The
Case for Ulster Independence

“There
must be some way in which we can work together. The problem is
basically one of identity. Are we second-class Irishmen, second-class
Englishmen or first-class Ulstermen? No one really knows what we are.
If the Catholics and Protestants had a common identity, say Northern
Ireland and be loyal to Northern Ireland, we could work out our
destiny from there. I am Northern Irish and certainly not a
second-class Englishman. If the fighting stopped and we became a unit
and had an identity of our own, I think this is the only way we can
be saved.” – Andy
Tyrie

While
the Zionist “British” State that administers the six counties is
a globalist entity, the Irish Republican goal of a 32-county Ireland
with its capital in Dublin is equally incompatible with
self-determination. Not only is Irish Republicanism a leftover of
19th
century petty-state nationalism, it also denies the primordial roots
of Ulster identity that stretch back to prehistory.

Many
European and American nationalists, communists, and self-styled
“anti-imperialists” who support Irish Republicanism would have
you believe
the likes of Sinn Féin, the 32 County Sovereignty Movement, and
dissident “physical force” Republicans like the Real
IRA/New IRA are
fighting for national sovereignty and self-determination in a
non-sectarian and secular United Ireland. Nothing could be further
from the truth.

In reality, contemporary Republicans are at the forefront of agitating for open borders and globalist causes like “Refugees Welcome” in both Ulster and the Republic (and have close ties with “Antifa” useful idiots for international capitalism, on the British mainland and further afield.) In the standard fashion of bourgeois false opposition movements to cast working class Europeans as imperialist oppressors, they deride their Ulster Protestant kinsfolk in terms like “unreformable Afrikaners” and envisage their ethnic cleansing.

Unionists
are no better. The neocon Democratic Unionist Party has its own
well-established love affair with cheap migrant labour and pushes a
treasonous “Israel first” foreign policy agenda, while members of
the supposedly “socialist” Progressive Unionist Party have
actually been spotted attending the same pro-immigration rallies as
members of Sinn
Féin!
More generally, Unionists proselytize a pseudohistorical narrative
that makes Ulster identity synonymous with British imperialism and
the Plantation settlements – according to which, Ulster history
started only in the 17th
century and has no relation to Irish or Gaelic culture.

The
reality is the Ulster people of today, formed by a mingling of
European population groups including Ancient British, Celtic, Norse,
English and Norman, constitute a distinct ethnic, cultural and
spiritual unit with its own customs and language or dialect (Ulster
Scots or Ullans). In addition, there is NO historical precedent for a
united Irish state ruled from Dublin – the only time in history the
North was ever ruled from the South is when all of Ireland was under
British rule!

The
Beginning

“The
primeval population-streams which came out of the North of the
Eurasiatic land-mass from 2000 BC right down to 1000 AD — and after
— were probably of related stock… These Northern barbarians
conquered the indigenous populations of all Europe, constituting
themselves an upper stratum, supplying the leadership, fighting-men,
and laws, wherever they went.”
– Francis
Parker Yockey

Celtic
settlement in Ireland by both Hallstatt
and La
Tène
cultures began in the first millennium BCE. The Celts brought with
them the knowledge of ironworking, a martial societal structure, and
imposed their language and customs upon the pre-Celtic population,
the Cruthin
or Pretani
who
had arrived from England or Scotland some six thousand years before –
when sea levels were lower and Ireland was barely yet an island.
Genetic and archaeological evidence suggests the Cruthin were
ethnically contiguous with the Britons of the megalithic period.

The
heroic myths of the Ulster
Cycle
tell us of an Iron Age Ireland divided into five primary kingdoms or
over-kingdoms,
each made up of a confederation of smaller kingdoms. Ulster was the
largest such over-kingdom, encompassing all of the North and reaching
as far south as the River Boyne, with its capital at Emain Macha
(believed to be modern Navan Fort, outside Armagh). The Ulster
Cycledescribes
close relations between Ulster and Alba, later to become Scotland;
after all, Torr Head and the Mull of Kintyre are separated by just
ten miles of ocean. The warrior Cúchulainn travelled
to Alba to learn the martial arts; Deidre of the Sorrows fled there
with her lover to escape the wrath of Conor, King of Ulster.

The
name Ulster derives from the Norse Uladhstir,
created by adding the suffix –stir
for “place” to the Gaelic Ulaid,
hence “Land of the Ulaid”. The word Ulaid,
which came to mean the whole people and over-kingdom, originally
referred to a warrior-charioteer ruling elite who were most probably
La Tène Celts. It should be noted the ancient Irish legal tracts
mention dynasties of both Ulaid and the earlier Cruthin holding the
over-kingship – and often competing for it.

Sources
like the Annals
of Ulster andAnnals
of Tigernach describe
a centuries-long state of war between the Ulaid and the people who
became known as the Gaels (the name deriving from Goidel,
signifying “raider”). DNA studies indicate the Gaels were a later
type of Celt who had settled in the Central European region between
the Moselle and the Rhine, until a mass exodus in the first century
BCE that paralleled the Roman expansion. This is consistent with
Julius Caesar’s account of his conquests in The
Gallic Wars.
It
appears the Proto-Gaels, finding flight eastward blocked by the
Germanic tribes, and the lands to the south and west already under
Roman control, first made the journey to England and then to Ireland.
The two main Gaelic dynasties were the Connaghta
and Eóganachta.
They succeeded in subjugating the south and the midlands and began to
unite the lands they had conquered in a common cultural and artistic
style.

Circa
140 CE, the Alexandrian Greek astronomer and mathematician Claudius
Ptolemy drew the first ever map of Ireland, based on contemporary
sailors’ diaries and pilots’ charts. His map shows Ireland as
having two royal sites or Regia,
one of which is easily identified as the ancient Ulster capital Emain
Macha, the other corresponding to the location of the Turoe Stone in
modern County Galway. This concurs perfectly with the accounts of an
Ulster Kingdom in the North at war with a Connaught kingdom in the
Southwest.

The
years 535-536 saw a climatological disaster that probably sealed the
doom of the Ulster Kingdom. This was the extreme drop in temperatures
across the Northern Hemisphere that
has been speculated was caused by multiple volcanic eruptions or an
asteroid impact creating an atmospheric dust veil.
The Byzantine historian Procopius declared:

“And
it came about during this year that a most dread portent took place.
For the sun gave forth its light without brightness, like the moon,
during this whole year, and it seemed exceedingly like the sun in
eclipse, for the beams it shed were not clear nor such as it is
accustomed to shed. And from the time when this thing happened men
were free neither from war nor pestilence nor any other thing leading
to death.”

It
is curious to compare accounts of the extreme weather aberrations
with the Eddic
description
of the Fimbulwinter
as
“three winters in a row and no summer in between”, and to note
the Battle of Camlann in which the legendary King Arthur is reputed
to have died or been mortally wounded correlates with the period,
taking place in 537 according to the Annales
Cambriae.

Snow
fell in the summer and crops failed. Tree ring analysis from Europe
to China and North America shows abnormally low growth in these
years. The Annals
of Inisfallen record:

“a
failure of bread from the years 536–539”.

The
Yersinia
pestispandemics
that devastated the Byzantine and Sassanid Empires – and fatally
weakened their ability to resist the rise of Islam in the centuries
to come – followed two years later.

In Ulster due to the progressive loss of territory to the Gaels, one Gaelicised Cruthin grouping, the Dál Riata, began to migrate across the channel to Scotland. From their heartland in the Glens of Antrim they established the powerful maritime kingdom of Dalriada, which grew to cover Argyll and much of the western seaboard of Scotland at its height in the early 7th century.

The
7th
century also saw the Ulaid make a final desperate attempt to reverse
the Gaelic
conquests.
In 628 Congal Cláen,
King of Ulster had killed the Gael King, Suibne Menn of the Northern
Uí Néill. He was defeated by his successor Domnall mac Áedo a year
later but escaped to Scotland and formed an alliance with the
Dalriada king, Domnall Brecc. In 637 at the Battle of Moira, in what
would become County Down, they led a 50,000 strong army including
contingents of Scots, Picts, Anglo-Saxons (Sassenachs) and Welsh
(Britons) against an Uí Néill army of equivalent strength. The
battle ended in defeat for the Ulaid and death for Congal Cláen,
but
the Gaels had suffered sufficiently massive losses to slow their
expansion down, and the Ulster lands east of the lower Bann were not
subjugated until the Norman conquest in 1177.

The
defeat at Moira also meant the end of the Dalriada
kingdom in Ireland, but
Scottish
Dalriada
remained independent until the mid-9th
century, when it merged with Pictland to become Alba. The
11th century Scottish king Mac Bethad mac Findlaích, better
known as Macbeth of
Shakespeare’s eponymous play was of Dalriadan descent.

It
is hoped the foregoing is sufficient to demonstrate the antiquity of
settlement in Ireland by the ancestors of the present-day Ulsterfolk.
The myth of Ireland as a singular Gaelic nation, ruled by High Kings
at Tara since pre-Christian times, is a fiction created in the later
medieval period to legitimize the hegemony of the Connaghta-descended
O’Neill dynasty and
has no historical basis whatsoever. In fact, in the immense extant
body of ancient Irish chronicles and legal tracts, there is only ONE
mention of Tara – as a seat of the Cruthin King of Ulster Congal
Cláen!

In
addition, the archaeological record of vast artificial barriers,
consisting of earthwork ditches and walls originally surmounted by
timber palisades, and stretching for miles across regions of Northern
Ireland, strongly speaks against the existence of a unified Gaelic
nation and supports the notion that Ulster’s separate identity was
determined deep in Ireland’s history. Fortifications such as the
Black Pig’s Dyke and the Dane’s Cast, dating from late centuries BCE
to early centuries CE, are consistent with a warring states
environment and the shrinking borders of a kingdom in retreat.

The
Interregnum

“The
failure of two neighbouring nations with similar interests to
co-operate against a mutual danger posing a threat to their existence
is a sorrowful spectacle.”
– David
L. Hoggan

After
thirty years of a fratricidal conflict in which working-class
Protestants and Catholics suffered more than anyone else, and twenty
years of a “peace” that has lined the pockets of big business
elites while leaving local communities increasingly marginalized,
Ulsterfolk in the 21st
century find ourselves staring into an abyss. With all the major
participants in the Belfast Agreement firmly committed to the
neoliberal model, exponents of Chicago School economics were flown in
from across the Atlantic to administer the “shock treatment” of
globalization to Northern Ireland’s economy, in the apparent belief
the historical identities of Protestant and Catholic, Nationalist and
Unionist, could readily be subsumed into the shared, apolitical and
homogenized identity of the consumer.

In
practice, post-Belfast Agreement Northern Ireland has operated on a
dual dynamic of continued ethno-sectarian friction based on resource
competition, and constant stripping of funding from the public
sector. This money is then poured into “regeneration” projects
such as shopping precincts, office spaces and tourism amenities, with
an emphasis on stimulating economic growth above all and no
discernible plans as to how the wealth thereby created is supposed to
find its way back to the pockets of ordinary people. Sinn
Féin and the DUP may give the impression they are ready to resume
armed struggle over disagreements surrounding culture and language –
but have shown themselves blood brothers in their shared worship of
the free market!

Standards
of living have remained flat for communities who were at the bottom
of the pile thirty years ago, and the wealth gap created by decades
of neglect and lack of investment has been accelerated by the decline
in manufacturing and reliance on low-wage service industry jobs.
North Belfast, West Belfast and Derry are among the ten areas of the
UK worst-hit by poverty, unemployment and benefit dependency. About
half the population of Derry is classed as “economically inactive.”

At
the time of writing (Summer 2019) Northern Ireland is without a
functioning government, and the province is governed in an ad
hoc fashion
by civil servants with no legislative initiative or mandate to
allocate funding. The venal and hypocritical nature of our political
class has been thrown into sharp relief and the charade of
“devolution” and “power-sharing” exposed as smoke and
mirrors. When the basis of agreement is that of continued division
and conflict, the only long-term winner is international capitalism
and the Atlanticist military-industrial complex.

For
ordinary Ulsterfolk, the much-trumpeted “peace dividend” has
consisted of sprawling and dilapidated housing estates, boarded-up
schools, filthy hospitals with patients dying in corridors, and a
suicide rate that exceeds the body count of the Troubles.

The
Future

“Our
current of thought is being offered a real historical chance, for:
first, facts are proving us right; second, the global system
established by our ideological enemy is about to collide with the
wall of reality and plunge into the abyss… and third, the ruling
ideology has nothing new to offer – no solutions – unless it
contradicts itself.” –
Guillaume
Faye

The
past can’t be changed, but mistakes can be learned from. Ulster
independence is a concept that has been floated for around forty
years, but has never made inroads, considered a last-ditch option by
Unionists and a Unionist Trojan Horse by Nationalists. As we approach
the third decade of the 21st
century, with the paralysis in Westminster over Britain’s departure
from the European Union likely to cause the breakup of the United
Kingdom, independence for Ulster is at last not only a viable
solution, but the ONLY way our country and people can be saved from
the destructive forces of globalization and cultural entropy!

Working-class
people who have been abandoned by the institutions purporting to
represent them seek a sense of purpose and belonging. Young people
who have grown up without the experience of conflict are seeking an
identity but want nothing to do with those who seek to re-ignite
sectarian warfare – despite the fearmongering propaganda of the
MSM, the reality on the ground is that numbers at both Loyalist and
Republican parades are a fraction of what they were 25 years ago.

The
Troubles arose due to a feeling from sections of both communities
that they were forever outside the corridors of power and could never
become meaningfully involved. Only when all sections of our people
have a conviction of meaningful involvement in decision-making at the
highest levels of government can our divided and trouble-torn society
be united. Only when we have a shared identity and vision for the
future we can all claim allegiance to can the causes of instability
be uprooted. The sons and daughters of Ulaid and Dalriada deserve
better than an endless cycle of poverty and division while the
cheerleaders for fratricide prosper!

With
the bugbear of the Union gone, the Ulsterfolk will forge their own
unique destiny, the path most suitable for our own people and land.

Let
us greet the new dawn, and proudly take our rightful place in the
Europe of a Hundred Flags as a sovereign, free and independent
Ulster!