Burman: How the dream of an independent Palestine became a nightmare

Amid Mideast turmoil, talk of a third intifada looms. It's an issue that won't go away.

A Palestinian protester throws a tear gas cannister, fired by Israeli soldiers, during a demonstration against the expropriation of Palestinian land by Israel in the village of Kafr Qaddum, near the West Bank city of Nablus, on August 10, 2012.

HEBRON, WEST BANK—The wave of celebrations throughout the Muslim world to mark the end of Ramadan may be particularly muted among Palestinians in the occupied West Bank. Instead of feelings of blessings and joy, coming after a month of fasting, there seems to be a growing mood among many Palestinians of despair and squandered opportunity. Is the dream of an independent Palestine over?

There have been no meaningful talks between Israelis and Palestinians in two years; meanwhile, the “facts on the ground” march on. Earlier this month, Israel’s high court upheld a state order to demolish eight Palestinian villages in the South Hebron Hills to make way for an Israeli military “firing zone.” The eviction of 1,500 villagers takes effect in November.

This is all part of a wider story, which, Palestinians fear, is sabotaging any hope for a viable Palestinian state. The West Bank has a population of 2.6 million people, 80 per cent of whom are Palestinian Arabs. But its Jewish population is increasing, even though all settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem are illegal under international law.

According to Israel’s population registry, the number of Jewish settlers in the West Bank now exceeds 350,000, nearly double that of 12 years ago. This doesn’t include the 300,000 additional Jews living in settlements across the pre-1967 border in East Jerusalem. Overall, according to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, spending on Jewish settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories has soared 38 per cent since 2010.

The West Bank city of Ramallah, north of Jerusalem, is where former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat’s tomb rests. Nearby, preparations are underway for the first contemporary museum about the Palestinian national movement, focusing on its controversial founder. Its organizers claim this will be a “factual” museum but it is doubtful that, so soon after his 2004 death, it will fully explore the various dark sides of Arafat’s legacy, which plague the Palestinian cause to this day.

Palestinians are unhappy with their leadership and much of that can be traced back to Arafat’s glaring weaknesses. His tolerance for corruption and his inability to decide wisely what was in the best interests of his people — particularly when it involved political risk — point to a history of lost opportunities and a legacy that is difficult to shake.

The current Palestinian leaders are facing the same challenges. Their weakness in the face of the Israeli strength — and American indifference — was undoubtedly one of the reasons Mitt Romney targeted the Palestinians so savagely during his brief visit to Jerusalem recently. Romney suggested it was Israeli cultural superiority over the Palestinians — “culture makes all the difference” — that explains why Israelis are “more productive” that Palestinians.

The Palestinian rebuttal was blunt, correctly calling Romney’s remarks “racist,” but it was ironic that it was senior Palestinian official Saeb Erekat who replied. Last year, Erekat resigned as the chief Palestinian negotiator with Israel after confidential documents were made public deeply embarrassing the Palestinian leadership. The documents, originating in Erekat’s office but without his knowledge, were made public by Al Jazeera and the Guardian newspaper in Britain.

The 1,600 confidential files, known as “The Palestine Papers,” exposed concessions to Israel over 10 years of secret talks. They suggested that Palestinian negotiators, led by Erekat, offered unprecedented concessions during peace negotiations with nothing gained in return from Israel — including on the explosive topics of the status of Jerusalem and the possible return of Palestinian “refugees” to Israel. These documents flatly contradicted the Israeli line — endorsed by the U.S. — that the Palestinians do not want to be a “partner for peace.”

So far, this has been a worrying summer for all sides in the Middle East. There has been the tragedy of Syria, the looming conflict between Israel and Iran, and the continuing drama in Egypt as its “Arab Spring” evolves. Lost in the crowd is the plight of the Palestinians. It seems to serve everyone’s interest — except the Palestinians — to hope that this issue goes away.

But it won’t. In the last 25 years, there have been two intifadas (uprisings) among Palestinians challenging Israeli rule and protesting the indifference of Arab and Western nations. There is a debate now beginning in the Israeli and Arab media about whether a “third intifada” will happen. As this region continues to astound, it is an excellent debate to have.

Next Saturday: The threat of Lebanon’s Hezbollah

Tony Burman, former head of Al Jazeera English and CBC News, teaches journalism at Ryerson University. tony.burman@gmail.com