Sunday, 10 December 2017

Malas: Cyprus has been plagued by nationalism

I am ready to continue the negotiation from where they were left at
Crans Montana, on the basis of the Guterres’ Framework and the non-paper for
the implementation of the solution, and to discuss the core pending issues
through a package approach. Anastasiades didn’t grab the chance.

For many years many political
forces in the Greek Cypriot community, with the exception of AKEL, had an
ambivalent stand on the interpretation of bi-zonal bi-communal federation and
only paid a lip service to the term.

Cyprus is a secular state. Even more so it
is a multicultural country. Hence, this must be reflected in the education
policy of the state. The church has a role to exercise with the community, but
not within the state. The latter must express the will and composition of the
whole of the island.

I will
appoint a Turkish Cypriot presidential commissioner that will act as the
liaison with the TC community. I will also establish an Institute of
Civilisation and Culture that will act as a federating force and enhance the
cooperation between the two communities.

A group of EOKA-B terrorists came to our
house looking for my father and one of them pulled me out of the house, put me
against the wall, pulled a gun out, put the revolver in my mouth and said
‘Where is your father? If I find him ill shoot him.’ I was only seven and this
had a traumatic effect on me.

I strongly believe that this country has
been plagued by nationalism and racism. So I have been a strong proponent of
combatting within our society, fascism as well as the activities of ELAM and
other extremists. But a stalemate, like we have today, is a breeding ground for
these kinds of movements.

ESRA AYGIN

Esra A: In your election campaign, you repeatedly express the need for a
solution in Cyprus. What is the first step you would take in this direction if
you were elected in February 2018?

Malas: Immediately
after the presidential elections, I will meet with
the Turkish Cypriot Leader with the aim to agree for a new round of talks based
on the conditions and terms laid down by the UN Secretary General in his recent
report.I am ready to discuss and
prepare with the Turkish Cypriot leader for a joint request to the UNSG for the
resumption of the negotiations under the auspices of the UN. I am ready to
continue the negotiation from where they were left at Crans Montana, on the
basis of the Guterres’ Framework (1) and the non-paper for the implementation of
the solution (2), and to discuss the core pending issues as prescribed by the UNSG,
through a package approach. I will not
withdraw any agreed convergences. Provided of course that the Turkish Cypriot
side does the same… If
not, there is a real danger for the permanent partition of Cyprus, a constant
nightmare for our homeland and people as a whole, Greek Cypriots and Turkish
Cypriots.

Esra A: Do you think a chance was missed in Crans Montana? How would you
have behaved if you were on that dinner table on the last evening in Crans
Montana?

Malas: Allow me to begin by stating the obvious: the collapse
of the talks constitutes a severe blow to the expectations in both communities
in Cyprus. Especially, if one considers what the UNSG states in his recent
report and his concluding remark that a “historic
opportunity” for the solution of the Cyprus problem there we missed… If I
was there I would have continued the talk, based on the non-paperon
implementation of the solution submitted by the UNSG on security, and would
have asked Turkey to state its case at the highest level.

Esra A: You mean you would allow the prime ministers to come there?

Malas: Absolutely, when I say highest level – maybe they
wanted to bring the prime ministers or maybe the presidents… Look, you’ve got
the UNSG’s framework layout on the six points and you also have the
supplementary paper on the implementation on the table. If he puts on the table
something like that clearly he wants to instigate a process right? And when you
look at the content and see that the content is very close to what you believe,
what you do? You just say to the Secretary General ‘This is my case, I agree
with that, I am ready to discuss it, and ill be happy to listen to the other
sides’ position.’… Anastasiades didn’t grab the chance. That’s a clear point. What
Anastasiades and Cavusoglu had been doing that night was essentially discussing
in such a way to nullify the existence of that framework. From a different
perspective but with the same objective.

Esra A: Do you agree with the UNSG that what was lacking was not an
understanding on core elements but political will and determination?

Malas: If the Secretary General says that, particularly for
the Greek Cypriot side that presents itself as the side that really wants a
solution, that’s something pretty negative. I would say Anastasiades didn’t
have the will to go for a solution at the time thinking of the elections. If
you ask me today if Anastasiades is the man, who can bring the solution, I’ll
say ‘no.’ During his statement at the UN General Assembly, Anastasiades said: “How
can I accept the solution of the Cyprus problem if the other side is a
subordinate entity to Turkey?” This is just like saying ‘my partner that I
would like to join forces and be part of a governance structure together, is
somebody that is going to default.’ Well if you are a third party and you are
listening to the president say that, you say ‘well this guy doesn’t have the
will for a solution.’ Which is a dangerous position… A Greek Cypriot listening
to this would ask ‘why should I walk this road if at the end of the day it will
be a partnership that isn’t going to work?’ We don’t trust in our partner, why
should we bother? This is the position he is laying doing. So essentially, he
is creating fear, he is poisoning the climate and he is really eroding any
positive spirit that a leader should create in the Greek Cypriot community for
a solution.

On
the other hand, Nicholas Papadopoulos’ position is very clear too – according
to him the process is a non-starter. He says ‘the agreements reached are
unacceptable. We can’t start from there.’ So you know the result will be a
stalemate.

Esra A: You say in your speeches that we don't have much time left for
solution. Do you think there are alternatives to a bi-zonal bi-communal
federation in Cyprus?

Malas: The transformation of the Republic of Cyprus from a
unitary State to a federal one within the framework of a bi-zonal bi-communal
federation is the only way forward to reunite our country and the two
communities. The fundamental principles upon which such an administrative
structure will evolve are well known, have been agreed between the two sides
and have been reaffirmed in a number of Security Council resolutions… The
structures that we will agree must lay the foundations for the forces on either
side of the island that believe in a solution to collaborate. Which is why I am
prepared to discuss the issue of the rotating presidency provided we go for a
single ballot paper and cross voting. And I call upon my Turkish Cypriot
friends to understand, that that is a politically fundamental instrument to
unite politically the two communities… With regards to the question of time, I
do not adopt the logic of time-bound procedures. Nevertheless, if the core
issues are resolved, then we can hope for a solution within a short period of
time. The passage of time entrenches the tragic consequences of the division.

Esra A: There is concern among many Greek Cypriots regarding a bi-zonal
bi-communal federation. How will you reverse the public sentiment?

Malas: Allow
me to disagree. Recent findings show the exact opposite, namely that the
majority of Greek Cypriots consider a bi-zonal bi-communal federation as the
only achievable solution. Of course, we cannot ignore their justified concern over
the transition to an unfamiliar administrative structure. The fact that for
many years - and I dare to say until recently - many political forces in the
Greek Cypriot community, with the exception of AKEL, had an ambivalent stand on
the interpretation of bi-zonal bi-communal federation and only paid a lip
service to the term… What one needs to do is to engage people and explain in
simple terms what exactly we are discussing and what the future lays ahead. Because
the citizens are those, who have to support the solution and who will live with
it and support it in practice. Hence, a positive public sentiment -all the way-
is enormously important. To get there, we need a political leadership that will
engage in a constant and sincere dialogue with the citizens and the civil society.And of course, we need a political leadership
with a responsible attitude, cognisant of the differences and prepared to
address them in a conciliatory manner so that the citizens can both trust the
choices of their leadership and be inspired by their leaders.

Esra A: The way our children are educated at schools is one of the
biggest obstacles in front of peace and biggest reasons of the raising
nationality. What is your policy regarding education and the church’s
involvement in it?

Malas: I have already declared that with my election I will
pursue a completely different policy to that of Mr. Anastasiades. Cyprus is a
secular state. Even more so it is a multicultural country. Hence, this must be
reflected in the education policy of the state. We must teach our children to
be tolerant and respectful towards the others- irrespective of any differences.
When elected, I will re-introduce through the reform of the education system,
the goal of enhancing tolerance, non-discrimination and respect for all human
beings irrespective of national origin, religious belief or sexual orientation.
Not only because we have to generally progress as a society, but also
particularly because this is the cornerstone for sustaining peace in our
country. The church has a role to exercise with the community, but not within
the state. The latter must express the will and composition of the whole of the
island. Of course, acknowledging the importance of the overall state policies
in combating nationalist and discriminatory sentiments and practices, I will
take all the necessary measures in that direction. To give a concrete example,
the violent actions against citizens from the other community will not be
tolerated and whoever is involved will face the legal consequences of their
actions.

Esra A: Are you in touch or cooperating with Turkish Cypriots
pro-solution forces? What kind of a relationship or policy will you pursue
towards the Turkish Cypriots if you are elected?

Malas: I have known personally key TC politicians for many
years including Mr. Akinci, Mr. Talat and Mr. Nami. I consider them as very
good friends and this matters in politics! I will not only maintain my existing
contacts but also do my utmost to expand them. My intention is to engage into an on-going dialogue with the civil
society and discuss with them all the aspects of the negotiations for which
they have a specific concern. This dialogue will be parallel to the direct
talks and will never be employed as a pretext for delaying the resumption of
the negotiations or to avoid my outright engagement to the negotiations. I will
also appoint a Turkish Cypriot presidential commissioner that will act as the
liaison with the TC community. Dialogue especially among solution forces is a
precondition for a positive outcome and a sustainable solution. No political agreement can be sustained if
this is not underpinned by a political fermentation between politicians that
believe and work for re-unification. As part of my program, I will establish an Institute
of Civilisation and Culture that will act as a federating force and enhance the
cooperation between the two communities.

Esra A: Your family became a target of
EOKA-B because of their close relations with Makarios. You were faced with
EOKA-B violence as a child. How did this affect you as a person?

Malas: As you rightly said, my family was very close to
Makarios. My mother was a close relative and my father was a close aide to
Makarios before 1974 particularly in combatting the EOKA-B activity in the
region of Famagusta. So my father was a target. EOKA-B was very active in the
Famagusta area very violently. I think it was on 29th of July 1974. A
group of EOKA-B terrorists supported by some members of the police also some
army people came to our house looking for my father and one of them, who was a
known EOKA-B member – I wont disclose his name but I know him very well, he now
died, he is well known to the Turkish Cypriots as well, he is a known
terrorist, he didn’t turn guns only on Greek Cypriots but he turned guns also
against Turkish Cypriots in the area of Trikomo – Aloa, Sandalaris - pulled me
out of the house, put me against the wall, pulled a gun out, put the revolver
in my mouth and said ‘Where is your father? If I find him ill shoot him.’ I was
only seven and this had a traumatic effect on me… I strongly believe that this
country has been plagued by nationalism and racism. So I have been a strong
proponent of combatting within our society, fascism as well as the activities
of ELAM and other extremists. They are a real threat…. But clearly if we have a
stalemate, like we have today, it’s a breeding ground and a very fertile ground
for these kind of movements. And the more so-called moderate voices keep the Cyprus
problem prolonged, the more the breeding ground will propagate these kinds of
activities.

(1) Guterres Framework

Territory

Need to adjust the map presented by the TCs
to respond to concerns expressed by GCs regarding some locations

Political equality

Rotating Presidency with 2:1 ratio

Decision-making (effective participation): simple
majority with one positive vote with deadlock resolving mechanism/ in cases
where issues are of vital interest for the communities

Property

Two property regimes: for areas under
territorial adjustment and the rest regime to be constructed in a way that
would lend itself to give priority to dispossessed owners, for areas not under territorial
adjustment regime to be constructed in a way that would lend itself to give
priority current users. Specific elements to be further elaborated.

Equivalent treatment

Free movement of goods (= customs union + a
quota to be agreed for primary agricultural products), services and capital are
ok.

Free movement of persons: the regime will
permit tourists, students and seasonal workers. For those seeking permanent
residence, equitable treatment will be granted to Greek and Turkish nationals
in Cyprus.

Security and guarantees

SG outlined that he did not think that a
system in which right of intervention would remain would be sustainable. He
said that areas that are under the Treaty of Guarantees could be replaced by
adequate implementation monitoring mechanisms, covering various aspects, to be
mutually agreed. In some of these, Guarantor Powers could be involved. A security system should ensure that both
communities feel safe in a united Cyprus, while the security of one should not
come at the detriment of the other.

The issue of troops is a different question
relative to the Treaty of Guarantees, and to be handled in a different format.
Issues related to troops (numbers, withdrawals if and when they will need to
leave, timelines, etc) to be agreed at the highest level when time is ripe.

(2)NON-PAPER ON
IMPLEMENTATION MONITORING FRAMEWORK

Sent to Crans Montana by Antonio Guterres, UNSG

Implementation of the parties of the following elements of
the agreement based on their respective responsibilities:

·Constitutional aspects of the settlement

·Territorial adjustments

·Policing provisions

·Withdrawal of foreign troops, demobilization of
domestic forces

·Implementation of the property settlement

·EU acquis compliance (monitoring by the EU)

LEVEL 1

Ground Level operation monitoring, including of troop
withdrawal and demobilization, performed by the UN mission.

Reports to the UN’s Security Council every three months on
all aspects of the agreement. Other actors may also play a role (eg EU acquis
compliance related issues).

Role:
Non-executive body but with responsibilities for assessing overall
implementation by reviewing draft reports, prepare but with no editorial role.
Addressing any issues in implementation through consultation problem solving.

LEVEL 3 (Optional)

Group of eminent persons. Eminent or trusted Cypriots and/or
international personalities.

Role: Provide
advice, support and recommendations in relation to implementation, receive
input from implementing parties present on COP, advising the UNSG and/or the
implementing parties on progress made in implementation.

LEVEL 4

Impartial certification of implementation by the UNSG

Role: Based on
reports prepared by the UN Mission, the UNSG pronounces on himself/herself on
whether or not implementation of the settlement is on track. He/she could also
receive inputs directly from the implementing parties.

LEVEL 5

UN Security Council

As an additional measure, Turkey, Greece and Cyprus could be
invited to attend sessions of the Security Council when the implementation
reports are tabled and considered.