Author: Tanya Lopez

During consecutive appearances in the Cortes, within the commission that investigates the adjudication, management, and supervision of the savings banks that had their registered office in Castilla y León, both have coincided in pointing out that these credits passed all the filters of the boxes, so they were treated as a customer over entities.

The first to declare in this open commission for more than a year and a half in the regional courts has been the president of Caja España between 2006 and 2010, Santos Llamas, who has stated that he never had a “privileged treatment” on the part of the entity that presided at the time of receiving various loans to their companies, because he was not “the best client of the Caja”- Get it Now.

During his appearance, Santos Llamas has reiterated on several occasions that the loans to his companies were “scrupulously” adapted to the law, at the same time he said that he “never influenced” the board of directors to approve loans to their companies. , because when these concessions were deliberated he was absent from the meeting.

Also, Llamas has stated that these credits were approved unanimously,

while they exceeded “without any snag” the filters of the risk committee and the steering committee, at the same time that it has confessed that if it requested the credits to the entity who presided was because from the direction they advised him to have all his business “at home” facing the “public image”.

In addition to the surname Llamas, the other name that has been repeated most during the numerous appearances of this commission of investigation has been that of José María Arribas, who today has appeared in the Cortes, despite having a pending trial in the Provincial Court. of Burgos, to defend his work at the helm of Caja Burgos between 2003 and 2011.

The president then of Caja Burgos, Jose Maria Arribas, said today that the loans that the presiding box granted to companies associated with him were not “one-tenth” more favorable than those that could be granted to other companies at that time.

However, Arribas has not gone too far in this matter because it is currently under judicial process after five years of investigation, so the former president has asked parliamentarians not to “influence” on these matters so as not to convert Courts in “a court bench debate”.

During their respective appearances of more than two hours each, both have been questioned by the different public representatives about the failed process of merging all the savings banks of the Community into a single entity.

In this sense, with the merger of all the boxes of Castile and Leon would

have “put in common all the hardships and shortcomings,” which would have done more than “put more at risk” to all entities to “not being able to ensure its solvency “, has expressed Arribas.

For his part, Llamas has acknowledged that what was done in the Fund “was, politically, what the two parties decided”, in reference to the presence of the PP and the PSOE in the direction of the entity, and has stated that, Although “you do not want to wash your hands” with the decisions made, it was these parties that decided.

This political “weight” in the decisions of Caja España also affected the merger process of these entities, since Llamas has narrated how one day the president of the Board, Juan Vicente Herrera, picked up the phone and called the Savings Banks to suggest that “you had to merge all the Community boxes into one”.

This was the genesis, according to Llamas, of the “necessary” mergers of the boxes in the Community, although finally this process of creating a large savings bank in Castilla y León “failed”, as has also been apostilled Arribas, who has lamented that the Board wanted to create a “financial muscle that really could not move anything”.

Renunciation of the head of state has created some amazement, that would itself be interpreted, we are inclined to think that the political man is ready to make the attempt of power at all costs, regardless of the odds failure and humiliation; our degraded vision of public affairs makes us think that the professional politicians have no taste than the power for power. However, as noted by Paul Ricoeur in Memory, History, Forgetting, the policy is sometimes a place of “gestures” are possible, the scope other than the simple struggle “Machiavellian” for power. The decision by Holland gave it a certain dignity: he will not go at all costs. (One remembers that his first mentor, Jacques Delors, has not presented a presidential gave where the winner because he felt he could achieve the reforms which it felt necessary. Other configuration, but where we already saw sometimes a sign of insufficient political determination, sometimes that of an ethic of responsibility become rare in politics). But the gesture of the President he could have greater political significance? In three dimensions, in any case, he suggests.

On the “type of leaders.” This withdrawal could lead to a meditation worried about the dreaded contrast than today introduced the Western world: the “popular” leaders seem to be authoritarian, identify leaders, Putin Orbán through Trump, while the “weak” leaders lose democratic referendums they launch (badly), resign or give up. Marine Le Pen is concluded that the future is authoritarian and xenophobic leaders; but these triumphs are also sham, and the idea of a neo-populist wave of right, if it corresponds to a real movement, not declared by the overwhelming success in obscuring a part of the things that iareto the east, a “popularity” obtained by silencing opponents and destroying opposition newspapers? Trump h,e has “triumphed” in terms of the popular vote? The candidate of the extreme right in Austria he won? No, nothing is, and must avoid feeding storytelling an irrepressible aspiration of peoples to authoritarianism and xenophobia. The Holland renunciation recalled here that in a democracy, the popularity of the leader depends on a public that does not control, and that “fragility” is the very sign of democratic authority. The possibility of failure is included in its structure, while authoritarian powers organize its denial. (Note that this left that overwhelms Holland, not without reason, but at the same time braided wreaths Castro seems to lead a strange understanding of democratic authority, which is flush with another indulgence for authoritarianism – “left “). Of course, this does not mean that any president should be unpopular!

On unpopularity. Holland failed to embody a principled opposition to neo-liberalism and its social havoc, an alternative way to austerity. He disappointed his constituents by an economic policy that seemed to turn his back on his campaign promises and absurd legislative projects, such as entrench a state of emergency or develop the deprivation of nationality. It is hoped that democratic leaders will meet the expectations of their peoples in the protection by the state without using recipes right neo-populism.

On the Fifth Republic. What lessons from the unlikely figure of “normal president”? Was it incompatible with the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, as the function seems to summon the exception of attributes? No doubt, but one can advance another hypothesis: the sense of the organization of powers designed by the Constitution has been obscured and, despite appearances, Holland persisted in the confusions of the “hyperprésidence” Sarkozy on this point . Until his last speech, advances and laws were presented about how “I did this”, “I did that.” Where is constitutionally provided that the Government – including Prime Minister “directs the action” (Art. 21) – “determines and conducts the policy of the nation” (. Art 20) and Parliament “voting law” (art. 24), the President is today in the source of all action and all law. Focal point of inflated expectations, it rapidly becomes that of hysterical attacks. We must clearly redraw the respective areas of action. Given the presidential system ego combat this pre-campaign, unfortunately we, do not take the way.

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