Hezbollah

Formed

April 9, 1983

Disbanded

Group is active.

First Attack

April 9, 1983: A group called Islamic Jihad, which would later become Hezbollah, claimed responsibility for the bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Beirut, which killed sixty-three. The attack brought global attention to the group for the first time. (63 killed, unknown wounded). [1][2]

Last Attack

April 2, 2016: Hezbollah and Syrian Government forces clashed with Al-Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham and the Free Syrian Army near the village of Tal al-Ais outside of Aleppo. The village overlooks the main road connecting Aleppo to Damascus and is thus of strategic importance to both pro-government and opposition forces. Eight Hezbollah troops were killed in addition to 25 pro-Assad soldiers and 18 rebel fighters. (51 killed, unknown wounded). [3]

Updated

August 5, 2016

Narrative Summary

Hezbollah is a Shiite political and
militant organization based in Lebanon. Since its early days as a loose
collection of underground terrorist cells, it has evolved into a hybrid
organization woven into the structure of Lebanese society by providing social
services and actively participating in politics while also engaging in
international terrorist attacks and regional military operations. [4]

Largely left out of the state formation
process when Lebanon gained its independence in 1943, Shiites in Lebanon were
often economically and politically marginalized. In the early 1960s, Imam Musa
al-Sadr began mobilizing segments of the Shiite community, eventually resulting
in the emergence of Amal, the organization from which Hezbollah would one day
split, in 1975. [5]
Like Hezbollah, Amal is a Shiite organization with both political and military
elements whose members are motivated by a wide range of ideologies and concerns.The most prominent among these concerns in
the 1970s was the presence of local Palestinian militias and Shiite political
bosses in the southern, predominantly Shiite region of Lebanon, although some
members also were also motivated by anti-Israeli sentiments. [6][7][8][9] Amal
and a wide variety of other militant organizations grew and developed in the
context of the 1975-1990 Lebanese Civil War, which pitted a variety of
political, religious, and ethnic organizations against each other in a complex
series of shifting alliances and battles that also included foreign influences
and multinational peacekeeping forces.

Palestinian militants were among the
groups operating in southern Lebanon at the time, particularly in Shiite
dominated south. Using the area as a base from which to attack Israel, the
groups received some support from locals, while others accused them of bringing
violence to the region. Ultimately, many Palestinians eventually clashed with
local Lebanese militias.

During the chaos of the civil war,
Israel invaded Lebanon in 1978 and again in 1982 in pursuit of these
Palestinian militants, and remained in certain areas as an occupying force
after both invasions. While some Shiites initially supported the Israeli forces
because of the security they provided against Palestinian militants, popular
opinion against Israel began to turn as the occupation continued and outside
influences ,such as the Iranian Revolution, inspired Shiites in Lebanon to mobilize.
[10] Two
incidents in particular galvanized popular Shiite opposition to Israeli
occupation. While the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps were under the control of
the occupying Israeli forces, a Christian Lebanese militia linked to the
Phalanges Party entered the camps and killed at least 800 Palestinian and
Lebanese civilians, including many women, children, and elderly men. An
internal Israeli investigation found that the Israeli Defense Force was
complicit in allowing the militia into the camps and took no action to prevent
the massacre, and used mortar and aircraft to illuminate the area for the
Phalangists. [11][12] In 1983, another incident sparked
outrage and prompted many to join the Shiite resistance. An Israeli patrol
accidentally crashed through a Shiite festival called Ashura, and when
observers began throwing stones, the patrol responded with gunshots and grenades,
killing several in the crowd. [13]
Following these incidents and amidst growing anti-Israeli sentiment, several Shiite
leaders of Amal led by Husain al-Musawi broke away from the group to form a new
organization espousing a more militant response to the occupation, which they
named Islamic Amal. [14][15][16][17]

Islamic Amal quickly gained momentum
through the recruitment of members from other revolutionary Shiite
organizations in the country such as the Muslim Student Union and the Dawa
Party of Lebanon. [18] The Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps
(IRGC) became involved in the group’s formation, supporting the group with
funding and training.The Syrian
government also played a small but significant role in sponsoring the
group. [19][20] This external support allowed the
organization to expand rapidly, becoming one of the most prominent Shiite
organizations of its kind. [21] The
group first gained international notoriety with the 1983 bombings of the U.S.
Embassy and U.S. and French military barracks in Beirut, which was carried out
under the alias “Islamic Jihad.” [22][23] It
remains somewhat unclear whether a group of Islamic Amal members split away
from the lager group to form Hezbollah or whether Islamic Amal was simply an
earlier iteration of Hezbollah. Although some members point to the year 1982 as
Hezbollah’s founding date, the official manifesto was not released until 1985. [24]

In 1985, the group published a
manifesto under the new name of Hezbollah. In the manifesto, Hezbollah outlined
several key goals of the group: to destroy Israel, to expel Western influences
from Lebanon and the wider Middle East, and to combat their enemies within
Lebanon, particularly the Phalanges Party. It asserted that an Islamic state
was the only legitimate option for the Lebanese government, and emphasized that
it considered the international system and the 1985 Lebanese government subject
to imperial influences and hostile to Islam. The manifesto denied Israel’s
right to exist. [25] As Hezbollah’s constituency broadened
to include more moderate Shiites, organization leaders like Hassan Nasrallah
and Na’im Qassem would periodically suggest that the manifesto was becoming
more disconnected from the group’s day-to-day operations and goals. [26]

As Hezbollah expanded, it came into
direct competition and eventually conflict with Amal. Not only was Amal more
focused on the Palestinian militias than the Israeli occupation, Amal also chose
to cooperate with the Maronite and Sunni factions from Northern Lebanon, while
Hezbollah preferred to work outside the existing political system.Furthermore, whereas Amal received the
majority of its funding from the Assad Regime in Syria, Hezbollah was financed
by the IRGC and clashed with the Syrian backed Christian and Sunni groups from
northern Lebanon. [27][28] Despite
Syria’s initial aid to Hezbollah in the early 1980s, by 1987 Syria’s direct
intervention in Lebanon and its fear of Iran’s growing power in Lebanon led to
direct armed clashes between Hezbollah and Syrian troops. Vying for
predominance over the support of the Shiite population of Southern Lebanon,
Amal and Hezbollah also came into direct conflict during this period. [29]

Throughout the 1980s and 1990s on a
local level Hezbollah pursued its goal of combatting Israel and the West
through militant means. Hezbollah carried out a total of twelve suicide attacks
against Israeli forces and their allies during the occupation in addition to a
number of other military assaults. [30] Their attacks killed an average of
twenty-five Israeli soldiers per year throughout the occupation. [31]

Groups linked to Hezbollah also
kidnapped foreigners throughout the late 1980s, including Terry Anderson, an
American journalist who was held for nearly seven years until his eventual
release in 1991. [32] Negotiations to free Hezbollah
hostages were often complex, as captors not only demanded freedom for Lebanese
prisoners in Israel but also fought to compel the U.S. to unfreeze Iranian
assets. [33]
The 1988 kidnapping of U.S. Marine Lt. Colonel William R. Higgins sparked
clashes between Amal, which sought to maintain good relations with the UN force
in Lebanon, and Hezbollah, which supported the kidnapping. Amal attempted and
failed to free him, and the incident resulted in continued clashes between
Hezbollah and Amal. Amal ultimately lost ground to Hezbollah. [34]

From 1985 through the 1990s, Hezbollah
also maintained an active global presence under the leadership of Imad
Mughniyah, who ran what came to be known as the group’s External Security
Organization (also known as the Islamic Jihad Organization or the External
Services Organization), the branch that plans and executes attacks outside of
Lebanon. Members of this group, guided by Mughniyah, hijacked TWA Flight 847
from Cairo to Athens in 1985, holding hostages for weeks and killing one in
order to draw attention to and free Lebanese prisoners in Israel. [35][36][37][38] The
hijackers called for the release of 766 prisoners, and, after the Israeli
government released 300, the hijackers freed the remaining hostages. [39] In
March 1992, Hezbollah operatives carried out a truck bombing of the Israeli
Embassy in Buenos Aires, killing twenty-nine and wounding 242, and in in July
1994 it was accused of bombing the Argentine-Israeli Mutual Association, which
killed nearly 100 and wounded more than 200. Hezbollah denied responsibility
for the attack. [40][41] In
June 1996, the group bombed the American Khobar Towers housing complex in Saudi
Arabia, killing 19. [42][43]

In addition to Hezbollah’s militant
agenda abroad and war against Israel at home, the group became deeply ingrained
in the social and political landscape of southern Lebanon. Shiite groups in the
region had a history of providing social services to the local population, and
Hezbollah’s were among the most professional and extensive, from infrastructure
construction to health services. In 1989, the Taif Agreement, which ended the
Lebanese Civil War, opened the door for Hezbollah to join the Lebanese
political process as an official party and also allowed the group to remain
armed. It competed in its first national elections in 1992 and won eight seats
in Parliament, but would not gain significant political power until the Doha
Agreement of 2008. [44]

After the civil war, Hezbollah
continued its day-to-day social service efforts and also demonstrated its
professionalism and effectiveness in times of crises; for example the group
undertook to rebuild the homes and businesses of Christian families returning
to southern Beirut after the war. [45]Hezbollah led the reconstruction process after a 1996 Israeli bombing campaign
in southern Lebanon, reportedly rebuilding 5,000 homes and repairing roads and
infrastructure. It also claims to have provided compensation to 2,300 farmers
in the area. [46]

While participating as a political
party and a provider of social services, Hezbollah continued to carry out
terrorist attacks against Israeli occupation.[47] Other Lebanese organizations
also attacked Israeli forces in the south, but by the 1990s Hezbollah was by
far the most prominent resistance force. [48] Israel’s departure in 2000 was widely
attributed to Hezbollah, increasing the group’s popularity amongst the Lebanese
population. [49][50]

After a period of relative calm from
2000 to 2006, the group kidnapped two Israeli soldiers and killed eight others
in July of 2006, resulting in a month-long war with Israel. [51] The conflict resulted in the deaths of
164 Israelis, including forty-five civilians, and over 1,125 Lebanese, mostly
civilians. [52]
When the fighting ended with a ceasefire in August, Hezbollah claimed victory
because Israel had been unable to destroy the organization. Supporters lauded
Hezbollah’s endurance and supposed victory against Israel, while others accused
the organization of instigating an unnecessary and highly destructive war. [53][54]

Meanwhile, Hezbollah continued to gain support as a
political party. In December 2006, in an attempt to force the sitting
government to resign, it led the opposition in a sit-in that resulted in
eighteen months of political deadlock. [55][56]
Tensions between the group and national government erupted again in May 2008,
when the government began to follow through with a plan to shut down
Hezbollah’s private telecommunications network. Violence broke out between
government supporters and Hezbollah on the streets of Beirut while the Lebanese
army largely sat out the conflict. Hezbollah and its supporters took over parts
of Beirut, but speculation that the violence would lead to a coup was quelled
when the Arab League brokered a settlement between the government and
Hezbollah. [57] The settlement,
called the Doha Agreement, granted Hezbollah veto power in the government and
pledged that no political group would use weapons for in-country disputes. [58][59]

While Hezbollah remains headquartered
in the Bekaa Valley and its most prominent global terrorist attacks ended in
the 1990s, the group is still active internationally. The organization runs its
own camps to train members as well as members of other terrorist organizations.
[60]

In 2011, Hezbollah began sending
military advisors to aid the government of Bashar al-Assad in Syria’s increasingly
bloody civil war.In June 2013,
Hezbollah officials confirmed that the organization had also deployed combat
forces to fight alongside Assad’s troops and other allied Shiite organizations.
At first, Hezbollah forces in Syria were mainly concentrated in the city of
al-Qusayr on the border of Syria and Lebanon. However, by 2015, Hezbollah units
were operating in increasing far-flung areas of Syria, including in the
northwest in Idlib and Aleppo, in the south near Daraa, and even in the central
and eastern parts of the country. [61] In June 2015, the group was
particularly active in the Qalamoun mountain range, which straddles the
Lebanon-Syria border and overlooks the Bekaa Valley. Hezbollah defeated
elements of both Jabhat al-Nusra and the Islamic State in the battle for the
Qalamoun Mountains, successfully reopening a path from Lebanon into Syria. [62] Since
2015, the group has continued to operate throughout the country, fighting
alongside both Iranian and Russian troops as well as other pro-Assad militant
groups. Its most common opponents are
the Islamic State, Jabhat Fatah al-Sham, formerly known as Jabhat al-Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham and elements of the Free
Syrian Army. [63][64][65]

Hezbollah’s involvement in the Syrian
war has not been without its consequences. Of the 6,000-8,000 Hezbollah troops
deployed to Syria, over 1,000 are estimated to have died in action. [66][67] Furthermore, several top Hezbollah
commanders, such as Abu Jaafar and Ali Fayyad, have been killed while serving
in Syria. [68] In addition to its human toll,
Hezbollah’s participation in the Syrian civil war has severely undermined the organization’s
popularity and credibility around the Arab world.Once considered one of the most popular
sub-state Arab movements in the region, Hezbollah’s support of the Assad regime
has alienated much of the Middle East’s Sunni population. [69] This
growing unpopularity is believed to have been a key factor behind the decisions
by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), Arab League, and Organization of Islamic
Cooperation (OIC) to designate Hezbollah as a terrorist organization in the
spring of 2016. [70][71][72] Despite
this, Hezbollah leadership has repeatedly stated its intent to continue
fighting until Assad regains control over the Syria. [73]

The war in Syria has not had only
negative consequences for Hezbollah, however. The group has received
significant amounts of high tech military equipment and weaponry from Russia
and Iran and has gained valuable tactical and strategic experience. [74][75] Additionally, reports suggest that the
group’s recruiting capabilities in Lebanon have expanded since 2011. [76] The group has also been able to build a
heavily fortified base within Syria, near the town of al-Qusayr, where it has
stockpiled artillery capable of targeting major Israeli towns and cities. It is
also currently using the base for joint training of IRGC and Hezbollah forces. [77][78]

Leadership

Hezbollah is run by a seven-member
Shura Council. The Council oversees both regional and functional committees,
serving such interests as ideology, finances, policy, military affairs, social
affairs, and legal affairs. The leadership position of secretary-general was
later added, as were political councils when Hezbollah entered the Lebanese
political landscape in the 1980s. [79]
However, due to its focus on security and secrecy, little is known about
the command structure within the organization’s military wing. [80]

Naim Qassem (Unknown to Present): Qassem is the deputy chief of Hezbollah.[81]

Talal Hamiyah (Unknown to Present): Hamiyah leads the group’s External Security Organization, which is the branch of Hezbollah that plans and executes attacks outside of Lebanon, formerly run by Mughniyah. [82]

Sayyad Abbas Musawi (Unknown to February 16, 1992): Musawi was Hezbollah’s cofounder and first secretary-general. He was killed in 1992 by an Israeli helicopter strike that also killed at least six others. [83]

Imad Mughniyeh (1983 to February 12, 2008): Mughniyeh was Hezbollah’s senior military commander and was reportedly responsible for a number of overseas attacks. He was killed in a car bombing in 2008 that was allegedly carried out by Mossad in coordination with the CIA.[84]

Hassan Nasrallah (1992 to Present): Nasrallah is Hezbollah’s current secretary-general. Under his leadership, Hezbollah continued military operations and increased its role in politics.[85]

Mustafa Badr al-Din (2008 to May 16, 2016): ) Badr al-Din allegedly replaced Imad Mughniyah as military commander of Hezbollah. Badr al-Din was killed in Syria on May 10, 2016 in an explosion at the Damascus airport. The circumstances surrounding the explosion are somewhat unclear; some sources allege that it was the result of rebel artillery while others have blamed an Israeli missile strike. Hezbollah has released a statement that it is investigating both possibilities.[86]

Ideology & Goals

According to Hezbollah’s 1985
manifesto, its original goals were: to destroy Israel, to expel Western
influences from Lebanon and the wider Middle East, and to combat its enemies
within Lebanon, particularly the Phalanges Party. It also claimed that it aimed
to “permit” Lebanese people to choose their own government, with the caveat
that “only an Islamic regime can stop any further tentative attempts of
imperialistic infiltration into our county.” The group considered the
international system and the 1985 Lebanese government subject to imperial
influences and hostile to Islam, and it denied Israel’s right to exist. [87] As
Hezbollah’s constituency broadened to include more moderate Shiites,
organization leaders like Hassan Nasrallah and Na’im Qassem would periodically
suggest that the manifesto was becoming more disconnected from the group’s
operations and goals. [88][89]

A new 2009 manifesto reflected changes
in the organization’s role in Lebanon since 1985. It emphasized national unity
and denounced sectarianism, and did not single out Islamic governance as the
only option for Lebanon’s future. However, it continued to highlight its goal
of liberating Palestine, its opposition to the United States, and its
commitment to fight Israeli expansion and aggression. [90][91]

In 2011, the group vocally supported
many of the Arab Spring uprisings. [92] However,
it also aims to protect the Assad regime, one of its key allies in the region,
and has sent troops to support the Assad government in Syria and expel
extremist Sunni militias from the country. [93]Hezbollah
Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah has vowed to continue to militarily support
the Assad regime until it regains control of Syria. [94]

Name Changes

Hezbollah first announced itself as a
cohesive group in 1985. Before that, its members were part of organizations
like Islamic Amal, which many analysts consider an early iteration of
Hezbollah. [95][96] The U.S. government considers Islamic
Jihad, which the group used to claim its first attack, to be an alias of
Hezbollah. [97]

Size Estimates

2008: About 1,000 core members and between 3,000 and 10, (National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism)[98]

2011: Several thousand members, a few hundred terrorists (Congressional Research Service)[99]

2015: Hezbollah MP Nawwaf Moussawi went on record to say (Foreign Policy)[100]

Resources

Hezbollah is supported by Iran, Syria,
and fundraising networks across the globe, especially within the Arabian
Peninsula, Europe, the Middle East, and the United States. [108]
Much of its funding comes from private donations and profits from both
legitimate and illegal businesses. [109]
Groups and individuals support Hezbollah from abroad through
revenues from illicit activities, from blood diamond trade in Sierra Leone to
credit card fraud in the United States. [110]

Although most members of Hezbollah are
Lebanese Shiites, the organization recruits globally. Foreign-born recruits and
Arab Israelis living abroad, whose passports allowed them to pass through
Israeli security more easily, were especially sought after in the early 2000s
when Hezbollah reportedly attempted to carry out terrorist operations inside
Israeli borders. Other global members do not serve as militants but instead
logistical or financial operatives, serving functions like fundraising and
recruiting. [111]

Since Hezbollah’s creation, Iran and
its Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) have played a large role in training,
supplying, and funding the group. The IRGC has trained thousands of Hezbollah
militants and continues to provide it with supplies, as evidenced by the 2009
Israeli seizure of a navy ship carrying 400-500 tons of weapons destined for
Hezbollah from Iran. [112] While
analysts agree that Iran is a key source of funding for the organization,
estimates of its annual financial support to Hezbollah vary wildly over time,
from $60,000 per year to $200 million per year. [113][114][115] Western
and Israeli observers worry that the amount of aid Iran is providing to the
group will rise in the wake of the 2015 Iranian Nuclear Deal, under which many
of the international sanctions crippling the Iranian economy were lifted. [116]

The Syrian government has played a key
role as an intermediary between Iran and Hezbollah, shuttling arms and
intelligence between the two parties. [117] In
addition to facilitating weapons transport from Iran, Syria has also provided
weapons directly to the group. [118][119]
Since the onset of Russian participation in the Syrian Civil
War alongside Hezbollah and the Assad Regime, the Syrian government has given
Hezbollah a number of advanced Russian anti-aircraft weapon systems provided to
the Assad regime by the Russian military.
Among these systems are a number of SA-17 Buk missile batteries, which
can directly threaten Israeli aircraft operating over Northern Israel and
Syria. [120]

Hezbollah is estimated to have amassed a vast
arsenal of relatively sophisticated weapons over the past several decades. For instance, Israeli intelligence reports
suggest that Hezbollah has stockpiled over 100,000 rockets and missiles of a
variety of ranges and sizes. [121]

External Influences

Although Hezbollah has close ties to
Iran and the Syrian government, its relationship to both nations has fluctuated
over time. For instance, the level of financial support that Hezbollah receives
from Iran has largely depended on those in power in Iran; for example, Iranian funding
to Hezbollah decreased dramatically after the death of Ayatollah Khomeini in
1989. [122] Analysts
are now predicting another increase in Iranian funding to Hezbollah following
the Iranian nuclear arms deal concluded last summer that lifted many of the
sanctions that had been crippling the Iranian economy. [123] Furthermore,
although presently Hezbollah is one of the Syrian regime’s most vital allies in
the Syrian civil war, during the Syrian occupation of Lebanon in the 1980s,
Hezbollah and Syrian Army units clashed multiple times in the border areas
between Lebanon and Syria. [124]

Geographical Locations

Hezbollah is based in southern Lebanon,
headquartered in the Bekaa Valley. [125] It
conducts the majority of its operations there, but also operates cells
globally. Members abroad may raise money for the group, recruit, or plan operations.
[126][127]

Hezbollah has also had troops deployed
in Syria fighting alongside the regime of Bashar al-Assad since June 2013. [128]
At first, Hezbollah forces in Syria were mainly concentrated
in the city of al-Qusayr on the border of Syria and Lebanon. However, by 2015,
Hezbollah units were operating in increasing far-flung areas of Syria,
including in the northwest in Idlib and Aleppo, in the south near Daraa, and
even in the central and eastern parts of the country. [129]

The group has also sent military
advisors to aid the Iranian-supported, Shiite paramilitaries in Iraq. [130][131]

Targets & Tactics

Hezbollah has targeted Israeli and
Western interests, military, and citizens, particularly in the Middle East and,
most recently, the Syrian opposition forces and the Islamic State in the civil
war.

Its tactics have evolved since its
creation. Beginning in the 1980s, kidnapping both foreigners and locals to
bargain with the West remained a key tactic until the early 1990s. [132]
However, other forms of violent attacks against Israel during the
occupation were largely limited to military targets. [133] Large-scale attacks on Western and Israeli targets
across the world throughout the 1980s and 1990s drew attention to the group and
resulted in hundreds of casualties. While it
still engages in acts of terrorism, Hezbollah has also developed elements of a
more traditional military force and has proven its capabilities as such in the
Syrian Civil War. [134]
Despite its official opposition toward the U.S., the group
has not explicitly targeted U.S. assets since the 1990s. [135]

After the 2000 Israeli withdrawal,
there was reportedly an extensive internal debate on whether to focus on
Lebanese politics to the exclusion of the “resistance” against Israel.
Nasrallah reportedly consulted with Ayatollah Khamenei on the decision.
Ultimately, the group chose to continue carrying out attacks against Israeli
military targets; Hezbollah attacks along the “Blue Line” and in contested
farming areas in the south would kill seventeen Israeli soldiers up through
2006. Six Israeli civilians were also killed in this period, including five
killed in a Palestinian operation that may have received assistance from
Hezbollah. [136]

Political Activities

Hezbollah is active in Lebanese
politics as a political party called Loyalty to the Resistance Bloc. However,
before it formed an official party after the 1989 Taif Agreement, the group
participated in national political discourse only through the media. In 1984 it
began publishing a weekly newspaper, al-Ahad, and subsequently began broadcasting
two radio stations. In 1989, it created its own television station, al-Manar.
These media outlets provided political commentary, news, cultural programs,
Islamic programs, and propaganda associated with the organization’s fight
against Israel and Western forces. [137][138]

After extensive internal debates on
whether or not to enter the political system at all, the organization created a
party that would act within the Lebanese system, but would also employ violence
and the threat of violence as a tool in its political dealings. It ran in national
elections for the first time in 1992 and won eight seats in the parliamentary
elections. [139] Since
then, it has regularly won about ten percent of parliamentary seats. [140]

The party has focused largely on nonreligious
themes, but officials say that Hezbollah members are required by Islamic law to
support the party. [141]
In December 2006, it led the opposition in a sit-in that resulted in
eighteen months of political deadlock. [142][143]
Tensions between the group and national government erupted again in May 2008,
when the government began to follow through with a plan to shut down
Hezbollah’s private telecommunications network. Violence broke out between
government supporters and Hezbollah on the streets of Beirut while the Lebanese
army largely sat out the conflict. Hezbollah and its supporters took over parts
of Beirut, but speculation that the violence would lead to a coup was quelled
when the Arab League brokered a settlement between the government and
Hezbollah. [144] The settlement,
called the Doha Agreement, granted Hezbollah veto power in the government and
pledged that no political group would use weapons for domestic disputes. [145][146]

Although Hezbollah was defeated in the
2009 parliamentary elections, it still managed to wield considerable political
influence in government. It successfully negotiated ten seats in a new
executive cabinet, and managed to get another five reserved for “independent”
presidential appointees, so that only half of the thirty seats were actually
taken by government coalition. [147]

Hezbollah supported some Arab Spring
movements, but opposed the uprisings in Syria. Bashar al-Assad is a critical
ally and his fall would jeopardize Hezbollah’s power and security in the
region. [148]

Major Attacks

Hezbollah is known for its
attention-grabbing attacks worldwide, but authorities have foiled a number of
Hezbollah operations across the globe. A plan to attack the Israeli Embassy in
Azerbaijan was stopped before it reached fruition, as was a 2008 plan to target
Israeli tourists and ships in the Suez Canal. Other disrupted plots may be
unknown to the public. [149]

November 1982: Hezbollah member Ahmad Qasir carried out a truck bombing against an Israeli headquarters in Tyre, killing at least 75 Israelis and fourteen Arab prisoners. (75+ killed, unknown wounded).[150]

April 19, 1983: A suicide bombing on the U.S. Embassy in Beirut killed 63 people and was attributed to militants of the Islamic Jihad, an early alias of Hezbollah (63 killed, unknown wounded).[151]

June 14, 1985: Hezbollah members highjacked TWA flight 847, holding hostages for weeks and killing one before releasing the rest in exchange for the release of 300 Lebanese prisoners in Israel (1 killed, 0 wounded ).[152]

June 14, 1985: Hezbollah members hijacked TWA flight 847, holding hostages for weeks and killing one before ultimately releasing the rest in exchange for the release of 300 Lebanese prisoners in Israel (1 killed, 0 wounded).[153]

July 18, 1994: Hezbollah was implicated in the bombing of the Argentine-Israeli Mutual Association, which killed 85 people and wounded more than 200. It denied responsibility (85 killed, 200+ wounded).[155]

February 14, 2005: In 2011, the UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon indicted four members of Hezbollah for the February 2005 car bomb assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri that also killed 21 others (21 killed, unknown wounded).[157]

May 2008: Hezbollah took over parts of Beirut after government calls to disarm, resulting in street violence and over 60 deaths. The resulting negotiations with the government gave Hezbollah veto power in the national cabinet (60+ killed, unknown wounded).[159]

July 18, 2012: Hezbollah’s international wing bombed an Israeli tour bus in Bulgaria, killing five Israelis and the Bulgarian bus driver. This was the first successful attack in a campaign to increase global operations beginning around 2008. Hezbollah denies responsibility for the bombing (6 killed, unknown wounded).[160]

May 29, 2013: Hezbollah collaborated with and led the Syrian Army in their attack on al-Qusayr, a rebel stronghold, playing a significant role in the conflict for the first time after months of rumored involvement in the Syrian Civil War. Hezbollah and the Syrian Army were victorious, marking a turning point in the war in which Assad began to regain key strategic territory (unknown casualties).

May 29, 2013: Hezbollah collaborated with and led the Syrian Army in their attack on al-Qusayr, a rebel stronghold, playing a significant role in the conflict for the first time after months of rumored involvement in the Syrian Civil War. Hezbollah and the Syrian Army were victorious, marking a turning point in the war in which Assad began to regain key strategic territory (unknown casualties).[161]

January 28, 2015: Hezbollah fired anti-tank missiles at Israeli soldiers in the disputed Har Dov area between Lebanon and Syria, killing two. In a separate border incident on the same day between Israel and Hezbollah, a UN Interim Force member was killed (3 killed, 7+ wounded).[162]

May 2015: For the final two weeks of May 2015, Hezbollah forces were engaged in heavy fighting against Jabhat al-Nusra (Al-Nusra) and IS across the Qalamoun mountain range in western Syria. By early June Hezbollah had recaptured much of the mountain range and reopened a path from Lebanon into Syria (unknown casualties).[163]

April 2, 2016: Hezbollah and Syrian government forces clashed with rebel troops belonging to Al-Nusra, Ahrar al-Sham and the Free Syrian Army near the village of Tal al-Ais outside of Aleppo. The village overlooks the main road connecting Aleppo to Damascus and is thus of strategic importance to both sides. Eight Hezbollah troops were killed in addition to 25 pro-Assad forces and 18 rebels (51 killed, unknown wounded).[164]

Relationships with Other Groups

Hezbollah first emerged as a splinter
group from Amal, and has had a complicated history with the group since then.
They both compete for the same Shiite constituency, and flare-ups have included
pitched battles between the groups, for example in 1988 when they clashed over
the kidnapping of U.S. Marine Lt. Colonel William R. Higgins, leading to a
lasting feud. [165]
However, the groups have also worked together, as in 2000 when an
Amal-Hezbollah bloc won all parliamentary seats in southern Lebanon. [166]

As Hezbollah has become more
experienced, it has begun training and assisting other terrorist organizations,
often acting as a facilitator for Iranian sponsorship. It is linked to
Palestinian terror organizations such as Al-Aqsa Martyrs and Shia Iraqi
militants like Kata’in Hezbollah, as well as various Christian and Muslim militias
in Lebanon. [167]Hezbollah’s Unit 1800, or the “Nun Unit,” is responsible for supporting
Palestinian militants. [168] It maintains close ties with Hamas,
providing financial support and military training for the armed branch of the
Palestinian organization, and according to one Congressional Report, has acted
as “a role model” for Hamas due to its own political success. [169]Hezbollah also allegedly worked alongside the Iranian Quds Force to train Shia
militants in the use of IEDs and other weaponry in Iraq beginning in 2004. [170]

Hezbollah has had a troubled
relationship with Sunni terrorist groups, particularly Al Qaeda (AQ). In April
2006, AQ attempted to assassinate Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, who
regularly condemns AQ attacks. [171] In 2013, Hezbollah
began sending fighters to Syria to assist Assad’s army in the fight against
rebel groups, including the Islamic State, Ahrar al-Sham, Jabhat al-Nusra, and
elements of the Free Syrian Army. [172] In addition to cooperating with the Assad-regime’s
forces and the IRGC, Hezbollah has also fought alongside elements of the Iraqi
Shiite organizations Kata’ib Hezbollah (KH) and Asa’ib Ahl al-Haqq (AAH) in
Syria. Hezbollah’s relationship with
these groups predates the Syrian Civil War; it has helped finance and train
both KH and AAH since their inception in the mid-2000s. [173][174]

Hezbollah also has historically had a
relationship with the Mahdi Army, now known as the Peace Brigades, which is
another Shiite Iraqi militant group. Hezbollah
was particularly instrumental in training the initial members of the Mahdi Army
following the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003. [175][176] Unlike AAH and KH, however, the Mahdi
Army has not sent fighters to Syria, nor is it as closely linked to the Iranian
government. However, the group is led by
Muqtada al-Sadr, the cousin of Amal founder Musa al-Sadr, who has reportedly
made several official visits to Lebanon to consult with top Hezbollah leaders
in recent years. [177]

Community Relationships

During Lebanon’s civil war, the state
was often ineffective as a service provider, so civil service organizations,
including Hezbollah, have a significant history of providing needed services to
Lebanese citizens, especially Shiites. [178]
The Shiites have often felt marginalized in recent Lebanese history, bearing
the brunt of the struggle with Israel, suffering poor economic conditions, and
traditionally wielding little power in government.
[179] The
government is often accused of ignoring civilian needs in the south, where
Shiites are concentrated and Hezbollah maintains its headquarters. [180] It is in
this context, of a marginalized community in a country where civil service
organizations often play a key role, that Hezbollah developed its social
service capacity.

While it is difficult to pinpoint the
date that Hezbollah first became involved in social services, it earned a
reputation as a movement of the poor early in its development in the 1980s. [181]Hezbollah
is now deeply engrained in Lebanese Shiite society, using social outreach to
cement the political support of the Shiite Lebanese it aids, recruit new
members, and spread its interpretation of Islam. [182]Hezbollah has provided a number of social services in
Lebanon, particularly in the south, operating schools, clinics, and hospitals,
collecting garbage, providing credit assistance, and delivering drinking water.
[183] As of 2009, Hezbollah’s schools
reportedly reached about 14,000 students. [184]

To carry out its work, Hezbollah has an
organized social services sector made up of multiple NGOs grouped under three
branches: Social Unit, Islamic Health Unit, and Education Unit. The work of the
Social Unit spans across a number of areas, from the construction of
infrastructure to supporting the families of killed Hezbollah members and
civilian victims of the 2006 Israeli bombing of southern Lebanon. The Islamic
Health Unit includes a number of hospitals and clinics in addition to social
health programs, and the Education Unit provides scholarships and operates
schools. [185]

In addition to its day-to-day
operations, it often garners support through responses to Israeli attacks. In
1996, for example, the group claimed to have rebuilt 5,000 homes in 82 villages
after the Israeli attack, and after the 2006 bombardment the group suspended
its military efforts to provide social services and reconstruction. While
Shiites are the targeted recipients and some services are reserved for families
of deceased Hezbollah fighters, the organization’s efforts also reach members
of other sects. [186][187]For example, they will advertise their
health services to the Lebanese population at large after Israeli attacks, and
receive heightened media coverage in turn. [188]

Although Hezbollah gains support from
the community by carrying out social services, it also is criticized by many in
Lebanese society for its role in inciting Israeli attacks. [189]