As you enter Tunisia’s parliamentary chamber, there are two large plaques on either side of the front door with gilded Arabic script. On the left side is the preamble of what may be termed the “old constitution,” and on the right side is the preamble of the country’s current constitution, which is perhaps the most lucid testament to the power of civil society in the Arab world. Tunisia’s current constitution, adopted in 2014, was the result of a three-year process of the most arduous deliberations following the end of authoritarian rule, and a roller coaster ride of largely peaceful altercations between Islamist and secular political forces in the country. Its wording was painfully negotiated between the Islamist Ennahda Party, which had won the popular vote in the election, and more secular forces. Key to the success of this transition was the realization by all sides that political legitimacy extended beyond merely electoral legitimacy.

Fragrant jasmine flowers are ubiquitous among street vendors of Tunis and grace most ceremonial events in Tunisia, reminding us of their namesake 2011 revolution, which is considered the progenitor of the “Arab Spring.” The self-immolation of a Tunisian vegetable vendor due to police harassment is considered the proverbial spark that lit the flame of the revolution across numerous Arab countries from 2011 onwards. The past six years have seen the metaphoric spring turn to a very dark winter in Syria and Yemen and the autumnal rise and fall of “Islamic democracy” in Egypt. Tunisia is the only country which has “survived” this stormy spring with a nascent democratic system in place. Yet the country’s predicament remains paradoxical and polarized on many accounts. Soon after the revolution, an estimated 6000 Tunisian youth went to Syria to fight for radical Islamist movements – the highest number per capita of any country. At the same time, the vast majority of the country, as much as 86% according to 2016 polling (a rise from 72 % in 2011), feel that democracy is the best form of government, even with economic woes having risen since the revolution.

Reconciling theological ascendancy of Islam while maintaining a separation of mosque and statecraft was a fine act of linguistic persuasion in the Tunisian constitution. Islamist parties won a majority after the election and thus it was clear that the constitution would need to recognize the role of Islam in the country’s central legal document. Thus the first clause of the constitution recognizes that Islam is the national religion. However, the reformists were very clear to note in the constitution that the country was a “civic” state in which laws were to come from a process of civic engagement rather than theology. They chose the word “civic” rather than secular to ensure that Islamists would not make any negative comparisons with countries like Turkey, where secularism was imposed after Ataturk’s revolution.

Historically reformist movements within Islam have been closely linked to the concept of ijtihad (or independent reasoning) which the mainstream of Islam considers to have been resolved after the four main schools of jurisprudence were established. However, Tunisian modernist scholars of Islam such as Youssef Seddik have also noted that leaving the doors of ijtihad open can also lead to more austere interpretations later and insist on reading modernist insights into original texts. Regardless of the approach, the enshrinement of key modernist elements into the Tunisian constitution such as the specific rebuke of the orthodox Islamic concept of takfir (or apostasy), despite some ambiguities on application, is a highly positive step. The specific criminalization of incitement of violence on this basis will prevent bullying against religious minorities or dissenting interpretations of Islam which countries like Pakistan have endured. Thus Tunisia has been able to achieve a compromise between Islamists and secularists through a very carefully calibrated process of constitutional persuasion. The next step will be to see if the governance that this compromise will deliver can also provide for much-needed development in the country.

Meeting Sustainable Development Goals for Lasting Peace and Democracy

While democracy has certainly reaped freedom of expression and a voice for every citizen in governance, the development dividends of the revolution have been less tangible for the country. There is a palpable impatience within the Tunisian youth regarding economic development and employment outcomes of the revolution which they feel more empowered to voice. As George Packer stated in one of his essays on Tunisia for The New Yorker: “Tunisians have found the freedom to act on their unhappiness.”

Tunisia is a country which defied all odds to negotiate a governance system that has reconciled immensely divergent political perspectives. Such negotiations and compromises inevitably have a cost of immediate economic inefficiency. Yet the investment in civic engagement is likely to have an ultimate payoff in harnessing more resilient institutions for delivering lasting development outcomes.

Meet the Author

Saleem H. Ali is Blue and Gold Distinguished Professor of Energy and the Environment at the University of Delaware (USA) and a Professorial Research Fellow at the University of Queensland, Australia. He is also a Senior Fellow at Columbia University's Center on Sustainable Enterprise. Dr. Ali is a National Geographic Emerging Explorer for 2010 and World Economic Forum "Young Global Leader" (2011). His books include "Environmental Diplomacy" (with Lawrence Susskind, Oxford Univ. Press) and "Treasures of the Earth: Need, Greed and a Sustainable Future" (Yale University Press). He can be followed on Twitter @saleem_ali.

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