about the Free The Hares Boys campaignhere and you can join the Facebook page for the campaign here.

***

Finally, In light of Four Corners report, I am also including a link to an article on Palestinian child prisons which I wrote in 2008. The article was first published on this blog with a video and also published by Palestine Chronicle.

You can read: No Child Play in Occupied Palestine and view the accompanying video on Palestinian child prisoners by clicking here.

In solidarity, Kim

***FOUR CORNERS: STONE COLD JUSTICE

Published on Feb 10, 2014: Four Corners youtube blurb for the program:

The Israeli army is both respected
and feared as a fighting force. But now the country's military is facing
a backlash at home and abroad for its treatment of children in the West
Bank, occupied territory.

Coming up, a joint investigation by
Four Corners and The Australian newspaper reveals evidence that shows
the army is targeting Palestinian boys for arrest and detention.
Reporter John Lyons travels to the West Bank to hear the story of
children who claim they have been taken into custody, ruthlessly
questioned and then allegedly forced to sign confessions before being
taken to court for sentencing.

He meets Australian lawyer Gerard
Horton, who's trying to help the boys who are arrested, and talks to
senior Israeli officials to examine what's driving the army's strategy.

The
program focuses on the stories of three boys. In two cases the army
came for the children in the middle of the night, before taking them to
unknown locations where they are questioned. A mother of one of the boys
described the scene:

Dear friends,the other day I posted up a lengthy critique of Israeli sociologist, Eva Illouz's lengthy article on Israel's occupation called "47 Years A Slave" which was published by Haaretz on Friday, 7 February 2014.

My critique of Illouz's article primarily centred around her attempt to redefine Israel's occupation as a question of Jewish morality, stripping Israel's occupation of its political and ideological content. In particular, I criticised Illouz for absenting Palestinian voices and for ignoring Israel's settler-colonialism, both historically and today.

Palestinian-Canadian writer, activist and community organiser, Khaled Barakat has made a similar critique of Illouz's article. In addition, Barakat makes a number other very important and salient criticisms. In particular, Barakat notes that Illouz seeks to redefine the occupation on behalf ot the occupiers and does not allow the victim of Israel's occupation and oppression to define their circumstances. By absenting Palestinian voices, Barakat notes that Illouz reduces Palestinians to an topic of study.

I am including below an english translation of Barakat's article which first appeared in Arabic.

I
read a lengthy article by Israeli writer Eva Illouz published in
Haaretz on Friday, February 7, in which the author compared the system
of slavery in the United States prior to the Civil War in the mid-18th
century with the Israeli occupation regime and its denial of Palestinian
rights (in the land occupied in 1967).

The
writer says that "Israel" does not belong to the present day, and
continues to live according to the laws of other times. The writer
recognizes that "Israel" was established by force, and its unjust laws
were imposed by force as well. She warns of the spread of a racist
settlement discourse that "was marginal in the past" and limited to
settler groups, but today has become the dominant Israeli discourse
towards Palestinians prevalent in Israeli society - in which
Palestinians are perceived in a manner akin to slaves.

Some
Zionist writers, including the author of this article, attempt to
develop a "progressive," "humanitarian," or "objective" presentation,
which promises a "new" look but in fact remain within the same narrow
space of critique and leave aside the fundamental problems of the state.
That is, they examine the form of the problem, but not its substance
and full content. They arrive at the gate of truth, but do not enter, do
not approach, and do not recognize it.

It
is true that the article is from beginning to end an attack on the
"Israeli law and practices in the occupied territories" and this is
important, but it intentionally minimizes the issue and the conflict,
and remains above a surface level of examination.

The
writer seeks to redefine the cause, on behalf of the owners of the
cause. The author claims to carry a "new vision of the occupation"
within the title of her article, but leaves aside that if a comparison
is to be made, the closest and most appropriate, is a comparison between
the struggle of indigenous people against settler colonialism, from
North America to South Africa, and the struggle of the Palestinian
people, the indigenous people of the land.

The
core of the issue lies in the nature of the Zionist entity, which was
established in Palestine on the devastation of its indigenous people,
and not simply the problem of the laws applied by the state in the
'territories'. The writer evades the essence of the Israeli regime and
its history because this requires recognition of the provenance of the
land, its rightful owners, and the rights of those expelled and
displaced by force from their homes. It also requires to confront the
reality of this state called "Israel," and its nature and role in the
region, as a whole which is far deeper than a damaging practice against a
minority in the 'terrotiries'. Further, it requires confronting the
real questions about the settlement entity which occupied Palestinian
land in 1947 and expelled the indigenous people - and that the people
who remained in the West Bank and Gaza and Jerusalem were not slaves
trafficked in ships by the colonizer who then suffered the misfortune of
being placed under occupation.

The
comparison being made is specifically between slavery in America and
the occupation which took place in 1967. It is assumed in advance that
the Palestinian people living in occupied Palestine '48 experience
complete freedom: there are no racist laws aimed at this sector, their
land is not being stolen in the Naqab, and Galilee, and the Triangle,
which is part of the state! Also, to restrict the comparison to the
population of the 1967 occupied territories also leaves aside the fact
that the Zionist regime is responsible for the 55% of today's
Palestinian population who were uprooted from their homeland by armed
force.

It
is axiomatic to note that engaging in comparison between two phenomena
are not precisely equal or bear contrary characteristics, and do not
match each other entirely, so the question is asked, how can they be
compared? The author admits this issue, noting that explaining a tiger
for the first time in one's life, no doubt one would say that the animal
is "like a lion, only with stripes," even though it is inexact. The
author wants to tell us that she has found a comparison in substance
betweeen the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and America in the time
of slavery, not that the occupation of Palestine is best equated to the
occupation of the White settler colonists in America.

The
author does not wish to allow the victim of the occupation to define
their circumstances themselves; the writer makes comparisons between
American laws repressing Blacks and similar laws of "Israel" in dealing
with the people of the occupied territories. The victims are expected to
rejoice when the occupier recognizes a portion of their rights, but the
conscious victim knows that those rights are united and indivisible.

For
the supporters of "peace," we have become a topic of study and academic
research and debate among the occupier, being displaced twice - once by
the hands of the Zionist right who does not recognize Palestinian
rights, and once at the hands of the Zionist left who wants to redefine
us, who we are, what is our problem, and what is our cause.

In
a nutshell, the occupation which took place in 1967 - the only
occupation - is regarded as the real origin of the problem, while
omitting the real history of the conflict, is in fact the problem. The
recognition of 20% of the presence of the victim, and 20% of their
rights, is in fact to deny the existence of the victim, their identity,
their narrative, and all of their rights.

Saturday, February 8, 2014

Dear friends, on Friday, Israel's Haaretz newspaper published an article by Israeli sociologist, Eva Illouz. Illouz is a Professor of Sociology at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and much of her work has focused on human psychology, emotions, culture and capitalism. Illouz's article in Haaretz is thought provoking and makes some very important and valid points about Israel's occupation and treatment of the Palestinian people. The article is very in depth and very long but it is one which definitely should be read.

Having said that, while I can agree with and think many of the arguments put forward by Illouz are valid, I also think the article is problematic on a number of levels. I have outline below my initial thoughts on this and have included the full text of Illouz's article, which is only accessible behind Haaretz paywall.

In solidarity, Kim

**Thoughts on Eva Illouz's article:

47 years a slave: A new perspective on the occupation

Eva Illouz's article "47 years as slave" is a very thought provoking one. Illouz not only makes some very important, interesting and valid points with her comparison of Israel's occupation of the Palestine people and slavery, but she also highlights the way in which Israel's human rights abuses against the Palestinians are ignored by many Israelis and non-Israeli Zionists who support the Israeli state.

In relation to her comparison between Israel's occupation and slavery, many of the points made by Illouz have also been made by Palestinians and Palestine solidarity campaigns at different times in relation to the way Israel systematically abuses Palestinians.

Illuoz's argument in relation to the occupation and slavery are cogent and systematic, however, there are a number of shortcomings in relation to other aspects of her argumentation. The first of these being that Illouz completely absents the voice of the Palestinian people. For example,
Illouz claims that the initiators and leaders of the BDS movement are
"respected academics as Judith Butler, Jacqueline Rose, Noam Chomsky,
Hilary Rose and Larry Gross, all Jews". No, sorry, they aren't.

The
initiators and leaders of the BDS movement are Palestinians. Why has she
completely ignored this fact and claimed that Jewish academics are the
initiators and leaders? In addition, in relation to the Jewish academics
she lists she gets it wrong, Chomsky does not support BDS per se. He is
supportive of the right of people to campaign in relation to BDS but he
has not signed on to it himself.

Illouz goes on to state in relation to the debate around BDS and Israel, that if Israel is in fact being "singled out" as Zionists claim, "it is because of the personal sense of shame and
embarrassment that a large number of Jews in the Western world feel
toward a state that, by its policies and ethos, does not represent them
anymore". Here, once again, Illouz completely absents the voice of Palestinians.

The reason Israel has been targeted for BDS has nothing to with how Jews in the West feel about Israel's Zionist policies. As I have noted elsewhere, the Palestinian initiated BDS campaign is conducted within the
framework of international human rights law and is a non-violent punitive
campaign launched by a colonised, oppressed people against the colonial
state which is oppressing them. Illouz, continuing to ignore the Palestinian agency in initiating, developing and leading the BDS campaign, goes on to reduced the importance of BDS to being about the debate around the campaign within Zionist and Jewish circles. And in relation to this rift within Zionist and Jewish circles about BDS and Israel's occupation, Illouz goes on to claim that it is not a "a political or ideological one, as Israel is in fact still a democracy. Rather, the
poignancy, acrimony and intensity of the debate are about two competing
and ultimately incompatible conceptions of morality". She later states: "Interestingly
enough, there are not many episodes in history where groups have fought
over moral issues. Most struggles in history are usually connected to
belief and dogmas (e.g., religious wars), economic interests (class
struggles) or to political power (nationalist liberation movements).
Very few struggles have been about a moral debate on how a group or
nation should treat a third group of people". Not only does Illouz fail to make a distinction between Judaism and Zionism (ie. not all Jews are Zionists and not all Zionists are Jews), she seeks to ignore the fact that Zionism is an political ideology and therefore discussion about Zionist state policies cannot not be just reduced to a mere question of abstract morality. This is because "morality" in relation to society (any society, not just Israel) is an expression of the dominant political ideology of a society. The objective material and political conditions within a society determine the dominant or ruling ideas within a society, including ideas about "morality".

By reducing the debate about BDS and Israel's occupation of the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem, even within Israel, as well as Zionist and Jewish circles, to being one simply about abstract morality and what is supposedly good or bad for Israel, Illouz fails to recognise that it is in fact a debate about the politics and ideology of Zionism - which is the state sanctioned ideology of Israel. It is a political and ideological debate about the anti-democratic racist settler-colonial imperatives which are inherent in political Zionism and have been since its inception.

By casting the Palestine-Israel conflict as only being about "morality" - whether within Zionist and Jewish circles or internationally, Illouz disappears the history of Zionist settler-colonialism in Palestine and the just struggle of Palestinians against it. In addition, it ignores that Zionist settler-colonialism is not just a historical phenomenon but is something which is taking place today as we speak.As Australian academic, Patrick Wolfe, has pointed out in relation to settler-colonialism: "settler colonialism destroys to replace", noting that "invasion is a structure, not an event". That is, Zionist settler-colonialism like all settler - colonialism sought to invade territory, claim it for themselves and replace (not co-habit with) the indigenous Palestinian Arabs. Settler-colonial invasion becomes structural in that it is embedded in the structure of settler-colonial society, both at the economic base and ideological superstructure (including at the level of "morality") and therefore is ongoing. By casting the conflict simply as being one about "morality", Illouz disappears the fact that the Palestinian struggle is a just one against Israeli Zionist colonialism, ethnic cleansing and apartheid.

Thus Illouz's claim that Israel is a "democracy" must also be challenged. Israel, as many Israeli, Palestinian and international writers, historians and commentators have demonstrated is not a democracy, at least not in the sense of being a liberal democracy which affords all its citizens equal rights. Israel currently has more than 50 laws which actively discriminate against is Palestinian and non-Jewish citizens of Israel in the areas as far reaching as marriage, land ownership/rights, education, employment and culture.

As I have noted elsewhere, Israel has been an openly racist and apartheid state since its founding in 1948 using both legally sanctioned discrimination and military force to ethnically cleanse and oppress the indigenous Palestinian people. Israel imposes an apartheid system both inside the Zionist state and in the Palestinian territories that it seized in 1967. This is a direct result Zionism's settler-colonial ideology. Illouz's, however, fails to address the issue of Israel's apartheid in any significant way in her article.Within the context of Illouz's argument, the primary focus of her article is on the moral rights of Jews to oppose Israel's occupation and oppression of the Palestinians. Nowhere in the article does she discuss the inalienable right of Palestinians to oppose their own oppression or "conditions of slavery". Ultimately, Illouz's argument in relation to the morality of Israel's occupation boils down to how it dehumanises Israelis. Yes, Illouz does state it also dehumanises Palestinians but that is by the by, because the real issue according to article is: "This magnificent people - which distinguished
itself historically by its love of God, its love of text and its love
of moraity - has become the manager of a vast enterprise of brutal
military domination". Really what is this but shades of Golda Meir?

While Illuoz does catalogue a very comprehensive list of human rights
violations against the Palestinians, within the overall context of her
article her primary concern seems to be the impact on what Norman
Finkelstein has called the "Jewish soul". Finkelstein notes in Image and
Reality in the Israel-Palestine Conflict (Verso, 1995) that the ethical
qualms besetting Israel arise not from what Israel may have done to the
Arabs, but from what it may have done to itself. Finkelstein notes that
this moral anxiety is not due to the effects of the violence on the
victim (ie Palestinians) but on the victor or in this case, the slave
master. Golda Meir epitomised this when she said: "We can forgive you
for killing our sons. But we will never forgive you for making us kill
yours."

Illouz illustrates this further when immediately after
this quote she claims that is just a historical accident that Israel has
come to dominate the Palestinians, completely ignoring the
colonial setter territorialist and "transfer' (ie. ethnic cleansing) imperatives which
have been part of Zionist ideology from its inception. She writes:
"Without ever intending to Israelis have become Lords and Masters of a
people, and the only interesting question about this is not how we got
there (dominantion has its own internal incremental and implacable
dynamic, but why so many Jews outside and inside Israel are not more
disturbed by this".

Illouz is wrong to say that it is an accident and that the only important question is "why so many Jews outside and inside Israel are not more disturbed" by israel's occupation of the Palestinians. The only way to be able to answer the question
she posses is by examining "how they got there". And when one does it becomes clear that Israel's domination of the Palestinians is not accidental. As already noted, it is a result of Zionist settler-colonial ideology and its territorial and expansionist
aspirations which have always been part of the political Zionist
movement since its inception. You just need to read the
writing of some of the key Zionists leaders: Herzl, Weizmann, Ben-Gurion,
Jabotinsky, Arlsoroff, Katznelson and many more to see that the goal of Zionism has been territory, with territorial expansionism being a central part of Zionist policy. Today, it remains the same, with Israeli state Zionist policy advocating territorial expansionism, seeking to claim as much Palestinian land as possible with as few Palestinians as possible. It should also be noted that despite the public rhetoric of the Zionist movement, both historically and today, both historical and modern day leaders of the Zionist movement have made it clear that Palestinian and non-Jews will always be second class citizens in a Zionist state.

To claim that Israel's domination of the Palestinians is accidental is to ignore the history of Zionist settler-colonialism. The reason today that Israel physically dominates the Palestinians was very clearly outlined by rightwing Israeli historian, Benny Morris in 2004 in an interview with Ari Shavit for Israel's Haaretz newspaper. Discussing Plan Dalet and the Palestinian Nakba, Benny
Morris states David Ben-Gurion "made a serious historical mistake in 1948. Even
though he understood the demographic issue and the need to establish a
Jewish state without a large Arab minority, he got cold feet during the
war. In the end, he faltered". Morris goes on to say: "If he was already
engaged in expulsion, maybe he should have done a complete job... If
Ben-Gurion had carried out a large expulsion and cleansed the whole
country – the whole Land of Israel, as far as the Jordan River. It may
yet turn out that this was his fatal mistake. If he had carried out a
full expulsion – rather than a partial one – he would have stabilized
the State of Israel for generations."David Ben-Gurion made clear the territorial aspirations of the Zionist movement in 1937 in a letter to his son, Amos. Discussing the Peel Commission and the prospects of partition, Ben-Gurion wrote:

Of course the partition of the country gives me no pleasure But the country that they [the Royal (Peel) Commission] are partitioning is not in our actual possession; it is in the possession of the Arabs and the English. What is in our actual possession is a small portion, less than what they [the Peel Commission] are proposing for a Jewish state. If I were an Arab I would have been very indignant. But in this proposed partition we will get more than what we already have, though of course much less than we merit and desire. The question is: would we obtain more without partition? If things were to remain as they are [emphasis in original], would this satisfy our feelings? What we really want is not that the land remain whole and unified. What we want is that the whole and unified land be Jewish [emphasis original]. A unified Eretz Israeli would be no source of satisfaction for me-- if it were Arab. From our standpoint, the status quo is deadly poison. We want to change the status quo [emphasis original]. But how can this change come about? How can this land become ours? The decisive question is: Does the establishment of a Jewish state [in only part of Palestine] advance or retard the conversion of this country into a Jewish country?

Ben-Gurion goes onto state that should partition go ahead and a Jewish state created:

The establishment of a state, even if only on a portion of the land, is the maximal reinforcement of our strength at the present time and a powerful boost to our historicalendeavorsto liberate the entire country[bold & italics = my emphasis]. We shall admit into the state all the Jews we can. We firmly believe that we can admit more than two million Jews. We shall build a multi-faceted Jewish economy-- agricultural, industrial, and maritime. We shall organize an advanced defense force—a superior army which I have no doubt will be one of the best armies in the world. At that point I am confident that we would not fail in settling in the remaining parts of the country, through agreement and understanding with our Arab neighbors, or through some other means.[bold & italics = my emphasis]

In 1967,the Israeli military claimed the remainder of historic Palestine. There was nothing accidental about this, as Zionism had sought to claim all of Palestine since its inception. However, in 1948 it failed to do so. While Israel was able to successfully seize control of the territory it desired in 1967, it was not able to carry out mass expulsions in a similar manner to 1948. As a result Israel has been forced to maintain control of the territory it desires through a military occupation while building "facts on the ground" in order to permanently annex Palestinian land, while excluding as many Palestinians possible. Once again, there is absolutely nothing accidental in this.So while Illuoz's article can be applauded in relation to its exploration of the impact of Israel's occupation of the Palestinians, it is problematic in that it absents Palestinian voices and its seeks to redefine the Israel's 1967 occupation as the only issue in the Palestine-Israel conflict. It is problematic in that it seeks to redefine the Israel's occupation as simply a question of morality by disappearing Israel's settler-colonialism which is the root cause of the Palestine-Israel conflict.

Very few struggles in
history have centered on how a nation should treat a third group of
people, but there are strong parallels between black slavery and
Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians.

Open Haaretz on any given day. Half or three quarters of
its news items will invariably revolve around the same two topics:
people struggling to protect the good name of Israel, and people
struggling against its violence and injustices. An
almost random example: On December 17, 2013, one could read, on a
single Haaretz page, Chemi Shalev reporting on the decision of the
American Studies Association to boycott Israeli academic institutions in
order to “honor the call of Palestinian civil society.” In response,
former Harvard University President Lawrence Summers dubbed the decision
“anti-Semitic in effect, if not in intent.” On
the same page, MK Naftali Bennett called the bill to prevent outside
funding of left-wing NGOs in Israel “too soft.” The proposed law was
meant to protect Israel and Israeli soldiers from “foreign forces”
which, in his view, work against the national interest of Israel through
those left-wing nonprofits (for Bennett and many others in Israel, to
defend human rights is to be left-wing).The Haaretz editorial, backed by
an article by regular columnist Sefi Rachlevsky, referred to the
treatment of illegal immigrants by the Israeli government as shameful,
with Rachlevsky calling the current political regime “radical
rightist-racist-capitalist,” because “it tramples democracy and replaces
it with fascism.” The day after, it was the turn of Alan Dershowitz to
call the American Studies Association vote to boycott Israel shameful,
“for singling out the Jew among nations. Shame on them for applying a
double standard to Jewish universities” (December 18). This
mudslinging has become a normal spectacle to the bemused eyes of
ordinary Israelis and Jews around the world. But what’s astonishing is
that this mud is being thrown by Jews at Jews. Indeed, the valiant
combatants for the good name of Israel miss an important point: the
critiques of Israel in the United States are increasingly waged by Jews,
not anti-Semites. The initiators and leaders of the Boycott Divestment
and Sanctions movement are such respected academics as Judith Butler,
Jacqueline Rose, Noam Chomsky, Hilary Rose and Larry Gross, all Jews. If
Israel is indeed singled out among the many nations that have a bad
record in human rights, it is because of the personal sense of shame and
embarrassment that a large number of Jews in the Western world feel
toward a state that, by its policies and ethos, does not represent them
anymore. As Peter Beinart has been cogently arguing for some time now,
the Jewish people seems to have split into two distinct factions: One
that is dominated by such imperatives as “Israeli security,” “Jewish
identity” and by the condemnation of “the world’s double standards” and
“Arabs’ unreliability”; and a second group of Jews, inside and outside
Israel, for whom human rights, freedom, and the rule of law are as
visceral and fundamental to their identity as membership to Judaism is
for the first group. Supreme irony of history: Israel has splintered the
Jewish people around two radically different moral visions of Jews and
humanity. If
we are to find an appropriate analogy to understand the rift inside the
Jewish people, let us agree that the debate between the two groups is
neither ethnic (we belong to the same ethnic group) nor religious (the
Judith Butlers of the world are not trying to push a new or different
religious dogma, although the rift has a certain, but imperfect, overlap
with the religious-secular positions). Nor is the debate a political or
ideological one, as Israel is in fact still a democracy. Rather, the
poignancy, acrimony and intensity of the debate are about two competing
and ultimately incompatible conceptions of morality. This statement is
less trivial than it sounds. For
a long time, the debate between different factions of Jews was framed
as an ideological, strategic or political one (“when, how and what to
negotiate with Palestinians”). But with time, in the face of the
systematic colonization of the land, the pervasive exclusion of Arabs
from the body collective, the Judaization of Israel, the tone of the
debate has changed and been replaced by a question about the moral
nature of Zionism. Moral evaluations – whether we think people are
“good” or “bad,” “just” or “unjust,” “worthy” or “unworthy” – are more
fundamental to judgment than political opinion or aesthetic taste. In
that sense, moral evaluations are far less negotiable than any other
form of evaluation. I
will call one group the “security as morality” group. For this group,
Israel is twice morally beyond reproach. First, because Jews were the
super victim of history and because of Israel’s inherently vulnerable
state amidst a sea of enemies. The status of victim – whether potential
or actual – disculpates Israel from the crimes of the strong. Second,
because its weakness commits it to the forceful defense of its military
security, its land and its identity. Surveying
history, the “security as morality” group observes that might has
regularly been right, and that Israel is no less entitled to its violent
policies than America or other countries have been to their own. For
this group, then, Israel is exonerated by the fact that it’s at once a
victim and doesn’t have a worse historical record than the strong
nations of the world. Israel’s morality becomes defined by the outrages
of its enemies, Nazis or Hamas, and by the worst deeds of the
enlightened nations. The
second group of Jews derives its positions from universal standards of
justice, and from the observation that Israel is fast moving away from
the pluralistic, multiethnic, pacific democracies of the world. Israel
stopped being a valid source of identification for these Jews not
because they are self-hating, but because many of them have been
actively involved, in deed or thought, in the liberalization of their
respective societies – that is, in the extension of human, economic and
social rights to a wider variety of groups. From
the standpoint of that struggle, successfully waged in most Western
countries, Israel makes an unacceptable demand: it requests from Jews
loyalty to its policies, claims to have a moral and political status
superior to that of its neighbors, yet consistently violates the human
rights of Palestinians, Arabs, and liberal Judaism; uses violence;
violates international law; and practices state-sanctioned
discrimination toward non-Jews. For liberal Jews, Israel bullies like a
Goliath, yet persists in wanting to be admired as a David. Interestingly
enough, there are not many episodes in history where groups have fought
over moral issues. Most struggles in history are usually connected to
belief and dogmas (e.g., religious wars), economic interests (class
struggles) or to political power (nationalist liberation movements).
Very few struggles have been about a moral debate on how a group or
nation should treat a third group of people. There
is, however, one well-known episode of history in which a single group
divided itself in two sides around the moral question of how a third
group of people should be treated, and this episode was the American
antislavery movement. In
using this example as a soundboard to think about the moral debate that
is dividing the Jewish people, I do not claim that slavery and the
occupation are equivalent. They differ significantly. But there are some
analogies, in that the Jewish world has become splintered around two
intractable moral claims about the treatment of Palestinians. An analogy
is nothing more than a tool to probe thinking. Suppose someone didn’t
know what a tiger was. If I had to explain what a tiger is, I’d say: “It
is like a lion, only with stripes.” In giving this answer, I remain
fully aware that a tiger is not a lion, but only like a “lion,” and this
is because a tiger is closer to a lion than it is to a fish, a bird or a
horse. An analogy helps us imagine and think about something we do not
fully grasp, even when that analogy is an imperfect one. The
debate about the occupation is not equivalent to the debate about
slavery, but it bears, here and there, some resemblance to it. And it is
for this reason that I use it as a strategy for thinking.
**** The
United States was established as a British colony in the 17th and 18th
centuries. Slavery was a crucial part of the violent colonization of the
American territory. Great Britain then allowed the slave trade with the
Caribbean, the Americas and Brazil, thus enabling the wide use of
slaves in the vast and powerful plantation system in the South and in
cities such as New York. Both the North and South enjoyed the benefits
of labor produced by slaves in houses, farms, land and small workshops.
At the beginning of the 19th century, however, Britain – who had a vast
and brutal Empire – forbade the transatlantic commerce of slaves. This
was because Britain, like much of Europe, was caught in its own
contradictions: it became aware that the violent use of other people
went against the value of “progress” and “enlightenment” it otherwise
used to justify its own superiority over world populations. Arguments
against slavery were advanced in the 18th century, but only in the 19th
century did the argument against slavery gain momentum and become
widespread, especially among city dwellers. Many reasons were offered
for the striking change of attitude, the most obvious being the
circulation of enlightenment ideas about the basic rights of human
beings; the emergence of mass circulated newspapers and novels that
depicted stories of suffering and made empathy into a civilized emotion;
the increasing recognition that distant strangers were human beings
equal and similar in rights. The eminent historian of slavery, David
Brion Davis, claims that, ultimately, it was a moral argument that
compelled England to claim the Transatlantic Commerce of Slaves illegal,
and it was a moral argument that gave rise to what historians have
called “humanitarian sensibility” in Britain and in the United States –
that is, a new awareness for the suffering of strangers and for the
sacredness of the human person. In
the United States, once the American Constitution was written, many
started to question the flagrant contradiction between the ideals it
endorsed and the brutal domination of an entire group of people that
slavery represented. Christians (Quakers and Methodists mostly) joined
in this struggle as well, because some slaves were converted to
Christianity – and as Christians, they had a soul, and if they had a
soul, they could not be animals and were by definition free. (As early
as 1772, James Somersett, a black man who had escaped from his master,
was freed by the judge because the slave had been baptized.) In
the United States, abolishing slavery proved to be a difficult task, as
the internal slave system was very lucrative (slaves being sold within
the American territory rather than imported) and so much of the
plantation economy relied on slave labor. But the most significant
obstacle was the proslavery ideology that was everywhere: in
schoolbooks, political speeches, Church sermons, laws and fictional
literature. As is always the case in history, once a group of people
controls economic, human or territorial resources, it justifies its
domination over a group with an ideology. What
is ideology? The set of beliefs and stories a group that dominates
another tells to itself in order to make its domination seem natural,
deserved and necessary (for example, if Jews are both powerful and
dangerous, it is easy to justify their persecution; or if Mizrahim are
stupid and uneducated, they naturally deserve to live in the periphery).
When the ideology is pervasive, present in different arenas (school
textbooks, politics, newspapers) and when it is sustained by concrete
economic and political interests, ideology becomes an automatic way of
thinking, an irresistible way of explaining reality and acting – or not
acting – in it. In
order to defend and justify their domination over Africans, the
proslavery camp used a number of arguments and diffused them widely: the
first argument was a hierarchical view of human beings. Whites were
unquestioningly superior to Africans, who were compared to animals, and
as animals they were dangerous, to be domesticated and controlled. It is
interesting to note that here, as in other and subsequent forms of
racism, blacks were viewed both as weak (inferior) and strong
(dangerous). Proslavery
people in Britain and the United States further argued that Africa
itself practiced slavery, and that Britain and America in fact were
contributing to the cultural development of the slaves – because African
societies were unskilled and primitive, they stood to benefit by being
exposed to the “advanced” European civilization. The domination of a
people is not only caused by the belief that a people is inherently
inferior and dangerous, but the very act of domination makes these
beliefs seem true: the proof of the racist was in the pudding of the
plantation owner. Proslavers
also argued that the land itself was crucial for the nation and for
economic prosperity. Owners of farms and plantations viewed the land as
something to fight for and cherish, a source of national pride and moral
identity. In England and America, the proslavery lobby despised
industrial and wage capitalism, which they viewed as creating a society
of selfish strangers. They, the plantation owners, defended a less
selfish view of society and the nation. Slaves were a part of the
household and could help maintain a society of large units who cared for
each other. But
perhaps the strongest element justifying the proslavery outlook was the
use of the Bible. For the many Christian believers who made up the
South, control over human beings was based on, and justified by, the
famous Bible passage (Genesis 9:18-27) in which Noah curses Ham
(presumably of dark color) and dooms him to be subjugated by Japheth
(presumably of lighter color). This biblical narrative played a crucial
role in justifying slavery because it made God and the holy scriptures
give it a seal of sanctity and inevitability (it was later shown by
Christians themselves that this interpretation had no basis in the
actual biblical text). Any domination of human beings is far more
powerful if it uses grand historical and collective narratives that lend
to it an aura of historical mission. Slavery
provoked one of the greatest moral wars of modern times and, for a
while, threatened to divide the nascent American nation into two
distinct national entities. The two camps went to war and although the
reasons for the war were not only connected to slavery, both parties saw
slavery as the essential moral cause to oppose or defend.
*** Roman
law defined human beings as either slaves or as free, and history has
inherited this dichotomous division. Because of this legal division, we
conventionally think that slavery has disappeared from the modern world.
But slavery has not disappeared. It is more accurate to think of
slavery on a continuum, as one of the most extreme forms of human
domination, characterized by the fact that a human being is treated as
the property of another person, and can be sold and bought like an
object or animal. But
slavery is not only that. If a person or group creates mechanisms to
alienate the freedom and life of another, that person is not technically
speaking a slave, but s/he is subject to conditions of slavery. If an
immigrant worker’s passport has been taken away from them by their
employers and made to work 12 hours a day without legal rights and
protection, they live in conditions of slavery. If women are trafficked
for sex purposes and held in conditions of quasi-captivity by their
pimps, they live in conditions of slavery. Slavery, then, is not only
the fact of being turned into a tradable property. It is a set of social
conditions that make someone’s existence closely determined by someone
else’s decision, will and power. Harvard
sociologist Orlando Patterson, a specialist in the history and
sociology of slavery, defines slavery thus: “The permanent, violent and
personal domination of natally alienated and generally dishonored
persons” (quoted in Brion Davis' "Inhuman Bondage: The Rise and Fall of
Slavery in the New World"). Note that this definition does not assume
that a slave is necessarily a tradable property. Rather, as Patterson
defines it, a slave is someone who is born in a condition in which his
life at birth is dependent on the will of a master; it is someone who is
born in a condition of dishonor. From this definition, we can describe a
condition of slavery as having a number of characteristics. Slavery
is a state where one does not have access to citizenship. In that
sense, slaves are by definition deprived of the security that membership
to a sovereign political community provides. It also means that they
don’t develop the skills that come with the exercise of rights and
duties toward a political community. This is what Patterson means when
he speaks of general “dishonor”: a slave is deprived of the possibility
of being recognized by a sovereign cultural or political community. Another
characteristic follows: a slave is submitted to a different legal
system than the one by which the ordinary, free population is regulated
(in many cases in the American South, the law was changed so as to be
applied specifically to African-Americans). Hence, in a slave society,
the law is naturally made to fit the needs of the ruling group, to
exonerate them when needed, and to be especially harsh on the slaves.
Third,
slaves are used to maintain and extend the property of a master but are
denied the right to acquire or extend their own property, through
various legal and forceful means. The capacity of slaves to own or
increase land and property is very limited or nonexistent. A
fourth characteristic is that slaves are the object of arbitrary
physical punishment, and their life and death are often the master’s
decision. Slaves live in fear, because they know that they can be
physically punished, beaten, lashed, killed at any time. Fifth,
slaves have very limited social space to move in and out of. In the
19th century, seeing an unknown African-American somewhere was enough to
raise suspicion that he had run away. Sixth, the personal life –
sexuality and marriage – of slaves is controlled by the master – such as
the fact that slaves could marry only with the permission of the master
(in the Roman world, masters had almost unlimited rights to rape
slaves).
*** Ideology
is made of stories and powerful metaphors that define how we perceive
and understand reality. Thus, when Israelis cast their relationship to
Palestinians as a purely military one, the label of “military conflict”
has a number of logical, moral and political consequences. Palestinians
are “soldiers,” not civilians; they are enemies to be subdued, not
ordinary civilians; they threaten Israelis, are not helpless; they must
be subjugated by force, in a zero-sum game – if one loses, the other
wins. But
the military metaphor with which Israelis have made sense of their
relationship to Palestinians hides a disturbing fact: what started as a
national and military conflict has morphed into a form of domination of
Palestinians that now increasingly borders on conditions of slavery. If
we understand slavery as a condition of existence and not as ownership
and trade of human bodies, the domination that Israel has exercised over
Palestinians turns out to have created the matrix of domination that I
call a “condition of slavery.” The
Palestinian Prisoner Affairs Ministry has documented that between 1967
and 2012, Israeli authorities arrested some 800,000 Palestinians by
power of the “military code.” (A more conservative assessment from
Israeli sources documented that 700,000 Palestinians were detained
between 1967 and 2008.) This number is astounding, especially in light
of the fact that this represents as much as 40 percent of the entire
male population. When a large part of the adult male population is
arrested, it means that the lives of a large number of breadwinners, the
heads of a family, are disrupted, alienated and made into the object of
the arbitrary power of the army. In fact, which nation would create a
Prisoner Affairs Ministry if imprisonment was not such a basic aspect of
its life? These
facts also mean that a significant portion of the non-incarcerated
population lives under the constant fear and threat of imprisonment. The
Israeli NGO Public Committee against Torture in Israel (PCATI) has
established that, once arrested, hundreds are categorized as “ticking
bombs” or “serious threats.” Once labeled as such, they are treated with
a violence prohibited by international law: prisoners are bound to
their chairs in painful positions for hours, held in isolation, beaten,
shaken, prevented from sleeping, verbally abused, cursed and
psychologically humiliated. The
violence exercised by the military does not stop there. During
Operation Cast Lead in 2008-09, the IDF used Gazan civilians as “human
shields,” a practice prohibited by Israeli and international law and
conventionally viewed as barbarian. Using others as human shields
consists of taking civilians as hostages, using them for Israeli
military purposes, threatening their families with injury if they don’t
cooperate with the Israel Defense Forces’ attempt to obtain information. Palestinian
boys, from age 13-17, are frequently arrested by the IDF. Military
Court Watch, an Israeli NGO, has found that 50 percent of these children
are arrested in night raids, and that 80 percent are blindfolded. In a
widely publicized news story, PCATI found that children are also the
object of treatment that is equivalent to torture, and that the IDF
engages in such practices as putting Palestinian children guilty of
minor crimes in cages (for two days), exposed to the cold in the deep of
winter. To
the military violence, we must add the fact that Palestinians are
regularly exposed to acts of violence by civilians. The settlers known
as “hilltop youth” and “price tag” attacks aim to hurt Palestinians in
various ways, in their lands, property or body. These acts are only
sporadically prosecuted by Israel, and when they are, more often than
not it ends with no conviction. Indeed,
Palestinians are subject to a legal system that is different from the
one in Israel. As the Calcalist blogger Yossi Gurvitz writes:
“[R]esidents of one street in Hebron are judged according to one legal
system, and residents [of a] nearby street under a different legal
system. If a Palestinian child is suspected of throwing stones at
soldiers, IDF gunmen break into his home at night, take him,
blindfolded, to interrogation, accompanied by torture at times, and he
will be put in custody. If a settler is suspected of throwing a stone at
a soldier, it is likely nothing will happen to him. Naturally, no one
would think of breaking into his house during the night.” Another
example of the stringency of the laws existing in the territories is
that there’s no possibility for a Palestinian to get a verdict of
"non-conviction" in relation to petty crime. Or a Haaretz editorial
titled “An apartheid legal system just got worse,”
which addresses the new military order issued by the GOC Central
Command, Maj. Gen. Nitzan Alon, prohibiting Palestinians from appealing
military court decisions to confiscate their property. As the article
argues, the order “embodies the essence of the story of the occupation
and demonstrates the different law applied to Israelis and Palestinians
in the occupied territories. This order violates the rights of the
Palestinians, and allows arbitrary damage to them, contrary to
international law and the laws of basic justice. The military can make
decisions of this nature – contrary to justice – due to the existence of
two different legal systems in a given geographical area: one for Jews
and one for Arabs.” These
facts mean, de facto, that Palestinians live not only with a legal
system different from the one used in Israel, but without serious legal
protection as well. Moreover, since the 1990s, Israel has imposed severe
restrictions on Palestinian movement in the West Bank. During the
second intifada, Israel placed dozens of checkpoints in the West Bank
that impede the movement of Palestinians within the area itself. To the
Israeli, this seems only a problem of wasted hours, but the hindrance of
movement touches on the very essence of freedom. It creates a
wide-reaching feeling of imprisonment. (As prime minister, Ariel Sharon
cut Gaza City from Ramallah, for no other reason, probably, than to
create such constraints on movement.) This
feeling of spatial imprisonment is accompanied by economic
strangulation. An essential part of Israeli domination is achieved by
making Palestinian livelihoods depend on Israel, and monitoring permits
of entry to Israel. By making entry to work in Israel conditional upon
good behavior, Israeli powers create fear and extreme psychological
dependency. Moreover, because Israel restricts Palestinians’ capacity to
build new industries, they force them to work in the very settlements
that take their own land, thus increasing their sense of humiliation and
expropriation. As
for the capacity to own property, Israel has long practiced land
expropriation, and made it impossible for Palestinians to extend their
property. The NGO Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD)
established that, in 2013 alone, 634 Palestinian buildings were
demolished, 1,033 people displaced and 3,688 injured by the IDF. From
these figures, it can be inferred that a basic condition of life – to
have a shelter and home – has been systematically and widely undermined
by the policy of house demolition. Finally,
when it comes to marriage, here, too, the occupation has torn families
apart. According to a report by B’Tselem – the Israeli Information
Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, Israeli
restrictions on the passage from and to Gaza Strip split families and
force on couples – where one of them is from Gaza, and the other the
West Bank or Israel – a series of bureaucratic restrictions, with no
possibility of conducting a reasonable routine. The simplest thing –
raising a family, living with spouse and children, and maintaining
contact with families of origin of both partners – become unachievable. In
traditional Palestinian society, the custom is that the women will move
in with the husband's family, so the procedures established by the
Israeli offensive affect mainly women: Married Gazans living in the West
Bank are forced to leave their family and familiar surroundings,
without any possibility to visit the Gaza Strip, except for the most
exceptional cases. Those who failed to update their address are in
constant danger of expulsion from their homes. We
can say conservatively and impressionistically that 70 percent of the
Palestinian population live with a permanent sense of dishonor, conduct
their lives without predictability and continuity, live in fear of
Jewish terror and of the violence of the Israeli military power, and are
afraid to have no work, shelter or family. When we put these numbers
under a single coherent picture and ask sociologically what kind of life
this is, we are compelled to observe that a large quantity of
Palestinians live in conditions in which their freedom, honor, physical
integrity, capacity to work, acquire property, marry and, more
generally, plan for the future are alienated to the will and power of
their Israeli masters. These conditions can only be named by their
proper name: conditions of slavery. It
should be clear, however, that the occupation is a condition of
slavery, but not slavery: a striped lion is like a tiger, but isn’t a
tiger. The occupation started as a military conflict and, unbeknown to
itself, became a generalized condition of domination, dehumanizing
Palestinians, and ultimately dehumanizing Israelis themselves. This
magnificent people – which distinguished itself historically by its love
of God, its love of texts and its love of morality – has become the
manager of a vast enterprise of brutal military domination.
*** Without
ever intending to, Israelis have become the Lords and Masters of a
people, and the only interesting question about this is not how we got
there (domination has its own internal incremental and implacable
dynamic), but why so many Jews outside and inside of Israel are not more
disturbed by this. The
reason for this is that Israel has its own proslavery lobby, which is
now in the corridors of power, shapes Israel’s policy and has
successfully managed to make the occupation appear to be a containable
casualty of war and nation-building. The settlers’ discourse – which
only 20 years ago was marginal in Israeli society –has become
mainstream, and one can only be struck by its resemblance to the
19th-century American proslavery ideology.
*** The
idea that Jews are inherently superior to Arabs is so widespread, deep
and unquestioned, that it is hardly worth my time dwelling on it here.
The idea of Jewish superiority exists everywhere in Israel, but is most
blatant in the territories. Like the whites in the American South, Jews
view themselves as obviously more moral, superior, civilized,
technologically and economically far more accomplished than the inferior
Arabs (Arab nations are indeed politically and economically backward,
but this in no way makes Arabs inferior). In the same way that it was
entirely obvious to proslavers that Africans were primitive and
animal-like, Arabs are viewed as unreliable, liars, stupid and
dangerous. These views dictate official policy. And in the same way that
the whites in the South claimed to be civilizing the primitive
Africans, one can frequently hear that Arabs have benefited from the
technological and political enlightenment of Israel. An
example of Jewish supremacy can be seen in the book “The King’s Torah”
(“Torat Hamelech”), written by the head rabbi of Yeshivat Od Yosef Chai
(which was located in Nablus and then moved to the Yitzhar settlement).
According to the book, Jews are superior to non-Jews, with Gentiles
being close to animals because they did not accept the Seven Laws of
Noah. In an amended world, killing a non-Jew who does not accept the
commandments of Noah will become necessary. The book also suggests that
because Jews are now at war, it is permissible – based on traditional
sources – to kill Gentiles, including children, because of the fear that
they will grow and become dangerous adults. In a review of the book,
the highly respected historian Yehuda Bauer suggests that the book is
not a marginal phenomenon of a handful of extremists. According to him,
the book was endorsed by famous rabbis, such as Rabbi Yitzhak Ginsburg
(the former head of Yeshivat Od Yosef Chai) and the well-known Hebron
Rabbi Dov Lior. Yeshivas teach this book or at least contents that are
very similar to it, and Yeshiva students are recruited into the IDF in
increasing numbers. Some of these young people become an important
nucleus of hilltop youth and price-tag launchers who reject the laws of
the state, illegally take possession of the land, and attack
Palestinians. Even the Hebrew University Hillel hosted an official event
to discuss the book with its author, thus putting it on a par with
academic books. Prof.
Bauer concludes that the book should be taken seriously because it
indicates the direction of a growing part of the settlers’ movement. One
hopes that the price tag attacks, which have grown at a staggering rate
in the last few years, create an atmosphere of (Jewish) terror among
Palestinians and have remained unpunished by the state, do not end up
resembling the Ku Klux Klan in the American South. Like
their 19th-century counterparts, the settlers hold in contempt the
“individualism” and “egoism” of the city dwellers of Tel Aviv, the city
most likely to oppose the occupation – much like the white farmers held
in contempt the abolitionists of America’s urban east coast. They view
the “state” of Tel Aviv as a place in which raw economic forces and
crass materialism destroy the idealism of the land. Israel
Harel, the first chairman of the Yesha Council of settlements, claimed
in a Haaretz article that the environment in Tel Aviv projects an
atmosphere that encourages evading military service, and that Tel Aviv
conveys a degree of detachment from Israel’s survival needs. In his book
on the settlement movement (“The Settlers and the Struggle over the
Meaning of Zionism”), Gadi Taub quotes Harel as saying that the Israelis
have lost their identity and spine, and are a metastasis of the West.
Using fears of decadence familiar to the European right, Harel claims
that the West has observed a steady deterioration in values, materialism
and Nihilism. Finally,
and most strikingly, exactly like their southern 19th-century
counterparts the settlers have abundantly sanctified the land through
Bible narratives and see themselves, like the proslavery owners, as
executing God’s will. Rabbi Zvi Yehuda Kook, the son of Rabbi Abraham
Isaac Kook, claimed that the “Lord of the universe has its own politics,
according to which the politics of Earth is managed ... part of this
redemption is the conquest of the land and settlement in it. No earthly
politics can stand against this assertion of divine politics.” Hanan
Porat, one of the leaders of the settlement movement, argued that the
“commandment to settle the land increases the lifetime value of the
individual.” The Bible has been used both as a way to sanctify the land
and justify its conquest. Given
what precedes them, the positions of MKs such as Miri Regev, Yariv
Levin, Danny Danon and Naftali Bennett seem to be a “vanilla” version of
the worldview defended by settlers. If indeed the settlers and their
representatives in the Knesset have “mainstreamed” views that are
strangely reminiscent of those of slave owners, then this only begs
further the question of why so many are unable or unwilling to grasp
this. I
will venture one explanation. Jews around the world view themselves as a
minority in need of protection. Israel itself, because of its inherent
connection to the Jewish people, has kept alive the memory of
persecutions. Jews around the world live their identity as a weak one,
as belonging to a minority, as bound to a history of perennial struggle
against Amalek. Such vision is bound to project its own existential
anxieties and sense of vulnerability, even on a military superpower such
as Israel and to view its justification of military violence as a
simple strategy of (ancestral) survival. Undoubtedly,
there are major differences between Palestinians and black slaves: Some
Palestinians are virulently anti-Semitic and are supported by even more
violent anti-Semites in the surrounding Arab countries; Palestinians
have their own police force; from time to time, they send suicide
bombers or launch missiles on Israel. But
my point is precisely the following: The occupation is like a
photomontage that superposes two different pictures of two different
realities. I ask my reader to see two images at once: the occupation as a
humanitarian disaster, superposed on the occupation as a military
conflict. More than that, the enslavement of the life condition of
Palestinians has prevented the possibility of making this conflict into a
military one. Israel, the most security-conscious state on the planet,
has failed to make its conflict with the Palestinians into a military
one. Instead, it has been dragged into a humanitarian disaster that has
provoked a moral war and unbridgeable rift within the Jewish people. The
public relations strategies of the state will not silence this moral
war.
***Conclusion

What
does it mean for a country to have created such conditions of slavery
for a people, and yet fail to register it? The question here is not only
about the (im)morality of the occupation, but, more fundamentally,
about the increasing difficulty of articulating a moral language to
grasp the very nature of the occupation – initially the result of a
military conflict and now a humanitarian disaster. If 19th-century
slavery was known as slavery to all involved, the occupation has not
produced its own adequate moral label. We
do not know what the occupation is, and we do not know what it is
because language itself has been colonized. By defining it in military
terms, Israelis fail to see what the world sees. Israelis see terrorists
and enemies, and the world sees weak, dispossessed and persecuted
people. The world reacts with moral outrage at Israel’s continued
domination of Palestinians, and Israel ridicules such moral outrage as
an expression of double standards. The world sees Israeli tanks and
military technology against Palestinian, homeless people, but Israel
sees these denunciations as self-hatred or anti-Semitism. The world
wants a just solution, and Israel sees the demand for justice as a
threat to its existence. In
that sense, the debate dividing the Jewish people is more difficult
than the debate about slavery, because there is no agreement even on how
to properly name the vast enterprise of domination that has been
created in the territories. If Britain at the beginning of the 19th
century understood that it couldn’t keep claiming that it represented
the enlightened values of freedom and humanity and engage in the
barbaric commerce of slaves, Israel is more embarrassed, for in a way it
doesn’t know that it’s engaged in an enterprise it cannot justify. Israel
is dangerously sailing away from the moral vocabulary of most countries
of the civilized world. The fact that many readers will think that my
sources are unreliable because they come from organizations that defend
human rights proves this point. Israel no longer speaks the ordinary
moral language of enlightened nations. But in refusing to speak that
language, it is de facto dooming itself to isolation. Israel will not
indefinitely have the cake of “democracy” and eat it in the occupation.

Nakba Keys

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About Me

I am an activist who, at different times over several years, has lived and worked as a international volunteer in the West Bank of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. This blog is an account of my time in Palestine and also carries original news, comment and analysis (as well as reprints) on Palestine. Live from Occupied Palestine campaigns for an end to Israeli apartheid and the brutal illegal occupation of the Palestinian people. You are welcome to reprint any material from this blog authored by Kim, however, please acknowledge the author and the blog website