Collapse of the Eastern Bloc: The definitive bankruptcy of Stalinism

Presentation to the
Theses on the Economic and Political Crisis in the USSR
and the Eastern Countries

The "Theses" published in this issue were adopted at the beginning of October
1989. Since
then, events in the East have rushed ahead, telescoping into each other week after week, leading to situations which
would have seemed
inconceivable only 6 months ago. Hardly has August, which saw the trade union
(!) Solidarnosc
leaping from clandestinity to head the government, drawn to a close than Eastern Europe is shaken by other events of great
his­torical importance.

Hungary, whose
"communist" party has changed its name and declared its
desire to be­come social-democratic, has thrown the, cloak of "people's
democracy" and its membership of the "socialist" camp into
the dustbin of history, to become a plain republic. This year in East Germany, supposedly
the most stalwart member of the Eastern bloc, more than 100,000 people belonging to the most
qualified sectors of the workforce, have abandoned "real socialism" for
West Germany;
nonetheless, increasingly massive demonstrations
are developing in every city, demanding
pell-mell free elections, the legalisa­tion
of the opposition, and the freedom to travel.
Honecker has been forced to resign, to be
definitively expelled only a few weeks later from a party which has been forced to renounce its role of exclusive leadership and to open the
Berlin Wall, the symbol of the strengthening in 1961 of the division decided at Yalta in 1944. In Bulgaria, then in Czechoslovakia, the regimes inherited from
Stalinism are also collapsing. This acceleration of the situation, these convul­sions generalising
throughout the Eastern countries, confirm the framework set out in the Theses as to
Stalinism's historic crisis and its roots. Moreover, the speed with
which events are moving means that what was then only a perspective is now a
reality: the definitive col­lapse of Stalinism and the complete disintegra­tion of the Eastern
bloc, to the point of becom­ing a fiction fit only for the dustbin of
history.

This situation, where
the USSR and Eastern Europe no longer form an imperialist bloc, is the most important
historical turning point since World War II and the historic resurgence of proletarian combat at
the end of the 60's, both on the imperialist level (all the imperialist groupings that
emerged from the Yalta agree­ments will be seriously destabilised), and on the level of what remains
more than ever the only alternative to the decomposition, barbarity, and growing chaos provoked
by the historic crisis of the capitalist system on a world level: the proletarian struggle.

The bankruptcy of Stalinism: a crisis of capitalism, not of
communism

The Theses develop at
some length what lies at the
roots of this bankruptcy:

the overall,
worldwide crisis of the capi­talist
mode of production;

the failure of the extreme,
caricatural form
of state capitalism represented by Stalinism, which was both a factor in, and a product of the counter-revolution in Russia.

This aberrant nature of Stalinism has only increased the difficulties of
already weak and backward national capitals in confronting the crisis and the consequent exacerbation
of com­petition
on the already over-saturated world market. We will not here go any further
into the
roots of Stalinism and the Eastern bloc's definitive collapse; rather, we will
aim to bring its evolution up to
date.

Recent events have been the occasion for a barrage of lies, and in the lead the
biggest and vilest
of them: the claim that this crisis repre­sents the failure of communism, and of
marxism! Over
and above their various antagonisms, democrats and Stalinists have always formed a holy alliance in saying to the workers
that so­cialism
(however deformed) reigns in the East. For Marx, Engels, Lenin, Luxemburg,
for the entire
marxist movement, communism has always meant the end of the exploitation of
man by man,
the end of classes, the end of frontiers, all made possible only on a world scale,
in a soci­ety
governed by the abundance of "from each according to his abilities, to each
according to his
needs", where "the government of men gives way to the administration of
things". The claim that there is anything "communist", or even
ap­proaching
"communism", in the USSR and the countries of the Eastern bloc, ruled by
exploitation, poverty,
and generalised scarcity, is the greatest lie
in the history of humanity.

In the East, the Stalinists have only been able to impose this lie by means of the
most brutal
terror. "Socialism in one country" was set up and defended at the price of an
ap­palling and bloody
counter-revolution, which first systematically liquidated everything that remained of October 1917 and above all
of the Bolshevik
Party in Stalin's jails, before sub­jecting tens of millions of human beings to de­portation and death. This ferocious
dictator­ship,
this hideous concentrate of the worst bar­barity of decadent capitalism, owes its
existence to two weapons only:
terror, and the lie.

This lie is an important asset to all
the frac­tions
of the bourgeoisie faced with the night­mare "specter of communism",
the threat posed to
their domination by the proletarian revolution. The revolution of October 1917 in
Russia, and
the world revolutionary wave that followed it up until the 1920's has been up to
now the only
point in history where the proletariat has overthrown (in Russia 1917), or really
threat­ened
(Germany in 1919), bourgeois rule. Since then the ability to identify the
proletarian revolution
of October with its own executioner, the Stalinist counter-revolution has been
a major advantage
for all our fine "democrats" in de­fending bourgeois order. For several
decades, the
proletariat's positive identification, thanks to the immense prestige of October, of
the rev­olution
with Stalinism, communism with the Eastern bloc, was the most powerful ideological factor responsible for its continued
powerless­ness.
This was how it was led to the slaughter in World War II, precisely in the name
of the defense
of the "socialist" camp, allied for the occasion to the "democratic"
camp against fas­cism,
after being allied to Hitler at the begin­ning of the war. The proletariat has
never been
as weak as when the Stalinists were strong, and still crowned with the halo of Red October. But as this belief in the
supposedly socialist
nature of the USSR crumbled under the blows of the recovery of class
struggle in both East
and West following 1968, to the point of a deep-seated rejection of Stalinism
throughout the
proletariat, it was still more vital for the "democracies" to keep alive
the monstrous fic­tion
of "socialism" in the East. As the spur of the renewed open capitalist crisis, on
a world scale,
pushed the workers to enlarge and strengthen their combat against the bourgeoisie and its system, as more and more the
question was
posed of what perspective the working class should give to its combat, the
bourgeoisie had
absolutely to avoid any encouragement of the revolutionary perspective within
the prole­tariat
by the exposure of history's greatest lie: the identification between Stalinism and
commu­nism.

This is why it is more than ever important for the ruling class to keep up this fiction. After being used "positively", this monstrous association between "revolution" and "Stalinism" is now being used negatively, to create disgust for any idea of a revolutionary perspective. At the very moment when, for the whole of human­ity, the historic alternative between socialism and endless barbarism is being posed more and more sharply, it is vital for the bourgeoisie to discredit the communist perspective in the workers' eyes
as much as it can.

This is why, as Stalinism
collapses for good, the "democrats" are
redoubling their efforts to keep this disgusting lie
alive: "October 1917 = Stalinism",
"marxism = Stalinism", "USSR = com­munism". There are no bounds
to the cynicism of the ruling class, as it
displays the pictures of tens of thousands of
workers fleeing from "socialism" to
get to the countries of "abundance and
liberty" that the Western capi­talist
"democracies" are supposed to be. The aim is to discredit in the workers' eyes any perspective for a society other than that based on profit and the exploitation of man by man. "Democracy" is supposed to be, if not the best system, at least the "least bad" system. Finally, and this is a real danger, the ruling class is trying to draw the workers in the East into fighting for interests that are not their own, to join the struggle between the cliques of "reformers" and Stalinists - Gorbachev and Yeltsin against
Ligachev in the USSR, "New Forum" against SED in
East Germany, etc -- not to mention between the different
"nationalities".

Every time that the working class has fallen into this kind of trap, it
has ended up not only gaining nothing, but being
massacred, as it was in the 1936-39 Spanish
Civil War, for the mirage of the bourgeois
"republic". In reality, Stalinists and
"democrats", Stalinists and "anti-Stalinists"
are nothing but two facets of a same face:
the face of bourgeois dictatorship. We should
remember that during World War II, the British
and American "democracies" had no com­punction in allying themselves with Stalin against Germany. Their opposition since then, which has led to the world's division into two antagonistic spheres of influence, does not spring from an ideological opposition, between a "socialist" and a capitalist bloc. It is the ex­pression of two capitalist and imperialist blocs which have
become rivals.

Only when the USSR took advantage of the collapse of German
imperialism to transform its inherited European sphere
of influence into an imperialist bloc did the
"democracies" suddenly discover that they had a
duty to oppose this "totalitarian",
"communist" system. Before the war, the USSR was only an isolated second-rate power; then, it was possible to ally with this same "totalitarian and communist" system. This was no longer
the case in the 50's, now that the USSR had become a first-order imperialist power, and
therefore a serious imperialist rival!

This is why, while the proletariat must reject with disgust Stalinism and the Stalinists, it must also reject the camp of the "democrats" and "anti-Stalinists". There is nothing to choose between them; if the proletariat does so, then it can only abandon its class terrain and become the hostage and powerless victim, in a struggle which is nothing to do with it, of the two capi­talist hangmen of the proletarian revolution: Stalinism, and
"democracy".

Never forget, that it was
the Social-Democracy which crushed the
revolution in Germany in 1919 and 1923, condemning the Russian revolution to a terrible isolation, and so opening the way
to Stalinism and fascism.

The end
of the Russian imperialist bloc, the end of Yalta:
towards worldwide chaos

Stalinism's collapse
cannot but provoke profound and widespread convulsions, to the point where they create a
situation of veritable chaos in what was up to now the world's second imperi­alist power.

Day by day, the bourgeoisie is losing control of events.

The trade union Solidarnosc joins the Polish government, with the declared aim of "liberalising the economy" and "drawing closer" to the West; unable to prevent it, Moscow pre­tends to encourage the move.

The Stalinist party in power in Hungary changes its name, proclaims
itself social-demo­cratic, and demands neutral
status for the country, as well as membership of
the Council of Europe, one of the West's most
important or­ganisms. This comes down to leaving the Warsaw Pact: Gorbachev
sends a telegram of congratulations.

In Bulgaria, in Czechoslovakia, in East Germany, the old Stalinists are pushed aside. East Germany opens its frontiers, and hundreds of thousands of
people rush to escape.

Everywhere (except in Romania at the time of writing), changes are happening
daily, any one of which, only a few years ago,
would have brought in the Russian tanks.
This is not as it is generally presented, the
result of a deliber­ate policy on Gorbachev's part,
but the sign of a general crisis throughout the
bloc, at the same time as Stalinism's historic
bankruptcy. The rapidity of events, and the
fact that they are now hitting East Germany, the central pillar of the Eastern bloc, is the
surest sign that the world's second imperialist bloc has completely disintegrated.

This change is by now irreversible, and af­fects not just the bloc, but its leading power, the USSR itself. The clearest sign of Russia's collapse is the development of
nationalism in the form of demands for
"autonomy" and "independence" in
the peripheral regions of central Asia, on the Baltic coast, and
also in a region as vital for the Soviet national economy as the Ukraine.

Now when the leader of an imperialist bloc is no longer able to maintain the bloc's cohesion, or even to maintain order within its own fron­tiers, it loses its status as a world power. The USSR and its bloc are no longer at the centre of the inter-imperialist antagonisms between two capitalist camps, which is the ultimate level of polarisation that imperialism can reach on a world scale in
the era of capitalist decadence.

The disintegration of the Eastern bloc, its disappearance as a major consideration in inter-imperialist conflict, implies a radical calling into question of the Yalta agreements, and the spread of instability to all the imperialist con­stellations formed on that basis, including the Western bloc which the USA has dominated for the last 40 years. This in its turn will find its foundations called into question. During the 1980's, the cohesion of the Western countries against the Russian bloc was an important factor in the latter's collapse; today, the cement for that cohesion no longer
exists. Although it is impossible to foresee
exactly the rhythm and forms that this will take,
the perspective today is one of growing tension
between the great powers of the Western bloc, the
eventual recon­stitution of two new imperialist
blocs at an in­ternational level, and in the
absence of any proletarian response a new
worldwide massacre. The definitive collapse of
Stalinism, and its corollary, the disintegration of
the Eastern im­perialist bloc, are thus already
pregnant with the destabilisation of all the
imperialist group­ings that emerged from Yalta.

The calling into question of the
imperialist' order inherited from World War
II, and the fact that the formation of two new
imperialist camps will inevitably take time, does
not at all mean the disappearance of imperialist
tensions. The generalised crisis of the
capitalist mode of pro­duction can only push all
countries, both great and small, and within them
the different frac­tions of the ruling class, to try to settle their differences on the battlefield. The Lebanon, Afghanistan, Cambodia, El Salvador, etc are still
torn by war today. Far from encouraging peace, the disintegration of the blocs which emerged from Yalta, and the decomposition of the capitalist system which
underlies it, implies still more tension and
conflicts. The appetites of the minor imperialisms,
which up to now have been determined by the
world's division into two major camps, will only
increase, now that these camps are no longer dominated by their leaders as
before.

Stalinism is not dying a peaceful death, giv­ing way to other "democratic" forms of bour­geois dictatorship. There will be chaos, not a "soft" transition. As the Stalinist carcass rots, the whole Eastern bloc is threatened with "Lebanonisation". The confrontations between rival cliques of bourgeois nationalists in the USSR itself, the tensions between Hungary and Romania, East Germany and Czechoslovakia, Romania and the USSR, East Germany and Poland, etc, the beginnings of pogroms that we are witnessing today in Moldavia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan, open a perspective of generalised decomposition, a concentrated form of all the barbarity of
decadent capitalism.

Implications for the proletariat of the Eastern Bloc's general decomposition

Behind the reforms,
the democratisation, the at­tempts to liberalise the economy, behind all the fine speeches about
the "radiant future", the reality for the workers is already a serious de­cline in their already
difficult living conditions. In Poland and the USSR, everything is in
short supply;
even in Moscow and Leningrad, which are traditionally
better stocked, such staples as sugar and soap have become almost impossible to find. More and more
articles are rationed, and the rations are diminishing. The winter will be extremely hard: the
measures of liberalisation decided in Poland and Hungary, and begun in the USSR, mean that
scarcity will continue and that the black market will become inaccessible for the workers, since
the rate of inflation is moving towards three figures, as in Poland, and the ending of price
controls affects staple products first of all. The liberalisation of the economy, and its
corollary, autonomy for indi­vidual enterprises will mean the appearance and growth of mass
unemployment. The extent of this unemployment can be measured if we con­sider that in Poland
one third of all workers will be made redundant if non-profitable compa­nies are forced to
close (according to the Solidarnosc
government's own economic experts).

In the USSR, where there are already in re­ality several million unemployed, between 11 and 12 million workers will have to be made redun­dant in the next five
years. More than half the factories in Hungary should be closed because they are obsolete and uncompetitive! What the
immediate future holds in store for the prole­tariat in the East is thus a terrible poverty, comparable to
that in "Third World"
countries.

Faced with these attacks, the proletariat will fight, and will try to
resist, like for example the Siberian miners, who have
gone back on strike to demand that the government
respect the agreements negotiated after the
strikes this summer. There are, and there will
be, more strikes. But the question is:
what will be the context in which these strikes
occur? There can be no ambiguity as to the reply: one of ex­treme confusion due to the Eastern working class' political weakness and inexperience, which will make the workers especially vulnerable to the mystifications of democracy and trade unions, and to the poison of nationalism. We can see this already in Poland and Hungary, or in the USSR where Russian workers are striking against Baltic workers and vice versa, or in the struggles
between Azeris and Armenians.

Undoubtedly the most tragic symbol of the Eastern proletariat's political backwardness is the events in East Germany. Here is the prole­tariat of a highly
industrialised country, right in the heart of Europe,
which fought at the forefront of the German
revolution in 1919 (in Saxony and Thuringia), and
which was the first to express its rejection of
Stalinism in 1953, and which today is
demonstrating en masse, but to­tally drowned in the population
as a whole. "Gorby! Gorby!", they
chant, demanding pell-mell democracy, the legalisation
of the opposition, but never, even in embryonic
form, putting for­ward the specific demands of the
working class. It is a terrible thing to see the
German working class "organised"
behind the Lutheran church, and drowned in "the people" in
general!

There is such a strong, gut hatred of Stalinism, that even the word "proletariat" seems cursed, contaminated by the rotting car­rion of
Stalinism.

As it dies, Stalinism poisons the atmosphere, and in doing so renders the bourgeoisie one last and precious service, by condemning in the eyes of workers in the East the very idea of raising specific working class demands; just the idea of revolution is transformed into a dis­gusting
nightmare.

This heritage of the Stalinist counter-revolu­tion weighs terribly. Even if there can be no doubt that the workers' combativity in the East will rise to confront the increasingly intolerable attacks on its living conditions, the class' con­sciousness will have immense difficulty in mov­ing forward. We cannot exclude the possibility that large fractions of the working class will let themselves be
enrolled and massacred for inter­ests that are totally
foreign to them, in the struggles between
nationalist gangs, or between "democratic" and Stalinist
cliques.

Internationally, the whole proletariat has to confront increased difficulties in the develop­ment of its class consciousness as a result of this new situation (see the article on this sub­ject, published
in this issue).

Perspectives

We are entering a completely new period, which will profoundly modify both the present imperi­alist constellations (the Western bloc will also be affected, though to a lesser degree and at a less frenetic pace, by convulsions and instabil­ity; this is inevitable to the extent that its main reason for existing - the other bloc - has dis­appeared) and the conditions in which the class has fought up
to now.

At first, this will be a
difficult period for the proletariat. Apart
from the increased weight of democratic
mystifications, in the West as well as in the East, it
will have to under­stand the new conditions within
which it is fighting. This will inevitably
take time, whence the depth of the
"reflux" analysed in the Theses. In particular, the
proletariat will have to confront head-on the
democratic mystification, and especially its two
most pernicious pillars: social-democracy and the trade unions.

Only the working class at the
heart of capi­talism, above all in Western Europe, is really capable of combating this mystification. Consequently, its historic responsibility has grown considerably, on the same scale as the fantastic acceleration of history during the last few months. Only the Western working class, through the development of its struggles, can really help the workers in the East to overcome the deadly trap of democratic illusions which yawns before
them.

More than ever, the economic
crisis remains the proletariat's best ally, the stimulant for the unavoidable confrontation with "democracy". The perspective of a new open recession, whose symptoms can be seen
developing rapidly today (see the article on the
crisis in this issue), by speeding up the collapse at
the heart of capi­talism in the West, by sweeping
away illusions in an economic recovery, and by
laying bare the historic bankruptcy of the whole
capitalist mode of production and not just of its
Stalinist avatars, will help the
proletariat to understand on the one hand that the
crisis and collapse in the East is only an
expression of the capitalist system's general crisis,
and on the other that it alone holds the solution to capitalism's historic crisis and
generalised decomposition.

The redoubled attacks on its
living condi­tions will not only force the
working class to renew and spread its struggles;
they will clearly reveal the utter
bankruptcy of "liberal" and "democratic"
capitalism, and so force the proletariat to struggle within
what remains the only real perspective: the world communist rev­olution. More than ever, in this chaos, the fu­ture belongs to
the proletariat.

Why was the collapse of the USSR a turning point?
From our point of view, it signalled the onset of the last phase of capitalist decadence, the phase of decomposition. Particularly important at the level of imperialist tensions -world war between the blocs no longer on the agenda, but the working class now faces the danger of a more slide into barbarism on several fronts - increase in local wars, social breakdown, ecological disaster.....
Also it had a big impact on the class struggle. The waves of struggle which had succeeded each other since 1968 were beaten back by a huge campaign about the death of communism and the end of the class struggle, as well as by the very objective difficulties posed by the decomposition of the system.
That's a bit of a nutshell. You could read our Theses on Decomposition
http://en.internationalism.org/ir/107_decomposition