http://rhrealitycheck.org/article/2014/11/18/parents-children-syndrome-abortion-vs-hardship-false-binary/
I came across the above article while examining my own views on the subject and found the approach refreshing.
It seems most of the left chose to close their eyes to the capitalist agenda that is behind the drive to increase abortion of the working class. But at the same time those who do present a critical alternative analysis often still resort to crass arguments and language which have more in common with the shame based analysis of the reactionary and conservative right and fail to engage on the very real issues that patriarchy and capitalism currently impose.
It seems there is little real debate going on, but just two sides entrenching themselves for the next battle. A real socialist alternative needs to be advanced, we will get nowhere if people are presented with a choice only between liberalism and patriarchy.

http://www.irishtimes.com/business/sectors/financial-services/nama-could-deliver-profit-of-500m-when-it-winds-down-1.1973464
So Nama will deliver a profit for the state. But it's not hard to see what has been sold, and to whom? And of course we know who really paid for this!
"Of its loan sales over the past 18 months, 88.5 per cent have been to US investors. Domestic buyers accounted for 6.9 per cent of sales, with Germans at 3.5 per cent and UK buyers at 1.2 per cent."

And if people are interested in pre-communist history for some crazy reason, here is a link to "1911 Revolution" about the revolution which established the bourgeois Republic in 1911.
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RYRh-Un_pl4

The following is a piece put together to try and formulate some guiding principles about how to engage with the capitalist system, particularly in the circumstances of a small group like our own which is so removed from state power. Those few communist or socialist groups who do hold aspects of state power do, I believe, ultimately have the same issues/dillemmas when directing their economic sphere of influence, although the dynamics of the two situations are very different.
Engaging in the capitalist system – Guiding Principles
As Communists we are diametrically opposed to the commodifcation of labour. We therefore strive at all times to create, enhance and support projects which are based on labour which remains under the control and ownership of the proleteriat.
With this aim in mind, we must however retain a strategic approach.
As well as being under the control of workers, labour must be organised in a way that challenges the wider structures of capitalism. Without such organisation, small decommodified projects remain isolated, vulnerable to attack from the physical and economic forces of capital and are unable to fulfill their full revolutionary potential. Such smaller projects may however be useful at a local or limited level, for example in building communities of activists, or for creating physical, mental and spiritual space outside of capitalist domination.
We also adopt a pragmatic approach. You cannot remove revolutionary principles from the daily struggle to improve the lives of the proletariat. Projects must be capable of enhancing the lives of those who are involved. Until such time as there exists a really existing communist economic alternative for the proletariat, projects will inevitably involve some degree of commodification. As so many spheres are dominated by commodification, in some cases the only immediate way to improve the lives of the proletariat is by obtaining money or other goods in which labour has been commodified.
If we recognise this commodification, we can both be alert to the harmful effects that commodification has in order to avoid these wherever possible, and we can devise strategies to reduce and ultimately remove the dominance of commodification.
This approach requires vigilance and discipline at all stages. We must be vigilant that the effects of commodification do not ultimately dictate our actions over and above our revolutionary communist principles. We must be disciplined to ensure that we do not indulge in the excesses of capitalism that present themselves, and also act fully in the knowledge that any immediate benefits that we obtain (as individuals and as a party) from engaging with commodification may at any time be removed should the revolution require this. Structures must be put in place to ensure that personal gain and profit are kept in check, and also at a Party level that there must be structures to ensure that the Party itself does not become corrupted by the capital that it tries to utilise. Moreover there needs to be a personal and party revolutionary discipline throughout, without which no structure is ever safe from the corrputing effects of capital.
We must also recognise the nature of capital itself. Capital is the embodiment of labour stolen from its rightful owners. We should at all times be seeking to secure as much capital from the capitalist class. But what should we do with these spoils? These spoils are obtained at great personal sacrifice, of either the revolutionaries who put their lives and liberty on the line to attain it, or through the toil and humiliation of the process of commodification of labour.
Only by the destruction of the system will those who rightfully own this labour be able to enjoy it fully. However, the everyday lives of those struggling must be improved by our struggle, and we must build a concrete example of our ideals in order to inspire and motivate people towards our cause. Captured capital must be deployed in these three ways in a way to build the revolution and to undermine and ultimately destroy the capitalist system. The deployment of this captured capital must at all times be strategic and carefully planned. However, it must also be recognised that this newly attained capital can assist in the capture of yet more capital, much in the same way that a guerrilla who has just captured some guns from the enemy may well use them to capture further and more advanced weapons.
Capital is captured from the enemy in a number of ways. Various groups have concentrated on activities that have been proscribed by the capitalist rulers. These activities are often hard for the capitalist class to regulate and can often provide relative easy access to capital. These activities also often have negative social effects and can be used to criminalise political movements.
However, the capitalist system is designed to facilitate the lawful accummulation of capital. Groups with more advanced and developed fund raising operations have quickly developed ways of turning the gains of their proscribed activities into lawful “investment”. Why would a revolutionary risk death or imprisonment through engagement in armed robberies, or why would one advance the destruction of communities by engaging with harmful drugs, when there are so many lawful ways of making money? True, lawful activities are taxed. However, the tax avoidance practices available under capitalism are surely much more effective than money laundering required to deal with unlawful gains.
We do not condemn revolutionaries for engaging in proscribed activities, even ones which have an immediate harmful effect on individuals and their communities. If such activities are driven by a realistic long-term benefit to those communities, they can be justified. In the same way, engaging in commodification can be justified if it ultimately assists a wider struggle against commodication. The same principles apply when engaging in armed struggle, knowing that individuals and communities will suffer through that struggle. The legality within the capitalist system is irrelevant to us as revolutionaries, other than on a tactical basis. The difference between us and those others who deal in commodification, is that we do not accept that its legality gives it legitimacy. The legitimacy in our actions comes solely from our revolutionary intent and praxis, without which commodification of labour remains an affront to human dignity.
We must be aware of every injury that our engagement with the current economic system causes. We do not participate in this injury lightly, but only after careful deliberation and in the convinced belief that progress towards the destruction of capitalism is not possible without it.
In engaging with the system we must also use every opportunity to organise and educate a revolutionary proletariat. When and how this can be done will be different in each particular circumstances. Some projects will require clandestine economic operation which cannot be disclosed to the wider public at this time without jeopardising the revolutionary intent, whilst other projects will readily present themselves as material to be used in propaganda, and to act as rallying points for mass struggle. Where activities must be clandestine due to their nature, there must be extra vigilence and discipline to ensure that ulterior motives or personal gain do not obscure the revolutionary objective.
To advance a revolutionary programme we must gain access to sufficient means of production. As communists we know more than anyone that under the current system hard work is never its own reward. The masses toil without reward. As a class we have been dispossesed. To gain our rightful inheritance we must start to take it back. We must therefore engage in an economic and strategic war against this system, using all means at our disposal. To do otherwise is to surrender all economic life to the enemy and to essentially restrict ourselves to activity that allows us to be criminalised.
Summary
Capture capital from the enemy by any means possible, and with the least risk possible to the revolutionaries
Deploy that capital in the best way to undermine the political system and build the revolution, either by:
using it to gain more capital from the enemy
enhancing or alleviating the immediate living conditions life of the organised proletariat
using it in strategically and tactically planned projects of decommodified labour
using it in projects which undermine and destroy the capitalist system of domination
In determining which way to deploy capital we must always be strategic, and weigh the negative effects of any required commodification against the tactical and strategic gains to be had.
We must at all times have structures which guard against personal gain and political corruption

Their conclusions appear very reasonable, I would like to see the same rational thought applied to abortion itself rather than the absolutism that we see from the church and so many other quarters
"To summarize, it must be confirmed that:
there is a grave responsibility to use alternative vaccines and to make a conscientious objection with regard to those which have moral problems;
as regards the vaccines without an alternative, the need to contest so that others may be prepared must be reaffirmed, as should be the lawfulness of using the former in the meantime insomuch as is necessary in order to avoid a serious risk not only for one's own children but also, and perhaps more specifically, for the health conditions of the population as a whole - especially for pregnant women;
the lawfulness of the use of these vaccines should not be misinterpreted as a declaration of the lawfulness of their production, marketing and use, but is to be understood as being a passive material cooperation and, in its mildest and remotest sense, also active, morally justified as an extrema ratio due to the necessity to provide for the good of one's children and of the people who come in contact with the children (pregnant women);
such cooperation occurs in a context of moral coercion of the conscience of parents, who are forced to choose to act against their conscience or otherwise, to put the health of their children and of the population as a whole at risk. This is an unjust alternative choice, which must be eliminated as soon as possible.

I only read the extract, but is this article essentially saying that capitalism is going to be able to sustain itself into the foreseeable future?
Not good if we are hoping for a rise in class consciousness in the rich countries

Despite their flaws, you do have to admire their pragmatism and discipline. They know what is possible and what is not. A strong leadership that is able to bring its base round to positions that they would never have thought possible.
If the real left had these traits, they would be a force to reckon with.