The traveling men say it's a good town. The hoboes say it's "jake." The collegians regard it as provincial if they are from the Chicago suburbs, and decidedly urban if they hail form the rural high schools. Its Chamber of Commerce believes in enticing new factories by giving bonuses to going concerns if they expand by moving to Galesburg. While the women condemn its miles of quaint brick sidewalks all substan- tial citizens agree that it is the Athens of Western Illinois. They are proud of its undeniably handsome elm and maple lined avenues, proud of the rich corn land surrounding the city, proud of the Lincoln-Douglas debate staged that blustery October day in 1858--held on the campus of Knox College, and proud of the College which in its founding over a century ago gave exis- tence to their community. Galesburg is several towns: it is a farmers' shopping center, a manufacturing city, a railroad division and freight classification point and a college town. Its industrial output ranges from freight car frames to electric refrigerators, farm gates and overalls. The prairie beyond the city limits yields both brick and soft coal. The college output has included notables from Eugene Field to S. S. McClure and John H. Finley. In its early days, the founders of the college were the pillars of Galesburg's strength; pious reformers; men who feared only God. They were active in the crusading movements which had their inception in the 1830's: temperance and abolitionism. The

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town became the principal Illinois center on the underground railroad. Not unnaturally Negroes were attracted to the community. They increased rapidly after the Emancipation Proclamation and during the'70's. By 1880 the Negroes were four-fifths as num- erous as they are today and were over six percent of the 11,500 population. But from 1880 to 1910 the Negroes actually declined while the city's population as a whole doubled. Then when the great Negro exodus northward and cityward was on, 1910- 20, the colored population expanded 21 per cent. Today there are 900 Negroes in Galesburg, about three percent of the total. The underground railroad started the influx of Negroes. The iron horse in 1854 started a tide of native and foreign-born whites. In fact, after the opening of the railroad to Chicago the Puritan colony was transformed. Now could be seen intemper- ance, non-observance of the Sabbath and even separate schools for Negroes! Irish and Swedes did the harder manual labor. But by 1930 less than eight percent of the population was foreign born, the Swedish constituting the bulk of this group. Some 250 Mexicans brought as section gang workers on the railroads live pretty much to themselves in a box car cluster next to the vast railroad yards but there are relief and W.P.A. families sprinkled over the area of the city. Negroes from the early days have dwelt in the four directions from the Public Square. However, the poorer and humbler homes are south of Main Street. Retired farmers and the folk of Swedish heritage help to account for the city's fundamental conservatism. A Swedish name is a real asset in seeking political office.

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Vocational Pursuits

The early colored citizens of the prairie city seem to have been substantial folk. There were Negro farmers in the county. The best vegetables and watermelons a generation ago were raised by a Negro townsman. In the '80s and '90s the fashionable barber shops were run by Negroes. The transfer bus operating between the railroad stations and the Union Hotel on the Public Square was owned and operated by a Negro, a man of power in local politics. In 1900 when a cleaning and pressing establishment was a "pantatorium" three such enterprises were owned by Negroes. A grocery on the Square for years employed a well respected Negro as one of its clerks. Today the scene has shifted. There are no Negro farmers though there are two colored farm-owners in the county. There is a Negro barber shop but it has no white patrons. Motor taxis have replaced the bus line and the one Negro taxi doesn't have white patronage. There is a Negro-owned grocery store in the southwest section where about two-thirds of the colored families live. Another Negro-owned business is the barber shop and pool hall just west of the Public Square. A licensed embalmer maintains a commendable mortuary in connection with his residence on a well paved street in the southeast section. The West End Social Club where card games, craps, and presumably soft drinks may be enjoyed by members is in a sense a business enterprise of the owner-manager of the store building occupied by the "club." Negroes today tend to be employees rather than proprietors and their employment is often irregular and part time. In 18 per cent of the 331 households there are two wage earners. In over half of the families the father is the bread-winner. But in over

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one third of the families the wife-mother goes out to work more or less regularly. The most common job is some type of house work generally done by the colored women; next comes work on W. P. A. projects; then janitor or porter work for men in down town office buildings and stores. There is an interest- ing heirarchy here--the U. S. post office, the First National Bank and college library being at the top. But there are Negro trade unionists as brick makers, core makers in the foundry and a sterotyper at the largest newspaper. Electric crane operator, plasterer, round-house workers, postal clerks, musi- cians, timber handlers at the tie plant, cooks, bus boys, shoe shiners and red caps pass in review the principal kinds of employment for men. From 25 to 30 Negroes, mostly men, sell "policy" for three wheels which operate in violation of the law. Among the women domestic service is almost the only sort of available work, but there are a few exceptions: evangelist, registered nurse, stock clerk, window dresser, and two teachers, (one unemployed.) The one Negro medical practicioner is on the staff of one of the two hospitals. A Negro foot specialist with office on Main Street has an excellent practice among both white and colored. Among the seven ordained Negro ministers two are without pastorates. Another way to describe the employment status of the colored population is to cite a Department of Commerce study of 1934 from which we discover that about 18 per cent of the Negro workers are skilled. During the last three years, over a fourth of the Negro population has been on township relief. In 1936 the second largest category of Negro employment was on W.P.A. and C.C.C.

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projects, 71 persons.

Housing

These colored people live in the four quarters of the city though the majority of homes is in the southwest section adjacent to factories, stock yards, and railroad properties. Only 42 of the 331 households were north of Main Street, the east to west bisector. The percentage of home ownership in 1930 was practically the same among Negroes as for the city as a whole-- 56 per cent; but the depression cut the Negro ratio to 51 per cent. Their homes, however, have been shown by a housing survey in 1934 to be decidedly older than those of the rest of the city. Over half are at least 50 years old. Sixty per cent have no running water. Three-fourths have no indoor toilets. Thirty-eight per cent use oil lamps. Only 40 Negro homes have telephones. Twenty per cent of the houses found in the entire city to be unfit for use were Negro homes, yet Negro homes make up only a little over three per cent of the city's total dwellings. The Negro population stays put to a much greater extent than does the rest of the city. House occupancy for the entire city of at least 20 years was about 16 per cent; for Negroes it was almost double, 30.9 per cent. Over half of the Negroes have lived here 15 or more years. Sixty per cent were born in Illinois. Forty-one per cent are natives of Galesburg.

Families

A popular local misconception pictures the Negro family as over sized, yet the fact is that the Negro family here tends to be smaller than the white family. For the entire city one-person "families" are eight per cent of all families. Among Negroes they

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are over 22 per cent. The two-person families are 29.6 per cent for the whole city, but 36 per cent for the Negro portion. The three-person families are more common in the entire city than they are among Negroes: 25 percent as compared with 16.4 per cent. And of necessity the four-, five-, and six-person families are in low proportion among Galesburg's colored folk. The greater hazards to the Negro family appear when the make-up of some of these small families is considered: a two-person family may be an elderly man and his adult step-daughter; a brother and sister, both adults; an invalid mother and her adoles- cent son. There were 120 families in 1936 having at least one minor child. Over 40 per cent of them were lacking one or both parents as part of the home.

Schools

A few of the very oldest colored residents tell of attend- ing the public schools provided especially for colored persons. They report sympathetic and well chosen teachers, but that one of these two schools burned down in the early '70s and that the separate schools were abandoned a few years later. The matter of separate schools we know was an issue in one of the school board elections. Between 1886 and 1936 the colored children in the public schools ranged in numbers from a low point of 110 to a high level of 179, the average being 129.8. In the 1930's due apparently to the greater stability of the Negro family provided by relief, N.Y.A. and W.P.A., the average enrollment has been notably higher, 169. This is not due to increase in total Negro population since the census figures of 1930 showed 891 in the city and the author's family study of 1936 showed

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901 persons. Thus this average public school enrollment is 18.9 per cent of the total Negro population, whereas for the entire city the school population is 17.9 per cent. It might be added that the minor colored population is only 26.2 per cent of all Negroes while for the whole city children under 21 are 30.7 per cent of the population. This seems to prove that colored children to a large extent are enrolled in schools. Negro children attend the school of the district in which they live. At the junior high school level colored children not in the district but wishing to attend the Churchill Junior High may be transferred at their parents' request. The Super- intendent of Schools says there is a special problem of discipline and irregular attendance at the Cooke school located adjacent to the largest concentration of Negro families. This is due to the large percentage of colored children who come from broken homes, he insists. The failure of colored parents to cooperate fully with school authorities and inadequate discipline or supervision in the home also lie at the base of this educational problem according to the Superintendent. "This is definitely not the fault of the Negro child... These two problems of discipline and irregular attendance are noticeable also at the junior high school level, but in senior high the selective process has operated to eliminate the retarded. Here the colored students tend to be of a very high type." The former Superintendent of Schools had remarked that colored children tended to drop out of high school. The one Negro school teacher in the county has made the same observation, adding that, especially in the case of the boys, it is due to

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economic necessity rather than lack of interest.

Churches

The two best established Negro churches are located near to the center of the city. They were established in 1858 (Allen Chapel) and in 1864 (Second Baptist.) Few white people know of the existence of the three other small Negro churches since they are located on unpaved streets in Negro neighborhoods toward the city's margin. Each of the two major churches has a membership of about 150 people. In neither of them can it be said that the young people are interested or active. "The churches aren't making any progress. They can't. They haven't any money. The people can't get any work. There's not a Negro employed in the Court House or at the City Hall or in the Public Schools... the young people are in clubs--; the old people are in the churches... The young folks have no inspiration; can't get any higher than a porter; nothing to strive for. Young girls will go to a tavern and dance to get a dollar... We've got no Y.M.C.A. where our young boys and girls can go... Boys lay around the pool halls and play 'policy' and gamble to win a dollar." Thus spoke one Negro reli- gious leader. Another explained the position of Negro youth and the churches: "They've been trained by the adults to function in clubs, outside the church work. They come to Sunday school, but Christian Endeavor is neglected... The young people will promise but don't live up to it. The root of the trouble is tin the laxity of the parents." A young Negro home on vacation from college preaching on "Negro Youth" gave his version of the youth problem: "Our boys are porters and shoe shiners. We are satisfied. We care for present

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pleasures. We won't make the sacrifices... We lack respect for our ladies. It hurts no man to lift his hat, to carry a lady's basket or give her his seat. Young ladies, you must demand respect. Respect yourself first... The crowd is easy to follow. If you want to be set apart, to be stared at, just try to be somebody... Youth today seem to crave publicity, want to be praised, are chasing after false gods: clothes, money, cars; seem not to be concerned about the things that lift up. Clothes don't make Dr. George Washington Carver great! We must hold up our head; work to gain wisdom. An intelligent man will make his place in the world." Only eight members of the younger generation were present to hear this young man's Sunday morning sermon, publicly announced as a youth service.

Lodges and Clubs

The depression and shifts of interest are probably respon- sible for the decline of the lodges which used to flourish in the Negro community. The Masonic order with a score of members, only a third its former size, remains. It sponsors troop No. 10 of the Boy Scouts, a group of nine boys, 12 to 15 years of age. A social-political club of men 18 to 40 years of age main- tains club rooms above a Main Street store. In campaign years its membership expands two or three times the 1939 number of 38. No active branch of the National Association for the Advance- ment of Colored People is maintained though one was organized a few years ago. It declined in its third year due to insufficient support and personal jealousies. Among the women and girls a number of commendable social- literary clubs flourish. Some have state and national affiliations.

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They seek mutual and community improvement, serving the sick, the aged, and the churches. One club sees to it that every Negro boy and girl graduate of the senior high school receives a graduation present. To this list may be added the Girl Scouts and a variety of clubs in the five churches. The colored veterans of the World War and their wives are organized with a similar group from a neighboring city into a post of the American Legion.

Color Line

According to the older generation of colored folk there was no perceptible color line in the city in their youth. One elderly lady says, "I hardly knew I was a Negro--growing up in Galesburg, going through high school here." Today each of the movie theatres follows some segregation policy in seating its Negro patrons. Only one lunch counter on Main Street caters to both Negro and white customers. The Y.M.C.A. is not available to Negroes, though both hospitals are. The segregation issue arose in 1930 at Lake Storey where the city was opening a large park and bathing beach. A Negro youth and some young white men at the beach got into a fight and for fear of more serious consequences the city authorities promised the Negro citizens a separate park and bathing section on the South shore of Lake Storey. This provides for picnicking, dancing, baseball and swimming. Thus Negroes are expected to refrain from using the facilities at Lincoln Park and on the north shore of Lake Storey. Because the Y.M.C.A.-Boy Scouts local summer camping facili- ties were not open to Negro Boy Scouts of Troop No. 10, they, their sponsors and friends developed a camping site of their own. Then

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they generously made it available for the Spring "Camporee" of all Boy Scouts of the area without color discrimination. Camp Cheektowaka is near the colored beach on the south shore of Lake Storey. It is used by Negro girl camping groups as well as by boys.

Anti-Social Behavior

Though the probation officer considers that the Negro children give her little trouble the fact is that in 1937 and 1938 colored boys were nearly three times as numerous among her cases as the Negro population justified. Of the 11 boys in the last 2 1/2 years sent to the state training school by the juvenile court, four were Negro. This is obviously out of line with the number justified by the Negro population. Negro commitments of all ages from the Sheriff's office for a recent 3-year period were a little over twice the number which the Negro population called for. One- fourth of the commitments were of boys under 21. While the absolute number of Negro cases is not great, their proportion is significant- ly high. This is a rough index of the social-economic disadvantages under which Negro families live, under which Negro youths are grow- ing to adulthood. The girls apparently constitute a less serious problem. At least there were no female commitments in the 3-year period studied. The police matron is called upon by the school authorities to deal with some behavior problems among colored girls ranging from irregular attendance to fighting: eight cases last year. Comparison of the known illegitimate Negro births in the last four years with the recorded Negro births in that period showed only about six per cent as illegitimate. It appears that popular

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as gambling by means of "policy" playing is among Galesburg Negroes, the younger group under 18 seldom indulge. This may be due in part to the fact that few of them have a steady income.

Negro Youth Sampled Against the community background thus far sketched we should like to picture Negro youth as revealed in a series of careful private interviews. Questions were asked of this samp- ling of Negro youth ranging from color discrimination in school and job to what more the church might do for Negro youth; from what they think of the W.P.A. to their estimate of local and national Negro leaders; from their fondest hopes and wishes to their favorite pastime. If these young people were a fair cross section of Negro youth in this small Middle Western city we can from them picture certain of the crucial aspects of the life experiences, some of the major problems of Galesburg's colored youth. The twelve boys and young men ranged from 15 to 27 years old, averaging about 21; the ten girls varied from 15 to 26, and averaged about 20. Most of them were born in Illinois; over a third had resided in other states. The occupations of the fathers of these 22 youths varied from W.P.A. worker to coal miner, from musician to Protestant minister. Two had lost their mother, seven had lost their father through death. With one case of divorce there were thus ten of the 22, nearly half, from broken homes. All but two lived in the parental home. The other two were married men--one living with his wife, the other separated

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with other relatives. Most of the youths had a room to themselves. Six shared their room with a brother or sister. Only one admitted there were any conflicts or arguments with parents--though a few more allowed there were points of misunderstanding between them and their folks. In this connection two cited dating, another from a strict family the matter of having a "little more fun"; and others mentioned health, diet and leaving town to seek work. Six- teen denied any misunderstanding. Eight said they were expected to contribute from their earnings to the family purse. Nearly all indicated such contribution was appropriate and a few helped support the family though they weren't expected to.

At School

The girls had gone over a year farther in their school careers than the boys, though the boys were on the whole a year older. Average completion of the girls was beyond the 11th year; for the boys it was the 10th grade. Only three of the 12 boys were high school graduates as compared with eight of the ten girls. As indicated earlier there appears to be a greater tendency for the Negro boy to quit school and go to work than for his sister. This is not necessarily due to lack of interest, but is more closely related to economic necessity in the family and to the greater variety of jobs open to boys. Seven of the twelve boys and one of the ten girls had quit before finishing high school, the reasons being: death of a parent, 5; poor clothes, 2; health, 1. These Negro young folk liked school. Most of them mentioned some particular teacher who had shown them special consideration. Typical reponses were: "My commercial teacher would call me up to see if I was getting along O.K. she encouraged me to enter a contest for a certificate in shorthand. I got two certificates as

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a result." "One swell man teacher; he was awfully interested in me; showed us a system of studying Latin... There were other nice ones too; interested in every student." One youth spoke of one of his teachers as prejudiced. One young woman said that while she was treated fairly all through school no one showed much interest in her. Several gave credit to all of their teachers. The athletic coaches who are also teachers were spoken of in equally favorable terms, despite the fact that several boys spoke of the policy of not allowing a Negro boy to make the senior high school basketball team. This was recognized as not the fault of the coaches, but the policy of a former school administration. Asked as to their chance to take part in extra-curricular activities of the schools five contended that they were denied the normal opportunities, but most had actually participated in some of the activities. A typical boy's answer was, "All the activities I wanted to except basketball." Athletics, clubs, plays, assembly programs, chorus, variety show, debate and orches- tra were specified. Two quotations will show a change of admin- istrative policy regarding clubs. A young man who has been out of school several years said: "...we couldn't join the clubs in my day and couldn't play basketball; could play football where you could break your neck;" One of the recent graduates reported: "I was in the all-school variety shows; also in one assembly given by the girls' chorus. I belonged to a social literary club. There have been clubs open to us for three or four years at least." At the high school level the colored and white students seem to get on quite well together. "It seemed in the shift from junior to senior high there was a vast difference in the attitude

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of the white students toward me. They seem more courteous, friendly. Now there are four clubs, no dues. When we have a party or banquet we chip in. In the variety show the colored dressing room was always crowded with white and colored students. They all congratulated us. If they had any candy they shared it naturally." A less favorable response was, "Most were all right. A few were kind of funny. Majority treated me the same as them." Fifteen replies showed favorable relationships with white fellow students predominated. But two other quotations are in order: "Some were unpleasant, the lower classes, the 'smart alecs'; most were O.K." "Calling a Negro boy a 'nigger' is the worst thing a white boy can say... Most all the boys I know carry a knife now for protection--colored and white... You'll find the colored boy tries to avoid trouble."

Jobs and Vocational Plans

The Negro young people interviewed ranged from junior high age to married status. Consequently questions on jobs and the future had vastly different meanings for certain of the young folks. As to actual employment, five of the men and one of the young women had steady full time jobs. These young men had held their jobs an average of five years, the young woman three months. The steady jobs among the men included auto painting, brick yards work, janitor work, laundry work. The first vocational choices of the group were somewhat of a contrast with these actual jobs: medicine, civil service, music, athletic director, Y.M.C.A. secretary, farmer, undertaker, sign painter. Two of the men with steady jobs downtown, as an avocation played in a jazz band; one said he would like to give up portering in

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for music as a career. Another with a seasonal job would like to get into farming. Among the girls the one steady job was in domestic service. In contrast the first choices expressed by the girls were: teaching, nursing, beauty culture, dancing, secre- tarial work, library work. Only one of the six steadily employed young people saw any real future in the job itself, and even this one had plans for shifting to the entertainment field, a combina- tion of music and dancing. For those youths who had finished high school and were ambitious but financially unable to go on to college or special school there was a sense of frustration. They were seeking work of any sort hoping to save the money required for the special train- ing they wish. A case in point: a girl with her high school major in commercial subjects, special gifts in that direction, employed two Saturdays a month in a rest room, with odd typing jobs; wanted to go to night school to continue commercial train- ing. Another girl was unable to go on to college, though she'd like to become a teacher; eldest child in a large family; father a W.P.A. worker with $48.00 a month wage and supplemental relief; her financial obstacle in such a large family seemed insuperable. Another young woman had been out of high school several years; had worked in two large cities both in the East and Middle West: "When I was in _____ I had a job three years at the ______ theatre ladies' rest room. But there wasn't a chance to use my head. Just be there." Is it too much to infer that frustration had driven her to the parental home and to domestic service? Another instance is of a younger boy baffled by heavy responsibility: lived with invalid mother, two-person family; had steady but part-time

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janitor work, on relief; wasn't getting proper food; much influenced by his biology teacher; had dreams of medicine as a career; yet wasn't sure he could finish the last two years of high school. The young people interviewed seemed to group themselves into four classes so far as vocational plans went: those with definite, well laid plans, four persons; those who had tried to plan but were frustrated, seven; those with verbal, but vague plans, nine; those with none, two. Opinion of the young people as to whether their Negro friends were worried about the future seemed about evenly divided in the group interviewed. If wishes could come true about half of the group would have transported themselves into their first-choice vocation. Five expressed their first wish in terms of racial improve- ment or increased justice to the Negro. On wish No. 2 personal self-improvement was the largest single category (better educa- tion, better job, better personality). Four cast this wish into race-conscious terms: "I do wish we could feel free and had equal rights as citizens regardless of where we are living."

Attitude toward Church

All but two of the interviewed youths expressed favorable attitudes toward the church, but such statements were sometimes accompanied by the admission that they themselves didn't attend church very regularly. Twelve were members, but this didn't necessarily mean regular attendance. Others attended but weren't members. Two voiced criticism of the church. Several spoke of the church as "a nice place to go." They indicated the ways

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the church is a help to young people, mentioning ethical training, character-building, good association, unification of the Negro group, "feeling of God." Their suggestions for greater service of the church to youth ranged from more social activities and more sympathetic leadership to greater punctu- ality and less hypocrisy on the part of church leaders. Com- ments from the Negro ministers and admissions from several of the young people themselves indicated that Galesburg's colored youth are not very devoted to the churches. One girl spoke quite frankly: "So few come at times that the work of the church is less effective--at times Sunday School is packed; again very few... The young are minus on spiritual quality. The church must teach greater regularity; make more interesting programs, so as to interest the young." One spoke of the burden of so many Negro churches. It might be added that the young people reflect pretty much the attitudes of many of their elders toward the church: nominal support, actual indifference, except for the faithful few. In one church about half of the members have officially to be listed as not in full standing because of their financial and other neglect. Young people are bound to have a good time, but dating for Negro youth has restrictions imposed by the color line. In the summer there is the colored beach at Lake Storey with a choice of picnicking, bathing and swimming, dancing in the brick pavilion, and patronizing the pop and hot-dog stand. It is popular with the young people. Downtown there are the movies frequented by all dating young foks. The segregated

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seating insisted on in some form in each was branded as unfair by 12 in the interviews. Four refused to condemn the practice. One said he stayed away because of segregation. Others men- tioned a particular theatre as one they wouldn't attend because of segregation and discourtesy to Negroes. After the show there is no cafe or confectionery where colored folk can com- plete the evening, but this was not mentioned in the interviews. During the winter four or five large-scale dances with top- grade Negro bands are held in the Armory, enthusiastically enjoyed by all but the most pious of the Negro community. Two-thirds of the youth interviewed said they danced and about the same proportion said they dated. The former N.Y.A. Recreation Center with its well rounded program had utilized a vacant store building near the largest constellation of Negro families. It had been enjoyed by about half of the interviewed group. The "center" is now privately operated as a public meeting place for young folks where games and dancing, candy, pop and sandwiches may be enjoyed. "There is a nice place at the 'center,' so long as the right crowd is there. But if someone comes with liquor then we have to leave." Favorite recreations mentioned included reading, singing, piano playing, sewing, public speaking, attending church; but skating, swimming, baseball, tennis, basketball, bicycling, and boxing were also named. Most of the interviewed youths reported that they did not use liquor and the three men and two women who indulged insisted that they did so in moderation. There appeared to be no reason to doubt these statements. Few of the taverns of the city serve Negroes.

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Half of the sample of Negro youth had membership in some club. The activity of these clubs may partly explain the weakness or absence of youth organization in the churches. Clubs meet at private homes and occasionally at the "center." A substantial majority had words of approval or partial approval for the W.P.A. program. One girl went on to say Negroes could find better jobs if the local factories and warehouses didn't willfully refuse to hire Negroes. Less than one third of the sample had had contact with emergency relief case workers, and of these the approving attitudes expressed outnumbered the critical or unfavorable ones. In the interviewed sample, nine failed to name an outstand- ing living American Negro when invited to do so, and seven failed to name a woman. One may wonder if this is because few Negro newspapers and magazines are read by the younger generation. Is this deficiency of race pride? It may be the unconcern of youth or perhaps neglect in the schools of emphasis on contemporary Negro contributions to American culture. Asked about adult Negro leaders of the two sexes in Galesburg, 13 omitted any mention of a local colored man and 14 of any Negro woman. This doesn't mean there is no social stratification nor that no one aspires to leadership. Five men were mentioned, but none got over three votes. It may mean that the local Negroes are sufficiently divided along political and sectarian lines that no widely followed person has emerged as leader in recent years. Apparently the city authorities on the whole enjoy the con= fidence of the young Negroes. Only a few voiced pointed criticism of the mayor, alderman or city police. About half were non-committal.

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The fact that there are two Negroes on the police force may help to commend the city's governing authorities to the colored popula- tion. As customers colored youths are almost always well treated by the merchants of Main Street, but when these same young people seek work the merchant changes expression. "They won't hire colored at the stores here except as janitors and stock clerks." "Once in a while in a chain store they aren't polite. At ______ I worked two years; they overworked me." "There was one small shop where they didn't want colored to try on a dress." The colored youths interviewed showed genuine discrimination in comparing their opportunities in Galesburg with those available to young Negroes in other cities. Due to limited experience a few declined to comment. Several stated that the degree of opportunity open to Negroes is related to the size of the city and of Negro population in that city. Several cited both advantages and limita- tions in Galesburg. Some were critical of Negroes and of their own age group. A few commended the progress being made in certain Southern cities. A refrain repeated was that in Galesburg a good education is provided at public expense, but after Negro youths get it they aren't permitted to put it to use. The color line in the Y.M.C.A., the segregated seating at the movies, the lack of tangible spurs to ambition were mentioned without animus. But discrimination against the Negro seeking a job and white refusal to let a Negro get "a good job" was the most repeated criticism. Not all those young Negroes were blaming white color-prejudice for their woes. When asked to specify the greatest hindrance they had

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to face living in Galesburg, six found it within the Negro group. Two-thirds of those who responded made answer in terms of color prejudice and the limitations on jobs and advancement. "They had me help the girl in the shipping department so I learned all about it. When she had to go the boss asked me how I'd like to work there. 'Fine,' I told him, 'I can do this. I know how to figure percentages; how to make out shipping tags.' Next thing I knew, he took a green young man out of the store, I had to show him about half of what he did. The boss had to be down to help him a lot. I could have taken over the work, but being colored, I guess the boss figured he wouldn't promote me. But he promised to."

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One Case

And so we have sketched in broad strokes some of the major trends of experience, attitude, and opinion in a sample of Galesburg's Negro youth. Now let's introduce one young person in an attempt to show how a single individual through confidential interview reveals his problems. Tone of voice, facial expression, bearing, emotional quality, eagerness, cannot be committed to paper, but so far as words can convey a boy's experiences they will be presented. This case is not presented as average or typical; it is simply one case. A few facts which might be identi- fying are altered, but the person concerned gave his consent to the publication of this anonymous account. Since William isn't his name, that's what we shall call him. He was born 17 years ago in Illinois and has never lived elsewhere. His father, a skilled workman in the building trades, died when William was 8. William has a room to himself. His mother is aged, but is his best friend. She understands him. There are no arguments in this two-person family. Medicine is his first vocational choice, and another pro- fession ranks second. He likes school. The teachers treat him "Fine--just like a white boy--swell." The coaches show an "out- standing interest" in him. As for the white students' treatment, "Some of the kids I feel very close to. Others treated me real well; no difference. Others were sort of shy of me." He takes part in several of the extra-curricular activities at the senior high school where he's in the 10th grade. "All except basketball. Had a feeling that I couldn't take part. Some of our boys did

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get on the squad at the last of the year. That may be due to the new Superintendent and principal. I think this change had to do with their thinking toward us. I belong to a club." The school authorities encouraged him and were "well interested" in him. He named one high school teacher as the most interesting one he had ever had. "Not a bit of prejudice; helped me a great deal. Wanted me to get along. She helped everyone, in fact. She made clear about diseases. How the human body was important--a wonder- ful creation, dressed or undressed--not vulgar. It helped me to be more at ease--know how to treat girls and what to think of girls. She said she believed the way we lived is the way we die. If we keep our physical standards right--eat, sleep, think straight--then all will be right with you." William has only part time employment since he attends school. He has worked a year and a half for the same employer. But it is an unskilled job and he sees no future in it. He earns his own clothes and spending money. Relief handles the rest. Plans for the next few years merely involve "keeping on" in school and at his job. "I should like to get a better paying job and work so as to take care of my mother. He'd also like to go to college, yet it is clear to him that his mother is his first obligation. So his plans beyond high school are vague. His choice of medicine is a longing, a dream. At least when asked about plans for the fourth year hence his realistic thinking was directed at getting off relief and supporting his aged mother. Favorite pastimes in summer are swimming, picnicing and reading; in winter he reads--both at home and at the public library, though no Negro newspaper or magazine is available there. His

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more active pastimes are enjoyed at the Negro beach at Lake Storey. William has a girl friend to whom he is thoroughly devoted. On dates they go to the movies, to the beach which he likes very much, and to dances at the Armory. He has never been drunk, though he has had beer on holiday occasions in the home of rela- tives. His drinking is "hardly noticeable." He doesn't like other liquors. William belongs to a club of young men his age. "We have parties where only our own members and guests are present." He is a member of one of the churches and attends too. "The church hasn't enough support of its members and of the colored community. There are so many different churches among us. Why it isn't kept up is the hard times and colored people aren't making much money. Church helps him "to have a feeling of religion and of God. With- out this a person is lost--no good to others or to themselves. The church is doing its part very much. It is up to the people to come to church, but some have to work on Sundays to get ahead. A church depends very much on the preacher. If he isn't liked the church goes down. The present situation isn't very satisfactory." William had heard plenty of his friends talking about their future plans. "Lots are thinking of going to some training school. Others have already went to school. Others just want a decent job to live half-way decently. They are worried very much about their problem of becoming what they want to be." With municipal affairs he has had little contact. He has heard criticism both from colored and white sources, but "rumors aren't to be taken seriously... I think there should be more colored policemen." As for the Main Street merchants "they don't

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pay enough for work. If one is trustworthy and obedient they should pay what it's worth. They don't do that." Regarding the various movie theatres William isn't "very happy--not satisfied." He grants that no one wants to sit next to a dirty or intoxicated person. "Throw them out if they don't act right. If they are neat and decent they should sit anywhere." In comparing Galesburg with other cities this segregation issue was mentioned again. William had attended the former N.Y.A. Recreation Center and he finds the present privately operated "center" is not a real substitute for the former program, though it is a nice place "so long as the right crowd is there." Toward the W.P.A. he has an attitude of uncritical approval. His contact with relief case workers had been direct and favorable. He appreciates the way the government has helped them. If he could have two wishes come true he would have : 1. good health, and, 2. a good job. The employment problem was again stressed when he spoke of the greatest obstacle to Negro youth in Galesburg. "We haven't any opportunity here to be anything except a janitor, all dirty work." William named outstanding Negro figures in the nation, but none in the local community. "If I accomplish anything it's because I try hard. If Negro youth is given half a chance they'll be a help to the country--to the whites and to themselves... My poor work in school is partly because I don't feel well. My boss tells me about the proper food, but on relief we can't get it. I don't get cereal or milk for breakfast.... We can't look at one Negro youth who goes

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wrong and judge all. There are plenty who are good and worthy... 'Let the Negro live.'"