Poverty of the marginalisation discourse

There are two aspects to the issue of the alleged marginalisation of the Yoruba in the country’s contemporary political economy by the President Goodluck Jonathan administration – a matter of topical discourse in recent times. First is that raised by the reform-minded Afenifere Renewal Group (ARG) and has to do with the perceived persecution or bias against the South-West states in recruitment into different arms of the public service including the alleged mass retrenchment of officers from the region in certain ministries, departments and agencies of the Federal Government. This perceived marginalisation is of an essentially purely constitutional and legal nature as it revolves around the Federal Character principle provided for in the constitution. The imperative of reflecting the country’s federal character in appointments and recruitment into public agencies is meant to meet the criteria of fairness and balance in an ethno-culturally plural polity like ours without negating the critical factor of merit. To demonstrate this allegation of marginalisation of the South West, the ARG cited the example of 792 cadet officers recently recruited for training at the Customs Training College, Kano, with 263 from the North West, 168 from the North Central, 157 from the North East, 91 from the South-South, 68 from the South East and 45 from the South West. It would, of course, be important to know the total number of applicants from the various geo-political zones involved in this particular exercise as well as the criteria for recruitment before an objective and informed conclusion can be reached. There will also be the need for more detailed information on the recruitment, elevation and attrition statistics across a wider cross section of the service for a scientifically rigorous position to be taken. However, this form of marginalisation depicted by the ARG can be challenged legally as it involves constitutional issues and the Federal Character Commission can be taken to task on the discharge of its responsibilities. In the same vein, anyone unjustly dismissed from the public service simply for reasons of alleged ‘ethnic cleansing’ can seek legal redress.

However, the second form of marginalisation complained of by the Yoruba Unity Forum (YUF) is largely political and far more controversial. The YUF is largely made up of progressive politicians of the older generation, mostly identified with the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s political thought and practice. They include respected elder statesmen such as Chief Reuben Fasoranti, Chief Ayo Adebanjo and Chief Olu Falae. Speaking on behalf of the group recently, Chief Olu Falae lamented that the pattern of political appointments by the Jonathan administration “is an attempt to excise the zone out of the federation.” He specifically contended that the interest of the South West had been negatively affected by the “side-tracking” of the Yoruba from such key positions as President, Vice-President, Senate President, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Deputy Speaker of the House, Acting President, Court of Appeal, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Chief of Staff to the President, Office of the National Security Adviser and the Head of Service of the Federation. I personally do not see what the millions of ordinary people in Yoruba land are missing because a member of their ethnic group is in none of these so-called key positions to “eat” on their behalf. After all, there are several illustrious Yoruba indigenes in the Federal Executive Council even if some would complain they are not in the so-called ‘juicy’ ministries (whatever that means).

It is indeed not difficult to demonstrate the poverty of the kind of marginalisation discourse pursued by the YUF and Chief Olu Falae. A Yoruba man occupied the most important office in the land between 1999 and 2007. Did that improve the fortunes of Yoruba land? Did it reduce the level of unemployment and abject poverty in the region? Did it help in upgrading infrastructure? Despite Obasanjo’s dismal first term performance, the ‘progressive’ leaders of the region urged support for him in 2003 simply because he “is our son”. Of course, the wily soldier-farmer exploited the opportunity to rout the opposition and install PDP ‘mainstream’ governors in five of the six South West states excluding Lagos. The fortunes of the region continued to nosedive abysmally until the progressive resurgence that has resulted in the current developmental renaissance across the ACN states. The poverty-stricken state of most of the north today, despite the dominance of power at the centre of the region’s power elite for most of our post-independence history, makes nonsense of the notion that having your kinsmen occupying ‘juicy positions’ is a guarantee of development. It is equally as fallacious to contend that because Jonathan, an Ijaw man, is President today, means that the Niger Delta is any less marginalised than before he got into office.

The truth of the matter is that the vast majority of Nigerians, irrespective of ethno-regional origins or religious faith, will continue to be marginalised from prosperity, excellent health care, qualitative and affordable education, effective security, first class infrastructure and jobs for as long as we maintain this monstrous structure that enables a few parasitic and ravenous elite to congregate at the centre through “key appointments” to engage in a feeding orgy ostensibly on behalf of “their people”. I identify fully with the view that we must substantially restructure this deformed federation to ensure substantial decentralisation of powers, responsibilities and resources to the lower levels of government to stimulate development from bottom up and not the other way round. Chief Falae argues that the South West supported Jonathan massively in the 2011 elections and that the President “got the endorsement of many Yoruba progressives, especially the leadership of the Yoruba Unity Forum”. Now, was this support given to Jonathan because the Yoruba voters wanted their kinsmen given “key appointments” or because they believed Jonathan could offer the nation effective and transformational leadership? Similarly, the argument has been made that Yoruba activists were prominent in the Save Nigeria Group (SNG) that insisted that Jonathan assume office as President in accordance with the constitution following the late President Jonathan’s incapacitation. Again, was this advocacy that the constitution should be adhered to borne out of principle or to secure future appointment favours?

I see absolutely no reason why a Mrs.Mulikat Adeola-Akande should be preferable as Speaker of the House to an Aminu Tambuwal. All that matters is that the dynamics of the political process was allowed to play itself out in accordance with the constitution and stipulated rules. It does not matter one bit to the welfare of the vast majority of the people in the South West if a Yoruba is Senate President, Chief Justice of Nigeria, Head of Service or any of those other positions. What matters is that all positions be filled on merit, fair play and due process. In any case all this distracting marginalisation discourse does little credit to the amazing competitive developmental strides being undertaken today across the South-West including Edo State. That matters more to me than some parasitic “come and eat” appointments at the centre. Let us end with the following extract from a message sent to the Western Regional Conference of the Action Group in Ibadan on 6th July, 1963, by Chief Obafemi Awolowo who said “It has been suggested with unabashed falsity, that the Yorubas are being relegated to the background in the affairs of the Federal Government, partly because the Yorubas are not united, and partly because the Action Group has not participated in the affairs of the Federal Government like the NCNC and NPC…whilst the Action Group does not participate in the Federal Government since January 1960, some outstanding Yorubas have been in the Council of Ministers since the last Federal elections…It must be recalled that the Action Group did participate in the Federal Government from 1957 to 1959; and it would be interesting to know what the Yorubas gained especially because of this participation”.

2 thoughts on “Poverty of the marginalisation discourse”

It serves the yorubas right. They first rejected Ojukwu and joined the Federal Govt to eat, rejected Buhari in 2003 and supported OBJ their own, did same in 2011 for Jonathan in order to eat. If food is not coming their way now, they should shine their eyes and take a national development position and they shall see food on their tables. A word is enough for the wise.

You wrote “A Yoruba man occupied the most important office in the land between 1999 and 2007. Did that improve the fortunes of Yoruba land? Did it reduce the level of unemployment and abject poverty in the region? Did it help in upgrading infrastructure?”

Obasanjo’s policy ensured that the Yoruba states have the most number of universities in the country at this moment. Osun possibly has more universities than the entire North East. These institutions have generated several employments. The Olokola LNG and the FTZ is another of Obasanjo’s achievements directly benefiting the SW.