Ortega's relationship with the United States was never very cordial, due to US support for Somoza prior to the revolution.[1][2] Although the U.S. supplied post-revolution Nicaragua with ten of millions in economic aid,[3] relations broke down when the Sandinistas supplied weapons to leftist El Salvadoran rebels (something which Ortega later admitted occurred).[4] The Reagan administration of the United States funded the opposing rebel groups, known as the Contras, resulting in a vicious civil war. There was a UN brokered peace settlement in 1990, after which democratic elections were held. Ortega was defeated by Violeta Chamorro in the 1990 presidential election, but he remained an important figure in Nicaraguan opposition politics, gradually moderating in his political position from Marxism–Leninism to democratic socialism. He was an unsuccessful candidate for president in 1996 and 2001, before winning the 2006 presidential election.[5] He has made alliances with fellow Latin American socialists, such as Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez, and under his leadership, Nicaragua joined the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas.

Personal life[edit]

Early years[edit]

Ortega was born in La Libertad, department of Chontales, Nicaragua. His parents, Daniel Ortega and Lidia Saavedra, were opposed to the regime of Anastasio Somoza Debayle. His mother was imprisoned by Somoza's National Guard for being in possession of "love letters" which the police stated were coded political missives. It is still unknown if he even participated in any actual guerrilla fighting with the Somoza regime. He has two brothers, Humberto Ortega, former General, military leader and published writer, and Camilo Ortega, who died during combat in 1978.

Ortega was arrested for political activities at the age of 15,[6] and quickly joined the then-underground Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN).[7] He was imprisoned in 1967 for taking part in robbing a branch of the Bank of America while brandishing a machine gun, but was released in late 1974 along with other Sandinista prisoners in exchange for Somocista hostages. While he was imprisoned at the El Modelo jail, just outside of Managua, he wrote poems, one of which he titled "I Never Saw Managua When Miniskirts Were in Fashion".[8] During his imprisonment, Ortega was severely tortured.[9] After his release, Ortega was exiled to Cuba, where he received several months of guerrilla training. He later returned to Nicaragua secretly.[10]

Ortega married Rosario Murillo in 1979 in a secret ceremony.[11] and moved to Costa Rica with her three children from a previous marriage.[12] Ortega remarried Murillo in 2005 to have the marriage recognized by the Roman Catholic Church. The couple has eight children,[13] three of them together.[6] She is currently the government's spokeswoman and a government minister, among other positions.[14][15] Ortega adopted stepdaughter Zoilamérica Narváez in 1986, through a court case.[16]

The Sandinista revolution (1979–1990)[edit]

When Somoza was overthrown by the FSLN in July 1979, Ortega became a member of the five-person Junta of National Reconstruction, which also included Sandinista militant Moisés Hassan, novelist Sergio Ramírez, businessman Alfonso Robelo, and Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, the widow of a martyred journalist. The FSLN came to dominate the junta, Robelo and Chamorro resigned, and in 1981 Ortega became the coordinator of the Junta.[17] As the only member of the FSLN National Directorate in the Junta, he was the effective leader of the country. The FSLN embarked upon an ambitious programme of social reform upon attaining power. 5 million acres of land were redistributed to about 100,000 families, a literacy drive was launched, and health improvements were carried out which got rid of polio and reduced other diseases.[18] The Sandinista government implemented a policy of forced conscription for all men aged 17 to 35. The Sandinistas used this army to help guerrilla groups throughout Central America. Ortega pursued a policy of centrally planned economy and nationalization. Ortega took a very hard line against opposition to his policies: On 21 February 1981, the Sandinista army killed 7 Miskito Indians and wounded 17. On 23 and 24 December 1981 the army massacred 110 miners for demanding payment of back wages. Forced displacement has also been documented to have occurred with the native population: 10,000 individuals had been moved by 1982. Thousands of Indians took refuge in Honduras and 14,000 were imprisoned in Nicaragua. Anthropologist Gilles Bataillon termed this "politics of ethnocide" in Nicaragua. The Indians formed two rebel groups - the Misura and Misurasata. They were joined in the north by Nicaraguan Democratic Force (FDN) and in the south by former Sandinistas and peasantry who resisting forced collectivization led by Edén Pastora.[citation needed]

The tactics used by the Sandinista government to fight the resistance have been criticized by some historians for their suppression of civil rights. On 15 March 1982, the Junta declared a state of siege, which allowed it to close independent radio stations, suspend the right of association and limit the freedom of trade unions. However, it has also been pointed out that the Human Rights Record of the Contras during the same period was far poorer, with documented cases of murder, rape, torture, used to terrorize the rural population. There is also evidence that the Contras engaged in destruction of schools, hospitals, and other infrastructure, in order to disrupt the social reform programs of the Sandinistas.[20][21]

At the 1984 general election Ortega won the presidency with 67% of the vote and took office on 10 January 1985. A report by an Irish governmentary delegation stated: "The electoral process was carried out with total integrity. The seven parties participating in the elections represented a broad spectrum of political ideologies." The general counsel of New York's Human Rights Commission described the election as "free, fair and hotly contested." A study by the US Latin American Studies Association (LASA) concluded that the FSLN (Sandinista Front) "did little more to take advantage of its incumbency than incumbent parties everywhere (including the U.S.) routinely do." However some people described the election as "rigged". According to a detailed study, since the 1984 election was for posts subordinate to the Sandinista Directorate, the elections were no more subject to approval by vote than the Central Committee of the Communist Party is in countries of the East Bloc.[22]

33 percent of the Nicaraguan voters cast ballots for one of six opposition parties—three to the right of the Sandinistas, three to the left—which had campaigned with the aid of government funds and free TV and radio time. Two conservative parties captured a combined 23 percent of the vote. They held rallies across the country (a few of which were disrupted by FSLN supporters) and blasted the Sandinistas in harsh terms. Most foreign and independent observers noted this pluralism in debunking the Reagan administration charge—ubiquitous in the US media—that it was a "Soviet-style sham" election.[23] Some opposition parties boycotted the election, allegedly under pressure from US embassy officials, and so it was denounced as being unfair by the Reagan administration.[24] Reagan thus maintained that he was justified to continue supporting what he referred to as the Contras' "democratic resistance".[25]

Interim years (1990–2006)[edit]

In the 1990 presidential election, Ortega lost to Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, his former colleague in the junta. Chamorro was supported by the US and a 14-party anti-Sandinista alliance known as the National Opposition Union (Unión Nacional Oppositora, UNO), an alliance that ranged from conservatives and liberals to communists. Contrary to what most observers expected,[26] Chamorro shocked Ortega and won the election. In Ortega's concession speech the following day he vowed to keep "ruling from below" a reference to the power that the FSLN still wielded in various sectors. He also stressed his belief that the Sandinistas had the goal of bringing "dignity" to Latin America, and not necessarily to hold on to government posts.

Ortega ran for election again, in October 1996 and November 2001, but lost on both occasions to Arnoldo Alemán and Enrique Bolaños, respectively. In these elections, a key issue was the allegation of corruption. In Ortega's last days as president, through a series of legislative acts known as "The Piñata", estates that had been seized by the Sandinista government (some valued at millions and even billions of US dollars) became the private property of various FSLN officials, including Ortega himself.[citation needed]

Ortega's policies became more moderate during his time in opposition, and he gradually changed much of his former Marxist stance in favor of an agenda of democratic socialism. His Roman Catholic faith has become more public in recent years as well, leading Ortega to embrace a variety of socially conservative policies; in 2006 the FSLN endorsed a strict law banning all abortions in Nicaragua [2].

Ortega was instrumental in creating the controversial strategic pact between the FSLN and the Constitutional Liberal Party (Partido Liberal Constitucionalista, PLC). The controversial alliance of Nicaragua's two major parties is aimed at distributing power between the PLC and FSLN, and preventing other parties from rising. "El Pacto," as it is known in Nicaragua, is said to have personally benefited former presidents Ortega and Alemán greatly, while constraining then-president Bolaños. One of the key accords of the pact was to lower the percentage necessary to win a presidential election in the first round from 45% to 35%, a change in electoral law that would become decisive in Ortega's favor in the 2006 elections[citation needed].

Sexual abuse allegations[edit]

In 1998, Daniel Ortega's adopted stepdaughter Zoilamérica Narváez released a 48-page report[27] describing how, she alleged, Ortega had systematically sexually abused her from 1979, when she was 11, until 1990.[28] Ortega and his wife Murillo denied the allegations.[29] The case could not proceed in Nicaraguan courts because Ortega had immunity to prosecution as a member of parliament, and the five-year statute of limitations for sexual abuse and rape charges was judged to have been exceeded. Narváez took a complaint to the Inter American Human Rights Commission, which was ruled admissible on 15 October 2001.[30] On 4 March 2002 the Nicaraguan government accepted the Commission's recommendation of a friendly settlement.[16] As of 2006 Ortega continues to deny the allegations, but Narváez has not withdrawn them.[29]

The FSLN also won 38 seats in the congressional elections, becoming the party with the largest representation in parliament. The split in the Constitutionalist Liberal Party helped to allow the FSLN to become the largest party in Congress, however it should be noted that the Sandinista vote had a minuscule split between the FSLN and MRS, and that the liberal party combined is larger than the Frente Faction. In 2010, several liberal congressmen raised accusations about the FSLN presumably attempting to buy votes in order to pass constitutional reforms that would allow Ortega to run for office for the 6th time since 1984.[31]

Second presidency (2006–present)[edit]

Daniel Ortega, Presidente de la República de Nicaragua Daniel Ortega, President of the Republic of Nicaragua

Spoken style

Presidente Ortega President Ortega

Alternative style

Señor Presidente Mister President

Soon after his inauguration, Ortega paid an official visit to Iran and met Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Ortega told the press that the "revolutions of Iran and Nicaragua are almost twin revolutions...since both revolutions are about justice, liberty, self-determination, and the struggle against imperialism."[32] Since the start of his second presidency, various measures have been introduced to combat hunger and to improve access to healthcare, education,[33] credit,[34] and social security.[35] In addition, other reforms have been carried out, including an enhancement of labour rights,[36] the introduction of low-interest loans and training for female micro-entrepreneurs in rural areas,[37] and the distribution of transport subsidies, scholarships, medicine, land titles, and housing materials throughout the population.[33] Altogether, these policies have helped to reduce high levels of poverty and inequality in Nicaragua.[38][39][40][41][42][43][44]

In June 2008 the Nicaraguan Supreme Electoral Council disqualified the MRS and the Conservative Party from participation.[45] In November, 2008, the Supreme Electoral Council received national and international criticism following irregularities in municipal elections, but agreed to review results for Managua only, while the opposition demanded a nationwide review.[46] For the first time since 1990, the Council decided not to allow national or international observers to witness the election.[47][48] Instances of intimidation, violence, and harassment of opposition political party members and NGO representatives have been recorded.[49] Official results show Sandinista candidates winning 94 of the 146 municipal mayorships, compared to 46 for the main opposition Liberal Constitutional Party (PLC).[50] The opposition claimed that marked ballots were dumped and destroyed, that party members were refused access to some of the vote counts and that tallies from many polling places were altered.[51] As a result of the fraud allegations, the European Union suspended $70m of aid, and the US $64m.[52]

With the late-2000s recession, Ortega said that capitalism is in its "death throes" and the Bolivarian Alternative for the People of Our America (ALBA) is the most advanced, Christian and fairest project. He also said God was punishing the United States with the financial crisis for trying to impose its economic principles on poor countries and said God was rewarding Nicaragua with an increase in GDP (PPP) to $2,600 per-capita from $1,800 a decade ago. "It's incredible that in the most powerful country in the world, which spends billions of dollars on brutal wars ... people do not have enough money to stay in their homes."[53][54]

During an interview with David Frost for the Al Jazeera English programme Frost Over The World in March 2009, Ortega suggested that he would like to change the constitution to allow him to run again for president.[55] In Judicial Decision 504, issued on October 19, 2009, the Supreme Court of Justice of Nicaragua declared portions of Articles 147 and 178 of the Constitution of Nicaragua inapplicable; these provisions concerned the eligibility of candidates for President, Vice-President, Mayor, and Vice-Mayor.[56] For this decision, the Sandinista magistrates formed the required quorum by excluding the opposition magistrates and replacing them with Sandinista substitutes, violating the Nicaraguan constitution.[57] The decision was widely denounced by the opposing parties, the church and human rights groups in Nicaragua [58][59][60]

While supporting abortion rights during his presidency during the 1980s, Ortega has since embraced the Catholic Church's position of strong opposition.[61] While non-emergency abortions have long been illegal in Nicaragua, recently even abortions "in the case where the pregnancy endangers the mother's life", otherwise known as therapeutic abortions have been made illegal in the days before the election, with a six-year prison term in such cases, too—a move supported by Ortega.[62]

Ortega and his supporters celebrating his victory in the 2011 elections.

Ortega himself denies that the abortion legislation outlaws medical procedures necessary to save the woman's life if they result in the termination of pregnancy. "The medical Procedural Code, he says, is not affected by the law, and requires doctors to do what is necessary to save a woman's life if it is threatened by conditions related to her pregnancy."[citation needed] He claims that the accusations that the abortion laws outlaw medical procedures necessary to save the life of the mother are part of "a media war".[63]

Ortega was re-elected president with a vote on November 6 and confirmation on November 16, 2011. [64]

Foreign policy[edit]

On 6 March 2008, following the 2008 Andean diplomatic crisis, Ortega announced that Nicaragua was breaking diplomatic ties with Colombia "in solidarity with the Ecuadoran people".[65] Ortega also stated, "We are not breaking relations with the Colombian people. We are breaking relations with the terrorist policy practiced by Álvaro Uribe's government".[66] The relations were restored with the resolution at a Rio Group summit held in Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, on 7 March 2008. At the summit Colombia's Álvaro Uribe, Ecuador's Rafael Correa, Venezuela's Hugo Chávez and Ortega publicly shook hands in a show of good will. The handshakes, broadcast live throughout Latin America, appeared to be a signal that a week of military buildups and diplomatic repercussions was over. After the handshakes, Ortega said he would re-establish diplomatic ties with Colombia. Uribe then quipped that he would send him the bill for his ambassador's plane fare.[67][68]

On 25 May 2008, Ortega, upon learning of the death of FARC guerrilla leader Manuel Marulanda in Colombia, expressed condolences to the family of Marulanda and solidarity with the FARC and called Marulanda an extraordinary fighter who battled against profound inequalities in Colombia.[69][70] The declarations were protested by the Colombian government and criticized in the major Colombian media outlets.

On 2 September 2008, during ceremonies for the 29th anniversary of the founding of the Nicaraguan army, Ortega announced that "Nicaragua recognizes the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and fully supports the Russian government's position." Ortega's decision made Nicaragua the second country after Russia to recognize the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia from Georgia.[71] A day after Venezuela recognised the two Republics, Nicaragua established diplomatic relations with Abkhazia, and followed this by establishing diplomatic links with South Ossetia. Embassies have been mooted, but as of 2013 these had still not been opened.[72]

When getting in office, Ortega threatened to cut ties with the Republic of China/Taiwan in order to restore relations with the People's Republic of China (like 1985-1990). But he did not do so. Ortega met with Taiwan's president in 2009 and both agreed to improve the diplomatic ties between both countries.[73] However, with a trade show from the PRC in Managua in 2010, he is attempting a two-track policy to get benefits from both sides.[74]

In September 2010, after a US report listed Nicaragua as a "major" drug-trafficking centre, with Costa Rica and Honduras, Ortega urged the US Congress and Obama administration to allocate more resources to assist the fight against drug trafficking.[75][76]

During the Libyan civil war, Ortega was among the very few leaders who spoke out in clear defense of the embattled Muammar Gaddafi.[77] During a telephone conversation between the two, Ortega told Gaddafi that he was "waging a great battle to defend his nation"[78] and "it's at difficult times that loyalty and resolve are put to the test."[79]

^Martin Kriele, “Power and Human Rights in Nicaragua,” German Comments, April 1986, pp56-7,63-7, a chapter excerpted from his Nicaragua: Das blutende Herz Amerikas (Piper, 1986). See also Robert S. Leiken, “The Nicaraguan Tangle,” New York Review of Books, December 5, 1985 and “The Nicaraguan Tangle: Another Exchange,” New York Review of Books, June 26, 1986; Alfred G. Cuzan, Letter, Commentary, December 1985 and “The Latin American Studies Association vs. the United States,” Academic Questions, Summer 1994.