LGBT rights in Saudi Arabia - Wikipedia

Modern states are organized around the language and cultural norms ofthe dominant groups that have historically constituted them. Membersof minority cultural groups face barriers in pursuing their socialpractices in ways that members of dominant groups do not. Sometheorists argue for tolerating minority groups by leaving them free ofstate interference (Kukathas 1995, 2003). Others argue that meretoleration of group differences falls short of treating members ofminority groups as equals; what is required is recognition andpositive accommodation of minority group practices through what theleading theorist of multiculturalism Will Kymlicka has called“group-differentiated rights” (1995). Somegroup-differentiated rights are held by individual members of minoritygroups, as in the case of individuals who are granted exemptions fromgenerally applicable laws in virtue of their religious beliefs orindividuals who seek language accommodations in education and invoting. Other group-differentiated rights are held by the group quagroup rather by its members severally; such rights are properly called“group rights,” as in the case of indigenous groups andminority nations, who claim the right of self-determination. In thelatter respect, multiculturalism is closely allied withnationalism.

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The Communist Partys approach to peoples electoral politics is a basic aspect of our view that the current stage of struggle requires an all-peoples front to defeat the ultra-right. This is essential strategy for this historical period, not just a temporary shift in tactics. Ultra-right political dominance challenges the vast majority of people in this country— even including some sectors of monopoly capitaland very broad unity is both possible and necessary to bring about a major political shift. Without this shift, the peoples movements will be continually on the defensive. Without building this broad unity, the ultra-right will succeed in splitting their opposition, will continue to succeed in setting the priorities and agenda for the nation, and will risk ever-greater military adventurism in pursuit of an illusory global dominance. Without first defeating the ultra-right section of monopoly, the working class and its allies cannot proceed to radically curb the power of the monopolies as a whole.

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While the Democratic and Republican Parties are both capitalist institutions, they are not identical. The ultra-right currently dominates the Republican Party. The Democratic Party is not only its national leadership; it has been the main mechanism used by African American and Latino communities to gain representation, as well as the main mechanism used to elect labor, progressive, and even Left activists to public office, especially at the local level. There exists an internal struggle within the Democratic Party between centrist forces who collaborate with the right wing, and centrist forces opposed to the right wing. Those opposed to the right wing are often willing to align with progressive elements that seek to defeat the program of the ultra-right. There are struggles within both the Democratic Party and within the labor and peoples movements that are reflective of the overall struggle to gain political independence from corporate dominance. Any serious strategy that hopes to win millions of people to a more advanced political program must relate to these struggles.

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Analyzing the objective stages of struggle is essential to developing correct long-term strategy; it is not a mechanical prescription. These are stages of struggle, not stages of social development from one socio-economic system to another. The social system remains capitalism through both the anti-ultra-right and anti-monopoly stages of struggle. There is no firm, complete barrier between these stages of struggle. In the current stage of struggle, while making the most reactionary sector of the transnationals the main opponent and developing an anti-ultra-right consciousness, Communists seek to spread general anti-monopoly consciousness and socialist consciousness and to wage specific anti-monopoly struggles. While the ultra-right is the focus of the overall struggle, a transnational not part of the ultra-right may be the opponent in a political fight or a labor contract or strike struggle.

By Pearl Eliadis on July 15, 2015

Those leading the attack on gay rights also attack labor and advocate slashing budgets for social programs. The real threat to working families is not gay marriage but the ultra-right agenda of maximum profits and war. Homophobia was one of the weapons of the McCarthy-era attack on democracy, and continues to be called on by the ultra-right in attempts to split the growing unity against the right-wing program. Unity against homophobia and for gay rights is an important defense of basic rights for gays, lesbians, and all people, and is a key to building unity against the broad anti-democratic agenda of the right. Discrimination in housing, employment, education, as well as hate crimes against gays and lesbians, need to be punishable by law where they are not, and enforced where they are.

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Democratic struggles take place all the time throughout the U.S. and the world. They are struggles to enlarge democracy in every aspect of life for all working people to improve their real life options. They include the struggle to prevent deterioration of living conditions. The democratic struggle is not only about democratic rights, civil liberties, and electoral democracy. It also includes struggles for peace, equality for the racially and nationally oppressed, equality for women job creation programs, increased minimum wage, adequate health care, education, day care, housing, social security, pension and other retirement benefits, environmental protection, protection of family farms and small businesses, the needs of youth, cultural programs and independent media, progressive taxation, sharply reduced military spending, and more. The struggles of all class and social forces that seek to curb the power of the transnationals are democratic struggles.

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But many feminist critics have emphasized, granting externalprotections to minority groups may sometimes come at the price ofinternal restrictions. They may be different sides of the same coin:for example, respecting the self-government rights of Nativecommunities may entail permitting sexually discriminatory membershiprules enacted by the leaders of those communities. Whethermulticulturalism and feminism can be reconciled within liberal theorydepends in part on the empirical premise that groups that seekgroup-differentiated rights do not support patriarchal norms andpractices. If they do, liberal multiculturalists would in principlehave to argue against extending the group right or extending it withcertain qualifications, such as conditioning the extension ofself-government rights to Native peoples on the acceptance of aconstitutional bill of rights.

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Conversely, other state and local governments enacted measures restricting homosexuals' civil rights. Unlike Amendment 2 in Colorado, these measures did not generally attempt to completely exclude gays and lesbians from seeking legal redress for discrimination. Instead, some state and local governments tried to prevent gays and lesbians from exercising particular legal rights traditionally exercised only by heterosexuals. The right to marry and the right to adopt children continue to be the two most frequent targets of these anti-gay laws.