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1 econstor Der Open-Access-Publikationsserver der ZBW Leibniz-Informationszentrum Wirtschaft The Open Access Publication Server of the ZBW Leibniz Information Centre for Economics Hu, Richard Working Paper San Francisco's urban transformations since the 1980s Working Paper, Institute of Urban and Regional Development, No. 2009,08 Provided in Cooperation with: UC Berkeley, Institute of Urban and Regional Development (IURD) Suggested Citation: Hu, Richard (2009) : San Francisco's urban transformations since the 1980s, Working Paper, Institute of Urban and Regional Development, No. 2009,08 This Version is available at: Nutzungsbedingungen: Die ZBW räumt Ihnen als Nutzerin/Nutzer das unentgeltliche, räumlich unbeschränkte und zeitlich auf die Dauer des Schutzrechts beschränkte einfache Recht ein, das ausgewählte Werk im Rahmen der unter nachzulesenden vollständigen Nutzungsbedingungen zu vervielfältigen, mit denen die Nutzerin/der Nutzer sich durch die erste Nutzung einverstanden erklärt. Terms of use: The ZBW grants you, the user, the non-exclusive right to use the selected work free of charge, territorially unrestricted and within the time limit of the term of the property rights according to the terms specified at By the first use of the selected work the user agrees and declares to comply with these terms of use. zbw Leibniz-Informationszentrum Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre for Economics

2 Working Paper San Francisco s Urban Transformations since the 1980s Richard Hu University of Sydney, Australia September 2009 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

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4 San Francisco s Urban Transformations since the 1980s Richard Hu Urban and Regional Planning Discipline Faculty of Architecture, Design and Planning The University of Sydney, Australia IURD Working Paper WP

6 List of Figures Figure 1 San Francisco Population ( ) and Its Population & Employment Share of Bay Area ( )... 5 Figure 2 San Francisco Downtown Total Office Space Figure 3 Map of Financial District and C-3 District in San Francisco... 8 Figure 4 Employment Share by Land Use Division in San Francisco City ( )... 9 Figure 5 Employment Change by Land Use Division in San Francisco City ( ) Figure 6 Employment Share by Land Use Division in the Financial District, San Francisco ( ) Figure 7 Employment Change by Land Use Division in Financial District, San Francisco ( )12 Figure 8 Floor Area Share by Land Use Division in C-3 District, San Francisco ( ) Figure 9 Floor Area by Land Use Division in C-3 District, San Francisco ( ) Figure 10 Grouping of Industries by Employment LQ in San Francisco ( ) Figure 11 Employment Changes by Industry San Francisco vs. Bay Area Figure 12 Employment Shares by Industry Division in San Francisco 1980 vs Figure 13 Grouping of Industries by Employment LQ in San Francisco ( ) Figure 14 Employment Changes by Industry San Francisco vs. Bay Area Figure 15 Employment Shares by Industry in San Francisco 1990 vs Figure 16 Transformative Trends of Knowledge Economy and Experience Economy in San Francisco32 Figure 17 Dynamic Movement of Knowledge Economy and Experience Economy between Central and Metro San Francisco List of Tables Table 1 Grouping of Industries by Employment LQ in San Francisco ( ) Table 2 Classification of San Francisco s Economic Drivers in Table 3 Grouping of Industries by Employment LQ in San Francisco ( ) Table 4 Classification of San Francisco s Economic Drivers in List of Appendices Appendix 1 Employment by Land Use Division in San Francisco ( ) Appendix 2 Employment by Land Use Division in the Financial District, San Francisco ( ) 36 Appendix 3 Floor Area by Land Use Division in the C-3 District, San Francisco ( ) Appendix 4 Corresponding Industry Divisions between SIC ( ) and NAICS (2001) Appendix 5 Employment by Industry in San Francisco and the Bay Area and their Location Quotients ( ) Appendix 6 Employments by Industry in San Francisco and the Bay Area and their Location Quotients ( )

7 1 Introduction This paper examines San Francisco s urban development transformations in the post-1980 decades. The transformations are examined through two spectrums: functional concentration and economic base. Through the variables of employment by land use and floor area by land use, the functional concentration analysis identifies the changes of the urban functions concentrated in San Francisco. The economic base analysis uses the data of employment by industry to find out San Francisco s economic transformations and economic drivers with reference to the entire Bay Area as a metropolitan region. Section 2 is a historical outline of San Francisco s urban development in the post-wwii decades as background. Section 3 and Section 4 respectively analyse San Francisco s functional concentration and economic base. Section 5 concludes and discusses the patterns of San Francisco s urban development transformations based on the above analyses and calculations. 2 Background San Francisco as a prosperous metropolis was catalysed by the Gold Rush. In the one century between the Gold Rush and 1950, San Francisco s population kept growing by 40 percent every ten years on average (see Figure 1). In 1900, San Francisco was the 9 th largest American city (Schwarzer, 2001) this was remarkable given its constrained geographical location. However, like almost all American cities, San Francisco s population peaked in 1950 and turned to decline in the post-wwii suburbanisation process until 1980 when San Francisco s population reversed to grow. San Francisco s population growth after 1980 was exceptional: in 2000, only the populations of New York and San Francisco the top two densest American cities reached their historic peak levels in 1950 of all American cities (Schwarzer, 2001). Urban revitalisation and immigration both overseas and domestic were attributed to the new wave of population growth. San Francisco has become one of the most cosmopolitan cities in the world. In 2005, 36 percent of San Francisco s population were born overseas (US Census Bureau, 2008). However, San Francisco s population reversal did not necessarily mean the reversal of the suburbanisation process commencing from the 1950s. As illustrated in Figure 1, despite its population growth in the post-1980 years, San Francisco s population and employment shares in the Bay Area were on a declining trend. The comparative decline of San Francisco s employment was particularly striking: from 1980 to 2005, San Francisco lost its total employment by 27 percent (San Francisco Planning Department, 2005, 2006). There are two implications here: the Bay Area s growths of population and employment were higher than those in San Francisco in the post-1980 years; at the same time, San Francisco gained residents but lost jobs. The San Francisco case verifies the claim that the dominant 4

8 spatial trend in US metropolitan areas during the fast-growing 1980s was decentralization of employment (Cervero & Wu, 1998, p. 1059). 900, , , , , , , , , % 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Population Share of Bay Area San Francisco Population Employment Share of Bay Area Figure 1 San Francisco Population ( ) and Its Population & Employment Share of Bay Area ( ) Source: (San Francisco Planning Department, 2005, 2006; US Census Bureau, 2008) The post-wwii suburbanisation of population and employment developed in parallel with inner city development boom in San Francisco, which was unprecedented in its history and was hardly rivalled by any other American cities. From 1965 to 1980, San Francisco s total office space more than doubled (see Figure 2). The years were the last phase as well as the culmination of the post-wwii development boom before the restrictive Downtown Plan 1985 and Proposition M 1986 were enforced. Office development in the second half of the 1980s was very modest as a result of property market downturn as well as policy effects of the Downtown Plan 1985 and Proposition M In the second half of the 1990s, a renewed round of urban development arose in San Francisco, which mostly happened in the South of Market area (SoMA). Office growth in the five years of more than doubled that in the previous ten years as indicated in Figure 2. 5

9 Figure 2 San Francisco Downtown Total Office Space (in million square feet) Source: (San Francisco Planning Department, 2004) The drivers of the physical changes of San Francisco s urban forms were its urban functions which experienced fundamental shifts in the same period. San Francisco was the only major city in the West Coast in the one century time from the Gold Rush to the end of the World War Two. It was a regional centre as well as a global gateway city. It was a financial centre, a status established since the Gold Rush. It was the hub to distribute the natural, agricultural and manufactured goods across the hinterland and exchange between home and overseas. It was the prime choice to home federal, state and local government institutions. Overall, its urban roles included finance and banking, distribution, trade, manufacturing, government administration and culture. The US economy began to transit from an industrial to a post industrial economy in the post-wwii years, in which San Francisco was a vanguard (Sims, 2000). San Francisco s manufacturing, distributing and maritime industries were decentralised to other Bay Area centres. The suburbanisation of manufacturing in the Bay Area took place along with the process of industrialisation far before the post-wwii years (Walker, 2004), but the booming post-wwii freeway and other transport infrastructure development in the Bay Area facilitated and accelerated the decentralisation process of San Francisco s industrial economy. It was a consensus among the government, business and the general public that San Francisco should be a regional centre of services and corporate headquarters in the macro context of post industrial economic transition. In order to capture the momentum, large amount of capital investment was attracted, downtown high rise office buildings were constructed, the public transit systems like BART and Muni Metro were built, and supporting facilities such as the Moscone Centre and hotels were launched. Within twenty years from the late 1950s to the early 1980s, San Francisco replaced its low rise factories and warehouses with high rise modern office buildings, shifted its economic base from manufacturing and distribution to corporate and business services, and shifted its employment base from working class to middle and upper class. 6

10 The 1980s witnessed an accelerated process of globalisation mainly driven by global financial deregulation, neoliberal reforms initiated by the Reagan and Thatcher s governments, and advancement in transport and communication technologies (Short & Kim, 1999). An integrated global economy system exerted far-reaching influences on major cities, which also shaped globalisation themselves. The following sections measure and analyse San Francisco s urban development transformations in the next context of post-1980 decades. 3 Functional Concentration The functional concentration analysis is based on two variables: employment by land use; floor area by land use. Employment by land use in both the San Francisco City and the Financial District is analysed. The Financial District is San Francisco s CBD, where the cluster of the highest buildings is located. The analysis of floor area by land use is focused on the C-3 District, the commercial central area of San Francisco. The C-3 District is the zoning area defined by the San Francisco Planning Department to refer to the downtown commercial area, a centre for city, regional and international commerce (San Francisco Planning Department, 2009). It is composed of four kinds of commercial activities: downtown office, downtown retail, downtown general commercial and downtown support. Generally C-3 is used to refer to downtown or centre of San Francisco. The geographical boundary of the C-3 District is much larger than that of the Financial District (see Figure 3). The C-3 District is San Francisco s central place, and the Financial District is San Francisco s CBD. The time scopes of analyses for these three geographical delimitations do not accurately coincide restricted by data availability. 7

11 Figure 3 Map of Financial District and C-3 District in San Francisco Note: The boundary lines are straightened purposefully to indicate the location rather than accurately coincide with the planning zones. Source:(McGovern, 1998), reproduced by Richard Hu. 3.1 Employment by Land Use San Francisco City Figure 4 and Figure 5 illustrate the changes of employment by land use in San Francisco City from 1980 to 2005 based on the employment data and calculations in Appendix 1. 8

12 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 16% 17% 19% 21% 21% 25% 3% 3% 3% 4% 3% 4% 30% 26% 22% 22% 19% 16% 17% 16% 16% 16% 15% 18% 29% 32% 33% 37% 40% 37% OFFICE RETAIL INDUSTRIAL HOTEL CIE Figure 4 Employment Share by Land Use Division in San Francisco City ( ) Figure 4 shows the employment shares of different land use divisions from 1980 to 2005 at intervals of five years in the San Francisco City. The five major land use divisions fall into two groups according to their overall trends throughout these years: the grouping group of Office, Retail, Hotel and Cultural/Institutional/Educational (CIE); and declining Industrial as land use division. In 1980, Industrial was the largest land use division of employment, closely followed by Office. In 2005, Industrial s employment share decreased from 30 percent in 1980 to 16 percent, after Office, CIE and Retail. Throughout , Office was the largest land use division of employment, and this status had been strengthened except that its employment share declined from 40 percent in 2000 to 37 percent in Retail s employment share was also on the rise, but on a very modest scale. The land use division of Hotel increased its employment share by close to 1 percent, but this was remarkable growth given its very small employment share. CIE had the largest employment share growth from 16 percent in 1980 after Industrial and Office to 25 percent in 2005 only second to Office. This indicates a significant unban transformation in San Francisco, that is, San Francisco s increasing role in cultural, institutional and educational functions. 9

13 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% -20% -40% -60% -80% -100% CIE other services education services social assistance health care art & recreation HOTEL RETAIL eating & drinking places apparel stores other retail stores food stores personal & repair general merchandise services OFFICE office services real estate finance insurance agriculture INDUSTRIAL construction utilities printing & publishing transportation information food mfg wholesale apparel mfg other mfg Figure 5 Employment Change by Land Use Division in San Francisco City ( ) Note: Red bars indicate the major land use divisions with the blue bars to their right indicating their respective subdivisions. Figure 5 aligns the land use divisions and their subdivisions according to their employment changes in in the San Francisco City. San Francisco s total employment number decreased by 5 percent in this period. Measured through land uses, CIE, Hotel, Retail and Office gained employment, while Industrial lost. All subdivisions of CIE gained employment, and education services increased by even more than 50 percent. For Retail, the subdivision of eating & drinking increased the most by 32 percent. Overall, Office increased its employment as a major land use division, but its subdivisions indicated different trends: office services had the highest growth rate of 45 percent, but both finance and insurance lost their respective employment by almost 40 percent. All subdivisions of Industrial lost employment except for construction despite suburbanisation of most labour-intensive industries, San Francisco s construction remained comparatively robust for its considerably active urban construction in this period. Financial District Figure 6 and Figure 7 illustrate the changes of employment by land use in the Financial District, the San Francisco CBD, based on the employment data and calculations in Appendix 2. 10

14 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 7% 7% 8% 7% 7% 1% 1% 4% 3% 4% 23% 22% 12% 15% 13% 7% 6% 11% 11% 11% 52% 56% 65% 63% 65% Office Retail Industrial Hotel CIE Figure 6 Employment Share by Land Use Division in the Financial District, San Francisco ( ) The employment share patterns of different land uses in the Financial District (see Figure 6) indicate both commonalities and differences compared with those in the San Francisco City. The commonalities are in the general trend increasing employment shares of Office, Retail, Hotel and CIE and deceasing employment share of Industrial. The differences are in the specificities of employment shares in different years as well as the extents of changes across the years. Office was much more concentrated in the Financial District and its concentration has been increasing.. Notwithstanding a growing trend, the employment share of Retail in the Financial District was less than that in the San Francisco City. This is no surprising since San Francisco s Retail clustering area, the Union Square, is very close to but outside the Financial District. In 2005, Hotel employment shares in both the Financial District and the San Francisco City reached 4 percent. However, given the huge difference in their total employments, 4 percent of Hotel employment share in the Financial District indicates a very high and fast concentration. In 1990, Hotel employment share in the San Francisco City was already 3 percent while it was only 1 percent in the Financial District. It infers that the Financial District increased its Hotel function very significantly throughout the 1990s until Another major different pattern is seen in CIE. CIE s employment share in the Financial Distract had been constant at around 7 percent throughout the years, while its employment in the whole City had been very impressive with high employment shares as well as high employment increase. 11

15 300% 250% 200% 150% 100% 50% 0% -50% -100% Hotel Retail Office CIE Industrial Figure 7 Employment Change by Land Use Division in Financial District, San Francisco ( ) The Financial District lost a quarter of its total employment from 1987 to The total loss was distributed among three land use divisions Industrial, CIE and Office as illustrated in Figure 7. Retail increased its employment very modestly. Hotel employment grew at a striking rate of 270 percent, which reflects its significant employment share growth in these years. 3.2 Floor Area by Land Use C-3 District Figure 8 and Figure 9 illustrate the changes of floor area by land use in the C-3 District of San Francisco from 1982 to 2002 based on the floor area data and calculations in Appendix % 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% 2% 2% 4% 4% 4% 5% 11% 13% 12% 3% 2% 2% 10% 9% 10% 70% 70% 67% Office Retail Industrial Hotel CIE Residential Figure 8 Floor Area Share by Land Use Division in C-3 District, San Francisco ( ) 12

16 Figure 8 illustrates the changes of floor area shares by land uses in in the C-3 district of San Francisco. Office remained to be the dominant land use in the two decades, but on a slight declining trend from 70 percent to 67 percent. The second largest space user across the years was Hotel, very closely followed by Retail. The comparatively high and growing space use share of Hotel indicates increasing concentration of tourist accommodation in central area of San Francisco, which is also attested by the above analysis of employment by land use division. Residential and CIE were on a slight growing trend; Industrial was on a slight declining trend. 120% 100% 80% 60% 40% 20% 0% -20% Residential CIE Hotel Office Retail Industrial Figure 9 Floor Area by Land Use Division in C-3 District, San Francisco ( ) The total floor area in the C-3 district increased by more than 25 percent in This growth was contributed to the urban redevelopment boom before 1985 and after The prevailing planning strategy in this period was to control commercial development of office and encourage residential and mixed use development. The changes of floor areas by land uses reflected the impact of this planning strategy. As demonstrated in Figure 9, the floor area of Residential more than doubled; Cultural & Institutional grew by more than half; Hotel grew by 40 percent; the dominant land uses of Office and Retail grew their space areas by a modest 20 percent, below the total growth rate. Only Industrial as a land use division lost its floor area by 8 percent. 4 Economic Base The economic base analysis is based on the variable of employment by industry. The method is to calculate the LQ values of employments by industry divisions in the San Francisco with the San Francisco Bay Area as the reference region. The San Francisco City has a jurisdictional boundary. Though the Bay Area has no jurisdictional entitlement, it refers to the nine counties around the San Francisco Bay: 13

17 Alameda, Contra Costa, Marin, Napa, San Francisco, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Solano, and Sonoma. The data collection of the Bay Area is by aggregating the data of the nine counties. The time scope for data collection and analysis ranges from 1980 to 2005 which fall into two phases: ; This division is for focused investigation by phases as well as for data consistency. Over the long time scope of 25 years under investigation, two industry classification systems have ever been used in US: the Standard Industry Classification (SIC) system and the North American Industry Classification System (NAICS). Both developed by the US Department of Commerce, the NAICS was released in 1997 and last revised in 2002 to replace the SIC system used before The fundamental difference between these two classification systems is that the SIC system classifies all business establishments based on the kind of product or service they provide while the NAICS classifies all business establishments based on the similarity in the process used to produce goods or services (US Census Bureau, 2006). The NAICS organises all economic activities into 20 broad sectors as opposed to 10 sectors in the SIC system. The corresponding industry divisions between these two systems are listed in Appendix 4 with their differences highlighted. The economic base analysis for the phase is based on the SIC system and the analysis for the phase is based on the NAICS system in line with the raw data collected. 4.1 Economic Base ( ) Figure 10 and Table 1 categorise the industries of San Francisco into four groups based on their LQ values in 1989 and LQ changes between 1980 and Their employment shares in 1989 are indicated by the sizes of bubbles in Figure 10 and their figures are specified in Table 1. Both Figure 10 and Table 1 are based on the data and calculations in Appendix 5. 14

20 The four economic groups categorised in Figure 10 and Table 1 are: Growing Basic Economy The growing basic economy group is made up of only two industry divisions: Services and Government. What counts is not the number of industry divisions, but the sizes and locations of the signifying bubbles in the upper right quadrant of Figure Services was the largest employment sector with employment share of 34 percent in 1989; Government was the fourth largest employment sector with employment share of 13 percent, only slightly after the second largest sector of Retail, whose employment share was 14 percent, and the third largest sector of Finance, Insurance and Real Estate (FIRE), whose employment share was 13.6 percent. The LQ change of Government was as high as 16 percent, indicating a growing concentration of government services in San Francisco with reference to the Bay Area region. With 1 percent of LQ change, the status of Services in San Francisco s economy did not change much in Declining Basic Economy The declining basic economy group is comprised of two industry divisions according to the SIC system, but the San Francisco Planning Department where the raw data were from divided the industry sector of Transportation, Communications and Utilities into two divisions: Communication/Utilities and Transportation. This analysis follows the division by the San Francisco Planning Department, so this group resulted in three divisions with FIRE as the third industry division. Apparently FIRE was the most important sector in this group for its bubble size as the third largest employment sector and the highest LQ value of 1.85 of all industries in FIRE remained to be the dominant economic driver of San Francisco, but its dominant status had slightly reduced as indicated by its slightly declined LQ value from 1980 to With regard to Communications/Utilities, its LQ change in and LQ value in 1989 were respectively -23 percent and It means that San Francisco s status in Communications/Utilities remained quite important in the Bay Area, notwithstanding a declining trend of its importance and its comparatively small employment share of 3 percent in Transportation was less impressive basic economy industry with very low LQ value of a little bit more than 1, as well as very small LQ change and employment share. Growing Non Basic Economy The growing non basic economy group includes the second largest employment sector of Retail with employment share of 14 percent in Retail s LQ value in 1989 was 0.85 with a change of 8 percent from 1980, indicating that Retail was somewhat revitalised in San Francisco in the 1980s. Construction was a small growing industry in this period. Declining Non Basic Economy The declining non basic economy group includes three industry divisions which actually had been on a declining trend much earlier than 1980: Mining/Agriculture, Wholesale Trade, and Manufacturing. With LQ value of 0.91 and employment share of 5.6 percent in 1989, Wholesale Trade still played a considerably important role in San Francisco s economy. Manufacturing remained an important employment sector with an employment share of 7 percent in 17

21 1989, but its LQ value of 0.42 indicates that manufacturing base had been more spread in the suburban centres of the Bay Area. 4.2 Economic Drivers ( ) Industry divisions with LQ value more than or equal to 1 are classified as economic drivers. Table 2 lists the economic drivers of San Francisco in with classification of knowledge economy, experience economy, traditional economy and public economy depending on the kinds of products or services the basic economy industries provide. Table 2 Classification of San Francisco s Economic Drivers in Basic Economy Groups Growing Economic Drivers Declining Economic Drivers Knowledge/experience Services (33.7%) FIRE (13.6%) Economy Traditional Economy Transportation (3.7%) Communications/Utilities (3.2%) Public Economy Government (13%) Note: Figures in the brackets are the industry s employment share in The industry divisions of Services and FIRE in the SIC system are so encompassing that the divisions between the knowledge economy and the experience economy are blurred. For example, the industry division of Services includes such knowledge sectors as business services and engineering as well as such experience sectors as motels, entertainment, and recreation. Overall, the combination of knowledge economy and experience made the economic drivers of San Francisco in this decade as listed in the highlighted cells of Table 7.3. The traditional economy of Transportation and Communication/Utilities constituted a small part of San Francisco economic base, but on a declining trend. FIRE was also on a slightly declining trend, however, its high employment share and LQ value sustained its role as a pivotal economic driver in San Francisco. Another key economic driver in this period was the public economy of government services. It was a steadily growing major employment sector. In this period, San Francisco was expanding its administrative role over the Bay Area. 4.3 Temporal Comparison ( ) Figure 11 and Figure 12 make temporal comparisons of San Francisco s employments by industry divisions between 1980 and

22 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% -10% -20% -30% -40% -50% -60% -70% Services Construction Retail Government FIRE Transportation Wholesale Trade Manufacturing Communicatio ns/utilities Mining/ Agriculture San Francisco Bay Area Figure 11 Employment Changes by Industry San Francisco vs. Bay Area Note: Industries are aligned according to their change percentages in San Francisco from the highest to the lowest. Figure 11 compares employment changes of different industry divisions between San Francisco and the Bay Area in San Francisco s employment growth lagged far behind the Bay Area in this period: San Francisco grew by only 3.34 percent while the Bay Area grew by percent as a total. San Francisco s employment change was much lower than that of the Bay Area in every industry division. In San Francisco, only four industries grew their employments in this period Services; Construction; Retail; Government, but for the Bay Area, all industries grew their employments. 35% 30% 25% 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Services Transportation Government FIRE Figure 12 Employment Shares by Industry Division in San Francisco 1980 vs Note: Industries are aligned by their employment shares in 1989 from the highest to the lowest. Retail Wholesale Trade Communication s/utilities Construction Manufacturing Mining/ Agriculture Figure 12 compares employment shares of different industry divisions in 1980 and 1989 in San Francisco. All industries reduced their employment shares except for Services and Retail. The employment share increases of Services and Retail correspond to their growing statuses in the economic base analysis. 19

23 4.4 Economic Base ( ) Figure 13 and Table 3 categorise the industries of San Francisco into four groups based on their LQ values in 2005 and LQ changes from 1990 to Their employment shares in 2005 are indicated by the sizes of bubbles in Figure 13 and the figures of employment shares are specified in Table 3. Both Figure 13 and Table 3 are based on the data and calculations in Appendix 6. The four economic groups categorised in Figure 13 and Table 3 are: Growing Basic Economy Industries in the growing basic economy group can be further divided into two categories based on their LQ changes: fast growing industries and steady growing industries. The three industry divisions Arts, Entertainment, and Recreation; Education Services; Accommodation and Food Services all had a LQ change of above 14 percent. The industry division of Arts, Entertainment and Recreation even had a LQ change of as high as 37 percent, indicating a very fast growing importance and concentration of these industries in San Francisco in The steady growing industry category is comprised of Public Administration; Real Estate and Rental and Leasing; Other Services (except Public Administration). By steady growing industries, it does not mean that they have been less important or less concentrated in San Francisco; it means that their economic base status was established in the beginning of the period of , and had been strengthened incrementally since then. Of all industries in this group, three industry divisions are worth particular attention. The first one is the public sector of Public Administration. Public Administration was the largest employment sector in 2005, accounting for 16 percent of total employment. Its LQ value of 1.12 in 2005 and LQ change of 4 percent from 1990 to 2005 mean that Public Administration was a pivotal urban function of San Francisco in the whole period. This status was established in the previous decade as indicated by the economic base analysis of the period. The second industry division is Accommodation and Food Services for its high value in all of the three variables: high employment share of 12 percent and high LQ value of 1.48 in 2005, and high LQ change of 14 percent in The three high values point to one conclusion that Accommodation and Food Services had been a very important business sector in San Francisco and its importance was continuing to grow at a fast speed. The third industry division is Arts, Entertainment, and Recreation for its high LQ change of 37 percent. Even though its employment share in 2005 was as modest as 2 percent, which was restricted by the business nature that does not require too many employments, its high LQ value of 1.38 as well as high LQ change indicate a high and fast concentration of Arts, Entertainment and Recreation in San Francisco. 20

26 Declining Basic Economy The declining basic economy group includes almost all advanced service industries. Finance and Insurance, with which San Francisco s role has been associated since the Gold Rush, remained to be its core urban function. Even though the employment share of Finance and Insurance was not so impressive with 9 percent, but its LQ value was the highest 1.92 among all industry divisions in Its LQ change of -2% puts it into the group of declining basic economy, however it does not mean any substantial decline of its importance in the region. Professional, Scientific, and Technical Services was another large employment sector with its employment share of 12 percent. Its importance in the region is seen in its considerably high LQ value of 1.35 notwithstanding its LQ change of -8 percent. The most striking change happened to Management of Companies and Enterprises with its LQ change of -41 percent and small employment share of 2.5 percent. However, its relative importance in the region remained quite strong as seen in its LQ value of 1.5. The industry division of Administrative and Support Services does not provide as advanced services as the above three divisions, but it was an important employment sector with employment share of 6 percent in Its modest LQ value of 1.04 put it in a very low profile status of basic economy. Growing Non Basic Economy The industry components of the growing non basic economy group in remained to be the same as those in : Construction and Retail. With a minor LQ change of 4 percent, Retail remained to be a major sector in San Francisco with its LQ value of 0.81 and employment share of 9 percent in The Construction sector did not change much either. Declining Non Basic Economy Most industries in the declining non basic economy group are labour intensive: Manufacturing; Transportation, Warehousing and Utilities; Wholesale Trade; Information; and Health Care and Social Assistance. With increasing importance of knowledge economy of high valueadded advanced services and experience economy of catering for increasing visitors in San Francisco, these traditional industries have been pushed out of San Francisco to suburban centres in the region this is a trend which has been developing since the post-wwii years. The only exception is the industry division of Information. Even though it is categorised into the declining non basic group, its high LQ value of 0.97 in 2005 indicates San Francisco s position as an important information industry centre in the Bay Area. 4.5 Economic Drivers ( ) Table 4 lists the economic drivers of San Francisco in with the classifications of the knowledge economy and the experience economy highlighted. 23

27 Table 4 Classification of San Francisco s Economic Drivers in Basic Economy Groups Knowledge Economy Experience Economy Public Economy Growing Economic Drivers 53. Real estate and rental and leasing (2.28%) 72. Accommodation and food services (12.01%) 71. Arts, entertainment, and recreation (2.16%) 92. Public administration: federal, state and local government (16.24%) Declining Economic Drivers 54. Professional, scientific, and technical services (12.35%) 52. Finance and insurance (8.98%) 56. Administrative and support and waste management and remediation services (5.88%) 61. Education services (3.07%) 81. Other services (except public administration) (4.19%) 55. Management of companies and enterprises (2.44%) Unlike the economic drivers in , the economic drivers in are clearly divided between the knowledge economy and the experience economy. The performances of knowledge economy and experience economy also indicated contrary patterns: almost all knowledge economy industries were declining their importance and concentration in San Francisco with reference to the Bay Area except for Real Estate and Rental and Leasing which was a very small industry accounting for only 2 percent of total employment; on the contrary, all experience economy industries were increasing their relative importance and concentration. San Francisco s role as a public administration centre was being further strengthened. The comparatively declining industries are those which have long been associated with San Francisco urban functions: finance and insurance, professional services, and management. These findings indicate that San Francisco s role as a financial and corporate centre has been declining at a slow but steady rate, while its role as a visitor centre as well as public administrative centre was growing at a considerably fast and firm rate. 4.6 Temporal Comparison ( ) Figure 14 and Figure 15 make temporal comparisons of San Francisco s employments by industry divisions between 1990 and

28 60% 40% 20% 0% -20% -40% -60% -80% 61. Education services 71. Arts, entertainment, and recreation 23. Construction 72. Accommodation and food services 54. Professional, scientific, and technical 62. Health care and social assistance 51. Information 56. Administrative and support and waste 81. Other services (except public Retail trade 53. Real estate and rental and leasing 92. Public administration: federal, 52. Finance and insurance 42. Wholesale trade 55. Management of companies and 48-49&22. transportation, Manufacturing 11. Agriculture, forestry, fishing and hunting 21. Mining -100% San Francisco Bay Area Figure 14 Employment Changes by Industry San Francisco vs. Bay Area Note: Industries are aligned according to their change percentages in San Francisco from the highest to the lowest. Figure 14 compares employment changes of different industries between San Francisco and the Bay Area in San Francisco s total employment reduced by 8 percent, at the same time the Bay Area s total employment grew by 10 percent. This resulted in less growing industries and more growing industries in the Bay Area measured by absolute employment change in this period. By growth change percentage, significant growth happened to Education Services; Arts, Entertainment and Recreation; Construction; Accommodation and Food; and Professional, Scientific and Technical Services in San Francisco. They all grew their employment by more than 20 percent. The first three industry divisions belong to the growing basic economy group in the LQ analysis except for the last division of Professional, Scientific and Technical Services which is categorised into the declining basic economy group. With 20 percent of employment growth, but -8 percent of LQ change, it is clear that greater growth change of Professional, Scientific and Technical Services sector happened in the Bay Area, which was actually 56 percent, the highest of all industry divisions. Overall, the Bay Area surpassed San Francisco in the growth rates of all industries with only one exception Arts, Entertainment and Recreation. This corresponds to the finding of growing importance and concentration of Arts, Entertainment and Recreation in San Francisco in the economic base analysis. 25

29 18% 16% 14% 12% 10% 8% 6% 4% 2% 0% 92. Public administration: 54. Professional, scientific, and 72. Accommodation and food services 52. Finance and insurance Retail trade 62. Health care and social assistance 56. Administrative and support and waste 81. Other services (except public 51. Information Figure 15 Employment Shares by Industry in San Francisco 1990 vs Note: Industries are aligned by their employment shares in 2005 from the highest to the lowest. 23. Construction Education services 48-49&22. transportation, 55. Management of companies and 42. Wholesale trade 53. Real estate and rental and leasing Manufacturing 71. Arts, entertainment, and 11. Agriculture, forestry, fishing and 21. Mining Figure 15 compares the employment shares of different industries in San Francisco between 1990 and In this period, industries that declined their employment shares were more than those that increased their employment shares. This is partially related to the loss of San Francisco s total employment, partially related to the concentration of employment with fewer industries. Industries with employment share above 5 percent throughout the two and half decades include: Retail Trade; Finance and Insurance; Professional, Scientific and Technical Services; Administrative & Support & Waste Management & Remediation; Health Care and Social Services; Accommodation and Food; and Public Administration. Three industries were in the group of 5+ percent of employment share in 1990, but slipped out of the group in 2005: Manufacturing; Transportation, Warehouse & Utilities; and Management of Companies and Enterprise. For most industries, employment share changes and LQ changes correspond, that is, they demonstrated concurrent patterns of growing employment share and LQ or declining employment and LQ. Industries of the former pattern include Construction; Retail Trade; Education; Arts, Entertainment and Recreation. Industries of the latter pattern include Wholesale Trade; Transportation, Warehouse and Utilities; Finance and Insurance; and Management of Companies and Enterprises. However, exceptions exist since LQ change is dependent on the industry s regional employment share too. There are industries with growing LQ but declining employment share like Real Estate and Rental and Leasing; and Public Administration. This indicates a greater shrinking of these industries in the Bay Area. There are also industries with declining LQ but growing employment share including Information; Professional, Scientific and Technical Services; Administrative and Support and Waste Management; and Health Care and Social Services. 26

30 This indicates greater growth and importance of these industries in the Bay Area despite their growing employment in San Francisco too. Greater growth and importance of such industries as Information; Professional, Scientific and Technical Services in the Bay Area reflects faster growth of these industries in centres such as the Silicon Valley than San Francisco. 5 Discussion & Conclusion The following paragraphs summarise the patterns of San Francisco s urban transformations in the post decades observed through its functional concentration measured by land use, economic base measured by industry. Functional Concentration The changes of employments and employment shares by land use divisions in both the San Francisco City and the San Francisco CBD the Financial District are analysed. Industrial reduced its absolute employment number as well as employment share in both the whole city and the CBD. In the City of San Francisco, Office, Retail, Hotel and CIE increased both employment number and employment share. Office and CIE increased their employment shares very significantly to offset the employment share decrease of Industrial which was 50 percent. In the Financial District, Office, Retail, and Hotel had employment share growth, and CIE s employment share kept constant. But of the four land use divisions with growing or constant employment shares, only Hotel and Retail increased absolute employment numbers. Like Industrial, both Office and CIE lost their employment, resulting in 25 percent of total employment loss in the Financial District in Hotel had the most impressive growth in both employment number and employment share. Overall, both the San Francisco City and the Financial District had strengthened urban functions of Office and Retail as indicated in their increased employment share. The growth of Hotel tended to be concentrated in the Financial District, while the growth of CIE was dispersed in the non-cbd areas of the City. The analysis of the changes of floor area by land use division focuses on the C-3 District, the central place of the San Francisco City. The total floor area in the C-3 District increased by more than 25 percent in , which resulted in floor area growth in all land use divisions except for Industrial. The top three floor area growers were Residential, CIE and Hotel, followed by Office and Retail. These changes of floor area by land use division reflected the effects of the planning strategies in these decades. One key goal of these strategies was to mix the Office dominance with more provision of residential and tourist accommodations for a liveable and lively downtown San Francisco. The process of mixing land uses was also evidenced by the floor area shares over years. The floor area share of Office was decreasing, while that of Residential, Hotel and CIE was increasing. Egon and Bell (2007) identify the emergence of a 27

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