Following the tragic series of events, Thad had planned on retiring from electoral politics and venturing back to Bangor to start afresh. However, after correspondence with his friend Areus Hok’ee, he was convinced to continue his campaign for Senate, and the Maine Republican Committee narrowly voted to place his name on the ballot instead of the deceased Hank Stevenson. Thad made several changes, however.

The first was the immediate firing of Rolfe, who Thad previously assaulted. Secondly, Thad returned all of the money donated by Davis Griffin and severance of all ties to the RNC Chairman. Lastly, Thad made a private vow to cease all negative campaigning for the rest of his career. He would publicly write these changes off as merely “necessary as the dynamics of the race have changed.”

The bruising, slanderous and literally fatal primary campaign would not be Thad’s final tribulation. President Scoop Jackson’s approvals stood at 53% on the eve of his nomination, and the Democrats had a strong candidate in George Mitchell. His 28.45% of the vote in the primary was far from a mandate and conservative Hayes Gahagan could plausibly serve as a spoiler.

Thad remained undaunted by the straits laid before him. Polls showed Thad narrowly trailing Mitchell, but as fall came about the Republicans largely coalesced around Thad for the sake of bolstering the sake of defeating Mitchell. The charges of inexperience still dogged Thad, as well as the “bachelor question” as coined by the local media, but Thad was far better poised to enter the Senate than he had been four years ago.

The 1982 midterm elections saw a modest gain in seats for the Republican Party, but comparatively lackluster to the ’78 or even ’80 pick-ups by the Democratic Party. Only a shallow glance would suggest that the Republican brand is healed, or that the Democrats’ fortunes are waning. That does not mean, however, that there are no heated contentions; in fact, they have been tenser than the previous sessions.

The battle was fought within the ranks of the Democratic Party, and made the McCormack-Udall feud look cordial by comparison. Jefferson Dent, dissatisfied with Byrd’s enabling of the President, sought to challenge his one-time friend for the position of Majority Leader. The vote was reflective of a struggle for the heart of the Democratic Party, between the New Left wing and the moderate-conservative Democrats of the old.

As many expected, Jefferson Dent failed in his attempt to upset the establishment. An excerpt of his press conference, following the vote:

“We gave it our best shot, but we were unable to wrest control of the Democratic Party from the clutches of these conservative interlopers. The leadership and the national party seem content to repeat the mistakes of the sixties, and that is unfortunate. I knew my efforts were in vain, but I loved being a Democrat and thought she deserved one last chance. This is a sign that there must be a change in course, and as such I will be caucusing with the Republicans.

I am still a liberal at heart and don’t plan on changing my registration. But until the Senate and House leadership grow spines and stop granting carte blanche to the Democrats, I see the Republicans as the best opposition party to the President. This is not a move of political convenience by any stretch of the imagination, as I’d actually be better off retaining the Whip position, and being part of the majority. With the way they’ve been acting, that is simply unconscionable.”

Are Jack Kemp and Bob Dole considered serious candidates? And what happened to George Bush?

Bob Dole is much less on the spotlight than OTL, since he was never picked as the Vice Presidential candidate. However, he is seen as one of the icons of the "Mainstream" wing (I'll be doing an entry on that this weekend.)

Jack Kemp is seen as a hero amongst tax cutters, but vilified by the Democratic Party and down-scale voters.

George Bush lost the 1982 Senatorial Primary in an upset to James "Fergie" Garner, whom Thad met at the 1980 RNC.

However, none of the candidates polled have formally declared candidacies yet (and for fun I'll map out any other match-up on request.)

This America sucks! Almost 1984 and it looks like a landslide re-election already!The only likable person in that election analysis map thing is Hatfield.

Now the question is no longer if Scott Westman will become an Independent Democrat, but when.

To be fair, the match-ups were conducted in December of 1982, before the new Congress was even sworn in. Pretty much all of these people (besides Connally) are suffering from a lack of name recognition. Much is to change over the next two years. (And I think if you were more familiar with him, you might like Coventry too.)

For comparison:

Or, conversely,

Anyway, in his '82 Senatorial campaign Westman tacitly appealed to Republicans as being more opposed than supportive of the Jackson agenda. Notice how Paul Rhineberg ("Independent" Democrat) got 6%.

Easily the largest faction in the Republican Party, the Mainstream faction has historically held great clout. However, with the defeats of Howard Baker and George Bush, their strength has been veritably diminished despite their great size. The wane may not be irreversible, and they still serve as an essential bridge in Leadership votes, committees, and the Republican Chairmanship.

A relatively younger faction of the Republican Party that made great strides in the sixties and seventies, their ranks were thinned in the 78 midterms. However, with the defeat of the discredited Mainstream wing, they filled a power vacuum and elected the conservative oil mogul Davis Griffin as National Chairman. Their prospects to replicate such success in two years are fair.

Sometimes characterized as “liberal” or “Rockefeller Republican”, this wing has seen rapidly diminished influence since the sixties, with the conservative revolution. However, they may have found new life as the chief opposition to President Jackson, and may be restored to their former greatness.

An enigmatic faction emerging within the ranks of the Republican Party, this group only qualifies because of its lack of identification and distinction with any of the aforementioned wings. Their name stems from the “Maverick Society”, a formal club established by Areus Hok’ee, its leader. To their credit, they boast two Minority Whips to their name.

I had him marked down as an Indy in this timeline since he feels the GOP are too left-wing for his taste.

He worked out a Bernie Sanders-type deal with the WY GOP where he would run in their primary but remain on the ballot as an Independent, winning an open seat upon the retirement of Teno Roncalio. (He caucuses with the Republicans.)

A half-Navajo Representative from Nevada, elected in '72 as a change of pace from the conservative Walter S. Baring. Remarkable for his unusual ability to win Native American voters, and for his political base being Vegas. Currently third in the House leadership and comparable to LBJ in his cajolery and intimidation.

A half-Navajo Representative from Nevada, elected in '72 as a change of pace from the conservative Walter S. Baring. Remarkable for his unusual ability to win Native American voters, and for his political base being Vegas. Currently third in the House leadership and comparable to LBJ in his cajolery and intimidation.

Introduced during Thad's sabbatical to Vegas.

Oh right.

Given Scott Westman's original character background a meetup between the two could be interesting.

Thad was sworn-in as Senator on January 3rd, 1983. In a move that surprised many, he opted not to be guided by Hathaway, the Senior Senator, but instead was escorted by Senator Scott Westman to take the oath. While Thad still had mixed feelings about the senator, he felt more familiar with him than the others, Senator-elect Garner notwithstanding. Following the ritual Thad went to be seated, with a smile and reserved pride.

Following the adjournment of the Senate, Thad walked toward the hallway, eager to christen his new office with a Jack and Moxie, only to be accosted by Senator Scott Westman. “Hey lad, I must say I was quite moved that you chose me to escort ya,” he said with a glimmer of joy. “I have not yet earned the distinction of joining this exclusive club, despite my swearing-in. You are among the only ones I’ve met,” Thad humbly responded.

“Hell, if you don’t know anybody in this sh*t hole then let’s hit the bar!” he would exclaim, a mischievous grin appearing on his wide-eyed face. The two went to the Drunken Dutchman, Westman’s bar of choice, only to encounter a tall, reserved man with graying hair. He was introduced to Thad as Mark Hatfield, the Senior Senator from Oregon. Hatfield and Westman had developed a close friendship over the past two years, working in concert to obstruct the President’s agenda.

Thad and Westman drank until each reached great comfort, and the three partook in casual conversation. After the eleventh drink, Westman gleefully pronounced Hatfield “the next President of the United States,” much to the surprise of several insiders enjoying a drink at the bar, and the visibly embarrassed Hatfield, a teetotaler. An equally intoxicated Thad noticed a dirty look from the bartender, and at his recommendation they departed for Westman’s house in D.C.

Hatfield politely took his leave on the way back, but Thad and Westman continued to drink into the night. In the midst of laughter, Thad broke the casual tone, asking, “Scott, something has been troubling me. Why have you joined hands with those scoundrels in the Democratic Party? The Majority Leader vote, and past two years of governance go to show they are far from your values.”

Westman let out a remorseful sigh, looking into the distance. “You know Thad, I think you’re right. But my grandfather, William Westman, was a Democrat. A damn good Democrat. Scoop’s d*ck-faced warmongering doesn’t resonate with me, but neither do the milquetoast, grey poupon eaters that run deep in the Republican Party. I don’t know how much more of this administration I can take, though, to be frank.”

Thad spent the next week acquainting himself with both Senate procedure and some of his fellow colleagues. He had not seen Lawrence Coventry or Fergie Garner since their sojourn in Los Angeles, and he was quite glad to serve with them. However, his closest bond would be forged with Senator Westman. The two were inseparable, and Thad frequently slept on Westman’s couch in a drunken stupor, rather than his office, for Thad neglected to purchase a house in D.C.

A week after the new session, Representative Hok’ee invited Thad to his “Statesman Banquet”, a non-partisan event geared toward fostering working relationships between legislators. The event would take place at Areus’ lavish estate, a house once owned by the late Nelson Rockefeller, spanning over twenty-five acres of land.

Thad entered, and was greeted with a warm smile by the host. Thad proffered his hand, but was given a formal hug. “Good to see you my friend!” Areus would say. “I must ask, who is your friend? Thad introduced the two, and Areus bade Westman to sit at the far side of the table. The rectangular table spanned over fifteen feet in length, and five feet in width, with a red tablecloth draped on one end and a blue on the other. Thad was told to sit at the very end, near the head of the table.

Areus sat to Thad’s right, and across was a mysterious looking man with slick black hair, a pencil mustache, and a ruffled shirt. He was Santiago St. Avila, freshman Senator from Washington, and the two briefly spoke. Various dishes of pork, lamb, and chicken were served, and the wine flowed like water streams. In the midst of merry chat, Areus rose from his seat and tapped his wine glass with a spoon, as if to command attention.

“Everybody, replenish your glasses. As many of you know, this is the tenth anniversary of Roe vs. Wade, and I would like to offer a toast, commemorating the endowment of choice.” Every man on the blue side, all being Republicans, offered their glasses with enthusiasm. Surprisingly, the toast was met with murmurs on the other side, but a few such as Scott Westman and George McGovern partook. Shortly after, a man on the red side rose in contention.

“I, on the other hand, would like to offer a toast in memory of the millions of lives rubbed out.” The speaker was a tall, sturdy man with steely grey eyes and auburn hair. His thick jowls and square forehead made him vaguely resemble a tiger. He was Patton Wyde, Senator from Mississippi and a previous keynote speaker at the Democratic National Convention. “I must say this was rude for you to politicize such a friendly occasion.” He continued.

“Far from my intent, my good friend,” Areus smiled with a hint of guile. “History is immutable. Like it or not, Roe vs. Wade is the law of the land and likely to remain that way for the future. I do not see how this was in poor taste.” “I think you are wrong. This is merely an example of jury nullification: the judges re-writing the laws despite the Constitution,” Wyde shot back. “All dictum,” Areus brushed him off. “The people would not stand for anything else.”

“You are wrong. Precedent is widely in our favor: three years ago, the nation voted overwhelmingly for a pro-life candidate over a pro-choice one. Similarly, in 1972, the agenda of “Amnesty, Abortion, and Acid” was repudiated, and rightfully so.” At this point, George McGovern scowled and excused himself from the table. Areus responded, untouched by his opponent’s points. “You are conflating elections with referenda. Unless you wish to put this up to the test?”

“Fine, goddamnit. I’ll draft a constitutional amendment! You and your co-conspirators in the court will be shamed!” Patton Wyde exclaimed, before storming off with a handful of his colleagues.

After the rancorous stir, many of Areus’ guests departed, claiming to be tired or running late. Thad would sit in his seat, quietly imbibing himself until all but Areus’ close circle had left, before asking, “This has been a splendorous occasion, but why did you have to spoil it with such a poor topic?” Areus chuckled, as if he’d anticipated the question. “I wasn’t trying to offend the sensibilities of our guests. You’ll understand in time.”

A solemn melody emanated from the corner, as if to eulogize the peace that had been broken. Thad turned to see Santiago St. Avila strum a few more notes on his lute, before setting it down to converse with the group. “Now that we have separated the wheat from the chaff, shall we discuss a more important topic?” He would ask Areus. “It is only a matter of time before the Presidential cycle begins.”

“I suppose you are right,” Areus responded. “What of it? Nobody has declared.” At this point Thad chimed, “What about Hatfield? I say he’s our man.” “Yes, intuition tells me that Hatfield will be declaring any day now, despite his reticence,” responded Areus. “I expect the conservative wing to be fully energized. Unbeknownst to them, the goblet has already been poisoned. I think Armstrong or Laxalt will run.”

“I think you or Lawrence should run,” said Santiago. “Either of you would be spectacular.” Areus laughed, flicking his hand as if to dismiss him. “Lawrence is working his way into the Senate leadership, and I am ill-equipped for a bid. Instead, we must unite around the most viable and similar candidate, to increase our clout and build political capital.”

As the words rolled off Areus’ tongue, Scott Westman reentered the room. “Jesus Christ, that was a sh*t show.” Areus turned towards Thad with a quizzical look, asking, “What is the Democrat doing in a private meeting like this?” Scott Westman stepped between the two, standoffishly responding, “Hey man, I may be a Democrat, but right now I’m one of the best friends you could ask for, if you want to take down this President.”

Scott Westman had gained notoriety for his opposition to the President, which had nearly jeopardized his chairmanship of the Environment and Public Works Committee. “Very well, I suppose. Care for some wine?” Areus responded, proffering the bottle. “No, I have my own drink,” he responded, raising a fifth of Jim Beam, which had been notably depleted. “I like your style!” boomed Areus, with a rich laugh.

The four played poker for an hour, with Thad being the first to lose each round. Each laughed, and as they grew tired of poker, Santiago went to turn on the television, only to find a weary news anchor. “We have just received news that the President… has been rushed to the Washington Hospital. His condition is critical at this time.”

Since William Henry Harrison, every President elected in a year ending with zero has died in the midst of their term. The President was hospitalized five days ago for heart problems, and Vice President Bentsen has invoked the 25th amendment. All information concerning the President’s health hitherto this publication is considered classified.

Senator Paul Laxalt was due to formally declare his campaign, but postponed the event “until further light has been shed upon the President’s condition.” The Senator will have been the first Republican to do so.

War Rages on in Iran

It has been nearly a year since the unofficial war was launched on Iran, and not much has changed since then. The United States has found an unlikely ally in Saddam Hussein and has established a foothold in the Western parts of the country, but guerilla warfare and overt Soviet aid from their outposts in Afghanistan have made this an uphill climb.

Polls show that currently 59% approve of the President’s handling of Iran, with 35% disapproving and 6% unsure.

A Dim Economic Road Ahead

Despite a massive seat change and years of economic woe, there are still only murmurs of economic recovery. Unemployment still lags at 8.4%, (admittedly down from 10.6% when Jackson took office) and endlessly high gas prices continue to sting average Americans. Between a ballooning deficit and spiking commodity prices, any recovery may have been stopped short.

After seventy-two hours of an uncertain public, President Jackson’s condition was lowered to stable. He reassumed the Presidency less than a week ago. Acting-President Bentsen had invoked the 25th amendment upon the hospitalization of the President.

The Republican Primary unfolds

Following the news that the President would in fact be okay, Senator Paul Laxalt declared his intention to seek the Presidency, to an enthusiastic crowd of over 8,000 people in Reno, Nevada. Senator Laxalt is the first to declare, and hails from the conservative wing of the party. Senator Charles Mathias of Maryland declared two days later, saying “We must stay the course with our success from the midterm elections,” in his announcement speech.

At a first glance, Senator Mathias would seem to be the favorite of the two. He has over a decade in the Senate under his belt, and won re-election despite Jackson getting over sixty percent of the vote. However, the defeat of Howard Baker in 1980 may give credence to the case of the conservatives, such as Laxalt, who insists “Republicans will only win if we stick to our values, rather than run away from them.”

Polls and conventional wisdom show that the conservative compass points toward Senator Laxalt. One such indicator was the appearance of an aged, but still influential Ronald Reagan, who was at Laxalt’s announcement to show full support. Charles Mathias, however, cannot match the enthusiasm that Laxalt culls, and is far from a unifying figure amongst the moderate wing. Perhaps this primary will be more analogous to 1964 than 1976, but it is far too early to tell.