KalagansKalagans (Caragans).The Kalagans, who live on the southern island of Mindanao in the Philippines, are Tagakaolos who have become Muslim by virtue of contacts and/or intermarriage with their Maguindanao neighbors.Their name, sometimes spelled Calagan or Karagan, connotes “imitators” and has reference to the fact that some Tagakaolos have adopted the dress, customs and religion of the Philippine Muslims.

There have been Kalagan Muslims for generations, but Islamization is still occurring among the Tagakaolo pagan hillsmen.One sometimes meets Kalagans whose fathers or grandfathers were not Muslim.Younger Kalagans report that the “old folks” still talk of belief in enkantos diwatas and the divine spirits in trees, fish and other objects.The Kalagans retain their ancestral Tagakaolo language (related to Mansaka), a Central Philippines subgroup.

The written history of the Kalagan people can be traced back to the 15th century when explorers discovered Caraga, the Kalagan homeland, and the existence of "Kalagans", believed to be of Visayan Origin in one of the three districts in Mindanao. The word Caraga originated from the Visayan word Kalagan: "kalag" meaning soul or people, and "a" meaning land. The Kalagans have a long history of being brave and fearless. Thus, the region was called by early chroniclers as the "Land of the Brave and Fierce People".

The "Kalagans", called "Caragans" by the Spaniards, occupied the district composed of the two provinces of Surigao, the northern part of Davao Oriental and eastern Misamis Oriental. The two Agusan Provinces were later organized under the administrative jurisdiction of Surigao and became the independent Agusan province in 1914.Caragans see Kalagans"Brave and Fierce People" see Kalagans

KalbKalb.Southern Arab tribe which was instrumental in early Islamic timeThe Banu Kalb was one of the tribes of Arabia during Muhammad's era. The Banu Kalb claimed decent from the Yemenites. According to the hadith of the Islamic prophet Muhammad they will be among the first people to follow the Sufyani.

Banu Kalb see Kalb.

Kalbi, al-Kalbi, al-.Name of a prominent family from Kufa, known for their swordsmanship and learning.One of the most famous members was Hisham ibn Muhammad, known as Ibn al-Kalbi (737-819).He was the uncontested master of Arab genealogy.

Hisham Ibn Al-Kalbi (737-819), also known as Ibn al-Kalbi was an Arab historian. His full name was Abu al-Mundhir Hisham bin Muhammed bin al-Sa'ib bin Bishr al-Kalbi. Born in Kufa, he spent much of his life in Baghdad. Like his father, he collected information about the genealogies and history of the ancient Arabs. According to the Fihrist, he wrote 140 works. His account of the genealogies of the Arabs is continually quoted in the Kitab al-Aghani.

Hisham established a genealogical link between Ishmael and Muhammad and put forth the idea that all 'Arabs' were all descendants of Ishmael. He relied heavily on the ancient oral traditions of the Arabs, but also quoted writers who had access to Biblical and Palmyran sources.

Kalb ibn WabaraKalb ibn Wabara.Ancestor of the Banu Kalb, the strongest group of the Quda‘a.The Banu Kalb played a role of significance in early Islam, together with their rivals the Banu Qays.

The Banu Kalb (or Kalbites) were among the tribes of Saudi of Yemeni origin, with common origin in Kalb ibn Wabara.

KalbidsKalbids.Family of governors, stemming from the Banu Kalb, who ruled over a kind of hereditary emirate in Sicily between 948-1053.

The Kalbids were a Shia Muslim dynasty in Sicily, which ruled from 948 to 1053.

In 827, in the midst of internal Byzantine conflict, the Aghlabids arrived at Marsala in Sicily, with a fleet of 10,000 men under the command of Asad ibn al-Furat. Palermo was conquered in 831 and became the new capital. Syracuse fell in 878 and in 902 the last Byzantine outpost, Taormina, was taken. At the same time, various Muslim incursions into southern Italy occurred, with new Emirates being founded in Taranto and Bari. During this period there were constant power struggles amongst the Muslims. Nominally the island was under rule of the Aghlabids and later the Fatimids.

After successfully suppressing a revolt the Fatimid caliph appointed Hassan al-Kalbi (948-964) as Emir of Sicily, the first of the Kalbid dynasty. The Fatimids appointed the Kalbids as rulers via proxy before they shifted their capital from Ifriqiya to Cairo in 969. Raids into southern Italy continued under the Kalbids into the 11th century, and in 982 a German army under Otto II was defeated in the Battle of Stilo near Crotone in Calabria. The dynasty began a steady period of decline with the Emirate of Yusuf al-Kalbi (990-998) who entrusted the island to his sons and created space for interference from the Zirids of Ifriqiya. Under al-Akhal (1017-1037) the dynastic conflict intensified, with factions allying themselves variously with Byzantium and the Zirids. Even though neither of these powers could establish themselves in Sicily permanently, under Hasan as-Samsam (1040-1053) the island fragmented into small fiefdoms. The Kalbids died out in 1053, and in 1061 the Normans of southern Italy arrived under Roger I of Sicily and began their conquest, which was completed in 1091. The Muslims were allowed to remain and played an important role in the administration, army and economy of the Norman kingdom until the 12th century.

Under the Kalbid dynasty, Sicily, and especially Palermo, was an important economic center of the Mediterranean. The Muslims introduced lemons, Seville oranges and sugar cane, as well as cotton and mulberries for sericulture, and built irrigation systems for agriculture. Sicily was also an important hub for trade between the Near East, North Africa and the Italian maritime republics such as Amalfi, Pisa and Genoa.

KalibugansKalibugans.The term “Kalibugan” means “mixed breed.”The Kalibugans are people of Subanon in the Philippines who have intermarried with Tausug or Samal and thus acquired the name.They identify themselves as Muslim.

The Kalibugans (or Kolibugans) are a peaceful people found scattered in hamlets along the coasts of the Zamboango del Norte and Zamboanga del Sur provinces in western Mindanao.The Kalibugans are farmers and fishermen who do some trading, ironworking and matmaking as subsidiary activities.Their language is Subanon, but culturally they are a blend of their Tausug and Sama kinsmen, both of whom tend to look down upon them socially.

The Kalibugans are said to be from the Subanon community who submitted themselves to the practice of intermarriages and change of faith. The Kalibugans are Islamized Subanons, an indigenous peoples found in the interior reaches of the two Zamboanga provinces. The word Kalibugan is a Sama-Tausug slang which literally means "half breed," and it is used to designate those Subanons who migrate to the coast and inter-married with Sama or Tausug villagers and embraced Islam. They remained Subanon in speech and in their culture. Kalibugans lack a distinctive political organization. Most live their lives as subsistence farmers cultivating upland rice, roots, and tree crops. Their external trade relations tend to be dominated by their Sama-Tausug neighbors.

Mixed Breed see Kalibugans.Kolibugans see Kalibugans.

Kalim Allah al-JahanabadiKalim Allah al-Jahanabadi (Kalīm Allāh Jahānābādī ibn Nūr Allāh ibn Aḥmad al-Miʿmār al-Ṣiddīqī) (1650-1729).One of the leading Cishti saints of his time.He was responsible for the revival of the Cishtiyya order in the Indo-Pakistani subcontinent.

Shāh Kalīm Allāh Jahānābādī ibn Nūr Allāh ibn Aḥmad al-Miʿmār al-Ṣiddīqī was a leading Chistī saint of the late Mughal period and is considered to be instrumental in the revival of the Chistī ṣūfī ṭarīqah (path).

In the popular discourses of modern India he is remembered for his inclusivist approach to Hindus.

KalmukKalmuk (Kalmyk) (Kalmuck) (Kalmyki). Turkish name for a Mongol people, the Oyrat, who in the time of Jenghiz Khan inhabited the forests to the west of Lake Baykal.After the collapse of the Mongol dynasty in China, they laid the foundations of the Kalmuk nomad empire.Only a small number of Kalmuks ever embraced Islam, the rest remaining actual or nominal adherents of Buddhism.

Kalmyk is the name given to western Mongolic people - the Oirats -- who migrated from Central Asia in the seventeenth century. Today they form a majority in the autonomous Republic of Kalmykia on the western shore of the Caspian Sea. Through emigration, small Kalmyk communities have been established in the United States, France, Germany, Switzerland, and the Czech Republic.

The Kalmyk, also spelled Kalmuck, are a Mongol people residing chiefly in Kalmykiya republic, in southwestern Russia. Their language belongs to the Oirat, or western, branch of the Mongolian language group. The Oirat dialects are also spoken in western Mongolia, and in Xinjiang and neighboring provinces of China. The home of the Kalmyk lies west of the Volga River in its lower courses, in an arc along the northwestern shore of the Caspian Sea. A small number of Kalmyk of the Buzawa tribe live along the Don River. Another small group, called the Sart Kalmyk, live in Kyrgyzstan near the Chinese border. A few emigrated after World War II to the United States.

The western Mongols were enemies of the eastern Mongols at the time of their imperial apogee in the 13th century of the Christian calendar. During the following centuries they maintained a separate existence under a confederation known as the Dörben Oirat (“Four Allies,” from which the name Oirat is derived); at times they were allies, at times enemies, of the eastern Mongols. Part of the western Mongols remained in their homeland, northern Xinjiang, or Dzungaria, and western Mongolia. Part of the Oirat confederation, including all or part of the Torgut, Khoshut, Dorbet (or Derbet), and other groups, moved across southern Siberia to the southern Urals at the beginning of the 17th century. From there they moved to the lower Volga, and for a century and a half, until 1771, they roamed both to the east and west of this region. During the course of the 18th century, they were absorbed by the Russian Empire, which was then expanding to the south and east. In 1771 those of the left bank, to the east of the Volga, returned to China. The right-bank Kalmyk, comprising the contemporary Torgut, Dorbet, and Buzawa, remained in Russia.

The Kalmyk are by long tradition nomadic pastoralists. They raise horses, cattle, sheep, goats, and a few camels. Their nomadism is of a classical pattern: an annual round of movement from winter camp to spring, summer, and fall pasture, and return. The Kalmyk home is a tent (called a ger, or yurt) made of felt on a lattice frame, readily assembled and disassembled. Where they have taken to agriculture, they have introduced fixed dwellings.

Family life, descent lines, marriage relations, and inheritance of property are all principally regulated by the paternal connection. The family is traditionally an extended one composed of parents, married sons and their families, and unmarried sons and daughters. Several families are grouped into nomadic kin villages. The kin villages are grouped into lineages and clans, and these in turn were formerly grouped into clan confederations. Traditionally the Kalmyk were divided into a princely estate, which ruled the various confederations; a noble estate, which ruled the lower social hierarchies, clans, and lineages; and a common estate. There was also a clerical order forming an estate of its own. All but the common estate have disappeared.

Like other Mongols, the Kalmyk are Tibetan Buddhists, but their Buddhism has a strong admixture of indigenous beliefs and shamanistic practices. The Sart Kalmyk are Muslims.

At the end of World War II the Kalmyk were accused of anti-Soviet activity and exiled to Soviet Central Asia. In 1957, they were restored to their home territories. According to the censuses of 1939 and 1959, they decreased in number from 134,000 to 106,000 in 20 years. They numbered about 137,000 in 1970 and 147,000 in 1979. In the early 21st century there were some 155,000 in Russia, an approximately equivalent number in China, and more than 200,000 in Mongolia.

Oyrat see KalmukOirat see KalmukKalmyk see KalmukKalmuck see KalmukKalmyki see Kalmuk

Kamal al-Din al-Hasan ibn Ali ibn al-Hasan Al-Farisi was a prominent Persian Muslim physicist, mathematician, and scientist born in Tabriz, Iran. He made two major contributions to science, one on optics, the other on number theory. Al-Farisi was a pupil of the great astronomer and mathematician Qutb al-Din al-Shirazi, who in turn was a pupil of Nasir al-Din Tusi.

The work of Kamal al-Din al-Farisi on optics was prompted by a question put to him concerning the refraction of light. Shirazi advised him to consult the Book of Optics of Ibn al-Haytham (Alhacen), and al-Farisi made such a deep study of this treatise that Shirazi suggested that he write what is essentially a revision of that major work, which came to be called the Tanqih. Qutb al-Din Al-Shirazi himself was writing a commentary on works of Ibn Sina (Avicenna) at the time.

Al-Farisi is known for giving the first mathematically satisfactory explanation of the rainbow. He "proposed a model where the ray of light from the sun was refracted twice by a water droplet, one or more reflections occurring between the two refractions." He verified this through extensive experimentation using a transparent sphere filled with water and a camera obscura.

His research in this regard was based on theoretical investigations in dioptrics conducted on the so-called Burning Sphere (al-Kura al-muhriqa) in the tradition of Ibn Sahl (d. ca. 1000) and Ibn al-Haytham (d. ca. 1041) after him. As he noted in his Kitab Tanqih al-Manazir (The Revision of the Optics), al-Farisi used a large clear vessel of glass in the shape of a sphere, which was filled with water, in order to have an experimental large-scale model of a rain drop. He then placed this model within a camera obscura that has a controlled aperture for the introduction of light. He projected light unto the sphere and ultimately deducted through several trials and detailed observations of reflections and refractions of light that the colors of the rainbow are phenomena of the decomposition of light. His research had resonances with the studies of his contemporary Theodoric of Freiberg (without any contacts between them; even though they both relied on Ibn al-Haytham's legacy), and later with the experiments of Descartes and Newton in dioptrics (for instance, Newton conducted a similar experiment at Trinity College, though using a prism rather than a sphere).

Al-Farisi made a number of important contributions to number theory. His most impressive work in number theory is on amicable numbers. In Tadhkira al-ahbab fi bayan al-tahabb ("Memorandum for friends on the proof of amicability"), he introduced a major new approach to a whole area of number theory, introducing ideas concerning factorization and combinatorial methods. Al-Farisi's approach is based on the unique factorization of an integer into powers of prime numbers.

KamberiKamberi.Ethnic survival and the use of Islam to gain advantages distinguish the Muslim Kamberi of Nigeria.The Kamberi, most of whom are traditionalists in religion, live in the tropical savanna in an area encompassing the states of Kwara, Niger and Sokoto.Being spread over such a large area, their minority status is assured wherever they live.Kamberi are increasingly turning to Islam.

The Kamberi claim to be the original rulers of the ancient Yauri emirate in Sokoto state.That claim is recognized in the special relationship prevailing between the current Emir of Yauri, a Hausa, and Kamberi from the Ngaski District.The only Hausa with tribal marks in Yauri are members of the royal family.Their marks are Kamberi ones featuring a rising sun on the stomach and pectorals.

Like the Dukawa, with whom they share a joking relationship and a common origin myth, the Kamberi were in Yauri quite early. Some authors claim they were there before the thirteenth century and were, in fact, Yauri’s first inhabitants.Certainly they had a centralized government by the time of the Mali and Songhay invasions after the thirteenth century.

Before that time, the Kamberi say that their ancestors came from Mecca in Arabia.There, a leader named Kisra led a resistance movement against the Prophet Muhammad.After his defeat, Kisra fled across Africa, and either he or his followers founded a number of states.Finally, depending upon the folk tale’s version, either he or his followers stopped at the Niger River.The Kamberi trace their direct descent from Lata, one of Kisra’s sons, and still maintain a shrine to him at Agwarra, Borgu Division, Kwara State.

In the late seventeenth century, a Muslim became Emir of Yauri, a turning point in Yauri’s history, as the coming of Islam meant the rise to power of the Hausa in this area of Nigeria.The Hausa and Hausa-ized rulers of Yauri did not immediately turn everyone into Muslims.Some, such as the Reshawa, began to be included as members of the ruling elite through a process that ultimately included changing their ethnic identity.The Kamberi, however, kept their distance while enjoying their special relationship with the Hausa.As newcomers, the Hausa sought to increase their legitimacy by marrying the older elite.Kamberi women were in demand, and one mode of survival was for Kamberi to allow their women to marry into the ruling groups.

The nineteenth century proved to be one that tested Kamberi adaptational skills.The period was one of almost constant civil war and slave raiding, both of which affected the Kamberi harder than any other group as they had a centralized self-governmental system and were non-Muslim. To survive, the Kamberi decentralized, and in place of patrilineages they created autonomous clans.In place of a state organization, they created independent homesteads.In place of participation in the fighting, they fled to the forests where possible.The Kamberi became known as a meek and docile people and became the butt of jokes -- a price of survival.

As the prestige of Islam increased in the nineteenth century through the jihad of Uthman dan Fodio, the great Fulani religious leader, the plight of non-Muslims worsened.Increasingly, they had to make themselves invisible while building alliances with the powerful by contributing their women in marriage to dominant groups.

British rule in the late nineteenth century “froze” the political system.Colonial officials supported Islam, the Hausa and the tax system.Kamberi and other subordinate groups found themselves locked into a system that was far from “traditional” but sanctified as being so.

Kamil, MustafaKamil, Mustafa (Mustafa Kamil) (Muṣṭafā Kāmil Pasha) (b. August 14, 1874, Cairo, Egypt – d. February 10, 1908, Cairo).Egyptian nationalist.The name of the za‘im Mustafa Kamil is borne by several major city streets and squares in Egypt.A lawyer by education, he was a passionate orator who fought unrelentingly for Egyptian independence from the British rule that lasted from 1882 to 1952.Kamil and other nationalists were radicalized by the autocracy of British rule under Lord Cromer, and by events at Dinishwai village in 1906 where a military tribunal passed death, prison and flogging sentences on peasants who attacked British officers hunting pigeons in their village.In the process, a village woman was shot dead, and a British officer who went for help on foot suffered a sunstroke from which he later died.

Kamil’s obsession with independence was equaled by his dismay with his countrymen’s weakness and acquiescence to British rule.Accordingly, his actions took two directions – calling for social and educational reforms and working for the creation of a national university, while at the same time undertaking political agitation within and outside Egypt.He was the first to organize massive demonstrations mobilizing students.He founded the National Party and its newspaper Al-liwa’, which presented a radical nationalist and Islamic voice in opposition both to Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid’s Al-jaridah and its liberal constitiutional ideas and to Shaykh ‘Ali Yusuf’s Al-mu’ayyad and conservative Islamism.His publication of the English Standard and the French L’etendard to deliver the Liwa’s message to Egypt’s foreign community indicated the importance he attributed to foreigners in deciding Egypt’s destiny.

On the international stage, together with Khedive ‘Abbas II, Kamil formed a secret society whose purpose was to intrigue against the British.Financed by the society, he traveled to Paris in 1895 to present Egypt’s case to the European public, particularly in France, where he drew attention to French interests in supporting Egypt’s cause.There he introduced himself to Juliet Adam, editor of La nouvelle revue, who was to have great influence on him and his career.Through her, Kamil met important public personalities, political figures, and members of the press.She arranged for him to give public lectures and helped him publish his ideas in French journals.His success in propagandizing Egypt’s cause did not bring about the hoped for results, and Kamil realized the naivete of his idealism when he saw Britain and France agree after Fashoda and sign the Entente Cordiale in 1904.Breaking off with ‘Abbas II, Kamil allied himself with Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid and began to work toward a closer relationship with Germany.This was the context of his turn toward Pan-Islamist principles, his support of an Islamic caliphate, and ultimately his support of the Sultan’s right to Taba against the British who were defending Egypt’s rights to it.There was much conjecture regarding Kamil’s stand on the Taba issue, but Kamil’s words “if I were not an Egyptian I would have wished to be an Egyptian” continue to symbolize Egyptian patriotism.His funeral, following a sudden unexplained death, was the first of the demonstrations of mass public grief for which Egypt would later become famous.

KanembuKanembu.For centuries the northern part of the Lake Chad basin has been divided between the people of Te in the north and the Kanembu in the south, an area which today is Kanem Province of the Republic of Chad.The Kanembu occupy almost completely the banks of the northern half of Lake Chad with a concentration around the city of Mao, the home of their leader, the Alifa.Their territory spreads north to Chitati, where it meets that of the Daza.In the south, their neighbors are the Kanuri of Bornu, Nigeria, the Buduma and Kuri of Lake Chad and the various Chadian Arabs of the Dagana country.

Legend traces Kanembu origins back to a great leader who reigned in Arabia shortly before the arrival of the Prophet Muhammad.When he was converted he took the name Tubba Lawal.A princess of his family had sons who became the eponymic ancestors of the main Kanembu and Kanuri lineages.Saif (Sayf) was the ancestor of the Magimi; Derman, ancestor of the Kubri; Tama the ancestor of the Tumagri; Man, ancestor of the Kanku; and two slave sons, Ndjidi and Ngal, became ancestors of the Kadjidis and Maaltuku, respectively, who consider themselves the only true Kanembu.

To reach Kanem from Yemen, where these ancestors were raised, there were two possible roads: the northern road through Fezzan, Tibesti and Kawar; and the eastern road through Kordofan, Darfur and Wadai.Ngal’s people took the northern route and Saif’s the eastern, and from each derive today’s factions, all considered descendants of Tubba Lawal.

Primarily herdsmen, the Kanembu’s ancestors migrated to their present locations for a number of reasons.Drought in the north sent many south seeking greener pastures.They were encouraged by the rise of warrior groups such as the Tuareg, themselves claimed descendants of Tubba Lawal.It is known that by the eighth century the Kanembu were beginning to form an empire; this reached its height in the thirteenth century.Their armies occupied Fezzan in the north, Bornu in the west, the lower Chari River areas and the borders of Wadai.With an army of 100,000 men and a strong political and administrative structure based on the Arab models, the Kanem Empire became the most important power in sub-Saharan Africa.It was totally Sunni Muslim.

The empire enriched itself by importing technology.Construction with baked bricks, an innovation, permitted the creation of original architecture in different Kanem capitals, the first being Njima, near present day Mao.Camel caravans introduced wheat, cotton, horses and camels, which broadened the base of the economy.

Relations with north and northeastern Africa were close, the lingua franca being Arabic.Ibn Khaldun reported that the Kanem sent a giraffe as a gift to the Sultan of Tunis in 1257.Islam was rigorously observed, and in 1243, the Emir built a madrasa in Cairo specifically for Kanembu Quranic students.

However, the Kanem Empire began to decline under the growing strength of vassals such as the Bululas.The Saif leadership with a vast following moved to Bornu, where eventually they became the Kanuri.By the sixteenth century, the Bornu Empire controlled the area and Kanem remained only a distant province.

When the French arrived to colonize this part of Africa towards the end of the nineteenth century, they found Kanem ruled by the Alifa of Mao, who, within Bornu hegemony, dominated a few vassal districts and collected a variety of taxes.Kanembu culture, traditions and political organization had been consolidated by then.

The Kanembu people were deeply involved in the struggle for independence from France.While not openly involved in the Chad rebellion since independence, the third dissident army was stationed in Kanem in 1979, and its recruiting office was in Maiduguri, Bornu, naturally with the support of the Kanembu.

Nigerian ambitions in Kanembu country were not without foundation.Lake Chad and its fresh water would irrigate thousands of acres which were lying non-productive.There was wealth in the fertile wadis and polders (tracts of low land reclaimed from the lake.Finally, oil was discovered around Rig Rig in Chad and was to be exploited when the first civil war broke out in 1979

Kanemi, al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-Kanemi, al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al- (al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amin ibn al-Kanemi) (al-Hajj Muhammad al-Amîn ibn Muhammad al-Kânemî) (1775/1776-1837).Scholar of Kanem origin who founded the Shehu dynasty of Bornu.He was the ruler of the Kanuri state of Bornu who overthrew the thousand year old Sefawa dynasty and saved Bornu from defeat in the Fula jihad.His is one of the most complex figures in west African history.He rode into Bornu during a time of crisis to save the state from Fula persecution.Afterwards, he was torn between the desire to pursue his Islamic studies, and the urge for personal power coupled with the belief that his guiding hand had been divinely inspired.Those who met him, both African and European, remarked on his charisma, intelligence, humility, and religious devotion.

He was an Islamic teacher from Kanem living in a provence of Bornu at the time when the state was attacked by Fula adherents of ‘Uthman dan Fodio, the great Islamic revolutionary.Ahmad Alimi, the aged mai (ruler) of Bornu, complained to ‘Uthman that he himself and many of the people of Bornu were fellow Muslims, and should not be attacked, but his message was ignored, and he was unable to stop the Fula advance.Shortly before his death, he abdicated in favor of his son Dunama (in 1808).

Al-Kanemi also had met the Fula in a minor battle, and had defeated them.When Dunama heard this, he asked al-Kanemi to join him.Their combined forces routed the Fula.Afterwards Dunama rewarded him lavishly, and he returned home.Major fighting broke out again in 1809, and al-Kanemi was again summoned to defeat the Fula.This time he was rewarded with a large fief in his home area.He took the title shaikh, and his influence and reputation soared.

A faction of nobles of the Bornu court was unhappy over Dunama’s inability to control the Fula and the rise of al-Kanemi.In 1809, they deposed Dunama, and installed his uncle, Muhammad Ngileruma.Al-Kanemi, who did not get on well with the new mai, conspired with Dunama’s faction to depose Muhammad and reinstate Dunama (around 1813).The act made al-Kanemi the most powerful man in Bornu.He then set about to strengthen his own following, calling upon friends and clansmen to join him.In 1814, he left Nguro, his residence, to build an administrative capital at Kukawa, although the official capital remained at the mai’s residence.

By 1820, al-Kanemi was the virtual ruler of Bornu.In a letter, he wrote at that time he professed his desire to forego worldly concerns, stating that if he did not feel compelled to rule, “I would go out of here like a runaway slave.”His belief in his divine mission, however, caused him to remain.By this time, he seldom consulted mai Dunama regarding affairs of state.He independently allied with Tripoli and received Tripolitanian support.The mai was thus persuaded by his court to turn on his friend.A plan was devised whereby Burgomanda, the ruler of neighboring Baghirmi, agreed to attack Bornu.After Dunama and al-Kanemi’s armies came out to meet the “invaders,” Burgomanda and Dunama were to trap al-Kanemi between them.But al-Kanemi learned of the plan and moved his troops so that Burgomanda mistakenly attacked Dunama.The mai was killed in the fighting and al-Kanemi installed Dunama’s younger brother, Ibrahim, as a figurehead ruler.

Bornu’s primary opponent continued to be the Fula.Al-Kanemi was troubled about fighting fellow Muslims.From 1808 to 1812, he corresponded with ‘Uthman dan Fodio and his son Muhammad Bello trying unsuccessfully to settle matters peaceably.In 1825, al-Kanemi took the offensive against the Fula within Bornu.The next year, he penetrated into Hausaland, nearly reaching Kano.After he withdrew, a boundary was established by tacit understanding, with the Fula retaining western Bornu.During his reign, al-Kanemi was careful not to build up the trappings of royalty, nor to divest these trappings from the mai.Nevertheless, his administration gradually replaced that of the Sefawa dynasty.Some provinces he administered directly; in others he only collected tribute.He was advised by a council of six men in matters of general policy.Despite his personal religious convictions, he did not demand Islamic conversion or reform within Bornu.He encouraged good relations with the Europeans, but was wary of their intentions.At his death in 1837, he was succeeded by his son, ‘Umar, as had been his wish.

Kane, Sheikh HamidouKane, Sheikh Hamidou (Sheikh Hamidou Kane) (Hamidou Kane) (Cheikh Hamidou Kane) (b. April 3, 1928).Senegalese novelist.Born at Matam, he was a native of the Fula mountain region and a representative of the Fula language and culture.After receiving traditional instruction in the Qur’an, he attended French school in Senegal.He then went to Paris University to study philosophy and law, before entering the Ecole Nationale de la France d’Outre-mer.In July 1959, he returned to Senegal as an official in the French overseas administration.He was appointed deputy to the director of development projects, then head of chancery to the Minister of Development and Planning of independent Senegal.From 1960 to 1963, he was governor of the district of Thies.Sheikh Hamidou has been aptly called “a true witness of Islam in its modern African guise.”His first book, L’aventure ambigue (Ambiguous Adventure) (1961) is a romantic autobiography which tells of the encounter of two worlds of experience, Black Africa and Western Europe, by a young African, brutally initiated by a Muslim teacher into Islamic mysticism, then remolded by the French educational system.It is a story of spiritual fidelity and of intellectual uprooting, a penetrating and sophisticated critique of the doubtful values implicit in Western civilization.

Orhan Veli was born in Istanbul. His father was a conductor of the Presidential Symphony Orchestra. His younger brother, Adnan Veli, was a well known journalist whose memoir of his time in prison on political charges, "Mahpushane Çeşmesi (The Prison Fountain)", was published in 1952. Orhan Veli studied at the Ankara Gazi High School before he started his university education which lasted one year at Istanbul University's philosophy department before dropping out in 1935. He was employed by the Ministry of Education as a translator from 1945 to 1947. Later, he worked as a freelance translator and journalist. In 1949, he helped the publication of Yaprak, a literary magazine. As also evidenced from the contents of some of his deeply humorous poetry, he was a heavy drinker. His death was due to a brain hemorrhage a few days after he fell into a pot hole on the street while intoxicated.

Orhan Veli is known for advocating a poetry without excessive stylistic elements and adjectives, and preferring a style closer to free-verse. He is known for his unique voice, and depth of emotion underlying the seemingly easy-coming nature of his verse. His poetry is highly admired by the public as well as in academic circles.

KanuriKanuri.Name of a people and a language in the Chad region.Islam was introduced in the seventh century from the north.

The people who refer to themselves as Kanuri, a name whose etymological roots are not known, live chiefly in Nigeria on the arid plains west and south of Lake Chad in what is now Borno State.All but a few Kanuri are Sunni Muslim.

While there are semi-legendary views about early roots in Yemen, little is known of the earliest phases of Kanuri society.Contemporary Kanuri (narrowly defined) are the descendants of the ruling family of the Kanem Empire.As a result of civil war, this family (the Saifawa or Sefawa) left Kanem in the fourteenth century and, after nearly a century of internal strife, established a new empire southwest of Lake Chad.This empire was and is known as Bornu, although “Borno” is now the official rendering of the name.The area to which the Sefawa moved was inhabited by various peoples about whom little is known.Today they are known collectively as the Sao -- reputedly a race of giants.Regardless of their size, it may be assumed that for a period of several centuries the efforts of the Sefawa to consolidate their power and expand their kingdom’s boundaries led to the incorporation of many distinctive groups within Kanuri society.This process of incorporation has not ended.Intermarriage, commerce, politics and other factors have combined to produce a people who, although identified by the term “Kanuri,” are in fact culturally heterogeneous.Manga, Marghi, Kwoyam and other groups speak what usually are considered dialects of Kanuri.Other groups have maintained linguistic and ethnic distinctiveness but have been incorporated very closely into contemporary political and social life in Borno.For example, the Shuwas, who are traditionally Arabic speaking nomadic cattle herders, have prominent positions in the traditional political system and today are closely integrated with the mainstream of Kanuri society (many having given up their nomadic lifestyle).There are many people who call themselves Kanuri who, a few years ago, would have been considered members of other ethnic groups.There are others who consider themselves Kanuri (and are thus also so considered by others) with parents neither of whom is Kanuri.There are some who would be considered Kanuri in most contexts but, if pressed, could produce other legitimate ethnic labels.The complexity of the situation needs to be stressed.There is considerable variation in language and other aspects of culture within the category of people known and referred to as Kanuri.

Islam has been a part of Kanuri culture from sometime in the eleventh century and a strong force since at least the fifteenth century.As with other kingdoms in the Sudanic region, Islam came to Borno with the trans-Saharan trade.So little is known about the shape of politics, law and social order in Kanem-Borno in the pre-Muslim period that it is difficutl to judge the extent of changes brought about the advent of Islam.However, pre-Islamic religious and secular beliefs and values were not obliterated overnight, and Kanuri culture is best understood as an amalgamation of Islamic and varied local traditions.

Kapu KullarKapu Kullar.“Slaves of the Gate.”Refers to the officers or civil servants of the Ottoman sultan -- the essence of the Ottoman elite.Kullar, Kapu see Kapu Kullar.Slaves of the Gate see Kapu Kullar.

KarachaiKarachai (Karachay). Turkic people of the North Caucasus, mostly situated in the Russian Karachay-Cherkess Republic. The colorful Karachai can trace their origins to the eleventh-to-thirteenth-century merging of nomadic Kipchak Turks (Kuman, Kipchak and Polovtsy) with autochthonous (indigenous) tribes of the northern foothills of the Greater Caucasus Mountains.Best known among their neighbors as Alans -- a misnomer which applies directly to ancient Asiatic nomads who ultimately settled in Spanish Catalonia -- the Karachai refer to themselves as Kiarachaly (Kiarchal).They are Caucasian by race and claim to be related historically to the Huns, Bulgars and Khazars, although, in fact, the last group is allied most directly with the lineage of the Daghestani Kumyk.Traditionally, they have been Sunni Muslims of the Hanafi school.

The Karachai were united with Russia in 1828.A mountain warrior people, they frequently rose up, along with other North Caucasian groups, against the colonialist policies of czarist Russia.The unending oppression of the Karachai by czarist authorities led, in the 1860s and 1870s, to a powerful movement in favor of resettlement in Turkey. Deep-seated prejudices between the Russians and Karachai survived at least until the 1950s, and probably still exist.In November 1943, the entire Karachai population was deported from its native lands and shipped in closely guarded freight cars to “special settlements” in Central Asia and Kazakhstan.In the process, their autonomous region was abolished.The reasons surrounding the deportation were at best debatable.Some historians suggest that the Karachai, Balkar, Crimean Tatars, Chechen and Ingush were deported from their homelands because of the needs of the Soviet armies in the immediate postwar years.The Stalinists alleged that the Karachai had collaborated with the Nazis during the brief German occupation.Undoubtedly, some Karachai had served the Third Reich in some way, but the overwhelming majority of the population had not.This was borne out by Premier Nikita Khrushchev in his famous speech delivered at the Communist Party Congress of 1956.In that speech, he granted total amnesty to deportees of all nationalities.By that time, one-third or more Karachai had died in exile or, simply, had “disappeared.” A small number of former Karachai deportees still live in Kirghizia, but most of them have returned to their homeland, which was granted autonomous status again in February of 1957.

The Karachai were converted to Islam by the Kabardinians in the eighteenth century.Because of its late arrival and the nomadic habits of the Karachai, Islam was never observed very devotedly among them.While driving their flocks, the Karachai could not very often perform their formal religious duties.Making matters worse was the Kabardinian practice of taxing persons who did not attend the mosque.Consequently, Karachai were taxed often and severely.Thus, some Karachai clans even into the twentieth century refused to accept many Islamic traditions and prohibitions.Currently, some continue to raise pigs, to eat pork and to save the hides and bones as good luck charms.This may account for the relatively large hog population that exists in this region.

Because Islam did not obtain total acceptance among the Karachai before the revolution and because it is almost inevitably weaker among nomads than among sedentary people, the Karachai retain numerous pre-Islamic shamanist and demonological traditions.In addition to Allah, tribes had, and probably still have, a whole spectrum of deities, including gods and goddesses of the hearth, fertility, harvest, rain, trees, rocks and pastures.

Alans see KarachaiKiarachaly see KarachaiKiarchal see KarachaiKarachay see Karachai

KaraitesKaraites.Jewish sect whose members have lived in several Islamic countries for over 1200 years.They do not recognize the authority of the post-biblical tradition incorporated in the Talmud and in later Rabbinic works.

Karaite Judaism is a Jewish movement characterized by the recognition of the Tanakh as its religious authority. Karaites maintain that all of the commandments handed down by Moses were recorded in the written Torah, and that an Oral Law was not given at Mount Sinai. As a result, Karaite Jews do not accept the Mishnah, Talmud, or Rabbinic decrees as binding. Karaite Judaism does not reject the Talmud, but holds every interpretation of the Tanakh to the same scrutiny regardless of its source. Karaite Judaism teaches that it is the personal responsibility of every individual Jew to study the Torah, and ultimately decide for him- or herself its correct meaning. This is reflected in the Karaite saying "Study the Torah diligently, and do not be dependent on my opinion." The movement crystallized in Baghdad (present-day Iraq), in the Gaonic period (approximately 7th to 9th centuries).

When interpreting the Tanakh, Karaites strive to adhere to the plain, or most obvious meaning (p'shat) of the text. Karaite Jews do not take the Tanakh literally: the p'shat is the meaning that would have been naturally understood by the ancient Israelites when the books of the Tanakh were first written. Since Jewish culture has changed tremendously throughout the past 4,000 years, the p'shat is not as easily understood today as it once was in Biblical Israel, and must now be derived from textual clues such as language, and context. In contrast, Rabbinic Judaism relies on oral traditions handed down by the rabbis to reveal the

original meaning of the Torah. This oral law employs the methods of remez (implication or clue), drash (interpretation, exegesis), and sod (deep, hidden meaning, identified with the Kabbalah), which can often be in discord with the p'shat meaning.

At one time Karaites were a significant portion of the Jewish population. Most Karaites today have made Aliyah to Israel, having immigrated from Arab countries such as Egypt and Iraq.

KarakalpakKarakalpak (Qaraqalpaq) (Qoraqalpog).The land of Khorezm (Khiva), legendary khanate of Tamerlane’s splintered empire, today is the homeland of the Karakalpak of Central Asia, a people of complex origin related in part to the ancient Sacs, Oguz, Pechenegs, Kipchaks and Turkicized Mongols.The tribal name may have originated with a Turkic people who lived on a tributary of the Dnieper River in the twelfth century.Whatever its origin, the ethnonym earlier known as chernyye klobuki in Russian and kara-borki in Kipchak eventually became “Karakalpak.”All three words mean “black hat,” alluding to the traditional headwear of the tribe.

The Karakalpaks are a Turkic speaking people. They mainly live in the lower reaches of the Amu Darya and in the (former) delta of Amu Darya on the southern shore of the Aral Sea in Uzbekistan. The name "Karakalpak" comes from two words: "qara" meaning black, and "qalpaq" meaning hat. The Karakalpaks probably number about 650,000 worldwide, out of which about 500,000 live in the Republic of Karakalpakstan. Karakalpaks are not to be confused with Karapapaks.

The Karakalpak population is mainly confined to the central part of Karakalpakstan that is irrigated by the Amu Darya. The largest communities live in Nukus, the capital of Karakalpakstan, and the surrounding large towns, such as Khodzheli, Shimbay, Takhtaitash, and Kungrad. Rural Karakalpaks mainly live on former collective or state farms, most of which have been recently privatised. Many rural Karakalpaks have been seriously affected by the desiccation of the Aral Sea, which has destroyed the local fishing industry along with much of the grazing and agricultural land in the north of the delta. Karakalpaks have nowhere to go. The majority of Karakalpakstan is occupied by desert - the Kyzyl Kum on the eastern side, the barren Ustyurt plateau to the west, and now the growing Aral Kum to the north, once the bed of the former Aral Sea.

Although their homeland bears their name, the Karakalpaks are not the largest ethnic group to live in Karakalpakstan. They are increasingly being outnumbered by Uzbeks, many of whom are being encouraged to move into the rich agricultural region around Turtkul and Beruni.

The word Karakalpak is derived from the Russian Cyrillic spelling of their name and has become the accepted name for these people in the West. The Karakalpaks actually refer to themselves as Qaraqalpaqs, whilst the Uzbeks call them Qoraqalpogs. The word means "black hat" in Turkic and has caused much confusion in the past, since some historians have attempted to link them with other historically earlier groups, who have also borne the appellation "black hat". Many accounts continue to falsely link the present day Karakalpaks with the Cherniye Klobuki of the 11th century, whose name also means "black hat" in Russian. In fact, the Cherniye Klobuki were a cadre of mercenary border guards who worked for the Kievan Rus. They were of mixed tribal origin; many adopted Christianity and became settled agriculturalists. There is no archaeological or historical evidence to link these two groups, apart from the fact that their names have the same meaning.

Recent archaeological evidence indicates that the Karakalpaks may have formed as a confederation of different tribes at some time in the late 15th or the 16th centuries at some location along the Syr Darya or its southern Zhany Darya outlet, in proximity to the Kazakhs of the Lesser Horde. This would explain why their language, customs and material culture are so very similar to that of the Kazakhs.

Karakalpaks are the followers of the Sunni Hanafi sect of Islam. The exact period in which they adopted the religion of Islam cannot be known for sure. However, it is probable that they adopted Islam between the 10th and 13th centuries during which they first appeared as a distinct ethnic group. Karakalpaks are well known for their devotion in their religion. The dervish orders such as Nakşibendi, Kübrevi, Yesevi and Kalenderi are fairly effective among them. However, the religious order that established the strongest relation with the people of the region is the order of Kübrevi. Its founder is Necmenddin-i Kübra (1145-1221) There is a specific population of Shiites in the religious order of Kübreviye. The Sufism is effective among Karakalpaks.Chernyye Klobuki see KarakalpakKara-borki see KarakalpakBlack Hats see KarakalpakQaraqalpaq see KarakalpakQoraqalpog see Karakalpak

KarakhanidsKarakhanids (Kara-Khanids) (Qarakhanids) (Ilek Khanids).Members of a Turkic dynasty that ruled western and eastern Turkestan (Transoxiana and Kashgaria) from the tenth to the beginning of the thirteenth century.It is considered the first Islamic Turkic dynasty (having converted in the middle of the tenth century).In the Karakhanid court appeared the first Islamic Turkic literature, namely, the Kutadgu bilig (Wisdom of Royal Glory) of Yusuf Hass Hajib and the Compendium of the Turkic Dialects of Mahmud al-Kashgari.Hence, its importance is not only political but cultural.

The Kara-Khanid Khanate was a Turkic Khanate founded by the Karakhanids, who were a Turkic dynasty. The Khanate ruled Transoxania in Central Asia from 840-1211. Their capitals included Kashgar, Balasagun, Uzgen and then Kashgar, again. The name of the state comprises two Turkish words, "Kara" and "Khan". "Kara" means "black" in Turkish, indicating nobility, and "Khan", actually Kağan, is a Turkish title given to the ruler of a state like Hakan, Tanhu, Yabgu, and İlbey.

The Karakhanid dynasty, also called Ilek-khans, Khans, or Al-i Afrasiyab, arose from the Karluk tribe of Turks.The Karakhanids exhibited a system of double kingship that was a feature among certain Altaic tribes.One ruler governed from Balasagun or Karaordu.His counterpart ruled from Kashgar or Talas.Each ruler carried a Turkic name and adopted a Muslim one after conversion, thus creating a great deal of confusion for historians.

The Karakhanids gained political importance in 999 with the capture of Bukhara and the division of the Samanid realm with Mahmud of Ghazna.In 1041, the dynasty split into two distinct khanates: (1) the Hasanids, in the east, ruled from Balasagun while (2) the Alids, in the west, ruled first from Ozkend and then from Samarkand.During the twelfth century the eastern khanate fell under the hegemony of the Karakitai and essentially disappeared from sight until 1211, when the Mongol Kuchlug overthrew the Karakitai.At that point, the eastern branch of the Karakhanids ceased to exist.

The western khanate fell under Seljuk suzerainty in 1074 and remained so until the battle of Qatwan in 1141.There the Karakhitai defeated the Seljuks under Sanjar and took possession of Turkestan north of the Oxus.Although the western branch was able to break away from the Karakhitain in the thirteenth century, it was soon conquered by the Khwarazmshah, who executed the last Karakhanid ruler in 1212 and brought the dynasty to an end.

Ilek-khans see KarakhanidsKhans see KarakhanidsAl-i Afrasiyab see KarakhanidsKara-Khanids see KarakhanidsQarakhanids see KarakhanidsIlek Khanids see Karakhanids

KarakhitaiKarakhitai (Kara-khitay) (Qara Khitay).Name of a Mongol people, also called the Western Liao, who were living, from the fourth century onwards, on the northern fringes of the Chinese Empire.In the first half of the twelfth century they moved into eastern Turkestan, but were defeated by the Ilek-Khans ruling in Kashgharia.In 1137, Mahmud Khan ibn Arslan of Samarkand was defeated by the Karakhitai in Ferghana and appealed to his suzerain the Saljuq Sultan Sanjar, who invaded Turkestan from Khurasan.In September 1141, both rulers were routed with great losses by the Karakhitai, who then occupied Samarkand and Bukhara.The Khwarazm-Shah Atsiz (r. 1127-1156) was compelled to pay an annual tribute. The news of the Karakhitai victory over the Muslim forces filtered through to the Crusaders and thence to Christian Europe, giving fresh impetus to the legends about Prester John, the powerful Christian monarch who supposedly ruled in Inner Asia and who was attacking the Muslims from the rear.The Karakhitai were defeated by Jenghis Khan in 1218.

The Kara-Khitan Khanate, or Western Liao, (1124-1218) was a Khitan empire in Central Asia. The dynasty was founded by Yelü Dashi, who led the remnants of the Liao Dynasty to Central Asia after fleeing from the Jurchen conquest of their homeland in North and Northeast of modern day China. The empire was usurped by the Naimans under Kuchlug in 1211; traditional Chinese, Persian and Arab sources consider the usurpation to be the end of the empire. The empire was later destroyed by the Mongol Empire in 1218.

Kara Khitan (Hala Qidan) was the name used by the Khitans to refer to themselves. The phrase is often translated as the Black Khitans, but its original meaning is unclear today. Since no direct records from the empire survive today, the only surviving historical records about the empire come from outside sources. Since the empire took on trappings of a Chinese state, Chinese historians generally refer to the empire as the Western Liao Dynasty, emphasizing its continuation from the Liao Dynasty in North and Northeast China. The Jurchens referred to the empire as Dashi or Dashi Linya (after its founder), to reduce any claims the empire may have had to the old territories of the Liao Dynasty. Muslim historians initially referred to the state simply as Khitay or Khitai. It was only after the Mongol conquest that the state began to be referred to in the Muslim world as the Kara-Khitai or Qara-Khitai.

The Khitans ruled from their capital at Balasagun (in today's Kyrgyzstan). They directly controlled the central region of the empire. The rest of their empire consisted of highly-autonomous vassalized states, primarily Khwarezm, the Karluks, the Gaochang Uyghurs, the Qangli and the Western, Eastern and Fergana Kara-Khanids. The late-arriving Naimans also became vassals, before usurping the empire under Kuchlug.

The Khitan rulers adopted many administrative elements from the Liao Dynasty, including the use of Confucian administration and imperial trappings. The empire also adopted the title of Gurkhan (universal Khan). The Khitans used the Chinese calendar, maintained Chinese imperial and administrative titles, gave its emperors reign names, used Chinese-styled coins, and sent imperial seals to its vassals. Although most of its administrative titles were derived from Chinese, the empire also adopted local administrative titles, such as tayangyu (Turkic) and vizier.

The Khitans maintained their old customs, even in Central Asia. They remained nomads, adhered to their traditional dress and maintained the religious practices followed by the Liao Dynasty Khitans. The ruling elite tried to maintain the traditional marriages between the Yelü king clan and the Xiao queen clan, and were highly reluctant to allow their princesses to marry outsiders. The Kara-Khitai Khitans followed a mix of Buddhism and traditional Khitan religion, which included fire worship and tribal customs, such as the tradition of sacrificing a gray ox with a white horse. In an innovation unique to the Kara-Khitai, the Khitans paid their soldiers a salary.

The empire ruled over a diverse population that was quite different from its rulers. The majority of the population was sedentary, although the population suddenly became more nomadic during the end of the empire, due to the influx of Naimans. The majority of their subjects were Muslims, although a significant minority practiced Buddhism and Nestorianism. Although Chinese and Khitan were the primary languages of administration, the empire also administered in Persian and Uyghur.

The Kara-Khitai empire was established by Yelü Dashi, who led 100,000 Khitans into Central Asia from Manchuria by way of Mongolia. Yelü conquered Balasagun from the Kara-Khanid Khanate in 1134, which marks the start of the empire in Central Asia. The Khitan forces were soon joined by 10,000 Khitans, who had been subjects of the Kara-Khanid Khanate. The Khitans then conquered Kashgar, Khotan, and Besh Baliq. The Khitans defeated the Western Kara-Khanid Khanate at Khujand in 1137, eventually leading to their control over the Fergana Valley. They won the Battle of Qatwan against the Western Kara-Khanids on September 9, 1141, which allowed the Khitans to control Transoxania.

Yelü died in 1143, and was followed by his wife, Xiao Tabuyan, as regent for their son. Their son, Yelü Yiliu, died in 1163 and was succeeded by his sister, Yelü Pusuwan. She sent her husband, Xiao Duolubu, on many military campaigns. She then fell in love with his younger brother, Xiao Fuguzhi. They were executed in 1177 by her father-in-law, Xiao Wolila, who then placed Yelü Zhilugu on the throne in 1178. The empire was weakened by rebellions and internal wars among its vassals, especially during the latter parts of its history. In 1208, the Naimans fled from their homeland and were welcomed into the empire of the Kara-Khitai. In 1211, the Naiman prince, Kuchlug, captured Yelü Zhilugu while the latter was hunting, ending Khitan rule in the Kara-Khitai empire. The Mongols captured and killed Kuchlug in 1218. The Mongols fully conquered the former territories of the Kara-Khitai in 1220.

Kara-khitay see KarakhitaiQara Khitay see KarakhitaiWestern Liao see KarakhitaiHala Qidan see KarakhitaiDashi see KarakhitaiDashi Linya see Karakhitai

KarakoyunluKarakoyunlu (Kara Koyunlu) (Qara Qoyunlu) (Black Sheep Turkomans) (“The Black Sheep”) (1375-1468). Federation of Turkmen tribes that ruled much of Persia and Mesopotamia in the fifteenth century.They arose in eastern Anatolia north of Lake Van, far from the centralized, orthodox empires of the Ottomans to the west and the Timurids to the east.Apparently at this time, if not before, Azerbaijan became ethnically Turkish.The Karakoyunlu are regarded as a Shi‘ite dynasty, in opposition to the Sunni Akkoyunlu.

The Kara Koyunlu were a Shi'ite Oghuz Turkic tribal federation that ruled over the territory comprising present-day Armenia, Azerbaijan, north western Iran, eastern Turkey and Iraq from about 1375 to 1468.

The Karakoyunlu were originally organized by Bairam Khwaja (d. 1380), chief of the Baharlu clan of the Ghuzz (Oghuz).Both he and his son, Kara Muhammad Turmush, were in the service of the Jalayirid sultans in Tabriz.Kara Yusuf (1389-1420) declared his independence, took over the former Jalayirid possessions in Azerbaijan and Mesopotamia, and made Tabriz his capital.(However, he fled to the protection of the Ottomans and Mamluks from 1400 to 1406 in order to escape Timur’s invasion.)

The most important Karakoyunlu ruler was Jahanshah (1438-1467), who extended the empire to its greatest extent, including eastern Anatolia, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Fars, Kerman, and Oman.Jahanshah built the Gok Masjid (Blue Mosque) in Tabriz, a structure renowned throughout the Islamic world for its beauty.

The Karakoyunlu were hostile to the Safavids, who were later to establish a much more powerful Shi‘ite dynasty.They also clashed with the Timurids on occasion.Jahanshah defeated Abu Sa’id in 1458 and briefly occupied Herat.Uzun Hasan, the leader of the Akkoyunlu and chief rival of Jahanshah, defeated him in 1466.This effectively terminated the rule of the Karakoyunlu, and their domains were absorbed by the Akkoyunlu.

A rival branch of the Karakoyunlu, originally established by a son of Kara Yusuf, ruled in Baghdad from about 1411 to 1466, when this branch was put to an end by Jahanshah.The Qutb Shahis of Golconda, an Indian dynasty that ruled in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, was founded by a descendant of the Karakoyunlu and kept alive their memory.

"The Black Sheep" see KarakoyunluQara Qoyunlu see KarakoyunluBlack Sheep Turkomans see KarakoyunluKara Koyunlu see Karakoyunlu

Karamat, ‘AliKaramat, ‘Ali (‘Ali Karamat) (d. 1873).Muslim religious author of Jaunpur who wrote chiefly in Urdu.He struggled against Hindu customs and superstitions which had crept into the practice of Islam in eastern Bengal, and against new heterodox schools.'Ali Karamat see Karamat, ‘Ali

Karami, RashidKarami, Rashid (Rashid Abdul Hamid Karami) (December 30, 1921 – June 1, 1987) was a Lebanese statesman. He was one of the most important political figures in Lebanon for more than 30 years, including during much of Lebanese Civil War (1975–1990), and he served as Prime Minister eight times: 1955-1956; 1958-1960; 1961-1964; 1965-1966; 1966-1968; 1969-1970; 1975-1976; and 1984-1987.

Rashid Karami was born in Tripoli, into one of Lebanon's most prominent political families.He was the eldest son of Abdul Hamid Karami, an architect of Lebanese independence from France. The father was also the Grand Mufti, or supreme religious judge, of Tripoli, and served as Prime Minister in 1945.His younger brother, Omar Karami, has served as Prime Minister three times, most recently from 2004 to 2005.

After graduating from Cairo University with a Law degree in the 1940s, Karami established a legal practice in Tripoli. He was elected to the National Assembly in 1951 to fill a vacancy caused by the death of his father. In the same year, he became Minister of Justice in the government of Prime Minister Hussein al Oweini. In 1953, he was appointed Minister of the Economy and Social Affairs.

Between 1955 and 1987, Karami held office eight times as Prime Minister, under every President. These terms were from 1955 to 1956, 1958 to 1960, 1961 to 1964, 1965 to 1966, 1966 to 1968, 1969 to 1970, 1975 to 1976, and from 1984 until his death. He also served as Minister of Foreign Affairs several times.

Karami had a stormy relationship with Lebanon's Presidents, who appointed him because of his political connections, despite substantial political differences.He was popularly known as a man for all crises because of a penchant of Lebanon's presidents to turn to him in times of major national strife or political upheaval.

What made the lawyer from the northern port city of Tripoli so often the man of the hour was a talent for leading the opposition without burning his bridges with the Lebanese president. Mr. Karami enjoyed political prominence, and an unparalleled popularity. Unlike Nabih Berri of the Shiite Moslems and Walid Jumblat, the Druze leader, he had no militia. While his public statements were often in the florid style common among Arab politicians, he was a skillful practitioner of the intricacies of Lebanese politics. He repeatedly strove to remain as leader of the Government until he decided it was useless to carry on amid the turmoil and violence of Lebanese politics. While he was fluent in French and had a good command of English, he was always accompanied by an interpreter in interviews with foreign correspondents, because he insisted on speaking Arabic. He was celebrated for being a statesman with courtly manners, soft-spokenness and taste in clothes. He was often described in the Lebanese press as al effendi - the gentleman.

Karami was a strong proponent of increasing political power of Lebanon's Muslim community, which in his time increased to outnumber the Christian population for the first time in Lebanese history, causing major ripples in the social fabric of the country. He attempted, without success, to gain greater representation for Muslims in the National Assembly, where they were allocated 45 percent of the seats, a figure that was not adjusted to take account of changing demographics. In 1976, Karami helped broker an agreement to provide for equal parliamentary representation of Christians and Muslims, but this agreement was never implemented. One concession that was made by Christian politicians was to allow legislation signed by the President to be countersigned by the Prime Minister, from 1974 onwards, giving the Prime Minister (always a Sunni Muslim) an effective veto.

Karami was a part of the Islamic Leftist faction in Lebanese politics. During the 1950s, he was a political follower of the Pan-Arabism of Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser. He was first appointed Prime Minister by President Camille Chamoun on September 19, 1955. By the following year, however, he had seriously fallen out with Chamoun over the latter's refusal to sever diplomatic relations with the western powers that had attacked Egypt in the Suez Crisis of 1956. He again opposed Chamoun in the 1958 Lebanon Crisis, a Nasserist uprising with considerable support in the Muslim community which erupted in May 1958 and attempted to topple the government and join Egypt and Syria in the new United Arab Republic. By September, when Chamoun had quelled the uprising with the aid of United States Marines, Karami formed a government of national unity under the new President, Fuad Chehab.

Karami served four more times as Prime Minister throughout the 1960s. During this time, he championed the Palestinian cause, and is believed to have argued for Lebanon to play a more active role against Israel in the Six Day War of June 1967, a position which was unpopular with many Christians. Increasing clashes between the Lebanese army and the Palestine Liberation Organization forced his resignation in April 1970, but he soon returned to office after an accord had been signed between Lebanon and the PLO. In August of that year, however, Suleiman Frangieh, an enemy of Karami's, was elected President. Karami resigned and was succeeded by Saeb Salam.

Civil war erupted in Lebanon in April 1975. Multiple factions were involved and the political and military situation was extremely complex, but broadly speaking, the civil war was fought mainly between right-wing, mainly Christian militias (the most prominent of which was the Phalange), and leftist, mainly Muslim militias and their Palestinian allies. Desperate to stabilize the situation, Frangieh dismissed Prime Minister Rashid el-Solh and called on his old adversary Karami to form a government on July 1. He retreated somewhat from his previous strong support for the Palestinians and supported the Syrian military intervention of June 1976. Despite Karami's political connections many years of experience, he was unable to end the war, however, and on December 8, 1976 he resigned. Elias Sarkis, who had succeeded Frangieh as President in September, appointed Selim al-Hoss as the new Prime Minister.

In the late 1970s, Karami was reconciled to his old enemy, Suleiman Frangieh, after Frangieh had fallen out with the Phalangist militia leader, Bachir Gemayel. Together with Frangieh and Walid Jumblatt, Karami founded the National Salvation Front, pro-Syrian coalition of Sunni Muslim, Druze, and some Christians, mainly in the north of Lebanon. The National Salvation Front stood in opposition to the Lebanese Front, a right-wing coalition of mainly Christian parties.

In April 1984, following conferences in Switzerland, Karami became Prime Minister for the eighth time, heading a government of national reconciliation. This period saw increasing Syrian influence in the wake of the partial Israeli withdrawal following their invasion of Lebanon in 1982, which Karami had strongly opposed. In 1986, he rejected the National Agreement to Solve the Lebanese Crisis, which had been drafted with minimal Sunni Muslim participation. This opposition created a tense relationship with President Amine Gemayel. Continuing problems led Karami to resign on May 4, 1987, but Gemayel, seeing no viable alternative, refused to accept his resignation.

Just under a month later, Karami was killed after a bomb was placed in his Aérospatiale Puma helicopter en route to Beirut. Karami was the only one killed in the blast. Interior Minister Abdullah al-Rasi and at least three of a dozen other aides and crew members aboard the helicopter were wounded. Karami was succeeded by Selim al-Hoss.

In 1999, Samir Geagea and ten other members of the Lebanese Forces, a Christian militia which had absorbed the Phalange, were convicted of Karami's murder and given death penalties that were pardoned to lifetime prison terms for their direct planning and participation in Karami's killing.

Karaosmanoğlu was born in Cairo in 1889. He was the son of Abdülkadir Bey, a member of the Karaosmanoğulları family which started to gain a reputation in the 17th century around the Manisa region. His mother was İkbal Hanım, a woman in İsmail Paşa's palace community. Until the age of six, he was raised in Cairo, after which his family moved to their homeland, Manisa. He completed his primary education in Manisa, and in 1903, they moved to İzmir.

Karaosmanoglu arrived in Istanbul in 1908.Once in Istanbul, Karaosmanoglu attracted attention with mannered prose poems and a collection of short stories, Bir Serencam.

Bir Serencam was published in 1913.The dominant theme of Bir Serencam is one expressing a hostility to religious fanaticism.This theme of hostility to religious fanaticism reappeared in Karaosmanoglu’s Nur Baba.

Nur Baba was published in 1922.Nur Baba provides a detailed picture of life in a decadent dervish convent.

An enthusiastic supporter of the Kemalist movement, Karaosmanoglu became a deputy and served for many years as a diplomat.

Strongly influenced by the French realists, Karaosmanoglu produced a series of powerful novels depicting, with sympathy but without false sentiment, the psychological crises of individuals in the context of the successive crises of modern Turkey.

In Kiralsk Konak (Kiralik Konak), which was published in 1921, Karaosmanoglu depicts the decay of the Ottoman society during the despotism of Abdulhamid.

In Hukum Gecesi (1927), the struggles of republican advocates during the period from 1908 to 1918 were chronicled.

In Sodom ve Gomore (1928), a story about the cosmopolitan world of occupied Istanbul at the end of World War I is told.

In Yaban (1932), the brutish life of the Anatolian peasantry during the War of Independence was depicted.Yaban (Stranger, 1932) depicts the bitter experiences of a Turkish intellectual, Ahmet Celal, in the countryside after losing his arm in the Battle of Gallipoli. Though categorized as naturalist, the novel has a romantic, anti-pastoral quality.

In Ankara (1934), the triumph of the young Turkish republic was told.

In Bir Surgun (1937), the bewilderment of a young exile in Paris is portrayed.

In Panorama (1954), the corrupting influence of self-interest on the reformers' ideals was portrayed.Panorama analyzes the political, social, and economical changes during the transition from the Ottoman Empire period to the Republic of Turkey period. It is considered to be a "generation novel" as the story is based on the lives of several generations of the same family during this transitional period.

In Anamin Kitabi (1957), Karaosmanoglu related his early years and in Vatan Yolunda (1958) he told of his experiences during the War of Independence.The works of Yakub Kadri Karaosmanoglu include:

Karay, Refiq KhalidKaray, Refiq Khalid (Refik Halit Karay) (Refik Halid Karay) (March 14, 1888 - July 18, 1965).Turkish essayist, humorist and novelist.He is deemed to have been the unchallenged master of modern Turkish prose. The journalist, storywriter and novelist Refik Halid Karay was born on March 14, 1888 in Istanbul. Karay, who used various pennames such as Aydede, Dürenda, Kirpi, Nakş-ı Ber-âb, Rehak, Vakanüvis, came from a well-established family. In 1907, as he was a second year student at the Faculty of Law, and a civil servant at the Ministry of Finance, the Second Constitutional Monarchy was declared, and he left both his studies and his position to become a journalist. Publishing his first article in 1909 in the Servet-i Fünun group’s publication, Karay’s editorial columns and articles started appearing regularly in the newspaper Tercüman-ı Hakikat. However, Refik Halid Karay earned his fame through the humorous political articles that he wrote under the pseudonym Kirpi, for the humor magazines Kalem and Cem. Because of these highly critical pieces, he was exiled to Çorum in 1913, and later to Ankara and Burdur. The three years that he spent in exile would become a turning point in his literary career. It was during this period that Refik Halid Karay found ample opportunity to get acquainted with the people of Anatolia and to collect the material that would make up his Memleket Hikâyeleri. In 1917, Refik Halid Karay was granted clemency, returned to Istanbul and started writing in the newspapers Vakit, Tasvir-i Efkar, Alemdar, Peyam-ı Sabah and Zaman. Soon he was made the editor-in-chief of the Sabah newspaper.During this period, Refik Halid Karay also began writing novels and short fiction; and he came to be known with his sharp mind as “the author who writes in the best Istanbul Turkish.” In his stories, he conveyed the reality of both Anatolia and Istanbul. He made extensive use of the observations that he made during his exile, and he portrayed the worlds and the concerns of people from all walks of life; shopkeepers, clerks, villagers, city dwellers, women, and men alike. Refik Halid Karay was a meticulous observer who enjoyed capturing scenes from social life.His works were a true rendering of the environment that he lived in. Refik Halid Karay was an extraordinary literary figure, who was both a natural observer, and a writer with a unique command over the Turkish language.In his popular novels, Karay chose to deal with social change and its impact on various levels of society, while comparing traditional and new values from different perspectives. Even though he belonged to an established Ottoman family, he embraced the changes that took place after the declaration of the Republic, he even used his exquisite language to criticize those who could not adapt to the revolutionary changes.

Refik Halid Karay died on July 18, 1965 in Istanbul.The works of Refik Halid Karay include:Short Stories:

KarimiKarimi. Name of a group of Muslim merchants operating from the major centers of trade in the Ayyubid and Mameluke empires, above all in spices.

Karim Khan ZandKarim Khan Zand (c. 1705-1779).Founder of the Zand dynasty and de facto ruler of the greater part of Persia (r. 1760-1779).

Karim Khan Zand was the ruler and de facto Shah of Iran from 1760 until 1779. Karim Khan was the chief of the Zand tribe, which was from the Lek/Laki. Lakki is the language of Kurdish tribes interspersed among the population of Northern Kuristan.He never styled himself as "shah" or king, and instead used the title Vakil e-Ra'aayaa (Advocate of the People).

Karim Khan Zand was one of the generals of Nader Shah Afshar. After Nader Shah's death in 1747, Persia fell into a state of civil war. At that time, Karim Khan, Abdolfath Khan and Ali Mardan Khan reached an agreement to divide the country among themselves and give the throne to Ismail III. However, the cooperation ended after Ali Mardan Khan invaded Isfahan and killed Abdolfath Khan. Subsequently, Karim Khan killed Ali Mardan Khan and gained control over all of Iran except Khorasan, ruled by Shahrokh, grandson of Nader Shah. Nevertheless, he did not adopt the title of Shah for himself, preferring the title, Vakil e-Ra'aayaa (Advocate of the People).

While Karim was ruler, Persia recovered from the devastation of 40 years of war, providing the war ravaged country with a renewed sense of tranquility, security, peace, and prosperity. During his reign,relations with Britain were restored, and he allowed the East India Company to have a trading post in southern Iran. He made Shiraz his capital and ordered the construction of several architectural projects there. Following Karim Khan's death, civil war broke out once more, and none of his descendants were able to rule the country as effectively as he had. The last of these descendants, Lotf Ali Khan, was killed by Agha Mohammad Khan, and the Qajar dynasty came to power.

To this day, he has a reputation as one of the most just and able rulers in Iranian history. A wealth of tales and anecdotes portray Karim Khan as a compassionate ruler, genuinely concerned with the welfare of his subjects.

Karim Khan is buried at Pars Museum of Shiraz.

Zand, Karim Khan see Karim Khan ZandKarim Khan see Karim Khan Zand

Karmal, BabrakKarmal, Babrak (Babrak Karmal) (b. January 6, 1929, near Kabul, Afghanistan - d. December 3, 1996, Moscow, Russia).President of Afghanistan (1979-1986).Born near Kabul into a prominent family, Karmal’s father was a general in the king’s army.Karmal was jailed from 1952 to 1956 because of his political activities at the university.He was one of the founding members of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan.When the party split into several factions in 1967, Karmal became the leader of the faction known as Percham (“banner”).He was elected twice to the Afghan parliament.After the 1978 communist coup, Karmal became the country’s vice president.Soon afterward, however, he was purged from the party and sent as ambassador to Czechoslovakia.Subsequently, he was dismissed even from this post.He remained in Eastern Europe and was brought back to Afghanistan by the Soviets after their invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979.He became the country’s president at that time but was replaced in 1986 by Najibullah.

The son of a well-connected army general, Babrak Karmal became involved in Marxist political activities while a student at Kabul University in the 1950s and was imprisoned for five years as a result. Upon his release, he served in the army and returned to the university for a law degree. In 1965, he became a founding member of the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) and from 1965 to 1973 served in the National Assembly. When the PDPA split (1967) into the People’s (“Khalq”) and the Banner (“Parcham”) factions, Karmal became the leader of the more moderate, pro-Soviet Banner. The Banner supported the government of Mohammad Daud Khan following Daud’s 1973 coup overthrowing the monarchy, but relations between Daud and the political left soon soured. The two PDPA factions reunited in 1977, and in 1978—with Soviet help—seized the government. Karmal became deputy prime minister, but rivalries within the government soon resulted in his being sent to Prague, Czechoslovakia, as an ambassador. The PDPA attempted to reshape the country drastically along Marxist lines, but there were major rebellions in the countryside among an overwhelmingly Muslim population that opposed the government’s secular and Marxist agenda. Infighting between members of the dominant People’s faction of the PDPA led to the death of President Nur Mohammad Taraki and the rise to power of Hafizullah Amin, whom the Soviets faulted for the growing rebellion. In December 1979 Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan and overthrew the Amin regime, and Karmal was called back to serve as president. However, despite Karmal’s attempts at conciliation, the Muslim rebels, known collectively as the mujahideen, obtained aid from the West—particularly from the United States—and persisted in attacking the communist regime. The area became a Cold War battleground, and Moscow came to consider Karmal a burden and publicly blamed him for the country’s problems. In November 1986 he resigned from office, claiming poor health, and was replaced by Mohammad Najibullah, a former head of the secret police. Shortly thereafter Karmal moved to Moscow, where he lived the remainder of his days.

Babrak Karmal see Karmal, Babrak

KarramiKarrami (Karramiyya).Sunni sect important in the eastern part of the Muslim world from the ninth to the twelfth century.The theological doctrines of the founder, Abu Abd Allah Muhammad ibn Karram (806-869), known primarily through the writings of his opponents, included a somewhat anthropomorphic interpretation of God’s attributes and a moderate and humane position on the questions of indelible faith, God’s justice, the imamate, and the fate of unbelievers and heretics.The pronounced ascetic and pietistic strain of Ibn Karram’s teachings, which remained a characteristic of his school, combined with strong and active leadership, sometimes attracted a mass following.Karramiyya see Karrami

Kartini, Raden AjengKartini, Raden Ajeng (Raden Adjeng Kartini) (Raden Ayu Kartini) (b. April 21, 1879, Majong, Java [Indonesia] - d. September 17, 1904, Rembang Regency, Java).Early champion of education for Indonesian women in Dutch Java, where her father was a senior Javanese official.She was exposed to progressive Western ideas through a Dutch-language grammar school education and through her acquaintance and correspondence with several Dutch women and men. Kartini wrote about the indignities of colonialism, education for the Javanese, the emancipation of women, and about her own cultural identity in a series of personal letters to her Dutch mentors that, subsequently published, have become her major legacy. Kartini encouraged the Dutch to take up the issue of women’s education seriously and started a modest vocational school for girls before she died at the age of twenty-five.

Her father being a Javanese aristocrat working for the Dutch colonial administration as governor of the Japara Regency (an administrative district), Kartini had the unusual opportunity to attend a Dutch school, which exposed her to Western ideas and made her fluent in Dutch. During adolescence, when she was forced to withdraw to the cloistered existence prescribed by tradition for a Javanese girl of noble birth, she began to correspond with several Dutch friends from her school days. She also knew and was influenced by Mevrouw Ovink-Soer, wife of a Dutch official and a dedicated socialist and feminist. In her letters, Kartini expressed concern for the plight of Indonesians under conditions of colonial rule and for the restricted roles open to Indonesian women. She resolved to make her own life a model for emancipation and, after her marriage in 1903 to a progressive Javanese official, the Regent of Rembang, she proceeded with plans to open a school for Javanese girls.

Kartini died at the age of 25 of complications after the birth of her first child. J.H. Abendanon—former director of the Department of Education, Religion, and Industry—arranged for publication of her letters in 1911, under the title Door duisternis tot licht (“Through Darkness into Light”). The book enjoyed great popularity and generated support in the Netherlands for the Kartini Foundation, which in 1916 opened the first girls’ schools in Java, thus fulfilling Kartini’s ambition. Her ideas were also taken up by Indonesian students attending Dutch universities, and in 1922 an Indonesian translation of the letters was published. Although Indonesian nationalist aims went far beyond her ideas, she became a popular symbol, and her birthday was made a national holiday.

Radem Ajeng Kartini see Kartini, Raden Ajeng

Kasani, ‘Ala’ al-Din al-Kasani, ‘Ala’ al-Din al- (‘Ala’ al-Din al-Kasani) (Malik al-‘Ulama’) (d. 1189).One of the greatest jurists of the Hanafi law school.In his main work, he attempted to imitate the work of his predecessor and master ‘Ala’ al-Din al-Samarqandi, but the attempt of al-Kasani proved to be far superior to the work of al-Samarqandi.

Casey Kasem (b. April 27, 1932, Detroit, Mich.— d. June 15, 2014, Gig Harbor, Wash.), was born Kemal AminKasem. Kasem was born in Detroit, Michigan, on April 27, 1932, to Lebanese Druze immigrant parents. They settled in Michigan, where they worked as grocers.

Kasem became an American disc jockey who filled the airways for 34 years (1970–2004) with his weekly nationally syndicated Top 40 radio shows, including American Top 40, which he created and hosted with a hallmark easygoing style. During the program’s four-hour format, Kasem provided listeners not only with an upbeat analysis of the songs that had made the list (gleaned from Billboard magazine’s most popular singles of the previous week) but also with personal tidbits about the artists behind the music. Kasem’s courtly voice and popular catchphrases, including his signature sign-off, “Keep your feet on the ground and keep reaching for the stars,” made him one of the country’s most recognizable radio personalities. Kasem also fronted American Top 20 and American Top 10. He retired as host from those radio shows in 2009. In addition to his radio work, Kasem appeared in a few films, including The Incredible Two-Headed Transplant(1971) and Ghostbusters (1984, as himself), and provided the voice of Shaggy on the cartoon series Scooby-Doo and for Robin “the Boy Wonder” on the animated The Batman/Superman Hour (1968–69). He was inducted into the Radio Hall of Fame in 1992.

Kashani, Abol-QasemKashani, Abol-Qasem (Ayatollah Abu’l-Qasim Kashani) (1882-1962).More fully, Ayatollah Hajj Sayyid Abu al-Qasim Kashani.Iranian religious and political leader during the national movement in the 1950s.Born in Tehran, Kashani made a pilgrimage to Mecca at the age of fifteen and settled in Najaf, Iraq, to pursue his education.He studied under Ayatollahs Khurasani, Khalili Tihrani, and Kamarah’i and became a mujtahid at twenty-five.His political activity began against British rule in Iraq when his father was killed in an uprising in April 1916.Sentenced to death in absentia, he escaped to Iran around February 1921.

Between 1921 and 1941, Kashani initially enjoyed Reza Shah Pahlavi’s support and was elected to the Constituent Assembly, which approved the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty in 1925.However, he soon lost the shah’s friendship, abstained from politics, and confined himself to teaching.

Toward the end of Reza Shah’s reign, Kashani became involved in pro-German activities.In January 1942, Kashani, General Fazlullah Zahedi (Fazi Allah Zahidi), and several army officers and politicians founded the Nahzat-i Milliyun-i Iran (Movement of Iranian Nationalists).The group was soon discovered, its members were arrested, and Kashani was sent into exile.

After World War II, Kashani, in cooperation with the grand mufti of Jerusalem, al-Hajj Amin al-Husayni, and the Iraqi military officer, Rashid ‘Ali al-Kilani, opposed the establishment of Israel, mobilized volunteers to aid Palestine, and collected funds for Palestinians.At home in Iran, Kashani opposed nearly all governments after 1945 either on policy or

On February 4, 1949, after an attempt on the shah’s life, Kashani was exiled to Lebanon.In June 1950, he returned from exile and was elected to the Majlis (“parliament”) from Tehran.

Kashani’s power and popularity increased enormously during the movement to nationalize the Iranian oil industry.In the Majlis and outside, his followers began to mobilize support for the National Front under Mohammad Mossadegh’s leadership.On April 30, 1951, Mossadegh was appointed prime minister.

Kashani’s relations with Mossadegh had three phases: April 1951- July 20, 1952 marked the strengthening of their friendship and cooperation; the July 20, 1952, uprising saw Kashani working actively to remove Qavvam al-Saltanah and bring Mossadegh back to the premiership; October 1952 until the coup d’etat of August 19, 1953, when differences emerged between them.Kashani finally broke with Mossadegh and turned to General Zahedi and the Pahlavi court.The main reasons for the break were: Kashani’s expectation of more power and control over the cabinet; Mossadegh’s desire to keep the clergy out of the governmental process; Mossadegh’s inability to settle the Anglo-Iranian oil dispute; and the clergy’s fear of the growth of communism.

The coup d’etat of August 19, 1953, that overthrew Mossadegh’s government also ended Kashani’s political career.General Zahedi, the new prime minister, offered Kashani a seat in the senate.Kashani rejected the offer and pressured Zahedi to implement the oil nationalization law.Zahedi ignored the ayatollah, who then declared Zahedi a dictator.Kashani’s continued activities against Zahedi’s government resulted in his arrest and imprisonment in July 1956 on charges of cooperation with the Fida‘iyan-i Islam in Razmara’s assassination in 1951.However, Kashani’s old age and the mediation of Ayatollahs Mohammad Hosayn Borujerdi (Muhammad Husayn Burujirdi) and Abu al-Fazl Zanjani saved his life.In 1958, his son, Mustafa, was mysteriously poisoned.This tragic event and disillusionment with politics caused Kashani to leave politics.He died on March 14, 1962.

Kashani was a nationalist, a Constitutionalist, anti-British, anti-colonialist, anti-communist, Pan-Islamist, and a pragmatist.He was combative, loved power, and lacked modesty but did not seek worldly and material possessions.Indeed, he died a poor man.He advocated the unity of the spiritual and the temporal spheres, seeing the separation of religion and politics as a colonial plot.However, he never sought direct rule by the clergy.

Kashani welcomed technological modernization and adoption of certain aspects of Western institutions.He advocated political reform in Iran but did not desire structural change in its political system.He strongly believed in legality and saw a role for both secular and religious law in public life.

Kashani’s major contribution to the status of the Iranian ‘ulama’ was his revival of their traditional leadership role as spokesmen of popular discontent.The clerical opposition toward the government after 1963, and the developments that led to the 1979 revolution, were considerably influenced by Kashani’s ideas and activities.Although his views differed greatly from his clerical successors regarding Iranian nationalism, the place of shari‘a in society, and attitudes toward the West, many of his ideas were elaborated by Ayatollah Khomeini and formed the foundations of his government.The messianic mission for the ‘ulama’ that Kashani so often emphasized was expanded by Khomeini and formulated in the doctrine of vilayat-i faqih (wilayat al-faqih).Finally, Kashani’s most important legacy was his dream of a non-aligned political bloc of all Muslim states, which found resonance in Khomeini’s “neither East nor West” policy.

Kashghari, Mahmud ibn al-Husayn al-Kashghari, Mahmud ibn al-Husayn al- (Mahmud ibn al-Husayn al-Kashghari) (Mahmud ibn Husayn ibn Muhammad al-Kashgari) (c.1005-1102)Turkish scholar and lexicographer of the eleventh century.His Diwan of the Turkish Language (Compendium of the Turkic Dialects) is one of the most significant records of the Turkish language and is also an important source for the history of the Turkish people.Al-Kashgari was born in Barsgan at the beginning of the eleventh century (around 1005).Mahmud became a political refugee around 1057 and finally settled in Baghdad, where he wrote the Compendium of the Turkic Dialects in 1077.Little else is known of his life.The Compendium is a Turkic dictionary/encyclopedia describing the Turkiyya language of the Chigil tribe of the Karakhanid confederation.It also contains information on Turkic grammar, dialectology, folklore, history, and epic poetry; and it includes the first Turkic world map.Al-Kashgari died in Upal, a small city southwest of Kashgar, and was buried there.On May 26, 2006, a mausoleum was erected on his gravesite.

Al-Kashgari's father, Husayn, was the mayor of Barsgan and related to the Qara-Khanid ruling dynasty. His mother, Bibi Rābiy'a al-Basrī, was of Arab origin.

Al-Kashgari studied the Turkic dialects of his time and wrote the first comprehensive dictionary of Turkic languages, the Dīwānu l-Luġat al-Turk (Compendium of the languages of the Turks) in 1072. It was intended for use by the Caliphs of Baghdad, the new, Arab allies of the Turks. Mahmud Kashgari's comprehensive dictionary contains specimens of old Turkic poetry in the typical form of quatrains (Persio-Arabic rubāiyāt; Turkish: dörtlük), representing all the principal genres: epic, pastoral, didactic, lyric, and elegiac. His book also included the first known map of the areas inhabited by Turkic peoples.

Mahmud al-Kashgari died in 1102 at the age of 97 in Upal, a small city southwest of Kashgar, and was buried there. There is now a mausoleum erected on his gravesite. He is remembered as a prominent Uyghur scholar.

KashiKashi (al-Kashani) (Ghiyath al-Din al-Kashi) (Ghiyāth al-Dīn Jamshīd ibn Masʾūd al-Kāshī) (Jamshīd Kāshānī) (c. 1380 Kashan, Persia (Iran) – June 22, 1429 Samarkand, Transoxania (Uzbekistan)) (c.1380 - June 22, 1429).Persian mathematician and astronomer.He wrote in Persian and in Arabic.He gives a description of the test undergone by poets when they were admitted to the sovereign’s court.He also assisted in the establishment of Ulugh Beg’s astronomical tables, and established the value of pi with extraordinary exactitude.

The first event known with certainty in al-Kāshī’s life is his observation of a lunar eclipse on June 2, 1406, from Kāshān. His earliest surviving work is Sullam al-samāʾ (1407; “The Stairway of Heaven”), an astronomical treatise dedicated to a local vizier. He dedicated the Mukhtaṣar dar ʿilm-i hayʾat (1410–11; “Compendium of the Science of Astronomy”) to Iskander (executed in 1414), the sultan of Eṣfahan and Fārs (both now located in Iran) and a member of the Timurid dynasty. About 1413–14 al-Kāshī finished the Khāqānī Zīj. The first of his major works, this set of astronomical tables (zīj) was dedicated to Ulūgh Beg, the Khāqānī (“Supreme Ruler”) of Samarkand and grandson of the founder of the Timurid dynasty, the great Islamic leader Timur (1336–1405). Still seeking a patron, al-Kāshī completed two works in 1416, Risāla dar sharḥ-i ālāt-i raṣd (“Treatise on the Explanation of Observational Instruments”) and Nuzha al-ḥadāiq fī kayfiyya ṣanʾa al-āla al-musammā bi ṭabaq al-manāṭiq (“The Garden Excursion, on the Method of Construction of the Instrument Called Plate of Heavens”), which describes a device (now known as an equatorium) that he invented for determining planetary positions. Al-Kāshī worked for some time in Herāt (now in Afghanistan) before finally receiving an invitation from Ulūgh Beg to go to Samarkand.

From 1417 to 1420, Ulūgh Beg founded a madrasah (Islamic school for the study of theology, law, logic, mathematics, and natural science) in Samarkand to which he invited the greatest scholars of his realm. Following his arrival in about 1420, there can be no doubt that al-Kāshī was the leading astronomer and mathematician at the new institution. (Until the assassination of Ulūgh Beg in 1449, and the subsequent political repression, Samarkand was the most important center of science in the Islamic realm.) In 1424, Ulūgh Beg, who was also an astronomer, began the construction of a great observatory at Samarkand, provisioned with the best equipment available. Al-Kāshī gives a vivid account of scholarly life at Samarkand during construction of the observatory in two undated letters to his father in Kāshān. In addition to including interesting information on the construction of the observatory building and the astronomical instruments, these letters characterize al-Kāshī as the closest collaborator and consultant of Ulūgh Beg.

Al-Kāshī produced his greatest mathematical works after his arrival in Samarkand. In 1424 he completed the Risāla al-muḥīṭīyya (“Treatise on the Circumference”), a computational masterpiece in which he determined the value of 2π to 9 sexagesimal places. (Al-Kāshī worked exclusively in base 60; his result is equivalent to 16 decimal places of accuracy, far eclipsing the 6 decimal places achieved by the Chinese mathematician Tsu Ch’ung-chih (430–501) and setting a record that lasted for almost 200 years.) In the introduction al-Kāshī observes that a small error in the estimated value of π results in a large error when calculating the circumference of enormous circles, such as the celestial sphere. In order to calculate the size of the universe with an error smaller than the width of a horse’s hair (a standard Persian unit of measurement ≅ 1/36 inch), al-Kāshī used a polygon with 3 × 228 sides to estimate π.

Al-Kāshī’s best-known work is the Miftāḥ al-ḥisāb (“Key of Arithmetic”), completed in 1427 and also dedicated to Ulūgh Beg. This encyclopedic work instructs in the solution of a wide range of problems from astronomy, surveying, and finance through the use of arithmetic—defined by al-Kāshī as “the science consisting of basic rules to find numerical unknowns from relevant known quantities.” The pedagogical excellence of the Miftāḥ al-ḥisāb is attested by the numerous copies made of it over the following centuries.

In his third masterpiece, Risāla al-watar waʾl-jaib (“Treatise on the Chord and Sine”), he calculates the sine of 1° correct to 10 sexagesimal places. This precision was essential for the accuracy of Ulūgh Beg’s Astronomical Tables. It is unclear, however, whether al-Kāshī completed the treatise himself or whether it was completed after his death by his colleague Qādī Zāde ar-Rūmī (c. 1364–1436). Al-Kāshī was murdered outside the Samarkand observatory on June 22, 1429, probably on the command of Ulūgh Beg.

Kashif al-Ghita’Kashif al-Ghita’. A family of Shiʿite ulama and mujtahidun originating in the Shiʿite holy city of al-Najaf in southern Iraq.

The founder of the family, Jaʿfar ibn Khidr al-Najafi (1743/1751 - 1812), was an alim (singular of ulama) who wrote the fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) textbook Kashif al-Ghita (The uncoverer of the error), from which the family surname was derived. In 1807, he led the defense of Najaf against the raiding Wahhabis, a Sunni fundamentalist and purist movement led by amirs of the house of Al Saʿud, based in Najd.Ja'far led the resistance in al-Najaf during the the siege by the Wahhabis in 1805 and became involved in a bloody conflict between two factions of the inhabitants of this native town, which led to a feud lasting over a century.

The most prominent scion of the Kashif al-Ghita family in the twentieth century was Muhammad Husayn Kashif al-Ghita (1877 - 1954), who received the title and status of marja (supreme religious authority). He was the author of numerous books on religious topics, printed in Arabic and Persian, and had adherents throughout the Shiʿa world. In his books he showed the need for Islamic unity and expressed his views about the ideal Islamic society. He maintained a correspondence with the Maronite intellectual Amin Rihani. He traveled to Hijaz, Syria, and Egypt, and lectured at al-Azhar University in Cairo. In 1909, he published a book, al-Din wa al-Islam aw al-Daʿwa al-Islamiyya (Religion and Islam, or The Islamic call), which called for a revival of Islam and its purification from recent trends of extremism and superstition.

During the 1920s and 1930s, Muhammad Husayn was an active Shiʿite politician in Iraq. In the period of unrest and tribal rebellions (1934 - 1935), he formulated the Shiʿite demands, but refused - due to the strife among the Shiʿite tribes and politicians - to commit himself to the tribal rebellion under Abd al-Wahid Sikkar, which was backed and manipulated by Sunni Baghdadi politicians of the Ikha al-Watani Party. Starting from the late 1930s, he introduced moderate reforms and modernization in his madrasa (religious college) in Najaf.

In 1931, Muhammad Husayn Kashif al-Ghita attended the Muslim Congress in Jerusalem - the first Shiʿite mujtahid to take part in a Muslim Congress - and led the prayers at the opening ceremony at the al-Aqsa Mosque.

Following World War II Muhammad Husayn began to warn against the dangers of communism. In 1953, he held talks with the British and American ambassadors on the communist influences among young Shiʿites in Iraq.

Kashifi, Kamal al-Din HusaynKashifi, Kamal al-Din Husayn (Kamal al-Din Husayn Kashifi) (al-Wa‘iz -- “the preacher”) (d. 1504/1505).Persian writer and preacher.Among other works he wrote a new Persian version of Kalila wa-Dimna.The Ottoman Turkish translation of this work became widely known in Europe.Its translation into French is one of the sources of La Fontaine’s Fables.Kamal al-Din Husayn Kashifi see Kashifi, Kamal al-Din HusaynWa'iz, al- see Kashifi, Kamal al-Din HusaynThe Preacher see Kashifi, Kamal al-Din Husayn

KashmiriKashmiri.See Kashmiris.

KashmirisKashmiris.There are several Muslim groups, in the state of Jammu and Kashmir, now divided unequally between India (where it is the only state with a Muslim majority) and Pakistan (where it is called Azad Kashmir).The largest Muslim group speaks Kashmiri, an Indo-Iranian language.Its members are culturally distinguishable and think of themselves as distinct not only from Hindus, Sikhs and Buddhists but also from other Muslims of the region who speak Punjabi, Pashto, Dogri, Pahari, and Shina.

Kashmiri speakers, who are ninety-five percent Muslim, are heavily concentrated in the Vale of Kashmir, the heart of the former princely state located high in the Himalayan Mountains of north India.

Although there was an independent Muslim sultanate in Kashmir for two centuries (1346-1586) and it was a province of the Mughal empire for another century and a half (1586-1752), its more recent history is one of subjugation, first to the Pushtun of Afghanistan (1752-1819), then to the Sikh kingdom of Ranjit Singh (1819-1846) and lastly to the British, ruling through a Hindu Dogra dynasty from neighboring Jammu State (1846-1947).Under these three sets of alien rulers, the Muslim ruling class disappeared, and the peasantry and artisans were systematically exploited through oppressive taxation, forced labor and usurious debts.Kashmiri Muslims were excluded from the state’s army, civil service and education in favor of outsiders, so they naturally developed a deep suspicion of all governments.Only Hindu Pandits (Brahmins) among the Kashmiri-speaking subjects of the maharaja had some opportunity in the later years of Dogra rule to join the ruling elite.Thus, there has been, until the generation which entered politics in 1931, no Muslim Kashmiri leadership comparable to the Muslim aristocracy and professional upper middle class of the United Provinces in British India which played such a conspicuous part in the founding of Pakistan.It was this difference in elite, in conjunction with the fear of plundering Pushtun tribesmen, which probably accounts for the unwillingness of most Kashmiri Muslims to take the side of Pakistan in the three wars that country has fought with India over this territory (1947-1948, 1965, 1971).

The Muslims and Hindus of Kashmir lived in relative harmony, since the Sufi-Islamic way of life that Muslims followed in Kashmir complemented the Rishi tradition of Kashmiri Pandits.[citation needed] This led to a syncretic culture where Hindus and Muslims revered the same local saints and prayed at the same shrines[citation needed]. Famous sufi saint Bulbul Shah was able to convert Rinchan Shah who was then prince of Kashgar Ladakh to an Islamic lifestyle, thus founding the Sufiana composite culture. Under this rule, Muslim, Hindu and Buddhist Kashmiris generally co-existed peacefully. Over time, however, the Sufiana governance gave way to outright Muslim monarchs.

Kashshi, Abu ‘Amr al-Kashshi, Abu ‘Amr al- (Abu ‘Amr al-Kashshi) (d. c. 951).Imami transmitter of traditions (hadith) during the tenth century.He wrote a work on the reliability of the transmitters from the Imams.Abu 'Amr al-Kashshi see Kashshi, Abu ‘Amr al-

Kasrawi Tabrizi, Sayyid AhmadKasrawi Tabrizi, Sayyid Ahmad (Sayyid Ahmad Kasrawi Tabrizi) (Ahmad Kasravi) (1890/1891-1946).Iranian historian, linguist, jurist and ideologist.Charges of slander of Islam were brought against him because of his views on religion.He was assassinated by the Fida’iyyan-i Islam.Kasrawi was born in Tabriz to an extremely religious family and received his primary education in a religious establishment.Turning against the hypocrisy, superficiality, and rigidity that he saw in the curriculum, he left the clerical establishment and joined the constitutionalists in 1911.Mainly for his ardently anti-Shi‘ite stand, he was assassinated in 1946 by a member of an extremist religious organization, the Fida’iyan-i Islam, which had formed in 1945 under the leadership Ayatollah Kashani in Qom.Kasrawi is also known as the writer of several works on Iranian political and social history.Sayyid Ahmad Kasrawi Tabrizi see Kasrawi Tabrizi, Sayyid Ahmad Tabrizi, Sayyid Ahmad Kasrawi see Kasrawi Tabrizi, Sayyid Ahmad Kasravi, Ahmad see Kasrawi Tabrizi, Sayyid Ahmad Ahmad Kasravi see Kasrawi Tabrizi, Sayyid Ahmad

Kathrada, Ahmed Mohamed

Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada (b. August 21, 1929, Schweizer-Reneke, Western Transvaal, South Africa – d. March 28, 2017, Johannesburg, South Africa), sometimes known by the nickname "Kathy", was a South African politician, former political prisoner and anti-apartheid activist.

Kathrada's involvement in the anti-apartheid activities of the African National Congress (ANC) led him to his long-term imprisonment following the Rivonia Trial, in which he was held at Robben Island and Pollsmoor Prison. Following his release in 1990, he was elected to serve as a member of parliament, representing the ANC. He authored a book, No Bread for Mandela- Memoirs of Ahmed Kathrada, Prisoner No. 468/64.

Born into an Indian Muslim family, Kathrada was born in the small country town of Schweizer-Reneke in the Western Transvaal, the fourth of six children in a Gujarati Bohra family of South African Indian immigrant parents from Surat, Gujarat.

Owing to his Indian origin and the policies of the time, he could not be admitted to any of the "European" or "African" schools in the area and thus he had to move to Johannesburg, 200 miles to the east, to be educated. Once in Johannesburg, he was influenced by leaders of the Transvaal Indian Congress such as Dr.Yusuf Dadoo, I. C. Meer, Moulvi and Yusuf Cachalia, and J. N. Singh. Consequently, he became a political activist at the early age of 12 when he joined the Young Communist League of South Africa.. He took part in various activities such as handing out leaflets and performing volunteer work in the individual passive resistance against the Pegging Act in 1941. During World War II, he was involved in the anti-war campaign of the Non-European United Front.

At the age of 17, Kathrada left school to work full-time for the Transvaal Passive Resistance Council in order to work against the Asiatic Land Tenure and Indian Representation Act, commonly referred to as the "Ghetto Act", which sought to give Indians limited political representation and defined the areas where Indians could live, trade and own land.

Kathrada was one of the two thousand volunteers imprisoned as a result of the campaign; he spent a month in a Durban jail. This was his first jail sentence for civil disobedience. Reportedly, he gave an incorrect age to the police so that he would not be treated as a juvenile, but sent to an adult prison instead. Later, he was elected as secretary-general of the Transvaal Indian Youth Congress.

While Kathrada was a student at the University of the Witwatersrand he was sent as a delegate of the Transvaal Indian Youth Congress to the Third World Festival of Youth and Students in East Berlin in 1951. He was elected as the leader of the large multi-racial South African delegation. He remained in Europe in order to attend a congress of the International Union of Students in Warsaw, and finally travelled to Budapest and worked at the headquarters of the World Federation of Democratic Youth for nine months.

As a result of the growing co-operation between the African and Indian Congresses in the 1950s, Kathrada came into close contact with African National Congress leaders such as Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu. Kathrada was one of 156 accused in the four-year Treason Trial which lasted from 1956 to 1960. Eventually, all of the accused were found not guilty.

After the ANC and various other anti-apartheid organizations were banned in 1960, Kathrada continued his political activities despite repeated detentions and increasingly severe house arrest measures against him. In order to be free to continue his activities, Kathrada went underground early in 1963.

On July 11, 1963, Kathrada was arrested at the South African internal headquarters of Umkhonto we Sizwe ("The Spear of the Nation" - the military wing of the ANC) in Rivonia near Johannesburg. Although Kathrada was not a member of Umkhonto we Sizwe, he became one of the accused in the famous Rivonia Trial, which started in October 1963. He was charged with sabotage and attempting to overthrow the government by violent means.

For the following 18 years, Kathrada was confined to the Robben Island Maximum Security Prison along with most of his Rivonia Trial "colleagues". In October 1982, he was moved to Pollsmoor Maximum Prison near Cape Town to join others such as Mandela, Sisulu, Mhlaba and Mlangeni who had been moved there a few months before.

While in jail on Robben Island and in Pollsmoor, Kathrada completed a bachelor's degree in History/Criminology and Bibliography as well as Honours degrees in History and African Politics through the University of South Africa. (However, the prison authorities refused to allow him or the other prisoners to pursue postgraduate studies.)

After the unbanning of the ANC in February 1990, Kathrada served on the interim leadership committees of both the ANC and the South African Communist Party. He resigned from the latter position when he was elected to the ANC National Executive Committee in July 1991. During the same year, he was appointed as head of ANC public relations as well as a fellow of the University of the Western Cape's Mayibuye Centre.

Kathrada went on the Hajj pilgrimage to Mecca in 1992.

In the first all-inclusive democratic South African elections in 1994, Kathrada was elected as a member of parliament for the ANC. In September 1994, Kathrada was appointed as the political advisor to President Mandela in the newly created post of Parliamentary Counsellor. In June 1999, Kathrada left parliamentary politics.

In 1994 and 1995, Kathrada was elected as chairperson of the Robben Island Museum Council. He remained the chairperson of the Robben Island Museum Council. On October 27, 2013, on the island, he launched the International Campaign to Free Marwan Barghouthi and All Palestinian Prisoners.

Kathrada's life partner was Barbara Hogan, a Minister of Public Enterprises.

Kathrada died at a medical center in Johannesburg from complications of a cerebral embolism on 28 March 28, 2017, at the age of 87.

In addition to receiving the Isitwalandwe Award (the ANC’s highest possible accolade) whilst still in prison, Kathrada has also been awarded four Honorary Doctorates, including the University of Missouri, Michigan State University, and the University of Kentucky.

Kathrada was also voted 46th in the Top 100 Great South Africans in 2004.

He was awarded the Pravasi Bharativa Samman by the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs in 2005.

Katib CelebiKatib Celebi (Katib Chelebi) (Katip Celebi) (Hajji Khalifa) (Haji Khalifa) (Mustafa ibn ‘Abdullah) (Mustafa bin Abdallah) (1609, Istanbul - 1657, Istanbul).Ottoman historian, bibliographer and geographer.He was one of the most conspicuous and productive Ottoman scholars of his time, particularly in the non-religious sciences.He wrote some twenty-two (22) works.Katib Celebi was the son of a soldier.He was apprenticed to one of the government accounts departments and accompanied the army on various Eastern campaigns.In about 1635, legacies enabled him to devote most of his time to study, and the rest of his short life was spent in Istanbul composing works on nearly every branch of learning.His monumental bibliography of Muslim literature is still an indispensable work of reference.Katib Celebi also wrote a Universal History in Arabic from the Creation to his own day, a more detailed chronicle of the years 1591-1655 in Turkish, and a history of Ottoman naval campaigns.

Katib Celebi was one of the first Ottoman scholars to be receptive to learning about the sciences of Renaissance Europe.Aided by a renegade French priest, he translated into Turkish a Latin edition of Johann Carion’s Chronicle; selections from the Corpus universae historiae praesertim byzantinae; and the Atlas minor of Mercator and Hondius.His work on translating the Atlas minor enabled Katib Celebi to embark on a new version of a great geographical work Jihan-numa (Cosmorama) of which he had had to leave the first version unfinished for lack of material on Western Europe.His last work, Mizan al-Haqq (The Balance of Truth), is a collection of essays seeking to reconcile the contradictions between orthodox dogma and popular practice.

Kattani, al-Kattani, al-.Name of an important and celebrated family of Fez, Morocco, belonging to the Sharifian branch of the Idrisids.

Kawakibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi, ‘Abd al-Rahman al- (1854/1855-1902).Islamic revivalist and advocate of an Arab caliphate. Al-Kawakibi was born to a prominent family in Aleppo, Syria, and was educated in religion, Ottoman administrative law, Arabic, Turkish, and Farsi.He began his career in journalism and the law and from 1879 to 1896 held several senior public posts.After suffering from the intrigues of Ottoman officials, in 1898 al-Kawakibi fled to Egypt where he remained until his death in 1902.

Al-Kawakibi is best known for his two books Umm al-qura (The Mother of the Villages), one of the names of Mecca, and Taba’i‘ al-istibdad (The Attributes of Tyranny).He published them in Cairo under the pen names of al-Sayyid al-Furati and Traveller K, respectively, to avoid the harassment of the Ottoman authorities.Published in 1899, Umm al-qura is an account of the proceedings of a fictitious secret congress (The Congress of Islamic Revival) in Mecca attended by twenty-two Muslim delegates from Arab, Muslim, European, and Asian countries.The participants’ purpose was to discuss the causes of the decline of the Muslim peoples and design a reform program for their recovery.

Al-Kawakibi attributed this decline to religious, political, and moral factors.Influenced by the reform ideas of Jamal al-Din al-Afghani and Muhammad ‘Abduh, he advocated a return to the original purity of Islam, which had been distorted by alien concepts and currents such as mysticism, fatalism, sectarian divisions, and imitation.These distortions had led to ignorance among the Muslims and their submission to stagnant theologians and despotic rulers who suppressed freedoms, promoted false religion, and corrupted the moral, social, educational, and financial systems of the Muslim nation.

Al-Kawakibi proposed the formation of a society, with branches throughout the Muslim world, to educate Muslims and promote in them the aspiration for progress.Holding non-Arabs, namely the Turks, accountable for the degeneration of Islam, he called for an Arab caliphate, which would exercise religious and cultural leadership, not temporal authority, and become the basis for the revival of Islam and an Islamic federation.He stipulated that the caliph be from the tribe of Quraysh, have limited powers, and be subject to election every three years and accountable to an elected council.He viewed the true Islamic state as one based on political freedoms and government accountability.

Alluding to the autocratic rule of the Ottomans, Taba’i‘ al-istibdad is an outright attack on tyranny.Al-Kawakibi discussed the nature of despotism and its devastating effects on society as a whole.A despotic state conducts the affairs of its citizens without fear of accountability or punishment, suppresses their rights, and prevents their education and enlightenment.Its purpose is to keep the people acquiescent and inactive.Consequently, it destroys their moral, religious, and national bonds.Al-Kawakibi advocated education and gradualism as the means to uproot tyranny.

Al-Kawakibi contributed greatly to the evolution of Arab nationalist thought.Unlike the proponents of Pan-Islam at the time, he drew a clear distinction between the Arab and non-Arab Muslims, exalted the former on the basis of their language, descent, and moral attributes, and explicitly called for an Arab state.His fictional congress in Umm al-qura inspired many reformers who later adopted the idea and put it into practice.Thus, he gave an organizational form and a political content to the cause of reform and to the Arabs’ aspiration for independence from the Ottomans.Al-Kawakibi was far from being a secularist.In his endorsement of an Arab spiritual leadership and a restricted caliphate, however, he separated the temporal and spiritual, a division that represented a break from classical Islamic thought.

KayiKayi.Central Asian tribe from which the Ottomans claimed descent. Osman I, the founder of the Ottoman Empire, was a member of the Kayi tribe.

Kaykawus IKaykawus I(ʿIzz ad-Dīn Kāʾūs I) . Saljuq sultan of Rum (r.1211-1220).He combined a policy of peace towards the Greeks of Nicaea with interventions against the Armenians of Cilicia in the south, against Sinop on the Black Sea in the north, which he acquired, and against the Ayyubids in the east.ʿIzz ad-Dīn Kāʾūs I see Kaykawus I

Kay Kawus ibn IskandarKay Kawus ibn Iskandar.Prince of the Ziyarid dynasty in Persia during the eleventh century.He was the author of the well-known Mirror for Princes in Persian.

Kaykhusraw I (Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev), the eleventh and youngest son of Kilij Arslan II, was Seljuk Sultan of Rum. He succeeded his father in 1192, but had to fight his brothers for control of the Sultanate. He ruled it 1192-1196 and 1205-1211.

He married a daughter of Manuel Maurozomes, son of Theodore Maurozomes and of an illegitimate daughter of the Byzantine emperor Manuel I Komnenos. Manuel Maurozomes fought on behalf of Kaykhusraw in 1205 and 1206.

In 1207, he seized Antalya from its Frankish garrison and furnished the Seljuq state with a port on the Mediterranean.

Kaykhusraw I was killed in single combat by Theodore I Laskaris, the emperor of Nicaea, during the Battle of Antioch on the Meander.

His son by Manuel Maurozomes' daughter, Kayqubad I, ruled the Sultanate from 1220 to 1237, and his grandson, Kaykhusraw II, ruled from 1237 to 1246.Ghīyāth al-Dīn Kaykhusraw bin Qilij Arslān see Kaykhusraw IGıyaseddin Keyhüsrev see Kaykhusraw I

Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw II was the sultan of the Seljuqs of Rum from 1237 until his death in 1246. He ruled at the time of the Baba Ishak uprising and the Mongol invasion of Anatolia. He lead the Seljuq army with its Christian allies at the Battle of Köse Dağ in 1243. He was the last of the Seljuq sultans to wield any significant power and died a vassal of the Mongols.

Kaykhusraw was the son of Kayqubad I and his Armenian wife, the daughter of Kir Fard. Although Kaykhusraw was the eldest, the sultan had chosen as heir the younger ‘Izz al-Din, one of his two sons by an Ayyubid princess. In 1226 Kayqubad assigned the newly annexed Erzincan to Kaykhusraw. With the general Kamyar, the young prince participated in the conquest of Erzurum and later Ahlat.

In 1236-37, raiding Mongols assisted by the Georgians devastated the Anatolian countryside as far as the walls of Sivas and Malatya. Since the Mongol horsemen disappeared as quickly as they had come, Kayqubad moved to punish their Georgian allies. As the Seljuq army approached, Queen Russudan of Georgia sued for peace, offering her daughter Tamar in marriage to Kaykhusraw. This marriage took place in 1240.

Upon the death of Kayqubad in 1237, Kaykhusraw seized the throne with the support of the great emirs of Anatolia. The architect of his early reign was a certain Sa'd al-Din Köpek, master of the hunt and minister of works under Kayqubad. Köpek excelled at political murder and sought to protect his newfound influence at the court with a series of executions. He captured Diyarbekir from Ayyubids in 1241.

While the Mongols threatened the Seljuq state from the outside, a new danger appeared from within: a charismatic preacher, Baba Ishak, was fomenting rebellion among the Turkmen of Anatolia.

Nomadic Turkmen had begun moving into Anatolia a few years prior to the Battle of Manzikert. After 1071, Turkic migration into the region went largely unchecked. Both their number and the persuasive power of their religious leaders, nominally Islamized shamans known as babas or dedes, played a large part in the conversion of formerly Christian Anatolia. The Persianized Seljuq military class expended considerable effort keeping these nomads from invading areas inhabited by farmers and from harassing neighboring Christian states. The Turkmen were pushed into marginal lands, mostly mountainous and frontier districts.

Baba Ishak was one such religious leader. Unlike his predecessors, whose influence was limited to smaller tribal groups, Baba Ishak’s authority extended over a vast population of Anatolian Turkmen. It is not known what he preached, but his appropriation of the title rasul, normally applied to Muhammad, suggests something beyond orthodox Islam.

The revolt began around 1240 in the remote borderland of Kafarsud in the eastern Taurus Mountains and quickly spread north to the region of Amasya. Seljuq armies at Malatya and Amasya were destroyed. Soon the very heart of Seljuq Anatolia, the regions around Kayseri, Sivas, and Tokat, were under the control of Baba Ishak’s supporters. Baba Ishak himself was killed, but the Turkmen continued their rebellion against the central Seljuq authority. The rebels were finally cornered and defeated near Kırşehir, probably in 1242 or early 1243. Simon of Saint-Quentin credits the victory to a large number of Frankish mercenaries employed by the sultan.

In the winter of 1242-43, the Mongols under Bayju attacked Erzurum. The city fell without a siege. The Mongols prepared to invade Rum in the spring. To meet the threat, Kaykhusraw assembled soldiers from his allies and vassals. Simon of Saint-Quentin, an envoy of Pope Innocent IV on his way to the Great Khan, offers an account of the sultan’s preparations. He reports that the king of Armenia was required to produce 1400 lances and the Greek Emperor of Nicaea 400 lances. Both rulers met the sultan in Kayseri to negotiate details. The Grand Komnenos of Trebizond contributed 200, while the young Ayyubid prince of Aleppo supplied 1000 horsemen. In addition to these, Kaykhusraw commanded the Seljuq army and irregular Turkmen cavalry, though both had been weakened by the Baba Ishak rebellion.

The army, except for the Armenians who were then considering an alliance with (or submission to) the Mongols, assembled at Sivas. Kaykhusraw and his allies set out to the east along the trunk road towards Erzurum. On June 26, 1243, they met the Mongols at the pass at Köse Dağ, between Erzincan and Gümüşhane. A feigned retreat by the Mongol horsemen disorganized the Seljuqs, and Kaykhusraw’s army was routed. The sultan collected his treasury and harem at Tokat and fled to Ankara. The Mongols seized Sivas, sacked Kayseri, but failed to move on Konya, the capital of the sultanate.

In the months following the battle, Muhadhdhab al-Din, the sultan’s vizier, sought out the victorious Mongol leader. Since the sultan had fled, the diplomatic mission appears to have been the vizier’s own initiative. The vizier succeeded in forestalling further Mongol devastation in Anatolia and saved Kaykhusraw’s throne. Under conditions of vassalage and a substantial annual tribute, Kaykhusraw, his power much diminished, returned to Konya.

Kaykhusraw died leaving three sons: 'Izz al-Din Kaykaus, aged 11, son of the daughter of a Greek priest; 9-year-old Rukn al-Din Kilij Arslan, son of a Turkish woman of Konya; and 'Ala al-Din Kayqubadh, son of the Georgian princess Tamar and at age 7 youngest of the three boys.

Kaykhusraw had named his youngest child Kayqubad as his successor, but because he was a weakly child, the new vizier Shams al-Din al-Isfahani placed Kayqubad's two underage brothers Kaykaus II and Kilij Arslan IV on the throne as well, as co-rulers. This was an attempt to maintain Seljuq control of Anatolia in the face of the Mongol threat.

Although weakened, Seljuq power remained largely intact at the time of Kaykhusraw’s death in 1246. The Mongols failed to capture either the sultan’s treasury or his capital when they had the chance, and his Anatolian lands escaped the worst of the invaders’ depredations. The real blow to the dynasty was Kaykhusraw's inability to name a competent successor. With the choice of the three young brothers, Seljuq power in Anatolia no longer lay with Seljuq princes but instead devolved into the hands of Seljuq court administrators.

Kaykhusraw IIIKaykhusraw III (Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw ibn Qilij Arslan) (Gıyaseddin Keyhüsrev) (d. March 1284).Saljuq (Seljuq) sultan of Rum (r.1265-1284).He reigned in name only under the tutelage of the Mongols or their lieutenants. In 1283, he was co-opted by the Mongol Kangirtay in a revolt against his brother, the new Ilkhan sovereign Ahmad. Kaykhusraw III was executed in March of 1284.

Kaykhusraw III was between two and six years old when in 1265 he was named Seljuq Sultan of Rum. He was the son of Kilij Arslan IV, the weak representative of the Seljuq line who was controlled by the Pervane, Mu’in al-Din Suleyman.

The Pervane, quarreling with the father of the sultan and empowered by the Mongol khan Abagha to deal with his Turkish subjects however he liked, had Kilij Arslan strangled in 1265. The young Kaykhusraw became no more than a figurehead. He played no part in the events of his reign which were dominated first by the Pervane and later by the Mongol vizier of Rum, Fakhr al-Din Ali. In 1283 Kaykhusraw was co-opted by the Mongol Kangirtay in a revolt against his brother, the new Ilkhan sovereign Ahmad. He was executed in March of 1284. Kaykhusraw III was the last Seljuq sultan buried in the dynastic mausoleum at the Alaeddin Camii in Konya.

Kayqubad II was the youngest of the three sons of the Seljuq Sultan of Rum Kaykhusraw II. As son of the sultan’s favorite wife, the Georgian princess Tamar, he was designated heir. He had a weak constitution and was likely seven years old at the time of his father’s death in 1246.

The vizier Shams al-Din al-Isfahani, seeking to defend a degree of Seljuk sovereignty in Anatolia from the Mongols, put Kayqubad on the throne together with his two elder brothers, Kaykaus II and Kilij Arslan IV.

In 1254 the Mongols asked that Kaykaus, then nineteen years old, come in person to Möngke, the Great Khan. The brothers, at a conference in Kayseri, decided that Kayqubad should go in his stead. The voyage to Möngke’s capital at Karakhorum would be arduous. Kayqubad delayed his trip until 1256. He witnessed Bayju assembling his horsemen for the migration to Anatolia and sent messages advising his brothers to comply with the Mongol’s demands. One day on the road Kayqubad was found dead. The vizier Baba Tughra’i, who had joined the embassy in route, was accused but nothing came of it. Kayqubad was buried somewhere in the wastelands between Anatolia and Mongolia.

Kayqubad I, ‘Ala’ al-DinKayqubad I, ‘Ala’ al-Din (‘Ala’ al-Din Kayqubad I) ('Alā al-Dīn Kayqubād bin Kaykā'ūs) (Alâeddin Keykubad).Saljuq sultan of Rum (r.1220-1237).His foreign policy made his dynasty one of the most powerful of his time.In the south he occupied a great part of the Cilician Taurus, on the Black Sea in the north he assured a Saljuq protectorate over the Crimean harbor of Sughdaq, and in the east he annexed the Artuqid possessions on the right bank of the Middle Euphrates.He defeated the Khwarazmians and, in 1233, the Ayyubid al-Malik al-Kamil I.

Kayqubad I was the Seljuk Sultan of Rum who reigned from 1220 to 1237. He expanded the borders of the sultanate at the expense of his neighbors, particularly the Mengujek emirate and the Ayyubids, and established a Seljuk presence on the Mediterranean with his acquisition of the port of Kalon Oros, later renamed Ala'iyya in his honor. He also brought the southern Crimea under Turkish control for a brief period as a result of a raid against the Black Sea port of Sudak. The sultan, sometimes styled "Kayqubad the Great," is remembered today for his rich architectural legacy and the brilliant court culture that flourished under his reign.

Kayqubad's reign represented the apogee of Seljuk power and influence in Anatolia, and Kayqubad himself was considered the most illustrious prince of the dynasty. In the period following the mid-13th century Mongol invasion, inhabitants of Anatolia frequently looked back on his reign as a golden age, while the new rulers of the Turkish beyliks sought to justify their own authority through pedigrees traced to him.

Kayqubad was the second son of Sultan Kaykhusraw I, who bestowed upon him at an early age the title malik and the governorship of the important central Anatolian town of Tokat. When the sultan died following the battle of Alaşehir in 1211, both Kayqubad and his elder brother Kaykaus struggled for the throne. Kayqubad initially garnered some support among the neighbors of the sultanate: Leo I, the king of Cilician Armenia and Tughrilshah, the brothers' uncle and the independent ruler of Erzurum. Most of the emirs, as the powerful landed aristocracy of the sultanate, supported Kaykaus. Kayqubad was forced to flee to the fortress at Ankara, where he sought aid from the Turkman tribes of Kastamonu. He was soon apprehended and imprisoned by his brother in a fortress in western Anatolia.

Upon Kaykaus' unexpected death in 1219 (or 1220), Kayqubad, released from captivity, succeeded to the throne of the sultanate.

In foreign policy, the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia was reduced and became a vassal of the sultanate. The sultan settled Turcomans along the Taurus Mountains frontier, in a region later called İçel. At the end of the 13th century, these Turcomans established the Karamanoğlu beylik.

In 1227/1228, Kayqubad advanced into eastern Anatolia, where the arrival of Jalal ad-Din Mingburnu, who was fleeing the destruction of his Khwarezmian Empire by the Mongols, had created an unstable political situation. The sultan defeated the Artukids and the Ayyubids and absorbed the Mengujek emirate into the sultanate, capturing the fortresses of Hısn Mansur, Kahta, and Çemişgezek along his march. He also put down a revolt by the Empire of Trebizond and, although he fell short of capturing their capital, forced the Komnenos dynasty family to renew their pledges of vassalage.

At first Kayqubad sought an alliance with his Turkish kinsman Jalal ad-Din Mingburnu against the Mongol threat. The alliance could not be achieved, and afterwards Jalal ad-Din took the important fortress at Ahlat. Kayqubad finally defeated him at the Battle of Yassıçimen between Sivas and Erzincan in 1230. After his victory, he advanced further east, establishing Seljuk rule over Erzurum, Ahlat and the region of Lake Van (formerly part of Ayyubids). The Artukids of Diyarbekir and the Ayyubids of Syria recognized his sovereignty. He also captured a number of fortresses in Georgia, whose queen sued for peace and gave her daughter Tamar in marriage to Kayqubad's son, Kaykhusraw II.

Mindful of the increasing presence and power of the Mongols on the borders of the Sultanate of Rum, he strengthened the defenses and fortresses in his eastern provinces. He died at an early age in 1237, the last of his line to die in independence.

Kayqubad had three sons:'Izz al-Din, son of his Ayyubid wife; Rukn al-Din, son of his Ayyubid wife; and Kaykhusraw II, the eldest. Kayqubad originally had his subjects swear allegiance to his son Izz al-Din, but the emirs generally preferred to rally behind the more powerful Kaykhusraw. With no clear successor, conflict broke out between the various factions upon Kayqubad's death.

Kayqubad sponsored a large scale building campaign across Anatolia. Apart from reconstructing towns and fortresses, he built many mosques, medreses, caravanserais, bridges and hospitals, many of which are preserved to this day. Besides completing the construction of the Seljuk Palace in Konya, he also built the Kubadabad Palace on the shore of Lake Beyşehir and Keykubadiye Palace near Kayseri.

The Kaysanites were a once dominant Shia Ghulat sect (among the Shia of the time) that formed from the followers of Al-Mukhtar. They believed in the Imamate of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah. They also held some extremist Shia views. Following the death of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah the sect split up into numerous sub-sects, each with their own Imam and unique beliefs. The Kaysanites would have a continual history of splitting up into smaller sub-sects following the death of their leaders. One Kaysanite sub-sect was lead by the Abbasids, who successfully revolted against the Umayyad Caliphate and then established the Abbasid Caliphate. However, following the establishment of the Abbasids as Caliphs and their disavowal of their Kaysanite origins, the majority of the Kaysanites responded by abandoning the Kaysanite Shia sect and instead switched their allegiances to other Shia sects. Thereafter, the Kaysanite Shia sect became extinct despite its once dominant position among the Shia.

The followers of Al-Mukhtar who emerged from his movement (including all subsequent sub-sects which evolved from his movement) who upheld the Imamate of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah and his descendents or any other alleged designated successors were initially named the Mukhtariyya (after Al-Mukhtar), but were soon more commonly referred to as the Kaysaniyya (i.e. Kaysanites). The name Kaysaniyya seems to have been based on the kunya (surname) Kaysan, allegedly given to Al-Mukhtar by Ali, or the name of a freed Mawali of Ali who was killed at the Battle of Siffin called Kaysan, from whom it is claimed Al-Mukhtar acquired his ideas. However, it is much more probably named after Abu ‘Amra Kaysan, a prominent Mawali and chief of Al-Mukhtar’s personal bodyguard.

The Kaysanites were also known as Hanafis (after Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah), Fourer Shia (i.e. they recognized only 4 Imams after Muhammad) and Khashabiyya (i.e. men armed with clubs, because they were armed with wooden clubs or staffs).

The Kaysanites as a collective sect held the following common beliefs:

* They condemned the first 3 Caliphs before Ali as illegitimate usurpers and also held that the community had gone astray by accepting their rule.* They believed Ali and his 3 sons Hasan ibn Ali, Husayn ibn Ali and Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah were the successive Imams and successors to Muhammad by divine appointment and that they were endowed with supernatural attributes.* They believed that Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah was the Mahdi (as initially declared by Al-Mukhtar).* They believed in Bada’.* The seepage of Iranian beliefs into the Kaysanite beliefs.

Furthermore, some Kaysanite sub-sects established their own unique beliefs, such as:

* Some believed Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah was concealed (ghayba) at Mount Radwa near Medina, guarded by lions and tigers and fed by mountain goats and will return (Raj`a i.e. the return to life of the Mahdi with his supporters for retribution before the Qiyama) as the Mahdi.* Some referred to dar al-taqiyya (i.e. the domain of Taqiyya) as those territories that were not their own. Their own territories were referred to as dar al-‘alaniya (i.e. the domain of publicity).* Some began to use ideas of a generally Gnostic nature which were current in Iraq during the 8th century.* Some interpreted Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah’s temporary banishment to Mount Radwa and concealment as chastisement for his mistake of travelling from Mecca to Damascus to pledge allegiance and pay a visit to the false Caliph Abd al-Malik.

The Kaysanites pursued an activist anti-establishment policy against the Ummayads, aiming to transfer leadership of the Muslims to Alids and accounted for the bulk allegiance of the Shia populace (even overshadowing the Imamis) until shortly after the Abbasid revolution. Initially they broke away from the religiously moderate attitudes of the early Kufan Shia. Most of the Kaysanites support came from superficially Islamicized Mawalis in southern Iraq, Persia and elsewhere, as well as other supporters in Iraq, particularly in Kufa and Al-Mada'in (Ctesiphon).

Following the death of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah, the bulk of the Kaysanites acknowledged the Imamate of Abd-Allah ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah (a.k.a. Abu Hashim, the eldest son of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah, d. 716). This sub-sect (a.k.a. Hashimiyya, named after Abu Hashim), which comprised the majority of the Kaysanites was the earliest Shiite group whose teachings and revolutionary stance were disseminated in Persia, especially in Khuurasaan, where it found adherents among the Mawalis and Arab settlers.

By the end of the Ummayad period the majority of the Hashimiyya, transferred their allegiance to the Abbasid family and they played an important role in the propaganda campaign that eventually lead to the successful Abbasid revolution.

However, the Kaysanites did not survive as a sect, even though they occupied a majority position among the Shia until shortly after the Abbasid revolution. The remaining Kaysanites who had not joined the Abbasid party sought to align themselves with alternative Shia communities. Therefore, in Khurasan and other eastern lands many joined the Khurramites. In Iraq they joined Ja'far al-Sadiq or Muhammad ibn Abdallah An-Nafs Az-Zakiyya, who were then the main Alid claimants to the Imamate. However, with the demise of the activist movement of An-Nafs Az-Zakiyya, Ja'far al-Sadiq emerged as their main rallying point. Hence, By the end of the 8th century the majority of the Kaysanites had turned to other Imams.

The Kaysanite Shia sect split into numerous sub-sects throughout its history. These splits would occur after a Kaysanite leader died and his followers would divide by pledging their allegiance to different leaders, with each sub-sect claiming the authenticity of its own leader.

When Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah died in 700 the Kaysanites split into at least 3 distinct sub-sects:

* Karibiyya or Kuraybiyya, named after their leader Abu Karib (or Kurayb) al-Darir. They refused to acknowledge Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah’s death and believed he was concealed (gha’ib) in the Radwa Mountains near Medina, from whence he would eventually emerge as the Mahdi to fill the earth with justice and equity, as it had formerly been filled with injustice and oppression.* Another sub-sect was under the leadership of a man named Hayyan al-Sarraj. They affirmed the death of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah, but maintained that he and his partisans would return to life in the future when he will establish justice on earth.* Another sub-sect founded by Hamza ibn ‘Umara al-Barbari asserted divinity for Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah and prophethood for Hamza ibn ‘Umara al-Barbari and acquired some supporters in Kufa and Medina.* Another sub-sect was the Hashimiyya. The Hashimiyya comprised the majority of the Kaysanites after the death of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah. They accepted Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah’s death and recognized his eldest son Abu Hashim as his successor. The Hashimiyya believed that Abu Hashim was personally designated by Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah as his successor. Therefore, Abu Hashim became the Imam of the majority of the Shia of that time even though he was slightly younger than his cousin Zayn al-Abidin. From their Kufa base, the Hashimiyya managed to recruit adherents in other provinces, especially among the Mawali in Khurasan.

After the death of Abu Hashim, no less than 4 to 5 sub-sects claimed succession to Abu Hashim from the original Hashimiyya:

* The Harbiyya, which would later be known as the Janahiyya, were the followers of Abdallah ibn Muawiya ibn Abdullah ibn Ja'far. Abdullah ibn Muawiya was Abu Hashim’s cousin and the grandson of Ja`far ibn Abī Tālib. According to the Harbiyya/Janahiyya, he was the legitimate successor of Abu Hashim. He revolted after the death of his cousin Zayd ibn Ali and his nephew Yahya ibn Zayd ibn Ali. His revolt spread through Iraq into Isfahan and Fārs from 744 to 748. He was also joined by the Zaidiyyah, Abbasids, and Kharijites in revolt. For a while, Abdallah ibn Muawiya established himself at Estakhr from where he ruled for a few years over Fārs and other parts of Persia,[46] including Ahvaz, Jibal, Isfahan and Kerman from 744 to 748 until fleeing to Khurasan from the advancing Umayyad forces. When fleeing to Khurasan, he was killed (on behalf of the Abbasids) by Abu Muslim Khorasani in 748 while imprisoned. The Harbiyya/Janahiyya sub-sect expounded many extremist and Gnostic ideas such as the pre-existence of souls as shadows (azilla), the transmigration of souls (tanaukh al-arwah i.e. the return in a different body while having the same spirit) and a cyclical history of eras (adwar) and eons (akwar). Some of these ideas were adopted by other early Shia Ghulat groups.o After the death of Abdullah ibn Muawiya, a sub-sect of the Harbiyya/Janahiyya claimed that he was alive and hiding in the mountains of Isfahan.* Another sub-sect of the Hashimiyya recognized the Abbasid Muhammad ibn Ali ibn Abdullah ibn ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib as the legitimate successor of Abu Hashim. This Abbasid sub-sect comprised the majority of the original Hashimiyya. The Abbasids alleged that Abu Hashim (who died childless in 716) had named his successor to be Muhammad ibn Ali ibn Abdullah (d. 744). Muhammad ibn Ali ibn Abdullah became the founder of the Abbasid Caliphate. He had three sons; Ibrahim (who was killed by the Ummayads), As-Saffah (who became the first Abbasid Caliph) and Al-Mansur (who became the second Abbasid Caliph). Therefore, the ideological engine of the Abbasid revolt was that of the Kaysanites.o Another sub-sect was the Abu Muslimiyya sub-sect (named after Abu Muslim Khorasani). This sub-sect maintained that the Imamate had passed from As-Saffah to Abu Muslim. They also believed that Al-Mansur did not kill Abu Muslim, but instead someone who resembled Abu Muslim and that Abu Muslim was still alive.o Another sub-sect was the Rizamiyya. They refused to repudiate Abu Muslim, but also affirmed that the Imamate would remain in the Abbasid family until the Qiyama, when a descendent of ‘Abbas ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib would be the Mahdi.