3 The New Zealand Paradox Adjusting to the Change in Balance of Power in the Asia Pacific over the Next 20 Years AUTHOR Wayne Mapp A Report of the CSIS Pacific Partners Initiative and the Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies May 2014 ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham Boulder New York Toronto Plymouth, UK

4 About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world s greatest policy challenges. Today, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit or ga ni za tion headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center s 220 full- time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since Former deputy secretary of defense John J. Hamre became the Center s president and chief executive officer in CSIS does not take specific policy positions; accordingly, all views expressed herein should be understood to be solely those of the author(s) by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. All rights reserved. ISBN: (pb); (ebook) Center for Strategic & International Studies Rowman & Littlefield 1616 Rhode Island Avenue, NW 4501 Forbes Boulevard Washington, DC Lanham, MD

5 Contents Ac know ledg ments v Abbreviations and Acronyms vi 1. Introduction: The Essence of the Dilemma 1 2. New Zealand and the Asia Pacific 5 Securing the Nation 5 The ANZUS Rift 6 Reengagement with the United States 8 The Australian Dimension 13 The Chinese Opportunity 17 Achieving the Balance The Pacific Pivot 21 The Security Dimension 23 The Economic Dimension 25 Influencing the Pacific Pivot Securing the Peace 27 The Security Architecture 27 An Emerging Asia- Pacific Dialogue 30 The Nuclear Factor 32 Military Power in the Asia Pacific 35 Why the Military Balance Matters Including China 58 Dangers and Opportunities 58 China s Key Interests 62 Stabilizing the Littorals 63 An Inclusive Approach The New Zealand Opportunity 68 The South Pacific Opportunity 69 Building an Asia- Pacific Security Dialogue 72 Opportunities for the Future 73 III

7 Ac k now led g ment s The author is deeply grateful to those at CSIS who assisted with this report s publication. I would like to thank Ernest Bower, codirector of the CSIS Pacific Partners Initiative and Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies; Gregory Poling, fellow with the Pacific Partners Initiative and the Sumitro Chair; and Elke Larsen, research assistant and program coordinator with the Pacific Partners Initiative and the Sumitro Chair, for their support and assistance. I would also like to thank John McKinnon, former New Zealand secretary of defense and current executive director of the Asia New Zealand Foundation, and John Allen, New Zealand s chief executive and secretary of foreign affairs and trade, for their advice and input. V

9 1 Introduction: The Essence of the Dilemma Over the next two de cades New Zealand faces a paradox. The country s security and economic relationships are being pulled in opposite directions. Over the last 20 years, these relationships have become increasingly divergent. The People s Republic of China (PRC)is rapidly becoming New Zealand s most important economic partner behind Australia. At the same time New Zealand is forging a new security relationship with the United States. This divergent tendency is likely to intensify over the next two de cades. At first blush this paradox would seem to be unsustainable, especially when viewed from the perspective of By that time, China is almost certain to be the world s largest economy, and will be New Zealand s most important economic partner in trade, investment, and ser vices. China will also expect to have influence in global affairs that will reflect its economic status. Understandably New Zealand s strategic partner, the United States, will not view this change in world affairs with equanimity. It will seek to counter this development by reinforcing U.S. engagement with the Asia- Pacific nations with reference to its more attractive liberal demo cratic values. The United States will be able to back up these qualities with the scale of its economy, which will still be comparable to that of China and which will have deep international connections, including with New Zealand. The United States will also have military forces with global reach, which for the next 20 years at least will be unrivaled. But it will be challenged by the increased tempo of the arms buildup in East Asia. The most important question that New Zealand will face over the next 20 years is whether the continuation of this paradox is a viable proposition for the country. Is it possible to accept that there simply will not be an alignment between New Zealand s security and economic relationships, and that this can be accommodated without causing significant difficulty? Or does it mean that New Zealand is going to have to make a fundamental shift in those relationships? New Zealand s key economic relationships are becoming more focused on Asia, with China being increasingly predominant. This trend will continue, and is almost certain to 1

10 intensify over the next 20 years. Already China has become New Zealand s largest trading partner for both imports and exports. 1 Trade is not merely a financial transaction. It involves substantial human interaction. Business people work together. Travel increases. Offices are established. Nations become interlinked, and increasingly take into account each other s needs and expectations. This has been the story of the relationship between China and New Zealand over the last 20 years. Over the coming years this pro cess will deepen and strengthen. In contrast, New Zealand s security focus remains on its traditional allies and partners, most notably Australia and the United States. These relationships are built on history, sacrifice, and shared values. Such things do not readily change. In par tic u lar, nations do not base their most important security relationships on the changing fortunes of international trade patterns, unless there are other compelling factors. Deep security relationships are unlikely to be substituted for partnerships that do not rest on long- standing values that are common to both parties. Right now this paradox is readily accommodated, largely because China and the United States are not yet in sharp competition. Whether this can continue will depend on how the power relationships evolve within the Asia- Pacific region, and on New Zealand s skill in managing the impact of these changes. New Zealand is not the only nation that will have to deal with this paradox; so will many others, most notably Australia. In fact, for Australia the situation is even starker. China is already Australia s main trading partner. Unlike New Zealand, Australia has a formal security alliance with the United States through the Australia, New Zealand, United States Security Treaty (ANZUS). Australia also has a separate defense alliance with New Zealand through the Canberra Pact of In any event, to characterize the divergence of interests that New Zealand has to deal with as simply one of security and trade is to misstate the situation. China s international interests are much broader than economic relationships. As China s economy has grown, so have its ambitions. China expects that it will have a role in the Asia Pacific that is commensurate with its economic power. New Zealand is unlikely to be able to take long- term advantage of the economic opportunity that China presents without also having to consider other Chinese interests. These interests will inevitably impinge on New Zealand s traditional security relationships. The situation will become acute if China and the United States move into a phase of antagonistic confrontation. This report critically examines the options open to New Zealand, and also to other nations in a similar situation as the balance of power in the Asia Pacific changes. The 1. This occurred for the first time in the first quarter of 2013 and will be sustainably the norm by See Geoff Bascand, Overseas Merchandise Trade: March 2013 (Christchurch, New Zealand: Statistics New Zealand, 2013), 5, /~ /media /Statistics /Browse %20for %20stats /OverseasMerchandiseTrade / HOTPMar13 /OverseasMerchandiseTradeMar13HOTP.pdf. 2 WAYNE MAPP

11 choices available to New Zealand will be crucially dependent on whether the relationship between the two great powers in the Asia Pacific develops a sharply competitive and antagonistic tone, or a more collaborative approach is pursued. This will not be a matter solely for the great powers. The other nations of the region, including New Zealand, have a vital stake in the balance of power in the Asia Pacific. The continuing prosperity of the region is dependent on sufficient stability to enable trade and investment to flow unaffected by strategic competition. Not all major power relationships are examined in this report. Notably India and Rus sia are not part of the central discussion. India, though playing an increasingly important role in Asia, is not a Pacific power. Rus sia may have an extensive Pacific coast, but is not yet playing a significant role in the Asia- Pacific region. A more comprehensive study would nevertheless have to consider the impact of these two countries on the strategic outlook for the Asia- Pacific region. This paper has a par tic u lar focus on the military balance in the region. The projected military balance will be a key indicator of whether the nations of the region have confidence in the future stability of the Asia Pacific. The current trajectory of arms expenditure would indicate that many nations do not see a settled security environment. Increasingly, many nations in the Asia Pacific are making substantial investments in capabilities with real power projection potential. This could easily destabilize the region. The prospects of miscalculation, particularly with the numerous territorial conflicts in the East and South China seas, are considerable. All the regional states that are increasing military capabilities also have an abiding interest in peace and stability. The basis of their economic growth, peace and stability are essential for continued trade and investment. Many of these nations face the same conundrum as New Zealand. In virtually all cases the economic relationship they have with China has become central to their prosperity. At the same time, many of these nations are building new security relationships with the United States as Washington s pivot or rebalance to the Asia Pacific becomes a reality. Resolving this dilemma will become an increasingly urgent task for all the Asia- Pacific nations. And each state will be actively engaged in dealing with this issue. They will not leave this solely to the great powers. International relations are not just about the wishes of great powers; other states have interests, which influence the balance of power between great states. China and the United States will not be able to act, either in concert or in conflict, heedless of the interests of the other states in the region. Smaller states, particularly when acting in concert, will be able to make their own contributions to the security and stability of the Asia- Pacific region. Choices made by each country, whether large or small, can influence how the region as a whole will evolve over the next two de cades. This report will consider the opportunities that are open to New Zealand to develop initiatives in security, and in other fields that could have resonance at the multilateral level with nations of the Asia- Pacific region. The intent is to assist in achieving a balance that THE NEW ZEALAND PARADOX 3

12 will maintain the stability and security of the Asia Pacific. It is these conditions that have been so important in securing the prosperity of the region over the last 30 years. Smaller nations will usually have more influence if they have partners in their efforts. Many of the initiatives suggested in this report, especially those related to the South Pacific, are more likely to be to have impact with other nations in the region if New Zealand can cooperate with Australia to promote them. 4 WAYNE MAPP

13 2 New Zealand and the Asia Pacific Securing the Nation New Zealand s security relationships stem from its origins as a nation. As an offspring of the United Kingdom it was inevitable that New Zealand would see its interests as aligned with those of Britain. Prime Minister Michael Savage s statement to the nation at the beginning of World War II, following New Zealand s declaration of war on Germany, spoke of the depth of the ties between New Zealand and the United Kingdom: With gratitude for the past and confidence in the future we range ourselves without fear beside Britain. Where she goes, we go; where she stands, we stand. 1 It was an expression of familial connection, as much as it was of the justness of the cause. It was this war that also showed the limitations of British power in the Asia- Pacific region. In 1942 New Zealand had to turn to the United States to be its protector. The fall of Singapore meant that only the United States had the power to thwart Japan s imperial designs. This fact has had an enduring impact on New Zealand. It remains a central feature of the country s security policy. The security relationship that New Zealand has with the United States had its origins in events that took place more than 30 years before President Theodore Roo se velt, in showing the world the prowess of U.S. naval strength, sent much of the U.S. Navy on a world tour in It was popularly styled the Great White Fleet. The arrival of the fleet in New Zealand clearly demonstrated that the United States was becoming the primary security actor in the Pacific. Within a generation, during World War II, the nascent power of the United States within the Pacific had become a reality. The demo cratic and cultural heritage of the United States, as well as its military power, meant that only it was capable of securing a stable peace in the Asia Pacific that would accord with the interests of Australia and New Zealand. For both countries, their very survival as in de pen dent nations was dependent on the military power of the United States within the Pacific. In New Zealand alone, there were 40,000 U.S. forces deployed from 1942 to the end of the war. It was self- evident to Australia and New Zealand that victory in the Pacific had rested not only on the military power of the United States, but also on its 1. Michael Joseph Savage, speech September 5, 1939, from New Zealand declares war on Germany, Te Ara: The Encyclopedia of New Zealand, audio file, 00:31, /en /speech /34551 /new -zealand -declares -war -on -germany. 5

14 im mense economic superiority. The role of the United Kingdom as the guarantor of New Zealand s sovereignty had permanently ended. Australia and New Zealand understood that for the future, it would be the United States that would fulfill the role of security guarantor. It was therefore inevitable that in 1951, with the emergence of the Cold War, the security guarantee implicit in U.S. military power was formally confirmed by the ANZUS pact. For Australia, ANZUS remains its most important alliance relationship. The value of the U.S. alliance to Canberra has never been seriously questioned, and Australia will not do anything that would jeopardize the guarantees implicit in the pact. The ANZUS Rift 2 The situation for New Zealand is more nuanced. New Zealand is the most geo graph i cally isolated nation in the world. Australia lies between it and any conceivable threat. New Zealand therefore considers that it has options that Australia does not. That made New Zealand willing to make decisions that would seriously affect the security relationship with the United States, without perceiving those decisions as significantly increasing the actual risk to the country s national security. The passage of the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone Act of 1987 led the United States to suspend the formal security relationship of the Australia, New Zealand, United States Security Treaty (ANZUS) as it applied to New Zealand. As a result, New Zealand is no longer a formal ally of the United States. Yet it is implicit in the New Zealand psyche that in extremis, New Zealand would still have U.S. support. Any event that reached deep into the South Pacific to threaten the security of New Zealand would inevitably affect the security of the United States. The ANZUS rift culminated with the Nuclear Free Zone Act, but the issue had been developing for over a de cade. The legislation had been the result of a vigorous campaign in New Zealand against nuclear weapons that reached back to the French atmospheric testing in the South Pacific. New Zealand s position as the most remote nation on earth meant that par tic u lar offence was taken about great power rivalry being extended into the South Pacific, especially as it related to weapons of mass destruction. The nuclear free campaign has had par tic u lar resonance for successive Labour Party governments. In 1973 the Labour government led by Prime Minister Norman Kirk sent a frigate to protest against French atmospheric tests at Muroroa in French Polynesia. After the tests were moved underground, the campaign continued against all French testing. The focus of the nuclear issue shifted to ship visits by U.S. nuclear powered vessels. 2. There have been a large number of books and articles on the ANZUS rift. Leading texts include Gerald Hensley, Friendly Fire, Nuclear Politics and the Collapse of ANZUS, (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 2013); Steven Hoadley, New Zealand United States Relations: Friends No Longer Allies (Wellington: New Zealand Institute of International Affairs, 2000); David Lange, Nuclear Free The New Zealand Way (Auckland: Penguin Books, 1990); and Malcolm Templeton, Standing Upright Here, New Zealand in the Nuclear Age, (Wellington: Victoria University Press. 2006). 6 WAYNE MAPP

15 During the nine years of Prime Minister Robert Muldoon s National Party administration there were a number of visits by U.S. nuclear powered vessels. These high profile visits had the effect of highlighting concerns about the nuclear arms race and the risks of nuclear power. This fact was also noted by the United States, and concerns were raised as to whether the frequency of the visits was actually helpful to the maintenance of the alliance. 3 The ship visits divided New Zealand society on traditional left/right lines. The extent of the division was such that in 1983 the Labour opposition pledged to ban visits by nuclear armed and nuclear propelled ships and submarines. Unlike parties in Australia, Labour did not consider the formal alliance relationship with the United States to be so central to New Zealand s actual security needs that it could not be put at po liti cal risk by banning nuclear powered vessels. A number of leading members of the Labour Party actually knew that the ban would likely end the formal alliance relationship. They saw this as a desirable outcome because it would enable New Zealand to adopt a more in de pen dent foreign policy. The issue was precipitated by a parliamentary bill promoted by Labour Party s Richard Prebble, a member of the opposition s shadow cabinet, to ban ship visits by nuclear armed vessels. At the time the National government had only a one seat parliamentary majority. Marilyn Waring, a National Party legislator, said she would support the bill, meaning it would have sufficient votes to become law. The result was that Prime Minister Robert Muldoon was forced to call an early election, which was held in July 1984, five months earlier than expected. Labour won a substantial majority. The Labour government of 1984 to 1990 brought in a new generation of politicians who had been prominent in the protest movement against the war in Vietnam, and who did not think that New Zealand s interests were served by being part of a United States led security alliance that had its origins in the Cold War. The focal point of the protest campaign was the continuing visits by nuclear armed and powered ships and submarines. The newly elected Labour government had a clear electoral mandate to implement its commitment to ban visits by nuclear armed and propelled ships, though opinion polls indicated that the public also wanted New Zealand to remain in the ANZUS alliance. 4 It became clear as the policy was being implemented that the United States considered it incompatible with New Zealand remaining an active member of ANZUS. The first test of the policy came in late 1984, with the proposed visit by a conventionally powered frigate, the USS Buchanan. The United States assumed that the New Zealand 3. Michael Bassett, The Collapse of New Zealand s Military Ties with the United States, Fulbright lecture, Georgetown, Washington, DC, December 2, 2002, endnote 4, /article _fulbright.htm. 4. The opinion polls conducted at the time showed 69 percent support for the ban on ship visits and 71 percent support for remaining in ANZUS. Frank Corner and the New Zealand Defence Committee of Enquiry, What New Zealanders Want (Wellington: The Committee, 1986). THE NEW ZEALAND PARADOX 7

16 government would understand that this ship was unlikely to carry nuclear weapons. However, the U.S. government was not prepared to give that assurance; to do so would have breached its neither confirm nor deny policy regarding nuclear weapons. Wellington refused the visit on the basis that the government could not satisfy itself that the ship did not actually have nuclear weapons. This event led directly to the suspension of the ANZUS pact as it applied to New Zealand. U.S. secretary of state George Schultz, speaking in 1986, said, We part as friends, but we part company. 5 This position was further entrenched by the passing of the New Zealand Nuclear Free Zone Act in 1987, which banned ships carry ing nuclear weapons as well as nuclear powered vessels. By that time the military relationship between the two countries had virtually ceased. Over the next 12 years there was only a modest level of military engagement, which did not include any multilateral or bilateral training exercises, or goodwill visits of forces. Formal military diplomacy continued, along with a limited intelligence relationship. The suspension of ANZUS as it applied to New Zealand was a cost that New Zealanders were willing to incur. They have remained of that view over the succeeding 25 years. In 2007, when in opposition, the National Party formally committed itself to accept the nuclear free policy, noting, the nuclear- free legislation will remain in place because of its iconic status in our emerging sense of national identity. 6 New Zealand s geographic location, and the safety it affords, means that New Zealanders see no advantage in their government changing its position. Because the United States had specifically declared the fallout from the rupture would be confined to the military and strategic aspects of the relationship, the cost is not seen by most New Zealanders as very significant. Similarly for the United States, the formal loss of a small ally deep in the South Pacific is not particularly important. Instead, the principal concern of the United States was that changing its position on nuclear propelled ships to accommodate New Zealand would mean other states, most notably Japan, might be tempted to follow the New Zealand example. Reengagement with the United States In practice New Zealand and the United States have been able to rebuild their security relationship, notwithstanding the nuclear free policy. The relationship is no longer based on being formal allies, as was the case under ANZUS. Instead it rests on fundamental shared values, as well as security interests, that are in fact the basis of any enduring 5. Shultz announced the suspension on June 27, U.S. Terminates ANZUS Treaty with New Zealand, Atlantic Community News, Summer 1986, 2, cited in Frank P. Donnini, ANZUS in Revision: Changing Defense Features of Australia and New Zealand in the Mid- 1980s (Maxwell Air Force Base, AL: Air University Press, 1991), Murray McCully et al., Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Discussion Paper (Wellington: Office of the Leader of the Opposition, 2007), /files / 0 _0 _FA _lowres.pdf. 8 WAYNE MAPP

17 alliance relationship. New Zealand was characterized by Secretary of State Colin Powell in March 2002, following his meeting with Prime Minister Helen Clark, as a very, very, very good friend. 7 In more recent times the preferred descriptor has become partner. The Washington Declaration signed by New Zealand and the United States in June 2012 describes the relationship as one of partnership. 8 Any enduring security relationship is not primarily dependent on the formal words of a treaty. Alliances that are able to endure over time rest on the values that the parties share. These in turn build an interlocking web of relationships, obligations, and commitments. In the case of the ANZUS split 25 years ago, these deeper relationships were always seen as able to survive the formal suspension of the pact. In the intervening 25 years New Zealand has continued its security engagement with the United States, particularly in actual conflicts requiring a multilateral response. While most of these deployments have had United Nations (UN) authorization, they have been characterized by a specific view of the co ali tion partners of how international peace and security should be achieved. In short they represent an orthodox view of the norms of international relations, as perceived by the United States, and its friends and allies. New Zealand deployments in these co ali tion operations have ranged from the Sinai from 1978 to the present, the Gulf War of 1991, Somalia in 1994, Kosovo in 1999, and Afghan i stan from 2001 to the present. In the Iraq war of 2003, New Zealand was not part of the initial co ali tion but sent an engineer squadron to Basra, and deployed various aircraft and ships to the Persian Gulf as part of Operation Enduring Freedom. UN authorization is seen as desirable, and in most cases essential. But it is not an absolute requirement. In Kosovo there was no Security Council resolution due to a Rus sian veto. Western nations were not prepared to let the Rus sian veto prevent the North Atlantic Treaty Or ga ni za tion (NATO) led intervention from being able to protect the people of Kosovo, and more importantly to determine Western defense policy. The reality is that New Zealand remains part of the group of like- minded nations that typically work together for their common interests. As an example, the NATO/International Security Assistance Force operation in Af ghan i stan has nearly 50 participating nations. It includes the NATO democracies, plus other demo cratic nations that regularly contribute forces to NATO led operations, such as Australia and New Zealand. These co ali tions are becoming broader. A number of Asian nations, including South Korea, Malaysia, and Singapore, have sent forces to Af ghan i stan, usually in a training or support role. Malaysia and Singapore, with their long- standing links with New Zealand and Australia through the 7. NZ a very very very close friend, ONE News, March 27, 2002, tvnz.co.nz /content / Washington Declaration on Defense Cooperation between the Department of Defense of the United States of America and the Ministry of Defense of New Zealand and the New Zealand Defense Force, June 19, 2012, /us -nz -issues /washington -declaration /. THE NEW ZEALAND PARADOX 9

18 Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) 9, co- located their contributions with fellow FPDA partners. Nevertheless, the specific defense prohibitions that both New Zealand and the United States have established, which led to the suspension of New Zealand from ANZUS, have remained in place. New Zealand will not change its nuclear free policy and the United States will not change its ship visits policy, at least as far as it applies to naval vessels. The security relationship between the two nations has had to fit around that reality. In practice nuclear issues do not affect the contemporary deployments of either New Zealand or the United States. Deployments have been motivated by massive abuse of human rights as in Bosnia and Kosovo, the invasion of a state as in the 1991 Gulf War, international terrorism as in Af ghan i stan, and assisting governance and stability as in Timor- Leste and the Solomon Islands. In none of these cases was nuclear technology, whether weapons or propulsion, a significant factor. In each case, common interests enabled them to work together. The events of September 11, 2001, have led to a more realistic assessment of the national interests of the two nations. In the years since, New Zealand has become actively involved in the Middle East operations led by the United States, especially in the Gulf and in Af ghan i stan. The quality of these commitments has been a mea sure of the value of the relationship. The successive commitments of the New Zealand Special Air Ser vice (NZSAS) to Af ghan i stan by both the Labour and the National governments is seen in Washington and Wellington as providing real credibility to the importance that New Zealand attaches to having an effective relationship, both security and more broadly, with the United States. The improved security relationship between the two nations has required active diplomacy by the National administration of Prime Minister John Key. In par tic u lar, the New Zealand foreign affairs and defense ministers have focused on practical steps to improve the relationship, rather than reminding the United Sates of factors that divide the two countries. As a result, the security relationship between New Zealand and the United States has been strengthening in recent years, with a greater level of joint training and more exercises than occurred from 1987 to U.S. Marines visited New Zealand for formal training in 2012, for the first time since New Zealand naval ships participated in the 2012 Rim of the Pacific Exercise (RIMPAC) for the first time since This is the premiere naval exercise in the Asia Pacific. Based out of Hawaii, it involves most of the navies from either side of the Pacific. The notable exception had been China s navy. As the security 9. The FPDA are a series of bilateral treaties concluded by Australia, Malaysia, New Zealand, Singapore, and the United Kingdom in 1971, under which they each pledge to coordinate in the case of an attack on Malaysia or Singapore. The FPDA has evolved into a more wide- reaching security arrangement in the de cades since. See Five Power Defence Arrangements, Australian Treaty Series 1971, no. 21, /au /other /dfat /treaties /1971 /21.html. 10 WAYNE MAPP

19 relationship between China and the United States has developed, one of the outcomes has been the invitation to China to participate in RIMPAC New Zealand and the United States have needed to develop a deeper understanding of the elements of a sustainable security policy in order to find ways to work together. An effective security policy needs to be able to transcend individual administrations. While each government will emphasize different aspects of security policy, a sharp disjuncture from one administration to the next in either country will mean that long- term relationships cannot be sustained. New Zealand s Defence White Paper sought to recognize this dimension of security policy. Since 2008 the National government has had an active policy of improving the relationship with the United States, essentially by normalizing security engagement as much as possible. In practice this means joint training of forces and routine visits of personnel at different levels that are the norm for any defense relationship. However, visits by U.S. Navy ships to New Zealand remain off the agenda, and are not pursued by either party. The main formal developments have been the Wellington Declaration of November 2010, and the Washington Declaration of June The Wellington Declaration is essentially a foreign policy document signed by Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Foreign Minister Murray McCully. It expresses the relationship as the United States New Zealand strategic partnership. The declaration commits each country to close cooperation in a wide variety of areas, including regular Foreign Minister meetings and political- military discussions. 11 The real value of the Wellington Declaration is not its specific commitments, which simply confirm what was already occurring or planned, but rather that they have been expressed in a formal document. The Wellington Declaration was followed 18 months later by the Washington Declaration. This is the counterpart defense document signed by Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta and Minister of Defense Jonathan Coleman in June The Washington Declaration is more focused on military relations. It envisages strategic dialogue and enhanced military cooperation within the region, with par tic u lar emphasis on maritime security, counterproliferation, counterterrorism, and anti- piracy. The declaration also promotes peacekeeping and peace support operations. Inevitably this will involve more bilateral and multilateral exercises. The commitments of the two declarations clearly extend beyond the South Pacific. The Wellington Declaration specifically notes the two nations joint co- operation in addressing broader regional and global challenges, such as climate change, nuclear proliferation, and 10. New Zealand (NZ) Ministry of Defence, Defence White Paper 2010 (Wellington: Ministry of Defense, 2010), /pdfs /defence -review defence -white -paper -final.pdf. 11. Wellington Declaration on a New Strategic Partnership between New Zealand and the United States, November 4, 2010, newzealand.usembassy.gov /wellington _declaration.html. THE NEW ZEALAND PARADOX 11

20 extremism. 12 The United States will use the opportunity of the dialogue envisaged by both declarations to set out its view of the balance of power in the Pacific and how it considers that New Zealand should contribute. Inevitably the shared interests of the two nations will center on regional security issues. In this regard New Zealand will be especially careful to ensure that any public statements made as a result of the dialogue do not aggravate its growing relationship with China. The two declarations are a public affirmation to other countries, as well as New Zealanders, that the relationship is to be sustained and enhanced at a more predictable and regular level. Successive governments can expect that the commitments for more regular dialogue will continue. The Labour opposition in New Zealand has endorsed the move toward a more sustainable defense relationship. Foreign affairs spokesman and former minister of defense, Phil Goff, welcomed the Washington Declaration, noting that it reaffirmed co- operation between New Zealand and a friendly country on issues where it is sensible to talk and work together. 13 There are critics of the broad direction that was forecast in the Defence White Paper Former New Zealand ambassador to the United Nations Terence O Brien was critical of the reaffirmation of what he saw as traditional relationships, writing, The white paper pinpoints the countries of the so- called Anglo- sphere the United States, United Kingdom, Canada and Australia as the permanent security partners for this country. 14 Three of these nations are in the Pacific and one of them, Australia, is New Zealand s closest partner in just about every endeavor. The government s intent in the white paper was that the change of emphasis in security policy would signal a greater ongoing engagement with the leading nations of the region, rather than the formalistic restoration of traditional alliances. More tellingly, O Brien suggested that New Zealand should give consideration for joint deployment opportunities with Asian partners to reflect the region s importance to New Zealand. 15 Thus far such engagements have occurred primarily with Malaysia and Singapore as FPDA partners. New Zealand will need to look to do more with the other member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), 16 and also with the nations in northeastern Asia, including China. 12. Ibid. 13. Iain Lees- Galloway, Cooperation welcomed within context of in de pen dent foreign policy, Labour Party Media Centre, June 20, 2012, /media /cooperation -welcomed -within -context -independent -foreign -policy. 14. Terence O Brien, Where in the World Are We Heading, New Zealand International Review (May/June 2011). 15. Ibid. 16. ASEAN includes Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. 12 WAYNE MAPP

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