To link to the entire object, paste this link in email, IM or documentTo embed the entire object, paste this HTML in websiteTo link to this page, paste this link in email, IM or documentTo embed this page, paste this HTML in website

SPAIN AND THE WORLD
VOLUME 1, NUMBER 13. June 4th, 1937. PRICE 2d. - U.S.A. 5 CENTS.
I can really be free when those around me, both men and women, are also free. The liberty of others, far from limiting or negating my own, is, on the contrary, its necessary condition and guarantee.
— BAKUNIN
Adelante, juventad; a luchar como titanes!
Libertarian Youth will continue the struggle for the Workers' Revolution!
The "Rising" In Catalonia
LITTLE by little — the truth is becoming evident about the events which have recently taken place in Certagne, Barcelona, and various other places in Catalonia. And the truth is something far different from what the newspapers would have had you believe — whether they be of the right or the left. By now we have been able to decide on the responsibilities — the method and the aims. The responsibilities? They rest entirely on those who wish to "liquidate" the Social Revolution, and to revive the democratic and bourgeois republic!
The plan? It consisted of the removal of the central of the frontier and certain very important public services — from the hands of our comrades of the CNT — which they had handled since the beginning of the revolution.
The aim? It was quite simply to finish both the war and the revolution by ridding themselves of those who would have been irrevocably opposed to such an incredible compromise — a compromise imagined possible by Anglo-French diplomacy — and which has many supporters in Spanish political circles.
The situation thus brought into the full light of day — let us take the full sequence of events as they occured. It was in Cerdagne that things came to a head. La Sed D'Ugel and Puigcerda centres which had been largely dominated by the influence of the CNT had never voluntarily accepted the political and administrative control of the Generalitat of Catalunya — there — in spite of all steps taken by the authorities in Barcelona our comrades, ceded as little as possible — and by their own efforts they have attempted to conquer the little bands of Fascists which have let themselves up near the frontier which, was under the control of our people. Thus many expeditions were made to clear out the Fascists west of Bellver — situated between Puigcerda and Seo D'Urgel about 18 kilometres from Puigcerda.
The Generalitat sent investigators to the district — although the situation had not changed except to the detriment of the comrades of Puigcerda and La Seo.
At last — that which was bound to happen - did happen — emboldened by the tacit complicity by which they profited — the Fascists of Bellver — re-doubled the irritations which necessitated further intervention by our comrades.
It was during the last efforts of this sort Antonio Martin was assassinated when he arrived to discuss with the peasants of Bellver. By whom was Martin assassinated? To what party did the assassin belong?
The criminal is a man named Juan Jorda. He belongs to "L'Estat Catala," which forms the right wing of the Catalan Republican Party, of which the leader is none other than Companys himself.
Who are the adherents of "L'Estat Catala"? All the speculators, all the profiteers — all the sub rosa Fascists who form Franco's famous Fifth Column. There are also, among them, the diplomats, the ambassadors and the consuls who have never ceased to gamble on Franco's success.
Then who ordered the attack on the Central Telephone building of Barcelona? Rodriguez Salas, assistant commissary for Public Order — right hand man of Artemia Aiguade, Minister for Public Safety.
To what party do these two responsible gentlemen belong? To L'-Estat Catala!
And there, at that precise point we must fix the prime responsibility. The whole world must know that it was not our comrades of the FAI who unleashed the struggle in Barcelona. It was the Commissioner for Public Order — Salas who invaded the telephone building — without any reason — and on the authority of an order issued by Aiguade. Our comrades were so taken by surprise that police forces commanded by Salas were able to reach the sixth floor of the telephone building without meeting any resistance.
But following the chain of responsibility — is it possible that the Government of the Generalitat was not aware of this attack? — that the President, who found it necessary to call attention to the desertions from the Aragon front — and to the disembarcation of French sailors — could have been ignorant of it? Nobody will be [ ] to believe that!
It would be, however, ridiculous to throw the whole responsibility for these occurences on the L'Estat Catala - and even on the Catalonian Republican Party.
To us — it appears absolutely incontestable that all the political parties - who, without exception, have declared themselves for the "democratic" republic — were accomplices in this affair. The moment appeared a favourable one to dispose of the CNT and FAI, to eliminate them by attempting a "coup" of vast proportions!
So the manoeuvre was attempted at Puigcerda, to take over control of the frontier, was continued at Barcelona by the attack on the Central telephone building, and would have been continued by occupation of the local headquarters of the CNT and all the enterprises directed by the latter. We are thus faced by a feat conceived and directed by the political parties which believed that the hour had arrived to wring the neck of the Revolution.
It is possible that certain elements of the Valencia Government have not been at least aware of this plan.
The manner in which the Government immediately put into action the articles of the Constitution which the Security Publique in Catalonia conferred on it; the conversations that took place between the Government of Barcelona and that of Valencia, and the use of armed force, are sufficient evidence that Valencia did know. And besides, was it not this Government which had refused for ten months adequate armament for the columns of the CNT-FAI?
The attitude of the Embassy in Paris — riminal though it was — was so much more culpable in that the Minister for Foreign Affairs - Del Vayo — was present, in Paris. This demonstrates equally that the plan was of international inspiration and that the governments of Paris, London and Moscow wished it success.
We are convinced — on other grounds too — that it was in Paris that the plan was decided on — and perhaps, even, conceived When the Communist minister of the Generalitat, Comorera, recently came to Paris it was less to give information than to receive instructions — and, one might even say, orders! This man was, in fact, at the root of the first difficulties in which the CNT-FAI found themselves last December — in Barcelona, and it was he who provided the many manifest actions against the scarcity of food which he himself had caused. Whilst acting thus in the name of his party, and with its end in mind, Comorera had only one aim — to incite the masses of Barcelona against the CNT and the FAI, on whom he tried to fasten the responsibility for the shortage of milk, bread and potatoes, for which he was himself to blame.
The manoeuvre having been unsuccessful — thanks to the vigilance of our comrades — he had to find some other means to implicate our comrades — experience had taught him that all similar attempts would meet the same fate.
And, in fact, this last time everything was tried — a frontal attack, an appeal to desert, an appeal to international intervention, the sending of armed forces to Barcelona and a formidable campaign of lying news at home and, above all, abroad.
Nothing was accomplished and the position of the CNT remains unmoved and immovable. But it is proven that workers at war in the Spanish Peninsula have nothing to hope from political parties — nothing to hope from this union with these parties and the middle classes. All these parties and people will be found, when the position is clarified, to be against the proletariat, though willing to use their forces in their own interests.
There is only one thing that can save the situation — allowing the war to be won at the same time as the revolution is accomplished — revolutionary union of action between and enforced by the CNT and the UGT.
They can only combat the iniquities and combinations of the politicians, no matter how tricky they be.
If this unity of action — which springs logically from the unity of revolutionary organisations — will only develop and hold together, the politicians, the Spanish bourgeoisie, the false democracies and even international fascism, could go into mourning for their hopes.
(Tr. from Combat Syndicaliste)
OPEN LETTER TO FEDERICA MONTSENY
By Camillo Berneri
(This letter is taken from the Guerra di Classe of April 14th, 1937 (organ of the Italian Syndicalist Union, affiliated with the AIT) published at Barcelona. It bears the signature of Camillo Berneri the well known militant anarchist, who, for several months, acted as the political delegate with the Errico Malatesta Battalion — and was addressed to Frederica Montseny, member of the Peninsular Committee of the FAI and Minister of Hygiene and Public Assistance in the Valencia Government. The text is reproduced almost in its entirety. The introduction only is missing — and that served solely to eliminate any personal animosity from the discussion by affirming the friendship and esteem of the signatory for his correspondent. — Eds.)
REVOLUTIONARY SPAIN AND THE POLICY OF COLLABORATION
I HAVE not been able to accept I calmly the identity — which you affirm — as between the Anarchism of Bakunin and the Federalist Republicanism of Pi y Margall.
I do not forgive you for having written "that Lenin was not the true builder of Russia, but rather Stalin, with his practical realism, etc." And I wholeheartedly approved of Voline's reply in "Terre Libre" to your thoroughly inexact statements on the Russian Anarchist Movement.
But these are not the subjects I wish to take up with you now. On these and other things, I hope, some day, to talk personally with you. If I write to you publicly, it is in relation to subjects infinitely more serious — and in order to remind you of your enormous responsibilities which perhaps, on account of your modesty, you do not fully realise.
In your speech of January 3rd you said: — "The Anarchists have entered the Government to prevent the Revolution from being sidetracked and to ensure its pursuance after the War — and also so that they might resist any possible attempt at dictatorship, from whatever source it might come."
And now, comrade, in April, after three months' experience of collaboration, we find ourselves in a situation where grave facts present themselves whilst others, even worse, already begin to take form.
In such areas as the Basque Country, the Levant and Castille, where our movement is not established in basic forms, that is to say, in vast syndicate frameworks, and in the strong solidarity of the masses, the Counter Revolution oppresses and threatens to crash everything. The Government is at Valencia and it is from there that the Storm Guards set out for the purpose of disarming the revolutionary centres formed for defence. One calls to mind the Casas Viejas in thinking about Vilanesa. + It is the Civil Guards and the Storm Guards who keep their arms. It is they, too, who, in the rear, have to control "the uncontrollables," in other words to disarm the revolutionary centres that are provided with a few rifles and revolvers. And this comes about while the "secret front" is not quashed. This takes place during a civil war in which all kinds of eventualities are possible, and in regions where the battle front is close at hand, extremely irregular in its line, and not mathematically certain. It takes place whilst a political distribution of arms makes itself abundantly clear — a political distribution which aims at sending arms only in accordance with strict necessity (strict necessity we hope will be enough) to the Aragon Front, the armed escort of Agrarian Collectivisation and the buttress of the Aragon Council, and to Catalonia the Iberian Ukraine.
You are in a Government which has offered France and England advantages in Morocco, whilst from July 1936, it should have been obligatory on us to proclaim officially the political autonomy of Morocco. I imagine that you — as an Anarchist — must regard this affair as ignoble and stupid; but I believe the hour has come to make it known that you and the other Anarchist ministers are not in agreement as to the nature and purport of such proposals.
On October 24th, 1936, I wrote in "Guerra di Classe ": — " The Fasc- (Continued on Page 4)

SPAIN AND THE WORLD
VOLUME 1, NUMBER 13. June 4th, 1937. PRICE 2d. - U.S.A. 5 CENTS.
I can really be free when those around me, both men and women, are also free. The liberty of others, far from limiting or negating my own, is, on the contrary, its necessary condition and guarantee.
— BAKUNIN
Adelante, juventad; a luchar como titanes!
Libertarian Youth will continue the struggle for the Workers' Revolution!
The "Rising" In Catalonia
LITTLE by little — the truth is becoming evident about the events which have recently taken place in Certagne, Barcelona, and various other places in Catalonia. And the truth is something far different from what the newspapers would have had you believe — whether they be of the right or the left. By now we have been able to decide on the responsibilities — the method and the aims. The responsibilities? They rest entirely on those who wish to "liquidate" the Social Revolution, and to revive the democratic and bourgeois republic!
The plan? It consisted of the removal of the central of the frontier and certain very important public services — from the hands of our comrades of the CNT — which they had handled since the beginning of the revolution.
The aim? It was quite simply to finish both the war and the revolution by ridding themselves of those who would have been irrevocably opposed to such an incredible compromise — a compromise imagined possible by Anglo-French diplomacy — and which has many supporters in Spanish political circles.
The situation thus brought into the full light of day — let us take the full sequence of events as they occured. It was in Cerdagne that things came to a head. La Sed D'Ugel and Puigcerda centres which had been largely dominated by the influence of the CNT had never voluntarily accepted the political and administrative control of the Generalitat of Catalunya — there — in spite of all steps taken by the authorities in Barcelona our comrades, ceded as little as possible — and by their own efforts they have attempted to conquer the little bands of Fascists which have let themselves up near the frontier which, was under the control of our people. Thus many expeditions were made to clear out the Fascists west of Bellver — situated between Puigcerda and Seo D'Urgel about 18 kilometres from Puigcerda.
The Generalitat sent investigators to the district — although the situation had not changed except to the detriment of the comrades of Puigcerda and La Seo.
At last — that which was bound to happen - did happen — emboldened by the tacit complicity by which they profited — the Fascists of Bellver — re-doubled the irritations which necessitated further intervention by our comrades.
It was during the last efforts of this sort Antonio Martin was assassinated when he arrived to discuss with the peasants of Bellver. By whom was Martin assassinated? To what party did the assassin belong?
The criminal is a man named Juan Jorda. He belongs to "L'Estat Catala," which forms the right wing of the Catalan Republican Party, of which the leader is none other than Companys himself.
Who are the adherents of "L'Estat Catala"? All the speculators, all the profiteers — all the sub rosa Fascists who form Franco's famous Fifth Column. There are also, among them, the diplomats, the ambassadors and the consuls who have never ceased to gamble on Franco's success.
Then who ordered the attack on the Central Telephone building of Barcelona? Rodriguez Salas, assistant commissary for Public Order — right hand man of Artemia Aiguade, Minister for Public Safety.
To what party do these two responsible gentlemen belong? To L'-Estat Catala!
And there, at that precise point we must fix the prime responsibility. The whole world must know that it was not our comrades of the FAI who unleashed the struggle in Barcelona. It was the Commissioner for Public Order — Salas who invaded the telephone building — without any reason — and on the authority of an order issued by Aiguade. Our comrades were so taken by surprise that police forces commanded by Salas were able to reach the sixth floor of the telephone building without meeting any resistance.
But following the chain of responsibility — is it possible that the Government of the Generalitat was not aware of this attack? — that the President, who found it necessary to call attention to the desertions from the Aragon front — and to the disembarcation of French sailors — could have been ignorant of it? Nobody will be [ ] to believe that!
It would be, however, ridiculous to throw the whole responsibility for these occurences on the L'Estat Catala - and even on the Catalonian Republican Party.
To us — it appears absolutely incontestable that all the political parties - who, without exception, have declared themselves for the "democratic" republic — were accomplices in this affair. The moment appeared a favourable one to dispose of the CNT and FAI, to eliminate them by attempting a "coup" of vast proportions!
So the manoeuvre was attempted at Puigcerda, to take over control of the frontier, was continued at Barcelona by the attack on the Central telephone building, and would have been continued by occupation of the local headquarters of the CNT and all the enterprises directed by the latter. We are thus faced by a feat conceived and directed by the political parties which believed that the hour had arrived to wring the neck of the Revolution.
It is possible that certain elements of the Valencia Government have not been at least aware of this plan.
The manner in which the Government immediately put into action the articles of the Constitution which the Security Publique in Catalonia conferred on it; the conversations that took place between the Government of Barcelona and that of Valencia, and the use of armed force, are sufficient evidence that Valencia did know. And besides, was it not this Government which had refused for ten months adequate armament for the columns of the CNT-FAI?
The attitude of the Embassy in Paris — riminal though it was — was so much more culpable in that the Minister for Foreign Affairs - Del Vayo — was present, in Paris. This demonstrates equally that the plan was of international inspiration and that the governments of Paris, London and Moscow wished it success.
We are convinced — on other grounds too — that it was in Paris that the plan was decided on — and perhaps, even, conceived When the Communist minister of the Generalitat, Comorera, recently came to Paris it was less to give information than to receive instructions — and, one might even say, orders! This man was, in fact, at the root of the first difficulties in which the CNT-FAI found themselves last December — in Barcelona, and it was he who provided the many manifest actions against the scarcity of food which he himself had caused. Whilst acting thus in the name of his party, and with its end in mind, Comorera had only one aim — to incite the masses of Barcelona against the CNT and the FAI, on whom he tried to fasten the responsibility for the shortage of milk, bread and potatoes, for which he was himself to blame.
The manoeuvre having been unsuccessful — thanks to the vigilance of our comrades — he had to find some other means to implicate our comrades — experience had taught him that all similar attempts would meet the same fate.
And, in fact, this last time everything was tried — a frontal attack, an appeal to desert, an appeal to international intervention, the sending of armed forces to Barcelona and a formidable campaign of lying news at home and, above all, abroad.
Nothing was accomplished and the position of the CNT remains unmoved and immovable. But it is proven that workers at war in the Spanish Peninsula have nothing to hope from political parties — nothing to hope from this union with these parties and the middle classes. All these parties and people will be found, when the position is clarified, to be against the proletariat, though willing to use their forces in their own interests.
There is only one thing that can save the situation — allowing the war to be won at the same time as the revolution is accomplished — revolutionary union of action between and enforced by the CNT and the UGT.
They can only combat the iniquities and combinations of the politicians, no matter how tricky they be.
If this unity of action — which springs logically from the unity of revolutionary organisations — will only develop and hold together, the politicians, the Spanish bourgeoisie, the false democracies and even international fascism, could go into mourning for their hopes.
(Tr. from Combat Syndicaliste)
OPEN LETTER TO FEDERICA MONTSENY
By Camillo Berneri
(This letter is taken from the Guerra di Classe of April 14th, 1937 (organ of the Italian Syndicalist Union, affiliated with the AIT) published at Barcelona. It bears the signature of Camillo Berneri the well known militant anarchist, who, for several months, acted as the political delegate with the Errico Malatesta Battalion — and was addressed to Frederica Montseny, member of the Peninsular Committee of the FAI and Minister of Hygiene and Public Assistance in the Valencia Government. The text is reproduced almost in its entirety. The introduction only is missing — and that served solely to eliminate any personal animosity from the discussion by affirming the friendship and esteem of the signatory for his correspondent. — Eds.)
REVOLUTIONARY SPAIN AND THE POLICY OF COLLABORATION
I HAVE not been able to accept I calmly the identity — which you affirm — as between the Anarchism of Bakunin and the Federalist Republicanism of Pi y Margall.
I do not forgive you for having written "that Lenin was not the true builder of Russia, but rather Stalin, with his practical realism, etc." And I wholeheartedly approved of Voline's reply in "Terre Libre" to your thoroughly inexact statements on the Russian Anarchist Movement.
But these are not the subjects I wish to take up with you now. On these and other things, I hope, some day, to talk personally with you. If I write to you publicly, it is in relation to subjects infinitely more serious — and in order to remind you of your enormous responsibilities which perhaps, on account of your modesty, you do not fully realise.
In your speech of January 3rd you said: — "The Anarchists have entered the Government to prevent the Revolution from being sidetracked and to ensure its pursuance after the War — and also so that they might resist any possible attempt at dictatorship, from whatever source it might come."
And now, comrade, in April, after three months' experience of collaboration, we find ourselves in a situation where grave facts present themselves whilst others, even worse, already begin to take form.
In such areas as the Basque Country, the Levant and Castille, where our movement is not established in basic forms, that is to say, in vast syndicate frameworks, and in the strong solidarity of the masses, the Counter Revolution oppresses and threatens to crash everything. The Government is at Valencia and it is from there that the Storm Guards set out for the purpose of disarming the revolutionary centres formed for defence. One calls to mind the Casas Viejas in thinking about Vilanesa. + It is the Civil Guards and the Storm Guards who keep their arms. It is they, too, who, in the rear, have to control "the uncontrollables," in other words to disarm the revolutionary centres that are provided with a few rifles and revolvers. And this comes about while the "secret front" is not quashed. This takes place during a civil war in which all kinds of eventualities are possible, and in regions where the battle front is close at hand, extremely irregular in its line, and not mathematically certain. It takes place whilst a political distribution of arms makes itself abundantly clear — a political distribution which aims at sending arms only in accordance with strict necessity (strict necessity we hope will be enough) to the Aragon Front, the armed escort of Agrarian Collectivisation and the buttress of the Aragon Council, and to Catalonia the Iberian Ukraine.
You are in a Government which has offered France and England advantages in Morocco, whilst from July 1936, it should have been obligatory on us to proclaim officially the political autonomy of Morocco. I imagine that you — as an Anarchist — must regard this affair as ignoble and stupid; but I believe the hour has come to make it known that you and the other Anarchist ministers are not in agreement as to the nature and purport of such proposals.
On October 24th, 1936, I wrote in "Guerra di Classe ": — " The Fasc- (Continued on Page 4)