Africa Great Lakes Democracy Watch

Welcome toAfrica Great Lakes Democracy Watch Blog.Our objective is to promote the institutions of democracy,social justice,Human Rights,Peace, Freedom ofExpression, and Respect to humanity in Rwanda,Uganda,DR Congo, Burundi,Sudan, Tanzania, Kenya,Ethiopia, and Somalia. We strongly believe that Africa will develop if only our presidents stop being rulers of men and become leaders of citizens. We support Breaking the Silence Campaign for DR Congo since we believe the democracy in Rwanda means peace inDRC. Follow this link to learn more about the origin of the war in both Rwanda and DR Congo:http://www.rwandadocumentsproject.net/gsdl/cgi-bin/library

Johannesburg - The trial for the shooting of an
exiled Rwandan general in South Africa was delayed Thursday after the
magistrate fell ill, dragging out the diplomatically sensitive case.

Three
Rwandans and three Tanzanians are accused of attempting to kill former
Rwandan army chief Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa outside his Johannesburg
home on June 19 2010.
They have all pleaded not guilty.
"I'm
telling you this case is jinxed," said South African prosecutor Shaun
Abrahams of a trial that has been repeatedly delayed because of
translation troubles, faulty court equipment and on Thursday a sick
judge.
The state's first witness, Rwandan national Kalisa
Mubarak, began testifying about the events that took place on the day of
the shooting, but the magistrate cut short the hearing after less than
an hour.
Mubarak testified on Wednesday that one of the accused,
Rwandan national Amani Uriwani, had told him that Rwandan "military men"
from Europe with lots of cash and cars had asked for help "to shoot at a
military person".
The key suspect in the case is Rwandan
businessman Pascal Kanyandekwe, who allegedly offered South African
police a bribe of one million dollars when they arrested him in July
2010.
He is also accused of plotting to kill Nyamwasa while he was hospitalised after the shooting.
Kanyandekwe
and four men linked to the hospital plot are expected to appear in a
separate case in the Johannesburg Magistrates court next month.
Nyamwasa
has kept a low profile since the shooting. His driver, Rwandan national
Richard Bachisa, has also been charged in the case, along with
Tanzanians Hassann Mohammedi Nduli, Sady Abdou and Hemedi Denengo Sefu.
The
case has strained relations between South Africa and Rwanda, which
wants to bring Nyamwasa home to serve a 24-year prison sentence after a
military court convicted him in absentia of desertion, defamation and
threatening state security.
Spain and France are both seeking to
extradite him for his alleged role in the Rwandan genocide, in which 800
000 people were killed.
He has denied the charges.

The
attempted killing in Johannesburg of Rwanda's exiled former army chief
was orchestrated by well-heeled Rwandan soldiers living in Europe, a
witness told a South African court on Wednesday.

Six men went on trial Wednesday
for the shooting of Faustin Nyamwasa, Rwanda's former top general, at
his home in Johannesburg in June 2010.

Nyamwasa had arrived in South
Africa four months earlier, after abandoning his post as ambassador to
India, amid allegations of corruption and a falling-out with Rwandan
President Paul Kagame.

A week before the shooting, one of
the accused, Rwandan national Amani Uriwani, said that Rwandan
“military men” from Europe with lots of cash and cars had asked for his
help “to shoot at a military person”, according to witness Kalisa
Mubarak.

“He said they are Rwandese from
Europe. They also want to shoot another Rwandese,” said Mubarak, an
immigrant who runs a hair salon in central Johannesburg.

Mubarak told the court that Uriwani said he had been offered 10,000 rand ($1,500, 1,000 euros) to take part in the attack.

Three Tanzanians and three Rwandans have been charged with attempted murder. All six have pleaded not guilty.

The case has strained relations
between South Africa and Rwanda, which wants to bring Nyamwasa home to
serve a 24-year prison sentence after a military court tried him in
absentia on charges of desertion, defamation and threatening state
security.

Nyamwasa was tried with three
other former top officials who co-authored a document slamming what they
said was the repression of freedoms in Rwanda since Kagame's arrival in
power in 1994.

He also faces terrorism charges
for allegedly masterminding grenade attacks last year in Kigali in the
run-up to presidential elections.

Nyamwasa's presence in South Africa has caused diplomatic headaches for Pretoria.

Spain and France are both seeking
to extradite him for his alleged role in the Rwandan genocide, in which
800,000 people were killed. He has denied the charges. -

Wednesday, June 29, 2011

JOHANNESBURG — One of the men accused of trying to kill a former
Rwandan general exiled in South Africa said that Rwandan soldiers with
plenty of cash and cars were behind the plot, a friend testified
Wednesday.
The testimony came on the second day of trial in the June 2010
shooting of Lt. Gen. Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa. The former Rwandan
military chief went into exile just months before he was attacked in
Johannesburg.

Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s government has denied
allegations of involvement in the case. However, witnesses in the trial
have asked for special protection, saying they fear the Rwandan
government.
Kalisa Mubarak, a 36-year-old Rwandan who immigrated
to South Africa in 2003, testified Wednesday that he has known one of
the six suspects since they were children.
He said that former
Rwandan soldier Amani Uriwani told him about being recruited by some
European-based Rwandans to help with a job in Johannesburg.
Mubarak
said his friend would only say the target was also a soldier, and he
tried to talk Uriwani out of taking part. Uriwani was offered 10,000
rand (about $1,400) for his part in the attack, according to his
friend’s testimony.
Prosecutors say Mubarak has been moved with his wife and three children to a secret location under a witness protection program.
Two
body guards sat nearby as he testified in English and Kinyarwanda. He
wore dark glasses and sat in the witness stand with his chin sunk in a
black-and-white checked scarf draped around his neck.
Three
Rwandans and three Tanzanians are accused of attempted murder,
conspiracy to commit murder and other charges in Nyamwasa’s shooting.
Nyamwasa
and other Rwandans living abroad have accused the president of crushing
dissent and democracy after he helped to end the 1994 genocide that
left more than 500,000 people dead in Rwanda.
In May, British
police warned some Rwandan exiles living in the U.K. that their lives
were in danger, and the threat is believed to have emanated from the
Rwandan government.
Human rights groups say opposition
politicians, journalists and civil society activists have been subjected
to crackdowns inside Rwanda as well.
The key suspect in the South
Africa case is Pascal Kanyandekwe, a Rwandan businessman. He’s also
accused of plotting to kill Nyamwasa while the general was hospitalized
after the shooting.
Kanyandekwe and four men not linked to the
shooting are to stand trial in the hospital plot later this month. He
also is accused of bribery after two police officers said he offered
them $1 million to let him go when they arrested him in July 2010.
The
shooting victim, who has kept a low profile since the June 2010 attack,
also faces international war crimes charges linked to the aftermath of
the Rwandan genocide — allegations he denies.
Nyamwasa and other
senior Tutsis are accused of waging an extermination campaign against
Hutus in the chaotic aftermath of Rwanda’s genocide — charges that
Nyamwasa denies.
A Spanish judge in 2008 charged Nyamwasa and 39
other members of the Rwandan military with the mass killings of
civilians after they seized power in Rwanda.
A U.N. report last
year echoed the 2008 Spanish charges, accusing invading Rwandan troops
of killing tens of thousands of Hutus in 1996 and 1997 in neighboring
Congo.
Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved.
This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or
redistributed.

From UMUVUGIZI NEWSPAPER
The British government has surprisingly suspended President Paul
Kagame’s planned visit which was schedule to take place between July 18
and 24th. During the same visit, Kagame was expected to feature as the
guest of honour at a Rwandan youth convention known as Itorero.
Reliable sources confirm that Rwandan Diaspora in the United Kingdom is
preparing to foot the expenses incurred in organising the halted
presidential visit to the UK.
The suspended planned visit comes days after the British government
warned Kigali authorities against political activities carried out by
Rwanda’s ruling party the RPF on British soil which are said to be
targeting Rwandan refugees living in the country.
Recently, the British Scotland yard Police and M15 sent a warning notice
to members of Rwandan opposition living in UK, warning them of possible
security threats. The same police sent a warning to Rwanda’s Embassy in
the UK informing them that tough diplomatic measures would be taken
if members of the mission don’t stop in activities incompatible with
their status .
A former Rwandan military intelligence official living in Belgium was
suspected of involvement in similar incidences and he was stopped from
entering the UK . Another Rwandan spy, one Rubagumya was also arrested
in Uganda on related Incidences .
All these events follow a series of meetings held by Rwanda’s key
security officials around Europe. One of such meetings was held on
January 15 in London chaired by the Chief Spy Colonel. Dr. Emmanuel
Ndahiro, in attendance was Rwandan Ambassador to Britain Ernest
Rwamucyo, others at the meeting were Rwandan security operatives Jimmy
Uwizeye, Col. Mupenzi , Linda, Lt. Tom Rwabugiri, and the representative
of the Rwandan Diaspora in Britain Mr. Mugabo.
Despite different pieces of evidence attained by British secret services
implicating Rwandan Government in dubious activities against its
critics in UK, ,president Kagame recently dramatically denied he’s
Government’s Involvement in these allegations and instead accused
respected British security services of not being professional .
Although UK is one of Rwanda’s key donors, it has maintained that it’s
support is strictly based on mutual interests of respecting universal
jurisdiction ,Freedom of press , Freedom of expression and respecting
value of citizens.
Suspending President Kagame’s visit sends a strong warning that the
donor community and the entire European continent is interested in
seeing a responsible government in Rwanda that is accountable to the
citizens rather than one that is bent on using the donors’ money in
expanding the spy network that is cracking down its citizens in exile.
Johnson , Europe .

Tuesday, June 28, 2011

Basic Information

Nobody
denies that Hutus killed Tutsis in 1994, but a lot of people deny that
renegade Tutsis killed massive numbers of Hutus and others from 1990 to
the present.

Company Overview

Non-profit grass-roots organization of Africans in or from the Great
Lakes region (Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Congo) and others who seek
justice and renewal in that region, working via internet and other means
to show who is REALLY denying genocide.

Description

We refuse to let mass-murderers and their apologists co-opt the term
"genocide denial". We will point out every case in which they they deny
their own guilt. Their guilt is well established by the UN Mapping
Report (suppressed for years until leaked) and earlier documents.

As a technical term, "genocide" is closely defined as being planned and aiming at exterminating a particular group. Common...ly, however, people call any mass killing in which most of the victims are members of a particular group a "genocide".

We
insist that the international courts indict and try those responsible
for those other "genocides" from 1990 to the present, and we accuse
those who shirk this of committing "genocide denial".See More

General Information

Non-profit
grass-roots organization of Africans in or from the Great Lakes region
(Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Congo) and others who seek justice and renewal
in that region.

Mission

To
make people aware that the "accepted" story of "the" genocide in Rwanda
is perpetuated by people who deny other genocides before, during, and
after 1944.

From GOOD CULTURE
People talk a lot about the racism that poisons the criminal justice system, sending African-Americans to jail more often than white criminals, and with longer and harsher sentences.
But what about "colorism"? If you don't know, colorism is the
sub-prejudice that finds people treating people of color differently
based on how light or dark their skin is. Though it's rarely talked
about, colorism is a major cause for concern in courtrooms around the
United States, according to a new study.
Called "The Impact of Light Skin on Prison Time for Black Female Offenders,"
the study found a group of Villanova professors assessing the sentences
of more than 12,000 black female defendants in North Carolina. Their
findings were horrifying: Even after controlling for things like prior
convictions, crime severity, and thinness, women with light skin
received sentences that were 12 percent shorter on average than
dark-skinned women. Lighter women also had their actual time served
reduced by about 11 percent.
Colorism doesn't just impact criminals, either. Another study,
this one from the University of Georgia in 2006, found that skin tone
was even more important than education when it came to employer
satisfaction with black job applicants. The message this sends is that
the closer you are to white, the better you are—both morally and
professionally, evidently

As the saying goes, when two elephants fight it is the grass that
suffers. The feud between Kayumba Nyamwasa et al. and Paul Kagame is
likely to have a far from pleasant end. The peasants might once again be
entangled into a conflict they little understand and as a result,
forced to pay a heavy price.

The wrangle between the two heavyweights seems to have reached a point
of no return. What is now left is a dog-eats-dog strategy, or an
equivalent of the Darwinian survival for the fittest. This was the
message directly implied when Kayumba was shot last year in the streets
of Johannesburg. Kayumba and his family believe that the government is
still trying to kill them. For Mr. Kagame, actions speak louder than
words!

But is Kayumba hitting back as well? This is hard to tell. At the
moment, there is no clear evidence that this might be the case, although
the Rwandan government has accused him of forming terror zones within
the country. Knowing that Kayumba was the chief of the Rwandan army for
many years, and is still said to be very popular among the ranks of the
military, everything is possible. Moreover, some claim that he enjoys
very strong ties with the Ugandan government. The thought of him
mobilizing a fighting force, no doubt exaggerated at the moment, is not a
complete impossibility.

As of yesterday, the government of Rwanda claims to have arrested five
dissidents, including a colonel in the Rwandan army. They are accused of
planning sabotage attacks against Rwanda under Kayumba’s authority. Of
course, such accusations need to be taken with a pinch of salt. After
all, these are the exact same charges that are always leveled on
political dissidents in Rwanda. If so, it might be the case of a boy
crying wolf.

As expected, Kayumba’s vehemently denied any links to the arrested
individuals. Because this is the first time that an insider of the
ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) is wrestling with the regime, it
might be hard to tell where the truth lies.

We know that an investigative report released by the United Nations
earlier this month refuted any links between Kayumba et al and other
fighting groups based in the DRC such as FDLR and RUD Urunana. We also
know that it is in Kagame’s best interest to portray Kayumba as a
military trouble maker who is threatening Tutsi hegemony by
collaborating with Hutu extremists. In Kagame’s threatening words, he is
“excrement” that must be eliminated from the body.

As I said in my post earlier, these are troubling times in Rwanda. The
“warrior refugees” that once won the praise of Philip Gourevtitch now
have guns pointed at each other. They threaten the stability of a
country they fought for and some of them have already been exiled again.
It is not a pretty sight.

To be honest, Kayumba’s opposition to Kagame bears more hope for
democracy than an event in Rwanda’s recent history. Kayumba has
challenged Kagame’s totalitarian control in a way that leaves the man
humbled. He often likes to say that, “absolute power corrupts
absolutely”. By extension, Kayumba, at least in rhetoric, wants the RPF
to undergo a process of reformation; which will allow for competitive
politics.

Part of Kayumba’s problem with the RPF party is that Kagame has
personalized it. He has built a personality cult akin to that of the
late Juvenal Habyarimana. As such, Kayumba and other RPF compatriots
feel their vision betrayed. They are longing for change.

It needs to be emphasized that the RPF, under Paul Kagame, has been a
major stumbling block to democratic reform. They have established
complete control over the military, the church and the civil society.
They are like the despot king who must die in order for democracy to
arise. We also need to be aware that Kayumba et al. were the yesterday’s
champions of this corrupted system. But human being can learn from
their mistakes. And there are few untainted hands in Rwanda.

I may not be a fan of Kayumba et al., but I think they deserve a chance.
After all, they are Rwandans as well and their love for the country is
evident. So far, they have been busy trying to spearhead for
reconciliation among the Diaspora of Hutus and Tutsis. They efforts seem
to be wielding success. In particular, Theogene Rudasingwa, the group’s
most vocal member, has shown the willingness to acknowledge the crimes
committed by the RPF against Hutu civilians. This is a BIG and
unprecedented step—one that needs to be celebrated. By any indications,
Rudasingwa looks like a reformed man who is hungry for peace and
reconciliation. Rwanda desperately needs more of his kind.

I view the confrontations as a necessary step for Rwanda’s rebirth. It
is completely disheartening to think that the peasants will once again
bear the brunt. However, can there be gain without pain? Are the
peasants better off under a cruel dictatorship? I welcome comments from
my readers

First
a gunman shot the exiled Rwandan army general. When he survived,
prosecutors say the people who wanted him dead plotted to strangle him
in his South African hospital bed.

Prosecutors won't say whether they
believe Rwandan President Paul Kagame's government was behind the
attack carried out in another corner of the continent.

But on Tuesday as the trial began,
prosecutors disclosed that key witnesses are now under special
protection in South Africa because they fear the Rwandan government.

Rwandan authorities have angrily
denied the allegations of involvement in the June 2010 attack on Lt.
Gen. Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, and have even hired a South African
lawyer to monitor the court proceedings this week in Johannesburg.

“The government of Rwanda doesn't
have anything to hide. They're not involved in this,” their lawyer
Gerhard van der Merwe told The Associated Press.

Prosecutor Shaun Abrahams refused
to say Tuesday whether his case would implicate the Rwandan government.
He said the evidence will speak for itself during the complex trial,
which is being conducted in English and translated into three other
languages:

French, Swahili and Kinyarwanda.

The shooting victim, who has kept a
low profile since the June 2010 attack, also faces international war
crimes charges linked to the aftermath of the Rwandan genocide -
allegations he denies.

Nyamwasa was once Rwanda's
military chief before he fell out with the president and went into exile
in South Africa last year. He and several other top Kagame aides have
since been convicted in absentia on charges that include threatening
state security.

Now three Rwandans and three
Tanzanians are accused of attempted murder, conspiracy to commit murder
and other charges in Nyamwasa's shooting in South Africa. They each
pleaded not guilty to the charges Tuesday.

Nyamwasa and other Rwandans living
abroad have accused the president of crushing dissent and democracy
after he helped to end the 1994 genocide that left more than 500,000
people dead in Rwanda.

In May, British police warned some
Rwandan exiles living in the UK that their lives were in danger, and
the threat is believed to have emanated from the Rwandan government.

Human
rights activists also charged last year that Rwanda's Tutsi-led
government was pursuing Hutus in neighboring Uganda. Rwanda's government
denied involvement in a series of attacks on Hutu Rwandans in Uganda.

Human rights groups say opposition
politicians, journalists and civil society activists have been
subjected to crackdowns inside Rwanda as well. Earlier this year, in a
case Human Rights Watch said was politically motivated,

Rwanda's High Court sentenced an
opposition leader to four years in prison on charges of endangering
national security, attempting to organize unauthorized protests and
inciting ethnic divisions.

The key suspect in the South
Africa case is Pascal Kanyandekwe, a Rwandan businessman. He's also
accused of plotting to kill Nyamwasa while the general was hospitalized
after the shooting.

Kanyandekwe and four men not
linked to the shooting are to stand trial in the hospital plot later
this month. He also is accused of bribery after two police officers said
he offered them $1 million to let him go when they arrested him in July
2010.

The other two Rwandans accused in the case are Nyamwasa's driver and a former Rwandan soldier, according to prosecutors.

While
Nyamwasa portrays himself as a champion of democracy and is a victim in
the trial that opened Tuesday, he also faces serious criminal charges.

He and other senior Tutsis are
accused of waging an extermination campaign against Hutus in the chaotic
aftermath of Rwanda's genocide -charges that Nyamwasa denies.

A Spanish judge in 2008 charged
Nyamwasa and 39 other members of the Rwandan military with the mass
killings of civilians after they seized power in Rwanda.

A U.N. report last year echoed the
2008 Spanish charges, accusing invading Rwandan troops of killing tens
of thousands of Hutus in 1996 and 1997 in neighboring Congo.

South African refugee and human
rights groups have gone to court to try to have Nyamwasa's asylum
status stripped because of the allegations.

In a lawsuit filed earlier this
month, the groups acknowledge it might not be safe for Nyamwasa to
return to Rwanda and instead proposed that he be tried in South Africa. -

On 6th June
2011, FDU-Inkingi informed the public about a spree of night gun
murders in parts of Rwanda and particularly in Gisagara District
(Southern Province). The police accused the opposition party of trying
to rush to the media before reporting the incidents. Since then, a
police manhunt for an FDU-Inkingi opposition member, Mr. Jean Bosco
Hanganimana, resident of Gisagara District started. From the 25th June,
deployments of mobile police and night army patrols sent residents of
Higiro location (Sector Nyanza, Gisagara District) in panic.

That
same day, the Executive of Higiro location, Madame Niwebasa Assumpta,
expelled Mr. Jean Bosco Hanganimana, FDU-Inkingi member, from the
Umuganda community work in Nyanza sector and stated that “nobody should
worry about what will happen to that FDLR supporter and to those opposed
to the ruling RPF”. At 16:00, the police searched his house and failed
to arrest him. At 20:00, with no search warrant, 6 army men , a local
defence staff and a civilian night patrol stormed his house, searched
and arrested his wife who was later released.

Many months before on 12th November
2010, the police abducted Mr. Jean Bosco Hanganimana from the hospital
and detained him for 19 days for unknown charges. There were allegations
of abuse and torture. He was reportedly attacked because he belongs to
the opposition party FDU-Inkingi.

The
party FDU-Inkingi is calling upon the Government to investigate and to
ensure that the local autorities and security services respect the basic
rights of citizens.

AP-JOHANNESBURG — First
a gunman shot the exiled Rwandan army general. When he survived,
prosecutors say the people who wanted him dead plotted to strangle him
in his South African hospital bed.

Prosecutors won't say whether they believe Rwandan President Paul
Kagame's government was behind the attack carried out in another corner
of the continent.
But on Tuesday as the trial began, prosecutors disclosed that key
witnesses are now under special protection in South Africa because they
fear the Rwandan government.
Rwandan authorities have angrily denied the allegations of
involvement in the June 2010 attack on Lt. Gen. Faustin Kayumba
Nyamwasa, and have even hired a South African lawyer to monitor the
court proceedings this week in Johannesburg.
"The government of Rwanda doesn't have anything to hide. They're not
involved in this," their lawyer Gerhard van der Merwe told The
Associated Press.
Prosecutor Shaun Abrahams refused to say Tuesday whether his case
would implicate the Rwandan government. He said the evidence will speak
for itself during the complex trial, which is being conducted in English
and translated into three other languages: French, Swahili and
Kinyarwanda.
The shooting victim, who has kept a low profile since the June 2010
attack, also faces international war crimes charges linked to the
aftermath of the Rwandan genocide — allegations he denies.

Nyamwasa was once Rwanda's military chief before he fell out with the
president and went into exile in South Africa last year. He and several
other top Kagame aides have since been convicted in absentia on charges
that include threatening state security.
Now three Rwandans and three Tanzanians are accused of attempted
murder, conspiracy to commit murder and other charges in Nyamwasa's
shooting in South Africa. They each pleaded not guilty to the charges
Tuesday.
Nyamwasa and other Rwandans living abroad have accused the president
of crushing dissent and democracy after he helped to end the 1994
genocide that left more than 500,000 people dead in Rwanda.
In May, British police warned some Rwandan exiles living in the UK
that their lives were in danger, and the threat is believed to have
emanated from the Rwandan government.
Human rights activists also charged last year that Rwanda's Tutsi-led
government was pursuing Hutus in neighboring Uganda. Rwanda's
government denied involvement in a series of attacks on Hutu Rwandans in
Uganda.
Human rights groups say opposition politicians, journalists and civil
society activists have been subjected to crackdowns inside Rwanda as
well. Earlier this year, in a case Human Rights Watch said was
politically motivated,
Rwanda's High Court sentenced an opposition leader to four years in
prison on charges of endangering national security, attempting to
organize unauthorized protests and inciting ethnic divisions.
The key suspect in the South Africa case is Pascal Kanyandekwe, a
Rwandan businessman. He's also accused of plotting to kill Nyamwasa
while the general was hospitalized after the shooting.
Kanyandekwe and four men not linked to the shooting are to stand
trial in the hospital plot later this month. He also is accused of
bribery after two police officers said he offered them $1 million to let
him go when they arrested him in July 2010.
The other two Rwandans accused in the case are Nyamwasa's driver and a former Rwandan soldier, according to prosecutors.
While Nyamwasa portrays himself as a champion of democracy and is a
victim in the trial that opened Tuesday, he also faces serious criminal
charges.
He and other senior Tutsis are accused of waging an extermination
campaign against Hutus in the chaotic aftermath of Rwanda's genocide —
charges that Nyamwasa denies.

A Spanish judge in 2008 charged Nyamwasa and 39 other members of the
Rwandan military with the mass killings of civilians after they seized
power in Rwanda.
A U.N. report last year echoed the 2008 Spanish charges, accusing
invading Rwandan troops of killing tens of thousands of Hutus in 1996
and 1997 in neighboring Congo.
South African refugee and human rights groups have gone to court to
try to have Nyamwasa's asylum status stripped because of the
allegations.
In a lawsuit filed earlier this month, the groups acknowledge it
might not be safe for Nyamwasa to return to Rwanda and instead proposed
that he be tried in South Africa.
Copyright 2011 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This
material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Johannesburg - Critics of Rwandan President Paul
Kagame will be watching an attempted murder trial that started on
Tuesday in South Africa for evidence the east African leader tried to
have a former general killed.

Three Rwandans and three Tanzanians
are accused of attempted murder, conspiracy to commit murder and other
charges in the June 2010 shooting of Lieutenant General Faustin Kayumba
Nyamwasa, once Kagame's military chief.

They each pleaded not
guilty on Tuesday at the start of a trial that required French, Swahili
and Kinyarwanda translation, and that drew an observer for the Rwandan
embassy and family members for the accused and the victim.

Since
the Kagame and Nyamwasa fell out and the former general left for exile
in South Africa last year, Nyamwasa has joined other Rwandans living
abroad in accusing Kagame of crushing dissent and democracy after
helping to end the 1994 genocide during which extremist Hutus killed
more than 500 000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus in Rwanda.

Rwanda-South Africa relations strained

Rwandan dissidents accuse Kagame's government of being behind the attack on Nyamwasa, charges that it has angrily denied.

The
case has strained Rwandan-South African relations, but officials here
have refused to say whether they believe Nyamwasa was the target of an
official assassination attempt.

Evidence on that point might form part of the trial.

Suspicions
have fallen on Kagame's government elsewhere. It emerged in May that
British police had warned some Rwandan exiles living in Britain that
their lives were in danger, and the threat is believed to have emanated
from the Rwandan government.

Earlier
this year, in a case Human Rights Watch said was politically motivated,
Rwanda's High Court sentenced an opposition leader to four years in
prison and fined three others opposition figures convicted of
endangering national security, attempting to organise unauthorised
protests and inciting ethnic divisions.

In the Nyamwasa case, the
key suspect is Pascal Kanyandekwe, a Rwandan businessman and the only
suspect to appear on Tuesday in a suit and tie.

In addition to
charges stemming from the shooting, Kanyandekwe is accused of plotting
to kill Nyamwasa while the general was hospitalised after the shooting.

Kanyandekwe and four men not linked to the shooting are to stand trial in the hospital plot later this month.

Kanyandekwe
also is accused of bribery after two police officers said he offered
them $1m to let them go when they arrested him in July 2010. Kanyandekwe
allegedly left South Africa after the murder attempt on Nyamwasa and
was arrested at Johannesburg's OR Tambo Airport upon his return.

The other two Rwandans accused are the general's driver and another had been a Rwandan soldier, according to prosecutors.

Rwanda wants accused home

In
May, Nyamwasa and three other men who had once been top aides to Kagame
were convicted in absentia by a Rwandan military court of disturbing
public order, threatening state security, sectarianism and criminal
conspiracy.

Rwanda has demanded the four be sent home to be
imprisoned, but the countries where they have found refuge - South
Africa and the United States - have made no move to hand them over.

While
Nyamwasa portrays himself as a champion of democracy and is a victim in
the case that opened Tuesday in a downtown Johannesburg court room, he
and other senior Tutsis are accused of waging an extermination campaign
against Hutus in the chaotic aftermath of Rwanda's genocide.

A
Spanish judge in 2008 charged Nyamwasa and 39 other members of the
Rwandan military with the mass killings of civilians after they seized
power in Rwanda.

A UN report last year echoed the 2008 Spanish
charges, accusing invading Rwandan troops of killing tens of thousands
of Hutus in 1996 and 1997.

South African refugee and human rights
groups have gone to court to try to have Nyamwasa's asylum status
stripped because of the allegations, which the general denies.

In
a lawsuit filed earlier this month, the refugee and rights groups
acknowledge it might not be safe for Nyamwasa to return to Rwanda. The
groups suggest instead he be tried in South Africa.

On
6th June 2011, FDU-Inkingi informed the public about a spree of night
gun murders in parts of Rwanda and particularly in Gisagara District
(Southern Province). The police accused the opposition party of trying
to rush to the media before reporting the incidents.
Since
then, a police manhunt for an FDU-Inkingi opposition member, Mr. Jean
Bosco Hanganimana, resident of Gisagara District started. From the 25th
June, deployments of mobile police and night army patrols sent
residents of Higiro location (Sector Nyanza, Gisagara District) in
panic.
That same day, the Executive of Higiro location,
Madame Niwebasa Assumpta, expelled Mr. Jean Bosco Hanganimana,
FDU-Inkingi member, from the Umuganda community work in Nyanza sector
and stated that “nobody should worry about what will happen to that FDLR
supporter and to those opposed to the ruling RPF”. At 16:00, the police
searched his house and failed to arrest him. At 20:00, with nosearch
warrant, 6 army men , a local defence staff and a civilian night patrol
stormed his house, searched and arrested his wife who was later
released.
Many months before on 12th November 2010, the
police abducted Mr. Jean Bosco Hanganimana from the hospital and
detained him for 19 days for unknown charges. There were allegations of
abuse and torture. He was reportedly attacked because he belongs to the
opposition party FDU-Inkingi.
The party FDU-Inkingi is
calling upon the Government to investigate and to ensure that the local
autorities and security services respect the basic rights of citizens.

Monday, June 27, 2011

Peter
Erlinder, the American lawyer that Paul Kagame, president of Rwanda,
imprisoned for three weeks in Kigali on May 28, 2010 has unveiled not
well known truth about the prevailing political and security context of
Rwanda prior to April 1994 in an article titled The UN Security Council ad hoc Rwanda tribunal: international justice or judicially-constructed “victor’s impunity”?].
The document was published in the De Paul Journal of Social Justice in
the fall of 2010. It reveals some facts significantly worth
highlighting, particularly for those that RPF propaganda has lied to for
years. Among those lies one is about the former president Habyarimana
and his regime’s relationship with Tutsis inside Rwanda particularly
during the RPF guerrilla war which lasted almost three years and half,
from October 1, 2010 to July 4, 1994.

Habyarimana Juvenal, the Rwandan President 1973-1994

Despite
the troubled and war time that the country experienced between October
1, 1990, date of RPF invasion of Rwanda from Uganda, and the day he died
on April 6, 1994, President Habyarimana demonstrated a humanity towards
Tutsis inside Rwanda that RPF would not dare to credit him for, because
this would deprive Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda, of claiming that
he has been their saviour. Having said that, Robert Flatten, U.S.
Ambassador to Rwanda who was in Kigali during most of the RPF guerrilla
war, paints a portrait of Habyarimana’s security measures which
significantly limited the impact of the war on Tutsis while he was still
alive:“…leaders from all sides have begun to realize the more
terrifying implications of an RPF march to Kigali. No matter how many
Hutus the RPF may have representing it, it is perceived in Rwanda as an
essentially Tutsi organisation. Should this group break through to
Kigali, all the fears of the Hutu majority of again being subjected to
slavery or feudal vassalage will be resurfaced. When threatened with the
restoration of the feudal system, the Hutus on the collines (hills)
will begin to eliminate their Tutsi neighbours. When this happened in
1990….Habyarimana sent an army unit to stop it. When it happened in
Bugesera in March 1992, the Gendarmes eventually arrived to encourage
the restoration of calm. This was done with an administration and
communications in place, neither of which would be the case should
Kigali fall to the RPF.”
The assassination on April 6, 1994 of the two Presidents, Habyarimana
of Rwanda and Ntaryamira of Burundi, when the aeroplane they were
travelling in was shot down while attempting to land at Kanombe airport,
was interpreted in many Rwandans’ understanding as the fall of Kigali
in the hands of the attacker of the country – the Rwandan Patriotic
Front of Paul Kagame. Ultimately Robert Flatten’s predictions became
reality: Hutus on hills fearing a restoration of the feudal system and
being subjected again to slavery, began eliminating their Tutsi
neighbours.
The same way there is nothing like experience, as well there is
nothing like bad experience. It is usually said that we learn from our
past. But when it’s from an inconvenient one, our learning becomes
unfortunate for those who turn into its victims. Peter Erlinder
explains:“The former Rwandan Tutsi aristocracy faced discrimination as
foreigners in Uganda, and many of the children of the displaced
Rwandan-Tutsi aristocracy (including a teenage Paul Kagame) threw their
lot in with the National Resistance Army (NRA) of Yoweri Museveni, who
led armed rebellion against the elected government of President Milton
Obote that took some 500,000 lives between 1981 and 1986, particularly
in the Luwero Triangle.”
Early 1994, the CIA Kigali desk predicted that between 300,000 and
500,000 lives would perish if President Habyarimana was killed. Such
predictions were apparently based on the prevailing political and
security situation in Rwanda and the whole region. The main supporting
factor was particularly the impact of the assassination in October 1993
by Tutsi military extremists of the ever first Hutu President who had
been democratically elected in neighbouring sister country of Burundi.
They had done it in the Triangle of Luwero a few years before. And as
a consequence Yoweri Museveni got into power in 1986. If with a similar
scenario of getting a near close number of casualties, they could get
this time power in Rwanda, what could stop them? Paul Kagame and his RPF
rebel movement played their cards and got the expected reward: leading
the country since July 4, 1994. Now, they and their U.S. and U.K.
friends have worked hard since to blame Hutus for most of the killings
which occurred starting from the RPF’s invasion of Rwanda from Uganda.
But truth and time are catching with the liars.
No one contests the occurrence of the Rwandan genocide. The only
cloud remains around the narrative of Kigali about what happened and how
events unfolded. The Rwandan government’s story has only so far served
to protect its promoters from being prosecuted. On October 2009 the
conclusion of the three judges’ panel at the ICTR in Militarly-I 98-41-T
cleared of any conspiracy to commit genocide the four most sought after
and supposedly master-minders. The judges’ conclusion implies that
there are the real planners of the Rwandan genocide out there who are
still enjoying impunity.
The 500,000 lives which were killed in the Luwero Triangle between
1981 and 1986 seem to have gone down in history without any justice
since President Joweri Museveni of Uganda who was leading the NRA rebel
at the time has today spent 25 years in power benefiting from total
impunity. The UN Mapping Report
has made some dent in Kagame’s impunity about his numerous crimes since
his time in Uganda as Chief Intelligence. However, there is a long way
to go to make him accountable for his whole responsibility in the
Rwandan genocide and many other crimes which characterise his
personality. It is ironic how those among leaders in the Great Lakes who
behaved humanly ended up and the criminals who got the upper hand. Evil
has so far triumphed against good. Let’s hope for the better.

A
defense witness said on Wednesday before the International Criminal
Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), the musician Simon Bikindi, accused of
inciting the genocide of Tutsis through his work, sang rather equality
between Rwandans.The protected witness "XBR", a Tutsi, was a member of ballet led by Imbonezamihigo Bikindi in the 1980s.XBR
was part of the group that played the song "Twasereye ingoma ago CYAM"
(We said goodbye to the feudal system) to mark the 25th anniversary of
the independence of Rwanda in 1987.The
ICTR prosecutor said at least three of Bikindi's songs, including
"Twasezereye ingoma CYAM ago," were the components of the plan of
genocide.

The prosecution alleges
that the works of Bikindi incited hatred against Tutsis and inviting
people to attack them and kill them because of their ethnicity.

The
witness, who sang in front of the room a piece of "Twasezereye ingoma
CYAM ago," said the message in the song was more that 25 years after
independence, "the country was at peace and the Hutus, Tutsi and Twa were equal. "The witness said the message was clear and that the group did not need the help of Bikindi to grasp its scope. "We understood the message. It was only expressing the fact that this was no longer a monarchy in which many people had suffered, "said XBR.Entering
further into the matter, the witness indicated that a portion of the
text says: "Dear Rwandans, come see the new Rwanda where Hutus, Tutsis
and Twas are equal. The whip, forced labor are not. We answer these, young and old, we are close to open for the development of Rwanda "According to XBR, "the message reflected the reality of the country. Hutu, Tutsi, Twa were equal. "

The official history of Rwanda before 1994 refers to the enslavement of Hutus by Tutsis before independence. The witness further stated that Bikindi was not a politician. His lawyers argue that his only passion was music.Bikindi was represented by Mr Andreas O'Shea the Bar of England and Wales and Jean de Dieu Momo Bar Cameroon.

By
introducing the witnesses Monday, Mr. O'Shea said the songs Bikindi
certainly refer to a historical context but that the artist was not a
man politically motivated. Arrested in the Netherlands in July 2001, Bikindi, 53, is considered since September 18, 2006. The prosecutor cited 17 witnesses in this case. Defense in 42 states. The last defense witness should be heard Nov. 21.

Three Rwandan complaints against a planned documentary on France 2 click here for original article in FrenchParis,
June 18, 2011 (FH) - Three Rwandans have filed a complaint referred to
the Court of Paris against the documentary "Genocide in Rwanda: the
killers among us," whose distribution is scheduled for Tuesday, June 28
by the public television France 2.The
widow of President Habyarimana, Agathe Kanziga, filed the first
complaint against the company France Televisions and the production
company Tony Committee. She was joined by
two other Rwandans interviewed by the director of Manolo Arthuis, as
part of a television documentary produced for the show The Great Hunt."Our
goal is not to condemn or to prevent the spread of this documentary,
provides counsel for Agathe Habyarimana, Philippe Meilhac. All that we
ask today is to watch it, in order to see whether or not a violation of the presumption of innocence. Despite several requests, we refused it. ""It
took us six months of investigation to make this documentary and film,
of course with their consent, three genocide suspects living on French
soil," said Manolo for Arthuys.Agathe
Habyarimana was shot "in the presence of his lawyer and two members of
his family," while the doctor was Twagira Charles' home and without a
lawyer, "and the former Rwandan army officer Marcel Bivugabagabo" in a rectory and without a lawyer, "says the director."I
received from Mr. Arthuys almost a year ago, I allowed him to see my
client continues Me Meilhac. What worries me deeply is that we are on a
serious subject, that in terms of process
it is at the very beginning, and I am a little surprised at how they
present the show. It seems that it is totally dependent. "A
press of France Televisions, cited by the plaintiffs, announced in
effect: "Sixteen years after the fact, the Rwandan justice and
international justice are tried and sentenced many officials. But how
many are still at large? While some are hiding in Africa, others live with impunity in Europe, particularly in France where Manolo for Arthuys found them. "Another
release presents the show The Great Hunt, made a documentary and a
discussion moderated by journalist Nicolas Poincaré, as "a collection of
five investigative documentaries devoted to men who are or have been,
the most sought after in the world. "On
the set of the show's June 28, four guests are scheduled to date for
the debate: James Kabale, Ambassador of Rwanda, Alain Gauthier,
president of the Collective of plaintiffs for Rwanda (CPCR), Filip
Reyntjens, Professor of Law at the University of Antwerp and a journalist, Maria Malagardis.In
their chambers, each of the three complainants argue that none of them
is under an indictment before the French courts or prosecution before
the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Only preliminary proceedings are initiated.The
most famous of them, Agathe Habyarimana, is within the scope of an
extradition request issued by Rwanda, which will be heard June 29 in
Paris. It is also the subject of a
judicial investigation opened in March 2008, following a complaint of
the SCRC, in which it is heard as a witness simple.The
former Lieutenant-Colonel Marcel Bivugabagabo has also been a Rwandan
extradition request rejected by the court of Toulouse in 2008. The same year, the SCRC has filed a complaint against the former officer. This indicates, in its application for interim relief, since he had "never been heard by an investigator."The
Hirondelle News Agency has learned, however, in January 2010 that
Marcel Bivugabagabo was the subject of a "preliminary investigation"
during a visit to Rwanda two French investigating judges, and Brigitte
Jolivet Nicolas Aubertin.Charles Twagira for his part in 2007 obtained the status of political refugee in France. He
is also the subject of a complaint of the SCRC, filed in the court of
Rouen in early 2010 and sent to the court to Paris, where a judicial
inquiry was opened. He works as a doctor.Initially
scheduled May 31, the distribution of this document has been extended
to June 28, May 26 arrest of former military leader of Bosnian Serbs,
Ratko Mladic, then having been a special issue of The Great Hunt.The three complaints filed with the interim High Court of Paris will be heard as a group, Monday, June 20Eighteen
court records concerning the Rwandan genocide suspects residing on
French soil are being educated to the high court of Paris.PF / GF

Exactly one year after the murder of independent newspaper Umuvugizi’s
deputy editor, the paper's website is again inaccessible in Rwanda. Its
editor has just re-launched the paper as an online-only publication.
Last weekend, Umuvugizi went online with a re-launched version of its website, publishing in Kinyarwanda and English. According to reports on Twitter, the site is currently inaccessible in Rwanda.
Umuvugizi has been a constant victim of Internet filtering since the offline publication was suspended for six months
in April 2010 by Rwanda’s Media High Council for undisclosed reasons.
The suspension effectively prevented the independent weekly from
covering that year’s presidential elections in August. Chief editor John
Bosco Gasasira fled for exile, first in Uganda, now in Sweden, aiming
to ensure continued publication.Umuvugizi online was launched merely a month after the ruling, prompting immediate threats of censorship by members of the Media High Council who claimed the publication was “defying its suspension”. The website was blocked for the first time
by June 3, 2010, perhaps in response to a story about the lavish travel
expenses of President Paul Kagame, as the Committee to Protect
Journalists speculates.
Umuvugizi’s deputy editor Jean-Leonard Rugambage Cheriff was shot in the capital Kigali on June 22, 2010, in what the newspaper claims
to have been an attack by government security forces. Rugambage's
alleged killers were later tried and received life sentences, but
Umuvugizi continues to claim that these were mere scapegoats.
Converted into an online-only publication, Umuvugizi has faced
on-and-off filtering throughout the last year. In early June 2011, the
website was again blocked for three days prior to a court ruling that sentenced chief editor Gasasira in absentia to 2.5 years in prison for insulting the president and inciting civil disobedience.Herdict: Help us track whether Umuvugizi is blocked!Internet censorship reporting site Herdict
allows Internet users to track which sites are blocked in their
countries. If you are in Rwanda, please let us know whether you can
access Umugivizi.com. You can submit a report via the Herdict reporter or using Twitter or e-mail.

Political and Military Sciences, Law, Patriotism, Regional and International Relations.

The word Intore is given to famous Rwandan dance “Intore, a “dance of heroes”. It is performed

by men wearing grass wigs and carrying spears. It was a dance performed by returning

warriors,
celebrating victory in battle. At certain stages the dancers stop, with
arms outstretched and make blood-curdling battle cries.The training is
therefore to produce warriors to fight any dissenting ideology by
force.

In
Rwanda, this ideological education has been made compulsory. For
example in May 2008 local authorities in Gicumbi district in Northern
Province sacked over 100 teachers for reportedly refusing to participate
in the training that saw over 40,000 primary and secondary school
teachers participate:

Let us recall that the word interahammwe which meant “people working harmoniously

together for a common purpose” referred to Hutu politicians who worked together and

braved death threats while fighting to exploitative and oppressive monarchical system of

government. In its creation, the interahamwe were not meant to kill Tutsi but rather formed

to propagate and defend the political ideas and values of MRND party.

Given the past political and violent history of Rwanda and in consideration the recent

Rwandan government foiled plan by the MI5 to eliminate physically its critics in the UK,

the Rwandan community in UK is extremely worried of the ideological training of Rwandan

youth in the UK and therefore requests the UK government to impress upon the Rwandan

High Commission and its affiliated Rwandan community association to stop the training into

Rwandan into ideological extremism.

Regards,

Noble Marara

Assistant Coordinator

Email:
noblemarara@yahoo.comThis e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

Friday, June 24, 2011

By Sally Kelly
London, (Pal Telegraph) - US introduces UN resolution that would deploy
a 4,200-strong Ethiopian peacekeeping force to disputed Abyei region.
The United States has introduced a UN resolution that would deploy a
4,200-strong Ethiopian peacekeeping force to Sudan's disputed Abyei
region, the scene of heavy fighting in recent weeks.
Susan Rice, US ambassador to the UN, said the resolution will support
an agreement signed on Monday by the Khartoum-based government in the
north, and the government of south Sudan, to demilitarise the contested
border region.

Rice told reporters that the two parties requested the troops to be
deployed under UN auspices and called for swift adoption of the
resolution by the Security Council so they can get on the ground in
Abyei immediately.

"Ultimately, it's obviously up for the Security Council to decide the strength and the mandate of any UN mission,'' she said.

"But the United States, in tabling this draft, has sought to remain
faithful to the agreement reached by the parties, which we understand
was hard won and inherently fragile.''

She declined to predict how long it would take to adopt the resolution and said that it would not happen overnight.

The violence in Abyei and neighbouring south Kordofan comes as south
Sudan prepares to declare independence from the north on July 9, the
culmination of a 2005 peace deal that ended more than two decades of
civil war that killed about two million people.

The north's invasion of the Abyei region and takeover of the town of
Abyei was triggered by an attack on May 19 on northern and UN troops by
southern soldiers.

John Temin, of the United States Institute of Peace, spoke to Al
Jazeera about the draft resolution and said: "It is important to be very
clear that this is a temporary agreement that was reached. The
fundamental question of whether Abyei is part of north or south remains
unresolved and we are no where closer to resolving that question as a
result of this agreement."

What this agreement does is remove some of the northern troops who
moved into Abyei several week ago and put in Ethiopan troops to try and
calm the situation, Temin said.

Abyei tensions

While south Sudan's independence is expected to take place on schedule, crucial issues remain unresolved.

The areas of debate include: the future of Abyei, which is supposed to
be decided in a referendum; the north-south border demarcation; how oil
revenues and other resources will be shared; and citizenship.

Rice told reporters that the purpose of the interim security agreement
for Abyei is to allow the withdrawal of Sudanese forces not to settle
the future of the region.

Violence began in south Kordofan earlier this month when Sudan's
military attacked a black community aligned with Sudan's south.

The UN says that about 10,000 people have fled the region to escape the violence.

Today
at 10:00, the Rwandan opposition has observed a minute of silence in
front of the maximum prison today, in memory of Rwandans who lost their
lives struggling for democracy; in memory of those who were assaulted,
tortured and arrested a year ago; in memory of all political prisoners;
in memory of all Rwandans inside and outside Rwanda sentenced on
politically trumped up charges. This solemn moment was interrupted by
Nyarugenge LPD, Mutezintare, who yelled that the presence of opposition
members is an unacceptable threat to peace and security. Like a year
ago, members of the police threatened democracy activists. Until the
afternoon security guards were still nervous as one of them pushed
harder the back of Ms. Alice Muhirwa, FDU-Inkingi Treasurer who was
bringing food to Ms. Victoire Ingabire.Today,
40 members of the opposition queued at the kigali maximum prison gate
for a chance to visit democracy prisoner Madame Victoire Ingabire,
FDU-Inkingi Chair, but were refused again. It's the 13th week of
isolation. The political prisoner Bernard Ntaganda has completed his
first year in prison; Charles Ntakirutinka, leader of PDR Ubuyanja, is
held since April 2002; The presidential candidate Doctor Theoneste
Niyitegeka was arrested in September 2005 and is serving a 15 year
sentence since; Deo Mushayidi, leader of PDP Imanzi was arrested in
March 2010. Ms. Victoire Ingabire is spending her 253 day in captivity
today.On
24th June 2010, opposition leaders and members peacefully demonstrating
in front of the Rwandan Ministry of Justice in Kigali were assaulted,
arrested, tortured and held incommunicado for several days. The very
day, an independent journalist Jean-Leonard Rugambage was gunned down.
3 Weeks later on 14 July 2010 was discovered the beheaded body of the
late André Kagwa Rwisereka, Vice President of the Democratic Green Party
of Rwanda.The
year 2010 has been a turning point, an eye opener on the real political
stability of Rwanda. Similar signs and symptoms of looming turmoil were
observed in the country in the late 50s just before the 1959 social
revolution and the independence; in 1973 just before the military putsch
that removed the first Hutu leaders; in 1990 before the war and 1n
1993, just before the Rwandan genocide. The then leaders and the
international community ignored those bedlam warnings until implosion
and chaos. There is no exception today. The independent media is
stifled, the opposition thwarted, the opposition leaders are in prison
and others in exile, the ruling class is monopolising the wealth, the
economy, the power; the judicial is politicised and in the hands of the
rulers; there is increasing fear in the country; huge expenses for
propaganda and cults of personality; the regime uses the state police to
buttress it's reign; international human rights voices are criticising
the state of terror in the country.We
call upon the government to open up the political space, to release all
political prisoners, journalists, human rights activists and to stop
the harassment of Rwandans inside and outside the country.FDU-INKINGI
Interim Vice President
Boniface Twagirimana