A COMMUNITY-BASED CONSERVATION PROGRAMME FOR THE MANAGEMENT AND

A COMMUNITY-BASED CONSERVATION PROGRAMME
FOR THE MANAGEMENT AND CONSERVATION OF
LAND RESOURCES IN LESOTHO
by
AKINAGUM FIDELIS ESENJOR
A thesis submitted in accordance with
the requirements for the
Doctor of Philosophy
in the
Department of Sociology of the Faculty of Humanities
at the University of the Free State
Bloemfontein, Republic of
South Africa
November 2004
Promoter: Prof A.J. Pelser
Co-promoter: Prof L. Botes
CERTIFICATE
I declare that the thesis hereby submitted by me for the doctor of philosophy degree at the
University of the Free State is my own independent work and has not previously been
submitted by me at another University. I further more cede copyright of the thesis in
favour of the University of the Free State.
Akinagum Fidelis Esenjor
i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
A number of people made important contributions in the form of advice, encouragement,
materials and time to this study. It is therefore appropriate to express my appreciation at
this juncture.
First of all, I wish to thank the promoter of this study, Professor Andre Johannes Pelser,
for encouraging me to do research on this topic, for his guidance, his time and his input
made in this study. I also wish to thank the co-promoter, Professor Lucius Johannes
Snyman Botes for his valuable input and encouragement. The incessant confusions and
contradictions of opinions that students usually suffer from being supervised by two or
more professors with different backgrounds and training were swallowed by my
supervisors’ cooperative nature and team-spirited guidance. Their contributions are
incalculable value. May God reward both of them abundantly.
I thank Professor A. C. Ebenebe and Professor H. Nenthy for their encouragement and
also Professors Christ Nwodo, D.S. Obikeze, Dele Braimoh, Dr Ibanga Ikpe and Messrs
Samuel Amaka, Wagana Junda and Mrs Limpho Letšela for devoting their time to read
through the manuscript at different stages and especially to Mr Marius Pretorius who
carefully edited the final document.
I also wish to thank Mrs Mpine Molise and Mr Lechaba Setjeo for devoting their
precious time to assist me throughout the study fieldwork and also transcribing the
Sesotho recorded interview discussions into English.
I wish to express my appreciation to the Honourable (Barister) J. B. Ibudeh for the solid
and fruitful foundation he helped to lay. I also thank Chief (Dr) F.A. Onyekpeze, Messrs
Mayanwo Barry, Enyali Philips, Adagbon Lawrance, Ajuruchukwu Obi, Mrs Mampho
ii
Molaoa, Ms Rethabile Mothae, Mr Ebeye Dele, Mr Obiahu Joseph and Dr Paul Motlatsi
Morolong for their encouragement.
Ms Tsolele Makampong, Ms Libuseng Nkhabu, Ms Puleng Moletsane and Ms Thereasa
Malabane Lehohla are thanked for their kindness and patient in typing and printing parts
of the manuscripts at different times.
I thank my wife, Lucy, who morally supported and motivated me. To her and my
children, Fidelia, Flavian, and Fedenard who were denied husband and fatherly attention
for some years, and to the rest of my father’s 23 children: we will now live together and
everything will be normal again. I thank every one of you for exercising patience with my
inability to attend to family matters and for assisting me financially because of this study.
I thank other well wishers, their interest and encouragement.
Finally, I thank the Free State University for giving me the opportunity to study.
Akinagum Fidelis Esenjor
November 2004
iii
DEDICATION
This work is dedicated to: my late father and mother:
Esenjor Ochien
and
? kawena (Okiba-ali) Rebecca Owoyi Esenjor
and to those whose means of livelihood have been rendered unsustainable as a result of
land degradation phenomenon and the attendant official conservation practices.
iv
ABSTRACT
Literature abounds with discussions regarding land degradation and the sustainability of
land resources conservation programmes in sub-Saharan Africa. A thorough
understanding of past and present intervention mechanisms and the consequences both to
humans and to the entire ecosystem is necessary to advise stakeholders in conservation
initiatives. This study employs comprehensive multiple participatory methodologies in
analysing both the causes of land degradation and the importance of local communities’
real involvement in land resources conservation initiatives. The participatory
methodologies include focus group discussions.
The consequences of the paternalist classical model of land resources conservation
programmes practised in the developing countries include endless conflicts between
conservation officers and local communities, a lack of unequivocal acknowledgement of
indigenous knowledge, denial to local communities of access to rights and adequate
benefits, and a lack of local support and community participation which results in the
sudden collapse and abandonment of conservation programmes. This indicates a wasting
of government agencies’ heavy investment in conservation initiatives.
Yet, worldwide advocation of a shift from official to community-based conservation
approaches does not mean the total withdrawal of government agencies. It only means a
trimming down of government agencies’ “do it all” recurrent roles to one of facilitation
of the conservation initiatives of local communities. Government agencies may also give
unconditional support in community-based initiatives.
It has been established that the continuous occupation of the centre stage in land
resources conservation programmes by government agencies has accelerated land
degradation, has intensified conflicts between government officers and local
communities, has wasted local available resources input, has denied local communities
v
access, rights and benefits of land resources, and has increased the number of abandoned
conservation projects.
The hope of effectively practising real community-based land resources is an uphill task.
This is so because government agencies operating in Lesotho have raised unsustainable
expectations of food-for-work and/or cash payment incentives to local community
members for participating in conservation work. This poor practice has established a false
impression that land resources conservation is the sole responsibility of government
agencies.
This study has established that to practise community-based conservation would require
drastic new training of government agencies; it would necessitate providing more
sustainable incentives to local communities, and also re-orientating, empowering and
capacitating the people for the challenging tasks ahead. Real involvement of local
communities in the processes of identification of conservation needs, planning,
implementation, monitoring and evaluation are sure ways of ensuring sustainable land
resources conservation programmes.
vi
OPSOMMING
Daar is volop literatuur oor grondverval en die volhoubaarheid van programme vir
grondhulpbronbewaring in Sub-Sahara Afrika. ‘n Grondige begrip van
intervensiemeganismes van die verlede en hede, asook van die gevolge vir sowel die
mens as die totale ekosisteem, is noodsaaklik ten einde belanghebbendes ten opsigte van
bewaringsinisiatiewe te adviseer. In hierdie studie word omvattende meervoudige
deelnemende metodologieë aangewend om sowel die oorsake van grondverval as die
belangrikheid van plaaslike gemeenskappe se werklike betrokkenheid in
grondhulpbroninisiatiewe te ontleed. Die deelnemende metodologieë sluit
fokusgroepbesprekings in.
Die gevolge van die paternalistiese klassieke model van
grondhulpbronbewaringsprogramme wat in ontwikkelende lande bedryf word, omvat
eindelose konflikte tussen bewaringsamptenare en plaaslike gemeenskappe, ‘n gebrek aan
‘n ondubbelsinnige erkenning van inheemse kennis, ‘n ontkenning van plaaslike
gemeenskappe se reg tot toegang en voldoende voordele, asook ‘n gebrek aan plaaslike
ondersteuning en gemeenskapsdeelname wat daartoe aanleiding gee dat
bewaringsprogramme skielik in duie stort of laat vaar word. Dit dui op ‘n vermorsing van
staatsagenstskappe se dure belegging in bewaringsinisiatiewe.
Die globale voorspraak vir ‘n verskuiwing van amptelike na gemeenskapsgebaseerde
bewaringsbenaderings beteken egter nie die totale onttrekking van staatsagentskappe nie.
Dit beteken net ‘n afskaling van staatsagentskappe se herhaalde ‘ons-doen-alles’ rolle na
‘n situasie waarin die bewaringsinisiatiewe van plaaslike gemeenskappe gefasiliteer
word. Staatsagentskappe kan egter ook onvoorwaardelike ondersteuning aan
gemeenskapsgebaseerde inisiatiewe gee.
vii
Daar is bewyse dat die sentrale rol van staatsagentskappe in grondhulpbronprogramme
daartoe bygedra het om grondverval te laat versnel. Dit het ook die konflik tussen
staatsamptenare en plaaslike gemeenskappe verskerp; dit het gelei tot ‘n vermorsing van
plaaslik beskikbare hulpbroninsette; dit het plaaslike gemeenskappe ontneem van die
toegang, regte en voordele van grondhulpbronne; en dit het die aantal bewaringsprojekte
wat laat vaar is, laat toeneem.
Die moontlikheid om werklike gemeenskapsgebaseerde grondhulpbronne doeltreffend
toe te pas, is geen maklike taak nie. Dit is die geval omdat staatsagentskappe in Lesotho
nie-volhoubare verwagtinge geskep het ten opsigte van kos- vir-werk en/of
kontantinsentiewe aan plaaslike gemeenskappe vir deelname aan bewaringswerk nie.
Hierdie swak praktyk het ‘n valse indruk geskep dat grondhulpbronbewaring die alleen-
verantwoordelikheid van staatsagentskappe is.
In hierdie studie is vasgestel dat om gemeenskapsgebaseerde bewaring te beoefen, ‘n
ingrypende nuwe opleiding van staatsagentskappe vereis; dit vereis ook dat meer
volhoubare insentiewe aan plaaslike gemeenskappe voorsien sal word; en dat die
gemeenskap geheroriënteer, bemagtig en instaatgestel word ten opsigte van die
uitdagings hieromtrent. Slegs die werklike betrokkenheid van plaaslike gemeenskappe in
die identifisering, beplanning, implementering, monitering en evaluering van
bewaringsbehoeftes sal volhoubare grondhulpbronbewaringsprogramme verseker.
viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CERTIFICATE .................................................................................................................. i
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................. ii
DEDICATION.................................................................................................................. iv
ABSTRACT....................................................................................................................... v
OPSOMMING................................................................................................................. vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................ ix
LIST OF TABLES ....................................................................................................... xviii
LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................... xix
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS....................................................................... xx
CHAPTER ONE ............................................................................................................... 1
PROBLEM STATEMENT AND METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH.................... 1
1. BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................ 1
1.1 Pitfalls of conventional approaches to land resources conservation programmes 3
1.2 Community-centred conservation approach ......................................................... 6
2. COUNTRY OF STUDY ............................................................................................. 9
3. POSTULATION OF THE PROBLEM ...................................................................... 9
3.1 Increasing land degradation................................................................................ 10
3.3 Involvement of local communities in conservation programmes ....................... 11
3.4 Local communities’ capacity to participate in conservation programmes.......... 11
3.5 Incentives to participate in conservation initiatives ............................................ 12
3.6 Jurisdictional conflicts ........................................................................................ 12
4. AIM AND OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY ........................................................... 14
5. GEOGRAPHICAL SCOPE OF THE STUDY ......................................................... 14
6. JUSTIFICATION FOR STUDY .............................................................................. 15
7. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY .................................................... 18
7.1 Population of study ............................................................................................. 19
District................................................................................................................... 19
7.2 Selection of research sites................................................................................... 20
ix
7.3 Sampling ............................................................................................................. 21
7.4 Mafeteng District ................................................................................................ 21
7.5 Maseru district..................................................................................................... 22
7.6 Focus group discussion sessions ......................................................................... 23
7.7 Personal interviews with environmental management and conservation project
managers and field officers....................................................................................... 25
7.8 Field visits and personal contact with community members .............................. 26
7.9 Participants.......................................................................................................... 26
7.10 Literature study................................................................................................. 27
8. DATA ANALYSIS PROCEDURE.......................................................................... 27
9. DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS ................................................................................ 28
9.1 Community ......................................................................................................... 28
9.2 Conservation ....................................................................................................... 28
9.3 Community-based conservation.......................................................................... 30
9.4 Community participation .................................................................................... 30
9.6 Land degradation................................................................................................. 32
10. CONCLUSION DRAWING AND VERIFICATIONS.......................................... 32
11. STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY ............................................................................ 33
CHAPTER TWO ............................................................................................................ 33
LAND DEGRADATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA............................................ 33
1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 33
2. CAUSES OF LAND DEGRADATION................................................................... 34
3. NATURAL CAUSES OF LAND DEGRADATION............................................... 39
3.1 Wind and water erosion ...................................................................................... 39
3.2 Fragile environment and the resultant effects of low regenerative capacity of
land ............................................................................................................................ 40
3.3 Climate change .............................................................................................. 41
3.4 Drought and famine (macro impact) ................................................................... 42
4. DIRECT CAUSES OF LAND DEGRADATION ................................................... 44
4.1 Deforestation....................................................................................................... 44
4.2 Over-stocking which results in over- grazing ...................................................... 46
x
4.3 Over-exploitation of vegetation.......................................................................... 48
4.4 Poor conservation practices cause land degradation........................................... 49
4.5 Indiscriminate use of harmful pesticides as a factor in land degradation........... 50
4.6 The use of heavy machinery ............................................................................... 51
4.7 Bush burning ....................................................................................................... 51
5. UNDERLYING CAUSES OF LAND DEGRADATION................................ 52
5.1 Population pressure and land resources needs .................................................... 52
5.1.1 The impact of the HIV/AIDS pandemic and rural/urban migration............ 55
5.2 The desire for better living standards.................................................................. 56
5.3 Poverty................................................................................................................ 57
5.4 Unsustainable use of land and the value attached to its resource ....................... 58
5.5 Conversion of land into agricultural and other development activities .............. 58
5.6 Land distribution and inappropriate tenure system and their effects .................. 59
5.7 Political unrest..................................................................................................... 60
5.8 Poor enforcement of land resources conservation policies ................................. 61
7. FEATURES OF LAND DEGRADATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA............ 62
7.1 Biological diversity............................................................................................. 63
7.2 Desertification as an unfriendly phenomenon .................................................... 64
7.3 Range and cropland degradation and the adverse effect on humans and livestock
................................................................................................................................... 65
7.4 Soil fertility decline............................................................................................. 66
7.5 Quarrying and mining leading to land loss ......................................................... 66
7.6 Pollution and its effects in sub-Saharan Africa................................................... 67
7.7 Water- logging ..................................................................................................... 68
8. CONCLUSION......................................................................................................... 68
CHAPTER THREE ........................................................................................................ 69
AN OVERVIEW OF COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN LAND RESOURCES
CONSERVATION INITIATIVES IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ...................... 69
1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 69
2. TYPOLOGY AND CHARACTERISTICS OF COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION
....................................................................................................................................... 70
xi
2.1 Passive participation ........................................................................................... 72
2.2 Participation in information giving ..................................................................... 72
2.3 Participation by consultation............................................................................... 72
2.4 Participation for incentives ................................................................................. 73
2.5 Functional participation ...................................................................................... 73
2.6 Interactive participation ...................................................................................... 73
2.7 Self- mobilisation................................................................................................. 74
3. THE NATURE OF CONSERVATION AND MANAGEMENT PROGRAMMES
IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES ................................................................................. 74
4. THE ASIAN EXPERIENCE OF LAND RESOURCES CONSERVATION.......... 77
4.1 India: Land rehabilitation work........................................................................... 77
4.2 Pakistan: Preserving Biodiversity and Landscapes Project ................................ 79
4.3 Turkmenistan: Human interventions to Tedzhen ecological disaster ................. 80
4.4 Nepal: Annapurna Empowerment Conservation Project.................................... 81
5. THE AFRICAN EXPERIENCE OF LAND RESOURCES CONSERVATION .... 82
5.1 Nigeria: Forestation project in Kano and Jigawa states ...................................... 83
5.2 Niger Republic: Experience of land conservation .............................................. 84
5.3 Senegal: Ecosystem management ....................................................................... 85
5.4 Mali: Conservation Capacity Building Project ................................................... 86
5.5 Kenya: Protection of ancestral Ogiek forest ....................................................... 87
5.6 Kenya: Turkana land management and conservation......................................... 88
5.7 Tanzania: Community-based land conservation................................................. 89
5.8 Uganda: Park management experience ............................................................... 90
5.9 Sudan: Rehabilitation of community rangelands ................................................ 91
5.10 Madagascar: Sustained conservation................................................................ 92
5.11 Madagascar: Land management experience ..................................................... 93
5.12 Morocco: Empowering traditio nal pastoralists ................................................. 94
5.13 Zimbabwe: Communal area management programme for indigenous resources
(CAMPFIRE) ............................................................................................................ 95
5.14 South African: Land resources management and conservation experience...... 97
6. A GENERAL OVERVIEW OF LESSONS LEARNT .......................................... 102
xii
7. LIMITATIONS OF COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN COMMUNITY-BASED
CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES ........................................................................ 103
8. MEANS OF ENSURING EFFECTIVE COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN
CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES ........................................................................ 105
8.1 Real inclusiveness of all stakeholders............................................................... 105
8.2 Inclusion of women........................................................................................... 106
8.3 Decentralisation of powers................................................................................ 107
8.4 Joint- management of a conservation project .................................................... 108
9. CONCLUSION....................................................................................................... 110
CHAPTER FOUR ......................................................................................................... 113
AN OVERVIEW OF LAND RESOURCES CONSERVATION ATTEMPTS IN
LESOTHO ..................................................................................................................... 113
1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 113
1.1 Geographical location of Lesotho ..................................................................... 113
1.2 Climate and topography of Lesotho .................................................................. 114
1.3 Population of Lesotho ....................................................................................... 114
1.4 Ecological zones of Lesotho ............................................................................. 114
2. HISTORY OF LAND RESOURCESS CONSERVATION ACTIVITIES IN
LESOTHO .................................................................................................................. 117
2.1 Pre-Pin period in Lesotho ................................................................................. 117
3. CONSERVATION ATTEMPTS IMPLEMENTED BY THE MINISTRY OF
AGRICULTURE, LESOTHO .................................................................................... 120
3.1 Taung Reclamation Scheme (1956-1961) ........................................................ 121
3.2 Tebe-Tebeng Project (1956-1960) .................................................................... 121
3.3 Thaba-Phatšoa Improvement Area Project, (1957-1970) ................................. 122
3.4 Woodlot Programme (1972-1987) .................................................................... 122
3.5 Senqu River Agricultural Extension Project (1972-1988)................................ 123
3.6 Leribe Pilot Project, (1973-1977) ..................................................................... 124
3.7 Thaba-Bosiu Rural Development Project (1973-1977) .................................... 124
3.8 Khomo-Khoana Project (1975-1982) ............................................................... 124
3.9 Land and Water Resource Development Project (1975-1983) ......................... 125
xiii
3.10 Intensive Arable Lands Project (1979-1982) .................................................. 126
3.11 The Production Through Conservation Programme (PTC) (1981- 1996) ...... 127
3.12 Park development and management in Lesotho (1970-2003) ........................ 128
3.13 Overview of Government’s conservation attempts......................................... 129
4. AFFORESTATION DEVELOPMENT EFFORTS IN LESOTHO AS
CONSERVATION MEASURES ............................................................................... 130
4.1 Afforestation responses in Lesotho ................................................................... 131
4.2 The practise of social forestry programme (SFP) in Lesotho as a conservation
measure ................................................................................................................... 133
4.3 Constraints of the Lesotho Social Forestry Programme ................................... 134
4.4 An overview of the Lesotho forestry development programme ....................... 136
5. COMBATING DESERTIFICATION IN LESOTHO ............................................ 143
7. ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT FOR POVERTY REDUCTION PROJECT
(EMPR) ....................................................................................................................... 147
7.1 The project component and target participants................................................. 148
6.2 Implementation of conservation programme .................................................... 148
7.3 Land rehabilitation activities of the EMPR Project .......................................... 153
7.4 EMPR Project: Lessons to be learned............................................................... 154
8. CONCLUSION....................................................................................................... 157
CHAPTER FIVE .......................................................................................................... 160
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS .............................................................. 160
1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 160
2. OPINIONS OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES ABOUT CONSERVATION OF LAND
RESOURCES PROGRAMMES ................................................................................ 160
2.1 Causes of land degradation in the study areas .................................................. 160
2.4 Past and on-going land resources conservation initiatives in the study areas... 163
2.5 Local communities’ involvement in past and on-going conservation projects. 164
2.6 Awareness of current land resources conservation practices............................ 165
2.7 Controlling numbers of livestock...................................................................... 166
2.8 Introducing a land resources user- fee ............................................................... 168
2.9 Perception of local communities’ land resources conservation knowledge ..... 168
xiv
2.10 The roles of government agencies towards land resources conservation ....... 171
2.11 Joint management of land resources conservation between government
agencies and local communities.............................................................................. 173
2.12 Main stumbling blocks to local communities’ participation in land resources
conservation programmes ....................................................................................... 174
2.13 Ways of ensuring real community involvement in land resources conservation
activities .................................................................................................................. 176
3. OPINIONS OF CONSERVATION AGENCIES ABOUT THE
IMPLEMENTATION OF LAND RESOURCES CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES
..................................................................................................................................... 178
3.1 Problems associated with involving local communities in land resources
conservation activities............................................................................................. 178
3.2 Lesotho environmental policies that could be enforced to ensure effective
community-based conservation programmes ......................................................... 179
3.3 Implications of the divergent and contradictory conservation measures employed
by conservation agencies ........................................................................................ 180
3.4 How funding has affected community participation in land resources
management and conservation activities................................................................. 181
3.5 Local capacity to manage and conserve land resources.................................... 182
3.6 How to ensure local communities’ participation in land resources conservation
programmes............................................................................................................. 183
3.7 The future of community-based land resources conservation .......................... 184
4. LESSONS LEARNT .............................................................................................. 185
4.1 Effect of insufficient arable lands on local communities’ participation in
conservation programmes ....................................................................................... 186
4.2 Inappropriate land tenure system and its associated problems ......................... 187
4.4 Population pressure arising from both natural increase and retrenchment of
Lesotho citizens from South African mines............................................................ 189
4.5 Lack of economic value for land resources ...................................................... 191
4.7 Disregard of bottom- up approaches .................................................................. 192
4.8 Disbursements and distribution of conservation incentives.............................. 192
xv
4.9 Neglect of local knowledge by government officers ........................................ 193
4.10 Enhanced individual and group approaches ................................................... 194
4.11 Government agencies’ conservation measures ........................................... 194
4.12 Lack of co-ordination of government agencies conservation activities.......... 195
4.13 False claims of conservation projects success ................................................ 196
4.14 Other lessons learnt ......................................................................................... 196
5. POTENTIAL WEAKNESSES, STRENGTHS, OPPORTUNITIES AND
THREATS TO COMMUNITY-BASED CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES ....... 198
5.1 Weaknesses ....................................................................................................... 198
5.2 Strengt hs............................................................................................................ 199
5.3 Opportunities..................................................................................................... 200
5.4 Potential threats................................................................................................. 201
6. CONCLUSION....................................................................................................... 202
CHAPTER SIX ............................................................................................................. 206
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS...................................................... 206
1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................. 206
2. SUGGESTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR CAPACITY BUILDING OF
LOCAL COMMUNITIES .......................................................................................... 206
2.1 Build on community-centred conservation approaches .................................... 207
2.2 Build on local communities’ conservation priorities and definitions ............... 207
2.3 Build on local communities’ conservation institutions..................................... 208
2.4 Strengthen local rights, access and security of land resources ......................... 208
2.6 Internalise the economic value of land resources and conservation
responsibilities within local communities............................................................... 209
2.7 Build on less capital- intensive conservation projects ....................................... 210
2.8 Depart from inequitable sharing of conservation benefits................................ 210
2.9 Build on equitable land tenure systems ............................................................ 210
2.10 Involve traditional healers in conservation activities...................................... 211
3. REDIRECTING AND REDEFINING GOVERNMENT CONSERVATION
ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES IN CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES ........ 211
xvi
3.1 Build on re-orientation of officers about community-based conservation
processes ................................................................................................................. 212
3.2 Build on enduring patience and time ................................................................ 212
3.3 Build on local systems of conservation and management knowledge .............. 212
3.4 Build on negotiating agreements with partners for joint conservation action .. 213
3.5 Build on uniformity of conservation approaches amongst conservation agencies
................................................................................................................................. 213
3.6 Build on the use of multi-disciplinary extension workers/officers ................... 214
3.7 Build on the provision of multi-disciplinary conservation training manuals ... 215
3.8 Build on proper documentation of conservation activities ............................... 215
3.9 Build on compensational practices ................................................................... 216
4. PARTICIPATORY MODEL FOR CONSERVATION PROJECTS ..................... 216
4.2 Planning phase of community-based conservation programmes ...................... 218
4.3 Implementation phase of community-based conservation project.................... 221
4.4 Monitoring and evaluation phases of the community-based conservation project
cycle ........................................................................................................................ 222
4.4.1 Equipping local communities for monitoring and evaluation tasks........... 224
4.4.2 Important tools for monitoring and evaluation (M&E) assignments ......... 224
4.5 Step-by-step model for community-based conservation programmes.............. 226
5. GUIDELINES FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF COMMUNITY-BASED
CONSERVATION PRACTICES (NEW ROLE OF SECONDARY
STAKEHOLDERS/EXTERNAL ENVIRONMENT) ............................................... 229
5.1 Local communities’ awareness (the roles of secondary stakeholders) ............. 229
5.2 Capacity building and empowerment of local communities (the roles of
secondary stakeholders) .......................................................................................... 230
5.3 The principles and policies for both the primary and secondary stakeholders . 231
5.3.1The principles for primary stakeholders ..................................................... 231
5.3.2 The principles for secondary stakeholders include:................................... 232
5.4 Policies for primary stakeholders...................................................................... 232
5.4.1 Primary stakeholders.................................................................................. 233
5.4.2 Secondary stakeholders.............................................................................. 233
5.5 Incentives and motivation (the roles of mainly the secondary stakeholders) ... 234
xvii
5.5.1 Incentives to participate in conservation (the role of secondary stakeholders
and community leaders)...................................................................................... 234
5.5.2 Motivational incentives (the role of secondary stakeholders) ........... 235
5.6 Collaborative management of conservation programme .................................. 236
5.6.1 The role of all stakeholders ........................................................................ 236
5.6.2 Other guidelines for collaborative management:....................................... 237
5.6.3 The role of the secondary stakeholders...................................................... 237
6. SUGGESTED AREAS FOR FURTHER STUDIES .............................................. 236
REFERENCES .............................................................................................................. 238
ANNEXURE 1 ............................................................................................................... 266
ANNEXURE 2 ............................................................................................................... 267
ANNEXURE 3 ............................................................................................................... 268
ANNEXURE 4 ............................................................................................................... 269
ANNEXURE 5 ............................................................................................................... 270
ANNEXURE 6 ............................................................................................................... 271
LIST OF TABLES
Table: 1 Severity of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa ............................................. 2
Table 2: Projected population of Mafeteng and Maseru districts from 2000-2026 .......... 19
Table 3: Distribution of Lesotho population in ecological zones by percentage, 2000.... 19
Table 4: Six chieftain wards of Mafeteng districts and the three communities randomly
selected for study ...................................................................................................... 21
Table 5: Five chieftain wards that make up Maseru district and the three selected
communities.............................................................................................................. 23
Table 6: Sessions of focus group discussions held with local communities..................... 24
Table 7: Causes of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa ............................................. 34
Table 8: Land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa due to natural factors ......................... 35
Table 9: FAO’s assessment of Human- induced land degradation in Africa for 2001 ...... 36
Table 10: Change in forested land in sub-Saharan Africa 1990-2000.............................. 45
Table 11: Estimated number of livestock in Lesotho 1995/96 and 1996/97 .................... 47
Table 12: Annual population growth rate in sub-Saharan Africa in (Mid-2003) ............. 54
Table 13: Net migration rate of Lesotho population 1996................................................ 56
Table 14: Ecological zones and land cover in Lesotho ................................................... 115
Table 15: Land use cover in Lesotho,1998 ..................................................................... 115
Table 16: Land cover change in Lesotho between 1989 and 1994 ................................. 116
Table 17: Results of Intensive Arable Land Project, 1982 ............................................. 126
Table 18: Conservation attempts by the Ministry of Agriculture, Lesotho .................... 138
Table 19: EMPR Project implementation phases and level of participation, 1996-1999150
xviii
Table 20: EMPR records of Youth participation between December 1999, and April
2001 in the ten districts of Lesotho. ........................................................................ 151
Table 21: Estimate of youth school dropouts and level of involvement in EMPR Project
between 1999-2001 ................................................................................................. 152
Table 22: EMPR conservation achievements for the period 1996 – 2001 June ............. 153
Table 23: EMPR Project annual forestation records, 1997-1999 ................................... 154
Table 24: Conservation projects in the study communities ........................................... 163
Table 25: Lesotho citizens employed on South African mines, 1986-2001 .................. 190
Table 26: Tools for Monitoring and Evaluation of conservation projects ...................... 225
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1: Web of causes of land degradation.................................................................... 38
Figure 2: Project cycle of conservation initiatives.......................................................... 217
Figure 3: Identification phase of community-based conservation projects .................... 218
Figure 4: Planning phase of conservation projects ......................................................... 219
Figure 5: Implementation phase of conservation projects .............................................. 221
Figure 6: Monitoring and evaluation phases of conservation project ............................. 223
Figure 7: Step-by-step model for community-based conservation practice ................... 227
xix
ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS
BBC : British Broadcasting Corporation
BPK : Bestuurplankomitee
BNP : Basotho National Party
CAP : Conservation Area Plan
CAMPFIRE : Communal Area Management Programme for Indigenous
Resources
CBC : Community-Based Conservation
CBO : Community-Based Organisation
CCR : Community-Controlled Research
CF : Community Forum
CMBSL : Conserva tion of Mountain Biodiversity of Southern
Lesotho
CSF : Community Social Forestry
DACO : District Agriculture Conservation Officer
xx
DDC : District Development Council
DPAP : Drought Prone Area Programme
EE : Environmental Economist
EIA : Environmental Impact Assessment
EMPR : Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction
FAO : Food and Agricultural Organisation
FISC : Farm Improvement with Soil Conservation
GEF : Global Environmental Fund
GIS : Geographic Information System
GGD : Global Green Deal
GoL : Government of Lesotho
GTZ : Gesellschaft Für Technische Zusammenarbeit
IBP : International Biological Programme
IEM : Integrated Ecosystem Management
IFAD : International Fund for Agricultural Development
IHD : International Hydrological Decade
IUCN : International Union for Conservation of Nature and
Natural Resources
Km² : Square Kilometres
LBS : Lesotho Bureau of Statistics
LCD : Lesotho Congress for Democracy
LCK : Local Community Knowledge
LHDA : Lesotho Highlands Development Authority
LFCD : Lesotho Fund for Community Development
LHWP : Lesotho Highlands Water Project
LNDC : Lesotho National Development Cooporation
LPD : Lesotho Population Datasheet
LWP : Lesotho Woodlot Project
MHA : Metre Per Halter
MP : Member of Parliament
MoA : Ministry of Agriculture
xxi
M&E : Monitoring and Evaluation
NASA : National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NRDP : National Rural Development Programme
NES : National Environment Secretariat
NGO : Non-Governmental Organisation
PMAC : Park Management Advisory Committee
PRA : Participatory Rural Appraisal
PTC : Production Through Conservation
RS : Remote Sensing
SADC : Southern African Development Community
SAP : Structural Adjustment Programme
SES : Soil Erosion Service
SSA : Sub-Saharan Africa
UF : User-Fees
UN : United Nations
UNCED : United Nations Conference for Environment and Development
UNCHS : United Nations Centre for Human Settlements
UNCOD : United National Conference on Conservation
UNDP : United Nations Development Programme
UNEP : United Nations Environmental Programme
UNESCO : United Nations, Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation
UNNGLS : United Nations Non-governmental Liaison Service
VDC : Village Development Committees
WC : Ward Chief
WCED : World Commission on Environment and Development
WCS : World Conservation Strategy
WDID : World Development Indicators Database
WHO : World Health Organisation
WPD : World Population Datasheet
WWF : World Wildlife Fund
xxii
xxiii
i
CHAPTER ONE
PROBLEM STATEMENT AND METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH
1. BACKGROUND
All over the world, it is now being realised that land resources have limited regenerative
capacities and that humans are exceeding those capacities. It is also being realised that
human action in future will determine whether we take a road towards a chaotic future,
characterised by over exploitation and total abuse of land resources, or take the opposite
road towards maintaining greater biolo gical diversity and managing them (IUCN &
WWF, 1990:11; UNEP, et al., 1998:15). The past and present interventions in the
utilisation and manipulation of land resources are currently having unanticipated
consequences. As a result of these interventions, Yeld (1994) opines that the world’s
forests have shrunk by nearly 200 million hectares and that the deserts have expanded by
about 120 million hectares. Billions of tons of valuable topsoil have been washed away,
while hundreds of species of plants and animals have become extinct. Human- induced
degradation worldwide today contributes more to land degradation and this has already
affected 1 966 million ha or 15% of the total land area. Deforestation, which has been the
most destructive causative factor, is assumed to be responsible for 43%, while
overgrazing and agricultural mismanagement account for 29% and 24% respectively, of
land degradation (Oldeman, 1994:99; UNEP, 2000). It has been noted that Africa’s land
surface is under threat of desertification and that on the southern edge of the Sahara,
some 650 000km2 of once productive lands have become desert, while between
50 000km2 to 70 000km2 go out of production every year due to land degradation (FAO,
1993 & 1999).
In Table 1 below, FAO (1999) provides more detailed statistical information on the
severity of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa.
1
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
Table: 1 Severity of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa
Nature of degradation Land area (000 km²) %
No Degradation 6 809 33
Light 5 715 24
Moderate 4 186 18
Severe 3 472 15
Very severe 2 460 10
Total land area 23 757 100
Source: FAO (1999)
The above table shows that only 33% of sub-Saharan African lands are not degraded.
This means that 67% of the land areas are in the process of degradation, though to
varying degrees ranging between light to very severe.
The statistics presented by Yeld (1994), FAO (1993 & 1999) and Oldeman (1994) on
land degradation are not all that current, yet the confirmation of the same statistics by
UNEP (2000) attests to the fact that the rate of land degradation has not dropped in recent
times. To date, no report has given any indication that land degradation has decreased
sharply in the recent past. In fact, as the world approaches a point where it may not be
able to meet the demands of its population for land resources, the situation in sub-
Saharan Africa is, to say the least, doubly bleak, especially as the population of Africa is
expected to double over the next century (World Bank, 2002). However, there are views
which suggest that the extent of land degradation has been over-estimated. Whether this
viewpoint has a case to prove or not, sub-Saharan African countries remain good
examples of countries whose lands are either heavily or moderately degraded.
It is also important to mention that governments of developing countries have, from
available studies as reviewed in Chapter Three and Chapter Four, employed mainly
conventional approaches to tackle the accelerated land degradation problems. As a result
of this, only a few of such attempts have been successful. The number of unsuccessful
2
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
and abandoned conservation projects and the conflicts that sometimes becloud these
attempts are clear evidence to prove the indisputable fact that 1 conventional approaches
can no longer work (see Bhatt, 1998; Borotho, 1998; Ghimire, 1994; Ghimire & Pimbert,
1997; Hulme & Kelly, 1994; Isaac & Mohammed, 2002; Oldeman, 1994; Schafer & Bell,
2002; Stocking & Garlard ,1998; UNEP, 2000; Whiteside, 1998; Yeld, 1994).
The above general remarks have provided some indication of the current status of land
degradation and of the conservation management strategies employed by government
agencies. The following sub-section discusses some consequences of the conventional
approaches to conservation programmes of governments and other agencies and how
these inform the need for an alternative approach to land resources conservation in the
developing nations of the world in general, and of Africa in particular.
1.1 Pitfalls of conventional approaches to land resources conservation programmes
Environmentalists have described a specific attitude taken towards conservation of land
resources as a “paternalist classical” model. This model exhibits top-down approaches
where conservation problems are identified and solutions formulated by means of a top-
down conservation formula (Stocking & Garland, 1998:30).
These writers further note that attempts to conserve land resources and rehabilitate
degraded lands have proved that the methods often employed by government agencies are
not efficient for these tasks. One of the reasons has been that government-initiated land
resources conservation programmes have emphasised the use of top-down approaches,
modern technologies and practices. Ironically, local communities in most developing
countries have in-depth conservation knowledge informed by their long-standing
experience in land resources conservation.
1
In this study conventional approaches to conservation of land resources referred to are those official ways of carrying out
conservation programmes. These approaches relegate local communities who are in most cases, the host and immediate beneficiaries
of land resources conservation programmes to accepting and carrying out conservation dictates of governments and other agencies.
3
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
However, despite this fact, the local communities’ knowledge 2 and conservation practices
in the developing countries have not unequivocally been acknowledged by government
conservation programmes/projects as being of equal importance and relevance to
conservation and management of land resources practices (see Cock & Fig, 2000;
Kothari, Anuradha & Palthak, 1998; Stocking & Garland, 1998). Cock & Fig (2000)
concur that the pool of indigenous knowledge on conservation has been largely ignored
in both official policy and professional understanding of conservation practices.
According to Kothari, Anuradha & Palthak (1998) the neglect of indigenous knowledge
is an indication of the devaluation of traditional conservation knowledge and practices by
modern and official knowledge. This, as noted earlier, is the bane of the conventional
approach to land resources conservation.
Experience has shown that attempts to exclude communities have resulted in severe
conflicts between conservation project officers and community members, to the extent
that members of various communities are even eager to work aga inst the success of
government conservation projects (MoA, 1988; Yeld, 1994). The fact that numerous land
resources conservation projects in developing nations fizzled out when the sponsors’ time
elapsed, indicates the extent to which community members are excluded. A review of
environmental management and land resources conservation projects of some developing
countries confirms the trend. An example of these is the mid-1980 research of 222
Protected Areas Survey (PAS) in India, which revealed that at least 47 or 21.17%
involved physical clashes between community members and forest officers. In some
other areas of India, people demanded de-reservation of protected areas status because
they perceived that land resources, which they needed for survival and the habitats they
held culturally valuable, were being threatened.
On the other hand, it is also on record that communities have played and still continue to
play important roles in the attempt to conserve land resources. The mining activities in
2
Local knowledge, indigenous knowledge and traditional conservation knowledge used in this study simply refer to the local
communities’ conservation measures based on traditional know-how, local traditions, available materials and technologies, skills and
expertise, local traditions and commitment.
4
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
the Sariska Tiger Reserve in India destroyed the forest around the mining areas and the
local people fought the miners through legal actions and persistent agitation against
mining in the area (Kothari, Anuradha & Palthak, 1998).
In some cases it is the government that is the culprit. For instance, the exploration and
exploitation of oil reserves in the Nigeria Niger Delta Region, which has resulted in
severe environmental damage, has remained a source of conflict between the Niger Delta
communities and the oil companies backed by the Federal Nigerian government. The
Nigerian government is cracking down on people’s protests and the worst hit
communities have been zoned off as national security areas. Above all, the governments
label environmental- minded persons, who have tried to canvass for sustainable use of the
available resources and for conservation of the environments, as “unpatriotic”
(UNNGLS, 2000). The cases of the grabbing of the Karural and Ogwek forests in Kenya
of 1999 and 2000, respectively, by the Kenya government, and Zimbabwe land grabbing
also reveal that governments can actually be an impediment to land resources
conservation. Furthermore, the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) Network News,
from 1999 till date has extensively aired the opinion that political support for
conservation is actually declining in many developing/African countries. This tendency
by governments to pursue development without concern for its environmental
consequences is very common in the corridors of power.
Another pitfall of the conventional approach to land resources conservation is that while
the local communities pay the major cost of land resources conservation activities (loss of
access to land resources, etc the benefits accrue mainly to people not belonging to such
communities. Cock & Fig (2000), Ghimire & Pimbert (1997), Issac & Mohammed
(2002) and Pimbert & Pretty (1998), Yeld (1994) furthermore, agree that conservation of
land resources has for some time been practised in an autocratic manner which ignores
the interests and feelings of many local communities. This has created recurrent
bitterness and suspicion amongst conservation agencies. Put together, the foregoing
instances of autocratic management, horizontal distribution of benefits, complete
5
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
o
disregard f r host communities and the devaluation of indigenous knowledge, result in
conflicts and eventual failures of land resources conservation projects in developing
nations. These problems have, in the past two decades, given way to a ‘neo-classical’
model where conservation problems are identified and the solutions are designed with
great concern for incentives that will induce land users to change practices in, and their
attitudes towards land resources conservation (Stocking & Garland 1998). This shift in
approach has further exacerbated the need to establish an acceptable and workable
approach to land resources conservation. The next part of this chapter focuses on
community-centred conservation approach.
1.2 Community-centred conservation approach
The shift from conventional conservation to community-centred approaches has its roots
in the emergence of discourses on sustainable development, popular participation in
public policies, market-based incentives for land resources conservation, and the need to
extend conservation beyond protected areas. That there are other contributing factors is
acknowledged by Adams & Hulme, (1998); Cock & Fig, (2000); Mohammed, (2001) and
Stocking & Garland, (1998). The above writers have described this shift as a move away
from the colonial model of resource preservation to an indigenous, community-centred
model which focuses on community benefits and sustainability of land resources
conservation projects.
At the international level, the United Nations Conference has designed a number of
conservation instruments for Environment and Development. These instruments include
Agenda 21 (the Blueprint and Action Plan for Conservation and Sustainable
Development), the Rio Declaration, and the Convention on Biological Diversity, all of
1992. The outcome of the recent 2002 Summit on Sustainable Development held in South
Africa also recognised the special status of local communities, and the local people’s
desires to be involved in the management of land resources. These instruments confirm
that sustaining land resources can no longer be the sole responsibility of governments;
rather, the people should have some stake in them. Some studies of such scholars as
6
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
Barrow, (1995); Borotho, (1998); Botes & Van Ransburg, (2000); Cock & Fig, (2000);
Ghimire, (1994); Harvey, (1996); O’Riordan, (1995); Schafer & Bell, (2000); Schreber &
Hill, (1994); Songorwa, (1999); Ts’oene, (1995) and Yeld, (1994 & 1997) have
expressed the views that peoples’ initiative, knowledge, capacity and boutique of
traditio nal technologies should be utilised in the process of sustaining land resources
conservation.
Experience has shown that indigenous knowledge can be extremely useful in land
resources conservation. Indeed, some of these writers emphasise that local people s’ day-
to-day interaction and dependence on land resources put them at the forefront of any
protest against land degradation caused by outsiders. The World Bank (1995) presents
compelling evidence that community participation can, in many circumstances, improve
the quality, effectiveness and sustainability of any conservation project and also
strengthen ownership. Meanwhile, there is clear evidence that points towards better
sustainability of conservation projects at lower costs of material and resource
mobilisation than the conventional command and control approaches. Above all, local
experiences in social organisation and capacity according to Schreber & Hill (1994) are
central to community involvement. Given the above analysis, it is suggested that it will
be through local initiative that the efforts towards land resources conservation by
government, inter-governmental and international organisations can be sustained.
Barkham (1995), Bhatt (1998), and Cock & Fig (2000) agree that involving local
communitie s will be a unique attempt to harmonise land resources conservation with the
interests of rural people. In fact, it is a matter of fundamental human rights and social
justice that the ideal type of management should be through participatory conservation
models. Consequently, this will have important implications for mobilising indigenous
knowledge in support of conservation since the future of land resources conservation lies
in obtaining the cooperation, understanding and participation of the local people, as
expressed by Adams & Mcshane, (1996) and UNEP, ( 2000).
Yet, there are allegations, firstly, that land users have often been considered to be part of
7
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
the problem rather than part of a potential solution to land degradation. Secondly, that
land users are paid or forced to participate in conservation projects carried out by
governments. Thirdly, that land users have often not understood the government schemes,
and are far too concerned with the daily struggle to produce enough food to eat, to pay
their debts and meet other commitments, to be interested in conservation schemes.
Ghimire (1994) states that these allegations are debatable because they are designed to
cover for lack of community involvement in the management of land resources
conservation programmes. The truth is that experience in Africa has proved that large-
scale, autocratic, and top-down government-run programmes in treating land degradation
are seldom successful (Mohammed 2001; Stocking & Garland 1998).
The concept of conservation and ma nagement of land resources needs to be re-examined.
Innovative alternatives to conserving land resources need to be implemented. In this
regard, the study supports many advocates of participatory management who suggest the
need to take local communities into consideration when planning for land resources
conservation. There are different approaches available for testing. However, it is
important to note that what may work well in one community or region may fail in
another. This, therefore, means that mana gement plans have to be site-specific while
making attempts to motivate local communities to conserve instead of adopting an
approach which alienates local communities (Bhatt, 1998). The approach that puts the
government at the forefront and at centre stage disregards indigenous knowledge. The
community-centred approach takes into account most of a particular community’s
interests, and puts stakeholders at the forefront for effective joint- management schemes.
The study also seeks to support the practice of the idea of marrying indigenous with
scientific knowledge, so as to achieve sustainable management and conservation of land
resources.
The foundation for further discussions, having been laid, there is a need at this stage to
stress that the emphasis on community-centred conservation does not mean that
government agencies and other external institutions and corporate bodies shall have no
8
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
role to play. Rather, it is one of the challenges of this study to find ways of allocating
roles to all stakeholders in order to ensure full and democratic participation in the
process. The realisation of this goal may require the formulation of new guidelines,
legislations and policies. It may also require capacity building and the empowerment of
local communities, by establishing institutional linkages and processes that will
accommodate local peculiarities. The following section of the chapter clarifies the
country of study.
2. COUNTRY OF STUDY
The country of study is Lesotho. Lesotho is one of the Southern African countries which
is sometimes described as a tiny mountainous country engulfed by the Republic of South
Africa. The map showing the location of Lesotho in Africa is supplied in Annexure 1.
Detailed information about Lesotho can also be seen in Chapter Four. The first section of
Chapter Four again clarifies background information about the country of study.
The next section focuses on the postulation of the study problem as stated in section 3
through sub-sections 3.1 to 3.6.
3. POSTULATION OF THE PROBLEM
While attempting to postulate the problem, this study acknowledges that there have been
efforts and strategies made by various governments and other conservation agencies to
conserve and manage land resources in various places under study. The input and efforts
put into conservation initiatives by various governments and international agencies have
not yielded much dividend in terms of sustainability. In other words, these efforts and
strategies have either not been sustained or have failed dismally. The recurrent failure to
sustain conservation initiatives in developing countries, and especially in the Kingdom of
Lesotho has resulted in the acceleration of land degradation.
9
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
The perceived increasing land degradation issues and the inevitable associated
conservation problems include:
• Value placed on land resources
• Local communities’ involvement
• Local communities’ capacity to participate
• Incentives to participate in conservation initiatives
• Jurisdictional conflicts
In providing detail on the above highlights, a few other issues will also be discussed in
passing.
3.1 Increasing land degradation
There have been repeated warnings that land resource degradation problems are
worsening and are already posing serious threats to human well-being and survival. There
has also been growing concern for the welfare of other organisms and the environment in
general. Indeed, in the recent past, the scale of human demands on the environment had
grown so large that land resources and even entire ecosystems upon which human, health
and livelihood depend, are being over-exploited (Barrow, 1995; Yeld, 1994). The over-
exploitation of land resources has necessitated reactions which regularly hit the headlines
of newspapers, thereby also attracting several local, national and int ernational workshops
and conferences worldwide. This perceived problem is however not a new phenomenon.
The severity of land degradation in some developing countries presents a good pointer,
onservation of land
indicating the necessity to seek alternative approaches towards c
resources. Besides the earlier general references on this issue see also Marake &
Molumeli, (1999); UNEP et al.,(1998). There is a particular study conducted in Lesotho
by the MoA, (1999) which reveals that land cover change in Lesotho has dramatically
increased over the period 1989 to 1994 (see also South Africa Satellite Application
Centre, 1999). (see Chapter 4).
10
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
3.2 Value placed on land resources
Bromley (1994) and UNEP et al. (1998) note that placing a value on land resources in
developing countries has not encouraged the sustainability of such land resources. The
above authors have opined that unless land resources use is valued in economic terms,
people will not appreciate that it is reasonable to conserve it. Also, it is moreover
perceived that the pattern of life of the rural dwellers who do not have many alternative
means of livelihood other than subsistance farming could constitute a threat to
conservation especially when one considers the limited available arable lands in most
local communities. The relevance and applicability of these claims in the communities of
study need to be established for the successful practice of community-based conservation.
3.3 Involvement of local communities in conservation programmes
Individua ls and groups have managed land resources before now, yet land degradation
has continued unabated. Community involvement has, in the recent past, been advocated
for by all. While opinions about the desired level of community involvement differ, real
community involvement has been perceived by the majority to be the gateway to truly
successful conservation programmes. It is important to recall that Barrow (1995), Botes
& Van Rensburg (2000) and Schreiber & Hill (1994), advocated for local communities’
conservation consciousness and intervention. The recognition of the difficulties in
bottom-up approaches,” “grassroot involvement”, “people-
actualising the concepts of “
centred approaches” and “effective community participation” raises research problems.
Indeed, until the reasons why people respond the way they do to land resources
conservation programmes are established, it will be unreasonable to attribute the failure
of conservation programmes to either the primary, or secondary and tertiary
stakeholders 3 .
3.4 Local communities’ capacity to participate in conservation programmes
Governments and other conservation agencies have for decades under-rated the capacity
of local communities to participate effectively in conservation programmes. This may be
3
The primary stakeholders referred to in this study are the local communities who are the host and immediate beneficiaries of land
resources conservation projects, while the secondary and tertiary stakeholders are those external partners who provide unconditional
support to local communities to carry out conservation initiatives. These external partners include the national and international
governments and donor conservation agencies.
11
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
due to the claim that local people have not done much without the government initiating,
implementing, monitoring and evaluating land resources conservation projects in most
local communities in developing countries. This implies that local communities have
relied too heavily on external institutions. In this regard, two pertinent questions may be
raised: Can local communities actually conserve their lands without external support
interventions? What are the efficient support services needed to capacitate local
communities to meet the challenges of land degradation?
These and many other crucial issues which relate to local capacity building and
empowerment need to be addressed if community-based approaches in land resources
conservation are to be achieved.
3.5 Incentives to participate in conservation initiatives
Local communities in developing countries, particularly in the areas under study, depend
heavily on food-for-work and cash payment incentives to participate in conservation
activities. Where either of the above incentives is not provided, land resources
conservation activities could be brushed aside for productive engagements which
generate immediate benefits (Botes & Van Rensburg, 2000; Ghai, 1994; Rozanov, 1994;
Schwartz, Simpson & Birkhollz, 2000; Sondergaard, 2000). The above types of
incentives are not sustainable and could negate community-based approaches if the
reasons why local communities demand food- for-work and cash payment incentives are
not established. Besides establishing the reasons why local communities demand the
above unsustainable incentive packages, it could additionally be established whether
there might be some other motivational packages that can ensure effective community
involvement.
3.6 Jurisdictional conflicts
The conflicts between conservation officers and local communities also warrant urgent
rethinking about the current official conservation approaches to conservation. Bhatt
(1998), and Porter, Ofosu & Michael (1998) also noted this problem of conflicts which
becloud conservation projects. The exclusion of the local communities in the planning
12
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
and implementation of conservation programmes could be instrumental in generating
many of these conflicts. There are people who think that this is so because the people
who live closest to protected areas have always been overlooked in the planning,
implementation and benefit sharing (Cock & Fig, 2000; Isaac & Mohammed, 2002;
Kothari, Anuradha & Palthak, 1998). These perceived problems, which have posed
serious constraints to community invo lvement in conservation and management of land
resources, need to be addressed with finality.
The above postulation of the study problem raises some pertinent questions: Can the
government agencies continue to provide food- for-work and pay cash to all local
communities for participating in any land resources conservation programmes? Are there
situations in which local communities can be made to take centre stage in conservation
initiatives and adequately share in the benefits? What is required to change people’s
perception and behaviour towards land resources use? How can in- fighting and gate-
keeping issues amongst local communities be addressed? How can governments be made
to appreciate indigenous knowledge systems and enforce a possible blend of both local
and modern knowledge, thereby ensuring successful land resources management? These
and other issues remain the perceived problems faced by conservation initiatives. One
way of addressing these issues is by considering the following research questions:
• To what extent do Lesotho communities participate in official conservation and
management of land resources?
• What is the nature of the working relationship between local communities and
government officers in the conservation and management of land resources
initiatives?
• What is the capacity of Lesotho local communities to participate in conservation
and management of land resources?
• What are the factors that could impinge on the successful practice of community-
based conservation and management of land resources in Lesotho?
The next section focuses attention on the aim and objectives of the study.
13
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
4. AIM AND OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY
The aim and objectives of the study emanate from the fact that many local communities
in developing countries may be aware of the need to conserve and protect their
environment, but lack the necessary knowledge, capacity, links and support to become
practically active in conservation programmes. The broad aim of the study is: to explore
the feasibility of community-based conservation and management of land resources in
Lesotho and to propose guidelines for implementation of conservation programmes.
The specific objectives of the study are:
• To assess the current level of local communities’ participation in the conservation
and management of land resources in Lesotho;
• To determine the capacity of local communities to participate in community-
based conservation and management of land resources;
• To examine causes of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa;
• To examine land conservation attempts made in the developing countries of
Africa and Asia;
• To identify impediments to community-based conservation and management of
land resources; and
• To propose guidelines to address the identified impediments.
5. GEOGRAPHICAL SCOPE OF THE STUD Y
Lesotho covers an area of about 30 538 square kilometres and is divided into four main
ecological zones, namely: lowlands, foothills, mountains and Senqu river valleys (NES
1999). Lesotho has ten administrative districts namely, Butha-Buthe, Berea, Leribe,
Mafeteng, Maseru, Mohale’s Hoek, Quthing, Mokhotlong, Qacha’s nek and Thaba-
Tseka. It is also regionally zoned into North, South and Central. However, the study
focuses mainly on the Lesotho lowlands ecological zone. This is because the lowlands are
the worst hit by land degradation. The study concentrates on communities that have
14
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
official land resources conservation projects implemented by either the Conservation
Division of the Ministry of Agriculture, (MoA) or by the Environmental Management for
Poverty Reduction (EMPR) Project (a UNDP Project) implemented by the National
Environment Secretariat (NES). However, the study focuses on community involvement
in land resources conservation activities but addresses only physical land degradation on
agricultural/crop lands, range/grass lands, protected area and bare lands of the study
communities.
6. JUSTIFICATION FOR STUDY
This study has been necessitated by accelerated land degradation and the failure of
conventional approaches to conservation and management of land resources programmes
to bear dividends in developing countries and particularly in Lesotho. In justifying the
study the following points are also considered.
• Firstly, land degradation in the developing countries is rapidly becoming a vogue,
so mush so that large areas of fertile land have been largely depleted. Thus, as
population growth catches up with food production, indigenous firewood and
medicinal plants are over-exploited (Ahuja, 1998; FAO, 1999; Morgan, 1995;
Songorwa, 1999; Whiteside, 1998). Other consequences have been that the entire
bio-diversity is consistently and continuously under pressure. Also, the aesthetic
aspects, which in the past contributed to the tourist industry, as well as natural
systems, are undergoing accelerated decay. The rate of land cover change in
Lesotho has been highlighted earlier in this chapter. Whiteside (1998) opines that
due to the accelerated rate of land degradation, the majority of rural communities
appear to be helpless while their future (land resources) degenerates and decays
continuously, thereby leading to perpetual hunger and poverty. This situation
according to UNEP (2000) already affects close to 75% of the population who
reside in rural communities where land is the major source of livelihood.
Involvement of local communities in the process of conservation could reduce the
rate of land degradation and also sustain conservation programmes.
15
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
• Secondly, past land resources conservation project approaches, which appear to
have excluded local communities, have jeopardised efforts made to conserve,
manage and sustain land resources in developing countries (see Kothari,
Anuradha & Palthak, 1998; UNEP, 2000; Yeld, 1994). Land resources
conservation programmes have also not been sustainable because government and
other agencies have initiated and implemented conservation programmes with
little attention to the land users (Stocking & Garland, 1998; Whiteside, 1998). In
order for local communities to sustain their livelihood, the people need to be
involved and empowered. Thus, empowerment of local communities’ has been
suggested by many to be the surest way to sustain land resources conservation
programmes. Unless local communities are empowered, government and other
agencies will continue to be the sole actors in the process. Therefore, the urgent
need to capacitate the people for the tasks of conserving and sustaining
conservation initiatives is another justification for this study.
• Thirdly, contradictory conservation measures and a lack of recognition and
integration of indigenous knowledge and expertise into the system can be
addressed in order to foster effective community involvement (Isaac &
Mohammed, 2002). Despite the devaluation of indigenous knowledge in land
resources conservation, available studies indicate that the local communities still
seem to have much to offer to conservation programmes (Borotho, 1998; Ghai,
1994; Ghimire, 1994; Schafer & Bell, 2002; Songorwa, 1999; Yeld, 1994).
• Fourthly, the number of failed land resources conservation projects and the
management problems associated with the on- going conservation projects in the
developing countries also justifies the quest for an alternative approaches to land
resources conservation. The practice of the alternative approaches requires
research efforts to determine all that would be involved.
• Fifthly, research institutions, international agencies and development
organisations and the conservation communities at large who are the potential
beneficiaries of this study, are currently encouraging the practice of community-
based conservation of land resources. The quest for community-based approaches
16
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
to conservation programmes acknowledges the weaknesses of the conventional
approaches and the realisation of the need to involve local communities whose
livelihood depend on land resources. This practice, being a relatively new
paradigm, requires research efforts.
• Sixthly, and above all, available studies on land resources conservation have
however made serious observations about the degrees of land degradation in
developing countries and the consequences of the top-down conservation
approaches of government agencies. Despite these recurrent observations, no
serious attempts have as yet been made to carry out in-depth feasibility studies on
sustaining conservation attempts. This gap, (in-depth) which this attempt hopes to
bridge, also justifies this study.
Besides the above points of justification, effective involvement of local communities in
the process of conservation is being advocated worldwide because of the following
expected benefits, which include:
• Involvement of local communities is expected to provide a unique assurance of
sustaining land resources conservation initiatives. This is because local
communities guarantee greater stability and continuity in conservation initiatives
than government and other agencies which come and go. According to Borrini-
Feyerabend (1997), the local communities’ investments are made for the next
generation rather than for the next election.
• Local knowledge, skills and other local resources can be mobilised and fully
employed.
• Local communities better understand the causes of land degradation of their
particular environment and the possible remedies than outsiders.
• The nature of contributions available to the people provides greater opportunities
for flexibility of conservation initiatives that respond to local conditions.
• The overriding benefit of local community involvement is the increased
effectiveness of land resources conservation initiatives.
• The practice ens ures access to land resources to local communities, thereby
17
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
encouraging the peoples’ commitment to conservation activities.
• The practice encourages self- reliance. It also discourages continuous dependence
on external conservation agencies.
• Involvement of local communities brings in full utilisation of available human
and material resources in the local communities that would otherwise remain idle.
• When local communities take part in assessing land degradation problems, they
acquire information that enhances their awareness of the factors that play roles in
their livelihood.
• The practice provides opportunities to both outsiders and local communities to
share and also integrate their relevant knowledge and skills on land resources
conservation initiatives.
• Equity is broadly strengthened by this practice.
According to critics, some of the potential disadvantages of involving local communities
in conservation initiatives include:
• Conservation projects lack government agencies’ coverage and support.
• Conserva tion projects suffer from long delays and sometimes result in endless
planning processes.
• Conservation projects are locally based and may have limited scope.
7. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
Since every research method has limitations and advantages, a multiple research
approach is known to be more capable of disclosing the diverse reactions of participants
(Obikeze, 1990). The study has, therefore employed a number of participatory
methodologies which has generated qualitative data. The qualitative design employed a
stratified purposeful sampling technique that ensured broad representation in terms of
socio-economic status, conservation orientation, formal and informal educational levels
and community conservation activism. These techniques helped the researcher to get
beyond initial research concepts. Also, the findings from qualitative studies have a
18
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
quality of “undeniableness”. A well- grounded source with rich descriptions and
explanations of processes in local contexts has a meaningful flavour that often proves far
more convincing to a reader than pages of summarised figures (see Miles & Huberman,
1994). Based on the above arguments for qualitative research approaches, focus group
discussions were decided upon as an adequate instrument for data collection of this study.
In addition, personal contact and field visits techniques were also employed. The personal
contact approach enabled the researcher to develop a more intimate and informal
relationship with the study participants. Other data collectio n methods employed were:
literature study, documentary analysis, and informal and formal interviews of land
resources conservation project managers and relevant government officers. The field
observation method was also used.
7.1 Population of study
The study area is in Lesotho’s lowlands ecological zone. The two chosen districts are
Mafeteng and Maseru districts which had a population of 224 312 and 411 235,
respectively, in the year 2000. The projected population of these districts between 2000
and 2026 is shown below in Table 2.
Table 2: Projected population of Mafeteng and Maseru districts from 2000-2026
District 2000 2006 2011 2016 2021 2026
Mafeteng 224 12 259 658 280 825 303 475 325 610 345 707
Maseru 411 235 571 262 662 576 755 441 845 110 928 814
Source: LBS (2001)
Table 3 below reflects the distribution of the Lesotho population by ecological zones.
Table 3: Distribution of Lesotho population in ecological zones by percentage, 2000
Ecological zone Surface area % Population %
Lowlands 17 58.6
Foothills 15 12.4
Mountains 59 22.8
Senqu River Valley 9 6.2
Source: LPD (2001)
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Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
Table 3 shows that the lowlands zone that occupies 17% of the country’s land space,
harbours almost 59% of the total population. The foothills, with 15% of the total area,
have 12.4% of the population. Meanwhile, the mountain areas with 59% of the country’s
land area have 22.8% of the population while Senqu River Valley covering 9% of the
land space, is host to 6.2% of the country’s population. The above distribution of
population clearly justifies a concentration of 59% of the country’s population on the
limited land space of the lowlands. The consequence of the population concentration on
the lowlands is that it places much pressure on the scarce land resources on the limited
land area as shown above.
7.2 Selection of research sites
The southern and central regions of Lesotho are chosen as study regions. Mafeteng
represents the southern region while Maseru represents the central region. Mafeteng and
Maseru districts were selected for study for the following reasons:
• These two districts have the characteristic feature of bare- landscape.
• According to the 1998 records of the National Environment Secretariat &
Ministry of Agriculture of Lesotho, these districts have experienced more official
land resources conservation activities and projects than the other districts in
Lesotho.
• Because these districts have experienced more land resources conservation
projects, it is therefore expected that the inhabitants would have had quite
extensive experience in land resources conservation activities, both in terms of
knowledge and levels of involvement and could, therefore, make reasonable
contributions to this study.
• Varying grazing facilities for seasonal grazing are found in the two districts.
• Both districts have many communities clustered into different chief administrative
areas.
• Both districts are accessible and can be reached throughout all the seasons of the
year.
• The greater parts of the land area of both districts are lowlands.
20
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
Thus, two distinct areas with similar characteristic environmental features in terms of
provisions and communities, which have both experienced government and community-
initiated land resources conservation projects have been selected for study.
7.3 Sampling
See Annexure 2 for a map of Lesotho showing study communities (map page). Mafeteng
and Maseru are part of the largest lowland districts in Lesotho. They are clustered into
wards, each with a chief. For instance, Mafeteng is clustered into six large wards under
six administrative chiefs.
Three research sites were selected from the Mafeteng six cluster wards. Maseru district is
administratively divided into five wards, each under the administration of a chief. As
with Mafeteng, the researcher selected communities for the study purposefully (research
sites) in three clustered wards that had experienced the workings of the land resources
conservation scheme.
7.4 Mafeteng District
Mafeteng District is administratively sub-divided into six chieftain wards as shown in
Table 4.
Table 4: Six chieftain wards of Mafeteng districts and the three communities randomly
selected for study
No Chief Area (Ward) Community Male Female Total
population Population Population
1 Kolo and Ha Mohlalefi Ward v 4 Ha Mosotho 119 120 239
2 Matsieng Ward - - - -
3 Tebang Ward v Ha Matsoseng 328 286 614
4 Tajane, Ramoetsana’s and Mohale’s - - - -
Ward
5 Matelile Ward v Ha Setlako-tlako 85 87 172
6 Likhoele Ward - - - -
Source: LBS (1999)
4
The v sign indicates the selected wards for study.
21
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
From Table 4 above, it is clear that Kolo and Ha Mohlalefi, Tebang and Matelile wards
were purposefully selected for the study because of their experience in conservation
activities. A further purposeful sampling was made in the three wards where a
community each was selected from a cluster of communities. Table 4 also shows the
communities selected as Ha Mosotho, Ha Motsoseng and Ha Setlako-tlako. The
population of each community is also indicated.
Ha Mosotho and Matsoseng are located in the western part of Mafeteng District while Ha
Setlako-tlako is located in the eastern part of the district. The three rural communities are
located away from any major roads. Any type of vehicle can access Ha Mosotho and Ha
Matsoseng. However, only a 4 x 4 vehicle or donkey can reach Ha Setlako-tlako. This is
because of lack of good, motorable roads. While Ha Mosotho is about 1 kilometre away
from an untarred/earth road that links Kolo and Mafeteng communities, Matsoseng is 1.5
kilometres away from the adjoining earth road that links Tebang community and the
Maseru-Mafeteng road. Ha Setlako-tlako is the remotest and is located 3 kilometres away
from the Mose-qua-Matelile road.
The narrow part that falls in between fields, which accesses Ha Setlako-tlako community
is 3 kilometres away from the Matelile road and 5 kilometres away from Matelile town.
(see map in annexure 2)
7.5 Maseru district
Maseru is administratively sub-divided into five principal chieftain wards as mentioned
above. Three chieftain areas are purposefully selected for stud y from the five chieftain
ward areas. As with Mafeteng, three communities, Ha Tsilonyane, Ha Rankhelepe and
Ha Khoabane are selected from the five wards for study. Table 5 below shows the
selected communities and their respective populations.
22
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
Table 5: Five chieftain wards that make up Maseru district and the three selected
communities
Ward/Chieftain Area Community Male Female Total Population
Population Population
Matsieng Ward v Ha Tsilonyane 122 113 235
Maama’s Ward - - - -
Rothe Ward v Ha Rankhelepe 232 254 486
Ramabanta’s Ward - - - -
Thaba-Bosiu v Ha Khoabane 110 120 230
Source: LBS (1999)
The communities are also quite accessible by vehicle. Ha Tsilonyane is located in the
eastern part of Maseru. It is accessible through the Maseru-Mafeteng road and is located
about 9 kilometres away from the Mantšebo junction. Ha Rankhelepe is located north of
Maseru and can be accessed through Maseru-Thetsane (Industrial Area) by-pass road. It
is about 20 kilometres away from Maseru town, while Ha Khoabane is located south of
Maseru and can be accessed through the Maseru – Roma road through Makhalanyane
junction. It is 24 kilometres away from Maseru and is 5 kilometres from Makhalanyane
towards Thaba-Bosiu.
7.6 Focus group discussion sessions
The greater part of the data for the study was collected through focus group discussion
sessions with members of the communities selected for the study. In all, nine focus group
sessions were held. A minimum of seven persons which include (men, women and
youths) were selected in the local communities to participate in the focus group sessions.
Thus, the number of focus group discussion sessions was dependent on the population of
the selected communities. Persons selected were those who had been involved in land
resources conservation work, and the actual discussions were focused on land resources
conservation experiences of participants and their communities.
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Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
Considering the relatively large size, age and gender of the majority of the participants in
the study areas, this method was efficient and quick in collecting data. The distinctive
feature of the focus group session was the prior analysis by the researcher of the situation
in which subjects were involved. The advantages of this method were: the informal group
situation, the open-ended nature of the questions, and the interaction among participants
who encouraged and stimulated in-depth discussions. The language problem, inevitable
in focus group-sessions, was bridged with the aid of research assistants who translated the
content of the discussion schedule into Sesotho for the participants. The researcher acted
as the facilitator of the discussions. One focus group session was held in each of the six
selected communities with a population of less than 250, two sessions in communities of
between 250-500 people and three sessions in communities with between 500-750 people
(see Table 6 below).
Table 6: Sessions of focus group discussions held with local communities
Communities Studied Population size of communities studied No of Focus Group
Sessions
Ha Mosotho 239 1
Ha Matsoseng 614 3
Ha Setlako-Tlako 172 1
Ha Tsilonyane 235 1
Ha Rankhelepe 486 2
Ha Khoabane 230 1
The focus group session’s team consisted of the researcher and two research assistants
who were conservation extension officers serving in the areas of study (Maseru and
Mafeteng districts). The choice of conservation officers as research assistants during the
study fieldwork was vital because conservation extension officers have the technical
know-how, local language power and have the confidence and trust of the communities
and an insight into how, where and when to reach or meet the people. These officers, in
all cases, introduced the researcher’s mission to the communities and to the chiefs, and
explained the objectives and nature of the study before seeking permission to hold the
24
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
focus group sessions. The field officers were trained to guard against influencing the
direction of responses. To be effective, coherent, successful, reliable and accepted
experienced conservation field officers were selected by the researcher as research
assistants. Subsequently, training was organised for the research assistants by the
researcher. The training was done in two sessions. The first exposed the research
assistants to the question guides and the principles that guide focus group discussion
sessions and the focus of the study. The second session was to pre-test the question guide
and also to examine their note-taking and recording abilities.
Convenient buildings or places were used for the focus group sessions. The purpose of
the convenient places was to reduce distractions and to make the participants feel relaxed
and also to avoid being exposed to the harsh weather. Accessibility of site, comfort and
being able to use recording equipment were prerequisites in choosing a venue for the
focus group sessions. In administering the focus group sessions, adequate care was taken
to involve participants from different age groups, gender, educational qualifications,
cross-section of households, and land holdings. Discussions were tape-recorded for later
listening and transcription. To avoid possible mechanical fault, two tape-recorders were
used.
7.7 Personal interviews with environmental management and conservation project
managers and field officers
As mentioned earlier, the researcher interviewed staff of the Conservation Division of the
Ministry of Agriculture, Lesotho (MoA) and Environmental Management for Poverty
Reduction Project (EMPR) managers and the field officers covering Maseru and
Mafeteng districts of Lesotho. The head of MoA & the EMPR project manager were
interviewed separately, as were the field officers of both. A total of 18 interviews were
held and the researcher also interacted with four practitioners, (see Annexure 3). The
field officers, heads and project managers were interviewed in their conference rooms.
The choice of conference rooms made it possible to avoid constant telephone calls and
movement of visitors in and out of their offices. Securing appointments with the field
25
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
officers, heads and project managers was done in advance.
7.8 Field visits and personal contact with community members
The researcher made a number of field visits to each of the communities before the focus
group sessions were held. The implication of this is that foreknowledge of the areas and
their land resources conservation problems eased the task of data gathering confronting
the researcher. It also helped the researcher to construct interview schedules for the focus
group sessions. The fieldwork enabled the researcher to determine the extent of land
resource degradation and its consequences on the people’s productive systems and on the
environment itself. One possible unique advantage is that it allowed the researcher the
opportunity to put more relevant questions to participants. This technique further ensured
the following:
• It took away the fears local community members had about being used by people
and government agents.
• It gave the researcher a good opportunity to note which section of the study had
not been given adequate coverage.
• It revealed what the priorities of the people were and what the communities
thought about their problems.
• It gave an insight into the local communities’ general feelings and their
participation in conservation and management of land resources activities.
7.9 Participants
The researcher limited the research population (focus group discussion participants) to
people above the age of 18. This age limit was set for the purpose of addressing the age
groups that have knowledge of the problems. Because of the numerous female household
heads, which account for about 60% of rural households in Lesotho, and the drift of men
to the urban centres and to the South African mines (LPD, 2001) 60% of the participants
in the focus group discussion sessions were female. Of those granted personal interviews
at the MoA and EMPR projects, females were also more than 60%.
26
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
7.10 Literature study
The sources of literature for this study were mostly documents from the MoA and EMPR,
Lesotho. The researcher also used documents from the Council of Non-Governmental
Organisations’ (NGOs) and reviewed their activities on land conservation initiatives.
Research reports by experts and consultants, research institutions, sponsored reports by
governments, donor agencies, researchers and other individual reports from the British
Council, the United Nations office, the Lesotho SADC Regional Office, and particularly
the University of Free State libraries were reviewed. Journals of related professional
bodies and other relevant publications were also used for up-to-date information on the
topic.
8. DATA ANALYSIS PROCEDURE
Qualitative analysis was employed in this research because it was based on focus group
discussion and personal interview techniques. Qualitative researchers have observed that
the most serious and conspicuous difficulty in the use of qualitative data is that methods
of analysis are not well formulated. Miles & Huberman (1994) clarify this seeming
weakness of qualitative analysis when they say that research is more of a craft than a
slavish adherence to methodology and that each method calls for the researcher to bend
the methodology to the peculiarities of the setting.
In analysis, therefore, the tape-recorded discussions were translated from Sesotho into
English. Subsequently, the transcribed discussions were reduced into simplified data.
Data of similarities and differences were separately fused together and arranged
systematically into accessible and compact forms. In presenting the data, the focus group
discussions are arranged into Section A, while Section B presents the personal interview
discussions. However, reference is made to each section while presenting the data. The
physical features of land resource degradation of the study areas and the conservation
projects embarked upon by the local communities are also presented qualitatively.
27
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
9. DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS
The key concepts in the study are community, conservation, community-based
conservation, community participation, and land degradation. These concepts are briefly
clarified as follows:
9.1 Community
In this study ‘community’ refers to the group of stakeholders in the land resources
conservation programmes. It also refers to a group of people who have a historical
relationship with the land. Isaac & Mohammed (2002) agree that apart from local
communities, other stakeholders in conservation and management of land resources of an
area are the state agencies, the non- local, international communities and various NGOs
that make- up the agencies that sponsor land resources conservation projects.
Furthermore, community can be grouped into flexible, primary, secondary and tertiary
community of stakeholders. According to UNEP (2000), Stocking & Garland (1998), and
Whiteside (1998) community also refers to all those who have direct or indirect and long
and short-term interests and concerns in the conservation of land resources, whether these
land resources be close to or far from them. Sometimes the proximity criterion may be
ignored for those who are staying in the vicinity but who are not dependent on the
particular land resource. Thus, the primary communities involved in this study are Ha
Mosotho, Ha Matsoseng, Ha Setlako-tlako, Ha Tsilonyane, Ha Rankhelepe and Ha
Khoabane. The secondary and tertiary stakeholders are the Conservation Division of the
Ministry of Agriculture (MoA) and Environmental Management for Poverty Reductio n
(EMPR) project, sponsor agencies and the Lesotho Government. In this study,
community therefore, refers to all stakeholders far and near, primary, secondary and
tertiary.
9.2 Conservation
Generally, conservation is essentially the preservation and protection of the environment
such as wildlife and landscapes that have amenity value. Some scholars regard the
28
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
maintenance of environmental quality much more a necessity than an amenity. However,
to many others, conservation means the planned use of land to ensure its continuing
supply. This planned use of land is a much more dynamic idea of conservation because it
embraces change and development, as well as a measure of protection (FAO, 1999).
Conservation is also held to be the scientific management of natural environment and
resources for the purpose of maximising their aesthetic, educational, recreational and
economic benefits to society (Botha & Foucher, 2000; UNEP, 2000). This definition is
attractive because it also implies that we can both eat our cake and have it (Brye, 1981).
Conservation is a positive concept embracing the preservation, maintenance, sustainable
utilisation, restoration and enhancement of land resources. The modern concept of
conservation stresses the need for people to manage and maintain land sustainably. There
is growing acceptance of the view that the best means of conserving land resources
entails involving the host local communities in every conservation programme. One of
the schools of thought in conservation promoting the “people approach”, accepts the new
trend which aims at providing the right incentives and necessary institutional structures
that will enable communities to manage land. These thoughts are based on the evidence
that communities can become effective institutions for sustainable land resources
management more especially if they are granted genuine ownership, that is, the right to
use, the right to determine the mode of usage, and to determine access and distribution of
benefit (Summers, 1999).
In this study, the term conservation means to ensure the survival of indigenous fauna,
flora and natural ecosystems through wise use, as well as the strengthening of public
environmental awareness. The term is progressive because it embraces the preservation,
maintenance, sus tainable utilisation, restoration and enhancement of land resources. It
also involves the control of human use of the biosphere so that it may yield the greatest
sustainable benefit to current generations, while at the same time maintaining its potential
to meet the needs and aspirations of future generations. In the study the term conservation
is used in the context of conserving land resources.
29
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
9.3 Community-based conservation
In this study, community-based conservation (CBC) can be defined as conservation of
land resources that involves local communities. According to Cock & Fig (2000) and
Ghimire & Pimbert (1998) community-based conservation can be seen at one end and
from one extreme in which conservation agencies retain control but consult with local
communities in planning and implementation. At the other end, from the other extreme,
there is a situation where local communities are completely in control. Community-based
conservation is therefore that type of conservation which ensures equity in participation
(Summers, 1999). Conservation of land resources process involves empowering the local
communities to generate their own initiative and develop their capacities to manage and
sustain land resources. This study interprets CBC to mean conservation by the local
communities and for the local communities. This interpretation thus excludes
conservation attempts by government officers or private agencies, which entail no real
involvement of the local communities or which only exploit communities’ involve ment
in the form of labour. It also excludes some situations where a few dominant factions in a
local community became involved and only try to reap the benefits from a conservation
attempt. By using this term, the study explores possible ways of ensuring that a shift from
a conventional approach to a community-based approach is established.
9.4 Community participation
It is increasingly being stressed in conservation literature that, for land resources
conservation activities to be self-sustaining in the long run, it is important to ensure the
active involvement and contributions of the people in the design, implementation,
monitoring and evaluation processes (Borotho, 1998; Botes & Van Rensburg, 2000;
Harvey, 1996; Kothari, Anuradha & Palthak, 1998; Schafer & Bell, 2002; Stocking &
Garland, 1998; Songorwa, 1999). The community-based model or approach has
compelling evidence that participation can, in many circumstances, improve the quality
and sustainability of conservation projects. It also strengthens community ownership and
the commitment of government. Community participation in conservation and
management of land resources in this study involves local community creative force,
30
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
initiative, knowledge and resource for effective decision- making, planning,
implementation, monitoring and evaluation in the conservation processes. Another use of
the concept of community participation in this study is of the need to get all stakeholders
particularly local communities, to respond to land resources conservation and
management programmes initiated by the people and for their benefit. This is the
converse of the idea that land resources conservation is solely the responsibility of
governments.
9.5 Sustainable conservation
Sustainable conservation is both directly and indirectly the focus of this study and it is
also supposed to be the wish and expectation of both governments and donor
organisations. Unfortunately, the process of ensuring sustained conservation has been a
difficult task for a country that almost entir ely depends on others for survival. Lesotho,
being one of the poorest countries in the world, may continue to find it difficult to
provide adequate funding that would ensure sustainable conservation and rehabilitation
works. Other reasons attributable to this are: the habitual payments for conservation and
rehabilitation works in Lesotho; the effect of the short term duration of government
and/or donor funded conservation projects; and in general, lack of capacity to maintain
existing conservation structures while at the same time, ensure continuous survival and
well being of local people who are directly affected by land resource degradation. It is
also logical to emphatically say that the much the government of Lesotho, various
international organisations and donor agencies have invested in this regard is yet to be
sustained. In fact, such investment has neither changed the desert nor gullied nature of the
Lesotho environment. To be sustainable, community participation, community capacity
building, unconditional roles of governments and donor agencies and effective joint
management and coordination of conservation projects have to be ensured.
As an extension of the above discussion, it is also important to calculate the value of
conservation initiatives in order to ensure sustainability. In doing this, one has to
determine the following:
31
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
• Determine the level of involvement of local communities in a conservation initiative.
• Find out whether such conservation initiative is the priority of local communities.
• Determine also the expected inputs and outputs and the roles of local communities,
NGOs and governments.
• Determine whether such initiative provides short or long term results and how the
results will impact positively on the future of beneficiaries.
• Most importantly, is to determine the sustainability and replicability of such
conservation initiative.
9.6 Land degradation
Land degradation is one of the major challenges of our time and many see it as the single
most immediate threat to the world’s food security and human livelihood (Michael,
1995). In this study, land resources5 include all natural resources contributing to
agricultural production. This covers vegetation, grassland resource and forests. It also
includes the ecological environment and bio-diversity (FAO, 1999; UNEP, 2000 &
2002). Degradation, in this context, means the temporary or permanent lowering of the
capacity of land resources. Land resource degradation is discussed within the coverage of
croplands, range or grasslands, forest, protected areas, and marginal land of the areas of
study.
10. CONCLUSION DRAWING AND VERIFICATIONS
Conclusions were drawn, based on the data verified by excursions back to the field notes
and to the transcribed focus group discussions, from interview notes and from arguments
amongst participants. This was done to establish findings. The findings, which emerged
from the data, were also verified for their plausibility and conformity. The consensus
views of participants on issues were taken to be the views and opinions of the community
which they represented.
5
Land resources referred to in this study do not include soil and soil chemical components.
32
Chapter 1: Problem Statement And Methodological Approach
11. STRUCTURE OF THE STUDY
The general orientation of the study having been dealt with in Chapter One, Chapter Two
deals with the causes of land resource degradation in sub-Saharan Africa6 . Following
discussions on the causes of land resource degradation, characteristic features of land
resource degradation in the region are discussed. Chapter Three devotes attention to some
attempts made to actualise conservation and management of land resources in some
developing countries. Chapter Four deals with an overview of land resources
conservation activities in Lesotho. The chapter addresses in detail, the forms of
conservation activities embarked upon by the Conservation Division of the Ministry of
Agriculture, Lesotho and the Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction project.
Chapter Five discusses data from the entire study. Chapter Six focuses on conclusions
and recommendations, which include emerging guidelines for the practice of community-
based land resources conservation programme in Lesotho.
6
Sub-Saharan Africa referred to in Chapter Two excludes the Northern Africa zone. However, the Northern African countries are
included among the case studies in Chapter Three as part of the developing countries.
33
CHAPTER TWO
LAND DEGRADATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
1. INTRODUCTION
The issue of land resources conservation, which has attracted widespread international,
regional and national attention, has been necessitated by the escalating land degradation
around the world. Land degradation refers to a reduction in the quality of land resulting in
the diminished usefulness of the land. Rozanov (1994) describes land degradation as soil
loss and the removal of material from land surface to the ocean. Land degradation is
made evident by loss of fertility, which results in low productivity, loss of genetic
resources and a reduction in amenity or aesthetic values (Botha & Fouche, 2000). The
threat of land degradation affects humankind’s capacity to feed itself and establish a
sustainable base for development. The land degradation phenomenon has affected about
2000 million ha of land, which is equivalent to 15 percent of the earth’s land surface
(UNEP, 2000). It also affects more than 900 million people in 100 countries (UNEP et
al., 1998). Based on the level of its severity, the UNEP (1998) has estimated that over
the next two decades, 135 million people will face forced migration or famine as a result
of food scarcity caused by soil infertility. Pelser & Kherehloa (2000), note that South
Africa loses three tonnes of topsoil per hectare annually and emphasise that this is far
higher than the rate of topsoil formation, which is put at 0.1tonne per hectare per year.
In sub-Saharan Africa1 , the issue of land degradation is of particular importance. This is
based on its severity, which was noted in Chapter One. Given the alarming statistics as
noted by Pelser & Kherehloa (2000), the causes of land degradation in the region have to
be established, otherwise any conservation programme that is designed to address this
problem may have difficulties. This chapter is, therefore, devoted to discussing the causes
and the characteristic features of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa.
1
The term sub-Saharan Africa referred to in this chapter represents the Central, Eastern, Southern and Western regions of Africa. This
means that the focus excludes the Northern African countries. However, emphases are occasionally made to Africa and the developing
countries.
33
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
Sections 2 to 5 are devoted to discussing the causes of land degradation, while
characteristic features of land degradation in the sub-Saharan region receive attention in
section 6.
2. CAUSES OF LAND DEGRADATION
According to some experts, land degradation may be sometimes attributed to natural,
direct or underlying factors. The natural causes of land degradation are usually identified
as erosion, delicate and fragile topography, climate change, drought and famine. Direct
causes refer to those unsustainable and inappropriate land use and management practices
such as overgrazing and overstocking of livestock. Underlying causes are those factors
that contribute to inappropriate and unsustainable land use by humans (human impact on
environment). Those factors include human afflictions such as poverty, forced
migrations, famine and overpopulation. Apart from the above classification of the causes
of land degradation, some scholars classify the causes of land degradation into
agricultural practices, overgrazing, deforestation and over-exploitation of vegetation
(Barrow, 1993; UNEP, 2000). These factors may however be accommodated under the
direct causes of land degradation mentioned above. Table 7 below shows the impact of
the factors referred to in the latter classification of the causes of land degradation in sub-
Saharan Africa.
Table 7: Causes of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa
Causes %
Overgrazing 35
Deforestation 30
Agricultural activities 27
Over-exploitation of vegetation 7
Industrial activities 1
Total 100%
Source: UNEP (2002: 64-5)
34
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
The above table identifies overgrazing as having the highest devastating impact at 35%,
followed by deforestation at 30% and agricultural activities at 27%. Over-exploitatio n of
vegetation and industrial activities account for respectively 7% and 1%. This later
classification, however, is deficient because the factors cited therein overlap.
Overgrazing, for instance, could conveniently be accommodated under agricultural
practices, while deforestation could be subsumed under over-exploitation of vegetation.
The above statistics differ form Oldeman’s records of 1994 & 1999 mainly because of the
interval between the two studies (1994 & 1999 and 2002 statistics). Other scholars ha ve
adopted the classification of the causes of land degradation into natural, direct or
underlying factors. In discussing the causes of land degradation in Africa, UNEP (2002)
identifies these factors as including water erosion, wind erosion, physical and chemical
factors. These factors, which are again classifiable under natural causes, are shown in
Table 8 below to have the following degrading impact on the land resource of sub-
Saharan Africa.
Table 8: Land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa due to natural factors
Type %
Water erosion 56%
Wind erosion 28%
Physical degradation 14%
Chemical degradation 2%
Source: UNEP (2002)
The above table shows that, overall, water erosion has the greatest devastating impact in
sub-Saharan Africa, accounting for 56% of natural factors of land degradation. Wind
erosion accounts for 28%, while physical and chemical degradation account for 14% and
2% respectively. The impact of each factor, however, depends on the climatic region,
vegetation, topography and, sometimes, the extent of industrial development in the area.
In analysis, Table 7 mainly outlines human impact on the environment while Table 8
represents the impact of natural factors on the environment. It is important to note here
that the statistics accredited to water and wind erosion are aggravated by the act of
35
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
overgrazing and agricultural activities as shown in Table 7.
Again in discussing the causes of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa, FAO (2000),
refers to human induced causes of land degradation, which, on close examination, are
classifiable under the direct causes of land degradation. Their assessment of human-
induced land degradation in Africa is represented in Table 9 below.
Table 9: FAO’s assessment of Human-induced land degradation in Africa for 2001
Total land area in All human-induced land degradation Human-induced land degradation due to
sub-Saharan (excluding agricultural activities). agricultural activities.
Africa. (million ha) (million ha)
(million ha)
Severe Very Total % Severe Very Total % of
severe severe degradation
2967 482 293 775 26 157 98 255 33
Source: FAO (2002)
The above table has three sections and the first column reflects the total of land
degradation in sub-Saharan Africa, the second shows the total degradation due to human-
induced factors excluding agricultural activities, while the third shows the extent of land
degradation arising from human-induced agricultural activities. The total land area
degraded due to human causes stands at 775 million ha out of the total degraded land
surface of 2967 million ha and this represents 26% of the total land area. Of this 26%,
both human- induced and agricultural activities account for 33% of the total degraded
area. It must, however, be noted that the impact of each of these factors may vary from
place to place and from region to region.
Other factors that have been identified as being responsible for land degradation in sub-
Saharan Africa include topography, soil composition, salinisation, water- logging and
insufficient lengths of drainage network. Again, there are such factors as the construction
of drainage to earth’s beds, the absence of crop rotation and manure, planted trees and
shrubs that do not survive, and the use of heavy machinery (Kharin, 1997). Owen &
36
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
Unwin (1997) also note that soil depth, presence of soil biota, organic matter, water-
holding capacity, and nutrient levels also contribute to land degradation. From the above
evaluation by different experts, it is evident that the classification of the causes of land
degradation into natural, direct or underlying factors is most appropriate.
Based on the above overview of the general causes of land degradation in sub-Saharan
Africa, the researcher goes further to illustrate, with a web diagram, the individual factors
constituting land degradation. The web is based on the categorisation of the causes of
land degradation into natural, direct and underlying causes.
37
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
Figure 1: Web of causes of land degradation
Natural causes Direct causes
Erosion Deforestation
Delicate and fragile Over-stocking resulting into
topography overgrazing
Climate change Over-exploitation of vegetation
Drought and famine Poor conservation practices
Poor farming practices
Degraded land
Underlying causes
Population pressure
Desire for better living standard
Poverty
Unsustainable use of land and the value attached
Conversion of land into agricultural and development activities
Land shortage and inappropriate tenure systems
Political unrest
Poor enforcement of land degradation policies
The above diagram illustrates the triangular causes of land degradation. In other words, it
38
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
can be described as a chain of natural, direct and underlying causes of land degradation.
In the web, natural causes are accelerated by the direct and underlying causes. The direct
causes act directly on land resources, at the same time boosted by the negative influences
that the underlying causes exert on land. Thus, the different causes of land degradation
relate negatively with each other against land resources. The interaction between the
different factors threatens the survival of the entire ecosystem. Detailed discussions of the
various causes of land degradation are set out below. Natural causes are discussed in
section 3 through sub-section 3.4, the direct causes in section 4 through 4.7, while
sections 5 through 5.8 are devoted to the underlying causes of land degradation.
3. NATURAL CAUSES OF LAND DEGRADATION
The natural causes of land degradation as shown in the web diagram are the following:
erosion (water and wind erosion), delicate and fragile topography, climate change and
drought and famine are discussed below:
3.1 Wind and water erosion
Many parts of Africa are prone to wind and water erosion, with 56% of the land being
prone to water erosion and 28% to wind erosion (UNEP, 2002; see Table 9). Although
erosion has occurred throughout the history of the world, it has intensified in recent years.
According to Owen & Unwin (1997) 75 billion metric tonnes of soil are removed from
the land worldwide by wind and water erosion per annum, with the most coming from
agricultural land. In addition to substantial land losses of nutrients, water erosion causes
significant ecological damage. The removal of soil affects plant composition and depletes
soil biodiversity. Erosion not only destroys the immediate agricultural lands where it
occurs, but it also affects the surrounding land. Morgan (1995), Morgan & Rickson
(1995), and Oldeman (1994) categorise the severity of land degradation into light,
moderate, strong and extreme. They further suggest that wind erosion is more
devastating in terms of land degradation. However, this is only applicable in the dry land
zone. On the other hand,
39
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
as
FAO studies of 1999 have shown that water erosion h a more devastating impact on
land in sub-Saharan Africa region.
In some areas of sub-Saharan Africa, agricultural lands are degraded and abandoned
while most forests are cut and converted to other uses. With the increasing population in
sub-Saharan Africa, there is the likelihood that food shortage and malnutrition have the
potential to intensify (Owen & Unwin 1997). As noted earlier in this discussion, the
topography of the land, soil composition, the level of vegetative cover, the soil depth, the
presence of soil biota, organic matter, water-holding capacity, and soil nutrient levels
influence the rate of erosion. In Lesotho, for instance, the topography of the land has
contributed immensely to the severe erosion of the landscape, which the GoL (1999:85)
estimates to be over 40 million tonnes annually. The same report further stresses that
degraded rangelands, rock, and gullies occupy the largest proportion of the country’s
land, while forest cover has shrunk and has given rise to severe soil erosion.
Although erosion is a natural factor, it is the opinion of the researcher that the greater part
of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa is caused by human induced land degradation
activities and that it is within human capacity to correct and control its activities. This
may be achieved through identifying some control mechanisms which if enforced, can
significantly contribute towards the sustainability of land resources.
3.2 Fragile environment and the resultant effects of low regenerative capacity of
land
Studies such as by FAO (1999), Oldeman (1994), and UNEP (2000) have acknowledged
that much of sub-Saharan Africa is environmentally delicate and has a low level of
regenerative capacity. The delicate nature and the low level of regenerative capacity of
much of sub-Saharan African lands and/or environment make it fragile and sensitive to
any little impact. Thus, any little impact on the land creates severe and almost irreversible
damage. As a result, large areas of cropland, grassland, woodland and forests are already
seriously degraded. Due to the fact that much of the African economy depends mainly on
40
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
land resources, the livelihood of millions of Africans is being put at risk, as the decline of
land resource results in lower agricultural yields (Oldeman, 1994). Above all, the hope
for sub-Saharan African countries of achieving a sustainable economy in the foreseeable
future may remain bleak. The reason is that the earth’s soils nutrient and vegetative cover
are washed away at a rate that cannot be regenerated. The sub-Saharan Africa is not
exempted. Pelser & Kherehloa (2000) and UNEP et al. (1998) as earlier mentioned,
support the fact that man’s extensive use of the fragile environment (like the case of
Lesotho) is currently actually exceeding the regenerative capacities of the earth’s major
biological and physical systems, which is put at 0.1 tonne per hectare per year. The
danger has always been that the earth including sub-Saharan Africa may be approaching
a point where it will not be able to meet the demand for the environment’s goods and
services, especially as the world’s population is expected to double over the next century.
In this study, the researcher agrees with the opinion that some lands are fragile by nature
and have low regenerative capacity but suggests that if these weaknesses are recognised
by land users, such lands could possibly be conserved. In a situation where they are put to
use, practices that would ensure sustainability of its biological diversity could be adopted.
Africans should therefore, treat Africa’s fragile land with care, knowing that its fragility
needs to be protected for posterity.
3.3 Climate change
Climate change as it impacts on land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa can be
categorized into macro and micro impacts. The macro impacts relate to the global heating
of the earth while mirco impacts relate to the human impacts on climate condition locally.
• Macro climate change (heating of the earth)
Climate change has increasingly become a major factor in the reduction of biological
diversity in sub-Saharan Africa. Changes in climate affect the boundaries, composition,
and functioning of ecological systems, including forests. Many species migrate as the
climate warms or becomes cold. According to Whiteside (1998) many such migrating
41
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
species die in the process because of adaptation problems. Climate change also
accelerates desertification and land degradation, and these processes are further
exacerbated by variations in weather.
Although sub-Saharan African countries currently contribute only a small proportion of
the heat-trapping greenhouse gases that cause climate change, there is need to articulate
control measures at this stage. This is because the pursuit of development and
industrialisation is expected to lead to higher levels of greenhouse gas emissions in the
nearest future. Thus multi-sectoral government ministries, agencies and institutions
representing Transport, Industry, Energy, Agriculture and Natural Resources, Revenue
and Housing need to strategise on possible means of controlling and minimising gas
emissions.
• Micro climate change (human impact)
Climate change primarily results from such land-use practices such as deforestation and
other human activities such as the burning of fossil fuels like coal, oil and natural gas
(UNEP et al., 1998). The amount of heat-trapping carbon released every year by human
activities is estimated at 6 billion tons from burning fossil fuel and 1 to 2 billion tons
from land-use changes, which include deforestation. About 3.5 billion tons of carbon is
released into the atmosphere each year. Humans have also increased the levels of carbon
dioxide in the atmosphere by more than 30 percent since the beginning of the Industrial
Revolution and through large-scale use of fossil fuels. Therefore, the climate is projected
to warm another 1 to 3.5 degrees centigrade over the next century (UNEP et al., 1998). In
effect, this will lead to more floods and droughts, thereby increasing the risk of hunger
and famine for many in the sub-Saharan Africa (see 4.1 and 4.7 of this chapter for further
details).
3.4 Drought and famine (macro impact)
Drought, which is one of the causes of land degradation in sub-Saharan African
countries, is also common to other semi-arid regions of the world. Drought and famine
are intertwined in the process of causing land degradation, as drought leads to famine.
42
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
They are both natural causes of land degradation which are generated by both natural and
human factors. Due to the severity of drought and famine in sub-Saharan Africa, some
people are forced to migrate and become refugees elsewhere, and the presence of large
numbers of refugees leads to severe devastation of the land resource of the host
communities, sometimes even resulting in further famine and migrations. There is,
therefore, reason to believe that the increasing number of refugees in sub-Saharan Africa
results from this vicious circle which starts with heightened drought and progresses
through famine and migrations. Drought and famine also affect livestock population.
Like humans, animals die in times of drought and famine from exposure to heat, thirst,
hunger and diseases.
The Southern African region is currently faced with severe famine, caused by prolonged
drought. The famine has been predicted to cont inue for a much longer period of time.
• Drought and famine (micro impact)
The resultant food crisis in the region has also been compounded by the land crisis in
Zimbabwe, the killing of white farmers in South Africa and the general infertility of the
land. In some rural sub-Saharan African communities drought and famine are seen as
punishment by the ancestral spirit for either abandoning cultural values or as resulting
from communities’ disregard of ancestral commands. For instance, in Zimbabwe, the
drought of 1991 was attributed to the Mhondoro spirit, which, according to local sources
refers to the “Lion or the Honourable King of the jungle” (UNNGLS, 2000). The
existence of such beliefs makes it difficult for local communities to face up to the
challenges of climate change and to make such adjustments as may be necessary to
accommodate such exigencies. The prevalence of such beliefs illustrates the need for
proper education in the conservation of land resource. Such education, apart from helping
to dispel superstitious beliefs should also discourage those actions that accelerate climate
change.
43
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
4. DIRECT CAUSES OF LAND DEGRADATION
The causes of land degradation discussed under this section are deforestation, over-
stocking resulting in overgrazing, over-exploitation and bad conservation practices.
These causes act directly on land resource and lead to moderate and sometimes-severe
land degradation.
4.1 Deforestation
The widespread destruction of trees and vegetative cover for wood fuel, which is
encouraged by the high prices of petroleum-based fuel, has also accelerated the process
of land degradation (Pelser & Kherehloa, 2000). UNEP et al. (1998) states that the rate of
forest loss increased from 12 million hectares per year in the 1970s to over 15 million
hectares in the 1980s. Consequently, during the 1990s, deforestation continued at about
13 million hectares per year. In essence, humankind has continued to chop down and
destroy the world’s forest and has been responsible for the extinction of land resource.
Other contributory factors are the rising demands for fuel wood, charcoal, and for more
human settlements and agricultural practices. According to UNEP (2000), expansion in
cultivation and grazing area is perhaps the greatest cause of deforestation. Sub-Saharan
Africa has lost about 6.4 million ha of forest to the act of deforestation. On a wider range,
in 2000, 0.8 million hectares of Africa’s forest were lost to deforestation (WDID, 2002).
Ninety percent of West Africa rain forest has already currently destroyed and it is at the
same rate that the Central Africa forest is being destroyed (SABC, 2003). The above
notwithstanding, the UNEP (2002) estimated the rate of change in sub-Saharan African
forest at the figures reflected in Table 10 below.
44
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
Table 10: Change in forested land in sub-Saharan Africa 1990-2000
Total land Total forest 1990 Total forest 2000 % of land Change 1990-2000 % change
area (million (million ha) (million ha) forested in 2000 (million ha) per year
ha)
Central Africa 524.3 249.4 240.3 45.8 -9.1 -0.37
Eastern Africa 243.8 38.8 35.4 14.5 -3.4 -0.87
Southern Africa 679.8 239.1 222.0 32.6 -17.7 -0.70
Western Africa 605.6 85.1 72.5 12.0 -12.6 -1.53
Western India 58.9 13.0 11.9 20.1 -1.1 -0.90
Ocean
Africa 2112.3 625.4 582.9 125 -49.4 -0.7
Source: UNEP (2002:98)
The rate of deforestation between 1990-2000 is shown to have been worst in Southern
Africa, which includes Lesotho.
The annual demand for industrial wood is estimated to increase from 1.6 billion cubic
metres to 1.9 billion by 2010. This process is driven by increases in population and rising
living standards in the sub-Saharan Africa (UNCHS, 2000).
Deforestation represents a potential source of greenhouse gas emissions, the reason being
that, when forests are cleared and burned, much of the carbon is released into the
atmosphere. UNEP et al. (1998) estimate tropical deforestation and burning to account
for about one-quarter of carbon emissions into the atmosphere. Forest cleaning and
burning account for between 7 and 30 percent of annual atmospheric carbon emissions
(UNEP et al., 1998:86). The depletion of forestry has also led to loss of output, jobs and
exports in many sub-Saharan African countries. The cases of Nigeria and Rwanda, where
there was depletion of forest due to war, are relevant examples (UNCHS, 2000). Even
though deforestation and over-exploitation are acute problems of land degradation,
overgrazing and agricultural activities seem to have had the most severe impact on sub-
Saharan African available land resource (Ayoub, 1999).
From all indications, it is justifiable to say that Lesotho is one of the sub-Saharan African
countries without adequate forest cover. This is because the area has the lowest forest
45
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
cover in the Southern Africa region (FAO, 2001). (see Chapter Four). Apparently, the
rocky nature of the area of study does not permit serious development of forest.
Experience has also shown that the few forests that are developed are easily destroyed by
humans for fuel needs and most severely impacted on by grazing animals. Therefore, for
sustainability to be achieved, political commitment to the protection of indigenous
forests, sustainable harvesting practices and community commitment needs to be
strengthened while developing alternative energy sources (UNEP, 2000).
4.2 Over-stocking which results in over-grazing
Drawing knowledge from the past, the over-exploitation of land resources in Africa has
been exacerbated by different factors which stem from natural and human- induced forces.
Excessive stock holding combines with drought to reduce the capacity of sub-Saharan
Africa rangeland to recover. In some sub-Saharan African countries, it has always
resulted in the continuous deterioration of some fragile and extensively eroded land base
(NFAP, 1996). Overgrazing has caused unparalleled decline in the diversity of plant
species as well as vegetative cover in much of sub-Saharan Africa. Inappropriate grazing
management has been observed to cause invasion of some protected areas, thus
destroying the ve getative cover and increasing land degradation. Over-stocking reduces
production and, at the same time, threatens the long-term sustainability of the land
resources base (Ayoub, 1999). UNEP (2002) notes that more than 1.5 million people in
Mali, Senegal, Mauritania, and Sudan depend on livestock. The above figure is not yet
threatening, but it is, however, significant to attract introduction of sustainable control
measures so that stocking does not exceed carrying capacity. Control measures become
more important especially if records of stocking are known to be on the increase. In 1995,
Malawi had 0.8 million cattle, 1.1 million sheep and goats on its 50% pasture land. In
1996, Zimbabwe had 3.5 million cattle, 2.9 sheep and goats on 60% pasture land, while
South Africa maintained 11.9 million cattle, 37 million sheep and goats on 66% pasture
land. The statistics for Angola are 3.2 million cattle, 1.3 sheep and goats on 25% pasture
land (Whiteside, 1998). The stocking in Malawi, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Ango la
could be scientifically compared if the size of stocking is based on international and/or
46
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
official regulations with due consideration to the size of pasture land and the carrying
capacity of the available pasture land. Currently, comparison can hardly be made without
bias. This is because of lack of official regulations on how to determine carrying capacity
of pasture land. Despite this gap in determining carrying capacity of pasture land the LBS
(1998) reports that the yearly rate of population increase in livestock has affected the rate
of land degradation in Lesotho. Table 11 below shows the growth rate of some selected
livestock in Lesotho, between 1995-97.
Table 11: Estimated number of livestock in Lesotho 1995/96 and 1996/97
Period of Survey Cattle Goats Horses Donkeys Sheep
1995/96 539 000 732 000 98 000 153 000 951 000
2001/2002 729 662 826 598 95 469 178 895 1 082 518
% increase 35% inc. 12% inc. - 17% inc. 14% inc.
% decrease - - 3% dec. -
Source: LBS (1998 & 2002:3-4)
The above table shows a significant increase in cattle, goats, sheep and donkeys for the
period 1995-2002. The unusual decrease in the horses population is attributed to the high
death rate and the number of stolen horses registered within the period surveyed. The
cause of the death rate was, however, not known. The consequences of the significant
increase in stocking have been the reason for the continued degradation of the Lesotho
environment. The increased numbers of livestock are maintained on the country’s 80%
available pasture land (FAO, 1999 & 2001; Whiteside, 1998).
The incidence of overstocking may not change because it is a status symbol to keep
livestock in many of the sub-Saharan African countries, as local communities attach more
importance to the social significance of stocking. Its social significance includes its usage
for marriages (payment of bride price) and funeral rites. Ownership of livestock also
conveys status symbol and respect within local communities in some sub-Saharan
African countries. Livestock also provides meat and milk as well as agricultural and
transport services to the people. The increase of the size of herd is the only way nomads
47
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
save for the future (FAO, 1999). The above reasons account for why local communities
may not limit the number of animals which they keep. No matter how debatable it may
be, the fact that socio-economic reasons are always advanced for land degradation is also
acknowledged by several authorities such as Bromley, (1994 & 1995); FAO, (1993 &
1997); Hitzhusen, (1994); UNEP, (2000) and Yeld, (1997).
However, it is unacceptable that socio-economic reasons advanced for over-stocking
should override the continued survival of humanity. The survival of rural populations
may not be sustained if stocking is not controlled to be in line with the carrying capacity
of the available land resources.
4.3 Over-exploitation of vegetation
Population growth of livestock is not the only long-term threat to land regeneration but
the over-exploitation attitude of the people towards land resources (vegetation)
contributes another threats. The recognition accorded to immediate economic gains in
sub-Saharan Africa countries rather than the more important future environmental costs
of over-exploitation and other factor in human-induced land degradation is a major
concern. As a result of this attitude, food import in sub-Saharan Africa has risen to
dependency status (NFAP, 1996). This means that if the present trend were to continue,
sub-Saharan Africa’s ability to feed itself will remain slim. Both forest wood and
products of rangelands greatly contribute to national and local economies. They make
these contributions through the natural resources, provision of habitats and services
provided by the ecosystem. Some of these resources and services have not been
quantified in monetary terms because they are undervalued (UNEP, 2000).
Commonly owned land resources are particularly vulnerable to over-exploitation because
they are also not valued in economic terms. In Lesotho, beside the practice of over-
exploitation of the natural resources for agriculture and heating purposes the illegal trade
in dagga and the harvesting of dagga and medicinal plants for illegal trade and traditional
healings purposes are some apparent examples. The general over-harvesting of trees also
48
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
add to the poor practices that cause land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa. There is also
concern about over- harvesting of a number of forest-dwelling mammals, which is a
common practice in Central and Western Africa. In defence of human conservation
practices, Botha & Fouche (2000) argue that land degradation often results from actions
which seemed logical and morally acceptable to the local farmer at the specific time he
took that decision. Blum (1997) states that no economic gain or loss is recorded in the
basic accounting network when land resources are used. The position is that land
resources are considered to be a free gift of nature. The study stresses that land resources
should no longer be seen as free goods when conservation is concerned with minimising
and sustaining the impacts of both consumption and over-exploitation of the land
resource base. The over-exploitation and consumerist lifestyle has to be checked in some
sub-Saharan African countries if the environment is to be successfully conserved
(UNCHS, 2002). A range of economic and regulatory options is already available for
translation into practical action. Examples of these are using the ‘User pays’ and the
‘Polluter Pays’ principles (UNHCHS, 2000). Market-based intervention, which gives the
full cost pricing of land resource is also another advisable option (UNEP et al., 1998).
Unless the land resources base is made more profitable than resources exploitation in
sub-Saharan Africa, land degradation will continue unabated and to the lasting detriment
of humanity.
4.4 Poor conservation practices cause land degradation
The poor conservation practices that cause land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa
countries cut across sectors of agricultural practices, works and construction. Some of
these include insufficient lengths of drainage network, over-grazing of rangelands,
drainage constructed to earths’ beds and the use of heavy machinery. Others are: absence
of crop rotation and manure; planted trees and shrubs which do not survive because of
lack of proper and adequate nurturing; poor human attitude, as when some politicians and
individuals chop down trees planted by their political opponents; ploughing of soil which
leads to decline of soil organic matter of between 25 and 40 percent, thereby exposing
land to wind and water erosion (UNEP et al., 1998). Thus, the past and present human
49
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
intervention in the utilisation and manipulation of environmental resources have had
unanticipated consequences (Oldeman, 1994). These interve ntions and manipulations are
particularly crucial in the sub-Saharan Africa region, where unsustainable conservation
practices have been identified as a threat to sustainable land uses.
This study also notes that governments’ disregard for traditional solutions to land
degradation negatively affects conservation efforts. Traditional systems of land use such
as shifting cultivation and nomadic grazing, which were compatible with the environment
are at present undermined by professionals for scientific, modern and mechanical
responses to land resources conservation. Apart from the poor practices associated with
land uses, the recent summit on sustainable development (2002), further focuses attention
on poor practices, so as to include the impact of a chain of international trade and
economic practices which result in low prices for agricultural and livestock commodities.
This forces most developing countries to promote adverse land use practices with the
intention of earning foreign exchange (UNEP, 2002). Other poor conservation practices
which are worth mentioning includes following:
4.5 Indiscriminate use of harmful pesticides as a factor in land degradation
The uncontrolled use of pesticide affects both the crops and other land resources and this
has contributed to land degradation in the sub-Saharan African countries. Even after the
harvesting of crops, the impact of a pesticide is left behind and this has a long lasting
effect on the ecosystem, such that the vegetative cover of the affected area and sometimes
the neighbouring fields fail to recover their balance over a long period. For instance, in
the 1980s, it was estimated that about 10 million hectares of irrigated lands were
abandoned annually and that between 25-30 million hectares of the world’s 255 million
hectares of irrigated lands were severely degraded due to the accumulation of salts, while
an additional 80 million hectares were reported to be affected by water- logging (UNEP,
2002). Irrigation schemes need to be properly designed and relevant policies that could
control the use of pesticides on fields need to be articulated and enforced if land
50
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
degradation is to be properly controlled. Also, farmers need to be educated about the
ow
usage of pesticides: the need, when to apply, how to apply, and h to control its side
effects. If not, the use of pesticides will continue to have negative effects on crops and
vegetative cover.
4.6 The use of heavy machinery
The use of heavy machinery on agricultural land causes such physical degradation as
compaction, sealing and crusting. Trampling of land by cattle also causes compaction and
crushing. Compaction of land decreases the level of water infiltration and accelerates
surface run-off of water and in the process degrades land resources. However, it must be
noted that the use of heavy machinery is common only in mechanised farming, which is
not common in the African tropical region. Trampling of land by cattle, however, is
common and widespread in the sub-Saharan Africa region. The mechanised farmers in
the sub-Saharan Africa need to be conscientised about undertaking regular environmental
impact assessment of their fields. Also, cattle herders need to be informed about the
harmful effects of trampling on both agricultural and range lands.
4.7 Bush burning
Bush burning is one of the major causes of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa and is
more prominent in tropical than in the non-tropical region. Bush burning is an acceptable
means of preparing farmlands for planting. It also helps to build up, regenerate and
reintegrate the ecosystem, particularly at the end of winter or the dry season. However,
this common farming practice has been shown to be destructive because it destroys the
natural regeneration capacity of young trees while at the same time killing the aged trees.
Bush burning results in the concentration of animals in the unburned vegetation and this
leads to the degradation of such vegetation by overgrazing (FAO, 2001). The determining
factor for this practice is the appropriate timing. It is important to burn the bush during
late summer or early autumn. Burning maintains bio-diversity in the long term, as long as
it can be controlled to avoid the damaging effects on adjoining sites (Holmes &
Richardson, 1999). Bush burning facilitates regeneration of plants, when it is carried out
51
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
after the first and second rains. The burning that destroys ecosystems is the unplanned
bush burning, which sometimes, happens by accident. Unless land users and individuals
are educated on when to burn their fields, bush burning may continue to devastate land
and its entire ecosystem. This lesson confirms the knowledge that good conservation
practices should no longer be the sole responsibility of government; rather, land users
should employ traditional techniques in managing and conserving land resources.
Conservation should not be seen as lying outside the power of individuals, but rather as
the sole responsibility of individuals in communities. This is true because the earth’s
welfare depends neither on professionals nor the educated minority but on the whole of
humanity. Ordinary citizens, whether residing in the countryside or cities, need to be able
to rescue endangered species and build up sustainable communities.
5. UNDERLYING CAUSES OF LAND DEGRADATION
The causes of land degradation to be discussed in this section are: population pressure;
desire for a better standard of living; poverty; unsustainable use and the value attached to
land resources; conversion of protected areas into land for agricultural purposes; an
inappropriate land tenure system; political unrest; and poor enforcement of land policies.
The causes outlined above are described as underlying because they accelerate both
natural and direct causes. In other words, the effects of both natural and direct causes of
land degradation gather momentum through the negative impact of the underlying causes.
The causes are briefly discussed.
5.1 Population pressure and land resources needs
It is common knowledge that an increase in human and livestock population results in an
increase in the land resource needs of that population. These needs put pressure on the
people to over-exploit the land through such practices as deforestation, resulting from the
gathering of fuel wood and foraging (Ahuja, 1998; Barbier, 1998; FAO, 1999; Morgan,
1995; Place & Otsuka, 1997; Schrelber & Hill, 1994; Songorwa, 1999; Whiteside, 1998).
52
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
In the last three decades, the pressure on land has been the result of the need to increase
food production to cater for population growth. Population growth in developing
countries was responsible for a 72% expansion in arable lands and for 69% of the
increase in livestock numbers during 1961-1985. This has led to desertification, soil
erosion, deforestation, and deterioration of many natural environments (Pelser &
Kherehloa, 2000). NFAP (1996) agrees that acute pressure from rising population on the
limited arable lands, coupled with grazing on unsuitable lands, has done more harm than
good to the environment. Anna (1991) also notes that ove r the past centuries, sub-
Saharan African farmers have developed systems of agriculture that are in equilibrium
with their environments, but that the rapidly increasing populations are bringing massive
pressure to bear on the available lands and this has worsened year by year. In any case, it
is logical to stress here that the developing countries would have suffered serious hunger
and starvation if the expansion of arable lands as against conservation of land resources
has been resisted.
Population pressure has progressively reduced per capita arable land. It has forced fallow
periods to be shortened and sometimes abandoned. It has also provided only limited
opportunities for crop rotation and it has further caused households to extend production
on to marginal or unsuitable lands (NFAP, 1996). However, there are arguments that
population density has little or no relationship with the degree of severity of land
the
degradation. For instance, Stocking & Garland (1998: 31) note: “ simplistic notions
that greatest pressures of population inevitably lead to environmental damage are flawed
in their failure to appreciate the processes of adaptation and change from within society,
and the capability to develop and co-opt technology in the face of human stress without
external interventions”.
However, (FAO, 1999) reports significant environmental impact attributable to the
presence of some 650 000 refugees from Eritrea and Ethiopia on the Kassala area of
Eastern Sudan for some 20 years (1973 to 1993). From the above, it is evident that a high
population density exerts pressure on land resource; yet, it is also arguable that a larger
53
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
population is more likely to be aware of its impact on the environment and thus take early
steps towards conservation. Population in this context acts as a double-edged sword.
Despite the arguments for and against it, it is apparent from Table 12 below that the sub-
Saharan African population has been on the increase.
Table 12: Annual population growth rate in sub-Saharan Africa in (Mid-2003)
Sub-Saharan Area of Population mid- Rate of Projected population
s
Africa countries km 2003 (millions) natural in 2025 (millions) %
increase per year-2003
Central Africa 2 553 150 10.4 2.9 184
Eastern Africa 2 456 184 26.3 2.4 395
Southern Africa 1 032 730 50 1.5 84
Western Africa 2 370 015 236 2.7 402
Source: WPD (2003)
The population growth in sub-Saharan Africa ranges between 0.3 and 3.5% based on
individual countries while the regional rate of natural increase ranges between 1.5 in
Southern African and 2.9 in Central Africa. This rate of increase can be said to be
significant in terms of its expected projected population for 2025 which will further pose
a threat to sustainable use of land resources if no strict measures are taken to control the
rate of growth in sub-Saharan Africa and particularly in Lesotho.
Considering the rising death rate from HIV/AIDS in sub-Saharan Africa, the effect on the
population may become clearer in future. Until the rate of HIV effection is either
controlled or a cure is found, the population growth rate of sub-Saharan Africa may
decrease. The expected decrease in population growth rate in sub-Saharan Africa could
have either negative or positive impacts on land resources. This is because of the
argument that population pressure does not necessarily cause land degradation.
The argument that population pressure does not cause land degradation does not override
the need for population control. Therefore, reduction in population growth rates should be
the first step in the direction of sustainable land use in sub-Saharan Africa. Undoubtedly,
54
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
no conservation programme is likely to succeed unless there are policies to slow down
population growth. Out of such numerous measures, “priority should be given to multi-
faceted approach for families to control and limit family sizes when it makes sense to the
people socially and economically” (FAO, 1993; Pelser & Kherehloa, 2000: 35-6).
However, such measures should not include the spread of HIV/AIDS pandemic as a
means of controlling population.
5.1.1 The impact of the HIV/AIDS pandemic and rural/urban migration
As highlighted earlier, if the rate of population growth as shown in Table 12 is not
controlled, the rate of hunger and starvation may increase and this could worsen the
HIV/AIDS developmental crisis in sub-Saharan Africa and in Lesotho in particular.
Despite the statistics in Table 12, it must however be noted that the population growth
rate has not been categorised into rural and urban population growth rates. The difference
between rural and urban population in sub-Saharan Africa is significant. Therefore such
statistics should not be used to determine the impact which population growth may have
on land resources in sub-Saharan Africa. The drift and migration of rural populations to
the urban centres for white collar jobs is wide spread in sub-Saharan Africa, and this
movement reduces the rural population and the impact such movement makes on land
resources. Table 13 shows the net population gain and losses of selected districts in
Lesotho.
55
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
Table 13: Net migration rate of Lesotho population 1996
District of birth Population gained from other Population lost to Net gain/loss
districts other districts
Butha-Buthe 9 870 11 120 -1 251
Leribe 36 180 21 353 14 827
Berea 39 894 22 116 17 778
Maseru 67 978 38 017 29 961
Mafeteng 22 834 27 817 -4 983
Mohale’s Hoek 17 502 21 139 -3 637
Quthing 7 088 12 697 -5 609
Qacha’s Nek 5 462 8 855 -3 393
Mokhotlong 3 774 12 322 -8 548
Thaba-Tseka 10 574 45 720 -35 146
Source: LBS 2002:17
Maseru city is the fastest growing city in the country. Table 13 confirms that all lowland
districts except Mafeteng and Mohale’s Hoek have larger urban populations in 1996
compared with the highland urban districts in Lesotho.
5.2 The desire for better living standards
The increasing desire for better living conditions, and the expanding need for land for
economic purposes have resulted in the kinds of activities that have caused land to
degrade continuously. Areas where yield is poor and people are striving to survive on the
already degraded lands remain on the increase, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. The
available arable lands are neither sufficient for subsistence farming nor adequate for
commercial farming. In many of these areas, subsistence requires overexploitation of the
available land resource. People’s aspiration to a better living standard on a fragile and
already degraded land further deteriorates and weakens the capacity of land resources to
regenerate and perhaps remain productive. This study agrees with this observation that it
is poverty and joblessness arising from retrenchments, privatisation and structural
adjustment programme policies in the region, that put pressure on limited available land
resources. This unhealthy pressure on land needs to be checked through developing
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Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
alternative means of survival for the rural populace.
5.3 Poverty
Whatever the criteria adopted, the consensus remains that poverty in sub-Saharan Africa
is widespread and rapidly increasing. The UNDP (1994) estimates, based on household
income for 1990, suggest that 39% of all households in sub-Saharan Africa (rural and
urban) exist below the poverty line (i.e. living on less than $1 a day). World Development
Indicators Database (WDID) (2002) notes that in sub-Saharan Africa countries, imports
of goods and services exceeded exports by $1.5 billion in 1997, $1.6 in 2000 and $1.8
billion in 2001. The outstanding debt (current US.$) in the region stood at $ 41 billion in
1997 and $ 33.3 billion in the year 2000.
The standard of living could impact negatively on land resources, especially when there
are no alternative means of survival for the rural populace. As earlier mentioned,
household incomes are further falling in sub-Saharan Africa as a consequences of the
implementation of the structural adjustment programme (SAP) (Whiteside, 1998:32).
Pelser & Kherehloa (2000) observe that there is a swelling number of poor and landless
people putting uncontrolled pressure on the natural resource base as they struggle to
survive. Since desertification in the region is expected to increase in the future, poverty is
also likely to become more acute. This study agrees with various views concerning the
negative impact of poverty on land resources in Africa and particularly in Lesotho, where
poverty has been exacerbated by the ongoing retrenchment of Lesotho citizens in South
African mines. Again, since land degradation is linked to poverty, unless the issue of
poverty is addressed by providing the rur al populace with alternative means of livelihood
that can enhance sustainable agriculture, credit facilities and entrepreneurship
programmes, land may continue to be overexploited (Whiteside, 1998:34). Thus, any
programme aimed at reducing land degradation can hardly be accomplished if it fails to
address reduction of poverty as one of the components of land management and
conservation.
57
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
5.4 Unsustainable use of land and the value attached to its resource
The unsustainable use of land and the attendant deterioration are manifested in the
accelerated rate of rangeland degradation. This is evident even to a passer-by in much of
sub-Saharan African countries. This degradation poses a problem for much of the
countries’ productive resource base and also threatens the countries’ capacity to either
increase food production for the growing population or alleviate current poverty levels of
the rural African populace (Lindskog & Tengbberg, 1994; UNEP et al., 1998). This
situation is further exacerbated by the activities of the few landowners and chiefs who use
their control of the land to exploit the landless majority.
The aesthetic aspects of the African environment, which in the past had contributed to its
economy as well as its natural systems, are undergoing accelerated decay (Barrow, 1993).
The majority of African communities appear to be helpless while their environment
degenerates into being fruitless and lacklustre. The high level of deterioration has been
allowed to continue due to the poor value attached to land resources (Bromley, 1994).
Even in protected areas, local communities’ fight to gain uncontrolled access to land
resources because of the assumption that land is a free gift of nature. Unfortunately, there
are, as yet, no strong mechanisms in place to control unsustainable use of land resources
in most African countries, except in protected areas where governments have absolute
control and supervision (Isaac et al., 2000; Mohammed, 2001). Mindful of the
experiences of the past, this study opines that unless local communities are empowered to
take full charge of the land resources available to them, and such control occurs within an
environment where communities place premium value on land resources, the rate of land
degradation may continue unabated.
5.5 Conversion of land into agricultural and other development activities
In general Africa’s total land covers 29.6 million km², two-thirds of which is either arid
or semi-arid. The percentage of agricultural land (cultivated and pasture) in sub-Saharan
Africa varies from 54.7% in southern Africa and 46.6% in the western Indian Ocean
islands to 19.3% in central Africa (UNEP, 2002). Also, FAO (2001) estimated that by
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Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
2030, an additional 57 million hectares (representing an increase of 25%) would be
brought into cultivation in Africa. This expected expansion has to come from the
conversion of existing forests and woodlands and from fragile lands with the attendant
loss of natural habitats and ecosystems. This is bound to result in more serious land
degradation in the region. The shortage of agricultural land makes it difficult to safeguard
land for the exclusive use of the future population.
In the attempt to develop reserves and protected areas, sub-Saharan African countries
have converted supposedly protected lands to agricultural uses. For instance, in Tanzania,
Pure Reserve and Burunge Game Controlled Area have been converted into agricultural
settlements. The Mkomazi Game Reserve was reduced in 1957 and again in 1966 to
allow human settlement, while Maswa Reserve was reduced in size thrice in 25 years. In
Malawi, parts of Liwonde and Nkonkhota National Parks were illegally occupied in
1988. In Mozambique, over 3000 people illegally occupy each of Gorongosa and Maputo
National Parks (SADC, 1996). In Lesotho, where the development of dams (water
schemes) has inundated both human settlements and agricultural lands, the conversion of
reserve areas has also been experienced. This kind of pressure and other developmental
activities remain some of the major driving forces behind land degradation. The Indian
good practices where reserved land, taken over for any development project, is replaced
by another land should be an example to sub-Saharan African governments if
sustainability of land resources must be achieved in the near future.
5.6 Land distribution and inappropriate tenure system and their effects
The inequitable distribution of land is common in much of sub-Saharan Africa where
distribution of land is based on the gender roles and socio-economic status of individuals.
In some communities particularly in Lesotho, local chiefs consider individuals’ loyalty
and personal relationships in the administration of lands such that in some, men and
women have no right and access to land. Ironically, the women share greatly in the day-
to-day field activities and also relate well with land (Kothari, Amuradha & Palthak, 1998;
Ghai, 1994; Jackson, 1994; Joekes, 1994; Kings, 1997; UNCHS, 2000; Whiteside, 1988).
59
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
It is important at this point to question what the future of land resources conservation
activities would be if women folk who relate so well with land resources were culturally
excluded from access and ownership?
South Africa and Zimbabwe are good examples of countries with inequitable land
distribution systems. In South Africa, the white farmers own 87 percent of the land,
whereas, the average land held per black person is slightly more than 1 hectare, while for
the white counterpart the area is 1 570 hectares per person (SANP, 2000; UNEP, 2002).
Land tenure polic ies in sub-Saharan Africa have resulted in the landlessness and
displacement of individuals and communities. It is this inequitable distribution of land
that has engendered the current land grabbing experiences in some sub-Saharan African
countries. This inequitable distribution of land and its resultant effects have contributed
to the poor attitude of the people towards land resources conservation in the region.
Acceptable land reform policies have to be initiated in most of sub-Saharan Africa in the
way it is currently going on in the Republic of South Africa. The administration of land
that is put under the local chiefs is communal in a way, but the system has not been
perfected to ensure sustainable conservation of land resources. Fair distribution of la nd
has not been ensured be mere localising land administration structure. Reform that will
care for the interest of every person needs to be initiated so that land is not continuously
treated with I don’t care attitude. An appropriate tenure system that cares for both men
and women has to be put in place to ensure sustainability. This will encourage
conservation, as it will serve as an incentive to land users.
5.7 Political unrest
The level of political unrest and the resultant refugee situation in sub-Saharan Africa also
contributes to land degradation. Political unrest fuels widespread poverty. Refugees
deforest land by clearing it for agriculture and fuel wood. The growth in illegal trade in
natural resources in warring African countries has also caused land degradation. In
Africa, the refugee figure of 23,500 people at the end of the 1950s rose to about 50
million at the end of the 1990s (UNEP, 2000). The environmental impact for 20 years of
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Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
the 650,000 refugees from Eritrea and Ethiopia on the Kassala area of Eastern Sudan has
also supported this claim (FAO, 1999). As earlier noted, unless political unrests are
checked in the region, the increasing number of refugees may continue to impact
negatively on land resources. Environmental impact assessment is not made at the end of
any war. Where it is made, emphasis is not on land degradation. Regional organisations
need to do much more in the area of environmental management and conservation to
ensure sustainability of land resources in Africa.
5.8 Poor enforcement of land resources conservation policies
Policies and mechanisms for enhancing sustainable land use are in place in many sub-
Saharan African countries as well as the ongoing regional co-operative arrangements, but
the implementation and enforcement of such regulations have been weak. The reasons for
the general weakness have not been established but (Bromley, 1994; Hitzhusen, 1994;
UNEP, 2000; and Yeld, 1997) agree that the weakness is due to economic forces which
pressurise governments and communities into unsustainable practices for short-term
profits. This study opines that it is not only economic forces that lead to poor
enforcement of land resources conservation policies in Africa, but also the poor value and
recognition attached to the conservation of land resources. In fact, conservation has never
been seen to be a major issue to political leaders in Africa. Land resources conservation
regulations have to be enforced at all levels despite the immediate short-term profit that
accrues from unsustainable land uses.
6. A RANGE OF POSSIBLE SOLUTION REGARDING COMBATING LAND
DEGRADATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
From the above discussion on causes of land degradation, the following outlines of
possible solutions to combating land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa are deducted:
• Protecting indigenous forest and ensuring sustainable harvesting practices in sub-
Saharan Africa.
• Securing and protecting the fragility of the environment.
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Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
• Land resources need to be made more profitable than resources exploitatio n.
• Ensuring capacity building of local communities.
• Communal management of land resources as opposed to the autocratic and dictatorial
chieftains land administration style also needs to be ensured in sub-Saharan Africa.
• Local communities need to change the ir attitude towards land resources conservation.
• Ensuring alternative means of livelihood for rural communities as this will reduce the
pressure on land resources.
• The micro impact of climate change also needs to be monitored and controlled in sub-
Saharan Africa.
• Lands taken over for development purposes need to be replaced to ensure
sustainability in sub-Saharan Africa.
• Environmental impact assessments need to be made a necessary condition for
development projects.
• Reducing poverty in sub-Saharan Africa.
• Controlling and reducing population growth.
• Land reforms that will ensure adequate land distribution is also a solution.
• Ensuring political stability in sub-Saharan Africa.
• Enforcing environmental conservation regulations.
• Controlling bush burning, and
• Controlling stocking of livestock in sub-Saharan Africa.
Whereas the above discussion has focused on the causes of land degradation and possible
solutions in sub-Saharan Africa, the next section will address features of land degradation
in the region.
7. FEATURES OF LAND DEGRADATION IN SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA
The characteristic features of land degradation in sub-Saharan Africa include loss of
biological diversity, desertification, range and cropland degradation, destruction through
mining and quarrying, pollution and water logging. For clarity, these features are
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Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
discussed below.
7.1 Biological diversity
Biological diversity encompasses all aspects of nature’s variety which involve ecosystem
diversity, species diversity and genetic diversity. It also involves the interaction of all
components of the biosphere. It represents diversity at all levels of biological
organisation and the entire community, which supports the continuing existence of life on
earth (UNEP et al., 1988). The conservation of biological diversity is fundamental to the
success of sustainable conservation, because it includes the wildlife in natural systems of
the earth that are life support systems found in the planet’s atmosphere, oceans,
freshwaters, rocks and soil. The need to conserve biodiversity has been expressed at
various international levels, including the World Conservation Strategy (1998), the Earth
Summit (1992), the World Commission on Environment and Development (1987), and
other recent international conferences on conserving biodiversity. (see Chapter One
section 1.2).
Human activities have caused a decline in biological diversity. It is estimated that 50 to
100 times the average rate of species loss would be avoided in the absence of human
activities. In fact, considering the current trend of human exploit on land resources, as
things now are, as many as one- half of all mammal and bird species may become extinct
within 200 to 300 years (UNEP et al., 1998:17). The impact of loss of biodiversity and of
ecological destruction may not have been severe though such loss and destruction have
not been accurately recorded. Original and local species have become extinct, while
many more are being threatened. In this way, many plants and animals whose secrets and
potential benefits are yet to be fathomed have been lost. The impact of human activities
on biodiversity are manifested in several ways. Amongst these are the rapid rates of
habitat loss, such as the disappearance of marshes and reed meadows. Others include:
species extinction such as the disappearance of large game, springbucks and birds,
resulting in the large proportion of birds currently being reported as rare. Again, there is
reduction in genetic variability, which threatens the very existence of species (Chakela,
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Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
1997). The threats to forest genetic resource usually arises from direct human actions.
Human beings have harvested medicinal plants, economically viable and decorative
plants, forage plants, flora, forest trees, bacteria and fungi to the point of extinction.
Wilson (2000) notes that humanity’s food supply comes from a dangerously narrow
spectrum of biodiversity. According to him, people have, throughout history, cultivated
or gathered 7,000 plant species for food, but today only 20 species provide 90% of the
world’s food and maize, wheat and rice produce. The above notwithstanding, many
environmentalists are optimistic that biodiversity is salvageable. Whether this happens in
time to save the endangered species of the world depends fundamentally on the shift to a
new ethic which sees humanity as part of the biosphere and its faithful steward, not just
the resident master and economic exploiter. It is also being observed that a change of
heart has begun in most countries, among a few far-sighted leaders and part of the general
public. By and large, it should be noted that any conservation programme in the region
without a component of biodiversity conservation may remain inadequate.
7.2 Desertification as an unfriendly phenomenon
Following the UNEP (1992) conference and the drawn up Agenda 21, the term
desertification has been redefined from its original broader meaning: which extended to
almost all forms of land degradation to a more restricted meaning: land degradation in
arid, semi-arid and dry sub-humid areas resulting from adverse human impact. This study
supports the latter definition, which states that desertification is an unfriendly
phenomenon arising from the uncontrolled removal of natural vegetation through
overgrazing, overstocking and the indiscriminate cutting and felling of trees. Other
causes of desertification include poor farming systems, erosion, and harsh climatic
conditions such as extreme dryness and cold weather. These natural and human- induced
factors result in acute desertification (Barrow, 1995; Barbier, 1998; Chakela, 1999;
Johnson & Lewis, 1995).
Relevant cases available are the Sahel drought in Mali of the early 1970s, which had
nearly 1million ‘environmental refugees’. The drought forced a half a million people to
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Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
leave Mali, while a sixth of the population had to leave Burkina Faso. It has also been
reported that more than one-third of the population of Africa is under threat of
desertification. Again, as earlier noted, in the southern edge of the Sahara, some
650,000km of once-productive land became desert and an estimated 50,000 to 70,000km
of land go out of production every year (FAO, 1999 and 1997). The situation has
worsened since these reports. While no recent study has been done in Lesotho it is true to
say that nearly half of the entire land areas wear the characteristic features of a desert.
Lesotho has a poor vegetative cover and low productive capacity which result from the
rocky and dry nature of the area. From the above discussion, it may be appropriate to say
that land degradation in some parts of Africa is equivalent to desertification or, at least,
that it accelerates desertification.
7.3 Range and cropland degradation and the adverse effect on humans and livestock
Rangeland degradation is the reduction in the capacity of natural rangelands to support
human and livestock needs. This type of degradation occurs as a result of overstocking,
overgrazing and pasture mismanagement. In terms of cropland, one estimate has it that,
out of approximately 8.7 billion hectares of global agriculture lands, about 2 billion
hectares (25%) are already degraded, thereby reducing the basis of food production at the
very time when the world population is increasing (Bridges, 2000). This type of
degradation is very severe and widespread in the Southe rn African region and has,
moreover, been attributed to the level of livestock that individuals keep. In Lesotho,
approximately 359,650 hectares of rangeland have been invaded by Karoo shrub covering
in the country’s 9% of arable land. The degraded rangela nd areas represent about 16% of
the entire Lesotho rangeland (Chakela, 1997), while South Africa has approximately 66%
of moderately to seriously degraded rangeland (Snyman, 1999). The above
notwithstanding, it has been noted that the rangelands in sub-Saharan African countries
have regenerative capacity, whereas the same cannot be said about the croplands in the
Southern African region. This is why efforts to control land degradation over the years
have encountered several difficulties. However, a few unsustainable project successes
with regard to conservation of range and croplands have been established. Land
65
Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
degradation is of great concern to the people of Africa because of the peoples’ level of
dependence on crop and livestock farming. Again, insufficient cropland has intensified
the circle and web of poverty and joblessness amongst the people in the region.
7.4 Soil fertility decline
Soil fertility decline is another major source of concern for conservation in the region.
Soil fertility decline is the deterioration in the physical, chemical and biological
properties of soil. This also involves the lowering of soil organic matter, degradation of
water holding capacity, reduction of available soil nutrients and build- up of toxicities
(FAO, 1992; UNEP, 1998). Fertility decline has resulted in the increased use of fertiliser
on farmlands. The continuous application of fertilisers on the land impacts negatively on
land resources. It also reduces the nutrient retention capacity of land and depletes organic
matter. Consequences of these have been poorer production levels. Other relevant issues
that could have been discussed here have already been discussed under the land
degradation and poverty sub- headings. However, the unproductive nature of much of
sub-Sahara African’s lands has become one of the major characteristic features of land
degradation, and this should not be ignored if land resources are to be sustained.
7.5 Quarrying and mining leading to land loss
It is estimated that conversion of land through quarrying for building materials represents
about 1.2 % of the total land loss in the sub-Saharan Africa. Mining operations also led to
the loss of valuable agricultural lands. It is estimated that 28 billion tonnes of soil and
rock are moved in sub-Saharan Africa per year, thereby causing erosion, siltation of
waterways and metal contamination. The mining and quarrying of natural land resource
are part of activities that degrade land. Mining sites are expensive to clean up and
rehabilitate (UNCHS, 2000). The ecological side effects of these types of mining range
from increased soil erosion to open pits that are left unreclaimed. Such open pits are
sometimes converted to dams, ponds and waterlogged areas, which are physical evidence
of the effect of mining and quarrying on land resources in the region. Dust emanating
from the crushing of the aggregates affects the capacity of plants to manufacture their
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Chapter 2: Land Degradation in Sub-Saharan Africa
own food, destroys the aesthetic quality of the environment and affects human health.
The removal of river-sands also accelerates soil erosion. The overwhelmingly negative
effect on the environment of mining is readily evident even to the untrained eye.
The destructive effects of mining on the environment are so colossal because most of
such operations are undertaken without compliance with laid down procedures for
protecting the environment. Environmental protection standards set by environment
departments in various countries have not been adhered to in many African countries. It
has also been extremely difficult for most government departments to enforce
environmental regulations (Chakela, 1992; UNEP, 2000) mainly because compliance
with such regulations will reduce the profit of the mining companies and thereby the
revenue accruable to government. Despite all odds, it is important to note that
environmental impact assessment and its compliance is an irrevocable condition for
miners and developers.
7.6 Pollution and its effects in sub-Saharan Africa
Pollution was once the problem of the industrialised nations (Botha & Fouche, 2000).
Yet, today it is a common problem for the sub-Saharan African countries. Industrial
growth, urbanisation and the use of automobiles in sub-Saharan Africa have exacerbated
this phenomenon. No matter the size of any community, pollution of all types and kinds
is evident and increasing by the day. Air pollution in the region is on the increase as a
result of motor vehicle emissions, burning of coal, burning of wastes and industrial
carbon waste. There is also solid waste pollution arising from the indiscriminate littering
and dumping of waste. Industrial by-products are also common in the region (IUCN et
al.,1998; UNEP et al., 1998). Other forms of pollution in the region include: water
pollution arising from sewage discharge into rive rs, and waterways whose toxic effect
causes corrosion of the riverbanks and the coral reefs. Chemical pollution arising from
the inappropriate handling of agrochemicals such as organic fertilisers, plant insecticides
and pesticides.
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Several countries in the region have developed policies and regulatory measures aimed at
reducing pollution but only a few of these countries have been able to enforce such
regulations (Bromley, 1995; UNEP, 2000; Yeld, 1997). Imposition of fines such as
‘polluter pays’ taxatio n could be a way out of the problem for sub-Saharan African
countries (Bromley, 1995). Unless the governments intensify efforts towards ensuring
that there exist enforceable standard pollution regulations to control air, water and solid
waste in the region is bound to continue to wallow in ignorance about the destructive
results of uncontrolled pollution.
7.7 Water-logging
This is the rise of the water table into the root zone of the soil profile, such that plant
growth is adversely affected by deficiency in oxygen. Water logging is commonly
defined as ‘light’ for a soil profile depth of 3m for substantial parts of the year, and
‘moderate’ for less than 1.5m. The ‘severe’ degree occurs with a water table at 0.30cm
depth and ‘ponding’ where it rises above the surface (FAO, 1993). In much of the region,
it is not water logging that is actually the problem, but flooding on poorly drained areas.
This is why it is important to tackle the effects of flooding as a matter of urgency, while
efforts should also be made to check occasional cases of water logging in the region.
8. CONCLUSION
The foregoing discussions have proved that the extent of land degradation in sub-Saharan
Africa calls for concern. However, the various causes of land degradation highlighted
above have shown their devastating consequences in the regions. In all, writers,
organisations and environmentalists have classified causes of land degradation into
natural, direct and underlying. Each of the classified causes has either a direct impact on
the land or it influences relevant factors to degrade land. In Lesotho and neighbouring
countries water and wind erosion, overgrazing, deforestation, poor conservation
practices, inappropriate tenure systems, climate change, drought and famine also have
negative impacts on land resources.
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The common characteristic features of land degradation in the region are biological
diversity, desertification, and range and croplands degradation. Others include: soil
fertility decline, pollution, mining and quarrying, water logging and salinisation. These
prominent features are the phenomena found in different parts of sub-Saharan African
countries. Having made these comments, it is important to observe that Africa is a vast
continent, with more than 50 countries covering a large range of environmental
conditions. Though the general measures for controlling land degradation remain the
same for all countries, there are no ready- made remedies and panaceas. Despite the above
analysis, it will be impossible to produce a conservation blueprint that can be applied to
all areas of sub-Saharan Africa without modifications. Therefore, it is necessary that
every country develops its own conservation strategies and tailors them to its own unique
circumstances (FAO, 1999).
The following chapter focuses on community participation in land resources conservation
in some developing countries. Attention is also focused mainly on land resources
conservation activities carried out jointly or individually by governments, international
agencies and local communities
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CHAPTER THREE
AN OVERVIEW OF COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN LAND
RESOURCES CONSERVATION INITIATIVES IN DEVELOPING
COUNTRIES
1. INTRODUCTION
The increasing rates of land degradation in sub-Saharan African countries where lands
have low regenerative capacity, have stimulated arguments in favour of land resources
conservation. Some such arguments touch on ethical values, aesthetic benefits, cultural
and scientific values, material benefits, ecological balance and life support systems.
Others include moral and social values present in religious doctrines (see Barrow, 1993;
Barkham, 1995; Callicott, 1995; Claasseen, 1996; Fox, 1995; Hittingh, 1999; Jantzi et al.,
2002; Linden, 2002; NES, 2002; O’riordan, 1995; Passmore, 1974 & 1980; Preston-
Whyte, 1995; Taylor, 2000; Wilson, 2000). These arguments have received
corresponding responses from governments, international organisations, non-
governmental organisations, community-based organisations, private bodies and
individuals. Much was said about community participation in Chapter One without some
detailed clarifications about its typology and characteristics. The purpose of this
clarification is to determine the level of participation which conventional approaches
allowed, and the level of participation expected in the proposed community-based
conservation approaches. This chapter is made up of four sections. These include a
section on types and characteristics of community participation; a section on case studies
of conservation management activities in developing countries; a section on limitations to
community participation; a section on the means of ensuring effective community
participation. The purpose of the latter is to determine how stakeholders have tried to
actualise participatory approaches in the past and in the ongoing conservation attempts.
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This chapter also examines corresponding land resources conservation attempts in some
developing countries. While examining these attempts, focus is directed at conservation
attempts made by the international organisations such as GEF, UNEP, UNDP,
governments and local communities. The chapter also examines perspectives of
community participation. Some requisite conditions that need to be put in place to ensure
good practices of community-based conservation are also examined.
It is expected that the knowledge of the requisite conditions may help not only to avoid
the inadequacies in the conventional approaches but also prepare practitioners for good
practices. It is expected that the experiences from the empirical case studies drawn from
Africa and Asia, and particularly the joint management experience in some developing
countries, will be brought to bear in the joint responsibility type of conservation
approach. The choice of selected conservation attempts in this chapter is purposely made
to learn from the experiences in Africa and Asia. Relevance, focus of project,
stakeholders’ involvement and availability of information and so on, have helped to
determine the choice of conservation attempts. (see Annexure 3 for the map of Africa and
Asia showing countries selected for study). In this chapter, reference is made to Africa
and not sub-Sahara Africa. Minimums of 2-3 case studies are purposefully selected from
the east, north, south and west of the continent. In the case of Asia, because the continent
is not the focus of study, four case studies have been again purposely selected from the
central region of Asia the same way case studies have been selected in the different
regions of African continent.
The next preceding section examines perspectives on community participation in
conservation activities.
2. TYPOLOGY AND CHARACTERISTICS OF COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION
A host of conservation practitioners agree that appropriate community participation
ranges from non-participation through informing and consulting to citizen control. While
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Countries
some classify participation into four concepts, which include information sharing,
consultation, decision- making and initiating conservation action others simply classify
participation into cheap labour, cost sharing, contractual obligation and community
decision- making concepts (Whiteside, 1998). It has been argued that conservation project
managers seize the opportunity of available cheap labour in the rural communities to
reduce project cost while information sharing and consulting are also less than adequate
means of participation. However, there are instances where informing and consulting
with the potential land users can be sufficient. The optimum level of community
participation is that which gives communities sufficient control over their environment,
while at the same time sustaining the resources expanded by a community in exerting that
control (GoL, 1998). What is important to note is that every community has different
views on the degree(s) and type(s) of participation and on their appropriateness and
adequacy. In any case, the community’s willingness and ability to participate in
conservation activities depend on numerous factors. These are addressed later in this
section.
Meanwhile, worldwide experience suggests that conservation projects which have
included communities as partner participants at all stages of project development and
implementation imply real community participation. Community participation at the
level of decision- making ensures sustenance. Thus, the earlier community participation is
established in a conservation project, the greater the chances of ownership of land
resources are established, the greater the likelihood of a successful and sustained land
management and conservation is ensured. The process, where communities provide
labour and or materials and where decision- making thus becomes the responsibility of
professionals/government officers, negates real community participation. Community
participation is perceived at different and various levels. Whiteside (1994) classifies
participation into passive, information giving, consultation, incentive induced, functional,
interactive and self- mobilisation types of participation. The above classifications of
participation are explained in sub-sections 2.1 through 2.7.
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2.1 Passive participation
In passive participation, communities participate by being informed about what is going
to happen and about that which has already happened. The passive type of participation is
recognised by its unilateral announcements by land conservation project management
without their either listening to or considering the community’s responses. In this case,
information shared by communities about conservation projects comes only from external
professionals and/or government officers. This type of participation has led to conflicts
between local communities and government officers, which consequently resulted in the
abandonment of government conservation projects.
2.2 Participation in information giving
This happens when communities participate by responding to questions passed on to
them by researchers. These are usually done as baseline surveys carried out during the
process of identifying priority development projects. Communities do not have the
opportunities to share in the outcome of such government sponsored researches, because
the findings are neither shared nor verified by communities for accuracy of information
given by individual community members. This is a wrong approach and does not
represent real community participation. This poor practice has helped to increase the rate
of conflicts between local communities and government officers and has also contributed
to failures of several conservation attempts and projects.
2.3 Participation by consultation
This type of participation only entitles communities to be consulted by government
officers who identify and define both conservation problems and the solutions. The
consultative process does not concede any share of decision- making powers and
opportunities to local communities. Therefore, conservation professionals are under no
obligation to take on board the community’s views. This conventional approach
contradicts good practices offered by community-based conservation approaches because
mere consultation neither empowers nor generates sufficient incentives for community
participation.
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2.4 Participation for incentives
In this case, communities participate by providing resources such as labour in return for
food, cash and/or other material incentives. Much on- farm research falls into this
category because farmers provide the fields, but in most cases are not involved in the
experimentation or the process of learning. It is very common to accept this level of
community involvement even when communities have no stake in sustaining
conservation activities when provision of incentives ceases. The food- for-work and cash
type of incentives do not guarantee sustainability and also do not go down well with
community-based practices which depend wholly on community commitment and total
self-reliance.
2.5 Functional participation
Functional participation allows communities to participate by forming groups to meet
externally predetermined objectives tha t relate to community land conservation projects.
This type of participation does not start in the early stages of conservation project cycles;
rather, it starts after major conservation project implementation decisions have been
made. In this atmosphere, conservation groups tend to depend wholly on external
conservation initiators and facilitators. However, this participatory process sometimes
leads to self-dependence. Functional participation encourages interest groups with diverse
views and interests; it is also accepted as a starting point to actualise community-based
conservation programme.
2.6 Interactive participation
The interactive type of community participation permits communities to participate in
joint analysis of the land degradation situation, which leads in most cases to conservation
action plans. The interactive process involves interdisciplinary methodologies that
sometimes seek multiple perspectives. It also employs systematic and structured
learning, and in some cases capacity-building processes. In this process responsibilities
are shared and conservation groups take control over decisions that relate to conservation
activities, as well as management. This level of community involvement guarantees that
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Countries
people have a stake in maintaining conservation structures and practices that are in
keeping with sustainability. Interactive participation is positive for local communities if
they are initiated into the process from its commencement through to the completion
stage.
2.7 Self-mobilisation
Here the community participates through self- mobilisation, which involves taking
conservation initiatives independently of external institutions. In this way, community
conservation priority needs are initiated. This practice offers communities the
opportunities to develop contacts with external institutions for support while still
retaining control over land management and conservation. Contact with external
institutions facilitates a community’s conservation initiative as well as fostering capacity
building. Self- initiated land conservation programmes and self- mobilisation for collective
actions are appropriate conservation practices that would ensure successful community-
based conservation programme. This type of community participation also ensures
sustainability of a conservation project. If communities are not self- mobilised and
community priority conservation needs are not considered as foremost priorities, it
follows that sustainability of the conservation project is unthinkable.
The dominant types of participation in developing countries are: passive; information
giving; consultation; incentive, and functional participation. The types and
characteristics of community participation having been discussed, I next give an
overview of conservation management programmes in developing nations.
3. THE NATURE OF CONSERVATION AND MANAGEMENT PROGRAMMES
IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
The growing body of empirical evidence now indicates that the transfer of Western
as
conservation approaches to developing countries h indeed had adverse effects on the
food security and livelihoods of people living in and around protected areas and wildlife
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Chapter 3: An Overview Of Community Participation In Land Resources Conservation Initiatives In Developing
Countries
management schemes. Thus, the conventional style of protected area and wildlife
management usually results in high management cost to governments, with the majority
of benefits accruing to national, international and external interests (FAO, 1999). It has
also been acknowledged that those living in and around conservation areas have been
overlooked both during the planning and the management phases of conservation projects
(Summers, 1999). Indeed, people who live closest to such areas that are richest in bio-
diversity are sometimes economically the poorest (Borotho, 1998). Denying land
resource use to local people reduces incentive to conservation (Cock & Fig, 2002; Dladla,
1998; SANP, 2000; Sondergaard, 2000).
The management of protected areas has also resulted in conflicts, causing more harm to
bio-diversity than before Bhatt, (1998). The conventional approaches to protected areas
(PA’s) management is therefore no longer working. In the past, it was believed that
professional advice equipment and funds, combined with the top-down approaches of
governments, non-governmental organisations and donors would work conservation
magic. However, history has proved that much of this was wrong. The approach has
rather resulted in wasted resources and costly failures. Bhatt (1998) indicates that the
concept of conservation and management of land resource needs to be re-examined and
suggests innovative alternatives to conserving such areas. Borotho (1998) goes further to
stress that conservation managers should do more jobs as catalysts and facilitators to
assist the farmers in support of their particular conservation aspirations.
Besides managing and conserving protected areas, Anna (1991) notes that land users
have often been viewed as part of the conservation problems rather than part of potential
solutions. The local people have either been paid or forced to participate in conservation
projects carried out by governments (UNEP et al., 1998). Some have been reported, often
not to have understood government conservation schemes, and they were far too
concerned with the daily struggle to produce enough food to eat, to pay their debts and to
meet other commitments to be interested in imposed conservation programmes (Botha &
Fouch, 2000; IUCN et al., 1998; UNEP et al., 1998 & 2000;). It is now widely
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Countries
recognized that for land conservation to be successful it has to be willingly undertaken by
farmers and farming systems made an integral component of a productive farming system
rather than as a separate land management practice.
The deep conservation crisis and the top-down approach imposed on communities have
necessitated the need to search for alternative approaches to land conservation (Ghimire
& Pimbert, 1997; Pimbert & Pretty, 1998). Already, community involvement has
received attention from international and national conservation organisations. The most
important consideration for real community involvement is that the conventional
approaches have remained problematic, and unsustainable. The assumption has been that
the whole process of conservation ought to lead to local institution building, thereby,
enhancing the capacity of local people to take action on their own. The above, implies
that the existing official conservation institutions and professionals need to shift from
being project implementers to new roles which facilitate local people’s conservation
analysis, planning and action (Borotho, 1998; FAO, 1999; UNEP, 2002). Where this
happens, it is expected to bring in a new professionalism where conservation experts will
be required to learn and accept traditional conservation technologies and indigenous
knowledge and where necessary, initiate a process of blending both scientific and
traditional conservation technologies.
Issues that impinge on the practice of community-based conservation programmes can
therefore be deduced from the ongoing management of conservation initiatives in
developing countries. However, it may also be necessary to ask the following questions at
this point. Firstly, do local communities have all it takes to sustain land resources
conservation programmes considering the time it takes, the patience, financial and
material resources required? Secondly, do local communities have the capacity to
practice community-based conservation? Thirdly, would the governments’ technical
assistance be adequate enough support to local communities? Fourthly, can the
government also provide capacity building requirement to all local communities
considering local communities’ position about long-term land resource projects? Fifthly,
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what could be other kinds of assistance that the local communities would require from
government and donors to get involved in conservation activities? The above questions
remain central issues in this study and these are given attention in this chapter and in
Chapter Four.
The above has highlighted the nature of conventional management and conservation of
land resources in the developing nations. The next section discusses a few case studies
taken from Asia (see Annexure 3 for map indicating the areas). The selected case studies
discussed can be seen in section 4 through sub-sections 4.1 to 4.4.
4. THE ASIAN EXPERIENCE OF LAND RESOURCES CONSERVATION
In Asia, conservation attempts have been selected mainly from Central Asia. These are
briefly discussed under sub-sections 4.1 to 4.4.
4.1 India: Land rehabilitation work
A study of land rehabilitation work carried out in 82 villages in different parts of India by
Abrol & Sehgal (1994) reveals an uncontrolled disappearance of a number of plants and
trees species in the areas. The study points out that land degradation continued in these
areas primarily because of the huge populations of livestock and the associated
uncontrolled grazing and foraging that was far in excess of capacity. This is arguable,
considering India’s rural and urban population and the importance the people attach to
the keeping of animals and the socio-economic roles which animals play (Ayoub, 1999;
UNEP, 2002; Whiteside, 1998). The study further reveals that most farmers abandoned
their lands after they had repeatedly changed from the initial crop they were producing, to
produce more climate tolerant crops like rice (Abrol & Sehgal, 1994).
The small-scale farmers were often reluctant to comply with conservation measures such
as realigning their plot boundaries to conform with acceptable contour grades and to have
bunds within their fields because bunds take a considerable part of their land out of
cultivation (Abrol & Sehgal, 1994). The reluctant attitudes of the people to accept
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conservation measures demonstrate the fears the study has about the knowledge rural
communities have about modern conservation measures. It is known that a small- scale
farmer is only interested in improving the production of his food grains and income rather
than in conservation and complying with conservation measures. Therefore, unless the
farmer is convinced that la nd resources conservation will improve his production or in
some other ways help him to make a better use of his investment, efforts at reducing land
degradation are not a high priority (Abrol & Sehgal, 1994). But if a farmer is made to
realise that the benefits of complying with conservation measures is worth more than the
area of his farm land lost to such measures, he is very likely to comply because of the
expected reward and improved output. Thus, this may have been because farmers were
not convinced of the benefits accruable to them and again, because they had limited
resources to engage in the maintenance of conservation structures. Besides, selected
unemployed individuals were involved in the conservation programme and this only
provided them with temporary employment. This practice is identical to the on- going
UNDP Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction (EMPR) Project in Lesotho as
discussed in Chapter Four.
• Lessons learnt from land rehabilitation work in India
In India, farmers saw the conservation programmes as activities that provided temporary
employment to the rural unemployed rather than activities which developed cropland and
raised productivity. Comparatively, the programmes’ components are similar to the
EMPR Project in Lesotho, which tries to conserve land through unemployed youth school
dropouts, thereby capacitating them for conservation tasks. Participation in these projects
is selective and therefore does not represent good practices, which should aim at
community-based approaches. Apparently there was a lack of outreach programmes to
educate the farmers about the project’s components and its usefulness. It therefore means
that one of the wisest steps would have been to conscientise and educate the land users
about the positive and negative effects of their actions on land. In the programme, powers
were concentrated amongst landowners and the privileged few. The conservation
activities also excluded the entire population of lower caste and tribes in the management
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committees of conservation projects (Isaac & Mohamed, 2002; Kothari, Anuradha &
Palthak, 1998; MaJumdar, 1994). Kothari, Anuradha & Palthak (1998) say that a single
powerful individual can undermine the process of conservation, especially if such an
individual enjoys connections with powerful outside forces. The situation becomes worse
when those chieftains who had contacts with the kings, politicians and traders would sell
off lands and forest that their communities depended on. From the project experience, it
has been established that increasing individual autonomy, lack of knowledge, the
impracticability of modern environmental measures, the exclusion of lower castes and
tribes have contributed to the breakdown, the collapse of collective action, and the
eventual failures of land resources conservation programmes.
4.2 Pakistan: Preserving Biodiversity and Landscapes Project
Pakistan has a terrain with extremely high diversity of habitats and large numbers of
species found nowhere else in the world. There are over 1000 species of plants, including
wild relatives of apricots, walnuts, and a host of medicinal plants with pharmaceutical
potential (GEF/UNDP, 2002). Threats to this biological heritage include degradation of
high pastures, forest stands, overhunting and overgrazing. Due to rapid human population
growth and weakening of traditional common property management systems, traditional
conservation and rangeland management techniques have broken down in the area. In
response to the degradation, GEF/UNDP jointly sponsored a project, with a focus on
ecological landscape management. The project created four large conservancies that span
an area of some 163000km² (GEF/UNDP, 2002). The project’s main thrust was engaging
local communities through village conservation committees in the planning and
implementation of conservation activities.
The project management involved not only local leaders but also local women in
decision- making processes. The project also employed integrated traditional knowledge
and systems in its operations. The involvement of women in conservation issues in
Pakistan as demonstrated in this project is particularly exemplary. It is exemplary
because the people of Pakistan, based on their religion, Islam, frown on women’s
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activism. The project provided diverse economic benefits to communities through
provision of eco-tourism, sustainable small game and bird harvest, and non-timber forest
products, and so on. The project also established village conservation funds, which
allowed such funds from sustainable harvest of wild resources to be invested in income
redistribution for community services and small infrastructural projects.
• Lessons learnt from Preserving Biodiversity and Landscapes Project in Pakistan
One of the lessons learnt here is first, that even if traditional common property systems
have disappeared in an area, it is nonetheless possible to replace such systems with new
forms of common property management to promote sustainable land resource
management practices. Second, that if women can be brought out of their religious,
secluded type of life styles in some households in Pakistan to participate in conservation
activities, then, elsewhere in the world where women are not thus forced into seclusion
they can easily be mobilised to participate. Third, that the experience of one region can
be successfully practiced in another region. This means that even if a common property
management system has broken down in a particular area, alternative forms of
management style practiced elsewhere can be introduced and practiced successfully.
What is important therefore, is to design ways and means of attracting people centered
management styles, while implementing community priority conservation projects.
4.3 Turkmenistan: Human interventions to Tedzhen ecological disaster
The ecological degradation of Tedzhen in Turkmenistan and the human interventions
were of interest to this study because, they reveal some broad factors that stimulate land
degradation. According to Kharin (1997) flat topography, heavy mechanical composition
of soil, salinisation, waterlogging, insufficient lengths of drainage network and
overgrazing of rangelands are some of the factors that stimulate land degradation. Other
factors include: drainage constructed to earth’s beds; the use of heavy tractors; the
absence of crop rotation and manure; planted trees and shrubs which dies under
conditions of saline soil and salitised ground water.
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Kharin (1997) however, failed to recognise that, as people migrate from a particular
place, such exhausted lands are left fallow to experience the process of natural
rehabilitation and reclamation. This period of being left fallow is a necessary condition
for the natural process of rehabilitation and reclamation. Both government officers and
local inhabitants require this knowledge and understanding of natural rehabilitation
processes. The concern of this study is that the natural rehabilitation process was neither
visible nor progressive. This can be attributed to the poor level of peoples’ involvement
in the processes. It could also have been attributed to the fact that, as people migrated,
others immediately occupied such lands. The tenure system allows this. In the absence of
the impact of human population, livestock farmers continued to graze animals on such
fallow lands. Water and wind erosion also had much impact. What must be done to
strengthen the natural reclamation process is to activate human support mechanisms.
• Lessons learnt from human interventions in the Ecological Disaster Project in
Turkmenistan
The major lesson learnt in this study is that lands left fallow need not be treated as
abandoned lands. Such lands require human reclamation interventions and support. Total
neglect of such lands expresses people’s ignorance about land resources regeneration and
rehabilitation measures. Human support mechanisms are needed to ensure the survival of
natural process of land rehabilitation. A mere period of fallow does not really ensure
immediate and/or short-term natural rehabilitation of degraded lands. The negative
impact on land caused by refugee settlements should now be recognised because of the
increasing incidence of refugee settlements in Africa. Therefore, the process of land
resources conservation should also consider the negative impact of land resource
degradation caused by the induced migration of people.
4.4 Nepal: Annapurna Empowerment Conservation Project
Annapurna Empowerment Conservation Project in Nepal had a policy of giving
preferential employment to local people. The project had both conservation and income
generation components and attracted a high level of people’s involvement. This policy of
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Countries
preferential employment was targeted to establish a people-oriented type of project. The
project components exposed local people to different conservation training programmes.
GEF/UNDP (2002) revealed that 65% of the project staff were local people, and, of
these, 19% were women. The conservation and development committees (CDCs) of the
project were authorised to issue permits to people to harvest timber or non-timber forest
products for payment of a fee. The committee also charged people for illegal hunting,
fishing and felling of trees. All the revenue collected from the initiatives was kept in the
CDC fund for use for conservation and development activities in the area. Fees were
introduced to raise funds to sustain development and conservation activities. The fee
which the project charged remained significant because it entrenched the value of land in
economic terms rather than inculcate into people the attitude and strong belief that land is
a free gift of nature and therefore, should not be valued in economic terms. Above all, the
projects incentive component attracted reasonable community participation.
• Lessons learnt from Annapurna Empowerment Conservation Project in Nepal
No matter how attractive the project incentives were, such incentives limited the number
of participants. This was because only beneficiaries participated in the project. The
incentive package aimed at only selected participants instead at the beneficiary
community. However, the revenue generating components designed to sustain the project
and other allied development activities is a lesson that needs to be replicated elsewhere.
Noteworthy are some of the sustainable project practices. For instance, the project offered
to replace the trees harvested, as an act of reforestation. (The act of deforestation for
development of other sectors in a way actually means an act of “robbing Peter to pay
Paul”). Yet all, the project did not also meet the standard of community-centred
conservation programme, which it was designed to practise.
5. THE AFRICAN EXPERIENCE OF LAND RESOURCES CONSERVATION
In an exploration of the African experience in land resources conservation activities, this
study purposely selected cases from the west, east, north and south of the continent for
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study. In the west, Nigeria, Niger, Senegal and Mali were selected, while in the east,
Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. Sudan, Madagascar and Morocco were sele cted in the
central and north Africa. Zimbabwe and South Africa were studied in the south.
5.1 Nigeria: Forestation project in Kano and Jigawa states
The Nigerian government and the local communities in Kano and Jigawa states
implemented a forestation project with funds from the World Bank and the project hosts.
Kano and Jigawa states are in the northern part of Nigeria and the area has low rainfall
and poor soil fertility and lies in the Sudan Savannah zone. As a result of the
geographical zone of both Kano and Jigawa states, the area suffers from low vegetative
cover, severe wind and water erosion, and arable land decreases as a result of extensive
grazing in the area. The forestation project was therefore initiated to address the degraded
land. In remedying the situation, the project implemented an integrated, multi-pronged
approach to forestation, which combined shelterbelt, windbreak, wood lot and orchard
creation with natural regeneration (UNEP, 2000). The project components were targeted
to increase fuel wood, construction timber supplies and to provide additional fodder. It
also offered incentives to farmers, promoted community mobilisation and involvement in
forestation activities. The controlled access into shelterbelts was ensured by the
introduction of guards into the project management structure.
• Lessons learnt from the forestation project in Kano and Jigawa states in Nigeria
The project was able to increase vegetative cover and it improved the soil fertility of the
project area through farm-based activities. It increased fuel wood and timber availability
both for use and for sale. It also generated income for the people by providing people
employment opportunities. Community organisations were encouraged by the credit
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facility made available t the people through farmers associations. The project also
gained support from different levels of government through extension services and
training inputs. Support for the project from traditional leaders (the Emirs) encouraged
massive local community participation. It must especially be noted that, apart from the
support received from both the government and traditional leaders, that the project’s
policy of decentralisation of powers to the level of the local community worked well.
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Also, individual farmers embraced the project initiative after having learnt from the
project’s demonstration/pilot projects. The common problems, experienced in similar
projects such as conflicts, infighting, and domination by government officers did not
feature. The project, therefore, remained an exemplary project for the successful
implementation of joint management, which is being replicated in some neighbouring
communities in Nigeria. Above all, the co-operation exhibited by local communities and
government officers in the project remains healthy and worthy of emulation for the
survival of similar conservation projects. Therefore, successful entrenchment of
community-centred approaches into conservation initiatives, as practised in this project,
need to be replicated by other conservation programmes initiated by both government and
local communities.
5.2 Niger Republic: Experience of land conservation
A study on Niger Republic by the FAO (1999) revealed how badly central southern
Niger, the Keita Valley, was pressured into desertification due to increased population.
According to FAO (1999), less than one-fifth of the province’s land has been degraded.
The degradation resulted in scarcity of land and in the fragmentation of lands. The
marrying of old and new technological initiatives, as well as the joint management by the
Food and Agricultural Organisation, the Niger Republic Government and the beneficiary
communities are of particular interest to the present study. The project’s technology was
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to ensure that water stays i the soil where it falls, rather than running off to cause
damage on land elsewhere. The integrated development project was designed to
rehabilitate the degraded Keita Valley. During the project implementation, the people
were made to carry out the routine work of checking conservation work as well as
maintaining conservation structures. Based on the level of the people’s involvement in
the project, a new community spirit was born, high levels of vegetative cover and crop
growth were achieved in areas where there were dunes and rocks.
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• Lessons learnt from land conservation in Niger Republic
The successful marrying of old and new technologies was turned into a simple idea which
needs to be replicated elsewhere, particularly in a country like Lesotho. Aggressive
opposition to a top-down approach was also a crucial step in the project yet, the move to
displace and restrict the influence of professionals in the project was too drastic.
Empowerment, decentralisation and involvement of people are nevertheless paramount,
but the role of experts in conservation cannot and should not be completely ignored.
What is needed is an integrated approach which focuses on mobilising local people with
their practical conservation initiative and knowledge in the process. No doubt, the
successful integration of proven conservation expertise and local knowledge is very
likely to yield good results and also ensure the sustainability of conservation initiatives.
5.3 Senegal: Ecosystem management
Senegal experienced severe land degradation in the savanna and dry forest due to
expanding human settlement increasing cultivation, logging and deforestation, excessive
fuel wood harvesting and uncontrolled bush fires. Mangrove harvesting also reduced the
mangrove cover by 10% yearly. Indeed, combinations of the above factors resulted in the
degradation of 250,000 hectares of savanna and 80,000 of Senegal rangeland yearly
(GEF/UNDP, 2002). As a result of the escalating land degradation, GEF/UNDP launched
a community-based Integrated Ecosystem Management (IEM) of four landscapes
selected to represent the four major Senegalese ecosystems. The landscapes purposely
consist of three inter- linked units, which include protected area, community nature
reserves, and village territories. The project applies the model of integrated community-
based conservation approaches. The project’s integrated approaches encourage
decentralised structure which permits three inter-related benefits to include conservation
of biodiversity, mitigation of land degradation and partnership of local communities,
government, and bilateral and multilateral donors. In fact, a joint management system
was established by incorporating all stakeholders.
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• Lessons learnt from ecosystem management in Senegal
The project could have been a total failure if planners had excluded the people and other
stakeholders from the process. Not much was known about the project’s achievement on
the ground, but the experience of successfully working together (joint- management)
between the government and local communities in a government-initiated conservation
programme remains a lesson. This can be done elsewhere as long as good practices are
kept in principle and in practice.
5.4 Mali: Conservation Capacity Building Project
With financial support from the Norwegian Government and the United Nations
Development Programme the International Labour Organisation (ILO), and the Forest
and Water Department of Mali, implemented a capacity building project in the Kita
district of the Republic of Mali. One of the objectives of the project was to strengthen the
organisational capacities of the population to enable the people to take more
responsibilities for the management of their land. Thus, the project gradually introduced
the rural populace to forest mana gement and exploitation, which was initially under the
complete control of the Forest Office. Within a few years of the project’s inception, the
village associations could buy a permit to cut and collect wood in the classified or
protected forest area, provided that they agreed to respect the instructions specified in the
contract. The permits provided for a levy on the wood extracted. Such levies contributed
to the development of forest management and community development funds
(ILO/UNDP, 1995). The benefits of the sustained forest utilisation spread to the wider
community while also, increasing rural incomes and employment opportunities
(ILO/UNDP, 1995). The project did not only concentrate on capacity building of the
local communities, but it also resulted in sustained conservation aided by income-
generation programmes, the proceeds at which are routinely re- invested into conservation
activities.
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• Lessons learnt from Conservation Capacity Building Project in Mali
One of the important lessons learnt in the project’s implementation is the outcome of the
income-generating and fund raising components, which led to eventual project
sustenance as well as further rural/community development activities in the area. It also
shows that local communities can successfully carry out conservation programmes with
technical and financial support from the government. A few success stories of co-
management of this nature give clear indication that community-based land resources
conservation can be successfully practised if all the necessary processes, tool, materials,
funds and human resources available are mobilised advantageously.
5.5 Kenya: Protection of ancestral Ogiek forest
The eviction of Ogiek community in Kenya from the forest area where they had lived for
a hundred years attracted this study. This is because of the study’s quest to determine the
relationship between local communities and government with regard to conservation
activities. The study also wanted to examine the benefits derived by those who live
closest to nature reserves and how external stakeholders treat them. Ogiek community
took Kenyan Government to court in the year 2000 (Wily & Mbaya, 2001). The Ogiek
community gathered support from several human rights groups in Kenya and all others
who condemned the government‘s act of deforestation on their protected ancestral trees,
home, land and their bee-keeping interests. As record has it, the Government of Kenya
gazetted the Ogiek forest as protected area only one year before the eviction notice was
served on the tiny Ogiek community (BBC, 2002).
The decision to evict Ogiek community was solely and unilaterally governmental (BBC,
2002; Wily & Mbaya, 2001). In an ideal situation, the government would have dialogued
with Ogiek people to suggest and propose a possible relocation programme instead of the
forceful eviction. Beside the sudden act of eviction, it is noted with regret, that no
environmental compliance measures were proposed to re-afforest the land area which the
Kenyan government intended to destroy. The value of the protection the Ogiek
community provided to the forest for about 70 years was minimised in that government
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exaggerated the loss of forest (Wily & Mbaya, 2001).
• Lessons learnt from the protection of ancestral forest in Kenya
Ogiek’s protest through the courts alongside the public outcries to solicit public support
are civilized attempts to mobilise for community participation. As a result of the apparent
lack of trust on the governments genuine support for conservation, Ogiek community
were very fearful that they may not be resettled in a habitable environment. The Kenyan
Government is unlike the Indian Government which employs some good practices of re-
forestation development of equal size to replace any forest destroyed for deve lopment
purposes. The study therefore argues that the Kenyan Government should emulate the
Indian Government and should also provide alternative forestation programmes to replace
any forest destroyed, so as to avoid protests and conflicts between local communities and
government agencies.
5.6 Kenya: Turkana land management and conservation
Darkoh & Hjort-of-Ornas (1996), who studied Turkana land management and
conservation, drew people’s attention to the role and potential of rural producers and
local organisations in land management. The Turkana project employed the traditional
approach to land management, while focusing on the pastoralists in northern Kenya. The
project design showed a complete shift from the autocratic nature to land management, to
a community-centred approach which promotes traditional knowledge and mechanisms
that were formerly lacking amongst local community members. The lack of knowledge
about the traditional measures was attributed to earlier colonial pressure and domination.
While the Turkana project advocated for the promotion of indigenous knowledge, as well
as grassroots conservation initiative, it was identified that land tenure systems, customary
laws and property rights are some of the problems that hinge on community participation
(Darkoh & Hjort-of-Onas, 1996). The study of the Turkana conservation project
depended solely on primary sources of data to identify the roles the local communities
could play in land management and conservation.
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• Lessons learnt from Turkana land management and conservation in Kenya
Despite the role expectations of Turkana local communities, the study failed to offer
solutions as to how Turkana communities could be involved in land resource
management. This study has established that, unless the local people are brought in to
participate at the right time, securing actual community participation in a conservation
project may remain problematic. One of the lessons also learnt in the Turkana project is
that there is hope that indigenous knowledge can be successfully used to tackle land
degradation problems if communities are properly mobilised, capacitated, reassured and
given some confidence that they can be dependable. Above all, it is also necessary to
further extend outreach programmes to local communities, focusing on conservation
measures and providing them alternative good practices to conservation.
5.7 Tanzania: Community-based land conservation
In Tanzania, Arusha and Singida villages developed land management and conservation
strategies thats are based on geographical and political divisions. The project made
demarcations of each village forest into sustainable use, grazing and protection zones.
Communities within the project areas provided guards who patrolled round the forest.
Each village also elected a village forest committee to promote forest management. Plans
and rules were laid down to promote and protect the forest and these were incorporated
into individual village by- laws (GEF/UNDP, 2002). The outcome of the high level of
community participation in the projects is that the known destructive activities such as
encroachment and charcoal burning in the protected areas were stopped without the
government and the sponsor agencies having to spend much. The involvement of the
entire community, and the freedom the local communities had to institute committees
with shared responsibilities are part of the good practices of managing and conserving of
land.
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• Lessons learnt from community-based land resources conservation experience in
Tanzania
The willingness of the people to participate without much in the form of financial
incentives is an especially noteworthy lesson. This may be attributed to the fact that the
project is a purely community- initiated project. The project did not provide any
immediate reward, yet much was derived from forest development programmes. Land for
forest development did not pose a problem and government institutions also did not make
draconian policies restricting community participation. The impact made by the project
acknowledges the arguments that land scarcity, inadequate benefits sharing, and
governments’ conventional and autocratic approaches hinder community participation in
conservation programmes.
5.8 Uganda: Park management experience
In Uganda, the links between environment and population densities surrounding parks
was addressed by the Cooperative and Relief Everywhere (CARE) project in the Bwindi
and Mgahing National Park areas. The integrated conservation project was started when
the people realised that conservation of the areas would be impossible if the local
population continued to grow at the usual rate of between 2-3% per annum (UNNGLS,
2000). Due to the population growth rate, an area was marked out from the protected
areas for farming. The measure provided the people adequate area to farm without further
trespassing into the protected zone. The revenue generated from entrance fees, guide fees,
camping and gorilla tracking in Bwindi Natural Park are used to support community
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development projects i the 21 Parishes surrounding the park (UNNGLS, 2000). The
Park Management Advisory Committee (PMAC) allocates funds to projects that are
viable and that meet the budgetary allocation of the park. It also considers those projects
which are in compliance with the environmental objectives of the area. These ensure the
sustainability of the national park.
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• Lessons learnt from park management experience in Uganda
Conflicts between the people and park management are avoided and project sustenance is
assured as a result of peoples’ real involvement. Worthy of emulation is the act of
utilising funds generated from parks for the development of the project area. The project
is also in line with the popular villagisation programme in Uganda where people were
resettled on virgin lands. Despite the problems that emanated from the exercise, it served
as a genuine means of sustaining land resources. The model also encouraged the idea of
opening up new and virgin land for settlements with conscious environmental compliance
and concerns. It is therefore learnt that the model is both futuristic and sustaining. It is
also a shift from the unplanned settlement pattern of over-crowding a particular place and
thereby putting much pressure on the available land. The lesson is that providing too
much land for conservation without enough being suitable for human survival can also
jeopardise conservation attempts. The success of the project makes it replicable in
Lesotho.
5.9 Sudan: Rehabilitation of community rangelands
Sudan’s rangelands cover over 60% of the country’s total land surface. The rangelands
feed the largest population of livestock in Africa (GEF/UNDP, 2002). The rangelands
were severely degraded as a result of overgrazing, which resulted in the decline in
livestock production in Sudan. In general, Sudan’s vegetation also experienced
overharvesting of forest products such as timber and fuel wood. Also, as a result of the
overharvesting, GEF/UNDP set up a rehabilitation project to help the local inhabitants of
the areas to rehabilitate particularly their rangelands. The rehabilitation project relied
largely on the capabilities of the local communities. The project also laid emphasis on
ensuring the participation of women and the poor. On the whole, the project engaged 73
technical assistants and 2400 local participants (GEF/UNDP, 2002). Individual grazing
allotments were made while strengthening local capacities and legal rights for rangeland
monitoring and management. To reduce the pressure on cultivated lands, the project
provided alternative sources of income to local communities as incentives to participate
in the project. Such incentives included: providing a revolving cash fund to secure better
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quality seedlings, bore holes and installation of water pumps to reinvigorate the women’s
home gardens which supplement diets and incomes. Specific land rehabilitation activities
in the project include the planting of trees and grasses to create 195 km of stabilising
windbreaks, developing community-based land use management plans and so on
(GEF/UNDP, 2002).
• Lessons learnt from rehabilitation of community rangelands in the Sudan
The lessons learnt in this project are the following: firstly, that the people can convert
marginal agricultural land to rangelands; secondly, that the people can control land
degradation, especially when sustainable incentives are made available to them; thirdly,
that the participation of women and the very poor are important in any land resources
conservation project. Successes were recorded despite the fact that the project was not
locally initiated. It is therefore noteworthy that the level of cooperation between the
people and the project officers deserves to be replicated in other conservation projects
around sub-Saharan Africa. It could possibly have been a total failure if the local
communities had not been brought into the project at an earlier stage. Above all, the
sustainable type of incentives (income generation scheme) offered by the project helped
to sustain people’s participation in the project.
5.10 Madagascar: Sustained conservation
UNEP (2002) reveals that the people of Andranomalaza in Madagascar were stopped
from collecting honey in Zahamena Integral Natural Reserve (ZINR) because the reserve
authority realised that the people were causing bush burning in the process. Instead, the
people were helped by the park authority to develop bee-keeping techniques outside the
reserve. One of the activities of the Zahamena Conservation Area Project (ZCAP) was to
increase the greenish or vegetative cover through a community plantation programme in
the fallow and in community lands. The local communities graze their livestock in the
fallow lands but once an area is designated as plantation, access to free grazing of
livestock on such land is lost. In such a situation new land for grazing is provided, this is
being done to compensate both those who harvest grasses and others who are directly
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affected by the development.
• Lessons learnt from a sustained conservation project in Madagascar
The alternative bee-keeping initiated outside the protected area is an accepted means of
averting human- induced degradation in a protected area. Again, the compensational
measure for lands acquired for other developmental purposes, as practiced in India, also
promotes sustainability of land resources. The projects’ implementation also gives the
neighbouring communities reassurance and confidence in the manner government
adhered to conservation principles while also looking to the welfare of local inhabitants
rather than only the protection of forest and wildlife.
5.11 Madagascar: Land management experience
Madagascar has been selected for scrutiny because of its high rates of deforestation and
government attempts to create national park reserves and sanctuaries. The plan was
carried out principally to reduce conflicts over parks and reserves. This was also because
it had been observed that local communities in Madagascar were neither consulted during
planning process, nor reaped the benefits of park reserves and sanctuaries. Instead, the
local communities were considered to be the principal agents of reserve destruction
(Ghimire, 1994). The two national parks studied included: Mananara Biosphere Project
and Montagne d’Ambre National Park in Madagascar. Mananara Biosphere Project was
started in 1988. It is located on the northeast coast of Madagascar and is spread over an
area of nearly 140 000 ha. Montagne d’Ambre National Park acquired national park
status in 1958. It is located in the extreme north of Madagascar and has 18 200 ha,
excluding the buffer zone.
Local communities in Madagascar have experienced increasing restrictions on their forest
areas, and the priorities of the park authorities clearly do not correspond to the need of
the local inhabitants. Most of rural dwellers lack the political means to advance their
interests effectively and there has been prolonged discontent with the management of
reserves in Madagascar. However, this is not peculiar to Madagascar only (see
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Boonzaaier, 1998; Cock & Fig, 2000; Dladla, 1998; Ghimire, 1994; Hoare & Du Toit,
1999; Mohammed, 2001; Sibanda, 1996; and Summers, 1999).
• Lessons learnt from land management experience in Madagascar
Some of the lessons learnt are that the consequence of the non- involvement of local
communities in managing national parks, reserves and sanctuaries is that the government
needs to spend considerable sums of money in administering and policing such areas.
This, therefore, implies considerable financial pressure on the government. By involving
local communities in park management activities, the costs of policing are reduced
(Ghimire, 1994; Mohammed, 2001). It has also been learnt that for effective management
to be effected, increasing the number of trained forest guards becomes essential, and
radios, automatic weapons, vehicles and helicopters have to be procured, (Ghimire,
1994). In fact, real mobilisation towards community participation would be cost effective.
It would also be more practicable and workable, and this would then ensure the
sustainability of the conservation project.
5.12 Morocco: Empowering traditional pastoralists
In the high Atlas Mountain of Morocco, the type of settlement of people caused dramatic
deterioration of habitats. The rate of deterioration of habitats experienced was a result of
over-cultivation around the settlements. This eventually gave rise to the conversion of
rangeland to marginal cropland. Moreover, reduction of livestock mobility and fuel wood
extraction in the area also resulted in indiscriminate access to pasture which resulted in
escalation of overgrazing and also in unsustainable settlement in marginal lands. Due to
these problems, GEF/UNDP designed a project that allows people to settle on appropriate
and habitable sites while keeping their livestock moving. The project emphasises
traditional expertise and knowledge: the communities plan and implement conservation
strategies that balance human settlements with nomadic needs. The project has re-
established common property regimes, provided attractive incentives, and re-inforced
pastoral organisations to ensure ownership. It has also stopped illegal hunting of wild
fauna, and guides have been trained to guard the protected areas.
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• Lessons learnt from the Empowering Traditional Pastoralists Project in
Morocco
The project shows that well-organised and planned settlement based on environmental
consideration is one of the most appropriate steps towards land resources conservation in
arid lands. The project also proves that integrating of traditional knowledge into
government environment policies and legislative framework can be useful (GEF/UNDP,
2002:4). The Moroccan experience established the fact that integrating traditional
knowledge and government systems with regard to land conservation could provide
wonderful results. The integrated management approach can also be made successful in
similar conservation projects, if appropriately designed to bring all stakeholders on board
in the initial stages of any conservation project.
5.13 Zimbabwe: Communal area ma nagement programme for indigenous resources
(CAMPFIRE)
The CAMPFIRE programme is a Zimbabwean response to the requirements of
community-based land management, which actually combines conservation and
sustainable use of land. It is a national programme, which gives local communities
control of the land in their area. Zimbabweans love their trees, animals and forests and
they feel obliged to conserve them, both for their spiritual well-being and for that of
future generations of Zimbabweans. Through the CAMPFIRE programme, the people
were able to reawaken their spiritual and economic interests of living with wildlife. It is
also wise to acknowledge that one of the significant resources with high income-
generating potential in Zimbabwe, is wildlife.
However, the local communities view the keeping of elephants as unsustainable because
the land does not have the carrying capacity to sustain the massive elephant population in
Zimbabwe. This is also because elephants rip up tree trunks, destroy park vegetation,
ravage farmland and terrorise villagers outside park boundaries. Above all, elephants
account for more than 75% of the crop-raiding incidents attributed to large mammals in
eastern and southern Africa (Summers, 1999). CAMPFIRE helped to pave way for the
local communities to begin to exercise some control over the management of wildlife
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resources. The programme also acknowledged the fact that community-based
conservation can be implemented easily in small, homogeneous communities (Summers,
1999). Above all, the institutional structures developed for this purpose also helped to
facilitate ownership and management of land, which eventually facilitated return of
benefits to the producer communities. However, whether the local communities, whose
land is destroyed by the wildlife, can continue to sustain the same wildlife to
continuously destroy their land is debateable. It is important that special reserves be
developed for the elephant population rather than to allow these elephant uncontrolled
freedom to degrade lands. Through community-based approaches, wildlife and other land
resources can be conserved with a minimum of land degradation.
• Lessons learnt from Zimbabwe CAMPFIRE programme
One of the lessons learnt is that the programme did not provide for grass-root decision-
making and management of land, nor, as a result, did it actualise real participatory
approach in its implementation (see Du Toit, 1999; Summers, 1999). Sibanda (1996)
also notes that the programme failed to adhere to the participatory approach, and stressed
that the intended villages (communities) were yet to be granted ‘appropriate authority’.
Also, the programme was said to be district-based and not community-based. The elected
authority’s refusal to pass on wildlife revenues to the communities was apparent and this
refusal led to both hostility and increased intolerance to wildlife, and also a continued
lack of communal environmental controls (Songorwa, 1999). However bold and
progressive this programme has been, the current land invasion in Zimbabwe has made it
impracticable. The communal interest and approaches to conservation of land resources
have been superseded by the current situation where individuals are grabbing lands
without heading environmental concerns. This act of land invasion has not only destroyed
the CAMPFIRE programme, but it has overturned the country’s decades of land
resources conservation measures. Above all, it is not possible to conserve land resources
in a community where land invasion is encouraged. Thus, land invasion does not help in
any professional way to ensure conservation of land resources.
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5.14 South African: Land resources management and conservation experience
A series of studies have been carried out in the area of land resources conservation in
South Africa. But for the purpose of this study, the management of protected areas in
form of national parks will be restricted to general comments. For further, more detailed
comment, the Richtersveld National Park with co- management experience will receive
fuller attention. The Richtersveld National Park is selected for discussion because
Richtersveld has some characteristic features corresponding to protected areas in
Lesotho. Such features include the mountainous nature of Richtersveld, the level of
peoples’ dependence on land resources, and, above all, the under-developed
infrastructural provision around the park environment itself.
• Management of protected areas
South Africa provides modest practices in the management of protected areas in the
African region. Its modesty is comparable to that of the western world. To be specific, the
country’s attempts to strengthen stakeholders in the management of protected areas and
to capacitate particularly the neighbouring local communities have been very positive.
The increasing numbers of protected areas and conservation awareness measures have
also set the pace for others to follow. However, the country’s attempts to actualise
community-based management have not been fully realised. This is so because in South
Africa, the current National Park Policy environment does not provide an entirely fertile
ground for community involvement. Community partnering has not been adequately
conceptualised and the National Parks Act appears to have other more important
priorities than actually working with the entire community (SANP, 2000). The National
Parks Act of 1976 (with later amendments) provides that no one but an official of SANP
may collect any non-acquatic plant, nor any part of a plant (including wood) nor collect,
capture or kill any non-acquatic animal without being accompanied by SANP officials
(SANP, 2000). Therefore, unsupervised collection would remain illegal in South African
parks and this further means restricting neighbouring community members’ access to
such resources. This being so, some communities in South Africa view park development
as a “two-headed phenomenon”: development that offers them assistance and cooperation
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while at the same time keeping them out of the park in fence and control units (SANP,
2000). Access to such resources and land claims around most protected areas are
unresolved and nagging issues in the management of national parks. The perception of
some affected communities is that SANP is delaying the land claims process. This kind
of perception creates suspicion amongst community members, thus affecting their level
of participation in park management.
Examples of cases where such problems are impacting on community/park relationships
are: first, the Kgalagadi Trans-frontier Park, where both the Mier and the Khomani
communities have made successful claims; second is the Kruger National Park, where the
Makuleke community has regained the right to the land it was forcibly removed from in
the 1960s; third, is the Augrabies Falls National Park, where is sues of access and rights to
land are still pending (SANP, 2000).
The manipulation of the local people by national park officers has been made possible
because of stakeholders’ difficulty to speak in one voice. This is made worse by the
heterogeneous nature of some South African communities. The people have different
views based on their geographical origin, background and their belonging to a different
cultural grouping. These factors have never favoured attempts to actualise community
involvement in land resources conservation (Cock & Fig, 2000). Some local
communities do not know what they are entitled to expect, even if community’s rights are
entrenched in international conventions such as: Biodiversity Convention; the
International Convention on Human Rights; the Indigenous Peoples’ Convention, as well
as the South African Constitution. Without this knowledge, local communities and
communities adjacent to parks can hardly capitalise on the following preferential
treatment, which they would have benefited from SANP authority:
• Preferred selection for employment in the park
• Preferred suppliers for goods and services in the parks
• A certain proportion of revenue generated in the park for investment in projects
• A certain proportion of resource generated in the park, e.g. game meat, thatching
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grass or medicinal plants (SANP, 2000:259)
In summary, therefore, it is safe to say that co- management is entrenched in South
African Park Management policy frameworks, but the willingness of the state to
relinquish powers in actual practice still remains a problem. Equal partnership between
local communities and national parks has been impossible because the relationship is at
best, unequal, as the control of resource rests with National Parks officers. Currently the
majority of South Africans are subjected to a double exclusion from national parks. These
include exclusion from recreational and educational opportunities provided by parks and
also exclusion from decision- making (Cock & Fig, 2000). Neighbouring communities
are viewed as poachers, competition for land and water resource, and their poverty levels
are regarded to be an embarrassment to tourism. There is a need for conservation
initiatives that are both people-centred, and which concentrate on improving human
conditions. Despite these views of (Cock & Fig, 2000 and SANP, 2001), it is important to
note that uncontrolled access to national parks would amount to distortion of the
conserved ecosystem. A conservation area needs some level of controlled access. This is
to monitor harvesting and the use of the land resources therein.
• Lessons learnt from the management of protected areas in South Africa
The nature of the relationship between local communities and SANP needs to change
fundamentally (Dladla, 1998; Mohamed, 2001). Officers involved in conservation
programme development and implementation exercise considerable power over local
communities. This management style is not a good practice to sustain protected areas. It
is important at this point to emphasise that to maintain the variety, vitality, diversity and
productivity of nature reserves in South Africa, conservation based on real community-
based approaches must be adhered to.
• Co-management of the Richtersveld National Park
Notably, the people of the Richtersveld are among some of the poorest people in South
Africa. Both infrastructure and service provision are under-developed in the park
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environment, and an estimated 4000 inhabitants of the Richtersveld depend on the natural
resources of the area for their livelihoods (SANP, 2000). The Richtersveld is a
mountainous desert environment but biologically wealthy. The area has also been under
pressure from increased grazing (Mohammed, 2001). Conservation potentials of the
Richtersveld areas are being capitalised on by a variety of actors. Above all, it has been
short- listed on South Africa’s submission of World Heritage sites as the proposed ‘Trans-
frontier conservation Area’ (SANP, 2000).
• Management team of Richtersveld National Park
The co-management arrangement that oversees the Richtersveld National Park involves
the constitution of the Bestuurplankomitee (BPK) meaning the joint structure. The
management of the Richtersveld National Park is characterised by exclusion of the local
communities who regard their exclusion with negative sentiments, which consequently
results in vehement opposition from the local inhabitants. The community representatives
are elected into the committee on a biennial basis and the committee meets four times a
year. There is also, an action committee that implements the decisions taken at the BPK
meetings. Members of the action committee include community representatives and the
park warden. One of the most challenging tasks is to address the lack of clarity about the
roles and functions of the different partners. The Richtersveld communities are not dually
represented in the BPK because four of the five community representatives are stock
farmers who represent the interests of stock farmers rather than the interests of the entire
Richtersveld community. The local community representatives’ knowledge of
conservation also remains questionable because they find it difficult to understand the
economic terms used at meetings by SANP officials (Mohammed, 2001). This position
has in practise, made SANP the lead partner of Richtersveld National Park management
and conservation.
• Management problems
Issues relating to mining, grazing plan, compensation, logistical arrangements such as,
for example the cost of attending meetings and a sitting allowance, as well as
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unemployment, could not be resolved because of committee members’ ignorance about
how to deal with such matters. These are some of the implications of selecting persons
who have no knowledge of conservation management; (see Boonzaaier, 1998;
Mohammed, 2001; and SANP, 2000). The Richtersveld National Park has to date, not
been able to capitalise on the opportunities offered by co-management. This is because
the management has not displayed meaningful sharing of powers in the areas of
respons ibilities, authorities and decision-making powers. Thus, problems pertaining to
capacity building, low legitimacy, authority, and particularly the as yet undefined
responsibilities of the local representative, remain major issues (SANP, 2000). Many
would agree that there has been no shift in power from state to local communities despite
the much-talked-about decentralisation and empowerment of the grassroots in the
management of the national park. However, it has been a bold and positive attempt to
involve neighbouring communities in the management of the national park, even if such
communities have been inactive members of the management committee. This researcher
supports the attempt made and therefore argues that even if real community involvement
has not been realised, it does not mean that actual community participation will not
eventually be realised. The study further argues that the co- management attempt needs to
be encouraged and that it be given a longer period so as to exhaust all means of making it
work for the betterment of the local communities, as well as for the stakeholders. This is
based on the assumption that the local communities may, given time, identify some
enlightened persons who can effectively represent them in the management committees.
This will enhance local communities’ meaningful contributions to the management of
national parks, while protecting the interests of the entire Richtersveld community.
• Lessons learnt from co-management experience of the Richtersveld National
Park
Some of the lessons learnt include the lesson that co- management does not work unless
concrete agreements are made and spelt out amongst stakeholders. Shared responsibilities
among stakeholders need to be well demarcated and members also need to know this
well. People chosen to represent the Richtersveld community in the management
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committee are neither capable nor representative. Community participation should not be
passive and selective. Even where such persons are elected, capable and knowledgeable
persons need to be chosen by the people. Another lesson is that local communities need
to be educated on the choice of persons SANP would want to work with. This can be
done through facilitating local community meetings.
6. A GENERAL OVERVIEW OF LESSONS LEARNT
In general, it is to be noted that the land conservation programmes this study has
investigated, span from crop, range, bare lands to protected areas, and, that from the
empirical studies discussed in this chapter, governments appear to take the lead in most
of the conservation programmes. The attempts made by various governments and
international and national agencies to involve local communities in their different
conservation activities is also significant. However, the level at which local communities
are involved differs and there are some factors that determine the level of community
participation in these conservation programmes. These factors centre round management
approaches and incentive packages. Thus, local commitment has been greater in
conservation programmes that employed real participatory approaches and that provided
incentive packages which could lead to sustaining conservation programmes.
Based on the lessons learned, governments appeared to be more open to embrace local
communities in cases involving the conservation of crop, range and bare lands rather than
those involving conservation of reserves and national parks. Conservation practices of the
latter kinds of resource have been managed without real community involvement. The
resources therein are treated as being state owned and not local community owned. This
means that local communities should not expect so much in terms of top management
positions and substantial benefits, but should rather expect to watch their resources being
siphoned off.
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Having discussed the experiences of conservation programme management in the
developing countries, it now becomes imperative to reflect on community participation in
conservation activities and how such participation can be actualised. The ne xt section,
therefore, discusses the limitations of community participation and also means of
ensuring its effective application in conservation programme management.
7. LIMITATIONS OF COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN COMMUNITY-
BASED CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES
Based on the experiences of the conservation initiative discussed, this section goes on to
discuss the limitations of community participation in community-based conservation
programmes and also possible means of ensuring their actualisation. In examining this, it
is important to note that conservation experts have expressed frustrations in connection
with involving local communities in land resources conservation activities (GoL, 1997).
Practitioners’ points of frustration in the processes of ensuring community participation
in conservation activities include the following:
• It is said to be an expensive process.
• It holds project investment hostage with unproductive activities.
• It reinforces local power struggles.
• It takes an enormous amount of time and also encourages endless delay in decision
making processes
Barrow (1995) also argues that there are instances within a project life when community
participation is inappropriate and becomes detrimental to the overall success of a project.
He stresses that community participation means a horizontal flow of involvement where
communication and power are inadequate. Besides, there is also another strong view,
which maintains that community participation should not be confined to those local
l
communities affected by and conservation projects. Rather, it should be designed to
target some other important stakeholders such as schools, universities, private enterprises,
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private voluntary organisations and co-operatives. The same school of thought
emphasises that all stakeholders have valuable information that could be useful in the
planning and implementation processes (Pelser & Kherehloa, 2000). Despite the above
arguments Botes & Van Rensburg (2000) argue that community participation is not a
guarantee that projects’ intervention will not be without serious conflict or would make it
successful. Besides, Vayda & Walters (1996), also view the devolution of control to local
communities as a form of “green romanticism”. Similarly, Anderson (1996) claims that
the culture and traditions of some local communities help to sometimes disseminate
inaccurate information and beliefs that affect the peoples’ environmental behaviours.
Conflicts may arise during the implementation phase, even after all stakeholders have
agreed upon the project contents, the funding and who does what and at what particular
stage. The above argument stems from the viewpoint that government authorities possess
the necessary political legitimacy backed by professional expertise. In addition, it is
assumed that there is no better forum through which decisions may be made other than
through the government’s bureaucratic channels. This assumption is definitely baseless
and is therefore a false assumption. If government conventional approaches practically
worked in practise, there would be no need to continue to search for alternative land
conservation approaches.
In an attempt to disagree with the above, SADC (1996) noted that a top-down approach is
politically easy to control and manage but that it breeds dependency on government. In
contrast, some other sources agree that local communities are not empty vessels waiting
to be filled; rather, they are energetically ready to apply the best available solution to land
degradation. Hunter (1998) notes that actual participation requires the acknowledgement
that local communities have the knowledge and ability to develop their environment. By
this, Hunter’s comment puts much knowledge and capacity in the hands of local
communities. Indeed, it is further argued that no ne can effectively operate in isolation;
local communities need government assistance, which should be given genuinely.
Schreiber (1994:24) echoes the sentiment: “This is true when it is noted that inputs from
outside are necessary, but should be offered, rather than imposed, and should be made
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available not in the form of ‘packages’ but ‘menus’ for people and communities to select
from, in accordance with their own needs and preferences”. Those who support joint
management argue that unless both government and community initiatives are
harmonised and accepted as equal conservation projects that emphasise community-
centred processes, such attempts may continue to face problems such as:
• Insufficient attention to overall planning of such project.
• Lack of projects’ ownership by government organisations; and
• Insufficient government concerns.
From the foregoing, it is clear that a community-based conservation programme is not
easy to actualise. In fact, institutional, socio-cultural, technical and logistical factors have
been identified as major constraints and these constraints are both external and internal
and in some cases, a combination of both.
The following section discusses some of the important criteria that could ensure
successful practice of community participation in management and conservation
programmes.
8. MEANS OF ENSURING EFFECTIVE COMMUNITY PARTICIPATION IN
CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES
Having discussed the limitations to community participation in conservation
programmes, it is now necessary to give some hints about possible means of ensuring
community participation.
8.1 Real inclusiveness of all stakeholders
Inclusive approach specifically refers to special attempts to include not only the poor and
the marginalised, but also other relevant communities in the planning, implementation
and evaluation of land resources conservation efforts. Inclusiveness also means the
involvement of as many relevant interest groups as possible in any land conservation
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project. Inclusiveness is a good practice that ne eds to be adhered to in order to stop the
government from acting as the main actor in conservation projects. Community-based
management and conservation programme practitioners are of the view that beneficiaries
are involved at all stages (Summers, 1999). This means that all segments of a community
are involved rather than getting involved through elected committees or officers. Real
inclusion also involves the participation of neighbouring communities, which may
include educational institutions, churches, and the private and public sectors in
conservation programmes (Pelser & Kherehloa, 2000). This practice is important because
it ensures legitimacy and it also gives the communities the opportunity to own and to
identify strongly with conservation projects. Inclusiveness also gives stakeholders the
assurance that their interests are duly taken care of and well represented. Meanwhile, the
process has to be perfectly democratic to allow genuine and real community
participation. To realise the advantages of involving all stakeholders including local
communities, it is important to organise training that will empower and equip local
communities in all spheres of the conservation project. Such empowerment will enable
them to make sound environmental judgments and to have the capacity to sustain
conservation projects.
8.2 Inclusion of women
The value system that supports gender stereotypes may continue to pose serious threats to
the practice of community-based land resources management and conservation
programmes (Binne, 1995; Whiteside, 1998). Participation should not be controlled by
gender. The earlier the women are given a free hand to take decisions pertaining to land,
the better it would be for the practice of community-based conservation. Therefore, real
inclusion of women (rural women land users) at all stages of conservation programmes is
crucial for the successful implementation of community-based conservation. The
community-based approach cannot be said to be in process without first ensuring equal
male/fe male participation. The study agrees with the point of view that women should be
given equal opportunity to participate in land resources management and conservation.
The study also supports the empowerment of women as well as the principle of
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guaranteeing them due and equal access to land as in the case of their male counterparts.
To ensure that this is done well, it is important to dispense with the old tradition of male
bias. It is also expedient to completely remove the marginalised policies against women
regarding access, decision- making powers, benefit and so on, in order to make the
practice of community-based conservation a success (Callicott, 1995).
In support of the reasons why women, like their male counterparts, need to be involved
Dankelman, Davidson & Barrow (1993), FAO (1990) and Pelser & Kherehloa (2000)
note:
• Women are often the main producers of food and make them users of land resources.
• Women often collect fuel wood, dung, and other forest resources for different
purposes.
• Increasingly, men move out of farmlands to engage in migrant labour while the
women are left behind to use the lands for farming.
• The percentage of women who are poor is greater than that of men, so, they are more
likely to be compelled to degrade the environment to survive.
8.3 Decentralisation of powers
Decentralisation of powers is one of the most fundamental criteria for ensuring
community-based management and conservation of land. The delegation of control over
land to local communities involves relinquishing considerable authority and
responsibilities on the part of the state (FAO, 1999; Summers, 1999). This study
however, doubts the feasibility of totally relinquishing powers and responsibilities to
local communities for reasons such as poor local capacity, inadequate funding, a lack of
indigenous knowledge and insufficient technical expertise to tackle land degradation
problems. However, mere fundamental shift, which requires central government to give
powers to local government and communities, will be a good basis from which to launch
community-based conservation practices.
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To implement conservation programme, top-down approaches need to be reversed to
bottom- up approaches. The practice of the latter approach will go down well with the
idea of allocating and sharing responsibilities at the local communities. This means that
local communities should not only have a say in the conservation project, but also part-
take in the decision- making process, as well as have control over planning,
implementation, monitoring and evaluation processes (Chikozho, 2001). This role is
important for the continuity, maintenance and sustenance of conservation projects. This is
so because experience has shown that conservation projects often end as soon as donors
withdraw. If this approach is adhered to, both in principle and in practice, the sustenance
of conservation projects is assured even when donors pull out abruptly. However, this
study does not argue for absolute powers being given to the local communities without
professional guardians and the facilitative roles of the government. Thus, conservation
authorities have to adopt a new reality in conservation management: decentralising
powers and sharing responsibilities between the local communities and governments.
8.4 Joint-management of a conservation project
The joint management initiative in conservation programmes has resulted from
partnerships between local communities and other stakeholders. This initiative has arisen
as a result of the limited state capacity to implement land resources conservation
successfully, and the incapacity of local community-based institutions solely to
accomplish land resources conservation sustainably (FAO, 1999 and SADC, 1996). For a
joint- management conservation initiative to be effective, there is a need to clarify and
understand the rights, roles and responsibilities that are due to partners. This involves
contractual agreements amongst stakeholders. Agreements cover various partnership
arrangements, including the degree of power sharing and the integration of the local and
the centralised management system. Joint- management put under contractual agreement
is feasible in an organised community that is ready to accept responsibilities. However,
Isaac & Mohammed (2002:8) caution that the type of joint- management arrangement
depends on the type of land to be conserved the community involved and the available
human and material resources. A joint- management model should bring changes to the
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power relationships between local communities and conservation authorities. According
to FAO (1999) it is also expected to provide a framework to develop incentive for
sustainable resource use and for a variety of actors. Joint- management facilitates power
sharing, and one of the key benefits is expected to be the ability to move beyond the
limitations of state, community or private management. Other expected benefits include:
reduced operational costs, increased compliance with conservation regulations, as well as
increased local community involvement in conservation activities. Beside the numerous
advantages of joint- management, there are however some key issues that must be adhered
to in order to ensure that management agreements be respected.
For both contractual and non-contractual joint- management of land to succeed, the
following key issues must be adhered to:
• Partners must ensure that there is clarity about the conservation objectives and that
management plans are drawn up and be in close consultation with local communities.
• Establish that partners have common objectives and such objectives must be held
high and above every other objective.
• Ensure that capacity building and the training of local communities are assured.
• Ensure that technical expertise, such as lawyers for their advisory roles, are brought
in the interest of local communities.
• Power sharing issues must be clarified between local communities and government,
while local communities should have a powerful position in the partnership.
• Ensure that mutual trust is built between partners (Isaac et al., 2000:21-23).
Other means of ensuring community participation include:
• The practice of indigenous knowledge towards land resources conservation
should be upheld in the process of conservation.
• The integration of both indigenous and modern measures is important because
complete use of scientific and mechanical measures affects local communities’
confidence, zeal and enthusiasm to participate (MoA, 1998).
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This researcher feels that the application of indigenous knowledge in local communities-
initiated conservation projects could help to ensure community involvement. It must,
however, be noted that indigenous measures and knowledge have limits. This must be
considered while planning and designing conservation projects.
Conservation project success stories are few because of the ongoing unsustained
incentives of cash and food- for-work to individual participants. Above all, absolute
poverty should be eradicated among local communities if empowerment and capacity
building processes must be successfully entrenched into the system. Inequitable
distribution patterns of land between genders, races and socio-economic classes affect
access to land resources, as well as conserving and managing them. Zimbabwe presents
an extreme case of conflicts over land grabbing, displacement and land allocation in
Africa. To allocate land resources equitably, communities and individuals must be
provided with access and ownership rights to land resources, and an equitable share of
benefits for managing them.
Incentives given to individual participants are not incentives given to communities (FAO,
1999). Provision of sustainable incentives is recommended. These can sustain land
resources conservation activities, whereas “Food for work”4 or cash to individual
participants does not actually help individuals to sustain their participation.
9. CONCLUSION
This chapter discussed characteristics of community participation in land resources
conservation programmes in some Asian and African countries. From a number of case
studies reviewed, it is apparent that international organisations’ sponsored and managed
conservation projects were more responsive to community involvement. This however, is
attributed to the offering of financial incentives to local communities. In some cases, this
4
The term food-for-work is used by the Ministry of Agriculture, Lesotho, to describe the commonly demanded incentive package by
most local community members in Lesotho. The demand for, and offer of, food-incentive for any conservation work done by local
community members is termed food-for-work. This study describes this type of incentive as unsustainable because conservation
agencies most often have limited time set for conservation project implementation. This means that donors may not be available
forever to continue to provide food for project sustainance.
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is as a result of the initial consultations with local communities. The Asian experience
expressed consistent interest in land conservation but lacked mechanisms for
sustainability. Conservation attempts were beclouded by the exclusion of the poor, the
tribes and the less privileged groups. In Africa, land resources conservation activities are
prominent features of development activities, but such attempts are frustrated by
governments’ management domination.
Other factors that have hindered successful implementation of land resources
conservation in most Africa countries include inappropriate land tenure systems,
inadequate sharing of benefits, the exclusion of local communities from decision- making
and the restriction of local communities’ access and the denial of right to ownership.
Among the other factors are: a lack of sustainable incentives, the attitudes of local people
and the government’s grabbing of lands for development activities without concern for
conservation.
In South Africa, the contractual joint- management approach has not brought about
smooth management or an understanding between SANP and the nature reserve
communities. SANP officers are consistently ignoring such contractual agreements to the
detriment of the local communities, and at the expense of numerous nature reserves.
Conflicts over grabbing, displacements, denial and benefits of land remain the dominant
characteristic features of land resources conservation projects. This chapter shared the
experiences of park management and joint- management practices, which appeared to take
care of the inadequacies of both the government and the local communities in
management and conservation of land. Yet, the impressive ways in which international
organisations such as the UNDP, GEF and UNEP have tried to co- manage land with the
local communities are truly worthy of replication. Some good practices exhibited in some
of the conservation projects gave a clear indication that it is possible to mobilise local
communities to take up their respons ibilities and have confidence in their own
knowledge, experiences and capability. However, this is not to say that the impressive
co-management experienced between stakeholders can be achieved everywhere in Africa.
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It may be more difficult to achieve in countries that have long inherited the attitude of
food or cash payment for any conservation work done, believing that land resources
conservation is solely the responsibility of government.
The lessons learnt from each case study received attention. The lessons were highlighted
in order to avert repeating poor practices in the future. The chapter also discussed
limitations to community participation and means of ensuring effective community
participation in conservation programmes.
This chapter also classified community participation and tried to determine the level of
participation permissible in the conventional practices and the level that is expected in the
proposed community-based conservation programmes.
The following chapter devotes attention to a historical over- view of Lesotho conservation
attempts, focusing on the conservation activities of the Ministry of Agriculture, Lesotho
and the Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction, a UNDP project, in Lesotho.
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CHAPTER FOUR
AN OVERVIEW OF LAND RESOURCES CONSERVATION
ATTEMPTS IN LESOTHO
1. INTRODUCTION
Land resources conservation programmes in Lesotho cannot successfully be studied
without an overview of attempts at conservation made by different conservation agencies.
The purpose of this chapter is therefore to explain/analyse such attempts and how they
are implemented. In doing this, the chapter presents some background geographical
information relevant to Lesotho’s environment, climate, and ecological distinction.
Following these clarifications is an overview of some conservation attempts made by the
Government of Lesotho to combat land degradation. Attention is focused specifically on
conservation activities embarked upon by the Lesotho Ministry of Agriculture and the
Environme ntal Management for Poverty Reduction Project of the United Nations. It is
worthwhile to mention that a few general examples and statistics are given in the process
to buttress the foregoing discussions.
1.1 Geographical location of Lesotho
The kingdom of Lesotho is a landlocked country completely surrounded by the Republic
of South Africa: In the west and north the boundary is formed by the Free State province,
in the east by the Kwazulu Natal, and in the south by the Eastern Cape province. Lesotho
lies at the highest part of the Drakensberg escarpment of the eastern rim of the Southern
African plateau, between 28° –31° South latitude and 27°-30° East longitude. The
country is drained by three river basins: the Caledon River basin to the west, the
Makhaleng River basin in the centre and the Senqu River basin in the east and south
(Chakela, 1981; NES, 1999).
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1.2 Climate and topography of Lesotho
The climate of Lesotho is classified as temperate and is characterised by warm, moist
summers and cold, dry winters. The mean annual temperature is about 150 C in the
lowlands with winter temperatures frequently dropping below zero at night. The rainfall
in the form of high- intensity thunderstorms, or low-intensity frontal drizzles occurs
between the months of October and April. The average annual rainfall varies from under
500mm in some sheltered valleys to about 1 400mm for some stations with orographic
effects in the mountains (see GoL, 1998; Marake, 1999; and NES, 1999). The terrain is
generally mountainous with a band of moderately slopping land along the western
boundary. The elevation varies from 1 500 to 3 500 metres above sea level (Chakela,
1981; NES, 1999).
1.3 Population of Lesotho
Lesotho’s population in 2001 is 1.8 million according to WPD, (2003). As mentioned
earlier in Chapter One, the study area is Lesotho’s lowlands ecological zone. The two
chosen districts of Mafeteng and Maseru had a population of 224 312 and 411 235,
respectively, in the year 2000. The projected population of these districts between 2000
and 2026 is 345 707 and 928 814 respectively. However, I doubt whether this projection
has considered the effects of HIV/AIDS pandemic on Lesotho population.
1.4 Ecological zones of Lesotho
Lesotho is divided into four distinct physiographic regions based on elevation and
climatic zones. The lowlands make up about 5 200 km² or 17% of the land area. The
foothills have 3 588 km² or 15% and the Senqu River Valley, 2 753 km² or 9%, while the
mountains have 18 047 km² or 59% of the total land surface of 30 344 km² (Marake,
1999; NES, 1999). (see Annexure 4).
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Table 14: Ecological zones and land cover in Lesotho
Ecological Zones Area in km² (%)
Lowlands 5 200 17
Foothills 3 588 15
Senqu River valley 2 753 9
Mountains 18 047 59
Total 29 588 100
Source: NES (1999)
The elevations in the lowlands vary from 1 500 to 1 850m, the foothills from 1 850 to
2 000m and the mountains from 2 000 up to more than 3 400m above sea level (NES,
1999).
Of the total surface area, the land use cover available in Lesotho is as shown in Table 15
below.
Table 15: Land use cover in Lesotho,1998
Land Use Cover (%) of total
Cropland 24.7
Range 64.8
Forest 0.4
Rock 3.4
Gullied 1.9
Villages 3.2
Roads 0.4
Water 1.1
Other 0.1
Total 100.0
Source: Chakela (1997:106)
The above land use cover explains the available land for use by the people. Focus of
study is in the first three being cropland, range and forest.
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The population census of 1996 puts all households, rural and urban, who do not own land
to which they occasionally have access, at 25.4%. Landlessness has been on the increase
from an estimated 12.7% of rural households in 1970 to over 16% in 1986 (GoL,
1998/99: 42). The implication of the shrinking arable land in Lesotho is that the newly
formed households (new couples) hardly receive any of the three fields on which every
adult is customarily entitled to grow food crops such as maize, sorghum and wheat, and
also, a plot on which to build a house. In fact, this has further implications for the levels
of interest people have in land conservation.
1.5 Land Degradation in Lesotho
The much that had been written about the extent of land degradation in Lesotho have
been without researched statistical records. The only available record about the extent of
land degradation in Lesotho is shown in the following table.
Table 16: Land cover change in Lesotho between 1989 and 1994
Land-cover classes mapped in Total areas for 1989 (in Total areas for 1994 (in Change in
Lesotho hectares) hectares) hectares
Shrub land and Low Fynbos 897 200.0978 773 773.3500 -123 426.7478
Unimproved Grassland 46 146.3912 23 437.2996 -22 709.0916
Forest Plantations 1 786.5474 1 998.8020 +212.2546
Wetlands 1 776 5801 845 6758 -930 9043
Degraded: Unimproved 537 797 7939 683 741 7594 +145 94 9655
Grasslands
Cultivated: Temporary – Semi 1455 807 8639 1 353 680 7252 -102 127 1387
Commercial / Subsistence Dry
Land
Urban / Built-up Land: 6 526 0540 18 088 0775 +11 562 0235
Residential
Source: MoA (1999:8-12)
Table 16 depicts the land cover change in Lesotho. The + and - signs in the ‘change in
hectare column’ authenticate the extent of change within the period of study. Shrub,
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unimproved grassland and temporary cultivated lands have - signs while forest
plantations, wetlands, degraded unimproved grasslands and urban/built-up lands have +
signs.
Lesotho has an extremely fragile ecology which is exposed to severe land degradation.
The increase in land degradation could also be attributed to the expensive nature of
conservation and rehabilitation processes which Lesotho government has not been able to
shoulder effectively. Of course, Lesotho almost totally depends on the South African
economy (mine workers and sales from Lesotho Highlands Water Project).
2. HISTORY OF LAND RESOURCESS CONSERVATION ACTIVITIES IN
LESOTHO
This section focuses on three historical phases of institutions in Lesotho regarding efforts
in land resources conservation programmes. The purpose of this aspect is to portray a true
picture of the Lesotho Government’s attempts, by the colonial powers and after
independence, to address the land degradation problems in the country. The section also
devotes attention to acknowledging the levels of local communities’ involvement in some
selected land resources conservation programmes.
2.1 Pre -Pin period in Lesotho
The historical perspective of land resources conservation in Lesotho has phases of pre-
Pin and post-colonial periods1 . W. A. Pin was appointed in 1935 to chair a commission
on the financial conditions of Lesotho as part of colonial government intervention. This
study focuses more on the postcolonial period (after 1966) when the people had gained
independence and were expected to have taken full control of their aspirations, needs and
priorities. Thus, only brief mention is made of the pre-Pin conservation activities in
Lesotho.
1
The period from about 1860 to 1930 is normally referred to as the Pre-Pin period. The period from 1935 to independence (1966) is
referred to as W. A Pin period while post independence is referred to as after independence. (post 1966).
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The history of land resources conservation in Lesotho is a long and active one. The
period from about 1860 to early 1930 is normally referred to as the pre-Pin period, which
is an era of agricultural development in Lesotho. During this period, large tracts of land
were available for agriculture and for the local population. The people were extensively
involved in farming and had understanding of erosion. They carried out frequent
inspection and maintenance of the diversion furrows used to divert storm water from
cropland. Other practices, such as mixed cropping of grain crops, legumes and vegetables
providing a better cover for the soil and better retention of the soil structure, were
adopted for the purpose of soil conservation (NFAP, 1996). Then, lands were allowed to
go fallow because arable lands were available.
During this period (1860-1930) ploughing was introduced which allowed for the
cultivation of larger plots. The improved technology of ploughing was designed to meet
the growing demands of the growing population. With it, came the introduction of mono-
cultural crops such as maize and wheat. It also brought a situation where almost all of the
arable land in Lesotho was cultivated, both for domestic consumption and to meet the
market demand in neighbouring dominion states (MoA, 1988; 1998 & 2000). The MoA
(2000) revealed that the major participants in conservation during this period were the
farming people, though with very few government directives on tree planting.
The context of farming in Lesotho changed completely with the changes in market
opportunities. Competition from abroad and duties imposed on Lesotho’s agricultural
foods exported to South Africa were setbacks to the farmers (MoA, 1988). This
unfortunately did not have the desired effect because of the influx of Basotho into South
Africa at the end of the war between the Basotho and the Boers ( in the early 1900s).
Again, the restrictive immigration laws in South Africa meant that there was no
reciprocal migration into South Africa. Thus, the benefits from the land continued to
decline thereby changing the attitude of the Lesotho citizens towards their land. By the
end of this period, Lesotho was no longer an exporter of agricultural products (MoA,
1988 & 1999).
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• The 1930s and conservation
Lesotho had a climatic crisis in the form of severe drought followed by heavy rains,
which in the 1930s, dramatically changed the land use landscape of Lesotho. The
cumulative effect of these crises drew the attention of the colonial government to the
agricultural and economic situation in Lesotho. With this, conservation became their
major colonial pre-occupation (Carl, 1982). The Pin commission recommended the
construction of mechanical structures as erosion control measures and the reclaiming of
badly eroded areas (MoA, 1988; 2000). It was, however, observed that, despite enlisting
the help of local chiefs to mobilise local participation, there was low farmer participation
in land resources conservation activities (MoA, 1999). It was apparent that the only way
to sustain people’s participation was through food aid, labour and cash remuneration.
Thus, at the close of the colonial era, enthusiasm for the erection of mechanical barriers
along gullies was beginning to wane, but, more regrettably, the interest of farmers in
conservation was lost (Carl 1988). In the period 1958-1966, emphasis was laid on public
education about land resources conservation. This was due to the poor local participation
in conservation activities and the view that policy which combined social and
technological procedure would be more effective.
On the whole, very little success was recorded during this period. However, much was
achieved in terms of community participation. The core of the matter was the dictatorial
rule that tried to impose western ideas on a traditional background. It is needless to say
that the efforts of the period were fruitless, even if the period was full of conservation
support mechanisms. The severe drought of 1930 rendered what had been done wasteful.
In fact, even if conservation was the pre-occupation of colonial rule, the mechanical
approaches never went down well with the people. It is not surprising therefore, that the
colo nial conservation attempt was not sustained. (see Chapter 3 for similar impact of top
down approaches).
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The major messages are that the pre-Pin period employed sustainable agricultural
development practices and sound conservation principles. The period between 1935-1966
experienced mechanical approaches initiated by the British. The conservation attempts
made were unsuccessful in involving community participation while the post independent
period experienced wider coverage of conservation initiatives.
The above has discussed phases of the pre-colonial attempt to conserve land resources in
Lesotho. The next section devotes attention to the attempt made before and after
independence by the Ministry of Agriculture, Lesotho.
3. CONSERVATION ATTEMPTS IMPLEMENTED BY THE MINISTRY OF
AGRICULTURE, LESOTHO
Before and after independence in 1966, efforts were made to involve Lesotho
communities in land resources conservation activities through the formation of different
Village Tree committees. These efforts were, however, frustrated by political meddling
by the then ruling Basotho National Party (BNP) in that the party restricted membership
of these committees to ‘party card carrying members’ (MoA, 1988). Apart from this,
conservation efforts were also affected by reasons such as the inability of the people to
learn from past mistakes, lack of cooperation between various bodies working on land
resources conservation projects, regulations concerning conservation, and biological
versus mechanical conservation treatments. Despite these, Lesotho has continued to
receive technical and financial international conservation aid to date (UNEP et al., 1998).
At this point, we need to take note of some bold conservation attempts made just before
independence and immediately after. These attempts include: Taung Reclamation
Scheme Tebe-tebeng project, Thaba-Phat’soa Area Improvement Project, Woodlot
Programme, Senqu River Agricultural Extension Project, and Leribe Pilot Project.
Others are Thaba-Bosiu Rural Development Project, Khomo-Khoana Project, Land and
Water Resource Development Project, intensive arable land projects, and production
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through conservation programme and park development. An attempt will now be made to
examine the extent to which these efforts tried to involve local community members, and
the application and acceptance of indigenous knowledge alongside modern and scientific
measures.
3.1 Taung Reclamation Scheme (1956-1961)
From the available records this project, though brought to an abrupt end by the then
colonial department of Agriculture, was designed to reclaim severely eroded land through
stringent control of livestock. Local authorities were not properly involved and the
imposed cattle regulations were unrealistic and unreasonable. According to the
regulations,” fifty head of cattle should be left in the lowlands while the remaining should
go to the cattle post while well over 10,000 animals remained in the lowlands” (Chakela
et al., 1983:25).
This regulation severely antagonised the people’s attitudes towards the project, its staff,
and the entire approach. The resentment was attributed to the controlled number of
animals. The attempts by government to compel people to participate only at the level of
implementation and in the midst of resentment imposed severe limitations. A project of
this nature ought to have involved the community members right from the decision-
making stage, instead of at the stage of implementation. The project came to an end
because of the poor response from the local people.
3.2 Tebe -Tebeng Project (1956-1960)
Based on reports of the MoA (1988), this is the first attempt at an integrated rural
development project at the local level in Lesotho. Its objectives were to improve farming
practices, create dams, and construct conservation structures and other development
activities. On the whole, much emphasis was laid on working with local authorities
(chiefs & headmen) and village development establishing committees. However, the
eadmen instead of having direct
project approach of working through the chiefs and h
contact with the people, made the Lesotho citizens grow suspicious of the project,
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thereby causing considerable tension between European staff and the rural / local
participants. In fact, it got to a point, where it was impossible to secure the cooperation of
the people through the chiefs and the headmen. Thus, the project failed to achieve its
integrated approach objectives. This was as a result of not working with the members of
the entire community. Instead the project preferred the use of agents (chiefs and
headmen) who could not will- the people to participate (MoA, 1998). Thus, poor level of
community participation was also experienced in the project.
3.3 Thaba-Phatšoa Improvement Area Project, (1957-1970)
The project was designed primarily to increase crop production, promote fisheries and
establish tree nursery with a conservation component. Part of the project’s component,
such as the irrigation scheme, was not started until 1964. The project was suspended for
some time but re-activated after Lesotho’s independence in 1966 (MoA, 1988). The
management of the project also failed because the management was beclouded with
confusion because people were not ready to get involved. The people rather exhibited
reluctant attitudes towards the project. Limitations and gaps of this kind between local
people and project staff - created by project planners - frustrate conservation attempts.
The state of confusion between the project manager and the beneficiaries would have
been avoided had only the people been involved from the outset. This culture of only
trying to bring in the people at the project implementation stage has perpetuated itself in
almost all conservation projects. To date, it remains an up- hill task to implement any
project that has been unilaterally planned. Moreover, this was a project inherited from the
colonial government. The suspicion still lingered in every mind about the colonial
government and its autocratic management, so much so that the project failed to win the
interest of the local community.
3.4 Woodlot Programme (1972-1987)
The Woodlot Programme project was designed to create forest service, which was to
provide the people with fuel wood, poles, and so on, and at the same time enhance land
resources conservation. The programme succeeded only marginally. The effort of the
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forest division to ensure that local involvement was higher than it had been in the
preceding projects was acknowledged. The inter-village hostility and squabbles and those
with the project manager made the local people destroy the woodlots. The 20% of the
gross profit that was to be paid to the villagers from the sale of the wood products did not
materialise. This promise turned out to be a pipe dream (MoA, 1988; 1999; 2000). This
was because no concretised decisions were reached before the project was started. The
20% gross profit was only promised to attract people’s participation in the project. The
high level of people participation achieved was not sustained, both because of distrust
and Government’s conventional approaches to conservation.
3.5 Senqu River Agricultural Extension Project (1972-1988)
This project was to meet the Government of Lesotho’s target of self-sufficiency in food.
Major activities of the project were in the area of land resources conservation. Broad -
based terraces and diversions were constructed, but these were severely damaged due to a
combination of poor design, inadequate ploughing and heavy rainfall. Also, the local
people were forced by the traditional and local institutions to participate in the schemes,
which they felt were unprofitable to them. The project, which covered the southern
lowlands, was partly designed to increase national agricultural production, but did not
take into consideration existing knowledge or factors, which actually limited production
in the area. According to the MoA’s reports, (1988, 1998 and 1999), among the limiting
factors were: failed communication with farmers, lack of maintenance of structures and
lack of knowledge of participating farmers. These limiting factors betrayed community
involvement in the project. In order to bridge the existing gap, Government needs to open
up well to the local people. The interaction between government officers and local people
should also be continuous. Continuous interaction is one of the surest ways of building
confidence and trust, thereby establishing partnership between local communities and
government agencies.
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3.6 Leribe Pilot Project, (1973-1977)
The Leribe Pilot Project was designed to promote land resource conservation by building
conservation structures along gullies. The focus was on increasing and intensifying crop
production. The project also encouraged appropriate land use capability research. The
project became elitist in the sense that it did not involve local authorities, farmers and
local institutions (MoA, 1988; 1999). Thus, the local people for whom the projects were
to be of benefit could not carry out the maintenance of the conservation structures already
built. Since the objective of this research was to impact on community involvement in
conservation, it was hoped that it would provide solutions for resolving all similar
management crises that have ever arisen from government approaches to management
and conservation of land resources. This means that opportunities, avenues and means of
integrating local communities and their ideas into land resources conservation must be
provided as a sure way to relinquish total powers, rights and responsibilities to
community members.
3.7 Thaba-Bosiu Rural Development Project (1973-1977)
The project had some components of land resources conservation, like erosion control
and transformation of land use patterns. The most striking aspect of the project was the
overall expenditure on conservation efforts, especially as it relates to increase of land in
fallow. The project was, however, capital intensive and the construction of terraces and
waterways took a significant amount of land spaces out of production (MoA, 1988;
1999). No significant mention was made of the level of community participation in the
project. However, remarkable efforts were made even if crop yields did not increase as
expected (MoA, 1999). In any case, it is wise to say that the intensity of capital
investment could have provided enough for capacity building, which could at the same
time have helped to sustain the project. In every project, this has been a lesson which is
never taken into account by planners in the planning of future conservation programmes.
3.8 Khomo-Khoana Project (1975-1982)
According to the MoA (1988; 1999 and 2000), this is one of the projects in Lesotho that
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has actually grown out of a pilot project. The project did a good job in building strong
and dependable conservation structures and included much extension work in its
activities. Soil and water conservation efforts were linked with those of increased
production of both crops and livestock. However, the costs of conservation works could
not be justified because the cost was not established but critics alarmed people about the
high cost of the project. The project also suffered from lack of government support and
poor inter- ministerial coordination. The extension or conservation assistant in charge of
the project was stationed at Leribe, which was too far away from the project location
(MoA, 1988; 1999). This raised concern amongst the beneficiaries. This notwithstanding,
the project was ranked as being moderately successful. The lack of inter- ministerial
coordination was born out of poor planning procedures. The absence of the stakeholders’
involvement also created a wide gap between government officers and other stakeholders.
The involvement of all stakeholders in the planning process could have meant the
involvement of local communities and Government agencies that had a stake in the
project. This and other limitations of the past and present projects form the basis of this
further investigation and this needs to be addressed to ensure sustainability in
community-based conservation programmes.
3.9 Land and Water Resource Development Project (1975-1983)
The project was intended to transfer skills and technology, provide institutional
development and encourage linkages between the Government of Lesotho and rural
communities. It was also to support Lesotho’s food self-sufficiency goal and to further
develop technical manpower to address Lesotho’s erosion problems (MoA, 1988; 1999).
On the whole, many conservation structures were built but lacked sustainability plans.
The project made some reasonable impact on training national personnel and also
achieved much in the construction of terraces. Yet, the project continued without
addressing community involvement issues, possibly because this was not the priority of
the project designers. The relationship between stakeholders in this project is one of the
focuses of this current feasibility study. Community involvement is a must if
sustainability must be achieved in any land resources conservation schemes. Generating
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funds to build conservation structures provides only temporary measures if local
communities are not capacitated to sustain and maintain such structures. The appropriate
foundation for any conservation must start from considering the priority projects of the
community and building these up for the sustenance of such projects.
3.10 Intensive Arable Lands Project (1979-1982)
The Intensive Arable Lands Project was designed to erect conservation structures in the
catchment areas. This was also done without involving the communities. Conservation
regulations and implementation procedures were not given due consideration. According
to the MoA (1988, 1999 and 2000), much lip service was paid to community participation
during the planning and implementation of the Intensive Arable Lands project. The
project initiated the Conservation Area Plan (CAP), which today is one of the
centrepieces of the conservation division’s work. The results in various areas are
reflected in terms of hectares in Table 17.
Table 17: Results of Intensive Arable Land Project, 1982
Conservation activities Hectares
Contour farming 152605
Contour strip cropping 16417
Cover crop 11669
Crop residue management 485383
Diversion 164676
Donga stabilisation 11669
Grade stabilisation structures 13336
Grass strips 202764
Grass water way 50717
Pond 3334
Range management 1204506
Road 1667
Crop rotation 100221
Terrace 106182
Source: MoA (1988:24)
The project has the above results to its credit but due to lack of information about the
project’s encatchment land area, the impact of the project could not be measured. The
conservation structures erected by way of donga stabilisation are 11669 whereas grade
stabilisation structures are put at 13336. The conservation structures can be compared
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with the EMPR Project which constructed 578210 stone check dams within a period of 6
years (1996-2001). (see section 6.3, and Table 22 in this Chapter). The sharp difference
in the number of structures built along dongas can be attributed to the fact that the EMPR
Project concentrated more on donga rehabilitation, while the Intensive Arable Land
Project focused on range management and other arable land improvement measures such
as contour farming, crop rotation, terraces, grass strips and so on. The questions that
remain unanswered are: Are the above structures sustained? How are we sure that these
were the priority of the people? Was any sustainable incentive provided for the people to
carry on? These questions ought to have been addressed before the commencement of
another project. The doubtful situations were created by conventional approaches which
did not consider the views, feelings and the impact the local people could make in any
conservation programme.
3.11 The Production Through Conservation Programme (PTC) (1981- 1996)
In 1981, the Swedish Government agreed to assist the government of Lesotho to combat
the acceleration of land degradation. The goal of the PTC was to support land users in
increasing production through the conservation of natural resource, as communities,
individuals and land users have the primary responsibility for production and
conservation. The project developed into land use planning and forestry between 1981-
1984, and in 1985, the Farm Improvement with Soil Conservation (FISC) Project was
initiated. In 1989, the three projects merged into the Production Through Conservation
(PTC) Programme. In 1992, the projects were finally merged under the PTC II
Programme (NFAP, 1996). This merger was brought about because farmers never held
conservation as a high priority. The integration brought about all kinds of production
through better land husbandry. This programme was firmly based on a village
development planning procedure, where all villagers and not only their representatives
could participate.
According to the PTC historical document, the programme brought about comprehensive
change of values and attitudes towards rural development, conservation, forestry and land
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use planning. Despite the acclaimed successes of the programme, the same project
document revealed that the programme lacked a unified extension approach and poor
follow-up. Other constraints reported were: low morale and motivation; a lack of
transparency and accountability; confusion and chaos; competition among projects; and,
half-baked decenctralisation policy (Borotho, 1998). These emanated from a lack of
planning, coordination and cooperation amongst stakeholders. Beside the PTC attempt,
there are other bold initiatives to conserve Lesotho land resources.
3.12 Park development and management in Lesotho (1970-2003)
Park development in Lesotho started in 1970 when Sehlaba Thebe National Park, with
6475 hectares, was developed. Thereafter, the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority
(LHDA) developed three other parks, namely Masitise Nature Reserve, Bokong Nature
Reserve (BNR) and Ts’ehlanyane National Park. Three new protected areas and seven
community nature reserves are being nurtured by the Conserving Mountain Biodiversity
Project in Lesotho. while at the same time promoting alternative livelihoods and small-
scale enterprises in local communities that have given out their land to conservation
activities (GEF/UNDEP, 2002:7). With these added, the area under conservation doubled.
On the whole, the protected area remains less than 0.5% of Lesotho total land surface,
which is about 30350km² (LHDA, 1998:XII). Uganda has 10 national parks, 10 wildlife
reserves, and 710 forest reserves, covering 33,000km², which is 14% of the country’s
surface area (Howard et al., 2000:858). These few examples point to the fact that Lesotho
needs to redouble her efforts in park and reserve development which should, however,
not be to the detriment of the people.
In Lesotho, local communities have not been given real stakeholders status in the
management of parkland reserves, particularly Sehlaba-Thebe National Park which was
developed in 1970. As a result of communal land ownership in Lesotho, Government
acquires land for development without much regard for the original occupant. Sehlaba-
Thebe National Park sites were grazing lands for the Sehlaba- Thebe community. As
evidence, their cattle posts used before 1970 when the land was converted to a National
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Park still remain (LHDA, 1998). This evidence supports their long and persistent
agitation for alternative grazing land. The Lesotho Highlands Development Authority has
tried to improve the protected areas which the authority manages by collaborating with
the local communities. However, the expected joint- management atmosphere is still
lacking, as Government sees no need to accord such communities real stakeholdership
status in the management of these parks. A certain degree of recognition, reasonable
compensation, sustainable incentive packages and alternative land ought to be provided
for neighbouring communities, otherwise a high rate of government and community
conflict will continue to be propagated in any conservation attempts in Lesotho.
3.13 Overview of Government’s conservation attempts
The first phase of Lesotho conservation projects went through the Ministry of
Agriculture, which still fulfils land conservation implementation roles through its
conservation division. The several conservation projects that were sponsored by
Government from 1956 to the early 80s recorded only a few successes. This is as a result
of the apparent exhibitionism of conventional approaches inherited from colonial rule.
The very few that succeeded, fizzled out as soon as sponsors withdrew their funding.
Apparently, conflicts and suspicion about the intentions of such projects and sometimes
between community members, the chiefs and village heads were common features of the
conservation programmes. The people were never consulted to seek their views, either
about the project in question or about their priority projects. There was no significant
attempt to relinquish decision- making power except partially in respect of
implementation responsibilities. The desire to be consulted for every conservation work
done is high amongst local community members. This relentless need for cash payment
exposes both their ignorance about the longterm benefits of conservation and their
desperate immediate needs for survival. It may be a hasty suggestion to say that this
aspect of people’s demands would require yet another broad study.
Another crucial feature is the displacement of traditional approaches to conservation by
approaches which are modern and mechanical. The people’s unwillingness to participate
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was partly to resist approaches with which they were not familiar or conservation
measures which took away part of their land space (see Abrol & Sehgal, 1994).
Individual and group approaches were promoted by several of the projects. There is an
argument that individual and group approaches are fundamental steps towards capturing
community participation. Even if this were true, it is undefendable for such steps to be
taken in practice for three decades without any reasonable attempt being made to
embrace a communal approach. It has been established beyond reasonable doubt that
both individuals and chiefs wanted different approaches for their own selfish ends.
Thus, community-based approaches were never seriously considered by any group.
Power sharing, ownership rights, benefit sharing and adequate land tenure system all
attempts combined to hinder the practice of the communal pattern of land resources
conservation in Lesotho.
4. AFFORESTATION DEVELOPMENT EFFORTS IN LESOTHO AS
CONSERVATION MEASURES
Trees have generally played important roles in the Sesotho culture, although this is hard
to believe, given the bare and open landscape that characterises the country today. There
is evidence in missionary reports and Sesotho oral literature to the effect that Lesotho
had, in fact, enjoyed considerable tree cover which served as habitat for wild animals like
lions, leopards and wolves (MoA, 1988; NFAP, 1996). This position is supported by the
features of few inaccessible areas of the lowlands with closed evergreen forest. This
situation deteriorated remarkably in the past two centuries due to both human and natural
factors. The occupation of the present eastern Free State Province by the Boers and the
consequent displacement of the indigenous Basotho population led to the migration of the
Basotho population to the mountain areas. This put strain on the forest resources of the
area (MoA, 1988; 2000). The situation worsens when natural regeneration is prevented
by uncontrolled grazing within the communally owned rangelands (NFAP, 1996). It was
also recorded that the Rinderpest Epidemic of 1897 devastated the bovine population to
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such an extent that there was a scarcity of cow dung, which had traditionally been a
major source of fuel. This is in addition to the uncharacteristically cold winter of 1902,
which brought about an unrestrained exploitation of the tree resources in Lesotho (MoA,
1988, 1999; 2000). Whatever little vegetation was spared by this ruthless scavenging for
fuel was lost to the over-grazing that accompanied the attempt to rebuild the bovine herd.
The result of this was a general scarcity of wood resource required to meet the daily fuel
and other social needs of Basotho. The near extinction of indigenous flora and fauna
resulting in increased water run-off, which caused severe gully erosion and a decrease in
soil fertility also added to make the situation what it is today. The following are some of
the afforestation attempts made in Lesotho to return the country to its natural vegetation.
4.1 Afforestation responses in Lesotho
Forest development has been actively promoted in Lesotho for almost 150 years (NFAP,
1996). Ever since the above- mentioned series of disasters, there have been concerted
attempts to restore the Lesotho landscape to its original glory through forest regeneration.
But even before these ecological disasters, the missionaries who introduced the first
exotic species of trees into the country laid the foundation for tree planting. This was
done through a seed distribution programme in 1855. In 1912, the free distribution of
seeds and seedlings and the awarding of prizes for tree cultivation gave further impetus to
this foundation. This gave a boost to tree planting, especially as a means of combating
gully erosion. It must however be said that these early efforts were geared more towards
conservation than to afforestation (MoA, 2000; NFAP, 1996). Deliberate attempts at
forest development did not start until 1930 when thousands of trees were planted but
unfortunately destroyed in the drought of 1932-33. The venture was executed by the
Protectorate administration with the use of paid labour, and it had to be repeated in 1935,
this time with limited success. The establishment of the Department of Agriculture in
1936 and its concern for the deteriorating landscape gave rise to a major land
conservation programme in 1936/37, which included a forestry component (MoA, 1988).
Although there is no record of the appraisal programme, it is assumed that it was not very
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successful; otherwise, there would have been no need for subsequent afforestation
schemes. One such scheme was the Village Tree Planting Scheme of 1942, which tried to
encourage afforestation through popular participation and individual ownership of tree
resources. Yet, the project was abandoned due to conflict of interests between the chiefs
and the villagers. The chiefs, who controlled the rights to land under the Laws of
Lerotholi, rejected the notion of individual ownership of tree resources in favour of
communal ownership (MoA, 1999). This action of the chiefs dampened the “Matsema”
(self- help). Record has it that 6-7 million trees were planted in the first year and 8.2
million in the second year (MoA, 1999; 2000). However, inadequacies of the approach
were apparent as the survival rate was low and the approach was abandoned in 1947
(NFAP, 1996:16). The enthusiasm of those individuals who would rather plant trees for
themselves resulted in the very low protection of cultivated trees and an abysmal survival
rate of the planted trees (NFAP, 1996; SADC, 1996; Sechaba Consultants, 1989).
This failure to achieve community participation in the tree-planting scheme probably
formed the basis for choosing the woodlot approach, which involved the establishment of
government-owned woodlots on plots donated by local authorities on behalf of the
community. The Lesotho Woodlot Project (LWP) started in 1972, and under the scheme
woodlots were established and managed by Government on plots donated by local
authorities. Such plots were offered by the communities with the understanding that
Government would employ community members involved in forestry activities in the
form of “food for work” projects. It was also a source of concern to the communities
because of the failure of the first opportunity to buy the resources from such forests and
the 20% share of the profits accruing from the sale of such forest resources (MoA, 1999).
Since the LWP, other afforestation / conservation schemes have been tailored along the
lines of Community Social Forestry (CSF). Such schemes in Lesotho include: the
Matelile Rural Development Project, the Forestry Component Project, the Maphutseng
Farm Improvement with Soil Conservation Project, the Thabana-Morena Development
Project, the IFAD Project and the Food Security Assistance Programme. Other schemes
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include amongst others, the Plenty Lesotho Project, the Integrated Community Forestry
and Agricultural Resource Management Project, the Lesotho Red Cross Schools Tree
Planting Project, the Seforong Women’s Rural Integrated Project on Arid Lands and the
Community Forestry Project of the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority (SADC,
1996:16-18). Some of these projects encouraged communal and individual participation.
The planning attempt also dispelled fears concerning people’s participation in forestry
programmes, and, thus laid the foundation for the adoption of social forestry as a
legitimate approach to land resources conservation. Again, the appraisal of the woodlot
approach revealed certain shortcomings that helped to change people’s views concerning
the participation of local farmers in forestry programmes. These were the actions of the
chiefs and the unkept promises as regards benefit-sharing which had negative impacts on
people’s participation in future afforestation schemes. Suffice it to say, however, that the
decision of the chiefs to have communal forestry programme’s supports the principles of
the community-centred approach.
4.2 The practise of social forestry programme (SFP) in Lesotho as a conservation
measure
Although the need for the involvement of people had been realised much earlier, the
LWP approach to afforestation was not replaced by the social forestry approach as an
operational policy until as late as 1990/91. This approach has been more effective
because social forestry involves local people in tree planting and management. MoA,
(1999) argues that, given proper encouragement, local people may ensure an increase in
forest areas, which will eventually benefit local people rather than outsiders. The
approach, which served to complement other forestry development activities of the
Forestry Division of the Ministry of Agriculture, was conceived as an answer to the
alienation of the people in respect of woodlots. Several reports had indicated that people
were negatively disposed to woodlots, (MoA, 1988, 1999; 2000) which were usually
identified with the government and sometimes with the political party in power. It was
believed that in the social forestry approach, ownership of the product was by individual
farmers rather than by the government and the community. It drew upon vital lessons of
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past experiences in the sense that it acted upon the persistent desire of people to own
forest products on an individual or group basis, while at the same time avoiding the fate
of the Village Tree Planting Campaign of 1942 by standardising ownership procedures.
This individualistic approach, though successful in mobilising local people, has
constraints in terms of individual ability to provide lands for forest development. The
communal approach on which this study is focused would on the other hand remove land
scarcity faced by individuals. However, the former approach was expected to further
strengthen the role of the Forestry Division within the Department of Conservation,
Forestry and Land-use Planning of the Ministry of Agriculture, with amongst others, the
following objectives:
• To rehabilitate degraded land
• To make sound land- use plans and land resources management practices
• To provide household security in fuel production
• To protect the environment.
The above objectives are in line with the goals of social forestry, which have to help
sustain supplies of fuel wood to local people. The advantages of the social forestry
approach are that it is directed at the people, who identify their forest resource needs and
then prioritise independently of the government and with the full assurance of the
ownership of the land resource. The security of ownership encourages individual and
group responsibility towards the trees as well as the material benefits that accrue from the
resources. It also reduces the involvement of the government in the establishment and
management of the woodlots. The implementation of social forestry is, however, not
without constraint. The section that follows will deal with such constraints.
4.3 Constraints of the Lesotho Social Forestry Programme
Social Forestry in Lesotho met with several constraints which are technical, legal and
social by nature. Under technical constraints, one of the problems has been that of getting
foresters to move away from focusing on state plantations / forest reserves. A
concomitant concern was the number of hectares planted being based on the social
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forestry approach which emphasises the number of trees planted. It is evident from this
that there is a need to reorientate foresters on how to deal with the new approach. Also,
social forestry, by its very nature, requires a lot of extension work, which did not
materialise.
Generally, when dealing with people living below the poverty line, it is sometimes
difficult to get them to appreciate the problems of the environment and then to work
towards solving them. This is so because the very poor are concerned with a more
fundamental struggle concerning immediate survival, and not with conservation which
will not yield dividends for a very long time. As has also been recorded in various
studies, fuel wood scarcities by themselves rarely provide a sufficient incentive for
people to plant trees. As Barrow (1993) observes, this is because farmers are much more
interested in trees as a source of structural timber, fuel wood, poles, fruits and other
products, especially when these can be sold for cash. This is especially so, where the
primary consumers of fuel wood are not involved in decision- making concerning
afforestation. Women and children’s groups would therefore be ideal routes for achieving
grassroots action as they are actually in touch with the local environment and stand to be
the first to gain from the availability of fuel wood and forest products. They are the ones
who generally have to spend hours walking considerable distances in search of fuel wood
(Barrow, 1993).
There is also the legal problem of land acquisition. Apart from the gullies and other non-
productive land, it is sometimes difficult to acquire land for afforestation. Sometimes the
Ministry of Agriculture intervenes to help local farmers in their bid to acquire land and
subsequently help them with advice on the acquisition of the necessary application form
(Form C). Yet, the control of such lands rests with people outside the Ministry of
Agriculture. In fact, in Lesotho, there is lack of clarity as to the ownership of trees and
shrublands outside demarcated woodlots and reserves. Land allocation is caught between
three arms of government concerning tenure jurisdiction. These are between the chiefs,
central government and the new local government councils. In principle, land falls to the
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king and his chiefs, to whom the 1993 Constitution gave, through parliament, the right to
determine the mechanisms of such allocation (GoL, 2001). The process of acquiring
ownership sometimes discourages the farmers. Owing to intricacies involve many people
continue to see forestry development as the responsibility of government rather than their
own.
4.4 An overview of the Lesotho forestry development programme
Interest in forestry development amongst people proved not to be as high as anticipated
by the programme promoters. This has however, been attributed to ownership insecurity.
Individual or family forestry projects have been far more successful. People have had
little interest in planting trees for purely conservation purposes. The primary purpose has
always been its productive entity, conservation being only a secondary benefit. Payment
for labour (cash) or for work has frustrated the sustainability of forestry development in
Lesotho. This approach has never ensured its protection, management and sustainability.
The Lesotho Government, NGOs and other service providers- including donors-have
often assumed major roles in tree/forest establishment and in taking responsibilities for
o
what people should be doing f r such trees/forests. Local self-reliance has neither been
developed nor achieved in the process. The community-centred approach has not been
embraced by people because of self- interest and the self-acquisition syndrome evident
amongst people. The communal social forestry advocated by the Lesotho chiefs and
village heads would have promoted community-based approaches better than group and
individual approaches. Also, Government did not keep to the 20% benefit-sharing
formula. Moreover, forestry development happens to be long-term project, which does
not provide immediate benefits. The people were allocated gullied land on which to plant
trees. The application forms to process and secure ownership of such gullied lands are
further problems. Above all, the distrust among the people and the local chiefs also never
helped the initial practice of the communal forestry programme which, if successfully;
would have ignited strong sentiment for the community-based conservation approach.
Table 18 summarises the conservation attempts made in Lesotho by the Ministry of
Agriculture, as discussed in sections 3 and 4.
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Table 18: Conservation attempts by the Ministry of Agriculture, Lesotho
Project Aim/objective/scope Outcome Limitations/Failures Successes/lessons learned
a) Taung Reclamation Scheme To reclaim severely eroded The people resisted the Local authorities were not To reduce 10000 animals in the
(1956-1961) lands through control of attempt because they thought properly involved. The lowlands overnight to 50 was
livestock. that the imposed cattle control measures were too unrealistic. The project failed
regulations were unrealistic stringent. The people were and experienced an abrupt end
and unreasonable. These not involved in the decision- due to the stringent and
brought conflicts among the making process. No proper unilateral cattle regulations. The
people and government staff, planning was done. local people should be brought
which brought the project to into decisions that affect them.
an abrupt end.
b) Tebe-Tebeng Project (1956- To improve farming practices, The emphasis on using local The government officers The project failed to achieve its
1960) create dams and construct chiefs and village headmen forced it on the people integratred conservation attempts
conservation structures through caused suspicions, thereby through the local chief and because the people were not
integrated approach. causing considerable tension village heads. The project brought in directly. Thus,
between government staff and failed to achieve its integrated working with the entire
the local people. The project approach because no good community pays. Not all local
could not be sustained. participatory foundation was chiefs and village heads are
laid for project actually in full control of their
implementation. domain.
c) Thaba-Phats’oa area The project had integrated The initial project investment The project was interrupted It was a project inherited from
Improvement Project objectives, which included in nursery development and by the country’s political the colonial government. It was
(1967). establishing tree nurseries with irrigation scheme was not independence process. It beclouded with suspicious and
a conservation component and sustained because of failed due to the people’s confusion. The autocratic
increased crop production. stakeholders’ failure to reluctance to participate. management failed to yied good
continue the project. Involving the people mid-way dividends. Adequate project
the project has resulted in planning was not done for the
conflicts and confusion rather participation of all stakeholders.
than project continuity and
sustainability.
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d) Woodlot Programme (1972- The objectives of the project The programme succeeded The benefits from the The programme succeeded but it
1987). were to create forest services but to a limited degree. There programme were not could not be sustained because
and also enhance land was inter-village hostility adequately shared. The 20% of the managements’ unfulfilled
conservation. between project managers gross profit was only promises concerning sharing of
and the local community promised to the local benefits. Agreements must be
members. This arose due to communities to attract their kept and respected and the
distrust and the effects of involvement. Therefore, rewards of any conservation
conventional approaches. sustainability could not be attempts must be distributed
Woodlots were destroyed guaranteed under the adequately to allow for
when the local people could atmosphere of distrust and continuity and sustainability.
not be given their top-down approaches.
entitlements.
e) Senqu River Agricultural The objective of the project was The mechanical land The heavy rain destroyed One of the lessons learned is that
Extension Project (1972) geared towards land conservation approaches the conservation structures local community members are
conservation and was targeted people were introduced to because they were poorly never interested in long-term
to achieve self-sufficiency in collapsed as a result of poor planned and designed. The conservation projects and those
food. design, lack of conservation structures were which they feel are unprofitable.
communication with the not maintained. There was no Provision should also be made
people and maintenance. The continous interaction between for sustainability otherwise, it is
people felt that mechanical project managers and local extremely difficult to ensure that
and modern approaches were communities. This created local communities continue with
either expensive or gaps, which negatively conservation projects.
unprofitable for them. affected the project.
f) Leribe Pilot Project (1973- The project aim was to promote The project became elitist and Conservation structures built One of the major lessons learned
1997) land resource conservation the local people who were were not maintained, and the is that any conservation project
mainly by building conservation ignored in the process could capability research that neglects the roles of the
structures. It also encouraged not maintain the conservation encouraged by the project did local communities is likely not to
appropriate land use capability structures that were built. not have much impact on the succeed. The elite who took over
research. project’s sustainability. the project were not there on the
ground to maintain the structures
built.
g) Thaba-Bosiu Rural The project’s main objectives The project yielded good The project was capital The capital-intensive investment
Development Project, (1973- were erosion control and dividends in terms of capacity intensive and did not allow may have yielded good
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1977) transformation of land use building, construction of for indigenous practices. It dividends, but capital- intensive
patterns. conservation structures and also provided cash incentive, conservation projects encourage
ensuring good practices such which has neither been mechanical measures, which
as fallow systems. sustainable nor proved to be often disregard indigenous
effective. knowledge and practices.
This was a pilot design to The project costs were not The project suffered from Conservation field officers
h) Khomo -Khoana Project (1975) provide extension services as accounted for, because of lack of governent support and should be made to live around
well as construct conservation lack of coordination. The poor inter-ministerial the project site to be able to have
structures. project was ranked as coordination. An extension regular and direct contact with
moderately successful despite worker was not stationed at the project beneficiaries. The
the lack of coordination. This the project site. The project people should also be involved at
is because it made some was poorly planned and this the planning stages. Government
reasonable impact on the suffered from poor agencies that have a stake in a
ground. stakeholders’ involvement. project need to be coordinated to
The project therefore fizzled allow for uniformity in approach
out. and also avoid the duplication of
roles.
i) Land and Water Resource The project aim was to transfer Several conservation Community involvement was Skills should be transferred to
Development Project (1975-1983) skills, conservation technology structures were built and not the concern of the project. those whose responsibilities are
and institutional development of national personnel trained. The project failed to mobilise to sustain a particular project.
the people to control Lesotho However, the conservation local communities because Such people should be identified
erosion. structures were not sustained the wrong people were for capacity building. Funding
because those who were capacitated. should be directed towards
capacitated were not truly project sustainability.
residents of the project host
communities.
j) Intensive Arable Land Projects The objective was to erect The project resulted into No adequate planning was Sustainability is an important
(1979-1982) conservation structures in the hectares of conservation made to sustain the project. component of any conservation
catchment areas of the projects. lands. The people responded Conservation structures were project planning. If it is ignored,
in good number but as usual, allowed to decay and be there is hardly any way such
failed to continue as soon destroyed. The local project can be sustained.
sponsors withdrew. communities were not
adequately involved.
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Capacity building should also
involve equipping the people
to take full control.
k) The Production through The objective of the project was The project developed other It lacked a unified extension Any conservation project with
Conservation Programme (PTC) to combat accelerated land components such as land - approach and adequate diverse components should have
(1981-1996) degradation and at the same use planning, forestry and follow-up. Low morale a coordinating body/office to
time support land users in farm improvement. It was motivation, transparency and avoid conflicts, confusion and
increasing production. based on village development accountability were duplication of roles and
planning procedures. It experienced. Confusion and responsibilities. Enhancement of
brought about change of chaos were the order of the people’s morale and
values and attitudes of the day and coordination was motivation/incentives are
people. The project continued also lacking. ingredients of community
for a long time, and people participation. The extent of
participated despite the participation achieved can be
limitations experienced. attributed to village-based
development- planning
procedure employed in the
project.
l) Park development in Lesotho To conserve and maintain the The attempt led to further The management has not Conflicts and confusion may
(1970) biodiversity of Lesotho. development of other nature been able to bring local continue to becloud these
reserves by LHDA, and the communities into the system attempts unless local
Mountain Biodiversity with open hearts. The original communities are given their
Project of the UNDP. The occupants of the lands taken place in the management process
management of the projects over by these parks have not and also share adequately in the
will determine whether these been rewarded adequately. benefits.
parks and nature reserves will Neighbours also need to be
be sustained indefinitely. partners in the management.
The past mistakes need to be
corrected.
m) Afforestation development in The objectives of forestry Several woodlots and social The security of ownership The problem of land tenure in
Lesotho developments are to rehabilitate forestry schemes were could not be guaranteed. the country, self interest and
degrade lands, protect the developed. These There were both legal and self-acquisition did not allow
environment, provide household developments attracted technical problems of land forestry development to grow
security in fuel production, and development agencies to acquisition. Adequate sharing and be sustained. The
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to make sound land use plans develop pilot forestry of forestry produce could not community-centred approach has
and land management practices. projects, which facilitated the be guaranteed because of the not been accepted into the
development of woodlot conflicts between the local system because of self-interest
projects (LWP), community people and the chiefs/village sentiments amongst the people.
social forestry (CSF) and heads. An individualistic The people are also not
social forestry programmes approach was encouraged. interested in the long-term nature
(SFP). Because of the Scarcity of land for forestry of forest development. The
feelings of self-interest and development was also another people need to be mobilised by
the long-term nature of forest limitation of forest providing them with sustainable
development, government development in Lesotho. incentives such as secure tenure,
plantations are the ones seedlings and technical expertise
mainly surviving today in support.
Lesotho.
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The following section discusses attempts to combat desertification through the
instrumentality of some international organisations such as IFAD, UNDP, GTZ, which
have registered their presence in the country by way of impacting on conservation
programmes in the National Environment Secretariat, Lesotho.
5. COMBATING DESERTIFICATION IN LESOTHO
Several measures have been taken by the Government of Lesotho to address the issues of
drought and desertification in Lesotho since the ratification of the United Nations
Convention to combat desertification. Lesotho became the first African country and the
fifth amongst the United Nations Organisation member countries to consent to combat
desertification (UNEP et al., 1998). This explains the interest Lesotho government has
for conservation of her land resources. However, considering the efforts by the
government and other organisations such as United Nations Development Programme,
International Food Agricultural Development, and so on, towards combating
desertification in Lesotho, it becomes obvious that land degradation and land
rehabilitation in the country are not new. They have continually been the concerns of the
government and other organisations. The government has demonstrated keen interest to
conserve the land and the land-based resources. However, individual Lesotho citizens
have not met this concern by assuming appropriate responsibilities and initiatives.
Although Lesotho rural people realise the problem of land degradation due to soil
erosion, most of the efforts of the government and programmes supported by NGOs have
not been very successful, as land degradation continues unabated. It has always been
argued that it might be possible that the root causes of the land resource degradation
problems have not yet been addressed. To take the bull by the horns, the Government of
Lesotho in 1996 established an environment-coordinating body known as the National
Environment Secretariat (NES) under the Ministry of Environment and Tourism to deal
with the matter.
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Many outreach, educational and campaign programmes have been mounted by National
Environme nt Secretariat (NES). Currently, NES is running and coordinating other
environmental projects, such as the Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction
(EMPR), the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) and the most recent project on
conserving the Mountain Biodiversity of Southern Lesotho (CMBSL). Of these, the
project that is most widespread among Lesotho communities and which has been on the
ground and attracted the interest of this study, is the Environmental Management for
Poverty Reduction Project. This is so because it has been implemented for some eight
years and is at present being implemented in the ten districts of the country. Moreover,
the target participants (youth) are of particular interest to the study because they are the
leaders and future hopes of tomorrow who need to be put on the right track to be able to
plan how to conserve and sustain land resources for future generations.
5.1 Structure in place to combat desertification in Lesotho
In compliance with the terms of the convention to combat desertification in Lesotho, the
government has set up a multi-disciplinary National Desertification Steering Committee
to oversee, in collaboration with NES, the implementation of the National Action Plan.
The committee according to NES (2004:13) includes the following institutions in
Lesotho:
• National Environment Secretariat (Coordinator)
• National University of Lesotho
• Natural Resources (Hydrology and Meteorology)
• Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security
• Ministry of Forestry and Land Departments:
- Soil and water Conservation Management
- Range Management Department
- Forestry Department
• Ministry of Local Government
• Disaster Management Authority
• Lesotho Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (LCN)
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• Other NGO’s that deal with afforestation and soil conservation
The above committee is responsible to the Director of Environment Department. The
committee advises NES on matters related to land degradation. At the district and local
levels, the structures consist of the District Secretary, Heads of departments at the district,
Principal chiefs, selected number of representatives of the Local Authorities,
Development Councils and Representatives of NGO’s. At the local level, it is the Local
Authorities responsible for planning development activities.
5.2 Profile of challenges to combat desertification in Lesotho
The attempts made by Lesotho government to combat desertification through the
structure outlined under 5.1 had several challenges that include the following:
• Coordination
The coordination of activities deisgned to combat desertification has been neither
consistent nor coherent. Different core ministries in Lesotho engaged in activities to
combat desertification usually consider what suits them and what they think is right.
Generally, attempts to combat desertification are focussed at addressing land degradation
symptoms rather than the causes. Beside the above observation, NES, which ought to
coordinate activities regarding land conservation and rehabilitation, has also been deeply
engaged in implementing conservation and rehabilitation programmes. Beyond this, NES
is a Department of the Ministry of Tourism, Culture and Environment with no authority
over other departments or ministries engaged in environmental matters. Therefore, its
roles have been more of advisory rather than coordination. For the reason of lack of
authority, the ideal would be to establish an independent authority with due legal and
enforcement powers on environmental matters.
• Funding
Funding of land conservation and rehabilitation activities has been a major challenge to
Lesotho government. It is a fact that Lesotho government has made some serious
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attempts to address land degradation in the past 2-3 decades. The most recent step taken
by Lesotho government is the establishment of the Ministry of Forestry and Land
Reclamation. However, it appears that rehabilitation of rangelands is reserved for NGO’s
and donor agencies. Moreover, there has been a lack of adequate budgetary support for
major programmes, while some major rehabilitation programmes are partially funded
through other related activities as a sub-item in others.
As a result of a lack of funds, the government currently focusses on tree planting to score
political points. As pointed earlier, the main sources of financing interventions to combat
desertification have been from Lesotho Fund for Development, Lesotho Highlands Water
Authority and international donor agencies.
• Extension services
The quality of extension staff has also been a challenge because the quality of extension
services has been weak. Extension staffs have lost focus. They only take directives from
political heads that want to tell voters how many trees have been planted but without
records of survival rate. The challenge therefore is to train the extension staffs so that
they are able to advice the political heads of the need to address the root causes of land
degradation, when to plant trees, as well as about measures to increase survival rates.
• Other challenges include inadequate information to help guide decision makers. The
government lack the will to gather; analyse and manage information on land
degradation. Poverty in Lesotho is again being escalated due to the rising level of
unemployment. The high HIV/AIDS prevalence which ranged between 31 and 35%;
low environmental awareness among policy and decision makers; low and weak
institutional capacity to deal with environmental problems; legal impediments and
poor law enforcement by the policy makers have combined to pose serious challenges
to combat desertification in Lesotho.
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6. LAND RESOURCES CONSERVATION AND RURAL DEVELOPMENT IN
LESOTHO
Land resources conservation in Lesotho cannot be separated from rural development in
broader terms. Land resources conservation in Lesotho revolves round the peoples’
survival and well-being. This is because land resources degradation has been one of the
most developmental crises Lesotho faces for decades. Combating desertification
successfully would mean a successful beginning of rural development activities in
Lesotho. In fact, provision of infrastructure, which a layman would see as the beginning
of rural development, cannot all be sited on environmentally degraded lands. Therefore,
to ensure effective and sustainable rural development initiatives, conservation of land
resources and rehabilitation of degraded lands have to be the starting point so that the
people can survive to participate in the rest development activities.
7. ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT FOR POVERTY REDUCTION
PROJECT (EMPR)
This section focuses on Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction projects
(UNDP sponsored project in Lesotho) as an empirical case study. Attention is given to
the practice of real community participation in the project. It also examines levels of
participation, and the good and bad conservation practices of the project. The purpose of
these assessments is to enable lessons learnt to be used in the future land resources
conservation programme.
Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction (EMPR) was established in 1996 to
address the following:
• To identify problems of land degradation in both rural and urban areas of
Lesotho;
• To provide hands-on training of the youth on proper environmental use and
management;
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• To increase the base of potential trainers on environmental issues at the
community level;
• To promote popular participation; and
• To address the problem of unemployment among the youth in Lesotho through
the rehabilitation and management of land resources (EMPR, 1996).
7.1 The project component and target participa nts
The targeted participants are youths who have been out of school for two or more years
(youth school dropouts)2 and youths who have never been to school at all and are
somehow disadvantaged but physically capable. The EMPR was designed to educate the
youth about the environment and how to protect and conserve its land resources. Under
this project, the youth are taught to rehabilitate the degraded lands through soil
conservation measures like tree-planting and building stone structures in dongas / gullies
and degraded lands. The project has a poverty alleviation component, where youth are
engaged in environment- friendly enterprises e.g. collection and selling of cans. They also
clean the environment, produce and sell tree seedlings, as well as engage in some
businesses like livestock and vegetable farming.
6.2 Implementation of conservation programme
In assessing the performance of the EMPR project, one would remark here, that it is
almost too early to make a convincing evaluation of the project performance because
gullies take years to fill up and planted trees also take years to grow. However, the initial
enlistment of youth into the project has been enthusiastically high. The project
components have been attractive to the youth with the monthly payment of 200 Maloti3
per participant (EMPR, 2001). Noteworthy is the number of youth participants, which has
been on the increase. While the project has been extended to all districts of the country,
new participants and groups have replaced the initial ones. This study has also taken
particular interest in the root cause of the increase in the number of the participating
2
The term ‘youth school dropouts’ used in this study is adapted fro the EMPR project document. The term describes the project target
participants. The youth school dropouts referred to are those who fall between the ages of 15 and 24 years and who, for various
reasons, could not continue their education. According to the project document, these youth dropouts are mainly primary and post -
primary schools.
3
200 Maloti means – R200
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youth groups in the project, and the issue of sustainability-especially after the withdrawal
of the technical expert. The youth have been trained to enable them to train others on land
rehabilitation activities.
However, whether Lesotho government will be ready to continue to support the project,
remains an issue. In any case, it was extended for another one year since January 2004
with additional sponsorship from the United Nations Development Programme, the
Government of Lesotho, and the South African and The Netherlands governments.
As at the time of this study, the project duration has just been renewed and is in a
transitional stage. Recruiting participants in the communities where there were no
participants and establishing new groups were ongoing activities. The only anticipated
fear would be the choice of participants in the recruitment exercise. The choice fell on
those faithful to the ruling party and those who support the government’s environmental
programmes. However, the involvement of politicians in the selection exercise has
produced some further enthusiasm among communities. EMPR (2001) show a dramatic
increase in the number of participants. Moreover, the previous target of 1 650 participants
in the project has also been increased to 2 334 participants for the year 2001.
Consequently, this has improved and strengthened government’s funding, which will
predictably impact on the extent of land reclamation and rehabilitation in Lesotho in
general, and, the lowlands in particular. Tables 19, 20, 21, 22, and 23 show the phases
and the number of groups and participants in the project between December 1999 and
April 2001.
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Table 19: EMPR Project implementation phases and level of participation, 1996-1999
Project Phases Districts No of sites per district No of Youth
First Phase Berea 8 195
1996 – 1997 Mafeteng 6 135
Mohale’s Hoek 6 136
Second Phase Quthing 9 135
1997 – 1998 Qacha’s Nek 6 135
Thaba – Tseka 6 135
Leribe 6 135
Third Phase Maseru 9 135
1998 – 1999 Butha – Buthe 6 135
Mokhotlong 6 135
Total 10 68 1450
Source: EMPR (2001)
The project was initially implemented in phases. The first phase, which started in August
ad
1996, h its coverage in only three districts, namely Berea, Mafeteng and Mohale’s
Hoek. In April 1997, it was extended to Quthing, Qacha’s nek, Thaba-Tseka and Leribe.
In February 1998, the project started its third phase with further extension to Maseru,
Butha-Buthe and Mokhotlong (EMPR, 2001). However, the following table shows the
groups and the number of youth participants within the period 1999-2001 when the
project has the coverage of the ten districts of Lesotho.
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Table 20: EMPR records of Youth participation between December 1999, and April
2001 in the ten districts of Lesotho.
District Year No of Groups No of Participants
Maseru 1999 8 118
2000 21 208
2001 25 220
Mafeteng 1999 - -
2000 6 87
2001 19 280
Berea 1999 - -
2000 15 153
2001 23 230
Quthing 1999 4 42
2000 2 24
2001 10 139
Thaba-Tseka 1999 3 27
2000 - -
2001 13 205
Butha-Buthe 1999 6 104
2000 4 73
2001 23 346
Mohale’s Hoek 1999 - -
2000 - -
2001 15 325
Qacha’s Nek 1999 1 3
2000 4 95
2001 5 95
Mokhotlong 1999 7 113
2000 6 31
2001 12 205
Leribe 1999 3 40
2000 13 181
2001 14 289
Total 2334
Source: EMPR (2000/2001)
The above table shows that between the periods stipulated above, there was a significant
increase in the number of youth participants in the project. Of the ten districts of Lesotho,
only Maseru had a short fall in the number of participants and this was probably
attributable to the late recruitment exercise of participants in the district. As at the time of
this study, a new recruitment exercise has not been carried out in the Maseru district.
However, the above table shows a progressive increase in youth involvement in the
project. In the table below, the project impact in terms of absorbing youth dropout the
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area of land rehabilitation is demonstrated.
Table 21: Estimate of youth school dropouts and level of involvement in EMPR Project
between 1999-2001
District Number of youths Estimate of Number of youth % of youth
- 20-24 age group dropout rate per participating in absorbed between
population district EMPR per 1999-2001
district between
1999-2001
Maseru 38348 10.7 546 13%
Mafeteng 20082 16.3 367 11%
Berea 21956 11.6 383 15%
Quthing 11411 20 205 8%
Thaba-Tseka 11603 18.2 232 11%
Butha-Buthe 10098 10.6 523 48%
Mohale’s Hoek 16326 16.9 325 12%
Qacha’s Nek 6611 15.1 193 19%
Mokhotlong 7750 22.6 349 20%
Leribe 27910 15.6 510 12%
Total 172095 14.1% 3633 17%
Sources: EMPR (2001); GoL (2001); LBS (1996) & MoE, (2000 & 2002).
School dropouts are those who dropped out of a particular school system for various
reasons. Of this figure of 14.1%, those who continued their studies elsewhere could not
be established. It is, however, true, that some who are deemed to be dropouts either
migrated to South Africa or joined other school systems within the country (and in some
cases) private schools that are not registered by the government. This being the case, this
study observes that the figures from the government database sources may have been
over-estimated. However, based on the available sources, the project has absorbed
between 8% recorded in Quthing and 48% in Butha-Buthe districts. This puts the national
record of youth participation at 17% of estimated school dropouts. The substantial record
of youth participation does not mean that the youth between the ages of 20-24 in the rural
communities absorbed into the project are numerous. There is confirmation that many
more are either employed in the factories in Maseru, Mafeteng, and Maputsoe or in the
South African mines.
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7.3 Land rehabilitation activities of the EMPR Project
The EMPR Project, through youth participants, has successfully built structures in
gullies, planted grasses and trees, constructed and rehabilitated earth roads and developed
vegetable farms on rehabilitated lands. The table below shows detailed records of the
project’s activities in the country.
Table 22: EMPR conservation achievements for the period 1996 – 2001 June
District No of Stone Rehabilitated area No of No of Conservation Metres of
Checkdams in hectares Nurseries structures level bunds
Mohale’s Hoek 699.10 500 6 3 0
Mafeteng 727.50 400 6 4 0
Berea 757.00 600 8 4 70
Quthing 555.00 520 9 2 0
Qacha’s Nek 378.00 505 6 0 0
Thaba-Tseka 827.00 620 6 0 120
Leribe 410.00 425 6 2 120
Maseru 476.50 525 7 5 0
Butha-Buthe 483.00 322 5 0 0
Mokhotlong 469.00 200 5 0 0
Total 5 782.10 4,617 64 20 310
Source: EMPR (2001)
The table above shows the record of conservation achievement of the project. The project
has its numerous youth groups which have built 5,782.10 stone check-dams structures,
rehabilitated a land area of 4617 hectares, developed 64 nurseries, 20 conservation areas
and 310 metres of level bunds (embarkments).
Furthermore, in the area of project achievement in between 1997-1999 in the area of
afforestation through planting of trees, the project has the following records. (see Table
23 below).
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Table 23: EMPR Project annual forestation records, 1997-1999
District Trees planted in1997 Trees planted in 1998 Tree planted in 1999
Mohale’s Hoek 4588 5942 1925
Mafeteng 5440 3980 2715
Berea 4458 2856 NIL
Quthing NIL 11678 1483
Qacha’s Nek 1216 5416 NIL
Leribe NIL 11750 300
Maseru “ 572 4000
Butha-Buthe “ 500 3170
Mokhotlong “ NIL 6000
Thaba-Tseka “ 5115 5825
Total 14846 47810 25418
Source: EMPR (2001)
The above table shows the number of trees planted in 1997, 1998 and 1999 in the ten
districts of Lesotho. The fluctuation in the total number of trees for 1997, 1998 and 1999
is attributed to the project’s emphases. The EMPR (2000) points out that in 1999 there
was greater emphasis on building stone structures along gullies and more time was also
devoted to nurturing the trees planted rather than on recruiting more participants into the
project. The argument was that time was needed to nurture what had been invested and
the year 1999 was mapped out for these tasks. The implementation of the project was not
without some negative consequences. These are outlined as follows:
The project’s achievement as shown in Tables 22 & 23 can be compared with the results
of Intensive Arable Land Project shown in Table 17. The difference can be traced to the
fact that the Intensive Arable Land Project had a wider coverage in terms of participation
and institutional framework. The EMPR has only involved the youths, had limited
coverage and institutional framework. In the area of capacity building, the EMPR project
can be said to have excelled over and above the Intensive Arable Land Project.
7.4 EMPR Project: Lessons to be learned
The project design and management practices have had some consequences, which are
good lessons to learn for the future in community-based projects:
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• Some of the new groups, that emerged in the same villages where groups already
existed, were not allowed to continue work on the old sites where the old or
former groups were working. In such cases, new sites were developed, thereby
causing the uncompleted old sites to be abandoned.
• Participants work only on the days they expect their field officers to visit, most
times at the end of each month when their monthly renumeration is paid. This
practice has continued despite management threats not to pay participants or
groups that fail to carry out any rehabilitation work within a month.
• There is no close monitoring of the groups until the monthly routine payment
exercise is carried out. The field officers have attributed this to the inadequate
number of official vehicles for fieldwork.
• The motorcycles, which the field workers are given, appear to be too big and
therefore, are not being put to effective use because of the nature of Lesotho’s
terrain. Again, as some of the field officers are women, they are reluctant to use a
motorcycle. For these reasons, the field officers have abandoned the (extra-large)
motorcycles and quarrel to obtain one of the few available motor vehicles (4 x 4)
to accomplish their field assignments and other services.
• The remuneration formula, which reduces participants’ monthly pay by M50.00
annually, affected the number of participants during the first four years of the
project. Thus, the number of participants’ reduced year-by-year as participants’
monthly ‘take home’ renumeration reduced from an original M200 to M150.00
during the second year of recruitment, M100.00 the third year and M50.00 the
fourth and last year of engagement. Having realised the implications of this
retrogressive financial incentive, the project renewal package has introduced some
changes, which include the duration of engagement and the remuneration formula.
Currently, participants are engaged for only one year and earn M100.00 per
month for the period. By this change, the project shall have involved 12,000
participants during the three- year period of extension, which will far out-number
the 1650 target participants per year in the project’s first four- year phase (1996-
2000) (EMPR, 2001). Consequently, the project may be failing to achieve the
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desired continuity of participants which is required for project sustainability.
Besides, bad blood may be created between the old and newly recruited
participants. This atmosphere is not likely to change since participants are
engaged for a one- year period.
• The promotion of community-centred conservation is also likely to have been
wiped out in communities where such groups exist because of the projects’
encouragement of financial incentive for any conservation work. However, some
see it as an adequate incentive for people to participate. Yet, the problem of not
participating without such financial incentive remains unresolved, and this may
remain a hindrance to conservation of land resources for decades to come.
• Other community members who do not belong to any of these groups are
reluctant to participate in any environmental management and land resources
conservation work. This is because it is currently assumed that only the selected
group members who are rewarded monthly are to do all the land resources
conservation work in the communities where such groups exist.
• The field officers are practically engaged to disburse monthly youth remuneration
rather than themselves being engaged in extension assignments. Besides, the ten
field officers covering the ten districts all reside in Maseru. The relevance of the
‘position’ of field officer has been betrayed by the negative shift of responsibility
from being a field officer to that of being an accounts clerk who disburses
monthly youth remuneration. The situation as at the time of this study shows that
the project can also succeed without the highly paid field officers. The various
community development committee members and village heads can be used to
perform the present roles of the field officers.
• The project approach has not embraced the principles of community-centred
conservation programme. The use of groups instead of involving the entire
community indicates a particular interest in segments of the community.
Admittedly, the project document stipulates the target participants to be “Youth
school drop-outs”.
• The project incentives are not sustainable enough. A group of youths are expected
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to set up an income-generating enterprise out of participants’ one-year earnings.
The question here is whether R100 per month is sustainable for a jobless youth?
While this study subscribes to providing incentives to participants, it upholds
sustainable types of incentives. The project has a very poor record of surviving
groups after the one-year training period. Consequently, these groups end their
existence as soon as the project withdraws funding and technical and material
support.
• In the Leribe, Maseru and Qacha’s Nek districts, field officers were convincingly
found to have both defrauded and frustrated the project by fraudulently inflating
the number of participants and youths groups that never existed to generate
money for themselves. In some cases, participants were not paid for months and
in other cases, working materials, seedlings and other resource provision meant
for the project were diverted by project officers to their own use (EMPR, 2001).
Before this report was submitted, the project management introduced a control measure
whereby soldiers are to be engaged on a monthly basis to accompany the field officers
during monthly payments of participants’ renumerations. The purpose, we guess, is to
check and to ensure that participants are paid. The question, however, is whether the
soldiers are free from fraud. Can’t they be bought over? Above all, money that would
have made the project financial incentive package sustainable to participants, while also
capacitating community members, is now paid to the soldiers witnessing the
disbursement of M100 to each participant. Such acts of misappropriation of funds made
available for a conservation project are crucial issues in a conservation management
project. This is because misappropriation could impact on the local community level of
participation in conservation programmes.
8. CONCLUSION
The chapter dealt with Lesotho’s environmental situation in terms of land resources
conservation. The first phase of discussions outlined Lesotho’s geographical and
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ecological background. The chapter acknowledged the potential peculiarities of Lesotho’s
land resources. It also addressed the historical perspective of some selected conservation
initiatives undertaken by the Lesotho Ministry of Agriculture and Environmental
Management for Poverty Reduction Project. While applauding good conservation
practices, the study also frowned upon the poor practices. Due to the poor practices, land
degradation appears to be on the increase despite the numerous conservation attempts.
Despite the good number of conservation attempts made in Lesotho, there has been no
mass-based environmental movement until very recently. The dominant understanding of
environmental issues in Lesotho has hitherto been from the authoritarian conservation
perspective, where conservation approaches disregarded the indigenous knowledge, the
rights and the dignity of the people and was almost totally divorced from sustainable
development. The forced removal and social dislocation of Lesotho citizens were
common and these were contributed to public resentment of conservation policies, no
matter how logical or necessary such policies may have been. A cursory look at the
environmental conservation efforts in Lesotho shows that the basic principles of
environmental management policies have not been met and that the successes of the
conservation movement are far outnumbered by the failures. The above notwithstanding,
it must be appreciated that due to the total pressure of developmental challenges, the
Lesotho government has not the means, institutional capacity, will etc to effectively
engage in a national conservation framework. This has placed the country’s conservation
priorities between top down global agendas and local communities preferences.
In general, one would say that despite the numerous conservation measures applied so far
in Lesotho, not much has been achieved in terms of capturing a high level of community
involvement. The end of every project has a sad story of either there was confusion
between the community and government or that the people were reluctant to participate.
Ordinarily, one would have expected that, when the first batches of conservation projects
failed to achieve the desired goals of sustained conservation measures, researches geared
towards the community-based approaches could have been commissioned. Possibly, this
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could have curbed or reduced the escalating land degradation problem in Lesotho. There
is also clear evidence to vindicate individual Lesotho citizens for their feelings and
desires which include: the empty and unfulfilled promises from government, the
inappropriate land tenure systems, the unsustained incentives, the exclusion of people
from decision- making processes and the inadequate benefit-sharing. The above
notwithstanding, it must be appreciated that due to the total pressure of developmental
challenges, the Lesotho government ha either not the means, institutional capacity, will
etc to engage sustainably and successfully towards a national conservation framework.
This has placed the country’s conservation priorities between top down global agendas
and local communities preferences. To address these issues, a trial collaboration or joint
management approach geared towards achieving sustainable land resources conservation
and management programmes may be a possible way out of the hitherto fruitless
attempts. While also pondering on the continued land degradation and possible
sustainable measures, Chapter Five discusses data gathered and presents findings.
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CHAPTER FIVE
DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS
1. INTRODUCTION
This study was conducted in six selected communities in Lesotho, as shown in Tables 5
and 6 in Chapter One. The analysis of findings draws upon data from these six
communities and also two conservation agencies, which included the Ministry of
Agriculture and Natural Resources (Lesotho), and the Environmental Management for
Poverty Reduction Project (a UNDP project in Lesotho). The data gathered are discussed
under different sub- headings. Issues raised during focus group discussions with the local
communities, as well as interviews held with conservation officers, are grouped into two
separate sectionss. The grouping of discussions into two sections is to ensure clarity
about the views expressed by the local communities and about those of the conservation
officers. However, fusing items of similarity together in some instances during the
process of analysis is done to reduce the size and length of data. A third section details
the lessons learned. The lessons learned and how such lessons relate to the future of
community-based conservation are clearly stated in the third section.
2. OPINIONS OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES ABOUT CONSERVATION OF
LAND RESOURCES PROGRAMMES
This section presents the outcome of the focus group discussions held with the local
communities relevant to this study.
2.1 Causes of land degradation in the study areas
On the issue of land degradation, the study participants pointed out that land degradation
in the areas of study is caused by both erosion and human activities. Participants related
the impact of erosion on the inhabitants of lowlands:
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Erosion of land starts from the mountains, but impacts much devastating consequences
on the lowlands. Participants added: Even when trees are planted and replanted, they die
off under conditions of harsh weather, leaving the few surviving trees at the mercy of the
grazing animals (Direct communication with local communities).
Participants also agreed that the topography of the lowlands, the poor soil composition,
deforestation, poor farming practices, land tenure systems, the poor attitude of local
communities towards land, poverty and the over-stocking of animals are some causes of
land degradation in the study areas. The above- mentioned causes of land degradation are
in line with the causes of land degradation as stipulated in Chapter 2 (see Figure 1) and as
outlined by the following writers: Ayoub (1999), Botha & Fouche (2000), Bromley
(1994), FAO (1999), FAO (2000), Morgan (1994), NFAP (1996), Owen & Unwin
(1997), UNEP et al. (1998), UNEP (2000) Whiteside (1998), and Yeld (1997).
The study participants also acknowledged that over-population of humans and stock has
led to the destruction of trees and shrubs in the study areas. EMPR (1999), Kabul, Kumar
& Puri (1999), and Pelser & Kherehloa (2000) also agree that the above are major causes
of land degradation. However, Kharin’s (1997) research findings, based on experiences
in Malawi and Sudan, disagrees that over-population causes land degradation. He rather
argues that over-population instead could encourage land conservation. Ahuja (1998),
who tries to support the view that over-population causes land degradation bases his
reasons on the fact that the smaller and more ethnically homogeneous communities are,
the better and easier such communities are able to coordinate conservation activities.
Ahuja, however, does not give any evidence in support of how negatively heterogeneous
communities affect conservation activities. Yet, over-population has not been known to
be a major problem in Lesotho; the traditional mechanism for land distribution makes the
system look as if land is scarce in the country as a result of population explosion. The
truth is that Lesotho’s landscape, its rocky nature and the extent of land degradation in
particular in the study areas, have created a scarcity situation for land administration.
While this study also acknowledges the fact that population growth can cause land
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degradation, it also supports the view that land degradation encourages conservation
activities.
2.2 Awareness among the local communities regarding the scale, scope and priority
of land degradation challenges
Local communities described the scale and scope of land degradation in their immediate
environment as huge and therefore, beyond their capacity to tackle without external
intervention. Participants also acknowledged government’s relentless attempts to educate
the local communities about the scale and scope of land degradation and possible ways of
combating the causes. Participants further accepted that such knowledge have not
seriously changed the situation on the ground. They rather stressed that government
agencies needed to confront and combat the existing extent of land degradation within
local communities while the people provide the required labour services.
On the issue of land degradation challenges, participants stressed that: “[W]e are
currently faced with erosion of both top soil and vegetative cover. The negative impacts
of this have been worsened by the current drought and famine that hav e left us at the
mercy of the World Food Programme. Otherwise the death rate arising from hunger
could have added to the increasing death rate resulting from HIV/AIDS pandemic in our
local communities. As participants further stressed: [W]e have been educated with the
mechanical approaches to conservation. Unfortunately, there is just little we can do to
help ourselves. The scale of land degradation is beyond our capacity". (Direct
communication with local communities).
2.3 Effects of continuous land degradation on the local communities
As participants noted, “if the scale at which our land is degrading is allowed to continue
we may find it difficult to feed ourselves in the near future. Currently, we are able to feed
because of the World Food Programme’s regular supply of maize meal to our
communities”. Participants also stressed that local inhabitants have been migrating to
urban areas for survival while others are crossing to South Africa. According to
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participants, the current retrenchment of Lesotho citizens at the South African mines and
the closure of factories and the on-going retrenchment in the existing factories, may
increase the pressure on the available lands. This is because the number of returnees to
rural communities will certainly be on the increase.
2.4 Past and on-going land resources conservation initiatives in the study areas
Local communities confirmed that they had experienced government land resources
conservation projects. On the ground there was demonstrable evidence to authenticate the
fact that collaborative conservation works have been experienced in the study areas. The
people, however, agreed that the level of community involvement differs among the areas
and so do the conservation initiatives. For instance, Ha Setlako-tlako, Ha Mosotho in
Mafeteng district and Rankhelepe in Maseru district are good examples of local
communities where some significant land resources conservation attempts are made to
tackle land degradation problems. Examples are patches of conservation stone structures
built across gullies to check erosion in every nook and cranny of these local communities.
Vegetative cover measures, such as trees planted, were also observed. It must however,
be mentioned that most of the conservation efforts referred to were either the efforts of
government, donor-supported initiatives or the efforts of a few individual local farmers.
The table below provides clarity, on some of the conservation attempts noted in the local
communities studied.
Table 24: Conservation projects in the study communities
Community Projects Completed On-going projects with government assistance
Ha Mosotho Planting of trees/fruit trees Land and gully reclamation, tree-planting and
other vegetative cover activities.
Matsoseng Planting of trees/fruit trees, earth road Land and gully reclamation and tree-replanting
rehabilitation work activities.
Ha Setlako-tlako Planting of trees/fruit trees; earth road Fruit tree-planting and erosion control structures
maintenance work such as check dams.
Ha Rankhelepe Planting of trees/fruit trees Fruit tree-planting, land reclamation and erosion
control structures (check dams and grass
planting).
Ha Tsilonyane Tree-planting, earth road rehabilitation Fruit tree-planting, land reclamation and
rehabilitation activities.
Ha Khoabane Tree-planting and earth road Land reclamation and tree/fruit tree-planting and
rehabilitation work erosion control activities.
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Table 24 shows the types of conservation initiatives the people are involved in the study
area. It also shows the kinds of conservation initiatives, which demand resources that
could be sourced internally. It also shows the on- going conservation efforts that are
receiving government/external assistance.
Despite the conservation attempts made by some individuals and groups within these
local communities, there are several fields that are abandoned, uncared for or
unprotected. These fields, according to the people, accelerate runoff, which in some cases
damages adjoining fields which are properly managed. The people also confirmed that
abandoned fields belong mainly to absentee farmers. These groups of absentee farmers
who seldom look after their fields are either civil servants or those who possess more
fields than they require. Participants also hinted that they are also the privileged few who
hold on to their privileged positions to acquire fields at the expense of the majority of the
poor, who, due to some circumstances, have been compelled to become paid labourers
working in the fields of the few privileged land owners. It is also important to observe
here that these absentee farmers do not consider conservation of land resources as a
priority: they have dependable alternative means of livelihood in the urban areas where
most of them reside.
2.5 Local communities’ involvement in past and on-going conservation projects
Having identified the local communities’ major conservation activities, participants
revealed that local community members who get involved in conservation activities are
mostly male adults. They added that female adults mainly participate in maintenance of
earth roads. Participants also acknowledged that youths who are participating in
conservation activities are the youth EMPR groups.
On the issue of male/female participation in conservation activities, it must be pointed out
that the EMPR project ratio for male/female recruitment is 2:1. The project policy
justifies this ratio with the argument that women, by nature, are not suited to conservation
work. Contrary to the male/female ratio set for recruiting participants in the EMPR
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project, this study has revealed that some of the EMPR youth groups have a
predominantly female membership. To be specific, some of the groups in Maseru and
Mafeteng districts have 80% female and 20% male members (EMPR, 2000). The high
enlistment of females in the EMPR project attests to the interest females have in
conservation activities. With this, it is clear that women would have participated more in
the government conservation activities had they been given equal access and rights to
land with their male counterparts. As Kothari, Anuradha & Palthak (1998) noted, women
environmental interventions in Indian Himalaya, Chiakpo and Rajasthan cases led the
Indian government to further promote female participation in land resources conservation
activities. Joekes (1994) also agreed that women’s participation should be promoted.
Joekes yet, expressed fears about the reversion of the role of women with regard to land
resources conservation. Beside the above illustration on male/female participation in the
EMPR project, it is important to also mention in general that local communities’
participation in conservation and rehabilitation activities is evidence in the areas of study.
As earlier pointed out, patches of conservation attempts are observable in every nook and
cranny of the local communities. However, participation is not total, and again,
conservation attempts are limited to the scope of local communities’ capacity.
2.6 Awareness of current land resources conservation practices
On the issue of awareness participants were unanimous about the means by which they
are educated about the current land resources conservation practices. They agreed that the
most consistent means have been through the government extension workers and a few
individual farmers who had had opportunities to learn from either the enlightened farmers
or agricultural extension workers. They also agreed that extension workers organise
“Pitso’s” (village meetings) where the entire adult village members are involved in
training sessions. Other means pointed out by participants are radio talks, posters and
flyers often distributed by government agencies.
Further on this issue, the government officers pointed out that conservation good
practices are brought to the local communities through the following means:
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• Extension workers’ talks at village meetings
• Extension workers’ regular visits to land users’ fields to give technical advices about
land resources conservation
• Organising workshops for Village Developme nt Committee members’
• Radio talks on land rehabilitation and conservation management
• Distribution of flyers and posters that carry messages about managing land resources
conservation and rehabilitation initiatives
• Distribution of environmental management and land resources conservation training
manuals
• Special conversation outreach programmes for children at schools, colleges and
higher institutions have also been strategised.
Local communities acknowledged the above while discussing with them.
The strategic school programme is in line with Staszenski’s (2000) laudable idea, which
states that school children should be involved in land resources conservation, while
stressing that when the children leave school, that they are likely to change their parents’
attitudes and behaviour with regard to conservation of land resources. Participants further
revealed that local communities have found the field workers visits to the fields of
individual farmers to be more effective than those conservation training manuals, flyers,
radio talks and talks at village meetings.
2.7 Controlling numbers of livestock
The question of controlling the numbers of livestock in the study areas was not received
favourably. This is because the rearing of animals has been the people’s major source of
income and livelihood particularly for most families that do not have arable lands for
cultivation. Participants agreed that overstocking has been a major contributory factor to
land degradation and that it has also frustrated most attempts to revegetate their lands.
Participants claimed not to know how the herdboys graze their animals on the protected
land areas because of the distance between their villages and the grazing areas. Ayoub
(1999), FAO (1999), Bureau of Statistics Lesotho (1998), NFAP (1996) and Whiteside
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(1998) agree that overstocking accelerates land degradation. As participants
unequivocally remarked, [W]e cannot control stocking unless we are provided with
alternative means of survival. Historically, it is recalled tha t Taung Reclamation Scheme
of 1956-61 came to an abrupt end because of the disagreement between the colonial
department and the people about the stringent control imposed on livestock holding
(Chakela et al., 1983). The people described the regulation as unrealistic and
unreasonable (MoA, 1988). (see Chapter Two section 4, 4.2 and Chapter Four section 3,
3.1).
It has been established from discussions with participants that the rural Lesotho citizens
are not ready to reduce and control stocking of livestock because of economic
considerations. According to them, the following reasons account for why the people may
continue to overstock despite environmental considerations:
• Livestock remains the preferred form of investment for Lesotho citizens
working in South Africa. Remittances to Lesotho are commonly invested in
livestock, which provides reasonable returns compared with other limited
alternatives available to the people.
• Livestock remains an important source of livelihood and also depicts status.
• Livestock ownership continues to have an important social function in
connection with transportation, marriages, funerals, royal gifts, ploughing and
so on.
• Communal ownership of the rangeland in Lesotho provides little immediate
reason for individuals to practise restraint in use by reducing herd size; and
• It also provides a major source of protein for the people.
With the aforementioned importance attached to the ownership of livestock, it is apparent
that any attempt to regulate livestock holding without providing the people with
alternative means of livelihood may also be met with endless conflict.
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2.8 Introducing a land resources user-fee
Participants are unanimously opposed to the introduction of a land resources user- fee,
arguing that land resources are a free gift of nature and should not be paid for. However,
participants agreed that there was a need to replant trees cut down as well as re-vegetate
land covers removed. The question of land resources which cannot be replanted was met
with an angry response: [W]e are not ready to discuss the matter beyond saying that
other land resources that cannot be replanted are also a free gift of nature and cannot be
paid for (Direct communication with local communities).
This type of free gift attitude towards land resources is why Nihal (1997) promotes user-
fee economic mechanisms. He emphasises that the R51.7 million realised in three years
in an Indian community through the introduction of user- fee ensures the sustainability of
conservation activities in the community. Blum (1997), FAO (1999) and Summers (1999)
also frown upon the view that land resources are a free gift of nature. These writers agree
that this is so because no economic gain or loss is recorded in the basic accounting
network when land resources are used. This is true of the use of land resources in the
study areas. The people, however, feel that land resources conservation can be made
more profitable, without suggesting any meaningful ways and means of actualising this
dream.
2.9 Perception of local communities’ land resources conservation knowledge
The study examined the relationship between local communities and government officers
in this regard. In the process, local communities expressed disappointment about
government officer’s disregard for indigenous knowledge. References were made to what
officers said while addressing village workshops/meetings and noted that government
officers have never acknowledged local knowledge and the local communities’ potential
in conservation activities. Partic ipants gave instances of local knowledge and practices of
mixed-cropping. According to participants, this practice maintains fertility of land, soil
moisture and also increases crop yield. This practice was reversed by conservation
officers for practices which involve the use of chemical fertilisers that only enrich
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productivity without improving the quality of land. Officers who commented on this
issue also agreed that local communities have a good history of mixed-cropping. These
officers further attested to the effectiveness of indigenous practices and owned up to the
misleading roles played by conservation officers in terms of conservation measures.
In support of the above instances, Cock & Fig (2000), Pimbert & Pretty (1998),
O’Riordan (1995), Schafer & Bell (2002), Songorwa (1999) and Stocking & Garland
(1998) noted that the transfer of western conservation measures and approaches to
developing countries has indeed had adverse effects on community participation in land
resources conservation activities. The positive remarks of the conservation officers about
indigenous conservation knowledge and techniques reinforces Ghai’s (1994) observation
about some recent researches on the traditional resource management system, which have
disproved some earlier negative views on indigenous knowledge. Local participants
further revealed that some land users no longer listen to conservation extension workers
because of conflicting and contradictory official measures towards solving a particular
conservation problem: [W]e apply our indigenous knowledge to conserve our fields
because official approaches are only good for the commercial farmers and could also be
useful in the developed countries but not in our subsistence type of farming. In any case,
we apply official approaches in official conservation projects especially when we are
paid to do such work (Direct communication with local communities). The above
comment does not represent the view of commercial farmers, but that of the subsistence
farmers about the commercial farming method land users are introduced to.
Further on this issue, the local communities’ position agrees with what Kothari,
Anuradha & Palthak (1998), Muthama (1990), and Pimbert & Pretty (1998) wrote
concerning the impact of transferred western conservation approaches to developing
countries, when they noted that only few land users have adopted the specialists’ range of
technical solutions. This viewpoint happens to be one of the issues that were consistently
re-echoed by different groups and at different points in these discussions. Participants re-
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emphasised that some of the local community members had successfully managed their
degraded fields without government officers: [S]ome of us can do it better than
government officers. So, we expect officers to also learn how we have been managing
our fields. We have the know-how, the strength and labour but finance is what we require
from government to conserve our degraded fields. (Direct communication with local
communities).
Participants in the discussions went on to say that they had also learnt to neglect official
approaches even after listening to government officers at workshops and “pitsos”. They
further argued that land resources are continually degraded not because local
communities lack the knowledge to conserve, but because government officers have
failed to support local communities’ indigenous knowledge. A similar situation where
local communities neglect official approaches prompted Abrol & Sehgal (1994) and
Muthama (1990) to remark that some farmers do not comply with most official land
resources conservation measures (see Chapter Two section 4. 4 Chapter Three section 4.1
and Chapter Four section 3.13). Local communities at this point of the discussion called
for government officers’ complementary technical and financial support for local
conservation activities rather than their complete disregard for indigenous conservation
knowledge.
Conservation officers deny the position of the local communities in this regard and
reaffirm officers’ support and respect for local knowledge, adding that they have always
married official measures with the local except for some extreme cases of severe land
degradation where they had no other options than to resort to structural and mechanical
measures. The above positions of both local communities and government officers
notwithstanding, the truth remains that all of the government’s conservation projects
come with different modern approaches showing little or no consideration for traditional
measures. Some officers of the Ministry of Agriculture, emphasise that the extent of land
degradation in Lesotho cannot be effectively addressed through local knowledge alone.
These officers add that local communities need officers’ expertise, material, finance and
management interventions to manage and conserve land resources well.
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Yet, on the same issue, some of the officers politely but firmly argued that if local
knowledge had not actually failed to address the extent of land degradation problems in
their local communities, officers would not even have thought of modern alternatives
and, further, that land wouldn’t have degraded beyond local communities’ control
capacity. This officer’s position also resonates with that of Rozanov (1994), when he
argues that traditional technologies on land resources conservation were good and
appropriate a hundred years ago, but, not at this time of unprecedented rate of land
degradation. Rozanov’s view implies that local knowledge and capacity require
complementary intervention.
From studies discussed in Chapters Three and Four, one finds that the justification for
every new land resources conservation project can be traced mainly to the failure of local
communities either to conserve or sustain conservation projects. This stud y will make it
clear that, despite the claim against local communities’ ability to sustain conservation
projects, not much has been done to either re- invigorate or reinforce the lapse observed
amongst local communities by any of the past or on- going conservation projects. This is
why in Chapter One section 1, 1.2, Cock & Fig (2000), FAO (1999), Ghimire (1994) and
UNEP (2000) stressed the important roles of grassroots initiatives in land resources
management in the developing nations, emphasising that community involvement should
be one of the irrevocable principles of sustaining conservation initiatives. These writers
further stress that real local involvement will also ensure good practices, which have
always been lacking in the conventional approaches.
2.10 The roles of government agencies towards land resources conservation
To enable local communities to carry out land resources conservation activities,
participants have suggested that adequate funding both of government and local
community- initiated conservation projects should include that which provides for
incentives such as food and/or cash- for-work. Other roles suggested for government
agencies include the consistency and continuity of extension workers and the
involvement of local communities in the planning stages of every conservation projects.
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Participants have further suggested that the above suggestions will enable government
agencies to determine what local communities’ conservation priorities are. It therefore
becomes important to recall that this is why Anna (1991), Bhatt (1998), EMPR (2000),
Ghimire (1994), MoA (1998) and Pelser & Kherehloa (2000), attributed failures of
conservation projects to unsustainable incentives, inadequate funding, contradictory
approaches, and the politically motivated selection of conservation project participants. It
should also be observed that the latter role of local communities has been re-echoed in
several instances in this discussion. This suggests how crucial it is to the success of the
practice of community-based conservation. In this vein, Bhatt (1998) observes that
conservation projects which have included local communities, have always succeeded
and have also been sustained. However, some of the roles outlined by local communities
contradict the principle s of community-based conservation. This serves to confirm that
some local communities still want to be spoon- fed by government conservation agencies.
Local communities that wanted government agencies to solely carry out all conservation
responsibilities fa iled to mention the facilitative role of government agencies. The roles,
which the local communities expected of government also run counter to the views of
Blum (1997), Botes & Van Rensburg (2000), O’Riordan (1995), Preston-Whyte (1996),
and UNEP (2000) about government agencies, expected roles in land resources
conservation activities.
On the other hand, conservation officers outlined the following roles for local
communities, which include:
• Informing government agencies of their conservation priority needs
• Taking the lead in conservation activities
• Continuing to sustain conservation projects as soon as the official duration of such
projects end
• Carrying out monitoring exercises during conservation project implementation
• Providing labour services to support governments’ conservation programmes.
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2.11 Joint management of land resources conservation between government
agencies and local communities
This study also examines the possibility of the joint management of land resources
conservation between go vernment agencies and local communities. In the process, local
communities strongly upheld that they could effectively work jointly with the
government officers but on condition that they be involved through out the various stages
of conservation projects. Participants noted that this would avoid the conservation
practice where local communities are told what to do and how to go about it. Participants
also rejected the idea of employing an individual approach such as using the chief as a
viable means of involving the entire local community. According to participants, going
through the chief is a necessary step towards mobilising local communities, but they
stressed that involving the entire local community is the surest means of community
participation rather than using a chief and/or a few other individual elites and gate
keepers. In line with these remarks, Anna (1991) in Chapter Three section 3, stresses that
local communities are viewed as part of the problem rather than part of a potential
conservation solution. Reference has also been made in Chapter Three section 5.14 that
Cock & Fig (2000), Dladla (1998) and Mohammed (2001), having studied various joint
management attempts in conservation programmes, noted that the bureaucratic
administrative cumbersomeness to which local communities have been exposed by
conventional approaches may remain a threat in the new system. Therefore, for an
effective joint management approach, these writers further recommend that informal
personal relationship should be encouraged so as to allow for the type of flexibility that
could permit efficiency, acceptable standards and other good practices in the joint
venture. Joint management practices in Lesotho have often been one-sided affairs. A
change in roles and responsibilities of both the primary and the secondary stakeholders
would ensure conflict-free cooperation.
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2.12 Main stumbling blocks to local communities’ participation in land resources
conservation programmes
When asked to identify the stumbling blocks to local communities’ participation,
participants enumerated the following:
• Inadequate incentives from land resources conservation agencies was a major
stumbling block.
• Lack of ownership, and right access to land due to the prevailing land tenure systems
in Lesotho is a stumbling block to local communities’ participation.
• Contradictory land resources conservation measures, to which extension workers of
the various government agencies expose land users, was again noted as a hindrance to
local communities’ participation.
• Selective participation approach adopted by some conservation agencies. This,
according to local communities, neglects most of the local community members’
interests.
• Inadequate involvement of local communities during project identification and
decision- making levels was re-echoed.
• Local communities’ priority conservation projects are not often considered for
implementation but official conservation priority projects are.
• Poverty was also pointed out as one of the stumbling blocks to local communities
participating in land resources conservation activities.
• Local communities expressed their disappointment at government agencies’ negation
of the local communities’ development structures and authorities such as village
development committees and chiefs in favour of local politicians and sometimes the
elite for the implementation of conservation programmes.
• Local communities expect some immediate benefits from conservation activities. The
long-term nature of benefits derivable from conservation projects also accounts for
why some local community members do not participate.
• The political affiliation of community members also acts as stumbling block because
it affects the level of local community participation in land resources conservation
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activities. The explanation is that only those whose political party is in office show
only interest in both government agencies’ and local communities’ conservation
activities.
• Government’s past- unfulfilled promises to local communities also act as a stumbling
block. Participants reported that: [T]he reasons for failure of many past government
conservation projects influence their attitude negatively towards participating in
conservation activities. (Direct communication with local communities).
Other stumbling blocks identified by the local communities include:
• The past practices of food and cash incentives for conservation work. Conservation
projects that do not offer these types of incentives find it difficult to attract a high
level of local community participation in Lesotho.
• The low numbers of exemplary pilot projects in place for demonstration of
conservation activities and/or educating the local communities about the need to get
involved are inadequate and this is a hindrance to local community participation.
• The advanced extent of land degradation in some local communities, which is beyond
local capacity to rehabilitate without governments’ leading supportive roles, have
been a stumbling block.
• Lack of adequate funding to the satisfaction of local communities that desire to be put
on permanent salaries and where possible, on pension benefits for participating in
conservation activities are some of the major stumbling blocks.
Yet, even if this does come from government officers, it sounds unrealistic. The opinion
does, however, articulate local communities’ true expectations.
Past experiences have proved that some of the stumbling blocks pointed out by the study
communities have been witnessed elsewhere, particularly within and beyond Lesotho.
Examples are the Leribe Pilot Project of 1973-77 which failed because it was elitist.
Moreover, Lesotho local communities that participated in the Woodlots Project never
received the 20% share of the profit which was promised by the government (MoA,
1998), (see also Chapter Four, section 3, 3.6). In support to some of the stumbling blocks
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outlined by the local communities, Abrol & Sehgal (1994) observe that small farmers are
only interested in improving the production of their food grains for income and are not
worried about the long-term sustainability. Anna (1991) also observes that land users
have not been adequately involved in the planning and decision- making of conservation
activities. Anna further reaffirms that attempts to compel local communities to participate
in the management of conservation activities only at the level of implementation have
often come to an abrupt end. It is in the light of the above that Adams & Hulme (1998),
Bhatt (1998), Borotho (1998), Nihal (1997), Stocking & Garlard (1998), UNEP (2000),
and Whiteside (1998) advocated for community participation in conservation
programmes. (see Chapter One, section 1.1 and Chapter Three, section 3).
2.13 Ways of ensuring real community involvement in land resources conservation
activities
On this issue, both government officers and local communities agreed that real
community involvement could be ensured by the following measures:
• Focus on local community conservation priorities rather than officers’ priorities.
• Insist on involving the local communities from the beginning of any conservation
project through to the end.
• Build on local conservation knowledge and experiences.
• Build on motivating local communities with sustainable incentives instead of the
usual ‘food- for-work and cash incentives’.
• Build on educating and training local communities as well as exposing the people to
both the short and the long-term benefits of conservation work.
• Concentrate on practicable and affordable conservation projects.
• Involve members from all segments of the community rather than a few,
unrepresentative, selected individuals.
• Provide alternative sources of income for the local communities to alleviate that
poverty which affects their level of participation.
• Include women and children in the management of conservation activities.
• Build on governments’ facilitative roles.
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• Build on the existing local development structures and authorities (village
development committees and chiefs) instead of using few gatekeepers, local elite and
politicians.
• Build on involving all stakeholders in any conservation work.
• Build on adequate sharing of conservation benefits amongst all stakeholders.
• Build on the revision of the present Lesotho “Lerotholi Land Law”5 and ensure fair
distribution of arable lands amongst community members.
• Ensure that the extension workers serving in a particular community are consistent for
a much longer period of time than has hitherto been the case.
• Extension workers of various conservation agencies operating simultaneously in a
particular community should ensure that they reconcile their conservation approaches
and measures before actually reaching out to the people.
The above suggestions notwithstanding, it must however be noted that both officers and
local communities differ in respect of the ways and means of ensuring true community
involvement. Some of the suggestions where they differ are related to incentives, sharing
of benefits, as well as to using the existing development structures. Local communities
advocated for cash payment for-work and the use of the existing local development
structures, but the officers frowned upon their exclusive usage. Officers rather insisted on
remaining flexible. Meanwhile, in support of the ways and means of ensuring real
community involvement outlined by participants, Darkoh & Hjort-of-Ornas (1996),
Kothari, Anuradha & Palthak (1998), Mathuma (1990) and Pelser & Kherehloa (2000)
agreed with intensifying efforts towards public awareness and with providing training
materials to all segments of local communities.
Having presented the views expressed mainly by the local communities, the next section
presents the opinions of conservation officers of the Ministry of Agriculture, and the
Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction Project staff in Lesotho.
5
Lerotholi Land Law consists in part of codified customary laws and in part of regulations made in Lesotho to guide the country’s
land tenure system.
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3. OPINIONS OF CONSER VATION AGENCIES ABOUT THE
IMPLEMENTATION OF LAND RESOURCES CONSERVATION
PROGRAMMES
The conservation agencies referred to here are the Ministry of Agriculture, and
Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction (EMPR) Project, Lesotho. Opinions
expressed by these agencies concerning the implementation of land resources
conservation programmes are presented in the next section.
3.1 Problems associated with involving local communities in land resources
conservation activities
While responding to this issue raised, conservation officers expressed their difficulties in
convincing local communities about the application of modern conservation measures,
adding that the conflicts between indigenous and modern knowledge and approaches to
conservation programmes remain major problems. Officers continued to say that local
communities often claim to be hungry and poor and that to them these are good reasons
not to participate freely yet to demand food or cash as payment for any conservation
work: [U]nless there is a strong promise of providing food or cash payment, a local
community is deserted on any day scheduled for communal meeting or conservation
work. However, with the promise of providing food and or cash payment, you are sure to
find even those under age and the aged people participating. Our field visits seem to
irritate some of the land users who do not want to comply with some of the modern
conservation approaches, but we keep approaching and talking to the people because it
is our responsibility. (Direct communication with government officers).
The problems of land ownership, which do not give individuals right of access other than
the degraded lands allocated to interested individuals, are still unresolved. The
favouritism exhibited by the land allocation committees and how this affects extension
activities in local communities also received emphasis. Officers stressed that mobilising
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local communities to participate in land resource conservation has not been an easy task.
It must be mentioned that it is for the above reasons that the Ministry of Agriculture has
resolved to assist only interested land users who have requested assistance. This approach
appears individualistic, but can also attract individual members of any local community
to embrace conservation work.
3.2 Lesotho environmental policies that could be enforced to ensure effective
community-based conservation programmes
On these relevant policy issues conservation officers made strong cases for the
amendment of the existing Lesotho “Lerotholi Land Law” so as to ensure fair distribution
of the scarce arable lands to Lesotho community members without any kind of
discrimination. Other important policy issues raised include:
• Gender-based discrimination and lack of enforcement of the sections of Lesotho
Lerotholi Land Law that empowers the land allocation committees to revoke the
allocated lands that are left uncultivated or undeveloped for more than two years.
According to the conservation officers, erosion of land starts mainly from the
abandoned lands. If the sections of the laws referred to above are enforced, lands will
not be left to degrade. They added: [I]f only these portions are enforced, the level at
which local communities participate in conservation activities will certainly be
improved. They went to say that where the greater majority of women in the rural
communities cannot take decisions about the usage of their family’s lands until the
husbands returned home at the end of every month from the South African mines. This
system is not progressive (Direct communication with government officers).
These men (husbands) visit for two days a month “This is a short period to attend to all
family matters”, officers remarked. Officers therefore called for empowerment of women
to enable them participate in decision- making regarding the management of family lands.
This strong view of the conservation officers agrees with the strong views expressed by
FAO (1999), Fleishers (1996) and Pelser & Kherehloa (2000) and followed up
recommendations for empowering women as well as being gender sensitive. (see
Chapters Two, section 5.6 and Chapter Three, section 8.2 ).
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• Conservation officers also remarked that a fragile environment such as that of
Lesotho without strict guiding environmental laws is good neither for the present nor
the future of the country. Officers seriously advised that an environmental bill should
not only be proposed and passed into law, but should be urgently enforced. However,
Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) officers at the Nationa l Environment
Secretariat confirmed that a few individual developers within the city of Maseru
(capital city of Lesotho) are already submitting project briefs of relevant projects
before commencing development activities.
• Officers pointed out that the process of securing ‘titles’ to land has remained
cumbersome for local community members particularly those who reside in the
remote communities of the country (Lesotho). This needs to be liberalised and
possibly decentralised so that people can be more interested in acquiring the gullied
and other degraded lands for rehabilitation, thereby making a reasonable impact on
conservation.
3.3 Implications of the divergent and contradictory conservation measures
employed by conservation agencies
Conservation officers frowned upon the contradictory measures employed by
conservation agencies. They agreed that such contradictory measures have considerable
negative impacts on the level of local communities’ participation. They also agreed that
the contradictory conservation measures which local communities learn from different
projects field workers, have always confronted them. These officers state: [W]e have no
other answer to this regular confrontation than to request community members to adopt
the measures best for them and possibly, the latest conservation measures. According to
the officers at the Ministry of Agriculture’s conservation division, it is the conservation
division’s responsibility to set standards for all conservation agencies in Lesotho. All
conservation projects are supposed to be implemented with close monitoring and
supervision of the conservation division of the Ministry of Agriculture (Direct
communication with government officers).
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It is acknowledged that several of the existing conservation projects have little or no
control from the Ministry of Agriculture. Conservation officers also frowned upon the
uncompromising attitude of the Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction
(EMPR) projects staff for widening the contradictory measures. Environmental
Management for Poverty Reduction field officers have accepted that their conservation
measures are quite different from those of the Ministry of Agriculture and other
conservation agencies. This however, was, blamed on the National Environment
Secretariat (NES) for implementing conservation projects instead of playing its
accredited role as a coordinating body.
3.4 How funding has affected community participation in land resources
management and conservation activities
In response to this issue raised, officers expressed their gratitude to donor agencies for
funding most of the past and on-going conservation programmes in Lesotho. Though it is
acknowledged that the Lesotho government agencies have tried to raise funds from the
Lesotho Highlands Development Project to support conservation activities; otherwise,
Lesotho has a long history of dependency on donor agencies. While acknowledging the
efforts of donor agencies, officers stressed: [T]he only problem they are often confronted
with, is to continue and to sustain conservation projects after the official duration had
lapsed (Direct communication with government officers). They further expressed their
discouraging experiences at the manner in which the local communities expect
government to carry out all land rehabilitation activities in their local communities alone:
[L]ocal communities would even ask the government to pay them for the time spent in
attending local community meetings where the issues of land degradation problems were
discussed. They stressed that this is a culture that has been introduced into the system
which is now difficult to reverse (Direct communication with government officers).
Though the officers expressed their readiness to discontinue the usual incentives of
providing food- for-work and or cash payment, it should, however, be clearly stated that
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some funding agencies in Lesotho are still busy offering the same type of incentives to
attract local communities’ participation in conservation programmes.
Meanwhile, the fact on the ground is that most of the local community members are not
ready to participate unless they are provided such incentives. Currently, the problem
facing conservation initiatives is that of securing continuous funding from agencies to
sustain the provision of continuous food- for-work or cash incentives. The issue of
incentive towards participation is crucial and remains a challenge to conservation
programmes. This is so because it is a combination of deprivation and entitlement. This
expression supports the view of Rozanov (1994), when he wrote that conservation
activities cannot be sustained through local sources alone, as every developing nation
requires substantial investment to tackle conservation problems, and that this can only be
provided through international cooperation.
3.5 Local capacity to manage and conserve land resources
Perhaps the more important issue in terms of land resources management and
conservation is capacity building in local communities. This study therefore examined
local communities’ capacity to practise community-based conservation programmes
successfully. In this process, conservation officers noted that local communities have
limitations to manage and conserve land resources. Officers observed that local
communities have adequate labour resources to tackle the land degradation problem, but
lacked the finances and expertise required to implement conservation programmes
effectively. They also observed the inadequacies of the labour capacity of the local
communities with conc ern when they said that: [T]he present local capacity could not
comfortably address the magnitude of land degradation in Lesotho (Direct
communication with government officers).
They expressed confidence in the governments’ capacity to tackle the land degradation
challenges. They were also unanimous in calling for local communities capacity building
The call to strengthen local capacity to enable the people to meet the challenges of land
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resources conservation has also been echoed in Chapters One and Three by several
conservationists including Muthama (1990), Porter & Clement (1998), and Yeld (1994).
These writers also supported Rozanov (1994) view that land resources conservation
requires substantial investment, which cannot be provided by local sources, but could be
realisable through international cooperation.
3.6 How to ensure local communities’ participation in land resources conservation
programmes
Conservation officers expressed the difficulties in mobilising local communities to
participate in la nd resources conservation. As mentioned earlier, the staff of the Ministry
of Agriculture ascertained that the Ministry had resolved not to provide food and/or cash
incentives, but to assist only interested individual land users with technical and material
support. Conservation officers emphasised that they were bent on educating local
communities to train and also to provide the people with sustainable incentives to ensure
their continuous participation in conservation activities. On the part of the staff of the
EMPR Project, income-generating activities have been incorporated into the project to
ensure sustainability, and again, to attract the participation of more youths. In addition,
certificates of participation in land rehabilitation are issued to participants at the end of
one year and/or six months where youths are engaged in the project.
The resolution of the Ministry of Agriculture to educate the local communities about the
benefits of land resources conservation is in compliance with the ideas of Abrol & Sehgal
(1994) that, unless a farmer is convinced that land resources conservation activities will
add to his production or in some other ways help him to make better use of his
investment, efforts to conserve and to reduce land degradation are not his priority. Abrol
& Sehgal (1994) also added that the impression that conservation work provides only
temporary employment to the rural unemployed rather than developing cropland and
raising its productivity has gone against the idea of conservation. The latter authors
further added that if farmers are made to realise that the benefits of complying with land
resources conservation measures are worth more than the cost of farm land space, the
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farmers are likely to embrace conservation ideas, and comply with the necessary
conservation measures.
3.7 The future of community-based land resources conservation
This study has tried to examine the future practice of community-based land resources
conservation. Conservation officers in reaction to this main question, noted that the future
of community-based land resources conservation would depend on many issues which
include the following:
• The complete withdrawal of cash and food- for-work kind of incentives as means
of motivating local communities to participate in conservation activities for more
sustainable kinds of incentives. This means that the shift- in approach (not to
provide either food or cash) partially adopted by the Ministry of Agriculture, as a
means of achieving true community-based conservation, needs to be strongly
upheld by all conservation agencies. The argument that the shift would amount to
deprivation of entitlement has not been ignored by this official standpoint: there is
a tendency to introduce alternative incentives that would benefit entire local
communities rather than a few individuals.
• A change in attitude of local communities towards land resources conservation
was suggested. It was pointed out that, if local communities are educated about
the benefits of conservation through an awareness campaign, community-based
conservation might be actualised. They further noted that: [T]he time it would
take extension workers to change people’s attitude would also depend on their
consistencies, efforts, demonstrations and pilot projects made available for
exemplary learning purposes (Direct communication with both local communities
and government officers).
• Alternative sources of income generation need to be developed to enable local
communities to reduce their level of poverty. The poverty alleviation schemes
suggested include: investment in local cooperative societies and entrepreneurship
programmes for local peoples’ skills development, income generating
programmes that should be aided by the government agencies and interest free
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loans and grants, which must be sustainable both in principle and in practice are
all pointed by conservation officers.
• To catch the people young by introducing them to land resources early, the
conservation officers also highlighted introducing conservation subjects into the
school curriculum. This will give the young learners opportunities to learn about
conservation from childhood and possibly grow with such knowledge.
Conservation officers concluded that: [R]eal community-based conservation
programme cannot be achieved overnight and may be partially achieved, but this
would require some high levels of awareness achievable through campaign
efforts, consistency in conservation policies, adequate funding, local capacity
building aided by technical and material support (Direct communication with
government officers).
The way forward proposed by the conservation officers echoes that of Fiallo & Jacobson
(1995) who advocated that residents should be given environmental education, develop
alternative economic incentives and set up social and ecological monitoring teams to
facilitate community-based initiatives.
Having analysed the data gathered from both the local communities and conservation
agencies, the study now proceeds to present valuable lessons being learned which should
be considered at various levels of engagement.
4. LESSONS LEARNT
The lessons learnt from the discussions categorised above are discussed under different
sub-sections, which include lessons that relate to local communities and those that relate
to both local communities and the government agencies. Thereafter, the study highlights
some potential weaknesses, strengths, opportunities and threats to community-based land
resources management and conservation practices in the next section. The lessons learnt
that relate particularly to local communities are presented first in this section, and these
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are highlighted under sub-heading 4.1 to 4.6. Lessons that relate to both local
communities and the government agencies are presented under sub-headings 4.7 to 4.14.
4.1 Effect of insufficient arable lands on local communities’ participation in
conservation programmes
Under the Lesotho Communal Land Tenure System, each adult is entitled to a piece of
arable land. But, as a result of insufficient arable land for allocation to each and every
adult or household, there are many adults without a piece of land. Some families, of
necessity, are obliged to produce cereal foodstuffs and vegetables by cultivating wherever
possible. As a result, many individual farmers currently cultivate on steep lands, which
do not ensure sustainable farming methods. Allocation of land by the traditional
authorities and the village development councils creates numerous problems. This is
because the size of the land individuals own is closely related to individuals’ social status
in a community. An average household or individual possesses a relatively larger plot for
vegetable gardening and fields of moderate sizes. Affluent households or individuals
possess both larger vegetable plots and fields, whereas some of the poorest households in
contrast, possess neither a vegetable garden nor a field. Thus, most breadwinners who do
not have title to land survive as labourers by working for more affluent individuals or
households. This situation in Lesotho confirms the view held by Barrow (1993) that the
landless situation has put the landless majority at the mercy of the few landowners and
chiefs who control land in much of most African countries. This apparently, has a
negative effect on local community participation in the management and conservation of
land resources activities. Because of lack of tenure security in Lesotho, a farmer needs
security of tenure, and sometimes ownership rights to justify investments such as the
construction of conservation structures and the planting of trees that may take more than
15 years to reach maturity. Without security and ownership rights, investing in long-term
conservation measures is never a priority to land users.
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4.2 Inappropriate land tenure system and its associated problems
Lesotho’s traditional land tenure system is formally defined within the laws of Lerotholi.
The fundamental principle of traditional land tenure and administration is that land is
inalienable and consequently belongs to the people as a whole. In Lesotho, the right to
use land is however vested in the office of the King as a trustee on behalf of the nation.
As mentioned earlier, the authority to allocate land to men who meet specific criteria is
delegated to different grades of chiefs and village development committees/ councils. The
principal issues, apart from favouritism and shortage of land already discussed earlier,
that currently impinge on community participation include:
• Revocation of land rights
The chief can revoke lands allocated to individuals, where such persons withdraw
their allegiance to the chief. More adversely, all private rights to the use of arable
land lapse at the end of every growing season. This is done to allow for public
grazing. The danger of uncertainty arising from the power of reallocation is viewed as
a constraint to farmers investing time and money in conserving fields. In reality,
some persons do not get back the same piece of land on which they farmed the
previous farming season. This does definitely not enhance conservation.
• Denial of women’s rights to inherit and/ or be allocated land.
Traditionally, women only have access to lands through their husbands. Such lands
are lost if the woman is divorced from her husband. In some cases, such lands are
reduced to a level commensurate to her needs should her spouse die. The denial of
women’s rights to lands has been identified as one of the major constraints to
conservation. Ghai (1994), Jackson (1994), Joekes (1994), Kothari, Anuradha &
Palthak (1998) and Whiteside (1999) have argued in the same vein, emphasising that
the discriminatory practice may continue to impinge on local community participation
in conservation activities if a fair principle of gender sensitivity is not applied.
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• Communal ownership
Communally- owned land provides little incentive for individuals to practise restraint
in land use. The notion of “everybody’s property is nobody’s property” is recklessly
exhibited in land resources use and even in conservation work in the areas of study.
These practices are also demonstrated by the ways in which individuals graze animals
and harvest tender trees. These are done not only due to the communal ownership
system but also the fact that no economic value is attached to land resources. Bromley
(1994), Summers (1999) and UNEP (2002) also agree that the unsustainable use of
land resources is the result of a lack of attached economic value. Because;
unsustainable land use practices do not in any way encourage conservation, this study
supports situations that would permit sustainable uses. This may be achieved through
a modified communal ownership of land and that type of modification which will
provide sustainable incentives to entire local communities for participation in
conservation activities.
• Lack of enforcement of Lerotholi Law
Those aspects of the Lerotholi Law stipulating that arable land allocated to
individuals can be revoked if such land is left uncultivated for more than two years
and also that a man should not have more land than he strictly needs for subsistence
needs, are not being enforced. If these laws are enforced, more lands can be released
to the landless and this will enable the majority of local community members to
become involved in land resource conservation activities. The reasons for not
enforcing these laws are not clearly stated, but Bromley (1994), Du Toit (2001),
Hitzhusen (1994), UNEP (2000), and Yeld (1997) agree that the reasons are
connected with economic forces.
• Ignorance of people about Lesotho’s land law modifications
Beside other factors that hinder local communities from participating in conservation
activities, the people are ignorant of some modifications already made in the land
laws during the 1973 Land Administration Act and the 1979 Land Act. This is
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because the chiefs and the village development committees have not been willing to
share such information with the people. This is made possible because by far the most
of the rural dwellers do not have the opportunities to access such information, the
legislation being produced in the English language without a Sesotho version.
To sum up this matter therefore, one could say that in practice, the Lesotho land
tenure system provides but little incentive to the individual to improve or protect
communally-owned land that is not fairly and adequately distributed amongst the
people.
4.3 Conservation Laws
One of the reasons why conservation efforts in Lesotho are often not maintained is
because adequate legal structures and regulatory bodies do not exist and even where they
do, they are not always enforced. For instance, the Environmental Impact Assessment
Bill, which has not been passed successfully into Environmental Act since 1997 is a good
example. This explains the level of seriousness Government assigns to the Bill that is
mandatory for development projects that could impact negatively on land resources. As
earlier mentioned, portions of relevant Lerotholi Land Laws, are also not being enforced.
These could also have motivated the rural communities to participate in land resources
conservation activities. However, it may be reasonable to say that, despite all odds that
the country has some good intentions to conserve, but that the policy-making bodies are
not moving with the times. This may be attributed to an act of ignorance or negligence
and this could also be a matter of priority, which policy- making bodies have for
conservation of land resources.
4.4 Population pressure arising from both natural increase and retrenchment of
Lesotho citizens from Sout h African mines
The current population pressure, poverty, food deficit and degradation of land resources
in Lesotho have been on the increase. Poverty has been on the increase in the study areas
and participants identified this as the major reason for the low level of participation in
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land resources conservation activities. Poverty in most cases limits the ability of many
persons to engage in conservation activities, which sometimes require the purchase of
inputs. The extent of poverty in the study areas has been worsened by the current
retrenchment of Lesotho citizens at the South African mines. Dependency on government
for conservation activities, reflecting almost seventy years of direct government action
which includes payment for community members’ labour for participating in
conservation activities, can be attributed to the poverty level of the people in the areas of
study. To be specific, WHO & GoL (1995) reported that Lesotho citizen mine workers
has drastically reduced despite the fact that the population of the country has increased
over the years. (see Table 25 below).
Table 25: Lesotho citizens employed on South African mines, 1986-2001
Year Total No of Basotho employed Change over previous year in
percentage
1986 121 450 -
1987 121 934 0.4
1988 124 781 2.3
1999 126 733 1.6
1990 125 733 -0.7
1991 122 188 -2.9
1992 119 596 2.1
1993 116 129 -2.9
1994 112 722 -2.9
1995 103 745 8.0
1996 101 237 -2.4
1997 95 913 -4.6
1998 80 445 -16.1
1999 68 827 -14.4
2000 64 907 -5.7
2001 61 412 -5.4
Source: GoL (2001)
The above shows a –16.1% rate of retrenchment between 1986 and 1996 and –39.3 %
between 1996 and 2001. In short within 15 years the mineworkers component in Lesotho
reduced by half (or 60 000 male adults). Again, as highlighted earlier, the implication of
the above rate of returnees of Lesotho citizens from the on-going retrenchment in the
South Africa gold and diamond mines to the Lesotho scarce arable lands has
consequences for the sustainability of land resources. This poses continuous threat to
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conservation because not many alternatives are open to the returnees. Possibly, if there
had been other alternatives, there could have been opportunities for the population to
actually influence conservation activities.
4.5 Lack of economic value for land resources
As noted earlier, most local community members do not attach any economic value to
land resources. This is confirmed in the way the people use these land resources and their
lukewarm attitude towards conserving them. The people rather argue that many past
attempts to correct land degradation and enhance conservation activities failed to
recognise that there are usually economic reasons for such attempts. As earlier noted, the
people again hinted that, unless their poverty level is improved, sustainable use of land
resources may be impossible due to the lack of alternative means of livelihood. Local
participants’ reactions to question on user- fees also confirmed the carefree attitudes of the
people, based on the reasoning that land resources are renewable and a free gift of nature.
However, even though the issue of economic value of land resources is not the central
focus of this study, this issue does merit further study, as it may reveal facts that could
help CBC design strategies to encourage conservation behaviours amongst local
communities.
4.6 Influence of the short -term benefits of conservation programmes
Most rural Lesotho citizens do not have a long-term concept of time regarding
conservation of land resources. They tend to address present subsistence needs, rather
than future potential long-term benefits of land resources conservation. As noted earlier,
this is partly attributable to the poverty level of most of the people, the scarcity of arable
land, and the lack of alternative means available to the people for survival. The total
reliance on the scarce arable land makes it more difficult for the people to believe in and
to accept the long-term concept of land resources conservation. This belief was
confirmed when local participants repeatedly asked, “How do we survive if we must wait
for about fifteen years to allow a planted tree to mature for harvest ?”
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Having presented the lessons that relate to local communities, lessons that relate to the
work relationship of both local communities and government agencies are presented next.
4.7 Disregard of bottom-up approaches
Government conservation efforts experienced in Lesotho have demonstrated little
concern about real community participation. This is because of the limited involvement
of local communities in past conservation projects. However, every conservation project
staff member involved in this study defended officers’ efforts in trying to involve local
communities from identification of conservation project to the implementation stages.
The conservation extension officers who participated as one of the study research
assistants witnessed instances where rural communities hesitated to participate in some of
the study’s focus group discussion sessions because, according to the people, government
officers often came to seek their feelings and never come back to them again with any
feedback. They were not participating if they also only wanted to obtain their opinions
only to disappear like others had done before (Direct communication with local
communities).
These feelings demonstrate the level of mistrust local communities have against
government officers. Thus, some good principles must be introduced into the system,
otherwise the work relationship between local communities and government officers may
not be harmonised in the future.
4.8 Disbursements and distribution of conservation incentives
The manner in which disbursements of financial incentives are made to the persons who
have participated in conservation activities has contributed to the failure of most
conservation projects. From discussions with participants, it would appear that only a few
of those who receive such incentives showed practical interest in conservation activities.
According to participants, politicians take over projects that offer financial incentives and
turn them into opportunities to compensate their party supporters. For instance, in 2001
the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) parliamentarians (the current ruling political
party in Lesotho) took over the recruitment exercise of the youth in EMPR Project
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because they wanted mostly party supporters to benefit from the monthly allowances of
M100. The immediate consequence of this action was that the field officers lost control
of the youths who then enjoyed all the privileges and the patronage of powerful
parliamentarians. Indeed, allowances are compulsorily paid to the youths whether any
work is actually done or not. Given the above, it is acceptable to reason that the principle
of financial incentive does not corrupt a system but rather the ways such incentives are
managed. In the past, there were cases where change of government has brought about
the demolition of conservation structures and the cutting down of trees planted by the
preceding regimes in Lesotho. The lesson must therefore be learnt that a selection of few
party supporters should not be a yardstick for enlisting participants for land resources
conservation work that offers financial incentives. No matter what the purpose of this
choice of practice, the disadvantages far outnumber the advantages. However, no matter
how the financial incentive is managed, Sondergaard (2000:254) supports this giving of
financial incentive to local communities: “[F]or poorer and more vulnerable sections of
a local community to participate in land resources conservation, financial return for
labour within a fairly limited period of time will be necessary, otherwise, they might have
to withdraw from the project activities”.
4.9 Neglect of local knowledge by government officers
Conservation officers acknowledged that originally land uses were based on local
knowledge. Then, land users successfully practised sustainable types of farming through
mixed-cropping of crops, which helped to enrich both crops and the land. As time went
on, professionals moved the farmers away from this mixed-cropping type of farming by
the introduction of chemical fertilisers as a better alternative. The chemical fertilisers
introduced as the better alternative were found to enrich the crops without also enriching
the land. The high cost of fertilisers, coupled with the rate of land degradation, caused
professionals to start making moves to return to the initial local knowledge practise of a
mixed-cropping system as a viable and sustainable option. This act of officers’
inconsistency, and the assumption that officers have all the solutions, have dragged the
rural populace in tow for decades and have also shrunk the motivation local communities
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n
have towards participating i official conservation initiatives. Besides the practice of
mixed-cropping, government officers also acknowledged the neglect of local knowledge
in conservation practices. This principle of give-and-take between local communities and
government officers which Isaac et al. (2000) also advocated for, could produce
effective conservation results. Thus, both local and modern knowledge working
complementarily will help in no small way to ensure the successful practice of
community-based conservation.
4.10 Enhanced individual and group approaches
Government agencies and non-governmental agencies involved in conserving land
resources in Lesotho through the Ministry of Agriculture are currently encouraging
working with individual farmers, while the Environmental Management for Poverty
Reduction (EMPR) project is carrying out conservation activities through youth groups.
Those working with interested individuals in conservation activities have based their
reasons on the primary assumption that there are individual farmers who are interested in
improving their lands, while others do not views conservation as a priority. Those who
advocate the individual approach opine that it is intended to bring conservation closer to
land users. There are also those who view individual and group approaches as the initial
steps towards achieving community-based practices. The advocates of the individual
approach argue that local communities are likely to become interested in conservation
work of a few community members and thereby become interested. However, individual
and group approaches still contradict the principles of community-based practices
because the group represents the group’s interest, while an individual represents an
individual’s interest. In other words, the community-based approach is communal while
individual and group approaches are either individual or group practises and not
community-based.
4.11 Government agencies’ conservation measures
The study participants, particularly the local communities attributed failures of
conservation programmes to the inappropriate and unacceptable conservation measures
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employed by government agencies. These are measures which local communities are
often compelled to practise without considering either the Lesotho physical environment
as well or the social and the economic context of Lesotho agricultural practices. The
importation of practices not suitable to the circumstances of Lesotho has not yielded
dividends. Then, too, conservation efforts in Lesotho may continue to be fruitless if only
local measures are employed.
4.12 Lack of co-ordination of government agencies conservation activities
It has also been established that some of the problems that Lesotho has encountered in
managing land resources conservation programmes over the past decades are partly due
to a lack of co-ordination of efforts of the various conservation agencies. Some Lesotho
communities have been in conflicts with the government agencies as a result of the
contradictory and divergent conservation measures, which these agencies tried
unsuccessfully to make local communities practise. For instance, the Ministry of
Agriculture, Lesotho, and the Environmental Management for Poverty Reduction Project
and the rural communities have different ways and approaches of building conservation
structures along gullies. Instead of a unified model, officers criticised each other’s
structures in the field in the presence of the local beneficiaries. Collaboration and co-
ordination are therefore lacking in the implementation of conservation programmes. The
demonstrations of lack of co-ordinated efforts have remained an impediment to effective
management of land resources conservation in Lesotho. As noted earlier, this is because
the Conservation Division of the Ministry of Agriculture, whose responsibility it is to set
standards, is not co-opted into some of the conservation projects. From the interviews
granted to officers of conservation agencies it became clear that this apparent lack of co-
ordination has not been checked because, the National Environment Secretariat (NES),
which ought to be a co-ordinating body, is currently hosting implementing agencies.
Again, it has become apparent that this lack of co-ordination has accounted for a good
deal of community apathy towards conservation efforts in Lesotho. In an organised
atmosphere, the approaches and time frame ought to be unified before reaching out to the
rural communities, instead of the on- going confusion which conservation officers still
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perpetuate. This poor practice will not help in anyway to encourage the local
communities towards taking over conservation roles and responsibilities.
4.13 False claims of conservation projects success
It has also been observed in Lesotho that many conservation projects have made
reasonable improvements on the landscape. On the whole, most of the conservation
endeavours claim successes and raise high hopes for sustainability in their project
evaluation reports. One of the lessons learnt is that government conservation project
successes are far outnumbered by failures. Local communities have been embarrassed by
the false claims of government agencies’ conservation projects. In this situation, nobody
will be ready to put in much effort to be rewarded. The important lesson to learn here is
that officers do this to satisfy donors and not the beneficiaries, who in most cases do not
have access to conservation project reports. Therefore, unless evaluation teams are able to
talk freely to project beneficiaries and hand over copies of evaluation reports to the
people for comments, the chances of sincere and frank project evaluation may become a
mirage and this may continue to be a hindrance to local community participation in
conservation initiatives.
4.14 Other lessons learnt
• The low priority accorded land resources conservation by the local people relative to
other needs is also seriously hampering conservation. Most Lesotho rural community
members believe that conservation of land resources is purely the responsibility of
government agencies and that they should only share in the benefits arising from
conservation efforts.
• The act of remunerating people for conservation work has often discouraged most
people not enlisted for remuneration. Participants stressed that: people who are paid
monthly for conservation work should do all the conservation work in their various
communities (Direct communication with local communities). This view is firmly
held by most local community members who are not beneficiaries of this incentive.
• Lesotho local communities do not have everything that is required to conserve land
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resources. However, they are able to provide the labour, but without much financial
and material capability. It is also noted that their low purchasing power and little local
knowledge decidedly require complementary adequate funding and professional
expertise to cope with the magnitude of land degradation in the study areas.
• Local communities lack adequate information about land resources conservation.
Access to information, assistance and processes of securing such assistance have been
major impediments to local communities’ embarking on conservation projects.
• The latest research information in the area of land resources conservation in Lesotho
is the outcome of research carried out in 1988 by Professor Q.K.Chakela.
Embarrassingly, the absolute lack of valid and current information cut across relevant
government departments. I must acknowledge that the Rangeland Management
department appears to be worst hit by lack of information and this could be because
relevant international organisations have not shown interest in the area for the past
one-decade. A situation where the department can only account (without certainty)
for about 12 percent of the total rangelands in Lesotho negates the much talk about
sustainable conservation of land resources.
• Another lesson is that herd-boys and livestock keepers often graze their animals at
night. This is the time they graze their animals in unauthorized land areas, thereby
degrading protected areas.
• Mistakes of past conservation projects are still being repeated by the on- going
projects in that they encourage, poor practices that do not enhance community-based
approaches.
The lessons learnt that relate to local communities and conservation agencies having been
presented, the following section outlines some potential weaknesses, strengths,
opportunities and threats identified in the present conventional approaches to
conservation programmes.
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5. POTENTIAL WEAKNESSES, STRENGTHS, OPPORTUNITIES AND
THREATS TO COMMUNITY-BASED CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES
This section is considered important because it sums up the weaknesses, strengths and
opportunities which community-based conservation approaches offer. It also highlights
the likely threats to the practice. Above all, the knowledge of the above will help to
guard against possible challenges while employing the good practices of community-
based conservation. The potential weaknesses through to the threats to community-based
conservation programmes are presented in sub- headings 5.1 to 5.4 as shown below.
5.1 Weaknesses
The weaknesses in the proposed community-based system include:
• Food-for-work and or cash payment incentives offered to local community members
for participating in conservation activities are not in tune with the principle of
community-based approaches.
• Ignorance of the rural dwellers about the long-term benefits of land resources
conservation activities may continue to hamper further attempts to sustain
conservation programmes.
• There is a lack of adequate capacity among local communities to conserve land
resources.
• The denial to women of access to land and to the power of decision- making- in the
absence of their labour- migrant husbands- is a major cultural weakness in the system.
• Continuous reliance on government agencies for land resources conservation is an
attitude that has contributed to the abandonment of conservation projects in the study
areas. This means that for now, the people lack the attitude of self-reliance.
• The non- involvement of children in land resources conservation activities has also
been identified as a weakness. This is because children are the leaders of tomorrow
and should not be overlooked in the process of conservation.
• Unfavourable weather in Lesotho, which has affected the survival of planted trees,
grasses, landscape and accelerated desertification in the area, is a natural weakness.
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• Overstocking of livestock and the associated uncontrolled grazing has weakened
several attempts to conserve land resources. This may remain a threat unless it is
tactically checked.
• Lack of environmental laws and regulations in Lesotho is a legal and constitutional
weakness of the highest order.
• Contradictory conservation measures employed by government agencies have
featured prominently as a weakness.
• The poor communication between government and local communities, which has
sustained conflict arising from conservation attempts, is also a weakness.
• Local communities’ short-term attitude towards conservation is another major
weakness to the practice of a community-based conservation programme.
• Lack of clear policies and guidelines for involving local communities in conservation
of land resources is also a weakness.
• The lack of relevant of skills amongst government agencies has perpetuated the lack
of professionalism in conservation practices.
5.2 Strengths
The strengths in the system include:
• Local knowledge about land resources conservation can be built on.
• Available labour resources within local communities can complement the funding,
material and expertise supportive roles of government agencies.
• Enthusiasm amongst donors to help communities conserve land resources is an
encouraging strength and should be utilised by local communities.
• The availability of committed extension workers who are readily available to serve in
every nook and cranny of Lesotho, is also a strength.
• Government’s interest in and commitment to the conservation of land resources is a
strength to build on so as to actualise community-based conservation practice.
• Existence of several NGOs interested in the conservation of land resources is another
strength that needs to be explored.
• The on-going revision of Lerotholi Land Law, which is reconsidering restrictions
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based on gender ownership of land, is an encouraging development.
• Local communities do have energy and they can be dynamic when they want to. This
energy and dynamic nature of the people can also be explored.
• The culture of group work in Lesotho local communities can help to strengthen the
joint management approach rather than the individual and group approaches, which
are slower means of achieving community-based conservation practices.
• The existing local communities development structures such as the VDCs can be
strengthened and used to carry out all community-based conservation initiatives.
• Lesotho local communities’ willingness to jointly conserve land resources with
government is also another strength that can be built upon to actualise community-
based conservation practices.
5.3 Opportunities
The opportunities the system provide include:
• Local/District governments’ support for land resources conservation is an opportunity
for community-based approach to harness.
• Educational institutions’ interest in participating at different levels in the form of
research, outreach and personnel inputs-offers great opportunities for community-
based conservation practices.
• Being able also to learn also from some current experiences is yet another opportunity
offered by the proposed shift to community-based conservation practice.
• The encouragement given to all local communities to champion community-based
conservation initiatives is an opportunity because it is the surest way of guaranteeing
ownership and an adequate share of conservation benefits to local communities.
• The opportunity of learning from past conservation mistakes, which will ensure a
successful shift from conventional to community-based approaches, is another
opportunity.
• The opportunity of also learning from individual land users is another opportunity
available to local communities. The initiatives of individuals can be transformed and
developed into community-based conservation projects. However, this study does not
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fully support individual and group conservation approaches.
• United Nations Volunteers Lesotho has mechanisms in motion to set up a Volunteers
Centre particularly, in the areas of environmental management and land resources
conservation. The proposed centres will provide opportunities which can attract
support assistance from external bodies. Such opportunities can be harnessed to
strengthen community-based conservation practices.
5.4 Potential threats
Some conservationists consider community-based conservation programmes to be the
best conservation option. Others are skeptical about local communities’ capabilities to
practice community-based conservation successfully without government interventions,
except for small-scale conservation projects. However, experience has shown that-the
magnitude of the conservation project notwithstanding- the practice of community-based-
conservation in Lesotho is faced with potential threats which include the following:
• Potential threats to the good practices are the uncertain capacity of the available land
to improve the local economy, and the fear that local communities will not be patient
enough to reap the long-term benefits expected from conservation work.
• Another threat is the uncertain capacity of local communities to provide sufficient
funding and expertise to cope with conservation responsibilities.
• Internal conflict between different factions within conservation community was a
regular feature of past conservation activities. The likelihood that this may continue
is a threat.
• The harsh winters and frequent snowfalls which hamper the growth of vegetative
cover and planted trees and grasses may continue to frustrate the conservation
initiatives of local communities.
• Trampling caused by uncontrolled livestock on rehabilitated lands can hardly be
controlled without strict livestock laws that would affect the survival of local
community members.
• The hungry attitude of the people for land may affect their commitment to
conservation activities. This is because the available arable land in the country is not
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adequate for every household.
• Interference by extension workers in matters that ought to be the sole concern and
responsibility of local communities is a potential threat to CBC.
• Local community members trained for a particular land resources conservation
project may move out of their immediate local communities and be lost to unrelated
organisations. This will mean a loss to such a community and to the project. This
kind of loss can affect the sustainability of any conservation project.
• An inappropriate land tenure system, which restricts women’s participation in
conservation activities, can continue to affect community-based conservation
initiatives.
• Polarisation of conservation agencies and a lack of national coordination of
conservation activities are also potential threats because conservation projects come
with different designs and sometimes with contradictory measures that discourage
local communities from participating actively.
6. CONCLUSION
The implementation of government and local communities initiated land resources
conservation programmes and the possible practice of community-based approaches
have been discussed with both local communities and government officers. The data
analysis expresses their ideas, views and opinions of both the local communities and the
government officers. The following facts, which address the study objectives and
research questions, have been deduced.
It is apparent from the analysis that community participation in the management and
conservation of land resources in Lesotho has been low. This low level of community
participation has been attributed to both the existing conservation measures and the
management processes. Local participants acknowledged that local communities have a
very poor knowledge of modern conservation measures. The study portrays a complex
picture of community-based conservation practices. It has been established that those
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people who have an average economic status tend to get more readily involved in
conservation activities than those with a relatively better economic situation. The study
confirms that local communities do not have the required capacities to practice
community-based land resources conservation successfully. The landless group express a
desire to get involved if they are allocated lands and provided with economic incentives.
This again supports the principle of equity in land distribution practices among local
communities and also provision of sustainable incentives. In a way, this acknowledges
the fact that cash incentives alone will be insufficient to entrench community-based
conservation practices. It has also been established that community members who often
participate in conservation activities are mainly those privileged people who have been
trained by different government conservation projects. These are selected participants
who have often benefited from government conservation agencies in the study areas.
This means that not much has been done toward, actually empowering local
communities to take over the management of conservation initiatives.
The magnitude of land degradation in Lesotho is a threat because of the low level of
local resources available for conservation tasks. However, the provision of labour and
other conservation services such as becoming involved in the planning, monitoring and
evaluation stages, and the ability to sustain conservation initiatives, are valuable services
which local communities could provide without actually conceding their rights of
ownership and benefits to any external agencies. Funding, machineries and materials and
where necessary, technical expertise-may continue to be expected of government and
other funding agencies until the local communities are adequately empowered and
capacitated to be self-dependent. Concentrating conservation activities on a few
individual local community members who do no t own land, cannot ensure sustainability
of conservation efforts. Such attempts will do more harm than good and may further
amount to encouraging poor practices rather than community-based approaches.
The opinions expressed by participants gave some clear insight as to why there have been
increased numbers of abandoned conservation projects amid deepening and escalating
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land degradation in Lesotho. Such insights range from inadequate incentives to lack of
ownership and access to land resources, the long-term nature of conservation projects,
contradictory conservation measures, selective participation and the neglect of indigenous
knowledge and technologies. Yet others include poverty, political affiliations, disregard
for community leadership structures, disregard for the reasons for the failure of past
conservation initiatives, government top-down approaches, inappropriate land tenure
systems, disregard for local community priority conservation needs and a lack of
adequate funding for conservation initiatives.
The relationships between the local communities and government officers in the
management of land resources have been soured with conflicts, ignominy and disregard
of local communities arising from the existing poor practices. To some, relationships
between government agencies and local communities in conservation work were mixed.
To others, mobilising local communities to participate in conservation activities has been
dependent on the type of incentives provided by any conservation project. Cash and
food- for-work incentives have been made popular, especially as most conservation
projects in Lesotho provide either of the two types of incentives as means of attracting
participation. It has also been established that it will be difficult for local communities to
continue to enjoy these types of incentive and still promote self- reliance as a means of
sustaining conservation. This experience corroborates the work by Salafsky et al.,
(1999), which opines that non-cash benefits associated with enterprise-based
conservation strategies, infrastructure support, empowerment and improved
environmental conditions, may be more useful than unsustainable cash benefits.
On the issue of conservation knowledge and its practical application: While the local
communities rely strongly on indigenous knowledge and experiences, the government
officers feel that the magnitude of land degradation in the study areas requires the use of
modern technology backed with huge funding, which the local communities do not have
the required capacities to provide. However, more rational participants in the discussions
argue for a blend of both indigenous and modern technologies for the realisation of
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community-based conservation practices, rather than the usual propagation of the
superiority of modern approaches to those of indigenous knowledge and technologies. A
good correlation of both modern and indigenous knowledge confirms the views of
Barkham (1995) that the most effective way of ensuring sustainability of conservation
initiatives is for ordinary people and government to work in partnership.
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CHAPTER SIX
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
1. INTRODUCTION
This concluding chapter provides guidelines for both the practice of community-based
management and for the conservation of land resources programmes. The chapter is
structured into four sections. The first section deals with suggestions and
recommendations for capacity building of the local communities. The second section
features the suggestions and recommendations in respect of redefining and redirecting
governments’ roles and responsibilities in respect of conservation, while the third section
contains the suggested step-by-step participatory model for community-based
conservation programmes focusing on land resources in general and for Lesotho, in
particular. The fourth section recommends areas for future research.
2. SUGGESTIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS FOR CAPACITY BUILDING
OF LOCAL COMMUNITIES
Chapters Three, Four and Five of this study have provided adequate evidence that
community-based conservation programmes have not been widely practised. It has also
been demonstrated that many of the conservation efforts of various local communities in
Lesotho and beyond have either been directed by external agencies or have had much
external funding and investment. It was also indicated in these chapters that the high level
of external interventions not-withstanding there was an expressed interest from both
government agencies, and local communities in the good practices of community-based
conservation.
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Based on these findings, this study suggests the need for Lesotho to define her stake in
the global efforts to conserve her land resources. However, whether local communities
can effectively carry out the responsibilities that may be put on the people entirely due to
the shift from the conventional to community-based approaches, may depend largely on
the attention that the findings and recommendations that have emerged from this study
receive from relevant government agencies, organisations, practitioners and local
communities and research findings elsewhere in Africa and Asia. These
recommendations are presented under sub- headings 2.1 to 2.10.
2.1 Build on community-centred conservation approaches
It has been established that individuals who have ideas about how best to utilise
communally-owned land resources in rural communities are sometimes powerless to act
on their own. This is the case because such action requires some social organisational and
political powers, which are often lacking. Moreover, community management of land
resources is essentially a community process. Therefore, a Community Conservation
Forum (CCF) may be necessary, primarily to ensure that all stakeholders have the
opportunity to participate openly and freely. In creating such a forum, it may be
necessary to consider all local communities under one traditional and/or local
administrative authority and also neighbouring communities that have an interest in the
conservation of a particular environment. Therefore, approaches geared towards
conservation of land resources have to be centred on local communities rather than
individuals and unrepresented groups in the ways the MoA and EMPR are currently
carrying out conservation activities in Lesotho.
2.2 Build on local communities’ conservation priorities and definitions
Conservation officers have often projected official conservation priorities onto local
communities. They have also overlooked the importance of local specific ways of
meeting conservation needs. Therefore, the definition of what is to be conserved and how
it should be managed and for whom, need to be determined during the planning stages by
local communities who are the primary stakeholders. Community-based processes do not
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only encourage local communities’ participation, but also put local communities’
conservation priorities at the forefront. To strengthen community-based systems, more
participatory, local- level evaluation and priority identification methodologies are
recommended instead of the conventional systems, which have not yielded many
dividends.
2.3 Build on local communities’ conservation institutions
Many conservation projects have been abandoned over the years, as was indicated in
Chapters Three and Four. This is mainly the result of very little being achieved in terms
of empowering local communities to sustain conservation projects. To empower local
communities would require conservation agencies to capacitate local institutions with a
view to enabling them to accelerate and sustain conservation projects. While capacitating
local communities, indigenous conservation methods also need to be sustained, while
modifications should be recommended where necessary. Above all, any outside
interventions must be designed in such a way that at the end of any conservation project
cycle, there are dependable local institutions and skills in place to sustain such
conservation programmes.
2.4 Strengthen local rights, access and security of land resources
Chapters Three and Four have established instances proving that national governments
have a long history of denying indigenous people and neighbouring local communities’
rights over protected areas and the resources contained in them. This act of infringement
on communities’ rights is one of the most enduring sources of conflicts and violence
between government officers and local communities. There are instances where local
communities have modified and managed a particular protected area for decades. Yet, as
soon as government interventions are made in respect of such protected areas, these
communities are denied special rights of access, decision- making and control over such
protected areas. Therefore, to strengthen local communities’ control, security and access
to such protected areas, a variety of legal arrangements need to be introduced by national
governments to protect the interests of the local communities. However, this study does
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
not recommend that local communities should be allowed uncontrolled rights and
unlimited access to land resources use.
2.5 Strengthen capacities of local communities to engage with government and non-
governmental institutions
Lesotho is a poor country that cannot afford to conserve its land resources without
external intervention. Poverty in Lesotho, in terms of its widespread prevalence and
varied intensity, transcends all rural population segments. Therefore, there is an urgent
need to strengthen local community capacity building for conservation of land resources.
This will ensure that the available land yields the greatest sustainable benefits to the
present generation and also meets the needs of future generations. Lesotho can only
conserve its land resources by increasing the human capacity to care, protect and manage
its land resources. The capacity building processes should transcend community-based
organisations, women’s groups, holders of traditional knowledge, youth groups and
private individuals.
2.6 Internalise the economic value of land resources and conservation
responsibilities within local communities
It has also been established that local communities have been denied opportunities to
internalise the management of land resources, particularly in protected areas. Very often
community members are seen as a threat to protected areas rather than partners in
conservation. In taking charge of conservation responsibilities the cost, which includes
patrolling through rotational watch, user- fees (UF), penalty systems and other
management responsibilities, need to be in accordance with local communities’
determined management measures. Recognition must also be accorded the socio-
economic dynamics affecting that particular local community’s livelihood. Also, to avoid
the anticipated management problems involved in the user-fee system and to make it
relevant to the local context, local communities should decide upon the amount of user-
fees, and resources that may be included under the user- fee list. Local communities also
need to be empowered to punish offenders of land resources-related matters including
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
outsiders who tresspass.
2.7 Build on less capital-intensive conservation projects
It has been confirmed that many capital- intensive conservation projects in Lesotho cease
when external financial support for such projects is terminated because local
communities are not able to sustain capital- intensive conservation projects. Such
conservation projects have as has been pointed out in Chapters Three and Four,
discouraged local communities participation, as such projects are largely regarded as
official conservation projects. It follows from the above that a conservation project which
requires huge capital investment and continued financial support, should receive less
attention, while community-based conservation needs should be prioritised. Thus, it is
recommended that local communities embark on less capital- intensive conservation
projects that require locally available technologies and resources.
2.8 Depart from inequitable sharing of conservation benefits
As noted in chapter Four, instances where local communities were denied conservation
benefits were experienced in conservation programmes in Lesotho. It has also been
acknowledged that a community-based conservation programme has little chance of
success where benefits are not distributed equitably among stakeholders, particularly to
local communities. Having established that various codes of conduct developed to ensure
greater equity in benefit sharing have not been legally binding instruments, it is therefore
recommended that wide-ranging reforms and restoration of benefit rights to local
communities be enforced. Individual communities may also design formulas suitable for
them to share conservation benefits. However, what is important, is that sharing of
conservation benefits has to be equitably distributed particularly to the host local
communities with regard to protected areas.
2.9 Build on equitable land tenure systems
In Lesotho the land tenure system remains a thorny issue. The existing tenure systems
have been confirmed to contribute to land degradation (see Chapters Two and Five). This
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
is attributed to systems that do not fulfil the equitable distribution of land for which they
were intended. This situation suggests an urgent need for revision of the existing land
tenure systems. This suggestion is made to encourage local communities to participate
more actively in conservation activities. As suggested in Chapter Five, community
interest in conservation activities can be enhanced if elements such as favouritism, sex
and status quo used as yardsticks for land distribution are removed.
2.10 Involve traditional healers in conservation activities
It is a fact well acknowledged that traditional healers in Lesotho are not seriously
involved in conservation activities despite the fact that they utilise much of the land
resources for their healing practices. Government agencies and NGOs involved in
conservation activities therefore need to involve traditional healers in relevant
conservation programmes, such as developing nurseries, making home gardens to grow
medicinal plants as well as rear livestock. This is recommended with the intention that
traditional healers will make a reasonable impact to sustain the numerous plants and
livestock species which they terminate on daily basis for the purpose of healing people of
different diseases.
The next section deals with recommendations in respect of redirecting and redefining
Governments’ roles and responsibilities in land resources conservation programmes.
3. REDIRECTING AND REDEFINING GOVERNMENT CONSERVATION
ROLES AND RESPONSIBILITIES IN CONSERVATION PROGRAMMES
The entire study has confirmed the observation that national governments and
conservation agencies have been playing dominant roles in conservation programmes in
Lesotho and further a-field. However, this meant the exc lusion of local communities at
some crucial stages. A shift from a conventional to a community-based approach requires
that the dominant roles of governments should henceforth be restricted to facilitative
roles and responsibilities. To restrict governments’ dominant roles and responsibilities,
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
and to redirect its level of interventions, the following recommendations under sub-
headings 3.1 to 3.9 need to be considered as imperative.
3.1 Build on re -orientation of officers about community-based conservation
processes
Despite campaigns for local communities’ involvement in land resources conservation
projects, it has remained difficult for Lesotho conservation officers and managers to
relinquish control over key decisions on the design, management and monitoring, and
evaluation of conservation projects. These officers, rather, take the centre stage of
conservation initiatives and also manage them. If the objective of conservation of land
resources is to achieve sustainability, then nothing less than the functional involvement of
local communities in the process will suffice. In other words what is suggested is the use
of participatory methodologies by all conservation agencies. It is therefore recommended
that government officers are re-oriented towards good conservation practices.
3.2 Build on enduring patience and time
This study confirms the fact that local communities tend to address present subsistence
needs rather than the long-term benefits of conservation work. Instead, they prefer to
engage in economic activities that provide immediate returns. Changing local
communities’ attitudes about this would require a gradual process. Reasonable time needs
to be invested to educate people about the long-term concept of conservation activities
and the impact long-term concept makes on the environment and particularly, on land
resources. It is further recommended that while going through this process, that other
sources of income be provided to local communities, to help them to imbibe the long-
term patience and time concepts of conservation activities.
3.3 Build on local systems of conservation and management knowledge
It has also been established that conservation officers have often brushed aside
indigenous ways of valuing and organising conservation activities. Officers also claim
that their official approaches are superior to the indigenous approaches of organising
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
conservation activities, despite the fact that conservation of land resources programmes
need to be based on site-specific traditions, technologies and economies. This study,
however, confirms that although conservation officers appreciate traditional measures,
they often appear to be duty bound to apply official approaches recommended by the
project designers. Since community-based approaches remain one of the surest means of
conserving land resources, government officers need to appreciate local conservation
practices and recognise these as valid measures and means of conservation.
3.4 Build on negotiating agreements with partners for joint conservation action
More often than not negotiated agreements between external and local community
institutions on how best to manage conservation initiatives jointly, do not exist. Where
such agreements have been made, strictly adherence by conservation agencies has been
lacking. It has also been confirmed that indigenous people are not given the opportunity
to democratically represent their communities in some conservation management teams.
Rather, conservation agencies have preferred to choose persons of their choice to
represent local communities. It has also been established in Lesotho, that selected interest
groups often represent most local communities. Based on these experiences of unilateral
agreements and decisions, it is recommended that the joint mana gement practice between
local communities and government and other conservation agencies be based on
negotiated agreements and not on decisions taken unilaterally by conservation agencies.
3.5 Build on uniformity of conservation approaches amongst conservation agencies
This study identified that the contradictory approaches used by conservation agencies in
Lesotho have been perpetuated by the lack of coordination of conservation activities
amongst agencies. For instance, the National Environment Secretariat (NES) of Lesotho
was blamed for neglecting its coordinative role. On the other hand, the conservation
division of the Ministry of Agriculture of Lesotho was also blamed for not maintaining
conservation standards for Lesotho as stipulated by the policy according to which the unit
was established (see Chapter Five). To ensure uniformity and consistency of conservation
approaches amongst conservation agencies, it is recommended that:
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
• The District Agriculture and Conservation Officers (DACOs) need to be
incorporated into the national conservation programme coordination meetings of
the capacity-building committee. This is recommended because DACOs officers
maintain direct contacts with land resources users. It is also important to note that:
- The DACOs have long-term experience and knowledge about past and on-
going conservation activities at both the district and community levels.
- DACOs have experience about conservation methods that have worked
well and those that have failed in different local communities.
- Some conservation service providers often recruit inexperienced
conservation field officers and sometimes those persons without proper
knowledge of the local communities they are meant to serve.
- DACOs have relevant information about neglected communities, badly
degraded areas; areas that require conservation attention and areas that
have already been attended to by other conservation agencies. If DACOs
are involved at the programme co-ordination committee level, new
conservation initiatives will be built on past and on-going conservation
activities at both the national and the local levels thereby ensuring
uniformity of approaches and measures among conservation agencies.
3.6 Build on the use of multi-disciplinary extension workers/officers
This study also confirmed that conservation extension workers/officers serving with both
MoA, EMPR and other conservation agencies, have hardly received any former training
in extension services. They have received only generalist training in either Agricultural
Sciences or pure sciences but, without any relevant specialisation in conservation. This
presents difficulties for some conservation officers to respond to local communities’
conservation services needs. It is therefore suggested that extension workers who
previously had specialised in a particular field of extension will require multi-disciplinary
training in conservation. Generalist knowledge will help extension workers, because such
workers would have been trained to provide diverse and broad knowledge about good
conservation practices. To equip conservation extension workers/officers for better
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
performance in conservation assignments, conservation videos, overhead transparencies,
slide shows, pamphlets and relevant magazines need to be made available to such
workers.
3.7 Build on the provision of multi-disciplinary conservation training manuals
In Lesotho, many available conservation manuals appear to be either too theoretical or
too technical and therefore useful to experts and specialists within conservation
disciplines. As suggested earlier, the extension systems in use should address a wide
spectrum of land users’ problems. With this in mind, it is recommended that training
manuals and materials designed to broaden the profile of all conservation
workers/officers need be provided so that conservation field staff can address the multi-
disciplinary nature of conservation problems. The recommended manuals should be
short, precise, straightforward, and pictorial in nature and should also carry practical
messages. Such manuals should also be written in plain and understandable language to
all categories of conservation extension workers and particularly to land users who may
find it useful to read and learn from. It is also recommended that multi-disciplinary
extension workers should be made responsible for preparing these types of training
manuals.
3.8 Build on proper documentation of conservation activities
This study also established that conservation agencies often document successful
conservation activities and do not record the failures, a practice that does not enhance
conservation practices. This practice has been described as one of the reasons why
conservation agencies often repeat without modification practices and measures that have
failed previously within a community. Therefore, accurate, in-depth and sincere
documentation of successes and failures of conservation activities is recommended to
enhance good conservation practices in Lesotho and farther afield.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
3.9 Build on compensational practices
Due to the fact that land is communally owned and administered through the King’s
traditional structures, the Government of Lesotho has paid little attention to
compensational policies about land acquired by Government for development projects.
This non-compensational act of the government ignores the negative impacts of some
developmental projects on the country’s eco-system. To reduce the negative impact of
government development projects, re- forestation needs to be encouraged where
deforestation has taken place. Consequently, land will have to be provided elsewhere in
compensation for conservation of those species affected by development projects. If this
good practice is upheld, sustainability of Lesotho’s country’s eco-system will be
enhanced.
4. PARTICIPATORY MODEL FOR CONSERVATION PROJECTS
To ensure that the recommendations put forward are allowed to unfold systematically, a
participatory model is further recommended to facilitate an ideal community-based
conservation practice. The suggested model starts with the project cycle which is shown
in Figure 2.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
Figure 2: Project cycle of conservation initiatives
Identification
of conservation
needs/problems
Monitoring Planning of
& conservation projects
Evaluation of conservation
projects
Implementation of
conservation projects
4.1 Identification phase of community-based conservation problems
Being the first step, the identification process of community-based conservation needs of
a community requires that the following underlying processes are adhered to:
• Identify conservation problems in a community
• Prioritise conservation problems
• Find out causes of conservation problems
Address causes of conservation problems while considering option analysis in carrying
out the above exercises.
Above all, this study recommends the following steps as shown in Figure 3 as a necessary
process for identifying community-based conservation projects
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
Figure 3: Identification phase of community-based conservation projects
Local community/ Primary stakeholders
Individual community members identify The problems are presented to community
conservation needs/problems and leaders (Chiefs & Village Development
discusses such problems with a few other Council). A community assembly meeting is
individuals; take further steps to present their proposed by the chief to discuss conservation
ideas to community leaders. problems.
All segments of the local community meet to discuss the conservation
problem. Communities are educated about the urgent needs for
community action. Decisions are taken to act and possibly
go further to plan towards project implementation.
While undergoing the above processes, the considerations that need to be made to ensure
total community support include the following:
• Consider the project’s potential to provide benefits to a broad spectrum of
communities involved
• Consider the likelihood of cooperation among stakeholders in the project
• Consider the level of involvement of the marginalised groups within a
community.
4.2 Planning phase of community-based conservation programmes
To be able to plan for community-based conservation projects, this study recommends
that local communities adhere to the following planning procedures.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
Figure 4: Planning phase of conservation projects
Local community/
External service providers
primary stakeholders
Chief, Village Development Committee and
project committee initiate a general assembly.
All segments of local community meet to discuss
conservation problem. Educate community members about Request facilitation Body of international and
the advantages of project. Community brainstorms project services national agencies, government
implementation strategies; invites external service ministries and departments.
providers to facilitate project implementation.
Community meets again to concretise conservation
project plans with the help of external facilitation. Provides facilitation services
Community is equipped with necessary information.
Community goes further to constitute various
committees to effect various aspects of project
components
Planning committee Implementation Monitoring and
committees evaluation committees
Planning committee further brainstorms conservation project
implementation. Map out step-by-step project plans and hand
over to implementatio n committee for action.
Apart from the above phase stakeholders also need to adhere to the following:
• Agree on conservation project’s objectives by community assembly.
• Define conservation project’s major activities.
• Define time and duration of each project activity.
• Determine costs of each project activity.
• Define structures of implementing committees and their responsibilities.
• Document the project’s planning matrix.
• Review conservation project plan when necessary.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
Apart from the above steps involved in planning a conservation project, it is also
recommended that planners should:
• Do a feasibility study to determine what conservation project can realistically be
embarked upon and also determine whether the project is feasible.
• Determine whether the total cost of the conservation project can be raised
realistically within the community or sourced externally and who will pay for
what.
• Determine whether the priority groups in the community will benefit from the
conservation project.
• Ensure that quarterly meetings for monitoring and evaluation teams to present
their findings and lessons learned about the project implementation to the
community general assemb ly are held.
• Determine whether the conservation project will achieve its objectives.
The foregoing considerations are important because, no community, no matter how
remote, would invest time, efforts and other resources into a conservation project that is
likely not to succeed and benefit them (German & Gohl, 1999).
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
4.3 Implementation phase of community-based conservation project
For the implementation of a community-based conservation project the study recommends the processes depicted in Figure 5 below.
Figure 5: Implementation phase of conservation projects
Local community/ Primary External service providers
stakeholders
Implementation committees gather stakeholders for project
implementation
Local community gather to kick start implementation of C Community request for technical assistance Body of international and national
conservation project using locally generated material, finance and agencies, government ministries and
human resources. departments
Labour resource Material resource Management Funds
team
Local communities with or without assistance from external service External service providers provides technical assistance
providers implement conservation project. While the project goes on,
the monitoring committee monitors the pace, progress, time, as well as
investment of resources made available for the project
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
The following considerations are also recommended to ensure effective implementation
of community-based conservation projects:
• Ensure that there are sufficient skills to manage the conservation project.
• Ensure that funding is readily available for various conservation assignments and
activities.
• Ensure limited conservation specialist facilitation.
• Set very clear terms of reference for implementing committees, sub-committees
and/or teams responsible for conservation projects.
• Ensure that budget is strictly adhered to by implementing committees.
• Ensure that all stakeholders are involved and that power is decentralised.
• Ensure that indigenous knowledge is applied.
• Ensure that sustainable incentives are provided to local communities.
• Ensure that maintenance culture is propagated among local communities.
• Ensure that the idea of self- reliance among local communities is established.
• Ensure that adequate recognition is given to labour contributions
• Ensure that community ownership is established.
• Ensure that local communities are empowered for conservation tasks.
• Ensure that local communities are committed to the project.
• Ensure that stakeholders, particularly local communities, understand the long-
term process of conservation projects.
• Ensure that those who are willing and prepared and whose reasons for
participating extend beyond their own personal needs and agendas are involved.
4.4 Monitoring and evaluation phases of the community-based conservation project
cycle
Monitoring and evaluation responsibilities, the fourth and fifth phases of the conservation
project cycle, also require local communities’ involvement, and, for the people to carry
out those exercises effectively, this study recommends the following, as shown in Figure
6 below.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
Figure 6: Monitoring and evaluation phases of conservation project
Local community/ Primary stakeholders
Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) committees monitor and
evaluate conservation project
Monitoring committee Evaluation committee
Monitors project’s progress and Evaluates project performance at the tail
sends feedback to community end of project duration. Stakeholders,
general assembly including external service providers, are
supplied with evaluation reports.
Community general assembly notes Community general assembly considers
project’s progress and reviews project evaluation reports and
implementation plans where necessary, to recommendations for project’s
avoid past mistakes continuation and sustainability.
Project is focussed and implemented, Project is sustained and replicated in
based on plan. neighbouring communities
Committee continues to monitor the
progress and performance of project
throughout project duration.
Having established by this study that monitoring and evaluation have been one of the
main conservation project cycles in which local communities have not participated
actively, it is therefore recommended that local communities be made to take up the
responsibilities involved in monitoring and evaluation. As shown below, this can also be
achieved by empowering the people through extension education tools (German &
Gohl,1999).
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
4.4.1 Equipping local communities for monitoring and evaluation tasks
Educate local communities on the following:
• How to identify the qualities of the monitoring and evaluation committee
members.
• How to constitute monitoring and evaluation committees at the local community
level.
• How to demarcate roles and responsibilities of conservation project management
committees.
• How to monitor and evaluate conservation projects.
• Feedback processes between management committees and the local communities
general assembly.
• Follow- up reviews of conservation plans and change in respect of evaluation
indicator processes.
• How to adopt the community-based monitoring approach and how to allow it to
replace the externally-based type.
• How to adjust the monitoring system, based on developments and the changing
phases of conservation projects.
• How to mobilise professional people who have redundant skills in local
communities for these exercises.
4.4.2 Important tools for monitoring and evaluation (M&E) assignments
This study recommends the tool shown in Table 26 to equip local communities for
monitoring and evaluation tasks. These include tools for signs of improved land
resources; internal institutions; an external organisational chart; meeting the
implementation calendar; and service providers’ agreement tools (German & Gohl
1999:16).
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
Table 26: Tools for Monitoring and Evaluation of conservation projects
Tool Purpose Input
Signs of • Communities track local • Table provides a baseline for conservation
improved land change over time to activities by measuring local signs of improved
resources. establish whether they are land resources at the present time.
moving towards achieving • Community members responsible for M&E
the long-term conservation update the chart periodically to measure
vision. community’s progress towards achieving
conservation vision.
• Community members responsible for M & E
bring updated table of signs of improvement to
periodic community meetings, to suggest
changes to conservation plan.
Internal • Community m embers need • Chart, lists the name of each community
institutional chart to identify the local level institution, its principal activities, and the level
institutions (LLIs) that they of community satisfaction with the institutions.
intend to build upon. • Satisfaction is rated using symbols,
• Community members need representing satisfaction from “bad” to “very
to rate community’s good”.
satisfaction with these • Community satisfaction with internal
institutions. institutions can provide another means of
assessing change in community’s land resource
and conservation over time.
External •
Allow community • Chart lists the name of each external
orgnisations members to identify the organisation, its principal assistance in the
chart external organisations that conservation project, and the community’s
could assist the level of satisfaction with the organisation’s
community. assistance.
• Provide community • Community satisfaction with external
members with a basis for organisations’ assistance can over time provide
discussing service another means of assessing change in
providers’ agreements. community’s land resources conservation.
Meeting project’s • Facilitate regularly, and • Plan all community meetings, and record
Implementation open records of community whether or not they took place as planned.
calendar communication about
conservation activities.
• Plan and organise local
conservation activities to
improve the livelihood of
people.
Service • Create a common • Agreement should list the activities planned
providers’ document that summarises between a community and external service
agreement the expectations of each providers. The responsibilities of each party in
party. undertaking the activity; the party or person(s)
• Encourage previously non- responsible; the deadline for each activity and
evaluated services to be the actual date of completion of each activity
evaluated. should also be documented.
• Identify community’s
responsibilities to external
service providers.
Source: German & Gohl (1999: 16-17)
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
4.5 Step-by-step model6 for community-based conservation programmes
Having prescribed the roles and responsibilities for local communities and external
service providers and/or external stakeholders throughout conservation project’s cycle, I
make this further attempt to integrate the entire conservation project’s cycle into a step-
by-step model for community-based conservation programmes as shown in Figure 7
below.
6
The term step-by-step model depicts the cycle of community-based conservation projects and the roles and responsibilities of
stakeholders at different stages of the conservation project cycle. In a way, it suggests an allocation of tasks to both the primary and
secondary stakeholders, beginning with the identification of conservation problems, through decisions to embark on a priority
conservation project, to the final step of monitoring and evaluation of project performance.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
Figure 7: Step-by-step model for community-based conservation practice
Local communities / Primary stakeholders External service providers
Identification of conservation problems
Community identifies step 1
conservation problems
Community leaders meet to discuss
problems identified
Community members who identified
conservation problems meet with
VDC, Chiefs to present problems identified step 2
for discussion. A general assembly
meeting is proposed. A facilitator is
requested from external environment.
Community Assembly meets to discuss problems
Community assembly meet to discuss
conservation problems, with external
conservation officer in attendance to facilitate step 3
meeting. Community proceeds to plan for the
conservation initiative.
Conservation project planning
Community meet to plan their Body of international organisations,
implementation of conservation initiative and NGOs and CBOs provide technical,
set up implementation committees for step 4 material and financial assistance to
aspects of the conservation support local communities in community-
initiative. The committee members are based conservation initiatives.
trained by external service providers. Capacity-building services
Project implementation starts
Community implements projects with external assistance.
Regular monitoring of project implementation
Monitoring committee monitors project’s implementation
throughout the duration project. They give feedback to community step 5
general assembly about progress made and suggest
possible plan reviews.
Evaluation of project performance step 6
Evaluation committee evaluates the performance of project and reports back to the community and where necessary report is also
sent to external bodies. Performance may indicate possible external assistance. Project is sustained and possible replication of project
elsewhere is achieved through the above processes and/ or steps.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
The above model assigns prominence to local communities in conservation projects from
the problem identification cycle through to the monitoring and evaluation cycle.
Government top-down conservation approaches and management styles will thereby be
transformed into community-based approaches. From the ve ry first stage local
communities are meant to identify conservation problems and/or needs and then
conscientise the entire community about the conservation problems through local
development channels such as the chiefs and village development committees. The entire
community then meets to discuss the identified conservation problems. For the purposes
of technical and advisory assistance often expected from the external agencies, it is
suggested that experienced conservation officers be assigned to facilitate local
communities’ discussions. Based on the vital information made available to the local
communities by the conservation facilitators, the officers and local communities proceed
to plan and implement conservation initiatives. Contrary to the practise of conventional
approaches, it is also recommended that local communities monitor and evaluate
conservation project performance. However, external evaluation, allowing local
communities input is also recommended where external technical and funding inputs
have been invested. In a nutshell, this recommended step-by-step model surrenders the
centre stage of conservation activities to local communities.
In ensuring that local communities accomplish their new roles and responsibilities which
the shift from conventional to community-based approaches surrenders to them-
guidelines are recommended that focus on the local communities’ conservation
awareness, their capacity-building principles and policies, their involvement and their
incentives and motivation to participate in conservation programmes. The guidelines
recommend the roles of both the primary and secondary stakeholders in enhancing the
good practices of community-based conservation programmes. The above
recommendations notwithstanding, it is suggested that it will be in the interest of
humanity that issues surrounding the conservation of land resources are widely addressed
beyond the scope of this study. This is to further capture the interest and commitment of
stakeholders, particularly the local communities.
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
Having suggested the above, this study now goes further to suggest some other important
aspects of community-based conservation practices that need further study.
5. GUIDELINES FOR IMPLEMENTATION OF COMMUNITY-BASED
CONSERVATION PRACTICES (NEW ROLE OF SECONDARY
STAKEHOLDERS/EXTERNAL ENVIRONMENT)
This section recommends guidelines that could enhance the successful practice of
community-based conservation programmes. It contains sub-sections that recommend
guidelines to enhance community awareness; local communities’ capacity building;
principles and policies of community involvement and incentives and motivation to local
communities. The roles of stakeholders’ highlighted below emerged from this study.
5.1 Local communities’ awareness (the roles of secondary stakeholders)
To ensure that Lesotho local communities are made aware of their new roles and
responsibilities in conservation activities it is recommended that the tasks of equipping
local communities with the necessary knowledge through the following strategies be the
responsibilities of the secondary stakeholders. These include:
• Develop communities’ awareness strategies on conservation programmes while
assigning priority to youth and children mobilisation.
• Also build on mass- mobilisation rather than individuals and group approaches.
Individual approach is a slow means towards achieving community-based
conservation practices (see Chapters five and six).
• Educate local communities about the values of conservation, the need to become
involved in conservation activities; and the benefits that accrue from conservation
activities.
• Educate the people on clear lines of local communication that would to sustain good
relationships between community members (see Chapter six). This is important
because, well- structured relationships through mutually-agreed forums can ensure
229
Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
that every section of a community is included in negotiations, decision- making,
management and conflict resolution arising from conservation initiatives.
• Acquaint local communities with the ir new roles and responsibilities, principles and
policy procedures, and towards achieving community-based conservation practices;
and
• Educate the people about ways of ensuring efficient planning of conservation
activities.
Ways and means of improving local communities’ awareness, having been proposed the
guidelines that would ensure that the people are capacitated and empowered to tackle
conservation tasks are next proposed.
5.2 Capacity building and empowerment of local communities (the roles of
seconda ry stakeholders)
In addition to already proposed roles and responsibilities of secondary stakeholders
towards capacity building and the empowerment of local communities, the following
roles are also proposed and these include:
• Providing help to local communities to identify persons who have retired from
relevant government and services who reside within the local communities; the use
such persons as focal point to capture the interest of the greater majority of local
community members.
• Establishing a capacity building unit at the National Environment Secretariat, as well
as the Local Government Councils.
• Developing pilot projects randomly in some selected local communities. (see Chapter
five).
• Developing vocational training centres within local communities to train the people
for conservation tasks. (see Chapters five and six).
• Developing effective erosion-control measures, which should include measures to
rehabilitate and reclaim the degraded lands while considering indigenous techniques
(see Chapter two and five).
• Achieving the inclusion of local community members in conservation extension
230
Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
work. This practice allows for effective community management without much
external assistance.
• Local communities need to be able to finance conservation schemes without much
external intervention. Vocational centres, cooperative organisations; provision of
interest- free loans as well as provision of material/equipment with which to set up
small-scale businesses (see Chapters five and six).
• Local communities also need to be trained on fund and business management.
• Train the herd-boys to participate most actively in conservation works. This is
because they contribute to land degradation by herding their livestock to graze on a
unauthorised and protected land areas. (see Chapters five and six).
• Train local community members on principles of conflict resolution.
The roles of the secondary stakeholders towards capacitating and empowerment of local
communities, having been proposed the principles and policies that guide the guidelines
laid down are next proposed.
5.3 The principles and policies for both the primary and secondary stakeholders
The following principles and policies are proposed for the practice of community-based
conservation. The principles and policies for both primary and secondary stakeholders are
proposed under separate sub-headings.
5.3.1The principles for primary stakeholders
The principles proposed for primary stakeholders include:
• Local communities need to take pro-active prevention measures against land
degradation to avoid much negative impact on land resources.
• Ensure efficient planning of all future conservation activities.
• Avoid the domination of some interest groups or a small unrepresentative leadership
clique within a community. (see Chapters five and six)
• Ensure that community members share equitably in the benefits and responsibilities
of conservation activities.
231
Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
• Ensure transparency in the management of conservation activities; and
• Ensure that conservation projects remain in line with community’s values and cultural
dynamics.
• Introduce user-fee system. This can encourage economic rationality in land resources
users. As earlier noted, not all land resources and their uses may be included under
the user- fee list.
• Ensure that equal recognition in value in terms of participation is accorded to soft
issue and hard issue2 .
5.3.2 The principles for secondary stakeholders include:
The principles proposed for the secondary stakeholders include the following:
• Facilitators need to avoid creating high expectations amongst local communities so
that the people can participate genuinely in conservation activities.
• Officers need to respect local communities indigenous contributions as manifested in
local knowledge and skills. (see Chapters five and six).
Officers should facilitate local communities’ conservation initiatives and disregard
practices that hinder communities’ future conservation initiatives.
5.4 Policies for primary stakeholders
The policies proposed for both the primary and secondary stakeholders to ensure
effective practices of community-based conservation programme include the following:
2
The term “hard issue” used in this study means financial, technological, material and local communities’ capacity-building support
offered by government agencies (national and international) for conservation projects. These inputs are perceived to be more
important than other inputs offered by other stakeholders. The conventional approaches have made it near impossible for local
communities to comfortably provide the hard issue inputs for all categories of conservation projects.
The term “soft issue” represents local communities’ means of participation, which includes provision of manual labour, application
indigenous knowledge, local available resources and sometimes, security services to protected areas. In the case of conventional
approaches, soft issues are not regarded to be as important as hard issues, despite the fact that soft issues play pivotal roles in CBC
approaches. Labour, indigenous knowledge and secutiry services provide sustainable means to conservation projects.
232
Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
5.4.1 Primary stakeholders
The following policies are proposed with a view to enhancing local communities’
participation in conservation activities.
• Policy that will ensure that income generated from the ‘user- fee’ measure is invested
within the local community or shared equitably to community members is proposed.
(see Chapters two and five).
• Policy on gender equality, which should remove restrictions against female
ownership of land, as well as the old culture which does not allow women to take
decisions pertaining to land, is also proposed. (see Chapters two, five and six).
• Policy needs to be made that spells out the process of community involvement in land
resources conservation, rehabilitation and maintenance activities.
• Legislation against night grazing also needs to be made a policy matter.
• Policy to educate local communities about the provisions of land laws is also
proposed. The translation of the revised land laws into the Sesotho language will
enable most of the rural populace to have access to information contained therein.
(see Chapters two, five and six).
5.4.2 Secondary stakeholders
The policies proposed for secondary stakeholders include:
• Policy needs to be set out on the magnitude of conservation projects that could attract
government’s assistance.
• Standard policy needs to be made on equality of government’s assistance to local
communities that have initiated conservation projects. This will remove the
preferential government treatment experienced in Lesotho.
• Policy addressing the issue of poverty which participants consistently raised as an
impediment to local community participation in conservation - is inevitable for the
successful practice of community-based conservation programmes.
• Policy to avoid clashing approaches being practiced by conservation agencies, which
confuse local communities, is also proposed in order to enhance community
participation (see Chapter five).
233
Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
Apart from the above principles and policies, guidelines are also proposed for effective
incentives and motivation that will enhance community participation in community-based
conservation programmes.
5.5 Incentives and motivation (the roles of mainly the secondary stakeholde rs )
It has been confirmed that incentives and motivation determine the level of community
involvement in conservation activities (see Chapters five and six). The underlying
guidelines are therefore proposed to motivate local communities to become involved in
community- based conservation activities.
5.5.1 Incentives to participate in conservation (the role of secondary stakeholders and
community leaders)
The following incentives that could enhance local communities’ participation are
proposed.
• Depart from food- for-work or cash payment- for-conservation work. Instead, invest in
procurement and supply of seedlings, construction stones and other useful materials
required for conservation works the reason being that, Lesotho cannot afford to pay
cash to its citizens to participate continuously in conservation activities.
• Certificates of honour / merit may be awarded to community members who have
distinguished themselves in conservation work. Environment departments, local
government authorities and community leaders need to invest in these.
• Sustainable incentives need to be provided to local communities. Incentives such as
supply of seedlings, development of nurseries for local communities, borehole water
supply and the construction of dams may be considered as sustainable incentives to
local communities. (see Chapters five and six).
• Sharing adequately the benefits of conservation works among all community
members and distributing, interest- free, revolving loans amongst community
members may also be an attractive incentive package that could enhance local
community participation.
• Priority project needs, possibly access roads, electricity, schools, hospitals, and
234
Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
income generating projects, are also likely to help local communities sustain their
participation (see Chapters five and six).
5.5.2 Motivational incentives (the role of secondary stakeholders)
The following are recommended motivational incentives to help enhance the level of
community participation in conservation programmes.
• As indicated earlier, it is recommended that conservation pilot projects be
establishing in selected local communities to enable conservation officers to
demonstrate to land users (farmers) that conservation is beneficial, and that degraded
lands can be rehabilitated and converted productive uses. Such demonstrations by
conservation officers can motivate local communities to practise similar conservation
activities.
• Motivational tours to communities where community-based conservation works have
been successfully carried out by other local communities can motivate the people.
Interested persons and groups, also those who doubt the convertibility of degraded
lands into profitable uses, can be shown such experiences.
• Ensure that extension officers are always in the field to facilitate local communities’
conservation works. Working with local communities demonstrates the commitment
of the professionals conserving and rehabilitating degraded lands. These extension
officers can motivate the local communities.
• The idea of having extension officers from head offices located in capital cities pay
occasionally visits to farmers has never been rewarding. Officers should reside with
land users in the local communities, so the people can have access to all the necessary
information to manage and conserve land resources. This proposed close link could
motivate the local communities to participate in conservation activities.
• Extension officers must also equip themselves with indigenous knowledge. Such a
give-and-take process not only motivates local communities, but could also
strengthen the practice of community-based conservation practices.
235
Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
The above guidelines have laid emphases on limited collaborative conservation
programmes between primary and secondary stakeholders.
5.6 Collaborative ma nagement of conservation programme
As already proposed, community-based conservation programmes require some degree of
external assistance, which could come from collaborating partners at different stages of
any conservation project. Guidelines that would control the powers, access, rights and
responsibilities of collaborating partners are therefore proposed to facilitate effective
collaboration and/or joint management of conservation programme so that the primary
stakeholders are not relegated to the background (see Chapters three and five).
5.6.1 The role of all stakeholders
It is the responsibility of all stakeholders to ensure that joint management of conservation
programme is effective. Such responsibility entails:
• Maintaining active and on-going dia logue and discussion with stakeholders to secure
the co-operation and support required for community-based conservation programme.
• Avoiding selective participation in conservation work.
• Avoiding hand picking of local communities’ representatives.
• Ensuring equitable and adequate distribution of benefits accruing from conservation
project must be ensured.
• Assigning appropriate value to labour, time invested in patrolling, watching and
protecting conservation areas. (Chapters five and six).
• Allowing bottom- up approaches to be complemented by official facilitation. (see
Chapters five and six).
• Involving all stakeholders and neighbouring communities in conservation activities.
• Ensuring trust amongst stakeholders in conservation projects.
236
Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
5.6.2 Other guidelines for collaborative management:
• Establish the fact that partners have common objectives and also ensure clarity about
such objectives.
• Ensure that conservation management plans are drawn up and that this is done in
close consultation with other partne rs
• Ensure that local communities need to have powerful positions in the collaborative
management committees.
• Ensure that technical expertise for advisory roles such as lawyers is involved for the
interest of primary stakeholders (This applies for protected areas). (see Chapter
three).
5.6.3 The role of the secondary stakeholders
• Secondary stakeholders need to avoid handing over ready- made solutions of other
conservation initiatives to local communities for implementation.
• They should assist local communities in carrying out conservation activities in their
own ways.
• They should create the position of Environmental Economist (EE), in any
conservation project and ensure that this officer reaches out to the local communities
to educate the people about the va lues of land resources.
While trying to capacitate local communities for monitoring and evaluation tasks, it is
also recommended that
• the people should be available, open minded, patient, respectful, honest, and have
strong commitment to the tasks.
• the people need to have the requisite skills in the analysis and re-assessment of
conservation activities.
• many persons need to be trained instead of a few local community members;
• efforts should be made to use local language to describe the concept of
monitoring and evaluation.
237
Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
6. SUGGESTED AREAS FOR FURTHER STUDIES
This study does not claim to have encompassed all aspects of community-based
management and conservation of land resources. However, it has addressed a number of
issues including good conservation practices and the strengths and opportunities, which
these offer (see Chapter five). This study has also outlined some possible threats that may
continue to impact on the good practice of community-based conservation. Therefore, to
ensure that some of the threats identified do not continue to hamper good conservation
practices, this study suggests that further studies be carried out in the following areas:
• One of such areas suggested for further studies is to determine the economic
value of land resources. In Lesotho, land resources have no recognised economic
value, and have thus been regarded as free-for-all resources. This free- for-all
atmosphere in the country suggests the reason for the high level of unsustainable
use of land resources (see Chapter one and Chapter two). It has been established
that educating local communities as to the economic value of land resources,
which has not been strengthened due to a lack of accurate economic value on land
resources, has affected local communities’ commitment to conservation activities.
It has further been established that such knowledge could have helped to limit the
erroneous assumptions that land resources are free gift of nature and renewable
and should therefore be used without control. In any case, any value placed on
land resources without a study to determine the user-fee mechanisms may be an
incomplete exercise. Therefore, a further study is recommended to determine the
economic value of land resources and the user- fee systems. The findings of such
study will go along way towards in ensuring sustainability.
• This study also confirmed that land tenure systems in Lesotho have been a major
hindrance to community involvement in land resources conservation, because the
existing tenure systems have been beclouded by favouratism, insecurity of
ownership, denial of women’s rights to own, inherit and be allocated land, and so
on (see Chapter two). How could conservation programme be made successful in
an environment where inequity and injustice are the order of the day? The
researcher is aware that studies have been conducted on Lesotho’s tenure systems
________________________________________________________________________
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Chapter 6: Conclusions And Recommendations
but suggest that not much of such studies have provoked major changes in the
tenure systems. On this basis, this study suggests that further studies be carried
out on the role of women in Lesotho’s land tenure systems with regard to
conservation of land resources. This kind of study could provoke national debate
and discussions that may hasten the review of the Lesotho Lerotholi Land Laws.
Such studies could also lead to a complete phasing-out of discriminatory practices
and cultural bias against women regarding land tenure systems in Lesotho.
• The issue of sustainable incentives was raised several times throughout this
study. The provision of the type of sustainable incentives suggested in (Chapter
five) would require joint efforts by government ministries, departments,
international organisations and donor agencies. This is because most conservation
agencies lack the resources to meet the demands of local communities. Therefore,
further research is suggested in the area of collaborative management with regard
to the provision of sustainable incentives that would sustain local communities’
involvement in conservation activities.
• Last but not least, is the problem of poverty among local communities, which
also surfaced repeatedly in this study (see also Chapters two and five). This study
has taken cognisance of some attempts in this area to address poverty. However,
these attempts have no impact on the capacity building of local communities as a
means of addressing poverty. Therefore, further research on empowering and
capacity building of local communities with regard to livelihood security is
strongly suggested. This suggestion is made for study because investing in
empowering and capacitating local communities towards conservation tasks could
help to enhance sustainability of land resources.
________________________________________________________________________
237
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ANNEXURE 1
(Map of Africa showing location of Lesotho)
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ANNEXURE 2
(Map of Lesotho showing study communities)
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ANNEXURE 3
(Map of Asia and Africa showing areas of case studies)
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ANNEXURE 4
INTERVIEW QUESTION GUIDE FOR CONSERVATION PROJECT
OFFICERS
1. How do your age ncy currently involve the local communities?
2. What is the ratio of involvement of males/females involvement in your conservation
projects and why?
3. What type of problems do you experience in working with local communities?
4. How do you educate the local communities about land resource conservation in
Lesotho?
5. What is your perception about indigenous knowledge in land resource conservation in
Lesotho?
6. What are the social implications of the contradictory conservation approaches used by
different conservation age ncies?
7. What are the conservation policies that should be enforced to ensure community
participation in conservation activities in Lesotho?
8. To what extent does funding affect community involvement in conservation activities
in Lesotho?
9. How do you ensure tha t local communities participate in government - initiated
conservation projects?
10. What are the obstacles confronting local communities in conservation in Lesotho?
11. What kind of incentives do you think will enhance large-scale community
participation?
12. In what ways do inadequate local capacity building affect community participation in
conservation in Lesotho?
13. How can the existing local community human resource capacity be developed to meet
the challenges of conservation problems in the lowlands?
14. How does community involvement in conservation impact on sustaining land
resource? Kindly explain.
15.What is the future of community-based conservation in Lesotho.
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ANNEXURE 5
FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION QUESTION GUIDE FOR LOCAL
COMMUNITIES
1. What are the current and previous attempts made by your community to address land
degradation problems?
2. How do your community learn about current conservation measures?
3. What does the government think about the way you conserve land resource?
4. How would your community respond to a situation where you are required to:
i) Pay for land resource use?
ii) Replant chopped down trees and plants?
iii) Employ rotational farming methods?
iv) Control stocking, etc.?
v) Participate in conservation works without cash and/or food incentives.
vi) Sustain government - initiated conservation projects?
5. How can you work in joint conservation projects with the government?
6. To what extent can your community accomplish conservation initiatives without
external assistance?
7. What could be done to strengthen local community capacity to meet the challenges of
land resource degradation in your community?
8. What kind of incentives do your community require to participate in conservation of
land resources activities?
9. What are the main stumbling blocks that prevent local communities from
participating in government initiated conservation programme?
10. How can these stumbling blocks be removed or avoided?
11. How can local communities be involved in conservation of land resource?
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ANNEXURE 6
Table 1: Management cadre of the MoA, NES & EMPR
Name Official Position/Agency Contact Address
Seetla Michael Mabaso (Mr.) Chief Conservation Officer, Ministry of +266-22322876
Agric. Lesotho.
Malephane N. Jean (Mrs.) Director, National Environment Secretariat, +266-22311767
Lesotho.
Ntokoane, R.L (Mr.) Manager, Environmental Management for +266-22311767/22314763
Poverty Reduction project, Lesotho
Majara Nthabiseng (Mrs.) Management Sector, SADC Office, Maseru,
Lesotho.
Kabi, N.S. (Mr.) Principal Land Use Planner, Ministry of +266-22325851
Agric., Land Use Division, Maseru, Lesotho.
Bernice Puling (Mrs.) Principal Environmental Scientist (EIA), +266-22311767
National Environment Secretariat, NES, Ext: 151
Lesotho.
Table 2: Information/Education Officers at the MoA & EMPR
Refiloe Nts’ohi (Ms.) Parks Information and Education +266-22322876
Officer, Ministry of Agric.
Conservation Unit, Lesotho
Palesa Mapetla (Mrs.) Information Officer EMPR, +266-22311767
projects.
Table 3: Field Officers of MoA & EMPR
Name Designation Contact
Neo Mothoko (Mr.) Senior Conservation Officer +266-22323600
Ministry of Agric. Conservation
Division.
Lerato Motoai (Ms.) Assistant Conservation Officer,
Maseru District, Ministry of No phone contact number
Agriculture.
Motla T. Moepi (Mr.) Soil Conservation Officer, +266-22311767
Maseru District.
Bonang Mosiuoa (Ms.) Field Officer, EMPR Project, +266-23311767
Mafeteng District.
Ngakantsi Moshoeshoe (Mr.) Field Officer, EMPR Project, +266-23311767
Maseru neighbouring District.
Moliekoto Mojakhomo (Ms.) Field Officer, EMPR Project, +266-23311767
Mohale’s Hoek District
(Mafeteng Neighbouring district)
Motsieloa Tolamo (Mrs.) Conservation Officer, Ministry of +266-22700269
Agriculture.
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Table 4: Study Research Assistance
Names Rank Conservation Address
Lechaba Setjeo (Mr.) Field Officer, Maseru District Recently, a teacher, at Lesotho
High School
+266-22 312295
Mpine Molise (Mrs.) Land Rehabilitation Field Officer, +266-22 311767
Mafeteng District
Table 5: Some of the Practitioners Interacted with in the Course of the Study
Name Position Address
Dr. H.M. Sibanda Technical Advisor, EMPR, Lesotho Currently in Gambia on UNDP
Assignment
Dr. I.B. Ikpe Head, Department of Philosophy, NUL National University of Lesotho.
(Philosophy of Development) Currently in Botswana
University.
Prof. Q.K. Chakela Professor, NUL National University of Lesotho.
(Natural resources management)
Mr. A.Obi United Nations volunteer programme UNDP office, Lesotho.
officer Currently with Free State
University, (Agricultural
Economist)
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