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T H E L I B E R A T O R
IS PUBLISHED
EVERY FRIDAY MORNING,
AT
221 WASHINGTON" STREET, ROOM No. 6.
ROBERT F. WALLCUT, GENERAL AGENT.
Jggp TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum,
in advance.
fy* Five copies will be sent to one address for TEN DOL­LARS,
if payment is niado in advance.
5j5f All remittances aro to be made, and all letters
relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be
directed (TOST PAID) to the General Agent.
[gF* Advertisements inserted at the rate of fivo cents
per line.
Igp Tho Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Penn­sylvania,
Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are
authorised to receive subscriptions for THE LIBERATOR.
jj2P" The following gentlemen constitute the Financial
Committee, hut are not responsible for any debts of the
j .japer, viz : — WENDELL PHILLIPS, EDMUND QUINCY, ED-MUND
JACKSON, and WILLIAM L. GARRISON, JR.
"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all
the inhabitants thereof;"
" Hay this down as the law of nations. I say that mil­itary
authority takes, for the time, the place of all munic­ipal
institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST ;
and that, under that state of things, so far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive
management of tho subject, not only the PRESIDENT OP
THE UNITED STATES, but the COMMANDER OP THE ARMY,
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN­CIPATION
OF THE SLAVES. . . From the instant
that tho slaveholding States become the theatre of a war,
CIVIL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers
of CONGRESS extend to interference with the institution of
slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED
WITH, from a claim of indemnity for s.lavcs taken or de­stroyed,
to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power. . . . It is a war power. I say it is a war
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, AC­CORDING
TO" THE LAWS OP WAR ; and by the laws of war,
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu­tions
swept by the board, and MARTIAL POWER TAKES TUB
PLACE OF THEM. When two hostile armies are set in martial
array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman­cipate
all the slaves in the invaded territory."~J. Q. ADAJTB.
WM. LLOYD GABEISOlf, Editor. » u r <fountrii is tbr WatlA, mt* «5ouutrjtram me nil INaofeitnl. - J. B. YEEEISTOH & SON, Printers.
V O L . X X X I I . N O . 5 2 . B O S T O N , F R I D A Y , D E C E M B E R 2 6 , 1 8 6 2 . W H O L E N O . 1 6 6 4 .
WAE AND "EEFOEMS."
Those people who advocate what they call new
ideas in human progress, (as if most of them had
not been repeatedly tried and rejected in the his­tory
of the race,) seem to have received a quietus
from this stunning, practical, fact of war. It has
always been recorded as an incidental benefit of
this scourge of mankind, that it puts an end to the
whole brood of absurd fantasies which are hatched
out by the very prosperity of nations in time of
peace. People must think:, and when they have
no war on hand, to task their thinking powers to
the utmost, they cast about for the first subject that
is new, (or appears so to limited readers of history,)
and set to thinking about that. In this country, the
number of these uneasy thinkers, both men and
women, always on the lookout for intellectual prob­lems,
is large. They take a pride in encouraging
so-called new ideas. They subscribe to newspapers
which are addicted to the support of all notions
claiming to be reforms, no matter how chimerical
and absurd. They also furnish audiences for stroll­ing
lecturers who profess to own patent plans for
the regeneration of the human family. They do not
—at least all of them do not—fully believe in every
preposterous antiquity, revamped and labeled " nov­elty,"
which is brought upon them ; but they give it
» hearing, or an examination, (always paying for it
n some shape,) which is all that the professors of
the old-fashioned reforms desire. This generous
patronage, which our people—more than any other
in the world—give to all ideas which are set up as
new, seems to have been almost entirely cut off by
the war. We have no means of judging of the
pecuniary receipts of reform organs or reform pro-lessors;
but we observe that none of them are mak­ing
any stir in the community, and it is a well-known
fact that when reform ceases to make a stir, it is
dying. Agitation, discussion and continual fuss are
the very conditions of its existence. When the air
no longer reverberates with the fierce declamations
of its advocates, reform may be safely regarded as
in a moribund stat*. Judged by this law of expe­rience,
Woman's Rights, as theyr used to be ex­pounded
in the New York conventions, must be
pretty nigh extinct. Tiie public have not heard
" Woman's Rights" mentioned for over a year.
Spiritualism ha'? been dropped out of the public
mind for at lewt^tfre same period. The spasmodic
attempt recently made to lift it into notice in con­nection
with " spiritual photographs," proved a total
failure. People no longer feel any interest in its
pretensions. They have quite forgotten (so rapid
is the American mind in its reception and rejection
of professedly new ideas) that ther^ever was such
a thing. After this form of spiritualism has been
dead four or five years, it can be brought out under
a new name as a bran new philosophy, and, if the
country is at peace, will have another good run.
Let the professors, now bereft of their subsistence,
wait till then ! Other reforms might be enumerated
which have been hastily tossed overboard by the
public in the tempest of this war; but the notorious
fate of the two above mentioned, illustrates the law
which applies to the whole of them.—New York
Journal of Commerce.
and anti-slavery agitators to see to it, that they
carry their favorite topics not much further in their
chosen direction, lest its opposite movement land
them, with all their pet schemes, in a fathomless
abyss.
Pray, gentlemen, keep this ball in motion, and
oblige not your subscriber and friends only, but
benefit mankind. T.
—N. Y. Journal of Commerce.
POLITICAL CLERGY, &c.
HARTFORD, (Conn.,) Dec. 11, 1862.
GENTLEMEN,—I have just read your article on
the late political movement of our clergy at the
Cooper Institute, and regard it as eminently ap­propriate
and timely.
Just so certain as they attempt in an organized
capacity to influence political legislation, so certain,
and to a like degree, will they damage the cause of
their professed Master, and bring both themselves
and the religion which He came to establish on
earth into contempt. This radical error of the
clergy, however, is attributed not solely to their own
disposition to " mix in," pugnacious as too many of
them arc, with the prevailing political agitation, but
in a measure to the stimulus and encouragement
which they unfortunately receive at the hands of
numbers of their adherents and supporters, who be­lieve
that both the Gospel and tbe party-are to be
best sustained by setting and keeping the people
" by the ears."
As illustrative of this, we witness, in this goodly
city of ours, the disgraceful spectacle of certain
leading men, in one of our heretofore most prosper­ous
churches, systematically and very actively ope­rating
to drive their minister—a man whose excel­lences
and good works are known ancl cheerfully
acknowledged throughout our entire community—
out of his pulpit, which he has occupied for the last
ten or twelve years, because, forsooth, they cannot
compel him to preach the Gospel according to Abo­litionism
on Sunday. He prays for his and our
enemies, and that peace may again return in God's
good time to a distracted country', and hence is a
traitor ancl secessionist, and must be driven forth
from tbe flock which he has so long watched over
and led in the paths of peace ancl righteousness.
It has been the unhallowed ambition of men of
this stamp among us, to bring not the pulpit only,
. but, so far as possible, their secular and religious
press, our schools and library societies, under their
control, that thev may make them fountains for the
dissemination of the pestilent doctrines of aboli­tionism.
They are incessantly at work in their mis­chievous
vocation; bold and outspoken, when this
course promises success, but still and wily as ser­pents
whenever this kind of strategy promises the
best results.
Into our Young Men's Institute, a literary society,
bave tbey presumed to set their cloven foot, to the
discrcdit of our city and the serious impairment of
its ii/. m'er happy influence.
We ave to be treated, the coining winter, to a
course of lectures before this society, supported
though it is by all classes of our citizens, in which
Mr. ^Horace Greeley figures in the programme,
and others of the same stripe, though beyond a
doubt the enemies of its direction. Further, while
newspapers constitute a feature of the reading mat­ter
to be found on its tables, not a single Demo­cratic
paper, outside of our city press, appears
tlsNywfititipshencnenoeotiecgaehir eldrwTul larro bocleednenhn e Douibcoe,gd,s,clr t Ywe , uie eaonem ssmedaorf xcifo ntoena,lehrh tcodr kgn g oe"e csgstoi osro mpropeiwo; aplfrot—s daftheitpaoanin o racr ptunaeatogod afi nerdlozpsvn d rl tpa oersod oh atetimnlur niuehb tinn att ln liogiedy nssabpcsenleit td esioonitetwaht itl crfu oiiio eonoitio lnstilnoeagifcilrgtir vovto hn sy o ftei beweng hsr;nustvenrhiosl ehros eew e iof ntn pactvohphhowyuhdire rinueiofor nrs legl ee fu .tpgweuhpts v onihxk aste oebougTseatil rlo—u gy,ltl iemhu sn t thi,Rmtieht thtchw odai a e baoeernetwlphaoleslmnc el eiuiflol fc;l eponf nolba ihatrdrncohnlheodr nbiucrtseciGo adiedl losnaautc mbo, hin urngym ndaei­esItfs­­.
CLERGYMEN AS CLERGYMEN, IN THE
POLITICAL ARENA.
MESSRS. EDITORS,—I send you an extract from
a letter from one of the most intelligent Christian
ladies in a neighboring State, noted wherever she is
known for her faith and charity, and the fruits of
her Christian faith. Similar proofs might be in­definitely
multiplied of the deep grief of Chris­tians
at the degrading spectacle of distinguished
men, whom the Church and the community gen­erally
have held in respect, so long as they kept
within the legitimate bounds of their high duties,
stepping down from their elevated position to play
the partizan in the political strife of the day. She
says:—
« Mr. has just called my attention to an article
in the Journal of Commerce which has made him quite
indignant. It is a meeting of clergymen of the dif­ferent
denominations at the Cooper Institute to pro­pose
an address to President Lincoln, expressive of
their approval of his Emancipation Proclamation,
mentioning the venerable Drs. Spring, Ferris, Tyng,
&c. It is to be regretted that men who have attained
such eminence as divines should stoop so low as to
sully their clerical fame by advocating Mr. Lincoln's
wild projects, whiih are only adding fuel to the flame
and sharpening tiie sword of vengeance. Would it
not be advisable for each church pertaining to these
pastors to call a meeting for special prayer, that the
spirit may be poured out, and these deluded men re­ceive
a fresh baptism, a reconversion,—that their at­tention
may be turned from political strife to preach­ing
the gospel and laboring for precious souls ? Surely
God's people should sigh for the abominations that are
rife in our land, especially for our ministers, who, in­stead
of wielding the sword of the spirit, and fighting
the fight of faith, are brandishing the sword of con­tention,
ancl advocatiug the cause of abolition heresy
which is to flood our country with beggary and crime.
It seems as if they were given over to strong delusion
to believe a lie. Oh that God would arise, and have
mercy on our Zion, and bring our ministers into the
dust, and keep them there till'they disrobe themselves
of their defiled garments, and come forth clothed in
humility," &c.
These are the sentiments of a devout and pious
mind, with which thousands in the Church most
cordially sympathize. No move could be more in­opportune
than these clergymen have proposed,
none more calculated to bring religion, as repre­sented
in these persons, into disrepute. I must sup­pose
them men of common sense, and then let me
ask them in what capacity do they address the
President of the United States, in behalf of a po­litical
measure ? Will it be said that we are citi­zens,
and have our rights as citizens, and therefore
we may give our opinions on any political measure ?
Granted : no one will dispute that position so long
as you give it as citizens; but when you leave that
position and make use of your position as clergymen,
intending, as you must intend, that the influence of
your ecclesiastical position shall be brought to bear
in the support of a political measure, then I think I
am safe in saying you have exceeded your rights.
I will not insult your understandings, by supposing
you do not comprehend the difference between your
official and individual position. Mr. Spring, Mr.
Ferris, Mr. Tyng, may undoubtedly support any
political measure they please, ancl their opinions
will go for what they are worth, more or less valua­ble
than Mr. Jones, the barber, Mr. Smith, the car­man,
or Mr. Brown, the tailor; but the Rev. Dr.
Spring, the Rev. Chancellor Ferris, and the Rev.
Dr. Tyng, have no right to give a factitious impor­tance
to their address, as citizens, by clothing them­selves
in a garb unacknowledged in tbe legitimate
political costume of the country. MILTON.
—Journal of Commerce.
clergymen ; that the minutes about being read were,.
a private affair; they contained that which belong­ed
exclusively to the clergymen who were present
at the other meeting ; it never was intended to be a
public affair; it was in no sense a public matter;
that paper gave information which belonged entire­ly
to the gentlemen who had met previously; he
would submit the question to the chair.
Rev. Dr. Ferris stated that such publicity as had
been given to their proceedings at the other meet­ing
was entirely unauthorized, and the brethren at
that time present were not in any sense responsible
for the notice given of the present meeting; who
were the parties giving the notice, he knew not.
Rev. Dr. Hitchcock.—The Committee caused no
advertisement to be made, and the many represen­tations
made in the public prints were entirely in­consistent
with the spirit and aims of the gentlemen
who met the other evening.
Rev. Dr. Spear referred to the gross misrepre­sentations
of the press, and he regarded it as grossly
indelicate that the reporters should remain after
what he had said—-he was amazed that no hint was
taken. He then moved that the reporters be re­quested
to leave the room.
The chair, instead of putting the motion, referred
to the large number of persons present other than
the clergymen at the other meeting, and stated that,
if it was thought proper that they should remain,
he must vacate the chair, and decline to participate
in the proceedings. Rev. Drs. Canfield, Smith, and
others, spoke to the same effect.
Rev. Dr. Vermilye.—As chairman of the commit­tee
appointed to present a report to this meeting,
I would say that we have no report this evening
to make. On the contrary, advices from Washing­ton,
just received, intimate distinctly that there will
be no necessity, ancl in fact no propriety whatever in
our taking action in this matter. I therefore move
that the meeting adjourn.
The motion was carried, only the fifty or so cler­gymen
present at the other meeting being requested
to vote. As these were leaving the room, a clergy­man
not of this number requested that those not at
the other meeting remain, and organize for the con­sideration
of their duty in the present crisis of the
courtry. After some consultation, another clergy­man
announced that as they had made no arrange­ment
for tlie use of the room, and therefore could
not properly hold a meeting there, he thought they
had better adjourn with the rest. (Laughter.)
The remaining clergymen then dispersed.—New
York World.
THE CLERGY AND THE EMANCIPATION
PROCLAMATION.
Some two or three hundred of the clergy of New
York and the adjacent cities assembled last evening,
at the Cooper Institute, for the purpose of consider­ing
the duty of the Church and ministry, in the
present state of the country, in reference to the
proclamation of emancipation. Among those pres­ent
were Chancellor Ferris, Rev. Drs. Vermilye,
Tyng, Hodge, Burchard, Cheever, Spear, ancl Hitch­cock,
and Rev. Messrs. J. Q. Adams, Cuyler, Dun­bar,
Canfield, Matteson, and Rev. Mr. Conway,
chaplain of the Ninth New York Regiment.
At the commencement of the meeting, there were
several ladies and laymen also present. The ma­jority
of the clergy seemed to be of the exaggerated
radical class.
Rev. Dr. Tyng called the meeting to order, and
nominated Rev. Dr. Burchard for chairman, Rev.
Dr. Ferris, the chairman of the previous meeting,
not being then present. Rev. Dr. Burchard, on
taking the chair, said their object in coming togeth­er
had been very clearly stated at the last meeting;
it was to take into consideration what is the duty
on the part of the clergy of this city and the neigh­boring
cities.
Rev. Dr. Tyng here raised the point that there
were many lay and many female friends present,
whose society would be agreeable for him when the
occasion was suitable. This was a meeting exclu­sively
for clergymen, and the report to be presented
to them was of a nature so delicate and important,
that it could not properly be presented to any other
than an adjourned meeting of the clergymen pres­ent,
when the committee who were to present the
report were appointed.
The ladies ancl several gentlemen now left the
room, ancl at the same time the clergymen who call­ed
the first meeting were requested to step out of
the room for conference.
These gentlemen having re-entered, Rev. Dr. Fer­ris,
who had now arrived, assumed the chair, and
Rev. Dr. Burchard offered prayer.
A clergyman wanted to know if the meeting was
meant for the Protestant clergy, or were Roman
Catholics included ?
tdbtfteheheuwreaRmT RCtsy theeemll vieevpnoit. rs.hia fge n er DsyuSgtaD ,hmte mrteee.wncr sa e .r,eVihnc e enreBlp,tieae i cnrtn(rurorh.gm gy grcoac eiyitwhlnehy adcigaeasrase, v dts d torio.ein—i nw.st go citneoa Idngmrt(bdoH d eer i esiast sdnoh tosh,fe uoctebso tarr ud la fbltrneoteohe xddohme croa .ulid)nc at—peetl uherod egrenTlpgahy uhdyrt,oeer e— sersb t.latr)ufy,ett hi tea ra odeadsnf t d
THE PRESIDENT'S EMANCIPATION PROC­LAMATION.
To the Christian Public, Clergymen and Laymen
throughout the Union:
Being desirous to sustain the President of the
United States in his responsible and critical duties
in upholding the Government ancl overthrowing the
Rebellion, ancl having given the subject our careful
deliberation, we submit to you the following memo­rial
:—
While we, clergymen ancl laymen of various Chris­tian
denominations, acknowledge our present nation­al
humiliation as a just chastisement from God for
our national sins, we believe that his paternal hand
is directing the sore calamities in the interest of hu­man
freedom, as well as for the moral and civil ed­ucation
of the American people.
Though we regard slavery as the original and im­mediate
cause of the rebellion, we would not excul­pate
ourselves from guilt. We have permitted this
flagitious system to grow up under our Government
to its present fearful proportions. But we believe
that God is turning the war which slaveholders have
waged for the extension ancl perpetuity of slavery,
to work its prospective aud final destruction.
We regard the confiscation of the property of the
rebels, as we do the proclamation of prospective
emancipation, as just, and necessary to bring this
wicked war to a close, and to secure a righteous
and permanent peace. And for all the loyal citizens
of the land, and in the name of humanity and our
holy religion, we thank the President for the pru­dent
and well-considered manner in which he has
accepted and met the responsibility thrust upon him
by the terrible crisis.
We are profoundly impressed with the conviction
that in the Providence of God, and under our Con­stitution,
sustained by a loyal people, beholds in his
hands the destinies of our free Government and the
precious interests depending on it for generations
yet unborn : and we pledge him, in support of these
measures for the restoration of the nation, our sym­pathy,
our prayers, and, if need be, our lives; for
when our free Government is overthrown, then also
is the free exercise of our religion, and with it every
thing which renders life desirable.
We therefore urgently request Pastors of Churches
of all denominations, (with all other Clergymen,)
throughout the Union, and members of their con­gregations,
immediately and without further notice,
to join us in signing the following petition, addressed
and to be forwarded, through their several Senators
and Representatives, to the President of the United
States. We also request Clergymen, after forward­ing
the petition as suggested above, to return their
names, titles, denominations, ancl the number of
signatures to the petition, to BENJAMIN H. WEST,
M. D., Secretary, Boston, Mass., that we may obtain
complete lists of clerical names, and the number of
the petitioners.
Religious and loyal papers, by inserting this arti­cle,
will advance the cause.
To ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
President of the United Slates :
We, the undersigned, hereby express to you our
cordial approval of your late Proclamation of Pros­pective
Emancipation, as a measure intrinsically
right, and necessary to secure for the country a
righteous and permanent peace; and we earnestly
hope that it may be carried into full effect. In so
doing, be assured that you have our entire support
and most hearty prayers.
Boston, Dec. 5, 1862.
Rev. L. D. Barrows, D. D.,
Hon. Simon Brown,
John G. Webster,
tHwa[eSjgn iutgyen-,teRJRJRE RSRBOWCwEdWoueadeldetowh lvmviwabinwsa.n.uvry jo riurara srJC nEEJteEleehrMm .R ndn .llsd.AedLa eN, i wr G.GpWwvOS nsa. PG.. ], n.aFa .) a.P aMH.. ,rciw D orBrs HdalTdkSe.Boruyl arrbeaiWml ngsErleroarveEd.e,yt,rc. hw sees o,m SedkD, otHrncst omd,,oSelk,t uonal,wn e,eDu nlm,M cea,D cna. r,arn .edN .,ndeD w sD,t eD,l. aa a,.,a,. lryn, e ydm,E, I} Kej t•wmn i Cor.MCa]k o n,hhe mocurmCinifmps dblettariheiaeteatrvdti enseo el na.n d,
FRENCH BRANCH OF THE EVANGELICAL
ALLIANCE AND THE AMERICAN WAR.
' The following is a copy of an Address from the
French-speaking branch of the Evangelical Alliance
to Christians in America :—
TO THE MEMBERS OF THE DIFFERENT EVANGEL­ICAL
DENOMINATIONS IN THE UNITED STATES.
PARIS, October 25.
" When one member suf-
• with it." This is what
ce the calamities which
ough the Universal
ar an address
BELOVED BRETHREN
fers, all the members s
we feel regarding you
have fallen on your nati
Conference of Geneva sent
of sympathy, we feel constrained to reiterate that
expression of our fraternal love. In fact, the year
which has elapsed has seen your sacrifices multi­plied
in a fearful proportion. United to you by the
bond of common faith, tojfivbich must now be added
that of a civilization' ba?cm on human liberty, we
feel that what touches you,,-touches us. It is true the
EvangelicaLAJpwice is bound to raise itself above
all differences which.-separate, religious or political
parties. But here it i- not.-a question of one of
those accessory points ^of do-jtriuc, of discipline, or
of organization, which nnv divide Evangelical
Christians. It is a quesfTOH*^ those great notions
of justice and injustice, and M. the supreme law of
charity in the name of which our Alliance was
formed. It would be a life, if it interdicted itself
from protesting against those great social iniquities
which dishonor the Gospel under which it is at­tempted
to shelter them.
It cannot remain indifferent while, in an age
when the conscience of the world condemns slavery,
and all the countries of Europe, except Spain, have
abolished it at the cost of great sacrifices, and when
Russia has just emancipated, by an admirable effort,
thirty-five million of serfs, Protestant theologians
are seen attempting to justify that institution by
the Bible, and men inspisaR: with their doctrines
excite an atrocious war to maintain the enslavement
of an unfortunate race. The Alliance feels itself
directly wounded in the faith which it professes,
when it assists at so monstrous a spectacle as that of
a Confederation which boasts of being Evangelical,
(Evangelique,) yet at the same time is founded (as
one of "its principal magistrates has said) on slavery,
as " the stone refused by the builders," but which is
precious in the sight "of God. The Evangelical
Alliance would no longer be the great association of
fraternal love that it is, if it forgets those hundreds
of thousands of brethren in Jesus Christ, who are
now sold in the South like wretched cattle, marked
with red-hot iron, and who often perish under the
lash of pitiless drivers. Nor should we be less want­ing
in our duty towards those of our brethren in the
South, who have voluntarily associated themselves
with a colossal enterprise formed to perpetuate and
to extend slavery, if we did not declare to them the
profound sorrow which we feel at that spectacle,
the fearful scandal which results from it, and the
immense damage which they are causing to the in­terests
of our Divine Master.
Suffice it for us to say to you, Evangelical Chris­tians
of the United States, that without wishing to
enter into questions of nationality, of country, and
of constitution, which are not within our domain, we
can assure you that you have our most lively sym­pathies.
If you have to suffer, it is for a grand and
glorious cause. That which has let loose on your
people all the miseries of war is a first step taken in
resistance to the extension of slavery. We have
heard with thankfulness of the measures which have
been already taken to destroy this odious institu­tion,
and of the many symptoms which make us fore­see
the speedy disappearance of the prejudice
against color, that grievous corollary of slavery.
We pray God soon to blot out the last traces of it;
and we can assure you that nothing will be so well
calculated to counteract those prepossessions in
Europe, which are grounded chiefly on the manner
in which the black race is still treated in the North.
We entreat the Lord to keep you in this path.
Each step made in this direction will bring you
nearer to the close of your sufferings. Since God
permits this horrible carnage, it is doubtless in order
to deliver America from an evil which is even more
awful than war, because it is more lasting, and be­cause
it poisons more completely the springs of a
nation's life. When your country shall have clone
everything which lies in its power to restore liberty
to the captives, it will be able to take to itself that
promise of the Lord: " Is not this the fast that I
have chosen, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let
the oppressed go free, and that ye break every
yoke V Then shall thy light break forth as the
morning, and thine health shall spring forth speed­ily."
Then, also, whatever the extirpation of this
scourge may have cost you, you will feel that such
a benefit could not be too dearly bought.
In the name of the Committee of the Evangelical
Alliance of Paris,
The President—GUILLAUME MONOD.
The Secretary—GEORGES FISCII.
The representatives of the French-speaking branch
of the Evangelical Alliance, assembled at Geneva
on the 29th of October, 1862, have taken the above
address into consideration, and given it their hearty
approbation.
In the name of the general conference,
The President—CHARLES BARDE, (Pasteur.)
The Secretarv—DAVID TISSOT.
EMPLOYMENT FOR LIBERATED NEGROES.
We believe it to be of vital importance to the
complete success of the Proclamation of Emancipa­tion,
that its friends immediately take measures to
furnish profitable employment to those slaves who
shall come within the Union lines, and claim their
liberty under it. Unless this is done, only a few of
the able-bodied, middle-aged men, who can be em­ployed
for military purposes, will be able to find
employment, or the means of support; the remain­der
will become an immense burden to the Gov­ernment,
and remain in idleness.
Every clay's labor which the people will be able
to do, during the coming year, in the cotton-field,
can be made worth two dollars at least, and will
leave an immense margin of profit on the capital
required to employ them, at that price, with any­thing
like respectable management; for the same
labor that was required to grow one dollar's worth
of cotton in 1860, when it sold for ten cents per
pound, will grow six dollars' worth to-day, when it
sells for sixty cents per pound. The labor of a
good field band cost the master sixty-three cents
per day in 1860. This cost consisted of the follow-in
«' items, viz.:—Twelve per cent, interest on the
cost of a good hand, say twelve hundred dollars,
which amounts to forty-eight cents per day; fifteen
dollars per annum for clothing, equal to five cents
per day ; twenty-four dollars per annum for pro­tivnnimiegsgi
oeront lhso eq s tfu tudaorrutntareiilrsn shcg,e o edssqit,c ukpeanqeleru st aoshl, a tenwtoxdop e escniigexsehntsytts -ft cohperer nermet sd e adcpyei,ec—nrint se-dm paaayenkr;d­day.
We think that no one will claim that twelve
per cent, is too high a rate of interest on perishable
property like slaves, who are sure to become value­less
in a few years; or that any of these estimates
aire too high. If, then, the negligent, slothful man­agement
of a Southern planter, with the rude, in­convenient,
ill-conditioned tools ancl machinery used
oi most of the plantations, could pay sixty-three
certs per day for slave labor, and grow cotton at a
profil when it sold for ten cents per pound, what
per cot. of profit would a Northern man make in
the sane business, with improved Northern tools,
when tje same labor could be obtained at one dol­lar
pei day, and cotton selling, as at present, at
sixty cents per pound ? Certainly five hundred
percent.; and there is little prospect of its selling
below thirty cents per pound for some time, as only
a small amount has been grown this season, or is
likely to be next, ancl the profit of employing these
laborers, at reasonable wages, could not fail to be
be extremely large. It would also add very much
to the effect of the Proclamation, if the slaves could
be assured constant employment for themselves and
families, with wages at one dollar per clay for the
labor of an able hand.
This being true, what greater mistake can oe
made than for the Government to add to the present
enormous expenses, the burden of supporting tens
of thousands of liberated slaves brought into our
lines by the President's Proclamation, after the first
of January, who are living in idleness and learning
vicious habits, while large tracts of the best, cotton
lands in the world are in our possession and remain.
uncultivated, and our people suffer for the want of
cotton that might be grown on them ? How shall
this be avoided ?
Capital should be raised at once—a large num­ber
of confiscated plantations purchased from the
Government—arrangements made for tools, teams,
supplies, transportation and superintendents. No
time should be lost: the planting season will soon
arrive. When it has passed, it will be impossible to
furnish profitable employment to liberated slaves, if
no crop has been planted.
The amount of capital required to commence an
enterprise like this successfully, in the outset, must
necessarily be large ; as those who engage in it at
first must furnish their own transportation for sup­plies
from New York to the plantations cultivated,
ancl for the crop grown, to market, as no freight
lines are running to the South now. After a care­ful
investigation of the subject, we estimate that
about two hundred dollars of capital will be re­quired
for each hand employed. How shall this
capital be raised ? As there is danger of being
driven off by the rebels before the crop is gathered,
and the whole investment lost, no one will be willing
to invest a large amount in it; but many will risk a
small amount for the purpose of seeing this experi­ment
tried, and the fact demonstrated that cotton
can be grown cheaper with free labor than with
slaves, and a movement initiated, which will be the
means of inducing other parties to engage in many
similar enterprises before the season" is past, and
thus furnish employment to a large number of eman­cipated
slaves.
The amount of capital required being greater
than private parties would be willing to risk, there
is clearly no method of raising it but by means of
a stock company with a comparatively large capital,
whose stock is divided into small shares.
We are willing and anxious to engage in this en­terprise,
and will invest three thousand dollars in its
stock, provided others will join us and make up an
amount of capital sufficient to go on with it suc­cessfully.
Who will join us ? Any one willing to
take stock in such an enterprise to the amount of
ten dollars or more, is invited to advise us of the fact
by mail. Friends of the cause, let us hear from you.
ELLIS, BRITTON & EATON.
Springfield, (Vt.,) Nov. 15, 1862.
THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION IN
TENNESSEE.
THE NEGRO EXODUS—THE WAY OF THE TRANS­GRESSOR
IS HARD.
rebel slaveholders of Middle Tennessee—and
they comprise, perhaps, five-sixths of the slavehold­ers—
are filled with alarm at the approaching evil
which menaces them with ruin. It is evident that
they do not regard the President's Emancipation
Proclamation as brutum fulmen—mere thunder and
no lightning—as some newspapers regard it. On
the contrary, they look upon it as the most terrible
wound yet inflicted upon the peculiar institution,
which, as it is the chief corner-stone of the Butter­nut
Confederacy, so it is the chief corner-stone the rebellion, whose death involves the death of the
Southern rebellion. The slaves have heard of the
proclamation, ancl are following the example of re­bellion
set them by their masters. Whoever else
may affect to doubt that the proclamation is a live
document, the rebels of Middle Tennessee do not
doubt it, and they quake in the extremity of their
terror as the day draws near when it shall take
effect in Wilson, in Williamson, in Maury, in Ruth­erford,
and in Davidson counties. The rebel masters
have, for two weeks past, been gathering up their
slaves, and running them off as expeditiously as
possible. Whole plantations, which once counted
their scores of bondsmen — coal-black, chestnut-brown,
saddle-colored, olive-tinted and Saxon-hued
—are now depopulated. Their former inhabitants
have
"Laid down the shovel and the hoe,
And hung up the fiddle and the bow ; "
and have been driven off to Dixie—to the land of
cotton, cotton-mouth snakes, and cotton-headed poli­ticians.
We have our doubts whether these fugitive mas­ters
will find the change for the better. It looks to
us like leaping out of the frying pan into the fire.
What will they do with their slaves when they get
them South ? There is no work for them to do, no
cotton or tobacco to raise, and nothing for them to
eat. It does not seem to us that to collect hun­dreds
of thousands of restless, excited negroes to­gether,
is exactly the best method of securing ancl
strengthening the divine institution of slavery, which
is sanctioned by the Lord's prayer and the Sermon
on the Mount! To use a plain term, these rebel
slaveholders are a set of asses; they never were
troubled with much brains, and they have improved
very much, of late—the wrong way. If we wanted
to stir up mischief, insubordination, and the devil
generally, in the cotton States, we would advise
gtytcapwhhsororeoooe nntseusshdfeeslledii bycfSs aothll setlaauaal v rvr tweceed ed-os oi oeldnb ulwel ofebopllnoitai,inc epk eotwgvrp, sv l.eei cekda ore,rJsf m u Mh t wMtsatphatileasel misl rld veisdsdedtepsel iee cptmaehw kpndeTi oimdi teolnahy nfnt hn sdpwaswepi sliAhseatrnelii glacteaulhvoseb pset sa,o r^samt,a! h l dan lae 'no, i Wo rdi utr jhn rnuh\bet„soeir­tl­n
iiehnsvaogevl naeat eaw dlbwh loepaonylda stynh dt eacryetiiva oiwdln eeswdr,e aiw nrs,seo tupuhralerdre a,cr taetitdbo e ntlhfsr eos a;lmar nmv oeeog-aosfcgtwh dt nhaoeentrihgsr,e srwol auohvnsoe s ,
period of the war, mass the slaves in one formiddble
body, and thus render them immeasurably more power"
fid to inflict injury ? This is precisely what the
rebels are doing. But we have heard nobody object
to their doing so. If they can stand it, w'c guess
that we can endure it, not only patiently but "com­fortably.
In fact, we confess we rather like the
movement. The rebels are kindly putting their
heads so close together, that we can soon sever them
at one blow, as if they had but one neck. Nor
does it require the gift of prophecy to foretell what
will follow in this State.
These splendid plantations, whose area is vast,
whose fertility is unsurpassed, ancl whose climate is
delightful, will not be allowed to lie idle. An army
of hardy, enterprising immigrants from the north­west
will soon pour in to fill the places left vacant
by the slaves; and, in the place of half-savage,
woolly-headed, coal-black ragged Africans, as un­educated
as the mules they "drive, there will be a
multitude of industrious, thinking, well-clad, edu­cated,
newspaper-reading, church and school-going,
white farmers, able and willing to serve the State
in peace and in war. The exchange will not be a
badone: it will soon double our wealth.—Nashville
Union.
PROCLAMATION, FOR A DAY OF PUBLIC
THANKSGIVING AND PRAISE.
I hereby appoint and set apart THURSDAY, THE
TWENTY-SEVENTH DAY OF NOVEMBER, as a day
of public thanksgiving ancl praise; and I earnestly
recommend to the Superintendents of Plantations,
Teachers and Freedmen in this Department, to ab­stain
on that day from their ordinary business, and
assemble in their respective places of worship, and
render praise and thanksgiving to Almighty God
for the manifold blessings and mercies he has be­stowed
upon us during the past year; and more
especially for the signal success which has attended
the great experiment for freedom and the rights of
oppressed humanity, inaugurated in the Depart­ment
of the South. Our work has been crowned
with a glorious success. The hand of God has been
in it, and we have faith to believe the recording an­gel
has placed the record of it in the Book of Life.
You, freedmen and women, have never before
had such ean.?e for tteskfolness. Your simple faith
has been vindicated. "The Lord come" to
you, and has answered your prayers. Yorf?*chains
are broken. Your days of bondage i mourning
are ended, and you are forever free. If you can­not
yet see your way clearly in the future, fear not;
put your trust in the Lord, and He will vouchsafe,
as He did to the Israelites of old, the cloud by day
ancl the pillar of fire by night, to guide your foot­steps
" through the wilderness," to the promised land.
I therefore advise you all to meet and offer up
fitting songs of thanksgiving for all these great mer­cies
which you have received, and with them, forget
not to breathe an earnest prayer for your brethren
who are still in bondage.
Given at Beaufort, S. C, this ninth day of No­vember,
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-two. R. SAXTON,
Brig.-General, and Military Governor.
A NEW ENTERTAINMENT.
A COLORED WOMAN READING THE AMERICAN
POETS.
The little semi-circular hall of the Stuyvesant
Institute was opened last night to such of the pub­lic
as knew of the fact, and chose to attend. The
attraction announced was a poetical reading by a
" Mrs. Louise DeMortie, a colored lady of Boston,"
and as the affair had not been advertised, except
among our colored citizens, there were only about
half a dozen white persons present. The rest of
the audience, which half filled the room, included
negroes of every hue, from the deep brown and
dark black to the pale olive. There were several
splendid-looking women, as elegant in dress and
feature as the rich Creoles of Louisiana. There
were one or two colored preachers, of raven com­plexion
and garb, and not a few of the more elegant
and dandyish " colored gemmen " who may be seen
in fashionable hotels and hair-dressing rooms. One
man, bald on the top of his head and magnificent
as to whiskers, was the very bust in chocolate of
General Burnside. There were several men and
women so white that they could scarcely be dis­tinguished
from those of the Caucasian race who
were present, While waiting for the reader, two
men—a harpist and a violinist—played upon their
instruments very indifferently.
At a little after eight o'clock, Mrs. De Mortie ap­peared,
and sat down before a small pine table, on
which were placed a few books and a pitcher of wa­ter.
A splendid-looking woman she was—complex­ion
of a flushed creamy tint, hair dark and wavy,
eyes large and lustrous, and features oval and al­most
classic. She was dressed in black silk, and
wore white kid gloves. She could not be consider­ed
a type of the African race, for, though the Afri­can
blood evidently tinged her skin, she might easi­ly
have passed for a Creole. Yet she at once iden­tified
herself with the negro race, of which there
were so many undoubted members in the audience,
and opened her readings with some passionate stan­zas
by Whittier, on " The Slave and Slavery."
The voice was superb—rich, deep and musical—
the pronunciation admirable, without the slightest
touch of negro accent, while the gestures were al­ways
easy and graceful. Whittier's exquisite pas­toral,
" Maud Muller," followed, read with the quiet
ease and half-hidden pathos the piece requires. Ex­tracts
from " The Honeymoon " exhibited in the
reader considerable sprightliness and humor. A se­lection
from the " Hero and the Slave," written by
J. Sella Martin, a black man, again called forth her
fire and energy, but, though well written, and con­taining
many passages of genuine poetic fervor, the
piece was too long to interest the audience. In
Longfellow's " Skeleton in Armor" there was a
marked deficiency ; several lines were so carelessly
read that some words were entirely omitted, and
others inserted, thus quite destroying the rhythm.
Nor was the " Pied Piper " rendered much better;
but in the next piece, an anonymous little gem,
entitled " Magdalena," Mrs. De Mortie fully equal­led
in pathos and effect any lady reader who has
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i.,isg­­,
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T H E L I B E R A T O R
IS PUBLISHED
EVERY FRIDAY MORNING,
AT
221 WASHINGTON" STREET, ROOM No. 6.
ROBERT F. WALLCUT, GENERAL AGENT.
Jggp TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per annum,
in advance.
fy* Five copies will be sent to one address for TEN DOL­LARS,
if payment is niado in advance.
5j5f All remittances aro to be made, and all letters
relating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be
directed (TOST PAID) to the General Agent.
[gF* Advertisements inserted at the rate of fivo cents
per line.
Igp Tho Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Penn­sylvania,
Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are
authorised to receive subscriptions for THE LIBERATOR.
jj2P" The following gentlemen constitute the Financial
Committee, hut are not responsible for any debts of the
j .japer, viz : — WENDELL PHILLIPS, EDMUND QUINCY, ED-MUND
JACKSON, and WILLIAM L. GARRISON, JR.
"Proclaim Liberty throughout all the land, to all
the inhabitants thereof;"
" Hay this down as the law of nations. I say that mil­itary
authority takes, for the time, the place of all munic­ipal
institutions, and SLAVERY AMONG THE REST ;
and that, under that state of things, so far from its being
true that the States where slavery exists have the exclusive
management of tho subject, not only the PRESIDENT OP
THE UNITED STATES, but the COMMANDER OP THE ARMY,
HAS POWER TO ORDER THE UNIVERSAL EMAN­CIPATION
OF THE SLAVES. . . From the instant
that tho slaveholding States become the theatre of a war,
CIVIL, servile, or foreign, from that instant the war powers
of CONGRESS extend to interference with the institution of
slavery, IN EVERY WAY IN WHICH IT CAN BE INTERFERED
WITH, from a claim of indemnity for s.lavcs taken or de­stroyed,
to the cession of States, burdened with slavery, to
a foreign power. . . . It is a war power. I say it is a war
power ; and when your country is actually in war, whether
it be a war of invasion or a war of insurrection, Congress
has power to carry on the war, and MUST CARRY IT ON, AC­CORDING
TO" THE LAWS OP WAR ; and by the laws of war,
an invaded country has all its laws and municipal institu­tions
swept by the board, and MARTIAL POWER TAKES TUB
PLACE OF THEM. When two hostile armies are set in martial
array, the commanders of both armies have power to eman­cipate
all the slaves in the invaded territory."~J. Q. ADAJTB.
WM. LLOYD GABEISOlf, Editor. » u r