Europe

Germany moves to the left

The national congress of the co-governing Social Democratic Party of
Germany (SPD) made headlines last week with an alleged shift to the left
by this former traditional workers’ party. At the same time, one opinion
poll after another confirms that the vast majority of the population
supports important left-wing demands, like no to the privatisation of
the railways, no to the increase in the age of retirement, no to low
wages, yes to a minimum wage and yes to bringing back German troops from
Afghanistan. And on the day the SPD congress started, train drivers
struck for 30 hours, demanding higher wages and a one hour cut in
working time in the longest train drivers’ warning strike ever in
post-war Germany.

Economic growth in Germany has brought down unemployment, to a certain
extent, but is not felt in the pockets of the majority of the working
class. Many of the newly created jobs are insecure part-time jobs or
jobs with limited contracts. The fall in real wages has not been stopped
as prices for basic foods and energy are going up. While metal workers
and others achieved wage increases in collective bargaining
negotiations, which are somewhat higher than in recent years, they are
faced with wage reductions through other means at the same time.
Furthermore, 40% of workers are not covered by collective bargaining
agreements. Just this week, there were reports in the news of building
workers receiving 2.84 euro per hour. Scandals like this, and the growth
of the low-wage sector, make the demand for a legal minimum wage very
popular. This demand is put forward by the trade unions, the newly
formed Left Party and also the SPD (although they demand a relatively
low level) but is blocked in the Grand Coalition by the conservative
Christian Democratic Union (CDU).

Left Party expresses mass anger

The experience of the implementation of neo-liberal policies over many
years has changed mass consciousness. During last summer, an opinion
poll was widely discussed which revealed that the majority of the
population and of the supporters of all major parties actually support
left-wing policies, such as a minimum wage, no to privatisation etc.

Even without mass protest movements, this mood created an enormous
pressure on the established political parties because, for the first
time in years, this mood finds a political expression in the newly
formed Left Party. This party is a contradictory phenomena: the result
of a fusion of the ex-Stalinist PDS and the new formation WASG (see
previous reports on socialistworld.net). The Left Party stands at 13
percent in opinion polls, at the moment. While the party participates in
making social cuts and privatisations, as part of many local and
regional governments in East Germany, nationally, it is seen as a
left-wing opposition party expressing the basic interests of working
people and unemployed.

The Left Party’s main leader, Oskar Lafontaine, calls for “freedom
through socialism” and for the right to hold a general strike (which
does not exist in Germany). This has created growing interest in the
party amongst sections of the working class and especially amongst
activists in the trade unions and social movements. But because of its
current policy in East Germany, Lafontaine’s previous career as a SPD
former leader, and the former PDS’s past role as the ruling party in the
old Stalinist East Germany, there also exists an element of scepticism
towards the Left Party, which could only be broken on the basis of bold
socialist policies and campaigns. This is what SAV (Sozialistische
Alternativ – the CWI in Germany) members fight for inside the party in
west Germany, where there is some support for such demands in the party.

Move to the left of SPD

In 2003, the SPD-Green coalition government, under Chancellor Schröder,
introduced the notorious Agenda 2010 and so-called Hartz laws – draconic
neo-liberal attacks on the social security system. Mass movements in
2003 and 2004, which saw trade union mobilisations of half a million,
and weekly demonstrations of tens of thousands, were not able to make
the government withdraw these measures because the trade union
leaderships were not prepared to wage a real battle involving strike
action. But out of these movements grew the WASG, which led to the
formation of the new Left Party.

The 2005 general election result was shaped by this mass rejection of
neo-liberalism. Both the social democrats (SPD) and the Christian
democrats (CDU) lost votes. The SPD lost support because it had
implemented the neo-liberal package ‘Agenda 2010’ and the CDU because it
promised even more neo-liberal policies. The current ruling ‘Grand
Coalition’ is really a coalition of election losers. The majority of
German people remain opposed to the government policy of social cuts,
despite the establishment parties trying to present the current economic
growth as a result of the Agenda 2010.

The SPD - confronted with the coalition partner, the CDU, on one side,
and the growing Left Party, on the other side - fell in opinion polls
and its long term crisis intensified. The SPD leadership reacted with an
attempt to put on a more ‘social face’, by demanding a minimum wage and
certain minimal corrections in the Agenda 2010 legislation. Kurt Beck,
party chairman, proposed a lengthening of the period in which newly
unemployed workers receive the so-called ‘Unemployment Benefit I’ (which
is about 60 % of a worker’s last wage and then is replaced by a minimum
benefit of about 350 euros, plus rent per month). This proposal led to
an open conflict inside the party leadership, with the SPD ministers in
the Grand Coalition opposing it. But, finally, the party congress voted
in favour of this proposal hoping this could stop the erosion of support
for the party. Significantly, over 80 % support this step in opinion
polls, but only 10% think the SPD could solve the country’s problems
and, generally, the party remains very low in opinion polls.

The SPD also decided on a new party programme, in which it underlines
its support for “democratic socialism”. This is not a sudden
anti-capitalist turn; for over 90 years, the SPD leaders supported and
defended capitalism. This was the term used by social democracy for
decades to give a “socialist” favour to its Keynesian model of a “social
market economy” based on social partnership within capitalism. In
reality, the party leadership long ago turned its back on this Keynesian
model, becoming a proponent of neo-liberalism (hence its continued
support for Agenda 2010). The decisions of the SPD congress are an
attempt to throw dust into the eyes of workers and trade unionists and
do not represent a real change in its course. But it does reflect the
mood amongst the working class and the growing pressure on the SPD,
expressed through the new Left Party.

Tasks for the Left

Unfortunately, this wavering by the SPD is not used by the trade union
tops or the Left Party to start a campaign for the complete withdrawal
of Agenda 2010, limiting themselves to calls for modifications. Faced
with this, the SAV (German section of the CWI) started a campaign
“Agenda 2010 must go – completely!” demanding an offensive from the
trade unions, including strike action, and a mass campaign by the Left
Party in support of this demand. The SAV also calls on rank and file
activists and trade union bodies to call a national action conference to
debate and prepare steps for a serious struggle, including a national
demonstration organised from below.

Train divers’ dispute

At the same time, a very important industrial battle has developed. The
train drivers are demanding a large wage increase (they demand a basic
minimum wage of 2.500 euros before tax and social benefit payments) and
a one-hour cut in their working week. This comes after years of cuts in
real wages and worsening of working conditions, especially for train
drivers. The leadership of ‘Transnet’, the main trade union in the
railway company and which is part of the trade union federation (DGB),
has, for years, been complicit in implementing attacks on the workforce
and in supporting the plans for the privatisation of the railways. This
led a majority of train drivers to join the smaller train drivers’
union, GDL, which is outside the DGB (the majority of rail workers
remain in the DGB union).

While Transnet and another small union agreed, in spring, this year, to
a new wage contract, with a 4.5% wage increase, the GDL demands a
separate contract for train drivers and higher wage increases. An
intense dispute developed, in which strikes were banned by capitalist
courts several times but the latest court ruling, on 3 November, made
strikes legal on all trains – short and long distance passenger and
commercial goods trains. Up until then, the GDL organised several
strikes concerning short-distance commuter trains, with the longest
strike lasting 30 hours. Despite these commuter train stoppages, 66 % of
the population say that they “understand” the train drivers’ strike.
This figure even grew over the last weeks!

This dispute sparked a controversy in the trade unions and amongst the
left about how to relate to the strike and the GDL. While almost
everybody on the left and in the unions agrees to oppose the court
rulings against the right to strike, the tops of the other trade unions
and even members of the small Communist party (DKP) and the Left Party
argue that the GDL is “splitting” the workforce and tries to win
privileges which undermines the capacity to fight of all railway
employees.

SAV argues that the train divers are conducting a legitimate struggle in
which they have to be supported unconditionally. We explain that it is
the responsibility of the right wing leadership of Transnet that many
train drivers have joined the GDL. We argue that a success of the train
drivers could be used by the other workers to also demand higher wages
and re-join the struggle. The GDL leadership should make appeals to
other sectors of the railway workforce to fight together but it cannot
be criticised for fighting in the interest of its members. The GDL
demands are not at the expense of other rail workers. On the contrary,
if the GDL scores a victory they will show to fellow rail workers, and
other trade unionists, determined struggle can succeed.

We explain that Marxists stand for the unity of the working class in
struggle but that this does not necessarily and automatically mean unity
in one organisation – be it involve trade unions or political parties.
The DGB leaders’ attacks on the GDL in the name of “unity” are
hypocritical, as the DGB leaders do not lead united struggles of the
working class. Each situation has to be looked at concretely. In
Deutsche Bahn (the German railway company), the Transnet leaders have
been united with the management against the GDL, reflecting the fact
that the Transnet leader, Norbert Hansen, is simultaneously deputy chair
of Deutsche Bahn’s supervisory board. As the Transnet bureaucracy has
held back struggles for so many years it is an important step forward
that the train drivers found a way to fight against management. This
could lay the basis for united struggles of all rail workers in the
future, if different trade unions formed a united front. But supporting
the GDL’s struggle does not mean abandoning other rail workers or giving
any backing to employers’ “divide and rule” attempts to split workers,
as is currently happening amongst some workers in the new private post
companies.

SAV calls on the Left party and all trade unions to support the train
drivers’ strike and organise solidarity action.

No to the privatisation of the railways!

At the same time, the planned privatisation of Deutsche Bahn is now in
question.

The SPD congress voted in favour of a model of privatisation through
“people’s shares without voting rights” in response to the mass mood
against a privatisation (including against selling parts of Deutsche
Bahn through selling shares to big investors and corporations). The
conservative CDU rejects the SPD’s model and it is possible that the
whole project will have to be cancelled.

Obviously, the train drivers’ strikes are an additional factor which
puts pressure on the privatisation plans, despite the fact that the GDL
does not stand against privatisation, in principle. But a railway
company having to deal with a self-confident and strong train drivers’
union is less attractive for private investors than one with an
uncombative and compromising workforce and union. This is one reason
why, so far, the railway management has not been prepared to give in to
the GDL’s demand for a separate contract for train drivers only.

It is not ruled out that a compromise can be found, as the GDL has now
the legal opportunity to escalate the struggle. But it is also not ruled
out that the bosses are prepared to escalate the struggle, in the hope
they can isolate the train drivers from other workers. This could be a
misjudgement, however, as sympathy for the strike is growing, and many
workers would want their trade unions to act in a similar way to the GDL.

SAV is engaged in solidarity work with the train drivers. Our members in
many cities help on the picket lines (although, unfortunately, in many
cases, the GDL does not organise picket lines). In Berlin, we organised
a protest rally, together with GDL members and others, at which 70
people protested in front of the railway company’s headquarters. Public
solidarity meetings are also planned in several cities, and SAV members
use solidarity petitions on their street activities. In Aachen, the GDL
branch discussed its relationship to the SAV, and decided to officially
collaborate and invite SAV members even to meetings of the strike
committee.

Potential for Left must be realised

The situation in Germany is paradoxical at the moment. While government
and the media claim economic growth has improved the situation, there is
no growth in support for the government. Instead, ‘public opinion’ moved
to the left. The governing parties are nervously awaiting the important
regional elections coming up in 2008 and the general election scheduled
for 2009.

At the same time, there are few generalised protests or movements, at
the moment. Industrial disputes like the one of the train drivers are
continuing but remain separated from each other because of the policy of
the trade union leaderships at the moment. The new Left Party has
increased support in opinion polls and a limited influx of new members
but does not act as a fighting, class-struggle based party of the
working class, and is in danger of missing opportunities to build a mass
socialist party, if it does not change its policy to a fighting and
socialist one.

Currently, there is no general mood to fight back and to get active, at
the moment, amongst workers and youth. But the situation remains
potentially explosive. Consciousness is developing to the left, which
could get a further leap as economic recession develops. However, it
must be said that, in a situation where the official labour movement is
not offering a combative alternative, neo-fascist groups, using populist
or anti-capitalist demagogy, are also getting more active and remain a
serious threat.

With a combative and socialist leadership in the trade unions and in the
Left Party, the potential for resistance could be realised and the
working class could go on the offensive. As this is not the case, at the
moment, the class struggle and the creation of a new layer of activists
will, in all likelihood, develop in a protracted way. The intervention
of Marxists in struggles can, however, make a difference, and give
examples which can be taken up by other workers fighting back.