Assam: The very idea of India is under threat – Part I

Swami Vivekanand called it the second most beautiful place on earth after Kashmir. Today, the wonder that was Assam is a mass of decomposing bodies, petty politicking, strewn hopes, unfathomable despair and a fear that says: only man is vile.

In Assam, it does not matter whether the conflict is ethnic or communal or over land or some other issue. Any of these reasons—or all combined—might have triggered the violence. But more than 90 people (numbers go up each day) do not get killed—more 400,000 are not rendered homeless—because some Johnny come lately—whether a Bodo or an Assamese Muslim or an `infiltrator’—decides to fight the `other’. For the violence to attain such a gruesome character and a pitch that refuses to abate—an organized hand—or multiple forces—have to be at work.

See the injustice and conspiracy: Sreenivasan Jain, the NDTV journalist, catches refugees living in camps openly saying that Pradeep Brahma, the Bodo People’s Front (BPF) MLA, fired at Muslims and Santhal Adivasis with his own gun. After the Assam visit of Ms. Sonia Gandhi, the Congress president, Pradeep Brahma is arrested. Now BPF is part of the Tarun Gogoi led Congress government in Assam—why would a senior party arrest a member of its own coalition unless there is solid proof? But, as far as the Sangh Parivar and BJP are concerned, this argument falls on deaf ears. Bajrang Dal announces an Assam Bandh protesting the arrest of Pradeep Brahma—and to demand—hold your breath—the arrest of Badruddin Ajmal—the leader of United Democratic Front (UDF)—one of the leading opposition parties of Assam with 18 MLAs—several of them Hindus!

Has anyone—even a prominent Bodo leader like Hagramy Mohilary—demanded Badruddin Ajmal’s arrest? On what grounds, what evidence are Bajrang Dal cadres making this insistence? Is there any evidence of UDF cadres indulging in anti-Bodo violence? Is there any complaint of a UDF MLA—like Basheer Ahmed—the MLA from Bilashpada—near Bodo areas—even lifting a finger at any Bodo?

Are we going to have two laws in India—one for Muslims and another one for non-Muslims? By demanding Ajmal’s arrest, the Sangh Parivar has just entered the league of anti-national forces like ULFA who seek the dismemberment of India. Ordinary Bodos have condemned any sort of violence. But some Bodo outfits—like the Christian dominated National Peoples Front of Bodos (NDFB)—which still fights for a separate Bodoland—do not like even the BPF. Along with the Sangh Parivar and ULFA, they too demand action against UDF MLAs none of whom has ever been found inciting violence.

The conflicts within Bodos, external funding for the NFDB, the problem of armed militant militias living in designated camps in Assam and the Northeast, who transgress their limits openly and start killing Muslims in any such situation, the troubles of modern Assam since Independence, will be dealt with in the second part of this article.

Right now, it is necessary to rise above sectarian mindsets to say that apart from people in flesh and blood, the very idea of India as a diverse, multi-cultural, multi-national country is under attack in Assam.

For instance, Assam’s name derives from a long rule (1228-1826) of upper/eastern, and parts of central Assam, by the Ahom dynasty of Chinese origin. However, even at the height of Ahom power (late 17th-early 18th century), the Koch Rajbongshi dynasty reigned in parts of western or lower Assam. Enjoying Kshattriya status, Koch Rajbongshis split in late 16th century into two main branches: western and eastern. In the 19th century, the British created the Cooch-Behar state from the western Koch Rajbongshi kingdom.

By then, a third political entity—the Bodo-Kacharis—had dispersed all over Assam after losing their Barak valley kingdom to the British in 1832.

Ahom rule was truly ecumenical. Early on, medieval era tribes like Barahis and Marans—of Austro-Asiatic and Tibeto-Burman descent—became part of the Ahom ethnic group. Then Khasis from present-day Meghalaya were admitted in the Ahom army on terms that they would retain their ethnicity. Finally, Bodos, Jaintiyas, Daflas, Karbis, Rabhas, Lalungs, Singhpos, Garos, Khamtis, Bhors, Lyngngams—even a small number of Lushais and Kukis—were settled on Ahom lands—after similar guarantees.

Under Chilarai, the Koch-Rajbongshis rulers of lower-western Assam defeated the Ahoms in a 16th century battle. For a brief period, Chilarai, successfully created another political federation based on the loyalty of mainly Barak and Surma Valley tribes. In the post-Chilarai era, the Bodo-Dimasa rulers of the Barak valley and parts of Surma valley also integrated several Naga tribes in a federal structure.

Ahoms introduced—in contrast to the traditional jhum cultivation—the technologically superior, wet rice farming in Assam. Sankardev, a 16th century Bhakti saint, pioneered the Vaishnavite creed that extended till Manipur. In Assam, his disciples included Chandsai, a Muslim, Govinda, a Garo, Paramanda, a Miri, Jayananda, a Bhutia, Narahari, an Ahom, Madhav, a Jaintia and Damodar, a Bania. Under Ahoms, Vaishnavism co-existed with Shaktism. The Kamakhya temple—one of the most important seats of Shakti worship in India—was part of Ahom lands.

Muslims in Assam and Northeast India

Today, one hears of Bodo vs Muslim clashes—it is instructive that Ali Mech—perhaps the first person to embrace Islam in Assam (14th century)—belonged to an indigenous tribe with Bodo links. Soldiers left behind by Bakhtiyar Khilji’s invading army in the 13th century, and other prisoner of wars, settled in Assam. Quite a few intermarried with women of local tribes.

Also, in the 14th century, a Muslim saint named Giasuddin Aulia came to Kamrupa. He established a dargah at pua mecca in Hajo about 30 km west of Guwahati. Other religious leaders like Ajan Fakir, Khandakar Peer, Manik Fakir, Nawaz Peer also came to Assam and adopted the local language and culture.

As early as the 15th century, a distinct brand of Asamiya Muslims began emerging with different surnames and titles. During the reign of Ahom ruler Swargadeo Rudra Singha in the early part of the eighteenth century, some Muslim families proficient in different crafts and arts were invited from Delhi to reside in Assam and offer their services. These families were Pharsiparia, Aakharkatia (experts in making cannon balls, locally known as hiloi), Silakatia and Khanikar.

During the Ahom-Mughal war, Assamese Muslims fought hand-in-hand with their Hindu brethrens. In the decisive battle of Saraighat (1671)—that led to Ahom victory under Lachit Barphukan—Bagh Hazarika alias Ismail Siddiqui—led an Assamese force of one thousand Muslim soldiers against the Mughals.

Shah Hussain Khan and Ramzan Khan—two Assamese Muslim nobles—fought against the late 18th century-early 19th century Burmese invaders. In the Hadirachaki war, local Muslims fought against the Burmese forces, under the command of Mir-ud-Daula.

Incredible as it might sound today—under the successful rule of Dimasa-Bodos—Sylhet—in present-day Bangladesh—close to Silchar in Assam’s Barak valley—emerged as a major centre of Sufism and Muslim learning. Sylheti became a foremost language at par with Assamese—both these languages formed the eastern dialects of the great Bengali language family. While Sylhet’s chieftains became Muslims under the influence of Shah Jalal Yemeni, a great Sufi saint, several other political principalities of the Barak and Surma valley and East Bengal amalgamated Hindu-Muslim, even Buddhist features. For a long time, Chakmas of Chittagong (East Bengal) were Buddhists with Muslim chieftains.

Chiefs of Jaintia—located in present-day Meghalaya—believed in a matrilineal line of succession. In the 17th century, a Jaintia chief gave his sister in marriage to the Mughal Governor. Her son—a Muslim—became the next ruler. But his sister married a non-Muslim Jaintia. So when the British annexed the state in the 1830s, it was a mixed Hindu-Muslim-tribal-Jaintia kingdom!

The composite culture of Assam saw Radharam—as the chief of South Karimganj district—resisting the British in the 18th century. Most fighters in Radharam’s army were Muslims. The chief actually was called Nawab Radharam! More importantly, he was known as a Kayastha with mixed “tribal blood”!

Such features—the co-existence of Hindu, Muslim and local tribes—leading to the creation of a new breed—born out of intermixing and intermarriages or non-conventional liaisons—are to be found in such abundance that it is difficult to classify/separate Northeastern and East Bengal identities.

The great Manipuri chapter

Beyond Assam, Hindu rulers of Manipur merged Vaishnavism with Sanamahism, the traditional religion of the Meitei people, whose rulers controlled the area till 1947, and still constitute the majority (60% of the total population). Meitei-Sanamahi-Hindu-Manipuri princes carried multiple identities. They were also, often raised in Naga households. Pamheiba was one such 18th century warrior-Prince. His exploits were not limited to victory in warfare and crushing Burmese excursions. Despite being a staunch Vaishnavite Hindu, following the traditions of that era, Pamheiba declared himself `protector of the poor’, openly announcing the adoption the Persian-Muslim Garib Nawaz title on his coins and royal standards!

Has anyone ever heard of such a thing—a mixture of tribal and Muslim elements—constituting a composite culture? Why is it that this unique history of Assam and the northeast was not taught to north, west and south Indians? What kind of politics waves its murky hands behind this exclusion?

Indeed, Muslims of Manipur—mostly outsiders who settled in the area in waves beginning from the 14th century—and intermarried locals—carry their own Meitei-Pangal identity. The Muslim population of Manipur touches the 9% mark; however, it is impossible to find Muslim Pangals residing outside Manipur in any noteworthy numbers. Under the rule of Meidingu Khagemba (1597- 1652 AD), a Muslim personal law board, under a Qazi, was established by orders of the King. Manipuri Muslims played a major role in the preservation of the Meiteilon-Manipuri language and script, to an extent that even today universities and colleges in Manipur offer courses in Meiteilon.

It seems that all over Assam and northeast India tribes, Hindu sects, Muslim Sufis and warriors, Brahmins, peasant castes and Kayasthas interacted with élan. Bodos, Ahoms, Kochs, Sutiyas, Karbis, Mishims, Bengali Hindus, Muslims, North Indian Brahmins, Vaishnavites, Buddhists, worshippers of Sakti, and Kayasthas, followers of tribal deities of Chinese, Burmese, and Tibetan derivation—just to cite a few examples—formed part of this truly remarkable amalgamation of different races, modes of land tenure, forms of worship, imported peasant cultures of the plains and the hill culture of the tribes, clerks and paiks.

British rule

The British annexed Assam after the first Anglo-Burmese war. The war resulted in the treaty of Yandabo (1826). Due to Burmese atrocities, people and leaders of Assam welcomed the British initially; but then the British raised land revenue and began rack renting the peasantry. Several new taxes were introduced and peasants were made to labour on lands colonized by the British East India Company (BEIC). It can be safely assumed that the British introduced features of European-style feudalism in Assam and the northeast.

(To be continued…)

DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author's own.

Author

Amaresh Misra is an independent historian, author and novelist. Currently resident in Delhi, he is also a freelance journalist, political commentator, columnist on foreign policy, an anti-fascist, civil/minority/Dalit-Adivasi rights activist, and a film critic. His publications include War of Civilizations: India AD 1857, Vols 1 and 2 (Delhi: Rupa, 2007); Mangal Pandey: The True Story of an Indian Revolutionary (Delhi: Rupa, 2005); Lucknow: Fire of Grace: The Story of its Renaissance, Revolution and the Aftermath (Delhi: Harper Collins, 1999.) and The Minister’s Wife (a novel—Penguin, 2002). He is a recipient of several anti-communal awards, and has lectured widely in Indian and American universities on the nationalist war of 1857, medieval and modern Indian history, vicissitudes of contemporary Indian politics and the battle for secularism in the Indian subcontinent. Presently, he is working on a new novel, a new book on Indian cinema, and a biography of Emperor Akbar.
He is also Convener, Anti Communal Front, Uttar Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh Congress Committee.

Amaresh Misra is an independent historian, author and novelist. Currently resident in Delhi, he is also a freelance journalist, political commentator, colum. . .

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Author

Amaresh Misra is an independent historian, author and novelist. Currently resident in Delhi, he is also a freelance journalist, political commentator, columnist on foreign policy, an anti-fascist, civil/minority/Dalit-Adivasi rights activist, and a film critic. His publications include War of Civilizations: India AD 1857, Vols 1 and 2 (Delhi: Rupa, 2007); Mangal Pandey: The True Story of an Indian Revolutionary (Delhi: Rupa, 2005); Lucknow: Fire of Grace: The Story of its Renaissance, Revolution and the Aftermath (Delhi: Harper Collins, 1999.) and The Minister’s Wife (a novel—Penguin, 2002). He is a recipient of several anti-communal awards, and has lectured widely in Indian and American universities on the nationalist war of 1857, medieval and modern Indian history, vicissitudes of contemporary Indian politics and the battle for secularism in the Indian subcontinent. Presently, he is working on a new novel, a new book on Indian cinema, and a biography of Emperor Akbar.
He is also Convener, Anti Communal Front, Uttar Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh Congress Committee.

Amaresh Misra is an independent historian, author and novelist. Currently resident in Delhi, he is also a freelance journalist, political commentator, colum. . .