News of the skirmishes of April 19, 1775, at Lexington
and Concord spread rapidly. As couriers fanned out through the small towns
of Connecticut on the way to Hartford, and from there to New York and Philadelphia,
the men of Connecticut grabbed their guns and set off for Massachusetts,
but not as a mob of disorganized individuals. Although they did not wait
for the Governor to issue the call to arms, the local militia units formed
ranks and marched as if they had received formal instructions. Some were
under way within 48 hours of the firing of the first shot on Lexington
Green.

Word of the British retreat to Boston reached these men
at different points along the road. Some who had not gone very far simply
disbanded and went home, but others, who had already traveled some distance,
continued on to Boston. Jedediah Hyde was among the men who marched from
the town of Norwich under the command of Col. Jedediah Huntington. He remained
in service for at least 12 days.

During the rest of April and May, Connecticut set about
the task of formally calling up her troops. On May 1, Jedediah Hyde was
commissioned a 1st Lieut. in Capt. Coit's Company of Gen. Parson's Regiment.
While most of this regiment remained at New London, one company was sent
to the Northern Department (Ticonderoga & environs), and two companies
(including Coit's) were immediately assigned to the effort to keep the
British bottled up in Boston. It is possible that Coit's Company was actually
formed at Boston by Connecticut men who had marched there in response to
the Lexington Alarm and never returned home.

By the beginning of June, the British commander at Boston,
Gen. Thomas Gage, was in a most embarrassing position. The rebel army surrounding
the city was not going to go away -- instead it was growing ever larger
as new recruits continued to arrive. As a practical matter Boston was under
siege. Gage asked for more men; he was sent three major generals, John
Burgoyne, Henry Clinton, and William Howe, who arrived on May 25. A plan
was laid to break out of Boston, but it was impossible to maintain any
kind of secrecy in that hostile city, where hundreds of solid citizens
with ample cause to hate the British gleefully reported every troop movement
to the American commanders.

Warned that the British were preparing to march, the Americans
ordered the fortification of Bunker Hill, but for some reason the militiamen
set to work on adjacent Breed's Hill instead. Historians have never managed
to discover how this came about, but the most likely explanation is that
the goal was to place several small cannons within firing range of Boston
and that the men in the field (who had not yet learned to follow orders)
selected Breed's Hill because it was closer to the intended target. Both
hills were on the Charlestown peninsula approached by a narrow neck of
land; Bunker Hill was the higher of the two and overlooked Breed's Hill.
The British, whose ships controlled the bay, could easily have surrounded
the peninsula, cut off and besieged the Americans there and pounded them
into surrender. In such a move the British might have been aided by the
Americans' failure to secure the higher ground of Bunker Hill, which left
the men on Breed's Hill exposed to potential fire from above.

As things turned out, however, these details became irrelevant
because Gage decided against a siege and elected, instead, to mount a full
frontal assault on the American position. Perhaps Gage feared that the
time required for a siege might allow for something to go wrong. Perhaps
he thought that a victory by such timid means would not adequately demonstrate
the futility of continued resistance to His Majesty's authority. In all
probability he believed that green troops fresh from the farms of New England
would break and run in the face of the superior discipline of the professional
soldiers of the British Army. His decision turned out to be a world class
mistake, one which nearly lost the battle and which went a long way toward
losing the entire war.

The British army was trained according to a theory of
warfare which relied upon developing forces of sufficient numbers and discipline
to be able to absorb volley after volley of enemy fire and still advance
as a unit, continuing until the enemy position was overwhelmed. Marksmanship
was less important than the ability to accomplish the time-consuming task
of loading, firing, and reloading weapons in unison, so as not to slow
down or interrupt the momentum of the advance. The forces would eventually
approach closely enough so that some of their bullets could not help but
inflict damage on the enemy's side. The battle would end in hand to hand
combat, in which the bayonet formed the most useful part of the soldier's
gun.

About military theory and discipline the Americans knew
very little. Personal discipline, individual initiative, devotion to the
duties of community life, and respect for fellow members of the community
-- these were the cornerstones of life in the New England colonies. To
the hardworking and thrifty Yankee farmers who awaited the British regulars
on Breed's Hill, wasting anything was a sin, and wasting anything as valuable
and hard to come by as ammunition was unthinkable. For years their lives
had depended upon the ability to hit what they aimed at, whether it was
game for the dinner table, or Frenchmen and Indians on the warpath. Some
of them had discovered that a musket ball seated in a piece of greased
paper and rammed into a grooved or "rifled" gun barrel, developed
a spin which increased both accuracy and range. Very few of them possessed
a bayonet.

Col. William Prescott of Massachusetts commanded the American
forces on the Hill, which initially consisted of about 1,000 men, most
or all of whom were from Massachusetts. One of these was Dr. Joseph Warren
of Boston, an outstanding physician for whom both the Boston patriots and
the British had great respect. Although he held the superior rank of general,
Dr. Warren elected to serve in the ranks under Prescott, whose abilities
he recognized. Prescott's men were reinforced by a group from New Hampshire
led by John Stark, and some detachments from Connecticut led by Israel
Putnam -- bringing the total to about 1,500 Americans in all. Capt. Coit's
Company was among the Connecticut detachments present.

On the morning of June 17, 1775, the British ships opened
fire. Charlestown was set ablaze, its inhabitants forced to flee. The Americans
continued to dig trenches and pile up brush along a fence running from
the main fortification to the water's edge. The main British force landed
at high tide and, led by Maj. Gen. William Howe, commenced their attack
at about 1:00 in the afternoon. Because of the shortage of ammunition the
Americans were under strict orders to aim at the waistcoats of the British
soldiers, but to hold their fire until ordered otherwise. (Lt. James Dana
of Mansfield, CT, threatened to personally shoot any man who fired before
the command was given.) As the British continued their steady march up
the hill, they could see the Americans inexplicably silent behind the fence.
Then, suddenly, as the advancing British reached a point about fifty yards
from the American line, a furious and continual firing erupted, whose deadly
accuracy was impossible to withstand. The stunned British were forced to
fall back.

In ordering a frontal assault, Gage had risked the reputation
of the British army on the ability of Howe's troops to break the American
line. He could no longer afford to settle for a siege. The men were ordered
to advance again, marching forward over the bodies of their dead and wounded
comrades, but the result was exactly the same as before. A third assault
was ordered. There was no other choice -- failure to take the hill by storm
would be considered a victory for the Americans. The courage displayed
by both sides at this moment is almost unbelievable. As they started up
the hill for the third time, the British soldiers had no way of knowing
that the Americans had used up just about all of their ammunition. For
their part, the Americans stood firm despite their desperate situation,
giving every indication that they were ready to fight on indefinitely.
As the British closed in, only a few shots were fired. The American ammunition
was exhausted, but the intrepid Yankees continued their resistance. Using
their muskets as clubs to ward off the British bayonets, they forced the
British to fight for every inch of ground. It was an organized retreat,
not the rout the British had expected when the day began.

The Americans suffered 453 casualties, mostly in the retreat
-- 139 killed (including Dr. Warren, who was shot in the head while covering
the retreat), 278 wounded, and 36 missing -- but approximately 70% of them
escaped unscathed. The British lost approximately 1,150 -- 226 killed and
928 wounded -- or about 45% of the men engaged. "A dear bought victory,"
Clinton is reported to have said, "another such would have ruined
us."

The effect of this battle was to electrify both sides
of the Atlantic. The Yankee farmers had held their ground. They had been
defeated, not by the professional soldiers drawn up against them, but by
a lack of ammunition. Throughout the colonies, Americans began to believe
that independence from Britain was not only desirable, but also possible.
In England, a stirring (and highly prejudiced) American account of the
battle caused an immediate sensation and a groundswell of sympathy for
the embattled colonists. The official British report arrived almost two
weeks after the American version, and was, by comparison, so dull that
almost no one paid any attention to it. Gage was called home in disgrace,
leaving Howe in command. The British at Boston made no further attempt
to leave the safety of the city until the following April, when they woke
one morning to find Dorchester Heights crowned with Ticonderoga's cannon.
Realizing that their position had become untenable, they took to their
ships and sailed away from Boston.

Two Eyewitness Accounts

Lt. Col. Storrs (an officer
in Israel Putnam's regiment) made the following entry in his diary on June
17, 1775, the day of the battle:

"At sunrise this morning a fire began from ye
ships, but moderate. About ten went down to ye Hill to Genl. Putnam's Post,
who has ye command. Some shot whistled around us. Tarried there a spell
and Returned to have my company in readiness to relieve them -- One killed
and 1 wounded when I came away. About 2 o'clock there was a brisk cannonade
from ye ships on ye Battery or Entrenchment. At ____ orders came to turn
out immediately, and that the Regulars were landing at sundry places. Went
to Head Quarters for our Regimental ____. Received orders to repair with
our Regiment to No. 1 and defend it. No enemy appearing -- orders soon
came that our People in the Intrenchment were retreating and for us to
secure ye retreat. Immediately marched for their relief. The Regulars did
not come off from Bunker's Hill but have taken possession of the Intrenchments
and our People make a stand on Winter Hill and we immediately went to entrenching.
Flung up by morning an entrenchment about 100 feet square. Done principally
by our Regiment under Putnam's direction. Had but little sleep the night."

Dorothea Gamsby was ten years
old in 1775. She was in Boston when the war began. Military activity made
it unsafe to travel back to her parents in the countryside, so she remained
in Boston with her uncle, Sir George Nutting, and his wife, who were Loyalists.
When the British left Boston, the Nuttings were forced to go with them,
as it was no longer safe for Loyalists to remain. They took Dorothea with
them, and it was many years before she and her family were reunited. Dorothea
watched the battle from her aunt and uncle's house, and never forgot what
she saw that day. This is the way she told the story to her granddaughter:

"Months passed like the dreams of childhood while
the Colonys were ripening to rebelion, bloodshed and civil war. They sent
a host of troops from home. Boston was full of them and they seemed to
be there only to eat and drink and enjoy themselves, but one day there
was more than usual commotion. Uncle said there had been an outbreak in
the country, and then came a night when there was bustle, anxiety, and
watching. Aunt and her maid walked from room to room, sometimes weeping.
I crept after them unable to sleep when everyone seemed wide awake and
the streets full of people. It was scarcely daylight when the booming of
cannon on board the ships in the harbour shook every house in the Citty.
My uncle had been much abroad lately and had only sought his pillow within
the hour but he came immediately to my aunt's room, saying he would go
and learn the cause of the fireing and come again to inform us. He had
not left the house when a servant in livery called to say that the rebels
had colected in force on Breed's Hill, were getting up fortifications,
and that Governor Gage requested his presence. 'There must be a brush,'
he said, 'for General Howe has ordered out the troops to dislodge them.'
We were by this time thoroughly frightened but uncle bade (us) keep quiet,
said there was no danger, and left us. You may depend we sought the highest
window we had as soon as the light of advancing day gave us reason to hope
for a sight of the expected contest. There they were, the audacious rebels!
hard at work, makeing what seemed to me a monstrous fence. 'What is it
they are going to do, aunt, and what are they makeing that big fence for?'
'They mean to shoot our King's soldiers, I suppose,' she said, 'and probably
the fireing is intended to drive them away.' 'But, Aunt, the cannon balls
will kill some of them. See, see, the soldiers and the banners! O, Aunt,
they will be killed! Why can't they stay out of the way?' The glittering
host, the crashing music, all the pomp and brilliance of war moved up toward
that band of rebels, but they still laboured at their entrenchment; they
seemed to take no heed. The bullets from the ships, the advanceing column
of British warriors were alike unnoticed. 'I should think they would begin
to get out of the way,' said my aunt. Every available window and roof was
filled with spectators, watching the advanceing regulars. Every heart,
I dare say, throbed as mine did and we held our breath, or rather it seemed
to stop and oppress the labouring chest of its own acord, so intensely
we awaited the expected attack, but the troops drew nearer and the rebels
toiled on. At length one who stood conspicuously above the rest waved his
bright weapon; the explosion came attended by the crash of music, the shrieks
of the wounded, the groans of the dying. My aunt fainted. Poor Abby, (the
maid), looked on like one distracted. I screamed with all my might. The
roar of artilery continued, but the smoke hid the havoc of war from our
view. The housekeeper attended to my aunt and beged for somebody to go
for Dr. (Joseph) Warren, but everybody was to much engaged with watching
the smokeing battlefield. O, how wild and terrific was that long day! Old
as I am, the memory of that fearful contest will sometimes come over my
spirit as if it had been but yesterday. Men say it was not much of a fight,
but to me it seems terrible. Charleston was in flames, women and children
flying from their burning houses sought reffuge in the citty. Dismay and
terror, wailing and distraction impressed their picture on my memory, never
to be effaced. By and by drays, carts, and every description of vehicle
that could be obtained were seen nearing the scene of the conflict and
the roar of artillery seaced. Uncle came home and said the rebels had retreated.
Dr. Warren was the first who fell that day. Then came the loads of wounded
men attended by long lines of soldiers, the gay banners torn and soiled,
a sight to be remembered a lifetime. I have read many times of the glory
of war but this one battle taught me, however it be painted by poet or
novelist, there is nothing but wo and sorrow and shame to be found in the
reality. Want, utter destitution to many folowed and when the 12 of August
came round and the British troops with the loyal citizens of Boston attempted
to celebrate the birthday of their young Prince; scant and course was the
cheer their stores afforded. They were temperance people then from sheer
necessity. The winter passed, I cannot tell how, but when the spring came
everybody went on board the shiping in the harbour, at least so it seemed
to me, for the officers and soldiers went and everybody that I knew or
cared for, except my Father's family, seemed huddled together in a vessel
so small that no room was left for comfort."

Notes on Troop Strength
from
THE RECORD OF CONNECTICUT MEN IN THE MILITARY AND NAVAL SERVICE DURING
THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION (1775-1783),
Edited by Henry P. Johnston, A.M., under the authority of the Adjutant
General of Connecticut;
Printed by The Case, Lockwood & Brainard Company, Printers and Binders,
Hartford, CT; 1889.

[p.58] NOTE ON BUNKER HILL. The number of Connecticut
troops present at this engagement was about four hundred. As far as letters
and meagre records show they were detailed as follows: on the evening of
June 16, 75, a body of one thousand men from the Massachusetts and Connecticut
regiments around Cambridge, under the immediate command of Col. Prescott,
was ordered to Charlestown Neck to fortify Bunker's (Breed's) Hill. Of
this number two hundred were from Conn. under the command of Capt. Knowlton,
the detachment being made up of details of one subaltern officer and about
thirty men from companies in Putnam's and Spencer's regiments. Lt-Col.
Storrs, of Putnam's, states that he sent from his company, "Lieut.
Dana, Serjt. Fuller, Corp. Webb, and 28 Privates. Capt. Chester, of Spencer's,
states that thirty-one went from his company, probably under Lieut. Stephen
Goodrich. Putnam's own company was represented by Lieut. Grosvenor and
thirty men. Prescott's command, working all night, completed a redoubt
which threatened the British shipping. Lord Howe determined to drive the
"rebels from it, and the battle of Bunker Hill followed, June 17.
During the progress of the action, Captain Knowlton and the Connecticut
men, with others, were sent to the left where they posted themselves behind
a stone wall and inflicted heavy loss upon the enemy. Reinforcements from
the American camp arrived both before and during the battle. Among these
were the whole or portions of at least three companies of Connecticut troops.
Captain Chester reached the stone wall with the rest of his company, perhaps
sixty men, and Captains Clark and Coit, of Parson's regiment also arrived.
These with the two hundred detailed the evening before would make about
four hundred as Connecticut's representation at the battle. Among the Connecticut
officers mentioned as present in the action were Gen. Putnam, in general
command, Major Durkee, Captains Chester, Clark, Coit, Lieuts. Dana, Keyes,
Hide, Webb, Grosvenor, Bingham (of Norwich), and Ensigns Hill and Bill
(of Lebanon). A few of the men's names are also reported, namely: Roger
Fox, William Cheeney, Asahel Lyon, Benjamin Rist, Samuel Ashbo, Gershom
Smith, Matthew Cummings, Daniel Memory -- killed; Philip Johston, Wilson
Rowlandson, Lawrence Sullivan, William Robinson, Benjamin Ross -- prisoners;
Gershom Clark, of Lebanon, wounded; James Law, of Lebanon -- right arm
broken; John Arnold, Ebenezer Clark, Elijah Abbe, William Clark, Beriah
Geer, Nathan Richardson, William Watrous, Sylvanus Snow, William Moore,
John Wampee, and Timothy Bugbee -- lost their guns in the fight. As to
losses, one account gives fourteen killed and thirty wounded among the
Connecticut men. Dr. Philip Turner is mentioned as "attendg wounded
after Charlestown Battle. Lawrence Sullivan, prisoner, was released Feb.
24, 76. William Crane of Wethersfield, Chester's Co., was in the action.

--- OOO ---

[p.72] SIXTH REGIMENT -- COL. PARSONS' -- 1775 [Raised
on the first call for troops in April-May, 1775. Recruited from New London,
Hartford, and present Middlesex Counties. Two companies, including Capt.
Coit's, marched at once to Boston, and Capt. Mott's was ordered to the
Northern Dept. The other companies remained on duty at New London until
June 17, when they were ordered by the Governor's Council to the Boston
camps. There the regiment took post at Roxbury in Gen. Spencer's Brigade,
and remained until the expiration of term of service, Dec. 10 75. Adopted
as Continental. Regiment re-organized under Col. Parsons for service in
76.

THE STORY OF THE CONTINENTAL ARMY, 1775-1783, by Lynn
Montross, Reprinted by Barnes & Noble, Inc., New York, 1967, Formerly
published as RAG, TAG, AND BOBTAIL, by Harper & Brothers, 1952. (Bunker
Hill troop strength and casualty lists, Maps)

THE WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE, A Military History, by Howard
H. Peckham, Published by The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL,
1958. (Time of attack, Clinton quote)

THE RECORD OF CONNECTICUT MEN IN THE MILITARY AND NAVAL
SERVICE DURING THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION (1775-1783), Edited by Henry P.
Johnston, A.M., under the authority of the Adjutant General of Connecticut;
printed by The Case, Lockwood & Brainard Company, Printers and Binders,
Hartford, CT; 1889. (Lexington Alarm information & Connecticut troop
organization, Service record of Jedediah Hyde, Storrs' account of battle)