The United Kingdom has more than 4.2 million public closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras—one for every fourteen citizens. Across the United States, hundreds of video-surveillance systems are ...
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The United Kingdom has more than 4.2 million public closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras—one for every fourteen citizens. Across the United States, hundreds of video-surveillance systems are being installed in town centers, public transportation facilities, and schools at a cost exceeding $100 million annually, and now other Western countries have begun to experiment with CCTV to prevent crime in public places. In light of this expansion and the associated public expenditure, as well as pressing concerns about privacy rights, there is an acute need for an evidence-based approach to inform policy and practice. This book assesses the effectiveness and social costs of not only CCTV, but also other surveillance methods to prevent crime in public space, such as improved street lighting, security guards, place managers, and defensible space. It goes beyond the question of “Does it work?” and examines the specific conditions and contexts under which these methods may have an effect on crime as well as the mechanisms that bring about a reduction in crime. At a time when cities need cost-effective methods to fight crime and the public gradually awakens to the burdens of sacrificing their privacy and civil rights for security, the authors provide this guide to the most effective and non-invasive uses of surveillance to make public places safer from crime.Less

Making Public Places Safer : Surveillance and Crime Prevention

Brandon C. WelshDavid P. Farrington

Published in print: 2009-11-04

The United Kingdom has more than 4.2 million public closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras—one for every fourteen citizens. Across the United States, hundreds of video-surveillance systems are being installed in town centers, public transportation facilities, and schools at a cost exceeding $100 million annually, and now other Western countries have begun to experiment with CCTV to prevent crime in public places. In light of this expansion and the associated public expenditure, as well as pressing concerns about privacy rights, there is an acute need for an evidence-based approach to inform policy and practice. This book assesses the effectiveness and social costs of not only CCTV, but also other surveillance methods to prevent crime in public space, such as improved street lighting, security guards, place managers, and defensible space. It goes beyond the question of “Does it work?” and examines the specific conditions and contexts under which these methods may have an effect on crime as well as the mechanisms that bring about a reduction in crime. At a time when cities need cost-effective methods to fight crime and the public gradually awakens to the burdens of sacrificing their privacy and civil rights for security, the authors provide this guide to the most effective and non-invasive uses of surveillance to make public places safer from crime.

Since 9/11, multiculturalism has been under attack and Islamophobia has increased. Questions were placed in the 2003 British Social Attitudes Survey and its Scottish counterpart to compare the level ...
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Since 9/11, multiculturalism has been under attack and Islamophobia has increased. Questions were placed in the 2003 British Social Attitudes Survey and its Scottish counterpart to compare the level of Islamophobia in Scotland and England. Islamophobia was significantly higher in England. Analysis showed that the majority population in Scotland differed significantly from the majority in England. In particular, English nationalism encouraged Islamophobia while Scottish nationalism did not. Unlike elite-level nationalists, street-level nationalists in Scotland were not particularly inclusive or multiculturalist compared to the majority of Scots. Street-level Scottish nationalists were less Islamophobic than the majority of English, and far less Islamophobic than street-level nationalists in England.Less

Islamophobia—In England and Scotland

Asifa HussainWilliam Miller

Published in print: 2006-07-20

Since 9/11, multiculturalism has been under attack and Islamophobia has increased. Questions were placed in the 2003 British Social Attitudes Survey and its Scottish counterpart to compare the level of Islamophobia in Scotland and England. Islamophobia was significantly higher in England. Analysis showed that the majority population in Scotland differed significantly from the majority in England. In particular, English nationalism encouraged Islamophobia while Scottish nationalism did not. Unlike elite-level nationalists, street-level nationalists in Scotland were not particularly inclusive or multiculturalist compared to the majority of Scots. Street-level Scottish nationalists were less Islamophobic than the majority of English, and far less Islamophobic than street-level nationalists in England.

‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. ...
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‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. But in practice, potential problems proved to be solutions. Since England has a key role in defining Scottish identity, Scottish nationalism stimulates Anglophobia but not Islamophobia, and Muslims can use Scottish nationalism as a tool of integration. 9/11 made life worse for Muslims in Scotland, but not as much as elsewhere. Thus, 9/11 and the ‘war on terror’ bound Muslims more closely to Scotland. Although both minorities criticized the governing performance of the new Scottish Parliament, both felt that its street-level impact has been more positive than negative. English immigrants feel that devolution has defused tensions, and Muslims self-consciously distinguish between the positive impact of devolution and the concurrent, negative impact of 9/11. Against the odds, multiculturalism and sub-state nationalism have not merely coexisted, but actually interacted positively within post-devolution Scotland.Less

After Devolution: Parliament and People

Asifa HussainWilliam Miller

Published in print: 2006-07-20

‘Multicultural nationalism’ comes very close to being an oxymoron: devolution increased national self-consciousness and 9/11 added to the problems of multiculturalism everywhere, including Scotland. But in practice, potential problems proved to be solutions. Since England has a key role in defining Scottish identity, Scottish nationalism stimulates Anglophobia but not Islamophobia, and Muslims can use Scottish nationalism as a tool of integration. 9/11 made life worse for Muslims in Scotland, but not as much as elsewhere. Thus, 9/11 and the ‘war on terror’ bound Muslims more closely to Scotland. Although both minorities criticized the governing performance of the new Scottish Parliament, both felt that its street-level impact has been more positive than negative. English immigrants feel that devolution has defused tensions, and Muslims self-consciously distinguish between the positive impact of devolution and the concurrent, negative impact of 9/11. Against the odds, multiculturalism and sub-state nationalism have not merely coexisted, but actually interacted positively within post-devolution Scotland.

This book presents a vision of childhood victimization, one that unifies the conventional subdivisions like child molestation, child abuse, street crime, bullying, and exposure to community violence. ...
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This book presents a vision of childhood victimization, one that unifies the conventional subdivisions like child molestation, child abuse, street crime, bullying, and exposure to community violence. It shows how children are the most criminally victimized segment of the population, with over one-in-five facing multiple, serious “poly-victimizations” during a single year. Developmental Victimology, the book’s term for this new integrative perspective, looks at how victimization changes across the span of childhood and offers insights about how to categorize juvenile victimizations and how to think about risk and impact developmentally. It presents new data about unexpected declines in childhood victimization during the 1990s and early 2000s and suggest some of the reasons for this drop. The book also provides a new model of society’s response to child victimization — the Juvenile Victim Justice System — and a fresh way of thinking about barriers that victims and their families encounter when seeking help.Less

Childhood Victimization : Violence, Crime, and Abuse in the Lives of Young People

David Finkelhor

Published in print: 2008-04-10

This book presents a vision of childhood victimization, one that unifies the conventional subdivisions like child molestation, child abuse, street crime, bullying, and exposure to community violence. It shows how children are the most criminally victimized segment of the population, with over one-in-five facing multiple, serious “poly-victimizations” during a single year. Developmental Victimology, the book’s term for this new integrative perspective, looks at how victimization changes across the span of childhood and offers insights about how to categorize juvenile victimizations and how to think about risk and impact developmentally. It presents new data about unexpected declines in childhood victimization during the 1990s and early 2000s and suggest some of the reasons for this drop. The book also provides a new model of society’s response to child victimization — the Juvenile Victim Justice System — and a fresh way of thinking about barriers that victims and their families encounter when seeking help.

Why is talk about television forbidden at certain schools? Why does a mother feel guilty about watching Star Trek in front of her four-year-old child? Why would retired men turn to daytime soap ...
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Why is talk about television forbidden at certain schools? Why does a mother feel guilty about watching Star Trek in front of her four-year-old child? Why would retired men turn to daytime soap operas for entertainment? Clichés about television mask the complexity of our relationship to media technologies. Through case studies, this book explains what audience research tells us about the uses of technologies in the domestic sphere and the classroom, the relationship between gender and genre, and the varied interpretation of media technologies and media forms. This book reviews the most important research on television audiences and recommends the use of ethnographic, longitudinal methods for the study of media consumption and computer use at home as well as in the workplace. The book discusses reactions of audiences to many internationally known television programmes including The Flintstones, The Jetsons, Street Fighter, Mighty Morphin Power Rangers, X-Men, Sesame Street, Dallas, Star Trek, The Cosby Show, Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles, and National Geographic.Less

Television and New Media Audiences

Ellen Seiter

Published in print: 1998-12-17

Why is talk about television forbidden at certain schools? Why does a mother feel guilty about watching Star Trek in front of her four-year-old child? Why would retired men turn to daytime soap operas for entertainment? Clichés about television mask the complexity of our relationship to media technologies. Through case studies, this book explains what audience research tells us about the uses of technologies in the domestic sphere and the classroom, the relationship between gender and genre, and the varied interpretation of media technologies and media forms. This book reviews the most important research on television audiences and recommends the use of ethnographic, longitudinal methods for the study of media consumption and computer use at home as well as in the workplace. The book discusses reactions of audiences to many internationally known television programmes including The Flintstones, The Jetsons, Street Fighter, Mighty Morphin Power Rangers, X-Men, Sesame Street, Dallas, Star Trek, The Cosby Show, Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles, and National Geographic.

Given the remarkable concentration of consumers in ancient Rome, the vast majority of whom were entirely reliant on the market for survival, a functioning retail trade was vital to the survival of ...
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Given the remarkable concentration of consumers in ancient Rome, the vast majority of whom were entirely reliant on the market for survival, a functioning retail trade was vital to the survival of the city in the late Republic and the Principate. Through an analysis of the literary, legal, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence, together with wide-ranging comparative studies of the distributive trades, this book provides a systematic account of the retail network of Rome — an area of commerce that has been largely neglected in previous studies. The diverse means by which goods were sold to consumers in the city are investigated, from shops and workshops to permanent and periodic markets, fairs, auctions, street traders, and ambulant vendors. The critical relationship between retail and broader environmental factors, including the structure and organisation of production, the wholesale trade, transport systems, social structure, cultural conventions, income levels, and patterns of consumption are all considered, placing the retail trade within the wider context of the urban economy. In exploring the retail trade of Rome in its totality, the book sheds new light on the experience of living in the ancient city.Less

Shopping in Ancient Rome : The Retail Trade in the Late Republic and the Principate

Claire Holleran

Published in print: 2012-04-26

Given the remarkable concentration of consumers in ancient Rome, the vast majority of whom were entirely reliant on the market for survival, a functioning retail trade was vital to the survival of the city in the late Republic and the Principate. Through an analysis of the literary, legal, epigraphic, and archaeological evidence, together with wide-ranging comparative studies of the distributive trades, this book provides a systematic account of the retail network of Rome — an area of commerce that has been largely neglected in previous studies. The diverse means by which goods were sold to consumers in the city are investigated, from shops and workshops to permanent and periodic markets, fairs, auctions, street traders, and ambulant vendors. The critical relationship between retail and broader environmental factors, including the structure and organisation of production, the wholesale trade, transport systems, social structure, cultural conventions, income levels, and patterns of consumption are all considered, placing the retail trade within the wider context of the urban economy. In exploring the retail trade of Rome in its totality, the book sheds new light on the experience of living in the ancient city.

Street children—abandoned or runaway children living on their own—can be found in cities all over the world, and their numbers are growing despite numerous international programs aimed at helping ...
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Street children—abandoned or runaway children living on their own—can be found in cities all over the world, and their numbers are growing despite numerous international programs aimed at helping them. All too frequently, these children are viewed solely as victims or deviants to be rescued and rehabilitated. This book draws on eight years of fieldwork with street children in Cairo to portray them in a much different—and empowering—light. The book argues that, far from being mere victims or deviants, these children, in running away from alienating home lives and finding relative freedom in the street, are capable of actively defining their situations in their own terms. They are able to challenge the roles assigned to children, make judgments, and develop a network of niches and resources in a teeming metropolis such as Cairo. It is suggested that social workers and others need to respect the agency the children display in changing their own lives. In addition to collective advocacy with and on behalf of street children, social workers should empower them by encouraging their voluntary participation in non-formal educational activities.Less

Beyond The Victim : The Politics and Ethics of Empowering Cairo's Street Children

Kamal Fahmi

Published in print: 2007-04-01

Street children—abandoned or runaway children living on their own—can be found in cities all over the world, and their numbers are growing despite numerous international programs aimed at helping them. All too frequently, these children are viewed solely as victims or deviants to be rescued and rehabilitated. This book draws on eight years of fieldwork with street children in Cairo to portray them in a much different—and empowering—light. The book argues that, far from being mere victims or deviants, these children, in running away from alienating home lives and finding relative freedom in the street, are capable of actively defining their situations in their own terms. They are able to challenge the roles assigned to children, make judgments, and develop a network of niches and resources in a teeming metropolis such as Cairo. It is suggested that social workers and others need to respect the agency the children display in changing their own lives. In addition to collective advocacy with and on behalf of street children, social workers should empower them by encouraging their voluntary participation in non-formal educational activities.

For decades, excessive and costly regulations have provided strong incentives for people to work outside Peru’s formal economy. In the case of street vending, repeated efforts to govern street ...
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For decades, excessive and costly regulations have provided strong incentives for people to work outside Peru’s formal economy. In the case of street vending, repeated efforts to govern street traders’ use of public space have produced a body of policy that is incoherent and ultimately unenforceable. This paper identifies two sources of such policy incoherence: (1) a lack of definitional clarity in national and metropolitan level policy; and (2) contradictory legal provisions concerning municipalities’ right to charge fees for street traders’ use of public space. It is shown how municipal policy oscillates dramatically over time as local governments experiment with different ways to implement the contradictory policies created by national and metropolitan laws. The constant improvisation at the municipal level precludes stable and effective governance of street trade.Less

Sally Roever

Published in print: 2006-09-01

For decades, excessive and costly regulations have provided strong incentives for people to work outside Peru’s formal economy. In the case of street vending, repeated efforts to govern street traders’ use of public space have produced a body of policy that is incoherent and ultimately unenforceable. This paper identifies two sources of such policy incoherence: (1) a lack of definitional clarity in national and metropolitan level policy; and (2) contradictory legal provisions concerning municipalities’ right to charge fees for street traders’ use of public space. It is shown how municipal policy oscillates dramatically over time as local governments experiment with different ways to implement the contradictory policies created by national and metropolitan laws. The constant improvisation at the municipal level precludes stable and effective governance of street trade.

Those people in uniforms who ring bells and raise money for the poor during the holiday season belong to a religious movement that in 1865 combined early feminism, street preaching, holiness ...
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Those people in uniforms who ring bells and raise money for the poor during the holiday season belong to a religious movement that in 1865 combined early feminism, street preaching, holiness theology, and intentionally outrageous singing into what soon became the Salvation Army. This book emphasizes how thoroughly the Army entered into nineteenth-century urban life. It follows the movement from its Methodist roots and East London origins through its struggles with the established denominations of England, problems with the law and the media, and public manifestations that included street brawls with working-class toughs. The Salvation Army was a neighborhood religion, with a “battle plan” especially suited to urban working-class geography and cultural life. The ability to use popular leisure activities as inspiration was a major factor in the Army's success, since pubs, music halls, sports, and betting were regarded as its principal rivals. Salvationist women claimed the “right to preach” and enjoyed spiritual authority and public visibility more extensively than in virtually any other religious or secular organization. Opposition to the new movement was equally energetic and took many forms, but even as contemporary music hall performers ridiculed the “Hallelujah Lasses,” the Salvation Army was spreading across Great Britain and the Continent, and on to North America. The Army offered a distinctive response to the dilemmas facing Victorian Christians, in particular the relationship between what Salvationists believed and the work they did. The book fills in the social, cultural, and religious contexts that make that relationship come to life.Less

Pulling the Devil's Kingdom Down : The Salvation Army in Victorian Britain

Pamela Walker

Published in print: 2001-02-04

Those people in uniforms who ring bells and raise money for the poor during the holiday season belong to a religious movement that in 1865 combined early feminism, street preaching, holiness theology, and intentionally outrageous singing into what soon became the Salvation Army. This book emphasizes how thoroughly the Army entered into nineteenth-century urban life. It follows the movement from its Methodist roots and East London origins through its struggles with the established denominations of England, problems with the law and the media, and public manifestations that included street brawls with working-class toughs. The Salvation Army was a neighborhood religion, with a “battle plan” especially suited to urban working-class geography and cultural life. The ability to use popular leisure activities as inspiration was a major factor in the Army's success, since pubs, music halls, sports, and betting were regarded as its principal rivals. Salvationist women claimed the “right to preach” and enjoyed spiritual authority and public visibility more extensively than in virtually any other religious or secular organization. Opposition to the new movement was equally energetic and took many forms, but even as contemporary music hall performers ridiculed the “Hallelujah Lasses,” the Salvation Army was spreading across Great Britain and the Continent, and on to North America. The Army offered a distinctive response to the dilemmas facing Victorian Christians, in particular the relationship between what Salvationists believed and the work they did. The book fills in the social, cultural, and religious contexts that make that relationship come to life.

The period 1678–1730 was a decisive one in Western political history and in the history of the British press. Changing conditions for political expression and an expanding book trade enabled ...
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The period 1678–1730 was a decisive one in Western political history and in the history of the British press. Changing conditions for political expression and an expanding book trade enabled unprecedented opportunities for political activity. This book argues that women already at work in the London book trade were among the first to seize those new opportunities for public political expression. Synthesizing areas of scholarly inquiry previously regarded as separate, and offering a new model for the study of the literary marketplace, it examines not only women writers, but also women printers, booksellers, ballad-singers, hawkers, and other producers and distributors of printed texts. Part I examines the political activity of women workers in the London book trdes, Part II focuses on the largest category of women's writing in this period (religious and religio-political works), and Part III examines in depth one woman's strategies as a political writer (Delarivier Manley). Original in its sources and in the claims it makes for the nature, extent, and complexities of women's participation in print culture and public politics, this book provides new information about middling and lower-class women's political and literary lives, and shows that these women were not merely the passive distributors of other people's political ideas. The book's central argument is that women of the widest possible variety of socioeconomic backgrounds and religiopolitical allegiances played so prominent a role in the production and transmission of political ideas through print as to belie claims that women had no place in public life.Less

The Women of Grub Street : Press, Politics, and Gender in the London Literary Marketplace 1678-1730

Paula McDowell

Published in print: 1998-06-11

The period 1678–1730 was a decisive one in Western political history and in the history of the British press. Changing conditions for political expression and an expanding book trade enabled unprecedented opportunities for political activity. This book argues that women already at work in the London book trade were among the first to seize those new opportunities for public political expression. Synthesizing areas of scholarly inquiry previously regarded as separate, and offering a new model for the study of the literary marketplace, it examines not only women writers, but also women printers, booksellers, ballad-singers, hawkers, and other producers and distributors of printed texts. Part I examines the political activity of women workers in the London book trdes, Part II focuses on the largest category of women's writing in this period (religious and religio-political works), and Part III examines in depth one woman's strategies as a political writer (Delarivier Manley). Original in its sources and in the claims it makes for the nature, extent, and complexities of women's participation in print culture and public politics, this book provides new information about middling and lower-class women's political and literary lives, and shows that these women were not merely the passive distributors of other people's political ideas. The book's central argument is that women of the widest possible variety of socioeconomic backgrounds and religiopolitical allegiances played so prominent a role in the production and transmission of political ideas through print as to belie claims that women had no place in public life.