African Yearbook of Rhetoric: Most Recent Articleshttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/ayor?TRACK=RSS
Please follow the links to view the content.The editor’s notehttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104ce6d30c?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>Volume 8 of the<em> African Yearbook of Rhetoric</em> brings together an array of
analyses from diverse perspectives concerning a specific if neglected aspect of
foundational rhetoric &#8211; security as it relates to the foundation, or the &#8220;deep state&#8221;.</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104ce6d30c?TRACK=RSSPhilippe-Joseph Salazar2018-08-01T00:00:00ZForewordhttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104ce98d83?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>El Estado, con sus grandes aparatos legislativos, judiciales, militares, educativos,
culturales, organiza una red de poderes que circulan por canales tanto visibles cuanto
invisibles. Su visibilidad p&#250;blica ha sido un t&#243;pico transitado por investigaciones de diverso
calibre que, en el &#225;mbito de las ciencias humanas y sociales, siguieron dos grandes caminos:
el del espect&#225;culo del poder (sus rituales, sus emblemas, sus puestas en escenas) o bien el
de su transparencia (su <em>accountability</em>) frente a los ojos de ciudadanos vigilantes. Con
diferentes enfoques, desde la antropolog&#237;a pol&#237;tica, Marc Ab&#232;les y Georges Balandier
expusieron argumentos convincentes acerca de la <em>consustancialidad</em> de poder y espect&#225;culo,
e incluso el segundo abon&#243; la idea de una &#8220;teatrocracia&#8221;. En su difundido libro<em> El Estado
Seductor</em>, Regis Debray afirm&#243; en la misma direcci&#243;n que es el espect&#225;culo del Estado el que
<em>hace </em>al Estado, al punto de que &#8220;Estado y espect&#225;culo son t&#233;rminos redundantes&#8221;. Por otro
lado, Norbert Elias y Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie han defendido en sus obras el car&#225;cter
progresista y &#8216;democratizador&#8217; de la visibilizaci&#243;n, entendida como un paso m&#225;s en favor
de la transparencia de las instituciones de poder. Ver ser&#237;a una de las formas del
conocimiento y, por lo tanto, una plataforma de educaci&#243;n para un pueblo paulatinamente
soberano. Los movimientos del<em> open government</em> que maduraron en la segunda mitad del
siglo XX convirtieron a la rendici&#243;n de cuentas o<em> accountability</em> en un estandarte moral de las
democracias en la era de las sociedades de la informaci&#243;n. As&#237;, toda la informaci&#243;n de las
acciones del Estado deber&#237;a quedar a disposici&#243;n del p&#250;blico, sin secretos ni dobleces. En el
siglo XXI, el sentido mismo del open goverment se ha expandido hasta incluir la participaci&#243;n
y la colaboraci&#243;n de los ciudadanos, teniendo en cuenta las facilidades que aportan las
nuevas tecnolog&#237;as.</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104ce98d83?TRACK=RSSMariano Dagatti, María Ledesma and María Alejandra Vitale2018-08-01T00:00:00Z« Security of State, Deep State », essai de phénoménologiehttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104ced9395?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>Cet article se concentre sur le Royaume-Uni qui poss&#232;de probablement la
plus longue histoire th&#233;orique et pratique dans le domaine de la &#171; s&#233;curit&#233; de l&#8217;Etat &#187;,
et donc de ses structures secr&#232;tes. Faut-il rappeler que c&#8217;est Elizabeth I<sup>ere</sup> qui aurait
con&#231;u avec ses principaux ministres du Conseil priv&#233; le premier service de contreespionnage
et d&#8217;infiltration syst&#233;matique de r&#233;seaux d&#8217;espionnage et d&#8217;agitation
subversive &#8211; ceux des J&#233;suites : l&#8217;expression &#171; <em>Security of the State</em> &#187; fut utilis&#233;e pour la
premi&#232;re fois dans ce contexte. Pour tenter de d&#233;m&#234;ler une sorte de ph&#233;nom&#233;nologie
du &#171;<em> Deep State</em> &#187; je voudrais prendre appui sur deux ouvrages r&#233;cents, <em>Securing
Freedom</em> d&#8217;Eliza Manningham-Buller, ancienne directrice, de 2002 &#224; 2007, du MI 5, le
service de s&#233;curit&#233; britannique (on note la permanence du vocabulaire depuis la
Renaissance), et l&#8217;ouvrage de Christopher Moran, <em>Classified. Secrecy and the State in
Modern Britain</em>.</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104ced9395?TRACK=RSSPhilippe-Joseph Salazar2018-08-01T00:00:00ZInteligencia policial, retórica organizacional y regulación de la correspondenciahttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104cefb90f?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>This article examines police and intelligence practices in terms of what Foucault calls
governmentality. Foucault conceived the art of government in a broad sense to include
organs of the State such as the security services. Police intelligence can thus be
understood as part of what Jason Royce Lindsey calls the &#8220;Deep State.&#8221; From the perspective
of French discourse analysis, I consider the DIPBA to be a discourse community.
In line with so-called organizational rhetoric, I analyze two documents from Argentina&#8217;s
last military dictatorship (1976-1983), preserved in the DIPBA archive: (1)
the &#8220;Correspondence procedures and regulations&#8221;, approved by the Chief of Police of
the Province of Buenos Aires in 1978, and the &#8220;Handbook for processing reserved and
confidential correspondence&#8221;, approved by Provincial Decree in 1981 and mandatory
for all Provincial Government offices, including the police. My purpose here is to
describe the rules of style, linguistic correction, terms of address, use of foreign languages
and emotions in the police correspondence. Also, I am interested in describing
a series of underlying topics, particularly those linked to the <em>ethos</em> of a good intelligence
agent. My conclusion is that regulating the various types of correspondence in
the Police of the Province of Buenos Aires helped control the way its members constructed
identity and meaning and legitimize the hierarchical relations between police
and an ethical world opposed to &#8220;subversion.&#8221;</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104cefb90f?TRACK=RSSMaría Alejandra Vitale2018-08-01T00:00:00ZDoxa y vigilancia a las artes del espectáculo en la provincia de Buenos Aireshttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104cf41254?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>From its beginnings in or around 1958 until the end of the last Argentine military
dictatorship in 1983, the Department of Intelligence of the Police of the Province of
Buenos Aires (DIPBA) maintained &#8220;independent&#8221; theatre ensembles and film
clubs under permanent surveillance. The discourse of the &#8220;secret and
confidential&#8221; intelligence reports it produced was nonetheless part of a social
discourse that determined what could be said about films and theatre plays: what the
spectator-spy <em>said</em> about the shows he saw was defined by doxa. The study of the
doxa reveals points of agreement, shared premises and chains of arguments which
aim not only to persuade but also to make sure that texts are comprehensible. In this
article, we focus on the shared opinions and beliefs on theatre and film in the
intelligence reports of the DIPBA. Together these helped define which theatre and film
groups should be watched and controlled in case they were &#8220;infiltrated&#8221; by
&#8220;dangerous&#8221; ideas. We review topics and chains of argument which reappear in
argumentations and counter-argumentations in the reports forming a &#8220;doxic
network&#8221; linking the consensus view about the &#8220;enemy&#8221; to watch (fundamentally,
communism) with the opinions of what could be called the &#8220;ordinary theatre and
cinema-goer&#8221;.</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104cf41254?TRACK=RSSPaulina Bettendorff2018-08-01T00:00:00ZEl carácter pseudo-jurídico del informe de inteligencia durante la última dictadura militar argentinahttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104cfaf7e3?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>The archive of the Intelligence Directorate of the Buenos Aires Provincial Police
(DIPBA) formed part of the network that made possible &#8211;and legitimized&#8211; the
kidnapping and disappearance of people during the last Argentine military
dictatorship (1976-1983). This paper analyzes the rhetorical devices that underpin the
pseudo-juridical nature of the intelligence reports found in the archive. These reports
transform the pragmatic value of the extralinguistic context through a variety of
discursive strategies including the &#8220;juridization&#8221; of the enunciation scene, and the
fabrication of evidence based on testimonies, expert discourse, and
political and ideological considerations. However, the leadership of the armed
forces monopolized the &#8220;court&#8221; position. I propose that it is necessary to distinguish
between the concept of &#8220;pseudo-juridicity&#8221; (represented in this case by the
assignment of a fictional legal status to the secret intelligence report) and the
&#8220;juridization&#8221; of the enunciative scene through the discourse of reports. It is
impossible to think about juridization without thinking about the problem of the
validity of law, but it is also imperative to point out that this enunciative juridization,
as a political-discursive device, was deeply framed in anti-juridicity and in the State
terrorism displayed during the last military dictatorship. In this way, the
&#8220;juridization&#8221; of the enunciation scene attempted to articulate legal and non-legal
spheres.</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104cfaf7e3?TRACK=RSSAlex Colman2018-08-01T00:00:00ZLos fundamentos de la censura literaria. Premisas y valores en informes de inteligencia de la última dictadurahttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104cfdcb5f?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>This paper examines the ways audience is constructed in intelligence files dealing
with literary works produced during the first years (1976-1978) of last Argentinean
dictatorship. The files, currently held at the Archive of the Direction of Intelligence of the
Police of the Province of Buenos Aires (DIPBA), were part of a complex censorship
system during that period. The construction of the audience by the censors is
understood as a rhetorical strategy used to allow or forbid the circulation of literary
works. Though the premises and the values presented as self-evident in the files, this
paper analyzes the ideologemes that sustained literary censorship during those
years. This approach is exemplified by an analysis of the files pertaining to <em>La alcanc&#237;a del
Sol </em>by Mijail Prishvin, <em>Obras escogidas</em> by Iv&#225;n Frank&#243;, <em>Peque&#241;os animales abatidos </em>by
Alejandro Sieveking and <em>Dar la cara </em>by Manuel Orestes Nieto.</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104cfdcb5f?TRACK=RSSNicolás Chiavarino2018-08-01T00:00:00ZStrategies of White resilience : from Apartheid to installing democracyhttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104d000fb0?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>This paper addresses the final strategies of the Apartheid regime in order to&#160;<span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">deepen the historical discernment of the South African State. It aims to contribute&#160;</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">towards the discussion on the national condition and the establishment of an expedient&#160;</span><span style="background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">State strategy.</span></p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104d000fb0?TRACK=RSSKlaus Kotzé2018-08-01T00:00:00ZEscribir la mirada. Inteligencia de la DIPBA y la DGI sobre estudiantes universitarioshttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104d0241da?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>The article explores the organization, control and espionage activities of the intelligence
archives in Argentina, and their communication protocols. The aim is to present
preliminary results of a comparative study of intelligence reports about students made by
informants from the DIPBA (1959-1974) and the DGI (1967-1975). It investigates the
spies&#8217; writing style and the ways students under constant surveillance are described. The
article is organized into three sections: the first outlines the predominant discursive genres
in the corpus, taking into account the communication routines of the communities studied;
the second includes a description of the textual sequences that organize the transcription of
the gaze; the third analyzes the description of the students and professors under
surveillance and the construction of an anti-ethical world. The article concludes that a
&#8220;hidden&#8221; service paradoxically found it difficult to control the public dissemination
of its adversaries' worldview.</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104d0241da?TRACK=RSSMariano Dagatti2018-08-01T00:00:00ZShot, countershot, off-screen space : espionage and DIPBA’s gaze on the Argentine Women Unionhttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104d047135?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>To investigate the discursive communities and the scopic regimes involved in
the so-called &#8220;repression files&#8221; implies dealing with cross-discipline approaches on
Visual studies and Discourse analysis. What is there behind the presumption of
&#8220;dangerousness&#8221; leading to the seizure of photographs by police forces? The knot
woven out of images and control stages different visual fields in dispute: primarily,
an order framed by a stark gaze cast by surveillance forces on the seized
photographs. In spite of its hegemony, however, every reality comprises at least two
sides: the reverse of this worldview which deems itself impartial, its visual
countershot, is dominated by the bodily disposition of the actors portrayed. Finally,
delving into the images archived by repressive organizations also reveals an
unfathomable off-screen space, which expands beyond the recorded frames.</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104d047135?TRACK=RSSJulia Kratje2018-08-01T00:00:00ZThe gaze in the surveillance of political groups by the DIPBA. Some problems for researchershttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104d06e516?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>This is one of a series of articles that explore the visual records of the so-called
&#8216;archives of repression&#8217; once maintained by the Directorate of Intelligence of the Police of
the Province of Buenos Aires (DIPBA) in Argentina. Starting from the assumption that
images are significant practices, the article sets out to reconstruct the values of those who
produced, manipulated and consumed them. Further assumptions and hypotheses are
derived from current approaches to visual culture and discourse. These raise questions
not only about what the archive contains but about what it denies, hides or avoids.</p></div>Wed, 01 Aug 2018 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-104d06e516?TRACK=RSSMaría Ledesma2018-08-01T00:00:00ZForewordhttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae840983?TRACK=RSS
<div>Volume 7 of the African Yearbook of Rhetoric brings together an array of analyses from diverse perspectives concerning foundation and forecast. As is our practice, senior writers and PhD candidates have joined forces to produce what we hope to be an interesting read.&#160;</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae840983?TRACK=RSSPhilippe-Joseph Salazar2016-12-31T00:00:00ZRhetoric and urbanism : foundational speeches, deliberation and scenarios of space engagement https://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae8af19c?TRACK=RSS
<div>In 1967 Barthes addressed a colloquium at the University of Naples under the title of S&#233;miologieet Urbanisme. Propelled by the double amour of &#8216;signs and cities&#8217; he sought, with precautions, to open the &#8216;possibility of a semiotics of the city&#8217;. In the same year civic unrest and the rise of black militancy in America signaled further resistance to segregation, discrimination, police brutality and economic inequality, and heralded the political and rhetorical power of themobilisation of mass action.In South Africa, as medals were being stamped to solemnify the assassination of President Verwoed the previous year in 1966, existing Apartheid legislation around population registration, racial segregation and control of black labour was re-codified. &#160;Significantly, a new law was instituted in the growing war against the urban unrest and the African National Congress&#8217; armed liberation struggle. The Terrorism Act (General Laws Amendment Act No 83) of 1967 in which that &#8216;designed to combat terrorism[ ]itself became an instrument of terror&#8217; resulted in the many of the atrocities, instances of torture and deaths in detention committed under Apartheid.</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae8af19c?TRACK=RSSJustin Snell2016-12-31T00:00:00ZLa refundación de la democracia argentina. La retórica constitutiva del discurso inaugural del Presidente Raúl Alfonsínhttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae90ba8f?TRACK=RSS
<div>&#160;Any construction of democracy involves the play of multilayered dimensions, political, economic, social, and cultural. Executive oratory in the presidential political regimes also has had a decisive role in shaping the imaginary of these kinds of democracies. This papers considers, from the standpoint of Constitutive Rhetoric (Charland, 1987), the Inaugural Address of Argentine President Ra&#250;l Ricardo Alfons&#237;n, December 10, 1983, delivered before the National Assembly in the National Congress. With the help of rhetoric and discourse analysis, I have offered an interpretation of how this historical speech &#8216;constitutes&#8217; a democratic constituency after seven years of military rule and dictatorship (1976-1983). The hypothesis is that this piece of speech sought to offer a viable performance of the Argentine people as a democratic subject. This operation involves different rhetorical devices. We consider here one of them in particular: the foundational topic (Charaudeau, 2009). It belongs in the series of governmental strategies which seek to draw a clear-cut political frontier between a recent (but repudiated) past and an affluent society of the future, the obverse of that unfair social order left behind. The opposition between a democratic people and the authoritarian elites is the key rhetorical device here. Some effects of the &#8216;constitutive procedure&#8217; are still working in Argentine politics, where 'democracy' has become a fetish, the common political horizon of our time.</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae90ba8f?TRACK=RSSMariano Dagatti2016-12-31T00:00:00ZCollective memory, merging enemies, consistency of word and place : Nkrumah’s rhetorical artefacts in the “Positive Action” protesthttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae959713?TRACK=RSS
<div>The 1950 riots in the Gold Coast which prefaced the first general elections under the British Colonial Government were called forth by a plethora of rhetorical performances of Kwame Nkrumah. On the 8th of January, 1950, Kwame Nkrumah, the Leader of the CPP, declared &#8216;Positive Action&#8217; in the Gold Coast. &#160;After the aftermath of the 28th February 1948 riots which shook the colony, the Watson Commissionwas set up by the Colonial Government to examine the causes of the nationwide unrest. Amongst its proposals, the Commission indicated the need for a constitutional review of the present Gold Coast constitution. In response to the latter proposal, the Coussey Commission was set up in December 1948 to review the constitution accordingly. &#160;When it finally published its report in October 1949, it indicated an increase in African (referring to black Gold Coasters) representation in colonial governance but did not indicate a time frame for the independence of the Gold Coast.</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae959713?TRACK=RSSEric Opoku Mensah2016-12-31T00:00:00ZFormer President Thabo Mbeki and the racism debate in South Africa : through the rhetorical lenshttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae99848e?TRACK=RSS
<div>Thabo Mbeki was elected President of the African National Congress (ANC) on 18 December 1997 at the ANC&#8217;s 50th Congress, and that of South Africa on 14 June 1999. In both these capacities, Mbeki&#8217;s predecessor was Nelson Mandela &#8211;someone on whom a &#8220;saintly status had been conferred. While Mandela&#8217;s presidency was predicated on nation-building and reconciliation, Mbeki&#8217;s was, in large measure, underpinned by South Africa&#8217;s socio-economic transformation. He believed that the greatest threat to attaining this goal was racism. Mbeki was therefore of the view that it had to be extirpated. As the country&#8217;s President, he had to be at the forefront of this struggle.Racism then became a common thread that ran through Mbeki&#8217;s speeches. He seemed to have grasped that &#8211;as Mamdani aptly puts it &#8211;&#8220;[i]f the country needed reconciliation, it also needed social justice&#8221;.</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae99848e?TRACK=RSSS’fiso Eric Ngesi2016-12-31T00:00:00ZPresident Hage Geingob’s rhetoric on “Harambee Prosperity Plan” and the shaping of Namibia’s future https://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae9d1ff3?TRACK=RSS
<div>This paper attempts to examine President Hage Geingob&#8217;s rhetoric on the adoption of &#8220;Harambee Prosperity Plan&#8221; (HPP). The paper will analyse how the President&#8217;s discourse shape Namibia&#8217;s future. This analysis is largely drawn from the document &#8220;Namibian Government's Action Plan towards Prosperity for All&#8221;.The content of HPP can also be found in paragraph 32-61 of President Hage Geingob&#8217;s second State of the Nation Address.It is important to note that discourse does not need to be major or universal in scope to produce effects. As part of the role of rhetorical critic of public discourse, the analysis and assessment concentrate on Geingob&#8217;s HPP in his position as the president of the Republic of Namibia.</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5ae9d1ff3?TRACK=RSSFrieda Nanyeni2016-12-31T00:00:00ZPopulism per se, its founts https://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aea18fbf?TRACK=RSS
<div>&#8220;Populism&#8221;in Argentina usually refers to Peronism,but in South Africa the media uses the term to refer to the far-left margins like the Economic Freedom Fighters and the student &#8220;Rhodes Must Fall&#8221; collective. The two countries on the whole share a basic &#8220;populist&#8221; speech pattern. The following essay attempts to provide a theoretical framework, hypothesis, which analytical study will still have to validate.&#160;</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aea18fbf?TRACK=RSSPhilippe-Joseph Salazar2016-12-31T00:00:00Z ¿Cuál es el rol del sacerdote? Discurso religioso y discurso político en el padre Carlos Mugicahttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aea58692?TRACK=RSS
<div>Carlos Mugica (1930-1974) was one of the 270 Argentine priests who supported the Message of the 18 Bishops of the Third World on December 31st 1967. This gave birth to the Movement of Priests for the Third World. Mugicawas killed in 1974 allegedly by an ultra-right organization known as the &#8220;Triple A&#8221;. He had supported the Peronism and had established an unstable relationship with the armed organization Montoneros.</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aea58692?TRACK=RSSMaría Alejandra Vitale2016-12-31T00:00:00ZLa “hora de la acción” : análisisdel Compromiso de Natividad del Movimientohttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aeaaf465?TRACK=RSS
<div>The Movement of Priests for the Third World (MSTM) was created in Argentina in 1967 as a result of the priests&#8217; embrace of the &#8220;Manifest of the 18 bishops for the Third World&#8221;, subscribed by the bishops of several countries in all five continents, which urges the oppressed peoples in the Third World to &#8220;raise their heads and stand on their feet&#8221; in their struggle for liberation. &#160;In this article, we analyse the &#8220;Christmas Commitment&#8221;, a document that accompanied the fasting of the priests during the 1968 Christmas Eve. As a result of the spreading of this article, the Movement became publicly known.</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aeaaf465?TRACK=RSSFlorencia Magnanego2016-12-31T00:00:00ZThe Chinese Dream as deliberative slogan for rejuvenationhttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aeae34df?TRACK=RSS
<div>The Chinese Dream (Dream) is a deliberative concept towards national rejuvenation. As the latest slogan of the Chinese Communist Party (Party), the Dream is the popularising activation concept that seeks to persuade the Chinese public to ascribe to the course and goals set out by the Party. Rejuvenation, the expanded strategic concept wherein development resides, is a restored state of great power, a return to perceived legitimate ascendency. In order to achieve this goal the populace, as central strategicmeans, are encouraged to personally adopt the national Dream and thereby align to the Party guidance of path and end. The Dream while sold as personal is finally a persuasive Party concept to assure stability and progress under its continued leadership. &#160;</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aeae34df?TRACK=RSSKlaus Kotzé2016-12-31T00:00:00ZSoft power and forecasting influencehttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aeb5768b?TRACK=RSS
<div>Soft power? A systematic way to make the other party desire what you want? Who wouldn't be attracted by such a program? It suggests to please to appease, to be seductive to shape minds, to make other people share your values, to get international support...or the contrary. The success of the concept, in economics and geopolitics is symptomatic: the idea that you could gain power - that is, increase the probability that the other will behave in the way you wish - softly, without using violence or giving counterparts has everything to please the occidental elites. The soft power and the hope of expanding it to the rest of the world are appealing to those who have already tasted success from their political and economic position and to those who are not too dissatisfied with the world as it is. When a single word serves so many purposes, it legitimately raises ideological suspicions. Such ambiguities have a relationship with the evolution of the meaning of the word itself but also with its semantic "ecology" (the other words it replaces or generates) and with its "mediology"; that is, the material ways and means of such a "spiritual" process.</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aeb5768b?TRACK=RSSFrançois-Bernard Huyghe2016-12-31T00:00:00ZDeath as an ideological stimulant : epitaphios and logos hegemonikos through Nicole Loraux’s The Invention of Athenshttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aeb9f7f2?TRACK=RSS
<div>In this paper, I will first discuss how funeral orations (epitaphioi) in Nicole Loraux&#8217;s The Invention of Athens are read as part of the Athenian ideological struggle against internal and external conflicts. Loraux&#8217;s book is by far the most influential study of the Greek epitaphios. Further, I will focus on the rhetorical strategies that allow the funeral orations to transform death into an ideological tool to strengthen Athenian hegemony during its classical phase (fifth and fourth centuries BC). Lastly, drawing on Jean-Fran&#231;ois Lyotard and Jean-Paul Sartre, I shall briefly examine some philosophical implications about death and its ideological function when collectively implemented in an epitaphios. &#160;</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aeb9f7f2?TRACK=RSSSergio Alloggio2016-12-31T00:00:00ZA research bibliography of South African speecheshttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aebcd674?TRACK=RSS
<div>A research bibliography of South African speeches</div>Sat, 31 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/journal/10520/EJC-5aebcd674?TRACK=RSSKlaus Kotzé2016-12-31T00:00:00ZThe Elephant and the Obelisk - a special series and imprint of the African Yearbook of Rhetorichttps://journals.co.za/content/ayor/6/1/EJC167459?TRACK=RSS
<div><p>In the fantastical imagination Europe has of Africa and the South, the elephant and the obelisk enjoy a lasting presence. During the Renaissance the Elephant meant the energy of memory in heeding lessons of the past while the needle of the Obelisk emblematised the probing penetration of reason - the Elephant carrying an Obelisk was an evocation of lost or recondite virtues European high culture, at the very time of Portuguese descobrimentos, attributed to Africa or to the South, which in turn provoked a sharper investigation into Europe's place in a newly expanded humanity.</p></div>Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttps://journals.co.za/content/ayor/6/1/EJC167459?TRACK=RSS2015-01-01T00:00:00Z