American Expansion in Four Intersections - PowerPoint PPT Presentation

American Expansion in Four Intersections. Dr. Yohuru Williams American Institute for History Education Fairfield University. Miami Essential Question.

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Historical Finger printing simply means identifying the historical roots of modern America or historical antecedents of more recent history. For most of us those fingerprints can be found in our state standards.

What we will be looking for is the Core. The base of the argument or appeal. The Crossover, how that argument or appeal builds on earlier or relates to later historical events. Island in what ways is it the document unique or an “island” unto itself. And Bifurcation which refers to the main body of one item splitting into two parts. It could mean an argument or idea that has meaning for two different groups or time periods or a person or event that has applicability in two or more areas or eras. Sojourner Truth’s Aren't I A Woman Speech, for example has meaning for both African-American History and Women’s History.

“A democracy is peace-loving. It does not like to go to war. It is slow to rise to provocation. When it has once been provoked to the point where it must grasp the sword, it does not easily forgive its adversary for having produced this situation. The fact of the provocation then becomes itself the issue.”

“Democracy fights in anger -- it fights for the very reason that it was forced to go to war. It fights to punish the power that was rash enough and hostile enough to provoke it -- to teach that power a lesson it will not forget, to prevent the thing from happening again. Such a war must be carried to the bitter end.”

“This is true enough, and, if nations could afford to operate in the moral climate of individual ethics, it would be understandable and acceptable. But I sometimes wonder whether in this respect a democracy is not uncomfortably similar to one of those prehistoric monsters with a body as long as this room and a brain the size of a pin:

“he lies there in his comfortable primeval mud and pays little attention to his environment; he is slow to wrath -- in fact, you practically have to whack his tail off to make him aware that his interests are being disturbed; but, once he grasps this, he lays about him with such blind determination that he not only destroys his adversary but largely wrecks his native habitat.”

“You wonder whether it would not have been wiser for him to have taken a little more interest in what was going on at an earlier date and to have seen whether he could have prevented some of these situations from arising instead of proceeding from an undiscriminating indifference to a holy wrath equally undiscriminating.”

the U.S. Senate version of the proposed new federal "Higher Education Act" (S. 1614) that defines "traditional American history" as "significant constitutional, political, intellectual, economic and foreign policy trends and issues that have shaped the course of American history. . . key episodes, turning points, and leading figures,"

Imagine that the power has gone out in the city and four cars are sitting at a busy four way intersection. They have all arrived at the same time. There are no police officers around. No authorities to consult . . .

Who should go first?

What are the Economic, Social and Political ramifications of their decision to move forward? What if they fail to move?

This reinforces the concept of agency . . . that historical actors have and make choices.

At the Annual Meeting of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society in Boston, April, 1865, Douglass delivered the following speech on the subject: The Equality of all men before the law; Note that this was given within days of the close of the Civil War and the assassination of President Lincoln.

What shall we do with the Negro?" I have had but one answer from the beginning. Do nothing with us! Your doing with us has already played the mischief with us. Do nothing with us! If the apples will not remain on the tree of their own strength, if they are worm eaten at the core, if they are early ripe and disposed to fall, let them fall! I am not for tying or fastening them on the tree in any way, except by nature's plan, and if they will not stay there, let them fall. And if the Negro cannot stand on his own legs, let him fall also. All I ask is, give him a chance to stand on his own legs! Let him alone! If you see him on his way to school, let him alone, don't disturb him! If you see him going to the dinner table at a hotel, let him go! If you see him going to the ballot- box, let him alone, don't disturb him! [Applause.]

If you see him going into a work-shop, just let him alone,--your interference is doing him a positive injury. Gen. Banks' "preparation" is of a piece with this attempt to prop up the Negro. Let him fall if he cannot stand alone! If the Negro cannot live by the line of eternal justice, so beautifully pictured to you in the illustration used by Mr. Phillips, the fault will not be yours, it will be his who made the Negro, and established that line for his government. [Applause.] Let him live or die by that. If you will only untie his hands, and give him a chance, I think he will live.

The 14th Amendment:No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

“It is not enough to have expelled from your country the barbarians who have bloodied it for two centuries; it is not enough to have put a brake to these ever reviving factions which take turns to play-act this liberty, like ghost that France had exposed before your eyes; it is necessary, by a last act of national authority, assure forever an empire of liberty in this country our birth place; we must take away from this inhumane government, which held for so long our spirits in the most humiliating torpor, all hope to resubjugate us; we must at last live independent or die.

Independence or death... May these sacred words bring us together, and may they be the signal of our struggles and of our gathering.

Citizens, my compatriots, I have gathered in this solemn day these courageous servicemen, who on the eve of harvesting the last crotchets rest of liberty, have given their blood to save it; these generals who led your efforts against tyranny, have not yet done enough for your well being...The French name still glooms our countryside.”

In 1804, after Jefferson's landslide reelection for a second term, the president's son in law, Congressmen John W. Eppes of Virginia, rose in Congress to declare that U.S. merchants should have nothing to do with people of a race Americans needed "to depress and keep down." Congress soon concurred and passed a law prohibiting all trade with Haiti, which Jefferson signed. This ukase guaranteed Haiti's isolation for most of the nineteenth century, during which it became the poverty-ridden coup-tormented mess it remains today.

One of the few who objected to the Eppes-Jefferson policy was Federalist Senator Timothy Pickering of Massachusetts. This forerunner of the Republican Party, who hated Jeffersonian democracy so much he wanted New England to secede from the Union, attacked the trade ban, claiming that the Haitians were only guilty of having "a skin not colored like our own."

The United States may have purchased Florida from Spain, but that meant little to many natives like Osceola an Alabama Creek who joined the Seminole tribe during the Second Seminole War from 1835 -1842 against the United States.

The government wanted to relocate the tribe to Indian Territory west of the Mississippi River. In 1837, Osceola agreed to peace talks with the American military under a flag of truce but the meeting proved to be subterfuge and General Thomas Jessup had him imprisoned instead. Osceola passed away soon afterward.

Mexico was not the first time slavery and expansion would be linked. During the Seminole War American military commanders worried what impact the so called “Black Seminoles” would have on slavery. "This, you may be assured,” warned General Thomas Sydney Jessup in a candid letter after being appointed to head up the Government’s campaign against the Seminoles, “is a negro, not an Indian war; and if it be not speedily put down, the south will feel the effects of it on their slave population before the end of the next season.”

“[T]hat all Negroes the property of the Seminole...who...delivered themselves up to the Commanding Officer of the Troops should be free."

- General Jesup

It was remarkable. By making a battlefield decision to offer freedom to blacks who surrendered, Jesup enacted the first and only emancipation of rebellious blacks on American soil prior to the Civil War. The largest, most organized, and most violent slave uprising in U.S. history had produced a concession of freedom. In essence, the Black Seminole portion of the uprising was a victory.

“Jesup's Proclamation,” as it came to be known, pre-dated Lincoln's by twenty-five years. In more ways than one the Black Seminoles were pioneers on the American frontier. Jesup didn't do this out of abolitionist spirit. He did it for very pragmatic reasons.

“The negroes,” he confided in a letter, “have, for their numbers, been the most formidable foe, more bloodthirsty, active, and revengeful, than the Indians .... The negro, returned to his original owner, might have remained a few days, when he again would have fled to the swamps, more vindictive than ever.... Ten resolute negroes, with a knowledge of the country, are sufficient to desolate the frontier, from one extent to the other."

Provided, territory from That, as an express and fundamental condition to the acquisition of any the Republic of Mexico by the United States, by virtue of any treaty which may be negotiated between them, and to the use by the Executive of the moneys herein appropriated, neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever exist in any part of said territory, except for crime, whereof the party shall first be duly convicted

[Passed by the U.S. House of Representatives, 1846 and 1847, never passed by the U.S. Senate]

It had not been a good year for South Florida. A wild real-estate boom had collapsed. Millionaires had become poor folks. Solid citizens skipped monthly payments and tax bills - and lost their homes. Businesses failed.

The sun still shone, but its rays bounced off the bleaching skeletons of unfinished buildings. Where had the good times gone?

Chapter Two: Democratic Values for Elementary StudentsThe “Cane” that made Florida Able

It had not been a good year for South Florida. A wild real-estate boom had collapsed. Millionaires at the end of 1925 had become poor folks by the middle of 1926. Solid citizens skipped monthly payments and tax bills - and lost their homes. Businesses failed.

The sun still shone, but its rays bounced off the bleaching skeletons of unfinished buildings. Where had the good times of the Roaring '20s gone?

From out of the Caribbean a storm, described by the U.S. Weather Bureau in Miami as "probably the most destructive hurricane ever to strike the United States," hit Fort Lauderdale, Dania, Hollywood, Hallandale and, most viciously of all, Miami.

In the storm's eerie darkness, winds as high as 150 miles per hour, resulting in the deaths of between 325 and 650 people. More than 800 others were never accounted for. Property damage was the worst in U.S. history, at that time.

Striking some 25 years before hurricanes were named, the 1926 storm became known in South Florida simply as The Hurricane or The Big Blow, a ghoulish honor it held until Andrew struck on Aug. 24, 1992.

Hurricane Andrew, striking a heavily built-up area of South Florida with nearly 10 times the population of 1926, did far more property damage - in excess of $22 billion. But better forecasting, instant communications and tougher building codes brought one striking change: a death toll of 56.

Exploring a political expansion: the Civil Rights Movement in South Florida. “What were the major causes and effects of various expansionary times in U.S. history; i.e., territorially, economically, and/or politically?”

Home on leave from the Navy Morris Thomas refused this Tallahassee bus driver's request to move to the back of the bus. Thomas lived in Midway, but heard about a possible demonstration and wanted to participate. Unaware that it had been called off on December 27, 1956 he refused to give up his seat.

Twenty-three years later it was another soldier, ex Marine Arthur Duffy, whose death at the hands of police sparked one of the worst riots in American History. Eighteen people died during three weeks of rioting. The beating and the trial and the riots scarred the city for years.

"It is a central, pivotal part of my life," Hanlon said last month in an interview at the Miami Dade Courthouse. "I did things I shouldn't have done and I failed to do things I should have done. Does that weigh heavy? Of course it does. I am burdened by that."

But he insisted he has become a better man - a good man, even - in the decades since the McDuffie killing.

"I recognize my role. I recognize what I have done," said Hanlon. "I have tried to do everything I can to reconcile it.

"Am I the same person that I was 27 years ago? Of course not. This was a catalyst for me. It was a recognition of my need to atone both personally and spiritually."