Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Mr President, honourable Members, thank you very much again for this agenda item. I think it is important that we take time to reflect on the upcoming Russian elections. May I also thank Parliament for the resolutions on Russia. Your resolution of 9 June on the opening day of our most recent EU-Russia summit had real impact. Of course, Russia is a partner with whom I work on a large number of foreign policy issues, but today I want to just focus with you on the upcoming elections.

I think a number of decisions have been taken recently in Moscow which give us some ideas as to what we can expect in December for the Duma elections, and in March 2012 for the presidential poll.

Russia is already in pre-election mode, with new party alliances and increasing debate. There are some encouraging signs: President Medvedev is calling for economic and political modernisation, and Finance Minister Kudrin insists on free and fair elections. At the same time, political pluralism still faces obstacles.

As honourable Members will be aware, on 22 June, the Russian Ministry of Justice refused to register the new liberal opposition People’s Freedom Party (PARNAS). Parliament here is of course fully aware of this case; one of the party’s leaders, Mr Kasyanov, has spoken here several times, and I met briefly with him today in Strasbourg.

The main reason given for the refusal to register this party was that a few minors, young people and people who were dead had been found among the party’s 46 000 members. Another of the Party’s leaders, Mr Ryzhkov, has rejected these claims as false or groundless. But, even if you exclude those people, he would say that the party would still have the required 45 000 members. Honourable Members know that the earlier political party, the Republican Party of Russia, met a similar fate in 2007, when authorities ordered its dissolution.

On 12 April 2011 this year, the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg ruled that this dissolution was in violation of Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights. As far as I am aware, the authorities have not yet acted upon this judgment. PARNAS seems to have been denied registration on the basis of this very same and unchanged law.

The Court also noted that minimum party membership requirements in Russia are the highest in Europe. The Court was not persuaded that these requirements are necessary, and stressed that small minority groups must also have an opportunity to participate in elections. It said that frequently-changing membership requirements, linked with regular checks, had imposed a disproportionate burden on political parties in Russia. I think that ruling should give the Russian leadership pause for thought.

At the EU-Russia Summit, we again emphasised the need for political pluralism. President Medvedev acknowledges that a focus on too much stability results in stagnation. Two weeks ago, he introduced a bill which would lower the threshold for parties to enter the Duma from the current 7% to 5% – but, of course, this only applies to the Duma elections in 2016. We know that the purpose of democratic elections is to give voters a real choice, and a sense that their vote matters for the outcome. Our main contribution is to offer election observation; consultations between Russia and OSCE/ODIHR are ongoing.

Russia seems keen to cooperate, and to avoid a repeat of the situation we saw in 2007, when it did not admit any long-term observers. Long-term observation is important, in particular to be able to evaluate whether there is fair access to television and other media during the campaign. We received encouraging signals at the summit, and I look forward to a request being sent from Moscow to the OSCE. I am also sure that many honourable Members would be interested in participating in this observation.

Let me close with a few remarks about other human rights and rule of law issues in Russia. I believe our Partnership for Modernisation opens new opportunities for cooperation in this field, and I welcome the joint project with the Council of Europe on reforming the appeal system for civil and criminal court cases in Russia.

I also welcome the opening of new forms of dialogue with civil society, in particular the creation of an EU-Russia Civil Society Forum. Likewise, I welcome President Medvedev’s decision to examine the Khodorkovsky-Lebedev and Magnitsky cases. The conclusions of the Magnitsky case were presented yesterday, while those on the Khodorkovsky and Lebedev cases will take more time. Let me restate that in their cases, the second verdict was disappointing.

To conclude, Russia remains an essential partner for the EU and a challenging one. I think there is an interesting debate going on within the country about the modernisation of society and economy, and changing attitudes and expectations will materialise and shape the new realities.

The nine months ahead will be very important for Russia’s future development. We believe the democratic process must come from within Russia. We will continue to build our engagement, we will continue to build on our common interests and we will continue to stand firmly behind our values.

Kristiina Ojuland, on behalf of the ALDE Group. – Madam President, the Russian Minister of Justice has consistently refused to register any new political parties since February 2009; the most recent being the People’s Freedom Party, whose two leaders are among us today in the gallery: Mr Mikhail Kasyanov and Mr Boris Nemtsov.

Madam High Representative, the future of EU-Russia strategic relations must be directly linked to efforts to strengthen democracy, the rule of law and respect for fundamental rights in Russia. The Kremlin is breaching Russia’s commitments as a Member of the Council of Europe and a signatory of the European Convention on Human Rights and therefore ought to be disciplined if the requirements for political pluralism continue to be disregarded.

Moreover, the Russian authorities continue to pressure the opposition. Yesterday, for example, the authorities issued a six-month exit ban for Mr Boris Nemtsov, one of the leaders of the party PARNAS.

I recall that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe holds the right to withhold verification of the credentials of parliamentarians elected through elections deemed to be in breach with European standards.

The European Union must also insist that the Kremlin withdraws all decisions and regulations concerning the non-registration of political parties in Russia that do not comply with the European Convention on Human Rights. Putin has got until September to reconsider, when the elections are announced, but we can already see that the tracks have been laid.

Traian Ungureanu (PPE). - Madam President, I would like to thank the High Representative for her detailed statement. The Russian decision to block the registration of a credible political party prior to the elections is not an aberration, it is yet another example of Russia’s refusal to play by the rules while claiming to be a genuinely democratic post-Soviet entity.

But politically motivated killings, kidnappings and jailings, sanctioned by a corrupt justice system or ignored by the judicial authorities, are a common feature of the Russian democracy. Indeed one can say that the Russian authorities perfected democracy to the point where opposition is not necessary any more and the voters are no longer essential. But if Russia is not willing to be honest with its own people we should not expect honesty in Russia’s relations with the EU. It might take one to kozachok, but it surely takes two to tango.

So I call on you and the Commission to make any further negotiations with Russia conditional on the fair preparation and conduct of the elections in December. Human rights and democracy should be at the centre of our relationship with Russia, and if we are ready to reset our relations with Russia then Russia should reset its own relations with democracy.

Traian Ungureanu (PPE). - Madam President, I thank my colleague for his very interesting question. I agree that you need to know the internal realities of Russia. The exact answer is that I spent altogether around two months in Russia at different times. I hope this will satisfy him.

Inese Vaidere (PPE). - Madam President, I will start by saying that I have a dream. I have a dream that Russia will one day be a democratic and wealthy country; wealthy not only for a small portion of the people but wealthy for all citizens. Each election provides a chance for this.

You can use it or you can lose it. I completely agree with the previous speaker in what she said and I will not repeat it. I just wanted to draw your attention to one very important aspect we did not achieve.

Before the elections, Russia needs long-term election observation – not just for a few days in election time – but long term. This is because the people have very limited access to the mass media. We have listened to representatives of the new party, PARNAS. They told us this situation is very unequal. This is a very important issue for our common future.

Catherine Ashton, Vice-President of the Commission/High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. − Madam President, honourable Members, thank you again. I found that a very interesting and stimulating debate. As we think about how to address some of the areas of concern that honourable Members have quite rightly raised, I just want to make three very straightforward points.

First of all we have to continue to articulate our expectations to Russia as far as free and fair elections are concerned, and we will recall the international commitments that Russia has taken in this regard. I think it is very important as we move towards the elections that we continue to send that strong message: that we want to see these elections be fair and free; that we want to see the international commitments fully followed.

Secondly, we want as well to offer our election observation. I said earlier that consultations between Russia and OSCE/ODIHR are ongoing; they seem keen to cooperate; I hope that will happen and that this will also help in the light of some of the comments that honourable Members have made about the need to look at the long-term nature of observation.

Thirdly we also need, and again Members made this clear, to make sure that at the level of the modernisation partnership we are working closely to help support that process. We currently have 16 bilateral partnerships, and these look at issues like foreign investment, know-how, technology as well as the rule of law of modern democratic institutions and civil society involvement.

Because I think it is also clear from what honourable Members have said that we want to send a very clear message to the people of Russia that we are a supportive friend, that we want to see progress, we want to see modernisation and we want also to be source of inspiration when it comes to the democratic values we hold and our absolute passion for human rights.

Tunne Kelam (PPE), written. – The ability and willingness to provide an environment for free elections is a cornerstone of the democratic functioning of any country. The refusal to register the PARNAS party for the elections must be taken very seriously. This is a clear signal that Russia is not willing to allow free and fair elections.

In fact, Russia is mocking democracy. The case of Khodorkovsky is no longer that of one individual, but has become a grotesque symbol of the entire Russian judiciary system and the situation of the rule of law in Russia.

The EU cannot continue treating Russia on a case-by-case basis. It is unacceptable for the EU to allow Russia to dictate the agenda, as recently seen at the EU-Russia summit that was dominated by the marginal issue of vegetable imports and exports, rather than Russia’s serious violations of the rule of law and human rights.

We have to be clear that, if there is no change in Russia, the EU will not continue talks on anything with its so-called strategic partner. There can be no talks on the new PCA unless Russia takes concrete action to improve the judiciary system and to apply the rule of law and democratic principles.

Alexander Mirsky (S&D), in writing. – In view of the lively and emotional debate on the resolution on the preparations for the Russian State Duma elections in December 2011, I wish to state that amendments to, and the regulation of, electoral laws should not favour specific parties or groups of entrepreneurs which are supported by specific Members of the European Parliament.

It looks as though financial oligarchic groups are lobbying with the intention of reshaping the existing political and economic balance in the Russian Federation, rather than changing the legal situation. In hearings and discussions, we should hear not only the opinion of opposition representatives from outside parliament, but also official Russian opinion.

I would like to emphasise that many of the former high-ranking Russian officials who chose to leave the so-called political elite did not make any changes to the legislation and constitution of the Russian Federation when they had the chance. Their current appeals for action therefore seem strange. We should cooperate with the Russian Federation on elections and not dictate conditions, since dictating will not have any effect.