``The new Japanese government has the courage to face up to history.'' These words ― uttered by Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama during a summit with President Lee Myung-bak Wednesday ― were what all Asian neighbors have long wanted to hear from Japan.

We presume Prime Minister Hatoyama meant what he said, and knew what he meant when he stated ``facing up to history'' ― acknowledging wartime atrocities committed by Imperial Japan and apologizing for them. If so, the new Japanese leader is expected to issue a statement to this effect in unequivocal and plain terms in the not so distant future.

During the summit in New York held on the sidelines of the U.N. General Assembly, the Japanese leader also expressed his hope for developing a ``constructive and future-oriented relationship'' with Korea.

We also hope he knows what must be done on the part of Tokyo to make his wish a reality; turn his words into action. The long laundry list of preconditions as Koreans see it, however, shows that it will be far easier said than done. This is because not only broader Japanese society but also his own Democratic Party consists of too wide an ideological spectrum to unite under the banner of the new leader.

The most urgent matter would be the apology to and compensation for the ``comfort women'' of World War II, a rapidly dwindling group in number because of old age. In 1998, when Hatoyama was chief secretary of the then new-born Democratic Party he said, ``Our party is considering the matter seriously. We will work hard for it,'' to Lee Yong-soo, a visiting Korean representative of the comfort women. He only has to keep that promise to not disappoint people like Lee.

Koreans may be asking for too much, for now, expecting the new Japanese Cabinet to show a forward-looking attitude on the disputed Dokdo Islets, in view of the new governing party's relatively rigid stance on the territorial issue. Nevertheless, Premier Hatoyama will be revealing a serious inconsistency in his speech and action if he and his administration stick to the historically groundless claims in a populist platform.

The seemingly less urgent but potentially most grave problem are the distorted history textbooks published by right-wing groups. In the past, one ultra-rightist Japanese politician after another has marred the otherwise amicable bilateral ties with absurd remarks justifying Japan's militarist past. Tokyo has invariably categorized these as unintended blunders. Maybe so, but we suspect these might reflect a ``collective subconsciousness'' deep in the mentality of the Japanese people. The distorted history books have the danger of handing this unconscious justification down to posterity, crippling efforts for a future-oriented relationship.

Koreans had better not be impatient, as it will take considerable time for a nation ― especially one that fiercely adheres to tradition like Japan ― to change. This doesn't mean, however, that Seoul should just sit and watch what Tokyo is doing. Instead, the two countries, including their private sectors, will need to ceaselessly remind each other and cooperate to make this fresh start move forward.

President Lee has already invited Japanese Emperor Akihito to visit Seoul, preferably next year, the centennial of Japan's forced annexation of Korea. Seoul should not rush things in this matter, either.

It will be mainly up to Tokyo to create an environment and consensus on both sides of the East Sea to make the proposed visit a historic event.