The beginnings of separatism can be traced back to mid 19th to early 20th centuries, when some individuals,[4] organisations[5] and political parties[6] started demanding full independence of Catalonia from Spain. In 1931 a coalition of Catalan nationalist parties was the most voted force in Catalonia in the Spanish municipal elections that triggered the proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic. In 1932 Catalonia was granted a statute of autonomy and home rule institutions, which lasted until the Spanish Civil War and the subsequent Franco dictatorship, which based its public ideology on Spanish Nationalism and Catholicism, abolished home rule and discouraged regional cultures. Following Franco's death in 1975 and the Spanish transition to democracy, Catalan autonomy was restored in 1977. Catalan Nationalists have governed the region most of the time since then, and those calling for full independence have had their parliamentary group since 1980. More recently, there has been a substantial increase in the number of people who openly consider themselves independentists, and on September 11, 2012 and September 11, 2013 there were massive demonstrations with more than 1 million participants calling for independence for Catalonia through a peaceful, democratic process[7] and non-binding and unofficial referendums in municipalities. The ruling coalition, Convergència i Unió on giving up its longstanding strategy for more autonomy shortly after the 2012 demonstration (organized by a civil society movement), openly came out in favour of independence, but lost some MPs in the parliament of Catalonia to the more radical historical independence party, for various reasons,[8] after the 2012 election, a clear majority of the parliament in Catalonia is committed to a referendum on independence, and 55% of it is composed of openly separatist parties. The Estelada flag, in its blue and red versions, has become its main symbol.

Some Catalan authors, such as Xavier Bru de Sala "Canviar Espanya", argue that the first serious struggle for Catalan independence may date back as far as 1640, with the unsuccessful first Catalan Republic after the Reaper's War. In the subsequent War of the Spanish Succession Catalans hoped to salvage their institutions of home rule, in the face of a centralizing Bourbon pretender, rather than outright independence. In the early 20th century Enric Prat de la Riba forged an alliance of county councils, the Mancomunitat de Catalunya, to modernize Catalonia by building State structures. In the modern sense, the first political parties to define themselves as pro-independence[9] were created between the 1920s and the 1930s in Spanish Catalonia. The main separatist party created at this time was Estat Català[9] and its branch called Bandera Negra. Estat Català evolved into the new party Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, although some of its members refused it and remained faithful to the original Estat Català, now a minor party. In the First World War Catalan Volunteers bore the pro-independence flag when they fought on the Allies' side.[10] The same ensign headed a text addressed to president Wilson late in 1918, calling on him to review the Treaty of Utrecht, which had allowed Spain to abolish Catalonia's home rule inside a centralized unitary State.[11] In 1928 exiled Catalans in Cuba (a coup d'état had occurred in Spain, in 1923) drafted a Provisional Constitution of the Catalan Republic.[12]

After the Spanish Civil War, members of Estat Català and Nosaltres Sols founded the Front Nacional de Catalunya which became the main pro-independence party. However, one might argue that the modern Catalan pro-independence movement was actually born in the 1960s with the Partit Socialista d'Alliberament Nacional (PSAN). Since then, the pro-independence movement has assumed a mostly left-wing political trend and has often shifted its focus from "independence for Catalonia" to "independence for the 'Catalan Countries'".

By the 1970s, the PSAN split into several factions, and many other groups appeared, including the armed organization Terra Lliure. In the 1980s, the Moviment de Defensa de la Terra (MDT) became the major pro-independence political group but this too became divided by the end of the decade. During the 1990s, existing political parties such as Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya and the linguistic-national initiative Crida a la Solidaritat progressively evolved towards a more pro-independence stance.

The 2010 Catalan autonomy protest was a demonstration held in central Barcelona on 10 July 2010 against the limits set to the autonomy of Catalonia within Spain, and particularly against a then recent decision of the Spanish Constitutional Court to annul or reinterpret several articles of the 2006 Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, approved in referendum by 73.9% of the voters.[13] The judgement of 28 June 2010 declared as without interpretative legal effect references to "Catalonia as a nation" and "the national reality of Catalonia". It also declared fourteen articles entirely or partly unconstitutional. Twenty-two further articles and four additional provisions were interpreted restrictively, always limiting Catalan self-government. The articles mentioned refer to:[14]

Catalonia as a nation, its historic rights and symbols

Protection of the Catalan language

Decentralisation of justice in Catalonia

Local organisation in Catalonia

The Catalan model of banks

The organisation of political consultations or referendums

Competencies in immigration

The financing of Catalonia

The number of people taking part in the demonstration was estimated at between 1.1 million (according to the local police) and 1.5 million (according to the organisers)[15][16]Madrid-based newspaper El País estimated the number of demonstrators at 425,000.[17]

The mobilisation was described as "unprecedented" by the mayor of Barcelona.[18] Barcelona daily El Periódico de Catalunya described it as "without a doubt one of the biggest protest marches that have ever occurred in Catalonia, and possibly the biggest".[15] The demonstration was led by a banner with the Catalan slogan Som una nació. Nosaltres decidim. (in English, "We are a nation. We decide.").[19]

Nationalist leaders believe that the demonstration on 10 July was a turning point in relations between Catalonia and Spain.[20] An election to the Catalan Government was held on 28 November 2010 with Artur Mas (Convergència i Unió or CiU) emerging as president.

A general election was held in Spain the following year in which the People's Party won an absolute majority with 187 of the 350 seats in the chamber. Party leader Mariano Rajoy was sworn in as president of the Spanish Tenth Legislature shortly afterwards.

Several citizens' initiatives arose in 2011 and 2012 in response to perceived slights by Spain, such as the No vull pagar ("I don't want to pay") campaign, which protested against toll fees that were seen as abusive compared with those in other parts of Spain. The protest began in early April 2012 in Catalonia and had extended in a minor degree to Valencia and the Balearic Islands by the following month.[21][22]

At an institutional level, several municipalities of Catalonia came together to create the Association of Municipalities for Independence, an organisation officially established on 14 December 2011 in Vic which brings local organisations together to further the national rights of Catalonia and promote its right to self-determination.[23] Also, during 2012, 197 Catalan towns declared themselves Free Catalan Territory stating that "the Spanish legislation and regulations have effect only in Spain, so this town will wait for new legislation and regulation from the Catalan Government and the Parliament of Catalonia".

The 2012 Catalan independence demonstration, organised by the Catalan National Assembly, argued that Catalonia should become an independent state within the European Union, under the slogan "Catalonia, new state in Europe".[24]

The number of participants was estimated at about 1.5 million according to Barcelona's Municipal Police and Catalonia's Department of the Interior,[25] about 2 million according to the organizers, and about 600,000 according to the delegation of the Spanish government in Catalonia.[26][27][28]La Directa magazine estimated at minimum 1,056,000 by counting occupied area and density.[29] An article by statistician Llorenç Badiella published in newspaper La Vanguardia estimated at about 600,000.[30]

The Parliament of Catalonia confirms the need for the people of Catalonia to be able to freely and democratically determine their collective future and urges the government to hold a referendum during the following legislature.[46]

The resolution was adopted after the general policy debate. It received 84 favourable votes, 21 against and 25 abstentions.[62] The President of the Generalitat of Catalonia, Artur Mas, declared in a speech to Parliament that it was time for the people of Catalonia to exercise the right of self-determination.[63] On 25 September 2012, the president of the Generalitat of Catalonia Artur Mas announced snap elections for the Parliament of Catalonia to be held on 25 November and argued, referring to the demonstration, that "the street vocal must be moved to the polls".[40] Parties defending Catalonia’s independence from Spain obtained more than half the Catalan Parliament seats and significantly increased their votes, although Mas' party lost seats.[40] The "Agreement for Freedom" (2012–2016 governability agreement) was negotiated between Artur Mas (CiU) and Oriol Junqueras (ERC), the Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament of Catalonia.

On 23 January 2013, the Parliament of Catalonia adopted by 85 favourable votes, 41 against, and 2 abstentions the Declaration of Sovereignty and of the Right to Decide of the Catalan People.[24] It states that "The people of Catalonia have – by reason of democratic legitimacy – the character of a sovereign political and legal entity." It is based on the following principles: sovereignty, democratic legitimacy, transparency, dialogue, social cohesion, Europeanism, legality, role of the Catalan Parliament and participation.[64][65]

“

In accordance with the democratically expressed will of the majority of the Catalan public, the Parliament of Catalonia initiates a process to bring to promote the right of the citizens of Catalonia to collectively decide their political future.[64]

On 8 May 2013 this declaration was provisionally suspended by the Constitutional Court of Spain.[24] On 25 March 2014, the same court declared this declaration void and not constitutional.[66][67] The Spanish Government totally opposes Catalonia’s independence, its self-determination, and the organisation of a vote.[40]

Plans for the Catalan Way were presented for the first time on 19 June 2013, at the Museu d'Història de Catalunya; the inspiration for these was the 1989 Baltic Way. The presentation included Henn Karits and Ülo Laanoja, two members of the organization which staged the Baltic Way.[70] Three weeks before the event, more than 350,000 people had registered to participate.[24][71] In total, the organizers mobilized about 1,500 buses and 30,000 volunteers to help organize the event.[40][72]

On 11 September 2014, the Catalan Way 2014 street protest attracted 900,000 people, according to an independent statistical analysis by the Autonomous University of Barcelona. The human chain at this event occupied the two main streets in Barcelona (Diagonal and Gran Via) drawing a 11 km. "V"-shaped Catalan flag. The V also stood for "vote", referring to the referendum that was upcoming at the time.[73]

On 12 December 2013, the Government of Catalonia announced a referendum on independence had been set for 9 November 2014. It will contain a question with two sections: "Do you want Catalonia to become a State?" and "In case of an affirmative response, do you want this State to be independent?".[74][75] The Spanish Government stated shortly thereafter its intention to block the referendum, stating "Such a poll will not be held."[76][77] The government maintained as of September 2014 that the referendum was illegal. While a yes vote would not mean Catalonia would secede, according to Catalan politician Artur Mas i Gavarró it would give independence leaders a political mandate to negotiate with the government regarding independence.[73] The poll was in fact held, and 80.8% of voters marked "yes" on both questions.

Many members and voters of CiU, the governing nationalist federation[79] with the most seats at the Catalan parliament (30.7% of the vote), also give support to independence. Although independence is not formally proposed in their election manifesto, their objective is the maximum autonomy of Catalonia inside Spain,[80] and have abstained numerous times in independence votes in the Parliament of Catalonia.[81][82] The pro-independence tendency inside the party has presumably been growing since its leader proposed in 2007 the so-called Casa Gran del Catalanisme project which, among other causes, includes the defense of self-determination for Catalonia. Finally, the left wing ICV-EUiA party (9.9% of the vote in the 2012 election) claims to give full support to the right of self-determination and has several members explicitly supporting Catalan independence.

The position of Catalans regarding the independence of either Catalonia or of the Catalan Countries must be studied taking into account an important fact, namely, that a huge number of Catalan citizens are of immigrant or non-Catalan Spanish origin and thus may not feel a connection to the Catalan language or culture[citation needed]. It has been calculated that the total population of Catalonia, with no migration, would have grown from 2 million people in 1900 to just 2.4 million in 1980,[86] merely 39% of the actual population of 6.1 million at that date. This population has continued growing and was over 7.4 million in 2009.

Several institutions have performed polls which also include questions on the independence issue in Catalonia. The following are the most prominent ones are the Center for Opinion Studies (Centre d'Estudis d'Opinió; CEO), the Spanish government-run Social Research Centre (Centro de Investigaciones Sociales; CIS) and the Social and Political Sciencies Institute of Barcelona (Institut de Ciències Polítiques i Socials; ICPS) belonging to the Autonomous University of Barcelona and Diputation of Barcelona.

The CEO was depending on the Economy Department of the Generalitat of Catalonia until early 2011. Since then it has been placed under direct control of the Presidency of the Generalitat and is currently headed by Jordi Argelaguet i Argemí. Since the second quarter of 2011, CEO has conducted polls regarding public sentiments toward independence.

In addition, CEO performs regular polls studying opinion of Catalan citizens regarding Catalona's political status within Spain. The following table contains the answers to the question "Which kind of political entity should Catalonia be with respect to Spain?":[100]

Visualisation of poll results on the question "Which kind of political entity should Catalonia be with respect to Spain?" (June 2005 - March 2012 data)

Independent state

Federal state

Autonomous community (keep the status quo)

Spanish region

Do not know

Did not reply

CIS performed a poll in Catalonia on 2001, including an explicit question on independence with the following results: 35.9% supporting it, 48.1% opposing it, 13.3% indifferent, 2.8% did not reply[citation needed].

ICPS performs an opinion poll annually since 1989, which sometimes includes a section on independence. The results are in the following table:[114]

Year

Support (%)

Against (%)

Indifferent (%)

Did not reply (%)

1991

35

50

11

4

1992

31

53

11

5

1993

37

50

9

5

1994

35

49

14

3

1995

36

52

10

3

1996

29

56

11

4

1997

32

52

11

5

1998

32

55

10

3

1999

32

55

10

3

2000

32

53

13

3

2001

33

55

11

1

2002

34

52

12

1

2003a

43

43

12

1

2004a

39

44

13

3

2005

36

44

15

6

2006

33

48

17

2

2007

31.7

51.3

14.1

2.9

2011

41.4

22.9

26.5

9.2

atelephonic instead of door-to-door interview

The question of independence has not been polled so far in other Catalan-speaking territories outside of Catalonia, but anecdotal evidence (basically the total absence of the independentist question in those territories) suggests that there is no sizable support for the idea of independence of the Catalan-speaking territories outside of Catalonia.

The think tankCercle d'Estudis Sobiranistes, led by the jurists Alfons López Tena and Hèctor López Bofill was founded in 2007. Since then it has summoned a number of lawmakers, professors, businessmen, professionals, economists, journalists and intellectuals for the cause of Catalonia's independence.