UAE cybercrimes law and EU principle

It is impressive, but also expedient, that an EU
resolution condemning the human rights record of a vital trading partner has
passed, when UAE-EU trade totalled over twenty billion dollars in the first six
months of 2012.

A recent European
Parliament resolution condemning the human rights record of the UAE has seen
strong defense from supporters of the Gulf state citing the rulers as following
a path of enlightened progression and fighting Islamic extremists. The new UAE Cybercrimes
Law exposes the true nature of the regime as one attempting to cling onto its
authoritarian rule at all costs, and silencing calls for reform. The question -
for those like Nirj Deva, Conservative MEP for South East England, who described
the resolution as ‘incorrect and misguided’, asking ‘why are we talking about
the UAE?’ - is whether they are defending the rulers of the UAE because they
believe in the liberal image of the state or because of lucrative trade links
with the west?

The sixty-four, which
in a country with a population of fewer than one million leaves the UAE with
one of the highest per capita rates of political prisoners in the region, were
arrested for supporting changes to make the Federal National Council wholly
elected and responsible for the law-making process. The crackdown itself has
deepened in recent weeks with an 18-year-old poet and blogger detained, bank accounts of detainees’ relatives suspended and travel
bans imposed on supporters of those held. The most worrying development has been new
restrictions on the last avenue of free speech in the UAE, the internet, as the
crackdown progresses from arrests to systemic legal changes further restricting
freedom of speech and association.

The EU’s new strategic framework, which places human rights at the core of
its relations with third party countries, is commendable and it is impressive
that a resolution condemning the rights record of a vital trading partner has
passed. The importance of the UAE-EU relationship cannot be understated, with trade totaling $20.25 billion in the first six months
of 2012, something the
UAE’s EU Ambassador attempted to use as leverage in an attempt to stop the
resolution passing. In a 2,600-word email sent to MEPs the ambassador said the
resolution would ‘needlessly damage EU-UAE relations’.

Placing human rights
at the core of the relationship with the UAE is not simply a noble action but a
politically expedient one. If the west wishes to continue enjoying the benefits
of lucrative trade, understanding the political landscape of the UAE is
crucial. Blindly supporting the ruling family is naïve and fails to demonstrate
an grasp of the implications of citizen repression.

In a country that has
hitherto avoided the street protests that have characterized the Arab Spring
this may seem fanciful, but the seeds of public dissent are being sown. Over 100 members of the 64 detainees’ families recently protested outside the Supreme
Court of Abu Dhabi and were met with riot police in a tense standoff. Moreover,
although western eyes see the UAE through the opulence of Abu Dhabi and Dubai,
in the northern emirates there is burgeoning poverty and unemployment. This is
particularly true in the northernmost emirate of Ras al-Khaimah, a place the
dividends of hydrocarbon receipts fail to reach and where citizens are growing
restless, as can be seen in the fact of the many current political prisoners who
reside there.

Those who have
defended the UAE may be basing their opinions on the carefully cultivated
international image of the state. Sponsors of the Abu Dhabi Formula 1 Grand
Prix and high profile owners of Manchester City Football Club, the al-Nayan
family have used their wealth to project an image of liberalism. Indeed, this
has been so successful that Dubai has recently submitted a bid to host the World Expo 2020 and Gulf News has reported that the UAE will bid for the 2024
Olympics. Not only should defenders of the UAE look beyond these showcase
events that belie a terrible record on civil and political rights but also
selection committees should carefully consider the record of shocking
conditions for migrant workers who will no doubt be the hands that build any
required stadia.

Defence of the UAE’s
rulers will no doubt continue but the days of defending it on the grounds that
it is following a path of enlightened progress are over. The Cybercrimes Law
proves the unwillingness of the rulers to engage in furthering civil and
political rights for their citizens and emphasizes their intent to hang onto total
control at all costs.

The rulers of the UAE
may believe that they can follow a different path to those that have fallen
around them, in the Arab Spring but by refusing to institute change from the
top there will no doubt be increasing calls for change from below. By
attempting to silence vocal critics of the regime and criminalizing all forms
of dissent the rulers are leading the UAE down a dark path that ends with a
private mercenary army set up, among other reasons, ‘to take control of civil
uprisings’.

If valuable trade
links are to be preserved then rather than blindly supporting the actions of the
ruling family, supporters should impress upon them that furthering civil and
political rights would protect stability. An anonymous Emirati student has described change in
light of the Arab Spring: ‘If the whole world is changing and this wave is coming and taking
everyone with it, well, it’s somehow going to cross this place as well’. The
rulers of the UAE should change course and engage with legitimate citizen calls
for democratic reforms. As the EU has done, defenders of the UAE should put
human rights at the heart of its relationship with the Emirates, or they run the
risk of supporting citizen repression and fostering instability.

About the author

Rori Donaghy is the director of the London-based Emirates Centre for Human Rights and a postgraduate student in human rights law at the School of Oriental and African Studies.

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