3.1 Introduction

With an estimated 30 to 50 percent of active Senegalese men
absent from their villages, with international remittances estimated to account
for 30 to 70 percent of the budget of their families back home (Eurostat, 2001),
and with approximately 70 percent of the population engaged in agriculture,
Senegal is an excellent case study for exploring the linkages between
remittances and access to land. It is estimated that two million Senegalese
migrants are currently living abroad (Eurostat, 2001), and there is rarely a
Senegalese family who does not boast a migrant.

This chapter draws on fieldwork carried out in Senegal and
France. In Senegal, semi-structured interviews were held with 19 persons,
including several members of four extended families with relatives in France as
well as traditional and local authorities. In France, four migrant portraits
were undertaken, including two portraits of migrants from the extended families
interviewed in Senegal. The portraits were then discussed with a focus group of
12 migrants belonging to the village association of Diégoune, Senegal.
Where appropriate, the chapter also draws on the literature on migration,
remittances and land specifically relating to Senegal.

The chapter is structured as follows. First, the field sites
are presented. Second, the phenomenon of migration between Senegal and France is
described with specific reference to the study participants. Third, data on the
nature and significance of remittances, and on their implications for the study
area are discussed. Last, the chapter focuses on remittances and changes in land
tenure in Senegal.

3.2 The field sites

In Senegal, interviews were held in the village of
Moudéry and in the rural community of Kër Momar Sarr. In France, the
four migrant portraits and the focus group discussion were carried out in
Paris.

Moudéry

Moudéry is the administrative centre of the
communauté rurale (rural commune) of Moudéry, in the
department of Bakel, along the Senegal River, in the east of Senegal, close to
the border with Mali. Moudéry has a population of approximately 7000
inhabitants, most of whom are Soninké, and three quarters of whom have
dual Senegalese and French nationality. The area has a long history of
emigration, particularly to France, starting from independence. Since then, a
remarkably large share of the population has migrated overseas. Of the 32
elected local councillors, 7 have dual nationality, and 22 have been or are
migrants themselves. The research team did not manage to identify any households
who had no members currently or previously abroad.

Subsistence agriculture is the main activity of the
population. It is motivated by socio-cultural factors as well as economic
motives. Especially for Soninké descendants from higher caste groups,
selling a harvest is a sign of poverty. However, increasing ones
production and obtaining a good harvest are rewarded with respect from the
community, even though it is used for subsistence.

There are three types of agriculture: rain-fed agriculture
(from June to November); irrigated agriculture, with infrastructure provided by
SAED (Société dAménagement et dExploitation
des terres du delta et des vallées du fleuve Sénégal et de
la Falém); and fruit orchards. Maize, rice, millet, beans,
groundnuts, bananas and vegetables are the most commonly grown crops. Recently,
some families have started to invest in agricultural equipment such as tractors
and pumps. Two families from this area participated in the study:

TheSylla
family is a large family descended from the local oligarchy, and owns a large
amount of customary land in the village. The chef de famille, who has
dual Senegalese-Frenchnationality, is currently retired (receiving a
French pension) and is engaged in agriculture. He spent 16 years in France with
the Marine Marchande. The family counts six migrant members, five of whom
reside in France.

In the Cissé family,
the chef de famille spent 35 years in France and has dual
Senegalese-French nationality. The family is involved in farming. Currently the
family counts four migrant members, all living in France.

Kër Momar Sarr

Kër Momar Sarr is an area of 7600 km2, with an
estimated population of approximately 10900. It contains 60 villages and is
located in a sylvo- pastoral zone in the Vallée Fossile (Louga
region), in the Northern part of Senegal.

There are three ethnic groups in the area. The Peul (in
English also referred to as Fulani), the majority group, are predominantly
involved in cattle herding, the Toucouleurs in fishing and the Wolof in
agriculture. Areas of fertile land around the nearby Lake Guer are under
irrigation and have been managed by ASREAD. Migration in this area is fairly
recent and dates back from 1972/73, when the area suffered from serious drought.
Two families from this area, both involved in farming, took part in the
study:

The Diopfamily lives in the village of Ndimb and has one migrant member, 33 years
old, who left in 1994 and is involved in commerce.

The Mboup family lives in
Kër Momar Sarr and has one migrant member, 38 years old, who left Senegal
15 years ago and is currently a small businessman in Italy.

Paris

In Paris, interviews were held with one migrant member from
each of the two families from Moudéry, and with two migrants from the
Casamance Province, (one from the town of Ziguinchor and the other from the
village of Diégoune). Below are short profiles of the four migrants
interviewed.

Moussa(from the Sylla family) is Soninké and 29 years old. From a young
age, Moussa enjoyed going to school. He obtained a good baccalaureate in Dakar,
which provided him access to university studies in France. Moussa came to France
in 1992, where he completed his university studies in management and information
technology. He is a career advisor for a municipality in the Paris area. Three
years ago he returned to Senegal to marry, returning thereafter to France, and
currently lives with his wife, who works in a nursery school, and his two young
children in Paris.

Ousmane (from the Cissé
family) is Soninké and 38 years old. He attended Koranic school after
which he became an apprentice tailor. In Ousmanes family it has been
customary for the men to migrate. When the time came for Ousmane, his father
arranged the trip and supported him in France to get settled. Ousmane has been
in France for 19 years and has worked for the same construction firm since he
arrived. He currently lives in Rouen, with his French wife and two children. He
also has a wife and two children in Senegal.

Aly, whose family resides in
the village of Diégoune, near Ziguinchor in the Southern province of
Casamance, is Peul and 46 years old. After he finished primary school, he took
an apprenticeship with a local baker. However, he soon left his hometown and
subsequently travelled through many countries in Africa including Togo, Gabon,
Congo, Zaire, Cameroon, Nigeria and Guinea, where he did a variety of jobs. In
1979 Aly came to France. He financed his trip with his personal savings. He was
initially employed as a storeman in a paint store. Some years later he returned
to Senegal to marry and brought his wife with him to France. He is currently
living in the Melun area and has three children. His mother and father are dead;
he has one elder brother in Belgium and two sisters and two brothers still
living in the family home. His siblings rely on agriculture for their
livelihood, supplemented with the remittances he sends.

Amadou is Peul, 33 years of
age and comes from Ziguinchor in Casamance. Amadous father is dead and his
mother runs the household. Amadou is the first born and has three brothers and
two sisters. Besides one brother, who is a taxi driver, all other siblings work
on a temporary basis. Amadous mother makes a living from renting out rooms
in her house and from growing mangoes and peanuts on the familys fields
(with the help of occasional hired labour). She receives financial contributions
from all of her working children. During his youth, Amadou obtained his
baccalaureate in Dakar and his excellent school results gained him a bursary to
study economics and finance at the University of Le Havre in France. Amadou
arrived in France 11 years ago. After his studies he married a French woman. He
is currently living in Paris and works for a bank.

3.3 Migration between Senegal and
France

Significant migration from Senegal to France started in the
1940s, when the first Senegalese soldiers joined the French army. During the
1950s the first sailors joined the Marine Marchande Française.
During the colonial era, the transformation of the traditional economy and the
increased dependence on manufactured goods led to the need for cash, which was
not locally available. Migration and remittances, which responded to this need,
became engrained in the livelihoods of the Senegalese.

In 1960 Senegal obtained independence but maintained strong
links with France. Attracted by the economic boom, large numbers of Senegalese
moved to France initially to work as factory labourers, but later they
diversified into other forms of employment and enterprises. Many obtained the
French nationality, sent regular remittances home and only returned to Senegal
to retire.

The 1968-73 period of drought in Senegal, combined with low
world prices for cotton and groundnuts, had an important negative impact on the
local agriculture and as a result reinforced migration and the need for
remittances.

France still maintains a close relationship with Senegal. It
is the primary investor in Senegal, and French enterprises count for more than
half of Senegals formal sector. Bilateral co-operation programmes operate
in a variety of sectors, such as education, health, rural development and
institutional support. In 2002, Senegalese migrants residing in France were
officially estimated to number 42,000, representing 22 percent of all migrants
from sub-Saharan Africa and 5.8 percent of all regular migrants. Migration
between Senegal and France is governed by a number of bilateral treaties
concerning entry requirements and procedures, migrants legal status and
co-development (see above, box 1).

The outward migration from Senegal to France has fostered the
influx of Malian migrants into Senegal, to replace the agricultural labour force
lost from rural areas. The Malian migrant workers are, however, largely seasonal
and are often paid on a piece work basis. In the Bakel region, Malian migrants
are particularly numerous due to the proximity with Mali.

Who migrates?

Studies indicate that, although female migrants are on the
increase, the majority of migrants are males (NIDI/Eurostat, 2000). Males
are often young and single when they migrate and they do so from their
parents home. This was true for all the migrants in the study. Female
migrants are more likely to be married at the time of migration than migrant
men. This is influenced by the fact that womens migration is
frequently related to reuniting the family (NIDI/Eurostat, 2000). This
was the case for the wives of Moussa and Aly.

Why migrate?

The migrants we interviewed mentioned different motivations
for their migration. Moussa and Amadou came to France to study and stayed on.
Aly emigrated predominantly to increase his chances for a better life after
having travelled widely. All three, however, indicated their desire to support
their families back home as a factor in their migration, as well as a desire for
personal development through studying, gaining experience and developing
contacts. It is important to acknowledge that motivations are usually
multifaceted.

Ousmane emigrated as a result of his familys culture of
migration. His father and elder siblings had emigrated before him and his
emigration was decided upon and arranged by the extended family, including his
employment in France.

All the migrants, with the exception of Aly, were assisted
(financially and otherwise) by their families with their migration, which
confirms findings from the literature. In most cases, migration is not an
individual decision, but a social process, involving a family strategy of
survival and betterment, characterized by a range of economic, social and
cultural dimensions. Migration involves discussion at household level, is
sanctioned by the household head and facilitated by the family network. Family
members or fellow villagers overseas help the new migrant to settle and start
his new life. It is these social networks that bind migrants and non-migrants in
complex social, transnational relationships. When families facilitate the
emigration, they expect remittances and family commitment in return (see
Ammassari & Black, 2001).

Living in France

The migrants in the study recognise the advantages of living
in France, including access to technology, education and experience not
available in Senegal as well as economic benefits. Amadou acknowledges that
There are plenty of work and leisure opportunities in France and many
exciting things to learn and experience. I am particularly interested in
financial systems, stock exchange and electronic communication systems, i.e.
internet facilities. In Senegal these areas are still undeveloped.
Therefore, migrants are torn between longing to live a rural existence with the
extended family in Senegal and their reluctance to leave France because it
provides services and opportunities. Aly says I would leave for Senegal
tomorrow, but it is better that I stay in France in order to earn some more
money to look after my family and eventually earn enough to realise my dream of
obtaining a large area of land in Senegal which I can cultivate and where I can
develop a small tourism resort.

Social contact and support for the migrants in France are
predominantly provided by other Senegalese migrants, including friends, extended
family members and village associations (see below).

Links between migrants and their home remain strong and those
in this study return home fairly often, ranging from twice a year to once every
three years. Ousmane phones his parents and wife weekly, Amadou phones his
mother monthly, while the other two phone more irregularly. This is consistent
with the literature, which states that migration does not necessarily lead to
social and family disruption (Ammassari, & Black, 2001). Data from our
study, however, also shows that the intensity of contact with the family back
home diminishes as the migrant builds up his nuclear family in France. Aly and
Moussa used to go back once a year, but since they have started families, they
return less often.

Return to Senegal... or
not?

Studies have revealed several reasons for return migration
(Ammassari, & Black, 2001). The migrant may wish to rejoin his/her family,
may be running away from adverse conditions in the destination country, or may
aim to enjoy enhanced social status back home. All participants in the study
indicated an intention to return to Senegal and their families in the future.
Aly has plans to invest in an agricultural project; Amadou and Moussa want to
invest in business or development projects, while Ousmane intends to go home to
retire. All of them indicated that they would like to contribute to the
development of Senegal when they return. However, several reservations with
regards to return were expressed. They argued that they have adapted (some more
than others) to the European lifestyle, including its services and facilities
(pensions, medical compensation, access to banking facilities,
telecommunication). They fear the loss of those services on their return to
Senegal.

Aly argued that return to a collective lifestyle, with shared
accommodation, wealth and land, may not be easy after having become used to a
more individualised existence in France.

Three of the four migrants interviewed had children born in
France, which makes their eventual decision to return to Senegal more difficult.
Aly, who has teenage children, recognises the probability that his children will
not join him on his return to Senegal. He has already invested in a house in
France for his children.

3.4 Remittances and
livelihoods

Various sources estimate that migrants send to Senegal more
than 60 thousand million francs CFA (91,5 million Euros) every year. According
to the head of the local post office, in Moudéry, old age pensions of
migrants add up to 90 million francs CFA (137,200 Euros) per month and
remittance volumes are even higher. All participants in the study sent
remittances to their families. These form an important component of their
families income.

Remittances and household livelihood
strategies

Fieldwork in Senegal and Paris revealed that remittances vary,
depending on the needs of the family (i.e. during the harvesting season more
cash is needed to pay farm labour; at the beginning of the school year extra
cash is required). The amount of remittances is predominantly decided upon by
the migrant, balancing his financial means and the familys needs. However,
lack of familiarity with the hard living conditions and constraints faced by
migrants in France amongst those in the home country can lead to frustrations
for migrants. Several participants in the Paris focus group complained about the
continuous requests for additional cash and their families lack of
knowledge of the high costs of living in France; in particular their lack of
understanding of their childrens needs in a French context, which implies
the need for items such as televisions, computers, a family car, etc.

Remittances are generally sent on a monthly basis and although
the postal services are currently in crisis in Senegal, they are still relied
upon for transferring migrants remittances. Recently, fast transfer
services such as Western Union and Money Gram have become more popular, although
they were not relied upon by the study participants. In discussing this matter
with the focus group, they argued that these services are too expensive. All of
the participants relied on informal means (hand-carriage by migrants or their
friends travelling to the home town) when possible.

Box 5. Remittances: amount, frequency, transfer mechanism
and use

Amadou remits a monthly sum of €100 (plus €6.70
postal costs) to his mother. The money is mainly used for household groceries
and other consumables. When necessary the remittances contribute to paying water
and electricity bills and, in the beginning of the year, to pay the school fees.
Occasionally, in case of emergency, Amadou is asked to send extra money. This
happened for instance when the septic tank of the family home needed urgent
repair. The remittances are sent by postal order and take one week to arrive.
Amadous mother pays a fee (equivalent to 15 Euros) to the post office in
Senegal.

Moussaremits 300 euros every three months. El Hadj,
Moussas eldest uncle in Paris organises the money collection and transfer
for all the family members living in France. These are usually sent by post,
which takes 15 days to arrive, or sometimes they are carried by an acquaintance
travelling from Paris to Senegal. However, the amount sent varies depending on
the needs of the family. El Hadj phones the family home regularly to get an
update on the financial and other needs of the family, which he then feeds back
to family members in Paris. Remittances are used to buy food and for the
maintenance of the house. During the cultivation season, approximately four
months, extra remittances are required to pay for labour and other agricultural
inputs. Moussa indicates that, since the harvests have been good this year, the
amount sent may decrease. Sometimes, however, it may be decided to maintain the
level of the remittances, despite a good harvest, in order to build up a reserve
or to pay for extra consumables. This is discussed between the migrant group and
the family in Moudéry. The remittances are sent to the head of the
family, who decides on their disbursement.

Alysends monthly remittances to his family. His eldest brother takes
care of the money, which is used to buy food for the family and to help
pay the electricity bill and school fees. Occasionally the family has
an emergency for which they request additional financial help, for instance
when somebody is ill or has had an accident.

Ousmanehas twice yearly meetings with the family
members living in France during which they decide on the amount of money to be
sent home. Based on the varying needs of the family, which are regularly
communicated to Ousmane and the capacity of the family members in Paris, the
amount sent varies. Currently they send about €5000 a year, sent every
three months to the family head. Often the money is carried to the village by a
friend or acquaintance travelling from Paris. At other times postal services are
used. The remittances are generally used to buy food and other consumables.
During the cultivation season, extra cash is required to pay for labour and
other agricultural inputs. Sometimes additional funds are required, for instance
when somebody falls ill and needs to go to hospital in Dakar. Sometimes Ousmane
sends money to his wife directly, through friends or acquaintances travelling to
the village.

Both in Moudéry and in Kër Momar Sarr, remittances
are spent on food and other essential consumables, education, the upkeep and
servicing of the homesteads, land and agricultural inputs. In Kër Momar
Sarr, remittances are also spent on livestock and to pay those responsible for
herding livestock.

Some studies conclude that remittances generate dependency
amongst families in the home country, who develop a passive attitude towards
work. Others argue that the additional income from remittances enables families
to invest in local development and entrepreneurial endeavours (Ammassari &
Black, 2001). Although a direct causality between remittances and investment is
hard to establish, several investments made by our interviewees are linked to
remittances (see box 6 below).

Box 6. Investing remittances

Moussa has helped his brothers to start their own business. He bought second-hand
books (novels, bestsellers) in France and shipped them to Senegal, where
his brothers have been operating a library. This has been financially
very successful, and Moussas brother managed to start a taxi business
with the profits they made. While continuing with the library business,
they now manage two cars with drivers, which provide taxi services in
Dakar. The taxi service earns them €10 a day. Moussas family
also owns four houses in Dakar.

Amadou regards business activity as an important tool for
development in Senegal. He has bought his brother a car, which the latter uses
for transporting people between Dakar and Ziguinchor and in the Casamance
Province. Amadou intends to get more involved in business on his return to
Senegal, but is currently reluctant to run a long-distance business from Paris.
He feels that to be successful he needs to be directly involved in the
management of the business rather than leaving the management in the hands of a
local partner.

From the participants responses, investments in
property, particularly in Dakar, and in small business are most prominent.
According to Marc Vergnière (1974), a fairly large portion of remittances
is invested by the Soninké to build houses for rent in Dakar. These
houses also provide the migrants with somewhere to live when they eventually
return to Senegal. The Cissé family owns a house in Dakar which they rent
out. Aly has bought two houses in France and built one in
Diégoune.

Although some participants invested money in small family
businesses in Senegal, they expressed reluctance to invest in larger scale
enterprises while still in France. They lack confidence in finding a suitable
local partner and fear financial mismanagement in their absence. A fear of
corruption on the part of the Senegalese government also served as a deterrent
to invest in enterprises in Senegal. This latter view was strongly expressed by
the participants in the Paris focus group.

Remittances and village
associations

Besides sending remittances to family members, migrants
provide financial support to development projects in their country, in
particular to the village associations in their respective villages. In Senegal,
the village association as a channel for collective remittances has become an
important phenomenon since the 1970s. Village associations are created by the
village and/or its migrants. Members of a village association make regular
financial contributions towards development projects in their home village. One
village commonly has village association branches in different localities abroad
as well as in Dakar and in the village itself. The most popular projects
undertaken by village associations are in the field of education, health,
telecommunications and agriculture. The building of mosques, which enhances the
prestige of the village, is also popular. These projects are widely recognised
as providing an important contribution to improving living conditions back
home.

Box 7. Remittances and local development

Amadoubelongs to an African association which aims to provide free
internet services in African countries. As a member of his organization,
he is involved in setting up cyber cafés in Senegal, and in accessing
materials and appropriate training for the use of internet facilities.
On his next trip to Senegal he intends to develop contacts in Dakar to
further this project.

Moussa is involved in a training project for anti-social
youth in France. This concerns the training of groups of young people in
assembling computers and developing solar power equipment. He has arranged for
goods made by the trainees to be sent to his hometown. Moussa and Ousmane also
belong to a village association for Moudéry. Thanks to the contribution
of migrants associations, Moudéryhas acquired two schools,
a health centre, two markets, a post office and seven mosques. Two houses have
also been built in Dakar to receive young migrants from Moudéry awaiting
their emigration to Europe.

Aly is a committee member of the Association des
Sénégalais de Diégoune en France, founded in 1990,
which contributes to the development of Diégoune. There are
currently about 30 people in the association and each member contributes three
times a year. This adds up to about 1000 Euros per year. Besides contributions
from the members, the association organises social events in order to raise
funds. Generally such events raise about 800 Euros. Aly emphasises that for
Senegalese people, their place of origin is of great importance. Ones
village of birth remains an important aspect of ones identity. As such
efforts to improve ones village are regarded as a duty. The association
has already built a school, an exam centre and two maternity wards. There are
plans for a post office in order to avoid people having to walk a long distance
to use post office facilities. The association, however, is finding it
increasingly difficult to collect funds. The migrants complain of rising living
costs in France. Aly believes that the association needs additional help and
promotes the idea of jumelage. This involves the twinning of
Diégoune with one or more towns in Europe or America. He envisages that
representatives of the twinned towns would meet, discuss development priorities
in Diégoune and subsequently provide financial and other aid for the
village. He has witnessed the success of twinning in the village of Baïla,
where, as a result of its twinning with a town in France and another in Germany,
various development initiatives have been carried out. Aly also feels that a
successful twinning project would relieve the immigrants to a certain extent of
their financial duties.

In discussions with the Paris-based research and development
organization Groupe de Recherche et de Réalization pour le
Développement Rural (GRDR),which works with village
associations in Senegal, some constraints of the village association
approach were mentioned. Tensions may occur between different stakeholders
in the development projects, namely the migrants, the village elders and the
rural council.

The migrants
provide funds for the projects and are often prominent in developing the ideas
underpinning them. They may however not have the necessary skills and expertise,
and often feel marginalized because of their distance from the project and its
financial management.

The local village elders feel
at times disempowered by the projects and threatened by the initiatives of young
migrants. They feel that these projects underline their lack of capacity to
provide for their communities. Moussa emphasised repeatedly that his village
association in Paris intends to show the elders in Moudéry that young
people can make a real difference to the village.

The local rural council is
important because it represents the government. It feels at times, however,
disempowered, because it lacks financial and technical means as well as staff.
In cases where migrants are well-represented on the rural council, these issues
may be less important.

3.5 Remittances, access to land and
agriculture

Land tenure in Senegal

Under customary land tenure systems, access to farm land
depends upon the allocation of a plot by the relevant customary authority. Once
the land is productively used, the rights can usually be inherited according to
a patrilineal kinship system. Land can also be accessed through loans and
rentals. During the colonial period, attempts were made to change this system
and to replace customary law with legislation based on individual land rights
and written titles. These attempts did not, however, have much impact on access
to land for the rural dweller.

The 1964 law on the domaine national
abrogated customary land tenure and nationalized most of the land. The State
is the exclusive trustee of this land and is responsible for its management. The
domaine national is subdivided into four categories:

Urban zones
(zones urbaines);

Zones for special use
(zones classées);

Zones used for agricultural
production (zones de terroir); and

Development zones (zones
pionnières), which remain under the control of the state.

In Senegal, land administration is closely linked to
decentralization, in place since the early 1970s and reformed in 1996. In rural
areas, rural councils (communautés rurales) are
responsible for the management of land and natural resources in their territory
(zones de terroir). They can allocate land to those who can show they
develop and use it productively (mise en valeur). Farmers who
use their land productively have their access to this land protected by
law.

Despite an extensive body of legislation on land tenure and on
decentralization, customary rules regarding land are still widely applied in
rural areas (Münkner, 1995; Toulmin & Longbottom, 1997). Rural councils
rarely make land allocations without the approval of customary chiefs. For
instance, inMoudéry access to land is essentially still according
to custom, except for lands where the SAED has provided irrigation. These areas
previously belonged to the oligarchy of the village, but are now allocated by
the rural council to families applying for it.

Access to land for our
respondents

The Sylla family, which belongs to the local elite (and
qualifies for chieftainship in the village), is one of the two large landholding
families in Moudéry. Besides cultivating their own land, they lend land
to landless families. This combination of land rights, social class and local
authority provides the Sylla family with substantial power and influence at
village level. This year the family cultivated 13 ha of customarily held land,
excluding the land used for fruit trees and vegetable gardening. Eleven hectares
were used for millet and two for maize. Since the family holds large areas of
land, they were able to choose the best fields for cultivation close to the
river. Since several members of the family are abroad, the Syllas have
cultivated these lands with the help of five labourers from neighbouring Mali,
which cost them the non-negligible amount of 280,000 FCFA (426 euros).

This cultivation capacity has also enabled the Sylla family to
reclaim three hectares of land that it had lent to another family (see below)
and to successfully apply for an additional two ha of irrigated land from the
rural council, which they have used to cultivate millet. Overall, this year the
family produced 80 tonnes of millet and 1.4 tonnes of maize. The produce is
essentially used for consumption by the family, although a share is destined for
needy families in other villages. Last year the family distributed 200kg of
millet to each of 30 families. The young brother of the family head, who is
president of the rural council, is largely responsible for distributing these
gifts. Very occasionally, surplus is sold to traders who come to Moudéry
to buy grain.

TheCissé family bought two ha of irrigated land
from the ex-president of the rural council, for 110 000 FCFA (168 euros).
However, this transaction was informal and does not have any legal value. The
Cissé family uses it to cultivate maize, rice and millet, vegetables and
bananas. It does so with the help of three Malian labourers, who are employed
during the cultivation season. The produce is used for consumption as well as
for sale to local buyers.

In Kër Momar Sarr, very few migrants invest in land. The
two migrants involved in the study are exceptional. Their motivations for
investing in land include their familiarity with farming as well as witnessing
successful farming in other parts of the world and their limited knowledge about
other investment options.

Mamadou, migrant in France from the Mboup family, has
attempted unsuccessfully to acquire land through the rural council for the past
eight months. He therefore resorted to renting a plot of irrigated land (1.47ha
at 125.000 F CFA/ha (=190 euros/ha)) from a village association in charge of an
irrigation project in the area. For a second plot of land (three ha) in another
village, he engaged the assistance of his uncle, who is resident in the area, to
intervene, since the land is reserved exclusively for residents of the village.
Mamadou cultivates in partnership with his stepbrother. He cultivated one ha
with tomatoes and the remaining 3.47ha with sweet potatoes. The produce was sold
and the proceeds were used to pay for capital costs (tractor, pumps,
fertilisers, etc.); the balance was then divided between Mamadou and his
brother. Mamadou complained about several constraints in farming including: lack
of easy access to land (failure to obtain land through the rural council); high
cost of irrigation; shortage of available markets, market monopolies and fixed
prices for goods.

In Diégoune, Aly has inherited land from his father,
for which he has now obtained a title deed. He grows a variety of crops
including peanuts, rice, cassava, sweet potatoes, maize and mangoes for
commercial purposes. Although he lives in France, he hires labour to manage his
land. He predominantly hires women employees, whom he argues are more reliable.
He is in monthly contact with his employees in order to discuss farming issues.
Aly also inherited a herd of cattle from his father, for which he employs a
herder. The herd provides milk and occasionally meat for sale. Aly intends to
purchase more land to extend his farming activities. However he has prioritized
other projects, such as purchasing a house in France for his children. As a
result, acquiring more land will have to wait.

As stated in chapter 2, it is difficult to infer a direct
association between remittances and improved access to land. Migrants and their
families may invest in land as a result of remittances, but they may also be
influenced by other factors such as level of education and pre-existing wealth.
On the other hand, where remittances per se are not intended to be invested in
land, they may still enable the household to free up other income for
investment.

The experience presented above shows that a range of
strategies are used to secure access to land, going beyond land purchases. The
Sylla family has reclaimed land previously lent to other families and has
acquired irrigated land through the rural council. The Cissé family
bought irrigated land from an individual in the village. Mamadou rents irrigated
land from a village association. Aly sought and obtained a certificate of
ownership for his customary land. Through hired labour and agricultural inputs,
all participants have enhanced the mise en valeur of their
land, and hence their tenure security.

Study participants identified several motives for investing in
rural land, including: the familiarity of the migrant and his family with
agricultural practice; the importance of agricultural production for
households livelihoods; the cultural attachment of the migrant to rural
life; exposure to successful agro-business in other locations; and the belief
that enhanced agricultural production will enable the migrant to reduce his
remittances.

The changing relationship with rural
land

In the field sites, rural land does not yet have great market
value. There is still unexploited land available. However, irrigation has
increased land values (e.g. in Moudéry), and has attracted some migrants
to invest in land. Thus, three of our respondents sought out irrigated land for
investment. In the Kër Momar Sarr zone, the flooding of the
Vallée Fossile and the construction of the Golon channel with a pump
system have added value to the land and have attracted incomers, including
foreign companies (e.g. investment from Kuwait). Although, officially, land
cannot be bought and is allocated by the rural council, many informal rental and
sale arrangements are made, and prices are soaring.

Migrants and their families contribute to these changes as a
result of their greater financial capacity than many other villagers. Investment
in irrigated land, combined with financial means to buy agricultural inputs and
a more entrepreneurial inclination of migrants may gradually change the nature
of agriculture, moving from subsistence to commercial farming. This may in turn
create employment opportunities for other villagers. Several respondents already
employ hired labour and sell their produce, though on a very small
scale.

In perspective, these changes may create tensions at the
family level. As was stated earlier, agriculture is traditionally regarded as an
activity in which the entire family is involved and which is geared at
consumption rather than commercial purposes. The agricultural tasks are clearly
delineated and the head of the family takes the main decisions. At this stage,
it is still unclear to what extent international remittances are supporting this
model of family farming, and to what extent they are promoting a different type
of agriculture, centred on individual entrepreneurship and commercial
production. Interestingly, while in the case of the Sylla and the Cissé
families it was the family head who acquired land, in the Mboup family it was
the individual migrant, Mamadou, who acquired land with the help of family
members.

Large-scale acquisition of irrigated land by migrants and
their families, combined with greater means to use the land productively may,
however, negatively effect land access for poorer families, who do not have the
capacity to buy or rent land or even to cultivate their own customary land. With
prices soaring, land will become less accessible to poorer households and more
concentrated in the hands of a few investors, amongst whom are found some of the
more affluent migrants and their families. A land dispute encountered during the
field study in Moudéry is partially linked to the desire and the means of
a family with access to remittances to expand the land area under its direct
control. In this case, a piece of land had been lent out by the head of the
Sylla family to the Sow family for over 10 years. In 2003, the Sylla family
reclaimed its land. The Sow family refused to surrender the land and brought the
matter to court, arguing that the land belonged to the domaine national
and that therefore the rights of users (mise en valeur) should be
protected. The court, however, ordered that the land be surrendered to the Sylla
family, as they could produce a certificate of land allocation by the rural
council, while the Sow family did not possess any documentation. Increased
capacity to cultivate the land, linked to increased financial capacity of the
migrant family are likely to have played a role in this dispute.

Two caveats need to be made. First, in these processes of land
commodification and concentration, the migrant is only one among many players.
In the Kër Momar Sarr area, a number of big investors have acquired several
hundred hectares, which makes it more difficult for the villagers to obtain land
through the rural council. Secondly, at the time of the study, while there are
signs of increased commodification of land, and of greater agricultural
intensification and commercialization, this process of social change seems to be
still at an early stage, and is far from complete.

Obstacles to investment in rural
land

Despite recent interest in rural investment, migrants still
predominantly invest in urban areas (construction and transport/commerce). All
the migrants we interviewed had invested in small business or property. This may
be due to an array of obstacles to investment in rural land. As is illustrated
in Mamadous case, acquiring land can be a long, complicated process,
requiring negotiation and administration. This is difficult for the migrant, who
wants to make his investment whilst remaining abroad. Being well-connected is
key: the Sylla family, who has contacts in the rural council (a family member is
even the president of the council), was able to secure access to irrigated land,
whereas Mamadou, who does not have strong local connections, was unsuccessful.
This highlights the importance of migrants representation in institutions,
such as rural councils.

Investing in urban property is often more attractive for
various reasons. Being a property owner has a symbolic value and property
investment is regarded as more secure, easier to manage and offers the
possibility to rent the property out. Urban property is more widely advertised
as an investment option, even in destination countries, whereas rural land is
not generally promoted as an investment opportunity for migrants. However,
people are increasingly informed about the possibilities for buying land,
through family and intermediaries.

3.6 Conclusion

This chapter has provided insights into the role of
remittances in rural livelihoods and access to land, and on their potential
impact on changes in land tenure in rural Senegal. It has done so through a
small number of targeted interviews aimed at identifying key issues and broad
trends. Although investment in rural land is still in its infancy and migrants
still largely prefer to invest in residential property, irrigated land is a
growing attraction for investors, including migrants and their families. This
increase in rural investment may affect land tenure and social relations in
rural areas. Due to their relatively high economic capacity, migrants can become
a key development player in rural areas, though at this stage it is not yet
clear whether as source of support for family farming or as heralds of
agri-business.