And it's not just the videotape of him berating almost half of America, or his endless gaffes, or his regressive budget policies. It's something that unites all of this, and connects it to the biggest underlying problem America faces -- the unprecedented concentration of wealth and power at the very top that's undermining our economy and destroying our democracy.

He released his return in January, showing he paid an effective tax rate of American has had hugely wealthy presidents before -- think of Teddy Roosevelt and his distant cousin, Franklin D. Roosevelt; or John F. Kennedy, beneficiary of father Joe's fortune. But here's the difference. These men were champions of the working class and the poor, and were considered traitors to their own class.

Teddy Roosevelt railed against the "malefactors of great wealth," and he busted up the oil and railroad trusts. FDR thundered against the "economic royalists," raised taxes on the wealthy, and gave average working people the right to form unions -- along with Social Security, unemployment insurance, a minimum wage, and a hour workweek.

But Mitt Romney is not a traitor to his class. He is a sponsor of his class. And he wants to cut benefits that almost everyone else relies on -- Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security, food stamps, unemployment insurance, and housing assistance.

He's even a warrior for his class, telling his wealthy followers his job isn't to worry about the "47 percent" of Americans who won't vote for him, whom he calls "victims" and he berates for not paying federal incomes taxes and taking federal handouts. He mangles these facts, of course. Moreover, most of the "47 percent" whom he accuses of taking handouts are on Medicare or Social Security -- the biggest "entitlement" programs -- which, not incidentally, they paid into during their working lives.

Concentrated wealth at the top means extraordinary power at the top. And that loophole exists solely because private equity and hedge fund managers have so much political clout -- as a result of their huge fortunes and the money they've donated to political candidates -- that neither party will remove it.

In other words, everything America is learning about Mitt Romney -- his tax returns, his years at Bain Capital, the video of his speech to high-end donors in which he belittles half of America, his gaffes, the budget policies he promotes -- repeat and reenforce the same underlying reality.

So much wealth and power have accumulated at the top of America that our economy and our democracy are seriously threatened. Romney not only represents this problem. He is the living embodiment of it. Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of the last century. He has written thirteen books, including the best sellers "Aftershock" and "The Work of Nations. He is also a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine and chairman of Common Cause.

Almost all of the 70 million iPhones, 30 million iPads and 59 million other products Apple sold last year were manufactured overseas. Apple has become one of the best-known, most admired and most imitated companies on earth, in part through an unrelenting mastery of global operations. However, what has vexed Mr. Obama as well as economists and policy makers is that Apple — and many of its high-technology peers — are not nearly as avid in creating American jobs as other famous companies were in their heydays.

Apple employs 43, people in the United States and 20, overseas , a small fraction of the over , American workers at General Motors in the s, or the hundreds of thousands at General Electric in the s.

But almost none of them work in the United States. Instead, they work for foreign companies in Asia, Europe and elsewhere, at factories that almost all electronics designers rely upon to build their wares. Apple executives say that going overseas, at this point, is their only option. One former executive described how the company relied upon a Chinese factory to revamp iPhone manufacturing just weeks before the device was due on shelves. New screens began arriving at the plant near midnight.

Each employee was given a biscuit and a cup of tea, guided to a workstation and within half an hour started a hour shift fitting glass screens into beveled frames. Within 96 hours, the plant was producing over 10, iPhones a day.

Similar stories could be told about almost any electronics company — and outsourcing has also become common in hundreds of industries, including accounting, legal services, banking, auto manufacturing and pharmaceuticals. But while Apple is far from alone, it offers a window into why the success of some prominent companies has not translated into large numbers of domestic jobs. Profits and efficiency have trumped generosity. Companies and other economists say that notion is naïve.

Though Americans are among the most educated workers in the world, the nation has stopped training enough people in the mid-level skills that factories need, executives say. To thrive, companies argue they need to move work where it can generate enough profits to keep paying for innovation. Doing otherwise risks losing even more American jobs over time, as evidenced by the legions of once-proud domestic manufacturers — including G.

And, ultimately, they say curing unemployment is not their job. In , a little over a month before the iPhone was scheduled to appear in stores, Mr. Jobs beckoned a handful of lieutenants into an office. For weeks, he had been carrying a prototype of the device in his pocket. Jobs angrily held up his iPhone, angling it so everyone could see the dozens of tiny scratches marring its plastic screen, according to someone who attended the meeting.

He then pulled his keys from his jeans. People will carry this phone in their pocket, he said. People also carry their keys in their pocket. The only solution was using unscratchable glass instead. After one executive left that meeting, he booked a flight to Shenzhen , China.

Jobs wanted perfect, there was nowhere else to go. For over two years, the company had been working on a project — code-named Purple 2 — that presented the same questions at every turn: And how do you design it at the highest quality — with an unscratchable screen, for instance — while also ensuring that millions can be manufactured quickly and inexpensively enough to earn a significant profit? The answers, almost every time, were found outside the United States. Though components differ between versions, all iPhones contain hundreds of parts, an estimated 90 percent of which are manufactured abroad.

Advanced semiconductors have come from Germany and Taiwan, memory from Korea and Japan, display panels and circuitry from Korea and Taiwan, chipsets from Europe and rare metals from Africa and Asia. And all of it is put together in China. A few years after Apple began building the Macintosh in , for instance, Mr. But by , Apple had largely turned to foreign manufacturing. Cook , who replaced Mr.

Jobs as chief executive last August, six weeks before Mr. Most other American electronics companies had already gone abroad, and Apple, which at the time was struggling, felt it had to grasp every advantage.

In part, Asia was attractive because the semiskilled workers there were cheaper. For technology companies, the cost of labor is minimal compared with the expense of buying parts and managing supply chains that bring together components and services from hundreds of companies.

The impact of such advantages became obvious as soon as Mr. Jobs demanded glass screens in For years, cellphone makers had avoided using glass because it required precision in cutting and grinding that was extremely difficult to achieve.

Apple had already selected an American company, Corning Inc. But figuring out how to cut those panes into millions of iPhone screens required finding an empty cutting plant, hundreds of pieces of glass to use in experiments and an army of midlevel engineers.

It would cost a fortune simply to prepare. Then a bid for the work arrived from a Chinese factory. The Chinese government had agreed to underwrite costs for numerous industries, and those subsidies had trickled down to the glass-cutting factory. It had a warehouse filled with glass samples available to Apple, free of charge. The owners made engineers available at almost no cost. They had built on-site dormitories so employees would be available 24 hours a day.

You need a million screws? That factory is a block away. You need that screw made a little bit different? It will take three hours. Foxconn - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. An eight-hour drive from that glass factory is a complex, known informally as Foxconn City, where the iPhone is assembled.

To Apple executives, Foxconn City was further evidence that China could deliver workers — and diligence — that outpaced their American counterparts. The facility has , employees, many working six days a week, often spending up to 12 hours a day at the plant. When one Apple executive arrived during a shift change, his car was stuck in a river of employees streaming past.

Foxconn employs nearly guards to direct foot traffic so workers are not crushed in doorway bottlenecks. While factories are spotless, the air inside nearby teahouses is hazy with the smoke and stench of cigarettes.

The first truckloads of cut glass arrived at Foxconn City in the dead of night, according to the former Apple executive. Within three months, Apple had sold one million iPhones. Since then, Foxconn has assembled over million more. Another critical advantage for Apple was that China provided engineers at a scale the United States could not match. Americans at that skill level are hard to find, executives contend.

Some aspects of the iPhone are uniquely American. Crucial semiconductors inside the iPhone 4 and 4S are manufactured in an Austin, Tex.

But even those facilities are not enormous sources of jobs. The Samsung plant has an estimated 2, workers. It is hard to estimate how much more it would cost to build iPhones in the United States. But such calculations are, in many respects, meaningless because building the iPhone in the United States would demand much more than hiring Americans — it would require transforming the national and global economies.

Other companies that work with Apple, like Corning, also say they must go abroad. Manufacturing glass for the iPhone revived a Corning factory in Kentucky, and today, much of the glass in iPhones is still made there. So we build our glass factories next door to assembly factories, and those are overseas. Corning was founded in America years ago and its headquarters are still in upstate New York.

Theoretically, the company could manufacture all its glass domestically. Asia has become what the U. It was , and the facility near Sacramento employed more than 1, workers. It was a kaleidoscope of robotic arms, conveyor belts ferrying circuit boards and, eventually, candy-colored iMacs in various stages of assembly. He and his wife had three children. They bought a home with a pool. At the same time, however, the electronics industry was changing, and Apple — with products that were declining in popularity — was struggling to remake itself.

One focus was improving manufacturing. A few years after Mr. Saragoza started his job, his bosses explained how the California plant stacked up against overseas factories: Rather it was costs like inventory and how long it took workers to finish a task. As the American economy transitioned from agriculture to manufacturing and then to other industries, farmers became steelworkers, and then salesmen and middle managers. These shifts have carried many economic benefits, and in general, with each progression, even unskilled workers received better wages and greater chances at upward mobility.

But in the last two decades, something more fundamental has changed, economists say. Midwage jobs started disappearing. Saragoza, with his college degree, was vulnerable to these trends. Then the robotics that made Apple a futuristic playground allowed executives to replace workers with machines. Some diagnostic engineering went to Singapore.

Saragoza was too expensive for an unskilled position. He was also insufficiently credentialed for upper management. He was called into a small office in after a night shift, laid off and then escorted from the plant.

He taught high school for a while, and then tried a return to technology. There were employment prospects in Silicon Valley, but none of them panned out. Saragoza, who today is 48, and whose family now includes five of his own. After a few months of looking for work, he started feeling desperate. Even teaching jobs had dried up. So he took a position with an electronics temp agency that had been hired by Apple to check returned iPhones and iPads before they were sent back to customers.

Some of that wealth has gone to shareholders. The bounty has also enriched Apple workers. As the company has grown, it has expanded its domestic work force, including manufacturing jobs. While other companies have sent call centers abroad, Apple has kept its centers in the United States. After two months of testing iPads, Mr. The pay was so low that he was better off, he figured, spending those hours applying for other jobs. On a recent October evening, while Mr.

Saragoza sat at his MacBook and submitted another round of résumés online, halfway around the world a woman arrived at her office. She is not an Apple employee. Lin earns a bit less than what Mr. Saragoza was paid by Apple. She speaks fluent English, learned from watching television and in a Chinese university. She and her husband put a quarter of their salaries in the bank every month. They live in a 1,square-foot apartment, which they share with their in-laws and son.

Toward the end of Mr. Jobs and other Silicon Valley executives, as everyone stood to leave, a crowd of photo seekers formed around the president. A slightly smaller scrum gathered around Mr. Rumors had spread that his illness had worsened, and some hoped for a photograph with him, perhaps for the last time. Eventually, the orbits of the men overlapped.

Obama, according to one observer. At dinner, for instance, the executives had suggested that the government should reform visa programs to help companies hire foreign engineers. Economists debate the usefulness of those and other efforts, and note that a struggling economy is sometimes transformed by unexpected developments. The last time analysts wrung their hands about prolonged American unemployment, for instance, in the early s, the Internet hardly existed. Few at the time would have guessed that a degree in graphic design was rapidly becoming a smart bet, while studying telephone repair a dead end.

In the last decade, technological leaps in solar and wind energy , semiconductor fabrication and display technologies have created thousands of jobs. But while many of those industries started in America, much of the employment has occurred abroad. Companies have closed major facilities in the United States to reopen in China.

By way of explanation, executives say they are competing with Apple for shareholders. Or will he be bypassed for a new graduate and never find his way back into the middle class? The pace of innovation, say executives from a variety of industries, has been quickened by businessmen like Mr. Jobs said goodbye, the Apple executive pulled an iPhone from his pocket to show off a new application — a driving game — with incredibly detailed graphics.

Zweig's own life was illustrative of history's immense force. He was a rich Viennese, born in the 19th century, and a famous writer at a young age. He was conversant in all the usual European languages and traveled throughout that continent, as one could at the time, without so much as a passport.

It was his world, and he enjoyed it enormously. Then Zweig experienced a stark loss of control over his life. He went from being at home anywhere in Europe to being on the lam, a Jew fleeing the Nazis. He wound up in Brazil where, in the depth of both despair and hideous reality, he killed himself. His world -- " The World of Yesterday ," as he called his memoir -- had vanished.

Zweig's story is extreme, yet it contains elements of the current economic calamity. The term economic "depression" has now been uttered. This means not that things are suddenly worse but that we have recognized them for what they are.

We give power to words or terms -- which is why it was news in itself when the media chose to label what was happening in Iraq a "civil war. So now , at least in Saturday's New York Times, we are in a depression -- maybe not a "great" one, but one that will do for now. This means that unemployment could go over 10 percent and that the housing catastrophe will deepen and that some major banks will become wards of the government.

Those of us who have been accustomed to exercising control over our lives are about to undergo an awfully frightening experience. This will hit the young particularly hard. If you asked almost any of them over the past 20 years or so why they did not read a newspaper or, really, care about the news at all, the answer was that news was irrelevant to their lives.

It did not matter to them what was happening in Washington or London or even Baghdad. An older generation still had a residual appreciation for the linkage of things -- how an event there could affect an event here and a job would disappear or a war erupt. It mattered because history mattered. One had the feeling that what with wars and famines, disease and ruthless economic cycles, one could never really control one's own life.

But generations that followed came to feel that they had mastered history and that it was, like polio, no longer a threat. The great exception in my lifetime was the Vietnam War and its suffocating draft. Rage was the result. Barack Obama will either figure out how to channel it, as Franklin D. Roosevelt did, or he will be flattened by it, as Lyndon Johnson was. Obama's challenge might even be greater than FDR's.

The people of the s and '30s were tough, hard. They did not expect all that much from life, and they had learned to expect next to nothing from government. We actually thought that we could have a house we could not afford and a mortgage that we could not pay and that it would all somehow work out. This keeps being called the American dream. It was actually the American delusion. Zweig fled Austria in and made his way to England and then to America and finally, for some reason, to Brazil.

He was as safe there as he had been in America, but his world -- once so comfy and secure -- was gone. He became a castaway, a Viennese writer deposited roughly on a Brazilian beach. History had come roaring out of Germany and flattened everything. Il contagio si diffonde: Il malcontento e la ribellione dilagano , come mostrano i risultati delle amministrative.

Considerando la speranza di vita, avendo versato contributi per 14 anni e rotti, prenderà la pensione in totale per anni. You think of a lumber yard, although you have no clue where one is and figure that nothing would be open at this hour, anyway.

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