Language and Oral Literature as a National Identity
Marker in the DRC

Ngessimo Mutaka (Yaounde)

In post-colonial Africa, the multiplicity of languages has
often been seen as an element of division rather than of unity
among the citizens of their respective countries. Dissenting from
this view, Tadadjeu (2000) has demonstrated that, rather than
being considered an element of division, the various vernacular
languages can be considered as the embodiment of the richness
of the African culture and that they should therefore be promoted
as much as possible. This paper looks at the language situation
in the Democratic Republic of Congo (henceforth DRC) and shows
to what extent the various languages have been a unifying factor
for the Congolese and how the development of their oral literature
could be promoted as a way of buttressing the cultural identity
of the Congolese. The paper is organized as follows. §1 addresses
written forms of oral literature in use in the DRC, §2 deals
with the context of use of languages in the DRC and §3 looks
at the perspectives for the future of Congolese languages as a
unifying factor between the various Congolese language speakers.

1. Written Forms of Oral Literature in Use in the DRC

Talking about oral literature in the African context makes
one think immediately about the use of such genres as proverbs,
maxims, catchy sayings, folk tales, etc. The fact that this is
considered as oral literature implies that it is not written.
However, with the influence of the written medium, oral literature
tends to become written. In the present context, where the written
medium permeates all walks of life, oral literature is actually
what used to be exclusively oral. Now, however, it also includes
collections of proverbs, maxims, and folk tales in written forms,
most often translated into French or English.

Because this oral literature is partly written, it can now
be used for educational purposes in schools along with other written
materials. One area where oral literature could fill the gap in
the education of children is the use of lullabies. When students
learn French or English in a school environment, they hardly ever
learn lullabies because there is never any need for them to use
such songs. When they become efficient speakers of English or
French, and later, if they have children, they suddenly find themselves
lacking the possibility of quieting their babies because they
do not know any song to sing for them. At such a time those who
still know lullabies will sing them in their mother tongues. The
following are such lullabies in Kinande, a language of eastern
DRC.

(Child, child, why are you crying?Why are you crying? Where did your mother go?Where did your mother go? She went to Bwambatikani.Bwambatikani in the middle of KahungahungaKahungahunga, the father of Makulumbe, comes very slowly,Comes very slowly like a child who learns how to walk.Oh oh oh ho ho ho)

Tai tai tatai tai tawith my motherwith my grandmotherwith my grandfatherwith my auntwith my uncleEven the one who ate says that he did not eatany foodthe food to eatis eaten badlyEven the one who ate says that he has not eatenAny food

In various African countries, one indication that a person
is respectful is his handling of proverbs in his mother tongue.
In general, proverbs are seen as encapsulating the daily know-how
of what to do in any situation that one might encounter. Nowadays,
this knowledge is lacking in young intellectuals. Those adults
who still have recourse to such proverbs, even if they translate
them, are highly regarded by their peers. Therefore, it is desirable
that people again have access to the traditional cultural knowledge
transmitted through proverbs. Many Congolese communities have
collected such proverbs in their languages (e.g. Tatsopa 1985,
Bergmans 1976, Kagaragu 1984, etc.).

An example of such a collection of proverbs is the book entitled
"Emigani bali Bantu: proverbes et maximes des Bashi"
by Abbé Kagaragu Ntabaza (published by Libreza, Bukavu,
1984.) This is a book that contains 3010 proverbs, maxims and
catchy sayings along with an analytical index that regroups the
various proverbs by specific themes, which makes its consultation
easier.

Speaking of these proverbs, it is true that they capture the
traditional lore of African culture. At the same time, I would
like to point out that, when written, they do not really translate
the real spirit in which they are used. They are desacralized
in a sense. They have become like reference material for the young
generations. As pointed out above, the user of the proverbs and
catchy sayings is usually respected. But at the same time, if
one overuses them, or if a child overuses the proverbs, this might
be misinterpreted and not readily appreciated. Proverbs and catchy
sayings simply have to be used in the correct context.

It should be noted that in modern contexts not every proverb
is necessarily always appropriate. As pointed out by Father Ntabaza
(1984), certain proverbs propose outdated ideas and may actually
convey messages that oppose social or economic development. For
example, a catchy saying, which was quite appropriate in the context
of Nande men assembled around a fire in a men's hut, no longer
seems to be the right thing to say about foreigners:

"Whose log is this that is giving so much smoke?"

The person uttering that saying would be looking at the log,
eventually touching it, as if he were genuinely speaking about
the log. But what he means is rather asking about a foreigner
who is sitting among the people in the hut and whose origin he
does not know. It is a way for him to ask who actually brought
this new person into the men's hut. If one of the village people
brought him, the answer will be that X brought that log. If no
one invited him, then the people will know that this new face
is highly suspicious and that the people in the hut have to be
cautious in what they are talking about. Nowadays, it would seem
like an insult to treat a foreigner in a group as a log. It would
seem more appropriate to ask the foreigner directly, where he
comes from and the reason why he is among the village people he
is visiting.

Note that productive areas, where popular literature is produced
in vernacular languages, are in church songs, music songs, dance
songs. Church songs are usually produced by some members of the
different church communities. Some of these songs often go beyond
the national territory. This is the case of the following song
in Kikongo which can be virtually heard in churches all over Africa
and even at the Vatican.

Lord, receive these offerings from our city (village, dwelling
place)
Receive these offerings that are the fruit of our labor

Refrain:

Look at my hands, they are empty.
Look at me, a poor sinner
What do I really have to give you ...(2x)
What can I give you...(2x)

Oh Lord, receive this bread ...
Oh Lord, receive this wine ...

Music songs are also produced mostly by well-known singers
for whom song production has become a job. Most of these songs
are produced in Europe. Lingala is the language par excellence
of most Congolese songs. Again, these songs have become so popular
that they have gone beyond the territory of the DRC. One example
is the "Dombolo" that one can hear over the radios of
several African countries.

Dance songs are the ones that remain traditional because they
often respect the rhythm of the traditional songs. Nonetheless,
the songwriters produce songs, the characters of which are people
they feel they should praise. Such songs also address themes that
are close to people's feelings. Examples are songs about AIDS,
the war in the DRC, the importance of marriage, etc. One such
song is Cholo Nkese's "omwishingo", which is written
in Shi, a language of Kivu, Eastern DRC. It tells about the most
important moments in the life of the Shi people, namely, birth,
marriage and the joy of having one's child married. According
to Louise Ndagano (personal communication), the greatest joy for
Shi parents is to see their children get married.

Speaking about Congolese music songs, certain people contend
that the songs created in the late 60s and 70s were far better
than those produced nowadays. When listening to the songs of Pepe
Kalle, Mbilia Bel, or Luambo Makiadi, one feels that one is getting
a message. It is not just hearing the melody of the song, but
also listening to a message. Take, for example, the following
song entitled "Mamou" by Luambo Makiadi, also known
as Franco, that deals with the problems of infidelity between
married people. Because many Congolese people feel intimately
concerned with the problems it discusses, the song became a real
hit all over the Democratic Republic of Congo. Here is the lyric.(2)

What did you say MamouYou said that I have been sowing discord in your family by
telling certain thingsYou said that I am the one who accuses you to your husbandLet Madilu (a musician) talk about things he does not really
knowEven the streets on which he walks, he does not even know
themPeople see him in the houses that he entersthe ceilings of the houses accuse himall the corners where he stands,the taxi drivers who see himthe stars that he goes with (that is, he makes love with)the late night walkers (literally, dogs'children) see himwhy does he disseminate the news that you sow discord

I am the person who usually defends you, MamouI am the person who knows your secretstoday I have become a bad personYou know that when things will become bad (be hot), you will
think about me Mamou.I am leaving. Even if you insult me, saying I have become
a prostitute, you know that things do become bad

Mamou, when you accuse me of being a prostitute,you know that prostitution is not a temporary jobI too was married, I do know the suffering in a marriage.Did you ever see a prostitute live a stable married life?Did you ever see her become a child's mother, get really happy?
She never prospers.I really do not wish you (to be a prostitute).You too, when you die, if you come to our place, I will ask
you

You already have all the powers (literally, you've already
got the signatures)Be faithful in your marriage, Mamou, keep a stable married
life, Mamouwhen you do so, you will be happy (literally, this will bring
you to Europe)Do not be deceiving your husband. If he calls you up, tell
him you will go out Mamou.

Mamou, you are the one who said that your husband sent you
to Europe so that he may raise the childrenSome other time, I do not know which mosquito bite got you,
you said that he calls you twice a day. That he has already given
you his checkbook.

When Mamou notices that her husband calls her up at 6 o'clock,
mostly at midnight, she is extremely happy (literally, she sees
that the sky has fallen).She goes into the bathroom, she washes carefully, she goes
to the living room, she looks over the cupboard, she takes the
mosquito repellent bottle, she goes back to the room of the little
child who usually accuses her to her father, she takes the mosquito
repellent bottle, pumps it several times, so that when she goes
out and when she comes back the child will not know that her
mother went out. She will come back like a cat, walking on her
toes (to avoid any noise).

As for the children's father, when it gets 6 o'clock where
he is staying, he hears the telephone ring "Hello Hello!
Here is Mamou""Who is it that I hear talking in the background?""Nobody. It is just the radio, my dear husband (literally,
my father)""Be careful, the things I have been hearing are not encouraging
at all. Please protect yourself. Even if you are in Europe.""My children's father, I told you to have confidence
on me. However, there is one thing I would like to ask you, my
children's father, the news one gets from far make one suffer
a lot (literally cause suffering to the heart). Listen for example,
I heard that this woman who usually buys bread at a bakery called
"Mama Poto", if not "Quo Vadis", do you think
that story is true or wrong. The younger sister of that lady
was caught at Zaventem (Belgium airport) by the police dogs.
You do know her very well! This really frightened me. I hope
it is not true. In any case, I was startled. I cannot do that,
my darling.)

Throughout Africa and the world in general, music songs have
become the hallmark of the cultural identity of the Congolese,
(both Congo Kinshasa and Congo-Brazzaville, as their music in
Lingala sounds pretty similar).

In various Congolese cultures, there are popular traditional
legends, called "épopées", which are often
interesting to read or to listen to. They could certainly constitute reading material in schools, as is the
case of the popular American tales such as The LittleMermaid,
or the Japanese tales translated into English, which often convey
the courage of the Japanese people. Some of the Congolese tales
worth mentioning here are, for example, "She Mwindo"
for the Hunde of Eastern DRC, "Kashala" for the Baluba
of Kasai. Tales about the interaction between the living and the
ancestors in the culture of the Bakongo of Bandundu are also noteworthy
here, as they help explain their behavior towards their deceased.
From a story that was recounted to me(3) by
Kaswa Malukila (personal communication), when someone is dead,
one usually meets the newly deceased person clad in white near
the house, and it is believed that he has to travel a long way
before reaching the abode of the ancestors. There is a river that
one has to cross. It is believed that those who have problems
crossing that river often come back as bad spirits to haunt the
living. For the Bakongo of Bandundu, it is therefore important
to help the dead people travel safely to the world beyond. Such
tales can be viewed as an identity marker for them among the Congolese
population.

2. The Context of Use of Languages in the DRC

As proposed in Mbula Paluku (1997:15-32), there are different
layers of languages used by the Congolese. There are approximately
212 vernacular languages, or mother tongues, and they are mostly
spoken in families and most especially in the rural areas. In
the cities, people tend to speak the languages that belong to
the second layer, which consists of the four national languages,
that is, Swahili, Lingala, Ciluba, and Kikongo. Swahili is spoken
predominantly in the Eastern part of the country, including the
provinces of Shaba, Kivu, and Haut-Congo (former Haut-Zaire).
Lingala is spoken in the capital Kinshasa as well as in the province
of Equator and part of Haut-Congo. Ciluba is mostly spoken in
the two Kasai and Kikongo is spoken in the provinces of Bandundu
and Bas-Congo.

Notice that the term Baswahili is often used, especially in
Kinshasa, to designate the speakers of Swahili; in other words,
the speakers of Swahili are felt to form a language community.
It is mostly when Congolese are abroad that they feel the importance
of belonging to such language communities. Take the example here
in Yaounde: there are groups based on the national languages they
speak: the AFESWA, a Swahili-speaking community of women that
includes women from Kivu, Haut-Congo and Shaba. Similar groups
include the Bakongo of Bandundu, and the Baluba of Kasai. Lingala
is the only language which does not serve as the basis for a community,
presumably because most Congolese, especially those who have lived
temporarily in Kinshasa, are supposed to know it. Lingala, on
the other hand, tends to be the hallmark of the Congolese. One
way to identify yourself as Congolese is to speak Lingala, unless
one has strong feelings about speaking it, for example, if one
is a Swahili speaker.

It should also be pointed out that, mostly in Kinshasa, various
communities feel the need to teach their native languages to their
children. There are thus private language schools in Kinshasa,
where children can learn, for example, Kinande, Ciluba, etc. One
motivation for learning these vernacular languages is that, in
times of danger, people have realized that one is always safe
when he can identify himself with his community. In order to transmit
information, it is sometimes crucial to use the vernacular languages.
Those individuals who cannot speak the language are often considered
as spies or as not being true nationals.

Maybe of all the Congolese, the Baluba speakers of the two
Kasai (whose regional cities are Mbuji Mayi and Kananga) are the
most nationalistic with respect to using their languages. In most
cases, they always make sure that their children learn and speak
the language, even if they live in a milieu where a lingua franca
such as Lingala (in Kinshasa) or Swahili in Eastern DRC is spoken.
The Baluba do not seem to bother speaking Ciluba among themselves,
even when other language speakers are present.
To many Congolese, this overuse of Ciluba in contexts where its
use is not quite appropriate is often interpreted negatively,
and the Baluba, at times, may be accused of being tribalistic
because of the love of their language. Yet, are they tribalistic?
One will find many Baluba speakers who are really objective and
who, for example, do favor meritocracy in providing jobs to job
seekers. At the same time, there are also cases where this tribalism
may be felt, for example, in the universities, during an exam,
where some people feel that some Baluba are somewhat tempted to
give better grades to people who belong to their own tribe.(4)

I would like to point out that the Baluba are not the only
ones to use language as a mark of their cultural identity and
who exploit it to help one another. The following incident that
was reported to me also shows that the Bashi do use their language
to do favors to their own people. In a parish of the neighborhood
of Bukavu, the principal, who was a priest, would clearly preach
in the church that there were no more vacancies in the school
he managed. But, while translating the same message in Mashi,
he would say that, although there are no more vacancies, those
who speak Mashi are still encouraged to send their children, as
there are still vacancies for such Mashi speakers. This is a polite
way of telling non-Mashi speakers that they are discriminated
against for their failure of not being able to speak the Shi language.
It must be noted that there is nothing wrong with such a policy.
One of the reasons several schools have been created in the Congo
was partly to encourage students to study mostly in places closer
to their homes.

3. Perspectives for the Future of the Congolese Languages
as a Unifying Factor

As an aftermath of colonialism, French has become the official
language of DRC, and four other languages, namely, Lingala, Swahili,
Ciluba, and Kikongo have been declared the national languages.
However, it is no secret that people still use their native languages.
The question is to know whether it is desirable that only the
official language be encouraged, or better, the official language
and the four national languages, or again that, to these languages
English should be added, as is the tendency of the present Congolese
government. In other words, the languages that would be mostly
favored by the government policy would be: French, Swahili, Lingala,
English, Ciluba, and Kikongo (in that order). Because the DRC
is a relatively large country, the government policy could subdivide
it in four major areas where some of these languages would be
encouraged by the government policy. French and English, which
are international languages, would continue to be taught in government
schools, as is currently done. Swahili would be mostly encouraged
in the eastern part of the country where it is mostly spoken,
that is in the provinces of Kivu, Haut-Congo and Katanga. Lingala
would be encouraged mostly in Kinshasa, Equateur and part of Haut-Congo.
Ciluba would be encouraged in the two Kasai provinces, and Kikongo
would be encouraged in the provinces of Bas-Congo and Bandundu.
In a sense, this proposal adds nothing new to what actually exists
in the DRC. It is just that the policy is not formalized in official
texts. But the question is: would this policy be fair and sufficient
for a country where more than 200 languages are spoken. While
the four official languages do translate the national identity
of its speakers, I would like to emphasize the fact that most
Congolese should be made to feel proud to speak their own native
languages. These are the languages of their ancestors, the languages
that best translate their idiosyncratic identities, the languages
that reflect their traditional cultures. It is my feeling that
these native languages should also be encouraged by the government
policy. The positive outcome of such a policy would be that every
Congolese would feel a sense of belonging not only to his/her
own culture, but also to a more national culture through the knowledge
of one of the four national languages, and also to a more international
culture, through the knowledge of French and English. One way
to encourage the Congolese people to be more interested in their
languages would be through literacy programs, as suggested, for
example, in Mutaka (2001). Speaking of such literacy programs,
Mutaka proposes the following:

This type of literacy program would address the needs of the
native speakers, and the contents of such a program would discuss
issues such as the following:

On improving agricultural products in a given DRC area

Medicinal herbs in a given DRC area

Food variation to fight against Kwashiorkor

Necessity of cooperatives in organizing local farmers for
selling their products

Useful tales, proverbs, lullabies in the speech community
of the (e.g. the Nande, the Bashi, the Baluba, the Bakongo, the
Alur, etc.)

Useful advice for the use of contraceptives and for fighting
against the spread of AIDS

Learning about our neighbors: e.g. the Banyarwanda, the Bapere,
the pygmies, for the inhabitants of eastern DRC

How to fight tooth decay, epilepsy and other diseases with
traditional medicine

Possibility of attracting tourists through the organization
of festivals in certain areas of the country

The end result for such a program would be that the Congolese
would feel less uprooted in their own cultures, as they have been
because of colonialism. In addition they would learn, through
their native languages and also through French and English, a
number of techniques that are likely to help in their economic,
social, and cultural development. Such a program is absolutely
worth encouraging, because it would combine the positive effects
of enhancing the national identity of the Congolese people and
also help them, in the long run, to learn more about their neighbors.
It is only through such a policy that the various Congolese tribes
will learn to better appreciate one another and also appreciate
their neighbors, and, hopefully, thus avoid conflicts with them,
because they will better understand them, assuming that conflicts
often arise from a misunderstanding between two groups of people.

4. Conclusion

In conclusion, it has been emphasized in this paper that the
multiplicity of African national languages is a characteristic
that forms part of the cultural heritage of Africans in general
and Congolese people in particular. In addition to oral literature
in the forms of proverbs, lullabies, catchy sayings, tales, church
songs or Congolese music should also be officially promoted by
the government policy. In this way people will feel more encouraged
to learn more about their own cultural tradition. They will also
feel proud of their culture and hopefully be disposed to develop
better socially, economically, and culturally with the help of
their vernacular languages, if these languages are used in literacy
programs addressed to adult speakers.

(1)
Thanks to Germanine Ngandu, a native speaker of Kikongo, who has
supplied the words of this song and their translation (in French).

(2)
This lyric was generously provided and transcribed by Marie Nduire
and Luise Ndagano. The translation which is based on the explanations
I received from them is mine.

(3)
Kaswa Malukila recounted this story to the author back in 1978
at the ISP-Bukavu, DRC.

(4)
As I did my undergraduate studies at ISP-Bukavu (Democratic Republic
of Congo), one day, I felt favored by a Muluba teacher whose name
I no longer remember. He was a visiting teacher and when he learned
that my name was Mutaka, he became extremely happy. He began to
call me Mutaka wa Dilomba. Of course, as a student, I could not
argue with him. I just smiled. But during the exam, he was so
sympathetic that I took the oral examination in the best conditions.
(I am actually not a Luba speaker. My name happens to be found
in several Congolese languages, even in other languages spoken
in Cameroon or in Japan).