10/26/05 - Dozens Of Fugitives Could ReturnBB 10/26/05 Dozens Of Fugitives Could ReturnIE 10/26/05 Adams Has Two Dates To KeepIE 10/26/05 Reps. Back Adams Right To FundraiseUT 10/26/05 Restore Power-Sharing – ErvineUT 10/26/05 Dublin Considers Court Action Over ‘74 BombingsUT 10/26/05 Cowen: North And South Must Work Together MoreIT 10/26/05 DUP Positive On Proposal For More Co-OperationDU 10/26/05 N Ireland A Cold House For ParamilitariesDU 10/26/05 Discrimination In Police RecruitmentBB 10/26/05 George Best's Condition 'Deteriorates'IT 10/27/05 Irish-Style Beer Turned Into Cheap Fuel In US----

10/17/05 – Ervine: Loyalist Need Time After IRA MovesUT 10/17/05 Ervine: Loyalist Need Time After IRA MovesIO 10/17/05 Dissident Republicans Abandoned Bombs In HedgeEX 10/17/05 Ferris: We Believe MPs Should Address The DáilEX 10/17/05 Dingle Or An Daingean? Only A Third To DecideUT 10/17/05 Police Board Chief's Plea To AttackersDI 10/17/05 Collins Has Been 'Airburshed Out Of History'----

10/09/05 - EU Cash May Help Peace ProcessIC 10/09/05 EU Cash May Help Peace ProcessCM 10/09/05 Protestants Feel AbandonedIT 10/10/05 PSNI Arrests Garland At WP ArdfheisIT 10/10/05 Ahern To Lobby For US Bill To Help IrishIT 10/10/05 Festival Looks Back On 50 Years Of Movies----

10/09/05 - Four Freed In Gray Murder InquiryBB 10/09/05 Four Freed In Gray Murder InquirySL 10/09/05 Funeral Plans A MysterySL 10/09/05 No Flood Of Grief At Death Of BrigadierTP 10/09/05 UDA Sends Out Strong Message With Gray MurderSL 10/09/05 Hunt For Jim's BlingII 10/09/05 UDA Leader 'Doris' And The €30,000 Dublin PartySL 10/09/05 Death Of A Crime Lord: Bully In A Pink PullyBT 10/09/05 The Rise And Fall Of The Celebrity GodfathersBT 10/09/05 Adair: He Will Be Back, Says Ex-RUC Man----

Will Dublin Love Ulster

DI 10/31/05 Will Dublin Love Ulster?BB 10/31/05 'Cautious Welcome' For LVF MoveUT 10/31/05 Hain Welcomes Paramilitaries' Stand DownBB 10/31/05 LVF's Short But Turbulent HistoryNL 10/31/05 Priest's 'Nazi' Remark Down For DebateNL 10/31/05 Ahern Is 'Not Being A Good Neighbour'NL 10/31/05 Colombia Three Top Of Agenda For Paisley JnrNL 10/31/05 Former Uda Leader Heads For ScotlandBB 10/31/05 Policing Parade Trouble Cost £3mIN 10/31/05 You Never Know Who You're Related ToIN 10/31/05 Opin: Hateful New World Is Not Ireland Of OldIN 10/31/05 Opin: The Compromise Of Good FridayIN 10/31/05 Loyalist Working Class Lost Cause For UUPDE 10/31/05 A Woman Who Found A Way To WriteAL 10/31/05 Interview With Maura Conlon-McivorIT 11/01/05 Luas Derailment Adds To The Marathon DisruptionIT 11/01/05 Kilmainham Chairman Wants ‘16 Relic Returned

After weekend gathering in Belfast loyalists plan protestrallies across the North and in capital city

Ciarán O'Neill

"We will wait to see howthe British government reacts to our campaignbut we aim to keep the pressure and the rally in Dublin isa definite goer"- Willie Frazer

Organisers of the controversial Love Ulster campaign areplanning to stage a rally in Dublin in the New Year.

Willie Frazer, one of the main organisers behind thecampaign, last night told Daily Ireland that the "wheelsare in motion" to hold a protest in Dublin.

The Love Ulster campaign was recently launched by unionistswho claimed that the British government was ignoring theirrights.

Several thousand people took part in the campaign's firstparade in Belfast on Saturday, although organisers hadoriginally predicted that up to 30,000 people would turnup.

Mr Frazer last night said plans were underway to extend thecampaign to other areas of the North and Dublin.

"We have not set a date for the Dublin rally but it willprobably be after Christmas," he said.

"We believe that many people there are unaware of thereality of the situation in Ulster and we believe it isimportant to take our message to them."

Mr Frazer said the proposed rally would be made up of anumber of bands and people who have suffered during theconflict in the North.

"The rally held in the Belfast will not be a one-off," hesaid.

"We will wait to see how the British government reacts toour campaign but we aim to keep the pressure and the rallyin Dublin is a definite goer."

Concern was raised yesterday about the cost of policing theweekend parade after it was revealed that £2.2 million(€3.2 million) was spent policing another recent loyalistparade in Belfast, which erupted in violence.

Loyalists rioted for several days after a controversialOrange Order parade was prevented from marching through thenationalist Springfield area of west Belfast on September10.

"The violence that followed the Whiterock parade made nosense and only damaged community relations. Now, thesefigures highlight the staggering cost to the taxpayer ofpolicing parades in Northern Ireland."

Mr Attwood said the money could have been used to providemore nurses, schools and efforts to tackle crime.

"How much more money was wasted on policing the Love Ulsterrally yesterday?" he added.

"It is time for people to get sense and ensure that limitedfinancial resources are not wasted on parades but properlyinvested in our community."

Sinn Fein has given "a cautious welcome" to the LoyalistVolunteer Force move to stand down.

The splinter loyalist paramilitary group said the decisionwas taken in response to IRA arms decommissioning.

The LVF has been blamed for more than a dozen sectariankillings since it was founded in mid-Ulster in 1996.

SF's Gerry Kelly said: "Given the LVF's history,nationalists and republicans will of course be cautious ofanything being said or promised by them."

He added: "This grouping has a history of sectarianviolence, murders and widespread drug dealing, so withrelation to the LVF, it is very much wait and see."

On Sunday, a group of church and community figures said aloyalist feud between the LVF and the rival UVF was over.

A statement by the LVF said that the move to stand down itsso-called military units would take effect from midnight onSunday.

The LVF was formed by Portadown loyalist Billy Wright afterthe Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) leadership stood down hisunit in 1996.

Wright was shot dead in the Maze prison by republicans inDecember 1997.

On Sunday, the Reverend Mervyn Gibson said the loyalistfeud, which claimed four lives in Belfast in July andAugust, had "permanently ended".

He said the group of church and community figures had beenholding mediation talks "for some time".

Two murder bids

The end of the feud had been widely expected, with no freshviolence happening since August.

The Independent Monitoring Commission had blamed the UVFfor the four summer murders.

A special report in September by the ceasefire watchdogsaid the LVF carried out two murder bids, but theirviolence was mainly a response to UVF attacks.

The report on the loyalist paramilitary feud led NorthernIreland Secretary Peter Hain to declare the UVF ceasefirehad broken down.

Speaking in the House of Commons, Mr Hain said he welcomedthe LVF move.

He said there should be a complete and permanent end to allparamilitary activity and also welcomed Sinn Fein PresidentGerry Adams using the phrase "the war is over" - saying itwas a further sign that things were moving in the rightdirection.

Ann Trainor, whose son Damien and his best friend PhilipAllen were murdered by LVF gunmen in County Armagh in 1998,said she found the move hard to believe.

"Both sides are just as bad," she said.

"There is a lot of evil and jealousy. It is hard tobelieve. The evil will never quit - you can see it everyway."

The mother of Catholic taxi driver Michael McGoldrickmurdered in 1996 said she believed the move offered someglimmer of hope for a better future.

"It is a wonderful day. It is a start and we should reallygrasp it," said Bridie McGoldrick.

She added: "That is not just from the people on the ground- I think the politicians have to grasp it as well and wehave to sit down and talk."

DUP North Belfast MP Nigel Dodds said he "warmly welcomed"the end of the feud.

"Communities have been set on edge and put into turmoil. Ipay tribute to those who have worked so hard to bring thisresolution about," he added.

Ulster Unionist leader Sir Reg Empey said the move wasanother positive development in the political process.

"Yesterday's announcement that the feud is over, last weekthe UDA sent a delegation to see the decommissioning bodyand Gerry Adams, for the first time allowed the words 'thewar is over' to pass his lips," he said.

The SDLP's former assembly member, Brid Rogers, said manypeople in the Upper Bann constituency had been murdered bythe LVF.

"The litany of atrocities in this area is awful and it istoo late for all those people too late for them, too latefor their families."

"The statement is therefore a step forward and one that Ihope will give encouragement to those who are working toestablish the primacy of politics in their communities.

"Of course, words must also be matched by deeds from allloyalist groups. What we need to see is the fulldecommissioning of all paramilitary arsenals and thecomplete and permanent end to all paramilitary and criminalactivity from all paramilitary groups."

He also welcomed last week`s declaration from Gerry Adamsthat the IRA`s war was "over".

"Hearing the President of Sinn Fein use the words `the waris over`, words we have wanted to hear for such a longtime, is also a further sign that we are continuing to movein the right direction," he added.

Mr Hain made his comments as he introduced legislation toextend the life of anti-terrorism measures for the provincewhich would otherwise expire in February 2006.

The Terrorism (Northern Ireland) Bill means the powers,exclusive to Ulster, will stay in place for at least anextra year, with a further 12-month extension available ifrequired.

While the security situation had been "changedfundamentally" by the IRA`s actions over the summer, themeasures remained necessary for the moment, he insisted.

He said Lord Carlile of Berriew, the independent reviewerof the operation of anti-terror legislation, had ruled theextension was "justified on the merits and proportional".

"These provisions have been on a temporary footing since1973 but have been necessary to tackle the securitysituation," Mr Hain said.

"They were never intended to be permanent. We`ve alwaysremained committed to their ultimate removal when thesecurity situation allowed."

But he faced criticism from Unionist MPs who questioned whythe British government believed the situation had changedenough to restore allowances to Sinn Fein but not to repealthe anti-terror measures.

"Either things are not good in Northern Ireland or elsethings are good in Northern Ireland. Those of us who livethere know exactly what the answer to that is."

Mr Hain retorted: "We are absolutely right to do this as aprudent safety mechanism just in case there were to be arepeat, perhaps by a dissident republican group, perhaps byone of the loyalist groups that`s not yet announced thatit`s disarming and standing down, that we are in a positionto meet that threat.

"I am sure that every citizen in Northern Ireland will bereassured that as the normalisation measures are takenforward in terms of reductions in the armed forces numbersand so on, that they are absolutely sure that we have as afall back, the legislation necessary."

Mr Hain said the Bill created a power to make "anynecessary interim provisions to ensure a smooth transitionto normalised arrangements".

But he said it could only occur if conditions were rightand promised: "We will not take chances with the safety ofthe people of Northern Ireland or the effective operationof the justice system."

Shadow Northern Ireland secretary David Lidington said heagreed with the Government that it was right to extendthese "exceptional" powers because of the gravity of thesecurity situation.

But it was also right they should continue to be subject toa time limit and the need for regular parliamentaryscrutiny.

Mr Lidington welcomed the LVF move but said theorganisation must be judged on its actions, rather than itswords in the weeks and months ahead.

Of the IRA`s decommissioning, he said it should bedecommissioning its command structure as well.

"If the republican movement has fundamentally changed andit is permanent and irreversible, it can have no need for aprivate army."

A "profound ideological change" was required, showing ithad changed to democratic methods with support for thepolice and the rule of law.

Emphasising the need for caution, Mr Lidington said hefound it impossible to believe that by 2008 none of thepowers would be needed.

Mr Lidington hailed the British government for showing"good sense and proper caution" in renewing the anti-terrorism powers.

"I hope they will show the same good sense and propercaution when they approach the question of people who areon the run from justice," he added.

Mr Liddington called for an early debate on theGovernment`s proposals in this area.

Labour`s Tom Harris (Glasgow S) dubbed the legislation"cautious", but said the Government`s priority must alwaysbe public safety.

He continued: "This could well be a historic moment. I amcautious in saying that because so often in NorthernIreland historic moments turn out to be nothing more than afootnote.

"It could well be that today for the very last time we aregoing to renew these powers in a debate on the floor of theHouse.

"If that is the case then I think everyone involved inNorthern Ireland matters, everyone in Northern Ireland,should be celebrating."

Liberal Democrat Northern Ireland spokesman Lembit Opiksaid that his party would support the British government ifthe measures went to a vote.

But he expressed concern about some areas of thelegislation including Diplock trials, which he said shouldbe adjudicated by three judges, not just one.

And he added that there was an "inconsistency" between howthe British government dealt with terrorism whichoriginated in Northern Ireland and globally.

"There are so many people now, in these debates, who feelthat the Government somehow delineates between good andsane terrorists in Northern Ireland but bad and insaneterrorists from elsewhere," he said.

"Why...is the Government obsessed with negotiating onproblems in Northern Ireland, and on many occasions I agreewith them, but simply seeking to incarcerate suspectedterrorists on the mainland?"

Mr Harris intervened to make a distinction betweenrepublican terrorists who had clear political aims whichallowed for the possibility of negotiation, while withIslamic terrorism, "there is no negotiation since the deathof innocent people is the aim".

Mr Opik said that his point underlined the "frustration"felt by many over the Government`s position.

Jeffrey Donaldson (DUP Lagan Valley) said that an exampleof this alleged distinction would be on-the-runslegislation which is expected to give a "de facto amnestyto terrorists".

Mr Opik said that this was one example of many which "serveto undermine our confidence at times that the Governmentreally does have a joined-up understanding of the problemsof terrorism".

A loyalist paramilitary group, the Loyalist VolunteerForce, says it is to stand down in response to the IRA moveto decommission arms in September. Kevin Connolly examinesthe background and implications.

The short but turbulent history of the Loyalist VolunteerForce mixed bouts of savage blood-letting with bizarre andunpredictable political gestures.

The organisation was created when a faction of the UVF inPortadown rejected the decision of their leaders in Belfastto declare a ceasefire in 1994.

Under the leadership of the local paramilitary warlordBilly Wright, the LVF committed itself to the traditionalloyalist belief that the nationalist community could beterrified into demanding an end to IRA violence by acampaign of random murder directed against it.

UVF 'wary'

The UVF leadership was furious at Billy Wright's act ofrebellion - but they were wary of his reputation forsavage, clinical efficiency as a killer and also of hispopularity.

When the UVF tried to order him out of Ulster, thousands ofProtestants turned out at a rally called to support him.The seeds were laid for future conflict between the UVF andthe LVF.

Few take the statement at face value - it's much morelikely that the LVF was forced to disband to secure theUVF's agreement to a truce

BBC's Kevin Connolly

Billy Wright was killed in 1997 - shot dead inside the Mazeprison by republican paramilitaries armed with a smuggledhandgun - and the LVF lost the focus which his cold-eyedfanaticism had given it.

But it remained an unpredictable and dangerousorganisation.

Even though it had no political wing, and no clearpolitical agenda, it became the first paramilitary group todecommission any weapons late in 1998.

The gesture was meaningless - the guns it handed in fordestruction were old, and formed only a small part of itsarsenal; the LVF remained armed and ready for violence andno convincing explanation for its act of decommissioningwas ever offered.

It did not confine itself to killing Catholics either.There were feuds with both of the two larger and olderloyalist organisations, the UVF and the UDA.

Often it seemed that disputes over the proceeds of drug-dealing or racketeering lay behind these bouts of violence,but always in the background was the ill-feeling betweenthe UVF and the smaller, more violent grouping which hadbroken away in the original dispute.

This summer that ill-feeling boiled over into a new feudand this time the whisper was that the UVF was determinedto wipe out its smaller rival once and for all.

There were four killings - all by the UVF - and twice UVFgangs moved into loyalist estates and forced familiesassociated with the LVF to leave their homes.

The LVF tried but failed to kill in retaliation, a tellingindication of where the balance of power between the twoorganisations now lay.

The last of the killings was carried out in mid-August and,since then, Protestant churchmen and community leaders havebeen conducting secret talks aimed at finding some sort ofresolution.

Political gesture

When the breakthrough came, it brought with it another ofthose bizarre political gestures from the LVF.

Within hours of the news that the loyalist feud was overcame an LVF statement that it was "standing down" its"military units" in response to a similar move made overthe course of the summer by the IRA.

Few take the statement at face value - it's much morelikely that the LVF was forced to disband to secure theUVF's agreement to a truce and is simply trying to cloak amoment of humiliation in the language of grand strategy.

So it would be a mistake to expect any direct or immediatepolitical movement to follow the LVF's gesture, althoughthat doesn't mean that its statement has no meaning.

In referring to the IRA statement, the LVF is providing areminder that if the main republican paramilitary groupingreally has given up political violence for good then itwill have changed the rules of the political game inNorthern Ireland, and changed them permanently.

Loyalist groups after all have always argued that theirvery existence was justified by the threat of IRA violenceand, if that threat is gone for good, they are either goingto have to come up with some new justifications or in someway match the IRA's move.

The LVF statement brings to an end another of thosefamiliar rounds of murderous instability with whichloyalists are so familiar - it also leads us to anintriguing question about just what we can expect from theother, larger loyalist groups in the coming weeks andmonths.

Sir Reg Empey last night re-opened the war of words betweenthe DUP and Ulster Unionists on possible speaking rightsfor Ulster MPs and MEPs in the Dail.

The UUP leader said he found the comments of DUP deputyleader Peter Robinson on a proposal from Bertie Ahern"profoundly worrying".

Mr Ahern had suggested that Ulster MPs and MEPs be invitedto attend and speak at meetings of the Dail in committeewhen matters of the Agreement or Northern Ireland would bediscussed.

"While these proposals may fall far short of Sinn Fein'sdemands, to lightly brush this off as little consequence isreckless," said Mr Empey.

"This could be the foot in the door that republicans havebeen craving for years and the reaction from the DUP todate has shown no sign that they recognise the fullimplications of what is being proposed.

"Peter [Robinson] indicated that if it transpired thatNorthern Ireland MPs are to become members of thiscommittee as of right instead of invitees and are treatedon an equal basis with those members of the southernparliament then he would consider this to be a quasi-constitutional claim on Northern Ireland."

But Mr Empey said Mr Ahern had "made it clear that our MPswill not be members of this Dail committee by right" andwould not be treated on an "equal basis" as members of thesouthern parliament.

He continued: "The implication of what Peter is saying itthat provided neither of those two qualifications isviolated, he will be content for the Ahern proposal tosucceed.

"I hope this is not the case, because while it may seem aminor proposal at present, it can grow and be developed inthe years ahead."

Mr Empey said the proposals violated the "norms ofdemocracy throughout Europe" and claimed Mr Ahern was "notacting as a good neighbour" towards Northern Ireland.

He added: "If this speaking rights issue proceeds then theUUP will consider itself relived of its obligation to thestrand two section of the Belfast Agreement.

"What is being proposed is the Belfast Agreement plus. Asusual republicans are trying to have their cake and eat itat the same time. I hope all unionists oppose theseproposals."

Ian Paisley Jnr said he will put the Colombia Three at thetop of the agenda when he attends a policing conference inColombia this week.

The DUP MLA is a special guest of the Colombian presidentat the launch of the conference tonight, when terrorism andfighting crime are expected to be significant talkingpoints.

Mr Paisley said he would speak on countering terrorism andthe role of the Policing Board and District PolicingPartnerships in Northern Ireland.

He said he will also reiterate his support for the Colombiagovernment's bid to extradite the three Irish men convictedof training Marxist rebels.

"I am certain that, given that the subject matter fordiscussion will be countering terrorism, the subject of theColombia Three will be discussed," said Mr Paisley.

"I will certainly be indicating my support for theauthorities there to pursue these fugitives and to seekfrom the Dublin government the extradition of these on-the-run terrorists.

"I understand from my colleague that the Colombianauthorities could request the European Community to requirethat its member state (Republic of Ireland) make thesefugitives amenable to the Colombian authorities."

Mr Paisley said he will also have the chance to speak aboutthe Policing Board's role and democratic accountability inpolicing.

He added: "The Government's handling of the appointment ofa new Policing Board will be aired to an internationalaudience.

"The importance of the Government ensuring that thePolicing Board retains its unionist majority and that the10 political members are not downgraded to eight isessential.

"I will be stressing the importance of the role of thePolicing Board to hold the police to account.

"UUP spokesman Tom Elliot has proposed that the PolicingBoard and the DPPs should tell the police what to do -though I notice he is now retracing his steps on this - Iwill demonstrate how inappropriate it would be for anyPolicing Board or local DPP to instruct police officers,especially in a society that has been tortured byterrorists."

The cost of policing September's Whiterock parade andsubsequent rioting was £3m, the police have confirmed.

They also said that damage and repairs to police vehiclesover the summer period totalled £938,000.

Chief Constable Sir Hugh Orde said the costs wereunacceptable not only in financial terms but in the humancost to the police and local communities.

Officers were attacked with petrol bombs and blast bombs,as well as live rounds during the trouble.

The violence started after an Orange Order march was barredfrom going through security gates on west Belfast'sSpringfield Road, and had to use a former factory site.

"My officers, as I have said before, acted like heroes inthe face of the worst public disorder this police servicehas ever witnessed," Sir Hugh said.

"It gives us no pleasure to stand in numbers betweencommunities who refuse to engage with each other to resolvetheir differences but until they do we will continue to doour job and it will continue to cost money on this scale."

IN the 1950s my dad told me there was an IRA man who boreour surname. This was Dublin born Sean Garland who becamepresident of the Workers Party and was arrested at theirparty conference to face possible extradition to the USA oncharges related to counterfeiting – which he denies.

I first saw Sean Garland during the 1960s when I went to arally in Milltown Cemetery on the Falls Road. As a fairlymilitant unionist standing at the edge of the crowd I feltuneasy and began thinking, "What if they sing the Soldier'sSong?" I foolishly thought I could not honour the IrishNational Anthem and imagined taking to my heels but then Iwisely moved on.

Later while working in a store in Aberdeen Street on theShankill I noticed a republican newspaper – United Irishman– had blown in and was lying at my feet. My eyes fell onthe name Sean Garland and the speech he gave at a WolfeTone Rally at Bodenstown in June 1968. This confirmed theIRA's move to the left and Sean Garland's efforts toinitiate change. A few years later he helped bring aboutthe Official IRA's ceasefire but in the article Sean said"no longer would the army of the Irish revolution standidly by". This seemed ominous but it is said, Sean wasreassuring the faithful while trying to take the gun out ofIrish politics. In the 1990s I contacted him through theWorkers Party in Dublin hoping to discuss family history.He knew little beyond the fact that his family hailed fromnear Dublin. However both families appear to stem from acertain Roger Garland/Gernon who came from Essex withStrongbow in the 12th century and settled mainly nearDundalk.

During the conversation Sean spoke about his time inBelfast's Crumlin Road Prison in the 1950s. On Sundayafternoons he would listen to evangelical mission choirssinging hymns. This was a means of getting a break fromprison routine but he was deeply impressed by these people.They gave their time freely and while observing theirdemeanour Sean was struck by their sincerity. Somethingabout them challenged him deeply, "they were so committedto what they were doing" he realised the Irish problem wasnot a "simplistic question of freeing territory".

He went on to question many things, to digest new ideas andwas influenced by Cathal Goulding, the IRA's radical chiefof staff in Dublin.

Some years later I met Sean again this time atCastlebellingham – in Irish Baile anGhearlanaigh –Garlandstown. There his wife Mary shared vivid memories ofa day in 1975 when he was nearly taken from her by extremeleft nationalists. I could almost feel the pain her storywas so vivid. It was as if it had only happened yesterday.

Walking home they noticed men loitering near their home andSean began to run. It was too late, he was hit in the legand as he lay on the ground they pumped 15 bullets into hisarms, legs and abdomen. Mary was literally knocked againsta wall and then ran forward screaming at Sean's attackers.He managed to whisper to her, "get word to Cathal and theothers" knowing there would be further attacks. When theGarda arrived they wanted to interview Mary right away butshe demanded they take Sean to hospital first. There Sean'shealth deteriorated as he underwent major surgery. When heregained consciousness he noticed there was nothing in avital tube going into his body. There was no one availableto help and so, despite his weakened condition, he managedto free up the drip himself and save his own life. SeanGarland survived and with others who believed in WolfeTone's message about replacing Catholic, Protestant andDissenter with the common name of Irishman, he rejectednarrow nationalism, supported peace-making and encouragedothers to move towards socialist politics. Attempts weremade to influence loyalists and although there was nomeeting of minds, some were attracted by non-sectarianismand the willingness to put working class interests beforethe holy grail of Irish nationalism. Other lessons werelearned and Sean Garland and his Workers Party helped tohumanise nationalists and to move people beyond the morassof a deeply flawed sectarian conflict.

Romantic Ireland is dead and gone, said the poet WB Yeatsaway back in 1914 and later he cautioned us to tread softlybecause you tread on his dreams. I thought of his wisewords that "peace comes dropping slowly like great blackoxen tread the world. And God the Herdsman goads them onbehind and I am broken by their passing feet".

I felt that was prophetic as we all gazed at the week'sshocking headlines of child abuse from the Diocese of Fernsover 40 years and the awful story of the cover-up revealedin all its nakedness in a judicial report which an Irishcabinet minister said would "make the hair on your neck

stand up".

Yes, all part of a worldwide disease of sex and perversionbut this is not the Ireland of our young days. This is thehateful new world of murder, rape, crime, drugs andpaedophile priests, the rotten apples in the barrel of ourbeloved saints and scholars. The story has even overtakenthe other malicious character assassination of the heroicpeacemaker Fr Alec Reid by loud-mouthed, bigoted, partisansnow threatening a mob 'Love Ulster' of thousands close tothe Shankill scenes of violence a few weeks ago.

The motive behind this dangerous gathering is obscure anddangerous in the present political vacuum and breakdown inunionist political leadership.

In the House of Commons secretary of state Peter Hain toldSDLP leader Mark Durkan that if the IMC Report, due inJanuary, is positive there will be no excuse not to engagein discussions towards the resumption of power sharing.

Meantime, using the big stick he is on record tellingnorthern politicians that if they don't like the comingshock increase in rates bills of 19 per cent it's up tothem to form a power sharing executive and make the toughbudgetary decisions themselves.

But neither the DUP nor unionists led by Sir Reg Empey seemworried about the cost to the electors of the Brits' threatto put them on par with the better-off taxpayers across thewater.

Michael McGimpsey, Empey's sidekick in his latest'platform' says devolution with Sinn Fein in governmentwould be rejected, adding: "Unionists would rather embracedirect rule with all its faults and inherent dangers."

How's that for a kick in the teeth to its unionisthouseholders worried about up coming demands for rates andwater charges?

It's ironic that the only sympathy for the hard-pressednorthern householders should come from the tiny ProgressiveUnionist Party which still links itself with the UVFparamilitary. David Ervine, its leader, stepped out of linewith the other unionist groupings when he led a four-memberdeputation – including chairman Dawn Purvis – to governmentbuildings, Dublin, to meet Taoseach Bertie Ahern.

He said his party was worried about water charges and otherissues. There was no excuse, he said, not to have theNorthern Assembly by this time next year.

They had no right to be involved in politics if theyallowed themselves to drift into another summer withoutdoing some practical work on the restoration of devolution.

Mr Ervine said the taoseach agreed with him that attemptsto begin power sharing should start as soon as possible. Heinsisted that the UVF loyalist paramilitary group wouldremain in support of any exploratory talks on powersharing.

David Ervine is the mystery man of northern politics.Despite the PUP link with the paramilitary group he remainsone of the most articulate spokesmen on the loyalist sideand has surprised Dublin politicians with his readiness toengage in dialogue.

Here is his definition of the loyalist paramilitaries:"They are citizens of society who genuinely recognise thatthe only way that we are ever going to enjoy the space thatwe've got is to share it."

The 1998 Good Friday Agreement was essentially a series oftrade-offs, whereby both main traditions had to accept whatwere perceived as some negative proposals in order to gaina range of strongly positive developments.

This meant abandoning the Irish government's constitutionalclaim to the entire island, as well as the key provisionsof the 1985 Hillsborough treaty and all reservations over areturn to devolved government at Stormont, in return for

cross-border bodies and a new era of

political equality.

The deal also meant that a promised end to all paramilitarycampaigns had to be balanced against a phased system ofprisoner releases.

Perhaps predictably, the jails were emptied by the Britishgovernment long before loyalist and republican groups gotround to honouring their side of the bargain.

Unionist public opinion found the freeing of convictedprisoners under licence hard to swallow, although everysubsequent official statistic has confirmed thatparamilitary activity, which has been significantly reducedoverall, is now largely confined to the loyalist sector.

While republicans took a considerable period to face up totheir responsibilities under the spirit of the agreement,both the decommissioning witnesses and the IndependentMonitoring Commission have indicated that the IRA haseither already been stood down or is about to reach such astage.

The weekend UTV interview in which Gerry Adams finally usedthe phrase 'the war is over' was another important piece ofsymbolism in this regard.

If any settlement was ever to be reached, it was obviousthat the issue of prisoner releases would have to beaddressed.

Ian Paisley certainly admitted as much in a letter to theconvicted loyalist murderer and former RUC officer WilliamMcCaughey long before the Good Friday Agreement wasratified.

Northern Ireland had the highest pro rata jail populationin Europe before the agreement, and the majority of inmateswere not hardened offenders but individuals who would neverhave found themselves behind bars in normal circumstances.

Although many undoubtedly perpetrated heinous crimes,others were found guilty in dubious circumstances beforecourts which had dispensed with the services of juries.

Despite predictions to the contrary, the overwhelmingnumber of released prisoners have either gone quietly hometo their families or managed, in one form or another, tomake contributions to the search for progress.

Remarkably, only a tiny handful, including Stephen Irwin,who shot dead eight innocent people in a Catholic-owned barat Greysteel, Co Derry, almost exactly 12 years ago, havebrazenly returned to the path of violence.

Irwin was granted early release, but was last Friday jailedfor four years after carrying out a brutal knife attackwhen a loyalist feud lead to fighting during the 2004 Irishcup final at Windsor Park.

The sentence review commissioners must now decide whetheror not he should additionally complete his outstandingpunishment for the Greysteel atrocity.

Their decision should be straightforward and immediate.Irwin is a dangerous thug, who was given a second chanceand threw it back in the face of society.

He must serve the remainder of his life sentence, plus fourconsecutive years and any loyalist or republican who isconvicted of following his example should suffer a similarfate.

Sir Reg Empey made an effort to tell his dwindling band ofsupporters the truth in his conference speech at theweekend. It was the least he could do after an abysmalfirst 100 days as UUP leader being led by the nose by IanPaisley.

Empey told his audience that the mistake the UUP made wasto allow the DUP to sell the lie that the Good FridayAgreement was all pain for unionists and all gain forrepublicans.

Unfortunately it's about seven years too late for that todawn on a unionist leader. His predecessor, unmentioned,unlamented, soon to be kicked upstairs into the Lords,never sold the agreement in any shape or form.

On the contrary, he spent so much time denigrating hispartners in the administration that the DUP didn't have todo anything except ask, if it was so bad, why was he stillin the executive?

Empey also acknowledged, in a rare admission for a unionistof his vintage, that "political unionism cannot wash itshands of what happened 20 or 30 years ago". He referred to"blood-curdling speeches in the Ulster Hall", "the days ofUlster Resistance and middle-of-the-night mountainsideadventures". No need to mention the name of the culpritthere.

And yet, he couldn't resist one wee slip. Calling onloyalist paramilitaries to pack it in, he told them "theyneed to recognise that they no longer have any reason tomaintain their structures".

So what was the reason for 'their structures' they nolonger need?

To defend the sick counties against the IRA?

To terrorise ordinary Catholics?

To carry out murders on behalf of the security forces?

Surely we should be told.

Are we still so far from the day any unionist can say therewas never any need or justification for loyalistterrorists? Can no unionist admit the UVF began its murdercampaign four years before the Provisional IRA existed andbegan its bombing campaign six months before loyalist mobstorched Bombay Street?

It's a pity Sir Reg couldn't have included some referenceto the loyalist onslaught on vulnerable Catholics this yearor condemned the series of UVF murders during the summer.

Still, he's not alone. Our present proconsul remainedequally silent during the campaign of sectarian attacks innorth Antrim but worst of all, continued to pay the PUP itsassembly allowances monthly while their UVF mates werecarrying out savage murders.

As Newton Emerson calculated in this paper, the NIO waspaying the PUP at the rate of £1,350 a murder. Even so,unionists are up in arms that the same proconsul hasdecided to reinstate Sinn Fein's allowances because theyhaven't been killing anyone. Have you noticed that not oneunionist has objected to the PUP receiving money whiletheir UVF mates carried out four murders and 15 attemptedmurders?

Here's the really interesting point. No unionist hasnoticed that either. They just can't see how sectariantheir position about loyalist terrorism is. It doesn't evenoccur to them that there are double standards. Then whyshould they, when the NIO gives the lead?

It's the one item where the British administration has beenconsistent for 33 years. Their attitude and response toloyalist terrorism has been to regard it as understandable,misguided, a reaction to the IRA. This toleration ofloyalists is perhaps explicable because the UDA was largelya creation of British intelligence which sustained it,armed it, guided it and scandalously kept it legal until1992.

Now that its creature has split into a monster withmultiple heads the NIO is at a loss what to do with it. Tryto pay it to go away?

Try to cultivate 'good' UDA leaders and jail 'bad' ones?

No chance.

Not with the judges we have who share the NIO's benign viewof loyalism.

What, then?

The NIO seems to have decided to contain them in thedistricts they've already ruined and where they can onlyturn on each other. Despite the DUP playing footsie withthese gangsters, anyone who votes there, votes DUPregardless.

Sir Reg has at last apparently copped on to that andaccepted Belfast's loyalist working class is a lost causefor the UUP.

MY mom always wanted to be a writer. In 1926, when she was18, she applied for a job at The Washington Post. An editorthere told her that the characters she'd meet as a reporterwere far too shady for a nice young lady.

But someone who wants to write will find a way to write.And someone who wants to change the world can do it withouta big platform or high-profile byline.

Besides raising five kids in high heels, my mom wrote witha prolific verve that would have impressed one of heridols, Abigail Adams.

In her distinct looping penmanship, learned from the nunsat Holy Cross Academy in Washington, she regularly dashedoff missives to politicians. I'd often see form-letterresponses on her table from the White House or Congress.

She loved Ronald Reagan and when he landed in a firestorm,she'd write to tell him to buck up. She also appreciatedBill Clinton - his sunny style, his self-woundinginsecurity and his work on the Ireland peace process - andwould write to compliment him as well. (Literally catholic,she liked both Monica and Hillary.)

She wrote to any member of Congress who made what sheconsidered the cardinal sin of referring to Edmund Burke asa British, rather than Irish, statesman.

In 1995, after reading a newspaper analysis suggesting thatAl Gore was not sexy enough to run for president, Momswiftly dashed off a note reassuring the vice presidentthat he was sexy and that he'd done a great job as host ofPope John Paul II's visit to Baltimore.

She wrote her last name in black marker on the bottom ofthe Tupperware she used to bring food to anyone in herbuilding or sodality or family who was under the weather orhaving a party. On holidays, plates of food were alwayshanded out to those in the building who had to work ormight be lonely before she served her family.

When her dinner rolls stuffed with turkey and ham weresnapped up at my first cocktail party, as the expensivecatered cheese wheel and goose pâtés went untouched, shetold me with a smug smile: "Simplicity pays."

Mom - a woman who always carried a small bottle of Tabascoin her purse - wrote out hundreds of recipes, addingnotations of her own, including Mamie Eisenhower's MillionDollar Fudge (1955), which she deemed "Rich as Croesus, butoh so good," Mrs. Nixon's Hot Chicken Salad and BarbaraBush's High Fiber Bran Muffins.

In the middle of her recipe cards, she wrote down a quotethat appealed to her: "The Talmud says, If I am not formyself, who will be? If I am only for myself, who am I? Ifnot now, when?"

When my mom still hoped I would transcend takeout, she'dwrite away for booklets for me: "150 Favorite PickleRecipes From Iowa," "Confessions of a Kraut Lover" fromEmpire State Pickling and "How to Cook With Budweiser,"including a chocolate beer cake.

Without ever mentioning it to anyone, she constantly wroteout a stream of very small checks from her police widow'spension for children who were sick and poor.

She didn't limit her charity to poor kids. When 6-year-oldAl Gore III was struck by a car in 1989, she sent him aget-well card and a crisp dollar bill. "Children likegetting a little treat when they're not feeling well," sheexplained.

She had a column, "Under the Capitol Dome," in the NationalHibernian Digest. In 1972, she chronicled her debut, at 63,as a protester.

After Bloody Sunday, when British soldiers fired on aCatholic demonstration in Londonderry, Northern Ireland,killing 13 people, Mom went to the Kennedy Center inWashington to picket the British ambassador, who was goingto a performance of the Royal Scots Guards. She proudlywore her green Irish tweed cape and waved a placardreading, "Stop killing innocent civilians."

"The triumph of the evening," she wrote in her column, "waswhen the British ambassador had to be taken in through abasement door."

She wrote me relentlessly when I moved to New York in 1981with everything from fashion tips ("Hang your necklacesinside your blouse so your bra will catch them if the claspbreaks") to strategy on breakups ("Put all his pictures ina place you won't see them, preferably the trash") tohealth tips ("I hope you will never take a drink when youare unhappy. It would break my heart to think you hadbecome a jobless derelict, an easy prey for unscrupulousmen, me dead, and a family who held you in contempt becauseyou had tossed aside your beauty, youth and talent.").

Mom was not famous, but she was remarkable. Her libraryincluded Oscar Wilde, Civil War chronicles, Irish historyand poetry books, as well as "Writing to the Point: SixBasic Steps," and the 1979 "Ever Since Adam and Eve: TheSatisfactions of Housewifery and Motherhood in the Age ofDo-Your-Own-Thing.'"

As her friend Leon Wieseltier, the literary editor of TheNew Republic, eulogized her last week: "She was venerablewithout any of the fuss of venerability; worldly, butthoroughly incorruptible; hilarious, but ruthlessly inearnest; unexpected, but magnificently consistent; wicked,but good. She could be skeptical and sentimental in thevery same moment. She set things right just by being in themidst of them."

When I told her I was thinking of writing a memoir, shedryly remarked, "Of whom?" And when reporters just startingout asked her for advice about journalism, she repliedsagely: "Get on the front page a lot and use the word'allegedly' a lot." The daughter of a manager of an Irishbar named Meenehan's, with a side entrance marked Ladies'Only, she grew up in a Washington that was still a smallSouthern village with horses and carriages. As a child shesaw the last of the Civil War veterans marching in MemorialDay parades, and as the wife of a D.C. police inspector shemade friends with her neighbor, Pop Seymour, the lastperson alive who saw Lincoln shot at Ford's Theater. (Hewas 5 and saw the president slump in his box.)

Intensely patriotic, a politics and history buff, in herlife she spanned the crash of the Titanic to the crash ofthe twin towers, Teddy Roosevelt to W. One of her bigthrills came in 1990 when she went to the White HouseChristmas party with me and President Bush gave her a kiss.On the way home, she said to me in a steely voice, "I don'tever want you to be mean to that man again."

As my mom lay in pain, at 97 her organs finally shuttingdown, my sister asked her if she would like a highball.Over the last six years, Mom had managed to get throughgoing into a wheelchair and losing her sight, all withoutpainkillers or antidepressants - just her usual eveningglass of bourbon and soda.

Her sense of taste was gone, and she could no longer speak,but she nodded, game as ever, just to show us you can havelife even in death. We flavored her spoonful of ice chipswith bourbon, soon followed by a morphine chaser.

Peggy Dowd died last Sunday at 6:30 a.m. I'm not sure ifshe was trying to keep breathing until the 8:30 a.m. Massfor shut-ins or Tim Russert's "Meet the Press."

I just know that I will follow the advice she gave me in aletter while I was in college, after I didn't get asked toa Valentine's Day dance. She sent me a check for $15 andtold me to always buy something red if you're blue - alipstick, a dress.

"It will be your 'Red Badge of Courage,' " she wrote. Andcourage was a subject the lady knew something about.

(Maureen Dowd, winner of the 1999 Pulitzer Prize fordistinguished commentary, became a columnist on The NewYork Times Op-Ed page in 1995 after having served as acorrespondent in the paper's Washington bureau since 1986.The above article first appeared in The New York Times )

Writing a fresh, engaging memoir in an age of memoir is noeasy task, but Maura Conlon-McIvor makes it look easy.

She's All Eyes: Memoirs of an Irish-American Daughter(Warner Books, 2005, previously published as FBI Girl)tells the story of young Maura's attempt to understand hersilent father, FBI Special Agent Joe Conlon, and crack the"code" he used to communicate with the family.

"The fact that my father was a secretive FBI agent lentsuch an air of mystery to my childhood home. Yet, it was asif he left crumbs for me to follow," said Conlon-McIvor.

The coming of age story paints a vivid picture of a younggirl growing up in suburban Los Angeles in the 60s and 70s.Though outwardly quiet, Maura is full of curiosity that shechannels into reading Nancy Drew mysteries, devisingspecial agent wardrobes, and keeping a log for spying onneighborhood vehicles. The story is made richer by turningpoints that include the birth of her brother, Joey, whoseDown syndrome allows her father to find his affectionateside, Maura's theater debut, which helps her find her ownvoice, and the murder of a family member.

"As writers we do an archeological dig of sorts to find thetrue story behind the silence. I learned that silence isoften a mask for trauma, the lack of ability to expressdeep emotion. Silence was our family's code—all familieshave their code," said Conlon-McIvor.

She began writing the book around five years ago, after herfather's death. She struggled with the first 100 pages. Shewas writing the story in omniscient voice until the voiceof "child as narrator" emerged. "Bang. Bang. Bang. Strikethree. You're dead." She'd found her opening lines, hernarrator, and tapped into a font of material that fueledher writing from that point forward.

"Writers need to realize that there is so much available tous at those deeper levels of the mind. I realized that theyoung girl was going to be our guide in that journey(through childhood). She was going to take our hand andlead us down the rabbit hole. The words came like a geyserafter that," said Conlon-McIvor.

She discovered the lure of writing at an early age. "I'vebeen writing since I was eight. I had an uncle, astereographer at the New York Post, who typeset a poem ofmine. I realized then the magic of words printed on thepage," said Conlon-McIvor.

Her personal turning point was when a drama teacherencouraged her to act and she "found her own voice." As shegrew, Conlon-McIvor pursued studies that would give her thetools needed to understand her family dynamic and to writeabout it in an interesting way.

She received her B.A. in Communication Studies from TheUniversity of Iowa, and her M.A. in Literature from WakeForest University, where she wrote on the Irish poets. Sheholds a Ph.D. in Depth Psychology from Pacifica GraduateInstitute in Santa Barbara, California.

As a freelance journalist, she interviewed authorsincluding Alice Walker, Ernest Gaines and Leo Buscaglia, inaddition to writing features on issues such as drug andalcohol abuse in professional sports and of her experienceteaching poetry to the chronically ill.

Though known for being shy as a child, she had found herown voice and went from writing about others to writingabout her own experience.

"My silence as a child was synonymous with a burgeoningcuriosity. I was a sponge listening to the words, listeningbetween the sentences. I've found the quietest people oftenhave the most to say," said Conlon-McIvor. Herobservational skills are evident in scenes from She's AllEyes, such as one at the dinner table where the effects ofher father's "hard edged silence" are palpable.

Her book was spurred by a gift her father gave her beforehis death, his correspondence from bureau chief J. EdgarHoover. "Dad was a special agent for 27 years in the LosAngeles area. And that's about all we knew growing up. WhenI sat down and read his stash of letters, I found scribbledall over them his wry observations about being in the FBI,or his reflections about life in general. This gift wastypical of what he and I had shared all our lives—communication wrapped in code. It was always my job to readbetween the lines and uncover the real meaning. Perhaps myfather was like many of our fathers in that respect," saidConlon-McIvor.

A proponent of the work of psychologist Carl Jung, Conlon-McIvor believes that the child archetype is a compellingone for many people. "I believe the first fourteen yearsare critical. That is when you experience so much of lifefor the first time. I hope the child narrator in my She'sAll Eyes reaches out to the child in all of us and connectsus to our own story," she noted.

Finding the right narrative voice made the writing "adelight." Conlon-McIvor writes around twenty to twenty-fivehours a week and works without a written outline. It was aprocess she described as following the images that led herto the larger story.

She found having a critique group was helpful for "gettingout of a place of isolation, getting constructive feedbackfrom the group, and setting a deadline for myself."

"It is important to know when to join a group and when toleave the group and trust your own inner eye," she noted.She also suggests that all writers find a third party togive their manuscripts a close read before sending them onto an agent or editor.

"My best advice is to have your work be a work of artbefore you worry about finding an agent," said Conlon-McIvor.

She found her agent, Stephanie Kip Rostan of the LevineGreenberg Literary Agency, through an editor friend whoserved on a panel with Rostan at a literary conference.Once the book sold to Warner Books, she worked with EditorBeth DeGuzman, who suggested the book feature photographsof the Conlon family. "Readers develop such intimaterelationships with the characters," Conlon quipped. "Soincluding photos made sense."

The silence now broken, Conlon-McIvor recalls the words ofAlice Walker, who she once interviewed. "She said themission of a writer is to go back and give voice to thosewho are deemed irrelevant or nonproductive. There is asense of mission to all art."

Maura Conlon-McIvor is the author of the L.A. Timesbestseller She's All Eyes: Memoirs of an Irish-AmericanDaughter (previously published as FBI Girl). She iscurrently working on a follow-up memoir. For moreinformation, visit: mauraconlon.com.

Ellen Birkett Morris is an award-winning writer whose workhas appeared in national print and online publicationsincluding The New York Times. She also writes for a numberof literary, regional, trade, and business publications,and she has contributed to six published nonfiction booksin the trade press. Ellen is a regular contributor toAuthorlink, assigned to interview various New York Timesbestselling authors and first-time novelists.

Shoppers, bank holiday staff and city-dwellers strugglingto get around Dublin amid the marathon runners yesterdaysuffered additional disruption due to a derailment on thegreen Luas line.

A tram came off the tracks around Sandyford just after11am, causing extensive delays for part of the afternoon.

Commuters were stranded at Luas stations for up to half anhour at lunchtime, and when services resumed they werelimited to the route between Balally and St Stephen'sGreen.

Extensive road closures and diversions left the city centrelargely traffic free for the day.

As ever, some city-dwellers complained about the disruptioncaused by the marathon, citing the smaller than averageattendance in the city centre as evidence of an error inplanning.

However, a spokeswoman for the race organisers said thedrop in spectator numbers early yesterday was "completelydown to the weather".

Dismissing suggestions that the road closures had deterredspectators from coming into the city, she said numbers hadincreased in the afternoon when the sun came out.

"You will always get some people complaining but we woulddirect them to the likes of London and New York, which aremuch bigger cities, and their major thoroughfares are allcut off for their marathons."

She said "a lot of the route" had been decided by the Gardaand Dublin City Council, and the latter had ruled O'ConnellStreet off-limits for this year's race due to road worksthere.

She added: "It's just one day of the year and we would hopemost Dubliners would embrace it as a special occasion, andan opportunity to showcase their city to the world."

Conor Faughnan, public affairs spokesman with theAutomobile Association, was also somewhat dismissive ofcomplainants - and not just because he had twice run themarathon "many moons ago".

"We do need roads and transportation, but we have toreflect on why we want to live in the city," he said.

"Yes, the marathon is inconvenient to an extent, but it'svery much part of the sporting and cultural fabric of thecity. And, if you think about it, a bank holiday Monday isthe ideal time for it."

Dublin Chamber of Commerce said it was also "verysupportive" of the event, not least because it brought6,000 overseas runners to the city this year, along withcountless supporters.

A spokesman for the chamber said: "We did not get anycomplaints from any of the stores around the city centre. Idon't think any of the retailers have been particularly putout. And if they have, the bars and hotels will havebenefited instead."

A relic of the 1916 Rising, expected to fetch more than€20,000 at auction in Britain next month, should be donatedto Kilmainham Gaol Museum, the chairman of the museum hassaid.

The item, a finger-printing machine used to take printsfrom the leaders of the Rising in Kilmainham Gaol beforetheir execution, is in private ownership and is due to beauctioned at Ludlow Racecourse in England on December 14th.

Chairman of the museum's board of trustees Damien Cassidyis calling on the owner, who is remaining anonymous, not togo ahead with the auction and to give the machine back."This is an item of great historical importance and itshould not be anywhere other than the museum," he said.

The printing machine is contained within a wooden boxinscribed with the names of the 14 volunteers executedafter the Rising. In the centre of the box is a 70mmcalibre British shell engraved with a harp emblem. There isalso a dedication to all those who were killed during theRising.

The machine was given to Rev Fr Augustine for safekeepingafter the War of Independence but later fell into privatehands. It is being auctioned by Mullock Madeley auctioneerswith a guide price of €20,000. A surrender letterhandwritten by Pádraig Pearse at the time of the risingsold for €700,000 at auction in Dublin last May. It had aguide price of €50,000 to €80,000.

Mr Cassidy, who unsuccessfully petitioned the State to buythe Pearse letter, said the finger-printing machine was of"at least equal importance to the Pearse letter". He said"this haemorrhaging of our national treasures" had to stop.