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vol. 54 num. 4 lang. enhttp://www.scielo.org.za/img/en/fbpelogp.gifhttp://www.scielo.org.za
Afrikaans: Uitnodiging tot debat]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
The current troubled state of the Afrikaners and Afrikaans]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Die opkoms van die Afrikaners as 'n verpolitiseerde etniese groep, wat onder die Nasionale Party in beheer van die staat was, en van Afrikaans as amptelike taal, was een van die belangrikste politieke ontwikkelings in die twintigste eeu. Gedurende die 1970's het die NP-regering onder toenemende druk gekom en in 1994 het dit die mag aan die African National Congress oorgedra. Oor die daaropvolgende twintig jaar is die staatsdiens radikaal getransformeer, en het Engels die de facto openbare taal geword. Afrikaners moes nie slegs leer om sonder poltieke mag klaar te kom nie, maar moes ook worstel met 'n krimpende demografiese basis. Afrikaans-medium skole en universiteite moes nou groot getalle opneem wat verkies het om hul onderrig in Engels te ontvang. 'n Geleentheid wat in 2001 opgeduik het om die posisie van Afrikaans in twee universiteite te beveilig, is verspeel. Wit mense in die boonste range van die arbeidsmark het op groot skaal die openbare sektor en groot korporasies verlaat en hulle tot selfindiensname gewend. In die laer range van die arbeidsmark het die oorgrote meerderheid wit mense werk gekry, maar dikwels onder die tradisionele vlak van wit lewensbestaan. Meer as die helfte van die Demokratiese Alliansie se ondersteuning is Afrikaanssprekendes. Die party se poging om swart steun te wen, maak dit egter huiwerig om hom uit te spreek teen die afskaling van Afrikaans of transformasie in die werkplek. Afrikaans het gefloreer veral op kultuur- of woordfeeste, in die publikasie van fiksie en op KykNet. Dit verloor egter ernstig grond op universiteitsvlak as gevolg van die onwilligheid van senior akademici, universiteitsbesture en universiteitsrade om vir die taal op te staan. Dit is nie meer vergesog om die moontlikheid te voorsien dat die Afrikaners as etniese groep en Afrikaans oor die medium termyn as openbare taal kan verdwyn nie.<hr/>The rise of the Afrikaners as a politicised ethnic group that captured the state, under the leadership of the National Party, and of Afrikaans as a public language was one of the most prominent features of twentieth century South African history. During the 1970s NP rule started to come under severe pressure as a result of its apartheid policy and it handed over power in 1994. Over the next twenty years the civil service was radically transformed, English became the de facto official language. Afrikaners not only had to deal with the sudden loss of state power but a declining demograpic base. Afrikaans-medium secondary schools and universities had to admit large numbers who preferred to receive their instruction in English. An opportunity in 2001 to safeguard Afrikaans at two universities was squandered. In technical and educational colleges the state simply phased out Afrikaans instruction. Whites in the upper echelons became largely selfemployed, while those in the lower echelons managed tofind a job but not necessarily at the level required for the traditional "white" standard of living. Afrikaans-speakers represent more than half of the Democratic Alliance 's support base, but the party's efforts to capture the black vote made it unwilling to speak up on Afrikaans as a public language or aggressive affirmative action in the public sector and large corporations. While Afrikaans has flourished in the cultural sphere, particularly at festivals, the publication of fiction, and in pay television channels, it is losing ground steadily at university level in face of the cultural totalitarianism of the ruling party and the failure of senior academics, administrators and university coucils to back up the language. The demise of both Afrikaans as public language and the Afrikaners as an ethnic group has become a real possibilty over the medium term.Attitudes and opinions regarding mother-tongue education and the choice of a university: Afrikaans-speaking students at Unisa]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Hierdie artikel fokus eerstens op die persoonlike en akademiese voordele van moedertaalonderrig, asook die invloed daarvan op die welsyn van taalgroepe, hulle regte en mense se identiteit. Politieke omstandighede wat meegebring het dat moedertaalonderrig in Afrikaans, en veral in hoër onderwys, sterk agteruitgaan, word verder gedek. Aan die ander kant word die belangrike rol van die houdings, opinies en taalkeuses binne 'n taalgemeenskap beklemtoon. Ons ontleed vervolgens die response van Afrikaanssprekende studente aan Unisa op 'n internetvraelys rakende hulle menings oor moedertaalonderrig in hoër onderwys en faktore wat hulle beïnvloed het om aan Unisa te studeer. Van die totale ondersoekgroep van 2 749 respondente het 50,7% in Afrikaans gestudeer en 48,5% in Engels - 1,5% het nie op dié vraag gereageer nie. Noemenswaardige getalle van die studente wat in Engels gestudeer het, het aangedui dat hulle wel van Afrikaanse studiemateriaal gebruik gemaak het. Die Afrikaansmedium-studente het egter beduidend sterker positiewe opinies oor die akademiese wenslikheid van moedertaalonderrig gehad, en het ook beduidend meer waarde geheg aan onderrig in Afrikaans as 'n faktor in die keuse van Unisa as 'n universiteit. Gevolgtrekkings word gemaak oor die waarde van positiewe ervarings rakende moedertaalonderrig en die verspreiding van kennis oor die voordele daarvan.<hr/>In this article we analyse responses from Afrikaans-speaking students at the University of South Africa (Unisa) to an Internet questionnaire, in order to gain knowledge regarding their views on mother-tongue education in higher education and factors that influenced them to make Unisa their university of choice. The questions we analyse yield information with regard to a total of2 749 respondents. We compare two groups, namely those who chose to receive instruction in their mother tongue, i.e. Afrikaans (1 393 repondents, or 50,7%), and those whose chose English as medium ofinstruction (1 314 respondents, or 47,8%). A total of 42 respondents, or 1,5%, did not respond to the question regarding their choice of language for tuition purposes. Respondents who studied in English were asked if, and to what extent, they had made use of the study material in Afrikaans. Students were also asked to respond to statements dealing with opinions on the benefits of mother-tongue education, English as language of tuition and the reasons why they chose to study at Unisa. They did this by selecting one of the options in a number offive-point Likert scale items. We discuss the social and theoretical background of the relevant phenomena. Despite the fact that the letter of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No. 108 of 1996), provides for equality of languages, the status of Afrikaans as language of tuition - especially in higher education - has strongly declined since the start of the 21st century, due to various sociopolitical influences. However, whether a language will wax or wane in a particular context also depends upon the opinions, attitudes and language behaviour of the speakers of that language. Information regarding such opinions and attitudes therefore becomes pertinent. The literature points to various probable academic and personal advantages of mother-tongue instruction. In addition, mother-tongue tuition is important for the wellbeing of groups, the advancement of human rights and fostering feelings of identity and belonging. In the context of this research, the development of the academic language capabilities of individuals is of central importance. We refer to Webb (2006) who maintains that advanced skills in the mother tongue will contribute to general academic development. Likewise, Bühman and Trudell (2008) are cited, writing that mother-tongue education even contributes to a comparatively better achievement by learners in Mathematics. Although most of the research reported in the literature investigated the positive effects of mother-tongue education at school level, evidence exists that point to the fact that one may extrapolate this to university education. The question therefore arises how the opinions of Afrikaans-speaking students at Unisa support the literature findings and whether they are aware of the advantages of mother-tongue tuition. The first interesting finding was that a noteworthy number ofstudents who had chosen English as medium of tuition, nonetheless used Afrikaans study material often (27,9%) or sometimes (38,4%). Their mother tongue thus still played a part in acquiring knowledge. Secondly, the two groups (Afrikaans medium vs. English medium options) differed significantly in their views on the academic advantages of mother-tongue education at university. Students who had chosen to study in Afrikaans were significantly more sanguine about the advantages of mother-tongue education than their peers who had chosen English. This may stem from positive experiences with regard to mother-tongue education at school and university. It also makes their decision to study in Afrikaans a rational decision. Students who had chosen English as medium of instruction were evidently influenced by their views on English as a global language and the perceived advantages of English in the current South African situation. Their mean scores were higher than those of the group studying in Afrikaans in the items which state that it is better to study in English, because English is a global language, and that English provides a person with better prospects. Thirdly, for the English medium group, the choice to study at Unisa seemed to be influenced more by considerations relating to distance education and the quality of tuition than by language as a medium. However, the fact that Unisa offered tuition in Afrikaans was of comparatively high importance to the group studying in Afrikaans. Their average for this item on the five-point Likert Scale was 4,47, compared to an average of 3,86 for the English-medium respondents. We conclude by stating that the dissemination of information on the advantages of mother-tongue education is important for sustaining Afrikaans as a language of tuition in higher education.Come join the PUK: the use of English in honours programmes at an Afrikaans university campus of the NWU]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Die Potchefstroomkampus van die Noordwes-Universiteit (NWU) word histories met Afrikaans geassosieer, maar Engels word ook as onderrigmedium veral by honneursprogramme op dié kampus gebruik. Die prominensie van Engels aan hierdie instansie en die belangrikheid van die taal is reeds in die vormingsjare van die instelling erken. Dit is egter belangrik om die gebruik van Afrikaans aan 'n hoëronderwysinstelling te kontekstualiseer met betrekking tot die voordele wat moedertaalonderrig inhou, taaloordrag van vaardighede wat van 'n moedertaal na 'n addisionele taal plaasvind, die status wat Afrikaans (en ander tale) met betrekking tot Engels geniet, relevante navorsing met betrekking tot twee- en meertaligheid sowel as die kwessie van funksionele meertaligheid. Bestaande nasionale wetgewing en beleidsdokumente sowel as die NWU se taalbeleid is ook in hierdie verband relevant. Die gebruik en behoefte aan Engels as onderrigmedium is 'n realiteit en die hantering daarvan kan deur middel van enkelmedium, parallelmedium, dubbelmedium of onderrig met behulp van opvoedkundige tolking geakkommodeer word. Uit die literatuuroorsig is veral opvoedkundige tolking steeds 'n wenslike opsie. As daar na die taalverspreiding en -voorkeure van studente gekyk word, is dit duidelik dat Afrikaans steeds prominent is, maar dat die persentasie Afrikaanssprekendes aan die afneem is. Engels word reeds as onderrigmedium gebruik ter wille van die akkommodering van studente en ter voorbereiding van die industrie buite die universiteit. Die artikel beveel verdere navorsing aan met betrekking tot Engelse akademiese vaardighede en opvoedkundige tolking (spesifiek uit Engels in Afrikaans) met die klem op die fasilitering van wedersydse kommunikasie in die tolkingsproses.<hr/>The Potchefstroom Campus of North-West University (NWU) is historically associated with Afrikaans, but English is currently being used as medium of instruction for honours programmes on this particular campus of this trilingual university. As such the NWU acknowledges Afrikaans, English and Setswana as working languages in its language policy. The prominence of English at the Potchefstroom Campus and its value as a medium of instruction, however, had already been acknowledged in the University's year of inception in 1869 - initially as a school of theology. As time passed Dutch and eventually Afrikaans became more important at the institution. The university moved from a mainly Afrikaans character to an officially trilingual university with mainly Afrikaans and English as mediums of instruction after a merger in 2004 between the former Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education, the University of North-West and Sebokeng Campus of the Vista University as part of the government's attempts at integrating segregated higher education institutions. It is important to contextualise any discussion with regard to medium of instruction in terms of the benefits of mother-tongue education, it is clear that language transfer of skills can take place between a mother tongue and an additional language, the status of Afrikaans (as well as other South African languages) with regard to English and its hegemony in South Africa also informs this discussion. Relevant research with regard to bi- and multilingualism as well as the concept offunctional multilingualism also inform decisions made regarding medium of instruction. The outstanding bilingual skills of Afrikaans-speaking students seem to be relevant in this regard. Furthermore, existing national legislation and policies as well as the NWU's language policy should also be taken into account. In this regard, the use of English for honours programmes on the Potchefstroom Campus is allowed and the language policy specifically refers to the honours programmes where English can be utilised. However, the use of Afrikaans at this institution should be considered within the context of increased English usage throughout the higher education landscape in South Africa. The importance of Afrikaans as an academic language at higher education level is clear and is, despite some negative political rhetoric, still an important aspect of the ideals set out in the Constitution regarding multilingualism and the right to receive an education in a person 's mother tongue. The use of and need for English as a medium of instruction is a reality at this campus and needs to be recognised and managed. Language use can be facilitated in a classroom by means of single-medium, parallel-medium, double-medium or educational interpreting approaches. From an overview ofthe literature, especially pertaining to this higher education institution, educational interpreting approaches seem to be most relevant. However, some criticism against both these approaches in terms of teaching and learning time and especially two-way communication in terms of interpreting need to be explored and addressed. From an overview of the language distribution and preferences of the students it is clear that Afrikaans is still the most prominent language on campus. But a decline in the percentage of Afrikaans-speaking honours students is also evident. English is already used in a number of honours programmes as a medium of instruction. English is mainly used for the sake of accommodating individuals who do not have a proper command of Afrikaans or prefer not to be instructed in this language as well as perceived needs of the industry outside the university. This article recommends further research regarding English academic skills and educational interpreting, specifically from English into Afrikaans. With reference to interpreting, focus is also necessary regarding the facilitation of effective two-way communication in the interpreting process in a classroom.Afrikaans as property, and the question of restandardisation]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Die siening van taal as besit van die Afrikaanse taalgemeenskap, individueel en kollektief, word in hierdie artikel ondersoek en in verband gebring met die verskeidenheid van variëteite wat in die taalgemeenskap bestaan. Die vertrekpunt is die verskillende benaderings van die sosiolinguistiek, die intellektueelgoederereg en taalbeplanning tot taal as entiteit. In die laaste instansie word daar gefokus op die aard en funksie van standaardtaal as (dikwels omstrede) variëteit en die vraag of die herstandaardisering van Afrikaans as regstelling van historiese gebreke in die standaardi-seringsgeskiedenis oorweeg kan word. Dit blyk uit 'n ontleding van alle verbandhoudende faktore dat herstandaardisering 'n relatiewe begrip is en nie gelykgestel kan word aan demokratisering nie (vergelyk Kotzé 2011b), en daar veel effektiewer alternatiewe wyses bestaan om sprekersvariëteite van Afrikaans tot hulle reg te laat kom.<hr/>In this article, some key aspects of the public discussion regarding the notion of possessing a language, in casu Afrikaans, are highlightedfrom a sociolinguistic perspective. The multifarious nature of this language community, consisting ofspeakers of diverse regional varieties, is related to the notion of a central standard language, and the representation of lexis (and grammatical forms) from these varieties in the standard serves as a challenge to be investigated. If the language as a whole is to be regarded as the property of the entire language community, this is a valid moot point. The article culminates in a comparison of various strategies of increasingly incorporating the varieties of Afrikaans both lexically and grammatically into a generally accessible common standard (which would have to be subject to the requirements of usage in various domains). The point of departure which is addressed, is the perception that (a) the standard form of Afrikaans is a user-based variety, and (b) by implication that it will only be deemed to be communal property if it has been linguistically restandardised by prescriptive means in order to expand ownership to all speakers. At the basis of this perception there are, however, certain fallacies regarding the nature of language, the process of standardisation and the ways in which variant forms obtain recognition over a wide(r) spectrum in the community. The article is firstly aimed at investigating the concept of possessing language (or a language), individually or collectively, from various perspectives, and secondly, at describing the position, function and materialisation of the standard form as a variety used for particular functions by speakers of different varieties, and thus representing communal property. The central question for which an answer is sought, is how possessing the language (collectively or individually, in all its varieties) can be linked to, and is compatible with, the concept of "standard language". An aspect of the nature of language which is important for this discussion is the distinction between instrumental (or functional) and symbolic (identificatory) values. These values often operate in a supplementary fashion, for example when the use of one language for purposes of wider communication reinforces the status of the language. On the other hand, the insistence by speakers on maintaining the symbolic value of a particular language could impede its usefulness as a lingua franca. These values may also operate separately, for instance, the development of a standard register (such as terminologies for scientific purposes) would enhance the instrumentality of a language, while creative contributions, distinguished by the form in which they are presented, such as in the field of literature, play an important role in strengthening its symbolic basis. While the link between language and culture overlaps with its value to the speakers, a further dimension is to be found in the consideration of language and culture as intellectual property. Examples of individual manifestations of language, ranging from individual words as trademarks to integrated units such as literary creations or scientific articles could be cited in this regard, but for languages as a whole there is no judicial tradition of reification. The link between a language and its speakers in terms of possession could be viewed from either a liberal or a mother-tongue based perspective (Hutton 2010), where a distinction is made between a right to possess and the relation with the object being possessed. While the liberal view does not distinguish between language and a (specific) language, and hence a particular speech community is not defined, the mother-tongue based tradition regards language as the collective property of a group of speakers who are defined in terms of history, culture and linguistic features. As alternative approaches, each of these views represents an ideal type on a complex continuum in which the abovementioned factors all contribute to how possession of a particular language could be interpreted. In terms of (especially) the symbolic value of a language, the mother-tongue based approach is followed when a language community has reason to suspect being threatened. To its speakers, the idea of language rights represents one form of recognition of language as property, and this model makes it possible for the speakers, in a multilingual country such as South Africa, to form agencies who act on behalf ofthe users of a particular language. The recognition ofofficial languages in the South African Constitution, although an ostensible safeguard against discrimination, is stymied by the evident inability of the State and the judiciary to concretise (or reify) language, and hence deal with it as in the case of other items of value. Hence the reaction as referred to above. The community of mother-tongue speakers, are, in this view, defined, not only by using a common language, but also by the intricate set of norms which determines the choices to be made in each context of use, in order to communicate according to the demands of comprehensibility and appropriateness. In this sense, one could state that speakers of Afrikaans find themselves under the "jurisdiction" of the language, and that they receive, not ownership, but a measure of stewardship, to enhance the value ofthe language by increasing its instrumental value for the benefit of its users. In the light of the geolectal diversity of Afrikaans, which is often exacerbated by racially based differences, the existence of the standard form could be linked historically to the inequalities of the past. Hence the question: Whose property is Standard Afrikaans? From a sociolinguistic viewpoint (and also within the liberal tradition of ownership of language), the standard represents a domain-specific register of use, and is the "property" of whosoever has occasion to utilise this register (especially) informal contexts. In practice, standardisation occurs from day to day at the level of language use, and in particular as the outcome of the work of language practitioners, who apply the norms of usage as determined by the particular domain. Although it is often assumed that the Language Commission of the South African Academy serves as a standardising body, it is largely restricted to the formulation of rules of orthography, and its published word list (Afrikaanse Woordelys en Spelreëls) contains a small percentage, seen against the total available lexis, of lexical items for purposes of exemplification, acceptance of neologisms and guidance. The possibility of the restandardisation of Afrikaans has been suggested as a way to address differences in accessibility to the standard register, in the sense that vernacular speakers of various geolects should be enabled to recognise much more of their own lexis (andpossibly grammar) in what is regarded as Standard Afrikaans. In this way, the symbolic value (and status) of the vernaculars would be enhanced. As in the case of standardisation, which is an ongoing process and at the same time the cumulative effect of norm application in formal contexts, a bottom-up approach (instead of a top-down) approach, by means of exposure, cultural promotion and publication, which is already noticeable, is the most effective process to expand the lexicon in the relevant domains. Restandardisation based on the selection of a new matrix dialect would lead (according to Hendricks 2014) to an implosion of the language as a whole and accelerate destandardisation. On the grammatical level, reference could be made to a forthcoming project in which a standard grammar of Afrikaans (which could include variation on various levels of description) will be compiled for internet access. While the symbolic value of users ' varieties (especially regional) plays a key role in the acceptance of the standard variety as collective property, an important aspect of standardisation is the enrichment of the standard variety, also by way of lexical expansion from the regional varieties, in consonance with international models.Should Afrikaans be restandardised?]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Dit word gedoen deur eerstens 'n oorsig te gee oor die redes waarom Standaardafrikaans veral sedert die 1980's nie as verteenwoordigend van die totale Afrikaanse spraakgemeenskap beskou word nie. Drie redes word hiervoor aangevoer, waaronder die oormatige vernederlandsing van Afrikaans tydens standaardisering, die miskenning van die Engelse invloed op Afrikaans deur middel van anglisismejag, en die miskenning en uitsluiting van ander variëteite van Afrikaans gedurende die standaardiseringsproses.<hr/>Given the international tendency towards democracy, the relevance of standard languages, which are undeniably ideological and discriminatory in nature, is increasingly being questioned. In the Afrikaans speech community the legitimacy of Standard Afrikaans has been questioned since the 1980s due to its association with apartheid. In recent times this awareness of the politicisation of Standard Afrikaans has led some Afrikaans linguists to ask the question whether or not Afrikaans should be restandardised. In an attempt to provide an answer to this question, this paper investigates whether or not restandardisation is desirable from a sociolinguistic viewpoint. This is done by giving an overview of why Standard Afrikaans is not seen as being representative of the entire Afrikaans speech community since the 1980s, why it is necessary that the standard be redefined, and lastly, what the restandardisation of Afrikaans would entail in outline. There are various reasons why Afrikaans is not representative of the entire Afrikaans speech community, the first being that standardisers relied heavily on Dutch during the standardisation process. By introducing many Dutch loan words into Afrikaans and relying heavily on the Dutch morphosyntacticpattern, the natural development of Afrikaans was disturbed. This Dutchification of Standard Afrikaans gave the standard an artificial nature which made it difficult for speakers of Afrikaans to learn. As a result of anti-British sentiments after the South African War, the standardisation of Afrikaans was also characterised by opposition against Anglicisms in Afrikaans. An attempt was made to remove as many traces of English influence on Afrikaans as possible, thereby denying the real language contact situation. This anti-English attitude further alienated speakers from the standard and led to diglossia in the Afrikaans speech community. Lastly, the vernacular varieties of Afrikaans, especially those spoken by coloured speakers of Afrikaans, were disregarded during standardisation. Not only was Standard Afrikaans appropriated as a "white man's" language, but it was also based on Eastern Cape Afrikaans, which was mainly spoken by white speakers of Afrikaans. The stigmatisation of the vernacular varieties of Afrikaans led to discrimination against the speakers of these varieties on a social, educational and economic level. Vernacular speakers were marginalised as they were often excluded from all language domains for higher functions and have difficulty acquiring the standard language. Seeing as standardisation inhibits variation and strives towards uniformity of linguistic form, one could argue that the standard language cannot be representative of the entire speech community. This view on the standard language as a seemingly innocent variety ignores the fact that standardisation is ideologically motivated, as it favours the elite in a given speech community. This elitist situation is, however, no longer tenable in a democratic society. At the same time, one cannot deny that standard languages play an important role in the political, economic and educational life of a speech community. As democratising language planning, restandardisation can play an important role in resolving this tension in the standard language. As deliberate language planning from above and from below, aimed at revising the form and function of a standard language and influencing the linguistic behaviour of a speech community in order to create a democratic standard, restandardisation is aimed at correcting some social injustice or another in the speech community by standardising the language from a broader varietal base, thereby making the standard language more inclusive and empowering all speakers. This implies that Standard Afrikaans should be redefined in order to include all varieties of Afrikaans, as well as lessening the influence of Dutch on Afrikaans and giving recognition to the influence of English on Afrikaans. Although the Dutch burden on Standard Afrikaans has been lifted to a certain extent over the past years, there are Dutchisms in Afrikaans which make the language unnecessarily formal and alienate speakers. The restandardisation of Afrikaans thus entails that Dutch should no longer be used as norm for Afrikaans. Over the years there has also been greater realism with regard to the influence of English on Afrikaans, but there are still many English loans missing in Standard Afrikaans which have been prevalent in the vernacular for many years. The restandardisation of Afrikaans should lead to a greater acceptance of English influence on Afrikaans, as English often has an enriching effect on Afrikaans. Disregard of this influence may alienate speakers to such an extent that they decide to use English because they have difficulty acquiring Standard Afrikaans. Lastly, there has also been an increased acceptance of other varieties of Afrikaans into the standard. However, much still needs to be done, since especially coloured speakers of Afrikaans feel like strangers in their own language. Standard Afrikaans should be broadened to include not only lexical items from the vernacular varieties of Afrikaans, but also give recognition to grammatical differences. Restandardisation would further require that norms be determined in a democratic manner, so that all speakers may have a say in the structure of the standard. In this way, restandardisation can be utilised to reform Standard Afrikaans in order to serve the entire speech community, thereby reflecting the democratic ideals of society."We are people. My children have faces." The natural environment and the conceptualising of the self in My Children Have Faces (Carol Campbell)]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Carol Campbell se debuutroman, My Children Have Faces: A Novel About the Karretjiemense of the Karoo (2013), in Afrikaans vertaal as Karretjiemense, is die verhaal van 'n brandarm, nomadiese Karoo-gesin, voortdurend op reis met hul donkiekar. Hulle leef as "onsigbare" mense: op grond van hulle lae sosiale peil en ongeletterdheid verag of geïgnoreer deur die samelewing, op grond van hulle haweloosheid en gebrek aan identiteitsdokumente negeer deur die owerheid. Tog demonstreer elke lid van Muis en Kapok se gesin 'n unieke besef van eiewaarde en van die persoonlik onderskeidende eienskappe wat verband hou met wie en wat hy/sy werklik is. Die ondersoek is daarop gerig om vas te stel in watter mate die invloed van die natuurlike omgewing bewys kan word in die prosesse van die identiteitskonstruksie van die karretjiemense in hierdie roman en op watter wyse hierdie beïnvloeding gestalte kry in die karakters se konseptualisering van die self. Daar word bevind dat Muis en haar mense hulleself op aktiewe wyse met die natuur verbind: deur die proses van betekenisgewing waarby hulle op kognitiewe, affektiewe sowel as spirituele vlakke betrokke is en deur hulle interaksie met die natuur op fisieke en emosionele vlak. Die karakters se individuele belewing van en reaktiewe betrokkenheid by die Karoo-omgewing is die kernfaktor in die ontwikkeling en bevestiging van persoonlike identiteit, asook van elkeen se gevoel van te behoort. Elke karakter in die karretjiegesin demonstreer op eiesoortige wyse die effek van hulle natuurverbintenis op die konstruering van selfkennis en -identiteit.<hr/>Carol Campbell's debut novel, My Children Have Faces: a novel about the Karretjiemense of the Karoo (2013), translated by Kirby van der Merwe into Afrikaans as Karretjiemense, is the story of a desperately poor, nomadic Karoo family, continually journeying on their donkey cart. They live as "invisible" people: because of their low social standing and illiteracy, they are seen as the scum of society, because of their homelessness and lack of identity documents, they are disregarded by the authorities. These characters struggle to find acknowledgment of their existence and worthiness in the eyes of the world. Nonetheless, each member of Muis and Kapok's family demonstrates a unique understanding of self-worth and of the personal identifying characteristics that relate to who and what he/she really is. The investigation is aimed at establishing to what extent the influence of the natural environment can be proven in the processes ofidentity construction of the karretjie people in this novel, and in which ways this influence shapes the characters ' conceptualising of the self. The focus of this exploration is ecocritical: the purpose is to come to an understanding of the concrete and psychological effects of the natural environment on human life and identity in Karretjiemense. The investigation is approached within the framework of on-going interest in questions of identity that are becoming an increasing focus of ecocriticism within South African literary studies. In my theorising of the concept of identity, the question of identity construction is thus placed within ecocritical context.The novel is also examined with attention to the socio-political context. The karretjie family are descendants of the San and Khoi people; the possibility that the development of their self-worth and a sense of belonging, which are components of personal identity, can be coupled with their relationship with nature is meaningful, read within the context of the debate on belonging and the self in nature (Steenkamp 2011:23) in the postcolonial South African era. In this debate, questions ofplace and displacement are central as a consequence of our history which is characterised by segregation, land disputes, forced removals and dispossession. Karretjiemense casts light on the experience of the self in relation to the natural world by those who could be expected to experience the connection with the land as problematic as a consequence of our colonial past.The investigation first establishes how the socially constructed identity of the karretjie people appears and what the effects of social thinking are on their self-image and self-experience. From this part of the investigation, it appears that Muis and her people struggle to form any positive self-image from the opinions of the community that scorns or ignores them therefore, it strikes the reader that none of these family members is depicted as someone without self-worth and self-respect. The investigative focus then shifts to establish how the natural environment and experiences in nature influence the characters' self-regard as well as what the extent of nature's impact on the shaping ofpersonal identity in the separate individuals of the family may be. This part comprises a probing investigation into the nature of the interaction with the natural world by focusing on the individual characters ' experiences thereof: those of Muis herself, Witpop, Fansie, and Kapok. Attention is focused on the manner in which meaning is allotted to the Karoo landscape by this family, and the various dimensions of their being that are involved in this process: the cognitive and the affective, as well as the spiritual. Further, the guidelines offered by the text regarding the scope and meaning of the physical and emotional interaction between these characters and the environment are interpreted to establish how nature contributes to each character 's self-worth and self-knowledge, qualities that are part of personal identity, and to establish an experience of belonging. Sufficient evidence was found that it is within the relationship with nature, through the individual experience ofthe Karoo environment and the reactive involvement with it, that Muis and her people discover their own value as well as qualities that contribute to their self-respect. It was also found that nature exercises a prominent and interactive presence in the lives of the karretjie family through its unavoidable power and the climate changes of the Karoo. The increasingly dry landscape becomes a character in itself through the impact that it exerts on the plot development and the direct effect that it has regarding the karretjie family's life situations and their final circumstances. Evidence of the dramatic way in which nature affects the human experience in Karretjiemense provides motivation for the finding that the people-nature connection is a key aspect ofthe characters ' experience of reality and consequently also on their self-perception and -image. Each character in the karretjie family uniquely demonstrates the effect of his/her close ties with nature on the construing of self-knowledge and self-identity as well as on each one 's sense of belonging. Read against the socio-political background of our times, Karretjiemense reflects insightful character experiences regarding the depiction of the self in relation to the natural world. The novel demonstrates close and unique connections between the self and nature, connections with an important function regarding the creation of identity. This offers a surprising alternative for the depiction of identity issues which accentuates the problematics of the concept of environmental belonging within the postcolonial context. Karretjiemense presents a disconcerting account of a segment of society that has so little and is so frequently overlooked, people who courageously arrive at the conceptualising ofthe self with the help of what is available: the context ofthe natural world.Teaching Afrikaans vocabulary and varieties from an inclusive language-historical perspective]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Hierdie artikel fokus op die onderrig van die (geleende) woordeskat van Afrikaans (Intermediêre Fase) en die streeksvariëteite van Afrikaans (Senior Fase) aan die hand van 'n inklusiewe taalhistoriese perspektief. In breë trekke behels die inklusiewe ontwikkelingsgeskiedenis van Afrikaans roetes van verskillende groepe mense oor oseane en kontinente heen wat aan die suidpunt van Afrika ontmoet het. Danksy dié (onwaarskynlike) samekoms van Europese setlaars, inheemse Khoi en slawe uit onder andere Asië ontwikkel 'n taal in Afrika met 'n penwortel in Wes-Europa, maar met duide-like wortels in Asië en Afrika (Hugo 2009; Raidt 1991). Pogings van die gekoloniseerde Khoi en ingevoerde slawe om Nederlands (taal van die koloniseerders) aan die vroeë Kaap te praat, het aanleiding gegee tot die ontstaan van die historiese Westelike en Suidelike Afrikaanse aanleerdersvariëteite van die Khoi en van die slawe. Hierdie aanleerdersvariëteite het belangrike kulturele en taalbydraes tot die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaanse woordeskat gelewer wat sterk in moderne Afrikaans na vore kom. Kennis van en insig in hierdie "ryk en sterk erfenis" moet volgens Boesak (2007) "ontdek, erken en omarm" word, aangesien die miskenning van "gekleurde" bydraes in die ontwikkeling van Afrikaans tot in die onlangse verlede persepsies verstewig het dat Afrikaans slegs 'n "wit" herkoms het (Carstens 2013). Om verhoudings tussen Afrikaanssprekendes én ander Suid-Afrikaners te verbeter, behoort die eksklusiewe weergawe van die Afrikaanse taalgeskiedenis met die inklusiewe ontwikkelingsgeskiedenis van Afrikaans (wat die bydraes van groepe uit Wes-Europa, Afrika en Asië in die ontstaan van Afrikaans insluit) vervang te word. Die aangewese vertrekpunt daarvoor is die skoolgaande jeug van Suid-Afrika.<hr/>This article focuses on the teaching ofthe (borrowed) vocabulary of Afrikaans (in the Intermediate Phase) and the regional varieties of Afrikaans (in the Senior Phase) on the basis of an inclusive historical language perspective The seventeenth-century VOC ("Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie") sea route between the Netherlands and Batavia led to the establishment of the Cape maritime supply station in 1652. This refreshment station became the meeting point for the languages, cultures and religions of three continents (Titus 2007:2). This unique coming together of divergent (mainly Western and Arabic) language groups required a common means of communication and this led to the evolution of Afrikaans. It is a modern language born and developed on the African continent but with clear European (Western), Arabic (Eastern) and African origins. The VOC 's objectives in establishing a supply station did not include the establishment of a colony or by extension, a new language. However, most of the Europeans wanted to settle at the Cape permanently and linguistic contact between them, the indigenous Khoi and the slaves imported from the East formed the basis for the origin of Afrikaans. Ongoing contact and interaction led to the development of specific socio-cultural and -linguistic circumstances that nourished the further evolution of Afrikaans: The European colonisers (the rulers in this situation) had great difficulty in mastering the indigenous Khoi languages. The colonised Khoi (the subordinates in this situation) therefore had no choice but to learn to communicate in Dutch. The settlers initially consisted mainly of men, which led to the forming of relationships between the men and slave and Khoi women. This implies that there was a need to communicate, which resulted in acculturation. The assimilation and integration of the Khoi and the imported slaves into (Western) Cape society played a role with regard to the socio-cultural and -linguistic aspects of the Cape 's multilingual and -cultural society. Afrikaans is therefore the communal creation of Europeans and non-Europeans, of white and black, of rulers and slaves (Giliomee 2004:42). It is in essence Dutch; however, the role played by slaves and the Khoi in its beginnings (the start of colonisation in 1652), must be taken into account and acknowledged (Du Plessis H. 1994:122). The vocabulary and the modern variety of Afrikaans are proof of its evolution through language contact since the initial contact between the various language groups at the Cape during the seventeenth century. The meeting of and interaction between three groups (Western Europeans, imported slaves from the East and indigenous Khoi) allowed a unique language-contact situation to develop. This situation has been underestimated in the past because of the socio-political (apartheid) circumstances in South Africa. It suited the socio-political philosophy of the previous apartheid government to focus on the European origins of Afrikaans, although Afrikaans is a language in which the sounds of Dutch, Malay, Creole-Portuguese, as well as Indian, Arabic, European and African languages can be heard. It became a new language for a new nation formed out of the melting pot of racial groupings in South Africa.Aan die and besig in Afrikaans progressive constructions: the origin and development]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
In 'n tweetal artikels (hierdie artikel en Breed & Van Huyssteen (voorgele)) stel ons ondersoek in na die wyse waarop twee perifrastiese konstruksies, te wete die V KOP besig om te V- en die V KOP aan die V-konstruksies, gebruik word om progressiewe betekenis in Afrikaans uit te druk. Die bespreking word gebaseer op 'n korpusondersoek waarin drie Afrikaanse perifrastiese progressiewe konstruksies (d.i. die twee genoemde konstruksies, sowel as die Vpos en V-konstruksie; sien Breed 2012 en Breed & Brisard voorgele) met mekaar vergelyk is. Drie ewekniekonstruksies word in Nederlands gevind, en daarom word die konstruksies ook, waar ter sake, met die Nederlandse konstruksies vergelyk. Aangesien Breed & Brisard (voorgele) fokus op die Vpos en-konstruksies, handel hierdie tweetal artikels oor die besig- en aan die-progressiewe. Terwyl die tweede artikel se fokus is om, aan die hand van die korpusondersoek se resultate, die spesifieke wyses aan te dui waarop die twee konstruksies gebruik word, is die hoofdoelwit van hierdie eerste artikel om die twee konstruksies se totstandkoming en ontwikkeling aan te toon. In hierdie artikel word die grammatikaliseringsproses aan die hand van die evolusie van die hoofwerkwoord het tot temporele hulpwerkwoord verduidelik, en daar word aangetoon dat die aan die-/aan het-konstruksies lokatiewe oorsprong het, terwyl die oorsprong van die besig-/bezig-konstruksies leksikaal gemotiveerd is.<hr/>Progressive aspect is a grammatical category which signifies that an event is continuing or taking place (Comrie 1976:33-36; Bybee et al. 1994:126). In two articles, this article and Breed and Van Huyssteen (submitted), we investigate the manner in which two periphrastic constructions, namely the V COP besig om te V and the V COP aan die V constructions, are used to express progressive meaning in Afrikaans. The discussions are based on a corpus investigation in which the three Afrikaans periphrastic progressive constructions (the two already mentioned) and the V POS en V constructions are compared to each other (Breed 2012; Breed & Brisard submitted). Dutch has three similar constructions, and for this reason the constructions were also compared to the Dutch ones where relevant. Breed and Brisard (submitted) explain how the V POS en construction is used to express progressive meaning. In this article and in Breed and Van Huyssteen (submitted) the focus is therefore on the specific manner in which the besig and aan die constructions are used as progressive markers. The main objective of this first article is to show the origin and development of the two constructions, while the focus of the second article is to demonstrate - on the basis of the results of the corpus investigation - the specific ways in which the constructions are used. The grammaticalisation theory offers insight into the manner in which grammatical constructions develop. For this reason, the origin, development and use of the two relevant periphrastic constructions were investigated from this perspective. Grammaticalisation can be described as the process of language change during which lexical constructions develop systematically into constructions with grammatical meaning (Bybee et al. 1994; Hopper & Traugott 2003; Lehmann 1995). This process of language change is characterised by specific mechanisms or characteristics, for instance universal routes, unidirectional change, lexical origin, semantic generalisation, an increase in frequency and re-analysis. This first article firstly explains the theory of grammaticalisation. The grammaticalisation of the Afrikaans auxiliary het is given as an example to illustrate specific relevant aspects of grammaticalisation. Secondly, it explains how the aan die and besig periphrastic constructions originate and develop. One of the most general lexical origins ofprogressives is constructions with locative meaning (Bybee et al. 1994:129). The motivation behind the development of a progressive from locative constructions is probably the connotation of "be in the place of VERBing" or "be at VERBing" (Bybee et al. 1994:129-130). The hypothesis offered by Bybee et al. (1994:131) is that, apart from a few exceptions, all progressive constructions develop from locative meaning. The aan die progressive is a construction of locative origin. The structure of the periphrastic construction can be divided into three parts: firstly, the introductory copulative verb; secondly, the locative aan preposition; and thirdly, the nominalised verb which is preceded by the definite article die [aan + die] has received unit status andforms the analysed construction of the periphrase. The aan die progressive therefore supports the hypothesis that progressive constructions develop from locative meanings. The besig progressive 's lexical origin differs from that of the aan die progressive, as well as from the V POS en progressive (consult Breed 2012; Breed & Brisard submitted), due to the fact that this progressive construction does not have a locative origin. The word besig has a lexical meaning which implies that a subject is involved in a process which is continuing, and the development of this progressive construction is, therefore, lexically motivated.Spreke en saamleef: Oor korrektheid en waarheid in Suid-Afrika se kultuurpolitieke diskoers]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
In 'n tweetal artikels (hierdie artikel en Breed & Van Huyssteen (voorgele)) stel ons ondersoek in na die wyse waarop twee perifrastiese konstruksies, te wete die V KOP besig om te V- en die V KOP aan die V-konstruksies, gebruik word om progressiewe betekenis in Afrikaans uit te druk. Die bespreking word gebaseer op 'n korpusondersoek waarin drie Afrikaanse perifrastiese progressiewe konstruksies (d.i. die twee genoemde konstruksies, sowel as die Vpos en V-konstruksie; sien Breed 2012 en Breed & Brisard voorgele) met mekaar vergelyk is. Drie ewekniekonstruksies word in Nederlands gevind, en daarom word die konstruksies ook, waar ter sake, met die Nederlandse konstruksies vergelyk. Aangesien Breed & Brisard (voorgele) fokus op die Vpos en-konstruksies, handel hierdie tweetal artikels oor die besig- en aan die-progressiewe. Terwyl die tweede artikel se fokus is om, aan die hand van die korpusondersoek se resultate, die spesifieke wyses aan te dui waarop die twee konstruksies gebruik word, is die hoofdoelwit van hierdie eerste artikel om die twee konstruksies se totstandkoming en ontwikkeling aan te toon. In hierdie artikel word die grammatikaliseringsproses aan die hand van die evolusie van die hoofwerkwoord het tot temporele hulpwerkwoord verduidelik, en daar word aangetoon dat die aan die-/aan het-konstruksies lokatiewe oorsprong het, terwyl die oorsprong van die besig-/bezig-konstruksies leksikaal gemotiveerd is.<hr/>Progressive aspect is a grammatical category which signifies that an event is continuing or taking place (Comrie 1976:33-36; Bybee et al. 1994:126). In two articles, this article and Breed and Van Huyssteen (submitted), we investigate the manner in which two periphrastic constructions, namely the V COP besig om te V and the V COP aan die V constructions, are used to express progressive meaning in Afrikaans. The discussions are based on a corpus investigation in which the three Afrikaans periphrastic progressive constructions (the two already mentioned) and the V POS en V constructions are compared to each other (Breed 2012; Breed & Brisard submitted). Dutch has three similar constructions, and for this reason the constructions were also compared to the Dutch ones where relevant. Breed and Brisard (submitted) explain how the V POS en construction is used to express progressive meaning. In this article and in Breed and Van Huyssteen (submitted) the focus is therefore on the specific manner in which the besig and aan die constructions are used as progressive markers. The main objective of this first article is to show the origin and development of the two constructions, while the focus of the second article is to demonstrate - on the basis of the results of the corpus investigation - the specific ways in which the constructions are used. The grammaticalisation theory offers insight into the manner in which grammatical constructions develop. For this reason, the origin, development and use of the two relevant periphrastic constructions were investigated from this perspective. Grammaticalisation can be described as the process of language change during which lexical constructions develop systematically into constructions with grammatical meaning (Bybee et al. 1994; Hopper & Traugott 2003; Lehmann 1995). This process of language change is characterised by specific mechanisms or characteristics, for instance universal routes, unidirectional change, lexical origin, semantic generalisation, an increase in frequency and re-analysis. This first article firstly explains the theory of grammaticalisation. The grammaticalisation of the Afrikaans auxiliary het is given as an example to illustrate specific relevant aspects of grammaticalisation. Secondly, it explains how the aan die and besig periphrastic constructions originate and develop. One of the most general lexical origins ofprogressives is constructions with locative meaning (Bybee et al. 1994:129). The motivation behind the development of a progressive from locative constructions is probably the connotation of "be in the place of VERBing" or "be at VERBing" (Bybee et al. 1994:129-130). The hypothesis offered by Bybee et al. (1994:131) is that, apart from a few exceptions, all progressive constructions develop from locative meaning. The aan die progressive is a construction of locative origin. The structure of the periphrastic construction can be divided into three parts: firstly, the introductory copulative verb; secondly, the locative aan preposition; and thirdly, the nominalised verb which is preceded by the definite article die [aan + die] has received unit status andforms the analysed construction of the periphrase. The aan die progressive therefore supports the hypothesis that progressive constructions develop from locative meanings. The besig progressive 's lexical origin differs from that of the aan die progressive, as well as from the V POS en progressive (consult Breed 2012; Breed & Brisard submitted), due to the fact that this progressive construction does not have a locative origin. The word besig has a lexical meaning which implies that a subject is involved in a process which is continuing, and the development of this progressive construction is, therefore, lexically motivated.The enterprise in the society: Corporate social engagement by Sanlam, 1918-1980]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid het 'n statutêre verpligting geword wat deur verskeie belanghebbende partye gebruik word om uiteenlopende oogmerke te verwesenlik. Die konsep "korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid" (corporate social responsibility (CSR) het eers gedurende die 1990s prominensie in die korporatiewe omgewing begin kry, hoewel die konsep van ondernemings se sosiale verantwoordelikheid teenoor die breër gemeenskap ingrypend deur die geskiedenis verander het. Hoe behoort ondernemings se sosiale betrokkeheid beslag te kry? Watter rasionaal behoort daardie optrede te motiveer? Hierdie artikel ondersoek die inherente dryfvere in Sanlam vir sosiale betrokkenheid teen die agtergrond van die teorie van korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid. Hierdie artikel wys op die eiesoortige geaardheid van maatskaplike betrokkenheid deur Sanlam as 'n langtermynversekeringsmaatskappy in Suid-Afrika. Dit dui op 'n bydrae tot die teoretiese diskoers oor korporatiewe sosiale verantwoordelikheid aan die hand van die geskiedenis van korporatiewe maatskaplike betrokkenheid in Sanlam.<hr/>Corporate social responsibility, broadly understood to be the conduct of enterprises to contribute to sustainable economic development in conjunction with employees, families, the community as well as the broader society to improve the quality of life of all, has become statutory responsibility manipulated by various stakeholders to serve different purposes in the social and business contexts. The concept of corporate social responsibility CSR acquired prominence and value for enterprises, especially big business and transnational conglomerates that needed to address legitimacy concerns in the markets in which they operated. Animosity between business and society developed as a result of business conduct exploiting resources in the host markets, exploitation of human resources as well as attempts to manipulate governments to gain preferential treatment. The drive to sustain the value extraction within tight time schedules in order to deliver commodities as contracted, from markets in the southern hemisphere to northern hemisphere business, led to labour practices and business conduct which aroused protest and opposition in the exploited markets. International human rights organisations gradually responded by labelling business contravening best practice publically as exploitative and not doing business in good faith. Global activism against business exploitation led to the formulation of principles of good conduct, which fed into more formal programmes of responsible business conduct. The early post-industrialisation history in Britain has witnessed benevolent actions by well-intended businessmen to alleviate the plight of poor labour, or the poor in the industrialised urban society. These actions were primarily philanthropic, but were later supplemented by entrepreneurial activity to conduct "better business".This paper recognises the long history of responsible conduct by business with respect to the needs of the broader society, but it presents a case study of a life assurer in South Africa, Sanlam. Sanlam was not forced by any statute to engage constructively with the broader society, but implemented a policy of corporate social engagement since its formation. Sanlam 's vision and commitment to policyholders 'best interests, to the education of people whereby they would be empowered to take responsibility for their own lives, was the overarching purpose of the company. It was argued that empowerment of the people is the only method of creating real benefits to the entire South African society (which meant everybody living in South Africa), which was the ultimate goal of the life assurer. Sanlam implemented corporate social engagement to empower its policyholders, to enable them to make a substantial contribution to the South African economy and thereby to the benefit of all South Africans. This paper explores the Sanlam corporate social engagement programmes from 1918 to 1980 to illustrate the successful implementation of CSR long before CSR became a political tool. It is argued that when CSR is voluntary and linked directly to stakeholders, such programmes serve to build successful CSR and create real benefit to the recipients as well as the broader society. A historical analysis is made of the rationale of Sanlam management in implementing programmes to facilitate empowerment of policyholders, the education of needy children as well as bursary schemes for university study. These actions were supplemented by programmes to enable schools to build hostels for school children. Sanlam provided credit to people in need of credit, but who would not qualify for credit at ordinary bank institutions, as well as mortgages on agricultural land as a means of empowering its policyholders. Sanlam advocated its role as mutual assurer to provide security to its policyholders. Therefore Sanlam offered access to credit, or a postponement of the payment ofpolicy premiums in case of temporary inability to pay, since thereby the company was seen to practise what it preached: security through life assurance to the people and then through them being secure, greater stability to the South African society and economic progress for everybody living in the country in the long run. Sanlam set out to build local ownership of the economy. Life assurance thus provided a savings mechanism and simultaneously an ability to grow financial independence, thereby beating white poverty which had taken on crisis proportions during the late 1920s and 1930s. Real economic empowerment lay in self-empowerment, facilitated by responsible corporate social engagement by the Sanlam Management. The corporate social engagement programmes of Sanlam before 1980 was directed at its own policyholders, but the profile of that constituency always included non-Afrikaners as well. This paper explores the non-statutory real social engagement programmes of Sanlam aimed at real empowerment and not politically sanctioned action to serve biased political interests.The extension of cost-benefit analysis with social analysis in the planning of public road construction projects: Suggestion in support of the creation of a developmental state]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
This article provides an outline of how the cost-benefit analysis of road construction projects can be complemented by social evaluation in the compilation of a road building programme with a view to achieving a more equitable welfare distribution within a developing country like South Africa. The article commences by elaborating on the general economic benefits that can arise from investment in economically justified road infrastructure. These are summarised as follows: expenditure on road construction projects injects funds into the private sector and promotes production. This, together with an increased demand for transport, can stimulate the economy. The stimulation of economic activities is associated with higher profits and personal incomes, and the resultant increase in taxes boosts government income. In this way, non-users also help to "repay" the capital amount invested in transport facilities that originally helped stimulate economic activity. New and improved roads supply access to property, and facilitate mobility and interaction within and between areas which might possess economic growth and development potential, thereby giving rise to more economical land-usepatterns and the acceleration ofbusiness activities. This increases financial returns to investors and fixed-property owners, which in turn boost land values. Through the increase of taxable land values, the revenue of local authorities from property tax can consequently also increase. Local authorities may as a result have more funds available to maintain the local road networks that stimulated the taxable revenue within their jurisdictions. The following five classes of non-road-user beneficiaries are distinguished and discussed: The general public Landowners and users Roadside enterprises and advertisers Utility enterprises Goods consignors and consignees. The operational characteristics ofroad transport that are conducive to the stimulation of economic activity are identified and described. The investigation found that road transport infrastructure and services can (a) serve as mechanisms to gain access to economic activities; (b) trigger economic development; (c) accelerate economic growth; and (d) serve as a catalyst to equalise the distribution of wealth in their areas of influence. The present inequality of wealth distribution in South Africa is dealt with. An outline is provided of how the cost-benefit analysis of road construction projects can be supplemented by the application of equity weighting in social evaluation, with a view to achieving a more equitable welfare distribution within the country. It is argued that the application of cost-benefit analysis should be coordinated with the use of social evaluation to inform decision makers in the selection process ofthe road projects that best demonstrate the potential to enhance both allocative efficiency and distributive effectiveness. This can be done by weighting the benefits of a proposed project according to weights calculatedfor specific consumer expenditure groups. In transport economic terms, the inclusion of equity in economic evaluation is geared towards creating, in terms of marginal utility of consumption, equal accessibility and increased mobility for lower-income groups. In general economic terms, it is geared towards allocating potential economic activities and returns to lower-income communities. The findings and recommendations with respect to both the analyses must be represented in the decision-making authority. If the decision maker is intent on paying due regard to both economic and social analysis in investment decisions, all independent projects within the limits of the available budget should go ahead if they are shown to be viable both with and without the application of equity weights. Although such weighting usually depends on political decision making, economically inefficient projects should go ahead only if their positive effects on welfare distribution are regarded as essential and cannot be achieved at lower cost through alternative forms of social grants or subsidies. The discussion is supplemented by an example that illustrates a ranking of road construction projects based on equitable welfare distribution consideration.<hr/>In hierdie artikel word die groei- en ontwikkelingsvoordele wat uit ekonomies geregverdigde padbouprojekte kan spruit, geïdentifiseer. Die streeksekonomiese voordele wat paaie kan bied, word uiteengesit. Die groepe niepadgebruikers wat by 'n padbouprojek kan baat, word uitgewys. Die bedryfseienskappe van padvervoer wat heilsaam is vir die stimulering van ekonomiese aktiwiteite word aangedui. Die huidige ongelyke inkomsteverdeling in Suid-Afrika word kortliks toegelig. 'n Uiteensetting word gebied van hoe die kostevoordeelontleding en keuse van padbouprojekte met die gebruik van billikheidsgewigte in sosiale evaluering gekomplementeer kan word om 'n meer aanvaarbare welvaartsverdeling in Suid-Afrika te bewerkstellig. Daar word aangevoer dat kostevoordeelontleding met sosiale evaluering gekoördineer moet word sodat besluitnemers ingelig word oor watter padbouprojekte sowel toewysingsdoelmatigheid as verdelingsdoeltreffendheid sal bevorder. Die bespreking word aangevul met 'n voorbeeld wat aantoon hoe padbouprojekte op grond van welvaartverdelingsoorwegings geprioriseer kan word.Paul Ricoeur and the importance of a transcendent nature of happiness]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400013&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
In sy filosofiese antropologie ontwikkel Ricoeur 'n unieke verstaan van geluk, in aansluiting by Aristoteles en Kant, maar ook in reaksie op die eksistensialisme van sy tyd. Ricoeur se verstaan van geluk as transenderend van aard staan in kontras met kontemporêre immanente beskouinge van geluk. Ricoeur slaag daarin om die mens se oneindige begeertes en feilbaarheid in verband te bring met die mens se ewige soeke na geluk: die ontwykende en oneindige aard van geluk is vir hom 'n noodsaaklike teenpool vir die eindige, eksistensieel ontkennende pool van die mens, wat albei inherent deel van die menslike aard is. Volgens Ricoeur se begrip van geluk is dit dus deel van die mens se voortgaande hermeneuties eksistensiële projek, en dit is nie-reduksionisties en transenderend van aard. Dit is juis Ricoeur se verstaan van geluk as transenderend van aard wat dit van voortgesette waarde maak vir die kontemporêre interdissiplinêre soeke na en verstaan van geluk.Doing philosophy in classroom teaching]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400014&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Great philosophers such as Plato, Descartes, Kant, and Wittgenstein have indicated that teaching philosophy can focus both on learning philosophy as well as on actively philosophizing. The latter activity can be called doing philosophy, to contrast it with learning philosophy. Dutch philosophical education in secondary classroom has as an important aim to learn philosophy by doing philosophy. Thus in classroom teaching philosophical skills (namely doing philosophy) are linked to substantive philosophical domains. Examples of these domains are philosophical anthropology, ethics, social philosophy, theory of knowledge and philosophy of science. Doing philosophy is about skills such as (1) selecting, transforming, structuralizing, and interpreting material; (2) analyzing; (3) testing; (4) producing criticism; and (5) reflecting. The so-called typically philosophical part is reflecting on the terms and (logical) argumentation used and the problematizing or questioning of hypotheses and/or preconceptions. In this paper we concentrate on the questions what doing philosophy in the classroom is and which philosophical exercises can be used. A philosophical exercise can be described as a complex standardized manner of doing philosophy, in which philosophical knowledge and skills are combined to exchange thoughts by paying explicit attention to philosophical (meta)concepts in a lifelike context in such a manner that a person or several persons first realize that they are actually ignorant and subsequently continue to inquire on a metalevel with the aim of constructing a true belief. To foster doing philosophy by students various philosophical exercises can be used in classroom teaching, such as writing a philosophical essay, philosophical reading of primary texts, using classroom talk, doing a thought experiment, using the Socratic method, giving a speech, organizing a symposium, role-playing, discussing a dilemma, and having a debate. We provide an overview of 30 exercises which can be used for teaching philosophy, that we classify in three approaches to doing philosophy. The three approaches have in common that they all relate to truth-finding. The first approach, doing philosophy as connective truth-finding or communicative action, is illustrated by a classroom talk and by a discussion of the Socratic method. Second, doing philosophy as test-based truth-finding, is illustrated by a discussion of community of philosophical inquiry. Third, doing philosophy as juridical debate, judging truth-value and concluding judgment (truth value analysis) is illustrated by a discussion of philosophical debate. We discuss relations between, on the one hand, these three approaches, and, on the other hand, theoretical, practical and pedagogical elements of the definition of doing philosophy in the classroom. The exercises seem useful for learning to do philosophy in the classroom. To judge the exercises on their usefulness we asked the following questions: a) What are similarities and differences with our working definition of a philosophical exercise? b) In which approach or approaches to doing philosophy can an exercise be classified? c) Can we analyze a negative case? d) Can we find general exercises that also fit our definition of a philosophical exercise? When a philosophical exercise is part of an educational design, this does not necessarily have to lead to doing philosophy by students. But when in classroom teaching this philosophical exercise is actually used, students should in principle start doing philosophy. Our recommendations are that: (i) in his/her exercises teachers should make use of all three approaches, (ii) teachers should be aware of their preferences for certain approaches, and be able to use all approaches, (ii) teachers should be able to use more than one exercise for each of the three approaches, and (iv) during the learning of students, teachers should be explicit in which approaches students are doing philosophy.<hr/>Het schoolvak filosofie in het voortgezet onderwijs in Nederland kent als één van zijn kerndoelen leerlingen filosofie te leren door leerlingen te leren zelf te filosoferen. In de filosofielessen worden zodoende filosofische vaardigheden (filosoferen) gekoppeld aan kennisinhoud. Bij filosofie leren gaat het om een aantal inhoudelijke domeinen, zoals wijsgerige antropologie, ethiek, sociale filosofie, kennisleer en wetenschapsfilosofie. Bij filosoferen gaat het om vaardigheden als (i) materiaal selecteren, transformeren, structureren en interpreteren, (ii) analyseren, (iii) toetsen, (iv) kritiek maken, en (v) reflecteren. Dit artikel beoogt een bijdrage te leveren aan hoe je dat zelf filosoferen nu onderwijst. We doen een voorstel voor een werkdefinitie van zelf filosoferen als filosofische werkvorm in de klas en stellen een analysekader voor (drie patronen van waarheidsonderzoek). We beschrijven 30 filosofische werkvormen die we in de literatuur vonden en gebruiken de werkdefinitie en de drie patronen om deze werkvormen te analyseren. Onze aanbevelingen zijn dat de filosofiedocent: (i) gebruik maakt van zowel verbindende, als toetsende, als confronterende vormen van waarheidsvinding in zijn werkvormen, (ii) zich bewust is van eigen voorkeuren en ze tijdig compenseert, (iii) de verantwoordelijkheid neemt om in elk van de drie patronen voldoende werkvormen ter beschikking te hebben, (iv) in en tijdens het leerproces van de leerlingen expliciteert in welk patroon ze aan het filosoferen zijn.Perspectives of teachers regarding the use of the reading period and school libraries in selected schools in the Northern Cape]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400015&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
Reading is one of the cornerstones of learning. Research shows an escalating concern about the reading ability of South African learners. In an attempt to improve the literacy levels of learners, the Northern Cape Department of Education instructed schools to implement a daily reading period of 30 minutes. Schools are required to indicate the reading period on the timetable and reading must be formally instructed. The purpose ofthis study was to determine the perspectives of teachers on the use of the reading period and school libraries. It was hypothesised, first, that teachers do not expose learners sufficiently to reading. Secondly, teachers do not create a reading culture or foster a positive attitude towards reading, because they ignore the reading period and do not make use of the library as a resource. A mixed-method approach was followed utilising both quantitative and qualitative research designs to obtain data. The study consisted of a literature review supported by an empirical study. The empirical study was conducted at two high schools in the Namaqua district. The data were collected by means of a questionnaire which was completed by 16 Grade 8 and 9 teachers. Focus group interviews were also conducted with the participating teachers. An analysis of the empirical data showed that, although the reading period is not implemented at either of the two schools, the majority of the teachers are aware of the reading period. However, teachers indicated that they did not receive any guidance or supportfrom the Education Department to assist learners with reading problems. The study showed that many schools do not have a school library and where schools do have a library it seems, from the responses of the teachers, that the library resources are old and insufficient. Hence learners are not exposed to the library to assist them with curriculum assignments. The study confirmed the research hypothesis that the reading period is not being implemented and that the school library is not being used by the teachers to enhance the literacy levels and academic performance of the learners.<hr/>Alhoewel lees 'n noodsaaklike vaardigheid is, dui navorsing daarop dat leesprobleme ernstige afmetings aanneem in Suid-Afrika. Om die leesvermoëns van leerders te verbeter, het die Noord-Kaapse Onderwysdepartement (NKOD) 'n verpligte leesperiode ingestel om lees tot sy reg te laat kom. Hierdie artikel beskryf die studie wat ondersoek instel na die gebruik van die leesperiode en die skoolbiblioteek. Daar is van die navorsingshipotese uitgegaan dat opvoeders leerders nie genoeg blootstelling aan lees gee nie en dus nie 'n leeskultuur by leerders kweek nie omdat hulle die leesperiode en die biblioteek as hulpbron ignoreer. Data is versamel by twee geselekteerde hoërskole in die Namakwa-distrik met behulp van vraelyste en fokusgroeponderhoude met die graad 8- en 9-opvoeders. Die studie bevestig die navorsingsvraag dat die leesperiode nie geïmplementeer word nie en dat die skoolbiblioteek as 'n bron vir die bevordering van die geletterdheidsvlakke van die leerders, onderbenut word.Recognition of minority groups, their general and educational ideals: Is there another way out?]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400016&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
The history of most countries, including those regarded as relatively culturally homogeneous, has demonstrated that practically all of them are composed ofminority groups and that many of these groups struggle for survival. "Cultural" groups, such as age, interest, socio-economic and gender groups, provide their own quota ofproblems for educational planners, but are not as politically encumbered as others, such as ethnic and religious groups. In a social democracy as in South Africa where the rule of law reigns supreme, the interest and future existence ofminority groups are often overlooked by the majority. In some cases, their cultural and linguistic needs and interests are symbolically entrenched in the Constitution, but these measures are often nullified, for instance through Constitutional Court decisions. Such actions on the part of the powers that be explain why minority groups in South Africa and elsewhere are displeased with the ways in which they are being hampered in their efforts to develop their unique identities. Tensions of this nature are clearly observable in South Africa and elsewhere. The recent referendum in Scotland, the tensions in Catalonia and the treatment of the Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet, at the hands of South African authorities attest to the topicality of the problem. On the one hand, we have the various minority groups with a number of legitimate claims, among others for a measure of independence and self-assertion, grounded in a unique interpretation of social justice and in an appeal to the Constitution of the country. On the other hand, they form part of a larger community structure in which equality and non-discrimination reign as supreme national values. The national government, as representative of the larger community, also appeals to social justice, as embodied in the Constitution. The end result is a conflict of opinions and ideals, each based on an interpretation of social justice. The onus to find a solution for the resolution of the tension lies with the various minority groups, and not with the government as representative of the majority. In fact, many governments find the constant complaints ofminority groups rather irritating. The irritation is intensified where a minority group is able to provide in its own needs, and hence can refuse to align itself with the general value system of the majority community. The question therefore arises: What can minority communities do in these circumstances? How can they take charge of their own interests, needs and future existence? The fact that minority rights have been entrenched in international treatises such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) ofthe United Nations, and the European Union's Charter of Paris for a New Europe (1990) does not really help because their stipulations are regularlyflouted by majorities. A minority group is described in these documents as a numerical minority which aims at preserving and developing its unique characteristics in its country. The rights of minorities can be summarised as "respect for human dignity as individuals and communities" which leads to "treating equals equally and unequals unequally". The educational rights of minorities are likewise entrenched in two documents, namely the Convention against Discrimination in Education (1960) of Unesco, and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (1990). These documents stipulate that minorities are entitled to education equivalent to that of majority groups, that the erection of separate educational institutions may not be regarded as discriminatory, and that parents / guardians have the right to determine what is best for their children. The same rights are entrenched in the South African Constitution. As stated above, minorities have to assume responsibility for protecting their own rights. The central claim of this article is that a recent epistemological development, namely post-post-foundationalism, can assist them in this regard. After a brief discussion of foundationalism in the form ofRationalism and of the post-foundationalism that has risen in response to foundationalism, it is concluded that neither of these orientations provides a suitable vantage point for the protection of minority rights. A foundationalist orientation seems to be too imperialistic and deterministic to be of any value to a minority group and also to the entire community ofwhich a minority group forms part. Such a group tends to control and dominate because it supposes itself to be the voice of reason. The post-foundationalistic orientation, on the other hand, is shot through with indeterministic views and is relativistic as far as its view of values is concerned. It is also inconsistent in that it avoids any universalistic statements, except its own claim that all values are relative. Because neither of these orientations can successfully serve as a basis for a minority group to work towards the recognition and actualisation of its values and aspirations, a third way had to be found. Such a third way has surfaced since the 1990s in the form of post-post-foundationalism, i.e. an orientation that follows after post-foundationalism. The key feature ofpost-post-foundationalism is that it attempts to steer through between the extremes offoundationalism and post-foundationalism. The latter tends to overlook the need for a minority group to occasionally make justifiable and firm universally legitimate claims (which may be refuted, of course). Post-post-foundationalism does not regard a foundation as absolutely, reasonably, finally and universally true. While it rejects the notion of working with grand narratives, it is prepared to recognise the need to resort to firm values, which it assumes can also change with time, as life-concepts tend to do. Put differently, foundations are not so much in the foreground as playing a role in the back of the minds of individuals and groups. Since post-post-foundationalism is a common sense approach, it enables minority group strategic planners to find a way for a minority group to remain true to its value foundation while remaining flexible and adaptable in order to find a niche for itself in the broader community of which the group is a part. In doing so, a minority group can remain true to its own ideals and aspirations and also become and remain a valuable part of the larger community.<hr/>'n Oorsig oor die stand van sake met betrekking tot die onderwysideale en -voorsiening van minderheidsgroepe lei tot die gevolgtrekking dat daar 'n onvermydelike spanning bestaan tussen die ideale en sieninge van minderheidsgroepe en dié van die meerderheidsgroep in die samelewing, en dus dat die verantwoordelikheid op 'n minderheidsgroep lê om 'n weg uit die impasse te vind. Drie sulke weë word ondersoek, naamlik fundamentisme, postfundamentisme en post-postfundamentisme. Omdat die eersgenoemde te imperialisties, rasionalisties en deterministies, en die tweede te relativisties bevind is, word aandag aan die derde bestee. Hierdie oriëntering word gekenmerk deur sy strewe om tussen die uiterstes van die eerste twee benaderings deur te stuur, en verder ook deur sy gesonde verstand-benadering. Weens die epistemologiese ewewigtigheid daarvan kan die post-postfundamentistiese benadering vir minderheidsgroep-strategiese beplanners 'n waardevolle oriënteringspunt wees.Changing attitudes towards people with physical disabilities: An innovative workplace intervention]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400017&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
There seems to be a worldwide tendency for people of working age with disabilities to remain unemployed. The employment of people with disabilities remains a development issue as they are deprived of social, political and basic human needs when unemployed. Reasons for this exclusion include a lack of information and awareness about the abilities of people with disabilities, as well as the perceived financial, operational, and productivity related costs of hiring people with disabilities. Other reasons include bias and stereotyping towards people with disabilities. These factors, together with a general fear of the unknown and ignorance of how to respond to different individuals, increase the negative attitudes towards people with disabilities. This has a concomitant negative effect on all parties involved: People without disabilities keep their distance from people with disabilities, which often results in a lack of employment, placement, training and promotional opportunities for people with disabilities. The organisation, in turn, often fails to maximise the potential of people with disabilities, who are usually appointed in stereotypical positions, such as switchboard operators, where their qualifications tend to be overlooked.. Consequently, employers need a heightened awareness of, and an attitudinal change towards, the benefits ofincluding disabled people in the workplace. The forming and changing of an attitude is a complex process because it consists of cognitive, emotional and behavioural components. All three components of an attitude need to be addressed. In addition, both external and internal strategies must be applied to foster change in attitudes. However, interventions based on innovative attitude-changing learning strategies are hard to find in the literature. Therefore, a learning intervention based on attitude change theories and principles, as well as on experiential learning principles (including interactive drama), was developed and implemented in order to change employees ' attitudes towards people with physical disabilities in the workplace. The intervention was implemented by means of a programme comprising various units. People with different disabilities (i.e. hearing, sight and physical) took part in each of the interactive dramas, and also formed part of the facilitation sessions in each unit. At the end of each session, the participants completed an evaluation form. The research population consisted of adult learners without physical disabilities enrolled in a leadership programme at a business school in South Africa. The participants were selected by means of non-probability sampling, and were assigned to the experimental and control groups respectively based on courses they enrolled for in the leadership programme. The participants (people without physical disabilities) in both the experimental and the control group completed a biographical questionnaire and an attitude questionnaire, after which the experimental group was exposed to the intervention. At the end of the intervention, both groups completed the attitude questionnaire again in order to determine whether the attitude of the experimental group showed a statistically significant positive attitude change towards people with physical disabilities. The results of the quasi-experimental design indicated a positive attitude change after the implementation of the programme. Moreover, the results suggested that the attitudes of employees without disability, towards employees with physical disabilities, are influenced by contact with people with disabilities and knowledge about disability. The implementation of attitude-changing programmes could facilitate changes in attitude which would, hopefully, lead to the increased integration of people with disabilities into the work environment and general community and, ultimately, to the restoration of dignity.<hr/>Persone met fisieke gestremdhede bly dikwels werkloos. Die redes hiervoor is onder meer negatiewe houdings en stereotipering van persone sonder gestremdhede binne die werksplek, wat meebring dat geleenthede vir persone met fisieke gestremdhede beperk word. Dit is dus nie net belangrik om werknemers toenemend bewus te maak van hoe voordelig die insluiting van persone met gestremdhede in die werksplek is nie, maar ook om n houdingsverandering in dié verband teweeg te bring. Intervensies wat op vernuwende houdingsveranderende leerstrategieë gegrond is, kon egter nie in die literatuur gevind word nie. In hierdie studie is n intervensie, gegrond op houdingsveranderende strategieë en interaktiewe drama, ontwikkel en toegepas in n poging om werknemers se houdings teenoor persone met fisieke gestremdhede in die werksplek positief te verander. Die resultate van die kwasi-eksperimentele ontwerp het inderdaad n positiewe houdingsverandering ná die toepassing van die program getoon. Die toepassing van hierdie soort programme kan dus houdings verander en hopelik lei tot die toenemende integrasie van persone met gestremdhede in die werksomgewing.The experiences of parents whose children have emigrated]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400018&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
This research focuses on the manner in which parents experience the emigration of their children. Migration of people, both within a country and across borders, is a global phenomenon. South Africa has diverse historical and contemporary migration patterns, and there are various factors underlying emigration; these may be of an economic, social or personal nature. A general theory regarding the causes of migration distinguishes between push and pull factors. Pull factors include personal safety in society, a better standard of living as well as various job opportunities. Push factors in South Africa, among others, include dissatisfaction of the standard of public and commercial services, perceptions of moral decline in society, an unemployment-rate of 25.6% (Statistics SA 2013) and dissatisfaction with affirmative action issues. One of the main push factors in South Africa is the high level of crime. The desire to travel and a sense of adventure also play a part in people 's decision to emigrate. The country 's database and statistics on emigration flows are inadequate; and the impact of emigration on the mental health of the families who have been left behind, especially parents, remains a neglected topic in South Africa. According to media reports, South Africa is suffering from the effects of a "brain-drain", and the country is also exposed to free trade agreements and globalising tendencies. Each person leaving the country leaves behind a family. The effects on those who have to remain in South Africa, particularly the parents, have yet to be sufficiently researched. Part of the parents 'psycho-social support system suddenly falls away when their children emigrate. Some parents lose all their children as a result of emigration. The communication and interaction with their children on different continents become complex. A contributing factor to poor communication is parents ' inability to utilize technology as a means of staying in contact with their children. These parents are usually middle-aged and some of them even older, and are dependent on other people for their daily care. They have to adapt to the new circumstances in this relatively advanced phase in their lives. In previous generations, this used to be a phase in which people slowed down, retired and settled down to enjoy their grandchildren. After their children 's emigration, they are no longer able to see their grandchildren growing up; in a significant way, they are being excluded from their children 's daily life. Some of the parents relied on their children to take care of them in later years and suddenly they have to try and find alternative support systems. A Christian existential paradigm was used, which, in searching to find meaning in life and to make responsible choices, views a person as a whole entity. The framework of the Theory of Health Promotion (Department of Nursing 2010) forms the philosophical and theoretical basis, as the phenomenon of emigration impacts on families as a system; seeing that the abovementioned theory follows a holistic perspective, it should adequately address families ' sense of loss. A qualitative, exploratory, descriptive and contextual study of the experiences of parents whose children had emigrated, was done by using community radio as the medium of interaction. The community radio was used to invite parents whose children had emigrated to participate in this research. The radio medium is a powerful, cost-effective medium with which to reach thousands of people at the same time. It is also ideal for psycho-educational purposes because of the convenience to listen to it in your house, car or while doing something else. The aim was to facilitate the mental health of those parents who had been left behind. Indepth interviews were conducted with 16 parents after broadcasting an invitation to participate in the study by means of a community radio station. The population was Afrikaans-speaking people with a Christian tradition. The average period of their children 's emigration was nine years. All the parents 'children had emigrated longer than one year ago. The following was found: parents whose children emigrate experience a feeling of disillusionment, expressed in the words "we raise them to leave us!" The loss is ambiguous, with a main feeling of helplessness; their affective response painfully fluctuates. The experience is unique and personal and parents apply effective and less effective coping mechanisms in order to deal with the ambiguous loss.<hr/>Tussen 2000 en 2005 was daar wêreldwyd 'n merkbare styging in die getal emigrante vanaf 176 na 193 miljoen. Statistiek in verband met emigrasie-syfers is in die meeste lande, soos dit dan ook in Suid-Afrika die geval is, gewoonlik onderverteenwoordigend van die werklike stand van sake. Tydens emigrasie word familie en vriende agtergelaat en die impak op die geestesgesondheid van die agtergeblewene ouers hier te lande is nog nie genoegsaam ondersoek nie. Ten einde hierdie leemte te vul, is 'n kwalitatiewe, verkennende, kontekstuele en beskrywende navorsingsontwerp toegepas en 'n fenomenologiese benadering gevolg met betrekking tot die insameling en analise van data tydens individuele onderhoude met 16 doelgerig gekose ouers. Daar is bevind dat ouers gevoelens van ontnugtering, onuitgeklaarde verlies, magteloosheid en 'n pynlike wisseling in affektiewe respons beleef en dat hulle hanteringsmeganismes om hierdie onuitgeklaarde verlies te hanteer, wissel in doeltreffendheid.Constancy and Change, Historical Types and Trends in the Passion of the Western Mind]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400019&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
This research focuses on the manner in which parents experience the emigration of their children. Migration of people, both within a country and across borders, is a global phenomenon. South Africa has diverse historical and contemporary migration patterns, and there are various factors underlying emigration; these may be of an economic, social or personal nature. A general theory regarding the causes of migration distinguishes between push and pull factors. Pull factors include personal safety in society, a better standard of living as well as various job opportunities. Push factors in South Africa, among others, include dissatisfaction of the standard of public and commercial services, perceptions of moral decline in society, an unemployment-rate of 25.6% (Statistics SA 2013) and dissatisfaction with affirmative action issues. One of the main push factors in South Africa is the high level of crime. The desire to travel and a sense of adventure also play a part in people 's decision to emigrate. The country 's database and statistics on emigration flows are inadequate; and the impact of emigration on the mental health of the families who have been left behind, especially parents, remains a neglected topic in South Africa. According to media reports, South Africa is suffering from the effects of a "brain-drain", and the country is also exposed to free trade agreements and globalising tendencies. Each person leaving the country leaves behind a family. The effects on those who have to remain in South Africa, particularly the parents, have yet to be sufficiently researched. Part of the parents 'psycho-social support system suddenly falls away when their children emigrate. Some parents lose all their children as a result of emigration. The communication and interaction with their children on different continents become complex. A contributing factor to poor communication is parents ' inability to utilize technology as a means of staying in contact with their children. These parents are usually middle-aged and some of them even older, and are dependent on other people for their daily care. They have to adapt to the new circumstances in this relatively advanced phase in their lives. In previous generations, this used to be a phase in which people slowed down, retired and settled down to enjoy their grandchildren. After their children 's emigration, they are no longer able to see their grandchildren growing up; in a significant way, they are being excluded from their children 's daily life. Some of the parents relied on their children to take care of them in later years and suddenly they have to try and find alternative support systems. A Christian existential paradigm was used, which, in searching to find meaning in life and to make responsible choices, views a person as a whole entity. The framework of the Theory of Health Promotion (Department of Nursing 2010) forms the philosophical and theoretical basis, as the phenomenon of emigration impacts on families as a system; seeing that the abovementioned theory follows a holistic perspective, it should adequately address families ' sense of loss. A qualitative, exploratory, descriptive and contextual study of the experiences of parents whose children had emigrated, was done by using community radio as the medium of interaction. The community radio was used to invite parents whose children had emigrated to participate in this research. The radio medium is a powerful, cost-effective medium with which to reach thousands of people at the same time. It is also ideal for psycho-educational purposes because of the convenience to listen to it in your house, car or while doing something else. The aim was to facilitate the mental health of those parents who had been left behind. Indepth interviews were conducted with 16 parents after broadcasting an invitation to participate in the study by means of a community radio station. The population was Afrikaans-speaking people with a Christian tradition. The average period of their children 's emigration was nine years. All the parents 'children had emigrated longer than one year ago. The following was found: parents whose children emigrate experience a feeling of disillusionment, expressed in the words "we raise them to leave us!" The loss is ambiguous, with a main feeling of helplessness; their affective response painfully fluctuates. The experience is unique and personal and parents apply effective and less effective coping mechanisms in order to deal with the ambiguous loss.<hr/>Tussen 2000 en 2005 was daar wêreldwyd 'n merkbare styging in die getal emigrante vanaf 176 na 193 miljoen. Statistiek in verband met emigrasie-syfers is in die meeste lande, soos dit dan ook in Suid-Afrika die geval is, gewoonlik onderverteenwoordigend van die werklike stand van sake. Tydens emigrasie word familie en vriende agtergelaat en die impak op die geestesgesondheid van die agtergeblewene ouers hier te lande is nog nie genoegsaam ondersoek nie. Ten einde hierdie leemte te vul, is 'n kwalitatiewe, verkennende, kontekstuele en beskrywende navorsingsontwerp toegepas en 'n fenomenologiese benadering gevolg met betrekking tot die insameling en analise van data tydens individuele onderhoude met 16 doelgerig gekose ouers. Daar is bevind dat ouers gevoelens van ontnugtering, onuitgeklaarde verlies, magteloosheid en 'n pynlike wisseling in affektiewe respons beleef en dat hulle hanteringsmeganismes om hierdie onuitgeklaarde verlies te hanteer, wissel in doeltreffendheid.Kontemporêre Afrikaanse Taalkunde]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400020&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
This research focuses on the manner in which parents experience the emigration of their children. Migration of people, both within a country and across borders, is a global phenomenon. South Africa has diverse historical and contemporary migration patterns, and there are various factors underlying emigration; these may be of an economic, social or personal nature. A general theory regarding the causes of migration distinguishes between push and pull factors. Pull factors include personal safety in society, a better standard of living as well as various job opportunities. Push factors in South Africa, among others, include dissatisfaction of the standard of public and commercial services, perceptions of moral decline in society, an unemployment-rate of 25.6% (Statistics SA 2013) and dissatisfaction with affirmative action issues. One of the main push factors in South Africa is the high level of crime. The desire to travel and a sense of adventure also play a part in people 's decision to emigrate. The country 's database and statistics on emigration flows are inadequate; and the impact of emigration on the mental health of the families who have been left behind, especially parents, remains a neglected topic in South Africa. According to media reports, South Africa is suffering from the effects of a "brain-drain", and the country is also exposed to free trade agreements and globalising tendencies. Each person leaving the country leaves behind a family. The effects on those who have to remain in South Africa, particularly the parents, have yet to be sufficiently researched. Part of the parents 'psycho-social support system suddenly falls away when their children emigrate. Some parents lose all their children as a result of emigration. The communication and interaction with their children on different continents become complex. A contributing factor to poor communication is parents ' inability to utilize technology as a means of staying in contact with their children. These parents are usually middle-aged and some of them even older, and are dependent on other people for their daily care. They have to adapt to the new circumstances in this relatively advanced phase in their lives. In previous generations, this used to be a phase in which people slowed down, retired and settled down to enjoy their grandchildren. After their children 's emigration, they are no longer able to see their grandchildren growing up; in a significant way, they are being excluded from their children 's daily life. Some of the parents relied on their children to take care of them in later years and suddenly they have to try and find alternative support systems. A Christian existential paradigm was used, which, in searching to find meaning in life and to make responsible choices, views a person as a whole entity. The framework of the Theory of Health Promotion (Department of Nursing 2010) forms the philosophical and theoretical basis, as the phenomenon of emigration impacts on families as a system; seeing that the abovementioned theory follows a holistic perspective, it should adequately address families ' sense of loss. A qualitative, exploratory, descriptive and contextual study of the experiences of parents whose children had emigrated, was done by using community radio as the medium of interaction. The community radio was used to invite parents whose children had emigrated to participate in this research. The radio medium is a powerful, cost-effective medium with which to reach thousands of people at the same time. It is also ideal for psycho-educational purposes because of the convenience to listen to it in your house, car or while doing something else. The aim was to facilitate the mental health of those parents who had been left behind. Indepth interviews were conducted with 16 parents after broadcasting an invitation to participate in the study by means of a community radio station. The population was Afrikaans-speaking people with a Christian tradition. The average period of their children 's emigration was nine years. All the parents 'children had emigrated longer than one year ago. The following was found: parents whose children emigrate experience a feeling of disillusionment, expressed in the words "we raise them to leave us!" The loss is ambiguous, with a main feeling of helplessness; their affective response painfully fluctuates. The experience is unique and personal and parents apply effective and less effective coping mechanisms in order to deal with the ambiguous loss.<hr/>Tussen 2000 en 2005 was daar wêreldwyd 'n merkbare styging in die getal emigrante vanaf 176 na 193 miljoen. Statistiek in verband met emigrasie-syfers is in die meeste lande, soos dit dan ook in Suid-Afrika die geval is, gewoonlik onderverteenwoordigend van die werklike stand van sake. Tydens emigrasie word familie en vriende agtergelaat en die impak op die geestesgesondheid van die agtergeblewene ouers hier te lande is nog nie genoegsaam ondersoek nie. Ten einde hierdie leemte te vul, is 'n kwalitatiewe, verkennende, kontekstuele en beskrywende navorsingsontwerp toegepas en 'n fenomenologiese benadering gevolg met betrekking tot die insameling en analise van data tydens individuele onderhoude met 16 doelgerig gekose ouers. Daar is bevind dat ouers gevoelens van ontnugtering, onuitgeklaarde verlies, magteloosheid en 'n pynlike wisseling in affektiewe respons beleef en dat hulle hanteringsmeganismes om hierdie onuitgeklaarde verlies te hanteer, wissel in doeltreffendheid.Uitnodiging - Bydraes oor T.T. Cloete]]>http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0041-47512014000400021&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en
This research focuses on the manner in which parents experience the emigration of their children. Migration of people, both within a country and across borders, is a global phenomenon. South Africa has diverse historical and contemporary migration patterns, and there are various factors underlying emigration; these may be of an economic, social or personal nature. A general theory regarding the causes of migration distinguishes between push and pull factors. Pull factors include personal safety in society, a better standard of living as well as various job opportunities. Push factors in South Africa, among others, include dissatisfaction of the standard of public and commercial services, perceptions of moral decline in society, an unemployment-rate of 25.6% (Statistics SA 2013) and dissatisfaction with affirmative action issues. One of the main push factors in South Africa is the high level of crime. The desire to travel and a sense of adventure also play a part in people 's decision to emigrate. The country 's database and statistics on emigration flows are inadequate; and the impact of emigration on the mental health of the families who have been left behind, especially parents, remains a neglected topic in South Africa. According to media reports, South Africa is suffering from the effects of a "brain-drain", and the country is also exposed to free trade agreements and globalising tendencies. Each person leaving the country leaves behind a family. The effects on those who have to remain in South Africa, particularly the parents, have yet to be sufficiently researched. Part of the parents 'psycho-social support system suddenly falls away when their children emigrate. Some parents lose all their children as a result of emigration. The communication and interaction with their children on different continents become complex. A contributing factor to poor communication is parents ' inability to utilize technology as a means of staying in contact with their children. These parents are usually middle-aged and some of them even older, and are dependent on other people for their daily care. They have to adapt to the new circumstances in this relatively advanced phase in their lives. In previous generations, this used to be a phase in which people slowed down, retired and settled down to enjoy their grandchildren. After their children 's emigration, they are no longer able to see their grandchildren growing up; in a significant way, they are being excluded from their children 's daily life. Some of the parents relied on their children to take care of them in later years and suddenly they have to try and find alternative support systems. A Christian existential paradigm was used, which, in searching to find meaning in life and to make responsible choices, views a person as a whole entity. The framework of the Theory of Health Promotion (Department of Nursing 2010) forms the philosophical and theoretical basis, as the phenomenon of emigration impacts on families as a system; seeing that the abovementioned theory follows a holistic perspective, it should adequately address families ' sense of loss. A qualitative, exploratory, descriptive and contextual study of the experiences of parents whose children had emigrated, was done by using community radio as the medium of interaction. The community radio was used to invite parents whose children had emigrated to participate in this research. The radio medium is a powerful, cost-effective medium with which to reach thousands of people at the same time. It is also ideal for psycho-educational purposes because of the convenience to listen to it in your house, car or while doing something else. The aim was to facilitate the mental health of those parents who had been left behind. Indepth interviews were conducted with 16 parents after broadcasting an invitation to participate in the study by means of a community radio station. The population was Afrikaans-speaking people with a Christian tradition. The average period of their children 's emigration was nine years. All the parents 'children had emigrated longer than one year ago. The following was found: parents whose children emigrate experience a feeling of disillusionment, expressed in the words "we raise them to leave us!" The loss is ambiguous, with a main feeling of helplessness; their affective response painfully fluctuates. The experience is unique and personal and parents apply effective and less effective coping mechanisms in order to deal with the ambiguous loss.<hr/>Tussen 2000 en 2005 was daar wêreldwyd 'n merkbare styging in die getal emigrante vanaf 176 na 193 miljoen. Statistiek in verband met emigrasie-syfers is in die meeste lande, soos dit dan ook in Suid-Afrika die geval is, gewoonlik onderverteenwoordigend van die werklike stand van sake. Tydens emigrasie word familie en vriende agtergelaat en die impak op die geestesgesondheid van die agtergeblewene ouers hier te lande is nog nie genoegsaam ondersoek nie. Ten einde hierdie leemte te vul, is 'n kwalitatiewe, verkennende, kontekstuele en beskrywende navorsingsontwerp toegepas en 'n fenomenologiese benadering gevolg met betrekking tot die insameling en analise van data tydens individuele onderhoude met 16 doelgerig gekose ouers. Daar is bevind dat ouers gevoelens van ontnugtering, onuitgeklaarde verlies, magteloosheid en 'n pynlike wisseling in affektiewe respons beleef en dat hulle hanteringsmeganismes om hierdie onuitgeklaarde verlies te hanteer, wissel in doeltreffendheid.