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The end of the Soviet system and the transition to the market in Russia, coupled with the inexorable rise of nationalism, has brought to the fore the centuries-old debate about Russia's relationship with Europe. In Russia and the Idea of Europe Iver Neumann discusses whether the tensions between self-referencing romantic nationalist views and Europe-orientated liberal views can ever be resolved. Drawing on a wide range of Russian sources, Neumann outlines the argument as it has unfolded over the last two hundred years, showing how Russia is caught between the attraction of an economically, politically and socially more developed Europe, and the attraction of being able to play a European -style inperial role in less-developed Asia. Neumann argues that the process of delineating a European "other" from the Russian self is an active form of Russian identity formation. The Russian debate about Europe is also a debate about what Rusia is and should be.

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An intriguing "intellectual portrait" of a generation of Soviet reformers, this book is also a fascinating case study of how ideas can change the course of history. In most analyses of the Cold War's end the ideological aspects of Gorbachev's "new thinking" are treated largely as incidental to the broader considerations of power—as gloss on what was essentially a retreat forced by crisis and decline. Robert English makes a major contribution by demonstrating that Gorbachev's foreign policy was in fact the result of an intellectual revolution. English analyzes the rise of a liberal policy-academic elite and its impact on the Cold War's end. English worked in the archives of the USSR Foreign Ministry and also gained access to the restricted collections of leading foreign-policy institutes. He also conducted nearly 400 interviews with Soviet intellectuals and policy makers—from Khrushchev- and Brezhnev-era Politburo members to Perestroika-era notables such as Eduard Shevardnadze and Gorbachev himself. English traces the rise of a "Westernizing" worldview from the post-Stalin years, through a group of liberals in the late1960s–70s, to a circle of close advisers who spurred Gorbachev's most radical reforms.

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Julie M. Newton's analysis of Franco-Russian relations brings to light fundamental questions of international relations. Analysing the relationship from 1958 to 2002, the author highlights ideas and identity as primary causes of the change in Moscow's Westpolitik. This work also examines how, since 1991, Western actions have frayed Russia's identification with Europe, with potentially negative consequences for future Russian Western relations.

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Because the turbulent trajectory of Russia's foreign policy since the collapse of the Soviet Union echoes previous moments of social and political transformation, history offers a special vantage point from which to judge the current course of events. In this book, a mix of leading historians and political scientists examines the foreign policy of contemporary Russia over four centuries of history. The authors explain the impact of empire and its loss, the interweaving of domestic and foreign impulses, long-standing approaches to national security, and the effect of globalization over time. Contributors focus on the underlying patterns that have marked Russian foreign policy and that persist today. These patterns are driven by the country's political makeup, geographical circumstances, economic strivings, unsettled position in the larger international setting, and, above all, its tortured effort to resolve issues of national identity. The argument here is not that the Russia of Putin and his successors must remain trapped by these historical patterns but that history allows for an assessment of how much or how little has changed in Russia's approach to the outside world and creates a foundation for identifying what must change if Russia is to evolve. A truly unique collection, this volume utilizes history to shed crucial light on Russia's complex, occasionally inscrutable relationship with the world. In so doing, it raises the broader issue of the relationship of history to the study of contemporary foreign policy and how these two enterprises might be better joined.

Daniel H. Nexon,Iver B. Neumann, Montague Burton Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics and author of Russia and the Idea of Europe.
— 2006-05-25Political Science

Author: Daniel H. Nexon,Iver B. Neumann, Montague Burton Professor of International Relations, London School of Economics and author of Russia and the Idea of Europe.

Publisher: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers

ISBN: 1461637236

Category: Political Science

Page: 224

View: 5889

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Why not take seriously the claim that Harry Potter's world intertwines with our own? In this timely yet otherworldly volume, more than a dozen scholars of international relations join hands to demonstrate how this well-loved artifact of popular culture reflects and shapes our own lifeworld. A wide range of historical and sociological sources shows how Harry's world contains aspects of our own. Practices such as quidditch dovetail quite clearly with 'muggle' sports, and the very British-ness of the books has, in translation into languages such as Turkish and Arabic, been transformed to reflect these unique cultures. Chapters on the political economy of the franchise as well as the scholarly problems of studying popular culture frame what is essentially a highly info-taining read.

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In this volume, the authors examine the mutual relationship of the East and Europe within the Eurasian geopolitical space. They investigate how people to the East of Europe understand themselves vis-à-vis Europe, how they have processed European influences, and how states in the East compete with the West. The East is a strong rhetorical metaphor efficiently colouring something as non-European, or not-essentially-European. Studies in this volume examine the linguistic techniques that are used in erecting social and political boundaries, and how they are eventually demolished. The main focus is on turning points of time and transitional periods where the stability of status quo and maintenance of traditional values have been questioned, both in history and at present. All analysis is strictly based on original language sources, which are interpreted with thorough social, cultural and historical expertise. The main conceptual tool used for analysis is the binarity of boundaries. Binarity, or the use of boundary creating dichotomies, is constantly used in public discussion and political strategies to structure geopolitical space, create imperial power plays, and competing centre-periphery formations. The empirically strong social and cultural expertise of the authors, and their multidisciplinary use of geopolitical theory in conjunction with new linguistically inspired analytical tools create a highly original perspective on the Eurasian political space. The book is a significant contribution to studies on Europe and its neighbourhood.

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This book provides a detailed analysis of Russia’s ‘great power identity’ and the role of Europe in forming this identity. ‘Great power identity’ implies an expansionist foreign policy, and yet this does not explain all the complexities of the Russian state. For instance, it cannot explain why Russia decided to take over Crimea, but provided only limited support to break-away regions in Eastern Ukraine. Moreover, if Russia is in geo-economic competition with Europe, why has no serious conflict erupted between Moscow and other post-Soviet states which developed closer ties with the EU? Finally, why does Putin maintain relationships with the European countries that imposed tough economic sanctions on Russia? Vsevolod Samokhvalov provides a more nuanced understanding of Russia’s great power identity by drawing on his experience in regional diplomacy and research and applying a constructivist methodology. The book will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, in particular Russian-European relations, Russian foreign policy and Russian studies.

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A reference guide to the world's largest country. Covering influential individuals, significant places, and important policies, it provides readers with a greater understanding of Russian history. A narrative history, chronology, and A-Z entries are included.

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This book addresses a simple question: how do Russians understand international law? Is it the same understanding as in the West or is it in some ways different and if so, why? It answers these questions by drawing on from three different yet closely interconnected perspectives: history, theory, and recent state practice. The work uses comparative international law as starting point and argues that in order to understand post-Soviet Russia's state and scholarly approaches to international law, one should take into account the history of ideas in Russia. To an extent, Russian understandings of international law differ from what is considered the mainstream in the West. One specific feature of this book is that it goes inside the language of international law as it is spoken and discussed in post-Soviet Russia, especially the scholarly literature in the Russian language, and relates this literature to the history of international law as discipline in Russia. Recent state practice such as the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia's record in the UN Security Council, the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights, prominent cases in investor-state arbitration, and the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union are laid out and discussed in the context of increasingly popular 'civilizational' ideas, the claim that Russia is a unique civilization and therefore not part of the West. The implications of this claim for the future of international law, its universality, and regionalism are discussed.

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This book analyses the Russian opposition to the 2010 Barents Sea delimitation agreement in light of both the Law of the Sea and Russian identity, arguing that the agreement's critics and proponents inscribe themselves into different Russian narratives about Russia's rightful place in the world.