Equatorial Guinea: Oil but No Rights, 1

Editor's Note

"For the past three decades, Obiang has proudly presided over one
of Africa's most devastating humanitarian and political disasters.
With a per capita GDP comparable to Portugal or Korea, Equatorial
Guinea's national income is the highest in sub-Saharan Africa - and
yet over 60 per cent of the population struggle to live on less
than a dollar a day. Since oil was discovered in 1995, President
Teodoro Obiang's family and close associates have grown fabulously
wealthy, while the majority of the population remain mired in
poverty." - Abena Ampofoa Asare

This judgment on Equatorial Guinea's President Obiang is neither
novel nor surprising, as the author notes. Nor, perhaps, is it
surprising that the African Union, following its principle of
rotation of leadership by region, has chosen President Obiang as
the chairperson for the coming year (for chairs for previous
years, see http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/African_Union#List_of_Chairmen). Yet
particularly at a time when the Arab World, and North Africa in
particular, is launching a hoped-for new era of democracy, it is
sad that Africa's leaders are symbolically endorsing one of the
continent's worst dinosaurs. They could hardly have chosen a more
apt way to undermine their own efforts to support democratic
values.

This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains the country summary on
Equatorial Guinea from the Human Rights Watch World Report 2011,
and excerpts from a December 2010 article by Abena Ampofoa Asare in
Foreign Policy in Focus, on President Obiang's strategies for
promising reform and evading international criticism.

Another AfricaFocus Bulletin released today, but not sent out by
e-mail, has excerpts from an earlier report on economic and social
rights in Equatorial Guinea, by the Center for Economic and Social
Rights, and the press release for a comprehensive 2009 report from
Human Rights Watch on Equatorial Guinea. Seehttp://www.africafocus.org/docs11/eq1102b.php

Note on Egypt

I'm sure most of you are following closely the hopeful (so far)
evolution of events in Egypt. Given the rapid pace of events and
saturation coverage by the media, there is little distinct for
AfricaFocus to add on this topic. However, I am posting to the
AfricaFocus Facebook page occasional links for analysis I find of
particular interest. See
http://www.facebook.com/pages/AfricaFocus/101867576407

Equatorial Guinea

Equatorial Guinea remains mired in corruption, poverty, and
repression under the leadership of Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo,
the country's president for over 30 years. Vast oil revenues fund
lavish lifestyles for the small elite surrounding the president,
while the majority of the population lives in dire poverty. The
government regularly engages in torture and arbitrary detention. It
also continues a practice of abducting perceived opponents abroad
and holding them in secret detention. Journalists, civil society,
and members of the political opposition face heavy government
repression.

President Obiang, who overwhelmingly won re-election in November
2009 in a deeply flawed vote, unsuccessfully sought to enhance his
international image by announcing purported human rights reforms.
Several prominent Obiang initiatives, including the United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) prize in
his honor, were blocked due to widespread concern over
well-documented corruption and abuse in his administration.

Economic and Social Rights

Significant oil revenues and the country's small population make
Equatorial Guinea's per capita gross domestic product among the
highest in the world, and the highest in sub-Saharan Africa.
Nevertheless, socioeconomic conditions for the country's population
of approximately 600,000 remain dismal. One study published in The
Lancet found that the country had the world's highest child
mortality rate, though a second study in the same publication found
that the country did see progress in reducing maternal mortality.

The government has failed to utilize available resources to
progressively realize the social and economic rights of the
population. Given its high oil revenues, it has invested only
paltry sums in health, education, and other social services. As
reported by the International Monetary Fund in May, after a
four-year delay, Equatorial Guinea in 2010 began to disburse
"small" amounts for those purposes through its Social Development
Fund. The government, instead, has prioritized investments in
projects, such as an ultra-modern hospital, that have little
benefit for the poor who lack access to basic health services. An
anti-malaria campaign largely funded by Western oil companies has
lowered the incidence of malaria.

In February a United States Senate investigation revealed that
President Obiang's eldest son and presumed successor--known by the
nickname Teodor¡n--who serves as minister of agriculture and
forestry, bypassed money-laundering controls and used suspect funds
to finance expensive purchases in the US. The son's spending on
luxury goods from 2004-2007 was nearly double the Equatoguinean
government's 2005 budget for education. The US Senate also reported
that Teodor¡n is under criminal investigation in the US. In
response to this negative publicity, he hired a Washington
communications firm to polish his image, selecting the same firm
used by his father. President Obiang also hired a new US lobbyist,
replacing the firm he retained after a 2004 US Senate investigation
exposed his improper personal spending from national oil accounts.

Freedom of Expression and Association

Equatorial Guinea remains notorious for its lack of press freedom;
its ranking by Reporters Without Borders fell to 167th out of 178
countries in 2010. A few non-state-controlled media outlets publish
erratically and are tightly restrained. Journalists from the state
media are not permitted to criticize the government.

According to international press freedom groups, in January the
government fired four reporters from the state radio and television
broadcaster for "lack of enthusiasm." In February a journalist with
state-run radio was arrested and held for three days after he
reported on-air that seven bodies were found at a trash dump in
Bata, the largest city on the country's mainland. In April the sole
foreign correspondent in Equatorial Guinea, an Agence France-Presse
reporter, was detained and held for several hours when he attempted
to cover the arrival of foreign dignitaries at the airport in
Malabo, the capital.

Freedom of association and assembly are also severely curtailed,
infringing on the development of civil society. The government
imposes restrictive conditions on the registration and operation of
nongovernmental groups. As a result, there is not one legally
registered independent human rights organization in the country.
The few local activists who openly promote needed reforms are
vulnerable to intimidation, harassment, and reprisals. The
government is also intolerant of critical views from abroad,
frequently characterizing those who expose President Obiang's
autocratic and corrupt rule as racist and colonialist. It also
regularly denies visas to foreign journalists.

Political Parties and Political Opposition

Contrary to President Obiang's claims that "my country is
democratic," free and fair elections are denied to its people. In
the lead-up to the November 2009 presidential vote, which President
Obiang won with 95.4 percent of the ballot, the government stifled
and harassed the country's beleaguered political opposition, denied
the opposition equal access to the media, and imposed serious
constraints on international observers.

The ruling Democratic Party (PDGE) maintains a monopoly over
political life. Only two of the four other political parties with
candidates running in the election--the Convergence for Social
Democracy (CPDS) and the People's Union (UP)--actively oppose the
ruling party and Obiang. Opposition parties are silenced through
the use of criminal prosecution, arbitrary arrest, and harassment.
Freedom House named Equatorial Guinea as one of the "worst of the
worst" countries for the harsh repression of political rights and
civil liberties, as it has for several previous years.

In July Teodorin was elected to head the ruling party's youth wing.
That role automatically confers on the younger Mr. Obiang the
vice-presidency of the PDGE and presumably ensures that he is next
in line to replace his father.

Abduction, Arbitrary Detention, Torture, and Unfair Trials

There is no independent judiciary in Equatorial Guinea. The
government commonly employs arbitrary detention and arrests without
due process. Detainees continued to be held indefinitely without
knowing the charges against them. Basic fair trial standards are
disregarded. Torture remains a serious problem despite a national
law prohibiting it. Equatorial Guinea's security services have
kidnapped more than a dozen perceived opponents abroad, including
at least four in 2010.

Amnesty International reported that Equatorial Guinea abducted four
nationals living in exile in Benin in January 2010, held them in
secret detention where they were tortured and forced to confess to
participating in a February 2009 attack on the presidential palace,
and then executed them in August following a military trial that
violated international human rights standards and the country's own
laws.

The government had earlier arbitrarily detained and accused 10
opposition politicians and scores of Nigerian citizens, including
fisherman and traders, of involvement in the same attack on the
presidential palace. In March, after more than a year in detention,
seven of the Nigerian citizens were prosecuted in an unfair
civilian trial and each sentenced to 12 years in prison, while two
Equatoguinean opposition members were first acquitted by the
civilian court and then retried in August by a military court,
receiving sentences of 20 years.

Key International Actors

At its review under the Universal Periodic Review mechanism of the
UN Human Rights Council in December 2009, and during a follow-up
session in March 2010, Equatorial Guinea accepted over 100
recommendations to improve its human rights record, including
commitments to end torture and arbitrary and secret detentions. In
June President Obiang announced a reform plan at the Global Forum
in Cape Town, South Africa, pledging that he would make his
country's oil revenues fully transparent, increase social spending,
institute legal reforms, protect human rights, and preserve the
environment. Although President Obiang hired a "reform adviser" to
help promote these purported improvements, the various pledges were
consistently belied by his government's action.

In April the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, a
global initiative promoting openness on petroleum and mining
revenues, expelled Equatorial Guinea for failing to meet its most
basic criteria. In July, the Community of Portuguese-Speaking
Countries deferred Equatorial Guinea's application to join, also in
the wake of controversy over President Obiang's record. (Although
Portuguese is not spoken in the former Spanish colony, President
Obiang declared it Equatorial Guinea's newest national language.)
In August the US government, as well as a UN working group and
others, sharply criticized the unfair trial and executions that
took place that month in Equatorial Guinea. In October, after
stalling a decision several times, UNESCO indefinitely suspended an
award named after--and funded by--President Obiang. UNESCO's
executive board acted after a global civil society campaign
generated an international uproar over the planned "dictator prize"
that threatened to seriously taint the organization.

The US is Equatorial Guinea's main trading partner and US companies
dominate the country's oil sector. The US government took some
steps to hold Equatorial Guinea to global standards, notably taking
a strong stance at UNESCO against the Obiang prize. Spain could
play an important role as the former colonial power, but it
generally has declined to apply pressure on Equatorial Guinea
regarding human rights issues. The Spanish government, however,
also opposed the UNESCO prize.

In addition to the reported criminal inquiry against Teodor¡n
Obiang in the US, legal challenges are proceeding in France, Spain,
and before the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights
alleging misuse of Equatorial Guinea's oil funds.

Equatorial Guinea: Obiang - the Sham Humanitarian

[Abena Ampofoa Asare is a contributor to Foreign Policy in Focus
and a doctoral candidate at New York University's History
Department. Her dissertation focuses on transitional justice and
human rights in Ghana. She can be reached at
aaa310[at]nyu[dot]edu.]

Thanks to international advocacy, attempts by Equatorial Guinean
dictator Teodoro Obiang to sponsor a UNESCO prize have been
thwarted. Abena Ampofoa Asare examines how, despite a dreadful
human rights record, Obiang has managed to avoid international
condemnation for so long.

This past October, the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and
Cultural Organisation (UNESCO) suspended a three million dollar
research prize funded by Teodoro Obiang, one of the world's worst
dictators. Shamed by an open protest letter signed by over 60
leading global activists, UNESCO was compelled to distance itself
from a man who has long ruled Equatorial Guinea with an iron fist.
Precisely how a leader cut from the same cloth as Idi Amin, Omar
al-Bashir, or Nicolae Ceausescu came to finance a UN prize in the
first place is a truth stranger than fiction.

For the past three decades, Obiang has proudly presided over one of
Africa's most devastating humanitarian and political disasters.
With a per capita GDP comparable to Portugal or Korea, Equatorial
Guinea's national income is the highest in sub-Saharan Africa - and
yet over 60 per cent of the population struggle to live on less
than a dollar a day. Since oil was discovered in 1995, President
Teodoro Obiang's family and close associates have grown fabulously
wealthy, while the majority of the population remain mired in
poverty.

The kleptocracy in Africa's only Spanish-speaking country is
neither a secret nor a surprise. Although respected international
advocacy organisations including Human Rights Watch and Amnesty
International regularly condemn the injustice and violence of
Obiang's government, it took an outraged letter from exiles, backed
by international heavyweights including Mario Vargas Llosa, Wole
Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, John Polanyi, Desmond Tutu and Gra‡a
Machel, to persuade UNESCO that the Teodoro Obiang Nguema life
science prize was 'inimical to [its] mission' and 'an affront to
Africans everywhere who work for the betterment of our countries.'

This is the strangeness of Equatorial Guinea's plight. No matter
how many dubiously-funded multimillion dollar houses Obiang's son
buys in Malibu, California, how many dissidents are tortured and
killed in Malabo prisons, or how many human rights expos‚s are
published in the world's leading publications, when Teodoro Obiang
travels to the United States, France, and the UN, he receives a red
carpet reception - as long as he promises to do better.

Obiang's Ace in the Hole

Part of this maddening paradox is the result of Equatorial Guinea's
massive oil reserves, which, according to one US Senate Permanent
Subcommittee on Investigations report, have created an 'increasing
capacity to buy diplomatic influence'. The extent to which oil
resources distort Equatorial Guinea's global standing is evident in
the most recent UNDP Human Development Index. More than any other
country in the world, Equatorial Guinea's abysmal figures in
health, education, and other social indicators are masked by its
oil-bloated national income. When national income is removed from
the human development index calculations, Equatorial Guinea's
ranking plummets.

Similarly, oil wealth critically lubricates the country's bilateral
relationships. Last year, a thorough Human Rights Watch report
analysed the schizophrenic US government relationship with
Equatorial Guinea in terms of the American oil addiction.

Alongside a number of excellent journalistic expos‚s, the US State
Department itself annually condemns Equatorial Guinea in the
strongest language. ...

Despite far-ranging and high-placed criticism, the thawing of the
US government's relationship with the Obiang administration has
steadily continued. Pressured by the US oil industry, George W.
Bush quietly renewed state ties with this noxious regime in 2000
and today the US is Equatorial Guinea's single largest investor.
Despite hopes to the contrary, President Obama's administration has
not altered the country's course. A chilling 2009 photograph
documents Barack and Michelle Obama smiling broadly with Teodoro
Obiang and his wife; this picture is prominently displayed on the
Equatorial Guinean government website.

A recent article in the New York Sun described the US government's
continuing support for Equatorial Guinea as a source of growing
tension between Barack Obama's 'human rights absolutists' and
Clintonian 'pragmatists' who think it wiser to 'nudge [Obiang]
toward reform' than to 'wag an accusatory finger'. The Sun quotes
lobbyist and former Clinton advisor Lanny J. Davis, a man currently
on Teodoro Obiang's payroll to the tune of $2.5 million, explaining
that 'it is in the interests of the US as well as those who care
about democracy and human rights to take up President Obiang on his
request for help to implement his reform program.' This perspective
ignores the lessons of Equatorial Guinea's long political history.
Depicting Teodoro Obiang as a credible reformer or oil companies as
entities able to 'nudge' a dictator toward human rights
responsibility is at best na‹ve and at worst a highly strategic
blindness to Equatorial Guinea's troubled past.

...

Gaming the System

Over the past 30 years, Obiang has perfected a formula of
publicising small rhetorical capitulations to good governance
ideals while leaving the architecture of his state's repression
entirely unchanged. In 1979, after propelling himself into power by
assassinating his uncle, Obiang publicly promised to restore the
struggling country to democracy and received UN technical and
financial assistance in return. Thirty years later, Equatorial
Guinea's long-awaited democracy remains elusive. During the 2008
legislative elections, the authorities arrested a leader of a
banned opposition party. He was later found dead in his prison cell
in a suspicious 'suicide'. In the 2009 presidential elections,
Teodoro Obiang prevailed with 95 per cent of the vote in an
election where soldiers manned all the voting stations, ballot
boxes were not sealed, and independent election observers were
prohibited.

The gap between Teodoro Obiang's reformist rhetoric and the reality
of entrenched injustice is even more striking in the
administration's maneuverings around Equatorial Guinea's oil
revenues. In 1997, Obiang inaugurated the country's first National
Economic Conference, where the president loudly proclaimed its
intention to be transparent and rational in oil revenue. The
conference recommended that the government create an independent
agency, accountable to the parliament, to audit the state's revenue
streams and expose corruption and irregularities. More than a
decade later, this agency does not exist. ...

In his 2010 Cape Town Global Forum speech, Teodoro Obiang again
pledged to standards of oil revenue transparency by touting his
burgeoning relationship with the Extractive Industries Transparency
Initiative (EITI), the global oil-monitoring agency, as evidence of
a five-point reform program. In reality, Obiang has been executing
the same evasive dance with the EITI as with earlier accountability
efforts. In 2007, Obiang applied for Equatorial Guinea to be
recognised as an EITI Candidate, meaning that in two years, the
country would be expected to progress toward basic standards of oil
revenue transparency. When little progress had been made in the
allotted time, the president applied for an extension. The EITI
board refused the extension request and revoked Equatorial Guinea's
status as a candidate country, essentially throwing the country out
of the monitoring program. Just two months later, Teodoro Obiang
was boasting in Cape Town about his efforts to seek EITI candidacy,
again. This type of disingenuousness is the hallmark of Teodoro
Obiang's rhetoric of reform; as one Global Witness campaigner dryly
noted 'transparency doesn't take ten years'.

...

Evading Responsibility

The president's first step in avoiding responsibility is to
acknowledge the country's woeful situation, and then quickly
attribute the problems to the colonial and early independence
history. The fact that he himself has been at the helm for the past
three decades, and has managed oil-engorged coffers for the past
fifteen years, is irrelevant in his accountability assessment. ...

Next, Equatorial Guinea's president waxes eloquent about his
tireless efforts to combat 'mindsets rooted in underdevelopment'
and 'habits...such as corruption, illiteracy, tribalism, political
opportunism and on and on.' This shameful circular reasoning
describes the nation's underdevelopment as a force rooted in the
country's people, rather than as an injustice done to them during
the past three decades of state violence and neglect. Deriding a
national 'habit' of illiteracy is supremely cynical given that the
wealthy Obiang administration's public education expenditures are
a quarter of the sub-Saharan average. ...

Finally, Obiang proudly notes his generous response to Hurricane
Katrina, the Tsunami, the famine in Niger, the Nigerian pipeline
explosion, the volcanic eruption in Cameroon's Victoria Peak, and
the explosion of the Chernobyl nuclear power plant. But regardless
of how much money he doles out to humanitarian causes - or how
earnestly he trumpets his desire to 'partner with the world's
democracies', Teodoro Obiang can never be counted as a good global
citizen.

The longer the international community focuses on Obiang's
resources and rhetoric at the expense of a hard-nosed assessment of
his policies, the bleaker the future for Equatorial Guinea.

...

AfricaFocus Bulletin is an independent electronic publication
providing reposted commentary and analysis on African issues, with
a particular focus on U.S. and international policies. AfricaFocus
Bulletin is edited by William Minter.

AfricaFocus Bulletin can be reached at africafocus@igc.org. Please
write to this address to subscribe or unsubscribe to the bulletin,
or to suggest material for inclusion. For more information about
reposted material, please contact directly the original source
mentioned. For a full archive and other resources, see
http://www.africafocus.org