Theses and Dissertations (History)http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2768
Thu, 24 May 2018 17:49:30 GMT2018-05-24T17:49:30ZRepubliek Lydenburg, 1856-1860http://hdl.handle.net/10500/22477
Republiek Lydenburg, 1856-1860
Du Plessis, Tjaart Andries
Text in Afrikaans
Thu, 01 Jan 1931 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10500/224771931-01-01T00:00:00ZThe Bank of Mozambique : historical review from 1975 to 2010http://hdl.handle.net/10500/21785
The Bank of Mozambique : historical review from 1975 to 2010
Pateguana, Carmelia
The Banco de Moçambique (Bank) was established in May 17, 1975. The 1920 Brussels Conference recommended that in countries without a central bank, it should be created. The ‘Bank’ followed the new model of emerging countries’ central banks (mid-1950s), where those central banks regulated and controlled an existing financial system and promoted the emergence of a money and capital market.
From 1975 the Bank performed commercial functions until 1992, when the functions of commercial banking and central banking were separated. Mozambique tried to establish a socialist society. The prevailing financial system, primarily consisting of of expatriate banks, was reorganised under the state bank. This was a restructuring and integration process. In 1980 the Metical, the new currency of Mozambique, was introduced.
In the 1980s weakening economic conditions in Mozambique mandated the reconsideration of post-independence economic policies. In 1984 Mozambique accepted assistance from the Bretton Woods institutions and from 1987 the country embraced the Economic Rehabilitation Program. The Bank embarked on monetary, credit, supervisory and regulatory policies reforms, to consolidate conventional central bank functions.
Sun, 01 May 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10500/217852016-05-01T00:00:00ZA history of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS), 1956-1970http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20088
A history of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS), 1956-1970
McKay, Clare Elizabeth Anne
The aim of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was to represent the interests of all South African students nationally and internationally. The challenge then to the liberal NUSAS leadership was how to meet the demands of black students for a politically relevant policy while simultaneously retaining the loyalty of its white middle class and often conservative membership. In 1957, the black University College of Fort Hare returned to NUSAS to participate in the national union’s campaign against the imposition of apartheid on the universities. Consequently, NUSAS adopted the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the foundation of its policy. Sharpeville and the increasing number of black students associated with NUSAS contributed to the further politicisation and leftward movement of the national union.
The emergence of two new exclusively African student organisations together with the decision of a student seminar in Dar es Salaam that NUSAS be barred from all international student forums as its demographics precluded it from representing the aspirations of the black majority was the pretext for a far-reaching interrogation of NUSAS’s structure and functioning. Henceforward NUSAS would play a ‘radical role’ in society. This played into the hands of the government and its proxies, the new conservative students associations which sought to slice away NUSAS’s moderate to conservative white membership. The arrest of current and former NUSAS officers implicated in sabotage provided more grist to the right wing mill. In an attempt to manage this most serious crisis, as well as to continue functioning in the increasingly authoritarian and almost wholly segregated milieu of the mid-1960s, NUSAS abandoned its ‘radical role’ and increasingly focussed on university and educational matters.
Nonetheless, the state intensified its campaign to weaken NUSAS. By means of legislation, the utilisation of conservative student structures and the intimidation of university authorities, the government attempted to ensure that segregation was applied at all NUSAS-affiliated universities. It was the application of segregation by cowed university authorities that precipitated the New Left-inspired student protests at NUSAS-affiliated campuses in the late 1960s as well as the establishment of the separate black South African Students Organisation, the latter leading to the exodus of all black students from NUSAS.
Sat, 01 Aug 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10500/200882015-08-01T00:00:00ZSocio-economic history of North Shawa, Ethiopia (1880s-1935)http://hdl.handle.net/10500/19891
Socio-economic history of North Shawa, Ethiopia (1880s-1935)
Deschasa Abebe Demisie
This thesis attempts to address how and why North Shäwa deteriorated from a political heartland to a region of impoverished peasants by the beginning of the 20th century. One of the factors that determine the selection of the place for a seat of the government for a region or country and sustainability of its system is its resource potential. In this case, arable and grazing land with other related land resources were decisive. They were some of the major factors contributing to both the origin and development of the kingdom. However, by the beginning of the 20th century, the region was abandoned by the court and by a significant proportion of its population. This was mainly because of the impoverishment of the region. The growth of the number of consumers (town dwellers) and the supplies needed by the kingdom exceeded the carrying capacity of North Shäwa. The economic productivity of the region could not correspond to the development of its needs. Thus, this thesis accords due emphasis to the factors that contributed to the impoverishment of North Shäwa and the consequences that followed. Throughout the thesis, North Shäwan peasants are the main subject of discussion. Political, social, cultural and geographical factors that impacted on the peasants’ economy and that retarded its development are discussed in the study. It also attempts to unearth the measures taken by the court and peoples of North Shäwa to withstand or escape from the prevailing socio-economic problems. Finally a comparison is made with other regions of the country to describe the political and socio-economic status of North Shäwans that continue to live in the region. This discussion covers the period from the 1880s up to the Italian occupation of Ethiopia in 1935
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10500/198912015-01-01T00:00:00Z