Does TradWorker Exist?

February 2, 2018

Heimbach deals with a lot of media. One thing that sets us apart is our striving toward transparency and openness with the media. This is naturally a delicate balancing act, as most media are just antifa with a blog. On balance with showing them what we’re up to, we have to protect our member privacy, protect our events from their actively passing intel on to the opposition, and all while managing the experiences of both our membership and the folks we’re engaging.

A couple months ago, I remember Heimbach telling me to prepare to sit down with a chick from Yahoo to talk about the twin initiatives we’re developing, the TRAD Project and WALNUT. Then I remember him telling me not to bother, to just sit it out and stick with my consulting work for the day. Both he and Tony would “handle” the shitty journalist themselves. Heimbach was honest with the membership about his distrust, so only a subset of the attendees were willing to be anywhere near her.

We’ve been very honest about our membership stats, our finances, and our situation. To hear “Catty Kate,” the nickname they had started calling her behind her back, tell it, we’re pretending to be a massive movement with a war chest of money ready to take on Washington any day now. As Caitlin is eager to point out, our financial balances are a matter of public record, and we’re just a couple thousand folks with a couple thousand dollars and some big dreams.

We have no major donors. Heimbach couch surfs and carpools when he criss-crosses America to visit with our chapters and participate in actions nationwide. We all have day jobs and nobody pulls any kind of salary or support from the Party, …which empowers us to stretch the dollars we do get much farther than most organizations. Additionally, after Charlottesville our credit card processing was pulled along with just about all of the standard web services that most political projects rely upon for their workflow, …requiring us to devise and contrive creative solutions while virtually no money was coming in at all.

Those systems and processes are coming together, and we’re in a much better position now than when Caitlin was sitting there being unimpressed by our party infrastructure. Caitlin Dickson’s catty screed, “The Neo-Nazi Has No Clothes,” asserts that our TRAD and WALNUT programs probably don’t exist at all, that our vocational mentorship initiative is a potemkin village, and Heimbach’s just conspiring with several dozen people she did meet in several different regions who are all in on the conspiracy to pretend that we’re an active party that’s growing and moving.

Her story doesn’t really square up with the hundreds of folks we managed to muster in both Pikeville, Charlottesville, or Shelbyville. It doesn’t square up with the reporting by Vegas, who did have extensive access over an extended period of time, which showcases a great deal of sustained real world action and outreach over a period of years. To hear her tell it, our number of supporters is somehow even lower than the number who were willing and able to be featured on camera fighting in our party uniform.

Having been in this for a while, I’m familiar with the routine. They call me up, ask me how much support we have, then immediately accuse me of lying no matter how conservative of an estimate I offer. Most of them contact the ADL and SPLC for “tips” on how to interview us, and part of that package is accusing us of artificially inflating our actual support, …as if White Nationalist activists are the only activists who wish to inflate their actual level of support.

When they accuse me of lying, I always just dryly respond, “Okay.” My very first mentor in this movement, over a decade ago joked that, “When the media ask you how many people attended today, tell them it was between three and four hundred people. It’s closer to three people, but you get the idea.” Way back in my earliest Hoosier Nation days, I even had a nice tripod so that I could pretend to give speeches at the state capitol, …which were entirely to myself.

We no longer need to do that, and the game’s changed since then. We’ve enjoyed explosive growth. We have real support. It’s been a long time since I sat there by myself at Steak & Shake with my carefully arranged materials for an entire hour while the adorable Latina waitress assured me condescendingly that somebody would surely arrive. We’ve achieved visibility in the past couple years, more visibility than our movement had actually bargained for. And the task before us is no longer to convince the world that we exist, but to translate our ideas, resources, and support into tangible action.

During the 2016 presidential primaries, Heimbach was caught on video shoving a black woman at a campaign rally for Trump in Louisville, Ky. Similar stories surfaced a couple of months later, after a Sacramento, Calif., rally held by members of the TWP and their California-based affiliates the Golden State Skinheads erupted in violence, leaving 10 people injured.

Note the weasel wording here to obfuscate the fact that the men in Sacramento were assaulted by a mob of hundreds of armed antifa and merely did the bare minimum of self-defense necessary to make it out of there alive. Even the official reports confirm that TradWorker did not instigate the violence. But Caitlyn has her narrative to promote, and she won’t hesitate to fudge the numbers, details, and framing.

As head of a white nationalist political party that is aligned with other neo-Nazi and separatist groups, Heimbach has shown a remarkable ability to win media attention for his program of organizing working-class youth to bring about his dream of a white ethnostate in the heart of the United States.

Does a small organization capable of facing down and devastating all the radicals the left could muster on both the East coast and West coast alike not organically deserve some media attention? Is that story really so disinteresting that it would only be in newspapers solely because Heimbach’s so good at bullshitting? These hand-wringing goofballs are so conflicted over whether to dynamically silence us or warn the public about us that they missed the biggest story of all, that our organization played a pivotal role in defending Trump rallies throughout the primaries and general election from Soros’ antifa radicals and organized some of the largest Trump campaign chapters in 2015.

Among the most glaring problems plaguing this population — and perhaps the ripest for exploitation — is the deadly opioid epidemic.

Heimbach and I actually got in a bit of an argument about this. For the past year, I’ve been collaborating with a movement-friendly licensed addiction counselor on a program–Tribalism, Religion, Accountability, Direction–which fuses state-of-the-art addiction counseling methods with our conviction that comradeship and traditionalism can help people struggling with opiates and other drugs achieve the discipline and direction they need to remain clean. We’ve been carefully piloting the program with several folks, and while this line of work always involves setbacks and requires tremendous patience, we’re achieving very promising results.

We got in an argument about it because Heimbach was bragging about our success to journalists, who were naturally interested in this work. The problem is that people who are struggling with addiction don’t need a national limelight on themselves. So we ended up with the problem we have here in this article. Nobody could, would, or should engage with media while they’re working through their problems. Folks are just going to have to take our word for it until some of those who’ve successfully recovered feel inclined to share their story in their own voice.

Or don’t take our word for it.

Still, Heimbach assured me that he had already lined up plenty of party members who would share with me their stories about how the TWP helped them learn a trade, find a job or overcome addiction.

Later on in the piece, she confirms speaking with a member who’s actively apprenticing in our welding training program. Everywhere Heimbach went across America, she admits there was a sizable “entourage” in uniform, which is very difficult to mimic if you don’t actually have, you know, a real organization with real support. Try it.

Her next suspicions fall on our recent elaborate undercover support campaign for Roy Moore.

Attempting to keep the conversation on current events, I asked about a tweet that had been posted the week before from the TWP’s account (which has since been suspended) about Republican Roy Moore’s loss to Doug Jones in the Alabama Senate race. It read: “We had an elaborate undercover campaign throughout the entire state, just as we did with Trump. We fell short, but our members did an incredible job.”

We can actually document that extensive Roy Moore operation, and put anybody curious into contact with our Alabama leadership who did an incredible job of coordinating a statewide boost for a campaign which had been abandoned and attacked by the Beltway establishment. Our PC (plainclothes) operations don’t receive as much attention as our confrontations with the radical left, but we’ve managed to become a pivotal vanguard capable of quantifiably influencing conventional politics with our mastery of retail political organizing.

It was around this time I realized that notably absent was Matthew Parrott, who, based on the itinerary Heimbach had previously proposed, was the main reason for traveling to Paoli in the first place. And as Heimbach made himself comfortable, welcoming the waitress’s offer for yet another coffee refill, it became increasingly clear that there was no real intention of meeting up that night with Parrott, or anyone else for that matter.

Matt Parrott does, in fact, exist. Matt Parrott also meets with just about any media. I’m not the most telegenic or charismatic fellow in this movement, …or in any random sampling for that matter. But Heimbach had decided not to waste my time with this hostile journalist he and Tony were trying to shake off. I sincerely appreciate their consideration, as she was clearly committed to picking apart every last thing we said or she saw, …with apparently no real effort to dig any deeper.

If Caitlyn didn’t directly see it happening, it didn’t happen. And in the case of the vocational program, even first-hand confirmations from active participants wouldn’t cut it. His having an entourage of different people everywhere he went didn’t cut the mustard in confirming that our organization exists. There’s healthy skepticism, and then there’s this vindictive media bias which went into this to reinforce her notions that we’re all bullshitting the whole thing.

Once again, Heimbach did not bother to introduce anyone else.

The implication here is that Heimbach is an inconsiderate prick. In this line of work, you can’t just reflexively introduce folks, especially when they’ve already been informed that the journalist is especially hostile and unprofessional.

For the next hour I tried to extract some concrete evidence of the sophisticated social engagement and community outreach Heimbach had ostensibly invited me here to see.

Our WALNUT program is also imaginary.

The idea for this approach isn’t entirely original. “It’s not the first time a white supremacist has tried to do this kind of social-good stuff,” said Heidi Beirich, director of the Intelligence Project at the Southern Poverty Law Center. At the same time, she said, “I’ve never seen a white supremacist group really do these things. They’ve said they were going to, but they haven’t really followed through.”

Ultimately, she said, “I guess it remains to be seen if Heimbach really intends to put his money and his time where his mouth is, right?”

[…]

It was hard to envision how the TWP planned to take on Big Pharma and solve the opioid crisis with a room full of banners and a pledge to clean up dirty needles from parks, and Heimbach himself admitted that funding has been the greatest obstacle to carrying out their lofty plans.

Once again, Mrs. Dickson takes the narrowest possible framing of what she’s seen and heard, and calls “bullshit.”

Had I bothered to meet with her, she would be skeptical that we’ve been working closely with a licensed counselor on an ambitious pilot program with several active participants at various stages of the program we’re developing. She would be skeptical that they’re struggling with addiction. She would be skeptical that our program is working. She would be skeptical that I have hair. One journalist a while back insisted that I’m surely bald because I always wear a hat, …which pretty much sums up this woman’s reporting style.

Note: There’s been some modest thinning and retreat around the temples, but my hair’s holding up pretty well, thanks.

Based on Federal Election Commission records, the TWP’s political fundraising arm has a long way to go before it will be able to compete with the hundreds of millions of dollars fueling the mainstream political parties.

No shit.

George Hawley, an assistant professor of political science at the University of Alabama and author of the recent book “Making Sense of the Alt-Right,” said that in his view the funding issue has always made the TWP’s community outreach plan seem “implausible.”

“In theory, the idea of gaining social support by providing useful services makes sense. That requires resources, however,” he said, noting that groups like Hezbollah and the Irish Republican Army, both of which Heimbach sites as influences for the TWP, “enjoyed significant financial assistance from the outside.”

Our WALNUT (White Advocacy Leadership, Networking, & Unity Teams) initiative has already arrived at a solution for this. There is an elaborate series of soft barriers to White working families receiving the welfare, small business loans, and other assistance that the federal government routinely provides. Call it the Matthew Lesko Strategy, but it’s working. If you’re an immigrant or minority, you’re automatically plugged into special counselors, networks, and programs that assist you with the paperwork and process for receiving this support. If you’re White trash, not only does nobody tell you about the program, but nobody helps you with the program and you likely have adopted the conservative moral hang-ups against fighting for your tax dollars.

Heimbach has embraced and extended his idea, originally formulated while in training for his family services job a while back, and our officers are being trained to be able to assist members, supporters, and the local community as a resource touchpoint. This is how we’re succeeding at community outreach and support, and there’s nothing anybody can do to stop us, …since the only way to stop us is to change the entire federal and state welfare system to explicitly deny social support services to white people.

“Perhaps Heimbach and his colleagues have some deep-pocketed sponsors that we don’t know about,” Hawley offered. “But it looks to me like a shoestring operation, and their members don’t appear to be doing any better financially than the people they would seek to assist.”

Real working-class workers working on works that work for white working families. Our haters do our promotional work for us sometimes. It turns out that you don’t need to actually have big money or sinister Jewish financiers behind you to solve these problems one family and community at a time. We’ve actually had dozens of millionaires contact us over the years, and it’s the same story every time: adopt a more conventionally conservative message, tone it down on the Jew thing, and you’ll have real financial support. A couple of the other organizations have played this game, but we’re comfortable on our shoestring budget, thanks.

According to the FEC, 100 percent of donations to the TWP’s National Committee during the 2016 election cycle came from individuals, with the majority of “large” donors spending between $200 to $400 at a time (the maximum annual amount an individual can donate to a national party is $30,800).

We encourage each of our readers to donate $30,800 apiece. If we’re able to raise this much hell with Waffle House wages, imagine what we’ll accomplish when we’re raking in that IHOP money.

The party’s biggest single donation, a whopping $979, came from William Johnson.

Behold, the only wealthy guy who didn’t ask us to tone it down on the Jew thing. We love you, Bill.

However, despite Heimbach’s repeated promises to introduce me to some of these people — or at the very least give me their names — the subjects of these supposed success stories never materialized.

I actually prefer that these people think nothings coming. They were also skeptical about our prospects before Sacramento, Charlottesville, or our ability to influence mainstream politics. Every step we take in our march forward, people like Caitlyn are all like, “Yup. That’s as far as TradWorker’s capable of going.”