If results counted for anything, lawmakers in Albany would be rushing to renew a 2002 law, which expires in June, that lets City Hall run the schools.

Last Monday, Mayor Bloomberg and Schools Chancellor Joel Klein presented yet another compelling result: This year, the number of schools deemed so bad they’re in danger of closing is the lowest . . . ever.

Just 20 city schools – of some 1,300 – are on the state’s list of “schools under registration review.”

No doubt, more should be; state standards are notoriously lax.

But the trend is encouraging: When Mayor Mike and Chancellor Joel began running things, 77 city schools were on the list, almost four times as many.

There are other signs, too, that New York’s schools, though far from perfect, are no longer hopeless – as they were before City Hall got to run them:

n Graduation rates have jumped 11 percentage points, city figures show (they’re up six points by Albany’s calculations).

n The share of fourth and eighth graders who meet or beat state standards has climbed 30 percentage points in math and about 15 points in English.

n Scores on standardized tests have shot up more in the city than statewide.

n City schools have made significant progress toward closing the gap between African-Americans and other students.

Yet, listen to the critics of “mayoral control”: The “administration has sought to avoid debate . . . while fundamental decisions . . . have been made by executives with no education background,” City Comptroller Bill Thompson, a mayoral wannabe, says.

Actually, he may have hit on something: If “executives with no education background” are producing such gains, the city should hire more of them.

Teachers union boss Randi Weingarten is more transparent: “Our schools,” she says, “are not the exclusive province of any one person.”

Meaning, Mayor Mike needs to share power with, say . . . her.

The thrust of the criticism, though, clashes with the chief reason Albany gave the mayor control in the first place: With one clearly identifiable individual in charge, as opposed to a faceless, unaccountable committee, it’s easier to make changes – and the public has someone to blame if they don’t work.