Shee 2008: 167. Obviously a compound form; external comparison with Bwe Karen allows to extract the same root segment =sa- as in Bwe Karen ɕa q.v. ("prefixal" ló= is unclear, but it could be the same as in Bwe Karen ló-lò 'all, everything' q.v.).

Eastern Kayah Li:pwā 2

Solnit 1997: 203, 353. This is a quantifier, glossed as 'every' (e. g. pwā pʰre 'every person') and distinct from ɕʰī 'whole, the entire' (e. g. 'all' as totus rather than omnis). Differently in Fraser Bennett's notes: lɔ̄ʰ=plȉ 'all' [Bennett Ms.]. However, according to Solnit, this would rather be an adverbial form, composed of lɔ̄ 'to exhaust, expend, use up' and plī 'clean, slippery' [Solnit 1997: 348, 354].

Western Kayah Li:

Not properly attested. Cf. the expression lɔ̄=plī, glossed as 'all' in [Bennett Ms.], and notes on its equivalent in Eastern Kayah Li.

Kayah Monu:lɤ́-bɔ̀ 3

Myar 2004: 168. Quoted as ló-bɔ̀ in [Wai 2013: 39].

Brek Kayaw:lɤ̄ʰ 3

Myar 2004: 168.

Yintale:lū-lù ~ lù-plī 3

Myar 2004: 168.

Pekon Kayan:lóʰ 3

Manson Ms.

Lahta Kayan:lū 3

Ywar 2013: 26, 56.

Yinbaw:pwáiʰ-trʋ̀ 2

Manson Ms.

Number: 2

Word:ashes

Bwe Karen:pʰɛ̄ 1

Henderson 1997: 291. Polysemy: 'ashes / dust'. Also exists as a compound: pʰɛ̄-kʰō 'earth, dust, ashes'. Distinct from the more specialized term kʰlɛ́ 'ash from a fired clearing when washed by the rain, which is recognized as a good fertilizer; lye' [Henderson 1997: 182].

Manson Ms. The first part = 'tree' q.v.; the second part = 'skin' q.v.

Number: 4

Word:belly

Bwe Karen:=gǝ̀=pʰú 1

Henderson 1997: 124. Polysemy: 'belly / stomach'. Bound usage only. The first component is a fossilized prefix, as seen from external comparison.

Geba Karen:pʰú 1

Shee 2008: 164.

Eastern Kayah Li:hɔ́=pʰú 1

Solnit 1997: 343. The first morpheme is glossed individually as hɔ́ 'stomach'. It may be a constituent of two compounds: hɔ́-kū 'stomach (organ)' (where kū = 'hole; inside') and hɔ́-pʰú 'the organ, belly, abdomen (external area)'. External data show that =pʰú in the second compound is the original root for 'belly'; thus, 'belly' literally = 'stomach-belly'. Glossed with the meaning 'abdomen' as hɔ́ʔ (Huai Phung, Huai Chang Kham), hɔ̋ˤ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62]; in the light of Solnit's data, this looks like a possible semantic inaccuracy.

Western Kayah Li:hɔ̋ # 2

Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62. Meaning glossed as 'abdomen'. Since the same word means 'stomach' in Eastern Kayah Li and only means 'belly, abdomen' as part of a compound, the accuracy of semantic glossing in Western Kayah Li is also placed under doubt.

Myar 2004: 162. Cf. ʔá 'to bite' in [Wai 2013: 22], essentially the same form as ʔá 'to eat' q.v. Not yet clear if this reflects a merger of the two meanings in one original verbal form, or if this is simply a case of secondary homonymy in a particular dialect of Kayah Monu.

Shee 2008: 167. The second component is an assimilated variant of the noun 'fire' q.v. It is not clear whether the verb is transitive, intransitive, or both.

Eastern Kayah Li:ɕʰɯ́ 2

Solnit 1997: 341. Glossed as 'kindle', but textual examples throughout the book show that this is probably the main transitive equivalent for the basic 'to burn' (cf.: "she burned up two of mine [blankets]"; "his brother-in-law burnt (up) his head-skin"; "when we've finished burning (it) we chop up the brush again", etc.), as opposed to kɛ́ 'to burn (intr.)' [Solnit 1997: 344]. Quoted as čɯ̋ʔ (Huai Phung), čɯ̋ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), ȉ=ʆʰɯ̋ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 64].

Western Kayah Li:ȉ=sʰɯ̏ 2

Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 64.

Kayah Monu:mí=kɛ̀ 1

Myar 2004: 167. The first part is 'fire' q.v.

Brek Kayaw:mì=kɛ̄ 1

Myar 2004: 167. The first part is 'fire' q.v.

Yintale:míʰ=kâi 1

Myar 2004: 167. The first part is 'fire' q.v.

Pekon Kayan:sǝ̄u 2

Manson Ms.

Lahta Kayan:tʰàŋ 3

Ywar 2013: 15, 121. Seemingly a transitive verb, since it is attested in the VP "burn the candle".

Yinbaw:cùʰ-kàiʰ 2

Manson Ms.

Number: 12

Word:burn tr.

Bwe Karen:

Geba Karen:

Eastern Kayah Li:

Western Kayah Li:

Kayah Monu:cʰó-mí 2

Myar 2004: 167. The second part is 'fire' q.v. Unfortunately, the source does not specify the semantic difference between the two complex stems; it is possible that one is transitive and one is intransitive, but there is no way to prove that without solid textual evidence. We tentatively accept both forms as synonymous, pending future clarification.

Brek Kayaw:ǯū-mì 2

Myar 2004: 167. The second part is 'fire' q.v. Same situation with quasi-synonyms as in Kayah Monu.

Yintale:sʰú-mīʰ 2

Myar 2004: 167. The second part is 'fire' q.v. Same situation with quasi-synonyms as in Kayah Monu.

Pekon Kayan:

Lahta Kayan:

Yinbaw:

Number: 13

Word:claw(nail)

Bwe Karen:=ɕū=θǝ́=mī 1

Henderson 1997: 107. The first component is =ɕū 'hand' q.v.

Geba Karen:sù=θí=mìʔ 1

Shee 2008: 164. The first component is su= 'hand' q.v.

Eastern Kayah Li:kú=mʌ̀ 1

Solnit 1997: 345. The first component is a productive body part prefix. Quoted as kű=mǝ̄-bàʔ (with an additional suffixal component) (Huai Phung), kú=mǝ̄ǝ̀ (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61]. Fraser Bennett's equivalent for the same meaning seems to contain a different root: kǝ̏=nɔ̄-bȁ [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 61] (cf. also his data for Western Kayah Li).

Myar 2004: 169. Semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms remains unexplained, so we have to take them as technical synonyms. Additionally, a third equivalent is listed (applied to 'water') in [Wai 2013: 84]: ʔà=kò=čó.

Brek Kayaw:

Yintale:ʔà=tà=klū 4

Myar 2004: 169. Semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms remains unexplained, so we have to take them as technical synonyms.

Pekon Kayan:

Lahta Kayan:

Yinbaw:

Number: 16

Word:come

Bwe Karen:gē 1

Henderson 1997: 106. Meaning glossed as 'to return home, to go back, come back', which makes the entry somewhat dubious. However, this does seem to be the typical antonym of lē 'to go', cf. lē-gē 'to come and go, to go to and fro' [Henderson 1997: 210], and there are no better candidates for this slot in Henderson's dictionary.

Geba Karen:lè=ɓà 2

Shee 2008: 166. This is a compound verb, where the first component = lè 'to go' q.v., so it is the second component that must serve as the primary carrier of the meaning 'movement towards the speaker'.

Eastern Kayah Li:kà 1

Solnit 1997: 344. Meaning glossed as 'move towards home, go, come, (sometimes) return', which makes the entry somewhat dubious; however, on p. 75 of the same source it is explained that the basic opposition between hɛ̄ and kà is not the same as in English 'come' and 'go': "kà and hɛ̄ usually refer to motion towards or away from the home of the speaker or other protagonist, whether the speaker/protagonist is at home or not". It is, however, semantically close enough to warrant the treatment of these verbs as the closest equivalents to the required Swadesh meanings; the opposition is also distinct from ɕwá 'to go' which "as main V.. usually has no deictic connotation at all" [Solnit 1997: 75].

Western Kayah Li:

Not properly attested. The form hi̯ā 'to come' in [Bennett Ms.] corresponds to Eastern Kayah Li hɛ̄ 'to come' [ibid.] and, according to Solnit's notes, should rather mean 'to go' than 'to come'.

Myar 2004: 162. In our main source on Kayah Monu, this form is listed as synonymous with the more archaic tʰwí (no semantic difference indicated). However, in [Wai 2013: 16, etc.], this word, transcribed as ší, already clearly functions as the default equivalent for 'dog' in the language. We list both words as synonyms, pending the appearance of a more detailed lexical description of the language.

Henderson 1997: 256. The morpheme nɛ̄- is explained in the dictionary as a prefix, "prefixed to certain parts of the head" and also encountered in nɛ̄-ɕʰı̄ 'face, cheek', nɛ̄-kʰǝ́ɗé 'nose' and a couple other words. External comparison, however, shows that nɛ̄ is actually the old root morpheme here (secondarily homonymized with nɛ̄- 'nose'); it is, in fact, -kú that performs the function of homonymy-reducing modifier, and it is probably the same morpheme as encountered in kú-kō 'head' q.v.

Henderson 1997: 322. Polysemy: 'hair of body / fur / feathers'. Used only with modifiers, e. g. ʆı́ ǝ̄=ʆʋ̄ 'chicken's feathers'. The root =ɗē, glossed as 'appendage such as a wing or fin', may apparently also be used in the meaning 'feather': =ɗē-klé 'wing, feather' [Henderson 1997: 79].

Geba Karen:ǝ̄=sʰùʔ 1

Shee 2008: 164. The form tʰòpʰó=sʰòʔ is also listed as a synonym, where the first component is 'bird' q. v. and the second component is the same root as in ǝ̄=sʰùʔ, with vocalic assimilation.

Eastern Kayah Li:

Not attested in Solnit's monograph. Cf. however, tʰǔ=čʰɯ̂ (Huai Phung), čɯ (Huai Chang Kham), tʰȕ=ʆʰɯ̏ (Fraser Bennett) 'feather' in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 69] (the first part is 'bird' q.v.). In Huai Chang Kham, there is also an alternate form: tʰǔ=dá 'feather'.

Myar 2004: 163. Distinct from kʰɔ́=lɔ̀-pōʰ 'leg'. Consists of the individual morphemes kʰɔ̄ 'foot, leg' [Wai 2013: 157] and làʰ 'down, under' [Wai 2013: 42]; in the variant recorded by Myar, vocalism of the first syllable seems to be progressively assimilated.

Brek Kayaw:kʰɔ̀=kʰù-là 1

Myar 2004: 163. Distinct from kʰɔ̀=dé 'leg'.

Yintale:kʰà=dáu-lā 2

Myar 2004: 163. Cf. kʰāŋ=dàu 'leg'.

Pekon Kayan:kʰâŋ 1

Manson 2007: 14. This is the main root morpheme for both 'foot' and 'leg', from which various complex forms with complex meanings are generated, cf. kʰâŋ-déʰŋ 'leg' [Manson 2007: 7], kʰâŋ-mû 'toe-nail' [Manson 2007: 13], etc. Also quoted as a bisyllabic compound in [Manson Ms.]: kʰân-zà.

Henderson 1997: 285. Attested by itself as an adverb, in the meaning 'entirely, completely', or as part of the composite formation pwé-tʰā 'to be full up to the brim, to fill up'. Neither of the attestations seems perfectly satisfactory to allow the morpheme into the primary slot, but no other candidate for the meaning 'full' is present in Henderson's dictionary.

Geba Karen:pʰú=pé-tʰàʔ 1

Shee 2008: 166. Cf. also the verbal stem: ǝ̄=pé-tʰáʔ 'to be full' [Shee 2008: 167]. The first component is not quite clear.

Eastern Kayah Li:bā 1

Solnit 1997: 339. Meaning glossed as 'full (of containers, etc.)'. Distinct from kó 'satiated, full from eating' [Solnit 1997: 345]. Quoted as bāː (Huai Phung), bāː (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71]. The same source also lists Fraser Bennett's ȁ=kɔ̰̋ in the meaning 'full', but this is dubious (cf. Solnit's kó = 'full' in the sense of 'satiated'); note that in [Bennett Ms.], the equivalent for 'full' is ȁ=bā.

Western Kayah Li:bā 1

Bennett Ms. Cf. also kɔ̋ 'full' in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71], which is somewhat dubious; the form comes from the same bundle of Fraser Bennett's data that also lists the Eastern Kayah Li cognate ȁ=kɔ̰̋ in the meaning 'full', but comparison with Solnit's data shows that this is rather 'full' as 'satiated'. It is not clear if Western Kayah Li underwent a lexical merger or if Bennett simply recorded 'satiated' in both cases instead of 'full'.

Kayah Monu:kɤ́ 2

Myar 2004: 165. Verbal stem: 'to be full'.

Brek Kayaw:pʰɯ́=bɛ̄ 1

Myar 2004: 165. Verbal stem: 'to be full'. Same structure of the stem as in Geba Karen.

Henderson 1997: 214. Polysemy: 'blue /green' (the word is used in conjunction with 'sky' as well as 'grass'). Alternate synonym: klʋ̄ 'to be green or blue', θǝ́=klʋ̄ 'to be green' [Henderson 1997: 164, 380]. It is not clear which word is more basic, but only lɛ́ is supported in the dictionary with text examples.

Ywar 2013: 15. Alternate synonym: sǝ̀=ɲòŋ 'head' [Ywar 2013: 80]. Examples are given for both words in the source, but they are too few to properly elicit the difference in semantics (it is possible that the etymologically more archaic kʰù has a more figurative meaning, but not certain).

Henderson 1997: 362. These are two different formations from the intransitive verb =θí 'to die' q.v. The first one technically looks like a compound verb (concatenation with ɓɛ̄ 'to hit, strike, touch, make contact with' [Henderson 1997: 29]); the second one is a productive causative formation by means of the semi-auxiliary verb mɛ̄ 'to do, make, perform' [Henderson 1997: 235].

Henderson 1997: 315. Polysemy: 'to sleep / to lie still, as if asleep' (used in sentences like "she found her husband, lying severely wounded"). The first morpheme, ʆɔ́, has a general meaning of 'to rest' and is found in other compound formations as well, e. g. ʆɔ́-ɗɛ́ 'to rest, to stop working', ʆɔ́-lò 'to play, be at leisure', etc. The second morpheme seems to not have any separate usage in the language.

Geba Karen:

Not attested.

Eastern Kayah Li:

Not properly attested. The morpheme mʌ̄ is glossed in [Solnit 1997: 349] with the dynamic meaning 'to lie down', but only as part of the compound verb ʔò-mʌ̄ 'lie down, sleep'.

Myar 2004: 164. The first component is a generic morpheme with the meaning 'person', also present in the compound form for 'woman' q.v. Slightly different equivalent, but with the same principal root, in [Wai 2013: 16]: pwà=kʰó 'man, male' (the first component is 'person' q.v.).

Brek Kayaw:mā=kʰō 1

Myar 2004: 164. The first component is a generic morpheme with the meaning 'person', also present in the compound form for 'woman' q.v.

Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 67. The first part is 'sun, day' q.v. Somewhat dubious; comparison with Eastern Kayah Li shows that Bennett may have been recording the equivalent for 'nighttime' rather than 'night' as opposed to 'day', unless both words became merged in Western Kayah Li.

Kayah Monu:lù=mù=há 2

Myar 2004: 160. The first two syllables are 'sun' q.v.

Brek Kayaw:lɯ́=mɯ̀=nā 1

Myar 2004: 160. The first two syllables are 'sun' q.v.

Yintale:mɯ̀=kʰí 2

Myar 2004: 160. The first syllable is the same root as in 'sun' q.v.

Pekon Kayan:mǝ̄ŋ=hàʰ 2

Manson Ms. The first syllable is 'sun' q.v.

Lahta Kayan:mǝ̀=háʔ 2

Ywar 2013: 129. The first syllable is 'sun' q.v.

Yinbaw:mɯ̃ʰ=ha̋ 2

Manson Ms. The first syllable is the same root as in 'sun' q.v.

Number: 61

Word:nose

Bwe Karen:nɛ̄-kʰǝ́ɗé 1

Henderson 1997: 257. The morpheme nɛ̄- is explained in the dictionary as a prefix, "prefixed to certain parts of the head" and also encountered in nɛ̄-ɕʰı̄ 'face, cheek', nɛ̄-kú 'ear' and a couple other words. External comparison, however, shows that nɛ̄ is actually the old root morpheme here (secondarily homonymized with nɛ̄- 'ear'); for the second component, cf. =kʰǝ́=lú 'hair of the head' q.v. (showing that =kʰǝ́- may be a fossilized component related to 'head') and -ɗé 'the narrowest part of something', e. g. in -kʰā-ɗē 'ankle' [Henderson 1997: 78].

Henderson 1997: 68, 330. Negative circumfix. Selection of the variant with the voiced or voiceless consonant depends on the articulation manner of the first consonant of the following word (voiced dǝ̄- before aspirated plosives, fricatives, and voiced consonants; voiceless tǝ̄- before words beginning with unaspirated voiceless or glottalized stops).

Solnit 1997: 354. Meaning glossed as 'human'. Also used as a classifier for people. Quoted as pʰrȅ-lȕ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 62]; however, equivalents for the other two idioms there are different: kǝ̀=yɛ̄ː (Huai Phung), kɛ̀=yɛ̄ (Huai Chang Kham).

Solnit 1997: 341. This is essentially a verbal root, and as such, should be ineligible for inclusion. However, Solnit's vocabulary does not include a separate equivalent for 'rain (n.)', and analysis of the rather numerous available textual examples shows that the verbal construction is used almost exclusively (e. g. 'the rain has stopped' = 'it's finished raining', etc.), so it may indeed have been a lexical replacement where the verbal root has absorbed the functions of the original noun as well. Also, in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 268], the nominal equivalent for 'rain' seems to be comprised of the same root with an additional prefix: kíʔ=ǯɯ̄ (Huai Phung), kéʔ=ǯɯ̄ (Huai Chang Kham), ke̋=ɕɯ̏ (Fraser Bennett).

Henderson 1997: 364. The first morpheme is θō 'tree' q.v.; the second one is kʰā 'leg, foot' q.v.; the last morpheme is the same as -wī 'vein' [Henderson 1997: 402]. Literally = 'vein of tree-foot', implying a basic partial polysemy: 'root / vein'.

Myar 2004: 161. The first morpheme is 'tree' q.v.; the second is probably the original root for 'foot'.

Brek Kayaw:θɯ́=kʰɔ̄=rɯ̀ 1

Myar 2004: 161. The first morpheme is 'tree' q.v.; the second is probably the original root for 'foot'.

Yintale:šɛ̌in=wèi 1

Myar 2004: 161. The first morpheme is 'tree' q.v.

Pekon Kayan:rūi 1

Manson Ms.

Lahta Kayan:θǝ̀ŋ=kwí 1

Ywar 2013: 40. The first part of the word is 'tree' q.v.

Yinbaw:sɯ̏=rwe̋ʰ 1

Manson Ms. The first part of the word is 'tree' q.v.

Number: 69

Word:round

Bwe Karen:tǝ́=ló # 1

Henderson 1997: 330. Glossed as 'to be round, rotund' (e. g. of a pig). Derived verb: tǝ̄lō-ɗú 'to be round, spherical' [Henderson 1997: 330]. Alternately, cf. also: gǝ̄wā 'to surround, encircle, enclose', with further derivation: gǝ̄wā-wā 'to be round' [Henderson 1997: 125]. Still another synonym is bǝ̄θı̄ 'round, round about' [Henderson 1997: 18]. It remains unclear which of these words should be considered the default equivalent; external comparison with Eastern Kayah Li shows that there may be a dimensional distinction, but this is not explicitly confirmed in the source. We include both words as synonyms.

Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 72. Attested in this form for the Huai Chang Kham dialect and the Huai Phung dialect. For Huai Chang Kham, Kirkland & Dawkins note a distinction between tū=lūː 'spherical' (i. e. 'round 3D') and tū=vɯ̄ʔ 'round/flat' (i. e. 'round 2D'). It is possible that this distinction is active for many more varieties of Karen, but explicit confirmations are rare.

Western Kayah Li:

Kayah Monu:ʔà=lé=wé 2

Myar 2004: 169. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li for possible semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms.

Brek Kayaw:rē=wē 2

Myar 2004: 169. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li for possible semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms.

Yintale:ʔà=tɜ̀=vɯ̀ 2

Myar 2004: 169. See notes on Eastern Kayah Li for possible semantic difference between the two quasi-synonyms.

Wai 2013: 29. Not attested properly in [Myar 2004], where only the more complex idiomatic equivalents for 'to speak' (hí-bá) and 'to tell' (hí-bá-hí-cʰò) are listed.

Brek Kayaw:

Not attested properly in [Myar 2004], where only the more complex idiomatic equivalents for 'to speak' (ró-bà) and 'to tell' (ró-bà-yá-sʰɯ́) are listed.

Yintale:

Not attested properly in [Myar 2004], where only the more complex idiomatic equivalents for 'to speak' (pà-pwèi) and 'to tell' (dú-tɜ̀-nâi) are listed.

Pekon Kayan:tài 3

Manson 2007: 9.

Lahta Kayan:dōu̯ŋ 1

Ywar 2013: 27.

Yinbaw:

Not attested.

Number: 72

Word:see

Bwe Karen:ɕā 1

Henderson 1997: 39. Polysemy: 'to see / to look / to examine / to read / to study'. The specific meaning 'to see, perceive, catch sight of' seems to be more adequately expressed by the compound formation ɕā ɕʰí [ibid.], where ɕʰí is a directional auxiliary verb. Cf. also kɛ̄-ɕʰí 'to see' [Henderson 1997: 157], with the appended note: "appears to be a variant of ɕā ɕʰí).

Geba Karen:sàʔ-tʰìʔ 1

Shee 2008: 166. Compound form, equivalent to Bwe Karen ɕā-ɕʰí q.v.

Eastern Kayah Li:mɛ́-tʰʌ̀ 2

Solnit 1997: 349. The first morpheme is separately glossed as mɛ́ 'look' [ibid.] and the second is separately glossed as tʰʌ̄ 'see' [Solnit 1997: 359], but this analysis may be mistaken: if -tʰʌ̀ here is cognate with -tʰìʔ in Geba Karen and -ɕʰí in Bwe Karen, then this is actually an old directional (resultative?) auxiliary verb. Textual analysis shows that it does not occur on its own, but always exclusively in the compound form mɛ́-tʰʌ̀, which would corroborate the idea that mɛ́- here is the main lexical morpheme. Quoted as mɛ́ʔ-tʰǝ̀ʔ (Huai Phung), mɛ́ʔ-tʰǝ̀ʔ (Huai Chang Kham), mɛ̋-tʰʌ̏ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 65].

Solnit 1997: 347. The entry ȁ=plɔ̏ 'seed' in [Bennett Ms.] is dubious, since Solnit glosses plɔ as a classifier for small round objects (including seeds) rather than the word 'seed' itself [Solnit 1997: 355].

Western Kayah Li:

Probably not attested; listed as plɔ̏ 'seed' in [Bennett Ms.], but see notes on Eastern Kayah Li.

Kayah Monu:tà=pʰló 2

Myar 2004: 161.

Brek Kayaw:tāʰ=plɤ̀ 2

Myar 2004: 161.

Yintale:ʔà=pʰlō 2

Myar 2004: 161.

Pekon Kayan:pʰlôŋ 2

Manson 2007: 20.

Lahta Kayan:pʰloŋ 2

Ywar 2013: 51.

Yinbaw:θɯ̃̏=pʰlʋȕ 2

Manson Ms.

Number: 74

Word:sit

Bwe Karen:ʆɛ́ná 1

Henderson 1997: 309. Clearly a compound formation, but not easily segmentable within Bwe Karen. Cf. also ʆɔ́ná id. [Henderson 1997: 316], where the first component seems to be the same as in ʆɔ́-mí 'to lie' q.v. and possibly in ʆɔ́-tʰō 'to stand (up)' q.v.

Henderson 1997: 297. Contexts show that this word is mostly applied to objects small in size e. g. 'big houses and little houses', 'a small boat', etc.). On the contrary, the word ʆī, glossed as 'to be small, little; young(er)' [Henderson 1997: 310], in the majority of attested examples refers to "smallness" of age, immaturity etc. ("this puppy is very small", "he was still very young", "the trees and bamboos are small (= not fully grown)". This means that pʰō is better eligible for the primary slot.

Geba Karen:ǝ̄=šú=pʰòʔ 1

Shee 2008: 167. Verbal stem: 'to be small'.

Eastern Kayah Li:pǝ̀=tɛ̀ǝ̀ ~ pǝ̀=tí 2

Solnit 1997: 357, 358. Initial pǝ̀= seems to be a fossilized prefix; variation between the two forms of the root remains unexplained (could this actually be two different roots?). Quoted as ȁ=pǝ̏=ti̋ in [Bennett Ms.]. The morpheme pʰú 'child' may also be used in the meaning 'small', but, apparently, only as a diminutive suffix [Solnit 1997: 354].

Manson 2007: 21. Semantic difference between this form and pʰò remains unclear.

Lahta Kayan:

Yinbaw:

Number: 78

Word:smoke

Bwe Karen:θǝ́yù 1

Henderson 1997: 390. More accurately, mı̄ θǝ́yù, where the first component is mı̄ 'fire' q.v. Another equivalent is mı̄ kʰū 'smoke' [Henderson 1997: 239], where the second component is the verbal stem kʰū 'to blow about (of dust, etc.), to smoke (of a chimney or fire), to puff and smoke' [Henderson 1997: 192]. This expression is quite frequently used, but seems to still retain its verbal nature (= 'fire puffs up smoke').

Geba Karen:m̥yı̀=kʰùʔ 2

Shee 2008: 165. The first component seems to be a phonetic variant of 'fire' q.v.

Henderson 1997: 316. Meaning glossed as 'to stand up from a sitting position', i. e. dynamic; no separate equivalent for the static 'to be standing' is attested in the dictionary. Cf. the same first morpheme in ʆɔ́ dǝ̄rɔ̄ 'to be steady', possibly also in ʆɔ́-ná 'to sit'.

Bennett Ms. The second part of the compound is 'water'; the first part is a prefixed verbal root with an unclear original meaning.

Western Kayah Li:tǝ=ʑɛ́ɛ̋ʰ-tʰiē 2

Bennett Ms. The second part of the compound is 'water'; the first part is a prefixed verbal root with an unclear original meaning.

Kayah Monu:kɔ̀=yɔ̀-šì 2

Myar 2004: 167. The last morpheme is 'water' q.v.

Brek Kayaw:wū-tʰí 3

Myar 2004: 167. The second morpheme is 'water' q.v.

Yintale:tà=yà 2

Myar 2004: 167. The first part is a prefixed verbal root with an unclear original meaning (see Eastern Kayah Li).

Pekon Kayan:kwàʰŋ-sʰɨ́ 4

Manson Ms. The second morpheme is 'water' q.v.

Lahta Kayan:

Not attested.

Yinbaw:wã̏ʰ-šʰɯ̋ 4

Manson Ms.

Number: 84

Word:tail

Bwe Karen:=ká=mè 1

Henderson 1997: 234. Bound usage only. The first morpheme is =ká 'hind part, lower part, behind, bottom, hindquarters' [Henderson 1997: 151]. The second morpheme is glossed by Henderson as 'knot, joint', supported by such idiomatic formations as θō ǝ̄-mè 'knot in a tree', etc. However, external data confirm that this is actually the original Karen morpheme with the basic meaning of 'tail'.

Solnit 1997: 183. Quoted as nēː (Huai Phung), ne (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70]. According to Fraser Bennett, the basic equivalent for 'you (sg.)' has merged with sē, the basic equivalent for 'you (pl.)' [ibid.], but this is contradicted by all other sources.

Western Kayah Li:ʆī # 2

Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 70. This is the same pronoun as 'you (pl.)' in Fraser Bennett's notes, which makes the entry somewhat dubious (see notes on Eastern Kayah Li).

Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 65. Quoted as part of the form ɲiēʰ-prɛ̏ʰ 'two persons'.

Kayah Monu:kìnì 1

Myar 2004: 161. Quoted as part of the complex form ʂɔ́ kìnì 'two (persons)'. Quoted as kàní in [Wai 2013: 38]. Internal structure of the stem is unclear: perhaps this is a contraction of two different roots (cf. Brek Kayaw kī and Yintale nì?).

Brek Kayaw:klī ~ kī 1

Myar 2004: 161. Quoted as part of two different complex forms with the meaning 'two (persons)': θɔ̄=klī and kī=rā (cf. tɜ̀=rà 'one person').

Yintale:ɲē ~ nì 2

Myar 2004: 161. Quoted as part of the complex form ɲē-dɯ́ ~ nì-dɯ́ 'two (persons)'.

Unclear. The complex form hɛ́-tʰɔ́-pʰó is recorded in [Myar 2004: 170] as 'we (1 p. incl.)', but its segmentation is not easily understood from the list, and it is unknown if there is a shorter and more diagnostic exclusive form. We prefer to leave the slot empty for the moment.

Pekon Kayan:pàʰ 2

Manson 2007: 9.

Lahta Kayan:ɲā-pū 4

Ywar 2013: 47. Formally, a pluralization of ɲā 'I' q.v.

Yinbaw:pʋ̏ʰ 2

Manson Ms.

Number: 95

Word:we2

Bwe Karen:kɛ̄ 3

Henderson 1997: 155. Inclusive form.

Geba Karen:kǝ̄ 3

Shee 2008: 71. Inclusive form.

Eastern Kayah Li:

Western Kayah Li:

Kayah Monu:

Brek Kayaw:

Yintale:

Pekon Kayan:

Lahta Kayan:

Yinbaw:

Number: 96

Word:what

Bwe Karen:má-nɔ̄ 1

Henderson 1997: 230. The morpheme -nɔ̄ is a final particle used in interrogative sentences in conjunction with pronominal morphemes [Henderson 1997: 264].

Geba Karen:dà.. nɛ̀ʔ 2

Shee 2008: 87, 168. The first part is an "interrogative proform"; the second part is a final interrogative particle. Together, they form a "circumfix-like" interrogative pronoun.

Eastern Kayah Li:ʔì=tē 3

Solnit 1997: 243, 357. The root morpheme tē is used in numerous other interrogatives as well, e. g. mè=tē 'why?', etc. Quoted as mà=ì-tēː (Huai Phung), mà=ìː-tēː (Huai Chang Kham) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 71]. The equivalent in Fraser Bennett's data, however, is different: nʌ̏ 'what' [ibid.]. Since it is identical with the preceding 'that', it is possible that this is just a technical mistake.

Henderson 1997: 14. The morpheme -nɔ̄ is a final particle used in interrogative sentences in conjunction with pronominal morphemes [Henderson 1997: 264].

Geba Karen:bwɛ̀-bwɛ́ 1

Shee 2008: 168. This reduplicated form is found in the appendix to the grammar. In the grammar itself, the form 'who?' is given as bǝ̄bwɛ̀.. wɛ̀, where the first part is an "interrogative proform" and the second one is a final interrogative particle [Shee 2008: 87].

Solnit 1997: 339. Quoted as bɛ̄ː (Huai Phung), bɛ́ (Huai Chang Kham), ȁ=bɛ̄ (Fraser Bennett) in [Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 66]. It is said that the Huai Phung equivalent also means 'white', but this may be a mistake (the regular Eastern Kayah Li equivalent for 'white' is the phonetically similar form bū).

Western Kayah Li:byā 1

Kirkland & Dawkins 2007: 66.

Kayah Monu:ʔà=bɔ̀ 1

Myar 2004: 169.

Brek Kayaw:ʔɛ̀=bɔ́ 1

Myar 2004: 169.

Yintale:ʔà=bǎŋ 1

Myar 2004: 169.

Pekon Kayan:báŋ 1

Manson 2007: 14.

Lahta Kayan:

Not attested.

Yinbaw:bã̏ 1

Manson Ms.

Number:101

Word:far

Bwe Karen:ɔ̄=yı̀ 1

Henderson 1997: 274. Meaning glossed as 'to be distant in time or place, to be a long way off' ('far' in the English-Karen index). The first morpheme is most likely the verb ɔ̄ 'to be'.

Solnit 1997: 348. This is a verbal stem, glossed as "wind blows"; however, just as in the case of 'rain' q.v., the corresponding nominal stem is not attested, and existing textual examples show that in most cases this verbal stem substitutes for the nominal 'rain' as well, so we tentatively include this stem as the main equivalent. The second part is clearly the same as sé 'to breathe' [Solnit 1997: 356]; the first part is probably the old nominal root 'rain' (cf. external parallels).