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Friday, July 12, 2013

Kagame hit on Kikwete for Advicing him

Good People!

FDLR controls 50 percent of the South Kivu
Province but they are a mixture of both Hutu, Tutsi and Congo Rebel
groups.M23 is predominantly Tutsi of the Kagame tribal group which
is why, Kagame gives its full financial support and protection for Kagame’s
benefit looting from Congo.Kagame is the aggressor terrorizing and
killing innocent Congolese and driving them our of their land for Tutsi to
occupy Congolese land, for which he has created a government within another
government inside the DRC Congo for his benefit.

Kagame made M23 to be a strong voice demanding what does not
belong to them in Congo.

From intelligence observation, M23 is working with FDLR to benefit
Kagame.He has made it a smart business to loot from DRC
Congo.This is why Kikwete requested him to talk with FDLR and stop
Congolese massacre. If they are able to talk when it is business,
why should they not talk when Human Rights demands, after-all, both Ribel group
were created by Kagame and Museveni. Kagame created this group was
fighting the Habyarimana regime, in 1980s and this part cannot be
ignored. Killing Congolese children and women is not justifiable matter.Kagame must be forced to eat a humble pie……..

Rwanda and Zambia have agreed on a
comprehensive strategy for former Rwandan refugees living in Zambia.

In a joint communiqué signed on Friday
night following a bilateral meeting by the two governments held in Lusaka last
week, the two countries reiterated the call for the two countries to establish
diplomatic missions in their respective capitals for enhanced bilateral
cooperation.

The Zambian delegation was led by
Minister of Home Affairs Edgar Lungu while the Rwandan team was headed by that
country’s Minister of Disaster Management and Refugee Affairs Seraphine
Mukantabana.

These deliberations come as a follow-up to the regional assessment meeting
of the global strategy on the search for durable solutions for former refugees,
that was held in April in South Africa.

They also come following the effect of
the cessation clause for Rwandan refugees that took effect on June 30.

The two delegations agreed that voluntary repatriation will remain open and
efforts to encourage it will continue.

It was also agreed that former Rwandan
refugees who wish to stay in Zambia will be facilitated by the Rwandan
government in collaboration with the Zambian government.

“This is in order to facilitate
processing and issuance of immigration permits in Zambia. The criteria and
procedures for the eligibility to local integration will be set and published by
the Zambian government,” reads the joint communiqué in part.

The communiqué further states that
passport application forms for former Rwandan refugees shall be made available
in Zambia through the office of the Commissioner for Refugees (COR) as the focal
point for the process in Zambia.

While the focal point in Rwanda will be the Directorate General of
Immigration and Emigration. Additionally, the two governments also agreed that
the said forms shall be available online for downloading and submission to
COR.

Since the coming into effect cessation
clause, hundreds of Rwandan returnees from regional neighbours have been
streaming into the country on a daily basis.

According to MIDIMAR, intense
registration program is under way to provide passports for tens of thousands of
Rwandans who lost refugee status on June 30 as a result of the UN cessation
clause, but prefer to stay in the host countries.

Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame stated in a
press conference last month that terrorism is spreading within African continent
and it is not advisable to continue folding arms despite such a
threat.

Many people
across the globe wonder why Rwanda continues to be a model in terms of peace
keeping missions in different parts of the planet.

The same
question will always be asked as long as the world does not yet understand the
way Rwandans treat the security issues, especially with the fact that Rwanda as
a nation was hurt by genocide and experienced horrifying human rights
violence.

What makes Rwanda an outstanding peace
keeper?

Discipline
and determination are key qualities that are keeping Rwanda’s image on a high
scale, and that goes down in the troops’ minds from the high commanding system.
Rwanda is now praised all over the world for the role it plays in securing
post-conflict regions and making an impact on the populations welfare in
delivering vital services to them.

That goes
round with top Rwandan militaries nominations by international organizations to
head those missions. The recent nomination was when Maj. Gen Jean Bosco Kazura
was appointed by the UN Secretary General to lead MINUSMA (Mali) which is the
third largest UN mission with 12,000 soldiers.

Nevertheless, the Rwandans nominations cannot
serve if the inside authorities don’t believe in their men and/or if they are
not determined to facilitate them. The appointment of Gen. Kazura comes while
another Rwandan Gen. Patrick Nyamvumba had finished his term as head of United
Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID).

President of
Rwanda Paul Kagame is committed to help Rwandan military to be professional and
useful not only in the country but also all over the world, one of many
remarkable and developmental issues he deals with for Rwandans and their
country.

Olivier
Nduhungirehe, Rwanda’s Deputy Permanent Representative to the UN, says General
Kazura was appointed Force Commander of MINUSMA, “first, because of his personal
competence and experience” and secondly “because of the role Rwanda has played
in peacekeeping operations for the last nine years, particularly in
Darfur.”

If Rwanda
would not have done what was done in Darfur, Haiti, and Liberia or if Kazura
would have been well facilitated to acquire professionalism and military
knowledge, we would have been writing another story.

Can Rwanda send troops in Mali?

The mission
led by Gen Kazura will undoubtedly play a key role in Mali’s presidential polls
scheduled for July 28. This means the security has to be priority and given the
terrorist groups’ experience in the region, the battle might not be easy.

One of the
challenge the new Commander would face is the fact Rwanda did not deploy
soldiers in Mali and that would be difficult to command the troops you have
never been with before. The question repeats: is Rwanda ready to deploy in
Mali?

According to
the President Kagame’s words it is possible that Rwandan peacekeepers may also
be deployed in the near future. In a news conference last month, President
Kagame acknowledged that “There is a possibility of sending troops to Mali.” And
a request had already been made, he said.

“Africa
cannot, and should not, fold its arms when terrorist and criminal groups are
occupying over half the territory of a Member State, carrying out the most
atrocious crimes against innocent civilians and destroying monuments that are of
great significance to Africa’s heritage and civilization.” Kagame stressed

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Kagame speaks out on Kikwete's call for
negotiations with FDLR rebels

Rwanda President Paul Kagame.
Photo/File

By EMMANUEL RUTAYISIRE, Special
Correspondent

Posted Monday, June 10 2013 at 18:32

President Paul Kagame of Rwanda has described calls for the country to
negotiate with the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) as
“utter nonsense.”

Speaking on Monday at the Rwanda Military Academy (Nyakinama) in the
northern part of the country where he was attending a graduation ceremony of 45
officers, President Kagame said:

“I kept quiet about this because of the contempt I have for it. I thought
it was utter nonsense. Maybe it was due to ignorance but if this is an
ideological problem for anyone to be thinking this way, then it better stay with
those who have it.

"We will have another time to deal with this. As Rwandans, being who we
are, achieving what we want to achieve for ourselves is not a myth, its real”.

The call to talk to FDLR was made by Tanzania’s President Jakaya Kikwete at
a meeting of Heads of State from the Great Lakes Region in Addis Ababa, on the
sidelines of last month’s African Union Summit in Ethiopia.

Kikwete’s remarks have soured the already shaky relations between the two
neighbouring countries with foreign affairs ministers from both countries
issuing statements.

Kikwete had suggested that Rwanda should consider direct talks with the
FDLR rebels since the military option didn’t seem to be working.

President Kikwete also urged Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni to talk to
the Allied Democratic Forces and the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda,
as well as asking DR Congo’s President Joseph Kabila to talk to the M23 rebels
and other forces operating in eastern Congo.

This is the first time President Kagame is personally responding to
President Kikwete’s remarks even though both presidents attended the Addis Ababa
meeting.

Tanzania has said it is not going to apologise to Kigali over the
statements.

The remarks have triggered a diplomatic row between the two countries
although observers say it is a pointer to the fact that despite the cordial
relationships, Presidents Kagame and Kikwete have never been friends.

The FDLR is a sensitive issue in Kigali because of the former’s role in the
1994 genocide as well as its continued security threat to Rwanda. The militia
draws most of its members from the genocidaires who participated in the 1994
mass killings.

@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@

Kagame publicly threatening to hit President Kikwete.

It is remarkable that the
Rwandan president’s own wife has already understood the dangers of criminalizing
a whole population group. In her own speech in the same event, she emphasized
that criminal responsibility was individual and “every knee will have to kneel
for itself”.

It has almost become a tradition in
his improvised speeches to hear Rwandan president Paul Kagame spit his anger and
express his contempt for Western donors and other foreigner s who do not share
his peculiar ideas about governance and political freedom. He does not miss any
opportunity to slam what he calls their attempts to give him lessons, while he
has no lesson to receive from anybody. We have heard many insults and derogatory
words, but an outright threat to “hit” the president of a sovereign neighbouring
nation, this is something even those who know him for a long period would not
easily had predicted. On Sunday June 30, in a speech to the “youth connect”
meeting convened by the Ministry of Youth together with his wife’s own Imbuto
foundation, Paul Kagame threatened Tanzanian President Kikwete in unmistakable
terms that he will wait for him at the right place and hit him, in response to
the latter’s suggestion that Kagame initiate talks with the armed Hutu
opposition FDLR.

“And those whom you
recently heard speaking for the Interahamwe and FDLR, saying that we should
negotiate with them. Negotiate with them? As for me, I do not even argue about
this issue because I will wait for you at the right place and I will hit you!! I
really did not… I didn’t even reply to him, I never arg… uh… it is known, there
is a line you can’t cross. There is a line, there is a line that should never be
crossed. Not once. It’s impossible!!…”

From these words pronounced partly in
his hallmark unstructured Kinyarwanda mixed with English, Kagame made clear that
he is still deeply angered by the mere suggestion to engage in talks with
political opponents. That is why he vowed to wait for the right opportunity to
strike back at Tanzanian President. It is unheard of in world diplomacy, to see
a head of state threatening to hit another head of state of a sovereign nation
in time of peace.

This threat should be taken seriously.
Kagame has already proven in the past that he is able to strike his adversaries
and silence them. Whether fellow presidents or his own (former) trusted
collaborators, his prowess in murdering those he thinks are his enemies would
not shy from a comparison with L. Sulla’s famous bragging. Melchior Ndadaye,
Juvénal Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Laurent-Desiré Kabila are all heads of
states in whose assassination he has allegedly had a hand. Théoneste Lizinde and
Seth Sendashonga, are former collaborators eliminated in covert operations from
afar. The last known feat in this series is the failed assassination of his
former army chief of staff Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, who survived a shooting in
Johannesburg, South Africa. The lesser known cases of eliminated military
officers who had knowledge of damaging secrets of his cruelty or could become
rivals for power in the military, is no less impressive.

The grudge against Kikwete has other
sources as well. Kagame’s big ego does not suffer being second to anybody. Being
overshadowed by Kikwete as the most visible leader in the region is an
additional source of personal resentment towards the charismatic Tanzanian
President who, in less than a year, has been honoured by the official visits of
the presidents of the two most powerful nations in the world. The recent attempt
by Kagame, Museveni and Uhuru Kenyatta to bypass Kikwete and meet in Entebbe
without him underscores a rampant feeling of discomfort at the growing strategic
importance of Tanzania in the region.

Tanzania’s resolve to play its full
role in restoring peace in the region has borne him many enemies among the
neighbours who most benefit from the chaos they have helped perpetuate in the
Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. Uganda and Rwanda will namely be the
losers if peace returns in the region because violence has long been their cover
and their opportunity to loot Congolese resources. But whether they like it or
not, Kagame and Kaguta will have to understand that time for peace has now
come.

Kagame doesn’t seem to notice the
changing circumstances however. In his self-righteousness, he said in the same
speech that he was the paramount example of tolerance because he accepts to live
in the same country with an ethnical group of genocidaires. He said that
allowing Hutus to stay alive is the biggest political space he could think of,
anywhere in the world. He urged the Hutus, even those who were not born at the
time of the mass slaughters of 1994 to repent and ask forgiveness on behalf of
their ethnical group (Suddenly. There are ethnical groups in Rwanda again!). He
made them understand that they owed their lives to him because his soldiers
would have slaughtered the entire Hutu population that he characterizes as a
genocidaire ethnical group, was it not for his magnanimity that forced him to
stop the RPA soldiers. In return for RPF soldiers not slaughtering all Hutus, he
urges them to bear the burden of perpetual guilt, because, according to him,
crimes were committed on their behalf.

It is remarkable that the Rwandan
president’s own wife has already understood the dangers of criminalizing a whole
population group. In her own speech in the same event, she emphasized that
criminal responsibility was individual and “every knee will have to kneel for
itself”. She underlined the importance of liberating the youth from the burden
of event in which they did not take part. When Kagame’s own wife starts
signaling that she has understood the dangers of his principal political
principle (criminalizing all Hutus), the peace in the region can’t continue to
be held up by just one individual.

This is what Tanzania has understood
much earlier. But Kikwete also knows that those who sow chaos in order to
harvest in violence will not easily give up their booty. By accepting to step
in, to make his voice for peace heard, Tanzanian President Kikwete knew there
was a price. It is now up to the entire population of the region (Congo, Rwanda,
Burundi, Uganda and obviously Tanzania) to step in and stand with President
Kikwete, ensure his protection and denounce any attempt to threaten his physical
integrity.

So Mr.President, has a military solution worked for you? If it has not,
then why not explore other options including talking to the rebels themselves. I
commend the efforts of the unity and reconciliation effort in Rwanda in
diffusing the genocide ideology and enabling peaceful co-exsitance in Rwanda
based on mutual respect. Why not extent the same spirit to these rebels, talk to
them, give them amnesty, rehabilitate them and allow them to reintegrate with
the new Rwanda. I am pretty much sure that no sane Rwandan would entertain any
genocide propaganda after the reconciliation that has been going on. So
naturally the ideology will die out. Keeping them at bay actually gives them
recognition and a platform onto which to spread harmful propaganda.

Unease in Kigali over Kikwete’s call for talks with FDLR

FDLR soldiers in 2009. The rebels
remain a security headache for Rwanda. Photo/FILE

By GAAKI KIGAMBO Special
Correspondent

Posted Saturday, June 8 2013 at 09:53

In Summary

The FDLR is a sensitive issue in Kigali because of its role in the 1994
genocide as well as the continual security threats it poses to Rwanda.

Although the inspiration for President Kikwete’s remarks remains unclear,
regional observers have begun linking them to events surrounding the arrest of
Gen Stanislas Nzeyimana aka Bigaruka Izabayo, a top FDLR commander.

As the story is told, Gen Nzeyimana went to Tanzania apparently on the
invitation of elements within Tanzania’s military for consultations regarding
the deployment of the Tanzanian component of the would-be intervention
brigade.

Kigali has insisted it won’t talk to any entity that still harbours genocide
ideologies and plans to carry out another genocide. The bitter exchange of words
between Kigali and Dar over the past two weeks is a pointer to longstanding
subterranean tensions between the two countries.

The spat, an unexpected setback for regional diplomacy, was triggered a
fortnight ago after Tanzania’s President Jakaya Kikwete suggested that Rwanda’s
President Paul Kagame consider direct talks with rebels of the Democratic Forces
for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).

He also urged Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni to talk to the Allied
Democratic Forces and the National Army for the Liberation of Uganda, as well as
asking DR Congo’s President Joseph Kabila to talk to the M23 rebels and other
forces that have established havens in eastern Congo.

President Kikwete raised the issue of dialogue with the FDLR and the other
armed groups during a special meeting of Heads of State from the Great Lakes
Region in Addis Ababa.

It had been convened by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on the sidelines
of the 21st AU Summit to discuss the Regional Oversight Mechanism of the Peace,
Security and Co-operation Framework for the DRC and the region.

The FDLR is a sensitive issue in Kigali because of its role in the 1994
genocide as well as the continual security threats it poses to Rwanda, even if,
according to Defence Minister Gen James Kabarebe, its strength has been
significantly cut down from 150,000 to 2,000 people.

The Kagame regime is also unhappy with what it feels is the “flippant”
manner in which the international community has treated the issue.

“Appreciation in the region and beyond of what happened in Rwanda in 1994
is unequal. The sad fact is that people forget and people would like to forget
what happened in Rwanda, in particular,” one source told The
EastAfrican.

The US blacklisted FDLR as a terrorist organisation in 2005, nearly 10
years after the genocide. In April this year, it added its overall commander
Sylvestre Mudacumura to its war crimes programme, under which it offers up to $5
million for information leading to the arrest of designated foreign nationals
accused of crimes against humanity, genocide, or war crimes.

While the Kagame administration sees the FDLR as the last holdout of the
people responsible for orchestrating the 1994 genocide in which Rwanda lost up
to a million lives, it suspects that Tanzania, where many of the suspects
initially fled, is indifferent to the threat they pose to Rwanda’s long-term
security.

Although the inspiration for President Kikwete’s remarks remains unclear,
regional observers have begun linking them to events surrounding the arrest of
Gen Stanislas Nzeyimana aka Bigaruka Izabayo, a top FDLR commander.

As the story is told, Gen Nzeyimana went to Tanzania apparently on the
invitation of elements within Tanzania’s military for consultations regarding
the deployment of the Tanzanian component of the would-be intervention
brigade.

While there, intelligence operatives picked him up as he was out visiting
friends in Dar, mistaking him for Mudacumura, FDLR’s overall commander, who
carries a $5 million bounty on his head.

Upon clarification that he wasn’t Mudacumura, Gen. Nzeyimana was set free.
It is then claimed that agents from Rwanda’s Directorate of Military
Intelligence abducted him as he crossed through Kigoma en route to eastern Congo
through Burundi.

It has almost become a tradition in his improvised
speeches to hear Rwandan president Paul Kagame spit his anger and express his
contempt for Western donors and other foreigner s who do not share his peculiar
ideas about governance and political freedom. He does not miss any opportunity
to slam what he calls their attempts to give him lessons, while he has no lesson
to receive from anybody. We have heard many insults and derogatory words, but an
outright threat to “hit” the president of a sovereign neighbouring nation, this
is something even those who know him for a long period would not easily had
predicted. On Sunday June 30, in a speech to the “youth connect” meeting
convened by the Ministry of Youth together with his wife’s own Imbuto
foundation, Paul Kagame threatened Tanzanian President Kikwete in unmistakable
terms that he will wait for him at the right place and hit him, in response to
the latter’s suggestion that Kagame initiate talks with the armed Hutu
opposition FDLR.

“And those whom you recently heard speaking for the
Interahamwe and FDLR, saying that we should negotiate with them. Negotiate with
them? As for me, I do not even argue about this issue because I will wait for
you at the right place and I will hit you!! I really did not… I didn’t even
reply to him, I never arg… uh… it is known, there is a line you can’t cross.
There is a line, there is a line that should never be crossed. Not once. It’s
impossible!!…”

From these words pronounced partly in his hallmark
unstructured Kinyarwanda mixed with English, Kagame made clear that he is still
deeply angered by the mere suggestion to engage in talks with political
opponents. That is why he vowed to wait for the right opportunity to strike back
at Tanzanian President. It is unheard of in world diplomacy, to see a head of
state threatening to hit another head of state of a sovereign nation in time of
peace.

This threat should be taken seriously. Kagame has
already proven in the past that he is able to strike his adversaries and silence
them. Whether fellow presidents or his own (former) trusted collaborators, his
prowess in murdering those he thinks are his enemies would not shy from a
comparison with L. Sulla’s famous bragging. Melchior Ndadaye, Juvénal
Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Laurent-Desiré Kabila are all heads of states
in whose assassination he has allegedly had a hand. Théoneste Lizinde and Seth
Sendashonga, are former collaborators eliminated in covert operations from afar.
The last known feat in this series is the failed assassination of his former
army chief of staff Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, who survived a shooting in
Johannesburg, South Africa. The lesser known cases of eliminated military
officers who had knowledge of damaging secrets of his cruelty or could become
rivals for power in the military, is no less impressive.

The grudge against Kikwete has other sources as well.
Kagame’s big ego does not suffer being second to anybody. Being overshadowed by
Kikwete as the most visible leader in the region is an additional source of
personal resentment towards the charismatic Tanzanian President who, in less
than a year, has been honoured by the official visits of the presidents of the
two most powerful nations in the world. The recent attempt by Kagame, Museveni
and Uhuru Kenyatta to bypass Kikwete and meet in Entebbe without him underscores
a rampant feeling of discomfort at the growing strategic importance of Tanzania
in the region.

Tanzania’s resolve to play its full role in restoring
peace in the region has borne him many enemies among the neighbours who most
benefit from the chaos they have helped perpetuate in the Eastern Democratic
Republic of the Congo. Uganda and Rwanda will namely be the losers if peace
returns in the region because violence has long been their cover and their
opportunity to loot Congolese resources. But whether they like it or not, Kagame
and Kaguta will have to understand that time for peace has now
come.

Kagame doesn’t seem to notice the changing circumstances
however. In his self-righteousness, he said in the same speech that he was the
paramount example of tolerance because he accepts to live in the same country
with an ethnical group of genocidaires. He said that allowing Hutus to stay
alive is the biggest political space he could think of, anywhere in the world.
He urged the Hutus, even those who were not born at the time of the mass
slaughters of 1994 to repent and ask forgiveness on behalf of their ethnical
group (Suddenly. There are ethnical groups in Rwanda again!). He made them
understand that they owed their lives to him because his soldiers would have
slaughtered the entire Hutu population that he characterizes as a genocidaire
ethnical group, was it not for his magnanimity that forced him to stop the RPA
soldiers. In return for RPF soldiers not slaughtering all Hutus, he urges them
to bear the burden of perpetual guilt, because, according to him, crimes were
committed on their behalf.

It is remarkable that the Rwandan president's
own wife has already understood the dangers of criminalizing a whole population
group. In her own speech in the same event, she emphasized that
criminal responsibility was individual and “every knee will have to kneel for
itself”. She underlined the importance of liberating the youth from the burden
of event in which they did not take part. When Kagame’s own wife starts
signaling that she has understood the dangers of his principal political
principle (criminalizing all Hutus), the peace in the region can’t continue to
be held up by just one individual.

This is what Tanzania has understood much
earlier. But Kikwete also knows that those who sow chaos in order to harvest in
violence will not easily give up their booty. By accepting to step in, to make
his voice for peace heard, Tanzanian President Kikwete knew there was a price.
It is now up to the entire population of the region (Congo, Rwanda, Burundi,
Uganda and obviously Tanzania) to step in and stand with President Kikwete,
ensure his protection and denounce any attempt to threaten his physical
integrity.

Acknowledging the Congolese genocide/What people are saying.

53 years after, the struggle continues. We are going to fight for the heart
of Africa until death.

On Thursday 4th July 2013, the Citizen Movement Don’t Be Blind This Time launched an online petition
asking the UN Secretary General, African Union Chairperson and African
governments to acknowledge the genocide against the people of the Democratic
Republic of Congo. The petition has so far gathered 215 signatures from
different places across the world. The target is to get 10,000 or more within a
period of 3 months. I am reproducing here comments from those who have already
signed.

Anonymous LONDON, UNITED KINGDOM

The people of the Democratic Republic of Congo have suffered for the
fertility of the lands upon which they were born. Their unearned suffering is a
stain upon our collective conscience and more specifically upon the record of
the international, corporate and national institutions that inflict,
participate, facilitate or knowingly ignore this human inflicted suffering. STOP
IT, NOW!

Patrick Muimba INGLEWOOD, CA

More than 10 millions have fallen in DR congo. Someone has to be held
accountable.

Kany Kabuya MOMBAYARD, INDIA

From 1994 I saw Congolese people dying and no one, no nation saying
anything. It is time to get justice for all those victims.

Bonface Wafula NAIROBI, KENYA

How can we keep quiet while millions of people are dying in Congolese
forests? I lived there and I know what I witnessed to. More than what we can
imagine, it is a horror movie happening right under our eyes. Let’s scream and
shout!

Nshimyumuremyi Donatien MONS, BELGIUM

Truth is important for Justice and Justice is important for Peace.

Jennifer Mcmurray, LAKE BLUFF, IL

Human rights are a vital issue to all people. Those of us in a position to
help are called to do so.

Alexis Habiyaremye, ANTALYA, TURKEY

The world must know and recognize that more than 8 million people in DRC,
including more than 300,000 Rwandan Hutu refugees have been slaughtered by an
army of Rwandan Tutsi supremacists under the orders of General Paul Kagame and
his allies.

Bolema Bossio Wangi, PLAISIR, FRANCE

I am Congolese and it’s my people and country which are of concern here.
It’s by ourselves and for us I want to be involved [translation from
French].

Mulang Mika KIEV, UKRAINE

I know for a fact that this petition is going nowhere and will not change a
thing…Why? Because we are dealing with machines…They will not have pity on the
inhuman suffering of our people. They have no heart…Only pure dominance and
unsupervised and illegal exploitation of our riches excite them (I doubt they
feel anything at all)…So? How do you fight the machine? Sending them petitions?
Pffff…The people of the earth are organizing to rise against the machines…coming
soon because the revolution will be televised!

Because this has been going on for so long, and the rest of the world has
been too silent about it, (it’s) suspicious!

Kimpioka Lufuankenda Guy MONS, BELGIUM

Because this genocide of Congolese people is the most horrible in the
world.

Chris Cole FRANCE

Congo is an African country.

Victoria Fernado FRANCE

It is a shame that this crime is still not recognized! Innocents die and
women are victims of sexual abuse! I condemn the UN to shut eyes for eventually
natural resources and economic strategies. What a shame! And it pretends to be a
human rights organisation?

Jugocer Ekopimolo MONTREAL, CANADA

This is a holocaust of over millions dead human beings. This should be
everybody’s concern because everybody fuels the crisis by purchasing newest
electronic devices creating a vicious circle. People need to know and be
responsible. Mining corporations must be held accountable for perpetrating the
most horrible ever holocaust of all times.

Jean Limbo Bakoto DUBLIN, IRELAND

Because my people suffer.

Victoria Dimandja LONDON, UNITED KINGDOM

The widespread impunity and lack of accountability for crimes perpetrated
on the Congolese people is appalling. Seeking peace, stability and justice in
the Congo is not only in the best interest of every nation in the region, but
also in line with the humanity values. Impunity must stop; all war criminals
involved in the Congo’s crisis must be brought to justice. There would never be
peace and development within the Great Lakes Region of Africa without
justice.

Arsene Rutiyombya KIGALI, RWANDA

People from the Great Lakes Region have the right to justice. The genocide
that has been committed against Hutus and Congolese must be recognized, the
perpetrators must be prosecuted.

Patrick Ndombasi LOS ANGELES, CA

Because I believe all humans have to be free and no one has the right to
take out somebody else’s life.

Fred Nguyen MAPLEWOOD, NJ

I want the Western powers out of Africa.

Yibeltal Belachew TAKOMA PARK, MD

Because injustice anywhere is injustice everywhere.

Medard Abenge Yega JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA

I think Susan Rice, the number one advocate of the current Rwandan Head of
State, and the American government have rewarded Paul Kagame with another
genocide after the one of 1994 masterminded by the same person. It does not make
any sense to me to kill more than 6 millions on the Congolese soil for no valid
reason. Signing this petition is for me a direct way of telling the US, UN, AU
and Joseph Kabila to stop being soft to Paul Kagame. The killings haven’t
stopped; many lives are still being lost to date. MONUSCO, the UN peacekeeping
mission in the Congo remain very blurred regardless the setting up of a Combat
Intervention Brigade. The European Union is very reluctant to take a decisive
step on the holocaust given that some of their member States draw dividend from
this human carnage. We want it to stop, and stop now!

Erry Marsden BELPER, UNITED KINGDOM

It’s time to stop Western powers taking advantage of the DR-Congo minerals
and the killing of innocent men women and children

GG Amos SAN FRANCISCO, CA

Because “The apparent well planned decimation of populations of the Great
Lakes by Rwandan, Burundian and Ugandan armed militias is pursued in conjunction
with the plundering of Congolese natural resources. The unrestrained
exploitation of minerals enables these countries to enrich themselves and their
governments stay in power, and at the same time serve the interests of
multinationals and those of some Western powerful countries.”

I couldn’t put it better myself.

This is genocide, a holocaust, a travesty to human progress, an
unquestionable crime by the rich against the poor, and ALL people of conscience
must, at the very least, be aware of it and speak out against it.

Nicolas-Patience Basabose JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA

I only have ONE place to call HOME and that is DR CONGO…

Kamilu Kaveva BUTEMBO, CONGO, THE DEMOCRATIC

For cultural value of the DR Congo People.

TO SIGN THE PETITION, PLEASE CLICK HERE, THEN
SHARE THIS INFORMATION WITH ALL YOUR FRIENDS.

@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@@

Why Blair and Buffett are wrong about giving
international aid to Rwanda

By criticising the UN expert report, the former British prime minister is
hampering the peace process in the eastern Congo

Rwandan President Paul Kagame steadfastly denied supporting the Congo
militias that have been wreaking havoc along the Rwanda-Congo border, but the
evidence was strong enough to convince even some of Kagame’s biggest supporters
that the western powers needed to send a message of disapproval.

That didn’t include Howard Buffett, Warren Buffett’s son, or Tony Blair.
Buffett and Blair argued against the move, contending that reducing aid to
Rwanda would just cause more harm than good to the unstable Great Lakes region
of central Africa.

“Cutting aid does nothing to address the underlying issues driving conflict
in the region, it only ensures that the Rwandan people will suffer — and risks
further destabilizing an already troubled region,” Blair and Buffett
wrote in a recent Foreign Policy article

This was followed by a report from the Howard G Buffett
Foundation echoing the same points. The report went further by
questioning the reliability of the UN experts – the group that originally
reported evidence that the Rwandan government was supporting rebels in the
eastern DRC.

It’s worth noting that the Buffett Foundation report was written by unknown
authors and using unnamed sources. It attacks the UN experts and then makes the
case that pointing fingers is counterproductive. Says the report; “Our
Foundation is not interested in apportioning blame for what we view is a
fundamental failure in the GoE process in 2012….”

“We will let the report – and the information on our website – speak for
itself,” replied the foundation’s chief of staff, Ann Kelly when asked about the
unnamed contributors.

Lake Partners Strategy Consultants and the Crumpton Group LLC are listed as
organisations that worked on the report, but they too were unwilling to talk
about the report or how they reached their conclusions.

So, I spoke to regional experts about the report both on and off the record
and a consensus emerged. The Buffett Foundation report is simply inaccurate,
they said. Despite its imperfections, the UN expert report provides sufficient
evidence to prove Rwanda’s connection to the armed rebels in the DRC. Since the
US and British governments have long been big supporters of Paul Kagame’s
Rwanda, it’s reasonable to conclude it would have taken convincing evidence to
prompt a suspension of foreign aid.

Many east Africa experts say Rwanda continues to destabilise the region and
sap resources for reform. The actions by the international community and the
ongoing UN peace talks and framework provide an opportunity to engage in
meaningful change for the DRC, many say. Ensuring its success means preventing
rebellion and holding all supporters accountable, these experts told me.

Meddling in the DRC

Accusations have been leveled at Rwanda in the past for its meddling in the
region. Former Rwandan ambassador to Washington, Theogene Rudasingwa, explained to Newsweek
in a January article how the Rwandan government extracted money out of the
DRC:

“After the first Congo war, money began coming in through military channels
and never entered the coffers of the Rwandan state,” says Rudasingwa, Kagame’s
former lieutenant. “It is RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front, Kagame’s party) money,
and Kagame is the only one who knows how much money it is—or how it is spent. In
meetings it was often said, ‘For Rwanda to be strong, Congo must be weak, and
the Congolese must be divided.’”

In 2012, the anonymous group of UN experts found evidence that the M23
rebels benefited from coordination with and support from the Rwandan military.
Further, the report cited that the level of support went all the way up to the
Rwandan defence minister. The UK reacted promptly by withholding £16 million in
aid promised to Rwanda. International development secretary Justine Greening announced the
suspension of £21m in planned budget support for Rwanda at the end of
November.

Military aid totaling $200,000 was withheld by the United
States when the information first emerged in July, but sanctions stopped there.
Human Rights groups joined members of Congress in December imploring the Obama
Administration to put pressure on
Rwanda. Germany held back €21 million in planned aid and the EU suspended €70 million
in planned budgetary support.

“This is not a matter of aid stopping because of advocacy efforts,
explained Aaron Hall, associate director of Research for the Enough Project.
“Aid stopped because there was credible information from state intelligence
reports that showed these connections are real and that Rwanda was in violation
of the UN Arms Embargo on Congo and implicated in destabilising a neighboring
state.”

A reliance on aid likely affords Rwanda the opportunity to spend money on
arming and supporting the M23 rebellion, said academic Laura Seay in a blog post responding
to Blair and Buffett’s FP article.

Blair and Buffett also ignore the fact that having so much aid support
frees up other resources for the Rwandan government to use in its military
adventures in the Congo. Were Rwanda not wasting money on supporting the M23,
Kigali would be able to fund many of the excellent development initiatives that
were previously funded with aid dollars.

Other nations reacted to the report by withholding or delaying portions of
aid to Rwanda. For a country that relies on foreign aid to account for over 40%
of its budget, the cuts were a significant action by the international
community. According to experts that I spoke with, the disruption in aid flows
to Rwanda are working to the extent that Rwanda is no longer supporting the M23
rebels and is participating in the regional peace framework.

The aid cuts are having a direct economic impact. The Rwandan finance
ministry revised its GDP growth expectation down from 7.8% to 6.3%, reported the Economist.

Too Much Finger Pointing?

The Buffett Foundation report makes it clear that it does not have interest
in assigning blame.

“Our Foundation is not interested in apportioning blame for what we view is
a fundamental failure in the GoE process in 2012; we will leave the
point-counterpoint on questions of fact to others,” says the only bold section
in the report’s introduction.

It calls for the cooperation between regional, state and international
actors in order to resolve the many problems that exist in the DRC. Kagame has
taken a similar tactic when asked about the issue of Rwanda’s involvement in the
M23 rebellion.

“The blame game doesn’t help anyone,” said Kagame to Christiane Amanpour
when she confronted him about
Rwanda’s involvement. “It’s not just an issue of M23 or one other problem. It’s
a number of problems that are together that we need to sort out.”

Former US assistant secretary of state for African affairs Jendayi Frazer
made the same case to Al
Jazeera saying, “I think the key issue here is to look forward and
see how to resolve this. The pointing of fingers has never helped to resolve the
crisis in the Great Lakes region.”

According to the Buffett Foundation report, the UN experts place too much
attention on the role of Rwanda and not enough on the systemic problems in the
region. Hall refuted this, saying that the mandate of the UN experts is to track
illegal arms trafficking and trade to rebel groups.

Jason Stearns, director of the Rift Valley Institute’s Usalama Project,
agreed with Hall, adding: “The (report) does place most weight on the M23, but I
think that is fair, given that this rebellion was the largest source of
instability in the region in 2012. But the GoE does spill a lot of ink
discussing criminal networks within the Congolese army, as well as support to
other armed groups.”

Stearns added that there are questions to be raised about the lack of
collaboration with the UN peacekeeping mission and the governments of Uganda and
Rwanda. However, the Buffett Foundation does nothing to carry out a “serious”
evaluation of the UN report. There is room for improvement in the report, he
says, but the broad conclusions are basically sound.

The Buffett report also points to the breakdown of the relationship between
the UN experts and the governments of Rwanda and Uganda. “It is not significant
who was first to withdraw cooperation,” it says. “The failure in process
undermines the credibility of the findings, limiting potential policy
prescriptions that could reduce violence in the Great Lakes region.”

Stearns refuted this, saying that the breakdown of the relationship may
have been tied to the fact that the experts uncovered information that Rwanda
and Uganda did not like. Journalist David Aronson took a stronger tone in
accusing Rwanda for the breakdown in its relationship with the group:

“[T]here’s zero doubt about who broke off the relationship between the GoE
and the Rwandan government. The Rwandans did,” wrote Aronson in his blog.

The Way Forward

The attempt to discredit the experts’ report and shift the conversation
away from Rwanda’s involvement in the DRC has worked to some extent. Donors are
responding by channeling aid through non-government actors. Greening announced
at the start of March that £16 million in UK aid money will make its way to humanitarian groups
working in Rwanda rather than the government. Germany also reversed course and
unblocked the $26 million it suspended in 2012.

Critics of the Buffett Foundation report agree that the causes of
instability in the DRC are multifaceted and require a host of solutions. “The
Congolese government has certainly played a very negative role in the conflict,
often arming armed groups and failing to crack down on criminal networks within
its own security forces,” explained Stearns.

That means that any lasting peace deal will require engagement from a
diverse sets of interests with the Congolese government. “It appears as if the
government in the first line is not interested in reforms. The non-existence of
any meaningful security sector reform approaches tells the tale,” said Christoph
Vogel, Mercator Fellow on international affairs.

“I have not witnessed any peace effort in DRC so far, that has tried to –
either by carrots or sticks – seriously embrace political elites that have been
engaging in incitement, funding, or protection of illegal and armed activity in
the DRC.”

Congolese experts argue that the continued rebellions make it difficult for
such reforms. “[I]gnoring Rwanda’s role in the Kivus as a source of conflict
will make the situation worse, not better. And continuing to fund a government
that spends its own resources on rebels who rape women and conscript child
soldiers is unconscionable for most taxpayers in donor states,” said Seay.

A UN led regional framework was signed in Addis Ababa by 11 African
countries, including the DRC, Rwanda and Uganda, in February. Despite the
challenges, there is a feeling of optimism in response to the UN framework. With
neighbouring countries participating and the global community engaged, it
appears that now is the time to take permanent steps towards peace.

“There is a unique opportunity given the engagement locally, regionally and
internationally to change the security situation in the DR Congo through the UN
framework,” says Hall.

th May2013, your school is preparing to
roll out a red carpet to President Kagame of Rwanda, one of the bloodiest
dictators and criminals in recent human history. By welcoming Mr Kagame, the
university of Oxford is jeopardizing its reputation and will be judged by
history as having been an accomplice in all the crimes that Mr Kagame has and
continues to commit not only on his own people in Rwanda but also on peoples in
the Great Lakes region of Africa.

We are British citizens of Rwandan and Congolese origin. We represent
different political and civil society organisations pre-occupied by the poverty
and political situation as well as bloody wars that Mr Kagame has imposed on
Rwandans and Congolese people for 20 years now. We all have parents, brothers,
sisters, friends and other relatives who are victims of Mr Kagame’s criminal and
warmongering agenda.

Prof Tufano, the list of crimes committed by Kagame is endless. We will
just cite here a few and we urge you to do your own research. We are sure you
will discover more of his dark personality not worthy to be associated with the
University of Oxford.

We Rwandans know Kagame as a man who started the 1994 genocide by shooting
down the plane of his predecessor while a peace agreement to end the war had
been signed. He knows the truth as we do and that is why he does not even deny
it himself

1. We also know him as a pagan butcher who
decapitated the Rwandan Catholic Church by killing 4 bishops and many priests.
We will not forget him for ordering the killing of more than 8,000 Rwandans in
Kibeho2 in May 1995, a place that came
to be known as the Srebrenica of Rwanda.

1

http://www.bbc.co.uk/newsa/n5ctrl/progs/06/hardtalk/kagame07dec.ram

2

Combat Medic: An Australian's Eyewitness Account of the Kibeho
Massacre

The war that Mr Kagame has imposed on DR Congo since 1996 has now claimed
the lives of

more
than 6 million of our brothers and sisters,
making of him the only person to rival Adolf Hitler in terms of numbers of
people killed. After describing more than 600 incidents where thousands and
thousands of women, children and the elderly were shot, killed by blows from
bayonets or hit by shrapnel, the 2010 UN mapping report
even talks about a possible
genocide that Mr Kagame and his thugs may have committed on Hutus (one of the two
main tribes in Rwanda) in Congo : "the apparent systematic
and widespread attacks described in this report reveal a number of inculpatory
elements that, could be characterized as crimes of
genocide"3. The report goes further and says "This report shows
that the vast majority of incidents listed, fall within the scope of widespread
or

In an exclusive interview with Chris McGreal in Kigali, Rwanda’s president
denies backing an accused Congolese war criminal and says challenge to senior US
official proves his innocence

A new M23 recruit demonstrates his martial arts skills in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo last week. Rwanda denies aiding them. Photograph: James
Akena/Reuters

Rwanda‘s president, Paul Kagame, has rejected
accusations from Washington that he was supporting a rebel leader and accused
war criminal in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by challenging a
senior US official to send a drone to kill the wanted man.

In an interview with the Observer
Magazine, Kagame said that on a visit to Washington in March he came
under pressure from the US assistant secretary of state for Africa, Johnnie Carson, to arrest Bosco Ntaganda,
leader of the M23 rebels, who was wanted by the international criminal court
(ICC). The US administration was increasing pressure on Kagame following a UN
report claiming to have uncovered evidence showing that the Rwandan military
provided weapons and other support to Ntaganda, whose forces briefly seized
control of the region’s main city, Goma.

“I told him: ‘Assistant secretary of state, you support [the UN
peacekeeping force] in the Congo. Such a big force, so much money. Have you
failed to use that force to arrest whoever you want to arrest in Congo? Now you
are turning to me, you are turning to Rwanda?’” he said. “I said that, since you
are used to sending drones and gunning people down, why don’t you send a drone
and get rid of him and stop this nonsense? And he just laughed. I told him: ‘I’m
serious’.”

Kagame said that, after he returned to Rwanda, Carson kept up the pressure
with a letter demanding that he act against Ntaganda. Days later, the M23 leader
appeared at the US embassy in Rwanda’s capital, Kigali, saying that he wanted to
surrender to the ICC.
He was transferred to The Hague. The Rwandan leadership denies any prior
knowledge of Ntaganda’s decision to hand himself over. It suggests he was facing
a rebellion within M23 and feared for his safety.

But Kagame’s confrontation with Carson reflects how much relationships with
even close allies have deteriorated over allegations that Rwanda continues to
play a part in the bloodletting in Congo. The US and Britain, Rwanda’s largest
bilateral aid donors, withheld financial assistance, as did the EU, prompting
accusations of betrayal by Rwandan officials. The political impact added impetus
to a government campaign to condition the population to become more
self-reliant.

Kagame is angered by the moves and criticisms of his human rights record in
Rwanda, including allegations that he blocks opponents by misusing laws banning
hate speech to accuse them of promoting genocide and suppresses press criticism.
The Rwandan president is also embittered that countries, led by the US and UK,
that blocked intervention to stop the 1994 genocide, and France which sided with
the Hutu extremist regime that led the killings, are now judging him on human
rights.

“We don’t live our lives or we don’t deal with our affairs more from the
dictates from outside than from the dictates of our own situation and
conditions,” Kagame said. “The outside viewpoint, sometimes you don’t know what
it is. It keeps changing. They tell you they want you to respect this or fight
this and you are doing it and they say you’re not doing it the right way. They
keep shifting goalposts and interpreting things about us or what we are doing to
suit the moment.”

He is agitated about what he sees as Rwanda being held responsible for all
the ills of Congo, when Kigali’s military intervention began in 1996 to clear
out Hutu extremists using UN-funded refugee camps for raids to murder Tutsis.
Kagame said that Rwanda was not responsible for the situation after decades of
western colonisation and backing for the Mobutu dictatorship.

The Rwandan leader denies supporting M23 and said he has been falsely
accused because Congo’s president, Joseph Kabila, needs someone to blame because
his army cannot fight. “To defeat these fellows doesn’t take bravery because
they don’t go to fight. They just hear bullets and are on the loose running
anywhere, looting, raping and doing anything. That’s what happened,” he
said.

“President Kabila and the government had made statements about how this
issue is going to be contained. They had to look for an explanation for how they
were being defeated. They said we are not fighting [Ntaganda], we’re actually
fighting Rwanda.”

Pressing the flesh: with Bill Clinton, who described Kagame as ‘one of the
greatest leaders of our time’. Photograph: Ed Ou/Getty Images

Paul Kagame is angrier than I’ve
ever seen him. Rwanda‘s president is famously direct with his critics.
His contempt for governments he’s crossed swords with, led by the French, is
only marginally less vitriolic than his view of human-rights groups daring to
lecture him, the rebel leader whose army put a stop to the 1994 genocide of
800,0000 Tutsis. But now even friends are regarded with suspicion to the point
of hostility. Take London and Washington accusing Rwanda of perpetuating the
interminable and bloody conflict across the border in Congo and flagging up
concerns that Kagame is constructing a de-facto one-party state.

They are hypocrites, blind to their own histories, says Rwanda’s president.
“Who are these gods who police others for their rights?” he says in an interview
with the Observer at the presidential office in Kigali. “One of the
things I live for is to challenge that. I grew up in a refugee camp. Thirty
years. This so-called human-rights world didn’t ask me what was happening for me
to be there 30 years.”

Nearly two decades after the leader of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)
emerged from the hills to overthrow the extremist Hutu regime trying to
exterminate the Tutsi population, Kagame is still a combative and divisive
figure. To some he is the Lincoln of Africa for rising above his country’s old divisions –
and his own suffering after narrowly escaping as a child across the border to
Uganda during an earlier bout of Tutsi killing – to preach forgiveness,
reconciliation and hard work as he forges a new Rwanda out of the ashes of
genocide.

The warrior: Paul Kagame with RPF troops in 1993, during
the civil war that preceded the genocide. Photograph: Joel Stettenheim/CorbisTo
others, Kagame has exploited his country’s tragic history, and the west’s guilt
over its inaction during the slaughter, to construct a new Tutsi-dominated
authoritarian regime using the legacy of genocide to suppress opposition and
cover up for the crimes of his own side. In doing so, critics warn, he is laying
the groundwork for another bout of bloodletting down the road.

For years, the heroic view of Kagame prevailed, not least in Britain and
the US which, between them, provided about half the money to fund the Rwandan
government’s budget. But, in recent months, there’s been a very public shift.
Once-unquestioning support from Washington, where Bill Clinton called Kagame
“one of the greatest leaders of our time”, has given way to cuts in military aid
and warnings from the US war crimes chief that Rwanda’s leadership could find
itself under investigation from the international criminal court over its
backing for rebels in eastern Congo.

Britain, too, has stepped back from support so unequivocal that Clare
Short, then Labour’s international development secretary, called Kagame “a
sweetie” and Tony Blair established a foundation to help the man he calls a
“visionary leader” to govern. Britain’s Conservative party has been no less
enthusiastic. It set up a social-action project in Rwanda to bring hundreds of
volunteers over recent years, including Tory MPs, to assist with construction of
schools and community centres. Now the relationship is cooler as Congo’s own
tragedy, and Rwanda’s part in it, can no longer be ignored.

A trail of imprisoned opponents, exiled former allies and assassinations
pinned on Kagame by critics has also eaten away at his claims to be an
enlightened, modernising leader who embraces new technology and is an
enthusiastic blogger and tweeter. Among those locked up was Kagame’s predecessor
as president, Pasteur Bizimungu, while former allies from the RPF’s days as a
rebel army have fled abroad. They include Kagame’s former chief aide, Theogene
Rudasingwa, who formed a new political party with other exiles including former
army chief of staff, General Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, who was wounded in an
apparent assassination attempt in South Africa.

Another former ally, ex-interior minister Seth Sendashonga, who posed a
serious political challenge after breaking with Kagame, was assassinated in
Kenya 15 years ago. Rwanda’s president has repeatedly denied any hand in the
murder and several other apparently politically motivated killings since. But as
a pattern of jailings, disappearances and deaths has developed there’s no
shortage of people ready to believe the worst.

Kagame increasingly takes a “with us or against us” view of even
sympathetic criticism. The sharpness of his reaction suggests he was caught
unawares by those he regarded as loyal friends deciding to keep a distance. He
denies this. “Nothing would catch me off guard because I understand the world I
live in. I understand it very well. And the world I live in is not necessarily a
fair or just world. I have dealt with these injustices for the bigger part of my
life,” he says.

On the run: in 1996, Kagame’s troops drove Hutu refugees
out of UN camps in Congo, and back to Rwanda. Photograph: Yunghi Kim/Contact
Press ImagesPart of what infuriates Kagame is what he sees as the age-old
duplicity of neo-colonial powers. On the one hand politicians in western
capitals are critical over democratic shortcomings in Rwanda. On the other,
their diplomatic missions in Kigali praise Kagame for his single-minded, some
say authoritarian, leadership in reconstructing his country and are wary of the
day he leaves power.

Certainly, Rwanda is a better place than
could have been imagined in the aftermath of the genocide. When Kagame’s RPF
rebels overthrew the Hutu extremist regime and seized power in 1994 they
inherited a country dotted with mass graves and stripped of people. A sizeable
proportion of the Hutu population fled across the borders to Zaire and Tanzania
driven by fear, and a defeated Hutu leadership determined that Kagame should
take over a “country without a people

Michelle Obama Photo at Whitehouse

About Me

As Project Director for Confederation Council Foundation for Africa inc.,I Aim to provide platform open doors for development towards the emerging entrepreneurship agenda among New American Migrants. We provide sustainable settlement towards self-sufficiency. The Foundation under my leadership intends to fulfil Immigration Settlement Program and the Millenium Development Goals Strategic Plan of Action. Our Mission is to Network for start-up business, job creation for talented and skilled individuals, Business Investments Locally and Abroad. We involve simple Economic and Educational Networking and empowerment - partnering with Federal Government, the Civic Societies, Faith Based and Non-Profit project under One-Stop-Service plan. The purpose is to encourage more Women and Youth who are the engine of CHANGE towards achieving sustainable policy enactment & Socio/Economic DEMANDs in order to curtail growing influx of African migration which will eventually reduce unwarranted relocation and suffering of many people.