The spark that ignited the war
occurred in Beirut on April 13, 1975, when gunmen killed four Phalangists
during an attempt on Pierre Jumayyil's life. Perhaps believing the assassins to
have been Palestinian, the Phalangists retaliated later that day by attacking a
bus carrying Palestinian passengers across a Christian neighborhood, killing
about twenty-six of the occupants. The next day fighting erupted in earnest,
with Phalangists pitted against Palestinian militiamen (thought by some
observers to be from the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine). The
confessional layout of Beirut's various quarters facilitated random killing.
Most Beirutis stayed inside their homes during these early days of battle, and
few imagined that the street fighting they were witnessing was the beginning of
a war that was to devastate their city and divide the country.

Despite the urgent need to control the
fighting, the political machinery of the government became paralyzed over the
next few months. The inadequacies of the political system, which the 1943
National Pact had only papered over temporarily, reappeared more clearly than
ever. For many observers, at the bottom of the conflict was the issue of
confessionalism out of balance-of a minority, specifically the Maronites,
refusing to share power and economic opportunity with the Muslim majority.

The government could not act effectively
because leaders were unable to agree on whether or not to use the army to stop
the bloodletting. When Jumblatt and his leftist supporters tried to isolate the
Phalangists politically, other Christian sects rallied to Jumayyil's camp,
creating a further rift. Consequently, in May Prime Minister Rashid as Sulh and
his cabinet resigned, and a new government was formed under Rashid Karami.
Although there were many calls for his resignation, President Franjiyah
steadfastly retained his office.

As various other groups took sides, the
fighting spread to other areas of the country, forcing residents in towns with
mixed sectarian populations to seek safety in regions where their sect was
dominant. Even so, the militias became embroiled in a pattern of attack
followed by retaliation, including acts against uninvolved civilians.

Although the two warring factions were
often characterized as Christian versus Muslim, their individual composition
was far more complex. Those in favor of maintaining the status quo came to be
known as the Lebanese Front. The groups included primarily the Maronite
militias of the Jumayyil, Shamun, and Franjiyah clans, often led by the sons of
zuama. Also in this camp were various militias of Maronite religious
orders. The side seeking change, usually referred to as the Lebanese National
Movement, was far less cohesive and organized. For the most part it was led by
Kamal Jumblatt and included a variety of militias from leftist organizations
and guerrillas from rejectionist Palestinian (nonmainstream PLO)
organizations.

By the end of 1975, no side held a
decisive military advantage, but it was generally acknowledged that the
Lebanese Front had done less well than expected against the disorganized
Lebanese National Movement. The political hierarchy, composed of the old
zuama and politicians, still was incapable of maintaining peace, except
for occasional, short-lived cease-fires. Reform was discussed, but little
headway was made toward any significant improvements. Syria, which was deeply
concerned about the flow of events in Lebanon, also proved powerless to enforce
calm through diplomatic means. And, most ominous of all, the Lebanese Army,
which generally had stayed out of the strife, began to show signs of
factionalizing and threatened to bring its heavy weaponry to bear on the
conflict.

Syrian diplomatic involvement grew during
1976, but it had little success in restoring order in the first half of the
year. In January it organized a cease-fire and set up the High Military
Committee, through which it negotiated with all sides. These negotiations,
however, were complicated by other events, especially Lebanese
Front-Palestinian confrontations. That month the Lebanese Front began a siege
of Tall Zatar, a densely populated Palestinian refugee camp in East Beirut; the
Lebanese Front also overran and levelled Karantina, a Muslim quarter in East
Beirut. These actions finally brought the main forces of the PLO, the Palestine
Liberation Army (PLA), into the battle. Together, the PLA and the Lebanese
National Movement took the town of Ad Damur, a Shamun stronghold about
seventeen kilometers south of Beirut.

In spite of these setbacks, through
Syria's good offices, compromises were achieved. On February 14, 1976, in what
was considered a political breakthrough, Syria helped negotiate a
seventeen-point reform program known as the Constitutional Document. Yet by
March this progress was derailed by the disintegration of the Lebanese Army. In
that month dissident Muslim troops, led by Lieutenant Ahmad Khatib, mutinied,
creating the Lebanese Arab Army. Joining the Lebanese National Movement, they
made significant penetrations into Christian-held Beirut and launched an attack
on the presidential palace, forcing Franjiyah to flee to Mount Lebanon.

Continuing its search for a domestic
political settlement to the war, in May the Chamber of Deputies elected Ilyas
Sarkis to take over as president when Franjiyah's term expired in September.
But Sarkis had strong backing from Syria and, as a consequence, was
unacceptable to Jumblatt, who was known to be antipathetic to Syrian president
Hafiz al Assad and who insisted on a "military solution." Accordingly, the
Lebanese National Movement successfully pressed assaults on Mount Lebanon and
other Christian-controlled areas.

As Lebanese Front fortunes declined, two
outcomes seemed likely: the establishment in Mount Lebanon of an independent
Christian state, viewed as a "second Israel" by some; or, if the Lebanese
National Movement won the war, the creation of a radical, hostile state on
Syria's western border. Neither of these possibilities was viewed as acceptable
to Assad. To prevent either scenario, at the end of May 1976 Syria intervened
militarily against the Lebanese National Movement, hoping to end the fighting
swiftly. This decision, however, proved ill conceived, as Syrian forces met
heavy resistance and suffered many casualties. Moreover, by entering the
conflict on the Christian side Syria provoked outrage from much of the Arab
world.

Despite, or perhaps as a result of, these
military and diplomatic failures, in late July Syria decided to quell the
resistance. A drive was launched against Lebanese National Movement strongholds
that was far more successful than earlier battles; within two weeks the
opposition was almost subdued. Rather than crush the resistance altogether, at
this time Syria chose to participate in an Arab peace conference held in
Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, on October 16, 1976.

The Riyadh Conference, followed by an Arab
League meeting in Cairo also in October 1976, formally ended the Lebanese Civil
War; although the underlying causes were in no way eliminated, the fullscale
warfare stopped. Syria's presence in Lebanon was legitimated by the
establishment of the Arab Deterrent Force (ADF) by the Arab League in October
1976. In January 1977 the ADF consisted of 30,000 men, of whom 27,000 were
Syrian. The remainder were token contingents from Saudi Arabia, the small
Persian Gulf states, and Sudan; Libya had withdrawn its small force in late
1976. Because of his difficulties in reforming the Lebanese Army, President
Sarkis, the ADF's nominal commander, requested renewal of the ADF's mandate a
number of times.

Thus, after more than one and one-half
years of devastation, relative calm returned to Lebanon. Although the exact
cost of the war will never be known, deaths may have approached 44,000, with
about 180,000 wounded; many thousands of others were displaced or left
homeless, or had migrated. Much of the once-magnificent city of Beirut was
reduced to rubble and the town divided into Muslim and Christian sectors,
separated by the so-called Green Line.

In December 1976 Sarkis appointed as prime
minister Salim al Huss (also spelled Hoss), who chose a cabinet of technocrats
that was authorized to rule by decree for six months (later extended). One of
the first tasks this government faced was the reorganization of the army, most
of whose members had deserted during the Civil War to join one of the various
factions. Although the intention of the Cairo Agreement was to station Lebanese
military units in southern Lebanon, instead the ADF controlled the area only to
the Litani River, leaving the region south of it in the hands of the
Palestinians. So strong was their presence that certain areas became known as
Fatahland, after the main PLO grouping. Relations with Syria and the problem of
the Palestinians in southern Lebanon remained central concerns for Lebanon
throughout the period from 1976 to 1982.

The degree of cooperation between the
Sarkis administration and Syrian authorities varied, depending on external
circumstances in the region. Initially, recognizing its dependence on Syria and
Syrian military forces to preserve the peace, the Lebanese government generally
cooperated. By late 1977, however, as a result of the Egyptian-Israeli peace
negotiations and Syria's consequent rapprochement with the PLO, Lebanese-Syrian
relations cooled. In its own role and in its use of the ADF, Syria found itself
in an awkward position because it could not fully exert its authority in
Lebanon unless it succeeded in disarming both the Lebanese Christian militias
and the PLO. However, it was not prepared to pay the political and military
price for doing so and consequently was obliged to maintain a large army in
Lebanon, causing a serious drain on Syria's economy.

Relations between Lebanon and Syria
deteriorated further when fighting occurred between the ADF and the Lebanese
Army in East Beirut in February 1978, followed by a massive ADF bombardment of
Christian sectors of Beirut in July. President Sarkis resigned in protest
against the latter action but was persuaded to reconsider. Syrian bombardments
of East Beirut ended in October 1978 as a result of a UN Security Council
cease-fire resolution that indirectly implicated Syria as a party to the
Lebanese Civil War. To strengthen its influence over the Sarkis government,
Syria threatened several times, in late 1978 and early 1979, to withdraw its
forces from Lebanon. But after a relatively cordial meeting between presidents
Sarkis and Assad in Damascus in May 1979, Syria stated that the ADF - which by
then had become a totally Syrian force - would "remain in Lebanon as long as
the Arab interests so require."

From early 1980 onward, Syria became
increasingly preoccupied with its domestic difficulties, leaving the Sarkis
administration with a freer hand. However, significant ADF action against the
Phalange Party militia, headed by Bashir Jumayyil, took place around Zahlah
(fifty kilometers east of Beirut) in late 1980 and April 1981. This military
threat to its Christian ally caused Israel to intervene, and it shot down two
Syrian helicopters over Lebanon. Syria, in turn, introduced SA-2 and SA-6
surface-to-air missiles into Lebanon; the resulting "missile crisis" threatened
to cause a regional war, but this possibility was averted through the mediation
efforts of other Arab nations and the United States.

Relations with the Palestinians were
complex and interrelated with influences in southern Lebanon. In the early days
of the Civil War, the relative peace in southern Lebanon had attracted Lebanese
refugees from other areas. After the Palestinians left the area to fight
elsewhere, Christian militias, led by Lebanese Army officers supported by
Israel, took control of a large part of the south. Israel had forged this link
in 1977 with Lebanese officers as part of its "Good Fence" policy to prevent a
Palestinian presence near Israel's northern border.

However, conflicting interests were at
work in southern Lebanon. On the one hand, the Sarkis government saw an
opportunity to regain control of the area. On the other hand, the Palestinians,
who objected to Syrian efforts to confiscate their heavy weapons and control
their activities in the rest of Lebanon, felt they would have greater freedom
to operate in the south. For their part, the Syrians wished to eliminate
Israeli influence there, while the Israelis wanted direct contact with the
population of southern Lebanon and wished to keep both the Syrians and the
Palestinians out of the area.

As early as 1977, fighting occurred in the
south between the Christian militia under Major Saad Haddad and the
Palestinians, who had reinfiltrated the area and were receiving Syrian
assistance. The resulting large-scale destruction in the southern area, which
Haddad had renamed "Free Lebanon" and which was inhabited mainly by Shia
Muslims and Maronite Christians, caused the migration of approximately 200,000
people, or one-third of the population.

To clarify the provisions of the October
1976 Cairo Agreement (preceded by an earlier 1969 agreement) concerning
Palestinian activity in southern Lebanon, representatives of Lebanon, Syria (in
the guise of the ADF), and the Palestinians held a conference at Shtawrah in
July and August 1977. The resulting Shtawrah Accord basically endorsed the
Syrian position, which called for the Palestinians to withdraw fifteen
kilometers from the Israeli border, with this area to be occupied by the
Lebanese Army, and charged the ADF with protecting the southern coastal area.
Execution of the agreement, however, was difficult because neither the
Palestinians nor the Lebanese Army wished to make the first move, and Israel
was apprehensive of increased Syrian influence in the area.

The situation in the south was exacerbated
by the entry of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) into southern Lebanon in
retaliation for a March 11, 1978, Palestinian guerrilla attack on an Israeli
bus near Tel Aviv, in which several people were killed. The IDF staged an
all-out attack, and over 25,000 troops occupied positions as far north as the
Litani River and remained in Lebanon for three months. The UN called on Israel
to withdraw, and the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon was sent to
replace the Israelis, who withdrew in stages. When Israel withdrew from
southern Lebanon in June, Haddad's South Lebanon Army (SLA--formerly the Free
Lebanon Army) took over most of the areas Israel previously controlled.

Throughout the Sarkis administration,
various shifts were also occurring in domestic politics. Prime Minister Huss, a
moderate Sunni Muslim, was unable to form a national unity government, as
requested by Sarkis in the spring of 1978, but remained in office for two more
years. In October 1980, Shafiq al Wazzan, another moderate Sunni and chairman
of the Supreme Islamic Council, became prime minister. His government
experienced even greater difficulties in holding office, with more than half of
the Chamber of Deputies refusing to endorse his cabinet. The inability of the
Lebanese Army to maintain any effective control over the country was a major
factor contributing to the weakness of these Lebanese governments.

Additional shifts occurred among Lebanese
military and political groups. The Shias continued to grow in importance, and
in 1980 clashes broke out in the south between Amal, the Shia military arm,
which was becoming increasingly a political instrument, and Fatah, a part of
the PLO. On the Christian side, the Lebanese Front experienced severe internal
disagreements. In July 1980 Bashir Jumayyil and his Phalangist militia scored a
resounding triumph over the Tigers, the militia of the National Liberals under
Camille Shamun and his son Dani. This victory paved the way for Jumayyil's
subsequent prominence. Israeli support of the Lebanese Front was curtailed in
1981, as a condition set by the Lebanese National Movement and by Syria for any
attempt at an overall resolution of the Lebanese situation.

Lebanon's security deteriorated
significantly in late 1981 and the first half of 1982. There were continuous
clashes in West Beirut, Tripoli, and southern Lebanon during this period. In
September automobile bombings occurred in West Beirut, Sidon, and Tripoli,
along with a campaign of terror against foreign diplomats. These violent
incidents were followed by terrorist attacks against Muslim and Christian
religious leaders in April 1982. The result of these large-scale breaches of
the peace was a growing disillusionment on the part of Lebanese Muslims with
the ability of the Lebanese National Movement, the PLO, or Syria (through the
ADF) to control matters in areas where they were nominally in charge. As a
consequence, more moderate and conservative Sunni and Shia figures gained
leadership opportunities; a number of them overtly favored the Lebanese
government's re-establishing its authority over the country. Shaykh Muhammad
Mahdi Shams ad Din (also seen as Chamseddine), vice chairman of the Higher Shia
Islamic Council, for example, requested that the Lebanese Army be sent in to
quell fighting between the Shia Amal and the PLO in the south, the Biqa Valley,
and parts of West Beirut. Clashes in Tripoli, the largest Sunni city, during
this period also resulted in requests that the Lebanese Army enter the
area.

The general discontent with the situation
on the part of various elements of the population provided a favorable
opportunity for the Phalange Party's efforts in the 1982 presidential campaign.
Bashir Jumayyil saw himself as a leading candidate because the Phalange Party
had established its political power by overwhelming the Shamun militia in 1980
and had the largest Lebanese militia, by that time called the Lebanese Forces.

However, Bashir's close ties to Israel and
his proposals for eliminating both the ADF and the PLA from the Lebanese scene
understandably met with sharp opposition from Assad and Arafat, both of whom
considered Jumayyil's brother Amin more acceptable. This, then, was the
situation in Lebanon when Israel invaded on June 6, 1982, in retaliation for
the assassination attempt on the Israeli ambassador to London.

Israeli-Palestinian fighting in July 1981
was ended by a cease-fire arranged by U.S. President Ronald Reagan's special
envoy, Philip C. Habib, and announced on July 24, 1981. The cease-fire was
respected during the next 10 months, but a string of incidents, including PLO
rocket attacks on northern Israel, led to the June 6, 1982, Israeli ground
attack into Lebanon to remove PLO forces. Israeli forces moved quickly through
south Lebanon, encircling west Beirut by mid-June and beginning a three-month
siege of Palestinian and Syrian forces in the city.

Throughout this period, which saw heavy
Israeli air, naval, and artillery bombardments of west Beirut, Ambassador Habib
worked to arrange a settlement. In August, he was successful in bringing about
an agreement for the evacuation of Syrian troops and PLO fighters from Beirut.
The agreement also provided for the deployment of a three-nation Multinational
Force (MNF) during the period of the evacuation, and by late August, U.S.
Marines, as well as French and Italian units, had arrived in Beirut. When the
evacuation ended, these units departed. The U.S. Marines left on September
10.

In spite of the invasion, the Lebanese
political process continued to function, and Bashir Gemayel was elected
President in August, succeeding Elias Sarkis. On September 14, however, Bashir
Gemayel was assassinated. On September 15, Israeli troops entered west Beirut.
During the next three days, Lebanese militiamen massacred hundreds of
Palestinian civilians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in west
Beirut.

Bashir Gemayel's brother, Amine, was
elected President by a unanimous vote of the parliament. He took office
September 23, 1982. MNF forces returned to Beirut at the end of September as a
symbol of support for the government.

In February 1983, a small British
contingent joined the U.S., French, and Italian MNF troops in Beirut. President
Gemayel and his government placed primary emphasis on the withdrawal of
Israeli, Syrian, and Palestinian forces from Lebanon, and in late 1982,
Lebanese-Israeli negotiations commenced with U.S. participation.

On May 17, 1983, an agreement was signed
by the representatives of Lebanon, Israel, and the United States that provided
for Israeli withdrawal. Syria declined to discuss the withdrawal of its troops,
effectively stalemating further progress. Opposition to the negotiations and to
U.S. support for the Gemayel regime led to a series of terrorist attacks in
1983 and 1984 on U.S. interests, including the bombing on April 18, 1983 of the
U.S. embassy in west Beirut (63 dead), of the U.S. and French MNF headquarters
in Beirut on October 23, 1983 (298 dead), and of the U.S. embassy annex in east
Beirut on September 20, 1984 (8 killed).

Although the general security situation in
Beirut remained calm through late 1982 and the first half of 1983, a move by
Christian militiamen into the Druze-controlled Shuf area southeast of Beirut
following the Israeli invasion led to a series of Druze-Christian clashes of
escalating intensity beginning in October 1982. When Israeli forces
unilaterally withdrew from the Shuf at the beginning of September 1983, a
full-scale battle erupted with the Druze, backed by Syria, pitted against the
Christian Lebanese Forces (LF) militia as well as the Lebanese army. U.S. and
Saudi efforts led to a cease-fire on September 26. This left the Druze in
control of most of the Shuf. Casualties were estimated to be in the
thousands.

The virtual collapse of the Lebanese army
in February 1984, following the defection of many of its Muslim and Druze units
to opposition militias, was a major blow to the government. As it became clear
that the departure of the U.S. Marines was imminent, the Gemayel Government
came under increasing pressure from Syria and its Muslim Lebanese allies to
abandon the May 17 accord. The Lebanese Government announced on March 5, 1984,
that it was canceling its unimplemented agreement with Israel. The U.S. Marines
left the same month.

Further national reconciliation talks at
Lausanne under Syrian auspices failed. A new "government of national unity"
under Prime Minister Rashid Karami was declared in April 1984 but made no
significant progress toward solving Lebanon's internal political crises or its
growing economic difficulties.

The situation was exacerbated by the
deterioration of internal security. The opening rounds of the savage "camps
war" in May 1985 - a war that flared up twice in 1986 - pitted the Palestinians
living in refugee camps in Beirut, Tyre, and Sidon against the Shi'ite Amal
militia, which was concerned with resurgent Palestinian military strength in
Lebanon. Eager for a solution in late 1985, Syria began to negotiate a
"tripartite accord" on political reform among the leaders of various Lebanese
factions, including the LF.

However, when the accord was opposed by
Gemayel and the leader of the LF was overthrown by his hardline anti-Syrian
rival, Samir Jaja, in January 1986, Syria responded by inducing the Muslim
government ministers to cease dealing with Gemayel in any capacity, effectively
paralyzing the government. In 1987, the Lebanese economy worsened, and the
pound began a precipitous slide. On June 1, Prime Minister Karami was
assassinated, further compounding the political paralysis. Salim al-Huss was
appointed acting prime minister.

As the end of President Gemayel's term of
office neared, the different Lebanese factions could not agree on a successor.
Consequently, when his term expired on September 23, 1988, he appointed Army
Commander General Michel Aoun as interim Prime Minister. Gemayel's acting Prime
Minister, Salim al-Huss, also continued to act as de facto Prime Minister.
Lebanon was thus divided between an essentially Muslim government in west
Beirut and an essentially Christian government in east Beirut. The working
levels of many ministries, however, remained intact and were not immediately
affected by the split at the ministerial level.

In February 1989, General Aoun attempted
to close illegal ports run by the LF. This led to several days of intense
fighting in east Beirut and an uneasy truce between Aoun's army units and the
LF. In March, an attempt by Aoun to close illegal militia ports in
predominantly Muslim parts of the country led to a 6-month period of shelling
of east Beirut by Muslim and Syrian forces and shelling of west Beirut and the
Shuf by the Christian units of the army and the LF. This shelling caused nearly
1,000 deaths, several thousand injuries, and further destruction to Lebanon's
economic infrastructure.

In January 1989, the Arab League appointed
a six-member committee on Lebanon, led by the Kuwaiti foreign minister. At the
Casablanca Arab summit in May, the Arab League empowered a higher committee on
Lebanon - composed of Saudi King Fahd, Algerian President Bendjedid, and
Moroccan King Hassan - to work toward a solution in Lebanon. The committee
issued a report in July 1989, stating that its efforts had reached a "dead end"
and blamed Syrian intransigence for the blockage. After further discussions,
the committee arranged for a seven-point cease-fire in September, followed by a
meeting of Lebanese parliamentarians in Taif, Saudi Arabia.

After a month of intense discussions, the
deputies informally agreed on a charter of national reconciliation, also known
as the Taif agreement. The deputies returned to Lebanon in November, where they
approved the Taif agreement on November 4, and elected Rene Moawad, a Maronite
Christian deputy from Zghorta in north Lebanon, President on November 5.
General Aoun, claiming powers as interim Prime Minister, issued a decree in
early November dissolving the parliament and did not accept the ratification of
the Taif agreement or the election of President Moawad.

President Moawad was assassinated on
November 22, 1989, by a bomb that exploded as his motorcade was returning from
Lebanese independence day ceremonies. The parliament met on November 24 in the
Beqaa Valley and elected Elias Hraoui, a Maronite Christian deputy from Zahleh
in the Beqaa Valley, to replace him. President Hraoui named a Prime Minister,
Salim al-Huss, and a cabinet on November 25. Despite widespread international
recognition of Hraoui and his government, General Aoun refused to recognize
Hraoui's legitimacy, and Hraoui officially replaced Aoun as army commander in
early December.

In late January 1990, General Aoun's
forces attacked positions of the LF in east Beirut in an apparent attempt to
remove the LF as a political force in the Christian enclave. In the heavy
fighting that ensued in east Beirut and its environs, over 900 people died and
over 3,000 were wounded.

In August 1990, the National Assembly
approved, and President Hraoui signed into law, constitutional amendments
embodying the political reform aspects of the Taif agreement. These amendments
gave some presidential powers to the council of ministers, expanded the
National Assembly from 99 to 108 seats, and divided those seats equally between
Christians and Muslims.

In October 1990, a joint Lebanese-Syrian
military operation against General Aoun forced him to capitulate and take
refuge in the French embassy. On December 24, 1990, Omar Karami was appointed
Lebanon's Prime Minister. General Aoun remained in the French embassy until
August 27, 1991 when a "special pardon" was issued, allowing him to leave
Lebanon safely and take up residence in exile in France. 1991 and 1992 saw
considerable advancement in efforts to reassert state control over Lebanese
territory. Militias - with the important exception of Hizballah - were
dissolved in May 1991, and the armed forces moved against armed Palestinian
elements in Sidon in July 1991. In May 1992 the last of the western hostages
taken during the mid-1980s by Islamic extremists was released.

In October 1991, under the sponsorship of
the United States and the then-Soviet Union, the Middle East peace talks were
convened in Madrid, Spain. This was the first time that Israel and its Arab
neighbours had direct bilateral negotiations to seek a just, lasting, and
comprehensive peace in the Middle East. Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, and
representatives of the Palestinians concluded round 11 of the negotiations in
September 1993.

Postwar social and political instability,
fueled by economic uncertainty and the collapse of the Lebanese currency, led
to the resignation of Prime Minister Omar Karami, also in May 1992, after less
than 2 years in office. He was replaced by former Prime Minister Rashid al
Sulh, who was widely viewed as a caretaker to oversee Lebanon's first
parliamentary elections in 20 years.

Source: Federal Research
Division of the Library of Congress and Wikipedia.

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