Cabinda (also spelled Kabinda, formerly Portuguese Congo, known locally as Tchiowa) is an Cabinda. The province is divided into four municipalities—Belize, Buco Zau, Cabinda and Landana.

Modern Cabinda is the result of a fusion of three kingdoms: N'Goyo, Loango and Kakongo. It has an area of 7,270 km2 (2,810 sq mi) and a population of 688,285 (2014 census). According to 1988 United States governmentstatistics, the total population of the province was 147,200, with a near even split between total rural and urban populations.[1] At one point an estimated one third of Cabindans were refugees living in the Democratic Republic of the Congo;[2] however, after the 2007 peace agreement, refugees started returning home.[3]

History

Portuguese rule

Portuguese explorers, missionaries and traders arrived at the mouth of the Congo River in the mid-15th century, making contact with the Manikongo, the powerful King of the Congo. The Manikongo controlled much of the region through affiliation with smaller kingdoms, such as the Kingdoms of Ngoyo, Loango and Kakongo in present-day Cabinda.

Over the years, the Portuguese, Dutch, and English established trading posts, logging camps and small palm oil processing factories in Cabinda. Trade continued and the European presence grew, resulting in conflicts between the rival colonial powers.

Portugal first claimed sovereignty over Cabinda in the February 1885 Treaty of Simulanbuco, which gave Cabinda the status of a protectorate of the Portuguese Crown under the request of "the princes and governors of Cabinda". This is often the basis upon which the legal and historical arguments in defence of self-determination of modern-day Cabinda are constructed. Article 1, for example, states, "the princes and chiefs and their successors declare, voluntarily, their recognition of Portuguese sovereignty, placing under the protectorate of this nation all the territories by them governed" [sic]. Article 2, which is often used in separatist arguments, goes even further: "Portugal is obliged to maintain the integrity of the territories placed under its protection". The Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (FLEC-R) argues that the above-mentioned treaty was signed between the emissaries of the Portuguese Crown and the princes and notables of Cabinda, then called Portuguese Congo, giving rise to not one, but three protectorates: Cacongo, Loango, and Ngoio.

Through the Treaty of Simulambuco in 1885 between the kings of Portugal and Cabinda's princes, a Portuguese protectorate was decreed, reserving rights to the local princes and independent of Angola. Cabinda once had the Congo River as the only natural boundary with Angola, but in 1885, the Conference of Berlin extended the Congo Free State's territory along the Congo River to the river's mouth at the sea.

Administrative merger with Angola

By the mid-1920s, the borders of Angola had been finally established in negotiations with the neighbouring colonial powers and from then on, Cabinda was treated as part of this colony. The Portuguese constitution of 1933 distinguished between the colony of Angola and the protectorate of Cabinda but in 1956 the administration of Cabinda was transferred to the governor general of Angola. The legal distinction of Cabinda's status from that of Angola was also expressed in the Portuguese constitution of 1971.[6] Yet, when Angola was declared an "overseas province" (Província Ultramarina) within the empire of Portugal in 1951 (in 1972 the name was changed into "State of Angola"), Cabinda was treated as an ordinary district of Angola.

Under Portuguese rule, Cabinda developed as an important agricultural and forestry centre, and in 1967 it discovered huge offshore oil fields. Oil, timber, and cocoa were its main exports by then. The town of Cabinda, the capital of the territory was a Portuguese administrative and services centre with a port and airfield. The beaches of Cabinda were popular among the Portuguese Angolans.[7]

1977 map of Cabinda

After independence of Angola from Portugal

Economy

Consisting largely of tropical forest, Cabinda produces hardwoods, coffee, cocoa, crude rubber and palm oil. The product for which it is best known, however, is its oil. Conservative estimates are that Cabinda accounts for close to 60% of Angola’s oil production, estimated at approximately , and it is estimated that oil exports from the province are worth the equivalent of US$100,000 per annum for every Cabindan. Yet, it remains one of the poorest provinces in Angola. An agreement in 1996 between the national and provincial governments stipulated that 10% of Cabinda’s taxes on oil revenues should be given back to the province, but Cabindans often feel that these revenues are not benefiting the population as a whole, largely because of corruption. The private sector, particularly the oil industry, has both affected and been affected by the secessionist conflict. During the early days of Cabinda's struggle, the oil companies were perceived to be sympathetic to, if not supportive of, Cabinda’s self-determination cause. The strategy used by the separatists to gain international attention, was most evident in 1999 and 2000. During 1999, FLEC-R kidnapped four foreign workers (two Portuguese and two French citizens), but released them after several months, having failed to attract the attention of the international community. FLEC-FAC also increased its activities during 2000 with the more widely publicized kidnapping of three Portuguese workers employed by a construction company, while FLEC-R kidnapped another five Portuguese civilians. These hostages were not freed until June 2001, following the diplomatic intervention of the governments of Gabon and Congo Brazzaville.

Secessionism

Ethnic grounds for self-determination

The arguments for self-determination are based on Cabindans' cultural and ethnic background. Prior to the Treaty of Simulambuco, three kingdoms existed in what is now referred to as Cabinda: Cacongo, Ngoyo, and Loango. The Cabindans belong to the Bakongo ethnic group whose language is Kikongo. The Bakongo also comprise the majority of the population in Uige and Zaire Provinces of Angola. However, despite this shared ancestry, the Cabindans developed a very different culture and distinct variants of the Kikongo language. As a result, Cabindans, in their vast majority, consider themselves different and separate from the Angolans.

Ethno-cultural uniqueness as a basis for self-determination has been vehemently opposed in Angola, by both the government and by prominent intellectuals and civil society personalities. The MPLA's Secretary-General, for example, has characterized the argument as "not enough to grant it independence, because all the provinces in the country have specific cultures".

Secessionist history

In the early 1960s, several movements advocating a separate status for Cabinda came into being. The Movement for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda (MLEC) was formed in 1960 under the leadership of Luis Ranque Franque. Resulting from the merger of various émigré associations in Brazzaville, the MLEC rapidly became the most prominent of the separatist movements. A further group was the Alliama (Alliance of the Mayombe), representing the Mayombe, a small minority of the population. In an important development, these movements united in August 1963 to form a united front. They called themselves the FLEC, and the leadership role was taken by the MLEC’s Ranque Franque.

In marked contrast with the FNLA, the FLEC’s efforts to mobilize international support for its the continent, committed to the sanctity of state borders and firmly rejected recognition of the FLEC’s government in exile.

In January 1975, Angola’s MPLA, FNLA and UNITA liberation movements signed the Alvor Agreement with the Portugal, to establish the modalities of the transition to independence. FLEC was not invited.

On 1 August 1975, at an OAU summit in Kampala which was discussing Angola in the midst of its turbulent decolonisation process, Ranque Franque proclaimed the independence of the "Republic of Cabinda", . Zairian President Mobutu Sese Seko called for a referendum on the future of the Cabinda. (Lopes is reported to have said at the time that "Cabinda exists as a reality and is historically and geographically different from Angola".)

For much of the 1970s and 1980s, FLEC operated a low intensityguerrilla war, attacking Angolan government troops and economic targets, or creating havoc by kidnapping foreign employees working in the province’s oil and construction businesses.

In April 1997, Cabinda joined the indigenous peoples, occupied nations, minorities and independent states or territories. In 2010, Cabinda became a charter member of the Organization of Emerging African States (OEAS).

"We're going to sign a cease-fire with the Angolans who in return have accepted the principle of granting special status to Cabinda", he announced, implying that while his group is resigned to be a part of Angola, they have gotten a promise of some form of autonomy.[10]

From Paris, FLEC-FAC contended Bembe has no authority or mandate to negotiate with the Angolans, and that the only acceptable solution is total independence.[11]

Togo football team bus attack

On 8 January 2010, traveling through Cabinda en route to the 2010 Africa Cup of Nations tournament, under the escort of Angolan forces, the bus of the Togo national football team was attacked by gunmen. The ensuing gunfight resulted in the deaths of the assistant coach, team spokesman and bus driver, as well as injuring several others.

An offshoot of the FLEC claimed responsibility. Rodrigues Mingas, secretary general of the Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda-Military Position (Flec-PM), said his fighters had meant to attack security guards as the convoy passed through Cabinda. "This attack was not aimed at the Togolese players but at the Angolan forces at the head of the convoy", Mingas told France 24 television. "So it was pure chance that the gunfire hit the players. We don't have anything to do with the Togolese and we present our condolences to the African families and the Togo government. We are fighting for the total liberation of Cabinda."[12]

Geology

Two giant oil fields, the Malonga North and Malonga West were discovered in 1967 and 1970, respectively, both pre-salt or pre-Aptian producers.[13]:198-199

Located in water depths of 50 to 75 m, oil was discovered in Barremian deposits in 1971, then the Cenomanian section in 1979.

Four offshore oil fields, the Wamba, Takula, Numbi and Vuko, are located in the greater Takula area, producing from the Upper Cretaceous, Cenomanian Vermelha sandstone deposited in the coastal environment.[13]:197

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