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The Truth About the
Workers in Kingman
By F. A.I MDARTI\N.
Editor's Note--Enclosed with the
following contribution was a note
from Mr. Martin, the author, which
stated that he had submitted the copy
to the newspapers of Kingman, Ariz.,
for the purpose of having it printed
in hand-bill form at his own personal
expense, but that all the shops in
formed himn that "because of the rush
of business," etc., they were unable
to accept the job. In a foreword
he states that his intention in having
the article printed for general dis
tribution was in order to "correct a
wrong impression many citizens of
Mohave county, Ariz., held as to the
patriotism of the members of the
local I. W. W.:
The lying tongue of the lickspittle
prostitutes of monopoly-the press,
local and general-has charged us
with being a gang of alien property
destroyers, unclean, uncouth, unde
sirable, savage and hideous; in fact,
every name of evil sound that these
hairbrained hirelings could think of
has been hurled without thought or
investigation. A great many good
Americans have been deceived.
We found it hard to repress a de
sire to use over-strong language in
replying to these attacks, and to
pursue lines of gentlemanly conduct.
Our enemies have not been hindered
thus and the following may seem a
rather flat presentation of facts as
the writer sees them, when compared
with some of the compendiums of
unfounded abuse found in the daily
press.
Now about that little matter of
citizenship: The majority of the ac
tive members in the local organiza
tion were old-timers in the county
when some of the undesirables who
wear a white collar and have soft
hands, who have attacked us, came
into our midst. Our records of cit
izenship will not suffer by compar
ison with that of any other citizen
of the county. More than 50 per
cent of the members are married
and the majority of the unmarried
have dependants. And they are de
pendable workmen, the solid citizens
of a mining community.
But an individual has been sorted
out from among us and the abuse
which has long been handed to him
is now distorted and stretched to
cover the whole of us. This man did
not believe it right that American
soldiers should leave American soil
to fight. There were hundreds of
thousands of loyal men and women
who shared this man's convictions
but who did not have his courage.
He spoke his thoughts, and for this
crime (?) he was sentenced to pris
on. Is there any other charge that
can be made? Not one, or his ene
mies would have done so long ago.
The man is straight and square, fear
less and moral. There is not one
among his accusers who would fight
so readily to protect virtue and in
nocence as he.. And he is ever ready
to extend a .helping hand in time of
need. His iheart is much larger than
his bank,-oll.
The donduct of the members of
this prganization has been so gentle
manly throughout that our enemies
were left with no other means of at
tack than through this member hav
ing been in prison, and this attack
was so dirty and cowardly, and un
principled that it makes me blush
with shame to think that citizens of
a community in which I have long
resided should stoop to such a con
temptible methods.
The war has been won and Ger
many is eating humble pie, but ene
mies still hurl that pro-German
charge. Does it apply? Most cer
tainly not. The writer of this appeal
to your sense of fairness was the
one who made the motion to levy a
special assessment on each member
of the union in Oatman of which he
was and still is a member, for pur
chasing a Liberty bond, when, it was
found that the funds of the union
were too low to be used for that
purpose. It was seconded by another
r'- - .. . .
Union Stock Holders in thei
SBUTTE DAILY BULLE TIA
UNITED MINE WORKERS OF AMERICA-Locals: Sand Coulee,
Stocket, Roundup, Lehigh, Klein, Washoe, Red Lodge, Smith
(Bear Creek).
FEDERAL LABOR UNION-Livingston, Great Falls.
MACHINISTS' UNION-Great Falls, Butte, Livingston, Seattle.
CEREAL WORKERS--Great Falls.
TYPOGRAPHICAL UNION-Butte.
BLACKSMITHS' UNION-Butte, Miles City, Seattle.
ELECTRICIANS' UNION-Livingston, Deer Lodge, Butte, Anaconda,
Seattle.
BAKERS UNION-Great Falls.
SHOE WORKERS-Great Falls.
PLASTERERS' UNION-Great Falls.
RAILWAY CAR REPAIRERS-Livingston, Miles City.
MUSICIANS' UNION-Butte.
BREWERY WORKERS' UNION-Butte.
HOD CARRIERS' UNION-Butte, Bozeman, Helena, Seattle.
STREET CAR MEN'S UNION-Butte, Portland.
BARBERS' UNION-Butte.
METAL MINE WORKERS' UNION OF AMERICA.
PRINTING PRESSMEN'S UNION-Butte.
MAILERS' UNION-Butte.
STEREOTYPERS AND ELECTROTYPERS' UNION-Butte.
BRIDGE AND STRUCTURAL IRON WORKERS-Butte.
PIPEFITTERS' UNION-Butte.
BROTHERHOOD BOILERMAKERS AND HELPERS-Butte, and
Livingston.
STEAM AND OPERATING ENGINEERS-Great Falls.
BAKERS' UNION-Butte.
INTERNATIONAL MOLDERS' UNION, LOCAL NO. 276--Butte.
LAUNDRY WORKERS' UNION-Butte, Seattle.
PLUMBERS' UNION-Butte, Seattle.
BROTHERHOOD RAILWAY CAR MEN OF AMERICA, LOCAL NO.
224-Miles City.
TRADES ANl LABOR COUNCIL-Miles City.
BROTHERHOOD RAILWAY CAR MEN OF AMERICA, COPPER
LODGE NO. 430-Butte.
BUTTE FOUNDRY WORKERS UNION-Butte.
PAINTERS' UNION--Butte, Seattle.
CARPENTERS' UNION NO. 1335-Seattle.
TAILORS' PROTECTIVE ASSOCIATION-Butte, Portland.
BOILERMAKERS, SHIPBUILDERS AND HELPERS OF AMERICA
-Tocamo, Seattle, Livingston.
INTERNATIONAL BROTHERHOOD OF BLACKSMITHS AND HELP
ERS, LOCAL NO. 211-Seattle.
WORKERS', SOLDIERS' AND SAILORS' COUNCIL-Painters' Hall,
Seattle.
BUILDING LABORERS' UNION-Seattle.
INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF BRIDGE AND STRUCTURAL
IRON WORKERS AND PILEDRIVERS' LOCAL NO. 86-Seattle.
INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MACHINIST HELPERS-Butte. |
AND THOUSANDS OF INDIVIDUALS IN BUTTE AND MONTANA.
member who is now an active "wob
blie." and was voted through by
others.
At another time it was decided
that the strength of the union should
be used to secure subscriptions to
a certain Liberty loan. Men who are
now carrying the red card volun
teered their services and were ap
pointed to act as committeemen for
this purpose. But we did not succeed.
We were prevented from acting by
a certain mental, moral and physical
inadequate, a shifty-eyed, boot-lick
ing runt, who happened to hold an
official position at one of the larger
mines, and who was recognized as
the head of the Liberty loan drive.
Not wishing to cause friction that
might hinder the campaign, we quiet
ly dropped the matter and mention
has not been made of it since.
The demands presented to the com
pany were not unreasonable. A man
cannot live in Oatman on less than
$6 a day. We have stated publicly
that the other points are open for
arbitration. But we were ignored.
The second time we were locked out,
a mass meeting was called and not
one vote was cast against the strike.
This mass meeting was attended by
men who had no card at all, as well
as by men of the Federation and the
t. W. W. They had only to learn of
the treatment accorded the commit
tee of miners to bring them to their
feet in in a vote to strike.
Concerning the six-hour day. a
point which we admit is open to arbi
tration, we have this to say: No one
acquainted with the facts will deny
that a miner can break many times
amount of ore today that he could
by the same effort when eight hours
became the standard working day i
under ground, because of improve
ments in machinery, powder, sys
tems, etc. The same applies to every t
part of the mining industry. Is cor
porate greed alone to profit from
the inventor's genius? Surely the
advantage should be shared by the
workman.
Men who were drawing more than 1
the $6 minimum demanded came out
on strike because of the principle
involved. They stood to lose either
way. But if you scan the pages of
history you will find that they blaze
with names and deeds of men who
have fought and suffered for a prin
ciple. The immortal are those who i
faced scorn and abuse, violence and
death, but retained their courage 1
and voiced their convictions. Per- t
sonally I aspire not to heights of
fame and glory. The fires of am
bition and aspirations of youth have
been dimmned by the sober thinking
of mature manhood. I have learned
that insurmountable obstacles sur- 1
round one of my meager ability, and i
I am content to remain upon the job.
But I shall always insist that that
job provides me with a home, and
that home with some of the comforts i
and luxuries of civilization. I shall t
always insist that the conditions on
that job be such that I can return 1
to my home with a store of energy l
sufficient to enable me to read from 1
the printed page and assimilate the
ideas presented there; that I can at
tend the theater and find pleasure
in the cultivation of my intellect,
and not be compelled to keep up a
constant battle of the will to prevent
my body from slumping down and
going to sleep like an animal; that
the companionship of family and
friends will be mutually beneficial;
that I can find pleasure in tossing
my babe in the air and in tumbling
about with him in play.
Of course, I know that it is con
sidered by some to be unreasonable
and unfair to ask for such things-
it is altogether un-American and pro
German to do so, and no one would
but one of 'them gol durn wobblies."
F. A. MARTIN,
Aug. 15, 1919. Kingman, Ariz.
-1I115K IN I\TIL.'.IS-KAtI--
Eamonn DeValera's Address to
the Workers, Labor Day, 1919
Eamonn De Valera, president of
the Irish republic, in America seek
ing recognition by the United States
government of the right of the Irish
people to govern themnse'ves, was the
guest of the Central Feidrated Un
ions of New York City at the great
Labor day celebration on Sept. 1.
In his address Mr. I)e Valera called
upon labor to save the world from
another century of imperialist ag
gression ending in a repetition of the
war just concluded, and declared that
,ne of the prerequisities of a lasting
and just peace is the recognition of
the right of self-determination for
Ireland. The case of Ireland, he
said, is the test case before the world
today. By Ireland's fate, the world
nay judge whether or not autocracy
has been dethroned and democracy
made safe. he asserted; and added
that it is the duty of the workers of
the world to themselves to see that
Ireland be free to live as a republic.
Following is the speech in full:
Ir. Chairman: Citizens of New
York:
This is the fourth time that I have
)een favored with the opportunity of
addressing American labor and to
lay, on your festival, in the absence
f any more direct representativ:
rcon your brothers and sisters in
:reland, I offer you on their behalf
Lssurances of the cordial regard
,hich I know they entertain for you
n their hearts and pledges of their
instinted support in the fight which
rou and they, in common with the
lain peoples of every nation of the
,orld, have to wage to secure the
acial and 'economic justice which is
'our right.
It is obvious to every one that if
he privileged classes--the interna
ional financiers and their confreres
-can only succeed in keeping the
lasses of one nation at the throats of
,e masses of another, they will re
sin indefinitely the mastery they
low possess, and that if the plain
)eople of the world are ever to free
lemselves from their present eco
iomic subjection, it can only be by
se closest co-operation between the
,orking classes of the different na
ions.
Hence international expressions of
tood will, such as that which I give
rou on behalf of the working people
1 Ireland, ought not to be regarded
is mere polite, surface-deep formali
*ies, but as something of serious im
lort, pledges which honor no less
ban interest demands our living up
.o.
I am not, as you know, a direct
'epresentative of Irish labor, but as
h'e representative of the whole Irish
tation I am entitled to speak for
11l sections in the nation, and for la
)or in particular, inasmuch as, with
he exception of certain of the work
mrs of Belfast whose affiliations are
3ritish, organized labor in Ireland
ubordinated at the recent elections
ts own special interests to the in
erest of the nation, and enthusiastic
lly supported the Sinn Fein or re
nublican candidates, who are, there
're, labor's sole parliamentary rep
esentatives.
American workers do not, I think.
ealize how close at all points is the i
)ond between the republican party
it present in political power in Ire
and and the laboring classes in Ire
and. Irish labor desires to see class
lictatorship ended. Irish labor rec
)gnizes that the economic emancipa- '
ion which it has in view would be s`
Imost certain of achievement under
democratic Irish republic, governed ci
bv the people's own representatives,
whilst under the present foreign sat
rapy it is more than problematicalt
when every effort of theirs to will
their rights is sure to be opposed by
the military forces of the British
crown that are always at the disposal
,f the exploiting capitalist.
In the labor world the Irish patri
)t, James Connolly, whom many of
you knew personally, was known as
socialist. There was nothing in
consistent with his economic ideas in
his life and his fight and death as
sn Irish republican-an Irish nation
slist. His position is very much our
position. Connolly's story is broadly I
the story of Irish labor throughout
history. The leisured classes were
sometimes seduced from their nation
i allegiance by a seat at the con
queror's table, but Irish labor ever
stood true to its traditions and to
its convictions. It suffered most and
was most faithful. When Irish pa
triots despaired of winning to their 1
side-the side of sacrifice-the peo
,le of property, they could always
count on that very respectable class. 1
the people of no property who had no
sacrifice to make but the supreme
sacrifice of their lives. In them Tone
and Mitchell, Davis and Meagher
placed all their hopes.
In '66 Meagher answered those 4
who objected to Irish independence
on the ground that certain sections
of the Irish people had been educated
into imperialism by the question:
"Shall a naton postpone her liberty
in deference to an erudite slavery? Is
the liberty of a nation an usurpation
unless the menials of political life,
the painted butterflies of fashion,
varlets, harlequins and vassals con
cur in the claim?" * * * "Give me
the democracy of Ireland," he said,
'should they claim the liberty of
Ireland. I shall not wait on any lord
or pedant, nor any lord's or pedant's
flunkey to ratify the claim."
Today we might give the same ob
jection-the same answer. The
claim for liberty which we urge has
been ratified by the Irish democracy.
A vote of from three-fourths to four
fifths of the people should surely be
enough-or must we wait too for
even the vassals and the flunkeys.
The Irish worker, ever true to liish
national ideals, has declared himself
unmistakably, and finds no clash be
tween his interests as an Irishman
and his class interest as a worker.
In Ireland feudalism and the pres
ent enslavement of the masses by
which it has been succeeded is an im
ported, not a natural produce in Ire
land. Much of what the modern so
cialist is groping after was already
a fact in the social system of ancient
Ireland. The ancient Irish clansman
was a co-proprietor in the land of
the clan. His chief, an elected lead
er, was a guide and a father--not a
master. The establishment of social
justice, which the working people w
throughout the world are striving for It
would be nothing in Ireland but P w
re-establishment. In Ireland, except is
for the modifications to suit modern ve
conditions, it would mean simply re- in
verting to the native social system :h
which the militarist Norman de- Pi
stroyed, but which has lived steadily h
in the imagination and in the hearts
of the people. fr
The social and economic ideals of lt
those who proclaimed the Irish re- of
public in 1916, and of those who rati- to
fied it in the national parliament last fo
January, are very old ideals indeed ;c
with the Irish people. The pledges l1
they gave of civil and religious equal
ity, of a polity based upon the peo- pl
ple's will, with equal right and equal si
opportunity for every citizen, were *e
but external evidence of the toler- of
ance and sense of justice always dear wi
to the masses of the Irish people. To fr
those who knew Ireland, and Irish fr
history, there was nothing strange in ta
the adoption at the same time of the as
Declaration of Indl(epende!nce of the toe
democratic program which reaffirm
ed the economic ideals of the foun- de
ders of the republic, declaring the i
right of the people to the ownership cu
of Ireland to be indefeasible, and ex- de
tending the nation's sovereignty, not as
only to the meln and women of the hi
nation, but to all its material posses- so
sions, the nation's soil and its re- at
sources, and wealth-p1iroducing pro- ii
cesses, subordinating the right to pri- na
vate property to the public right and pl
welfare, promising to every citizen nc
in return for service to the nation a fu
right to an adequate share of the at
produce ,of the nation's labor, mak- as
ing it the first duty of the republic de
to provide for the physical and spirit- to
ual well-being of the children--to see pc
to it that no child should suffer from w;
lack of food, clothing or shelter, but s',
that all should be provided with the w,
means and facilities proper to their in
well-being as citizens, to care for the ju
aged and infirm, regarding them as of
a sacred charge on the nation's grat- cc
itude and consideration--not as a th
burden, as the degrading poor-law nc
system devised by England regards cc
them; to co-operate with other coun- A
tries in determining a standard of
social and industrial legislation with
view to general and lasting improve- vi
mnent in the conditions under which
the working classes live and labor.
Those who know Ireland know
that these facts must speedily follow t
with power in the hands of the Irish
people themselves, but that if de
pendence has to be placed upon the
stranger, who is interested in the
Irish people only to exploit them, it g
is only by laborous degrees, if at all,
they can be accomplished. Irish la
bor is making no mistake in support- f
ing the movement for Irish independ
ence, in supporting the republic, and
you, their broth, s and sisters, the s
workers of America, can have the
satisfaction of knowing that when
you are assisting us in our political
demand, you are assisting, too, in
your class struggle for economic
freedom.
On coming here I expected to find
a better appreciation of Ireland's '
cause and the principles involved in
it among the working classes than s
among any other clas§es in this com
munity. The analogy between the
methods against which you have to W
contend as a class is bound to open e1
your eyes and enable you to see the gi
same methods in operation against tl
Ireland. The methods of the as- I
cendancy class whether in politics or 0
economics are wonderfully alike. The
same methods for breaking up the s
solidarity and the co-operation of
those whom it is desired to maintain. t
in subjection, the same arousing of tl
suspicions and jealousies, the samne
cajolery on the one hand or brutal
ity on the other. The same breaking "
of strong spirits through affections, n
the same use of starvation and duress t
to make men appear to accept that I
which they would never voluntarily t
choose--the same propaganda of "
misrepresentation of aims, the same
raising of irrevelant issues, the same P
lying half-truths and audacious false- t1
hoods, the same catch-cries taken up ti
and echoed from mouth to mouth t
by the unthinking multitude. b
Labor experiences these things in o
its own struggle. It should have no C
difficulty in seeing through them P
when England uses them against f
Ireland. VWhoever else is deceived, t
Labor ought not to be, and no one to
who is not deceived as regards Ire
land can fail to give Ireland the sup
port I am here to ask for her. P
Labor not only understands Ire
land, but labor has a special interest 1
inl Ireland at this moment. The t
treatment of Ireland is a test by s
which they can discover whether they
.- ..;I;;---~c==-=T- V
HERE THEY AREi
The following unions so far
have taken action, donating mon- t
ey, or levying a montldy assess- [i
ment to support the Butte Daily
Bulletin:
Barbers' union, monthly. t
Cooks and Waiters. i
Rubber and Tire Workers, t
monthly. I
Theatrical Stage Employcs,
monthly.
- Typographical union, monthly. i
I Workingmen's union, monthly.
Electrical Workers, 65, month- t
Pipefitters' union.
Bakers' union, monthly. 1
lPlunmbers' union, monthly.
Electricians, No. 623.
IMachinists' Helpers.
Building Laborers and Hod
Carrierls s.
Musicians' union, monthly.
Tailors' union, monthly. i
Sand Coulee Coal Miners,
monthly.
Coal Miners of Lehigh, month
ly Sheet Metal Workers, Great -
Falls, monthly.
Steam and Electrical Railway 1
Engineers, Missoula, monthly. I
Yellowstone Trades and Labor
association, Billings, monthly.
Building aIborers and Hod Car-. I
riers, Butte, monthly. I
vho have borne the main brunt of
he war have been deceived or not
vhether that for which they fought
s to be achieved or not. Labor had
'ery special interests in the war. The
nasses accepted the war because
hey believed in the words which
resident Wilson addressed to you
hi stime a year ago, that:
"Germany was striking at what
ree men everywhere desire and must
ave, the right to determine their
wn fortunes, to resist injustice and
o oblige their governments to act
or them and not for the private and
elfish interests of the governing
lass." They believed that it was
a war to make the nations and peo
les of the world secure against every
uch power as the German autocracy
epresented." That it was "a war
f emancipation," that until it was
von men could not "anywhere live
ree from constant fear or breathe
reely while thpy go about their daily
asks and know that the governments
re their servants and not their mas
ars.
With President Wilsoui. labor un
erstands that "the world cannot be
Wade safe, men's lives cannot be se
ure, no man's rights can be confi- su
ently and successfully asserted Pr
gainst the rule and mastery of ar- se:
itrary groups and special interests ic
o long as autocratic governments se;
re permitted to control the desti- Oil
ies and daily fortunes of men and co:
ations, plotting whilst honest peo
le work, laying fires of which in- rei
ocent men and women are to be the
tel." And because labor under- au
tands all these things now as well an
s during the war, it is interested in to
etermining whether they are about ti
o be achieved or not, whether the nm
eace that is about to be ratified cep
'ill secure them or not. And if I en
vere an American, the Irish question mi
vould interest me not merely because
atrinsically it is a case of general wl
ustice, but because the treatment tel
if it would be a test by which I we
ould judge whether the objects of A
he war were about to be secured or nm
lot, a test on the result of which I wi
ould shape my future conduct as an im
tmerican citizen. ga
By entry into a league of nations,
timerica is going to change her pre- be
ious settled policy of isolation from de
european entanglements. A new era th
or her is about to commence. No
no need be surprised that many are pe
loubtful whether the departure will m
;e for America's good or indeed for gi
le good of the world, whether it re
vill make for America's peace or tw
vorld peace. Whether it is wise to th
ive up the advantages which ex- th
erience has made certain for a fu
uire full of doubt under the most wi
avorable conditions, whether under th
.ny circumstances it is wise to dimin- ip
sh the sovereignty of the American co
cation and make America subservi- ri;
it to any will other than the will o1
If the American people: ta
That you are doubtful certainly
Loes not surprise me, and if you la
vere to enter any league of nations,
would regard it as an act of un- or
elfishness, greater even that your in
intry into the war, an act of un- 1
elfishness which I am certain no of
:uropean nation enjoying your po- of
ition would be capable of, and it at
Mould be the greatest calamity that w,
gver befell mankind if, when this ca
;reat nation was ready to make all st
hese sacrifices, any pains should be w
pared to make them really benefi- lt
:ial to mankind, any precautions a
;hould be omitted which would in- of
iure that they would really be an ad
rantage and not a hindrance, that it
,hey should make for that for whichI h
,hey were intended and not for some- of
hing far different. hi
What can be expected if the un
elfishness of America meets with th
nothing but national selfishness on ac
:he part of other nations? What re
hope can there be of justice if those tu
that are asking America to join them pc
in maintaining it are at the moment p1
if their asking, violating justice? le
What ground is there to hope that it:
they will accept the rule of right who hi
today acknowledge only mlight---that th
these governments which today reign pI
bombs upon defenseless inhabitants
Df India or Egypt and with their ma- w
chine guns and bayonets deprive the w
people of Ireland of every right of ti
free men, have anly less selfish object it
than their own influence and omas- tl
tery? tc
It is important for America to n
know whether England really wants tl
peace, really wants a reign of jus- ai
tice or whether in the proposed cove- al
nant of a league of nations her in- 0]
tentions are the same as when her m
statesmen were mouthing mnoral sen- d,
timents of liberty and the sanctity of gi
agretements at the very moment they t,
were plotting the secret treaties and ai
disposing their military forces w
throughout the world, so that the i
peace might find them iin possession
of mnore added territory than in all u
these vast United States whilst Lloyd p
George called high heaven to witnese) p
that England had no selfish object in o
the war. s
"As the Lord liveth," hlie declared, p
erritory. We are ill this war from n
notives of purest chivalry to defend ti
he weak." ti
There are tests of England's sin- ol
:erity today as there were during the
var. It is America's interest and the
nterest of humanity to apply them.
rhe Irish question is one definite n
est by which the secret purposes in n
3ngland's heart can be detected. F
A'hy should it be believed that Eng
and wants. peace when she will not A
)ay the price by which peace can be
)urchased--justice? A change of
teart on the part of the governing
lasses is the only starting point for
he new order. If the start is not F
nade here, it will lead not to what
s intended, but to something else. S
f America wants to secure that
which is in the mind of the nation,
t must- find guarantees that this
:hange of heart has taken place. She
las a right to demand the necessary
lostages. If she neglects taking
hem she will be neglectful not mere
y of her own interests but of the
wider world intersts which it is her
purpose to serve. If she does not
to it now, in a little while it will be
oo late.
What I have in mind can be best
REMOVE THE BRIBE- TA I
Cut this out, fill in with name and addresi and arld.
attorney General Palmer.
TO ATTORNEY GENERAL PALMER,
DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE,
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Dear Sir: Montana is now and has been since the beginning of.
the world war in the grasp of a group of profiteering Wholesale and
retail dealers in foodstuffs and other necessities, including coal. Prices
have been arbitrarily advanced by the dealers to the stage where the
incomes of the working people are inadequate to permit of the p.ur
chase of sufficient necessities to keep body and soul together, and
promises of further increases are made. Our state officials, whd have
given evidence that they are in league with the food and coal pirates,
have failed to give us relief, and we now look to your office to come
to our assistance.
As your United States district attorney for Montana you have E. C.
Day, a self-confessed bribe-taker and a notorious friend of the nter-'
ests which are now guilty of profiteering. Mr. Day has not only sig
nally failed to take action against the profiteers, but seems to be ex
tending them every protection in his power.
As the result of the continued increases in price and the inactivit?
of our state officials as well as Mr. Day, we demand that you, in the
interests of the people of the state of Montana, and to the end that
the present reign of the plunderbund in this state be ended, immediate±:
ly discharge E. C. Day flrom the office of United States attorney for.
the district of Montana and replace him with some one of integrity who
will follow your orders and the wishes of the people and prosecute the
food hoarders and the profiteers.
(Signed) Nam e................................... ........ .............
Street No..................... ........................................
City................................. MontinaV
ummarized by a few passages from -
'resident Wilson's address to the
,nate on Jan. 22, 1917, when Amer
ca was contemplating war. I have
een nowhere a wiser statement or
ie that sets forth so clearly the
onditions for a genuine peace.
America was, he said, about to
ender this service to mankind.
It was, as it were, to add America's tig
uthority and America's power to the phl
uthority and force of other nations, ly
o guarantee peace and justice pr,
hroughout the world. The funda- tri
nental and essential conditions pre- gri
edent to supremacy which were ca
nunciated at that time because it Jo
night be too late afterwards were: of
"The treaties and agreements 19
chich bring it to an end must embody Cl
erms that will create a peace that is ro
,orth guaranteeing and preserving. th
peace that will win the approval of at
nankind, not merely a peace that ra
vill serve the several interests and a
mmediate aims of the nations en- th
;aged. ut
"The elements of that peace must th
ie elements that engage the confi- ro
fence and satisfy the principles of sp
he American government. fo
"The quality of nations upon which sa
eace must be founded if it is to last thl
nust be an equality of rights; the
;uara.teos exchanged must neither
'ecogo.., nor imply a difference be- iss
ween big nations and small, between co
Ihose that are powerful and those ro
hat are weak. be
"No peace can last or ought to last tit
Rhich does not recognize and accept
he principle that governments de- 00
ive all their just powers from the 19
:onsent of the governed and that tic
'ight anywhere exists to hand peo- pc
rles about from potentate to poten- of
late as if they were property." ra
And then he shows why it cannot I
ast: gi
"Any peace which does not rec- so
gnize and accept this principle will 19
nevitably be upset. It will not rest bth
.pon the affections or the convictions lat
)f mankind. The ferment of spirit thi
f whole populations will fight subtly po
and constantly against it and all the ab
world will sympathize. The world th
can be at. peace only if its life is in,
table and there can be no stability trt
where the will is in rebellion, where ea
here is not tranquility of spirit and
: sense of justice, of freedom and th;
f right." in
in this address the president made re,
t evident that lie was conscious that w,
le was speaking for the silent mass no
)f mankind everywhere. To make ,w
is proposal further clear he said: tt
"I am proiosing, as it were, that de
the nations should, with one accord, tic
idopt the doctrine of President Mon- Ti
roe as his doctrine of the world; that ta
io nation should seek to extend its ici
polity over any other nation or peo- in
ple, but that every people should be sp
left free to determine its own polity, Om
its own way of development, tin- W.
hindered, unthreatened, unafraid, fa
the little along with the great and ai
powerful."
If the American people do not se
want to be cheated, if they do not de
want one day to wake up to discover W
that they have fought a war solely
in the interests of England; that
they have pledged their strength
to maintain an imperalism as tyran
nical on the subject peoples as any
that has yet cursed the earth, put
autocracy still firmer in the saddle,
and blasted for generations all hopes
tf delivery, they will heed the ad- ei
nonitions of this message of wis- al
dom from the president, insist on the gt
guarantees that common sense die- in
tates, now when they can be got, tc
and not leave them to the future "
when there will be no means of fore- N
ing them. ii
The whole of the future depends, n;
upon the people of America, the d
plain people of America, the working cl
people of America. The democracies ,
of Europe that cannot help them- o
selves are looking to you. They de- C
pend upon you to see to it that the tc
chains by which they are bound are h
lot riveted more tightly, and that o
there will be left at least one na
tion where men can breathe the air
of freedom.
INSIDE DOPE.
(A physician recommends the re- V
uo\val of the large intestine as a
deans of prolonging life). at
E'are thee well; and, if forever, e
Large intestine. fare thee well! W
: pi, ::i :an says that I can
Do ithout thee just as well. i
Furthermore, he says, without a
thee
I shall live a longer life.
Hurry with the anesthetic! ti
Hasten with the carving knife!
Soon, 0 useless large intestine,
When the germ of age doth grow,
You may meet with the appendix, p
That I lost some time ago!
[n the wondrous realm of science
Such astounding things befall,
Soon it may become the fashion
To have no inside at all!
-Cartoons Magazine.
Bulletin Want Ads Get
Results. Phone 52.
With the Editors J
[R. RYAN AND GENERAL.
DISQUE UNDER FIRE'
If the findings of the special'cdii
ressional committee that is inves
gating spruce production for air
lanes are true, orr even approximate
7 true, the operations of the spruce
roduction division were grossly ex
ravagant and wasteful. The tele
raphed report to Secretary Baker
ails for a further explanation from
ohn D. Ryan, government director
f aircraft from May to December,
918. Mr. Ryan is a director of the
lhicago, Milwaukee & St. Paul rail
oad, and the committee charges that
he spruce production division built
t a cost of $4,000,000 36 miles of
ailroad "that will eventually form
link in the Milwaukee extension to
he south along the coast," when rep
table witnesses have'testified before
his committee that a good logging
oad 15 miles long to the same
pruce could have been built in 1918
or $500,000 from Clallam bay and
aved a 56-mile haul necessary under
he Lake Crescent route."
Prior to the sending of this state
lent to Secretary Baker Mr. Ryan
isued a statement affirming that the
ontracts for the building of this
oad were let and signed before he
ecame director of aircraft. To that
lie committee makes this rejoinder:
Mr. Ryan approved the $25,000,
00 spruce contract dated May 12,
918, and he knew that the construc
ion of this railroad was for the pur
>ose of carrying out the execution
if such spruce contract. Milwaukee
ailroad officials apparently deter
,ined the route. A Milwaukee en
ineer built the road. Mr. Ryan per
onally examined the route in July,
918. He was in a position of au
hority to determine all matters re
iting to the character of location of
he road and if necessary was e'n
owered to cancel any contract. His
bsolute power made him master of
he situation from and after the sign
rg of the spruce and railway con
racts which were executed in the
ast.
The committee's added accusation
hat "not one American built fight
ig plane or bombing plane ever
eached the battlefront during ou:.
var with Germany," however, does
,ot seem relevant. Apparently there
vas extravagance in the work of get
ing out the spruce, but it is our un-'
.erstanding that the spruce produc
ion division delivered the product.
'he blame, if any blame- ieto at-.
ach, for the failure to make Amer
can fighting and bombing planes
nust be traced elsewhere than the
pruce forests of Washington and
)regon, for certainly enough spruce
vas available early for 'the manu-'
acture of large numbers of fightinig
ind bombing planes.
The committee has uncovered what
seems to be a mass of damaging evi
Lence.-Spokesman-Review, Spokane,
Vash.
n
Today's Anniversary. I
The Curfew Bell.
The ringing of the Curfew Bell at
light o'clock in the evening, when
11l fires and candles were extin
;uished under severe penalties, was
otroduced into England in Sep
ember, 1068. "Curfew" means
'couvre-feu" (cover the fire), in the
Jorman-French tongue introduced
nto England at that period. It
rust be remembered that in those
lays people had no watches nor
locks. The condition of society was
uch that it was dangerous to go
rut of the house after dark. The
:urfew Bell was rung as a warning
:o stay at home, and thus avoid the
lighwayman, the assassin,' More
>ver, in monastic establishments,
Lnd in the dwellings, of the aristo
rats, it had been the habit to ring
t belt for certain great offices, and
:o indicate the hour for religious de
rotion. A third reason for, the Cur
ew Bell was that houses were. con
;tructed largely of wood, and were
)xtremely liable to take fire when
Rood was indiscriminately used. -To
over up the fire, a utensil wasaused,
in shape like an enormous hood with
handle. The curfew bell is rung
In many quaint towns and villages
,n England. The reader will .;rebal
hat the opening verse of Gray's im
mortal Elegy written in a cougtt'
:hurchyard, begins:
"The curfew tolls the knells qO
parting day."
WESTERN 0CASHIA1
AND GRO00E Z
P.Reuacsh. Prop. Phoe ASiTs
We handle but the beet. .CQatw
Epr the le~4#.
r IAWAW ATE.iib~· a~~r