The European Union (Withdrawal) Bill has now been published. This is a major legislative step for the UK in leaving the European Union and achieving Brexit.

In many ways the Bill contains few legal surprises. It now has a more formal 'parliamentary' title than the earlier soundbite version of The Great Repeal Bill .

The Bill is actually very technical and repetitive (or consistent depending on your point of view) in how it deals with the various processes. It is not an easy or entertaining read but it is relatively short.

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It is, however, very broad in its approach. Whether this approach will work is probably a question which will be answered with the benefit of hindsight in a few years time.

When the UK joined the EC, the European Communities Act 1972 consisted of 12 sections and four schedules.

The new Bill consists of 19 sections and nine schedules. Both are shining examples of what impacts can be achieved legislatively in a few sections. The Bill provides for the saving of EU derived legislation into domestic law, assisted by a new list of relevant definitions.

It provides various powers to Ministers to make secondary legislation to deal with "deficiencies arising from withdrawal", to ensure compliance with international obligations and to enable "implementing the withdrawal agreement".

These powers are subject to sunset clauses; some can only be used before the "exit day"; and others for up to two years after exit day.

Certain powers to make secondary legislation can also be exercised by devolved authorities, in Scotland either by the Scottish Ministers or the Lord Advocate. Some powers are to be exercised jointly or with the consent of the UK Ministers.

However, these powers are tightly constrained and can only be used where competence to produce legislation has already been devolved to Scottish Ministers. Nothing more and nothing less.

The UK Government says its approach reflects the current constitutional reality of devolution and, what moves later from Westminster to Holyrood, is a matter for further discussion.

Politically, in terms of the Sewel Convention, the devolved administrations can refuse to agree the terms of the Bill but legally this will not prevent the UK Government from carrying on regardless.

The processes for exercising all theses powers are set out in extensive detail in the schedules.

Finally, there is also power to make financial charges for services currently levied by EU bodies and now to be done within the UK by new or existing bodies.

In short, this Bill is a group of powers and procedures to enable Ministers in the UK and their counterparts in the devolved authorities to amend the law before and after exit day within the UK to make the legal system work on day one.

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Powers of this kind are normally drafted to achieve specific outcomes to make a Bill work. Those instructing a Bill tell the draftsman what they want to achieve and then the draftsman makes sure the powers are wide enough to do all expected of the powers.

In this case the UK Government have, not surprisingly, no clear idea that this Bill will allow them to do all they need to because they have no real idea on the outcome of the negotiations. This probably explains the breadth of the powers taken and the lack of many detailed examples of how they will be used.

Politicians scrutinising the legislation in all of the legislative bodies will have to trust in their own focussed scrutiny processes to hold their respective governments to account. There are bound to be issues.

The volume of legislation which will be required to achieve the legislative side of the Brexit project is huge over and above the normal day job legislation to keep the country going. The majority of it will need to be completed before March 2019 which is a tall order.

This is just the first piece of legislation to allow the practicalities of Brexit to happen. Another nine or so topic specific Bills are expected. They may be even more difficult to prepare since many are dependent on specific negotiation outcomes.

What is clear is that there is going to be a lot of midnight oil used in Whitehall over the next year or so drafting legislation under this Bill, always assuming it comes out the other side of the Westminster machine in its current form, which itself is not guaranteed.