With Kazakhstan's presidential election fast approaching, the incumbent, Nursultan Nazarbayev, is proving a dexterous politician, using the power of incumbency to prevent his challengers' campaigns from gaining traction.

In all, five candidates are seeking the presidency in the December 4 election. Nazarbayev is the odds-on favorite to win another seven-year term. His two leading challengers are Zharmakhan Tuyakbai, representing the For a Just Kazakhstan coalition, and the Ak Zhol Party leader Alikhan Baimenov. The Communist Party candidate is Yerasyl Abylkasymov and Mels Eleusizov is representing the Tabigat (Nature) environmental movement.

For much of the time since Kazakhstan's parliamentary elections in September 2004, authorities  wary of the so-called "color revolution" phenomenon that had swept away the old order in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan over the past two years  maintained a tough line against perceived political opponents. [For background click here].

On October 8, for example, authorities cracked down on an unsanctioned rally in Almaty organized by For a Just Kazakhstan, convicting and fining leading members of the movement. In another high-profile incident on October 12, Tolen Tokhtasynov, a prominent figure in the For a Just Kazakhstan movement, was arrested at Almaty airport as he was on his way to participate in a meeting in Astana with visiting US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.

Earlier in October, police raided the office of a Kazakhstani youth group, Kahar, on suspicion of conducting anti-government activities. In September, Nazarbayev also warned non-governmental organizations in Kazakhstan against becoming involved in the presidential race. In addition, opposition media outlets have been hit with a variety of fines and court cases, actions that editors and journalists maintain are politically motivated.

But since the start of the official election campaign on October 25, Nazarbayev has seemed to switch tactics, shunning confrontation with his opponents and instead concentrating on trying to secure the electorate's support by touting a variety of economic benefits made possible by Kazakhstan's abundance of natural resources. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

Nazarbayev has so far succeeded in focusing attention on the country's booming economy and its ability to generate broad-based growth. During an October 31 public appearance, Nazarbayev pledged that the average monthly income would double by 2012 to roughly $522. He also said that students and pensioners would experience a vast increase in state support over the same period.

In addition, the president reached out to an important constituency - small entrepreneurs. At an October 28 address to a meeting of Kazakhstani entrepreneurs, Nazarbayev promised that if re-elected he would loosen the country's economic framework to help small businesses grow. "It is necessary to continue work on protecting private property. Entrepreneurs must feel confident that business in Kazakhstan is safe and promising," the Interfax-Kazakhstan news agency quoted Nazarbayev as saying.

Nazarbayev went on to say that entrepreneurs could expect to play a growing role in establishing the country's policy framework. "It is imperative that a single framework for all business activities be formed, including transparency in the area of competition," Nazarbayev said. "If our people again give me a vote of confidence to be the head of state, I intend to liberalize our policy - with your [entrepreneurs'] participation."

To reinforce this message, Nazarbayev has made several personnel appointments in recent weeks. Perhaps the most significant appointment involved Berik Imashev, who was named a deputy head of the presidential administration. Imashev has a reputation of being a staunch advocate of liberalization. He was among the early leaders of the reform movement, Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan. After joining Nazarbayev's administration, Imashev worked on the National Security Council under Bolat Utemuratov, who is reportedly the most influential moderate within Kazakhstan's political hierarchy.

Meanwhile, Tuyakbai and Baimenov have been conducting vigorous campaigns. Tuyakbai and other For a Just Kazakhstan leaders have made appearances in cities and towns across Kazakhstan, including Kostanai, Aktobe and Semipalatinsk. For a Just Kazakhstan's campaign strategy is emphasizing the need for social justice. But Nazarbayev's promise of prosperity for all Kazakhstanis seems to have overshadowed Tuyakbai's own calls for a more even distribution of wealth in the country, thus making it more difficult for the opposition candidate to differentiate his proposed policy plans from those of the president.

Meanwhile, Baimenov like his competitors has emphasized a need to improve the business climate, while promoting broad-based economic growth. He also advocates a plan to decentralize authority by expanding the decision-making powers of local councils, or maslikhats.