Recently, a report by non-governmental
experts suggested that in order to counter China, India should be in a
position “to dominate the Indian Ocean region.” A little later, the
Foreign Ministers of China and India agreed to establish and
institutionalise maritime dialogue, aiming to promote cooperation and
coordination between naval establishments of the two Asian majors. In a
separate development, two Indian fishermen fell to firing opened by
Italian oil tanker Enrica Lexie, sailing through or near our territorial
waters. Much of India views it as murder, whereas Italy portrays it as
“death.”

These developments highlight that a myriad challenges facing the Indian
Ocean Region (IOR) are becoming more complex. As the largest resident
power with immense stakes, India has a special responsibility to address
them resolutely.

The fact that much of the world's extremism, terrorism, and piracy too
are embedded here underscores the gravity of the challenge. The picture
gets completed — and darker — as we consider non-traditional security
threats including natural disasters, pervading poverty and environmental
degradation.

Issue of piracy

Among the challenges, piracy deserves priority, being a live issue with
widespread repercussions. A consensus exists on how to tackle piracy —
navies can counter and neutralise pirates; however, piracy can be
lynched “not on the sea but on land” i.e. by attacking all the vested
interests and a long web of players involved in this mercenary industry
as well as by rebuilding the state of Somalia. The navies, of necessity,
have left it to political leaders who, in turn, have passed the buck to
diplomats at the U.N. There, they continue to plod and persevere even
as the number of pirate attacks increases. A greater sense of urgency
and genuine collaboration among the affected countries is needed.
Security architecture

A major question is how to craft an acceptable security architecture
that helps in enhancing stability in the current geo-strategic
turbulence. The inevitability of rivalry between China and India in the
IOR in the coming decades is cited as a given. Are they potential
partners or adversaries? Partnership justifies a continuing
conversation, accommodation, and sitting inside “the same tent.” The
other scenario should impel India to deepen the triangular cooperation
involving the U.S., Japan and itself as well as accept the notion of
“Indo-Pacific” as an integrated region. But, where does one stop short
of an anti-China alliance, a 21st century version SEATO?

While the northeastern section of the Indian Ocean has several
security-related institutions, the north-western theatre has virtually
none. Thanks to the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN),
institutions such as ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers
Meeting Plus (ADMM+), and East Asian Summit (EAS) are purposefully
engaged in addressing regional issues relating to geo-strategy, maritime
security and non-traditional threats. Although lacking “institutional
neatness,” the sub-region has the means to tackle challenges and create
solutions. Its success last year in pressing China to stay within the
four walls of international law and respect other nations' interests was
notable.

Which institution can perform this task in the north-western section of
the Indian Ocean, stretching from the eastern seaboard of Africa to the
western coast of India? One option is to create a new institution, but
that would be a daunting task. Besides, it will raise the dilemma
whether to include or exclude China. An alternative, even though many
old-timers laugh off the idea, is to revitalise the long-dormant Indian
Ocean Rim Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC), created to
foster regional economic and technical cooperation.

An option worth serious consideration is to amend the charter of
IOR-ARC, enabling it to include defence and maritime security within its
purview. Defence ministers of member-states can then be mandated to
work in a manner similar to ADMM operating in Southeast Asia. At the
recent annual conference of National Maritime Foundation, a premier
think tank, foreign and Indian experts considered new ideas. One was to
“leverage” IOR-ARC, developing its full potential. Another idea was that
the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium, which began as an Indian initiative
and has now acquired regional dimensions, should be placed under
IOR-ARC.

Other elements

My years in Pretoria as India's envoy to the heads of mission committee
of the IOR-ARC lead me to conclude that the association is capable of
achieving more if member-states so desire. It should hold its first-ever
summit at the head of government level and come up with a package of
substantial cooperation to justify it. It should bring in friendly
countries as “observers” to strengthen it. And, yes, it should certainly
find a more user-friendly name.

A vital element in India's Indian Ocean strategy is a sustained
cultivation of relations with island-nations. They are now getting the
attention and assistance they need. During a recent dialogue with
Jean-Paul Adam, Foreign Minister of Seychelles, I noticed him addressing
the sensitive issue of a possible Chinese military base in his country,
with sincerity and candour. He did this persuasively, while pinpointing
a basic fact: Seychelles' relations with India have been far older and
richer in comparison to China. India should be willing to trust but
verify. Generous but vigilant diplomacy will help in consolidating past
gains.

The maritime dimensions of IBSA — a group that began to lose shine as
South Africa's interest in BRICS grew — reflected in impressive
exercises conducted by the three Navies, should be continued as a
building block of our IO strategy.

Finally, India needs to deploy the full range of weapons in its soft
power armoury in order to heighten the awareness of IOR identity. After
all, “...more than just a geographic feature,” as Robert Kaplan aptly
argues, “the Indian Ocean is also an idea.” A strong regional
consciousness is a pre-requisite to greater investment in this zone of
increasing challenges.

It is time to revitalise a long-dormant association of countries in an important maritime region.

(Rajiv Bhatia, a former ambassador to several capitals in the IOR, is a
visiting senior research fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian
Studies, Singapore. This article first appeared in the Hindu on March
7,2012.)