"We went to the said place thirteen men of us, four without arms and
nine with arms: we submit to the high intelligence of your leadership -- what
force is this to oppose the great boldness which the barbarous enemy now
exhibits?"

These were the words of the exhausted settlers of the San Miguel de Laredo
de Carnué land grant who, after having fled to Albuquerque, wrote to
Governor Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta on April 10, 1771 asking for permission to
abandon the land grant which had been established only eight years prior.(1)
The "barbarous enemy" they spoke of was a group of Apaches who had
raided their plaza in Carnué the previous winter of 1770.

The Cañon de Carnué(2) is located east of Albuquerque between
the Sandia and Manzano mountains. An eastbound traveler leaving Albuquerque
today would pass the small village of Carnuél on their way to the city of
Tijeras. From there, the traveler might head north to Cañoncito and San
Antonito, or south to Cedro and Chilili. The narrow canyon within the rocky
Sandia and Manzanos has provided a natural route of passage from east to west
between Albuquerque and the eastern plains, and from north to south between
Santa Fe and Chilili, for travelers throughout New Mexico's history. From
prehistoric man, ancient hunters and gatherers, Pueblo, Apache, and Comanche
Indians, to Spanish, French and Anglo-Americans, all have left evidence of their
travels or temporary shelters throughout the canyon.(3)

When Governor de Vargas returned to New Mexico nearly 300 years ago, the
entire canyon was referred to as Carnué, and known to be frequented by
the eastern Apaches. Over 200 years ago, Spanish leaders in Santa Fe and
Albuquerque sought to establish a settlement in the canyon to protect the
growing communities along the Rio Grande from the eastern Apaches, and the
Comanches who had moved in behind them. The settlement was in the form of a
land grant called San Miguel de Laredo, whose name the settlers of Carnué
took as their patron saint. This is the story of that settlement and of the men
and women who lived in the canyon for nearly a decade.

THE APACHE AND COMANCHE

During the eighteenth century the Spanish recorded a phenomenon that had
already begun prior to their return to New Mexico after the Pueblo Revolt, and
which primarily affected the eastern region of New Mexico. Bands of Apache
Indians they called the Jicarillas, Carlanas, Cuartelejos, Faraones, Palomas,
and others, who had occupied that area traditionally, were gradually becoming
exterminated by the Comanches, who moved in from the northwestern plains of the
United States above Colorado and Texas.(4) The Comanches were descendants of
the Shoshone-speaking Uto-Aztecan mountain tribes from the region around Idaho,
Utah, and Wyoming. They had separated from these tribes after acquiring the
horse, and moved southeasterly onto the open plains to hunt buffalo with bow and
arrow, and later with guns they obtained through trade with the French. The
Comanche were cousins of the Ute and shared an alliance with them that later
deteriorated with Spanish and French interference. While the Spanish were
conquering New Mexico, the Comanche were gradually moving southward, following
the buffalo and acquiring both horse and gun from whoever possessed them.(5)

The Apaches of eastern New Mexico, on the other hand, were less nomadic than
the Comanche. They did hunt buffalo and deer, but they also planted corn,
squash and beans, and stayed close to their crops until harvest. Acquiring the
horse from the Spanish gave them more mobility and escalated their raids among
the Pueblo, Spanish, and even other Apaches, but they never fully developed its
usefulness in hunting buffalo, as did the Comanche.(6) The Apaches, like the
Comanches, had also left northern relatives behind when they migrated to New
Mexico and Arizona between 1100 and 1300 A.D.(7) The Apaches are part of the
Southern Athapaskan-speaking group of Indians, which includes the Navajo. They
share a common language with the Northern Athapaskan of Canada and the Pacific
Northwest. These Northern Athapaskan were old enemies of the Shoshone-speaking
Uto-Aztecan, whom they called Snakes, because they lived near the Snake River.
It is not surprising then, that when the Comanches and the Apaches met on the
northeastern plains of New Mexico, they immediately recognized each other as
mortal enemies.(8)

The Comanches, like the Apaches, were never one large organized nation under
the rule of one chief as modern storytellers interpret all American Indians.
Instead, they formed individual bands consisting of several family groups. The
bands shared a common language and lifestyle, but not necessarily the same goals
and interests. A truce declared by the leader of one band would be honored only
by that group, and not all Apaches or Comanches, as the Europeans believed.(9)
The bands moved from place to place depending on the season and availability of
food and horses. They shared alliances with other bands when convenient, and
raided bands they considered hostile. The Apaches had close ties with some
Pueblos, and preyed on others.(10) The only common enemy of the Apaches and the
Comanches were the Spanish, and anyone else who lay in their path, which usually
were the Pueblos.

The Apache bands most associated with the area of Carnué were the
Faraones (Pharoahs), and the Carlanas. They are lesser known than other groups,
but it is known that the Faraones were the enemy of the Jicarillas(11), and the
Carlanas were considered by the Spanish to be more amenable to peaceful trading
than the Faraones(12). Archival documents written during the 1700's record more
contacts between the Spanish and the Apaches during that century than at any
other time. This was because the Comanches were driving the Apaches south and
west in close proximity to Spanish settlements. Early in that century the
Faraones were already active throughout the Sandia and Manzano mountains. (13)
From their position in the mountains above Carnué, the Apache would watch
el llano, the wide open plain that is the city of Albuquerque today, for
unguarded shepherds or travelers and ride down to take person and property and
then swiftly disappear again into the canyons. Sometimes they organized
expeditions to the villages that lay scattered up and down the Rio Grande to
steal entire herds of livestock or the year's harvest, or women and children,
often with casualties left in their wake as they fled into the mountains(14).

In the spring of 1704 Governor De Vargas received word that the Faraon
Apaches and the Apaches of Seite Rios had stolen livestock from Captain Fernando
de Chaves in Bernalillo and Captain Miguel Garcia and subsequently fled into the
Cañon de Carnu(15). He raised an army of about 500 men to pursue and
capture the thieves(16). After mass was heard for the troops in Bernalillo on
March 30, 1704, the Governor moved his men toward Alameda. On the bank of the
Rio del Norte next to the Sandia mountains, he "ordered Joseph Naranjo(17),
as captain of thirty Indians, to go out and act as spies, reconnoitering the
Sierra from the watering place at Carnué, where were the enemies who had
taken the flocks of the said Captains Don Fernando de Chaves and Miguel
Garcia(18). The next day Naranjo sent two men back to report the following to
Governor Vargas:

"They had penetrated the Sierra where the enemy was on guard and
fortified with its rabble and the taking of the greater part of the flocks dead,
and the encounter which our men had, and reconnoitering from the height of the
Sierra discovered at a distance some fire, by which the said spies passed on to
reconnoiter the place where it was but could discover nothing." [ibid,
Twitchell, p. 131]

Naranjo and Vargas continued their pursuit deep into the mountains until
they reached Tajique on the southeast end. They had picked up a fresh trail by
April 2, 1704 and were ready to proceed when Governor Vargas became ill with
pneumonia(19) and was returned to Bernalillo. The documents do not state
whether the expedition was completed, only that Governor Vargas died
subsequently thereafter.(20)

The Spanish conducted numerous campaigns against the Apaches and the
Comanches, among other groups, throughout the 18th century with only temporary
success. When reasoning and treaties failed, they used the same tactics as
their adversaries, i.e. they would kill, kidnap, destroy and confiscate any
stolen goods they found. When this failed, they resorted to bribery.(21) By
the mid-eighteenth century it became imperative that the Spanish control the Rio
Abajo region of New Mexico because an ever increasing number of people began
re-populating the villages in and around Albuquerque. Many of the families were
returning to reclaim the land of their ancestors who had come with Oñate
and fled during the Pueblo Revolt of 1680(22). Other families had come with
Vargas in search of a new life. They made easy targets along the Rio Grande,
however, because they refused to heed orders to build their homes around
defensible plazas. Instead they chose to reoccupy the scattered dwellings that
had been built before 1680 so that they could be near their crops and
livestock.(23)

The survival of the villages in the Rio Abajo was of great concern because
the settlers were under constant attack from all sides(24). Everywhere in New
Mexico there was a shortage of arms and ammunition, and Santa Fe could offer
little support in an emergency as they were too far away(25). In 1754 Governor
Tomas Velez Cachupin noted that "each town with its outlying districts has
this annoying and difficult situation, its residents living in constant anxiety,
they and all their rural property subject to becoming victims of the cruelty and
fierceness of those barbarians.(26) A few years later Juan Candelaria(27), a
resident of Albuquerque, noted that the situation had not changed:

"In the year 1770, the kingdom of New Mexico found itself in such
affliction with so many continued and cruel attacks from barbarous enemies which
surrounded them that the people began to think, pressed by the urgent necessity
of supplies, scarcity of fighting forces to resist the enemy -- the human succor
so far away and so difficult to reach and obtain, that they seek all these
blessings from God thru the selection of a Patron Saint that would represent to
His Divine Majesty their anguish, supplications and prayers to obtain the
remedy, and since in the town there was no patron to whom to address their
petitions." [1929 Armijo, translator, Candelaria, author, p. 294]

The Cañon de Carnué was attractive to potential settlers
despite the risk of attack, however, because the land was fertile and had an
ample supply of water available with the Arroyo de Tijeras flowing through it.
In 1762 Governor Cachupin and the Alcalde of Albuquerque, Antonio Baca, already
had a plan in mind when they were approached by nineteen families with a
petition for a land grant at Carnu(28). If a successful settlement could be
established there and fortified, they contemplated, it would act as a buffer for
Albuquerque and the Rio Grande communities from the raiding Apaches and
Comanches. Similar buffer communities had been formed in other areas of New
Mexico, most with genizaros(29) who were given militia status and the
task of forming trading relations with their enemies while they tended their
crops. On February 6, 1763 Governor Cachupin approved the land grant and stated
that it was "desirable that it should be settled and extension given to the
settlements of this Kingdom to relieve its settlers as the barbarous nations
which surround it are being pacified and removed in conformity with the royal
intention of His Majesty.(30)

THE GRANT

Governor Cachupin ordered that the land grant was to be "only of
agricultural lands" and that each settler was to be given enough land to
produce "half a fanega of corn and three of wheat".(31) One
fanega is roughly equivalent to about 1.5 to 2.5 bushels(32), although
in those days it obviously took more space to produce that many bushels of corn
and wheat than it does with today's modern machinery.

The Governor also ordered the settlers to build a 50 vara (about
135-140 feet)(33) square plaza composed of traditional adobe house lots "in
order that they may have their corrals for large and small stock enclosed so
that the enemy may not steal them.(34) Cachupin allowed the Alcalde of
Albuquerque, Antonio Baca, some discretion in providing land and house lots to
additional settlers if there were room for more than the original nineteen
families, but only if they "assembled at the said settlement on the said
terms".(35) (Both Cachupin and Baca state in their documents that they
wished room to be made for twenty-five families, not just nineteen, and this may
explain why Cachupin's order of 1763 bears six additional names written in
different handwriting below his signature. See Figure 3 below.) The Governor
cautioned that the plaza should be built and fortified in a manner "according
to the possibilities and style of the country for their greater security,
strength and maintenance in view of the incursions which the barbarous hostile
nations are in the habit of making.(36)

The settlers were to be given possession of their individual house lots and
farming areas, but the remaining land and its resources including water,
forests, and grazing pastures, were to be shared by all. The Alcalde of
Albuquerque was to survey and mark off the boundaries of the grant, choose and
mark the site of the future plaza and farming areas, and give the settlers royal
possession.

On Feb 12, 1763 Alcalde Baca replied to Governor Cachupin that he had given
possession to the settlers as follows:

As theatrical as it sounds, this ritual was an essential element for the
legal transfer of land in those days. By making an actual physical connection
with the land, the recipient demonstrated not only his possession, but his
commitment to occupy, develop, and defend it.(37)

Alcalde Baca stated that he chose the area of the plaza to be "on the
land which is most convenient for them in the form of a square, giving to each
one that which he could easily cultivate according to his individual ability, to
the one who could do least 30 Castillian varas square, and to the one who could
do more, it was left to his decision.(38) Baca did not state why he veered from
the Governor's original intention of 50 square varas, but it is apparent that he
demonstrated some favoritism in allocating the size of the house and farming
areas. Perhaps he was under pressure to provide more to certain families and
less to others, or perhaps he did not want to be bothered with such details.(39)

Several records confirm that among the settlers there were five known genizaros,(40)
at least four coyotes(41), and eleven men recorded as español(42).
The Spanish traditionally occupied positions of privilege and power in New
Mexico society, with the genizaros often designated to a much lower
level of status. It may have been that the allotments were distributed
according to class and ethnic designation, rather than actual "individual
ability" as Baca states. It is of interest to note that the largest
families were Spanish, and this may also have been a factor in deciding the
distribution. In any case, this event sheds some light on the conflicting
relations which began to form among the families of Carnué.

After marking off the farming lands, Alcalde Baca designated the boundaries
as "one league (roughly 2.6 miles)(43) for each cardinal point from the
center of the settlement, which was on the East an old Pueblo toward the center
of the mountain, on the North near the Cañada del Oso, on the
West where the league ends toward the plain (el llano) and on the South
in the direction of the Agua del Coyote.(44) The western and southern
boundaries are easily discernible today. The western boundary is where
Albuquerque meets the mouth of the canyon at a place traditionally called La
Cañada, near Four Hills, and El Coyote is a well known area
on the southern end of Carnué today. However, the 1763 settlers had
apparently petitioned, with Baca's approval, that the grant was to encompass
nearly the entire sierra of Sandia to the north, and as far east as San Antoñio,
which is about six miles from present day Carnuél, near the old pueblo of
Pa-ako. These boundaries were more than what the Governor had contemplated.

On February 20, 1768 Governor Cachupin responded that, although he approves
of the grant, his order that the boundaries were to be of one league in each
cardinal direction was made as "a restriction of those which they asked for
in their petition", which he denied, "considering them excessive and
prejudicial to other settlements which in the future might be made particularly
to the east and behind the mountains which runs as far as Sandia, and which were
settlements of old destroyed missions." (45) Although restricting
development to the north and east, the Governor did wish to attract more
settlers, therefore he allowed that if more room were needed, "there may be
added another half-league more going west (towards Albuquerque) along the Cañada
on account of its being narrow and there being no other irrigable lands fit for
cultivation.(46)

In his approval of the grant the Governor also noted that Alcalde Baca had
exceeded his authority "in restricting the grant of the varas of the house
lot which was given to each family", and ordered him to re-allot them with "fifty
varas of frontage and square".(47) He criticized the manner in which Baca
wrote the act of possession, and warned him not to abuse his authority in the
future. Baca was asked to amend the documents accordingly and provide notice to
the settlers.(48) It is unknown whether Baca ever complied.

THE SETTLERS

Although nineteen names appear in the grant of the petition, more than that
number settled in Carnué as revealed in later documents. Three principal
archival documents, besides church records, were used as sources to determine
the names of the original settlers and subsequent residents of Carnué
between 1763 and 1771. Those documents are as follows:

The Order of Governor Cachupin dated February 6, 1763 which established
the land grant and names nineteen petitioners, all of whom were married except
Joseph Antonio Baca.(49) Six additional names were added to this granting
document, however, and written in different handwriting. No date is given with
this amendment.

A series of documents prepared in February of 1768 regarding a cattle
theft investigation by Albuquerque Alcalde Francisco Trebol Navarro. Several
Carnué residents appear as witnesses or as suspects in the investigation.
Some residents of Albuquerque and Sandia are also named in the documents.(50)

The Petition for Abandonment of Carnué signed on April 10, 1771 by
fourteen men (although the document refers to thirteen men), and presented to
Governor Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta.(51)

The identity of some of the settlers and their families have been positively
confirmed through church records that specifically state their, or their
children's, residence in Carnué during 1763 and 1770. Others, however,
have not been conclusively identified.

The following is a list of each settler and the document(s) within which
they are named. A notation is made if the settler has not yet been positively
identified through other records, or whether there exists some evidence of his
identity, but it is not yet clarified. Dates of birth, death and marriage are
included if known. Wives are named if known. Where the information is unknown,
approximate dates of birth, death and marriage are given that are based on what
is known about all settlers, e.g. that all, except one, were married by February
of 1763. Abbreviated sources are provided for the information given.(52) Complete
family groups of those men positively identified and those whose identities
require further clarification, including their ancestors, numerous descendants,
and genealogical sources will follow in future issues of this journal in a
series entitled "Genealogy of the 1763 Carnué Settlers".

BARTOLOME JORGE ANZURES

Bartolome Anzures was an Apache genizaro, born between 1722 [1750
Census p. 76] and 1728 [NMLG, SG Case 150, Reel 27]. He died on April 27, 1772
at 43 years of age. [LDS 016645 p. 69]. He married Francisca de la Cruz
Moya (or Rael or Mora) on November, 25 1743 [AM NMG XXI:4 p. 92]. He is
mentioned during the cattle theft investigation of 1768, as having been involved
in an incident where he slaughtered an ox belonging to Albuquerque resident,
Martin de Apodaca. His wife may be related to the Moya family
of Carnué, but no direct connection can be established. She uses all
three surnames above in her children's records.

MANUEL ARMIJO - Identity unknown.

He is referred to only in the granting document of 1763 as a potential
settler who would be denied land if he refused to give up land which owned in
Taos. When Alcalde Antonio Baca subsequently placed the settlers in possession,
he noted that Manuel Armijo was disqualified because he had not complied. [NMLG,
SG Case 150, NMSRC Reel 27, Fr. 672-73, translated at Fr. 845-48]

FRANCISCO BACA - Identity unknown.

His name was added to the 1763 granting document. He may be a brother or
relative of Joseph Antonio Baca below.

JOSEPH ANTONIO BACA

Joseph Antonio Baca was an español, born in 1743 [1790
Census, p. 4]. He was the only petitioner who was not married in 1763.
Governor Cachupin warned him in the granting document of 1763 that "he
should, in order that he may participate in this grant, marry for the increase
and concord of this settlement, and in case he should not wish to do so, it
shall be void and another family be put in his place if they should want to
settle." [NMLG, SG Case 150, NMSRC Reel 27, Fr. 668-71, translated at Fr.
841- 45] Young Baca, however, was not about to be pushed to the altar by a
Governor or anyone else, and he took his time in searching for a bride and
finally married Maria Susana Carabajal, the daughter of Lorenso
Carabajal and Luisa de Ynojos (or Cadena) on May 4, 1769. [AM NMG
XXII:1 p. 6] Although he was told that he could not live in Carnué until
married, he did so anyway as his marriage record indicates that he was already
living in Carnué in 1769. He was not involved in the cattle theft
investigation of 1768 at all, but his signature appears on the petition to
abandon Carnué in 1771.

The name "Juan Antonio Candelaria" appears in the granting
document of 1763, but thereafter he is not referred to again in the Carnué
documents. Only one man has been found bearing this name and living in the area
at the time. This was the Juan Antonio Candelaria who was born in 1706 [DM no.
12 Albuquerque, May 14, 1728 p. 256], and who married Antonia Manuela Barela,
the daughter of Cristobal Varela and Clemencia Ortega [Ibid] on
May 30, 1728 [AM NMG XX:1 p. 2]. This was the same man who wrote a brief
history of New Mexico in 1776 or 1777. [1992, Chavez, Origins of New Mexico
Families p. 156 and 349]. (See footnotes above) If not the man above, this
settler may be the Antonio Candelaria who was married to Antonia
Romero, as that couple baptized a grandchild of Feliciano Hurtado's. [AB p.
325] He may also be a relative of Pascuala de la Candelaria, the wife
of Gregorio Gutierrez. (See below)

JUAN VICTORIANO GALLEGO - Identity unknown.

He signed the petition to abandon Carnué in 1771, but nothing more is
known about him.

FLORENCIO GARCIA - Identity unknown.

His name was added to the granting document in 1763. He may be a relative
of Francisco Garcia or Manuel Garcia below. It may also be that "Florencio"
is really Francisco Garcia below.

FRANCISCO GARCIA

Francisco Garcia was a genizaro who was born before 1728 [SANMII,
Reel 10, Frames #405-445], but most likely in 1720 [1750 Census p. 76]. He
married Juana Maria Trugillo, india, on Feb 11, 1745 [AM NMG
XXI:3 p. 55], and after she died on Jan 8, 1765 [LDS 016645], he married Paubla
Garcia, mestiza, on Nov 15, 1765 [AM NMG XXI:4 p. 91]. His second
wife died on the road going to Carnué on March 15, 1768. [LDS 0016645]
His name appears throughout the 1768 documents as a suspect in the cattle theft
investigation, along with Gregorio Montoya. He is likely the Francisco Garcia
who died in Albuquerque on March 20, 1771 as a 49 year old widower. [LDS
016645]

MANUEL GARCIA - Identity unknown.

He signed the petition to abandon Carnué in 1771. He may be a
relative of Florencio Garcia or Francisco Garcia above.

NICOLAS XIRON (or GIRON or JIRON) - Identity unclarified.

This settler was born before 1728 [SANMII, Reel 10, Frames #405-445], and
died after 1771 [NMLG, SG Case 150, NMSRC Reel 27, Fr. 677-78, translated at Fr.
851-52]. His name was added to the list of petitioners in the granting order of
1763. He also appears as a witness who testified during the cattle thefts of
1768, and he signed the petition to abandon Carnué in 1771. He is most
likely the father-in-law of Leonardo Antonio Gutierrez (see below), who married
his daughter Maria Gertrudis Dolores Giron on May 3, 1764 [AM NMG XXI:4
p. 90]. Maria Gertrudis Dolores Giron's mother, Maria Molina, was
deceased by the time of her marriage. Her mother may be a relative of the Molina
family below, although no connection can be found. If this settler is not the
father-in-law of Leonardo Gutierrez, then he may be the Nicolas Xiron
who was married to Maria Josefa Antonia Telles, as this couple also has
several connections through marriage or baptisms with other petitioners,
although there is no evidence that they actually lived in Carnué.

DIEGO GONZALES - Identity unknown.

His name was added to the list of petitioners in the granting documents of
1763. There are several men by this name found in other records, but no
evidence connects them to Carnué.

FRANCISCO GRIEGO

Francisco Garcia was possibly an español, and born about 1740
[estimated from age of children and wife]. He survived to sign the petition for
abandonment in 1771. [NMLG, SG Case 150, NMSRC Reel 27, Fr. 677-78, translated
at Fr. 851-52]. He married Maria Josepha Salazar (or Valencia) before
1763, as it is known that all petitioners, except Joseph Antonio Baca, were
married by that time. [Ibid, Fr. 668-71, translated at Fr. 841-45 and baptismal
records of their children.] His name appears both in the granting document of
1763 and in the petition to abandon Carnué in 1771.

GREGORIO GUTIERREZ

Gregorio Gutierrez was an español or coyote, born in
1720 [1750 Census p. 78], and died on Jan 9, 1781 at 62 years old. [Dreesen]
His name appears in the granting document of 1763 only. On April 13, 1739 he
married Pascuala de la Candelaria, a mulata, in a dual ceremony
with another couple, Diego Lopes and Juana de la Candelaria,
also a mulata. [AM NMG XXI:3 p. 53; and 1750 Census p. 78 and 80] He
appears to have been given land in Tome in 1739 along with a Josefa
Gutierrez, widow of Antonio Francisco Gonzales, although neither of
their names are listed within the petitioning document. [Lopopolo, NM
Chronicles:Tome p. 11] In 1745 he was involved in a land dispute with Maria
Silva in Fuenclara. [SANM I, Twitchell #338] (A discussion of the possibly
ancestry of this couple will follow in the next series of this article.)

JUAN ANTONIO GUTIERREZ - Identity unclarified.

This man was born in 1738 as he stated in 1768. [SANMII, Reel 10, Frames
#405-445] He is listed as a petitioner in the granting documents of 1763.
During the cattle theft investigation in 1768, when he was 30 years old, he was
placed in charge of the goods seized by Alcalde Navarro. He may be related to
Gregorio Gutierrez above, and he may have married a woman named Maria
Antonia Garcia. [Dreesen]

LEONARDO ANTONIO GUTIERREZ

Leonardo Gutierrez, español, was baptized on November 10,1744
[AB p. 310], the son of petitioner Gregorio Gutierrez and Pascuala de la
Candelaria (see above). He was still living in 1802 [1802 Census p. 127-8]
He married Maria Gertrudis Dolores Giron, the daughter of Nicolas Giron
(see above) and Maria Molina, deceased, on May 3, 1764. Two of Joseph
Miguel de Molina's children served as witnesses [AM NMG XXI:4 p. 90]. He is not
listed in the granting documents of 1763, but he did sign the petition to
abandon Carnué in 1771.

FELICIANO HURTADO

Feliciano Hurtado, either coyote, castizo, or español, was
born before 1728. [SANMII, Reel 10, Frames #405-445] He married Barbara
Gonzalez, mulato or español on Dec 3, 1744. [AM NMG
XXI:3 p. 55 and 1750 Census p. 74] One of his son's marriage records indicates
that his surname is really Hurtado de Mendoza. [Sisneros, Samuel:
Juarez Cathedral DMs Herencia 3:2 April 1995, p. 12] He may have been
granted land in Rio Puerco on December 11, 1753 and took possession of it on
March 11, 1754, before settling in Carnué. [Dreesen; and Espinosa,
Gilberto: Guide to NM Genealogical Study, NMG XIX:3 Sept 1980, p. 71] His name
appears on the order granting the petition in 1763, and he also testified as a
witness during the cattle theft investigations of 1768. He was a witness when
his friend, Juan Joseph de Rivera (see below), married Maria Antonia Lopes,
a resident of San Miguel de Carnué. [DM no. 16, Jan 8, 1767, Albuq. p.
1547] This marriage record indicates that he spent some time in La Villa de
Santa Barbara, San Jose del Parral, where he met the bride and groom before
coming to New Mexico with the groom. In another marriage record, that of Jose
Ramirez to Antonia Lopez in 1771, he and Pedro Crisostomo Ulibarri
(see below) appeared as witnesses, and they were both described as natives of
New Mexico in Albuquerque since 1769 who met the groom while serving as soldiers
in Chihuahua. [DM no. 6 , Mar 13, 1771, Albuq. p. 1537]

CRISTOBAL JARAMILLO - Identity unclarified.

Probably español, this man reported himself to have been born
before 1728. [SANMII, Reel 10, Frames #405-445] He was married before 1763, as
it is known that nearly all petitioners were married, and he survived to sign
the petition to abandon Carnué in 1771. He is named as the Alferez
del Miliciar in the granting documents of 1763, and as the Teniente de
Carnué during the cattle theft investigation of 1768. The settler
Juan Antonio Jaramillo is supposedly his brother, although no evidence of this
has been found. [1980 Quintana and Kayser, p. 45] He might be the Cristobal
Jaramillo who married Barbara Matilde Vallejo [AM NMG XXI:3 p. 52]
as this man was born about 1720. [1790 Census p. 1] It is also possible that
the settler was the adopted son of Cristobal Jaramillo and Barbara
Matilde Vallejo [DM no. 22, Albuq. Mar 24, 1761, p. 856], i.e. the Cristobal
Jaramillo, born about 1740 [ibid], who married Antonia Andrea Apodaca,
the daughter of Captain Jose Felipe de Apodaca and Petrona Garcia de
Noriega on Mar 24, 1761 [ibid], as this couple has several descendants who
returned to the Carnué area after 1819.

JUAN ANTONIO JARAMILLO

Juan Antonio Jaramillo, español, was born before 1743
[SANMII, Reel 10, Frames #405-445]. He survived to sign the petition to abandon
Carnué in 1771, but died by 1777 [daughter's marriage record at AM NMG
24:2 p. 30]. He married a woman named Maria Garcia (or Prima, or Varela, or
Jorge) prior to 1752. He has children "of Carnué" with
mothers bearing each of those surnames. His name appears in the granting
documents of 1763, and those regarding the cattle theft investigation of 1768.
He also signed the petition to abandon Carnué in 1771. A secondary
source states that he is the brother of the Teniente Cristobal
Jaramillo, but no evidence of this has been found. [1980 Quintana and Kayser, p.
45]

VENTURA LOPEZ - Identity unclarified.

Presumably español, this man's date of birth is unknown. He
did survive, however, to sign the petition to abandon Carnué in 1771.
His name also appears in the granting documents of 1763. He is most likely the
man who was born in 1727 [DM no. 6, Albuq. June 18, 1766, p. 922], and as a
widower of Juana Maria Gamboa, married Maria Lucia Molina, a 16
year old (DOB 1750) "native of San Miguel de Laredo" on June 18, 1766.
[ibid] Maria Lucia Molina is most likely the daughter of Joseph Miguel de
Molina (see below).

ANTONIO ANASTACIO MOLINA

Antonio Anastacio Molina was an español, born about 1740
[1750 Census p. 82; and SANMII, Reel 10, Frames #405-445], and died by August of
1782. [son's marriage record IM p. 31] He was the son of Joseph Miguel de
Molina and Maria Francisca Benavides (see below). His name appears in
the granting documents of 1763, and he testifies as a witness during the cattle
theft investigation of 1768. His signature also appears in the petition to
abandon Carnué in 1771. He married Bernarda de la Luz Vallejos,
the daughter of Lugardo Vallejos and Rosa Romero, [known from
baptismal records of children]. After he died, his wife remarried Francisco
Estevan Mora on March 19, 1785 [AM NMG 24:2 p. 41]

JOSEPH MIGUEL DE MOLINA

Joseph Miguel de Molina was an español, born in 1719 [1750
Census p. 82; and SANMII, Reel 10, Frames #405-445], and died by October of 1775
[daughter's marriage record AM NMG XXII:4 p. 87]. He married Maria
Francisca Benavides, the daughter of Francisco Xavier Benavides and
Jacinta Romero [granddaughter's Durango DM record, Hendricks and
Colligan, 1996, AHAD 100 f. 659-63] He appears as a petitioner in the granting
documents of 1763, and later as the recipient of stolen cattle during the
investigation of 1768.

PEDRO MOLINA

Pedro Molina, an español, was baptized on December 9, 1749
[IB p. 127], and died by April 1793 [son's marriage record TM p. 9]. He was the
son of Joseph Miguel de Molina and Maria Francisca Benavides (see
above). He appears as a witness during the cattle theft investigation of 1768.
He married Maria Barbara Vallejo, the daughter of petitioner Joseph
Miguel Vallejo and Rosalia Garcia de Noriega (see below) on Dec 27,
1767. [AM NMG XXII:1 p. 5]

GREGORIO MONTOYA

Gregorio Montoya was a genizaro, born in 1730 [1750 Census p. 83
#139], or 1738 [SANMII, Reel 10, Frames #405-445], and died, along with his
second wife, by January of 1788 [son's marriage record at DM no. 7, Albuq, Jan
8, 1788, p. 1288]. Gregorio is named as the son of Rafael Montoya (see below)
within the 1768 cattle theft investigation, when he was arrested as a suspect
along with Francisco Garcia. As a widower of Rosa Fernandes, he married
Maria Josepha Garcia, a mestiza widow of Nicolas Fernandes,
on Nov 15, 1765. [AM NMG XXI:4 p. 91]

RAFAEL MONTOYA

Rafael Montoya was a genizaro (possibly Navajo) [SANMII, Reel 10,
Frames #405-445]. He was most likely born in 1710 [1750 Census p. 83 #139]. He
is described as the father of Gregorio Montoya (see above) during the criminal
investigation of 1768. He was not interviewed as a witness by the Alcalde
because he had left Carnué. The mother of Gregorio was most likely an
Indian woman named Rossa [1750 Census p. 83 #139] whom Rafael married
before 1738 [determined by Gregorio's age] He married his second wife, Maria
Antonia Garcia, an Apache Indian, before 1765 [AM NMG XXI:4, p. 91], and she
died giving birth on February 4, 1765 at 43 years of age. [LDS 016645 p. 58]
He then married his third wife, Maria Antonia Apodaca (or Jaramillo) on
March 14, 1765 [AM NMG XXI:4 p. 91], and she died on October 5, 1771 at 39 years
of age. [LDS 016645]

BERNARDINO MOYA

Bernardino Moya was an español, born either in 1736 [DM no.
9, Albuq. Apr 21, 1761, p. 1353], or 1742 [1750 Census p. 80], or 1745 [1790
Census p. 19]. He died on March 24, 1816. [Dreesen; Tome Burials Bur-54] He
was the son of Juan Francisco Moya and Josepha Lopes. [DM no.
9, Albuq. Apr 21, 1761, p. 1353] His father is likely one of the two Juan
Moya's listed in the granting document of 1763. Bernardino Moya's name appears
in the granting documents also, and within the documents concerning the 1768
cattle theft where he was investigated as an accomplice. The age Bernardino
gave during the investigation is not legible in the documents: "de
edad de ___? y dos años" (32 years?). [SANMII, Reel 10,
Frames #405-445] He married Maria Josepha Garcia de Noriega (or Jaramillo),
the daughter of Francisco Garcia de Noriega and Maria Varela
Jaramillo on April 21, 1761. [DM no. 9, Albuq. Apr 21, 1761, p. 1353]

JUAN MOYA (the younger) -Identity unknown.

There are two Juan Moya's listed in the granting documents of 1763, and one
is described as "el viejo". One of the Juan Moyas, presumably
the younger, did testify during the 1768 cattle theft investigation, where he
gave his age as 36 years old (DOB 1732). This younger Juan Moya is most likely
the son of Juan Moya, the elder, however the identity of the latter is still not
clear. If the elder is Juan Francisco Moya, the father of Bernardino
Moya (see above), then this Juan Moya would be Bernardino's brother. The only
known brothers of Bernardino, however, are named Salvador Moya (DOB
1742) and Paulin Moya (DOB 1741). [1750 Census p. 80]

By the way: Paulin Moya, the son of Juan Moya and Josepha Lopes,
deceased, married Maria Josepha Garcia, the daughter of Alonzo
Garcia, deceased, and Maria Jaramillo on May 1, 1760. [AM NMG XXI:4
p. 89] On June 1, 1771, Paulin Moya, the husband of Josepha Garcia, died "en
la guerra a manos de enemigos infieles" along with a Joseph
Candelaria, and Xptobal Apodaca. [LDS 0016645]

JUAN MOYA (the elder) - Identity unknown.

Juan Moya "el viejo" is named within the granting document
of 1763. Another Juan Moya, presumably the younger, is also listed. This man
is most likely the Juan Francisco Moya who is the father of Bernardino
Moya (see above), and possibly the father of Juan Moya the younger. However, it
may not have been this man, because Bernardino's father was listed in the 1750
Census as "a deserter". [1750 Census p. 80] Donald Dreesen suggests
that the following man is the Carnué settler: Juan Francisco Moya
(b. 1730) who married Luisa Duran (b. 1725) [1790 Census p. 22] and then
Maria Margarita Chaves, the daughter of Angel Chaves and Feliciana
Gallego on March 20, 1793 [TM p. 7; and Dreesen: Founders of Albuquerque]
Frances Leon Swadesh Quintana mentions in an article that Juan Moya, the elder,
died in Carnué, but no death record between 1763 and 1771 has been found
in Albuquerque for a man bearing this name. [1980 Quintana and Kayser, p.
45-46] Sufficient evidence has not been found to positively identify this
settler.

JUAN RAFAEL PACHECO - Identity unknown.

His name appears in the granting document of 1763, and he survived to at
least 1771 because he signed the petition to abandon Carnué in April of
that year. The names Rafael Pacheco, Juan Rafael Pacheco y Machuca,
and Rafael Pacheco Machuca have been found in several baptismal and
marriage records as a witness for a few Carnué settlers, among others.
Direct evidence linking any these men to Carnué has not been found.

USEBIO RAEL DE AGUILAR

Eusebio or Usebio, as he is named within the 1768 documents, was born before
1708. [SANMII, Reel 10, Frames #405-445] All that is known about this man is
that he lived in Carnué during the criminal investigation of 1768, and
that he was the father- in-law of Pedro Crisostomo Ulibarri, the son of Juan
Crisostomo de Ulibarri and Rosalia Duran de Armijo (see below). His
name is not in the granting documents of 1763, nor did he sign the petition to
abandon Carnué in 1771. He only appears once, during the 1768 cattle
theft investigation, where he briefly testified to three facts: He was the
father-in-law of Pedro Crisostomo Ulibarri, he was more than 60 years of age,
and that, contrary to what his son-in-law claimed, he never received any stolen
cattle. His wife's name is unknown.

JUAN JOSEPH ANTONIO DE RIVERA

This man was a coyote, born in 1747 in La Villa de Santa Barbara,
San Jose del Parral, and the son of Nicolas de Rivera and Marcela de
Rivas. [DM no. 16, Albuq. Jan 8, 1767, p. 1547] His marriage record on Jan
8, 1767 indicates that his 22 year old bride, Maria Antonia Lopes, (DOB
1745) of unknown parents, was of "San Miguel de Laredo", along with
his friend and witness Feliciano Hurtado. [ibid] The record also states that he
came to New Mexico from Parral with Feliciano Hurtado and another man named Felix
Corporal. The notary of the record was Jose Hurtado de Mendoza.
[ibid] When their marriage was recorded with the San Felipe de Neri church on
Jan 3, 1767, Joseph Antonio Ribera was described as a "foreigner of unknown
parents", and his wife also "of unknown parents". Their
witnesses were Felisiano Urtado and Barbara Gonsales. [AM NMG XXI:4 p.
92] During the criminal investigation of 1768 he was described as "Juan
Joseph,moso del Joseph de Apodaca", [SANMII, Reel 10, Frames
#405-445], and also as a resident of Carnué, but when he testified he
declared that he was from the Villa de Alburquerque.

FULGENCIO SAAVEDRA(alias AZEBEDO))

Fulgencio Saavedra was either a mulato, coyote or an español.
He was born in 1739, the son of Guillermo Antonio Saavedra and Rosa
Lopez (or Candelaria) [DM no. 11, Albuq. Sept 11, 1762, p. 1651] He died
sometime after 1782 [child Maria born that year], but before February of 1787.
[IM p. 41] The origin of the Azebedo name he uses is unknown, although it is
likely a name used by one of his paternal ancestors, as his maternal ancestors
are known. His name was added to the granting documents of 1763, and he also
signed the petition to abandon Carnué in 1771. In 1768 he testified
during the cattle theft investigation that he was more or less 27 years of age
(DOB about 1741). On September 11, 1762 he married Juana Maria Garcia
Jurado, the illegitimate daughter of a woman bearing the surname Garcia
Jurado. [DM no. 11, Albuq. Sept 11, 1762, p. 1651] Her father's name is
unknown, but it is known that her paternal grandmother was a Lopez, and
the aunt of her husband's mother, Rosa Lopez. [ibid] After Fulgencio
died, Juana Maria Garcia Jurado remarried Jose Duran, the son of Antonio
Duran and Maria Francisca Montoya, on February 27, 1787. [IM p. 41]

JUAN DE DIOS TORRES -Identity unknown.

All that is known about this man is that his name appears in the granting
document of 1763. A possibility may be the 14 year old Juan de Dios Torres (DOB
1736), son of Domingo Torres, widower of Bernarda Lopes, and
husband of Lugarda Apodaca. [1750 Census p. 79] No evidence has shown
that this is the same person, however.

JUAN CRISOSTOMO DE ULIBARRI

Juan Crisostomo de Ulibarri was an Apache genizaro, born about 1690.
[1750 Census p. 81] The name "Juan Crisostomo Ulibarri" appears in
the granting document of 1763, and may be this man or his son Pedro
Crisostomo Ulibarri, who in one record found also uses the name "Juan
Xrisastomo Uribali" [AB p. 510] Juan Crisostomo de Ulibarri may have died
in 1763 [AM NMG XXI:4 p. 90] or after 1766 [AB p. 431], but definitely by 1790
[1790 Census p. 3]. On July 7, 1732 he married Rosalia Duran de Armijo (or
Marquez), [AM NMG XXI:3 p. 51] the adopted daughter of Antonio de
Ulibarri and Maria Duran y Chavez, and the real daughter of Juan
Duran de Armijo and Maria Manuela Velasquez. [1992, Chavez, p. 300]
Rosalia had been given to Ulibarri and his wife because the latter could not
bear children. [ibid] In 1732, Rosalia sued Antonio de Ulibarri for her
adoptive mother's inheritance [ibid; and SANM I, Twitchell #236]

PEDRO CRISOSTOMO ULIBARRI

Pedro Crisostomo Ulibarri was a coyote, baptized on December 21,
1733, and the son of Juan Crisostomo de Ulibarri and Rosalia Duran de Armijo
[AB p. 596] (see above). He was the instigator of the criminal investigation in
Carnué in 1768. He married Maria Francisca Rael de Aguilar, the
daughter of Usebio Rael de Aguilar (see above) before 1768. [SANM II, Reel 10,
Frames #405-445] He may have been previously married to a Casilda Garcia
Jurado [child Maria Narcisa's DM no. 10, Albuq. Feb 6, 1779, p. 710; and AM
NMG 24:2 p. 32], as this woman, the wife of "Chrissostomo Uribalid"
died on December 7, 1764 at 36 years of age. [LDS 016645 p. 57] In 1771 he
served as a witness with Feliciano Hurtado at the marriage of Jose Ramirez,
a native of La Villa de Chihuahua. [DM no. 6, Albuq. Mar 13, 1771, p. 1537] In
that marriage record he and Feliciano are described as natives of New Mexico in
Albuquerque since 1769 who met the groom while serving as soldiers in Chihuahua.

JOSEPH MIGUEL VALLEJO

Joseph Miguel Vallejo was a mulato, or an español,
born about 1724 [1750 Census p. 87] and died by May 4, 1774 [daughter's marriage
record AM NMG XXII:3 p. 61]. His name appears in the granting documents of
1763. On August 10, 1746 he married Rosalia Garcia de Noriega, the
daughter of Lazaro Garcia de Noriega and Francisca Antonia Varela
(Jaramillo). [AM NMG XXI:3 p. 55]

THE CANYON

With the grant approved, the new residents of Carnué set about
constructing a plaza that apparently was never finished as later documents
reveal. It is unknown whether they heeded Cachupin's orders and built their
plaza in a defensible square as definite remains of a square plaza have
never been found. In 1975 Albert E. Ward excavated a site he called "Rancho
de Carnué" located just east of the present day Carnuél and
north of the Four Hills section of Albuquerque. Ward outlined further
unexcavated areas which included a watchtower, 22 homes, corrals, and pig or
lambing pens surrounded by a defensive outer wall. Broken household wares and
tools were also found scattered about.(53)

Ward described life in Carnué at that time as "a busy
eighteenth-century farming and ranching hamlet, occupied by Tiwa Indians and
Spanish Americans, located at the western base of the Sierra de Sandia.(54) In
1776 Fray Atanasio Dominguez had also described Carnué as having been a "settlement
of ranches like those everywhere, with very good farmlands irrigated from a
stream of their own in that place.(55)

Doubt was raised, however, as to whether Ward's site was the 1763 plaza
because it was located just outside of the known historical boundaries of the
grant, and also because the site contained lambing or pig pens, both of which
were associated with a later time period.(56) Frances Leon Swadesh, an
historian, suggested in an article written in 1976 that the actual 1763 plaza
was more likely the following:

"A colonial ruin, overlying a prehistoric pueblo, which appears to be
that of a plaza of appropriate size. It is thoroughly ruined and lies near the
Santo Niño church at the west end of present-day Carnuél.
Repeated surveys of the Tijeras Canyon area have isolated this site as the
single place within the canyon that had potsherds matching the wares of
eighteenth century colonists. The site was excavated for a few days in the
1930s under the direction of Cal Burroughs but findings were few and the site
report has disappeared.(57)

Around the same time, historian Myra Ellen Jenkins also concluded that
Ward's site was probably not the 1763 plaza.(58) Finding the 1763 plaza has
been made difficult by a number of factors, chief among them is the vagueness of
its location as described in the document giving possession, and subsequent
documents concerning the cattle thefts. Evidence found in the ground
contradicts with what was written in historical documents, and this contributes
to the difficulty. It is clear that although much speculation can be made from
fragmentary evidence, including the pieces presented in this article, we may
never really know what happened at Carnué.

It is not likely that a church was built in Carnué during this period
because the settlers recorded their marriages and baptisms at the San Felipe de
Neri church in Albuquerque. One hundred years later, however, descendants of
one the settlers who returned to Carnué after 1819 did build a small
chapel in honor of San Miguel.(59) But despite the erection of more churches in
Carnué and San Antoñio in the 1800's, the residents of the sierra
continued to receive their sacraments at the San Felipe de Neri church until
early into the twentieth century.

Among the families at Carnué, at least fifteen members were married
between 1763 and 1771. These were primarily between the sons and daughters of
the settlers marrying each other, but at least 3 of them were settlers
themselves. Between 1763 and 1771, thirty three babies were born, and mortality
among children was high, with most families losing at least one child. At least
eighteen members died during those years, with the majority being women and
children, and with the majority of deaths occurring after 1765. It is likely,
although speculative, that the settlers were raided more than once at Carnué,
and it is also likely that crops failed or food and animals were stolen, because
by the end of the decade several families were hungry. The average age of the
settlers was between 30 and 40, but there were many young families, most with
children between 5 and 15 years of age.

The 1763 settlers cultivated crops of wheat and corn, although it is
unlikely that this is all that they grew. Documents from the later 1819 land
grant indicate that the soil in the canyon was also amenable to growing beans,
chile, tobacco, onions and pumpkins.(60) Orchards of apple, peach, plum and
apricot trees may also have been planted at the arroyo, along with shade trees,
as some very old trees still stand in the canyon today.(61)

In addition to their farming, they probably hunted small game, rabbits and
other animals, but they definitely were not full- scale ranchers. Besides the
fact that the land grant was to be primarily for agricultural use as the
Governor ordered(62), the dimensions of their corrals as described by Alcalde
Baca when he gave possession could only have held a small number of livestock at
one time.(63) Later documents confirm that very little meat was available in
Carnué during the latter part of the 1760s and that some families went
without food for periods of time.(64) Attempts had been made at establishing
trade relations with the friendlier Carlana Apache, who had replaced the Faraon
Apache in the canyon for a time.(65) However, soon after the settlement was
established, the government in Santa Fe placed restrictions on trade, and the
Alcalde of Albuquerque declared a moratorium on hunting because it had become
too dangerous to wander far from the plazas.(66) This, among other factors one
can speculate about, e.g. crop failure or raiding, caused a desperate situation
for the settlers by the end of the decade.

THE INVESTIGATION

Out of hunger and desperation, a number of crimes began to occur at Carnué
by the end of the decade. One incident involved Apache genizaro Bartolo
Anzures, who had "found" an ox on el llano, the open plain
that is the city of Albuquerque today, which belonged to Martin de Apodaca. He
took it home and slaughtered it near Carnué. A couple of other thefts
involved Francisco Garcia and Gregorio Montoya, both genizaros, who on
two separate occasions were seen herding stolen cattle into Carnué where
they were subsequently given to other settlers and slaughtered. All of these
crimes occurred in the Spring of 1767, but they were not reported to the then
Alcalde of Albuquerque, Francisco Trebol Navarro(67), until the next year. Once
he learned of the thefts, Navarro launched a documented investigation that
revealed several details about the residents of Carnué.(68) He was
thorough in interviewing everyone involved. Each declarant brought before him
stated their age, place of residence, and what they witnessed or failed to
witness. In their comments about each other the settlers confirmed some family
relationships, and they also revealed how divided the small community had
become.

On February 9, 1768, Pedro Crisostomo Ulibarri went to see Alcalde Navarro
to make a declaration. Pedro said that in May of 1767 Bartolo Anzures had found
Martin de Apodaca's ox on el llano and slaughtered it on the mountain
next to the plaza at Carnué. Martin de Apodaca complained to Carnué's
Teniente, Cristobal Jaramillo, who settled the matter quietly by
ordering Anzures to make restitution to Apodaca. He complied by giving Apodaca
a cow that had just given birth, and presumably the calf (or calves) as well.

In addition to this, Pedro said that on Holy Saturday of 1767, he saw
Francisco Garcia and Gregorio Montoya herding eight stolen cattle into Carnué
which they then slaughtered on the mountain next to the plaza. Garcia and
Montoya divided the herd by giving two cows to Bernardino Moya because he had
lent them a horse for the expedition. They gave one to the Teniente
Cristobal Jaramillo (raising the suspicion of bribery), and another to Juan Moya
(presumably the younger since a 36 year old Juan Moya later testifies). Of the
four cows remaining, they sold three: one each to Joseph Miguel de Molina, Juan
Antonio Jaramillo, and Usebio Rael de Aguilar. The fourth they split between
themselves. Pedro said that other eyewitnesses present were Fulgencio Azebedo
(alias Saavedra), Feliciano Hurtado, Nicolas Xiron, and Juan Joseph (Rivera)
el moso del Joseph de Apodaca.

Pedro told Navarro that this was not the first time that Garcia and Montoya
had stolen cattle. Before this incident he had seen Garcia and Montoya with an
additional four cows. He said that of these four they again gave one to the
Teniente Cristobal Jaramillo, and half a cow to Montoya's father, Rafael
Montoya. They consumed the other half themselves, and then kept one each of the
remaining two cows.

The only motive Pedro Crisostomo gave for reporting the crimes was to see
justice done, but he did not hide his contempt for Montoya and Garcia. He
described them as having "fama del ladrones cosarios", i.e.
having the reputation of being accused thieves. He further implicated the
involvement of the Teniente Cristobal Jaramillo as the latter was the
recipient of both thefts, and he incriminated the Molina and Moya families as
being accomplices and benefactors of the crimes. He even named his own
father-in-law, Usebio Rael de Aguilar, as a recipient of stolen goods, which is
either an indication of the quality of his relationship with his in-laws, or an
indication of his honesty, or his attempt at appearing honest. Perhaps the
others had refused to share with Pedro Crisostomo, or perhaps they made his life
difficult in other ways. There is no connection between Pedro and the victims
of the crimes at the Zia pueblo, so his true motives may never be known.

Navarro responded by ordering the the eyewitnesses, Nicolas Xiron, Feliciano
Hurtado, Fulgencio Saavedra, and Juan Joseph de Rivera, to appear before him to
give their testimony. He sent an order to the Teniente Crisotobal
Jaramillo asking for his cooperation in serving the subpoena. Each witness did
appear, although reluctantly, and certainly uncomfortable with the position they
found themselves in. Each one more or less corroborates Crisostomo's story,
with Feliciano Hurtado revealing the most details and even contradicting Nicolas
Xiron's testimony.

On February 9, 1768, at Carnué, Nicolas Xiron was sworn and stated
his age as more than 40 years. He said that he did see Garcia and Montoya bring
in eight cows and slaughter them, but he didn't know where they brought them
from, nor how they were distributed. As to the four cows stolen earlier, Xiron
says that he never saw them nor heard anyone speak of them. He did however,
confirm that Bartolo Ansures had taken Martin de Apodaca's ox and that Ansures
had made restitution to settle the matter.

Feliciano Hurtado, coyote, more than 40 years old, gave his
testimony in San Isidro on February 9, 1768. He said that, as Pedro described,
he saw Garcia and Montoya on the mountain next to the plaza with four dead and
two live cows and that the day before they had killed another. He said that it
was public knowledge that on the same day Juan Moya had killed another cow that
had been given to him by Garcia and Montoya, and that this accounted for the
eight cows. Contrary to Nicolas Xiron's testimony, Hurtado said that Xiron had
killed one cow for the Teniente Cristobal Jaramillo. He also said that
Joseph Miguel Molina had killed another cow which had been given to him by
Montoya as repayment for a debt. He concluded that the eight cows were stolen,
because Garcia and Montoya did not have the means to buy them on their own.
However, he denied knowing where they had brought them from and he said he
didn't know who the owners were. Of the four cows, he said that he didn't see
them, nor did he know about them, but next to the sierra he did see three
cows that had been freshly slaughtered. He said that he heard that Anzures had
stolen a bull or ox from Martin Apodaca and that Anzures had given Apodaca a cow
that had just given birth in repayment. Another memory he recalled was that
Bernardino Moya had lent a horse to the men so that they could make the trip and
bring back the stolen cows.

Fulgencio Azebedo (alias Zaabedra), coyote of 27 years more or less,
testified at Pajarito on February 10, 1768. He said that with regards to the
eight cows, it was certain that Pedro Crisostomo could not have seen, nor heard
anyone speak of them, because Fulgencio saw Crisostomo on that Holy Saturday and
he was with his mujer in the Villa of Albuquerque. Fulgencio said that
in the mountain that Crisostomo was talking about, he encountered Gregorio
Montoya, Rafael Montoya, and Garcia with three dead cows, and that
these were the four cows Crisostomo was talking about. He said that on the same
day Garcia and the Montoyas had killed a young female calf. He assumed they
were stolen because Garcia and Montoya did not have the means to buy the cattle,
and that it looked very suspicious. He said he knew nothing about the
distribution. Regarding the bull or ox that Crisostomo said Anzures had stolen,
he denied knowing or hearing anything about it.

Joseph de Rivera, coyote, testified on February 12, 1768 in
Pajarito. He stated that he was a resident of La Villa de Albuquerque, and that
he didn't know his age, but that he might be a little more than 20 years of age.
He said Crisostomo was lying because he never saw the eight cows, nor did he
hear anything said about them. Regarding the four cows, he said that in the
mountain referred to earlier, he saw Gregorio Montoya and Francisco Garcia with
three dead cows and that they told him they had just killed a young female calf
a short distance away. He said the situation, slaughtering cows in the
mountain, raised a lot of suspicion that they were stolen and also because
Garcia and Montoya were too poor to obtain them on their own. He stayed with
them for a short while and then went to his house. He didn't know whether or
how they were distributed. He said he heard about Bartolo Anzures, but he
didn't know what happened nor who the owner of the ox was.

On February 12, 1768 Navarro issued an order for the arrest of Gregorio
Montoya, Francisco Garcia, Bartolo Anzures, and for Bernardino Moya as an
accomplice. He commissioned the Teniente of Albuquerque, Baltazar
Griego, and the Teniente of Carnué, Cristobal Jaramillo, to
effect his order. The next day Garcia, Montoya, and Moya were arrested and held
in a jail at the Isleta pueblo. Each gave declarations denying all of
Crisostomo's story.

Bartolo Anzures, on the other hand, explained what happened regarding the ox
on February 19, 1768 in Pajarito. He said that in 1767 he and his family were
starving and that the recently declared moratorium prevented him from hunting.
He didn't want to slaughter his pregnant cow, so he went out on el llano
to look for food and found an ox which he believed belonged to Indians from
Sandia pueblo. He took the ox with the intention of paying for it later, and
slaughtered it to feed his family. Later, when he learned that the true owner
was Martin de Apodaca, he gave him his cow, which had just given birth, as
restitution. Within his testimony, Anzures stated that he was more than 40
years of age, but he gave no details about his family. Church and census
records, however, reveal that he had at least eight children with his coyote
wife, Francisca de la Cruz Moya. Later, when Navarro seized and inventoried the
goods of Garcia, Montoya, Moya, and Anzures, he found that Anzures had none.

On February 20, 1768, Navarro ordered Joseph Miguel de Molina, Juan Antonio
Jaramillo, and Usebio Rael de Aguilar to appear and provide testimony regarding
their purchase of stolen cattle. Joseph Miguel de Molina, español,
testified at Carnué on February 22, 1768. He stated that it was true
that Montoya and Garcia had sold him a cow. Montoya owed him a sheep and gave
him a dark-colored cow instead. He said he didn't remember what brand it had,
nor did he know where they had gotten the cow. On the same day, Juan Xaramillo,
español, and more than 25 years of age, declared that he did not
buy a whole cow from anyone. He did, however, buy a quarter side of beef from
Garcia which he paid for with a sack of corn, and that this is all he knows.
Also on the same day, Usebio Rael de Aguilar stated that he never bought a cow,
large or small, from Gregorio Montoya, Rafael Montoya, nor Francisco Garcia. He
said that he was the father-in-law of Pedro Crisostomo Ulibarri, and that he was
more than 60 years of age.

Navarro then asked the Teniente Cristobal Jaramillo and Juan Moya to
explain the cows that they had been given. Since there was no evidence that
Jaramillo had paid for the cows, this raised the suspicion of bribery.
Cristobal Jaramillo stated on February 22, 1768, that Crisostomo had given false
testimony. He said that he had sent Francisco Garcia to the Sandia pueblo to
pick up two cows for him at the house of an Indian named Juan Augustin. He
stated that these were the cows that Pedro Crisostomo and others had witnessed
being slaughtered and subsequently mistaken for stolen cattle, although he
states that the slaughter took place at his house, not on the mountain. He said
he never knew nor was he ever notified about any stolen cattle. Juan Moya, 36
years old, appeared on the same day and also declared that Pedro Crisostomo had
given false testimony. He denied ever receiving a cow and he denied ever having
any dealings with the men that Crisostomo referred to.

Navarro noted for the record that Rafael Montoya, the father of Gregorio
Montoya, had left the plaza of Carnué, and he ordered that he be returned
so that he could obtain his testimony. While at Carnué, Navarro decided
to seize the goods of Montoya, Garcia, Moya and Anzures. He enlisted the sons
of Joseph Miguel de Molina, Pedro and Antonio, to testify as to the inventory of
goods. Bernardino Moya had the most possessions, among them, a bull, twelve
sacks of corn, a musket, and some gunpowder. Gregorio Montoya had a mare and a
cow in the possession of Juan Xaramillo. Francisco Garcia also had a mare.
Pedro and Antonio both testified that Bartolo Anzures did not have any goods to
seize. The goods were placed in the care of Juan Antonio Gutierrez, who stated
that he was 30 years old.

Alcalde Navarro left Carnué for Pajarito, and then he went to Isleta
to re-interview Garcia, Montoya, and Moya. After presenting the evidence he had
discovered, Garcia and Montoya confessed. They declared that they had been
ordered by the Teniente Cristobal Jaramillo, Juan Antonio Jaramillo, and
Joseph Miguel de Molina to go to the Zia pueblo to steal the cattle. Bernardino
Moya helped by lending them a horse so that they could bring the cattle back to
Carnué. The villagers must have been in dire need of food for the Teniente
to give an order for them to steal. Despite the criminality of their actions,
Garcia and Montoya may have actually extended the lives of the Carnué
settlers by providing the dozen cows that were consumed that year.

Navarro suspended the proceedings against Rafael Montoya and Bartolo
Anzures. He submitted his analysis of the case to Governor Fermin de Mendinueta
for recommendations. In the end it was decided that there was not enough
evidence to convict the Jaramillos, nor Molina, and that despite evidence of
Bernardino Moya's involvement, he was allowed to go free. Instead, Francisco
Garcia and Gregorio Montoya were found guilty and sentenced to hard labor until
they made restitution to the Zia pueblo.(69)

Francisco Garcia's and both the Montoyas' motives for stealing cattle were
most likely because they and their families were impoverished, hungry, and owed
debts to other settlers. The little that is known about these families
certainly tends to lead one to draw that conclusion. Besides being very poor,
Francisco, Gregorio, and Rafael had each lost wives before and during their
struggle in Carnué. Rafael's second wife, Maria Antonia Garcia died
while giving birth to their son, and his second wife died in 1771, leaving him
with three small children. Gregorio was raising three small children of his own
when he married Maria Josepha Garcia in 1765, and the next year they had another
baby. Francisco's children were nearly grown when his first wife Juana Maria
Trugillo died in 1765. Later that year he married Paula Garcia, who bore him a
child the next year, and then mysteriously died in March 1768 on the road to
Carnué while he was under investigation for the cattle thefts. What
became of Garcia and Montoya's children after they were sentenced is unknown.
Francisco Garcia may have been the 49 year old widower who died on March 20,
1771. Gregorio and his second wife were both dead by January of 1788 when their
son Manuel Antonio de Jesus Montoya was married. Manuel was just 2 years old
when his father was sentenced, so he probably was raised by his godparents,
Nicolas Giron and Josepha Antonia Telles, or perhaps another couple.

THE RAID

In October of 1770 the small plaza of Carnué was raided by an unknown
Apache band causing the occupants to flee to Albuquerque. Documents concerning
the land grant state that there were casualties among the settlers, but their
place of burial is unknown. During Albert E. Ward's excavation of a site that
may have been the old plaza of Carnué, he found that:

"Many items of material culture were left behind in the houses during
what must have been a hasty exodus. Although the people left behind many of
their household items, they apparently took the dead and mortally wounded with
them. Perhaps they were taken to be buried in consecrated ground elsewhere, for
no human burials have been found or cemeteries recognized at Carnué."
[1976, Ward, p. 18]

No death or burial records at the San Felipe de Neri Church in Albuquerque
were found in the fall of 1770 for citizens of Carnué, except a small
child, Francisco Baca, on Nov 15, 1770, the son of Joseph Antonio Baca and Maria
Susana Carabajal, who were newlyweds. Also, in August of 1770, a Joseph Antonio
Giron, 7 year old son of Nicolas Giron and Josepha Telles, was killed at the
hands of "the enemy(70), but their is no evidence that this couple lived in
Carnué. Despite the fact that specific deaths of the settlers and their
families at the hands of the Apaches in October 1770 cannot be confirmed, the
survivors can easily be determined through other records dated after 1771. A
majority of them did survive to produce numerous descendants.

In addition, there is no record of military assistance from Albuquerque or
Santa Fe, nor any record of an attempt to take back Carnué that winter.
It is known that Governor Fermin de Mendinueta was notified, however, because he
sent an order to be communicated by Albuquerque's Teniente Joseph de
Apodaca, that the settlers were to return to Carnué to complete the plaza
and begin replanting the crops in the spring of 1771. The order does not exist,
but later documents make reference to this order.(71)

On April 8, 1771 thirteen men returned to Carnué without their
families. With only nine of them carrying arms it became apparent that little
could be done to defend, much less rebuild the plaza. In the evening of April
10th they returned to Albuquerque hungry and defeated. Their desperation and
frustration was evident when they sat down that night to write a petition to the
Governor asking for permission to abandon the land grant.(72) Fourteen men
signed the petition, eleven of which were named as petitioners on the granting
document of 1763, or were added to that document. Three new names appear. The
settlers obviously understood the consequences of their request, but they found
their situation impossible. The Apache domination of the canyon created too
great a risk to return, they said, and they could not face this "perilous
situation" because they lacked food, arms and sufficient men.(73)

With the recent criminal investigation still fresh in his memory, Governor
Mendinueta's disappointment was evident when he responded on April 12, 1771.(74)
What the settlers lacked, he said, was strength in character. He accused them
of exaggerating the risk, and scolded them for their laziness, pointing out that
in all the eight years that they had lived in Carnué they had failed to
complete the plaza as ordered. It was his will that the settlement be
re-established, and if those chosen lacked the courage and strength to comply,
then he would find others to do it. He ordered the Alcalde of Albuquerque to
recruit a number of genizaros from the town of Rio Puerco who had no
lands of their own, and persuade them to accompany the original settlers back to
Carnué. He reinforced his order by providing additional weapons and
supplies. He also gave the Alcalde the authority to give land in Carnué
to anyone who was willing to join the men. He warned the settlers that if they
did not immediately resettle Carnué, they would forfeit their lands and
never be permitted to live there nor plant crops there. They would be forced to
return to their place of origin, or to find work in nearby towns, but under no
circumstances were they to wander about the country like vagrants.(75)

On April 24, 1771, the Alcalde of Albuquerque, Francisco Trebol Navarro,
held a meeting with the original settlers and a group of genizaros from
Rio Puerco.(76) He relayed the Governor's offer to the genizaros, and
attempted to persuade the original settlers to resettle Carnué, informing
them of the consequences if they did not. The promise of land in the canyon,
however, was not enough to move the genizaros. They had heard what
happened to the settlers, and they decided to decline the Governor's offer and
return to their harsh life in Rio Puerco. The settlers also remained
unconvinced that they could make a successful life in Carnué, even with
the Governor's reinforcements.

THE DISSOLUTION

The final raid of 1770 is often cited as the reason for the dissolution of
the Carnué land grant, and while this undoubtedly caused the settlers to
flee the canyon, there were probably additional factors at work that caused the
settlers to decide not to return. Despite the very real threat to life that
they faced, it may have been more than just the lack of arms, or food, or the
Apache presence that prevented the settlers from returning to Carnué, and
it was certainly not for lack of courage or will that these men gave up land and
livelihood. There is nothing more important to a New Mexican, past or present,
than owning land which ensures their livelihood and that of their descendants.

What most likely broke up the Carnué land grant was a lack of unity
among its settlers. Despite the fact that many of their families were joined by
marriage and compadrazgo(77), their relationships splintered in hard
times and they turned one against another. There were surely disagreements from
the start when the living areas were unequally distributed, and this dissension
merely intensified as food and resources became scarce, resulting in thefts and
accusations. It is obvious that some were treated better than others and that
there was resentment among the families. So lacking in unity were they, that
they could not complete a small plaza for 25 families in nearly a decade, and
when offered supplies and more men to resettle, they refused. Their
disagreements were probably foremost in their minds when they decided not to
return to Carnué. It was better to carve out a new life elsewhere than
to face the harshness of the canyon together.

On May 27, 1771, Alcalde Navarro recorded the final act of the Carnué
land grant:

"I, the said Chief Alcalde, being present at the royal buildings of the
said town [Albuquerque], together with the former resident settlers of Carnuél
went to the said settlement and having arrived, I ordered them to demolish each
one his part of the houses of their residence and they were left in ruins on the
ground, and the said residents being notified that each one should return to his
former place where they had lived before making the settlement, they agreed to
do so." [NMLG, SG Case 150, NMSRC Reel 27, Fr. 683-84, translated at Fr.
860]

So closes the chapter on the Carnué Land Grant of 1763-1771. The
settlers returned to Albuquerque and its surrounding communities with their
families. Most never thought about Carnué again, but some children of
the original settlers never forgot the canyon, and in the tradition of New
Mexicans since the days of Oñate, they planned for the day that they
would return to the land of their ancestors.

1763 CARNUE LAND GRANT SOURCES

MICROFILM AND MICROFICHE

Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe San Felipe de Neri Church
Records. All LDS reels are available through the Church of Jesus Christ of
Latter- Day Saints Family History Centers.

1956 The Missions of New Mexico, 1776 - A Description by Fray Atanasio
Dominguez, University of New Mexico Press: Albuquerque, New Mexico.

Buxton, Margaret L.

1982 The Family of Lucero de Godoi: Early Records New Mexico
Genealogical Society: Albuquerque, New Mexico.

Chavez, Fray Angelico.

1989 A Distinctive American Clan of New Mexico William Gannon:
Santa Fe, New Mexico.

Chavez, Fray Angelico.

1992 Origins of New Mexico Families: A Genealogy of the Spanish
Colonial Period Revised Edition. Museum of New Mexico Press: Santa Fe,
New Mexico.

Cordell, Linda S., editor.

1980 Tijeras Canyon: Analyses of the Past. The Maxwell Museum of
Anthropology and The University of New Mexico Press: Albuquerque, New Mexico.

Dick, Herbert W.

1968 "Six Historic Pottery Types from Spanish Sites in New Mexico"
in Collected Papers in Honor of Lyndon Lane Hargrave, edited by
Albet H. Schroeder. Papers of the Archaelogical Society of New Mexico: 1,
Museum of New Mexico Press: Santa Fe, New Mexico.

Fehrenbach, T.R.

1979 Commanches: The Destruction of a People Alfred A. Knopf: New
York.

Forbes, Jack D.

1960 Apache, Navaho and Spaniard. University of Oklahoma Press:
Norman and London.

Lange, Charles H., Carroll L. Riley, and Elizabeth M. Lange, editors.

1984 The Southwestern Journals of Adolph F. Bandelier 1889-1892
University of New Mexico Press: Albuquerque; The School of American Research:
Santa Fe, New Mexico. [Footnote 805, pp. 527-530]

1988 Sol y Sangre or New Perspectives of New Mexico: The Ludi-Gonzales
Family Tree 1598 - 1888 Volume 3; Third Revision. Santa Fe, New Mexico.
Available at the New Mexico State Records Center, Santa Fe, NM.

Noyes, Stanley.

1993 Los Commanches: The Horse People, 1751-1845 University of New
Mexico Press: Albuquerque, New Mexico.

Pearce, T.M.

1965 New Mexico Place Names: A Geographic Dictionary. University of
New Mexico Press: Albuquerque, New Mexico.

Quintana, Frances Leon Swadesh and David Kayser.

1980 "The Development of the Tijeras Canyon Hispanic
Communities" Chapter 3, pp. 41-59 of Tijeras Canyon: Analyses
of the Past, Linda S. Cordell, editor, The Maxwell Museum of Anthropology
and The University of New Mexico Press: Albuquerque, New Mexico.

Simmons, Marc.

1977 New Mexico - A Bicentennial History. W.W. Norton and Company,
Inc.: New York; American Association for State and Local History: Nashville.

(2)é The name Carnué and Carnuél have both been used
in the archives as early as 1704 to refer to the same canyon. Another spelling
used was Carnöe. The origin of the name is unknown. Ethnohistorian
Frances L. Swadesh notes that the name "does not fit within the
phonological pattern of Keresan or any Tanoan language", but it "does,
however, fit with the pattern of a place name in northeastern Spain, Teruel,
near the foot of the Sierra Universal", thus making the name of possible "Arabic
origin". [1976, Swadesh, footnote 1, p. 43]

(3) 1980 Cordell, p. 1-11.

(4) 1993 Noyes, p. 11-25.

(5) 1979 Fehrenbach, pp. 117-49.

(6) Ibid, pp. 131-32; and 1993 Noyes, p. xxiii.

(7) 1960 Forbes, p. xviii-xxi.

(8) 1979 Fehrenbach, p. 132.

(9) 1979 Fehrenbach, p. 137, 142, and 185-86.

(10) 1967 Stanley, pp. 11-42.

(11) Ibid, p. 23.

(12) 1976 Swadesh, p. 35-6.

(13) 1980 Quintana and Kayser, p. 45; and 1960 Forbes, p. 171.

(14) 1976 Archibald, p. 314; and 1976 Swadesh p. 34.

(15)é 1914 Twitchell, p. 130.

(16) 1929 Armijo, translator, Juan Candelaria, author, p. 288-89.

(17) This is the Jose Lopez Naranjo who was "the head of pueblo
auxiliary troops" as described by Fray Angelico Chavez. [1989 Chaves, A
Distinctive American Clan, p. 57] He is also discussed within: 1967, F.
Stanley, The Jicarilla Apaches of New Mexico, p. 16-17.

(20) 1914 Twitchell, p. 133. Also: Fray Angelico Chaves states that Vargas
may have died at the residence of Don Fernando de Chaves in Bernalillo as the
latter and his son, Bernardo, were witnesses to a will the Governor had dictated
before dying. [1989 Chaves, A Distinctive American Clan, p. 59]

(21) 1977 Simmons, p. 85.

(22) 1989 Chavez, p. 56-57 and 60; and 1980 Simmons, p. 197.

(23) 1980 Simmons, p. 201-04, and 1977 Simmons, p. 84.

(24) 1977 Simmons p. 82.

(25) Ibid, p. 84 to 85.

(26)" 1976 Archibald quoting Miller, p. 314.

(27) Fray Angelico Chavez describes this Juan Candelaria as the man who
married Manuela Varela. [1992 Chavez, p. 156 and 349-50.] Which means he is
the "Juan Antonio Candelaria, (22) [DOB 1706], n. of New Mexico, son of
Francisco Candelaria and Francisco Montoya," who married "Manuela
Varela (14), n. of New Mexico, d. of Cristobal Varela and Clemencia Ortega"
on May 14, 1728. [DM no. 12, Albuquerque, p. 256] Francisco Candelaria was the
son of Blas de la Candelaria and Ana de Sandoval y Manzanares. [1997, Buxton,
p. 34-8] Interestingly, there was also a "Juan Antonio Candelaria"
listed as a Carnué petitioner in the 1763 granting document, and although
several Antonio Candelaria's and Juan Candelaria's were found in other
Albuquerque records during that time, this man is the only Juan Antonio
Candelaria found.

(28)é The 1762 petition has been lost, but it is referred to in the
subsequent order of Governor Cachupin when he approved the land grant on
February 6, 1763. Also: Albert E. Ward suggests in his 1976 article that the
settlers were already living in Carnué since 1760 because the San Felipe
de Neri priest in Albuquerque "by that year, was serving the residents on a
visita". [1976 Ward quoting Adams and Chavez, p. 16] Ward states
that the 1762 petition may have been for aid to defend the settlement against
Indian attacks and that the governor responded with a formal land grant instead.
[1976 Ward, p. 16]

(29) Genizaros are described as a "population originated as
captives of various tribal origins who were ransomed from nomadic tribes and
placed as servants in the homes of settlers and missionaries. Such placement
was for the purpose of winning them to the Catholic faith and adapting them to
the colonial life-style. By the 1740s, Genizaros began to acquire town
grants of their own, on condition that they settle athwart the access routes
used by nomadic Indians to raid colonial settlements, and that they provide
militia service." [1980 Quintana and Kayser, p. 44]

(39) Elizabeth Nelson Patrick indicates in "Land Grants During the
Administration of Spanish Colonial Governor Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta"
[1976 New Mexico Historical Review LI:1 pp. 5-18] that "Land in
excess of actual need of an individual was not granted, and only an amount
judged necessary to support the family was allocated". Although this
variation may have been considered normal procedure under Mendinueta, it does
not appear that Governor Cachupin followed this for he made it a point later to
force Baca to reallocate the housing lots at 50 square varas. What was limited
in this case, however, was the total size of the grant.

(40) Although the number of settlers described as español
outnumbered those described as genizaros at Carnué, the land
grant has traditionally been referred to as a genizaro settlement.

(41) Coyotes are sometimes described as the offspring of "Spanish
and New Mexican Indian" [1994 Trujillo, p. 14] or "half-Spanish and
half- Indian", or "the spawn of a native Hispanic and any outsider,
whether European of any kind of ?Anglo-American'". [1989 Chavez, p. 126]

(42) Ethnic designation is fairly clear in archival documents, but there
appears to be little consistency in the church and census records. Some
settlers who were described initially as Indian, were later shown to have
Spanish children, and vice versa.

(52) See list of sources used at the end of this article for abbreviations.

(53) 1976 Ward, pp. 12-21.

(54)" 1975 Ward, p. 10.

(55)" Ibid, Ward quoting Adams and Chavez 1956:254, p. 18.

(56) 1976 Swadesh, p. 42.

(57)" Ibid, p. 39; Also, around the time this article was written, the
Interstate 40 was being built in Carnué. Members of my family have told
me that another "pueblo" site was partially excavated on my
grandfather's land near the arroyo, and that this held up the freeway
construction for a time. The area pointed out to me now lies under the freeway.
I do not remember this as I was a child at the time. I have not found any
evidence of this excavation in the records, however, and do not know if it was
considered to be the 1763 plaza or not.

(67) Francisco Trebol Navarro was married to Maria Ignacia de la Luz Baca
on October 9, 1765 [Isleta Marriages p. 15]. She was the daughter of Antonio
Baca, the former Alcalde of Albuquerque referred to above, and Monica Duran y
Chavez. Both families had several children, and numerous ancestors. For more
on this family see: 1) 1992 Chavez, Origins of New Mexico Families, p. 296;
2) Esquibel, Jose Antonio, Beyond Origins of NM Families Vol. 2, website; 3)
Herencia, Journal of the HGRC, April 1994; 4) New Mexico Genealogist June 1992;
5) Lopopolo, Carlos, NM Chronicles - Los Lunas/Los Chaves; and other resources
including the Spanish Archives of New Mexico Vol. I and II, or anything on the
Baca, Duran y Chavez, or Esquibel families of New Mexico.

(68) SANM II, 1621 to 1821, Twitchell #636, LDS Reel number 0581468, Fr.
405-45. All subsequent references made to these documents are cited as above.

(69) SANM II, 1621 to 1821, Twitchell #636, LDS Reel number 0581468, Fr.
405-45. All prior references made to these documents are cited as above.

(70)" Archives of the Archdiocese of Santa Fe, San Felipe de Neri
Church Records, Deaths 1727-1854 LDS 016645.