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2019-06-10

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2019-05-20T16:50:12.153Z

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​The UK is a strong supporter of a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the
Cyprus issue. We have therefore been following recent developments in the Eastern
Mediterranean with concern and would like to see the situation de-escalated. The UK
has made it clear to Turkey, both privately and publicly, that we oppose their plans
to drill. We continue to recognise the sovereign right of the Republic of Cyprus to
exploit the oil and gas in its internationally agreed Exclusive Economic Zone. We
believe it is critical for stability in the Mediterranean, and for the integrity of
the Rules-Based International System, that disputes such as this are resolved through
dialogue and in accordance with international law. We will continue to work with the
Republic of Cyprus, Turkey and the wider region to that end. We also continue to suppot
a just and lasting settlement in Cyprus as the best means of resolving the difficulties
caused by the division of the island.

To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, what recent representations
he has made to the Sudanese authorities on its response to pro-democracy protesters
in that country; and if he will make a statement.

As we made clear alongside Troika partners (US and Norway) on 4 June, we condemn the
violent attacks by Sudanese security forces against peaceful protestors in Sudan last
week, which left many civilians dead or injured. The Foreign Secretary reiterated
this in his statement on 6 June, which also called for the full restoration of the
internet and freedom of the media. The UK has called for the human rights of all Sudanese
people to be respected and for the resumption of the political process with the protestors
and the opposition, and an agreed transfer of power to a civilian-led government,
as demanded by the Sudanese people, in a swift, orderly and peaceful manner. On 6
June, I summoned the Sudanese Ambassador to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office to
express the grave concerns of the United Kingdom at the use of violence against civilians
by the Sudanese authorities.

<table><tbody><tr><td><p>We have interpreted ‘sexual exploitation of children’ as
child sexual abuse offences, as sexual exploitation of children is not specifically
defined in legislation. The Ministry of Justice has published information (<a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/804510/HO-code-tool-principal-offence-2018.xlsx"
target="_blank">https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/804510/HO-code-tool-principal-offence-2018.xlsx</a>)
on the number of defendants found guilty of child sexual abuse offences and average
custodial sentence lengths, however it is not possible to identify the nationality
of the defendant as this information is not held in the courts proceedings database.
Additionally, centrally held court and prisons data does not distinguish online child
sexual abuse offences from all child sexual abuse offences. Information on offences
that involve online sexual exploitation of children may be held on record, however
to identify these records would be at a disproportionate cost. I have made no assessment
of sentencing for offences relating to the online sexual exploitation of children.
Sentencing in individual cases is a matter for the Courts, who must follow any relevant
guidelines produced by the Sentencing Council for England and Wales. The Sentencing
Council has a duty under section 128 of the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 to monitor
the operation and effect of its guidelines. Child sexual abuse is abhorrent and rightly
carries tough sentences including life imprisonment for the most serious offences.
The Sexual Offences Act 2003 provides a range of offences with robust sentences to
tackle the scourge of child sexual exploitation in all its forms. Sentencing is a
matter for the independent judiciary, who take into account the full facts of each
case.</p></td></tr></tbody></table>

To ask the Secretary of State for Justice, what assessment he has made of the adequacy
of sentences for people convicted of offences relating to the online sexual exploitation
of children; and if he will make a statement.

<table><tbody><tr><td><p>We have interpreted ‘sexual exploitation of children’ as
child sexual abuse offences, as sexual exploitation of children is not specifically
defined in legislation. The Ministry of Justice has published information (<a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/804510/HO-code-tool-principal-offence-2018.xlsx"
target="_blank">https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/804510/HO-code-tool-principal-offence-2018.xlsx</a>)
on the number of defendants found guilty of child sexual abuse offences and average
custodial sentence lengths, however it is not possible to identify the nationality
of the defendant as this information is not held in the courts proceedings database.
Additionally, centrally held court and prisons data does not distinguish online child
sexual abuse offences from all child sexual abuse offences. Information on offences
that involve online sexual exploitation of children may be held on record, however
to identify these records would be at a disproportionate cost. I have made no assessment
of sentencing for offences relating to the online sexual exploitation of children.
Sentencing in individual cases is a matter for the Courts, who must follow any relevant
guidelines produced by the Sentencing Council for England and Wales. The Sentencing
Council has a duty under section 128 of the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 to monitor
the operation and effect of its guidelines. Child sexual abuse is abhorrent and rightly
carries tough sentences including life imprisonment for the most serious offences.
The Sexual Offences Act 2003 provides a range of offences with robust sentences to
tackle the scourge of child sexual exploitation in all its forms. Sentencing is a
matter for the independent judiciary, who take into account the full facts of each
case.</p></td></tr></tbody></table>

To ask the Secretary of State for Justice, what the average length of sentence (a)
awarded and (b) served has been for individuals found guilty of the online sexual
exploitation of children in each of the last five years.

<table><tbody><tr><td><p>We have interpreted ‘sexual exploitation of children’ as
child sexual abuse offences, as sexual exploitation of children is not specifically
defined in legislation. The Ministry of Justice has published information (<a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/804510/HO-code-tool-principal-offence-2018.xlsx"
target="_blank">https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/804510/HO-code-tool-principal-offence-2018.xlsx</a>)
on the number of defendants found guilty of child sexual abuse offences and average
custodial sentence lengths, however it is not possible to identify the nationality
of the defendant as this information is not held in the courts proceedings database.
Additionally, centrally held court and prisons data does not distinguish online child
sexual abuse offences from all child sexual abuse offences. Information on offences
that involve online sexual exploitation of children may be held on record, however
to identify these records would be at a disproportionate cost. I have made no assessment
of sentencing for offences relating to the online sexual exploitation of children.
Sentencing in individual cases is a matter for the Courts, who must follow any relevant
guidelines produced by the Sentencing Council for England and Wales. The Sentencing
Council has a duty under section 128 of the Coroners and Justice Act 2009 to monitor
the operation and effect of its guidelines. Child sexual abuse is abhorrent and rightly
carries tough sentences including life imprisonment for the most serious offences.
The Sexual Offences Act 2003 provides a range of offences with robust sentences to
tackle the scourge of child sexual exploitation in all its forms. Sentencing is a
matter for the independent judiciary, who take into account the full facts of each
case.</p></td></tr></tbody></table>

To ask the Secretary of State for Justice, how many private law cases were referred
to the Family Courts in which (a) both, (b) one and (c) neither parent or carer were
represented by a solicitor in each of the last five years.

<table><tbody><tr><td><p>The number of unrepresented parties in private law Children
Act case starts are shown in the table below: <table><tbody><tr><td colspan="7"><p><strong>Table
1:</strong> Annual number of private law cases starting in Family Courts in England
and Wales from 2014 to 2018 in which both, one or neither party had legal representation</p></td></tr><tr><td
rowspan="2"><p><strong>Year</strong></p></td><td rowspan="2"><p><strong>Total number
of cases started</strong></p></td><td colspan="3"><p><strong>Parties with legal representation</strong></p></td></tr><tr><td><p>
</p></td><td><p> </p></td><td><p>Both applicant and respondent</p></td><td><p>Either
applicant or respondent</p></td><td><p>Neither applicant nor respondent</p></td></tr><tr><td><p>2014</p></td><td><p><strong>
42,114 </strong></p></td><td><p>7,424</p></td><td><p>18,630</p></td><td><p>16,060</p></td></tr><tr><td><p>2015</p></td><td><p><strong>
43,347 </strong></p></td><td><p>7,654</p></td><td><p>18,500</p></td><td><p>17,193</p></td></tr><tr><td><p>2016</p></td><td><p><strong>
48,246 </strong></p></td><td><p>8,262</p></td><td><p>20,048</p></td><td><p>19,936</p></td></tr><tr><td><p>2017</p></td><td><p><strong>
50,652 </strong></p></td><td><p>8,303</p></td><td><p>20,497</p></td><td><p>21,852</p></td></tr><tr><td><p>2018</p></td><td><p><strong>
51,672 </strong></p></td><td><p>8,561</p></td><td><p>20,346</p></td><td><p>22,765</p></td></tr><tr><td><p><strong>Notes:</strong></p></td></tr><tr><td
colspan="7"><p>1) An applicant party is considered 'represented' if at least one applicant
has a recorded representative. Likewise for respondents.</p></td></tr><tr><td colspan="7"><p>2)
Parties in private law cases are usually the parents or people with parental responsibility
for the child/children involved. Others, including grandparents and carers, can apply
after gaining permission from the court.</p></td></tr><tr><td colspan="7"><p>3) Private
law adoptions are not included</p></td></tr></tbody></table>Since 2015, we have invested
almost £6.5million in a support strategy for unrepresented parties. This provides
practical support and information as well as routes to free or more affordable legal
advice. Public funding remains available for parents in public law Children Act proceedings
where a local authority seeks an order to place a child in care or under its supervision,
and in private law Children Act cases where there is evidence of domestic or child
abuse.<table><tbody><tr><td><p> </p></td></tr></tbody></table></p></td></tr></tbody></table>

To ask Her Majesty's Government what assessment they have made of reports that the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations Emergency Response and Assessment Team has
predicted that the repatriation of the Rohingya would be an easy process; what assessment
they have made of the (1) dangers faced by, and (2) rights to full citizenship of,
the Rohingya during their repatriation; and what steps are being taken to bring justice
to those responsible for crimes against the Rohingya.

<p>​We welcome ASEAN's engagement on this issue through their Humanitarian Assistance
Centre. However, we remain deeply concerned that the conditions for safe, voluntary
and dignified returns in line with UNHCR principles are not in place. The UK has been
clear, as has the UN Security Council, that before repatriations start, Myanmar must
create the conditions in Rakhine to allow the Rohingya to return safely, voluntarily
and with dignity. Refugees must have full access and independent information about
conditions in areas of return and arrangements for repatriation.</p><p>We have publicly
called for the removal of restrictions that withhold citizenship from individuals
who are not from a community recognised by the Myanmar authorities as a 'national
race', such as the Rohingya. The UK has supported the recommendations of the Rakhine
Advisory Commission's to reform the 1982 Citizenship Law and urges the Myanmar government
to fully implement them.</p><p>The UK co-sponsored the resolution at the UN Human
Rights Council which set up the Fact Finding Mission in March 2017. This has since
found that there may be sufficient grounds for prosecuting senior Myanmar military
officials for crimes against humanity. The UK also to secure a resolution which established
a mechanism to collect and preserve evidence of atrocities for future prosecutions.
We continue to press the Myanmar authorities to ensure its domestic accountability
process is independent, credible and results in prosecutions.</p>

<p>​We regularly raise with the Government of Israel the urgent need to ease all access
and movement restrictions on Gaza, including fishing limits. This would help to restore
the fishing industry as regular alterations to the zone, often as a punitive measure,
cause uncertainty and insecurity. The UK would like to see a permanent increase in
the size of the fishing zone off the coast of Gaza in line with the limit of 20 nautical
miles stipulated in the Oslo accords.</p>

To ask Her Majesty's Government what steps they are taking to encourage international
partners to establish dialogue with (1) Libya, (2) Syria, (3) Yemen, and (4) the Gulf
States, to search for peaceful resolutions to national and international conflicts.

<p>​The UK remains committed to supporting the UN-led efforts to resolve the conflicts
in the Middle East and North Africa, including those in Libya, Yemen and Syria, and
encourages all our international partners to do likewise.</p>