12.
Jennifer M. Brinkerhoff
Enabling Diaspora Development Contributions: Policies and Caveats
Actions at all levels, from the global to the local, are Mandating refers to the legal and regulatory framework
needed to fully enable diasporas' contributions to the that affects diasporas, all the way from citizenship rights
development of their homelands. This paper summa- (e.g., dual citizenship, voting), if granted, to basic rights
rizes policy options for homeland governments and that allow for diasporans to initiate activities in the
donors, as well as caveats to these recommendations. homeland independent of state control and laws gov-
It concludes with a review of selected implementation erning the creation and operation of NGOs (diaspora
issues. The analysis builds from my work in the policy philanthropic organizations) and businesses. Examples
arena, most especially Brinkerhoff (forthcoming). of mandating range from waiving visa requirements (as
in India), to dual citizenship, voting rights, and formal
political representation (as in Mexico).
Enabling Diasporas and Development
Generally, an enabling environment for non-govern-
In its facilitating role, government provides incentives
mental actors' participation in development requires: a)
for diasporas; for example, recognizing diasporas as
effective policy, legal, and regulatory frameworks; b)
important constituents and protecting or seeking to
institutional capacity across sectors and at various
improve their quality of life abroad, providing a network-
levels; c) an inclination for governments to seek out and
ing function among diaspora groups, organizing dias-
respond to citizens' needs and preferences; d) a range
pora summits and diplomatic visits, and creating spe-
of oversight, accountability, and feedback mechanisms;
cialized government agencies and initiatives to interface
and e) public resources and investments (D. Brinker-
with the diaspora. The Ministry for Overseas Indian
hoff, 2007). In the case of diasporans' contributions,
Affairs offers a range of diaspora informational assis-
questions for assessing an enabling environment for
tance and some incentives. It provides information and
diaspora contributions include:
guidance on: investment and entrepreneurial activities
in India through its "Handbook for Overseas Indians";
• Does the regulatory environment support economic
and educational opportunities in India and diaspora-
opportunities?
specific income tax policies through its webpage.
• Do diaspora members have access to positions of
authority and respect within society, both for influ-
Resourcing can involve direct public funding, as in the
ence and for obtaining these positions for them-
case of matching grants for diaspora philanthropy or
selves?
investment in diaspora business development. Gov-
• Do they have access to and the ability to influence
ernment resourcing also includes the establishment of
decision makers?
financial incentives that encourage diaspora contribu-
• Do they have access to the information necessary or
tions, such as tax and tariff policies that provide exemp-
supportive of their effectiveness for a particular
tion to diaspora initiatives. The best known example of
agenda?
diaspora resourcing is Mexico's 3 for 1 matching pro-
• Is their cause perceived to be legitimate?
gram, which in some areas now includes an additional
• Do they have access to material resources?
match from the private sector (Western Union). This
program is also an example of partnering in that each
The role of government in fostering an enabling envi-
contributing actor agrees to selected projects to be
ronment can be categorized as consisting of the follow-
implemented and provides additional facilitation as
ing actions: mandating, facilitating, resourcing, partner-
needed.
ing, and endorsing (D. Brinkerhoff, 2007). Table 1 looks
at these general roles and provides illustrative actions
Partnering is a role that brings government into rela-
(see at the end). These roles can originate from a vari-
tionships with DOs based more on mutual interest and
ety of places within the homeland government, as the
shared benefits, which capitalize on the comparative
table suggests (see at the end of article).
advantages of the partners. Government can establish
mechanisms and procedures that allow public entities to
12 DOSSIER Migration & Entwicklung

13.
enter into partnership arrangements with DOs. For even when they are, the homeland government may
example, through a partnership between the Ghanaian view the diaspora as threatening or competing with its
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ghanaian medical dias- own legitimacy and effectiveness. This caveat is par-
pora in the Netherlands, and the International Organiza- ticularly relevant with respect to diaspora policy influ-
tion for Migration, The Hague (Welcker and Gulam, ence. For the poor countries of the globe where democ-
2007) diasporans serve between two weeks to three ratization is nascent, partial, or nonexistent, the incen-
months in country, or provide technical assistance vir- tives for government to enable interest aggregation and
tually. Hospitals nominate staff for training in the Neth- policy advocacy are less clear-cut and in some situa-
erlands, the MOH and IOM vet these nominations and tions are limited or negative. The additional constraints
match a diasporan health professional to that hospital to to enabling diaspora policy influence for countries
cover capacity and knowledge transfer needs. emerging from or with a history of intra-ethnic conflict
are obvious. Many developing and transitioning country
Endorsing refers to actions that publicize, praise, and governments view diasporas with suspicion and an-
encourage individual diasporans and DOs. Govern- tagonism, fearful of their potential for fueling political
ment's role here relates to reinforcing cultural values opposition and jealous of their host country political
and influencing attitudes. Government endorsement access and other advantages, even as they turn to
confirms the value of diasporans to the homeland soci- diasporas to make philanthropic and investment contri-
ety, enhancing their legitimacy as homeland constitu- butions.
ents and development actors, and contributing to their
social status. For example, in 2006, Ghana's invest- Second, diaspora involvement may only selectively
ment promotion agency honored 20 diasporans with benefit individuals, families, and communities; it may
"Planters of the Seed" awards for setting up business create additional tensions within differentiated societies,
units in Ghana (Riddle et al., 2008). Wescott and especially when it exacerbates income gaps, potentially
Brinkerhoff (2006) provide additional examples from leading to civil unrest; it may lead to additional political
China and the Philippines. unrest or persecution of communities on whose behalf
diasporas are advocating (see, for example, Elgindy,
These are all actions that homeland governments can 1999); and, it may be at cross-purposes with the gov-
take, and they also provide guidance for targeting donor ernment's and the international development industry's
assistance. The international donor community could development priorities and programming. The Interna-
make significant contributions to enhancing the capacity tional Organization for Migration, in its review of the
of governments to respond to these opportunities, both migration-development nexus, concludes that migrants'
through technical assistance for legal frameworks and contributions may replace, supplement or even under-
policy and programming, and through direct capacity mine aid, and thus call for "a case-specific approach,
building and resourcing of government agencies and where donors. invite international NGOs and diaspora
personnel, diaspora organizations, and potential inter- organizations for transparent dialogues on the overall
mediaries from the NGO and private sectors. resource flows to the country, including to possible
conflicting parties" (Nyberg-Sorensen et al., 2002, 39).
Caveats
Third, diasporas are not, and perhaps should not be
Several caveats merit attention. Diasporans seeking a
privileged. Even in mature democracies, the existence
greater role in their homeland's development would be
of an enabling environment for non-governmental activi-
wise to take note of these, temper their expectations,
ties does not override the realities of differential access
and inform their diplomacy accordingly. One means for
to power and influence, the pervasiveness of interest-
overcoming government resistance is to build legitimacy
group politics, and the persistence of a marginalized
directly with homeland residents. Citizen demands for
and relatively impoverished underclass in the democra-
improved quality of life establish clear incentives for
cies of the industrialized world. Diasporas will realisti-
governments to enable diaspora action.
cally be seen as additional interest groups vying for
power and resources alongside other resident actors.
First, the framework takes for granted that homeland
governments will be neutral to welcoming vis-à-vis
diaspora contributions to development. Not all diaspora
contributions may be constructive and effective, and
DOSSIER Migration & Entwicklung 13

14.
Implementation Issues the requisite capacity to establish and sustain appropri-
The framework says little about how to prioritize among ate enabling conditions to support diaspora efforts that
the plethora of policy and program options and within will advance development. Several national and inter-
each of government's principal roles. Some might even national policy discussions have addressed the capacity
argue that given governments' limited resources; they of the diaspora to contribute to development (such as
might do better to focus on a more supportive enabling the Global Forums on Migration and Development Civil
environment for everyone, not just for diasporas' contri- Society Days), but scant formal attention has been
butions. While this may be true, the general and more given to governments' own capacity to interface effec-
targeted enabling environments are not mutually exclu- tively with their diasporas on the full range of potential
sive and the premise of this framework is that diasporas contributions. Government capacity to interface with
may, in fact, have important contributions to make to their diasporas was highlighted by the Global Commis-
the broader enabling environment. Furthermore, not all sion on International Migration (2005). To date, few, if
diaspora-specific enabling environment interventions any, donor-supported investments in such capacity
are exorbitantly costly. building have emerged.
While each country case should necessarily be tailored Conclusion
to the specifics of that government, its diaspora, and
Diaspora relations require new thinking, new structures,
their relations status, some general suggestions for
and new policies. Diaspora development contributions
prioritization are possible. First, given governments'
typically are not integrated into considerations of state-
limited capacity and resources, a low-cost starting point
society relations nor are they supported in legal frame-
is to focus on their mandating role. Policies and pro-
works and government modalities even in relatively
grams in this arena constitute macro-policy reforms, or
more mature democracies. The framework provided
stroke-of-the-pen policies, which typically do not require
here is intended to encourage and inform this evolution,
the wholesale creation of new bureaucracies or the
both in terms of replicating aspects of other countries'
injection of significant resources to support implementa-
experiences, and pioneering new ways to provide re-
tion. Second, diaspora outreach activities are a rela-
sources and incentives to diasporas and secure their
tively low cost investment, many of which can be added
development contributions.
on to other initiatives, representing incremental costs,
for example, meetings with diasporans during sched-
uled diplomatic visits to priority host countries. Websites
and databases, once developed are not terribly costly to Sources
maintain. Third, homeland governments can lobby host Brinkerhoff, D. W. 2007. "The Enabling Environment
country governments for bilateral aid to support these for Achieving the Millennium Development Goals:
efforts, arguing for win-win strategies for the two coun- Government Actions to Support NGOs." In J. M.
tries. Such support could facilitate capacity building, Brinkerhoff, S. C. Smith, and H. Teegen, eds. NGOs
technical assistance, and the creation of new structures and the Millennium Development Goals: Citizen Ac-
and initiatives. tion to Reduce Poverty. New York: Palgrave MacMil-
lan, 83-101.
Perhaps the most important lesson, previously identified
Brinkerhoff, Jennifer M. "Creating an Enabling Envi-
(Brinkerhoff, 2006), is to target interventions to those
ronment for Diasporas' Participation in Homeland
diasporans who are already mobilized, willing, and able
Development." International Migration, forthcoming.
to contribute to priority development aims. In short,
governments should target the mobilized, and not seek Brinkerhoff, Jennifer M. "Diaspora Mobilization Fac-
to mobilize the targeted, suggesting a need to carefully tors and Policy Options." In Clay Wescott and Jenni-
craft selection criteria for each initiative. To that end, fer M. Brinkerhoff, eds. Converting Migration Drains
many diasporas are themselves fairly well-organized into Gains: Harnessing the Resources of Overseas
and can be effective partners in further facilitating dias- Professionals. Manila: Asian Development Bank,
pora contributions to homeland development. 2006: 127-153. Available at:
Elgindy, K. "Diaspora Troublemakers: Is the Organ-
A critical issue for the enabling environment is whether
ized Coptic Community in the U.S. Doing more Harm
societal actors, both in and outside of government, have
14 DOSSIER Migration & Entwicklung

16.
Joseph A. Yaro
Development as Push and Pull factor in Migration
The quest for a better and humane life has led to man- as stepping stones to overcoming the hurdles prevent-
kind dispersing over the surface of the earth in pursuit ing them from migrating to desired opportunity zones,
of different livelihood options. Human history is replete where they accumulate capital, work out documentation
with mass movement of people from places with fewer and build experience which the desired location expects
possibilities for enhancing well being to potential zones of them.
of maximum welfare. Africa's population distribution is
the result of relocations for better soils, protection from The literature on push and pull forces often ascribes
slave raiders, water supply, grasslands for grazing, reasons for migration to singular causes or forces such
possibilities for trade and avoidance of oppression. as demographic, ecological, economical, political and
Similarly, European invasion of the Americas, Australia social. The combined desires of mankind transcend
and New Zealand was a response to the desire to im- these categories with one major aim, which is, 'aspira-
prove their lives in greener pastures and avoiding con- tions towards a better and humane life' which encapsu-
straining conditions on their well being. lates the notion of development. Development is the
process of expanding the real freedoms that people
Migration is the result of the interplay of political, social, enjoy. Development requires the removal of major
economic, legal, historical, cultural, and educational sources of unfreedom such as poverty, tyranny, poor
forces at both ends of the migratory axis (Mejia et al. economic opportunities as well as systematic social
1979). These forces can be classified as either 'Push' or deprivation, neglect of public facilities as well as intoler-
'Pull'. The push factors are those life situations that give ance of repressive states (Sen 1999). Sen argues that
one reason to be dissatisfied with one's present locale; what people can achieve is influenced by economic
while the pull factors are those attributes of distant opportunities, political liberties, social powers, and
places that make them appear appealing (Dorigo and enabling conditions of good health, basic education and
Tobler 1983). Both forces must be operating for migra- the encouragement and cultivation of initiatives.
tion to occur, and in addition, facilitating forces must be
present as well, such as the absence of legal or other Migration should therefore be seen as a holistic process
constraints that impede migration (Kline 2003). reflecting the aspirations of people and places imbued
with shortfalls/abundance in criteria for a good life.
In the past, facilitating conditions were physically re- Population pressure and land fragmentation per se will
lated, such as crossing tortuous mountains, crocodile not make people migrate, rather, the totality of circum-
infested rivers, and lion infested forest, hostile territories stances that transcend land availability through social
and the high seas, which demanded some amount of relations, income from non-farm activities, employment
technology. Discoveries of the means of overcoming guarantees by the state, level of oppression and the
these barriers constitute the facilitating conditions which functioning of markets will define the possibilities for
enabled individual and mass movement. In today's making a good/bad life. These determine whether a
world, visa restrictions, social arrangements and eco- person moves to a desired location with better possibili-
nomic means tend to dictate the ability of people to ties for enhancing personal capabilities or not.
move even in the presence of overwhelming push and
pull factors. The rest of the paper will explain the spatial inequalities
in development and how it influences migration flows;
The use of intervening opportunity in migration has explain the need to move from mere economic forces
been neglected in discussions. Inability of potential mi- for migration to non-material forces; and conclude by
grants to relocate to desired places offering maximum explaining how initial migration can reinforce subse-
welfare leads to the relocation to nearer and more eas- quent movements through the process of cumulative
ily reachable/accessible places where pull factors work causation.
synergistically with push factors to warrant a movement.
Most migrants would use intervening opportunity zones
16 DOSSIER Migration & Entwicklung

17.
Spatial Inequalities in Development and materials for industries in the 'Golden Triangle' with its
Migration metropole being Accra-Tema, Secondi-Takoradi and
Development does not occur equally everywhere, but is Kumasi. The colonial factor is important because it sets
manifest more in some places than others. The world is the stage for the orientation of the economy in the post-
composed of rich and poor countries, developed and independent era, where adverse terms of trade, poor
developing countries, great opportunity zones and less infrastructure and institutions, poor human resources
opportunity zones. The process of growth and devel- and a corrupted urban elite operate synergistically to
opment in most developing countries during the colonial perpetuate the north-south movement in a process of
and post-colonial periods has been characterized by the cumulative causation.
process of areal differentiation. This process has led to
the emergence of core and dependent peripheries The urban bias thesis (Lipton 1977) provides a fair
(Friedman, 1961). The essential geographic character- explanation of the polarisation between rural and urban
istic has been a spatial imbalance in both economic and at all levels. Most investments both public and private
welfare opportunities within these countries; employ- are made in big cities to the relative neglect of not only
ment and income opportunities, schools, health facili- rural areas but also small and intermediate towns. This
ties, and clean piped water all tend to be concentrated spatially skewed investments pattern results in urban
in urban places, especially in the dominant primate areas being more developed than rural areas in terms
cities (Riddell 1980). of provision of amenities, ensuring law and order, and
availability of diverse means of sustenance. The con-
All over West Africa, the colonial regimes/ administra- centration of activity in urban areas (urban bias) is
tions/ rulers concentrated development activities in the matched by the increasing income disparity between
capital cities and ecologically favourable areas produc- urban and rural areas. The consequence of these dis-
ing export crops and minerals. The provision of ena- parities is the creation of urban magnetic points and
bling conditions for making a better life in these areas repulsive rural environments. Neglected rural areas are
made them 'pull regions' whiles the abandoned periph- therefore replete with push forces which are the major
eries constituted 'push regions' because of the debilitat- sources of unfreedom while urban areas experiencing a
ing conditions of life compared to the core areas. concentration of investments and development activity
are imbued with pull forces of development.
The spatial imbalance in development in Ghana has
two dimensions; the first is the North-South divide and To prove the importance of development as a holistic
the rural-urban divide. Generally, the south of Ghana is improvement of human wellbeing in this process rather
more developed than the north, and urban areas are than mere attraction of urban tarmac roads and street
more developed than rural areas. This spatial imbal- lights, the reversals of migration from these hitherto
ance has generated four main types of internal migra- magnetic poles to new opportunity zones is important.
tion in Ghana, namely rural-rural, rural-urban, urban- As urban-ward migration, at least in the aggregate, is a
urban and urban-rural (Mensah-Bonsu, 2003). During reflection of urban-rural differentials discounted by the
the colonial period the north of the country was thought probability of unemployment, it can be predicted that as
to be of little use to the colonial Empire apart from the unemployment continues to rise, the urban centres will
supply of labour for extraction of raw materials in the become increasingly less attractive to rural-urban mi-
goldmines and cocoa farms of the south (Chambers grants (Todaro 1966: cf Riddell 1980).
1980, Songsore and Denkabe 1995, Iman 2007, Yaro
2004). This adequately characterises contemporary redirection
of migration away from the major urban centres to rural
Intentional colonial policies meant to make the northern areas with favourable ecological conditions. Since the
sector of the country a labour reserve for mines and seventies, most developed countries have experienced
cocoa farms in the south led to a southward migration a reversal in their urbanization trend resulting from the
stream (forced or willingly), relegating the development increasing significance of urban-to-rural migration
of productive forces in the north. In addition, the provi- (Champion 1991). In Côte d'Ivoire, there is even a clear
sion of incentives for appropriate agricultural production pattern of "counter-urbanization" in the sense that the
was lacking in the north and other areas of the colony. proportion of the population living in urban areas is
In a nutshell the concern of the colonialists was raw falling (Zanou 2001, in Beauchemin et al. 2004). The
reasons for these reversals are obvious:. The failure of
DOSSIER Migration & Entwicklung 17

18.
import substitution industrialisation, the economic crisis of reasons, their ultimate aim is the realisation of their
of the 1970s and early 1980s and the adoption of struc- potential freedom from oppressive regimes, war, servi-
tural adjustment measures all combine to reduce the tude and hunger. Kingma's (2001) discussion of push
magnetic properties of most urban areas and increase and pull factors accounting for nurse migration illus-
others in smaller towns in ecologically favourable areas. trates the arguments above. Nurses migrated in search
of professional development, sought better wages,
In a large number of African countries, the fall in real improved working conditions, less risky work environ-
urban incomes has generated a "new urban poor" ment and higher standards of living not present in their
forced to adjust their behaviours to the new economic native countries. These exhibit education, economic
context (Beauchemin et al. 2004). Becker and al. (1994) and social push and pull factors of development. Most
argue that Structural Adjustment Programs may influ- international migrants seek to enhance their personal
ence migration trends especially in the medium term by capabilities which are useful both in the destination and
reducing spending for education which may prevent areas of origin. Enhancing ones capabilities is a holistic
many rural individuals from migrating to urban areas; by process of skill acquisition, use of latest technology,
the tightening of parastatal enterprises' budgets, capital accumulation, civil and political rights, and build-
through the drop of real wages and employment; by ing a culture of tolerance and peace loving.
liberalising trade which reduces output and employment
in import-substituting industries; by devaluation which The forgoing adequately provides conceptually and
may increase migration to areas in which export crop empirically the importance of development in determin-
and mineral production takes place especially in rural ing the direction of migration according to the interplay
areas. Moller-Jensen and Knudsen (2008) in their study of macro and micro conditions for carving a livelihood
of urbanisation in Ghana indicate the existence of 'fron- free from hunger, oppression and servitude.
tier' regions, that is, areas that experience a high de-
gree of in-migration by people aiming to undertake spe-
Economic versus Socio-Political factors
cific farming activities. This confirms Pederson's (1997)
It has generally been accepted that the phenomenon of
assertion that Migrants will often choose to locate in
migration is in response to economic forces that push
villages or relatively small towns of which many are not-
and/or pull people out of their own communities into
yet-formally urban in order to take part in the agricultu-
others - the 'invisible hand of the market' (Plange 1979).
ral production that is the reason behind their migration.
Contemporary studies continue to ascribe motives for
migration as basically economic with lip-service to the
At the global level, developed countries have become
social transformation achieved over the years which is
the foci of migration from less developed countries.
important in understanding why people choose to stay
Europe, North America and Australia have become
or move. Reasons why people do not move are just as
magnetic poles for migrants from Africa, Asia and the
important as reasons why people move in explaining
Arab world. The desire to improve and enhance individ-
the migration process. Development encapsulates both
ual capabilities lies at the heart of international migra-
economic and non-material dimensions. The evidence
tion. International migration is expensive and mandates
that most movement in the contemporary world is made
facilitating conditions that poor people often cannot
by the well-to do rather than the starving and the unem-
meet such as visa requirements. Enormous amounts of
ployed should redirect our attention to non-material as-
money are therefore spent by these migrants with the
pects of development which are more likely to be found
hope of improving themselves and enjoying the range
in economically endowed areas anywhere globally.
of freedoms that exist in advanced democracies. There
is a huge gulf in development between developing and
Within the economic-oriented view of migration, the
developed countries on all spheres of life.
individual is conceptualised as having made a rational
and free choice, and a voluntary action on the basis of
A range of educational, employment, technological,
knowledge of alternative opportunities based on the
infrastructural, political and social conditions in exis-
appreciation of certain better chances for survival
tence in the advanced countries constitute the pull
and/or perhaps self-advancement. Rural farmers are
factors of migration. While, the poor economic, educa-
assumed to make comparisons between earnings on-
tional, technological, basic services, infrastructure,
farm in rural areas and off-farm in urban areas and
oppression and social constraints act as push factors in
make rational decisions based on which has higher
developing countries. Though people move for a variety
18 DOSSIER Migration & Entwicklung

19.
returns. A mix of strategies involving circular migration Massey (1988) contends that, in the process of eco-
whereby farmers seek jobs in urban areas during low nomic development, nations are transformed from rural,
activity periods in farming and return home when farm- agrarian societies of small-scale institutions, stable
ing season is in vogue. Similarly, permanent migrants social structures, and limited markets into urbanized,
make economic calculations involving their earnings at industrial societies dominated by large bureaucratic
origin and destination and the possibility of remittances institutions, fluid social organizations, and strong, inte-
catering for their families and kin. The arguments of grated markets. This process of transformation is inher-
wage-differentials accounting for migration are overly ently revolutionary and highly disruptive, as it displaces
simplistic. many people from traditional livelihoods and past ways
of life. In the short run, however, development does not
Migration seen in the light of core-periphery relations reduce the impetus for migration, it increases it. In the
indicates that at the initial stages of development the long term, economic growth gradually eliminates the
core will overwhelmingly attract migrants from the pe- incentives for movement. This is evidenced by emigra-
riphery. But as development 'diffuses' over time due to tion from the developed countries of Europe, particularly
the shift in understanding from development as eco- to the United States, which is now a small fraction of
nomic growth to that of distributive justice, the strength what it was nine or ten decades ago, when they were
of the core diminishes. The erosion of traditional values developing nations (Massey 1988).
and the equalisation in values between the core and the
periphery is important in the reversals. Educational War, civil strife, and tribal conflicts are antecedents to
facilities and other infrastructural services increases poor economic conditions. The problem of refugees and
wellbeing in the peripheries and open up economic displaced people within countries who are not able to
opportunities for employment. These in conjunction with make a living in the presence of chaos and insecurity
diseconomies of scale developing in the old cores acts leads to mass migration. This type of migration is borne
as a disincentive for migration or creation of reverse out of a complex array of factors without specific origin-
migration. Migration is therefore a reflection of the de- could be economic hardships translating into war with
gree of diffusion of development into old peripheries subsequent multiplier effects on other dimensions of
rather than just pull economic forces in old cores and development or political dictatorship and oppression
new opportunity zones. The level of social change translating into war and eventually resulting in collapse
across space dictates the cravings of people for change economies which force people to migrate. War is an
and the choice to move to places with better change for important source of unfreedom which causes hunger
better living. and famine considered the vital signs of economic push
forces.
Social change is reflected heavily in political and civil
rights enjoyed by people. Just as individuals evolve in It is impossible to conclude on the real or potential force
their understanding of society and each other, the politi- of migration without looking at how the different forces
cal system also matures in its tolerance of individual's are synergistically interwoven. A historical understand-
rights and aspirations. Democratic states and regions ing of social change and the relations between core
tend to have fewer forced migrants than undemocratic (primary receiving areas) and peripheries (primary
states. Where people's rights are not guaranteed or are sending areas) is important in any discussion of migra-
trampled upon will result in escape from persecution tion forces.
and this stifles local economic activities. The record of
many Ghanaians returning home from abroad is indica-
Conclusions: Migration as a Process of Cumu-
tive of good governance and its associated opportuni-
lative Causation
ties for sustenance. Visa restrictions are relaxed for
It is virtually tautological that development produces
many categories of people in democratic countries
migration since no country has experienced an indus-
where the rule of law operates because of the low pos-
trial transformation without urbanizing, and urbanization
sibility of non-return. Similarly, in traditional rural areas
occurs almost exclusively through rural-to-urban migra-
poorly permeated by western values, some traditional
tion (Massey 1988). The spatial configuration of devel-
norms and practices tend to drive people to migrate.
opment ensures a self-sustaining process in which
Social change has the tendency to marry enabling
places by some initial advantages that were more de-
traditional norms with western ones for the benefit of
veloped than others continue to develop either at the
local areas.
DOSSIER Migration & Entwicklung 19

20.
expense or at a faster rate than their less developed sal? Migration Trends and Economic Conjuncture in
counterparts therefore calling for more migrants to fuel Burkina Faso and Côte d'Ivoire. Paper submitted for
the process. There is the tendency for emigration to the 2004 PAA Annual Meeting, Boston, April 1-3.
become progressively independent of the economic Session 608: Internal Migration in Developing Coun-
conditions that originally caused it. The movement of tries. Organizer: Graeme J. Hugo
population alters social and economic structures within
Becker, C. M. et al. 1994. Beyond urban bias in Af-
sending communities in ways that increase the likeli-
rica: urbanization in an era of structural adjustment.
hood of subsequent migration.
Portsmouth - London, Heinemann - J. Currey.
According to Myrdal (1957), changes in social system Chambers, M. I. 1980. The politics of agricultural and
does not induce countervailing changes, but rather rural development in the Upper East Region of
induces supporting changes which move the system Ghana: Implications of technocratic ideology and
further away from the initial state. He argues that once non-participatory development (PhD Thesis) Faculty
development starts in a particular centre, that region of the Graduate School, Cornell University, Cornell.
induces its own momentum of growth through the proc- Champion, A. G., (Ed.) 1991. Counterurbanization:
ess of cumulative causation. The momentum of growth The changing pace and nature of population decon-
is sustained and fortified by the center's contact with centration. London; New York, E. Arnold.
other parts of country and trade and factor movements
have 'backwash effects' and 'spread effects' on lagging Dorigo G. and Tobler W. 1983. Push-Pull Migration
regions. Laws. Annals of the Association of American Geog-
raphers, 73(1) pp. 1-11.
In developing countries the backwash effects are Friedmann, J. (1966) Regional Development Policy.
stronger than spread effects meaning that the tendency Cambridge: MIT Press.
for migration to slow down is weaker. The Ghanaian
Hesselberg J. and Yaro J. A. 2006. An assessment
case in which northern underdevelopment through
of the extent and causes of food insecurity in north-
intentional development strangulation (Hesselberg and
ern Ghana using a livelihood vulnerability framework.
Yaro) has imprinted structural bottlenecks that continue
GeoJournal, 67:41-55.
to define the landscape of movement irrespective of
intervention measures put in place by post-independent Iman H. 2007. Independent Child Migration and
governments, is evidence of this process. Structural Education in Ghana. Development and Change
mechanisms that ensures the migration trend include 38(5): 911-931 (2007).
social networks, agrarian transformation and and in-
Kingma, M. 2001. Nursing migration: Global treasure
come redistribution (Massey 1988).
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In the forgoing discussions the importance of develop-
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different. Equalization of development between North Study of Urban Bias in World Development. London:
America and Europe has greatly diminished migration Temple Smith.
between them. While continuous polarization between
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developing countries through processes of cumulative ternational Migration in Comparative Perspective.
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20 DOSSIER Migration & Entwicklung