This chapter sets the historical stage, puts the study in context, and reviews the relevant literature, beginning with the pioneering efforts of Johannes Conrad to quantify land ownership by size and ...
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This chapter sets the historical stage, puts the study in context, and reviews the relevant literature, beginning with the pioneering efforts of Johannes Conrad to quantify land ownership by size and by social position of the owner. It then reviews critically similar efforts by Conrad's students and later scholars, with detailed critiques of the work of Hess, Buchsteiner, Nabert, and Schiller. The chapter concludes with a long section showing why the data of the German agricultural censuses are not only unsuitable, but downright misleading for the study of land ownership: production units do not correspond to ownership units, and the size of agricultural enterprises cannot even serve as a proxy for size of ownership units, neither at a single date nor for changes over time. Moreover, the censuses contain inconsistencies with each other, requiring major adjustment to the figures from the 1882 census.Less

Introduction

Scott Eddie

Published in print: 2008-03-06

This chapter sets the historical stage, puts the study in context, and reviews the relevant literature, beginning with the pioneering efforts of Johannes Conrad to quantify land ownership by size and by social position of the owner. It then reviews critically similar efforts by Conrad's students and later scholars, with detailed critiques of the work of Hess, Buchsteiner, Nabert, and Schiller. The chapter concludes with a long section showing why the data of the German agricultural censuses are not only unsuitable, but downright misleading for the study of land ownership: production units do not correspond to ownership units, and the size of agricultural enterprises cannot even serve as a proxy for size of ownership units, neither at a single date nor for changes over time. Moreover, the censuses contain inconsistencies with each other, requiring major adjustment to the figures from the 1882 census.

As Chapter 7, ‘Feudalism and the National Past’, explains, the period of feudalism was believed to represent a rupture in national life: the historians maintained in unison that it was a foreign ...
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As Chapter 7, ‘Feudalism and the National Past’, explains, the period of feudalism was believed to represent a rupture in national life: the historians maintained in unison that it was a foreign development, the result of colonization, which never fully penetrated their societies. The chapter assesses the humanitarian and utilitarian arguments with which they supported their demands for the abolition of feudalism: they championed the emancipation of non‐privileged classes by endowing them with civic liberties and the right of property ownership. Furthermore, it explores how the historians utilized a mainstream argument of the age according to which trade and industry and medieval towns played a seminal role in the weakening of the feudal system. Last but not least, the chapter focuses not only on the content but also on the form of the proposed changes and tackles the historians' attitudes to liberalism, democracy, reform and revolution.Less

Feudalism and the National Past

Monika Baár

Published in print: 2010-02-04

As Chapter 7, ‘Feudalism and the National Past’, explains, the period of feudalism was believed to represent a rupture in national life: the historians maintained in unison that it was a foreign development, the result of colonization, which never fully penetrated their societies. The chapter assesses the humanitarian and utilitarian arguments with which they supported their demands for the abolition of feudalism: they championed the emancipation of non‐privileged classes by endowing them with civic liberties and the right of property ownership. Furthermore, it explores how the historians utilized a mainstream argument of the age according to which trade and industry and medieval towns played a seminal role in the weakening of the feudal system. Last but not least, the chapter focuses not only on the content but also on the form of the proposed changes and tackles the historians' attitudes to liberalism, democracy, reform and revolution.

This chapter returns to the theme of Morison's scholarly interests and briefly examines his international reputation as a humanist of some note. The main focus is Morison's collection of books. At ...
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This chapter returns to the theme of Morison's scholarly interests and briefly examines his international reputation as a humanist of some note. The main focus is Morison's collection of books. At over four hundred Greek and Latin volumes, it was one of the largest and most eclectic private collections of books in England at this time. The main themes and areas represented in the library—theology, history, language, philosophy, medicine, Greek—are analysed. The chapter also discusses the communal aspect of Morison's library; friends borrowed printed books and manuscripts on a regular basis, making Morison and his library of significance for our understanding of Tudor humanism more broadly.Less

The ‘Renowned Man of Letters’

Tracey A. Sowerby

Published in print: 2010-04-01

This chapter returns to the theme of Morison's scholarly interests and briefly examines his international reputation as a humanist of some note. The main focus is Morison's collection of books. At over four hundred Greek and Latin volumes, it was one of the largest and most eclectic private collections of books in England at this time. The main themes and areas represented in the library—theology, history, language, philosophy, medicine, Greek—are analysed. The chapter also discusses the communal aspect of Morison's library; friends borrowed printed books and manuscripts on a regular basis, making Morison and his library of significance for our understanding of Tudor humanism more broadly.

The reasoning in common law cases and in the commentaries built upon them appears nowhere more arcane than when it is dealing with property. It is supposed to be concerned with who owns what, or has ...
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The reasoning in common law cases and in the commentaries built upon them appears nowhere more arcane than when it is dealing with property. It is supposed to be concerned with who owns what, or has rights and responsibilities in respect of which, resources; but it is sprinkled with technicalities and in-bred conceptualisations. This chapter is organized as follows. The second section considers some reactions, in the history of political philosophy and social theory, to these peculiarities of the common law. The third section addresses claims that, within the law of modern property systems and especially those derived from the common law, the concept of property has disintegrated, so that it no longer means anything to say that a person ‘owns’ a resource. The fourth section shows how, despite its technical overlays, the common law does deploy conceptions of ownership. That is the key to the ethical underpinning of common law reasoning in relation to property. The fifth section considers instances of purely doctrinal reasoning. It suggests that what looks like dogma for dogma's sake may, after all, have ethical foundations. The chapter concludes that, at its best, the reasoning of the common law, like other juristic doctrine, represents a specialist variety of social convention whereby the mix of sound property-specific justice reasons is made concrete. Surface reasoning is peculiar to lawyers. Underlying justifications are not.Less

Reason or Mumbo Jumbo: The Common Law’s Approach to Property : MACCABAEAN LECTURE IN JURISPRUDENCE

J. W. HARRIS

Published in print: 2003-01-16

The reasoning in common law cases and in the commentaries built upon them appears nowhere more arcane than when it is dealing with property. It is supposed to be concerned with who owns what, or has rights and responsibilities in respect of which, resources; but it is sprinkled with technicalities and in-bred conceptualisations. This chapter is organized as follows. The second section considers some reactions, in the history of political philosophy and social theory, to these peculiarities of the common law. The third section addresses claims that, within the law of modern property systems and especially those derived from the common law, the concept of property has disintegrated, so that it no longer means anything to say that a person ‘owns’ a resource. The fourth section shows how, despite its technical overlays, the common law does deploy conceptions of ownership. That is the key to the ethical underpinning of common law reasoning in relation to property. The fifth section considers instances of purely doctrinal reasoning. It suggests that what looks like dogma for dogma's sake may, after all, have ethical foundations. The chapter concludes that, at its best, the reasoning of the common law, like other juristic doctrine, represents a specialist variety of social convention whereby the mix of sound property-specific justice reasons is made concrete. Surface reasoning is peculiar to lawyers. Underlying justifications are not.

This chapter describes the village social organization that collectives were to displace and the process of Romania's collectivization, from the 1945 land reform through the final celebrations in ...
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This chapter describes the village social organization that collectives were to displace and the process of Romania's collectivization, from the 1945 land reform through the final celebrations in April 1962. At the beginning of the process, some peasants had no land at all, but most had at least a hectare, most worked it with family labor, and most did so largely for subsistence, with some marketing on the side. Both they and their fellow villagers considered them good and worthy people if they worked very hard and controlled their own labor process, not having to work for others. By the end, nearly all Romanian villagers owned no land at all; the small piece they worked for themselves was accorded to them only conditionally, not in permanent ownership; they were able to market very little if anything; and hard work in the collective gained them less admiration than did slacking off and stealing from the collective for their families.Less

The Village Community and the Politics of Collectivization, 1945–62

Gail KligmanKatherine Verdery

Published in print: 2011-08-14

This chapter describes the village social organization that collectives were to displace and the process of Romania's collectivization, from the 1945 land reform through the final celebrations in April 1962. At the beginning of the process, some peasants had no land at all, but most had at least a hectare, most worked it with family labor, and most did so largely for subsistence, with some marketing on the side. Both they and their fellow villagers considered them good and worthy people if they worked very hard and controlled their own labor process, not having to work for others. By the end, nearly all Romanian villagers owned no land at all; the small piece they worked for themselves was accorded to them only conditionally, not in permanent ownership; they were able to market very little if anything; and hard work in the collective gained them less admiration than did slacking off and stealing from the collective for their families.

This chapter focuses on the terms of Roman land ownership. It demonstrates how land is the basis of all agrarian economies. Yet land markets are different from commodity markets even today because ...
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This chapter focuses on the terms of Roman land ownership. It demonstrates how land is the basis of all agrarian economies. Yet land markets are different from commodity markets even today because land does not move. Three attributes of land ownership can indicate a functioning market for land. First, there is a price for land that can change freely when conditions change. Second, people can buy and sell land at this price without reference to many outside authorities, that is, they can make their own decisions rather than reflecting the decisions of people not directly involved in the land sale. Finally, there are few restrictions on or obligations from most landholdings and land transfers other than the payment of taxes.Less

Land Ownership

Peter Temin

Published in print: 2012-12-16

This chapter focuses on the terms of Roman land ownership. It demonstrates how land is the basis of all agrarian economies. Yet land markets are different from commodity markets even today because land does not move. Three attributes of land ownership can indicate a functioning market for land. First, there is a price for land that can change freely when conditions change. Second, people can buy and sell land at this price without reference to many outside authorities, that is, they can make their own decisions rather than reflecting the decisions of people not directly involved in the land sale. Finally, there are few restrictions on or obligations from most landholdings and land transfers other than the payment of taxes.

In recent years, American shoppers have become more conscious of their food choices and have increasingly turned to CSAs, farmers' markets, organic foods in supermarkets, and to joining and forming ...
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In recent years, American shoppers have become more conscious of their food choices and have increasingly turned to CSAs, farmers' markets, organic foods in supermarkets, and to joining and forming new food co-ops. In fact, food co-ops have been a viable food source, as well as a means of collective and democratic ownership, for nearly 180 years. This book examines the economic and democratic ideals of food cooperatives. It shows readers what the histories of food co-ops can tell us about our rights as consumers, how we can practice democracy and community, and how we might do business differently. What possibilities for change—be they economic, political, environmental, or social—might food co-ops offer to their members, communities, and the globalized world? Food co-ops have long advocated for consumer legislation, accurate product labeling, and environmental protection. Food co-ops have many constituents—members, workers, board members, local and even global producers—making the process of collective decision-making complex and often difficult. Even so, food co-ops offer us a viable alternative to corporate capitalism. In recent years, committed co-ops have expanded their social vision to improve access to healthy food for all by helping to establish food co-ops in poorer communities.Less

Anne Meis Knupfer

Published in print: 2013-05-02

In recent years, American shoppers have become more conscious of their food choices and have increasingly turned to CSAs, farmers' markets, organic foods in supermarkets, and to joining and forming new food co-ops. In fact, food co-ops have been a viable food source, as well as a means of collective and democratic ownership, for nearly 180 years. This book examines the economic and democratic ideals of food cooperatives. It shows readers what the histories of food co-ops can tell us about our rights as consumers, how we can practice democracy and community, and how we might do business differently. What possibilities for change—be they economic, political, environmental, or social—might food co-ops offer to their members, communities, and the globalized world? Food co-ops have long advocated for consumer legislation, accurate product labeling, and environmental protection. Food co-ops have many constituents—members, workers, board members, local and even global producers—making the process of collective decision-making complex and often difficult. Even so, food co-ops offer us a viable alternative to corporate capitalism. In recent years, committed co-ops have expanded their social vision to improve access to healthy food for all by helping to establish food co-ops in poorer communities.

This chapter studies the portable polis. It is easily overlooked that the polis was inherently portable, since literary sources emphasize the predilection for permanence and continuity. However, ...
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This chapter studies the portable polis. It is easily overlooked that the polis was inherently portable, since literary sources emphasize the predilection for permanence and continuity. However, permanence and stability were not invariably the norm. The portability of the polis is indicated by the fact that those seeking to relocate continued to identify themselves as citizens of their original polis until they had succeeded in establishing new roots elsewhere, at which point they would usually assume a new name. In other words, a polis remained intact so long as there were citizens to identify themselves with it, irrespective of whether it existed in a fixed location. This practice—which might be called sense of ownership—tells much about the nature of Greek citizenship and Greek identity.Less

The Portable Polis

Robert Garland

Published in print: 2014-07-21

This chapter studies the portable polis. It is easily overlooked that the polis was inherently portable, since literary sources emphasize the predilection for permanence and continuity. However, permanence and stability were not invariably the norm. The portability of the polis is indicated by the fact that those seeking to relocate continued to identify themselves as citizens of their original polis until they had succeeded in establishing new roots elsewhere, at which point they would usually assume a new name. In other words, a polis remained intact so long as there were citizens to identify themselves with it, irrespective of whether it existed in a fixed location. This practice—which might be called sense of ownership—tells much about the nature of Greek citizenship and Greek identity.

This chapter covers the earliest attempts to create a colonial administration in Samarkand after 1868. The principal effect of this was to expropriate a class of landholders/tax officials known as ...
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This chapter covers the earliest attempts to create a colonial administration in Samarkand after 1868. The principal effect of this was to expropriate a class of landholders/tax officials known as Amlakdars, and instead the Russians sought to recreate local elites at the village level, with unpredictable results. This stands in stark contrast to British policy throughout most of India, where securing the co-operation of aristocratic elites was a fundamental tactic of Imperial rule.Less

The Creation of a Local Administration and the Abolition of Amlakdari

A. S. Morrison

Published in print: 2008-09-11

This chapter covers the earliest attempts to create a colonial administration in Samarkand after 1868. The principal effect of this was to expropriate a class of landholders/tax officials known as Amlakdars, and instead the Russians sought to recreate local elites at the village level, with unpredictable results. This stands in stark contrast to British policy throughout most of India, where securing the co-operation of aristocratic elites was a fundamental tactic of Imperial rule.

This chapter presents a theoretically informed discussion on the origins and development of public ownership in Britain. It focuses on a period of history when different economic and political forces ...
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This chapter presents a theoretically informed discussion on the origins and development of public ownership in Britain. It focuses on a period of history when different economic and political forces were operating, a time when municipalization and private ownership were both considered to be viable options. It argues that despite much contemporary and historical perception to the contrary, the inexorable absorption of infrastructure services by the public sector was more a product of agency problems than a function of the political complexion of government.Less

Public or Private Ownership? The Dilemma of Urban Utilities in London and New York, 1870–1914

RAPHAEL SCHAPIRO

Published in print: 2003-11-20

This chapter presents a theoretically informed discussion on the origins and development of public ownership in Britain. It focuses on a period of history when different economic and political forces were operating, a time when municipalization and private ownership were both considered to be viable options. It argues that despite much contemporary and historical perception to the contrary, the inexorable absorption of infrastructure services by the public sector was more a product of agency problems than a function of the political complexion of government.