2.1 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION Will and Ariel Durant emphasize the place of geographical location in history when they agree that -Geography is the matrix of history, its nourishing mother and disciplining home-1. The influence of geography on Kokori and Okpara peoples' lives in the past cannot be overemphasized. The two hinterland communities, Okpara and Kokori share similar climatic and geographical features with other Urhobo land areas, which make up the main dry land of the Western Niger Delta. The entire Urhobo land is flat and is situated in the evergreen Tropical Forest Zone. The -Ubiquitous West Coast Oil Palm dominates it.

The two sub-clans in focus, Okpara and Kokori are within Agbon in Ethiope East Local Government Area, Delta State. The peoples who were mainly inland dwellers now inhabit -waterside- regions, so that we now have Okpara inland and Okpara waterside; Kokori inland and Kokori waterside respectively. To a large extent, the climate and geographical location of these groups had influenced their cultural behavior and relations in the pre-colonial epoch. The geographical location allowed for easy access to each of the territory, so that, people from both towns easily traversed each other's territory. Because of the geographical dynamics, a good deal of interaction beyond mere traversing into any of the territories, took plac. Eventhough these towns existed as autonomous units, they were by no means separated from each other.3. In particular, Kokori is bounded in the north by Eku and Igun sub-clans; in the east by Ugono, Orhomuru, Erhobaro, Ovara and Idionvwan villages all in Orogun clan. Kokori shares its southern boundary with Avwirhe in Agbarha clan; and in the west, it is bounded by Isiokolo and Okpara inland in Agbon kingdom

4. It has about 196km2 land space with a township that has six access roads. The roads include: Kokori Eku road, Kokori-Ugono road, Kokori-Orogun road, Kokori-Ughelli road, Kokori-Oshesheri/Okpara road

5. the last route is of central importance in explaining kokori-Okpara relations in the past. For much of the interactions between them was carried out through this route

6. Network of streams and creeks cut across different parts of the Kokori territory. Two major streams are identifiable; the Omue stream on Eku road; and Iranzo on Orogun road. On the other hand Okpara is bounded in the east by Kokori /Isiokolo, in the south by Ekrebuo/Orhoakpo, in the West by Ovu-inland. It is watered by Omue stream, which also runs across Kokori. Its thick forest had a substantial wildlife reserve

7. The people of Okpara and Kokori were predominantly subsistence farmers who produced for their subsistence needs. The economy was anchored on farming. They were self-sufficient farmers. They however produced little above their subsistence needs to exchange for their complementary needs. The process of exchange was through barter. Agricultural products like food-crops e.g. water yams could be exchanged for Okra. Although with time, cowries, came to be adopted as the medium of exchange. Both communities had market days on which they disposed of their surplus produce or bought the ones they needed. Okpara market day was held every four days. It was called Edewor and nobody was expected to go to farm on that day. Kokori market day was every eight days. It also had a mid-market day market that was held every four days. Most farmers harvested their crops during harvest period, on a day to the market with a view to taking them to the market place the following day. There was also hawking in the streets on ordinary days. Kokori traders patronized Okpara Market. While many Okpara people patronized Kokori Central Market

8. The topography of Okpara and Kokori allows for the cultivation of such crops as yams, cassava, Okra, pepper, maize, melon, red-beans (locally called Isha) among others. Apart from tilling the soil they also exploited the palm trees, which grow in their bush for the production of soap, food and palm kernel as well as brooms. They had ponds they harvested often annually. The community owned the major ponds. These were either harvested every three years or more years. Okpara and Kokori lie within the same geo-climatic zone. They both experience the rainy season, which begins in June and ends in early November; and the dry season, which begins in late November and ends in late may

9. There is also the northeast trade wind, which affects the area. During this season, deciduous plants and trees shed their leaves. And the burning of bush usually marked it. These three seasons influenced the agricultural routine of pre-colonial Okpara and Kokori people. For instance, during the rains, less farm work was done. The men turned to fishing in the streams and rivers. Towards the end of the rainy season when the water was subsiding, they used Uge-a kind of fish trap-in trapping the fish. They practiced slash and burn system of farming. So it was commonly realized that the rain would not allow the weeds to dry, so that they could burn them. Thus planting was normally done in the dry season, which favoured the preparation of the farmland. The men cleared the farms and left it for some days to dry. After which their wives set fire on it and cleared the weeds. They usually waited for the first rain of the year before planting. However some farmers planted and waited for the first rain. Planting was normally done by the women

10. The men also planted water yams. These water yams were planted on the bank of a river or close to streams. During the rainy seasons, these rivers or streams overflowed their banks. So planting could not be done on such land in rains, for the water would destroy them. But in the dry season, the water of the river would have rescinded and the water must have left the riverbed more fertile because during the over-flooding manure was deposited on it. These lands were cultivated only in the dry season; and annual crops were not planted there. Bush burning in the harmattan season made animal hiding in the bush ran out. In this way hunting was facilitated, as the hunters only had to set fire on a bush and wait around for the animals that would soon run out of their hide-outs

11. The map in figure 1.1 shows the position of Okpara and Kokori in Agbon Kingdom.Origins Professor J. A. Atanda recognizes the problem associated with peoples' origins. He writes; -the origins of peoples in any society is a problem which inevitably confronts the historian …-

12 He goes further to state that, at the group level the following questions need be asked:Who are we?Where are we?From where and How have we come To be where we are?What are we doing here?etc….such questionsconstitute an index of man's historical consciousness.

13. The traditions of the origins and migrations of Okpara and Kokori as some of the Urhobo groups-are still shrouded in obscurity and uncertainty. However, both Okpara and Kokori claim descent from one progenitor called Agbon who is said to have migrated from Benin at a point in time to settle in Agbon town.

14. Predicated upon this belief of common descent from Agbon, is the worship of Isiokoru fetish by Agbon people, even till today

15. When Agbon people finally got to Isiokolo, they made contact with Benin to make an earth fetish for them. The Oba sent a messenger to Agbon town, which convened a meeting of all Agbon children. The messenger buried the head of an Orhokpor boy in a place. On that spot, he planted an Iroko and Oghriki tree. He then proclaimed that from then on Agbon would be subject to the Oba. He gave a horse tail symbolizing authority to the eldest man called Okarorho. Automatically all the children of Agbon regarded this fetish as their god of war. They worshipped it from time to time.

16. Moreover, the common traditions of origins and migrations shared by Okpara and Kokori are fundamental in explaining their relations in the pre-colonial era. This, for instance, had served as a unifying factor among them. In any critical moment of decision between them, they often evoke the memory of their common origins by the saying -we are all one-.

17. Agbon people have a long migrational history. Their various traditions and accounts of origins and migrations subsist. According to one of the accounts, a man called Ukonorhoro, who migrated from Udo in Benin, gave birth to Agbon. Agbon migrated through Kwale, probably from Erhowa, settled at Ehwen and Erhivwi or Irri in present Isoko division of Delta State. From there he moved down to Utokori, close to Ughwerun; then to Olomu and through the present Ughelli territory of Ekuigbo to found Otorho r' Agbon now known as Isiokolo.

18. The map in figure 1.2. shows the probable routes of Agbon people's migration. Professor Peter Ekeh argues that Agbon peoples could -demonstrate from town and even street names that they migrated from Isoko, first settling at Isiokoro (Anglicized: Isiokolo), before spreading out-.

19. Example of such names includes Agbon-Olomu, Kokori Street in (Ugwherun, Okpara and Kokori quarters in Irri and the name Ighwre-Eku named after Eku that resided in that territory. Today Ighwre-Eku is popularly called ughelli.

20. In the light of the above, Obaro Ikime would say that, although Agbon claim Benin Origin, they actually came from Irri in Uzere clan.

21. It should be mentioned that Agbon people have a tradition, which holds that, Agbon left Isoko because of discrimination and language barrier

22. If Agbon people were Isokos of Uzere extraction, then there would not have been any problem of language barrier or discrimination between Agbon group and Uzere group. The fact that the Isoko language and Agbon peoples' language were mutually unintelligible while they dwelled together points attention to another possible area where Agbon might have migrated from to settle there in Uzere. According to the account of Okumagba, Agbon was one of the numerous children of one great man called Urhobo, who came from Benin at about 1057 A. D. to settle in Erhowa in Ase village. He traces Agbon's origin to settlement among the Aproza family of mid-western Ijaw. This place of Agbon's settlement came to be known as Erhowa.

23. But the fact that Erhowa is in Isoko-Isoko South Local Government Area, makes an aspect of the above account a misleading one. Andy Omokri and Professor Otite's accounts as well trace the origin of Agbon to Benin, under the umbrella of Urhobo migration. Omokri and Adjara particularly, state that, according to oral tradition Agbon people were among the Edo-speaking groups involved in the exodus from Bini about the 9th century because of oppressive rule of the legendary Benin Oba, Ogiso.

24. However, Omigui has postulated that the Agbon people of Urhobo are -mixed Urhobo, Itsekiri and Benin elements-25. Professor Peter P. Ekeh discredits this postulation, pointing out that the view would alarm the people of Agbon, who vie for the status of the most authentic Urhobo sub-culture. In the 1940's and 1950's, Peter Ekeh pursues, during which Bradbury and Lloyed Collected the data Omuigui probably refers to, there was settlement of Itsekiri in Agbon towns on the river Ethiope. Such towns include Okpara waterside, Igun and Eku. But they left for Sapele because of decline of the riverine trade on which they relied. Perhaps, the Benin elements have been in Igun and Ovu both of which have immigrants of Benin like Dohosa family.

25. There is also the view that the Urhobo people's exact origin is not known, yet they are closely related to their immediate neighours linguistically and culturally. And that the oral history of the Urhobo people is contradictory for -it claims that their origins are closely related to those of the Binis, but at the same time show that they are not Binis. There are other connections made to Igbo, Isoko and Ijo. For the fact that the three groups mentioned, have different cultural systems, a conclusion is drawn that the idea that Urhobo came from the three is doubtful, somehow.

27. Ade Obeyemi has also proposed in his writing:……At the other extreme we find claims that are virtually impossible. For example, the claims of …. Many Urhobo chiefly families to Benin origins…

28. In the same vein, professor A. E. Afigbo in his -Benin Mirage- makes bold attempt to lay to rest claims of Urhobo origins to Benin. For him:…. the Bini thesis does not, as it seeks or claims to do offer a satisfactory explanation of how south Central Nigeria was peopled

29. It is germane to note here that, Okpara and Kokori are typical Urhobo towns whose peoples share common ethnolinguistic continuum with other Urhobo groups. Therefore the question of uncertain origin of the Urhobos as a group does not seem less important in the discussion of their origins. A prominent chief among the Urhobos, chief Okumagba has presented an account of Urhobos origins. Following a period when Benin political affair was turning topsy-turvy in a hectic course, as a result of succession dispute created by political vacuum, a consequence of the death of ruling Ogiso, there was a mass movement of migrants from Bini, «Urhobo» who was at this time suffering from neurosis of security because of the political chaos and anarchy, also decided to move to a Bini-harassment-free area. Thus Urhobo group moved down across the Ethiope river. They turned Southwards and came to Ase river near Ibrede. Still pushing further, along Ase river they probably went Southwards along the river. They got to the mid-western Ijaw country, close to Patani where they settled among the aproza family. These groups who were known as Urhobo came to be known as Urhoho

30. Professor Peter P. Ekeh has also tried in some measure to resolve the problem of the uncertain Urhobo origin in his search for Edoid cultural history. He considers Iyi-Eweka statement that -the first batch of Urhobo immigrants from Benin landed in -Abraka- and turned South wards to the rest of Urhoboland.

31. He discredits this hypothesis and implied in his paper, is the fact that the Urhobos who were supposed to be fleeing persecution could not have settled so close to Benin as in Abraka where the agents of Ogiso could easily reach them. He emphasizes a common claim in many Urhobo traditions, which holds that, the earliest migrants' settlements are in Isoko. This is at the furthest area from Benin. He posits that, the father away from Benin, the older the migrant groups. Furthermore, he states that any study of urhobo history and culture that belittles the enormous -contributions from Isoko will do so at its own peril-

32. As regards the question of Urhobo claim to Igbo, Ijaw and Benin origins, authorities like professor Peter Ekeh would say that they are suspicious of Bradbury's account ascribing Igbo origins to some Urhob sub-cultural units. Taking the argument further, he observes that, he was suspicious of the claim to Igbo origin -because of the intervening territory and cultural entity of Ukwuani which is fighting a claim that it was founded by immigrants from across the Niger-. Another version of their counter claim holds that they (Ukwuani) had been in these places long before the Igbos and Urhobos came

33. Traditions of origin of the Urhobo are full of assertions of original dwellers of their settlement. These aboriginals were also seen as Urhobo without known history of migration from another place. But there is no document .ry or archaeological evidence to support this claim.

34. Bradbury cites Hubbard's 1948 suggestion that -the distinctive characteristics of the various Urhobo and Isoko tribes are a result of the super-imposition of Ijaw, Ibo and later Edo immigrants aboriginal strata- who were speaking Edo-type dialects. The aboriginal strata referred to must have been firmly established. For the different -strangers- intervening elements were almost totally assimilated into a -common and distinguishable pool of cultural and organizational forms among all the Urhobos-. The intervention of these alien groups is to be differentiated from suggested societal migrations from a single source in the Edo territory

35. Migration: Professor Onigu Otite has done a thorough analysis of various traditions of origins among the Urhobos and drawn the following conclusion. Without archaeological evidence, the four traditions of Urhobo origin have some credibility. The four traditions include that Urhobo came from Ife. According to this tradition, Benin royal family of Ogiso and Urhobo came together from Ife. Secondly, there are traditions of origin from Sudan and Egypt

35. Arawore says Urhobo first came from Egypt, leaving some of their people in the shore of lake Chad, stopped at Ile-Ife, settled permanently among Binis, but were eventually -driven to the swamp of the Niger Delta-

37. the third is tradition linking Urhobo origins to an emigration from an original Edo settlement. And lastly, the claim by some Urhobos that they are autochthonous owners of their territory.

38. The structure of Urhobo ideas and language as well as of their culture and other institutional forms, imply historical links between them, their neighbours, particularly the Western Edo-speaking peoples, in some socio-linguistic groups in some yet undefined areas in the Sudan/Egypt

39. The Urhobo people are linguistically classified as kwa group

40. Westerman and others -classified the kwa group of languages as part of the western Sudanic or the Niger Congo language family-

41. The language of the kwa groups which include Edo, Ijo, Igbo etc. have been shown, through glotochronological calculations to have been separated between 3000 and 6000 years ago. That is to say the group to which Edo, Urhobo and Yoruba belong were one society with common language and historical traditions. Greenbery confirms this generic classification.

42. All in all, it should not be forgotten that, the Okpara and Kokori groups, which are our major focus here, lay consistent and recurrent claim to migration from Irri in Isoko. Although, they never claim to be Isoko people turned Agbon people on getting to their present settlements. The Agbon, are descendants of a man called Agbon, who left Isoko, and after sojourning in different places got to the contemporary Isiokolo where he settled

43. Agbon gave birth to four children, probably at Irri. Thus in Irri, the early settlements and relics of Agbon descendants are still found. And in Ughwerun, there still exist relics of Kokori settlement

44. Most secondary sources give the impression that, the four Agbon children, were all males. But there is a counter claim that one of them was a female. Figure 1.2. shows Agbon and his supposed family. While a version of Agbon's oral history asserts that, Agbon and his children got to Isiokolo, another version claim that Agbon did not get to Isiokolo

45. At a material time, Agbon descendants embarked on emigration from Agbon town where they had settled. It was during this period of dispersal that Okpara and kokori groups also left for their present territories

45. Writers like Onigu Otite and Sunday Odje have tried to establish why Agbon children dispersed from Agbon town. Chief Dr. Ofua, the first Orator of Urhobo, said that the phrase Agbon vere, is employed to describe the manner in which Agbon people dispersed from Isiokolo

47. By that phrase it is meant that the people of Agbon did not disperse in a state of peace or in search of greener pasture. Rather, it suggests a situation of commotion, which culminated in eventual dispersal from Agbon town. A war leader called Odeze was ruling over Agbon people, when one Osifo appointed by the oba to be an Ovie over Agbon people arrived Isiokolo. Disaffected over the idea of Osifo being a king over the people, Odeze plotted his killing. This he did by fabricating false information about him. One was that Osifo was changing into leopard to kill children who want for hawking. Secondly that Osifo's government was a bad one. Because, there was incessant killing of children at the time, Agbon people believed these allegations and assassinated Osifo. But sooner or later, it became known that these allegations were untrue. Kokori rose for retaliation because Osifo was their son. This coupled with the fear of reprisals from the Oba, who was the grand father of Osifo, made Agbon descendants fled from Isiokolo

48. However, Chadwick account is at variance with the above. According to him, a witch doctor consulted, revealed that Osifo was responsible for the killings of children in the community. The people of Agbon reported surreptitiously to Oba of Benin, who sent men to kill Osifo. Osifo's family, infuriated by Agbon people's perfidy provoked more trouble, and was driven from Isiokolo

49. Chadwick goes further to state that:The elders of the town met to solve the problem of keeping the peace and decided that because Agbon was too large for a gerontocratic government and control by old men the elders of each quarters should emigrate with their people to new sites. Odeze led the Okparas to a site chosen by some hunters (Osia, Odeze and others). Even then the town was considered to be too large and to ease the friction, which was bound to arise, the elders of Uruerigbe decided to move on still further …

50. The above excerpt suggests something beyond the Osifo issues, which led to dispersal from the Agbon town. There is an undertone of population explosion leading to migration of Agbon people from their original settlement. Above all, we find that, the evolution of contemporary Kokori and Okpara sub-clans was sequel to the dispersal of Agbon descendants from Agbon town. While still at Agbon, Kokori and Okpara gave birth to children. Both two families had their different quarters where they lived. Among the children of Okpara were. Eregbe, Erhi and Etorogba. Erhi in turn gave birth to Osia, Isaba Uvwiaghoa, Onoriaro and Okei among others Okpara was already dead at the time of migration from Isiokolo. Thus Osia and others led Okparas to a new settlement. Osia planted an Oghriki tree near the present site of Okpara hospital on reaching Okpara. The essence of this was to allow their people make love, for the presence of the tree symbolizes that, that place was a settlement. It was a taboo among them, for people to make love in the bush. One of Osia's descendants must be the chief priest of the Oto Shrine because it was Osia who planted the Oghriki tree

51. As the population grew, both due to the birth of new immigrants like Esume, the people of Okpara began to spread out. Esume who was Osia's in-law founded Osia street, but because he was an in-law, the street was named after Osia. Omovwiona founded Urhu-iniovwona, one of Isaba's children founded Urhu-Egbo; Ogene founded Urhu-Ogene, Ononaro founded Imodje street; the descendants of Eregbe founded Eregbe quarter, and Ete-ogba children founded Ogba quarter. Some Okpara people also moved away to found new settlements like Ovu, Okpara water-side Otumara Ogba village, Obi, village, Adarode, Okurofo, Aghwariore, Ugbegbe, Ugbuwherhe, Okarunoh, Omude, Agborhoro among others. Today Okpara is a thriving sub-clan in Agbon kingdom with numerous villages and streets

52. Kokori on the other hand was founded by one Ozegbe. He led, Kokori people to land, flowing with milk and honey, which he found during one of his hunting expeditions. Soon after Kokori people's settlement in the site, Oziegbe embarked on ambitious expansion of Kokori frontiers. This was not without opposition. He had to contend with stiff opposition from invaders. To protect the territorial boundaries of Kokori, men were sent out to build villages around the frontiers. One of the villages resulting from this effort is the Urhu-Okpe village, between Okpara and Kokori. In recognition of Oziegbe's enormous contributions to the founding of Kokori, the Kokori people, particularly Ekrivie people, established a shrine where he is being worshipped53. Today Kokori is a reckonable sub clan in Agbon kingdom. It is apparent from the above discussion that Agbon people at a point in time lived in Irri. But because of discrimination and language barrier they migrated to Utokori near Ughwerun. They later pushed towards the present Ughelli and eventually got to a place where they settled. This place was to be named Agbon Town, after the acclaimed father of the Agbon people. However, while it is true that Agbon left Irri and after some stay in different other places got to Agbon town, it would be wrong to assert that Uzere threw up the present Agbon kingdom. Or that the present Agbon people are descendants from Irri in Uzere. This is because, certain factors show that Agbon people might have come from elsewhere to settle in Irri. However, the point that Agbon and his descendants got to Agbon town is not certain. Except to accept that Agbon was given birth to in Uzere and not one of Urhobo migrants from Benin as claimed by chief M. P. Okumagba and others. The idea is that, Agbon being a homo sapiens subject to the natural order of young and growing old, could not have still been strong enough to lead his descendants all the way from Benin down through Erhowa, Irri, Utokori, Olomu, Ehwen, Ukwuani, Evwreni, Ighwreku and finally to Agbon town. The fact that, they sojourned in these places shows that they might have spent years before they got to Agbon town. Thus, Agbon, if actually he was one of the Urhobos who emigrated from Benin might have died on his way, but his descendants pushed on.

The implication of the above accounts for inter-group relations, particularly as they relate to Okpara and Kokori relationship in the pre-colonial period is discernible. The common traditions and accounts of origin and migration held by the Okpara and Kokori people emphasize descent from common lineages and patrileneages which were children of founders who were related by blood. What J. G. Nkem Oyekpe says of the West Niger Igbo is also true of Kokori and Okpara people. -The common traditions of origin, common experience of migrations and ancestral and genealogical affinities are of central importance in understanding the unity and intermingling of the groups-

54. The common oral history of the groups in question was functional and instrumental in shaping relations between them. In fact the cordiality which characterized their relations, as we shall see, in the next chapter, was to a large extent a reflection and manifestation of the oral history emphasizing common origins.

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