Success
continues to elude Mbeki in Harare

HARARE - Weary Zimbabweans still have to wait a little longer
before they know the outcome of the ongoing unity talks between President
Robert Mugabe's Zanu-PF parties and the two opposition MDC
parties.

For the second successive day, the top level and highly secret
talks involving leaders of the feuding parties have been adjourned to the
next day without any clue as to what could really be transpiring behind
closed doors.

Mugabe, alongside his bitter rival, MDC leader Morgan
Tsvangirai and Arthur Mutambara, who heads a breakaway faction of the same
party, continue to maintain a thick veil of secrecy over their
deliberations.

Dozens of journalists, who continue to throng the Rainbow
Towers, venue for the talks, were again disappointed on Monday evening after
the three leaders again adjourned without shedding any light on the progress
of the talks.

South African President Thabo Mbeki, who is overseeing the
talks, remains in Zimbabwe hoping to help thrash out the so far elusive
unity pact in time for him to present it before the summit on the SADC heads
of State which he hosts in his country starting Friday. Mbeki will take over
the chairmanship of SADC during the summit. Failure in Harare is an option
that he cannot easily contemplate, therefore.

Mbeki flew into
Zimbabwe Saturday evening and spent nearly 14 hours with Mugabe, Tsvangirai
and Mutambara on Sunday while trying to iron out a number of sticking points
holding up the signing of the deal.

But unlike the previous day, the
second day of the top level talks on Monday was shorter as parties adjourned
shortly after 8pm having commenced only at 4 pm.

All the three
principals said the talks were continuing. As has become normal practice at
the secret talks, they however refused to shed any light as to what could
still be the cause of the continued delay.

President Mugabe, who left the
venue first, said the talks were scheduled to continue on Tuesday. Asked to
comment on the so-called sticking points, the Zimbabwean leader said these
had been resolved.

"Sticking issues overcome," he said as he was led to
his limousine.

Tsvangirai, who emerged after 10 minutes after Mugabe,
said nothing more than merely echo Mugabe's statement.

"The
negotiations have been adjourned to tomorrow and we will advise on the
position as we make progress," he said.

Pressed to comment on the
sticking issues, the MDC leader said he was "not at liberty to reveal
them".

Mutambara emerged 15 minutes after Tsvangirai.

"We are
adjourning until tomorrow, so the negotiations continue, thank you," he
said. He refused to take further questions on the matter.

But there are
fears the continued silence around the talks could be a signal of the worst.
Speaking at the Heroes' Day celebrations in Harare on Monday Mugabe revealed
more about deliberations at the negotiations than any other delegate has
been able to so far.

Zimbabwe Negotiations Falter

VOA

By Peta
ThornycroftHarare11 August 2008

As
face-to-face talks between Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe's ZANU-PF and
Morgan Tsvangirai's Movement for Democratic Change continue in their second
day, hopes for a quick clean political settlement are receding. Peta
Thornycroft reports for VOA from Harare the South African-mediated talks are
bogged down over fundamental issues surrounding the division of powers for
Mr. Mugabe and Mr. Tsvangirai in an inclusive government.

Technical
teams began work on the outstanding issues at the negotiating table, while
President Robert Mugabe went to the annual Hero's Day commemoration at the
national shrine.

The talks, that began Sunday, broke off after many hours
of negotiations about who would chair the cabinet, with Mr. Tsvangirai
insisting that he should, because he won the first peaceful poll in March.
Mr. Mugabe and his team insist that as president of an inclusive government,
that power should remain with Mr. Mugabe.

Well-placed sources say
they are no longer optimistic that there will be an easy breakthrough. There
are even suggestions from those close to the talks that they may not be
concluded.

Later this week, Mr. Mugabe plans to attend a summit of the
Southern African Development Community in South Africa.

Without a
deal, South African President Thabo Mbeki would not be able to tell SADC,
which appointed him as mediator, that he has achieved a settlement of
Zimbabwe's political crisis.

But other sources say both parties
understand that without a deal the present economic chaos in Zimbabwe would
quickly deteriorate to social catastrophe as there is very little food and
no foreign currency to import it.

Zimbabwe needs western aid to
stabilize its currency and reduce inflation of more than two million
percent, and to rebuild its shattered industrial and agricultural
infrastructure.

In the streets of Harare, people said they were depressed
that a deal had not been reached. One street vendor blamed Mr. Mugabe,
saying he should have no place in a future administration and suggested he
should go to jail.

During his Hero's Day address, Mr. Mugabe spoke about
violence that wracked Zimbabwe between the March 29 elections and the
presidential run off on June 27. He said if people try to take away
Zimbabwe's sovereignty, then people can only react.

He said that God
gives people the power to protect themselves, even if that means
violence.

Many analysts believe that Mr. Mugabe was referring to the
Movement for Democratic Change. He has long accused the party of being a
stooge of the West.

Mr. Tsvangirai won the most votes in the March
presidential election and his party deprived ZANU-PF of its 28-year control
of parliament.

More than 120 people were killed before the run-off
presidential elections. According to the United Nations most of the
perpetrators of the violence were loyal to ZANU-PF.

Mr. Tsvangirai
withdrew from the presidential run off because of violence against his
supporters. More than a dozen MDC legislators remain in hiding in
neighboring countries or living away from their homes, fearing arrest.

Talks in Zimbabwe falter as Tsvangirai refuses to concede power to
Mugabe

Chris McGreal in HarareThe Guardian,Tuesday August 12
2008

Zimbabwe's opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai is not happy with
Mugabe's proposal of coalition cabinet reporting to the president rather
than the prime minister. Photograph: Desmond Kwande/AFP/Getty
Images

Talks to end Zimbabwe's political crisis stalled yesterday as
Morgan Tsvangirai resisted pressure to agree to Robert Mugabe retaining much
of his power.

The negotiations resumed yesterday afternoon, after
breaking up without agreement in the early hours of the morning, after 13
hours of talks at which Movement for Democratic Change officials said Mugabe
made few real concessions and rejected Tsvangirai's claim to be the
country's legitimate leader because he won the last credible election, held
in March.

Tsvangirai agreed to Mugabe remaining in office as a ceremonial
president but demanded that political power be shifted to him as an
executive prime minister at the head of a coalition cabinet. But the
opposition said Mugabe has demanded that the prime minister remain
subordinate to the president.

"Zanu-PF is not talking about conceding any
real power. They are talking about giving up positions in cabinet but they
want to remain in control. These guys aren't serious," the opposition
official said. "The differences revolve around who will have power. They're
not giving up anything on that. They entered these negotiations solely to
give up cosmetic issues."

A spokesman for the opposition said Tsvangirai
came under pressure from South Africa's president, Thabo Mbeki, who is
acting as mediator, to allow Mugabe to keep some degree of real power. But
the spokesman said the MDC leader argued that would be a betrayal of the
voters.

"There is a lot of pressure on Tsvangirai ... People in the party
are telling him that he cannot agree to a deal that does not recognise the
people's will and democracy. Mugabe ... should not be allowed to keep power
just because he terrorised the population into voting for him.

"The
pressure for us is coming from the people. They don't want to see some kind
of half-hearted change. If we were to do that we would lose credibility. If
Morgan takes something cosmetic from Zanu-PF he will lose the support of the
Zimbabwean people."

Hours earlier Mugabe described the talks as "raising
the prospect for an all-inclusive government" and said only minor obstacles
remained to an agreement. He told the annual commemoration to mark the
country's liberation war yesterday that Zimbabwe "is not for sale" and
warned the opposition not to be "used by enemies" - usually meant to refer
to Britain, which he has accused of destroying Zimbabwe's economy as a
punishment for redistributing white-owned farms.

Mugabe was
accompanied at yesterday's talks by the hardline commander of the Zimbabwean
military, Constantine Chiwenga, who has said he would not serve under
Tsvangirai.

Zimbabwe: anatomy of a deal

The TimesAugust 12, 2008

The country's
future depends on one man and three vital principlesOutside the Rainbow
Towers Hotel in Harare, inflation has surged past two million per cent and
children survive on a bowl of gruel a day. Inside, flowers have been ordered
for a ceremony. President Mugabe and Morgan Tsvangirai, Zimbabwe's
opposition leader, have met face to face for the first time since
power-sharing talks began three weeks ago. President Mbeki of South Africa
has flown in and out again, but with a promise to return.

A deal to end
Mr Mugabe's stranglehold on power appeared tantalisingly close last night.
Having implored Mr Mbeki to take his role of mediator more seriously,
Zimbabwe's neighbours and the wider world will have little choice but to
accept whatever may be agreed. But no pact will prove a viable basis for
rebuilding the country unless the man who has brought about its demolition
truly relinquishes control. Mr Tsvangirai can make this happen, but he must
hold his nerve.

Three main sticking points have slowed progress towards
an agreement: Mr Mugabe's reluctance to accept a purely titular presidency;
bargaining between his Zanu (PF) party and Mr Tsvangirai's Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC) over ministerial portfolios in a new government of
national unity; and disagreement over whether to hold new elections in two
years or five.

There is only one acceptable resolution to the first
of these disputes. Mr Mugabe must give way. Having stolen an election from
the MDC and disgraced himself and his security forces with a subsequent
campaign of terror, he will be luckier than he deserves to remain in office
even as a figurehead, as has been mooted. To cede only some of his executive
powers to the new post of prime minister proposed for Mr Tsvangirai would
not only mock the hopes of all who have voted against Mr Mugabe and suffered
under him. It could also condemn Zimbabwe to an indefinite feud between two
rival power centres, reminiscent of the bloody struggle between Zanu (PF)
and Zapu (PF) in the 1980s.

Mr Tsvangirai must therefore insist on
full day-to-day management of any Cabinet assembled under him. He has said
that he is willing to work with Zanu (PF) moderates. It remains to be seen
if they and the MDC can co-exist in government. But it is essential that
hardliners such as Emmerson Mnangagwa, the Minister of Rural Housing, and
Augustine Chihuri, Zimbabwe's police commissioner, be removed from power. It
is equally vital that the Joint Operations Command set up by Mr Mugabe to
co-ordinate the suppression of dissent be dismantled rapidly.

The
MDC's negotiators must, finally, stand firm against Mr Mugabe's attempt to
delay fresh elections for five years. He has already boasted of his
democratic credentials only to trample on democracy in practice. The MDC has
won the right to form a government and seek a fresh mandate, free from
intimidation, in two years.

Major concessions by the MDC in any of
these areas will effectively leave Mr Mugabe in power. That would block the
release of £1 billion in US and British aid. It would also leave Mr Mbeki
with nothing to show for his heavily criticised "quiet diplomacy" towards
his northern neighbour. Mr Mbeki is seeking to burnish his legacy almost as
urgently as Zimbabwe needs aid. Mr Tsvangirai's hand may be stronger than he
thinks.

Harare -- The talks between the
MDC and ZANU-PF were supposed to have been concluded on August 4, 2008, but
the irrevocable wrangling for power between Robert Mugabe and Morgan
Tsvangirai made that impossible.

Still, seven days after the deadline,
with the nation waiting, a GNU deal is still far off as the two foes refuse
to budge from their respective postions. Without a deal, no substantive
decisions are being made across the country, be it in manufacturing, mining,
and the financial sector.

"Zimbabwe is at a standstill. The business
community is waiting for the outcome of the talks to move forward," a
financial analyst with Barclays Bank Zimbabwe said.

Although the
negotiators know that the country is at a standstill, there is nothing they
can do because the talks have reached a stalemate and there seems to be no
way forward. Even a 14-hour marathon face-to-face conference between the two
parties, plus Arthur Mutambara, in the presence of Thabo Mbeki yeilded
naught. Monday, the parties retreated to their bases to restrategize and the
talks are now supposed to resume again Tuesday.

Western powers have
promised substantial aid to rebuild Zimbabwe's shattered economy, but not if
Mr Mugabe still controls the Government.

"The major hold-up is the
refusal by Mugabe to cede his executive powers. He is only agreeing to a
nominal prime minister post for Morgan Tsvangirai," an opposition source
revealed the reason behind the hold up of the GNU deal.

The MDC leaders,
led by political strategist and MDC secretary general Tendai Biti, have
refused out of hand that offer by ZANU-PF to make Tsvangirai a ceremonial
prime minister. The MDC negotiators undestand that any deal that leaves
Mugabe with executive powers will be rejected by the MDC rank and file who
don't want to see Mugabe in office for even a single more
day.

Mugabe's reluctance to give up power is backed up by the service
chiefs led by General Constantine Chiwenga who are adamant that Tsvangirai
should never have executive powers. Chiwenga was present at the talks on
Monday.

A ZANU-PF official, responding to a question as to why Mugabe was
refusing to give up power said instead: "It looks like we have reached some
kind of stalemate which is threatening the whole dialogue. Tsvangirai is
moving goalposts, forcing us to negotiate issues which we had already agreed
upon."

The ZANU-PF official further said Tsvangirai was asking to reopen
talks on the issue of Mugabe leading a new unity government, which ZANU-PF
says is not open to negotiation.

"This is an issue that we had
settled and he (Tsvangirai) is also suggesting that he must be given full
authority to appoint any new government."

The service chiefs and leading
ZANU-PF officials are afraid that if Tsvangirai is given executive powers,
he will order that they be arrested for the crimes they committed against
the people of Zimbabwe since 1980.

Almost three weeks ago when the talks
started, MDC and ZANU-PF fought over who will have executive power. That is
still the case today, probably tomorrow and... next week. -- Harare Tribune
News

Rape
as a tool of political violence: The untold story

While the main political actors
concentrate on the modalities of a power-sharing government, hundreds of
vulnerable women are daily being raped by Zanu PF militia in torture bases
dotted around the countrywide.

A big part of the reason why these
incidents are not coming out as prominently as they should might be because
of the male dominated journalism profession.

The male journalists I
want to argue have failed to articulate how traumatizing rape as a tool of
political violence can be nor the scale of the problem. In 2003 a
documentary 'In a Dark Time' was produced exposing sexual abuse in Zimbabwe
that was perpetrated by pro-government militia.

Human rights group
Amnesty International, Human Rights watch and Physicians for Human Rights
played key roles in documenting the sexual torture of women during the
political violence that rocked Zimbabwe in the run-up to the 2000
parliamentary elections. Eight years on nothing has changed in terms of rape
as a tool of torture.

In 2001 a decision was made to acknowledge rape
as a war crime and the International Criminal Tribunal for the former
Yugoslavia began prosecuting rapists. Zimbabwe is confronted by the same
problem.

The so-called Youth Militia or Green Bombers have used rape as a
tool to punish suspected MDC supporters who voted for their party and
President in the March 29 harmonized election. The MDC have to think
carefully about promising immunity from prosecution for Zanu PF officials
and thugs who sanctioned or committed some of these acts because the pain
runs deep for many.

At the recent AIDS conference in Mexico several
Zimbabwean women recounted how they had been raped by Zanu PF militia. It is
shocking how rape and other forms of sexual abuse are becoming more and more
common, even strangley acceptable in some instances, as the victims blame
themselves or their families add to the problem with accusatorial
comments.

Figures released by the MDC show that over 2000 of its members
were raped after the historic March 29 election. It is even more worrying to
think of the obvious risk of HIV infection that the victims have to contend
with in that vicious lottery.

The Chairman of the Zimbabwe
Association of Doctors for Human Rights, Dr Douglas Gwatidzo acknowledged
that many victims were not reporting their rapes for fear of more
victimisation. So what is the true scale of the rape crisis? I leave that to
the journalists to investigate and the politicians to ponder over as they
meet in hotels to decide our fate.

SADC: Press Zimbabwe to End Abuses

11 Aug 2008 22:17:44 GMT

Source: Human Rights Watch

(Johannesburg,
August 12, 2008) � Southern African leaders should make an end to the violence
in Zimbabwe their top priority at the upcoming Southern Africa Development
Community (SADC) summit in Johannesburg, Human Rights Watch said in a new report released today. On
August 16, 2008, South African President Thabo Mbeki is expected to brief SADC
leaders on the progress of negotiations between the ruling Zimbabwe African
National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) and the opposition Movement for
Democratic Change (MDC). The 19-page report, "'They Beat Me like a Dog':
Political Persecution of Opposition Activists and Supporters in Zimbabwe,"
describes ongoing abuses, including killings, beatings and arbitrary arrests, by
ZANU-PF and its allies against MDC members of parliament, activists and
supporters before and after the June 27 presidential runoff election. Hundreds
of MDC activists who fled the violence in the weeks before the vote remain in
hiding, while armed ZANU-PF supporters and government-backed "war veterans" and
"youth militia" continue to terrorize villagers in the rural areas, the report
found. The government has made little effort to dismantle the torture camps and
bases established by ZANU-PF and its allies since the first round of elections
on March 29.

"ZANU-PF and its allies are still committing violent abuses, undermining
the party's credibility as a political partner," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa
director at Human Rights Watch. "Instead of focusing on quick political fixes,
President Thabo Mbeki and other SADC leaders should look for a durable solution,
and that means, first of all, an immediate end to human rights violations."

The presence of torture camps and of armed ZANU-PF supporters, militias
and war veterans highlights the precarious nature of the human rights situation
in Zimbabwe, Human Rights Watch said. The ongoing tragedy has been exacerbated
by an increasingly dire humanitarian situation. Severe government restrictions
on the distribution of humanitarian assistance, including food aid by local and
international agencies, have had a devastating impact on people in the rural
areas of Zimbabwe. According to the World Food Programme, an estimated 5 million
people are in need of food aid.

In the past four months, ZANU-PF and its allies have been implicated in
the killing of at least 163 people and the beating and torture of more than
5,000 others. Thirty-two of these people were killed after the June 27 runoff
and two since ZANU-PF and the MDC signed a memorandum of understanding that
paved the way for negotiations.

A 70-year-old woman witnessed the brutal killing of her son, Gibbs
Chironga, an MDC councilor in Chiweshe, Mashonaland Central, by suspected
ZANU-PF supporters on June 20, and was herself viciously assaulted. She told
Human Rights Watch:

"I am an old woman and they beat me like a dog, no, a wild animal. They
insulted me; they beat me on the back and in the ribs. My only crime was that my
son was an MDC councilor. I am in great pain. Now my son is in the mortuary, I
am unable to bury him. I will not be there when he is buried, if he is buried. I
regret being alive. My life is ruined, my home is destroyed and my son's life
was taken in cold blood."

Since March 29, police have engaged in a witch-hunt of elected MDC
members of parliament, with 12 opposition MPs facing what Human Rights Watch
believes to be politically motivated criminal charges. Police have taken little
or no action to investigate abuses of the kind documented in this report, with
few investigations or prosecutions of serious crimes committed by ZANU-PF and
its allies since the March elections and little legal redress or compensation
for the victims.

"There can be no trade-off between the political process and the need for
justice and an end to human rights abuses,'' said Gagnon. "The Zimbabwean
government's refusal to account for serious crimes will only damage the
prospects for political stability in Zimbabwe. SADC leaders can make a
difference by insisting that abusers be held to account under any political
deal."

Human Rights Watch urged SADC leaders to insist on agreement between the
political parties to a comprehensive program of human rights reform prior to any
final political agreement, and on obtaining measurable progress on human rights,
including:

An end to the government's violent campaign against MDC activists and
perceived MDC supporters by state security forces, ZANU-PF supporters and
officials, youth militia and war veterans;

Government dismantling of all torture camps and bases throughout the country
and prosecution of those responsible for torture and other mistreatment;

An end to politically motivated arrests of MDC officials and activists, and
the release of those arbitrarily detained;

Government lifting of the suspension against local and international
humanitarian agencies;

Government demobilizing and disarming all ZANU-PF supporters and officials,
youth militia and war veterans; and

The establishment of an independent commission of inquiry to investigate
reports of extrajudicial executions, torture and ill-treatment.

Zimbabwe Rights Group Charges Crimes Against Humanity In
Political Violence

VOA

By Jonga Kandemiiri
Washington11 August 2008

The Zimbabwe NGO Human
Rights Forum issued a report Monday charging that "crimes against humanity
have been and are being committed" in the country in the post-election
period.

The group said the Zimbabwe National Army's prominent role in
post-election political violence with war veterans and militia of the ruling
ZANU-PF party pointed to state complicity.

Attorney Otto Saki of
the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rghts, a component of the NGO Human Rights
Forum, told reporter Jonga Kandemiiri of VOA's Studio 7 for Zimbabwe that
violence has tapered off NGO humanitarian efforts continue to be
obstructed.

Zimbabwean Heroes Day Speeches Yield Political
Intelligence

VOA

By Patience Rusere and Ntungamili Nkomo
Washington11 August 2008

Zimbabwean observances
Monday of Heroes Day honoring fallen liberation leaders provided a
counterpoint to the top-level power-sharing discussions between President
Robert Mugabe, who gave a familiar speech denouncing what he called Western
interference, and Morgan Tsvangirai, who declined to attend the observances
at Heroes Acre outside Harare.

Mr. Mugabe was joined at the burial
ground, however, by Arthur Mutambara, head of a rival formation of the
Movement for Democratic Change that Tsvangirai founded in 1999, leading to
speculation and criticism that Mutambara was seeking the president's
favor.

The president in his Heroes Day speech took up a favored theme,
accusing Britain of meddling in the country's internal affairs and declaring
Zimbabwe was quote "not for sale."

In an apparent oblique reference
to the Movement for Democratic Change, President Mugabe warned his
countrymen that "if...you are being used by enemies, stop it." But he added
that even if this were the case, such unnamed Zimbabweans remained "family
members."

Mugabe later said the talks were advancing, speaking of "little
hurdles" to be overcome.

Tsvangirai's absence from the ceremonies was
noted, though MDC officials for some years have declined to participate in
what they consider to be a ruling party ritual.

Tsvangirai
spokesman George Sibotshiwe told reporter Patience Rusere of VOA's Studio 7
for Zimbabwe that the MDC formation wanted to avoid giving the impression
that it was united with Mr. Mugabe at a function that he said has been
"privatized" by ZANU-PF.

Mutambara's presence at Heroes Acre drew even
more attention, particularly in light of the Heroes Day speech his MDC
formation circulated on Sunday which condemned supposed Western interference
in terms not unlike those often employed by Mr. Mugabe.

Mr. Mutambara
hailed the sacrifice and accomplishment of the liberation fighters, then
turned to a denunciation of "the irritating ignorance, political
insensitivity, double standards, and patronizing arrogance that characterize
Western diplomacy with respect to our country."

He continued: "As we
finalize the political settlement to the impasse in our country, we have
heard sentiments from the West indicating that they will look at the
agreement and decide whether it is acceptable to them. Who are they, to
superintend, judge and grade a collective decision by Africans? It is not
the place for Western governments or their institutions to determine whether
the agreement is right or wrong. It is strictly none of their
business."

Reporter Ntungamili Nkomo sought perspective on
Mutambara's broadside from independent political analyst Last Moyo of
London, who said Zimbabwe needed to rebuild ties to the West to encourage
investment in the country's economic recovery, not launch
invective.

National Constitutional Assembly Director Earnest Mudzengi
said President Mugabe's denunciation of the West indicated that he has not
changed.

Murithi
Mutiga: End the sham of African democracy

Democracy is on the wane in Africa - but that's not
necessarily a bad thing. The crisis in Zimbabwe is only the latest in a long
line of setbacks. Deeply flawed elections in Nigeria, Kenya and Ethiopia
have checked the momentum of the wave of democratisation that swept the
continent in the early 1990s.

But these reversals also expose the
weaknesses in the African version of democracy and offer a chance to invest
in institutional reforms that would yield a more realistic model than that
pursued in the past two decades. The construct of multi-party democracy in
Africa was imposed at the end of the Cold War when the United States nudged
"Big Men" towards political reforms.

Autocratic leaders who had managed
to stay in power by playing the West against the Soviet Union suddenly found
themselves robbed of their patrons and having to seek the consent to govern.
But a lamentable failure to invest in institutional reforms meant that
democracy in Africa came to be viewed purely as the formality of holding
periodic elections.

With the possible exception of South Africa, few
African nations have embraced reforms that would strengthen the institutions
that underpin any democracy. Judiciaries often serve at the whim of the
executive. The security forces, as the appalling excesses in Zimbabwe have
shown, are essentially militia in service to the presidency. Electoral
commissions do not enjoy the confidence of the voting public.

In this
environment, elections are often national bribefests (witness Nigeria, 2007)
or the sort of shambles on which basis Robert Mugabe is currently in
power.

A more ominous outcome of institutional failure was on display in
Kenya earlier this year where duelling ethnic communities showed an alarming
willingness to take up arms to acquire sole control of the powerful
executive.

It is important to learn from these mistakes. There needs
to be a re-examination of the meaning of democracy in Africa. The half-way
house in place only serves the interests of incumbents determined to hold on
to power.

The West should also change its terms of engagement with
Africa to go beyond applying pressure for transparency on the eve of
elections. Investing in a clean judiciary, for example, has multiple effects
beyond engendering trust in the political process. It is also a key factor
in boosting investor confidence and would be an invaluable component in
boosting economic growth. The same can be said of a professional police
force. All the evidence from countries that have overcome corruption and
incompetence in the forces indicates that improvements in areas such as
better housing, insurance and health care are likely to yield far better
results than increasing pay.

All these investments must be anchored in
reformed constitutions that endorse the greater freedoms and
responsibilities demanded by a democratic system.

According to an
Afrobarometer survey in 2006, six in 10 Africans prefer democracy to any
other form of government. This is unsurprising in a continent that has
suffered terribly under alternative forms, such as one-man rule and military
dictatorships.

The bloody farces in recent years could well lead to
erosion of this confidence. Africa must dispense with the fallacy that
democracy is merely the ritual of holding elections once every five
years.