Posts Tagged ‘Regina Ip’

Holding over 25% of the votes, they aim to stop Beijing’s preferred candidate Carrie Lam

On March 26, Hong Kong’s next leader will be voted in by an Election Committee of 1,194 members. That only so few have a say reflects the failure of the 2014 Occupy Protests, where protesters demanded “one man, one vote” in choosing the chief executive.

But the experience has galvanised the pan-democratic, or pro-democracy camp, to be more pragmatic. Previously, they would cast blank votes to show that they do not support pro-establishment contenders. This time, they hold 326 votes – which is more than a quarter of the votes in the Election Committee – and are determined to make them count.

With the election featuring three pro-establishment figures – Mrs Carrie Lam, Mr John Tsang and Ms Regina Ip – for the first time, the pan-democrats could be the “kingmakers” in a tight race.

Former security chief Ip, 66, who won the most votes for a female lawmaker in last September’s Legislative Council Election, was the first among the three to announce her candidacy, followed by Mr Tsang, 65, a former finance chief, and Mrs Lam, 59, a former chief secretary. Others include retired judge Woo Kwok Hing, 70, and radical pan-democrat Leung Kwok Hung, 60.

To become the next chief executive, at least 601 votes are needed. To qualify, each contender needs at least 150 nominations from the Election Committee made up of mostly pro-Beijing property tycoons, lawmakers as well as representatives of professional bodies and trade associations.

That’s the challenge for all but Mrs Lam, who has been endorsed by Beijing. She has reportedly secured 300 to 400 nominations while Mr Tsang has 24 nominations from pan-democrats.

Mr Tsang, who is leading in popularity polls, is seen as the strongest contender to Mrs Lam.

Some see Beijing’s move to name its preferred candidate as its bid to control the election, said Professor Lau Siu Kai, vice-chairman of the Beijing-backed Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macau Studies. And it is the pan-democrats’ aim to stop Beijing’s choice candidate from becoming the next chief executive.

“If John Tsang and Woo Kwok Hing are able to join the race, there may be unexpected results,” said Prof Lau, referring to the duo deemed acceptable by the pan-democrats. That is because the next leader would be picked by a secret ballot system, which could see Mrs Lam’s supporters switching sides.

Still, if Beijing had not declared its preferred candidate, it is unlikely that any contender would be able to win enough votes.

Last week, radical lawmaker Leung, better known as “Long Hair”, declared his intention to run and urged pan-democrats not to vote for the other four contenders who “do not represent (the) pro-democracy camp”.

But lawmaker Dennis Kwok, who is coordinating votes from the pan-democrats, told reporters the bloc is considering voting for Mr Tsang, Mr Woo and a third nominee picked from a mock online poll.

With nomination closing on March 1, pan-democrats should decide by next week, he said.

Critics have said Mr Leung’s intention to run has further split the pan-democratic camp already faced with the dilemma of whether to support Mr Tsang. Some worry about the possible backlash from endorsing someone who wants to enact the unpopular national security law.

But with Mr Tsang having a huge lead in popularity polls, even if he turns out to be like incumbent Leung Chun Ying, whose policies are unpopular with Hong Kongers, the pan-democrats could say that the candidate they have endorsed was the people’s choice.

Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor and John Tsang Chun-wah may share a similar career trajectory of having spent decades in government service, but they are hardly cut from the same ideological cloth.

If Tsang throws his hat into the ring in the coming days and runs for chief executive, their approaches to social issues, a fast emerging difference between the two, could be the defining feature of their election battle.

Tsang, who joined the government in 1982, is a firmer believer in “big market, small government” and favours minimal government intervention.

But Lam, who joined the administration two years earlier after graduating from the University of Hong Kong, has sought to highlight the need to support the disadvantaged and to promote balanced development, given the city’s widening income inequality and hefty fiscal surplus.

The difference in their governing philosophy has given rise to a perception that Tsang is backed by the city’s elites and favours the status quo, while Lam is supported by people who favour a proactive approach to tackling social ills. While they may naturally appeal to such constituencies, academics warn against portraying the pair as representing exclusively the interests of opposing social classes or blocs. The candidates themselves are going to some lengths not to be painted into one corner, with Lam stressing she is not a socialist and Tsang uploading pictures of himself bonding with ordinary people.

As financial secretary, Tsang managed large budget surpluses but was widely viewed as too conservative in how public money was spent. He had argued that the bigger the fiscal reserves the government amassed, the better.

Carrie Lam a Catholic, has said God had called on her to run.

In 2013 Tsang appointed economic analysts and academics to study the impact of the ageing population on public finances, which are subject to land revenue fluctuations and rely increasingly on salaries and profits tax.

The report by the Long Term Fiscal Planning Working Group, released in March 2014, warned Hong Kong could be as heavily indebted as Greece – facing a structural deficit of HK$1.54 trillion by 2041 – if spending grew at the current pace and nothing was done to mitigate the impact of an ageing population.

At a closed-door seminar attended by senior government officials at the Science Park last Thursday, Lam spoke in stark contrast of the need to support the disadvantaged and to promote balanced development and an inclusive society.

In her swan-song speech as chief secretary, she said the ageing population should not be seen as a problem because “nowadays many elderly people are better educated and they may not rely on welfare payments in future”.

At a closed-door dinner on December 13, Lam, formerly chairwoman of the Commission on Poverty, described the fiscal planning report as unfair to the elderly.

Lam raised eyebrows last year by acknowledging three “mountains” or contentious issues the government aimed to conquer.

She identified these as the controversial management of public housing malls by The Link Reit, repeated MTR fare increases and the offsetting mechanism of the Mandatory Provident Fund, which allows bosses to settle severance or long-service payments through worker contributions.

The Link, which took over government-owned malls and markets in 2005, has been accused of adopting a business practice that pushes up rents and drives out small concerns.

Liberal Party honorary chairman James Tien Pei-chun personally endorsed Tsang and said he was the business sector’s favourite for chief executive.

Professor Lau Siu-kai, vice-chairman of the semi-official Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macau Studies, said it was natural that businesspeople and the wealthy were more receptive to Tsang’s pro-market approach.

But Lam was quick to make clear during the Science Park seminar that “I’m not a socialist” and that Hong Kong should not abandon capitalism.

Announcing her bid for chief executive on Thursday, she said: “I support the free-market economy but I agree there is a need to narrow the wealth gap and bridge the social divide. This is different from championing socialism.”

Tik Chi-yuen, convenor of the political group Third Side, appreciated Lam’s determination to get things done and help the underprivileged by going around bureaucratic rules. “John Tsang believes in ‘the less, the better’ and seldom took bold initiatives,” Tik said.

He suggested a substantial number of businesspeople favoured Tsang because they were unhappy with Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying’s interventionist approach and measures such as imposing a heavy stamp duty to cool the property market.

But Dr Law Chi-kwong, who worked with Lam on the Commission on Poverty, pointed out that she was well connected to the business community and had worked with some second-generation tycoons.

Law said Lam also worked closely with Hopewell Holdings and Sino Land on the handling of hawkers next to The Avenue, a property project in Wan Chai.

Tian Feilong, an associate professor at Beihang University’s law school in Beijing, said Tsang’s governing philosophy was closer to that of the business sector while Lam’s proactive approach was more in line with the need for ­social development, such as ­narrowing the wealth gap.

“But their differences are only about concrete policies, and labels like who represents business interests do not help rational analysis on who is the better candidate for the top job,” Tian said.

While Tsang’s more conservative stance may sit well with the entrenched elite, Lam’s attempts to reach out to be more inclusive suggests an acknowledgement that change must take place in the social compact.

Tian said this approach sat better with Beijing, which trusted Lam more. She also had the advantage of close interaction with the central government on issues like political reform, he added.

“The central government’s expectation of a chief executive is higher than for a minister. It expects the chief executive to have the capability of handling complicated situations in Hong Kong and its relationship with the mainland and the international community,” Tian said.

Yau Wai-ching holds aloft a banner stating ‘Hong Kong is not China’ during her swearing in on Wednesday. Photo: Dickson Lee

1.46pm – More shots at the presumed future Legco president

Before the Legco meeting resumed, Eddie Chu Hoi-dick remained on the stage, demanding Andrew Leung Kwan-yuen produce a “certificate of renunciation” of his British nationality, instead of just two cover letters from the UK Home Office informing Leung that the certificate had been registered.

“I won’t leave here until Leung shows it,” Chu said. “Because this is the last chance we can ask him to come clean.”

The Legco chamber on Wednesday as Lau Siu-lai took her oath of office. Photo: Dickson Lee

The localist also stressed he had done nothing wrong by carrying a banner reading “Hong Kong is not China” while reading his oath.

“What I wear is none of [Legco secretary general Kenneth Chen’s] business,” he said.

12.33pm – The pro-Beijing camp’s take

As the oath-taking ceremony concluded, pro-Beijing legislators condemned several localist legislators for departing from the official language of the swearing-in process.

Lawmaker and Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong’s chairwoman Starry Lee Wai-king said the party would seek legal advice on whether any follow-up action could be pursued against those who altered their oath.

Referring to the two Youngspiration legislators who pronounced China as ‘Chee-na’, Leung said: “I hope when they take their oath again, they will not pronounce China in a way that insults Chinese. We cannot accept this.”

12.30pm – Nathan Law raises questions

Nathan Law Kwun-chung made a short speech preceding his oath. “The word ‘affirmation’ originates from Latin, meaning ‘making it stronger’,” the former Occupy movement student leader said in his preamble. “But the sacred ritual of oath-taking today has been reduced to a tool by the regime to suppress people.”

“You can chain me, you can torture me, you can even destroy this body, but you will never imprison my mind,” he said.

I uphold… the People’s Republic of China? I swear allegiance to… the People’s Republic of China?

NATHAN LAW KWUN-CHUNG, DURING HIS OATH

As he proceeded with his oath and came to the word “republic”, he changed the intonation of his voice, as if asking a question. “I uphold… the People’s Republic of China? I swear allegiance to… the People’s Republic of China?”

“Which Legco rule says you have the power to stop them joining the presidential election?” Law asked. Lawmakers whose oaths are rejected are ineligible to vote for Legco president.

Chen asked him to return to his seat, and Law’s allies Eddie Chu Hoi-dick and Lau Siu-lai called out to support Law. They raised again the nationality issue of Andrew Leung Kwan-yuen, who is poised to be the president.

Chen called for a break.

Nathan Law Kwun-chung, with Eddie Chu Hoi-dick. Photo: Sam Tsang

12.25pm – Another call for universal suffrage

Democratic Party lawmaker Roy Kwong Chun-yu said at his swearing in: “Hong Kong is the home ground of Hongkongers. Let’s not forget how we began. I want genuine universal suffrage! Go for it Hongkongers!”

Cheng Chung-tai taking his oath. Photo: Sam Tsang

12.24pm – A localist explains his motives

Civic Passion lawmaker Cheng Chung-tai delivered a speech at the beginning of his oath explaining why he would take his oath properly.

I don’t think the way I take the oath today would amount to any effective resistance

CHENG CHUN-TAI, BEFORE HIS OATH

“In the past few years, our protest for the future of Hong Kong has led us to the streets for 79 days,” he said, referring to the Occupy movement of 2014. “Some youngsters even gave up their future on the first day of the Lunar New Year for Hong Kong,” he said, referring to the Mong Kong riotearlier this year.

“I don’t think the way I take the oath today would amount to any effective resistance,” he said. “I believe everyone will understand.”

The localist legislator then read the oath out in full, and, at the end stated: “Rewrite the constitution by the people… Long live Hong Kong.”

12.12pm – Youngspiration lawmakers’ oaths rejected

Legco secretary general Kenneth Chen Wei-on held that the oath by two Youngspiration lawmakers were invalid as they wore or presented attire bearing the words: “Hong Kong is not China”.

Sixtus “Baggio” Leung Chung-hang and Yau Wai-ching began their oath by swearing allegiance to a “Hong Kong nation” and staing they would “preserve, protect and defend” their fellow Hongkongers.

Sixtus

When they read out the official portion of the oath, they pronounced China as ‘Chee-na’, the derogatory pronunciation used during Japanese occupation of the city.

When Chen interrupted Leung to call his attention to his improper oath, Leung waved his hand and said he had not finished.

Yau Wai-ching after her oath, which was rejected. Photo: Dickson Lee

After Leung and Yau finished, Chen said he would be unable to attest to their oaths, citing the slogan “Hong Kong is not China”.

Yau Wai-ching: “I, Yau Wai-ching, do solemnly swear that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to the Hong Kong nation, and will to the best of my ability preserve protect and defend the fellows of Hong Kong.”

I will uphold the basic law of the Hong Kong special administrative region of the people’s re- f****** of Chee-na

YAU WAI-CHING, DURING HER OATH

Chen: “Councillor Yau Wai-ching, you changed the wording of the oath. I cannot oversee the oath-taking for you, please take the oath again according to the wordings stated in the law.”

Yau: “I understand. You don’t need to repeat”, she said as she draped a banner bearing the phrase “Hong Kong is not China” on the table before her.

Yau: “I (more loudly than before), Yau Wai-ching, solemnly, sincerely and truly declare that and affirm that being a member of the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong special administrative region of the people’s re-f****** of Chee-na, I will uphold the basic law of the Hong Kong special administrative region of the people’s re- f****** of Chee-na, bear allegiance to the Hong Kong special administrative region of the people’s re- f****** of Chee-na, and serve the Hong Kong special administrative region conscientiously, dutifully and in full accordance with the law honestly and with integrity.”

New lawmaker localist Lau Siu-lai added a 40-second opening remark before taking her oath with extreme slowness, promising that she would carry on with “the spirit of the umbrella movement [of 2014], which is to determine our own fate”.

We must live in truth and integrity, and break the coldness and timidity of our society

LAU SIU-LAI, DURING HER OATH

“I will walk with Hongkongers, link up the inside and the outside of the legislature, and resist the autocratic regime,” she said. “We must live in truth and integrity, and break the coldness and timidity of our society. We must also seek hope in the dark, and open the path of democratic self-determination. We must topple the high wall, and determine for ourselves and strengthen ourselves.”

Lau spent eight minutes delivering her oath, pausing five to seven seconds between every word.

As she dragged on, pro-Beijing lawmaker Junius Ho Kwan-yiu called out, describing her approach as “stupid”.

When Lau finally finished and went on to vow to protect retirement, the secretary general cut her off and called on the next councillor for oath-taking.

Lau Siu-lai during her oath. Photo: Dickson Lee

11.55am – First oath rejected

Non-affiliated lawmaker Edward Yiu Chung-yim, representing the architectural, surveying, planning and landscape sector, is the first to have his oath rejected by Legco’s secretary general Kenneth Chen Wai-on.

After stating “being a member of the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China”, Yiu added: “I will uphold procedural justice in Hong Kong, fight for genuine universal suffrage, and serve the city’s sustainable development” before he moved on to swear to uphold the Basic Law.

After Chen asked him to swear in again without inserting his own phrases, Yiu took his oath again, but again added his phrases at the end of the official language.

Chen then asked Yiu to return to his seat, meaning he could not take part in the Legco presidential election later in the afternoon. According to Legco rules, Yiu must takes his oath again next week.

11.55am – Echoes of Occupy

Social welfare sector lawmaker Shiu Ka-chun struck a tambourine he was carrying several times at the end of his oath. He then stated the spirit of the umbrella movement had continued.

“We are back,” Shiu said, holding up his fist. Some in the pan-democratic camp tap on their desks to show solidarity with his statement.

11.51am – Step down, CY Leung!

Democratic Party lawmaker Lam Cheuk-ting, a former ICAC investigator, said after taking his oath: “Crack down on corruption! Wolf Leung, step down!” The reference to Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying led the city’s leader to issue a legal letter againstApple Daily, saying such labels violated his constitutional right to seek re-election.

Democratic Party lawmaker Helena Wong Pik-wan, who exposed a lead-in-water scandal at local public housing estates last year, calls out after finishing her oath:

“Scrap the 8.31 [a reference to Beijing’s white paper issued on August 31, 2014, determining the framework in which the city’s chief executive was to be elected]! Down with CY Leung! Water Supplies Department must test water immediately! No delay!”

Claudia Mo Man-ching taking her oath. Photo: Dickson Lee

11.21am – Raymond Chan’s declaration

Before taking his oath, People Power lawmaker Raymond Chan Chi-chuen tore apart the government’s statement on oath-taking issued yesterday. He declared the government had no right to intervene in Legco’s affairs.

He then read his oath, and, before he walked away, he shouted: “I am a Hongkonger and I want genuine universal suffrage. Filibuster against evil laws; confrontation for public good. Down with Leung Chun-ying!”

The first oath-taking fireworks: “Long Hair” Leung Kwok-hung, holding a yellow umbrella – a symbol of the pro-democracy Occupy movement of 2014 – shouts, “Civil disobedience! People determine their own future! We need no approval from Chinese Communist Party!”

He reads out the oath word for word, only splitting the phrases up so that he swore allegiance to “Hong Kong… SAR” and to “the People….’s Republic of China”.

At the end of the oath he chants: “Scrap NPC 8.31! I want double universal suffrage,” referring to the stringent reform framework decreed by the National People’s Congress last year. He then rips up a prop Basic Law.

11.16am – Regina Ip takes her oath

Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee was the 14th lawmaker to take an oath. She was tipped to run in the chief executive election next year, but in a recent opinion poll, she was ranked the second-most unpopular candidate – slightly more popular than the incumbent Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying.

Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee taking her oath. Photo: Sam Tsang

11.10am – Doubts about favourite for Legco presidency

Newly elected lawmaker and leading vote-getter Eddie Chu Hoi-dick cast doubt over Andrew Leung Kwan-yuen’s suitability as president, citing a lack of clarity as to whether he still had the right to reside in the UK

In a letter dated October 11, the Home Office informed Leung that “the renunciation of British nationality affects a person’s right to live in the UK”.

“’Affects’ is an unclear word,” Chu said, appearing with fellow localist lawmakers Lau Siu-lai and Nathan Law Kwun-chung. “We will raise questions on this point and we hope our questioning will not be stopped.”

11.05am – Veteran lawmakers sworn in

The five most senior lawmakers took their oaths without incident: James To Kun-sun, Leung Yiu-chung, Abraham Razack, Tommy Cheung Yu-Yan and Joseph Lee Kok-long.

Pilot-turned-lawmaker Jeremy Tam Man-ho rode in on his motor bike. The Civic Party’s new star said he rode in on two motorised wheels “not just to be cool, but also to show my determination to deal with the city’s complex transport issues with my expertise”. He is a charter member of the Chartered Institute of Logistics and Transport.

Jeremy Tam on his bike arriving at Legco in Tamar on Wednesday. Photo: Joyce Ng

To make time for his lawmaking duties, Tam has left his pilot role and become a member of the crew management team at his company.

As the city’s 70 newly elected lawmakers swear in one by one at the sixth session of the Legislative Council from 11am today, government officials will be watching anxiously like never before.

The oath-taking ceremony is touching a nerve this year because six localists calling for Hong Kong’s self-determination were elected to the city’s legislature. Two have talked of plans to work their pro-independence calls into the wording of the official oath, which requires them to uphold the Basic Law and swear allegiance to Hong Kong as a special administrative region of China.

To avoid turning the occasion into a platform for separatist calls, the government warned yesterday that those who refused to take their oath properly could lose their seats.

In the past, some lawmakers, like “Long Hair” Leung Kwok-hung, managed to pass muster by reading out the oath word for word while adding their own slogans before and after the oath.

After the oath-taking ceremony, the Legislative Council is to elect a new president. The candidates are Andrew Leung Kwan-yuen, a functional-constituency member who has returned to Legco four times uncontested, and the Democratic Party’s “super-seat” councillor James To Kun-sun.

Although Leung has been blasted by many including his allies for a purportedly high-handed style, he is poised to win the post due to support from the pro-establishment camp, whose members predominate the chamber.

Peter Mathieson says institution believes in freedom of speech but students must respect rules and regulations

By Phila Siu
South China Morning Post

Monday, October 3, 2016, 10:47 p.m.

Professor Peter Mathieson said he and HKU believed in freedom of speech. Photo: SCMP Pictures

The University of Hong Kong will not pursue the students who hung pro-independence banners around campus without permission on National Day, president and vice-chancellor Peter Mathieson said.

The professor explained the conciliatory approach by saying he and the institution believed in freedom of speech, but at the same time issued a warning to students to respect the rules and regulations of the 105-year-old university.

The head of the city’s most prestigious place of learning made the remarks after banners saying “Hong Kong Independence” sprung up at eight universities, including HKU and Chinese University, across the city during National Day on Saturday.

The Hong Kong National Party, a pro-independence group led by young people, admitted it had provided the banners, but insisted students had taken the initiative to pin them up.

“The university has made its position clear on the issue of Hong Kong independence. We believe in freedom of speech and we also believe in respect for rules and regulations,” Mathieson said on Monday after attending an event promoting healthy lifestyles.

Banners saying “Hong Kong Independence” sprung up at eight universities, including this one at Baptist University. Photo: SCMP Pictures

“Regarding banners, we have a process at the university where students can get permission to hang them,” he said. “I think these particular banners hadn’t been through that process and so they were taken down at HKU, as I think they were at all the universities.”

The institution would not be tracking down those who hung them, he said.

In August, Mathieson read a prepared statement to the media spelling out the university’s position on the issue of independence. He said it was not a realistic option and would not be in the best interests of HKU.

Those remarks came amid growing discontent among young people with the city’s political status quo. Many said the “one country, two systems” formula had been damaged and independence was the only way out.

This banner appeared at the University of Hong Kong. Photo: SCMP Pictures

On Monday, Mathieson said he wanted students to be able to express themselves, but that they needed to do so in the context of what was permissible under the law and responsible.

Asked what the government should do to respond to growing discontent among the young, he said it was not for him to tell officials what to do.

“We recognise there are differences of opinion in Hong Kong. We reflect those in the university, our staff and alumni. So I think debates on contentious issues are always healthy but should always be done in a responsible way, without violence, without breaking the law,” he said.

Meanwhile, New People’s Party chairwoman Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee met Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying on Monday. Leung was said to be seeking Ip’s opinions for his last policy address before his current term expires next year.

Ip told Leung he should address the issue of independence before support grows stronger.

This article appeared in the South China Morning Post print edition as:

Hong Kong’s September 4 Legislative Council election was an unexpected triumph for the new cutting edge of Hong Kong’s democracy movement. The questions on all minds now are whether the message registered in Beijing and if so, what might be the response from so hardline an administration as that currently led by President Xi Jinping. Unreformed loyalists say he cannot be seen to waver… it’s a matter of Chinese sovereignty. Others say if something doesn’t change, Hong Kong will become impossible to govern.

Vote count recap

Calculations vary, depending on political definitions, as to who won and by how much. If all democrats of every persuasion are lumped together according to the old way of reckoning, they won 59.7% of the individual votes cast for the Geographic Constituencies. Pro-Beijing loyalist and pro-establishment conservatives won 40.3%.

Starry Lee. Photo: Starry Lee via Facebook.

According to South China Morning Post calculations: pro-establishment candidates won 40.25% of the vote; traditional pan-democrats 27%; localist and radical democrats (presumably including both new localists and old radicals) won 27.6%; breakaway (from the Democratic Party and Civic Party) moderates won 5%.

The message

Amid all the political divisions, the most basic result was the message sent by the sum total of candidates and voters. The political direction was clear enough. Pro-establishment loyalist forces failed to secure Beijing’s hoped-for two-thirds veto-proof majority in the Legislative Council. This they needed not just to revive Beijing’s 2014 political reform directive, but also to put an end to filibustering.

Democrats have hit upon this tactic as their only defence against the pro-establishment majority, although most recently a pro-establishment medical representative used the tactic to similar effect. A two-thirds majority vote is needed to change Legislative Council rules that allow filibustering.

Nathan Law after winning in the election. Photo: Facebook/Nathan Law.

More striking were the unexpected victories of young candidates from the 2014 Occupy protest movement. Nor were these post-Occupy candidates all young or even all post-Occupy newcomers. But their message grew out of that movement, coalesced during the 79 days they were camped out on the streets debating democracy, and has been strengthening during the two years since.

Six of the democratic camp’s new class of 19 directly-elected legislators identify themselves as localists: intent on emphasizing first and foremost Hong Kong’s own political, social, and economic interests. Their new rallying cry is Hong Kong self-determination and the six are augmented by two new Functional Constituency legislators of similar persuasion.

Yau Wai-ching. Photo: Youngspiration.

These eight councilors represent the acceptable (in official eyes) face of Hong Kong’s new post-Occupy political mood. Another five were deemed unacceptable and banned from the election contest for advocating outright Hong Kong independence (Aug. 3 post).

Further strengthening this new wave are what’s now being called the “traditional” democrats. All the main pre-existing parties have also adopted “self-determination” as their political aim … although they have yet to explain exactly what they mean by the term.

But the concept among members of the new post-Occupy generation is being used to distinguish themselves from the pre-Occupy generation’s acceptance of the official “one-country, two-systems” formula designed by Beijing to govern Hong Kong’s post-colonial life under Chinese rule.

Whatever that formula was originally intended to mean, it is now being used by Beijing and its Hong Kong allies in what looks and feels like evolution toward one-country, one-system.

The new wave of Hong Kong’s democracy movement uniformly defines itself as intent on holding the line against evolution toward one system or what everyone now refers to as mainland-ization 【內地化】.

Political Parties, traditional (and number of legislators just elected):

Democratic Party, 民主黨 (7)

Civic Party, 公民黨 (6)

Professional Commons, 公共專業聯盟 (2)

Labour Party, 工黨 (1)

People Power, 人民力量 (1)

League of Social Democrats, 社會民主連線, (1)

Neighbourhood Workers Service, 街工 (1)

Civic Passion, 熱血公民 (1)

New Post-Occupy Parties:

Younspiration alliance (AllinHK), 青年新政 (2)

Demosisto, 香港眾志 (1)

Civic Passion is the most radical of the pre-Occupy parties and its one legislator is counted together with the post-Occupy localists. Two other new localists are non-party independents.

The total calculation of 30 democrats in the new 2016 Legislative Council was made with the addition of a Functional Constituency independent, Pierre Chan, representing medical doctors (Sept. 8 post). Despite the pro-democracy signals he sent out while campaigning, Apple Daily (Sept. 6) counts him separately … to give democrats a total of 29 legislators in the 70-seat council.

FIRST RESPONSES

In Beijing, the powers that be will no doubt take some time to absorb the election’s impact and decide on a response. But here in Hong Kong, while we wait, a few opinion-leader loyalists have had some unexpectedly accommodating things to say.

These Hong Kong loyalist voices can usually be relied upon to reflect Beijing views on local democratic defiance in whatever form it takes on any given day. But for now, at least, they seem to accept that the defiance they usually deplore has been transformed into something legitimate by its passage through the ballot box.

Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee has risen from the depths of defeat after her abortive campaign to promote Article 23 national political security legislation in 2003. She was then a civil servant and Secretary for Security. Now a successful pro-establishment legislator representing Hong Kong Island, she was just reelected with the highest number of votes in the constituency.

In her regular South China Morning Post Sunday column, Regina Ip wrote that the success of separatist candidates with their demands for democratic self-determination poses a real challenge for those deciding how best to deal with them, that is, whether to go softly or adopt a “tough, intimidating, legalistic approach.”

She understands the consequences. After her tough, intimidating, legalistic 2003 approach, half-a-million people hit the streets in protest and she beat a hasty retreat to California where she spent three years studying government and politics.

Of rural reform advocate Eddie Chu’s unexpected success in the New Territories, she wrote that his victory “represents widespread public sympathy and support for the underdog. The government would be well-advised to heed the warnings before there are further outbreaks of anger on the street.”

Eddie Chu. File Photo: HKFP/Stanley Leung.

Professor Lau Siu-kai, a denier of Hong Kong pro-democracy activism dating back to its origins in the 1980s, said during a radio interview that the September 4 election should allow mainland authorities to better understand Hong Kong sentiments and dissatisfaction with the government.

Now speaking from the vantage point of a mainland-sponsored think tank, Lau noted that the central government had shown itself to be more actively concerned with protecting its own core values and sovereignty than catering to Hong Kong interests.

Still, from Beijing’s perspective, there might be a silver lining. During the same radio interview, Lau noted that the newly popular advocates of localism were at least not calling for an end to “one-party dictatorship” like the old pan-democrats with their memories rooted in the June 4, 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown.

Lau said this new localist orientation might just help to realize the original “one-country, two-systems” ideal. It had been promoted by mainland officials who liked to quote the old saying about river water not mixing with well water 【河水不犯井水】. This was used by Chinese officials to mean that Beijing would not meddle in Hong Kong but Hong Kong also should not try to bridge the 1997 divide with any notions about democratizing China… which is, of course, just what “end one-party dictatorship” aspires to do.

Jasper Tsang.

Another post-election commentator was Jasper Tsang Yok-sing, long-time loyalist leader, founder of the main pro-Beijing political party, and often mentioned as a possible successor to Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying. During a post-election TVB interview, Tsang said that if Leung is allowed to serve a second term, which will begin next year, and if he doesn’t change his (tone deaf) way of dealing with Hong Kong’s radical protest movement, his second term would be a bad thing for Hong Kong.

Finally, James Tien Pei-chun made the startling statement that the credibility of Hong Kong elections is at stake. Tien is a founder of the pro-business Liberal Party and a long-time (just retired) pro-establishment legislator, albeit one with an undisciplined political streak.

He played a major role in Regina Ip’s 2003 debacle when he made the decision to withdraw Liberal Party legislators’ support for the Article 23 national security bill, thereby depriving it of the votes needed for passage.

James Tien. Photo: Facebook.

During a post-election radio interview last week, Tien questioned whether Beijing’s Liaison Office here was exceeding its purported liaison mandate since it had been so openly meddling in Hong Kong’s election. He said Beijing needs to determine whether mainland personnel have gone beyond their prescribed role to make the Liaison Office an “executive department in Hong Kong” (SCMP, online, Sept. 14).

Tien was discussing the case of Liberal Party member Ken Chow Wing-kan who had been a candidate in the New Territories West constituency. Chow withdrew from the race a few days before the election claiming pressure to do so from people in high places (Aug. 29 post)

Chow then dramatically flew to England to avoid being here during the election and returned afterword to tell the fuller story at a press conference on September 7. He said that mainlanders in Shenzhen and liaison office personnel here had been instrumental in pressuring him, with some added suggestions from local enforcers, to withdraw from the race.

Their motive was to promote the chances of pro-Beijing candidate Junius Ho Kwan-yu who was competing for the same pool of conservative New Territories voters.

Junius Ho. Photo: Tom Grundy/HKFP.

James Tien gave credibility to Chow’s story … that loyalists including both Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying and Jasper Tsang Yok-sing have done their best to debunk … by recalling that he, too, had been lobbied by liaison office personnel. They wanted Tien to convince Chow to withdraw from the race because he could not win but could take votes from their man Junius Ho.

Ho was the weakest of the winning candidates in New Territories West. Chow, whose name was still on the ballot, received 1,500 votes despite his high-profile withdrawal. Junius Ho took the last of the nine seats in NTW with a margin of only 6,000 votes.

Liaison Office calculations were correct. A few thousand votes less, which Chow might well have absorbed from their common voter base, could have deprived Junius Ho of victory.

These four individuals … Regina Ip, Lau Siu-kai, Jasper Tsang, and James Tien… have good to excellent Beijing connections. In different ways they have all expressed themselves on aspects of Hong Kong’s September 4 election that the pro-Beijing media has been careful to avoid repeating. Editors are no doubt waiting for Beijing’s response … looking for signals to suggest that Beijing might be thinking about modifying its head-in-the-sand approach to the challenges it now faces here.

Villagers face off with security officers on in Wukan in Guangdong province. Photo: SCMP Pictures

Police authorities in Guangdong have denied officers were violent towards five Hong Kong journalists detained in Wukan last week, claiming they carried out law ­enforcement duties in a “civilised” manner.

Police can be seen massed in the background as Wukan villagers take a rest. SCMP photo

HK could face fresh instability if the new localist politicians feel frustrated in Legco

Hong Kong has always been a largely conservative society with people focused on making a living, but the results of Sunday’s Legislative Council (Legco) elections reveal a shift in how Hong Kongers view politics.

The record 2.2 million Hong Kongers who turned out to cast their votes is also evidence that the city’s residents are now more concerned about their future and how the city is to be governed, analysts said.

And they want a new generation of lawmakers to represent them, as can be seen after veteran lawmakers like pan-democrats Lee Cheuk Yan and Cyd Ho from the Labour party lost their seats despite having good track records in serving their constituents.

In the first major election after the massive student-led protests in 2014 to push for greater democracy, Hong Kongers sent as many as seven localist candidates into the legislature.

This new wave of politicians who are fighting for self-determination and a higher degree of autonomy, many of them participants in the 2014 protests, have been dubbed localists for their desire to protect Hong Kong’s culture and identity.

Nathan Law, center, of the political party Demosisto, who helped lead the 2014 protests, celebrates with teen protest leader Joshua Wong, second from left, and his supporters after winning a seat at the legislative council elections in Hong Kong, Monday, Sept. 5, 2016. A new wave of anti-China activists appeared headed for victory in Hong Kong’s most pivotal elections since the handover from Britain in 1997, which could set the stage for a fresh round of political confrontations over Beijing’s control of the city. (AP Photo/Vincent Yu)

Some of them want Hong Kong to separate altogether from China, to which the city returned in 1997 under the One Country, Two Systems formula that grants Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy, but which residents feel has been eroded in recent years.

However, despite the opposition – the traditional pan-democrats and the young upstarts – gaining a few more seats in these elections, the pro-Beijing camp still dominates with 40 seats now in the 70-seat legislature.

The results have not changed the basic structure of politics in Hong Kong, said Professor Lau Siu Kai, vice-chair of the Beijing-backed Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macau Studies.

In fact, the opposition camp has never been more divided, and it will be even harder for them to pull together to change the legislature, Prof Lau added.

The pan-democrats would need to cooperate with the localist camp to garner the one-third of votes needed to veto government decisions. Such cooperation was lacking during the campaign when candidates from the two sides crossed verbal swords on TV forums.

Beijing might be disappointed that its camp was unable to win more seats in order to create a new political situation in Hong Kong. But it should be more concerned with the young, radical voices that have found their way into Legco.

The election outcome has left Beijing with more than just a deadlock between the establishment and opposition camps. More radical demands and actions, and the continuation of attacks on Chief Executive Leung Chun Ying, are expected to come from the new generation of lawmakers, said analysts.

Political analyst Ivan Choy said: “If the localists try to move some motions on self-determination, they would have touched the most sensitive nerve of Beijing.”

Another political analyst, Dr Willy Lam, expects Beijing to use any radical actions by the localist legislators as a basis to restrain Hong Kong’s pace of democratisation even more.

When that happens, these legislators are likely to use unconventional tactics and spend a lot of time fighting on the streets after realising they can’t do much in the council.

And that could mean less stability for Hong Kong in the days to come.

A version of this article appeared in the print edition of The Straits Times on September 06, 2016, with the headline ‘Young, radical voices will demand to be heard ‘

Officials emptied a ballot box following Hong Kong Legislative Council elections at a central counting station on Monday morning. Voters turned out in record numbers Sunday. PHOTO: BLOOMBERG NEWS

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By CHESTER YUNG
The Wall Street Journal

Updated Sept. 5, 2016 3:24 a.m. ET

HONG KONG—A bevy of candidates from new parties calling for more self-determination for this former British colony won seats in the first major elections since massive street protests two years ago—a result that underscores deepening political divisions here.

Results from a Sunday poll to elect a fresh slate of lawmakers for Hong Kong’s 70-member Legislative Council showed wins by a student leader from the 2014 Occupy protests—where thousands of citizens seeking greater autonomy blocked streets for 79 days—as well as other advocates of a more independently governed Hong Kong. The results followed record turnout—58% of registered voters—as long lines of residents jammed the polls, some waiting until 2 a.m. to cast their ballots.

The wins by these parties show their ideas have gained traction in the territory, as well as heightened tensions with the mainland, which has labeled such groups—particularly those advocating independence from China—dangerous secessionists. The government barred several candidates calling for Hong Kong’s complete independence from China from running in the election.

One of the new parties, Demosisto, is pushing for political autonomy from mainland China. The party’s chairman, Nathan Law, a 23-year-old college student who was a main leader of the Occupy protests, captured a seat with more than 50,000 votes. He will become the youngest lawmaker in history to serve in the Legislative Council.

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Another victor from the new breed of candidates is 40-year-old Lau Siu-Lai, who became known for holding “classes” on democracy during the Occupy protests. According to results, she received more than 38,000 votes. And Eddie Chu, a 38-year-old social activist, claimed victory with 84,000 votes.

Monday’s results also showed that the pro-democracy camp retained its veto power to block pending bills, which requires control of a third of the chamber’s 70 seats. It also kept a simple majority among the 35 geographically based seats, which are directly elected.

“I think the central message is very clear,” said Dixon Sing, a political analyst at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology. “A lot of Hong Kong people want to have a political change in tactics from the more mild confrontational one adopted by the pan-democrats to more confrontational one adopted by these new [groups].”

Sunday’s election was the first Legislative Council poll since the Occupy protests, which were sparked by anger at the unwillingness of Beijing and the Hong Kong government to let the territory’s citizens nominate their own candidates for chief executive in 2017. Hong Kong has partial autonomy from the Communist Party-ruled mainland under a “one country, two systems” policy.

Those protests ended without the government budging from its stance. Instead, the demonstrations left widening divisions between those in Hong Kong who want to work with Chinese leaders to make the city’s government more democratic and groups espousing everything from greater autonomy to independence from the mainland.

Student leader Nathan Law celebrated after winning his election for Legislative Council on Monday in Hong Kong. PHOTO: REUTERS

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“My family doesn’t agree with my political preference and tells me politics is none of my business,” said Wai-Ying Wong, a 21-year-old university student and supporter of the Occupy protests who was voting for the first time Sunday in western Hong Kong island. “There is nothing wrong with being pro-democracy, and I want to voice my opinion.”

Just more than half of Hong Kong’s Legislative Council is selected by popular vote, while the rest is chosen by constituencies that represent largely pro-Beijing and business interests. That has meant comfortable majorities for mainland-friendly politicians and policies. During the last election four years ago, pro-democracy candidates won 27 seats—not enough to sway legislation but just over the one-third number needed to veto bills.

Recently, a ballooning gap between the rich and the poor in Hong Kong, combined with signs that the mainland is trying to tighten its grip over the territory, has prompted dissatisfaction with the government and the political system.

A proposal to let Hong Kong citizens vote for the territory’s chief executive but limit candidates to a list vetted by a pro-China committee sparked the Occupy protests. Pro-democracy lawmakers blocked that change last year, leaving in place a system where a pro-Beijing committee selects the city’s leader.

Pro-establishment parties also faced an uphill climb in Sunday’s election because of the unpopularity of Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying and his administration. Mr. Leung was selected in March 2012 for a five-year term by a largely pro-Beijing committee of business and political elites. It is unclear if he will run for re-election next year.

Nathan Law, center, of the political party Demosisto, who helped lead the 2014 protests, celebrates with teen protest leader Joshua Wong, second from left, and his supporters after winning a seat at the legislative council elections in Hong Kong, Monday, Sept. 5, 2016. A new wave of anti-China activists appeared headed for victory in Hong Kong’s most pivotal elections since the handover from Britain in 1997, which could set the stage for a fresh round of political confrontations over Beijing’s control of the city. (AP Photo/Vincent Yu)

HONG KONG (AP) — A new wave of young Hong Kong activists seeking to change the way the southern Chinese city is governed by Beijing emerged Monday as the big winners of legislative elections.

Record turnout in Sunday’s vote helped sweep the newcomers into office, most notably Nathan Law, a 23-year-old former student leader of massive pro-democracy protests that rocked Hong Kong in 2014. He garnered the second-highest number of votes in his six-seat Hong Kong Island constituency.

Law’s party, Demosisto , founded earlier this year with teen protest leader Joshua Wong, advocates a referendum on “self-determination” on the future status of Hong Kong, which is in the middle of a 50-year transition period to Chinese rule.

“It shows how Hong Kong people want to change,” Law told reporters when asked about his victory. “People are voting for a new way and new future of our democratic movement.”

In another surprising result, official results showed that Yau Wai-Ching, 25, of Youngspiration , which was formed during the 2014 protests and proposes a similar plan as Demosisto, secured a seat in the Legislative Council. The group’s other candidate, 30-year-old Sixtus Leung, also appeared headed for a win, according to incomplete results for his constituency.

The newcomers pulled off their startling victories by riding a rising tide of anti-China sentiment as they challenged formidably resourced pro-Beijing rivals.

They were part of a broader wave of radical activists who campaigned for Hong Kong’s complete autonomy or even independence from China, highlighting fears that Beijing is eroding the city’s high autonomy, as well as frustration over the failure of the 2014 protests to win genuine elections for Hong Kong’s top leader.

That represents a break with the established mainstream “pan-democrat” parties, who have demanded voters be able to elect more lawmakers as well as the city’s top leader, or chief executive — currently chosen by a panel of pro-Beijing elites — but never challenged the idea that Hong Kong is part of China.

About 2.2 million people, or 58 percent of registered voters, cast ballots for lawmakers in the Legislative Council, the highest turnout since the city’s 1997 handover from Britain.

Another rookie, 38-year-old land reform campaigner Eddie Chu, won 84,121 votes, the highest number of votes garnered by any of the more than 200 candidates competing for 35 seats in geographic constituencies. Five more “super seats” are chosen by voters citywide.

Another 30 seats are taken by members representing business and trade groups such as accounting, finance, medicine and fisheries, most of which support Beijing because their members have close ties to China’s communist elite on the mainland.

At stake is the power to keep Hong Kong’s widely unpopular Beijing-backed chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, and his government in check. Pro-democracy lawmakers need to win at least 24 of 70 seats to retain the power to veto unpopular proposed government legislation, including Beijing’s controversial election revamp that triggered the 2014 street protests.

By Agence France-Presse
5 September 2016 • 2:41am
A new generation of young Hong Kong politicians advocating a break from Beijing looked set to become lawmakers for the first time Monday in the biggest poll since mass pro-democracy rallies in 2014.

A record 2.2 million people voted in the city-wide legislative election which ended in the early hours of Monday and saw activists who support Hong Kong’s independence from China standing for the first time.

It comes as fears grow that Beijing is tightening its grip on the semi-autonomous city in a range of areas, from politics to education and media.

In a landmark victory, at least three of a handful of young campaigners calling for much more distance from Beijing were forecast to win seats with 90 percent of the vote counted.

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Nathan Law, 23, a leader of the 2014 pro-democracy rallies, campaigning for his political party Demosisto Credit: Getty Images

Among them is Nathan Law, 23, leader of the 2014 “Umbrella Movement” rallies, who is guaranteed a seat after coming second in his constituency behind a pro-Beijing candidate.

Mr Law and his new party Demosisto are calling for a referendum on independence, emphasising Hong Kongers’ right to choose.

Most established pro-democracy politicians do not support the notion of independence and there were concerns in the democratic camp that new activists would split the vote, triggering overall losses.

If the democrats lose four seats, they will forfeit the one-third voting bloc they need to veto bills, stacking the already skewed legislature even more in favour of Beijing.

However, early results showed the democrats are likely to hold on to that veto power.

It is as good a result as the democrats could hope for, given that the framework of LegCo favours Beijing.

The structure of the council makes it almost impossible for the democracy camp to take a majority as 30 of the council’s 70 seats are elected by special interest groups representing a range of businesses and social sectors. Those seats go predominantly to pro-Beijing candidates.

Fears that Hong Kong’s freedoms are disappearing were fanned after five city booksellers known for salacious titles about Beijing politicians disappeared, resurfacing in detention on the mainland.

That fuelled the fire of the “localist” movement, which grew out of the failure of the 2014 rallies to win political reform pushing for more distance from Beijing.

It saw the emergence of young campaigners demanding outright independence for Hong Kong – a subject previously taboo.

Hong Kong was handed back to China by Britain in 1997 under a “one country, two systems” agreement intended to protect its freedoms and partial autonomy for 50 years. However, many young campaigners believe that deal has failed.

Eddie Chu Hoi-dick at the 2016 Legislative Council General Election Central Counting Station at the AsiaWorld-Expo. Photo: Sam Tsang

Hong Kong’s pro-democracy camp looks set to retain its veto power to block bills in the new legislature, as a host of new faces have emerged as winners, sweeping aside veteran lawmakers.

The shift shows pro-democracy voters are prepared to back a new political generation that focuses on achieving a more democratic future rather than a radical pursuit of the city’s independence from China, pundits said on Monday morning as the first election results were announced.

However, the pro-Beijing camp will continue to dominate the legislature thanks in part to its heavy presence in the trade-based functional constituencies.

The election is the first to take place since the Occupy protests in 2014, and comes half a year before a new chief executive will be elected for Hong Kong.

Among the unexpected results was the victory of Eddie Chu Hoi-dick, who won more than 84,000 votes in New Territories West, a surprise result for a social activist with no party backup.

Two other moderate backers of self-determination also won in their election debut, including Occupy student leader Nathan Law Kwun-chung and Polytechnic University lecturer Lau Siu-lai, who came in first among pro-democracy candidates in Hong Kong Island and Kowloon West respectively.

Kowloon West

In the race for six seats in the Kowloon West constituency, the DAB’s Ann Chiang Lai-wan topped the race, with 52,541 votes. Other winners were Priscilla Leung Mei-fun of the Business Professional Alliance, who bagged 49,745 votes; localist Lau Siu-lai, with 38,183 votes; the Civic Party’s Claudia Mo Man-ching, with 32,323 votes and the Democratic Party’s Wong Pik-wan, with 26,037 votes.

Veteran radical lawmaker Wong Yuk-man lost his seat in Kowloon West as he was defeated for the sixth seat by Youngspiration’s Yau Wai-ching, who calls for Hong Kong’s self-determination, and received 20,643 votes.

Kowloon East

The balance of power in Kowloon East remained unchanged, with the two pan-democratic parties keeping two seats and the pro-Beijing camp maintaining three seats.

The DAB’s Wilson Or Chong-sing led the race with 51,516 votes, followed by Democratic Party incumbent Wu Chi-wai with 50,309 votes. Pro-Beijing independent Paul Tse Wai-chun was re-elected with 47,627 votes.

The Federation of Trade Union’s incumbent Wong Kwok-kin came fourth with 47,318 votes.

The Civic Party’s Jeremy Tam Man-ho succeeded his party leader Alan Leong Kah-kit to fill the last seat, with 45,408 votes.

The candidate who advocated independence after entering the election, Chan Chak-to, bagged 12,854 votes. He came eighth place after two other radicals, Civic Passion’s Wong Yeung-tat and People Power’s Tam Tak-chi.

Together with Sixtus “Baggio” Leung Chung-hang, Youngspiration is likely to win two seats in the new Legco.

On the other hand, the Labour Party lost two veteran lawmakers, Lee Cheuk-yan and Cyd Ho Sau-lan.

Frederick Fung Kin-kee, a super seat lawmaker, lost in the race in New Territories West.

“This is a grave challenge for traditional pan-democrats,” Professor Ma Ngok, a political scientist from Chinese University, said. “If the traditional parties fail to change their image, they will continue to face challenges from new faces.”

New Territories West

Independent candidate Eddie Chu Hoi-dick created what his team called “miracle” by bagging 84,141 votes without any party backing in New Territories West, leading the first runner-up by 13,495 votes.

But the landslide victory of Chu came as Labour Party veteran Lee Cheuk-yan was unseated by pro-establishment solicitor Junius Ho Kwan-yiu, who grabbed the last seat by a margin of 5,508 votes.

The balance of power in New Territories West remains unchanged, with the Beijing-friendly bloc maintaining five of the nine seats.

New People’s Party vice-chairman Michael Tien Puk-sun came second by garnering 70,646 votes.

Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong incumbents Ben Chan Han-pan and Leung Che-cheung were also re-elected, with 58,673 and 50,190 votes respectively.

Alice Mak Mei-kuen, of the Federation of Trade Unions, secured a second term with 49,680 votes.

Meanwhile, two new faces from the pro-democracy bloc were also elected.

Polytechnic University lecturer Cheng Chung-tai secured 54,496 votes, becoming the first Civic Passion member to enter the legislature.

Democrat Andrew Wan Siu-kin managed to win a seat by winning 41,704 votes after his party was completely uprooted in 2012.

The other three seats went to pro-establishment candidates. New People’s Party chairwoman Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee won 60,760 votes. Kwok Wai-keung of Federation of Trade Unions bagged 45,925 votes.

The Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong – formerly represented by Legco president Tsang Yok-sing in the constituency – got 41,152 votes, with Cheung Kwok-kwan being elected.

Dr Li Pang-kwong, of Lingnan University’s public governance programme, called it a change of climate.

“More democracy voters have changed to supporting localism,” Li said. “But at the same time the support for radicalism is waning.”

Radical lawmaker “Long Hair” Leung Kwok-hung, one of the fervent supporters for filibustering, is fighting a narrow battle with pro-establishment candidate Christine Fong Kwok-shan in New Territories East.

The Legislative Council election is likely to return at least 18 pro-democracy lawmakers out of the 35 geographical constituency seats, with all eyes on whether Tanya Chan of the Civic Party can fight off businessman Ricky Wong Wai-kay and take the last seat in Hong Kong Island.

Chan, once a top poll favourite, suffered from last-minute calls from Occupy organiser Benny Tai Yiu-ting for democracy supporters to vote strategically in favour of the underperformers in polls

On the pro-establishment front, most of the results matched pollsters’ predictions. Regina Ip Lau Suk-yee ran first in Hong Kong Island, as did Ann Chiang Lai-wan in Kowloon West.

Eunice Yung Hoi-yan helped New People’s Party, led by Ip, get a new seat in New Territories East.

The Labour Party’s Lee Cheuk-yan admitted defeat, saying his party was facing a crisis after he and Cyd Ho Sau-lan failed to retain their seats, leaving Fernando Cheung Chiu-hung as the sole representative in the legislature.

He used to focus on labour rights, while Ho and Cheung specialised in LGBT issues and the disability rights respectively.

“How could one person handle so many issues?” he said. “We need to figure a way out as losing seats would also mean a huge cut to our resources and community network.”