The fiction of Lu Xun (1881–1936) deals with China moving beyond the 1911 Revolution. He asks about the possibility of survival, and what that means, even considering the possibility that madness ...
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The fiction of Lu Xun (1881–1936) deals with China moving beyond the 1911 Revolution. He asks about the possibility of survival, and what that means, even considering the possibility that madness might be a strategy by which survival is made possible. Such an idea calls identity into question, and Lu Xun is read here as a writer for whom that is a wholly problematic concept. This book makes use of critical and cultural theory to consider these short stories in the context of not only Chinese fiction, but in terms of the art of the short story, and in relation to literary modernism. It attempts to put Lu Xun into as wide a perspective as possible for contemporary reading.Less

Madmen and Other Survivors : Reading Lu Xun's Fiction

Jeremy Tambling

Published in print: 2007-02-01

The fiction of Lu Xun (1881–1936) deals with China moving beyond the 1911 Revolution. He asks about the possibility of survival, and what that means, even considering the possibility that madness might be a strategy by which survival is made possible. Such an idea calls identity into question, and Lu Xun is read here as a writer for whom that is a wholly problematic concept. This book makes use of critical and cultural theory to consider these short stories in the context of not only Chinese fiction, but in terms of the art of the short story, and in relation to literary modernism. It attempts to put Lu Xun into as wide a perspective as possible for contemporary reading.

The collapse of the Qing dynasty in the fall of 1911 might reasonably have been expected to lead to the demise of the Jingshi daxuetang, given how closely the university was linked to the old regime. ...
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The collapse of the Qing dynasty in the fall of 1911 might reasonably have been expected to lead to the demise of the Jingshi daxuetang, given how closely the university was linked to the old regime. As before the revolution, following the collapse of the Qing dynasty, intellectuals were caught between shifting value systems. Officials within the Ministry of Education had been irritated with Yan Fu for some time and had even gone so far as to suggest that Cai Yuanpei be named chancellor in his place. He Jushi announced that preparatory-college graduates would no longer be entitled to advance automatically into the undergraduate college. Instead, they would now have to pass an entrance examination. Zhang Taiyan's disciples possessed a strong sense of group identity, which they developed while studying with their master in Tokyo in 1908 and 1909. Beijing University managed to keep its distance from Yuan Shikai.Less

Instability and Redefinition in the Wake of the 1911 Revolution

Timothy B. Weston

Published in print: 2004-02-27

The collapse of the Qing dynasty in the fall of 1911 might reasonably have been expected to lead to the demise of the Jingshi daxuetang, given how closely the university was linked to the old regime. As before the revolution, following the collapse of the Qing dynasty, intellectuals were caught between shifting value systems. Officials within the Ministry of Education had been irritated with Yan Fu for some time and had even gone so far as to suggest that Cai Yuanpei be named chancellor in his place. He Jushi announced that preparatory-college graduates would no longer be entitled to advance automatically into the undergraduate college. Instead, they would now have to pass an entrance examination. Zhang Taiyan's disciples possessed a strong sense of group identity, which they developed while studying with their master in Tokyo in 1908 and 1909. Beijing University managed to keep its distance from Yuan Shikai.

This chapter is concerned with the impact of the anti-opium campaign in Fujian. It discusses how provincial officials worked to win the cooperation of elites and co-opt them into their power ...
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This chapter is concerned with the impact of the anti-opium campaign in Fujian. It discusses how provincial officials worked to win the cooperation of elites and co-opt them into their power structure, employing opium policy to create new relations between the state and local elites. In order to understand the dynamics of state involvement, the chapter explores the anti-opium campaign in Fuzhou from its inception in 1906 until the onset of warlordism sometime after 1915, and examines each of its bureaucratic components. It evaluates the role of the national opium administration in Beijing, and the corresponding civil and military bureaucracies in the province of Fujian. The chapter analyzes the influence of international agreements on the pace and direction of Qing anti-opium policy, and, lastly, discusses the impact of the 1911 Revolution and the policies of the new Republican state.Less

Poppies, Patriotism, and the Public Sphere: Nationalism and State Leadership in the Anti-Opium Crusade in Fujian, 1906–1916

Joyce A. Madancy

Published in print: 2000-09-18

This chapter is concerned with the impact of the anti-opium campaign in Fujian. It discusses how provincial officials worked to win the cooperation of elites and co-opt them into their power structure, employing opium policy to create new relations between the state and local elites. In order to understand the dynamics of state involvement, the chapter explores the anti-opium campaign in Fuzhou from its inception in 1906 until the onset of warlordism sometime after 1915, and examines each of its bureaucratic components. It evaluates the role of the national opium administration in Beijing, and the corresponding civil and military bureaucracies in the province of Fujian. The chapter analyzes the influence of international agreements on the pace and direction of Qing anti-opium policy, and, lastly, discusses the impact of the 1911 Revolution and the policies of the new Republican state.

This chapter analyzes the political activism of the Lower Yangzi chambers of commerce. In alliance with other constitutional organizations, these chambers repeatedly pressed the Qing government for ...
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This chapter analyzes the political activism of the Lower Yangzi chambers of commerce. In alliance with other constitutional organizations, these chambers repeatedly pressed the Qing government for more radical reforms, and significantly changed the power structures ranging from commercial legislation to local administration. Many chamber leaders in the Lower Yangzi region eventually endorsed the 1911 Revolution by joining revolutionary parties in military uprisings or by pushing the Qing officials to seek peaceful independence from the Qing court. While these elite merchants helped lead the revolutionary movement to success, their chamber networks also provided various types of support, especially social legitimization, for the newly formed political powers.Less

Joint Actions in the Constitutional and Revolutionary Movements

Published in print: 2011-06-27

This chapter analyzes the political activism of the Lower Yangzi chambers of commerce. In alliance with other constitutional organizations, these chambers repeatedly pressed the Qing government for more radical reforms, and significantly changed the power structures ranging from commercial legislation to local administration. Many chamber leaders in the Lower Yangzi region eventually endorsed the 1911 Revolution by joining revolutionary parties in military uprisings or by pushing the Qing officials to seek peaceful independence from the Qing court. While these elite merchants helped lead the revolutionary movement to success, their chamber networks also provided various types of support, especially social legitimization, for the newly formed political powers.

This chapter begins with a study of the differences in the experiences of banner people in Manchuria and in China Proper with the 1911 Revolution. During the 1911 Revolution, the lack of ...
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This chapter begins with a study of the differences in the experiences of banner people in Manchuria and in China Proper with the 1911 Revolution. During the 1911 Revolution, the lack of anti-Manchuism in Manchuria was part of the legacy of Qing territoriality in the region, yet it influenced the complicated identity reconfigurations of the whole banner community during the Qing-Republic of China (ROC) transition. A new self-identification label—“qizu” (banner ethnie)—was used by banner people with increasing frequency. The former institutional identity of “qiren” (banner people) was thus transformed into the quasiethnic identity of “qizu.” The chapter then studies how changes in the late-Qing and post-empire territoriality of Manchuria interacted with state population recategorization and the consequent identity confusion to which the Manchus and other banner people were subjected during the years of state succession.Less

Between Empire and Nation : The 1911 Revolution, Manchus, and Manchuria

Dan Shao

Published in print: 2011-08-31

This chapter begins with a study of the differences in the experiences of banner people in Manchuria and in China Proper with the 1911 Revolution. During the 1911 Revolution, the lack of anti-Manchuism in Manchuria was part of the legacy of Qing territoriality in the region, yet it influenced the complicated identity reconfigurations of the whole banner community during the Qing-Republic of China (ROC) transition. A new self-identification label—“qizu” (banner ethnie)—was used by banner people with increasing frequency. The former institutional identity of “qiren” (banner people) was thus transformed into the quasiethnic identity of “qizu.” The chapter then studies how changes in the late-Qing and post-empire territoriality of Manchuria interacted with state population recategorization and the consequent identity confusion to which the Manchus and other banner people were subjected during the years of state succession.

This chapter examines Taixu’s youthful career as an anarchist, arguing that this was a more extended and important period of his life than has been commonly recognized. Framing him within the context ...
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This chapter examines Taixu’s youthful career as an anarchist, arguing that this was a more extended and important period of his life than has been commonly recognized. Framing him within the context of earlier reformist and radical thought, it traces his development from an associate of revolutionaries prior to the 1911 Wuchang Uprising to a leader of the anarchist Socialist Party in the early Republic. It closes with a consideration of the reasons for his retirement from radicalism in the wake of the failure of the Second Revolution. Although Taixu ultimately left anarchism, anarchism never entirely left him and this engagement with radical movements would prove formative.Less

Portrait of the Master as a Young Anarchist

Justin R. Ritzinger

Published in print: 2017-07-27

This chapter examines Taixu’s youthful career as an anarchist, arguing that this was a more extended and important period of his life than has been commonly recognized. Framing him within the context of earlier reformist and radical thought, it traces his development from an associate of revolutionaries prior to the 1911 Wuchang Uprising to a leader of the anarchist Socialist Party in the early Republic. It closes with a consideration of the reasons for his retirement from radicalism in the wake of the failure of the Second Revolution. Although Taixu ultimately left anarchism, anarchism never entirely left him and this engagement with radical movements would prove formative.

Monarchy was gone for good in China once the 1911 Revolution defeated the Qing dynasty. Revolutionaries themselves complained that the Republican was little more than a “signboard” without real ...
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Monarchy was gone for good in China once the 1911 Revolution defeated the Qing dynasty. Revolutionaries themselves complained that the Republican was little more than a “signboard” without real substance. President Yuan Shikai, who inherited the revolutionary leader Sun Yat-sen's brief and rough presidency tried to make himself emperor. Although Yuan had in his possession formidable political skills and resources, he miserably failed in attempting to pick up where the child emperor Puyi left off at his forced abdication. His failure was not the effect of the early Republic's clear attainment. Republics by their nature are less than democratic. Leaders, including those in polities with deeper cultural commitments to popular sovereignty and political equality than China, spent a great deal of time attempting to fix the game of politics in favor of incumbency of person and class.Less

Introduction : Republican China

David Strand

Published in print: 2011-06-07

Monarchy was gone for good in China once the 1911 Revolution defeated the Qing dynasty. Revolutionaries themselves complained that the Republican was little more than a “signboard” without real substance. President Yuan Shikai, who inherited the revolutionary leader Sun Yat-sen's brief and rough presidency tried to make himself emperor. Although Yuan had in his possession formidable political skills and resources, he miserably failed in attempting to pick up where the child emperor Puyi left off at his forced abdication. His failure was not the effect of the early Republic's clear attainment. Republics by their nature are less than democratic. Leaders, including those in polities with deeper cultural commitments to popular sovereignty and political equality than China, spent a great deal of time attempting to fix the game of politics in favor of incumbency of person and class.

This book describes the role of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, assesses the influence it had on Chinese history and society, and shows how it transformed China's relationship with the world. ...
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This book describes the role of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, assesses the influence it had on Chinese history and society, and shows how it transformed China's relationship with the world. It explains how, between its founding in 1854 and its collapse in 1952, the Service delivered one-third to one-half of all revenue collected by China's central authorities. The book shows that the service was much more than a tax collector—it also managed China's harbours, erected lighthouses, surveyed the Chinese coast, and pioneered China's modern postal system. The book also follows the activities of the Inspectors General, who were virtual autocrats within the Service and who communicated regularly with senior Chinese officials and foreign diplomats. The book assesses the Service's impact on historical events such as the Sino-French War, the Boxer Rebellion, the 1911 Revolution, and the rise of the Nationalists in the 1920s. It shows how the Service was pivotal to China's post-Taiping integration into the world of modern nation-states and twentieth-century trade and finance. It argues that the Service introduced the modern governance of trade to China, made Chinese legible to foreign audiences, and that it often kept China together when little else did.Less

Breaking with the Past : The Maritime Customs Service and the Global Origins of Modernity in China

Hans van de Ven

Published in print: 2014-02-11

This book describes the role of the Chinese Maritime Customs Service, assesses the influence it had on Chinese history and society, and shows how it transformed China's relationship with the world. It explains how, between its founding in 1854 and its collapse in 1952, the Service delivered one-third to one-half of all revenue collected by China's central authorities. The book shows that the service was much more than a tax collector—it also managed China's harbours, erected lighthouses, surveyed the Chinese coast, and pioneered China's modern postal system. The book also follows the activities of the Inspectors General, who were virtual autocrats within the Service and who communicated regularly with senior Chinese officials and foreign diplomats. The book assesses the Service's impact on historical events such as the Sino-French War, the Boxer Rebellion, the 1911 Revolution, and the rise of the Nationalists in the 1920s. It shows how the Service was pivotal to China's post-Taiping integration into the world of modern nation-states and twentieth-century trade and finance. It argues that the Service introduced the modern governance of trade to China, made Chinese legible to foreign audiences, and that it often kept China together when little else did.

This chapter examines and compares the lives of two Chinese Christians, Ling Deyuan and Chen Yuan, who worked with the BMS and the SVD. Their stories illustrate the narrowing political options that ...
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This chapter examines and compares the lives of two Chinese Christians, Ling Deyuan and Chen Yuan, who worked with the BMS and the SVD. Their stories illustrate the narrowing political options that Chinese Christians faced between 1945 and 1950. By 1950, both Ling and Chen had to denounce their missionary allies and declare allegiance to the new Communist state. Ling and Chen’s stories attune us to the ironies of history and reveal how the missionary encounter helped lay the foundation for Christianity’s position in postwar China. Their engagement with German missionaries, the chapter contends, prepared and armed them with the anti-imperial, anti-Western rhetoric that the Chinese Communists could accept. Their stories help us understand the monumental and dangerous individual choices that Chinese Christians had to make after the Communist victory in 1949.Less

Fruits of the Spirit

Albert Monshan Wu

Published in print: 2016-11-22

This chapter examines and compares the lives of two Chinese Christians, Ling Deyuan and Chen Yuan, who worked with the BMS and the SVD. Their stories illustrate the narrowing political options that Chinese Christians faced between 1945 and 1950. By 1950, both Ling and Chen had to denounce their missionary allies and declare allegiance to the new Communist state. Ling and Chen’s stories attune us to the ironies of history and reveal how the missionary encounter helped lay the foundation for Christianity’s position in postwar China. Their engagement with German missionaries, the chapter contends, prepared and armed them with the anti-imperial, anti-Western rhetoric that the Chinese Communists could accept. Their stories help us understand the monumental and dangerous individual choices that Chinese Christians had to make after the Communist victory in 1949.

This chapter discusses the nationwide network development of the Lower Yangzi chambers of commerce and their interactions with the various Republican regimes. As China shifted from the imperial into ...
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This chapter discusses the nationwide network development of the Lower Yangzi chambers of commerce and their interactions with the various Republican regimes. As China shifted from the imperial into the Republican era in the course of the 1911 Revolution, the Lower Yangzi chambers of commerce further expanded their associational network and political influence toward the national level. This trend helped integrate the nationwide merchant community and brought the latter into more intensive interactions with the various Republican governments in the early twentieth century.Less

Nationwide Chamber Networks and the Republican Governments

Published in print: 2011-06-27

This chapter discusses the nationwide network development of the Lower Yangzi chambers of commerce and their interactions with the various Republican regimes. As China shifted from the imperial into the Republican era in the course of the 1911 Revolution, the Lower Yangzi chambers of commerce further expanded their associational network and political influence toward the national level. This trend helped integrate the nationwide merchant community and brought the latter into more intensive interactions with the various Republican governments in the early twentieth century.