Broadcasting systems

The broadcaster and the government

Most observers recognize that no broadcast organization can be wholly independent of government, for all of them must be licensed in accordance with international agreements. Although broadcasters in democratic countries pride themselves on their freedom with respect to their governments, they are not always free of stockholder or advertiser pressure, nor are producers and editors truly independent if senior executives, under pressure from whatever source, interfere with their editorial functions. Independence, therefore, is a relative term when it is applied to broadcasting.

In a monograph that was written for the European Broadcasting Union, broadcasting systems are classified under four headings: state-operated, those that work under the establishment of a public corporation or authority, those whose systems are a partnership blend of public authorities and private interests, and those under private management. A brief summary of these systems provides an indication of the complex variations that have arisen.

State operation

Grouped under this heading are broadcasting systems that are operated by a government department or delegated to an administration, perhaps with a legal personality and even possibly independent in financial and administrative matters, but subject to the government and not essentially autonomous. Under this heading came the systems in most communist countries. In the Soviet Union a special committee was set up in 1957 to be in charge of Soviet radio and television under the direct authority of the U.S.S.R. Council of Ministers. Similar arrangements were made in Czechoslovakia and Poland, except that the committees were given a legal personality. Romania had delegated broadcasting to a committee attached to the Council of Ministers. All-India Radio is a department of the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. Similar arrangements are common in countries that were colonies but have gained their independence since World War II.

Establishment of a public corporation or authority

The BBC has been the prototype of this kind of system. Provided it abides by the charter and terms of the license under which it operates, the BBC has maximum independence as regards the disposal of its funds (although its revenue is subject to governmental decision as to the cost of the license that is required for every television or radio receiver), the production and scheduling of programs, and, above all, editorial control. Certain residual government powers are either hedged around with agreed provisos or never exercised. Its income, save for profits on the sale of programs abroad and the sale of various phonograph records and publications, is exclusively derived from licenses. External broadcasting (i.e., broadcasting to areas outside national boundaries) is separately financed. The chairman and Board of Governors constitute the legal personality of the BBC; they are chosen by the government not as representatives of sectional interests but on the basis of their experience and standing. Political parties in office have been careful to avoid political prejudice in these appointments.

The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), or Société Radio-Canada, also has substantial independent powers as determined by the Broadcasting Act of 1958 and its two successors, passed in 1968 and 1991. These later acts responded to technological as well as social changes, such as the specific needs of the regions and the aspirations of French-speaking Canadian citizens. The CBC is dependent on an annual parliamentary grant for its finance, supplemented by an income derived from advertising that amounts to about one-quarter of its annual revenue. Canadian broadcasting as a whole is a mixed system, with private broadcasting companies operating alongside the CBC.

The Japan Broadcasting Corporation, or the Nippon Hōsō Kyōkai (NHK), was charged by a series of acts in 1950 with the task of conducting “its broadcasting service for the public welfare in such a manner that its broadcasts may be received all over Japan.” The NHK Board of Governors is appointed by the prime minister with the consent of both houses of the Diet. The system is financed almost exclusively from the sale of licenses for receiving sets. Private broadcasting, allowed since 1950, has led to the creation of 170 private broadcasting companies.

Though German broadcasting is properly included in this category, the situation there is substantially different, for the basic radio and television services are a matter not for the federal government but for the individual states (Länder). The state broadcasting organizations are also grouped together in a national organization, the First German Television network. In each state, though there are some variations, there are a broadcasting council that is appointed by the legislature or nominated by churches, universities, associations of employers or trade unions, political parties, or the press; an administrative council; and a director general. Their revenue comes from receiving-set licenses and sometimes also from advertising.

The broadcasting system in Belgium provides an interesting example of a device that has been used successfully for coping with a two-language country. There are three public authorities: one for French broadcasts, a second for Flemish, and a third that owns the property, owns and operates the technical equipment, and is responsible for the symphony orchestra, record library, and central reference library.

Partnership of public authorities and private interests

In many cases this partnership is nominal and historical rather than substantial and actual. The outstanding example is Radiotelevisione Italiana (RAI), originally founded in 1924. In 1927 an agreement was made with the government for a 25-year broadcasting concession. The charter was extended to cover television in 1952. Two years later a government agency acquired control, and in 1985 it owned 99 percent of the shares. RAI’s administrative council consists of 20 members, 6 of whom are elected by the shareholders’ assembly, 10 elected by a parliamentary commission, and 4 selected from a list of candidates representing the regional councils. A parliamentary committee of 40 members is in charge of running the service. The organization must also prepare an outline of programs on a quarterly basis for approval by the Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications, aided by an advisory committee concerned with cultural, artistic, and educational policies. A separate organization runs the broadcast advertising business, which, together with receiving-set licenses, provides the revenue of RAI. State monopoly of broadcasting was terminated in 1976. By the early 1990s there were about 450 private television stations operating in Italy alongside the RAI.

In Sweden the broadcasting monopoly is technically a privately owned corporation in which the state has no financial interest, thus emphasizing the independence of Sveriges Radio from the government. The shares of the corporation must be held by the Swedish press (20 percent), large noncommercial national bodies or movements (60 percent), and commerce and industry (20 percent). The board of governors is made up of a chairman and government nominees and an equal number elected by the shareholders; there also are two employee representatives of Sveriges Radio on the board. The government reserves the right to determine the amount of revenue from receiving-set licenses on an annual basis and thus controls both investment and the amount of broadcasting. The government, however, does not control how that revenue is spent. On balance, Sveriges Radio has a substantial measure of freedom.

In Switzerland too there are elements of partnership between private interests and public authorities, but the federal constitution, the need to broadcast in three languages, and geographical factors have led to a system by which the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation is composed of three regional societies based in Lausanne, Zürich, and Lugano-Besso.

Private management

Most of the broadcasting organizations under this heading are commercial firms that derive their revenue from advertising, which takes the form of brief announcements scheduled at regular intervals throughout the day. In some cases a program, such as a sports event or concert, may be sponsored by one advertiser or group of advertisers. Methods and degree of government control vary, and no general characteristics may be isolated. Private-enterprise radio predominates in the United States and Latin America.

Subject to similar controls in these countries are many nonprofit educational stations, financed by universities, private subscriptions, and foundations. There is a public-service network, the Public Broadcasting Service, in the United States.

Other methods of distributing sound and vision programs by wire and cable are not strictly broadcasting. In the main, wire-diffusion enterprises concentrate on giving efficient reception of broadcast programs in densely populated areas, large blocks of buildings, and hotels. A tall apartment building, for example, may have one television antenna on its roof to which residents may attach their receivers. Programs such as sports, special events, films, and theatrical performances are also available via direct cable lines to subscribers as “Pay TV.” Cable television reached about 56,100,000 homes in the United States in 1991 and has created two industries in broadcasting: one to hook up homes, the other to supply the programs. Cable television has drawn viewers away from the major commercial television networks, whose share of the prime-time audience has fallen and is expected to decline further.

The broadcaster and the public

The psychology and behaviour of a radio or television audience, which is composed principally of individuals in the privacy of their own homes, differ considerably from those of an audience in a theatre or lecture hall. There is none of the crowd atmosphere that prevails in a public assembly, and listeners are only casually aware that they are actually part of a large audience. This engenders a sense of intimacy that causes the listener to feel a close personal association with the speaker or performer. Furthermore, many people will not accept in their own homes many of the candid forms of expression that they readily condone or support on the stage or in literature.

Because it owes its license to operate to the state, if indeed it is not state-operated, and because of its intimate relationship to its audience, broadcasting functions in a quasi-public domain, open in all its phases to public scrutiny. It is therefore held to be invested with a moral as well as a legal responsibility to serve the public interest and must remain more sensitive to public sentiment and political opinion than most other forms of public expression.

Audience measurement

For economic reasons, as well as those outlined above, evaluation of audience opinion and response to radio or television programs is important to the broadcaster. Audience measurement presents difficult problems, because there is no box office by which to determine the exact number of listeners. Mail received comes principally from those who have the time and inclination to write and cannot be regarded as wholly representative. Audience-measurement information may also be obtained by telephone-sampling methods, interviews in the home by market-research organizations, or special recording devices attached to individual receiving sets. The latter, installed with the owner’s consent, record the amount of time the set is used, when it is turned on and off, and the stations tuned in. These devices are expensive, however, and do not necessarily indicate whether someone is actually watching or listening, and they are therefore limited to small samples of the total audience. Whatever the method of rating, commercial broadcasters are quick to alter or discontinue any program that shows lack of audience appeal, and the listeners are thus influential in determining the nature of the programs that are offered to them. In commercial broadcasting, sponsored programs also are affected by their apparent success or failure in selling the goods advertised.

It is difficult to give an account of educational broadcasting in countries where broadcasting is largely or wholly a matter of private management and where the larger and more important stations and networks are private commercial enterprises. Nevertheless, considerable numbers of educational transmissions are made in the United States and Latin America by universities and colleges and sometimes by municipal or state-owned stations. The Public Broadcasting Service in the United States has increased the amount of educational and generally more thought-provoking material available on the air, and in Latin America some countries use broadcasts not only to support the work of teachers in schools but also to combat illiteracy and to impart advice to isolated rural populations in matters of public health, agricultural methods, and other social and practical subjects. The Roman Catholic Church has been in the forefront of the latter activity, operating, for example, the Rede Nacional de Emissôras Católicas in Brazil and the Acción Cultural Popular in Colombia. A similar use of broadcasting is made in most of the tropical countries of Africa and Asia.

Japan’s NHK has the most ambitious educational-broadcasting output in the world. Each of its two television and AM radio services is devoted wholly to education, while general television services and FM radio also transmit material of this nature. Japan prepares programs for primary, secondary, and higher education, special offerings for the mentally and physically handicapped, and a wide range of transmissions under the general heading of “social education,” which includes foreign languages, vocational and technical instruction, advice on agriculture, forestry, fisheries, and business management, plus special programs for children, adolescents, and women. The educational broadcasts of NHK reach more than 90 percent of Japan’s primary and secondary schools.

In Europe the French state broadcasting service devotes more than one-half of its radio output to educational and cultural broadcasts in the arts, letters, and sciences; and on television about 14 percent of its first and second networks are devoted to adult education. Primary and secondary instruction is offered, as are refresher courses for teachers and university-level courses.

Although Italian radio devotes less than 1 percent of its output specifically to educational programs for children, nearly 20 percent is given to cultural and allied offerings. Educational television began in Italy in 1958 with courses of a vocational nature, followed by transmissions aimed at secondary schools. In 1966 special programs were initiated for areas where there are no secondary schools. By the early 1980s, 17 percent of Italian television time was devoted to educational and school broadcasts and 4 percent to cultural programs.

Swedish radio offers a comprehensive service of educational and cultural broadcasting, with the output on television higher than that on radio. There is also a substantial output of adult education at the primary, secondary, and university levels, with about 1,400 school broadcasts a year, and Sweden has concentrated on vocational training and refreshment for teachers. German broadcasting, by contrast, has been used much less for formal education. In the Netherlands more than two and a half hours of school and continuing education broadcasting are broadcast weekly on the radio; in addition, nearly eight hours of educational television are transmitted every week.

The BBC pioneered in education; its work, in both radio and television, has steadily expanded. The BBC offers primary and secondary students more than 100 radio series and nearly 40 television series. The BBC also offers a wide range of biweekly programs especially designed for study in degree courses with the Open University, created and financed by the government, with the broadcast teaching supplemented by publications and correspondence work. By the mid-1970s, BBC broadcasts for the Open University averaged 16 hours weekly on radio and more than 18 hours on television. In addition, the Independent Broadcasting Authority in the United Kingdom has required the commercial-program companies to contribute educational material both for schools and for adults; by 1970 this amounted to 10 hours weekly during periods totaling 28 weeks of the year.

In Australia there is a small educational output on the commercial stations, both radio and television, but by far the greater part of educational broadcasting is undertaken by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Educational programming accounts for about 4 percent of radio time and 18 percent of television output, the majority of which is broadcast to schools and kindergartens. The Canadian Broadcasting Corporation is required to provide educational programs in both English and French and does so on its AM and FM radio networks, as well as on television.

Broadcasts for external reception

International broadcasting—the transmission of programs by a country expressly for audiences beyond its own frontiers—dates from the earliest days of broadcasting. The Soviet Union began foreign-language transmissions for propaganda purposes in the 1920s. Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany made such broadcasts at a later date. France, Great Britain, and the Netherlands were next in the field among European countries, though their first use of shortwave broadcasting was aimed at French-, English-, or Dutch-speaking populations overseas. Great Britain began foreign-language broadcasting early in 1938 with a program in Arabic and transmissions in Spanish and Portuguese directed to Latin America. By August 1939, countries broadcasting in foreign languages included Albania, Bulgaria, China, France, Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, Japan, Romania, the Soviet Union, Spain, the United States, and Vatican City.

During World War II foreign-language broadcasting continued; the programs of the BBC in particular, because of their reliability and credibility, had an important effect in maintaining morale among the countries that were under German occupation. The continuance of international tension after World War II led to remarkable growth of foreign-language services. In 1950, for example, all of the communist countries of eastern Europe except East Germany had launched external services, although these were on a small scale, and even the Soviet Union was transmitting a total of more than 500 hours of broadcasts weekly in all foreign languages. The United Kingdom’s output, which had once led the field, had been reduced to slightly more than 600 hours a week and the Voice of America to less than 500 hours per week. By the early 1980s the situation had changed radically. The Soviet Union alone broadcast more than 2,000 hours per week, and the output of all communist countries of eastern Europe (excluding Yugoslavia) totaled about 1,500 hours. The United Kingdom logged 744 hours in 1981; West Germany logged 785 hours; and the United States broadcast over the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty 1,925 hours a week. The output of China had risen from 66 hours weekly in 1950 to 1,375 hours by 1981. The increase in Chinese broadcasts reflected in part the rising tension between China and the Soviet Union; significantly, the output of China’s ally for much of this period, Albania, rose from 26 to 560 hours weekly during the same period. By the early 1980s Japan was transmitting for 263 hours, while Australia and Canada also sponsored external broadcasts.

Monitoring and transcriptions

A logical development following from external broadcasting is the monitoring of foreign broadcasts and their analysis for intelligence purposes. The BBC in particular has a highly developed monitoring service; this activity often yields valuable information. The Central Intelligence Agency of the United States is also active in monitoring and analyzing foreign broadcasts. Transcriptions (recordings) of programs produced in either the domestic or the external services of one country can be acceptable for broadcast in others. Radio broadcasts of an educational nature can be used in different countries speaking the same language. Although many radio transcriptions are supplied free, in television the situation is different, and there is a substantial trade in television films.

In some countries where broadcasting in general or radio alone is a monopoly, radio has had to compete for brief periods with independent commercial stations mounted on ships anchored at sea outside territorial waters. Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom have been the countries most affected by these stations, which have made use of unauthorized wavelengths, thus endangering other radio communications and operating free of any copyright obligations in respect to any of their broadcast material. Government action gradually has forced closure of such operations: in Sweden a competitive service of popular music proved effective; and in Denmark naval police action (the international legality of which may be questioned), followed by confiscation and heavy penalties, brought an end to the pirate station. The United Kingdom combined legislation penalizing any party who advertised or supplied such ships with the launching by the BBC of Radio 1, substantially a popular music service, to solve the problem. The French have had a particular problem of competition from the so-called postes périphériques, which include Europe No. 1 in the Saar and Radio Andorra in the Pyrenees, not to mention the French-language broadcasts of Monaco, Belgium, Luxembourg, and Switzerland. The strongest competition came from Europe No. 1, in which the French government finally purchased a controlling interest.