According to your court indictment, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire is a terrorist organization. But words were never, nor are or will ever be neutral. Words acquire the meaning given by the person who uses them. We do not speak the language of the judges and prosecutors. We speak the language of the hunted who have refused the victim’s role, the wanted who have not handed themselves in to the authorities, the prisoners who have not caged their will for freedom, the anarchists who have never kneeled in front of Power. Solidarity, Dignity, Urban Guerrilla Warfare, Anarchy, these are our words, that we unleash as an insult against your system.

Yes, that’s right, we are anarchist urban guerrillas and proud to participate in the rebellion of our desires, under the name Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.

For you, who stand behind your judicial benches, we are terrorists because your soul is a scared shade which only feels safe behind cops and in the books of your dead laws.

We are terrorists against your interests and your Power. Life, physical integrity, safety and property of the judicial clique, the political authority, the oligarchy of the wealthy and the bosses are being targeted by both us and our unarrested comrades.

However, a different terrorism is hovering above the lives of most people. Terrorism is the endless queues in a tax office, in public organizations, in banks. Terrorism is the bosses’ orders to their staff. Terrorism is the heavy hand of the police landing on minor delinquents and poor devils. The worst terrorism, though, is the TERRIFYING ascertainment that no person raises its head. Terrorism is the silence and passivity. Terrorism is the fact that no person undertakes its own life.

We have also seen your terrorism; the terrorism of justice. We have seen tens of prison inmates returning from your courts, having an empty gaze and their lives burdened with several decades in prison. We have seen friends and relatives collapsing from your ‘just’ decisions.

We have seen your expressionless faces and your well-fed bellies fitting into your expensive and armored cars. We have heard and know your hefty salaries and your secret, under-the-table agreements that are of service to your valued buddies, the big publishers, the industrialists and your political supervisors. How many centuries in prison have you truly dished out throughout your career in order to serve a system which itself generates, through exploitation and oppression, those who you consider criminals?

Hence, outside of the books of your laws, if someone wants to seek the meaning of terrorism in real life, where the scared today dreads the threatening tomorrow that’s yet to come, you yourselves and the Power are the terrorists.

As for our terrorism, it is the human will for freedom and anarchy. Apparently, you dread this will, so you vote new terror laws, you establish exceptional courts-martial, you take special security measures, you do not allow us to talk to our relatives and companions during trial recesses, and even when you take us to the detention rooms, ten metres from your court room which is built inside the prison, you handcuff us. This means that you are really scared. This is an honour and pleasure for us, because it shows that a group of people, a circle of anarchist of praxis can terrify an entire State. This shows that, away from the silence and passivity of the mass, the will of only a few people is sufficient for your system to be crushed.

You should know that there are several insubordinate individualities living self-exiled from your society, who prepare and arm themselves, while they collectivize their own desires to overthrow the history of servants and their masters. That’s when you will really sense the concept of anarchist tromocracy; an anarchist tromocracy which is expressed with fire on banks, ministries, police stations; exploded with bombs outside luxurious villas of wealthy people, courthouses, multinational companies and industries of nature and animal exploitation; written with bullets fired on the dictators of our life and freedom; spoken inside court rooms by the mouths of prisoners of war, such as we who are not scared of your convictions and your prisons. This is the anarchist tromocracy. Thus, revise your indictment and add in your documents that CCF is an anarchist terrorist organization.

And all of us, who participate in this organization, are proud to be its members, and our rage is an axe over your heads that’s spinning… spinning… spinning…

At the start of the session, Ifigenia Karandrea, the lawyer assigned to represent Damiano Bolano, asked to speak. She said the three days (two of which, Saturday and Sunday, weren’t even workdays) that had gone by since the last session were not enough time to either study the voluminous case briefs or properly communicate with her client. She mentioned that in order to see Bolano she was forced to interrupt a family visit, and that if the judges didn’t give the defense more time she doubted whether she would continue to attend the trial, since “what should prevail is the rendering of a fair trial.”

Diamantis Kariotis, the other court-appointed attorney assigned to to Bolano, then also asked for the trial to be postponed for a few more days. The request by Bolano’s lawyers was echoed by Fragiskos Ragousis, the attorney for the three other comrades on trial.

The presiding judge, clearly perturbed, asked the lawyers in a rude, unpleasant tone if they would be amenable to postponing the trial until the following Monday. They responded affirmatively, and the prosecutor agreed as well. After a short recess, it was announced that the trial would continue on Wednesday, February 1.

Day 6: Wednesday, February 1

Defense attorney Ragousis, who represents Christos Tsakalos and the brothers Giorgos and Michalis Nikolopoulos, submitted three objections and two demands to the court. Specifically, he presented objections regarding the lack of competence and “inappropriate composition” of the court’s panel of judges, as well as demands for the audio recording of the proceedings and for an end to the police-imposed security measures that require the confiscation and photocopying of ID cards belonging to family members and people showing solidarity who attend the trial. The objections and demands were also supported by the rest of the defense attorneys—H. Sipsas (the other lawyer for Tsakalos and the Nikolopoulos brothers) as well as Karandrea and Kariotis (the court-appointed attorneys assigned to represent Bolano). This presentation by the defense took almost three hours.

Michalis Nikolopoulos then spoke. Addressing the judges, he said: “Neither you nor any other institutional organ of power deserve to judge us. Simply put, you don’t deserve to politically judge either the choices made by the Fire Cells Conspiracy revolutionary organization or those of any other free, rebellious person. You can’t judge us, no matter how many trials you’re going to hold, no matter how much propaganda you’re going to spread via the mass media.” He continued by saying that the three attacks in question for which the Fire Cells Conspiracy claimed responsibility “have yet again pushed the political system up against the wall.”

Three acts of anarchic terrorism whose objective was to bring terror to the homes of politicians and the doorsteps of their ministries. Three attacks that were declarations of anarchist revolution and once again affirmed the positions of our organization. It’s clear that we are in favor of, support, and identify with the attacks carried out by our organization, like these three. The truth is that the only evidence you have against us is our own statement in which we revealed our membership in the organization. Nothing else. Let’s make one thing clear: we didn’t release that statement because we were being crushed by a mountain of evidence, as that was never the case. Nor did we release it out of a belief or a desire to engage in the logic of confessing something about our revolutionary activities to the state, or the belief that the Fire Cells Conspiracy revolutionary organization had come to an end then and there. We released it because, as dignified revolutionaries, we have a responsibility to defend our struggle and our proposals from inside the walls as well. It’s a matter of historical necessity that has nothing to do with “winners” and “losers,” but rather the “dignified” and the “servile.” If we hadn’t revealed our membership in our organization, then what would you be doing? Absolutely nothing. We never get involved in all that “guilty or innocent” of bourgeois legality. We are illegals, armed enemies of the regime. We simply position ourselves with regard to those things because we like to shed light on the real tactics used by the state against its political enemies.

Nikolopoulos concluded by commenting on the police assertions that “the Halandri apartment was a Fire Cells Conspiracy safe house,” saying: “The same pieces of evidence showed that the home in question never functioned as an organizational safe house. The Fire Cells Conspiracy certainly had many safe houses. However, the bloodhounds of the Antiterrorist Unit never managed to discover them.” Regarding this point, and to back up what he was saying, he read excerpts from Haris Hatzimichelakis’ statement.

Tsakalos then spoke. This is his complete statement:

According to the charges, the Fire Cells Conspiracy is a terrorist organization. But words never were, are, or will be neutral. They acquire the meanings given by those who use them. We don’t speak the language of judges and prosecutors. We speak the language of the hunted who have rejected the role of victim, the wanted who haven’t turned themselves in to the authorities, the imprisoned who haven’t caged their will for freedom, the anarchists who have never knelt before power. Solidarity, Dignity, Urban Guerrilla War, Anarchy: those are our words, which we hurl insultingly at their system.

Yes, we are therefore anarchist urban guerrillas and we are proud to belong to the rebellion of our desires called the Fire Cells Conspiracy. To those of you seated behind the judge’s bench, we are terrorists, because your spirit is a frightened shadow that only feels safe behind the pigs, that only feels safe in the books of your dead laws.

We are terrorists in opposition to your interests and your power. The life and personal integrity of each one of you; the security and property of your judicial gang, political power, the oligarchy, the rich, and the bosses: all those things are in our crosshairs as well as the crosshairs of our comrades who haven’t been arrested.

Nevertheless, another terrorism is hanging over most people’s lives. Terrorism is the endless lines in the tax office, throughout the public sector, in the banks. Terrorism is the orders given by bosses to their employees. Terrorism is the heavy hand of the police falling on petty criminals and poor devils. However, the worst terrorism is the TERRIFYING verification that no one is raising their head. Terrorism is silence and passivity. Terrorism is the fact that no one is taking their life into their own hands. We have also seen your terrorism. The terrorism of justice. We have seen countless prisoners return from your courthouses with blank stares and lives weighed down by dozens of years in prison. We have seen friends and family collapse after hearing your “fair” sentences.

We have seen your completely expressionless faces and well-fed bellies getting into your luxurious armored cars. We have heard and know about your considerable salaries and your secret, under-the-table deals that favor your distinguished friends—big-shot editors, industrialists, and your politician superiors. Really now, how many centuries of prison have you dealt out over the course of your careers serving the very system that, through exploitation and oppression, gives birth to those whom you consider criminals?

Therefore, beyond your law books, if one wants to find out the meaning of terrorism in real life—out there where the fearful today dreads the arrival of a threatening tomorrow—then the terrorists are you and power.

As far as your own meaning of “terrorism,” it has to do with the human will for freedom and anarchy. You seem to fear that will, so you pass new antiterrorist laws, convene extraordinary courts martial, take special security measures, prevent us from talking to our families and comrades during trial recesses, and handcuff us while you bring us to holding cells 10 meters from the courtroom. This means you are actually afraid, and that is an honor and a joy for us, because it shows that a group of people—a company of action-minded anarchists—is capable of terrorizing an entire state. It shows that, far from the silence and passivity of the masses, the will of just a few people is enough to strike a blow at your system.

You should know that there are plenty of unyielding individualities out there who live in self-exile from your society. They are getting prepared, arming themselves, and collectivizing their desires in order to subvert the history of slaves and masters. Then you will really feel the concept of anarchic terrorism—an anarchic terrorism expressed through fire against banks, ministries, and police stations; an anarchic terrorism exploding out of bombs in front of the luxury villas of the rich, courthouses, and the multinational corporations and industrial conglomerates that exploit animals and nature; an anarchic terrorism written with bullets fired at the dictators of our lives and freedom; an anarchic terrorism spoken in courtrooms through the mouths of prisoners of war just like us, who don’t fear your sentences and prisons. This is anarchic terrorism. You should therefore correct your charges. You must add to your judicial reports that the Fire Cells Conspiracy is an ANARCHIST terrorist organization.

And all of us who participated in it are proud of being members, and our rage is like an ax hanging over your heads, always swinging, swinging, swinging.

Prosecutor I. Liakopoulos then insisted on postponing the trial until February 7 in order to prepare his proposal regarding the objections and demands presented by the defense. Presiding judge H. Vriniotis was very inflexible and, after a short recess, announced that the trial would continue on Friday, February 3. In addition, he decided (and this time the prosecutor was also in agreement) that the defense attorneys had to mandatorily submit all their objections and demands at the same time, after which the prosecutor would present his opinion about them. Only then would the court make its decisions on the matter. All that “in order to not waste more time.” It should be pointed out that objections are normally presented by the defense at the same time that disagreements arise regarding the proceedings. Therefore, the court is thus attempting to obstruct the defense—“preventively,” shall we say.

Meanwhile, on January 31, judicial functionaries responsible for the different cases involving the Fire Cells Conspiracy issued three orders, each consisting of many pages. The first order contains the decision regarding the comrades arrested during the December 4, 2010 antiterrorist operation. Apart from Dimitris Michail and Christos Politis, who were in fact acquitted of all felony charges (although they will have to appear in court for misdemeanor charges relating to, respectively, a bottle of pepper spray and a small quantity of marijuana found in their homes), the other four—Stella Antoniou, Giorgos Karagiannidis, Alexandros Mitrousias, and Costas Sakkas—are being charged with “membership in the Fire Cells Conspiracy,” “explosives possession,” etc. Antoniou and Sakkas are thus now officially charged (up to this point it was a matter of “membership in an unnamed terrorist organization”), while Karagiannidis and Mitrousias—who have already been sentenced—will be tried again for the same crime, i.e., “membership in the Fire Cells Conspiracy.” Additionally, the six comrades arrested after December 4, 2010 who have revealed their membership in the group (Michalis Nikolopoulos, arrested at the end of January 2011; and Bolano, Tsakalos, Olga Economidou, Giorgos Nikolopoulos, and Giorgos Polydoras, arrested in March 2011) will also be tried in the same case.

The second order contains the decision to summon all nine comrades who have revealed their membership in the Fire Cells Conspiracy (including Hatzimichelakis, despite the fact that he was already behind bars at the time), plus Karagiannidis and Mitrousias, to the trial for the mailing of incendiary packages (which action was carried out on November 1, 2010 and claimed by the Fire Cells Conspiracy). We must add that, already some time ago, several of those being charged for the packages—Karagiannidis and Mitrousias among them—submitted petitions requesting face-to-face meetings in the presence of the prosecutors with the prosecution witnesses and shipping company employees who supposedly recognized them. All those petitions were denied. Also rejected was the petition to release Antoniou based on the serious health problems she is facing.

The third order has to do with the “Volos Case,” i.e., the March 2011 arrest of five comrades. The nasty surprise is that nine people will be summoned to trial for this case. We still don’t have details about the four other people in question.

Durruti, whom I saw but a month ago, lost his life in the street-battles of Madrid.

My previous knowledge of this stormy petrel of the Anarchist and revolutionary movement in Spain was merely from reading about him. On my arrival in Barcelona I learned many fascinating stories of Durruti and his column. They made me eager to go to the Aragon front, where he was the leading spirit of the brave and valiant militias, fighting against fascism.

I arrived at Durruti’s headquarters towards evening, completely exhausted from the long drive over a rough road. A few moments with Durruti was like a strong tonic, refreshing and invigorating. Powerful of body as if hewn from the rocks of Montserrat, Durruti easily represented the most dominating figure among the Anarchists I had met since my arrival in Spain. His terrific energy electrified me as it seemed to effect everyone who came within its radius.

I found Durruti in a veritable beehive of activity. Men came and went, the telephone was constantly calling for Durruti. In addition was the deafening hammering of workers who were constructing a wooden shed for Durruti’s staff. Through all the din and constant call on his time Durruti remained serene and patient. He received me as if he had known me all his life. The graciousness and warmth from a man engaged in a life and death struggle against fascism was something I had hardly expected.

I had heard much about Durruti’s mastery over the column that went by his name. I was curious to learn by what means other than military drive he had succeeded in welding together 10,000 volunteers without previous military training and experience of any sort. Durruti seemed surprised that I, an old Anarchist should even ask such a question.

"I have been an Anarchist all my life," he replied, "I hope I have remained one. I should consider it very sad indeed, had I to turn into a general and rule the men with a military rod. They have come to me voluntarily, they are ready to stake their lives in our antifascist fight. I believe, as I always have, in freedom. The freedom which rests on the sense of responsibility. I consider discipline indispensable, but it must be inner discipline, motivated by a common purpose and a strong feeling of comradeship." He had gained the confidence of the men and their affection because he had never played the part of a superior. He was one of them. He ate and slept as simply as they did. Often even denying himself his own portion for one weak or sick, and needing more than he. And he shared their danger in every battle. That was no doubt the secret of Durruti’s success with his column. The men adored him. They not only carried out all his instructions, they were ready to follow him in the most perilous venture to repulse the fascist position.

I had arrived on the eve of an attack Durruti had prepared for the following morning. At daybreak Durruti, like the rest of the militia with his rifle over his shoulder, led the way. Together with them he drove the enemy back four kilometers, and he also succeeded in capturing a considerable amount of arms the enemies had left behind in their flight.

The moral example of simple equality was by no means the only explanation of Durruti’s influence. There was another, his capacity to make the militiamen realize the deeper meaning of the antifascist war—the meaning that had dominated his own life and that he had learned to articulate to the poorest and most undeveloped of the poor.

Durruti told me of his approach to the difficult problems of the men who come for leave of absence at moments when they were most needed at the front. The men evidently knew their leader—they knew his decisiveness—his iron will. But also they knew the sympathy and gentleness hidden behind his austere exterior. How could he resist when the men told him of illness at home—parents, wife or child?

Durruti hounded before the glorious days of July 1936, like a wild beast from country to country. Imprisoned time on end as a criminal. Even condemned to death. He, the hated Anarchist, hated by the sinister trinity, the bourgeoisie, the state and the church. This homeless vagabond incapable of feeling as the whole capitalistic puck proclaimed. How little they knew Durruti. How little they understood his loving heart. He had never remained indifferent to the needs of his fellows. Now however, he was engaged in a desperate struggle with fascism in the defense of the Revolution, and every man was needed at his place. Verily a difficult situation to meet. But Durruti’s ingeniousness conquered all difficulties. He listened patiently to the story of woe and then held forth on the cause of illness among the poor. Overwork, malnutrition, lack of air, lack of joy in life.

"Don’t you see comrade, the war you and I are waging is to safeguard our Revolution and the Revolution is to do away with the misery and suffering of the poor. We must conquer our fascist enemy. We must win the war. You are an essential part of it. Don’t you see, comrade?" Durruti’s comrades did see, they usually remained.

Sometimes one would prove abdurate, and insist on leaving the front. "All right," Durruti tells him, "but you will go on foot, and by the time you reach your village, everybody will know that your courage had failed you, that you have run away, that you have shirked your self-imposed task." That worked like magic. The man pleads to remain. No military brow-beating, no coercion, no disciplinary punishment to hold the Durruti column at the front. Only the vulcanic energy of the man carries everyone along and makes them feel as one with him.

A great man this Anarchist Durruti, a born leader and teacher of men, thoughtful and tender comrade all in one. And now Durruti is dead. His great heart beats no more. His powerful body felled down like a giant tree. And yet, and yet—Durruti is not dead. The hundreds of thousands that turned out Sunday, November 22nd, 1936, to pay Durruti their last tribute have testified to that.

No, Durruti is not dead. The fires of his flaming spirit lighted in all who knew and loved him, can never be extinguished. Already the masses have lifted high the torch that fell from Durruti’s hand. Triumphantly they are carrying it before them on the path Durruti had blazoned for many years. The path that leads to the highest summit of Durruti’s ideal. This ideal was Anarchism—the grand passion of Durruti’s life. He had served it utterly. He remained faithful to it until his last breath.

If proof were needed of Durruti’s tenderness his concern in my safety gave it to me. There was no place to house me for the night at the General-Staff quarters. And the nearest village was Pina. But it had been repeatedly bombarded by the fascists. Durruti was loathe to send me there. I insisted it was alright. One dies but once. I could see the pride in his face that his old comrade had no fear. He let me go under strong guard.

I was grateful to him because it gave me a rare chance to meet many of the comrades in arms of Durruti and also to speak with the people of the village. The spirit of these much-tried victims of fascism was most impressive.

The enemy was only a short distance from Pina on the other side of a creek. But there was no fear or weakness among the people. Heroically they fought on. "Rather dead, than fascist rule," they told me. "We stand and fall with Durruti in the antifascist fight to the last man."

In Pina I discovered a child of eight years old, an orphan who had already been harnessed to daily toil with a fascist family. Her tiny hands were red and swollen. Her eyes, full of horror from the dreadful shocks she had already suffered at the hands of Franco’s hirelings. The people of Pina are pitifully poor. Yet everyone gave this ill-treated child care and love she had never known before.

The European Press has from the very beginning of the antifascist war competed with each other in calumny and vilification of the Spanish defenders of liberty. Not a day during the last four months but what these satraps of European fascism did not write the most sensational reports of atrocities committed by the revolutionary forces. Every day the readers of these yellow sheets were fed on the riots and disorders in Barcelona and other towns and villages, free from the fascist invasion.

Having travelled over the whole of Catalonia, Aragon, and the Levante, having visited every city and village on the way, I can testify that there is not one word of truth in any of the bloodcurdling accounts I had read in some of the British and Continental press.

A recent example of the utter unscrupulous news-fabrication was furnished by some of the papers in regard to the death of the Anarchist and heroic leader of the antifascist struggle, Buenaventura Durruti.

According to this perfectly absurd account, Durruti’s death is supposed to have called forth violent dissension and outbreaks in Barcelona among the comrades of the dead revolutionary hero Durruti.

Whoever it was who wrote this preposterous invention he could not have been in Barcelona. Much less know the place of Buenaventura Durruti in the hearts of the members of the CNT and FAI. Indeed, in the hearts and estimation of all regardless of their divergence with Durruti’s political and social ideas.

In point of truth, there never was such complete oneness in the ranks of the popular front in Catalonia, as from the moment when the news of Durruti’s death became known until the last when he was laid to rest.

Every party of every political tendency fighting Spanish fascism turned out en masse to pay loving tribute to Buenaventura Durruti. But not only the direct comrades of Durruti, numbering hundreds of thousands and all the allies in the antifascist struggle, the largest part of the population of Barcelona represented an incessant stream of humanity. All had come to participate in the long and exhausting funeral procession. Never before had Barcelona witnessed such a human sea whose silent grief rose and fell in complete unison.

As to the comrades of Durruti—comrades closely knit by their ideal and the comrades of the gallant column he had created. Their admiration, their love, their devotion and respect left no place for discord and dissension. They were as one in their grief and in their determination to continue the battle against fascism and for the realization of the Revolution for which Durruti had lived, fought and had staked his all until his last breath.

No, Durruti is not dead! He is more alive than living. His glorious example will now be emulated by all the Catalan workers and peasants, by all the oppressed and disinherited. The memory of Durruti’s courage and fortitude will spur them on to great deeds until fascism has been slain. Then the real work will begin—the work on the new social structure of human value, justice and freedom.

On the failed march of Forza Nuova in Savona. (Forza Nuova is an Italian fascist organization)

In the last months in Savona, following the participation of the La Destra-Forza Nuova list at the municipal elections of May 2011 and the opening of a site of La Destra, the Antifascist movement of Savona have been giving a clear and direct signal of not being willing to accept the presence of this or any other fascist organization in town. On 8th January and 3rd March 2012, as two ANTIFASCIST GATHERINGS turned into SPONTANEOUS MARCHES in the streets of the town, Savona has demonstrated how antifascist spirit is alive as well as love for freedom and the awareness that neofascists and their nostalgic revival must not be given any political space.

In this context on Saturday 24th March, Forza Nuova attempted to organize a march and rally in the centre of the town: aware of the response they would get, the neofascists thought it better to keep the appointment secret (thus giving yet another proof of their cowardice, thinking they would go unnoticed and hoping they would be spared the hostile presence of the antifascists). Reality proved well different from the forecasts of the shady individuals in black shirts: in fact preparation of the area for their march, with a total clearing of the streets, didn’t go unnoticed, and the Antifa movement got suspicious. On the day of the march police set a proper ‘red zone’ implementing double barriers and lining up a massive deployment of antiriot cops in ‘defence’ of Forza Nuova.The final result was as follows. About 35 neofascists diriving by car to the town were escorted inside the red zone, actually a real enclosure isolated from the rest of the town, which was made inaccessible and deserted through no parking and entry bans to all those who were not people belonging to the neofascist gang. As a result the neofascists remained confined there throughout the duration of their supposed public initiative.Police were so scrupulous in defending the neofascists that they guaranteed them parking areas that were denied to the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. Shops in the area were also compelled to shut.So the fascist march resulted in a movement of not more than 150 metres form the starting point, guided forwards and backwards by the police, according to the movemnts of the Antifascists, who in the meantime had besieged some of the entrances of the red zone. As a result the fascist rally didn’t take place at all in spite of what the press said, especially as there were only police inside the red zone - a massive presence of antiriot squads, carabinieri and digos – and about 35 fascists waving their flags and chanting some sad slogans with the help of a loudspeaker. From outside the enclosure nothing could be heard of what Forza Nuova dare call public rally. In fact, it was a slow and shy stroll orchestrated by digos officers.As concerns the imaginary aggression that an ‘unfortunate’ neofascist politician made public, we want to point out that he was not touched by anyone but was repeatedly invited to go away by the group of Antifascists.It is clear that his presence in that place was a provocation, as proved by the threats he made to the Antifascists of reporting them to the police.Forza Nuova does not exist in Savona as the few people present that day were coming from Imperia, Genoa and Albenga. Ultimately the fascist plan didn’t succeed thanks to the direct resistance put in place by the Antifascists of Savona, who prevented this event from being held and denied once again political space to the nostalgic of the fascist regime.Once again they didn’t have any political visibility in the town of Savona!They can well show off arrogance and cockiness… they went away head down once again, of course escorted by police cars, and it took more than an hour before they managed to drive out of the red zone patrolled by the ANTIFA!

NO SPACE TO FASCISTS IN SAVONA!NO SITES OR GATHERINGS OR FAKE MARCHES!!

some people who were at the antifascist gathering on Saturday 24th March 2012

In the first two months of this year (2012) the prison population increased by over 5,000 people only in the state of São Paulo. And if there are half a dozen rich among the prison inmates, it’s too much already, because everyone knows that such ‘justice’ is not blind but CYNICAL, and serves to favour the wealthy and to persecute the poor, especially if the latter are black.

Because of this mass incarceration, the prison experience marks the lives of millions of residents of the periphery that suffer from discrimination, lack of information, the opportunism of crooked lawyers, the tardiness of judicial proceedings, the humiliations of waiting queues, the body searches, the terrible prison conditions, and so on.

That is why we are creating a network of solidarity between family members and friends of both women and men prisoners, in the sense that we exchange experience, learn to understand the legal processes, struggle for benefits and rights, and organize ourselves in order to combat the penal and penitentiary system that is so unjust and perverse.

Rede de Comunidades do Extremo Sul de São Paulo–SPCommunities Network of the South End of São Paulo

Yesterday morning, 29/03/2012, the ROS units [special carabinieri units] of Rome and Perugia searched four houses of comrades looking for evidence concerning the usual charge of conspiracy. And as usual, the watchdogs of the authority were particularly interested in electronic equipment, mobile phones and paper. Wastepaper, searches and warnings: we’ve seen more of the same many times but every time it just makes us sick.

It seems that the charges are related to articles 270bis (conspiracy to subvert the democratic order of the State) and 280 (terrorist attack) and that the anti-subversion unit of the carabinieri was involved along with the ROS. We also learn of searches in Catania and some arrests in Genoa but we don’t know if this is part of the same investigation. For the moments news are fragmentary but we’ll try to expose a more precise picture of this new repressive wave against anarchists as soon as possible

Yesterday some comrades were stopped by police in Florence as they were handing out leaflets (on the recent deaths in the security cells of the Duca degli Abbruzzi police barracks [in Florence]). The comrades were taken to the police headquarters. At around 3:30pm most of them were released, two were served with expulsion orders [from Florence] and three were taken to the prison of Sollicciano and accused of resistance and causing bodily harm.

The hearing to confirm the arrests will be held on Saturday. Updates will follow.

22:00 – News arrives from Concepción of a count of 30 youth arrested by the clashes that have happened in southern Chile.

21:45 – The focal points multiply and the clashes begin motivated by the arrival of carabineros trying to clear the streets.

21:30 – The commemorative activity where the Vergara Toledo brothers’ parents participate counts 500 participants in the beginning of the march with torches results in the first clashes, according to the press there have been gunshots in the area of Villa Francia.

20:45 – The first barricades are set on fire in Villa Francia and a pair of other neighborhoods in Santiago and in various points in Chile.

20:00 – In Villa Francia, the commemorative event begins for the Vergara Toledo brothers, many people attend this event.

During the afternoon the special forces of carabineros were mobilized for various bomb threats with a total of four incidents up to now, including a threat to the Torre Titanium in the wealthy area of Vitacura in the center of Santiago, also a few minutes ago GOPE made a box of shoes detonate which had water inside it left outside a Santander Bank.

12:30 – the area has returned to boring calm

11:51 – reports that Chilean police are filling empty bottles with a liquid that could be flammable in order to place guilt on the youth who had been arrested, a total of 70 youth are being transported in police vehicles

11:48 – At this time there are clashes in the University of Santiago Chile, groups of youth against the police, it is reported that the latter entered the university where already at 10 AM there were more than 100 youth and the combat began. There are more youth in the outskirts of the university showing their support to those who are resisting inside.

early hours of the 29th

image taken during the clashes in San Bernardo where they tried to loot three supermarkets and where the police station was attacked End of March 28th and beginning of 29th — Day of the Combatant Youth! Permanent Insurrection

The most conflictual place of threat today was San Bernardo; the images of the tanks are from there

The first hours of this March 29th marked different foci of clashes between police and residents, in which the latter again took the street not only to remember those fallen in combat but also for all the rage they carry inside themselves and to show their disgust for authority visualized in the deployment of armored vehicles and police special forces, some of the places where there was fighting this morning were Villa Francia, Los Morros, La Pincoya, Quilicura and others; this update dates to 2:30 AM when there are three arrested and the first tanks were seen in Los Morros neighborhood of San Bernardo.

INCONTROLABLES: CONTRIBUCIONES PARA UN NIHILISMO CONSCIENTE

¡Mauricio Morales Presente!

Συναυλία Οικονομικής Ενίσχυσης για άνοιγμα στεκιού στο γαλάτσι

Download now for free from Actforfreedomnow! A collection of letters, texts and communiques from the armed group ‘ Revolutionary Struggle’ and their accused. Released during their current trial and intended to be one more nail in the coffin of the legitimacy of the State and the capitalist system.

Letters from Anarchist Prisoners of the "Bombs Case" in Chile

This document is a collection of letters from the Chilean anarchist “Bombs Case” prisoners, in an effort to share and spread their ideas beyond the prison walls. On August 14th, 2010, fourteen anarchists and anti-authoritarians were arrested in a series of raids in Santiago in what became known as the `Bombs Case`. They were accused of a series of bombings against capital and the state that took place around Santiago in the previous years, as well as of “criminal conspiracy” under the Pinochet-era Anti-Terrorist Laws. Since then, following a hunger strike by the prisoners, as well as countless solidarity actions from around the world, the charges against nine of the accused have been dropped (one of these people is facing other charges in a separate trial), but charges against five comrades remain. They are: Omar Hermosilla and Carlos Riveros, accused of providing the money to finance the costs of the attacks, as well as Mónica Caballero, Felipe Guerra, Francisco Solar, accused of the placement of the explosive devices at different points in Santiago. The trial started on November 28, 2011. Prisoners kidnapped by the State to the street! click the cover PDF