1

The question of the composition of Pravda’s editorial
board[2]
is under discussion. N. I. Bukharin suggests that he be released from
work in the Economic Conference, to enable him to devote himself
entirely to work in Pravda.

Comrade Lenin points out that up to now the Economic
Conference has not received sufficient attention, yet it is
one of the most important factors in current state
construction,[3] and therefore needs expert men, like Comrade
Bukharin. Therefore he insists that Comrade Bukharin should
not be on Pravda’s editorial board.

2

Comrade Lenin proposes a different three: Sokolnikov,
Stalin and Trotsky.

3

An application from A. I. Rykov, L. B. Kamenev, V. P. Milyutin
and V. P. Nogin for readmission to the C.C. of the Party is under
discussion.

Comrade Lenin reads a rough draft of his reply to this
application,[4] pointing out that the statement of the four
shows clearly their complete disagreement with us, since
they consider that the C.C. has made concessions. He makes
the concrete proposal that the four should be required to
state in writing where they want their letter to go, i.e.,
whether they want it printed in the press. For our part we
do not intend to send it to the press, but reply to them in
writing that we are not taking them back.

Notes

[1]These speeches are published according to the minutes of the
C.C., R.S.D.L.P.(B.) for 1917, which are now at the Archives
of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the C.P.S.U. Central
Committee. The minutes consist of short records of speeches by
participants in the meetings and of C.C. resolutions. Most of them
were taken down by Yelena Stasova. These secretarial notes were
not officially approved.

[2]The question of Pravda’s Editorial Board was dealt with by the
C.C., R.S.D.L.P.(B.) in view of the fact that, as the minutes say,
“the best men have gone into government, Party work has
seriously suffered and this is especially noticeable in the Party organ,
which has altogether failed to satisfy readers, provide articles
explaining decrees, etc.” =
After a discussion the C.C. decided to
appoint a three-man editorial board consisting of Bukharin,
Stalin and Sokolnikov.

[3]A reference to the establishment of the supreme economic body
of the Soviet state which it was planned initially to call “Supreme
Economic Conference”.

[4]A reference to the treacherous behaviour of Kamenev, Rykov,
Milyutin and Nogin who abandoned their leading posts at the
most crucial period of the revolution, the emergence of the
Soviet power. By violating Party discipline they thwarted the will
and decisions of the Second Congress of Soviets, subverting the
newly gained dictatorship of the proletariat and the poor peasants.

On October 29 (November 11), 1917, the S.R.-Menshevik
Vikzhel (All-Russia Executive Committee of the Railwaymen’s
Union), a centre of anti-Soviet activity, passed a resolution on
the need to form a government from all “socialist” parties, and
the same day negotiations were started on the question between
it and the Bolshevik Central Committee. In its resolution the
C.C. pointed out that the conciliator parties conducted negotiations
with the aim of subverting the Soviet government, and that in
view of this the C.C. permitted the Bolsheviks’ delegates to take
part in the talks with the sole purpose of showing up the
unsolvency of the policy of setting up a coalition government and thus
putting an end to the talks, but Kamenev and Sokolnikov behaved
treacherously at these talks, accepting Vikzhel’s demand for a
“socialist” government which was to include representatives of
counter-revolutionary parties (S.R.s and Mensheviks), alongside
the Bolsheviks. This conciliatory policy was supported by
Nogin, Milyutin and Rykov.

On November 2 (15) the Bolshevik Central Committee adopted
Lenin’s resolution on the question of the opposition within the
Central Committee, urging all sceptics and waverers to cast off their
hesitation and support the Soviet Government (see present
edition, Vol. 26, pp. 277–79). On November 3 (16), the majority of
the Central Committee, on Lenin’s initiative, presented the
minority with an ultimatum (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 280–82),
demanding that they completely submit to the Central
Committee decisions and policy and stop their subversive and
disorganising activity; it declared that any attempt to force the Party to
give up power—handed to the Bolshevik Party by millions of
workers, soldiers and peasants at the All-Russia Congress of
Soviets—was betrayal of the proletarian cause. The minority
retaliated by announcing their resignation from responsible posts.
On November 4 (17) Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov and Milyutin
announced their resignation from the C.C. There is no record
of their application for a return to the C.C. or of Lenin’s draft
resolution in reply. The C.C. adopted Lenin’s reply as a basis, and
passed it on for editing to a three-man committee of C.C. members,
having resolved to publish it in the event the four men demanded
the publication of their letter. Their application was not
published.