Examines the conditions determining the effectiveness of regional communities of democratic states in fostering convergence towards democratization, not merely through the accession to membership on ...
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Examines the conditions determining the effectiveness of regional communities of democratic states in fostering convergence towards democratization, not merely through the accession to membership on the part of states eager to democratize but in relation to the handling of recalcitrant states, whose non‐democratic government are reluctant to cede power. The historical evidence suggests that the process may take generations, especially with hard cases such as Cuba and Serbia.Less

Democratic Regions, Ostracism, and Pariahs

Laurence Whitehead

Published in print: 2001-06-28

Examines the conditions determining the effectiveness of regional communities of democratic states in fostering convergence towards democratization, not merely through the accession to membership on the part of states eager to democratize but in relation to the handling of recalcitrant states, whose non‐democratic government are reluctant to cede power. The historical evidence suggests that the process may take generations, especially with hard cases such as Cuba and Serbia.

The US and the Western European countries certainly had their differences over various European questions, but all debate took place against the background of a Soviet threat that disturbed the ...
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The US and the Western European countries certainly had their differences over various European questions, but all debate took place against the background of a Soviet threat that disturbed the entire ‘free world’ and a NATO framework that had been established to deal with this threat. However, disagreements over out‐of‐area disputes (i.e. disputes outside the area covered by core Article 5 of the NATO treaty) between the US and many Western European countries were even more frequent and the common framework much weaker. At the beginning of the post‐war period, the US definitely saw itself as an anti‐colonial power, and its strong anti‐colonial views spurred progress towards independence not only for India and other British colonial territories, but also for those of other European colonies. The different sections of this chapter look at the changing nature of America's colonial policy, particularly in the face of prospects that communists might take control of a former European territory, and at its increasing role in other out‐of‐area questions, over the period 1945–1975. The areas discussed are East Asia (French Indo‐china, China, and the Korean and Vietnamese wars), the Middle East, and Southern Africa and Cuba. In addition a whole separate section is devoted to the Vietnam conflict, and another to the various disputes that led the Nixon administration to pronounce 1973 the ‘Year of Europe’ in an effort to bring the US and Western Europe close after a period of dispute that had involved, in particular, American support to Israel.Less

The United States, Western Europe, and Out‐of‐Area Disputes, 1945–1975

Geir Lundestad

Published in print: 2003-09-04

The US and the Western European countries certainly had their differences over various European questions, but all debate took place against the background of a Soviet threat that disturbed the entire ‘free world’ and a NATO framework that had been established to deal with this threat. However, disagreements over out‐of‐area disputes (i.e. disputes outside the area covered by core Article 5 of the NATO treaty) between the US and many Western European countries were even more frequent and the common framework much weaker. At the beginning of the post‐war period, the US definitely saw itself as an anti‐colonial power, and its strong anti‐colonial views spurred progress towards independence not only for India and other British colonial territories, but also for those of other European colonies. The different sections of this chapter look at the changing nature of America's colonial policy, particularly in the face of prospects that communists might take control of a former European territory, and at its increasing role in other out‐of‐area questions, over the period 1945–1975. The areas discussed are East Asia (French Indo‐china, China, and the Korean and Vietnamese wars), the Middle East, and Southern Africa and Cuba. In addition a whole separate section is devoted to the Vietnam conflict, and another to the various disputes that led the Nixon administration to pronounce 1973 the ‘Year of Europe’ in an effort to bring the US and Western Europe close after a period of dispute that had involved, in particular, American support to Israel.

The Second World War was followed by a new kind of challenge to international society from radical and revolutionary Third World states. Sukarno's Indonesia, Castro's Cuba, Mao's China, Gaddafi's ...
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The Second World War was followed by a new kind of challenge to international society from radical and revolutionary Third World states. Sukarno's Indonesia, Castro's Cuba, Mao's China, Gaddafi's Libya, and Khomeini's Islamic Revolution in Iran all displayed different aspects of this challenge. All shared an underlying perception of world politics in terms of an ongoing conflict between rich and poor, oppressed and oppressors, and old and new, which made them advocates of international revolution in some form. All encountered strong opposition from the US.Less

The Revolt Against the West and International Society

David Armstrong

Published in print: 1993-06-10

The Second World War was followed by a new kind of challenge to international society from radical and revolutionary Third World states. Sukarno's Indonesia, Castro's Cuba, Mao's China, Gaddafi's Libya, and Khomeini's Islamic Revolution in Iran all displayed different aspects of this challenge. All shared an underlying perception of world politics in terms of an ongoing conflict between rich and poor, oppressed and oppressors, and old and new, which made them advocates of international revolution in some form. All encountered strong opposition from the US.

During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The ...
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During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The most notable of these were in Bangladesh, Uganda, and Indo‐China. There were also highly politicized refugee crises in Chile and Argentina. The UNHCR was active in the repatriation and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons in southern Sudan and in Angola, Guinea Bissau, and Mozambique. In addition, there were mass exoduses of refugees from Cuba and Vietnam.Less

The Global Expansion of the UNHCR Under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan

Gil Loescher

Published in print: 2001-05-24

During the 1970s under Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan, the fourth High Commissioner, UNHCR embarked on new assistance programmes in a number of refugee and refugee‐like situations around the world. The most notable of these were in Bangladesh, Uganda, and Indo‐China. There were also highly politicized refugee crises in Chile and Argentina. The UNHCR was active in the repatriation and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons in southern Sudan and in Angola, Guinea Bissau, and Mozambique. In addition, there were mass exoduses of refugees from Cuba and Vietnam.

In October 1962, the fate of the world hung on the American response to the discovery of Soviet nuclear missile sites in Cuba. That response was informed by hours of discussions between John F. ...
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In October 1962, the fate of the world hung on the American response to the discovery of Soviet nuclear missile sites in Cuba. That response was informed by hours of discussions between John F. Kennedy and his top advisers. What those advisers did not know was that President Kennedy was secretly taping their talks, providing future scholars with a rare inside look at high-level political deliberation in a moment of crisis. This is the first book to examine these historic audio recordings from a sociological perspective. It reveals how conversational practices and dynamics shaped Kennedy's perception of the options available to him, thereby influencing his decisions and ultimately the outcome of the crisis. It looks not just at the positions taken by Kennedy and his advisers but how those positions were articulated, challenged, revised, and sometimes ignored. The book argues that Kennedy's decisions arose from the intersection of distant events unfolding in Cuba, Moscow, and the high seas with the immediate conversational minutia of turn-taking, storytelling, argument, and justification. In particular, the book shows how Kennedy's group told and retold particular stories again and again, sometimes settling upon a course of action only after the most frightening consequences were omitted or actively suppressed. This book presents an image of Kennedy's response to the Cuban missile crisis that is sharply at odds with previous scholarship, and has important implications for our understanding of decision making, deliberation, social interaction, and historical contingency.Less

Talk at the Brink : Deliberation and Decision during the Cuban Missile Crisis

David R. Gibson

Published in print: 2012-07-29

In October 1962, the fate of the world hung on the American response to the discovery of Soviet nuclear missile sites in Cuba. That response was informed by hours of discussions between John F. Kennedy and his top advisers. What those advisers did not know was that President Kennedy was secretly taping their talks, providing future scholars with a rare inside look at high-level political deliberation in a moment of crisis. This is the first book to examine these historic audio recordings from a sociological perspective. It reveals how conversational practices and dynamics shaped Kennedy's perception of the options available to him, thereby influencing his decisions and ultimately the outcome of the crisis. It looks not just at the positions taken by Kennedy and his advisers but how those positions were articulated, challenged, revised, and sometimes ignored. The book argues that Kennedy's decisions arose from the intersection of distant events unfolding in Cuba, Moscow, and the high seas with the immediate conversational minutia of turn-taking, storytelling, argument, and justification. In particular, the book shows how Kennedy's group told and retold particular stories again and again, sometimes settling upon a course of action only after the most frightening consequences were omitted or actively suppressed. This book presents an image of Kennedy's response to the Cuban missile crisis that is sharply at odds with previous scholarship, and has important implications for our understanding of decision making, deliberation, social interaction, and historical contingency.

Evangelicals in the United States held ambivalent, sometimes contradictory, attitudes about Castro's Cuba that revealed the multifarious influences on evangelical religious and political identity. ...
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Evangelicals in the United States held ambivalent, sometimes contradictory, attitudes about Castro's Cuba that revealed the multifarious influences on evangelical religious and political identity. The Cuban Missile Crisis temporarily homogenized the nation but opened up the potential for conflict between premillennialists and others, sharpening Cold War developments already in place.Less

The Cuban Climax

Angela M. Lahr

Published in print: 2007-12-01

Evangelicals in the United States held ambivalent, sometimes contradictory, attitudes about Castro's Cuba that revealed the multifarious influences on evangelical religious and political identity. The Cuban Missile Crisis temporarily homogenized the nation but opened up the potential for conflict between premillennialists and others, sharpening Cold War developments already in place.

This concluding chapter explores the implications of the PVV view in two major areas. First, as a philosophic tool, the PVV view can be used to assess and enhance both theoretical and applied ...
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This concluding chapter explores the implications of the PVV view in two major areas. First, as a philosophic tool, the PVV view can be used to assess and enhance both theoretical and applied accounts: the examples here are principlist bioethics, as in Principles of Biomedical Ethics by Tom Beauchamp and James Childress; theorizing about capabilities, as in the work of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum; and liberal individualism. Second, the PVV view can be used as a tool in policy analysis: it can show how some historical policies have overemphasized vectorhood and underemphasized victimhood (for example, the isolation of lepers on Molokai, Hawaii; the quarantine of Chinese for plague in San Francisco; and “Typhoid Mary” and “Patient Zero”); others have overemphasized victimhood and underemphasized vectorhood (for example, the critique of the Tuskeegee syphilis experiments and the HPV immunization campaign). In some, the balance is controversial (HIV/AIDS containment in Cuba; isolation of MRSA patients in modern hospitals); and in some, it appears well-balanced (Canada's exit policy for people with active tuberculosis).Less

The Patient as Victim and Vector View as Critical and Diagnostic Tool

Margaret P. BattinLeslie P. FrancisJay A. JacobsonCharles B. Smith

Published in print: 2009-01-08

This concluding chapter explores the implications of the PVV view in two major areas. First, as a philosophic tool, the PVV view can be used to assess and enhance both theoretical and applied accounts: the examples here are principlist bioethics, as in Principles of Biomedical Ethics by Tom Beauchamp and James Childress; theorizing about capabilities, as in the work of Amartya Sen and Martha Nussbaum; and liberal individualism. Second, the PVV view can be used as a tool in policy analysis: it can show how some historical policies have overemphasized vectorhood and underemphasized victimhood (for example, the isolation of lepers on Molokai, Hawaii; the quarantine of Chinese for plague in San Francisco; and “Typhoid Mary” and “Patient Zero”); others have overemphasized victimhood and underemphasized vectorhood (for example, the critique of the Tuskeegee syphilis experiments and the HPV immunization campaign). In some, the balance is controversial (HIV/AIDS containment in Cuba; isolation of MRSA patients in modern hospitals); and in some, it appears well-balanced (Canada's exit policy for people with active tuberculosis).

This chapter examines how the Democratic opponents of imperial expansion prevented the emergence of an empire trap in the Philippines and occupied Cuba. The McKinley administration annexed the ...
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This chapter examines how the Democratic opponents of imperial expansion prevented the emergence of an empire trap in the Philippines and occupied Cuba. The McKinley administration annexed the Philippines for strategic reasons, but anti-imperialists used their blocking power in the Senate to restrict American investment in the islands deliberately, in order to prevent the emergence of a domestic interest group favoring the islands' retention as U.S. territory. Similar laws were passed for Cuba as long as a U.S. occupation government remained. The anti-imperialists failed to grant the Philippines immediate independence, but they did succeed in retarding U.S. investment. As a result, no “Philippine lobby” ever emerged to support the permanent retention of the archipelago.Less

Avoiding the Trap

Noel Maurer

Published in print: 2013-08-25

This chapter examines how the Democratic opponents of imperial expansion prevented the emergence of an empire trap in the Philippines and occupied Cuba. The McKinley administration annexed the Philippines for strategic reasons, but anti-imperialists used their blocking power in the Senate to restrict American investment in the islands deliberately, in order to prevent the emergence of a domestic interest group favoring the islands' retention as U.S. territory. Similar laws were passed for Cuba as long as a U.S. occupation government remained. The anti-imperialists failed to grant the Philippines immediate independence, but they did succeed in retarding U.S. investment. As a result, no “Philippine lobby” ever emerged to support the permanent retention of the archipelago.

This chapter explores how the United States' return to the empire trap played out, starting with Franklin Roosevelt in Mexico through Eisenhower in Guatemala and faraway Iran. Under Franklin ...
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This chapter explores how the United States' return to the empire trap played out, starting with Franklin Roosevelt in Mexico through Eisenhower in Guatemala and faraway Iran. Under Franklin Roosevelt, the United States began to provide foreign aid (in the form of grants and loans) and rolled out perhaps the first case of modern covert action against the government of Cuba. Both tools were perfected during the Second World War, which saw the creation of entire agencies of government dedicated to providing official transfers and covertly manipulating the affairs of foreign states. In addition, the development of sophisticated trade controls allowed targeted action against the exports of other nations. For example, after 1948 the United States could attempt to influence certain Latin American governments by granting or withholding quotas for sugar.Less

Falling Back In

Noel Maurer

Published in print: 2013-08-25

This chapter explores how the United States' return to the empire trap played out, starting with Franklin Roosevelt in Mexico through Eisenhower in Guatemala and faraway Iran. Under Franklin Roosevelt, the United States began to provide foreign aid (in the form of grants and loans) and rolled out perhaps the first case of modern covert action against the government of Cuba. Both tools were perfected during the Second World War, which saw the creation of entire agencies of government dedicated to providing official transfers and covertly manipulating the affairs of foreign states. In addition, the development of sophisticated trade controls allowed targeted action against the exports of other nations. For example, after 1948 the United States could attempt to influence certain Latin American governments by granting or withholding quotas for sugar.

This chapter focuses on a singular event in the musical life of late‐1960s Amsterdam: a “political‐demonstrative experimental concert”, which brought together many of the leading lights of the Dutch ...
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This chapter focuses on a singular event in the musical life of late‐1960s Amsterdam: a “political‐demonstrative experimental concert”, which brought together many of the leading lights of the Dutch musical avant‐garde, including Louis Andriessen and Peter Schat. At the time of the concert, its organisers—like many other avant‐garde musicians of the period—were newly in thrall to the social and cultural model of Castro's Cuba. Yet coexistent with this commitment was an equally strongly held belief in the apolitical nature of music itself. Closer investigation of the works performed at the concert reveals, however, that their musical processes were significantly shaped by the composers' earlier interest in anarchism. The resulting “forms of opposition” were not easily reconciled with their creators' new passion for communism.Less

Forms of Opposition at the “Politiek‐Demonstratief Experimenteel” Concert

Robert Adlington

Published in print: 2009-04-01

This chapter focuses on a singular event in the musical life of late‐1960s Amsterdam: a “political‐demonstrative experimental concert”, which brought together many of the leading lights of the Dutch musical avant‐garde, including Louis Andriessen and Peter Schat. At the time of the concert, its organisers—like many other avant‐garde musicians of the period—were newly in thrall to the social and cultural model of Castro's Cuba. Yet coexistent with this commitment was an equally strongly held belief in the apolitical nature of music itself. Closer investigation of the works performed at the concert reveals, however, that their musical processes were significantly shaped by the composers' earlier interest in anarchism. The resulting “forms of opposition” were not easily reconciled with their creators' new passion for communism.

This book is a sweeping history of one of the most significant political institutions of the modern world. The communist party was a revolutionary idea long before its supporters came to power. The ...
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This book is a sweeping history of one of the most significant political institutions of the modern world. The communist party was a revolutionary idea long before its supporters came to power. The book argues that the rise and fall of communism can be understood only by taking into account the origins and evolution of this compelling idea. It shows how the leaders of parties in countries as diverse as the Soviet Union, China, Germany, Yugoslavia, Cuba, and North Korea adapted the original ideas of revolutionaries like Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin to profoundly different social and cultural settings. The book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand world communism and the captivating idea that gave it life.Less

Vanguard of the Revolution : The Global Idea of the Communist Party

A. James McAdams

Published in print: 2019-11-05

This book is a sweeping history of one of the most significant political institutions of the modern world. The communist party was a revolutionary idea long before its supporters came to power. The book argues that the rise and fall of communism can be understood only by taking into account the origins and evolution of this compelling idea. It shows how the leaders of parties in countries as diverse as the Soviet Union, China, Germany, Yugoslavia, Cuba, and North Korea adapted the original ideas of revolutionaries like Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin to profoundly different social and cultural settings. The book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand world communism and the captivating idea that gave it life.

This book focuses on the strand of the Irish republican left which followed the ‘alien ideology’ of Soviet-inspired Marxism. Moscow-led communism had few adherents in Ireland, but Irish and British ...
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This book focuses on the strand of the Irish republican left which followed the ‘alien ideology’ of Soviet-inspired Marxism. Moscow-led communism had few adherents in Ireland, but Irish and British officials were concerned about the possibility that communists could infiltrate the republican movement, the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Another concern arose for British and American observers from 1969: would the Soviets resist the temptation to meddle during the Northern Ireland Troubles and cause trouble for Britain as a geo-political crisis unfolded? The book considers questions arising from the involvement of left-wing republicans, and what became the Official republican movement, in events before and during the early years of the Troubles. Could Ireland’s communists and left-wing republicans be viewed as strategic allies of Moscow who might create an ‘Irish Cuba’? The book examines another question: could a Marxist party with a parliamentary presence in the militarily-neutral Irish state – the Workers’ Party (WP) – be useful to the Soviets during the 1980s? This book, based on original sources rather than interviews, is significant in that it analyses the perspectives of the various governments concerned with subversion in Ireland. This is a study of perceptions. The book concludes that the Soviet Union had been happy to exploit the Troubles in its Cold War propaganda, but, excepting supplying arms to the Official IRA, it did not seek to maximise difficulties whenever it could in Ireland, north or south.Less

'An Alien Ideology' : Cold War Perceptions of the Irish Republican Left

John Mulqueen

Published in print: 2019-12-31

This book focuses on the strand of the Irish republican left which followed the ‘alien ideology’ of Soviet-inspired Marxism. Moscow-led communism had few adherents in Ireland, but Irish and British officials were concerned about the possibility that communists could infiltrate the republican movement, the Irish Republican Army (IRA). Another concern arose for British and American observers from 1969: would the Soviets resist the temptation to meddle during the Northern Ireland Troubles and cause trouble for Britain as a geo-political crisis unfolded? The book considers questions arising from the involvement of left-wing republicans, and what became the Official republican movement, in events before and during the early years of the Troubles. Could Ireland’s communists and left-wing republicans be viewed as strategic allies of Moscow who might create an ‘Irish Cuba’? The book examines another question: could a Marxist party with a parliamentary presence in the militarily-neutral Irish state – the Workers’ Party (WP) – be useful to the Soviets during the 1980s? This book, based on original sources rather than interviews, is significant in that it analyses the perspectives of the various governments concerned with subversion in Ireland. This is a study of perceptions. The book concludes that the Soviet Union had been happy to exploit the Troubles in its Cold War propaganda, but, excepting supplying arms to the Official IRA, it did not seek to maximise difficulties whenever it could in Ireland, north or south.

This chapter describes the wreck of a ship that embarked from Santo Domingo on the island of Hispaniola on which was traveling a gentleman resident of the island of Cuba named Juan de Rojas with his ...
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This chapter describes the wreck of a ship that embarked from Santo Domingo on the island of Hispaniola on which was traveling a gentleman resident of the island of Cuba named Juan de Rojas with his wife, doña María de Lobera, whom he had married in Santo Domingo a few days earlier. He was taking her to his home in the town of La Havana, on the island which is also known as Fernandina.Less

Of the wreck of a ship that embarked from this city of Santo Domingo on the island of Hispaniola on which was traveling a gentleman resident of the island of Cuba named Juan de Rojas with his wife, doña María de Lobera, whom he had married here a few days earlier and was taking to his home in the town of La Havana, On the island which is also known as Fernandina.

Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo

Published in print: 2011-03-01

This chapter describes the wreck of a ship that embarked from Santo Domingo on the island of Hispaniola on which was traveling a gentleman resident of the island of Cuba named Juan de Rojas with his wife, doña María de Lobera, whom he had married in Santo Domingo a few days earlier. He was taking her to his home in the town of La Havana, on the island which is also known as Fernandina.

This chapter is concerned with the discussions about Khrushchev's two proposals: to remove the missiles in return for a U.S. pledge not to invade Cuba, and to remove them on the condition that the ...
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This chapter is concerned with the discussions about Khrushchev's two proposals: to remove the missiles in return for a U.S. pledge not to invade Cuba, and to remove them on the condition that the United States agreed to withdraw NATO Jupiter missiles in Turkey. Here there was a sharp difference of opinion, with Kennedy certain that Khrushchev would never accept a deal that was limited to the no-invasion pledge but his advisers equally convinced that it was worth trying. This difference of opinion rarely translated into overt conflict, however, in part because each side allowed the other to tell its story without objection. But eventually a decision had to be made, and Kennedy gave in, only to subsequently sign off on an informal message to Khrushchev that offered a secret concession on the Jupiters in spite of fears that the alliance could unravel as a result.Less

The Deal

David R. Gibson

Published in print: 2012-07-29

This chapter is concerned with the discussions about Khrushchev's two proposals: to remove the missiles in return for a U.S. pledge not to invade Cuba, and to remove them on the condition that the United States agreed to withdraw NATO Jupiter missiles in Turkey. Here there was a sharp difference of opinion, with Kennedy certain that Khrushchev would never accept a deal that was limited to the no-invasion pledge but his advisers equally convinced that it was worth trying. This difference of opinion rarely translated into overt conflict, however, in part because each side allowed the other to tell its story without objection. But eventually a decision had to be made, and Kennedy gave in, only to subsequently sign off on an informal message to Khrushchev that offered a secret concession on the Jupiters in spite of fears that the alliance could unravel as a result.

Since 1979, when travel to Cuba from the United States opened up, thousands of Cuban Americans have visited the island on a short-term basis to reunite with their families and reacquaint themselves ...
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Since 1979, when travel to Cuba from the United States opened up, thousands of Cuban Americans have visited the island on a short-term basis to reunite with their families and reacquaint themselves with their birthplace. Such topics as outbound migration and the adaptation process of Cubans in the host society have received considerable attention in academia, while the subject of return as it pertains to Cuban Americans has been largely neglected. Exclusively devoted to the subject, this book explores narratives on the return to Cuba of individuals of the so-called one-and-a-half generation (those who left Cuba as children or adolescents). Some of the narratives feature a physical return; others depict a metaphorical or vicarious going back through fictional characters or childhood reminiscences. Among the writers and artists addressed are Ruth Behar, María Brito, Carlos Eire, Cristina García, Ana Mendieta, Gustavo Pérez Firmat, Ernesto Pujol, and Achy Obejas. Through a critical reading of their work, the book highlights the affective ties as well as the tensions underlying the relationships between the authors and their native country. Also explored is a complementary subject, the portrayal of returnees in Cuban literature and popular arts on the island.Less

Impossible Returns : Narratives of the Cuban Diaspora

Iraida H. López

Published in print: 2015-09-29

Since 1979, when travel to Cuba from the United States opened up, thousands of Cuban Americans have visited the island on a short-term basis to reunite with their families and reacquaint themselves with their birthplace. Such topics as outbound migration and the adaptation process of Cubans in the host society have received considerable attention in academia, while the subject of return as it pertains to Cuban Americans has been largely neglected. Exclusively devoted to the subject, this book explores narratives on the return to Cuba of individuals of the so-called one-and-a-half generation (those who left Cuba as children or adolescents). Some of the narratives feature a physical return; others depict a metaphorical or vicarious going back through fictional characters or childhood reminiscences. Among the writers and artists addressed are Ruth Behar, María Brito, Carlos Eire, Cristina García, Ana Mendieta, Gustavo Pérez Firmat, Ernesto Pujol, and Achy Obejas. Through a critical reading of their work, the book highlights the affective ties as well as the tensions underlying the relationships between the authors and their native country. Also explored is a complementary subject, the portrayal of returnees in Cuban literature and popular arts on the island.

Lisa Lindquist Dorr tells the story of the vast smuggling network that brought high-end distilled spirits and, eventually, other cargoes (including undocumented immigrants) from Great Britain and ...
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Lisa Lindquist Dorr tells the story of the vast smuggling network that brought high-end distilled spirits and, eventually, other cargoes (including undocumented immigrants) from Great Britain and Europe through Cuba to the United States between 1920 and the end of Prohibition. Because of their proximity to liquor-exporting islands, the numerous beaches along the southern coast presented ideal landing points for smugglers and distribution points for their supply networks. From the warehouses of liquor wholesalers in Havana to the decks of rum runners to transportation networks heading northward, Dorr explores these operations, from the people who ran the trade to the determined efforts of the U.S. Coast Guard and other law enforcement agencies to stop liquor traffic on the high seas, in Cuba, and in southern communities. In the process, she shows the role smuggling played in creating a more transnational, enterprising, and modern South.Less

A Thousand Thirsty Beaches

Lisa Lindquist Dorr

Published in print: 2018-08-10

Lisa Lindquist Dorr tells the story of the vast smuggling network that brought high-end distilled spirits and, eventually, other cargoes (including undocumented immigrants) from Great Britain and Europe through Cuba to the United States between 1920 and the end of Prohibition. Because of their proximity to liquor-exporting islands, the numerous beaches along the southern coast presented ideal landing points for smugglers and distribution points for their supply networks. From the warehouses of liquor wholesalers in Havana to the decks of rum runners to transportation networks heading northward, Dorr explores these operations, from the people who ran the trade to the determined efforts of the U.S. Coast Guard and other law enforcement agencies to stop liquor traffic on the high seas, in Cuba, and in southern communities. In the process, she shows the role smuggling played in creating a more transnational, enterprising, and modern South.

This chapter surveys occupational pay structure in various types of economy, and together with the next chapter (which surveys the changes that have come about in pay structure in the course of ...
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This chapter surveys occupational pay structure in various types of economy, and together with the next chapter (which surveys the changes that have come about in pay structure in the course of time), brings out the interconnection between pay structure and social structure that is formed by status and class. The different sections of this chapter are: Grouping by occupation; The comparability of figures of pay by occupation; A conspectus of the pay structure by occupation in Western countries; The pay structure by occupation in the Soviet‐type economies; Material and moral incentives in China and Cuba; Egalitarianism in Israel; Yugoslavia: a special case; and The relative pay of particular occupations. The last section reviews and discusses the material presented, drawing out seven main points.Less

A Survey of the Pay Structure by Occupation

Henry Phelps Brown

Published in print: 1979-04-12

This chapter surveys occupational pay structure in various types of economy, and together with the next chapter (which surveys the changes that have come about in pay structure in the course of time), brings out the interconnection between pay structure and social structure that is formed by status and class. The different sections of this chapter are: Grouping by occupation; The comparability of figures of pay by occupation; A conspectus of the pay structure by occupation in Western countries; The pay structure by occupation in the Soviet‐type economies; Material and moral incentives in China and Cuba; Egalitarianism in Israel; Yugoslavia: a special case; and The relative pay of particular occupations. The last section reviews and discusses the material presented, drawing out seven main points.

This chapter examines the dollarization in the Cuban economy. It argues that switching to the euro would create more problems than it would solve, despite its political attractiveness to the ...
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This chapter examines the dollarization in the Cuban economy. It argues that switching to the euro would create more problems than it would solve, despite its political attractiveness to the government. A better option would be to restore the position of the peso in the economy. A basic approach for this process is presented.Less

Cuba : “Dollarization” and “Dedollarization”

Archibald R. M. RitterNicholas Rowe

Published in print: 2003-05-15

This chapter examines the dollarization in the Cuban economy. It argues that switching to the euro would create more problems than it would solve, despite its political attractiveness to the government. A better option would be to restore the position of the peso in the economy. A basic approach for this process is presented.

This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of this study on convent reforms in Havana, Cuba, carried out under the auspices of the Spanish Bourbon state and the Catholic Church during the ...
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This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of this study on convent reforms in Havana, Cuba, carried out under the auspices of the Spanish Bourbon state and the Catholic Church during the reigns of Charles III during the period from 1761 to 1808. The results indicate that female cloisters of Havana provide excellent case studies of the wide-reaching effects of the Bourbon Reform program. The findings also suggest that the convent reform had its roots in both the Council of Trent and the European Enlightenment and it was intended to enforce spiritual, economic, and social ideals.Less

Conclusion

John J. Clune

Published in print: 2008-03-01

This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of this study on convent reforms in Havana, Cuba, carried out under the auspices of the Spanish Bourbon state and the Catholic Church during the reigns of Charles III during the period from 1761 to 1808. The results indicate that female cloisters of Havana provide excellent case studies of the wide-reaching effects of the Bourbon Reform program. The findings also suggest that the convent reform had its roots in both the Council of Trent and the European Enlightenment and it was intended to enforce spiritual, economic, and social ideals.

Mulata Nation traces the figure of the mulata, the woman of mixed racial heritage in Cuban artwork and performance from the colonial era through the modern to the contemporary. While perhaps most ...
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Mulata Nation traces the figure of the mulata, the woman of mixed racial heritage in Cuban artwork and performance from the colonial era through the modern to the contemporary. While perhaps most widely linked with sensuality and sexual desirability, the mulata also serves as the embodiment of Cuba’s spirituality, and as emblematic of Cuban identity. Through close readings of representations of the mulata in fine and graphic art, mulata performers and the performance of mulata characters at distinct historical and ideological moments, the book claims that far from being a static, flat figure, images of the mulata have shifted over time and continue to find new expressions.
Different expressions of the mulata are linked to specific historical moments. Representations of the mulata on cigarette packaging, marquillas cigarreras, and in the musical theater form zarzuela of the late colonial era, cabaret performance, fine art and popular magazine covers during the Republic, as an icon of Mexican cinema in the first wave of the diaspora of Cuban artists and Cuban cultural forms, and as an icon of the new (wo)man of revolutionary Cuba in Cuban cinema of the 1960s and 70s all figure the mulata as crucial figures in national culture.
At present, both the significant diaspora of Cuban artists and others to the US and other countries have been re-inscribing the mulata and mulataje to bear, contest and sometimes reinforce the tropic positions explored in previous chapters. Furthermore, the performance of mulataje on and off the island is no longer limited to women; the performance of mulataje is prominent in highly popular drag shows and film in contemporary Cuba.Less

Mulata Nation : Visualizing Race and Gender in Cuba

Alison Fraunhar

Published in print: 2018-08-24

Mulata Nation traces the figure of the mulata, the woman of mixed racial heritage in Cuban artwork and performance from the colonial era through the modern to the contemporary. While perhaps most widely linked with sensuality and sexual desirability, the mulata also serves as the embodiment of Cuba’s spirituality, and as emblematic of Cuban identity. Through close readings of representations of the mulata in fine and graphic art, mulata performers and the performance of mulata characters at distinct historical and ideological moments, the book claims that far from being a static, flat figure, images of the mulata have shifted over time and continue to find new expressions.
Different expressions of the mulata are linked to specific historical moments. Representations of the mulata on cigarette packaging, marquillas cigarreras, and in the musical theater form zarzuela of the late colonial era, cabaret performance, fine art and popular magazine covers during the Republic, as an icon of Mexican cinema in the first wave of the diaspora of Cuban artists and Cuban cultural forms, and as an icon of the new (wo)man of revolutionary Cuba in Cuban cinema of the 1960s and 70s all figure the mulata as crucial figures in national culture.
At present, both the significant diaspora of Cuban artists and others to the US and other countries have been re-inscribing the mulata and mulataje to bear, contest and sometimes reinforce the tropic positions explored in previous chapters. Furthermore, the performance of mulataje on and off the island is no longer limited to women; the performance of mulataje is prominent in highly popular drag shows and film in contemporary Cuba.