'The Real Fight is for Britain'

Introduction

With your support this election could be about something more
important than a change of government. It could be a chance to
change a failed political system.

Britain is deadlocked and that deadlock has meant economic and
social decline. There can be very few voters, even among the keenest
adherents of the Conservative or Labour cause, who really believe
that our problems can all be solved just by yet another change
of government. Oppositions promise grandiosely to generate 'the
white hot heat of technological revolution' or to 'roll back the
frontiers of the state'. It takes at least a year or two of government
for them to come to terms with reality and discard their doctrinaire
programmes. Each time the country is weakened further.

We have tried confrontation politics for long enough. In 1964,
in 1970, in 1974, incoming governments promised that they held
the key to Britain's industrial and social problems, if only they
could undo the achievements of their predecessors and push their
own prescriptions through Parliament. The hopes they raised have
all been cruelly disappointed. It is high time to try a different
pattern of government, which is based upon the consent and support
of the broad majority of the electorate. That alone can now provide
the basis for the long term programme of reform which Britain
so desperately needs.

The Liberal Party has taken the first step towards breaking the
deadlock during the past Parliament, by proving that co-operation
among different parties is possible, practical and good for Britain.
Unavoidably in this first experiment in a new style of government,
our achievements were relatively limited. Many of the reforms
which we wish to see implemented have had to wait.

But during the 18 months of the Liberal Agreement with the Labour
Government the stability and consistency provided by co-operation
among parties which represented a clear majority of the electorate,
and the requirement that the Labour Government respect the views
of that majority, helped to bring down the annual rate of inflation
to 8 per cent. The Tories had raised it from 5.9 per cent to 13.2
per cent. Labour raised it further to a peak of 26.9 per cent,
now it is rising again. The Lib-Lab Agreement also reduced Interest
Rates to 10 per cent (Minimum Lending Rate). The Tories left it
at 12.5 per cent under Labour it reached a peak of 15 per
cent in October 1976. It is now back up again.

Industrial confidence began to return during the agreement. The
divisive policies promoted by Labour's lunatic left-wing were
effectively held in check. On Liberal insistence the law was changed
to encourage profit-sharing, to help bridge the gulf of mistrust
between the two sides of industry - which has so far led 48 companies
to adopt new profit-sharing schemes.

Sadly, much of what was achieved for Britain during those 18 months
has been thrown away since last October, as Labour clung on to
office without secure and agreed majority support. If either of
the two establishment parties grabs an exclusive hold on office
after this election, Britain will slip even deeper into industrial
confrontation and economic decay. The truth is, the Labour and
Conservatives parties share a vested interest in the preservation
of Britain's divided society. The unrepresentative nature of our
electoral system protects them from the full effects of public
disillusionment. Continuing industrial and social confrontation
reinforces their links with the opposing sides of industry. Britain's
secretive and centralised structure of government protects them,
turn and turn about, from Parliament and the public.

Many, on both front benches, would rather see Britain's economy
drift further behind our continental neighbours, would rather
accept another cycle of industrial conflict and popular discontent,
than touch the pattern of adversary politics which supports their
alternating hold on political power.

I appeal to you, as a voter concerned with what is best for Britain,
to throw your support behind the fresh approach which the Liberal
Party represents - and which we have now demonstrated can work
for Britain. The effectiveness of whatever government emerges
after this election, the whole style of British government, will
depend less upon which big/dinosaur Party returns with the largest
number of parliamentary seats than upon the size of the Liberal
wedge in the House of Commons. A mass Liberal vote throughout
the country and many more Liberal seats will call the final whistle
on a discredited Tory/Labour game.

Part Two of this manifesto sets out the Liberal Party's detailed
electoral programme. I want here to stress four underlying themes:
our commitment to fundamental political and constitutional reform;
our proposals for economic and industrial reform; our plans to
change and to simplify our overburdened tax system and our concern
to bring to bear an environmental perspective across the whole
range of government policies.

Political reform is the starting point. Until we break the two-party
stranglehold, until we get away from the adversary class politics
which are embedded in our parliamentary structure, we cannot successfully
tackle the problems of economic weakness and industrial mistrust,
of misspent resources in housing, of uncertain management of the
public sector and of mishandled relations with our neighbours
abroad. Electoral reform is the key to the lock. A democratic
electoral system would deprive the Conservative and Labour parties
of their ability to maintain electoral support by frightening
wavering voters with the spectre of a single, unacceptable alternative.
It would force them to face up to their own internal contradictions:
the unstable coalition within a weakened Labour Party between
its nationalising left and its conservative centre; the tensions
within the Conservative Party between moderate Tories and doctrinaire
free-marketeers. A democratic electoral system is needed, too,
to generate the popular consent which is essential to support
a long-term programme of economic and social reform.

The reluctant and unsatisfactory compromises which recent governments
have offered in response to demands for the reform of Parliament,
for an end to official secrecy, above all for devolution and decentralisation,
also demonstrate the need for more thorough-going change and the
inability of the establishment front benches to meet that need.
Privately, many MPs from both the Labour and Conservative parties
accept the case for far-reaching changes, but they are unwilling
publicly to challenge their own leadership. A powerful wedge of
Liberal MPs in the next Parliament could start a chain reaction
of political change.

Economic and industrial reform must accompany and follow from
political reform. Hardly surprisingly, the owner party and the
union party have resisted the extension of democracy to industry,
seeing a transformation of the pattern of industrial relations
as a threat to their entrenched interests. Labour's preferred
approach would only strengthen the position of trade unions, which
are already one of the most conservative forces in our society.
They do not want to involve the workforce as a whole. The Conservative
alternative of lightly-disguised confrontation is even more dangerous
in 1979 than their Selsdon Park proposals were in 1970, and would
no doubt lead again after a painful two years in office to another
expensive U-turn.

We Liberals seek instead to alter fundamentally the framework
within which economic policy is made, to bring the different sides
of industry together to work constructively to increase the well
being of Britain - not to battle destructively over each other's
share of a dwindling national cake.

The two-party confrontation has also wrought havoc with our tax
system. Successive governments have tacked on new additions to
an already unwieldy structure. It is too complex for most taxpayers
to understand or to be sure of their rights and obligations. Many
changes have been rushed through Parliament without adequate debate
or consideration of their implications, at the behest of some
vested interest or in the service of some outdated ideology. As
a result tax avoidance has become our fastest growing industry.
Liberals are concerned to simplify the personal tax system and
reduce its burden to create a tax structure which encourages initiative
and promotes a wider distribution of wealth, and above all to
establish principles for a stable tax system which can command
the respect of the electorate as a whole: wealthy, poor and average
earners.

Neither of the two established parties has paid any serious attention
to the long-term conservation of Britain's environment and resources.
The argument over North Sea oil has been conducted in terms of
immediate benefits rather than long term needs. The necessity
to grow more of our own food and the conservation of man's natural
habitat, including its flora and fauna, have been wrongly regarded
as low priorities in politics. The debate over Britain's future
dependence on nuclear power has hardly touched Parliament, conducted
instead by environmental groups through the limited forum of the
Windscale inquiry. Yet conservation and recycling of our limited
and often finite resources is a vital issue for Britain's future,
and an issue which concerns a growing section of our electorate.
We Liberals have used our influence to force Parliament to pay
more attention to the ecological perspective.

But Parliament as at present constructed does not find it easy
to focus on questions like this, which do not fall conveniently
into the categories established by the conventions of two-Party
politics or the Left/Right dog-fight. Here is a key issue for
Britain as the new Parliament takes us into the 1980s, too complicated
for the current ritual of debate but too important to ignore.

It may seem paradoxical that Liberals call at once for more stable
government and for radical change. Our concern is for long-term
change, as opposed to the twists and turns of short-term policies
which have characterised British government since the end of the
Second World War. Worthwhile reforms for Britain's economy, for
its industrial relations, its tax structure, its social services,
its political system itself, can only be achieved after thorough
examination and open debate - and can only be made to last if
they command the respect and acceptance of the majority of the
electorate.

That is why we are prepared to co-operate with other parties,
even as we insist on the need for a fundamental break in Britain's
political habits. Of course we want in time to see Britain led
by a Liberal Government, implementing a coherent radical programme
with the support of a clear majority of voters. But meanwhile
we are prepared to co-operate with whichever party will go with
us some way along the same road. It would, after all, be a profound
and radical change for Britain to benefit from stability in economic
policy, to gain a new consensus in pay policy and industrial relations,
to achieve a wider agreement on the structure of taxation, or
to open up a searching debate on the best use of Britain's limited
resources.

It would be a radical change in itself for the next government
to have to base its policies upon the support of the representatives
of a genuine majority of the electorate. With your support, and
the support of millions of voters like you, we can ensure that
those changes take place.

David Steel

Economic and industrial recovery can only follow from a radical
programme of political and social reform. In a liberal society
in Britain, power and wealth will be distributed more widely,
and government subjected to open democratic control. Participation
and self-management will be encouraged, in government and in industry;
public and private power will be, where possible, dispersed: individual
initiative and independence will be rewarded; and a sense of partnership
and community strengthened. But UK action alone cannot provide
the stimulus for these major political and social changes. Many
of our problems have to be tackled at the European level; action
is also needed in the regions and nations of the United Kingdom,
and within local communities through the efforts of voluntary
bodies and community groups. But in an over-centralised Britain
the process of reform is most urgently needed at the centre, in
Westminster and Whitehall.

POLITICAL REFORM

Britain has a grossly undemocratic voting system, over-centralised
government and an ineffective Parliament. Piecemeal changes have
failed to introduce the necessary constitutional reforms. Bureaucracy
and powerful organisations triumph at the expense of individuals
who feel powerless to influence decisions that affect them. Liberals
believe:

1 That electoral reform is the essential first step to representative
parliament and government.
2 In open government accountable to a reformed parliament.
3 That decisions must be taken at the most local level practicable.
4 People and their communities must take part in decisions that
affect them.

Reform of the Voting System

Our first priority is electoral reform, because Britain's
voting system is a root cause of our troubles:

It damages living standards by preventing consistent economic
and social policies.

It leads to governments claiming a false mandate in favour of
policies which have been decisively rejected by a majority of
the voters.

It encourages native voting, frustrates the intelligent elector
and leads to increasing alienation from the whole political system.

It rewards parties based on class distinctions and reinforces
class divisions. Without reform our whole democracy is at risk.

Liberals demand proportional representation at all levels of government:

At Westminster, to give us representative parliaments and
genuine majority government.

For future elections to the European Parliament, to avoid
the disgrace of being the only member of the EEC not to use a
fair voting system.

In local government, where the present system can often
produce one-party dominance with its dangers of corruption.

The system adopted must ensure that every vote is of equal value
and affects the result. It must also ensure that parties win roughly
the same proportion of seats as their proportion of votes, allow
voters a choice between candidates in each party, and reflect
minority interest and viewpoints. Liberals believe that of available
PR systems, the single transferable vote (STV) best achieves these
results.

The main opposition to the overwhelming popular demand for electoral
reform comes from political machines exercising unjustified privilege,
and from those MP's who fear that if voters had a real choice
they would not be re-elected. Liberals support the people in their
fight against electoral privilege, and will give first priority
in the new Parliament to obtaining a cast-iron commitment to the
early introduction of electoral reform.

Reform of Parliament and Government

Parliament should take control of its own business out of the
hands of Government, and set up powerful Select Committees, to
assert vigorous democratic control over the Executive. Section
2 of the Official Secrets Act should be repealed. We would introduce
a Freedom of Information Bill similar to that of the Liberal MP
Clement Freud in the last Parliament. This would give a right
of public access to all official information except for certain
listed categories (e.g. defence, economic and commercially sensitive
information, and individual records).

A National Efficiency Audit should be set up to scrutinise public
expenditure plans and reduce waste.

We need fixed dates for parliamentary elections to avoid the uncertainty
which Prime Ministerial privilege imposes on the country.

The House of Lords should be replaced by a new, democratically
chosen, second chamber which includes representatives of the nations
and regions of the United Kingdom, and UK members of the European
Parliament.

Reform of the Constitution - a Federal Solution

Liberals supported the Scotland and Wales Acts, for all their
defects, because we believed they offered a step in the right
direction. These deficiencies - the weakness of the proposed Welsh
Assembly and the constitutional contradictions in the Scotland
Act - were exposed in the referendum debates and contributed to
the results. This experience has reinforced our belief that the
massive decentralisation of power from Westminster and Whitehall
to Scotland, Wales and the major regions of England - for which
we have long called - must involve legislative, executive and
fiscal powers taken together. It has also demonstrated the need
for a federal approach, which will involve a written constitution
and a Supreme Court, as the only approach which can achieve legislative
devolution within a workable framework of government for the United
Kingdom.

Whatever the outcome of the election, Liberals will press for
the widest possible consultations among the parties on constitutional
reform.

Local Government

The Tory reorganisation of local government proved an expensive
disaster. In due course, the district and county councils must
be replaced by one tier of multi-purpose authorities, whose boundaries
match local needs and circumstances.

We support the establishment of parish councils in urban areas
and the extension of the powers of existing parish councils. These
councils should have a statutory right 'to be consulted' by local
government and other bodies and a duty to stimulate local democracy.

NORTHERN IRELAND

Progress towards peace ought to come from within the Province
but if outside help is required Great Britain must be prepared
to contribute.

As an interim measure we propose that a 15 to 20 member Advisory
Council be elected by the people of Northern Ireland using PR(STV).
Such a council would be large enough to let every significant
viewpoint have a voice but small enough for all its members to
have real discussion with each other as well as with the Secretary
of State and other political representatives.

The Council would:

1 Represent the views of the people of Northern Ireland to the
Secretary of State and advise him accordingly, and

2 discuss how a constitutional conference should be set up to
consider the means by which a generally acceptable form of government
for the Province should be developed.

There must be no capitulation to violence. Direct rule must continue
for the time being. The civil power must be given military assistance
for as long as required. Britain will not force Northern Ireland
to unite with the Republic of Ireland. All elections, including
those for Westminster, must be by PR(STV). Continuing emphasis
must be placed on the achievement of full human rights.

REFORMS TO STRENGTHEN CITIZENS' RIGHTS

The liberty of the individual requires constant vigilance. Restrictions
can only be

justified if they protect the freedom of others. Liberals emphasise:

1 Legislation to protect individual rights.
2 A clear definition of citizenship.
3 Equal opportunities for men and women in all spheres, especially
equal pay for work of equal value.
4 Protection for minority groups.

Individual Freedom

We need a Bill of Rights - as a first step, Britain should incorporate
the European

Convention of Human Rights into United Kingdom law. Individual
rights protected by

law should include:

The right to see, correct and add comments to one's personal records
held by public and private bodies.

The right of individual privacy.

The right of free association with others, including the right
to be represented through a Trade Union.

The right to work without having to be a member of a Trade Union
and the right to cross a picket line without intimidation.

The rights of those in police custody, by means of revised Judges'
Rules.

Reduction of Crime

The steady increase in crime can only be checked in the short
run by:

Recruiting many more police, by improving working conditions.

Strengthening the links between the police and the communities
that they serve. Raving the greatest practicable number of policemen
'on the beat' by day and night.

Making more resources and facilities (including secure accommodation)
available to magistrates and others concerned with juvenile offenders,
to curb juvenile crime and rehabilitate juvenile offenders.

Prisons must be modernised and further experiments made with non-custodial
treatment, except for those whose imprisonment is necessary for
the protection of society.

At the same time, we must realise that the long term solution
is to attack vigorously the social, environmental and economic
seedbeds of crime such as broken homes, bad schools, drink and
drugs, decaying cities, bad housing, unemployment, and the boredom
of mass production society.

Nationality and Entry to the UK

There should be only one class of citizenship for citizens of
the UK and colonies. We would abolish the discrimination against
non-patrials which creates second-class citizens. Citizens of
the UK and colonies, including residents of Commonwealth countries
who accepted the offer of remaining UK citizens when independence
was granted, should have a right of entry. Spouses, children and
other dependents of UK residents should be allowed to join their
families in Britain and all children who have been born abroad
of British mothers must have automatic right of citizenship.

In order to ensure equal opportunities and rewards for women and
men, we propose:

Changes in the patterns of work to allow for greater flexibility,
part-time and weekend work, so that men and women can better meet
their social and family needs.

Legislation to ensure that job evaluation schemes give adequate
weight to factors found predominantly in work customarily done
by women.

Removal of anomalies in National Insurance benefits which are
based on outdated assumptions about the roles of men and women
in contributing to family income. Reshaping the Equal Opportunities
Commission to create an effective instrument against discrimination.

Minority Rights

Britain is a diverse and multicultural society and Liberals rejoice
in its richness, which owes much to the peoples of many different
ethnic origins and cultures who have chosen to live here. We defend
their right to maintain and develop their own traditions. Minority
groups must be allowed to practise and advocate their beliefs,
provided this does not reduce the freedom of others. We will protect
and defend the rights of minorities by:

A comprehensive law out-lawing discrimination on grounds of race,
sex or political belief with enforcement through a single Anti-Discrimination
Board.

Providing a legal right for nomadic people to live according to
their life-style so long as this does not harm others.

Removing all legal discrimination based on sexual orientation.

ECONOMIC AND INDUSTRIAL REFORM

The failures of our political system are reflected in our economic
and industrial system. Confrontation is used instead of co-operation,
resistance to change obstructs innovation, and frequent changes
of government policy weaken our economy still further. Inflation
has started to rise again, unemployment is unacceptably high and
we are becoming increasingly uncompetitive in world markets. We
have an unjust industrial society in which most workers are pitted
against management and are denied any share in decision-taking
or in profits.

We need a radical long-term programme of reforms to restore Britain's
economy and industrial prosperity.

Liberals believe in:

1 Controlled and steady economic growth (in co-operation with
our European partners), with greater attention to conservation
of scarce resources, especially energy and land.
2 Harnessing the potential of all at work to improve enterprise
and productivity.
3 Providing opportunities of useful work for all.
4 Protecting the citizen from inflation by reconciling rises in
incomes with the real rate of growth of the economy.
5 Ensuring that the primary aim of government intervention in
industry should be the promotion of viable market enterprises.

We see a revolution in attitudes amongst all at work through the
introduction of Democracy in Industry as the key to reversing
Britain's economic decline. This means employees sharing control
and profits with shareholders. We would achieve this by giving
all employees (irrespective of trade union membership) legal rights
as individual members of their company; a direct vote in electing
the board of directors jointly with the shareholders; rights to
information about its plans and prospects; to participate in decisions
through elected works councils; and to share in the profits. Liberals
would encourage producer co-operatives by establishing a Cooperative
Development Bank.

Efficient use of resources means reducing Britain's consumption
of non-renewable raw materials, through government support (including
tax incentives and penalties) for conservation, energy saving
and recycling schemes. Whilst public expenditure already takes
too large a share of our present national income, our health
services, the schools and other essential public services cry
out for more resources and the armed services remain underpaid.
Economic recovery is essential to provide in the long run extra
funds needed to continue the fight against poverty and deprivation.
But in the immediate future, they can be found only by a relentless
war against bureaucratic waste in central and local government.

More jobs in new industries, as well as in agriculture
and in the service sector, must be created to replace those being
lost through international competition and technological change.
Further positive discrimination in favour of small businesses
and producer co-operatives, through changes in the tax system
and in planning controls, will help to provide the catalyst for
industrial renewal. This will build upon the success of the Liberals
in getting the Government to appoint a senior Cabinet minister
for the small business field, which has already led to major tax
concessions and other reliefs.

Employers, unions and public authorities must not be allowed to
obstruct retraining. Liberals also challenge the belief in bigness
for its own sake and concentration of control at the centre in
both the private and public sectors. We aim at decentralisation,
with greater autonomy for individual working units to encourage
initiative and participation.

We would introduce a sustained prices and incomes policy based
on wide consultation and enforceable at law. Our incomes policy
would be supported by tax measures and a national minimum income.
It would reward increases in value-added. We support attempts
to synchronise annual wage settlements.

Liberal proposals for reducing personal taxation, introducing
industrial democracy and profit-sharing are essential elements
of an incomes policy since they would transform the industrial
climate, restore incentive and reduce inflationary expectations.

The role of government is to provide a stable political
and economic framework, not to dominate the economy. But it is
dangerous to pretend that government can be taken out of economic
and industrial planning, given the unavoidable importance of public
spending and the active involvement of governments of competitor
countries in supporting their industries and promoting their own
economic interests. There is no case for further large-scale nationalisation
in Britain; but attempts to denationalise at present would further
disrupt the industries affected. The National Enterprise Board
provides a valuable mechanism for assisting new industries and
for aiding companies temporarily in difficulty, but it should
disengage from them when they regain commercial viability.

The framework of government economic and industrial policy should
be made more open and more subject to parliamentary control, by
including Opposition parties on the National Economic Development
Council and by establishing a Select Committee for Economic Affairs
to consider its reports. Economic recovery is too vital to be
subjected to all the twists and turns of partisan tactics, with
Opposition parties glorying in their ignorance of facts which
face government, and promising to reverse central decisions. Consistent
economic policy requires a transformation of the way in which
policies are debated and decided.

REFORM OF THE TAX SYSTEM

The British tax system frustrates initiative, inhibits new enterprises
and discourages the wider spread of wealth. Penal rates of taxation
encourage successful avoidance and evasion; whilst the poor and
disadvantaged face a bewildering array of means tests and often
fail to receive an adequate income.

Liberals believe in:

1 Providing an adequate minimum income for all.
2 Treating men and woman as equals for tax purposes, whether married
or single.
3 Providing greater incentives for earning, productivity and enterprise.
4 Encouraging employees to build up a stake in their enterprise.
5 Widening the distribution and individual ownership of wealth.

The central reform needed is the introduction of Credit Income
Tax which should:

Abolish the means test.

Introduce cash credits in place of personal allowances, social
security payments and

national insurance benefits.

Provide credits for students of all ages, for rate relief and
housing.

We also need a major switch from taxes on income to taxes on wealth
and expenditure and propose:

Income Tax starting at 20 per cent with a top rate of 50 per
cent.

A substantial increase in the level of income at which people
first pay income tax.

A gifts and legacies tax paid by the recipient in place of Capital
Transfer Tax.

A wealth tax on very large capital accumulations in place of the
Investment Income

Surcharge which would be repealed.

Tax incentives for profit-sharing and employee share ownership.

Self assessment of tax liability with spot-checks by the Inland
Revenue.

The changeover would be introduced over several years and be matched
by indexation of taxes on drinks and tobacco, a single rate of
VAT and the replacement of the employer's National Insurance contribution
with a regionally varied payroll tax.

In a Federal Britain, regional and local government would have
powers to raise the revenue they need for the services they provide.
Income tax would be the main source of revenue at regional level
with a tax on all land values (except agricultural land which
would be zero-rated) being the main source of revenue for local
government, which would also have powers to levy its own taxes.
These would replace domestic rates.

ACARING SOCIETY

Liberals laid the foundations of the modern welfare state, but
the original vision has been lost in a jungle of complex rules,
means tests and decisions taken by remote officials. Those most
in need often fail to get help or are caught by the poverty trap,
whilst others fall through the gaps.

Liberals believe in:

1 Recreating services which recognise and respond to human needs,
without excessive bureaucracy.
2 Making a reality of democratic control.
3 Providing greater choice for the individual.
4 Renewing inner city life.

The Change to Credit Income Tax

Tax credits would meet the needs of the unemployed, retired, disabled
and disadvantaged, and provide for maternity, children and students
of all ages. All income would be taxable and where tax liability
exceeds cash credits, the difference would be paid as tax; where
credits exceed tax, individuals would receive cash regularly.

It would take several years to introduce a full tax credit scheme
and in the meantime, we would give priority to:

Further increases in child benefit and the progressive conversion
of other allowances against income tax into positive cash credits.

The introduction of a supplementary pension for all pensioners
not qualifying for a full earnings-related pension under the new
state pension scheme, reducing the number of pensioners needing
to apply for supplementary benefit.

The introduction of a disablement allowance to help offset the
additional expenditure caused by disablement.

The early introduction of housing credits based on average local
rents. An increase in the mobility allowance and its extension
to those over retirement age.

The implementation of the Finer' recommendations for one-parent
families. The removal of the anomalies affecting widows and others
through the application of the rule about overlapping benefits.

Care in the Community

Liberals seek to make the welfare state more effective and democratic.
Providers and receivers of care should participate in running
the services. The elderly (especially the over 75s), single-parent
families, the disabled, the mentally handicapped and the mentally
ill should have priority for additional resources.

We propose to tackle the mushrooming bureaucracy created by the
Tories reorganisation of the health service by abolishing the
area health authorities and bringing power back to the level of
the local health district, and by placing the regional health
authorities under the control of elected Scottish, Welsh and Regional
assemblies.

We would give a greater role for voluntary organisations in partnership
with official services. We oppose widespread closure of cottage
hospitals and encourage the retention of local pharmacies.

Housing

Housing policy should retain existing communities and help build
new ones. Priority must be given to improvement of existing houses
instead of wholesale clearance and rebuilding. Everyone must have
access to adequate housing with a wide choice of tenure and type
of home - within the price they can afford. Private and council
tenants should have reasonable security of tenure, and help control
the management of housing and its immediate environment. We would
introduce an Occupiers' and Owners' Charter which safeguards the
rights of both tenants and owners of rented housing.

Housing co-operatives and smaller locally-based housing associations,
which should be run democratically, should be encouraged. Councils
should be required to build more homes for sale, and adequate
resources should be provided for the full implementation of the
Housing (Homeless Persons) Act, a measure introduced by Liberals.

Liberals would concentrate resources on inner cities by positive
planning for community based jobs, schools, housing and entertainment.

Education and Training

We see education and training as a lifelong process that must
be as widely available as possible to people of all ages. Secondary
education must be non-selective with schools and colleges matched
to local needs and working together to give maximum choice to
students. Post-school education must be integrated with closer
links between universities, polytechnics and further education.

We want to see:

Nursery education for all children whose parents want it.

The immediate right of rising-fives to enter primary school.

Use of successfully qualified teachers now unemployed to reduce
class sizes and improve literacy and numeracy.

The involvement of all staff, parents and pupils in the running
of schools through elected governing boards, and elected schools
councils for secondary schools.

Improved links between schools and industry to ensure preparation
for the world. Expansion of adult education and a major expansion
of training and retraining facilities in which Britain still lags
far behind its industrial competitors.

Education for retirement from employment.

CONSERVATION OF RESOURCES AND ENVIRONMENT

The industrial world consumes far too much of the world's non-renewable
resources and is becoming increasingly dependent on imports of
energy. Many of man's activities threaten the natural environment.
Few recognise that after the year 2,000, shortages of food, raw
materials and energy will mean drastic changes to our lifestyles.
The bonanza of North Sea oil must not blind us to the dangers
facing us when the oil runs out We must start to change our attitudes
now. Liberals believe in:

1 Conservation and wiser use of scarce resources, especially land
and energy.
2 War on waste and pollution.
3 The need to preserve the natural environment for future generations.
4 A re-ordering of our economic and social priorities to put them
on a sound basis.

Energy and North Sea oil

Liberals have repeatedly expressed doubts about a massive commitment
to nuclear power and questioned the decision to expand the Windscale
reprocessing plant. We must spread the extraction of North Sea
oil over a longer period and use the revenues for long term investment
with high priority for widespread energy conservation and developing
alternative energy sources. We must:

Substantially increase research and development on fusion, wave,
solar and other sustainable sources of energy.

Make greater use of combined heat and power systems which use
waste heat.

Promote maximum efficiency in the production and use of coal and
the use of primary fuels.

Set up a permanent Energy Commission to discuss in public future
energy options. Not build any more nuclear power stations, at
least until the problems of safe and permanent disposal of radioactive
waste have been solved.

Transport

We would legislate to improve the standards of public transport
in both towns and rural areas by making it more responsive to
local needs and subject to democratic control. We would:

Encourage self-help and other schemes which improve freight and
personal mobility in rural areas.

Plan jobs and homes closer together, discourage the private motor-car
in city centres and provide better facilities for pedestrians
and cyclists.

Limit expenditure on new road-building to socially desirable projects.
Increase emphasis on road safety and therefore support the early
introduction of tachographs in lorries.

Oppose further nationalisation of the ports and reject implementation
of the Dock Work Regulations Scheme.

Retain the British Waters Board and increase expenditure on canal
maintenance. Retain the British Rail network - and, where necessary,
treat it as a social service. Support a rail-only Channel Tunnel
financed with the aid of EEC finances. Improve the international
communications of the regions by dispersing more international
air traffic outside London.

Food and Agriculture

Liberal policy aims at providing a fair return for the farmer
and reasonably priced food for the consumer. We also need a co-ordinated
approach to the needs of food production and conservation of natural
wild life which recognises their interdependence. We therefore
propose:

Fundamental reform of the Common Agricultural Policy to produce
competitive prices, avoid structural food surpluses and encourage
efficient farming; the creation of a Land Bank to help new entrants
to farming, and the expansion of co-operatives.

More land for small-holdings.

To raise the guaranteed minimum earnings for farmworkers.

Radical reform of the Common Fisheries Policy, conservation of
fish stocks and a fifty mile exclusive limit for each member state
within the EEC.

Increase the number of abattoirs to EEC standards to discourage
the export of live animals.

Safeguarding the Environment

Land is a finite resource and we need careful planning to ensure
an adequate supply of land for housing without using valuable
farm land. Resources should be concentrated on inner city renewal
and rural regeneration so that all parts of Britain are fit to
live in. We have a duty to preserve in trust for future generations
that which we inherit from the past. We would:

Make polluters pay the cost of their pollution. Drastically amend
the Community Land Act.

Introduce taxation of the unimproved value of land, in its optimum
permitted use (agricultural land to be zero-rated).

Encourage rurally based crafts and appropriate industries in rural
areas. Support the demand of the General Election Co-ordinating
Committee for Animal Protection for a Royal Commission on Animal
Welfare.

Ban the importation and manufacture of any product derived from
any species whose survival is threatened, and work for a total
ban on commercial whaling. Expedite the work of the Commons Commissioners
and legislate to implement the recommendations of the Royal Commission
on Common Land with regard to access and management.

1 Opposing all forms of aggression and imperialism.
2 Emphasising the protection of political and human rights as
a basis for foreign policy.
3 Fostering closer co-operation within the European Community
as the most constructive means of promoting Britain's best interests.
4 Supporting closer integration of defence, security and weapons
procurement policies within the Atlantic Alliance as the most
effective way of utilizing scarce resources.
5 Working for a more equitable distribution of power and wealth
throughout the world. Liberals support positive co-operation with
the developing countries.

Economic weakness and political failure have reduced Britain's
standing and influence in the world and strained the friendship
of our partners in Western Europe and beyond.

In Europe, we support a stronger and more democratic Community.
Our long-term aim is a federal Europe based upon democratic institutions
and an equitable sharing of economic and social burdens. This
involves working towards economic and monetary union and more
effective regional and social policies to overcome unemployment
and deprivation. It also means commitment to the strengthening
of the European Parliament. Only such a Parliament, elected by
Proportional Representation, can provide democratic political
solutions to Europe's problems and make nationalist solutions
as irrelevant as they are dangerous.

Both Labour and Conservative Governments have been short-sighted
and inward-looking in their attitudes to Europe. The Labour Government's
nationalistic stance has harmed Britain's interests by blocking
avenues for wider agreement. Britain's foreign policy should become
increasingly concerted with our European partners, and our aim
must therefore be the evolution of common European policies, not
to pursue the nostalgic illusion of independent power.

Europe's foreign policies must include continued close
relations with the United States. We firmly support a peaceful
settlement of the Middle East conflict within the framework of
the relevant United Nations Resolutions. In Southern Africa, Britain
has a special historic responsibility, and we must continue to
work with our allies and with the United Nations to promote peaceful
change. We support the Anglo-American efforts being made to end
bloodshed and to establish an independent Zimbabwe with a Government
elected under international supervision. We believe that sanctions
should not be lifted nor recognition accorded until such a government
is established.

Europe's defence must be a common defence, based on integrated
forces and an integrated command within the Atlantic Alliance.
Co-operation in armaments should be accompanied by ending British
arms sales except in the context of a treaty of mutual defence.
The fundamental solution to the problem depends on the establishment
of a credible system of international controls of arms sales under
the aegis of the United Nations. Arms control negotiations with
the Soviet Union and its allies should be vigorously pursued to
promote a basis for the mutual and balanced reduction of forces
and armaments.

It is one of the most important duties of Europe to help those
peoples of the Third World who still lack effective influence
in the international economy. In this context, Britain, because
of our links with the Commonwealth, has a distinctive contribution
to make. Liberals want to see reductions in the barriers to world
trade, and support current negotiations to give the developing
countries stable prices for their raw materials UK official aid
should be increased to achieve the targets agreed by the United
Nations.

The work of the UN specialised agencies and of voluntary organisations
should be generously supported. Aid should be directed wherever
possible through multi-lateral channels, but there is no justice
in assisting governments which systematically deny basic human
rights to their own citizens.

CONCLUSION

The Liberal programme offers a coherent framework for a series
of reforms which will need years of intensive effort. This requires
for its success the support of an informed public, co-operation
in industry, and a new spirit of mutual understanding among the
democratic political parties. The vital choice at this election
is whether Britain will start along this new path, or continue
to shuffle down the slope of economic and political decline. The
contents of the first Queen's Speech are less important than the
membership, composition and spirit of the new Parliament. A stronger
Liberal presence, backed by a powerful Liberal vote throughout
the country, will ensure that the door is opened to fundamental
change, not slammed shut again by the negative reactions of the
old two-party game which has failed the nation.