In his article "Temple Building, a Task for Gods and Kings,"
(1) Arvid S. Kapelrud discusses the similarity between the historical
accounts of temple building of Gudea of Lagash, Moses, and Solomon as well
as the similarities between the mythical accounts of temple building found
in the Ras Shamra texts and the Babylonian Enuma
elish. He concludes his article by listing the common features found
in these accounts of temple building. Concerning the historical accounts
of Gudea, Moses, and Solomon, Kapelrud writes:

"In
the cases where a king is the actual temple builder the following elements
are most often found: 1. Some indication that a temple has to be built;
2. The king visits a temple over night; 3. A god tells him what to do,
indicates plans; 4. The king announces his intention to build a temple;
5. Master builder is engaged, cedars from Lebanon, building-stones, gold
silver etc. procured for the task; 6. The temple finished according to
plan; 7. Offerings and dedication, fixing of norms; 8. Assembly of the
people; 9. The god comes to his new house; 10. The king is blessed and
promised everlasting domination." (Kapelrud, 1963: p.62)

As
already noted, Kapelrud's article only discussed the historical accounts
of the temple building of Gudea, Moses, and Solomon. It was not his intention
to make an exhaustive study of the similarities of all historical accounts
of temple building. The focus of this paper will be to examine other ancient
Mesopotamian texts that make reference to temple building and then compare
them to the ten common features found by Kapelrud in the Gudea, Moses,
and Solomon temple building accounts.

This
paper will proceed in the following manner. First, an examination of temple
building among the three major cultures of ancient Mesopotamia will be
given. (2) The first culture looked at will
be the early Mesopotamians: the Sumerians and Akkadians. This will be followed
by a chronological outlay of temple building among the Assyrians. Finally,
the Babylonian empire will be examined. In this last section, a few references
to temple building in the post Neo-Babylonian period of Mesopotamia will
be noted showing the persistence of certain rites established centuries
earlier (3). Upon the conclusion of this
investigation a summary will be made of the common features found in ancient
Mesopotamian temple building. These common features will then be compared
to the ten features found by Kapelrud in a conclusion.

Temple
Building Among the Early Mesopotamians: the
Sumerians and Akkadians

According
to Sumerian mythology, the first temple built was to the god Enki at Eridu
(Van Buren, 1952: p.293). Thorkild Jacobsen states that the god Enki "was
god of the underground fresh waters that come to the surface in rivers,
pools, and marshes" (Jacobsen, 1987: p.455). (4)
The Sumerians called this "vast subterranean freshwater sea" the Abzu (Jacobsen,
1987: p.455). A myth describing the construction of a temple in Eridu by
Enki tells how "The lord of the abyss, the king Enki . . . Built his house
of silver and lapis lazuli . . . in the abyss." The temple is also characterized
as being a "pure house" which was decorated "greatly with gold". This description
is followed by Enki raising "the city Eridu from the abyss" and making
it "float over the water like a lofty mountain." The gardens in the city
are filled "with birds; fishes, too, he makes abundant." The completion
of the temple construction was celebrated by Enki with his father Enlil
(5) with a feast of oxen, sheep and drinks prepared by Enki.
Enlil then pronounces a blessing upon "The abyss, the shrine of the goodness
of Enki, befitting the divine decree" (Kramer, 1972: p.62-63). E. D. Van
Buren points out by quoting from Sumerian sources that "Later temples were
founded in conformity with `the ordinances and ritual of Eridu'" (Van Buren,
1952: p.293) (6) making the pattern of construction
of Enki's temple of the Abyss the prototype for all other temples. If a
text existed that set forth these ordinances and rituals, then understanding
temple construction among the early Mesopotamians would be much simpler.
However, the "ordinances and ritual" associated with the founding of Enki's
temple are never specifically delineated in any known text. Therefore only
by examining an array of religious texts and building inscriptions can
we get a hint of the construction pattern set forth in the "ordinances
and ritual" of temple of Enki in Eridu.

The
religious texts and building inscriptions found among the ruins of the
early Mesopotamians are replete with references to temple building. However,
these references contribute little to our knowledge of temple building
among the Sumerians and Akkadians. The majority of these texts simply inform
us about various kings and rulers who built or rebuilt a myriad of temples.
The following is an example: "Ur-Nina, king of Lagash, son of Guindu, son
of Gurshar, the house of Ningirsu built; the house of Nina he built; the
house of Gatumdug he built . . ."(Barton, 1929: p.21). Such laconic inscriptions
are quite surprising when it is realized that it was during this same period
that Gudea of Lagash wrote his extensive inscription of the building of
the temple of Ningirsu (see Barton, 1929: pp.205-255 for the full text).
(7)

However
scanty these texts and inscriptions may be, we do learn the following.
From a brick inscription attributed to Enannatum
I (c.2424-2405 B.C.), ensi of Lagash, we learn that Enannatum built
a temple when "Ningirsu, his heart illumined." Enannatum brought "cedar
from the mountain" to build the temple with (Barton, 1929: p.47). Entemena
(c.2404-2375 B.C.), ensi of Lagash, records on a field-stone that he built
a temple for Ningirsu and "with gold and silver he adorned it." It is also
told that a "garden within he constructed" (Barton, 1929: p.53). A statue-inscription
of Ur-Bau
(c.2155-2142 B.C.) states:

"He
dug a foundation-pit(?) (to a depth) of x cubits; he heaped up the earth
from it like stone and purified it with fire(?) like precious metal. As
with a measuring-vessel he brought it to the broad place. He put the earth
back and filled in the foundation with it. On it he built a kisu
of ten cubits, and on thekisu
he built "The House of Fifty Gleaming Anzu Birds," thirty cubits high"
(Ellis, 1968: p.169; cf. Barton, 1929: pp.173-175).

Why
this procedure was followed is not stated. However, Richard Ellis tells
of a similar procedure used in the site preparation at the Temple Oval
in Khafajah.

When
the Temple Oval was first built, in the ED II period, the site chosen was
occupied by private houses or their ruins. In the occupational debris a
huge hole, the size of the oval's enclosure wall, and averaging eight meters
deep, was dug. The earth was taken elsewhere, and the hole was filled up
with clean sand, on which the oval was then built. At most points the outer
face of the enclosure wall was set just beyond the edge of the cavity (Ellis,
1968: p.10). (8)

Urnammu
(c.2112-2095 B.C.), the founder of the Ur III dynasty, is probably best
known for "his extraordinary activity as a religious builder" (Castellino,
1957: p.3). (9) From a religious text (a
hymn) describing the building of the Ekur (the temple of Enlil in Nippur)
by Urnammu, we learn that "The `Great Mountain' Enlil" commanded Urnammu
to rebuild his temple. Urnammu immediately set out to build the temple
by first preparing bricks. "Knowing the (prescriptions) of right and being
lord of [large] understanding, he prepared the brick mold." The text then
states that "Enlil reduced into order for [shepherd Ur]nammu his hostile
enemy bearing land." The foundations of the temple were laid "carefully"
and "the holy terrace" filled under the protection of "Enkum and Ninkum."
(10) The temple is built very high while "Enki lavishes beauty
on the temple." (11) The temple gates are
built and "With splendent metal (and) pure silver he adorned their `brow'."
The "interior" was "established like a sublime masterpiece." The temple
was referred to as a "Storied Mountain" upon which "the gigunu,
the holy dwelling" was placed. Upon the completion of the temple a banquet
was held in which Enlil honors and blesses Urnammu (Castellino, 1959: pp.108-110).
(12)

We
read from a clay cone inscription from Warad-Sin
(c.1834-1823 B.C.), king of Larsa, that the temple of Nannar, the moon
god, was rebuilt "When the god of the new moon, his favorable sign permitted
by eyes to see, by his life-giving vision he illumined me, and to build
his temple to restore its place he directed me." It is said that Warad-Sin
"the regulations and taboos of Eridu fulfilled" (Barton, 1929: pp.319-320).
(13)

Very
few of the inscriptions found among the ruins of the early Mesopotamians
suggest that temples were built or rebuilt at the command of a god. But
that such a tradition was commonly held among the Sumerians and Akkadians
is seen in "The Curse of Agade," a text devoted to the "rise and fall of
the first great Mesopotamian empire" (Cooper, 1983: p.5). The composition
relates how Naramsin
(c.2254-2218 B.C.), grandson of Sargon and founder of the Akkadian empire,
attempted to receive permission from Enlil to build a temple for Inanna,
the goddess of war. However, "the (omen for) building the temple was not"
given. Naramsin endeavored again to receive permission for the temple's
construction. But again "the (omen for) building the temple was not" given.
In order to "alter Enlil's pronouncement," Naramsin

brought
his armies to Nippur and devastated Ekur, Enlil's sanctuary. This however
only caused Enlil to avenge the destruction of his sanctuary by destroying
the Akkadian empire (see Cooper, 1983: pp.50-63; cf. Pritchard, 1969: pp.646-651).
The suggestion from this composition is that a temple cannot be built unless
the gods command or approve it. (14)Such
is the information relative to temple building in the early Mesopotamian
religious texts and historical inscriptions.

Temple
Building Among the AssyriansTemple
Building Among the Early Assyrian Rulers to 1781 B.C.Texts
concerning temple building and rebuilding from the early Assyrian rulers
are very scant. From the accounts that we do have, however, we can see
some interesting patterns in temple building which appear to have developed
by this time. Two accounts from Zarriqum
(c.2050 B.C.) and Ilu-shuma
(c.1950 B.C.) simply mention that they had built the temples of Belat-ekallim
and Ishtar (Grayson, 1972: pp.4,7). However, on an alabaster block found
in the Ashur temple at Ashur appears an inscription in "mirror-writing"
from Shalim-ahum
(c.1975 B.C.) declaring "The god Ashur requested
of him a temple." The texts also tells us that Shalim-ahum had "beer
vats and storage area" built in the "temple area" (Grayson, 1972: pp.6-7).
From a door-socket found in the temple of Ashur at the time of Erishum
I (c.1875 B.C.), we learn that "Into (the mortar) of every wall [he]
mixed ghee and honey and (then) laid one layer of bricks" (Grayson, 1972:
p.10; see also p. 13). (15) From a clay
tablet, we read that Erishum I had a "high throne" built and "adorned the
front of it with a precious stone." He, like others before him, had beer
vats built in the temple area (Grayson, 1972: p.12). From an alabaster
tablet found in Ashur and ascribed to Shamshi-Adad
I (c.1813-1781 B.C.), the first ruler of Assyria claiming kingship
instead vice-regency, we have a similar account. Shamshi-Adad roofed the
temple with "cedar beams" and "erected in the rooms cedar doors with silver
and gold stars." He also laid (16) the
walls of the temple on "silver, gold, lapis lazuli, and carnelian; cedar
resin, best oil, honey, and ghee I mixed in the mortar" (Grayson, 1972:
p.20).

Temple
Building From Ashur-uballit I to the Beginning of the Late Assyrian PeriodWe
glean nothing of great importance regarding temple building from the Assyrian
royal inscriptions between Shamshi-adad and Ashur-uballit I, a period of
demise in Assyrian history. These rulers merely mention the rebuilding
of temples that had fallen into disrepair. But beginning with Ashur-uballit,
we find Assyria making its first bid for power beyond the confines of Ashur
and its immediate area. The detailed accounts of military activities which
have come to characterize Assyrian royal inscriptions had their beginnings
in this period. The inscriptions concerning the building and rebuilding
of temples become a little longer and more detailed as well. As one examines
these inscriptions, it becomes quite obvious that the pattern which had
developed early in Assyrian history regarding the practice of certain rituals
associated with the building and rebuilding of temples, such as placing
silver and gold in the foundations or mixing honey and ghee in the mortar,
continued during this period as we shall now see.

In
an inscription appearing on a clay tablet found in the Ishtar temple at
Ashur, Ashur-uballit
I (c.1365-1330 B.C.) informs us that

"I
roofed [the temple] with beams and inside installed the doors. I renovated
and restored it from top to bottom and settled the goddess Ishtar-kidnittu,
my mistress, inside that temple. I deposited my clay cone." (Grayson, 1972:
p.45)

When Arik-din-ili
(c.1319-1308 B.C.) had the temple of Shamash rebuilt, he had it built on
a "high place." Two items regarding building of the temple of Shamash are
of interest. First, the reason Arik-din-ili gives for building the temple
is so "that the harvest of my land might prosper." Perhaps this was a reflection
back to the temple building story of Gudea where Gudea is told that when
the foundation of the Ningirsu temple is laid "abundance shall come; enlarged
fields shall bear for thee" Barton, 1929: p.217). The second thing of interest
is the "high place" that the temple is built on was a place where "previously
the decisions of the land were made but now had become a mound of dirt
and around it the `shrines' of the people" (Grayson, 1972: p.54).

From Shalmaneser
I (c.1274-1245 B.C.), we get several inscriptions regarding the rebuilding
of different temples, especially the temple of Ashur which seems to have
burned down. He tells us that when the temple of Ashur had burned down,
he "considerably enlarged, beyond previous extent, the temple of Ashur,
my lord" (Grayson, 1972: p.87). Concerning the rebuilding, Shalmaneser
recounts that he "removed the dirt down to the bottom of the foundation
pit. I laid its foundation in bedrock like the base of a mountain". Into
the foundation, like many of his predecessors had done, he "set stones,
silver, gold, iron, copper, tin, layers of aromatic plants." And also into
the mortar he mixed "oil, scented oil, cedar resin, honey, and ghee" (Grayson,
1972: p.84). The putting of the precious stones and metals and the special
mixing of the mortar was done by Shalmaneser in other of his temple rebuilding
as well (see Grayson, 1972: p.89). When Shalmaneser had finished the rebuilding
of the temple of Ashur and "placed therein the gods" (Grayson, 1972: p.87),
he "made a joyful festival" (Grayson, 1972: p.84). After recounting this,
Shalmaneser offers a plea that "When Ashur, the lord, enters that temple
and joyfully takes his place on the lofty dais, may he see the brilliant
work of that temple and rejoice." Then Shalmaneser prays that "For eternity
may He (Ashur) greatly decree with his mighty voice a destiny of well-being
for my vice-regency" (Grayson, 1972: p.84). Shalmaneser, after the rebuilding
of the temple of Ashur, referred to the temple as the "shrine of the gods
(and) mountain of the lands" (Grayson, 1972: p.80).

From
an alabaster tablet written during the reign of Tukulti-NinurtaI
(c.1244-1208 B.C.), we read that Ashur-Enlil "requested" Tukulti-Ninurta
to build him "a cult centre on the bank opposite" of Ashur. Tukulti-Ninurta
called the name of the "cult centre" Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta. He "completed
within it the temple of the gods Ashur, Adad, Shamash, Ninurta, Nusku,
Nergal, Sibitti, and the goddess Ishtar." A canal was made to "flow as
a wide (stream) to its site (and) arranged for regular offerings to the
great gods" (Grayson, 1972: pp.116-117). From another alabaster tablet,
we read where Tukulti-Ninurta built the city "in uncultivated plains (and)
meadows where there was neither house nor dwelling, where no ruin hills
or rubble had accumulated, and no bricks had been laid." Concerning the
canal, he states that "I cut a wide path for a stream which supports life
in the land (and) which provides abundance, and I transformed the plains
of my city into irrigated fields." But Tukulti-Ninurta adds, "I arranged
for regular offerings to Ashur and the great gods, my lords, in perpetuity
from the fish of the water of that canal" (Grayson, 1972: pp.121,122).
And yet from another alabaster tablet, we learn that Tukulti-Ninurta built
inside the temple of Ashur of Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta a "great ziqqurat as
the cultic chair of the god Ashur" (Grayson, 1972: p.120).

From
other inscriptions ascribed to Tukulti-Ninurta, we find that the temple
of Ishtar has fallen into ruins. Tukulti-Ninurta tells us that "at that
time, in my accession year, the goddess Ishtar, my mistress, requested
of me another temple which would be holier than her (present) shrine."
This new temple was built in a different location and the old one left
discarded (Grayson, 1972: pp.110-112).

Another
inscription from Tukulti-Ninurta found engraved on an alabaster molding
is concerned with Tukulti-Ninurta asking Ashur for approval in building
a temple. The inscription reads in part: "I (Tukulti-Ninurta) asked for
his (Ashur's) firm yes as to whether the god Ashur, my lord, loved Mount
Abeh, his mountain, and whether he commanded me to build in it a lofty
dwelling" (Grayson, 1972: p.126).

In
an octagonal clay prism inscription, it is reported that when Tiglath-Pileser
I (c.1115-1077 B.C.) ascended to power, An and Adad "commanded" Tiglath-Pileser
to rebuild their temple which had fallen into ruins. Like other temple
rebuilding accounts, Tiglath-pileser "dug down to the bottom of its foundation
pit, and laid its foundation upon bedrock." He also "constructed two large
ziqqurats which were appropriate for their great divinity." The interior
of the temple was "decorated like the interior of heaven" and the walls
were decorated "as splendidly as the brilliance of rising stars" (Grayson,
1976: p.18). This is obvious reference to the use of gold, silver and other
precious metals in the decoration of the temple making an earthly representation
of a heavenly ideal. From a tablet inscription, it is told that An and
Adad commanded Tiglath-Pileser to go to Mount Lebanon and cut down "cedar
beams for the temple of the gods An and Adad" (Grayson, 1976: pp.26,28).
This is the first reference that we have of a god commanding the use of
cedar from mount Lebanon in a temple. As we have seen, previous to this
time the records merely mention that cedar was used in the temple construction,
never commanded. After the temple construction account on the octagonal
prism inscription, Tiglath-Pileser offers a plea that "Because I made plans
without ceasing and was not slack in the work (but) quickly completed the
pure temple . . . . May the gods An Adad faithfully have mercy upon me
. . . may they firmly place my priesthood in the presence of the god Ashur
and their great divinity forever like a mountain" (Grayson, 1976: p.19).

Temple
Building in the Late Assyrian PeriodWith
the ascension of Ashur-nasir-apli II (883-859 B.C.), Assyria begins an
ascendancy which finally culminates with the reign of Ashurbanipal (668-627
B.C.). At the end of the reign of Ashur-uballit II (611-609 B.C.), Assyria
was no more. The art of this period makes quite a radical change. In Early
and Middle Assyrian art, the central theme was religious. In the Late Assyrian
period, we have very little actual religious art. Most of the art is in
the form of wall reliefs, the central theme being historical narrative.
The literature of this time follows the same course. There are long and
detailed accounts of the military campaigns made by the several kings which
ruled during this period. Both archaeology and historical inscriptions
indicate that there was considerable building going on as Assyria expanded
beyond the borders of Ashur. Associated with this building are the building
inscriptions describing the king's activities. The several references to
temple building and rebuilding found during this period follow the order
of the day. They are much longer and more detailed than found in any other
period of Assyrian history, yet the information given concerning temple
construction is similar to the patterns already established in earlier
periods.

From
the inscriptions of Ashur-nasir-apli
II (883-859 B.C.), we find the king building his new capital, Calah
(or Kalach), over the ruins of an old demolished Assyrian city. From a
stone slab giving details of Ashur-nasir-apli's reign, we learn that when
the king began work on the city that he "cleared away the old ruin hill
(and) dug down to water level." He then sunk "(the foundation pit) down
to a depth of 120 layers of brick" and "founded therein the temple of the
god Ninurta" (Grayson, 1976: p.136). The inscriptions that we have seen
to this point have dealt almost exclusively with temples that have been
rebuilt. They have shown that when a temple was rebuilt the king simply
"dug down" to the previous foundation. But in this inscription, we see
that Ashur-nasir-apli was not rebuilding but building anew, and in so doing,
he was not digging down to a previous foundation. Therefore he dug down
to "the water level." A limestone inscription informs us that Ashur-nasir-apli
built in Calah a temple to Ishtar "with the cunning which the god Ea,
(17) king of the apsu
. . . gave" to him. (18) Then after completing
the temple, he "established for her offerings" (Grayson, 1976: p.178).

Ashur-nasir-apli
tells us in another limestone tablet that when he took it upon himself
to renovate the city of Imgur-Enlil, he built a temple for the god Mamu.
He specifically mentions that he "marched to Mount Lebanon and cut down
beams of cedar." This he used in the construction of the temple (Grayson,
1976: p.179). And in another large stone slab concerning the rebuilding
of the temple of the goddess Ishtar of Nineveh, Ashur-nasir-apli states
that "With the wisdom of the god Nudimmud [Enki], the great lord, with
the wide understanding which the god Ea had granted to me, for the adornment
of the heroic nature of the goddess Ishtar" he built Ishtar's temple (Grayson,
1976: p.185).

From
the inscriptions of Assyrian kings from Shalmaneser
III (c.858-854 B.C.) and to Tiglath-Pileser
III (c.744-727 B.C.), we learn nothing of great importance concerning
the Assyrian building of temples. Both Shalmaneser III and Adad-Nirari
III (810-783 B.C.) claim that in their ascension year they marched
"to the shore of the sea of the setting sun" washed their "weapons in the
sea." They then "cut cedar and cypress" trees (Luckenbill, 1926: vol.1,
p.201). Adad-Nirari states that this wood was "material needed for my palace
(and) temples" (Tadmor, 1973: p.143; cf. Page, 1968: p.143). These kings
offer a few interesting references to the temple in Babylon, the Esagila,
and its patron god, Marduk that are worth mentioning. From the Bronze Gates
of Balawat, we read that when Shalmaneser visited Babylon, he went to the
Esagila to offer sacrifices and gifts. In this account, the temple at Babylon
is referred to as "the bond (connecting link) of heaven and earth" (Luckenbill,
1926: V.1, p.231). In connection with this, Tiglath-Pileser speaks of Marduk
as he "who holds the cord of heaven and earth " (Luckenbill, 1926: V.1,
p.278).

Sargon
II (c.721-707 B.C.) moved the capital of Assyria to a new area where
he built a new city naming it Dur-Sharrukin (Khorsabad). When he built
the city, he also built temples in his palace, the "Palace Without a Rival,"
for Ea, Sin, Shamash, Nabu, Adad, Urta "and their consorts." According
to the account, the Foundation platform" was laid "Upon dedicatory tablets
of gold, silver, lapis lazuli, jasper, alabaster, bronze, lead, oron, abar
(magnetite), boughs of evergreens." Cedars were used for the roof and the
doors were made of cypress and maple and sheathed with "shining bronze."
After the construction was completed, we are informed that "in a favorable
month, on an auspicious day" Sargon invited the gods into their temples.
Then offerings of gold, silver, and other things were given as gifts to
make "their spirits glad." The text continues:

Sleek
bullocks, fat sheep, (barnyard) fowl, geese (?), doves, the brood of fish
and birds, the immeasurable wealth of the deep (apsu),
wine and honey, the products of the gleaming (snow-capped) mountains, the
best of the lands which my hands had conquered, which Assur, begetter of
the gods, had added to the wealth of my kingdom, (there) I offered up before
them with sacrifices of pure-----, spotless oblations, clouds of incense,--unceasing
service.

Following
this scene of homage, the account then tells us that "The great mountain,
Bel (Enlil), lord of (all) lands, . . . the gods and goddesses who abide
in Assyria, turned aside (and entered) their city amid jubilation and feasting"
(Luckenbill, 1926: V.2, p.37-39). According to an inscription carved on
the pavement of the gates of Dur-Sharrukin the construction of the the
city and palaces were completed upon "the command of god" (Luckenbill,
1927: vol.2, p.49.50,52,54,55,56,57).

By
the time Sennacherib
(c.704-681
B.C.) came to power, a temple known as "the Temple of the New Year's Feast
of the Desert," located outside the walls of Ashur, had fallen into disrepair.
An inscription on a foundation stele relates that Sennacherib "sought by
oracle" the gods Shamash and Adad who "commanded" Sennacherib to rebuild
the temple. The text tells that Sennacherib sought "the aid of master-builders"
in his building of the temple. He built the foundation out of "mountain
limestone." Into the foundation he put precious stones and choice herbs
as well as gold and silver. He also sprinkled the foundation "with the
choicest oil as with water from the river." Prior to the building of this
temple, Sennacherib had destroyed Babylon along with the Esagila. It mentions
in this inscription that Sennacherib "removed the dust of Babylon" and
"in that Temple of the New Year's Feast I stored up (some) in a covered
bin" (Luckenbill, 1926: V.2, p.184-186). This last measure seems to be
an attempt on the part of Sennacherib of reducing the importance of Babylon
by suggesting that the popular recognition of Babylon as the "bond of heaven
and earth" had been transferred to the Temple of the New Year's Feast at
Ashur.

When
the Temple Eharsaggalkurkurra at Ashur had fallen into ruins, Sennacherib
rebuilt it. But in the rebuilding, he found that the entrance into the
shrine opened to the south. Upon finding this, Sennacherib tells us that
"in the wisdom which Ea gave me, with the cleverness with which Ashur endowed
me, I took counsel with myself alone, and to open the gate of Eharsaggalkurkurra
to the east instead of the south, my heart moved me." Before doing this,
however, he sought the divine approval of Shamash and Adad. It was granted
(Luckenbill, 1926: V.2, p.189).

With Esarhaddon
(c.680-669 B.C.), we have the final Assyrian inscriptions regarding temple
building and rebuilding which are of importance to our study. Esarhaddon
rebuilt several temples during his reign adorning each "with silver and
gold, making them shine bright as the day" (Luckenbill, 1926: V.2, p.267-268).
In a tablet inscription from Ashur, we have an account of Esarhaddon rebuilding
the temple of Ashur. The account is very similar to all the accounts we
have seen to this point thus showing that the pattern of temple building
established early in Assyrian history was preserved even until Assyria
was overtaken by the Babylonians and Medes. The inscription records that
Esarhaddon rebuilt the temple in the same spot as the previous temple.
He established the foundation walls upon gold, silver, precious stones,
herbs and cedar oil (Luckenbill, 1926: V.2, p.271). From a fragment of
a prism inscription, we learn that the gods commanded Esarhaddon to rebuild
the temple of Ashur (Luckenbill, 1926: V.2, p.273).

Several
inscriptions describe Esarhaddon's rebuilding of Babylon and the temple
which was destroyed by his father (see Luckenbill, 1927: V.2, pp.242-264).
Esarhaddon attributes his desire to rebuild Babylon and its temple to the
appearance of "favorable signs in the heaven and on earth."
(19)

Nevertheless,
Esarhaddon proceeded to act with caution inquiring through an oracle whether
his desire was right. Says one text:

"To
(await) the decision of Shamash and Adad, I prostrated myself reverently;
to (learn) their final decree, I arranged the soothsayers at the entrance
to the Bit-mummu. I saw a vision concerning Assur, Babylon and Nineveh.
(For guidance) concerning the artificers who should accomplish the work
and carry out (lit. bring in) the (divine) decree, I laid down the portions
of the sacrificial animals right and left (lit. at both sides)" (Luckenbill,
1927: V.2, p.260).

The
positive affirmation was given and the gods caused their "order to be written"
down (Luckenbill, 1927: V.2, pp.244, 246,251). Then Esarhaddon was commanded
to enter the Bit-mummu with the "artificers" to "abide there." They then
fashioned new images of the gods and other precious items for the temple
(Luckenbill, 1927: V.2, pp.260-262). Esarhaddon then proceeded to rebuild
the temple. He employed the use of "wise architects and skillful builders."
He laid its foundation walls in "choice oil, honey, butter, wine of the
mountain." He spanned the roof "with beams of cedar, the product of Mount
Amanus" (Luckenbill, 1926: V.2, p.250-251). One text describes how Esarhaddon
caused bricks to be made and carried by "headpad" by the people. Then it
says, "I raised the headpad to my own head and carried it." Having completed
the building, the "offerings, which had ceased (to be brought), I re-established"
(Luckenbill, 1927: V.2, p.244).

From
another text we are informed of the rebuilding of the Ebarakugarra, "the
house of the Great-Mistress of Nippur." It says that Esarhaddon "sought
out its ground plan, removed its fallen brickwork, viewed its foundation
and rebuilt it completely to the old specifications . . . and raised its
top like a mountain" (Goetze, 1963: p.130). And finally, in an inscription
describing the construction of a palace/temple complex, we find Esarhaddon
inviting the gods Ashur and Ishtar into their respective temples. "Extravagant
sacrifices of (cultically clean animals" were laid before them. Then the
text reads: "These gods (then) sincerely bestowed a blessing upon my royal
rule" (Heidel, 1956: p.35).

Temple
Building in the Neo-Babylonian Empire

In this section, temple building from the Neo-Babylonian
empire will be briefly examined. This will be followed by noting a few
items of interest from texts of the post Neo-Babylonian period in Mesopotamia.

The
Neo-Babylonian EmpireFrom Nabopolassar
(626-605 B.C.), founder of the Neo-Babylonian empire, are a few statements
of interest regarding temple building during his reign. When setting out
to build the temple tower in the main temple precinct in Babylon, Nabopolassar
claims that first he sought a divine oracle. He not only received divine
approval but the measurements of the temple tower as well. The text claims
that Nabopolassar "kept the measurements in his memory as a treasure."
Then, before proceeding to build the temple tower, Nabopolassar states:
"By means of the act of exorcism, the wisdom of Ea (Enki) and Marduk, I
purified that site." When the temple work actually began, the King states
that he actually was involved in the carrying of the bricks (Langdon, 1912:
p.63).

When Nebuchadnezzar
(605-562 B.C.) rebuilt Ebabbara in Larsa, he states that "I packed down
clean earth on its old foundation and laid its brickwork" (Ellis, 1968:
p.180). A similar claim is made in the reconstruction of Emah, the temple
of Ninmah: "I surrounded it with a thick revetment of bitumen and backed
bricks. I filled its interior with clean earth" (Ellis, 1968: p.180). In
another inscription, Nebuchadnezzar states that he "carefully searched
for the ancient foundation of his temple in Marad, the old foundation of
which no earlier king had seen since the old days." When he found it, the
King claimed it to be the foundation laid by "Naram-Sin, my distant ancestor."
He then laid the foundation of the new temple exactly over the old one
(Ellis, 1968: p. 180-181).

From
stone slabs found at Harran, we are given an interesting account in which Nabonidus
(c.555-539 B.C.), king of Babylon, is commanded of Marduk and Sin to rebuild
the temple, Ehulhul. One text reads: "In the night season he caused me
to behold a dream (saying) thus `Ehulhul the temple of Sin which (is) in
Harran quickly build, (seeing that) the lands, all of them, to thy hands
are committed" (Gadd, 1958: p.57). Another text reads:

"During
my lawful rule, the great Lords became reconciled with this town and (its)
temple out of love for my kingship; they had mercy (upon the town) and
they let me see a dream in the very first year of my everlasting rule:
Marduk, the Great Lord, and Sin, the luminary of heaven and earth, stood
(there) both; Marduk said to me: "Nabonidus, king of Babylon, bring bricks
on your own chariot (drawn by your own) horse, (re)build the temple E.HUL.HUL
and let Sin, the Great Lord, take up his dwelling there!" (Oppenheim, 1956:250)

Nabonidus,
like his father Nebuchadnezzar, was very concerned about rebuilding temples
exactly over the foundation of previous temples. In a text concerning the
rebuilding of the temple of Shamash in Sippar, Nabonidus remarks:

".
. . an earlier king looked for the old foundation, but did not find it.
He had a new temple built for Shamash on his own, but it was not worthy
of his lordly rank nor fitting for his status as a god. The pinnacles of
that temple fell down prematurely; its upper parts crumbled" (Ellis, 1968:
p.181).

In
another text concerning the restoration of Etbarra, it is said that

".
. . by order of Marduk . . . the four winds approached, the [violent] tempests;
the sand dunes with which that city and that temple were covered over were
blown away and Etbarra, the awe-inspiring dwelling, became [visible]" (Frankfort,
1948: p. 270).

Nabonidus
also claims that when rebuilding temples that he built "solidly on the
foundation . . . neither protruding nor receding an inch" (Ellis, 1968:
p. 181; see also p.182,183; cf. Frankfort, 1948: p.271).

One
final note of interest from the reign of Nabonidus comes not from building
inscriptions but from archaeology. According to Sir Leonard Woolley, when
Nabonidus built the "Harbour Temple" in Ur he

"began
by digging a deep rectangular pit, in the bottom of which he laid out the
ground-plan of the temple, and accordingly he built walls to the height
of just over 20 feet; (20) these were neatly
plastered and whitewashed. In the temple he built in burnt brick the proper
tables of offering, altar, and statue-base, (21)
fixed doors and the doorways, and put on a temporary roof . . . Undoubtedly
there was a service of consecration in the building, with the god's statue
set on its base. After that, the roof was taken off and the whole building
was filled with sand; the old earth that had been dug out could not be
purified, considering the mixed nature of the soil here inside the city
walls, but clean sand would be a perfectly good substitute. As the sand
was poured in from above, workmen laid bricks on the altar and tables,
keeping pace with the rise of the sand . . . until, when the whole was
filled, there could be seen only as it were a ground-plan formed by the
tops of the walls and of the temple furnishings, flush with the smooth
sand surface. Then there began a new phase. The sand was topped with a
pavement of burnt bricks, on the top of the walls, now become a foundation,
new walls were built . . . and new tables and altar, built above-ground,
rested on the bricks piled above the old" (Woolley, 1982: pp.247-248).
(22)

Post
Neo-Babylonian InscriptionsFrom
the period which followed the ending of the Babylonian empire, we have
two inscriptions which are of interest. Antiochus
Soter (c.281-261 B.C.), an Achaemenid ruler, tells us that when he
"conceived the idea of reconstructing Esagila and Ezida" he ade with his
"august hands" the first brick (23) "with
the finest oil and brought it . . . for the laying of the foundation of
Esagila and Ezida" (Pritchard, 1969: p.317).

From
two texts recovered at Uruk and written during the Seleucid
period, we have a long detailed recitation of the ritual performed when
rebuilding a temple (Pritchard, 1969: pp.339-342). One text reads in part:

When
the wall of the temple falls into ruin--for the purpose of demolishing
and founding anew the temple in question . . . The director of the reconstruction
of the temple in question shall put on clean clothes, place a (tin) bracelet
on his hand, take up an axe of basalt, shall (lift up) the first brick,
(24) and put (it) away in an inaccessible place. You shall set
up a single sacrificial stand in front of the brick for the god of the
foundations and shall sacrifice the sheep (Pritchard, 1969: p.341).

After
different libations are poured on it, the director is then to "recite in
front of the brick" the Enuma
Anu ibnu same, a composition of which the following is a part:

"When the god Anu created heaven,'"(When) the god Nudimmud (25)
created the apsu-ocean,
his dwelling,"The god Ea pinched off a piece of clay in the apsu
ocean"Created the (brick-god) Kulla
(26) for the restoration of [temples]," (Pritchard, 1969: p.341)

A
Summary of the Features of Mesopotamian Temple Building

At
this point, a summary of the features found in Mesopotamian temple building
must be given. (27) It should be understood,
however, that these features are general and will not apply to every king
at all times. Our records are not detailed enough to provide that kind
of conclusive evidence. Consequently, these conclusions must only be tentative.

1.
In many cases, the building or rebuilding of the temple came at the command
of a god, or with their divine approval. (28)2.
Where the texts are detailed enough, we learn that the king used the help
of "master-builders." (29)3.
When rebuilding the temple, the king dug down to the foundation of the
previous temple or down to water level if it was a new temple.
(30)4.
The site of the new temple was often purified. (31)5.
The foundation and walls were built of stone or brick with gold, silver
and other precious metals used to adorn them making them "shine bright
as the day." (32)6.
Rituals were performed when the foundation and walls were put in. Normally
these consisted of either laying the foundation and walls in oil, butter
(cream), honey, etc., or by mixing, pouring or sprinkling the same on the
walls or foundation. There were rituals regarding the making of the bricks
and the placing of the first brick in the foundation.
(33)7.
Cedars from Mount Lebanon and Mount Amanus were used in the construction
of the temple. Sometimes the cedars were given as gifts and offerings.
Sometimes the cedars were used at the command of the god for whom the temple
was being constructed. (34)8.
Often the texts are written so that it suggests the king is actually involved
in doing the work. (35)9.
Some texts inform us that the temple was built according to a plan normally
drawn by "wise architects." Sometimes these plans are revealed by god.
(36)10.
Some texts reveal that canals and gardens were built in the temple precinct.
(37)11.
The god of the temple was always invited or ushered into the new temple
built in his behalf followed by a time for the bringing of sacrifices,
offerings and gifts. (38)12.
Great festivities and jubilation followed the completion and rebuilding
of the temples. (39)13.
Once the temple was built, the establishment of its feast and the fixing
of its dues was accomplished. (40)14.
Most temple building inscriptions conclude with the prayer for a blessing
from the god for the kings efforts in building or rebuilding his temple.
(41) A few, however, suggest the god actually gave that blessing.
(42)

Conclusion

Having
come thus far, it can be noted that several of the features found in the
historical texts and building inscriptions of temple building in ancient
Mesopotamia coincide with the list of ten elements found in Kapelrud's
article. We shall now briefly proceed through Kapelrud's list indicating
whether or not that feature can be attested among the accounts of temple
building in the historical texts and building inscriptions of ancient Mesopotamia.

1. Some
indication that a temple must be built. We can see this in those cases
where the king or ruler saw signs in heaven and earth provoking him to
build the temple. (43)2. The
king visits a temple over night. This is not specifically mentioned
in any of the texts. But that the king visited a temple may be seen when
he sought an oracle for rebuilding a temple. (44)3. A
god tells him what to do, indicates plans. The only clear evidence
of this is from Nabopolassar's account of the building of the temple tower
in Babylon. (45)4. The
king announces his intention to build a temple. This can be seen in
the inscriptions of Sargon II and Esarhaddon. Sargon announced his intentions
by bringing the peoples of the lands whom he has captured to build the
temples. Esarhaddon announced his by collecting his artisans, builders
and architects to plan and build the Esagila.5. Master
builder is engaged, cedars from Lebanon, building-stones, gold, silver
etc. procured for the task. In many of the inscriptions this point
has been quite evident. (46)6. The
temple finished according to plan. Every temple was built according
to the plan of "wise architects," however, no time limits are mentioned.7. Offerings
and dedication, fixing of norms. This feature is a common occurrence
in the Mesopotamian tradition of temple building.
(47)8. Assembly
of the people. This can clearly be seen in the building of the temple
of Sargon II at Dur-Sharrukin. After the temples were completed, people
from all over the kingdom came to the city and their was "jubilation and
feasting." (48)9. The
god comes to his new house. A theophony of god showing his divine approval
of the newly constructed temple is not clearly seen among any of the accounts
we have looked at. The only possible indication of this item would be the
inviting of the gods to the temple by the kings as well as the placing
of the gods statue in the edifice. (49)10. The
king is blessed and promised everlasting domination. This may be seen
only in the case of Urnammu and Esarhaddon. (50)

The
preceding examination of ancient Mesopotamian temple building has shown
that with the exception of the second item, Kapelrud's list of common features
is vindicated. Each item is confirmed by at least one example from other
temple building traditions in Mesopotamia. And most items are repeatedly
affirmed thus showing the uniformity that exists in temple building in
the ancient Near East. It has also shown that Kapelrud's list might be
extended even further.

Purification
of the Temple SiteFor
example, added to Kapelrud's list might be feature no. 4 from the summary
section of Mesopotamian temple building which states: "The site of the
new temple was often purified." This might even be expanded to include
not only the temple site, but the city and people. The cylinder inscriptions
describing Gudea's building of the temple of Ningirsu describe this in
great detail. The account reads:

The patesi
his city as on man made a pure place. The land of Lagash united its heart
like the children of one mother: tall brush-wood they burned; thorns they
pulled up; they filled the vessels with vegetables; they performed the
mysteries; with the ziggurat that temple he raised up. The speech of the
whip the overseer prohibited; sheep's wool he bound on to it. A mother
did not chide her child; a child also separated from its mother, did not
cry for her. For a servant whose arm was injured no one raised a cry to
the king. A maid who had done a great wrong--her mistress did not strike
her in the face. Before thepatesi,
the builder of Eninnu,--before Gudea no one made a claim. The patesi
purified the city; (its) brightness he made visible. Porters and reliable
men he brought from the city. in a brick-mould this omen he established:
"I will lay a brick as an omen; along its deep face I will look with faithful
eye the shepherd, whose name was named by Nina, will make it perfectly.
The mould I will then break; the deep face which I have made perfectly
like the divine black storm-cloud." Then to the deepest pit he purified
the city and cleansed it; cypress and bright-burning wood of the mountain
he heaped on the fire; with aromatic cedar, the delight of divinity he
created the brightness of that fire (Barton, 1929: pp. 117-118; see also
Frankfort, 1948: p.272). (51)

Though
the account informing us of Solomon's temple building activity is silent
on this point, we find a similar pattern of purification procedures in
the account of the construction of the tabernacle. Before Moses received
the command to build a temple, the people were purified by covenant. It
may be seen from Exodus 19:5,6 that this purification was in preparation
for temple worship. In these verses, Yahweh tells the Israelites that they
"shall be unto me a kingdom of priests" (52)
and as priests who worship in a temple, they must first be purified. The
first part of the purification ritual is described in Ex. 19:10-13 where
we are informed that the people are to "sanctify" themselves, wash their
clothes, not engage in sexual intercourse, and build "bounds" around Mt.
Sinai, the mountain of God. While the people were engaging themselves in
this, Moses went up on the mountain where he received the Law (Ex. 20-23)
which if the people lived would purify them morally and ethically. In Exodus
24:3-8, the people agreed by covenant to keep the Law. Moses then returned
to the mountain sanctuary wherein he received the instructions for the
building of a desert sanctuary for Yahweh. After he received the divine
pattern for the portable temple, the Lord informed him that the Israelites
had "corrupted themselves" by making a golden calf (Ex.32:7). The account
then informs us that Moses proceeded to rid the camp of this "great sin"
(Ex.32:25-29). Once the people had been purified, the construction of the
Tent of Meeting was accomplished.

Further
Biblical support for purification rituals may be found in the account of
Josiah's reparation of Solomon's temple. According to the II Chronicles
34 the land was "purged" of all its idolatry by Josiah. Then verse 8 says:

Now
in the eighteenth year of (Josiah's) reign, when he had purged
(53) the land, and the house, (54)
he sent Shaphan the son of Azailah, and Maaseiah the governor of the city,
and Joah the son of Joahaz the recorder, to repair the house of the Lord
his God.

In
the rebuilding of the temple after the exile by Zerubbabel, we have one
final bit of evidence for purification rituals. Before rebuilding was initiated,
the altar of Burnt Offering was first restored upon which sacrifices were
then offered (Ezra 2:3). The feast of the tabernacles was also celebrated
after which all the normal offerings were instituted. Before any of this
could have been done properly, both the people and the altar would have
to be purified according to normal Israelite tradition.
(55) After these rites were instituted, the foundation of the
temple was laid (see Ezra 2).

Gardens
and WaterWe
might also add to Kapelrud's list no. 10 of the summary section which states
that "Some texts reveal that canals and gardens were built in the temple
precinct." For confirmation of this in Gudea's account of his building
the temple for Ningirsu we read that Gudea covered the walls of the inside
of the temple "with panels of cedar attractive to the eye." Upon these
panels were carved "real riqqu-plants
and abundant azal-plants."
He also carved "creatures of the deep" (Barton, 1929: p.227,229). It also
appears that a large garden was planted in the temple and given the name
"The-shade-of-the-plain" (Barton, 1929: p.235). It seems obvious that if
there are gardens there must also be a canal, well, cistern, or some other
container for water nearby. Though Gudea's account remains silent on this,
it does makes a vague reference to a section of the temple known as "the
water place of the gods" (Barton, 1929: p.229).

There
does not appear to be any Biblical evidence of plants or gardens, whether
real or ichnographic, in the Mosaic tabernacle with the sole exception
of the menorah (the KJV "candlestick"). Exodus 25:31-36 describes the design
and construction of the seven branched candlestand as representing a blossoming
almond tree, the first of the trees that blossom in the Near East.
(56) Though this is the only Biblical mention of flora in the
design of the tabernacle, Josephus adds that his belief was that the veil
between the Holy of Holies and the Holy Place "was very ornamental, and
embroidered with all sorts of flowers which the earth produces" (Antiquities
Book 3, 6:4). Evidence for the importance of water in the tabernacle is
clearly seen in the position and use of the Laver (Ex. 30:18-21). It was
the only thing that stood between the altar of Burnt Offering and the door
of the tabernacle and was used for ritual cleansing of the priests "that
they die not" while in the presence of deity.Turning
to the temple of Solomon, we find the same kind of wall construction as
in the temple of Ningirsu built by Gudea. I Kings 6:15-18 says that the
walls of the Holy Place were covered "on the inside with wood" so that
"there was no stone seen." Carved on the wood were "knops
(57) and open flowers." I Kings 6:29 describes the walls of both
the Holy Place and the Holy of Holies as being covered with cedar with
"carved figures of cherubims and palm trees (58)
and open flowers." (59) According to I
Kings 6:31-32 on the two large olive wood doors at the entrance of the
Holy of Holies were "carvings of cherubims and palm trees and open flowers."
Psalm 52:8 and 92:12 might suggest that olive trees, palms, and cedars
of Lebanon were planted in the temple courts. (60)
Water, as in the tabernacle, was an essential feature in the Solomonic
temple. Unlike the tabernacle, however, Solomon had eleven lavers constructed
(I Kings 7:23-40). The most prominent of the eleven was the "molten sea."
(61) It was a large bowl shaped structure with the capacity of
2,000 baths (11,000 gallons?) (62) which
was placed on the back of twelve oxen. The other ten were smaller by comparison
yet each held 40 baths (200 gallons?) and were placed on movable stands.
(63)

The
foregoing discussion has shown that purification rituals and the use of
gardens and water existed in Gudea's temple of Ningirsu, the tabernacle,
and the Solomonic temple supporting the idea of adding no.s 4 and 10 of
the summary section to Kapelrud's list.

In
conclusion, this paper has shown that the tradition of temple building
in ancient Mesopotamia, though covering over 2500 years, is uniform in
style. Beginning with Enki's temple of the Abzu in Eridu, with its "ordinances
and ritual," and concluding with the texts of temple rebuilding from the
Hellenistic period, a common thread can be traced linking the different
traditions of temple building. In so doing, the validity of Kapelrud's
comparison of two different temple traditions is confirmed, reaffirming
that even divergent religions can share commonalities.

BIBLIOGRAPHYBARTON,
George A. The
Royal Inscriptions of Sumer and Akkad. New Haven: Yale University Press,
1929

BIGGS, Robert D. "An Archaic Sumerian
Version of the Kesh Temple Hymn from

LUNDQUIST,
John M. "What is a Temple? A Preliminary Typology," in The
Quest For the Kingdom of God: Studies in Honor of George E. Mendenhall.
Ed. By H.B. Huffmon, F.A. Spina, and A.R. Green. Winona Lake, Indiana:
Eisenbrauns, 1983, pp.205-219.-------------
"The Common Temple Ideology of the Ancient Near East," The
Temple in Antiquity. Ed. by Truman G. Madsen. Provo, Utah: Brigham
Young University, Religious Studies Center, 1984, pp. 53-76.

0
It must be pointed out that unlike the historical accounts of Gudea, Moses
and Solomon, there are no known Mesopotamian texts that give a complete
account of the procedures and rituals followed by the king in building
a temple. What information we do have concerning the task of temple building
comes from the often fragmentary historical accounts and building inscriptions
found on such things as bricks, cones, floor slabs, door-sockets and the
like. Sometimes these references are short. Sometimes they are long. But
no one account gives all the details. Consequently, one must examine all
the references concerning temples which are relevant to the topic under
consideration, extracting all the common features to get an idea of how
the task of temple building was performed.

It
must also be pointed out that most of the Mesopotamian accounts of temple
building are actually accounts of temple rebuilding.

3.

0
As in Kapelrud's article, this paper does not pretend to examine every
text concerning temple building yet of the available texts enough have
been sampled to give the reader an appropriate idea of the activity of
temple building among the ancient Mesopotamians.

4.

0
Jean Rudhardt describes Enki in these terms: "The Sumerian god Enki, who
comes by sea from a faraway land, established his residence or temple on
the underground waters of Apsu, whom he has subdued. Enki is the lord of
the waters. After being the major organizer of the world and one of the
creators of humanity, he remains the master of fate. Along with An and
Enlil, he belongs to the supreme triad" (Rudhardt, 1987: p.355).

Mircea
Eliade disagrees with the concept that Enki is the god of water stating
that Enki is "'Lord of the Earth,' god of the 'foundations,' who has wrongly
been taken by modern scholars to be the god of the primordial waters because,
in the Sumerian view, the earth was supposed to rest on the ocean" (Eliade,
1978: p.57).

5.

0
"God of wind and storms . . . the most prominent member of the divine assembly
and executor of its decrees" (Jacobsen, 1987: p.453).

6.

0
Van Buren elaborates further: "Kings of Larsa expressly state that they
carefully complied with those ordinances when they built temples for the
deities Nannar, Ilabrat (Ninshubur), and Ninisanna. Therefore when a temple
is said to be like the temple of the Abyss, or some comparison with that
famous sanctuary is made, it does not imply that the architectural aspect
of the temple at Eridu was reproduced, but that in the construction of
the later building all the rules laid down at Eridu were faithfully observed"
(Van Buren, 1952: p.293).

For
a brief review and comment on Van Buren's article, see Ellis, 1968: pp.7-8,78.

7.

0
"Most building inscriptions earlier than the Middle Babylonian and Middle
Assyrian periods are fairly terse and include no circumstantial details;
Gudea's cylinder inscriptions are unique, and are actually building hymns
rather than 'building inscriptions' in the accepted sense. Only in the
second half of the second millennium B.C. do building inscriptions begin
to describe events leading up to, and accompanying the work of construction"
(Ellis, 1968: pp.6-7).

8.

0
Ellis compares the Temple Oval at Khafajah with the text found on the statue
of Ur-Bau of Lagash in these words: "Although several parts of this text
are very difficult to understand, it seems to describe a procedure somewhat
like that followed in building the Temple Oval. One of the principal differences
is that instead of bringing clean earth from elsewhere, Ur-Bau appears
to have in some way purified the earth dug out of the pit and then put
it back. Then, instead of placing his building on top of the clean fill,
he dug foundation trenches into it. Unfortunately the text gives no reason
for this" (Ellis, 1969: pp. 10-11).

9.

0
See Castellino, 1957: pp.3-8 for a brief review of Urnammu's religious
building activities in Uruk, Ur, Eridu, Nippur, Adab, and Larsa. Yet, even
though Urnammu produced so much relgious building activity, G. Castellino
points out, "Besides the short dedicational inscriptions, only very few
literary or religious texts of, or about, Urnammu have come down to us"
(Castellino, 1957: p.9).

10.

0
Enkum and Ninkum are the protective deities from Eridu sent "To safeguard
the foundations from harm of every kind" (see Van Buren, 1952: p. 298 ff.).

11.

0
The fact that Enki is said to be present at the rebuilding of the Ekur
reflects back to the idea expressed by Van Buren that "Later temples were
founded in conformity with `the ordinances and ritual of Eridu.'"

12.

0
See also Castellino, 1957: pp.12-14 for an outline of the text, and Pritchard,
1969: pp.583-584 for an alternate translation.

13.

0
The "regulations and taboos of Eridu" is the same as saying the "ordinances
and rituals of Eridu."

14.

0
"The story of the Cursing
of Akkad told of the dire consequences of King Naram-sin's willful
decision to rebuild Ekur in Nippur without Enilil's permission. Even rebuilding
after enemy attack and demolition needed divine cooperation. The god had
to be roused from his state of shock after the catastrophe to make him
able to act, so laments to soothe him and to recall past happiness were
part of the ritual. Originally these laments had clear reference to a specific
historical situation; later they were generalized for wider use. In later
times they became obligatory for any rebuilding, since that implied demolition
of the existing structure, and some even became part of the daily program
of temple music and were used to awaken the temple personnel in the morning.
Older than the laments for the destruction of a temple are, it would seem,
hymns to temples. They celebrate the specific powers inherent in the temple
to uphold the welfare of the country. The Cursing
of Akkad tells how the peace of the country, its harvest of grain,
and so on vanish when corresponding parts of Ekur are demolished" (Jacobsen,
1987: p.463).

15.

0
Concerning the mixing of liquids into mortar, Richard Ellis has said: "These
liquids were not libations or drink-offerings. Though all are pleasant
in some way, some, such as cedar oil and resin, are not potable except
in small quantities as medicine. I know of nothing to suggest that the
liquids had any specific symbolic significance; probably they contributed
to the theoretical sumptuousness of the building and to the solemnity of
the ceremonies. They are comparable to the use of ivory brick-molds, and
to the golden trowels and the like that modern dignitaries wield when laying
cornerstones" (Ellis, 1969: pp. 30-31).

16.

0
See Ellis, 1969: p.173.

17.

0
Ea is the Akkadian name of Enki (see Jacobsen, 1987: p.455).

18.

0
The sinking of the foundation walls to the water level and the rare mention
in an Assyrian text of Ea (Enki) is an apparent reflection to the ancient
idea that a temple represented the primordial hillock rising out of the apsu
or primordial waters. In the Sumerian "Kesh Temple Hymn," the temple "founded
by An, praised by Enlil" is described as "Growing up like a mountain, embracing
the sky" and a "Temple, whose platform is suspended from heaven's midst,
Whose foundation fills the Abzu" (Gragg, 1969: pp.167,169; cf. Biggs, 1972:
pp.200-201). This reflects the image portrayed by Enki's temple of the
abyss in Eridu. For a further discussion of this idea see Lundquist, 1983:
p.208 and Lundquist, 1984: p.60-66.

19.

0
Esarhaddon gives an interesting description of the sign that he saw that
caused him to rebuild Babylon and the Esagila. A broken prism states the
following: "The planet Jupiter arose, determining the fate of Akkad, and
in the month of Simanu
it drew near to the station of the sun (Shamash). It approached, it stood
still. The appearance of its countenance was ruddy. It changed and in the
month Pit-babi
it reached the place of its 'watch' and stood (still) in its station. For
the complete restoration of the metropolis, the rebuilding of the sanctuaries,
the revival of the cult of Esagila, the temple of the gods,--that this
be done, monthly Sin and Shamash (i.e. the moon and the sun) commanded
at their appearance. That Akkad should be vindicated, they were in perfect
agreement with one another" (Luckenbill, 1927: V.2, p.246; see also p.
259).

20. 0
These walls had no foundation but were built on the open earth (see Woolley,
1982: p.246).

21. 0
All of these were placed on open earth for there was no paved floor (see
Woolley, 1982: p.246).

22. 0
Woolley's interpretation of Nabonidus' ground and foundation preparation
is as follows: "This (the temple proper built on top) was the temple in
which man worshipped his god and did sacrifice; it derived its peculiar
sanctity from the fact that it not only was a replica of but was based
directly on the real house of god, inaccessible to man; the altar on which
the priest made his sacrifice was holy because it was one with the altar
of that hidden and inviolate shrine" (Woolley, 1982: p. 248). This interpretation
though plausible is based on no textual evidence therefore can only remain
tentative.

See
also Ellis's discussion of the Harbour Temple in Ellis, 1968: pp. 11-12.

23.

0
Leo Oppenheim discusses the use of the `first brick' in his paper on Mesopotamian
temples: "The orientation of the building was determined by the setting
of the libittu
makhritu (`first brick') which was placed ceremoniously on clean earth,
surrounded by precious beads and anointed with perfumed oil. This brick
was conceived as harboring the protective numina of the building, the `god,'
`goddess,' and `genius' (ilu,
ishtartu, Lamassu) with which the temple was endowed like any living
human being. In case of the desecration of the sanctuary, by repair-work
or reconstruction, the libittu
makhritu had to be taken from its location by the temple-architect
and brought to a ritually clean and secluded place in the open air. Here,
penitential songs, continious aspersions, and fumigations were enacted
for the sustenance of this `temple in exile' till it could be put in place
again" (Oppenheim, 1975: pp. 164-165).

24.

0
Ellis has suggested that perhaps sometimes libittu
mahritu translated "the first brick" could be better translated "the
former brick." The "former brick" was taken from the ruins of the old temple
and set aside to be placed in the new temple, thus "preserving the continuity
of worship. The single brick embodied the essence of the god's home and
bridged the gap between the destruction of the old building and the founding
of the new" (see Ellis, 1968: pp. 26-29 for a complete discussion).

David
Petersen sees a reflection of this practice in the building of Zerubbabel's
temple. He translates Zechariah 4:6-7 as follows: "6. This is the word
of the Lord to Zerubbabel saying: Not by might, not by power, but by my
spirit says the Lord of Hosts. 7. What are you? A great mountain? Alongside
of Zerubbabel you are a plain. He will bring out the former stone (There
will be) shouts of 'Grace, Grace' for him." Having examined Ellis' discussion
of the "former brick," he then concludes: "By analogy, the ha'eben
harosah in Zech 4:7 is probably a building deposit which signified
continuity with the earlier temple. Such a `former brick' emphasized sacral
continuity" (see Petersen, 1974: pp. 366-372 for complete discussion).

25.

0
The Sumerian god Enki.

26.

0
"The idea of a god whose special function was to govern the making of bricks
can be traced back at least to the period of the First Dynasty if Isin.
The Sumerian myth 'Enki and the World Order' tells how Enki put the god
Kulla, whose name is written simply with the sign for 'brick,' in charge
of the pickaxe and brick-mold" (Ellis, 1968: p.18).

27.

0
At the conclusion of each feature will be a footnote explaining on which
page in the paper evidence for that feature can be found.

28.

0
See Urnammu, p. 6; Warad-Sin, p. 7; Shalim-ahum, p.9; Tukulti-Ninurta I,
p.12; Tiglath-Pileser I, p.13; Sargon II, p.16; Sennacherib, p.17; Esarhaddon,
p.18; Nabopolassar, p.20; Nabonidus, p.21. It is not always clear where
the command or the oracle proof is given. It would presumably be in a temple
or holy sanctuary. The command to rebuild Babylon and its temple complex,
the Esagila, was given to Esarhaddon through "favorable signs in the heaven
and earth." Those 'heavenly signs' were in the form of Jupiter, the Sun
and the Moon (see footnote #17). As most ancient temples were at the same
time astronomical observatories (see Lundquist, 1983: pp.210-211), it would
seem most likely then that, in this case, the command to rebuild Babylon
and the Esagila came in a temple.

0
Most texts are written in the person of the king, therefore they all sound
like the king did the work. We know this could not be the case. Nevertheless,
there are a few inscriptions which actually say the king did some of the
work: Urnammu, p.6; Esarhaddon, p.19; Nabopolassar, p.20; Antiochus Soter,
p.23.

36.

0
Esarhaddon, p.18-19; Nabopolassar, p.20. It must be remembered that most
of the accounts looked at in the scope of this paper are accounts of temple
rebuilding and that most of those temples were rebuilt directly over the
preceding temple suggesting the continuance of the previous plan. There
are no known texts regarding the first building of most of the temples
examined in this paper. Therefore this point is a difficult one to fully
justify. However, if it is assumed that the plan of first temple was given
by the god, that would suggest why most kings were concerned about digging
down to the old foundation and building new temple directly over the former
foundation. Both Nebuchadnezzer's comment that he "carefully searched for
the ancient foundation" (p.20) and Nabonidus' assertion that Marduk ordered
the winds to blow the sand away that covered the foundation the temple
(p.21) would give evidence of this.

37.

0
See the Abzu temple in Eridu, p.3; Etemena, p.5; Tukulti-Ninurta I, pp.12.
Othmar Keel states that "Temple gardens are attested throughout Mesopotamia,
from Eridu and Uruk in the south to Assur in the north, and also in Canaan"
(Keel, p.135). Keel gives as visual evidence a wall painting from Mari
(see Appendix A), a wall relief from the palace of Assurbanipal in Nineveh
(see Appendix B), and a cultic stand from Meggido (see Appendix C).

0
See page 20. A vague reference to this may be seen in Ashur-nasir-apli's
statement concerning the rebuilding of Ishtar's temple in Nineveh (see
p.15).

46.

0
See footnotes #29, #32 and #34.

47.

0
See footnote #40.

48.

0
See footnote #39.

49.

0
See footnote #38.

50.

0
See footnote #42.

51.

0
Samuel Kramer reviews the purification by Gudea in the following words:
"He issued instructions to the people of his city, who responded enthusiastically
and unitedly. He first purified the city morally and ethically: there were
to be no complaints and accusations or punishments; the mother must not
scold her child, nor must the child raise its voice against the mother;
the slave was not to be punished for wrongdoing; the slave girl was not
to be struck by her mistress for disrespect; all the unclean were banished
from the city" (Kramer, 1963: p.139).

52.

0
The meaning of this phrase is that the king of the Kingdom is Yahweh. The
people were to be as priests consecrating themselves wholly to his service.

53.

0
The hebrew word used here (taher)
means to purify.

54.

0
The temple.

55.

0
For traditional purification rites of the altar see Leviticus 8; Ezekiel
43:18-27.

56.

0
Concerning the almond design of the menorah, R. Alan Cole has said: "If
the references to the almond-tree are to be taken as literal designs used
for decoration (and this seems the obvious interpretation), then we are
reminded of Aaron's almond rod that budded (Nu. 17:8) and Jeremiah's vision
(Je 1:11,12). It would seem from Jeremiah that the almond, as the first
tree that blossomed in the spring-time, was an appropriate symbol of God's
wonderful care over His people, and of His fulfillment of the promises
made to their forefathers. But all this is guesswork, and we do well to
tread cautiously" (Cole,1973: p.193).

Of
the three pairs of branches, Carol Meyers has said: "Three pairs of branches
are a convention in Near Eastern iconography as far back as the Old Akkadian
period. By far the most common theme expressed by branched forms of any
kind is that of fertility and sustenance of life." In other words, the
Menorah is a possible symbol of the Tree of Life. Meyers continues: "The
association of life trees with celestial symbols is a recurrent pattern"
(Meyers, 1976: p.587). Josephus sees this same cosmic association. He describes
the menorah "as having as many branches as there are planets, including
the sun among them. It terminated in seven heads, in one row, all standing
parallel to one another; and these branches carried seven lamps, one by
one, in imitation of the number of the planets" (Antiquities Book 3, 7:7).

57.

0
Gourd shaped ornaments (Holladay, 1971: p.296).

58.

0
J.C. Trever comments concerning the symbolic nature of palm trees in the
ancient Near East: "Sacred associations with the palm are found throughout
the ancient Near East, especially in glyptic art. It often appears as the
Tree of Life on cylinder seals and in other forms of art" (Trever, 1962:
p.646).

59.

0
A note in the New International Version Study Bible gives this interesting
comment concerning palm trees: "The depiction of cherubim and beautiful
trees and flowers is reminiscent of the Garden of Eden, from which man
had been driven as a result of sin (Gen. 3:24). In a symbolic sense, readmission
to the paradise of God is now to be found only by means of atonement for
sin at the sanctuary."

60.

0
This view is held by Othmar Keel (Keel, p.135) and is debatable.

61.

0
"The term 'sea' indicates that this is no mere wash basin (though it naturally
fulfilled that function). Rather, its water represents the harnessed, subdued
Chaos from which the world arose. Whether it represents the heavenly or
the subterranean ocean is an irrelevant question, since both oceans (and
the earthly ocean as well) originally and essentially belong together"
(Keel, p.136; see also Wright,1941: p.25).

62.

0
2 Chron. 4:2-5 says the molten sea held 2,000 baths. For a discussion of
this see Mihelic, 1962: p.253.