It’s Time to Sue Communists

translated by Eugene Ivantsov, 18.10.2006, 11:49

The fact that the Communists do not fear historical responsibility
originates from their clean record. The Communist Party has been never
sued. The conduct of the Communist leader Petro Symonenko is a glaring
example of such resistance to historical responsibility.

Before mass disorders on Maidan on Friday 13th Symonenko informed
the public of the demonstration dedicated to the 64th anniversary of UPA
(Ukrainian Insurgent Army) foundation.

He also said the Communists would never let fascist allies to
profane the ‘sacred Khreshchatyk’. If necessary, they would resort to
physical violence against UPA supporters.

And they did, which resulted in local street fights that could turn
into mass disorders. 56 people were detained.

The next day Symonenko was in the air together with Ukrainian
People’s Party leader Yuriy Kostenko. Offered to present his viewpoints
concerning ways of possible reconciliation he burst out with a
revelatory criticism of UPA.

According to Symonenko, UPA soldiers killed civilians, teachers and
doctors who came to the Western Ukraine to teach and cure. However, the
recently published top secret KGB materials prove that Symonenko’s
statements are glaring falsehood.

It is impossible to wage any guerrilla warfare without support of
the local population. Ukrainians who lived in the Western Ukraine in
1939-1941 saw what kind of socialism the Soviets were building. It was
the socialism protected with barbwire. It was the socialist system
shooting its rivals in the back of the head. That’s why locals
supported their guerrillas. Even Soviet Security Services aided by the
military units could not crush UPA rebellion.

They resorted to inhuman tactics. To deprive UPA of their social
support Security Services formed special subunits which killed, raped
and robbed the locals under UPA colors. Besides, on Beria’s proposal
villages that hosted at least one alleged UPA member were resettled to
Siberia.

It is not the only bloody episode in the history of Ukraine.
Cynicism, treachery and infernal cruelty are characteristic features of
the Soviet regime.

In January 1918 Bolsheviks failed to repeat the scenario of the
October coup in Kyiv. Military unit ran by Yevhen Konovalets who was
destined to become one of the icons of Ukrainian nationalism played the
decisive role in the battle.

Failed to get support of the locals, Bolsheviks repeatedly sent
their troops to conquer Western Ukraine and join it to the Soviet
Russia. Addressing NKVD agitators Lev Trotsky formulated Soviet tactics
with the frank cynicism:

"It is well known it was not Denikin who made
us leave Ukraine. It was the strong peasantry that opposed the Soviets.
A Ukrainian peasant hates the Soviet system.

Their free Cossack spirit has woken up. It was limitless
credulity and lack of unity that brought to nought all their
achievements.

That’s why they lost their independence controlled by Lithuania,
Poland or Russia being a very important part of these countries. Each
propagandist needs to remember these character features of Ukrainian
people.

Keep in mind that we have to get Ukraine back. There is no
Russia without Ukraine. Russia can not exist without Ukrainian coal,
iron, bread, salt and the Black Sea. Russia will die, followed by the
Soviet power. We need to…"

He advises then to lie that Russia acknowledges Ukraine’s
independence under the Soviet government.

Leiba Bronshtein (political nickname Lev Trotsky) knew Ukrainian
people well enough. He was not exaggerating saying that the Cossack
spirit made them (Ukrainians) perform wonders.

Minimum twice UPA made the decisive contribution to the Civil War
outcome. In September 1919 Ukrainian Revolutionary Insurgent Army
headed by Nestor Makhno crushed volunteer army which disrupted
Denikin’s attack on Moscow that was absolutely defenseless at that
time.

In October 1920 Makhno’s army forced a crossing over Syvash river
which allowed the Red Army to capture the town of Perekop. In ten days
Frunze mailed to Lenin: “Our cavalry captured Kerch. The Southern
battle-front is crushed,” forgetting to mention it was Makhno’s
cavalry.

After that, by Trotskiy’s order, Makhno’s entire army was executed
in the Crimea as a reward for such feat of arms.

Much has been said and written about Holodomor of 1932-1933
organized by the Communists. However, it is not an argument for
Symonenko who seems to sincerely believe that death of millions of
Ukrainians was a sophisticated form of sabotage against the kolkhoz
system. Supposedly, Ukrainian peasants were reluctant to join kolkhozes
and as a result they starved against the will of the Soviet power.

It goes without saying about mass repressions. Trucks stuffed with
dead bodies of the people shot in the basements of Zhovtnevyi Palace
(then NKVD residence) were crossing the ‘sacred Khreshchatyk’ by
nights.

Let’s compare: according to historian Konovalov, as of July 22, 1941
about 22 thousand people accused of opposition to Hitler’s regime were
detained in the concentration camps all over Germany.

Having come to the Western Ukraine in 1939, Soviet Communists
resorted to the tactics of mass terror. In 1941 during the retreat NKVD
officers, having no time for political prisoners, were just shooting
them. But the retreat was so hasty that they had no time even for the
shooting, exploding prisoner cells with grenades. It was that way in
Ternopil.

Those whose relatives and friends died during the first Soviet
invasion constituted the core of UPA and SS-Halychyna Division.

By the way, for information of comrades Symonenko and Vitrenko –
Nuremberg Tribunal did not refer Waffen SS units (those who fought
against Stalin’s regime on the Soviet-German battle-fronts) to criminal
military organizations.

Communists were always acting by a model: they promised and lied.
They killed those who did not believe them. Later on they presented
their own version of the story. Symonenko continues this tradition.

However, Communists could not foresee that top secret documents
would be ever de-classified. It would be great if the Communist leader
remembers about that making his public performances.

Still, the author is not that idealistic hoping for the sudden
Epiphany of the Communist boss.

However, the threat uttered by Symonenko on the air turned into the
appeal to illegal actions. The appeal has been heard. Mass disorders
did take place.

Thus, there are enough legal grounds to sue Symonenko. But is it
real, taking into account his parliamentary privileges?

In this connection, the author and other ordinary tax-payers have a
proposal to the Interior Minister Yuriy Lutsenko. Should the government
bring an action against the Communist Party with the demand to pay out
the money spent by the Interior Ministry for security measures and
arrangements?

Let Symonenko keep this money back from his MP wages.

Otherwise Comrade Symonenko, hoping for impunity and his
parliamentary privileges, will appeal to demolish Ukrainian Parliament.
We do remember similar precedents in the world history.