Tasks of the Left Zimmerwaldists in the Swiss Social-Democratic Party[6]

Written: Written in late October and early November 1916
Published:
First published (in French) as a pamphlet in 1918.
First published in Russian in 1924 in the magazine Proletarskaya Revolutsia No. 4 (27).
Published according to the manuscript.
Source:Lenin
Collected Works,
Progress Publishers,
1964,
Moscow,
Volume 23,
pages 137-148.
Translated: M. S. Levin, The Late Joe Fineberg and and Others
Transcription\Markup:R. CymbalaPublic Domain:
Lenin Internet Archive
2002
(2005).
You may freely copy, distribute,
display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and
commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet
Archive” as your source.
• README

The Congress of the Swiss Social-Democratic Party at Zurich
(November 4–5, 1916) definitely proved that the decision to join
Zimmerwald and accept revolutionary mass struggle (resolution of
the 1915 Aarau Congress) remains on paper, and that within the party there
has been definitely formed a “Centre”, i.e., a trend similar to that of
Kautsky-Haase and the
Arbeitsgemeinschaft[7] in Germany, and of Longuet-Pressemane and Co. in
France. This “Centre”, of which R. Grimm has become the head, combines
“Left” declarations with “Right”, i.e., opportunist, tactics.

It is therefore the task of the Left Zimmerwaldists in the Swiss
Social-Democratic Party immediately and effectively to consolidate, their
forces in order systematically to influence the party so that the Aarau
Congress decision shall not remain a dead letter. Consolidation of their
forces is all the more urgent since both the Aarau and Zurich congresses
have left no doubt whatever as to the revolutionary and internationalist
sympathies of the Swiss proletariat. Resolutions of sympathy for Liebknecht
are not enough; there must be serious acceptance of his slogan that the
Social-Democratic parties of today need
regeneration.[8]

The platform of the Left Zimmerwaldists in the Social-Democratic Party
of Switzerland should be, approximately, as follows:

I. ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE WAR
AND TOWARDS THE BOURGEOIS GOVERNMENT IN GENERAL

1. “Defence of the fatherland” on the part of Switzerland in the
present imperialist war as well as in the new imperialist wars now in
preparation is nothing but a bourgeois
deception of the people. For, actually, Switzerland’s participation in the
present or similar wars would only be participation in a predatory and
reactionary war on the side
of[1]one of the imperialist coalitions; it would definitely not be a
war for “freedom”, “democracy”, “in dependence”, etc.

2. The attitude of the Swiss Social-Democratic Party towards the
bourgeois Swiss Government and towards all the Swiss bourgeois parties must
be one of utter distrust. For that government
(a) is closely bound up, economically and financially, with the bourgeoisie
of the imperialist “Great” Powers and is completely dependent upon them;
(b) has long ago turned towards political reaction all along the line in
international and domestic affairs (political police, servility towards
European reaction and European monarchies, etc.);
(c) its whole policy over a period of many years (military reorganisation
in 1907, etc., the Egli “case”, the de Loys
“case”,[9] etc., etc.) has proved that it is increasingly becoming a
pawn in the hands of the most reactionary Swiss military party and military
clique.

3. In view of the above, it is the urgent task of the Swiss
Social-Democratic Party to expose the true character of the government,
which is cringing before the imperialist bourgeoisie and the militarists,
expose its deception of the people by means of phrases about democracy,
etc., show the very real possibility of this government (with the approval
of the whole of the ruling bourgeoisie in Switzerland) bartering away the
interests of the Swiss people to on or the other imperialist coalition.

4. Therefore, in the event of Switzerland’s involvement in the present
war, it will be the duty of the Social-Democrats absolutely to repudiate
“defence of the fatherland” and to expose the use of that slogan to
deceive the people. In such a war the workers and peasants would lay down
their lives not in their own interests, and not for democracy, but in the
interests of the imperialist bourgeoisie. The socialists of Switzerland, as
of all other advanced countries, can and must accept military defence of
the fatherland only when this fatherland has been reorganised
along socialist lines, i.e., defence of the proletarian socialist
revolution against the bourgeoisie.

5. Neither in peace nor in war can the Social-Democratic Party and its
deputies vote war credits under any circumstances, no matter what deceitful
speeches about “defending neutrality”, etc., are made to justify such
voting.

6. The proletariat’s answer to war must be propaganda and the
preparation and carrying out of revolutionary mass actions for the
overthrow of bourgeois rule, the conquest of political power and the
achievement of socialist society, which alone will save mankind from
wars. The determination to achieve it is maturing in the minds of the
workers of all countries with unprecedented rapidity.

7. Revolutionary action must include demonstrations and mass strikes,
but under no circumstances refusal of military service. On the contrary,
not refusal to take up arms, but turning these arms against one’s
own bourgeoisie is the only action that can correspond to the tasks of
the proletariat and to the slogans of the best representatives of
internationalism, for example, Karl Liebknecht.

8. The Social-Democratic workers must counter the slightest government
action, either before entering or during the war, towards abolishing or
curtailing political liberties by forming illegal organisations to conduct
systematic, persistent propaganda, undaunted by any sacrifices, for war
against war, and explain to the masses the real character of the war.

II. THE HIGH COST OF LIVING AND THE INTOLERABLE ECONOMIC
CONDITIONS OF THE MASSES

9. Not only in the belligerent countries, but in Switzer land too, the
war has led to the unprecedented and scandalous enrichment of a handful of
rich people and to incredible Want among the masses, resulting from high
prices and food shortages. The Social-Democratic Party’s main task must be
a revolutionary, not reformist, struggle against this calamity: systematic
and persistent propaganda and preparation for such a struggle, undeterred
by inevitable temporary difficulties and set-backs.

10. In reply to the numerous bourgeois projects of financial reforms,
the Social-Democratic Party must make it its main task to expose attempts
by the bourgeoisie to shift the burden of mobilisation and war on to the
workers and poor peasants.

Under no circumstances, and under no pretext, can Social-Democrats
agree to indirect taxation. The decision of the Aarau Congress (1915), and
the Huber-Grimm resolution adopted at the Zurich Congress (1916), which
permit Social-Democrats to agree to indirect taxes, must be rescinded. All
Social-Democratic organisations must forthwith begin most energetically to
prepare for the Party Congress in Berne in February 1917, and must elect
only delegates who favour rescinding these resolutions.

It is the job of liberal officials, and certainly not of revolutionary
Social-Democrats, to help the bourgeois government extricate itself from
the present difficulties and preserve the capitalist system, i.e.,
perpetuate want among the masses.

11. Social-Democrats must propagate as widely as possible among the
masses the urgent necessity of introducing a uniform federal property and
income tax, with high and progressive scales not tower than the
following:

12. Social-Democrats must ruthlessly combat the bourgeois lie, spread
also by many opportunists in the Social-Democratic Party, that it is
“impractical” to advocate revolutionary-high rates of property and income
taxation. On the contrary, this is the only practical and the only
Social-Democratic policy. First, because we must not adapt our selves to
what is “acceptable” to the rich; we must appeal
to the broad masses of the poor and propertyless who are indifferent to, or
suspicious of, the Social-Democratic Party, largely owing to its reformist
and opportunist character. Secondly, the only way of wresting concessions
from the bourgeoisie is not by “bargaining” with it, not by “adapting”
ourselves to its interests or prejudices, but by preparing the
revolutionary forces of the masses against it. The larger
the section of people we convince of the justice of revolutionary high
taxation rates and of the need to fight to secure such rates, the sooner
will the bourgeoisie make concessions. And we will utilise every
concession, however small, in the unswerving struggle for the complete
expropriation of the bourgeoisie.

13. The fixing of a maximum salary for all salaried employees and
officials,
Bundesräte,[2]
etc., of 5,000 to 6,000 francs per annum, according to size of family. The
prohibition of the accumulation of all other incomes under penalty of
imprisonment and confiscation of such incomes.

14. Compulsory alienation of the factories and works—in the first
instance of those that are indispensable for supplying the necessities of
life to the population and also of all agricultural enterprises of over
fifteen hectares (over 40 “Jacharten”) in area (in Switzerland
there are only 22,000 enterprises of this size out of a total of 252,000,
i.e., less than one-tenth of all agricultural enterprises). Systematic
measures, on the basis of these reforms, to increase food output and ensure
the people a supply of cheap food.

15. Immediate and compulsory alienation by the state of all water power
in Switzerland; this, as well as other alienated property, to be subject to
the above-mentioned scales of property and income tax.

III. PRESSING DEMOCRATIC REFORMS AND UTILISATION OF THE
POLITICAL STRUGGLE AND PARLIAMENTARISM

16. Utilisation of the Parliamentary tribune and the right of
initiative and referendum, not in a reformist manner,
in order to advocate reforms “acceptable” to the bourgeoisie, and
therefore powerless to remove the principal and fundamental evils suffered
by the masses. The aim should be propaganda in favour of Switzerland’s
socialist transformation, which is quite feasible economically, and is
becoming more and more urgently necessary because of the intolerably high
cost of living and the oppression of finance capital, and also because the
international relations created by the war are impelling the proletariat of
the whole of Europe on to the path of revolution.

17. Abolition of all restrictions without exception on the
political rights of women compared with those of men. It must be explained
to the masses why this reform is particularly urgent at the present time,
when the war and the high cost of living are agitating the minds of the
broad masses and, in particular, are rousing the interest and the attention
of women towards politics.

18. Compulsory naturalisation (Zwangseinbürgerung) of all
foreigners, free of charge. Every foreigner shall become a Swiss citizen
after three months’ residence in the country, unless he, on very good
grounds, applies for a postponement, which may be granted for not more than
three months. It must be explained to the masses that such a reform is
particularly urgent for Switzerland, not only from the general democratic
standpoint, but also because, owing to its imperialist environment,
Switzerland has a larger percentage of foreigners than any other European
country. Nine-tenths of these foreigners speak one of the three languages
used in Switzerland. The disfranchisement and alienation of foreign workers
serve to increase political reaction, which is already mounting, and weaken
international proletarian solidarity.

19. Immediate propaganda for Social Democratic candidates in the 1917
Nationalrat[3]
elections to be nominated only on the basis of a political platform that
has been previously widely discussed by the electors. This applies in
particular to the question of the attitude towards the war and defence of
the fatherland, and the question of reformist or revolutionary struggle
against the high cost of living.

IV. THE IMMEDIATE TASKS OF PARTY PROPAGANDA,
AGITATION AND ORGANISATION

20. Effective operation of the Aarau decision on the revolutionary mass
struggle is impossible without systematic and persistent efforts to extend
Social-Democratic influence over the masses, without drawing into the
movement new strata of the toiling and exploited
masses. Propaganda and agitation for the social revolution must be
conducted more concretely, more explicitly, and on pressing practical
issues. This will make it understood not only by the organised workers, who
under capitalism will always remain a minority of the proletariat and of
the oppressed classes in general, but also by the majority of the
exploited, who are incapable of systematic organisation because of the
terrible oppression of capitalism.

21. To influence broader masses, the party must organise more
systematic publication of leaflets for free distribution. These should
explain to the masses that the revolutionary proletariat is fighting for
the socialist transformation of Switzerland, which is necessary for and in
the interests of nine-tenths of the population. Open competitions should be
organised between all party branches, particularly the youth organisations,
for the best distribution of such leaflets, and street and house-to-house
propaganda. More attention and effort must be devoted to propaganda among
the rural workers, agricultural labourers and day-labourers, and also among
the poor section of peasants who do not exploit hired labour and do not
profit, but suffer, from the high cost of living. The party should demand
of its parliamentary representatives (National-, Kantons-, Gross-, and
other Räte) that they utilise their particularly advantageous political
position, not for idle reformist parliamentary talk, which naturally only
bores the workers and rouses their suspicion, but for propaganda for the
socialist revolution among the most backward strata of the
proletariat and semi-proletariat in urban, and particularly rural, areas.

22. A decisive break with the theory of “neutrality” of the
industrial organisations of the working class, office
employees, etc. A truth most strikingly confirmed by the war should be
brought home to the masses, namely, that so-called “neutrality” is
bourgeois deception or hypocrisy, that in fact it means passive
submission to the bourgeoisie and to such of its particularly disgusting
undertakings as imperialist war. Social-Democratic activity in every
organisation of the working class and of the poor strata of the petty
bourgeoisie or office workers must be intensified. Special
Social-Democratic groups must be formed within all such organisations;
systematic efforts must be made to create a situation in which
revolutionary Social-Democracy shall have the majority in and leadership of
these organisations. The special importance of this condition for the
success of the revolutionary struggle must be explained to the masses.

23. Social-Democratic work among the troops must be extended and
intensified, both before and after the call-up. Social-Democratic groups
must be formed in all military units. The historical inevitability and
legitimacy, from the standpoint of socialism, of using arms in the only
legitimate war, namely, the proletarian war against the bourgeoisie to
liberate humanity from wage-slavery, must be explained. There must be
propaganda against isolated terrorist actions and for linking up
the struggle of the revolutionary section of the army with the broad
movement of the proletariat and of the exploited population
generally. There must be more intensive propaganda in support of the
section of the Olten decision urging soldiers to refuse to obey when troops
are used against strikers, and it should be explained that passive
disobedience alone is not
enough.[10]

24. To explain to the masses the inseparable connection between the
practical, consistent, revolutionary Social-Democratic work, as outlined
above, and the systematic struggle over principles among the
three main trends in the present-day labour movement that have
arisen in all civilised countries, and have taken definite shape
also in Switzerland (particularly at the 1916 Zurich Congress). These three
trends are:
(1) the social-patriots who frankly accept “defence of the fatherland” in
the present imperialist war of 1914–16; this is an opportunist trend of
the agents of the bourgeoisie in the labour movement;
(2) the Left Zimmerwaldists,
who, in principle, reject “defence of the fatherland” in the imperialist
war. They favour a break with the social-patriots as agents of the
bourgeoisie and mass revolutionary struggle, combined with
complete reorganisation of Social-Democratic tactics to conform
with the propaganda and preparation for such struggle;
(3) the so-called “Centre” (Kautsky-Haase, Arbeitsgemeinschaft in
Germany; Longuet-Pressemane in
France),[4]
which stands for unity between the first and the second trends. Such
“unity” only ties the hands of revolutionary Social-Democracy, prevents
the development of its activity and corrupts the masses by failure
inseparably and completely to link up Party principles and Party practice.

At the 1916 Zurich Congress of the Swiss Social-Democratic Party, in
three speeches on the question of the
Nationalratsfraktion[5]
delivered by Platten, Name and Greulich, there was the very clearly
expressed admission that the struggle between the different policy trends
within the Social-Democratic Party of Switzerland has long since become
a fact. The sympathies of the majority of the delegates were obviously
with Platten when he spoke of the need consistently to work in the spirit
of revolutionary Social-Democracy. Name openly, precisely and definitely
declared that two trends were continuously fighting each other within the
Nationalratsfraktion, and that the workers’ organisations must themselves
see to it that adherents of the revolutionary trend who were in complete
agreement with each other be elected to the Nationalrat. When Greulich said
that the Party had cast off its old “favourites” (Lieblinge) and
had found new “favourites”, he too thereby admitted the existence and
struggle of different trends. But no class-conscious and thinking worker
will agree with this “favourites” theory. It is precisely in order to
prevent the inevitable and necessary struggle between trends from
degenerating into a contest between “favourites”, into personal
conflicts, petty suspicions and petty scandals that all members of the
Social-Democratic Party must see to it that the struggle between the
different policy trends is fought openly and on principles.

25. An intensified principled struggle must be waged against
the
Grütli-Verein[11] as a glaring manifestation on Swiss soil of the
tendencies of bourgeois labour politics, namely, opportunism,
reformism, social-patriotism and corruption of the masses by
bourgeois-democratic illusions. The mistaken and pernicious character of
social-patriot and “Centre” policies must be explained to the masses,
using the concrete activities of the Grütli-Verein as an example.

26. Preparations must be immediately started for the elections to the
February (1917) Party Congress in Berne to ensure that they are held only
after every Party organisation has discussed the principles and concrete
policies set forth in the various platforms. The platform outlined here
should serve as the platform of the consistent, revolutionary,
internationalist Social-Democrats.

The election of all leading Party officials, to the Press Commission,
to all representative bodies, to all management committees, etc., must take
place only on the basis of such a discussion of platforms.

Every local organisation must carefully control the local Party press
organ to ensure that it pursues the views and the tactics, not merely of
Social-Democracy in general, but of a precisely defined platform
of Social-Democratic policy.

V. INTERNATIONAL TASKS OF THE SWISS SOCIAL-DEMOCRATS

27. In order that acceptance of internationalism by the Swiss
Social-Democrats shall not remain an empty and non-committal phrase—to
which the adherents of the “Centre”, and Social-Democrats of the epoch of
the Second International generally, always confine themselves—it is
necessary, first, consistently and unswervingly to fight for organisational
rapprochement between foreign and Swiss workers bringing them together in
the same unions, and for their complete equality (civic and political). The
specific feature of imperialism in Switzerland is precisely the increasing
exploitation of disfranchised foreign workers by the Swiss bourgeoisie,
which bases its hopes on estrangement between these two categories of
workers.

Second, every effort must be made to create a united
internationalist trend among the German, French and Italian
workers of Switzerland, a trend that will make for genuine unity
in all practical activity in the labour movement and will combat,
with equal determination and on principle, French (in Latin Switzerland),
German and Italian social-patriotism. The present platform should be made
the basis of a common and united platform of the workers of all
three main nationalities or languages in Switzerland. Unless worker
supporters of revolutionary Social-Democracy belonging to all the
nationalities of Switzerland are united in this way, internationalism will
remain an idle word.

To facilitate this amalgamation, the publication should be started of
supplements (even if weekly [monthly] and only two pages at first) to all
Social-Democratic newspapers (and to all periodicals put out by workers’,
office employees’, etc., trade unions). The supplements should be published
in three languages and should explain the present platform in the
light of current political developments.

28. The Swiss Social-Democrats must support in all other socialist
parties only the revolutionary-internationalist forces, the forces
that accept the Zimmerwald Left. This support must not remain platonic. It
is particularly important to reprint in Switzerland the anti-government
manifestos secretly issued in Germany, France and Italy, translate them
into all three languages and distribute them among the workers in
Switzerland and all the neighbouring countries.

29. At the Berne (February 1917) Congress the Swiss Social-Democratic
Party must not only unreservedly accept the Kienthal Conference decisions,
but must also demand an immediate and complete organisational break with
the International Socialist Bureau at The Hague, that bulwark of
opportunism and social-patriotism, which are irreconcilably hostile to the
interests of socialism.

30. The Social-Democratic Party of Switzerland is in a particularly
favourable position to keep in touch with developments in the labour
movement in the advanced European countries and unite its revolutionary
elements. The Party must not, therefore, wait passively for an internal
struggle to develop within that movement, but must keep in
advance of that struggle. In other words, it must follow the road of
the Zimmerwald Left, the correctness of which is being proved more clearly
every day by the course of events in the socialist movements of Germany,
France, England, the United States and all civilised countries in general.

Notes

[1]In the manuscript the words “in alliance with” are written over the
words “on the side of”.—Ed.

[6]During the First World War Lenin lived in Switzerland from where he
directed the activities of the Bolshevik Party. He was also a member of the
Swiss Social-Democratic Party and shared in the activities of its Left
wing, attending its meetings and helping it with his
advice. Dr. F. Brupbacher, a Zurich Social-Democrat who frequently met
Lenin in that period, wrote:

“Lenin was in close touch with the Zurich labour organisations,
attending their meetings every time an important issue was discussed. For
instance, he was present when a report on Youth Day was made to a meeting
of woodworkers, at meetings of the Zurich Labour Union when the war
question was debated, a youth meeting in Hottingen at which Platten spoke
on refusal to do military service and on revolutionary propaganda in the
army, a meeting of the Unterstrasse branch which I addressed on the war
issue.... Lenin displayed the patience of Job in his relations with the
Swiss comrades” (Maurice Pianzola, “Lenin in Switzerland”).

The theses “The Tasks of the Left Zimmerwaldists in the Swiss
Social-Democratic Party” were written in Russian and German and translated
into French. They were circulated to Bolshevik groups in Switzerland, to
Swiss Left Social-Democrats and were discussed at their meetings.

[8]The slogan was advanced by Karl Liebknecht in his letter of October 2, 1914
to the German Social-Democratic Party Executive. Lenin quotes this letter
in his rough draft of “Theses for an Appeal to the International Socialist
Committee and All Socialist Parties” (see pp. 205–16 of this volume).

This is the background to Liebknecht’s letter: In August 1914,
Liebknecht asked the party Executive to arrange a number of anti war
rallies and issue a manifesto in the name of the Reichstag group urging all
party members to oppose the war. The proposal was rejected. In September
1914, Liebknecht toured Belgium and Holland, informing internationalist
socialists of the situation in the German party, for which he was
disciplined by the Executive. The letter was a reply to this disciplinary
action.

[9]Egli, Karl Heinrich—Swiss colonel. Spied for Germany and her
allies during the First World War, when he was deputy chief of the Swiss
General Staff. Tried early in 1916 at the insistence of the
Social-Democratic press and parliamentary group, he was acquitted, due to
pressure from the bourgeoisie and the military clique, but was obliged to
leave the army.

De Lohs (Loys, Treytorrens)—Swiss colonel. In
August 1916 published several articles urging Swiss participation in the
war.
Was exposed by the Social-Democratic press, which demanded his dismissal
From the service, but the military command confined it self to a reprimand.

[10]TheOlten resolution on the war question was adopted by the
emergency congress of the Swiss Social-Democratic Party at Olten,
February 10–11, 1906.

[11]Grütli-Verein—a bourgeois reformist organisation founded in
Switzerland in 4838, long before the organisation of the Swiss
Social-Democratic Party. The name derives from the sixteenth-century Union
of Grütlians (conspirators), who rose against Austrian rule. In 1901 the
Grütli-Verein affiliated with the Social-Democratic Party but remained
organisationally independent. Its newspaper, Grütlianer,
followed a bourgeois-nationalist policy. In the First World War the
Grütli-Verein took up an extreme chauvinist position and became the
mainstay of the Right-wing social-chauvinists. This led the Zurich Congress
of the Social-Democratic Party (November 1916) to declare that membership
in the Grütli-Verein was incompatible with membership in the party.