SALUTE BCM 4th CONFERENCE ON 27TH SEPTEMBER SHIMMERING TORCH OF ANTI FASCIST RESISTANCE FOR STUDENT COMMUNITY! CONDEMN THE FASCIST ACT OF POLICE IN DENYING PERMISSION FOR STAGING PROGRAMME IN HALL ON GIVEN DAY.

Salute the valiant courage of comrades of Bhagat Singh Chatra Morcha who have proved they have the potential to turn a spark into a prairie fire and among the best sons of our land.

The authorities denied permission for the Radhakrishnan hall to be used in spite of formal permission given earlier. Heroically the BCM held the event outside the hall in the vicinity of the balcony.

Even if quantitatively weak qualitatively the event was a great success.

The Bhagat Singh Chatra Morcha have ressurrected the inextinguishable flame of chairman Mao and Naxalbari to resist the Menace of Hindu fascism staging many significant struggles on campuses in Benares Hindu university.

They have also conducted go to villages campaigns propagating agrarian revolution. In villages of Uttar Pradesh.The rally held at the end was the 1st time for ages an open rally was led by a leftist organisation. in BHU campus to Lanka gate for years which symbolised the struggle of student community against fascism.Thus 4th conference of BCM was morally a great success.

May it's spirit shimmer in campuses all over the country on the 50th anniversary of the Student uprising in Paris.I was privileged to be part of the event.

On the previous day in the closed session a review was made of all the activities of the last 2 years.A new committee was elected comprising Shailesh as the secretary,Anupam Kumar as the general secretary ,Akansha Azad as the treasurer and joint secretary.Vishwanath Kumar as vice-president.

The speakers in the meeting were Professor Pramod Bhagade,Prof.D.K.Ojha,Prof Madhu Prasad from Delhi,Harsh Thakor from Mumbai .All the speakers summarized the threat of Hindu fascsim on the education system and the infiltration of Hindutva which was endorsing all the anti-people privatisation and attacks on genuine student struggles in the campus.

Com Ritesh Vidhyarti,the former secretary summed up the semi-colonial semi-feudal nature of the state that maintained the colonial legacy and was proto-fascist in nature

He bitterly condemned the arrest of the 5 intellectuals placed under hose arrest.He narrated how the freedom movement was betrayed from 1947 itself by leaders like Nehru and Gandhi and spoke in detail about the opression of students belonging to scheduled castes and minorities.

The concluding speeches were made by Shailseh at the sammelan venur and Akansha Azad at the conclusion of the rally.

The latter explained why the rally was a historic one,being the 1st ever democratic rally permited by the authorities on the campus.

Com.Ritesth Vidhyarti spoke to me about how earlier the authorities never granted per emission for a democratic programme to be held in a hall or a protest rally in the campus.

As a result of the protracted resistance by the BCM such democratic rights for students were won.THe BCM folllows the earlier legacy of the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union and Naxalbari.No group has played such a progressive role on the BHU campus as BCM who have led many a struggle independently and in joint fronts for rights of girls.hostel students rights of SC students opposing fee rise etc.

Above all it has continued legacy of linking students movement with agrarian revolution and refuted those intellectuals in the camp who termed the mode of production as capitalist.The BCM feels it has made major qualitative strides in spite of not being a very big group numerically.They have with all their might taken on the challenge to resist fascism on student community.

“The Thirteen Roses” (Las Trece Rosas) – 13 young Spanish women aged 18-22, executed by the fascist Francoists in 1939 for being members of the Unified Socialist Youth (united Communist and Socialist Youth). Many of their comrades at the prison recall that while they were being driven away by lorry (the pic.) to their deaths, they sang the "Youthful Guardsmen" (anthem of the Unified Socialist Youth) so as to be heard by their comrades who remained in jail.Thanks to Dmytriy Kovalevich for picture and text

Why Brett Kavanaugh Wasn’t BelievableAnd why Christine Blasey Ford was.By The Editorial Board of New York TimesThe editorial board represents the opinions of the board, its editor and the publisher. It is separate from the newsroom and the Op-Ed section.* Sept. 27, 2018What a study in contrasts: Where Christine Blasey Ford was calm and dignified, Brett Kavanaugh was volatile and belligerent; where she was eager to respond fully to every questioner, and kept worrying whether she was being “helpful” enough, he was openly contemptuous of several senators; most important, where she was credible and unshakable at every point in her testimony, he was at some points evasive, and some of his answers strained credulity.Indeed, Dr. Blasey’s testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Thursday was devastating.With the eyes of the nation on her, Dr. Blasey recounted an appalling trauma. When she was 15 years old, she said, she was sexually assaulted by Judge Kavanaugh, then a 17-year-old student at a nearby high school and now President Trump’s nominee to the Supreme Court.Her description of the attack, which she said occurred in a suburban Maryland home on a summer night in 1982, was gut-wrenchingly specific. She said Judge Kavanaugh and his friend, Mark Judge, both of whom she described as very drunk, locked her in a second-floor room of a private home. She said Kavanaugh jumped on top of her, groped her, tried to remove her clothes and put his hand over her mouth to keep her from screaming. She said she feared he might accidentally kill her.“The uproarious laughter between the two and their having fun at my expense,” she said, was her strongest memory.Judge Kavanaugh, when it was his turn, was not laughing. He was yelling. He spent more than half an hour raging against Senate Democrats and the “Left” for “totally and permanently” destroying his name, his career, his family, his life. He called his confirmation process a “national disgrace.”“You may defeat me in the final vote, but you will never get me to quit,” Judge Kavanaugh said, sounding like someone who suddenly doubted his confirmation to the Supreme Court — an outcome that seemed preordained only a couple of weeks ago.Judge Kavanaugh’s defiant fury might be understandable coming from someone who believes himself innocent of the grotesque charges he’s facing. Yet it was also evidence of an unsettling temperament in a man trying to persuade the nation of his judicial demeanor.We share the sorrow of every sensible American who feels stricken at the partisan spectacle playing out in Washington. Judge Kavanaugh was doubtless — and lamentably — correct in predicting that after this confirmation fight, however it ends, the bitterness is only likely to grow.As he put it in his testimony, “What goes around, comes around,” in the partisan vortex that has been intensifying in Washington for decades now. His open contempt for the Democrats on the committee also raised further questions about his own fair-mindedness, and it served as a reminder of his decades as a Republican warrior who would take no prisoners.Judge Kavanaugh’s biggest problem was not his demeanor but his credibility, which has been called in question on multiple issues for more than a decade, and has been an issue again throughout his Supreme Court confirmation process.On Thursday, he gave misleading answers to questions about seemingly small matters — sharpening doubts about his honesty about far more significant ones. He gave coy answers when pressed about what was clearly a sexual innuendo in his high-school yearbook. He insisted over and over that others Dr. Blasey named as attending the gathering had “said it didn’t happen,” when in fact at least two of them have said only that they don’t recall it — and one of them told a reporter that she believes Dr. Blasey.Judge Kavanaugh clumsily dodged a number of times when senators asked him about his drinking habits. When Senator Amy Klobuchar gently pressed him about whether he’d ever blacked out from drinking, he at first wouldn’t reply directly. “I don’t know, have you?” he replied — a condescending and dismissive response to the legitimate exercise of a senator’s duty of advise and consent. (Later, after a break in the hearing, he apologized.)Judge Kavanaugh gave categorical denials a number of times, including, at other points, that he’d ever blacked out from too much drinking. Given numerous reports now of his heavy drinking in college, such a blanket denial is hard to believe.In contrast, Dr. Blasey bolstered her credibility not only by describing in harrowing detail what she did remember, but by being honest about what she didn’t — like the exact date of the gathering, or the address of the house where it occurred. As she pointed out, the precise details of a trauma get burned into the brain and stay there long after less relevant details fade away.She was also honest about her ambivalence in coming forward. “I am terrified,” she told the senators in her opening remarks. And then there’s the fact that she gains nothing by coming forward. She is in hiding now with her family in the face of death threats.Perhaps the most maddening part of Thursday’s hearing was the cowardice of the committee’s 11 Republicans, all of them men, and none of them, apparently, capable of asking Dr. Blasey a single question. They farmed that task out to a sex-crimes prosecutor named Rachel Mitchell, who tried unsuccessfully in five-minute increments to poke holes in Dr. Blasey’s story.Eventually, as Judge Kavanaugh testified, the Republican senators ventured out from behind their shield. Doubtless seeking to ape President’s Trump style and win his approval, they began competing with each other to make the most ferocious denunciation of their Democratic colleagues and the most heartfelt declaration of sympathy for Judge Kavanaugh, in a show of empathy far keener than they managed to muster for Dr. Blasey.Pressed over and over by Democratic senators, Judge Kavanaugh never could come up with a clear answer for why he wouldn’t also want a fair, neutral F.B.I. investigation into the allegations against him — the kind of investigation the agency routinely performs, and that Dr. Blasey has called for. At one point, though, he acknowledged that it was common sense to put some questions to other potential witnesses besides him.When Senator Patrick Leahy asked whether the judge was the inspiration for a hard-drinking character named Bart O’Kavanaugh in a memoir about teenage alcoholism by Mr. Judge, Judge Kavanaugh replied, “You'd have to ask him.”Asking Mr. Judge would be a great idea. Unfortunately he’s hiding out in a Delaware beach town and Senate Republicans are refusing to subpoena him.#Why? Mr. Judge is the key witness in Dr. Blasey’s allegation. He has said he has no recollection of the party or of any assault. But he hasn’t faced live questioning to test his own memory and credibility. And Dr. Blasey is far from alone in describing Judge Kavanaugh and Mr. Judge as heavy drinkers; several of Judge Kavanaugh’s college classmates have said the same.None of these people have been called to testify before the Senate. President Trump has refused to call on the F.B.I. to look into the multiple allegations that have been leveled against the judge in the past two weeks. Instead the Republican majority on the committee has scheduled a vote for Friday morning.There is no reason the committee needs to hold this vote before the F.B.I. can do a proper investigation, and Mr. Judge and possibly other witnesses can be called to testify under oath.The Senate, and the American people, need to know the truth, or as close an approximation as possible, before deciding whether Judge Kavanaugh should get a lifetime seat on the nation’s highest court. If the committee will not make a more serious effort, the only choice for senators seeking to protect the credibility of the Supreme Court will be to vote no.SOURCE: https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/27/opinion/why-brett-kavanaugh-wasnt-believable.html

Democracy and Class Struggle says a honest woman verses a lying Judge is highly symbolic of the corruption of power in the United States right up to the Supreme Court Level.The one thought that resonated with us as we saw the testimony of Christine Blasey Ford was her thought of her throwing herself under the train of dishonesty and lies - would it stop the train or would it still arrive at its destination- she did not want her testimony to be in vain - she wanted her sacrifice to be worth the pain - not the empowering of another representative of juridical dishonesty and toxic masculinity.It is one of the paradoxes of our time that the "moral"Christian Right in America represented by Vice President Pence lies and lends support for the most predatory sexual supporters of Trump and of course for the Predator in Chief himself.Christine Blasey Ford shows there is decency in America and it is very powerful - it must be weaponized and the Augean Stables cleaned.LYNNE BROOKES EXPOSES KAVANAUGH LIES

Wednesday, September 26, 2018

TRUMP JUST TWEETED AGAINST AVENATTI AND THE ALLEGATIONS - TRUMP HAS FALLEN INTO THE AVENATTI TRAP.

Avennatti - Go get some Justice for these women extracted out of Kavanaugh and the Trump Liars Wall that surrounds him - The Pervert Fox Channel are Kavanaugh's defenders may they burn in TV Hell.Check Out Julie Swetnik she is a very credible witness.

In Defence of the life of Chairman Gonzalo, hoist higher the flag of Maoism!
Proletarians of all countries, unite!
In Defence of the life of Chairman Gonzalo,
hoist higher the flag of Maoism!

Finally now, listen to this. As we see in the world, Maoism is marching unstoppably to lead the new wave of world proletarian revolution. Listen well and understand! Those who have ears, use them. Those who have understanding - and we all have it - use it! Enough of this nonsense. Enough of these obscurities! Let us understand that! What is unfolding in the world? What do we need? We need Maoism to be embodied, and it is being embodied, and by generating Communist Parties it shall drive and lead this new great wave of the world proletarian revolution that is coming. (Speech of Chairman Gonzalo, Sep. 1992)

We, the signing Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations, reaffirm ourselves, in this solemn celebration of the 26th year of the historical and transcendental speech of Chairman Gonzalo, in its full validity and especially in defending the life of this Titan of Thought and Action, the Great Leader of the Communist Party of Peru and the Peruvian Revolution; who has defined Maoism as the new, third and superior stage of Marxism and who established, that to be a Marxist today is to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally Maoist.

We understand that the defence of Chairman Gonzalo implies to struggle in the most consequent way to impose Maoism as the sole command and guide of the New Great Wave of the Proletarian World Revolution, which is already developing. We understand that this struggle is part of the task to reunite the communists of the world, which implies to put the principles of Marxism, the class interests of the international proletariat, the struggle for liberation of the oppressed peoples and nations, and in the end, the struggle for Communism, in the first place.

The campaign for the celebration of the 200th anniversary of the birth of the great Karl Marx – that was preceded by the celebration of the 50th Anniversary of the Great Proletarian Culutral Revolution and the 100th Anniversary of the October Revolution - has marked a leap in the struggle to unite the communists in the world. It is a campaign, principally propelled by the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Parties and Organizations of Latin America, which is demonstrating a higher ideological, political and organizational unity of a significant part of the International Communist Movement (ICM) and in its development, new forces are joining.

Since the campaign for the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Chairman Mao Tsetung, there was no similar campaign in the ICM. For no one to be confused: the campaigns to support the People’s Wars have obviously not been of the same character, as this is a campaign of Parties and Organizations with an explicit communist character – this fact calls for serious reflection, because it is an expression of how the struggle for unity is developed on practice, putting Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, the struggle against revisionism and serving the world revolution as a starting point, in summary, how the slogan Unite under Maoism! Manifests.

It is also important to highlight, for everyone who is willing to see, that an important impulse in the ICM was given in the last years. In many countries where the communist forces were on a very underdeveloped stage, Parties and Organizations that uphold Marxism-Leninism-Maoism reemerged and who struggle to reconstitute their Communist Parties that were destroyed by revisionism. The majority of these forces took clear position for the definition of Maoism made by Chairman Gonzalo. This makes some people, aloof from any Marxist criteria, label them as “Gonzaloists” and impute the left to be “sectarian and dogmatic”.

Apart from the obvious – that opportunism and revisionism have always branded Marxists this way – it reveals that they have not understood that we are in the period of struggle to impose Maoism as the sole command and guide of the Proletarian World Revolution and that when assuming Maoism as the third stage of development of the ideology of the international proletariat, many parties and organizations, in essence, have only seen it as changing one formulation, that to speak of Maoism was a “more modern” form to speak about Mao Tsetung Thought.

So the problem in the ICM is not principally rooted in that Maoism is not formally acknowledged, but how some understand it, and this is why it is important to start with who defined Maoism as the new, third and superior stage of our ideology; because it is only by starting from what was scientifically established by Chairman Gonzalo that we can understand Maoism as one unit, as one harmonic system.

If one does not take the work of Chairman Gonzalo as a starting point, one falls into eclecticism, counterposing quotes but not understanding the ideas. If we understand this, we can understand the reason why there are not few Parties and Organizations that, while taking longer time, have become stuck and have not made leaps in their processes, while those who put the most effort into learning from Chairman Gonzalo are, in general, advancing principally in qualitative terms, but also in quantitative terms. We advice those who rush to give labels to open their eyes to the material truth instead of getting carried away by their imaginations.

If we see the real state of the struggle for the reunification of the communists in the world we can see that in many aspects we are much better off than we were during the best moments of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), because although the RIM was correctly characterized by Chairman Gonzalo as a “step forward”, he also pointed out - with his proper precision – that “as long as it follows a just and correct ideological-political line” the RIM will be a step forward, and it was, and it served to unite the communists on the basis of the red line and this could be no other than the line of Chairman Gonzalo.

That is to say, the principal in the evaluation of the RIM is to state that it served the Proletarian World Revolution – and particularly the struggle to reunite the communists, while it served the struggle to impose Maoism as its sole command and guide - that is to say, the struggle which was led by Chairman Gonzalo - and that it ceased to play a positive role when the revisionists of the “RCP” from United States - taking advantage of the problematic situation of the left due to the bend in the People’s War in Peru – turned to totally hegemonize it.

We must never forget that the unity is to serve the revolution and it only serves it, if the interest of the proletariat is imposed. The unity of the communists today in the world can only be achieved on the basis of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, or else it is not a unity of communists but a kind of “front” with revisionism and opportunism.

RIM was liquidated by revisionism’s handling of the two-line struggle. The maneuver of Avakian was, to state - as a starting point of his “criticism” of the second Right Opportunist Line, revisionist and capitulationist, in Peru – that supposedly “the author would not matter, only the line”, which precisely led to centering the debate on who “the author” was. Or did this miserable not know that the communists of the world would rise when their Great Leadership was questioned? This is how the two-line struggle was derailed. The Problem for the left in the ICM was the hard and complex situation in which the PCP entered after the arrest of Chairman Gonzalo.

Despite everything, the PCP continued fulfilling its role as the Red Fraction in the ICM and the People’s War continued to be beacon and guide of PWR. Because the life of the party can never be detained and the People’s War was not stopped for even a moment. However, situations like the lack of the Great Leader caused problems in the left. The right could then state their positions (the attacks on the dictatorship of the proletariat, the “justification of peace negotiations as tactics”, the negation of semifeudality and evolution of bureaucratic capitalism, the negation of the three characteristics of imperialism, etc.) and all this remained in second place because the attention was centered on “debating” the maneuvers of the psychological warfare of imperialism and the sinister actions of traitors. Around the turning of the century, the struggle was sharpened. Then the left went into trouble and a great part fell into Avakian’s trap, the initiative fell into the hands of the right and they could lead the two-line struggle into exploding and thus revisionism liquidated the RIM.

No one can blame the Marxists for revisionism’s crimes, but this self-critical evaluation of the left is indeed necessary, its leadership lacked the necessary maturity and foresight to prevent the intrigues of revisionism, a problem that was extremely worsened by infiltration and usurpation of whole apparatuses by secret services and police of the reaction.

Prachanda has even formally renegated Marxism-Leninism-Maoism while uniting with the revisionists of UML, proving once again that he never was a Maoist, that he was never the “great leader” that those who wanted to negate what was put forward by Chairman Gonzalo and the PCP claimed so much, unmasking himself before the world as the most miserable upstart, trafficker and intriguer that has been seen in the last few decades in the ICM. This miserable can not be qualified as a traitor anymore because he has shown that in his whole life he was never a communist, but the only thing he was interested in was his personal power and this is why they have no choice but to call executioners of Nepalese revolution, such as the rats of UML, “comrades”.

Years have already passed since the gallant Avakian catapulted himself out of the ranks of the ICM. His “new synthesis” is a rupture with Marxism, is an absolute demarcation with the ideology of the international proletariat, is an open and shameless negation of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Avakian, just like Alexander, proclaimed himself god, the difference is that the latter did so to maintain his empire and to control his new forces, while the former did it to maintain his small degenerated court and to be able to continue vegetating in the mud.

Although the revisionist positions of both - principally the one of Avakian, for being the head of the right - are still repercussing and the struggle against them can not be declared finished, due to the fact that both fled from the internal struggle in the ICM they can not be taken as the center of the two-line struggle. To state that the center of the struggle is to criticize those two miserables is to put forward the conciliation with revisionism and is to leave the empty field to the right.

The principal problem is not with those who have gone away, the renegades, but the ones that are part of the ICM. Yes, their poisonous line must be dismantled and crushed, but that must be done particularly to further unite on the base of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, with the contributions of universal validity of Chairman Gonzalo and this implies to debate the central points and particularly to achieve a generalized understanding of Maoism as a unit.

There are those that until now insist on spreading the counterrevolutionary hoax (that Chairman Gonzalo is the head of the opportunist, revisionist and capitulationist right opportunist line,).They argue with what was stated by traitors (“he told me” or “he embraced me” and other gossip), with what is controlled by imperialism and the psychological warfare of the reaction (“courts” and “filtered” videos). Anything that comes from whoever wants to throw mud at Chairman Gonzalo supposedly has to be taken very seriously, has to be “analyzed” and has to break our heads to enter into a discussion “whether or not it is him”.

They are wrong, because they do not understand that “the debate” has already been closed, the communists have already taken a position and the matter is settled: It was demonstrated that Chairman Gonzalo has not denied the Party Unity Base of the PCP for a moment. He is the Great Leader of the Party and the revolution, the greatest living Marxist-Leninist-Maoist on the face of earth, keeping on struggling to transform the concentration camp of Callao Navy Base into the most Shining Trench of Combat of the People’s War. What corresponds is to defend his life with People’s War. 26 years have already passed in which Chairman Gonzalo could not directly communicate with the Party or the ICM; 26 years of absolute isolation, this is what it concretely is. That imperialism, the reaction and revisionism will continue to plot intrigues is clear, the contrary would be that they have changed their nature (a thesis of the disciples of the sacred Avakian, which is impossible), but we must not allow that these intrigues stop the advance of the communists.

To be clear: We communists reaffirm ourselves in the principle of criticism and self-criticism and the seriousness of a Party that, as Lenin taught us, is measured by its capability to assume self-criticism. This is why we do not close the door to anyone, except to those who stained their hands with the blood of the masses. Hence, if those who committed grave mistakes and errors really want to correct themselves they are very welcome; for this they have to demonstrate their condition as communists and close ranks with the left, understand that to be a Great Leader you have to move more than your “close and dear ones”, that a proletarian Great Leader is not a ridiculous big shot but someone who knows how to lead the transformation of the world.

On this occasion of celebrating a new anniversary of the Speech of Chairman Gonzalo, we particularly want to greet the comrades from the Communist Party of Peru who are advancing through firm steps in the general reorganization of the Party, that is already approaching the days of its culmination; a process that is made in the midst of the People’s War, proven one again with the recent forceful actions of the People’s Liberation Army that maintains the People’s Committees and Base Areas. We communists of the world acknowledge the extraordinary role of the PCP and no one can doubt that the culmination of the reorganization of this Party will mean a significant impulse for the Proletarian World Revolution and will be a decisive piece in the struggle for the reunification of the ICM.

We must understand that what Chairman Gonzalo said on September 24, 1992, is being fulfilled: Maoism is being embodied by the peoples of the world, is generating Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Communist Parties, is starting to lead the New Great Wave of the Proletarian World Revolution. What is up to us is to struggle for it to be further embodied, that the ongoing People’s Wars advance, that the People’s War is as soon as possible initiated in each country where there are Communist Parties, that the struggle for the reconstitution of the Parties in those countries were none of them exist gets propelled further, so that they become Parties to initiate the People’s War. Understanding Maoism as a unit, we will march with ever more clarity and firmness towards the reunification of the communists on world level, smashing imperialism, the reaction and revisionism, learning from Chairman Gonzalo.

Long live Chairman Gonzalo!
Unite under Maoism!
People’s War will inevitably win!

Signatures:

Communist Party of Ecuador – Red Sun
Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction)
Peru People's Movement (Reorganisation Committee)
Red Faction of the Communist Party of Chile
Maoist Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Columbia
Nucleus for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Mexico
Committee Red Flag – FRG
Committees for the Founding of the (Maoist) Communist Party, Austria
US Red Guards
Serve the People – Communist League of Norway
Red Flag Collective (Finland)

Democracy and Class Struggle says the revisionism of the Chinese Communist Party is obvious to all except the willfully blind - we did a short exposure based on the Communist Manifesto of the Communist Party of China here;

Monday, September 24, 2018

Dr. Christine Blasey Ford has agreed to testify before the Senate Judiciary Committee on Thursday about her allegations that Kavanaugh attempted to rape her when she was 15 years old and he was 17 years old. More than 1,100 alumnae of the Holton-Arms School, the Maryland prep school that Blasey Ford graduated from in 1984, have signed a letter in support of her sexual assault claims against Kavanaugh, saying they are grateful that she came forward to tell her story. In a letter, they wrote, “It demands a thorough and independent investigation before the Senate can reasonably vote on Brett Kavanaugh’s nomination to a lifetime seat on the nation’s highest court. Dr. Blasey Ford’s experience is all too consistent with stories we heard and lived while attending Holton. Many of us are survivors ourselves.” We speak with Holton-Arms School alumna Alexis Goldstein in Washington, D.C. She helped organize the letter campaign in support of Blasey Ford.

Democracy and Class Struggle broadly agrees with the realist view of Colonel Wilkerson on North Korean / United States relations - North Korea will retain a nuclear capability but sufficient progress will be made to keep all sides talking - you cannot dis-invent nuclear technology whatever agreements are made

Democracy and Class Struggle has always held the view that the national questions in The Russian Empire and Bolsheviks understanding of them - the upholding of the right to self determination by the Bolsheviks was critical to Bolshevik success.The two video's above of a promised three videos begins to explain the complex national questions in the Russian Empire and what they meant during the Russian Civil War.We do not share the political outlook of the producer of these videos but they are a rare look at the National Question in the Russian Civil War and we welcome that as part of the process of creating a real history of the Russian Revolution and Civil War that followed which in our view has still to be written.SEE ALSO:https://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.com/2014/12/the-formation-of-russia-and-soviet.htmlhttps://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.com/search?q=national+question+in+russia

Democracy and Class Struggle says rejection of the previous referendum so soon after it was taken, and before Britain even properly leaves the EU, will lead to a Neverendum, because neither side will then ever accept the legitimacy of future referenda.

Democracy and Class Struggle says nobody believes the Whore of Babylon the US representative at the United Nations when she says US does not want to overthrow the Iranian Government.Does anybody in the US at the CIA Special Iran Unit really understand what will be unleashed by provoking Iran - I suspect they do not.The Middle East will be a no go area for USA by the 2020's and they will only have themselves to blame.

Democracy and Class Struggle has always expressed skepticism about how solid are Russian Iranian relations.They have just become much more solid than they were by the Ahvaz terror action from US proxies.The United States has the effect of ensuring that whatever differences Russia and Iran may have had their mutual survival depends on deepening ties.Plausible Deniability or Implausible Deniability ?

US State Department spokesperson Heather Nauert told Sputnik on Saturday after the terrorist attack in the southwestern Iranian city of Ahvaz.

"We are aware of reports of an attack by gunmen on an Iranian military parade in Ahvaz.

We stand with the Iranian people against the scourge of radical Islamic terrorism and express our sympathy to them at this terrible time. The United States condemns all acts of terrorism and the loss of any innocent lives," Nauert said.

Earlier in the day, armed militants opened fire at the parade, leaving at least 25 people killed and another 60 were injured, according to media reports.The Saudi-linked Patriotic Arab Democratic Movement in Ahwaz has reportedly claimed responsibility for the attack.

"Liberals are only interested in a pillow fight we aim to wound the head".It is time to end the bourgeois liberalism's tokenism against emergent fascism and fight it with the guts and determination and backbone of our parents and grand parents.This is no pillow fight this has been and always has been and existential fight.They may call themselves different names but we know who they are they have re invented nothing they at core what was defeated and put on trial at Nuremberg War Trials - Fascists and Nazis.RT isno friend in this fight they triangulate right and left but many Russian People are deeply anti Fascist and they are our friends.

THE FASCIST FLAGS OF EUROPE IN 2018There has been “a struggle going on for several years over the narrative of WWII and the Holocaust,” chief of the Nazi-hunting Simon Wiesenthal center, Efraim Zuroff, told RT.Zuroff says it is strange that a large majority of countries who suffered at the hands of Hitler choose to freely carry on naming streets after Nazis, erecting monuments in their honor and allowing neo-Nazi marches to take place.“In many countries… that were under the Soviet Union or communist domination, there’s an effort now to rewrite the history of that period in order to do several things: one reason is to hide or minimize the role of local Nazi collaborators.Because in eastern Europe – unlike outside eastern Europe – collaboration with the Nazis in many countries meant active participation in mass murder – in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Ukraine, Belarus, Croatia.”In 2013 Estonia was bitterly criticized when its Defense Minister’s address to Estonian-born wartime veterans of the Waffen SS was criticized for saying that Soviets and Nazis were basically the same thing.Apart from outright disbelief, the Russians found it strange that in the 20 years since the breakup of the USSR not once had Estonian authorities shown any respect for their own Rifle Corps attached to the Red Army, which would at least have been fair, given how ‘equal’ the Nazis and communists were supposed to be.A similar narrative can be traced to Latvia – a country that to this day does not shy away from unambiguously glorifying fascist ideology.In 2012, a video was released of two men in Waffen SS uniforms conducting a kindergarten lesson, complete with handouts, grenades and pistols. The lesson took place on March 16, the day commemorating the joining of hundreds of Latvians with the Waffen SS to fight against the Soviet Union.Moscow has repeatedly expressed outrage over such ceremonies celebrating the Nazi past. The EU has also voiced concern.The second point Zuroff makes is that “these countries are trying to divert attention from their collaboration with the Nazis and emphasize their victimhood… under the communist regime. The idea is to try to create a false symmetry between communist crimes and Nazi crimes, in order to try and free themselves from their guilt [and] get the sympathy compensation that comes to victims…but that’s not what happened.”He believes this to be a scary distinction to make, because in the tendency for false oppositions, ideological differences between communists and Nazis are forgotten.“It’s basically part of an attempt to undermine the uniqueness of the Holocaust to try and claim that [it] is no different from the communist crimes, which might even be worse… but that is of course not the truth: the Holocaust is a unique tragedy because of the fanatic ideology of the Nazis, who sought to absolutely annihilate an entire people – which was never the case with the Soviet Union or the communists – and industrialize mass murder… it’s never been replicated in any tragedy.”What Zuroff is saying may well apply to Poland.Although the EU has long condemned the communist past, no one went quite as far as Poland to highlight Soviet crimes, although the country had suffered much more from the Nazis, including the Ukrainian national Stepan Bandera, who murdered tens of thousands of Poles. In 2010 the country passed a law prohibiting the purchase of any communist symbols or memorabilia. This includes Che Guevara posters and T-shirts.There is much confusion now over President Vladimir Putin’s attendance at the upcoming commemoration of the liberation of Auschwitz. Initial rumors had it that invitations were being sent out, but that the Russian president wasn’t on the list. This created a media flurry of comments for and against Putin’s right to be present at a ceremony, which essentially owes its existence to Soviet efforts.It later transpired that the duty of sending invitations was taken over by the Auschwitz museum – and not the government, like before. This created confusion, as invitations were swapped for informal notices, according to Polish media. Some have said this was a way to avoid the Russian head’s presence, as Moscow chose not to clarify whether Putin was indeed invited. The Russian ambassador will come in his stead. However, the president’s office pointed out that Putin takes any such ceremonies with the utmost seriousness, but had scheduling conflicts. It is also no secret that many who will be present take issue with Russia over Ukraine, something causing everyone much tension.As for Ukraine, which many are using as a catalyst for Russia’s post-Soviet expansionism, Russia’s permanent representative to the UN Vitaly Churkin had this to say: “It is deeply disturbing that the followers of [Stepan] Bandera are openly marching these days in Ukraine, displaying his portraits and fascist insignia, and are wielding considerable political power in Kiev.”Attempts to whitewash them “are not only morally repulsive, they amount to encouraging nationalist ideology, extremism and intolerance,” Churkin stated.Whitewashing Ukraine’s Nazi collaborators ‘morally repulsive’ – Russia’s UN envoyOf note here is that recently the US, Canada and Ukraine refused to sign a Russian-backed resolution against the glorification of Nazi ideology.Many experts noted that their logic seemed to compare a non-existent Soviet Union with quite real and tangible expressions of Nazism in Ukraine, for which there is demonstrable evidence.Analysts went further to stress that this refusal to sign a document that even Germany approved of is a reflection of political interests that these states would go very far to preserve.SOURCE: RThttps://www.rt.com/news/223215-efraim-zaruf-interview/SEE ALSO:https://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.com/2018/08/latvian-nazis-collaborators-arajas.html

In his new documentary “Fahrenheit 11/9,” filmmaker Michael Moore interviews the last surviving Nuremberg prosecutor, Ben Ferencz, who describes President Trump’s policy of family separations at the U.S.-Mexico border and the large-scale detention of immigrant children as a “crime against humanity.” Moore also looks at the rise of Hitler in Nazi Germany and compares it to the rise of Trump in the United States.Democracy and Class Struggle supports the Nuremberg Trials which we saw as an anchor of human values since 1945 - the undermining of these values has been crypto fascists and open fascists objective since 1945.Visit : https://democracyandclasstruggle.blogspot.com/2018/08/nuremberg-least-we-forget.html

PLEASE TAKE THE TIME TO WATCH THIS VIDEO - BOOK LAUNCH OF INDIA AFTER NAXALBARI : UNFINISHED HISTORY BY BERNARD D'MELLOW

HAIL THIS GREAT WORK BY BERNARD D'MELLOW ON INDIA POST-NAXALBARI WHICH WILL CARVE A PERMANENT NICHE AMONG THE BOOKS ON THE IMPACT OF AN EVENT THAT SHAPED THE DESTINY OF INDIA MORE THAN ANYONE

I recommend everyone to read this classic book TITLED "India-50 years after Naxalbari" by Bernard D'Mellow that most analytically assesses the impact of Naxalbari,the Maoist movement and emergence of Fascism in IndiaIt does ample justice to the genuine revolutionary movements of India particularly that of the Maoists and most illustratively and vividly describes the ruthlessness of capitalism in India and the hypocrisy of secularism and democracyIn great detail he summarizes how dictatorial or autocratic the Indian state has behaved and how the rights of Dalits and minorities have been trampled.He explains how Fascism can permeate even through the parliamentary system incorporating bourgeois parliamentary institutions of power and political parties.Arguably there were flaws on his describing India as backward capitalist instead of semi-feudal as well as underestimating potential of Protracted Peoples War.Nevertheless he has virtually devoted a chapter doing justice to the great achievements of the Maoists and the mass organization sled by them.Also highlighted the importance of Ambedkar and importance of studying caste movement.He has revealed great originality in his thinking.A great piece of research from a historical point of view.Professor Manoranjan Mohanty very accurately described how authoritarian the state was becoming when even compared to emergency period and contrasted the Indian and of semi-feudalism landlordism to that of pre-Socialist China.He also summed up the impact of the Naxalbari movement on all walks of life.John Mage of Monthly review in great detail explained how The Nazis stole the Reichstag soon after gaining power threw parliamentary means and made an analogy with the current BJP govt. and it's ideology.He narrated the similarity with how the 5 intellectuals were branded as plotting against the prime minister.A well attended meeting for the book release '50 Years after Naxalbari' was launched at Press Club Mumbai.It was chaired by Stephen Rego ,a former leader of Nuajwan Bharat Sabha in Maharashtra.It was addressed by Bernard de Mellow,Professor Manoranjan Mohanty and John MageIt concluded with a good question and answer session.Although only about 70 people attended it was qualitatively an event of great relevance when fascism is at it's helm.

Yr Aflonyddwch Mawr as part of of our plan to celebrate the 50th Anniversary of the Anti Investiture protests in Wales convened the Second Congress of the Welsh Socialist Republican Movement in July 2019.

Populism or Mass Line in Welsh National Movement Politics ?

The rise of Left and Right Populism in the Welsh National Movement is a sign of short term political opportunism and not a principled road to Welsh independence.

When we look at the Welsh National Struggle and its leadership or the broader movement we increasing see competition of the lowest common denominator – not a raising up of a principled Welsh Independence politics but its debasement.

Being all things to all men and women the core of Populist Politics lowers rather than raises the people's democratic abilities and powers.

In October 2016 at our First Welsh Socialist Republican Congress we called for an education campaign in Wales on the necessity of a Welsh Banking system and a Welsh Bank Act – we called for mass Movement on the Questions of Welsh Water and Land and Acts to protect our Welsh Resources.

A true understanding of these political questions will win people to support Welsh Independence - but work has to be done for people to come to that conclusion.

We have to raise the level of political discourse not lower it.

We have pointed out that Independencelike the term Socialism have been emptied of their content by multiple misuse of these terms and mischievous opportunists exploit this fact especially the new brand of Welsh Fascists.

We took the opportunity in our 2016 Congress to define what we mean by these terms– the loose use of these terms by Populists can make them mean all things to all people and provide the political base for opportunism of electing people who can do anything they want because we never really defined what they should achieve or stood for in the first place.

If there are no mass movements on Banking, Water and Land in Wales then there is nobody to call to account whatever political representatives are elected under the Independence banner – we do not want free agents or representatives but direct democracy of the people so we can replace opportunists who serve themselves and not the people as soon as they raise their ugly head.

Democracy and Class Struggle having to defend a social democrat from the British bourgeoisie is a new for us but the Israeli and British Media Campaign against Corbyn reaches such new lows in British politics that we are left with no option.There is a social fascist wing to the Labour Party but they are the ones trying to destroy Corbyn and working night and day with British Establishment and Israel and we cannot remain silent and must expose them and Defend Corbyn.This attack on Corbyn is a victory for the racist right as it devalues anti semitism as a term - and real anti semites can now emerge from the sewers - these sewers are directly connected to British Pro Israel Media.

Following the JNUSU polls, which saw the ABVP being defeated by the United Left with historic margins, they have again resorted to release a string of violent attacks targeting activists and sympathisers of the Left. On the face of such attacks, the students remain strong in their resolve to not let the ABVP escalate the situation in the campus. We talked to the students of JNU who told us that the newly-elected President of the Students' Union was attacked even inside a PCR van within the campus. However, the newly elected Union has requested the students to remain calm and maintain peace within the campus.

Democracy and Class Struggle says the struggle of comrades in Norway and Sweden and Denmark and Finland gives lessons for our struggles in the British Isles in the nations of Scotland and Wales and Ireland and Kernow.

SHORT EVALUATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF DENMARK AND THE STRUGGLE FOR ITS RECONSTITUTIONBy a Danish Marxist-Leninist-Maoist.This short evaluation of the Communist Party of Denmark [DKP], the struggle for its constitution and now reconstitution, is meant to provide the international proletariat with the experiences of the Danish working class. Specifically the international communist movement in Nordic countries, where conditions are very similar to those of Denmark, and where the communist parties also need to be reconstituted. In writing this article, I am basing myself mainly upon the analysis of the DKP made by the Organization for the Reconstitution of the DKP [ORDKP] in 2001; however, a degree of independent investigation and analysis has also been necessary on my own part, to determine the likely causes of the dissolution of the ORDKP in 2005.It is my hope that I am able to contribute something to the work of Danish and international communists through writing this article. It is long overdue to make an analysis and synthesis of the experiences of the ORDKP, which until now have been completely ignored.FIRST PERIOD: CONSTITUTION OF THE PARTYBasing ourselves on Karl Marx, who affirmed that the »constitution of the proletariat into a political party is indispensable to ensure the triumph of the social revolution and its ultimate goal: the abolition of classes«, we see that the international proletariat creates its own political party in each country as a counterweight to the bourgeois state, to lead the proletarian revolutionary movement against each bourgeois state. Denmark is no different. Throughout the 1800’s and early 1900’s, the Danish proletariat struggled for the constitution of its own political party, which reached three historical peaks: the founding of the Danish section of the First International in 1871, the founding of the Social-Democratic Labor Party of Denmark in 1876, and the founding of the Communist Party of Denmark in 1919.The first to put forward the need for an independent party of the working class in Denmark was Frederik Dreier, who from 1848 to his untimely death in 1853 propagandized broadly for such a party, and for improving the conditions of the working class, which had not yet transitioned into an industrial proletariat in Denmark. Dreier was a petty bourgeois socialist of the Proudhon type, but in his historical context, he played a very progressive role in bringing socialist ideas to Denmark. With his death, the Danish proletariat lost its first great leader.In the wake of the Paris Commune of 1871, the three socialists Pio, Geleff and Brix formed the Danish section of Marx’ First International. The party was formed out of the most progressive sections of the trade unions, and membership grew rapidly. However, the party was crushed by the reactionary bourgeois-landlord state after the »Battle of the Commons« in 1872, where the state cracked down on a mass manifestation of workers and the unemployed. The three leaders of the party were given heavy prison sentences.However, the three socialists were released from prison in 1875. In 1876, they wrote the laws and programme of the Social-Democratic Labor Party, known as the Gimle Programme, which was very similar to the Gotha Programme which Marx and Engels criticized. This petty bourgeois deviation reflected the class origin of the party leaders, who did not belong to the deepest masses, but rather to the publicly employed petty bourgeoisie (Pio for example was employed in the postal service). The party proper was founded in 1878, and in 1889 it joined the newly established Second International, led by Engels. It was extremely well organized, but these political issues (stemming from the petty-bourgeois standpoint of its founders) would go on to liquidate the party constitution process. Especially noteworthy is the absence of any mention of revolutionary violence or revolution from the Gimle Programme.The leaders of the party were soon arrested once more by the reactionary state, and Pio chose to leave the country altogether, escaping to the USA to become a settler. After this, a diehard revisionist clique seized the party leadership, and began pushing communists out of the party rather than confront the bourgeois-landlord state, which had even violated its own constitution in pursuit of repressing the socialists. The right of the party generated a truly black figure in Danish history: Thorvald Stauning, who sold the class and the people to first Danish capitalism, then German imperialism. The left of the party, however, generated its great leader: Gerson Trier, a staunch marxist, whom Lenin befriended during his stay in Copenhagen later on.Trier, with the international aid of first Engels and then Lenin, fought classical revisionism tirelessly for over 20 years. He struggled first for the mobilization of the proletariat against the reactionary dictatorship. He then struggled against Stauning’s bid to join the bourgeois government, which happened upon the Danish declaration of »neutrality« in World War I, which was really a pathetic attempt to benefit from German imperialism without risking Danish trade with England. This opposition to war was hailed by Lenin in 1915, in his attack against Stauning and other »cabinet socialists«. And at last, Gerson Trier left the social-democrats in 1916, when he declared that he »will not be a member of a bourgeois party«! He died shortly thereafter, but not before clearing the way for all other Danish communists, who left the party after the Great Socialist October Revolution of 1917, forming first the Socialist Worker’s Party in 1918, which merged with syndicalists and young socialists to form the Left-Socialist Party in 1919. This party joined the Communist International in 1920, changing its name to the Communist Party of Denmark.The struggle for party constitution did not end there, however. It was only completed in the hectic and intense two-line struggle of the 1920’s, which first had marxists struggle against syndicalists, then marxists against social-democrats, and then marxist-leninists against trotskyites. These three struggles became so sharp that the party even split and reformed several times, at one point having two offices which were under constant occupation by the opposing faction! These struggles were instrumental in shaping the party, which first established itself as the leader of all revolutionary mass organizations and trade unions (defeating the syndicalists), then established that all party work must serve the development of revolutionary consciousness (against the social-democrats), and then established that the road opened by Comrade Lenin and Comrade Stalin was correct and the road proposed by Trotsky would lead to aborting the revolution.Thus, after more than 80 years of struggle, the DKP was finally constituted as a genuine marxist-leninist communist party of the proletariat in Denmark. This opened the path for a creative application of marxism-leninism to Danish conditions, developing revolutionary war to seize power for the proletariat and people. One lesson stands out among many from the period of party constitution: the need for an organized two-line struggle to expose and crush revisionism and opportunism, so the party will achieve a correct ideology, line and programme, under proletarian leadership.SECOND PERIOD: THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF DENMARKFollowing the constitution of the DKP as a genuinely proletarian party, which had rid itself of petty-bourgeois deviations, the period of initiating the armed struggle began. The party followed the leninist conception of the revolution as an insurrection, which was based on a limited understanding of the Russian revolution, which we today can understand better as a protracted revolutionary war. Thus, the road of armed struggle for the DKP was one of preparing for an insurrection, not one of initiating people’s war once the party was constituted ? it is important to keep this in mind when evaluating the DKP.Through the 1920’s, the Communist International had watched the DKP closely, criticizing it when mistakes became apparent. A special commission had been formed in 1923 to this purpose. Following the two-line struggles of the decade, the left wing of the party had formed, with Comrade Thøger Thøgersen at its head. Thøgersen suffered from many »left« deviations, but his leadership was overall correct, and he was instrumental in forming a creative application of marxism-leninism to Danish conditions. However, this did not materialize in the form of a guiding thought and a great leadership, as Thøgersen was outmanouvered by the party’s right wing ? led by Aksel Larsen, a former trotskyite ? using Thøgersen’s real »left« errors as a way to unite most of the party behind the rightists.

The Comintern intervened against these »left« deviations with an »Open Letter« in 1929, and the Larsen wing used this as yet another rallying point, which led to Thøgersen leaving for reeducation in Moscow soon after. The party was now controlled by right deviationists, though its line and programme was still correct, and it had many active communists in leadership positions.In the early 1930’s, the DKP had built up a large united front of mass organizations under its direct leadership: the Red Aid, the Revolutionary Trade Opposition, the Young Pioneers, the Communist Youth of Denmark, and several others. The deepest and broadest masses were organized into these, and marxism-leninism increasingly came to influence the Danish workers and peasants, as their struggles were successfully guided and led by the party. The party faced the problem of leading the masses away from social-democracy, which had limited perspectives before the initiation of armed struggle, but which was a correct strategy nonetheless. Yet the situation changed dramatically as the crisis of imperialism progressed, and bourgeois fascism began unfolding in many parts of the world, Germany being closest to home.With the VII World Congress of the Communist International in 1933, the task for communists became very clear: to build up the united front against fascism and world war. This was the correct tactic, all things considered. But its application in Denmark suffered heavily from the lack of revolutionary communist leadership, resulting from the Aksel Larsen wing having sidelined Comrade Thøgersen, who was only then returning to Denmark from the USSR. Thøgersen had corrected his »left« errors and spoke in open support of Comrade Stalin, but he was never able to reassume leadership from Aksel Larsen, who had gained much prestige as a result of the party’s correct line and mostly correct application until then. One example of Aksel Larsen’s opportunism was his 1938 declaration that the DKP was for peaceful transition, and would never break the constitution. Thus, modern revisionism manifested itself early in the DKP.The application of the united front resulted in the party overemphasizing parliamentary work, no doubt influenced by the strong right wing inside of it. But with the German imperialist invasion and occupation of Denmark in April of 1940, these things changed. Initially, World War II was an inter-imperialist war, meaning that the communists of imperialist countries like the USA, England and Germany should oppose it resolutely, as it only meant a redistribution of colonies and semi-colonies (Germany explicitly wanted Eastern European colonies). However, this did not apply to the communists of occupied and now oppressed nations, such as Denmark. The DKP did not grasp this. It thus unfolded a tactic of submitting to imperialism, similar to the one pursued by communists in other colonies and semi-colonies, such as the revisionist leaderships of the Communist Party of Peru and the Communist Party of the Philippines. The Larsen leadership used this fact to its advantage to convince most of the party not to initiate armed struggle against German imperialism, and those few communists who defied democratic centralism to orchestrate armed sabotage were excluded.In June of 1941, Nazi Germany attacked the USSR. This changed the international character of the war to one where the first priority was to defend the socialist base, the Soviet Union. This allowed most party leaders and members to see that the road of armed struggle was a just one. And on the same day the USSR was attacked, the Danish state (headed by a coalition of all bourgeois parties and the German governor) arrested more than 300 communists and sent them to German labor and death camps. Comrade Thøgersen and countless others were among the casualties. This prompted the Larsen leadership to give in, and in its Theses of the 10th of July 1941 and the corresponding practical manual, the central committee set forth its principles of party militarization, armed struggle and a united front with the national bourgeoisie.A few dozen Danish communists who had fought in the Spanish civil war became the core of the armed resistance movement, which planned to intensify the anti-imperialist national struggle and weaken German imperialism through armed sabotage against Danish corporations and institutions which supported the war. Many Danish corporations, such as F.L. Smidth and Mærsk, supported the German war effort in exchange for use of Jewish and Slavic slave labor in countries like Estonia. These, as well as factories like Riffelsyndikatet [»The Rifle Syndicate«], were targeted. Attacks on mining provided the partisans with explosives, on weapons caches with guns and ammo, and on factories with supplies in general.The armed resistance movement developed greatly. The DKP’s prestige grew intensely, and the armed organization Communist Partisans that it led morphed into a new organization, Civic Partisans, which consisted not only of communists, but many masses from different classes (most young workers, but also many petty-bourgeois national-democrats). The national character of the war provided the DKP with a broader people to ally with, and the party marched ahead of all other partisan organizations to lead the entire movement as a national united front against German imperialism. Much of this can be compared to the Chinese revolutionary war, except for what happened next.In August of 1943, the Danish people erupted into strikes and riots all over the country, forcing the traitorous comprador government to resign. German imperialism struck hard against the people, which only intenfied the Danish resistance. More and more people joined or formed resistance organizations, and more and more resistance organizations joined the Freedom Council, the people’s government which was headed by the DKP. The resistance fighters numbered several thousands, the illegal communist newspaper »Land og Folk« was extremely widespread, the masses were mobilized broadly to help house and feed red fighters, and the party’s prestige grew to the highest levels ever seen, demonstrated by the 15% of the popular vote it gathered during the 1945 elections. The partisans were also able to carry out armed actions in the middle of the day, such as one 1944 action, where a factory outside of Copengagen was blown up and over 10 armed guards were defeated, all in broad daylight and with the support of the workers. Oftentimes, the workers were even mobilized to disarm guards themselves and participate in sabotage or evacuation, demonstrating how the DKP applied aspects of the armed sea of masses.But at the end of the war, with the steadily greater involvement of English imperialism, the party lost its leading role. After liberation, the DKP did not manage to guarantee the Freedom Council and the resistance apparatus as the New State. This was due to the dominance of the party’s right wing. In late 1945, the party joined the bourgeois »Liberation Government«, alongside the comprador traitors who had supported German imperialism just a few years before. No attempt was made to push for socialist transition, and the Civil Partisans disarmed and merged into the bourgeois army. This marked the end of the DKP’s revolutionary role. It was an historic defeat, a betrayal similar to that of Prachanda in Nepal.After this, the Aksel Larsen leadership turned its liquidationist ideology into political line and programme, pushing for »defense of the sovereignty of parliament«, »development of Nordic democratic traditions« and »peaceful transition to socialism«. The party opposed US involvement in Greenland by counterposing that the nation was »under Danish sovereignty«, openly embracing Danish imperialism. And as anti-revisionist marxist-leninists such as Comrade Thøgersen died from the effects of the concentration camp, as Comrade Stalin died and as Chairman Mao Zedong did not yet have the enormous prestige he would later get in Denmark, the revisionists in the DKP were strengthened more and more, while the anti-revisionists lost more and more ground. After Khrushchev’s denunciation of Stalin in 1956, there was no two-line struggle in the DKP on the question, as modern revisionism had already taken over long before then. As the Great Debate between People’s China and the modern revisionists commenced, the few DKP members who supported Chairman Mao’s line were expelled, and soon formed their own organizations. The line struggle had become antagonistic. The DKP had become revisionist.Thus, the DKP managed to build itself up as a genuine marxist-leninist communist party through the class struggle, eventually being propelled to lead the anti-imperialist war against German occupation. However, this occupation was all that held back the rightism which had long dominated the DKP, and the party suffered a fate similar to that of the French, Italian and Yugoslav communist parties in this respect. The key lesson to learn here is the absolute necessity of revolutionary violence, which today means people’s war: we cannot harbor any illusions about bourgeois democracy or »peaceful transition«, and attempts at peddling these must be destroyed.THIRD PERIOD: RECONSTITUTION OF THE PARTYThroughout the 1960’s, the struggle to reconstitute the DKP on a firm marxist-leninist basis commenced. Due to the experiences of the Chinese revolution and soon the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution headed by Chairman Mao, it was determined that any genuine marxist-leninist would have to adhere also to mao zedong thought. Thus, the Communist League Marxist-Leninist [KFML] was formed on the firm basis of marxism-leninism-mao zedong thought in 1968, in the wake of the 1968 rebellion and the Chinese cultural revolution. The KFML recognized the need to rebuild the communist party and learn from its mistakes and international experience; in a word, reconstitute it. This put it miles ahead of other currents in the »marxist-leninist movement« of the 60’s and 70’s, as the third worldists didn’t want to rebuild the party, and the hoxhaites soon began to refuse to learn from the Chinese experience.The KFML unfolded mass work on a large scale, overcoming the small circle tendency of many Danish marxist-leninists at that point in time. By applying the mass line, the KFML managed to insert itself into key struggles in factories owned by B&W and Nilfisk, leading the mass movement at times. By applying proletarian feminism, the organization also gained a leading role among child carers, who symbolized their adherence to mao zedong thought by wearing red cloth diapers as scarves. This influence on the deepest and broadest masses scared the Danish bourgeoisie, whose fascist representatives initiated a red scare against the KFML, talking about »cultural radicals« infecting media and education, which culminated in the »Kineserhetz« [a witch hunt against maoists, who were called »Chinese«], a conspiracy of the Police Intelligence Service and big bourgeoisie to blacklist and surveil maoists.As the KFML developed into more and more of a party, the two-line struggle developed as well. The organization had already shown a failure to apply certain aspects of mao zedong thought correctly, such as the thesis that three worlds delineate themselves, or people’s war. This was in opposition to other marxist-leninist parties at the time, such as the Communist Party of India/marxist-leninist or the Communist Party of the Philippines, who applied these theories despite not yet being maoist. As time passed, the right of the KFML became dominant, which wanted to apply economism and supported Deng Xiaoping’s revisionism. And under the guise of a struggle against ultra-»leftists« of the hoxhaite type, the rightists also campaigned against maoists in the organization, who were expelled around the time of the revisionist coup in China. Thus, when the KFML formed the Communist Worker’s Party in December of 1976, it was a stillborn party, revisionist from the beginning, which had nothing to offer the Danish working class.The left of the KFML continued to exist in a small circle in Aarhus throughout the 1980’s, first called »The Mao Zedong Circle«, then »Wave After Wave«. This group became increasingly irrelevant and dissolved on its own.In 1994, however, a new organization was formed by a group of young anti-fascists and Peruvian refugees. The organization took the name »Red Sun Study Circle«, and based itself in Copenhagen, where it organized mainly students to study marxism-leninism-maoism, which had been synthesized by Chairman Gonzalo and the Communist Party of Peru. A thorough study was made of the history of the DKP by this group, which applied maoism to Danish conditions to light the path forward for the proletariat and people of Denmark. Thus, in 2001, after years of study and work, the Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Denmark was formed, declaring:»Since modern revisionism took over and liquidated the DKP, the main problem being raised for all revolutionaries in our country is the problem of rebuilding the party, reconstituting the Communist Party of Denmark. At this question and its answer, everything begins! By beginning to solve this problem correctly ? that is, by aligning and dedicating oneself to working for enabling the reconstitution of the DKP to take place in our country ? and only that way, it will be possible to go forward. …Thus, the principal contradiction, the principal problem and the principal question raises itself for all revolutionaries: to align oneself with the reconstitution of the DKP, taking responsibility for it and in the end carrying it through. Briefly, to do it or not to do it. All other questions are derived from this one, and are therefore subordinated to and depend on this one.«The ORDKP made a thorough evaluation of the history of the DKP, which is concluded with a thesis on the reconstitution of the party. The important part here is that the Red Sun Study Circle fulfilled its historical mission, determining whether the DKP should be founded or reconstituted, whereas the ORDKP did not: it did not manage to »forge a group of comrades who are capable of assuming the leadership of this process, by raising, defending and principally applying our scientific ideology, marxism-leninism-maoism, principally maoism, to the concrete conditions of the Danish revolution«. Thus, we must evaluate the experience of the ORDKP to determine why it failed, since the thesis it put forward was correct, was the result of a thorough investigation and was in accordance with the principles of marxism-leninism-maoism.From studying the practical work of the ORDKP, it is clear that the organization centered on two-line struggle as opposed to class struggle. Class struggle is primary, as the two-line struggle arises to determine the steps to take in class struggle, in other words to serve the class struggle, and not the other way around. The ORDKP over-emphasized study over mass work. This was a serious mistake, which no doubt arose from the petty-bourgeois background of its members and leaders, who despite their correct ideology did not manage to apply the »three withs« of living, working and struggling alongside the deepest masses. The fact that several of the former supporters of the organization are now immersed in academia shows this.The organization also based itself largely around student milieus. By mainly recruiting through study circles at universities and high schools, the organization distanced itself more and more from the concrete struggles of the deepest and broadest masses, where the bulk of recruiting should be done once the organization is actually founded. The petty-bourgeois nature of the ORDKP may very well have resulted in the defeatism many of its members started experiencing as the people’s wars in Peru and Nepal went downhill, and as their work in Denmark led the organization to stagnate and lose its perspective.If the ORDKP had pushed to apply the »three withs« in a genuine way, leaving no path out of the misery experienced by the deepest strata of the proletariat except for the people’s war, the organization could have initiated mass work among these masses. It would not have degenerated and dissolved itself into progressive academia. As it stood in 2001-05, the ORDKP’s participation in class struggle was largely limited to the anti-war movement, which, while important and noteworthy, cannot be the basis of a people’s war. The ORDKP failed to develop itself and refound the DKP in the end, and today we need to learn from its mistakes more than ever. It seems that the organization never managed to develop beyond the »infantile deviations« that the early Russian communist movement suffered from (Lenin, What is to be done?), and despite the monumental work done by these comrades in the field of study, we must learn from their mistakes to center practice among the deepest masses. This is necessary if we seek to truly develop a communist party whose members represent the proletariat, and not just its upper layers who have more than their chains to lose.Today, it is more important than ever for Danish communists to learn from these important experiences, so they can struggle for the reconstitution of the DKP on a clear, marxist-leninist-maoist-gonzalo thought basis, retaking and developing the road the party left in May of 1945. The theses put forward by the ORDKP remain right and just, and we must struggle to uphold, defend and principally apply them. The failure of the organization itself was not due to a wrong ideological-political line, but rather a failure to apply the principles of marxism-leninism-maoism, which led to stagnation and a petty-bourgeois pessimism. The overemphasis on study and two-line struggle in relation to mass work and class struggle was the chief problem of the ORDKP.We must thus learn from the success of the KFML and the failure of the ORDKP to truly apply the marxist-leninist-maoist mass line, by living, working and struggling alongside the deepest and broadest masses, so as to break with the small circle tendency. We must also learn from the failure of the KFML and the success of the ORDKP to truly grasp the principles of marxism-leninism-maoism-gonzalo thought, upholding, defending and principally applying them to Danish conditions, so as to break with revisionism completely.APPENDIX»THESES ON THE REFOUNDING AND RECONSTITUTION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF DENMARK«by the Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of DenmarkBased on this short summation of the history of the working class and its party, the following theses should be emphasized:1) Principal contradiction and principal task for the revolutionaries: reconstituting the DKPSince modern revisionism took over and liquidated the DKP, the main problem being raised for all revolutionaries in our country is the problem of rebuilding the party, reconstituting the Communist Party of Denmark. At this question and its answer, everything begins! By beginning to solve this problem correctly ? that is, by aligning and dedicating oneself to working for enabling the reconstitution of the DKP to take place in our country ? and only that way, it will be possible to go forward.Chairman Mao teaches us: »Therefore, in studying any complex process in which there are two or more contradictions, we must devote every effort to funding its principal contradiction. Once this principal contradiction is grasped, all problems can be readily solved.«Thus, the principal contradiction, the principal problem and the principal question raises itself for all revolutionaries: to align oneself with the reconstitution of the DKP, taking responsibility for it and in the end carrying it through. Briefly, to do it or not to do it. All other questions are derived from this one, and are therefore subordinated to and depend on this one.2) On the reconstitution of the DKPThe next problem being raised is what the reconstitution of the DKP entails. On this, Chairman Gonzalo teaches us that it »principally [is] a struggle against revisionism«.Thus, in our case, it is a struggle: 1) against the revisionism which took over the party and then liquidated it (that is, against the inner revisionism which historically destroyed the party); 2) against the contemporary classical and modern revisionism, which still agitates (that is, against the influence of revisionism and opportunism among the working class and the people today); and 3) for the reconstitution of the party on the basis of marxism-leninism-maoism, principally maoism, a struggle for retaking and developing the road of the DKP, the ideology, general political line and programme of the party (taking into account the party building work done in especially the 1970’s). The third point is the principal one of the above, since the inner is always decisive, and the proletarian line imposes and develops itself in an uncompromising and unstoppable struggle against the bourgeois line, or in general against the non-proletarian line, which in essence and principally is a struggle against revisionism.3) On the key to reconstituting the DKPChairman Gonzalo similarly teaches us that the reconstitution of the party depends on a group of comrades (not necessarily more than a handful) who are united around the principles, willing and capable of taking it upon themselves leading the process of reconstitution and finishing it. And he teaches us that too much time is spent on centering in »gathering a certain amount of people«. Thus, the question ? as always ? »is not how many you are, but whether you want to or not«!4) On the particularity regarding the reconstitution of the DKPThe DKP has not only been seized by modern revisionism, but also actually and completely been liquidated! Thus, the task for the Danish revolutionaries isn’t to turn upside down the corpse of a »party« which today refers to itself as the »DKP« and exists inside the revisionist Red-Green Party. The task, its particularity, on the contrary, consists of reconstituting the party by first refounding it.5) On the refounding and reconstitution of the DKP»The party is the heroic fighter, which leads its own construction.« The actual reconstitution of the party is carried out by the party itself, and thus not by any organization which ? no matter its character ? neither can nor should take this task upon itself. Thus, the DKP must first be refounded before the process of reconstitution can begin. Thus, »refounding« refers to the moment of party refounding, whereas »reconstitution« refers to more than that, namely the year-long process of retaking the road of the DKP and developing it, fighting revisionism and building and forging the party as a war machine.6) On the conditions for the refounding and reconstitution of the DKPToday the conditions do not exist for, and thus it is not correct to, immediately refounding the DKP and initiating the process of reconstitution, no matter how much anybody would want to. This wish must instead be converted to action, to help bring about these conditions. The decisive condition ? the key ? for the refounding and reconstitution of the DKP is to forge a group of comrades who are capable of assuming the leadership of this process, by raising, defending and principally applying our scientific ideology, marxism-leninism-maoism, principally maoism, to the concrete conditions of the Danish revolution. At the present moment, the creation of such a group of comrades is promoted best by forming the Organization for the Reconstitution of the Communist Party of Denmark, and then developing the organization’s participation in the class struggle.Conclusion of the thesesTherefore, we do not propose the immediate refounding and reconstitution of the DKP today, but the founding of the ORDKP.Taken from the document »Resolutioner vedtaget ved dannelsen af ORDKP« of February 2001. Translated by the author of the article to which it is attached.SOURCE: https://tjen-folket.no/Sentralt/view/12814