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There are many different social reasons for choosing a particular code or variety in a multilingual community. The various constraints on language choice faced by different communities are explored in this chapter, as well as the potential longer-term effects of these choice-language shift or language death.

Maniben is a young British Hindu woman who lives in Coventory. Her family moved to Britain from Uganda in 1970, when she was 5 years old. She started work on the shop floor in a bicycle factory when she was 16. At home Maniben speaks Gujerati with her parents and grandparents. Although she had learned English at school, she found she didn't need much at work. Many of the girls working wih her also spoke Gujerati, so when it wasn't too noisy they would talk to each other in their home language. Maniben was good at her job and she got promoted to floor supervisor. In that job she needed to use English moe of the time, though she could still use some Gujerati with her old workmates. She went to evening classes and learned to type. Then, because she was interested, she went on to learn how to operate a word-processor. Now she works in the main office and she uses English all the time at work.

Maniben's pattern of language use at work has gradually shifted over a period of ten years. At one stage she used mainly Gujerati; now she uses English almost exclusively. Maniben's experience is typical for those who use a minority language in a predominantly monolingual culture and society. The order of domains in which language shift occurs may differ for different individuals and different groups, but gradually over time the language of the wider society displaces the minority language mother tongue. There are many different social factors which can lead a community to shift from using one language for most purposes to using a different language, or from using two distinct codes in different domains, to using different varieties of just one language for their communicative needs. Migrant families provide an obvious example of this process of language shift.

Non-migrant communities shifted over a period of ten years. At one stage she used mainly Gujerati; now she uses English almost exclusively. Maniben's experience is typical for those who use a minority language in a predominantly monolingual culture and society. The order of domains in which language shift occurs may differ for different individuals and different groups, but gradually over time the language of the wider society displaces the minority language mother tongue. There are many different social factors which can lead a community to shift from using one language for most purposes to using a different language, or from using two distinct codes in different domains, to using different varieties of just one language for their communicative needs. Migrant families provide an obvious example of this process of language shift.

Language shift is not always the result of migration. Political, economic and social changes can occur within a comunnity, and this may result in linguistic changes too. In Obewart, an Austrian town on the border of Hungary, the community has been gradually shifting from Hungarian to German for some time.

Example shifted over a period of ten years. At one stage she used mainly Gujerati; now she uses English almost exclusively. Maniben's experience is typical for those who use a minority language in a predominantly monolingual culture and society. The order of domains in which language shift occurs may differ for different individuals and different groups, but gradually over time the language of the wider society displaces the minority language mother tongue. There are many different social factors which can lead a community to shift from using one language for most purposes to using a different language, or from using two distinct codes in different domains, to using different varieties of just one language for their communicative needs. Migrant families provide an obvious example of this process of language shift.

Before the First Wold War the town of Oberwart (known then by its Hungarian name, Felsoor) was part of Hungary, and most of the towns people used Hungarian most of the time. However, because the town had been surrounded by German-speaking villages for over 400 years, many people also knew some German. At the end of the war, Obewart became part of Austria, and German became the official language. Hungarian was banned in school. This marked the beginning of a period of language shift.

In the 1920s Obewart was a small place and the peasant used Hungarian to each other, and German with outsiders. As Obewart grew and industry replaced farming as the main source of jobs, the functions of German expanded. German became the high language in a broad diglossia situation in Obewart. German was the language of the school , official transtractions and economic advancement. It expressed formality and social distance. Hungarian was the low language, used in most homes and for friendly interaction between townspeople. Hungarian was the language of solidarity, used for social and affective functions.

Migrant Hungarian to each other, and German with outsiders. As Obewart grew and industry replaced farming as the main source of jobs, majorities

Example:

Tamati lives in Wanganui, a large New Zealand town. He is 10 years old and he speaks and understannds only English, though he knows a few Maori phrases. None of his mates know any Maori either. His grandfather speaks Maori, however. Whenever there is a big gathering, such as a funeral or an important tribal meeting, his grandfather is one of the best speakers. Tamati's mother and father understand Maori, but they are not fluent speakers. They can manage a short simple conversation, but that's about it. Tamati's little sister, Miriama, has just started at a pre-school where Maori is used, so he thinks maybe he'll learn a bit from her.

2 towards the language of the dominant powerful group. A dominant group has little incentive to adopt the language of minority. The dominant language is associated with status, prestige, and social success. Language death and language loss

Language death

Language death has occured when a language is no longer spoken naturally anywhere in the world. Language shift for the Chinese community may result in Cantonese being no longer spoken in New Zealand or Britain, but Cantonese will not suffer language death while there are millions of native speakers in China and South-east Asia. If Welsh was no longer spoken in Wales, however, it would be a dead language

Language loss

When a language dies gradually, as opposed to all its speakers being wiped out by a massacre or epidemic, the process is similar to that of language shift. The functions of the language are taken over in one domain after another by another language. As the domains in which speakers use the language shrink, the speaker of the dying language become gradually less proficient in it.

Example : towards the language of the dominant powerful group. A dominant group has little incentive to adopt the language of minority. The dominant language is associated with status, prestige, and social success

Annie at 20 is a young speaker of Dyirbal, an Australian Aboriginal language. She also speaks English which she learned at school. There is no written Dyirbal material for her to read, and there are fewer and fewer contexts in which she can appropriately hear and speak the language. So she is steadily becoming less proficient in it. She can understand the Dyirbal she hears used by older people in her comunity, and she uses it to speak to her grandmother. But her grandmother is scathing about her ability in Dyirbal, saying Annie doesn't speak the language properly.

5. in the individual's experience, of wide-scale language death. Because she uses English for most purposes, her vocabulary in Dyirbal has shrunk and shrunk.Language revival

Sometimes a community becomes aware that its language is in danger of disappearing and takes deliberate steps to revitalise it. It is sometimes argued that the success of such efforts will depend on how far language loss has occured-that there is a point of no return. But it seems very likely that more important are attitudinal factors such as how strongly people want to revive the language, and their reasons for doing so.

Example: in the individual's experience, of wide-scale language death. Because she uses English for most purposes, her vocabulary in Dyirbal has shrunk and shrunk.

David is Welsh and he lives in Liandudno in Gwynedd. He is 14 and he goes to a Welsh-medium boys' secondary school where he is taught maths, physics, and chemistry in English, and history, geography and social studies in Welsh. Like most of the boys in his class he went to a Welsh-medium primary school where almost all the teaching and learning was in Welsh. His parents speak some Welsh but they are not fluent, and he reckons he now knows a lot more Welsh primary school and she has been complaining to their parents that there are some 'foreigners' from Liverpool in her class who make fun of the sounds of Welsh. David has threatened to come and sort them out but so far his parents have managed to restrain his enthusiasm.

In at least some areas Welsh-English bilingualism has become a reality for children who are taught in Welsh at school. Now, ironically, it appears the success of these programmes may again be under threat as a result of the economic situation of the English. Poor and unemployed families from areas such as Liverpool are moving to Wales because it is cheaper to live in the countryside than in the towns. At the other end of the social scale richer people are exchanging small townhouses in the south for much larger houses and land in Wales. The children of these English people are a threat to the success of bilingual programmes since they see no point in learning Welsh. Once again economic factors are likely to be important in assessing the long-term outcomes of efforts at language maintenance and revival.

Thank You a reality for children who are taught in Welsh at school. Now, ironically, it appears the success of these programmes may again be under threat as a result of the economic situation of the English. Poor and unemployed families from areas such as Liverpool are moving to Wales because it is cheaper to live in the countryside than in the towns. At the other end of the social scale richer people are exchanging small townhouses in the south for much larger houses and land in Wales. The children of these English people are a threat to the success of bilingual programmes since they see no point in learning Welsh. Once again economic factors are likely to be important in assessing the long-term outcomes of efforts at language maintenance and revival.