This book by a former Tampa Tribune and Chicago Daily Herald
reporter turned university lecturer represents a significant addition to
the literature on investigative reporting and its biggest political
story.

On the 40th anniversary of Watergate, it arrives at a propitious
time, fitting with other recent works, such as Mark Feldstein's
"Poisoning the Press: Richard Nixon, Jack Anderson, and the Rise of
Washington's Scandal Culture." Part of the "Visions of
the American Press" series, edited by David Abrahamson, it begins
with a forward by Watergate's Bob Woodward and provides an overview
of many historic investigative stories. The book provides a tremendous
service by offering insights into investigations by Elizabeth Cochrane,
aka Nellie Bly, Winifred Black, aka Annie Laurie, as well as Jacob Riis,
Lincoln Steffens, Ida Tarbell and Upton Sinclair, all of which
demonstrates to the reader that the prelude to Watergate will be well
documented and very carefully presented. It is well researched and well
written.

The battles of Pulitzer and Hearst are here. Another asset is the
review of regional work contributing to national stories: Edwin
Markham's "The Hoe Man in the Making" and "Following
the Color Line," by Ray Stannard Baker, preludes to coverage of
child abuse and callous treatment of African-Americans. The Ku Klux Klan
is investigated. Mining disasters produce investigations. Walter
Lippmann provided thoughtful consideration on the influence of such
aggressive journalism. All in all, Marshall articulates how this period
was not totally devoid of digging in critical areas: criminal activity,
corporate corruption, exposes of crooked politicians and mob activity.
These set the stage for investigations of bribery as in the Teapot Dome
scandal, and exposure of the extensive illicit "investment
pyramids," aka Ponzi schemes.

The cumulative effect of digging created phenomena such as the
Washington Merry-Go-Round. Drew Pearson's column in more than 600
papers, broadcast over ABC radio, set a standard for aggressiveness on
government abuses, stoking the fire if going to extremes and raising
expectations. While his work was often regarded as nasty and salacious,
all the relentless digging and bragging caught the attention of the
public. While labeled "teller of monstrous and diabolical
falsehoods" by one politico, Pearson used manure in comparison to
those who objected to him: "All Cow, No Bull--better Than the
Column." The author points out that while opportunities were there,
some important stories: the stock market crash, The Holocaust and the
rise of McCarthyism were not properly investigated, especially given
their impact.

Respected writer Anthony Lewis, while considering a journalism
career, said reporting on government more likely resembled stenography,
as opposed to challenging the government "line" on any
subject. With issues of secrecy emerging from World War II, the
reporter's role conveying sensitive information forms the rest of
this section. Oversights and challenges of the period included failure
to hire African-Americans at mainstream outlets, explaining why crime
stories: juvenile justice and mistreatment of black women were
under-reported by the "establishment" press, left to
African-American newspapers.

Emerging voices were helpful in creating a culture: A.J. Liebling,
George Seldes, and I. F. Stone--even appearing outside mainstream
journalism. Edward R. Murrow is credited for standing-up to abuses by
Senator McCarthy. Civil Rights and consumer culture reference Ralph
Nader's Unsafe at any Speed, at the same time as the Freedom of
Information Act. The author weaves stories into a developmental
framework about whether investigative reporting "went
underground" during the era between World War I and Vietnam.
Reporters: David Halberstam, Neil Sheehan and Peter Arnett questioned
policies during the LBJ years, and CBS News' sticking-up for
"The Selling of the Pentagon" is also duly noted.

Coverage of Watergate begins in chapter four, titled "Calling
the Plumbers," and enumerating Nixon's nutty White House; a
summary of what took place before assuming office. For those of us who
lived it, reading the atrocities in tandem: the war, political
assassination, and protest may seem easy. Beyond "All The
President's Men," a reader will gain even better understanding
of the "why"--about someone who regarded the press as natural
enemy, while thinking he could break the law and get away with it.

While Watergate is well-documented, this perspective on elements at
play includes anti-press performance by Spiro Agnew, and each press
person is examined, beyond Woodward and Bernstein: Katherine Graham, Ben
Bradlee, Walter Cronkite and Seymour Hersh. Very interesting are
accounts by Phil Meyer, Washington correspondent for the Knight news
chain, admitting he did not know where to find the stories Woodward and
Bernstein were uncovering, or CBS' Bob Schieffer saying: "l
can remember reading about it and thinking, 'What could this be
about?' Why would anybody break into a campaign headquarters?'
This is where they keep the yard signs and things like that."

The last section reminds us there are efforts to retain
independent, investigative reporting. The author provides current
examples, including use of blogs, moving toward community-based, online,
Web-only publications, such as the St. Louis Beacon. Marshall takes time
to discuss how such efforts are funded, and what kinds of strategic
models are emerging. He describes the work of many organizations,
including the Pulitzer Center for Crisis Reporting. He goes back in time
to describe historic collaboration such as the Better Government
Association working with the press to fight Chicago gangster Al Capone.

This is a valuable book. For those who argue for a passage of time
before judgments are rendered, there is convincing evidence here. The
Notes and bibliography sections extend almost a hundred pages. Coverage
of Watergate, how it unfolded, provides an excellent review and
interesting reporting primer. Some people maintain that independent,
investigative reporting is part and parcel of what is best described as
a defiant "spirit of America." Nothing in this book indicates
otherwise. It reinforces the notion that the kind of iconic
"disturbers of the peace" we often most enjoy, almost always
find a way.

Michael D. Murray is distinguished professor of Broadcast
Journalism Mass Communication at University of Missouri St. Louis.

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