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Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto had no possibility of rigging the 2013 Election

It is highly unlikely that the Kikuyu mafia will be able to manage an angry population which feel cheated out of its rightful leader

1. Since President Mwai Kibaki took power in a democratic election in 2002, and after stealing Raila’s Presidency in 2007, the Mount Kenya Kikuyu mafia cartel has presided over a litany of corruption scandals, some of which have been well documented. The Helicopter scandal, the Anglo Leasing scandal, the Tritton scandal, the Chatter Bank scandal, the Computer error scandal and a host of others are too fresh in the minds of Kenyans. The Kikuyu mafia fears that once Raila takes over, these scandals will be re-opened because although detailed investigations were done and Reports submitted, no one was ever brought to book.

2. The military Generals have been the most notorious in looting the Kenyan economy through the so called military contracts. In the name of “security concerns”, these contracts, worth billions of Kenyan shillings, have been closed to public scrutiny. The Generals have literally become billionaires through these contracts and the fear is that if Raila takes over power, it will mean an end to stealing of Tax payer’s money through secretive contracts which Kibaki has been tolerating. Raila must therefore be kept at bay even if it means rigging elections repeatedly and using the crudest methods available in the book.

3. Kenya is a country of land grabbers with the biggest land grabber being Uhuru Kenyatta’s family which owns land the size of Nyanza province, home to more than 6 million people. With out-going President Mwai Kibaki featuring prominently in the land-grabbing list, and with former Dictator Daniel arap Moi on the list of the top three land grabbers in Kenya, the Mount Kenya mafia fears that once Raila takes over power, the land that has ever been grabbed by thieves will be taken over to be owned by Kenyans. This fear is so strong that during a meeting at State House, Kibaki is reported to have given the NSIS all powers “to do anything” to ensure that Raila does not take over power. Apart from grabbed land being confiscated if Raila takes over, the Mafia fears prosecution especially in cases where land grabbing can be proven. For this reason, the Mafia is reported to have taken an oath in Gatundu to the effect that Raila will never become President of Kenya.

4. The National Security Intelligence Services (NSIS) is an institution which has been above the law since it was set up to replace the defunct Special Branch which was set up by Moi to terrorise Kenyans. Through various death squads like the Kwe Kwe Squad, the Flying Squad and other merchants of death, NSIS has been involved in the execution of thousands of Kenyans seen as opponents of the government. Although some of these executions came to public notice (like the Kangara and Oulu assassinations) hundreds of others remain shrouded in secrecy. The Fear is that once Raila takes power, the NSIS will be brought to account with its top bosses (past and present) being brought to face justice. Within the NSIS, the fear of Raila is reported to be so huge that the Mafia cartel currently in charge of the State machine, has vowed not to hand over power to Agwambo. Apart from their loss of jobs, the consequences of their past actions scare them to death because every time the possibility of Raila coming to power is mentioned, these thieves and murderers see themselves in prison, probably for life in case they escape the death penalty for killing innocent civilians.

5. Just like any Kenyan fool will tell you, members of the Kikuyu Mafia cartel have taken over every key State institution which matters in the wielding of power. Name it – the Chief of Intelligence (NSIS), the Chief of the Army, Chief of Police (Police Commissioner), Chief of the terror gang known as General Service Unit (GSU), the Attorney General, the Central Bank, the Ministry of Finance etc are all occupied by Kikuyus. The fear is that once Raila takes power, the Mafia cartel will lose these positions which, they fear, will be distributed to members of other communities. In short, the Kikuyu mafia fear the advent of real democracy if Raila comes to power. For this reason, election has to be rigged and Raila has to be kept away from State House as much as possible.

6. Obviously, both Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto had no possibility of rigging the 2013 elections. The Election was specifically rigged by the NSIS in collaboration with the Police Commissioner and the Chief of the Military in cahoots with other conspirators. The agenda was to maintain the status quo once Kibaki quits and the strategy was to rig through the electronic system. This strategy failed, forcing the riggers to turn to the manual system. The fear now is that if Raila takes over, the riggers will all be in trouble because IEBC will have to be answerable. Issack Hassan, Chairman of IEBC, is currently protected by the Mafia but once Raila takes over, the fear is that Hassan will begin to talk (yap) like a radio with new batteries. The whole plot will come in the open and the criminals fear that they will be brought to face the law. For this reason, the Mafia has sworn that they will never allow Raila to take power in Kenya, even in the face of blood-shed.

7. Much of the stolen tax payer’s money is in Kenya because the thieves understood long time that Wazungu might detain their loot if they transport them abroad. The looting of the economy has been such that money stolen from the Central Bank and other institutions are stored in go-downs across the country. The looters have been unable to bank the money abroad for fear of it being discovered and confiscated while they have also been afraid of banking the loot in Kenyan banks for fear that in case of a regime change, they could lose big time. This left them with go-downs as the only option and the amount runs into billions. In one of its Reports, the Mars Group led by Mwalimu Mati says that between 2009 and 2010 (when Uhuru was finance Minister), the amount of money that could not be accounted for stood at Ksh 715 billion. This is why Uhuru has been able to buy anybody who can help further the Kikuyu mafia agenda. If Raila takes over, the fear is that all the looting and storage of the loot in go-downs will come out in the open. For this reason, Raila must not seize power.

8. The Kikuyu mafia knows that if they lose power this time around, it might take decades before power comes back on the hands of the Kikuyu ruling class. The reason is that the Kikuyu and their Kalenjin collaborators combined have no numbers to win an election against the 40 ethnic groups in Kenya. The Mafia understands too well that they can only retain power through rigging. Since they control the State machine, rigging elections has now been possible in two consecutive elections. In order to maintain Kikuyu hold on power, elections must be rigged then the rest can be taken care of. This is the Kikuyu mafia philosophy. The Mafia cartel view Raila as the only politician in Kenya today who can open the door of power to other communities. If this happens, the Kikuyu mafia understands that it will be impossible for another Kikuyu to come to power in the next 100 years (or more) unless ideological politics (as opposed to ethnic politics) is introduced in Kenya. For this reason, Raila must be kept out of power by all means necessary.

9. Both Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto are currently facing charges at the ICC and for them, seizing power by any means is a way of political survival. The fear that haunts both Uhuru and Ruto is that in case Raila takes over power, they will easily be handed over to the ICC to face trial with the possibility that they will be found guilty and locked in The Hague jails for life. This is the ultimate nightmare scenario for both Uhuru and Ruto. For the two suspects, there is nothing they will fail to do as long as they can seize power because not doing so will be tantamount to political suicide. This is why even though all indications are that elections were stolen, the two have not come forward to call for a re-run since they know that they will lose to Raila in any repeat election. The strong understanding that Uhuru is no match to Raila is what motivated NSIS to rig elections to facilitate an Uhuru win in round one after Mutahi Ngunyi, the self-styled commentator, was roped in to prepare the way through his “Tyrany of Numbers” gimmick which fell flat on its face.

10. The final reason why Mount Kenya Mafia is opposed to a Raila Presidency is because he is popular among the people of Kenya. The problem with Raila’s popularity is that millions of Kenyans are likely to give him support in any move to dismantle the old and rotten Kikuyu power structure in Kenya. It is easy to deal with a leader who is not liked by the people but when it comes to a leader whom majority of citizens view as their true leader, the situation becomes complicated. For this reason, the Kikuyu Mafia are in panic mode.

The army has failed severally to keep rejects in power
Despite their opposition to Raila Odinga because of narrow selfish interests and the need to maintain the status quo, it is highly unlikely that the Kikuyu mafia will be able to manage an angry population which feel cheated out of its rightful leader. This Mafia does not understand what awaits them in case they try to force Uhuru on Kenyans. They believe that since they have the police, the army, the military and the Intelligence, they will be able to manage the situation.

Their short-sightedness rests on their inability to understand the well-tested fact that the security apparatus on the hands of a tiny thieving elite might not be able to deal with a nation-wide civil disobedience, mass uprising or a mass insurrection because these are the possible methods of struggle likely to be adopted by the masses of the Kenyan people if they are convinced that the Kikuyu ruling class is playing games to keep Raila out of power.

Usually, the army (which is deemed to be the strongest unit of the security machine) can deal with an isolated riotous situation in a town or city. When the problem is country-wide, it is usually just a matter of time before the masses take over their country. That is in case the United Nations does not vote for a direct military intervention in case the army begins to kill civilians.

Hosni Mubarak had a whole army on his side for years but he had to quit because of mass pressure. His best friend for decades, the Americans, abandoned him and sided with the people, telling him to quit. Saddam Hussein had his trusted Republican Guards who never fired a shot as Saddam was being overthrown. The Yugoslav army could not stop the splitting of the country while in the former USSR, the biggest army in the world could not stop the masses from getting their way when the time came. The late Hugo Chavez was overthrown by a CIA-led military coup but the people re-instated him to power after overriding the army. How does the Kikuyu Mafia expect to get their way if the people of Kenya want Raila Odinga to take over the Presidency?

As days go by, the situation in Kenya will remain complicated. If the Kenyan Intelligence does not think hard for the Mount Kenya Mafia, the whole gang might end up joining both Uhuru and Ruto at the ICC in the coming future. This is because it is very unlikely that millions of Kenyans will accept a President forced on them unless the Mafia is ready to kill all Kenyans who are not Kikuyus and Kalenjins using security forces. These are hard times for Kenya but unfortunately, it is now or never. The country is no longer on the precipice but on the edge of a deep abyss.

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Every week this year, one plank after another in the cases against President-elect Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President-elect William Ruto at the International Criminal Court has collapsed.

If it is not the trial date changing, it is the prosecutor acknowledging she does not have a case and witnesses balking.

One case – against former head of the public service Francis Muthaura — just sagged and dropped off the table.

Despite the wickedness of the devil – also known as the accuser and the slanderer – the Lord’s will has begun to prevail over the matter of the post-election violence.

For four years, the master of deceit sponsored coaching of witnesses and paid for them to fly around the world to lie about innocent people in exchange for the comforts of exile and the secret thrill of wondering if their neighbours knew what they were up to.

The targets of these accusations did not react with anger and vengeance, but instead went down on their knees and cried out to the heavens.
Now, their prayers are being answered.

Seeing Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto uplifted as the elected leaders of Kenya has forced many of their erstwhile fake accusers disown their fabricated tales about meetings that never happened, payments that were hardly made, orders that were never issued and deaths that never occurred.

Their accusers know in their hearts of hearts that President-elect cannot rape anybody.

They know Deputy President-elect would never raise a machete to anyone’s neck or set match to tinder. Still, they succumbed to the wiles of the evil one and lied.

Having seen the divine hand upon the servants of the people long before they formally take office, many so-called witnesses have taken their own lives in the fashion of their patron saint, Judas Iscariot, the master of treachery and have their families report it as murder.

Others, in a natural act of penance, have become tongue-tied at the prospect of repeating crass falsehoods in a case that accuses the President-elect of murder, rape, torture and forced displacements. The lies have dried in the throats of those who honed their tongues to accuse deputy president-elect of murder, cruelty and many other acts.

Bathed in the shame of seeing those that they had falsely accused uplifted, many witnesses are losing their minds.

They have started losing their memories as well, and can no longer remember a thing about what happened in 2007 or 2008.

They cannot recall deaths in their families or houses ablaze or crowds fleeing. In fact, they cannot remember how they ended up in IDP camp or on lists of the raped. It is all like a nightmare that dissipates at waking.

Claims about killing, bribery or intimidation of witnesses is fig leaf the ICC Chief Prosecutor has invented to hide behind in order to cover up the evil the international community conjured up to frustrate Kenya’s journey to greatness.

Once the new government is in place, the Chief Prosecutor should cease making excuses about cooperation.

She and her investigators should come and pitch camp in Kenya to interview all the security agents as well as anybody else she needs to. She must gather real evidence instead of relying on bar gossip that nearly ruined the careers of Kenya’s peace makers who have delivered an election without violence.

None of this would have been possible without the peace and prayer rallies Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto launched soon after their charges were confirmed in January 2012. Prayer changes stuff.

Mr Malcom thanks very much ,hence thinking with your butt! i have never heard an idiot ,silly person with such a gibbon thinking mind when in mating mood!When African baboons jump from tree-tops to tree-tops looking for ripe fruits and finds note they ted to reason just like you .Your above reasoning fit Patients admitted in Mathare Mental Institute!

This thing is happening in Syria! But very soon it is comming to Kenya soon NSIS Vs CIA/MI6 and we see who’s who?Democratic agents are welcome !Gema service is no longer required! smaller Larger facebooktwitterlinked ininShare.10EmailPrintSave ↓ More .
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By ADAM ENTOUS, SIOBHAN GORMAN and NOUR MALAS
The Central Intelligence Agency is expanding its role in the campaign against the Syrian regime by feeding intelligence to select rebel fighters to use against government forces, current and former U.S. officials said.

The move is part of a U.S. effort to stem the rise of Islamist extremists in Syria by aiding secular forces, U.S. officials said, amid fears that the fall of President Bashar al-Assad would enable al Qaeda to flourish in Syria.

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Demonstrators chant and wave opposition flags during a protest of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad Friday.
.The expanded CIA role bolsters an effort by Western intelligence agencies to support the Syrian opposition with training in areas including weapons use, urban combat and countering spying by the regime.

The move comes as the al Nusra Front, the main al Qaeda-linked group operating in Syria, is deepening its ties to the terrorist organization’s central leadership in Pakistan, according to U.S. counterterrorism officials.

The provision of actionable intelligence to small rebel units which have been vetted by the CIA represents an increase in U.S. involvement in the two-year-old conflict, the officials said. The CIA would neither confirm nor deny any role in providing training or intelligence to the Syrian rebels.

The new aid to rebels doesn’t change the U.S. decision to not take direct military action. President Barack Obama last year rejected a CIA-backed proposal to provide arms to secular units fighting Mr. Assad, and on Friday he reiterated his argument that doing so could worsen the bloodshed.

He also warned that Mr. Assad’s fall could empower extremists. “I am very concerned about Syria becoming an enclave for extremism because extremists thrive in chaos, they thrive in failed states, they thrive in power vacuums,” Mr. Obama said at a news conference in Amman, Jordan.

The new CIA effort reflects a change in the administration’s approach that aims to strengthen secular rebel fighters in hope of influencing which groups dominate in post-Assad Syria, U.S., European and Arab officials said.

The CIA has sent officers to Turkey to help vet rebels that receive arms shipments from Gulf allies, but administration officials say the results have been mixed, citing concerns about weapons going to Islamists. In Iraq, the CIA has been directed by the White House to work with elite counterterrorism units to help the Iraqis counter the flow of al Qaeda-linked fighters across the border with Syria.

The West favors fighters aligned with the Free Syrian Army, which supports the Syrian Opposition Coalition political group.

Syrian opposition commanders said the CIA has been working with British, French and Jordanian intelligence services to train rebels on the use of various kinds of weapons. A senior Western official said the intelligence agencies are providing the rebels with urban combat training as well as teaching them how to properly use antitank weapons against Syrian bunkers.

The agencies are also teaching counterintelligence tactics to help prevent pro-Assad agents from infiltrating the opposition, the official said.

Among other U.S. activities on the margins of the conflict, the Pentagon is helping train Jordanian forces to counter the threat posed by Syria’s chemical weapons, but isn’t working directly with rebels, defense officials say.

The extent of the CIA effort to provide intelligence to Syrian rebels remains cloaked in secrecy. The U.S. has an array of intelligence capabilities in the region, mainly on the periphery of the conflict.

The U.S. uses satellites and other surveillance systems to collect intelligence on Syrian troop and aircraft movements as well as weapons depots. Officials say powerful radar arrays in Turkey are likewise used to track Syrian ballistic missiles and can pinpoint launch sites.

The U.S. also relies on Israeli and Jordanian spy agencies, which have extensive spy networks inside Syria, U.S. and European officials said.

The current level of intelligence sharing is limited in scope because the CIA doesn’t know whether it can fully trust fighters with the most sensitive types of information, several U.S. and European officials said. The CIA, for example, isn’t sharing information on where U.S. and Israeli intelligence agencies believe the Syrian government keeps its chemical weapons, officials said.

Rebel leaders and some U.S. lawmakers say more robust U.S. support is needed to turn the tide in the civil war. These officials say the CIA’s current role comes as too little, too late to make a decisive difference in the war.

In a letter to Mr. Obama this week, Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman Carl Levin, a Michigan Democrat, joined Republican Sen. John McCain of Arizona in calling for the president to take “more active steps to stop the killing in Syria and force Bashar al-Assad to give up power.”

WE ARE TIRED OF THIS POLITICAL GYMNASTICS EVER SINCE INDEPENDENCE,LOOK AT THAT STRUCTURE UP THERE!WHAT NEXT?WHO WANTS THAT KIND OF DEMOCRACY,MY DEAR BROTHERS AND SISTERS NEVER MISTAKE DELAY FOR DENIAL WILL SOON BE LIBERATED,

Na Hii Kamwizi Ya Mifugo Vipi? Kimaiyo is living in dark ages !Police has their democratic Rights like any other Kenyan Citizen!Police muat be paid their allowances and be insured be provided with decent housing and high wages!

ICC should not succumb to war criminals !Crime never PaysPresident Al Bashir of Sudan in Nairobi for the promulgation of the new constitution

But first some shocking inside information. President Al Bashir left Kenya very hurriedly after the ceremony at Uhuru Park and although he came in through Wilson Airport, he left via the Moi Air base using the presidential jet. His own jet was left idling on the runaway at Wilson airport where unconfirmed reports indicate that a trap to attempt to arrest him had been set. It is not clear who may have been behind this gallant move to arrest Bashir but there are claims that the Americans were heavily involved (unofficially because they never signed the Rome statute). But this raises more questions than answers including the big one. Would it be possible to “unofficially” arrest a visiting head of state who has been invited by the host nation?

Anyway nagging questions aside, all this happened after the military were instructed to cut down dramatically on their rehearsed parade so that the function would be speeded up and completed much earlier. It is believed the main reason was to ensure Al Bashir’s safe exit out of Kenya. Some insiders go as far as saying that Kibaki was advised by NSIS chief Michael Gichangi that there were plans under way to attempt to arrest Al Bashir. The panic from this news is what is said to have caused the military parade and the ceremony to be cut short. Bashir was then smuggled out of Uhuru Park to State House and on to Moi Air Base Eastleigh for a quick flight back to Khartoum. He skipping the state luncheon and abandoned his own plane at Wilson Airport.

Not forgetting that Wilson airport was shut down for the first time in the history of the country solely for the use of President Al Bashir.

Skeptics who dispel the whole story about the behind the scenes drama over the basher story are hard pressed to explain why he entered and exited the country at different points.

Now the big question here is why would somebody take all this trouble caused by the invitation of a single guest to Nairobi? What would make all this trouble worth it? What was the main political objective?

There is mounting evidence that the Bashir visit was aimed at discrediting the ICC and its’ efforts to get to the bottom of the 2007 post-election violence that left so many Kenyans maimed raped and dead. Some of the chief perpetuators of the crimes against humanity committed mainly in January 2008 after the stolen election of late December are senior people in government who are very close to the president and he is keen that they are let off the hook. Hence all the Bashir acrobatics to score pints against the ICC and create an impression of how toothless they are. It is interesting to note that ICC special prosecutor Luis Moreno Ocampo revealed during one of his visits into the country that the ICC’s intervention had blocked Bashir from a planned visit to Uganda at the request of President Yoweri Museveni. Bashir’s toothy constant grin to the cameras in Nairobi was no doubt mainly for the benefit of the ICC. Bashir was telling them, “catch me if you can.”

More interestingly most political analysts agree that the plan worked and that indeed a lot of thunder has been stolen from the tempo created by ICC more so recently when they fully set up shop in the country to prepare for the impending prosecutions. These analysts insist that this master political stroke by Kibaki will be difficult to reverse and will have an impact on the planned prosecutions in Kenya. For instance the whole issue has attracted attention and given more credence to the cowardly ruling by the African Union to ask the ICC to withdraw the arrest warrant against Al Bashir.

The Govt of GEMA -Kikuyu ruling-class has decided the nnext President to succeed kibaki is UHURU Kenyatta ! Retreat to the old script
« Thread Started Today at 1:35am »

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Much respect to Macharia Gaitho for his analytical journalism. Writing a column in ‘Daily Nation’ – which appears to have had an editorial policy of securing the UHURUTO boat by safeguarding the ephemeral post-election peace – and yet maintaining such objectivity is no mean feat.
Gaitho raises very pertinent questions which can provide a sneak peek into UHURUTO’s administration. Forgive my rather blunt conclusions which are informed by UHURUTO’s failure to clarify their position or even rebut the issues therein. I will happily apply my ‘Tippex’ should it turn out that these assertions are not merited.
In his article, Gaitho questions the urgency for the National Security Advisory Council (NSAC) meeting hurriedly convened late in the night. Was there an imminent threat to national security? The answer is no because as it later turned out, the main agenda was RAILONZO’s thanks giving rallies. Ironically, Raila had conceded earlier upon receiving counsel from his lawyers and cancelled the rallies. So why then couldn’t they hold their horses?
The statement released by the government spokesman says it all. The ban was directed at Raila and not Uhuru and then the denigration of CORD’s supporters as “idle, noisy mobs congregating outside Supreme Court of Kenya” and that “attempts to disrupt, discredit or intimidate the Courts, IEBC or other institutions of the State will not be tolerated.” This is a desperate attempt to force in a narrative that was successfully used against certain people who refused to play ball during Kenyatta’s and Moi’s administrations. I.e. if you are not with us then you lose your intrinsic value as a Kenyan and you are then labelled a loud mouth idler. The mantra of ‘let’s get to work’ is clearly meant to paint CORDERS whose eyes are presently tuned to the highest court of the land in a desperate hope for justice as idlers who are not ready to build the nation. To this end, it appears we are retreating to the old scrip
ts.
Gaitho also points out to a concerted effort by ‘media savvy’ Jubillee handles to taint the person of the Chief Justice and to force him to step down from the forthcoming petition. They claim that the CJ is too close to Raila and the civil society for comfort. This reeks of the gung-ho sycophancy that stifled independent and progressive thinking during the one party rule era. Progressiveness was synonymous with rebellion. So when Jubilee sympathisers gang up against some justices who are perceived to be unfriendly to UHURUTO , then it is a retreat to the old script.
Finally, there is the conspiracy to muzzle freedom of expression. Were it not for the complexities of the social media, this would have been achieved successfully. First, one would wonder why the mainstream media is not living up to its ideal of holding authorities to account. Nobody appears interested anymore in asking the hard questions for the fear of rocking the delicate peace. The government through its many agencies have issued declarations that infringe on people’s right to association and freedom of speech, yet the media is worryingly quiet and so are the men and women of collar. I have not heard any rebuttal of these emerging and worrisome trends from UHURUTO and it only suggests it is the same old script. But, I sincerely hope not.

A driver allegedly made “Swedes” and “foreign-looking” people travel on separate buses between Stockholm and the Eckerölinjen ferry terminal in Grisslehamn.

The divisions reportedly happened on several occasions on Wednesday and Thursday at Stockholm’s City terminal (Cityterminalen), reported newspaper Dagens Nyheter (DN) on Saturday.

The bus passengers were travelling to catch the ferry to the Finnish archipelago island of Åland.

“It was a very unpleasant experience…It felt like we were on our way to Arlanda Airport to be deported from Sweden,” one of the passengers, Samer Chatila, told DN.

Chatila, who was born in Sweden, is currently studying mechanical engineering on Åland. He was travelling there with his brother Ahmad and a friend when the three noticed that the bus driver appeared to be dividing passengers based on their looks.

The driver stood between the exit and the bus and pointed the three to one of the buses, following them to make sure they got on board.

At first they thought the driver was being friendly, but they soon began to suspect that something else was going on.

They noticed that all “Swedish-looking” passengers were being directed to a different bus, while everyone who boarded their bus was foreign-looking or dark-skinned.

“We felt insulted, offended and discriminated against,” said Chatila.

“I never thought this could happen in our Sweden.”

When they challenged the driver, they were told that if they did not like the system they could get off the bus.

The driver claimed that the bus that the three friends were on was a direct route for passengers who had booked their trip in advance, while the other bus would make several stops to pick up more passengers.

But the driver did not check their tickets, Samer and Ahmad had not pre-booked, and both buses stopped to pick up passengers.

The Stockholm-Grisslehamn bus route is operated by People Travel Group on behalf of Eckerölinjen.

The company received several complaints and on Thursday evening, the director, Tomas Karlsson, learned of the alleged incidents.

“I immediately contacted the head of operations at People Travel Group who took the driver off the route,” Karlsson said.

“It seems like this was a single driver’s decision and it only happened twice, but that is bad enough.”

In response, the company is introducing new training for staff starting on Monday, when the driver is expected to appear in front of the company board to explain his actions.

Once again I state if u feel that Raila’s presidency was robbed come back to kenya and vote else sit back, shut up and let us handle our issues. We have things to do so stay in Stockholm sweden and work ur butt out to pay ur bills and let us build a country for u to visit someday

Kenya: When They Were Kings – How Kiambu’s Power Men Ruled
By Emman Omari, 15 June 2011

Nairobi — When Kenya gained its independence with Jomo Kenyatta as its first leader, he assembled a group of Kiambu men, mostly relatives, who ruled the country with an iron fist.

With the President, the Attorney General, the Foreign minister, Defence minister, a minister of State, and the Commissioner of Police all from Kiambu, the levers of power were held securely in that area.

Gatundu, Kenyatta’s home village, became the power base where delegations from all over the country went to pledge their loyalty and donate to Mzee’s favourite charity courses — a local self-help hospital and Mama Ngina Children’s Home in Nairobi’s South C.

Mr James Gichuru used to sum up Kiambu thus:

“It is not by accident that Kiambu was made the seat of power, it is not that they like it, it is because the god of the Kikuyu decided that Kiambu would be the head, Murang’a the stomach and Nyeri the legs.”

Mr Gichuru, from Limuru, was Kenya’s first Defence minister and among a cabal of power barons who became known as the Kiambu Mafia.

In Africa, Kenyatta played in Africa’s premier league of those who fought for freedom. They included Egypt’s Abdel Nasser, Ethiopia’s Emperor Haille Selassie, Ghana’s Kwameh Nkrumah and Tanzania’s Mwalimu Julius Nyerere.

Together, they formed a de facto collegiate presidency that founded the Organisation of African Union, precursor of the African Union.

But it was in his Kiambu home that Kenya felt his real power.

“It (Kiambu) held these twin roles then but that has now disappeared and has been transformed into an economic power,” commented Mr Paul Muite, the leader of Safina and former Kikuyu MP.

“We in Kiambu need to live up to this reality and take our new role as the country’s economic hub,” he added.

Starting with an 18-member Cabinet, five were from Kiambu – Kenyatta, Gichuru, Mbiyu Koinange, Njoroge Mungai and Charles Njonjo.

Mr Njonjo was perhaps Kenya’s most powerful AG ever. Dr Mungai as Foreign minister appeared eager to exceed his powers.

At one time, President Kenyatta had to reprimand him for announcing to the media that he was the leader of the Kenyan delegation to a Commonwealth meeting which was actually led by the then Vice-President Daniel arap Moi.

Then, there were Bernard Hinga, the Commissioner of Police, Dr Josephat Karanja, first sent to the Court of St James, London as High Commissioner then Vice-Chancellor at University of Nairobi.

In London he was replaced by Ng’ethe Njoroge, a brother of Dr Mungai. Even the head of the elite presidential guard, Mr Bernard Njinu, came from Gatundu.

The Koinange family got it all… a minister, a Provincial Commissioner (Charles Karuga Koinange) and the headship of Kenyatta University College, Joseph Koinange.

Mr Stanley Munga Githunguri, the MP for Kiambaa, was made chief executive of the state owned National Bank of Kenya.

Today, Kiambu is no more a political power base, but an economic hub. Attempts by Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta, Mzee Kenyatta’s son, to return power to Kiambu have remained elusive.

A shot at the Presidency in the 2002 General Election failed and his current efforts remain clouded as long as the case at the International Criminal Court at the Hague relating to post-election violence remains unresolved.

Murungaru: I made all my money honestly
By David Makali and Murithi Mutiga

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For raw power and sheer influence, the gangly minister for National Security, Dr Chris Ndarathi Murungaru, is peerless in the Narc administration.

The minister is seen as President Kibaki’s foremost ally and principal political Mr-Fix-It. And as the man in titular charge of the nation’s security forces at Cabinet level, Murungaru’s is easily the most powerful docket in government outside the presidency.

Increasingly, though, government critics finger the 48-year-old minister as a metaphor for an emergent class of fabulously wealthy, unabashedly powerful and allegedly corrupt members of the Narc administration.

But where is the evidence?

In a wide-ranging interview conducted on the back of a three-week investigation by the Sunday Standard into allegedly corrupt deals involving the minister last Thursday, Dr Murungaru flatly denied all accusations levelled against him by his critics.

“There are many who would like to paint members of the Narc administration as corrupt for their own purposes,” he says. “People say that I have bought a Sh40 million house in Lavington and that I drive around in an armoured Range Rover. The truth is that I live in a rented house and the vehicles I drive belong to the state,” he said.

The minister defended the secretive procurement procedures for security equipment, which is shielded from the rigours of public scrutiny on the pretext that opening it up would jeopardise national security.

He further categorically denied claims by opposition legislators that the procurements had been turned into a cash-cow by corrupt government officials.

Additionally, Dr Murungaru rejected as “rumours and crap” charges that he was at the head of a monopolistic cartel seeking to unfairly take over the Sh10 billion-a-year pharmaceutical industry.

And on claims that a select circle of insurance companies associated with the minister had used bully tactics to take over the lucrative business of insuring government parastatals, Dr Murungaru had this to say:

“In the past, I think there were a select few insurance underwriters and brokers who used to enjoy almost exclusive government business. With the coming of the new government, that has been opened up and there are many businesses that are capable and worthy of doing business with government.

“And because they have had to struggle so much to be able to access business, they honed their business skills so well that they are out-competing those who existed. I am aware that there are some insurance brokers who have been complaining that they are not getting business where they were getting business. I can only advise them, really, do business. Get down and roll up your sleeves like everybody else.”

While the minister successfully rebutted some of the accusations leveled against him, investigations by the Sunday Standard reveal that, on the question of exerting the influence of his office to trammel on the competition in the insurance industry and a number of other issues, he is rebuked by the facts.

Facts

The dramatic reversal in fortunes of the Nairobi firm Canopy Insurance is a case in point. On the minister’s own admission, Canopy was set up in May 1992 with himself as one of the key shareholders.

Documents we obtained reveal the minister’s partners as Wanjuki Muchemi (now Solicitor-General) and Nyeri businessman William Mahungu Kang’aru, who all had an equal stake in the company.

Immediately after Narc’s assumption of power, Canopy began its transformation from what was a relatively small insurance firm servicing largely the personal and small business sector to a veritable juggernaut that today counts several key government parastatals among its clientele.

Current Canopy Insurance clients include some of the most capitalised or liquid government parastatals: National Social Security Fund, KenGen, Kenya Power and Lighting Company, and Telkom Kenya.

In last year’s controversy-ridden tenders for annual contracting of insurance firms for government agencies, several firms connected to powerful government officials elbowed out more established underwriters and brokerages sparking outrage in the industry. Insurance sources speaking in confidence were emphatic that underhand connections explain the prosperity of some firms and the dwindling fortunes of others. “There is no doubt about it,” claims shadow finance minister Billow Kerrow. “The tendering process was trampled upon by powerful forces who went as far as rejecting the objections of the public procurement complaints and appeals board to have their way and corruptly monopolise this very lucrative sector.”

Dr Murungaru denies these claims. “I would like to state categorically that if this business (Canopy) has got a disproportionate share of business, it has absolutely nothing to do with the minister,” he told the Sunday Standard.

“I do not involve myself in acquiring business for this company. I have not lifted a telephone to tell somebody, ‘Give business to Canopy Insurance’.”

However, a letter we obtained dated May 10, 2003, seeking a loan facility with a local bank and jointly signed by Canopy Insurance’ chairman, Mr M.N. Githaiga, and its managing director, Mr Muchemi Ndung’u, reads:

“We refer to your discussions with Hon C. Murungaru and attach herewith the following: A photocopy of the memo and articles of association and the certificate of incorporation; photocopies of the Identity Cards of M.N Githaiga and Muchemi Ndung’u. The photocopy of the Identity Card of James Murigu follows in due course.”

Another letter to a local bank dated April 28, 2003, seeking another loan also states:

“Hitherto Canopy has largely serviced the personal and small/medium business sector. Gross income for year 2002 was approximately Sh70 million. With the changed political climate and anticipated economic growth, Canopy wishes, and is well placed, to service the corporate sector — principally government parastatals and statutory boards.”

Attached to the letter is an impressive list of virtually all key government parastatals and public institutions, including the Kenya Revenue Authority, (whose tender Canopy has already clinched), Kenya Airports Authority, Kenya Railways Corporation and NSSF.

It is instructive that although the minister said he had asked the firm not to seek business from the Office of the President which he heads to “avoid conflict of interest”, the annexure also lists the Department of Defence/Police aircrafts as agencies which Canopy targets to deal with.

Manipulation

Players in the insurance industry are now complaining that the next round of annual insurance tendering has effectively been rigged by a memo dated January 23, 2004, and signed by former Finance PS Joseph Magari, ordering all parastatals to “demand professional valuation for the purpose of determining insurable risk” from competing insurance firms.

Magari’s communiquÈ states: “Meanwhile all procurement entities should request their tender committees to approve the extension of the existing insurance contract agreements by reasonable time to enable the valuation exercise to be completed before new contracts are arranged.”

But some industry observers smell a rat.

“Valuation is not a cheap exercise,” says one informed source. “For state corporations with assets running into hundreds of millions of shillings, valuation of their assets would cost about Sh50 million each. How do they expect insurance companies to raise this unbudgeted expense before submitting tenders?”

They argue that the order is a barefaced attempt to extend all the contracts awarded last year to firms linked to powerful politicians without being required to compete again.

Questions abound, too, over the opaque process of purchasing equipment for the Police and Armed Forces.

Opposition legislators have in the past few weeks raised numerous queries about what they say are shady deals where government officials enter into multi-billion deals with the sole intent of pocketing kickbacks through agents.

But the National Security minister rejected questions raised about his own probity, saying his accusers were motivated by malice.

“Let me state plainly that in the past year, there have been virtually no purchases by the Department of Defence because we simply do not have the resources to finance them,” he said. ” We are only hoping to do so when we get funds. Our wish list is long.”

And that wish list includes fairly controversial purchases, which legislators are demanding be vetted by the House Defence Committee.

In the case of the Sh900 million-worth of vehicles purchased from various companies, questions have been raised about the low discount (4.5%) given to the government for such a high number of vehicles (387) ordered. Industry sources argue that such an order should have attracted a discount of over 10% and finger the deal as one in which kickbacks were exchanged. A source in one of the companies supplying the cars declined to confirm or deny the deal citing “security” confidentiality of the transaction but other sources said incentives had been offered.

The minister said part of the consignment of 407 vehicles has been delivered, 23 of which account for the 4 per cent discount. He denied receiving kickbacks on the purchase of handcuffs, a new forensic fingerprinting system for the Criminal Investigations Department and patrol boats for the police.

Handcuffs

He said the allegation by MPs that close to a million handcuffs had been shipped in from South Africa was “fallacious”, pointing out that only 1,200 pieces had been procured by the police force after examining “at least 10 quotations”.

He confirmed that the patrol boats, to be bought with American anti-terrorism funds, would involve the donor in the tendering process. But security sources questioned the need for patrol boats when Kenya’s waters are patrolled by the Navy.

But, Dr Murungaru says, the navy does not carry out police duties of patrolling the sealines.

Murungaru also denied that the cost of the CID’s forensic project had soared in recent months to the profit a company in India and local agents who are associated with the passport scandal.

But information availed to the Sunday Standard shows that the government is at an advanced stage in ordering the forensic equipment from an Indian firm, CMC Hydrebad, at an inflated cost.

What’s more the Sunday Standard has learnt that the controversial proposal to purchase eight jets at Sh12.3 billion for the military from a Czech company, Aero Vodochody is still on. The plan masterminded by the previous regime had been opposed by sections of the Kenya Air Force after it leaked out to the press early last year.

Although the plan to purchase the L159B trainer jets had been declared “dead and buried” after air force pilots reportedly rejected the plane as unsuitable for their needs, the minister admitted that the plane was still under consideration “along with others” but no deal has been concluded. The minister’s answer was intriguing:

“What I will tell you is this,” he said. “Let’s take my own personal view. I think it is a very sound aircraft only that it is a bit over priced. The aircraft has got parts made by (American manufacturer) Boeing. Who is going to argue about the quality of Boeing? It has got parts made by Honeywell (a Boeing affiliate.) In actual fact it is an American plane only that it is made in Czechoslovakia.”

He added: “In actual fact I doubt if those military officers who expressed reservations about its quality were truthful.”

Air Force jets

Separately, the Sunday Standard has established that a small (local) private bank has been trying to arrange financing for the purchase of three transport planes for the Kenyan military from the European Aeronautical Defence (EADS) to the tune of Sh5.6 billion. The plan had run into trouble when the suppliers rejected the letters of credit and referred them to a multinational bank headquartered in the UK that regularly finances aircraft acquisitions. However, the bank declined the deal early this year when it became apparent that the proposal was fraught with many political risks and did not enjoy the approval of the Treasury. It is a wonder why the government would choose a little-known bank and not the more established institutions.

Murungaru says that he has improved transparency in the OP by allowing the parliamentary defence and foreign relations committee to play a more robust oversight role.

But the secrecy with which deals involving defence expenditure is conducted, critics say, is susceptible to abuse.

A retired senior military officer who requested anonymity said there was need for the Kenyan military to open itself up to scrutiny by forming an independent evaluation committee with private sector representation to police the sector and curb graft. In Murungaru’s estimation, though, accusations of graft leveled against the Narc administration’s officials are laced with malice and untruths.

“Because of the position which I hold and because I am seen as having access which others do not have I naturally attract many enemies. We will not be deterred from making efforts at improving public governance and the welfare of this country,” he said.

Fair but some people still question the minister’s conduct and point to some secret meetings he has held in and outside the country — such as a parachute visit he made to an Indian ocean island in December — which they say leave a lot to the imagination.

This sounds compelling.But I still need more convincing as to how Kenyans will enmass sacrifice there meagre livelihoods in a conforntational stand with a Govt that is only using the same methods of ruling that mzee Jomo Kenyatta,Daniel arap Moi and the outgoing Kibaki Govt have applied to retain power at all cost.This Includes all necessary means whether criminality or force to buttress Kenyans.

Kenyan president’s bid to get Hague case thrown out is rejected by judges.

Judges at the International Criminal Court, ICC, have cleared the way for Kenya’s new president Uhuru Kenyatta to stand trial, although they have given strong hints that the case could suffer further delays.

In a ruling dated April 26, a panel of three judges in The Hague dismissed an application from Kenyatta’s lawyers for the case against him to be either terminated or sent back to the pre-trial stage, where judges would determine once again whether there was enough evidence to merit a full trial.

However, the judges made scathing remarks about the prosecution’s investigation methods, and agreed to provide the defence with more time to prepare for trial.

In a trial currently scheduled to start on July 9, Kenyatta is accused of orchestrating mass violence that followed the previous presidential election, held in December 2007.

Kenya’s new vice-president, William Ruto, and journalist Joshua Arap Sang also face trial for the unrest in a separate case.

Both cases were due to get under way earlier this month, but in a decision taken in early March, judges delayed Kenyatta’s case until July and that of Ruto and Sang until May 28.

Kenyatta’s application to have his case thrown out or sent back to the pre-trial stage was founded on the argument that actions by the prosecution meant a fair trial was impossible.

Last month, the prosecution was forced to drop its case against a fourth suspect, former civil service chief Francis Muthaura, after a witness admitted lying to the court and prosecutors could offer no further evidence to support their allegations.

When pre-trial judges confirmed the charges against Kenyatta after hearings in September and October 2011, the prosecution was relying on evidence given by the same witness.

It has since emerged that prior to the hearings, prosecutors failed to disclose to the defence a sworn statement given by the individual, known only as Witness 4, even though it contained exculpatory evidence relevant to Kenyatta.

The evidence related to a meeting at Kenya’s State House at which Kenyatta is alleged to have planned the post-election violence.

In their submission to the judges, Kenyatta’s lawyers said that inconsistencies in Witness 4’s testimony meant that like Muthaura, their client no longer had a case to answer.

They argued that if pre-trial judges had had access to the sworn statement, and had thus been aware of the inconsistencies it threw up, they would not have sent the case for full trial.

In their April 26 ruling, judges ruled that the prosecution’s failure to disclose the potentially exculpatory information relating to Witness 4 ahead of the confirmation hearings had not “materially impacted” the decision to confirm charges.

They concluded that the defence’s application constituted “an impermissible attempt to have the chamber effectively entertain an appeal of the confirmation decision”.

In further submissions to the judges, Kenyatta’s lawyers asserted that since the case against their client was confirmed in January 2012, the prosecution had added “new and radically altered allegations” to it.

They submitted that prosecutors had dropped seven of the 12 witnesses they had presented at the confirmation hearings, while an additional 26 prosecution witnesses were interviewed only after charges were confirmed.

The lawyers argued that this amounted to a re-shaping of the case, and that this meant it should be sent back to pre-trial judges for confirmation before proceeding to full trial.

The judges responded to these arguments about new evidence and witnesses with a damning assessment of the way in which the prosecution has gone about its investigation.

They said that as far as they had been able to ascertain, at least 24 of the prosecution’s 31 witnesses were interviewed for the first time after confirmation hearings took place.

“In addition, a large quantity of documentary evidence appears to have been collected post-confirmation and to have been disclosed at a late stage,” they noted.

However, the judges were not satisfied that the new materials “invalidate the confirmation decision and render a fair trial impossible”.

They pointed out that the important thing was that, even if the prosecution’s evidence had changed, the charges against Kenyatta remained the same as those confirmed in January 2012.

They said they would therefore assess the relevance of any new evidence as proceedings unfolded.

“It is more efficient, expeditious and appropriate for the chamber to address these issues and evaluate the impact on the prosecution’s case during the course of the trial, rather than refer the case to the pre-trial chamber for what would amount to a “fresh” confirmation,” they wrote.

Given the volume of new evidence held by the prosecution, the judges decided to give Kenyatta’s lawyers more time to prepare a defence case. While the July 9 start date still stands, they asked the defence to inform them of the amount of additional time it would need.

Despite rejecting Kenyatta’s bid, judges did not hold back from warning the prosecution to get its house in order. They were particularly critical of what they said was its “grave mistake” of not disclosing the contents of Witness 4’s sworn statement prior to the confirmation hearings.

But they did not concur with the defence’s submission that this was done in bad faith, and concluded that it would be disproportionate to terminate the case against Kenyatta.

“The appropriate remedy is for the chamber to reprimand the prosecution for its conduct and to require it to conduct a complete review of its case file and certify before this chamber that it has done so, in order to ensure that no other materials in its possession that ought to have been disclosed to the defence are left undisclosed,” the written decision said.

The judges also raised concerns about prosecutors continuing with their investigations after the charges were confirmed.

“Although there may be no formal preconditions for the prosecutor to continue investigating the same facts and circumstances after they have been confirmed, this is not an unlimited prerogative,” they wrote. “The prosecution is expected to have largely completed its investigation prior to the confirmation hearing.”

In an additional opinion annexed to the decision, Judge Christine Van den Wyngaert delivered a further rebuke to the prosecution and the way it has gone about its investigations in Kenya.

She made particular reference to “the overwhelming number of post-confirmation witnesses and the quantity of post-confirmation documentary evidence”.

“There are serious questions as to whether the prosecution conducted a full and thorough investigation of the case against the accused prior to confirmation,” Van den Wyngaert wrote.

“I believe that the facts show that the prosecution had not complied with its obligations at the time when it sought confirmation, and that it was still not even remotely ready when the proceedings before this chamber started.”

In a separate decision released by the ICC on April 26, it was announced that Judge Van den Wyngaert would be replaced on the bench that will hear the two Kenya cases by Judge Robert Fremr with immediate effect.

Judge Van den Wyngaert had applied to stand down from the two cases on April 8 due to her heavy workload. She is currently hearing cases relating to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Libya and the Ivory Coast. A second reason for her request was redacted from the public version of her submission.

Judie Kaberia is Kenya Coordinator for ReportingKenya.net and Special Projects Reporter at Capital FM in Nairobi.

“You scar and bleed a nation when you willfully negate its sensitivities. To pass the microphone from one Njoroge to another, then to Nyoike and Murungi while addressing the soaring costs of energy. Or when Ndung’u passes the microphone to Kinyua then to Kenyatta to tell us why the shilling is losing ground. Or when the leadership of the country’s security apparatus is almost exclusively from Kibaki’s ethnic Kikuyu. You then wonder why there’s ethnicity in Kenya when the Government is working ‘tirelessly’ to patch your roads and build you new ones with flyovers. Kenyans are not idiots. We are a people endowed with sufficient talent, intellect and reason, alhamdulillah (Thank God)!”

Luos must unite and perhaps turn to Their Cousin Obama to revage All luos mudered by Kikuyus Just like George Bush did to Saadam Hussein who degraded and humiliated Bush Juniour Father : Obamas Father was humiliated by the Kikuyu Ruling class untill he died a young man! Who will punish Kikuyu ruling muderers !Time for Luos like Tuju to stop selling Luo tribes to Kikuyu ruling class muderers who has killed so many bright Luos!

Would a Raila Odinga presidency have had state institutional and key government personnel endorsement to guarantee takeoff and sustenance or was he going to be a superimposition in hostile relationship with the incumbent handlers of the primary levers of state power?

Indeed, crucial state arms were actively hostile to his election and were involved in schemes to see to it that he came a cropper. Worse still, sections of the media, through acts of omission, selective reporting and generally skewed analysis positioned themselves to put ‘democracy on trial.’

Who would have given him national security intelligence? Would it have been Gichangi of the NSIS, Karangi the head of the armed forces or Kimemia, the ideological son of the revered Michuki?

These are not imaginary questions. No one serious enough has doubts about the popularity of Raila Odinga compared to the de jure pair of leaders at the helm of government in Kenya. Similarly, no one serious can doubt the fact that those at the helm of state security organs and key government department worked or prayed for Raila’s fall.

Speaking as a workmate of the CORD candidate, I can say authoritatively that Raila never had faith in the leadership of the Independent Electoral Boundaries Commission under Hassan.

His hopes were more in the electorate, media, international public opinion and emerging global political dispensation whose combined effect would have created a supportive environment for his election and sustenance of his presidency.

Every time I saw him, I shivered and feared what a win would mean to him in particular and to us his dogs in general. With the passage of time, his facial image to my eyes evolved into an overlap of historical personalities who fought for power in circumstances similar to his.

He projected the image of the late Benazir Butto of Palistan or Patrice Emery Lumumba, the popular Congolese premier who won the popular vote but got rejected by those in control of the levers of power in 1960 and killed him. Kwame Nkrumah was overthrown by hostile state organs which he inherited from the British in 1966.

Nearer home, Obote survived assassination by a whisker when a bullet passed through his mouth removing a tooth in similar transitional circumstances and was eventually overthrown.

Silvano Allende of Chile faced a worse fate after winning an election for presidency in 1971 at the hands of those in powerful offices. Laurent Kabila did not survive the competing interests of the state organs he presided over in DR Congo.

Whichever way I looked at the consequences of a win for a man I always addressed as “elder brother”, I feared for him given the national political balance of power and the desperation of our immensely weighed down opponents by implications of their historical baggage.

Actually, personalities whose moral DNA was synonymous with all that Raila fought against. I shuddered at the thought of ‘President’ Raila Odinga overflying Ngong Hills in a Helicopter to preside over the anniversary of Alexander Muge. It just could not add up.

I suffered these fears and concerns alone unable to share with friends on superstitious grounds and could not dare fellowship with Raila Odinga himself. How could I talk of fear to a man who waved handcuffs smiling at the crowd when he was facing treason charges that carried a mandatory death sentence in “Moi’s courts” in 1982?

A man who led with a spirit that pointed at the possibility of him having dug his grave. How could I talk to a man who on arrival from a foreign trip as Prime Minister disobeyed security caution and visited Eastleigh and Garissa town after deadly blasts that left scores dead and injured?

Remember that no one in high office (Kibaki, Uhuru, Ruto, Kimemia, Kianga etc) dared go to this two places except the Kamukunji Member of Parliament whose price has consigned him to the wheel chair after an attack.

In my considered opinion, an easy cruise of Raila’s presidency would have defied the essence of Kenya’s balance of power, the ‘common sense’ of the incumbent, logic and African history.

Raila’s ‘loss’ in this election is obviously a blow to the momentum and perhaps sustainability of the national reform effort but clearly the only safe path out of deadly waters for him and his political kind. If there is any wisdom in ‘living to fight again’, then his loss may have been a blessing to this nation in an ugly disguise in the name of yet another messed up presidential election.

I believe Raila is able to swallow the bitter pill of two rigged elections because he understands the fate of his predecessors. The TJRC report correctly attributed assassinations to political competition. Those from the reform side of the divide in Kenya’s power struggles have been weeded out before the blow of a whistle for presidential electoral contests.

Dedan Kimaathi was hanged. JM Kariuki was denied a chance to succeed Kenyatta with five bullets according to a postmortem report. Raila, thanks to the people’s struggles and vigilance, can only suffer a rigged election clearly the luckiest among them.

Wafula Buke is the Former Field Manager for Raila for President Secretariat

UHURU and RUTO can NEVER take the country anywhere – A master piece by ODM’s OTIENO KAJWANG

There were major political campaign slogans and strategies laid by the nationalist political movement, the Kenya African National Union (KANU) against the British Colonisers and their opposition allies’ propaganda.

“Hakuna Kazi Hapa” There is no job here read one such propaganda placed on office and industry doors meant to scare job seekers who were part of the campaign against colonialism. “Uhuru na Kazi” Freedom with employment was an appropriate nationalists counter propaganda that also declared poverty, ignorance and disease and number one national enemies.

On account of these popular pledges, KANU trounced opponents who were seen as colonial collaborators in the 1963 General Election campaigns. In the 50 years of independence, none of these promises were ever fulfilled by the successive governments including that of the retired President Mwai Kibaki who belongs to the old school of political intrigues and manipulations.

KANU was elected consecutively for eight terms of five years each under the late President Jomo Kenyatta and his retired successor, Daniel arap Moi whose reigns were shaky and had to adopt tactics to tame internal rebellion, dissent and forestall agitation for the fulfilment of promises to the electorate.

With the support of western powers, nationalist popular movements in Africa in general and Kenya in particular were crushed underneath for allegedly preaching Marxist ideologies in newly independent nations. True nationalists paid a price with their lives and freedoms. Bildad Kaggia, Oginga Odinga, Tom Mboya, Achieng Oneko amongst others were earlier casualties of a crackdown on dissent.

That was the climax of reverses of popular ideas articulated in the Kanu manifesto. Consequently the country stagnated as it received massive resources to fight the spread of Communism and its surrogates. At the expense of any other development in the country.

The visible scars of neglect are indelible in the memory of many Kenyans who rose to challenge authority on service delivery. Tales of inadequate budgetary allocations and return of the same to the treasury for diversion to politically correct regions is the norm rather the exception. For instance, the paltry Sh210 billion budgetary allocation to line ministries in the 47 counties is one plot by the Executive to kill the county governments.

For purposes of take off, basic necessities like electricity supply, clean water, highways and rail networks are a priority now than ever before and the government of the day cannot explain why far flung parts of this country were denied those facilities. These requirements are just mere pipe dreams and least of all a priority of the successive governments that ignored chunks of the country in the quest to manipulate, control and dominate the vulnerable.
A half century of independence, colonial relics and retrogressive forces have emerged to back status-quo mongers. Three years after the promulgation of the new Constitution, the Executive, without reason, refused to allocate funds for the infrastructure developments in the newly created units. And now, behind the scenes, the Executive and Parliament are hell bent on killing the Senate on account that it is a burden on the exchequer.
It is in view of such intrigues and arm twisting that Kenyans in their thousands said that enough is enough and proposed changes in the governance structure that included checks on the legislature in a multi-party set up.
Like in the yesteryears, Parliament has never been comfortable with checks and balances. It is not a secret that the National Assembly is behind the battle to drag Kenya back to the days of ‘baba na mama.’
Behind the backs of delegates to the National Constitutional Conference, Parliament re-opened the Bomas Draft and scrapped the Senate, Regional Government structures and the National Salaries Review Commission. The doctored draft was defeated in a costly referendum. Partners in the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) were purged from the Cabinet for leading opposition to the document.
Senate and Regional Government structures in the country’s independence constitution were scrapped with the help of Parliament that allowed itself to be used as a rubber stamp of Executive desires.
Kenya is set to celebrate 50 years of self internal rule but the big question that was a taboo and remains thus is, have any of the promises made been fulfilled or were they mere political rhetoric? The latter seems to be the case as we can rightly point out that it is business as usual under the new constitution.

Revealed: How William Ruto Connived With Uhuru Kenyatta To Kill Devolution

June 14, 2013|Posted in: Opinion

By Job Oduor via Gordon Teti via Jukwaa

A closer look at the draft constitution crafted by the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) in Naivasha reveals a document that will forever impact Rift Valley Province in profound ways.

This was a document whose major tenets were spearheaded by a new found friendship of strange bedfellows, one an angry and vengeful Agriculture Minister, William Ruto, and another, a calculating and ambitious Finance Minister, Uhuru Kenyatta, producing a ‘compromise blueprint’ that needs to be examined.

In the resulting deal, one side totally compromised on principles and aspirations held by their constituents, while elites from the other side got all they have long desired since the pre-independence period without breaking a sweat.

It is quite probable that most Rift Valley residents, disillusioned by recent events in government, have lost focus on examining the proposed draft constitution.

It’s also possible that Ruto has capitalized on the rifts created by the handling of Mau, PEV and efforts against corruption, to claim role of sole defender of Rift Valley interests, as a political bargaining chip which he appears to be using for his own personal interest rather than his community’s.

DEVOLUTION

ODM walked into this devolution debate quite divided and without joint purpose and the result is that the earlier proposed 2nd-tier of regional government will be no more. Rift Valley Province (as an administrative unit) or region (as a devolution unit) and it’s sense of unity will be no more as soon as the draft passes.

The era of small and weak counties has arrived as there shall be no more Rift Valley region or province – as will be the case with all previously existing provinces, or regions proposed in either the Bomas draft or CoE draft.

With just a stroke, the Naivasha deal sliced and diced (in divide-and-rule fashion), the cosmopolitan province into many small, distinct and weak counties only reporting to the strong national government.

Nobody can question the long-held desire of Rift Valley residents to have a majimbo (quasi-federal) system which guarantees self-governance at local level with oversight of local resources including land and which is capable of providing checks and balances to the exercise of power at the national level.

Rift Valley’s forefathers in KADU including Jean Marie Seroney, Taita Toweet, and Daniel Moi, ensured this demand was entrenched in the Lancaster Constitution talks in London before independence.

However, after independence, President Jomo Kenyatta refused to allocate funds to the regional governments, and abolished them altogether in 1964, with disastrous consequences in the Rift Valley.

How did Kenyatta navigate and tame possible backlash from that unilateral assault on the constitution?

Kenyatta’s handlers were calculating enough to lure Moi into a political pact. As Kenyatta dismantled the constitutionally created Jimbos, an interesting but significant political development – the formation of a new political alliance – was happening in the background.

Moi secretly negotiated a background deal with Kenyatta and essentially plotted an internal coup in KADU with express plans to form an alliance with KANU.

Moi’s compromise card was facilitating the smooth dropping of the majimbo system, strongly favoured by his Rift Valley constituents, especially the Kipsigis and Nandi. In exchange, Moi was promised personal promotion up the political ladder.

Essentially it was an exchange of community aspirations for one individual’s personal gain. A similar deal may be cooking today.

From the pact, Moi led a walkout from KADU into Kenyatta’s KANU, which signaled the end of the pro-majimbo party. The majimbo debate was slowly defeated and halted from then on.

That was the beginning of Rift Valley resources (especially land) being plundered at will from the center with people’s voices at the grassroots totally drowned out. Jean Marie Seroney’s fears were being confirmed.

It is this background that motivated Rift Valley residents to begin another protracted campaign to restore the principle of devolution back into the constitution.

In 2005, Rift Valley residents rejected the Wako draft constitution precisely because it was a blueprint perpetuating a continuation of the same post-independence ideology against devolution started by Kenyatta in 1963.

As early as independence, it was clear that Kenyatta’s cronies of elites were strongly against a three-tier devolution with national, regional and county governments. Their position currently manifesting through views held by Central Province MPs, has not changed today.

Kenya has now been presented with another great opportunity to write a new constitution.

Rift Valley was recently represented at the Naivasha PSC negotiations by Agriculture Minister Hon. William Ruto and Chepalungu MP Hon. Isaac Ruto among others. Representing the Central elites was Uhuru Kenyatta, Jeremiah Kioni and others, even tagging along Uhuru’s cousin Beth Mugo as a very interested observer.

Let us look at what they came up with for devolution.

From the Committee of Experts (COE) revised draft constitution which contained a national government, 8 regional governments, and 47 county governments, the PSC started by first REMOVING THE 8 ‘JIMBOs’ (regional governments) as proposed by the PNU coalition of parties.

That was a swift act quite reminiscent of Jomo Kenyatta’s 1964 action.

The elimination of the regional tier WILL DENY the small and weak counties an essential forum for co-ordination, and protection from undermining by the strong national government.

This means, without regions, and without administrative provinces, Rift Valley, either as a governance or administrative unit will be no more. There shall only be a national government and county governments (two tiers) entrenched in the constitution.

If you closely reflect what this means for instance at the South Rift, it means that majority of the Kipsigis will be sliced and diced into three counties, with some having their voices drowned out in Narok County, some dominated in Nakuru County, and the remaining having their say in Kericho district. The divide-and-rule dictum becomes apparent. The removal of a sense of communal unity becomes real.

On top of that, these county governments like Kericho will be weak and exposed to undermining by the national government at Nairobi because there will be no regional government to shield them.

The Ruto-Kenyatta driven PSC also retained in their proposed draft, administrators like DCs, Dos and Chiefs who will still ensure that the national government remains effectively in charge of local governance within the already weak counties. Thus locals will have undermined say over local governance and resources.

If William Ruto wants to soon face his constituents with this arrangement he helped Kenyatta’s PSC allies chart, selling it as devolution, that would be the biggest fairy tale ever told.

Essentially, by removing the regional tier, which protects county governments, and retaining administrators, meaningful devolution has been killed yet again.

Any curious and keen observer will note that these ‘devolution’ proposals are essentially the same ones forwarded by the Wako draft constitution that were rejected in 2005.

In killing real devolution, the PSC also did something significant. The all-important independent Commission on Revenue Allocation with the mandate of determining the basis of sharing revenue from national resources was struck out, and its role retained by Treasury in Nairobi.

That was the clearest statement from the PSC that there were basically no real defenders for devolution in that Naivasha get-together.

Treasury is part of the National government and it is not expected to fairly and justly divide resources between the various levels of government. Thus instead of a national resource allocating mechanism, the powerful President, and whoever he/she appoints Finance Minister, will retain the powers to distribute resources to counties. In any way you want to look at it, this does not pass for change.

This is definitely not what Rift Valley has been clamoring for and it would be unbelievable to any lay Rift Valley resident that Senior Rift Valley leaders were sitting in these PSC deliberations that came up with these proposals.

That is until folks remember the history of Moi, Kenyatta and Majimbo.

History has repeated itself and Rift Valley peoples’ aspirations have been thrown out the window in exchange for personal promises for a single individual.

RESOURCE ALLOCATIONS

Now that we have seen that the resource allocation mechanism has been retained at the Treasury, let’s see the formula the PSC suggested for disbursing resources from Treasury – just as a guideline.

Basically, PSC has allowed political patronage to be the basis for future resource allocations. Treasury has historically used political patronage to allocate resources inequitably, so this has been retained. Future wielders of Presidential power will wield the power over resource allocation.

In the draft, the PSC suggested that the 47 county governments receive only 15 per cent of the revenue collected by the national government, based on the last audited public accounts approved by Parliament.

That means, if this draft constitution comes into effect in 2013, the available audited accounts may be those of 2009/10, on the basis of which the 47 counties will receive a paltry Sh85 billion out of a potential expenditure of Sh1,000 billion.

Now divide Sh 85 billion by 47 counties and each government, for instance the populous one in Kericho, gets only Sh 1.8 billion per year. As the cash is sent to county governments, the strong national government will simultaneously relieve itself many development obligations and payment of salaries of public servants in the county. That is where the cunning PSC team hopes to hoodwink masses.

In typical PNU cunningness, PSC capped the resource allocation to counties in the Constitution to the figure 15% irrespective of any mitigating circumstances.

This is yet another clever ploy by PNU to put a CONSTITUTIONAL CAP, shielding taxpayer money inside the Treasury, with very little going to the periphery.

Again in PNU style, to hoodwink poor regions (during the referendum) that their areas are being given consideration, the crafty PSC drafters proposed that marginalised regions will receive a grant of 0.5 per cent of the revenues, which amounts to a paltry Sh2.8 billion, to cover infrastructure projects in ‘health, water, roads, electricity and other necessary services’.

This was loftily said to be motivated by the desire to ostensibly ‘bring them to as nearly equal a state to the rest of the country as possible’.

Now, let’s be serious, how will this tiny amount of money spread over a third of the counties (16 counties, several in the Rift Valley) reverse a legacy of deprivation and neglect?

Splitting Sh 2.8 billion between 16 counties in arid and semi-arid regions means each county gets just an extra Sh 175 million per year.

The PSC knows these are just gimmicks.

SENATE

The PSC also went ahead, as driven by the PNU Coalition, to devour the Senate, which is supposed to be a legislative body that protects regions against marginalization.

After killing the regions, the so-called senate was deliberately incapacitated and rendered toothless, by the PSC, and is now akin to the forum for authorities in the infamous Kilifi Draft whose proposals were completely rejected in 2005. Are the people of Rift valley aware of this?

EXECUTIVE

To illustrate how divided Rift Valley’s voice was while entering this debate, it is noteworthy that Chepalungu MP, Isaac Ruto, favored a parliamentary system while Agriculture MP,William Ruto, proposed a pure presidential system.

Someone must have been bidding on behalf of external forces and sure, the pure presidential system carried the day.

But how is the pure presidential system likely to impact Rift Valley residents in case Rift Valley doesn’t produce a President for a long time?

If a parliamentary system was adopted, as Isaac Ruto suggested, Rift Valley MPs would definitely have a formidable voice of representation and parliamentary voting bloc that would guarantee safeguards against marginalization, unfair resource allocations and under-development.

However, under the pure presidential system proposed by William Ruto, Rift Valley will have to depend on the whims and mercy of that powerful President. Nobody can guarantee who the President is going to be in 2012, 2017, 2023 etc.

In our country bedevilled by corruption, ethnicity, political patronage and impunity, the proposed pure presidential system offers a perfect platform for the elected President to morph into another imperial ruler favouring select regions.

This leaves Rift Valley and all other regions in a precarious situation, simply depending on goodwill and hopes that a ‘favourable’ Presidency comes by. Unfortunately, that possibility cannot be guaranteed at all times.

Ever Province in Kenya has tasted what a hostile Presidency can be like, when political expediency overrides parliamentary decisions, with the executive invariably disregarding recommendations, resolutions and/or directives of the House, with little or no sanction.

REPRESENTATION IN PARLIAMENT

Despite false arguments being forwarded by PNU MPs, the truth of the matter is that Central Kenya did benefit from adequate representation over the years since independence, compared to other regions. The appalling inequality between Central and Rift Valley is testimony enough.

Poverty index is higher in Rift Valley (more than 55%) and lowest in Central (at only 31 per cent). We cannot marginalise parts of our country including Rift Valley (parts of which are arid) and then go ahead to claim that they do not deserve more representation.

During the Naivasha constitution debate, Central Province MPs in the PSC led by Uhuru Kenyatta and Jeremiah Kioni, insisted on redrawing constituencies in the constitution because they claim areas occupied by GEMA, are under-represented in the House.

They falsely claim that Rift Valley and North Eastern provinces are “over-represented” because of former President Moi’s influence.

With sure help from William Ruto, Ababu Namwamba and Isaac Ruto in the PSC, the Central MPs (ignoring the professional job being done by the Independent Boundaries Commission) have thus “fixed” this “anomaly” by creating a relatively sizeable number of new constituencies in Central, Nairobi, Upper Eastern, and parts of Rift Valley occupied by GEMA.

Of the 80 new constituencies created, all regions benefited from a few more extra seats, but the GEMA region is slated to get the lion’s share of extra seats, cunningly distributed across four regions (Nairobi, Central, Upper Eastern and parts of Rift Valley they occupy).

For certain, their relative parliamentary strength will only be felt in future if the draft remains as proposed. A lot of CDF funds will also be directly heading onto these new GEMA constituencies thus allocating direct resources to their people.

It is baffling that Rift Valley MPs did not question the fallacious argument about Central Kenya being ‘under-represented’.

Based on 2005 population projections by ECK, and the recently concluded Census, Central’s population has in fact been shrinking.

Indeed, Central Kenya has relatively lower average population per constituency/MP at 139,000 than all the other provinces except North Eastern.

For every one constituency in Central, there is an average of 139,000 people, while in Rift Valley, for every constituency, there is an average of 171,000 people. Which province is therefore under-represented in reality?

Another important thing that affects representation in Rift Valley is geographic size of constituencies. When we look at the average geographical size of constituencies, Central’s is only 456 square kilometres, compared 3,700 sq. km for Rift Valley.

Thus an MP in Central Kenya travels only 456 square kilometres (in good roads) to meet 139,000 constituents while his counterpart in Rift Valley covers 3,700 (of rough terrain) to meet 171,000 constituents. Based on this size alone, the constituency in Rift Valley deserves to be split.

Indeed, people in Rift Valley had a chance in Naivasha, to demand a ceiling on the geographical size of their constituencies but they simply did not.

William Ruto, Isaac Ruto and other Rift Valley MPs should explain what they were doing at the PSC resulting in this blatant disenfranchisement and further marginalization of their own people.

Has William Ruto ever considered this – Moi was guaranteed and rewarded his promotion by Kenyatta when he stiffled Rift Valley’s constitutional aspirations like Majimbo precisely because he had no prior brush with Kenyatta’s community. Compared to Moi in 1960s, is Ruto standing in a similar position today?

How Raila lobbied for Mau Mau payout
By JAMES NGUNJIRI AND ANDREW TEYIE ateyie
Posted Sunday, June 16 2013 at 23:30

Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga personally lobbied British PM David Cameron for an out-of-court settlement for Mau Mau survivors, the Nation has established.

Letters in our possession between Mr Odinga and Mr Cameron show the two leaders settled for a political solution instead of a judicial process to salvage relations between the two countries.

In a letter dated November 2, 2012, Mr Odinga requested Mr Cameron to consider settling the issue away from the courts after the London High Court ruled that the case proceeds to full trial.

“I would like to draw your attention to the Mau Mau cases … They are likely to open up old wounds and whip up emotions as the court delves into the details,” stated Mr Odinga.

In the letters to Mr Cameron, Mr Odinga argued that a full trial might encourage stray suits.

“I believe it would be in our mutual interests to seek an out-of-court settlement in this matter. This would allow the petitioners, who are very advanced in age, to live the remainder of their lives in peace and comfort,” said Mr Odinga in the letter.

In his reply on December 13, 2012, Mr Cameron was cautious: “I have taken careful note of your advice to seek an out-of-court settlement,” stated Mr Cameron.

At the weekend, Mr Odinga praised Mr Cameron for settling the case out of court.

Meanwhile, Mau Mau freedom fighters from Nyeri County want all beneficiaries of the Sh2.6 billion British Government compensation made public.

Speaking over the weekend at Othaya Stadium, the freedom fighters said they were surprised names of the beneficiaries remained a secret and read mischief.

Mzee John Kiboko said suspicion was rife among Mau Mau War Veterans Association members that most of the genuine freedom fighters were not covered in the compensation deal.

I actually read all that and can only ask-“NEGRO,DO YOU REALLY BELIEVE ALL THAT SHIT YOU WROTE”?? Obviously you do, which means you’re living in a world of your own;I’m here with both feet firmly fixed on Planet earth in a country called Kenya.
Have fun in Ojingaworld delusions as we work and develop Kenya into a middle income nation.

– Kenya is living on borrowed money – the economy is on ICU thanks to Granddaddy Kibaki who borrowed so much and never bothered to fight corruption (Government pays Ksh 18 billion per month to service debts).

– UhuRuto are out to break devolution.

– Teachers will soon be on strike again because of non-priority by UhuRuto on their salaries and instead budgeting over 50 billion shs on useless laptops.

– Ruto agreed last week to the worst deal ever that will give MPigs 1.1 million shs pay per month.

– 100 days of disaster from the two ICC inductees.

It would be worth it for Jubilants to have a ‘hawk-eyed’ approach to Uhuruto leadership instead of being blind to their duping nature. Five years ago, Ruto was a common murderer in the eyes of Kikuyus. When did he become a Saint? Jinga sana wewe Karanja! Naumiya kuwa Mkenya.

In democratic politics, “adversaries” are not “enemies,” but “opponents”. But methinks that President Uhuru Kenyatta’s regime is treating Cord leader Raila Odinga as an “enemy,” and not an “adversary”.

Since the ascension of Jomo’s scion to the pinnacle of power, Mr Odinga has been subjected to mean, petty and humiliating slights by state functionaries.

But it’s Mr Odinga who’s the prime target of these “primitive attacks”.

The question is why. What does Mr Kenyatta, or Deputy President William Ruto, have to gain by rubbing Mr Odinga’s nose in the dirt? What’s the rationale here?

Let me refresh your memory if you’ve missed the brouhaha over Mr Odinga’s “VIP woes”. But I will spare you the gore details. Bottom line is that Mr Odinga and Mr Musyoka, as well as their spouses, are being “jerked around” like common raia, or hoi polloi. Both Mr and Mrs Odinga have been denied the use of Kenya’s VIP lounges.

So has Mr Musyoka. Those on Jubilee’s side seemed to relish Mr Odinga’s public humiliation. Majority Leader Aden Duale “apologised” to Mr Odinga, but opined that the former Prime Minister was “inferior” to the President, his deputy, and ex-presidents.

The rambunctious Mr Duale was clearly “carrying water” for State House. His hair-scratching and tortured “explanation” didn’t cut it.

Mr Odinga was Mr Kibaki’s “equal” in the last government, and that alone should settle the matter.

But alas, not in the mind of the Jubilee state. Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto have kept completely silent on the matter. They must know the buck stops at their desks. Their silence implies complicity, or worse.

It’s not rocket science to connect the dots, and figure out why Jubilee shudders at the mention, or sight, of Mr Odinga.

Their mobs tend to go into uncontrolled paroxysms.

Jubilee ideologue Mutahi Ngunyi let the cat out of the bag last week on his Twitter account. He’s usually a good barometer of what the Kenyatta insiders are thinking, and plotting.

On June 8, he told Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto on Twitter to “stop holding hands and deal with Mr Odinga unapologetically and decisively”.

He alarmingly warned that Mr Odinga “was regrouping”. He had concluded that the “honeymoon [playing nice with Mr Odinga] is over”.

Isn’t “regroup” what the opposition does in democratic politics? Or isn’t Kenya a democracy?

Which begs the question – what does the erudite Mr Ngunyi mean that Mr Odinga must be dealt with “unapologetically and decisively?” I recall that Mr Odinga and Mr Musyoka surfaced at State House to congratulate Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto on their “victory” soon after the Supreme Court denied the Cord-Africog petition.

Mr Kenyatta must have been salivating at the sight of his nemesis falling on his sword.

I certainly would have advised Mr Odinga against the visit. But I believe it showed Mr Odinga to be a magnanimous statesman. So why is the Kenyatta regime paying him back in such an ugly coin? Methinks it’s because Mr Odinga refused to be Mr Kenyatta’s international “errand boy”.

Let me warn the Jubilee regime. The Book of Mathew 7:21 teaches us to “do unto others as you would others do unto you”. That’s not idle moral, or religious, advice. It’s an ageless nugget of wisdom common to most cultures. It’s a central civilisational rule. It teaches that “civility” is the pivot of all human relationships.

Poking Mr Odinga in the eye is synonymous with spitting at half of Kenya – which voted for him – in the face.

This is my question – what’s to be gained by such spiteful and pitiable behaviour? Why is Jubilee so bitter with Mr Odinga if it, indeed, won the election fair and square?

Mr Kenyatta needs friends, not more enemies. Why? That’s because he’s not out of the woods. His victory was tenuous and highly contested. He, and Mr Ruto, his deputy, have The Hague noose around their neck.

No amount of bloviating by Mr Kenyatta’s supporters will make the charges for crimes against humanity go away.

He will be navigating very tricky legal rapids for the next several years. He could be convicted either in person, or in absentia.

Why make Mr Odinga one more enemy?

Makau Mutua is Dean and SUNY Distinguished Professor at SUNY Buffalo Law School and Chair of the KHRC.

Critics have also added that the Bill flies in the face of the Jubilee government’s stated commitment to reducing the price of food. During his inauguration speech, Deputy President William Ruto made an impassioned declaration of the new government’s commitment to reducing food prices for the poor.

But Mr Rotich, the man in charge of Kenya’s finances, seems more intent on plugging KRA’s deficits than meeting that promise, saying the Bill would enable the taxman to collect an extra Sh10 billion.

Economic analyst Polycarp Ngoje, however, sees this as a zero-sum game. “It would be unwise to tax food,” says Mr Ngoje. “This gives labour unions justification to demand higher wages as the cost of living will rise considerably.”

The expenditure demands exerted by devolution, a rising wage bill fuelled by constant demands by public officers as well as pressure to introduce development projects across all sectors, have seen Treasury opt for the unpopular Bill to plug its deficits.

Also, financing the Sh1.6 trillion budget for the 2013/14 financial year, which begins July, will put KRA under pressure to meet the set target of Sh880 billion. The ambitious target exceeds the Sh850 billion goal for the current financial year which the taxman has been unable to achieve.

By the end of the third quarter ending March in the current financial year, KRA had managed to collect Sh560 billion, with the taxman expecting to collect Sh723 billion by end of June.

This has prompted the government to go on a borrowing spree both locally and internationally, pushing public debt to over Sh1.8 trillion, or about 45 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product, which leaves little borrowing space to finance Mr Rotich’s budget.

Hakiri Za Uhuru Kenyatta Na William Ruto Iko Matakoni-mwao(Uhuruto thinks with their Anuses! Their Niggerism Has doomed Kenya !The Kenyan Oppressesd masses is weeping and gnashing their teeth!The Kenyan patriotic youth should organize revolution and take over government of this Cursed Nation .A country ruled by traitors (who are greedy corrupt and sufferers of schizophren( Ma-chizi) .Kenyans should stop Uhuru from stealing millions of tax-payers money to build Former President (Thief) Kibaki an Office! Uhuru Kenyatta and Ruto should be languishing in Hague Cells!

The former Prime Minister of the Republic Kenya, The Honorable Raila A. Odinga, will discuss the past 50 years, highlighting both achievements and challenges on the continent. He will also share his vision for Africa over the next 50 years, with a particular focus on Africa’s future engagements with China and the United States.

Kisumu, Kenya: Kisumu County is set to purchase a fleet of Toyota Prados for the executive at a cost of Sh72 million.
In the county’s executive development expenditure estimates passed by the assembly’s Budget and Appropriations Committee, the money is to be allocated for the purchase of 12 vehicles.

Another Sh15 million is to be set aside for the operational of the posh vehicles in the budget that is to be tabled before the County Assembly for approval by members.
Currently, Kisumu Governor Jacktone Ranguma uses a Toyota Land Cruiser Prado V8 that was inherited from former area Mayor Samuel Okello.

The committee also reduced the purchase of two Land Rovers in the Kisumu Central development’s proposal from Sh14 million to Sh7 million. This means only one will be purchased if the County Assembly approves.

They also reduced the budgetary provision of Sh10.3 million on the executive’s commuter allowance to Sh5.1 million.

In a report on the estimates obtained by The Standard, Sh10 million is to go to the renovation of the governor’s residential house. He is alleged to be living in a hotel within the town, where a VIP room goes for Sh12,000 per night.

Under the executive’s budget, the committee recommended the approval of Sh200 million for acquisition of land and an additional of Sh35 million for the construction of ward offices.

The ward offices are to be occupied by County Ward Representatives, bringing the total of the executive’s development budget to Sh332 million that is to be paid by the taxpayer.

The eight member committee also rejected the county executives decision to put Sh100 million for the eradication of hyacinth weed from Lake Victoria.

The committee members are Mr Wilis Mindeu (Chair), James Were, Samuel Ong’ou, Edwin Anayo, Isaya Onyango, Caroline Owen, James Diang’a and Petronila Omondi.
The team also demanded for an explanation as to why in the proposed budget, the executive had allocated Sh6 million for the construction of youth polytechnics.

First responders who arrived at massive airport fire in Kenya looted electronics, a bank and an ATM, it has been claimed.

Officials investigating the fire at Nairobi’s Jomo Kenyatta International Airport told the Associated Press valuables were stolen by emergency services including police, firefighters and the army.

The fire broke out on the 15th anniversary of U.S. Embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania that killed 224 people in total, mostly Kenyans, but also a dozen Americans.

Today, international flights resumed landing and taking off from the fire-damaged airport and officials said they expected to return to full operations by the day’s end.

Kenyan officials, assisted by members of the FBI, are investigating the cause of the fire.

Anonymous sources have alleged that first responders stole electronics and money from an ATM. It is also believed that police guarding the site overnight attempted to a take a safe from a bank in the burned-out arrivals hall, which also houses several foreign currency exchange shops.

All public servants in Kenya, including police, firefighters and soldiers, are poorly paid and frequently accused of corruption. Police officers who guard the entrance to Jomo Kenyatta International Airport are well known in Nairobi for demanding bribes from taxi drivers and other vehicles with Kenyan drivers.

The fire-fighting response to Wednesday’s inferno was criticized as slow and inadequate, but the officials could not definitely say the looting was carried out by firefighters.

One official said there was now behind-the-scenes finger pointing taking place between the police, fire department and army. Another official said specialized police units had attempted to steal the safe overnight.

The criminal investigations policeman for the airport, Joseph Ngisa, said he hasn’t received formal complaints of theft and that police are waiting for affected institutions to report what they lost in the fire.

A security official said the investigation had ruled out terrorism and was now trying to determine if the fire was intentional or accidental.

Michael Kamau, the cabinet secretary for transport and infrastructure, said the design of the airport – constructed in the mid-1970s – made it challenging for firefighters to access certain areas with water hoses.

But Kamau insisted he was ‘satisfied’ by the response of firefighters from private companies but did not mention the airport firefighters, who responded slowly and whose equipment wasn’t fully functioning.

Jomo Kenyatta International Airport is East Africa’s largest aviation hub, and the fire disrupted air travel across the continent as the airport canceled all international flights. Many inbound flights were diverted to Tanzania and the Kenyan coastal city of Mombasa. Domestic flights were being operated from the airport’s cargo terminal.

Firefighters were desperately short of equipment. The airport has fire trucks but some were not filled with water and personnel couldn’t be found to drive others. At one point while battling the blaze men in government uniforms lined up to pass buckets of water to fight the fire.

No serious injuries were reported.

President Barack Obama called Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta to offer U.S. support.

Nairobi is the capital of East Africa’s largest economy, but public-sector services such as police and fire departments are hobbled by small budgets, corrupt money managers and outdated equipment or an absence of equipment.

‘From what you can see the damage is pretty extensive. It has extended until the immigration area. The electrical system is all down. Mechanical systems are all down. You can see the displays are all down, so it’s huge,’ said Ali Ayoob, an airport engineer.

PRESIDENT Kibaki rejected Chief Mediator Kofi Annan’s advise to order the military into the streets to quell the 2007-08 post-election violence fearing for ethnic divisions within the armed forces, Wikileaks has revealed.

In a US diplomatic cable dispatched from Addis Ababa by Ambassador Donald Yamamoto after a meeting between Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and US Assistant Secretary of State Dr Jendayi Frazer in February 2008, Annan told the Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice that Kibaki had rejected the proposal.

Annan had suggested to Kibaki that he should have allowed limited deployment of the army as violence spilled out across Kenya after the disputed December 27, 2007 presidential elections. The cable is sub-titled: Kenya in a dangerous position.

Frazer, who had a candid discussion with Zenawi on Kenya, shared Kibaki’s concerns over divisions in the military and expressed fears the situation could degenerate into a coup d’etat against Kibaki if ethnic divisions in the military became pronounced over the violence.“Frazer noted that Secretary Rice had recently spoken with Annan, and Annan mentioned that he had suggested to Kibaki that he bring the military out in a limited way, but that Kibaki demurred based on concerns regarding ethnic divisions within the military,” the diplomat wrote in the cable dated June 2, 2008.

The cable reports that Frazer feared a coup against Kibaki could degenerate into a civil war in Kenya.“The Kikuyu response could lead to civil war, as many Kikuyu fundamentally don’t believe that the election was stolen and are incensed by the violence that the opposition is encouraging,” Frazer reportedly said.

At the time Rwandan President Paul Kagame suggested a military solution for the Kenyan conflict in which over 1,300 people died and over were 300,000 displaced.

The Rwandan leader who spoke from Kigali as the world focused on the Kenyan situation prescribed a militarised solution to restore stability as the situation appeared to worsen.

Apart from being the President, Kibaki is the Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces (C-in-C) while General Jeremiah Kianga is the Chief of the General Staff (CGS).

The Ethiopian PM on his part expressed his misgivings on the military’s loyalty to Kibaki saying it may not be consolidated. “While the military may not quit, they will not be monolithically behind Kibaki, which is why some Kikuyus are turning to the militia instead,” Zenawi said.

Zenawi however regretted the use of Mungiki and other militias in the violence against civilians. “It has to be made clear to the Kikuyu establishment that ethnic cleansing is unacceptable as a response to the violence and that they cannot ‘fight fire with fire’ or use militias to fight on their behalf,” the Ethiopian leader reportedly said.

Yesterday a senior ODM minister for the first time revealed to The Star that Kenya could have been plunged in civil war if Raila Odinga had accepted advice by two members of the ODM Pentagon to declare himself President.

“Two senior members of the ODM who sat in the powerful Pentagon put pressure on the PM at the Parliamentary Group meeting held on 31st January, 2007, at Orange House to declare himself the President,” said the minister.

The minister said the Pentagon members had advised that a press conference be convened where Raila was to declare himself the President-elect.

The minister, who cannot be quoted due to the sensitivity of the matter, said two top lawyers qualified as commissioners of oath — one from Nyanza the other from Rift Valley — had been tasked to swear in Raila at a brief ceremony they intended to have televised live.

Raila however declined to take the oath and refused to declare himself President saying it would escalate the “already too bad situation” and increase the casualties.

Yesterday, Wikileaks revealed that Frazer is reported to have said that dealing with Raila and finding him culpable for anything had become difficult. Frazer said it was difficult because “Odinga is an excellent communicator and very good at playing the victim and the media love the concept of the ‘good guy’ versus the ‘bad guy’.”

But Frazer believed Kibaki had an upper hand than Raila in stopping the violence and bringing stability as he was the only decision-maker within PNU while Raila was sandwiched by his Pentagon colleagues in ODM and could not act alone.“Kibaki has the power of the state behind him and is the only decision-maker on his side, while Odinga is one of five making the decisions. Odinga is probably the most reasonable of the five, but he is constrained by the hardliners within his coalition,” Frazer said in the cable.

Frazer accused Pentagon member William Ruto of being double-faced, presenting one face to the international community and a different one to the local people.

The scary thing about Uhuru’s presidency is the resurgence of right wing kikuyu nationalism which was at its highest after TJ and JM were brutally murdered. When the kalenjin support for it fades away Kenyans will be shocked as to how ugly and harmful this arrogant and boisterous kikuyu nationalism is to the unity of this country. Uhuru has divided and will continue to divide this country because he does not have the courage and the moral rectitude to stare down the kikuyu nationalist like Njonjo once did. He wants to be loved too much and cannot tell his peeps to cut it out.

Uhuru’s biggest problem is that he is beholden to the chauvinist hegemonist mt. Kenya mafia who are bad for the unity of Kenya. He cannot stare them down and is very happy to be loved by them even when they mislead him. Uhuru will never be his own man.

Those who believe that kikuyu’s will rule Kenya for the next 20 years renewable for another 20 years. When Uhuru said this in Eldoret recently, the guilable Kalenjin thought that they were part of that “we”, but actually the we is “house of Mumbi”.

WHAT CABINET SECREATRY ANNE WAIGURU DID TO WILLIAM RUTO IN STATE HOUSE IS SHOCKING…SEE DETAILS!!!

Deputy president William Ruto was recently embarrassed in statehouse at a cabinet meeting by Devolution cabinet secretary Anne waiguru when he sought clarification from her as to why she sacked the national youth service director Kiplimo Rugut,a civil servant who has diligently served this country for 30years but to his surprise Anne Waiguru who has become one of the most powerful secretaries in jubilee adminstration shockingly told Ruto that she is the in-charge of devolution and above him in front of Joseph kinyua.William ruto walked out of the meeting with his head down as kinyua watched in dismay.

NAIROBI, KENYA: Parliament will be stripped of its powers to have a say in internal military deployment, if proposed amendments see light of the day.

The Statute Law Miscellaneous (Amendment) Bill 2014 seeks to delete sections of Article 241(3), which provides for the procedure for local military deployment, essentially diluting the input of the National Assembly in case the Government wants to use the military internally.

Pursuant to Article 241(3) of the Constitution, the military can be deployed locally on two grounds: Assist and co-operate with other authorities in situations of emergency or disaster or to restore peace in any part of Kenya affected by unrest or instability While the Kenya Defence Forces Act is clear that under the above circumstances, the National Assembly can only be informed whenever there is internal deployment to assist in emergency or disaster, the provisions of the Constitution are specific when it comes to deployment of the military internally to restore peace since the latter requires express authority of Parliament.

This means that the Government through the Cabinet Secretary for Defence will only be required to merely gazette the start of the operation and de-gazette the end of the exercise without necessarily seeking MPs approval in what is seen as part of the Government’s strategy to cut down military deployment bureaucracy and scale up the use of the military to combat run-away crime in the country.

The Government has been under attack from the former Prime Minister Raila Odinga’s CORD for failing to firmly deal with raging insecurity in the country in the wake of killings in Mpeketoni, Hindi and Wajir which the Government has attributed to ethnic conflict fanned by criminal gangs.

TERRORIST THREATS

In August last year, President Uhuru Kenyatta created a new military command to combat rising crime and terrorist threats inside the country despite criticism from security experts, civil society groups and a section of politicians who termed the move an attempt to militarise the country by letting the Kenya Defence Forces ( KDF) take up roles assigned to the Kenya Police Service (NPS).

The Nairobi Metropolitan Command, was to come under KDF, specifically to deal with security threats such as terrorism, drug trafficking and proliferation of small arms in the capital. It is yet not clear if the command took up its roles given that attacks with and around the city have been on the increase and with the KDF’s visibility doubtful in crime scenes within the city.

The Government had argued that the creation of the command was necessitated by the need to have a well co-ordinated and trained force on standby to deal with emerging threats. Security personnel was often caught off guard by terrorists, but the Government argued the command was the ultimate solution that would not only be responding to attacks but help in forestalling the attacks as well.

In the above case, the President was widely criticised for not seeking the approval of Parliament in dispensing his executive orders as the commander-in-chief of the Kenya Defence Forces ( KDF).

The proposed amendment seeks to delete the section : “Where KDF is deployed for any purpose contemplated in subsection Article 241(3) (1)(b) and (c), the Cabinet Secretary shall inform the National Assembly promptly and in appropriate detail of the reasons for such deployment, place where the Defence Forces is being deployed, number of persons involved, period for which the military is expected to be deployed and expenditure incurred or expected to be incurred.http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000128072/state-wants-to-deploy-kdf-without-mps-say

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The problems kikuyu are facing like alchol adictds, thieves, playing sex with annimals like dogs and pigs problems in marriage are part of consiquencies kikuyu communities are facing because of power hungry !

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Am a Kenyan who feels isolated from other Kenyans.When every means is used to block aleader of the majority to be at bay is bitter.I feel uneasy,life cut short.
Infact,40 tribes isolated.It’s unfair.Money buys power.It’s unfair please.We still await for our God,who is our master to help us.We pray for Raila too.God has used him to be our political curriculum,we’ve learnt alot through him.Many injustices ave been unfolded by him.We’r able to see light in abyss kenya.

On 19 September 2014, Trial Chamber V(b) of the International Criminal Court (ICC) vacated the trial commencement date in the case The Prosecutor v. Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta, which had been provisionally scheduled for 7 October 2014. The Chamber also convened two public status conferences for 7 and 8 October 2014 at 10:00 (The Hague local time), to discuss the status of cooperation between the Prosecution and the Kenyan Government and issues raised in the Prosecution’s Notice of 5 September 2014, respectively.

A Representative of the Kenyan Government is invited to attend the first status
conference and Mr Kenyatta is required to be present at the second status conference. Both hearings will be held in the presence of the Prosecution, the Defence and the Legal Representatives of Victims.

The Chamber vacated the trial date in the Kenyatta case in order to have more time consider the recent requests by the parties and participants to the trial, without prejudice to its ruling regarding those requests. The Chamber’s decision was made with due regard to the requirements of article 64(2) of the Rome Statute, which states that the Trial Chamber shall ensure that a trial is fair and expeditious and is conducted with full respect for the rights of the accused and due regard for the protection of victims and witnesses. On 28 August 2014, Trial Chamber V(b) had ordered the Prosecution to file a notice confirming whether it anticipated being in a position to begin the trial of Mr Kenyatta on 7 October 2014. On 5 September, the Prosecution filed this notice, requesting the Trial Chamber to further adjourn the trial of Mr Kenyatta until the Government of Kenya executes in full the Prosecution’s April 2014 Revised Request for records. On 10 September 2014, the Defence filed a Response to the Prosecution notice and a Request to Terminate the Case against Mr Kenyatta. The Legal Representatives of Victims also filed a Response to the Prosecution notice on the same day.

On 31 March 2014, Trial Chamber V(b) had adjourned the commencement date of the trial in the Kenyatta case to 7 October 2014 to provide the Government of Kenya with a further, time-limited opportunity to provide certain financial and other records relating to Mr Kenyatta, which the Prosecution had previously requested on the basis that the records are relevant to a central allegation to the case.

Decisions and orders

Decision on three requests for leave to reply Issued by Trial Chamber V(b) on 19 September 2014 Order vacating trial date of 7 October 2014, convening two status conferences, and addressing other procedural matters Issued by Trial Chamber V(b) on 19 September 2014 ICC-PIDS-WU-223/14_Eng 15 to 19 September 2014

Situation in Kenya

On 31 March 2010, Pre-Trial Chamber II granted the Prosecutor’s request to open an investigation proprio motu in the situation in Kenya, State Party since 2005. Following summonses to appear issued on 8 March 2011 in two separate cases, six Kenyan citizens voluntarily appeared before Pre-Trial Chamber II on 7 and 8 April 2011. The confirmation of charges hearings in the two cases took place from 1 to 9 September 2011, and 21 September to 5 October 2011, respectively. On 23 January 2012, the judges confirmed the charges only against William Samoei Ruto, Joshua Arap Sang, Francis Kirimi Muthaura and Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta and committed them to trial. On 18 March 2013, the charges against Francis Kirimi Muthaura were withdrawn. The trial in the case The Prosecutor v. William Samoei Ruto and Joshua Arap Sang started on 10 September 2013. On 19 September 2014, Trial Chamber V(b) vacated the trial commencement date in the case The Prosecutor v. Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta, which had been provisionally scheduled for 7 October 2014. The Chamber also convened two public status conferences for 7 and 8 October 2014 to discuss the status of cooperation between the Prosecution and the Kenyan Government and issues raised in the Prosecution’s Notice of 5 September 2014, respectively. On 2 October 2013, Pre-Trial Chamber II unsealed an arrest warrant in the case The Prosecutor v. Walter Osapiri Barasa, initially issued on 2 August 2013, for several offences against the administration of justice, consisting of corruptly influence or attempting to corruptly influence ICC witnesses. Mr Barasa is not in the Court’s custody.

@OKOTH You are so spot-on because your Frend Ondiga was rigged from the presidency and will definitely make it if He continue with his persistent CUTE propagada .Kenya is a democratic country and citizen are the one who elect their leaders with inspiration by GOD. Ondiga was elected and he deserves to be president. He should be sworn in when Uhuru is away because ruto is also just another criminal.

I think we should dat ghost of ethnisty in kenya.we r willing if raila becomes the president,any un own property should b returned 2 kenyans.we don’t want the dictatershp of mobutu seseko & the amin dada

It’s to all my sorrow of all those things that are happening in our beloved country Kenya! Actually it’s very sad if we Kenyan’ s to take our time in voting a reall leader who can change the face of our Country but all in vain . Let’s wish them the because they are protecting the wealth that they stoll from we poor Kenyans, let’s give them time they will regret for all their vises. Amen

President Uhuru Kenyatta’s catering team that flew to China prior to his departure on Wednesday morning took his favourite food along with them. Lamb chops, beef steak, fish and Fanta orange were in the travelling bags of the advance team.

Unlike his predecessor, Mwai Kibaki, who steered clear of red meat preferring chicken and fish, Uhuru does not like poultry. Sources close to the catering department at State House revealed the President does not leave the country without his chefs.

One caterer who does not work at State House but has in the past travelled with the former and current president said it is difficult to find the foods that Uhuru prefers in Asia.

“We used to carry food whenever we learned that we cannot find it in the host country. China is tricky and the President’s team must have carried his favourite lamb chops, which are always served with mukimo, roast potatoes, rice or ugali,” he said.

On Tuesday morning, a senior government official is reported to have made a call to The Stanley hotel to order the food. “Please include lots of fish,” the official is said to have instructed.

The the total amount of the food ordered, and which was billed in US dollars, came to $80,000 (Sh7 million). The source said since Uhuru was sworn in, he served him dinner once before State House commissioned its full food and beverage unit.

“Uhuru takes tea in his house in the morning. I have never served him tea for breakfast. Perhaps, he prefers to eat his wife’s food,” he said. He said the State House’s food and beverage department can serve a maximum of 250 people. If there are more guests than that, the official caterers, The Sarova Stanley, take over.

Kibaki liked to drink Keringet water or mango or cocktail juice after a meal, our source said. “For breakfast, President Kibaki loved Weetabix cereal, croissants, tea and fruits. Kibaki is mindful of his health. We would bear this in mind when cooking for him,” he said.

Yesterday, the management at The Stanley said they are excited to be the official caterers of State House. “It is an honour to cater for the President. You must be consistent and be sure of what you are doing. There is no room for mistakes. We did catering during President Kibaki’s time and we will also do it well for President Uhuru,” said Ben Katungi, the hotel’s food and beverage manager.

He declined to comment on the Uhuru’s menu for the China trip. The President’s official visit to China, which runs from August 19 to 23, will be dominated by discussions on business and investment.

A business delegation of more than 60 people will join Uhuru on this leg of his tour. Nairobi Governor Dr Evans Kidero jetted out yesterday to join the President’s entourage.

While in China, Uhuru will sign deals on a power transmission project for Nairobi as well as other agreements on economic and technical cooperation. The President is also expected review a number of projects under discussion between the governments of Kenya and China.

Key among these are the $2.5 billion construction of a standard gauge railway from Mombasa to Malaba and the $1.75 billion multi-purpose dam, which is central to regional development plans.

On his way to China, Uhuru yesterday visited Russia where he encouraged more Russian businesspeople to invest in Kenya. He said Kenya is strategically located as a gateway to the East and Central Africa region.

The President said due to its strategic location, Kenya has emerged as the regional economic, trading and investment frontier. He was speaking in Moscow during a meeting with the Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Moscow.

“I welcome Russian investors to take advantage of our strategic location as the gateway to the East African Community and the common market for Eastern and Southern Africa – which has a combined market potential of over 400 million people,” he said.

Uhuru also hosted a luncheon for the Kenyan team to the World Athletics Championships. He pledged more support for the Kenyan sportsmen and women.

Saying Kenyans are proud of their achievements, the President termed Kenyan athletes as gracious ambassadors of the country. He said every Kenyan celebrates their success.

I want to in strong terms commentate this rightful fact that in the near future we’ll have no room for presidency in the Kikuyu mafia and incase you have doubts on Raila’s presidency,bare me a witness that Uhuru will NOT get a chance to rig votes even with the support of NSIS,the top Kikuyu Generals in the army and all other purported loopholes he dreams of.

Because now Uhuru is not in ICC today, what did he done to be termed that he has no case to answer by that court ? or he bribed the judges ? secondly what will make Ralla not to rule this nation is because he trys to isolate a certain section of the population against the others, so his popularity thrives in dividing so that it will be easy for him to rule, that is the crest the person of Raila rides on, what did Kikuyu did to him as a community leave alone their leaders? what did a common members of the Kikuyu tribe did to him inorder for him to generalize that all Kikuyu are bad, people who do not neither know even the direction of the state house nor never met the president himself, Raila will rule Kenya when he will learn to be a nationalist but not a tribal chief whose popularity is as a result of balkanising the nation.

Kenyans want peace,in regards to writting on who kenyans want as a president,10 voices do not count for 100,what Okoth Osewe has written is based on tribalism thus the use of ‘Kikuyu Mafia’ kenyans are tired of politics,they want change,they want a leader who does not work on promises but on the real issues affecting them,electing a president in regards to taming one tribe won’t help anyone,regardless of tribe,corruption is real and should be adressed,it is not as a result of ‘kikuyus’ everybody wants change but it has to start with us freeing our tribal mentality.

All along I have been wondering who among those who refer to themselves as interlectuals in Kenya, will ever reason independently without the influence of those who have been holding leadership positions in Kenya for many years. Unfortunately, almost all those who have been in those leadership positions have at one time, been suspects of corruption. What makes them look clean is because none of them admit it once they are mentioned. And because all government departments in Kenya are permeated with corruption, no investigation takes place and no prosecution takes place and therefore all the looyers of public funds remain free at all times.
Today Kenya is at its worst in terms of corruption and inflation. The Lower cader of the Kenya Army are paid a minimum salary of Ksh. 7,200 per month for recruits and Ksh. 11,852 per month for Cadets. This is about $72 per month for the Kenya Army recruits and $118.52 per month for the Kenya Army Cadets. These two, are in the category of workers who can never have access to public funds to loot. The Kenya Civil Servants, the Kenya Teachers and the Kenya Police suffer the same fate. Already there is a multiparty system of politics in Kenya and there a new constitution in place. There are two youthful leaders at the top. In essence, Kenya is missing nothing among those things Kenyans thought were necessary for proper governance. But the economic situation in Kenya continues to deteriorate. What is next after recycling those same Kenyans into leadership positions for decades without any positive changes taking place in Kenya? I think it is high time Kenya gives birth to a Jerry Rawlings, because the Nation dearly requires “house cleaning”, otherwise the Nation will totally colapse very very soon. None of those in the limelight will save Kenya. Instead, they are all struggling to take up leadership positions in order to continue to loot more public funds. No doubt that Kenya is sitting on a time bomb which can explode any time, any minute, if causion is not observed with very keen mind.