Look at This

Take a look at these examples of our charts and graphs that provide a visual explanation of money in politics. Click any picture to link directly to its report.

Fundraising among state candidates in presidential election years continued rising in 2016, driven in large part by a drastic increase in contributions to legislative candidates.

The largest financial supporters and opponents of ballot measures came from donors in four industries.

A breakdown of the NRA’s $120 million total reported political spending indicates the group highly favors independent spending over direct contributions, and has significantly increased the former. Of the $6 million the NRA contributed to candidates and political parties from 2009 through 2016, 88 percent supported Republicans.

Incumbency clearly had the effect of reducing monetary competitiveness in gubernatorial races. From 2001 through 2016, 69 percent of open-seat races and 50 percent of incumbent races were competitive.

In 2016 and 2017, the private prison industry -- characterized here as prisons and the vendors who service them -- spent $2 million on state-level candidates and committees.

While many special interest sectors bumped up political giving in 2014, private education caused a huge spike in 2016, mostly in California.

Successful challengers vs. losing incumbents in the US House of Representatives, 2006-2018.

Money prevailed during 2013–2014. Committees supporting successful measures raised about ten times more than their opponents. Committees that opposed failed measures raised nearly three times more than the supporters.

On a state-by-state level, there is a slight relationship between the levels of incumbency and levels of competitiveness.

Challengers to incumbents and those who ran in open races and raised less money than their opponents experienced an extremely low success rate.

The annual totals suggest out-of-state money in gubernatorial elections is certainly on the rise, but these contributions are not overwhelming the races. One anomaly was 2013, when almost half of the money raised by the candidates came from out-of-state donors.

Legislative candidates who prevailed in the general election averaged $121,719 in contributions, bringing their collective total to $740.5 million; general election losers, meanwhile, raised $196.3 million, averaging $46,443 per candidate, which is 62 percent less than the winners.

Almost $1.6 million of ANR money went to Republican candidates and party committees, which accounts for about 74 percent of all state-level ANR contributions. A breakdown of its contributions by office finds a GOP advantage across the board.

24 states received an "F" for their lack of disclosure.

$3M from San Francisco Giants, 2000-13.

NRG Energy Giving, by Party, 2000-13.

2011-12 same-sex marriage ballots in 5 states.

Independent Spending Scorecard, 2014

Jeb Bush: 55 percent of his gubernatorial contributions came from individuals.

Wealthy individuals give a disproportionate percentage of the contributions.

The National Rifle Association frequently takes high-profile positions opposing gun-control legislation in the states. See where their money went in 2011-12.

The Institute updated -- and upgraded -- its comprehensive assessment of essential independent spending disclosure requirements that were in effect in the states as of April 2013.

Reynolds American Inc. contributed $12.5 million to ballot measure campaigns, state political party committees, and state candidates in 35 states, 2011–2012.

Look at the massive amounts of money raised to support or oppose ballot measures over the years.

The Institute identified four essential disclosure requirements for independent spending in the states. See the visual representation of how each of the 50 states scored in each of these requirements.

Warren Buffet's preference for Republican candidates, 2005-2008.

Look how often incumbents win reelection. Despite anti-incumbency rhetoric in the 2010 cycle, just two percent of incumbents seeking re-election lost their primaries that year.

What did the dual advantage of fundraising and incumbency look like in the 2007-2008 election cycle?

As the climate change debate heats up in the states, those with a keen interest in the issue have turned up the pressure to make sure their voices will be heard in the lawmaking process.

From 2001 through 2016, nursing home and long-term care industry political donors contributed $104.9 million to state-level candidates and party committees in every election cycle and in every state except Wyoming. Industry giving in Illinois significantly outpaced all other states.

In the 20 states the Institute has tracked since 2009 and 2010, independent spending targeting state house/assembly seats increased every cycle, peaking at $111.7 million—a 194 percent increase since 2011 and 2012. State senate elections also attracted an impressive $63.4 million in outside spending, a 34 percent bump from 2011 and 2012. But the $24.3 million spent on gubernatorial candidates was $18.2 million less than was spent in 2011 and 2012.

The majority of the independent spending from each side was spent on races in which their preferred candidate won, but gun control opponents were the clear victors in 2015 and 2016.

The bail bond industry spent $6.4 million lobbying state lawmakers, and an additional $1.8 million in direct contributions to state campaigns.

The Koch Brothers network directed $11.8 million to federal and state candidates from 2010 through 2016, of which a mere 5 percent supported Democrats.

Dark money is influencing more and more state campaigns.

See private prison industry giving and lobbying in the states, since 2009.

Donors from the business industry accounted for 71 percent of the money given to ballot measure committees in 2013 and 2014.

Challengers to incumbents and those who ran in open races and raised less money than their opponents experienced an extremely low success rate.

The annual totals suggest out-of-state money in gubernatorial elections is certainly on the rise, but these contributions are not overwhelming the races. One anomaly was 2013, when almost half of the money raised by the candidates came from out-of-state donors.

Altogether, legislative candidates raised about $1 billion nationwide, almost $38.8 million more than legislative candidates raised in 2010.

Pro-gun-control committees raised $11.4 million to promote I-594, compared to only $2 million raised by gun-rights committees in both the I-594 and I-591 campaigns.

Almost $1.6 million of ANR money went to Republican candidates and party committees, which accounts for about 74 percent of all state-level ANR contributions. A breakdown of its contributions by office finds a GOP advantage across the board.

This contribution scorecard reveals a national average score of 77 points.