Since the 2016 election of Trump, 45th President of the United States, a component to his winning campaign is the allegation that the Iranian nuclear agreement, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), adopted by all participating nations of the United Nations Security Council in 2015, is a poorly negotiated agreement principally for reason that it would cease to curtail Iran from re-instituting its former nuclear weapons development, deemed to have ended as earlier as 2009, in fifteen years from date of its coming into effect.

Now, several months since his inauguration, during which period saw the hiring and firing of several senior members of his cabinet, Trump has strategically or otherwise, surrounded himself with well know Neocons such as John Robert Bolton, an American politician and attorney who is now National Security Advisor of the United States as of April 9, 2018. Bolton served as the United States Ambassador to the United Nations and widely known for his hawkish war posturing during the uptake to the attack on Iraq in 2003. And most recently, to replace fired Secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, Trump has appointed Michael R. Pompeo, an American politician, lawyer, and former army officer to serve as the 70th United States Secretary of State. Previous to this appointment, he was the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency.

The point of this essay is to highlight the political posturing and strategies being put into the public space by the media in preparation for President Trump’s decision to the future of the JCPOA, scheduled for on or before May 12, 2018, however, it is relevant to point out, at the present moment, the Trump presidency, and his administration’s credibility, is being challenged on the following three, widely publicized fronts:

First, domestically, is Special counsel, Robert Mueller’s and F.B.I.’s investigations related to purported Russian interference in his election campaign and more; and, the allegations related to a sexual affair with porn-star Stormy Daniels.

Second is North Korea: it’s leader Kim Jung Un’s highly publicized willingness to meet with Trump to negotiate for the dismantling of its nuclear missile program, to pursue re-unification with the South for the removal of economic stifling sanctions;

Third is Trump’s voiced threat to withdraw from the JCPOA with Iran if it is not renegotiated, to the satisfaction of the United States.

The need for Trump to divert public attention from the Mueller and F.B.I. investigations could suggest heightened emphasis, through media channels such as FOX News and conservative pundits, on the latter two major issues challenging the Trump administration.

Recent coverage of Kim Jung Un’s crossing of the North-South Demilitarized Zone to meet with South Korea’s President Moon Jae-In, in the latter part of April, 2018, is for the short term, de-emphasizing Trump’s role for the present moment, however, the appointment of Mike Pompeo, who has public voiced his discontent, and current mistrust of the North Korean regime’s willingness to dismantle its nuclear program for a lifting of sanctions and possible re-unification, has the potential to put that effort into jeopardy.

This leaves the United States posturing leading up to the self-imposed date of May 12, 2018 for its decision on the Iran deal (JCPOA).

To date, the leaders of all consenting countries to the JCPOA, have stated their continued support for the deal, and Iran’s compliance as demanded. The only dissenter is the United States and, to that end, the forces to make its case, now being front and center.

As early as July, 2017, Bolton tweeted: “Withdrawing from the Iran #NuclearDeal should be a top @realDonaldTrump administration priority.”

Most recently, in a move to discredit the Iranian governments role in the original negotiations, and its current commitment to meet its obligations as detailed by the JCPOA; Israeli President Benjamin Netanyahu, by way of YouTube video presentation, purports to have secured physical, documentary evidence, captured by Israeli secret services, that undeniably proves Iran lied leading up to the negotiated deal, and continues to deceive participating nations on its intent to reconstitute its nuclear ambitions, if not before the end of the fifteen year limitation.

What should be of concern is the statement that Trump is prone to believing what Netanyahu is making claim to by his presentation even though the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency), the watchdog to the advancement of nuclear development, has indicated Iran has been, and continues to be, compliant with the agreement contrary to that of the United States.

So, these are the facts as best known, and as conveyed, through the various public media platforms.

What is at stake is the potential for another contrived conflagration instigated by the United States premised upon unfounded, but highly publicized, misinformation, or is it?

The point to be made by this essay is to highlight the different claims being made on this very important issue, and to suggest who might have the most to gain, or lose, by the various, outcome potentials. Certainly, Iran and its Peoples stand to lose the most in much the same way those of Iraq, Libya, and currently Syria and Yemen have lost. But, for the United States, and its supporting allies, and their citizens; may be impacted by an increase in their taxes to pay for the carnage they seem willing to support being imposed on foreign nations’ regimes that are not willing to march to the tune of western governments, or at best, maybe just to serve as a major distraction to events occurring or not, domestically.