Sharia: the Politics of Control

By Emman Usman Shehu, Post Express
(Lagos), 28 September and 5 October 2000

[Publisher's note: This represents only the first
and third part of a multi-part series. The other parts are not
available.]

Part 1

LagosThe effectiveness of Sharia as a potent tool of political
control can best be appreciated when seen at close quarters. Some of
the references already made are located way back in the cellars of
history and coated with the dust and grime of inaccessibility. We
therefore require a reference that has immediacy without losing
relevance.

Fortunately there is a six-year period in our history that cannot be
overlooked for various reasons. One of such reasons touches on our
subject of discourse. Between October 1, 1960 and January 15, 1966,
Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, ruled over Northern Nigeria
as the Premier. His six-year tenure is interesting in several ways.

The recent sharia uproar has had the name of Ahmadu Bello featuring
regularly. He has been referred to for three reasons. First, that he
was instrumental in getting the penal code formulated. Two, that he
ruled so benevolently that he was able to accommodate non-Muslims in
the North. Third, that he fashioned the one North which must not be
broken at all costs. There are other reasons for the major position
Ahmadu Bello enjoys in the contemporary history of the North. They all
have a common link, that of political control.

Ahmadu Bello was a great grandson of the legendary Shehu Usman Dan
Fodio. Bello drew more than a passing inspiration from Fodio,
including the desire of becoming the Sultan of Sokoto. But as it is
well known wishes are not always horses. For Bello therefore, this was
one wish that was never fulfilled. Fate provided Bello with an
alternative platform. Thus when he became the Premier of the North, he
already had at the back of his mind some well thought out
objectives. The issue of the penal code provides an interesting
insight. Bello had wanted aspects of sharia which the British had
suspended to be returned. However there was an outcry from the
non-Muslim community. It was a serious outcry. Ignoring it would mean
serious crisis and possibly the break up of the North. He was
therefore astute enough to realise that a short-term compromise was
expedient.

The impression has been created by most commentators that Bello
willingly agreed to the demand of the non-Muslims. It is not true. In
fact it took some threat from the British before he backpedalled on
enforcing total sharia. Professor Osuntokun makes a revealing
reference to this issue in Power Broker, a biography on Sir Kashim
Ibrahim, the governor of Northern Nigeria. Thus the penal code was
given birth to as a compromise.

Bello did not have his way with making supreme sharia the law of the
North, but his actions continued to betray the intention because of
the absolute control it afforded him. He was astute enough to allow a
handful of non-Muslims to rise to positions of prominence. This
created the impression of an accommodating person. But it was a
different matter when it came to relating to the non-Muslim
communities.

A close reading of all the books written on Bello confirm that for him
there was no difference between politics and religion. Hence,
political campaigns were also an opportunity for proselytising. In
this way several communities were converted by his mere pronouncing
it. In the autobiography That We May Be One, Ambassador Jolly Tanko
Yusuf makes the following observation: Sir Bello and his aides
openly used religion for political purposes. So brazen was his abuse
of office that toward the end of his life, Bello spent more time and
effort 'Islamising' than as premier of Northern Nigeria and
president of the Northern People's Congress. He used government
planes, vehicles and other facilities openly and freely for his
religious campaigns.

Yusuf goes on to add that some courageous members (of government)
including myself, strongly criticised this misuse of government
facilities. Even though we knew there was not much we could do, we
felt we had to speak out as loyal citizens. The Sardauna of Sokoto
even set up a secret committee after his return from the Middle East
(a solid Islamic bloc) in 1964 to find alternative ways and means of
Islamising the whole North. Thus was born the Jama'atu Nasril
Islam (JNI, the People's Association). It is against this
background that the recent pronouncements of the JNI under the
auspices of Sultan Maccido should be considered.

I have quoted Yusuf a bit extensively because of his credibility. He
was one of those that Bello artfully used to give a semblance of
fairness in his handling of non-Muslims. Yusuf grew up in a Muslim
family in the Middle Belt, but later became a Christian and rose to
positions of prominence under Sardauna. After Sardauna's death he
became Nigeria's ambassador to Germany, China, North Vietnam,
Korea and Sierra-Leone. In the twilight of his years he has come to
realise the extent to which people like him were hoodwinked and used
in the name of the North. The desire to foist one religion all over
the North did not die with Bello. In fact it has become a legacy
bequeathed to most administrators, whether civilian or military, in
several Northern states. Thus all the facilities of government are
directed to this purpose.

In the realm of politics, Bello did not treat his political opponents
with kids' gloves. The state apparatus was used against them. The
emirs, chiefs as well as the native authority officials were all
mobilised to deal with political opponents be they NEPU or UMBC
followers. It was the standard operation for NEPU followers to be
arraigned before alkali courts on trumped up charges. Some were able
to wriggle out by denying that they were not Muslims. Since what
operated then was not supreme sharia, they were able to get away with
it. Today, with such loopholes plugged by Sani Ahmed and his
co-travellers, there would be no means of escape.

Thus by manipulating sharia, Ahmadu Bello was able to control and
create a Northern identity and solidarity which in reality was a
continuation of the 1804 project started by his great grandfatther. By
instilling the fear of Southern domination in the minds of most
Northerners, he was able to present himself as the defender of the
North. Unfortunately like the Habe rulers before them, and like
Obasanjo today, several Northerners especially non- Muslims were so
naive that they were hoodwinked. They failed to see the
sleight-of-hand which was using sharia to create a political and
religious kingdom for the feudal class. The current rumbling in the
North amongst the Middle-Belters and the non-Muslims from the upper
North, is because of the understanding and discernment brought about
by the marginalisation which they have suffered over the years in the
name of one Islamic North.

Part 3

The effectiveness of Sharia as a potent tool of political control can
best be appreciated when seen at close quarters. Some of the
references already made are located way back in the cellars of history
and coated with the dust and grime of inaccessibility.

We therefore require a reference that has immediacy without losing
relevance. Fortunately there is a six-year period in our history that
cannot be overlooked for various reasons. One of such reasons touches
on our subject of discourse. Between October 1, 1960 and January 15,
1966, Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, ruled over Northern
Nigeria as the Premier. His six-year tenure is interesting in several
ways.

The recent sharia uproar has had the name of Ahmadu Bello featuring
regularly. He has been referred to for three reasons. First, that he
was instrumental in getting the penal code formulated. Two, that he
ruled so benevolently that he was able to accommodate non-Muslims in
the North. Third, that he fashioned the one North which must not be
broken at all costs. There are other reasons for the major position
Ahmadu Bello enjoys in the contemporary history of the North. They all
have a common link, that of political control.

Ahmadu Bello was a great grandson of the legendary Shehu Usman Dan
Fodio. Bello drew more than a passing inspiration from Fodio,
including the desire of becoming the Sultan of Sokoto. But as it is
well known wishes are not always horses. For Bello therefore, this was
one wish that was never fulfilled. Fate provided Bello with an
alternative platform. Thus when he became the Premier of the North, he
already had at the back of his mind some well thought out
objectives. The issue of the penal code provides an interesting
insight. Bello had wanted aspects of sharia which the British had
suspended to be returned. However there was an outcry from the
non-Muslim community. It was a serious outcry. Ignoring it would mean
serious crisis and possibly the break up of the North. He was
therefore astute enough to realise that a short-term compromise was
expedient.

The impression has been created by most commentators that Bello
willingly agreed to the demand of the non-Muslims. It is not true. In
fact it took some threat from the British before he backpedalled on
enforcing total sharia. Professor Osuntokun makes a revealing
reference to this issue in Power Broker, a biography on Sir Kashim
Ibrahim, the governor of Northern Nigeria. Thus the penal code was
given birth to as a compromise.

Bello did not have his way with making supreme sharia the law of the
North, but his actions continued to betray the intention because of
the absolute control it afforded him. He was astute enough to allow a
handful of non-Muslims to rise to positions of prominence. This
created the impression of an accommodating person. But it was a
different matter when it came to relating to the non-Muslim
communities.

A close reading of all the books written on Bello confirm that for him
there was no difference between politics and religion. Hence,
political campaigns were also an opportunity for proselytising. In
this way several communities were converted by his mere pronouncing
it. In the autobiography,

That We May Be One, Ambassador Jolly Tanko Yusuf makes the following
observation: Sir Bello and his aides openly used religion for
political purposes. So brazen was his abuse of office that toward the
end of his life, Bello spent more time and effort 'Islamising' than as
premier of Northern Nigeria and president of the Northern People's
Congress. He used government planes, vehicles and other facilities
openly and freely for his religious campaigns. Yusuf goes on to
add that some courageous members (of government) including myself,
strongly criticised this misuse of government facilities. Even though
we knew there was not much we could do, we felt we had to speak out as
loyal citizens. The Sardauna of Sokoto even set up a secret committee
after his return from the Middle East (a solid Islamic bloc) in 1964
to find alternative ways and means of Islamising the whole North. Thus
was born the Jama'atu Nasril Islam (JNI, the People's
Association). It is against this background that the recent
pronouncements of the JNI under the auspices of Sultan Maccido should
be considered.

I have quoted Yusuf a bit extensively because of his credibility. He
was one of those that Bello artfully used to give a semblance of
fairness in his handling of non-Muslims. Yusuf grew up in a Muslim
family in the Middle Belt, but later became a Christian and rose to
positions of prominence under Sardauna. After Sardauna's death he
became Nigeria's ambassador to Germany, China, North Vietnam, Korea
and Sierra-Leone. In the twilight of his years he has come to realise
the extent to which people like him were hoodwinked and used in the
name of the North. The desire to foist one religion all over the North
did not die with Bello. In fact it has become a legacy bequeathed to
most administrators, whether civilian or military, in several Northern
states. Thus all the facilities of government are directed to this
purpose.

In the realm of politics, Bello did not treat his political opponents
with kids' gloves. The state apparatus was used against them. The
emirs, chiefs as well as the native authority officials were all
mobilised to deal with political opponents be they NEPU or UMBC
followers. It was the standard operation for NEPU followers to be
arraigned before alkali courts on trumped up charges. Some were able
to wriggle out by denying that they were not Muslims. Since what
operated then was not supreme sharia, they were able to get away with
it. Today, with such loopholes plugged by Sani Ahmed and his
co-travellers, there would be no means of escape.

Thus by manipulating sharia, Ahmadu Bello was able to control and
create a Northern identity and solidarity which in reality was a
continuation of the 1804 project started by his great grandfatther. By
instilling the fear of Southern domination in the minds of most
Northerners, he was able to present himself as the defender of the
North. Unfortunately like the Habe rulers before them, and like
Obasanjo today, several Northerners especially non-Muslims were so
naive that they were hoodwinked. They failed to see the sleight-of-
hand which was using sharia to create a political and religious
kingdom for the feudal class. The current rumbling in the North
amongst the Middle- Belters and the non-Muslims from the upper North,
is because of the understanding and discernment brought about by the
marginalisation which they have suffered over the years in the name of
one feudal and Islamic North.