Wednesday, 6 April 2011

While the assassination of Pim Fortuyn went off as planned, its leaders, apparently Meir Dagan's Mossad, had to be worried about possible blowback, given the pressure Volkert van der Graaf, his assassin, had been under when he did it. Volkert, it seems, had been blackmailed into doing the killing because of his child abuse, and participating in satanic orgies while still a mere youth in Middleburg. His handlers, apparently led by the Mossad's Zev Barkan aka Bruckenstein, could not be sure that he would claim full responsibility for the act, and why he did it to protect Holland's Muslims, especially since his partner and new-born daughter were suddenly in the public eye, and left without much reliable means of support. They had gone into hiding on the very night of the shooting. Until they were apparently taken care, no one could be sure what van der Graaf would do or admit to.

There was no question about van der Graaf having done the assassination, as he had been followed after the killing by Fortuyn's driver, Hans Smolders, and others who alerted the police where he was heading. He was arrested at a nearby Texaco petrol station. It was later determined that Volkert had waited outside the radio station, 3FM, in Hilversum's Mediapark for two hours while Pim was being interviewed, waiting for him to reappear, and when he left the building without any protection, van der Graaf overtook Pim, killing him instantly with five 9 mm bullets fired into his back and head from almost point-blank range. It was clear that Pim had been the target since Volkert did not attempt to kill the chauffeur when he gave chase after the shooting.

The most surprising thing about the shooting was that Volkert said nothing when he was finally captured. There was no statement like what Yigal Amir said after he assassinated Israeli Prime Minister Itzak Rabin: "I have done my work. You do yours." Nor were there any allusions to van der Graaf's pet phobias - what allegedly triggered the killing. Volkert made no mention of his dislike of gays, people who used the products from fur and factory farms, or who allegedly undermined the constitutional rights of other Dutchmen, especially Islamic immigrants who had become citizens. It certainly seemed as if the assassin was keeping most tight-lipped about the shootings, not because of what the target had done, but because van der Graaf, for some unknown reason, had to do it.(1)

Given the fact that the police made Volkert's identity quite clear by merely stating the suspected assassin was one "Volkert van der G", there were all kinds of stories, claims, and rumors about why he did it, though the assassin refused to say anything about what he had done, claiming that he had been advised to do so by his legal counsel. The only relevant suspicions were printed by the Telegraaf in July, claiming that Volkert had somehow killed fellow animal rights worker Chris van der Werken who knew, it seems, about his juvenile child abuse, and excerpts from a secret police report on the murder, implicating him in it - what would only complicate convicting him for killing Pim. Consequently, he was held incommunicado in Bijlmerbajes prison until June lst in the hope that isolation would induce him to open up, but it merely led to his complaining about his treatment - what forced the authorities to improve his conditions.

The police were forced to make a second search of his home on June 24th in the hope of finding more incriminating evidence - the first search right after the assassination having been a routine one to determine how he had planned, and had done the killing - what now discovered materials that he may well have used in making smoke bombs in animal rights protests years before against factory and fur farms. This gave his prosecutors more material to work with if he decided to cooperate in any way.(2)

Little wonder, given this shortage of explanations for the cause of the crime, conspiracy theories abounded. Rotterdan lawyer James Janssen van Raaij of the List PimFortuyn party (LPF), exploiting the continuing paranoia of the 9/11 attacks, claimed that van der Graaf was a hired killer, probably working for Al-Qaeda, and suggesting that the Osama bin Ladin group would probably free him from prison before he was even tried. This wild disinformation was most supportive of what Pim's real assassins sought, and Raaij's motives in doing so are most suspect. Raaij was a fascist and former member of their Anti-Communist League who had become a zionist.

This seemed most uncalled for, coming from the leading, experienced politician in the LPF who had a long career of dealing with all kinds of international problems as a member of the Christian-Democratic Group in the European Union. Van Raaij opposed almost everything Pim stood for, especially his opposition to freedom of movement within the Community, and van Raaij's speculation about his killer just seemed too convenient for what actually happened, making one suspect that he had just infiltrated Pim's party to see where it was going, and to exploit any serious blowback from his assassination if it proved helpful.

More to the point was the claim by fellow party member Mat Herben - who became its chairman after the assassination - that Volkert was part of a dangerous five-member group. While Herben never specified which individuals he was referring to, the claim was too definite just to be idle speculation. Of course, Herben could have been referring to the recent and current Dutch political leadership which let Pim so down when it came to protecting him, but they certainly weren't working with Volkert. Also, lawyers Gerard Spong and Oscar Hammerstein were pressing charges against them, various journalists and editors for enciting hatred against Pim.

Herben apparently was referring to the right-wing, ex-Nazi coterie, surrounding Queen Beatrix - i. e., her father Prince Bernhard, Queen Juliana's former personal secretary Baron van der Hoeven, his son Jan Willem van der Hoeven, and Harald Bredesen, author of Yes Lord. This group - to make up for their anti-semitic, pro-Nazi past - were eager supporters of European integration, and its institutional connections with Israel. To create supporters for their Christian-Zionist goals, Abraham Vereide had taken the lead in creating The Fellowship Foundation, and to spread the word among up-and-coming political leaders in the Congress of Cultural Freedom. Jan van der Hoeven even established a Christian Embassy in Jerusalen to cement the relationship.(3)

The first hearing of the case on August 9th was a completely "pro forma" one since van der Graaf did not even attend it. The prosecution essentially laid out its case against Volkert. His defence merely increased the pressure about who was really behind the shooting by complaining about press leaks undermining the possibilities of their client getting a fair trial, and indicating that it would call as defense witnesses in any trial political leaders, especially Prime Ministers Wim Kok and Jan Peter Balkenende, and politicians in Pim's party, particularly Herben and van Raaij, who had made public comments about the assassination.

The prosecution responded to the threats by having Volkert's girlfriend, apparently Monique Sulter, arrested where she was employed on September 3rd, hoping that her outing would lead to statements by her and/or Volkert which would wrap up the case. It failed as she apparently knew, and said nothing to implicate her boyfriend further, only making matters worse when she was released two days later, and then went back into hiding. The second hearing was just a continuation of what had happened when the first hearing of his case occurred without van der Graaf providing a word about his guilt, or why, only threatening to call leading politicians, starting with former PM Wim Kok, in the event of any trial.

It seemed as if Volkert and his girlfriend were trying to force his Mossad handlers to come up with a security plan regarding his family's future before he provided any convenient explanation of Pim's assassination - what they were unwilling to do until he provided an alibi for their not being involved. This stalemate among the perpetrators resulted in the criminal prosecution being dragged out for about six months. The prosecution had helped justify the delay by calling for a most belated psychiatricexamination of the accused by the Pieter Baan Centrum (PBC) after the second "pro forma" hearing in early November came up with nothing, starting in January 2003.

In the meantime, the Public Ministry had gotten a confession apparently from Volkert, but it was still a bit too vague about why he had done it. He merely said that he alone had planned the actual assassination, saw Pim as an increasing danger to vulnerable groups, apparently Muslims - which he planned to revive if elected - in Dutch society without identifying any human ones, and admitted that he was "not proud" of what he had done, explaining that he would not do it if he had another chance, hardly what his Mossad handlers had hoped for.

The confession, of course, just stirred more conspiracy theories, resulting in the authorities refusing to release it to the public. Then the Ministry just delayed matters further when it demanded that Volkert be kept under 24-hour surveillance during the psychiatric examination for fear that he would commit suicide, and isolated from other prisoners for fear they would save him the trouble, resulting in the suspect's refusing to cooperate with it - what forced the Ministry to drop its demands two weeks later.

Then the trial was delayed at least another two months for the PBC to issue its report about van der Graaf's mental condition. It held that van der Graaf was fully responsible for what he had done, but he still suffered from an obsessive-compulsive personality disorder - what was further complicated by Groningen University child psychiatrist Menno Osterhoff claiming that the PBC report had overlooked that Volkert may have been suffering from Asperger's Syndrome - which he later withdrew. The diagonistic difference concerned how much in control Volkert was of his compulsive impulses and consequent actions, and how much he was a danger to society while undergoing some kind of punishment and treatment.

Volkert was now prepared to say all that the Mossad apparently required, so his trial finally took place in March-April 2004. He pleaded guilty, stating that he alone planned the assassination, and he only decided to do it the day before. Fortuyn, he vaguely claimed, was taking advantage of vulnerable groups in Dutch socity, especially Muslims, in the hope of gaining office, and that he felt required to stop him, like Nazism's Adolf Hitler, though he now had reservations about having killed him.Upon comviction, he was sentenced to 18 years in prison after the prosecution pleaded for life, and the defense wanted reduced because of how he had been physically treated while incarcerated, and the alleged prejudicing his defense by allegations of his involvement in the van der Werken murder.(4)

Only then did the Mossad finally agree to take care of Monique Sulter and their child through proper intermediaries to hide its involvement. She and her baby girl were relocated in a house in Bavaria in 2004, all expenses paid, so their wellfare was no longer a problem. About a year later, shortly after Theo van Gogh was murdered, the help was surprisingly dropped without explanation, making her an increasingly bitter opponent of anything the Israelis were doing. She apparently married a Russian, and they moved to California to be close to his parents. Monique's bitterness about their plight even resulted in her posting messages on ex-pat blogs, and web sites about the problems of being a single-parent faimly. She had originally hooked up with van der Graaf not only because of his interests in animal rights but more importantly his apparent anti-Nazi sentiments - what led them to take part in the riots which led to Austria's Jörg Haider resigning from the Freedom Party's leadership in Austria on Febuary 6, 2000.

When she finally suspected that it wasn't apparently true - Volkert's protests against Haider in Vienna, and his assassinating Fortuyn was not for any anti-Nazi reasons but because of the Mossad backmailing him because of his pedophilia - she obliged Israeli's apparent deep agent Wolfram Graetz aka Grätz, an architect and political guru in Washington looking after her, to check them out. He considers himself God's messenger to his chosen people, as his letter to all members of the Knesset shortly thereafter about not building a Third Jewish Temple on Temple Mount demonstrated.(5) It was my article about Pim's assassination which induced her to ask Grätz what he thought about my account, and he tried to find out from me just how well researched it was by acting as if nothing in it was clearly established - what resulted in this exchange of e-mails:

Hi Wolfram Grätz,

I thought it was clear - February 6, 2000.

I have references for much of what I claim, and if you have any more questions, just ask.

In the meantime, I am writing an article about what happened to Jurgen Mollemann, a center-right German politician who stood up to the Mossad in June 2003, and got stuffed.

Then There Was The Pim Fortuyn Assassinationby Trowbridge H. Ford – November 2, 2008

Once Jörg Haider resigned as leader of the Freedom Party in Austria's newly-established governing coalition with the Austrian People's Party in February 2000, it was time for the Mossad's Zev Barken aka Bruckenstein to move on. The anti-Haider riots in Vienna on the 6th [On what date and year ?] in which over 50 people were ínjured, most of them policemen, had achieved their purpose, and the mechanism Barkan had established for producing them - foreigners, especially German and American protesters, using false passports that the Mossad had gotten eleswhere, mostly from tourists in Asia - was well in place if needed again. Josef Fritzl, aka Wilhelm Kramm and the 'mad Austrian', was also readily available in Anstetten, and firmly entrenched in the process of arranging the transfer of false identities, thanks to his sexual enslavement of his daughter Elisabeth in his basement dungeon which he was being blackmailed over, to keep it going when required.

And the Mossad still had infiltrated Haider's private office, with its secret agent Peter Sichrovsky acting as his private secretary. Sichrovsky would be in an ideal position to know if, and when Haider decided to contest the claims that the Tageszeitung had made that he was gay - what had been circulating around Austrian circles for the last decade. Any truth to the claim has yet to be provided, making one suspect, at best, that it goes back to Haider's early student days before he got married. Whether true or not, the big thing was to be in a position to make a most shocking case about the allegation if Haider ever sought to deny it, or override it in making a political comeback.

To minimize action in this direction, Barkan by now had helped organize the Publix Theatre Caravan to travel around the country to make the most persuasive case against everything Haider stood for. The group - made up of druggies, gays, and anarchists - had originally taken possession of the Ernst Kirchwegan Haus (EKH) in Vienna, and soon it was putting its skills together in popular, impromptu performances which stressed a social-democratic agenda - accepting homosexuality, encouraging immigration, condemning racism and anti-semitism, European expansion, etc. It recalled the efforts by Kurt Weill during the beleaguered days of the Weimar Republic. Thanks to government support, the group planned to carry their campaign to other Austrian cities in May, and then it would take its message to Klagenfurt, the center of Carinthia where Haider remained as governor.

The effectiveness of these measures was well demonstrated when the EKH people organized demonstrations against the Opera Ball festivities on Feb. 22, 2001 - complaining about Austria's isolation from the EU because of Haider's Freedom Party continuing to be part of the governing coalition, a condition which prevented many international big-wigs from attending the annual event. In fact, the government's riot police aka the Cobra force got so riled up over what the beatniks were doing that it attacked those in EKH with great brutality, causing the coalition further embarrassment. The riot police justified its actions by complaining that many "professional troublemakers", using false passports, generally German ones, had come into the city to cause trouble, resulting in the arrest of 42 of them.

With Haider so much on the defensive, it was time for the Mossad to move back to the heart of the problem rather than stay on the periphery - the problems shaping up at Brussels while the European Union was seeking radical expansion. The problems could become insurmountable if all the sexual excesses of its leadership came out - what the prosecution of paedophile Marc Dutroux still threatened. While Dutroux had been arrested over four years before, he had not been tried for any crime, only having confessed to the rape of six young girls, and the killing of four of them.

Dutroux had focused concerns more upon himself by escaping from prison miraculously before he had even begun being prosecuted, the primary reason for the stoppage being the sacking of investigating Judge Jean-Marc Connerette, about the only Belgian really interested in getting to the bottom of the gigantic crime wave, for alleged conflict of interest. He had collected the testimony of about a dozen witnesses, mostly adult women, who had survived their ordeal with their kidnappers. It was quite probable that Barkan took leave of the Israeli Embassy in Brussels then for a post in Vienna for fear of being exposed in the process.

Then Judge Jean-Cluade Van Espen, who had represented the former wife of a partner of Dutroux’s in crime, Jean-Michel Nihoul - a real conflict of interest - had prevented any progress in the case until 1998 when he was finally forced to resign. In the meantime, the Belgium police had ruled Dutroux simply a pervert, Nihoul totally innocent, and the prime witnesses against them, especially Regina Louf, as completely unreliable liars and kooks. Finally, in 2000, the Belgium authorities prosecuted Dutroux for theft and assault, resulting in his being sentenced to five years in prison, to ease the embarrassment over failing to prosecute him for his real crimes.

Furthermore, other witnesses, about 20 in all, were dying like flies. It had all started before Dutroux was even arrested with truck driver Bruno Tagliaferro being poisoned because he knew that Dutroux had abducted two of the young girls, and his partner Fabienne Jaupart joined him in December 1998 in a set fire because she too knew too much. Then Anna Konjevoda, who was tempted to provide information about Dutroux's operations in Eastern Europe on investigating magistrate Connerette's open line, but somehow didn't, was beaten, strangled, and her body thrown into the Maas River a year and a half later though she never testified what she knew. Sandra Claeys, a former girlfriend of Dutroux accomplice Michel Lelièvre, committed suicide on November 4, 1999.

For more on this, see this link, The Institute For The Study of Globalization and Covert Politics listing of "alleged assassinations in Belgian history".

The most interesting of the killings, though, was that of Chris Van der Werken - a former professional friend of Volkert Van der Graaf, and residing near him in Harderwijk, east of Amsterdam - shot twice in the back while he was walking in a forest nearby in December 1996. Van der Werken apparently knew too much about Volkert for his own good. Van der Graaf, of course, would assassinate Dutch maverick politician Wilhelmus Simon 'Pim' Fortuyn five and a half years later.

Regina Louf knew about a much wider, vicious operation than Belgium officials were claiming, and went public with her information, once the Belgium Superior Court dismissed it as lies which would never be used in any trial of Dutroux or his associates. She was born in Ghent in 1968, but moved to Knokke, on the Belgian-Dutch border - across the Scheldt estuary from Middleburg in Holland - when she was three where her grandmother soon put her to work as a prostitute. "Among those who shared her at house parties," Frank Connolly of The Sunday Business Post reported just before Fortuyn was assassinated, "were some of Belgium's most powerful and famous citizens - and paedophiles." While she provided the the names of several leading figures who had abused her, especially "another man still in poltics at a high level," Connolly understandably declined to identify them.

In 1979 when she returned home to Ghent, her abuse bacame even worse as she was turned over to her mother's lover, boarder Tony Van den Bogaert, who pimped her services for everything imaginable, including sado-masochistic parties in townhouses, country estates, and even on a boat from Brussels to the Dutch border. Dutroux's ultimate prosecutor explained that if only a small fraction of her claims turned out to be true, it would mean the end of Belgium. "There are connections," he added, "with the Netherlands and France."

Louf claimed that Dutroux was just part of a satanic cult, run by Nihoul, Michel Vandereist and others which killed young people in wild orgies - what she recalled after Dutroux was arrested. Bogaert had sold her to the Nihoul ring who terrorized her, on and off, for 15 years. She only escaped because she found a man, Erwer, during the ordeal who agreed to marry her, and this allowed her to finally escape their clutches.

The most alarming aspect about Louf's testimony was that she was able to provide concrete details, names, and places about where these terrible acts had occurred, particularly the murders of Carine Dellaert in 1982, of Catherine de Cuyper a few years later, and of Christine Van Hees in 1984. Hees' murder occurred at the mushroom farmhouse ruins at Champignonn`ere in Auderghem, just east of Brussels. Louf had advised Hees to strike up a love affair like she had in order to escape from the place. When Vandereist got wind of the plan, he killed her in order to win a bet with Nihoul about who could kill one of kidnapped kids first. "I didn't know that this affair had caused so much fuss in Brussels over the years," Louf explained in a January 10, 1998 interview about her slowness in coming forward earlier.

When Barkan got back in the area, Brussels it seems, he immediately put pressure on those who wanted to know more about, or were marginally connected to the whole satanic operation to vacate the scene, one way or another - after others had provided most diverting disinformation to faraway places from what had happened of a most corrupt nature around EU and NATO headquarters during the past decade. The first people died in most suspicious ways, apparent assassinations intended to limit investigations to those already suspected so that the people really behind the whole blackmailing operation, the Mossad, were not even suspected.

Barkan's associates, headed by Arie Scher, had deliberately opened its own paeodophile ring with Israelis in distant Brazil to give the impression that it had nothing to do with what was happening around Belgium. It's SOP with the Mossad, as was most recently demonstrated right after Haider was assassinated, Mossad Director Meir Dagan immediately circulating the rumor that the same thing had almost happened to him in faraway Amman, Jordan.

The killing campaign started on March 1, 2001 when paedophile hunter in the Dutroux affair, Jean-Jacques Feront, died of an apparent heart attack. Four weeks later, Nadege Renard, ex-girlfriend of high society brothel keeper in Charleroi Jean Pol Taminiau - who was assassinated in 1995 - apparently committed most belated suicide. In May, Pierre-Paul 'Pepe' De Rycke, owner of the fascist Jonathan Club who knew Nihoul quite well, committed suicide too apparently. More important, in November, Philippe Deleuze, brother-in-law of Judge Van Espen, and a partner in the legal firm of Boutyal and Nihoul, died from a strange disease.

The whole process peaked on March 17, 2002 - after Dagan had taken over official control of the Mossad - when Alain Van der Biest was harried so much that he too committed suicide. Biest had been the Minister of Interior when Dutroux was released from prison in 1991 after having only served 3 of a 13-year sentence for rape. Moreover, Biest was suspected of having been behind the assassination of Walloon, Socialist politician André Cools in 1994. The suspicion essentially rested on the fact that one of the suspected gunmen, Richard Taxquet, had been Biest's former chauffeur but it could have been just the basis of a set up. Cools was thought to have been killed because he was involved in or knew too much about the Agusta affair - where Socialist parties in Belgium were being bribed to buy the conglomerate's new helicopter - but he, as the just retired minister of government for the Walloon Region, could have been killed because he knew too much about what was going on in the sex ring.

Starting in 2000, Israeli Vice-Consul Scher in Rio de Janeiro had done a rush job in creating a paedophile ring there, and had fled to Israel in July after pictures of its activities had been posted on the internet in the hope of attracting Israeli paedophiles and other foreigners to go there. The photographs and videos had been taken at his home, and police had found copies of them at the home of Hebrew-language teacher, Professor George Schteinberg. There was even a photograph of the two alleged gays in which Scher was holding Schteinberg by the penis. Israel refused to hand over the wanted Scher, justifying its stand by claiming that there was no extradition treaty with Brazil.

One would have thought that there would at least be a trial in Israel for Scher's paedophile activities, but there never was one - showing that it was a covert action to divert public attention away from any similar Israeli activity in the Low Countries. Scher went on to become involved in Barkan's failed attempt to assassinate, it seems, New Zealand Prime Minister Helen Clark in 2004. Remember when Mossad agents Eli Cara and Uriel Kelman tried to get a false passport for a invalid New Zealander - what Barkan apparently was going to use in making his getaway from the shooting.

Well, during the blowback of whole operation, Senior Israeli Consul in Canberra Amir Laty was discovered having been involved in setting up the operation's base in Australia, and was expelled, the Howard government feebly explaining that he had apparently been trying to steal secrets through a honey-trap relationship with young Caitlan Ruddock, daughter of Attorney General Philip Ruddock. The Israeli government named Scher as Laty's replacement, but Scher withdrew from the appointment, once his paedophile activities were discovered. The Sharon government thought that it was just part of his covert position.

Fortuyn seems to have gotten mixed up with the paedophile operation after he moved to Rotterdam in 1988. There was a boys' brothel there, run apparently by Lothar Gandolf, and given Pim's interest in having sex with underage males, he must have visited the place on occasion. The port was the entry point of youths from Africa and the Middle East, and Fortuyn liked exotic encounters. Such behaviour was in the grey area of Dutch law since brothels were not yet fully legal, but were tolerated by local authorities, leaving what happened in them pretty much anyone's guess. While he could justify such visits in the name of sociology, a field in which he had a Ph.D from Groningen University, his employer in Rotterdam, Erasmus University, took a different view, refusing to renew his contract for a privately-funded chair there in 1995. Pim, of course, could not have cared much, laughing it off to prying journalists as another example of "Fortuyn's Law", one in which all his employment ended in acrimony and controversy.

The loss of academe did not cramp his style, as he continued to live a most flamboyant, expensive life while writing weekly columns for Elsevier Magazine. While they expressed increasingly negative opinions about Islamic invasions of Dutch culture, society and political life, what he learned behind the scenes seems more relevant. Given how the columns helped fix popular opinion in Israel's corner, as he condemned anti-Semitism, and supported substantial aid to Tel Aviv, by all parties, it seems likely that he was being supported by various Jewish interests despite or because of his sexual excesses. Obviously, Fortuyn did not consider this any kind of blackmail but support from an expected source.

While Fortuyn was doing this, he learned more about what the Nihoul satanic gang had been doing long before Dutroux came on the scene, explaining Pim's unexpected appreciation of Socialist Prime Minister Joop den Uyl, a party he supported while theoretically still a Marxist. In 1976, it was learned that America's Northrop aircraft company had given Prince Bernhard, Queen Juliana's husband, a $750,000 bribe to help secure the Dutch purchase of its latest fighter plane - a forerunner of what the Belgians were doing with Agusta. Holland had already been shaken to its foundations by an earlier revelation that he had obtained a $1.1 million bribe from Lockheed for a similar purchase. Disclosure of the Northrop one would have led to a court trial of what the one-time SS-member, and sex-mad first president of the Bilderberg group had done. It might even discover that Regina Louf did visit his yacht Jumbo VI for wild orgies.

Uyl decided to cover up the new scandal for fear that it would lead to the end of the Dutch monarchy - the institution which kept the country together - since Crown Princess Beatrix had said that she would not succeed her father under such conditions. Fortuyn can only have heard about this from people he had contact with during his own sex activities, as the Dutch PM locked up all the details of the Northrop scandal in his personal archives. They were only discovered by journalist Anet Bleich when she was researching a biography of the deceased - what has only been recently published.

Prince Bernhard, founder of the notorious 1001 Club in 1971 where many of the important business contacts were made through money, sex and blackmail, was the leading establishment figure who encouraged the revival of Fortuyn's special kind of Dutch nationalism - what increasing numbers of Muslim immigrants were inflaming. Fortuyn wanted to get rid of the multicultural, nanny state which foreigners of all sorts, especial semites, were exploiting, thanks to the do-nothing attitudes of the governing elite.

With the passage of the law in 2000 which legalized brothels, and permitted consenual sex between almost everyone 12 years or older, Fortuyn decided to act upon his long-held dream of becoming prime minister, mobilizing the frustrated working classes by his ultra-nationalism, thanks to the funds the new entreprenuers in computers, information technology, and the media were liberally providing with few questions asked. Muslim immigrants were a convenient symptom to attack as it drew on the deep-seeded nationalism which had largely been suppressed since WWII, largely because of the plight it had caused Dutch Jews during the German occupation, and by scapegoating them he largely relieved the guilt, aggression, and blame he was suffering from because of Holland's and his own chequered past.

When Fortuyn started outlining his cure for Holland's cultural decay, his supporters, especially the newspaper NRC Handelsblad, became increasingly concerned, particularly when he said he was planning changing the constitution's provision against discrimination. The liberal paper is a strong supporter of Israel, complaining particularly about the EU's disparity in giving aid to the country, and the Palestinians, and has just teamed up with like-minded Der Spiegel.

There must be more to the story than the one reported as the constitutional provision has changed little when it comes to discrimination since there is a balancing of all human rights in disputes, and the judiciary has no judicial review of legislation. If it were adopted, the Netherlands would not be going back to the pre-WWII situation where its Jews were discriminated against so terribly by it. The proposed rejection of the latest post-war position seemed like just a vote getter for the uninformed and alienated. Still, Fortuyn's financial backers asked for their money back from the high-living populist, and when he refused, the paper turned against him.

And the same thing happened when dissatisfied voters formed the Leefbarr Nederland (Liveable Netherlands) party after it had selected him as their leader, only to learn what he really wanted later, resulting in his sacking. That's when he formed his own, the Lijst Pim Fortuyn, and it was backed by most of the previous ones, particularly property developers Ed Maas, John Dost, Chris Thienisse, and Harry Mens. After Fortuyn's book - The Purple Ruins, a root-and-branch condemnation of Holland's coalition politics - was published, and two successful tv debates took place on March 6th and April 27th with his most reluctant opponents, the shocked country was predicting that his purely personal party could win up to 40 seats in the new 150- seat Parliament - what would make him a kingmaker in any future government.

At this point, Barkan or someone else in the Mossad prepared an assassin to take him down before the mid-May polling, and it already had an ideal one for the assignment - Volkert van der Graaf, the apparent killer of Chris van der Werker in December 1996. Volkert had told him about his sexual dealings when he lived in MIddelberg, and visited the facilities across the Scheldt where Regina Louf worked. About boys like van der Graaf, who was in his early teens at the time, she said in the 1998 interview: "There were also homosexuals who cut a girl first for hours, which excited them a lot, and then went with a boy." He, it seems, told Chris about the experiences, perhaps even the involvement of Prince Berhard's boat in orgies that Nihoul's gang arranged, and he had been obliged by Barkan to eliminate him so as to limit possible problems.

The Dutch national police knew that van der Graaf killed van der Werken, but it had kept mum about any prosecution for fear of explosive blowback. A witness to the shooting, "Farmer B", said that Chris had told him that Volkert had threatened to shoot him a few weeks before it happened. There were witnesses who said that they had seen Volkert's red Opel Kadett near the scene, the Welna estate, of the murder. Volkert's landlord had found a weapon, a Walter PPK, in his apartment when he made an uninvited visit, and other witnesses told him where he could get other similar weapons if he was serious about committing suicide. And after Pim was assassinated, the police found that the ammunition used in both killings was the same.

While the police then went to great lengths to explain that any difficulties between Volkert and Chris had to do with their environmental differences over how to deal with factory and fur farms, especially their financing, there was no interest in why van der Graaf would be thinking of suicide. It goes back to his early childhood in Middelberg - what he was so concerned about that he even denied ever living there, claiming that he was born and brought up in Hilversum where Pim's assassination took place on May 6, 2002. Then Volkert became increasingly out of sorts after his girl friend gave brith to a baby girl on the previous December 6th - what everyone would expect any father, except a previous abuser of such infants, to be overjoyed about.

The timing of Pim's assassination was triggered by the appearance of Olenka Frenkiel's article, "Belgium's silent heart of darkness," in The Observer on May 5th. While the article had obviously been researched and written sometime sooner, it called attention to all the child abusers and orgie organizers that their activities ran the risk of becoming quite loud and much wider unless something radical was done to stop the rot, especially given Nihoul's boasting that nothing would be done to end the six-year period of legal inaction on the Dutroux front, particularly his alleged involvement in it: "He is confident he will never come to trial and that the evidence against him will never be heard by any jury."

(Note the article has been replaced by one by Andrew Osborn, a Guardian stringer who often provides diversions for conspiracy assassinations, like in the case of Swedish Foreign Minister Anna Lindh.)

Late, the next afternoon, Volkert killed Pim with a barrage of bullets from his Firestar pistol as he left from another radio interview in Hilversum, a squad car of police nearby to make the necessary arrest of the murderer though the Wim Kok government had denied that there were any threats on his life, and had refused to provide him with bodyguards. Pim's assassination stopped any serious overhaul of purple coalition politics.

Dutch and Belgium authorites were slow to take most limited, legal action against van der Graaf, Dutroux, Nuhoul et al. so that no one would suspect that they were connected. And when few did, the Dutch national police came forward with their case against Volkert for killing Van der Werken in the hope of making his 18-year sentence on appeal for killing Fortuyn even harsher but it was dismissed as irrelevant. The only interesting statement from Van der Graaf was his claiming that Pim scapegoated the Muslims for what he was really up to.

Furthermore, Olenka Frenkiel continued to supply a smokescreen about it all, going on endlessly in film and on the BBC the about Israel's "Secret Weapon", its nuclear complex that Mordechai Vanunu had been complaining about for years.

For Meir Dagan, now the official head of the Mossad, it was a great feather in his cap, the first of many. It was the best example of his strategy when dealing with Israel's alleged enemies - i.e., kill the source, and you get rid of the problem. Little wonder that the Israeli government keeps extending his tenure in office - apparently we can expect still more, but possibly getting rid of Jörg Haider too may have satisfied their expectations of him.While Grätz never answered my e-mail, it seems to have had a real impact upon Monique Sulter. Already a growing critic of Israel, especially because of the Mossad's treatment of her and her baby - calling the previous August for the location of a bank where money could be sent to help the people of Gaza, and alerting friends of the Israeli government's attempt to kibosh Moscow's providing Iran with its surface-to-air missiles to prevent a first strike on Tehran's nuclear facilities - she seems to have become almost anti-semitic in her thoughts after she digested my claims about why Volkert and she demonstrated against any role for Jörg Haider in Austria's government. In a 2009 debate about The Holocaust, she became a bitter denier and expressing it in terms totally hostile to Grätz's claims, stating that the Jews, suffering from collective guilt, had brought it down upon themselves: "The fact that they believe that they are God's chosen people is, in my opinion, at the heart of all the tragedies that have befallen this earth. They live a delusionary life and derive great if not the greatest pleasure in undermining those who are not of their demonination." (6)

Grätz's asking if I was another Sorcha Faal was just an attempted put-down, as she is noted for being a prophet of doom, and a purveyor of the worst disinformation - what I am certainly not. Sorcha has predicted that President Obama will bring down the West, especially if he is re-elected in 2012, thanks to the prophecy fellow Kenyan Johanwa Owalo made in 1912. She also claimed that Director of National Intelligence Admiral Dennis Blair resigned in protest over the shooting of Jerry and Joe Kane, the noted violent anarchists, on May 20, 2010 in a West Memphis, Arkansas shootout when Blair was actually forced to resign because of his wanting to maintain control of Leon Panetta's Agency which was engaged in all kinds of covert operations.

Grätz, a refugee from East and West Germany, was the founder of German-University.org. He destroyed Tom Flocco's famous disinformation that Barbara Olson was still alive after her death was claimed when AA Flight 77, it seems, only apparently crashed into the Pentagon on 9/11 - what attempted to help cover up the tragedy. Grätz's best bit of overreach was claiming that the truth of The Holocaust could best be determined by looking for the building permits where it was allegedly carried out, as if its perpetrators would indicate in the plans the gas facilities where they planned to carry it out!

The political fallout out from Pim's assassination was certainly not what its perpetrators had hoped for. They clearly picked the wrong man to assassinate, and the wrong assassin to do it. Instead of his party followers getting behind an anti-Islam agenda, they soon fell out among themselves for all kinds of personal reasons, resulting in the quickest collapse of any coalition government in modern Dutch history - showing that they should have killed a prominent public figure rather than just a rising politician who might serve their interests in death. Fortuyn's good friend Theo van Gogh, though a film maker rather than a politician, was a much better candidate as he had a public program for cutting down the militant Muslims to size, especially over their treatment of their women, and made no bones about it. While Pim had complained about Islamic intolerance of his homosexuality, Theo called Muslims "the secret column of goat fuckers." Moreover, he was a harsh critic of Israel, and was in the process of making a film about Pim's assassination - what could raise these issues and more, especially the claim that someone in a red roadster, possibly Volkert's handler, had been seen near of the site of Fortuyn's assassination.

This time, the Mossad, it seems, made no mistake, having Mohammed Bouyeri, a Rotterdam Muslim who had denounced Pim's homosexuality in the strongest terms, cut down the film maker in a most brutal way on November 2, 2004, raising Dutch paranoia about their Islamic residents to fever pitch, and opening the way for their strongest opponent, Geert Wilders, in political circles.

1 comment:

Just amazed that I write this article about what happened in Holland during 2003 when Volkert van der Graaf was tried, and a few days later Tristan van der Vlis goes on the rampage in Alphen.

Certainly makes me wonder if he was most upset about the Graaf trial, thinking that he was treated too harshly or less likely too leniently, possibly resulting in his making threats,and the police making a probe to see if he possessed illegal weapons.

Tristan sounds quite a bit like Volkert.

Then why is he called Tristan The Learned? Learned about what?

Was he well versed in the problems of the town, the leading one for the Netherlands Jewry until it was essentially wiped out during WWII?

Was Tristan a Jew or a Jewish sympathizer who bemoaned these facts, explaining why he wanted to kill everyone he could?

Don't expect any answers of these questions and others as the authorities and the media just want you to forget about it all.

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