The "Middle East and Terrorism" Blog was created in order to supply information about the implication of Arab countries and Iran in terrorism all over the world. Most of the articles in the blog are the result of objective scientific research or articles written by senior journalists.

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Sunday, April 3, 2016

Palestinians: Presidents for Life, No Elections - Khaled Abu Toameh

by Khaled Abu Toameh

We hear often that Mahmoud
Abbas is keen on having Palestinians vote in a democratic election. Yet
Abbas turned 81 last week and appears ready to remain at the helm until
his last day -- free elections for Palestinians be damned. That makes
sense: Hamas could easily best Abbas in such an election.

Hamas and Abbas's Fatah are still far from achieving any form of
reconciliation. This, despite all the talk about "progress" that has
been reportedly achieved in talks between the two parties taking place
in Doha, Qatar.

Hamas is also cracking down on journalists, academics, unionists and even lawyers in the Gaza Strip.

Yet Abbas's West Bank rivals Hamas in Gaza, in terms of a lack of
human rights and freedom of speech. The idea of free and democratic
elections there is a joke. Abbas will leave a legacy of chaos.

Best birthday wishes to Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud
Abbas, who turned 81 last week. The octogenarian appears ready to remain
at the helm until his last day -- free elections for Palestinians be
damned.

Abbas has inherited a tradition of tyranny. His predecessor, Yasser
Arafat, was also president for life. Both have plenty of company,
joining a long list of African presidents who earned the notorious title
of "President for Life" - in Uganda, Equatorial Guinea, Angola,
Zimbabwe, Sudan, Chad, Eritrea and Gambia. And let us not forget the
Arab dictators in these ranks.

One might hope for at least a deputy -- someone to fill the impending and inevitable power vacuum in the PA. Not likely.

Abbas has fiercely resisted demands from leaders of his ruling Fatah
faction to name a deputy president or a successor. His reasoning: the
time is not "appropriate" for such a move. Palestinians should instead
concentrate their energies on rallying international support for a
Palestinian state.

The PA president acquired his "private fiefdom," as it is called by
his detractors, in a January 2005 election, when Abbas was given a
four-year mandate.

Such mandate seems to have been rewritten by the standing president.
January 2016 marked the beginning of the eleventh year of Abbas's
four-year term in office. But it is business as usual in Ramallah.

We hear on a monthly basis that Abbas is keen on having Palestinians
cast their ballots in a free and democratic vote. Yet we have seen no
evidence to this effect. That make sense: Hamas could easily best Abbas
in such an election. Despite his advancing age, Abbas still has clear
memories of January 2006, when Hamas was permitted to run in the
parliamentary election and won.

Abbas is also acutely aware that Hamas, which holds hostage nearly
two million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, would never allow a free
vote there -- especially for Abbas loyalists who have been seeking to
undermine its rule.

Just a few days ago, a Hamas "military" court in the Gaza Strip sentenced
two senior Palestinian Authority security officers, Sami Nisman and
Naim Abu Ful, to 15 and 12 years in prison respectively, on charges of
spying for the Palestinian Authority and plotting terror attacks against
Hamas targets.

The verdicts are yet another sign that Hamas and Abbas's Fatah are
still far from achieving any form of reconciliation. This, despite all
the talk about "progress" that has been reportedly achieved in talks
between the two parties. Unconfirmed reports
earlier this week leaked details of sticking points between Hamas and
Fatah negotiators, have been meeting in Doha, Qatar, under the auspices
of the Gulf state, towards forming a new unity government and holding
new presidential and parliamentary elections. Qatar is the largest
source of funds for the Muslim Brotherhood and its offshoot, Hamas.

Abbas's fear of holding elections in the Gaza Strip is not without
justification. In addition to the crackdown on his loyalists and
security officers there, Hamas is also cracking down on journalists,
academics, unionists and even lawyers.

Last week, Hamas security forces raided the offices of the
Palestinian Bar Association in Gaza City and confiscated computers. The
raid came as a result of the controversy surrounding the Bar Association
not submitting lawyers' financial and administrative records, in
addition to complaints filed by some lawyers against the Bar
Association, according
to a statement released by the Palestinian Center for Human Rights
(PCHR). The raid, some Palestinians claim, is in the context of Hamas's
effort to crack down on lawyers who are affiliated with the rival Fatah
faction.

Yet Abbas's West Bank rivals Hamas in Gaza, in terms of a lack of
human rights and freedom of speech. The president's security forces are
in the midst of a massive and ongoing crackdown on political opponents
of all stripes, making the idea of free and democratic elections there a
joke. Abbas cannot tolerate the idea of having a deputy: how would he
consider the establishment of a new party or the emergence of a
potential candidate for the presidency.

Senior figures who have dared to challenge Abbas's autocratic rule
have already found themselves targeted by the president and his men. Ask
former Prime Minister Salam Fayyad, who had his organization's bank
accounts seized by Abbas, or Mohamed Dahlan,
the former Fatah commander and minister who was forced to flee the
Palestinian territories after falling out with Abbas and his sons.
Perhaps deposed PLO Secretary-General Yasser Abed Rabbo, who overnight
was stripped of his powers and thrown to the dogs for speaking out
against the president, would have a word to say. In Ramallah, they call
them the "Abbas victims."

Palestinian
Authority President Mahmoud Abbas (left), who turned 81 last week, has
fiercely resisted demands from leaders of his ruling Fatah faction to
name a deputy president or a successor. Senior figures who have dared to
challenge Abbas's autocratic rule have been targeted by the president
-- such as Mohamed Dahlan (right), the former Fatah commander and
minister who was forced to flee the Palestinian territories after
falling out with Abbas and his sons. (Image sources: U.S. State Dept.,
M. Dahlan Office)

We would need a crystal ball to know what will happen the day after
Abbas disappears from the scene. Perhaps, say some, we shall witness a
scene reminiscent of the old days of the Soviet Union "Politburo," with
the next president chosen by a group of Fatah and PLO leaders who will
meet in Ramallah. This seems the most likely scenario, in the absence of
any chance of free and democratic elections, and in light of the
continued split between the two Palestinian entities in the West Bank
and Gaza Strip.

We do not need a crystal ball, however, to know that Abbas will leave
a legacy of chaos. His adamant refusal to name a deputy or even discuss
the issue of succession in public has already created tensions among
the top brass of the PLO and Fatah. The Palestinian public, for its
part, has precious little confidence in its leaders.

The behind-the-scenes power struggle that has been quietly raging in
Ramallah for the past few months is likely to lead to a state of
paralysis in the Palestinian arena and leave the Palestinians without an
acceptable leader. Or, as senior Fatah official Tawfik Tirawi put it, Abbas will be the last president for the Palestinians.

Palestinians are plagued with leaders who desire one thing: personal
power. The Palestinians are marching away from achieving a state, partly
because they seem incapable of the fundamental political principle of
free and democratic elections. The day after does not look promising.

Khaled Abu Toameh, an award-winning journalist, is based in Jerusalem.Source: http://www.gatestoneinstitute.org/7727/abbas-president-for-life Copyright - Original materials copyright (c) by the authors.