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четверг, 18 сентября 2014 г.

The View from Catalonia

By Carles Boix and J.C. Major

The Ins and Outs of the Independence Movement

Over the past few years, the
number of Catalans who wish for independence from Spain has skyrocketed. Until
the early 2000s, a steady 10–15 percent supported independence; now, according
to recent opinion polls, that percentage is closer to 50 (with 30 percent
opposing and the rest either abstaining or offering no opinion). Support for
independence does not wane even when those surveyed are told that it could
result in exclusion from the European Union. And even those who don’t
necessarily prefer a separate Catalonia agree that the question should be put
to a vote: Four out of five Catalans favor holding a referendum, as do trade
unions, most business associations, and hundreds of civil society
organizations.

Many cite the global financial
crisis as the proximate cause of Catalan discontent. From that point of view,
the drive for independence is simply another manifestation of the populist
movements sweeping across Europe. To be sure, the economic grievances that come
from being a part of Spain may have persuaded many to support independence. But
this is not their main motive. Instead, the desire to break away is a symptom
of deep-rooted flaws in the configuration of the Spanish state.

For starters, Spaniards and
Catalans disagree on the basic terms of the debate. Spain views itself as a
pre-ordained historical enterprise, of which Catalonia is a mere appendage --
one of several parts of an unquestionable whole. Catalans, on the other hand,
have always defined themselves as a nation, one with a long and successful run
as an independent polity until it was absorbed by a more powerful state with
substantially different cultural mores and structures of governance.

When Catalonia came under the
rule of Spanish monarchs at the turn of the sixteenth century, an uneasy
balance was established between the Catalan tradition of self-governance and
the crown’s desire to wield absolute power over its possessions. What began as
a political confederation among equals gave way to a gradual takeover of
Catalonia by Spain. In 1714, as a result of war and occupation, all Catalan
institutions were finally suppressed and Catalonia became, for all practical
purposes, just another dependency of a global empire run from Madrid. Rather
than building a multinational community in which diverse peoples could share a
political structure while freely developing and enforcing their own rules -- as
was the case, for example, in nineteenth-century Austria-Hungary, or as is the
case in Switzerland today -- Spain has always chosen to pin its survival on a
policy of imposition and uniformity. This has meant playing down, and
ultimately denying, the national identity of Catalans.

SUBORDINATE TO SPAIN

Having struggled to preserve
their collective identity against a relentless effort to water it down -- and,
at some critical points in history, wipe it out -- Catalans’ place in Spain has
never been a comfortable one. Conflicting interests and worldviews have been
permanent features of this relationship. Following each of the two transitions
to democracy that took place in twentieth-century Spain, Catalans hoped that it
would be possible to work out an arrangement that would respect their interests
and cultural identity. The establishment of a republican regime in 1931
involved the creation of an autonomous Catalan region. But that was cut short
by Franco’s military coup in 1936. With Franco’s death and Spain’s second
transition to democracy in the late 1970s, Catalans and Spaniards struck a deal
that gave the former a degree of self-governance with respect to culture,
language, and education. On paper, it sounded reasonable. But in practice, old
tensions quickly reappeared: Catalan services, relying on resources allocated
by Madrid, remained systematically underfunded, and the central government kept
infringing on the powers that had been nominally transferred to Barcelona.

In 2005, the Catalan regional
parliament, with the support of 88 percent of its members, put forward a
revised self-government charter to better spell out the terms of its
relationship with Spain and to protect the region’s political powers against
the central government’s repeated encroachments. What Catalans saw as a
carefully balanced proposal was heavily amended by the Spanish legislature and
then ungraciously struck down by Spain’s politicized constitutional court.
Worse, the charter provoked a fierce campaign in the Spanish media against
so-called Catalan “insolidarity.”

In light of Spain’s reaction to
this quasi-federal proposal, many Catalans gave up hope of reaching a mutually
beneficial arrangement with Spain and began to seek new political alternatives.
Beginning in fall 2009, Catalans started organizing, at the grassroots level,
local referenda on independence. These were largely symbolic but nonetheless
involved more than 800,000 voters, and would be followed by massive
pro-independence demonstrations in July 2010, September 2012, and September
2013. With opinion polls consistently revealing a shift toward
self-determination, Catalan politicians agreed to schedule a referendum for
November 9, 2014, to find out the exact measure of support for secession.

International opinion tends to
support this referendum, just as it has supported the one that will be held in
Scotland this September or those that took place in Quebec a few years ago.
Indeed, finding out where everyone stands would appear to be a necessary step
to make an informed decision on how to proceed. And yet the Spanish government
has not granted the Catalan authorities the power to conduct what would be a
non-binding referendum -- something that would be perfectly legal according to
articles 92 and 150.2 of the Spanish constitution. The Catalan government has
nevertheless decided to press ahead and organize a vote anyway, since
Catalonia’s self-government charter grants the regional authorities the right
to organize “popular consultations.” The Spanish government has vowed to take
that decision to the constitutional court. If the constitutional court were to
block Catalonia’s vote, the Catalan government would have two choices: to go
ahead with the consultation on November 9, or to call for parliamentary
elections, which would become a de facto referendum on independence.

A WAY FORWARD

In Catalonia, the pros and cons
of independence have been and continue to be thoroughly debated by politicians,
academics, the media, and the public. Studies produced by international
institutions have attested to the strength and viability of the Catalan
economy, and Catalonia can already count on a solid and effective institutional
structure that could be put to work immediately.

By contrast, the Spanish
government, backed by much of the political opposition, not only denies
Catalans the possibility of a vote, it also refuses to present a proposal that
could make Catalans and Spaniards more comfortable with each other. Except for
a minority of Spanish nationalist diehards, maintaining the status quo is not
an option in Catalonia. As for the rest of the unionist camp, some proposal
from Madrid would have the virtue of reaching out to those who want to vote
against independence but would also like to know what they are voting for. A
proposal from Madrid would also introduce balance into the current political
debate. Refusing to engage the Catalans is a poor way to deal with a problem
that won’t simply go away. Even if the independence movement could be defused
one way or another, it would eventually resurface again, and likely more
forcefully.

If at the end of the day
Catalans do indeed choose independence, either because they believe it is the
best solution or simply because no other option has been put forward, it would
be in the interests of all -- Catalonia, Spain, and Europe -- to ensure that
the transition is swift and smooth. A referendum would make possible an orderly
process of separation, agreed to by Spain and monitored by the international
community, which should not cause undue disruption. Not allowing Catalans to
express themselves, on the other hand, would create a chronic source of unrest
in a part of the world -- the south of Europe -- that is in serious need of
stability.

Facts from History

CEDAW

UNSCR 1325

Strategy for engagement and joint actions on confidence building and P2P diplomacy that involve women. Final Report

YOUTH PEACE PLAN OF GEORGIA

This publication is produced within the framework of the project - ‘‘Support Democratic Participation of Young Women in Building Peace and Stability in Georgia’’ implemented in Georgia by International Network for Civil Development - INCD in partnership with Young Women Experts’ Network for Peace and Security (YWEPS) and with the financial support of the Embassy of Canada through Fund for Local Initiatives (CFLI).