This blog addresses the fatal flaw at the core of capitalism as a system of human psycho-socio-political-economic collective self-reproduction, a flaw which ultimately renders it a self-DIS-organizing, self-destroying system -- as is becoming increasingly evident. It also details the successor system to capitalism, the new system that represents the higher, positive way forward for humanity: Political-ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY, or EQUITISM.

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Saturday, April 27, 2013

Dear Readers,

This blog-entry contains the fifthpart
of my serialization, within this blog, of the E.A.g.’s [Equitist Advocacy
group's] “Way Forward” proposal,
entitled “Alternative
to the Totalitarian,
Humanocidal Self-Degeneration
of Capitalism -- Political-EconomicDemocracy”, with my own edits added to their text, for its
improvement [improvement, at least, to my way of thinking!].

In my opinion, this text is
too valuable to be treated as any kind of “sacred text”.

It needs to be “improved upon”, and circulated, «samizdat», worldwide, in such “improved” editions -- i.e.,
in as many versions as are seen as being needed, by every author who thinks
that [s]he can “improve” upon it [including this one].

This text is under the
Equitist Advocacy group’s “omni-copyright” umbrella [see item6,
“Universal
Property”, in text at:http://www.equitist.org/Equitist/InternalAffairs/InternalAffairs.htm
],
so there are no “copyright violation” issues to hinder such circulation,
whether such an edition, “improved” or not, is attributed anonymously, or under
the name, or under a pseudonym, of the improving author, or under the name of
the Equitist Advocacy group itself [although, in that case, the fact of the
“improvement” of their original text by (an)other author(s) should be
explicitly noted, obviously].

Alternative to the
Totalitarian, Humanocidal Self-Degeneration
of Capitalism -- Political-EconomicDemocracy

The Emergence of a Global

‘Association of Public Directors’.

It is expected that Associations of Public Directors, coordinating
‘meta-enterprise’ level policies at the local level, the regional level, the
national level, and, eventually, at the international level, will “naturally”
tend to emerge over time, perhaps initially as a new kind of NGO [Non-Governmental Organization], and to eventually become
institutionalized, ‘constitutionalized’,
and ‘electorialized’.

This will create a situation of “dual power” between the
political-economic‘Associations of
Associations’ and the traditional, political branches of
capitalist social governance.

But this should not be posed as one of unstable “dual
power”, leading inevitably to the monolithic “total victory” of one of the two ‘duals’,
and the “total
annihilation”/“abstract negation” of the other.

Rather, it should be grasped as the basis for a new, fourth
branch of government — of a partially democratizedeconomicgovernancebranch — and of an «aufheben»
conservation/elevation/transformation of the earlier three branches of
political government, leading to a government constituted by sustained
quadruple power.

The new, democratic-economic governance
branch would then exist in a higher, stabilized, ongoing — and partially
conflicts-conserving, conflicts-appropriating, and conflicts-harnessing — dialectical ‘uni-thesis’, orcomplex unity, with the three earlier
branches, thereby supplying economic checks and balances that the political
branches cannot supply, and that help to block the path, otherwise
irresistible, toward the total prostitution and plutocratic totalitarian
degeneration of those earlier three political branches of social governance.

‘Containment’ and ‘‘‘Real [Self-]Subsumption’’’of the “Capital-Relation” by and within the New Social Relation of Production of ‘Generalized Equity’.

These Associations of Public Directors
would supply a geography-based externalities ‘container’
and ‘constrainer’ for the many
individual capitals operating within a given locality or region — capitals
otherwise relatively ‘‘‘abstracted’’’ and
geographically indifferent; indifferent to the deleterious impacts of the
externalities they generate upon their local portions of humanity.

These Associations would thus
constitute the «monads», or units, of a ‘Meta-Capital’entity, with each such «monad», or unit,
of democratic-economic governance, ‘made up out of’ a heterogeneous
multiplicity of “individual capitals” within their geographical locus-of-authority,
in a democratic-jurisdictional sense.

These Associations would thus geo-demographically‘contain’ and ‘internalize /subsume’the many capitals operating within their geographical jurisdictions,
in terms of, and placing checks and balances upon, the otherwise unlimited
production of externalities which the combination of gargantuan
oligopolist agglomerations of capital, their monopolized/prostituted mass media
of communication, and their prostitute, increasingly ‘‘‘plutocracy-owned’’’ political
governments would otherwise unleash.

The “pure” private capital principle is a principle of
private profit maximization at any human social/externality cost.

It is limited, within the epoch of the «Kapitals»-system, only by political
checks, i.e., by economically-exteriorized, government legislature/bureaucracy
regulation, and by litigation-triggered judicial intervention, in a context
where all of these branches of political government are increasingly
prostituted to a few, dominant agglomerations of internationalizing,
plutocratic capital-ownership.

The Historical and Human-Social-Reproductive ‘Terminality’ of the ‘Un-Contained’ Capital-Principle.

Thus, the capital principle,
when in its full development, at zenith, in the sub-epoch of its descendant
phase — if not integrated within a higher socio-economic principle, i.e., as it
moves to become the organizing principle of global society as a whole; of the
human-social-reproductive totality — will become a principle
of monopolistic, omni-ravenous, socially-cannibalistic rapacity and parasitic,
vampiric malignancy; of unchecked, “absolute”, and therefore “absolutely
corrupt” power, which will ravage and destroy the totality of human society, of
the human species, and of the planetary biosphere as a whole.

That capital-principle, as personified in the capitalist
plutocracy, so becomes in a vain defense of its ultra-criminal power-“perks”,
and power-prerogatives.

That plutocracy sees those prerogatives as mortally
threatened by the further growth of the productive forces, as materialized in,
and immanent in, the improvement of majority [proletarian] standards of living,
including standards of [scientific and technological, etc.] education,
world-wide, as required by the growing “technical composition” of capital,
and, therefore, by the growing technical composition of labor as well.

That plutocracy therefore, in the descendant phase of
capitalist development, begins to systematically attack those standards.

It attacks those standards via the various ‘socially-atavistic’,
“back-to-nature” ideologies it concocts, aiming to dupe the producing majority
into acquiescence in a catastrophic, genocidal contraction of human social
reproduction, as if “the survival of the biosphere” required such a massacre of
humanity that, in reality, only the plutocracy requires, in its vain attempt to
hold onto its rapacious oppressive power over the rest of humanity.

as Predominant Human-Social Relation of Production.

. . .

Monday, April 22, 2013

Dear Readers,

This blog-entry contains the fourthpart
of my serialization, within this blog, of the E.A.g.’s [Equitist Advocacy
group's] “Way Forward” proposal,
entitled “Alternative
to the Totalitarian,
Humanocidal Self-Degeneration
of Capitalism -- Political-EconomicDemocracy”, with my own edits added to their text, for its
improvement [improvement, at least, to my way of thinking!].

In my opinion, this text is
too valuable to be treated as any kind of “sacred text”.

It needs to be “improved upon”, and circulated, «samizdat», worldwide, in such “improved” editions -- i.e.,
in as many versions as are seen as being needed, by every author who thinks
that [s]he can “improve” upon it [including this one].

This text is under the
Equitist Advocacy group’s “omni-copyright” umbrella [see item6,
“Universal
Property”, in text at:http://www.equitist.org/Equitist/InternalAffairs/InternalAffairs.htm
],
so there are no “copyright violation” issues to hinder such circulation,
whether such an edition, “improved” or not, is attributed anonymously, or under
the name, or under a pseudonym, of the improving author, or under the name of
the Equitist Advocacy group itself [although, in that case, the fact of the
“improvement” of their original text by (an)other author(s) should be
explicitly noted, obviously].

Alternative to the
Totalitarian, Humanocidal Self-Degeneration
of Capitalism -- Political-EconomicDemocracy.

Envisioning the Transition
from Capital-Only-Equitarian to Generalized-Equitarian Social Relations of Social
Self-Reproduction.

We expect to observe, as well as to participate in — given
a protracted and appropriate, including «samizdat», preparation
of the majority social conscience — in the upcoming years, the emergence of a
majoritarian, popular movement for the'EquitarianReform' and 'economic-democratic extension'of
the "representative-democratic", '''political-democratic'''
constitutions of the nations of the capital-system's global market core.

We expect this movement to develop in response to the
accelerating '''political-economicimmiseration'''
and degradation of those societies in the accelerating on-rush, by their ruling
classes, into the multi-genocidal, state-capitalist totalitarian destiny
engendered by the unresisted descendant-phase depredations of the
capitals-system.

The envisioned 'Equitarian
Reforms' are a 'constitutionalization'
and 'juridicalization', into social
law, of an immanent critique, or self-critique, of the
"capital-relation" — of capital – a critique both theoretical and
practical.

The institutional infrastructure of the ‘Externality Equity’«species» of ‘generalized equity’
is a scaled self-similarity structure, a 'synchronic meta-fractal', of
economic governance bodies, based in publicly-elected,
base-electedpublic directors, serving in the new,
constitutionally-mandated, '''second houses'''
of newly bi-cameralboards of directors, or of local operating unit “management
committees”: the publicstakeholders’«camera», or ‘externality-equities’ «camera», of that newly bi-cameral
governance.

Per this programme, these ‘‘‘second house’’’, ‘publicboards of
directors’, or ‘boards of popularly-elected, publicdirectors’, are to be constitutionally required in
all local enterprises with sufficient externalities impact, in accordance with
a constitutionally-stipulated externalities-impact metric, and a threshold
stipulated in terms of that metric.

These new, public boards, would
co-manage, in continuous negotiation with the traditional, ‘internality-equities’board,
and/or its local operating units’ “management committees”, or "executive
committees" delegates, the annual ‘externalities
budgets’/operating plans of each
such enterprise, or local operating unit, with constitutionally and
legislatively ceded co-authority to do so, ‘adjudicate-able’ via the
judiciary branch of social governance in cases of deadlock.

All levels of these associations of
public directors must be constitutionally-required to be base-elected,
so that it is not the members of a more local-scale association that elect the members of the
next-less-local-scale association, but, instead, the entire citizen base of
next-less-local-scale association.

That is, any hierarchy of electors
is to be avoided.

It must be the combined base of all of the more local associations addressed by a given next-scale association that elect the members of that next-scale association.

The function of these associations
is to coordinate externalities social management policy at ‘meta-enterprise’
-- or ‘meta-local-operating-unit -- levels.

We expect that these would increasingly constitute – at
first, «de facto», and, later, by sovereign, popular
institution and constitutional amendment, «de jure» — a
fourth, ‘econo-political’,
branch of
government, in sustained‘quadruple-power’ with «aufheben»-conserved/-transformed
executive, legislative, and judicial branches, with checks-and-balances between every pair of these -- now four -- branches.

A key effect of the actions of these associations
would be a human-geographical ‘de-abstractification’ / ‘re-determination
/ -containment’ of abstract capital; an «aufheben»-conserving
/ -negating‘‘‘real
subsumption’’’ of the capital-equity, or
‘internality-equity’,relation, its markets, and its ‘‘‘market failures’’’, within the democratized relations of production of ‘thegeneralized-equity-relation’,
including all of the new socio-ontological classes of
‘non-internality-equity’ emergent from
their ‘externality-equity’
«arché».

The ‘Intra-Duality’ of the “Capital-Relation” and the Emergence therefrom of the Social-Relations-of-Production ‘Socio-Ontology’ of ‘Generalized Equity’:Some Conjectures Regarding ‘Equitism’.

An 'essence-ial' operation of
the «Kapitals»-system,
that it applies, externally, to its surrounding
pre-capitalist hinterland [as it converts that hinterland into new
socio-geographical increments to itself, to its own geographical domain], as it
does also internally, to its own already-converted
internal terrain, is one of expropriation — expropriation
of small-holder peasant producers on the land and of self-employed urban artisans,
etc., to form/expand the wage-labour class; expropriation
of smaller capitals by larger, expropriation of
surplus-labor and of surplus-value, etc.

«Kapital» is also,
'essence-ially', an operation of bursting-asunder all
barriers to the quanto-qualitative advance of human ‘societalself-productivity’ [of the “social productive forces”,
cf. Marx].

As the «Kapital»-conversion
of the pre-capital hinterland nears completion, as the «Kapitals»-system
comes to surround the last remnants of the social-systemic ‘‘‘other’’’ that
once surrounded and confronted it, we move toward that moment in the history of
the «Kapitals»-system in which
that system will ‘‘‘surround’’’ and confront onlyitself
worldwide.

That approaching [extended] historical moment means that
the operations which that system hitherto applied to the predecessor social formations that ‘environmented’
it in the past – namely, the operations of expropriation
and of social-productivity-barrier-dissolution — will be applied to
the «Kapitals»-system itself, by
the «Kapitals»-system itself,
as its own only remaining human-social environment, in its final confrontation: in its confrontation with itself.

With regard to the expropriationoperator,
this would mean an expropriationof theexpropriation
[operation]
itself,
which operationis «Kapital», regarding
which Marx wrote as follows --

“In so far as it is not immediate transformation of slaves and
serfs into wage-labourers, and therefore a mere change of form, it only means theexpropriationof the immediate producers, i.e., the dissolution of private
property based on the labour of its owner. …”

“as soon as the capitalist mode of production stands on its
own feet...thefurtherexpropriationof private proprietors takes a new form.”

“That which is now to beexpropriatedis
no longer the labourer working for himself, but the capitalist exploiting many
labourers. Thisexpropriationis accomplished by the action of the immanent laws of capitalistic production itself, by the centralisation of
capital.”

“One capitalist always kills many.”

“Hand in hand with this centralisation, or thisexpropriationof many capitalists by few, develop, on an ever-increasing
scale, the cooperative form of the labour-process, the conscious technical application of science,
the methodical cultivation of the soil, the transformation of the instruments
of labour into instruments of labour only usable in common, the economising of
all means of production by their use as the means of production of combined,
socialised labour [‘the objective
socialization of the means of production’ – Ed.], the
entanglement of all peoples in the net of the world-market, and, with this, the
international character of the capitalist régime. ...”

“The monopoly of capital becomes a fetter upon the mode of
production, which has sprung up and flourished along with, and under it.”

“Centralisation of the means of production and socialisation
of labour at last reach a point where they become incompatible with their
capitalist integument.”

Marx foresaw, in the Grundrisse
manuscripts, that, in this ‘self-environment’ or ‘self-surroundment’ and ‘self-envelopment’ of the «Kapitals»-system, it would find in
its own nature a barrier
to the further development of the social'''self-forces'''ofself-expandingsocietalself-[re-]production, and act uponitself accordingly,
unstoppably, whatever to the contrary its partisans and beneficiaries might
wish:

“...
capital has pushed beyond national boundaries and prejudices, beyond the deification of nature and
the inherited, self-sufficient satisfaction of existing needs confined within
well-defined bounds, and the reproduction of the traditional way of life.”

“It is destructive of all this, and permanently
revolutionary, tearing down
all obstacles that impede thedevelopmentoftheproductiveforces, the expansion of needs,
the diversity of production and the exploitation and exchange of natural and
intellectual forces.”

“But because capital sets up any such boundary as a
limitation and is thus ideally over and
beyond it, it does not in any way follow that it has really surmounted it, and since any such limitation contradicts its
vocation, capitalist production moves in contradictions, which are constantly
overcome, only to be, again, constantly re-established [and, on an
ever-larger ‘qualo-fractal’ scale – Ed.].”

“Still more so.”

“The universality towards which it is perpetually driving
finds limitations in its own nature, which, at a certain stage of its development will make it
appear as itself the greatest barrier to this tendency, leading thus to its own self-destruction.”

Vastly more needs to be said about the historical dynamics
and ‘meta-dynamics’ of the «Kapitals»-system, and about the
mechanisms and ‘organisms’ of its ‘meta-finite self-conversion / self-bifurcation self-singularity’, as
especially about the immanent tendency of accumulating capital-value
to de-value
itself, and of the rate of capital value-accumulation to decelerate
itself, both as expressions of the growth of the society-re-productive forces
within capital.

However, the above-excerpted intimations must suffice for
the present purpose.

The Fight for Human Liberty is Now a
Life-and-Death Struggle Against Descendant-Phase [State-]Capitalism – Against the
Unchecked Power of theTotalitarian,
‘‘‘Humanocidal’’’ [State-]Capitalist Plutocracyof the
Advanced-Decadent [State-]Capitalist Core of the World-Market System: the Core Plutocracy of the U.S., the U.K., and the E.U. .

The «Kapitals»-systems
of national and global political economy have engendered liberal political
constitutions, with internal checks and balances limiting the abuse of
political power, which have, as a result, proven relatively so
successful at growing social productivity / ‘‘‘the social forces of production’’’,
that their economic and social success
is now rapidly turning into its opposite — catastrophic economic, political, social failure.

Their economies have, at length, outgrown the power of
their political constitutions, and of their exclusively politicalchecks and balances, to avert the
accumulation of unchecked
power, and the human-species-lethal abuse of that unchecked power, in the formation
of a pro-totalitarian capitalist plutocracy.

Their market competition, which initially provides
economic checks and balances limiting abuses in the pricing and quality of
goods and services -- and in customer service quality in general -- becomes,
and must become, successful competition.

Thus, competition leads to and becomes its opposite,
monopoly and oligopoly.

The process of the competition of capitals thus leads to
the formation of agglomerations of capital so gargantuan that they can take
over the mass media of public communication, and buy-out the political system —
legislative, executive, and judicial; lock, stock, and barrel.

Thereby, the political-only checks
and balances among those branches of the public, political government are obviated and subverted.

Thehousesoflegislaturebecomehousesofprostitution.

The executive and judicial branches of political governance
are, over time, likewise bought-out and prostituted.

Increasingly, only those
candidates for public, political, elected office who sell themselves to the plutocracy can acquire the vast funding necessary to
buy access to the plutocracy-dominated mass media --
television, etc. --sufficient to
achieve electoral victory.

The horrific dictatorships of Hitler and Stalin, precisely
because they arose in nations whose capitalist development was in some ways retarded,
have provided a prevenient, disfigured prefigurement of the hellish future of
demise that humanity faces in the further, advanced-decadence development of this plutocratic, totalitarian, ‘‘‘humanocidal’’’ self-degeneration of
capitalism.

Only the addition of economicchecks
and balances can overcome this economic, plutocratic
subversion of once-partially-effective but exclusively politicalchecks and balances.

Only the emergence of political-economicdemocracy,
of ademocratically‘politicized’political economy, can check this tendency to plutocratic, totalitarian, ‘‘‘humanocidal’’’politicaldegeneration,
a degeneration which has arisen fromtheeconomy;
from the 'economicside'
of the political-economy; from the economy's production
of a hyper-concentrated-wealth plutocracy, hence of a prostitute-government,
prostituted most-abjectly to the economic
plutocracy.

The share-principle, the capital-equity-principle,
the one-share-unit-of-capital-owned = one-vote-for-the-election-of-directors-to-the-board-of-directorsgovernance principle of stockholder
democracy immanent within the 'socio-ontological category' of
capital, is a principle of economic-democraticenfranchisement
for the owners of capital, but also a principle of total
economic dis-enfranchisement
for the non-owners of capital.

The ‘social equity’ principle of ‘Equitism’outers the latent, immanent dual
of that capital-principle, a principle of enfranchisementalso for the
non-owners of
capital.

It does so in the form of the moral recognition and juridical formation, initially, of a new class of property-equities, that of ‘externality-equities’,
in part via the “equity”tradition of ‘precedentary’,
case-law jurisprudence, as well as from the generalized-equity-enabling
‘Equitarian’constitutional amendments —
amendments to be proposed in detail under separate cover.

Thus, we hold, the ‘onto’
-- the ‘socio-ontological
category’, or ‘kind of
social thing category -- of Capital, will, in the
future, if humanity is to have a future, ‘self-bifurcate’ into the '~+~'-signified, antagonistic
“non-amalgamative sum” of extant
social ontology —

Capital-Equity~+~ The Rest
of [Generalized]Equity:

. . .

Juridical ‘Meta-Genealogy’ of the Concept
of ‘Externality-Equity’ and the Generalization to ‘Stakeholder Democracy’.

The term ‘Externality Equity’ as
deployed herein denotes a form of non-stockholderstakeholderequity
which arises from principles extending those already extant and precedented in
the “equity” tradition of Anglo-American case law.

It arises, in particular, from the principle that the ownership of capital, however legitimately acquired, does not
convey to the owner the unlimited right to inflict harm and damage upon other
citizens, and upon society as a whole.

It arises also from the further principle that the best locus
in which to adjudicate and mitigate the externalities
generated by the operation of capitalist enterprises — the external
costs or costs imposed upon third-parties whose interests are not
represented in the traditional institutions of private capital governance — is
the locus of governance of the entities which conduct their origination: the very heart of capital governance itself.

External, governmental regulatory bureaucracies,
legislatively chartered and overseen, are subject to the plutocracy's bribery
of the legislatures, and to the “revolving door” bribes of later, lucrative
industry-employment offered to the regulating bureaucrats by the very industries
that those bureaucrats are supposed to “regulate”.

Lawsuits, brought before the judiciary, against the
personal and social damages inflicted by those industries, are generally too
delayed, and too costly, for the citizen litigants, typically members of the
absolutely-impoverished, or at least relatively-impoverished, producers class, who
face the ultra-deep-pockets of their plutocratic, mega-corporate, absolutely
and relatively hyper-well-funded adversaries.

Such exclusively litigious actions for redress are also
exposed to the gradual corruption of the judiciary, by the plutocracy's bribery
-- bribery that already increasingly controls the legislature and the executive
branches, which share the power to appoint the central judiciary.

On the other hand, nationalization of
industry, and state-monopoly of all capital, threatens to resurrect theunchecked,
absolute, absolutely-corrupt,
and soon-totalitarian dictatorship of Stalinist or Fascist
state-capitalist bureaucracies, and must therefore count as another non-solution,
and as, in reality, either an acceleration of, or a prevenient
attainment of, the very «telos» of the totalitarian, ‘‘‘humanocidal’’’ «taxis»
of advanced-decadent capital.

The dictatorship of a
state-bureaucratic ruling class, whose grip on power and whose tenuous
ruling-class-collectivist economic de facto ‘ownership’ claim on
the means of production, and on the fruits of the surplus labor of the
producers, is political-only, and totallyvulnerable to political
assault [unlike the case with a
ruling class of private
owners of capital], therefore tends to
totalitarianism as the only effective defense of its ruling
power. It does so because any
successful political challenge to such a ruling class
would mean its political replacement, and thus its total
loss of ruling power. If
deposed politically,
it is deposed totally.
Police-statepolitical totalitarianismis
thus the "natural" form of political and
economic class self-defense for this kind of ruling class.

The motive to multi-genocidal global totalitarianism of the capitalist plutocracy, formed in the core regions of
advanced-decadent private-capital, is quite other than the motive
described above. The latter motive
arises with the decision of that plutocracy to reverse the historical
growth of the human-social forces of production, as its only defense
against its overthrow by the ‘obsolescence
depreciation’ of its principal capital assets, and
by the formation of an educated, tendentially prosperous, and therefore “ungovernable”,
“middle class” of producers, of workers, which much-further growth of the
productive forces would bring. This
power-jeopardy of the advanced-decadent capitalist ruling class is
epitomized, in particular, by the prospect, for this petroleum/banking plutocracy, of the advent of controlled nuclear fusionatomicpower
as a superior and, thus, oil-obsolescing alternative to
its core power-asset in fossil-fuel-based molecularpower. It
is epitomized, in general, by the way that rising, global, “middle-class”
levels of workers’ living standards, health, education, and new,
entrepreneurial wealth threaten the overthrow of this plutocracy’s power to rule.

The Econo-Political
Institutional Infrastructure of the Initial Phase of ‘Externality-Equities’‘Equitism’.

The ‘Externality-Equities’ initial phase
of ‘Equitism’
envisions the constitutional-amendment provision, and partially courts- and
legislatures-regulated operation, of ‘bicameral’boards of directors, and/orof management committees, in
all capitalist enterprises of sufficient size and social impact, with
a ‘second house’ of
local-community-elected public
directors in all local operating units of such enterprises.

These ‘publics’ boards’ would have constitutionally- and legislatively-ceded authority
over the ‘externalities budgets’, the
‘quanto-qualitative’, externalities-production local annual operating
plans of these enterprises.

These publics’ boards would thus represent, at the very
heart of corporate governance, the ‘externality-equities’ownedcollectively
-- in a collectiveproperty-rights,
publicproperty-rights,
or social-property-rights application of the “Coase Theorem” -- by each such
local-community's citizens, as publicstakeholders, in virtue of this, their new and special kind of[social]-propertyright.

The traditional board of directors and its delegates,
representing the ownership of ‘internality-equities’ by the traditional stockholders, would continue to
have authority over the dollar-/other-denominated, financial annual operating
plan.

Discrepancies between the two operating plans would have
to be negotiated between the two “houses” in accord with the constitutionally
and legislatively mandated rules for such negotiation, with constitutionally
and legislatively prescribed and regulated judicial review and/or arbitration
in the event of deadlock/negotiation-failure.

Any effort by the plutocracy to bribe the thousands of
grass-roots public directors elected in local communities all across the
landscape would face prohibitive costs and risks of exposure because of their
vast multiplicity.

Such massive bribery would be rendered more difficult also
by the base-level, the radically “town-hall”-, “grass-roots”-democracy-restorationistcharacter of the institution of ‘externality equities’.

That is, such bribery would be rendered more difficult by
the fact that the locally-resident citizens eligible to be elected as public
directors would be fighting to defend their families, their
homes, their local communities, and their very lives — e.g., from local
toxic pollution, lethal to the lives of their children and to those of their
other loved ones; produced, typically, by nearby capitalistic firms, or even
produced by nearby ‘stewardship-equity’producers-cooperatives, those in which human
decency is outstripped by desire for monetary earnings [hopefully less
typically] — in a way and from a vantage which would be very non-abstract, very
direct and personal, compared to the vantage of the traditional long-distance,
or ‘‘‘absentee’’’, central government legislator.

In any case, attempts by the core plutocracy, and/or
by their subordinate capitalist-class elements — subordinate elements, hostage
to the core plutocracy, which we technically
and collectively term ‘the drooling greedies’ in our social-scientific
nomenclature — to buy-off the vast number of citizen-directors nationwide, and,
eventually, worldwide, would break the bribery budgets of even the
super-richest of the super-rich, as well as, by the repeated public exposure of
this bribery, expose that core plutocracy to the total delegitimation that
these so richly rotten-to-the-core rich so richly deserve!

Monday, April 08, 2013

Dear Readers,

This blog-entry contains the thirdpart
of my serialization, within this blog, of the E.A.g.’s [Equitist Advocacy
group's] “Way Forward” proposal,
entitled “Alternative
to the Totalitarian,
Humanocidal Self-Degeneration
of Capitalism -- Political-EconomicDemocracy”, with my own edits added to their text, for its
improvement [improvement, at least, to my way of thinking!].

In my opinion, this text is
too valuable to be treated as any kind of “sacred text”.

It needs to be “improved upon”, and circulated, «samizdat», worldwide, in such “improved” forms -- i.e., in
as many versions as are seen as being needed, by every author who thinks that
[s]he can “improve” upon it [including this one].

This text is under the
Equitist Advocacy group’s “omni-copyright” umbrella [see item6,
“Universal
Property”, in text at:http://www.equitist.org/Equitist/InternalAffairs/InternalAffairs.htm
],
so there are no “copyright violation” issues to hinder such circulation,
whether attributed anonymously, or under the name, or under a pseudonym, of the
improving author, or under the name of the Equitist Advocacy group itself
[although, in that case, the fact of the “improvement” of their original text
by (an)other author(s) should be explicitly noted, obviously].

Alternative to the
Totalitarian, Humanocidal Self-Degeneration
of Capitalism -- Political-EconomicDemocracy.

An Historical Helix of Social
Democratization, Spanning and Extending Beyond the Epoch of Capital as Dominant
Human-Social Relation of Production.

The incipient political
democracy and civil liberty that early, competitive, ascendance-phase
capitalism asserted, initially against its feudal and Absolute-Monarchical
rivals, can only be restored in a higher form, and preserved
from otherwise total destruction by the late, decadence-phase form
of that same capitalism, by means of advancing that
initially merely political democracy to a politically-and-economicallydemocratized,
actualizedpolitical-economy.

That political-only democracy can now be restored only by advancing it; by the creation of new, economicchecks-and-balances, to regenerate, augment, and support the concentrated-wealth-compromised constitutional political-onlychecks-and-balances, that have not survived the massive and systematic briberies, buy-outs, and "hostile takeovers" of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of political government, carried out via the "Big Money" of "Big Capital" -- by the hyperconcentrated-capital-ownership, plutocratic ruling class of the late, descendance-phase capitals-system.

We hold that the way to
achieve this begins with an extension and generalization of "stockholder
democracy" into '''stakeholder
democracy''', in a "publics" sense; that is,
by way of a constitutional institutionalization of Equitarian,
'externality-equities'-basedeconomicdemocracy;
a public and popular economicdemocracy
that was absent as such throughout the capital epoch, seeded only in that democracy
among capitalists — among the holders/owners of 'internality-equity'
— as immanent in the principles and practices [however often honored in the
breach] of joint-stock company "stockholder
democracy".

'Re-Constructive' vs.'Pre-Constructive'[Predictive] Modeling of the
Transition Using an 'Intensional-Intuitional',Heuristic Dialectical Algebra.

We propose the following 'heuristicderivation' of a
relatively detailed, concretized concept of the next '''social
relation of [human-society self-re-]production''', successor to the capitalsocial relation of production [herein denotedKfor short], as the next
subsuming 'socio-negentropic' organizing principle of human society, based upon
the work of Karl Seldon, co-founder of Foundation EncyclopediaDialectica [F.E.D.].

We apply an 'heuristicdialecticalalgebra'
intuitively below; there is thus no need to detail here the algorithmic
mechanics of the Seldonian 'dialecticalarithmetic' that undergirds
the operations of that 'dialecticalalgebra'.

This predicted next '''social
relation of [human-society self-re-]production''' is, we hold, 'the social
relation ofgeneralizedequity'[herein denotedEfor short], with 'citizenexternality-equity'
as «arché»
of these new, later «species»
of equity, beyond the present-day concept of capital equity, and seeding a
succeeding social [re-]formation
which we term -- following Seldon -- 'Equitism', or 'EquitarianSociety'.

. . .

Expected Emergent «Species» of 'GeneralizedEquity' in the Epochal Transition from Capitalism to
'Equitism'.

We can presently discern
the following 'socio-ontological' «species»
of social relations [of production] as inhering within the «genos» of 'generalizedequity',
and as expected to be manifested by, and ingredient in, the emergence of E
from K —

Capital-Owners’Internality Equity of private stock-owners, which, of course,
continues to emerge, and to develop further, under the general rule of the
"capital-relation" today [«arché» 'onto'
of equity, seeded in K, partially «aufheben»-conserved but also
elevated and constrained / negated — i.e., via Externality-Equity-holding
Publics' Boards' constraints,and other new constraints — within E]. A progressive
"withering away" of 'internality equity', via its progressive
net conversion into 'stewardship equity', i.e., into democratically-managed
'''social property''', is both intended and expected as part of the
transition from the '''formalsubsumption''' to the '''realsubsumption'''
of the "capital-relation", K, by the [rest of the] "generalized-equity-relation",E;

CitizenExternalityEquity
of public stakeholders [the intra-dual 'contra-thesis' to 'Internality-Equity';
the «arché»
social-relations-of-production 'socio-ontological category'
of 'Meta-Capitalist Society',
or 'EquitarianSociety'];

CitizenBirthrightEquity
of every child born; equal social resource grants to each new citizen,
at birth; egalitarian social self-investment / social self-endowment trust-funds,
with "moral hazard" mitigators;

CitizenStewardshipEquity,
superseding the "wage-labor", '''soldlabor-power''',
or '''alienated
labor''' relation of capital. Encompasses the constitutional rights of
each working adult, to membership in, and 1-person/1-vote 'economic
suffrage' within, the 'producers' councils' or 'stewards' councils'
democratically managing the socially-/legally-/constitutionally-favored,
mutually-competingproducer's cooperative enterprises. This includes the right to share in the profits-of-enterprise of any such
socialized producers' cooperative in which that citizen works, with
partial rights of use/disposition over the socially-owned
means of social reproduction ceded, in stewardship,
but not in local
ownership, to these producers' cooperatives/local
producers' associations, under the collective/democratic control of their
base-elected 'stewards' councils', in
continuous negotiation with these enterprises' own 'externality-equity'-holding 'publics' boards', as part
of Equitarian Society's «aufheben»-negation /- conservation / elevation
of economic-competition-enforced, market-based checks-and-balances
regarding the pricing and quality of the goods/services supplied to the
citizen-consumers by these enterprises, using equitably-allocated, socially-owned means of social reproduction.

This newly-emergent 'Stewardship-Equity-relation' is expected and intended to increasingly supplant
the likewise «aufheben»-conserved/constrained
'''wage-labor'''/private-capital social-relationship-of-production [cf.
the model of "Economic Democracy"
comprehensively constructed and defended by David Schweickart in his book Against Capitalism (Cambridge
University Press; NY; 1993), as well as in his book After Capitalism (Rowman
& Littlefield Publishers, Inc.; NY; 2002), to which we are indebted,
in part, for key aspects of the conceptual derivation of this crucial
sub-principle, and 'socio-ontological «species»', or 'social relations of production «species»', of 'generalizedequity'];

CitizenAllocationalEquity
as the social principle, and the social policy, of equitable
regional-geographical allocation of social property — of socially/publicly-owned
means of social reproduction resources/funding — on a «percapita», or per human person,
basis.

Elaborations Regarding the Determinations of
Some of the New «Species» of 'GeneralizedEquity' Expected to Emerge in the Epochal Transition from
Capitalism to 'Equitism'.

We will address herein, at
greater length, some of what we have been able to derive regarding the
determinations of two of the new «species»
of 'generalizedequity',
namely, the 'CitizenExternality Equity'
«species», the 'Citizen Birthright Equity'
«species», the Citizen Stewardship Equity', and the 'CitizenAllocational Equity' «species»,
immediately below.

Citizen Externality Equity.

The social principle, and
social policy, of 'CitizenExternality-Equity' is both a collective-property,
public-property,
social-propertyinstantiation of the so-called"Coase
Theorem", and an ultimate fruition of the '''equity'''
or '''equitable jurisprudence'''tradition
of Anglo-American
law, in contradistinction to the common law and statutory law
traditions.

"Externalities" are “market
failures” of the markets of Capitalism, as recognized, and as named as such, by
capitalist economists, constituting a major aspect of the immanent
critique of capitalism officially admitted — however much these immanent
failures of 'capital-ism' may be officially
downplayed — by capitalist economics.

"Externalities"
comprise the “externalcosts”,
and, sometimes, also in the “externalbenefits”,
that are imposed, by the operations of
capitalist enterprises, upon those ‘‘‘publics’’’ which are neither the
owners, nor the employees, nor the customers, nor the suppliers of those
enterprises, and which
are imposed upon those ‘‘‘publics’’’, without any intrinsic provision
for consent by,
or compensation to, said ‘‘‘publics’’’.

The life-threatening toxic
pollution of the air, water, and soil of residential communities by proximate
industrial plants forms a classic spectrum of examples of such “external cost”
imposition.

The “Coase
Theorem” is the name given to the proposition, asserted
by Nobel-laureate capitalist economist Ronald Coase, to the effect that
externalities do not give rise to ‘‘‘diseconomies’’’, ‘‘‘distribution sub-optima’’’,
or ‘‘‘resource mis-allocations’’’, provided that well-defined and
enforceable property rights exist, such as to create a
market incentive for the externality-producer to ‘‘‘internalize’’’
the cost(s) of the externalit(y)(ies) being produced.

The “equity”,
or “equitable jurisprudence”, tradition of Anglo-American law
originally emerged as a system of law, parallel and dual to the
common law/statutory system of law, in the English
chancery, and which came to comprise a settled and formal body of substantive
and procedural rules and doctrines that supplement, aid, or override common and
statutory law.

"Equity" in this context
connotes “justiceaccording tofairness, esp. as distinguished from mechanical
application of rules”.

The equity principle at
work in the 'CitizenExternality-Equities' ‘‘‘second «species»’’’ of 'generalizedequity', is
the principle that publics, by suffering the ‘‘‘external costs’’’ imposed upon them, without their consent,
and without any compensation to them by the externalities perpetrators, the
private-capital enterprises, thereby, in effect, ‘‘‘purchase’’’, in kind, a
kind of ‘‘‘shares’’’ of a new, to-be constitutionally established and mandated
class of equities – a public, collectiveform ofequity-property – whose disposition must therefore be accomplished
by means of collective, democratic
decision, arrived at by vote of the publics, i.e., by vote of the 'externality-equity'owners,
the citizen 'externality-equity'‘‘‘shareholders’’’, or 'externality-equity'‘‘‘stakeholders’’’in each locality, for 'public directors' for their.

These publics-elected 'public directors' will sit in "local, second, PUBLIC-INTEREST boards of directors", or "local, second, PUBLIC-INTEREST management committees", one assigned to each local operating unit of each locally-operating enterprise, so as to be in continual negotiation with the traditional, private-interest board-of-directors, or private-interest "management committee", of each operating unit of such locally-operating enterprises, located in that locality, whose externalities-production / external costs production exceeds legislated thresholds, continually negotiating with regard to the statutorially-required 'externalities-budgets' of the annual operating plans of each such enterprise local operating unit, and with regard to, and monitoring, the day-to-day implementation of those 'externalities-budgets', and subject to losing-party-pays adjudications, in the new, constitutionally-mandated Tribunals for Externality Equity, should these negotiations deadlock.

'CitizenExternality-Equities' implies
an immanent-/self-expansion of joint-stock-companystockholderdemocracy principles,
inherent in the capital-relation, to encompass the
constitutional, legislative, and regulatory 'institution-ization' of a
generalized, comprehensive ‘‘‘stakeholderdemocracy’’’.

'Equitism'begins with constitutional recognition of a new
'socio-ontological category' of equities: 'CitizenExternality-Equities', as demanded by the mass movement of a majority of the people.

'CitizenExternality-Equities' generalizes
core, capital-equity logic to encompass economicdemocracy,
starting with public, democratic ‘econo-political’
governance of the core of capitalism’s ‘‘‘market failures’’’ – its production and accelerating accumulation
of an ever-mounting burden of the ‘‘‘externalities’’’,that it foists upon its publics, publics who may be “third parties” –
neither customers of, nor employees of, nor owners of, nor suppliers of the
capital-entity producing the “externalities” in question.

The following image provides a summary visualization of the expected, multi-scale 'Associations of Publicly-Elected Public Directors' administrative infrastructure for the society-wide popular-democratic governance of economic externalities, local to global --

Citizen BirthrightEquity.

The principle of the social generalization, or universalization, of equity-holding,
to all social citizens, and of an 'socio-onto-dynamasis'
beyond the kinds of such
equity presently in existence, to birth new kinds, e.g., 'CitizenExternality-Equities'
— the heart and «arché»
of the E'socio-onto'
— does not end with the public-democratic 'property-ization' of 'externality-equities'.

It extends as well to the social generalization of the proprietorship of, initially, 'internalityequities', by all citizens, by means of a policy of
'CitizenBirthright EquityEndowment',
in an amended, constitutionalized Bill of Social Rights & Responsibilities.

This new «species» of equity also flows from
principles of 'social risk management',
of 'economic-system-risk'management and of 'societal self-investment'.

It means that every child
born into 'Equitarian Society', is
granted, «ipso jure», at birth, by virtue of
fundamental constitutional right, a tax-funded equal sum of capital equity
stock, comprised of small portions of all publicly-issued stocks, bonds, and
other capital assets meeting legislated standards, and of extant social property "rent" income streams as well, designed as an
integrated social/individual risk management trust-fund, and a unified, 'omni-portable',
globally-portable "social safety net",
for every new-born citizen.

This new constitutional
right, in this sense, makes every baby born into
human society a '''trust-fund baby'''.

It means per capitacitizen net assets in place of today's
plutocracy-mandated, malignantly growing per capitacitizen liabilities;
the share of each citizen in plutocracy-incurred public debt
[a way by which the plutocratic minority finances its destructive
imperial enterprises, and their required '''permanent war economy''', via
taxes primarily on wages-income, as legislated forced collective consumptions,
foisted upon the non-super-rich majority].

Moral Hazard Mitigations. The
mitigation of the massive "moral hazard"
potential of this social policy will require that there be many
"strings attached", restricting the uses of this public
investment in each citizen-person by that person, and by various parents
or guardians and heirs of that person at various stages of that person's
expected life-history, and beyond. Each
social equity-endowment must therefore remain a partially-socialproperty; an
only-partially-individual/-personal/-private property.

Principles of Universalized Inheritance and of
Universalized Birth-Advantage. This policy of 'universal advantage'
/ 'universal inheritance' / 'social
inheritance' — of the universalization of
capital/equity ownership / social
property ownership / inheritance as a
partial remedy for the viciously self-amplifying hyper-inequalities of
plutocratic-minority capital-advantage and capital-privilege; a '''social
risk management''' policy designed to achieve an «aufheben»-negation of some of the
socially-recognized systemic risks of the predecessor, «Kapitals»-system — envisions a
unification of the fragmented and otherwise inadequate «Kapitals»-system epoch legacy of "social
safety net" provisions.

If not, in the beginning,
birthing every baby with a golden or even a silver spoon in her or his mouth,
every baby would be born with at least a stainless steel "spoon in its
mouth".

These unified provisions
would address the management of the risk of the "contained" but also
"retained" elements of capital-profit-based economics, plus of the
new, Equitarian system, as well as of the universal
risks to which human social life is heir.

Society's collective
portion of equal initial social investment in
each individual citizen, by social right of birth [as distinct
from the presently persisting unequal family investment in / inheritance of
each child, resulting from, e.g., the unequal fruits of
achievements and/or thefts by that child's ancestors], and the partially
age-based and tests-of-knowledge-based, constitutionally- and
legislatively-restricted allocation of each child's birth-right equity
trust-fund, would be legislatively designed to meet the expected, standard
costs of foreseeable life-history events, including —

Costs of social failures by
the individual — e.g., of welfare livelihood-support in the cases of extended,
perhaps non-economic-downturn-induced unemployment, or of incarceration costs
in cases of criminal conviction — would be borne out of this birthright equity
fund, up to its near-exhaustion, thus also forming a further dis-incentive to
such failures.

[Economic downturns may
continue to occur, irregularly, during the period of the '''formaldomination''', or '''formalsubsumption''', of
the capital social-relation-of-production by the rest of the
emergent social-relation-of-production of 'generalizedequity',
although any immanent social processes described in terms of a '''socio-economic law-of-motion'''
of such downturns is expected to be increasingly 'socio-ontologically' distinct
from the immanent social process which drives the iterated irruption of
escalating periods of contracted social reproduction within the [sub-]epoch of
the '''realdomination''' of, and of the more or less
exclusive social rule of, the "capital-relation"].

This unification, with each
citizen as cost-concerned customer, given the voucher-like personal stake of
each citizen in the conservation, and expansion, of the principal of
each's birthright-equity social trust-fund, would 're-marketize'
social welfare provision, and 're-competitivize' the pricing of
medical and other social welfare services, and, thus, the exercise of
cost-efficiency and cost-discipline in their production, de-incenting the
"take it for granted" moral hazard of "free-of-charge",
state-bureaucracy-produced, or state-bureaucracy-subsidized,
'''social welfare''' provisions.

The policy of 'CitizenBirthright EquityEndowment'raises questions of the disposition of such endowments in the event of
termination of pregnancy, averting the birth of a new citizen, by right of the
mother.

Parents must not be allowed
to '''profit''' monetarily from their children's social trust-funds, though,
even so, the financial worries and burdens of parenthood would be significantly
mitigated by this policy, even countervailing against the extreme amplification
of the "demographic transition" presently evident, in part, in
advanced capitalist nations' growing tendency toward negative rates of human
population growth.

The 'CitizenBirthright Equity'policy
would not constitute a direct financial incentive to never abort a fetus.

However, the high social
valuation of each and every life implicit in this policy suggests a certain
resolution of the prevailing "right-of-choice" versus "right-of-life"
social conundrum, a conundrum which is allowing the ruling
plutocracy to further distract -- and to divide and conquer -- the majority of
the population against itself, distracting it away from the realization that
the real mortal enemy of all of these citizens is the ruling plutocracy
itself.

This conundrum presently
forms an apparently unsolvable antinomy, but one which we see, rather, as
yet another dialectical self-antithesis or 'self-duality'
within the prevailing social concept of right.

This 'intra-duality' has
been opportunistically exploited, manipulated, and amplified — quite predictably, in anti-dialectical, rigid, frozen, "either-vs.-or" fashion — by the
'Meta-Nazi' plutocracy's 'ideological engineering' operations, so as to foster
and reinforce the protracted social strife of both sides
of a diametrically opposed, antagonistic, "irreconcilable" social
antithesis, as yet one further tool for the 'Meta-Nazis' ideology-based
divide-and-conquer subjugation of the majority public — of the 'producers-class'.

Aside:The "Abortion Rights" Conundrum, An Instance of the 'Intra-Dualities' of Human Rights
Generally.

The apparent antinomy
between the community's right and duty to safeguard the lives of all of its
members, and thus to enforce severe sanctions against homicidal behavior, on
the one hand, and of citizens' rights to the free disposition of their
individual bodies with minimal governmental or communitarian encroachment, on
the other hand, can be resolved in a higher,
socially-mediated, complex unity which preserves both
dimensions of right, including some aspects of their sometimes conflictual
mutual relationship.

Humane
society can never permit the decision to end a human life, even an embryonic
life, to be a casual decision.

If a healthy prospective
mother, with science-based expectancy of a birth-outcome unthreatening to her
health, chose to terminate her pregnancy, she would, per this expectation of
the '''values''' of a 'democratic communist' society, be incentivized, by
democratically-legislated rewards and/or penalties, to register her intention
to do so in the appropriate portal, set aside for this purpose, of what we call the global 'Omni-Com'
— of the social Omnibus Communications
social-property utility; of the globally-socialized heir to today's
"internet".

Other legally-qualified
prospective parents, perhaps biologically unable to birth children of their
own, would have the constitutional right, by assuming all of the
medical and other cost-burdens
of the pregnancy and of the delivery, to adopt the child[ren]
resulting from the registered pregnancy, as long as the medical court — a jury
of publicly-elected physician-justices —
certified the mother as physiologically and psychologically safe to go to term
within the 'legislatedly acceptable' outcome probabilities, hopefully quite
stringent with regard to the safety of the mother.

If the medical court found
otherwise, the planned abortion would be free to proceed.

If, globally, no qualified
prospective adopters were willing to "speak up for" the life of the
child in this substantive way, this silence
would constitute consent to the abortion — a relinquishment, by the
human community extant, of its right to preserve the potential extrauterine
life of the fetus in question.

The mother would, in such
cases — hopefully rare — be free to proceed with the abortion.

In such cases, no 'CitizenBirthright Equity Endowment'
would accrue to support the thus-prevented extrauterine life of the embryonic
child.

Citizen Stewardship Equity.

The 'Citizen Stewardship Equity' 'justicial principle' is designed to redress and to repair the fundamental, tragic psychohistorical, social wrong that resides at the root of the "modern proletariat" [Marx and Engels] -- that constitutes the origin of the social victimization and denigration of the working class: the separation of the producers from direct access to [from at least "usufruct" ownership of] the "land", i.e., their exclusion from access to agricultural livelihood/sustenance, and from direct access to all other means of production/livelihood, at the hands of modern capital, allied with modern landed property, so that "universal prostitution" [Marx] -- "self-alienation", i.e., "self-selling", to capital and/or landed property -- became their only recourse for survival.

The positive aim of the 'Citizen Stewardship Equity' principle of equity is therefore to facilitate a new historic political-economic regime of 'collective entrepreneurship', or of 'entrepreneurial collectivism', amongthe associated producers[Marx], by making the usufruct ofsocial-property means of production available to qualified collectives, or associations, of producers.

Such collectives of producers, associations of producers, or socialized producers' cooperatives, must first produce a business plan, and a system of by-laws for their own, internal, democratic self-governance, that qualifiesfor such access by the criteria set forth is statutes promulgated by the democratically-elected, democratically recallable producers' legislature, and in the eyes ofa likewise qualifying, citizen-stewards' social bank producers' cooperative,willing to risk theirsolvency by committing a part of their means of production procurement fund to this citizens' collective, and to its business and self-governance plans.

Thereafter, to continue in existence, this thus-qualified citizens stewardship cooperative must pass the test of competition, for the consumer-credits spending of other producer-citizens, against other qualifying citizen stewardship cooperatives that offer competing goods/services to the public, remaining solvent in the face of that competition for such de facto consumer-credit "consumer votes".

Citizen AllocationalEquity.

Truly equitable
distribution of, e.g., the public assets ceded, from the stock of global social property, in stewardship [not in local ownership], to local and
regional producers' associations, may involve, especially initially, from the
point of view of the internationally base-electedA.I.D.P. [«AssociationInternationaledesDirecteursPubliques»], if
it so decides through its democratic process, compensatory and reparative
elements, until the injustices of past capitalist-imperialist social
auto-cannibalization of the capital-hinterland and former "Second World"
and "Third World" regions of the globe has been adequately redressed.

Such allocative equity, in
any case, involves the solution of presently unsolved — and hardly even posed —
problems of 'social-negentropy accounting'
in the context of a 'meta-market' social system, in which mere
monetary-valuations provide an even more inadequate metric of 'social-reproductive use-value' than they do
now, still within the integument of “the capital-relation”.

The nature of 'CitizenAllocationalEquity' is thus that of an historical
equity-principle, which targets an “ideal” of equal «per capita»
regional allocation of socially-owned social negentropy, but which recognizes
that such an ideal standard becomes relevant only once an “equipotential” among
all regions of the globe has been achieved with regard to life-opportunities.

There will be a role for
the constitutionally and juridically regulated and monitored 'Declarations
of Peace and Prosperity' — replacing, and hopefully
preempting and obviating the whole history of '''Declarations of War''', up to
today — adopted by one global region, with respect to another, as part of the
process of achieving the necessary compensatory and reparative allocations that
constitute '''the correction of the past''' in terms of human-labor-created-wealth-sharing and
natural-resources-sharing.

Such 'Declarations',
and, even more so, their implementation, would have to involve subtle
applications of a mastery of human-social science — of the science of the
catalysis of accelerated human-social self-development — that are all but
beyond the ken of our current, capital-compromised and capital-corrupted
civilization.

These declarations might
involve something of what Marx envisioned, with respect to Russia, and with
respect to the Russian Mir, '''given a successful proletarian
revolution in the West''', in his Preface to the Russian edition of Capital (volume I), and in his draft letters to Vera
Zasulich.