THERE is no situation which tries so severely the patience and
discipline of the soldier, as a life of idleness in camp, where his
thoughts, instead of being bent on enterprise and action, are fastened
on himself and the inevitable privations and dangers of his condition.
This was particularly the case in the present instance, where, in
addition to the evils of a scanty subsistence, the troops suffered
from excessive heat, swarms of venomous insects, and the other
annoyances of a sultry climate. They were, moreover, far from
possessing the character of regular forces, trained to subordination
under a commander whom they had long been taught to reverence and
obey. They were soldiers of fortune, embarked with him in an adventure
in which all seemed to have an equal stake, and they regarded their
captain- the captain of a day- as little more than an equal.

There was a growing discontent among the men at their longer
residence in this strange land. They were still more dissatisfied on
learning the general's intention to remove to the neighbourhood of the
port discovered by Montejo. "It was time to return," they said, "and
report what had been done to the governor of Cuba, and not linger on
these barren shores until they had brought the whole Mexican empire on
their heads!" Cortes evaded their importunities as well as he could,
assuring them there was no cause for despondency. "Everything so far
had gone on prosperously, and, when they had taken up a more
favourable position, there was no reason to doubt they might still
continue the same profitable intercourse with the natives."

While this was passing, five Indians made their appearance in
the camp one morning, and were brought to the general's tent. Their
dress and whole appearance were different from those of the
Mexicans. They wore rings of gold and gems of a bright blue stone in
their ears and nostrils, while a gold leaf delicately wrought was
attached to the under lip. Marina was unable to comprehend their
language; but, on her addressing them in Aztec, two of them, it was
found, could converse in that tongue. They said they were natives of
Cempoalla, the chief town of the Totonacs, a powerful nation who had
come upon the great plateau many centuries back, and descending its
eastern slope, settled along the sierras and broad plains which
skirt the Mexican Gulf towards the north. Their country was one of the
recent conquests of the Aztecs, and they experienced such vexatious
oppressions from their conquerors as made them very impatient of the
yoke. They informed Cortes of these and other particulars. The fame of
the Spaniards had reached their master, who sent these messengers to
request the presence of the wonderful strangers in his capital.

This communication was eagerly listened to by the general, who, it
will be remembered, was possessed of none of those facts, laid
before the reader, respecting the internal condition of the kingdom,
which he had no reason to suppose other than strong and united. An
important truth now flashed on his mind, as his quick eye descried
in this spirit of discontent a potent lever by the aid of which he
might hope to overturn this barbaric empire. He received the mission
of the Totonacs most graciously, and, after informing himself, as
far as possible, of their dispositions and resources, dismissed them
with presents, promising soon to pay a visit to their lord.

Meanwhile, his personal friends, among whom may be particularly
mentioned Alonso Hernandez de Puertocarrero, Christoval de Olid,
Alonso de Avila, Pedro de Alvarado and his brothers, were very busy in
persuading the troops to take such measures as should enable Cortes to
go foward in those ambitious plans for which he had no warrant from
the powers of Velasquez. "To return now," they said, "was to abandon
the enterprise on the threshold, which, under such a leader, must
conduct to glory and incalculable riches. To return to Cuba would be
to surrender to the greedy governor the little gains they had
already got. The only way was to persuade the general to establish a
permanent colony in the country, the government of which would take
the conduct of matters into its own hands, and provide for the
interests of its members. It was true, Cortes had no such authority
from Velasquez. But the interests of the Sovereigns, which were
paramount to every other, imperatively demanded it."

These conferences could not be conducted so secretly, though
held by night, as not to reach the ears of the friends of Velasquez.
They remonstrated against the proceedings, as insidious and
disloyal. They accused the general of instigating them; and, calling
on him to take measures without delay for the return of the troops
to Cuba, announced their own intention to depart, with such
followers as still remained true to the governor.

Cortes, instead of taking umbrage at this high-handed
proceeding, or even answering in the same haughty tone, mildly
replied, "that nothing was further from his desire than to exceed
his instructions. He, indeed, preferred to remain in the country and
continue his profitable intercourse with the natives. But, since the
army thought otherwise, he should defer to their opinion, and give
orders to return, as they desired." On the following morning,
proclamation was made for the troops to hold themselves in readiness
to embark at once on board the fleet, which was to sail for Cuba.

Great was the sensation caused by their general's order. Even many
of those before clamorous for it, with the usual caprice of men
whose wishes are too easily gratified, now regretted it. The partisans
of Cortes were loud in their remonstrances. "They were betrayed by the
general," they cried, and thronging round his tent, called on him to
countermand his orders. "We came here," said they, "expecting to
form a settlement, if the state of the country authorised it. Now it
seems you have no warrant from the governor to make one. But there are
interests, higher than those of Velasquez, which demand it. These
territories are not his property, but were discovered for the
Sovereigns; and it is necessary to plant a colony to watch over
their interests, instead of wasting time in idle barter, or, still
worse, of returning, in the present state of affairs, to Cuba. If
you refuse," they concluded, "we shall protest against your conduct as
disloyal to their Highnesses."

Cortes received this remonstrance with the embarrassed air of
one by whom it was altogether unexpected. He modestly requested time
for deliberation, and promised to give his answer on the following
day. At the time appointed, he called the troops together, and made
them a brief address. "There was no one," he said, "if he knew his own
heart, more deeply devoted than himself to the welfare of his
sovereigns, and the glory of the Spanish name. He had not only
expended his all, but incurred heavy debts, to meet the charges of
this expedition, and had hoped to reimburse himself by continuing
his traffic with the Mexicans. But, if the soldiers thought a
different course advisable, he was ready to postpone his own advantage
to the good of the state." He concluded by declaring his willingness
to take measures for settling a colony in the name of the Spanish
Sovereigns, and to nominate a magistracy to preside over it.

For the alcaldes he selected Puertocarrero and Montejo, the former
cavalier his fast friend, and the latter the friend of Velasquez,
and chosen for that very reason; a stroke of policy which perfectly
succeeded. The regidores, alguacil, treasurer, and other
functionaries, were then appointed, all of them his personal friends
and adherents. They were regularly sworn into office, and the new city
received the title of Villa Rica de Vera Cruz, "The Rich Town of the
True Cross"; a name which was considered as happily intimating that
union of spiritual and temporal interests to which the arms of the
Spanish adventurers in the New World were to be devoted. Thus, by a
single stroke of the pen, as it were, the camp was transformed into
a civil community, and the whole framework and even title of the
city were arranged before the site of it had been settled.

The new municipality were not slow in coming together; when Cortes
presented himself cap in hand, before that august body, and, laying
the powers of Velasquez on the table, respectfully tendered the
resignation of his office of Captain General, "which, indeed," he
said, "had necessarily expired, since the authority of the governor
was now superseded by that of the magistracy of Villa Rica de Vera
Cruz." He then, with a profound obeisance, left the apartment.

The council, after a decent time spent in deliberation, again
requested his presence. "There was no one," they said, "who, on mature
reflection, appeared to them so well qualified to take charge of the
interests of the community, both in peace and in war, as himself;
and they unanimously named him, in behalf of their Catholic
Highnesses, Captain General and Chief justice of the colony." He was
further empowered to draw, on his own account, one fifth of the gold
and silver which might hereafter be obtained by commerce or conquest
from the natives. Thus clothed with supreme civil and military
jurisdiction, Cortes was not backward in exerting his authority. He
found speedy occasion for it.

The transactions above described had succeeded each other so
rapidly, that the governor's party seemed to be taken by surprise, and
had formed no plan of opposition. When the last measure was carried,
however, they broke forth into the most indignant and opprobrious
invectives, denouncing the whole as a systematic conspiracy against
Velasquez. These accusations led to recrimination from the soldiers of
the other side, until from words they nearly proceeded to blows.
Some of the principal cavaliers, among them Velasquez de Leon, a
kinsman of the governor, Escobar his page, and Diego de Ordaz, were so
active in instigating these turbulent movements that Cortes took the
bold measure of putting them all in irons, and sending them on board
the vessels. He then dispersed the common file by detaching many of
them, with a strong party under Alvarado, to forage the neighbouring
country, and bring home provisions for the destitute camp.

During their absence, every argument that cupidity or ambition
could suggest was used to win the refractory to his views. Promises,
and even gold, it is said, were liberally lavished; till, by
degrees, their understandings were opened to a clearer view of the
merits of the case. And when the foraging party re-appeared with
abundance of poultry and vegetables, and the cravings of the
stomach- that great laboratory of disaffection, whether in camp or
capital- were appeased, good humour returned with good cheer, and
the rival factions embraced one another as companions in arms, pledged
to a common cause. Even the high-mettled hidalgos on board the vessels
did not long withstand the general tide of reconciliation, but one
by one gave in their adhesion to the new government. What is more
remarkable is, that this forced conversion was not a hollow one, but
from this time forward several of these very cavaliers become the most
steady and devoted partisans of Cortes.

Such was the address of this extraordinary man, and such the
ascendency which in a few months he had acquired over these wild and
turbulent spirits! By this ingenious transformation of a military into
a civil community, he had secured a new and effectual basis for future
operations. He might now go forward without fear of cheek or control
from a superior,- at least from any other superior than the crown,
under which alone he held his commission. In accomplishing this,
instead of incurring the charge of usurpation, or of transcending
his legitimate powers, he had transferred the responsibility, in a
great measure, to those who had imposed on him the necessity of
action. By this step, moreover, he had linked the fortunes of his
followers indissolubly with his own. They had taken their chance
with him, and, whether for weal or for woe, must abide the
consequences. He was no longer limited to the narrow concerns of a
sordid traffic, but sure of their co-operation, might now boldly
meditate, and gradually disclose, those lofty schemes which he had
formed in his own bosom for the conquest of an empire.

Harmony being thus restored, Cortes sent his heavy guns on board
the fleet, and ordered it to coast along the shore to the north as far
as Chiahuitztla, the town near which the destined port of the new city
was situated; proposing, himself, at the head of his troops, to
visit Cempoalla, on the march. The road lay for some miles across
the dreary plains in the neighbourhood of the modern Vera Cruz. In
this sandy waste no signs of vegetation met their eyes, which,
however, were occasionally refreshed by glimpses of the blue Atlantic,
and by the distant view of the magnificent Orizaba, towering with
his spotless diadem of snow far above his colossal brethren of the
Andes. As they advanced, the country gradually assumed a greener and
richer aspect. They crossed a river, probably a tributary of the Rio
de la Antigua, with difficulty, on rafts, and on some broken canoes
that were lying on the banks. They now came in view of very
different scenery,- wide-rolling plains covered with a rich carpet
of verdure, and overshadowed by groves of cocoas and feathery palms,
among whose tall, slender stems were seen deer, and various wild
animals with which the Spaniards were unacquainted. Some of the
horsemen gave chase to the deer, and wounded, but did not succeed in
killing them. They saw, also, pheasants and other birds; among them
the wild turkey, the pride of the American forest, which the Spaniards
described as a species of peacock.

On their route they passed through some deserted villages in which
were Indian temples, where they found censers, and other sacred
utensils, and manuscripts of the agave fibre, containing the
picture-writing, in which, probably, their religious ceremonies were
recorded. They now beheld, also, the hideous spectacle, with which
they became afterwards familiar, of the mutilated corpses of victims
who had been sacrificed to the accursed deities of the land. The
Spaniards turned with loathing and indignation from a display of
butchery, which formed so dismal a contrast to the fair scenes of
nature by which they were surrounded.

They held their course along the banks of the river, towards its
source, when they were met by twelve Indians, sent by the cacique of
Cempoalla to show them the way to his residence. At night they
bivouacked in an open meadow, where they were well supplied with
provisions by their new friends. They left the stream on the following
morning, and, striking northerly across the country, came upon a
wide expanse of luxuriant plains and woodland, glowing in all the
splendour of tropical vegetation. The branches of the stately trees
were gaily festooned with clustering vines of the dark-purple grape,
variegated convolvuli, and other flowering parasites of the most
brilliant dyes. The undergrowth of prickly aloe, matted with wild rose
and honeysuckle, made in many places an almost impervious thicket.
Amid this wilderness of sweet-smelling buds and blossoms fluttered
numerous birds of the parrot tribe, and clouds of butterflies, whose
gaudy colours, nowhere so gorgeous as in the tierra caliente, rivalled
those of the vegetable creation; while birds of exquisite song, the
scarlet cardinal and the marvellous mockingbird, that comprehends in
his own notes the whole music of a forest, filled the air with
delicious melody.- The hearts of the stern Conquerors were not very
sensible to the beauties of nature. But the magical charms of the
scenery drew forth unbounded expressions of delight, and as they
wandered through this "terrestrial paradise," as they called it,
they fondly compared it to the fairest regions of their own sunny
land.

As they approached the Indian city, they saw abundant signs of
cultivation in the trim gardens and orchards that lined both sides
of the road. They were now met by parties of the natives of either
sex, who increased in numbers with every step of their progress. The
women, as well as men, mingled fearlessly among the soldiers,
bearing bunches and wreaths of flowers, with which they decorated
the neck of the general's charger, and hung a chaplet of roses about
his helmet. Flowers were the delight of this people. They bestowed
much care in their cultivation, in which they were well seconded by
a climate of alternate heat and moisture, stimulating the soil to
the spontaneous production of every form of vegetable life. The same
refined taste, as we shall see, prevailed among the warlike Aztecs.

Many of the women appeared, from their richer dress and numerous
attendants, to be persons of rank. They were clad in robes of fine
cotton, curiously coloured, which reached from the neck- in the
inferior orders, from the waist- to the ankles. The men wore a sort of
mantle of the same material, in the Moorish fashion, over their
shoulders, and belts or sashes about the loins. Both sexes had
jewels and ornaments of gold round their necks, while their ears and
nostrils were perforated with rings of the same metal.

Just before reaching the town, some horsemen who had rode in
advance returned with the amazing intelligence, "that they had been
near enough to look within the gates, and found the houses all
plated with burnished silver!" On entering the place, the silver was
found to be nothing more than a brilliant coating of stucco, with
which the principal buildings were covered; a circumstance which
produced much merriment among the soldiers at the expense of their
credulous comrades. Such ready credulity is a proof of the exalted
state of their imaginations, which were prepared to see gold and
silver in every object around them. The edifices of the better kind
were of stone and lime, or bricks dried in the sun; the poorer were of
clay and earth. All were thatched with palm-leaves, which, though a
flimsy roof, apparently, for such structures, were so nicely
interwoven as to form a very effectual protection against the weather.

The city was said to contain from twenty to thirty thousand
inhabitants. This is the most moderate computation, and not
improbable. Slowly and silently the little army paced the narrow and
now crowded streets of Cempoalla, inspiring the natives with no
greater wonder than they themselves experienced at the display of a
policy and refinement so far superior to anything they had witnessed
in the New World. The cacique came out in front of his residence to
receive them. He was a tall and very corpulent man, and advanced
leaning on two of his attendants. He received Cortes and his followers
with great courtesy; and, after a brief interchange of civillties,
assigned the army its quarters in a neighbouring temple, into the
spacious courtyard of which a number of apartments opened, affording
excellent accommodations for the soldiery.

Here the Spaniards were well supplied with provisions, meat cooked
after the fashion of the country, and maize made into bread-cakes. The
general received, also, a present of considerable value from the
cacique, consisting of ornaments of gold and fine cottons.
Notwithstanding these friendly demonstrations, Cortes did not relax
his habitual vigilance, nor neglect any of the precautions of a good
soldier. On his route, indeed, he had always marched in order of
battle, well prepared against surprise. In his present quarters, he
stationed his sentinels with like care, posted his small artillery
so as to command the entrance, and forbade any soldier to leave the
camp without orders, under pain of death.

The following morning, Cortes, accompanied by fifty of his men,
paid a visit to the lord of Cempoalla in his own residence. It was a
building of stone and lime, standing on a steep terrace of earth,
and was reached by a flight of stone steps. It may have borne
resemblance in its structure to some of the ancient buildings found in
Central America. Cortes, leaving his soldiers in the courtyard,
entered the mansion with one of his officers, and his fair
interpreter, Dona Marina. A long conference ensued, from which the
Spanish general gathered much light respecting the state of the
country. He first announced to the chief, that he was the subject of a
great monarch who dwelt beyond the waters; that he had come to the
Aztec shores, to abolish the inhuman worship which prevailed there,
and to introduce the knowledge of the true God. The cacique replied
that their gods, who sent them the sunshine and the rain, were good
enough for them; that he was the tributary of a powerful monarch also,
whose capital stood on a lake far off among the mountains; a stern
prince, merciless in his exactions, and, in case of resistance, or any
offence, sure to wreak his vengeance by carrying off their young men
and maidens to be sacrificed to his deities. Cortes assured him that
he would never consent to such enormities; he had been sent by his
sovereign to redress abuses and to punish the oppressor; and, if the
Totonacs would be true to him, he would enable them to throw off the
detested yoke of the Aztecs.

The cacique added, that the Totonac territory contained about
thirty towns and villages, which could muster a hundred thousand
warriors,- a number much exaggerated. There were other provinces of
the empire, he said, where the Aztec rule was equally odious; and
between him and the capital lay the warlike republic of Tlascala,
which had always maintained its independence of Mexico. The fame of
the Spaniards had gone before them, and he was well acquainted with
their terrible victory at Tabasco. But still he looked with doubt
and alarm to a rupture with "the great Montezuma," as he always styled
him; whose armies, on the least provocation, would pour down from
the mountain regions of the west, and, rushing over the plains like
a whirlwind, sweep off the wretched people to slavery and sacrifice!

Cortes endeavoured to reassure him, by declaring that a single
Spaniard was stronger than a host of Aztecs. At the same time, it
was desirable to know what nations would cooperate with him, not so
much on his account, as theirs, that he might distinguish friend
from foe, and know whom he was to spare in this war of
extermination. Having raised the confidence of the admiring chief by
this comfortable and politic vaunt, he took an affectionate leave,
with the assurance that he would shortly return and concert measures
for their future operations, when he had visited his ships in the
adjoining port, and secured a permanent settlement there.

The intelligence gained by Cortes gave great satisfaction to his
mind. It confirmd his former views, and showed, indeed, the interior
of the monarchy to be in a state far more distracted than he had
supposed. If he had before scarcely shrunk from attacking the Aztec
empire in the true spirit of a knight-errant, with his single arm,
as it were, what had he now to fear, when one half of the nation could
be thus marshalled against the other? In the excitement of the moment,
his sanguine spirit kindled with an enthusiasm which overleaped
every obstacle. He communicated his own feelings to the officers about
him, and, before a blow was struck, they already felt as if the
banners of Spain were waving in triumph the towers of Montezuma!

Taking leave of the hospitable Indian on the following day, the
Spaniards took the road to Chiahuitztla, about four leagues distant,
near which was the port discovered by Montejo, where their ships
were now riding at anchor. They were provided by the cacique with four
hundred Indian porters, tamanes, as they were called, to transport the
baggage. These men easily carried fifty pounds' weight five or six
leagues in a day. They were in use all over the Mexican empire, and
the Spaniards found them of great service, henceforth, in relieving
the troops from this part of their duty. They passed through a country
of the same rich, voluptuous character as that which they had lately
traversed; and arrived early next morning at the Indian town,
perched like a fortress on a bold, rocky eminence that commanded the
Gulf. Most of the inhabitants had fled, but fifteen of the principal
men remained, who received them in a friendly manner, offering the
usual compliments of flowers and incense. The people of the place,
losing their fears, gradually returned. While conversing with the
chiefs, the Spaniards were joined by the worthy cacique of
Cempoalla, borne by his men on a litter. He eagerly took part in their
deliberations. The intelligence gained here by Cortes confirmed the
accounts already gathered of the feelings and resources of the Totonac
nation.

In the midst of their conference, they were interrupted by a
movement among the people, and soon afterwards five men entered the
great square or market-place, where they were standing. By their lofty
port, their peculiar and much richer dress, they seemed not to be of
the same race as these Indians. Their dark glossy hair was tied in a
knot on the top of the head. They had bunches of flowers in their
hands, and were followed by several attendants, some bearing wands
with cords, other fans, with which they brushed away the flies and
insects from their lordly masters. As these persons passed through the
place, they cast a haughty look on the Spaniards, scarcely deigning to
return their salutations. They were immediately joined, in great
confusion, by the Totonac chiefs, who seemed anxious to conciliate
them by every kind of attention.

The general, much astonished, inquired of Marina what it meant.
She informed him, they were Aztec nobles, empowered to receive the
tribute for Montezuma. Soon after, the chiefs returned with dismay
painted on their faces. They confirmed Marina's statement, adding,
that the Aztecs greatly resented the entertainment afforded the
Spaniards without the emperor's permission; and demanded in
expiation twenty young men and women for sacrifice to the gods. Cortes
showed the strongest indignation at this insolence. He required the
Totonacs not only to refuse the demand, but to arrest the persons of
the collectors, and throw them into prison. The chiefs hesitated,
but he insisted on it so peremptorily, that they at length complied,
and the Aztecs were seized, bound hand and foot, and placed under a
guard.

In the night, the Spanish general procured the escape of two of
them, and had them brought secretly before him. He expressed his
regret at the indignity they had experienced from the Totonacs; told
them, he would provide means for their flight, and to-morrow would
endeavour to obtain the release of their companions. He desired them
to report this to their master, with assurances of the great regard
the Spaniards entertained for him, notwithstanding his ungenerous
behaviour in leaving them to perish from want on his barren shores. He
then sent the Mexican nobles down to the port, whence they were
carried to another part of the coast by water, for fear of the
violence of the Totonacs. These were greatly incensed at the escape of
the prisoners, and would have sacrificed the remainder at once, but
for the Spanish commander, who evinced the utmost horror at the
proposal, and ordered them to be sent for safe custody on board the
fleet. Soon after, they were permitted to join their companions.- This
artful proceeding, so characteristic of the policy of Cortes, had,
as we shall see hereafter, all the effect intended on Montezuma.

By order of Cortes, messengers were despatched to the Totonac
towns, to report what had been done, calling on them to refuse the
payment of further tribute to Montezuma. But there was no need of
messengers. The affrighted attendants of the Aztec lords had fled in
every direction, bearing the tidings, which spread like wildfire
through the country, of the daring insult offered to the majesty of
Mexico. The astonished Indians, cheered with the sweet hope of
regaining their ancient liberty, came in numbers to Chiahuitztla, to
see and confer with the formidable strangers. The more timid, dismayed
at the thoughts of encountering the power of Montezuma, recommended an
embassy to avert his displeasure by timely concessions. But the
dexterous management of Cortes had committed them too far to allow any
reasonable expectation of indulgence from this quarter. After some
hesitation, therefore, it was determined to embrace the protection
of the Spaniards, and to make one bold effort for the recovery of
freedom. Oaths of allegiance were taken by the chiefs to the Spanish
sovereigns, and duly recorded by Godoy, the royal notary. Cortes,
satisfied with the important acquisition of so many vassals to the
crown, set out soon after for the destined port, having first promised
to revisit Cempoalla, where his business was but partially
accomplished.

The spot selected for the new city was only half a league distant,
in a wide and fruitful plain, affording a tolerable haven for the
shipping. Cortes was not long in determining the circuit of the walls,
and the sites of the fort, granary, townhouse, temple, and other
public buildings. The friendly Indians eagerly assisted, by bringing
materials, stone, lime, wood, and bricks dried in the sun. Every man
put his hand to the work. The general laboured with the meanest of the
soldiers, stimulating their exertions by his example, as well as
voice. In a few weeks the task was accomplished, and a town rose up,
which, if not quite worthy of the aspiring name it bore, answered most
of the purposes for which it was intended. It served as a good point
d'appui for future operations; a place of retreat for the disabled, as
well as for the army in case of reverses; a magazine for stores, and
for such articles as might be received from or sent to the mother
country; a port for the shipping; a position of sufficient strength to
overawe the adjacent country.

It was the first colony- the fruitful parent of so many others- in
New Spain. It was hailed with satisfaction by the simple natives,
who hoped to repose in safety under its protecting shadow. Alas!
they could not read the future, or they would have found no cause to
rejoice in this harbinger of a revolution more tremendous than. any
predicted by their bards and prophets. It was not the good
Quetzalcoatl who had returned to claim his own again, bringing
peace, freedom, and civilisation in his train. Their fetters,
indeed, would be broken, and their wrongs be amply avenged on the
proud head of the Aztec; but it was to be by that strong arm which
should bow down equally the oppressor and the oppressed. The light
of civilisation would be poured on their land; but it would be the
light of a consuming fire, before which their barbaric glory, their
institutions, their very existence and name as a nation, would
wither and become extinct! Their doom was sealed when the white man.
had set his foot on their soil.

2. The letter from the cabildo of Vera Cruz says nothing of these midnight confer­ences. Bernal Diaz, who was privy to them is a sufficient authority. See Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 42.

3. Gomara, Crónica, cap. 30.--Las Casas, Hist. de las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap. 121.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 80.--Bernal Diaz, Ibid., loc. cit.--Declaracion de Puertocarrero, MS.
The deposition of a respectable person like Puertocarrero, taken in the course of the following year after his return to Spain, is a document of great authority.

4. Sometimes we find the Spanish writers referring to "the sovereigns," sometimes to "the emperor"; in the former case, intending queen Joanna, the crazy mother of Charles V., as well as himself. Indeed, all public acts and ordinances ran in the name of both. The title of "Highness," which, until the reign of Charles V., had usually--not uniformly, as Robertson imagines (History of Charles V., vol. II. p. 59)--been applied to the sovereign, now gradually gave way to that of "Majesty," which Charles affected after his election to the imperial throne. The same title is occasionally found in the correspondence of the Great Captain, and other courtiers of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella.

5. According to Robertson, Cortés told his men that he had proposed to establish a colony on the coast, before marching into the country; but he abandoned his de­sign at their entreaties to set out at once on the expedition. In the very next page, we find him organizing this same colony. (History of America, vol. II. pp. 241, 242.) The historian would have been saved this inconsistency, if he had followed either of the authorities whom he cites, Bernal Diaz and Herrera, or the letter from Vera Cruz, of which he had a copy. They all concur in the statement in the next.

7. According to Bernal Diaz, the title of "Vera Cruz" was intended to commemor­ate their landing on Good Friday. Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 42.

8. Solís, whose taste for speech-making might have satisfied even the Abbé Mably, (See his Treatise, "De la Manière d'écrire l'Histoire,") has put a very flourishing harangue on this occasion into the mouth of his hero, of which there is not a ves­tige in any contemporary account. (Conquista, lib. 2, cap. 7.) Dr. Robertson has transferred it to his own eloquent pages, without citing his author, indeed, who, considering he came a century and a half after the Conquest, must be allowed to be not the best, especially when the only voucher for a fact.

10. Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.--Gomara, Crónica, cap. 30, 31.--Las Casas, Hist. de las Indias, MS., lib. 3, cap.122.--Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., MS., cap. 80.--Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 42.--Declaraciones de Montejo y Puertocarrero, MSS.
In the process of Narvaez against Cortés, the latter is accused of being possessed with the Devil, as only Lucifer could have gained him thus the affections of the soldiery. (Demanda de Narvaez, MS.) Solís, on the other hand, sees nothing but good faith and loyalty in the conduct of the general, who acted from a sense of duty! (Conquista, lib. 2, cap. 6, 7.) Solís is even a more steady apologist for his hero, than his own chaplain, Gomara, or the worthy magistrates of Vera Cruz. A more impartial testimony than either, probably, may be gathered from honest Ber­nal Diaz, so often quoted. A hearty champion of the cause, he was by no means blind to the defects nor the merits of his leader.

11. This may appear rather indifferent logic to those who consider that Cortés ap­pointed the very body, who, in turn, appointed him to the command. But the af­fectation of legal forms afforded him a thin varnish for his proceedings, which served his purpose, for the present, at least, with the troops. For the future, he trusted to his good star,--in other words, to the success of his enterprise,--to vindicate his conduct to the Emperor. He did not miscalculate.

12. The name of the mountain is not given, and probably was not known, but the minute description in the MS. of Vera Cruz leaves no doubt that it was the one mentioned in the text, "Entre las quales así una que excede en mucha altura á todas las otras y de ella se vee y descubre gran parte de la mar y de la tierra, y es tan alta, que si el dia no es bien claro, no se puede divisar ni ver lo alto de ella, porque de la mitad arriba está toda cubierta de nubes; y algunos veces, cuando hace muy claro dia, se vee por cima de las dichas nubes lo alto de ella, y está tan blanco, que lo jusgamos por nieve." (Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.) This huge volcano was called Citlaltepetl, or "Star-mountain," by the Mexicans, perhaps from the fire which once issued from its conical summit, far above the clouds. It stands in the intendancy of Vera Cruz, and rises, according to Humboldt's measurement, to the enormous height of 17,368 feet above the ocean. (Essai Politique, tom. I. p. 265.) It is the highest peak but one in the whole range of the Mexican Cordilleras.

14. Gomara, Crónica, cap. 32, ap. Barcia, tom. II.--Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 2, lib. 5, cap. 8.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 1.
"Mui hermosas vegas y riberas tales y tan hermosas que en toda España no pue­den ser mejores ansí de apaçibles á la vista como de fructíferas." (Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.) The following poetical apostrophe, by Lord Morpeth, to the scenery of Cuba, equally applicable to that of the tierra caliente, will give the reader a more animated picture of the glories of these sunny climes, than my own prose can. The verses, which have never been published, breathe the generous sentiment character­istic of their noble author.
"Ye tropic forests of unfading green,
Where the palm tapers and the orange glows,
Where the light bamboo weaves her feathery screen,
And her far shade the matchless ceiba throws!

"Ye cloudless ethers of unchanging blue,
Save where the rosy streaks of eve give way
To the clear sapphire of your midnight hue,
The burnished azure of your perfect day.

"Yet tell me not my native skies are bleak,
That flushed with liquid wealth no cane fields wave;
For virtue pines and Manhood dares not speak,
And Nature's glories brighten round the Slave."

15. "The same love of flowers," observes one of the most delightful of modern trav­ellers, "distinguishes the natives now, as in the times of Cortçs. And it presents a strange anomaly," she adds, with her usual acuteness; "this love of flowers having existed along with their sanguinary worship and barbarous sacrifices." Madame Cal­deron de la Barca, Life in Mexico, vol. I. let. 12.

17. This is Las Casas' estimate. (Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 3, cap. 121.) Torque­mada hesitates between twenty, fifty, and one hundred and fifty thousand, each of which he names at different times! (Clavigero, Stor. del Messico, tom. III. p. 26, nota.) The place was gradually abandoned, after the Conquest, for others, in a more favorable position, probably, for trade. Its ruins were visible at the close of the last century. See Lorenzana, Hist, de Nueva España, p. 39, nota.

24. The historian, with the aid of Clavigero, himself a Mexican, may rectify fre­quent blunders of former writers, in the orthography of Aztec names. Both Rob­ertson and and Solís spell the name of this place Quiabislan. Blunders in such a bar­barous nomenclature must be admitted to be very pardonable.

27. Carta de Vera Cruz, MS.--Bernal Diaz, Conquista, cap. 48.--Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 1.--Declaracion de Montejo, MS.
Notwithstanding the advantages of its situation, La Villa Rica was abandoned in a few years for a neighboring position to the south, not far from the mouth of the Antigua. This second settlement was known by the name of Vera Cruz Vieja, "Old Vera Cruz." Early in the 17th century this place, also, was abandoned for the pres­ent city, Nueva Vera Cruz, or New Vera Cruz, as it is called. (See Ante, chap. 5, note 7.) Of the true cause of these successive migrations we are ignorant. If, as is pretended, it was on account of the vómito, the inhabitants, one would suppose, can have gained little by the exchange. (See Humboldt, Essai Politique, tom. II. p. 210.) A want of attention to these changes has led to much confusion and inaccuracy in the ancient maps. Lorenzana has not escaped them in his chart and topographical account of the route of Cortés.