International Relations Researchhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/87
Thu, 24 May 2018 19:23:36 GMT2018-05-24T19:23:36ZIn the name of (de)securitization : speaking security to protect migrants, refugees and internally displaced persons?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13500
A guiding concern of this article is to examine how the protection of migrants, refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) is being spoken about and framed. Today it is evident that the dominant responses of sovereign States to each of these groups issues is heavily reliant on the language of security and (de)securitization. Indeed, this article openly conceptualizes ongoing attempts to protect migrants, refugees and IDPs as a series of overlapping (de)securitized games. At least three arguments follow from this claim. First, adopting this approach serves as a reminder that the ways in which we speak about different groups of people are spoken about often constitutes a dividing line between life and death. A second point illustrated here is that the language games of (de)securitization are not identical vary when it comes to protecting different groups. Third, using securitization as the theoretical point of departure provides a timely reminder that none of the three categorizations listed above is guaranteed to apply. On the contrary, the adoption of each linguistic label – migrant, refugee, IDP – is subject to and dependent upon audience acceptance. Remembering the latter dimension is imperative to fully comprehend the ongoing contestations and countermoves currently underway to respond to people moving in search of security. By way of conclusion, this article contends that far more attention must be paid to broader understandings of acceptance and love to ensure the protection of migrants, refugees and IDPs.
Fri, 20 Apr 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/135002018-04-20T00:00:00ZDonnelly, FayeA guiding concern of this article is to examine how the protection of migrants, refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) is being spoken about and framed. Today it is evident that the dominant responses of sovereign States to each of these groups issues is heavily reliant on the language of security and (de)securitization. Indeed, this article openly conceptualizes ongoing attempts to protect migrants, refugees and IDPs as a series of overlapping (de)securitized games. At least three arguments follow from this claim. First, adopting this approach serves as a reminder that the ways in which we speak about different groups of people are spoken about often constitutes a dividing line between life and death. A second point illustrated here is that the language games of (de)securitization are not identical vary when it comes to protecting different groups. Third, using securitization as the theoretical point of departure provides a timely reminder that none of the three categorizations listed above is guaranteed to apply. On the contrary, the adoption of each linguistic label – migrant, refugee, IDP – is subject to and dependent upon audience acceptance. Remembering the latter dimension is imperative to fully comprehend the ongoing contestations and countermoves currently underway to respond to people moving in search of security. By way of conclusion, this article contends that far more attention must be paid to broader understandings of acceptance and love to ensure the protection of migrants, refugees and IDPs.Anxiety politics : creativity and feminist Christian realismhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/13314
The aim of this article is to articulate feminist Christian realism and how it differs from Reinhold Niebuhr’s Christian realism. As one of the most influential Christian realists, Niebuhr, with his views on world affairs, continues to influence the discipline of International Relations and politicians. Fundamental to Niebuhr’s thinking is how anxiety over human vulnerability is settled: either through destructive or creative acts. In the light of feminist thought, Niebuhr’s creativity in the face of anxiety needs to be reconsidered as it minimises the role of emotions, particularly love, and the perspective and experiences of individuals. Thus, feminist Christian realism agrees with Christian realism in that power and justice are important considerations, but they need to be seen through a love-informed creative lens. In order to demonstrate how a creatively informed feminist Christian realism differs, the article starts and ends with different approaches to the threat of terrorism, which is a deeply anxious security concern in the 21st century.
Mon, 08 May 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/133142017-05-08T00:00:00ZGentry, Caron E.The aim of this article is to articulate feminist Christian realism and how it differs from Reinhold Niebuhr’s Christian realism. As one of the most influential Christian realists, Niebuhr, with his views on world affairs, continues to influence the discipline of International Relations and politicians. Fundamental to Niebuhr’s thinking is how anxiety over human vulnerability is settled: either through destructive or creative acts. In the light of feminist thought, Niebuhr’s creativity in the face of anxiety needs to be reconsidered as it minimises the role of emotions, particularly love, and the perspective and experiences of individuals. Thus, feminist Christian realism agrees with Christian realism in that power and justice are important considerations, but they need to be seen through a love-informed creative lens. In order to demonstrate how a creatively informed feminist Christian realism differs, the article starts and ends with different approaches to the threat of terrorism, which is a deeply anxious security concern in the 21st century.Bug splat : the art of the dronehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/13305
This review article considers a variety of artworks, including stories, poems, plays, photographs and films, to explore what ‘drone art’ or ‘drone aesthetics’ can tell us about the politics and ethics of drone operations or drone warfare. The article finds that the politics and the ethics are troublesome and troubling; and that the art illuminates some important issues, through the focus on the drone pilot or operator, and, more fundamentally, through the exposure of what has been called an ‘empathy gap’. The attention paid to the drone operator is admirable, as far as it goes. It has unquestionably served to demystify drone operations, and in a certain sense to humanize drone warfare. Democracy is founded upon visibility. To see the drone, it will be necessary to capture it, and contemplate it, from different points of view.
Sun, 01 May 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/133052016-05-01T00:00:00ZDanchev, AlexanderThis review article considers a variety of artworks, including stories, poems, plays, photographs and films, to explore what ‘drone art’ or ‘drone aesthetics’ can tell us about the politics and ethics of drone operations or drone warfare. The article finds that the politics and the ethics are troublesome and troubling; and that the art illuminates some important issues, through the focus on the drone pilot or operator, and, more fundamentally, through the exposure of what has been called an ‘empathy gap’. The attention paid to the drone operator is admirable, as far as it goes. It has unquestionably served to demystify drone operations, and in a certain sense to humanize drone warfare. Democracy is founded upon visibility. To see the drone, it will be necessary to capture it, and contemplate it, from different points of view.“Already/not yet” : St Paul’s eschatology and the modern critique of historicismhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/13230
This paper interrogates some prominent post-Marxist engagements with St Paul’s messianism by reading them in the theological context of the anti-historicist revival of Pauline eschatology in the twentieth century. In both readings, the means through which the critique of historicism is delivered is the revival of the eschatological core of Paul’s proclamation. Paul is read as inaugurating a “new world” of freedom, love and redemptive hope as opposed to the “old world” of oppression, sorrow, death and despair. And yet, it is exactly in such an apocalyptic reading of Pauline eschatology that both philosophical and theological critiques of historicism, despite protestations to the contrary, remain prisoners to the aporias of a historicist temporality. The symptom of the philosophers’ residual parasitism on historicism is expressed as antinomian negativism, while in the case of the theologians it can take the form of a self-assured Church triumphalism.
Tue, 17 Apr 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/132302018-04-17T00:00:00ZPaipais, VassiliosThis paper interrogates some prominent post-Marxist engagements with St Paul’s messianism by reading them in the theological context of the anti-historicist revival of Pauline eschatology in the twentieth century. In both readings, the means through which the critique of historicism is delivered is the revival of the eschatological core of Paul’s proclamation. Paul is read as inaugurating a “new world” of freedom, love and redemptive hope as opposed to the “old world” of oppression, sorrow, death and despair. And yet, it is exactly in such an apocalyptic reading of Pauline eschatology that both philosophical and theological critiques of historicism, despite protestations to the contrary, remain prisoners to the aporias of a historicist temporality. The symptom of the philosophers’ residual parasitism on historicism is expressed as antinomian negativism, while in the case of the theologians it can take the form of a self-assured Church triumphalism.Military loyalty and the failure of democratization in Africa : how ethnic armies shape the capacity of presidents to defy term limitshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/13161
The military plays a crucial role in furthering or hindering democratization in Africa. Beyond direct intervention through coups, armies more subtly and perniciously condition the political trajectory of states through their loyalty. Leaders who can rely on unwavering military support for protection against internal unrest face fewer risks and greater chances of success in rolling back liberalization and entrenching authoritarian practices. Constructing ethnic armies, which tie the fate of soldiers to the regime, is a profoundly powerful way to affect such loyalty. Through a mixed methods analysis of presidential bids to challenge term limits, including a paired comparison of Senegal and Cameroon, I demonstrate that ethnic armies triple the chances of success and, in so doing, encourage defiance in the first place: 82% of presidents back by ethnic armies attempt to defy their constitutions and extend their hold on power, as opposed to 31% of other leaders. Conversely, ethnically diverse armies are far more likely to defend constitutional politics and constrain leaders to abide by term limits. The ethnic composition of the military thus critically shapes the prospects for African liberalization.
Sat, 29 Jul 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/131612017-07-29T00:00:00ZHarkness, Kristen A.The military plays a crucial role in furthering or hindering democratization in Africa. Beyond direct intervention through coups, armies more subtly and perniciously condition the political trajectory of states through their loyalty. Leaders who can rely on unwavering military support for protection against internal unrest face fewer risks and greater chances of success in rolling back liberalization and entrenching authoritarian practices. Constructing ethnic armies, which tie the fate of soldiers to the regime, is a profoundly powerful way to affect such loyalty. Through a mixed methods analysis of presidential bids to challenge term limits, including a paired comparison of Senegal and Cameroon, I demonstrate that ethnic armies triple the chances of success and, in so doing, encourage defiance in the first place: 82% of presidents back by ethnic armies attempt to defy their constitutions and extend their hold on power, as opposed to 31% of other leaders. Conversely, ethnically diverse armies are far more likely to defend constitutional politics and constrain leaders to abide by term limits. The ethnic composition of the military thus critically shapes the prospects for African liberalization.Russia and the cis in 2017. Russia in Asia : succumbing to China's embrace?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13146
Since the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia's "eastward pivot" has intensified, mainly observable as strengthened relations with China, which appear to be evolving into a quasi-alliance. This places in question Russian attempts at diversification in the Asia-Pacific, and its position in Central Asia, where China's Belt and Road Initiative challenges Russian influence.
Thu, 22 Feb 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/131462018-02-22T00:00:00ZKuhrt, NatashaBuranelli, Filippo CostaSince the annexation of Crimea in 2014, Russia's "eastward pivot" has intensified, mainly observable as strengthened relations with China, which appear to be evolving into a quasi-alliance. This places in question Russian attempts at diversification in the Asia-Pacific, and its position in Central Asia, where China's Belt and Road Initiative challenges Russian influence.Language, entanglement and the new Silk Roadshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/13133
Observers have tended to place the Silk Road proposals in the context of ‘China’s rise’, and its increasing influence and interests in Central, South and South-East Asia. From a realist perspective, China, like any expanding state, poses a potential threat. From a liberal angle, it is expanding the space for cooperation. Both models rely on an individualist ontology that highlights the interests of individual states. The potential of the Silk Roads looks somewhat different if approached from the perspective of a more relational ontology and a concept of entanglement. We draw on a few claims from Alexander Wendt’s (2015) recent book as a framework for examining the emerging reality of the new ‘Silk Roads’. What are the implications of this ontological shift for thinking about the Chinese ‘Silk Road’ proposal? We develop three specific claims as part of a reflection on this context: first, language use is a form of measurement that shapes and transforms reality; second, language use is an expression of entanglement; and third, leaders have a large role in ‘collapsing wave functions’ around specific potentials. While some of the themes that arise in this discussion are compatible with other arguments about the role of language, the quantum angle provides a more explicit point of departure for discussing the ‘physical’ dimensions of language use, the multiple layers of meaning within which the OBOR is embedded and its relational ontology.
Thu, 15 Mar 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/131332018-03-15T00:00:00ZFierke, K. M.Antonio-Alfonso, FranciscoObservers have tended to place the Silk Road proposals in the context of ‘China’s rise’, and its increasing influence and interests in Central, South and South-East Asia. From a realist perspective, China, like any expanding state, poses a potential threat. From a liberal angle, it is expanding the space for cooperation. Both models rely on an individualist ontology that highlights the interests of individual states. The potential of the Silk Roads looks somewhat different if approached from the perspective of a more relational ontology and a concept of entanglement. We draw on a few claims from Alexander Wendt’s (2015) recent book as a framework for examining the emerging reality of the new ‘Silk Roads’. What are the implications of this ontological shift for thinking about the Chinese ‘Silk Road’ proposal? We develop three specific claims as part of a reflection on this context: first, language use is a form of measurement that shapes and transforms reality; second, language use is an expression of entanglement; and third, leaders have a large role in ‘collapsing wave functions’ around specific potentials. While some of the themes that arise in this discussion are compatible with other arguments about the role of language, the quantum angle provides a more explicit point of departure for discussing the ‘physical’ dimensions of language use, the multiple layers of meaning within which the OBOR is embedded and its relational ontology.Tone shift : India’s dominant foreign policy aims under Modihttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12986
This article highlights the dominant aims of the current BJP government concerning India’s foreign policy. Using a constructivist-centred and discourse-orientated approach, it distils the three prevailing strategic goals integral to the Narendra Modi led regime, namely; gaining great power recognition; realising a multipolar world order; and enacting the “Act East” policy.The study finds that, although proof of a prevailing “Modi Doctrine” is scarce, the presence of these three aims is notably consistent and prevalent within official discourses and scholarly accounts of the foreign policy preferences of the second NDA. Their repetition and reiteration constitutes evidence of both a significant acceleration and a noteworthy tone shift concerning how Indian foreign policy has been conceptualised and conducted since 2014.
Thu, 01 Mar 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/129862018-03-01T00:00:00ZOgden, ChrisThis article highlights the dominant aims of the current BJP government concerning India’s foreign policy. Using a constructivist-centred and discourse-orientated approach, it distils the three prevailing strategic goals integral to the Narendra Modi led regime, namely; gaining great power recognition; realising a multipolar world order; and enacting the “Act East” policy.The study finds that, although proof of a prevailing “Modi Doctrine” is scarce, the presence of these three aims is notably consistent and prevalent within official discourses and scholarly accounts of the foreign policy preferences of the second NDA. Their repetition and reiteration constitutes evidence of both a significant acceleration and a noteworthy tone shift concerning how Indian foreign policy has been conceptualised and conducted since 2014.Measuring the landscape of civil war : evaluating geographic coding decisions with historic data from the Mau Mau rebellionhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12735
Subnational conflict research increasingly utilizes georeferenced event datasets to understand contentious politics and violence. Yet, how exactly locations are mapped to particular geographies, especially from unstructured text sources such as newspaper reports and archival records, remains opaque and few best practices exist for guiding researchers through the subtle but consequential decisions made during geolocation. We begin to address this gap by developing a systematic approach to georeferencing that articulates the strategies available, empirically diagnoses problems of bias created by both the data-generating process and researcher-controlled tasks, and provides new generalizable tools for simultaneously optimizing both the recovery and accuracy of coordinates. We then empirically evaluate our process and tools against new microlevel data on the Mau Mau Rebellion (Colonial Kenya 1952-1960), drawn from 20,000 pages of recently declassified British military intelligence reports. By leveraging a subset of this data that includes map codes alongside natural language location descriptions, we demonstrate how inappropriately georeferencing data can have important downstream consequences in terms of systematically biasing coefficients or altering statistical significance and how our tools can help alleviate these problems.
This research has been supported by grants from the Air Force Office of Scientific Research (FA9550-09-1-0314) and the Department of Defense Minerva Initiative through the Office of Naval Research (N00014-14-0071).
Thu, 15 Feb 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/127352018-02-15T00:00:00ZDouglass, Rex W.Harkness, Kristen A.Subnational conflict research increasingly utilizes georeferenced event datasets to understand contentious politics and violence. Yet, how exactly locations are mapped to particular geographies, especially from unstructured text sources such as newspaper reports and archival records, remains opaque and few best practices exist for guiding researchers through the subtle but consequential decisions made during geolocation. We begin to address this gap by developing a systematic approach to georeferencing that articulates the strategies available, empirically diagnoses problems of bias created by both the data-generating process and researcher-controlled tasks, and provides new generalizable tools for simultaneously optimizing both the recovery and accuracy of coordinates. We then empirically evaluate our process and tools against new microlevel data on the Mau Mau Rebellion (Colonial Kenya 1952-1960), drawn from 20,000 pages of recently declassified British military intelligence reports. By leveraging a subset of this data that includes map codes alongside natural language location descriptions, we demonstrate how inappropriately georeferencing data can have important downstream consequences in terms of systematically biasing coefficients or altering statistical significance and how our tools can help alleviate these problems.South Korea’s engagement of Central Asia from the end of the Cold War to the "New Asia Initiative"http://hdl.handle.net/10023/12726
This paper examines South Korea’s engagement in Central Asia as a case study of the country’s broader efforts to establish itself as a more assertive regional and global economic and political player. Embedding the analysis in the account of the evolving nature of Korean-Central Asian relations over the past two decades, the paper locates Korea’s policy towards the region within its attempts to tackle energy vulnerability. Without the “political baggage” that accompanies the presence of other major players, Korea’s economically-driven country-specific strategy is yielding significant results.
Sat, 01 Dec 2012 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/127262012-12-01T00:00:00ZFumagalli, MatteoThis paper examines South Korea’s engagement in Central Asia as a case study of the country’s broader efforts to establish itself as a more assertive regional and global economic and political player. Embedding the analysis in the account of the evolving nature of Korean-Central Asian relations over the past two decades, the paper locates Korea’s policy towards the region within its attempts to tackle energy vulnerability. Without the “political baggage” that accompanies the presence of other major players, Korea’s economically-driven country-specific strategy is yielding significant results.As thick as thieves : exploring Thomas Hobbes's critique of ancient friendship and its contemporary relevancehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12709
Recent decades have witnessed a revival of interest in ancient friendship both as a normative and as an explanatory concept. The literature concurs in holding Hobbes responsible for the marginalisation of friendship in political science and suggests that Hobbes devalued friendship because of his understanding of man. The paper argues that while Hobbes's account and appraisal of friendship hinge on his assumption that man is self-interested, his critique of normative friendship does not rest on that notion. Hobbes's challenge is that, deprived of its classical foundation in a 'truth' (the 'good life'), modern friendship, whether self-interested or selfless, cannot be assumed to be a civic virtue, nor an index of the health of a political association, nor a facilitator of domestic or global peace. Hobbes's critique is especially relevant for writers who maintain that a resurgence of friendship can nurture concord and foster reconciliation in contemporary liberal democracies.
Mon, 19 Mar 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/127092018-03-19T00:00:00ZSlomp, GabriellaRecent decades have witnessed a revival of interest in ancient friendship both as a normative and as an explanatory concept. The literature concurs in holding Hobbes responsible for the marginalisation of friendship in political science and suggests that Hobbes devalued friendship because of his understanding of man. The paper argues that while Hobbes's account and appraisal of friendship hinge on his assumption that man is self-interested, his critique of normative friendship does not rest on that notion. Hobbes's challenge is that, deprived of its classical foundation in a 'truth' (the 'good life'), modern friendship, whether self-interested or selfless, cannot be assumed to be a civic virtue, nor an index of the health of a political association, nor a facilitator of domestic or global peace. Hobbes's critique is especially relevant for writers who maintain that a resurgence of friendship can nurture concord and foster reconciliation in contemporary liberal democracies.State responses to victims of terrorism needs in Spainhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12653
The chapter studies the provision and delivery of services to Spanish victims of terrorism by state entities. It also provides a historical account of the evolution of the system whilst taking into consideration the impact resulting from the dynamics of violence and the evolving social and political context. The analysis addresses the absence of institutional support in the 1970s and 1980s and notes how the feeling of neglect that many victims felt during this period led to the establishment of the first victims associations in the country. It then analyses the institutionalisation of a support system in the form of statutory bodies and specialised legislation during the 1990s before mapping out the regime now in place in both Spain and the Basque Country. The current framework is constituted by two main elements: the day-to-day work of statutory bodies and the rights protected and needs addressed by legislative initiatives. Within this framework, the most important instruments have been put in place by the central government and the Basque regional administration.
Sun, 01 Feb 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/126532015-02-01T00:00:00ZArgomaniz, JavierThe chapter studies the provision and delivery of services to Spanish victims of terrorism by state entities. It also provides a historical account of the evolution of the system whilst taking into consideration the impact resulting from the dynamics of violence and the evolving social and political context. The analysis addresses the absence of institutional support in the 1970s and 1980s and notes how the feeling of neglect that many victims felt during this period led to the establishment of the first victims associations in the country. It then analyses the institutionalisation of a support system in the form of statutory bodies and specialised legislation during the 1990s before mapping out the regime now in place in both Spain and the Basque Country. The current framework is constituted by two main elements: the day-to-day work of statutory bodies and the rights protected and needs addressed by legislative initiatives. Within this framework, the most important instruments have been put in place by the central government and the Basque regional administration.Farewell to teleology : reflections on Camus and a rebellious cosmopolitanism without hopehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12648
This article reconstructs Albert Camus’s notion of the absurd in order to elucidate his critique of historical teleology. In his life and work, Camus endeavoured to develop a fallibilist historical sensibility suitable to a cosmos shorn of meaning, which led him to reject ideas of progress and their traces of messianism when elaborating his treatment of rebellion. By making use of Camus’s ideas about the absurd and rebellion, I suggest that these two themes productively unsettle contemporary cosmopolitanism as a teleological orthodoxy of human progress and fruitfully if paradoxically lie at the heart of a concept of cosmopolitanism “without hope”.
Mon, 01 Feb 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/126482016-02-01T00:00:00ZHayden, PatrickThis article reconstructs Albert Camus’s notion of the absurd in order to elucidate his critique of historical teleology. In his life and work, Camus endeavoured to develop a fallibilist historical sensibility suitable to a cosmos shorn of meaning, which led him to reject ideas of progress and their traces of messianism when elaborating his treatment of rebellion. By making use of Camus’s ideas about the absurd and rebellion, I suggest that these two themes productively unsettle contemporary cosmopolitanism as a teleological orthodoxy of human progress and fruitfully if paradoxically lie at the heart of a concept of cosmopolitanism “without hope”.Scoxit può attenderehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12501
Mentre l’indipendentismo catalano porta la Spagna sull’orlo della dissoluzione, la leadership del partito nazionale scozzese (SNP), in occasione della conferenza di partito tenutasi a Glasgow il 9 ed il 10 ottobre, di fatto ha posto la questione di un nuovo referendum sull’indipendenza della Scozia (l’indyref2, come viene chiamato qui) in ibernazione, almeno nel breve periodo . La simpatia per la causa catalana è forte. Si notano bandiere catalane per le strade di Edinburgo e le campagne del Fife, nonché, come era prevedibile, alla conferenza dell’SNP. Il parlamento di Edinburgo (‘Holyrood’) ha approvato una mozione di censura nei confronti delle autorità spagnole per la repressione delle manifestazioni in Catalogna. In realtà, la Scozia e la Catalogna sono alquanto distanti, non tanto a livello sentimentale, quanto a realtà politiche ed economiche. Al di là delle dichiarazioni di facciata , il realismo prevale ad Edinburgo. Le differenze sono infatti sostanziali. La Scozia ha avuto, e perso, il suo referendum il 18 settembre 2014. Pur avendo promesso che questo sarebbe stato un unicum (‘once in a generation’), l’SNP ha cercato di capitalizzare sul voto pro-Remain della Scozia nel referendum sulla UE del 2016 – dove la Scozia ha votato in massa (62%) per rimanere nell’Unione Europea. Questo breve contributo analizza le implicazioni delle dinamiche catalane per la Scozia. In particolare si sofferma sulle ragioni che hanno portato l’indipendentismo scozzese allo stallo attuale. Perché, dopo un periodo in cui il sostegno per l’indipendenza è aumentato, la Scozia ha cambiato opinione? In che modo la Brexit condizionerà le dinamiche tra unionisti e indipendentisti scozzesi? Gli effetti del referendum catalano sulla Scozia saranno modesti. Il destino della Scozia e del movimento indipendentista saranno decisi dalle dinamiche interne al Regno Unito, a loro volta influenzate dai negoziati sul ritiro del Regno Unito dall’Unione Europea (Brexit). Indipendenza? Sì certo, ma al momento ci sono altre priorità.
Thu, 09 Nov 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/125012017-11-09T00:00:00ZFumagalli, MatteoMentre l’indipendentismo catalano porta la Spagna sull’orlo della dissoluzione, la leadership del partito nazionale scozzese (SNP), in occasione della conferenza di partito tenutasi a Glasgow il 9 ed il 10 ottobre, di fatto ha posto la questione di un nuovo referendum sull’indipendenza della Scozia (l’indyref2, come viene chiamato qui) in ibernazione, almeno nel breve periodo . La simpatia per la causa catalana è forte. Si notano bandiere catalane per le strade di Edinburgo e le campagne del Fife, nonché, come era prevedibile, alla conferenza dell’SNP. Il parlamento di Edinburgo (‘Holyrood’) ha approvato una mozione di censura nei confronti delle autorità spagnole per la repressione delle manifestazioni in Catalogna. In realtà, la Scozia e la Catalogna sono alquanto distanti, non tanto a livello sentimentale, quanto a realtà politiche ed economiche. Al di là delle dichiarazioni di facciata , il realismo prevale ad Edinburgo. Le differenze sono infatti sostanziali. La Scozia ha avuto, e perso, il suo referendum il 18 settembre 2014. Pur avendo promesso che questo sarebbe stato un unicum (‘once in a generation’), l’SNP ha cercato di capitalizzare sul voto pro-Remain della Scozia nel referendum sulla UE del 2016 – dove la Scozia ha votato in massa (62%) per rimanere nell’Unione Europea. Questo breve contributo analizza le implicazioni delle dinamiche catalane per la Scozia. In particolare si sofferma sulle ragioni che hanno portato l’indipendentismo scozzese allo stallo attuale. Perché, dopo un periodo in cui il sostegno per l’indipendenza è aumentato, la Scozia ha cambiato opinione? In che modo la Brexit condizionerà le dinamiche tra unionisti e indipendentisti scozzesi? Gli effetti del referendum catalano sulla Scozia saranno modesti. Il destino della Scozia e del movimento indipendentista saranno decisi dalle dinamiche interne al Regno Unito, a loro volta influenzate dai negoziati sul ritiro del Regno Unito dall’Unione Europea (Brexit). Indipendenza? Sì certo, ma al momento ci sono altre priorità.The French connection : complicity in the 1994 genocide in Rwandahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12461
This article explores the French government’s political and military relationship with Rwanda since 1975, with a particular focus on the period from 1990 and throughout the genocide of 1994. An argument is made that the French state, through its behavior in Rwanda before and during the genocide of 1994, is complicit under international criminal law. As a concept, complicity provides a lens for understanding the scope of liability of states as responsible actors within the international system. The article argues that that the knowing participatory role played by the French throughout the period of the Rwandan genocide can be construed as complicity in genocide. This is a criminal breach of international law.
The author thanks to the Carnegie Trust for the Universities of Scotland for funding the fieldwork of this study.
Mon, 01 Jun 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/124612015-06-01T00:00:00ZCameron, HazelThis article explores the French government’s political and military relationship with Rwanda since 1975, with a particular focus on the period from 1990 and throughout the genocide of 1994. An argument is made that the French state, through its behavior in Rwanda before and during the genocide of 1994, is complicit under international criminal law. As a concept, complicity provides a lens for understanding the scope of liability of states as responsible actors within the international system. The article argues that that the knowing participatory role played by the French throughout the period of the Rwandan genocide can be construed as complicity in genocide. This is a criminal breach of international law.The Kumtor gold mine and the rise of resource nationalism in Kyrgyzstanhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12434
Kyrgyzstan’s mining sector has become the battleground on which a number of players, namely the government, the opposition, local communities, and transnational corporations, defend their interests. No other site illustrates this point more than the country’s most prized asset, namely the gold mine at Kumtor, located some 350 kilometers south-east of the capital city of Bishkek. Kumtor is the country’s main source of hard currency, a vital contributor to the country’s GDP, and the single largest private employer. Since 1997, when production started, Kumtor has emerged as one of the most contentious issues in the small Central Asian republic’s socio-economic and political life.
Fri, 21 Aug 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/124342015-08-21T00:00:00ZFumagalli, MatteoKyrgyzstan’s mining sector has become the battleground on which a number of players, namely the government, the opposition, local communities, and transnational corporations, defend their interests. No other site illustrates this point more than the country’s most prized asset, namely the gold mine at Kumtor, located some 350 kilometers south-east of the capital city of Bishkek. Kumtor is the country’s main source of hard currency, a vital contributor to the country’s GDP, and the single largest private employer. Since 1997, when production started, Kumtor has emerged as one of the most contentious issues in the small Central Asian republic’s socio-economic and political life.Religion, state and ‘sovereign democracy’ in Putin’s Russiahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12406
This article explores the role of the dominant Russian Orthodox Church in the evolution of the post-communist Russian Federation. This is not a classic case where religion may have contributed to the democratisation of society because this has not been a primary goal of political elites, and the regime that has emerged might best be described as ‘hybrid’ with growing authoritarian tendencies. Having played little role in the ending of communism, having little historical experience of working within a democracy, suspicious of liberal-individualist visions of public life and committed to a vision of its role as the hegemonic religious institution, the promotion of democratic governance has not been a priority of church leaders. At the same time the political structures created by the Kremlin encourage a degree of conformity and support for the regime by key social actors, and in the wake of the political crisis of 2011-12 there have been further incentives for church and state to work more closely together. For the state, the church offers indirectly a constituency of political support; for the church, a more needy state has been prepared to promote at least part of its socially conservative agenda. In this context, neither is much concerned about democratic governance.
Fri, 01 Jul 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/124062016-07-01T00:00:00ZAnderson, John PhilipThis article explores the role of the dominant Russian Orthodox Church in the evolution of the post-communist Russian Federation. This is not a classic case where religion may have contributed to the democratisation of society because this has not been a primary goal of political elites, and the regime that has emerged might best be described as ‘hybrid’ with growing authoritarian tendencies. Having played little role in the ending of communism, having little historical experience of working within a democracy, suspicious of liberal-individualist visions of public life and committed to a vision of its role as the hegemonic religious institution, the promotion of democratic governance has not been a priority of church leaders. At the same time the political structures created by the Kremlin encourage a degree of conformity and support for the regime by key social actors, and in the wake of the political crisis of 2011-12 there have been further incentives for church and state to work more closely together. For the state, the church offers indirectly a constituency of political support; for the church, a more needy state has been prepared to promote at least part of its socially conservative agenda. In this context, neither is much concerned about democratic governance.Middle Eastern Christian spaces in Europe : multi-sited and super-diversehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12404
Despite little scholarly attention, Middle Eastern Christian Churches are a well-established element of the European religious landscape. Based on collaborative research, this article examines how three mutual field visits facilitated a deeper understanding of the complexity that characterises church establishment and activities among Iraqi, Assyrian/Syriac and Coptic Orthodox Christians in the UK, Sweden and Denmark. Exploring analytical dimensions of space, diversity, size, and minority position we identify three positions of Middle Eastern Christians: in London as the epitome of super-diversity, in Copenhagen as a silenced minority within a minority, and in Södertälje as a visible majority within a minority.
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/124042016-01-01T00:00:00ZGalal, Lise PaulsenHunter, Alistair PursellMcCallum, FionaSparre, Sara LeiWozniak, MartaDespite little scholarly attention, Middle Eastern Christian Churches are a well-established element of the European religious landscape. Based on collaborative research, this article examines how three mutual field visits facilitated a deeper understanding of the complexity that characterises church establishment and activities among Iraqi, Assyrian/Syriac and Coptic Orthodox Christians in the UK, Sweden and Denmark. Exploring analytical dimensions of space, diversity, size, and minority position we identify three positions of Middle Eastern Christians: in London as the epitome of super-diversity, in Copenhagen as a silenced minority within a minority, and in Södertälje as a visible majority within a minority.State de-construction in Iraq and Syriahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12401
In International Historical Sociology, states and states systems co-constitute each other. While IHS focuses on state formation, this paper argues that state de-formation, and in its extremes, state failure, is also “co-constituted.” In Syria and Iraq, state failure was co-constituted through an interaction between internal insurgencies and the Western interventions aiming at regime change. Iraq and Syria were created by Western imperialism as weak states suffering from identity fragmentation and pervasive irredentism. Ba’thist state builders used populist versions of neo-patrimonialism to consolidate regimes but excluded social forces were permanently poised for rebellion and regime decline gave them opportunities to bid for power. Nevertheless, external intervention was the extra factor that initiated state de-construction and tipped both into failed states. In Iraq the US invasion deconstructed the existing state and established a sectarian based regime bound to fail. In Syria, shrinking inclusiveness led to revolt but external intervention, making it a battleground of regional and global powers, tipped the country into a failed state. Two failed states left a vacuum in which IS arose, inviting yet a further round of external intervention.
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/124012016-01-01T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondIn International Historical Sociology, states and states systems co-constitute each other. While IHS focuses on state formation, this paper argues that state de-formation, and in its extremes, state failure, is also “co-constituted.” In Syria and Iraq, state failure was co-constituted through an interaction between internal insurgencies and the Western interventions aiming at regime change. Iraq and Syria were created by Western imperialism as weak states suffering from identity fragmentation and pervasive irredentism. Ba’thist state builders used populist versions of neo-patrimonialism to consolidate regimes but excluded social forces were permanently poised for rebellion and regime decline gave them opportunities to bid for power. Nevertheless, external intervention was the extra factor that initiated state de-construction and tipped both into failed states. In Iraq the US invasion deconstructed the existing state and established a sectarian based regime bound to fail. In Syria, shrinking inclusiveness led to revolt but external intervention, making it a battleground of regional and global powers, tipped the country into a failed state. Two failed states left a vacuum in which IS arose, inviting yet a further round of external intervention.Peace without social reconciliation? Understanding the trial of Generals Ríos Montt and Rodriguez Sánchez in the wake of Guatemala’s genocidehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12392
This article argues that the legal trial against Generals Efraín Ríos Montt and José Mauricio Rodriguez Sánchez for genocide and crimes against humanity has evidenced the interplay between the complex factors shaping post-conflict reconstruction and social reconciliation in post-genocide Guatemala, and, ultimately, the disjunctive impact of the country’s peace process. The ‘genocide trial’ then is more than a legal process in that it represents a thermometer for Guatemala’s peace process and, ultimately, for testing the nature and stability of the post-genocide/post-conflict conjuncture. Interiorization of human rights frameworks and justice mechanisms by indigenous and human rights activists, including of the Genocide Convention, has consolidated a partial rights culture. However, the trial and the overturning of its verdict have simultaneously evidenced the instability, fragility and disjunctive nature of post-conflict peace and the continuing impact of the profound legacy of the genocide and of social authoritarianism. The article argues that while the trial has wielded broad impact within both state institutions and society, consolidating indigenous political actors, it has simultaneously fortified spoilers and evidenced indigenous collective memory as a fragmented and contested sphere.
I wish to thank Bridget Conley-Zilkic and Alex de Waal at the World Peace Foundation for their financial support.
Thu, 28 Jul 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/123922016-07-28T00:00:00ZBrett, RoddyThis article argues that the legal trial against Generals Efraín Ríos Montt and José Mauricio Rodriguez Sánchez for genocide and crimes against humanity has evidenced the interplay between the complex factors shaping post-conflict reconstruction and social reconciliation in post-genocide Guatemala, and, ultimately, the disjunctive impact of the country’s peace process. The ‘genocide trial’ then is more than a legal process in that it represents a thermometer for Guatemala’s peace process and, ultimately, for testing the nature and stability of the post-genocide/post-conflict conjuncture. Interiorization of human rights frameworks and justice mechanisms by indigenous and human rights activists, including of the Genocide Convention, has consolidated a partial rights culture. However, the trial and the overturning of its verdict have simultaneously evidenced the instability, fragility and disjunctive nature of post-conflict peace and the continuing impact of the profound legacy of the genocide and of social authoritarianism. The article argues that while the trial has wielded broad impact within both state institutions and society, consolidating indigenous political actors, it has simultaneously fortified spoilers and evidenced indigenous collective memory as a fragmented and contested sphere.La crisi in Kirghizistan e le conseguenze per la stabilità regionalehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12354
Il 2010 è stato un anno particolarmente violento per il Kirghizistan, piccola repubblica dell’Asia Centrale post-sovietica. Proteste popolari causate dagli aumenti delle tariffe per metano ed elettricitàed una coalizione alquanto eterogenea di élite hanno portato al secondo cambio di regime in cinque anni. A differenza del predecessore Askar Akaev, che aveva lasciato il potere in modo pacifico nel 2005, l’ex presidente Kurmanbek Bakiev e i suoi fedelissimi (in gran parte familiari stretti) hanno opposto resistenza, sia nella capitale Bishkek che nel natio sud del paese. La transizione è stata accompagnata nella primavera del 2010 da scontri violenti, che hanno causato circa 80 morti e centinaia di feriti. Il governo provvisorio guidato da Roza Otunbaeva si è dimostrato fin da subito diviso e poco coerente. Inoltre, il nuovo governo ha subito palesato gravi difficoltà nel mantenere il controllo del paese, specialmente nelle regioni meridionali, fedeli al regime precedente. La situazione è precipitata in giugno quando si è verificata una serie di scontri violenti tra kirghizi e uzbeki. Gli scontri del 10-14 giugno hanno causato almeno 400 morti e migliaia di feriti; interi quartieri della città di Osh sono stati messi a fuoco e rasi al suolo. Quelli che erano scontri di natura politica hanno assunto toni etnici. Questo non perché i rapporti tra le due comunità più numerose del Paese, i kirghizi e gli uzbeki, siano strutturalmente volti al conflitto; ma perché la minoranza uzbeka, oppressa durante la amministrazione di Bakiev, ha fin da subito appoggiato il nuovo governo e tale mossa è stata strumentalizzata dalle fazioni fedeli a Bakiev che hanno fatto del nazionalismo il collante dell’opposizione alle nuove autorità. Gli scontri nel paese hanno avuto risonanza oltre confine. Il vicino Uzbekistan ha dovuto far fronte a una emergenza allorché 45.000 rifugiati, ma stime ufficiose ne indicano almeno 75.000si sono riversati nel paese. A causa della costante instabilità del paese la base statunitense di Manas ha dovuto sospendere le proprie operazioni, con ripercussioni sul funzionamento di una delle tratte della rete di distribuzione del nord da cui dipendono i rifornimenti non letali alle truppe impegnate in Afghanistan. Una disintegrazione dello stato in Kirghizistan porterebbe alla quasi certa criminalizzazione delle regioni meridionali dove figure collegate alla criminalità organizzata peraltro già operano. Rimane anche il timore che, a fronte di un vuoto di potere, elementi radicali in fuga dalle zone tribali afghano-pakistane possano usufruire di un rifugio nelle zone montuose e isolate nel sud del paese. Questo approfondimento si propone di analizzare le cause della crisi kirghiza del 2010 e le sue conseguenze per la stabilità regionale. Lo studio comincia con una breve panoramica sulla fase di state-building del Kirghizistan post-sovietico, soffermandosi sulle caratteristiche delle amministrazioni di Akaev e Bakiev. Cosí facendo emergeranno alcune costanti degli sviluppi politici del paese negli ultimi venti anni. La sezione seguente analizza le cause che hanno portato ai tragici eventi del 2010. Nella seconda parte vengono discussi il ruolo dell’Uzbekistan, della Russia e degli Stati Uniti durante e dopo la crisi. In particolare verrà dato rilievo al ruolo del Kirghizistan nella più ampia strategia statunitense volta a ridurre la propria dipendenza dal Pakistan per i rifornimenti non letali diretti in Afghanistan. Incapace di reggersi sulle proprie forze, il Kirghizistan dipende ormai completamente dal sostegno internazionale. Al momento lo scenario più probabile è quello di un progressivo indebolimento dello stato. Le recenti elezioni parlamentari di ottobre non preannunciano una vita facile di coalizione in una situazione politica alquanto volatile.
Mon, 15 Nov 2010 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/123542010-11-15T00:00:00ZFumagalli, MatteoIl 2010 è stato un anno particolarmente violento per il Kirghizistan, piccola repubblica dell’Asia Centrale post-sovietica. Proteste popolari causate dagli aumenti delle tariffe per metano ed elettricitàed una coalizione alquanto eterogenea di élite hanno portato al secondo cambio di regime in cinque anni. A differenza del predecessore Askar Akaev, che aveva lasciato il potere in modo pacifico nel 2005, l’ex presidente Kurmanbek Bakiev e i suoi fedelissimi (in gran parte familiari stretti) hanno opposto resistenza, sia nella capitale Bishkek che nel natio sud del paese. La transizione è stata accompagnata nella primavera del 2010 da scontri violenti, che hanno causato circa 80 morti e centinaia di feriti. Il governo provvisorio guidato da Roza Otunbaeva si è dimostrato fin da subito diviso e poco coerente. Inoltre, il nuovo governo ha subito palesato gravi difficoltà nel mantenere il controllo del paese, specialmente nelle regioni meridionali, fedeli al regime precedente. La situazione è precipitata in giugno quando si è verificata una serie di scontri violenti tra kirghizi e uzbeki. Gli scontri del 10-14 giugno hanno causato almeno 400 morti e migliaia di feriti; interi quartieri della città di Osh sono stati messi a fuoco e rasi al suolo. Quelli che erano scontri di natura politica hanno assunto toni etnici. Questo non perché i rapporti tra le due comunità più numerose del Paese, i kirghizi e gli uzbeki, siano strutturalmente volti al conflitto; ma perché la minoranza uzbeka, oppressa durante la amministrazione di Bakiev, ha fin da subito appoggiato il nuovo governo e tale mossa è stata strumentalizzata dalle fazioni fedeli a Bakiev che hanno fatto del nazionalismo il collante dell’opposizione alle nuove autorità. Gli scontri nel paese hanno avuto risonanza oltre confine. Il vicino Uzbekistan ha dovuto far fronte a una emergenza allorché 45.000 rifugiati, ma stime ufficiose ne indicano almeno 75.000si sono riversati nel paese. A causa della costante instabilità del paese la base statunitense di Manas ha dovuto sospendere le proprie operazioni, con ripercussioni sul funzionamento di una delle tratte della rete di distribuzione del nord da cui dipendono i rifornimenti non letali alle truppe impegnate in Afghanistan. Una disintegrazione dello stato in Kirghizistan porterebbe alla quasi certa criminalizzazione delle regioni meridionali dove figure collegate alla criminalità organizzata peraltro già operano. Rimane anche il timore che, a fronte di un vuoto di potere, elementi radicali in fuga dalle zone tribali afghano-pakistane possano usufruire di un rifugio nelle zone montuose e isolate nel sud del paese. Questo approfondimento si propone di analizzare le cause della crisi kirghiza del 2010 e le sue conseguenze per la stabilità regionale. Lo studio comincia con una breve panoramica sulla fase di state-building del Kirghizistan post-sovietico, soffermandosi sulle caratteristiche delle amministrazioni di Akaev e Bakiev. Cosí facendo emergeranno alcune costanti degli sviluppi politici del paese negli ultimi venti anni. La sezione seguente analizza le cause che hanno portato ai tragici eventi del 2010. Nella seconda parte vengono discussi il ruolo dell’Uzbekistan, della Russia e degli Stati Uniti durante e dopo la crisi. In particolare verrà dato rilievo al ruolo del Kirghizistan nella più ampia strategia statunitense volta a ridurre la propria dipendenza dal Pakistan per i rifornimenti non letali diretti in Afghanistan. Incapace di reggersi sulle proprie forze, il Kirghizistan dipende ormai completamente dal sostegno internazionale. Al momento lo scenario più probabile è quello di un progressivo indebolimento dello stato. Le recenti elezioni parlamentari di ottobre non preannunciano una vita facile di coalizione in una situazione politica alquanto volatile.Global financial governance and the informal : limits to the regulation of moneyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12309
The list of predicate crimes for the Recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has evolved and grown over its twenty-five year existence. The evolution of this list reflects shifting concerns among the central actors in the organisation, as well as representing a response to any ‘displacement’ activity undertaken by those seeking to avoid these forms of governance. When the scope for cooperation and compliance with the FATF Forty Recommendations was extended beyond the organisation’s membership this governance regime encountered business sectors and financial practices not readily amenable to its objectives. This paper considers the causes and consequences for the situation, as developing economy states attempt to comply with the global governance expectations of the FATF when a significant portion of the domestic economy operates ‘informally’. A frame of reference is provided, with a definition for the informal economy and the concept of displacement as used in research on criminal activity. The focus here is with the nature of the cash economy operating beyond the scope of financial surveillance with implications for the comprehensive effectiveness of the global financial governance regime. The context of informal financial practice and its separation from the regulatory structures of the state leads to a conclusion that global financial governance is limited in practice to the domain of the formal economy.
Thu, 01 Mar 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/123092018-03-01T00:00:00ZVlcek, WilliamThe list of predicate crimes for the Recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has evolved and grown over its twenty-five year existence. The evolution of this list reflects shifting concerns among the central actors in the organisation, as well as representing a response to any ‘displacement’ activity undertaken by those seeking to avoid these forms of governance. When the scope for cooperation and compliance with the FATF Forty Recommendations was extended beyond the organisation’s membership this governance regime encountered business sectors and financial practices not readily amenable to its objectives. This paper considers the causes and consequences for the situation, as developing economy states attempt to comply with the global governance expectations of the FATF when a significant portion of the domestic economy operates ‘informally’. A frame of reference is provided, with a definition for the informal economy and the concept of displacement as used in research on criminal activity. The focus here is with the nature of the cash economy operating beyond the scope of financial surveillance with implications for the comprehensive effectiveness of the global financial governance regime. The context of informal financial practice and its separation from the regulatory structures of the state leads to a conclusion that global financial governance is limited in practice to the domain of the formal economy.International criminal justice between Scylla and Charybdis — the "peace versus justice" dilemma analysed through the lenses of Judith Shklar's and Hannah Arendt's legal and political theorieshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12300
The present article discusses the “peace versus justice” dilemma in international criminal justice through the lenses of the respective legal (and political) theories of Judith Shklar and Hannah Arendt—two thinkers who have recently been described as theorists of international criminal law. The article claims that in interventions carried out by the International Criminal Court (ICC), there is an ever-present potentiality for the “peace versus justice” dilemma to occur. Unfortunately, there is no abstract solution to this problem, insofar as ICC interventions will in some cases be conducive while in others, they will be deleterious to peace. If a tension between peace and justice arises in a particular case, the article asserts, the former must be prioritised over the latter. Such a prioritisation, however, requires a vision of the ICC as a flexible actor of world politics which is situated at the intersection of law, ethics and politics, rather than a strictly legalistic view of the court. Ultimately, then, the present article seeks to probe whether the legal and political theories of Shklar and Arendt—in isolation, but ultimately also in combination—support such a flexible vision of the ICC.
Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/123002017-12-01T00:00:00ZRoyer, ChristofThe present article discusses the “peace versus justice” dilemma in international criminal justice through the lenses of the respective legal (and political) theories of Judith Shklar and Hannah Arendt—two thinkers who have recently been described as theorists of international criminal law. The article claims that in interventions carried out by the International Criminal Court (ICC), there is an ever-present potentiality for the “peace versus justice” dilemma to occur. Unfortunately, there is no abstract solution to this problem, insofar as ICC interventions will in some cases be conducive while in others, they will be deleterious to peace. If a tension between peace and justice arises in a particular case, the article asserts, the former must be prioritised over the latter. Such a prioritisation, however, requires a vision of the ICC as a flexible actor of world politics which is situated at the intersection of law, ethics and politics, rather than a strictly legalistic view of the court. Ultimately, then, the present article seeks to probe whether the legal and political theories of Shklar and Arendt—in isolation, but ultimately also in combination—support such a flexible vision of the ICC.The rise of Jobbik, populism, and the symbolic politics of illiberalism in contemporary Hungaryhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12207
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/122072015-01-01T00:00:00ZMurer, Jeffrey StevensonDrowning the Greek economy : injurious speech and sovereign debthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12070
Drawing on Judith Butler’s concept of injurious speech, this article conceptualises the ‘Grexit’ crisis as a series of performances. More specifically, we investigate how the Greek government framed the bailout plans tabled by the Troika as a form of torture. By adopting phrases such as ‘fiscal water-boarding’, ‘asphyxiation’, and ‘suicide’, the Syriza government sought to narrate the harm inflicted on Greece by its creditors. Paying attention to this language is important as it casts new light on how Greek sovereign debt has been framed, negotiated, and contested. In many ways, the overarching objective of this article is to tell a different story that takes discursive transitivity and restaging into account. By shifting the emphasis onto injurious speech, the article also brings the unintended effects of this language into focus. Despite the recurrent accusations made by Syriza as it attempted to resolve the Greek sovereign debt crisis, this article questions whether their bargaining strategy ‘misfired’. On closer consideration, we find that the injurious speech acts performed by the Syriza government compromised their ability to negotiate a third bailout deal in 2015. The observations remind us that words can wound in ambivalent ways.
Mon, 30 Oct 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/120702017-10-30T00:00:00ZDonnelly, FayeVlcek, WilliamDrawing on Judith Butler’s concept of injurious speech, this article conceptualises the ‘Grexit’ crisis as a series of performances. More specifically, we investigate how the Greek government framed the bailout plans tabled by the Troika as a form of torture. By adopting phrases such as ‘fiscal water-boarding’, ‘asphyxiation’, and ‘suicide’, the Syriza government sought to narrate the harm inflicted on Greece by its creditors. Paying attention to this language is important as it casts new light on how Greek sovereign debt has been framed, negotiated, and contested. In many ways, the overarching objective of this article is to tell a different story that takes discursive transitivity and restaging into account. By shifting the emphasis onto injurious speech, the article also brings the unintended effects of this language into focus. Despite the recurrent accusations made by Syriza as it attempted to resolve the Greek sovereign debt crisis, this article questions whether their bargaining strategy ‘misfired’. On closer consideration, we find that the injurious speech acts performed by the Syriza government compromised their ability to negotiate a third bailout deal in 2015. The observations remind us that words can wound in ambivalent ways.To be or not to be a state? Role contestation in the debate over Scottish Independencehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/12059
Wed, 11 May 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/120592016-05-11T00:00:00ZBeasley, RyanKaarbo, JulietSolomon-Strauss, HannahUnderstanding collective violence : the communicative and performative qualities of violence in acts of belonginghttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11998
This chapter explores the motivations for joining violent groups across arange of circumstances. In particular, the chapter will explore the similarities in the role of violence as a marker of identity within groups as diverseas street gangs and ethnic communities. Frequently, membership inviolent groups is explained in terms of individual material gain or theattainment of individual fame, in very rationalist and individualistic terms.This focus on individual choice and motivation suggests the use or disinclination to use violence is an expression of individual agency. Indeed, many of studies on civil wars or other armed conflicts treat joining these violent groups and the participation in violent acts as being anti-social, as if the choice to engage in violence is one wholly against social norms or social values. However, much can be gained by seeing these groups in completely the opposite light: gangs, communal factions, militias, even terrorist organisations can be seen as highly social environments. This chapter will examine the performative qualities of violence and the role that violence plays in the experience of belonging in large groups and in collective identity formation.
Sat, 01 Nov 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/119982014-11-01T00:00:00ZMurer, Jeffrey StevensonThis chapter explores the motivations for joining violent groups across arange of circumstances. In particular, the chapter will explore the similarities in the role of violence as a marker of identity within groups as diverseas street gangs and ethnic communities. Frequently, membership inviolent groups is explained in terms of individual material gain or theattainment of individual fame, in very rationalist and individualistic terms.This focus on individual choice and motivation suggests the use or disinclination to use violence is an expression of individual agency. Indeed, many of studies on civil wars or other armed conflicts treat joining these violent groups and the participation in violent acts as being anti-social, as if the choice to engage in violence is one wholly against social norms or social values. However, much can be gained by seeing these groups in completely the opposite light: gangs, communal factions, militias, even terrorist organisations can be seen as highly social environments. This chapter will examine the performative qualities of violence and the role that violence plays in the experience of belonging in large groups and in collective identity formation.Constitutionalism and political order in Libya 2011-2014 : three myths about the past and a new constitutionhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11989
Libya’s 2011 revolution enabled ordinary citizens and an emerging civil society to voice their demands on a variety of key issues including Libya’s new constitution. Libyans faced the challenge of redefining and re-empowering national political institutions through the establishment of a new constitution. This article analyses a series of constitutional grassroots debates that were led by the Forum for Democratic Libya (FDL), thereby unpacking insights not only into the constitutional process itself but also into the underlying expectations regarding a new political order in the country. We argue that the brief period of relative peace and stability in Libya between 2011 and 2013 presents a ‘golden age’ of constitutional activities that created meaningful interface among Libyan citizens after decades of oppression. We argue however that although constitutional debates allowed for citizen engagement in the process of constitutional development it had little bearing on the outcomes of this process. Citizen demands remained unanswered due to deeply entrenched informal political practices causing activists to face the arduous task of trying to influence a formal process of constitutional development. Priority demands expressed by citizens in our research pointed to the need for Libyan political actors to address the creation of a new system of governance, civil liberties and three regional priorities namely immigration and citizenship in Southern Libya, reconciliation and justice in Western Libya, and natural resources in Eastern Libya. The priorities remain unaddressed in Libya and provide insights of priority issues that will require serious efforts in the future of a stable Libya.
Mon, 01 Aug 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/119892016-08-01T00:00:00ZGeha, CarmenVolpi, FredericLibya’s 2011 revolution enabled ordinary citizens and an emerging civil society to voice their demands on a variety of key issues including Libya’s new constitution. Libyans faced the challenge of redefining and re-empowering national political institutions through the establishment of a new constitution. This article analyses a series of constitutional grassroots debates that were led by the Forum for Democratic Libya (FDL), thereby unpacking insights not only into the constitutional process itself but also into the underlying expectations regarding a new political order in the country. We argue that the brief period of relative peace and stability in Libya between 2011 and 2013 presents a ‘golden age’ of constitutional activities that created meaningful interface among Libyan citizens after decades of oppression. We argue however that although constitutional debates allowed for citizen engagement in the process of constitutional development it had little bearing on the outcomes of this process. Citizen demands remained unanswered due to deeply entrenched informal political practices causing activists to face the arduous task of trying to influence a formal process of constitutional development. Priority demands expressed by citizens in our research pointed to the need for Libyan political actors to address the creation of a new system of governance, civil liberties and three regional priorities namely immigration and citizenship in Southern Libya, reconciliation and justice in Western Libya, and natural resources in Eastern Libya. The priorities remain unaddressed in Libya and provide insights of priority issues that will require serious efforts in the future of a stable Libya.Female terrorism and militancyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11940
Fri, 29 Apr 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/119402016-04-29T00:00:00ZGentry, Caron EileenSjoberg, LauraQuantitative approaches in coalition foreign policy : scope, content, processhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11928
This article surveys the quantitative literature in coalition foreign policy. Tracing its development back to what we call the ‘first generation studies’ in Democratic Peace research, we illustrate that its theoretical and methodological foundations distinguish this literature from its predecessors. We then overview the existing studies along three dimensions: the nature of the dependent variables, the content of the key explanatory variables, and the processes that identify and systematise the institutional factors that influence coalition foreign policy. Our suggestions for future research highlight some of the puzzles motivated by the findings of this literature and the promise of multi-method designs.
Fri, 01 Dec 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/119282017-12-01T00:00:00ZOktay, SibelBeasley, RyanThis article surveys the quantitative literature in coalition foreign policy. Tracing its development back to what we call the ‘first generation studies’ in Democratic Peace research, we illustrate that its theoretical and methodological foundations distinguish this literature from its predecessors. We then overview the existing studies along three dimensions: the nature of the dependent variables, the content of the key explanatory variables, and the processes that identify and systematise the institutional factors that influence coalition foreign policy. Our suggestions for future research highlight some of the puzzles motivated by the findings of this literature and the promise of multi-method designs.The emergence of a lumpen-consumerate : the aesthetics of consumption and violence in the English riots of 2011http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11924
Within hours of the outset of unrest in the August 2011 English Riots, the government asserted that they were the doings of “criminal gangs”. In doing so, government officials and journalistic commentators cited television images of rioting and plundering youths. Although this assertion was subsequently abandoned, it reflected an on-going process: the criminalization of youth in Britain. The recycled images of flames and hooded teenagers came to serve as the proof of youth “gone bad”. This paper explores both the actions supposedly captured in the images depicting the riots and the discourses surrounding the reproduction of those images. It seeks to connect the youth politics of the everyday—especially the problems of being ignored as political subjects—to the formal political structures that rely on youth to be socially unruly on one hand and disciplined consumers on the other. Segments of British youth are cast out, seen as unneeded or unwanted in this disciplinary project and constitute what I call here a “lumpen-consumerate”. The paper concludes with a comparative analysis of the consumer images that both discipline young people and serve as a model for framing the unrest. The paper builds upon Deleuze, Badiou, Bourdieu, Bauman and others in order to examine how spontaneous, uncoordinated action came to be read through mass media spectacle as dismissible and intolerable images of “criminal gangs” to be policed.
Mon, 01 Jun 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/119242015-06-01T00:00:00ZMurer, Jeffrey StevensonWithin hours of the outset of unrest in the August 2011 English Riots, the government asserted that they were the doings of “criminal gangs”. In doing so, government officials and journalistic commentators cited television images of rioting and plundering youths. Although this assertion was subsequently abandoned, it reflected an on-going process: the criminalization of youth in Britain. The recycled images of flames and hooded teenagers came to serve as the proof of youth “gone bad”. This paper explores both the actions supposedly captured in the images depicting the riots and the discourses surrounding the reproduction of those images. It seeks to connect the youth politics of the everyday—especially the problems of being ignored as political subjects—to the formal political structures that rely on youth to be socially unruly on one hand and disciplined consumers on the other. Segments of British youth are cast out, seen as unneeded or unwanted in this disciplinary project and constitute what I call here a “lumpen-consumerate”. The paper concludes with a comparative analysis of the consumer images that both discipline young people and serve as a model for framing the unrest. The paper builds upon Deleuze, Badiou, Bourdieu, Bauman and others in order to examine how spontaneous, uncoordinated action came to be read through mass media spectacle as dismissible and intolerable images of “criminal gangs” to be policed.Syria's reconciliation agreementshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11737
Examines the reconciliation agreements betaen the Syrian government and opposition, observing the context which determines their pace and character (balance of power), the discourse of regime and opposition and variations in outcomes in different areas.
Sun, 30 Jul 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/117372017-07-30T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondImady, OmarExamines the reconciliation agreements betaen the Syrian government and opposition, observing the context which determines their pace and character (balance of power), the discourse of regime and opposition and variations in outcomes in different areas.Regime survival, societal resilience, and change in North Koreahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11732
The rapid ascent to power of Kim Jong-un, accelerated by Kim Jong-il’s death in December 2011, confirmed hereditary succession as the modal form of political succession in North Korea. ‘Do not hope for any change in us,’ is a statement oftentimes coming out of Pyongyang, warning outsiders that no reform of any sort should be expected. And yet, although the country’s moribund economy avoided both East-Central European and Chinese style reforms to stay afloat, trade across the Chinese-North Korean border is bringing social and economic changes into the lives of ordinary North Koreans. This grassroots-level dynamic is transforming the country in subtle but profound ways. While a great deal of attention has been devoted to North Korea from the perspective of East Asian security studies, so far surprisingly little attention has been devoted to what goes on inside the country, including the issues of the hereditary succession era as well as the political economy of transition. Rather, the time is now ripe for a shift in emphasis towards a study of what actually goes on inside the country, and increasingly across its no longer sealed boundaries. North Korea is gradually but steadily becoming a ‘normal country’, meaning that its citizens are no longer as cut off from access to information and outside reality as in the past. It should be studied as such, and to that end greater borrowing from the analytical tools of comparative social science, as is done in some of the texts reviewed here, is to be welcomed. This is of course not to deny the value of the scholarly work done on strategic issues, the threat to global security posed by nuclear proliferation, and especially North Korea’s pursuit of nuclear status. At the same time a focus on hard security tends to overshadow the micro- and meso-level changes that are taking place inside the country and across its borders. The books reviewed in this paper thus represent a valuable addition to the literature, contributing to our understanding of a reclusive regime and a society that is hard-to-access – let alone understand –.
ISBN 978-3-7069-0802-3. This work was supported by the Academy of Korean Studies (KSPS) Grant funded by the Korean Government (MOE) (AKS-2010-BAA -2105).
Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/117322014-01-01T00:00:00ZFumagalli, MatteoThe rapid ascent to power of Kim Jong-un, accelerated by Kim Jong-il’s death in December 2011, confirmed hereditary succession as the modal form of political succession in North Korea. ‘Do not hope for any change in us,’ is a statement oftentimes coming out of Pyongyang, warning outsiders that no reform of any sort should be expected. And yet, although the country’s moribund economy avoided both East-Central European and Chinese style reforms to stay afloat, trade across the Chinese-North Korean border is bringing social and economic changes into the lives of ordinary North Koreans. This grassroots-level dynamic is transforming the country in subtle but profound ways. While a great deal of attention has been devoted to North Korea from the perspective of East Asian security studies, so far surprisingly little attention has been devoted to what goes on inside the country, including the issues of the hereditary succession era as well as the political economy of transition. Rather, the time is now ripe for a shift in emphasis towards a study of what actually goes on inside the country, and increasingly across its no longer sealed boundaries. North Korea is gradually but steadily becoming a ‘normal country’, meaning that its citizens are no longer as cut off from access to information and outside reality as in the past. It should be studied as such, and to that end greater borrowing from the analytical tools of comparative social science, as is done in some of the texts reviewed here, is to be welcomed. This is of course not to deny the value of the scholarly work done on strategic issues, the threat to global security posed by nuclear proliferation, and especially North Korea’s pursuit of nuclear status. At the same time a focus on hard security tends to overshadow the micro- and meso-level changes that are taking place inside the country and across its borders. The books reviewed in this paper thus represent a valuable addition to the literature, contributing to our understanding of a reclusive regime and a society that is hard-to-access – let alone understand –.The Making of a Global Economic Player? An Appraisal of South Korea's Role in Myanmarhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11718
Suddenly and unexpectedly, a er several decades as Asia’s backwater and basket case of interna onal development, Myanmar was thrust to the center stage of international attention in 2011. The country’s political opening has paved the way for greater engagement by interna onal players, old and new. South Korea and the United States are no excep on, with Korea doubling its development assistance, trade, and investment in the country in less than ve years. Myanmar serves as an excellent vantage point to observe Korea’s evolving role in interna onal a airs, especially in terms of its Asian engagement. Pragma sm drives the rela onship, with Nay Pyi Taw trying to diversify its foreign policy and a ract more investment, while Seoul seeks to expand foreign economic rela ons, extend the domes c market, and secure access to new resources. The paper’s main conten on is that while striving to ar culate a dis nc ve regional and global role for itself which goes beyond the usual ‘aid-trade-investment’ triad, turning economic rela onships into poli cal ones has proven di cult, and thus, Seoul remains more of a ‘payer’ than a ‘player.’ Economic coopera on with Myanmar has widened and deepened, but South Korea’s poli cal leadership has not been able to build on this momentum. Tackling this issue is important at a me when Korea needs to remind the new U.S. administra on, which sees Seoul primarily through the prism of the North Korean nuclear issue and the tensions with China, of its strategic relevance. Myanmar offers South Korea the opportunity to enhance its interna onal role beyond the immediate neighborhood.
Thu, 16 Feb 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/117182017-02-16T00:00:00ZFumagalli, MatteoSuddenly and unexpectedly, a er several decades as Asia’s backwater and basket case of interna onal development, Myanmar was thrust to the center stage of international attention in 2011. The country’s political opening has paved the way for greater engagement by interna onal players, old and new. South Korea and the United States are no excep on, with Korea doubling its development assistance, trade, and investment in the country in less than ve years. Myanmar serves as an excellent vantage point to observe Korea’s evolving role in interna onal a airs, especially in terms of its Asian engagement. Pragma sm drives the rela onship, with Nay Pyi Taw trying to diversify its foreign policy and a ract more investment, while Seoul seeks to expand foreign economic rela ons, extend the domes c market, and secure access to new resources. The paper’s main conten on is that while striving to ar culate a dis nc ve regional and global role for itself which goes beyond the usual ‘aid-trade-investment’ triad, turning economic rela onships into poli cal ones has proven di cult, and thus, Seoul remains more of a ‘payer’ than a ‘player.’ Economic coopera on with Myanmar has widened and deepened, but South Korea’s poli cal leadership has not been able to build on this momentum. Tackling this issue is important at a me when Korea needs to remind the new U.S. administra on, which sees Seoul primarily through the prism of the North Korean nuclear issue and the tensions with China, of its strategic relevance. Myanmar offers South Korea the opportunity to enhance its interna onal role beyond the immediate neighborhood.Myanmar 2016 : from enthusiasm to disillusionmenthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11709
2016 was the year when political change finally came to Myanmar. After a five-year transition from military rule to a (semi-)civilian government, the two electoral rounds of November 2015 (parliamentary) and March 2016 (presidential) ushered in a new phase of formally – if substantially constrained – democratic politics. The 2015 (direct) elections were the real watershed event between two political eras, with the 2016 (indirect) ones representing the completion of NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s victory. This article reviews the events of 2016, and shows that the year can best be understood as a tale of two contrasting halves. Initially, the government laid out its priorities in domestic, economic and foreign policy. It identified peace-building as the first priority. The first part of the year proceeded relatively smoothly, without major mistakes by the government, whereas the second was marked by increasing tensions and incidents in Rakhine State in the south west. An attack in October by a Rohingya militant organization against border police sparked clashes that led to a crackdown by the army and a renewed flow of refugees into neighbouring Bangladesh. Criticism of the plight of the Rohingya community is growing outside the country. Myanmar’s transition is clearly still very much a work-in-progress.
The End of the Obama Era in Asia. Edited by Michelguglielmo Torri and Nicola Mocci. ISBN 978-88-6728-885-4 (paper), ISBN 978-88-6728-886-1 (e-book pdf)
Sat, 01 Jul 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/117092017-07-01T00:00:00ZFumagalli, Matteo2016 was the year when political change finally came to Myanmar. After a five-year transition from military rule to a (semi-)civilian government, the two electoral rounds of November 2015 (parliamentary) and March 2016 (presidential) ushered in a new phase of formally – if substantially constrained – democratic politics. The 2015 (direct) elections were the real watershed event between two political eras, with the 2016 (indirect) ones representing the completion of NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s victory. This article reviews the events of 2016, and shows that the year can best be understood as a tale of two contrasting halves. Initially, the government laid out its priorities in domestic, economic and foreign policy. It identified peace-building as the first priority. The first part of the year proceeded relatively smoothly, without major mistakes by the government, whereas the second was marked by increasing tensions and incidents in Rakhine State in the south west. An attack in October by a Rohingya militant organization against border police sparked clashes that led to a crackdown by the army and a renewed flow of refugees into neighbouring Bangladesh. Criticism of the plight of the Rohingya community is growing outside the country. Myanmar’s transition is clearly still very much a work-in-progress.First image revisited: human nature, original sin and international relationshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11704
In Waltz’s famous classification, human nature’s propensity to evil is catalogued as a first-image causal explanation of war. Ever since, human nature explanations of conflict have been attacked for resting on metaphysical assumptions and a priori pessimism. This paper argues that modern conceptions about the inherent wickedness of human nature or, equally, reductionist sociobiological explanations about its hard-wired conflict-proneness are impoverished secularised versions of Christian anthropological assumptions grounded in the doctrine of original sin. Itself a widely contested dogma, in its Augustinian formulation it was closely connected with a soteriological perspective, that is, a defence of its status as a corollary of the doctrine that all human beings are equally in need of salvation in Jesus Christ. However, its use was never entirely disconnected from the purposes of theodicy and Christian apologetics striving to reconcile the existence of a benevolent and omnipotent God with the reality of evil and suffering in the world. It is this latter legacy – associated with the explanation of suffering and evil in the world but stripped of its salvific eschatological content – that is picked up by secularist theorisations of human nature which tend to reduce the paradox of original sin to the parody of man’s evil nature.
Tue, 20 Sep 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/117042016-09-20T00:00:00ZPaipais, VassiliosIn Waltz’s famous classification, human nature’s propensity to evil is catalogued as a first-image causal explanation of war. Ever since, human nature explanations of conflict have been attacked for resting on metaphysical assumptions and a priori pessimism. This paper argues that modern conceptions about the inherent wickedness of human nature or, equally, reductionist sociobiological explanations about its hard-wired conflict-proneness are impoverished secularised versions of Christian anthropological assumptions grounded in the doctrine of original sin. Itself a widely contested dogma, in its Augustinian formulation it was closely connected with a soteriological perspective, that is, a defence of its status as a corollary of the doctrine that all human beings are equally in need of salvation in Jesus Christ. However, its use was never entirely disconnected from the purposes of theodicy and Christian apologetics striving to reconcile the existence of a benevolent and omnipotent God with the reality of evil and suffering in the world. It is this latter legacy – associated with the explanation of suffering and evil in the world but stripped of its salvific eschatological content – that is picked up by secularist theorisations of human nature which tend to reduce the paradox of original sin to the parody of man’s evil nature.Kyrgyzstan 2015 : a country adrift?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11691
In August 2015 Kyrgyzstan completed the accession process to the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Bishkek now firmly gravitates in Russia’s orbit. In October parliamentary elections returned a six-party national assembly, where the president, Almazbek Atambayev, could count on a strong pro-presidential power base, consisting of the «president’s party», the Social-Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan (SDPK), and the new «Kyrgyzstan» party. Suggesting that Kyrgyzstan is a country adrift might appear counter-intuitive. However, the impression resulting by an in-depth analysis is that the Central Asian country’s political system and society are presently floating, without trajectory or leadership. In fact, the government has been unable to resolve the never-ending controversy over the Kumtor gold mine. The authorities are also showing signs of preoccupation due to the threat posed by the Islamic State (IS). This being the situation, the chapter reviews two economic issues that largely shaped political and social developments in 2015: the first is the accession to the Eurasian Union and the effects that the economic crisis in Russia had on the Kyrgyz economy. The second is the turbulence surrounding Kumtor. Next, the chapter analyzes the results and effects of the October parliamentary elections. The remainder of the chapter focuses on some controversial legislative initiatives and concludes by discussing the threat posed by the IS to Kyrgyzstan.
Tue, 01 Mar 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/116912016-03-01T00:00:00ZFumagalli, MatteoIn August 2015 Kyrgyzstan completed the accession process to the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Bishkek now firmly gravitates in Russia’s orbit. In October parliamentary elections returned a six-party national assembly, where the president, Almazbek Atambayev, could count on a strong pro-presidential power base, consisting of the «president’s party», the Social-Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan (SDPK), and the new «Kyrgyzstan» party. Suggesting that Kyrgyzstan is a country adrift might appear counter-intuitive. However, the impression resulting by an in-depth analysis is that the Central Asian country’s political system and society are presently floating, without trajectory or leadership. In fact, the government has been unable to resolve the never-ending controversy over the Kumtor gold mine. The authorities are also showing signs of preoccupation due to the threat posed by the Islamic State (IS). This being the situation, the chapter reviews two economic issues that largely shaped political and social developments in 2015: the first is the accession to the Eurasian Union and the effects that the economic crisis in Russia had on the Kyrgyz economy. The second is the turbulence surrounding Kumtor. Next, the chapter analyzes the results and effects of the October parliamentary elections. The remainder of the chapter focuses on some controversial legislative initiatives and concludes by discussing the threat posed by the IS to Kyrgyzstan.Norms without the great powers: international law, nested social structures, and the ban on antipersonnel mineshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11597
In the past two decades, a series of major multilateral treaties were created in the absence of support—and often in the face of sustained opposition—from the United States and other emerging global leaders like China, India, and Russia. These institutions present a puzzle to prominent theories of IR because they fail to encompass predominantly powerful actors regarded as most consequential to the development and enforcement of international rules, raising questions as to their potential efficacy. This paper addresses the prospects for non-great power law in theoretical and empirical terms. I first draw on constructivist conceptions of international law as a social practice to demonstrate how multilateral treaties may generate powerful new social expectations and alter behavior even when they do not correspond to the prevailing distribution of material power in the international system. Treaties are embedded within an international social system composed of legal and non-legal elements, and these structural features generate social pressures that bear on formal members and non-parties alike. I then apply this account to an archetypal—and hard—case, the ban on antipersonnel mines. Contrary to skeptical assumptions, I demonstrate that the Mine Ban Treaty has instantiated a powerful new international social standard which has generated widespread behavioral change among treaty members—challenging accounts that emphasize enforcement by leading states—and non-parties including major military powers like the United States—challenging the view that great powers avoid new institutional developments not to their liking.
Tue, 01 Sep 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/115972015-09-01T00:00:00ZBower, Adam StephenIn the past two decades, a series of major multilateral treaties were created in the absence of support—and often in the face of sustained opposition—from the United States and other emerging global leaders like China, India, and Russia. These institutions present a puzzle to prominent theories of IR because they fail to encompass predominantly powerful actors regarded as most consequential to the development and enforcement of international rules, raising questions as to their potential efficacy. This paper addresses the prospects for non-great power law in theoretical and empirical terms. I first draw on constructivist conceptions of international law as a social practice to demonstrate how multilateral treaties may generate powerful new social expectations and alter behavior even when they do not correspond to the prevailing distribution of material power in the international system. Treaties are embedded within an international social system composed of legal and non-legal elements, and these structural features generate social pressures that bear on formal members and non-parties alike. I then apply this account to an archetypal—and hard—case, the ban on antipersonnel mines. Contrary to skeptical assumptions, I demonstrate that the Mine Ban Treaty has instantiated a powerful new international social standard which has generated widespread behavioral change among treaty members—challenging accounts that emphasize enforcement by leading states—and non-parties including major military powers like the United States—challenging the view that great powers avoid new institutional developments not to their liking.Dissonance and decision-making mistakes in the age of riskhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11510
Scholars of public and foreign policy have emphasized the role of decision processes in the creation of policy failures and fiascos and have demonstrated the importance that psychological factors play in policy mistakes. Using Ulrich Beck's notion of world risk society and drawing on advances in our understanding of a key psychological factor central to decision-making pathologies – cognitive dissonance – this contribution explores the ways in which features of the risk era could alter important decision dynamics and increase decision-making mistakes. In combination with the catastrophic potential of world risk society, this would suggest an increase in the frequency of policy-making fiascos. Bridging the gap between the ‘macro’ conditions of globalization and the ‘micro’ processes of decision-making also challenges our conception of both the nature and sources of policy-making mistakes and suggests that our scholarly understanding of ‘decision-making mistakes’ may need rethinking.
Thu, 18 Feb 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/115102016-02-18T00:00:00ZBeasley, RyanScholars of public and foreign policy have emphasized the role of decision processes in the creation of policy failures and fiascos and have demonstrated the importance that psychological factors play in policy mistakes. Using Ulrich Beck's notion of world risk society and drawing on advances in our understanding of a key psychological factor central to decision-making pathologies – cognitive dissonance – this contribution explores the ways in which features of the risk era could alter important decision dynamics and increase decision-making mistakes. In combination with the catastrophic potential of world risk society, this would suggest an increase in the frequency of policy-making fiascos. Bridging the gap between the ‘macro’ conditions of globalization and the ‘micro’ processes of decision-making also challenges our conception of both the nature and sources of policy-making mistakes and suggests that our scholarly understanding of ‘decision-making mistakes’ may need rethinking.Political resilience and EU responses to aviation terrorismhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11390
In this article, we examine how European authorities have responded to reported threats to aviation resulting from individual terrorist tactics. We do so by applying the notion of political resilience and drawing on Palonen’s “policy, polity, politicking, and politicization” model as well as on Malcolm Anderson’s concept of “politics of the latest outrage.” We argue that the European Union response to aviation terrorism has created polity transformation and generated a long list of new policies but has also in the process become politicized and subject of politicking, with some high-profile measures being criticized for having a deleterious impact on passengers’ rights.
Fri, 05 Feb 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/113902016-02-05T00:00:00ZArgomaniz, JavierLehr, PeterIn this article, we examine how European authorities have responded to reported threats to aviation resulting from individual terrorist tactics. We do so by applying the notion of political resilience and drawing on Palonen’s “policy, polity, politicking, and politicization” model as well as on Malcolm Anderson’s concept of “politics of the latest outrage.” We argue that the European Union response to aviation terrorism has created polity transformation and generated a long list of new policies but has also in the process become politicized and subject of politicking, with some high-profile measures being criticized for having a deleterious impact on passengers’ rights.Review of Evrigenis' Images of Anarchy. The Rhetoric and Science in Hobbes's State of Naturehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11300
Review of: Images of anarchy: the rhetoric and science in Hobbes’s state of nature, by Ioannis D. Evrigenis, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014, 309 pp., £60.00 (hardback), ISBN 978-0-5215-1372-2
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/113002016-01-01T00:00:00ZSlomp, GabriellaReview of: Images of anarchy: the rhetoric and science in Hobbes’s state of nature, by Ioannis D. Evrigenis, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2014, 309 pp., £60.00 (hardback), ISBN 978-0-5215-1372-2Introduction: : Independence, global entanglement and the co-production of sovereigntyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11290
This article introduces a special issue, exploring some of the themes that tie the articles together and relevant conceptual issues
Tue, 18 Jul 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/112902017-07-18T00:00:00ZFierke, K. M.This article introduces a special issue, exploring some of the themes that tie the articles together and relevant conceptual issuesThe erasure of race : cosmopolitanism and the illusion of Kantian hospitalityhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11176
This article explores three key arguments: Firstly, it seeks to demonstrate the contradictions and limits within Kantian hospitality, and its links to colonialism and practices of racialisation. The acclaimed universalism of Kant's law of hospitality forecloses a discussion of its dualism, and erases the historical, racist context in which it was conceived. The prioritization of concept over conception allows Kant's theory on race to be obscured from official discourse and framing of policies while it still courses through inherited perceptions and theories. Secondly, in making my case, I will be applying the notion of coloniality, coined by Aníbal Quijano and later developed by Walter Mignolo, to the existing but small body of critical discourse on Kant and race. Debates initiated on the peripheries of philosophy, law and anthropology in the 1990s have led the way in this regard. However, given the time that has elapsed, it is notable that their work has received little scrutiny in political theory and International Relations theory, and thus warrants renewed attention. I argue that the notion of coloniality provides a useful lens through which to do so, and a vehicle through which to apply those excavations to a contemporary context. Finally, the article explores the extent to which Kantian thought constitutes 'modern' cosmopolitanism, and draws attention to the inadvertently complicit role of second-generation cosmopolitans in the erasure of race from the study of Kant. The relationship between the collective erasure of race and racism in academia and European practice towards refugees and immigrants is briefly considered.
Thu, 01 Jun 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/111762017-06-01T00:00:00ZGani, J. K.This article explores three key arguments: Firstly, it seeks to demonstrate the contradictions and limits within Kantian hospitality, and its links to colonialism and practices of racialisation. The acclaimed universalism of Kant's law of hospitality forecloses a discussion of its dualism, and erases the historical, racist context in which it was conceived. The prioritization of concept over conception allows Kant's theory on race to be obscured from official discourse and framing of policies while it still courses through inherited perceptions and theories. Secondly, in making my case, I will be applying the notion of coloniality, coined by Aníbal Quijano and later developed by Walter Mignolo, to the existing but small body of critical discourse on Kant and race. Debates initiated on the peripheries of philosophy, law and anthropology in the 1990s have led the way in this regard. However, given the time that has elapsed, it is notable that their work has received little scrutiny in political theory and International Relations theory, and thus warrants renewed attention. I argue that the notion of coloniality provides a useful lens through which to do so, and a vehicle through which to apply those excavations to a contemporary context. Finally, the article explores the extent to which Kantian thought constitutes 'modern' cosmopolitanism, and draws attention to the inadvertently complicit role of second-generation cosmopolitans in the erasure of race from the study of Kant. The relationship between the collective erasure of race and racism in academia and European practice towards refugees and immigrants is briefly considered.The #LondonIsOpen campaign : desecuritizing Brexit?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11139
Faye Donnelly is a Lecturer in the School of International Relations at the University of St Andrews. She is the author of Securitization and the Iraq War: The Rules of Engagement in World Politics (Routledge, 2013). Her most recent article, ‘The Queen’s Speech: Desecuritizing the Past, Present and Future of Anglo-Irish Relations’ has been published in the European Journal of International Relations. Jasmine K. Gani is a Lecturer in the School of International Relations at the University of St Andrews. She is the author of The Role of Ideology in Syrian-US Relations: Conflict and Cooperation (Palgrave 2014). Her latest article, ‘The Erasure of Race: Cosmopolitanism and the Illusion of Kantian hospitality ’ is forthcoming in Millennium Journal of International Studies. She tweets @JKGani.
Wed, 21 Jun 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/111392017-06-21T00:00:00ZDonnelly, FayeGani, Jasmine Kamrun NaharThomas Hobbes and a chastened “global” constitution : the contested boundaries of the lawhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11118
Hobbes’ account of politics, law and obligation has long been read, especially by realists in international affairs, as leaving no space for international law or institutions. This paper argues that a more nuanced reading of Hobbes’ ideas about law and politics provides support for not only a defence of international law but a defence of a (chastened) global constitution. Hobbes’ constitutionalism does not derive from a separation or balance of powers but on two other elements of constitutionalism: the importance of the individual and the centrality of law. The paper proceeds as follows: The first section locates Hobbes theory of law in relation to his theory of authority, drawing on David Dyzenhaus’s emphasis on the rule of law in Hobbes. The second section draws on theorists such as Larry May to find a defence of international law and institutions, what I call international constitutionalism. The third section turns to Richard Flathman’s interpretation of Hobbes as a theorist of liberal self-making, suggesting how his insights can be applied globally. The conclusion brings these thoughts to bear on the relevance of Hobbes for global law and politics
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/111182016-01-01T00:00:00ZLang, AnthonyHobbes’ account of politics, law and obligation has long been read, especially by realists in international affairs, as leaving no space for international law or institutions. This paper argues that a more nuanced reading of Hobbes’ ideas about law and politics provides support for not only a defence of international law but a defence of a (chastened) global constitution. Hobbes’ constitutionalism does not derive from a separation or balance of powers but on two other elements of constitutionalism: the importance of the individual and the centrality of law. The paper proceeds as follows: The first section locates Hobbes theory of law in relation to his theory of authority, drawing on David Dyzenhaus’s emphasis on the rule of law in Hobbes. The second section draws on theorists such as Larry May to find a defence of international law and institutions, what I call international constitutionalism. The third section turns to Richard Flathman’s interpretation of Hobbes as a theorist of liberal self-making, suggesting how his insights can be applied globally. The conclusion brings these thoughts to bear on the relevance of Hobbes for global law and politicsHobbes on the making and unmaking of citizenshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11109
This article examines Thomas Hobbes’s views on legal citizenship in view of sovereign prerogative powers and the conditions of rule by law. It is argued that the authority of Hobbesian sovereigns includes the right to decide whether individuals be admitted as subjects of the state, or treated as public enemies. While Hobbes’s specific understanding of the legal status of citizens seems to be inapplicable today, it is suggested that he provides us with a broader perspective on the making and unmaking of citizens, which could be used to evaluate attempts to deprive terrorists or insurgents of their citizen rights. In Hobbes’s view, the sovereign does not only have a right to formally admit or exclude individuals, but also a duty to constitute them as citizens through civic education. Hence, it is ultimately the government’s responsibility if citizens turn into enemies of the state.
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/111092016-01-01T00:00:00ZJaede, MaximilianThis article examines Thomas Hobbes’s views on legal citizenship in view of sovereign prerogative powers and the conditions of rule by law. It is argued that the authority of Hobbesian sovereigns includes the right to decide whether individuals be admitted as subjects of the state, or treated as public enemies. While Hobbes’s specific understanding of the legal status of citizens seems to be inapplicable today, it is suggested that he provides us with a broader perspective on the making and unmaking of citizens, which could be used to evaluate attempts to deprive terrorists or insurgents of their citizen rights. In Hobbes’s view, the sovereign does not only have a right to formally admit or exclude individuals, but also a duty to constitute them as citizens through civic education. Hence, it is ultimately the government’s responsibility if citizens turn into enemies of the state.Thomas Hobbes: theorist of the lawhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11108
This short article introduces the papers that follow on the topic of Hobbes as a theorist of the law. It provides an overview of Hobbes reputation as a theorist of law in both domestic and international theory. The paper summarizes the papers that follow and suggest how they fit into the wider literature on Hobbes, legal theory, and constitutional theory.
Mon, 28 Dec 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/111082015-12-28T00:00:00ZLang, Anthony F.Slomp, GabriellaThis short article introduces the papers that follow on the topic of Hobbes as a theorist of the law. It provides an overview of Hobbes reputation as a theorist of law in both domestic and international theory. The paper summarizes the papers that follow and suggest how they fit into the wider literature on Hobbes, legal theory, and constitutional theory.Young people’s everyday securities : pre-emptive and pro-active strategies towards ontological security in Scotlandhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11095
This paper uses a framework of 'ontological security' to discuss the psychosocial strategies of self-securitisation employed by ethnic and religious minority young people in Scotland. We argue that broad discourses of securitisation are present in the everyday risks and threats that young people encounter. In response and as resistance young people employ pre-emptive and pro-active strategies to preserve ontological security. Yet, these strategies are fraught with ambivalence and contradiction as young people withdraw from social worlds or revert to essentialist positions when negotiating complex fears and anxieties. Drawing on feminist geographies of security the paper presents a multi-scalar empirical analysis of young people's everyday securities, connecting debates on youth and intimacy-geopolitics with the social and cultural geographies of young people, specifically work that focuses upon young people's negotiations of racialised, gendered and religious landscapes.
This work was supported by the Arts and Humanities Research Council [grant number AH/K000594/1].
Mon, 26 Jun 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/110952017-06-26T00:00:00ZBotterill, KateHopkins, PeterSanghera, Gurchathen SinghThis paper uses a framework of 'ontological security' to discuss the psychosocial strategies of self-securitisation employed by ethnic and religious minority young people in Scotland. We argue that broad discourses of securitisation are present in the everyday risks and threats that young people encounter. In response and as resistance young people employ pre-emptive and pro-active strategies to preserve ontological security. Yet, these strategies are fraught with ambivalence and contradiction as young people withdraw from social worlds or revert to essentialist positions when negotiating complex fears and anxieties. Drawing on feminist geographies of security the paper presents a multi-scalar empirical analysis of young people's everyday securities, connecting debates on youth and intimacy-geopolitics with the social and cultural geographies of young people, specifically work that focuses upon young people's negotiations of racialised, gendered and religious landscapes.The inconvenience of the legislator’s two persons and the role of good counsellorshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11073
I focus on Hobbes’s distinction between the natural and political persons embodied in one sovereign and show that, driven by their passions, ignorance, or bad judgement, rulers qua natural men may undermine the end they ought to pursue qua political actors, namely the protection of the well-being of the people. In particular, as legislators, they may make laws that are unnecessary, or that the people cannot endure, or that give rise to their impatience and discontent. I argue that in Hobbes’s argument, the notion of good counsel provides a safety net against bad commands being issued by rulers. I claim that the process of consultation of good counsellors is an essential component of Hobbes’s understanding of law-making. I suggest that the Hobbesian notions of counsel and counsellor provide a valuable framework to illuminate aspects of contemporary global law-making.
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/110732016-01-01T00:00:00ZSlomp, GabriellaI focus on Hobbes’s distinction between the natural and political persons embodied in one sovereign and show that, driven by their passions, ignorance, or bad judgement, rulers qua natural men may undermine the end they ought to pursue qua political actors, namely the protection of the well-being of the people. In particular, as legislators, they may make laws that are unnecessary, or that the people cannot endure, or that give rise to their impatience and discontent. I argue that in Hobbes’s argument, the notion of good counsel provides a safety net against bad commands being issued by rulers. I claim that the process of consultation of good counsellors is an essential component of Hobbes’s understanding of law-making. I suggest that the Hobbesian notions of counsel and counsellor provide a valuable framework to illuminate aspects of contemporary global law-making.Recasting South Asian securityhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/11048
Introduction to: New South Asian Security: Six Core Relations Underpinning Regional Security
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/110482016-01-01T00:00:00ZOgden, ChrisIntroduction to: New South Asian Security: Six Core Relations Underpinning Regional SecurityHindu nationalism and the evolution of contemporary Indian security : portents of powerhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10995
Thu, 23 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/109952014-01-23T00:00:00ZOgden, ChrisLocal (r)evolutions in Tunisia, 2011-2014: reconstructing municipal political authorityhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10895
In postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the reconstruction of political authority in the wake of regime change. Continuities of governance between the old and new regimes, the local emergence of new social and political actors, and the competition between new and old local actors, as well as between them and the central state, have challenged the authority of national institutions and elected officials. As national actors attempted to rein in local experiments with “direct democracy,” local politics generated resistance toward the Islamist-led Ennahda coalition.
Wed, 01 Jun 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/108952016-06-01T00:00:00ZVolpi, FredericMerone, FabioLoschi, ChiaraIn postrevolutionary Tunisia, local politics have played an important role in the reconstruction of political authority in the wake of regime change. Continuities of governance between the old and new regimes, the local emergence of new social and political actors, and the competition between new and old local actors, as well as between them and the central state, have challenged the authority of national institutions and elected officials. As national actors attempted to rein in local experiments with “direct democracy,” local politics generated resistance toward the Islamist-led Ennahda coalition.The mysterious case of Aafia Siddiqui : Gothic intertextual analysis of neo-Orientalist narrativeshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10758
When Aafia Siddiqui ‘disappeared’ from her upper-middle class life in Boston in 2003 due to accusations that she was involved in al Qaeda, competing narratives from the US government, media, and her family emerged striving to convince the American public of her guilt or innocence. These narratives were rooted in a gendered form of neo-Orientalism that informed and structured the War on Terror. The narratives, of innocent Soccer Mom, nefarious Lady al Qaeda, and mentally fragile Grey lady, sought to explain how a well-educated woman could possibly be involved with a terrorist organisation. This article uses intertextual analysis to draw parallels between Gothic literature and the Siddiqui narratives. Gothic literature’s dependency upon gendered unease is particularly evident in the Siddiqui narratives, which then reveal the uncertainties within the War on Terror, particularly those related to American exceptionalism.
Wed, 14 Sep 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/107582016-09-14T00:00:00ZGentry, Caron E.When Aafia Siddiqui ‘disappeared’ from her upper-middle class life in Boston in 2003 due to accusations that she was involved in al Qaeda, competing narratives from the US government, media, and her family emerged striving to convince the American public of her guilt or innocence. These narratives were rooted in a gendered form of neo-Orientalism that informed and structured the War on Terror. The narratives, of innocent Soccer Mom, nefarious Lady al Qaeda, and mentally fragile Grey lady, sought to explain how a well-educated woman could possibly be involved with a terrorist organisation. This article uses intertextual analysis to draw parallels between Gothic literature and the Siddiqui narratives. Gothic literature’s dependency upon gendered unease is particularly evident in the Siddiqui narratives, which then reveal the uncertainties within the War on Terror, particularly those related to American exceptionalism.Moral force in war : Clausewitz and hybrid warfarehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10739
Thu, 27 Oct 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/107392016-10-27T00:00:00ZScheipers, SibylleEpistemological failures : everyday terrorism in the westhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10691
This article attempts to problematize the disparate level of attention paid to similar violences globally, whereby violence against women in the developing world is seen as a security concern to the West and yet violence against women in the West is minimized or ignored. It will do this first by demonstrating that everyday violences, better known as everyday terrorism, in the West are subjugated knowledges within Terrorism Studies. To demonstrate this, Half the Sky, Sex and World Peace, and The Better Angels of Our Nature serve as exemplar texts that reflect Western exceptionalism and non-Western savagery, particularly within Muslim societies, and deflect from everyday terrorism within the West. This reifies the West as an exceptional savior and the non-West as a problematic savage. This piece looks to flip that reification on its head by recognizing that everyday terrorism happens everywhere and is not bound to non-Western identities.
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/106912016-01-01T00:00:00ZGentry, Caron EileenThis article attempts to problematize the disparate level of attention paid to similar violences globally, whereby violence against women in the developing world is seen as a security concern to the West and yet violence against women in the West is minimized or ignored. It will do this first by demonstrating that everyday violences, better known as everyday terrorism, in the West are subjugated knowledges within Terrorism Studies. To demonstrate this, Half the Sky, Sex and World Peace, and The Better Angels of Our Nature serve as exemplar texts that reflect Western exceptionalism and non-Western savagery, particularly within Muslim societies, and deflect from everyday terrorism within the West. This reifies the West as an exceptional savior and the non-West as a problematic savage. This piece looks to flip that reification on its head by recognizing that everyday terrorism happens everywhere and is not bound to non-Western identities.Winning wars without battles : hybrid warfare and other 'indirect' approaches in the history of strategic thoughthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10549
Title of complete working paper: Russia and Hybrid Warfare - Going Beyond the Label Editors: Bettina Renz, Hanna Smith. Project: “Russia and Hybrid Warfare: definitions, capabilities, scope and possible responses” report 1/2016. Funding: The Finnish Prime Minister’s Office, government’s analysis, assessments and research activities fund, http://vnk.fi/en/government-s-analysis-assessment-and-research-activities.
Fri, 01 Jan 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/105492016-01-01T00:00:00ZScheipers, SibylleFighting irregular fighters: Is the law of armed conflict outdated?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10542
The law of armed conflict has often been described as outdated and ill suited to military conflicts in the twenty-first century. Both academics and practitioners have argued that today’s wars tend to be asymmetric conflicts between states and nonstate actors, whereas the law of armed conflict was made with a view to symmetrical interstate war. This article challenges that notion.
Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/105422014-01-01T00:00:00ZScheipers, SibylleThe law of armed conflict has often been described as outdated and ill suited to military conflicts in the twenty-first century. Both academics and practitioners have argued that today’s wars tend to be asymmetric conflicts between states and nonstate actors, whereas the law of armed conflict was made with a view to symmetrical interstate war. This article challenges that notion.Auxiliaries at war in the Middle Easthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10540
If the West wants to contain or rout the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, it will have to rely on local allies in some way. The history of modern war suggests three ways in which such cooperation has previously been problematic.
Wed, 22 Jul 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/105402015-07-22T00:00:00ZScheipers, SibylleIf the West wants to contain or rout the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, it will have to rely on local allies in some way. The history of modern war suggests three ways in which such cooperation has previously been problematic.Trouble makers : Laura Poitras and the problem of dissenthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10538
This review article considers three works by the distinguished documentary film-maker Laura Poitras: My country, my country (2006); The oath (2010); and the recently released Citizenfour (2014), focusing on the whistle-blower Edward Snowden. Poitras describes these works as a trilogy about American power after 9/11, but they are also about disobedience and resistance, or the problem of dissent. The article argues for the significance (and the virtue) of Poitras's project, as film maker and troublemaker, and for the necessity of what Solzhenitsyn calls civil valour.
Fri, 27 Mar 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/105382015-03-27T00:00:00ZDanchev, AlexThis review article considers three works by the distinguished documentary film-maker Laura Poitras: My country, my country (2006); The oath (2010); and the recently released Citizenfour (2014), focusing on the whistle-blower Edward Snowden. Poitras describes these works as a trilogy about American power after 9/11, but they are also about disobedience and resistance, or the problem of dissent. The article argues for the significance (and the virtue) of Poitras's project, as film maker and troublemaker, and for the necessity of what Solzhenitsyn calls civil valour.‘Oh motherland I pledge to thee…’ : a study into nationalism, gender and the representation of an imagined family within national anthemshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10524
In this paper we aim to join feminist critiques of nationalism, arguing that beyond understanding nations as imagined communities (Anderson 1983: 6), the symbolic construction of gender must also be considered in the formation of those communities. We argue that the metaphor of an ‘imagined family’ or ‘filial community’ is a more useful concept towards understanding the links between gender and nationhood in four ways as family relations: 1) provide a clear, hierarchical structure, 2) prescribe social roles and responsibilities, 3) are linked to positive affective connotations and 4) reify social phenomena as biologically determined. In order to empirically substantiate our claim, we will explore the prevalence and use of family metaphors in a key symbol of nationhood discourses of nationhood. Through a qualitative analysis of national anthems as ‘mnemonics of national identity’, we demonstrate the widespread presence of family metaphors, discussing how they reproduce ideas of family and gender. Finally, we discuss how the ‘imagined family’ as present in anthems and other forms of national representation could inform future studies of nationalism and national politics.
Wed, 01 Apr 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/105242015-04-01T00:00:00ZLauenstein, OliverMurer, Jeffrey StevensonBoos, MargareteReicher, Stephen DavidIn this paper we aim to join feminist critiques of nationalism, arguing that beyond understanding nations as imagined communities (Anderson 1983: 6), the symbolic construction of gender must also be considered in the formation of those communities. We argue that the metaphor of an ‘imagined family’ or ‘filial community’ is a more useful concept towards understanding the links between gender and nationhood in four ways as family relations: 1) provide a clear, hierarchical structure, 2) prescribe social roles and responsibilities, 3) are linked to positive affective connotations and 4) reify social phenomena as biologically determined. In order to empirically substantiate our claim, we will explore the prevalence and use of family metaphors in a key symbol of nationhood discourses of nationhood. Through a qualitative analysis of national anthems as ‘mnemonics of national identity’, we demonstrate the widespread presence of family metaphors, discussing how they reproduce ideas of family and gender. Finally, we discuss how the ‘imagined family’ as present in anthems and other forms of national representation could inform future studies of nationalism and national politics.'The most beautiful of wars' : Carl von Clausewitz and small warshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10516
Carl von Clausewitz was both an avid analyst of small wars and people’s war and, during the wars of liberation, a practitioner of small war. While Clausewitz scholars have increasingly recognised the centrality of small wars for Clausewitz’s thought, the sources and inspirations of his writings on small wars have remained understudied. This article contextualises Clausewitz’s thought on small wars and people’s war in the tradition of German philosophical and aesthetic discourses around 1800. It shows how Clausewitz developed core concepts such as the integration of passion and reason and the idea of war in its ‘absolute perfection’ as a regulative ideal in the framework of his works on small wars and people’s war. Contextualising Clausewitz inevitably distances him from the twenty-first-century strategic context, but, as this article shows, it can help us to ask pertinent questions about the configuration of society, the armed forces and the government in today’s Western states.
Wed, 01 Feb 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/105162017-02-01T00:00:00ZScheipers, SibylleCarl von Clausewitz was both an avid analyst of small wars and people’s war and, during the wars of liberation, a practitioner of small war. While Clausewitz scholars have increasingly recognised the centrality of small wars for Clausewitz’s thought, the sources and inspirations of his writings on small wars have remained understudied. This article contextualises Clausewitz’s thought on small wars and people’s war in the tradition of German philosophical and aesthetic discourses around 1800. It shows how Clausewitz developed core concepts such as the integration of passion and reason and the idea of war in its ‘absolute perfection’ as a regulative ideal in the framework of his works on small wars and people’s war. Contextualising Clausewitz inevitably distances him from the twenty-first-century strategic context, but, as this article shows, it can help us to ask pertinent questions about the configuration of society, the armed forces and the government in today’s Western states.The Refugee Olympic Team at Rio 2016 : rallying around which flag?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10449
As the euphoria surrounding the inclusion of the Refugee Olympic Team at 2016 Rio fizzles out it is time that we look beyond the waving of flags
Fri, 10 Mar 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/104492017-03-10T00:00:00ZDonnelly, FayeSaunders, Natasha Emilie GeorginaAs the euphoria surrounding the inclusion of the Refugee Olympic Team at 2016 Rio fizzles out it is time that we look beyond the waving of flagsWhat can we learn about stellar activity cycles from ZDI?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10397
It is known that activity cycles, similar to the 11 year cycle of the Sun, can exist on other stars. Previous work suggests that stars may lie on two branches in a cycle period vs rotation period diagram though there is no definitive explanation for why this should be the case.Fundamentally, activity cycles occur as a result of the underlying dynamo. Indeed, a great deal has been learnt about the Sun's activity cycle by studying how its magnetic field evolves over each activity cycle. In the same way, we should be able to learn about the activity cycles of other stars by studying their magnetic field properties. In this talk, I will present new insights into stellar activity cycles by analysing the magnetic maps of stars that are known to present activity cycles. I will show that stars along each of the branches appear to have different magnetic field topologies.
Mon, 01 Aug 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/103972016-08-01T00:00:00ZSee, VictorJardine, M.Vidotto, A.Donati, J.-F.Boro Saikia, S.Bouvier, J.Fares, R.Folsom, C.Gregory, S.Hussain, G.Jeffers, S.Marsden, S.Morin, J.Moutou, C.do Nascimento, J. D.Petit, P.Waite, I.+BCool CollaborationIt is known that activity cycles, similar to the 11 year cycle of the Sun, can exist on other stars. Previous work suggests that stars may lie on two branches in a cycle period vs rotation period diagram though there is no definitive explanation for why this should be the case.Fundamentally, activity cycles occur as a result of the underlying dynamo. Indeed, a great deal has been learnt about the Sun's activity cycle by studying how its magnetic field evolves over each activity cycle. In the same way, we should be able to learn about the activity cycles of other stars by studying their magnetic field properties. In this talk, I will present new insights into stellar activity cycles by analysing the magnetic maps of stars that are known to present activity cycles. I will show that stars along each of the branches appear to have different magnetic field topologies.Encountering misrecognition : being mistaken for being Muslimhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10386
Exploring both debates about misrecognition and explorations of encounters, this paper focuses upon the experiences of ethnic and religious minority young people who are mistaken for being Muslim in Scotland. We explore experiences of encountering misrecognition, including young people’s understandings of, and responses to, such encounters. Recognising how racism and religious discrimination operate to marginalise people – and how people manage and respond to this – is crucial in the struggle for social justice. Our focus is upon young people from a diversity of ethnic and religious minority groups who are growing up in urban, suburban and rural Scotland, 382 of whom participated in 45 focus groups and 224 interviews. We found that young Sikhs, Hindus and other South Asian young people as well as Black and Caribbean young people were regularly mistaken for being Muslim. These encounters tended to take place at school, in taxis, at the airport and in public spaces. Our analysis points to a dynamic set of interconnected issues shaping young people’s experiences of misrecognition across a range of mediatised, geopoliticised and educational spaces. Geopolitical events and their representation in the media, the homogenisation of the South ‘Asian’ community and the lack of visibility offered to non-Muslim ethnic and religious minority groups all worked to construct our participants as ‘Muslims’. Young people demonstrated agency and creativity in handling and responding to these encounters including: using humour; clarifying their religious affiliation; social withdrawal and ignoring the situation. Redressing misrecognition requires institutional change in order to ensure parity of participation in society.
This research was supported by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (reference number AH/K000594/1).
Sun, 01 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/103862017-01-01T00:00:00ZHopkins, PeterBotterill, KatherineSanghera, GurchathenArshad, RowenaExploring both debates about misrecognition and explorations of encounters, this paper focuses upon the experiences of ethnic and religious minority young people who are mistaken for being Muslim in Scotland. We explore experiences of encountering misrecognition, including young people’s understandings of, and responses to, such encounters. Recognising how racism and religious discrimination operate to marginalise people – and how people manage and respond to this – is crucial in the struggle for social justice. Our focus is upon young people from a diversity of ethnic and religious minority groups who are growing up in urban, suburban and rural Scotland, 382 of whom participated in 45 focus groups and 224 interviews. We found that young Sikhs, Hindus and other South Asian young people as well as Black and Caribbean young people were regularly mistaken for being Muslim. These encounters tended to take place at school, in taxis, at the airport and in public spaces. Our analysis points to a dynamic set of interconnected issues shaping young people’s experiences of misrecognition across a range of mediatised, geopoliticised and educational spaces. Geopolitical events and their representation in the media, the homogenisation of the South ‘Asian’ community and the lack of visibility offered to non-Muslim ethnic and religious minority groups all worked to construct our participants as ‘Muslims’. Young people demonstrated agency and creativity in handling and responding to these encounters including: using humour; clarifying their religious affiliation; social withdrawal and ignoring the situation. Redressing misrecognition requires institutional change in order to ensure parity of participation in society.Legitimnost in relevantnost : Prihodnost mirovnih operacij Organizacije Zdruzenih Narodovhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10274
Peace operations are more than just an activity of the United Nations (UN), they symbolise what the organisation stands for. This contribution analyses past and recent trends in UN peacekeeping. It sees its transformations as a reflection of changes in the global order and a sign of the organisation’s legitimacy deficit. Major reforms of the UN and its peace operations are unlikely. The UN will therefore remain preoccupied with its own legitimacy and the relevance of its peace operations for contemporary conflicts. Parallel to this, we can expect the development of new ad hoc approaches to conflicts.
Mon, 04 Jul 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/102742016-07-04T00:00:00ZPeter, MatejaPeace operations are more than just an activity of the United Nations (UN), they symbolise what the organisation stands for. This contribution analyses past and recent trends in UN peacekeeping. It sees its transformations as a reflection of changes in the global order and a sign of the organisation’s legitimacy deficit. Major reforms of the UN and its peace operations are unlikely. The UN will therefore remain preoccupied with its own legitimacy and the relevance of its peace operations for contemporary conflicts. Parallel to this, we can expect the development of new ad hoc approaches to conflicts.The origins of transnational alliances: rulers, rebels, and political survival in the Congo Warshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10266
Despite their catastrophic proportions, the Congo Wars have received little attention from international relations scholars. At the heart of these conflicts were alliances between rebel groups and neighboring rulers. What are the origins of such transnational alliances, which have been a major feature of nearly all civil wars in post–Cold War Africa? Recent scholarship on external support for rebel groups does not offer a clear answer, either providing long lists of the goals that state sponsors may have or avoiding the question of motives altogether. A focus on political survival reveals that African rulers form alliances with rebels in nearby states to reduce the threats of rebellions and military coups that the rulers themselves face at home. Transnational alliances serve either to weaken a ruler's domestic enemies by undermining their foreign sponsors or to ensure the continued allegiance of key domestic supporters by providing them with opportunities for enrichment. Case studies of the alliance decisions made in the two Congo Wars by the rulers of Angola, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, and Zimbabwe show that their struggles for political survival account for why they sided either with their Congolese counterparts or with Congolese rebels.
Tue, 09 Aug 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/102662016-08-09T00:00:00ZTamm, HenningDespite their catastrophic proportions, the Congo Wars have received little attention from international relations scholars. At the heart of these conflicts were alliances between rebel groups and neighboring rulers. What are the origins of such transnational alliances, which have been a major feature of nearly all civil wars in post–Cold War Africa? Recent scholarship on external support for rebel groups does not offer a clear answer, either providing long lists of the goals that state sponsors may have or avoiding the question of motives altogether. A focus on political survival reveals that African rulers form alliances with rebels in nearby states to reduce the threats of rebellions and military coups that the rulers themselves face at home. Transnational alliances serve either to weaken a ruler's domestic enemies by undermining their foreign sponsors or to ensure the continued allegiance of key domestic supporters by providing them with opportunities for enrichment. Case studies of the alliance decisions made in the two Congo Wars by the rulers of Angola, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, and Zimbabwe show that their struggles for political survival account for why they sided either with their Congolese counterparts or with Congolese rebels.Transnationalism, social capital and gender – young Pakistani Muslim women in Bradford, UKhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10217
This article considers the relationship between transnationalism and social capital amongst young Pakistani Muslim women in Bradford, West Yorkshire. The central aim of the article is to explore how second generation Pakistani Muslim women accrue faith based social capital to negotiate and resist transnational gendered expectations, norms and practices. In particular, they use faith-based social capital that is transnationally informed: to challenge the patriarchal expectations and norms of their families; to gain access to higher/further education and thereby improve their life opportunities; and to resist growing anti-Muslim sentiment. This paper draws on qualitative research (in-depth interviews) conducted in Bradford
This work was funded by the Leverhulme Trust.
Sun, 08 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/102172017-01-08T00:00:00ZSanghera, Gurchathen SinghThapar-Bjorkert, SuruchiThis article considers the relationship between transnationalism and social capital amongst young Pakistani Muslim women in Bradford, West Yorkshire. The central aim of the article is to explore how second generation Pakistani Muslim women accrue faith based social capital to negotiate and resist transnational gendered expectations, norms and practices. In particular, they use faith-based social capital that is transnationally informed: to challenge the patriarchal expectations and norms of their families; to gain access to higher/further education and thereby improve their life opportunities; and to resist growing anti-Muslim sentiment. This paper draws on qualitative research (in-depth interviews) conducted in BradfordExploring symbolic violence in the everyday : misrecognition, condescension, consent and complicityhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10214
In this paper, we draw on Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of 'misrecognition', 'condescension' and 'consent and complicity' to demonstrate how domination and violence are reproduced in everyday interactions, social practices, institutional processes and dispositions. Importantly, this constitutes symbolic violence, which removes the victim's agency and voice. Indeed, we argue that as symbolic violence is impervious, insidious and invisible, it also simultaneously legitimises and sustains other forms of violence as well. Understanding symbolic violence together with traditional discourses of violence is important because it provides a richer insight into the 'workings' of violence, and provides new ways of conceptualising violence across a number of social fields and new strategies for intervention. Symbolic violence is a valuable tool for understanding contentious debates on the disclosure of violence, women leaving or staying in abusive relationships or returning to their abusers. While we focus only on violence against women, we recognise that the gendered nature of violence produces its own sets of vulnerabilities against men and marginalised groups, such as LGBT. The paper draws on empirical research conducted in Sweden in 2003. Sweden is an interesting case study because despite its progressive gender equality policies, there has been no marked decrease in violence towards women by men.
The empirical material for the article was collected during a project funded by FAS (now FORTE), the Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare.
Mon, 01 Feb 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/102142016-02-01T00:00:00ZThapar-Björkert, SuruchiSamelius, LottaSanghera, Gurchathen S.In this paper, we draw on Pierre Bourdieu's concepts of 'misrecognition', 'condescension' and 'consent and complicity' to demonstrate how domination and violence are reproduced in everyday interactions, social practices, institutional processes and dispositions. Importantly, this constitutes symbolic violence, which removes the victim's agency and voice. Indeed, we argue that as symbolic violence is impervious, insidious and invisible, it also simultaneously legitimises and sustains other forms of violence as well. Understanding symbolic violence together with traditional discourses of violence is important because it provides a richer insight into the 'workings' of violence, and provides new ways of conceptualising violence across a number of social fields and new strategies for intervention. Symbolic violence is a valuable tool for understanding contentious debates on the disclosure of violence, women leaving or staying in abusive relationships or returning to their abusers. While we focus only on violence against women, we recognise that the gendered nature of violence produces its own sets of vulnerabilities against men and marginalised groups, such as LGBT. The paper draws on empirical research conducted in Sweden in 2003. Sweden is an interesting case study because despite its progressive gender equality policies, there has been no marked decrease in violence towards women by men.Victims of terrorism and political violence : identity, needs, and service delivery in Northern Ireland and Great Britainhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10175
Terrorism and political violence exist fundamentally as communicative acts; inherently the acts themselves serve to inspire anxiety and fear. As the recipients of such a communicative act, victims of terrorism and political violence serve as the vehicle for the dissemination of these communications to both the intended and broader audiences. Their victimising experience is thus a complex interplay between a profound personal trauma and the political/communicative dimension of the attack. Given this complexity, this article addresses how victims’ needs are understood by victims of terrorism and political violence in both Northern Ireland (NI) and Great Britain (GB). Through engagement with practitioners, victims, survivors, and community activists, this article conceptualises the existing perceptions amongst these different groups regarding needs, the delivery of services to victims in NI and GB, and examines the origins of the different approaches. Results demonstrate that victims’ needs are highly context-dependent at a public level, but relate heavily to the experiences of other victims of terrorism and political violence at a private level.
This work was possible due to the support of the European Commission ‘‘Criminal Justice’’ (2007–2013) funding programme.
Sun, 01 Jan 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/101752017-01-01T00:00:00ZLynch, O.Argomaniz, J.Terrorism and political violence exist fundamentally as communicative acts; inherently the acts themselves serve to inspire anxiety and fear. As the recipients of such a communicative act, victims of terrorism and political violence serve as the vehicle for the dissemination of these communications to both the intended and broader audiences. Their victimising experience is thus a complex interplay between a profound personal trauma and the political/communicative dimension of the attack. Given this complexity, this article addresses how victims’ needs are understood by victims of terrorism and political violence in both Northern Ireland (NI) and Great Britain (GB). Through engagement with practitioners, victims, survivors, and community activists, this article conceptualises the existing perceptions amongst these different groups regarding needs, the delivery of services to victims in NI and GB, and examines the origins of the different approaches. Results demonstrate that victims’ needs are highly context-dependent at a public level, but relate heavily to the experiences of other victims of terrorism and political violence at a private level.The Tory party at prayer? The Church of England and British politics in the 1950s.http://hdl.handle.net/10023/10147
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/101472015-01-01T00:00:00ZAnderson, John PhilipFrom political friendship to befriending the worldhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10117
Political friendship is typically portrayed as a dyadic relationship. In this traditional model, friendship is conceived as a positive intersubjective experience of relation-to-self and relation-to-other, assuming the reciprocity and equality characteristic of symmetrical relations of recognition. This essay explores an alternative, triadic model of political friendship suggested by the work of Hannah Arendt. Arendt makes the claim, at odds with most modern accounts, that “politics is not so much about human beings as it is about the world that comes into being between them and endures beyond them.” I suggest that the dyadic model of political friendship is incomplete; a more adequate paradigm would foreground triadic relations of interest, concern and care for the phenomenal world itself, conceived as the quasi-objective intermediary of human artifice. As a “public thing,” a shared world is a necessary condition for intersubjective friendship and therefore is deserving of a properly political mode of acknowledgement and friendship in its own right.
Sat, 01 Aug 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/101172015-08-01T00:00:00ZHayden, PatrickPolitical friendship is typically portrayed as a dyadic relationship. In this traditional model, friendship is conceived as a positive intersubjective experience of relation-to-self and relation-to-other, assuming the reciprocity and equality characteristic of symmetrical relations of recognition. This essay explores an alternative, triadic model of political friendship suggested by the work of Hannah Arendt. Arendt makes the claim, at odds with most modern accounts, that “politics is not so much about human beings as it is about the world that comes into being between them and endures beyond them.” I suggest that the dyadic model of political friendship is incomplete; a more adequate paradigm would foreground triadic relations of interest, concern and care for the phenomenal world itself, conceived as the quasi-objective intermediary of human artifice. As a “public thing,” a shared world is a necessary condition for intersubjective friendship and therefore is deserving of a properly political mode of acknowledgement and friendship in its own right.Feminist Christian realism : vulnerability, obligation, and power politicshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10079
While Christianity and feminism may seem at odds with one another, both make normative claims about justice and addressing the needs of those on the margins of power. This paper explores what feminism contributes to Christian realism. The current revival of Niebuhrian Christian realism highlights how much it still has to offer as a theoretical underpinning for policy and governance. However, Christian realism remains wedded to masculinist abstractions and power structures, such as the balance of power, that are ultimately harmful to those on the margins. Thus, this paper uses feminism to argue for a greater acceptance of vulnerability and obligation in Christian realism.
Date of Acceptance: 11/09/2014
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/100792015-01-01T00:00:00ZGentry, Caron EileenWhile Christianity and feminism may seem at odds with one another, both make normative claims about justice and addressing the needs of those on the margins of power. This paper explores what feminism contributes to Christian realism. The current revival of Niebuhrian Christian realism highlights how much it still has to offer as a theoretical underpinning for policy and governance. However, Christian realism remains wedded to masculinist abstractions and power structures, such as the balance of power, that are ultimately harmful to those on the margins. Thus, this paper uses feminism to argue for a greater acceptance of vulnerability and obligation in Christian realism.Nature and artifice in Hobbes’s international political thoughthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/10031
This article argues that the artificiality of Hobbesian states facilitates their coexistence and reconciliation. In particular, it is suggested that international relations may be characterised by an artificial equality, which has a contrary effect to the natural equality of human beings. Unlike individuals in the state of nature, sovereigns are not compelled to wage war out of fear and distrust, but have prudential reasons to exercise self-restraint in warfare. Ultimately rulers serve as disposable figureheads who can be replaced by a foreign invader. Thus, this article highlights the implications of Hobbes’s views on sovereignty by acquisition, which allow for states to be decomposed and reassembled in order to re-establish lasting peace. It is concluded that these findings help to explain why Hobbes does not provide something akin to modern theories of international relations, as foreign affairs appear to be reducible to a matter of either prudence or political philosophy.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/100312015-01-01T00:00:00ZJaede, MaximilianThis article argues that the artificiality of Hobbesian states facilitates their coexistence and reconciliation. In particular, it is suggested that international relations may be characterised by an artificial equality, which has a contrary effect to the natural equality of human beings. Unlike individuals in the state of nature, sovereigns are not compelled to wage war out of fear and distrust, but have prudential reasons to exercise self-restraint in warfare. Ultimately rulers serve as disposable figureheads who can be replaced by a foreign invader. Thus, this article highlights the implications of Hobbes’s views on sovereignty by acquisition, which allow for states to be decomposed and reassembled in order to re-establish lasting peace. It is concluded that these findings help to explain why Hobbes does not provide something akin to modern theories of international relations, as foreign affairs appear to be reducible to a matter of either prudence or political philosophy.The sectarian revolution in the Middle Easthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9988
This paper seeks to explain the dramatic rise of sectarianism in the Middle East. It distinguishes types of sectarianism and their drivers; looks at the rapid diffusion of sectarianism across the region, and analyses its impact on the stability of fragile states, its implications for forms of governance and its effect on the regional power struggle and the stability of the regional states system.
Sun, 18 Dec 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/99882016-12-18T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondThis paper seeks to explain the dramatic rise of sectarianism in the Middle East. It distinguishes types of sectarianism and their drivers; looks at the rapid diffusion of sectarianism across the region, and analyses its impact on the stability of fragile states, its implications for forms of governance and its effect on the regional power struggle and the stability of the regional states system.Explaining extremity in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracieshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9917
Why do multiparty cabinets in parliamentary democracies produce more extreme foreign policies than single-party cabinets? Our paper argues that particular institutional and psychological dynamics explain this difference. We test this argument using a global events data set incorporating foreign policy behaviors of numerous multiparty and single-party governments. We find that more parties and weak parliaments promote extremity in coalitions, but parliamentary strength has the opposite effect for single-party governments. This study challenges existing expectations about the impact of democratic institutions on foreign policy.
Mon, 01 Dec 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/99172014-12-01T00:00:00ZBeasley, Ryan K.Kaarbo, JulietWhy do multiparty cabinets in parliamentary democracies produce more extreme foreign policies than single-party cabinets? Our paper argues that particular institutional and psychological dynamics explain this difference. We test this argument using a global events data set incorporating foreign policy behaviors of numerous multiparty and single-party governments. We find that more parties and weak parliaments promote extremity in coalitions, but parliamentary strength has the opposite effect for single-party governments. This study challenges existing expectations about the impact of democratic institutions on foreign policy.The energy budget of stellar magnetic fields : comparing non-potential simulations and observationshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9869
The magnetic geometry of the surface magnetic fields of more than 55 cool stars have now been mapped using spectropolarimetry. In order to better understand these observations, we compare the magnetic fieldt opology at different surface scale sizes of observed and simulated cool stars. For ease of comparison between the high-resolution non-potential magnetofrictional simulations and the relatively low-resolution observations, we filter out the small-scale field in the simulations using a spherical harmonics decomposition. We show that the large-scalefield topologies of the solar-based simulations produce values of poloidal/toroidal fields and fractions of energy in axisymmetric modes that are similar to the observations. These global non-potential evolution model simulations capture key magnetic features of the observed solar-like stars through the processes of surface flux transport and magnetic flux emergence. They do not, however, reproduce the magnetic field of M-dwarfs or stars with dominantly toroidal field.Furthermore, we analyse the magnetic field topologies of individual spherical harmonics for the simulations and discover that the dipole is predominately poloidal, while the quadrupole shows the highest fraction of toroidal fields. Magnetic field structures smaller than a quadrupole display a fixed ratio between the poloidal and toroidal magnetic energies.
LTL acknowledges support from the Scottish Universities Physics Alliance (SUPA) prize studentship and the University of St Andrews Higgs studentship. MMJ and VS acknowledge a Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) postdoctoral fellowship.
Tue, 21 Mar 2017 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/98692017-03-21T00:00:00ZLehmann, L. T.Jardine, M. M.Vidotto, A. A.Mackay, D. H.See, V.Donati, J.-F.Folsom, C. P.Jeffers, S. V.Marsden, S. C.Morin, J.Petit, P.The magnetic geometry of the surface magnetic fields of more than 55 cool stars have now been mapped using spectropolarimetry. In order to better understand these observations, we compare the magnetic fieldt opology at different surface scale sizes of observed and simulated cool stars. For ease of comparison between the high-resolution non-potential magnetofrictional simulations and the relatively low-resolution observations, we filter out the small-scale field in the simulations using a spherical harmonics decomposition. We show that the large-scalefield topologies of the solar-based simulations produce values of poloidal/toroidal fields and fractions of energy in axisymmetric modes that are similar to the observations. These global non-potential evolution model simulations capture key magnetic features of the observed solar-like stars through the processes of surface flux transport and magnetic flux emergence. They do not, however, reproduce the magnetic field of M-dwarfs or stars with dominantly toroidal field.Furthermore, we analyse the magnetic field topologies of individual spherical harmonics for the simulations and discover that the dipole is predominately poloidal, while the quadrupole shows the highest fraction of toroidal fields. Magnetic field structures smaller than a quadrupole display a fixed ratio between the poloidal and toroidal magnetic energies.Casting for a sovereign role : socialising an aspirant state in the Scottish independence referendumhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9849
This paper examines international reactions to Scotland’s 2014 bid for independence as an instance of socialisation of an aspirant state, what we term 'pre-socialisation'. Building on and contributing to research on state socialization and role theory, this study proposes a nexus between roles and sovereignty. This nexus has three components – sovereignty itself is a role casted for by an actor, the sovereign role is entangled with substantive foreign policy roles the actor might play, and the sovereign role implicates the substantive foreign policy roles of other actors. The Scottish debate on independence provides an effective laboratory to develop and explore these theoretical dimensions of pre-socialization, revealing the contested value and meaning of sovereignty, the possible roles an independent Scotland could play, and the projected implications for the role of the UK and other international actors. Our analysis of the Scottish case can provide insights for other cases of pre-­socialisation and is more empirically significant following the UK’s 2016 referendum to leave the European Union.
Thu, 01 Mar 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/98492018-03-01T00:00:00ZBeasley, Ryan K.Kaarbo, JulietThis paper examines international reactions to Scotland’s 2014 bid for independence as an instance of socialisation of an aspirant state, what we term 'pre-socialisation'. Building on and contributing to research on state socialization and role theory, this study proposes a nexus between roles and sovereignty. This nexus has three components – sovereignty itself is a role casted for by an actor, the sovereign role is entangled with substantive foreign policy roles the actor might play, and the sovereign role implicates the substantive foreign policy roles of other actors. The Scottish debate on independence provides an effective laboratory to develop and explore these theoretical dimensions of pre-socialization, revealing the contested value and meaning of sovereignty, the possible roles an independent Scotland could play, and the projected implications for the role of the UK and other international actors. Our analysis of the Scottish case can provide insights for other cases of pre-­socialisation and is more empirically significant following the UK’s 2016 referendum to leave the European Union.The sectarianization of the Middle East : transnational identity wars and competitive interferencehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9840
What explains the rapid diffusion and apparent hegemony of sectarian discourse and practices across the MENA region? This paper will survey the accumulation of factors behind the sectarian surge and on that basis will argue that it is chiefly the outcome of the state failures brought about by the Arab spring: first, state failures have greatly intensified power struggles within states and across the region in which sectarianism has been instrumentalized; secondly such failures have greatly intensified the pre-existing permeability of states, thereby greatly amplifying mechanisms of diffusion, from emulation to intervention.
Wed, 24 Aug 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/98402016-08-24T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondWhat explains the rapid diffusion and apparent hegemony of sectarian discourse and practices across the MENA region? This paper will survey the accumulation of factors behind the sectarian surge and on that basis will argue that it is chiefly the outcome of the state failures brought about by the Arab spring: first, state failures have greatly intensified power struggles within states and across the region in which sectarianism has been instrumentalized; secondly such failures have greatly intensified the pre-existing permeability of states, thereby greatly amplifying mechanisms of diffusion, from emulation to intervention.Lost for Words : Responding to the Kunduz Bombingshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9827
Fri, 05 Aug 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/98272016-08-05T00:00:00ZDonnelly, FayeAnxiety and the creation of the scapegoated otherhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9694
This article examines how anxiety saturates the neo-Orientalist driven thesis of new terrorism, especially in how both anxiety and new terrorism are related to the unknown. Of particular importance is the description of al Qaeda as an amorphous and thus unknowable threat by Western academics and the media, which reifies the discursive neo-Orientalist binary of the West versus Islam. Scholars of International Relations are increasingly engaging with emotions and their impact on binary and hierarchical structures. Emotions operate relationally as they are the articulation of affect. The emotions discursively constitute identity and community structures, helping to inform ideas of self and other. The more specific study of anxiety reveals similarities, but anxiety also operates differently from other emotions as it is focused on future potentialities. Thus, terrorism and anxiety are co-constitutive in their conceptual dependency on futurity and uncertainty that sustain the neo-Orientalist binary.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/96942015-01-01T00:00:00ZGentry, Caron EileenThis article examines how anxiety saturates the neo-Orientalist driven thesis of new terrorism, especially in how both anxiety and new terrorism are related to the unknown. Of particular importance is the description of al Qaeda as an amorphous and thus unknowable threat by Western academics and the media, which reifies the discursive neo-Orientalist binary of the West versus Islam. Scholars of International Relations are increasingly engaging with emotions and their impact on binary and hierarchical structures. Emotions operate relationally as they are the articulation of affect. The emotions discursively constitute identity and community structures, helping to inform ideas of self and other. The more specific study of anxiety reveals similarities, but anxiety also operates differently from other emotions as it is focused on future potentialities. Thus, terrorism and anxiety are co-constitutive in their conceptual dependency on futurity and uncertainty that sustain the neo-Orientalist binary.Islamism and the state after the Arab uprisings : between people power and state powerhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9561
This paper examines the trajectories of different Islamist trends in the light of the Arab uprisings. It proposes a distinction between statist and non-statist Islamism to help understand the multiplicity of interactions between Islamists and the state, particularly after 2011. It is outlined how statist Islamists (Islamist parties principally) can contribute to the stabilization and democratization of the state when their interactions with other social and political actors facilitate consensus building in national politics. By contrast when these interactions are conflictual, it has a detrimental impact on both the statist Islamists, and the possibility of democratic politics at the national level. Non statist-Islamists (from quietist salafi to armed jihadi) who prioritize the religious community over national politics are directly impacted by the interactions between statist Islamists and the state, and generally tend to benefit from the failure to build a consensus over democratic national politics. Far more than nationally-grounded statist Islamists, non-statist Islamists shape and are shaped by the regional dynamics on the Arab uprisings and the international and transnational relations between the different countries and conflict areas of the Middle East. The Arab uprisings and their aftermath reshaped pre-existing national and international dynamics of confrontation and collaboration between Islamists and the state, and between statist and non-statists Islamists, for better (Tunisia) and for worse (Egypt).
The authors would like to thank the Arts and Humanities Research Council for facilitating the research for this article through their support of the research network People Power versus State Power of the Centre for the Advanced Study of the Arab World.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/95612015-01-01T00:00:00ZVolpi, FredericStein, E.This paper examines the trajectories of different Islamist trends in the light of the Arab uprisings. It proposes a distinction between statist and non-statist Islamism to help understand the multiplicity of interactions between Islamists and the state, particularly after 2011. It is outlined how statist Islamists (Islamist parties principally) can contribute to the stabilization and democratization of the state when their interactions with other social and political actors facilitate consensus building in national politics. By contrast when these interactions are conflictual, it has a detrimental impact on both the statist Islamists, and the possibility of democratic politics at the national level. Non statist-Islamists (from quietist salafi to armed jihadi) who prioritize the religious community over national politics are directly impacted by the interactions between statist Islamists and the state, and generally tend to benefit from the failure to build a consensus over democratic national politics. Far more than nationally-grounded statist Islamists, non-statist Islamists shape and are shaped by the regional dynamics on the Arab uprisings and the international and transnational relations between the different countries and conflict areas of the Middle East. The Arab uprisings and their aftermath reshaped pre-existing national and international dynamics of confrontation and collaboration between Islamists and the state, and between statist and non-statists Islamists, for better (Tunisia) and for worse (Egypt).Back to the future : the Arab uprisings and state (re) formation in the Arab worldhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9560
This article contributes to debates that aim to go beyond the “democratization” and “post-democratization” paradigms to understand change and continuity in Arab politics. In tune with calls to focus on the actualities of political dynamics, the article shows that the literatures on State Formation and Contentious Politics provide useful theoretical tools to understand change/continuity in Arab politics. It does so by examining the impact of the latest Arab uprisings on state formation trajectories in Iraq and Syria. The uprisings have aggravated a process of regime erosion – which originated in post-colonial state-building attempts – by mobilizing sectarian and ethnic identities and exposing the counties to geo-political rivalries and intervention, giving rise to trans-border movements, such as ISIS. The resulting state fragmentation has obstructed democratic transition in Syria and constrained its consolidation in Iraq.
Date of Acceptance: 09/01/2015
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/95602015-01-01T00:00:00ZSaouli, AdhamThis article contributes to debates that aim to go beyond the “democratization” and “post-democratization” paradigms to understand change and continuity in Arab politics. In tune with calls to focus on the actualities of political dynamics, the article shows that the literatures on State Formation and Contentious Politics provide useful theoretical tools to understand change/continuity in Arab politics. It does so by examining the impact of the latest Arab uprisings on state formation trajectories in Iraq and Syria. The uprisings have aggravated a process of regime erosion – which originated in post-colonial state-building attempts – by mobilizing sectarian and ethnic identities and exposing the counties to geo-political rivalries and intervention, giving rise to trans-border movements, such as ISIS. The resulting state fragmentation has obstructed democratic transition in Syria and constrained its consolidation in Iraq.Conclusion : agency, context and emergent post-uprising regimeshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9548
This conclusion summarizes the evidence explaining the divergent trajectories taken by post Arab uprising states in terms of multiple variables, each illustrated by an iconic case, namely: State Failure and Competitive governance (Syria), Regime Restoration and Hybrid Governance (Egypt) and Polyarchic Governance (Tunisia). Factors include the starting point: levels of opposition mobilization and regimes' resilience – a function of their patrimonial-bureaucratic balance; whether or not a transition coalition forms is crucial for democratization prospects. Context also matters for democratization, particularly political economic factors, such as a balance of class power and a productive economy; political culture (level of societal identity cleavages) and a minimum of international intervention. Finally, the balance of agency between democracy movements, Islamists, the military and workers shapes democratization prospects.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/95482015-01-01T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondThis conclusion summarizes the evidence explaining the divergent trajectories taken by post Arab uprising states in terms of multiple variables, each illustrated by an iconic case, namely: State Failure and Competitive governance (Syria), Regime Restoration and Hybrid Governance (Egypt) and Polyarchic Governance (Tunisia). Factors include the starting point: levels of opposition mobilization and regimes' resilience – a function of their patrimonial-bureaucratic balance; whether or not a transition coalition forms is crucial for democratization prospects. Context also matters for democratization, particularly political economic factors, such as a balance of class power and a productive economy; political culture (level of societal identity cleavages) and a minimum of international intervention. Finally, the balance of agency between democracy movements, Islamists, the military and workers shapes democratization prospects.Globalization, democratization, and the Arab Uprising : the international factor in MENA's failed democratizationhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9547
What explains the almost negative impact of international factors on post-Uprising democratization prospects? This article compares the utility of rival “diffusionist” and neo-Gramscian political economy frames to explain this. Three international factors deter democratization. The failure of Western democracy promotion is rooted in the contradiction between the dominance of global finance capital and the norm of democratic equality; in the periphery, neo-liberalism is most compatible with hybrid regimes and, at best, “low intensity democracy.” In MENA, neo-liberalism generated a crony capitalism incompatible with democratization; while this also sparked the uprisings, these have failed to address class inequalities. Moreover at the normative level, MENA hosts the most credible counter-hegemonic ideologies; the brief peaking of democratic ideology in the region during the early uprisings soon declined amidst regional discourse wars. Non-democrats—coercive regime remnants and radical charismatic movements--were empowered by the competitive interference of rival powers in Uprising states. The collapse of many Uprising states amidst a struggle for power over the region left an environment uncongenial to democratization.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/95472015-01-01T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondWhat explains the almost negative impact of international factors on post-Uprising democratization prospects? This article compares the utility of rival “diffusionist” and neo-Gramscian political economy frames to explain this. Three international factors deter democratization. The failure of Western democracy promotion is rooted in the contradiction between the dominance of global finance capital and the norm of democratic equality; in the periphery, neo-liberalism is most compatible with hybrid regimes and, at best, “low intensity democracy.” In MENA, neo-liberalism generated a crony capitalism incompatible with democratization; while this also sparked the uprisings, these have failed to address class inequalities. Moreover at the normative level, MENA hosts the most credible counter-hegemonic ideologies; the brief peaking of democratic ideology in the region during the early uprisings soon declined amidst regional discourse wars. Non-democrats—coercive regime remnants and radical charismatic movements--were empowered by the competitive interference of rival powers in Uprising states. The collapse of many Uprising states amidst a struggle for power over the region left an environment uncongenial to democratization.Introduction: understanding the consequences of the Arab uprisings – starting points and divergent trajectorieshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9546
This introduction sets the context for the following articles by first conceptualizing the divergent post-uprising trajectories taken by varying states: these are distinguished first by whether state capacity collapses or persists, and if it persists, whether the outcome is a hybrid regime or polyarchy. It then assesses how far starting points – the features of the regime and of the uprising – explain these pathways. Specifically, the varying levels of anti-regime mobilization, explained by factors such as levels of grievances, patterns of cleavages, and opportunity structure, determine whether rulers are quickly removed or stalemate sets in. Additionally, the ability of regime and opposition softliners to reach a transition pact greatly shapes democratic prospects. But, also important is the capacity – coercive and co-optative – of the authoritarian rulers to resist, itself a function of factors such as the balance between the patrimonial and bureaucratic features of neo-patrimonial regimes.
Sun, 01 Mar 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/95462015-03-01T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondThis introduction sets the context for the following articles by first conceptualizing the divergent post-uprising trajectories taken by varying states: these are distinguished first by whether state capacity collapses or persists, and if it persists, whether the outcome is a hybrid regime or polyarchy. It then assesses how far starting points – the features of the regime and of the uprising – explain these pathways. Specifically, the varying levels of anti-regime mobilization, explained by factors such as levels of grievances, patterns of cleavages, and opportunity structure, determine whether rulers are quickly removed or stalemate sets in. Additionally, the ability of regime and opposition softliners to reach a transition pact greatly shapes democratic prospects. But, also important is the capacity – coercive and co-optative – of the authoritarian rulers to resist, itself a function of factors such as the balance between the patrimonial and bureaucratic features of neo-patrimonial regimes.Al-Qaeda and the rise of ISIShttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9532
Ayman al-Zawahiri and his allies have focused on the excessive violence perpetrated by ISIS, and sought to present al-Qaeda as a more moderate alternative.
Wed, 01 Apr 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/95322015-04-01T00:00:00ZHolbrook, DonaldAyman al-Zawahiri and his allies have focused on the excessive violence perpetrated by ISIS, and sought to present al-Qaeda as a more moderate alternative.Securing disunion: young people’s nationalism, identities and (in)securities in the campaign for an independent Scotlandhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9529
This paper explores ethnic and religious minority youth perspectives of security and nationalism in Scotland during the independence campaign in 2014. We discuss how young people co-construct narratives of Scottish nationalism alongside minority ethnic and faith identities in order to feel secure. By critically combining literatures from feminist geopolitics,international relations (IR) and children’s emotional geographies, we employ the concept of‘ontological security’. The paper departs from state-centric approaches to security to explore the relational entanglements between geopolitical discourses and the ontological security of young people living through a moment of political change. We examine how everyday encounters with difference can reflect broader geopolitical narratives of security and insecurity, which subsequently trouble notions of ‘multicultural nationalism’ in Scotland and demonstrate ways that youth ‘securitize the self’ (Kinnvall, 2004). The paper responds to calls for empirical analyses of youth perspectives on nationalism and security (Benwell,2016) and on the nexus between security and emotional subjectivity in critical geopolitics(Pain, 2009; Shaw et al., 2014). Funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council(AHRC), this paper draws on focus group and interview data from 382 ethnic and religious minority young people in Scotland collected over the 12-month period of the campaign.
This work was supported by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (grant number AH/K000594/1).
Tue, 01 Nov 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/95292016-11-01T00:00:00ZBotterill, KatherineHopkins, PeterSanghera, Gurchathen SinghArshad, RowenaThis paper explores ethnic and religious minority youth perspectives of security and nationalism in Scotland during the independence campaign in 2014. We discuss how young people co-construct narratives of Scottish nationalism alongside minority ethnic and faith identities in order to feel secure. By critically combining literatures from feminist geopolitics,international relations (IR) and children’s emotional geographies, we employ the concept of‘ontological security’. The paper departs from state-centric approaches to security to explore the relational entanglements between geopolitical discourses and the ontological security of young people living through a moment of political change. We examine how everyday encounters with difference can reflect broader geopolitical narratives of security and insecurity, which subsequently trouble notions of ‘multicultural nationalism’ in Scotland and demonstrate ways that youth ‘securitize the self’ (Kinnvall, 2004). The paper responds to calls for empirical analyses of youth perspectives on nationalism and security (Benwell,2016) and on the nexus between security and emotional subjectivity in critical geopolitics(Pain, 2009; Shaw et al., 2014). Funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council(AHRC), this paper draws on focus group and interview data from 382 ethnic and religious minority young people in Scotland collected over the 12-month period of the campaign.A critical analysis of the role of the internet in the preparation and planning of acts of terrorismhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9486
The purpose of this paper is to offer a critical assessment of the way in which the internet and online material features as part of the process individuals embark on to plan acts of terrorism. The paper begins by evaluating concepts used to describe the role of the internet in the context of terrorism and political violence before analysing a single case study in detail in order to explore particular nuances that emerge which shed light on the relationship between perpetrator on the one hand and online content and behaviour on the other. The case study, in turn, is developed into a conceptual appraisal of terrorist use of the internet. The paper concludes by exploring the important distinction between the “theoretical” application of online learning as set out in terrorist propaganda and the hurdles that individuals face in practice.
Tue, 01 Sep 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/94862015-09-01T00:00:00ZHolbrook, DonaldThe purpose of this paper is to offer a critical assessment of the way in which the internet and online material features as part of the process individuals embark on to plan acts of terrorism. The paper begins by evaluating concepts used to describe the role of the internet in the context of terrorism and political violence before analysing a single case study in detail in order to explore particular nuances that emerge which shed light on the relationship between perpetrator on the one hand and online content and behaviour on the other. The case study, in turn, is developed into a conceptual appraisal of terrorist use of the internet. The paper concludes by exploring the important distinction between the “theoretical” application of online learning as set out in terrorist propaganda and the hurdles that individuals face in practice.Security assistance in Africa: the case for morehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9404
This article argues that political tampering with military recruitment and promotion practices, especially the construction and dismantling of ethnically based armies, has led African militaries to intervene in politics and block or reverse democratization efforts. The entrenchment of politically insulated, merit-based military institutions is thus necessary to deepen democracy in Africa. The U.S. can assist by offering protection, training, and financial incentives to encourage reform.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/94042015-01-01T00:00:00ZHarkness, KristenThis article argues that political tampering with military recruitment and promotion practices, especially the construction and dismantling of ethnically based armies, has led African militaries to intervene in politics and block or reverse democratization efforts. The entrenchment of politically insulated, merit-based military institutions is thus necessary to deepen democracy in Africa. The U.S. can assist by offering protection, training, and financial incentives to encourage reform.The ethnic army and the state: explaining coup traps and the difficulties of democratization in Africahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9391
Military coups have posed a persistent threat to political stability in Africa, undermining democratization efforts, igniting insurgencies, and leading to years of devastating military governance. Initial cross-national studies found little consistent evidence linking ethnicity to coups, leading recent formal and statistical work on coup risk and coup-proofing to largely ignore ethnic politics. This article, however, argues that in two important contexts of African political development—decolonization and democratization—ethnic politics are critical to understanding the occurrence of coups. Both case study evidence and statistical analysis of original data on African military history and ethnic politics reveal that practices of ethnic manipulation within security institutions have driven coup attempts. When leaders attempt to build ethnic armies, or dismantle those created by their predecessors, they provoke violent resistance from military officers.
The author would like to acknowledge the Bobst Center for Peace and Justice, the Princeton Institute for International and Regional Studies, and the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies for financial support during the research and writing of this article.
Wed, 01 Jun 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/93912016-06-01T00:00:00ZHarkness, KristenMilitary coups have posed a persistent threat to political stability in Africa, undermining democratization efforts, igniting insurgencies, and leading to years of devastating military governance. Initial cross-national studies found little consistent evidence linking ethnicity to coups, leading recent formal and statistical work on coup risk and coup-proofing to largely ignore ethnic politics. This article, however, argues that in two important contexts of African political development—decolonization and democratization—ethnic politics are critical to understanding the occurrence of coups. Both case study evidence and statistical analysis of original data on African military history and ethnic politics reveal that practices of ethnic manipulation within security institutions have driven coup attempts. When leaders attempt to build ethnic armies, or dismantle those created by their predecessors, they provoke violent resistance from military officers.Military maladaptation: counterinsurgency and the politics of failurehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9390
Tactical learning is critical to battlefield success, especially in a counterinsurgency. This article tests the existing model of military adaption against a ‘most-likely’ case: the British Army’s counterinsurgency in the Southern Cameroons (1960–61). Despite meeting all preconditions thought to enable adaptation – decentralization, leadership turnover, supportive leadership, poor organizational memory, feedback loops, and a clear threat – the British still failed to adapt. Archival evidence suggests politicians subverted bottom-up adaptation, because winning came at too high a price in terms of Britain’s broader strategic imperatives. Our finding identifies an important gap in the extant adaptation literature: it ignores politics.
Sat, 03 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/93902015-01-03T00:00:00ZHarkness, K.A.Hunzeker, M.Tactical learning is critical to battlefield success, especially in a counterinsurgency. This article tests the existing model of military adaption against a ‘most-likely’ case: the British Army’s counterinsurgency in the Southern Cameroons (1960–61). Despite meeting all preconditions thought to enable adaptation – decentralization, leadership turnover, supportive leadership, poor organizational memory, feedback loops, and a clear threat – the British still failed to adapt. Archival evidence suggests politicians subverted bottom-up adaptation, because winning came at too high a price in terms of Britain’s broader strategic imperatives. Our finding identifies an important gap in the extant adaptation literature: it ignores politics.The Group of 7 and international terrorism: the snowball effect that never materialisedhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9183
The article looks at the Group of 7 (G7) efforts to fight international terrorism in the 1970s and early 1980s. It examines the G7 statement against hijacking, the Bonn Declaration of 1978, and assesses how the G7 dealt with it after the adoption of the Declaration. The article illustrates that after a short phase of enthusiasm just after the Declaration’s adoption, the G7 members’ united front against terrorism quickly eroded. The G7 failed to secure support from other countries and realized the economic and political costs that the implementation of the Declaration could produce. Therefore, it was pushed to the backburner. The Declaration was largely of symbolic and only of very little practical importance. Yet, it still pointed to the new approach of the G7 – present until today – that moved away from a purely economic agenda towards a progressively more political one.
Fri, 01 Apr 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/91832016-04-01T00:00:00ZBlumenau, BernhardThe article looks at the Group of 7 (G7) efforts to fight international terrorism in the 1970s and early 1980s. It examines the G7 statement against hijacking, the Bonn Declaration of 1978, and assesses how the G7 dealt with it after the adoption of the Declaration. The article illustrates that after a short phase of enthusiasm just after the Declaration’s adoption, the G7 members’ united front against terrorism quickly eroded. The G7 failed to secure support from other countries and realized the economic and political costs that the implementation of the Declaration could produce. Therefore, it was pushed to the backburner. The Declaration was largely of symbolic and only of very little practical importance. Yet, it still pointed to the new approach of the G7 – present until today – that moved away from a purely economic agenda towards a progressively more political one.Taking other people’s money : development and the political economy of Asian casinoshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9114
This article analyses Macau’s casinos as an example for accumulation by dispossession, in which they serve to transfer wealth from Mainland China to Macau and the casinos’ foreign investors. They also represent a model for economic development and this model has migrated to Singapore, where it also operates as a form of accumulation by dispossession. By requiring citizens to pay an entrance fee, Singapore’s casinos explicitly appropriate other people’s money. The efficacy for the use of casinos as economic development is interrogated here because Macau’s casino experience has emerged as a model for economic development in Asia beyond simply Singapore.
Wed, 01 Jul 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/91142015-07-01T00:00:00ZVlcek, WilliamThis article analyses Macau’s casinos as an example for accumulation by dispossession, in which they serve to transfer wealth from Mainland China to Macau and the casinos’ foreign investors. They also represent a model for economic development and this model has migrated to Singapore, where it also operates as a form of accumulation by dispossession. By requiring citizens to pay an entrance fee, Singapore’s casinos explicitly appropriate other people’s money. The efficacy for the use of casinos as economic development is interrogated here because Macau’s casino experience has emerged as a model for economic development in Asia beyond simply Singapore.Shared political responsibiiltyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9077
This chapter explores the nature of political responsibilty in relation to climate change. It argues that rather than identify specific agents responsible for climate change - an approach that dominates legal and moral theory - a political responsibility framework provides ways of thinking about global dilemmas in terms of political actions that we may undertake together. It draws on the theoretical notion of 'shared responsibility' to develop this concept.
Thu, 01 Oct 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/90772015-10-01T00:00:00ZLang, AnthonyThis chapter explores the nature of political responsibilty in relation to climate change. It argues that rather than identify specific agents responsible for climate change - an approach that dominates legal and moral theory - a political responsibility framework provides ways of thinking about global dilemmas in terms of political actions that we may undertake together. It draws on the theoretical notion of 'shared responsibility' to develop this concept.Overcoming ‘Gnosticism’? Realism as political theologyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9071
This paper takes issue with approaches that relate realist political theology exclusively back to its Schmittian and neo-orthodox roots. While not entirely denying those influences, it argues that realist thought is more accurately described as rooted in the tensions characterizing Augustine's anti-heretic diatribes rather than taking inspiration from Schmittian political theology or the ‘Gnostic’ tendencies in Protestant neo-orthodox theology. Augustine's refutation of both the Manichaean Gnostic and the Pelagian solutions to the problem of evil gave rise to a complex understanding of the relationship between human free will and original sin based on a combination of ontological monism and ethical dualism. Building on this heritage, realists can be read as rehearsing Augustine's ambiguous gesture of overcoming Gnosticism with equally uncertain success. In responding to the modern ‘Gnostic’ challenge in terms that recognized the dialectical tension between ontological monism and ethical dualism, realists such as Morgenthau and Niebuhr should rather be seen as direct heirs of Augustine's ambivalent orthodoxy rather than Schmitt's unorthodox, semi-‘Gnostic’ Catholicism. This intellectual legacy may, then, explain their abhorrence of purist positions in politics—be they quietism, pacifism or, their opposite, political messianism—and adherence to an anti-‘Gnostic’ pragmatism grounded in the tensions of Augustinian theology.
Sat, 03 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/90712015-01-03T00:00:00ZPaipais, V.This paper takes issue with approaches that relate realist political theology exclusively back to its Schmittian and neo-orthodox roots. While not entirely denying those influences, it argues that realist thought is more accurately described as rooted in the tensions characterizing Augustine's anti-heretic diatribes rather than taking inspiration from Schmittian political theology or the ‘Gnostic’ tendencies in Protestant neo-orthodox theology. Augustine's refutation of both the Manichaean Gnostic and the Pelagian solutions to the problem of evil gave rise to a complex understanding of the relationship between human free will and original sin based on a combination of ontological monism and ethical dualism. Building on this heritage, realists can be read as rehearsing Augustine's ambiguous gesture of overcoming Gnosticism with equally uncertain success. In responding to the modern ‘Gnostic’ challenge in terms that recognized the dialectical tension between ontological monism and ethical dualism, realists such as Morgenthau and Niebuhr should rather be seen as direct heirs of Augustine's ambivalent orthodoxy rather than Schmitt's unorthodox, semi-‘Gnostic’ Catholicism. This intellectual legacy may, then, explain their abhorrence of purist positions in politics—be they quietism, pacifism or, their opposite, political messianism—and adherence to an anti-‘Gnostic’ pragmatism grounded in the tensions of Augustinian theology.¿Es eficaz el terrorismo? Consideraciones, problemas y marco de investigación futurahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/9009
For both intellectual and practical reasons, the question "Does terrorism work?'' is vital. And yet it has largely been eclipsed by other debates within the scholarly literature on terrorism. This article considers some of the recent contributions to the emerging discussion of the question. It then outlines some of the problems inherent in the academic debate that has taken place thus far on the subject, and sketches a framework for making future scholarship in this area more inclusive, systematic and dialogically fruitful than it has been to date.
Fri, 01 Apr 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/90092016-04-01T00:00:00ZEnglish, RichardFor both intellectual and practical reasons, the question "Does terrorism work?'' is vital. And yet it has largely been eclipsed by other debates within the scholarly literature on terrorism. This article considers some of the recent contributions to the emerging discussion of the question. It then outlines some of the problems inherent in the academic debate that has taken place thus far on the subject, and sketches a framework for making future scholarship in this area more inclusive, systematic and dialogically fruitful than it has been to date.Change and continuity after the Arab Uprising : the consequences of state formation in Arab North African stateshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8965
This article provides a comparative macro-level overview of political development in Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt. It examines their evolution from the colonial period through several distinct phases, showing how differences in their origins were followed over time by a certain convergence towards a common post-populist form of authoritarianism, albeit still distinguished according to monarchic and republican legitimacy principles. On this basis, it assesses how past state formation trajectories made the republics more vulnerable to the Arab uprising but also what differences they make for the prospects of post-uprising democratisation. While in Morocco the monarch's legitimacy allows it to continue divide-and-rule politics, in Egypt the army's historic central role in politics has been restored, while in Tunisia the trade union movement has facilitated a greater democratic transition.
Fri, 02 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/89652015-01-02T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondThis article provides a comparative macro-level overview of political development in Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt. It examines their evolution from the colonial period through several distinct phases, showing how differences in their origins were followed over time by a certain convergence towards a common post-populist form of authoritarianism, albeit still distinguished according to monarchic and republican legitimacy principles. On this basis, it assesses how past state formation trajectories made the republics more vulnerable to the Arab uprising but also what differences they make for the prospects of post-uprising democratisation. While in Morocco the monarch's legitimacy allows it to continue divide-and-rule politics, in Egypt the army's historic central role in politics has been restored, while in Tunisia the trade union movement has facilitated a greater democratic transition.Examining deterrence and backlash effects in counter-terrorism : the case of ETAhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8955
Scholars are increasingly drawing on models and theories from the field of Criminology to offer new insights on terrorist violence. A particularly useful framework by LaFree, Dugan, and Korte works from the assumption that illegal behaviour can be affected by the threat and/or imposition of punishment. It sees the results of the government's intervention in terms of deterrence (state's repressive action leads to a reduction in terrorism violence), and backlash (state's repressive action leads to defiance and retaliation, and to an upsurge of terrorism violence). This article applies this model to a case study of the government's responses to Euzkadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). It uses a variation of survival analysis technique -Series Hazard- to assess the impact of six major initiatives on the risk of new ETA attacks in the period from 1977 to 2010. Mostly, the results provide support for both backlash interpretations, although important questions regarding interpretation are raised.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/89552015-01-01T00:00:00ZArgomaniz, JavierVidal-Diez, AlbertoScholars are increasingly drawing on models and theories from the field of Criminology to offer new insights on terrorist violence. A particularly useful framework by LaFree, Dugan, and Korte works from the assumption that illegal behaviour can be affected by the threat and/or imposition of punishment. It sees the results of the government's intervention in terms of deterrence (state's repressive action leads to a reduction in terrorism violence), and backlash (state's repressive action leads to defiance and retaliation, and to an upsurge of terrorism violence). This article applies this model to a case study of the government's responses to Euzkadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). It uses a variation of survival analysis technique -Series Hazard- to assess the impact of six major initiatives on the risk of new ETA attacks in the period from 1977 to 2010. Mostly, the results provide support for both backlash interpretations, although important questions regarding interpretation are raised.Performing the Egyptian revolution : origins of collective restraint action in the Midanhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8913
In January/February 2011, the world watched with admiration the Egyptian revolution that toppled President Housni Mubarak. The demonstration in Midan al-Tahrir (Liberation Square in central Cairo), which was the nucleus of the revolution, highlighted a largely spontaneous, civil and peaceful political performance. However, this performance was temporary, contradicting subsequent bloody conflicts in post-revolutionary Egypt. This article examines the socio-political origins of the Midan performance. It argues that the demonstrators exercised collective restraint, which was temporary but necessary, in order to topple Mubarak. Building on Norbert Elias’ civilising process theory and social movements literature, it is argued that the origins of this performance are found in a collective knowledge of regime strategy and narrative, Egyptian socio-political values and existing repertoires of contention. Drawing on primary sources and semi-structured interviews, the article contends that the demonstrators exercised collective restraint to reframe regime narrative and draw public support for the revolution.
This research was supported by a Carnegie Trust for the Universities of Scotland grant. Date of Acceptance: 12/12/2013
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/89132015-01-01T00:00:00ZSaouli, AdhamIn January/February 2011, the world watched with admiration the Egyptian revolution that toppled President Housni Mubarak. The demonstration in Midan al-Tahrir (Liberation Square in central Cairo), which was the nucleus of the revolution, highlighted a largely spontaneous, civil and peaceful political performance. However, this performance was temporary, contradicting subsequent bloody conflicts in post-revolutionary Egypt. This article examines the socio-political origins of the Midan performance. It argues that the demonstrators exercised collective restraint, which was temporary but necessary, in order to topple Mubarak. Building on Norbert Elias’ civilising process theory and social movements literature, it is argued that the origins of this performance are found in a collective knowledge of regime strategy and narrative, Egyptian socio-political values and existing repertoires of contention. Drawing on primary sources and semi-structured interviews, the article contends that the demonstrators exercised collective restraint to reframe regime narrative and draw public support for the revolution.Towards a more nuanced theory of elite capture in development projects. The importance of context and theories of powerhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8909
Elite capture in development projects is problematic across a wide range of cultures, governance contexts and geographical locations. The dominant development discourse suggests that elite capture can be addressed using principles of good governance and participatory democracy. We critique the notion that this is sufficient to challenge practices of elite domination that detrimentally affect the outcome of development projects. Using a Foucauldian notion of power we suggest that power relationships are more complex than current conceptualisations of elite capture allow. We offer some definitions and suggest a common conceptual framework to unify the concept of elite capture across cultures. This conceptual framework is used to analyse data from 2 case studies in south western Zambia. We conclude that the dominant discourse ignores complex power relationships and uses a simplistic notion of political legitimacy that may enhance elite capture rather than prevent it. The concept of political legitimacy needs to be expanded to include traditional institutions that are not elected, while still applying principles of participation and accountability to the design of institutions.
Mon, 30 May 2016 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/89092016-05-30T00:00:00ZMusgrave, Michael KeithWong, SamElite capture in development projects is problematic across a wide range of cultures, governance contexts and geographical locations. The dominant development discourse suggests that elite capture can be addressed using principles of good governance and participatory democracy. We critique the notion that this is sufficient to challenge practices of elite domination that detrimentally affect the outcome of development projects. Using a Foucauldian notion of power we suggest that power relationships are more complex than current conceptualisations of elite capture allow. We offer some definitions and suggest a common conceptual framework to unify the concept of elite capture across cultures. This conceptual framework is used to analyse data from 2 case studies in south western Zambia. We conclude that the dominant discourse ignores complex power relationships and uses a simplistic notion of political legitimacy that may enhance elite capture rather than prevent it. The concept of political legitimacy needs to be expanded to include traditional institutions that are not elected, while still applying principles of participation and accountability to the design of institutions.A decade of EU counter-terrorism and intelligence : a critical assessmenthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8853
The article is the centrepiece of a special issue co-edited with Oldrich Bures and Christian Kaunert on the European Union counterterror policies. This work offers a critical evaluation of the EU efforts in this area, its successes, failings and present and future challenges and includes in it contributions from some of the most renown experts on the subject.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/88532015-01-01T00:00:00ZArgomaniz, JavierBures, OldrichKaunert, ChristianThe article is the centrepiece of a special issue co-edited with Oldrich Bures and Christian Kaunert on the European Union counterterror policies. This work offers a critical evaluation of the EU efforts in this area, its successes, failings and present and future challenges and includes in it contributions from some of the most renown experts on the subject.On very slippery ground : the British churches, Archbishop Fisher and the Suez crisishttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8733
This article examines the reactions of the churches to the Suez crisis, focusing in particular on the leadership of the Church of England. It argues that the fact of religious establishment required a response from the Archbishop of Canterbury who proved a surprisingly robust critic of the military intervention, albeit at the cost of alienating many in the pews. Whilst making use of his access to political elites, he nonetheless remained keen to work with other church leaders in developing a shared critique based on rejection of the use of force and Britain’s right to be judge in its own case, instead stressing the need for an international resolution of the crisis. Yet as the crisis developed it became apparent that church leaders were not always able to speak for church members, who were as bitterly divided as the rest of society over both the specific issue and the wider argument how best to respond to Britain’s declining role in the world. This in turn presaged future debates, as increasingly specialist church agencies and religious leaders found themselves taking positions on social and political affairs that were often at odds with those of many within their own constituencies.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/87332015-01-01T00:00:00ZAnderson, John PhilipThis article examines the reactions of the churches to the Suez crisis, focusing in particular on the leadership of the Church of England. It argues that the fact of religious establishment required a response from the Archbishop of Canterbury who proved a surprisingly robust critic of the military intervention, albeit at the cost of alienating many in the pews. Whilst making use of his access to political elites, he nonetheless remained keen to work with other church leaders in developing a shared critique based on rejection of the use of force and Britain’s right to be judge in its own case, instead stressing the need for an international resolution of the crisis. Yet as the crisis developed it became apparent that church leaders were not always able to speak for church members, who were as bitterly divided as the rest of society over both the specific issue and the wider argument how best to respond to Britain’s declining role in the world. This in turn presaged future debates, as increasingly specialist church agencies and religious leaders found themselves taking positions on social and political affairs that were often at odds with those of many within their own constituencies.Covert operations, wars, detainee destinations, and the psychology of democratic peacehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8554
We explore US covert forcible actions against democratic governments and their citizens and show that inter-democratic use of covert force is common and can be accommodated within the theory of democratic peace. Grounded in the Perceptual Theory of Legitimacy, we argue that democracies are constrained by public perceptions of their legitimacy from overtly aggressing against other democratic states. When democracies desire to aggress against their democratic counterparts they will do so covertly. We test the assumptions of the theory and its implication with (1) laboratory studies of the conflation of democracy with ally status, and (2) historical analyses of covert militarized actions and prisoner detention, which show that US forcible actions, when carried out against democracies and their citizens, are carried out clandestinely.
Sat, 05 May 2018 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/85542018-05-05T00:00:00ZCrandall, ChrisCox, OwenBeasley, RyanOmelicheva, MariyaWe explore US covert forcible actions against democratic governments and their citizens and show that inter-democratic use of covert force is common and can be accommodated within the theory of democratic peace. Grounded in the Perceptual Theory of Legitimacy, we argue that democracies are constrained by public perceptions of their legitimacy from overtly aggressing against other democratic states. When democracies desire to aggress against their democratic counterparts they will do so covertly. We test the assumptions of the theory and its implication with (1) laboratory studies of the conflation of democracy with ally status, and (2) historical analyses of covert militarized actions and prisoner detention, which show that US forcible actions, when carried out against democracies and their citizens, are carried out clandestinely.A social movement theory typology of militant organisations : contextualising terrorismhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8528
Typologies are ubiquitous in terrorism studies, illustrating their continued appeal as a tool to further our understanding of this form of political violence. Despite this, to date, the promise of an empirically derived typology has largely been neglected. In addressing this gap, this article sets out a typology developed from Social Movement Theory. Using a novel statistical technique to derive a three-dimensional framework for categorising militant groups, the typology incorporates both organisational characteristics and the wider political context. The result is a typology defined by three conceptual constructs: political capacity, war-making capacity, and network capacity. Alongside these organisational features, imposing measures of the wider political opportunity structure reveals eight types of militant organisation. To explore the utility of the framework, a preliminary analysis interprets the typology in light of the presence of wider conflict. That a robust relationship is found between the various types and whether groups were operating in peacetime, civil war, or low-intensity conflict, goes some way to demonstrating its utility as an analytical tool. Conclusions draw attention to the importance of contextualising militant groups in their socio-political setting, and the benefits of combining theory alongside empirical analysis to develop robust characterisations of violent organisations.
Date of acceptance 8/8/14
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/85282015-01-01T00:00:00ZMarsden, Sarah VictoriaTypologies are ubiquitous in terrorism studies, illustrating their continued appeal as a tool to further our understanding of this form of political violence. Despite this, to date, the promise of an empirically derived typology has largely been neglected. In addressing this gap, this article sets out a typology developed from Social Movement Theory. Using a novel statistical technique to derive a three-dimensional framework for categorising militant groups, the typology incorporates both organisational characteristics and the wider political context. The result is a typology defined by three conceptual constructs: political capacity, war-making capacity, and network capacity. Alongside these organisational features, imposing measures of the wider political opportunity structure reveals eight types of militant organisation. To explore the utility of the framework, a preliminary analysis interprets the typology in light of the presence of wider conflict. That a robust relationship is found between the various types and whether groups were operating in peacetime, civil war, or low-intensity conflict, goes some way to demonstrating its utility as an analytical tool. Conclusions draw attention to the importance of contextualising militant groups in their socio-political setting, and the benefits of combining theory alongside empirical analysis to develop robust characterisations of violent organisations.Arguing with law: strategic legal argumentation, US diplomacy and debates over the International Criminal Courthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8499
Recent studies have highlighted the instrumental use of language, wherein actors deploy claims to strategically pursue policy goals in the absence of persuasion or socialisation. Yet these accounts are insufficiently attentive to the social context in which an audience assesses and responds to strategic appeals. I present a theoretical account that highlights the distinctly powerful role of international law in framing strategic argumentation. Legalised discourses are especially legitimate because law is premised on a set of internally coherent practices that constitute actors and forms of action. I then illustrate the implications in a hard case concerning US efforts to secure immunities from International Criminal Court jurisdiction. Contrary to realist accounts of law as a tool of the powerful, I show that both pro- and anti-ICC diplomacy was channelled through a legal lens that imposed substantial constraints on the pursuit of policy objectives. Court proponents responded to US diplomatic pressure with their own legal arguments; this narrowed the scope of the exemptions, even as the Security Council temporarily conceded to US demands. While the US sought to marry coercion with argumentative appeals, it failed to generate a lasting change in global practice concerning ICC jurisdiction.
Wed, 01 Apr 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/84992015-04-01T00:00:00ZBower, Adam StephenRecent studies have highlighted the instrumental use of language, wherein actors deploy claims to strategically pursue policy goals in the absence of persuasion or socialisation. Yet these accounts are insufficiently attentive to the social context in which an audience assesses and responds to strategic appeals. I present a theoretical account that highlights the distinctly powerful role of international law in framing strategic argumentation. Legalised discourses are especially legitimate because law is premised on a set of internally coherent practices that constitute actors and forms of action. I then illustrate the implications in a hard case concerning US efforts to secure immunities from International Criminal Court jurisdiction. Contrary to realist accounts of law as a tool of the powerful, I show that both pro- and anti-ICC diplomacy was channelled through a legal lens that imposed substantial constraints on the pursuit of policy objectives. Court proponents responded to US diplomatic pressure with their own legal arguments; this narrowed the scope of the exemptions, even as the Security Council temporarily conceded to US demands. While the US sought to marry coercion with argumentative appeals, it failed to generate a lasting change in global practice concerning ICC jurisdiction.Our Brothers’ Keeper : moral witnesshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8497
This article considers the practice of witness in the world – witness to the world – in particular the character and temper, nature and purpose, significance and resonance of “moral witness,” a kind of ideal type, as conceived by the philosopher Avishai Margalit. It proposes that the artist plays an important role as a moral witness; and that the work of art itself performs the same function, even after the fact – the phenomenon of “post-witness.” In this context it identifies an ethics of precision or exactitude, and adduces a variety of exemplars, ranging from poetry to photography, including Shot at Dawn (2014), a suite of landscape photographs which are also war photographs and memorial photographs, and acts of moral witness, by Chloe Dewe Mathews.
Sun, 01 Nov 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/84972015-11-01T00:00:00ZDanchev, AlexThis article considers the practice of witness in the world – witness to the world – in particular the character and temper, nature and purpose, significance and resonance of “moral witness,” a kind of ideal type, as conceived by the philosopher Avishai Margalit. It proposes that the artist plays an important role as a moral witness; and that the work of art itself performs the same function, even after the fact – the phenomenon of “post-witness.” In this context it identifies an ethics of precision or exactitude, and adduces a variety of exemplars, ranging from poetry to photography, including Shot at Dawn (2014), a suite of landscape photographs which are also war photographs and memorial photographs, and acts of moral witness, by Chloe Dewe Mathews.The impact of the Security Council on the efficacy of the International Criminal Court and the responsibility to protecthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8337
This article argues that the manner in which the Security Council inhibits the consistent application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and International Criminal Court (ICC) referrals reinforces their power in the international order without creating long term peace and stability. The Security Council’s discretionary powers allow it to subjectively determine which situations to address and which lawbreakers to prosecute; this consolidates, and indeed expands, the power of the Security Council in relation to other agents of international law. As a result, international cooperation to protect and promote human rights and punish human rights violators is currently impeded. This article argues that those concerned with the consistent enforcement of international human rights law, and the punishment of human rights violators, must accept the need for reforms to the current international order that would allow a better integration of R2P and the ICC into international law and practice. Our reforms – advanced in the form of general principles taken from legal theory – propose altering the Security Council’s powers and developing new judicial structures to enable the more consistent application of international law
Date of Acceptance: 15/01/2015
Sun, 01 Mar 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/83372015-03-01T00:00:00ZHehir, AidanLang, AnthonyThis article argues that the manner in which the Security Council inhibits the consistent application of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) and International Criminal Court (ICC) referrals reinforces their power in the international order without creating long term peace and stability. The Security Council’s discretionary powers allow it to subjectively determine which situations to address and which lawbreakers to prosecute; this consolidates, and indeed expands, the power of the Security Council in relation to other agents of international law. As a result, international cooperation to protect and promote human rights and punish human rights violators is currently impeded. This article argues that those concerned with the consistent enforcement of international human rights law, and the punishment of human rights violators, must accept the need for reforms to the current international order that would allow a better integration of R2P and the ICC into international law and practice. Our reforms – advanced in the form of general principles taken from legal theory – propose altering the Security Council’s powers and developing new judicial structures to enable the more consistent application of international lawConceptualising ‘success’ with those convicted of terrorism offences : aims, methods, and barriers to reintegrationhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8043
Despite an increasing need to understand the aims of work with ex-prisoners convicted of terrorism offences, the knowledge base remains underdeveloped. Notwithstanding this limited theoretical and empirical foundation, practitioners in probation are increasingly faced with trying to successfully resettle these exprisoners. In the south of England, the organisation tasked with this work is London Probation Trust’s Central Extremism Unit (CEU). Based on interviews and observational research with practitioners, this article sets out a framework for interpreting this work’s aims from a practitioner perspective. Alongside describing the 13 primary aims of successful resettlement, the research sets out what success would ‘look like’, as well as considering some of the challenges in interpreting and promoting positive outcomes. The CEU’s model reflects a multimodal approach, speaking to both criminogenic needs, and the primary themes of desistance. Within this, practitioners try to encourage the probationers to take control of their own life and develop an agentic approach to their present and future. It is in this way that successful resettlement is conceptualised by practitioners working in this field. The implications of these findings for current debates over the appropriate focus of work on countering violent extremism and returnees from overseas conflict are also discussed.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/80432015-01-01T00:00:00ZMarsden, Sarah VictoriaDespite an increasing need to understand the aims of work with ex-prisoners convicted of terrorism offences, the knowledge base remains underdeveloped. Notwithstanding this limited theoretical and empirical foundation, practitioners in probation are increasingly faced with trying to successfully resettle these exprisoners. In the south of England, the organisation tasked with this work is London Probation Trust’s Central Extremism Unit (CEU). Based on interviews and observational research with practitioners, this article sets out a framework for interpreting this work’s aims from a practitioner perspective. Alongside describing the 13 primary aims of successful resettlement, the research sets out what success would ‘look like’, as well as considering some of the challenges in interpreting and promoting positive outcomes. The CEU’s model reflects a multimodal approach, speaking to both criminogenic needs, and the primary themes of desistance. Within this, practitioners try to encourage the probationers to take control of their own life and develop an agentic approach to their present and future. It is in this way that successful resettlement is conceptualised by practitioners working in this field. The implications of these findings for current debates over the appropriate focus of work on countering violent extremism and returnees from overseas conflict are also discussed.Securitising money to counter terrorist finance : some unintended consequences for developing economieshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/8003
With its roots in the “war on drugs” and the criminalization of money laundering, the global initiative to combat the financing of terrorism (CFT) provides one strategy for preventing and preempting terrorist attacks. In public pronouncements, terrorist finance was named the “lifeblood” and “oxygen” for terrorism itself, thus displaying an analogy suggesting that its mere removal could bring an end to terrorism. Following the theoretical perspective of the Copenhagen School of security studies, this paper argues that national and international measures against terrorist finance constitute the “securitization” of money. By situating money as the essential component to an existential threat, it was possible to justify extraordinary measures to monitor financial transactions. These measures produced unintended consequences prompting resistance and an evolution of procedures to reduce those consequences. This paper considers two affected areas (migrant remittances and financial inclusion) and points to the potential use of financial surveillance against grand corruption.
Sun, 01 Nov 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/80032015-11-01T00:00:00ZVlcek, WilliamWith its roots in the “war on drugs” and the criminalization of money laundering, the global initiative to combat the financing of terrorism (CFT) provides one strategy for preventing and preempting terrorist attacks. In public pronouncements, terrorist finance was named the “lifeblood” and “oxygen” for terrorism itself, thus displaying an analogy suggesting that its mere removal could bring an end to terrorism. Following the theoretical perspective of the Copenhagen School of security studies, this paper argues that national and international measures against terrorist finance constitute the “securitization” of money. By situating money as the essential component to an existential threat, it was possible to justify extraordinary measures to monitor financial transactions. These measures produced unintended consequences prompting resistance and an evolution of procedures to reduce those consequences. This paper considers two affected areas (migrant remittances and financial inclusion) and points to the potential use of financial surveillance against grand corruption.Systemic evil and the international political imaginationhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/7949
In light of the persistence of discourses of atrocity in the post-Holocaust era, and with the resurgence of talk of evil that followed 11 September 2001, it is clear that the idea of evil still possesses a powerful hold upon the modern imagination. Yet, the interplay of evil and the political imagination – in particular, how different images of evil have shaped the discourses and practices of international politics – remains neglected. This article suggests that evil is depicted through three contending images within international politics – evil as individualistic, as statist and as systemic – and their corresponding forms of collective imagination – the juridical, the humanitarian and the political. It argues further that the dominance of the juridical and, to a lesser extent, the humanitarian imagination obscures our ability to imagine and respond to political evils of structural or systemic violence. Drawing on the example of global poverty, this article contends that the ability to portray and critically judge systemic evils in international politics today depends upon enriching our narratives about indefensible atrocities and reimagining our shared political responsibilities for them.
Tue, 01 Jul 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/79492014-07-01T00:00:00ZHayden, PatrickIn light of the persistence of discourses of atrocity in the post-Holocaust era, and with the resurgence of talk of evil that followed 11 September 2001, it is clear that the idea of evil still possesses a powerful hold upon the modern imagination. Yet, the interplay of evil and the political imagination – in particular, how different images of evil have shaped the discourses and practices of international politics – remains neglected. This article suggests that evil is depicted through three contending images within international politics – evil as individualistic, as statist and as systemic – and their corresponding forms of collective imagination – the juridical, the humanitarian and the political. It argues further that the dominance of the juridical and, to a lesser extent, the humanitarian imagination obscures our ability to imagine and respond to political evils of structural or systemic violence. Drawing on the example of global poverty, this article contends that the ability to portray and critically judge systemic evils in international politics today depends upon enriching our narratives about indefensible atrocities and reimagining our shared political responsibilities for them.Taming the beast: West Germany, the political offence exception, and the Council of Europe Convention on the Suppression of Terrorismhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/7895
In the 1970s, Western European countries were hit hard by terrorism, especially by international terrorism that crossed borders easily and allowed terrorists of different origins to carry out attacks against both governments and people. Consequently, the necessity of fighting this menace also extended to international organisations. This article looks at how the Council of Europe dealt with the issue, and assesses the negotiations that led to the Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism from the German perspective. West Germany was very interested in establishing a sounder international legal framework against terrorism and thought that the Council of Europe would be able to make an important contribution by abolishing the political offence exception that had so far been a core feature of most extradition treaties. This clause allowed political criminals to escape punishment by fleeing to a country that would deny extradition to a different country on the grounds of the political nature of the act committed by the person in question. The article gives an account and analysis of the complex negotiations that finally resulted in the adoption of the Convention in 1977, as well as of the problems encountered and compromises reached during these negotiations.
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/78952015-01-01T00:00:00ZBlumenau, BernhardIn the 1970s, Western European countries were hit hard by terrorism, especially by international terrorism that crossed borders easily and allowed terrorists of different origins to carry out attacks against both governments and people. Consequently, the necessity of fighting this menace also extended to international organisations. This article looks at how the Council of Europe dealt with the issue, and assesses the negotiations that led to the Convention on the Suppression of Terrorism from the German perspective. West Germany was very interested in establishing a sounder international legal framework against terrorism and thought that the Council of Europe would be able to make an important contribution by abolishing the political offence exception that had so far been a core feature of most extradition treaties. This clause allowed political criminals to escape punishment by fleeing to a country that would deny extradition to a different country on the grounds of the political nature of the act committed by the person in question. The article gives an account and analysis of the complex negotiations that finally resulted in the adoption of the Convention in 1977, as well as of the problems encountered and compromises reached during these negotiations.Intellectuals and political power in social movements : the parallel paths of Fadlallah and Hizbullahhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/7579
This paper examines the intellectual impact of Ayotallah Muhamad Hussein Fadlallah (1935-2010) on Hizbullah’s political behaviour. Many depicted Fadlallah as the ‘spiritual guide’ and ‘oracle’ of Hizbullah, while others accentuated his socio-political independence and the potential he represented as an ‘alternative’ to Hizbullah and Iran. This study argues that Fadlallah directly influenced Hizbullah’s political worldviews, but the Islamic movement’s socialisation in Lebanon, its dependence on Iran, and its war with Israel have led it to pursue a separate path from Fadlallah. But despite the separation, the Ayatollah shared a common world vision with Hizbullah and the Islamic Republic, and would not have formed an alternative. The paper divides into two sections. The first examines the socio-political origins of Fadlallah and Hizbullah as an intellectual and a political movement, respectively, and conceptualises the discursive and political fields that motivate the behaviour of the two actors. The second section assesses the impact of Fadlallah’s ideas on Hizbullah by focusing on three main themes: (a) Islamic liberation and resistance against injustice; (b) the Islamic state and Lebanon; and (c) Wilayat al-Fakih and Islamic Iran.
Tue, 01 Apr 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/75792014-04-01T00:00:00ZSaouli, AdhamThis paper examines the intellectual impact of Ayotallah Muhamad Hussein Fadlallah (1935-2010) on Hizbullah’s political behaviour. Many depicted Fadlallah as the ‘spiritual guide’ and ‘oracle’ of Hizbullah, while others accentuated his socio-political independence and the potential he represented as an ‘alternative’ to Hizbullah and Iran. This study argues that Fadlallah directly influenced Hizbullah’s political worldviews, but the Islamic movement’s socialisation in Lebanon, its dependence on Iran, and its war with Israel have led it to pursue a separate path from Fadlallah. But despite the separation, the Ayatollah shared a common world vision with Hizbullah and the Islamic Republic, and would not have formed an alternative. The paper divides into two sections. The first examines the socio-political origins of Fadlallah and Hizbullah as an intellectual and a political movement, respectively, and conceptualises the discursive and political fields that motivate the behaviour of the two actors. The second section assesses the impact of Fadlallah’s ideas on Hizbullah by focusing on three main themes: (a) Islamic liberation and resistance against injustice; (b) the Islamic state and Lebanon; and (c) Wilayat al-Fakih and Islamic Iran.Forest jihad : assessing the evidence for "popular resistance terrorism"http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6851
Despite increasing concern over the potential threat from “forest jihad,” there has been no systematic attempt to assess whether such attacks are in fact taking place. Drawing on principles from the geospatial profiling of terrorist events, fire-risk prediction data, and information on jihadist convictions, this article offers a thorough review of the evidence to address this question. The available information suggests that so far, jihadists have not attempted to attack North American or European wildlands by means of arson. Despite calls for “popular resistance terrorism” in the jihadist literature, and the apparently low costs associated with this type of attack, jihadists have so far shown little appetite for “forest jihad.”
Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/68512014-01-01T00:00:00ZMarsden, Sarah VictoriaMarino, DaianaRamsay, Gilbert Aubrey WarnerDespite increasing concern over the potential threat from “forest jihad,” there has been no systematic attempt to assess whether such attacks are in fact taking place. Drawing on principles from the geospatial profiling of terrorist events, fire-risk prediction data, and information on jihadist convictions, this article offers a thorough review of the evidence to address this question. The available information suggests that so far, jihadists have not attempted to attack North American or European wildlands by means of arson. Despite calls for “popular resistance terrorism” in the jihadist literature, and the apparently low costs associated with this type of attack, jihadists have so far shown little appetite for “forest jihad.”Syria's predicament : state (de-) formation and international rivalrieshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6792
Syria’s war raises important questions about the interaction between the domestic and external dimensions of the conflict. What are the main areas of contention, and how do they relate to regional and international dynamics? Why has the conflict developed into a regional and international battle, and who are the main actors in this rivalry? And, finally, what are the realistic options for ending the Syrian war? The aim of this paper is to answer these questions. In the first, the author examines the domestic origins of the Syrian crisis by focusing on the process of state formation and deformation in Syria. Then, he considers the main areas of contention that shape the Syrian civil war and its regional and international dimensions. Finally, he assesses the conditions under which Syria – as a divided state in a polarised region – can end the war. He argues that in the absence of a military solution to the war in Syria, a political solution may be the only hope for ending the crisis; but such a solution is fraught by varying domestic and external interests in Syria.
Sun, 30 Nov 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/67922014-11-30T00:00:00ZSaouli, AdhamSyria’s war raises important questions about the interaction between the domestic and external dimensions of the conflict. What are the main areas of contention, and how do they relate to regional and international dynamics? Why has the conflict developed into a regional and international battle, and who are the main actors in this rivalry? And, finally, what are the realistic options for ending the Syrian war? The aim of this paper is to answer these questions. In the first, the author examines the domestic origins of the Syrian crisis by focusing on the process of state formation and deformation in Syria. Then, he considers the main areas of contention that shape the Syrian civil war and its regional and international dimensions. Finally, he assesses the conditions under which Syria – as a divided state in a polarised region – can end the war. He argues that in the absence of a military solution to the war in Syria, a political solution may be the only hope for ending the crisis; but such a solution is fraught by varying domestic and external interests in Syria.Political corruption in Eurasia : understanding collusion between states, organized crime, and businesshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6742
This article presents the problem of illicit collusion between states, organized criminals and white-collar criminals in the post-Soviet region, showing the blurring of these phenomena. It charts the development of political corruption and argues that this is a particular problem in the region due to the way state resources were sold off during the 1990s. The article however shows that the countries of the region now diverge significantly in terms of the extent and form that collusion takes. The goal of the article is to understand this variation. The article suggests that roughly two broad categories of state now exist in the post-Soviet region, excluding the Baltic States. These are broadly politically competitive states such as Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia and broadly politically non-competitive ones such as Russia, Belarus or Kazakhstan. I show that collusion takes differing forms across these categories due to the effect that the presence or absence of political competition has. In conclusion I argue that the post-Soviet region provides little evidence to believe that political competition actually reduces corruption and collusion. However, some cases from the region show that successful anti-corruption campaigns are more likely where there is more political contestation.
Fri, 01 May 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/67422015-05-01T00:00:00ZKupatadze, AleksandrThis article presents the problem of illicit collusion between states, organized criminals and white-collar criminals in the post-Soviet region, showing the blurring of these phenomena. It charts the development of political corruption and argues that this is a particular problem in the region due to the way state resources were sold off during the 1990s. The article however shows that the countries of the region now diverge significantly in terms of the extent and form that collusion takes. The goal of the article is to understand this variation. The article suggests that roughly two broad categories of state now exist in the post-Soviet region, excluding the Baltic States. These are broadly politically competitive states such as Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia and broadly politically non-competitive ones such as Russia, Belarus or Kazakhstan. I show that collusion takes differing forms across these categories due to the effect that the presence or absence of political competition has. In conclusion I argue that the post-Soviet region provides little evidence to believe that political competition actually reduces corruption and collusion. However, some cases from the region show that successful anti-corruption campaigns are more likely where there is more political contestation.Historical sociology and the Arab Uprisinghttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6682
Historical sociology's perspectives—co-constitution of the international and domestic, path-dependency, variegated regime types—help illuminate the state formation paths leading to the Arab Uprising. It also points to how contention between the mass mobilization unleashed by the Uprising and oligarchic inheritances is issuing in variegated hybrid outcomes.
Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/66822014-01-01T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondHistorical sociology's perspectives—co-constitution of the international and domestic, path-dependency, variegated regime types—help illuminate the state formation paths leading to the Arab Uprising. It also points to how contention between the mass mobilization unleashed by the Uprising and oligarchic inheritances is issuing in variegated hybrid outcomes.'Defensive liberal wars' : the global war on terror and the return of illiberalism in American foreign policyhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6671
This paper offers an analysis of the illiberal practices and discourse of the Global War on Terror (GWoT) and demonstrates how the United States of America used the liberal argument as a qualitative metric of its success and failure in the GWoT. I argue that 'the othering' of Salafi Jihadists as well the full military involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq were both philosophically rooted in the liberal thinking of Immanuel Kant and John Stuart Mill, which have traditionally guided US foreign policy. More significantly, these liberal philosophies of history and international relations hold within them the seeds of illiberalism by depicting non-liberal, undemocratic societies/organisations as 'barbaric' - and as such prime candidates for intervention and regime change. Predicated upon this logic, the discourse of the GWoT framed Al Qaeda as a key existential threat to not only the United States but also the 'civilised world' in general and one which required a 'liberal defensive war' in response. It was the successful securitisation of Al Qaeda that essentially enabled the United States to adopt deeply illiberal policies to counter this so-called existential threat by using any means at its disposal.
Sun, 01 Mar 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/66712015-03-01T00:00:00ZSingh, R.This paper offers an analysis of the illiberal practices and discourse of the Global War on Terror (GWoT) and demonstrates how the United States of America used the liberal argument as a qualitative metric of its success and failure in the GWoT. I argue that 'the othering' of Salafi Jihadists as well the full military involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq were both philosophically rooted in the liberal thinking of Immanuel Kant and John Stuart Mill, which have traditionally guided US foreign policy. More significantly, these liberal philosophies of history and international relations hold within them the seeds of illiberalism by depicting non-liberal, undemocratic societies/organisations as 'barbaric' - and as such prime candidates for intervention and regime change. Predicated upon this logic, the discourse of the GWoT framed Al Qaeda as a key existential threat to not only the United States but also the 'civilised world' in general and one which required a 'liberal defensive war' in response. It was the successful securitisation of Al Qaeda that essentially enabled the United States to adopt deeply illiberal policies to counter this so-called existential threat by using any means at its disposal.CALIFA, the Calar Alto Legacy Integral Field Area survey : III. Second public data releasehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6664
This paper describes the Second Public Data Release (DR2) of the Calar Alto Legacy Integral Field Area (CALIFA) survey. The data for 200 objects are made public, including the 100 galaxies of the First Public Data Release (DR1). Data were obtained with the integral-field spectrograph PMAS/PPak mounted on the 3.5 m telescope at the Calar Alto observatory. Two different spectral setups are available for each galaxy, (i) a low-resolution V500 setup covering the wavelength range 3745-7500 Å with a spectral resolution of 6.0 Å (FWHM); and (ii) a medium-resolution V1200 setup covering the wavelength range 3650-4840 Å with a spectral resolution of 2.3 Å (FWHM). The sample covers a redshift range between 0.005 and 0.03, with a wide range of properties in the color-magnitude diagram, stellar mass, ionization conditions, and morphological types. All the cubes in the data release were reduced with the latest pipeline, which includes improvedspectrophotometric calibration, spatial registration, and spatial resolution. The spectrophotometric calibration is better than 6% and the median spatial resolution is 2.4. In total, the second data release contains over 1.5 million spectra.
J.M.A. acknowledges support from the European Research Council Starting Grant (SEDmorph; P.I. V. Wild). V.W. acknowledges support from the European Research Council Starting Grant (SEDMorph P.I. V. Wild) and European Career Re-integration Grant (Phiz-Ev P.I. V. Wild).
Wed, 01 Apr 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/66642015-04-01T00:00:00ZGarcía-Benito, R.Zibetti, S.Sánchez, S. F.Husemann, B.de Amorim, A. L.Castillo-Morales, A.Cid Fernandes, R.Ellis, S. C.Falcón-Barroso, J.Galbany, L.Gil de Paz, A.González Delgado, R. M.Lacerda, E. A. D.López-Fernandez, R.de Lorenzo-Cáceres, A.Lyubenova, M.Marino, R. A.Mast, D.Mendoza, M. A.Pérez, E.Vale Asari, N.Aguerri, J. A. L.Ascasibar, Y.Bekerait*error*ė, S.Bland-Hawthorn, J.Barrera-Ballesteros, J. K.Bomans, D. J.Cano-Díaz, M.Catalán-Torrecilla, C.Cortijo, C.Delgado-Inglada, G.Demleitner, M.Dettmar, R.-J.Díaz, A. I.Florido, E.Gallazzi, A.García-Lorenzo, B.Gomes, J. M.Holmes, L.Iglesias-Páramo, J.Jahnke, K.Kalinova, V.Kehrig, C.Kennicutt, R. C.López-Sánchez, Á. R.Márquez, I.Masegosa, J.Meidt, S. E.Mendez-Abreu, J.Mollá, M.Monreal-Ibero, A.Morisset, C.del Olmo, A.Papaderos, P.Pérez, I.Quirrenbach, A.Rosales-Ortega, F. F.Roth, M. M.Ruiz-Lara, T.Sánchez-Blázquez, P.Sánchez-Menguiano, L.Singh, R.Spekkens, K.Stanishev, V.Torres-Papaqui, J. P.van de Ven, G.Vilchez, J. M.Walcher, C. J.Wild, V.Wisotzki, L.Ziegler, B.Alves, J.Barrado, D.Quintana, J. M.Aceituno, J.This paper describes the Second Public Data Release (DR2) of the Calar Alto Legacy Integral Field Area (CALIFA) survey. The data for 200 objects are made public, including the 100 galaxies of the First Public Data Release (DR1). Data were obtained with the integral-field spectrograph PMAS/PPak mounted on the 3.5 m telescope at the Calar Alto observatory. Two different spectral setups are available for each galaxy, (i) a low-resolution V500 setup covering the wavelength range 3745-7500 Å with a spectral resolution of 6.0 Å (FWHM); and (ii) a medium-resolution V1200 setup covering the wavelength range 3650-4840 Å with a spectral resolution of 2.3 Å (FWHM). The sample covers a redshift range between 0.005 and 0.03, with a wide range of properties in the color-magnitude diagram, stellar mass, ionization conditions, and morphological types. All the cubes in the data release were reduced with the latest pipeline, which includes improvedspectrophotometric calibration, spatial registration, and spatial resolution. The spectrophotometric calibration is better than 6% and the median spatial resolution is 2.4. In total, the second data release contains over 1.5 million spectra.The strategy project : teaching strategic thinking through crisis simulationhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6477
In an effort to teach strategic thinking, the Center for International Security Studies at Princeton University designed an adaptable model for crisis simulation that could be used in a variety of institutional contexts and with diverse content matter. Moreover, the simulation helped students to develop an understanding of several other important abstract concepts in political science: notably, information uncertainty, friction or "the fog of war," and bureaucratic stove piping. This article describes the design, content, and implementation of our original simulation. It is based on a "loose-nukes" scenario resulting from the hypothetical collapse of the Pakistani state. We conclude by evaluating the benefits and limitations of the simulation and by suggesting ways in which it could be implemented in other institutional contexts.
Tue, 01 Apr 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/64772014-04-01T00:00:00ZHunzeker, Michael A.Harkness, Kristen A.In an effort to teach strategic thinking, the Center for International Security Studies at Princeton University designed an adaptable model for crisis simulation that could be used in a variety of institutional contexts and with diverse content matter. Moreover, the simulation helped students to develop an understanding of several other important abstract concepts in political science: notably, information uncertainty, friction or "the fog of war," and bureaucratic stove piping. This article describes the design, content, and implementation of our original simulation. It is based on a "loose-nukes" scenario resulting from the hypothetical collapse of the Pakistani state. We conclude by evaluating the benefits and limitations of the simulation and by suggesting ways in which it could be implemented in other institutional contexts.Emerging powers, state capitalism and the oil sector in Africahttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6438
The global development landscape is rapidly changing with the acceleration of the economies of emerging countries and this has important implications for sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Notably, these emerging partners share a broad comparative advantage in their outward engagement. They are able to access large pools of finance and capital reserves and they also uphold a version of the Developmental State Model that encourages a statist approach to business. This state capitalism is increasingly coming to the fore, particularly in the aftermath of the global financial crisis and the evident intellectual collapse of neoliberalism as a sustainable economic model.
Mon, 01 Sep 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/64382014-09-01T00:00:00ZTaylor, Ian ChristopherThe global development landscape is rapidly changing with the acceleration of the economies of emerging countries and this has important implications for sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). Notably, these emerging partners share a broad comparative advantage in their outward engagement. They are able to access large pools of finance and capital reserves and they also uphold a version of the Developmental State Model that encourages a statist approach to business. This state capitalism is increasingly coming to the fore, particularly in the aftermath of the global financial crisis and the evident intellectual collapse of neoliberalism as a sustainable economic model.The tangent of the Syrian Uprisinghttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6434
Examines the stages and watersheds in the evolution of the Syrian Uprising
Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/64342014-01-01T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondExamines the stages and watersheds in the evolution of the Syrian UprisingThe Queen’s speech : desecuritizing the past, present and future of anglo- Irish relationshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6253
This article adopts the Copenhagen School’s concept of desecuritization to analyse the gestures of reconciliation undertaken during the 2011 state visit of Queen Elizabeth II to the Republic of Ireland, including her willingness to speak in Gaeilge at Dublin Castle. In the process, it opens new pathways to explore if, when and how desecuritizing moves can become possible. To respond to these questions, this article advances the concept of bilingual speech acts as a nuanced yet fruitful way to tease out the complexities of security speech and (de)securitization processes. It is also suggested that the concept of bilingual speech acts provides a way to respond to calls to include translation in critical security and securitization studies. However, while acknowledging the importance of these calls, it is shown that paying attention to bilingual speech acts demonstrates what can also be lost in translation. Empirically this article provides an in-depth analysis of the 2011 state visit to unpack the different kinds of desecuritizing moves that were undertaken in this context as well as the different modalities of security speech that were in play. To conclude, the merit of bilingual speech acts for understanding how to speak security in different ways and vocabularies are discussed.
Tue, 01 Dec 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/62532015-12-01T00:00:00ZDonnelly, FayeThis article adopts the Copenhagen School’s concept of desecuritization to analyse the gestures of reconciliation undertaken during the 2011 state visit of Queen Elizabeth II to the Republic of Ireland, including her willingness to speak in Gaeilge at Dublin Castle. In the process, it opens new pathways to explore if, when and how desecuritizing moves can become possible. To respond to these questions, this article advances the concept of bilingual speech acts as a nuanced yet fruitful way to tease out the complexities of security speech and (de)securitization processes. It is also suggested that the concept of bilingual speech acts provides a way to respond to calls to include translation in critical security and securitization studies. However, while acknowledging the importance of these calls, it is shown that paying attention to bilingual speech acts demonstrates what can also be lost in translation. Empirically this article provides an in-depth analysis of the 2011 state visit to unpack the different kinds of desecuritizing moves that were undertaken in this context as well as the different modalities of security speech that were in play. To conclude, the merit of bilingual speech acts for understanding how to speak security in different ways and vocabularies are discussed.A human cancer-associated truncation of MBD4 causes dominant negative impairment of DNA repair in colon cancer cellshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6239
MBD4 binds to methylated DNA and acts as a thymine DNA glycosylase in base excision repair. Deficiency of MBD4 in mice enhances mutation at CpG sites and alters apoptosis in response to DNA damage, but does not increase tumorigenesis in mismatch repair-deficient mice. However, in humans, frameshift mutation of MBD4, rather than deletion, is what occurs in up to 43% of microsatellite unstable colon cancers. There is no murine equivalent of this mutation. We now show that recombinant truncated MBD4 (MBD4(tru)) inhibits glycosylase activities of normal MBD4 or Uracil DNA glycosylase in cell-free assays as a dominant negative effect. Furthermore, overexpression of MBD4(tru) in Big Blue (lacI)-transfected, MSI human colorectal carcinoma cells doubled mutation frequency, indicating that the modest dominant negative effect on DNA repair can occur in living cells in short-term experiments. Intriguingly, the whole mutation spectrum was increased, not only at CpG sites, suggesting that truncated MBD4 has a more widespread effect on genomic stability. This demonstration of a dominant negative effect may be of significance in tumour progression and acquisition of drug resistance.
Mon, 26 Feb 2007 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/62392007-02-26T00:00:00ZBader, S AWalker, MHarrison, D JMBD4 binds to methylated DNA and acts as a thymine DNA glycosylase in base excision repair. Deficiency of MBD4 in mice enhances mutation at CpG sites and alters apoptosis in response to DNA damage, but does not increase tumorigenesis in mismatch repair-deficient mice. However, in humans, frameshift mutation of MBD4, rather than deletion, is what occurs in up to 43% of microsatellite unstable colon cancers. There is no murine equivalent of this mutation. We now show that recombinant truncated MBD4 (MBD4(tru)) inhibits glycosylase activities of normal MBD4 or Uracil DNA glycosylase in cell-free assays as a dominant negative effect. Furthermore, overexpression of MBD4(tru) in Big Blue (lacI)-transfected, MSI human colorectal carcinoma cells doubled mutation frequency, indicating that the modest dominant negative effect on DNA repair can occur in living cells in short-term experiments. Intriguingly, the whole mutation spectrum was increased, not only at CpG sites, suggesting that truncated MBD4 has a more widespread effect on genomic stability. This demonstration of a dominant negative effect may be of significance in tumour progression and acquisition of drug resistance.Self and other in critical international theory : assimilation, incommensurability and the paradox of critiquehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6231
This article is principally concerned with the way some sophisticated critical approaches in International Relations (TR) tend to compromise their critical edge in their engagement with the self/other problematique. Critical approaches that understand critique as total non-violence towards, or unreflective affirmation of, alterity risk falling back into precritical paths. That is, either a particularistic, assimilative universalism with pretensions of true universality or a radical incommensurability and the impossibility of communication with the other. This is what this article understands as the paradox of the politics of critique. Instead, what is more important than seeking a final overcoming or dismissal of the self/other opposition is to gain the insight that it is the perpetual striving to preserve the tension and ambivalence between self and other that rescues both critique's authority and function.
Sat, 01 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/62312011-01-01T00:00:00ZPaipais, VassiliosThis article is principally concerned with the way some sophisticated critical approaches in International Relations (TR) tend to compromise their critical edge in their engagement with the self/other problematique. Critical approaches that understand critique as total non-violence towards, or unreflective affirmation of, alterity risk falling back into precritical paths. That is, either a particularistic, assimilative universalism with pretensions of true universality or a radical incommensurability and the impossibility of communication with the other. This is what this article understands as the paradox of the politics of critique. Instead, what is more important than seeking a final overcoming or dismissal of the self/other opposition is to gain the insight that it is the perpetual striving to preserve the tension and ambivalence between self and other that rescues both critique's authority and function.Between politics and the political : reading Hans J. Morgenthau’s double critique of depoliticisationhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6225
This article situates H. Morgenthau’s thought in the context of post-foundationalist theorisations of the difference between politics and the political. In doing so, it shows how Morgenthau’s sophisticated realism refused to circumscribe the antagonistic dimension of politics and introduced the study of international politics as a struggle with negativity, temporality and contingency in the wake of the crisis of foundationalism in late modernity. Morgenthau’s tarrying with the negative is primarily revealed in his irresolvable tragic oscillation between Nietzschean scepticism and Kantian moralism. Nevertheless, due to its antinomic premises, Morgenthau’s tragic vision of politics can still be viewed as stopping a step short of its full-blown critical potential. It is not the purpose of this article, however, to award or withhold credentials of criticality but to recast Morgenthau’s theory of the political as an instructive, albeit inconclusive, attempt at a post-foundational political ontology. This may, eventually, serve a purpose far broader than restoring classical realism’s latent reflexivity; it may prompt an argument about the conditions and challenges involved in practising international theory as a constant critique of depoliticisation.
Wed, 01 Jan 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/62252014-01-01T00:00:00ZPaipais, VassiliosThis article situates H. Morgenthau’s thought in the context of post-foundationalist theorisations of the difference between politics and the political. In doing so, it shows how Morgenthau’s sophisticated realism refused to circumscribe the antagonistic dimension of politics and introduced the study of international politics as a struggle with negativity, temporality and contingency in the wake of the crisis of foundationalism in late modernity. Morgenthau’s tarrying with the negative is primarily revealed in his irresolvable tragic oscillation between Nietzschean scepticism and Kantian moralism. Nevertheless, due to its antinomic premises, Morgenthau’s tragic vision of politics can still be viewed as stopping a step short of its full-blown critical potential. It is not the purpose of this article, however, to award or withhold credentials of criticality but to recast Morgenthau’s theory of the political as an instructive, albeit inconclusive, attempt at a post-foundational political ontology. This may, eventually, serve a purpose far broader than restoring classical realism’s latent reflexivity; it may prompt an argument about the conditions and challenges involved in practising international theory as a constant critique of depoliticisation.Limiting Leviathan : an advice book for rulers? Larry May on Thomas Hobbeshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6203
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/62032015-01-01T00:00:00ZSlomp, GabriellaMedia metrics : how Arab and Western media construct success and failure in the ‘Global War on Terror’http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6083
The media has played an important role in the ‘Global War on Terror’, and has received significant scholarly attention as a result. However, the way in which different media represent and construct notions of success and failure has been less well examined. In addressing this gap, this article offers a comparative analysis of several hundred media sources drawn from Western and English language Arab press outlets, published up until the turn of the decade. Through this analysis, the paper examines the way in which different sources understand progress and regress in the conflict. The themes that emerge from this corpus suggest, not only that the two sets of sources demonstrate different conceptualisations of success and failure, but more interestingly, that through construction of specific metrics, they betray very different understandings about the nature of the conflict itself. In turn this constructs quite different interpretations of what ‘winning’ the ‘Global War on Terror’ might mean for the protagonists. In a largely consistent interpretation of the GWOT, Arab media interpret the conflict through the lens of American efforts to assert power and influence on a global stage. Western media metrics, on the other hand, evolve from a largely militaristic confrontation, to an ideological conflict, and finally constructing the GWOT as a global effort to bring down a movement. Notably, according to both Arab and Western measures, the media sources examined here suggest America is losing.
Sun, 01 Dec 2013 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/60832013-12-01T00:00:00ZMarsden, Sarah VictoriaThe media has played an important role in the ‘Global War on Terror’, and has received significant scholarly attention as a result. However, the way in which different media represent and construct notions of success and failure has been less well examined. In addressing this gap, this article offers a comparative analysis of several hundred media sources drawn from Western and English language Arab press outlets, published up until the turn of the decade. Through this analysis, the paper examines the way in which different sources understand progress and regress in the conflict. The themes that emerge from this corpus suggest, not only that the two sets of sources demonstrate different conceptualisations of success and failure, but more interestingly, that through construction of specific metrics, they betray very different understandings about the nature of the conflict itself. In turn this constructs quite different interpretations of what ‘winning’ the ‘Global War on Terror’ might mean for the protagonists. In a largely consistent interpretation of the GWOT, Arab media interpret the conflict through the lens of American efforts to assert power and influence on a global stage. Western media metrics, on the other hand, evolve from a largely militaristic confrontation, to an ideological conflict, and finally constructing the GWOT as a global effort to bring down a movement. Notably, according to both Arab and Western measures, the media sources examined here suggest America is losing.Back to enmity : Turkey-Syria relations since the Syrian Uprisinghttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6068
Examines the drivers of the return of Turkey-Syria relations to enmity, specifically the Turkish response to the Syrian Uprising. Looks also at Turkish policy in Syria, notably its support for radical Islamists fighting Asad and its policy toward the Syrian Kurds and ISIS. Turkey's bid for regional hegemony has faltered as a result of its overreach, particularly in the Syria crisis
Thu, 01 Jan 2015 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/60682015-01-01T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondExamines the drivers of the return of Turkey-Syria relations to enmity, specifically the Turkish response to the Syrian Uprising. Looks also at Turkish policy in Syria, notably its support for radical Islamists fighting Asad and its policy toward the Syrian Kurds and ISIS. Turkey's bid for regional hegemony has faltered as a result of its overreach, particularly in the Syria crisisChina's resource diplomacy in Africa : powering development?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6046
Sat, 01 Feb 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/60462014-02-01T00:00:00ZTaylor, Ian ChristopherAlgeria versus the Arab Springhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/5118
What accounts for continuing authoritarian success in the Arab world today? In light of the “Arab Spring,” explanations of “authoritarian resilience” in the region clearly need to be revised. Consider the example of Algeria, which exemplifies a type of authoritarian resistance to popular challenges that is based on pseudodemocratization, redistributive patronage, and an effective use of the security apparatus. Despite its unsteady mode of authoritarian governance, the Algerian regime currently possesses the means to cope with the difficulties presented by popular uprisings. Yet it cannot survive in its current form for long, given its dwindling legitimacy, its lack of truly institutionalized mechanisms for transferring power, and the intrinsic limits of its system of patronage.
Mon, 01 Jul 2013 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/51182013-07-01T00:00:00ZVolpi, FredericWhat accounts for continuing authoritarian success in the Arab world today? In light of the “Arab Spring,” explanations of “authoritarian resilience” in the region clearly need to be revised. Consider the example of Algeria, which exemplifies a type of authoritarian resistance to popular challenges that is based on pseudodemocratization, redistributive patronage, and an effective use of the security apparatus. Despite its unsteady mode of authoritarian governance, the Algerian regime currently possesses the means to cope with the difficulties presented by popular uprisings. Yet it cannot survive in its current form for long, given its dwindling legitimacy, its lack of truly institutionalized mechanisms for transferring power, and the intrinsic limits of its system of patronage.Barry Scott Zellen, State of recovery: The quest to restore American security after 9/11 (New York: Bloomsbury, 2013) Gilbert Ramsay, Jihadi culture on the world wide web ( New York: Bloomsbury, 2013) : reviewed by Richard Englishhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4929
Mon, 02 Jun 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/49292014-06-02T00:00:00ZEnglish, Richard LudlowReview of 'Lone Wolf Terrorism'http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4903
Tue, 24 Sep 2013 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/49032013-09-24T00:00:00ZWilson, Timothy KeithAddressing hate and violence : the Scottish experience of complexities and communities, a report for the Young Academy of Scotland of the Royal Society of Edinburghhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4882
In its efforts to break down barriers and encourage constructive dialogue, the RSE Young Academy of Scotland hosted a workshop on 8 July 2013 bringing together over 50 stakeholders comprising community activists, representatives from Police Scotland, central and local government, academia as well as members of faith, gender, sexual orientation and race groups. Delegates discussed their experience of the challenges facing Scotland’s diverse communities and explored possible approaches to build stronger communities.
Sat, 15 Mar 2014 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/48822014-03-15T00:00:00ZMurer, Jeffrey StevensonIn its efforts to break down barriers and encourage constructive dialogue, the RSE Young Academy of Scotland hosted a workshop on 8 July 2013 bringing together over 50 stakeholders comprising community activists, representatives from Police Scotland, central and local government, academia as well as members of faith, gender, sexual orientation and race groups. Delegates discussed their experience of the challenges facing Scotland’s diverse communities and explored possible approaches to build stronger communities.Genome-wide analysis reveals loci encoding anti-macrophage factors in the human pathogen Burkholderia pseudomallei K96243http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4590
Burkholderia pseudomallei is an important human pathogen whose infection biology is still poorly understood. The bacterium is endemic to tropical regions, including South East Asia and Northern Australia, where it causes melioidosis, a serious disease associated with both high mortality and antibiotic resistance. B. pseudomallei is a Gram-negative facultative intracellular pathogen that is able to replicate in macrophages. However despite the critical nature of its interaction with macrophages, few anti-macrophage factors have been characterized to date. Here we perform a genome-wide gain of function screen of B. pseudomallei strain K96243 to identify loci encoding factors with anti-macrophage activity. We identify a total of 113 such loci scattered across both chromosomes, with positive gene clusters encoding transporters and secretion systems, enzymes/toxins, secondary metabolite, biofilm, adhesion and signal response related factors. Further phenotypic analysis of four of these regions shows that the encoded factors cause striking cellular phenotypes relevant to infection biology, including apoptosis, formation of actin 'tails' and multi-nucleation within treated macrophages. The detailed analysis of the remaining host of loci will facilitate genetic dissection of the interaction of this important pathogen with host macrophages and thus further elucidate this critical part of its infection cycle.
This work was supported by the UK government under BBSRC grant BB/E021182/1 to R.H.ff-C and N.R.W. and by the European Community Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under grant agreement no. 223328 (GAMEXP) to R.H.ff-C and N.W. The funders had no role in the study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.
Wed, 22 Dec 2010 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/45902010-12-22T00:00:00ZDowling, Andrea J.Wilkinson, Paul A.Holden, Matthew T. G.Quail, Michael A.Bentley, Stephen D.Reger, JuliaWaterfield, Nicholas R.Titball, Richard W.Ffrench-Constant, Richard H.Burkholderia pseudomallei is an important human pathogen whose infection biology is still poorly understood. The bacterium is endemic to tropical regions, including South East Asia and Northern Australia, where it causes melioidosis, a serious disease associated with both high mortality and antibiotic resistance. B. pseudomallei is a Gram-negative facultative intracellular pathogen that is able to replicate in macrophages. However despite the critical nature of its interaction with macrophages, few anti-macrophage factors have been characterized to date. Here we perform a genome-wide gain of function screen of B. pseudomallei strain K96243 to identify loci encoding factors with anti-macrophage activity. We identify a total of 113 such loci scattered across both chromosomes, with positive gene clusters encoding transporters and secretion systems, enzymes/toxins, secondary metabolite, biofilm, adhesion and signal response related factors. Further phenotypic analysis of four of these regions shows that the encoded factors cause striking cellular phenotypes relevant to infection biology, including apoptosis, formation of actin 'tails' and multi-nucleation within treated macrophages. The detailed analysis of the remaining host of loci will facilitate genetic dissection of the interaction of this important pathogen with host macrophages and thus further elucidate this critical part of its infection cycle.The political role of the patriarch in the contemporary Middle Easthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4131
Thu, 01 Nov 2007 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/41312007-11-01T00:00:00ZMcCallum, FionaChristian political participation in the Arab worldhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4130
Sun, 01 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/41302012-01-01T00:00:00ZMcCallum, FionaReligious institutions and authoritarian states : Church-state relations in the Middle Easthttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4129
The churches in the Middle East are generally perceived to be supportive of the authoritarian states in the region. The motivations for this strategy and its successes and limitations in the context of the authoritarian environment and the religious heritage of the region are explored. The article argues that the approaches pursued are determined by the structure of the community in relation to the majority and other Christian communities as well as by state policies towards the community. The overriding aim of church leaders of protecting their communities has led to a modern variation of the historical millet system, which provides them public status in exchange for their acquiescence in regime policies. This security guarantee, combined with wariness towards other potential political actors and the desire to protect their privileged position from communal challengers, has resulted in the hierarchies' preference for the authoritarian status quo rather than encouraging democracy promotion.
Sun, 01 Jan 2012 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/41292012-01-01T00:00:00ZMcCallum, FionaThe churches in the Middle East are generally perceived to be supportive of the authoritarian states in the region. The motivations for this strategy and its successes and limitations in the context of the authoritarian environment and the religious heritage of the region are explored. The article argues that the approaches pursued are determined by the structure of the community in relation to the majority and other Christian communities as well as by state policies towards the community. The overriding aim of church leaders of protecting their communities has led to a modern variation of the historical millet system, which provides them public status in exchange for their acquiescence in regime policies. This security guarantee, combined with wariness towards other potential political actors and the desire to protect their privileged position from communal challengers, has resulted in the hierarchies' preference for the authoritarian status quo rather than encouraging democracy promotion.Christians in the Middle East : A new sub-field?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4117
The topic of Christians in the Middle East appears to be enjoying a growing vitality within Middle East studies. This is not to say that scholarship ignored the subject in the past, but it was rarely seen as an independent area of study. Works tended to focus on the historical origins, faith, and rites of the different churches within Eastern Christianity. Those that looked specifically at Christian communities tended to concentrate on their relations with other groups, especially in the context of a minority framework. Some interdisciplinary volumes such as those edited by Andrea Pacini and Anthony O'Mahony moved beyond this limited approach to cover a wider range of issues, but several of the contributions retained this descriptive tendency rather than relating directly to theoretical debates within different disciplines.
Sun, 01 Aug 2010 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/41172010-08-01T00:00:00ZMcCallum, FionaThe topic of Christians in the Middle East appears to be enjoying a growing vitality within Middle East studies. This is not to say that scholarship ignored the subject in the past, but it was rarely seen as an independent area of study. Works tended to focus on the historical origins, faith, and rites of the different churches within Eastern Christianity. Those that looked specifically at Christian communities tended to concentrate on their relations with other groups, especially in the context of a minority framework. Some interdisciplinary volumes such as those edited by Andrea Pacini and Anthony O'Mahony moved beyond this limited approach to cover a wider range of issues, but several of the contributions retained this descriptive tendency rather than relating directly to theoretical debates within different disciplines.Integration or separation? : The stigmatization of ex-combatants after warhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4075
Ex-combatant reintegration programs are buttressed by a number of problematic assumptions about ex-combatants themselves; namely, that ex-combatants should not receive long-term support because such assistance would amplify the threat they pose to security and exacerbate community resentment towards them. The article uses data collected from Liberia to demonstrate that such thinking stigmatizes ex-combatants and works against the objective of reintegration: it disrupts integration into the everyday social, economic, and political life of the post-conflict state and aims instead to render ex-combatants separate from communities. Integration will remain elusive unless assumptions about ex-combatants as program beneficiaries are challenged.
Mon, 01 Apr 2013 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/40752013-04-01T00:00:00ZMcMullin, Jaremey RobertEx-combatant reintegration programs are buttressed by a number of problematic assumptions about ex-combatants themselves; namely, that ex-combatants should not receive long-term support because such assistance would amplify the threat they pose to security and exacerbate community resentment towards them. The article uses data collected from Liberia to demonstrate that such thinking stigmatizes ex-combatants and works against the objective of reintegration: it disrupts integration into the everyday social, economic, and political life of the post-conflict state and aims instead to render ex-combatants separate from communities. Integration will remain elusive unless assumptions about ex-combatants as program beneficiaries are challenged.An experimental trial exploring the impact of continuous transdermal alcohol monitoring upon alcohol consumption in a cohort of male studentshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/4052
Objective: To examine the impact of continuous transdermal alcohol monitoring upon alcohol consumption in male students at a Scottish university. Method: Using a within-subject mixed-methods design, 60 male university students were randomly allocated into three experimental conditions using AUDIT score stratified sampling. Participants in Conditions A and B were asked not to consume alcohol for a 14-day period, with those in Condition A additionally being required to wear a continuous transdermal alcohol monitoring anklet. Condition C participants wore an anklet and were asked to continue consuming alcohol as normal. Alcohol consumption was measured through alcohol timeline follow-back, and using data collected from the anklets where available. Diaries and focus groups explored participants’ experiences of the trial. Results: Alcohol consumption during the 14-day trial decreased significantly for participants in Conditions A and B, but not in C. There was no significant relative difference in units of alcohol consumed between Conditions A and B, but significantly fewer participants in Condition A drank alcohol than in Condition B. Possible reasons for this difference identified from the focus groups and diaries included the anklet acting as a reminder of commitment to the study (and the agreement to sobriety), participants feeling under surveillance, and the use of the anklet as a tool to resist social pressure to consume alcohol. Conclusions: The study provided experience in using continuous transdermal alcohol monitors in an experimental context, and demonstrated ways in which the technology may be supportive in facilitating sobriety. Results from the study have been used to design a research project using continuous transdermal alcohol monitors with ex-offenders who recognise a link between their alcohol consumption and offending behaviour.
Tue, 25 Jun 2013 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/40522013-06-25T00:00:00ZNeville, Fergus GilmourWilliams, Damien JohnGoodall, ChristineMurer, Jeffrey StevensonDonnelly, Peter DuncanObjective: To examine the impact of continuous transdermal alcohol monitoring upon alcohol consumption in male students at a Scottish university. Method: Using a within-subject mixed-methods design, 60 male university students were randomly allocated into three experimental conditions using AUDIT score stratified sampling. Participants in Conditions A and B were asked not to consume alcohol for a 14-day period, with those in Condition A additionally being required to wear a continuous transdermal alcohol monitoring anklet. Condition C participants wore an anklet and were asked to continue consuming alcohol as normal. Alcohol consumption was measured through alcohol timeline follow-back, and using data collected from the anklets where available. Diaries and focus groups explored participants’ experiences of the trial. Results: Alcohol consumption during the 14-day trial decreased significantly for participants in Conditions A and B, but not in C. There was no significant relative difference in units of alcohol consumed between Conditions A and B, but significantly fewer participants in Condition A drank alcohol than in Condition B. Possible reasons for this difference identified from the focus groups and diaries included the anklet acting as a reminder of commitment to the study (and the agreement to sobriety), participants feeling under surveillance, and the use of the anklet as a tool to resist social pressure to consume alcohol. Conclusions: The study provided experience in using continuous transdermal alcohol monitors in an experimental context, and demonstrated ways in which the technology may be supportive in facilitating sobriety. Results from the study have been used to design a research project using continuous transdermal alcohol monitors with ex-offenders who recognise a link between their alcohol consumption and offending behaviour.Buying biosafety - is the price right?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3477
Thu, 20 May 2004 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/34772004-05-20T00:00:00ZRichardson, LouiseEurope and the Middle East : from imperialism to liberal peace?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3260
Europe’s relation with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is discussed in the context of normative (International Society) and materialist approaches (World System’s Theory). First, European imperialism’s export of a flawed Westphalian state system is summarized. How Europe is “caught” between MENA and the US and co-opted into a division of labour toward the region is then surveyed. The gap between the normative rhetoric and actual inequitable outcomes and structures constructed under the Euro-Mediterranean partnership isexamined, looking at the three “baskets” of economic developmental, political reform and cultural convergence. Four “hard cases,” EU policies toward Palestine, Iran, Syria and Turkey, illustrate the ambiguities of the EU’s approach to MENA. MENA public opinion’s ambivalence toward Europe reflects these realities. The conclusion is that the EU’sMENA policy is caught between the rhetoric of post-colonialism and practices of neo-colonialism.
Sun, 01 Jul 2012 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/32602012-07-01T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondEurope’s relation with the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) is discussed in the context of normative (International Society) and materialist approaches (World System’s Theory). First, European imperialism’s export of a flawed Westphalian state system is summarized. How Europe is “caught” between MENA and the US and co-opted into a division of labour toward the region is then surveyed. The gap between the normative rhetoric and actual inequitable outcomes and structures constructed under the Euro-Mediterranean partnership isexamined, looking at the three “baskets” of economic developmental, political reform and cultural convergence. Four “hard cases,” EU policies toward Palestine, Iran, Syria and Turkey, illustrate the ambiguities of the EU’s approach to MENA. MENA public opinion’s ambivalence toward Europe reflects these realities. The conclusion is that the EU’sMENA policy is caught between the rhetoric of post-colonialism and practices of neo-colonialism.American invasion of Iraq : causes and consequenceshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/3251
Examines the causes of the US invasion n terms of US global grand strategy, the US strategic position in the Middle East and the interests of the ruling coalition. Focuses on the consequences: the destruction of Iraq; radical empowerment in the Middle East and the expenditure of US soft power and legitmacy as a hegemon globally and in the region
Mon, 01 Jan 2007 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/32512007-01-01T00:00:00ZHinnebusch, RaymondExamines the causes of the US invasion n terms of US global grand strategy, the US strategic position in the Middle East and the interests of the ruling coalition. Focuses on the consequences: the destruction of Iraq; radical empowerment in the Middle East and the expenditure of US soft power and legitmacy as a hegemon globally and in the regionReducing energy subsidies in China, India and Russia : dilemmas for decision makershttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/3015
This article examines and compares efforts to reduce energy subsidies in China, India and Russia. Despite dissimilarities in forms of governance, these three states have followed surprisingly similar patterns in reducing energy subsidies, characterised by two steps forward, one step back. Non-democratic governments and energy importers might be expected to be more likely to halt subsidies. In fact, the degree of democracy and status as net energy exporters or importers does not seem to significantly affect these countries’ capacity to reduce subsidies, as far as can be judged from the data in this article. Politicians in all three fear that taking unpopular decisions may provoke social unrest.
Mon, 01 Feb 2010 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/30152010-02-01T00:00:00ZDansie, GrantLanteigne, Marc EdouardØverland, IndraThis article examines and compares efforts to reduce energy subsidies in China, India and Russia. Despite dissimilarities in forms of governance, these three states have followed surprisingly similar patterns in reducing energy subsidies, characterised by two steps forward, one step back. Non-democratic governments and energy importers might be expected to be more likely to halt subsidies. In fact, the degree of democracy and status as net energy exporters or importers does not seem to significantly affect these countries’ capacity to reduce subsidies, as far as can be judged from the data in this article. Politicians in all three fear that taking unpopular decisions may provoke social unrest.Profiling terror : gender, strategic logic, and emotion in the study of suicide terrorismhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/2597
Robert Pape's well-received book, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism (2005), presents what appears to be a gender-neutral study of both male and female suicide terrorists. Pape's main argument is that suicide terrorism is a strategic and rational terror campaign against democracies. While the study argues that male and female suicide terrorists are rational individuals, it depicts women as motivated by emotion. Thus, this article argues that gender-neutral work is rarely gender-neutral and such studies fail to recognize the social and political impact of gender. Furthermore, we argue that the rational choice model presented by Pape furthers the gender divide by emphasizing values associated with masculinity over values associated with femininity. As an alternative, we propose three propositions to change the study of suicide terrorism to include both political and emotional motivations. We propose that gendered presentations of female suicide bombers reify stereotypical images of gender and of suicide bombers, that silence about the complexity of suicide bombers' motivations does not erase the many variables that go into martyrs' decisions, and that adding emotion to the study of suicide bombing counterbalances the narrowness of the "strategic actor" model. The essay concludes with evidence from the study of the Chechen "black widows" that demonstrates the explanatory value of these propositions.
Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/25972008-01-01T00:00:00ZGentry, Caron EileenSjoberg, LauraRobert Pape's well-received book, Dying to Win: The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism (2005), presents what appears to be a gender-neutral study of both male and female suicide terrorists. Pape's main argument is that suicide terrorism is a strategic and rational terror campaign against democracies. While the study argues that male and female suicide terrorists are rational individuals, it depicts women as motivated by emotion. Thus, this article argues that gender-neutral work is rarely gender-neutral and such studies fail to recognize the social and political impact of gender. Furthermore, we argue that the rational choice model presented by Pape furthers the gender divide by emphasizing values associated with masculinity over values associated with femininity. As an alternative, we propose three propositions to change the study of suicide terrorism to include both political and emotional motivations. We propose that gendered presentations of female suicide bombers reify stereotypical images of gender and of suicide bombers, that silence about the complexity of suicide bombers' motivations does not erase the many variables that go into martyrs' decisions, and that adding emotion to the study of suicide bombing counterbalances the narrowness of the "strategic actor" model. The essay concludes with evidence from the study of the Chechen "black widows" that demonstrates the explanatory value of these propositions.Security, identity, and the discourse of conflation in far-right violencehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/2157
In the aftermath of Anders Breivik’s shooting spree and bombing in Norway, many people asked where did the anger and the violence come from? The article examines the contemporary trends in political and social discourses to conflate opponents with enemies. Popular discourses, television and on-line media, radio talk shows and even newspaper spread the language of threat and insecurity, and the idea that the biggest threats may be the people in our own neighbourhoods, in our own cities, on our own streets. These threatening individuals are those that do not quite fit in; they are familiar foreigners. Similarly it explores the discourses of who should be afforded trust and protection within multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural political and social environments, who exhibits social membership and who should be excluded. The language of austerity and shortage suggests that security is not a human right that all people are entitled to equally. Rather if states can only afford to protect certain people, then by default the state chooses to actively not protect others. This article explores the social and physical consequences these decisions have, particularly when certain individuals decide that they will do what others only talk about: eliminate enemies.
Mon, 24 Oct 2011 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/21572011-10-24T00:00:00ZMurer, Jeffrey StevensonIn the aftermath of Anders Breivik’s shooting spree and bombing in Norway, many people asked where did the anger and the violence come from? The article examines the contemporary trends in political and social discourses to conflate opponents with enemies. Popular discourses, television and on-line media, radio talk shows and even newspaper spread the language of threat and insecurity, and the idea that the biggest threats may be the people in our own neighbourhoods, in our own cities, on our own streets. These threatening individuals are those that do not quite fit in; they are familiar foreigners. Similarly it explores the discourses of who should be afforded trust and protection within multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural political and social environments, who exhibits social membership and who should be excluded. The language of austerity and shortage suggests that security is not a human right that all people are entitled to equally. Rather if states can only afford to protect certain people, then by default the state chooses to actively not protect others. This article explores the social and physical consequences these decisions have, particularly when certain individuals decide that they will do what others only talk about: eliminate enemies.Law and outsiders: norms, processes and “othering” in the 21st Century : When the Law is more than the lawhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/2031
A book review of Law and Outsiders: Norms, Processes and “Othering” in the 21st Century, by Cian Murphy and Penny Green
Journal Special Issue: (Re)Imagining Alterity in the 21st Century
Sat, 01 Jan 2011 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/20312011-01-01T00:00:00ZMurer, Jeffrey StevensonA book review of Law and Outsiders: Norms, Processes and “Othering” in the 21st Century, by Cian Murphy and Penny GreenThe European Study of Youth Mobilisation Report : Listening to Radicals: Attitudes and Motivations of Young People Engaged in Political and Social Movements Outside of the Mainstream in Central and Nordic Europehttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/1838
The Report relays the findings and methodology of the three year European Study of Youth Mobilisation which interviewed more than 800 youth activists in five Central European cities (Bratislava, Brno, Budapest, Krakow and Warsaw), and brought together 200 practitioners and academic researchers in expert panel discussions in three Nordic cities (Copenhagen, Helsinki, and Stockholm) to discuss the attitudes and motivations of young people involved in political and social movements outside of the mainstream. The most important findings related to the wide-scale lack of trust in political institutions and that the perception of the legitimacy of violence was dependent on group membership, and not other factors including gender.
Fri, 11 Mar 2011 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/18382011-03-11T00:00:00ZMurer, Jeffrey StevensonThe Report relays the findings and methodology of the three year European Study of Youth Mobilisation which interviewed more than 800 youth activists in five Central European cities (Bratislava, Brno, Budapest, Krakow and Warsaw), and brought together 200 practitioners and academic researchers in expert panel discussions in three Nordic cities (Copenhagen, Helsinki, and Stockholm) to discuss the attitudes and motivations of young people involved in political and social movements outside of the mainstream. The most important findings related to the wide-scale lack of trust in political institutions and that the perception of the legitimacy of violence was dependent on group membership, and not other factors including gender.'Reconstruction' before the Marshall Planhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/1567
Fri, 01 Jul 2005 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/15672005-07-01T00:00:00ZWilliams, Andrew JohnChildren and international relations : a new site of knowledge?http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1566
Recent years have seen the growth of approaches critical of traditional state-centred examinations of international relations, arguing instead for analyses that recognise actors and methods previously held largely silent within the mainstream International Relations (IR) discourse. This article argues that children are a group of actors worthy of similar recognition. Despite the fact that 'childhood studies' are comparatively well established in a number of academic disciplines, similar recognition has been later in coming to the study of IR. This article aims to address this perceived gap in the literature by first of all outlining the ways in which the discourse surrounding the child in IR has so far developed. This leads into an, examination of how the child may potentially best be conceptualised within the mainstream discourse and the implications of the inclusion of children as a 'site of knowledge' through which the international system may be more clearly understood.
Sat, 01 Apr 2006 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/15662006-04-01T00:00:00ZWatson, Alison Martha ScottRecent years have seen the growth of approaches critical of traditional state-centred examinations of international relations, arguing instead for analyses that recognise actors and methods previously held largely silent within the mainstream International Relations (IR) discourse. This article argues that children are a group of actors worthy of similar recognition. Despite the fact that 'childhood studies' are comparatively well established in a number of academic disciplines, similar recognition has been later in coming to the study of IR. This article aims to address this perceived gap in the literature by first of all outlining the ways in which the discourse surrounding the child in IR has so far developed. This leads into an, examination of how the child may potentially best be conceptualised within the mainstream discourse and the implications of the inclusion of children as a 'site of knowledge' through which the international system may be more clearly understood.States of sovereignty, sovereign states, and ethnic claims for international statushttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/1560
Sovereignty is heavily contested by existing states which view the survival of territorial sovereignty as vital to international order and many ethnic groups that see states as an obstacle to their own claims to sovereignty. This article looks at how and why ethnic claims to sovereignty arise. It examines when such claims may emerge, what forms Such claims may take, the benefits ethnic groups perceive may accrue. and the implications for the international system and the emerging post-Westphalian international society.
Mon, 01 Apr 2002 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/15602002-04-01T00:00:00ZRichmond, Oliver PaulSovereignty is heavily contested by existing states which view the survival of territorial sovereignty as vital to international order and many ethnic groups that see states as an obstacle to their own claims to sovereignty. This article looks at how and why ethnic claims to sovereignty arise. It examines when such claims may emerge, what forms Such claims may take, the benefits ethnic groups perceive may accrue. and the implications for the international system and the emerging post-Westphalian international society.The judgment of war : On the idea of legitimate force in world politicshttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/1559
Thu, 01 Dec 2005 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/15592005-12-01T00:00:00ZRengger, Nicholas John HughWhereof we can speak, thereof we must not be silent : trauma, political solipsism and warhttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/1506
In cases such as World War I grief or trauma were nearly universal in the European context and a direct consequence of a political experience of war. This article asks whether widespread social suffering may have a social and political expression that is larger than the sum of traumatised or bereaved individuals. Section 1 explores Martha Nussbaum's theory of emotion, particularly as it relates to grief and compassion and uses this to build two contrasting typologies of grief and trauma. Central to this contrast is the idea that grief, as an emotion, is embedded in a community, while trauma and emotional numbing correspond with a breakdown of community and an isolation, which may give rise to solipsism, The latter would appear to make any notion of social trauma a contradiction in terms. Section 2 draws on the philosopher Wittgenstein's critique in the Philosophical Investigations of his early work in the Tractatus, to argue that even the solipsist exists in a particular kind of social world. This provides a foundation for arguing, in Section 3, that social trauma can find expression in a political solipsism, which has dangerous consequences. Section 4 theorises the relationship between trauma, identity and agency at the international level.
Fri, 01 Oct 2004 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/15062004-10-01T00:00:00ZFierke, Karin MarieIn cases such as World War I grief or trauma were nearly universal in the European context and a direct consequence of a political experience of war. This article asks whether widespread social suffering may have a social and political expression that is larger than the sum of traumatised or bereaved individuals. Section 1 explores Martha Nussbaum's theory of emotion, particularly as it relates to grief and compassion and uses this to build two contrasting typologies of grief and trauma. Central to this contrast is the idea that grief, as an emotion, is embedded in a community, while trauma and emotional numbing correspond with a breakdown of community and an isolation, which may give rise to solipsism, The latter would appear to make any notion of social trauma a contradiction in terms. Section 2 draws on the philosopher Wittgenstein's critique in the Philosophical Investigations of his early work in the Tractatus, to argue that even the solipsist exists in a particular kind of social world. This provides a foundation for arguing, in Section 3, that social trauma can find expression in a political solipsism, which has dangerous consequences. Section 4 theorises the relationship between trauma, identity and agency at the international level.Why Don’t the French Do Think Tanks?: France Faces up to the Anglo-Saxon Superpowers, 1918-1921http://hdl.handle.net/10023/643
Abstract. This article asks the question: ‘Why have the French not developed ‘‘think tanks’’?’ by looking at the period when such institutions were being set up in The UK and the United States, during the preparation for the Paris Peace Conference and its aftermath. It is suggested that the reasons were a mixture of French bureaucratic and intellectual disposition but also in a growing revulsion in Paris at what was seen as duplicity and conspiracy by its Allies to ignore the legitimate concerns and needs of the French people. The central source material used is the papers of the ‘Commission Bourgeois’ whose deliberations are often rather air brushed out of academic literature on the period and work done within the French Foreign Ministry.
Copyright of Cambridge University Press
Tue, 01 Jan 2008 00:00:00 GMThttp://hdl.handle.net/10023/6432008-01-01T00:00:00ZWilliams, AAbstract. This article asks the question: ‘Why have the French not developed ‘‘think tanks’’?’ by looking at the period when such institutions were being set up in The UK and the United States, during the preparation for the Paris Peace Conference and its aftermath. It is suggested that the reasons were a mixture of French bureaucratic and intellectual disposition but also in a growing revulsion in Paris at what was seen as duplicity and conspiracy by its Allies to ignore the legitimate concerns and needs of the French people. The central source material used is the papers of the ‘Commission Bourgeois’ whose deliberations are often rather air brushed out of academic literature on the period and work done within the French Foreign Ministry.