Friday, March 3, 2017

HOW THE PRESIDENT'S HAWAIIAN MESSAGE WAS RECEIVED

Queen Liliuokalani.

Grover Cleveland

Cortland Evening Standard, Tuesday,
December 19, 1893.

HOUSE AND SENATE.

HOW THE
PRESIDENT'S HAWAIIAN MESSAGE
WAS RECEIVED.

Fight In the House Was Fast and Furious—Great Excitement Reigned Over a
Resolution by Mr. Boutelle—In the Senate the Reading of the Message Was
Listened to Attentively—Secretary Herbert's Correspondence.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 19.—The fight over the
Hawaiian matter in the house followed fast and furious on the heels of the
reading of the message, which was delayed on account of the pension debate
until 3:30 in the afternoon.

The first skirmish occurred over the
question of reading the instructions to Minister Willis, which was insisted on
by Mr. Boutelle of Maine.

The house finally agreed to this and
immediately after the conclusion of the reading, Mr. Boutelle renewed the
assault by bringing forward a resolution declaring the administration's policy
inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution and the traditions ofthe government.

Great excitement reigned and in the
confusion Mr. Boutelle failed to follow up his parliamentary advantage and was
ruled out of order.

The resolution of Mr. Cockran for the appointment
of a committee of seven to investigate the alleged invasion by the territorial
integrity of the United States of the last administration also went down and a
retaliatory objection of Mr. Boutelle. The confusion was so great that the sergeant-at-arms
was called on to preserve order.

An adjournment was caused by the lack of a
quorum on a motion to go into committee. Party feeling ran very high at the
close of the session, and there is no doubt that the struggle will be continued
as soon as opportunity offers in the house today.

In the
Senate.

In the senate yesterday the long-looked-for
message from the president as to the relations of this government and this
country to the Hawaiian Islands was received and its reading was listened to
most attentively.

A request by Mr. Chandler of New Hampshire
for the reading of the instructions of Mr. Willis led to a debate of an hour's
duration and they were finally read. The message and accompanying documents are
now before the senate, the pending question being on the motion of Mr. Hoar of
Massachusetts to refer them to the committee on foreign relations.

The senate also listened to a small speech
by Senator Hansbrough of North

Dakota in
advocacy of a bill for the destruction of the weed known as the Russian thistle
or cactus.

A long speech by Mr. Dolph of Oregon in
favor of the protective tariff system closed the day.

Secretary
Herbert's Correspondence.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 19.—Secretary Herbert
submits a mass of correspondence from naval officers who have been in command
of the United States naval forces at Hawaii. It goes back to July, 1889, and is
brought down to Admiral Irwin's brief confidential dispatch of Dec. 4. to Mr.
Herbert, telling him that the provisional government had 1,100 men under arms.

The most interesting feature of the
correspondence is that which begins the reports of Captain Wiltse, commander of
the United States cruiser Boston. His first letter is written Oct. 12, 1892, at
Honolulu. It states that there is a large and growing sentiment, particularly
among the planters, in favor of annexation to the United States, but Captain
Wiltse says that he is informed that the leaders "Don't think an opportune
moment will arrive for some time to come. However everything seems to point
toward an eventual request for annexation."

The bulk of Captain Wiltse' letters from that
time forward deal largely with political phases.

On Nov. 1, 1892, Captain Wiltse reports that
the queen's persistent refusal and obstinacy to appoint a cabinet may
precipitate a crisis.

As late as Nov. 9, 1892, and Jan. 4, 1893,
Captain Wiltse reports political affairs very quiet.

Then on Jan. 18, Captain Wiltse makes his
report on the uprising and the landing of marines and sailors of the Boston
under his command.

Captain Wiltse then recites, that the
provisional government was established, the queen dethroned and the new
authorities recognized by the United States minister.

Captain Wiltse reports to the secretary of
the navy under date of Feb. 1 ult., that it is his intention to keep the United
States naval forces on shore until the provisional government ask their
withdrawal. He says:

"There can be no doubt that the prompt
landing of the battalion has prevented bloodshed and saved life and
property."

He also reports that the islands had been
placed under the protection of the United States by formal declaration of
Minister Stevens.

On Feb. 14 Secretary Tracy received a letter
from John W. Foster, stating that the latter had telegraphed Minister Stevens
commending his action: "So far as it lies within the scope of standing
instructions to the legation and the naval commanders in Hawaiian waters, but
disavowing it so far as it may appear to overstep that limit by setting the
authority of the United States over that of the Hawaiian government."

The letter of Lieutenant Swinburne, who
commanded the naval forces when they landed, gives a graphic description of
that event. He says the royal colors flying over the palace were saluted by the
battalion as it passed.

On Feb. 27, Admiral Skerrett, who had become
the ranking naval officer at Honolulu , reports that, "the provisional
government is quite able to administer the affairs of the present government,
upheld as they are by the presence of our men ashore."

On March 29, Admiral Skerrett reports that
he regrets to say that there are a number of persons in this (Honolulu)
community, who are greatly opposed to the provisional government.

On April 6, Admiral Skerrett reports that he
hauled down the United States flag from the government building by order of Mr.
Blount.

He says there were no expression [sic] from
the citizens. On June 28, Admiral Skerrett retracts some of his views
concerning the stability and solidity of the provisional government. He says
that the standing of the government is not considered to be all that had so
impressed him formerly.

He adds:
"It would appear that the iron heel of military law is really what serves
to keep the provisional government in authority. There are a great many in the
community, as well as others on the islands, who are opposed to this
government."

Admiral Skerrett adds that it is believed
that if the question of a provisional government was submitted to a popular
vote the present officials would be ousted.

On Nov. 16, Admiral Skerrett reports that he
has assured the British representative in Hawaii that the United States troops
would be used to protect British as well as American citizens.

On Nov. 16, Secretary Herbert telegraphs to
Admiral Skerrett, impressing upon him that in the absence of Minister Blount,
the sole duties of the admiral are those of a naval officer. He is directed not
to aid either party contending for the government at Honolulu.

Admiral Irwin's reports make up the balance
of the naval correspondence. He confines himself strictly to naval affairs and
at no time mentions political questions.

In a separate communication, the state
department furnishes a great many of the confidential and cipher dispatches
relating to Hawaii. These throw light on the reports of the naval commanders
and show to what extent the naval and diplomatic authority in Hawaii were
acting in response to the wishes of officials at Washington.

Following the translation of a cipher
dispatch from Secretary Herbert to Admiral Skerrett, dated Aug. 16, 1893:

"I desire to impress upon you, in the
absence of Minister Blount, that your sole duty is confined to that of an
officer of the navy, although it is to be performed in the spirit of the
instructions of Minister Blount, which have doubtless been seen by you.

"Protect American citizens and American
property, but do not give aid, physical or moral, to either party contending
for the government of Honolulu."

Admiral Skerrett informed Secretary Herbert
that in a conversation between the admiral and the British representative at
Honolulu the admiral had said that his authority extended only to the
protection of Americans and to the British subjects.

To this Secretary Herbert replied with the
following dispatch to Admiral Skerrett:

"My instructions misconstrued. You will
afford to British subjects and property such protection as has always been
accorded by vessels of American fleets to the subjects of her Brittanic majesty
and their property under like circumstances in the absence of British
vessels."

The naval correspondence communicated by the
president contains among other documents Admiral Sterrett's accounts of taking
down the American flag at Honolulu under instructions of Commander Blount, and
is dated April 4,1893. He says:

"On March 31, I was called by Mr.
Blount for a special interview, on which occasion by his directions, I was
ordered to withdraw the Boston's force from the shore, and at 11 a. m., on
April 1, to haul down the United State's flag from the government building
which was to be replaced by the provisional government hoisting the Hawaiian
flag. These orders were promptly executed as directed. There was not the
remotest evidence shown by the crowd of natives and others about the government
building of any feeling, no demonstration of any description."

PAGE
TWO—EDITORIALS.

The
Hawaiian Message.

The president's message on Hawaiian matters,
long delayed and eagerly watched for, was sent to congress yesterday along with the papers
relating to the case. It is enough to say in condemnation of it that it confirms
the justice of all the criticisms which have been made on the president's
course and establishes all the charges which have been brought against him—and
his spiteful, renegade secretary of the state—of bad faith to a friendly power,
secret plotting to overthrow it, an underhanded course towards congress and the
people, a rank violation of the constitution and usurpation of powers which
belong to congress alone.

The president admits that while he sent
Minister Willis as the accredited representative of this nation to the
provisional government of Hawaii—a government which had been recognized not
only by the United States but by the other great powers of the earth—and while
Mr. Willis presented his credentials to [provisional] President Dole, addressing
him as his "great and good friend" and professing the most amicable
sentiments and the most earnest wish for the prosperity of the island, he bore
with him secret instructions from the great Cleveland to conspire with the
adherents of a rotten monarchy to overthrow the very government and the very
president to whom he was accredited and to whom he addressed these lying and
treacherous words, "I instructed Minister Willis," says the
president, "to advise the queen and her supporters of my desire to aid in
the restoration," this too concerning a dissolute woman who was no longer
queen, but had been driven from power on account of her outrageous conduct
personally and politically.

Having perfected the conspiracy, "you
will then" says Secretary Gresham, for Cleveland to Willis, inform the
provisional government, and say "that they are expected to promptly
relinquish" possession to Liliuokalani!

When President Dole reads this confession of
treachery on the part of the president of the United States, his first act
ought to be to kick our lying minister off the island, and send him home to the
man who taught him the lie and who has disgraced this great nation as it has
never before been disgraced diplomatically since it was born.

If the dethroned queen had accepted the
terms which King Grover proposed, she would probably have been put back on her
throne before this, but whether she doubted Grover's ability to do all that
Willis promised, or whether she believed that this dishonorable diplomat would
lie to her as he had already done to President Dole, or whether she feared that
the provisional government would prove too strong, even for Willis, Grover and
herself, she declined to "yield her acquiescence," as the message
puts it, to the terms proposed—and in this she was wise.

The message blames the Harrison
administration, blames Minister Stevens, repeats the statements of Paramount
blount—which have been proven false over and over again by an overwhelming
body of evidence—and shows that its author is irritated at being balked in his
unconstitutional plot in behalf of rotten royalty, and mad and humiliated at
being hauled out into the open by congress, and his own and Gresham's
flunkeyism and chicanery and jealousy of the patriotic policy of President Harrison
exposed to the American people.

Grover Cleveland never stood so poorly in
the estimation of even his own party as he does to-day in connection with this
Hawaiian complication. Every Democrat who has any proper patriotism, or
national pride, or contempt for trickery and treachery in high places, is open
in condemnation of the president's course, and even patronage can buy him but
few defenders.

Why the
Bell Didn't Ring.

It was noticed that the [Cortland] fire bell failed to
work yesterday afternoon when the alarm of fire was rung in. The reason was as
follows: There is a battery of eighty-four cells in the engine house which
operates the bell and the indicator. Once each week a certain number of these
cells have to be taken out and cleaned. It takes about a half hour to do it.
Mr. Frank A. Bickford was at work at these cells yesterday when the alarm from
box 142 was rung in. There was strength enough in the part of the battery that
was in place to strike a single stroke, but though the bell responded no further
the indicator worked perfectly.

Mr. Bickford heard the stroke of the bell
and the rattle of the indicator and as soon as the box registered on the
indicator he rushed to the front and rung the bell by the rope, so that there
was very little delay.

It was
an accident that would perhaps happen only once in a lifetime to have an alarm
ring in when those cells were being cleaned. But if it should ever happen again
it will probably be a repetition of this same occurrence, for when the cells
are being cleaned a man is always in front ofthe indicator at work at
them, and he can catch the first click of this as plainly as the sound of the
bell, so that there is no danger of a failure of the alarm to be noted by some
one.

BREVITIES.

—There will be a regular meeting of the F.
and A. M. to-night.

—There will be a regular meeting of the John
L. Lewis lodge to-night.

—Mr. O. A. Kinney of McGrawville has been
elected trustee of the Cortland Savings bank.

—We omit our story on the third page to-day
to give place to the full text of President Cleveland's Hawaiian message.

—A dog, which had been running up and down
Main-st., barking at teams and nearly caused several runaways, was shot
yesterday afternoon by Chief Sager.

—Dr. Solon P. Sackett, the oldest physician
of Ithaca, died yesterday of Bright's disease. Dr. Sackett was born in 1818 and
practiced medicine there for 37 years. He leaves a widow and four children.

—Necessary medicines will be dispensed till
April 1, 1894, from both of C. F. Brown's drug stores free to such families as
are unable to pay for them, upon the written prescription of their physicians,
or upon the order of the King's Daughters.

—While running to the fire yesterday
afternoon Mr. E. E. Price caught his left hand in a part of the hose cart near
the reel and it was severely lacerated. Dr. F. D. Reece dressed the wound,
after which Mr. Price went to the fire and worked with the rest of the boys.

—Dr. F. O. Hyatt had an insurance of $2,500
in the Continental Insurance Co. for the house at 176 South Main St., which was
partially consumed [by fire] yesterday afternoon. Charles R. Roethig had $800
insurance on his furniture with F. L. Bosworth in the Norwich Union Co. and
Patrick Kernan had $1,000 on his furniture in the Five County Insurance Co.,
for which F. M. Johnston is agent.

—The members of Vesta lodge, I. O. O. F.,
were yesterday recrashing [dancing on] their floor and in other ways
beautifying their fine rooms in the Second National bank building, the occasion
being the Christmas party to be given by the lodge to their friends on Friday
evening.

—The man who spends his money liberally for
Christmas presents is doubly a philanthropist; he makes the receivers of the
presents happy and adds his money to that in active circulation, thus benefitting
everybody, himself included.—Norwich Sun.