U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Justice Programs
Bureau of Justice Statistics
Policing and Homicide, 1976-98:
Justifiable Homicide by Police,
Police Officers Murdered by Felons
March 2001, NCJ 180987
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This file is text only without graphics and many of the
tables. A Zip archive of the tables in this report in
spreadsheet format (.wk1) and t he full report including
tables and graphics in .pdf format are available from:
http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/abstract/ph98.htm
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Jodi M. Brown
and Patrick A. Langan, Ph.D.
BJS Sttisticians
U.S. Department of Justice
Bureau of Justice Statistics
Lawrence A. Greenfeld
Acting Director
This report was prepared by Jodi M. Brown and
Patrick A. Langan of the Bureau of Justice
Statistics. Matthew Durose and Donna Oliphant
assisted with verification. Tina Dorsey and
Tom Hester edited and produced the report.
Jayne Robinson prepared the report for
printing.
Frankie Kelley of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation provided tabulations of LEOKA
data specially for this report.
Staff members of the Criminal Justice
Information Services Division of the Federal
Bureau of Investigation read drafts of this
report and responded with many helpful
comments.
Police departments in the following cities
contributed valuable descriptions of actual
cases of justifiable homicide by police in
1996: Atlanta, Baltimore, Cleveland, Houston,
Los Angeles, New York City, Oklahoma City, and
Philadelphia.
The data and the report, as well as
others from the Bureau of Justice
Statistics, are available through the Internet
--
http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/
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Highlights
This report brings together in a single
publication national statistics on two distinct
types of homicide: the justifiable homicide of
felons by police, and the murder of police
officers by felons. Although the two are
fundamentally different -- the use of deadly
force against a police officer is almost never
justified, while the use of deadly force by
police often is -- certain connections can be
made between them beyond the fact that both
always involve the police. Sometimes one
directly results in the other: 1 in 6 murders
of a police officer result in the justifiable
killing of the murderer. (Still, of all the
justifiable homicides by police only about 3%
occur in connection with the murder of a police
officer.) The two also share demographic
similarities. For example, almost all the
felons justifiably killed by police (98%) and
almost all of the felons who murdered a police
officer (97%) are males; in both types of
homicide just over half of the felons are ages
18 to 30; and in both types just over half of
the felons are white.
Percent of
felons killed Percent of
by police in felons who
justifiable murdered
homicides, police officers,
1976-98 1976-98
Male 98% 97%
Ages 18-30 53% 54%
White 56% 54%
Black 42% 43%
Young white males 16% 20%*
Young black males 16% 21%*
*Percent is for 1980-98.
The first section of the report deals with the
justifiable homicide of felons by police; the
second, with the murder of police officers by
felons. Together, the two types account for
around 2% of all intentional killings in the
United States. The types of homicide not
covered in this report are: negligent
homicides; justifiable homicides by private
citizens; and murders in which the victim is
someone other than an officer slain in the line
of duty.
Justifiable homicide by police,
1976-98
In this report, killings by police are referred
to as "justifiable homicides," and the persons
that police kill are referred to as "felons."
These terms reflect the view of the police
agencies that provide the data used in this
report.
The killing of a felon by police is considered
justified when it is done to prevent imminent
death or serious bodily injury to the officer
or another person. Police justifiably kill on
average nearly 400 felons each year.
From 1976 to 1998, the U.S. population age 13
or older grew by about 47 million people and
the size of the police force in the United States
grew by over 200,000 officers, but the number of
felons justifiably killed by police did not
generally rise.
A growing percentage of felons killed by police
are white, and a declining percentage are
black.
Race of felons killed
1978 50% White 49% Black
1988 59% White 39% Black
1998 62% White 35% Black
Felons justifiably killed by police represent a
tiny fraction of the total population. Of the
183 million whites in 1998, police killed 225;
of the 27 million blacks, police killed 127.
While the rate (per million population) at
which blacks were killed by police in 1998 was
about 4 times that of whites, the difference
used to be much wider: the black rate in 1978
was 8 times the white rate.
The highest rates of justifiable homicide are
of young black males. Of the Nation's 3.4
million young black males (black males under
age 25) in 1998, 48 were justifiably killed by
police. That year, young black males made up
1% of the total U.S. population but 14% of
felons justifiably killed by police. By
comparison, of the Nation's 18.3 million young
white males, 53 were justifiably killed. Young
white males were 7% of the population and 15%
of those killed in 1998.
Of all the felons justifiably killed by police
from 1976 to 1998, 53% were ages 18 to 30, and
98% were males.
According to the latest statistics (1998),
white officers are 87% of the Nation's police
force and account for 82% of justifiable
homicides by police. Black officers make up
11% of the Nation's police and account for 17%
of the justifiable homicides.
Police officers murdered by felons,
1976-98
Since 1976, an average of 79 police officers
have been murdered each year in the line of
duty. The number of officers murdered each
year is dropping, and the rate at which police
officers are being murdered is steadily
falling. In 1978, 1 in 4,000 police officers
were murdered; in 1988, 1 in 6,000; and in
1998, 1 in 11,000 officers.
Throughout much of the 1990's, white police
officers made up about 87% of all police
officers in the United States and 83% of all
officers murdered by felons. Black officers
were 11% of police officers but 15% of those
murdered. Officers of other races were 2% of
police officers and 2% of those murdered.
On average, officers murdered from 1976
to 1998 had 9 years of law enforcement
service.
From 1976 to 1998, two-thirds of the felons who
murdered a police officer had a prior criminal
arrest.
The majority of police officers murdered by
felons were killed while responding to
disturbance calls (16%) or arrest situations
(39%).
Firearms claimed the lives of 92% of the
officers killed in the line of duty from 1976
to 1998. The officer's own gun was used in 12%
of all murders of police officers.
Murderers of police officers represent a tiny
fraction of the total population. Of the
Nation's 18.3 million young white males (white
males under age 25), 17 murdered a police
officer in 1998. Of the 3.4 million young
black males, 13 murdered an officer that year.
From 1980 to 1998, young black males made up
about 1% of the U.S. population but 21% of
felons who murdered a police officer ; young
white males were 8% of the population but 20%
of the murderers of law enforcement officers.
Young black males murdered police officers at a
rate almost 6 times that of young white males
(5.7 versus 1 per million population)
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Contents
Highlights
Justifiable homicide by police, 1976-98
Annual trends in justifiable
homicides by police
Felons killed by police in justifiable
homicides
Felons' gender
Felons' race
Felons' age
Felons' gender and race
Felons' gender, race, and age
Officers who killed felons in justifiable
homicides
Officers' gender
Officers' race
Officers' age
Officers' gender and race
Officers' and felons' gender
Officers' and felons' race
Detailed 1998 racial statistics
Descriptions of actual cases of justifiable
homicide by police, 1996
Police officers murdered by felons, 1976-98
Drop in murders of police officers
Drop in rate of murders of police officers
Police officers murdered with their
own firearm
Circumstances at scene of incident
Murdered police officers
Officers' age
Officers' gender
Officers' race
Officers' other characteristics
Detailed racial statistics for the 1990's
Felons who murdered police officers
Felons' age
Felons' gender
Felons' race
Felons' criminal record
Felons' race and officers' race, 1980-98
Felons' age, race, and gender, 1980-98
Descriptions of actual cases of police officers
killed in the line of duty
Methodology
The SHR national database on justifiable
homicides by police
Evolution of the SHR database
Nonjustifiable homicide by police
Errors in the SHR database
Nonjustifiable homicides by police
In the SHR database
Justifiable homicides by police missing
from the SHR database
Misinformation in the SHR database
regarding officer characteristics
Missing characteristics of felons and
officers in the SHR database
Cautionary note on this report's statistics
on justifiable homicides by police
Justifiable homicides by police in cases
involving more than one officer
Source of national statistics on police officers
murdered by felons
Source of size and characteristics
of U.S. police force
Police use of non-lethal force
A new source of data on police officers
killed and assaulted
Data for figures
Data for tables
Appendix tables
Justifiable homicide by police,
1976-98
When a police officer deliberately kills
someone, a determination is made as to whether
the homicide occurred in the line of duty and
whether the homicide was justified to prevent
imminent death or serious bodily injury to the
officer or another person. If an investigation
determines that the homicide did occur in the
line of duty and that circumstances did warrant
lethal force, a record of a justifiable
homicide is voluntarily sent by the officer's
agency to the FBI in Washington. Each record
of justifiable homicide received is then
entered into a database.
The database contains such information as the
felon's age, race, and gender, and such
information on the officer as age, race, and
gender.
In this report, killings by police are referred
to as "justifiable homicides, " and the persons
that police kill are referred to as "felons."
These terms reflect the view of the police
agencies that provide the data used in this
report.
Annual trends in justifiable
homicides by police
Though the FBI database has records of
justifiable homicides by police from 1968,
this report is concerned just with homicides
occurring since 1976 (see Methodology).
The records since 1976 have fuller information
than earlier records, including information not
only on the felons, but also on the police
officers.
According to FBI national data on justifiable
homicides by police from 1976 to 1998 --
* 8,578 felons were justifiably killed by
police in the United States.
* The largest number of recorded justifiable
homicides in a single year was 459 (in 1994),
and the smallest number was 296 (in 1987) .
* On average 373 felons were lawfully killed
by police each year.
* From 1976 to 1998, the U.S. population age
13 or older grew by about 47 million people and
the size of the police force in the United
States grew by over 200,000 officers, but the
number of felons justifiably killed by police
did not generally rise.
* On average each year about 2 persons per 1
million residents age 13 or older were
justifiably killed by law enforcement officers.
(Because police rarely kill someone under age
13, the rate calculation is per 1 million U.S.
population age 13 or older.)
---------------------------------------
Throughout this report, the national statistics
given on justifiable homicides by police were
"unadjusted," meaning no correction was made
for the fact that some States did not report to
the FBI any of the justifiable homicides that
occurred in certain years. For example,
Florida did not report in 1988, and so the
national total of 339 justifiable homicides in
1988 is missing whatever number of justifiable
homicides occurred in Florida that year.
To illustrate what effect missing States might
have, unadjusted and adjusted rates of
justifiable homicide were plotted on the same
graph. In calculating unadjusted rates, missing
States were treated as having no justifiable
homicides; in adjusted rates, missing States were
treated as having the same number of justifiable
homicides they had reported in the closest preceding
year. For example, Florida submitted no data for
1988 but did report 24 justifiable homicides in 1987.
The 1988 adjusted national rate therefore
includes an estimated 24 Florida homicides.
Estimate used to
Adjusted Missing calculate adjusted rate
year(s) State Number Year
1988-91 Florida 24 1987
1997-98 Florida 6 1996
1988 Kentucky 0 1987
1993-98 Kansas 7 1992
1995 Illinois 25 1994
1996 D.C. 12 1995
1998 D.C. 7 1997
1998 Wisconsin 5 1997
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* Police used a firearm (usually a handgun) in
99% of justifiable homicides. In many cases
where police killed a felon with a firearm, the
felon was shot multiple times. This is
consistent with police training. When police
have to shoot, they will keep shooting until
the felon no longer poses a threat.
Felons killed by police in justifiable
homicides
Persons justifiably killed by police are
referred to in the FBI's national database as
"felons" because, at the time of the homicide,
they were involved (or were thought to be
involved) in a violent felony. The demographic
information available on them in the database
is their gender, race, and age.
Of the 8,578 felons killed by police from 1976
to 1998, 98% of them had all 3 of their
demographic characteristics recorded in the
database.
According to FBI national data on justifiable
homicides by police from 1976 to 1998 --
Felons' gender
* 98% of persons justifiably killed by police
were males.
* Males were slain by police in justifiable
homicides at a rate almost 40 times that of
females (39 deaths of males per 10 million male
residents versus 1 death per 10 million female
residents).
* In 1998, males made up 48% of the population
age 13 or older, but accounted for 83% of
persons arrested for violent crime and 98% of
felons killed by police. The 1998 statistics
illustrate both the comparatively high rate of
justifiable homicide involving males and the
similarity between persons arrested by police
and felons killed by police.
Felons' race
* Most felons killed by police each year were
white (except for 1976 and 1977).
* A growing percentage of felons killed by
police are white, and a declining percentage
are black.
Race of felons killed
1978 50% white 49% black
1988 59% white 39% black
1998 62% white 35% black
* In 1998 blacks made up 12% of the population
age 13 or older but accounted for 40% of
persons arrested for violent crime and 35% of
felons killed by police. The 1998 statistics
illustrate both the comparatively high rate of
justifiable homicide involving blacks and the
racial similarity between persons arrested by
police and felons killed by police.
* Felons justifiably killed by police
represent a tiny fraction of the total
population. Of the 183 million whites in 1998,
police killed 225; of the 27 million blacks,
police killed 127. While the rate (per million
population) at which blacks were killed in 1998
was about 4 times that of whites, the
difference used to be much wider: the black
rate in 1978 was 8 times the white rate.
* The rate at which blacks are killed by
police in justifiable homicides is declining,
while the rate at which whites are killed by
police shows no consistent trend.
Rate of justifiable homicide
by police (per 1 million
population)
White Black
1978 1.0 8.0
1988 1.2 5.7
1998 1.2 4.8
Correlation with arrest for
violent crime
* There is little correspondence between
trends in arrests for violent crimes and
trends in justifiable homicides by police
(the correlation is +0.2 for whites and
-0.2 for blacks).
Felons' age
* Except for an 11-year-old killed by police
in 1981 and a 12-year-old in 1992, all persons
slain by police in justifiable homicides from
1976 to 1998 were in their teens or older.
* The average age of felons justifiably killed
by police from 1976 to 1998 was 31 years.
* Felons ages 18 to 30 were 53% of justifiable
homicides by police from 1976 to 1998.
* In most years, felons in their twenties
accounted for more justifiable homicides than
any other age categories.
* Persons in their twenties had the highest
rates of being slain by police in justifiable
homicides (almost 4 per million population) and
persons in their early thirties had the next
highest rate.
* In 1998 persons in their twenties made up
16% of the population age 13 or older, but
accounted for 31% of persons arrested for
violent crime and 36% of felons killed by
police. The 1998 statistics illustrate both
the comparatively high rate of justifiable
homicide involving persons in their twenties
and the age similarity between persons arrested
by police and felons killed by police.
* According to latest statistics (1998), the
average age of felons killed by police is 32,
and half are age 30 or older.
Felons' gender and race
* The vast majority of felons killed by police
each year (about 96%) are either white males or
black males.
* Of the felons killed by police from 1976 to
1998, 55% were white males, 41% were black
males, 1% were white females, 1% were black
females, and the rest were mostly males in the
"other races" category (Asian, Pacific
Islander, Alaska Native, and American Indian).
* Felons justifiably killed by police
represent a tiny fraction of the total
population. Of the 89 million white males (age
13 or older) in 1998, police killed 220; of the
12 million black males (age 13 or older),
police killed 125. In 1998 black males were
around 6% of the general population (age 13 or
older) but 34% of persons killed by police, and
white males were 41% of the general population
(age 13 or older) but 61% of those killed.
* Among persons killed by police, white males
outnumbered black males.
Percent of all felons killed by polices
1978 48% white males 49% black males
1988 57% white males 39% black males
1998 61% white males 34% black males
Felons' gender, race, and age
* The highest rates of justifiable homicide
are of young black males. Of the Nation's 3.4
million young black males (black males under
age 25) in 1998, 48 were justifiably killed
by police. That year, young black males made
up 1% of the total U.S. population but 14% of
felons justifiably killed by police. By
comparison, of the Nation's 18.3 million young
white males, 53 were justifiably killed. Young
white males were 8% of the population and 15%
of those killed in 1998.
* From 1976 to 1998 young black males (black
males under age 25) made up about 1% of the
population but 16% of felons killed by police
in justifiable homicides; young white males
made up about 8% of the population but 16% of
felons killed by police.
* Of all felons justifiably killed by police
from 1976 to 1998, the majority were young
white males under age 25 (16%), young black
males under age 25 (16%), white males age 25 or
older (39%), and black males age 25 or older
(25%).
* From 1980 to 1998 young black males were
killed by police in justifiable homicides at a
rate approximately 6 times that of young white
males (16.5 versus 2.9 per million population)
.
* Average ages of felons killed by police from
1976 to 1998 were --
Race Males Females
White 32 yrs 35 yrs
Black 29 39
Other 29 33
* Median ages of felons killed by police from
1976 to 1998 were --
Race Males Females
White 30 yrs 33 yrs
Black 27 36
Other 27 33
* White and black males ages 20 to 34 made up
most of the felons killed by police (56%) from
1976 to 1998.
* Based on latest statistics (1998), together
white males and black males ages 20 to 34 are
10% of the general population but 48% of those
killed by police.
* Latest statistics (1998) indicate that white
males ages 20 to 34 are 8% of the general
population but 29% of those killed by police,
and black males ages 20 to 34 are 1.4% of the
general population but 20% of persons killed by
police in justifiable homicides.
Officers who killed felons
in justifiable homicides
The police officer's gender, race, and age are
a part of the record for each justifiable
homicide entered into the national database,
but since participation is voluntary, police
agencies do not always supply this information.
There were 8,578 felons killed by police from
1976 to 1998. The age, race, and gender of the
officer involved in the homicide were recorded
on 69% of them, and at least one of the three
characteristics was recorded on 85%.
According to FBI national data on justifiable
homicides by police from 1976 to 1998 --
Officers' gender
* The officer in a justifiable homicide case
is almost always a male (98%).
Officers' race
* From 1976 to 1998 the officer in 84% of
justifiable homicides by police was white, and
the officer in 15% was black.
Officers' age
* In most years officers ages 25 to 29
accounted for more justifiable homicides than
any other age category.
* The average age of the officer in a
justifiable homicide by police was 33 years.
* 55% of officers in justifiable homicides
were over age 30.
Officers' gender and race
* The officer in a justifiable homicide is
almost always a white or black male (97%).
* White male officers accounted for 83% of
justifiable homicides from 1976 to 1998 and
black male officers accounted for 14%.
Officers' and felons' gender
There were 8,578 felons killed by police from
1976 to 1998. In 85% of these homicides the
gender of both the felon and the officer was
recorded in the national database.
According to FBI national data on justifiable
homicides by police from 1976 to 1998 --
* When a justifiable homicide by police
occurs, it is almost always a male officer
killing a male felon (96%).
* When a male officer kills, the felon killed
is almost always a male (98%).
* When a female officer kills, the felon
killed is almost always a male (93%).
* When a male felon is killed, the officer is
almost always a male (98%).
* When a female felon is killed, the officer
is almost always a male (95%).
Officers' and felons' race
In 77% of the 8,578 justifiable homicides by
police in the Nation's database, the race of
both the felon and the officer was recorded.
Some of the justifiable homicides are
interracial, with the race of the felon
differing from that of the officer. Because
statistics on interracial homicide are easily
misinterpreted, a few preliminary comments are
offered.
If every police officer in the United States
were white, then any time a nonwhite person
was justifiably killed by police, the homicide
would be interracial. This illustrates that
the extent to which justifiable homicide is
interracial in the United States is influenced
by the racial makeup of the police.
Since, according to latest available statistics
(1998), approximately 87% of all police
officers in the United States are white (11%
are black and 2% are of other races), by chance
alone the likelihood is high that the officer
who kills a nonwhite felon is white. The
likelihood is also high that the officer who
kills a white felon is white. It should not be
surprising to find that most black felons
killed by police (just as most white felons
killed by police) are killed by a white police
officer.
"Chance" factors are not the only ones
affecting the likelihood that a justifiable
homicide is interracial. Nonchance factors
have an effect as well. An obvious one is the
policy that police departments may have for
assigning officers to particular neighborhoods.
A common policy is to assign black officers to
black neighborhoods. Consequently, it might be
expected that, when a black officer kills a
felon, there is a high likelihood that the
felon is also black. In line with that
expectation, national statistics indicate that
most of the felons killed by black officers are
themselves black. More generally, national
statistics indicate that most justifiable
homicides by police are intraracial.
According to FBI national data on justifiable
homicides by police from 1976 to 1998 --
* In about 65% of justifiable homicides by
police, the officer's race and the felon's race
were the same.
Intraracial
White officer kills white felon 53.1%
Black officer kills black felon 11.8
Other-race officer kills other-
race felon 0.3
Interracial
White officer kills black felon 29.6%
Black officer kills white felon 2.8
White officer kills other-race felon 1.6
Black officer kills other-race felon 0.1
Other-race officer kills white felon 0.5
Other-race officer kills black felon 0.2
* Interracial homicide by police (for example,
the killing of a black felon by a white officer
or the killing of a white felon by a black
officer) make up about a third of justifiable
homicides.
Felon statistics give one perspective on the
number of police justifiable homicides that are
interracial (for example, from 1976 to 1998,
police justifiably killed 4,786 white felons,
and in 5% of these homicides the officer was
black). Officer statistics gave another
perspective (for example, from 1976 to 1998
white police officers justifiably killed 5,579
felons, and in 35% of these homicides the felon
was black). The extent to which justifiable
homicide by police officers are interracial
depends on which statistics are used:
* When a white officer kills a felon, that
felon is usually a white (63%); and when a
black officer kills a felon, that felon is
usually a black (81%).
* The majority of black felons killed were by
white officers (71%); the majority of white
felons killed were by white officers (94%); and
the majority of other race felons killed were
by white officers (81%).
* White-officer-kills-white-felon makes up a
growing fraction of all justifiable homicides
by police, while white-officer-kills-black-felon
makes up a declining fraction.
Percent of all justifiable
homicides by police
White officer Black officer
kills -- kills --
White Black White Black
felon felon felon felon
1978 46% 38% 2% 14%
1988 57 27 3 10
1998 56 24 5 12
Detailed 1998 racial statistics
According to latest statistics (1998)--
* White officers make up 87% of the Nation's
641,208 police and account for 82% of
justifiable homicides by police. Black officers
make up 11% of the Nation's police and account
for 17% of all justifiable homicides.
* White officers (42 justifiable homicides per
100,000 white officers in 1998) and black
officers (44 justifiable homicides per 100,000
black officers) commit justifiable homicides at
about the same rate, but the rate for officers
of other races is lower (25 per 100,000).
* The black-officer-kills-black-felon rate is
32 per 100,000 black officers in 1998, which is
higher than the white-officer-kills-black-felon
rate of 14 per 100,000 white officers.
* The white-officer-kills-white-felon rate is
28 per 100,000 white officers in 1998, which is
higher than the black-officer-kills-white-felon
rate of 11 per 100,000 black officers.
The descriptions below are of cases of
justifiable homicide by police in 1996. The
choice of which cases to describe was left to
the police departments that voluntarily
prepared and submitted the narratives. Only
large urban police departments were asked to
participate.
Atlanta
* On Saturday, December 14, 1996, two Atlanta
police officers attempted to conduct a traffic
stop. The suspect, a 25-year-old male, refused
to stop his vehicle and a chase ensued. The
suspect wrecked, then exited his vehicle,
brandishing a weapon. The officers began to
chase the suspect on foot. The suspect then
turned and fired several shots in the direction
of both officers. One officer returned fire,
striking the suspect multiple times. The
suspect ran into a nearby apartment complex
where he collapsed and died.
* On Thursday, June 6, 1996, at approximately
5:00 p.m., several plainclothes Atlanta
fugitive investigators went to a residence to
serve an arrest warrant on a 30-year-old male.
The officers approached the residence and
identified themselves. The suspect, armed with
a loaded handgun, tried to escape through a
bedroom window two stories off the ground.
When the suspect looked down from the bedroom
window, he saw officers outside, on the ground
below him. The suspect pointed his weapon in
the direction of the officers. One of the
officers discharged his service weapon striking
the suspect in the chest. The suspect later
died at a local hospital.
Baltimore
* At approximately 11:35 a.m., on Monday, June
24, 1996, two uniformed Baltimore City police
officers were working as a unit when they
observed a large group of individuals in an
alley. Knowing the area to be a high-crime,
high-drug area, they exited their vehicle to
conduct field interviews. At that time, two of
the subjects ran from the group.
One officer observed a subject reaching into
his waistband, at which time the subject was
ordered to the ground by the officer. The
other officer observed a second subject
reaching into his waistband as he ran from the
scene. The suspect removed a dark colored
handgun from his waistband. The officers
ordered the suspect to drop the weapon, but the
suspect refused. The suspect continued to run.
Numerous times the officer ordered the suspect
to "stop and drop the weapon," but the foot
chase continued. The suspect fired several
rounds at the officer from his Smith and Wesson
.357 caliber revolver. The officer returned
fire. The suspect approached a vehicle parked
on the road. He entered the vehicle from the
passenger side and ordered the operator of the
vehicle to "drive!" Instead, the operator
fled.
The suspect continued to fire at the officer
from the parked vehicle. The officer returned
fire, striking the suspect, the vehicle, and
two additional vehicles in the immediate area.
The suspect was observed slumped in the front
passenger seat of the vehicle with a gunshot
wound to the right eye and a gunshot wound to
the back. He succumbed to his wounds at the
scene and was pronounced dead by a medic at
11:48 a.m.
* At approximately 2:15 p.m., on Thursday,
January 25, 1996, a Baltimore City police
officer was responding to a drug-related call
when he was stopped by an elderly male who
advised the officer that a male had just
discharged a handgun in a nearby park and was
still there. The elderly male pointed to the
park area and stated, "there he is," as he
pointed to a male wearing a black hat, green
jacket, and blue jeans standing in the park.
The officer broadcast over the police radio
information relating to the man armed with a
gun, giving both physical and clothing
descriptions.
Two plainclothes officers (with visible police
ID's on chains around their neck) and one
uniformed officer were together in a marked
police vehicle when they spotted and approached
the suspect.
The suspect was advised by one of the officers
to keep his hands in the air where the officers
could see them. The suspect turned around to
face the officers and lifted up his coat.
The officers could see in the suspect's
waistband a black pistol that appeared to be a
semi-automatic. The suspect withdrew the
pistol and fired at the officers.
The officers returned fire with their
departmentally issued weapons (each a Glock
model 17). The suspect began to run while
continuing to fire at the officers. The
officers returned fire until the suspect was
incapacitated. When the suspect finally
dropped his gun, he was no longer a threat.
One officer approached the suspect, kicked the
pistol out of the suspect's reach, and
handcuffed him.
The officers immediately called for medical
personnel because the suspect was still alive.
The suspect was uncuffed to receive medical
aid. The suspect was pronounced dead of
multiple gunshot wounds at a local hospital.
The decedent's green coat was found at the
scene with a black ski mask, more than 80 .22
caliber cartridges, and a stainless steel Smith
and Wesson break front revolver with 5 .32
caliber cartridges. Less than 1 year prior to
his death, the deceased was released from a
super maximum security prison where he had
served a lengthy sentence for rape and
burglary.
* On Thursday, November 7, 1996, at
approximately 11:05 a.m., responding to a
report of a missing elderly woman, a Baltimore
City police officer was sent to investigate the
woman's apartment. After discovering the
elderly woman stabbed to death on her bed, the
officer called the Baltimore City Homicide Unit
to assist with a "questionable death"
investigation. While searching the apartment
for the possible murder weapon, a detective
noticed the suspect's feet under a daybed in
the living room. The officers ordered the
person under the bed to come out. When the
suspect did not respond to their commands, the
officers began to move the bed, continuing to
command the person to get up. Suddenly the
suspect jumped up, armed with a large butcher
knife raised over his head. The officers
demanded several times that the suspect drop
the knife, but the suspect refused and began to
advance toward one of the officers. Both
officers opened fire after the suspect's
continued refusal to drop the knife. The
suspect fell to the floor after being struck
several times in the upper torso. The suspect
was a 41-year-old male. He was a drug user with
a long prior record of arrests (including rape,
assault, and attempted robbery). The elderly woman
was his grandmother, with whom he lived. Family of
the suspect reported that he frequently stole from
her to support his drug habit and had been
known to be physically abusive to her, on at
least one occasion twisting her arm and pushing
her to the ground.
A Baltimore City Fire Department medic
responded to the scene and a technician
pronounced the suspect dead at 1:22 p.m.
Cleveland
* On Friday, July 26, 1996, at approximately
10:29 p.m., a Cleveland police officer observed
a vehicle driving without headlights. When the
officer made a traffic stop, the suspect
indicated that he had no driver's license. The
officer asked the suspect to step out of the
car. Rather than obeying, the suspect put the
vehicle into reverse, at which time the officer
reached into the vehicle in an attempt to turn
off the key. The suspect began driving at a
high rate of speed holding onto the officer.
The officer was yelling for the suspect to stop
the car, but the suspect refused.
In response to the officer hitting him with a
flashlight, the suspect was threatening to
crash into a pole or a car and "take both of
them out." The officer was pleading with the
suspect to stop the car. The suspect yelled to
the officer, "if we don't hit a pole and kill
you, I'm going to pull your gun and shoot you."
At that time, the officer checked for his
weapon and pulled it out. The officer placed
the weapon to the head of the suspect telling
him numerous times to stop the vehicle or the
officer would be forced to shoot him. When the
suspect would not stop, the officer fired one
time, striking the suspect in the head. Prior
to the vehicle striking a pole, the officer
rolled out. The suspect died at the scene.
Houston
* On Sunday, February 18, 1996, a Harris
County, Texas, deputy sheriff was working in
uniform at an off-duty job in a liquor store.
(Officers may work off-duty jobs in uniform
after the employer has received a permit from
the Harris County Sheriff's Department.) Two
males came into the store in an attempt to
purchase tequila. The deputy noticed that the
males were already intoxicated and advised the
clerk not to sell the alcohol. One of the men
threw four bottles of mineral water into a tub
with other bottles, walked out of the store,
and got into his car. Believing the bottles
had broken, the deputy attempted to stop the
man. The deputy stood between the driver's
seat and the open car door, but the suspect
refused to turn off his vehicle. As the
suspect backed his car away from the liquor
store, the deputy was trapped and believed that
he would be dragged under the car. Fearing for
his life, the deputy fired his weapon two times
at the suspect, striking him one time in the
chest.
* On Tuesday, February 27, 1996, Houston
police officers were searching for a male
escapee who was wanted for aggravated assault
of a police officer. After receiving a tip on
the suspect's location, the officers observed
the suspect get off a bus.
As officers approached him, the suspect walked
away, then attempted to run. One officer
caught the suspect and wrestled him to the
ground. As the suspect reached the ground, he
pulled a pistol from his pocket and fired at
the officers. Officers returned fire, killing
the suspect. One sergeant involved in the
shooting was shot in the side, but was not
seriously injured because he was wearing body
armor.
* At approximately 9:57 p.m., on Friday, March
8, 1996, four Houston police officers were
dispatched to a "home invasion in progress"
call. As the officers approached the house,
they observed a male standing in the shadows of
the doorway. Officers asked the man to step
outside and remove his hands from his pockets.
The suspect responded by telling the officers
that he had a gun and for the officers to come
in and get him. The suspect then ran toward
one of the officers, who discharged his weapon
at the suspect, severing the left femoral
artery.
* On the night of Tuesday, March 12, 1996, a
Houston police officer working an off-duty job
was called to investigate a loud noise
complaint. As the uniformed officer walked
from his apartment, he observed two vehicles --
one had the engine running. The officer also
observed a male standing between the two
vehicles. The officer heard a man say, "hurry
up," then witnessed the other man jump into the
vehicle with its motor running. The officer
ordered the occupants to stop. The vehicle
struck the officer in the right leg. The
officer fired two rounds at the vehicle, but
was unsure whether he fired before or after he
was struck. Approximately 10 minutes later,
one suspect was found dead at his house from a
gunshot wound to the head. The other suspect
confessed that they were burglarizing a vehicle
when the officer confronted them.
* On Thursday, August 8, 1996, Houston police
officers were assisting a "neighborhood
protection inspector" with inspections of
abandoned houses. As officers approached one
house, a male walked out of and away from the
house. One officer attempted to stop the
suspect who was walking away, while the other
officer walked onto the porch. When the
officer stepped on the porch, another male
suspect ran out of the house and grabbed the
officer's weapon. Fearing for his life, the
officer fired one time, striking the suspect in
the chest.
* On Friday, November 8, 1996, at 5:00 a.m.,
Houston police patrol officers observed two
males walking down the street carrying a
television, a radio, and a bucket of tools. As
officers approached, the suspects began acting
suspiciously and speaking Spanish to each
other. Officers heard them use the word
"pistola." One suspect reached into his pocket
as if to retrieve a weapon. In Spanish, the
officer ordered the suspect to raise his hands,
but the suspect refused. The officer attempted
to physically control the suspect, but the
suspect broke away and continued reaching into
his pocket. Being in fear for his life, the
officer fired two times at the suspect. The
suspect had been attempting to retrieve an open
pocket knife.
* On Tuesday, December 10, 1996, Houston
police narcotic officers were attempting to buy
5 kilos of cocaine through an informant.
Officers observed four suspects walking into
the parking lot with the informant. As one of
the officers was parking his car, he heard
someone yell, "police, police." The officer
then observed one male run past him carrying a
gym bag. The officer chased the suspect,
identified himself as a police officer, and
ordered the man to raise his hands. As the
suspect raised his left hand, he pulled a .25
caliber pistol from his right pocket. The
officer fired two times at the suspect,
striking him in the chest and leg.
* On Sunday, December 15, 1996, a Harris
County, Texas, deputy constable was dispatched
to a "man down" call. The deputy observed the
man lying in the grass and approached him. The
man jumped up and grabbed a club, which
consisted of two 2x4's nailed together with
nails protruding from the wood. The deputy
drew his service weapon, but the suspect began
advancing toward him and threatening him with
the club. After the deputy retreated
approximately 140 feet, he shot the suspect one
time in the chest.
Los Angeles
* At approximately 6:14 p.m. on Thursday,
February 1, 1996, uniformed Los Angeles police
officers driving a marked police vehicle
approached the subject. The subject produced a
9 mm pistol and fired several shots at the
officers, hitting the police vehicle and
wounding one officer. Both officers returned
fire, wounding the subject. The subject was
subsequently transported to a Los Angeles
medical center where he expired during surgery.
* At approximately 7:30 p.m. on Saturday, June
22, 1996, Los Angeles police responded to a
radio call regarding a "man with a shotgun."
Arriving at the scene, officers were confronted
by the suspect who was located at the top of a
stairwell in front of the apartment door. The
suspect was armed with a shotgun.
The Los Angeles Police Department's S.W.A.T.
team was notified. S.W.A.T. officers were
confronted by the suspect still armed with a
shotgun. When the suspect pointed the shotgun
at the S.W.A.T. officers, the officers opened
fire. The suspect sustained multiple shotgun
wounds to his chest.
A Los Angeles Fire Department rescue ambulance
responded to the scene, where the suspect was
pronounced dead at 11:05 p.m.
* At approximately 6:25 a.m. on Saturday,
April 20, 1996, the suspect, armed with a
handgun, confronted and threatened to kill
several of his apartment complex neighbors.
Los Angeles police were notified and responded
to the scene.
Upon arrival at the apartment complex, officers
were confronted by the suspect, who was still
armed with a handgun. The suspect pointed the
handgun at several officers, threatening to
kill them. An officer-involved shooting
occurred and the suspect sustained multiple
gunshot wounds.
A Los Angeles City Fire Department rescue
ambulance responded to the scene. The suspect
was pronounced dead at 7:42 a.m.
* At approximately 9:40 p.m. on Saturday, July
20, 1996, an armed subject confronted Los
Angeles police officers. The subject was shot
to death.
* At approximately 4:30 p.m. on Sunday,
December 22, 1996, two uniformed Los Angeles
police officers were investigating a
shoplifting in which two six-packs of beer were
stolen from a convenience store. As the
officers were driving in the alley to the rear
of the store, they observed the suspect
carrying a six-pack of beer in each hand. As
soon as the officers stopped their police
vehicle behind the suspect, the suspect turned
and immediately walked toward the right side of
the police vehicle. The suspect pulled a .380
caliber semiautomatic pistol from his right
front pocket and fired two rounds at the
officer seated in the front passenger seat.
Both officers opened fire with their 9 mm
pistols, killing the suspect. As a result of
the suspect's gunfire one officer died.
* At approximately 5:00 p.m. on Monday, March
11, 1996, the suspect was driving a vehicle
that was stopped in an alley. Uniformed Los
Angeles police officers approached the vehicle
to conduct a possible stolen vehicle
investigation. During the course of the
investigation, the suspect started the vehicle
in an attempt to flee, dragging the officer
alongside.
An officer-involved shooting occurred and the
suspect sustained a gunshot wound to his neck.
The suspect expired at the scene. Paramedics
responded and pronounced the suspect dead at
5:04 p.m.
New York City
* On Monday, April 8, 1996, two New York City
police officers were conducting an undercover
"buy and bust" drug operation in the Bronx. As
one officer approached a group of males to
purchase the drugs, he overheard several of the
males arguing. During the argument a gun was
mentioned. The officer turned back to relay
this information to his partner. As the two
officers conferred, one officer observed one of
the male suspects brandish a gun and fire two
bullets at another person in the group. The
officers drew their firearms and sought cover
behind a telephone pole. One officer
identified himself as a police officer and
ordered the suspect to drop his weapon. The
gunman, standing 25 feet away, turned toward
the officers and began firing his 9 mm
semi-automatic pistol at them. Both officers
returned fire. During the course of the gun
battle, the officers exhausted their ammunition
supply. The perpetrator, with his gun in hand,
then began to advance toward the officers.
With no bullets remaining in their pistols, one
officer retrieved his off-duty revolver and
fired one shot at the advancing gunman, causing
him to stagger and collapse to the ground,
where he succumbed to his wounds.
* On the morning of Thursday, May 9, 1996, a
New York City police officer was approached by
a bus driver who told the officer that he had
just seen a man armed with a shotgun enter a
crowded office two blocks away. Responding to
the location, the officer encountered a
detective who had observed several people
fleeing the building and had stopped to
investigate. Looking through the front window,
the officers observed the gunman shouting and
waving the shotgun at a female hostage. The
officers entered the building and were crawling
on their hands and knees toward the rear office
when the gunman spotted them and twice fired at
them through the office window. As the hostage
took cover under a desk, the detective and
police officer returned fire, striking the
gunman six times and mortally wounding him.
A total of 20 hostages were rescued from the
location. Recovered from the scene were a
12-gauge shotgun, a fully loaded .22 caliber
revolver, 123 rounds, and 103 shotgun shells.
It was learned that the gunman had threatened
to kill everyone in the office until he located
his estranged girlfriend, an employee who had
transferred to another office just days
earlier.
* Late one Friday night in July 1996, two New
York City police officers were on routine
patrol when they received a radio broadcast of
a "man with a gun." Although they were not yet
aware of it, the subject had just robbed a
grocery store while armed with a .44 caliber
revolver. As they pulled up to the scene, they
observed one of the robbery victims running
from the store.
He told the officers that the gunman was still
inside. Suddenly, the suspect emerged from the
store with the weapon in his hand. Despite
repeated orders to drop the weapon, the suspect
cocked the revolver and aimed it directly at
the officers. The officers fired a total of
five rounds and mortally wounded the
perpetrator.
* On Tuesday, September 3, 1996, two police
officers in Staten Island responded to a family
dispute.
The officers were met by the complainant across
the street from the location. She stated that
her estranged husband was in the house, in
violation of an order of protection. She said
he was not armed and informed the officers that
he had ripped the telephone from the wall,
forcing her to call the police from outside of
the house. As the officers approached the
building, the suspect fired a rifle from the
second floor of the building, barely missing
them, but piercing the gas tanks of a parked
vehicle. As the officers took cover, the
gunman fired two more shots. Pinned down by
the rifle-wielding perpetrator and with no
other way to protect either the civilian or
themselves, the officers returned fire and
mortally wounded the gunman.
Oklahoma City
* At approximately 4:37 p.m. on Thursday,
April 4, 1996, Oklahoma City Police Department
officers served a warrant for an immediate drug
search of a residence. Upon arrival at the
residence, the raid officers each went to the
position that was assigned during the pre-raid
briefing. The front door of the residence was
broken open and, before making entry, the
officers identified themselves as police
officers.
As the first two officers entered the living
room, they observed a subject lying on a sofa.
The subject raised up and pointed a long
barreled handgun at the officers. The two
officers fired their service weapons. Both
officers stopped shooting when the armed
subject collapsed to the floor.
Another subject appeared in the doorway to the
living room. He had apparently come from
another area of the residence. The officer
nearest the doorway was grabbed from behind by
the second subject. That officer turned and
fired at the second subject. One suspect died
at the scene, and the second suspect died later
at a local hospital.
* At approximately 12:37 a.m. on Friday,
August 6, 1996, several Oklahoma City Police
Department officers were attempting to locate
an armed subject who was reported to be en
route to his girlfriend's residence.
Information about the suspect had been
announced in a general broadcast over the
police radio. The suspect had been recently
released from the Oklahoma State penitentiary.
Initially, officers did not have an address but
after searching phone records from the enhanced
911 system, dispatchers were able to find an
address for the subject's girlfriend. While on
the phone with someone at the girlfriend's
residence, a female dispatcher heard what she
thought were three gunshots.
When responding officers arrived at the
apartment, the first responding officer knocked
on the front door without a response. Officers
were able to peer inside the apartment through
a window near the front door. From the window
the officers observed what appeared to be blood
spattered on the walls and a person lying on
the floor.
The officers kicked open the apartment's front
door. The first officer to enter confirmed a
body on the floor. The officer stepped over
the body in the hallway and moved toward a
bedroom where he observed the body of another
female also on the floor. A small child was
sitting on the shoulder of the dead female,
looking at the officer. Another child was
nearby. As the officer began to move into the
bedroom, a voice from the bedroom warned the
officer that if he came in he would be shot.
The only light in the bedroom was that of a
television. The officer observed the
silhouette of a man holding a handgun. The
officer immediately retreated to a nearby
bathroom. The officers identified themselves
and ordered the suspect to drop his weapon.
When the gunman changed locations inside the
bedroom, the officer attempted to verbally coax
the children out of the bedroom.
From inside the bedroom and out of sight of the
officer, the suspect announced he was going to
push the two children out through the bedroom
door. As the suspect came into view of the
officer in the bathroom, the officer could see
that the suspect was still armed with a
handgun. The suspect moved and was standing
directly over the body of the dead female. He
began to raise his weapon and then pointed it
in the direction of the officer in the bedroom.
The officer responded by firing two rounds from
his .45 caliber service weapon. Both rounds
struck the suspect, killing him. The deceased
suspect had just committed three homicides.
* At approximately 5:25 a.m. on Tuesday,
November 16, 1996, several Oklahoma City Police
Department officers met for breakfast at a
local 24-hour restaurant. While adjusting
tables to accommodate other officers who had
not yet arrived, the officers observed a
subject sitting in a booth by himself. The
subject matched the description of a suspect
who was wanted in connection with an "assault
with a deadly weapon with intent to kill" that
had occurred earlier in the evening.
One officer went over to the suspect while the
other officers moved into position to back up
the confronting officer. To confirm that the
suspect was the one who was wanted for the
assault, the officer asked to look at the
suspect's forearm. The officer was looking for
an identifying tattoo.
When the officer saw the identifying tattoo, he
immediately began to back away from the booth
where the suspect was seated. The seated
suspect, with his right hand, reached into his
waistband and produced a semiautomatic pistol.
The officer ordered the suspect down, but the
suspect ignored the order and brought the gun
above the table top. All four officers began
shooting at the suspect. The suspect was
struck several times and died at the scene.
Philadelphia
* On Friday, June 21, 1996, at approximately
3:38 p.m., a Philadelphia police officer
responded to a "man with a knife" disturbance.
Upon arrival at the residence, the officer was
informed by a woman yelling from the second
floor of the house that the suspect was
downstairs in the house. She told the officer
to enter through the front door as it was
already open. The officer drew his gun, then
entered the residence. Inside, a 50-year-old
male was carrying a steak knife while walking
out of the kitchen and toward the officer.
Despite several demands from the officer to
drop the knife, the suspect continued to
approach the officer. The officer fired his
service weapon (a Glock model 17) one time
striking the suspect in the chest. With the
knife still in his right hand, the suspect fell
to the floor. When rescue services and back-up
officers arrived, the knife was recovered and
the suspect was transported to a local
hospital. The suspect was pronounced dead at
4:05 p.m.
* On Friday, November 15, 1996, at
approximately 8:51 a.m., a Philadelphia police
officer at a school crossing was approached by
a 29-year-old male in a car. The man asked for
directions. The officer noticed a gun in the
suspect's vehicle. While the officer was
investigating the incident, the suspect pulled
out another gun and shot at the officer,
striking him one time in the chest. The
officer returned fire, striking the suspect
several times in the chest and neck. Both
officer and suspect were taken to a local
hospital. Because the officer had been wearing
a bulletproof vest, he was not seriously
injured and was soon released. The suspect was
pronounced dead at 9:20 a.m.
* On Sunday, November 17, 1996, at
approximately 1:08 a.m., three Philadelphia
police officers responded to a "burglary in
progress" call. While covering the rear of the
residence, two officers witnessed a male
exiting the property. The suspect fired a
weapon at the officers. Both officers returned
fire with their service weapons (Glock, model
17; Glock, model 19), hitting the suspect in
the chest, neck, shoulder, and hand.
A second male suspect pushed open the front
door. Seeing a police officer covering the
front of the residence, the second suspect
fired a weapon from inside the house at the
officer. The officer returned fire, hitting
the second suspect in the chest. The suspect
collapsed on the sidewalk in front of the
house. At the time of the shooting, the other
two officers were inside the house.
The first suspect was taken to a local hospital
where he was pronounced dead. The second
suspect was pronounced dead at the scene. Both
guns used by the suspects were recovered at the
scene.
Police officers murdered by felons, 1976-98
Throughout this report, the term "police
officer" refers to persons with sworn arrest
powers. Such persons include sheriffs,
deputies, State troopers, and other law
enforcement officers.
When a felon murders a police officer in the
line of duty, the deceased officer's agency
voluntarily sends a record of the offense to
the FBI in Washington. The record is then
entered into a national database. The database
contains such information as the officer's age,
race, and gender, the number of years as a
police officer, and such information on the
felon as age, race, gender, and prior record.
Drop in murders of police officers
According to national data on felonious
killings of police officers --
* 1,820 law enforcement officers were murdered
between 1976 and 1998.
* On average, 79 law enforcement officers were
murdered in the United States each year from
1976 to 1998, but the annual number is
dropping.
Number of
police officers
murdered
1978 93
1988 78
1998 61
* There is little correspondence between
trends in the murder of police officers and
trends in justifiable homicides by police (the
correlation is +0.3).
* Of all the murders of police officers from
1987 to 1998 (834), about 1 in 6, or 15% (129),
were by felons who were then killed by police
in a justifiable homicide.
* Of all the justifiable homicides by police
from 1987 to 1998 (4,535), about 3% (129) were
of felons who had murdered a police officer.
Perhaps an explanation for the drop in police
officer murders has something to do with
increasing police use of bullet-proof vests and
other types of body armor. Presumably the more
often that police wear body armor, the less
often that police die in violent encounters
with felons. Needed to test this explanation
are annual statistics that indicate what
percentage of law enforcement officers wear
body armor. While such statistics apparently
do not exist, annual statistics do exist that
indicate what percentage of murdered officers
are wearing armor at the time of their attack.
These statistics should suffice so long as it
is assumed that increases in the percentage of
murdered officers wearing armor mirror a
broader trend toward increasing use of body
armor by police. Consistent with this
explanation --
* Police wearing of body armor has risen (as
reflected in the percentage of murdered
officers who are wearing armor at the time of
their attack) and police deaths have fallen.
Other factors beyond increased use of body
armor probably have contributed to the drop in
murders of police officers. These other factors
include better training, better communications,
and better police practices.
Drop in rate of murder of police
officers
From 1976 to 1998, on average 17 of every
100,000 police officers were murdered annually.
Each year this was an average of more than 1
murdered for every 6,500 law enforcement
officers.
A police officer's risk of being murdered has
dropped:
In 1978, 1 in 4,000 police officers was
murdered
In 1988 1 in 6,000 police officers was
murdered
In 1998 1 in 11,000 police officers was
murdered.
Police officers murdered with
their own firearm
Firearms claimed the lives of 92% of the 1,820
law enforcement officers murdered from 1976 to
1998.
Twelve percent of murdered officers were killed
with their own firearms during the 23-year
period. The vast majority of the officers who
were slain with their own weapons were killed
with a handgun.
Police officers slain with their own firearm
Number Percent
1978 14 15.1%
1988 12 15.0
1998 6 9.8
Circumstances at scene of incident
On average, 39% of officers lost their
lives during arrest situations. One in
six officers (16%) were killed while
responding to disturbance calls, 14% were
killed while enforcing traffic laws, 14%
were slain while investigating suspicious
persons or circumstances, and 11% were
killed in an ambush situation.
Murdered police officers
According to FBI national data on
felonious killings of police officers
from 1976 to 1998 --
Officers' age
* 65% were over 30 years of age.
Officer's age
Under 25 8%
25 to 30 27
31 to 40 36
41 or older 29
Officers' gender
* Police officers slain in the line of duty
were almost always males (98%).
Officers' race
* 86% of murdered officers were white
and 13% were black.
Officers' other characteristics
* 72% of officers murdered from 1976 to
1996 were wearing their uniform.
* Murdered police officers had an average
of 9 years of law enforcement service.
Years of service
Less than 1 6%
1 to 4 29
5 to 10 31
Over 10 34
Detailed racial statistics for the
1990's
* According to statistics for 1993-98, white
police officers made up about 87% of all police
officers in the United States and 83% of all
police officers murdered by felons. Black
officers were 11% of police officers but 15%
of those murdered, and officers of other races
were 2% of police officers and 2% of those
murdered.
Felons who murdered police officers
According to FBI national data on felonious
killings of police officers from 1976 to
1998 --
Felons' age
* Most persons who murdered police were
ages 18 to 30 (54%).
According to FBI national data on felonious
killings of police officers from 1976 to
1998 --
Felons' gender
* Persons who murdered a police officer
were almost always males (97%).
Felons' race
* Most persons who murdered a police
officer were white (54%).
* Blacks made up about 12% of the U.S.
population but were 43% of the felons who
murdered a police officer; whites were about
83% of the U.S. population but about 54% of
murderers of police officers.
* Murderers of police officers represent a
tiny fraction of the total population. Of the
Nation's 89 million white males (age 13 or
older), 35 murdered a police officer in 1998.
Of the 12 million black males (age 13 or
older), 21 murdered an officer that year.
White males were 41% of the U.S. population
(age 13 or older) and 58% of those who murdered
a law enforcement officer. Black males were 6%
of the population (age 13 or older) and 35% of
the murderers of officers.
According to FBI national data on felonious
killings of police officers from 1976 to
1998 --
Felons' criminal record
* Two-thirds of the felons who murdered a
police officer had a prior criminal arrest.
* Half were convicted in the past.
* A third had a prior arrest for a violent
crime.
* A fifth were on parole or on probation at
the time of the murder.
* 4% had a prior arrest for murder charges.
* 24% had a prior arrest for narcotic drug
law violations.
* 11% had a prior arrest for assaulting
police or resisting arrest.
* 28% had a prior arrest for weapons
violations.
Felons' race and officers' race,
1980-98
A total of 1,417 law enforcement officers were
murdered during the period 1980 to 1998, and --
* In most of the murders of police officers
between 1980 and 1998 (62%), the officer's
race and the felon's race were the same:
Intraracial
White felon kills white officer 51.9%
Black felon kills black officer 10.0
Other-race felon kills other-
race officer 0.6
Interracial
White felon kills black officer 2.4%
Black felon kills white officer 28.5
White felon kills other-race officer 0.4
Black felon kills other-race officer 0.0
Other-race felon kills white officer 2.6
Other-race felon kills black officer 0.1
Multiple felons of different races kill --
white officer 2.9%
black officer 0.6
other-race officer 0.0
* 38% of murders of police officers are
interracial (for example, a white felon
killing a black officer, or a black felon
killing a white officer).
Victim statistics provide one perspective on
the number of police murders that are
interracial (for example, of all black officers
murdered from 1980 to 1998, 19% were murdered
by a white felon). Offender statistics provide
another perspective (for example, of all white
felons who murdered a police officer from 1980
to 1998, 3% of the murdered officers were
black).
The extent to which murders of police officers
are interracial depends on which statistics --
victim or offender -- are used:
* When a white police officer is murdered, the
offender is usually a white (60%); and when a
black police officer is murdered, the offender
is usually a black (76%).
* When a black felon murders a police officer,
the officer is usually a white (74%); and when
a white felon murders a police officer, the
officer is usually a white (95%).
Felons' age, race, and gender,
1980-98
* Murderers of police officers represent a
tiny fraction of the total population. Of the
Nation's 18.3 million young white males (white
males ages 13 to 24), 17 murdered a police
officer in 1998. Of the 3.4 million young
black males, 13 murdered an officer that year.
On average from 1980 to 1998 --
* Young white males made up about 8% of the
population but 20% of felons who murdered a
police officer. young black males made up
about 1% of the population but 21% of felons
who murdered a police officer.
* Young black males murdered police officers
at a rate almost 6 times that of young white
males (5.7 versus 1 per million population).
Descriptions of actual cases
of police officers killed in the line
of duty
Descriptions of actual cases of police officers
killed in the line of duty can be found in the
annual FBI publication, Law Enforcement
Officers Killed and Assaulted, or on the FBI
website at http://www.fbi.gov/ucr.htm.
Methodology
The SHR national database
on justifiable homicides by police
Ideally, every time police kill a felon in a
justifiable homicide, a record of the event is
sent to the FBI in Washington. Each record of
justifiable homicide received by the FBI is
then entered into the Supplemental Homicide
Reports (SHR) database.
The number of justifiable homicides by police
in the year is available in two places: the SHR
database and the FBI annual publication Crime
in the United States. (The first published
count covers 1987.)
Published counts found in Crime in the United
States do not agree precisely with the number
of justifiable homicides by police found in the
database (see below). Moreover, in certain
years there are police justifiable homicides in
a State that are unaccounted for either in the
annual publication or in the SHR database.
(The FBI publication routinely summarizes
year-to-year counts of justifiable homicides in
a table. Summary counts in this table are
often not national in scope. To avoid
confusion, the table should alert readers when
States are missing.)
Two sources of FBI statistics on the annual
number of justifiable homicides by police:
published versus SHR database
Year Published SHR Difference
1998 365 367 2
1997 366 361 5
1996 358 355 3
1995 389 382 7
1994 462 459 3
1993 455 453 2
1992 418 414 4
1991 366 359 7
1990 385 379 6
1989 363 362 1
1988 343 339 4
1987 300 296 4
Evolution of the SHR database
Three stages describe the evolution of
the SHR database.
Early stage: 1963 to 1967
In the early 1960's the FBI started the SHR
database. Police departments across the Nation
began sending to the FBI a record of each
murder (including nonnegligent manslaughter) in
their jurisdiction. The first records covered
murders occurring in 1963.
The FBI decided to expand the database to
include justifiable homicides by police and
civilians. The first records received were for
justifiable homicides occurring in 1966 and
1967. The records included the age, race, and
gender of persons justifiably killed. The age,
gender, and race of the police officers
involved in the homicides were not included
because this information was not requested.
The FBI did not disseminate statistics on 1966
and 1967 justifiable homicides because the
records were based on too few police
departments.
Middle stage: 1968 to 1975
The cooperation of the Nation's police
departments grew to the point where the FBI
began disseminating statistics on justifiable
homicides by police. The earliest statistics
covered those justifiable homicides occurring
in 1968. Statistics from 1968 to 1986 were not
published but were made available upon request.
FBI statistics from 1987 and later were
routinely published.
Justifiable homicides in the SHR database for
1968 through 1975 contained information on the
age, race, and gender of persons killed by
police, but no information on the officers
involved in these incidents. According to the
database, the number of justifiable homicides
by police from 1968 to 1975 was:
Number of justifiable
Year homicides by police
1968 395
1969 424
1970 412
1971 557
1972 469
1973 492
1974 553
1975 559
Current stage: 1976 to present
After 1975 the FBI expanded the scope of the
SHR database to include information (age, race,
gender) on the police officers who commit
justifiable homicide.
Nonjustifiable homicide by police
In addition to justifiable homicides by police,
the SHR database also contains records of two
other types of homicide:
* a record of each justifiable homicide by
citizens
* a record of each murder.
While the database has primarily a statistical
purpose, one statistic that is impossible to
obtain from it (or from any currently existing
database) is the number of murders by police.
Murder is a type of nonjustifiable homicide.
If a police officer deliberately kills someone
and the homicide is not justified, that type of
nonjustifiable homicide is supposed to go into
the database as a "murder." Undoubtedly some
of the "murders" in the SHR database are
murders by police officers, but their number is
unknown because nothing in the database
distinguishes murders by police officers from
murders committed by others. Consequently the
annual number of nonjustifiable homicides by
police in the United States is unknown.
Errors in the SHR database
Justifiable homicides by police for an entire
State are sometimes missing from the SHR
database. One way of determining whether a
State is missing in a particular year is to
examine the number of justifiable homicides
that State reported in previous years. If the
State reports a sizable number year after year
but then reports none, that probably indicates
the State is missing from the database. For
example, in a large State such a Florida, there
is at least one justifiable homicide by police
each year. Yet none are recorded in the SHR
database for Florida for certain years.
The opposite problem -- too many rather than
too few records of justifiable homicide by
police in the database -- also exists. To
understand how that happens, imagine an officer
deliberately killing a citizen in circumstances
that initially appear to warrant lethal force.
The police department sends a record to the FBI
showing the incident to be a justifiable
homicide, but some time later a judge or jury
decides that the killing was unlawful and finds
the officer guilty of murder. The FBI urges
police departments to send in a revised record
in such situations so that the SHR database can
be updated. But if the police department fails
to do that, the killing will remain in the
database as a "justifiable homicide by police"
when it should instead be coded as a “murder”
on the “circumstance” variable.
Nonjustifiable homicides by police in the SHR
database
The number of nonjustifiable homicides by
police (or murders) incorrectly labeled as
"justifiable homicide" in the SHR database is
unknown. One way to spot these errors is to
find in the database a case labeled as
"justifiable homicide by police" that actually
involved a police officer known to have been
convicted of murder for that homicide.
If the SHR database had the name of the officer
who committed the homicide, the process would
be fairly simple: find the officer's name and
check to see if the homicide is classified as
"justifiable homicide by police" or "murder."
But the database has no names. So the check
must rely on other recorded information about
the incident: the month and year of the
homicide; the police agency in whose
jurisdiction the homicide occurred; the age,
race, and gender of the victim; the age, race,
and gender of the offender; the type of weapon
used; the number of victims in the incident;
the number of offenders in the incident; and
victim-offender relationship.
To illustrate this type of check, eight news
accounts were obtained of police officers
convicted of murder in the line of duty. In
four of the eight the check was inconclusive:
The SHR database has a record of a homicide
occurring in the place and on the date shown in
the news account, but the database is missing
too much data to match the news account.
The SHR database has a record of a homicide
occurring in the place and on the date shown in
the news account, but some of the information
in the SHR database does not match the homicide
in the news account.
For the remaining four news accounts the
homicide characteristics in the SHR database
did match those in the news account.
In two cases the homicide is classified
correctly as "murder." In both cases there is
evidence of an update, possibly to change the
classification from "justifiable homicide by
police" to "murder" when the officer was
convicted.
The other two cases are coded incorrectly:
one as "justifiable homicide by police" and one
as "undetermined."
The news accounts indicated that the police
officers involved in these two cases were
convicted of murder or manslaughter.
Justifiable homicides by police
missing from the SHR database
The number of missing justifiable homicides by
police is unknown, but one way to spot missing
records is by examining reporting by States
that, because of their large populations, are
almost certain to have had at least one
justifiable homicide by police in a year. A
year with no recorded justifiable homicide by
police suggests missing information. A problem
with this method of identifying missing data is
that a State can still have a sizable number of
justifiable homicides in the database even when
a big city police department in that State
fails to send in any records. Nevertheless, it
is instructive to search the SHR database for
years in which a large State has no justifiable
homicides. For 1976 to 1998, the results are
summarized below:
States with justifiable homicides
by police but no record of them
Year in the SHR database that year
1988 Florida, Kentucky
1989 Florida
1990 Florida
1991 Florida
1993 Kansas
1994 Kansas
1995 Illinois, Kansas
1996 District of Columbia, Kansas
1997 Florida, Kansas
1998 District of Columbia, Florida,
Kansas, and Wisconsin
Statistics given in this report were not
adjusted to account for missing States. For
example, figure 1 "national" counts of
justifiable homicides are not adjusted for
justifiable homicides thought to be missing for
two States (Florida and Kentucky) in 1988.
However, were adjustment made by including in
the figure only those States that were mis-sing
no data throughout the period from 1976 to
1998, figure 1 would not look much different
from how it looks now.
Adjusted and unadjusted numbers of justifiable
homicides by police have a strong positive
correlation (+0.95).
Similarly, figure 2 "national" rates of
justifiable homicide are not adjusted for
States missing for certain years. To
illustrate, no justifiable homicides were
recorded for Kansas 1995, but the base for the
1995 "national" rate includes the Kansas
population. However, excluding populations of
missing States would have made little
difference since adjusted and unadjusted rates
of justifiable homicides by police have a
strong positive correlation (+0.99).
Misinformation in the SHR database
regarding officer characteristics
Of the 8,578 records in the SHR database on
justifiable homicides by police from 1976 to
1998, about 5,800 records include both the
felon's and the officer's age, race, and
gender. In about 4.6% of these 5,800 records
(270 cases), the felon's and officer's age,
race, and gender are identical. For example,
the SHR database describes both the felon and
the officer as a 41-year-old white male.
By chance alone the age, race, and gender of
the felon and the officer can be the same, but
a 4.6% match rate is too high to be explained
solely by chance. (The likelihood of a chance
match is no more than 1% of cases.)
One explanation for identical felon and officer
characteristics may be confusion about how to
fill out the FBI form. The form for reporting
justifiable homicide is the same one used to
report murders. The form designates the person
who commits the murder as the "offender" and
the murdered person as the "victim." Police
agencies reporting a justifiable homicide by
police are instructed to record the felon's
age, race, and gender under "victim's age,"
"victim's race," and "victim's gender." The
officer's age, race, and gender are to be
recorded under "offender's age," "offender's
race," and "offender's gender." To police
agencies, the only "offenders" in a justifiable
homicide are the felons. Consequently, police
agencies may occasionally report felon
characteristics under both "victim" and
"offender" headings.
The effect of such occasional errors on the
national statistics presented in this report is
generally small. Excluding cases in which the
age, race, and gender of felon and officer are
identical made little difference in this
report's main findings. The one instance of a
sizable effect was the percentage of all
justifiable homicides that were "black officer
kills black felon" . The percent of
justifiable homicide that were "black officer
kills black felon" was 14% in 1993, 20% in
1994, and 12% in 1995. The large rise from 14%
in 1993 to 20% in 1994 was due to a large
number of justifiable homicides in 1994 that
involved felons and officers with identical
characteristics. More specifically, the large
increase is attributable to the New York City
Police Department's reporting an unusually
large number of "black officer kills black
felon" justifiable homicides.
Over the 23 years from 1976 to 1998, 270 felons
killed in justifiable homicides had the same
age, race, and gender as the officer. Of the
270 felons, 68.9% were white, 30.7% were black,
and .4% were of other races.
Missing characteristics of felons
and officers in the SHR database
The gender, race, and age of felons killed by
police are rarely missing in the SHR database.
However, it is not uncommon for the gender,
race, and age of the officers to be missing.
Cautionary note on this report's
statistics on justifiable homicides
by police
All statistics in this report on justifiable
homicides by police are known to be missing
homicides by police in Florida from 1988 to
1991, 1997, and 1998; in Kentucky in 1988; in
Kansas from 1993 to 1998; in Illinois in 1995;
Wisconsin in 1998; and in the District of
Columbia in 1996 and 1998. Other justifiable
homicides by police are probably missing as
well. In addition, some small but unknown
number of homicides labeled "justifiable
homicides by police" are probably
nonjustifiable homicides.
Certain statistics (for example, the number and
rate of justifiable homicides by police) are
probably more affected by these errors than
other statistics in the report (for example,
the percentage of persons killed who are male,
and the percentage of justifiable homicides
that involve a firearm).
Justifiable homicides by police
in cases involving more than one
officer
In 86% of justifiable homicides by police,
there was a single police officer ("1-officer
cases"), in 10% there were 2 officers
("2-officer cases"), and in the remaining 4%
there were 3 or more. In this report's
tabulations, when more than one officer killed
the felon, the officer described first in the
database supplied the officer's characteristics
(age, race, and gender). Using just the
characteristics of the first officer is
sensible if that officer resembles the other
officers in the incident. To check the
resemblance, first-officer and second-officer
characteristics were compared, and results
indicated that, in the vast majority of cases,
there was a close match.
Source of national statistics on police
officers murdered by felons
Most of the data in this report on murdered
police officers were obtained directly from the
annual FBI publication Law Enforcement Officers
Killed or Assaulted. However, the source of
the 1980-98 data on interracial and intraracial
murder of police officers was a tabulation
prepared by the FBI specifically for this
report.
Source of size and characteristics of U.S.
police force
The source for the number of full-time sworn
officers in the Nation is the FBI's annual
publication Crime in the United States.
Regarding the racial make-up of the Nation's
police officers in the 1990's, the only
existing data are for 1993 and 1997. The BJS
publications containing the 1993 data are:
* Local Police Departments, 1993, April 1996,
NCJ 148822.
* Sheriffs' Departments, 1993, June 1996, NCJ
148823.
* Law Enforcement Management and Administrative
Statistics, 1993: Data for Individual State and
Local Agencies with 100 or More Officers,
September 1995, NCJ 148825.
The titles for the BJS publications containing
the 1997 data are the same except for the year
designation.
* Law Enforcement Management and Administrative
Statistics, 1997: Data for Individual State and
Local Agencies with 100 or More Officers, April
1999, NCJ 171681.
* Local Police Departments, 1997,
February 2000, NCJ 173429.
* Sheriffs' Departments, 1997, February 2000,
NCJ 173428.
According to these publications, the racial
make-up of the Nation's police force changed
only slightly from 1993 to 1997 (1% drop in
"white" and 1% rise in "other races"). In
1993, 88% of all police officers were white,
11% were black, and 1% were other races. In
1997, the comparable figures were 87% white,
11% black, and 2% other races. The percentages
given in this report for the racial
classification of the police force in 1998 and
in the 1990's are based on the 1997 statistics.
Note that officers designated "Hispanic" in the
publications were classified as "white."
Police use of non-lethal force
To learn more about the use of force requires
an understanding of the reasons for and the
results of police-citizen encounters. During
1996 (and again in 1999*Findings from the 1999
Police-Public Contact Survey were published in
January 2001.*), the Bureau of Justice Statistics
(BJS) carried out a special survey of 6,421
residents age 12 or older entitled the Police-
Public Contact Survey.
The Police-Public Contact Survey has made
possible, for the first time, estimates of the
prevalence of all kinds of contacts between the
police and members of the public, favorable as
well as unfavorable. Results indicate that a
small percentage of police-public contacts
results in the use of force. In 1996, for
example, about 45 million Americans age 12 or
older (about 1 in 5 residents of this age) were
estimated to have had at least one face-to-face
contact with a police officer. Of these, about
500,000 (about 1 in 500 residents age 12 or
older) were estimated to have experienced force
or threat of force by police during 1996.
There are no official national statistical data
on the number of times police were justified in
using lethal force (during violent and mass
rioting, for example), but instead used
less-than- lethal force. (For example, rather
than using bullets, police can use a weapon
that fires small beanbags or hard plastic
rounds from a shotgun; there are also foams
that can be sprayed by police that literally
stop offenders in their tracks).
Additional information about the police use of
force can be found in the following:
Alpert, Geoffrey. Police Pursuit Driving and
the Use of Excessive Force. NIJ Final Report,
Grant No. 95-IJ-CX-0066, 1996.
Binder, Arnold; Peter Scharf; and Raymond
Galvin. Use of Deadly Force by Police
Officers. NIJ Final Report, Grant No.
79-NI-AX-0134, 1982.
Bureau of Justice Statistics. Police Use of
Force: Collection of National Data, NCJ 165040,
November 1997.
Fridell, Lorie A. and Antony M. Pate. Death on
Patrol: Felonious Homicides of American Police
Officers. NIJ Draft Final Report, Grant No.
91-IJ-CX-K025, 1995.
Garner, Joel; John Buchanan; Tom Schade; and
John Hepburn. Understanding the Use of Force
By and Against the Police. NIJ Research in
Brief, 1996.
Geller, William A. and Hans Toch, eds. And
Justice for All: A National Agenda for
Understanding and Controlling Police Abuse of
Force. Washington, D.C.: Police Executive
Research Forum, 1995.
Matulia, Kenneth J. A Balance of Forces.
Gaithersburg, MD: International Association of
Chiefs of Police, 1982.
Pate, Antony M. and Lorie A. Fridell. Police
Use of Force: Official Reports, Citizen
Complaints, and Legal Consequences, Volumes I
and II. Washington, D.C.: The Police
Foundation, 1993.
Pinizzotto, Anthony J.; Edward F. Davis; and
Charles E. Miller III. In the Line of Fire: A
Study of Selected Felonious Assaults on Law
Enforcement Officers. Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Department of Justice, 1997.
Scrivner, Ellen M. The Role of Police
Psychology in Controlling Excessive Force. NIJ
Research Report, NCJ-146206, 1994.
A new source of data on police
officers killed and assaulted
A growing number of law enforcement agencies
are adopting a new type of record keeping
system -- called National Incident Based
Reporting System or NIBRS -- for compiling crime
statistics. While NIBRS data cannot
distinguish nonjustifiable homicides by police
from other nonjustifiable homicides, these data
do provide a source of various statistics on
justifiable homicides by police; for example,
the number of justifiable homicides by police
occurring as a result of attacking the officer,
or fleeing from a crime, or resisting arrest,
or committing a crime. NIBRS data also provide
a source of statistics on murders of, or
assaults on, law enforcement officers.
NIBRS records also have information about other
offenses that were committed as part of the
same incident (if any), other arrestees (if
any), and additional victims (if any).
Bureau of Justice Statistics reports that use
NIBRS data include:
Effects of NIBRS on Crime Statistics (BJS
7/2000, NCJ 178890)
Sexual Assault of Young Children as Reported to
Law Enforcement: Victim, Incident, and Offender
Characteristics (BJS 7/2000, NCJ 182990)
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency
Prevention reports that use NIBRS data include:
Characteristics of Crimes Against Juveniles
(OJJDP 6/2000, NCJ 179034)
Kidnaping of Juveniles: Patterns From NIBRS
(OJJDP 6/2000, NCJ 181161) To obtain copies
of these reports, please contact the National
Criminal Justice Reference Service (NCJRS)
at 1-800-732-3277 or at http://www.ncjrs.org/.
End of file
3/9/01