The Seventh (April) All-Russia Conference of the R.S.D.L.P.(B.)

APRIL 24–29, 1917

4

Speech on the Proposal to Call an International
Socialist Conference
April 25
(May 8)[1]

I cannot agree with Comrade Nogin. We have here what I believe
to be a fact of paramount political importance, and we are in
duty bound to launch a vigorous campaign against the Russian and
Anglo-French chauvinists who have turned down Borgbjerg’s
invitation to attend the conference. We must not forget the real
issue, the motives underlying this whole affair. I am going to
read to you Borgbjerg’s proposal exactly as reported by
Rabochaya Gazeta. I shall show you that behind this
comedy of a so-called socialist congress we shall find the very
real political manoeuvres of German imperialism. The German
capitalists, through the medium of the German
social-chauvinists,
are inviting the social-chauvinists of all countries to the
conference. That is why we must launch a big campaign.

Why do they do it through the socialists? Because they want to
fool the working masses. These diplomats are subtle men; to say
this thing openly would not do, so they send a Danish Plekhanov
to do it for them. We have seen German social-chauvinists abroad
hundreds of times; they must be exposed.

“On behalf of the joint committee of the three Scandinavian
labour parties (the Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish), Borgbjerg,
editor of Social-Demokraten, the Central Organ of the
Danish Social-Democratic Party, has passed on to the Executive
Committee of the Soviet of
Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies a
message inviting all the socialist parties in Russia to attend
an international socialist conference. Owing to Denmark’s
proximity to Germany, Borgbjerg was able to communicate with the
German Social-Democrats, mainly with the ’majority’ faction, and
the committee learned from him the peace terms which the
official Social-Democratic Party of Germany would consider
acceptable, and which its representatives would propose to the
conference.

“First of all they subscribe to the principles laid down by the
Scandinavian and Dutch socialists at the 1915 conference,
namely, the self-determination of nations, an obligatory
international court of arbitration, and the demand for gradual
disarmament. To this they add that the German Social-Democrats
will urge that:

“4. Similarly, Serbia, Montenegro and Rumania be restored to the
status of independent states;

“5. Bulgaria be given the Bulgarian districts of Macedonia, and
Serbia be given access to the Adriatic.

“As regards Alsace-Lorraine, a peaceful agreement could be
envisaged to rectify Lorraine’s frontiers; as far as the Poles
of Poznan are concerned, the Germans will insist on their
obtaining autonomy of national culture.”

There is not a shadow of doubt that this proposal comes from the
German Government, who does not act directly, but resorts to the
services of the Danish Plekhanovs, since German agents are
obviously no good for this purpose. That is what
social-chauvinists are for—to carry out such
commissions. Our job is, on behalf of the seventy thousand
workers of the proletarian party represented at this conference,
to show them up to the whole world and reveal the motives they
are trying to conceal. We must publish a detailed resolution,
have it translated into foreign languages, and thus give these
gentlemen the rebuff they deserve for daring to approach a
socialist party. (Reads the draft resolution.)

The socialist papers this morning are silent. They know what
they are about. They know that silence is golden. Only
Rabochaya Gazeta publishes an article, which manages to
say nothing in many words.

The Russian Government, more than anyone else, May rest assured
that we are dealing here with an agent of the German
Government.

What with all this shouting about the liberation of
Alsace-Lorraine, we should remind those gentlemen that the whole
question is simply one of lucre, since there is immense wealth
in Alsace-Lorraine, and the German capitalists are fighting the
French capitalists for the division of the booty. It is good for
them to have the Plekhanovs say that the liberation of
Alsace-Lorraine is a sacred cause. When the German
social-chauvinists therefore talk about a peaceful rectification
of the frontiers of Alsace-Lorraine, they mean a peaceful
division of the spoil between the French and the German
imperialists.

One thing more I must add. I forgot to mention that the German
representatives of the “Centre”—Kautsky, Haase, and
Ledebour—have agreed to this conference. This is a most
shameful thing. The British and French socialists have refused
to attend the conference. This shows that the Anglo-French
chauvinists, who call themselves socialists, are really agents
of the bourgeoisie, because they are instrumental in continuing
the imperialist war despite the tremendous efforts made by the
German socialist majority through Borgbjerg; for, without a
doubt, the German Government is saying through Borgbjerg: the
situation is such that I am forced to return your booty to you
(the German colonies in Africa). This is confirmed by the fact
that the situation in Germany is desperate; the country is on
the brink of ruin; to carry on the war now is a hopeless
task. That is why they say they are ready to give up almost all
the booty, for they still hope to be able to carve something out
for themselves. The diplomats communicate freely with each
other, and the bourgeois papers, when writing of foreign
affairs, fool the people with phrase-mongering.

There is no doubt that when the British and French
social-chauvinists said they were not going to the conference,
they already knew all about it. They must have gone to their
Foreign Offices where they were told: Such and such is the state
of affairs, we don’t want you to go there. That, I am sure, is
how matters stood.

If the Russian soldiers receive this resolution—and that, I
think, should be done in the name of the seventy thousand
members of our Party—they will really begin to see through
the whole shady affair which has been concealed from
them. They
will see then that Germany is unable to carry on her war of
conquest, and that the Allies only aim at utterly crushing and
robbing Germany. It cannot be denied that Borgbjerg is an agent
of the German Government.

This, comrades, is the reason why I think we must expose this
socialist congress comedy. All these congresses are nothing but
comedies designed to cover up the deals made by the diplomats
behind the backs of the masses. Once and for all we must tell
the truth for all the soldiers at the front and all the workers
of the world to hear. Our campaign with regard to such proposals
will serve, on the one hand, to explain our proletarian policy,
and, on the other, it will be mass action on a scale never heard
of before. I ask you, therefore, to adopt this declaration,
forward it to the Executive Committee, translate it into foreign
languages, and publish it in tomorrow’s Pravda.

A brief report published May 9 (April 26), 1917 in Pravda No. 41

Published according to the typewritten copy of the Minutes

First published in full in 1921 in N. Lenin (V. Ulyanov), Works, Volume XIV, Part 2

Notes

[1]The question of calling
an international conference of socialists of the belligerent and
neutral countries was repeatedly discussed in the Executive
Committee of the Petrograd Soviet in April 1917, the Executive
Committee offering to take upon itself the initiative in
convening such a conference. During the latter half of April the
Danish Social-Democrat Borgbjerg, who was associated with the
German social-chauvinists, arrived in Petrograd, and, on behalf
of the joint committee of the Danish, Norwegian and Swedish
labour parties (the
social-patriot majorities of these
parties), invited the socialist parties of Russia to attend a
conference on the question of concluding peace, due to be held
in Stockholm in May 1917.

On April 23 (May 6) Borgbjerg made a report to the Executive
Committee of the Petrograd Soviet in which he frankly declared
that the German Government would “agree” to the peace terms
which the German
Social-Democrats would propose at the conference. On April
25 (May 8) the Executive Committee heard the declarations of the
Party groups on this question. The Bolsheviks announced the
“Resolution on Borgbjerg’s Proposal” adopted that day by
the April Conference. They were supported by the representatives
of the Polish and Leftish Social-Democrats.
Lenin considered participation in this conference a complete betrayal of
internationalism.
The April Conference
was emphatically opposed to
participation, and denounced Borgbjerg as an agent of
German
imperialism. The Trudoviks,
Bundists
and Mensheviks
were in favour of attending the conference. A Menshevik
resolution was adopted in which the Executive Committee
announced that it took upon itself the initiative in calling the
conference and was setting up a special committee for that
purpose. The plenary meeting of the Soviet endorsed this
decision.

The majority of the British, French and Belgian socialists
refused to take part in the conference, since the British and
French governments were out for complete victory over
Germany. The Centrists
agreed to attend: they were the Longuet
group in France and the Independent Social-Democratic Party
of Germany headed by Kautsky,
Haase and Ledebour.

TheSpartacus
group affiliated to the Independents refused to
attend the conference with the social-imperialists.
A declaration to this effect in his own
name and on behalf of Karl
Liebknecht and Rosa
Luxemburg, who were in prison, was made by Franz
Mehring.
The Stockholm conference did not take place, since some of the
delegates did not receive passports from their governments, and
others refused to sit with the representatives of the enemy
countries.