But much is said of the propriety of our becoming a great
and powerful nation. There is a great difference between
offensive and defensive war. If we can defend ourselves,
it is sufficient. Shall we sacrifice the peace and happiness
of this country, to enable us to make wanton war?

My conduct throughout the revolution will justify me. I
have invariably wished to oppose oppressions. It is true
that I have now a paltry office. I am willing to give it up--away
with it! It has no influence on my present conduct. I
wish Congress to have the regulation of trade. I was of
opinion that a partial regulation alone would not suffice. I
was among those members who, a few years ago, proposed
that regulation. I have lamented that I have put my hand
to it, since this measure may have grown out of it. It was
the hopes of our people to have their trade on a respectable
footing. But it never entered into my head that we
should quit liberty, and throw ourselves into the hands of
an energetic government. Do you want men to be more
free, or less free, than they are? Gentlemen have been
called upon to show the causes of this measure. None have
been shown. Gentlemen say we shall be ruined unless we
adopt it. We must give up our opinions. We cannot judge
for ourselves. I hope gentlemen, before this, have been
satisfied that such language is improper. All states which
have heretofore been lavish in the concession of power
and relinquishment of privileges have lost their liberty. It
has been often observed (and it cannot be too often observed)
that liberty ought not to be given up without
knowing the terms. The gentlemen themselves cannot
agree in the construction of various clauses of it; and so
long as this is the case, so long shall liberty be in danger.

Gentlemen say we are jealous. I am not jealous of this
house. I could trust my life with them. If this Constitution
were safer, I should not be afraid. But its defects warrant
my suspicions and fears. We are not passing laws now, but
laying the foundation on which laws are to be made. We
ought, therefore, to be cautious how we decide. When I
consider the Constitution in all its parts, I cannot but
dread its operation. It contains a variety of powers too
dangerous to be vested in any set of men whatsoever.

Elliot, Jonathan, ed. The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution as Recommended by the General Convention at Philadelphia in 1787. . . . 5 vols. 2d ed. 1888. Reprint. New York: Burt Franklin, n.d.