While we were opening the World Social Forum in
Karachi last weekend with virtuoso performances
of sufi music and speeches, the country's rulers
were marking the centenary of the Muslim League
[the party that created Pakistan and has ever
since been passed on from one bunch of rogues to
another till now it is in the hands of political
pimps who treat it like a bordello] by gifting
the organisation to General Pervaiz Musharaf, the
country's uniformed ruler.

The secular opposition leaders, Nawaz Sharif and
Benazir Bhutto, who used to compete with each
other to see who could amass more funds while in
power, are both in exile. To return home would
mean to face arrest for corruption. Neither is in
the mood for martyrdom or relinquishing control
of their organizations. Meanwhile, the religious
parties are happily implementing neo-liberal
policies in the North-West Frontier province that
is under their control. Incapable of catering to
the real needs of the poor they concentrate their
fire on women and the godless liberals who defend
them.

The military is so secure in its rule and the
official politicians so useless that 'civil
society' is booming. Private TV channels, like
NGOs, have mushroomed and most views are
permissible (I was interviewed for an hour by one
of these on the "fate of the world communist
movement") except a frontal assault on religion
or the military and its networks that govern the
country. If civil society posed any real threat
to the elite, the plaudits it receives would
rapidly turn to menace.

It was, thus, no surprise that the WSF, too, had
been permitted and facilitated by the local
administration in Karachi. It is now part of the
globalized landscape and helps backward rulers
feel modern. The event itself was no different
from the others. Present are several thousand
people, mainly from Pakistan, but with a
sprinkling of delegates from India, Bangladesh,
Sri Lanka, South Korea and a few other countries.

Absent was any representation from China's
burgeoning peasant and workers movements or its
critical intelligentsia. Iran, too, was
unrepresented as was Malaysia. The Israeli
enforcers who run the Jordanian administration
harassed a Palestinian delegation. Only a handful
of delegates managed to get through the
checkpoints and reach Karachi. The huge
earthquake in Pakistan last year had disrupted
many plans and the organizers were not able to
travel and persuade people elsewhere in the
continent to come. Otherwise, insisted the
organisers, the voices of Abu Ghraib and
Guantanamo and Fallujah would have been heard.

The fact that it happened at all in Pakistan was
positive. People here are not used to hearing
different voices and views. The Forum enabled
many from repressed social layers and minority
religions to assemble make their voices heard:
persecuted Christians from the Punjab, Hindus
from Sind, women from everywhere told
heart-rending stories of discrimination and
oppression.

Present too was a sizeable class-struggle
element: peasants fighting against the
privatization of military farms in Okara, the
fisher-folk from Sind whose livelihoods are under
threat and who complained about the great Indus
river being diverted to deprive the common people
of water they had enjoyed since the beginning of
human civilization thousands of years ago,
workers from Baluchistan complaining about
military brutalities in the region.

Teachers who explained how the educational system
in the country had virtually ceased to exist. The
common people who spoke were articulate,
analytical and angry, in polar contrast to the
stale rhetoric of Pakistan's political class.
Much of what was said was broadcast on radio and
television with the main private networks---Geo,
Hum and Indus--- vying with each other to ensure
blanket coverage.

And so the WSF like a big feel-good travelling
road show came to Pakistan and went. What will it
leave behind? Very little, apart from goodwill
and the feeling that it has happened here. For
the fact remains the elite dominates that
politics in the country. Little else matters.
Small radical groups are doing their best, but
there is no state-wide organisation or movement
that speaks for the dispossessed. The social
situation is grim, despite the massaged
statistics circulated by the World Bank's
Pakistani Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz.

The NGOs are no substitute for genuine social and
political movements. They may be NGOs in Pakistan
but in the global scale they are WGOs (Western
Governmental Organizations), their cash-flow
conditioned by restricted agendas. It is not that
some of them are not doing good work, but the
overall effect of this has been to atomize the
tiny layer of left and liberal intellectuals.
Most of these men and women (those who are not in
NGOs are embedded in the private media networks)
struggle for their individual NGOs to keep the
money coming; petty rivalries assumed exaggerated
proportions; politics in the sense of grass-roots
organisation is virtually non-existent. The Latin
American model as emerging in the victories of
Chavez and Morales is a far cry from Mumbai or
Karachi.

Tariq Ali is author of the recently released
Street Fighting Years (new edition) and, with
David Barsamian, Speaking of Empires & Resistance.

Thousands of activists attended the concluding
ceremony and a musical concert in which
performers sang and danced almost all night to
the delight of the cheering crowd.

The forum, with peace, democracy and women and
workers' rights on its agenda was a huge success,
said organisers. "The World Social Forum [WSF]
was a success beyond our expectations," said
Karamat Ali, one of the main organisers and a
senior labour leader.

"We were expecting a modest participation, but
more than 20,000 delegates participated in the
WSF, including 3,000 foreigners," he said.
"Though the forum did not pass any resolutions,
the organisations and individuals raised several
key issues."

Farmers, industrial workers, fishermen, human
rights and political activists and youngsters
from all over the world attended the forum which
included more than 400 events. It gave Pakistani
leftist groups a platform to air their views.

"One of the major achievements of the forum was
that for the first time leaders from both sides
of Kashmir met and discussed the issue at
length," Ali said.

Anti-US sentiment dominated the forum where every
day participants condemned the American
occupation of Iraq. Labour rights, environmental
degeneration, and globalisation attracted the
most heated debates led mostly by the Indian
delegation, which was the biggest with about 700
people.

But the biggest winner was Karachi, which is seen
as a dangerous place for foreigners because of a
string of terrorist attacks and its history of
political and religious violence.

"My impressions about Karachi have changed," said
Marjan Lucas, a delegate from Holland. "It is a
very vibrant city with friendly people. The
reality is different from whatever is being
portrayed in the media."

Organisers said despite its anti-establishment
agenda, the government went all out to facilitate
the event, which would go a long way in building
Karachi's image.

We are Indians, and supporters of the Nepali
people's struggle for democracy. Rather than a
bearer of a national identity, we speak as world
citizens who believe in the shared values and
solidarity of all democratic movements. What we
have to say is urgent, because it is painful to
observe the agony of the Nepali people,
especially the most vulnerable, such as children
and the poor. These humble millions are caught in
a political storm, whose contenders all claim to
speak in the name of 'the people' with little
concern about the consequences of their actions
on the peoples' lives and livelihood. We are
living through an important moment, when a step
back from deeply-held positions can bring about
far- reaching changes for the better. It is a
sign of hope that this seems to be occurring at
the present time.

Friends, it is clear that the traditional Nepali
ruling elites have seized absolute power and
continue to maintain this shamelessly, in the
face of national and international condemnation.
It is also clear that the absolutists will not
understand or act upon globally accepted ideals
of human liberty, democracy, equality before law
and constitutional limits to state power. Despite
their slogans hailing the unity of the monarch
and the praja, the ruling elite has no concern
for the welfare of its own citizens, millions of
whom are obliged to work in degrading conditions
in India and other countries.

International Opinion

Except for the US, the dominant powers of the
Western alliance and countries such as India,
have expressed their scepticism about the
intentions of the Nepali monarch or his potential
for unifying the polity. Even other autocracies,
such as China who had previously supported the
monarchy are distancing themselves from its short
sighted and politically bankrupt acts. The latest
statements of the US ambassador express concern
that a Maoist revolution would be a greater
danger to the people than an uncaring monarchy,
although the evidence indicates that the Royal
Nepal Army has killed more innocent civilians
than the Maobaadis in the last 10 years. The
American administration is motivated by
self-interest rather than principle. They are
even now in occupation of Afghanistan and Iraq in
defiance of international law, and have shown no
love for democracy in South Asia where, over the
decades they have supported dictators and
religious fanatics of all colours. They support
democratic movements when and where this suits
them, and contemptuously disregard democratic
values when it doesn't. Hence, while welcoming
the warm words of certain Western leaders and
representatives, we should be sceptical of their
intentions and the stability of their
commitments. In India, a wide range of Indian
political opinion supports the cause of democracy
in Nepal although there is support for the
monarchy among some sections of the army,
bureaucracy, the old princely families and the
RSS-VHP.

However, this letter is not addressed to the
Nepali rulers, nor is it an analysis of political
opinion with regard to Nepal. It is primarily an
appeal to all Nepali democrats, including
Maobaadis (who say they have a new commitment to
democracy), to recognise the current moment for
its great potential. The ruling clique is
isolated as never before, nationally and
internationally. And the mainstream Nepali
democrats have come to an understanding with the
Maobaadis, who for their part have stated their
support for an elected Constituent Assembly, and
the concept of multi-party democracy. The issues
are becoming simplified, and the enemies of
democracy are becoming isolated.

The Opposition

The problem remains of overcoming mutual distrust
among all the mainstream democrats, of
pre-empting the autocratic ambitions of the
Nepali Army, and of stopping the bloodshed. As
regards the parliamentary opposition, strong
political will is needed to maintain a
self-critical approach to old ways of thinking
and acting, to overcome old animosities, and to
maintain a dialogue not only among themselves,
but with millions of ordinary Nepalis who want a
democratic republic. A new vision is necessary,
along with institutional and political
preparation for a constitutional order, and fresh
initiatives towards these aims - such as ensuring
democracy within their own parties, devising a
plan of action for the Constituent Assembly,
ensuring neutrality, protecting citizens lives,
etc. As for the Army generals, one can only hope
that some of them have the sense to see that
democracy is good for Nepal. There must be many
army jawans/soldiers and some officers, who would
sympathise with democratic ideals. We must
welcome them and address them politically rather
than push them away.

But above all, democrats must develop the
confidence in their own strength, vision and
ability to engage with the Maobaadis to ensure
that they uphold the alliance. There must be a
continuing dialogue with them to encourage them
to give up violence. Many Nepalis, while not
being Maoists themselves, sympathise with them,
participate in their activities, and have
ambivalent positions on the question of "people's
war". This situation has been brought about by
anger and helplessness in the face of a selfish,
autocratic and cruel governing authority, with no
vehicle to express grievance or seek social
justice through peaceful methods. We can
understand the origins and force of this anger
but we must remember that (apart from the moral
issues), if anger is not restrained and
harnessed, it becomes a spiral of violent revenge
and creates a political system that is the mirror
image of one that is overthrown. The pent up
emotions and energies of the Nepali people can
find a more creative and optimistic expression in
non-violent social movements and activities which
will serve as the foundation of a democratic
state structure.

The creation of democratic party structures, mass
social and political movements, and democratic
civil institutions at district and community
levels, are the only foundations for a stable and
viable democracy. We may understand Prachanda's
anger at the callousness of the absolutist
monarchy but we can also understand the fear and
scepticism evoked amongst democratic forces in
Nepal when he says that he expects a people's
court to execute the king. Nepal has abolished
the death penalty and has an active and well
functioning judiciary. Prachanda's statement will
undermine rather than help consolidate the
process of democratic unity.

The Urge for Peaceful Change

We appeal to all of you to think about the strong
urge for peace among your fellow Nepalis. People
want an end to tyranny, but not at the cost of so
much bloodshed and cruelty. To kill a single
person, no matter how bad he is, without due
process of law, violates democratic principles.
We cannot fight for democracy by using
anti-democratic procedures, or preaching
autocratic values. We cannot complain that the
state indulges in extra-judicial killings and
then do the same thing ourselves. How can we
encourage young revolutionaries to kill not only
the soldiers (who are mostly poor people like
themselves), but also a taxi-driver who violates
a 'bandh', a telephone booth operator who was
forced to allow the Army to use his telephone, or
ordinary bus passengers, as in Chitwan last year?
Is it enough to say, sorry, these are 'accidents'
and then expect the victims' near and dear ones
to wipe their tears and support the revolution?
In late January, at Kathmandu airport, we saw a
young working-class Nepali woman see off her
husband - maybe he was joining a job in a foreign
country. She was weeping silently, and we thought
how much more would be her sorrow if he were to
be killed in some encounter, some cross-fire,
some bandh?

Friends, brutality operates in a cycle. The Army
and police have been brutal, and the
revolutionaries have also been brutal. How does
it make any difference to the victims of cruelty
that the State has killed 8000 people and the
revolutionaries only 4000? Is the pain of their
relatives lessened because they died while
comrades fought for a good cause? So much
accumulated tragedy and pain and tears! Do the
Nepali people deserve so much suffering on top of
all the tragic consequences of autocratic rule?
Organised killing develops autocratic modes of
thought and totalitarian politics. It destroys
the human conscience, encourages lawlessness and
disrespect for human life. The people who survive
such a bloody revolution will be emotionally and
psychologically damaged people. Precedents will
have been set that will endanger the future of
democracy.

An Appeal to the Comrades

Many of the Maobaadis are inspired by pure ideals
and sincere beliefs. But unfortunately the
politics of violence is a slippery road that can
change human character, and transform lofty goals
into current nightmares. Democrats need to start
a dialogue to bring about lasting democracy in
Nepal. If they are far-sighted, the Maobaadis can
make a historic contribution to this dialogue.
With due respect we must tell Comrade Prachanda
and all the comrades: your anger is justified,
but your violence is not. Instead of venting your
anger in ways that often harm your own citizenry,
subjecting them to yet more cruelty, it would be
more fruitful to build democratic structures and
practices (both within and outside the political
parties) which will become the foundations for a
future democratic Nepal.

Friends, we strongly believe that peace and
security and freedom from fear is as much of a
popular aspiration as a democratic constitution
or improved working conditions. The sooner the
comrades realise this, the better it will be for
the socialist cause. Violence and cruelty is the
language of the exploiters and oppressors - if
socialists also use this language, what hope
remains for humanity? All kinds of non-violent
protests and constructive programmes can be
organised. Popular committees could be started in
localities to start democratisation even before
constitutional change. After all, democracy means
not just rule with the consent of the governed,
but the participation of the people in
governance. We appeal to you to consider this:

A PUBLIC DECLARATION BY THE MAOBAADIS THAT THEY
WILL STICK TO THEIR DEMANDS BUT WILL GIVE UP
VIOLENCE, CAN ELECTRIFY THE SITUATION.

This March 8, let us remember the ordinary
Russian soldiers of the Tsar's army who refused
to shoot women demonstrators on International
Women's Day in St Petersburg in 1917. This single
incident marked the overthrow of Tsarism and the
advent of the Russian Revolution. Comrades! The
greatest victory would be for you to prevail over
the soldiers and policemen via their conscience
rather than through fear. Let us experiment with
the revolutionary potential of non-violence. Let
us imagine a politics of love, rather than of
hate. Once people stop fearing for their lives,
and if the comrades demonstrate their sincerity,
then fence-sitters (and maybe even elements of
the armed forces) will join the ranks of
democracy. The constant tension, fear, and enmity
will subside and the ordinary people will be
encouraged to participate in the historic task of
constructing Nepali democracy.

With love, best wishes and fraternal regards to all of you

Dilip Simeon
Madhu Sarin

New Delhi
March 1, 2006

o o o

The Hindu
Apr 12, 2006

Editorial

BEGINNING OF THE END?

The tsunami of protest in Nepal against the
brutally unconstitutional rule of King Gyanendra
is virtually a rerun of the People's Movement of
1990 - with an important difference. Sixteen
years ago, the street protests were directed
against the absolute monarchy of his elder
brother, King Birendra; they helped usher in a
multi-party democracy with a constitutional
monarchy. Then, as now, the King used repressive
tactics to protect his position, surrendering to
the demands of the people only when it became
clear that the protestors would not be
intimidated into backing off from the palace
doors. But King Birendra was a much wiser man
than his business-minded brother. He was astute
enough to cut his losses by forging a deal with
the political parties that ensured the monarchy
would continue in a diluted, constitutional form.
It helped his case that those spearheading the
protests also thought it unwise to do away with
the monarchy. That has changed. After five years
of King Gyanendra, more and more people in Nepal
are questioning the wisdom of holding on even to
a constitutional monarchy. The seven-party
alliance for the restoration of democracy has
acquired a distinct republican hue, to the extent
of forging a loose political understanding with
the Maoist insurgency whose avowed aim is to
abolish the monarchy. The proliferating protests
in Nepal despite a vicious Palace crackdown
reveal that even those who initially bought the
King's promise that he would restore democracy
have completely lost faith.

King Gyanendra's shenanigans are shown up in
stark contrast by the actions of other monarchs
in the region. In Thailand, the people revere
King Bhumibol Adulyatej; and he protects this
status by a studied policy of non-interference in
the day-to-day politics of his country. Leaving
that to the politicians and steering clear of
divisive ambitions, he has carved out for himself
a role of such moral authority that in the recent
political crisis, all it took was a word from him
to make the discredited Thaksin Shinawatra resign
as Prime Minister. In Bhutan, a sagacious King
Jigme Singye Wangchuk is voluntarily preparing to
change from an absolute monarch to a
constitutional one. When Gyanendra ascended the
Nepal throne on June 4, 2001 after an infamous
massacre of the royals (with an unpopular Paras
next in the line of succession), he needed badly
to establish his credentials. He could have
fashioned a role that was constructive for the
country's fledgling democracy but has shown
himself incapable of anything like that.
Notwithstanding an international chorus for
"constitutional forces" - meaning the democratic
political parties and the monarch - to come
together to resolve Nepal's political crisis, it
is unlikely that this King will be acceptable to
his people even in a constitutionally
marginalised role. After all, what is the
guarantee that his crude political ambitions will
not rise to the top again?

____

[3]

The Times of India
11 April, 2006

FORGOTTEN PEOPLE
by Joe Athialy

India's two best known struggles are waging a battle for justice under the
trees of Jantar Mantar in the capital Ð the Narmada dam oustees and Bhopal
gas victims. Both have a 20-year history, albeit emerging from different
contexts. Having borne the brunt of state brutality and yet remaining
non-violent, they have been documented and recognised by the international
community.

The Bhopal gas tragedy killed more than 7,000 people and injured many within
two or three days. In the last 21 years, at least another 15,000 have died
and more than 1,00,000 suffer from chronic illnesses caused by exposure to
gas. Nobody has been held responsible for the leak till date. The plant site
has not been cleaned. As a result, toxic wastes continue to pollute the
environment and contaminate water that surrounding communities rely on.

In Narmada, the planners considered a geographical area without taking into
account the people and environment for making a cascade of dams, starting
with Sardar Sarovar at the west end of the river.

A considerably good rehabilitation package was prepared and integrated into
the law, but never implemented by the states in letter and spirit. In spite
of non-violent protests, the dam continued to go up. Emotions in favour of
the dam were flared up, sometimes to absurd levels, by the states.

It put the lives and livelihoods of over 44,000 families (or nearly 2.25
lakh people) at peril in western parts of Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and
Gujarat, according to official figures. As the World Bank review committee
noted, another three lakh people still await the magic wand for being
recognised as project-affected.

The role of the judiciary in these two issues has been disappointing. It
dragged proceedings for years, its pronouncements on human rights actually
yielding little on the ground. Its refusal to hold people responsible for
violations of law encouraged more violations, and cemented the state's
conviction that they were not accountable to anyone. Calling Narmada Bachao
Andolan Publicity Interest Litigation or Private Inquisitiveness Litigation
was totally uncalled for.

Bhopal or Narmada, by not being able to translate into significant vote
banks, failed to find a meaningful mention in common minimum programmes of
parties or political formations. Till a decade back, the Congress and
Bharatiya Janata Party lent unstinting support to the dam in their election
manifestos in Gujarat. In the case of both the struggles, the Centre and
state governments kept passing the buck, frustrating the people.
Politicians, once out of power, wholeheartedly supported the struggles. When
elected to power, they busied themselves with other things and avoided
taking action.

In the absence of an active media, these struggles would not have reached
out to a large multitude. In the initial days of the struggle, when sting
operations were confined to Bollywood movies and TRP ratings did not decide
the news, the media had more space and time to report and analyse these
issues. It helped generate a debate in civil society about development,
human rights and state's responsibilities.

But now media would rather devote space and time to details of 'wardrobe
malfunction', and heap scorn on these struggles as the very height of all
impediments. Hence, the over one lakh families rendered homeless due to
demolitions in Mumbai and Delhi, or the hundreds of farmer suicides in many
states, do not come under 'breaking news'. Two groups of protestors sitting
at a distance of a few metres from each other at Jantar Mantar do not invite
much media attention. Nor can they pose any political threat to the
government, though they are only a couple of kilometres away from
Parliament. Their presence in Delhi with demands for a just rehabilitation
speaks volumes for India's human rights record. Unless that record is set
straight, talk of 10 per cent growth or the Sensex crossing 11K does not
make India developed or, for that matter, even civilised.

(The writer is with Amnesty International. Views expressed are personal.)

____

[4]

truthout.org
06 April 2006

SALT, DAMS, NUKE SITES: INDIA'S STRUGGLE
by J. Sri Raman

Today, India is witnessing a re-enactment of
an episode of the country's freedom struggle and
its most significant and inspiring saga. On this
day, 76 years ago, Mahatma Gandhi launched his
Salt Satyagraha, to assert the common Indian's
right to manufacture his own salt, a right that
the British colonial rulers sought to deny.
Gandhi's memory and message have now created and
catalyzed a movement to protest and resist a
post-Independence ban on production and sale of
common salt.

Today, a 52-year-old woman, social activist
Medha Patkar, continues her Gandhian fast in New
Delhi's prestigious hospital, the All-India
Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), amidst
administrations of saline water. She is
protesting against displacement of thousands of
people by a dam project in Gujarat, no less
prestigious to the powers-that-be, and to
reiterate her endlessly repeated demands for
their dignified rehabilitation.

Today, it is 18 days since an earthquake of
undisclosed intensity shook, if only for a few
seconds, an area in India's deep south that
harbors a nuclear complex, to which major
additions are being made shortly. Feeble voices
have been raised over what this means for the
people of the region, devastated by the tsunami
not long ago, but questions from those concerned
have been dismissed with a contempt that they did
not deserve.

The three apparently disjointed events
together serve to illustrate a development
strategy that directly threatens the people of
India and the cause of peace within the country
and in the sub-continent as a whole.

The Mahatma's Salt Satyagraha was a conscious
and a marvelously creative attempt to put the
poor people at the center of the Independence
movement. It is a sad irony that, after nearly
six decades of independence, the poor salt
farmers and salt consumers of India have to fight
to protect their right from corporate masters in
place of the colonial ones. The ban on
non-iodized salt will spell ruin for salt farmers
on the shores of Gandhi's Gujarat and elsewhere
as well as at least a five-fold increase in the
price of salt for the common man.

The government and its experts, of course,
have not cared to answer any of the questions
from critics of the ban. Such as: why this hurry
to ban common salt consumed through millennia
with no disastrous health consequences when
tobacco products suffer no trade restriction,
when there is no plan even to consider pleas for
controlling sale of pesticides found to be
harmful, if only in cases of heavy use? Does lack
of iodine alone cause the health disorders that
non-iodized salt is blamed for? Is not
over-iodized food, too, known to pose health
hazards?

The government and its experts have cared
even less, over two decades, to answer questions
over the project to build a network of dams over
River Narmada flowing through three states of
India - Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Gujarat.
The main question here has been about the
displacement by the dam project of nearly 200,000
people in all. Mostly aboriginals, tribal people,
as the mainstream, middle-class India calls them,
they had no one to speak up for them until Medha
Patkar made their cause hers.

Medha's Narmada Bachao Andolan (Save Narmada
Movement), or the NBA, has seen many ups and
downs in its struggle. But it has scored two
major victories. The first was when it succeeded
in forcing the World Bank, the original funder of
the project, to withdraw. The second victory was
the verdict of India's Supreme Court that asked
the project authorities to rehabilitate the
oustees, as required under approved guidelines,
before proceeding with the project by increasing
the dam's height. The current NBA protest follows
an alleged violation of the court order.

The question of dams and development -
specially the optimum size of dams from the
viewpoint of environmental and economic viability
- can be debated endlessly. And it has been.
Beyond all debate, however, is the imperative
need to ensure the rehabilitation of the
displaced, who, in this farm-dependent community,
are also the dispossessed. As Arundhaty Roy,
vilified even more for defending the displaced
than for denouncing India's nuclear bombs, has
pointed out, all the data about all the dams
built since 1947 (including their dimensions,
budgets and envisaged irrigation benefits) are
available except in one respect. There is no
record - none - of the number of those displaced
by the dams, of where these people disappeared to.

The famished and feverish Medha made the same
point when she whispered to the media, before
being whisked away to the hospital: "Perhaps they
would not have bothered at all about these people
waiting to be drowned (by the heightened dam), if
I had not come and sat here (on a fast). It is a
sad thought."

It was even less surprising when the
concerned authorities refused to answer any
question about an earthquake that shook an area
including Koodankulam, site of a nuclear complex,
on March 19. The event was described only as a
"mild tremor" in English-language newspapers that
cared to cover it at all. Dailies of the local
Tamil language described the cracks in houses
caused by the quake, but this section of the
media has very little influence in India's
corridors of power, yet to recover from a
colonial hangover.

The tsunami devastated the same region, but
the disaster was dismissed then as too unusual to
warrant a concern about nuclear safety. The
tremor of March should have compelled the
authorities to wonder if the area could now be
considered quake-prone. They, however, could not
even be persuaded to disclose the intensity of
the tremor. Just as they did not care to allay
fears caused by the tsunami havoc in the area of
the better-known Kalpakkam nuclear complex, now
officially acknowledged as one of "strategic"
importance.

The People's Movement Against Nuclear Energy,
active in the area, has voiced added concern over
the plans to build two more nuclear power
reactors in Koodankulam. It is being ignored,
however, as an odd group out of sync with the
times, when India looks forward to a luminous
nuclear future as a direct result of the deal
with the USA under the George Bush
administration. What does a possible nuclear
calamity matter, when the deal puts no cap on the
nuclear-weapon program either, and keeps alive
all those alluring prospects of a deadly arms
race in the sub-continent?

The three events together illustrate a
development strategy that has no place or thought
for the defenseless people it threatens. The
re-enactment of the Mahatma's salt march, the
countrywide response to Medha's fast, and the
questions that belie claims of a national
consensus over the nuclear issue illustrate
something else: determination of the people not
to stay silent spectators of the unfolding
strategy.

A freelance journalist and a peace activist
of India, J. Sri Raman is the author of
Flashpoint (Common Courage Press, USA). He is a
regular contributor to t r u t h o u t.

____

[5]

The Hindu
April 11, 2006

BHOPAL VICTIMS STEP UP AGITATION

Dance of Death: Bhopal gas victims holding a demonstration on Parliament
Street in New Delhi on Monday. Photo: S. Subramanium

NEW DELHI: Over 400 survivors of the Bhopal gas disaster and their
sympathisers who on Monday organised a huge "die in" here, covering
themselves in white shrouds and lying on the road while symbolic figures of
death danced through the "corpses". The gas victims and their sympathisers,
who have been demonstrating here for the last fifteen days, announced that
six persons (three survivors and three sympathisers) would go on an
indefinite hunger strike from Tuesday.

Demonstrators said that though the Ministry of Chemicals had been
sympathetic to their demands, it was up to the Prime Minister to clear any
decision related to the Bhopal victims. They said the Union Cabinet's
approval for the implementation of the Supreme Court orders of 2004 for
disbursement of pro-rata additional compensation on a one-to-one basis to
the victims did not address their present demands. "This money was long due
and a result of an agreement between the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and the
Central Government that any shortfall in converting the money payable from
dollars to rupees would be taken care by the Central Government. It has
nothing to with our present demands," said Nityanand Jayaram, environmental
activist and writer.

Despite repeated demands, there has been no action by the government to
set up an inquiry committee into the violence at Sanvordem and bring the
perpetrators to book. The government will respond only when there is a
concerted demand from citizens to do so.

Please go to the URL and sign the petition. Circulate this widely and
request people to sign.

For additional background on the communal violence in Goa in the month
of March 2004, you can download the fact-finding report released by a
committee headed by Nandita Haksar, Supreme Court advocate and noted
human rights lawyer, from the following URLs:

From 1987 Sangh (RSS) has activated its offshoot
Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram (VKA) into higher gear of
activity. Adivasis, the most neglected part of
society are being wooed through newly devised
cultural mechanisms.
To begin with Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram used the word
Vanvasi, instead of the correct nomenclature,
Adivasi. The claim put forward by Hindutva is
that these are parts of Hindu society who went to
jungles to escape the conversion by Muslim kings.
Due to their long stay in jungles they became
untouchables and drifted away from the fold of
Hindu society. This assertion kills many birds in
one stone. On one side it tries to project that
despite Aryans coming here from outside, Arctic
zone, are not foreigners like the Muslims and
Christians. Then aggressiveness of Muslim Kings
is restated and the inner cruelty of Brahminical
Hinduism is hidden as Adivasi 'problem' is
projected to be coming from outside. A shifting
of the 'blame' of inner ills to outside forces!
Another aim achieved through this formulation is
to bring Adivasis to Hindu fold and claim that
its not a conversion but mere Ghar Vapasi,
returning home, of these wretched of the earth.
At the same time for the political project of
intimidating the Christian missionaries working
in the villages a ground is prepared to attack
them as foreigners.

The forays of Sangh in Adivasi areas intensified
from mid eighties when it was realized that by
directly attacking dalits, the way they were
attacked in 1980 and 1986 in Gujarat through
caste violence, will be counterproductive at
electoral level. The strategy evolved was to
'use' them as foot soldiers against Muslim
minorities. At the same time electoral arithmetic
brought to their attention this substantial chunk
of population of Adivasis trying to come up
through modern education and thereby disturbing
the status quo, prevalent in the far off
villages. Its here that the Christian
missionaries were perceived as a big threat to
the project of Sangh, which wants to maintain
status quo vis a vis Adivasis dalits and women.
Through the network of schools spread in the far
off areas these Missionaries, whatever be their
own motives, were instrumental in getting a
section of Adivasis empowered and in the process
the upper caste affluent base of Sangh was
getting jittery.
The posting of RSS volunteers into the forest
work was very systematic. Apart from attacking
the Christian missionaries as foreigners the Ghar
vapasi was brought in at a big scale in all the
Adiviasi areas scattered from Gujarat to MP to
Orissa. Around this time many a swamis, descended
in these areas, Lakkhanand in Phulbani area,
Aseemanand in Dangs, Asaram disciples in Jhabau
and many other such efforts were unleashed. In
Adivasi areas they resorted to intimidation, you
are Hindus, Hindu rituals are like this and so
these have to part of your life. Dilip Singh
Judeo, of the 'God is money' fame, of
Chattisgarhg, had the record number of Adiviasis
converted in to Hinduism by newly devised
baptizing techniques.

At the same time Hanuman was popularized as the
God in this area and lately Shabri, the destitute
women who had the privilege of offering wild
berries to Lord Ram is being projected as the
Goddess of Adivasis. The cultural symbolism
cannot be missed in the selection of these
deities. Hanuman was the unquestioning devotee of
Lord Ram, with muscular power as the main virtue.
He is capable of flying while carrying a huge
mountain. But all the more he is carrying the
mountain because he cannot identify the herb
needed for treatment of Laxman, Lord's younger
brother. This is what is the signal to Adivisis,
unquestioning loyalty to Lord Ram, no need to
have education. So what are the Christian
missionaries doing here? Why should they be
trying to educate you? They are foreigners. So
Pastor Stains is picked up for the treatment
which they want to meted out to the white robed
priests and nuns.

Shabri, the embodiment of poverty is being
glorified on purpose. Your great ancestress had
the privilege to offer wild berries to the Lord.
She is your role model, poor, powerless and with
blind reverence and devotion for the upper caste.
The recently held festival in Subir, Dangs
district of Gujarat, celebrated Shabri and lakhs
of Advasis were brought from neighboring Adivasi
areas for the festival. The local people were
scared that Sangh's festival may create the
trouble and they may try to forcibly do the
conversions to Hinduism. It was declared that
Christians and Muslim are foreigners and are a
threat to Hindu religion. This Kumbh is meant to
protect the Hindus from the foreigners. In the
beginning it was announced that conversions are
the aim of Kumbh and than silence was kept on
this point once various groups questioned their
motives. This was boldly stated in the CD
produced by Shabri Kumbh organizers. By the time
the court ruling came to ban this CD was given,
lakhs of its copies were already circulated and
had the desired effect of threatening the
Christianity community.
The Shabri samiti distributed saffron flags to
the villagers and spread the word that those who
do not put the flag will be regarded as anti
Hindu, those who do not visit the Kumbh will also
be regarded as anti Hindu. In this intimidating
atmosphere the intervention of Human rights
groups resulted in the Central government sending
its observers. Also the Adivasi leaders realized
the game being played by Sangh and mercifully a
large section of native adivasis kept away from
the festival. But Sangh has succeeded in
spreading the seeds of hate and intimidation far
and wide.

During Kumbh the inflammatory speeches were
delivered by different leaders of Sangh. It
remains to be seen as to what will be the long
term impact of this festival. One thing is sure
that the whole Adivasi area at some level has
been shaken by this festival in which the major
organizers were the city based traders,
contractors and other supporters of Sangh. The
native Adivasi festivals and gods are being
undermined in various ways. Adivasis never used
to have the temple or place of prayer within the
four walls, most of their Gods were in the open.
The festivals, dancing and feasting also were
held in the open. With the new influence things
are changing. The rift between the 'Hindu' and
'Christian' Adivasis is widening which surely
will have adverse impact on the life in the area.
In pursuance of the same tactics, now summer
festival and Anjani mahotsav (festival) are being
planned. Anjani, mother of Hanuman was never the
object of veneration. Now she will be occupying a
place amongst the deities.

During the festival of Shabri (Feb 11-13) in
Ghubadiya, a place near Subir, the graveyard was
dug up, the crosses on the graves were burnt. Not
much notice of this has been taken in the local
media and administrative circles. The increasing
influence of Sangh and the religiosity is taking
deeper turns. One understands that from the
villages young girls in the age groups of 14-15
are being picked up to be trained as Sadhvis who
can give recitation of Ramayana and other Hindu
scriptures. The whole emphasis is on the cultural
manipulation and the basic issues of Adivasis
like land, education and health are being
cleverly sidetracked through this
culturo-religious manipulation.
One can see the social engineering in practice.
The positive experience is that it seems that
intervention of Human rights groups can partly
change the direction of events in a healthy
direction. Just before the Kumbh, human rights
teams had investigated and put out a reort, which
was taken note of by the authorities and local
leaders. This put the Gujarat Government and
Hindutva forces on the defensive. THeexpected
turn out did not materialize and even the Ghar
Vapasi was muted. The scare amongst the
minorities was a bit less and the event passed
off relatively peacefully as Hindutva forces had
to be restrained. Question is, are the human
rights groups willing, do they want to bring the
real Adivasi issues on the social focus? Can we
ask for social auditing of the activities of the
religio-cultural groups working in these areas?
Can we halt the process of spreading hate against
the minorities in these areas?

Subject: Invitation to Two - Days Seminar on Shwe
Gas Pipeline Project - Implications on India and
Burma

Dear Sir/ Madam

Burma has been confronted with brutal military
regimes and its people have been at the receiving
end of the most barbaric repression and systemic
violence by successive military regimes. The
distress of people of Burma have been compounded
by the indifference of the international
Community with most states choosing geo-political
expediency over human rights and aligning with
the ruling military junta. The growing bonhomie
between the military junta and the neighbouring
governments and giant multinational corporations
has proved to be a major stumbling block in the
quest for democracy in Burma.

Shwe Gas Pipeline Project conceived in August
2000. India got involved in the project when in
January 2002, Indian PSUs ONGC Videsh and GAIL,
Ltd agreed to purchase 20% and 10% respectively
of the stake. Indian involvement and interest in
the Shwe Gas project is a reflection of its
growing clamour for energy.

However, there is a need to reconcile the
imperatives of energy with our commitment to
questions of human rights, democracy,
participatory decision-making and environmental
health. The project for pipeline from Burma to
India is likely to have tremendous
socio-political ramifications in the region of
Arakan State in Myanmar and the states of Mizoram
and Tripura. As experience with two previous
international Burmese gas pipeline projects --
the Yadana and the Yetagun -- suggest, the Shwe
Project is likely to result in increased
militarization, forced relocation of villagers,
forced labour, torture, rape and extra judicial
killings and other forms of human rights
violation.

Delhi based The Other Media and Shwe Gas Pipeline
Campaign Committee (India) are jointly organizing
a Two - Days Seminar on "Shwe Gas Pipleline
Project - Implications on India and Burma" at
Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi on 17th & 18th
April 2006 (Mon & Tue) from 9:00 a.m. onwards
with the aim of analyzing the history of previous
energy projects in Burma, their impact on the
military junta and the democratic space in the
country. The Seminar would examine the impact of
energy projects on communities and juxtapose
these stark realities against the imperative of
international politics of energy and aim to
create a coalition of activists and
socio-political actors and a durable platform
that would set the ball rolling for a sustained
advocacy and campaign programme against the
continued Indian involvement in the Shwe Gas
Pipeline Project.

We are happy to invite you to the seminar. We
solicit your participation in view of your vast
expertise and experience and hope to benefit from
your valued suggestions and comments.

"Self Determination Day"
The Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil
Society is observing April 20th as "Self
Determination Day" this year. On April 20th 2004
we lost our colleague Aasia Jeelani in a landmine
blast. We observe this day each year to remember
the martyrs and victims who died in the course of
the struggle to realize our people's inalienable
right to self-determination. It is also an
occasion when we reiterate our commitment to
carry on the struggle for its realization.

In 2005, the JKCCS observed April 20th as
"Kashmir Solidarity Day", in which people
associated with various movements and civil
society groups from across India and J&K
participated. Being, first such observance we
wanted people to reaffirm their commitment to the
struggle to realize the right of
self-determination and to invite support from
outside J&K to our cause. Thirty-nine people from
India participated then. Amongst the participants
were poet and writer Varavara Rao from Hyderabad
(AP), Prof. Babbiya from Bangalore (Karnataka),
Nawkiran Singh (Punjab) etc. Local representation
was marked by the presence of Trade union
leaders, Teacher's union, Members of Bar
Association and several social organizations from
different regions of J&K, as well as prominent
personalities such as Ved Bhasin, were
noteworthy.

This year, however, the focus is on the
prospects of Indo-Pak 'peace process' from the
perspective of realizing our right of
self-determination. Therefore, the theme of the
seminar this year will be: "Can the Current Peace
Process Help Realize the Right of
Self-Determination"? Our intention is that all of
us who uphold this right of our people, or those
from outside J&K, who support this demand,
discuss this subject.

We expect you/your organization to participate in the daylong seminar.

Parvez Imroz
President
J&K Coalition of Civil Society

_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/

Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on
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