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VOL. I.
M'CONNELSVILLE, AUGUST 31, '1866.
NO. 7.
y:.mL". r.i .i..-m. m 1 f " mm him
THE CONSERVATIVE,
Ofllr., lonrunint Cornf of Publl
rUBMBHKD EVEKY. F1I10AT HOIHIISO.
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WM. GIjENN", Proprietor.
ADDRESS ADOPTED
BY
THE PHILADELPHIA CONVENTION.
Appeal to the People.
Address to the People of the
United States.
Having mil in Convention, nt (lie
cil' of Philadelphia, in llio Stnto of
Pennsylvania, this ICtli day of August,
1800, us the representatives of the' peo
ple in nil section, nnci from all llio
fctate-s ami Territories of tlio Union, to
commit ujion the condition ami 1 ho
. wants of our common country, we ad
dress to you this declaration of our
Ii-inci jln, nntl of t ho politic ill purposes
wo sock to promote.
The Late War.
Sincu tlio nu cting of tin- InM National
Convention, in the year 1HW1, events
Iiuvo occurred whkh luivo changed the
character of our internal politics, and
.. given the United StntcN a new place
limong the nation of the earth. Our
Oovernnient has passed through the
vicissitudes and tho perils of civil war
a war which, though mainly actional
in its character, has, nevertheless, de
cided political ditto rciieoK t hat from the
very beginning of the Government had
threatened tho unity of our national
existence, and has lellits im press deep
and ineffaceable upon all the interests,
tho sentiments, und the de.-liny of the
republic. While it ha inflicted upon the
wholo country severe losses in hie and
in property, and haw imposed burdens,
which must weigh on its resources for
generations to come, it has developed
u degree of national courage in the
presence of national dangers n capac
ity for military organization and
achievement, and n devotion on the
' part of the pcoplo to the form of gov
ernment which they have ordained,
and to tho principles of liberty which
that government was designed to pro
mote, which must confirm tho confi
dence of tho nation in tho perpetuity
of its republican institutions, and com
mand tho respect, of tho civilized
world.
Llko all groat contests which rouse
tho passions and test the enduraiieo of
nations, this war has given new scope
to the ambition ot political parties, and
fresh impulse to plans of innovation
and reform. Amidst the chaos of 0011-
Hiding sentiments inseparable from
Huch an era, whilo the public heart, is
keenly alivo to all the passions that can
Bvay thopublie judgment and u fleet tho
public action; while the wounds of war
uro still fresh and bleeding on either
eido, and fears for tho future take un
just proportions from tho memories
mid resentments of the past, it is a
dillicult but an imperative duty which,
on your behalf, we, who aro hero as
sembled, have undertaken to perform.
Assemblage in Amity.
For the first time alter six long'ycurs
01 ujionation and ot conlliet, we have
como together from every Stnto and
every section of our land, as citizens of
a common country, under that-ling, the
Hymbol again of a common glory, to
consult together how best tocenient and
perpetuate that Union which is again
tho object of our common love, and thus
eecure tho blessings of liberty to our
selves and our posterity.
I. In tho first place, wo invoke you
to remember, always and everywhere,
that the war Is ended and tho nation is
again at peace. Tho shock of contend
ing arms no longer assails the shud
dering heart of tho Republic. Tho in
surrection against tho supremo author
ity of the nation has been suppressed,
und that authority has been again ac
knowledged, by word and act , in every
State and by every citizen within it
jurisdiction. We are no longer ro
quired or permitted to regard or treat
oach other as enemies. Not only have
the acts of war been discontinued, and
tho weapons of war laid aside, but tho
Htato of war no longer exists, and the
sentiments, tho passions, the relations
of war have no longer lawful or right
ful place anywhere throughout our
broad domain. Wo aro again people
el'the United States, fellow-citizens of
ono country, bound by tho duties and
obligations of a common patriotism,
and, having neither rights nor interests
apart from a common destiniy.
Duties of Peace.
Tho duties that devolve upon us now
nro again tho duties of peace, and no
longer tho duties of war. We havo
nsflombled here to tako counsel concern
ing tho interests of peace to decide
Jiow wo may most wisely and effectu
ally hoal tho wounds tho wnrhasmado,
and porfoet and perpetuate tho benefits
it hasBocured, and tho blessings which,
tinder a wise and benign l'rovidenco,
have sprung up in ita fiery track. This
is tho work, not of passion, bat of calm
and sober judgment; not of resentment
for past offenses prolonged beyond tho
limits, which justico and reason pro
pcribo, but of a liboral statesmanship,
which tolerates what it cannot prevent,
and builds its planW and its hopes for
tho future rather upon a community of
interest and ambition than upon dis
trust and tho weapons of forco.
Political Results of the War.
. 2. In tho licxt place, Ave call upon
you to recognize in their full signifi
cance, jijid to accept 'with all their le
gitimate consequences, the liolilicnl re-
suits of the war just closed. In two
inosf important particulars the victory
achieved by the .National Government
has been final and decisive. First, it
has established bevond all further con
troversy, and by tlio highest of all hu
mnn sanctions, the absolute supremacy
of the National Government, as defined
and limited by tho constitution of the
United States, and the permanent in
tegrity and indissolubility of tho Fed
eral Union as a necessary consequence;
and second, 'it has put an end finally
and forever to the existence of slavery
upon the soil or within the jurisdiction
of the United States. J?oth these
points became directly involved in tho
contest, and controversy upon both was
ended absolutely and finally bv tho result.
Fruits of Victory.
?. In the third place, wo deem it of
the utmost iniio;'tancc that the real
character of tho war and tho victory
by which it was closed should bo accu
rately understood. The war was carried
on by tho Government of tho United
Status in maintenance of its own au
thority and in defense of its own exis
tence, both of whidi wore menaced by
the insurrection which it sought to sup
press. The suppression of that insur
rection accomplished that result. The
Government of the United Stales main
tained, by force of arms, the suprome
authority over all the territory, and
over all the States and pcoplo within
its jurisdiction, which the constitution
confers upon it; but it acquired thereby
no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction,
no rights either of territorial possession
or of civil authority which it did not
possess before the rebellion broke out.
All tho rightful power it can ever pos
sess is that which is conferred 'upon it,
either in express terms, or by fair und
necessary implication, by tho constitu
tion of tlio United States. It was that
power and that authority which the
rebellion sought to overthrow, and tho
victory of the Federal arms was sim
ply the defeat of that attempt. Tlio
Government of the United States acted
throughout tho war on the defensive.
It sought only to hold possession of
what was already its own. -Neither
tho war, nor the victory by which it
was closed, changed in any way the
constitution ot the United Mates, llio
war was carried on by virtue of its
provisions, and under tho limitations
which they prescribe; and tho result
of tho war did not cither enlarge,
abridge, or in anyway change orall'ecct,
tho powers it confers upon the Federal
Government, or release that Govern
ment from tho restrictions.which it has
imposed.
The constitution of the United States
is to-day precisely as it was before tho
war, the ' supreme law of the land, any
thing in the constitution or laws of
any State tothe contrary notwithstand
ing;" and to-day, also, precisely as be
fore the war, "all tho powers not con
ferred by the constitution upon tho
General Government, nor prohibited
by it to tho States, aro reserved to
tho several States, or to tho people
thereof."
This position is vindicated not only
by tho essential naturo of our Govern
ment, and tho languago and spirit of
tho constitution, but by till the actsand
tho languago of our Government, in all
its departments, and at all times from
the outbreak of tho rebellion to its final
overthrow.
Sole Object of the Contest.
In every message and proclamation
of the Executive it was explicitly de
clared that tho solo object and purpose
ot tho war waa to maintain tho author
ity of tho constitution and to preserve
tho integrity of the Union; and Con
gress more than once reiterated this
solemn declaration, and added the us
s u ran co that whenever tho object
should bo attained tho war should
ceuso, ami all the Stales should retain
their equul rights and dignity unim
paired. It is only sinoo tho war was closed
that other rights havo been asserted on
behalf of one department of tho Gen
eral Government.
Assertions of Congress.
It has been proclaimed by Congress
that, in addition to tho powers conferred
upon it by tho constitution, tho Fed
eral Government way now claim over
tho States, tho territory and tho peo
ple involved in tho insurrection, tho
rights of war tho right of conquest
and confiscation, tho right to abrogate
all existing government!, institutions
and-laws, and to subject tho territory
conquered and its inhabitants to sucli
laws, regulations and deprivations as
tho Legislative Department of thoGov
eminent may see lit to impose Under
this broad and sweeping claim that
clauso of tho constitution which pro
vides that "no Stato shall, without its
consent, be deprived of its equal suf
frago in tho Senate of tho Unitod
States," has boon annulled, and ten
States havo been refused, and aro still
refused, representation altogether in
both branches of tho Federal Congress.
And tho Congrcr.s in which only a part
of the States and of the people of tho
union are represented has asserted the
right thus to exclude the rest from rep
resentation, and from nil share in mak
ing their own laws or choosing then-
own rulers until theyshall comply with
such conditions and perform such acts
as this Congress thus composed may
itself presenile. lhat right has not
onlv been asserted, but It has been ox-
ercised, and is practically enforced at
tho present time. IS'or does it find any
support in the theory that tho States
thus excluded are in rebellion. They
are ono and all in an altitude of loyalty
toward the Government, and of sworn
allegiance to the constitution of the
United States. In no ono of them is
there tho slighest indication of resist
ance to this authority, or tho slightest
rotest against its; just and binding ob
igation. This condition of renewed
loyalty has been oflicially recognized
by solemn proclamation of the Execu
tive I lepartment. The laws of the
I nited States havo been extended by
Congress over all these Slates -and the
people thereof. Federal Courts have
been reopened, and Federal taxes im
posed and levied. And in every re
spect, except that they are denied rep
resentation in Congress and tho l.iec
toral College, tho State once in rebel
lion aro recognized as holding tho same
position, as owing tho same obliga
tions, and subject to the same duties
as tlio other Slates of our common
Union.
Unrestricted Representation Necessary.
It seems to us, in the exercise of the
calmest and most candid judgmcnl we
can bring to the subject, that such a
claim, so enforced, involves as fatal an
overthrow of the authority of the con
stitution, and as complete a destruction
of tho Government and Union, as that
which was sought to be effected by the
Slates and people in tinned insurrec
tion against them both. It cannot es
cape observation, that tho power thus
asserted to exclude certain States from
representation, is made to rest wholly
in the will and discretion of tho Con
gross that asserts it. It is not made to
depend upon any specified conditions
or circumstances, nor to bo subject to
any rules or regulations whatever.
Tho right asserted and exercised is ab
solute, without qualification or restric
tion, not confined to States in rebellion,
nor to States that have rebelled; it is
the right of any Congress iu formal
possession of Icislativo authority, to
exclude any Stato or States, und any
portion of tho people thereof, at any
time, from representation in Congress
and in tho Electoral College, at its own
discretion, and until they shall perform
such acts and comply with such condi
tions as it may dictate. Obviously,
tho reasons for such exclusion being
wholly within tho the discretion of
Congress, may change its tho Congress
itself shall change. One Congress may
exclude a Stato from all share in the
Government for one reason ; and, that
reason removed, tho next Congress may
exclude it for another. Ono Stato may
bo excluded on ono ground to-day, and
another may bo excluded on tho oppo
site ground to-morrow. Xorthcrn
ascendancy may exclude Southern
States from ono Congress tho osccn
dancy of Western or of Southern in
terests, or of both combined, may ex
clude tho Northern or the Eastern
States from tho next. Improbable as
such usurpations may seem, tho estab
lishment of (he principle now asserted
and acted upon by Congress will render
them by no means impossible. Tho
character, indeed tho very existence of
Congees und the Union is thus made
dependent solely and entirely upon tho
party and sectional exigencies of for
bearances of tho hour.
We need not stop to show that such
action not only finds no warrant in t he
constitution, but is at war with every
principle of our Government, and witli
tho very existence of free institutions.
It is, indeed, tho identical practice
which has rendered fruitless all at
tempts hitherto to establish and main
tain free governments in Mexico and
the States of South America. Tarty
necessities assvrt themselves as superior
to tho fundamental law, which is set
aside in reckless obedience to their be
hests. Stability, whether in the exer
ciso of power, in tho administration of
government, or in tho enjoyment of
rights, becomes impossible; and the
conflicts of party, which, under consti-J
tutionat governments, aro tho condi
tions and means of political progress,
aro merged jn tho conflicts of arms
to which they directly and inevitably
tend.
It was against this peril, so cospicu
ous and so fatal to all free governments,
that our constitution whs intended es
pecially to provide. Xot only tho sta
bility, but tho very existence of tho
Government is made by its provisions
to depend upon tho right and the fact
of representation.
Rights of Representation.
Tho Congress, upon which is con
ferred all tho legislative power of tho
National Government, consists of two
branches, tho Senate and Houso of
Representatives, whoso joint concur
rence or assont is essential to tho val
idity of any law.. Of these, tho Houso
of Representatives, says tho constitu
tion, - (article 1, section 2.) "shall bo
composed of members chosen every
second year by the people of the several
States.'1 Not only is the right of rep
resentation ihtis recognizor! as possessed
by i r. 1 1 the States, nod by every State
wit hout restriction, qualification oreoiT
dition of any kind, but the duty of
choosing representatives is imposed
upon the people of each and every
Stato alike, without distinction, or the
authority to make distinctions among
them, for any reason or upon any
grounds whatever. And in the Senate,
so careful is the constitution to secure
Uk every Stato this right of representa
tion, it is expressly provided that "no
State shall, without its consent, be de
prived of iH equal suffrage." in that
body, even by nn amendment of the
constitution itrolf. When, therefore,
any Stnto is excluded from such repre
sentation, not only is a right of the
Stato denied, but the constit ut ional in
tegrity of tho Senate is impaired, ami
the validity of the Go.vornmeiit itself is
brought in question. Rut Congress at
the present moment thiisvxeludes from
representation, in lu.th branches of
Congress, ten States of the Union, do
nyinir them all share in the enactment
of laws by which they aro to bo gov
erned, and all participation in tho elec
tion of tho rulers by which those laws
are to be enforced. In other words, n
Congress in which only t wenty six
States are represented, asserts theright
to govern, absolutely and in its own
discretion, oil tho thirty-six States
which compose the Union to make
their laws andchooso their rulers, and
to exclude tho other ten from till share
in their own government until it. sees
lit to admit them thereto. What is
there to distinguish tho power thus as
sorted and exercised from tho most ab
solute and intolerable tyranny?
Privilege of Citizenship Restored.
4. Nor do these extravagant and un
just claims on the part of Congress to
powers and authority never conferred
upon tho Government by the constitu
tion find any warrant in the arguments
or excuses urged on their behalf. It is
alleged.
First That these States, by tho act
of rebellion and by voluntarily with
drawing their moniliors from Congress
forfeited their right of representation.
ami that they can only receive it again
at the hands of the supremo legislative
authority of'tho Government, on itsown
terj.is and at its own discretion... If
representation iu Congress and partioi
palion in tho Government were simply
privileges conferred and held by favor,
this statement might have the merit of
plausibility. Hut representation is un
der the constitution not only expressly
recognized as a right, but it is imposed
us a duty; audit is essential in both
aspects to tiie existence of tho Govern
ment and to the maintenance of its au
thority. In free governments funda
mental and essential rights cannot bo
forfeited, except against individuals by
the duo process of law ; nor can cons
titutional duties and obligationsbo dis-
Icurdod or laid aside. The enjoyment
ot rights may no lor a timo suspended
by tho failure t claim them, and the
duties may bo evaded by tho refusal to
perform them. The withdrawal of
their members from Congress by the
States which resisted the General Gov
ernment was among their acts of insur
rection was ono of tho moans nud
agencies y which they sought to im
pair tho authority and defeat tho ac
tion of tho Government ; and that act
was annulled and rendered void when
the insurrection itself was suppressed.
Neither tho right of representation or
the duty t ) bo represented was in tho
least impaired by tho fact of insurrec
tion; but it may have been that by
reason of the insurrection the c";::'l'ious
on which tlu enjoyment of that right,
and the performance of that duty for
the time depended could not be fulfilled.
This wus in fact jus case. An insur
gent poA'cr, in the exercise of usurped
and unlawful authority, had prohibited
within the territory under its control,
that allegiance to the constitution and
laws of the" United State which is made
by that fundamental law tho essential
condition of representation in its Gov
ernment. No man within the insurgent
States was allowed to tako the oath to
support the constitution of tho Unitod
States, und, as a necessary consequence,
no man could lawfully represent those
States ir. the councils of tho Union.
Rut this was only an obstacle to tho
enjoyment of the right and to tho dis
charge of a duly it did not annul the
ono nor abrogato tho other; and it
ceased to exist when tho usurpation by
which it was created had been over
thrown, and tho Slates had again re
sumed their allegianeo to the constitu
tion anil laws of the United States.
The Rebellion an Insurrection.
Second Rut it is asserted in sup
port of Iho authority claimed by tho
Congress now in possession of power,
that it flows directly from tho laws of
war; that it is among tho rights which
victorious war always confers upon tho
conquerors, and which tho conqueror
may exercise or waive in his own dis
cretion. To this wo reply that the
laws in question relate solely, so far as
tho righta they confer are concerned,
to wars waged between alien and inde
pendent nations, and can have noplace
or force, iu this regard, in a war waged
by a Government, to suppress an insur
rection of its own peopie, upon itsown
oil, against iN authority. If wo had
carried on Miet ,'f.sful war against any
foreign nation, we might thereby havo
acquired possession nnl jurisdiction of
their soil, with tho right to mfoivo our
laws upon their neeiple and to impose
upon iheni such laws and such obliga
tions ns we might choose. Rut we had
before tlio war coniplcto jurisdiction
over the -oil of the Southern SliTtes,
limited onlv by our own Constitution.
Our I aws were the only National laws
in force upon it. Tho Government of
the United States was tho only Govern
ment through which those Ktittcs and
their people had relations with foreign
nations, and its Hag was tho only fmg
by which (hoy wcro recognized or
known ony-whoro on the faoo of the
earth. in all those respects, and in
all other respects involving national
interests and rights, our possession
was perfect and complete. It did not
need to bo acquired, but only to be
maintained ; and victorious waragainst
the rebellion could do nothing more
than maintain it. It could only vindi
cate and ro e tublh.h tho disputed su
promacy el'the constitution. Jt could
neither enlarge nor diminish the au
thority w hich that constitution confers
upon the Government by which it was
achieved. Such an cnlurgi. merit, or
abridgement of constitutional power
can bo effected only by amendment of
the constituion itself, and such amend
ment can bo made only in tho modes
which the constitution itself prescribes.
j i'o cmiiii mai mo suppression 01 Trn
insurrection against the Government
ovos additional authority and power
to that Government, especially that it
enlarges the jurisdiction of Congress,
and gives thutbody tho right toexcludo
Mates from representation in tho Na
tional councils, without which tho'iia
tion itself can have no authority and
no existence, scorns to us at, variance
alike with the principles of the consti
tution and with thopublie safety.
Way to Amend the Constitution.
Third Rut it is alleged that in cor
tain particulars tho constitution of the
Li nited Mates tails to se-curo th abso
lute justice and impartial equality
which the principles of our Govern
ment require; that it was in this re
spect tlio result of compromise and
':onccssioiis, to which, however neocs-
sury whcii.tho.com titiiiian wnjs formed
we are no longer compelled to submit,
and Ilia', now, having tho 'power,
through successful war and just war
rant, lor its exorcise in thehostilo con
duct of the insurgent section, the ac
tual Government' of the United States
may impose its own conditions, und
mako the constitution conform in oil
its provisions to its own ideas of equal
ity and the rights of man. Congress,
at its last session, proposed amend
ments to tho const it ui ion, enlarging in
somo very important parliculars the
authority of the General Goveremeiit
over that of the several States, and re
ducing, by indirect disfranchisement,
the representative power of the Stales
in which slavery formerly existed ; und
it is claimed that these amendments
may be made valid as parts of tho ori
ginal constitution without llio concur
rence of tho Stales to bo most seriously
affected by them, or may bo imposed
upon those States by three-fourths of
tho remaining States, as conditions of
their readmission to representation in
Congress and in tho Electoral Collego.
Full Concurrence of the States
Requisite.
It is Oio nnouostionablo right of tho
people of tho United States to mako
such changes in the constitution as they
upon duo deliberation, may deem ox
T:L'Ji"t. Rut we insits that they shall
bo made in the I.'.'odo which tho consti
tution itself points out in conformity
with the letter and tho spirit of that
instrument, and with tho pri.'IC'nlo of
sen -go cj ouieiii unu vi equal rigllls,
which lio at tho basis of our republican
institutions. Wo deny the right of
Congress to make those changes in tho
fundamental law without tho concur
rence of three-fourths of all tho States,
including especially those to bo most
seriously affected by them ; or to im
pose them upon States or people, as
conditions of representation, or admis
sion to any of the rights, duties or ob
ligations which belong, under tho con
stitution, to all tho States uliko. And
with still greater emphasis do wo deny
tho right of any portion of tho States
excluding tho rest of tho States from
any share in their councils, to propose
or sanction changes in tho constitution
which are to effect pormunonMy their
political relations, and control or coerce
the legitimato action of tho several
members of tho common Union. Such
an exorcise of power is simply an usur
pation, just as warrantable when ex
orcised by Northern States as it would
bo if exercised by Southern, and not to
bo fortified or palliated by any thing
in tho pasl history, cither of thoso by
whom it is attempted or of thoso upon
whoso rights and liberties it is to tako
effect. It liuds no warrant in tho con
stitution. It is at war with tho funda
mental principles of our form of gov
ernment. If tolerated ju ono iU6tanoo
iti becomes (he precedent for future in
vasions of liberty and ' const i.'utVinid
right, dependent f-oh-Iy upoii tho w'"
of the party in possesion of power, .vd
thn loads, by direct and iioc(v.ai y
sequence, to tho most fatal and intolcr
ubln of all tyrannies tho tyranny of
shifting nnd" irresponsible politient fac
tions. It is against this Iho most form
idable ofall tlio dangers which meiiaco
Iho stability of free government. Unit
the Constitution' of tho United State
was intended most carefully (o provide.
Wo demand a strict and stoadl.ist ad
herence to its provisions. In this, and
in this alone, run we find n basis of
permanent Union and pouca.
Loyalty of the South Unquestioned.
Untied.
Foirlh--Rut it is ullogod, in justifi
cation which wo condemn, that tho
condition of tho Southern Slates and
people is ml such as renders safo their
rPHdniission to a share in tho Govern
ment of'tho country; that they are still
disloyal "in sentiment and purpose, ami
that neither the honor, the eronit nor
the interestsof the nation would bosiif-i
if they were readmitted to n share in
its councils. We might reply to (hie:
I. 1 hal we have no right, for such
reasons, to deny to any portion of tho
Slates or people rights expressly con
ferred upon them by the constitution
of the I nited States.
2. That so long ns their nets aro
those of loyally s i long as they eon-
. !.. ..n" ....i I ' i .,
mi mi iii nn incir piiono connit' i io ttio
requirements of tlio constitution and
laws wo havo no right, to exact, from
them conformity iu their sentiments
and opinions d, our own.
8. That wo have no ri-rlit to distrust.
the purpose or tho ability of Iho people
of tho I nion to protect und defend, un
der all contingencies and by whatever
means may bo required, its honor und
its welfare.
These would, in our judgement, 1
full and conclusive answers to the pIo;
thus advanced for the cxe lusion of thoso
States from tho Union. Rut wo say
further that this plea rests upon n
complete misapprehension, or an un
just perversion of existing facts.
Its rcacrnl!cncs.i.
Wo do not hesitate to allirm that
there is no section of the conn try whero
tho constitution and laws of tho United
States finds a more prompt and cnliro
obedience than in those States, .and
among those ptoplo who wcro lately in
arms against them ; or where there i.s
less purpose ir loss danger of any fu
ture attempt tooverlhrow Iheirauthor
ity. It would seem to bo belli natural
and inevitable that, in State's nnd sec
tions so recently swept by tho whirl
wind of war, where all ordinary modes
and methods of organized industry
have been broken up, nnd tho boinU
and influences that guarantee social
order havo been destroyed where
thousands and tens of thousand-, of
turbulent spirits havo been suddenly
looV.ed from tho discipline of war, and
thrown without resources or restraint
upn a disorganized and chaotic society
and were the keen sense of defeat is
added to the overthrow of ambition
ami hope, scenes of violence should
defy for a timo tho imperfect discipline
of law, and excite anew tho fears and
forebodings of the patriotic ami well
disposed, It is unquestionably true
that local disturbances of this kind, ac
companied by moro or less violence, do
still occur. Rut. they are confi nod en
tirely to tho cities and and larger
towns of tho Southern States, whero
different races and interests aro
brought moro closely in contact, and
whero passions and resentments aro
always nuist easily fed and fanned into
outbreak; nnd oven thero thoy are
quite as ninth tho fruit of untimolyaud
hurtful political agitation as of any
hostility on the part of tho pooplo to
the authority of tho National G ovor n-ment.
Adhension to the Government.
Rut tho concurrent testimony of
ilioX' best acquainted withtho codition
of society ana t!.'" state of public, senti
ment inthe South inc!::dii)g that of
its represeutativss in this ConTCtion
establishes tho fact that tho great
masses of the Southern pcoplo accept,
with as full and sincere submission as
do tho pcoplo of the other States, tho
re-established supremacy of tho Na
tional authority, and aro prepared, In
tho most loyal spirit, and with u soul,
quickened ulko by their interest and
their prido, to co-openito with other
States and sections in whatever may
bo necessary to defend tho rights,
maintain tho honor, and promote the
welfare of our common country. His
tory affords no'instanco whoro a poo-,
pie, so powerful in numbers, in roi
Muu-i-en unu in jaioi;e spirit, filter A
war so long in its duration, so destruo--
tivo iu its progress, and so adverse in
its issue, have accepted defeat and its '
consequences with so much of good
faith as has marked tho conduct.of tho
pooplo lately in insurrection' against
tho Unitod States. Beyond all ques
tion this has boon largely duo to tho
wiso generosity with which their en
forced surrender was acceptod by tho
President of'tho Unitod States and tho
Generals in ' immediate command of
their armies, and to tho liboral meus-
(POXCXf PRO ON 1WBTII TAfll.)