"Let no freedom be allowed to novelty, because it is not fitting that any addition should be made to antiquity. Let not the clear faith and belief of our forefathers be fouled by any muddy admixture."
-- Pope Sixtus III

If the former, I am amused. If the latter, not so much...but it reassures me that the Machine from Person of Interestis still a few years off...

But what if they really are growing spines in India...FROM ZOMBIES???!!!???This concludes The Long Hot Zombie Summer Of 2012, kiddies, since autumn officially begins tomorrow for those of us in the northern hemisphere.

It has been quite a ride, hasn't it? From a simple Miami face-eating to a Canadian porn star and cannibal afflicted with same sex attraction disorder to the insipid "music" and demented philodoxy of Kurtsey "Like hell I'm going to bow" Frausun to zombie worms and seagulls, it has truly been a summer to forget [and regret].But the web never forgets [and knows not the meaning of forgiveness], so this summer will be immortalized here with its own label until The Singularity comes and all the world's nonsense will be burned forever into what will pass for our brains. Whither our souls then, kiddies? Whither indeed?

I came to Carthage, where I found myself
in the midst of a hissing cauldron of lusts. I had not yet fallen in
love, but I was in love with the idea of it, and this feeling that
something was missing made me despise myself for not being more
anxious to satisfy the need. I began to look around for some object
for my love, since I badly wanted to love something.

Paris Hilton's publicist is trying to do damage control after audio of the heiress making derogatory comments about gay people was posted online.

While riding in a New York City cab last week, Hilton and an openly gay
friend were talking about the smart phone app Grindr, which allows gay
men to meet and hook up.

Wrong. "Grindr" is designed and used for strangers to have as much anonymous sodomy as possible.

"Ew, ew," Hilton says, when told about Grindr. "Gay guys are the
horniest people in the world," she continues. "They're disgusting. Dude,
most of them probably have AIDS … I would be so scared if I was a gay
guy. You'll like, die of AIDS."

The cab driver recorded the conversation, which RadarOnline obtained and posted today.

Hilton's publicist attempted to clarify the former reality TV star's
comments, telling ABCNews.com that she was trying to "express that it is
dangerous for anyone to have unprotected sex that could lead to a
life-threatening disease."

The rep added, "It was not her intent to make any derogatory comments
about all gays. Paris Hilton is a huge supporter of the gay community
and would never purposefully make any negative statements about anyone's
sexual orientation."

It's not the first time this has happened. In 2010, Hilton's publicist
went to great lengths to clarify that Hilton didn't do a Nazi salute
while partying on a yacht in the South of France, though Hilton's pose and military accessories suggested otherwise. The rep claimed Hilton was merely dancing and scratching her face.

Researchers have found a disturbing trend while examining life expectancy in the United States, as the least educated white Americans
have actually seen a massive drop in number of years that they
live. The most shocking decline was in white women without a high school
diploma, who "lost five years of life between 1990 and 2008, an almost
unheard of decline. For example, one of the biggest
life expectancy declines ever seen was among Russian men who lost an
average of seven years after the fall of the Soviet Union, according to The New York Times.

The new study, by the University of Illinois at Chicago, specifically compared groups by their level of education,
as the amount of schooling one has tends to predict other health issues
as well. Less educated people are more likely to smoke, be obese, abuse
drugs, and (most importantly) lack health insurance. The gap between
life expectancy for white women with a college degree and those without a high school diploma is more than 10 years. For men, it's 13 years.

Researchers looking for a silver lining point out that the number of
Americans without a high school diploma has dropped dramatically since
1990, both shrinking the size of that pool and also making it more
likely that they will be disadvantaged in other ways. But the doesn't
change that fact that the result are still alarming. All other racial
groups at the same level of education have seen steady increases in
life expectancy over the last two decades, though overall black men and
women still do not live as long as whites.

Chicago has been called the home of "gangster government." How bad is it?Consider the following facts about the city from which
President Obama rose through the ranks of American public life, from
community organizer and local lawyer to the Illinois state legislature
to the U.S. Senate and finally the Oval Office:

»Chicago's 2.7 million residents
make up only about 21 percent of the state of Illinois' population of
nearly 13 million. Yet the city and its suburbs have accounted for 84
percent of the state's public corruption convictions in federal courts
since 1976, according to a study released earlier this year by the
University of Illinois at Chicago.» Four of the state's previous seven governors went to jail
on public corruption charges, as did a third of Chicago aldermen who
served during the period.

» New York and California have higher totals for public corruption
convictions, but Illinois leads the nation on a per capita basis.

Michael Barone, aWashington Examinercolumnist
and longtime co-editor of "The Almanac of American Politics," coined
the term "gangster government" in May 2009 in reporting how Obama used
the General Motors and Chrysler bankruptcies to aid the struggling
United Auto Workers union.Barone defined gangster government as using the powers of
public office "to transfer the property of one group of people to
another group that is politically favored."

Obama was a little more direct during the 2010 congressional campaign,
saying, according to the New York Times, "we're gonna punish our enemies
and we're gonna reward our friends who stand with us on issues that are
important to us."

The GM and Chrysler bailouts favored the UAW, an unsecured creditor,
over secured creditors in the financial community by putting the union
ahead of the financiers in the bankruptcy line for reimbursement of
losses under the Obama-sanctioned March 2009 bailout.

And, as Barone predicted in 2009, taking care of his friends was Obama's
characteristic approach when dealing with domestic issues.

Obama's $787 billion economic stimulus program, for example, included
$499 billion in federal spending, most of which was channeled through
state and local governments.

Eight of the 10 states getting the most contracts are heavily
Democratic, with highly unionized state and local government workforces,
according to the latest available stimulus award data at recovery.gov.

California with $35 billion and New York with $17 billion topped the
list of award recipients. Illinois was fourth with $12 billion,
Pennsylvania sixth with $9.3 billion, Ohio seventh with $8.9 billion,
Michigan eighth with $8.6 billion, Washington ninth with $8.2 billion
and Massachusetts 10th with $7.7 billion.

Thus, more than a fifth of Obama's direct economic stimulus funds went
to eight states to save the jobs of state and local employees, many of
whom were members of three public employee unions, the National
Education Association, the American Federation of State, County and
Municipal Employees and the American Federation of Teachers.

Between them, the trio's political action committees and individuals
associated with the unions gave $116,965 directly to Obama's 2008
campaign, according to OpenSecrets.org.

They also did independent expenditures on Obama's behalf totaling nearly
$4.8 million, plus $3.9 million against his opponent, Sen. John McCain.

But it has been in Obama's "clean energy" loan program that gangster
government has been repeatedly on display, most famously in the $573
million Solyndra bankruptcy debacle.

Solyndra's main investor was Oklahoma billionaire and Obama campaign
bundler George Kaiser. Solyndra was the first but no means the most
egregious energy loan deal that benefited Obama's friends.

While researching his blockbuster 2011 book "Throw Them All Out," Hoover
Institution fellow and Stanford University professor Peter Schweizer
and his researchers found 31 Obama bundlers and big donors whose firms
received more than $16 billion in clean energy loans and grants.

The list of recipients unearthed by Schweizer includes such luminaries
as former Vice President Gore, Silicon Valley venture capital king John
Doerr, Sergey Brin, Dan Reicher and Larry Page of Google, Jim Rogers of
Duke Energy, Tesla Motors' Elon Musk and CNN founder Ted Turner.

But one of the lesser-known names in the Solyndra scandal perhaps tells
the story better than the celebrities. Cathy Zoi was a senior White
House environmental adviser during the Clinton administration, then CEO
of Gore's Alliance for Climate Protection.

Under Obama, she was appointed assistant secretary of energy for energy
efficiency and renewable energy, a position that put her at the center
of the approval process for green energy loans and grants.

Following the Solyndra debacle, Zoi left the government to work for
George Soros as head of a new clean energy investment fund he started.
Soros had gotten on board with Obama in 2004 by contributing more than
$60,000 to his U.S. Senate race. Soros was then one of Obama's earliest
and most generous financial backers in 2008.

After Obama won the White House, Schweizer notes, Soros "had regular
private consultations and meetings with White House senior advisers
while he was making investment decisions related to the stimulus
program."

It's impossible to determine from compulsory financial disclosure
documents how much profit, if any, resulted for Soros, but, as Schweizer
points out, "Soros seemed to have a keen ability to anticipate what
Washington was going to do and position himself to potentially profit
handsomely from it."

It certainly didn't hurt that Soros had political operatives like Zoi in his pocket. AsThe Washington Examiner's Tim Carney wrote in February 2011, Zoi's tenure at the Energy Department "was rife with conflicts of interest."Her husband's firm, environmental windowmaker Serious
Materials, benefited from presidential and vice presidential visits to
its factories and was "the first window company to pocket a stimulus tax
credit -- worth $584,000 -- for investing in new equipment."

Soros was born in Hungary and made his first fortune in Europe's money
markets, but it appears that he understands the way gangster government
works in Washington in the age of Obama.

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

President Obama's controversial relationships
with radical figures like Columbia University professor Rashid Khalidi
have been well-publicized in recent years. Prior to his academic career in the United States, Khalidi
worked for Yasser Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organization when it was
classified by the State Department as a terrorist group.

Less well-known is a cluster of Chicago businessmen who formed an
Arab-American network at the heart of Obama's political apparatus. Ray
Hanania, a Chicago-based Arab-American journalist and activist,
described the network in a 2007 interview with Chicago magazine as "a
small cluster of activists" in the business community who were
politically involved.

Chief among them was Obama mentor Tony Rezko. Born in Aleppo, Syria,
home of strongman Bashar al-Assad, Rezko migrated to the U.S. in the
late 1970s and built a political and financial empire in Chicago and
Springfield, the Illinois capital.

Rezko is now serving a 10-year federal prison sentence following his
convictions on federal fraud and bribery charges related to disgraced
Gov. Rod Blagojevich and state contracting.

Rezko offered Obama a job at his Rezmar Corp. after he finished at
Harvard Law School, but the new lawyer instead accepted a position at a
Chicago firm with close personal and professional ties to Rezko. Their
relationship steadily deepened in the years thereafter.

For example, Obama asked Rezko to assess the $1.6 million Hyde
Park/Kenwood home that he and Michelle were considering buying in 2005, a
controversial transaction that Rezko's wife assisted by purchasing an
adjoining lot for $625,000. (The owner of the home and adjoining lot
insisted that they be sold together.)

Rezko and his Arab-American business associates have contributed
hundreds of thousands of dollars to Obama's political campaigns.
Following Rezko's conviction, though, Obama donated to charity at least
$85,000 in Rezko contributions to his 2008 presidential campaign.

The Chicago Sun-Times estimated Obama received at least "$168,308 from
Rezko and his circle," while ABC News put the total to be as much as
$100,000 higher than the amount claimed by Obama.

While he was in the Illinois Senate, Obama helped key Rezko associates
gain appointments to the state board that controlled health facility
contracting for building expansions.

Once his associates were appointed, Rezko sought kickbacks from
contractors favored by his friends in a process that became the heart of
the federal case against him.

When Obama became chairman of the state Senate health committee that
oversaw appointments to the medical board, among his first acts was to
gain fast-track passage of a bill to reduce the board from 15 to nine
members, thus making it somewhat easier to gain the panel's approval for
contracts.

Rezko then used his connections with Blagojevich to stack the
restructured board with his political cronies. Their appointments were
confirmed by Obama's committee, then sent to the Senate floor.

Soon thereafter, contributions from Rezko and his health board allies
began pouring into Obama's campaign coffers, according to federal and
state campaign finance data.

Dr. Imad Almanaseer, another Rezko ally appointed to the health board,
initially gave Obama $3,000. Over the next three years, he and members
of his family donated nearly $10,000 more to Obama.

Fortunee Massuda, another Rezko associate, donated $2,000 in January 2004 shortly after winning her assignment to the key panel.

Other Rezko allies who were not on the health board also contributed to
Obama. Elie Maloof was granted immunity by federal prosecutors after he
told U.S. attorneys he funneled two $10,000 contributions to Obama
through Rezko. Prosecutors noted Maloof's assertion in their opening
arguments at Rezko's trial, but no additional charges were filed.

Rezko business partner Abdelhamid Chaib donated $10,000 to Obama, then
was convicted on federal corruption charges in 2010 after trying to
pressure a Chicago hospital executive to steer contracts to Rezko
companies.

Another Rezko partner, Ali Ata, was a key witness during Rezko's 2008
federal corruption trial. He donated $5,000 to Obama's campaign and
claimed to have given an additional $10,000 in "straw donations."

Ata was a former president of the Chicago Chapter of the Arab-American Anti-Discrimination Committee.

Ata also was an investor with Rezko and Nadhmi Auchi, an Iraqi-British
businessman and former Iraqi Baathist who was on a terror watch list and
thus barred from entering the United States.

Rezko asked federal authorities in 2004 to permit Auchi to join him in
Chicago for a business deal, according to the New York Times.

Stuart Levine, Rezko's former partner and the government's star witness
in the Rezko trial, testified that Obama met Auchi at a private Rezko
reception held at Chicago's Four Seasons hotel.

Auchi wired $3.5 million to Rezko during the 2008 trial. Federal
prosecutors asked for Rezko's bail to be revoked when they discovered
the Auchi wire transfer.

Another Rezko supporter was Mustafa Abdalla, who donated $1,000 to
Obama. Abdalla put up property as collateral for Rezko's bail.

Rezko was a generous financial supporter of Chicago-based Arab-American
activist groups, including the Arab American Democratic Club, or AADC,
and the Arab American Action Network, or AAAN.

Rezko was involved in the AADC with Khalil Shalabi. Shalabi was fired
from a state government job in 2007 after the Illinois inspector general
reported he had been fundraising at work for Rezko and Blagojevich.

The Obamas attended several AAAN dinners, including one honoring
Khalidi. More recently, Hatem Abudayyeh, AAAN's executive director,
attended an April 22, 2010, Obama policy briefing, according to White
House visitor logs.

In September 2010, FBI investigators raided Abudayyeh's Chicago home
reportedly seeking evidence of AAAN being used as a conduit for funding
to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and other Middle
Eastern terrorist groups.

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

Lookee here, kiddies, a genuine cogent and germane comment [Thank goodness it was at the top of the pile!]...

FYI:
The timeline left out the influential teen years of Obama where he was
mentored by Frank Marshall Davis, Communist (card number 47544),
journalist, poet, and pornographer. "Frank" is mentioned twenty-two
times in "Dreams From My Father". Some 2,500 words are devoted to him.
All were expunged by Obama in his reading. Davis was the single most
important influence in shaping the political beliefs of the young Obamahttp://www.americanthinker...

State Sen. Barack Obama and members of an
Illinois lobbying group representing politically connected
minority-owned businesses launched a campaign in 2000 to pressure state
pension funds to help their friends and donors. Obama and his cohorts targeted state officials in charge of
pension funds for teachers, police and firemen, and regular government
employees.

Much as the Rev. Jesse Jackson had been doing for years to Fortune 500
corporations, Obama and the Alliance of Business Leaders &
Entrepreneurs, or ABLE, demanded that the officials set aside at least
15 percent of pension assets for management by minority-owned investment
companies.

If their plan succeeded, the favored investment companies would add
lucrative assets to their portfolios, which in turn would help push even
more business their way.

John Rogers, Ariel Capital Management's CEO, and James Reynolds, founder
of Loop Capital, were ABLE leaders and longtime Obama supporters. Louis
A. Holland, chairman of Holland Capital Management, was also an ABLE
leader and Obama donor.

Rogers was especially close, having played basketball with Michelle
Obama's brother at Princeton and shot hoops with Barack Obama. Reynolds
and Obama played basketball at Chicago's chic East Bank Club and golfed
at the South Shore course.

Rogers recalled the state pension scheme in a 2007 interview in which he
prudently cast it as an effort "to force other industries to have their
'Jackie Robinson' moment," just as Jackson had done with many Fortune
500 companies.

Obama not only met regularly with the ABLE leaders to plot strategy, he
enlisted powerful Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan to accompany
him in meetings with officials of the targeted pension funds.

Just as important, Senate President Emil Jones, the cagey Springfield
veteran who was Obama's legislative mentor, gave him additional leverage
by assigning him to a committee that oversaw public pension funds,
according to the New York Times.

William Atwood, executive director of the giant Illinois State Board of Investment, or ISBI, toldThe Washington Examinerthat Obama was relentless in applying pressure. "Anytime I saw him, he brought the issue up. I would see him
in Springfield or I would see him at a function and invariably he
raised the issue," Atwood said.

The campaign succeeded in early 2001 when more
than $500 million from the pension funds was transferred to Ariel and
Holland, and Loop was retained as a brokerage firm, according to pension
fund documents obtained by theExaminer.
The State Universities Retirement System of Illinois, or SURS, awarded
Ariel $49 million, while Holland got $26 million. Loop handled the
trading of 2.3 million shares, according to SURS documents obtained by
theExaminer. The ISBI awarded $178 million to Ariel. The Teachers'
Retirement System of the State of Illinois, or TRS, handed over $210
million to Ariel and $75 million to Holland Capital Management.

Ariel's assets increased dramatically following the infusion from the
pension funds, rising from $2.8 billion to $15 billion between 1999 and
2002, according to the firm's Securities and Exchange Commission
filings.

Even so, things did not go well a few years later. Ariel and Holland
were terminated by ISBI and SURS for what pension board officials
described as "underperformance."

Rogers also wasn't helped when U.S. Attorney Patrick Fitzgerald revealed
in federal court proceedings that Rogers had given $22,500 to bundler
Tony Rezko, who was later convicted of influence peddling.

Rogers' money was destined for the campaign of Gov. Rod Blagojevich,
who, like Rezko, is now serving a federal prison sentence for public
corruption. No charges were ever filed against Rogers in connection with
the $22,500.

Rogers remains an Obama confidant. He has visited the White House at
least 37 times since Obama's 2009 inauguration for both business and
social meetings with the president, senior aides in the White House and
the first lady.

Ariel's president, Mellody Hobson, received a presidential appointment in 2009 to serve on an SEC investment advisory committee.

During the 2008 presidential campaign, ABC News reported that employees
of the three firms had donated $765,000 to Obama, who was also said to
have used private jets owned by two of the firms.

Rogers now ranks as the third-biggest bundler for Obama, raking in $1.5
million for the president's re-election effort. He also is a $50,000
donor to pro-Obama super-PAC Priorities USA.

Holland and CEO Monica L. Walker have given $57,000 to Obama and the
Democratic National Committee since 2000, according to federal campaign
finance records.

Obama boasted about his success in the pension campaign during a 2007 address before the National Urban League conference.

Referring to ABLE, he declared, "some of the financial service leaders
there, they came to me and said, 'You know, we are not getting any
business from our own state pensions.' "

Obama was proud of his accomplishment. "In about six months, they got
about a half-billion dollars' worth of business," Obama declared.

The campaign was aggressive. A toughly worded
statement by the minority firms was distributed to a Jan. 19, 2001 board
meeting of the ISBI, according to minutes of the event obtained by theExaminer. The firms demanded that the fund "immediately require that
all current ISBI money managers do 15 percent of their brokerage
business with African-American owned broker/dealers." They also insisted
that 15 percent of the fund assets be allocated to "African-American
owned investment management firms."

What was left unstated was that Rogers' Ariel fund already had a small presence at ISBI, but that it was underperforming.

In 1999, for example, the ISBI said Ariel was in
the lowest 87th percentile among midcap companies on the Russell Index,
according to minutes of a special Nov. 17, 2006, ISBI meeting obtained
by theExaminer. Still, the ISBI awarded $178 million to Ariel. Ariel's underperformance continued until its termination in
2006 after Marquette Associates and Iron Capital Advisors reported to
ISBI that Ariel had "failed to meet ISBI expectations regarding
performance going back a number of years." It fell to the 96th
percentile in 2006.

In criticizing Ariel, the ISBI reported that in 2006 the firm grew only
8.35 percent, compared with an average of 17.41 percent for its peer
group.

In May 2006, the TRS also cancelled Ariel's $210 million account and terminated Holland's $75 million in funds.

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

Shortly after Barack Obama won the 2008
presidential election, Prairie State Blue, a liberal blog, attributed
his victory to the fact that Illinois' deeply entrenched government
corruption had forced "political reformers" in the state legislature
like Obama "to network outside the traditional political circles." The claim illustrated Obama's success throughout his career
at presenting himself as an outsider and reformer even as he became a
skillful operator inside one of the nation's most corrupt political
systems.

Earlier this year, a study by the Illinois Institute of Government and
Public Affairs pointed to the convictions in recent years of four
governors, two congressmen, a state treasurer, an attorney general and
11 state legislators.

"The two worst crime zones in Illinois are the governor's mansion in
Springfield and the City Council Chambers in Chicago," said study author
Dick Simpson.

It was into such an environment that Obama stepped when he was first elected in 1996 as an Illinois state senator.

Former Illinois Sen. Peter Fitzgerald, a maverick Republican and reformer, toldThe Washington Examinerthat Obama never fought corruption, even when it was being done by Republicans. "I've never seen him fight corruption. He never wanted to upset the apple cart with the Chicago machine," Fitzgerald said.

After serving with Obama for two years in the Illinois Senate,
Fitzgerald defeated Sen. Carol Moseley Braun in 1998 and served one term
in the U.S. Senate. His family has been in Illinois banking for several
generations.

In Springfield, Fitzgerald was a leader of a reform-minded state
legislative caucus known as the "Fab Five." The group's members were
Republicans who had been elected in 1992. They fought the establishments
in both major parties while seeking to increase openness and
transparency in government.

Fab Fiver Steve Rauschenberger told theExaminerthat he and his reformist colleagues were taken aback when Obama rejected the group's informal invitations to join them. "When Barack first arrived, there was a lot of hope that
maybe he was the intellectual bridge, the pragmatic Democrat from
Chicago who was not part of the machine that we could perhaps talk to
about broad-based consensus policies to change public policy that wasn't
working," he said.

"He appeared to be interested for a good 90 days," Rauschenberger said.
"In March or April of that year, though, he had made it pretty clear he
wasn't interested in risk-taking or challenging institutions or
challenging the Chicago machine's lock on a lot of the mechanics of
government in Cook County in Chicago."

AnExaminerreview
of Fab Five initiatives from 1995 to 2000 identified 22 proposals,
including sweeping government procurement reforms like requiring open,
competitive bidding for state contracts. Obama missed votes on several
of the proposals, and those he supported were approved unanimously."He was nowhere to be found on reform," Fab Fiver Chris Lauzen told theExaminer. "I reached out to Barack. My wife and I took Barack and Michelle to dinner." Lauzen said Obama "was not on the playing field. In my
opinion, Barack Obama was a product and beneficiary of how politics are
practiced in Illinois. It would be impossible to call him a reformer."

State Sen. Dave Syverson, another Fab Fiver, said, "I don't recall any
cases when he was overtly standing up to the machine at all."

Some of Obama's reluctance about the Fab Five may have stemmed from his
occasional golf outings and lunches with the state's top gambling
lobbyist, Alfred G. Ronan.

Ronan was well-known in Illinois political circles for passing out cash
contributions to supporters off the floor of the legislative chambers.
Obama himself took $10,500 from Ronan and changed his position on a
gambling bill afterward, according to the Los Angeles Times. Ronan told
the Times that Obama always paid his own way on the outings.

There was also the regular Wednesday night poker game organized by
Democratic state Sen. Terry Link. Obama and three other state Senate
Democrats in Springfield were regular attendees, along with several
lobbyists, Link said.

"It started out with five of us, then it
escalated where there were a couple of lobbyists that were friends of us
that we brought in," Link told theExaminer. "Barack was not of the machine, but he was adjacent to it,"
said Cynthia Canary, former director of the Illinois Campaign for
Political Reform, the largest statewide reform organization.

Paul Green, director of the Institute for Politics at Chicago's
Roosevelt University and a popular WGN radio host, noted David Axelrod,
Obama's campaign strategist, originated from Mayor Richard M. Daley's
camp.

"You see his main adviser, David Axelrod, who also was Daley's chief
adviser and ran his campaigns. So it was very much that Obama's people
were in the Daley camp."

A month after Daley's patronage chief was
indicted for rigging city jobs and promotions, Axelrod defended
patronage in a 2005 Chicago Tribune op-ed. He argued that to satisfy
constituent needs, politicians are often forced to "use the influence
they have to meet those needs, including sometimes the exchange of
favors -- consideration for jobs being just one." Fitzgerald said Obama never confronted Daley. "He never took
on Mayor Daley, even when clearly city hall was out of bounds. He never
fought corruption in Cook County government."

Canary said Obama's endorsement of Rod Blagojevich and other Daley allies worried her.

"Obama has made a number of endorsements, not just the Blagojevich one
-- he gave a number for the Chicago City Council that were complete
whack jobs. I have never understood it or why he felt he needed to it,"
she said.

Some have noted that Obama helped write a 1997 legislative gift ban. The bipartisan effort included 23 exemptions.

Green pointed out that the gift ban didn't stop corruption. "In 1998,
George Ryan was governor; now he's in prison. After him, Rod Blagojevich
went to prison, so clearly it didn't have any impact."

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

Four years after Barack Obama's historic election
as president, little seems to have changed for the African-American
communities on Chicago's South Side. The lack of change -- or the sense that these neighborhoods
are getting worse -- is eroding the president's standing among
African-Americans in his hometown.

In 2011, Chicago suffered the third-highest black jobless rate among the
nation's major metropolitan areas, at 19 percent, according to the
liberal Economic Policy Institute.

Chicago still lacks enough affordable housing. Not only did the city
demolish 25,000 public housing units in the previous decade, it also
experienced more than 80,000 foreclosures, mainly in low-income
neighborhoods.

Chicago "black nationalist" Eddie Read contends
Obama has never fought for the black community. "I would not honestly
tag Obama as a fighter for black people, black agenda or black issues,"
Read toldThe Washington Examiner. After Obama's election, Read said, "I hoped that it would change."

But four years later, as he looks around Chicago's neighborhoods, he said things haven't improved under Obama.

"I don't see where the quality of life or the quality has changed," he said, "except that it's worse."

Dr. Conrad Worrill is an African-American
educator, activist and former radio talk show host on Chicago's
African-American-oriented station WVON. He told theExaminerthat Obama was an inspirational speaker who moved people. But in the end, he became just another Chicago politician. "His rise in politics, his trajectory in politics has led
him to make adjustments in his political decision-making. And that's the
case with many politicians. So he's no different from many others in
that regard. He's a politician," Worrill said.

Cheryl Johnson and her mother, Hazel, lived in the economically deprived
Altgeld Gardens housing project when young Obama was a community
organizer there. Her late mother also was an organizer at the housing
complex and often welcomed Obama into her kitchen.

"He's everybody's president," Cheryl Johnson told theExaminer,
saying she is proud she knows him. But has he made a difference? "We,
as poor people, don't feel it and don't see it," she said. Read believes
Obama's problem is that he does not understand the unique needs of
Chicago blacks. "Obama came through Chicago through Saul Alinsky
organizing," he said. "The Alinsky piece seemed to have had an agenda
about what it thought was in the best interest of black folks, from the
white liberal perspective."

Obama instead allied himself with Chicago's MacArthur Foundation, local
housing nonprofits and real estate developers. Valerie Jarrett and
Allison Davis, Martin Nesbitt and Tony Rezko -- all Obama friends --
were at the epicenter of that powerful coalition.

Obama's low-income-housing campaign still
resonates among Chicago's poor today. Deborah Taylor, a public housing
tenant in the Kenwood section of Chicago, also told theExaminerthings are as bad as ever for poor tenants. "The residents at the end of the day still suffer here," she
said. "A lot of times a lot of people start out idealistically thinking
they are helping," Taylor said.

"I don't think any of them are in favor of the tenants," she said.
"Everybody's in it for the money. It's all about profit now. So the
residents lose, lose, lose."

D'Anna Carter, a neighborhood activist in Chicago's Woodlawn section,
singled out the Habitat Co., which was run by Jarrett, now Obama's
closest White House adviser.

"They were never interested in poor people," she told theExaminer. "They would sell poor people a bill of goods," she said bitterly in an interview. Wardell Lavender has been a Woodlawn resident since 1951.
His was the first black family to move into the neighborhood. He also
blames Habitat.

"Habitat wasbad landlords at the time. They didn't care too much about the blacks," he told theExaminer. According to the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban
Development, the enticement to the poor to buy condos they could not
afford caused widespread losses in Chicago.

Foreclosures fell hard on Chicago's poor residents. The Urban Institute
reported in May 2009 that most were displaced or homeless, credit
ratings were damaged and violence increased as empty units remained
vacant.

Worrill said he still supports Obama but adds that the lack of progress in Chicago's black community is palpable.

"He has been supported, but the position he's in now, he's in a heck of a predicament."

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

Barack Obama's carefully constructed image as a
civil rights lawyer who wanted to heal the black community was greeted
with skepticism by some Chicago activists.

"I never drank the Kool-Aid about Barack Obama," veteran Chicago black activist Eddie Read toldThe Washington Examiner. Read is president of the Black Independent Political Organization, one of Chicago's largest black community groups. Read -- who describes himself as a "black nationalist" --
said Chicago streets are filled with genuine "street gangsters" and
phonies known as "studio gangsters." The latter are impersonators who
make money acting in studio-produced rap videos.

The same dichotomy is found among Chicago's street activists, Read said.
"So what you get from me is I'm still up in the air on whether or not
my brother Obama was a real activist or a studio activist."

Robert Stark, director of the liberal Harold Washington Institute for Research and Policy Studies, told theExaminerthat
the demolition effort required to clear the way for the new
affordable-housing projects advocated by Obama was disastrous for
low-income blacks on Chicago's South Side. "Obviously, when you're talking about the demolition of
housing, there has been a great deal of controversy because poor people
were not given an opportunity to come back to the housing that replaced
the demolished housing," said Stark, whose institute is based at
Northeastern Illinois University.

Wardell Lavender is a tenant activist who has
lived in the Woodlawn section of Chicago since 1951. "We don't know what
happened to those people," Lavender told theExaminer. "What we didn't do was keep track of them because a lot of them ended up homeless." Obama's toughest critic on the Left, however, was the late
Robert Fitch. Fitch, a radical leftist and freelance journalist who
specialized in urban politics and economics, said Obama surrounded
himself with people who got rich on Chicago's $1.6 billion neighborhood
demolition program known officially as the Plan for Transformation.

At least 25,000 low-income apartments in Chicago were destroyed under
the program, which forced thousands of black families -- many of whom
lived in Obama's state Senate district -- to move out of the city.
Obama's political allies directed the effort.

"What we see is that the Chicago core of the Obama coalition is made up
of blacks who've moved up by moving poor blacks out of the community,"
Fitch charged in a 2008 speech before the Harlem Tenants Association.
Fitch died in 2011.

Fitch claimed in that speech that Obama sold out to a corrupt Chicago
establishment. "Obama's political base comes primarily from Chicago FIRE
-- the finance, insurance and real estate industry," he said.

"It's also true that key black members of the Obama inner circle are
Daley administration alumni, but they've moved up -- now they're part of
Chicago FIRE," he said.

Fitch singled out Obama's most trusted aide, Valerie Jarrett, as one who
stood out among those who made fortunes as real estate operators.
Jarrett once worked for Mayor Daley, then later became CEO of the
Habitat Co., one of the city's largest real estate development firms.

Fitch also criticized Martin Nesbitt, Daley's former head of the Chicago
Housing Authority and vice president of Pritzker Realty. Like Jarrett,
Nesbitt is among Obama's closest personal friends.

Also in Fitch's cross hairs was Allison Davis, Obama's law firm boss who
built a real estate empire by dealing in low-income housing with
business partner Tony Rezko, Obama's mentor who is now serving a federal
prison sentence.

In that 2008 speech in Harlem, N.Y., Fitch also blasted Chicago church
leaders who he said profited on the poor. Chief among these "real estate
reverends," as Fitch called them, was Bishop Arthur Brazier.

Brazier, a close Obama confidant and law client, ran the crumbling Grove
Parc project alongside his Apostolic Church of God. Jarrett, Davis and
Rezko were all involved with Grove Parc. Grove Parc is still owned by
WPIC but has more recently been managed by the Project on Affordable
Housing, a Boston-based nonprofit organization that obtains large,
multifamily properties and refinances them for long-term affordability.

Three weeks after Obama won the 2008 election, Fitch warned his Harlem
audience about "hope and change," saying, "we have to make some
distinctions between the change they believe in and the change we
believe in; between our interests and theirs."

Michael Hudson, a real estate economist at the University of
Missouri-Kansas City, was Fitch's editor at the Village Voice. He said
Fitch despised Chicago political insiders like Obama, who, he argued,
became wealthy while cloaking themselves as reformers.

"Bob Fitch's basic premise," Hudson told theExaminer,
"was to show that the reform Democrats always have been the
pro-financial real estate interests to do insider dealings. They are
people who wear halos when in fact they are predators." Hudson said Fitch thought the Plan for Transformation was a
con game. "The essence of a con game is to pose as you're doing a public
service. That's the cover story for getting the public money both to
redevelop buildings or to get rid of all the tenants."

Obama's political endorsements also worried liberal reformers concerned
about good government. Cynthia Canary, former head of the Illinois
Campaign for Political Reform, recalled Obama's endorsement of corrupt
officials like the imprisoned Gov. Rod Blagojevich and Chicago City
Council members.

"The thing that startled me," she said, "was when
Obama made endorsements of certain City Council members and people who
we already knew were in trouble," she told theExaminer.

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

Writing in his 1995 autobiography, "Dreams from
My Father," Obama said he became "a civil rights lawyer" because "to
lend meaning to a community's suffering and take part in its healing --
that required something more." There was indeed "something more" to Obama's legal career,
but it wasn't civil rights litigation at the Chicago law firm of Davis,
Miner, Barnhill & Galland, where he was employed for a decade.

"He spent about half his time working with Bill
Miceli and my former partner, Allison Davis, and that team," senior
partner Judson Miner toldThe Washington Examiner. Most of the entries on Obama's client list for the firm from that period were in real estate, construction and finance. Miceli and Davis were the partners in charge of the firm's
housing and real estate practices. Davis would later leave the firm to
join Obama mentor Tony Rezko in the real estate development business.

In March 1994, a year before "Dreams" was published, Obama was the lead
defense attorney on an obscure case in Cook County Court that has
heretofore escaped examination by the national media.

In this case, Obama defended a Chicago slumlord and powerful political
ally who was charged with a long list of offenses against poor
residents. The defendant was the Woodlawn Preservation & Investment
Corp., controlled by Bishop Arthur Brazier, a South Side Chicago
preacher and political operator.

Brazier's burgeoning real estate empire included a low-income housing
project at 6223 South University. Today, MapQuest describes the Woodlawn
neighborhood as "quaint and sedate." But in the winter of 1994, it was a
frigid hell.

Brazier was closely allied with Obama and his firm, not least because
Davis was on WPIC's Board of Directors. Davis was also the corporation's
registered agent, and he received the court summons when the city filed
suit on the South University apartments.

Brazier's WPIC had failed for nearly a month to supply heat and running
water for the complex's 15 crumbling apartments. On Jan. 18, 1994, the
day the heat went off, Chicago's official high temperature was 11 below
zero, the day after it was 19 below.

Even worse, the residents were then ordered to leave the WPIC complex in
the winter chill without the due process they would have been afforded
by an eviction procedure.

In court documents reviewed byThe Washington Examiner,Daniel
W. Weil, commissioner of Chicago's Buildings Department, slammed WPIC
for multiple municipal code violations, including "failure to maintain
adequate heat," failure "to provide every family unit with approved
heating facilities," and "failure to provide adequate" supplies of
either hot or cold running water. Things were so bad that the city's outraged corporation
counsel declared that "the levying of a fine is not an adequate remedy"
and asked the court for a permanent injunction against WPIC, appointment
of a receiver and imposition of a lien on WPIC to pay for repairs,
attorneys' fees and court costs.

But Obama did his work so well that in the end, on March 3, 1994, the
court simply fined WPIC $50. Only then did Obama tell the court of the
forcible removal of tenants in the bitter cold.

An experienced Chicago housing attorney who reviewed the case at theExaminer'srequest
said $50 fines against politically powerful slumlords were not uncommon
at that time. The lawyer, who currently works for the city, asked to
remain anonymous for fear of reprisal. The attorney termed the forcible removal of the residents in
the frigid Chicago winter "outrageous," and said it looked like "a way
to avoid a lengthy eviction process by law. And if the tenants had
leases, they should have been bought out with a cash payment in return
for leaving the premises early."

The South University apartments eventually became part of a real estate
syndication deal that Obama helped negotiate. Brazier remained as the
controlling general partner, while the syndicated investors became
limited partners.

The merging of Brazier's insider contacts and influence with the limited
partners' financial resources enabled them to benefit collectively from
bigger, more profitable deals than they would have each been able to do
individually.

A Chicago housing expert with direct knowledge of WPIC's real estate dealings told theExaminerthat the syndication deal involving the apartments likely was being negotiated when the building lost heat. "The property was one of five or six that was bundled
together into a partnership and syndicated with tax credits," he said.
It was a "prelude to being put into the partnership, which it ultimately
was for purposes of the refinancing and syndication."

The WPIC case illustrates how Obama functioned at the center of a
historic accommodation then developing between the Daley machine and its
traditional opponents among the city's liberal reformers.

Lubricating the deal was a flood of public and nonprofit federal and
state tax credits and funding for low-income-housing projects that would
enrich developers and empower ambitious politicians like Obama, at the
expense of taxpayers and, especially, the poor.

Brazier was not merely an Obama legal client. A disciple of Chicago's
famous radical activist Saul Alinsky, Brazier was also a close political
ally of Daley's and one of the key movers and shakers among the city's
progressive political elite who in the years ahead would advance Obama
at every turn.

Obama also did legal work involved in the establishment of four
Brazier-Rezko limited partnerships: Woodlawn Partners Ltd., Central
Woodlawn Partnership, KRMB Limited Partnership and Woodlawn Drexel Ltd.
Partnership. Rezko is now serving a 10-year federal prison sentence for
fraud and attempted bribery on state government contracts.

The former Obama firm still represents WPIC, as well as Brazier's
church, the Apostolic Church of God, and his Fund for Community
Redevelopment and Revitalization. Brazier's son now oversees the
properties.

As Brazier clung to life in 2010 in a Chicago hospital, Obama called him
from the White House for what relatives described as an extremely
tearful farewell.

Shortly after Brazier died, Obama issued a statement saying of the man
he had once helped put 15 poor families on the street in the dead of
winter:

"There is no way that we can replace the gentle heart and boundless
determination that Bishop Brazier brought to some of the most pressing
challenges facing Chicago and our nation."

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

Few doubt that Barack Obama's stirring oration
before the 2004 Democratic National Convention vaulted him into the
national limelight.

But another, less-heralded Obama address -- delivered on
Valentine's Day 1997 at First Chicago Bank -- was equally essential to
his later successes. Without it, it is doubtful that he would have ever
been in position to assume so prominent a role in 2004.

Obama was a newly elected Illinois state senator in 1997 when he
addressed an audience that included many of Chicago's most powerful
political insiders and activists, nonprofit executives, business movers
and shakers, and philanthropic funders.

The occasion was a meeting of the Futures Committee, an elite Chicago
civic leadership group created by the Local Initiatives Support Corp.,
or LISC, a liberal, nonprofit, low-income-housing activist group.

No authenticated text of Obama's speech -- which was billed beforehand by LISC in a promotional flier obtained byThe Washington Examineras "a local perspective on effective communities" -- is now known to exist.

But people interviewed by theExaminerwho
heard him speak say Obama laid out a powerful vision for a political
strategy that ultimately reshaped housing activism on the Left, first in
Chicago and then nationwide, even as it paved the way for an
accommodation between the corrupt political machine of Mayor Richard M.
Daley and its long-standing nemesis, the city's coalition of white
liberal reformers and black community organizers.

Obama described a practical strategy for building on the
federal Low Income Housing Tax Credit, or LIHTC, contained in the 1986
Tax Reform Act, plus federal, state and local funds and programs, to
create new public-private development partnerships.

The LIHTC encouraged the partnerships needed to unite government
officials and progressive nonprofit activists behind the cause of
building thousands of new affordable-housing units, first on Chicago's
poor South Side and then, as the movement spread, to similar
neighborhoods across the nation.

Obama spoke at a time of great ferment on the Left in which federal
housing policies became a central focus for political activism.

He was drawing from the same well that had produced the Community
Reinvestment Act, relaxed federal standards for mortgage qualifications,
and creative financial packaging of subprime loans, but doing so in a
manner uniquely matched to conditions on the political ground of
Chicago.

Public-private partnerships for affordable-housing projects were not a
new idea to some of Obama's listeners, since philanthropic groups like
the Ford Foundation and the MacArthur Foundation had been promoting the
concept for several years.

Not coincidentally, it was a MacArthur vice president, Rebecca Riley,
who arranged for Obama to speak at the Valentine's Day gathering.

Obama's innovation was to expand the concept beyond simply building
affordable apartments and high-rises. It encompassed a cradle-to-grave
vision of providing for the material needs of the low-income families
residing in the new housing, including their schools, child care, job
training, medical coverage, clothing and food.

In turn, the residents would campaign and vote for the officials
advocating the partnerships, adding significantly to their political
power.

Left unstated was the underlying reality that politically connected
developers who built the housing would profit handsomely and could be
expected to gratefully give millions of dollars in campaign
contributions to politicians like Obama who made it all possible.

Chicago thus became the proving ground for Obama's vision, which,
according to LISC spokesman Joel Bookman, "really changed the direction
of community development in Chicago and ultimately nationally."

It was an irresistible combination of money, politics and idealism that
also offered endless opportunities for greed and tragic abuse of the
poor.

That made it an ideal tool for uniting the Daley machine with the reform
coalition that had elected Harold Washington as the city's first
African-American mayor in 1983. (Richard M. Daley, who reinvigorated the
machine and became mayor in 1989, was the son of the machine's founder,
Richard J. Daley, who died in 1976.)

The key to Obama's vision in Chicago, according to Marilyn Katz, was the
city's most famous radical: "Remember, this is the community of Saul
Alinsky. And most of the first housing groups were the Alinsky groups
who were still banging at the door."

Katz, an influential Chicago public relations executive and longtime
Obama friend and political operative, has visited the White House more
than two dozen times since 2009.

Like so many in the liberal power base that served as a springboard for
Obama, Katz had activist roots stretching back to her days as a Students
for a Democratic Society operative in Chicago.

A Futures Committee handout for the Valentine's Day meeting titled,
"Barack Obama's principles of community development," said the proposed
program had "to organize around production, not just consumption."

Such words were a clarion call to activists raised on a thousand
variations of the Marxist labor theory of value and capitalist
alienation.

"He really questioned the kind of surrogate
capitalist strategy that most of the nonprofit community-based
organizations had been pursuing," Katz told theExaminer.

"And he suggested that a real estate strategy for
redevelopment of communities was not enough and that you had to really
go into the quality-of-life issues, education, wealth building,
amenities that were the hallmarks of any community needs," she said.

Obama's vision "changed the direction and the nature of the 123 groups
that were working in the various communities in the city. It was a very
influential speech," she said.

The LISC vision speech was a critical turning point for Obama because
his position with the Chicago law firm of Davis, Miner, Barnhill &
Galland put him at ground zero with what Katz called "the tangential and
interlocking circles between the Left-liberal political community, the
urban redevelopment community, the legal community and politicos" who
controlled Chicago, then and to this day.

It was from that point that Obama cultivated the personal, professional
and political relationships that would serve him well all the way to the
White House.

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

Time magazine gushed in 2008 about Barack Obama's
12-year tenure as a law lecturer at the University of Chicago Law
School, saying, "Within a few years, he had become a rock-star professor
with hordes of devoted students."

That may have been true during his first two years, when he
ranked first among the law school's 40 instructors, with students giving
him a rating of 9.7 out of a possible 10.

But law student evaluations made available toThe Washington Examinerby the university showed that his popularity then fell steadily.

In 1999, only 23 percent of the students said they would
repeat Obama's racism class. He was the third-lowest-ranked lecturer at
the law school that year. And in 2003, only a third of the student
evaluators recommended his classes.

His classes were small. A spring 1994 class attracted 14 out of a
student body of 600; a spring 1996 class drew 13. In 1997, he had the
largest class of his tenure with 49 students. But by then, his student
rating had fallen to 7.75. Twenty-two of 40 faculty members ranked
higher than Obama.

Some former faculty colleagues today describe Obama as disengaged, doing
only what was minimally required and almost never participating in
faculty activities.

And, unlike others on the Chicago Law School faculty who published
numerous articles in legal journals, Obama's byline did not appear in a
single legal journal while he taught there.

By comparison, more prominent legal scholars on the Chicago faculty
wrote frequently. Federal Judge Richard Posner published 132 legal
articles from 1993 to 2004, and federal Judge Frank Easterbrook
published 32 legal articles from 1992 to 2004.

Obama has often cited his days at the law school as an important part of
his preparation for the presidency. At a March 30, 2007, fundraiser,
for example, he said, "I was a constitutional law professor, which
means, unlike the current president, I actually respect the
Constitution."

From 1992 until 2004, Obama taught three courses: "Current Issues in
Racism and the Law," "Voting Rights and the Democratic Process," and
"Equal Protection and Substantive Due Process."

Obama wasn't a professor; he was a lecturer, a position that the Chicago
Law School said in 2008 "signifies adjunct status." He was elevated to a
"senior lecturer" in 1996, the year he was first elected to the
Illinois Senate in Springfield.

The new faculty status put him on par with Posner, Easterbrook and a
third federal judge, Diane Wood. As the Chicago Law School explained,
senior lecturers "have high-demand careers in politics or public service
which prevent full time teaching."

Senior lecturers were, however, still expected to
participate in university activities. University of Chicago Law School
Senior Lecturer Richard Epstein toldThe Washington Examinerthat Obama did not do so.

Obama, Epstein said, "did the minimal amount of work to get
through. No one remembers him. He was not a participant in luncheons or
workshops. He was here and gone."

Robert Alt, a former Obama student, echoes Epstein, tellingthe Examinerthat "I think it's fair to say he wasn't engaged in the intellectual life of Chicago outside of the classroom."

Alt is director of the conservative Heritage Foundation's Rule of Law Programs and a senior legal fellow.

Alt said, "When you have faculty giving faculty lectures, you'd
literally have packed rooms in which it's not unusual to have just all
the big names of the university. It wasn't unusual to see Easterbrook
and Posner, and it wasn't unusual to see the Nobel laureates attending
as well."

Even so, Alt said, "I never remember ever seeing Obama in the audience."

Obama was also a no-show for the faculty workshops, nonclassroom
lectures and moot court cases judged by sitting members of the Seventh
Circuit Court of Appeals of the U.S. Current Chicago Law School
professor Lisa Bernstein said faculty lecturers are still encouraged to
participate in as many such events as possible.

The pattern of minimal performance at the Chicago campus was not an
exception to the rule for Obama. In the state Senate during the same
years he was lecturing, Obama voted "present" nearly 130 times, the most
of any legislator in the chamber.

When then-Sen. Hillary Clinton made Obama's state Senate voting record
an issue in their Democratic presidential primary contest in 2007, the
New York Times said it found at least 36 instances when Obama was the
lone "present" vote or was one of six or fewer lawmakers casting that
vote.

And during his lone term as a U.S. senator, according to Gov Track.us:
"From Jan 2005 to Oct 2008, Obama missed 314 of 1300 recorded or roll
call votes, which is 24.0%. This is worse than the median of 2.4%."

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

First lady Michelle Obama told the Democratic
National Convention that "Barack and I were both raised by families who
didn't have much in the way of money or material possessions."

It is a claim the president has repeated in his books, on
the speech-making circuit and in countless media interviews. By his
account, he grew up in a broken home with a single mom, struggled for
years as a child in an impoverished Third World country and then was
raised by his grandparents in difficult circumstances.

The facts aren't nearly so clear-cut.

Ann Dunham was just 18 years old when she gave birth to Obama. She was a
freshman at the University of Hawaii. His Kenyan father, Barack Hussein
Obama Sr., was a few years older than Ann. They were married against
family wishes.

Obama Sr. does not appear to have been welcoming or compassionate toward
his new wife or son. It later turned out that he was secretly married
to a Kenyan woman back home at the same time he fathered the young
Obama.

He abandoned Obama Jr.'s mother when the boy was 1. In 1964, Dunham
filed for a divorce that was not contested. Her parents helped to raise
the young Obama.

Obama's mother met her second husband, an Indonesian named Lolo Soetoro,
while working at the East-West Center in Hawaii. They married, and in
1967, the young Obama, then known as Barry Soetoro, traveled to
Indonesia with his mother when the Indonesian government recalled his
stepfather.

In Indonesia, the family's circumstances improved dramatically.
According to Obama in his autobiography "Dreams from My Father," Lolo's
brother-in-law was "making millions as a high official in the national
oil company." It was through this brother-in-law that Obama's stepfather
got a coveted job as a government relations officer with the Union Oil
Co.

The family then moved to Menteng, then and now the most exclusive
neighborhood of Jakarta, where bureaucrats, diplomats and economic
elites reside.

A popular Indonesia travel site describes Menteng: "Designed by the
Dutch Colonial Government in 1920s, Menteng still retains its graceful
existence with its beautiful parks, cozy street cafes and luxurious
housing complexes."

In 1971, his mother sent young Obama back to Hawaii, where his
grandmother, Madelyn, known as Toots, would become one of the first
female vice presidents of a Honolulu bank. His grandfather was in sales.

Obama's grandparents moved the same year into Punahou Circle Apartments,
a sleek new 10-story apartment building just five blocks from the
private Punahou School, which Obama would attend from 1971 to 1979.

Obama explains in "Dreams from My Father" that his admission to Punahou
began "the start of something grand, an elevation in the family status
that they took great pains to let everyone know."

To his credit, Obama did not downplay Punahou's upscale status, noting
in his autobiography that it "had grown into a prestigious prep school,
an incubator for island elites. Its reputation had helped sway my mother
in her decision to send me back to the States."

Obama also admitted in the book that his grandfather pulled strings to
get him into the school. "There was a long waiting list, and I was
considered only because of the intervention of Gramps's boss, who was an
alumnus."

The school still features a lush hillside campus overlooking the Waikiki
skyline and the Pacific Ocean. It was one of the most expensive schools
on the island, and both Obama and his half sister Maya Soetoro-Ng
received scholarships.

While the Dunhams were not among the wealthiest families on the island,
he nevertheless studied and socialized with the children of the social
and financial elite. Obama has said he didn't fit in at the school. But
that's not how other Hawaiians remember it.

Associated Press writer Sudhin Thanawala reported from Honolulu in 2008
that "classmates and teachers say Obama blended in well. He served on
the editorial board of the school's literary magazine, played varsity
basketball and sang in the choir. He went on the occasional date."

In his recent book "Barack Obama: The Story," Washington Post reporter
David Maraniss said the future chief executive often smoked marijuana
with prep school friends, rolling up the car windows to seek "total
absorption," or "TA." They called themselves the "Choom Gang."

Edward Shanahan, a retired newspaper journalist who now edits
downstreet.net and makes no effort to conceal his admiration for Obama,
retraced his Hawaii years shortly after the president was elected.

Shanahan wrote that Obama lived in a "well-off neighborhood near the
University of Hawaii where Barry, as he was known, resided in a
comfortable home with his mother and her parents before she took him to
Indonesia."

Sanahan said "our tour ended up on the lush, exquisitely maintained and
altogether inviting campus of Punahou School, which we can imagine was a
place of great comfort for Obama."

Tellingly, Obama has never lived in a black neighborhood. Maraniss
reported in his book that when leftist activist Jerry Kellman
interviewed Obama for a community organizing job in Chicago, he asked
Obama how he felt about living and working in the black community for
the first time in his life.

Obama accepted the job but chose not to live among those he would be
organizing. Instead, he commuted 90 minutes each way daily from his
apartment in Chicago's famous Hyde Park to the Altgeld Gardens housing
project where he worked.
It was an early instance of Obama presenting himself one way while acting in quite a different way.Reporting for this special report by Richard Pollock, Examiner staff writer.

* An Asian presiphant, of course. An African presiphant would be racist.

About Me

First of all, the word is SEX, not GENDER. If you are ever tempted to use the word GENDER, don't. The word is SEX! SEX! SEX! SEX! For example: "My sex is male." is correct.
"My gender is male." means nothing. Look it up.
What kind of sick neo-Puritan nonsense is this? Idiot left-fascists, get your blood-soaked paws off the English language. Hence I am choosing "male" under protest.