Don McKinnon, the Commonwealth secretary-general, says he will
watch with keen interest the upcoming Zimbabwean elections to see if they do
deliver on the mandate of being free and fair. McKinnon is in South Africa
on a short visit. He privately met with President Thabo Mbeki at the Union
Buildings in Pretoria today.

McKinnon says Zimbabwe's exclusion from
the Commonwealth will not be debated at its next heads of government summit
to be staged in Malta in November. He also dispelled the possibility of
engaging Robert Mugabe, the Zimbabwean president, in formal talks.
Zimbabwe's unstable political environment led to the country's suspension
from the Commonwealth in 2003. Harare then decided to quit the
body.

At a meeting in December 2003 in Nigeria, the Commonwealth not only
suspended Zimbabwe's membership, but also re-elected McKinnon because, among
other things, they liked his tough stance on Mugabe's government. On the
other side there was a group of African leaders, President Thabo Mbeki among
them, who said Zimbabwe's continued suspension from the 53-member club would
not necessarily resolve its problems. The episode sparked rife speculation
about the future of the Commonwealth.

Zimbabwe police has asked a leading activist to prove
allegations that security forces are involved in pre-election violence,
saying the charges were aimed at smearing the government before the March 31
vote. President Robert Mugabe's government has been fighting international
isolation for five years amid charges it rigged the last major parliamentary
vote and Mugabe's re-election in 2002, which were both marred by violence
against the opposition.

The run-up to next week's parliamentary polls
has been largely peaceful - a point Mugabe's government hopes will help
persuade the world and Zimbabwe's own electorate that the vote will be free
and fair. Augustine Chihuri, the Zimbabwe police commissioner, has demanded
evidence within two days to back charges by political activist Lovemore
Madhuku, whose National Constitutional Assembly group released a report last
week implicating the police, the secret Central Intelligence Organisation
(CIO) and the army in pre-election abuses.

Madhuku was summoned by
the police on Sunday over the report, which also charges that Mugabe's
ruling Zanu-PF party is using food as a political tool by demanding party
cards from hungry voters before the election. "So far, despite two meetings
and phone calls, he has failed to furnish us with this information
(evidence). But yet he has told the media that he has confirmed every
paragraph and full stop in the report," Chihuri told a news
conference.

The police commissioner said Madhuku who was unavailable
for immediate comment today could face legal proceedings if he failed to
provide evidence to the police. "We will have no alternative but to allow
the law to take its course," he said, but refused to
elaborate.

Madhuku's report detailed what it called "widespread"
political violence in which the Zimbabwe Republic Police and Zanu-PF
supporters were cited as offenders, including murder, abductions, unlawful
arrest and detentions, sexual assault and torture. Overseas rights groups
including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have also documented
what they say is official intimidation of opposition supporters ahead of the
vote, although reports of outright violence are rare. - Reuters

UN system body asked to intervene in Zimbabwe's
jamming of radio broadcasts from London

Reporters Without Borders
today said it was "outraged" by Zimbabwe's jamming since 7 March of
short-wave broadcasts by SW Radio Africa, a privately-owned radio station
based in London which employs Zimbabwean journalists living in
exile.

In a letter to the Geneva-based International
Telecommunication Union (ITU), the press freedom organization asked this UN
system body "to seriously examine this situation, which constitutes a grave
violation of Harare's undertakings towards the United Nations."

The
letter urged ITU secretary-general Yoshio Utsumi "to demand official and
credible explanations from Zimbabwe, which is a member state of the ITU
since 18 February 1981 and, as such, obliged to conform to the provisions of
its constitution, conventions and administrative
regulations."

Reporters Without Borders added : "Thanks to support from
China, which exports its repressive expertise, Robert Mugabe's government
has yet again just proved itself to be one of the most active predators of
press freedom. Although in the middle of an electoral campaign, Zimbabwe has
not only flouted the Southern African Development Community's democratic
principles, it is now also displaying open contempt for its undertakings
towards the ITU and the UN conventions it has signed."

The Media
Monitoring Project Zimbabwe (MMPZ), a Harare-based independent watchdog,
said the jamming of SW Radio Africa's broadcasts is being carried out from
Thornhill airbase - located outside the southwestern town of Gweru, between
Harare and Bulawayo - where the government has a transmission
station.

According to the International Broadcasting Bureau (IBB), a
US federal government entity, the equipment being used for the jamming comes
from China, which has close trade links with Zimbabwe, especially in the
telecommunications domain.

BBC Monitoring (a BBC offshoot that
monitors news media throughout the world) said it established on 16 March
that SW Radio Africa's three daily broadcasts were being "deliberately
jammed." The 1600 GMT broadcast on 11.845 kHz was drowned by a 1 kHz signal.
The 1700 and 1800 GMT broadcasts were jammed by interference of a "rotary"
kind.

ITU regulation 1.166 defines interference as : "The effect of
unwanted energy due to one or a combination of emissions, radiations, or
inductions upon reception in a radiocommunication system, manifested by any
performance degradation, misinterpretation, or loss of information which
could be extracted in the absence of such unwanted energy."

Article
1003 of the annex of the ITU constitution defines "harmful interference" as
one that "obstructs or repeatedly interrupts a radiocommunication
service."

South African civil society groups came back from
Zimbabwe disillusioned about the state of democracy in the country, they
said on Tuesday.

After meeting over 20 organisation and
attending public meetings and rallies the six member delegation decided that
"only the most optimistic opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)
politicians" could hope for political change through free and fair
elections, a statement from the group said.

At a press briefing
in Johannesburg Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF) member Nicolas Dieltiens
described some of the tactics the ruling Zanu-PF party was using to ensure
that it remained in power after March 31.

These included: no voter
education by anyone except the government-dominated electoral commission;
only a handful of international observers; only announcing the approved
Zimbabwean observers two days before the elections; prevention of access to
the voters' roll, which is rumoured to be highly
inflated.

The group took a "strategic decision" not to meet
any Zanu-PF representatives after the way a delegation from the Congress of
South African Trade Unions was treated last month when they tried to enter
the country, Laurence Ntuli, also from APF, said.

The group was
invited by the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition and involved the APF, the
Landless People's Movement and Jubilee South Africa. - Sapa

MDC is seen as a dead duck, but South-South co-operation
could confound Zanu-PF

While the world follows the election
in Zimbabwe on March 31 with keen interest, it is the days and months
afterwards that will be important for the country. Will the leadership that
emerges have the capacity to embark on a huge rebuilding project that will
reverse the damage wrought on the nation and its economy by President Robert
Mugabe's regime, particularly since 1998, or will it be business as
usual?

The challenges of creating a new Zimbabwe are daunting and
require a new kind of leadership, a democratic dispensation and a radical
shift within Zanu-PF.

Mugabe has been at the helm for
nearly 25 years. His government's mismanagement of the economy has made per
capita GDP fall to levels below those of the mid-1970s, agricultural
self-sufficiency sacrificed on the altar of partisan needs, and post-
independence achievements in health and education reversed as hospitals
decay and qualified personnel seek greener pastures. A recent census
estimated 3m Zimbabweans live outside the country, suggesting they are
voting with their feet.

The next government will have to return
the heavily polarised society to normalcy. National discourse and
interaction will have to return to pre-1998 days, when a nascent democracy
was taking root. The national psyche will have to be liberated from the
toxic and pervasive influence of Zanu-PF.

The country will have
to rebuild national institutions such as the army, the police force and
intelligence services, which have been personalised and privatised by Mugabe
and his henchmen, then set against the society. Professionalism and a sense
of public duty and service will have to be injected into these institutions,
and the public will have to be encouraged to trust them.

Central to the nation-building project will be a new democratic constitution
to replace the self-serving Lancaster House document that has been amended
countless times, usurping people's liberties and giving more power to the
executive. Zimbabweans yearn for a constitution that guarantees them freedom
of expression, freedom of association, freedom from arbitrary arrest,
accountable governance and a judiciary prepared to uphold their
rights.

Parliament and other democratic institutions will
have to be empowered to serve and protect the public interest. Zimbabweans
will have to learn to trust democracy again. The judiciary will have to be
reconstructed to cleanse it of the unprofessional influences of
Zanu-PF.

The nation-building project will require an entirely
new political mind-set. Politics, as practised in Zimbabwe over the past
five years, is not sustainable. That kind of politics will not attract local
and foreign investment or create economic growth and jobs. For Zimbabwe to
deliver on the expectations of its people requires a new generation of
leaders able to deal in a civilised manner with the rest of
humanity.

Mugabe has demonstrated that he does not have what it
takes to usher Zimbabwe into a new era. But he could use residual influence
and authority to sculpture a politically astute Zanu-PF to begin a national
reconstruction.

This requires a recasting of himself as the
statesman he was at independence. He could use his influence to build a
government of national unity which could tap from within Zanu-PF, the
Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and civil society. The 30 members of
parliament whom he appoints directly could be put to good use to aid the
nation-building . Such a move would enable him to address the leadership
crisis.

But Mugabe knows the dangers of unleashing democratic
forces in the country. Zanu-PF's setbacks in the 2000 election were a
product partly of the democratic awakening that swept the continent in the
1990s. By 1990, the one-party state system was tarnished by economic
failure. More importantly, civil society, supported by a robust judiciary,
had flexed its muscles in dealing with the more egregious dimensions of
Zanu-PF's "guided democracy". Trade unions were permitted to demonstrate
without police permission, newspapers were told it was okay to satirise the
leadership, and gays could argue their case at the Harare Book
Fair.

The decade of 1990-2000 saw a burgeoning middle class,
itself a product of Zanu-PF rule, taking advantage of new liberties,
emboldened by the collapse of Mugabe's communist allies in Eastern Europe
and a second wind of change blowing across the region, particularly the
advent of democracy in SA.

Zanu-PF was prepared to tolerate
much of this until February 2000, when its electoral buttressing was
undermined by a coalition of trade unions and civic rights activists grouped
together under the MDC led by Morgan Tsvangirai. Mugabe's response was swift
and brutal. War veterans were unleashed against white farmers seen as
instrumental in the ruling party's humiliating defeat in a referendum on a
new constitution, while under information minister Jonathan Moyo's
Machiavellian direction, civil society and the press were subjected to
intense harassment. Punitive laws such as the Public Order & Security
Act and the Access to Information & Protection of Privacy Act were
crafted to deal with dissent . Journalists were imprisoned, demonstrators
beaten and arrested, and look-alike civic institutions such as the Zimbabwe
Federation of Trade Unions were created to supersede genuine unions. The
police command structure was purged of professional officers, the judiciary
suborned by land leases and the press muzzled. Within five years the
achievements of the 1990s were reversed.

Now decay has set in
within the ruling party due to a lack of leadership renewal. The party
revolt late last year led by speaker of parliament Emmerson Mnangagwa and
Moyo has opened a Pandora's box. Mugabe's autocratic reaction to this failed
coup has opened fissures within the old and tired party.

Six Zanu-PF provincial chairmen were suspended for their role in the
so-called Tsholotsho Declaration - the name given to a meeting (seen as an
attempted palace coup) held in the Matabeleland constituency of Tsholotsho.
Had Mugabe embraced the new blood proposed by the group , Zanu-PF would have
been ready to face the rebuilding challenge . But he saw a threat to his own
political tenure and hit back with a vengeance. The result is a divided and
weak party.

A victory for Moyo in his Tsholotsho
constituency on March 31 could give him space to lead a coalition of
independent candidates with the potential to form an opposition party. His
hard work and intellect make him a strong contender to lead a national
opposition political party. But he would have to sober up and mature very
quickly .

After the election, the Karanga - who make up 35% of
Zimbabwe's population and have been purged in the past five years - could be
critical in deciding the country's political landscape. They have several
choices. They could seek accommodation within Zanu-PF; join the loose
formation of independent candidates; constitute the force around which a
third political power could coalesce; or join the MDC. Many are rumoured to
be campaigning for the opposition covertly.

The Karanga
played a critical role in Zimbabwe's liberation struggle. They were foot
soldiers as well as high-ranking officers in Zanla, the armed wing of
Zanu-PF. Until recently they headed the army and air force and still
dominate the second layer of the uniformed services.

There
has been a reversal over the past five years with the Zezurus, who
constitute 25% of the population, taking over. Mugabe is Zezuru and so are
his two deputies. The army and air force commanders are also Zezurus, as is
the police commissioner.

The Karanga and the Zezuru make up the
bulk of the broader Shona grouping.

An even more intriguing
possibility opens up once Mugabe is out of the picture. The political
landscape could be altered by the development of the so-called SouthSouth
co-operation - a traditional alliance between the Karangas and Ndebeles (who
make up 15% of the population). The Tsholotsho Declaration had all the
makings of a South-South co-operation as Moyo and Mnang agwa are from the
Ndebele- and Karanga-dominated south respectively. Those currently suspended
or expelled from the party are political heavyweights from the
south.

Whatever the outcome of this realignment of forces,
Zanu-PF will have to adapt and change if it is to remain relevant after the
March 31 election. That is the grim reality it faces. Absurd as it sounds,
Mugabe is the only thing keeping the wounded Zanu-PF intact . Will he see
victory at the polls as an opportunity to reinvigorate the party and leave a
lasting legacy, or will he remain his stubborn self?

It is
paramount that he gives change a chance while he is at the helm, for without
him Zanu-PF looks set to disintegrate into anarchy, with disastrous
consequences for the nation. There is nobody in the party , except
marginalised Mnangagwa, with the vision, presence, charisma and leadership
qualities to move Zanu-PF into the knowledge society that we all live
in.

The dilemma for Zimbabwe is that the MDC is in a similar,
if not worse, position. It suffers an acute leadership crisis and above all
is in the grip of paralysing political squabbling. A faction led by trade
unionists is laying claim to the soul of the party and elbowing everybody
aside . An onslaught is being waged against party secretary-general Welshman
Ncube and those perceived to be his supporters.

In essence
the party has lost focus and is committing suicide. The people's struggle
has been put on the back burner . Though unlikely, an MDC victory would be
unfortunate for Zimbabwe. This is because weak leadership and the lack of a
strategy and vision suggest it is not ready for power.

Yet a
performance significantly worse than the last parliamentary election would
consign the MDC to oblivion.

There is thus little to choose
between Zanu-PF and the MDC . Voter apathy cannot be ruled out. If people
vote for the MDC, it will be because their desire for change blinds them to
its shortcomings . For the MDC to win, the people will have to overcome the
intimidation and political violence that they have been subjected to over
the past six years. Indeed, an MDC victory would entail the masses turning
up in full force to neutralise any rigging . A surprise factor in an
election of this sort which could sweep the opposition into power cannot be
ruled out. This happened in Zambia and Malawi, confounding the
analysts.

Most days when I read the state-run Herald newspapers it lists on its inside
pages what anti-Blair means: "getting back your land; an end to racist factory
closures; an end to politically motivated price increases; an end to sanctions;
no safe havens for corrupt bankers; no disruption of fuel supplies; no to
political interference; an end to Blair's MDC; keeping our Zimbabwe".

While I was reading the paper this morning, I was looking at a photograph of
a new national dress that's been launched.

It's a long robe with horizontal stripes - I think in the colour of the
national flag, although this was a black and white picture.

Anyway, we were having a giggle about it, when a customer came in, leaned
over to look at the article and said: "Are we going to be able to eat that?"

Will you be voting in Zimbabwe's parliamentary elections? Please send us
your comments on this blog and your own experiences using the form below.

A selection of your comments will be posted below.

The assumption is that all those outside the country are opposition
supporters which is not only unguided but very untrue

Ken, England

I wish the
government would allow every Zimbabwean to express his/her democratic right of
choosing those who govern them irrespective of where they are. The assumption is
that all those outside the country are opposition supporters which is not only
unguided but very untrue. We want to support our integrity and let's grow up and
respect each other irrespective of our political differences. At the end of the
day we are all equally Zimbabweans, no one is more important than the
other.Ken, England

We really need help from Britain and the US otherwise we can never dream of
change in this country. All you people outside the country, please help us to
remove this regime. Oppression is on the increase. Never think there is no
violence, intimidation is at its peak. Surely this will never be a free and fair
electionTawanda Gutu, Harare, Zimbabwe

I feel Zimbabwe is very much OK right now. There is no violence that's worth
fussing about and elections are going to be very free and fair. All contesting
parties have been and are being given adequate airtime on the television and
radio. That's good news. Justin von Mahlahla, Zimbabwe

I know this is slightly off the point, but thought it worth mentioning
considering South Africa is Zimbabwe's key friend. As a South African citizen in
New Zealand on a work permit I am not entitled to vote in a South African
election. Does this qualify South Africa as being
undemocratic?Jonathan Lord, Wellington, New Zealand

I have not been to Zimbabwe since 1998. I always found the people of this
beautiful country to be friendly, enthusiastic and vibrant. However, you could
see the decay beginning around the edges. Certain foods were becoming scarce.
The exchange rates were beginning to change at a rapid pace and modern materials
such as computers and such were becoming exceedingly rare to see in modern
cities like Bulawayo. The game parks which I loved were becoming empty because
of the uncertainty and the fact that no foreigners were coming to this country.
Today the animals are gone, the people are hungry and Mugabe is still there.
Desperate measures must be taken by the Zimbabweans and remove Mugabe and his
cronies at any cost. When this occurs, all of the nations of the world must aid
in rebuilding this beautiful nation and bring dignity to its
people.Jim Redmond, Nictaux, Nova Scotia, Canada

Compared to most African countries, I see a thriving democracy in Zimbabwe
contrary to western countries and media positions. Yes the land issue could have
been handle better by the ruling party but everything else has been democratic
so far. Since when did it became an issue that Africans abroad did or did not
vote? Can you tell me about any other African country that facilitate this? The
land issue have been dealt with and folks around the world should learn to
accept and respect the democratic will of the majority which in this case did
not favour the affluent white farmers! Alan Ik,
Canada

A routine visit to a relative
living in a rural area is, in most parts of Africa, a private family matter.
Not so in Zimbabwe, says Tiseke Kasambala, a researcher with Human Rights
Watch.

According to the New-York based non-governmental organisation,
rural areas become off limits to urban visitors during election campaigns,
city dwellers being collectively viewed as opposition sympathisers. A
parliamentary poll is scheduled to take place in Zimbabwe on Mar.
31.

The ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF)
draws most of its support from rural areas. As a result, says Human Rights
Watch (HRW), ZANU-PF members and their allies do not hesitate to take action
if they believe this support is being challenged.

"There is a woman
whose uncle visited her from the city. After her uncle had left, ZANU-PF
activists went and interrogated her about the...reasons for the visit. And
she was made to go to the chief's house for further interrogation,"
Kasambala told journalists Monday.

"Many rural Zimbabweans are scared and
don't want to go through such an ordeal," she added. Kasambala was speaking
at the Johannesburg release of a new paper by HRW entitled 'Not a Level
Playing Field: Zimbabwe's 2005 Parliamentary Elections'.

Kasambala
and several HRW colleagues spent over three weeks in Zimbabwe in December
2004 and February 2005, during which they interviewed 135 representatives of
the ruling party, opposition and civil society.

Their findings, recorded
in the paper, were that opposition supporters and other Zimbabweans had been
intimidated by ZANU-PF and government officials in the run up to
parliamentary elections.

This continued a pattern of repression that had
characterized the past five years in Zimbabwe.

The 2000 parliamentary
poll and the 2002 presidential election were preceded by widespread
violence, most of it directed against the opposition. While many observers
agree the level of intimidation ahead of the Mar. 31 vote is lower, they
believe this may reflect assurance of victory on the part of ZANU-PF, which
now faces an opposition hamstrung by years of repression.

HRW condemns
the Harare government's use of restrictive laws such as the Public Order and
Security Act, which undermines the opposition's ability to campaign - and
the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act. This law has been
used to muzzle the independent press.

"In short...the playing field for
the 2005 election has not been level," says the HRW paper.

The group
has also expressed concern about voter registration and education, and the
arrangements for election monitoring, noting that "Major problems...that
marred previous elections have not been remedied."

These include the fact
that too few inspection centres were available where the voters' roll could
be scrutinized.

This difficulty notwithstanding, a Harare-based
organisation called the FreeZim Support Group has done an analysis of the
roll which indicates that more than two million of its 5.6 million names are
suspect. In addition, Zimbabwe's substantial expatriate community will not
be allowed to cast ballots.

Inasmuch as attention has focused on the
Zimbabwean government's actions ahead of Mar. 31, the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) has also found itself coming under pressure in
connection with the poll.

Last year, SADC - of which Zimbabwe is a member
- drew up a set of electoral guidelines to ensure that polling in the region
would be free and fair. Southern African countries are now obliged to ensure
political tolerance ahead of elections, provide all parties with access to
state media - and set up impartial electoral institutions, amongst other
measures.

The Mugabe administration claims it is adhering to the SADC
protocol. But, HRW begs to differ.

"(With) only days remaining before
voters go to the polls," says HRW, "it is clear that the government has not
adequately met the benchmarks set by the SADC Principles and Guidelines
Governing Democratic Elections."

SADC observers are expected to comment
on Zimbabwe's election environment within the next 10 days. In light of
this, HRW has called on the 13-member organisation to look beyond the
relative calm that prevails in Zimbabwe at present when giving its verdict
on polling preparations.

"They must also take into account the effects of
the past five years of violence, recent reports of intimidation, continuing
electoral irregularities and the use of restrictive legislation," says
HRW.

Michael Clough, HRW advocacy director for Africa, believes that
political repression in Zimbabwe is proving an acid test for SADC.

"I
think the credibility of SADC is on the line. And, I think South Africa's
commitment to spread democracy in the region is on the line," he told
journalists in Johannesburg last week.

HRW has also urged SADC states
to ensure that campaigning in the final days before the parliamentary poll
is allowed to proceed unhindered.

Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe, who
has been head of state since his country received independence from Britain
in 1980, frequently accuses the opposition Movement for Democratic Change
(MDC) of being a front for Western interests. (The MDC is Zimbabwe's main
opposition group.)

However, the president's critics claim he has eroded
the gains of his initial years in office with economic mismanagement and
increasingly authoritarian rule.

SW Radio Africa : Work is continuing to counter the Zimbabwe government's
jamming of the short-wave frequencies. Please try the following frequencies:
3230 kHz and 3300 kHz in the 90m band;4880 kHz in the 60m band; 6145 kHz in
the 49m band; 11845 kHz, 11705 kHz and 11995 kHz in the 25m band. Please
also see www.swradioafrica.com
for up to date information. The medium-wave broadcast between 5am and 7am
each morning, at 1197 kHz, is not being jammed. Outside the broadcast area,
listen over the internet at www.swradioafrica.com .

VOA
Studio 7 : In Zimbabwe, tune in to the short-wave broadcast at 13600 KHz and
17895 KHz, and at 909 AM. Outside the broadcast area, listen over the
internet at www.voanews.com .
Broadcasts are between 7pm and 8pm Zimbabwe time, Monday to Friday.

JOHANNESBURG - The
main opposition political party in Zimbabwe the Movement for Democratic
Change (MDC) has denied allegations raised by the ruling Zanu PF that the
MDC, together with some non-governmental organisations, were training thugs
to violently disrupt the March 31 parliamentary poll.

The
MDC said the allegations were a calculated attempt by President Mugabe's
government to tarnish the MDC's image ahead of the crucial
poll.

The government-controlled Sunday Mail reported that the
MDC together with some non- governmental organisations were training some
"desperate and unemployed" young Zimbabweans to unleash violence during the
elections.

The Zanu PF election spokesman, Webster Shamu, was
quoted in the weekly saying the "thugs" and "hooligans" had been assigned
various missions around the country, including to put on the ruling party
regalia and wield placards when they engage in violent
activities.

To buttress the allegations The Herald, another
State-owned newspaper, announced in a front page report that five MDC thugs
had "turned themselves" to the police on Sunday.

Police
Assistant Commissioner Boysen Matema was quoted in the paper as saying the
group were trained in the use of firearms and explosives.

But
the MDC spokesman, Paul Themba-Nyathi dismissed the report saying: "The
youths have nothing to do with the MDC. This pathetic saga has been
stage-managed by the Mugabe regime to discredit the MDC."

Themba-Nyathi said their own investigations suggest the Central Intelligence
Organisation (CIO) was involved in stage -managing the purported surrender
of the trained youths.

"The MDC's unequivocal commitment to
non-violence and democracy underlines the absurdity of claims that the MDC
is training youths in South Africa with the aim to distabilise Zimbabwe,"
Themba-Nyathi said.

He said the "nefarious" tactic was not new,
as it had been used before by the Zanu PF government.

Zimbabwe holds a crucial parliamentary poll next week which has courted
international attention amid allegations the electoral playing field is
heavily tilted in favour of President Mugabe's Zanu PF party.

The ruling party faces a strong challenge from the MDC which is led by
former trade union leader, Morgan Tsvangirai.

Moyo wants Mugabe's wings clippedWed 23 March
2005 BULAWAYO - President Robert Mugabe's former propaganda chief,
Jonathan Moyo, says he will push for his former boss' wide-ranging executive
powers to be trimmed if he wins on an independent ticket in next week's
general election.

In an election manifesto that seeks to thrust
the unresolved question of Mugabe's succession as the central issue of the
March 31 election, Moyo criticises the way in which Mugabe and a coterie of
his Zezuru clan imposed Joyce Mujuru as second vice-president of the ruling
ZANU PF party and Zimbabwe.

With Mugabe and his first
Vice-President Joseph Msika expected to retire at the same time in 2008,
Mujuru is widely seen as the best placed to take over as leader of ZANU PF
and possibly Zimbabwe.

Moyo, who fell out with Mugabe after
opposing Mujuru's appointment, called on Zimbabweans not to allow an
undemocratic ZANU PF to decide who should be the country's next president.
Instead, Zimbabweans should demand a new constitution that ensures only a
democratically elected candidate takes over from
Mugabe.

According to Moyo's manifesto, the new
constitution should be enacted while Mugabe is still in office and well
before the next presidential election in 2008. It should limit presidential
terms and also curtail executive powers presumably to guard against the
possibility of Mugabe and his Zezuru clan imposing Mujuru on
Zimbabweans.

"How will the next President of Zimbabwe be chosen,
given the self-evident lack of intra-party democracy within ZANU PF as
witnessed by the manner in which Joyce Mujuru was imposed as vice-president
against the popular will of the grassroots, and against the ZANU PF
constitution, which had to be changed to suit her at the eleventh hour and
un-procedurally?" Moyo's manifesto reads in part.

Promising to
vigorously lobby for a new constitutional reform exercise, Moyo says in his
manifesto that such a constitution should "limit executive powers and
Presidential tenure and ensure that nobody is able to occupy a leadership
role at local, provincial and national levels without being directly and
democratically elected by the people to whom all leaders must be
accountable."

Moyo contemptuously dismisses claims by Mugabe and
ZANU PF that next week's ballot is a vote against British Premier Tony Blair
who they accuse of using London's influence to sabotage Zimbabwe's economy
in retaliation for Harare's seizure of white farmland for redistribution to
landless blacks.

"There cannot be a more sinister and more
dangerous internal enemy than the tribal clique that wants to monopolise
state power in its own hands while monopolising everyone else. The March 31
elections are not anti-Blair since we defeated the external enemy long ago.
But they are anti-tribal and against the politics of patronage," Moyo
says.

ZANU PF information secretary Nathan Shamuyarira dismissed
Moyo's claims as preposterous. "Those are preposterous claims and we don't
want to be answering them at all. They are not worth our time," Shamuyarira
told ZimOnline.

Moyo, the most senior casualty of vicious
infighting over Mugabe's succession, was fired from ZANU PF's internal
politburo cabinet after attempting to rally the party's provincial
executives against the ascendancy of Mujuru whom Mugabe was openly backing
for the vice-presidency.

When ZANU PF leaders blocked him from
standing for the party in his Tsholotsho rural home constituency, Moyo
elected to stand as an independent. He was promptly fired from the job of
information minister by Mugabe for standing as an independent. -
ZimOnline

Law society rules out free and fair electionWed 23 March
2005 HARARE - The Law Society of Zimbabwe (LSZ) says there will not be free
and fair elections in Zimbabwe next week as long as tough legislation
stifling robust political activity remains firmly in place.

In
a statement to the press, LSZ president Joseph James said the situation on
the ground made it impossible to hold free and fair elections.

The
law society becomes the latest group to add its voice to the increasing
criticism of the Zimbabwe election. Churches and human rights groups have
also condemned the election because of the skewed political landscape in
Zimbabwe which favours the ruling ZANU PF party.

"The situation is
not normal, nor is it conducive to a free and fair election," said the law
society.

"The right of assembly and association is enshrined in our
constitution, but the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) . . . curtails
that right. The police seem to believe that that they have the right to
authorise public meetings."

Under POSA, it is an offence to
hold meetings of more than three people without police approval. Civic
groups and the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party
accuse Mugabe of using the tough law to stifle legitimate political
activity.

Under the tough law, opposition supporters have been
arrested and several meetings of the opposition party banned. But the law
enforcement agency, which is accused of applying the law selectively, is
still to bar any ZANU PF meetings.

Criticising Mugabe is also a
jailable offence under the same Act. The law society said such legislation
impedes legitimate political activity and robs the election of its vibrancy.
In a normal democracy, Mugabe must "receive criticism not only from the
opposition parties but from concerned citizens," said the
society.

The law society is part of a group of civic organisations
which were allowed to observe next week's election. Mugabe has generally
barred critical voices of society from the polls while allowing "friendly"
groups.

The society also took a swipe at the Access to Information
and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) which they said impeded political
parties from effectively communicating with potential voters.

On the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) which will run next week's poll,
the Law Society said: "Regrettably, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission does
not project an image of independence and non-partisanship."

The ZEC
whose commissioners were appointed by Mugabe early this year is accused of
lacking sufficient clout to make independent decisions. - ZimOnline

ZANU PF thugs get two-year jail termsWed 23 March
2005 KAROI - A magistrate here has sentenced five ruling ZANU PF aligned
gangsters to more than two years in prison each with a sixth gangster
getting a lesser term for political violence and robbery committed three
years ago.

The six, who were known by the local community as
the "Top Six," unleashed a reign of terror against suspected supporters of
the main opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) party during the
run-up to a parliamentary by-election held in September 2002 in Hurungwe
West constituency, under which Karoi falls.

The six, aged
between 21 and 35 years, are Domnic Muramba, Josephat James, Jimmy Kambara,
Admire Ndolvu, Gift Danda and Josephat Chiweshe. They were all jailed for 29
months with the exception of James who was committed to 10 months in
prison.

They were convicted of assaulting and robbing Charles
Tendaupenyu at Magunje rural business centre in the constituency after
accusing him of being a member of the MDC. The six men were also convicted
of assaulting two police officers at the business centre whom they accused
of sympathising with the MDC.

Delivering judgment, the court
noted that: "All the accused had taken advantage of the popularity in
political life to go against the laws of the country . . . the ( term) 'Top
Six' was well connected to violence that is unwarranted in a free
society."

The six ZANU PF activists are among the unlucky few to be
punished for political violence after President Robert Mugabe gave amnesty
to thousands of militant supporters of the ruling party and some state
security agents who committed violence and murder in the run-up to the 2000
parliamentary and 2002 presidential elections.

For example,
state secret service Central Intelligence Organisation agent, Joseph Mwale,
who murdered MDC activist Talent Chiminya during the run up to the 2000
election, has not been punished and is in fact still on the state payroll. -
ZimOnline

Ultimatum for pressure group bossWed 23 March 2005
HARARE - Zimbabwe police commissioner Augustine Chihuri has given leader of
the local National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) rights group, Lovemore
Madhuku, until tomorrow to prove claims of political violence or face
unspecified tough punishment.

A visibly angry Chihuri labelled
Madhuku a "deceitful person" whose NCA released a report last week falsely
claiming political violence and killings in Zimbabwe ahead of a key election
on March 31 to please financial handlers in Europe.

Chihuri
told journalists in Harare yesterday: "This (NCA) report is meant for the
European Union and the United Kingdom to form a basis for denouncing the
elections. It is full of wish-wash and rumours. We have had enough of
this.

"We are extending the deadline to Thursday March 24 2005, for
him (Madhuku) to come forth with the information (backing claims of
political violence) failure of which we will have no alternative but to
allow the law to take its course."

Pressed on what action the
police planned to take should Madhuku fail to prove the contents of the NCA
report, a fuming Chihuri simply said: "The law will take its course, just
wait for Thursday."

Madhuku, who was briefly held by the police
last Sunday over the report, could not be reached for comment.

The NCA is a coalition of churches, human rights groups, women's
organisations, opposition parties, student and labour movements and
campaigns for a new and democratic constitution for Zimbabwe.

In a report last week, the group said the political playing field remained
heavily tilted in favour of President Robert Mugabe and his ZANU PF party
and that the government-appointed Zimbabwe Electoral Commission had not
carried out extensive voter education to enlighten voters about their
rights.

The NCA said there were incidents of political violence
including political killings and politically motivated sexual harassment. -
ZimOnline

ZANU PF apologist to 'protect' freedom of expression at
AUWed 23 March 2005 HARARE - Zimbabwe's former attorney general and
government apologist, Andrew Chigovera, has been appointed as the first ever
special rapporteur for freedom of expression for the African Commission on
Human and People's Rights (ACHPR), an arm of the African Union.

Chigovera was Zimbabwe's attorney general at the height of the chaotic farm
invasions and disputed elections of 2000 and 2002. His new position, which
includes the daunting task of recommending fact-finding missions to the
commission and encouraging AU member states to abide by freedom of
expression laws, was created at an AU meeting in Senegal last
year.

Chigovera, as Zimbabwe's attorney general, has been
criticised for failing to prosecute hordes of ZANU PF activists who went on
a rampage during the 2000 and 2002 parliamentary and presidential
elections.

One of the most notable cases to have come before him,
was the brutal murder of two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) activists,
Talent Mabika and Tichaona Chiminya, who were torched by known ZANU PF
activists.

Speaking after his appointment,
Chigovera said his mandate would be to monitor free speech violations and
facilitate media training programmes.

"Although my office does not
have adequate resources because the ACHPR charter does not provide for my
position, as there is no formal budget yet for its operations, I will strive
to work for the betterment of African journalists," said
Chigovera.

So far, Chigovera has already visited his Latin American
counterpart, Eduardo Bertoni, the special rapporteur for freedom of
expression of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) of the
Organisation of American States (OAS).

During the visit last
week, the two issued a joint declaration reaffirming the importance of
global freedom of expression and criticised the enactment of criminal
defamation laws in most African countries.

"Criminal defamation
laws are frequently used in Africa and in the Americas to silence public
criticism of officials. Such laws intimidate individuals from exposing
wrongdoing by public officials and do not belong in democracies," they said.
- ZimOnline

SA churches attack Zimbabwe Electoral CommissionTue 22
March 2005 JOHANNESBURG - The South African Council of Churches (SACC)
has expressed disappointment over the absence of an independent electoral
commission to oversee next week's election in Zimbabwe.

SACC
envoy to Zimbabwe and Anglican Bishop of KwaZulu-Natal Rubin Phillip, who
visited the country recently, said there was a sense of hopelessness among
the ordinary people that the election will be free and fair as to usher in
political change.

"We need to have an independent electoral
commission. The one that is in place is terribly biased. It is not
impartial, nor inclusive and it is certainly not independent.

"Furthermore the airwaves need to be opened up. I think if we had at least
those two things, we would have made a reasonable start," said the
bishop.

Critics say the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission, in
charge of elections, lacks independence as its commissioners were appointed
by President Robert Mugabe. The church, regarded as society's voice of
conscience, has been at the forefront in criticising Mugabe's human rights
abuses in Zimbabwe.

The church leader expressed disappointment
that Harare continued to use food aid as a political weapon ahead of the
election. The main opposition Movement for Democratic Change party accuses
Mugabe of denying food aid to its supporters, charges the Zimbabwean leader
denies. - ZimOnline

By Os MorokaLast updated: 03/22/2005
09:48:57JOHANNESBURG: One man I would never want to be is my dear old
friend, Simon Khaya Moyo, whose business address is listed as the Zimbabwean
High Commissioner in Pretoria.

A previously respectable but largely
docile fellow, SK is the only ambassador in SA whose positions can be
described as sitting between the devil and the deep sea, meshed between a
rock and a very hard place.

Not very long ago SK would strut his figure
up and down the streets of Pretoria, enjoying the freedom of the city and
its first world shopping malls.

But nowadays SK is serving some sort
of house arrest. He can't go out of the embassy as he fears the constant
pickets and demonstrations by civic society groups and the Congress of South
African Trade Unions. The pickets have created a fresh problem for SK and he
just doesn't have the answers that can make it go away.

Being the
ambassador of a troubled nation in a country with a vibrant, no-hold-barred
type of media creates problems in that they ask unpleasant questions that
are not "patriotic", in the Mugabeian sense.

Not very long ago, SK would
grant interviews trying to convince the local media that Zimbabwe is
Africa's model of democracy and the land seizures were just what every
African country had to do if it was to beat poverty and empower its people.
It was quite easy to fool some then because there was nothing to see, only
confusing and often misleading reports that can bring turmoil into any
normal brain set-up.

But the latest installment in SK's heap of troubles
is the demonstrations that are occurring weekly in-front of the Zimbabwe
embassy in Pretoria. The venue of the game has changed; and so has the rules
of reporting and commenting on it. For SK it was easy to deny chaos in the
land reform exercise as no SA journalists dared risk their heads in going to
"see for themselves" as Professor Jonathan Moyo would say in his heydays as
defender of the throne.

This time the SA media is seeing things for
themselves, covering the demonstrations and bringing it out on the
front-page the following day.But desperate as SK has become, he has resorted
to issuing press statements denying the very demos that make the front-page
photo and story.

According to SK and The Bulawayo Chronicle and the
People's Voice (which are the only rags that swallow SK's statements), the
demos are a just a storm in a tea cup.

But to Zimbabweans here,
Zimbabwe's ambassador is an unpatriotic coward who runs away, bolts the
entrance to the embassy, draws up the shutters and calls the South African
Police Services each time demonstrators want to hand him a
petition.

Like Paul Mangwana, SK has run out of words to say beyond
stating the obvious about Zimbabwe not being a province of SA. Most
Zimbabweans know that Zimbabwe does not have a boundary dispute with COSATU,
which is not even a country but a mere trade union. They know it is about
the way SK's boss Robert Mugabe has been running the country into the ground
and converting it into a nation of malnourished, diseased paupers presided
over by pot-bellied 54-room-mansion owners spotting perfume-loving wives who
are less than half their own ages. Call it the abuse of minors, and please
report it to the Women's League.

But defending the indefensible,
seeing success where even the blind can sees failure and denying border
demonstrations when border jumpers can testify to them is a tall order for
SK. To save face, SK has come up with the press releases which unfortunately
have no takers around here.

I sympathize fully with him; for I know how
much of a nuisance some journalists can be whenever the Zimbabwe debate
crops up. So its OK, SK, churn out press releases feed them your own line
and make sure you are not in office when they call for
clarifications.

But SK's problem is not the negative SA media as he often
puts it. It has more to do with his shifty bosses in Harare. I am sure SK
would not have to be forced to stand up to 'nonsensical questions' if his
masters were not being nonsensical in the first place. Long used to the
parroty, kowtowy interview styles of ZANU PF's public relations officers
masquerading as journalists at Zimpapers and the Zimbabwe Broadcasting
Holdings (ZBH), SK finds the SA media most "unAfrican", so "unpatriotic" and
"counter-revolutionary".

As a result any interview sounds like a
horrid interrogation at the Mhondoro CIO torture chambers. But his problems
are a result of the policies and the actions of his masters in Harare. The
media cannot create problems for Zimbabwe. They can only report the good and
bad policies of the sovereign government in Harare. And as a cadre SK has to
stand up to all of it, good, bad and promising. But he has failed; there is
no better way to put it.

But SK in not new in the business of not putting
his words where his mouth is for he does have a long history of failure,
deceit and unfulfilled promises back at home.

Apart from being a
persistent bootlicker of President Mugabe, there is no other reason why SK
would still be in Pretoria. He also loves gravy and like his boss, he
doesn't want out of the gravy train. Till death do them apart.In life we
assume nasty roles for various reasons, which only psychologists can
explain. Some reputations are conceived in optimism, born of hope and fed by
expectation, but a realistic SK would have long ago seen that there was no
hope in ZANU PF, so much that to have expectations that the party can
deliver a better Zimbabwe after all the damage done would have sounded like
the thought of a honey-gatherer somewhere south of planet Mars.

I do
envy SK's freedom when so many of his ZANU PF bosses are home-stuck, but I
don't envy his peril. For the gravy, he has shredded his reputation as he
would rather keep on peddling naked lies rather than face life as an
unsuccessful communal farmer in Madlambudzi if Mugabe loses power.The
tattered reputation of Zimbabwe has become SK's identity in SA. Being the
only ambassador whose business can be disrupted without notice by his own
hungry, jobless citizens does not endear him very much to other diplomats,
which explains why all of them are giving the Zimbabwe Embassy and its
residents a wide, sanitary berth.

The only visitors still trickling into
SK's diplomatic quarter are some Pink-faced fellows from a very big but
still overpopulated country east of India. They call with enquiries about
possible joint ventures or take-alls in construction projects. Smart
fellows, these Mandarins,(if you ignore the Zhing-Zhongs). They can see that
a once proud Southern African country has been placed in self-destruct mode
by its government, and they see the need for re-construction in the near
future.

They know the government does not have money but the reason for
their interest is that they know it can mortgage crucial resources and
infrastructure in build, operate and transfer deals which usually translate
to winner-takes-all arrangement when one is dealing with Chinesse Triads and
the Mafia from Malaysia.

SK's communication predicament in Pretoria
has on several occasions been worsened by ZANU PF's lack of coherent policy
when changing old official positions and coming up with new ones. ZANU PF
leaders, especially Robert Mugabe, have often shifted official positions
without informing SK when they know the barrage of unpopular questions he
faces after every Mugabe utterance. I called a ministerial friend the other
day and he is also very sorry for SK.

Fine examples of sudden shifts
abound. Most famous were the SK press releases telling the world just how
silly it was of Bulawayo mayor Japhet Ndabeni Ncube to suggest that hunger
was still killing people in the city three years after the successful
conclusion of the all-empowering land reform exercise. He parroted the
official line that Zimbabwe was expecting a great harvest of 2.4 million
metric tonnes of maize!

Just as the ink had not dried on the statement
proclaiming a glorious harvest, the whole ZANU PF presidium shifted, this
time acknowledging the hunger crisis and the need to import to feed 1.5
million people although aid agencies say 4.8 million Zimbabweans need food
aid right now.

Egg in face, Simon! Can we have a press release on
this, SK?

Dismal failure has been the password for SK, and things will
certainly get worse.

How do you go about denying a hunger crisis in
Zimbabwe, that the health system is all but dead, government has invited
long-timers in demo-crush to observe the end of elections, that militias
rape people when some can produce babies as evidence of the sex-shops at the
militia camps? How can one say all is well in Zimbabwe when 2000 nationals
every month make the perilous Limpopo River crossing into South Africa just
to escape hunger and political violence? Just how poor SK?Contact the
writer: osnkala@coolgoose.ac

[ This report does not necessarily reflect the views
of the United Nations]

John Sawyer (pictured right) takes a tour of the
farmland in central Nigeria allocated to him and other Zimbabwean
farmers

SHONGA, 22 Mar 2005 (IRIN) - On a
steamy day in central Nigeria, four white Zimbabwean farmers who were kicked off
their land back home, are carving out a new future -- mapping out fields,
building houses and drilling boreholes.

They may have moved north of the
Equator and more than 4,000 km from Zimbabwe but farming is familiar
territory.

"We are very happy to have this place. The land is rich," said
farmer John Sawyer, pointing to the dark soil of the land that runs alongside
the River Niger near the town of Shonga.

Sawyer and his three companions
were chased off their farms in Zimbabwe by machete-wielding supporters of
President Robert Mugabe, who has made land redistribution one of the tenets of
his increasingly-criticised rule.

Many white farmers, despairing of ever
getting their homesteads back, have quit farming and headed for a better life in
Australia or New Zealand. Others have opted to start afresh in other Southern
African countries like Zambia and Mozambique. But Sawyer and his cohorts are the
first to venture so far north and west.

Their destination: Kwara State,
Nigeria, where the local governor has allocated some 16,000 hectares to 15
Zimbabwean farmers on a 25-year lease.

Sawyer and three colleagues are
the advance party, with the others set to follow later in the year along with
their families, 50 black Zimbabwean farmhands and 2,000 cattle. They will run
dairy farms and grow maize, rice and soybeans.

Authorities and farmers
alike are bent on avoiding tensions between the newcomers and local
Nigerians.

"We recommended them to be settlers not as sole proprietors of
land," Agriculture Minister Adamu Bello told state-owned Radio Nigeria. "We want
to benefit from their wealth of knowledge but we would not allow anybody to
become lords over our people."

Training centre

Alongside the 15
Zimbabwean farms, there will be a 16th farm which will act as a
government-funded training centre, where Zimbabwean farmers will teach Nigeria's
largely-subsistence farmers the techniques of modern mass-scale
farming.

"I think the project will be very successful and we hope to
impart our knowledge to help the Nigerian local farmer," Sawyer told
IRIN.

Kwara State Governor Busola Saraki has said he also expects the
farmers to generate jobs for local people and help boost Nigeria's agricultural
production.

Some officials have talked about the area becoming the
breadbasket of West Africa, pumping out crops of maize, rice and soybeans. Prior
to independence and before oil warped Nigeria's economy, the country's fertile
soils provided the nations wealth.

The Zimbabwean farmers have the
credentials to bring about that change. Aid workers blame current food shortages
in Zimbabwe on their eviction from farms that once fed much of the surrounding
region and whose produce was exported worldwide.

Among the 8,000 or so
residents of Shonga, hopes are equally high. The immediate expectations are for
jobs and improved earnings.

"We are willing to leave our farms to go and
work for them for a monthly wage," said Idris Hassan, a subsistence farmer
working small plots as is the practice in most of Nigeria. He wants to learn
about the latest farming equipment and methods by working for the
Zimbabweans.

The incoming farmers have said they hope to employ hundreds
of local Nigerians, but have avoided setting a specific target.

Aside
from the direct knock-on effect of employment, Shonga residents also hope the
arrival of the Zimbabweans will focus national government efforts on an
improvement in basic infrastructure and services.

"We've not been making
money from our farms mainly because of the difficulties we face transporting our
produce to town," he explained.

Poor roads, no electricity, scarce
water

The only paved road in Shonga is the one that runs from the state
capital, Ilorin, but it is in poor shape and has collapsed in some places.

The town, which lies 400 kilometres north of Nigeria's de facto capital
Lagos, has been without electricity for the last decade since a previous
government agricultural project collapsed. People rely on streams and a
scattering of boreholes for drinking water.

"We expect that this project will bring development to the
villagers," he told IRIN.

But the precedents are not encouraging. A previous government attempt to
spur development --- the construction of the Bacita Sugar Factory in the late
1970s -- collapsed after it became embroiled in massive corruption and
mismanagement scandals.

"Bacita was a big disappointment to our people,"
said Yahaya. "I hope this time the vision of the government is not thwarted by
corrupt people."

And many people have their doubts about the whole
Zimbabwean farming endeavour. Tayo Olagoke, a businessman who hails from Shonga
but now lives in Lagos, believes that Nigerians could do the work of the
foreigners, given the right support from the government.

"With this move
to bring white farmers, the government is making us look stupid," Olagoke told
IRIN. "If the roads were good and I was able to raise soft loans to acquire
tractors and other equipment, I wouldn't have gone to Lagos in search of better
fortunes."

He predicted that discontent would bubble up quickly in Shonga
if the local people's earnings from the Zimbabwean farms did not meet their
expectations.

Discontent on the horizon?

Already not everyone is
jumping on the Zimbabwe farming bandwagon. Some residents in Shonga, fearful
that the foreigners will become landlords, have petitioned the federal
government in Abuja about the project.

The Fulani nomads, who are used
to freely grazing their cattle on the land that has been assigned to the
Zimbabweans, are also a potential problem area.

Fulani herder leads cattle to graze on the farmland
allocated to the Zimbabwe farmers

Kwara State
government spokesman Mohammed Kanga acknowledged the Zimbabwean farmers have
already expressed concern about the presence of the nomads. "We have held a
series of meetings with the Fulani chiefs and they have promised not to tread on
the farmlands as long as they are provided an area where their cattle can
graze," he said.

Even the law under which the land was assigned is
controversial. The 1978 Land Use Act was passed as a military decree by
Obasanjo, who was then a military and not democratically-elected ruler, and
gives all power over Nigerian land to the state government.

Under the law
any piece of land required by the government can be acquired. Compensation is
paid for crops or buildings that are razed, but not for the use of the land
itself.

To date, the law has been used most in the southern Niger Delta
oil region of Nigeria to the bitter opposition of the inhabitants.

The
law has remained a major source of friction between locals and oil
multinationals operating on delta land, and some analysts fear that similar
friction may occur in the central region where the Zimbabwean farmers have been
given land.

"If all goes well all the aims outlined by the government in
inviting the white farmers may be achieved," Val Okeke, a real estate lawyer,
told IRIN. "But there is a worst case scenario, where their presence might breed
discontent and the unrest of the oil region is replicated around
Shonga."

Daily life in Zimbabwe throws up some
bizarre stories, but few as odd as the one doing the rounds this week concerning
the Zimbabwe Cricket Union's new logo.

Introduced in November as part of a
brand re-launch, the new logo has apparently attracted the attention of the
government's infamous Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) who, so the
reports go, held an investigation into a possible hidden agenda.

The logo appears harmless at first
glance, featuring three stumps, a white line (representing a boundary line) on a
green background, and a cricket ball. But that innocence was lost on the CIO
which saw more in the emblem than most. Instead of three stumps, it saw a letter
M; the cricket ball became a D; and the boundary line became a C. That spelt out
the initials of the Movement for Democratic Change, Zimbabwe's major opposition
party.

A source close to the ZCU told
Cricinfo that the matter had been raised at a board meeting although that was
categorically denied by Lovemore Banda, the ZCU's media manager. It is
inconceivable that the ZCU (patron, Robert Mugabe) would in any way be linked
with such a potentially embarrassing situation. It is probably more an
indication of how paranoid the authorities have become about anyone opposing the
government.

But the incident has a darker side. A
former Zimbabwe Cricket employee told Cricinfo how he was nearly beaten up by
ruling ZANU PF supporters when he was spotted wearing a Zimbabwe one-day replica
shirt with the new logo. The supporters asked him why he was wearing an MDC
T-shirt and he had to do some fast-talking to avoid being attacked. He said that
the situation was inflamed by the colour of the T-shirt. Red is synonymous with
the MDC.

THE High Court is expected today to
hear an application by MDC legislator for Gweru Rural Renson Gasela, who is
seeking the disqualification of his Zanu PF rival Josphat Madubeko in the
March 31 parliamentary polls. Gasela wants Madubeko - a headman -
disqualified on the grounds that he could not stand for elections in terms
of the Traditional Leaders Act.Nicholas Mathonsi, Gasela's lawyer said
yesterday the case was initially to be heard by Justice Maphios Cheda, but
was later transferred to Justice Nicholas Ndou."It will be heard
tomorrow," said Mathonsi. Gasela filed the High Court application after the
Electoral Court declined to hear it.

THE Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) chairman, Justice George Chiweshe and commissioners, have
embarked on a tour of all the country's provinces to assess the preparedness
of the commission for the March 31 general election.In a statement
yesterday, ZEC said the commissioners began their visits on Monday and would
meet all provincial elections committees throughout the country and also
assess the progressof voter educationthat started on March
14.According to the statement, the commissioners will visit the provinces
and meet with provincial elections committees throughout the country to
discuss the preparations. The visits will be completed on March 28.The
commissioners are also expected to get a feel of the political atmosphere
during campaigns by competing political parties and individuals that were
now in full swing.However, ZEC said they were happy with the prevailing
political atmosphere.It said: "So far the commission has noted that
campaigning is peaceful throughout the country."This is commendable and
ZEC hopes this peaceful atmosphere will prevail through this period of
campaigning as well as during and after polling."

Zanu PF Harare ZANU PF held six rallies in Harare and
Chitungwiza over the weekend. In Chitungwiza, the meetings took place at
Zengeza 4 Crèche and Seke Unit 'A' Creche and were addressed by Christopher
Chigumba and Brighton Marongwe, candidates for the Zengeza and Chitungwiza
constituencies respectively.Harare Central candidate, Florence Chideya,
addressed a meeting at Divaris Shopping Centre and Hubert Nyanhongo, Harare
South candidate, addressed a meeting at Sunningdale Open Ground.Mary
Chatibura, the Zanu PF Harare Provincial Women's League chairperson,
addressed a meeting held at Mai Musodzi Hall in Mbare and Francis Muchada,
candidate for Dzivaresekwa, addressed a meeting at Dzivaresekwa 2 Community
Hall.Zanu PF also held a meeting at Muguta Secondary School in Epworth
yesterday. The party's aspiring candidate for the constituency, Amos Midzi,
addressed the meeting. In his address Midzi urged the electorate to vote for
the ruling party in the forthcoming parliamentary elections. He promised
that he would initiate a number of projects to benefit the majority in the
area.Mashonaland EastZanu PF held a rally in the province on Monday at
Nyamuzuwe Mission in Mutoko North constituency addressed by vice president
Joyce Mujuru.Mujuru was campaigning for Mutoko North candidate David
Chapfika and Mutoko South's Olivia Muchena.She urged people to embark on
self-help projects to supplement government's assistance.She also said
women should participate in the country's economic growth and encouraged
them to be involved in much cross border trading. She said stories were
abound that some women cross border traders were involved in extra-marital
affairs on trips to Botswana and South Africa, leading to
divorces.BulawayoA series of meetings were held in Bulawayo over the
weekend. Vice president Joseph Msika addressed two meetings at Masotsha
Secondary School and Emganwini Esihlahleni.Absolom Sikhosana, candidate
for Nkulumane, held three meetings in the constituency at Amaveni Primary
School, Yellow House and Queen Elizabeth School.Sikhanyiso Ndlovu,
candidate for Mpopoma-Pelandaba, addressed a meeting at Induba Primary
School.Nine MDC youths renounced their membership at the Masotsha Secondary
School meeting.MidlandsTwo campaign rallies were held at Chitombo
Secondary School and Mataga Growth Point. At Gokwe Sengwa, President Robert
Mugabe addressed the meeting.At Mataga Growth Point, President Mugabe
and Emmerson Mnangagwa, the Zanu PF candidate for Kwekwe constituency,
addressed the meeting.President Mugabe donated 50 computers to secondary
schools in Gokwe Sengwa, Mberengwa East and West, Chirumhanzu, Gweru Rural
and Shurugwi constituencies.Matabeleland NorthTwo Zanu PF campaign
meetings were held in the province over the weekend.Spiwe Mapfuwa, the
candidate for Hwange West, held a meeting at Nengasha Stadium. William
Munsaka, Binga Centre vice chairman and Linda Makinzi, women's league
chairperson for Binga Centre, addressed a meeting at Binga council
chambers.MDCMidlandsThe MDC held five campaign meetings in the
province at Murime, Chenhungure, Mbizo 7 Ground, Munyati Power Station and
Gafa Grounds, Mtapa.Simon Dick, MDC candidate for Zvishavane, addressed the
meeting at Chenhungure Business Centre. Blessing Chebundo who is standing
for election in Kwekwe and candidates for Gokwe Sengwa, Kadoma and Sanyati
addressed a meeting at Mbizo 7 Ground.Lyson Mlambo, MDC Midlands South
provincial chairman and Renson Gasela, Gweru rural constituency candidate
addressed a meeting at Gafa Grounds.Mashonaland EastFour meetings were
held in the province over the weekend at Gonami, Mverechena, Tamutsa and
Arcturus Mine.Hatinahama Madyembwa, MDC Chikomba district chairman addressed
the meeting at Gonami.Job Sikhala, candidate for St Mary's, addressed
the meetings at Mverechena and Arcturus Mine.Mashonaland WestMDC
held rallies in both Guruve North and South last weekend.In Guruve South,
the rally was held at Mudhindo Shopping Centre while in Guruve North it was
held at Kachuta Shopping Centre.The candidate for Guruve North, Alan
McCormick, centred mainly on the party's manifesto. He criticised the
government for politicising food in the area and promised the people that he
would provide food if he was elected into ppwer.HarareThe MDC held
two rallies at Corner Store Shopping Centre and Domboramwari grounds in
Hatfield/Epworth constituency at the weekend. The outgoing MP for the
constituency Tapiwa Mashakada and Kuwadzana MP Nelson Chamisa addressed the
rallies.In his address Mashakada spelt out the party's manifesto and urged
the people to vote for the MDC for development in the
area.New Ziana

MEDIA ENVIRONMENT AND THE 2005 ELECTION (Zimbabwe)MMPZ Special Report on
Quality of Access to national public broadcastingstations between ZANU PF
and MDC: February 26th - March 17th 2005

March 20 2005

A
participatory democracy depends upon the electorate being able to
makeinformed choices about who they wish to vote for. Media diversity
isinstrumental in providing this information. But in Zimbabwe where 60% of
thepeople in the rural areas depend upon radio for information, all
theelectronic media are government-controlled.* This situation has
remained, despite the fact that the Supreme Courtruled as unconstitutional
the monopoly of the airwaves enjoyed by thenational public broadcasting
corporation (now known as ZBH) five years ago.* No other broadcasting entity
has been allowed in Zimbabwe sincethen.* ZBH has been used as a
propaganda tool for the ruling party in thelast two national elections (2000
and 2002) and the referendum before that.* This situation persists today and
only very limited access has beengranted to the political opposition (see
detailed study of airtimeallocation below).

The SADC guidelines
state that all political parties should be given equalaccess to the
electronic media; Zimbabwe's regulations state that theyshould be given
"equal opportunities" to access the public media with regardto the broadcast
of election matter. Zimbabwe's regulations also state thatnews coverage of
political parties during an election should be fair,balanced, accurate and
complete.

In regard to both these regulations the situation is being
severelydistorted:While all the main political parties have been granted
12 minutes each topresent their manifestoes (on ZTV), the presenter
misinformed the publicabout the broadcast time for the MDC manifesto. The TV
station stated thatan independent candidate would present his manifesto at a
certain time (1/3)but then broadcast the MDC manifesto. As a result, those
wishing to hearwhat the MDC's policies were missed the
presentation.

With regard to election programmes relating to interviews
and discussionprogrammes aired by the national public broadcaster, these
have been used toattack the opposition MDC, which has not been given a fair
chance to respondto allegations made by the panelists. In one instance the
transmission of aninterview with a senior MDC official was suddenly lost to
Bulawayo(Zimbabwe's second city) and severely compromised in other main
centres ofthe country, including Mutare. The ruling party has only appeared
once insuch discussion programmes and interviews compared to two times for
the MDC.

News bulletins are heavily dominated by favourable coverage of
ZANU PFcampaign activities, while the MDC receive brief and inadequate
reports,albeit generally neutral. Coverage of the ruling party activities
frequentlyincludes disparaging attacks against the MDC, which is not given
the rightof reply.

Coverage of ZANU PF and MDC on ZBH

The
coverage of the country's two main political parties on the
nationalbroadcaster, ZBH, since the election period begun on February 26th
tillMarch 17th was heavily tilted in favour of ZANU PF.Apart from giving
both ZANU PF and the MDC 12 minutes each to air theirpolicies to the
electorate, the broadcaster's news coverage of the twoparties has favoured
ZANU PF.For instance, of 142 reports on the broadcaster (ZTV, Power FM and
RadioZimbabwe) carried on the two parties' campaigns, 116 (82%) were on ZANU
PF,while the remaining 26 (18%) were on the MDC.All reports on ZANU PF
were positive pieces about the ruling party. Whilereports on the MDC were
largely neutral, the party was denigrated in almostall the reports on ZANU
PF campaigns.

Fig. 1 ZANU PF and MDC campaign stories on
ZBH

The broadcaster's bias was also reflected in the time
allocated to the twoparties. Of the 2 hours and 22 minutes allocated to the
two parties on ZTV'smain 8pm bulletins 2 hours and four minutes (87%)
minutes were devoted toZANU PF campaign events while only 18 minutes was
allocated to the MDC.

The lack of balance on ZBH's coverage of
the two parties' activities wasclearly illustrated by the manner the
broadcaster handled the launch oftheir election campaigns.When ZANU PF
launched its campaign on February 11, ZTV and Spot FM (11/2)changed their
mid-morning programming to accommodate four hours of livecoverage of the
ruling party's event. On the same day ZTV allocated 18minutes of its 8pm
bulletin to the event. In addition, ZTV devoted 13minutes 15 seconds in its
subsequent evening news bulletins of February 12and 13 to the ruling party's
campaign launch.ZTV also carried 30-minute repeats of the event after its
main bulletin onFriday (11/2) and on Sunday morning.Spot FM & Power
FM adopted a similar trend. These stations each carried tworeports of the
launch on February 11. They then carried six reports of theevent on February
12 and 13.Similarly, Radio Zimbabwe carried 10 stories on the launch between
February11th and February 13th.By comparison, the national broadcaster
allocated 2 minutes 35 seconds tothe MDC's election launch on ZTV's main
news bulletin of February 20, theday of the event.Unlike ZANU PF's
launch, no other reports of the event were carried in ZBH'ssubsequent news
bulletins.Spot FM, Power FM and Radio Zimbabwe carried a single story each
on the MDClaunch in their main news bulletins on February 20.Power FM
and Spot FM carried a repeat of the report the following
morning.

Election programmesAlthough ZTV has so far granted the MDC 1
hour and 30 minutes to feature inits interviews and discussion programmes,
the time has been mainly used totry to embarrass and discredit the policies
of the MDC. MDC officials weregiven inadequate time to express themselves as
the panelists keptinterjecting.Notably, the first discussion programme
carried on ZTV and featuring theMDC's secretary for economic affairs, Tendai
Biti, was only clearlytransmitted in Harare and Masvingo after transmission
was lost in Bulawayoand other southern districts immediately before the
programme. Transmedia,the government-controlled signal carrier company, has
never explained thisunprecedented break in transmission - or the severe
interference the ZBHsignal suffered from in Mutare and other parts of the
country, effectivelyobliterating the debate.In contrast, ZANU PF was
treated differently in the 30-minute slot allocatedto them so far. The
ruling party official was given time to respond toquestions with minimal
interjections. In addition, the programme was mainlyused to give the ruling
party a platform to discredit MDC's policies and notto discuss ZANU PF's
manifesto.

AdvertisingAll election advertisements that have been
broadcast so far on ZTV are fromZANU PF. These are carried mainly before the
news, during newsbreaks andafter all bulletins.Other parties have yet to
advertise on ZTV. It is not clear whether theyhave chosen not to buy
airtime, or because the prohibitive cost of buyingadvertising space has put
advertising beyond the reach of the opposition.The trend is slightly
different on ZBH's radio stations. Although ZANU PFalso dominates
advertising time, MDC advertisements have been featured onPower FM and Radio
Zimbabwe. However, the adverts were generally fewer thanthose of the ruling
party.

MusicWhile other parties can only air their policies through
buying advertisingspace, ZANU PF has the opportunity to sell its policies
and vilify the MDCthrough songs that are incessantly played across all ZBH's
radio stations.Most prominent is ZANU PF National Commissar Elliot Manyika's
campaignalbum, whose song, Mbiri Yechigandanga, is on Power FM's Top 40
songs.The video of the song, which celebrates ZANU PF's liberation
strugglecredentials - the party's campaign theme - has also been played on
ZTV'smusical programme, Ezomgido.

Other programmesZBH has also
used its current affairs programmes to amplify ZANU PF'spolicies. For
instance, ZTV's Media Watch has given a platform to pro-ZANUPF analysts,
such as the government-appointed Media and InformationCommission chairman,
Dr.Tafataona Mahoso, to defend the policies of theruling party while
disparaging the MDC. The MDC has never been given theopportunity to defend
itself in the programme.The station also carries a 30-minute New Ziana
programme on the liberationstruggle every Sunday evening. Like Manyika's
songs, the programme glorifiesZANU PF's liberation war record, which the
party is using in its campaigns.Radio Zimbabwe and Spot FM also have similar
programmes.

Clearly, ZBH is not living up to the spirit and letter of the
SADCguidelines relating to equal access to the electronic media; nor is
itcomplying with government regulations relating to fair and balanced
coverageto the main contesting partiesEnds.

THE Zimbabwe Electoral
Commission (ZEC) has appealed to the Supreme Court to overturn a High Court
judgment granting Chimanimani lawmaker Roy Bennett the right to contest next
week's general elections.Zimbabwe is due to hold its sixth parliamentary
polls on March 31 2005, widely believed to be a two-horse race between the
governing Zanu PF and MDC.Through their lawyer, George Chikumbirike, ZEC
is seeking an order: "that the judgment of the Electoral Court handed down
on March 15 2005 be and is hereby set aside. That the Election for the
Chimanimani constituency proceeds on the March 31 as already set down by
Presidential Proclamation. The first respondent pays costs of suit in this
court and in the Electoral Court."The applicants in the matter are
Justice George Chiweshe and the Chimanimani constituency elections officer
while presiding Judge of the Electoral Court Tendai Uchena and Bennett are
cited as respondents.All, except Bennett, will appear in their official
capacity.On March 15 2005, Uchena ruled that Bennett was eligible to stand
as an MP in Chimanimani setting aside a decision by the Nomination Court to
the contrary.The judge also moved the Chimanimani polls from March 31 to
April 30 and set April 4 as the nomination date for aspiring
candidates.Last week, President Robert Mugabe criticised Uchena's judgment
as "madness." Prominent Harare lawyer Beatrice Mtetwa of Kantor and
Immerman is representing Bennett.

Zimbabwe's general election comes at a time of
unprecedented political andeconomic crisis. With the opposition violently
suppressed, it is verylikely that the government of Robert Mugabe will once
again rig the March31 poll. In the early years after its independence,
Zimbabwe, with its vastwealth of minerals and rich farmland, seemed poised
to be an Africansuccess story. Today it is one of the most rapidly
deteriorating countriesin Africa. How did that happen? According to Craig
Richardson, PresidentRobert Mugabe's decision to seize commercial farmland
in 2000 sent thecountry on a downward spiral, with foreign investors
fleeing, unemploymentskyrocketing, life expectancies dropping, and inflation
reaching 500percent. Please join us for a discussion of a book that Hernando
de Sotocalled "crucially important. [in] letting us know how badly the
ignoranceof the role of property rights in development can hurt a
nation."

Cato book forums and luncheons are free of charge.

To
register for this event, please fill out the form below and click submitor
email events@cato.org, fax (202) 371-0841,
or call (202) 789-5229 by12:00 PM, Friday, March 25, 2005.

Please
arrive early. Seating is limited and not guaranteed. News mediainquiries
only (no registrations), please call (202) 789-5200. If you can'tmake it to
the Cato Institute, watch this forum live online.

I have been following the various correspondence between some
readers andTesco and would like to propose the following.

Tesco's,
like Massey Ferguson, will not give a straight answer and theironly concern
is making profit by offering customers a choice of productrange. The
solution is quite simple; when you shop at Tesco do not buy ANYproduce that
is grown in Zimbabwe and put a small but visible note on theZimbabwe product
range that reads " This product is grown on farms thathave been stolen from
the legitimate owners by the Robert Mugabe Regime ".

The shops are so big
no one will see you placing the note and you are notreally committing as big
a crime as the original thieves and the publicneed to be made aware of the
situation in any case. I guarantee the saleswill plummet to such an extent
they will have to reconsider their positionon sourcing illegally procured
product.

Try this and see the reaction as I am confident it will have the
desiredeffect and before you know it the papers will pick it up and you get
freeadvertising and highlight the unethical practises that most of the
Britishconglomerates practise. Traffic2000@btinternet.com

Traffic
Wild

---------------------------------------------------------------------------THE
JAG TEAM

The EventWEZIMBABWE launches ZIMArts, a
variety showcase which reveals the breathtaking range of contemporary
Zimbabwean performing arts. Forming part of the Southbank Africa Remix
programme, ZIMArts is a focal point for entertainers and audiences alike, a
place to meet and grow and a chance to rekindle the fires of Zimbabwean
goodwill and celebrate its flavours.

The PerformersThe
programme has been carefully chosen to highlight various Zimbabwean artistic
forms; from traditional instruments such as the Marimba and Mbira, to the
more contemporary sounds of Kwaito and Rock. You will be enchanted by the
vitality of the dancer Anna Mudeka; you'll be moved by the deep soul and
charisma of Afro Jazz act Paul Lunga and have your spirits lifted by the
fusion afro-folk music of KYO Tribe. Rock Group Mann Friday will play a set
of their beloved songs including their forthcoming single, '15 Minutes of
Shame.' Kwaito collective Mangesto will then bump it up with Kwaito beats
and urban dance moves. The ZIMArts team have other surprises in store, such
as an MC, and celebrity appearances, all adding up to a truly unforgettable
evening.

We ZimbabweWEZIMBABWE is a charitable
organisation, run by Zimbabweans for Zimbabweans. We work regionally,
nationally and internationally to ensure dignity, respect, unity and
prosperity for the Zimbabwean people and Zimbabwe as a nation. We support
community projects in Zimbabwe.

In February 2002, rock band Mann
Friday retreated into the African wilderness to record their debut album,
the Orchard. Born out of life on the Continent, the songs inspired a show,
and Mann Friday performed Zimbabwe Ruins for the first time at the
Grahamstown National Arts Festival in July 2002. Encouraged by its success,
the band made a decision to bring Zimbabwe Ruins to the Edinburgh Fringe
Festival in 2003 and relocate to the UK. The hour-long rock musical
narrative attracted significant media attention in its opening week in
Edinburgh, including full features run by both The Times and The Scotsman.
The band continues to build on its already strong fan base and are currently
playing their particular brand of 'rock with a conscience' on the UK gig
circuit. Their forthcoming single, '15 Minutes of Shame' has left their
audiences begging for more. (www.mannfriday.com)

Paul
Lunga

In Zimbabwe, Paul Lunga is known as the undisputed "king of
jazz horns". Born and raised in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe, Paul developed a
lifelong passion for jazz music. He began as a percussionist in the 2nd
grade, and he progressed to a trumpeter after his high school music teacher
discovered his raw talent. Later, he joined the All-Stars Jazz Band and
studied under David Charles Gambe. Finally, he mastered his trumpeting
skills after completing a home study course with the Royal School of Music
in England where he also learned how to read and compose formal music. In
1990, after putting his children through college, Paul decided to begin a
professional career as an Afro Jazz performer and form his own band named
"Jazz Impacto". Shortly after, Paul made a name for himself as a "jazz
great" in Zimbabwe. Paul has played live performances in Zimbabwe, Botswana,
Portugal, England, Germany, France, the Netherlands, and the USA. In between
performing internationally, Paul found time to compose and record his first
album titled "Zimbabwe Jive", which was released by Phaphama Promotions and
has sold over 70,000 copies. After having an album that did so well in
Zimbabwe, Paul was inspired to record his second album titled "Ketchup",
which he released on July 12, 2002 at the 2002 Zimbabwean Music Festival at
the world famous Seattle Center. (www.paullunga.com)

Kyo
Tribe

Kyo Tribe are no strangers to the Zimfest stage. The Kyo
Tribe phenomenon continues to dissolve musical boundaries across the United
Kingdom. Their eclectic blend of Afro-Soul meets nu jazz, is leaving
audiences spellbound.You will hear the mystic Zimbabwean Mbira, Flamenco
inspired acoustic guitar riffs, sleek Rhodes piano, masterful percussion
& a storming drum kit section - all interlaced with sumptuous bass-lines
and moving vocals sung by new sensation, Debbie Rivett. The KYO TRIBE sound
is new. It's fresh and naturally stylish. It is the grand epitome of a new
generation of young live musicians who aren't following trends but defining
groundbreaking genres altogether. At the moment, they are hot on the
performance circuit, playing regularly at festivals and venues across the
UK. "What we are doing is creating a sound that is representative of a
global village". Call it what you like - World, Rock, Jazz, the fact remains
that KYO are a band that deliver riveting performances. (www.kyotribe.com)

Anna
Mudeka

Anna Mudeka has been a professional singer, dancer,
drummer, and Mbira player since the age of fourteen. She has toured Japan
with {the late} Ephat Mujuru one of Africa's best-known and respected Mbira
players. Anna was also a member of Thomas Mapfumo's Blacks Unlimited. She
has worked and performed with a number of well known Zimbabwean musicians
such as Chartwell Dutiro, Wedzerai Zvirevo, Torera Mpedzisi and many others.
In Zimbabwe she is best known for her energetic dance performances with
Thomas Mapfumo and with Idwala Elikhulu a fifteen-piece dance group. Since
coming to the U.K. in '95 she has assembled the group BabaSimba to perform
both traditional and original modern Zimbabwean
music.

Mangesto

Mangesto, 23, grew up in
Bulawayo's high density suburb of Luveve but has recently completed a Maths
degree at Bolton University, Manchester. He was hooked on kwaito from a
young age and was inspired by M'du and other kwaito greats leading to him
producing and writing the songs on the album Ezami (My Own). Mangesto has
received early endorsement from triple-platinum-selling South African kwaito
star Mzekezeke and top DJ Ezra Tshisa Sibanda. Already he has backed
established artists like Mzekezeke, Mafikizolo and M'du on their UK tours
and performed solo shows in Manchester and Leeds. (www.mangesto.co.uk)