Title: Abel Janszoon Tasman's Journal
Author: J E Heeres (Editor)
* A Project Gutenberg of Australia eBook *
eBook No.: 0600571h.html
Edition: 1
Language: English
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Date first posted: April 2006
Date most recently updated: April 2006
This eBook was produced by: Colin Choat and Bob Forsyth
Production notes:
-----------------
* The facsimile of Tasman's handwritten journal has not been reproduced.
References in the translation of the Journal within square brackets,
and the subsequent description, e.g.:
"[The next page has a drawing with the following inscription:]
A view of the island of Mauritius, when you are at anchor in the
road-stead in the south-east harbour before the fortress of Fredericq
Henricx."
refer to drawings in the hand-written journal. A sample page of the
journal and a few of the drawings have been included to provide 'flavour'.
* The 'Observations made with the Compass' which appear at the end of
the book are included as a PDF file comprising images of the relevant
pages from the book. See the CONTENTS section to access the PDf file
* The appendices in the 'Life and Labours' were printed with text in
both English and Dutch. Only the English text is included in this ebook.
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Refer to the note at the
end of this ebook for an explanation, by Peter Reynders, of usage
regarding 17th Century Dutch Surnames.

ABEL JANSZOON TASMAN'S JOURNAL

OF HIS DISCOVERY OF VAN DIEMENS LAND AND NEW ZEALAND IN 1642 WITH
DOCUMENTS RELATING TO HIS EXPLORATION OF AUSTRALIA IN 1644 BEING
PHOTO-LITHOGRAPHIC FACSIMILES OF THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT IN THE
COLONIAL ARCHIVES AT THE HAGUE WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION AND
FACSIMILES OF ORIGINAL MAPS TO WHICH ARE ADDED LIFE AND LABOURS OF
ABEL JANSZOON TASMAN BY J. E. HEERES, LL. D. PROFESSOR AT THE DUTCH
COLONIAL INSTITUTE DELFT AND OBSERVATIONS MADE WITH THE COMPASS ON
TASMAN'S VOYAGE BY DR. W. VAN BEMMELEN ASSISTANT-DIRECTOR OF THE
ROYAL METEOROLOGICAL INSTITUTE UTRECHT.

N. A. KOVACH
Los Angeles
1965.

[A facsimile of the book which was first published in 1898.
Publication detals of the original work were:

PREFACE

In laying before the reader the historic documents contained in
the following pages, the Editors would beg leave briefly to set forth
their motives in arranging for the bringing out of the work now
submitted to the public.

For some years past numerous applications, in the first place from
Australia, have been made to us for documents and works relating to
Tasman and his discoveries. In the course of the investigations
required on our part in order to comply with the wishes of such
applicants, we soon became convinced that all existing works on the
subject are either unreliable or sadly incomplete.

Even Jacob Swart's edition of Tasman's Journal in his
Verhandelingen en Berigten beirekkelijk het Zeweezen [Papers
and Reports relative to matters of navigation], Amsterdam 1854-60)[1], turned out to be untrustworthy, also
as regards the annexed reproduction of the official chart of the
voyages of 1642-44.

[1) Of these papers a very small number of copies
appeared separately. The chart annexed to these copies had been
slightly corrected.]

This is not the place to point out the numerous mistakes to be
found in Swart's edition. It must at the same time be admitted that
his misreadings of the original MS. are for the greater part
excusable, although it cannot be denied that his text shows a few
errors of a very odd kind.

Still, however pardonable some of these slips may be, we are
firmly persuaded that the documents relating to the discovery of the
fifth part of the world deserve and require to be edited with the
greatest possible care and accuracy, in the original text, with
translations and elucidatory notes. Such notes are the more necessary
since all that has been written and printed outside Holland on the
subject of Tasman and his discoveries, from Thévenot in 1663
down to Rainaud in 1893, is either hopelessly wrong, or at all events
disfigured by numerous errors as regards Tasman himself and the
milieu in which his life requires to be studied, viz., the
faits et gestes of the Dutch East India company of his
day.

These traditionary misconceptions have long been an eyesore to us,
and in order to put an end to them for good and all, we determined to
have a facsimile reproduction made of the official Journal of the
expedition of 1642/3, signed by Tasman himself, and preserved among
the State Archives at The Hague; to subjoin to this reproduction an
English translation of the text, as close as would be found
compatible with intelligibility; to prefix to the whole work an
elaborate introduction, and append a number of historical
annotations, the introduction and notes to be written by the scholar
on whom a task like this would almost naturally devolve, viz. Prof.
J. E. Heeres, LL. D., since September 1897, Professor of Colonial
History at the Colonial Institute, Delft, at the time one of the
conservators of the invaluable Colonial Archives at The Hague.

Of course, only these Archives could in the last instance furnish
the solution of all the questions that were sure to present
themselves in the execution of the task proposed. It would be
difficult to overestimate the amount of archival research which Prof.
Heeres has been content to go through, especially during the last
three years. It has not been his aim to write a précis
for the use of the general reader: the learned author gives whatever
he has deemed calculated to throw light on the subject in hand, and
never fails to substantiate his views by references to the authentic
sources entrusted to his care.

Of the literature of the subject he discusses or disproves only
that which seemed to require discussion or disproval.

We must not omit to point out the historico-cartographic
importance of the present undertaking. Our previous publication
entitled Remarkable Maps. Parts II, III. The Geography of
Australia as delineated by the Dutch cartographers of the XVII
century, edited by C. H. Coote, of the British Museum, was in
many respect a precursor of the work now issued. By consulting the
maps there reproduced, readers will be enabled to follow step by step
Prof. Heeres's elaborate investigations in this field, and at the
same time become aware how his intimate knowledge of the Colonial
Archives at The Hague has stood him in good stead for throwing
frequent unexpected lights on many intricate problems of
cartography.

Prof. Heeres's text together with Dr. Van Bemmelen's contribution
to the work, take up about 150 folio pages more than we had estimated
in our original prospectus to intending subscribers, while the number
of charts appended to the work has been extended to five.

The translation of Tasman's Journal and of the documents forming
the Appendices has been carefully supervised by Prof. Heeres; the
preparation of the chart of the two voyages of 1642 and 1644 after
the official chart of these expeditions, and the Englishing of the
legends, has likewise taken place under his superintendence. It
should, however, be noted that in reading the chart Prof. Heeres's
introductory text should be consulted in cases in which he attempts
to account for the corrections made by him. To avoid the appearance
of overhasty conclusions, he often queries place-names in cases in
which his presumption verges very closely on absolute conviction.

Next to Prof. Heeres, our best thanks are due to Dr. W. Van
Bemmelen, assistant-director o the Royal Meteorological Institute,
Utrecht, who has contributed the dissertation entitled:
Ohservations made with the Compass on Tasman's voyage,
etc.

We are also greatly indebted to Jhr. Th. H. F. Van Riemsdijk, LL.
D., Keeper of the State Archives at the Hague, to the late Mr. F. D.
0. Obreen, Chief Director of the Government Museum at Amsterdam, and
to his successor in office, Jhr, B. F. W. Van Riemsdijk, for the
ready courtesy with which these gentlemen allowed us to use the hall
of the Government Museum for the purpose of making photographic
reproductions of the MS. and of the charts.

In the work of translating into English Prof. Heeres's text, the
Journal, and the documents forming the Appendices, we have to
acknowledge the good services of Mr. J. De Hoop Scheffer, of
Amsterdam, and Mr. C. Stoffel, of Nijmegen.

ABEL JANSZOON TASMAN: His Life and Labours. By
PROF. J. E. HEERES, LL. D.I. Introduction.--The Dutch Chartered East
India CompanyII. Tasman's birthplaceIII.Tasman's second marriage, 1632.--External
circumstances.--Departure for India.IV.The Dutch in Amboyna.--Tasman appointed
skipper, 1634.--First voyage of discovery.--Subsequent residence in
those partsV.Tasman's return to the Netherlands
1636.--His second stay in India 1638VI.Rica de Oro y Rica de Plata.--Voyage of
discovery east of Japan, by Quast and Tasman,
1639.--Sources.--Results.--Literature.VII.The Dutch in Formosa.--Tasman's return to
Batavia (1640).--Significance of the Dutch trade in Eastern
Asia.--Tasman's voyage to Formosa and Japan.--Tasman casts anchor off
Firando.--Critical position of the Dutch Factory there
(1640).--Departure for Cambodja.VIII.Relations between the Dutch East India
Company and Cambodja.--Intercourse of the Dutch with Laos.--Tasman
once more in Cambodja and Formosa, (1641)IX.Personalia.--Tasman's voyage to Palembang,
(1642)X.General view of the Company's position in
the EastXI.Sources of our knowledge of Tasman's
exploratory voyages to the South-land (1642-1644); maps and
literature concerning the latterXII.What the Dutch knew about the South-land
in 1642XIII.Frans Jacobszoon Visscher. Exploratory
voyages of 1642 and 1644XIV.Personalia (1644-1659).--Tasman's mission
to Djambi (1646), to Siam (1647), and to the Philippines
(1648).--Conclusion

[THE OBSERVATIONS MADE WITH THE COMPASS ON TASMAN'S VOYAGE.
By Dr. W. Van BEMMELEN.]
Images of the relevant pages are available here as a PDF file. (approx. 1mb.)

[MAPS
I. Map drawn up after Swart's facsimile of the official map made under
TASMAN'S direction; of his voyages of discovery of 1642 and 1644, with
corrections founded on contemporary documents. Text translated into
English.
II. Facsimile of the official map made of TASMAN'S expedition to Ceram
in 1634.
III. Facsimile of the official map made of TASMAN'S expedition to Japan
in 1639.
IV. Facsimile of the official map made by TASMAN in 1644, to serve on an
expedition to the Philippines.
V. Isogonic chart of the Indian and Pacific Oceans for the epoch 1640
after the observations of ABEL JANSZ. TASMAN and contemporaries, by Dr.
W. Van BEMMELEN.
Note: Virtually all of the drawings referred to in the text of the Journal are
not included in this ebook, although the descriptionsof the drawings are included.]

TRANSLATION OF THE JOURNAL.

{Page: Jnl.1}

Journal or Description drawn up by me, Abel Jansz Tasman, of a
voyage made from the town of Batavia in East India for the discovery
of the unknown South land in the year of our Lord 1642, the 14th of
August. May God Almighty vouchsafe His blessing on this work.
Amen.

[August 1642]

This day August 14, A.D. 1642, we set sail from the roads of
Batavia[1] with two ships, the
Yacht Heemskerk and the Flute Zeehaan, the wind being north-east with
good weather. On the same day in the evening the Zeehaan ran aground
near the island of Rotterdam,[2] but got
afloat again in the night without any notable damage, after which we
continued our voyage to the Straits of Sunda.

Item the 15th.

Towards evening we went to Mr. Sweers, who was on board the Yacht
Bredam, from whom we understand that at Bantam point there lay
at anchor a quelpaert,[3] newly arrived
from the Netherlands; at night we anchored off Anjer[4] in 22 fathom, where we refitted our ship
which was disabled to such a degree that we could not possibly have
put to sea in her.

Item the 16th.

The wind continuing east with a steady breeze, the current running
fast from Sunda Strait; at night we weighed anchor with the wind
blowing from the land, set sail and shaped our course so as to pass
between the Prince Islands and Cracatouw.

Item the 17th.

In the morning we had the Prince Islands south-west and
Cracatouw north-west by north of us, the wind being south-east, our
course south-west by west; at noon we had the southernmost of the
Prince Islands east-south-east of us at 5 miles distance, ourselves
being in 6° 20' Southern Latitude and 124° Longitude;[5] in the afternoon we drifted in a calm;
in the said afternoon it was resolved that from Sunda Strait we shall
sail 200 miles to the south-west by west, as far as 14° South
Latitude; from there to the west-south-west as far as 20° South
Latitude, and from there due west as far as the island of
Mauritius.

Item the 18th.

Latitude by estimation 6° 48', longitude 123° 20', the
wind south-east with good weather, course kept south-west by west as
resolved on in council on the 17th, sailed 13 miles; at night we had
heavy rains with thunder and lightning.

Item the 19th.

At noon we found the latitude to be 8° 38', the longitude
120° 35'; we sailed 36 miles; course kept by estimation
south-west by west, but we find we are more to the south; wind
south-east by east, top-gallant gale; variation of the compass 3°
north-westerly.

[1) The italicised names are found on Swart's
reproduction of the Bonaparte chart.]

[2) An island in the bight of Batavia.]

[3) "Quelpaert," an old name for a galiot.]

[4) On the north-west coast of Java, north of Tandjong
Tjikoneng (Java's 4e Punt).]

[5) The longitude is reckoned eastward from the Peak of
Teneriffe, which is 16° 46' westward of the meridian of
Greenwhich, and was nearly so estimated in Tasman's time. As regards
the degrees of longitude and latitude, compare VAN BEMMELEN'S
"Observations", and his book entitled De Isogonen in de XVIde en
XVIlde eeuw. Utrecht, Van Druten, 1893. pp. 26
f.]

[6) Or Keeling Isles.]

{Page: Jnl.2}

Item the 23rd.

At noon Latitude observed 13° 57', Longitude 112° 23';
wind south-east with a steady breeze, course kept south-west by west,
sailed 40 miles, the sea still running high from the south-west and
south-south-west.

At noon estimated Latitude 19° 55', Longitude 95° 14';
wind south-south-east, unsteady with drizzling rain, course kept
west-south-west, sailed 42 miles, shortly after noon I compared notes
with the skippers and steersmen, when we found the average latitude
to be 19° 49' and the do. longitude 95° 24'; we continued to
run west-south-west until the evening and then west, being in the
longitude of the island of Mauritius.

In the morning we saw that it was the island of Mauritius;
we steered for it and came to anchor before it at about 9 o'clock, we
being then in Latitude 20°, Longitude 83° 48'. When we saw
the island of Mauritius we were by estimation still 50 miles east of
it.

[The next page has three drawings of coast-surveyings with the
following inscriptions:]

A view of the island of Mauritius, when you are 4 miles from
shore.

A view of the island of Mauritius, when it is about 3 miles from
you.

A view of the island of Mauritius, when it is between 1 and 2
miles from you.

Item the 6th.

We sent 6 sailors, three belonging to the Zeehaan and three to our
ship, together with one of our second mates, to the wood to assist
the huntsmen there in capturing game and bring the same down to our
ships. At noon we saw a ship outside the bay before the entrance,
which ship came to anchor near us about 4 hours later, when we
understood her to be the Arent, which had sailed from the Texel on
the 23rd of April last in company with the ships Salmander and
Zutphen, the Yacht Leuwerick and the galiot Visscher, the said ships
and yachts having parted company with her at the Zoute islands[2] in order to continue their voyage to
Batavia. The said

[1) One glass is equal to half an hour.]

[2) Salt Islands or Cabo Verde Islands.]

{Page: Jnl.3}

Arent brought a quantity of provisions such as victuals and
ammunition of war, together with a number of soldiers and sailors for
the island of Mauritius. The officers of the said Yacht reported to
Commander Van der Stel that on the 27th ultimo they had got to
Diego Rodrigos, believing it to be Mauritius, seeing that it
is in the same longitude as the latter island; that there they had
found a French ship lying at anchor on the roadstead; that they could
not clearly make out whence this ship had come, owing to the evasive
answers they received from the crew, some saying they had come from
Diepen, others from the Red Sea, and that they were bound for the
Mascarinas or were going to call at Madagascar; that they had
sailed from Diego Rodrigos at the same time with the French ship and
had parted company with her on the 5th instant at noon; that they
were still in sight of her in the evening, at which time they saw
that she shaped her course west-south-west. On this report the
Commander aforesaid straightways despatched some men to the
north-west side of the island in order to ascertain whether the
Frenchman could have gone thither, the Commander presuming that the
Frenchman might have attempted to mislead our people to get an
opportunity of cutting some ebony wood there, which we were bound to
prevent him from doing.

Item the 7th.

We were engaged nearly all day repairing our ropes and tackle;
considering that our rigging was old, weak and not much to be
depended on we added three more large ropes to the rigging on both
sides the main and foremast in order to steady the same; towards
evening we got 8 head of goats and one pig from shore.

Item the 8th.

In the morning we sent to the Zeehaan four out of the 8 goats
received yesterday; also sent for one more sailor in her whom,
together with one of our own men, we despatched to shore to assist
the huntsmen and the men who went ashore on the 6th instant.

Item the 9th.

We sent one of our carpenters together with 7 or 8 sailors from
our ship and from the Zeehaan to the wood in order to cut down
timber; in the afternoon we wrote an order to the officers of the
Zeehaan, enjoining them to serve out to each of their men no more
than half a mutchkin[1] of arrack as his
daily ration. Then Worshipful Van der Stel informs us that he has got
positive orders from the Honourable Governor-General and Councillors
of India not to serve out more than one pympeltien[2] of arrack to each of his men, and this only
to such as are cold, wet and dirty. In order to maintain peace among
the men and prevent discontent, ill-will and envy as far as in us
lies we have therefore deemed it best to serve out only half a small
glass of arrack to our men while we are lying in this roadstead.

Item the 10th.

We sent our Skipper Ide Tjercxz to bring on board of us the
Honourable Van der Stel with whom we discussed the question whether
it would not be needed for our ships, and advantageous to the
Company, before sailing from here to continue our destined voyage to
appoint a place of rendezvous, the rather as the Honourable
Governor-General and Councillors of India have expressly and
instantly enjoined and recommended the appointing of such a place of
rendezvous in our instructions; after due deliberation we summoned on
board of us all our skippers, first and second mates, and informed
them that we desired all persons present to give their advice in
writing what place were best to fix upon for a rendezvous, in case we
should get separated from each other by rough weather, storms or
other accidents (which we hope will be spared us and God in his mercy
advert) to the end that we may join company again; and that, after
being made acquainted with each person's advice, we shall resolve
upon such a line of action as shall be serviceable to the Company and
to the furtherance of our voyage. In the evening we got from shore 8
goats and 2 hogs; our carpenter Jan Joppen also returned on board,
reporting that they had cut down a number of trees for timber but
that no more fitting was to be had at that place.

Item the 11th.

In the morning our skipper, together with the carpenter aforesaid,
went to the wood in the boat for the purpose of fetching thence the
timber, and took the same to the fortress of Frederik Heyndrick,
there to be sawn into boards of the most fitting dimensions. In the
afternoon we sent 4 goats and one hog to those on board the
Zeehaan.

Item the 12th.

In the morning our boat went to the wood a second time, and again
took some logs to the fortress aforesaid. Towards the evening we
again received 12 goats, half of which

[1) An old Dutch measure of capacity, equal to 1.056
imperial pint.]

[2) An old Sutch name for a liqueur-glass.]

{Page: Jnl.4}

we sent to the Zeehaan. Our skipper reported that one of our
sailors, Joris Claesen van Bahuys by name, had badly hurt himself in
handling a log that was to be sawn ashore; on which we forthwith sent
on shore our chief and assistant barbers to examine the patient and
give him the requisite attendance.

Item the 13th.

Nothing worth mentioning occurred today except that we sent a bag
of rice to our men in the wood and fished our main-yard.

Item the 14th.

We again received from shore 4 goats and 2 hogs, of each of which
we sent half to the Zeehaan. In the evening the men despatched by the
Honourable Van der Stel on the 6th instant returned, reporting that
in none of the bays they had seen any sign of the French ship.

Item the 15th.

In the morning we sent ashore our chief boatswain and boatswain's
mate with a number of sailors and a quantity of cordage in order to
make ropes.

Item the 16th.

The Yacht Cleyn Mauritius sailed from here in order to fetch ebony
from a spot about 10 miles to the eastward, to serve as cargo for the
Arent; having got near the entrance of the bay she cast anchor
because unable to beat out owing to strong wind. Towards noon the
Honourable Van der Stel and Tasman convened on board the admiral the
councils of the Fortress of Frederick Hendrik of the ships Heemskerk
and Zeehaan and of the Yacht Arent, and submitted to the Council what
was next resolved upon, as may be seen from this day's resolution.
Towards the evening our second mate Chryn Hendricx, whom on the 6th
instant we had dispatched to the huntsmen in the wood, returned on
board bringing 10 head of goats; this day we ordered one of the
second mates of the Zeehaan to go to the wood in our second mate's
stead.

Item the 17th.

In the morning we sent our other second mate Carsten Jurriaens to
the wood with six sailors to cut firewood; towards the evening we
delivered 4 out of the 10 goats received yesterday to those on board
the Zeehaan. This day by order of Commander Van der Stel and in
pursuance of yesterday's resolution we took out of the Yacht Arent
for the behoof of our ship and the Zeehaan the goods following, to
wit:

6 ropes both large and small.
1 roll canvas. 20 pulleys, both large and small.
½ skin for pump-leather.
6 small clew-lines.
1 kedge-anchor.
A parcel of flat-headed nails.
4 pieces of horn for mending the lanterns.

Item the 18th.

Nothing occurred worth mentioning except that we fished our
foremast at the back and got from shore 6 head of hogs, out of which
at nightfall we gave three to the quartermaster of the Zeehaan.

Item the 19th.

The carpenters caulked the ship on the outside, stopped all the
leaks they could find, and furthermore overhauled everything and duly
pitched the seams.

Item the 20th.

I went shooting early in the morning in the west part of the
island of Mauritius in company with Mr. Van der Maerzen, subcargo and
second in command in the fortress of Fredrick Hendrick; we returned
on board towards noon with 13 wild birds. This day we had a number of
sawn boards brought from shore and a quantity of rope made
ashore.

Item the 21st.

In the morning the Yacht Cleyn Mauritius got clear of the bay and
set sail for her destination to fetch ebony for the cargo of the
Arent; from the 16th instant when she left this roadstead she had
been unable to beat out owing to the strong east-south-east
trade-wind. This day we made a new main-top and fished the foremast
near the top-yard on both sides; in the evening we received from
shore 10 head of cattle to wit: 7 goats and 3 hogs.

Item the 22nd.

In the morning ourselves and Gerrit Jansz, Skipper in the Zeehaan,
together with a number of sailors with axes, went ashore to the wood
in order to procure fitting timber for top-yards, anchor-stocks and
mizzen-yards etc., for the purposes of our further voyage; we
returned towards evening bringing a piece of round timber proper for
fishing a top-yard, and also an anchor-stock for ourselves and two
ditto for the Zeehaan.

Item the 23rd.

We fetched from the wood 3 anchor-stocks and a round piece of
timber for

{Page: Jnl.5}

a top-yard with a quantity of firewood, and got a boatload of
water from a watercourse east of the fortress of Fredrick
Henrick.

Item the 24th.

We brought from shore a boatload of firewood and three ditto of
water. Towards the evening we received in the huntsmen's boat 5 goats
and three hogs, of which the same evening we handed three goats and
one hog into the boat of the Zeehaan; during the night in the second
watch we got on board another boat with 7 casks of water.

Item the 25th.

In the morning at daybreak there was a light breeze blowing from
the land, at first from the north-north-east, afterwards somewhat
fresher from north-west by west and west-north-west, which was the
first land-breeze we had from the time we had come to anchor here.
This day two pinnaces of firewood and two boatloads of water were
fetched from shore; item our pilot-major Francoys Jacobsz and Mr.
Gilsemans made a surveying of the coast.

Item the 26th.

We convened the council of the Heemskerk and the flute Zeehaan and
resolved upon sailing from here on the 4th proximo, as may be more
detailedly seen from today's resolution.

Item the 27th.

We sent our second mate Chryn Heyndrickse to the wood to cut
firewood.

Item the 28th.

We sent our pinnace and boat to the wood to get firewood.

Item the 29th.

We still kept sending the pinnace and boat ashore for firewood;
this day the Yacht Cleyn Mauritius returned, bringing one of the
runaway Madagascar slaves.

Item the last.

We were still busy taking in firewood; towards the evening we got
ten goats.

[October 1642]

Item the 1st of October.

We were still engaged in taking in firewood with our pinnace and
boat; towards the evening we got from shore 9 head of cattle, both
he-goats and she-goats.

Item the 2nd.

Still busy taking in firewood and refilling the water-casks which
were emptied day by day.

Item the 3rd.

Still kept the boat and pinnace at fetching water and firewood; at
dusk we received on board 7 head of cattle, to wit 2 hogs, 4 he-goats
and one she-goat.

Item the 4th.

This was the day we had fixed upon for putting to sea but owing to
contrary winds we were unable to stand out to sea, so that we were
forced to remain at anchor; we therefore despatched the pilot-major
Francoys Jacobsz and the first mate of the Zeehaan, Heyndrick
Pietersen, to take soundings in the eastern entrance, whence we were
to set sail, where they sounded barely 13 feet at high-water at
spring-tide.

Item the 5th.

The contrary wind still continuing, we were unable to beat out of
the bay, and therefore sent our pinnace with the second mate Carsten
Jurriaensz to catch fish with the dragnet, who returning brought a
capital lot of fish for the whole of our crew.

Item the 6th.

We warped the kedge-anchor to get out at the south-east entrance
and kedged a second time, but were compelled to give it up owing to
the strong contrary wind. Towards the evening we learnt that the men
sent out to seek the runaway Madagascar slaves had come back without
having seen any of them; this day we again got a capital lot of fish
for the whole crew.

Item the 7th.

The wind blowing from the east we were still busy with the
kedge-anchor; in the evening we came to anchor under the islands in
front of the bay in sixty fathom muddy bottom; this bay is very hard
to get out of seeing that the south-east wind is continually blowing
here; whoever has no urgent business here had better keep out of
it.

[The next page has a drawing with the following
inscription:]

A view of the island of Mauritius, when you are at anchor in the
road-stead in the south-east harbour before the fortress of Fredericq
Henricx.

[On the next page two coast-surveyings, inscribed as
follows:]

A view of the island of Mauritius, when you are at sea at 2 miles'
distance south-south-east of the south-east harbour.

A view of the island of Mauritius, when you are at sea at 5 miles'
distance south of the south-east harbour.

Item the 8th.

In the morning the weather rainy with a light land-breeze and
whirlwinds; we weighed our anchors but had to drop them again owing
to contrary winds; about 8 o'clock the wind turned to the north-east
by east, we weighed anchor and accordingly ran out to sea
south-eastward, for which God be praised and thanked; the southern
extremity of this island of Mauritius is in 20° 12'

{Page: Jnl.6}

South Latitude and 78° 47' Longitude. We shaped our course to
the south-south-east, having the wind north-east, a weak top-gallant
gale; at noon we turned our course to the south by east.

Item the 9th.

At noon Latitude observed 21° 5', Longitude 78° 47',
course kept south, sailed 13 miles with good weather and a light
breeze, the wind south-east. This day we drew up a resolution
respecting the crew's meals as may be further seen from the same; in
the evening we had the island of Mauritius still in sight.

Item the 10th.

At noon Latitude estimated 21° 54', Longitude 78° 11';
course kept south-west by south, sailed 15 miles, the wind being
south-east with a light top-gallant gale; towards daybreak the sea
began to run high from the south and we found our mizzen-mast to be
quite broken at the partner so that we had to fish it on both
sides.

At noon Latitude observed 29° 20', Longitude 78° 45';
course kept south-south-east, sailed 29 miles, the wind west and
west-south-west with a top-gallant gale; at night at the end of the
first watch, the wind becoming south-south-east, we turned to the
west. Variation 23° 30'.

Item the 15th.

The wind south-east and east-south-east with a dark sky and a
stiff breeze; at noon Latitude estimated 29° 45', Longitude
78° 57'; course kept south-south-east, sailed 7 miles; towards
the evening we got the wind east by south with a drizzling rain.

Item the 16th.

The wind south and south-south-east, at times south-east and
east-south-east with a top-gallant gale; at noon we were in 31°
17' South Latitude, and Longitude 78° 13'; course kept
south-south-west, sailed 25 miles. Variation 25° 15'.

Good weather with a westerly wind and a top-gallant gale; at noon
Latitude observed 33° 56'; course kept south by east, sailed 32
miles. Towards the evening the Zeehaan hove to leeward, whereupon we
forthwith made towards her, she calling out to us that the wales to
which her shroud-bolts are fixed had got disjoined so that they had
to be fished. Variation 24°.

Item the 19th.

About 9 o'clock we got the wind south-south-west with drizzling
rain and afterwards it fell a dead calm. At noon Latitude estimated
36° 2', Longitude 80°; course kept south-south-east, sailed
34 miles, with a top-gallant gale; in the afternoon the wind turned
to the south-east and we tacked to the west.

Variable winds alternating with calms; at noon Latitude observed
36° 22', Longitude 79° 25', so that we found we had drifted
two miles to northward. Towards evening we got a breeze from the
north-west.

In the morning the wind began to blow stiffly from the
west-south-west and south-west so that we had to take in our topsail.
At noon Latitude estimated 40° 18', Longitude 80° 46', course
kept south-east by south, sailed 40 miles; in the afternoon we turned
our course to the south-east and had heavy showers of rain from time
to time.

{Page: Jnl.7}

Item the 24th.

In the morning we took in our bonnets[1], lowered our foresail down to the stem, and
ran on before the wind with our mainsail only; we dared not try to
the wind because of the strong gale blowing. This gale was attended
with hail and rain to such a degree that we feared the ship would not
live through it, but at noon the storm somewhat abated so that we
hauled to the wind; we could not see the Zeehaan, for which reason we
hauled to the wind to stay for her. At noon Latitude estimated
40° 42', Longitude 83° 11'; course kept east by south, sailed
30 miles; the wind south-west and south with a violent storm; we kept
a sharp lookout for the Zeehaan but could not get sight of her.

Item the 25th.

In the morning we sent a man to the masthead to look out for our
partner whom he saw astern, of which we were full glad; the weather
getting slightly better we again set our bonnets and drew up the
foresail. Towards noon the Zeehaan again joined us. At noon our
estimated latitude was 39° 58' and Longitude 84° 11; course
kept north-north-east, sailed or drifted 12 miles; at noon we shaped
our course to the south-east, with a south-west wind and a steady
breeze.

Item the 26th.

Good weather, the wind south-west by west with a top-gallant gale;
at noon Latitude observed 41° 34', Longitude 86° 10'; course
kept south-east, sailed 32 miles; the sea still kept running high
from the south-south-east; we changed our course to south-east by
south and south-south-east; we spoke the Zeehaan and understood that
this day a man died on board of her; as we were speaking the Zeehaan
she broke her top-yard, which was forthwith replaced by another which
they kept in stock. This day average Longitude 86° 14', Latitude
41° 40'.

Item the 27th.

In the morning before early breakfast we saw a good deal of
rock-weed[2] and manna-grass[3] floating about; we therefore hoisted a flag,
upon which the officers of the Zeehaan came to board of us; we
convened the Council and submitted to their consideration the
instructions of the Honourable Governor-General and Councillors of
India in case we should see and observe land, shoals, sunken rocks,
etc. We then submitted to the council the question whether, now that
we observed these signs of land, it would not be best to keep a man
at the masthead constantly and make him look out for land, shoals,
sunken rocks and other dangers; also what sum had best be fixed upon
as a reward to be given to him who should first see land, upon which
the Council thought fit to keep a man on the lookout constantly, and
to give three pieces-of-eight[4] and a
can[5] of arrack to whoever shall first
see and observe land, shoals, sunken rocks, etc.; all of which may
in extenso be seen from this day's resolution. At noon our
estimated latitude was 43°, and longitude 88° 6'; course kept
south-east, sailed 30 miles, the wind being westerly with a
top-gallant gale and a drizzling rain. Variation 26° 45'. At
night we lay a-trying under reduced sail.

Item the 28th.

At daybreak we made sail again, turned our course
south-south-eastward, in dark foggy weather; we still saw seaweeds
floating about; at noon we estimated ourselves to be in Latitude
44° 47' South, and Longitude 89° 7'; course kept
south-south-east, sailed 29 miles, in a north-westerly and westerly
wind with a top-gallant gale; we also saw fragments of trees floating
about resembling the leaves of wild bananas; at night we lay a-trying
under reduced sail and dared not run on on account of the fog;
gradually however the sea began to get smooth; we time after time
fired a musket and now and then also a great gun.

Item the 29th.

In the morning we made sail again, held our course to the
south-south-east, spoke the officers of the Zeehaan, because we
thought it best to keep our course to eastward so long as the fog
should last. Having hailed the friends of the Zeehaan we called out
to them whether, seeing that in this fog and darkness it is hardly
possible to survey known shores, let alone to discover unknown land,
it would not be best and most advisable to shape our course to
eastward until the advent of clearer weather and a better prospect;
the which they deemed highly advisable; on which account we convened
the ship's council with the second mates, and informed them of what
the officers of the Zeehaan had said when we had spoken them,
together with their opinion and advice; after which

[1) Bonnets are additional pieces of canvas laced to the
foot of a sail to catch more wind.]

[5) "Canne", an old Dutch measure of capacity, equal to
1.760 imperial pint.]

{Page: Jnl.8}

we asked all the persons assembled what they thought best to be
done; whereupon a unanimous resolution was come to which may in
extenso be gathered from this day's resolution and is fully
accordant with the opinion of the officers of the Zeehaan. At noon we
directed our course to eastward with a north-north-westerly wind and
a top-gallant gale; our estimated latitude being 45° 47', and
Longitude 89° 44'; course kept south-south-east sailed 17
miles.

Item the 30th.

At daybreak we again made sail, shaped our course to eastward with
a clear sky and a top-gallant gale from the west. At noon Latitude
observed 45° 43', Longitude 91° 51'; course kept east, sailed
22 miles. Variation 26° 45'.

Item the last.

Towards noon a drizzling rain came on with fog, while the wind
stiffened more and more, so that we took in our topsails; at noon we
also took in our main-sail and ran on before the wind with our
foresail, wind and sea running very high. At noon Latitude estimated
47° 4', Longitude 95° 19'; course kept east-south-east,
sailed 50 miles; we then had a storm from the west and held our
course to the east.

[November 1642]

Item the 1st of November.

In the morning the weather having somewhat improved we made more
sail. At noon observed Latitude 46° 9', Longitude 99° 9'; we
were greatly surprised at finding ourselves so far northward as we
had estimated ourselves to be in 47°, and now found our latitude
to be 46° 9'; course kept east but if we make allowance for the
error in our estimation our course is east by north half a point more
northerly, and we sailed 40 miles; in the afternoon the weather
became foggy, the wind turning to the north-west with a light breeze;
we saw a great quantity of rock-weed floating and shaped our course
to the south-east, seeing that we were so far to northward; at night
we lay a-trying under reduced sail. This day our master-gunner Eldert
Luytiens departed this life in the Lord.

Item the 2nd.

In the morning we made sail again, shaping our course to the
south-east; the wind north-west with a steady breeze; we sailed with
the main-sail set, the weather being very foggy; course kept
east-south-east, sailed 25 miles; estimated Latitude 46° 47',
Longitude 101° 23'; we saw still a good deal of rock-weed
floating about; at night we again lay a-trying with clewed sails as
we dared not run on on account of the fog.

Item the 3rd.

The wind being south-west with a strong breeze we again made sail,
held our course to south-eastward, and from time to time had heavy
squalls of hail and snow with very cold weather. At noon Latitude
observed 46° 47', Longitude 103° 58'; course kept east by
south, sailed 27 miles; between the squalls we could keep a fair
lookout so that we kept sailing during the night; we again saw
quantities of rock-weed floating about from time to time, and found
that we were driven to the north.

Item the 4th.

Wind and weather as before our course still being south-east; at
noon we altered our course to eastward; Latitude estimated 48°
25', Longitude 107° 56'; course kept south-east by east, sailed
40 miles. In the afternoon we desired our skipper and mates to give
in their average longitude and southern latitude which, after
comparison with our own, we found to average 107° 25' Longitude
and 48° 28' South Latitude. After this comparison of notes we
convened the ship's council with the second mates, and submitted to
their consideration what was subsequently unanimously resolved upon
and is found duly specified in today's resolution, to which for
briefness sake we refer. Towards evening we again saw various lots of
rock-weed floating about, and observed large numbers of tunnies near
and roundabout the ship; our boatswain's mate and one of the sailors
also saw a seal, from which we surmise that there may be islands
hereabouts, since these animals are not likely to go out far to sea;
on this account we did not venture to run on full sail, but after
supper held northward under reduced sail.

Item the 5th.

In the morning we had rather foggy, hazy and dirty weather with a
dark grey sky; we made sail again and at first ran on east by south,
seeing that last night we had been driven so far northward. At noon
Latitude estimated 48° 25', Longitude 110° 55'; course kept
east and sailed 30 miles.

Item the 6th.

We had a storm from the west with hail and snow, and ran on before
the wind with our foresail barely halfway the mast; the sea ran very
high and our men begin to suffer badly from the severe cold. At noon
Latitude estimated 49° 4', Longitude 114° 56'; course kept
east by south, sailed 49 miles. Variation 26°.

{Page: Jnl.9}

Item the 7th.

We received the notes following from our Pilot major.

Annotations drawn from the terrestrial globe and from the large
chart of the South Sea, and on the 7th of November A.D. 1642, handed
to the Honourable Commander Abel Jansz Tasman together with our
advice.
Imprimis:
The terrestrial globe shows us that the easternmost islands of the
Salomonis are in the longitude of fully 220°, reckoning said
longitude from the meridian of the islands of Corvo and Floris.
But they are in slightly short of 205°, according to the
longitude which starts from the island of Teneriffe, and which is
most generally used at present; and on the globe they extend from 7
to 14 to 15° Latitude south of the line equinoctial.
This being duly noted we shall follow the great chart of the South
Sea, using the longitude beginning from the Peak of Teneriffe, which
is generally used in our day.
First we have Batavia situated in Longitude 127° 5'.
And the south-west point of Celebes 11° 20'.
More to eastward, so that we get for the longitude of the
south-west point of Celebes 138° 25'.
now from the south-west point of Celebes to the easternmost
islands of the Salomonis, where the chart reads "Hoorensche
eylanden", we reckon 47° 20'.
So that we get for the longitude of the Hoorensche islands 185° 45'.
Now from the Hoorensche islands to the Cocos or Verraders islands,
discovered by Willem Schouten, we reckon still more to eastward
8° 15'; so that for the longitude of Cocos and Verraders islands
we get 194°.
Should one wish to consider the Hoorensche islands, situated in
Longitude 185° 45', to be the easternmost of the Salomonis, then
the charts and globe would show a difference of about 19°; but if
one should look upon the Cocos and Verraders island, situated in
194° Longitude and 17½° South Latitude, as the
easternmost of the Salomonis islands, then the difference between the
charts and the globe would amount to no more than 11°, the globe
placing the islands 11° more eastward than the charts; now to
avoid all mistakes we think it best to disregard the indications to
eastward, both of the globe and of the charts.
Hence our advice is that we should stick to the 44th degree South
Latitude until we shall have passed the 150th degree of Longitude,
and then run north as far as the 40th degree South Latitude,
remaining there with an easterly course until we shall have reached
the 220th degree of Longitude, after which we should take a northerly
course so as to avail ourselves of the trade-wind to reach the
Salomonis islands and New Guinea by running from east to west. We
cannot but think that, if we find no land up to 150° Longitude,
we shall then be in an open sea again, unless we should meet with
islands; all which time and experience, being the best of teachers,
will no doubt bring to light.
Signed, Francoys Jacobsz.

In the morning, the wind still westerly with hail and snow so that
we had to run on with a furled foresail as before, and as we could
not make any progress in this way, we deemed it best to alter our
course to northward upon which, with our ship's council together with
our second mates, seeing that we could not speak the friends of the
Zeehaan, much less get them on board of us, we resolved first to our
course north-eastward, running on to 45 or 44°; having reached
the 45th or 44th degree, to direct our course due east until we shall
have got to 150° Longitude; as will be found duly specified in
today's resolution, to which we beg to refer. At noon Latitude
estimated 47° 56', Longitude 119° 6'; course kept
east-north-east, sailed 45 miles.

Item the 8th.

In the morning the weather was somewhat better so that we could
set our topsails. At noon Latitude estimated 46° 26', Longitude
121° 19'; course kept north-east, sailed 32 miles, with unsettled
weather and a westerly wind, which is very variable here. At night we
ran on under reduced sail. Variation 25° 30'.

{Page: Jnl.10}

Item the 9th.

The wind southerly with a grey sky and a top-gallant gale; at noon
Latitude estimated 44° 19' South, Longitude 124° 20'; course
kept north-east, sailed 45 miles. At noon the latitude observed was
44°, which does not agree with our estimation as given above. We
still saw rock-weed floating about the whole day. At noon we shaped
our course east in accordance with the resolution of the 7th instant.
Towards evening we dispatched to the officers of the Zeehaan the
letter following, together with the Annotations of Pilot-major
Francoys Jacobsz, the said papers being enclosed in a wooden
canister-shot-case, duly waxed and closely wrapped up in tarred
canvas, which case we sent adrift from the stern part of the poop;
the letter duly reached its destination and ran as follows:

To the officers of the Zeehaan.
We should have greatly liked to have had your advice on the 7th
instant but, time and opportunity being unpropitious, we resolved
with the members of our council and our second mates to shape our
course north-east as far as 44° South Latitude, and then keep a
due east course as far as 150° Longitude; should you agree to
this resolution then be pleased to hoist a flag at your stern as a
sign of approval that we may duly ratify the resolution. We also
request you to do your best to sail in during the night until further
orders and, if you should think it possible to come alongside of us
in the boat, be pleased to float a flag from the foretop by way of
signal, in which case we shall stay for you, seeing that we are very
desirous of communicating with you by word of mouth. Farewell. Actum
Heemskerk sailing in about 44° South Latitude, this day November
9, 1642.
Signed,
ABEL JANSZ TASMAN.

After reading the above, those of the Zeehaan hoisted the
Prince-flag in sign of approbation of our resolution.

Item the 10th.

Good weather with a southerly wind and a top-gallant gale. At noon
Latitude estimated 44°; Longitude 126° 45'; course kept east,
sailed 26 miles. At noon Latitude observed 43° 20', the sea
running very high from the south-west, at times also from the
south-east with heavy swells. Variation 21° 30'.

Item the 11th.

Good weather, the wind westerly with a light breeze. At noon
Latitude estimated 43° 20', Longitude 127° 45'; course kept
east, sailed 11 miles. We ran up the white flag, upon which the
officers of the Zeehaan came on board of us, when we resolved in the
plenary Council to run on in the parallel of about 44° South
Latitude from our present longitude (averaging 123° 29') as far
as 195° Longitude, being the meridian of the east side of New
Guinea as delineated in the chart, all which may in extenso be
seen from this day's resolution to which we beg leave to refer.

Dark, hazy, foggy weather with a steady breeze; we still see
rock-weed floating about every day. At noon Latitude estimated
44° 16', Longitude 132° 17'; course kept east by south,
sailed 33 miles; wind north-west; at noon we turned our course to
eastward.

Item the 14th.

Still dark, hazy, drizzling weather, the wind west-north-west with
a steady breeze. At noon Latitude estimated 44° 16' south,
Longitude 136° 22'; course kept east and sailed 44 miles; the sea
still running high from the south-west so that no mainland is yet to
be surmised south of us.

In the morning it was very foggy but the weather cleared up
towards noon. Latitude observed 44° 10', Longitude 144° 42';
course kept east, sailed 45 miles with a steady breeze from the west;
in the evening we took the sun's azimuth. Variation 16°.

Item the 17th.

Good weather with a clear sky; we still saw a good deal of
rock-weed floating about every day; the sea still running from the
south-west. Though we observe rock-weed every day still it is not
likely there should be any great mainland to the southward on account
of the high

{Page: Jnl.11}

seas that are still running from the south. At noon Latitude
observed 44° 15', Longitude 147° 3'; course kept east, sailed
28 miles with a light top-gallant breeze from the west; we estimated
that we had already passed the South land[1] known up to the present, or so far as Pieter
Nuyts had run to eastward.

Item the 18th.

The wind north-westerly and afterwards northerly with a fog and
drizzling rain, a top-gallant gale. At noon Latitude estimated
44° 16' South, Longitude 150° 6'; course kept east, sailed 33
miles. This day we saw a number of whales; at night during the
dog-watch we lay a-trying under reduced sail. Variation 12°.

Item the 19th.

Good weather with the wind from the north and afterwards from the
north-west, a top-gallant gale. At noon Latitude estimated 44°
45', Longitude 153° 34'; course kept east by south, sailed 38
miles. At noon Latitude observed 45° 5' so that we are farther to
the south than I had estimated; in the morning variation decreasing,
8° North-West. Towards evening there came on a storm from the
north and afterwards from the north-west, with hail and snow and very
cold weather, so that we had to tack to leeward with our
mainsail.

Item the 20th.

The wind west-north-west with a storm of hail and rain; in the
morning we had to run on before the wind with a foresail halfway up
the mast. At noon Latitude estimated 44° 43', Longitude 155°
58'; course kept east, sailed 26 miles; Latitude observed 44°
32'; during the night we lay a-trying with our mainsail set.

Item the 21st.

In the morning the weather somewhat better, we again set our
topsails and slid out the bonnet of our foresail; turned our course
to east-north-east, the wind being westerly and afterwards
north-westerly with a top-gallant gale. At noon Latitude estimated
43° 53', Longitude 158° 12'; at noon Latitude observed
43° 40'; course kept east-north-east, sailed 26 miles. Variation
4° North-West, the sea running very high, both from the
north-west and south-west; during the night we lay a-trying under
reduced sail.

Item the 22nd.

At daybreak we made sail again, the wind being westerly with a
top-gallant gale; there was a heavy swell from the south-west so that
there is not likely to be any land to southward. At noon Latitude
estimated 42° 58', Longitude 160° 34'; course kept
east-north-east, sailed 28 miles; at noon Latitude observed 42°
49'; we found that our compasses were not so steady as they should
be, and supposed that possibly there might be mines of loadstone
about here, our compasses sometimes varying 8 points from one moment
to another, so that there would always seem to be some cause that
kept the needle in motion.

Item the 23rd.

Good weather with a south-westerly wind and a steady breeze; in
the morning we found our rudder broken at top in the tiller-hole; we
there hauled to windward under reduced sail and fitted a cross-beam
to either side. At noon Latitude observed 42° 50', Longitude
162° 51'; course kept east, sailed 25 miles; we found the
variation to the compass to be 1 degree North-West, so that the
decrease is a very abrupt one here; by estimation the west side of
New Guinea must be north of us.

Item the 24th.

Good weather and a clear sky. At noon Latitude observed 42°
25', Longitude 163° 31'; course kept east by north, sailed 30
miles; the wind south-westerly and afterwards from the south with a
light top-gallant breeze. In the afternoon about 4 o'clock we saw
land bearing east by north of us at about 10 miles distance from us
by estimation; the land we sighted was very high; towards evening we
also saw, east-south-east of us, three high mountains, and to the
north-east two more mountains, but less high than those to southward;
we found that here our compass pointed due north. In the evening in
the first glass after the watch had been set, we convened our ship's
council with the second mate's and represented to them whether it
would not be advisable to run farther out to sea; we also asked their
advice as to the time when it would be best to do so, upon which it
was unanimously resolved to run out to sea at the expiration of three
glasses, to keep doing so for the space of ten glasses, and after
this to make for the land again; all of which may in extenso
be seen from today's resolution to which we beg leave to refer.
During the night when three glasses had run out the wind turned to
the south-east; we held off from shore and sounded in 100 fathom,
fine

[1) The portion of the south coast of New Holland which
Pieter Nuyts discovered in 1627.]

A page from Tasman's Journal--24 Nov. 1642

{Page: Jnl.12}

white sandy bottom with small shells; we sounded once more and
found black coarse sand with pebbles; during the night we had a
south-east wind with a light breeze.

Item the 25th.

In the morning we had a calm; we floated the white flag and
pendant from our stern, upon which the officers of the Zeehaan with
their steersmen came on board of us; we then convened the Ship's
council and resolved together upon what may in extenso be seen
from today's resolution to which we beg leave to refer. Towards noon
the wind turned to the south-east and afterwards to the
south-south-east and the south, upon which we made for the shore; at
about 5 o'clock in the evening we got near the coast; three miles off
shore we sounded in 60 fathom coral bottom; one mile off the coast we
had clean, fine, white sand; we found this coast to bear south by
east and north by west; it was a level coast, our ship being 42°
30' South Latitude, and average Longitude 163° 50'. We then put
off from shore again, the wind turning to the south-south-east with a
top-gallant gale. If you came from the west and find your needle to
show 4° north-westerly variation you had better look out for
land, seeing that the variation is very abruptly decreasing here. If
you should happen to be overtaken by rough weather from the westward
you had best heave to and not run on. Near the coast here the needle
points due north. We took the average of our several longitudes and
found this land to be in 163° 50' Longitude.

This land being the first land we have met with in the South Sea
and not known to any European nation we have conferred on it the name
of Anthoony Van Diemenslandt[1]
in honour of the Honourable Governor-General, our illustrious master,
who sent us to make this discovery; the islands circumjacent, so far
as known to us, we have named after the Honourable Councillors of
India, as may be seen from the little chart which has been made of
them.

A page from Tasman's Journal--25 Nov. 1642

A page from Tasman's Journal--26 Nov. 1642

[The next page contains two coast-surveyings with
inscriptions:]

A view of the coast when you are six miles from it.

A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, when you come from the west,
and are in 42½° S. Latitude.

[The next page has three coast-surveyings with
inscriptions:]

A view of the coast when you are 5 miles from it.

A view of the coast when you are 2 miles from it.

A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, when you come from the west,
and are in 42½ S. Latitude.

[The next page has two coast-surveyings with
inscriptions:]

A view of the coast when you are 1 mile from it.

A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, when you come from the west,
and are in 42½ S. Latitude.

Item the 26th.

We had the wind from eastward with a light breeze and hazy weather
so that we could see no land; according to our estimation we were at
9½ miles distance from shore. Towards noon we hoisted the
top-pendant upon which the Zeehaan forthwith came astern of us; we
called out to her men that we should like Mr. Gilsemans to come on
board of us, upon which the said Mr. Gilsemans straightways came on
board of us, to whom we imparted the reasons set forth in the
subjoined letter which we enjoined him to take with him on board the
Zeehaan, to be shown to Skipper Gerrit Jansz, who is to give orders
to her steersmen in accordance with its purport:

The officers of the Flute Zeehaan are hereby enjoined to set down
in their daily journals this land which we saw and came near to
yesterday in the longitude of 163° 50', seeing that we have found
this to be its average longitude, and to lay down the said longitude
as an established point of departure for their further reckonings; he
who before this had got the longitude of 160° or more will
henceforth have to take this land for his starting-point; we make the
arrangement in order to preclude all errors as much as is at all
possible. The officers of the Zeehaan are requested to give orders in
conformity to her steersmen and to see them acted up to, because we
opine this to be their duty; any charts that should be drawn up of
this part will have to lay down this land in the average longitude of
163° 50' as hereinbefore stated.
Actum Heemskerk datum ut supra
(signed) ABEL JANSZ. TASMAN.

[1) Compare about "the localities mentioned in this
journal", as regards Van Diemen's land or Tasmania, e.g. J. BACKHOUSE
WALKER, The discovery of Van Diemen's land in 1642 (Tasmania,
Strutt, 1891). The most curious corruptions of the name Van
Diemen's land have taken place: e.g. Terre de Diamant (cp. RAINAUD,
Continent Austral, p. 397); Demon's land (I. TAYLOR, Words and
Places, London, Macmillan, 1875, p. 24).]

A view of the coast when you are six miles from it.
A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, when you come from the west,
and are in 42½° S. Latitude.

A view of the coast when you are 5 miles from it.
A view of the coast when you are 2 miles from it.
A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, when you come from the west,
and are in 42½ S. Latitude.

A view of the coast when you are 1 mile from it.
A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, when you come from the west,
and are in 42½ S. Latitude.

{Page: Jnl.13}

At noon Latitude estimated 43° 36' South, Longitude 163°
2'; course kept south-south-west, sailed 18 miles. We had ½
degree North-West variation; in the evening the wind went round to
the north-east, and we changed our course to east-south-east.

Item the 27th.

In the morning we again saw the coast, our course still being
east-south-east. At noon Latitude estimated 44° 4' South,
Longitude 164° 2'; course kept south-east by east, sailed 13
miles; the weather was drizzly, foggy, hazy and rainy, the wind
north-east and north-north-east with a light breeze; at night when 7
glasses of the first watch had run out we began trying under reduced
sail because we dared not run on owing to thick darkness.

Item the 28th.

In the morning, the weather still being dark, foggy and rainy, we
again made sail, shaped our course to eastward and afterwards
north-east by north; we saw land north-east and north-north-east of
us and made straight for it; the coast here bears south-east by east
and north-west by west; as far as I can see the land here falls off
to eastward. At noon Latitude estimated 44° 12', Longitude
165° 2'; course kept west by south, sailed 11 miles with a
north-westerly wind and a light breeze. In the evening we got near
the coast; here near the shore there are a number of islets of which
one in shape resembles a lion; this islet lies out into the sea at
about 3 miles distance from the mainland; in the evening the wind
turned to the east; during the night we lay a-trying under reduced
sail.

Item the 29th.

In the morning we were still near the rock which is like a lion's
head; we had a westerly wind with a top-gallant gale; we sailed along
the coast which here bears east and west; towards noon we passed two
rocks of which the westernmost was like Pedra Branca[1] off the coast of China; the easternmost was
like a tall, obtuse, square tower, and is at about 4 miles
distance from the mainland. We passed between these rocks and the
mainland; at noon Latitude estimated 43° 53', Longitude 166°
3'; course kept east-north-east, sailed 12 miles; we were still
running along the coast. In the evening about 5 o'clock we came
before a bay which seemed likely to afford a good anchorage, upon
which we resolved with our ship's council to run into it, as may be
seen from today's resolution; we had nearly got into the bay when
there arose so strong a gale that we were obliged to take in sail and
to run out to sea again under reduced sail, seeing that it was
impossible to come to anchor in such a storm; in the evening we
resolved to stand out to sea during the night under reduced sail to
avoid being thrown on a lee-shore by the violence of the wind; all
which may in extenso be seen from the resolution aforesaid to
which for briefness sake we beg to refer.

Item the last.

At daybreak we again made for shore, the wind and the current
having driven us so far out to sea that we could barely see the land;
we did our utmost to get near it again and at noon had the land
north-west of us; we now turned the ship's head to westward with a
northerly wind which prevented us from getting close to the land. At
noon Latitude observed 43° 41', Longitude 168° 3'; course
kept east by north, sailed 20 miles in a storm and with variable
weather. The needle points due north here. Shortly after noon we
turned our course to westward with a strong variable gale; we then
turned to the north under reduced sail.

[December 1642]

Item the 1st of December.

In the morning, the weather having become somewhat better, we set
our topsails, the wind blowing from the west-south-west with a
top-gallant gale; we now made for the coast. At noon Latitude
observed 43° 10', Longitude 167° 55'; course kept
north-north-west, sailed 8 miles, it having fallen a calm; in the
afternoon we hoisted the white flag upon which our friends of the
Zeehaan came on board of us, with whom we resolved that it would be
best and most expedient,

[1) Tasman compares one of these rocks with a rock Pedra
Branca off the coast of China, and accordingly this name is given to
the westernmost rock on his chart of Anthony Van Diemens landt
(December 1, 2).

GEORGE COLLINGRIDGE, The discovery of Australia. Sydney,
Hayes, 1895, p. 288, is therefore all at sea, where he
says:

"The discoveries supposed to have been made during the Government of
Speult in the Spice Islands, and bearing his name on some charts, are
not recorded in Tasman's chart, neither do we notice the Portuguese
or Spanish inscription Pedra Branca which occurs in P. Goos' map, and
is written also Piedra blanca in other maps.

"It is difficult to explain the presence of these words on maps
supposed to be copies of Tasman's original chart. Other words,
evidently of Portuguese or Spanish origin, appear also even on
Tasman's chart in combination with his nomenclature. These names
suggest an earlier discovery and the possession by the Dutch of maps
relating to those discoveries (Cf. COLLINGRIDGE, pp. 80 f., 131 and
note).

"Explorers and navigators who make discoveries give, as a rule, the
reasons for naming the various places they discover. Tasman's journal
makes no exception to this rule, and while he mentions Pedra Branca
as resembling another Pedra Branca on the coast of China, he does not
say that he named those rocks off the south coast of
Tasmania."]

{Page: Jnl.14}

wind and weather permitting, to touch at the land the sooner the
better, both to get better acquainted with its condition and to
attempt to procure refreshments for our own behoof, all which may be
more amply seen from this day's resolution. We then got a breeze from
eastward and made for the coast to ascertain whether it would afford
a fitting anchorage; about one hour after sunset we dropped anchor in
a good harbour, in 22 fathom, white and grey fine sand, a naturally
drying bottom; for all which it behoves us to thank God Almighty with
grateful hearts.

[The 8 pages following contain coast-surveyings and charts with
inscriptions:]

3 views of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, when it is north-east and
north-north-east of you, first view at 8, the second at 6, the third
at 4 miles' distance.

A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, as you sail along it from
the Wits islands[1] Sueers[2] islands as far as Maetsuickers[3] islands.

[On the next page:]

A view of the land, when you are north-west of it at 5 miles'
distance, the said land lying Latitude about 44°.

A view of the land, when you are south-west of it, at 4 miles'
distance.

A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, as you sail along it from
the Maetsuickers islands. far as the Boereels islands[4] or Stormbay.

[On the next page:]

A view of this land, as you sail along it from the Zuyd Caep as
far as the Maria's island.[5]

[The two pages following are taken up by a double-page chart
showing the Boreels islands, Storm the Zuyd Caep and Tasman's
island].

[The next page has a chart of Frederick Henricx Bay with
Maria's Island, with pictures of the two ships].

[The next page contains coast-surveyings, with
inscriptions:]

A view of this land, as you sail along it from Maria's island to
Schoutens island[6].

A view of this land, as you sail along it from Schoutens island to
Vanderlins island[7].

[The next page has a chart of the surveyed coast of Anthony van
Diemens Landt].

Item the 2nd.

Early in the morning we sent our Pilot-major Francoys Jacobsz in
command of our pinnace, manned with 4 musketeers and 6 rowers, all of
them furnished with pikes and side-arms, together with the cock-boat
of the Zeehaan with one of her second mates and 6 musketeers in it,
to a bay situated north-west of us at upwards of a mile distance in
order to ascertain what facilities (as regards fresh water,
refreshments, timber and the like) may be available there. About
three hours before nightfall the boats came back, bringing various
samples of vegetables which they had seen growing there in great
abundance, some of them in appearance not unlike a certain plant
growing at the Cape of Good Hope and fit to be used as pot-herbs, and
another species with long leaves and a brackish taste, strongly
resembling persil de mer or samphire. The Pilot-major and the second
mate of the Zeehaan made the following report, to wit:

That they had rowed the space of upwards of a mile round the said
point, where they had found

[1) Should be Witsen-islands, after the member of the
Council of India Cornelis Witsen. In BELLIN'S Hydrographie
Française II, no. 100 this has been corrupted to "I. de
l'Ouest;" a translation of "West eylanden" (atlas--DONCKER, 1661;
atlas--VAN LOON, 1666). Some maps have also the name "Witte eiland"
(White-island). Cf. COLLINGRIDGE, Discovery, p. 288.]

[2) Named after Salomon Sweers, member of the Council of
India.]

[3) Named after Joan Maetsuycker, member of the Council
of India.]

[4) Boreels-eiland, named after Pieter Boreel, member of
the Council of India.]

[5) Named after Maria Van Aelst, the wife of the G.-G.
Antonio Van Diemen.--It is currently asserted that Tasman had fallen
in love with a daughter of Antonio Van Diemen, but this G.-G. had no
daughters. Compare my paper on Tasman in Groningsche Volksalmanak for
1893, pp. 142-143; WALKER, Tasman (1896), p. 42. The legend of
Tasman's love has even been made the subject of poetical effusions.
Compare The Leader (Melbourne) October 6, 1894, and A. P. CALVERT,
Discovery of Australia, pp. 31, 32. BIRDWOOD, Report India Office, p.
77, therefore calls Tasman "the susceptible and romantic discoverer"!
Others suggest, that Tasman named Van Diemen's land after his wife!
(DE HARVEN in Mémoire de la Societe de Géographie
d'Anvers, II, 1883, p. 9).]

[6) Named after Justus Schouten, member of the Council of
India. Strange enough, the Visscher-draught in the British Museum
(Sloane Mss. no. 5222, no. 12) has the name: "Batavia
Iland."]

[7) Van der Lijn's island, named after Cornelis Van der
Lijn, member of the Council of India.]

3 views of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, when it is north-east
and north-north-east of you, first view at 8, the second at 6, the
third at 4 miles' distance.
A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, as you sail along it from the
Wits islands past Sueers islands as far as Maetsuickers
islands.

A view of the land, when you are north-west of it at 5 miles'
distance, the said land lying Latitude about 44°.
A view of the land, when you are south-west of it, at 4 miles'
distance.
A view of Anthonij van Diemens Landt, as you sail along it from the
Maetsuickers islands. far as the Boereels islands or
Stormbay.

A view of this land, as you sail along it from the Zuyd Caep as
far as the Maria's island.

A view of this land, as you sail along it from Maria's island
to Schoutens island.
A view of this land, as you sail along it from Schoutens island to
Vanderlins island

A chart of Frederick Henricx Bay with Maria's Island, with
pictures of the two ships

A chart of the surveyed coast of Anthony van Diemens
Landt

{Page: Jnl.15}

high but level land covered with vegetation (not cultivated, but
growing naturally by the will of God) abundance of excellent timber,
and a gently sloping watercourse in a barren valley, the said water,
though of good quality, being difficult to procure because the
watercourse was so shallow that the water could be dipped with bowls
only.

That they had heard certain human sounds and also sounds nearly
resembling the music of a trump or a small gong not far from them
though they had seen no one.

That they had seen two trees about 2 or 2½ fathom in
thickness measuring from 60 to 65 feet from the ground to the
lowermost branches, which trees bore notches made with flint
implements, the bark having been removed for the purpose; these
notches, forming a kind of steps to enable persons to get up the
trees and rob the birds' nests in their tops, were fully 5 feet apart
so that our men concluded that the natives here must be of very tall
stature, or must be in possession of some sort of artifice for
getting up the said trees; in one of the trees these notched steps
were so fresh and new that they seemed to have been cut less than
four days ago.

That on the ground they had observed certain footprints of
animals, not unlike those of a tiger's claws; they also brought on
board certain specimens of animals excrements voided by quadrupeds,
so far as they could surmise and observe, together with a small
quantity of gum of a seemingly very fine quality which had exuded
from trees and bore some resemblance to gum-lac.

That round the eastern point of this bay they had sounded 13 or 14
feet at high water, there being about 3 feet at low tide.

That at the extremity of the said point they had seen large
numbers of gulls, wild ducks and geese, but had perceived none
farther inward though they had heard their cries; and had found no
fish except different kinds of mussels forming small clusters in
several places.

That the land is pretty generally covered with trees standing so
far apart that they allow a passage everywhere and a lookout to a
great distance so that, when landing, our men could always get sight
of natives or wild beasts, unhindered by dense shrubbery or
underwood, which would prove a great advantage in exploring the
country.

That in the interior they had in several places observed numerous
trees which had deep holes burnt into them at the upper end of the
foot, while the earth had here and there been dug out with the fist
so as to form a fireplace, the surrounding soil having become as hard
as flint through the action of the fire.

A short time before we got sight of our boats returning to the
ships, we now and then saw clouds of dense smoke rising up from the
land, which was nearly west by north of us, and surmised this might
be a signal given by our men, because they were so long coming back,
for we had ordered them to return speedily, partly in order to be
made acquainted with what they had seen, and partly that we might be
able to send them to other points if they should find no profit
there, to the end that no precious time might be wasted. When our men
had come on board again we inquired of them whether they had been
there and made a fire, to which they returned a negative answer,
adding however that at various times and points in the wood they also
had seen clouds of smoke ascending. So there can be no doubt there
must be men here of extraordinary stature. This day we had variable
winds from the eastward, but for the greater part of the day a stiff,
steady breeze from the south-east.

Item the 3rd.

We went to the south-east side of this bay in the same boats as
yesterday with Supercargo Gilsemans and a number of musketeers, the
oarsmen furnished with pikes and side-arms; here we found water, it
is true, but the land is so low-lying that the fresh water was made
salt and brackish by the surf, while the soil is too rocky to allow
of wells being dug; we therefore returned on board and convened the
councils of our two ships with which we have resolved and determined
what is set forth in extenso in today's resolution, to which
for briefness sake we refer. In the afternoon we went to the
south-east side of this bay in the boats aforesaid, having with us
Pilot-major Francoys Jacobsz, Skipper Gerrit Jansz, Isack Gilsemans,
supercargo on board the Zeehaan, subcargo Abraham Coomans, and our
master carpenter Pieter Jacobsz; we carried with us a pole with the
Company's mark carved into it, and a Prince-flag to be set up there,
that those who shall come after us may become aware that we have been
here, and have taken possession of the said land as our lawful
property. When we had rowed about halfway with our boats it began to
blow very stiffly, and the

{Page: Jnl.16}

sea ran so high that the cock-boat of the Zeehaan, in which were
seated the Pilot-major and Mr. Gilsemans, was compelled to pull back
to the ships, while we ran on with our pinnace. When we had come
close inshore in a small inlet which bore west-south-west of the
ships the surf ran so high that we could not get near the shore
without running the risk of having our pinnace dashed to pieces. We
then ordered the carpenter aforesaid to swim to the shore alone with
the pole and the flag, and kept by the wind with our pinnace; we made
him plant the said pole with the flag at top into the earth, about
the centre of the bay near four tall trees easily recognisable and
standing in the form of a crescent, exactly before the one standing
lowest. This tree is burnt in just above the ground, and in reality
taller than the other three, but it seems to be shorter because it
stands lower on the sloping ground; at top, projecting from the
crown, it shows two long dry branches, so symmetrically set with dry
sprigs and twigs that they look like the large antlers of a stag; by
the side of these dry branches, slightly lower down, there is another
bough which is quite green and leaved all round, whose twigs, owing
to their regular proportion, wonderfully embellish the said bough and
make it look like the upper part of a larding-pin. Our master
carpenter, having in the sight of myself, Abel Jansz Tasman, Skipper
Gerrit Jansz, and Subcargo Abraham Coomans, performed the work
entrusted to him, we pulled with our pinnace as near the shore as we
ventured to do; the carpenter aforesaid thereupon swam back to the
pinnace through the surf. This work having been duly executed we
pulled back to the ships, leaving the above-mentioned as a memorial
for those who shall come after us, and for the natives of this
country, who did not show themselves, though we suspect some of them
were at no great distance and closely watching our proceedings. We
made no arrangements for gathering vegetables since the high seas
prevented our men from getting ashore except by swimming, so that it
was impossible to get anything into the pinnace. During the whole of
the day the wind blew chiefly from the north; in the evening we took
the sun's azimuth and found 3° north-easterly variation of the
compass; at sunset we got a strong gale from the north which by and
by rose to so violent a storm from the north-north-west that we were
compelled to get both our yards in and drop our small
bower-anchor.

Item the 4th.

At dawn the storm abated, the weather became less rough and, the
land-wind blowing from the west by north, we hove our bower-anchor;
when we had weighed the said anchor and got it above the water we
found that both the flukes were broken off so far that we hauled home
nothing but the shank; we then weighed the other anchor also and set
sail forthwith in order to pass to north to landward of the
northernmost islands and seek a better watering-place. Here we lay at
anchor in 43° South Latitude, Longitude 167½°; in the
forenoon the wind was westerly. At noon Latitude observed 42°
40', Longitude 168°, course kept north-east, sailed 8 miles; in
the afternoon the wind turned to the north-west; we had very variable
winds all day; in the evening the wind went round to west-north-west
again with a strong gale, then to west by north and west-north-west
again with a strong gale, then to west by north and west-north-west
once more; we then tacked to northward and in the evening saw a round
mountain bearing north-north-west of us at about 8 miles distance;
course kept to northward very close to the wind. While sailing out of
this bay and all through the day we saw several columns of smoke
ascend along the coast. Here it would be meet to describe the trend
of the coast and the islands lying off it but we request to be
excused for briefness sake and beg leave to refer to the small chart
drawn up of it which we have appended.

Item the 5th.

In the morning, the wind blowing from the north-west by west, we
kept our previous course; the high round mountain which we had seen
the day before now bore due west of us at 6 miles distance; at this
point the land fell off to the north-west so that we could no longer
steer near the coast here, seeing that the wind was almost ahead. We
therefore convened the council and the second mates, with whom after
due deliberation we resolved, and subsequently called out to the
officers of the Zeehaan that, pursuant to the resolution of the 11th
ultimo we should direct our course due east, and on the said course
run on to the full longitude of 195° or the Salomonis islands,
all which will be found set forth in extenso in this day's
resolution. At noon Latitude estimated 41° 34', Longitude
169°, course kept north-east by north, sailed 20 miles; we then
shaped our course due east for the purpose of making further
discoveries and of avoiding the variable winds between the trade-wind
and the anti-trade-wind; the wind from the north-west with a steady
breeze; during the night the wind from the west, a brisk steady
breeze and good clear weather.

Item the 6th.

In the morning the wind from the south-west with a light breeze;
at noon we

{Page: Jnl.17}

were in Latitude 41° 15', Longitude 172° 35'; course kept
east, sailed 40 miles; the weather was quite calm and still all the
afternoon, the sea running high from all quarters but especially from
the south-west; in the evening when the watches were setting we got a
steady breeze from the east-north-east and north-east.

Item the 7th.

The wind still continuing to blow from the north-east, the breeze
quite as fresh as during the night. At noon Latitude estimated
42° 13', Longitude 174° 31'; course kept south-east by east,
sailed 26 miles. Variation increasing 5° 45' North-West.

Item the 8th.

During the night we had a calm, the wind going round to the west
and north-west. At noon Latitude estimated 42° 29', Longitude
176° 17'; course kept east by south, sailed 20 miles.

Item the 9th.

We drifted in a calm so that by estimation we were carried 3 miles
to the south-eastward. At noon Latitude observed 42° 37',
Longitude 176° 29'. Variation 5°. Towards evening we had a
light breeze from the west-north-west.

Good weather, the wind blowing from the south-south-west and
south-west with a steady breeze. At noon Latitude observed 42°
38', Longitude 185° 17'; course kept east, sailed 38 miles. The
heavy swells continuing from the south-west, there is no mainland to
be expected here to southward. Variation 7° North-East.

Item the 13th.

Latitude observed 42° 10', Longitude 188° 28'; course kept
east by north, sailed 36 miles in a south-south-westerly wind with a
top-gallant gale. Towards noon we saw a large, high-lying land,
bearing south-east of us at about 15 miles distance; we turned our
course to the south-east, making straight for this land, fired a gun
and in the afternoon hoisted the white flag, upon which the officers
of the Zeehaan came on board of us, with whom we resolved to touch at
the said land as quickly as at all possible, for such reasons as are
more amply set forth in this day's resolution. In the evening we
deemed it best and gave orders accordingly to our steersmen to stick
to the south-east course while the weather keeps quiet but, should
the breeze freshen, to steer due east in order to avoid running on
shore, and to preclude accidents as much as in us lies; since we
opine that the land should not be touched at from this side on
account of the high open sea running there in huge hollow waves and
heavy swells, unless there should happen to be safe land-locked bays
on this side. At the expiration of four glasses of the first watch we
shaped our course due east. Variation 7° 30' North-East.

Item the 14th.

At noon Latitude observed 42° 10', Longitude 189° 3';
course kept east, sailed 12 miles. We were about 2 miles off the
coast,[1] which showed as a very high
double land, but we could not see the summits of the mountains owing
to thick clouds. We shaped our course to northward along the coast,
so near to it that we could constantly see the surf break on the
shore. In the afternoon we took soundings at about 2 miles distance
from the coast in 55 fathom, a sticky sandy soil, after which it fell
a calm. Towards evening we saw a low-lying point north-east by north
of us, at about 3 miles distance; the greater part of the time we
were drifting in a calm towards the said point; in the middle of the
afternoon we took soundings in 45 fathom, a sticky sandy bottom. The
whole night we drifted in a calm, the sea running from the
west-north-west, so that we got near the land in 28 fathom, good
anchoring-ground, where, on account of the calm, and for fear of
drifting nearer to the shore, we ran out our kedge-anchor during the
day-watch, and we are now waiting for the land-wind.

Item the 15th.

In the morning with a light breeze blowing from the land we
weighed anchor and did our best to run out to sea a little, our
course being north-west by north; we then had the northernmost
low-lying point of the day before, north-north-east and north-east by
north of us. This land consists of a high double mountain-range, not
lower than Ilha Formoza. At noon Latitude observed 41° 40',
Longitude 189° 49'; course kept north-north-east, sailed 8 miles;
the point we had seen the day

[1) As regards the localities in Statenland (New Zealand)
touched at in this expedition, compare Dr. Hocken, Abel Tasman and
his journal. A paper read before the Otago Institute, 1895, p.
7.]

{Page: Jnl.18}

before now lay south-east of us, at 2½ miles distance;
northward from this point extends a large rocky reef; on this reef,
projecting from the sea, there are a number of high steep cliffs
resembling steeples or sails; one mile west of this point we could
sound no bottom. As we still saw this high land extend to
north-north-east of us we from here held our course due north with
good, dry weather and smooth water. From the said low point with the
cliffs, the land makes a large curve to the north-east, trending
first due east, and afterwards due north again. The point aforesaid
is in Latitude 41° 50' south. The wind was blowing from the west.
It was easy to see here that in these parts the land must be very
desolate; we saw no human beings nor any smoke rising; nor can the
people here have any boats, since we did not see any signs of them;
in the evening we found 8° North-East variation of the
compass.

Item the 16th.

At six glasses before the day we took soundings in 60 fathom
anchoring-ground. The northernmost point we had in sight then bore
from us north-east by east, at three miles distance, and the nearest
land lay south-east of us at 1½ miles distance. We drifted in
a calm, with good weather and smooth water; at noon Latitude observed
40° 58', average Longitude 189° 54'; course kept
north-north-east, sailed 11 miles; we drifted in a calm the whole
afternoon; in the evening at sunset we had 9° 23' increasing
North-East variation; the wind then went round to south-west with a
freshening breeze; we found the furthest point of the land that we
could see to bear from us east by north, the land falling off so
abruptly there that we did not doubt that this was the farthest
extremity. We now convened our council with the second mates, with
whom we resolved to run north-east and east-north-east till the end
of the first watch, and then to sail near the wind, wind and weather
not changing, as may in extenso be seen from this day's
resolution. During the night in the sixth glass it fell calm again so
that we stuck to the east-north-east course; although in the fifth
glass of the dog-watch, we had the point we had seen in the evening,
south-east of us, we could not sail higher than east-north-east
slightly easterly owing to the sharpness of the wind; in the first
watch we took soundings once, and a second time in the dog-watch, in
60 fathom, clean, grey sand. In the second glass of the day-watch we
got a breeze from the south-east, upon which we tacked for the shore
again.

Item the 17th.

In the morning at sunrise we were about one mile from the shore;
in various places we saw smoke ascending from fires made by the
natives; the wind then being south and blowing from the land we again
tacked to eastward. At noon Latitude estimated 40° 31', Longitude
190° 47'; course kept north-east by east, sailed 12 miles; in the
afternoon the wind being west we held our course east by south along
a low-lying shore with dunes in good dry weather; we sounded in 30
fathom, black sand, so that by night one had better approach this
land aforesaid, sounding; we then made for this sandy point until we
got in 17 fathom, where we cast anchor at sunset owing to a calm,
when we had the northern extremity of this dry sandspit west by north
of us; also high land extending to east by south; the point of the
reef south-east of us; here inside this point or narrow sandspit we
saw a large open bay upward of 3 or 4 miles wide; to eastward of this
narrow sandspit there is a sandbank upwards of a mile in length with
6, 7, 8 and 9 feet of water above it, and projecting east-south-east
from the said point. In the evening we had 9° North-East
variation.

Item the 18th.

In the morning we weighed anchor in calm weather; at noon Latitude
estimated 40° 49', Longitude 191° 41'; course kept
east-south-east, sailed 11 miles. In the morning before weighing
anchor, we had resolved with the Officers of the Zeehaan that we
should try to get ashore here and find a good harbour; and that as we
neared it we should send out the pinnace to reconnoitre; all which
may in extenso be seen from this day's resolution. In the
afternoon our skipper Ide Tiercxz and our pilot-major Francoys
Jacobsz, in the pinnace, and Supercargo Gilsemans, with one of the
second mates of the Zeehaan in the latter's cock-boat, went on before
to seek a fitting anchorage and a good watering-place. At sunset when
it fell a calm we dropped anchor in 15 fathom, good anchoring-ground
in the evening, about an hour after sunset, we saw a number of lights
on shore and four boats close inshore, two of which came towards us,
upon which our own two boats returned on board; they reported that
they had found no less than 13 fathom water and that, when the sun
sank behind the high land, they were still about half a mile from
shore. When our men had been on board for the space of about one
glass the men in the two prows began to call out to us in the rough,
hollow voice, but we could not understand a word of what they said.
We however called out to them in answer, upon which they repeated
their cries several times, but came no nearer than a stone shot; they
also

{Page: Jnl.19}

blew several times on an instrument of which the sound was like
that of a Moorish trumpet; we then ordered one of our sailors (who
had some knowledge of trumpet-blowing) to play them some tunes in
answer. Those on board the Zeehaan ordered their second mate (who had
come out to India as a trumpeter and had in the Mauritius been
appointed second mate by the council of that fortress and the ships)
to do the same; after this had been repeated several times on both
sides, and as it was getting more and more dark, those in the native
prows at last ceased and paddled off. For more security and to be on
guard against all accidents we ordered our men to keep double watches
as we are wont to do when out at sea, and to keep in readiness all
necessaries of war, such as muskets, pikes and cutlasses. We cleaned
the guns on the upper-orlop, and placed them again, in order to
prevent surprises, and be able to defend ourselves if these people
should happen to attempt anything against us. Variation 9°
North-East.

Item the 19th.

Early in the morning a boat manned with 13 natives approached to
about a stone's cast from our ships; they called out several times
but we did not understand them, their speech not bearing any
resemblance to the vocabulary given us by the Honourable
Governor-General and Councillors of India, which is hardly to be
wondered at, seeing that it contains the language of the Salomonis
islands, etc. As far as we could observe these people were of
ordinary height; they had rough voices and strong bones, the colour
of their skin being brown and yellow; they wore tufts of black hair
right upon the top of their heads, tied fast in the manner of the
Japanese at the back of their heads, but somewhat longer and thicker,
and surmounted by a large, thick white feather. Their boats consisted
of two long narrow prows side by side, over which a number of planks
or other seats were placed in such a way that those above can look
through the water underneath the vessel: their paddles are upwards of
a fathom in length, narrow and pointed at the end; with these vessels
they could make considerable speed. For clothing, as it seemed to us,
some of them wore mats, others cotton stuffs; almost all of them were
naked from the shoulders to the waist. We repeatedly made signs for
them to come on board of us, showing them white linen and some knives
that formed part of our cargo. They did not come nearer, however, but
at last paddled back to shore. In the meanwhile, at our summons sent
the previous evening, the officers of the Zeehaan came on board of
us, upon which we convened a council and resolved to go as near the
shore as we could, since there was good anchoring-ground here, and
these people apparently sought our friendship. Shortly after we had
drawn up this resolution we saw 7 more boats put off from the shore,
one of which (high and pointed in front, manned with 17 natives)
paddled round behind the Zeehaan while another, with 13 able-bodied
men in her, approached to within half a stone's throw of our ship;
the men in these two boats now and then called out to each other; we
held up and showed them as before white linens, etc., but they
remained where they were. The skipper of the Zeehaan now sent out to
them his quartermaster with her cock-boat with six paddlers in it,
with orders for the second mates that, if these people should offer
to come alongside the Zeehaan, they should not allow too many of them
on board of her, but use great caution and be well on their guard.
While the cock-boat of the Zeehaan was paddling on its way to her
those in the prow nearest to us called out to those who were lying
behind the Zeehaan and waved their paddles to them, but we could not
make out what they meant. Just as the cock-boat of the Zeehaan had
put off from board again those in the prow before us, between the two
ships, began to paddle so furiously towards it that, when they were
about halfway slightly nearer to our ship, they struck the Zeehaan's
cock-boat so violently alongside with the stem of their prow that it
got a violent lurch, upon which the foremost man in this prow of
villains with a long, blunt pike thrust the quartermaster Cornelis
Joppen in the neck several times with so much force that the poor man
fell overboard. Upon this the other natives, with short thick clubs
which we at first mistook for heavy blunt parangs,[1] and with their paddles, fell upon the men in
the cock-boat and overcame them by main force, in which fray three of
our men were killed and a fourth got mortally wounded through the
heavy blows. The quartermaster and two sailors swam to our ship,
whence we had sent our pinnace to pick them up, which they got into
alive. After this outrageous and detestable crime the murderers sent
the cock-boat adrift, having taken one of the dead bodies into their
prow and thrown another into the sea.

[1) Knives used for cutting wood in certain parts of the
East Indies.]

{Page: Jnl.20}

Ourselves and those on board the Zeehaan seeing this, diligently
fired our muskets and guns and, although we did not hit any of them,
the two prows made haste to the shore, where they were out of the
reach of shot. With our fore upper-deck and bow guns we now fired
several shots in the direction of their prows, but none of them took
effect. There upon our skipper Ide Tercxsen Holman, in command of our
pinnace well manned and armed, rowed towards the cock-boat of the
Zeehaan (which fortunately for us these accursed villains had let
adrift) and forthwith returned with it to our ships, having found in
it one of the men killed and one mortally wounded. We now weighed
anchor and set sail, since we could not hope to enter into any
friendly relations with these people, or to be able to get water or
refreshments here. Having weighed anchor and being under sail, we saw
22 prows near the shore, of which eleven, swarming with people, were
making for our ships. We kept quiet until some of the foremost were
within reach of our guns, and then fired 1 or 2 shots from the
gun-room with our pieces, without however doing them any harm; those
on board the Zeehaan also fired, and in the largest prow hit a man
who held a small white flag in his hand, and who fell down. We also
heard the canister-shot strike the prows inside and outside, but
could not make out what other damage it had done. As soon as they had
got this volley they paddled back to shore with great speed, two of
them hoisting a sort of tingang[1]
sails. They remained lying near the shore without visiting us any
further. About noon skipper Gerrit Jansz and Mr. Gilsemans again came
on board of us; we also sent for their first mate and convened the
council, with whom we drew up the resolution following, to wit:
Seeing that the detestable deed of these natives against four men of
the Zeehaan's crew, perpetrated this morning, must teach us to
consider the inhabitants of this country as enemies; that therefore
it will be best to sail eastward along the coast, following the trend
of the land in order to ascertain whether there are any fitting
places where refreshments and water would be obtainable; all of which
will be found set forth in extenso in this day's resolution.
In this murderous spot (to which we have accordingly given the name
of Moordenaersbay[2]) we lay at
anchor on 40° 50' South Latitude, 191° 30' Longitude. From
here we shaped our course east-north-east. At noon Latitude estimated
40° 57', Longitude 191° 41'; course kept south, sailed 2
miles. In the afternoon we got the wind from the west-north-west
when, on the advice of our steersmen and with our own approval, we
turned our course north-east by north. During the night we kept
sailing as the weather was favourable, but about an hour after
midnight we sounded in 25 or 26 fathom, a hard, sandy bottom. Soon
after the wind went round to north-west, and we sounded in 15 fathom;
we forthwith tacked to await the day, turning our course to westward,
exactly contrary to the direction by which we had entered. Variation
9° 30' North-East.

This is the second land which we have sailed along and discovered.
In honour of their High Mightinesses the States-General we gave
Staten Landt[3], since we deemed
it quite possible that this land is part of the great Staten Land,
though this is not certain. This land seems to be a very fine country
and we trust that this is the mainland coast of the unknown South
land. To this course we have given the name of Abel Tasman
passagie, because he has been the first to navigate it.

[The five pages following are taken up by coast-surveyings and
drawings with inscriptions:]

A view of the mainland south of the Clypyge hoeck[4] as you sail along the coast; below there are
views of the Clypige Hoeck.

A view of the State Landt south of the Clyppige hoeck, as you sail
along the coast; below there are views of the Clyppyge Hoeck.

[On the next page:]

A view of the State Landt at the Steijle Hoeck[5], as you sail along it.

A view of the State Landt eastward of the Steijle Hoeck, as you
sail along it.

A view of the State Landt west of the sand-dunes, as you sail
along it.

[On the next page:]

[1) Small boom-sails or yard-sails, as carried by
tingangs (small Indian vessels).]

[2) Murderer's Bay.]

[3) Afterwards named New Zealand.]

[4) "Clypyge Hoeck" Rocky cape or point. In
Thévenot's map the name has got corrupted to C, Cipige hoeck,
and in other French maps of later date to Cap Spigie, e. g. in
Hydrographie Françoise, par BELLIN, second
volume.]

[5) "Steijle hoeck" = Steep point.]

{Page: Jnl.21}

A view of the sand-dunes, as you sail along them; from the eastern
extremity of these sand-dunes there projects a reef about 3 miles to
the south-east, which you have to round if you wish to get into the
Moordenaers Bay, which reef is also shown here.

[On the next page:]

A view of the Moordenaers Bay, as you are at anchor there in 15
fathom.

[Legenda:]

A. Our ships.

B. The prows which came alongside of us.

C. The cock-boat of the Zeehaen, which came paddling towards our
ship, and was overpowered by the natives, who afterwards left it
again owing to our firing; when we saw that they had left the
cock-boat, our skipper fetched it back with our pinnace.

D. A view of a native prow with the appearance of the people.

E. Our ships putting off to sea.

F. Our pinnace bringing back the cock-boat.

[On the next page.]

A view of Abel Tasmans[1] Bay,
as you lie at anchor, there in 35 fathom.

Coast-surveying. State Landt.

Item the 20th.

In the morning we saw land lying here on all sides of us, so that
we must have sailed at least 30 miles into a bay. We had at first
thought that the land off which we had anchored was an island,
nothing doubting that we should here find a passage to the open South
Sea[2]; but to our grievous
disappointment it proved quite otherwise. The wind now being westerly
we henceforth did our best by tacking to get out at the same passage
through which we had come in. At noon Latitude observed 40° 51'
South, Longitude 192° 55'; course kept east half a point
northerly, sailed 14 miles. In the afternoon it fell calm. The sea
ran very strong into this bay so that we would make no headway but
drifted back into it with the tide. At noon we tacked to northward
when we saw a round high islet west by south of us, at about 8 miles
distance which we had passed the day before; the said island lying
about 6 miles east of the place where we had been at anchor and in
the same latitude. This bay[3] into
which we had sailed so far by mistake showed us everywhere a fine
good land: near the shore the land was mainly low and barren, the
inland being moderately high. As you are approaching the land you
have everywhere an anchoring-ground gradually rising from 50 or 60
fathom to 15 fathom when you are still fully 1½ or 2 miles
from shore. At three o'clock in the afternoon we got a light breeze
from the south-east but as the sea was very rough we made little or
no progress. During the night we drifted in a calm; in the second
watch, the wind being westerly, we tacked to northward.

Item the 21st.

During the night in the dog-watch we had a westerly wind with a
strong breeze; we steered to the north, hoping that the land which we
had had north-west of us the day before might fall away to northward,
but after the cook had dished we again ran against it and found that
it still extended to the north-west. We now tacked, turning from the
land again and, as it began to blow fresh, we ran south-west over
towards the south shore. At noon, Latitude observed 40° 31',
Longitude 192° 55'; course kept north, sailed 5 miles. The
weather was hazy so that we could not see land. Halfway through the
afternoon we again saw the south coast; the island which the day
before we had west of us at about 6 miles distance now lay south-west
by south of us at about 4 miles distance. We made for it, running on
until the said island was north-north-west of us, then dropped our
anchor behind a number of cliffs in 33 fathom, sandy ground mixed
with shells. There are many islands and cliffs all round here. We
struck our sail-yards for it was blowing a storm from the north-west
and west-north-west.

Item the 22nd.

The wind north-west by north and blowing so hard that there was no
question of going under sail in order to make any progress; we found
it difficult enough for the anchor to hold. We therefore set to
refitting our ship. We are lying here in 40° 50' South Latitude
and Longitude 192° 37'; course held south-west by south, sailed 6
miles. During the night we got the wind so hard

from the north-west that we had to strike our tops and drop
another anchor. The Zeehaan was almost forced from her anchor and
therefore hove out another anchor likewise.

Item the 23rd.

The weather still dark, hazy and drizzling; the wind north-west
and west-north-west with a storm so that to our great regret we could
not make any headway.

Item the 24th.

Still rough, unsteady weather, the wind still north-west and
stormy; in the morning when there was a short calm we hoisted the
white flag and got the officers of the Zeehaan on board of us. We
then represented to them that since the tide was running from the
south-east there was likely to be a passage through[1], so that perhaps it would be best, as soon as
wind and weather should permit, to investigate this point and see
whether we could get fresh water there; all of which may in
extenso be seen from the resolution drawn up concerning this
matter.

Item the 25th.

In the morning we reset our tops and sailyards, but out at sea
things looked still so gloomy that we did not venture to weigh our
anchor. Towards evening it fell a calm so that we took in part of our
cable.

Item the 26th.

In the morning, two hours before day, we got the wind
east-north-east with a light breeze. We weighed anchor and set sail,
steered our course to northward, intending to sail northward round
this land; at daybreak it began to drizzle, the wind went round to
the south-east, and afterwards to the south as far as the south-west,
with a stiff breeze. We had soundings in 60 fathom, and set our
course by the wind to westward. At noon Latitude estimated 40°
13', Longitude 192° 7'; course kept north-north-west, sailed 20
miles. Variation 8° 40'. During the night we lay to with small
sail.

Item the 27th.

In the morning at daybreak we made sail again, set our course to
northward, the wind being south-west with a steady breeze; at noon
Latitude observed 38° 38', Longitude 190° 15'; course kept
north-west, sailed 26 miles. At noon we shaped our course north-east.
During the night we lay to under small sail. Variation 8°
20'.

Item the 28th.

In the morning at daybreak we made sail again, set our course to
eastward in order to ascertain whether the land we had previously
seen in 40° extends still further northward, or whether it falls
away to eastward. At noon we saw east by north of us a high mountain
which we at first took to be an island; but afterwards we observed
that it forms part of the mainland. We were then about 5 miles from
shore and took soundings in 50 fathom, fine sand mixed with clay.
This high mountain is in 38° South Latitude. So far as I could
observe this coast extends south and north. It fell a calm, but when
there came a light breeze from the north-north-east we tacked to the
north-west. At noon Latitude estimated 38° 2', Longitude 192°
23'; course held north-east by east, sailed 16 miles. Towards the
evening the wind went round to north-east and north-east by east,
stiffening more and more, so that at the end of the first watch we
had to take in our topsails. Variation 8° 30'.

Item the 29th.

In the morning at daybreak we took in our bonnets and had to lower
our foresail down to the stem. At noon Latitude estimated 37°
17', Longitude 191° 26'; towards noon we again set our foresail
and then tacked to westward, course kept north-west, sailed 16
miles.

Item the 30th.

In the morning, the weather having somewhat improved, we set our
topsails and slid out our bonnets. We had the Zeehaan to lee of us,
tacked and made towards her. We then had the wind west-north-west
with a top-gallant gale. At noon Latitude observed 37°, Longitude
191° 55'; course held north-east, sailed 7 miles. Towards evening
we again saw the land bearing from us north-east and
north-north-east, on which account we steered north and north-east.
Variation 8° 40' North-East.

[The next page has two coast-surveyings, with
inscriptions:]

A view of the Staete Landt in 38° 30' S. Latitude.

A view of the Staete Landt in 36° S. Latitude.

Item the last.

At noon we tacked about to northward, the wind being
west-north-west with a light breeze. At noon Latitude observed
36° 45', Longitude 191° 46'; course kept north-west, sailed 7
miles. In the evening we were about 3 miles from shore; at the
expiration of 4 glasses in the first watch we again tacked to the
north; during the night we threw the lead in 80 fathom. This coast
here extends south-east and north-west; the land is high in some
places and covered with dunes in others. Variation 8°.

[January 1643]

Item the 1st of January.

In the morning we drifted in a calm along the coast which here
still

[1) Compare Visscher's chart from the Huydecoper
manuscript in my annexed Life of Tasman, chapter XIII.]

{Page: Jnl.23}

stretches north-west and south-east. The coast here is level and
even, without reefs or shoals. At noon we were in Latitude 36°
12', Longitude 191° 7'; course kept north-west, sailed 10 miles.
About noon the wind came from the south-south-east and south-east; we
now shaped our course west-north-west in order to keep off shore
since there was a heavy surf running. Variation 8° 30'
North-East.

Item the 2nd.

Calm weather. Halfway through the afternoon we got a breeze from
the east; we directed our course to the north-north-west; at the end
of the first watch, however, we turned our course to the north-west
so as not to come too near the shore and prevent accidents, seeing
that in the evening we had the land north-north-west of us. At noon
we were in Latitude 35° 55', Longitude 190° 47'; course kept
north-west by west, sailed 7 miles. Variation 9°.

Item the 3rd.

In the morning we saw the land east by north of us at about 6
miles distance and were surprised to find ourselves so far from
shore. At noon Latitude observed 35° 20', Longitude 190° 17',
course held north-west by north, sailed 11 miles. At noon the wind
went round to the south-south-east, upon which we steered our course
east-north-east to get near the shore again. In the evening we saw
land north and east-south-east of us.

Item the 4th.

In the morning we found ourselves near a cape, and had an island
north-west by north of us, upon which we hoisted the white flag for
the Officers of the Zeehaan to come on board of us, with whom we
resolved to touch at the island aforesaid to see if we could there
get fresh water, vegetables, etc. At noon Latitude observed 34°
35', Longitude 191° 9'; course kept north-east, sailed 15 miles,
with the wind south-east. Towards noon we drifted in a calm and found
ourselves in the midst of a very heavy current which drove us to the
westward. There was besides a heavy sea running from the north-east
here, which gave us great hopes of finding a passage here. This cape
which we had east-north-east of us is in 34° 30' South Latitude.
The land here falls away to eastward. In the evening we sent to the
Zeehaan the pilot-major with the secretary, as we were close to this
island and, so far as we could see, were afraid there would be
nothing there of what we were in want of; we therefore asked the
opinion of the officers of the Zeehaan whether it would not be best
to run on, if we should get a favourable wind during the night, which
the officers of the Zeehaan fully agreed with. Variation 8° 40'
North-East.

[The two pages following. contain a double-page chart of New
Zealand from Cape Maria Van Diemen as far as the 43rd degree
S. Latitude, with inscription:]

Staete landt: this and was made and discovered by the ships
Heemskerck and Zeehaen, the Hon. Abel Tasman commander, A.D. 1642,
the 13th of December.

[The next two pages contain two double-page coast-surveyings,
with inscriptions:]

A view of Drie Coningen Island[1], when it is north-west of you at 4 miles'
distance.

A view of Drie Coningen Island, when you are at anchor on the
north-west side of it in 40 fathom; to this island we gave the name
of Drie Coningen Island, because we came to anchor there on
Twelfth-night-eve, and sailed thence again on Twelfth-day.

Item the 5th.

In the morning we still drifted in a calm, but about 9 o'clock we
got a slight breeze from the south-east, whereupon with our friends
of the Zeehaan we deemed it expedient to steer our course for the
island before mentioned. About noon we sent to the said island our
pinnace with the pilot-major, together with the cock-boat of the
Zeehaan with Supercargo Gilsemans in it, in order to find out whether
there was any fresh water to be obtained there[2]. Towards the evening they returned on board
and reported that, having come near the land, they had paid close
attention to everything and had taken due precautions against sudden
surprises or assaults on the part of the natives; that they had
entered a safe but small bay, where they had found good fresh water,
coming in great plenty from a steep mountain, but that, owing to the
heavy surf on the shore, it was highly dangerous, nay well-nigh
impossible for us to get water there, that therefore they pulled
farther round the said island, trying to find some other more
convenient water-place elsewhere, that on the said land they saw in
several places on the highest hills from 30 to 35 persons, men of
tall stature, so far as they could see from a distance, armed with
sticks or clubs, who called out to them in a very loud, rough voice,
certain words which our men could not understand; that these persons,
in walking on, took

[2) The sailor's journal in the Sweers collection gives
some more particulars, without great interest however.]

{Page: Jnl.24}

enormous steps or strides. As our men were rowing about some few
in number now and then showed themselves on the hill-tops, from which
our men very credibly concluded that these natives in this way
generally keep in readiness their assegais, boats and small arms,
after their wonted fashions; so that it may fairly be inferred that
few, if any, more persons inhabit the said island than those who
showed themselves; for in rowing round the island our men nowhere saw
any dwellings or cultivated land except just by the fresh water above
referred to, where higher up on both sides the running water they saw
everywhere square beds looking green and pleasant, but owing to the
great distance they could not discern what kind of vegetables they
were. It is quite possible that all these persons had their dwellings
near the said fresh water. In the bay aforesaid they also saw two
prows hauled on shore, one of them seaworthy, the other broken, but
they nowhere saw any other craft. Our men having returned on board
with the pinnace, we forthwith did our best to get near the shore,
and in the evening we anchored in 40 fathom, good bottom, at a small
swivel-gun-shot distance from the coast. We forthwith made
preparations for taking in water the next day. The said island is in
34° 25' South Latitude and 190° 40' average Longitude.

Item the 6th.

Early in the morning we sent to the watering-place the two boats,
to wit ours and the cock-boat of the Zeehaan, each furnished with two
pederaroes, 6 musketeers, and the rowers with pikes and side-arms,
together with our pinnace with the pilot-major Francoys Jacobsz and
skipper Gerrit Jansz, with casks for getting fresh water. While
rowing towards the shore they saw, in various places on the heights,
a tall man standing with a long stick like a pike, apparently
watching our men. As they were rowing past he had called out to them
in a very loud voice; when they had got about halfway to the
watering-place, between a certain point and another large high rock
or small island, they found the current to run so strongly against
the wind that, with the empty boats, they had to do their utmost to
hold their own; for which reason the pilot-major and Gerrit Jansz,
skipper of the Zeehaan, agreed together to abstain from exposing the
small craft and the men to such great peril, seeing that there was
still a long voyage before them and the men and the small craft were
greatly wanted by the ships. They therefore pulled back to the ships,
the rather as a heavy surf was rolling on the shore near the
watering-place. The breeze freshening, we could easily surmise that
they had not been able to land, and now made a sign to them from our
ship with the furled flag, and fired a gun to let them know that they
were at liberty to return, but they were already on their way back
before we signalled to them. The pilot-major, having come alongside
our ship again with the boats, reported that owing to the wind the
attempt to land there was too dangerous, seeing that the sea was
everywhere near the shore full of hard rocks without any sandy
ground, so that they would have greatly imperilled the men and run
the risk of having the water-casks injured or stove in; we forthwith
summoned the officers of the Zeehaan and the second mates on board of
us, and convened a council in which it was resolved to weigh anchor
directly and to run on an easterly course as far as 220°
Longitude, in accordance with the preceding resolution; then to shape
our course to northward, or eventually due north, as far as Latitude
17° South, after which we shall hold our course due west in order
to run straight of the Cocos and Hoorense islands, where we shall
take in fresh water and refreshments; or if we should meet with any
other island before these we shall endeavour to touch at them, in
order to ascertain what can be obtained there; all this being duly
specified and set forth at length in this day's resolution, to which
for briefness sake we beg leave to refer. About noon we set sail; at
noon we had the island due south of us at about 3 miles distance; in
the evening at sunset it was south-south-west of us at 6 or 7 miles
distance, the island and the rocks lying south-west and north-east of
each other. During the night it was pretty calm with an
east-south-east wind, our course being north-north-east, very close
to the wind, while the tide was running in from the north-east.

Item the 7th.

Good weather, the wind blowing from east by south and
east-south-east with a topsail breeze; at noon Latitude observed
33° 25', Longitude 191° 9'; course kept north-east, sailed 16
miles. The sea is running very high from the eastward, so that in the
direction there is not likely to be any mainland. Variation 8°
30'.

Item the 8th.

During the night we had good weather, in the forenoon fog and
drizzling rain; during the whole of these twenty-four hours we had
the wind from south-east, with a

{Page: Jnl.25}

top-gallant gale. At noon Latitude observed 32° 25', Longitude
192° 20'; course kept north-east, sailed 21 miles. The great
swells now come from the south-east. This passage from Batavia to
Chili is in smooth water so that there is no objection to following
it; we shall hereafter describe this passage in a series of sailing
instructions, but at present must omit doing so for valid reasons.
Variation 9° North-East.

In the forenoon it continued calm with a light breeze from the
east; at noon Latitude observed 31° 28', Longitude 192° 43';
course held north, sailed 9 miles; in the afternoon the wind blew
from the east-north-east with a light top-gallant breeze, our course
still being over to northward close to the wind. In the evening at
sunset the wind went round to north by east so that we had to tack to
eastward. Variation 10° 20' North-East.

Item the 11th.

The wind still northerly with a light topsail breeze, seas running
from the east-south-east and from the south-west at the same time
against each other. At noon Latitude estimated 31° 10' south,
Longitude 193° 35'; course kept east-north-east, sailed 12 miles.
In the afternoon the wind turning to the north-north-west we changed
our course to east-north-east; in the evening the wind went round
again to west-south-west with a squall of rain, upon which we shaped
our course north-eastward. Variation 10°.

Item the 12th.

The wind west-south-west with a topsail breeze, seas still running
against each other, both from south-west and south-east. At noon
Latitude observed 30° 5', Longitude 195° 27'; course kept
north-east by east, sailed 29 miles; towards evening the wind turned
to the west. Variation 9° 30'.

Item the 13th.

Good weather with a clear sky and a westerly wind with a light
topsail breeze; at noon Latitude observed 29° 10', Longitude
196° 32'; course kept north-east, sailed 20 miles; the sea keeps
running from the south-west and south-east; in the evening 9°
North-East.

Item the 14th.

In the morning we had the wind from the south with a light breeze,
the sea still running high both from the south-west and from the
south-east as well. At noon Latitude observed 28° 40', Longitude
197° 5'; course kept north-east, sailed 10 miles; at noon the
wind went round to the south-east with a slackening breeze. Up to now
we have had westerly winds. Variation 8° 30' North-East.

Item the 15th.

Good weather, the sea running from the south-west is beginning to
smooth, so that the swells from the south-west have abated a good
deal, but the sea is still running strong from the south-east. At
noon Latitude estimated 27° 43', Longitude 198° 9'; course
kept north-east, sailed 20 miles; the wind being south-south-east
with a light topsail breeze. According to my estimation we are now
105 miles east of the Salomonis islands but only 62 miles according
to the average of our longitude. Variation 8° 15'.

Item the 16th.

Good weather with a clear sky and the wind blowing from the
eastward; the sea still running in from all sides; we had a light
topsail breeze. At noon Latitude observed 26° 29', Longitude
199° 32'; course kept north-east, sailed 26 miles. In the evening
the wind turned to the south-east.

Good weather with a grey sky and trade-wind weather, the wind
blowing from the south with a light topsail breeze. At noon Latitude
estimated 24° 18' South, Longitude 201° 45'; course kept
north-east and north-east by north, sailed 20 miles with small
showers now and then.

Item the 19th.

Good weather; the wind south-east with a steady trade-wind and
smooth water. At noon Latitude observed 22° 46', Longitude
203° 27'; course kept north-east, sailed 33 miles. About two
o'clock in the afternoon we saw land bearing from us east by north,
at about 8 miles distance. We held our course towards it but could
not make it owing to the sharpness of the wind. This island bears a
resemblance to two women's breasts when it bears from you east by
north at

[1) Here the margin of the original manuscript has a note
in a different hand: "a mistake, probably, for 31°
4'."]

{Page: Jnl.26}

6 miles distance, and is situated in 22° 35' South Latitude
and 204° 15' Longitude. It is not large, about 2 or 3 miles in
circumference, and to the view appears a high and barren island. We
should have greatly liked to sail close along it in order to
ascertain whether we should have any chance of getting fresh water or
refreshments there, but we could not get nearer to it on account of
the sharpness of the wind; we tacked close to the wind. Seeing that
in the great chart of the South Sea there are 4 islands situated in
this latitude, I am inclined to believe that this is one of them.
Variation 7° 30'.

[At this place the text has two coast-surveyings, with
inscriptions:]

A view of the Hooge Pijlsteeren Island[1], when it is east-north-east of you at 6
miles' distance.

A view of the Hooge Pylsterten Island, when it is east-south-east
of you at 3 miles' distance.

Item the 20th.

In the morning at sunrise we still saw the island which we had
seen the day before; it now lay south-south-west of us at about 6
miles distance; to this island we have given the name of Hooge
Pylstaerts island because there were so many pylstaerten
(tropic-birds) about it. We had a south-east and south-east by south
wind, with trade-wind weather and a topsail breeze. At noon Latitude
observed 21° 50', Longitude 204° 45'; course kept north-east
by east, sailed 24 miles. About one o'clock in the afternoon we saw
land, bearing from us east at about 8 miles distance; we steered our
course for it, and at night lay to with small sail. Variation 7°
15' North-East.

[At this place the text has two coast-surveyings, with
inscriptions:]

A view of the island of Amsterdam, when it is
east-north-east of you, at 3 miles' distance.

A view of the island of Middelburch, when it is east by
south of you, at 4 miles' distance.

Item the 21st.

In the morning we had a calm; we had the southernmost island east
by south of us at about five miles distance; we shaped our course for
the northernmost island which is[2] in
21° 50' South Latitude, Longitude 205° 29', and sailed to the
north-west of the island where we dropped anchor in 25 fathom, coral
bottom. The place where we came to anchor is in 21° 20' South
Latitude and Longitude 205° 29'. These two islands are nearly
south-east and north-west of each other; we could see through between
them, where there was a passage about 1½ mile in width. The
one to the south-east was the highest, the northernmost one being a
low-lying island, much like Holland. To the northernmost we gave the
name of Amsterdam[3] because of the
abundance of refreshments we got there, and the southernmost we
christened Middleburch[4]. At noon a
small prow with three men in it put off from land and came near our
ship; these men were naked, of a brown colour and slightly above the
ordinary stature; two of them had long, thick hair on their heads,
the third wore his close cut; they had only their privities covered
with a curious small bit of cloth; their prow was a very narrow one,
covered in to a good distance in front and abaft; their paddles were
of ordinary length, with blades broad in the middle; they called out
to us several times, to which we responded in the same way, but we
could not understand each other. We showed them white linen, throwing
overboard a piece upwards of 1½ fathom in length, which they
seeing paddled towards it, but as it had sunk to a considerable depth
under the water the foremost man in the prow jumped out and dived for
it. He remained under water for a very long time, but at last
reappeared with the linen and got into the prow again, where he put
it several times atop of his head, in sign of gratitude. They then
gradually approached us with their prow, upon which we threw out to
them a piece of wood to which we had fastened two large nails; we
then handed out to them a small Chinese looking-glass with a string
of Chinese beads, which they drew up into their prow by means of a
long stick, to which they tied one of their fish-hooks with a small
fishing-line, which they handed up to us to show their gratitude.
This fish-hook was made of mother-of-pearl and shaped like a small
anchovy. They repeatedly put the string of beads and the
looking-glass on their heads; the middlemost man in the prow tied the
nails round his neck, but as the looking-glass was closed with a
slide they could not see themselves in

[1) "Hooge Pijlstaerten Eylandt" = High Tropic-Bird
Island. "Pijlstaert" = arrow-tailed, is the Dutch name for the
Tropic-bird. The name is sometimes corrupted to "Pleysters-eiland",
e.g. in Goos' atlas, 1666.]

[2) The Huydecoper copy of the journal has here: "because
it was the larger of the two islands This southernmost island
is in 21° 50' S. L., Longitude 205° 29'."--The sailor's
journal has some more particulars about the dates from Jan. 21 to
Jan. 23, without interest however. In MONTANUS, America en 't
Zuid-land, pp. 579 ff. the naval surgeon Hendrik Haelbos gives some
curious particulars.]

[3) Or Tonga-tabu, the principal island of the group
which Captain Cook named the Friendly Islands.]

[4) Or Eavo-wee, also Eua.]

{Page: Jnl.27}

it. We therefore handed down another to them which they looked
into, and laid on their heads. We now showed them an old coconut and
a fowl, and with aid of our vocabulary inquired after water, hogs,
etc.; they did not understand us nor we them, but they constantly
kept pointing to the shore. When we had made them a present of the
objects aforementioned, and had shown them the coconut and the fowl,
they at last paddled back to shore again and made signs to us, as if
they were going to fetch the like from shore. At noon and in the
afternoon we saw numbers of people walking along the shore, some of
them with small white flags which we surmised to be signs of peace
and amity. We therefore also hoisted our white flag astern, upon
which there came alongside our ship a small prow with four persons in
it; they were able-bodied men, having their bodies painted black from
the waist to the thighs, their necks hung round with leaves; they
carried a small white flag and a cloth made of the bark of trees.
They fastened the said flag to the stem of our boat. The outriggers
of their prow were trimmed with shells and conches. From these
presents and from the embellishments of their prow, which seemed to
be distinguished above the others, we concluded that this prow had
been sent off by the king or chief of the country. We therefore
presented these men with a small Chinese looking-glass, a knife, a
piece of dungaree[1], and one or two
nails. We filled a rummer of wine for them, from which we first drank
ourselves lest they should think we were going to poison them or do
them other harm; having taken the rummer they poured out the wine and
took the rummer on shore with them. Shortly afterwards a great number
of prows came alongside, some of them with 5 or 6, others with 10 or
12 coconuts, all of which we bartered against old nails; three or
four coconuts against a double middle-sized nail. Some of them came
swimming from the land with coconuts, all of which we bartered with
them. After some time an aged man came on board of us to whom all the
others paid honour, so that we concluded him to be one of their
chiefs. We conducted him to the cabin; he did us reverence by
inclining his head down to our feet; we paid our respects to him in
return after our own fashion, and showed him a cup with fresh water
which he showed us by signs to be obtainable on shore; we then
presented him with a knife, a small looking-glass, and a piece of
dungaree. As they were leaving the cabin one of the natives was
caught in the act of stealing the skipper's pistol and a pair of
slippers. We took these articles from him again without showing the
least dissatisfaction. Many of these people had the lower part of the
body painted black down to the knees, some had a mother-of-pearl
shell hanging on the breast. Towards evening about 20 prows came
close to our ships, which all stationed themselves side by side in
regular order. Before coming alongside they made a good deal of
noise, crying out repeatedly "Woo, woo, woo," etc., upon which those
in our ship sat down. The said prows then came alongside, bringing a
present from the king, consisting of a fine large hog, a number of
coconuts, and some yams; the bearer of these presents being the same
person who brought us the small white flag and the cloth of bark. We
presented them in return with a common dish such as we use at meals,
and a piece of copper-wire; we also bartered a few coconuts,
baccovos[2], yams and a hog, etc.,
against nails and beads; about nightfall they all left our ship
except one who remained to sleep on board of the Heemskerk.

Item the 22nd.

Early in the morning again a number of boats came alongside with
coconuts, yams, baccovos, bananas, hogs and fowls, all of which we
bartered with them; to wit, a young hog against a small fathom of
dungaree, a fowl against a nail or a string of beads; coconuts, yams,
bananas, etc., against old nails. Several women, both young and old,
also came on board of us, the oldest of them having the little finger
of both hands cut off, but not so the young women; what this meant we
could not ascertain. About 8 o'clock the old man of the day before
again came on board, bringing us 2 hogs in return for which we
presented him with a silver-mounted knife and 8 or 9 nails. We
conducted him below and went all over the ship with him, and caused
one of our great guns to be fired, at which they were greatly
frightened and ran away in amazement, but when they saw that no one
was the worse for it they were soon set at ease again. We presented
this old man with a piece of figured satin, a hat and a shirt, which
we put on him. About noon 32 small and one large ditto, furnished
with sails, and like those delineated in Jacob la Maire's journal No.
[3] came alongside. From

[1) A sort of cotton-cloth exported from the East Indies
by the Company's ships.]

[2) Baccovo or pacoba is the fruit of a species of Musa
Paradisiaca; the English name of the fruit is
"plantain."]

[3) This No. left blank in the MS., refers to Plate G of
the first editions (1618/19) of Le Maire's Voyage.]

{Page: Jnl.28}

these prows 18 strong men and a few females stepped on board of
our ship, bringing with them as a present a few bark-mats and fruits
such as coconuts, yams and other roots which we had no knowledge of.
We presented the leader of these persons with a shirt, a pair of
drawers, a small looking-glass and a few beads; we put the shirt and
the drawers on him, in which he thought himself very gallantly
attired. Among these 18 persons there was a bony, corpulent man with
a St. Thomas arm[1], and a woman who had
a small natural beard growing about the mouth. We made the second
mate of the Zeehaan come on board of us with his trumpet, and one of
her sailors with a violin, and from time to time had them blow and
play tunes together with our own trumpeter and one of our sailors who
could play the German flute, at which music they were greatly
astonished. Meanwhile we had a number of water-casks lowered into our
boat and the Zeehaan's cock-boat that our men might together with
these people go and see whether there was any fresh water to be
obtained here, as had been determined in our resolution; we placed a
first mate in command of each of the boats while our skipper Ide
Tjercxz and Supercargo Gilsemans accompanied them in our pinnace,
into which we also put the old man and the leader of the natives who
had last come on board, these two undertaking to show the
watering-place to our men. We also put a number of musketeers into
our pinnace, for though these natives seem to be good-natured enough
it is impossible to know what they hide in their hearts, for which
reason we armed our people to be prepared for all accidents. When our
boats had rowed a considerable distance along the north-east side of
this land they were finally conducted to three small wells, from
which water had to be dipped up by means of a coconut-shell. This
water was quite unfit to be drunk, of a dirty greenish colour, and
there was so little of it that it would have been of little use even
if it had been good to drink. The people who had pointed out these
wells to our men now led them inland to a kind of pleasance and to an
elegant baleye[2] or raised and roofed
platform, where our men were invited to sit down on handsome mats;
but the natives brought them nothing but two coconut-shells filled
with water, one for their chieftain and the other for our skipper.
Towards the evening our men returned on board with a live hog and
reported that there was no chance of getting water there. In the
course of this day we obtained by barter upwards of 40 hogs, giving
in exchange for each of them a double middle-sized nail and half a
fathom of old canvas; and besides about 70 fowls, for each of which
we gave a double middle-sized nail, etc., and a quantity of yams,
coconuts and other fruit in exchange for beads. In the evening one of
the chiefs had a roasted pig, some yams and other roots brought on
board of us. The natives here have no knowledge of tobacco or of
smoking of any kind; their women have the body covered from the waist
to the knees with mats made of the leaves of trees, the rest of the
body being naked; they wear their hair shorter than the men; the
beards of the latter are as a rule the length of three or four
finger's breadths, the hair on the upper lip being cut pretty short
so that their mustachios are no longer than about two straw's
breadths. We saw no arms worn by these people so that it was all
peace and amity here. The current is not strong here, the flood runs
south-west and the ebb north-east, which in our estimation makes it
high-water with a south-westerly moon; the rise and fall of the tide
is about 7 or 8 feet.

Item the 23rd.

In the morning we went to the shore with Skipper Gerrit Jansz and
our two boats together with the pinnace for the purpose of digging
wells to obtain fresh water; when coming ashore we forthwith went to
the wells and made signs to the chief that the wells would have to be
made larger, upon which he directly ordered his men to do this work
for us. He then went with us to the baleye or platform, and caused a
mat to be spread on which we seated ourselves. When we were seated he
had refreshments brought in, such as fresh milk and cream, fresh fish
and various kinds of fruit, of which there is great abundance here,
and in every way showed us respect and friendship. They then asked us
where we had come from and where were going, upon which we told them
that we had been at sea for a hundred days and upwards, at which they
were greatly astonished; we

[2) "Baleye"; a building open on four sides, where
meetings were held, public affairs transacted, foreigners received in
state, etc.]

{Page: Jnl.29}

also told them that we had come there in search of fresh water,
hogs, fowls, etc., to which they answered that they had plenty of
them, as many as we wished. We then got 8 casks filled with water,
and they presented us with four live hogs and a number of fowls,
coconuts, bananas, etc. In return we offered them one fathom of
linen, 6 nails and six strings of beads, for which they cordially
thanked us. We then went up to the white flag with the three chiefs,
signifying to them that we wished to leave the said flag near the
platform in sign of peace and amity, at which they expressed great
satisfaction and put the flag on their heads one after the other,
thereby giving to understand that they desired nothing but our
friendship. They next fastened the flag to the baleye as a sign that
they had made a covenant with us. As the bottom here is steep and
abruptly falling off our anchor lost its hold by the trade-wind in
the afternoon, so that we drifted out to sea without our being able
to prevent it; we did our best to haul our anchor on the bow but, as
we had but few men on board, we could not secure it before midnight.
In the course of this day we still got by barter a number of pigs and
fowls, so that in all we have got for the two ships a hundred head of
hogs, 150 fowls and a reasonable quantity of coconuts, yams and other
fruit; we were compelled to stay on board the Zeehaan for the night
since we could not get on board our own ship.

[In this place under the text are given the legenda referring
to the full-page drawing on the next page:]

A. Our ships at anchor in the road-stead; to this road-stead we
have given the name of Van Diemen's Reede, in honour of the
Hon. Governor-General.

B. Small prows, which come on paddling in great triumph with
presents from the King.

C. A sailing vessel consisting of two prows placed side by side,
and united by a floor covering both of them.

D. A prow which they use to go out fishing in.

E. The way in which they come swimming to our ships with
cocoa-nuts and yams.

F. The cape round which their King resides.

[The two pages following are taken up by two full-page
drawings.]

[The next page contains the legenda referring to the second of
these drawings:]

G. The place where our boats are lying to take in the casks of
water.

H. The place where they came to meet our men with cocoa-nuts tied
together, and sat down with small peace-flags fastened to the shells
of the cocoa-nuts, in sign of welcome.

I. The place where our men stand with their muskets, mounting
guard.

K. The King's Baleye on which we sat down with him and were well
regaled, the whole fenced in by a pagger.

L. The place where the King and his nobles perform their ablutions
every day.

M. The prows of the natives lying at anchor.

N. The natives of the country, their mode of sitting and standing,
together with their dress.

0. The bay near which the King resides and where his vessel is at
anchor; to this bay we have given the name of Maria bay in
honour of the Hon. consort of the Hon. Governor-General Aanthonij van
Diemen.

Item the 24th.

In the morning the Heemskerk had drifted fully 4 miles to leeward
of this island; the flute Zeehaan having weighed anchor, we got near
each other again on the forenoon so that we could get on board our
own ship. We then ordered the steersmen of the Zeehaan to come on
board of us, also whereupon we convened the council and submitted to
the consideration of all persons assembled the points following:
seeing that we have been forced to leave this island by an accident
and against our will, seeing that there is small chance for us to
come near it again except with great loss of time, seeing that there
is hardly any water worth mentioning to be obtained there, whether it
would not be best and most advisable to proceed on our voyage in
accordance with the proceeding resolution, and in case we should meet
with other islands to touch at the same, all which was approved by
the council as may be seen from the resolution under this day's date.
At the place where we had been at anchor there were two islets, high
but small, about 1 or 1½ miles in circumference, bearing from
us north by west at 7 or 8 miles distance. We now set our course
north-eastward with a steady, south-easterly trade-wind. At noon we
had the two islets aforesaid due east[1]
of us at 4 miles distance.

[1) The margin of the MS. has a note here in a different
hand: "This should be west."]

{Page: Jnl.30}

These islets we estimated to lie in 20° 50' South Latitude,
Longitude 206° 46'. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon,
east-north-east of us at four or five miles distance, we again saw a
low-lying island of pretty large extent. We steered straight for it.
Shortly afterwards we saw east of us 3 small islets, likewise in the
south-east 2 small islets, all of them low-lying; the farthest were
at about 3 or 4 miles distance south-east of us. We now set our
course due east-north-east, towards the largest of them, and anchored
in 12 fathom, shelly bottom, at a swivel-gunshot distance from shore
on the west side of the island; about an hour before sunset we had at
the western extremity a large high island north-west by north of us
at about 8 or 9 miles distance; and close to this, but more to
eastward and north-west of us, still another island, round and a good
deal higher still than the previous one, in height and size
resembling Cracatouw in Zunda straits, at the same distance from us;
furthermore from the north to the north-east by north we saw 7 more
small islets at about 3 or 4 miles distance from us. All these
islands are surrounded by a steep, abruptly descending ground so that
it is impossible to approach them sounding; on which account one has
to anchor by sight, close inshore; almost all of them are surrounded
by coral reefs. Variation 7° North-East.

[At this place in the text there are two coast-surveyings, with
inscriptions:]

A view of the island of Rotterdam, when it is
east-north-east of you at 3 miles' distance.

A view of the island of Namocaki, when it is east of you at 4
miles' distance.

Item the 25th.

Early in the morning several prows came alongside with coconuts,
yams, bananas, etc., to be bartered against nails of which their very
desirous. There seemed to be few people living in the said island;
some who seemed to be the most notable of them came on board of us
and were by us presented with small pieces of linen, knives, small
looking-glasses, etc. We then gave them to understand by signs that
we were in want of fresh water, upon which they signified to us that
this was to be obtained on shore in great plenty. We therefore
resolved to send ashore the pilot-major Francoys Jacobsz and Skipper
Gerrit Jansz with our pinnace together with the two boats, taking
with them one of these natives to point out the watering-place to
them. We handed into the pinnace a knife, a small looking-glass and a
little flag in token of peace, and signified to them that we did not
want to have their water without reward or payment. About two hours
before sunset our pinnace returned with the Skipper and the
pilot-major who reported that, on landing, they had seen from 60 to
70 persons seated on the beach, who, as they thought, formed the
entire male population of the island; they had no arms but seemed to
be a kind and peaceable sort of people; our men also saw many women
and children; they conducted our men into the interior by a good
path. These people proved to be exceedingly thievish for they stole
whatever they could lay hands on, men and women alike. Our men
followed them about 2/3 of a mile into the interior, where they came
to a fresh inland piece of water, fully 1/4 mile in circumference,
and no less than 1½ or 2 fathom above the level of the sea,
but they did not know it was so near the shore; as they were going
along the said piece of water they found it to be at the northern
side of the island, at about a musket-shot distance from the sea,
where there was a good sandy bay for landing with the boats, the
water being conveniently smooth for embarking the casks; out at sea
before the said sandy bay there was a coral reef on which the surf
broke with great violence; and since the said coral reef has an
opening on the west side it will be possible for our boats at low
water to row along the shore and inside the coral reef into the
smooth water. But in order to get to the sandy beach the water must
first have risen about 1 1/2 or 2 feet higher. This bay was on the
north side of the islet and, as our ships were lying on the
north-west side, they had to row upwards of a mile along the shore.
They were very glad to have found this fresh water. About three hours
after sunset our two boats came alongside with filled water-casks,
having been prevented from coming earlier by the falling of the
water, which here rises and falls about 8 feet. In this fresh water
aforesaid they had seen numbers of wild ducks swimming, which were
not all shy or afraid of men. These natives brought on board several
coconuts and gourds full of water; also some fruit and hogs, but not
many; they had prows with sails, as well as smaller ones; their
dress, appearance and manners are like those of the inhabitants of
the other island, except that as a rule the men have shorter and
thinner hair than the others; the women are, comparatively speaking,
just as strong and able-bodied as the men. This island is in Latitude
20° 15', average Longitude 206° 19'; we gave to it the name
of Rotterdam, seeing that here we got our casks filled with water.
Variation 6° 20' North-East.

{Page: Jnl.31}

[The two pages following contain two full-page drawings of the
island of Anamocka[1] with inscriptions,
and legenda referring to various details:]

Anamocka by us christened the island of Rotterdam.

A. Our ships lying at anchor in the road-stead before Anamocka; to
this road-stead we have given the name of Cornelis Vanderlins
Reede.

B. A sandy bay, from which they come paddling to the ships with
their prows.

C. The bay whence we fetched water; to this bay we have given the
name of Justus Schoutens bay.

D. The inland piece of fresh water.

E. Their sailing-vessel, made of a prow, coming from the other
islands with cocoa-nuts and yam-roots.

F. The place where our boats are lying to take in water.

G. The natives of the country, as they came to us on the shore,
with the manner of their dress, stature and appearance.

Item the 26th.

This day we fetched for each of the ships two more boatloads of
water, each consisting of 10 or 11 casks, both great and small; we
also bartered still a good many coconuts, bananas and other fruit
against beads and old nails.

Item the 27th.

We still kept taking in water and bartering refreshments; before
sunset we had again got on board two boatloads of water for each
ship.

Item the 28th.

In the morning at early dawn myself with Skipper Gerrit Jansz
again went to the watering-place with our two boats and the pinnace.
Our main purpose was to shoot wild ducks but we could not get any. As
we were engaged in putting off from shore with the loaded boats one
of the natives approached with the intention of secretly carrying off
a long pike, which he had actually snatched from the boat and hid
under water; but one of our men saw him, upon which the thief,
becoming aware of this, ran into the wood with the pike as quickly as
his legs would carry him. The other natives seeing this ran after him
with great speed, beckoning to our men to remain where they were
because they were going to bring him back. They really did so, so
that we had the pike returned to us. The natives here are excessively
licentious, wanton and thievishly inclined, so that a man had need of
Argus' hundred eyes to look about him. In the evening before sunset
we again had got on board two boat-loads of water for each of the
ships, so that up to now we already have 26 hogsheads quite filled,
only about 10 hogsheads and casks being still empty; we also obtained
by barter a considerable quantity of coconuts, bananas, baccovos and
other fruit, so that at these islands we were well provided with
refreshments and fresh water for which God be thanked.

Item the 29th.

We again sent ashore the pilot-major with our boats together with
the pinnace to fetch water, but in the afternoon the wind began to
blow so stiffly from the north that the men in the Zeehaan's boat had
to let 5 casks of water run out at the bung-hole while rowing, and to
throw the casks overboard; afterwards they had to let go 4 more
casks, so that they got on board without any fresh water; our own
boat managed to come alongside with 7 full casks, and to bring the
empty casks with her, but they had had plenty of trouble in doing
so.

Item the 30th.

We summoned our friends of the Zeehaan on board of us and, having
convened the council, we read out to them our instructions, after
which we requested every member of the council, if he should know of
anything to the advantage and profit of the Honourable Company that
might be unknown to ourselves, to inform us of the same and to assist
us with all needful zeal and diligence. We likewise earnestly and
kindly entreated each of the members assembled to act in every
respect in such fashion as he intends to answer for on his return to
Batavia before the Honourable Governor-General and Councillors of
India. We likewise resolved if this wind should continue to set sail
from here with our ships tomorrow; but if it should go round to
eastward we shall directly make arrangements for getting all our
casks filled with water; all of which may be seen set forth in
extenso in this day's resolution, to which we beg leave to
refer.

In this day's meeting of the council we also resolved upon the
articles following, which shall be read to our men and posted up on
the quarter-deck, that every man may comport himself accordingly:
Seeing that on the 27th instant at night we have found that some
persons, even officers, do not

[1) Namocka group.]

{Page: Jnl.32}

properly stand their ordained watches, the which in many cases
might cause hurt and peril to our ships and crews, in order
to prevent such inconveniences and perils for the future the
plenary council of the ships Heemskerk and Zeehaan has
this day resolved and ordered that whoever shall, after now, be found
sleeping or neglecting to keep a proper lookout, whether on watch or
on the lookout, shall for the first offence be flogged by the
partners of his watch; for the second offence, besides being flogged,
he shall forfeit a month's pay; for the third offence he shall be
deprived of six months' pay, and for the fourth offence he shall be
deprived of his office and forfeit his pay or, if the offender should
be a sailor, be forced to serve without pay.
According to the same articles all persons on board, none
excepted, are strictly forbidden to use or carry about their persons
any live matches, candles, or other lights of any sort, unless such
matches, candles etc. shall be wanted in the discharge of office or
for the requirements of the ship's service, and be used with the
knowledge of the ship's officers; all this on pain of being put in
irons for eight days in succession, and of forfeiting a month's pay
over and above this.
Likewise after the watches have been set no one shall be permitted
to make any noise whatever, but each person shall keep watch over
such places as have been assigned to his care by the Commander, the
skipper, the steersmen or the quartermasters; all this on pain of
summary punishment.
The men on watch shall, whether by day or by night, not allow
anyone to come on board except with the consent of the commander, the
skipper, or the supercargo, on pain of corporal punishment.
Given on board the Heemskerk, at anchor in Latitude 20° 15',
average Longitude 206° 19', south of the line equinoctial. This
30th day of January A.D. 1643.
Signed,
ABEL JANSZ. TASMAN.

Item the last.

In the morning we again set out the boats, together with our
pinnace, to fetch water, but as the weather began to darken and to
look variable. We made a signal for them to return, upon which they
came back at once. At noon we, that is to say myself, our skipper,
the pilot-major, the skipper and the supercargo of the Zeehaan and
the secretary, went on shore with the two boats and the pinnace for
the purpose of taking leave of the natives, since it was our
intention to depart from here. As soon as we had landed a great
multitude of people assembled. We asked two persons who seemed most
notable of them after the chief of this district. They conducted us
into the interior by narrow, cramped, dirty and miry paths (it having
rained very hard for one or two days without interruption). We were
first led to the south side of the island where a large number of
coconut-trees stood side by side in regular order. Thence they went
with us to the east side of the island where six large prows were
lying at anchor, each two of them being fastened together by means of
a floor of planks and carrying a mast. Here were also one or two
small houses ornamented a little above the common, to wit, fenced all
round with a bamboo enclosure. After leaving this place we came to a
lake or piece of brackish inland water, about a mile in
circumference. After staying here for some time we again asked after
the Aisy or Latouw (which in their speech means king or chieftain).
They then pointed to the far side of this water and, as the sun was
close to the horizon already, we returned to our boats along a
different path. Both in going and returning we saw many enclosures or
gardens with plots elegantly squared and planted with all sorts of
earth-fruit. In several places we saw bananas and other fruit-trees,
most of them growing so straight that they were good to look at, on
all sides emitting a most agreeable and gratifying smell and
fragrance. From which we concluded that these people (who had the
shape of men but inhuman manners and customs) were by no means
destitute of human intelligence. About two hours before sunset we
returned on board. These islands are in their average longitude 185
miles more to eastward than the Salomonis islands and, according to
my estimation, are situated 230 miles east of the easternmost
Salomonis islands. These natives know nothing of religion or the
service of God, nor have they either idols, other relics, or priests.
Still they are very superstitious for I have seen one of these
persons take up a watersnake which came floating by his prow, lay it
upon his head with great reverence, and then put it into the water
again. They will never kill any of the flies which are very plentiful
here and cause trouble enough, however many cover their bodies. While
we were at anchor

{Page: Jnl.33}

here our chief mate happened to kill a fly in the presence of one
of the chieftains, who showed himself greatly incensed at this. The
people of this island have no king or chief and are without any
government. Still they have some knowledge of evil and punish
evil-doers, but not through the arm of justice, all the non-culprits
as a rule taking part in the execution of the punishment. We have
seen the proof of this at a time when we were fetching water, and one
of the natives had carried off one of our pikes, with which he ran
off into the wood. We had seen him do it and signified to the others
our anger. They seeing this, ran after him and, having taken the pike
from him brought it back to us a great distance, and punished the
thief or evil-doer like this: they took an old coconut and battered
his back with it until the nut got cracked; we could not find out if
this is their usual practice or was on this occasion done for our
sake only.

[February 1643]

Item the 1st of February.

Seeing that at present we find ourselves provided with plenty of
refreshments and that we have got nearly all our casks filled with
water, for which the Ruler of all things be fervently thanked and
praised, and that for some days past the wind has been continually
blowing from the north, which makes the coast near the watering-place
a lee-shore, so that we are unable to fill our remaining casks,
therefore we have deemed it advisable to continue our voyage, for
which reason early this morning we weighed anchor and set sail to
northward with a favourable breeze from the east.

Item the 2nd.

At noon we had the southernmost of the high islands
south-south-east and the northernmost south-east by south of us at
about 6 or 7 miles distance. At noon Latitude observed 19° 20',
Longitude 205° 55', course held from the island north-north-west,
sailed 15 miles. These high islands are situated north-north-west
slightly more to westward of the island where we got water at 7 or 8
miles distance. Halfway the afternoon we saw another island
north-east by east of us at about 7 miles distance, also pretty high;
the wind blowing from the east with a light breeze.

Item the 3rd.

In the morning we still saw the island which in the previous
evening we had north-east by east of us; we now had it
east-south-east of us at about 8 miles distance. At noon Latitude
observed 18° 18', Longitude 205° 55'; course held north,
sailed 15 miles; the wind blowing from the east-south-east and
south-east with trade-wind weather, a clear sky and smooth water.

Item the 4th.

Good weather and a clear sky with smooth water; in the morning we
estimated ourselves to have passed the 17th degree, on which account
we turned our course to westward in accordance with the resolution.
At noon Latitude estimated 16° 40', Longitude 205° 25';
course kept north by west, sailed 25 miles; the wind being
east-south-east and south-east with a topsail breeze and trade-wind
weather; towards the evening we had a few squalls with thunder and
lightning.

Item the 5th.

We continued to have trade-wind weather with the wind as before, a
topsail and smooth water. At noon Latitude observed 16° 30',
Longitude 203° 12'; course held west, sailed 32 miles; at noon we
set our course west by south in order to reach the 17th degree, and
had a good lookout kept so as not to sail past the Cocos or Verraders
islands; during the night when three glasses of the dog-watch had run
out we saw land, upon which we immediately hauled aboard our larboard
tacks and ran southward till seven glasses in the same watch were
out, when we tacked to the north again.

Item the 6th.

In the morning we again saw land, to wit three small islets, on
all sides surrounded by shoals and reefs; we tacked about to the
south and saw a large reef to westward stretching as far as the
south, which we sincerely regretted; this land is fully 8 or 9 miles
in length; straight ahead there were also breakers which we were
unable to pass. Seeing that we could clear neither the reef straight
ahead nor another which lay north of us we observed to leeward a
small space about two ship's lengths wide where there were no
breakers; for this we made since there was no other way of escape; we
passed between the rocks in 4 fathom, though not without great
anxiety; all about here there are reefs and 18 or 19 islands, but the
shoals which abound here and are very dangerous render it impossible
for ships to pass between them. These islands are in
17½°[1] or thereabouts for we
got no latitude. At noon we estimated ourselves to be in 17° 9'
South Latitude, Longitude 201° 35', course held west-south-west,
sailed 25 miles with a steady trade-wind from the

[1) The Huydecoper-copy has: "These islands are in 17
degrees S. L., the southernmost ones in 17½° or
thereabouts."--The sailors's journal has some more particulars,
without interest however.]

{Page: Jnl.34}

east-south-east. We should have greatly liked to have come to
anchor near one of these islands but could find no roadstead on
account of the numberless shoals and reefs that run out to sea from
all these islands. At noon we turned our course to northward in order
if possible to get clear of all these shoals in the daytime. Towards
the north too we saw numerous shoals everywhere, which it would be
difficult to pass through. At length however we found an opening and
sailed through between the reefs, but to our great regret had to
leave these isles because we found no ground for anchoring. In the
evening we saw three hills which we thought to be islands. During 5
glasses of the first watch we again made for the land in order to
avoid the shoal ahead of us. The wind was blowing from the east and
we sailed with our mainsail set. When 5 glasses of the first watch
were out we tacked to northward and ran northward till daybreak, when
we saw the island which on the previous evening we had seen north by
west of us.

Item the 7th.

We kept sailing to the north close to the wind with our mainsail
set, the wind being north-east with a strong gale and showers of rain
and a high sea running from the north. The Pilot-major thought that
the islands which we had been near to on the 6th instant are the
islands which in the large chart are found south-west of the
Hoornsche islands; for which reason he was of the opinion that we
ought to shape our course to northward close by the wind in order to
keep clear of the coast of New Guinea, since this is a lee-shore and
the season unfavourable so that it might prove impossible to put off
from shore again. In the morning we came close upon an island,
therefore tacked to the south until daybreak when we turned to the
north again, the wind blowing a storm from the north-east; we
therefore tacked to the north-west with small sail. At noon Latitude
estimated 16°, Longitude 200° 48'; course kept north-west by
north, sailed 21 miles.

[The two pages following contain a double-page chart showing
the route along Pijlsterts island, the islands of
Myddelborch, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Prins Wyllems islands[1] and Heemskerck-shoals[2].]

Item the 8th.

The wind kept blowing very strong from the north-east and
north-north-east with a great deal of rain. We still sailed close to
the wind with small sail. Having called the Pilot-major aft we asked
him whether he persisted in his opinion that these were the islands
he had mentioned the day before. He answered in the affirmative and
added that in his opinion we ought to steer northward directly if the
wind should allow of it. Owing to the rough and stormy weather we
could not get our friends of the Zeehaan on board of us nor even
speak them; upon which we convened the council of the Heemskerk,
together with the two second mates, and submitted to their
consideration the opinion given by the Pilot-major; asking all of
them to give us their own opinions in writing that from these
collective advices we might draw up a resolution which we accordingly
did in the afternoon. Wind and weather as before; at noon we
estimated ourselves to be in 15° 29' South Latitude, Longitude
199° 31'; course kept west-north-west, sailed 20 miles, in
accordance with the advices resolved upon this day.

Item the 8th.

We should have liked to have convened the councils of both ships,
but were prevented from so doing by the turbulence of the weather
with rain and wind; for which reason we summoned the council of the
ship Heemskerk, together with the two second mates, and represented
to them that for many days past we have had such weather that at
times we could hardly see to a distance of two or three ship's
lengths, and that on the 6th instant we had been entangled between
islands and shoals to such a degree that we could only with
difficulty get clear of the same. These islands are 18 or 20 in
number so far as we could count them, though it is quite possible
that there are more since, owing to the darkness of the weather, it
was very difficult to count them. These islands are situated full in
the course of Jacob la Maire, but since in this latitude he ran on
for 430 miles due west and did not find any such islands there we
might conclude that these islands do not lie in the line of the said
course. But in the great chart of the South Sea certain islands are
marked which agree with these as regards their latitude; but this
would make a difference with our reckoning of more than 200 miles,
the said islands being marked in the chart so many miles more to
westward. Now during this long voyage we have almost continually been
sailing eastward and westward, often with storms and tempests, for
which reason the proverb which says that guesswork often shoots wide
of the mark may well be applicable to us, and we be so far out in our
reckoning.

[1) Named after Prince William of Orange. Fiji
Group.]

[2) Fiji Group.]

{Page: 35}

For all which reasons it is our opinion that, wind and weather
permitting, we should from here run due north as far as the 4th
degree of Southern Latitude and then due west as far as the coast of
New Guinea, seeing that the weather we now have is such that one
might easily miss a known coast, let alone an unknown one; that there
is no good anchorage there, and a lee-shore besides, so that we
should run great risk of losing our ships and men alike, and that we
are in the bad season here, when the south-east trade-wind and the
northern monsoon meet each other, which cannot fail to cause much
rain and rough weather.
Given on board the ship Heemskerk this day the 8th of February,
A.D. 1643 in 15° 29' Southern Latitude and 199° 31'
Longitude.
Signed,
ABEL JANSZ TASMAN.
* * *
This day the 8th of February A.D. 1643, our ships being in the
estimated latitude of 15° 23', Longitude 198° 4', the
Honourable Commander Abel Jansz Tasman has enjoined the council of
the ship Heemskerk, each member to give his opinion in writing
respecting the course to be held from here, whether to the
west-north-west or more northerly, in order in the most convenient
way to make the coast of New Guinea or the islands situated at the
north-east point.
Therefore we, so far as regards ourselves, will give our opinion
as follows: in the first place it is now the bad season and the
period of rain in the Moluccas, and here we have every day rain and
strong north-east winds which cause the east side of New Guinea to be
a lee shore; also it is a rule all over the East Indies the nearer a
lee shore the worse weather. If one wants to make the coast of New
Guinea in the latitude of the Salomonis islands, partly in accordance
with the directions and instructions given, though not constituting a
positive command, this could not be done without incurring the risk
of being cast into a bay from which it might be difficult or
impossible to beat out again; and since the east side of New Guinea
is still unknown it is quite possible that there may be plenty of
small islands and shoals to eastward of the said Land of New Guinea,
such as we have already met with before and, having no secure
anchorage in such rough weather, in which it is impossible to keep a
proper lookout, we might happen to be cast on the shore before we had
become aware of the same.
For which reason we think that from here we should sail northward
as close to the wind as shall be found practicable as far as 4 or
5° South Latitude; the object of our advice being to avoid all
risks and prevent our being thrown on a lee-shore, seeing that the
coast falls away there, whence we could run to the west in the first
instance and next regulate ourselves by wind and weather.
Signed,
FRANCOYS JACOBSZ.
* * *
Whereas on the 8th instant we are now having a good deal of rough
weather, both with rain and strong north winds, so that we can hardly
carry mainsails and cannot see to a quarter of a mile distance, the
Commander had convened the council of the Heemskerk, together with
the second mates, and desired each of them to give in his opinion in
writing; I therefore state as my opinion that we ought to direct our
course as far to northward as wind and weather shall permit, nay even
due north or north by east, as far as 2 or 3° South Latitude, to
avoid being cast on the lee-shore of New Guinea; seeing that we are
in the bad season here and it is quite possible that we may have got
farther to westward than our account makes it, since on the 6th
instant we came across 20 or 21 islands lying in 17° 10' South
Latitude, which were not seen by Jacob la Maire.
This day the 8th of February 1643 on board the Yacht Heemskerk,
Latitude estimated 15° 43', Longitude 199° 7'.
Signed,
IDE TJERRXZ HOLMAN.
* * *
This day the 8th of February A.D. 1643. Whereas in my estimation
we are now in Latitude 15° 47', Longitude 198° 10', the
weather having been stormy for several days past and the Honourable

{Page: 36}

Commander having desired each of us to give his advice in writing
regarding the course to be held and up to what latitude; it would be
my advice that we ought to steer on a north-west course as far as
3° of Latitude south of the Equator and afterwards to
westward.
Signed,
CARSTEN JURRIAENSZ.
* * *
To the Honourable Mr. Abel Jansz. Tasman.
It is my advice that from here, being the estimated southern
latitude of 15° 44', and the longitude of 198° 19', we should
steer our course as far to northward as shall be found practicable so
as to avoid being cast on the land of New Guinea, as far as the
southern latitude of 6 or 7°, since we are now getting on for the
bad season here when the winds are blowing from the north-east and
north-north-east, and there is much rain and a difficult lookout to
be expected and, if we should happen to be thrown on a lee-shore with
our ships, there would be small chance of getting them off again,
owing to want of sailing wind, and we might easily fall into peril
with our ships and cargoes; therefore in my opinion it is better to
stick to the course aforesaid and, when we have got so far with the
aid of God, to direct our course to westward and try to make the land
of New Guinea, and afterwards to steer our course for the land of
Gilolo. Given thus on board the Yacht Heemskerk, A.D. 1643, the 8th
of February.
Signed by me,
CHRYN HENDRECXZ DE RATTE.

Item the 9th.

The wind blowing from the north with rain and a strong gale. We
kept sailing with our mainsail set, the sea being very rough and
running very high from the north and north-west. At noon Latitude
estimated 15° 29', Longitude 198° 8'; course held west,
sailed 20 miles. In the evening we tacked about to the east, hauled
up our foresail, and in this way ran on close to the wind with our
mainsail and mizzen-sail set until the end of the first watch; we
then loosened our foresail again and tacked about to westward. In the
day-watch we set our great topsail but before long had to take it in
again.

Item the 10th.

We still had variable weather with rain and wind, the sea running
from all directions, so that the water is very rough and we are
experiencing very unfavourable weather for discovering anything,
which is now quite impossible to all this dark, hazy, drizzling
weather. At noon Latitude estimated 15° 19' South, Longitude
197° 20'; course held north-west by north, sailed 12 miles. For
the last five days past we have been without seeing either sun, moon
or stars. In the evening we lowered the foresail down to the stem and
lay to with mainsail and mizzen-sail.

Item the 11th.

The storm still raging from the north, and the sea still running
very high from all sides, with dark, foggy, drizzling, rainy weather
and a good deal of lightning. At noon Latitude estimated 15° 5'
South Latitude, Longitude 196° 6'; course held west by north,
sailed and drifted 18 miles.

Item the 12th.

After breakfast it began to clear up to some extent, so that we
set our great topsail; the sun broke through the clouds, and it
seemed as if the weather was going to change; the sea is however
still running very high, mainly from the west-south-west. At noon
Latitude observed 15° 3', Longitude 195° 50'; course held
west, sailed 18 miles; halfway the afternoon we again got the same
rainy and stormy weather we had had before, so that we had to take in
our great topsail and to sail with two mainsails without bonnets; the
wind is mainly blowing from the north and north-north-west and is
exceedingly variable. In the evening we steered to the east until
midnight then tacked about to the west; during the night we had a
pouring rain, so that the water seemed to come down in torrents,
accompanied by thunder and lightning.

Item the 13th.

In the morning, the weather being somewhat better and the sea
having calmed down to some extent, we set our topsails but without
sliding out the bonnets. We continued to have occasional showers and
the wind still blew from the north; during the last twenty-four hours
we sailed and drifted 12 miles to west-south-west. At noon Latitude
estimated 15° 21' south, the Latitude observed being 15° 38',
Longitude 194° 4'; the sea is becoming a good deal smoother;
during the night we lay to with small sail.

Item the 14th.

The wind north-west and north-north-west with good weather, though
it was still thick, hazy and dark, so that it was difficult to keep a
lookout. We sent the pilot-major with the

{Page: Jnl.37}

secretary to the Zeehaan to require the opinions in writing of her
officers. At noon Latitude observed 16° 20', Longitude 193°
35'; course held south-west, sailed 10 miles.

The following are the advices of our friends on board the
Zeehaan:

This day the 14th of February of the year 1643. Whereas the
Commander had this day sent the pilot-major and his secretary on
board of us to hear our advices as regards the shaping of our
courses, and secondly in what latitude it would be best to touch at
the land of New Guinea; my advice touching the point referred to is
that we had best touch at the land aforesaid in 4 or 5° South
Latitude. The reason why I would advise to touch at this land so far
to northward is as follows: we have had very rough weather for 6 or 7
days past and been in fear of getting into a bay or being cast on a
lee-shore; in the latitude aforesaid we should come upon the land in
a known latitude; and if we have touched at the land in the said
latitude it is likely we shall be able to get to the south if the
time at our disposal shall permit us to do so. It is consequently my
opinion that we should shape our course as far to northward as
possible until we got to the latitude aforesaid and then steer due
west until in the latitude aforesaid we come in sight of New Guinea.
At this time of writing we were by account in Latitude 15° 49'
south, Longitude 194° 37'.
Signed,
GERRIT JANSZ.
* * *
Advice or reasons why and for what cause we hold it most expedient
to navigate to the north.
Whereas Your Worship has been pleased to ask us to give in our
opinion or advice touching the question submitted to us in writing
yesterday, my judgment in this matter is as follows: since we are at
present in Latitude 15° 55' south, Longitude 194° 24', and
the weather here about this time of the year would seem to be very
variable, while in this region of the world we are as it were at the
mercy of winds blowing from all the four quarters, and we do not know
how near we have sailed to the land of New Guinea, except what in
this respect we can gather from the terrestrial globe and the great
chart of the South Sea, we trust that the islands made by the
Honourable Commander are the Salomonis islands, seeing that in
longitude and latitude we have found them to agree with the
indications in the chart of the Portuguese; the said islands cannot
have been seen by Schoutens and therefore they may be the land of New
Guinea which, according to the Portuguese chart, we might also happen
to fall in with.
For the reason above given it is therefore my opinion, regard
being had to the roughness of the weather and to the possibility that
we may be nearer to the said land than we suspect, to the fact that
we do not know its trend in this latitude and what bays, inlets,
bights, shoals and the like there may be in and about it, to the risk
that with these northerly winds we may by storm or rough weather be
cast and driven on a lee-shore, which would grievously endanger both
ship and cargo; it is therefore, I repeat, my opinion that we ought
to steer our course north-north-west to the known part of New Guinea
about as far as 4 or 5° Southern Latitude, and by so doing avoid
all perils as much as possible. Given on board the flute-ship the
Zeehaan this 15th of February, 1643.
Signed,
Your devoted servant,
J. GILSEMANS.
* * *
My advice is that we ought to make the land of New Guinea in 5 or
6° South Latitude, seeing that for six days past we have had
exceedingly rough weather; that if we should be driven into a bay we
might get such weather that it would prove impossible for us to beat
out of it; I think that we ought to shape our course as far to
northward as the wind will allow us till we got to the latitude
aforesaid, and then steer westward in order to make the land of New
Guinea. We are at present in Latitude 16° 3', and Longitude
195° 27' on the 14th of February 1643.
Signed,
HENDRICK PIETERSZ.
* * *
This day the 14th of February, 1643. Whereas for 6 or 7 days past
we have now had north wind with dark, rough and dirty weather, so
that we may very well be nearer land than we suspect, and run the
risk of being driven into a bay from which with a northerly wind and
this unsettled weather it

{Page: Jnl.38}

would be very difficult for us to get out
again, therefore my advice is that we should run on as far as 5 or
6° South Latitude, so as to make the coast of New Guinea on the
north side; and I further think that we should shape our course as
far northward as the wind will allow us until we arrive at the said
latitude, and then steer to westward in order to touch at New Guinea.
This day at noon we are in Latitude 15° 57' South, and Longitude
195° 49'.
Signed by me,
PIETER NANNINGHZ. DUYTS.
* * *
This day the 14th of the month of February, our ship being in
15° 57' South Latitude, and the middle longitude of 195° 10',
and the Honourable Commander desiring to be informed of the reasons
why we should set our course so far to northward as we had fixed
upon, I give it as my opinion that, since we have now had a violent
storm with rain and dark weather these 6 or 7 days past, and do not
know whether we are still far from shore or near it, and whether we
may not again be driven into some bay or be cast on shoals or reefs,
as happened to us on the 6th instant, we ought to attempt to make New
Guinea in 5 or 6° southern latitude to the end that we may be
able to get off shore on a northerly course; it being further my
advice that we should set our course as high to northward as shall be
found possible, in order to reach that latitude aforesaid and then
steer to westward until we get to the land of New Guinea.
Signed by me,
CORNELIS YSBRANTSZ ROOLOL.[1]

Item the 15th.

Still dark, foggy weather with rain and the wind from the
north-west and west-north-west with a light breeze; we tacked this
way and that so that we made no progress, having the wind almost flat
against us. At noon Latitude estimated 16° 30' South, Longitude
193° 35'; course held south, drifted 2 miles. Towards the evening
we got a violent squall of rain from south-west and set our course to
northward. In the first watch it fell a calm so that we drifted in a
calm the whole of the night.

Item the 16th.

In the morning we kept drifting in a calm. During the last 24
hours we made no progress owing to the dead calm.

Item the 17th.

We had a variable breeze alternating with dead calm so that again
we failed to make any progress. Towards the evening the wind became
south-west with rain, upon which we shaped our course to the north;
after a short time however it fell a calm again so that we did not
sail more than two miles to northward. Latitude estimated 16°
22', Longitude 193° 35'.

Item the 18th.

It continued calm until noon; we remained in the same latitude and
longitude as before; at noon we got a light breeze from the
south-east with occasional showers.

Item the 19th.

The wind still south-east with rain. At noon Latitude observed
15° 12', longitude 193° 35'; course kept north, sailed 18
miles. We still had dark, rainy weather every day, very unhealthy,
and no chance of a lookout to discover land.

Item the 20th.

Still thick, dark, foggy, rainy weather with the sea running from
all directions, and variable winds, now a calm, now a breeze. At noon
Latitude observed 13° 45', Longitude 193° 35'; course held
north, sailed 21 miles.

Item the 21st.

The wind still variable from the west and north-west going up to
north; we set our course close by the wind to northward; the sea is
still very rough with copious rains. At noon Latitude estimated
13° 21', Longitude 193° 35'; course held north, sailed 6
miles; in the afternoon we ran to northward. During the night we
drifted in a calm for the space of 12 glasses, after which we got a
breeze from the north, when we tacked to westward.

Item the 22nd.

In the morning the wind was still northerly with a good deal of
rain, we still held our course to westward close by the wind, and had
very heavy swells from the north-west. The weather was dark, drizzly,
and foggy; now strong gales, now a sudden calm. At noon we made out
by account to be in Latitude 13° 5' South, Longitude 192°
57'; course held west-north-west, sailed 10

[1) The true name is Roobol, as shown in the Instructions
of 1644. Thi family-name also occurs in other documents of the Dutch
East India Company.]

{Page: Jnl.39}

miles. In the afternoon the wind went round to the north-east and
east. Towards the evening the wind became south-east, and then south,
with much rain and a strong gale. During the night we lay to with
small sail; we also saw a number of logs floating about.

Item the 23rd.

A westerly wind with a storm, thick, dark weather and much rain;
at times we could hardly see to a distance of two ship's lengths; the
sea was very rough, running from all sides. At noon Latitude
estimated 12° 10', Longitude 192° 57'; course held north,
sailed 14 miles; during the night we sailed northward close to the
wind.

Item the 24th.

In the morning we set our topsails. We had the wind from the
west-north-west and north-west with a stiff gale and frequent
showers, the sea being still very rough. At noon Latitude estimated
11° 2', Longitude 192° 28'; course held north-north-east,
sailed 18 miles. In the afternoon we had to take in our topsails and
ran over to northward close to the wind; during the night we lay to
with one sail since we dared not sail on, there being no lookout,
from fear we might come upon land or shoals.

Item the 25th.

In the morning we made sail again; when day broke we saw that the
Zeehaan had her mizzen-mast broken; we then hoisted our foresail,
hailed the Zeehaan, and asked her how she was getting on; they
replied that they could help themselves until the weather should
improve; her mizzen-mast is broken in such a way that she can still
carry a small mizzen-sail. The wind was still blowing from the
north-west and north-west by west with a storm, much rain, and dark
weather; we went over to northward close to the wind; at noon
Latitude estimated 10° 31' south, Longitude 193°; course held
north-east, sailed 11 miles; during the night we again lay to with
small sail.

Item the 26th.

The wind blowing pretty stiffly from the north-west, still with a
good deal of rain and dark weather. I cannot understand how it is
that such a steady westerly wind is blowing here so far into the
South Sea unless it should be that the western monsoon is continually
blowing over New Guinea and coming on stiffly, pressed on a good way
into the South Sea with the trade-wind blowing lightly. For 21 days
past now we have not had a single dry day. At noon Latitude estimated
9° 48' south, Longitude 193° 43'; course held north-east,
sailed 15 miles; during the night we lay to with small sail.

Item the 27th.

In the morning we made sail again, set our course over to
northward close to the wind with the wind blowing from the north-west
and north-north-west, and thick, dark, drizzly, rainy weather, but
the sea beginning to become smoother; at noon Latitude estimated
9° south, Longitude 194° 32'; course held north-east, sailed
17 miles; at night when 6 glasses in the first watch were out the
wind went round to the north and we turned our course to
westward.

Good weather with smooth water and a northerly but variable wind;
we turned our course to westward. At noon Latitude observed 9°
5', Longitude 193° 21'; course held west-south-west, sailed 11
miles. In the evening we got a squall of rain from the west and for
the rest of the night drifted in a calm.

Item the 2nd.

Towards daybreak we got a light breeze from the north and set our
course to westward. At noon Latitude observed 9° 11', Longitude
192° 46'; held our course west slightly southerly, east, west and
west by south betweenwhiles, sailed 12 miles, with variable winds and
weather. Variation of the compass 10° North-East.

Item the 3rd.

Wind and weather very unsettled, with much rain and very variable
winds, alternating between a dead calm and gales so strong that we
could hardly carry sail; we estimated that in the last 24 hours we
had sailed 8 miles; course held west, Latitude estimated 9° 11'
south, Longitude 192° 14'; in the evening we had very much rain
again and drifted in a calm.

Item the 4th.

Wind and weather continued variable with much rain, the wind
keeping however between the south-west and north. We are in hopes
however that the weather will soon get better. At noon Latitude
estimated 8° 55', Longitude 191° 57'; course held
north-north-west, sailed 5 miles.

Item the 5th.

Wind and weather still variable with heavy rains. This variable
weather has now lasted for a month past during which we have made
little progress and have continually been holding our courses between
the south-west and north but we hope things will soon mend. At
noon

Still variable winds with a good deal of rain, violent squalls
alternating with sudden calms; a man who should wish to describe all
these chops and changes of wind and weather might be kept doing
nothing else but write. At noon Latitude estimated 8° 8' south,
Longitude 191° 42'; course held north, sailed 6 miles.

Item the 7th.

Still thick, dark, drizzly, rainy weather with variable wind and
weather and a very rough sea; the wind continues keeping between the
west-south-west and north-west; we have the wind straight ahead. At
noon Latitude estimated 8° 17' south, Longitude 191° 1
minute; course kept west by south, sailed 12 miles. This day we saw a
great many birds.

Item the 8th.

Still thick, dark, drizzly, rainy weather with the wind as before;
we therefore kept tacking about with the starboard forward in order
to get as far to westward as possible; but we fear we shall get no
good wind before the close of the western monsoon; we have heavy
rains every day. At noon Latitude estimated 7° 46' south,
Longitude 190° 47'; course held north-north-west and west, sailed
9 miles. Towards the evening the wind began to stiffen so that we had
to take in our topsails and to sail with mainsails.

Item the 9th.

We kept sailing with our mainsails set with a storm from the
north-west and north-north-west and in thick, dark, foggy, drizzling
weather; we had a great deal of rain which is doing us a great deal
of harm bodily, and the sea is very rough. At noon Latitude estimated
8° 33' south, Longitude 190° 1 minute; course held
south-west, sailed 16 miles; during the night we lay to with small
sail for the space of 16 glasses because we dared not sail full
speed.

Item the 10th.

In the morning we again set our foresail and went over to
westward; we had the wind from the north-north-west with very
unsettled weather and heavy rains; we set our large topsail but had
to take it in again directly on account of bad weather. At noon
Latitude estimated 9° south, Longitude 189° 33'; course held
south-west, sailed and drifted 10 miles; during the night we set our
course to westward with small sail.

Item the 11th.

Still dark, foggy, drizzly, rainy weather, with a northerly wind
but very unsteady; in the morning we had a north-north-east wind and
set our course close to the wind. At noon Latitude estimated 9°
12' south, Longitude 188° 29'; course held west by south, sailed
17 miles. In the afternoon we saw that those on board the Zeehaan
brailed up their mainsail and took in their foretopsail, upon which
we forthwith let fall our foresail to stay for her and inquire
whether she had broken anything. When she came near us we understood
that her mainsail was torn to pieces and that they were engaged in
repairing it.

Item the 12th.

Still unsettled weather; we had variable winds from the northern
quarter. At noon Latitude estimated 8° 48' south, Longitude
187° 29'; course held west-north-west, sailed 16 miles; after
midnight we drifted in a calm.

Item the 13th.

Still dark, thick weather; in the afternoon we drifted in a calm,
the sea still running very high from the north-west; at noon Latitude
estimated 8° 48' south, Longitude 186° 48'; course held west,
sailed 10 miles. During the night we got a light breeze from the
south and turned our course to the north-west.

Item the 14th.

The wind from the south but almost a calm; good dry weather and
the sea still running from the north-west. We saw some boughs of
trees floating but did not sight any land. During the night the wind
went round to the south-east with a light breeze. At noon Latitude
observed 10° 12', our estimation being 1 2/3 degree to northward
than the latitude now got by observation. We had not been able to
observe the latitude for 12 days past owing to the thick, dark,
drizzly weather we had every day with heavy rains. According to our
estimation our longitude was 186° 14'; course held north-west,
sailed 13 miles. Variation 8° 45' North-East.

Item the 15th.

Good weather, the sea beginning to go down but the surges are
still running against each other. The wind blew from the south-east
with the weather improving; course held north-west, sailed 12 miles.
At noon Latitude observed 9° 33', Longitude 185° 40'.
Variation 8° North-East.

Item the 16th.

Good, quiet weather with a bright sun which we have not had for 6
weeks past. At noon Latitude observed 8° 46', Longitude 184°
51'; course held north-west, sailed 17 miles. Variation 9°.

Good weather with an easterly wind and a light breeze with smooth
water; at noon Latitude observed 7° 40', Longitude 183° 33';
course held north-west, sailed 12 miles. Variation 9°; in the
afternoon the breeze began somewhat to stiffen.

Item the 19th.

Still good weather with a clear sky and a topsail breeze with the
wind from the east. The sea begins to run from the east and
north-east. At noon Latitude observed 6° 25', Longitude 182°
27'; course held north-west, sailed 23 miles.

Item the 20th.

Good weather and smooth water with occasional squalls of rain from
the east and east-south-east, with a light topsail breeze; at noon
Latitude found 5° 15', Longitude 181° 16'; course held
north-west, sailed 25 miles. At noon we shaped our course to
westward. Variation 9° North-East.

Item the 21st.

Still always good weather with a light breeze from the east and
north-east with occasional showers and smooth water; the swells
however are not running from the north-east. At noon Latitude
observed 5° 25', Longitude 180° 20'; course kept west by
south, sailed 14 miles.

Item the 22nd.

The weather continuing good with smooth water and a weak
top-gallant breeze from the east and east-north-east trade-wind; at
noon Latitude estimated 5° 2', Longitude 178° 32'; course
held west, sailed 27 miles. At noon we saw land straight ahead of us
at about 4 miles distance; in order to run north of it we set our
course first west by north and then west-north-west; towards evening
we sailed close along the land north-west. These islands are
close upon thirty in number but very small, the largest of them being
not more than 2 miles in length; the rest are all small fry, all
of them being surrounded by a reef; to north-west there runs off
from this another reef on which there are three coconut trees by
which it is easily recognisable. These are the islands which Le Maire
has laid down in the chart; they are at about 90 miles distance from
the coast of New Guinea. In the evening we still saw land
north-north-west of us; we therefore turned our course over to
north-north-east close to the wind in order to steer north of all
shoals, brailed up our foresail, and in this way drifted until
daybreak.

[The next page contains coast-surveyings with
inscription:]

To these isles we have given the name of Islands of Onthong
Faua, because of the great resemblance they bear to the latter;
they are also surrounded by reefs and appear as shown here when they
are south-west of you at 2 miles distance.

Item the 23rd.

At daybreak we made sail again, set our course to westward, and
then had the small islands we had passed the previous day south of us
at about 3 miles distance. The wind blew from the east and
north-east, with a dark grey sky and trade-wind weather. At noon
Latitude estimated 4° 31' South, Longitude 177° 18'; course
held west-north-west, sailed 20 miles. During the night at the end of
the first watch we lay to and dared not run on from fear we might
come upon the island to which Le Maire has given the name of
Marcken.[1]

Item the 24th.

In the morning we made sail again, shaping our course to westward.
Towards noon we saw land right ahead of us; this land was very
low-lying and showed as two islands bearing south-west and
north-west from each other; the northernmost bears some resemblance
to the island of Marcken in the Zuyder Zee, as Jacob Le Maire says,
for which reason he gave to it the name of Marcken. At noon
Latitude observed 4° 55', Longitude 175° 30'; course held
west as far as we could estimate but we find that there is a strong
current setting to the south; we sailed 20 miles with a wind east and
east-south-east, and trade-wind weather with a light topsail breeze.
In the evening we brought our course round to north so as to run
north of the island. During the night we drifted in a calm and stood
for the island aforesaid.

[The next page contains coast-surveyings with
inscription:]

This island appears as here shown when it is west of you at 2
miles distance; this island has by Le Maire been named Marcken
because of the strong resemblance it shows with the said island.

[1) After the picturesque island of that name in the
Zuider Zee (Netherlands).--On modern charts it is sometimes wrongly
written "Marqueen." The name "Marks-islands" also
occurs.]

{Page: Jnl.42}

Item the 25th.

In the day-watch we heard the surf break on the shore; it being
still quite calm we forthwith got out our pinnace and boat in order
to tow us clear of the reef or shoal; the current and the sea however
carried us some distance towards the reef. We found no anchorage here
which we greatly regretted. About 9 o'clock a prow of the said island
came alongside, containing 7 persons[1]
and about 20 coconuts; we exchanged a dozen of these for 3 strings of
beads and 4 double middle-sized nails; the said coconuts seemed to
have grown wild and were of poor quality. The people looked rough and
savage with blacker skins than those in the islands where we took in
refreshments; they were also less polite and went stark naked except
that they wore before their privities a small covering, seemingly
made of cotton, which was hardly large enough to conceal from view
their yard and testicles. Some of them had their hair cut short,
others wore it tied up like the villains of the Murderers Bay. One of
them wore two feathers right on the top of his head just like horns;
another wore a ring through his nose but we could not find out what
the ring was made of; their prow was sharply pointed in front and
behind like the wings of a seagull, but not elegantly shaped and
rather the worse for wear and tear; they carried arrows and two bows
and did not seem to set any store by the beads and nails, nay utterly
to despise the same. We then got the wind from the south and
fortunately got off the reef with the aid of it. The prow then
paddled off to shore again. We saw another small prow approach us but
it could not come near us in consequence of a sudden gust of wind. We
now set our course to northward in order to get clear of the shoals
and reefs. These islands are 15 or 16 in number, the largest of them
being about a mile in length, and the other looking like houses; they
all lie together surrounded by a reef. The said reef runs off from
the islands to the north-west side; at about a swivel-gun shot
distance from the islands there stands a group of trees, level with
the water; two miles farther to the north-west there is another small
islet like Toppershoetje (a small sailor's hat)[2] the reef extends another half mile farther
into the sea so that the reef runs out to sea in a north-westerly
direction fully 3 miles from the islands. At noon Latitude estimated
4° 34' South, Longitude 175° 10'; course held north-west,
sailed 7 miles; about noon the wind went round to north-west and then
to northward; we turned our course west, after which began to blow
from the north-north-east with a light breeze, upon which we set our
course to the north-west; during the night, the weather being quiet
with a northerly wind, we turned more to westward.

Item the 26th.

Good weather and smooth water with a north-easterly wind and a
light breeze. At noon Latitude observed 4° 33', Longitude
174° 30'; course held west, sailed 10 miles. We found that there
was a strong current here setting southward, on which account we
turned our course north-westward again. Variation 9° 30'
North-East.

Item the 27th.

Wind and weather as before. At noon Latitude observed 4° 1',
Longitude 173° 36'; course held north-west by west, sailed 16
miles; at noon we shaped our course to westward in order to run in
sight of the islands lying eastward to the coast of New Guinea, and
thence to cross to the mainland coast, which will thus become better
known. Variation 9° 30' North-East.

Item the 28th.

Still good weather, the wind blowing from the east with a light
breeze and smooth water. At noon Latitude observed 4° 11',
Longitude 172° 32'; course held west, sailed 16 miles; towards
noon we saw land straight ahead[3] and
at noon we were still at about 4 miles distance from it. This island
is in 4° 31' South Latitude and 172° 16' Longitude; it lies
46 miles to the west and west by north of the islands which Jacob Le
Maire had named Marcken. During the night we drifted in a calm.

[In this place the text has coast-surveyings of the Groene
islands with inscription:]

To these islands Le Maire has given the name of Groene
Eylanden[4] because they looked
green and beautiful; they appear as shown here when the easternmost
is south and the westernmost south-west of you at 2 miles
distance.

[1) The sailor's journal has some more particulars e.g.
it says, that the bodies of the people were painted
("geschildert")--MONTANUS, America en 't Zuid-land, pp. 582 ff., also
gives some more details concerning the part of the voyage still to be
performed.]

[2) Poeloe Tampoeroeng or Toppershoedje, an islet in the
north of Soenda Straits.]

[3) The Huydecoper copy has here: "and was very low
land."]

[4) Or lage eylanden in Swart's
reproduction.]

{Page: Jnl.43}

Item the 29th.

In the morning we found that the current was setting us towards
the islands. At noon Latitude observed 4° 20', Longitude 172°
17'. The whole of this day we drifted in a calm so that in the last
twenty-four hours we have drifted 5 miles to the south-west. Halfway
the afternoon two small prows came from shore alongside; they had two
wings or outriggers, their paddles being small and thick in the
blade, poorly made as it seemed to us; one of the prows had 6, the
other 3 men in it. When they were about 2 ship's lengths from us one
of the six men who were in the one prow broke one of his arrows in
two, put one half into his hair and held the other half in his hand,
apparently wishing thereby to show friendly feelings towards us;
these men were stark naked, their bodies quite black, with curly hair
like Caffres[1], but not so woolly as
the hair of the latter, nor were their noses quite as flat. Some wore
white bracelets, seemingly of bone, round their arms; others had
their faces daubed with lime, and wore on the forehead a piece of
tree-bark about the breadth of three fingers. They carried nothing
but arrows, bows and calleweys[2]; we
called out to them a few words from our vocabulary of the language of
New Guinea but the only word they seemed to understand was Lamas,
which means coconuts. They always kept pointing to the land. We
presented them with two strings of beads and two large nails,
together with an old napkin, in return for which they gave us an old
coconut which was all they had with them, after which they paddled to
shore again. Towards the evening it was still calm with a very light
breeze from the north-east; we drifted quite close to the islands and
had to get out the boats to keep us off the shore by towing. At the
close of the dog-watch we at length got clear of these islands. There
are two large islands and three small ones, the latter lying on the
west side. To these islands Le Maire has given the name of the Green
islands. West-north-west of us we still saw a high island with 2 or 3
very small ones, and to westward of us we besides saw some very high
land which looked like a mainland coast. But the truth of this only
time can show. Variation 9° North-East.

[In this place the text has a coast-surveying of St. Jans
island, with inscription:]

A view of St. Jans Eylandt, when it is north of you at 2
miles' distance.

Item the 30th.

Weather improving with a light breeze from the north-east; still
engaged in towing; we found that the current was setting us to the
southward. At noon Latitude observed 4° 25', Longitude 172°;
course held west, sailed or drifted 4 miles; in the evening we had
St. Jans island north-west of us at about 6 miles distance.

Item the last.

Still good and quiet weather, with an easterly wind and smooth
water. At noon Latitude observed 4° 28', Longitude 171° 42';
course held west, sailed 6 miles; at noon we hoisted the white flag
and pendant, upon which our friends of the Zeehaan came on board of
us, with whom we resolved upon what is in extenso set forth in
this day's resolution.

[April 1643]

Item the 1st of April, A.D. 1643.

We got the coast of New Guinea alongside in 4° 30' South
Latitude, at a point which the Spaniards call Cabo Santa
Maria[3]. At noon Latitude observed
4° 30', Longitude 171° 2'; course held west, sailed 10 miles.
Variation 8° 45'.

Item the 2nd.

Still good, quiet weather, with a variable breeze. We did our best
to sail along the coast which here bears from Sint Jans island
north-west and south-east; north-west of this there is still another
high island, somewhat larger than St. Jans island from which it is 10
miles distant; to this second island we have given the name of
Anthony Caens island[4]. This is
situated due north of Cabo Santa Maria. At noon Latitude observed
4° 9', Longitude 170° 41'; course held north-west, sailed 10
miles; we then had Cabo Santa Maria south of us so that the cabo
aforesaid lies in longitude 170° 41', according to our
estimation. In the evening we ran inshore in order to make better
progress with the land-wind. When four glasses in the first watch
were out we got the wind from shore with a light breeze and shaped
our course along the shore.

[The next four pages contain coast-surveyings, with
inscriptions.]

A view of the coast of Noua Guinea, as you sail along it; this
land bears the name of Cabo de Sta Maria.

[1) "They had hair like the "Paepoes'" (Papoo's?), says
the sailor's journal.]

[2) "Calleweys," a sort of javelins or
harpoons.]

[3) The north-east point of New-Ireland
(New-Mecklenburg).]

[4) After a member of the Council of India.--On modern
charts sometimes written "Kaan"-island.]

{Page: Jnl.44}

A view of the coast of Noua Guinea between Cabo Sta Maria and
Anthony Caens Eylant, as you sail along it.

A view of Anthony Caens Eylandt, when it bears north from you.

A view of Gerrit de Nijs[1] Eylandt,
when it bears north from you at two miles' distance.

A view of the Visschers Eylanden, when they bear east from you at
4 miles' distance.

A view of the coast of Noua Guinea, as you sail along it from
Gerret denys Eylandt to Visschers Eylandt.

Item the 3rd.

In the morning there was still a light land-breeze, our course
still north-west along the coast. About 9 o'clock we saw a vessel
full of men coming from shore; the said vessel was curved at both
ends like the corre-corre[2] of
Tarnaten; she lay still a while beyond the reach of our great guns
and then returned to shore again. At noon Latitude estimated 3°
42' South, Longitude 170° 20'; course held north-west, sailed 10
miles. Towards evening the wind began to blow from the
east-south-east with a light breeze; we kept steering north-west
along the coast. This land seems to be very pleasant but the worst of
it was that we could get no anchorage here. During the night we had
thunder and lightning, with rain and variable breezes.

Item the 4th.

We still kept sailing along the coast which here stretched
north-west by west and south-east by east. It is a beautiful coast
with many bays. We passed an island situated at 12 miles distance
from Anthony Caens island, the two bearing from each other north-west
and south-east. To this island we have given the name of Garde
Neys island. At noon Latitude estimated 3° 22', Longitude
169° 50'; course held north-west by west, sailed 9 miles; the
wind still variable with light breezes and calms; in the evening we
got the land-wind, with rain, thunder and lightning; we therefore did
our best to sail along the shore.

Item the 5th.

In the morning we still had the land-wind with a light breeze.
Towards noon we came upon another island at 10 miles distance from
Gardenys island, the two bearing from each other west-north-west and
east-south-east. Inshore of this island we saw some prows lying,
which we supposed to be engaged in fishing, for which reason we have
to this island given the name of Visschers island[3]. Towards noon we saw 6 prows ahead of us,
three of which came paddling so near our ship that we let 2 or three
pieces of old canvas, 2 strings of beads and two old nails drift
towards them; they did not seem to care for the canvas, and the other
things too hardly excited their attention; but they kept pointing to
their heads, from which we concluded that they wanted turbans. These
people seemed to be very shy, and by their gestures afraid of shot;
they did not come near enough for us to discern whether they were
armed. They were very black and stark naked, having only their
privities covered with a few green leaves. Some of them had black
hair, others hair of another colour. Their prows had outriggers and
each of them carried 3 or 4 persons, but owing to the distance we
could not discern any other details. When they had thus been
pottering a long while near about the ships, and at times called out
to us, to which we replied in the same way, though we did not
understand each other, they paddled back to shore. At noon Latitude
estimated 3°, Longitude 169° 17'; course held
west-north-west, sailed 10 miles; in the afternoon we had the wind
north-west with a light breeze.

Item the 6th.

In the morning it was calm. Halfway the forenoon we again saw 8 or
9 prows come from the said island, three of which paddled to the
Zeehaan and 5 to our ship. Some of them contained 3, others 4, and
some few 5 persons. When they were about two stones cast from us they
left off paddling and called out to us; we could not understand them
but made signs for them to come nearer, upon which they paddled round
in front of our ship, and kept loitering ahead of us a long time
without coming alongside. At length one of our quartermasters took
off his belt and held it up to them from afar. Upon this one of these
prows came alongside our ship; we gave them a string of beads and our
quartermaster also handed his belt out to them, for which all we got
in return was a piece of the pith of a sago-tree, which was the only
commodity they had with them. Meanwhile the other prows, seeing that
their comrades received no hurt, also came paddling alongside. None
of these prows

[1) Better, (Arend) Gardenijs (see infra April 4
and 5), after a member of the Council of India. In some maps wrongly
named "Isle de Gardener" e.g. PRÈVOST (ed. Paris, Didot) XI, p
213.]

contained any arms or anything with which they could have done us
harm. We at first suspected they might be villains who were intent on
mischief and in search of booty since they affected such timidity.
Had our suspicions proved true they would have been warmly received,
for which we had made all due preparations, although the cook was not
ready yet with the morning meal. We called out to them the words
Anieuw, Oufi, Pouacka, etc. (meaning coconuts, yams, hogs, etc.)
which they seemed to understand, for they pointed to the shore as if
they wanted to say: they are there. Then they paddled to shore with
great quickness and regularity but, since the breeze began to
freshen, we did not see them again. These natives are dark brown, nay
almost as black as the blackest Caffre; they have hair of various
colours[1], owing to the lime with which
they powder it; their faces are smeared with red paint except their
foreheads. Some of them wore a thick bone through the lower part of
the nose, about half the thickness of a little finger. For the rest
they wore nothing on their bodies except some green leaves covering
their privities. Their prows were new, trimly made up, and adorned
with wood-carving in front and behind, with one outrigger each; their
paddles were not long or broad, and pointed at the end, etc. At noon
the wind went round to south-east with a fair breeze; we shaped our
course west by north along the coast; Latitude observed 2° 53',
Longitude 168° 59'; course held west-north-west, sailed 5 miles;
in the afternoon we made good progress. During the night there was
land-wind with a light breeze.

[The three pages following contain surveyings of the coast of
New Guinea, with inscriptions:]

A view of the coast of Noua Guinea, as you sail along it from the
Visschers islands to westward.

A view of the coast of Noua Guinea as far as this bay.

A view of the coast of Noua Guinea or Salmon Sweers hoeck[2].

[The next page is taken up by a drawing, with
inscription:]

A view of a vessel of Noua Guinea, with the natives living
there.

Item the 7th.

In the morning we continued drifting in a calm. In the forenoon
there came again 20 prows hovering near and about the ships but, like
those of the previous day, they kept out of reach of gun-shot. We
repeatedly made signs to them upon which they at length made bold to
paddle alongside of us. They had nothing in their prows except in one
of them three coconuts, of which we got one in exchange for a string
of beads. We thought we should have got all three of them for it, but
they absolutely refused to part with the other two. Another man had a
shark (which in their tongue they called Ilacxz) which we also
bartered against three strings of beads; a third again had a dorado
or dolphin, which one of our sailors exchanged for an old cap. Some
of them had a number of small fishes which they threw to our men, but
they proved not worth eating. Finally three or four of these people
came on board of our ship, looked about them in great amazement, and
walked about the ship as if they were intoxicated; a curious
circumstance truly, for in their small prows they paddled about for
miles out to sea without any signs of sea-sickness, but in a large
ship like ours they seem to get intoxicated by the motion caused of
the swell of the sea. They had no arms with them, or anything which
they could have hurt us. They seemed to subsist by fishing for some
of them carried wooden eel-spears. After they had been on board for a
while they left together and paddled back to shore with a good deal
of bustle and with loud shouts. We remained lying there during the
afternoon or drifted in a calm. Farther to westward the land begins
to be very low, but the coast stretched west by north and
west-north-west as far as we could see. At noon Latitude estimated
2° 35', Longitude 168° 25'; course held west by north, sailed
9 miles. In the afternoon we still saw high land west by north and
west of the cape aforesaid; this land we estimated to be fully 10
miles from us. We drifted in a calm but, soon getting a light breeze
from the eastward, we endeavoured to get near the

[1) "Red, blue, violet", says the sailor's journal, which
gives some more particulars on these dates.]

[2) In some modern charts, Cape Salomon-Sweert, the
north-west point of New Hannover. All these names are quite wrongly
spelt in the map [in A voyage to New-Holland, etc. in the year 1699.
By Captain WILLIAM DAMPIER, III (Third edition, London, Knapton,
MDCCXXIX)], called A View of the Course of Capt. William Dampiers
voyage from Timor round Nova Brittania, etc. There, and in the
title-page of A continuation of a voyage to New-Holland, are found
the names Ant. Canes or Cave's; Ger. Denis or Garret Denis,
Wisscharts I., C. Solomaswer. Can Dampier have used and copied the
Sloane MS. no. 5222 art. 12 in the British Museum? (Compare my
annexed Life of Tasman, chapter XI). The name
Sweers hoeck seems to have been corrupted to Struijshoek in some
maps, e.g. in De Nieuwe lichtende Zee-fakkel van JOHANNES VAN
KEULEN--JAN VAN LOON--CLAES JANSZ. VOOGHT, 1706. I do not think, as
does HAMY, Commentaires sur quelques cartes anciennes de la
Nouvelle-Guinée (Paris, 1877) p. 15, that Struijs hoeck is a
Dutch translation of some Spanish name.]

{Page: Jnl.46}

high land to westward. The current setting along this coast is
steadily in our favour so that every day we made more progress to
westward than we apparently proceeded over the water. In the course
of the night we passed a large bay or inlet.

Item the 8th.

In the morning, reaching the west side of the bay, we came upon
four small low-lying islets along which we held our course; when we
were past these islets we again came upon 3 small islets lying
together west of the others which we had passed at noon. At noon
Latitude estimated 2° 26', Longitude 167° 39', the wind
blowing from the east-south-east but variable; course held west by
north, sailed 12 miles. Variation 10° North-East. South-west by
west of us we had a low-lying cape, north of which there were two low
islets. From this point the land begins gradually to fall away to
southward. About 6 o'clock in the evening we had these two islets
south by west of us and the nearest land we saw, being level and
low-lying[1], lay south-west by
south of us at about 4 miles distance. We all the time held our
course along the coast.

Item the 9th.

In the morning at sunrise we drifted in a calm; the point of the
southernmost land we saw lay south-east by east of us at about
2½ miles distance where the coast falls off very abruptly. We
then had another low-lying small islet south-south-west of us at
about 2 miles distance. We did our best to sail close along the said
point but were prevented from so doing owing to the calm. At noon
Latitude observed 2° 33', Longitude 167° 4'; course held
west-south-west, sailed 7 miles. Variation 10°. In the afternoon
we steered for the point as before.

Item the 10th.

During the last twenty-four hours we made pretty good progress to
southward. Owing to the calm and for other reasons we endeavoured to
get to southward as quickly as possible, partly to explore the coasts
and partly to find a passage southward. At noon we found the
southernmost point to bear from us east-north-east and the
northernmost ditto north-north-east. At noon Latitude observed 3°
2', Longitude 167° 4'; course held south, sailed 12 miles. In the
afternoon we kept steering south; towards evening the wind went round
to north-north-west. In order to get near to the land again we shaped
our course east-south-east and south-east, at times rough, light
variable winds with rain greatly troubling us. After midnight we
again drifted in a calm in smooth water.

Item the 11th.

At noon we drifted in a calm without being able to take the
latitude. We still saw the land stretching north-east of us, to wit
the most easterly point, the most westerly point bearing from us
north-north-east and north by east. At noon Latitude estimated 3°
28', Longitude 166° 51'; course kept south-west by west, half a
point westerly, sailed 7 miles. In the second watch we had a light
breeze from the east-north-east; we turned our course over to
south-east close by the wind but afterwards it fell a calm again.

Item the 12th.

Three glasses in the day-watch having run out we felt so violent a
shock of earthquake that none of our men, however sound asleep,
remained in his hammock, but all came running on deck in amazement,
thinking the ship had struck on a rock. The feeling was as if the
keel were dragging over coral rock but when we cast the lead we got
no bottom. After this there were repeated slight shocks of
earthquake, but none so strong as the first; at first with calm
weather but shortly afterwards with heavy rains; the wind variable
and sometimes a calm. We endeavoured to get as far to southward as
possible. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon the wind was west with a
light breeze. At noon Latitude observed 3° 45', Longitude
167° 1 minute; course held south-south-east, sailed 6 miles.
Afterwards we turned our course due south-east and then saw a small,
round, low-lying islet south by west of us at 4½ or 5 miles
distance. During the night heavy rains with variable weather.

[The three pages following contain surveyings of the coast of
New Guinea and of the Burning-Island, with inscriptions:]

A view of the coast of Noua Guinea in the great bay where we hoped
to find a passage through to Cape Keerweer, but found none.

A view of Noua Guinea in the great bay near the reefs.

A view of the coast of Noua Guinea when you are sailing westward
between it and the Burning Island.

A view of the Burning Island when it bears from you
north-west.

[1) Portland-Islands?]

{Page: Jnl.47}

Item the 13th.

In the morning the wind came from the north-east with a light
breeze; we saw high land with several mountains and low-lying
land between them from the south-west by west to the east-south-east.
As far as we could make out we were in a large bay. We kept doing our
best to get southward. At noon Latitude estimated 4° 22',
Longitude 167° 18'; course held south-south-east, sailed 10
miles. In the afternoon we drifted in a calm without being able to
take soundings; the water here is as smooth as in a river without any
motion, which made us the more believe we were in a large bay; but
what the truth is we shall learn in time. During the night we had
variable winds with now and then a calm. In the evening we had some
mountains and hills south-south-west of us, towards which we shaped
our course as much as possible.

Item the 14th.

In the morning we saw land from the east-north-east to the
south-south-west and afterwards in the west-south-west. We hoped
(although in vain) to find a passage between the two, but when we
came nearer we found that it was a bay[1], and that the land all joined to westward.
Therefore with a north-north-west wind we shaped our course west by
south as high as we could sail, and about 3 or 4 o'clock in the
afternoon came upon a reef which we judged to be usually level with
the water, and which with the present sea-wind we could hardly sail
clear of, the said reef lying 2 miles from shore as near as we could
estimate. At noon Latitude observed 5° 27', Longitude 166°
57'; course held south-south-west, sailed 15 miles. Variation 9°
15' North-East. Towards evening we got a light breeze from the
north-north-east. During the night we again drifted in a calm.

Item the 15th.

We continued to have variable winds and calms so that we made
little progress. At noon Latitude estimated 5° 18', Longitude
166° 36'; course held west-north-west, sailed 6 miles. Variation
9° North-East. In the evening the high island[2] was due north-west of us at 6 miles
distance.

Item the 16th.

We kept drifting in a calm and had the most westerly land we saw
west by south and west-south-west of us. The land here from the one
point to the other begins to extend mainly west by north, and shows
from time to time high mountains with some pleasant, large, deep
valleys. In the evening the high island was north-west by north of us
at 2½ or 3 miles distance. At noon Latitude estimated 5°
5', Longitude 166° 27'; course held north-west, sailed 4 miles.
Through the whole night we had calm weather.

Item the 17th.

In the morning we still drifted in a calm; about three hours
before noon we had the high island north-east of us at 3 miles
distance. We then got a light breeze from the south-east, upon which
we set our course due west. We now had the two islands opposite each
other. At noon Latitude observed 5° 8', Longitude 166°;
course held west, half a point northerly, sailed 8 miles. Variation
8° 45' North-East. In the afternoon we again drifted in a calm;
in the evening at sunset the high island was east by north of us at 6
or 7 miles distance, and the western extremity of a high range of
mountains[3] in New Guinea
south-west by south of us at 6 or 7 miles distance. During the night
it was calm again.

Item the 18th.

In the morning at sunrise the high mountain aforesaid was south by
west of us at 6 or 7 miles distance. In the forenoon we got a light
breeze from the south-west, upon which we turned our course over to
westward, as close to the wind as possible, in smooth water. At noon
Latitude observed 5°, Longitude 165° 37'; course held west by
north and west-north-west, sailed 5 miles with variable winds and a
calm now and then. At noon the high mountain was south[4] of us; at about four o'clock in the afternoon
it was south by east of us so that since noon we had drifted about 2
miles to westward. We next saw where the land extended to westward,
another high mountain south-west by south of us. The wind being
south-south-west, then but very light, we turned our course over to
westward close by the wind; at night we had a fair breeze from the
south-east but already at the end of the second watch it fell calm
again.

Item the 19th.

In the forenoon we had a light breeze from the south, our course
being west-south-west. At noon Latitude observed 5° 9', Longitude
164° 50'; course held west by south, sailed

[1) De bocht van Goede Hoop.--In this there are
two islets: tolerably low and tolerably high. The
translator of the Visscher map in the British-Museum (Sloane, no.
5222, art. 12) did not understand these expressions, and has spelt
them wrong.]

[2) The tolerably high island?]

[3) Finisterre mountains.]

[4) The Huydecoper M.S.: "south by east of
us."]

{Page: Jnl.48}

12 miles. Variation 9° North-East. At noon we had a round
high islet[1], situated three
miles off the mainland coast of New Guinea, due south of us at
2½ miles distance. We set our course west-south-west, after
which west by north of us we also saw land, which was supposed to be
islands since we found the mainland coast of New Guinea to extend due
west only. In the afternoon, the wind being south-east, we still
stuck to our west-south-west course. At two o'clock in the afternoon
we came upon a rocky reef which was only a fathom under water; from
the masthead we saw, northward of the reef aforesaid, several more
small reefs, between which the sea seemed to be deep; we ran round
south of them and saw more reefs still, south of us. We accordingly
passed between the two groups of reefs, and in quiet weather set our
course west-south-west. We had the round high island which at noon
was south of us, south-east of us now at a distance of about four
miles, so that this reef aforesaid is north-west by west of the high
round island at 4 miles distance. This reef is in 5° 10 or 12'
South Latitude. The most northerly point of the mountains, which we
had up to now taken to be islands, was west-north-west of us at about
7 miles distance, which indications will be sufficient to recognise
these shoals by in future. In the evening the southern point of a
high island[2] was west by north
of us at about 5½ or 6 miles distance; we set our course as
much due west as we could, with light variable winds.

Item the 20th.

At noon we had the most southerly point of the island north-west
by west of us at 2 or 2½ miles distance; in the evening the
centre of the island was north-east of us at 1½ miles
distance, and the south point of another and higher island
west-north-west of us at 6 or 7 miles distance. We set our course
west by north. At noon Latitude observed 5° 4', Longitude
164° 27'; course held west by north, sailed 6 miles with variable
winds and an occasional calm. Variation 8° 30'. In the evening we
again drifted in a calm, but shortly after the wind became east with
a fair breeze. At night at the setting of the second watch we came
close to the island and saw a large flame issue steadily from the top
of the mountain. This is the volcano[3]
which Willem Schouten refers to in his journal. In order to pass
between the mainland of New Guinea and this island we drifted the
night without sails set, and thus waited for the day. While drifting
we constantly heard the heavy ripple of the current which carried us
to westward, which was greatly in our favour. On the same island we
saw many fires close to the water, and also halfway up the high
mountains, so we concluded it to be a thickly peopled country; it
lies in the latitude of ---- degrees ---- minutes. As we were here
sailing along the coast of New Guinea we had frequent calms and
constantly saw pieces of wood floating about, the size of small
trees, also bamboos and other lumber from shore, coming down the
rivers, which made us conclude that there must be many rivers, and
that it must be a fine country. We held our course north-west along
the coast.

Item the 21st.

In the morning the centre of the island was east of us at 3 miles
distance, the south-east point being east-south-east and south-east
by east, the northern point north-east by east of us; the nearest
land on the mainland coast was south-west of us at 1½ or
1¾ miles distance[4]. We then saw
one more island north-west of us at about 8 miles distance, which
Willem Schouten had named the high island[5], and that justly since it is very high. At
noon Latitude observed 4° 30', Longitude 163° 13'; course
held west by north, sailed 20 miles with a variable wind. In the
evening at sunset the wind became east with a light breeze. We had
sailed to the north-west since noon, and now shaped our course
north-west by west with a fair breeze, and afterwards
west-north-west, so that in the evening the centre of the island was
due north-west of us at 4 miles distance. At the close the 6th glass
in the first watch, as we were in the narrowest part of the passage
between the mainland and the island, we found that at this point of
the mainland of New Guinea there begins a low-lying coast[6] which then trends west-north-west and
north-west by west. Accordingly at the end of the first watch we took
in all sails and let the ship drift with only the mizzen-sail set in
order to await the

[1) Krakar or Dampier Island.]

[2) Tolerably high?]

[3) Burning Island?]

[4) The Huydecoper MS. has here: "This island by quess
has a lenght of about 4½ miles.]

[5) Vulcanus or burning island?]

[6) Here ends the high land.]

{Page: Jnl.49}

day and avoid all perils; but since the current was setting here
to the west we made more progress as measured by the land we passed
than was apparent from our advance over the water. The mountain
burnt with a steady flame issuing straight from the top.

Item the 22nd.

In the morning in the day-watch we again made sail and set our
course to west-north-west. At sunrise we got into very pale-coloured
water and at first thought we had come upon a shoal, for which reason
we forthwith turned our course to the north. At this time we had the
high burning mountain east-south-east and south-east by east of us at
7 miles distance. At night the flames were very violent. We had
another high[1]but small
island north-north-east of us at 4 or 5 miles distance; the most
westerly point of the mainland we saw being west-north-west of us at
4 miles distance, and a large river south-south-west of us at 2 miles
distance. The north-north-west course lies between two high islets[2] situated close together. Westward of
these we saw still more land, to wit, three more islands[3]. The mainland coast here extends chiefly to
west-north-west. We took soundings here but found no bottom although
we had sailed one mile from the low-lying land. We again set
our course west-north-west along the coast, and this day passed six
small islets, all of which we left on our starboard. At noon Latitude
observed 3° 39', Longitude 161° 38', the wind being east and
east-south-east, also at times east-north-east but variable; course
held west-north-west, half a point northerly; sailed 27 miles. In the
afternoon we got a fair breeze from the east-north-east; course held
as before. We found here a low-lying land full of rivers, and
saw many trunks of trees and other wood, together with a great
quantity of green brushwod, come floating from the rivers with a flow
of whitish sandy water. This low land forms a cape here, and when you
have passed this point the land trends away to westward, so that a
large bay is formed here, the two points however bearing from each
other west-north-west. In the evening the eastern extremity of the
most westerly island of the six was north-east by north of us at
1½ miles distance. We had at that time another high
island alongside west by north of us at 5 miles distance; we set
our course west-north-west and north-west by west. At the end of the
first watch we had the centre of the island south-west of us at one
mile distance; we then set our course west-north-west with an
easterly wind; at midnight a heavy shower of rain.

Item the 23rd.

In the morning the wind continued easterly; we kept our course
west-north-west as before. In the forenoon we passed so much wood,
pieces of tree-trunks, bamboo and other brushwood that it seemed as
if we were sailing in a river, from all which we concluded that there
must be a great river hereabouts and, since the current set us from
the land, we shaped our course to westward and afterward west by
south in order to get the coast alongside again. At noon Latitude
estimated 3° 1 minute, Longitude 160° 3', the wind blowing
from the east, course held west-north-west, sailed 26 miles. At two
o'clock in the afternoon we again came near the mainland coast; in
the evening we again set our course west-north-west, straight along
the coast. In the afternoon a prow came to the Zeehaan from the
mainland[4].

Item the 24th.

In the morning course and wind as before, with a fair breeze; at
noon we took no latitude, though the weather was good; we estimated
ourselves to be in Latitude 2° 22' South, Longitude 158° 36',
the wind east; course held west-north-west, sailed 26 miles.
Variation 8° North-East. In the afternoon we had rain, but at
night at the end of the second watch we saw straight ahead low
land with fires; we lay to with one sail close to the wind in
order to await the day and drifted. During the night Latitude
observed 2° 20'.

[The next page has a coast-surveying of New-Guinea, with
inscription:]

A view of the coast of Noua Guinea eastward of the island of
Jamna.

Item the 25th.

In the morning at daybreak we again made sail, and with an
easterly wind shaped our course to westward towards the land we had
seen during the night with the fires on the said land. We found it to
consist of three low-lying islets, lying near to the mainland coast,
about 5 miles to the eastward of the island of Moa, which we got
sight of shortly afterwards. We then steered for the said island of
Moa and made for the roadstead on the west side of the island,
casting anchor in 12 fathom,

[1) Tolerably high?]

[2) Without names?]

[3) High and tolerably high, and one island
without a name?]

[4) Some names on the chart are not referred to in the
text of the journal.]

{Page: Jnl.50}

good, grey, sandy bottom. This day we had much rain, the sea
running fast from the north-west. When we had cast anchor a large
number of small prows came swarming near and about our ships,
loitering a long while before venturing to come alongside. We
therefore tied a number of beads to pieces of firewood, which we
threw out to them, on which almost all of them came on board of us,
bringing with them no more than three coconuts. Making use of Jacob
Le Maire's Vocabulary we gave them to understand that we wanted hogs,
fowls, coconuts, bananas, and other refreshments, upon which they
paddled to shore to fetch them, and returned towards noon, bringing
with them, some four, others 5 or 6 coconuts, with a lot of unripe
bananas, all of which we obtained of them by barter, 5 or 6 for an
old nail or a string of beads, and 12 or 14 coconuts for a knife;
they also brought us some fish both smoked and fresh. At noon
Latitude observed 2° 11', Longitude 156° 47'; the wind east,
course held west by north, sailed 28 miles. In the evening when all
the prows had left us we sent our pinnace to fetch our friends of the
Zeehaan on board of us, with whom we resolved upon what is in
extenso set forth in this day's resolution to which we beg leave
to refer.

Item the 26th.

Early in the morning again a large number of prows with coconuts
and unripe bananas came alongside. It seemed that the natives here
had nothing else to dispose of. This day we obtained by barter so
many coconuts that each of the men of our crew got five of them, but
the natives brought little else than coconuts and unripe bananas,
together with some fish, both fresh and smoked, all of which
commodities we obtained of them by barter. This day we had 2
low-lying islets west of us. About 4 o'clock in the afternoon we
sighted the island of Arymoa, north-west by west of us at 8 or 9
miles distance according to our estimation. As we were lying off the
island here we found the wind to blow north-east from the sea by day,
and south-east from the land by night; we also found the current to
set here steadily to westward at such a rate that in a calm we should
be sure to drift 4, 5 or 6 miles in twenty-four hours. The prows of
the natives here are very narrow, about a foot in breadth.

Item the 27th.

In the morning the wind was south-west. Latitude observed here
2° 10', Longitude 156° 47'. This day there came again a large
number of prows alongside our ships, some of them from other islands
in the neighbourhood and others from the mainland, bringing nothing
but coconuts, unripe bananas and some fresh and smoked fish, almost
all of which we obtained by barter. Among the said prows there were
two large ones with 18 or 20 men in each of them, all of them armed
with bows and arrows, and also with javelins and harpoons. These
natives were almost quite black and went naked, having only a small
covering to hide their privities from view. They could all of them
exactly imitate whatever words they heard our men pronounce, a sure
sign that their language is copious and difficult to pronounce, which
we also infer from their using the letter R in so many of their
words, some of them even containing as many as three R's. This day we
got so many coconuts that we served out 6 coconuts and some bananas
to each of our men. In the evening we again summoned our friends of
the Zeehaan on board of us, and represented to them that we had come
to the conclusion that we were lying not before Moa, but before
Jamna, and asked them whether they did not think it best for us to
weigh anchor tomorrow before daybreak and run for Moa, where we are
likely to get more refreshments than here, which was assented to by
the council, as may be seen from today's resolution.

Item the 28th.

In the morning at 4 glasses in the day-watch we weighed anchor and
sailed with small sail to the island of Moa, where we dropped anchor
at about noon in 10 fathom, stiff ground. As soon as we had dropped
anchor numerous prows with coconuts and bananas came alongside. At
noon Latitude estimated 2° 5', Longitude 156° 28'; course
held west by north, sailed 5 miles. In the afternoon at the end of 6
glasses there came a large prow from the mainland with 19 men in her,
bringing a number of coconuts, which those on board the Zeehaan
obtained by barter. This day we got so many coconuts by exchange that
we served out 6 of them to each of our men.

Item the 29th.

In the morning again a large number of small prows came alongside
with coconuts, unripe bananas, etc., which we all obtained by giving
in exchange old nails, beads and knives, so that this day we served
out 4 coconuts to each of our men. Towards the evening a large number
of prows came alongside among them one with 11 persons in her,
bringing with them a large quantity of coconuts which we all obtained
of them by barter. Towards the evening we summoned

{Page: Jnl.51}

on board of us our friends of the Zeehaan with whom we resolved to
weigh anchor and proceed on our voyage as soon as wind and tide
should serve.

Item the last.

In the morning a strong wind was blowing from the west-north-west,
and the sea running very high, so that during all this day we could
do nothing to give effect to our resolution of the previous day, to
set sail from Moa and continue our voyage, but were compelled to
remain at anchor. This day we again obtained by barter a number of
coconuts, as many as the natives brought to our ships.

[May 1643]

Item the 1st of May.

As the wind still continued west-north-west we had to remain at
anchor, since we had the current against us, so that we should have
done no good by trying to tack; this day we got some more
coconuts.

Item the 2nd.

We still remained at anchor because the west-north-west wind kept
blowing with a stiff, steady breeze, and the current was setting
steadily to eastward. We had rain now and then but most of the time
dry weather. In the forenoon we got still a large number of coconuts,
but in the afternoon no more prows came alongside owing to the stiff
breeze. During the night we had pretty good weather and always west
wind.

Item the 3rd.

In the morning several prows again came alongside. Our men being
engaged in washing the deck, one of our sailors standing on the wales
to hand up the bucket, was shot at with an arrow and hit in the thick
part of the leg above the thigh; we immediately made some of our men
fire among the prows with muskets, so that one of the natives was hit
in the arm. Shortly after we weighed anchor, ran inwards to the spot
where Jacob Le Maire had formerly been at anchor with the ship
Eendracht, and dropped our anchor from the bows between the two
islands in smooth water. The natives on shore, seeing that we came
sailing inwards with both ships, waved with branches and seemed full
of fear that we might come with hostile intentions. They immediately
sent on board of us the man who had been discharging arrows against
our ship to make his peace with us which was done. Then the other
natives again came on board as before, but they did not venture to
demand as much for their commodities as before, and were content to
take what we offered them. This day we again got a few prows
alongside with coconuts, which we all obtained of them by barter, so
that we could serve out 9 coconuts to each of our men[1].

Item the 4th.

In the morning the wind kept always blowing from the
west-north-west, so that we were forced to remain here; this day
again numerous prows came alongside with coconuts, which we all
obtained of them by exchange, so that we could serve out 7 coconuts
to each of our men.

Item the 5th.

The west-north-west wind still continuing in the morning we
remained lying at anchor. This day we got only a few coconuts on
board, all of them very young ones, so that it would seem that most
of the coconuts of this island had already been gathered.

Item the 6th.

About 8 o'clock in the morning there sprung up a light
land-breeze, so that we weighed our anchors and set sail in order to
continue our voyage. We were already under sail when some more prows
with coconuts came alongside. From these islands, both Hamna and Moa,
we have got 6000 coconuts for the two ships, and about 100 bunches of
bananas, all which we obtained by barter for beads, old rusty nails,
and pieces of iron hoops, which we ground on one side, and to which
we fitted wooden handles so as to resemble knives, for which they
were very eager. When we had got to a quarter of a mile distance
outside the bay it fell calm so that we had to drop anchor in 9
fathom, stiff ground.

[The next page contains coast-surveyings, with
inscriptions:]

A view of the coast of Bettaff[2] from Jamna to Moa.

A view of the island of Takal, as you sail along it.

[The next page do:]

A view of the island of Jamna, when you lie at anchor under it in
10 fathom.

[1) The sailor's journal has some particulars not without
interest: "The inhabitants of these islands had figures, resembling
fishes, burnt or painted on their bodies," etc.]

[2) ROBIDÉ VAN DER AA, Reizen Nieuw Guinea, would
not have written the note on p. 110, if he had known, that not only
Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte chart, but also the journal
has: "the coast of Bettaff".]

{Page: Jnl.52}

A view of the island of Medemo; to this road-stead we have given
the name of Cornelis Witzen reede.

[The next page, one do:]

A view of the coast of Nova Guinea near Moa.

[The next page contains coast-surveyings of the islands of Moa
and Insou, with figures of the two ships and inscriptions:]

A view of the islands of Moa and Inzou; to this road-stead we have
given the name of Johan Maet Zuyckers reede.

[The next page is taken up by a full-page drawing, with
inscription:]

A view of the natives of the islands of Moa, Jamna and other
circumjacent islands; their outward appearance, manner and dress,
their vessels, etc., as you see them figured here.

Item the 7th.

In the morning the wind went about slightly to landward but
inclining to a calm; we continued trying to get a little more off the
land. In the forenoon the wind was west by south with a fair breeze,
course held north-north-west. In the afternoon the wind became
north-north-west, on which we tacked about, steering west by south.
In the evening at the setting of the first watch of the island Arymoa
was north-west of us at about 3 miles distance; we then turned our
course over to northward again and kept our course north by west
without making much progress, since the sea ran very strong from the
north-west. During the night the wind was west-south-west.

Item the 8th.

In the morning at sunrise we had the largest island of
Arymoa due south-west of us at about 3 miles distance; the
wind continued west by south and west-south-west; course still held
north-north-west. In the afternoon we had good weather. Latitude
observed 1 degree 30', Longitude 156° 22'; course held north by
west, sailed 8 3/4 miles. Variation 8° North-East. We had the
most north-westerly point of the island of Arymoa south-west and
south-west by south of us at 5 or 6 miles distance. We then turned
our course over to south-west with a west-north-west wind and a light
breeze. In the evening at sunset we had the western point of the
island of Arymoa south-west by south of us at about 3½ miles
distance in calm weather with the wind west-north-west; we still
tacked to south-west. During the first and second watch of the night
we drifted in a calm, the sea still running from the west-north-west.
At the end of the second watch we got a light breeze from the
south-east upon which we set our course due west.

Item the 9th.

In the morning the wind was south by east inclining to a calm. At
sunrise we had the island of Arymoa south by east of us at about 3 or
4 miles distance; we still continued to steer west. At noon we got a
light breeze from the north. The island of Arymoa then lay south-east
by east of us at 3 or 4 miles distance, our course being always west.
At noon Latitude observed 1 degree 35', Longitude 155° 25';
course held west by south, sailed 7 miles. Variation 7° 30'. In
the afternoon the wind became north-north-west with good weather. In
the evening at sunset the north side of Arymoa lay east by south of
us at 7 miles distance. We took soundings here in 67 fathom, at about
3 miles distance from the mainland, which was very low-lying here.
The wind being north-west we made for the coast and got into
gradually shallowing water, 50, 40, 30 and 35, all good bottom; when
6 glasses in the first watch were out we sounded in 24 fathom, upon
which we tacked about, since the wind at times was blowing more from
shore, so that when about midnight the wind had gone round to
south-west we set our course north-west along the coast.

Item the 10th.

In the morning the wind was south, our course remaining as before.
We continually sailed here in thick muddy water of green colour,
along a low coast which, by reason of this discharge of water, we
supposed to be full of rivers, but we remained so far from shore
that we could not well discern any rivers. Before noon having set our
course north-west we found that the current caused by the discharge
of the rivers was steadily setting us off the land. At noon Latitude
observed 1 degree 17', Longitude 155° 12'; course held
west-north-west, sailed 12 miles with variable winds. In the
afternoon the wind abated and in the evening in the first watch we
drifted in a calm; in the second watch the wind was variable.

Item the 11th.

At noon the wind came from the south-east with a light breeze. We
turned our course west by south in order to get the land alongside
again since we did not see any. At noon Latitude observed 1 degree
3', Longitude 154° 28'; course held west, sailed 12 miles.
Variation 6° 50' North-East.

{Page: Jnl.53}

In the evening with a south-south-east wind we set our course due
west. All through the night we had a fair breeze with occasional
calms. It seems however that the wind is getting to some extent
influenced by the eastern monsoon. This day we had smooth water; the
clouds which for some time past had been driving from the north-west
were now at a standstill. We passed some low-lying land here.

Item the 12th.

In the morning the wind was east by north, our course being west.
We again saw land, lying west by south of us, and set our course
straight for it, when we found it to be Willem Schoutens
island. At noon we had the northern point of it due west of us at
about 6 miles distance in good weather. At noon Latitude observed
54°, Longitude 153° 17', with an east-south-east wind; course
held west, sailed 18 miles. We continued sailing along it. About an
hour before sunset 6 prows put off from Schoutens island to have a
look at us, each prow containing 20, 24, or 25 men, but they were too
shy to come alongside; these prows were about the length of the
oranbays[1] of the Moluccus, but not so
broad; the men were very expert paddlers, and seemed to be quick and
intelligent; this land, about 18 or 19 miles in length, seems to be
fairly well populated. In the evening at sunset we had the northern
point of Willem Schoutens island west-south-west of us at about
1½ miles distance, so that we constantly saw the surf break on
the shore. This day in the evening a heavy slow swell rose, coming
from the north; what it means we shall learn in time. The wind still
blowing from the east with a light breeze. In the evening we set our
course west towards the most westerly point so that we sailed along
the coast all night.

Item the 13th.

In the morning we were at about 2 miles distance from the western
point of Willem Schoutens island, which was almost due south-west by
south of us; another islet, lying north-west by north of the point
just mentioned at about 3 or 4 miles distance, bore from us
north-west. We kept sailing westward along the coast until the said
point was east of us, and then, in order to get the mainland coast
alongside again, we set our course west-south-west. In the afternoon
we got the wind from the south with a fair breeze. At noon Latitude
estimated 54', Longitude 152° 6'; course held west, sailed 18
miles with an east wind. Variation 6° 30' North-East. In the
afternoon the wind turned to the south-east with rainy weather. We
then sighted land again, south-south-west of us; it was a low-lying
coast, forming part of the mainland of New Guinea. From here we set
our course due west; during the night we had a fair breeze.

Item the 14th.

In the morning we were again close to the mainland coast of New
Guinea. Here the interior was very high like Il do Fermoza; but
the foreland was almost everywhere low or level. We kept sailing
to westward along the coast towards the cape of Good Hope. At noon
Latitude observed 48', Longitude 150° 31'; course held west,
sailed 24 miles with an east wind. In the afternoon there was a light
breeze; in the evening it fell a calm; we saw the Cape de Goede
Hoope[2] west and west by south of
us at about 6 miles distance. Eastward of the cape of Good Hope the
land begins to be very high until quite close to the shore,
without having any low foreland; the land is somewhat higher than
the island of Fermoza. We continued on our west by north course
to the cape of Hope, the sea now running from the north-east. During
the night we had dark weather with a drizzling rain, the wind being
very variable; afterwards we drifted in a calm.

Item the 15th.

At noon we had the cape of Good Hope south of us at 3 miles
distance[3]; Latitude estimated 41',
Longitude 149° 53'; course held west by north, sailed 12 miles.
Variation 6° North-East; the wind variable. In the afternoon the
wind was east-north-east with calm weather. We set our course to
westward to the west side of the bay which Willem Schoutens had
sailed into, but had to return from[4].
During the night we drifted in a calm and made little progress.

Item the 16th.

In the morning we were still drifting in a calm, and saw the
western point

[1) East-Indian vessels. "The people seem to be
'Poepoes'" (Papoo's?), says the sailor's journal.]

[2) Tandjong Jamoeseba (Jermoer Sba). But cf.
Robidé van der Aa, on the places referred to in this note.
Here Tasman makes a mistake. Schouten named Cape of Good Hope the
north-westpoint of Schouten's island. But if we compare maps that
have only the discoveries anterior to Tasman's (e.g. Remarkable Maps,
II, 14) we also sometimes find this mistake, which is perpetuated in
maps posterior to Tasman's journal. But compare also the note of
ROBIDÉ VAN DER AA on p. 108 of C. B. H. Van Rosenberg,
Reistochten naar de Geelvinkbaai in de jaren 1869 en 1870.
's-Gravenhage, Nijhoff, 1875. and ROBIDÉ VAN DER AA,
Reizen Nieuw-Guinea, p. 60, note *)--BURNEY, III, p. 107,
note.]

[3) Compare for this date and the following, Tasman's
chart of Sept. 8, 1644, reproduced in this work, and discussed in my
annexed Life of Tasman.]

[4) Dampier-Strait, mistaken for a bay.]

{Page: Jnl.54}

of the land at the west side of the bay aforesaid; this western
point lay west of us at about 7 miles distance. At noon it was calm
and we had the western point of the bay south-south-west of us; we
set our course west by north. At noon Latitude observed 16',
Longitude 149° 9'; course held west-north-west, sailed 12 miles.
Variation 5° 50'; the weather calm; in the afternoon it was calm
too, but since the current was carrying us to westward our progress
was greater as measured by the land we passed than by our advance
over the water. This day we saw several small islands near the
western point; we steered our course towards them west by south. In
the evening at sunset the westernmost point of the mainland we saw
bore from us west slightly southerly, at 3 or 4 miles distance, and a
small islet lying off the said point, west slightly northerly, at 3
or 4 miles distance. Between the mainland and[1] New Guinea and the island last mentioned we
saw the open sea due west of us. We drifted in a calm; at midnight
the land-breeze sprung up and we set our course west by north in
order to run outside the said islet; during the night we had variable
winds alternating with calms.

Item the 17th.

Early in the morning we were close under this island aforesaid at
about one mile distance; we then came upon a shoal and, when sailing
over it, we sounded in the shallowest part 9 fathom, rocky bottom.
When we were past the shoal just mentioned we got deeper water again;
but shortly after, when we had the island south by east of us, we
could see the bottom, the sea being only 7 fathom deep here, bottom
as before; this shoal runs off to north-west from the land aforesaid.
We kept holding our course west by south, and saw still more islands
ahead, west of us 5 or 6 of them. At noon the island we had passed
bore from us east at about 3 miles distance. During these twenty-four
hours we had advanced 9 miles on a west slightly southerly course.
Latitude estimated 20' south of the equator, Longitude 148° 34';
course held west one third of a point southerly, sailed 9 miles. In
the evening at sunset there lay west-north-west and north-west by
west of us 7 or 8 small islands in a row, bearing from each other
west by north and east by south. We then passed a number of rocks all
overgrown with brushwood; these we left on our starboard, and four
more small islands to larboard, the latter lying near the mainland
coast. The coast of Noua Guinea[2] here
is full of small bays and projecting points; but there is almost
everywhere deep water so that we run on a mile only from shore; about
4 glasses in the first watch, off a pretty large bay, we were about
2/3 mile from shore. We took soundings here in forty fathom, sandy
bottom, where we forthwith anchored. Here we had a large island west
by south of us at about 6 miles distance where in the evening we had
seen a passage through between the mainland coast and the said
island.

Item the 18th.

Early in the morning with the landwind we weighed anchor and set
sail for the narrows between the mainland coast and the islands in
order to pass through. Shortly afterward we drifted in a calm; about
noon a light breeze from the west and the current were against us, so
that we were carried back, and at length came to anchor in 16 fathom
between an island and a rock which lay level with the water, the
bottom being small coral. At noon Latitude estimated 26', Longitude
(not recorded)[3] sailed 6 miles. As we
lay here the current began to run much stronger in the afternoon; we
are here in 26' South Latitude; variation 5½° North-East.
About four o'clock in the afternoon the current began to change, the
ebb-tide running here to west and the flood to east, so that a
west-south-west moon makes high-water here; but since we cannot be
far from the western extremity of New Guinea, as the coast begins to
trend southward here, it is quite possible that the two tides meet
here at the extremity of Noua Guinea[4],
since before we had the flood from the east everywhere along the
coast of New Guinea. As there was no moon we remained at anchor
during the night for safety. This afternoon several prows came close
to our ship; the men in them said they were Ternatans and spoke the
language of Ternate, spoke with them a long time, and with kind words
tried to get them on board of us, but they pretended to be timid and
afraid; from which we concluded that these men must have been
Tydorese. They returned to the shore with their prows[5], the wind being west with good weather.
During the night we had a

[1) Qy. of? The Huydecoper copy has "the mainland
of Nova Guinea and the island."]

[2) Of the islands of Waigeoe, which they mistook for
New-Guinea, because they took Strait Dampier to be a
bay.]

[3) From the 18th to the 27th of May inclusive the
longitudes are left blank in the MS.]

[4) Waigeoe.]

[5) The sailor's journal gives some more
particulars.]

{Page: Jnl.55}

violent current to westward and frequent whirling currents so
that, our anchor quitting its hold, we had to pay out more cable. For
the rest it was calm all through the night.

Item the 19th.

In the morning the current again began to westward; we weighed
anchor and went under sail, the wind being south by west with good
weather; we set our course south-east by east over to landward, with
good dry weather. In the passage we generally sounded from 25 to 45
and 50 fathom. At this point there was a good deal of broken
land as may be seen in our chart of the same. At noon Latitude
observed 35', Longitude (not recorded); course held west-south-west,
sailed 7 miles, the wind being south by west and variable; we tacked
about to landward since the wind became south with occasional calms.
In the forenoon, the current setting from the south-south-west, we
anchored in 35 fathom, good sandy bottom. In the afternoon it fell a
dead calm. During the night we had variable currents.

Item the 20th.

In the morning the current ran slightly to south-west and was
variable, the wind blowing from the south-east with a light breeze.
We did our best to tack to the south and pass through between the
islands. But a contrary wind and calms prevented us from making any
considerable progress. We sailed here over a shoal where we sounded 5
fathom, sandy bottom mixed with shingle, but soon afterwards 25, 30,
and 40 fathom, same bottom. In the forenoon the wind blew from the
south so that we went over to eastward; shortly after noon, the wind
being south-south-west, we again came upon the shoal aforesaid and,
as the current was setting strong to the north-east, we cast anchor
in 5 fathom. At this point here the current runs very strangely, so
that in my opinion no certain information can be given concerning it.
Who comes here immediately see it, and must shape his course
accordingly. This point aforesaid of New Guinea mainly consists of
broken land which would take more time in mapping out than we
think necessary to bestow on it. We are satisfied with having
discovered a good passage through, which in future may be of great
use to the Company's ships coming from Peru or Chili at the time of
the eastern monsoon. During the night the wind was southerly with a
strong current setting to the south-west and we remained at
anchor.

Item the 21st.

In the morning before daybreak, with the current setting to the
south-west and the wind blowing from the south-east, we weighed
anchor and went under sail with a steady gale and our course set to
the south-west. In the forenoon the wind went about to south by east
so that we made no progress by tacking. About noon we therefore cast
anchor under a small island in 25 fathom, pretty good bottom, in
Latitude 38' South, Longitude (not recorded) course held south,
sailed one mile with a south by east wind; it being our intention,
with the first favourable wind and current that should offer on the
coast of New Guinea or near it, to steer our course for the south
until we shall have passed the latitude of Cape Wedda in the island
of Gilolo, from where we can cross as far north as possible. We
sailed close to shore here in order to get some firewood, of which
there was great plenty here. When arrived on the said island we
certainly observed signs of men but did not see any natives. It would
seem that the only persons landing on this island are fishermen who
dry their fish here at certain seasons of the year and then carry the
same to other places to be sold there. Near this islet and round the
whole point along and between the islands there are everywhere
currents as strong (as the old saw has it) as the tide before
Flushing pier-head. In these parts the flood runs northward and the
ebb southward, but almost everywhere here the tides follow the
direction of the coast, of the islands and passages, narrows and
straits. In the evening at the end of the first watch, the wind being
south-south-east, we set sail, endeavouring by tacking to run to the
south with a steady breeze.

Item the 22nd.

In the morning, the wind continuing southerly, we kept
endeavouring to run to the south as before, but about noon were again
forced to come to anchor in 35 fathom, sandy bottom, near a small
island about 2 miles south-east by east of the island where we had
previously been at anchor, so that in these twenty-four hours we
advanced no more than 2 miles south-east by east. At noon Latitude
observed 40', Longitude (not recorded) course held south-east by
east, sailed 12 miles.

Item the 23rd.

In the morning, the wind being south-east but inclining to a calm,
we set sail and endeavoured to run to the south. In the forenoon the
wind was variable so that at noon we had progressed about 4 miles to
the south by east. At noon Latitude estimated 55', Longitude (not
recorded) course held south by east, sailed 4 miles, with variable
winds. Variation 4° 30'. Here we again came close under a number
of islands but at first found no anchorage. The coast of Noua Guinea
in these

{Page: Jnl.56}

parts is continually running in and out, with so many windings and
so many large and small islands that there is no counting them.
During the greater part of the night we drifted in a calm; in the
evening we had had soundings in 50 fathom.

Item the 24th.

In the morning we drifted in a calm as before; in the forenoon,
the wind blowing from the south by east, we did our best by tacking
to run to the south, but we made little progress. At noon Latitude
observed 1 degree 6', Longitude (not recorded) course held south-west
by west, sailed 3 miles, the wind being south inclining to a calm. We
convened the council with the second mates of the ships Heemskerk and
Zeehaan, in which meeting it was resolved and determined that we
should shape our course above the point of Wedde and towards Ceram,
and further navigate to Batavia, seeing that at this season of the
year there is no other course possible owing to contrary winds and
counter-currents; all which is in extenso set forth in the
resolution this day drawn up touching this matter. In the course of
the night we came close to a small islet which we could not weather,
so that we were obliged to anchor there for some time in 11 fathom,
coarse sandy bottom; as we were lying at anchor we found that the
current was setting pretty strong to westward.

Item the 25th.

In the morning, the wind being east-south-east, we weighed anchor
and set sail; we passed through between the two islets. This day we
had many variable winds alternating with calms and rains; we kept
doing our best to run to the south. At noon Latitude observed 1
degree 15', Longitude (not recorded) course held south-west by west,
sailed 4 miles with variable winds. During the night we set our
course due south by west and passed a large island to larboard of
us.

Item the 26th.

At noon we took no latitude. Latitude estimated 1 degree 38',
Longitude (not recorded) course held south by west, sailed 11 miles
with variable winds. South-east of us we again saw a large island
about 8 miles in length. It extended mainly east-north-east and
west-south-west with many small islands lying off it on the
north-west side. We then set our course south-south-west to run to
westward of all these small islands. In the evening before sunset we
still saw 2 high islets north-west by west of us at about 7 or 8
miles distance, for which we set our course. We then saw
south-south-west of us the whole extent of the coast of Ceram; we
steered straight for it in good calm weather, the wind then being
north-west. During the first and second quarter of the night we
drifted in a calm; in the day-watch we got the wind from the north
with rain.

Item the 27th.

In the morning the wind was chiefly west; the point of the large
island which we had passed the previous evening now bore from us
north-east by north at about 5 miles distance; the wind being
westerly with good calm weather we turned our course over to
southward close by the wind towards the coast of Ceram, from which at
noon we were still 5 miles distant, to wit from the centre of Ceram.
At noon Latitude observed 2° 40', Longitude (not recorded) course
held south-south-west, sailed 11 miles with variable winds
alternating with calms. At sunset we were still 2 or 2½ miles
off the land; the wind continuing westerly, we endeavoured to run
westward, northward of Ceram. During the night we advanced about 5 or
6 miles with variable winds; in the day-watch it was mostly calm.

Item the 28th.

In the morning variable winds with rain, thunder and lightning.
Since the landwind was partly blowing from the south we tacked about
to westward. We were now right off the small islands which lie, 6
together, close to the coast of Ceram, and had the middle of the said
coast south-south-west of us at about 3 miles distance. At noon the
westernmost of the said small islands were south-south-east of us at
about 3 or 2½ miles distance. Today in the forenoon we had had
rain. At noon Latitude estimated 2° 48' South, middle longitude
146° 15'; course held west by south, sailed 10 miles; in the
afternoon we had dry weather, the wind being south-south-east with a
light variable breeze.

Item the 29th.

At noon we had the island of Boona west-south-west of us at about
5 miles distance; we set our course close along the coast with the
intention of running southward through the straits of Nassouw; at
noon Latitude estimated 2° 52' South, Longitude 145° 15';
course held west a quarter of a point southerly, sailed 15 miles with
the wind southerly but variable. In the afternoon it was calm, and
then the wind went round to westward of the south with a fair breeze,
so that in the night we were forced to run northward of Boona; during
the night the wind blew from the south; we set our course for the
island of Boure as close to the wind as possible.

{Page: Jnl.57}

Item the 30th.

In the morning we were close under the mainland coast of Boure,
along the north side of which we sailed with good weather and a fair
breeze from the south. At noon we had the north-western point of
Boure, known by the name of Tannewary, south by east of us at
1½ miles distance. At noon Latitude estimated 3° 8' South,
Longitude 143° 52'; course held west by south, sailed 21 miles;
in the afternoon we drifted in a calm under wind going round to
westward; we tacked about to the south in order to be near the land
in the evening as we expected the landwind; during the night we got a
light land-breeze; course held west by south along the land.

Item the 31st.

In the forenoon we had variable winds alternating with calms. At
noon we had the western point of Boure, known by the name of Tamahoo,
south of us about 3 miles distance. About one o'clock in the
afternoon, the wind becoming south with a steady breeze, we set our
course over to westward. At noon Latitude estimated 3° 15',
Longitude 147° 17'; course held west by south. Towards evening
the wind went round to the south-east; we shaped our course to
south-west with a steady breeze and good dry weather. During the
night, at the end of the first watch, the wind became east-south-east
and we set our course south-west by west for the entrance of the
strait of Botton, because we intended to pursue our course through
the said strait and then to the Booqueroenis.

[June 1643]

Item the 1st of June.

In the morning the wind kept blowing from the east-south-east with
good dry weather and a fair breeze; we set our course west-south-west
for the northern point of the island of Botton. At noon Latitude
observed 4° 13', Longitude 141° 5'; course held south-west by
west, sailed 26 miles with an east-south-east wind. In the afternoon
we sighted the strait of Botton. We sailed in the strait in the
evening and during the night with variable winds alternating with
calms, and endeavoured to continue our voyage through the strait to
the south.

Item the 2nd.

In the morning at sunrise we had advanced into the strait a
distance of about 3 miles. In the afternoon we drifted in a calm, the
current being against us. We cast anchor close to the coast of
Boutton in 26 fathom, stiff ground; here we found two junks at
anchor, of which the Supercargo forthwith came on board of us and
showed us their passports which they had obtained from the Honourable
Governor Gerrit Demmer, with which passports they were going to Byma
to return afterwards to Amboyna or to Batavia. The names of the
Anachgoddes[1] of the junks were Mouna
and Jurregan Wanga, besides there was still a free black, Hendrick
Jansz of Solor, ensign of the Groene Geuszen[2]. From them we learned that the Honourable
Anthony Caen had arrived at Amboyna with a number of vessels with
destination for Ternate. They also told us that the ship Hollandia
was reported to have been lost on her way from Batavia to Amboyna,
but whether this is true we shall learn in time. At noon Latitude
estimated 4° 32', Longitude 141° 3'; course held
west-south-west, sailed 13 miles with variable winds. During the
night when 4 glasses in the first watch had run out and the current
began to set southwards we set sail; all through the night the wind
was very variable but chiefly south; we did what we could by
tacking.

Item the 3rd.

We kept tacking as before, the wind being southerly. At noon we
were full in the first narrows, with the wind northerly but with
frequent calms. At noon Latitude estimated 4° 54' South,
Longitude 140° 59'; course kept south by west, sailed 6 miles. In
the afternoon we had heavy rains; shortly before the evening we
anchored in a calm one mile past the first narrows in 30 fathom, good
stiff ground, the current setting to northward. About midnight with
still water we weighed anchor and set sail but there was hardly any
breeze, so that we made little progress.

Item the 4th.

In the morning we still drifted in a calm. At noon Latitude
estimated 5° 10' South, Longitude 140° 56'; course kept south
by west, sailed 4 miles with variable winds. At 4 o'clock in the
afternoon we got the wind from the south-east and set our course
south-south-west straight for the narrows lying close to Boutton;
this is the narrowest part of the strait of Boutton, where we cast
anchor after midnight close to the island in 12 fathom, stiff
ground.

Item the 5th.

Early in the morning we weighed anchor in a calm but, as the
ebb-tide had nearly run out, two hours before noon we anchored in the
middle of the narrows with our kedge-anchor

[1) Anachgodde, Anachoda or Nachoda; the supercargo in a
junk.]

[2) "Groene Geuszen", are Green Beggars, the name by
which the Company's native allies of the island of Solor were
designated.]

{Page: Jnl.58}

in 45 fathom, hard bottom. At noon Latitude estimated 5° 5'
South, Longitude 140° 52'; course kept south by west, sailed
3½ miles with variable winds and rain. In the afternoon at
early ebbtide and in a calm, being engaged in weighing our
kedge-anchor, we found that it had got under a rock and were forced
to let it go, continuing our voyage to Boutton, so as in the evening
to get clear of the straits south of Boutton, with a south wind
alternating with calms. In the evening after the setting of the first
watch the steward's mate Jan Pietersz of Meldrop, whom we had put on
board the flute-ship until such time as we should arrive at Batavia,
on account of certain charges that had been brought against him, and
of misdemeanours of which he was suspected, let himself overboard
into the sea by means of rope and swam to shore at Botton. During the
night the wind was northerly with a light breeze; course held
west-south-west.

Item the 6th.

In the morning the middle of the island of Camboona was north-west
of us at about 2½ miles distance; the wind being easterly and
our course held west by south. At noon we had the western point of
Camboona north by west of us at 3 miles distance. At noon Latitude
estimated 5° 43', Longitude 140° 11'; course held
west-south-west, sailed 11 miles. In the afternoon we had a steady
breeze from the east by south. During the night at the end of the
second watch we passed the islet known as the Booquernoenis in good,
clear, dry weather.

Item the 7th.

At noon we had the western point of the high land of Turatte
north-north-east of us at about 3 miles distance; course held
west-north-west along the coast in dry weather and with a steady east
wind. At noon Latitude estimated 6° South, Longitude 138° 1
minute; course held west half a point southerly, the wind being east
with a steady breeze. In the evening at sunset we set our course west
by south, straight for the great shoal which we passed over at
midnight in 13 fathom, rocky bottom.

Item the 8th.

In the morning we had a steady south-east wind. About 3 hours
before noon we passed over a large rocky reef, sounding 6 fathom in
the shallowest part. We quite distinctly saw the bottom which was
strewn with large stones. At noon Latitude observed 6° 2',
Longitude 135° 21'; course held west, sailed 40 miles with a
south-east wind; afterwards we set our course west by south in good
weather.

Item the 9th.

South-east monsoon with good, dry weather. At noon the island of
Maduere was by estimation at 8 miles distance, south-south-west of
us. At noon Latitude observed 6° 15'; course held west by south,
sailed 26 miles; Longitude 133° 49'.

Item the 10th.

Good dry weather; we took soundings in 35 fathom. At noon Latitude
observed 6° 26', Longitude 132° 29'; course held west by
south, sailed 20 miles; in the evening we had the western extremity
of the island of Lubock[1] north by west
of us at 4 miles distance.

Item the 11th.

In the morning the wind kept blowing from the south-east; we saw
the line of the coast of Java, near Lubuan; at noon it fell a calm;
Latitude estimated 6° 26', Longitude 131° 23'; course held
west, sailed 16½ miles. We had here both sea and landwind; a
light mild breeze; in the afternoon the wind became south with a fair
breeze. We set our course west; in the evening the mountain of Lubuan
was due south of us; then we also saw the high mountain of Japare,
and the islet of Mandelycke, which bore from us due west by south, at
about 6 miles distance.

Item the 12th.

In the morning we drifted in a calm; towards noon the sea-wind
sprang up from the north-east; course held west by south. At noon we
had the islet of Mandelycke east by south of us at 4 miles distance,
and the central land of Crymon Java north-north-west of us at 6 miles
distance. At noon Latitude observed 6° 27', Longitude 130°
33'; course held west by south half a point westerly, sailed 12 miles
with land and sea-wind. In the afternoon, the wind becoming
north-east with a fair breeze, we set our course west by north. In
the evening at sunset the island of Crymon Java lay north-east by
north north-north-east of us; we continued sailing on a west by north
course as before.

Item the 13th.

In the morning the wind was south-east; at noon we had the
mountain of Cerebon south-east by south of us, and the Boomtjes
island west of us at 10 miles distance by estimation; course held as
before in calm weather. At noon Latitude observed 6°, Longitude
129° 3'; course held west by north, sailed 23 miles with land and
sea-wind. We then shaped our course west by south in order to make
Poulo Rakit and the coast of Java; in the evening at sunset we had
Poulo Rakit west by

[1) Bawean.]

{Page: Jnl.59}

north of us at about 5 miles distance, the wind being
east-south-east with calm weather, the mountain of Cerabon bearing
from us south by west. During the night we kept sailing along the
coast with the landwind in 20 or 21 fathom, stiff ground.

Item the 14th.

In the morning we passed the point with the grove of trees; we had
the landwind with a fair breeze and thus sailed along the land in
depths of from 18 to 15 fathom, until we got near the shallows of the
Schadelycken Hoek[1]. At noon Latitude
estimated 6° 3' South, Longitude 127° 59'; course held west,
sailed 21 miles. At noon we came upon the shallows of the
Schadelycken Hoek which we rounded sounding in 7 or 8 fathom. At the
end of the shoal we saw an English ship lying with flags from her
main and mizzen-tops; on our approach she weighed anchor and sailed
eastward, but for what port we do not know. In the evening at sunset
we had the point of Carauan south-west of us at about 4 miles
distance. We set our course along the coast, having the wind still
along shore; during the night we passed through between the islands
of Leyden and Enckhuyzen; when we had advanced a quarter of a mile
between these islands we dropped anchor in 11 fathom, stiff ground;
Latitude estimated 6° 12', Longitude 127° 18'; course held
west by north and west-north-west, sailed 11 miles.

Item the 15th. [June 1643]

In the morning at daybreak I went to Batavia in the pinnace. God
be praised and thanked for this happy voyage. Amen.

Done in the ship Heemskercq, date as above.

Your Worships' obedient and ever obliged servant,

ABEL JANSZ TASMAN.

[1) "Schadelijke Hoek" = Dangerous Point; Point of
Krawang.]

{Page: Life.1}

ABEL JANSZOON TASMAN: HIS LIFE AND
LABOURS.

By PROF. J. E. HEERES, LL. D.

I.

INTRODUCTION.--THE DUTCH CHARTERED EAST INDIA COMPANY.

Just as a person's external circumstances at his birth greatly,
often decisively, influence his subsequent career, so the destinies
of a nation are to a great extent conditioned by the surroundings
amidst which it first appears in history, by the physical and
geographical condition of the country which it inhabits. The part
played in the world's history by the inhabitants of the Low
Countries, is intimately connected with the successful progress of
trade and industry within their boundaries, and this progress in its
turn depended on the place which the Netherlands occupied on the map
of Europe, and on the nature of the products which their soil and
their waters yielded to the inhabitants. Situated as they were,
between England and Germany with the regions further east, between
the Baltic countries and the south-west and south of Europe, the Low
Countries, at an early period, became an emporium to which foreign
commodities from all parts, as well as native products, flowed in
profusion. Under these circumstances the possession of products for
which there was a demand abroad, and the home demand for articles
produced in other countries, naturally gave birth in the Netherlands
to a desire, both to fetch these articles from foreign parts, and to
carry the home products to foreign markets.

Again, the geographical position of the Low Countries naturally
led their northernmost provinces to look upon the sea as their most
convenient trade-route; so that, when once the North-Netherlanders
had learned to use the sea-way, they no longer restricted their
dealings to the traffic in home-made articles, or to the supplying of
home wants, but extended their operations to such foreign products as
were required by other nations than themselves. Especially from the
beginning of the sixteenth century, they became the carriers of
Europe.

The southern Netherlands, on the other hand, saw merchants from
all parts of the known world come to their markets, by road and
river, as well as across the ocean. In the southern provinces, Bruges
was the chief seat of the world's trade in the thirteenth and
fourteenth centuries. Later on, when the times became troublous, and
the Zwin, the estuary by which Bruges communicated with the sea, got
silted up, its commercial prosperity rapidly ebbed, and its place was
taken by the city of Antwerp, situated on the Scheldt, the broad
water-way to the German Ocean.

In the northern Netherlands the first place was held by Holland
and Zealand, whose trade centred in Amsterdam, the city which, as
early as the middle of the fifteenth century, was the most important
mercantile town of the northern Netherlands, and, towards the middle
of the sixteenth, had become the centre of the flourishing Baltic
corn-trade, and the granary of Europe. Ships belonging to the port of
Amsterdam, navigated the German Ocean and the Baltic, and bent their
course to the south of Europe as well. It was especially after the
discovery of America and of the route to the East Indies round the
Cape of Good Hope, that this traffic increased in extent and
importance; for the Spaniards and Portuguese, in the first place
engaged in the trade with their own colonies, gradually gave up to
the inhabitants of the Netherlands the navigation between their own
ports and these more northern regions.

Nor were other causes wanting to promote this increase of maritime
business: the Hanseatic League, once the keenest competitor of the
Dutch merchants in the Baltic trade, had been defeated in the contest
that had been going on during nearly the whole of the fifteenth
century; and the circumstance of one ruler reigning over both Spain
and the Netherlands, materially strengthened the mercantile
connections between the inhabitants of his different dominions. Thus
at the breaking out of the Eighty Years' war, Amsterdam was so
important a trading city, that often some five hundred

{Page: Life.2}

ships, most of them carrying Dutch colours, constituting half the
mercantile shipping of Holland, were seen at anchor in its
road-stead.

Among the commodities which these vessels brought from the south
of Europe, the spices of India held a foremost place. Whereas during
the Middle Ages eastern products came to the Low Countries only via
the Mediterranean cities, via Venice and Genoa, the trade in these
articles underwent a complete change after the Portuguese had
discovered the route to the East Indies round the Cape of Good Hope.
At first, it is true, they were brought to these parts by the vessels
of the Iberian peninsula, but when, since the close of the fifteenth
and the opening years of the sixteenth century, Dutch vessels had
found their way to Spanish and Portuguese ports, and the inhabitants
of these southern countries began more and more to engage in maritime
commerce with their own colonies exclusively, thus leaving the
navigation from Spain and Portugal to the Low Countries almost
entirely to Dutch ships, the case got completely altered. Dutch
vessels now began to fetch themselves the spices from south-western
Europe, which in return they supplied with such Dutch and Baltic
products as were in request there[1].

No perceptible alterations took place in the commercial situation
above described in the first years of the revolt against Spain. Both
parties continued to be aware how strongly they were interested in
the maintenance of the mercantile status quo: the Spaniards
fully understood that they could not do without the commodities
supplied to them by the rebels; the authorities of the revolted
provinces knew but too well that the well-being of the districts
under their care was indissolubly bound up with the question, whether
the said provinces could continue to be one of the leading European
markets, where the products of the North and South, of the East and
West were brought together, and whether the inhabitants of the Low
Countries could go on enjoying the great profits which they derived
from their steadily increasing carrying-trade between the different
parts of Europe. Nor, in the opening years of the struggle against
Spain, did the persons in power in Holland and Zealand swerve from
this principle of action. Even when less shrewd and less far-sighted
zealots branded all such commercial intercourse with the enemy as
high-treason, the authorities very rarely yielded to the pressure
thus brought to bear on them, and for a time only, affected to give
in to a delusion of the day. It was only when a foreigner, the Earl
of Leicester, was at the head of affairs, that for a short time a
change for the worse was introduced into the commercial system of the
Netherlands.

But after the lapse of some years Spain, which in 1580 had annexed
Portugal, began to enter upon a series of measures which could only
have been taken in moments when her rulers were stricken with total
blindness. About the year 1585, especially, they hampered the
movements of Dutch vessels to such an extent, that the trade to
Spanish ports became attended with serious dangers.

The blow was acutely felt in the Dutch provinces. But the
Netherlanders of those days would not have been themselves, had they
received it with mute resignation, in hopes of better times to come.
They were prevented from fetching the spices of India from Spain, it
is true, but what then? The way to the wonderland itself, which was
open to their adversaries, was it not equally accessible to
themselves? The Spanish monarch himself suggested to his rebellious
subjects the idea of becoming his rivals in the commercial markets of
Asia.

Holland together with Zealand had now become the mainsprings of
the revolt: thither flocked numerous malcontents from the southern
provinces, bringing with them their capital, their intelligence,
their energy, all of which they placed at the disposal of the
commerce and industry of the northern Netherlands. And since, after
the first trying years of the war, the seat of the hostilities was
more and more transferred to the southern Netherlands, the trade and
industry of the latter increasingly withdrew to the north, thus
largely benefiting the commerce of Holland and Zealand. Thus
strengthened, the Dutch merchants formed the resolution of extending
their operations to the Indies themselves, and letting the
red-white-and-blue flag float from their mast-heads in the eastern
seas[2].

But they did not enter upon their expeditions across the great
ocean without due preparation, and several years elapsed before they
ventured to undertake the long voyage to India. One of the reasons
for this hesitation was probably the fearful respect still
entertained in the Netherland provinces for the Spanish-Portuguese
power in the East. Hence also, that the Dutch ships were at first shy
of using the customary route of their enemies for trying to reach
Asia, and that they attempted to find another way round the northern
coast of Russia in order to get to the wonderland, which latter
attempts are well-known to have utterly miscarried.

But if there was hesitation, inaction there was not. By and by a
part of the route to India had been reconnoitred by Dutch vessels,
gradually feeling their way and steadily pressing forward. The way to
Brazil had been known to Dutch skippers for some time past; the west
coast of Africa was soon reached, and a few years later, in 1595, the
Compagnie van Verre of Amsterdam, the oldest East India
Company of the Netherlands, fitted out the first Dutch vessels that
were to navigate to Asia. Jan Huygen Van Linschoten, who mapped out
the route to India, and wrote an itinerary based on personal
observation, having, like many of his countrymen, made a voyage to
the East himself; Petrus Plancius, a minister of religion at
Amsterdam, and a well-known geographer and cartographer, who studied
Spanish and Portuguese charts, and imparted to navigators the results
of his scholarly researches; Cornelis De Houtman, who collected
nautical data at Lisbon, who succeeded in inspiring Amsterdam
merchants with the desire to extend their operations to the East, and
to whom, along with certain others, the command of the first
expedition was entrusted; it is to them, together with enterprising
Amsterdam merchants and the daring Dutch sailors, that posterity is
indebted for the blessed consequences resulting from the
establishment of their colonial empire in Asia.

The first voyage to India by no means produced brilliant financial
results, but on the other hand it taught two useful lessons: in the
first place it was made evident that the route to India was as
accessible to the Dutch as it had for some time been to the
Portuguese and English; and secondly it became clear that the dreaded
power of their former European competitors was by no means so
formidable as it had been thought to be. Before long in various
cities of Holland and Zealand new companies were formed for the trade
to the East Indies, ships were fitted out, and crews enlisted; all
being done under the auspices and with the aid of the authorities of
the Republic. As early as 1598 some five and twenty Indiamen had
sailed from Dutch ports, and at the time when the celebrated
chartered company was established, this number had gone up to about
sixty, a fact strongly characteristic of the energy and the spirit of
enterprise prevailing at the period. But this spirit of enterprise
was not without its dangers: the mutual competition sometimes stooped
to unfair means, and thus threatened to nip the East India trade of
the Netherlands in the bud. The keen rivalry thus born sent up the
prices of Indian products to an exorbitant extent, and thereby
exercised a fatal influence on the commercial advantages that were
the object of the trade in question. The public authorities of the
Netherlands were not slow to perceive this imminent danger, and in
order to secure the India trade against decay even before it had
begun to prosper, and at the same time to be able to attack
successfully the Spanish-Portuguese enemy in its chief stronghold,
India, they endeavoured to put an effectual stop to this internecine
rivalry, by consolidating into one company the various competing
shipping associations. They succeeded after using much persuasion and
taking a good deal of trouble; and at last on the ever memorable
twentieth day of March, 1602 the renowned General Dutch Chartered
East India Company was actually established[1].

The company was established under a charter granted by the
States-General of the United Netherlands, which charter specified the
Company's rights and powers, and broadly outlined its mode of
management. The management was confided to a board of directors,
Bewindhebbers being their official title, to be chosen from
the great shareholders. These Bewindhebbers or managers, often
styled Heeren Majores or "Our Masters" in documents of the
time emanating from the India authorities,

were distributed over the various cities, in which the Company had
established offices, or so-called "Chambers": Amsterdam, Middleburgh,
Delft, Rotterdam, Hoorn, and Enkhuizen. The general management of
affairs was entrusted to seventeen Deputed Managers, who usually held
meetings twice a year. The Amsterdam chamber returned as Deputed
Managers eight of its directors, Zealand four, and each of the other
smaller Chambers, one; the seventeenth dignitary being appointed by
one of the Chambers in its turn, with the exception of Amsterdam.
Among the powers vested in the "Heeren XVII" was that of appointing
the superior functionaries who had to represent the Company in the
East Indies. From the year 1610 the general head-management in India
was confided to a Governor-General, assisted by Councillors. In the
various territories of which the Company had taken possession, or
with which it kept up commercial connections, the conduct of affairs
was in the hands of Deputy-Governors or other officials. Speaking
generally, the Company was quite free in regulating its internal
affairs; the control which the States-General had reserved to
themselves as to certain points, got relaxed at an early period of
the Company's existence, and in the time which is chiefly going to
occupy us, had dwindled to next to nothing.

This is not the place to enter into the causes which led to this
state of things; suffice it to say that during the period above
referred to, the East India Company held a very independent position
in the republic of the United Provinces. Nor could we go into detail
as regards the nature of its charter. We need refer to two clauses of
it only, which in the outset were most conducive to the rise and
prosperity of the Company, but ultimately led to its decline and
fall. The first of these clauses, contained in Article XXXIV, granted
to the Company a monopoly of the navigation to the East Indies, to
the exclusion of all such of its fellow-citizens as had failed to
subscribe capitals at the time of its establishment, when the
subscription was open to all Netherlanders, or had not succeeded in
procuring shares at a subsequent time. This monopoly gave the Company
great strength in the East, since in its endeavours to form and
extend its business connections, it need not reckon with the rivalry
of its countrymen. The second of the clauses referred to, enacted in
Article XXXV, empowered the Company to conclude treaties and
contracts with native princes and peoples, and to erect and garrison
fortresses on the other side of the Ocean. The powers thus granted
strengthened the association against the hostile rivalry of its
competitors and enemies in Europe, and enabled the Company, where
necessary, to secure its eventual rights against the natives, and
create for itself a monopoly against both Europeans and Asiatics in
various parts of the East. In these powers lay the germ of the
suzerain rights of the Company and of the colonial empire which the
Dutch have founded in the East Indies. It was especially during the
first decades of its existence, when the Company's power and
influence were still in posse, and had often to be conquered
sword in hand; and in subsequent years, when this power and influence
could only be maintained by means of the most arduous exertions; it
was in the course of these periods especially that the great
advantages of the powers above referred to were shown in the clearest
light. It was not until a later time, when the results obtained were
deemed sufficient to justify a cessation of further action, that
these rights and powers began to exercise a fatal influence, because
they gave rise to a relaxation of the old energy, dried up the marrow
in the Company's bones, and sadly used up the strength of its body.
During the period of which we are going to treat, only the advantages
of the charter were clearly shown, while its drawbacks continued only
to be rather feared than actually felt[1].

II.

TASMAN'S BIRTHPLACE.

About a year after the formation of the celebrated East India
Company the man was born who carried the Dutch flag farther than any
of its servants, before or after him.

When, in 1844, the late professor G. Lauts brought out the first
biography of Abel Tasman[2],

he was quite in the dark as regards the year of his celebrated
countryman's birth, and he soon turned out to be on a false track as
respects Tasman's birthplace.

Apparently without any basis of likelihood beyond the fact of
persons of the same name still living on the spot, the West-Frisian
town of Hoorn had had conferred on it the honour of having given
birth to our hero[1].

The unsatisfactory nature of the evidence, however, soon caused
doubt as to the correctness of the hypothesis. Whereas as late as
1839 one of the local historians of Hoorn, Dr. C. A. Abbing,
head-master of the Hoorn grammar-school, continued to claim for the
town the honour of having been Tasman's native place[2], the same writer was two years later
compelled honestly to admit that he had found no evidence of the
truth of his assertion[3]. And soon
after, the man to whom we owe so many important data respecting
Tasman's life and work, the Amsterdam bookseller Jacob Swart, senior
partner of the publishing firm of Hulst van Keulen, duly set forth
the doubtful nature of the claims of Hoorn in the periodical of which
he was editor[4].

Prof. Lauts, in the biography above referred to, shared this
doubt, but admitted the equally groundless possibility, previously
advanced by Dr. Abbing also, that the famous navigator might have
first seen the light in one of the West-Frisian villages in the
vicinity of Hoorn.

This uncertainty induced the then keeper of the Old Colonial
Archives, Mr. P. L. De Munnick, who felt a profound interest in all
attempts made to throw light on Tasman's career, to set on foot a
fresh investigation of the documentary treasures entrusted to his
care. Nor was he disappointed. As early as 1845 he had the
satisfaction of being able to print a number of authentic documents
that removed all doubt on the subject in question[5]. Certain expressions in Tasman's will, which
had about this time been found back at Batavia, had meanwhile brought
also Prof. Lauts to a conviction[6]
which now became absolute certainty, thanks to Mr. De Munnick's
fortunate find: Hoorn had to give up its claim in favour of the
village of Lutjegast[7].

None of the documents unearthed in the course of those years,
however, mentioned the year of Tasman's birth, and it was not until
the year 1887 that the Leyden archivist, Mr. Ch. M. Dozy, adduced a
piece of evidence[8] which, if it did
not establish the point with absolute certainty, still rendered it
possible to fix the discoverer's natal year with sufficient
exactitude. In an official document, dated 27 December 1631, Tasman
states his age to be 28, so that it is safe to assume that he was
born about 1603.

Few at all interesting particulars can be given regarding the
surroundings in which the great Dutchman who achieved such fame in
his subsequent career, first drew the breath of life. Lutjegast was
then, and still continues to be, a small Protestant church village,
and numbers some two hundred inhabitants at the present time. It now
forms part of the province of Groningen, and is situated near the
Friesland boundary, west of the city of Groningen, in a country in
which agriculture and cattle-rearing are the chief means of
subsistence, while inland navigation on a small scale also
contributes to support the inhabitants. The documents which furnished
Mr. De Munnick with evidence that Tasman's cradle had stood here,
allude to Lutjegast "in Vriesland," thereby reminding us of the old
name of the region surrounding the powerful city of Groningen, viz.
the so-called Friesche Ommelanden between the Ems and the
Lauwers.

Nothing is known of Tasman's parents and other relations. The
Lutjegast registers of baptisms, marriages and deaths that are still
extant, do not go higher up than the year 1684[1], so that no information is obtainable from
these records, which then held the place now filled by the Public
Registrar's books of our time. No family name at all resembling
Tasman can now be traced in this part of the country[2]. One well-ascertained fact may, however,
deserve passing notice. About the beginning of the seventeenth
century there existed at Lutjegast a family of rather well-to-do
farmers of the name of Tassema, settled on a homestead bearing the
same appellation, and conferring on its proprietor the right of
taking a share in the administration of justice, and of membership of
the assembly of the Groningen Provincial States. This circumstance
must the more draw our attention, that in documents of the time the
terminations man and ma of the family names in those
parts, very often alternate with each other[3]. But in this case, too, common prudence
prevents us from making confident inferences, nor do we at all feel
at liberty to draw conclusions from certain data collected in an
attempt[4] at accounting for the
discoverer's family name, by deriving it from a word "tasch", which
in the province of Groningen[5]
designated a special kind of vessels.

No reminiscences of its world-renowned son have been preserved in
his native village. Under these circumstances it is not wonderful
that no particulars are forthcoming of our hero's youth and
education. It deserves mention, however, that he did not grow up
destitute of all education, as is clearly proved by the circumstance
that not only he had learned the art of writing, but even showed no
inconsiderable talent in committing his ideas and experiences to
paper. Perhaps the latter circumstance, considered in connection with
the deplorable condition of elementary education in the country
districts of Groningen towards the beginning of the seventeenth
century[6], and with the fact that
numbers of those who like him served the Company in inferior
positions, were innocent of any knowledge of the writing art, will
justify the conclusion that Tasman was not born of a family belonging
to the very lowest rank. But in the utter absence of positive data,
no certain conclusions can be arrived at, since, also as regards
education, he may have been subjected to influences which virtually
neutralised the drawbacks in this respect incident to humble
birth.

To us the whole of Tasmans's boyhood and youth is wrapped in
profound obscurity. We catch no glimmer of light before we come to
his years of maturity.

III.

The light alluded to at the close of our last chapter, was
obtained from the document already mentioned, which in 1887 Mr. Ch.
M. Dozy discovered among the public records of the city of Amsterdam.
It turned out to be a pre-contract of marriage, dated December 27,
1631[7], entered in the church registers
of pre-contracts of Amsterdam, and is of paramount interest as
regards our knowledge of Tasman's personal circumstances at the time.
Besides, as we have mentioned in the preceding chapter, it enables us
to fix the year of his birth with a certain degree of exactitude. We
further learn from it that he was already a widower at the time when
the document was drawn up. His first wife is in it referred to by the
name of Claesgie Heyndrix, this being all that it tells us with
regard to her or her wedded life with our hero. It should be added
that in the church records of Amsterdam no mention has been found of
his first marriage, so that most probably this was contracted

somewhere else[1]. The will
discovered at Batavia, however, throws some feeble light on this
point. From it we are namely led to infer[2], that one of Tasman's daughters, whom we
shall subsequently meet again at Batavia, had sprung from this first
matrimonial union. Whatever may have been the social status of
Tasman's parents at his birth, it is beyond doubt that he was himself
in anything but thriving circumstances at the time, when he married
his second wife. He is officially styled a "vaerentgesel," i.e. a
common sailor, and consequently at twenty-eight years of age had by
no means achieved a brilliant position in life; for we are led to
conclude from this qualification that probably he had not attained
any grade in transoceanic navigation[3].
His habitation at Amsterdam was in the Teerketelsteeg (i.e.
Tar-kettle Lane), a narrow street of the humblest pretensions[4], a fact which certainly does not point
to easy circumstances on his part. Nor in what we know of his second
wife is there anything that would at all justify the conclusion that
she was of higher middle class or even patrician descent. She could
not write; the positions occupied by those who were most probably
relations of hers by blood or marriage, are such as were generally
held by persons belonging to the lower classes; the "Palmstraat" in
which she lived, is not in any of the fashionable quarters and though
a will made by her on December 18, 1636[5], afterwards shows that she was not destitute
of means, in this case, too, the mention of her then place of abode,
viz. "de Braak," corner of the "Palmdwarsstraat," a humble
neighbourhood[6], goes a long way to
prove that her social position was far from being an exalted one. It
would seem likely that she, or at all events her family stock,
belonged to the small town of Workum in Friesland[7].

However this may be, it is beyond doubt, that on the 27th of
December, 1631, Abel Janszoon Tasman had officially registered his
intention to marry Jannetie Tjaerss or Tjaerts, also known as Tjercx,
Tiercse or Tjercks; i.e. Jannetje, daughter to Tjaerdt or Tjerck,
this being the usual nominal designation in cases in which a family
name was wanting. And on Sunday, January 1, 1632, the Amsterdam
minister of religion, Henricus Geldorpius--the fact was till now
unknown--definitely married the couple in the Old Church[8].

Connubial cohabitation was of no long duration in the case of our
new-married couple; for shortly after the ceremony the husband must
have sailed for India, the region that was destined to witness the
great exploits to be achieved by him. The precise date of his
departure for India is not known. The Old Colonial records[9], which from this point onward form the main
source of our knowledge of Tasman's life and work, are quite silent
on this point. Perhaps, however, also in this case we are enabled to
fix an approximate date. We shall presently see, that on December 30,
1636, he set sail again on his home voyage from Batavia. He must
accordingly at this period have finished his engagement with his
masters, and have served what was styled his "verband," the term for
which he had engaged his services to the East India Company. Now,
according to the articles of indenture[10], which inter alia specified the terms
of enlistment, this term was fixed at three years' residence in India
for all "sea-faring persons" without distinction of rank, "without
counting the time wanted for the voyages out and back." Tasman must
therefore have arrived in India on December 29, 1633 at the latest,
and consequently cannot have left the Netherlands later than in the
course of the first half of the said year. He sailed probably in one
of the ships fitted out by the Chamber of Amsterdam. At least in 1636
he went home in the ship "Banda," a vessel belonging to the said
Chamber, and as

[9) The documents to which I shall refer in the course of
the present work, are all of them preserved in the State-Archives at
the Hague, unless otherwise stated.]

[10) The articles of indenture, as drawn up in East India
in 1634, have been published by J. A. VAN DER CHIJS in
Nederlandsch-Indisch Plakaatboek, 1602-1811, I. Batavia,
's.Gravenhage, 1885, pp. 309-361.]

{Page: Life.8}

a rule officers of the Company made the home voyage in ships
belonging to the Chamber that had sent them out[1].

The earliest trace of his residence in the East Indies that has up
to now been discovered[2], bears date
February 18, 1634, on which day Tasman sailed from Batavia in a ship
which was bound for the Amboyna seas.

IV.

THE DUTCH IN AMBOYNA.--TASMAN APPOINTED SKIPPER, 1634.--FIRST
VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY.--SUBSEQUENT RESIDENCE IN THOSE PARTS.

The Dutch had come in contact with the natives of Amboyna for the
first time in 1599. Wijbrandt Van Warwijck and Jacob Van Heemskerck,
who had sailed from the Texel on May 1, 1598, in the fleet commanded
by Jacob Van Neck, in March 1599 arrived with four vessels off Hitoe,
the northernmost of the two peninsulas forming the island of Amboyna.
They met with a very friendly reception. It seems not unlikely that
this friendly attitude of the native population was largely due to
their well-founded hope of finding in the new-comers efficient allies
against the Portuguese, who had built a fortress in the southern
peninsula of Leitimor, and were constantly at daggers drawn with the
Hitoese. Next in power and influence in Amboyna and the neighbouring
isles to these last mentioned European conquerors, and unfavourably
disposed towards them, figured the Sultan of Ternate.

From this first meeting the connection of the Dutch with these
regions was constantly kept up, at first with short interruptions,
but soon continuously. It will hardly be wondered at that the Dutch,
who from their first arrival in the East had been treated as enemies
by the Portuguese[3], at that time the
leading European power there, soon began to avail themselves of every
opportunity that offered to pay these adversaries in the same coin.
Always with the understanding, of course, that their commercial
interests must not be allowed to suffer from so doing; for the
promotion of these interests was quite naturally the main object with
which these representatives of Dutch merchants carried their flag
into Asia. If the two ends could be secured at the same time, so much
the better. And in this way it was quite in the nature of things that
Tasman's fellow-countrymen demanded payment for the aid they afforded
to the Hitoese in their struggle against the common enemy, this
payment taking the shape of advantageous terms in the purchase of
cloves, the staple product of these parts, for which there was such a
keen demand in Europe. Thus in September 1600, Admiral Steven Van der
Haghen, concluded an exclusive contract with the Hitoese, and with
their consent and cooperation built in their country a Dutch
fortress, in which, pursuant to one of the clauses of the contract, a
small garrison was stationed to repel the common enemy. Thus the
first step had been taken on the road that was to lead to the sole
sovereignty of the celebrated East India Company in the archipelago
of Amboyna.

A far more important step was next taken in 1605. In the month of
February of that year Van der Haghen took possession of the
Portuguese fortress without a blow, thus putting a stop to all
Portuguese authority in these islands. The blow was a heavy one, for
Amboyna formed an intermediate station between the Moluccas and
Malacca, the door which to the Portuguese opened the Malay
Archipelago. From Amboyna, Banda was within easy reach; in short,
Amboyna was the key to all those treasure-houses in which the spices
of India were stapled. The conquest of the Portuguese fortress bore
far-reaching results; for Van der Haghen looked upon that part of the
Amboyna districts which the Portuguese had accounted their territory,
as conquered land. Several village-chiefs, also in Hoewamohel or
Little Ceram, took the oath of allegiance to the Dutch government.
With the Hitoese, however, a treaty of alliance was concluded. The
conquered fortress was named Victoria Castle and became the chief
seat of the Dutch authority, now firmly established in these
islands.

It will easily be conceived that the representatives of the
trading Company endeavoured to render the newly acquired political
power subservient to their commercial interests. Thus, in the
contracts and covenants, then and afterwards made with the magnates
and the people of these regions, they constantly aimed at having
clauses inserted that secured to their Company a monopoly of the
clove-trade, to the exclusion of all foreigners, both Europeans and
Asiatics. In these efforts they generally succeeded, thereby securing
large profits to the Company. The contract of February 1615,
especially, which put a fixed, but far too low a price on the cloves
to be delivered in, was a very profitable one, at least from a point
of view which took account of present profits exclusively, and
disregarded ulterior contingencies. But, since the Company deprived
the Amboynese of the advantages that might have accrued to them from
the competition of other purchasers, this selfish policy, which
besides was often applied in a bungling fashion, offensive to native
feeling, and resulting from the slight regard in which Europeans of
the seventeenth century held their dark-coloured brethren,--this
purely mercantile and consequently selfish policy became at the same
time one of the causes of the bad feeling which soon arose in the
native mind against the Dutch government. And this bad feeling
ultimately led to resistance and war against the hated intruders, who
on their part used the victory which in the end always remained with
them, for always tightening the reins, for pinioning the natives of
these islands with increasing stringency as regarded their commercial
connections, and for keeping them more and more from all contact with
the foreign competitors who were so great a danger to the mercantile
policy of a Company, that looked upon the monopoly system as its only
haven of salvation. Again, this compulsory separation from the outer
world forced the Amboynese to have recourse to the Dutch exclusively
in the purchase of such foreign commodities, provisions and clothing
materials as they stood in need of. And in the latter operations,
too, the mercantile spirit of the Company's servants never ceased to
show its real nature: they tried to obtain the highest prices for the
articles of which they now had a monopoly. Thus the knife cut both
ways, and always to the detriment of the native population.

But the commercial policy of the Dutch was by no means the only
motive or the sole cause of the hostile spirit prevailing against
them in the Amboyna archipelago, not only among their subjects there,
but also among their allies, and even among a large section of those
islanders who accounted themselves quite independent of the Company.
Mohametanism was constantly gaining ground, and as it progressed, it
became more and more hostile to the Christian foreigners. Then the
Sultan of Ternate soon began to look with an evil eye on the
increasing influence of the Company in these regions, because he
understood to the full that every extension of its power was a danger
to his own authority. Finally, the powerful Sultan of Macassr, too,
cast greedy eyes towards Amboyna, since, to the advantage of his
subjects and himself, he saw the European rivals of the Dutch
gradually establish settlements in his dominions, attracted as they
were by the scent of the Amboynese cloves, which, against the
contractual stipulations, were smuggled into Macassar, where they
found a ready market and fetched high prices[1].

It is in connection with these matters, and in these regions, that
we find Tasman mentioned for the first time during his residence in
India. On April 3, 1634 he signs a declaration in his capacity of
first mate in the ship Weesp[2], then
sailing in those seas. If, after his arrival in India, he should have
happened to serve in this vessel for a longer time than can now be
fixed with certainty, he must have seen a good deal of Asia before he
set out for the Amboynese seas. From the month of September 1632 the
Weesp had been knocking about all the Asiatic seas: she had touched
at various places on the Coromandel coast, had been trading on the
south-east coast of Borneo, had carried the Dutch flag into the
Chinese waters, and had been cruising off Bantam[3]. But on the 18th of February, 1634, she again
set sail from the roads of Batavia, this time with destination for
Amboyna, with Tasman as first

[2) A copy of this "attestatie" is preserved in the State
Archives at The Hague.]

[3) Resolutions of the Governor-General and Councillors,
Sept. 1632-February 18, 1634.--Letters from the coast of Coromandel
to the Governor-General and Councillors, and other documents relating
to the said coast of the years 1632 and 1633. Daily journals of the
Castle of Batavia, September 5, 1632-February 18, 1634.]

{Page: Life.10}

mate on board of her[1]. She carried
on board the newly appointed Governor of Amboyna, Antonie Van den
Heuvel. The Governor had received orders, with two more ships,
destined for Banda, to call at Macassar, which town was being
blockaded by a Dutch fleet, since the conflicting interests of the
Sultan of Macassar and those of the Company had by this time led to
hostilities. The flotilla commanded by Van den Heuvel was expected to
inspire at Macassar "greater respect and consideration for our
power"[2]. The Weesp arrived there on
March 2, and sailed from there for Boeton, with whose prince Van den
Heuvel had various matters to settle. Their abode off Macassar made
the Dutch aware that the blockade was a very ineffective one.
Considerable reinforcements from Macassar, accordingly, shortly
afterwards reached the Company's enemies in Amboyna, and on the
whole, when on May 3[3] the Weesp cast
anchor off the Castle of Victoria[4],
matters there looked anything but promising for the Dutch; the
resistance against their influence was constantly increasing, and the
Company's forces were being more and more heavily taxed[5]. Now it appears that Tasman took an active
share in whatever the Dutch undertook against their enemies and
rebellious subjects in Amboyna in the course of the years immediately
following.

As early as May 18, 1634 he was by Van den Heuvel appointed
"skipper," in those days the title of the master of a ship. He was
put in command of the ship Mocha[6]. It
is not without interest here to point to the hitherto unknown fact,
that the first voyage of any importance in which Tasman took a share
as commander of a vessel, was a voyage of exploration and discovery,
though on a small scale as yet. A cargo had to be transported from
Amboyna to Banda, from which latter island the return-cargoes
destined for the Netherlands had to be carried to Batavia by way of
Amboyna. Shiproom was not wanting in Amboyna for both these objects,
but the available vessels were of "so indifferent a constitution,"
and provided with "such poor sails and rigging," that fears were
entertained that they might be "unable to reach their destination
along the south coast of Ceram," the usual route especially during
the western monsoon, "now that the eastern monsoon was raging
furiously and blowing with cruel violence"[7]. They therefore endeavoured to direct their
course through the sea north of Ceram, a track for the greater part
still "unexplored," since there were reasons to suppose, that they
would meet with fair weather in the course of this monsoon, while a
higher shore, favourable winds, and a calm sea might reasonably be
anticipated[8]. The Mocha formed part of
the small squadron which was to undertake this voyage, and Tasman was
ordered to take command under skipper Frans Leendertszoon Valck, who
was put in charge of five small ships and a pinnace, and whose
instructions expressly enjoined him to draw up a chart of the waters
to be navigated, and of the north coast of Ceram. The object of this
voyage, "never made hitherto," extending from June 5 to June 24, was
completely attained, since it had now been made evident, that
henceforth Banda could be safely reached from Amboyna, both during
the eastern and the western monsoon[9];
and "pertinent charts" were drawn up[10].

The route lay through the narrow and shallow Nassau strait or
Nassau Gut, between Poeloe Babi and Hoewamohel, and close inshore of
the north coast of Ceram, of which a map was, attempted to be drawn
up. A grievous obstacle to the voyage was experienced in the poor
condition of the ships and the utter want of materials for caulking
and repairing the vessels when necessary. They were literally in want
of everything. "Thus," exclaims, somewhere in his diary, the
Supercargo De la Salle, who accompanied the expedition and kept a
journal of it, "oftentimes the Company's precious capitals

[1) According to the declaration of April 3, 1634,
mentioned supra.]

[2) Resolution of the G.G. and Counc., February 7,
1634.--Daily Journal of Batavia, February 18, 1634.]

[3) Not on May 4 (Groningsche Volksalmanak, 1893, p.
123).]

[4) Letter from Van den Heuvel to the G.-G., of May 30,
1634.]

[5) See TIELE-HEERES, Bouwstoffen, II,
passim.]

[6) Letter from Van den Heuvel to the "Merchant" Pieter
Chrestien, of May 18, 1634.]

[7) Letter from Van den Heuvel to the G.-G., of July
14-15, 1634.]

[8) Instructions for Commander Frans Leendertszoon Valck,
bound to set sail for Banda along the north coast of Ceram, June 2,
1634.--Compare, as to the monsoon in these parts, G. W. W. C. VAN
HOËVELL, Ambon en de Oeliasers. Dordrecht, Blussé en
Van Braam, 1875, pp. 13-15.]

[9) Compare as regards this voyage: Dagh-register,
gehouden bij den opper-Coopman Jacques De la Salle. The chart in this
journal is now reproduced here.]

[10) Letter Van den Heuvel, 14-15 July.]

{Page: Life.11}

and crews are exposed to all hazards in the like insufficient and
crazy yachts, without provisions beyond a handful of dry rice, with a
bag of salt and nothing else; whoever cannot support life on such
scanty sustenance, is free to starve. The search for new routes
demands new ships, well fitted out and properly victualled."
Fortunately there grew along the coast and in the neighbouring islets
timber in abundance, sufficient to supply the most urgent wants. For
the rest, the voyage passed smoothly enough, for the natives had fled
to the interior almost everywhere, leaving their huts empty and
abandoning their boats. The Mocha alone met with something of an
adventure[1]. On June 15 she got
separated from the other ships, and on the 18th next was near the
native village of Rarakit, on the south-east coast of Ceram. Here
Tasman landed, hoping to be able to procure supplies by barter with
the natives. "Having spoken with the blacks," says De la Salle's
journal, "and being amicably received by the same, at length at our
departure, Fiscal Balthzar Wijntjes and Sub-merchant Abraham Van der
Plasse were barbarously murdered, chopped into small pieces, and
three persons very grievously wounded." Tasman succeeded in
transporting the three wounded persons to the boat, which was rowed
back to the ship, he and his companions being "in great peril of
being all of them killed together." According to the Governor of
Amboyna[2] the crew of the Mocha "had
landed all too inconsiderately after the honest Dutch fashion of
credulity and over-confidence." "It seemeth," exclaimed the Governor
of Banda on learning these tidings[3],
"it seemeth in very truth, as if the chronicles of light-hearted
over-confidence, commonly full of instances of unsuspecting
carelessness, in spite of thousands of witnesses to the contrary,
were now fated to be deeply stained with the blood of Dutchmen."

On June 20 the Mocha again rejoined the rest of the squadron, and
now the question was discussed, whether it would be in their power to
chastise the natives for this murderous attack. But the small number
of "able-bodied men" in the vessels compelled the commanders to give
up all plans for taking signal revenge. The voyage was now continued;
Banda was reached on June 24, and not long afterwards Tasman again
found himself in the Amboynese waters.

We meet with him again there on July 16, still as commander of the
Mocha[4]. From this date forward we can
from day to day trace his career in these parts, bound up as it
constantly was with the destinies of the said vessel during all the
time he was knocking about there. His life is a monotonous one,
however: cruising against enemies, or in search of smugglers,
bringing in provisions for other ships, transmitting intelligence or
commands, these form the staple of his occupations, very rarely
varied by his taking a share in important military operations, or by
occasional independent action of greater weight on his own part. We
can here refer to the leading incidents only of this hitherto almost
wholly unknown period in Tasman's career.

In the month of August 1634 he is sent to the south-east coast of
Ceram, that the presence of his ship may add weight to negotiations
then being carried on with the chiefs of certain native villages in
those parts[5]. Somewhat later the
Governor of Amboyna commands him to chastise the inhabitants of the
island of Boeroe for a treacherous attack on the Dutch, a task of
which he acquitted himself as efficiently as was possible with the
means at his disposal[6]. He has hardly
returned from this expedition, when he takes part in the blockade and
investment of Lessiëla or Luciëla[7], on the east coast of Hoewamohel, one of the
centres of the resistance against the Company, the said siege being
undertaken by express command of the Supreme Board at Batavia. The
enterprise proved abortive, the Dutch being afflicted with various
maladies, especially beri-beri, to such an extent that after a more
than two months' investment the vessels and troops were forced to
abandon the place. Tasman was fortunate enough at the time to prevent
the escape of the emprisoned native magnate Kakiali, a ringleader in
the resistance, and one of the most dangerous adversaries that have
ever opposed the Company in Amboyna. Almost immediately after the
raising of the siege, on April 5, he acquits himself of the

charge laid upon him of going on a cruise between the west coast
of Hoewamohel and the islands of Manipa and Kelang, at the head of a
small squadron; "in order to prevent the landing and departure of
foreigners." For a few months in succession Tasman's place was there,
and though now and then, when a superior officer paid an occasional
visit to his squadron, or was temporarily attached to it with his
ship, he was second in command only, yet he usually acted as
"commandeur," a term that does not denote here a definite grade, but
only, generally indicates the captain of a number of vessels, sent
out under one command.

Immediately on arrival at his new station, he came to close
quarters with some thirty well-manned and armed vessels, most of them
belonging to Macassar, steering their course for the forbidden land;
"firing at each other with large cannon, swivels and muskets;" but
Tasman's vigorous action could not prevent the great majority of the
native vessels from reaching their destination[1]. And in this way things went on during the
whole of this time: smugglers were always plying their illegitimate
trade, and Tasman very rarely succeeded in capturing and destroying
any of them, and seizing their cargoes. The forces over which he had
command were not nearly sufficient to secure the object of his
presence in these waters, viz. keeping off the smugglers who tried to
carry the cloves to other places, especially Macassar. He often had
reinforcements sent him, but as often, contrary to Tasman's
expectation, also these proved insufficient. On the whole the ships
were in wretched condition, while the crews were harassed by disease.
The results obtained were accordingly far from satisfactory, and
Tasman was once upbraided by his superiors with want of
self-confidence and consequent disobedience to their far-reaching
commands.

In August he is directed to another station. With a small squadron
he is sent to the north coast of Hitoe; again with orders to keep
cruising, always cruising, a monotonous existence, only on one
occasion diversified by a voyage to the east coast of Ceram. Although
in this case again he had to put up with poorly equipped ships, and
his crews were cruelly afflicted with illness--in February 1636, for
instance, the sick on board the Mocha more than twice outnumbered the
valid men--Tasman met with greater success on the coast of Hitoe than
on the shores of Hoewamohel. Besides, his services were now more
highly valued than when he was cruising in the latter locality. The
authorities were not wanting now in giving him proofs of their being
pleased with his management, and of their approval of his actions. In
April he left Hitoe, and the few months more which he spent in the
Amboyna regions, offered more variety. He was once more despatched to
Hoewamohel, Manipa and Kelang, where he fought with varying chances
against the hostile natives themselves, and against the foreigners
who traded there: some thirty Javanese were by him made prisoners, a
native village in Manipa was chastised; but during his absence the
inhabitants of Macassar, surveying vantage, captured a pinnace which
had on her own responsibility attacked them, and killed the greater
part of the crew. Tasman recaptured the vessel, and was fortunate
enough to rescue the wounded in her. After this expedition he seems
to have been especially in or near the Castle of Victoria, where he
was actually staying on the 18th of June. His task in these parts,
however, was now soon at an end.

V.

TASMAN'S RETURN TO THE NETHERLANDS 1636.--HIS SECOND STAY IN
INDIA 1638.

Though the thing is not absolutely certain, yet it is highly
probable that on the second of July Tasman sailed from Amboyna for
Batavia in the ship "De Zeeuwsche Nachtegaal." We may namely infer
from a report dated July 18--of which more anon--that at that time he
was no longer in those parts, and between the date last mentioned and
the 18th of June, above referred to, no other ship than the
Nachtegaal set sail from Amboyna for the capital of
Netherlands-India.

However this may be, from a missive dated September. 20, 1636[2] it is evident that on that day he was
no longer in Amboyna. No particulars are known of his stay at Batavia
during the last

[1) Cf. TIELE-HEERES, Bouwstoffen, II, pp. 273
f.]

[2) From the then governor of Amboyna, Jochem Roelofszoon
Van Deutecom to the G.-G. and Counc.]

{Page: Life.13}

months of 1636. If during that time he remained on board the
Zeeuwsche Nachtegaal, which ship arrived at Batavia on July 25[1], he must have made a voyage still to
the west coast of Sumatra, in order to take in the pepper purchased
there, a trip which extended from August 9 to October 27[2].

Tasman had no sooner shaken the dust of Amboyna off his feet, than
the crew of the Mocha, on July 18[3],
lodged a complaint against their late skipper with the Governor of
this district. They charged "commander Abel" with having sold part of
the ship's victuals to the inhabitants of a friendly native village
and to the representative officer of the Company, and with having
kept from them their rations of arrack, oil, and vinegar during two
months. From the Governor's observation that "in due time" it would
no doubt become known, "in how far this was true," we may reasonably
infer that at the time Tasman was unable to justify himself at once,
and was consequently no longer staying at Amboyna. The Governor,
however, had the matter inquired into, and it appeared that the said
sale had taken place after reference to the authorities, but that
Tasman had never accounted for the moneys received by him in this
transaction. The matter was now referred for settlement to the
Governor-General and Councillors[4]. The
final decision is not found recorded. But we may assume as almost
positively certain, that the thing was settled by administrative
machinery, and that the supreme authorities at Batavia found no
reasons for bringing a judicial action against skipper Tasman; since
the proceedings of the Council of Justice of the time, which have
been preserved in their integrity, do not contain a word touching
this matter.

Tasman's stay at Batavia was not a long one this time; for on
December 30, 1636 we find him embarked on board the Banda, which
ship, together with certain other vessels, constituted the
return-fleet, ready to carry home the rich Indian cargoes. Of the
date just mentioned there are extant two declarations[5], both of them bearing Tasman's signature, and
enabling us to determine with some precision his position on board
the Banda. In the first document, being an undertaking to make the
home voyage round the west of Ireland and the north of Scotland, in
order to avoid as much as possible any dangerous contact with the
enemy's men-of-war and with Dunkirk privateers[6], Tasman figures as fourth in the list of
subscribers; the first of them being the ex-governor of Formosa, the
well-known Hans Putmans, only just returned from there[7], now commander of the whole return-fleet, and
embarked on board the flag-ship Banda; next comes the
skipper-commander Thijs or Mathijs Hendrikszoon Quast, just returned
to Batavia from Japan and Formosa, who was to play a more important
part in Tasman's later life; the third subscriber is David De
Solemne, who had likewise already made his mark as a functionary of
the Company, and was a member of the Board of Aldermen at Batavia,
and one of the captains of the garrison there[8]. Fourth in the series we at last find
Tasman's signature, still followed by some hundred names and crosses,
the marks of the totally illiterate. The second of the documents
mentioned, being a declaration that none of them was engaged in any
mercantile transaction for his private account, is not signed by
Putmans, but the other three names just mentioned are likewise found
here in the same order as above given. Accordingly, if in this
connection we leave out the supreme commander of the whole fleet,
Tasman figures as third in rank of the officers on board the Banda.
Quast was "acting" or commanding skipper[9], De Solemne was supercargo, and Tasman must
be classed in the categories of "mates" or "officers," which together
with the "Governor, skipper" and "supercargo" are referred to in the
preamble of the first declaration. This designation, at the first
glance, would seem to point to a kind of degradation; on further
consideration, however, it by no means necessitates such an
inference. For it may readily be presumed that Tasman, who wanted to
return home, was not inclined to do so without receiving pay, as
a

[1) Dagregister van Batavia, at this date.]

[2) Dagregister van Batavia, at these
dates.]

[3) See the Amboyna "journael" at this
date.]

[4) Letter from Amboyna, of Sept. 20, 1636.]

[5) Cf. Groningsche Volksalmanak for 1893, p. 123
f.]

[6) Cf. Letter from the "Heeren VII" to the G-G. and
Counc., of March 22, 1631.--Resolutions of the council of the ships
Banda and Nieuw-Zeeland, of May, 15, 1637.]

[7) Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., of December 11,
1636.]

[8) Resolutions of the G.-G. and Counc., of October 18
and November 26, 1636.]

[9) Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., of December 16,
1636.]

{Page: Life.14}

passenger or "doodeter," as the term was, and therefore was
content to put up with an inferior position, since there was no
vacancy of acting skipper. And indeed the notion of actual
degradation utterly disappears, when we find him designated as
"skipper Abel" in the daily journal of the voyage, kept on board the
Banda[1]. He likewise signs the
resolutions of the ship's Council, taken on board the said
vessel.

Already in the very first days of January 1637 the fleet lost one
of its ships in a violent storm in Soenda Straits. Apart from this
calamity, the voyage, which was made via the Cape of Good Hope and
St. Helena, and round the north of Scotland, offered no striking
incidents. The difficulties, in those days attending a long
ocean-voyage, were experienced also in this case: want of fresh
ship's provisions and refreshments, in some cases unseaworthiness of
the ships, in casu of the Banda[2], insufficiency of the magnetic and other
nautical observations, in the taking of which Tasman's aid was called
in and highly valued, all these drawbacks made themselves felt also
this time, as appears from the daily journal and the Council's
resolutions. Still, home was reached after all difficulties, and on
August 1, 1637 the Banda cast anchor off Den Helder.

The few particulars that have come down to us of Tasman's
subsequent brief stay in the Netherlands, convey an impression that
he had only returned home for ordering his affairs, and taking his
wife along with him to the country that was destined to become his
second home. On March 25, 1638, he is desirous of selling a house in
the "Palmdwarsstraat" at Amsterdam[3],
and as early as April 15, the Engel, a ship of about 150 lasts'
burden and bound for Batavia, set sail from the Texel, with Tasman as
commissioned skipper on board of her. This vessel had been fitted out
by the Amsterdam Chamber[4]. No
particulars are known of the voyage itself. We are only informed that
the Engel came to anchor at Batavia, October 11[5]. Tasman was now bound to serve the Company
for a term of at least ten years, "seeing that he has brought out his
wife along with him"[6]. The virtuous
Jannetie Tjaers was, like her husband, destined to pass the remainder
of her life between the tropics, though we may reasonably surmise
that her life was less eventful than her husband's.

Tasman was not allowed much time to get acclimatised. Already on
the 15th of October it was resolved in the Council of India, that the
Engel should be despatched to the coast of the Indian main land and
to Persia, a plan which, however, was modified on November 1, because
the Engel was "urgently wanted elsewhere." The vessel turned out to
be required for service in Macassar and Amboyna[7]. The supercargo Hendrik Kerckringh, namely,
had to set out for Macassar, with whose sultan a peace had been
concluded on the 26th of July[8], in
consequence of which the commercial intercourse with him had been
renewed. For this voyage now choice was made of the Engel. After
landing Kerkringh, the vessel was to take in as much rice at Macassar
as she could carry, with destination for Amboyna, to which latter
locality she had also to transport reinforcements of the garrison,
and intelligence respecting the smuggling-trade which still continued
to be carried on between Amboyna and Macassar[9]. The instructions given clearly show how
highly Tasman's skill and seamanship were even then valued by the
G.-G. and Councillors: whereas namely instructions were duly issued
for the voyage from Batavia to Macassar, i.e. for the period during
which the said supercargo had the command as the highest in rank, the
document goes on as follows: "we shall not by the present determine
what course the aforesaid flute shall have to follow from Macassar to
Amboyna, since in this matter we entirely rely on the skill and
experience of skipper Abel Janszoon Tasman, whom we have instructed
by word of mouth." The Engel having sailed from Batavia November 16,
arrived at Macassar

[1) Sub, dato March, 26, 1637.]

[2) Resolution of the ship's Council, of January 25,
1637.]

[3) DOZY, 1. C. p. 318.]

[4) Uitloop Boekie van Scheepen, and Memoriael van de
schepen uit patria naer Indié vertrokken.--Cf. Missive from
the "Heeren XVII" to the G.-G. and Counc., of April 12,
1638.]

[5) Resolutions of the G.-G. and Councillors, of October,
11 and 15, 1638.]

[6) Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc,, of January 17,
1642.--Cf. Groningsche Volksalmanak for 1893, p. 125 f.]

[9) Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to Amboyna, of
November 15, 1638.--"Naeder ordre voor den oppercoopman Henricq
Kerckringh," of November 15, 1638.]

{Page: Life.15}

December 5, departed thence for the Castle of Victoria[1] on the sixteenth of the same month, and cast
anchor before the place last named January 26, 1639[2]. Tasman was once more employed to cruise in
search of smugglers with his ship, and was stationed off Lesidi in
Hoewamohel, and afterwards off Larike in Hitoe. He attended certain
military operations, without, however, taking an active part in
them[3]. On the 15th of April he sailed
for Batavia in the Engel, accompanied by the Zon, with a joint cargo
of upwards of 100,000 pounds of cloves[4], and cast anchor at Batavia on May 3[5]. Not three weeks elapsed, before the
Governor-General and Councillors of India resolved on the expedition
that was destined to render the names of Quast and Tasman famous in
the history of Netherlands-India.

VI.

RICA DE ORO Y RICA DE PLATA--VOYAGE OF DISCOVERY EAST OF JAPAN,
BY QUAST AND TASMAN, 1639--SOURCES--RESULTS--LITERATURE.

The sub-merchant Willem Verstegen had served the Company for some
years in Japan[6], when in 1635 he set
out on his return from there to Batavia: In the course of this voyage
he drew up a "remonstrance or brief proposal for obtaining a great
treasure or rather a fresh beginning of commerce with certain rich
auriferous and argentiferous islands situate in the South Sea or
Pacific Ocean in 37½° Northern Latitude from the line
equinoctial." This report[7] was
intended for the G.-G. and Councillors, and was sent in to the
Council of India by Verstegen after his arrival at Batavia on
December 12, 1635[8].

It appears from Verstegen's statements that his surmises were not
without foundation. "A long time ago," he relates, a Spanish vessel
had sailed for New Spain from Manilla, "and east of Japan in the
South Sea, in pretty near 37½° Northern Latitude, about
380 to 390 miles from the land (or at the uttermost 400 miles from
Japan)", had by a violent storm been driven towards "a large and
high-rising island." When the crew went ashore, the island proved to
be a country, "strange and unknown to anybody; the people being of
handsome stature, white-skinned and of good proportion, very affable
and amicably disposed." On arriving at their destination, they
related many marvels about the wealth of the said island: "giving
their hearers to understand that so to say gold and silver were
almost to be picked up at discretion on the shore, nay, that the
kettles and other cooking utensils of the natives were mad of these
metals."[9] It goes without saying that
in those days, when the gold-fever constantly stirred the blood of
Europeans abroad, reports of this nature were eagerly listened to and
not forgotten. According to Verstegen's report, the King of Spain was
accordingly said to have given orders to the viceroy of New Spain,
"residing in the capital of Mecxico," to send out an expedition to
make inquiries touching this island. Verstegen places this expedition
in the year 10 or 11, or the year after the capture of Mr. de
Witter," a chronological statement to which we shall revert lower
down. The voyage was reported to have taken place under the command
of "general Jan Bastiaen Buscaijne, an old, grey-headed man, well
advanced in years." The expedition, which started from Acapulco, was
said to have utterly miscarried, the ships having merely sighted the
island and nothing more. Among Verstegen's authorities there were not
only certain Jedo and Nangasaki people, contemporaries of those who
had joined the expedition, but he had also obtained

[1) Letter from Kerckringh to the G.-G., of April 24,
1639.]

[2) Letter from Joan Ottens, Governor of Amboyna to
Kerckringh, of May 29, 1639.]

[3) Letter from Ottens to the G.-G. and Counc., of April
15, 1639.]

[4) "Factura" (invoice) and "cognoissement" (bill of
lading) of the said vessels, dated April 15, 1639.]

[5) Letter from the G.-G. and Counc. to the "Heeren
XVII," of December 18, 5639.]

information from some who had themselves formed part of it, and
among them all there were certain Dutchmen, whom he knew to be
reliable persons. What they told him, accordingly made so deep an
impression upon him, that he thought it his duty to impart it to his
superiors, and to advise a voyage of discovery for the purpose,
starting from Japan, on which occasion efforts could at the same time
be made to form commercial connections with Corea and the north of
China. One unaccountable circumstance did not fail to strike
Verstegen very forcibly: viz. the fact that the Spaniards had made no
further attempts when this sole expedition had miscarried, and had
failed to renew their endeavours to get possessed of the treasures of
this mysterious island[1]; and this in
spite of the circumstance that other Spanish ships were reported to
have repeatedly sighted the island in navigating these seas. But the
resources of Spain were no longer capable of removing many
difficulties; perhaps, according to Verstegen, their "small power" in
America and in Manilla may have prevented them from undertaking
further expeditions. Nay, he inclines to the idea that "the Lord God,
considering the wickedness of the Spanish projects, may have
frustrated this plan, being unwilling to allow the poor natives to be
robbed of their heritage and possessions."

Verstegen's authorities had by no means fabricated the story[2]. Undoubtedly in the days alluded to
there were rumours current about auriferous and argentiferous regions
east of Japan; and undoubtedly the Spanish government had endeavoured
to bring these regions within the circle of the then known world.
Verstegen assigns this event "to the year 10 or eleven, or the year
after the capture of Mr. de Witter." Regard being had to the numerous
slips of the pen to be found in the otherwise authentic copy of his
report that has been preserved, and to the obscurity of the phrase
"the capture of Mr. de Witter," we may reasonably suppose, that here
too we have to do with clerical errors. We may further safely
conjecture that Verstegen here has in view the miscarriage, so fatal
to the Dutch, of the expedition to the Philippine Islands under
Francois Witten, in which "on April 25, 1610 the admiral was killed,
and the ships were captured by the Spaniards "[3]. If we assume this conjecture to be right, we
come with considerable certainty to the result that the said voyage
of discovery of "general Jan Bastiaen Buscaijne " must have taken
place in 1611.

What notions, we may ask, were then current as to this so-called
"rich auriferous and argentiferous island,"--elsewhere[4] also styled "a very large country "--which
Verstegen was referring to? We find very positive data for answering
this question in a rare Spanish book that first appeared in Mexico in
1609, under the title Sucesos de las Islas Philipinas. The
author of it was Antonio de Morga, who at the close of the sixteenth
and the beginning of the seventeenth century filled very high and
important posts, both in the Philippines and Mexico[5]. Now this author, who was therefore in a
position to be perfectly au fait of the matter, gives an
account of the route to be taken by ships from Mexico to the
Philippines and vice versa, and makes the following statements
touching the return voyage[6]: At four
hundred leagues from the Philippines, the volcanoes and ridges of the
Ladrone isles are seen,

[1) JAMES BURNEY, A chronological history of the voyages
and discoveries in the South Sea. vol. II. London, Luke
Hansard, 1806, states on p. 262, that the Spaniards are said to
have made a voyage of discovery to these islands in 1620. He takes
his information from ENGELBERT KAEMPFER, De Beschrijving van Japan.
Amsterdam, Arent van Huyssteen, 1733, p. 49. (As regards the
various editions of this work, cf. TIELE, Bibliographie van Land en
Volkenkunde. Amsterdam, Fred. Muller, 1884, pp. 133 f.) The
evidently erroneous date of 1620 has found its way into other books
also.--In Voyage de La Pérouse autour du monde, publié
par M. L. A. MILET-MUREAU. Paris, Imprimerie de la
République. 1797, the chronology as regards the dates is
all at sea. Compare together tome I, pp. 26, 150, and tome III, p.
166. In accordance with this, there is no mention of any expedition
of the kind in 1620, in any Spanish archival documents known to
me.]

[2) Such details in Verstegen's report as do not bear on
the point in question, must naturally be left without further
discussion; I must confine myself to the main point, the voyage of
1611, in so far as it is connected with my present
purpose.]

[4) Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to the "Heeren
XVII," of January 4, 1636.]

[5) See the English version of this work by H. E. J.
STANLEY, brought out by the Hackluyt Society in 1868 under the title:
The Philippine Islands, Moluccas, Siam, Cambodia, Japan, and China,
at the close of the Sixteenth Century, pp. I, II, 41, 229, 397, etc.
Regarding this book, cf. W. E. RETANA, Archivo del bibliofilo
Filipino, I, Madrid. 1895, p. 6 of the Epitome de la bibliografia
general de Filipinas, Parte Primera; TIELE, Europeërs, V
(Bijdragen, Vierde Volgreeks, V, p. 153), and VI (Bijdragen, Vierde
Volgreeks, VI, p. 141).]

[6) P. 356.]

{Page: Life.17}

which run towards the north, as far as twenty-four degrees; and
the Cape of Sestos, the headland of Japan, lies to the, north, six
hundred leagues from the Philippines. The ships pass between other
islands which are rarely seen, in thirty-eight degrees, the
temperature cold in the neighbourhood of the islands Rica de Oro and
Rica de Plata, and which are seldom reconnoitred: having left these
islands there is a wide open sea; this is traversed with the winds
that are met with for many leagues, as far as forty-two degrees
latitude, making for the coast of New Spain and looking for the usual
winds which prevail in that latitude, and which in general are north
westerly, and at the end of a long navigation the coast of New Spain
is reached." De Morga's statement as to the latitude has by some[1] been considered as a mistake, and it
has been proposed to substitute 28° for 38°, as more in
accordance with the latitude in which in modern and older charts the
islands of Rica de Oro (Lot's Wife) and Rica (Roca) de Plata (Crespo)
are laid down[2]. But when we find that
Verstegen's authorities, too, place the "rich auriferous and
argentiferous island" in 37½°, and if we furthermore
consider the evident vagueness of De Morga's and his contemporaries'
information about the islands which ships sailing between the
Philippines and Mexico, passed on their way, we may safely leave out
of the account here the present location of the islands now bearing
the names, and may be allowed to assume, that in the early years of
the seventeenth century gold- and silver-bearing islands were
supposed to be situated in about 38 degrees Northern Latitude. Nor
can we allow much weight to the objection that Verstegen in his
report mentions one island, or "a country": this wording may
be due only to the vagueness of his information, or to an incorrect
interpretation of it on his part. For there is no doubt--and this
clearly shows that Verstegen's authorities were assuredly not
speaking without book--that in 1611 a voyage of discovery to these
supposed islands was actually undertaken. All this also shows the
fallacy of the view[3], that Verstegen's
"rich auriferous and argentiferous island" should perhaps be meant
for California, whose geographical situation was, indeed, in those
days too well-known to the Dutch[4], to
render such a mistake at all likely.

As early as the last quarter of the sixteenth century, the
Spaniards--the Japanese accounts are far too vague to require notice
here[5]--had indications respecting
these mysterious islands. There is extant a letter of 1584[6] from a Spanish priest, Andres de Aguirre, who
in his time was known as an able and reliable cosmographer[7], addressed to the governor of New-Spain, in
which letter the said dignitary is informed of the particulars
following. A Portuguese ship, which had sailed from Malacca with
destination for Japan, had, when she had come in sight of the latter
country, been tossed about on the ocean for eight days in succession
by a storm from the West, in dark weather, without having seen any
sign of land. On the ninth day, when the storm had abated and the sky
become clearer, the men had sighted two large islands, "muy
rricas, muy pobladas de gente, de mucha policia." These islands,
situated in 35° and 40° N.L., it being impossible to compute
the distance east of Japan, were

[1) STANLEY, in his Note on p. 356 of the
translation.]

[2) Cf. JAMES BURNEY, l. C., pp. 260-267. In a MS. atlas
of GERRIT DE HAAN, "Captain-lieutenant in the navy," and
"master-cartographer" at Batavia (Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc.,
of December 6, 1752), entitled, "Ligtende Zee Fakkel off de Geheele
Oost Indische Water-Weereldt" (Hague State Arch.), I (1760), No. 12,
Rica de Plata is in about 34°, Rica de Oro in about 30° N.L.;
STIELER'S Handatlas puts them in about the same latitude.--See also
Atlas du voyage de La Pérouse, Nos. 1, 2, 15, 67 and p. 177 of
Vol. III of the 3rd edition of: A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean.
Performed under the Direction of captains Cook, Clerke and Gore, in
the years 1776, 1777, 1778 and 1780. London, Nicoll and
Cadell, MDCCLXXXV.]

[5) KAEMPFER, l. c., p. 59.--See also no. 21 of the
"Memorie van de boecken en pampieren," which Maarten Gerritszoon
Vries kept with him on his well-known voyage of discovery east of
Japan in 1643. (LEUPE, Reize van Vries, p. 33, and 26).]

[6) In the Archivo General de Indias at Sevilla. For an
opportunity to become acquainted with this and certain other
documents, preserved in the Archivo just mentioned, I am indebted to
the great courtesy of Mr. W. E. Retana at Madrid, who placed at my
disposal extracts from such archival documents, preserved at Sevilla,
as mention the islands of Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata; Mr. Retana
having applied for these extracts with a view to the requirements of
my subject. This letter is printed in Vol. XIII of Coleccion de
documentos inéditos relativos la conquista y organizacion de
las antiguas posesiones Españoles en America y Oceanea.
Madrid, Perez, 1870, pp. 545-549.]

named "yslas de Harmenio," after an Armenian merchant[1], who was on board the Portuguese ship. The
Spaniards took due note of the information thus imparted. As early as
the year 1586, a ship was despatched with the object of further
reconnoitring not only these islands, but also certain others that
were reported to lie in the northern part of the South Sea[2]. In the report of this voyage, sent in the
year after[3], it is stated that a
search had been made, not only for the island del Armenio, which is
now laid down in 34°-35°, but also for an island Rica de Oro,
which figured in certain charts as situated in 29°-31° N.L.,
and for Rica de Plata. None of the said islands were found, and the
naval captain Pedro de Unamunu, who had drawn up this report,
accordingly thought himself justified in expressing as his opinion,
that Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata, at least, were non-existent, and
that they had most probably been introduced into the chart on mere
hearsay evidence. De Unamunu himself had met with two uninhabited
islands only, in about 25° N.L. The result of this voyage was
reported to the king of Spain[4], but in
Mexico also the matter was by no means lost sight of, although
several years were suffered to elapse before the work was taken in
hand. In a letter of May 24, 1607 the Viceroy set forth to his master
in Europe that it was highly desirable to make further search for the
islands of Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata, which this time--note the
utter vagueness of the statements as to their latitude--are supposed
to lie in 34°-35° N.L. He laid stress on the fact that these
islands might become of great importance as intermediate stations for
ships plying between Mexico and the Philippines. As a fitting person
for such a task the Viceroy mentions Sebastian Vizcayno, who had
already made his mark as leader of voyages of discovery[5], and was in this capacity highly valued by
the king of Spain[6]. The voyage of
discovery itself was to be undertaken from the Philippines as the
starting-point[7]. This proposal met
with a favourable reception at Madrid: the Junta de Guerra de Indias
advised approvingly on the matter, September 18, 1607[8], and on September 28, 1608, the Viceroy was,
by order of His Majesty, directed to despatch the said Vizcaino, with
orders to seek a harbour in the islands before mentioned, while at
the same time the governor of the Philippines was instructed to give
every possible succour to this expedition. Various circumstances
delayed the preparations for the voyage. The viceroy of New Spain
thought himself bound first to collect additional information
touching these islands from persofis familiar with the navigation in
those parts[9], and these in their turn
concluded that the islands should be looked for in about
31°-33° N.L., where, with other islands, they were reported
to have been sighted by ships sailing from the Philippines to Mexico.
But at length these discussions after all led to the conclusion that
the exploratory expedition had better start, not from the
Philippines, but from Mexico[10]. In
accordance with this conclusion, the viceroy now sent fresh advices
to Spain, where in his opinion the decision ought to be taken[11]. Numerous conferences were held in
consequence, both in the motherland and in the colonies, in which
conferences a leading part was taken by Antonio de Morga, and by the
well-known nautical expert and historian of the Philippine Islands[12], Hernando de los Rios, Coronel[13], who asserted to have himself

seen the islands of Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata, of which the
latter according to him was situated in 36°, the former in
29° N.L., also according to charts then in use, both 150 Spanish
miles east of Japan. He could, however, not tell, whether they were
inhabited. These consultations, however, gave rise to the drawing up
of another route: it was namely resolved that the exploratory
expedition should start from Japan. In March 1611 a ship sailed from
Mexico, under command of Sebastian Vizcaino, who was at the same time
deputed to the Japanese government, in order to discover the islands
of Rica de Oro and Rica de Plata[1].
This enterprise, of which the results are laid down in Vizcaino's
report, headed Relation del viaje y descubrimiento de las islas
llamadas Ricas de Oro y plata[2],
totally miscarried. It got to Japan, it is true[3], and Vizcaino mapped out part of the coast of
this country[4], but the islands he was
sent in search of, remained undiscovered[5]. We need not enter any further into the
results of this expedition--undoubtedly to be identified with the one
that, according to Verstegen, was said to have taken place under the
leadership of "general Jan Bastiaen Buscayne"--the less so, because
it is evident that these results had become no further known to
Verstegen than so far as he had heard them spoken of in Japan, and
had referred to them in his well-known report. Now it was on this
report that the Governor-General and Councillors and the Board of
Directors of the East India Company based their plans for the
discovery of the gold- and silver-bearing countries so much in
request. Immediately after taking cognizance of Verstegen's narrative
the Supreme Government at Batavia informed the Board of Directors of
the Company of its intention "to pay attention to it in future,"
because they thought the affair "of great moment, considering the
climate and situation of the said country, in whose latitude were to
be found the richest treasures of the world" (an opinion, which later
on they further insist on in the terms following: "that the principal
and richest treasures in the whole world are to be met with from
31°, 32° to 40°, 42° N.L.," as is proved by "the
richly-yielding silver, gold, copper and other mines, found to the
north of Japan"[6]; and because they
expected that "European, Indian and Chinese goods would be in request
there for clothing, and might find a ready sale"[7].

Just about this time an important change took place in the
government at Batavia. The Governor-General Hendrik Brouwer, who--as
will appear by-and-by--had himself also given a good deal of
attention to the project of a voyage of discovery round by the east
of Japan, was in his official capacity replaced by Antonio Van
Diemen[8] in January 1636, and Van
Diemen, too, was not a man to dawdle in matters in which he deemed
the interests of the Company to be concerned. The gold- and
silver-lands east of Japan strongly attracted his attention, and he
lost no time before putting his hand to the plough. As early as May
26, 1636 it was resolved in a meeting of the Council of India that an
exploratory voyage should be undertaken to those regions, which
resolution was expanded in the instructions of May 31, by the
Governor-General and Councillors given to Nicolaas Coeckebacker, who,
only just returned from Japan, was ready to depart thither again in
the capacity of "President and Head of the Company's trade and
excellent commerce in the empire of Japan." He received orders, when
arrived in Japan "to deliberate" on the plan "with Commander Matthijs
Hendricxsen Quast, and the most experienced skippers and chief mates
there present," and "to come to a conclusion and carry into effect
the sailing for the said island," always provided that the Company's
commercial interests would allow of two ships of the Company's fleet
then present in Japan, being temporarily used for this purpose.
Already at this stage of the undertaking the Supreme Government at
Batavia designated Commander Quast, who was in Japan at the time, to
be the leader of the intended expedition, while

[1) Cartas del Virrey de Na Espana a S. M., March 18 and
April 7, 1611.]

[2) The "relacion" is printed in the Coleccion,
before-mentioned, Vol. VIII, p. 101-109.--Cf. NAVARRETE,
Bibliotheca, p. 710. On my application for a copy of the
journal mentioned by NAVARRETE, I was informed on the part of the
director of the Depósito Hidrografico at Madrid, that the said
journal was not preserved there, and that NAVARRETE must have made a
mistake.]

[6) See the instructions for the expedition under command
of Quast, dated June 1, 1639, to be discussed
infra.]

[7) Letter from the G.-G. and Counc. to the "Heeren
XVII," of January 4, 1636.]

[8) DE JONGE, Opkomst, V, p. CXII.]

{Page: Life.20}

Verstegen himself, who was then likewise staying there, would have
to join the enterprise, "in order to take due minutes of all
incidents and discoveries." Besides, Vincent Romeijn, a Dutchman
residing at Nangasaki[1], who in Mexico
had witnessed the preparations for Vizcaino's voyage, to whom
Verstegen was mainly indebted for his information, and who had
expressed his willingness to join an eventual Dutch expedition to the
gold- and silver-lands[2], Vincent
Romeijn was to be requested to put his services at the Company's
disposal on this occasion.

But the expedition was destined not to take place this time. On
September 24, 1636 Coeckebacker convened the Council of the Dutch
factory at Firando, among them also Quast and certain expert sailors;
and it was "unanimously" resolved that "the voyage of discovery
should be put off until further orders, awaiting a better opportunity
and more effectual means, and should not be undertaken during the
present season"[3]. The leading motive
of this resolution was the consideration that the Company's ships
could be more profitably employed elsewhere. But there was also a
weighty material obstacle. The Governor-General and Councillors, in
deciding that the said enterprise should start from Japan, had placed
themselves on the stand-point taken up by the Spaniards when they
were arranging for Vizcaino's expedition. In Coeckebacker's
instructions, the Governor-General and Councillors state, in greater
detail than is found in Verstegen's report, which may have been
supplemented by verbal information, that the expedition had started
from Japan, "because this country cannot be reached or touched at,
except by sailing from east to west(!) in about 36° Northern
Latitude, thus utilising the westerly trade-winds, which in this
latitude prevail during the greater part of the year." Quast and the
other nautical experts did not share this view, and in a meeting of
the council, held September 24, 1636, they expressed an opinion that
the enterprise "would hardly be feasible, when starting from Japan,"
at least not at this time of year, because "it would be very
difficult for the ships to reach the said latitude, on account of the
easterly winds which were asserted to blow continually there about
this season." Nay, even if the voyage should be successful, it would
prove impossible, in returning, "to accomplish the passage to
Firando, on account of the north-westerly winds." In their opinion it
would be far better to take for starting-point either Formosa, or the
Moluccas, or Cape Espiritu Santo, in the north-east of Samar, one of
the Philippine Islands[4].

The Supreme Government at Batavia took due note of this advice,
and in a letter to the Board of Directors of the East India Company,
of December 28, 1636, expressed its intention to act up to it. It
would seem, that, apart from this, less sanguine reports about the
mysterious islands had reached Batavia[5], at least the Governor-General and
Councillors further state in the said letter, that "this opportunity
did not seem to be quite so promising as it had been represented by
current report."

As in 1636, also in the following year the project was not yet
carried into execution, owing to lack of fitting vessels. This
obstacle once removed, the expedition could take place "without
detriment to the customary trade, to which as a rule we give the
preference," as we read in a letter from the Governor-General and
Councillors of December 9, 1637[6] to
the Board of Directors, whose interest in the matter had been
roused[7]. The lukewarm tone which Van
Diemen now adopts in speaking of the project, shows that his
expectations were by no means sanguine. The stimulus to action had
therefore to come from the mother-country this time.

For the Board of Directors of the East India Company were in hopes
of great profits, profits so great indeed, that they might be
expected to be sufficient to bear a large part in the defrayal of
the

[4) Cf. also a letter from Coeckebacker to
Governor-General Van Diemen, of November 2, 1636.]

[5) My efforts to trace these have remained without
success. But on p.32 of LEUPE'S Reize van Vries is mentioned not only
Verstegen's "remonstrantie" (no. 5), but also (no. 4) a "vertoogh" of
the same official "nopende 't ontdecken van de onbekende custen van
Corea, Jeso en Japan, mitsgaders d' eylanden daer by Oosten gelegen."
Perhaps this document would elucidate the question, But it is unknown
to me.]

[6) The same motive for postponement is employed in their
letter to the Board, of December 18, 1639.]

[7) Letter from the Board of Directors to the G.-G. and
Counc., of September 24, 1636.]

{Page: Life.21}

steadily increasing administrative expenses, necessitated by the
Dutch settlements in the East. "Your Worships have acted wisely"--we
read in their letter to the Governor-General and Councillors, of
September 16, 1638--"in giving your further attention to the
discovery of the South(land), and the gold-bearing island, which
would be of great use to the Company, in order in time to get over
its heavy burdens, and come into the real enjoyment of the profits of
the East India trade." Nor did they confine themselves merely to this
declaration of their satisfaction. "We more and more find it to be
desirable "--thus proceeds the said missive, in this way allowing us
a glimpse into our ancestors' information about the north-east of
Asia--"that efforts should be set on foot to explore especially the
countries west and north of Japan, up to such longitude and latitude
as shall be found to be at all feasible; to wit: the coasts and
countries of "Choré"[1] and
"Tartarien"--of which they had been urging the exploration at a much
earlier period already[2]--to the end
that, if, contrary to our hopes, the trade to Japan should prove less
profitable in future, we might find some compensation in sending
cargoes to Choré and to Tartary, these being large and thickly
populated countries, which may be in want of many things.
Corré likewise produces excellent and precious goods and
commodities, which could take the place of the Chinese articles, and
Tartary borders on the north of China, in 42 and 43°, where are
to be found the best climates of the world, producing the most
excellent and finest silks...and celebrated on this account among all
Western merchants who of olden times were wont to visit these
countries, and continue to frequent the same to this day; so that we
entertain great hopes in respect of them. The coasts of Tartary are
very wild and desolate to the eastward, and at a considerable
distance from the wealthy provinces of the interior; but we make no
doubt that a diligent investigation and cautious exploration, first
of the sea-coasts, and afterwards of the state of affairs in the
interior, will by degrees give us opportunities to attain our object.
We hereby request Your Worships for this purpose to employ such
serviceable yachts as you may have at hand, and particularly such
persons as are intelligent and eager to make important discoveries,
besides well-seen in navigation, in making soundings and in
determining the exact height, longitude and latitude of all such
places as they shall call at, and finally skilful in drawing up
proper maps of the same."

This missive from the Board of Directors directly called forth the
resolution of the Governor-General and Councillors of May 24, 1639,
in which the expedition was decided upon. The dignitaries last
mentioned state in this resolution, it is true, that they had "long
been inclined to and bent on" the enterprise, "especially after the
most recent information of the year 1635," when Verstegen's report
had come to their knowledge; but they were now to carry it into
execution, because the Board of Directors had given "urgent
injunctions" about it, and ships could now be spared, "without
detriment to more important interests." The flutes Engel and
Graft--the latter most probably named after the well-known village in
North-Holland[3]--were told off for the
enterprise, as being best adapted for "those shallow seas." The
command was entrusted to Commander Quast, who was ordered to take on
board a cargo of sundry goods, viz. "various kinds of specie, and
minerals of gold, silver, copper, tin, iron, spelter, together with
divers woollens and silks, both European and Indian, etc., to be
shown to the inhabitants of the lands to be discovered, in order to
find out at first hand, whether they have any of the same in their
own country, or are desirous of having them, thereby furthering the
Company's object of lucrative commerce."

Quast, who was then cruising along the north-west coast of Java,
in search of hostile Spanish and Portuguese ships, and of English and
Danish vessels that might happen to have enemies or enemies' goods on
board of them[4], was forthwith
recalled[5], and on May 28 a resolution
could be taken regarding the fitting-out of the two vessels, set
apart for the voyage. Each of them was to be manned with "45
able-bodied and stout men, among them 5 soldiers, together 90
"eaters," and properly

[1) Here, and in subsequent quotations from old journals,
etc. the names of places are left as spelled in the
original.]

[2) Cf. their letter to the G.-G. and Counc., of December
18, 1628.]

[3) Cf. Letter from the "Heeren XVII" to the G.-G. and
Counc., January 2, 1637, in which she is mentioned together with "de
Rijp." If the conjecture in the text is right, it is plain that the
English translation "Canal" is a mistake; this is found inter
alia in JAMES BACKHOUSE WALKER, Abel Janszoon Tasman: His life
and voyages. (Tasmania, Grahame, 1896), p. 12.]

[4) See the "ordre" given him, dated May 11, 1639, and
the letters sent to him on May 16 and 18.]

[5) Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., May 25,
1639.--Letter from the G.-G. and Counc. to Quast, May 26,
1639.]

{Page: Life.22}

victualled and armed for a period of 12 calendar months." Quast
took "his official leave" on June 1, and got orders to put off to sea
on the following morning[1]. The same
date of June 1 is found on the "Instructions for Commander Matthijs
Quast and the Ship's Council of the flutes Engel and Graft, destined
for the discovery of the lands and islands east of Japan, together
with the coasts and lands of Tartary and Corea, respectively situated
north-west and south-west of the Japanese Empire aforesaid." Of this
letter of instruction the rough copy was drawn up by Van Diemen
himself[2], after repeated conferences
"with the most noted and most expert skippers together with certain
chief mates," then staying at Batavia. Van Diemen's cosignatories to
this document were the members of the Council of India Philips
Lucaszoon, Nicolaas Couckebacker, and Cornelis Van der Lijn. The
first of these Councillors was director-general[3], i.e. the second in authority in the Council,
and especially charged with the conduct of the Company's mercantile
affairs[4]; Couckebacker was fully
conversant with everything connected with our relations with Japan,
and Cornelis Van der Lijn was afterwards to succeed Lucaszoon as
director-general, and ultimately to become governor-general[5].

We may as well subjoin a few particulars about the men who
constituted the council of the two ships. In the first place Quast
was appointed "Commander and chief of the two flutes, and of the
officers and men embarked in the same." He carried "the flag at the
main-topmast" of the Engel, on board of which he made the voyage,
while to him alone was reserved the right of convening the ship's
council, in which he occupied the chair and had the casting vote in
case of equality of votes. He was an excellent expert in navigation,
and the confidence reposed in him by the Governor-General and
Councillors was amply deserved. He was a native of Schiedam, and had
served the Company for some years past, navigating the Japanese and
Chinese seas. For those parts he had set out from Batavia in July
1635, as second in command of a fleet, and from the instructions he
had received on this occasion[6], it is
evident that Quast was " fully conversant" with those regions[7]; after his return he was, in May 1636,
put at the head of a squadron with destination for Siam and Japan[8]. A second time returned to Batavia, he
set sail for home, as we have seen higher up, in December 1636,
together with Tasman, and with a recommendation to the Board of
Directors from the Governor-General[9];
on October 1638, on the same day with Tasman, he again set foot on
the soil of Java. After the termination of the voyage of discovery we
are now discussing, he was, in 1640, appointed "equipage-master" at
Batavia, in which capacity he had to supervise the wharves, and had
the control of everything connected with the fitting-out of the
Company's ships[10]. He was not to fill
this important post for a long time: on the 12th of July 1641, he set
sail for Goa in command of a fleet of ten sail, with orders to
blockade this principal seat of the Portuguese power in the East. He
died September 22 of the same year, of the consequences of a wound
received in an action with a Portuguese vessel.

Abel Tasman, skipper in the Graft, was second in command. "In case
of impotence or decease of commander Quast (which God in his mercy
avert)"--we read in the instructions--"his place shall be taken by
skipper Abel Jansen Tasman, whom we command in such case to be
acknowledged and obeyed in the same way as his predecessor in
office."

As skipper of the Engel we find Lucas Albertsen, who was already
known as an expert sailor, and who in 1645 was to make a voyage of
discovery to the north coast of Borneo[11]. The other

members of the Ship's Council were the sub-merchant Hendrik Steen,
the chief mates Pieter Doedesen Cant, and Jan Minckessen, together
with "the Commander's secretary" Philips Schillemans, who was
afterwards to serve the Company in Tonquin[1].

To us the chief interest of the instructions lies in what they
teach us respecting the geographical knowledge of the Netherlanders
in the middle of the seventeenth century, and in the indications they
give regarding the course to be followed by the ships. The main point
to be observed is, that "the courses will have to be directed in such
wise," that "when arrived in 36 and 37° northern latitude," the
ships "shall have fully reached the longitude of East-Japan (without
coming upon Japan itself)." "In order to get into the South Sea,
three routes" were open according to the notions of the time. One of
these had still been suggested by Governor-General Hendrik Brouwer[2]. "In order to get so much the higher to
windward," Brouwer had suggested the idea of taking the course north
of Borneo, Celebes and Djilolo, in order in this way to get into the
Pacific Ocean by sailing south of the Philippines. Apart from the
danger of navigating these seas, which were little if at all known to
the Dutch at that time, the season was now too far advanced for
taking this course, and still covering "so great a distance" from the
north-western extremity of Borneo to the east of Celebes, and then
reaching the Pacific in fitting time. The second plan, viz. to take
the ships' course between Luzon and Formosa, was likewise disapproved
of, "because it was feared that it would be exceedingly difficult to
double the eastern extremity of Japan, when starting from the
north-east point of the island of Manilha or Luton, on account of the
south-east winds prevailing in the South Sea." There only remained
the third route, which was accordingly prescribed in the
instructions. The ships were ordered to pass eastward of the islands
of Oentoeng Djawa (Amsterdam, etc.), "sailing close to the wind,"
next to take their course east of Banka "to shorten the voyage," and
thence to proceed on their way "until they had got to about ten miles
east of Pulo Capas" (near the peninsula of Malacca, in slightly more
than 5° N.L.). From there they were ordered to cross north-east
by east to the bay of Manila, and while so doing they were instructed
to reconnoitre the partly unknown sea west of Paragoa (Palúan)
and east of the Paracels, which latter appellation must at that time
have had a wider meaning than it has in the charts of our days, since
these islands and reefs are stated to extend much farther south[3] than they are found to do in modern
charts. Before, however, coming to the bay of Manila the ships were
to steer for the north-west point of Mindoro, then to take their
course north of this island and south of Luzon, through the two
straits of Santo Bernardino, in order to reach cape Espiritu Santo at
the north-west point of Samar, and from there to "run" into the
Pacific. This was the route--Spanish charts were accordingly
provided--which the Spanish ships, in sailing from Manila to
Acapulco, were accustomed to follow, "the which vessels, usually
sailing from the bay of Manilha about the middle of August, turn to
the north at Cabo de Spirito Santo, hauling close to the wind, keep
to windward of Japan, and make their passage with the aid of the
north-west winds prevailing there"[4].
Where the large and unwieldy ships of their enemies usually succeeded
in making their passage, the lighter and faster Dutch sailers could
hardly be expected to fail of their object. The ships were, however,
seriously warned to be on their guard, and keep clear of the bay of
Manila and Luzon itself, that hostile encounters with the Spaniards
might be avoided.

The course subsequently to be taken, is also indicated with such
precision as was possible in the absence of sufficient data..."Having
without accidents got into the South Sea past Cape Spirito
Sancto,"--the instructions go on to say--"you will cross, sailing
close to the wind, keeping a north-east or north-east by north
course, and when thus doing you shall have got unto 36°
N.L.,...you will have to run on nearly 40 miles east of Japan. But
before sailing into the said latitude, you will, while losing the
south-east trade-wind, meet with variable western and north-western
winds, which you

[3) Cf., for instance, the map of "India Orientalis" (pp.
373-374) in the atlas of MERCATOR and HONDIUS, ed. 1634; a MS. map of
the northern part of the South Sea, drawn by JOAN BLAEU, with the
date 1687 (Hague State. Arch.); No. 9 of Vol. I of the MS. atlas by
G. DE HAAN.]

[4) Cf. DE MORGA, P. 355, 356.]

{Page: Life.24}

will avail yourselves of as occasion shall serve, trying to get
between 37 and 38° to the north of the line equinoctial...It
would be a good thing if you could succeed in reconnoitring the
eastern extremity of Japan, but you should be very careful not to
fall off to the south side of the said country, unless, having got
between 28 and 32° N.L., the winds should become so favourable
that you could come within sight of Japan without risks or delay in
your voyage, in which case you would have a better and surer chance
of getting to a distance of from 380 to 400 miles, by steering due
east...It would not be strange, if in these regions (before you shall
have covered a hundred miles in an eastern direction) you should
discover certain islands, the which you will not pass by or leave out
of sight, before having visited and explored the same.

The distance to the island intended to be discovered, has been
reported to us to be about four hundred, that is to say Spanish
miles, so that, when according to your best estimation you shall have
got to upwards of 400 miles east of the east coast of Japan, without
perceiving land (which we trust will turn out otherwise), you will
not on this account lose either your wonted patience or your courage,
but will run on due east for another two hundred miles, over and
above the 400 miles hereinbefore mentioned, in hopes of coming upon
profitable and promising lands, which it may please God to grant. But
if, contrary to expectation, you should not discover either land or
islands within the distance above referred to, we hereby command Your
Worships, wind and weather permitting, to return, taking your course
round the north of Japan, in order to explore the coasts of Tartary
and China, together with the country of 'Corera' (sic!), and
to find out what sort of profitable traffic might in those parts be
engaged in for the benefit of the General Company. But since we may
assume almost with certainty, that such return will prove
impracticable, owing to the western and north-western winds, which in
the said climes blow with great violence for the greater part of the
year, we shall not enter into any ampler discussion of this matter,
at the same time recommending the said plan to Your Worships' better
judgment and experience, and leaving the rest to the chances of wind
and weather.

In case, then, of contrary winds preventing you, when you shall
have got as far as 600 miles east of Japan, from returning to Batavia
by way of the north of Japan, along the coasts of Tartary, Corea and
China, and via Taijowan (Formosa); and of the health of your crews,
together with your stock of fresh water and victuals, allowing of the
same, Your Worships will be free to run on for two hundred miles more
and upwards, even as far as the coast of West India, making such
exploration along the coast of the last mentioned continent, as the
condition of your men and ships shall admit of, and afterwards
endeavouring to get south again into the region of the south-east
trade-winds; by the aid of which you will sail due west, making
heedful inspection of the lands you shall meet on your way, and
taking your course by way of the Ladrones, or Thieves' Islands, with
a view to reconnoitring and visiting the said lands and islands, more
especially such as are situated between 11½ and 14°
Northern Latitude, in order to find out the exact rendezvous place of
the Spanish silver-ships going from the West-Indies to Manilha (which
are wont to call at certain of the said islands)[1], to the end that, opportunity serving, the
Company's ships may be enabled...to cruise with the more hope of
success in search of that rich booty.

And seeing that it is impossible for us to make any well-founded
conjecture as to the time and the season of the year, when you will
arrive at the Ladrones by the route herein prescribed, we cannot
therefore give Your Worships any precise orders, whether you had
better return to Batavia either via Japan, Tayowan, between the
Philippine Islands and along the Moluccas, or in the other case round
the north of Celebes and Borneo...

... The object we have in view, is...the discovery of the lands or
islands situated in 37½° Northern Latitude, in the
longitude of the eastern coast of Japan, at about 400 miles' distance
from the latter country; and Your Worships will accordingly endeavour
to get into the said latitude to windward of Japan, so as to be able
to reach the said countries with an easterly course.

Yet having taken this matter into further consideration, and
having been apprized by persons who have been residing in Japan, and
having gathered from Spanish books and the maps contained in the

[1) Cf. DE MORGA, pp. 353 f.]

{Page: Life.25}

same, that there are sundry islands situated to the east of Japan
at a distance of 100, 150 and 200 miles from there, between 30 and 36
degrees north of the line equinoctial;

item, that it is likewise considered certain that Japanese
sailors have in their ships brought silver to Japan from the said
islands, as also, that the two islets which in the Spanish charts are
laid down between 35 and 36°, are called by the name of
Armeneti[1] and Rico de Plata, that is
to say "rich in silver;"

therefore, and to the end that no chances of profit may be
neglected in this affair, we have thought fit to direct Your Worship
and Council at the same time, so to shape your course from Spirito
Sancto that the aforesaid islands may eventually be made, and if
possible discovered; the rather since we assume that, having met with
the said two islets, about 200 Spanish miles[2] to the east of Japan, between 35 and 36
degrees N.L., this will not prevent you from sailing about 2 degrees
more to the north, and attaining our object in this latitude. In case
this should be effected, and the large island (which in the said
Spanish map is laid down in 30 (38?) degrees, about 50 miles more
westward than Rico de Plata, and is a little more than thirty miles
in length from south to north) should have been reached and explored,
we opine that Your Worship will hardly be able from there to make the
aforesaid two islands in 35 and 36 degrees; which you will have to
take into proper consideration, regulating yourselves by wind and
weather, always reflecting that we shall be pleased to have both
these lands made by the ships, but that Rico de Plata should have the
preference..."

The vague terms of these instructions leave room for a voyage of
discovery through the whole of the north part of the Pacific. These
vague indications at the same clearly show how very inaccurate,
incomplete and fragmentary were the notions then entertained
respecting this ocean and the islands with which it is studded. This
is expressly admitted in the instructions: the "intention" of the
Governor-General and Councillors is in them set forth only as regards
"the main points." "As for the other points," these dignitaries
confidently "recommended and entrusted" them to the "zeal, vigilance
and good management" of Quast and his subalterns. In order to
stimulate this zeal, this vigilance, this good management, they held
out the promise of rewards, if the expedition should prove
successful, while at the same time premiums (afterwards fixed at 6[3], and still later at 10[4] guilders) were promised to those "who should
first descry unknown lands, shores, and shoals or shallows." Stress
is besides laid on the expediency of " keeping the experience gained
a strict secret," with an eye to the watchful rivalry of jealous
competitors[5].

The expedition, then, set out on the second day of June 1639, and
the particulars of its progress that have been preserved, enable us
to follow from day to day the certainly monotonous and constantly
repeated experiences of those who took part in it. Besides certain
missives of the time, in which reference is made to the enterprise,
the Dutch State Archives at the Hague preserve the hitherto
unpublished "Journal or daily record of the Worshipful Commander
Matthijs Quast, sailing by command of the Worshipful Lords
Governor-General and Councillors of India with the flute-ships Engel
and Graft, in order to discover and explore the gold- and
silver-bearing islands situated to the east, in about 37½°
Northern Latitude, on which undertaking we pray God Almighty to give
his blessing, to the best advantage, benefit and furtherance of the
General Company. Amen." This journal, extending from June 2 to
November 24, 1639, and, with the annexed drawings of surveys and
reconnoitrings of the coasts, numbering 72 folio pages[6], was kept "on board the flute-ship Engel."
This plain statement is subversive of the surmise[7] that the journal should have been Tasman's
work.

[1) Cf. supra, "Armenio."]

[2) Cf. the "relacion" of Vizcaino, 1. c., p.
190.]

[3) Resolution of the Plenary Council (joint council of
the two ships), of June 6, 1639.]

[4) Id., August 31, 1639.]

[5) Cf. Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., of May 24,
1639. The instructions as to the mode of proceeding when new lands
were discovered, the manner of mapping them out, etc.; the
regulations concerning the diet of the men, etc. etc., highly
interesting as they are, are omitted here, since on the whole they
are identical with those contained in Tasman's instructions for his
voyages in 1642 and 1644, which will be found further
on.]

[6) PH. VON SIEBOLD, in Journal de la Haye of December
30, 1842, is in error as regards the number of MS.
pages.]

[7) VON SIEBOLD, l. c.]

{Page: Life.26}

Of course a journal was also kept on board the Graft[1], but this has not come down to us. The
surveys and reconnoitrings appended to Quast's ship's journal are
highly praised by the learned Japanist[2] PH. VON SIEBOLD, who was in a position to
compare them with observations of his own[3]. We get a welcome complement to the
information contained in the journal, in the resolutions of the
Ship's Council, taken on board the Engel, and in those decided upon
by the joint Council of the two ships, the so-called Plenary Council.
Of these the State Archives at the Hague preserve a copy, extending
to 31 folio pages, made on board the Breda, the vessel in which Quast
returned from Formosa to Batavia after the termination of the
expedition. The resolutions of the Ship's Council on board the Engel
have not been preserved; which is also the case as regards the chart,
drawn up in the course of the voyage, and sent over from Batavia to
the Netherlands, January 8, 1640[4]. But
on the other hand we possess another chart of a slightly later date.
This chart has been prepared under Tasman's eyes in Japan at the
close of the year last mentioned by Arend Dierckszoon, and was
despatched to Batavia, November 20[5].
The heading of this chart mentions "two plane-charts "[6], one of which seems to be lost[7]. The other, which has been preserved, and of
which a reproduction is subjoined, is highly noteworthy, because it
sets forth, not only the results of the voyage itself, but also what
the leaders of the expedition gathered from the chart put into their
hands by the Batavia authorities; in other words, what the
Netherlanders at Batavia knew about those regions at the time of its
setting-out. We are thus enabled to see at a glance the corrections
which the Dutch thought themselves justified in introducing into the
charts as the result of this voyage[8].
The chart we are now discussing, was in 1842 penes Jacob
Swart, next came into the possession of Prince Henry of the
Netherlands[9], and finally, in 1880,
rejoined the archival documents of which it forms part in the State
Archives at the Hague[10]).

During the first weeks the voyage[11]
did not follow the plan prescribed in the instructions. After passing
east of Banka, it was resolved to steer for " Poulo Lauro," near the
peninsula of Malacca, in about 2° 20' N.L.[12]. The motives which led to this decision[13], again show, how little care was in
those days bestowed on the fitting-out of the Company's ships, even
in cases in which they were about to start on an arduous and
perillous enterprise. The said island had, namely, to be called at,
"considering the necessities of our vessels, and principally of the
flute ''t Gracht,' the latter

[1) Cf. Missive of the G.-G. and Counc. to the "Heeren
XVII," of January 8, 1640, and the "memorie" in LEUPE'S Reize van
Vries p. 32, no. 8.--But the "register" of the papers sent over from
Batavia to the Netherlands, January 8, 1640, only mentions the "copia
journael (not journals) en resolutiën." Perhaps the journal of
the Graft was never sent to the Netherlands. In the Inventaris van 's
Lands Archief to Batavia, by J. A. VAN DER CHUS (Batavia,
Landsdrukkery 1882), too, I have found no mention of documents
relating to the Graft.]

[4) "Register" of the papers, sent over from Batavia to
the Netherlands, January 8, 1840, and the "Memorie" in LEUPE'S Reize
van Vries, p. 32,. no. 20.--The Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to
the "Heeren XVII," of January 8, 1640, mentions "charts," the
register only speaks of the "original chart of the discovery made."
VON SIEBOLD is in error as to the charts (Journal de la Haye, Dec.
30, 1842; Entdeckungen, p. 61).]

[5) As appears from a "memorandum" of missives sent over,
etc., of the said date.]

[6) So does the "memorandum."]

[7) Cf., however, VON SIEBOLD, Entdeckungen, p. 61. He
says, that the other chart has been published in the atlas of
Johannes Van Keulen and there entitled "Nieuwe Afteekening van de
Philippynse eylanden geleegen in de Oost-Indische Zee, tusschen
Formosa en Borneo." (Cf. note 9 on the following page). I believe
this to be a mistake, and Van Keulen's map to have nothing to do wits
the chart lost. For Van Keulen's chart contains a great many
Dutch names of localities in the Philippines. But a chart to
be discussed later on in this book, drawn by Tasman of September 8,
1644, on which part of the Philippines is found represented, does not
show a single Dutch name. If Tasman had known any Dutch names in the
Philippines, he would of course have made use of them, and not have
inscribed Spanish names only in his chart. We must therefore needs
conclude that in 1644 he was not acquainted with any Dutch names
there. These must therefore be of later date, and cannot possibly
figure in a chart which would belong to the year 1639.]

[8) VON SIEBOLD has utilised them in the charts, appended
to his Entdeckungen (Cf. p. 61 of his book).]

[9) See Von SIEBOLD in Journal de la Haye, December 30,
1842.--Cf. JACOB SWART in Verhandelingen en berichten betrekkelijk
het Zeewezen. Nieuwe Volgorde, III (1843), p. 239. The latter's
conjecture as to the origin of the chart, thus turned out to be
erroneous.]

[10) Report of the Principal Keeper of the State Archives
for 1880, p. 4.]

vessel being poorly provided with firewood and water, and wholly
destitute of ballast, deficiencies which will have to be supplied
before we can carry into due execution our destined voyage with the
best security and without imminent peril." The said recruiting-place
was made on the 9th of June, the ships having passed east of the
Riouw and Lingga groups. Water, firewood and ballast were taken on
board, but there was little contact with the natives. The sailors,
coming ashore, "found all the houses empty and the inmates fled." The
few whom they conversed with, gave as reason of this conduct that the
natives dreaded a hostile visit from the Acheenese "armada." On June
13 they weighed anchor, and bent their course for Poeloe Timon[1] in 3° N.L. Contrary to the clause
of the instructions which directed them to make Poeloe Kapas, and
thence to cross towards Manila, it was resolved thus early already,
("since the Governor-General and Councillors had indeed left the
decision about the course to be taken, mainly to the experience and
good management of the skippers and mates") "in order to avoid
needless sailing," to steer north-east in order to make for the
Philippines[2]. They reached the
Philippines later than they thought they had a right to expect
"according to the logbook and the computations of the skippers and
Mates," who "in their charts already sailed past islands," which in
reality they had not yet reached[3].

On the 24th of June, however, they had "the islets lying off
Manilla," to the north-east of them. Again the prescribed course was
departed from: for Quast and Tasman had each for himself come to the
conclusion, that, since owing to the south-west wind it was hardly
practicable to sail round the south of Luzon, the route north of
Luzon, between this island and Formosa, would be far preferable. The
latter course was accordingly decided on. Even thus early in the
voyage the "Gracht" was in so wretched a condition, that she could
only with great difficulty keep up with the Engel, while the frequent
rains "began to affect" the crews. Again the insufficiency of the
charts they had got along with them, was clearly proved: the position
of Luzon turned out to be wrongly indicated, and had to be corrected
in the charts they had on board, and on the "ruled paper this day[4] prepared for this express purpose."
They doubled Cape Bojeador and Cape Engano, and mapped out the
islands north of Luzon. This time also, it is constantly seen that
the voyagers are in a region that is as good as unknown to them.
Fortunately they reached the eastern coast of Luzon, not without some
risk of being found out by the natives who came alongside of Tasman's
ship, led by a Spanish priest, a danger from which they escaped only
by passing themselves off as Englishmen, bound on a voyage from
Malacca to Manila. This priest, belonging to "the order of St. John,"
resided in " the island of Babugynes[5],
with us (then?) known as the island of Amsterdam"[6]. Here the Spaniards had built two
monasteries, whose only inmates were native Christians. The
inhabitants of this and the neighbouring islands traded in "all sorts
of cottons and other small wares," which they carried to Mexico
themselves (in Spanish vessels?), or which the Chinese fetched from
there in their ships. The padre, who was the only Spaniard in
the island, told the voyagers that it was inhabited by about 3000
"mesticos and natives." The Spaniards had another settlement in one
of the neighbouring islands, and on this occasion the Dutch also came
into contact with a Spaniard residing there[7]. After doubling Cape Engano the ships passed
along the east coast of Luzon as close inshore as they were able, and
as they ventured to do on account of the danger of being discovered
by the Spaniards. In a few places on the coast only, they tried to
cast anchor in order to take in water and refreshments, on which
occasions they came into little, if any contact with the natives, who
on their part timidly kept aloof, when the strangers landed on their
coast. On the 9th of July the ships came to anchor at a point, which
must be between 17° 33' and 16° 54' according to the latitude
computed on board the Engel[8], and in
17° 20'

[7) Cf. these statements concerning the results of
Spanish missionary work with what DE MORGA (p. 287) had to write only
a few decades earlier, viz. that as yet no converts had been made in
those islands.]

[8) I have in my text constantly employed these
longitudes and latitudes to facilitate reference to the chart.--Cf.
especially the paper of W. VAN BEMMELEN printed infra, and his
inaugural dissertation, De Isogonen in de XVIIde en XVIIde eeuw
(Utrecht, Van Druten, 1893), pp. 25-26.]

{Page: Life.28}

according to the chart; this point is sometimes found mentioned by
the name of Quast's watering-place[1].
Leaving this spot, the ships weighed anchor on July 10, and set sail
in a south-east by east direction, with which the actual voyage of
discovery in the Pacific Ocean had begun.

In the chart that has come down to us, the courses followed are
marked day by day. The limits prescribed for the expedition in the
instructions, were reached, even overstepped. Only that part of the
mandate, that bore on the further exploration of "Tartary, Coerea and
China," had to be left unfulfilled, owing to the unsatisfactory
condition of the ships as well as the crews. The voyage was an
uninterrupted roving about the ocean, covering hundreds of miles, for
some twenty long weeks: a weary sail without anything to relieve its
dreary monotony. In a few rare cases islands were called at, several
times also apparent signs of land were descried, which after all
proved disappointments; the outfit of the ships was more and more
found to be utterly insufficient; violent storms harassed the
ill-equipped vessels, and especially from the month of August death
went its rounds in the ships, and found a ready prey in the many
sailors laid up with illness, for whom there were hardly any
refreshments available. How great was the distress we learn from the
resolution of the Plenary Council consisting of the ship's officers
of the two vessels, dated October 25, 1639. On the 15th of the same
month, when they became aware that the search for the far-famed
islands would prove fruitless this time, it had been resolved "to
sail to windward of Japan, and undertake the discovery and
exploration of Tartary and Corea." Some ten days later, however, the
further execution of this plan had to be given up, and the motives
for this change are stated as follows in the resolution above
mentioned:

"Whereas at this present both our ships and crews are in very bad
and dangerous condition, viz. that owing to continuous rolling the
ships have sprung dreadful leaks, and are sorely in need of fresh
rigging and caulking; item that the Engel has her bowsprit
broken, the 'Gracht' can hardly bear up with her 'fished' masts any
longer, and both the ships are leaky all over, to such an extent that
in dirty weather the pumps must be constantly kept going; while on
the other hand all our carpenters are laid up with illness; in the
Engel there have been up to now eleven deaths and 20 cases of
illness, item in the 'Gracht' 11 deaths and 18 men ill, who
would all of them seem to be at death's door; and those who can just
keep on their legs, with whom with God's aid we contrive to manage
the ship, are not free from sea disease (seeing that in four months
and upwards they have not tasted any refreshments), but sorely suffer
from every change of weather, and feel their forces decrease day by
day."

It was resolved, if no other land was met with on the way, to seek
at Formosa the means for recruiting crews and ships, which they were
so urgently in want of.

Commanders and crews alike must therefore have breathed again,
when on the 23rd of November Formosa was sighted, and on the next day
the Dutch colours were seen floating from the fortress of Zeelandia,
the chief Dutch settlement in this island.

It is well-known, that in spite of the greatest watchfulness
possible, and the sturdy perseverance of officers and men, the real
object of the expedition was not attained: the important discoveries
that had been hoped for, were not made. So far the Governor-General
and Councillors could say with perfect justice that the enterprise
had "remained fruitless"[2]. But it was
by no means destitute of practical results. The instructions clearly
show how slight in those days was the knowledge of the Netherlanders
as regards the northern part of the Pacific; the daily journal and
the resolutions of the Ship's Councils are constantly complaining of
the great inaccuracy of the maps, and of the discrepancies between
the Dutch maps and the Spanish ones[3].
Now the expedition under Quast and Tasman furnished data, so far as
their crude instruments allowed of this, to introduce corrections as
regards the true position of the continents and islands then known,
and already mapped out. These corrections, like their other
observations, may be called excellent, if the instruments and means
then available for navigators are taken into proper consideration. To
Quast and Tasman, therefore, fully applies what La Pérouse
once declared of the Netherlanders of the middle of the seventeenth
century: "Il parait

que les Hollandais cherchaient a compenser ce désavantage
(des méthodes d'observation très grossières) par
les soins les plus minutieux sur l'estime des routes et l'exactitude
des relèvements"[1]. The share
which Tasman had in all this, is shown inter alia by the note
in the chart. While, therefore, the northern part of the Pacific and
the regions bordering on it to westward, were surveyed with greater
accuracy, the expedition also taught other things that were utterly
unknown to the Dutch of those days.

As early as the beginning of the voyage, they were in a position
to note in the chart "a round, high-lying island, and another
somewhat lower, unknown to the charts," situated to the north of
Banca. North of Luzon, where they were staying in the latter end of
June, they had, as we have seen higher up, to reconnoitre a region as
good as totally unknown to them. We read in the journal under date of
July 17: "In the morning, we observed numerous birds, among others
certain arrow-tailed ducks ("pylsteerten"), with arrow-shaped tails
pointed like the quills of a porcupine, .which made great noise and
emitted loud shrieks in flying. The wind gradually veered round to
the South-west. We still had [it had been very rough weather for a
couple of days] very heavy seas from various quarters, but chiefly
from the north-west and south-east, so that our ships rolled
violently...About 3 o'clock in the afternoon, when we were engaged in
reading a sermon, the outlook from the maintopmast called out that
there was a shoal ahead, about a mile north-east of us, on which
there were exceedingly violent breakers...As far as we could discern
with the naked eye, we found the same to be situated East-south-east
and West-north-west, 1½ mile in length, and tapering to a very
narrow slip to the south and north; by estimation it lies in 20°
38' N.L. and in 31° 6' longitude, reckoning east of the meridian
of the centre of Poulo Timon[2], or
North-east + 1/8 more easterly of Cape Spirito Sancto, at about 178
miles' distance from the same; and we named it Engel's shoal." This
was presumably a "shoal" which was evidently not marked in the charts
known to the Dutch of those days: for it is not mentioned as then
already known in the chart of this voyage, reproduced in this work.
It has long been[3], and is still known
by the name of Parece (Parede?) Vela, at the present day also by the
name of Douglas, after the navigator who in 1789 again sighted and
described it[4].

A few days later the Journal gives the information following: "On
Wednesday, July 20...we kept our course due North-east, and on all
sides observed numerous gulls, as also sundry arrow-tailed mergansers
or didappers ("pylsteerten"), which squealed and shrieked a good
deal. Towards noon...we took no latitude...At about 6 glasses in the
afternoon we saw a high-lying island to luffward about 4 miles to
North-east by east, and East-north-east, ahead of us, and another
somewhat smaller about one mile to the west of the first, which from
afar looked like the roof of a farm-barn...The larger island is very
high and steep; we gave to it the name of High Gull-Island (Hooge
Meeuwen-eiland), and estimated it to lie in 25° 3' N.L. and
36° Longitude.

On Thursday July 21...we kept our course North-east by north, and
saw a great many birds; at about one glass after early breakfast we
saw land North-east by east of us, at 6 or 7 miles' distance,
tolerably high, the outline broken with many hills; on coming nearer
we found many small islets scattered about it; at noon we took the
latitude of 26° 26'...according to our estimation, these islands
are situated in 26° 38' N.L. and in 37° 8' E. Long., and have
thus been laid down in our charts; in the afternoon we descried to
the North-east another and second country; to both of them we gave
names, to wit, to the first the name of Engel's Island, and to the
second that of Gracht's Island. At sunset Engel's Island lay
South-east by east, at 4 miles, and Gracht's Island North-east and
North-east, by-north, at 3 miles from us; we could not observe any
current, or take any soundings, nor could we discern any fitting
anchoring-place for ships; the said islands are situated at about
4¾ miles from each other, South by east + ½ point more
easterly, and North by west + ½ point more westerly.

On Friday July 22 at daybreak we saw to the North-north-west at
about a mile's distance, and again in the same direction at about
1½ mile more to the north of us, certain cliffs and reefs in
two

groups near each other, appearing above the water, to which we
gave the name of Gracht's Cliffs. We had the northern extremity of
Gracht's Island south by west of us, at 3 miles and upwards distance;
so that the said island and the cliffs aforementioned are found to be
situated North and North by west, item South and South by
east, at about 4 or 5 miles' distance from each other. At noon we
were in 27° 40' latitude, with Gracht's Island about 9 miles
South-west by south, and the northernmost cliffs 5 miles, the
southernmost 4½ do. West to South of us ..."

If we compare this part of the Journal with the chart reproduced
here, and the note given on it, it would seem that Quast and Tasman
took the High Gull's Island, Engel's and Graft's Island to be the
same islands which in the "old map, put into their hands by the
Company," were known by the names of "I. delarto, Des Colunos, and De
Sierta," together with one unnamed island. They did not, therefore,
look upon them as newly discovered. The difference in situation is,
however, considerable enough to make us hesitate to unconditionally
embrace this opinion also at the present day, if such an opinion
should have at all found acceptance. For in the map here reproduced,
the islands last mentioned are found between 24° and 20° 30',
which agrees pretty closely with the latitudes in which in XVII and
XVIII century charts Isla Desierta, Dos Colunas, Una Coluna, and a
second Desierta are laid down. It is clear that the maker of the map
was greatly puzzled by the Spanish names, and has consequently given
them a wrong spelling, which for the matter of that is the case with
the majority of the maps of the time. These islands bear the names of
"I. decerto, Dos Colunes and Una Coluna"[1], in a highly interesting MS. chart[2], prepared by order of the "Heeren XVII," by
the cartographer Isaac de Graaff[3] at
the latter end of the seventeenth century. In this chart, which has
been drawn up with the aid of data, furnished by older charts of the
East India Company, and in which are laid down the results of the
well-known voyage of discovery, made in 1643 under command of Maarten
Gerritszoon Vries, who utilised the results of the voyage of Quast
and Tasman, we find to the north-west of these islands, the "Quats"
(sic) Islands, between 29° and the group above mentioned.
Although , the latitudes do not precisely agree with those found in
the chart, here reproduced, of Quast's voyage of 1639, yet there is
no doubt that the name of "Quats Islands" is meant to denote the
group seen by our voyagers from the 20th to the 22nd of July.
Accordingly, the Company's cartographers of the XVII century did most
decidedly distinguish the islands just mentioned from the Desiertas
and the Colunas. It is not to be determined with absolute certainty
what islands in the charts of our day are to be identified with the
latter group. There is every likelihood that, at least as regards the
three northernmost of these islands, we have to think of the group,
at present[4] known by the name of the
Volcano Islands. Next, the High Gull's Island, discovered by Quast
and Tasman, is most probably the island known to modern charts[5] by the name of Arzobispo, a supposition
which does not clash with the indubitable fact, that the Graft's and
Engel's Islands together with the Graft Cliffs constitute the group,
now styled the Bonin Islands (Bonin-Sima). We must leave undecided
the question, whether these islands were likewise known to the
Spaniards[6], though it may be assumed
as highly probable that they were: at all events, if they were known
to the Spaniards, Quast and Tasman were either unaware of this
circumstance, or quite insufficiently acquainted with it, so that to
these commanders belongs the unassailable honour of having assigned
to the said group a place in the chart, which may be pronounced
highly correct, if we consider the imperfect instruments at their
disposal[7].

[1) The fourth islet is not found in the chart. There
was, indeed, no room on it for the 20th degree N.L.]

[7) Cf. with the above the elaborate discussion in VON
SIEBOLD, Entdeckungen, pp. 60, 65, 68, 92-96, 148, 160, etc.; here
the author gives 141° 2' 30" as the longitude of the island of
Arzobispo, which is more correct than the one given in Journal de la
Haye, January 9/10, 1843, where he erroneously places the island in
140° 2' 30". See also Note 2 on p. 393 of MELVILL VAN
CARNBÉE'S Moniteur, and further pp. 392-394 of the same
publication; VON SIEBOLD in LEUPE'S edition of Reize van Maarten
Gerritsz. Vries, pp. 268-269: I cannot possibly enter into all the
conjectures thrown out by VON SIEBOLD, respecting the supposed
identity of islands laid down in XVI and XVII century charts, with
those marked in charts of more recent date. I should certainly
hesitate to endorse all of them, but I am as little prepared to
dispute them, considering the utter uncertainty and inexactitude of
the geographical conceptions of former times. I have therefore
confined myself to what I deem indispensable to a complete
understanding of what the journal supplemented by the chart, tells us
about Quast's expedition.]

{Page: Life.31}

Several weeks were now to elapse, before land was once more
sighted. Down to August 4 the voyage was steadily continued in a
nearly north-eastern and eastern direction. At this date--by
estimation they were in 29° 10' N.L., and the day before they
made out to be about 205 miles east of Japan[1]--"no land being as yet sighted," they
resolved to continue the search in a nearly northwesterly direction,
until they began to bend their course nearly due west, when they
estimated themselves to have come to about 35° N.L. The voyage
was now proceeded with in the latter direction up to August 24,
without their descrying any sign of land.

At the date last mentioned the journal reads as follows: "On
Wednesday, August 24, in the morning...we changed our course to
West-north-west...we took no latitude at noon...At noon, as we were
taking our dinner, we sighted the land which, according to the Dutch
chart[2], must be Japan, ahead to west
of us so far as our eyes reached, at about to or 11 miles' distance,
but on account of the dense fog we were unable to ascertain whether
this was the mainland of Japan or islands only...On Thursday, August
25, we found ourselves at about 4 or 5 miles' distance from the
shore, but the dense fog again prevented us from discerning the exact
outline, although we got a decided impression, that we had the
mainland ahead of us...We now altered our course...to eastward...At
noon we were in 37° 40' latitude "[3].

Prom Japan they now sailed into the Pacific again, during the
first weeks following, chiefly in an eastern and south-eastern
direction, down to September 3, on which day, being in 35° 30'
N.L., and fancying themselves to be "at upwards of 200 miles'
distance to the east of Japan,"they changed their course to
north-west in order to get to 37½° N.L. After this they
continued their voyage in an easterly direction, but with
considerable deviations in the latitude, down to September 24[4], when on concluding their observations
they believed themselves to be "in longitude reckoning from Japan at
about 600 Dutch or 700 Spanish miles' distance to eastward, in the
prescribed latitude," and this, "without having during all this time
sighted land, or having descried any certain signs of land being
near."

They now resolved to return and traverse the sea in a more
westerly direction, a plan which was carried out, between the
supposed latitudes of about 36½° and 39½°.
After this the voyage was continued almost constantly in a westerly
direction, but in varying latitudes, in the course of which cruise
they got as high as 42° N.L. Next, on October 15, it was resolved
to proceed with the expedition in a more southerly, but always
westerly direction, until at length on October 25--they then believed
themselves to be in 39° 10' N.L.--all further attempts at making
discoveries were discontinued, and it was decided to steer for
Formosa.

On October 31 they had got to 34° 45' N.L., and were sailing
almost due west. On November 1 they were in 34° 40', but to
"every one's astonishment" the land which they had expected by this
time, had still always not been reached, until on this day "at the
sixth glass of the dog-watch" it was at length "descried." It turned
out to be once more the coast of Japan, and the journal at this date
gives, about the things now seen by our voyagers, certain particulars
which are noteworthy, because they throw additional light on our
ancestors' notions about the position and "lie" of Japan. A look at
the chart here reproduced amply suffices to convince us that this
knowledge was very inaccurate. The journal now goes on as follows:
"On Wednesday, November 2...we were steering West by South, and were
at about two miles' distance from the shore; we found the
northernmost part of the said land to be about 4 or 5 miles from us;
so that, although we found the land to be larger than was shown in
the chart, we could not but believe that it must necessarily be the
islands at the South-eastern extremity of Japan, which islands are
situated pretty well in the latitude indicated, but slightly more to
the south than they are laid down in the chart. We now turned our
course to the south-west, following the trend of the coast on our
right hand. We found the land in question to be of medium height, at
times appearing double or triple; we saw a very high mountain
overtopping the land, which mountain must accordingly have its base
on other land beyond, or more to the west...

The land extended from South-west to North-east for about 6, and
from North by east to South by west for 3 miles. Seen from the sea,
the whole of it looks like broken country; by observation it was
found to lie in 34° 54' N.L., and in 28(?)° 13' Longitude. At
about 4 miles north of the southern extremity--having first become
aware of it in the night-time--we descried, somewhat more to the
west, two other islands, which were found to lie at 4 or 5 miles'
distance, South-west by west and North-east by east of the island
first mentioned...At nightfall we descried straight ahead of us, in
the South-south-west, two other large, high-lying islands, and
suspected that there would be still more land thereabouts, so
that...we thought it advisable to tack about to the south ... In the
early part of the dog-watch, we had the islands, which we had last
night seen in the south-south-west, due west of us...

On Thursday, November 3, at early dawn we descried west-south-west
of us a pretty large island with two or three high mountains, or they
might perhaps be separate islands. After breakfast the wind turning
to the north-east, we took a southern course, and shortly after
became aware of another island, less high than the last,
south-south-west of us. By estimation these islands were found to lie
South by west and North by east, at about 6 or 7 miles' distance from
each other. In order to run to windward of the land and seaward, we
now held our course south-south-east. At noon we had got into 32°
33' N.L., and should thus have covered 24 miles in the last
twenty-four hours. We found the last-mentioned island to bear west of
us, and now shaped our course south-west "

Our friends were mistaken, when, following the example of the
charts given them for their guidance, they continued to call by the
name of islands, the land which they had sighted on the 2nd of
November. They themselves found "the same to be larger than shown in
the charts," and there can be little doubt that in the present case
they had to deal with a part of the mainland, viz. Cape Sirahama
(Sirofama) (34° 54' N.L. and 139° 44' E. Long. from
Greenwich), the south-eastern extremity of Nippon. The very high
mountain, mentioned in the journal, was most probably Mount
Foesijama, which they can have observed in a north-easterly
direction. The islands which they afterwards circumnavigated, form
the island-chain, extending in a southerly or slightly south-easterly
direction; VON SIEBOLD has proposed to name them Tasman's Isles, in
order by so doing to pay honour to Tasman's share in this expedition,
as well as to Quast's[1]. The ships were
observed at Jedo, and notice of this given to the Dutch authorities
there[2].

On November 10 they were "in expectation of sighting the land of
Cicoko." On the following day they steered west by north, but saw "no
land as yet." At last, on November 13, land was descried. It proved
to be the East-coast of Kioesioe, erroneously styled Cikoko in the
chart reproduced in this work. But I shall again let the journal
speak for itself: "On Sunday, November 13...we spied land to west of
us. After prayers...we were at about 3 miles' distance from the
shore. We now shaped our course south-west by south...We took no
latitude at noon...At sunset we saw the south-eastern extremity of
the land south-south-west and south-west by south, at about 5 miles'
distance from us...We kept in sight of the land as much as possible.
At the close of the first watch we passed the south-eastern extremity
aforesaid. We found that the land fell off to westward..." It is to
this bay, that Von Siebold proposed to give the name of "Tasmans.
Baai"[3]. The voyagers were further on
sailing in the strait, to which in 1643 De Vries has given the name
of Van Diemen's Strait, from the Governor-General, an appellation by
which it is known even in our days.

"On Monday, November 14, we found ourselves about two miles from
shore. We descried Tanaxima (Tanega Sima) 3 miles to the south, and
south-west of us, a round, tall, helmet-shaped mountain, from whose
top rose up huge clouds of smoke [most probably, Mount Iwoga Sima],
together with many different other islands. At noon...we took the
latitude of 31° 14', and were found to have covered 15 miles in a
south-west by south direction in the last twenty-four hours...

In the early part of the day-watch we saw the south-west point
(Satano Misaki), where the land trends to the south-west, forming a
large bay (the Bay of Kagosima), which seems to offer a good
road-stead in all wind.

On Tuesday, November 15, at daybreak, we had the smoking mountain
alongside of us to the south-west...We shaped our course westward. At
noon the latitude taken was 31° 10'...During the night we passed
the westernmost islands (Ingersoll or Morrison), and turned our
course to west-south-west.

On Wednesday, November 16, in the morning we kept on our
west-south-west course, and saw some more islands lying south-east of
us (the Seven Sisters of the Linschoten or Cecille Archipelago). The
latitude observed at noon proved to be 30° 20'..."

After constantly sailing on in a nearly south-westerly direction,
on November 21 they had reached 26° 56' N.L. and saw "north-west
of us, at about 8 or 9 miles' distance, the islands of Nanquin." On
the 22nd they sighted the island of Baboxin[1], and soon after reached Formosa. Here, they
dropped anchor before the fortress of Zeelandia, November 24, "in
very woeful plight, there having been 21 deaths in the Engel, and 20
in the Gracht, and the others being all (many)[2] of them down with illness"[3].

Quast very soon after embarked again for Batavia on board the ship
Breda, which was ready to set sail, and departed from Formosa,
December 1, 1639[4]. He arrived at the
capital of Netherlands-India, January 2, 1640[5], and there sent in his report to his
superiors. Concerning this report, the latter authorities wrote as
follows to the Board of Directors, on January 10, 1640: "In the ship
Breda has returned hither from the voyage for the discovery of the
countries to the east of Japan, but without having attained his
object, Commander Matthijs Quast, who has sailed over upwards of 600
miles to the east' of Japan, in the latitude prescribed, without
finding land; after which the wind turned to such a quarter that he
resolved to turn his ships westward, and, going round by the north of
Japan, to explore the coasts of Tartary, Corea and China, so that,
returning in the same longitude, between 42° and 38° Northern
Latitude, on his way back, also, he has seen no land; but being
greatly distressed by disease on board their ships, the commanders
were compelled to discontinue the voyage of discovery to the north,
and on November 24 arrived at Tayouan, eastward of Japan, in very bad
plight and with great loss of men, having in the two flutes lost 38
men, that is nearly half of the number they had on board, when they
started on their expedition.

"The Commander opines that the said lands will never be found in
the latitude aforesaid; we intend to inquire further into this
matter, when the skippers and chief-mates shall have arrived here.
Meanwhile with the present we beg leave to hand Your Worships their
journals and charts, from which you will be enabled to gather exact
particulars of their voyage, and of the courses kept by them. It is
not our intention to take this discovery in hand a second time, but
we shall await Your Worships' advices touching this matter. It seems
to us to be a matter of great importance, that in 38° and 34°
N.L., they encountered so many variable winds, and Commander Quast
aforesaid has declared to us that, if he had tried to do so, he might
have succeeded in making the Ladrones Isles, starting from the island
of Luçon. It can hardly be supposed that in those regions the
winds regularly blow so variably, but we presume that in their case
this was due to accident only."

The "advice" of the Board of Directors was not long in coming. In
their letter to the Governor-General and Councillors, of September
11, 1640, they authorised the latter to resume the enterprise, if the
circumstances of the Company allowed of their doing so, and able
seafaring men were

[1) I have not found this island in any modern maps or
charts. In XVII century maps "Babucsin," or "the islands of
Babockzijn" are lying in about 26° 30' N.L. This agrees pretty
closely with the latitude mentioned in Quast's journal, which has:
"At noon (of November 22) we were in 36 (read: 26) ° 8' latitude,
at which time we estimated the aforesaid island to lie west by north
of us, at 2½ miles' distance." In the XVII century charts,
inter alia in the above-mentioned chart, no. 285 of LEUPE'S
Inventaris, Baboxin is situated north of Poeloe Crocodil (Qy.
Alligator Island? In STIELER, Hand Atlas, in 26° 15') It is to be
presumed that Baboxin is the island, now named Tung-ying (VON
SIEBOLD, Erklarung, p. 201).]

[2) "Dachregister" of the Factory of Taijouhan, November
24, 1639.]

[3) Missive from the governor of Formosa to the G.-G. and
Counc., December 10, 1639.]

[4) Do., December 11, 1639.]

[5) Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., January 2,
1640.]

{Page: Life.34}

available, without, however, giving "express orders" on the
subject. In their letter of April 11, 1642 they again referred to
this matter. "We are still always greatly inclined," they write, "to
fit out another enterprise for the northern coasts of Tartary...for
the further exploration of the said regions, for which purpose able
skippers and mates would have to be employed with proper
instructions...We continue to recommend the matter to Your Worships'
attention...and would have it carried into effect on the first
opportunity offering for securing ships and crews...always, however,
without detriment to the Company's business."

But the Supreme Government at Batavia, too, had soon got over
their first feeling of disappointment. Already in their missive to
the Board of Directors, bearing date November 30, 1640, they
expressed themselves in this fashion: "We likewise continue inclined
to have further search made for the lands eastward of Japan..."It is
well-known that this plan got realised in 1643, when the ships
Castricum and Breskens, commanded by Marten Gerritszoon Vries and
Hendrik Corneliszoon Schaep were fitted out "for the exploration of
the north coast of Tartary, and from there for a renewed search for
the silver- and gold-bearing islands to the east of Japan"[1]. If in the opinion of Governor-General
Antonio Van Diemen, the expedition of 1639 had remained without
results, still it has become one of the bases for subsequent
explorations of the highest importance for the science of geography
in its widest sense: not only for the voyage of Vries, but, through
the latter, also for expeditions of much more recent date. For the
documents in which Quast and Tasman had laid down the results of
their experiences and observations during the voyage of 1639,
together with others, formed the groundwork of the instructions drawn
up for the guidance of Vries on his memorable expedition[2]. The object, too, for which our chart of
Quast's exploratory voyage was prepared, clearly shows that the
experiences gathered in 1639, were not lost upon Vries and his
companions. To prove this, we need only refer to the correspondence
between the Governor-General and Councillors, and the Netherlands
"president" in Japan. On June 13, 1640 the latter dignitary was
informed from Batavia, how Quast and his companions "had returned to
Tayouan in wretched condition, and without having effected their
purpose. Had they called at Japan," the letter goes on to say, "and
there taken in fresh provisions, they would have saved the lives of
many of their men, but fearing the Japanese might take it ill, if
they did so, they abstained from casting anchor at unusual places in
the said country. They have not seen any land, but on the other hand
observed numerous unmistakeable signs of the same. We purpose
renewing the said enterprise in the course of next year. Skipper Abel
Tasman, now on board the Oost Cappel, was a sharer in the said
expedition, and is still very eager to undertake another with the
same object. If applied to, he will give Your Worship every
information you may wish to have. We request you to let us know,
whether a voyage of discovery of the kind would be likely to cause
ill feeling on the part of the Japanese authorities, and whether in
case of urgent necessity the Company's ships could without risk come
to anchor on the Japanese coast for the purpose of taking in
refreshments." The reply[3] of the Dutch
representative then residing at Firando, François Caron, ran
as follows: "We have duly gathered from the advices and verbal
communications of skipper Abel Tasman that Your Worships contemplate
a resumption of the attempts to discover the islands to the east of
Japan; we have also been informed of the result of the said
expedition, and have accordingly, in order to facilitate a closer
study and more thorough understanding of the matter in question,
induced skipper Tasman to have two plane-charts drawn up, based on
his own ship's journals and registered courses, and on those of the
chief-mate of the ship Engel, of which we beg leave to inclose
copies, which, with the descriptive account annexed, will fully
enable Your Worships to obtain an idea of the discrepancies between
the old chart and the results now obtained, as regards the position
of the lands and islands; while they will at the same time make you
acquainted with the new courses followed."

"We are well assured that the islands searched for to the
eastward, do not form part of the empire of Japan, since we have been
informed on the best authority that the Japanese emperor has

[1) Letter from the G.-G. and Counc. to the "Heeren
XVII," of January 23, 1643.]

[2) Cf. LEUPE'S edition of Vries's voyage, pp. 13, 14,
24, 32, 33.]

[3) Bearing date November 20, 1640.]

{Page: Life.35}

no land over which he would claim any jurisdiction, situated 400
Dutch miles out to sea to the eastward; so that in our opinion it
would be both needless and unadvisable to apprize the Japanese
authorities of this enterprise, the more so, since the land of Japan
must on no account and for no reason whatever be called at with empty
vessels at unusual points on the coast; especially in these times of
great strictness on the part of the Japanese authorities, in which
such ships would undoubtedly be looked upon as spies upon the
country, whereas loaded vessels with customary cargoes for Japan
might with some appearance of truth shelter themselves under the plea
of having been driven to these points by storms and stress of
weather; even under such circumstances, however, the thing is not
without considerable risk, since it has never been done before now;
and it will hardly be believed, that such fresh mistakes might
proceed from better motives; considering all which it is greatly to
be feared, that the ship will be kept in embargo for a long time,
during which the cargo would suffer great damage, and our countrymen
might find seriously discredited the good repute in which they are
now held here."

The first author who has made mention of Quast and Tasman's voyage
in 1639, would seem to have been the well-known astronomer and
mathematician Dirck Rembrantsz van Nierop[1], who in 1669, with Gerrit van Goedesbergh,
"Boeckverkooper op 't Water, bij de Nieuwe-Brug," Amsterdam,
published a now rare quarto volume, entitled "Eenige Oefeningen in
God-lijcke, Wiskonstige, en Natuerlijcke ding-en" [Sundry
Exercises in Godly, Mathematical, and Natural Matters]. In 1674 a
sequel to this work appeared with Abel Symonsz. Van der Storck,
"Boeckverkooper op 't Water bij de Nieuwe Brugh, in de Delfse
Bijbel," with the slightly modified title, "Tweede deal Van enige
Oefeningen, 't Welk is in Geographia ofte Aertkloots-beskrijvinge,
Waer in dat gehandelt wort: Ten eersten, over het vroeg vertonen der
Sonne op Nova Sembla int Jaer 1597. Ten tweden, enige aenmerkingen op
de Raise benoorden om na Oost India. Ten derden, van Abel Tasman
ontdekking na het onbekende Suid-lant. Ten vierden, van de
Letterspelling, dat is hoe men de Letteren uitspreken en spellen
sal" [Second part of Sundry Exercises, namely in Geographia or
description of the terrestrial globe; in which the Author treats:
Firstly, of the Sun's early appearance in Nova Zembla, in the year
1597. Secondly, certain observations touching the voyage to East
India round by the North. Thirdly, of Abel Tasman's voyage of
discovery in search of the unknown South Land. Fourthly, of
Orthography, that is to say, how one should pronounce the Letters,
and spell words]. In the second section of this latter volume, Van
Nierop has printed an abstract[2] of the
instructions drawn up by the Governor-General and Councillors, for
the behoof of the expedition under Vries in 1643, and in this
connection also refers to the voyage of Quast and Tasman, and to the
gold- and silver-bearing islands to the east of Japan. In the very
same year a free English translation of Van Nierop's statements
appeared in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal
Society in London[3], which
translation, in a French dress, almost a century later, found its way
into the Collection Académique, partie
étrangère[4]. In this
manner, that which the Netherlanders did, or did not know about those
mysterious islands, found its way into the "Mémoire du
roi," of June 26, 1785, which has done duty as a memorandum of
instructions for the behoof of the famous voyage round the world of
Jean François Galaup de la Pérouse during the years
1785-1788.

[1) L. A. MILET-MUREAU, Voyage de La Pérouse
autour du monde, I (Paris, Imprimerie de la Republique, an V,
1797), p. 26.--Other discoverers, too, have known and utilised the
instructions given to Vries; but I cannot, of course, discuss them
all in this place.--The expedition under James Cook, Clerke and Gore
(1776-1780) sought Rica de Plata in a lower latitude. See pp. 177 ff.
of Vol. III of the 3rd edition of A Voyage to the Pacific Ocean,
undertaken for making discoveries in tlie Northern Hemisphere.
Performed under the direction of Captains Cook, Clerke, and Gore.
(London, Flughs, MDCCLXXXV).]

Indeed, the belief in the existence of the gold- and
silver-bearing regions in 37½° N.L. must have been a very
deep-rooted one, if not only cartographers continued to mark them in
their charts[5], but also La
Pérouse received instructions to try a new effort for
discovering them, in spite of the negative results of Quast's and
Vries's voyages being generally known; and if La Pérouse
himself preferred the search for them to other explorations, also
suggested to him. Nay, the editor of La Pérouse's journal,
Milet-Mureau, gently reproves him for having discontinued the search:
"Quel que soit le motif"--he says--"qui l'a déterminé,
les fréquens indices de terre qu'ont eus les navigateurs,
doivent faire regretter que La Pérouse n'ait pas pris le part
de suivre le 37e ou le 38e parallèle. Les terres anciennement
découvertes s'étant presque toutes retrouvées de
nos jours, cette Ile sera sûrement l'objet de nouvelles
recherches, et il y a lieu d'espérer qu'on la trouvera en
parcourant le parallèle de 36d 30'."[6]

Again, availing himself of the experience gained by Quast and
Tasman, the celebrated Russian explorer Adam Johann Von Krusenstern,
in his voyage round the world in the years 1803-1806, attempted to
find the gold- and silver-bearing islands, but he, too, was
unsuccessful[7].

Spain, on the contrary, had long given up all hopes of discovering
the eagerly desired islands, and had accordingly ceased to make any
efforts in this direction. After this matter had again formed

the subject of discussions between Spain and Manila[1] in 1730, 1732 and 1734, the King, on March
12, 1738, directed his governor of the Philippines[2] to ask the opinion of practised sailors. It
was given[3], with the result[4] that the authorities thought themselves
justified in concluding that the islands of Rica de Oro and Rica de
Plata had never yet been seen by any one. Nor do we find any mention
made of ulterior endeavours, set on foot by Spaniards[5].

Although therefore the expedition undertaken by Quast and Tasman
did not remain altogether unknown--and in the same cursory way it is
referred to by the Amsterdam burgomaster Mr. Nicolaas Witsen in his
well-known book "Noord' en Oost Tartarijen"[6]--although some of the results obtained in it
may have occasionally found their way into a few seventeenth century
charts (most of them, however, utterly ignoring them), still fully
two centuries had to elapse before this enterprise was to have full
light thrown upon it. For this fresh light we are indebted to the
well-known scholar and scientist Von Siebold, who, with the
assistance of De Munnick, in 1842 discovered in the Old Colonial
Archives Quast's journal, together with the resolutions of the Ship's
council and the Plenary Council. He forthwith published the results
of his researches[7] in Journal de la
Haye, December 30, 1842, and January 9-11, 1843. Of these highly
interesting papers, shortly afterwards a separate reprint in quarto[8], which has now become rare, was
published with the title Documens importans, sur la
découverte des îles de Bonin, par des navigateurs
Néerlandais en 1639. At a later date Von Siebold's
researches were substantially reproduced in Le Moniteur des
Indes-Orientates et Occidentales, 1848-1849[9], the editor, the able cartographer and
hydrographer[10] P. Melvill van
Carnbée, supplementing them by the instructions given to
Vries--erroneously mentioned as "encore inédite"[11--and by an account of the latter's voyage in
1643. Von Siebold himself once more printed the results of his
investigations in his celebrated work Nippon, Archiv zur
Beschreibung von Japan, in the part entitled Geschichtliche
Uebersicht der Entdeckungen der Europaeer in Seegebiete von Japan und
dessen Neben- und Schutzlaendern[12], to which part various charts are appended[13].

If therefore, thanks mainly to Von Siebold, a good deal of fresh
light has been thrown on the expedition in which Tasman bore so large
a part, the journal itself still remains unprinted; but the chart,
here reproduced, drawn up under Tasman's supervision and with his
aid, is more convenient for consultation than Quast's monotonous
notes, and furnishes us with an equally vivid picture of his and
Tasman's peregrinations about the Pacific Ocean[14].

[12) Pp. 59 ff., and the Anmerkungen referring to
them.--I have used the copy of Nippon in the Royal Library at The
Hague. As regards this work, which appeared 1832-1852, cf. P. A.
TIELE, Bibliographie Land- en Volkenkunde, p. 220. A new edition of
it is at present in course of preparation. Part I is already
published. (Wtirzburg and Leipzig, Woerl, 1897). But the
Geschichte des Entdeckungen is not to be reprinted.]

[13) This part has been published separately (Leiden,
1852, with an atlas), entitled: Geschichte der Entdeckungen, etc. It
moreover contains an Erklärung der Karten, which the Uebersicht
lacks.]

[14) See also W. VAN BEMMELEN'S paper, infra. Such
passages of Quast's journal as give an account of the discovering of
land, or of the calling at land or islands, have all of them been
given in my text.]

{Page: Life.38}

VII.

THE DUTCH IN FORMOSA.--TASMAN'S RETURN TO BATAVIA
(1640)--SIGNIFICANCE OF THE DUTCH TRADE IN EASTERN ASIA.--TASMAN'S
VOYAGE TO FORMOSA AND JAPAN.--TASMAN CASTS ANCHOR OFF
FIRANDO.--CRITICAL POSITION OF THE DUTCH FACTORY THERE
(1640).--DEPARTURE FOR CAMBODJA.

The island of Formosa, which Tasman now touched at, was one of the
most recently acquired possessions of the Dutch East India Company.
She was led to lay hands on this island also, by her desire to secure
a larger share of the Chinese trade than she had hitherto been
mistress of[1]. As early as 1620[2] the Board of Directors had laid stress
on the expediency of using Formosa as a station for the trade with
China. Jan Pieterszoon Coen, who was then Governor-General, was fully
aware of the great importance of a point like this, but the
information collected by the Dutch concerning an anchoring-place on
the west-coast of the island, were unsatisfactory. Coen therefore
cast his eye on the Pescadores Isles, where he hoped to find an
excellent road-stead.

In the first half of 1622 a considerable squadron sailed from
Batavia for the coast of China, commanded by Cornelis Reyerszoon. The
main object of the expedition was a twofold one. If this was deemed
feasible by the commander of the fleet, he had orders to try to seize
Macao, the Portuguese island-town on the Chinese coast; should this
prove impossible, or the attempt miscarry, he was to induce the
Chinese, bon gré mal gré, to cede to the Company
a fitting sea-port, which might serve as a basis for her eventual
mercantile operations with the Celestial Empire and its adjacent
countries, and might enable the Dutch to prevent any commerce of
their Spanish and Portuguese enemies with China In concise and
forcible language Reyerszoon's instructions of April 9[3], 1622 thus set forth the views of his
masters: "In order to get hold of the Chinese trade we deem it to be
needful that with the Lord's help we take Maccaw, or erect a fortress
somewhere in one of the most fitting places about Canton or
Chincheu[4], maintain a garrison there,
and constantly keep a sufficient fleet on the coast of China." The
idea last mentioned was further developed as follows: "Should it be
thought unadvisable to attack Maccau, or should the attempt against
it miscarry, which God avert, Your Worship...wi11 pass on with the
main part of the fleet to the islands of Chincheu, called in the
chart the Piscadores, situated in 23½° N. Latitude...The
islands, called the Piscadores...would seem to be most excellently
situated for enabling us to prevent the Chinese trade with Manilha,
and to bend the Chinese to our will." The islands, it is true, were
"sandy, barren, without either timber or stone," but this was made up
for by "an excellent road-stead," which they were said to afford. Nor
was Formosa lost sight of on this occasion. The Spaniards of Manila,
from fear of the Dutch plans in the Chinese Sea, contemplated
"erecting a fortress at the Southern extremity of Lequeo Pequeno,
called Lamangh "which must have been meant for Formosa[5]"--where they hoped to find a convenient
port." This Spanish project, too, Reyerszoon's expedition was
intended to baffle. "The main part of the fleet"--the instructions go
on to say--"having arrived at the Piscadores, whether having captured
Maccau or not, whichever may be the case, Your Worship will forthwith
despatch some yachts, pinnaces, or tingans to Lequeo Pequeno and all
circumjacent islands, directing them to make diligent search for the
best road-stead, and for the most fitting site for erecting a
fortress, and for establishing a rendez-vous station. Your Worship
will immediately occupy the place that shall be deemed most suitable
for this purpose, have a fort built there and the same garrisoned,
always on the understanding that this has not already been done at
Maccau or thereabouts. And in case a fort should already have been
built at Maccau or thereabouts, it is our express desire, that
notwithstanding, should a suitable place for anchorage and
rendezvousing be met with about Chincheu, in the Piscadores, in
Lequeo Pequeno Isla Formosa, or elsewhere, yet the most fitting place
there should be occupied and garrisoned...since by so doing

we shall be better enabled to prevent the Chinese from trading
with Manilha and all other places, and compel them to conform to our
will." And in the sequel the chief object of the new settlement is
thus set forth without any mincing of the matter: "It is our desire
and fixed intention, not to allow in future any Chinese junks to sail
to any other port than Batavia, as soon as we shall be definitely
settled on the coast of China." The Chinese were to be officially
informed that for twenty years past the Dutch had requested
permission. to establish a commercial connection with them, "without
having obtained anything up to now"; it was now their plain duty to
afford the Dutch opportunities for trade, and to give up their
commerce with nations at war with the Dutch, "on pain of being
declared our enemies, and treated as such."

This is not the place to enter into further particulars as to
Coen's plans with respect to China. A word or two will suffice to
tell the result of the expedition. The attempt against Macao on June
24, 1622, failed miserably; Reyerszoon got wounded, and he and his
men had to beat a retreat with heavy losses and bloodied pates. A
part of the Dutch fleet now set sail for the Pescadores under command
of the admiral, and on July 11 came to anchor off the largest of the
isles, Pehoe or Ponghoe, which afforded a good road-stead. Formosa
and the surrounding islands were explored, but found less suitable,
so that it was ultimately resolved to build a fortress at the
south-western extremity of Pehoe.

But the Dutch found they had reckoned without the Chinese. On
October 1 the Dutch got formal notice that the Chinese government
would never suffer them to establish a settlement in the Pescadores
isles, which China accounted to form part of her dominions; they
might, so far as China was concerned, do so in Formosa, which was
outside the Chinese jurisdiction. Upon this it came to open
hostilities, which ultimately led to all plans for a settlement in
the Pescadores being abandoned.

The first and foremost demand of the Chinese authorities was, that
the Dutch should quit "Pehou within the jurisdiction of China"[1]. If they complied with this demand, and
established themselves in Formosa (also called "Tayowan", and
"Packan"), or in any other place of the vicinity, "if only outside
the jurisdiction of China", the Chinese government would not refuse
to come and trade there with the Dutch, and altogether to give up the
commerce with Manila. Meanwhile Reyerszoon was not only engaged in
causing a "fortress" to be built in Pehoe, but by order of the
Supreme Government at Batavia, "had also begun to run up a fastness
of bamboo and earth-works" at the west coast of Formosa, in 23°
N. L., "at the southern corner of the entrance to the bay of Tayowan
(this being the most suitable place he had found up to then)". On
December 9, 1624 Reyerszoon returned to Batavia with the
intelligence, "that our countrymen had quitted the fortress in Pehou,
and had established themselves at Tayowan, every day expecting the
opening of the coveted Chinese trade, of which there were already
very fair prospects". Pehoe had been quitted, August 26, 1624.
Martinus Sonck, who had been ordered to the coasts of China to
replace Reyerszoon, had become aware that he must quit the island
bon gré mal gré, since the superior numbers of
the Chinese who were there investing the Dutch garrison, seemed to
render a longer stay impossible. After some negotiation, in which the
giving up of the trade to Manila on the part of the Chinese was not
so much as alluded to, the Dutch withdrew "from Pehou with bag and
baggage and set sail for Teyouwan ". Here the fortress which
Reyerszoon had begun to build, was finished, and thus the foundation
laid of one of the most important possessions which the Company has
ever owned in the East; important chiefly as a staple of Chinese
commodities and of home products as well, besides being one of the
most successful missionary stations[2].
Sad to say, the Dutch occupation extended over a few decades only[3].

Before this fortress, then, bearing the name of Zeelandia,
anchored Quast and Tasman after their weary wanderings over the
ocean. Whereas Quast sailed for Batavia already on December 11, 1639,
Tasman's services were turned to account for some time longer by the
then governor of Formosa, Johan Van der Burch. Thus, at the request
of the said governor, and with a view to the risks1

threatening Dutch ships in these waters, in conjunction with
skipper Maarten Gerritszoon Vries, then also staying in Formosa, he
gave a professional opinion in writing, concerning the courses to be
kept by Dutch ships in the sea between China and Formosa[1]; which written opinion also gained the
approval of the Supreme Government at Batavia, and was consequently
made to form the basis of the instructions and directions as to the
courses to be kept, drawn up for the behoof of the captains of
vessels ordered to navigate those waters[2].

On January 29, 1640, Tasman, too, set sail as captain of the Graft
with a cargo worth at cost-price 139537 Dutch guilders, 11 stivers,
13 dolts. The significance of Formosa as a trade-centre may to a
certain extent be gathered from the bill of cargo of the said ship,
enumerating the different commodities which were delivered to the
Dutch factory there, chiefly by Chinese dealers. Tasman, then,
carried on board his ship "preserved ginger ", "spelter", "powdered
sugar", alum, silks and damasks, chinaware, gold- and silver-wire,
Chinese gold, etc.[3]

But of far greater importance than the exports to Batavia, was the
mercantile intercourse of the time, in which Formosa bore a large
share as the centre of the trade between Japan on the one hand, and
on the other, China in the first place, but also Cambodja, Tonquin
and Siam. Millions of money were by the Dutch in Japan exchanged for
Chinese products: in 1639 they brought to Japan from Formosa goods
amounting to 3 millions of Dutch guilders at cost-price, on which
they made a profit of 60 pct.; in 1640 these imports rose to upwards
of 5 millions, being nearly 5/6 of the aggregate imports by the Dutch
into Japan[4]. The cargo of the Graft,
indeed, like the whole of the cargoes brought by the ships from
Formosa to Batavia (thence destined for the Netherlands and certain
parts of Asia), formed but a small part of what the Chinese imported
into Taywan. Thus in one day, January 12, 1640, one Chinese dealer
brought to Formosa a quantity of silks worth one million and a half
of guilders, while other parcels worth upwards of half a million were
to follow this; almost the whole of this treasure being destined for
Japan[5].

Formosa was furthermore the starting-point for the trade of the
Dutch with Cambodja, Tonquin, and Siam, in all of which countries
they turned over hundreds of thousands of guilders chiefly in the
purchase of products in demand in Japan, while the articles they
imported into those countries were for the greater part Japanese
commodities.

Chinese and Japanese goods, especially precious metals, were from
Formosa sent directly to the coasts of Coromandel and Surat--in
December 1639, for instance, for more than one million and a half of
guilders cost-price[6]. From Formosa
Persia drew Chinese articles; sugar from both China and Formosa was
carried to Persian markets; "deer-skins" from Formosa itself were
inquired for in Japan[7]. Of a surety,
the Governor-General and Councillors, who already deemed the cargo
brought by the Graft "an excellent Chinese return-freight", had a
right to speak "of the opulent Chinese trade" with Formosa, when the
reports[8] brought over by Tasman
acquainted them with this highly favourable state of affairs[9].

On February 19 the Graft cast anchor before Batavia, and for some
time longer Tasman continued in command of this ship[10], which, after undergoing the needful
repairs, was by decree of

[1) Missive from the governor of Formosa to the G.-G. and
Counc., of January 28, 1640.]

[2) An "ordre ende seynbrieff" [letter of instructions
and signals], resolved upon in the Council of India, and drawn up
with the aid of this written opinion, is found inserted in the
Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., of June 5, 1640.--Cf. also their
resolution of May 26, 1640, and their missive to the "president" in
Formosa, Paulus Traudenius, of June 3, 1640.]

[3) According to the "facture" (invoice) of the Graft, of
January 28, 1640.--See also "Daghregister des Comptoirs Tayouan,"
January29.]

[7) Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to "President"
Traudenius in Formosa, of June 13, 1640.]

[8) Under date January 28, 1640.]

[9) Res. of the G.-G. and Counc., February 20,
1640.]

[10) Ress. of the G.-G. and Counc., March 10, 24, and 27,
1640,]

{Page: Life.41}

the Governor-General and Councillors of March 19, 1640, destined
for Djambi, thence to sail for the north-east of Asia. Until the
Graft should reach Djambi, the command remained in the hands of
Tasman, who after arriving at the latter place was to hand it over to
one of his colleagues, and to return to Batavia with the pepper laid
up at Djambi, because his services were required elsewhere[1]. He was once more to be sent tb Formosa and
Japan.

On May 26, 1640, indeed, it was resolved in the Council of India
that three ships, the Meerman, the Oostcappel, and the Otter, should
be despatched to those parts with merchandise, among which there were
"curiosities...destined to secure the good will of his Imperial
Majesty of Japan"; and on June 5 the ship Broeckoort was further
added to the squadron.

The command of the four vessels, having on board "European and
Batavian commodities" to an amount of upwards of 170,000 guilders[2], was entrusted to Tasman, who had
returned from Djambi on the 1st of June, and was to continue
commander until the ships should arrive at Formosa, when he had to
put himself under the orders of the "president" or governor ad
interim of this island, Paulus Traudenius[3], Van der Burch having died some time before,
and no definite successor to him having yet been appointed; the
instructions expressly stating that the said command was confided to
him, because he was well-known to be "a painstaking, heedful and
highly experienced skipper." Among the captains we further meet with
Maarten Gerritszoon Vries and Jacob Jacobszoon Van der Meulen. The
Oostcappel was to act as flag-ship[4].
The Broeckoort had on board 55 men, the three other vessels 50 men
each, "all of them being provided with all necessaries for the period
of ten months"[5]. On June 13 everything
was in readiness for the expedition, and it was resolved to let the
ships set sail "in the name of God" on the following morning "after
due muster."

The instructions drawn up for the purpose of this voyage, afford
us another glimpse of the knowledge of the Dutch of that time as
regards the seas to be navigated on this occasion, and these data
must not be omitted from a biography of the famous navigator, the
less so since he had a large share in the drawing up of the
directions for the courses to be kept. Their route was to lie by
Lucipara and through the strait of Banca, then eastward of Lingga and
Bintang, in order to make Poeloe Aor "with the object of surveying
and reconnoitring the same". From there they were to try to run in
sight of Poeloe Condor, next to pass between Poeloe Cecir de Mar and
Cecir de Terra, and then to keep in sight of the shore as much as
possible, "in order to keep clear of the Pracels; seeing that owing
to the western winds the eastward current from the gulf of
Cotchinchina is so strong, that in calm weather, and still more so in
case of storm, it would throw the ships on the Pracels". Hainan being
passed, it would be best to follow the example of the Portuguese "by
standing off to sea, lest being overtaken by storms, the ships should
be thrown on a lee-shore, seeing that the typhoons ("tuffons")
usually come up with winds veering from north to east, so that it is
highly perillous to seek the shore or an anchorage in bad
weather".

As regards the making of Formosa itself, the commanders were
referred to a separate "letter of directions and signals ", also
dated June 13, drawn up pursuant to the advices and opinions
delivered by Tasman and Vries, when they were staying in Formosa[6], especially with a view to the perils
threatening our ships "on the shoals of the Piscadores". The
instructions chiefly impress on the commanders the expediency of
surveying and reconnoitring the Lema Islands, to the south-east of
Macao, when coming from the south, and of thence making for the
Pescadores and Formosa in an

[2) LAUTS (Verhandeling Zeewezen, Nieuwe Volgorde, IV, p.
281), is not quite exhaustive as regards the cargo of the Oostcappel.
The cargo to which he alludes (951,527 guilders) was put on board the
Oostcappel in Formosa, with destination for Japan. Nor is he always
quite correctly informed as regards other points also, and he now and
then draws erroneous or not always legitimate conclusions respecting
the period of Tasman's life treated in this chapter, and other
periods. Other authors, too, naturally go wrong so far as they rely
on Lauts; e.g. G. R. VOORMEULEN VAN BOEKEREN, Reizen en
ontdekkingstochten van Abel Jansz. Tasman, van Lutkegast (Groningen,
Scholtens, 1849), pp. 29 ff.; DOZY, 1. c., pp. 320 f.; the
present writer in Groningsche Volksalmanak, pp. 528 f.; WALKER, 1.
c., pp. 53 f. I have not thought it necessary to refer to all these
inaccuracies in detail: a comparison with the results of my renewed
search through the archives will sufficiently point them out to the
reader.]

eastward direction. If the inverse route had to be followed, viz.
by ships coming from Japan, they were to sail "as far as the well
ascertained estimated northern latitude of 26 1/3°, in the
neighbourhood of the islets of Baboxin and Crocodil (the Alligator
Island), which lie at 7 or 8 miles' distance from the coast of
China", and from there to make for the castle of Zeelandia in a
southerly direction.

[1) The "letter" is a copy of the "ordre," inserted into
the resolution of June 5.]

But Formosa was not to be the ultimate destination of the vessels.
They were bound for Japan, and touched at Zeelandia chiefly to take
in goods there, destined for the Japanese market[1]. Tasman having come to anchor before
Zeelandia, July 2[2], the goods destined
for Formosa were unloaded from the ships. As early as the beginning
of August they were ready to sail for their new destination, for
which they set out on the 6th and 7th of that month, with cargoes
chiefly consisting of Chinese commodities to a value of about 3
million guilders[3]; among them the
Oostcappel herself with 951,527 guilders, 13 stivers,1i doit; the
total amount imported into Japan in 1640 representing a capital of
6.295.367 guilders, 8 stivers, 10 doits at cost-price[4]. On August 26 and following days the ships
arrived safe[5] before Firando, or
Hirado, on the north-east coast of Kioesioe, where the Dutch factory
in Japan was established.

The Dutch in Japan were living through a crisis at this time.
Since in 1609 the first official relations between the East India
Company and Japan had been entered into[6]--leaving out of consideration the earlier
more or less accidental and transient contacts[7], which had begun in 1600, and with which are
associated the names of Jacob Quaeckernaeck, Melchior Van Santvoort
and William Adams--her trade with Japan had in course of time
gradually become a matter of more than ordinary importance to the
Company. One especially among the Japanese export-articles, viz.
silver, was, during the period of which we are treating, of paramount
importance for the commerce carried on by the Dutch in the other
parts of Asia. In 1639, for instance, the Dutch imported into Formosa
from Japan silver to an amount of upwards of 4 million guilders, of
which, though more than one million found its way to the Coast of
Coromandel, Surat, etc., yet the greater portion was set apart for
the trade in Chinese commodities[8]. The
profits accruing to the Company were proportionately large. In 1638
she had made in Japan a net profit of upwards of two million
guilders[9], and the year 1639 left a
margin of 1.700.000 guilders[10].

Among the competitors whom the Company met with in Japan, the
Portuguese again occupied a foremost place. The latter had, however,
especially in the period of their subjection to Spain, maintained a
very ill-advised policy with respect to Japan, by an injudicious
proselytism in favour of the Roman Catholic Church. Here, as in many
other parts of Asia, the Jesuits succeeded in making a large number
of converts. They thus roused the suspicions of the Japanese
government, which began to spy danger to itself in this rapid
progress of proselytism. A few years before the Dutch had first come
into contact with the Japanese, there had been an outburst: bloody
persecutions had harassed the Christian converts and their teachers,
which ultimately, in 1639, were to result in the total expulsion of
the Portuguese from Japan.

[3) Daily journal of Formosa.--Missives from Traudenius
to President Caron at Firando, August 4, 6, and 16, 1640; Missive
from Francois Caron to the G.-G., Nov. 20, 1640; Extract from the
trade-books of Firando, 1640.]

[4) Missive from the G.-G. and Counc., to the Board of
Directors, January 8, 1641.--Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc.,
January 2, 1641.]

[9) Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to the Board of
Directors, December 18, 1639.]

[10) Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to President Caron
in Japan, June 13, 1640. As regards the trade with Japan see
VALENTIJN, V, 2. Dordrecht, Amsterdam, 1736. Japan, especially pp.
105 ff.; OSCAR MUNSTERBERG, Japans auswärtiger Handel von 1542
bis 1854 (Münchener Volkswirthschaftliche Studien, X),
Stuttgart, Cotta, 1896. The last named author has not made any
independent study of documentary evidence in the archives, and is not
acquainted with the latest Dutch publications of historical sources,
though he had access to an extensive collection of literature on the
subject. Cf. also a review by Oskar Nachod, who made studies in the
Old Colonial Archives at the Hague (Export, March 5 and 12,
1896).]

{Page: Life.43}

Up to the period under review these persecutions had not yet been
extended to the few Dutchmen who served the Company in Japan: they
took good care to impress the Japanese authorities with a sense of
the marked difference between the Protestant and the Roman-Catholic
faith[1], and likewise to lay due stress
on the distinction between themselves and their Portuguese enemies.
Indeed, it was mainly their warnings that stirred distrust of the
Roman-Catholics in the Japanese mind: a point on which the letters of
the time written by Dutchmen, leave no room for doubt[2].

"It was our efforts," said Francois Caron, then president of the
Dutch factory at Firando, "in burning words" to a Japanese statesman
in a private interview held in 1639; "it was our efforts and repeated
warnings addressed to the Japanese Court, that their Highnesses might
be on their guard against the Spaniards and the brood of Romish
Papists, that have mainly brought about the utter downfall of the
Spanish and Portuguese power" in Japan. In this case, too, the
question was one of self-preservation: in Japan also, the Dutch had
constantly been thwarted by these rivals and enemies of theirs, but
they now more than repaid their foes for the injury previously
inflicted. "Our traffic with Japan," Caron went on to say to his
Japanese host, "has long been a thorn in the side of the Spanish
Portuguese, and had they been, able to destroy it, they would long
ago have done so."

Much more so now, when they might be aware that their impending
fall was in a great measure attributable to the hated enemy. In his
missive of October 26, 1639, in which Caron gives an account of this
interview to the Governor-General Antonio Van Diemen, he further
writes: "Nor have we omitted, whenever opportunities have offered,
constantly to apprize the councillors, regents, noblemen and
commanders of the evil practices of the Jesuits and their
confederates, of the assassination of the King of France, and of the
Prince of Orange, telling them how the King of England and his
Parliament have been in imminent peril of being blown up by
gunpowder; how the King of Sweden has been in danger of losing his
life by reading a petition imbued with a virulent poison; what bloody
wars the Jesuits have kindled and urged on, and are still planning
every day; in brief, how they are the prime movers of all disasters
and overthrows of kings, countries and cities; which statements the
Japanese have seen confirmed, and our predictions duly verified by
the bloody tragedy of Arima."

The bloody tragedy of Arima[3]...The
profound impression this sanguinary drama had left in the minds of
contemporaries, is proved by the fact that it still lives in Japanese
folk-tales. Arima is a village on the south-coast of the small
peninsula of Simabara, at a short distance east of Nangasaki. A
narrow strait separates it from the island-group of Amakoesa, a
little more to the south. The immediate proximity of Nangasaki, the
harbour set apart for the dealings of European merchants, and the
friendly attitude of the more or less independent lords of Simabara
and Amakoesa, rendered the latter localities a promising field of
labour for the Jesuit missionaries. And when in the last decades of
the sixteenth century the Imperial government of Japan assumed a
hostile attitude towards the Christian religion, it was precisely the
somewhat isolated position of these places, that, in spite of their
proximity to the capital, formed an additional motive for securing a
still firmer footing to the Christian faith, already deeply rooted in
the native soil, especially when the Roman-Catholic priests had found
an asylum there, after having been expelled from Nangasaki. A Jesuit
college and a seminary for the training of priests were established
at Arima, and the two institutions constituted the starting-point for
missionary labour in the first decades of the seventeenth century.
But the times soon changed. This is not the place to enter into the
details of this process; suffice it to say that after a time these
parts of Japan

were placed under the rule of lords or governors, who tried to
eradicate Christianity, and that social discontent began to put up
its head there at the same time. Thus prepared, a rebellion broke out
there in November and December 1637, which in a short time took
alarming proportions, and may be assumed to have had a decisive
influence on the views of the Japanese government with regard to the
Christian missionary propaganda, and to the Portuguese who were the
promoters of it. Christianity itself threatened to become a danger to
the persons in power in Japan: the converts "conspire together,
swerve from the path of duty and strike into cross-roads, infringe
the ordinances, pronounce their sovereign lord their foe, against
whom they stake their lives, at the risk of losing the same," thus
runs the edict that forbade the Spaniards and Portuguese to reside
within the empire[1]; and in an imperial
edict of August, 1640[2] the "Christian
doctrine" is branded as "the most pernicious and most injurious
danger to the well-being of the Japanese empire". This, then, was the
chief motive that led the Japanese authorities to destroy it, root
and branch[3]. The Dutch, who in this
saw their way to getting rid of opponents whom they detested, did not
fail to point out the danger, and hasten the downfall of their hated
rivals. And although their remonstrances were not directed against
Christianity itself, or against the Japanese Christians, but against
Jesuitism and the Spaniards and Portuguese, its representatives in
Japan, yet this Christianity and these Christians also became the
victims of the effect wrought by the Dutch denunciations. And when
the rebellion of Arima afforded a very plausible pretext for
stringent measures, the fate of the Christian faith and the
Portuguese intruders alike was sealed. In April 1638 the rebellion
was quelled and stamped out in blood: and with it Christianity in
Japan received its death-blow. The expulsion of the Portuguese was
only a question of time after this.

The decree expelling the Portuguese was issued in 1639, but not
before "the Emperor"--we again quote Caron's words-"had closely
scrutinised and perfectly understood all the questions and answers
exchanged in the assembly between the councillors and ourselves," and
before the Japanese authorities had received a reassuring answer to
the question repeatedly put by them, whether, in case of the
Portuguese being banished from Japan, the Dutch and the Chinese would
be in a position to provide the empire of Japan with silk and silk
stuffs, medicines, drugs and drysaltery, as the Portuguese had done
up to now"[4]. On August 31 a government
commissioner arrived at Nangasaki to see the edict put in force, and
on the 2nd of September the decree was read out to the
Portuguese.

" We find," thus ran the document as cited in Caron's letter[5], "that you and your countrymen are
continually and down to the present day, bringing Popish priests into
Japan, in direct contravention of our strict regulations touching
this matter. The which priests together with their disciples are
seconded by you and your countrymen in the attainment of their
object. Whence proceeds that our subjects change their allegiance,
and many persons come to a miserable end. For the which reason you
all of you deserve death, and His Imperial Majesty would but conform
to justice by putting you all to death; yet, of his great mercy, he
will spare your lives and hereby commands you to leave this country
and never to return to the same. If on the contrary you should
disobey this command, you shall fare no better than you deserve even
now."

The blow was a mortal one to the Portuguese, and a period of still
greater commercial activity now seemed likely to open to the Dutch
merchants. There were loud jubilations at the castle of Batavia.
"Thanks be sent up to Almighty God for the blessing conferred on us!
may it bring on the utter overthrow of our enemies and promote the
Company's well-being over there!"

But the weapon which the Dutch had wielded against their
opponents, proved to be a two-edged one. The suspicions of the
Japanese government had been aroused not only against the form of
Christianity which had established a footing in their country, but
also against Christianity in general; not only against those
foreigners who bore the name of Portuguese, but against all
foreigners who

[1) See "Dachregister van 't gheene opt Comptoir Firando
voorgevallen is," August 22, 1639. An extract from this daily journal
for 1635 and some years following, is given in VALENTIJN, 1. c., pp.
76 ff.]

[4) As regards these interviews and palavers, see
"Daghregister Firando," May 20-22, and 27, 1639.--Cf. also Missive
from the G.-G. and Counc. to our President in Japan, June 13,
1640.]

[5) 5) It is also cited in "Daghregister Firando,"
September 2, 1639.]

{Page: Life.45}

visited their ports. The Dutch were soon to learn it to their
cost. Directly after the edict that banished the Portuguese had been
put in force, the Chinese and the Netherlanders, who now chiefly
engrossed the trade with Japan, although certain countries of Eastern
Asia continued to enjoy the same privilege [1], had read out to them an Imperial admonition
warning them against introducing into Japan any priests or other
persons who might be willing or able to spread the Christian
doctrine, and against making attempts at christianisation on their
own account. Caron foresaw that still stronger signs of distrust were
to be expected[2], and the authorities
at Batavia, on receiving these tidings, gave vent to their
apprehensions in the anxious wish: "May the Lord preserve us from
further restrictions!"[3]

These further restrictions were bound to come notwithstanding: the
distrust against the Christian foreigners had not disappeared after
the expulsion of the Portuguese. Caron did not disguise the fact from
himself and his superiors, and we have his letter to Van Diemen of
November 20, 1640, to prove it. "In the meantime," thus he unburdens
himself to his superiors, "we find that all things here are falling
from bad into worse, and that our well-founded reasons and excuses on
the subject of religion are indeed heard, but noways accepted for
truth. It would seem that some of our jealous detractors have misled
the Regents of Nangasaque (who, settled in that hot-bed of Portuguese
intrigue, are also far from being our friends), and made them believe
that the duty of a Christian forbids him from suffering his faith and
doctrine to remain stationary, and that consequently (seeing that the
Portuguese power has been annihilated) the Dutch remain bound to
prosecute the matter, not in this period of stringency to be sure,
but in after-times, when they shall have reason to believe that the
Japanese have been lulled to sleep by the seeming sincerity of the
Netherlanders. To this our envious defamers add, that no Christians
(whether Portuguese, Dutchmen, Englishmen, or any other nations of
the said faith, and coming from those quarters) are under any
circumstances to be trusted...In this and similar manners our state
is attacked; thus do venomous serpents attempt to suck our
blood...The Lord be "praised for the blessing that at present the
Company's interests are in great favour, consideration and esteem
with the Emperor and with almost all the Magnates as well, as has
well appeared in all that has lately happened, but matters might be a
great deal better yet, if the name of Christians did not go sorely
against the grain with them. They know full well that we are
Christians, and keep up our religion; nor are we prohibited or
dissuaded from continuing to do so. Still this our Christian
profession is the only reason why our doings, dealings and goings-on
are so narrowly watched and supervised, a state of things which we
fear and almost make bold to predict, will not improve but become
more grievous every day; so that it is to be apprehended that (as
matters now stand) they will more and more draw in the string which
up to now has allowed us to fly about at will, and shorten it to such
a degree, that there is no more room for suspicion and we are utterly
delivered into their hands."

Such was the position of affairs when Tasman arrived in Japan, and
cast anchor before Firando. Pursuant to the practice of the time,
which gave to the commander of a ship a seat in the Council of the
factory before which his vessel was lying at anchor, he became a
temporary member of the council of this factory, of whose
resolutions[4] he figures as
cosignatory.

The impression conveyed by these resolutions is an anything but
cheering one; on the contrary, the Councillors are found to allude to
the "feeling of depression at the Company's miserable condition and
ruinous losses." What had happened?

Although the Dutch felt far from easy as to what the future had in
store for them, yet the blow fell quite unexpectedly. While Caron was
engaged in drafting his letter to Batavia of November 20[5]

[1) The ordinary assumption that the Dutch and the
Chinese had an exclusive privilege of the trade with Japan is
erroneous, so far at least as concerns the period under review. Ships
also from Tonquin, Siam and Cambodia were allowed to enter Japanese
harbours, although in this case too, restrictions became more
frequent as time went on. (Cf. Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to
the Board of Directors, December 12, 1642).]

[2) Missive to the G.-G., Oct. 26, 1639.]

[3) Missive to the Board of Directors, December 18,
1639.--Cf. also the missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to the
President in Japan, June 13, 1640.]

there arrived at Firando on the 8th of that month a government
commissioner, seemingly for the purpose of inspecting and searching,
before they weighed anchor, the Dutch ships that were ready to set
sail. Caron felt no shadow of suspicion, so that he was utterly
unprepared for the imperial edict[1] of
which the commissioner apprized him on the very next day, and which
ran as follows:

"His Imperial Majesty has been informed on the best authority,
that you are all of you Christians no less than the Portuguese. You
keep the Sunday holy, you inscribe the date of Christ's birth on the
roofs and fronts of your houses, in the sight and before the eyes of
our entire population; you have the Ten Commandments, the Lord's
Prayer, the Creed, Baptism, the Holy Communion, the Bible, the
Testament, Moses, the Prophets, and the Apostles. In brief, you are
at one with the Portuguese in the main points; the differences
between you we hold to be slight; we have long known that you are
Christians, but thought you worshipped another Christ; in consequence
of all which His Majesty through my mouth lays upon you his positive
command, that you shall pull down all your dwelling-houses (having
the aforesaid date inscribed in their fronts, excepting none)...

"We will not allow you to keep your Sunday publicly, to the end
that the memory of that name may perish for ever.

"The captain or chief of your nation shall not henceforth be
allowed to remain in Japan for a longer term than one year, and shall
be yearly replaced by another, as used to be the practice with the
Maccauw people [i.e. with the Portuguese, when they were staying in
Japan], lest the Christian doctrine should be propagated by a longer
intercourse on his part with our nation."

The emperor's change of front was owing to his aversion to the
Christian faith and his dread of Christianity, whose professors were
all of them undeserving of his confidence, because they tried to
conspire against his empire.

The government commissioner openly took up the position "of our
declared enemy, as if he had come to destroy us all, at first
threatening to have the heads of 8 or 10 of the most notable
Netherlanders chopped off, if the command was not forthwith acted up
to."

The Dutch forthwith set about the demolition of the newly erected
warehouse, and had to bless their stars that they were suffered to
put off the pulling down of their other dwellings, until the goods
stored in them should have been disposed of. "Besides," Caron goes on
to say, "we have received notice that our trade and mode of life
shall have to be regulated in conformity with this new statute. Time
will show how our trade and our life will shape themselves. We cannot
but conclude that the Japanese mean to subject us to the same
vexations with which they used to harass the Portuguese. Up to now we
have with God's help borne everything with long-suffering
patience;"--Caron had quietly submitted to the commands laid upon
him--"whether we shall be able to persist in this submissive
attitude, time will show. The vexations to which we are exposed, are
getting worse, and they are likely to become more and more
intolerable instead of being relaxed. The glory of our nation, only
lately shining with radiant lustre in the eyes of the Japanese
magnates, has been sadly eclipsed by the Christian name."
"Meanwhile"--Caron concludes--"they are trying experiments to find
out whether they will be able to get on and maintain themselves on
their own country's supplies of food and clothing, to which end their
efforts are more and more directed every day."

The latter circumstance especially entailed great dangers to Dutch
commerce. In proportion as the Japanese tried to realise this idea,
the Dutch imports into Japan, especially of silk-stuffs (a branch in
which the Dutch had all along had to keep up a keen competition with
the Chinese) must needs fall off, and the exports of precious metals
could not but follow suit. Decrees had already been promulgated,
prohibiting "the servants of the lesser nobility, of merchants and
commoners, from henceforth wearing silk garments or the like
habiliments, the which persons, numbering many thousands, consume
large quantities of the same, since every one is desirous of dressing
out his servants with great splendour; moreover enacting that actors
and prostitutes shall henceforward not be allowed to use any brocades
or stuffs, embroidered or printed with gold, either for clothing or
bedding, which classes of persons, owing to their great numbers, were
wont to purchase enormous quantities of the precious stuffs
aforesaid."[2]

[1) Also printed in VALENTIJN, Japan, p.
101.]

[2) Missive from Caron to the G.-G., November 20,
1640.]

{Page: Life.47}

The working of two silver-mines had already been suspended by
order of the government. Nor were the disastrous effects of these
measures long in making themselves felt. "It is a fine fleet," that
is lying ready to sail for Formosa--Caron writes on November 30, "but
only a very modest capital;" the value of the cargoes was seven
hundred thousand guilders only.

Besides, the edicts already issued by the Japanese authorities,
who kept always insisting on the evacuation and demolition of the
remaining houses, and the utter uncertainty in which the
Netherlanders were as to the ultimate plans of the Japanese, made it
advisable for the Dutch to dispose of the commodities stored at their
factory, the more so as the stock on hand was very large, and the
Chinese continued to send in fresh supplies in large quantities[1].

These sales were actually effected at ruinously low rates, to the
grievous loss of the Company and the heart-felt sorrow of her
servants. Not only had most of the goods to be given away at
cost-price, but it even became necessary to put up with still lower
figures in order to get rid of the stock on hand. "We must grin and
bear it!" Caron wrote; but, as he delivered himself in a letter to
Governor Traudenius of Formosa, dated December 18, 1640, he remained
"in great dread and affliction, never having expected" that he should
live to see "such disastrous times" in Japan.

Meanwhile things went on from bad to worse. The stringent measures
taken in November had been followed by an absolute prohibition of the
exportation of gold. Another decree now forbade "the killing and
eating of cattle, since the Japanese have now been informed on
unimpeachable authority that the Dutch are likewise Christians; the
Japanese fancy that the eating of butcher's meat is a Christian
ceremony, since of old no cattle used to be killed, but the practice
has been introduced by the Portuguese." The Dutch were further
enjoined to restore all the moneys they had borrowed of Japanese
subjects. In order to be able to do so, they were compelled to
procure ready money, again by the sale at any price of the goods in
their warehouses. None of the Japanese capitalists or merchants any
longer ventured as of old to advance to the Dutch the sums they
needed for their trade.

"What all this is to end in," Caron complained to Traudenius on
the same occasion[2], "who can guess! It
is reported that new ordinances regulating our position are being
prepared by the Japanese authorities; our name of being Christians is
a particular eyesore to them; they charge us with converting the
inhabitants of Formosa to the Christian faith; in sum, they say that
we are not a whit better than the Portuguese, who are also constantly
plotting such doings."

The critical position of the Company's affairs during Tasman's
stay in Japan--a position which was destined to be further endangered
by still more harassing restrictions, and finally led to the removal
of the Dutch factory from Firando to Decima, in the immediate
vicinity of Nangasaki--compelled Tasman to make a longer stay in
Japan than he could possibly have foreseen: with the other servants
of the Company he witnessed the evil times that had come upon them.
On the 25th of September the Dutch Council at Firando had resolved to
despatch to Cambodja the ship Oostcappel, with the goods purchased in
Japan with destination for the former country. After discharging her
cargo the said vessel was to carry the Cambodja merchandise to
Batavia. But circumstances prevented the despatch of the this ship
and of the other vessels, and it was not until December 29 that the
Oostcappel weighed anchor under command of Tasman. She carried a
cargo, worth a little less than a hundred thousand guilders, and set
off for Cambodja via Formosa[3].

On the 6th of January, 1641, she cast anchor before the fortress
of Zeelandia; here the goods destined for Formosa were unloaded,
other "commodities inquired for in Cambodja" were put on board of
her, and she very soon performed the rest of her voyage[4]. Only a week later she departed from the
island with a cargo worth upwards of nineteen thousand guilders[5], and on the 3Ist of January Tasman and
his ship reached their new destination[6].

[1) See Resolution Firando, December 29, 1640; Resolution
of the G.-G. and Counc., January 2 and May 4, 1641]

[2) Cf. Missive from Caron to Traudenius, December 29,
1640; Daily journal of Firando, and VAN DER CHIJS' "Dagregister van
Batavia, 1640-1641," pp. 176, 181, 182, 257-263.--As regards the
incidents here related, see also Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to
the Board of Directors, January 8, 1641.]

[3) Daily Journal of Firando, December 29, 1640.--Missive
from the Governor and Council of Formosa to the Dutch "President" in
Japan, July 3, 1641.]

[4) Daily Journal of Formosa.--Missive from the Governor
and Council of Formosa to the G.-G., January 10, 1641.]

[5) Daily Journal of Formosa.--Missive from the Governor
and Council of Formosa to the "President" in Japan, July 3,
1641]

VIII.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY AND
CAMBODJA.--INTERCOURSE OF THE DUTCH WITH LAOS.--TASMAN ONCE MORE IN
CAMBODJA AND FORMOSA (1641)

The history of the relations of the Dutch East India Company with
Cambodja, as indeed with the whole of Indo-China, is little known.
The Dutch came into contact with Cambodja for the first time in 1601,
when two vessels that had sailed from Bantam to form mercantile
connections with China, visited the former country[1].

This visit, however, remained without results. In subsequent
years, too, the Dutch occasionally did business with Cambodja. Thus,
in 1616, 1617, and 1620, attempts at forming a permanent connection
with this country were made by the Dutch factory at Patani[2], while, conversely, merchants of Cambodja
visited Batavia[3].

But no really flourishing trade seemed likely to spring up with
this new market, and efforts in this direction were threatened with
utter frustration especially, when the plans of Governor-General Jan
Pieterszoon Coen for concentrating the Company's trade in some of its
most important settlements, already in 1622 caused the quite recently
established factory in Cambodja to be abrogated[4]. Friendly relations, as a rule, continued to
subsist, it is true[5], but the trade
with this country was reduced to a minimum.

The Company's position in Japan made its influence felt here also.
In 1635 the Supreme Government at Batavia was informed by its
representatives in Japan that "for various reasons"--it would seem
that the fear of Japanese contact with the Europeans, and of
Christian proselytism were mainly instrumental in this case--"the
Emperor had strictly prohibited all Japanese from undertaking any
voyages to countries beyond the sea, to Cochinchyna, as far as Quinam
or Tonquyn; nor were they allowed to visit Champa, Cambodja, Patane,
Taijouan or any other places; moreover the Emperor had at very short
notice sent orders for returning to all Japanese then residing
abroad." This news coincided with another piece of intelligence, this
time from Siam, viz. that the merchants of the northern districts,
especially of Laos, who were in the habit of bringing their goods to
market there, were in those days deterred from continuing to do so,
by the rough treatment they had met with in Siam, and were reported
to have transferred to Cambodja "the staple for benzoin and shellac."
Lastly, the circumstance that Cambodja produced large quantities of
rice, which everywhere in India was wanted for the Dutch factories
and garrisons, was a powerful factor[6]
among the motives that induced the resolution of the Governor-General
and Councillors of April 9, 1636, to despatch a vessel with
destination for Cambodja.

Hopes were entertained that, besides procuring what was wanted for
Batavia and Europe, the Dutch would succeed there in buying up goods,
for instance, deer-skins, for the Japan market among others[7], while, conversely, Japanese silver was sure
to meet with a ready sale there. The Dutch merchants were received
with great courtesy, and obtained the king's permission to build a
factory and to export rice from his dominions. Nor were they long in
beginning mercantile operations, which besides export business also
comprised the importation of large quantities of cotton prints from
the Coast of Coromandel. In spite of keen competition, chiefly on the
part of the Portuguese and Chinese,

[1) DE JONGE, Opkomst, II, pp. 245-247.]

[2) J. A. B. WISELIUS (Geschiedenis en reizen der
Nederlanders in Kambodja in de 17e en 18e eeuw) says erroneously that
in the documents of the State-Archives in The Hague no mention is
made of the Dutch relations with Cambodja before 1636. (De Gids,
1878, III, p. 73). Cf. my paper "Hendrik Jansen, een
zeventiende-eeuwsche Groninger in Indië" (Indische Gids, 1896,
p. 118)--See letters from the Dutch factory at Patani to Batavia,
October 25, 1617; November 4, 1620; October 15, 1621.]

[3) Missives from the G.-G. to the Board of Directors,
January 8, 1621 and March 18, 1629; Daily Journal of Batavia, 1631,
1632, passim, etc.]

[4) TIELE-HEERES, Bouwstoffen, II, p. XXXII.--Missive
from the G.-G. to the Board of Directors, September 6,
1622.]

[5) See, for instance, Missives from the G.-G. and Counc.
to the King of Cambodja, July 28, 1626 and June 8, 1633.--Daily
Journal of Batavia, March 21 and May 25, 1631, etc.]

[6) Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to the Board of
Directors, January 4, 1636.]

business went on to mutual satisfaction: in 1640 " the Company's
trade and position were quite satisfactory there"[1].

Tasman himself, however, was once more unfortunate here[2]. Not only had he to bring the news that the
critical situation in Japan would prevent Cambodja goods from finding
buyers there[3], but in Cambodja itself
also the outlook had become less favourable. Business kept
increasing, it is true, and a cargo worth twenty-five thousand
guilders could be put on board Tasman's ship, but the king of
Cambodja refused to allow the exportation of rice, and seemed for the
moment more favourably disposed towards the Portuguese than towards
the Dutch[4], while "the people of
Cambodja were daily becoming more insolent and haughty"[5]. Fortunately they had thrown no obstacles in
the way of certain merchants of Laos, who had expressed a wish to
visit Batavia in order to confer with the Dutch authorities about the
interests of trade. These merchants, accordingly, on the 2nd of March
set sail for Batavia in the Oostcappel, taking a quantity of
mercantile articles along with them, and on April 11 next, the vessel
arrived in the road-stead of Batavia, bringing from the ruler of
Cambodja a letter and a present for the Governor-General and his
Councillors[6].

The Governor-General and his Council resolved to receive the
letter and the merchants with "due ceremony"[7]. The pomp and circumstance of their reception
was such that ". the heathen man (the chief of the merchants) found
it impossible to describe the honour and amity shown them at
Batavia"[8]. That the Company continued
to attach high importance to their trade relations with Cambodja and
Laos--they also hoped to draw gold from there[9]--they showed not only by treating at Batavia
with the strangers who had come there[10], but still more markedly by resolving, on
April 19 already, that the Oostcappel should once more be despatched
to Cambodja, and next to Japan via Formosa.

On their own part the merchants of Laos also seemed to see, they
were interested in maintaining the mercantile connection with the
Dutch. They requested, at all events, that some deputies from Batavia
might be sent to Laos along with them in the Oostcappel, which was to
carry them back, or that such persons might be deputed from the
factory in Cambodja itself, "in order to accompany them to the Laos
country, conclude a closer alliance with their king, and confer with
him about matters of commerce." This proposal tallied exactly with
advices to the same effect, given to the Governor-General and
Councillors by the supercargos Pieter Van Regemortes and Harmen
Broeckmans, who represented the Company in Cambodja. They, too, had
warmly advocated the expediency of buying up directly in Laos itself
the products[11] of this "strange
country never before visited by the Dutch"[12], of which the inhabitants "would seem to be
civilised people and enterprising merchants." The Supreme Government,
however, deemed it "unadvisable to establish a regular trade with the
said country, but thought it more profitable to attract the Laos
merchants to Cambodja and Batavia; the way thither is long and
difficult, and consequently subject to heavy expense and numerous
obstacles." They, however resolved, "in order to obtain reliable
information as to what could be done in that

[1) Missive from the G--G. and Counc. to the Board of
Directors, January 8, 1641.--See also VAN DER CHIJS, "Dagregister,
1640-1641," pp, 124-129.]

[2) LAUTS, and the writers who base themselves on his
labours, do not allude to this stay of Tasman in Cambodja, though
they do refer to a later voyage of his thither, undertaken
from Batavia.]

[9) Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to the Board of
Directors, December 12, 1641.]

[10) Resolutions of the G.-G. and Counc., April 18 and
May 7, 1641.]

[11) Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., May 7, 1641;
Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to the Board of Directors, Dec. 12,
1641; idem to supercargos Van Regemortes and Broeckmans, May 14,
1641. LAUTS has the erroneous spelling "Regemortel" (Verhandelingen
Zeewezen, p. 284).]

notable country, to authorise and enjoin" their representatives in
Cambodja "to despatch to the Laos country by way of trial, two or
more expert persons with a small quantity of sundry goods, that these
persons might find out what business could be done there." Letters
were drafted to the princes of Cambodja and Laos alike, and presents
selected. "The king of Cambodia" was to be presented with "a silver
telescope, handsomely engraved, two swords, two globular mirrors, and
a string of amber beads weighing 12 oz."; while to the "King of Laos"
were to be offered "an emerald set in gold, a brace of fire-lock
pistols, a crooked sabre, a pair of embroidered gloves and a pair of
plain ones." On May 14 everything was in readiness for departure, and
on the next day the Oostcappel set sail with a crew of forty men,
having on board the merchants of Laos and a cargo worth about
twenty-five thousand guilders. She was commanded by Tasman, and made
the voyage in company with six other vessels, all of them destined
for the trade with Eastern Asia[1].

The course to be followed by the Oostcappel was, as far as Poeloe
Condor, the same with her former route to Formosa; from this island
she was to shape her course for "the Cambodja river," more especially
for "the mouth of the Bassack river." They were accordingly to sail
up the eastern mouth of the river Mekong, still known by the name of
Bassak (Bathak)[2]. They reached the
river at the latter end of May[3], but
owing to the shallowness of the water, they did not succeed in
visiting the Dutch factory before the 8th of June. In accordance with
his instructions Tasman hastened to take in his cargo, chiefly
destined for Japan, and representing a value of about 23.000
guilders, and sailed from the Mekong on the 27th of the same
month.

Although the Portuguese had been expelled from Japan, they had by
no means given up the hope of getting their share of the profits
which the trade with that empire was able to yield. With the
inhabitants of those few countries of Eastern Asia, which, like the
Chinese and the Dutch, were still allowed access to Japan, or with
Chinamen residing in the said countries, they concluded contracts by
which these Asiatics engaged themselves to carry goods to Japan in
their own vessels and under cover of their own flag. They did so,
also in Cambodja. While Tasman was lying at anchor in the Mekong
river, three "junks" were there fitted out by Cambodja subjects, for
the purpose of carrying in them to Japan certain mercantile
commodities, the property of Portuguese residents in Cambodja.
Apprehensions were, however, entertained lest the Dutch ships might
refuse to let pass the goods of their enemies, if they should meet
with them out at sea, and the managers of the Dutch factory were
therefore requested to grant passes of safe-conduct, "seeing that the
said junks belong to this place, and navigate the sea for gain and
profit," in order that these vessels might not be seized merely
because they carried goods belonging to Portuguese merchants. The
Dutch authorities, however, looked at the matter from another point
of view, and opined that vessels "carrying Portuguese goods for
freight," ought to be "seized no less than Portuguese ships." They
further positively refused to grant passes, on the ground that they
were not competent to do so, since the Governor-General and
Councillors had expressly forbidden such actions on their part[4], and finally referred the petitioners
to the Supreme Government at Batavia. After some hesitation the junks
were loaded notwithstanding this answer, and they left the river on
the 2 th of June. "In 10° 35' Northern Latitude, about 6 miles
west of Poeloe Cicier de Terra," the junks were overtaken by the
Oostcappel, on the 3rd of July. Although not expressly directed to do
so by his instructions, Tasman was well aware that he would conform
to the views of his superiors by boarding the vessels. One of the
junks made her escape, but from another of them Tasman seized the
goods destined for Japan to a value of about 15000 guilders, with
which booty he arrived at Formosa on the 20th of July. There[5], however, the authorities were so little
satisfied with his proceedings in this matter, that they cast him in
a forfeit

[2) "Instructions for the officers of the flute-ship
Oostcappel," May 14, 1641.]

[3) As regards what follows, see "Verbael" and Missive
from Van Regemortes and Broeckmans to Governor Traudenius in Formosa,
June 24, 1641.--"Journael ofte dachregister des Casteels Zeelandia,"
July 20, 1641.--Cf. VALENTIJN, III, 2 (1726), Cambodia, pp. 46-47;
VOORMEULEN VAN BOEKEREN, pp. 32-33 (and, taking his information from
him, WALKER, pp. 14-15) is mistaken in his account of the disputes
between the Dutch and the Portuguese in Cambodja. VALENTIJN, whom he
copied, has confounded different things. The said disputes began in
February 1642, after Tasman's departure (see
"Verbael").]

[4) In their Missive, dated May 14, 1641.]

[5) Not at Batavia, as LAUT, l. c., p. 285 has
it.]

{Page: Life.51}

of two months' pay. One of the native vessels, namely-, had
already been in his possession, and her captain was already on board
the Oostcappel, when "in the evening[1]
a heavy squall, with sudden gusts of wind, lightning and rain,"
loosened the rope with which the junk was fastened to Tasman's ship,
and no Dutch sailors having been put on board of her as guards, "the
prize had run inshore again and escaped."

Tasman made no long inactive stay in Formosa. As early as July 29,
his cargo for Japan, worth about 32000 guilders, had been put on
board, and in the beginning of August the Oostcappel again weighed
anchor[2]. The vessel was not to reach
her destination this time. On August 7, in about 26° N. L. she
was befallen "by so violent a storm, that she lost all her masts,
excepting none, and her rudder besides; they had 6 or 7 feet water in
the hold, so that she was in imminent peril of going down, but it has
pleased God Almighty to save and preserve her. After being driven
hither and thither about the northern extremity of the coast of
Formosa for 20 days together," the Oostcappel was sighted by certain
other Dutch ships, which took her in tow, and tugged her to the
road-stead before Zeelandia[3]. She
remained at anchor here till November 17, when she departed for
Batavia in company with the Gulden Buys and the Koninginne Marie. The
three ships carried cargoes, worth nearly 500.000 guilders together,
and chiefly consisting of sugar and silks[4]. Unfortunately only the Oostcappel was to
come to port in safety, having on board only a small part of the
whole cargo, namely a value of a little more than 36000 guilders,
almost entirely in powdered sugar[5]:
the two other ships, carrying goods to an amount of 450.000 guilders,
went down with all hands on board. That Tasman's vessel came off
safe, may almost be called a miracle. She was intended to be again
despatched to Cambodja, but the skipper requested that this plan
might be given up, "since he hardly saw his way to getting to
Cambodja with his ship, unless at great risk." They had not, indeed,
succeeded in getting her properly repaired: she had lost her masts,
and could not possibly be "put into the required seaworthy condition
again"[6]. Near Hainan, before the gulf
of Tonquin, the ships had been overtaken by "a most extraordinary
storm, in which they had got separated from each other." On December
20, the Oostcappel arrived in the road-stead of Batavia, "carrying a
jury-mast or stump instead of her main-mast, which had gone by the
board in the unsuccessful voyage to Japan[7]." The other ships were never seen or heard of
again[8].

IX.

PERSONALIA.--TASMAN'S VOYAGE TO PALEMBANG (1642.)

Meanwhile, on October 11, 1641, the term had expired, for which
Tasman had engaged his services to the Company in his grade of
skipper, though not in his general capacity of functionary. The said
term had therefore to be lengthened with three years. This was done
by the resolution already mentioned, of the Governor-General and
Councillors, dated January 17, 1642[9],
by which Tasman was "continued as skipper for a further term of three
years," counting from October 11, 1641. His monthly pay was raised
from sixty to eighty guilders. It would seem that for some weeks he
was suffered to remain quietly ashore: at all events no traces are
discoverable of his having taken part in any undertaking. But there
are found in the Company's archives certain hitherto unknown
indications respecting his stay at Batavia. On the 23rd of January,
for example, he was summoned before the

[1) Missive from the Governor and Council of Formosa to
the Dutch Supercargos in Cambodja, December 14, 1641.]

[2) See bill of lading of the Oostcappel, dated July 29,
1641; Missive from the Governor and Council in Formosa to the Dutch
President in Japan, August 9, 1641.]

[3) Missive from the Governor and Council of Formosa to
the Dutch President in Japan, September 10, 1641.]

[4) "Verbael...Cambodia...en Formosa,
1641-1642."]

[5) Bill of lading of the Oostcappel, November 17, 1641;
Missive from the Governor and Council of Formosa to the G.-G. and
Counc., December 22, 1641.]

[6) Missive from the Governor and Council of Formosa to
the G-G. and Counc., November 17, 1641.]

[7) "Verbael Cambodia, 1641-1642."]

[8) Missive from the G.-G. and Counc. to the Board of
Directors, December 12, 1642,]

Council of Justice of the Castle of Batavia[1]; a civil action was brought against him and
one of his assistants, "to require of him the restitution of such
legacies as the defendants cum sociis have unlawfully enjoyed"
out of the capital left at his death by a person deceased. The
defendants "maintained the lawfulness of the legacies that had
accrued to them," and made appeal to certain high functionaries who
were shortly expected at Batavia from Formosa. Their plea proved
insufficient, the Council of Justice "deciding that the defendants,
until further proofs being forthcoming, shall provisionally restore
the amount of the said legacies, at the same time casting them in the
costs and expenses of the present action." We further find noted that
by resolution of the Governor-General and Councillors of March 12,
1642, Tasman was charged with the valuation of a Portuguese ship,
still captured by Quast. Apart from these scanty indications nothing
is heard of him before the month of April, when he was charged with a
mission to Palembang.

For many years relations of a mercantile character had been kept
up between the Dutch East India Company and the state of Palembang on
the east coast of Sumatra. The Dutch had originally established this
connection chiefly with the object of procuring pepper, one of the
spices most in demand in the European markets. In this case, too, it
was simply self-interest that formed the foundation of the mutual
relations, which were more or less amicable according as the
interests of the two parties coincided or clashed. One of the most
important factors affecting. these relations at the time of which we
are treating, was the influence which the Soesoehoenan of Mataram,
one of the Company's powerful enemies in Central Java[2], was able to exercise on the ruler of
Palembang. Now as it happened, it was precisely at this time that the
said influence assumed proportions so alarming to the Company[3], that the Governor-General and
Councillors came to the conclusion that they on their part ought also
to have their say in the matter.

On the 19th of April it was resolved that a small fleet should be
despatched to Palembang, to consist of three ships, the Ruttem as
flag-ship, Punte de Gale, and the Jager, together with the "chaloup"
Johor, manned with 84 sailors and 30 soldiers. The squadron was put
under command of skipper[4] Tasman, and,
especially when we consider the importance and the difficulty of the
expedition, his appointment to this responsible post furnishes
abundant proof that the Supreme Government at Batavia had not been
very deeply impressed by the sentence pronounced in Formosa against
the skipper of the Oostcappel. A few days later--on April 23--the
instructions for this voyage were drawn up[5]. Its object was mainly twofold. In the first
place Tasman got orders to cause to be put on board his ships at
Palembang, a cargo lying ready there. Over and above this, however,
he had a task of a more weighty nature confided to him.

There were namely apprehensions entertained at Batavia that events
of an alarming nature had taken place on the East-coast of Sumatra.
Supercargo Adriaan Van Liesveld, who supervised the Company's
interests there, had announced his return to Batavia; but, although
he might long before have arrived there, "his return had against all
expectation been in vain looked forward to." Now this gentleman's
"tarriance" caused to the Supreme Government, "serious alarms, lest
to him with his ship, crew and cargo should have happened what we,"
the Governor-General and Councillors go on to say in the
instructions, "have long apprehended and conjectured from the
unexpected departure of the King of Palimbangh for Mataram, the
country of our enemy; to wit, that he may have been arrested, or.
worse still, his ship, crew and cargo, under pretence of friendship
and good will, have been plundered and seized by the people of
Mataram, the which God in his mercy avert."

In this case still another Dutch vessel, recently departed for
Palembang, would be in danger. Tasman was now to feel his way, and to
act according to circumstances and to the information, which he might
eventually be able to collect. If he found all safe at Palembang, he
had nothing to do beyond taking the goods on board. It was most
earnestly impressed on him that, also in this favourable case,

not only the success of the expedition itself, but perhaps also
the safety of many precious human lives and of costly merchandise
would be dependent on his vigilance and good management, as well as
on his seamanship and military skill. In case matters were found to
wear a favourable aspect at Palembang, one more ticklish business was
confided to his charge: also in this case, if at least the
representatives of the Company at Palembang had no objection to such
a course, he was to keep cruising before the river with two of his
ships for some weeks together, with the object of heaving out the
pepper on board all such "junks" as were engaged in carrying the said
article from Palembang to ports other than Batavia--always granting
receipts for the quantities seized, and referring the owners to
Batavia. "for obtaining payment for the same." The Company's right to
such proceedings they based on the "license to this effect granted us
by the King of Palimbangh"[1]. If on the
other hand the dreaded hostilities against the Dutch at Palembang had
actually taken place, Tasman had orders forthwith to despatch to
Batavia with this intelligence the "chaloupe" which formed part of
the squadron. Then he was himself "cautiously to sail up the river,"
with the other vessels under his command, try to collect information
there, and if necessary begin negotiations, all the time avoiding as
much as possible "any bloodshed and extreme measures." If the Dutch
residents at Palembang were still alive, but emprisoned, Tasman was
to "signify" to the Palembang native authorities, that "unless within
six hours"--here he was expressly prohibited from exceeding this
term--"after notice given they released and set free the persons
arrested with ship and goods, he had orders to declare war against
them, and to proceed forthwith down the river, in order to meet the
King,"--who was expected back from Mataram--"and not only to lodge
with him a complaint of their doings, but also to take him into
custody, until justice should have been done us." Furthermore the
river was to be barred as closely as possibly, that no one "except by
consent" of the Dutch captains might be able to come near it. If
contrary to their hopes, the Dutch residents or some of them should
have been killed, he need not have any further scruples, but "when
encountering the native forces was enjoined to slay without delay all
those who refused to give themselves up prisoners."

In the uncertainty prevailing at Batavia as to the state of
affairs at Palembang, the authorities at head-quarters could hardly
give minutely specified orders to skipper Tasman. This could only be
done after exact reports had come in. But under the present
circumstances, in this "dubious affair" a good deal had to be left to
the skill of the leader of the expedition, and the Governor-General
and Councillors seem to have felt they could do so with safety, for
they conclude, thereby entirely obliterating the stigma of the
sentence passed on him in Formosa: "for the rest relying on your good
management and painstaking activity." And these two qualities also
stood him in good stead in discharging himself of the additional duty
laid upon him, of boarding "all the foreign Indian craft," and all
the Spanish and Portuguese ships he should meet with in the course of
his expedition, removing all the men and goods out of the same,
drawing up an inventory of them," and taking them with him to
Batavia.

Just as the instructions had been drawn up, Van Liesvelt came to
anchor at Batavia, on the 21st of April[2]. The tidings he brought "concerning the
affair of Palimbangh, and the perfidious minds of the natives there,"
did not reassure the Supreme Government on the subject of the fate of
the Netherlanders still left there, and of the ship departed thither,
and it was resolved that the expedition under Tasman should take
place in the manner decided upon. In case he should find that all had
remained quiet there, he was now directed to proceed against the
magnates with diplomatic caution, and to make them believe that the
Supreme Government at Batavia, having as yet had no tidings about Van
Liesveld, had sent the ships to Palembang to protect this town
against her enemies!

Instructions like these are calculated to bring out the
versatility of the functionaries who served the Company in India at
the time. They were employed literally for every thing. One day
merchants, the next soldiers; now sailors, now diplomatists! It is
true that the nature of the missions with which they were charged as
negotiators with the native Princes, Magnates and peoples, would not
always bear close scrutiny on the score of morality--the "- ordre- "
given to Tasman on the 23rd of April puts the point beyond a
doubt--but this circumstance throws no blame on the Company's
servants themselves,

[1) This also appears from a missive from the G.-G. and
Counc. to Van Liesveld, dated March 19, 1642.]

[2) Cf. Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., April 23,
1642.]

{Page: Life.54}

who had merely to obey the commands laid upon them by their
masters. Thus it cannot cast any slur on Tasman's fair fame if he
acquitted himself of still another charge, not until now inserted in
his instructions[1], viz. to lay his
hands on, alive if possible, and carry to Batavia as a prisoner, a
certain Chinaman who in the Company's archives is invariably styled
"nachoda" [skipper] Benki or Binki, and who after quitting Batavia
over head and ears in debt, was now living at Palembang in high
favour with the native authorities, "putting great affronts upon us,"
and thwarting the Dutch wherever he could. This was to be done
"either by violence or stratagem," capture by violence, however,
being preferred. The Governor-General and Councillors engaged
themselves afterwards to account for this indefensible proceeding to
the King of Palembang. Tasman did not see his way to laying hold of
him, "except," we read[2], "by trying to
lure him on board a Dutch ship under pretence of friendship." The
stratagem was successful, and the Chinaman was carried to Batavia in
irons. Even admitting the truth of the statement that Binki had
threatened to assassinate all the Netherlanders residing at
Palembang[3], this piece of treachery
cannot be palliated, though we cannot put the blame of it on Tasman:
we can only say that this circumstance taken in connection with what
had otherwise become known of Binki's interference with the Dutch
interests, may help to account for the resolution of the Supreme
Government that led to this breach of faith; an act that gave rise to
no end of negotiations with Palembang, and even with its neighbour
Djambi[4].

Apart from these indications in his instructions, it does not
appear how Tasman acquitted himself of his task, about which he
probably reported by word of mouth. It is not unlikely that on
arriving at Palembang, for which destination he set out on April 24,
he found matters in a more favourable position than had been
presumed. Perhaps also the forces at his disposal may have overawed
the enemy. At all events he took in his cargo, though he must have
been cruising before the river for some considerable time, since he
did not return to Batavia before the 10th of June[5].

X.

GENERAL VIEW OF THE COMPANY'S POSITION IN THE EAST.

In this way in Eastern Asia and Sumatra Tasman amply deserved his
share of the glory which the seventeenth century Netherlanders reaped
in India. Nor has this glory been illegitimately obtained, also in
the eyes of those who are by no means blind to the numerous
shortcomings of which the Dutch were guilty in these regions, and who
do not from partial prepossession endeavour to palliate these
shortcomings with the cloak of charity, or at least to gloss them
over, but on the contrary account it their duty to cast on them the
white light of impartial historical research. Impartial research:
that is to say, that those shortcomings are not explained away, but
also, that they are, if possible, accounted for from the position in
which the actors in them were placed, so that they can therefore be
understood, and consequently perhaps be excused and condoned.

The history of the Netherlanders in India, any more than any other
section of the history of mankind, can never be really understood,
never be satisfactorily written, until the whole of the milieu in
which those who have made that history, lived, moved and had their
being, has been completely realised, fully understood, and on all
points elucidated.

[1) LAUTS, 1. c., p. 287, has evidently failed to notice
this; hence, this author and those who follow his lead, consider the
emprisonment of Benki as the main object of Tasman's mission, and
make erroneous inferences from it.]

[2*) Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., July 2,
1642.]

[3) Ibidem.]

[4) Cf. HEERES, Bouwstoffen, III, pp. 118, 123,
etc.]

[5) Resolution of the G.-G. and Counc., July 2,
1642.--What LAUTS (p. 288) says about the restoration of the friendly
understanding with Palembang after Tasman's expedition, should be
compared with the information on this point given in DE JONGE,
Opkomst, V, pp. 256 and 257, from which it appears that LAUTS' way of
representing the facts will not stand criticism. Of the "high praise"
given to Tasman by Van Diemen, I have not found a trace in any of the
documents I have consulted. VOORMEULEN VAN BOEKEREN, 1. c., p. 44 f.,
indulges in further embroidery on Lauts' statements. Thus he makes
Tasman request an interview and have a conversation with the Sultan,
who...was absent from his empire.]

{Page: Life.55}

Now the very first thing to be considered in this connection is,
that when the Dutch turned their ships' heads to the East, they did
not do so, because they believed they had a mission to fulfil there,
or that they ought to appear there as the bearers of their own form
of civilisation. To be sure, it was not long before they became
conscious of an incipient feeling within them, gently reminding them
that in the far East there were still other things to be attended to,
besides the affairs of this world they then began to think it their
duty to make attempts at transplanting to this new soil their
religious ideas, and leading the blinded and erring sheep into
Christ's fold[1]. But this consciousness
of a higher mission was simply something adventitious. The object for
which on the borders of the Amstel the first Company for transmarine
trade ("Compagnie van Verre") was formed, was the most selfish of all
possible ends, money-making. What the Dutch merchants had their eye
on, was the profit-bringing trade in Indian spices: not the spreading
of civilisation or the obtaining of political power in the East. And
the succeeding associations that were destined to coalesce into the
one great Chartered Company, started from the very same principle,
and this identical principle has presided over the counsels of the
Company's directors in the Netherlands down to the termination of its
existence. It is true that in course of time other interests besides
this have demanded and obtained a hearing: the propagation of
Christianity, and the political position which the Company was
gradually taking up in the East; but we repeat, these were
unessentials, and unessentials they remained till the end; the main
thing was always the making of trade-profits. No doubt missionary
work has not been utterly neglected by the Directors of the Company,
and when once complete light shall have been let in on its history,
it will almost certainly appear that the trading corporation has to
this subject devoted fully as much care as could in reason be
demanded of a man of business. And how about its political position?
it may be asked. By what we have narrated higher up about the Amboyna
affairs, the way in which political influence was obtained, has
become sufficiently clear. Mutatis mutandis the history of the
Dutch settlement in this island-group affords an example of what took
place almost everywhere else in the East. Political power was,
especially in the opinion of the Board of Directors, a means to get
hold of trade, or to retain it when once got hold of. Whoever peruses
their letters cannot fail to see that the Directors regarded the
Company's political position as a burden, which must be borne, only
because, and so far as it was indispensable for the interests and for
the maintenance of commerce. From the very nature of the case the
Supreme Government at Batavia looked on this political position with
very different eyes, because it was they who had laid its foundations
and now had to maintain it, because they deeply felt and clearly saw
that they were the rulers of a state. But the Directors at home, who
looked at all this from afar, who as a rule understood from the
figures sent them or drawn up by themselves, what exorbitant costs
the maintenance of this position entailed--another drawback to the
Company's sovereignty--; but who, apart from this, perceived but
little of the gigantic empire which their "servants" had founded in
the East; the Directors at home, had they been able to do so, would
not improbably have been glad to turn the course of events, which had
given rise to their political position in India--at least, if without
the latter the profits of trade had also flowed into their
pockets.

Had they been able to work their will, the history of the Dutch
colonies in East India would no doubt have borne a very different
character. Instead of giving a narrative of peaceable trade
relations, which might in that case have constituted the Company's
history, instead of setting forth the details of friendly or amicable
intercourse with the native population, that history has become the
account of an almost unparalleled struggle for life. And
unfortunately many a page of the ample volume in which this history
is recorded, is stained with spots of blood that can never be blotted
out.

To excuse this blood-shed there is one extenuating circumstance
only--fortunately it is a circumstance that is likely to weigh
heavily in the balance of justice in exculpation of the
perpetrators--to wit, that this blood was shed, because those who
then presided over the colonial policy of the Dutch must have been
aware of the fact, that without such deeds of violence the Dutch
colonial empire in the East could not be upheld. If it was intended
to retain the position once taken up, there was to be no hesitancy as
regarded the removal of the obstacles to its progress which the
Company found in its

forward march. Politics can never be a task for angels; colonial
politics least of all. And emphatically least of all in the
seventeenth century, when very different, far less humane ideas than
at present, were prevalent on this subject, especially again as
concerned the non-Christian Asiatics, almost universally looked down
on with contempt. Of this feeling the Dutch were by no means a
solitary example; it was shared by all the other colonial powers of
Europe, who certainly were none of them their superiors in this
respect. Where there is question of comparing Dutch colonial history
with that of other nations, Spaniards, Portuguese, Englishmen or
whomever else, the Netherlands may boldly open their historical
records; they will triumphantly stand the test of comparison with the
colonial annals of other nations. Their history will not reveal more
and not greater shortcomings than those which may be laid at the door
of other nations; will have in store not fewer and not less brilliant
deeds of glory than others have achieved.

Many of those grand and glorious exploits were accomplished even
in the first half of the seventeenth century. Even when we take a
bird's eye view only of the condition of the Dutch East India Company
in 1642, remembering at the same time that not half a century had
then elapsed, since the first ships sailed from the low-lying lands
by the sea, with their heads turned to the East; not half a century
since the Netherlanders--a small band that could almost safely be
disregarded and insulted by the Lusitanian rival, then still so
powerful outwardly--reached Asia's shores; not half a century since
they returned to the borders of Y and Amstel without any results
beyond hopes for the future, and confidence in the success of fresh,
efforts; when we institute these and the like comparisons, we cannot
but receive the immediate impression that the founders of the Dutch
power in the East have developed an amount of strength, given proofs
of a degree of skill, exhibited a measure of energy that cannot fail
to command our respectful admiration. That the results obtained by
them were mainly the work of their leaders, among whom the
Governors-General Jan Pieterszoon Coen and Antonio Van Diemen hold
the foremost places, may be readily granted. But all the energy of
the leading men, their skill and their strength, would have failed in
the task, if in the execution of what they deemed necessary for the
success of the great cause, they had not been in a position to rely
on the hearts, the heads and the powerful arms of so many of their
companions; and it is noteworthy that the majority of those who have
contributed, to establish the Dutch colonial empire in the East, did
not belong to those social layers that excel by culture, birth or
wealth, but had sprung, if not from the very lowest class, at least
from the humbler ranks of society. The glory achieved by them did not
in the first place enhance the lustre of names already known,
established or celebrated; it usually served to confer fame on the
bearer's cognomen--often his by-name, or even his
sobriquet--as well as on the bearer himself, far and wide over
the vast extent of territory, where the Dutch had taken up their
position in the East. The career of a Tasman may safely be considered
typical of what the best among his countrymen have wrought and
aspired to, of what glorious deeds they have done, and what
reprehensible, or at all events mistaken actions they have been led
into.

The vast extent of territory...From Madagascar to Japan, from New
Guinea to the Red Sea! One part of it, the Dutch had conquered, sword
in hand, another was by them regarded as a "sphere of influence," but
by far the greatest portion of it was used by them simply as a field
for their commercial operations[1].

The first Dutch possession which at the period under review was
touched at in the voyage from the Netherlands to Java's garden of
wonders, was the island of St. Helena, of which in 1633 the
ex-Governor-General Jacques Specx on his home-voyage had taken
possession on behalf of the States-General of the United Provinces [2]--St. Helena lying outside the lines of
demarcation, laid down for its operations in the Company's charter--,
and which, like the Cape of Good Hope, where, a short time after, the
Company itself was to establish a Dutch settlement, was only used as
a station for refreshments on the long voyage. Until a few years
before, this had also been the case with the Mauritius, but in 1638
this island, too, had been declared a possession of the powerful
mercantile association: it produced ebony, and formed the
starting-point for the Dutch trade with Madagascar,

[1) As regards the field of the Company's operations,
compare the list, drawn up after the conclusion of the truce between
the Dutch republic and Portugal, entitled, "Namen van de plaatzen die
in Orienten bij de Portugiesen en Nederlanders werden beaten en
gefrequenteert," and printed in HEERES, Bouwstoffen, III, pp. 51-56.
A bad translation of this list is given in [THÉVENOT'S]
Relations de divers voyages curieux. II, Paris,
Mabre-Cramoisy, 1666.]

[1) Report on the State Archives at the Hague for 1894,
p, 12.]

{Page: Life.57}

which furnished slaves[1]. The
South-western and Southern coasts of Arabia were visited by Dutch
ships: Mocha, Aden, Fartak, and other places on the coast, together
with the island of Socotra, saw the Princely standard floating from
the Dutch top-masts. Already the attention of the Board of Directors
had been drawn by the most celebrated product of Mocha, its
world-famed coffee[2], and since in 1638
the mercantile relations with Mocha had been renewed, after having
lain dormant for a time[3], considerable
quantities were from there carried to Persia in Dutch vessels[4].

In the latter country the Company had mercantile offices at Gamron
(Bender Abbas), Lar, Shiraz, and Ispahan, in which localities in the
first place silks, were bought up, which article was accounted one of
the most important commodities dealt in by the Company. Of vast
importance was also the Dutch factory at Surat. With this factory for
their point of departure, the Dutch mercantile connections extended
over the whole of Gujerat and the districts north of it. There were
factories at Bharotsch, Baroda, Cambay, Ahmadabad, nay, even at Agra
and Jalalpur. The principal exports from these places were, for
instance, saltpetre and indigo, but especially "all sorts of cotton
goods," which the Company disposed of in the first place in the Malay
Archipelago, a branch of its business which at one time was styled
"the soul of the large body "[5]. More
to the south, north of Goa, the Company possessed "a fortified
factory" at Wingurla (Vengurlem), at that time the starting-point for
the Dutch trade with the coast of Malabar (Tschaul, Calicut,
Ponnani), and through these places, with the districts of the
interior: pepper, especially, being bought up here. Cinnamon was the
chief product of Ceylon, an island that had attracted the particular
attention of the supreme Government at Batavia especially of late
years. The Dutch had there been fighting against the Portuguese, as a
rule, though not invariably, with success. They had now established a
firm footing there: Gale (Point de Galle) had been in their
possession since 1640[6], and from there
they extended their trade along the entire coast of the island,
especially visiting Batticaloa and Trinconomale. As in Ceylon, the
Company owned also on the coast of Coromandel a fortified place,
which might serve as a basis for her operations. It was the castle of
Geldria at Paliacatta (Palikat), within whose jurisdiction were the
Dutch mercantile offices at Masulipatam, and certain other inferior
ones, which carried on the highly important trade in diamonds,
saltpetre, indigo, but especially in "divers assortments of cotton
stuffs," with the entire eastern half of Hither-India, including
Orissa. Bengal, in which country the Company had an office at the
mouth of the Hoogly, furnished saltpetre, sugar, and above all silks;
the trade with Arracan afforded rice and slaves, the commerce with
Pegu and Tenasserim, small goods of various descriptions. Malacca,
not conquered until 1641, constituted the key to the Malay
Archipelago, and was the centre of the tin-trade of the Malay
Peninsula; the Dutch factory in Siam furnished rice and goods for the
Japan market; the Tonquin one, silks, and the latter two thus served
to strengthen the prosperous trade of the Company with Eastern Asia,
to which allusion has been made before.

But the real strength of the Company lay in the Malay Archipelago.
Batavia had been made the chief seat of the Supreme Government, and
here was the centre of the net-work that spread over that vast
territory. Java itself was to the whole of Netherlands-India a
rice-granary, to which access was not entirely barred even in times
of war with the powerful empire of Mattaram. The West-coast of
Sumatra and Acheen, Djambi and Palembang, with all of which an active
intercourse was kept up, yielded huge quantities of pepper; Banda,
which was a regular conquest of the Company, produced a greater
quantity of nutmegs than the world was able to consume; Amboyna and
the Moluccas, where Dutch influence was paramount, abounded with
cloves; Solor, where the Dutch had a fortress, furnished odoriferous
sandal-wood.

[2) Cf. P. A. LEUPE in Bijdragen tot de taal-, land-, en
volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië. Fourth Series, II (1878),
pp. 376-378. The author is, however, mistaken in stating that as
early as 1640 Mocha coffee was sent to the Netherlands. Apart from
this, his dates, too, are not quite reliable. The letter from the
Amsterdam Chamber, in which a request is made for the sending over of
coffee, bears date April 16, 1640, and not 163? But long before,
coffee was known to the Dutch. Cf. Begin ende Voortgang, II, E E E E
E (sic), p. 33.]

A very considerable part of these Eastern products served for the
commerce carried on by the Dutch in India itself, where they provided
one country with those articles which it did not produce itself, and
which were elsewhere bought up by the Company. The great profits,
accruing from this carrying-trade, were partly swallowed up by the
heavy expenses entailed by the administrative arrangements of the
Company in the vast field of its operations. The surplus profit had
to be employed in the purchase of the return-cargoes for the
Netherlands, and the still unattained ideal of the Board of Directors
and the Supreme Government alike, was, that this surplus profit might
reach such an amount, that the whole cost-price of these
return-cargoes, which from 1639-1649 averaged two millions and a half
of guilders a year[1]--the selling price
at home averaging eight millions--with all the expenses and charges
for transmission, etc. incident to them, could be defrayed out of it;
so that not a single doit of ready money need be sent to India from
the Netherlands.

The progress of the Dutch Company in Asia had gradually begun to
go hand in hand with the ousting of its European competitors, or the
frustration of the endeavours made by Europeans to become its rivals.
With results which as a rule were favourable, the great mercantile
association had, either of its own accord, or forced by
circumstances, joined issue with the Portuguese, the Spaniards, the
English, French and Danes, and was carrying on the struggle, now
sword in hand, at other times with its purse-strings untied. The two
nations last mentioned were "negligible quantities" in the East; for
the time being at least, the English had been worsted in their
struggle with the Company: their time had not yet arrived; the
strength of Spain as a colonial power did not lie in Asia: the
Philippine Isles and a settlement in an out-of-the-way corner of the
Moluccas, in Ternate, were their sole possessions in this part of the
world. With the Portuguese the struggle had been longest, hardest,
and most violent, and still, in spite of the heavy blows inflicted on
them by the Dutch, they continued, especially in trade, to be
adversaries who had to be reckoned with. Chiefly of late years,
however, they had met with losses, hardly if at all to be made good.
That the Dutch had established a firm footing in Ceylon was a bitter
pill to their antagonists; that Malacca had been conquered by the
Netherlanders was a death-blow to Portugal's political position in
the East. The conquest of Malacca became an accomplished fact on
January 14, 1641, and shortly after, intelligence reached India that
Portugal had thrown off the Spanish yoke in 1640, and declared itself
independent. One of the first measures taken by the government of the
resuscitated State was the making of peace overtures to the Republic
of the United Netherlands. In Asia, too, negotiations on this subject
were soon entered into. It must have been a source of great
satisfaction to the leaders of the Dutch colonial policy at Batavia,
when in January 1642 envoys arrived there, sent by the Portuguese
viceroy at Goa, with the object of suing for a cessation Of
hostilities. This is not the place to enlarge on this subject, nor
can we enter into an account of the complications which arose, when
on the 2nd of October 1642 the authorities at Batavia got notice of
the treaty of armistice, concluded at the Hague June 12, 1641, but
not ratified until a long time afterwards.

What we have advanced will suffice to show that the Netherlands
had become the ruling European power in Asia, and that Van Diemen's
day-dream, the Dutch supremacy in the East, need not by any means be
called a castle in the air[2].

At this juncture it was that the Governor-General and Councillors
took the resolution--and they could do so "without cutting down the
means for customary trade and war"--of employing two ships to
undertake the expedition that was to signalise to the whole civilised
world the names of Abel Tasman and his coadjutor Frans Jacobszoon
Visscher. For on the first day of August, 1642, the Supreme
Government at Batavia resolved to despatch skipper Tasman, with
Visscher as his adviser, "in order to navigate to the Southern and
Eastern Countries, which were only partially known, and had not
hitherto been explored." The ships Heemskerck and de Zeehaen were
designated for this new undertaking.

XI.

SOURCES OF OUR KNOWLEDGE OF TASMAN'S EXPLORATORY VOYAGES TO THE
SOUTH-LAND (1642-1644)--MAPS AND LITERATURE CONCERNING THE
LATTER.

Between the amount of our knowledge respecting Tasman's famous
voyage of discovery, begun in 1642, and the measure of our
information touching the expedition undertaken by him in 1644, there
is a great difference. Whereas the former can be known with full
completeness and great exactitude of detail, our information as to
the second voyage is of a sadly fragmentary nature. In the following
we shall give a survey of the available authorities for the history
of the two expeditions, and subjoin observations respecting the more
important items of the literature bearing on the subject of these
exploratory voyages.

The immediate inducement to the first voyage may be learned from
various so-called General Missives, i.e. missives from the
Governor-General and Councillors to the "Heeren XVII," of which
missives those belonging to the said years have been preserved in
originali. Next, from resolutions of the Supreme Government at
Batavia, and from the instructions given to Tasman: of all these
documents there are extant copies, drawn up and sent to the Board of
Directors of the Company by order of the Governor-General and
Councillors, of which copies the authenticity is accordingly beyond
all reasonable doubt. The results of the first voyage can be inferred
from the General Missives, and from certain other archival documents:
all of them either originals, or authentic copies. The main
authorities, however, for the history of this voyage are journals[1], kept in the course of it on board the
Heemskerck, which journals have come down to us. It is highly
probable that one or more journals were kept also on board the
Zeehaen, but these have not been handed down to posterity. Nor, in
the General Missive of December 22, 1643, in which the result of the
voyage is given, is there question of any journal kept on board the
Zeehaen being sent to Europe; the missive only mentions that to the
Netherlands are sent "the 'daily registers' of Tasman, and of 'Pilot
Major' ' Francois Jacobszoon Visscher, in which the winds, the
courses, the 'lie' of lands, the outward form of the peoples, etc.
are pertinently indicated and delineated." From the instructions it
is evident that Tasman and Visscher were both of them on board the
Heemskerck. In the same way, in the missive from the "Heeren XVII" to
the Governor-General and Councillors, bearing date September 21 1644,
and written in answer to the General Missive last mentioned, there is
question only of "the Journal of Skipper Commander Tasman and
'Pilot-Major' Visscher." The resolutions of the Ship's Council and of
the Plenary Council are wanting.

Of the daily journal kept by Tasman we give a reproduction of an
original copy. It is just possible that still other copies, drawn up
in the same way and also signed by him, at one time existed[2], but so far as at present known, such copies
have not been preserved.

In 1854 Jacob Swart had in his possession an "original narrative"
[reisverhaal], also styled "a copy of the original journal," and "a
journal signed by him [Tasman] with his own hand."[3] The various terms in which Swart describes
his copy, already show that this manuscript has the same value as the
one now reproduced, for the latter is also a "copy" in so far as it
is copied fair from minutes, and it is signed with the famous
navigator's own hand. If we go on to compare, page for page, the text
printed by Swart with the journal here reproduced, we are more and
more driven to the conclusion, that the copy used by Swart, which was
not found among the papers left by him at his death[4], must have been the identical one used for
the present reproduction. In various places, indications of longitude
are missing in Swart's copy, which are also wanting in ours in the
very same places In a few

[1) Here and elsewhere I make use of this general term,
but I shall presently explain its precise meaning in this
connection.]

[2) It was e.g. customary--though it was not always
practised--that of important documents six copies were sent to
patria: one for each Chamber of the Company. Cf. Resolution of the
"Heeren XVII," November 12, 1611; General missive, December 12,
1642]

[1) See JACOB SWART'S introduction to the reprint of
1860, of his edition of the Journal, pp. VI, 1 and 3.]

cases discrepancies of spelling, observed by Swart, e.g. on p. 144
Garde Neys (April 4) and Gardenys (April 5), are also, found in our
copy. The No. after Le Maire on p. 104 (January 22) is also wanting
in our manuscript. The slip of the pen in our copy "Roolol" (February
14) instead of "Roobol," is found in Swart's edition (p. 128). We
shall presently see that in our copy certain lines are missing on
January 21, February 6, April 21, which lines are equally omitted in
Swart's print. It is quite true that Swart does not mention certain
surveyings of land, which are met with in our[1] copy, but in the description of these
drawings Swart's edition, which, indeed, shows want of care and
accuracy throughout[2], is not always so
exact as to justify any conclusions from this circumstance, which for
aught we know may be due to negligence or inadvertence. It is further
to be noted that certain marginal notes, which according to Swart
were found in his copy, in a different hand from that in which the
journal itself was written, are also met with in our copy, likewise
almost certainly written by another hand than the one that wrote the
journal. These marginal jottings are referred to in note 1) on p. 96
of Swart's edition, and in note 2) on p. 108. At the first reference
Swart says: "A note in the manuscript has: Dit sal mogelick 31[3] gr. moeten syn [This in perhaps a
mistake, instead of 31°]. This note, however, is not in the hand
of the writer of the journal;" and at the second reference: "In a
marginal note we read: N.B. did moet West zijn [NB. this
should be West], written in the same hand as the note on January 9."
Now, in our copy we find noted in margine under date January
9, 1643: "NB sal moghelick 31 g. moeten zijn," and on January 24: "NB
dit moet west zijn," likewise written probably by the same hand that
wrote the marginal note of January 9, as also certain "NB"'s to
October 7, 20, 22, 23, and November 14, 1642, and a few indications
of longitude and latitude in the map of "Staete landt." There are
differences of spelling, to be sure, and in one case the words are
different ("NB" and "dit"); but then Swart did not always
diplomatically adhere to the text of the original to be reproduced:
now and then he thought it his duty to introduce corrections[4], and he was not always quite accurate
himself[5]. The slight discrepancies
referred to cannot therefore constitute a difficulty. It would indeed
be highly remarkable, if the two corrections, one of which at least
is erroneous[6], and, as appears from
its wording ("sal mogelick"), cannot have originated with Tasman
himself, who would undoubtedly have made a more correct and less
hesitating conjecture[7];--it would, I
say, be highly remarkable indeed, that both corrections should have
been made in two different copies of a manuscript, which copies would
have been likely to have got into quite different hands immediately
after completion. For all these reasons it is highly probable, if not
absolutely sure, that Swart's copy and ours are one and the same.

We need not here expatiate on the distinguishing features of our
manuscript, which no doubt once formed part of one of the collections
of archives of the East India Company, and was in 1867 presented to
the Hague State Archives by Mr. J. G. Gleichman, LL. D.[8], The Hague, into whose possession it had come
from the books and papers left by Mr. F. A. Van Hall: the facsimile
here given faithfully reproduces the document. On one side of the
vellum binding are found the words " Commandeur Abel Tasman," an
annotation without significance; on the other side, partly illegible:
"Journael gehouden [door?] Commandeur Abel Jan[sen Tasman?] op de
voijagie over M[auritius?] om de Z[uyt?] gedaen. [Ao. 1643?] No. 35."
There can be little doubt that the note last mentioned has

[1) For briefness' sake I shall in the sequel thus refer
to the journal here reproduced.]

[2 Cf. LEUPE in Bijdragen vaderlandsche geschiedenis, l.
c., pp. 267 f., 289-290--The collation with Valentijn, too, Swart has
done in a perfunctory way. The note, for example, on p. 66 of his
edition of 1860 is incorrect. Both the surveyings, marked 5 E by
Valentijn, are taken from the one dated December 19, 1642, and
not, one of them from that of November 25. Indeed, in the note
on p. 86 Swart admits that both of them belong to the surveyings
under date December 19. The charts in Valentijn, No 2 B (p. 50) and
No. 3 C (p. 51), are in our copy found under date December
1.]

[3) LEUPE in Bijdragen vaderlandsche geschiedenis, 1. c.
p. 268, has a misprint which in this place is serious enough, viz.
"21" instead of "31."]

[7) It is noteworthy in this connection, that in the
Huydecoper MS, to be presently discussed, which must have been made
from a copy of about the same date with ours, the text on
January 24 is on this point identical with that in our copy. This MS
has on January 9 the more correct latitude of 32° 4': the copyist
who drew up our copy must therefore have made a mistake in
transcribing his model, but the person who introduced the correction
"31 g." also made a mistake.]

[8) Report on the State Archives, 1867, p.
2.]

{Page: Life.61}

been made on the cover at Batavia, when the manuscript was
forwarded to the Netherlands; No. 35 is most probably the number of
the manuscript in the list of the documents sent over. From Certain
documents preserved in the State Archives at The Hague, it is evident
that the same hand which wrote this note, did also other copying-work
at Batavia in 1643.

Most probably our manuscript is not an original diary kept up to
date day after day: it may be more correctly described as a
consecutive narrative, which was most likely digested from the
regular ship's journal in the course of the voyage; which was
afterwards copied fair by another hand than Tasman's, and finally
signed by Tasman himself. It is impossible to decide with absolute
certainty who has drawn up the charts, marine surveyings and drawings
occurring in our copy; on this point we can only hazard certain
conjectures, about which more anon. It is quite evident[1], however, that the explanatory legends
accompanying the charts, etc. have been written by another hand than
the text itself

Now it is highly remarkable, that in the sad remnant of another
copy of the journal, there are found legends evidently written
by the same hand that made the fair copy of the text of our
manuscript: the very regular handwriting showing that the transcriber
was most probably a clerk in some government office. If we assume
this as true, we may perhaps further venture on the hypothesis that
our copy bears a more original character than the one just mentioned.
We may safely suppose that in our copy the transcriber left blanks
for the marine surveyings, etc. together with the legends, which
would have to be afterwards supplied by another person, who was more
of an expert, and which were actually so supplied at a subsequent
time. I feel strengthened in this supposition of mine by numerous
indications of more or less weight. On January 19, 1643, for
instance, the transcriber would seem to have left too small a blank
space, so that the legend had to be crowded on to the drawing; on
January 23, there was no room for the legend on the drawing itself,
so that, contrary to his ordinary practice, the expert inserted the
legend between the lines of the text, where there was room to spare;
on March 28 and 29, the blank left was larger than was found to be
required. In the subsequent copies these marine surveyings etc. could
then be copied at the same time with the text of the journal. This
would at once account for the fact that the legends in the
fragmentary MS. which we are discussing, are in the same hand as the
text of our copy. This fragment consists of one folio leaf
only, on which is found the drawing, belonging to December 19, 1642,
representing the "Moordenaarsbaai" [Murderers' Bay], in the
foreground the boat with natives, one of them standing up; together
with the surveying of the "Zant duijnen" [sand dunes], which
surveying faces the said drawing in our copy. Between the legends, as
well as the drawing and the surveying, of the fragment on the one
hand; and on the other, those occurring in our manuscript, there are
perceptible differences. The drawing is slightly more careful than in
our copy. Here and there the drawing in the fragment shows
colours--again not quite the same as those found in our copy--laid
on, presumably (at least in one place), at a later period, which we
have reason to surmise was also the case with the colours with which
our copy is embellished. The drawing of the Moordenaarsbaai is the
one which is found in Valentijn's well-known extract from the
journal, there marked No. 6 F[2]. As in
various other instances, Valentijn has introduced slight alterations
from the original drawing. In Valentijn the man who is standing up in
the boat is pointing to the ships; on the drawing of the fragment,
and on the one found in our copy, the same man is pointing his finger
exactly in the opposite direction. The drawing of the fragment bears
the following note written in an antique hand: "No. 6 F. Samen half
blad met 7 G." [No 6 F, together with 7 G to form a half-leaf]. This
agrees with Valentijn, where 6 F and 7 G occur on one page[3], and the words "Samen half blad met" are in
Valentijn's own handwriting[4]. Most
certainly, therefore, the fragment is something of a relic: a
fragment of a document used by Valentijn in the composition of his
celebrated book. At all events this supposition is more probable than
the view[5]

[1) See, for instance, on January 23 and 24,
1643.]

[2) Volume III, part 2, section Banda, facing p.
50.]

[3) Page 51.]

[4) I have been in a position to compare them with a
letter of Valentijn of Aug. 16, 1723 in the municipal archives of
Dordrecht. I am indebted for my knowledge of it to the kindness of
the municipal archivist, Mr. J. C. OVERVOORDE.]

that our copy should have been utilised by him for this
purpose. It will, indeed, become quite clear in the sequel, that
Valentijn must have had still other data at his disposal than those
with which our copy could have furnished him. A somewhat minute
circumstance proves this beyond a doubt. The natives in the boat on
the drawing of the Moordenaarsbaai in our copy are represented with
small tufts of hair at the back of their heads. In Valentijn these
tufts of hair have been turned into feathers or plumes. Now this
change is not owing to any flight of fancy on the part of the honest
preacher: the same plumes or feathers figure on the drawing of the
fragment. One more support to the theory that our copy stands nearer
to the archetype than the copy of which the fragment once formed
part; at all events this circumstance clearly proves that our copy
cannot have been a replica of the one just mentioned. Nor has the
maker of the drawing of the fragment unduly indulged in fanciful
embellishment. Tasman himself, referring to the natives here alluded
to, thus delivers himself in his journal: "They had black hair right
on the top of their heads, tied up at the back of their heads after
the Japanese fashion, but the hair being somewhat longer and thicker;
the whole surmounted by a large thick feather." These feathers do not
figure in the drawing in our copy, but the draughtsman of the
fragment, as in duty bound, has reinstated them on the heads of the
natives, and from this picture they have no doubt found their way to
Valentijn's book.

The fragment is now preserved in the State Archives at The Hague,
to which it was presented by Mr. D. Blok of Amsterdam, between the
years 1872 and 1881[1].

In the Hague State Archives also reposes another journal of the
famous voyage. This journal differs widely from those hitherto
discussed. It forms part of a collection of documents referring to
the Netherlands East and West India Companies, bearing dates ranging
between 1602 and 1702. This Collection, at least the main part of it,
was most probably left at his death by Salomon Swears, who was a
member of the Council of India in the years in which Tasman's voyage
to the South-land took place[2]. The
documents were most likely made up, by a certain Cornelis Sweers,
into bundles, all of them marked with the initials C. S. In 1859 the
State Archives purchased a large part of this important Collection,
then forming part of the property left at his death by Mr. J. C. De
Jonge, LL. D., Principal Keeper of the Netherlands State Archives.
The journal extends to 35[3] folio
leaves in one of the volumes in which the various items of which the
collection is made up, are united; of these leaves a few are left
blank. It is easy to see that the journal at one time formed a
separate volume. On its first page are the following words: "1643.
Journaal, om de Zuijd"; this note is written in a later hand quite
different from the one in which the journal itself is written; this
same later hand is in other cases also met with in the Sweers
collection, and has interspersed it with various brief notes
respecting dates and other minutiae. The note on the first page has
afterwards had its writing refreshed in other ink, and the words "en
Nova Guinea" added to it, evidently by the same hand which has also
supplied the running paging of this and other volumes of this
collection, has written the titling on the backs, and added various
tables of contents. The person who inserted the tables of contents
and other additional matter, must have been alive in 1702, since a
note in his hand bears this date[4].
Under the words above mentioned the same hand has written the word
"dubbeld" [duplicate], which may be a hint to the effect that more
copies of this journal existed at one time, but which may also mean
that more journals of Tasman's voyage belonged to this collection,
which we shall presently find to have actually been the case. The
journal bears marginal notes and a few other annotations, all of them
by the same hand which also wrote the tables of contents, etc. It
opens as follows: "Jornael gehovden op de nieuwe voeijagie om de
Zuijt in Indien gedaen door Commandeur Abel int jaer 1643 in
Augusto." The same hand that wrote the marginal notes, etc., has
after "Commandeur Abel" inserted the words "Jansz Tasman," and
changed into "2" the figure "3" in 1643; it has besides written in
the margin the words "met 't Jagt Heemskerk," and added a few more
jottings of different

[1) The fragment must have found its way to the State
Archives between 1872, the year in which Leupe wrote his paper on the
manuscripts, when he evidently was not aware of the existence of this
fragment, and 1881, the year in which Leupe died. For a note in
Leupe's hand, deposited with the fragment, shows that he must have
been acquainted with it.]

[2) See my Bouwstoffen, III, pp. 24, 50, 143,
201.]

[3) LEUPE, in Bijdragen vaderlandsche geschiedenis, 1.
c., p. 260, speaks of 28 leaves, because he is referring to the
written ones only.]

[4) Cf. LEUPE in Bijdragen voor geschiedenis, 1. c., p.
261.]

{Page: Life.63}

nature. This journal too has been kept on board the Heemskerck.
Certain expressions would seem to raise a suspicion whether in this
case we may not have to deal with a daily register kept by a member
of the crew of the Zeehaen; but when on the other hand under November
(December) 28, 1642, for example, we read: "Des smiddachs is onse
Commandeur aen de Zeehaen gevaeren" [In the afternoon our Commander
went on board the Zeehaen]; on February (March) 11, 1643: "van dage
quam de Coopman van de Zeehaen aen ons boort" [this day the
Supercargo of the Zeehaen came on board of us]; or on February
(March) 13: "des voormiddachs quam de Schipper vande Zeehaen aen ons
boort" [in the forenoon the Skipper of the Zeehaen came on board of
us]; then we may take for granted that the writer of the journal must
have been on board the Heemskerck. This by itself is quite sufficient
to prove that this journal cannot be the journal kept by Visscher,
referred to in the General Missive of December 22, 1643. Nor, indeed,
does it contain any of the charts, marine surveyings and drawings,
which according to the missive just mentioned were found in
Visscher's daily register. Who actually wrote this journal,
cannot now be ascertained: perhaps the writer was a sailor in a
subordinate position. We may infer this, for example, from such an
entry as the following on November (December) 26, 1642: "Des nachts
hebben wij[1] een halffken arack
minder gecregen" [We[1] got half
a glass of arrack less at night]. However all this may be, it is
absolutely sure that the writer was not the skipper of the Heemskerk;
for on April (May) 5, 1643 the journal says: "smiddachs gingh de
Commandeur met onse Schipper ande Zeehaen" [in the afternoon the
Commander went on board the Zeehaen with our Skipper]. At all events
the writer's penmanship was decidedly poor, and his command of the
Dutch language a very restricted one. His longitudes and latitudes
are utterly at variance with those found in the journal kept by
Tasman himself. The whole of the form in which the journal is kept,
conveys the impression that we have here to do with a draft-journal,
kept up to date day by day. It is, however, difficult to bring this
conclusion into harmony with a very singular mistake, which the
writer has not only committed but to which he has also stuck to the
end. The two vessels arrived in the road-stead of Mauritius on
September 5, 1642, and remained lying there for more than a month.
Now the writer, who does not even allude to the stay at Mauritius,
omits changing the name of the month, and represents the ships as
leaving Mauritius on September 8, instead of October 8. To this
error, involving a difference of a whole month, he adheres to the
end, so that according to him the voyagers returned to Batavia on May
15, 1643, instead of June 15. A slip like this is rather to be
expected of a mechanical transcriber than of a person who is keeping
a diary day by day, and who would be likely to have his attention
drawn to his mistake at least on the first day of a new month.
Compared with this error, other mistakes become as nothing, e.g. the
substitution of 1641 or 1643 for 1642, etc. Now that we possess the
journal reproduced in the present work, the manuscript we have just
been discussing is not, indeed, of paramount interest for the history
of Tasman's celebrated expedition. Still, it may be of some service
for purposes of comparison, the more so as it gives a few particulars
which are not contained in the journal kept by Tasman himself[2].

Among the annotations, few in number and of little importance,
made in the manuscript by the writer of the marginal notes, one
commands our attention. Between November (December) 18 and 19,
namely, the annotator has added the following memorandum, again
cancelled at a later time: "November en vervolgens tot 18 December
inclusive hier overgeslagen. Ziet in 't accurater Journaal bij A. J.
Tasmansz (sic!) aengehouden, in't boek met 't opschrift:
Tasmans (sic!) ontdekte Nova Hollandia ofte Zuidland" [the
rest of November and up to December 18 inclusive have been omitted
here. See the more accurate Journal kept by A. J. Tasmansz in the
book labelled: Tasmans ontdekte Nova Hollandia or Zuidland.] Can it
be, that the writer of this memorandum felt that there was something
wrong with the months, but immediately afterwards became aware that
this remark was out of place there, so that he accordingly thought it
better to cancel it again? However this may be, the warning
memorandum is not without interest for the filiation of the
manuscripts of Tasman's voyage; inasmuch as it proves the existence
of a "journaal," about which it furnishes certain details. What
journal now is meant here? To this question a very positive answer
can be given. In 1872 there was in the

[1) The italics are my own.]

[2) Cf. LEUPE in Bijdragen voor geschiedenis, 1. c., pp.
279-281.]

{Page: Life.64}

possession of Mr. J. Huydecoper van Maarsseveen[1], now in that of his son, Jhr. J. E.
Huydecoper van Maarsseveen en Nigtevegt, at Utrecht[2], a folio volume, like the other volumes of
the Sweers collection, marked with the initials "C. S.," and
containing notes in the same hand that wrote the marginal annotations
in the journal which we have already discussed, and which also at one
time formed part of the Sweers collection. There can therefore be no
doubt that the Huydecoper MS. at one time belonged to the same Sweers
collection which included the journal we have just described. The
Huydecoper MS. extends to 190 pages, of which a great many are left
blank; the journal itself, including the title, covers 113 pages. The
hand repeatedly referred to, has appended to it an alphabetical
"register." On the back of the binding is written the title as
follows: "Tasmans ontdekte Nova Hollandia ofte Zuidland 1642, 43 met
zijne Reyse na Nova Guinea." The first words of this title agree with
the annotation between November (December) 18 and 19, referred to
higher up, so that it can hardly be deemed a hazardous supposition to
assume that in the Huydecoper MS., which evidently formed part of the
same collection, we have rediscovered the "accurater journaal." We
feel strengthened in this presumption, if we take into consideration
the fact that whereas the note repeatedly referred to mentions the
"accurater Journaal bij A. J. Tasmansz gehouden," the Huydecoper MS.
is entitled: "Extract wttet Journaal vanden Schipper Command, Abel
Janssen Tasman bij hem selffs[3]
in't ontdecken vant onbekende Zuijdlant gehouden" [Extract from the
Journal of Skipper Commandeur Abel Janssen Tasman, kept by
himself[3] in discovering the
unknown South-land]. The following additional particulars may here be
given respecting this manuscript. The title qualifies it as an
"extract," and on the cover we likewise find written: "Extract.
Zuijdland 1642, 1643." Quite at the end of the manuscript there are
the words: " Onderstont[3]. Actum
jnt schip Heemskercke," etc. We accordingly find that there is no
question of an original document, not even of a duplicate. And in
addition to all this, we find that it bears no signature at the end.
Now it may be asked, what manuscript bearing a more original
character, underlies this "extract?" It is quite impossible to assume
that this more original manuscript has been our copy; the differences
are too conspicuous to justify such a conclusion: thus, the extract
contains items of information which are wanting in our manuscript[4]. Besides leaving out a number of
indications of longitude which are found in the Huydecoper MS., the
clerk who made the fair copy of our manuscript is guilty of certain
other omissions. On November 8, for instance, between "werkelijk" and
"datt alhier" our copy leaves out the words "met mottich,
regenachtich mistich weer" [in drizzly, rainy, foggy weather], which
are duly met with in the Huydecoper MS. Our copy has a serious
oversight under date January 21, 1643. At this place we read as
follows in the Huydecoper MS.: "...Deden onsen cours naer het
noordelijcste eijlandt, om dat het grooste (sic!) van
beijde eijlanden waar; dit zuijdelijckste eijlant leijt op de
zuyderbreette van 21 graden 50 minuijten," etc. [We bent our course
to the northernmost island, because it was the larger of the two
islands; this southernmost island is in 21° 50' Southern
Latitude, etc.]. The italicised words are not in our copy, and this
omission materially affects the sense of the passage. Something like
this is found on February 6. There the Huydecoper MS. has: "Deze
eijlanden leggen op de zuijderbreette van 17 graden, de
zuijdelijckste leggen op 17½ gra: off daer onttrent"
[These islands are in 17 degrees S. L., the southernmost ones
in 17½ degrees, or thereabouts]. Our copy omits the words in
italics. On April 21, our copy, between "1¾ mijl van ons," and
"zagen als doen," leaves out[5] the
words: "dit eijlandt is naer gissinge lanck 4 a 4½ mijl" (this
island by guess has a length of from 4 to 4½ miles], which we
have to supply from the Huydecoper MS. There are still more points of
difference between the two manuscripts, but what we have just adduced
decisively proves that the copyist who drew up the Huydecoper MS. did
not use our copy as his model. What copy then, we may ask, did
he actually use? There can be no doubt that he used a copy which
differed from ours only in subordinate points: certain mistakes and
obscurities (inter alia on September 11 and December 2)

[2) This gentleman kindly sent me the manuscript for
purposes of comparison.]

[3) The italics are my own.]

[4) See LEUPE in Bijdragen voor geschiedenis, 1. c., pp.
273-275. Leupe has overlooked various discrepancies between the two
journals, at least failed to register them: even certain important
ones are left unnoticed by him.]

[5) This is not mentioned by Leupe.]

{Page: Life.65}

being even met with in both manuscripts. If now we further bear in
mind that the Huydecoper MS. bears very probably a middle of XVII
century character, and almost certainly formed part of the property
left at his decease by Salomon Sweers, who was a member of the
Council of India in the years in which Tasman's voyage took place
--if we bear this in mind, two possibilities readily offer
themselves. The copyist may have had before him either the minutes
drawn up by Tasman, or another fair copy made on the basis of the
said minutes, for example, the identical fair copy which he must have
sent in to the Governor-General and Councillors. The first
supposition becomes the less probable one, if we consider the
subscription: "Onderstont Actum jnt schip Heemskercke. datum als
booven laagers(ton)t"[1] etc.,
since the minutes are likely to have been without signature. Perhaps,
therefore, we may assume with a fair degree of probability that the
Huydecoper MS. was transcribed from the copy at the time presented by
Tasman to the Governor-General and Councillors[2], which copy is no longer extant. However this
may be, the Huydecoper MS. has an unmistakeable value for purposes of
comparison. For the rest its intrinsic value is far inferior to that
of our copy. It is a slovenly transcript, which is a better term to
describe it than the designation "extract," used in the title-page; a
number of omissions and many mistakes (e.g. regularly
Gissemans instead of Gilsemans, Mullunus or Mollunos
instead of Moluccos, "woor pausker," on September 17, instead of
"worpancker," etc.) are to be observed. But it is especially the
utter absence of charts, marine surveyings, and drawings[3], that characterises the Huydecoper MS. as
decidedly inferior in value to the copy reproduced in the present
work.

Lauts[4] refers to a journal of
Tasman's voyage of 1642, which in July 1835 was sold by Mr. Bom,
bookseller at Amsterdam, to a Dutch scholar residing in the
Netherlands. In Catalogus van eene buitengewoon belangrijke
verzameling...boeken...voorts eenige manuscripten...gedeeltelijk
nagelaten door een Leeraar der Hervormde Gemeente en door den Heer L.
Groenewoud, in leven Boekverkooper alhier: Al hetwelk verkocht zal
worden op Maandag 27 Julij 1835 en volgende dagen...door den
Boekhandelaar G. D. Bom...te Amsterdam" [Catalogue of a highly
important collection of...books...together with a number of
manuscripts...partly left by a Minister of the Reformed Church, and
by Mr. L. Groenewoud, some time bookseller of this town: the whole to
be sold by auction on Monday July 27, 1835 and subsequent days...by
G. D. Bom, bookseller...at Amsterdam]--in this Catalogue the journal
figures under the following title[5]:
"Journaal door Abel Tasman van een voyagie van de stad Batavia in O.
I. aangaande de ontdekking van het onbekende Zuidland in6 1642 m.
zeer fr. teekeningen h. b." [Journal kept by Abel Tasman concerning a
voyage from the City of Batavia in East India for the discovery of
the unknown South-land, in 1642; with very fine drawings,
half-bound].

In a MS. note in his own hand, written not before 1844, at present
in the possession of Messrs. Fred. Muller and Co., of Amsterdam,
Lauts writes as follows: "I have said on p. 296[4], that in 1835 I had erroneously
referred to two MSS. of the voyage of 1642. I now find that I was
not mistaken at the time. The MS. used by me is preserved in
the family-archives of Messrs. Huydecoper van Maarsseveen; the other
MS. then being the property of the book-selling firm of Hulst van
Keulen, who had it sold in auction by Mr. Bom, the
book-seller.--Ni fallor it fetched 90 guilders, and thus found
its way to the Library of the Netherlands Institute of Sciences and
Letters." The library just mentioned was afterwards transferred to
the Amsterdam Royal Academy of Sciences. Investigations made
there

[1) The italics are mine.]

[2) According to the inventory drawn up in 1882, the
State Archives at Batavia no longer possess a copy of the journal. J.
P. GELL, in his paper "On the first discovery of Tasmania," to be
again referred to in the sequel, states that in the English
interregnum from 1811 to 1816 "the journal of Captain Abel Jansen
Tasman" was found at Batavia in "the archives of the Company." Whence
did Gell derive this information? We shall presently see that Gell
himself most probably based his investigations on the manuscript in
the British Museum, and on Burney's extract from it.]

[3) Those which are now found in it, to which we shall
presently return again, did not originally form part of the MS., and
have evidently been pasted into it at some subsequent
period.]

[5) At p. 92.--A copy of this rare catalogue is preserved
in the library of the Vereeniging ter bevordering van de Belangen des
Boekhandels [Association for the promotion of the interests of the
book-trade]. I am indebted for my knowledge of it to the kindness of
its librarian, Mr. R. W. P. De Vries.]

{Page: Life.66}

on my behalf remained without result, and no information
respecting this alleged purchase could be gathered from the files of
correspondence or the registers kept at the institution just
mentioned. Messrs. Bom, though quite ready to oblige me, could not
give me any positive information, since their day-books for the year
1835 were destroyed in a fire on their premises. Lauts does not say
how he had come to the knowledge that the manuscript had previously
belonged to the firm of Hu1st van Keulen. Now, may not the reverse
have taken place, and may not the copy sold in July 1835 have been
purchased by that very firm, so that in that case the
manuscript referred to would have been our copy?

One more copy of the journal is left me for discussion, viz. the
one preserved in the British Museum[1],
on which is based Burney's edition of the "journal," to be referred
to in the sequel. Of the outward history of this manuscript certain
particulars are known[2]. Prefixed to
the text of the manuscript, namely, there are two letters from H. J.
(Henry) Norris to Dr. Solander. In the first, dated Woodford, Monday
26 Aug. 1776, the writer states that at that time the manuscript was
in the possession of Mr. Banks (Sir Joseph Banks), who had bought it
of Sir James W.... "Some time before," the latter had acquired it for
"but half a Guinea," when it was sold "at the late Mr. Lloyds house
on Friday hill (just beyond Woodford)," where Norris himself had
inspected it. So far the information furnished by Norris. In 1776 Mr.
Banks had the manuscript translated from Dutch into English by the
Rev. Charles Godfrey Woide, "then Chaplain to His Majesty's Dutch
Chapel at St. James's Palace, and afterwards Under Librarian to the
British Museum"[3], and this translation
is preserved along with the Dutch manuscript itself. Sir Joseph
afterwards bequeathed the two manuscripts to the British Museum, and
on the cover of the Dutch MS. is accordingly found the inscription:
"Tasman's Journal. Mus. Brit. ex legato J. Banks. Bart." The
manuscript is bound in calf; it is a small-sized folio, and numbers
101 pages, inclusive of the prolegomena.

What place now in the whole series are we to assign to this
manuscript? Woide already was aware of the fact that in this case he
had not to deal with a manuscript bearing the character of an
original. "I dont think," he writes inter alia--we may leave
his other grounds undiscussed--in a sort of prefatory notice to his
translation, "I dont think, that this copy is Tasman's his own
handwritting. I find, when Tasman's name is signed, it is allways
said: undersigned Tasman, which expression was superfluous, if
Tasman had written it with his own hand." The cogency of this
argument to prove the non-original character of the manuscript, was
disputed by Burney[4], who thus
delivered himself as regards this "objection": "The word
Onderstout (sic!) accompanying the signatures, was a formality
not unusually practised by those who subscribed their names; as
appears by an example in this same Journal, where the opinion of one
of the steersmen being demanded, is delivered in writing,
'Onderstout (sic!) by my, Pieter N. Duytz.' i.e. Undersigned:
by me, Pieter N. Duytz. (MS. Journal. February the 14th 1643)." Woide
as well as Burney were both of them mistaken. There cannot be the
least doubt that the word onderstont (= below was written),
which accompanies the various signatures, occurring in various places
in the journal, is a quite unmistakeable indication that in those
places we have to deal with copies, and not with originals. It is
quite out of the question that this phrase should be "a formality not
unusually practised by those who subscribed their names." But it does
not follow that on this account a character of originality should
necessarily be denied to a document containing signatures accompanied
by this phrase. What, for example, is actually the case here? Tasman,
when he drew up his journal such as we know it, had at his disposal
the original written opinions and advices of himself, of the skippers
and other ship's officers. These he utilised by inserting them in his
journal, and for this purpose he had to transcribe them: he
accordingly had then to affix the word onderstont to the signatures,
in order to denote that in this case what the reader had before him,
were copies.

[1) 8946, Plut. CLXXII D. I have not myself seen this
MS., but the kindness of Mr. C. G. Luzac, of London, has furnished me
with all the information I deemed necessary to enable me to determine
as accurately as possible the place to be assigned to this document
in the series of the manuscripts of Tasman's voyage.]

[2) Cf. also BURNEY, III (1813), p. 60.--T. M. HOCKER,
Some Account of the Earliest Literature and Maps relating to New
Zealand (Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, 1894, pp.
620-621).]

But this insertion of transcripts of course need not in any way
impair the original character of a manuscript. Woide's argument that
the manuscript now preserved in the British. Museum should
necessarily be a transcript, because "when Tasman's name is signed,
it is allways said: undersigned Tasman," is accordingly
without foundation. There is other internal evidence, however, to
prove that in this case we have to do with a copy, viz. the
signature at the close of the manuscript. This closing

formula, of which we give a facsimile, runs as follows: "Actum in
t schip Heems kercq datum als boven. VEd. onderdanige ende altijd
verpligtigen Dinaar Was getekent[1] Abel Jansz Tasman" [Actum in the ship
Heemskercq; date as above. Your Worships' obedient and for ever
obliged Servant signed[1] Abel
Jansz Tasman]. Now this phrase "was getekent" cannot mean anything
else than that the whole journal is a copy, a fact which the
transcriber has certified by prefixing to the signature the words
"was getekent" (= was found signed).

Are there any data to determine the age of this transcript?
Concerning this point Woide says "It is an old copy of Tasman's
original. The manner of spelling proves in the most convincing manner
that this copy was written a century ago." This would land us in the
third quarter of the seventeenth century, roughly speaking. I should
have hesitated to give so positive an opinion. I am even inclined to
think that we may safely put the date of the copy somewhat later
still, and take the earlier part of the eighteenth century as the
terminus a quo.

We have now to consider the question, on what manuscript nearer to
the archetype, then, this not always accurate, sometimes even
slovenly[2] copy has been based. It is
always ticklish to attempt to answer such a question with absolute
certainty; but we may say with the highest possible degree of
probability that the writer of the British Museum manuscript has
transcribed either our copy or a transcript of the latter. Of course
the difference in spelling cannot be alleged against this
supposition; nor is this supposition affected by certain liberties in
which the writer has indulged, and certain mistakes he has made in
reproducing the text. Among these mistakes and oversights there are,
however, some that bear a more serious character. The dates of
September 22, 23, and 24, for example, have been left out. On
December 2 further on, our copy reads. "Dat voor aen om geseyden
hoeck, meenichten van meeuwen, wilde endtvogels ende
ganzen...gezien hadden." [That in front of

the cape aforesaid, (they) had seen numbers of gulls, wild
ducks and geese]. The British Museum copy corrupts this into "menigte
van menschen wilden ent vogels en gansen" [a number of
men, wild ducks and geese], and this, when it has just before
been observed, that the Netherlanders "niemant to zien gekregen
hadden" [had not got sight of any one]. Burney accordingly translates
"They could see nobody," but later on "they saw people; and
some wild ducks, and geese." In the map of Van Diemen's Land, in our
copy facing December 2, the name Frederick Hendricx Bay is omitted.
On January 9, 1643, the latitude noted is 35° 4', which is still
more erroneous than the latitude given in our copy, nor is this the
only mistake as regards longitudes and latitudes, committed by the
scribe of the British Museum copy. On the other hand various
interesting indications may be adduced in support of the supposition
advanced by me. All the drawings, surveyings, and charts, occurring
in our copy, are also found in the British Museum copy; nor does the
latter contain any others[1]. Thus it
is, for example, clearly observable in the chart of Van Diemen's Land
(Tasmania), which in our copy faces December 2, 1642, that originally
the degrees of longitude in it were given wrongly, and that these
errors have been rectified from the data furnished on this point by
the text of the journal. In the first instance, the degrees of
longitude had been marked 164°-172°[2], which figures have afterwards been corrected
to 162°-169°; 172° alone has been left unchanged. And now
it is highly curious to notice that in the British Museum copy all
the degrees of longitude have been altered in exactly the same way,
while only 172° has remained as it was, thereby perpetuating the
error. The copy also shows the exceptional length of the 169th degree
of longitude, which is 1½ times the length of the others. It
would be a most extraordinary coincidence, if the peculiarities just
detailed should occur in two or more copies independent of each
other. Something very like this is exemplified in the chart of
Statenland. It is directly seen in the chart in our copy that it must
have been the original intention of the draughtsman to mark the
degrees of longitude on the left hand side of the chart only (from
the beholder's point of view). Accordingly, on the right hand side
only the 190th degree of longitude is found marked, and there can be
little doubt that this isolated number was inserted at a subsequent
time. And now it is really surprising to find this one degree marked
in the chart in the British Museum copy. Near the anchoring-place on
the Moordenaarsbaai we find the longitude of 191° 30', and the
latitude of 40° 50' marked in the same hand which has marked the
190°. These indications are at variance with the general
arrangement of the chart, in which originally no longitudes or
latitudes were noted at the various parts of the coast touched at by
the Netherlanders[3]. Also in this case
it is highly remarkable that these very indications are also given in
the British Museum copy[4]. The marginal
note in our copy on January 24 "dit moet west zijn" [this should be
west] has been utilised by the maker of the British Museum copy; he
says: "'s midd: hadden de twe Eylandekens regt oost/west van ons 4
mijlen" (at noon we had the two islets due east/west of us at 4
miles' distance]. We further miss in the British Museum copy the
degrees of longitude between May 21 and 27, which are left blank also
in our copy. All these peculiarities are readily accounted for by
assuming that it was our copy that served as the model for the London
one, and they utterly exclude the possibility of any of the other
copies known to us having formed the basis of the transcriber's
work.

We now pass on to discuss the charts that formed part of the
journals. We are dispensed from offering any observations on those
charts which occur in our copy of the journal kept by Tasman: the
facsimile we give faithfully reproduces them. Some of the others,
however, demand a brief notice.

In the first place the Huydecoper MS. contains certain surveyings,
taken on December 4 and 5,

[1) At first sight the numbers of these adjuncts in the
two copies seem to disagree, but a closer scrutiny shows that the
copyist has brought together on one sheet sometimes more, sometimes
fewer items than he found in his model.]

[2) The erroneous longitudes on November 24 and December
1 agree with those found in the journal from the Sweers collection,
preserved in the Netherlands State Archives.--VALENTIJN has other
longitudes than our copy; but they do not tally with the text of our
journal, nor do they correspond to the longitudes which he himself
gives in his text.--Besides being found in BURNEY, this chart is also
reproduced by A. MAULT, on an old manuscript chart of Tasmania in the
records of the India Office (Australasian Association for the
advancement of science. Hobart, 1892, Section E, p. 2). This copy is
"taken from one made by Mr. Bonwick." That the copyist who made the
British Museum copy, must have studied the journal, when he was
reproducing the chart, is proved by the circumstance that he has
marked the reckonings in the chart. The word Cool (Corael?) 60
(MAULT) on the west coast is not found in the chart itself in the
British Museum, nor does it occur in Burney.]

[3) The figures at the "Klippige Hoek" are also clearly
of later date.]

[4) These indications have not been reproduced by
Burney.]

{Page: Life.69}

which do not agree with those found in our copy. These surveyings
have the following legends appended to them: "Aldus verthoont hem t
Landt op 4 Desember 1642 op de Zuyder Breete van 42 gradn 38 Menuyten
als het 2 Mijlen van U js.--Maria Eylant.--Aldus veithoont hem t lant
op 4 December 1642 op de Zuyder Breete van 42 graden 40 Menuyten als
het vastelandt 4 a 4½ Mijlen ende D'Eylanden 2½ a 3
Mijlen van U js.--d'E.Hr: Schoutens Eylant.--Verthooningh op 5en
December 1642 Als het 8 Mijlen van U js.--dE Hr. van der Lyns
Eylant." [Thus appears the land on December 4, 1642 in 42° 38,
S.L., at 2 miles' distance from the observer.--Maria Island.--Thus
appears the land on December 4, 1642 in 42° 40' S.L., the main
land being at from 4 to 41½ miles', and the islands at from
2½ to 3 miles' distance from the observer.--Schoutens
Island.--Appearance on December 5, 1642 at 8 miles' distance from the
observer.--Van der Lyn's Island]. Besides, certain parts of the
surveyings are indicated with some further detail.

Of greater importance, however, in this manuscript are two
charts[1], referring to our voyage,
which charts did not originally form part of the manuscript, but were
inserted at some subsequent period. One of them fairly well
corresponds to the chart of "Staete landt," found in our copy between
January[2] 4 and 5, 1643. Fairly
well...but not in all points. Leaving aside minute differences, I
mention that in the chart of the Huydecoper MS. are not found the
names "Abel Tasmans Passagie," and " Mordenaers Bay," which do
appear in the chart in our copy. Furthermore the Huydecoper MS. has
the words "Duijnich lant" [dune-like lands, where our chart reads:
"Sant duiningen dick" [broad sandy dunes]. Another important
difference[3] is, that in the chart in
the Huydecoper MS. in about 193° 30' E. Long. and nearly 41°
20' S. Lat., the coast shows a break clearly intended to denote a
"passage," whereas in the chart in our copy the coast-line is
uninterrupted. Besides, there are certain differences in the
delineation of the anchoring-places; the chart in our copy shows a
larger number of islands along the coast; the chart in the Huydecoper
MS. bears indications of the ship's reckonings between December 15,
1642 and January 6, 1643, which reckonings are not noted in the chart
in our copy; and, what is of the greatest importance, the chart
itself bears the information, that it has "been drawn with great
diligence and assiduity by Franchoijs Jacobszoon, steersman" [met
groot vlijt seer neerstig ontworpen (is) door Franchoijs Jacobszoon
stierman]. We have therefore to do here with a product of the
cartographic labours of Tasman's skilful coadjutor. This is also the
case as regards the other chart in the Huydecoper MS., that claims
notice here. This chart, like the one just referred to, gives the
impression of being an original, and bears the following inscription:
"Ontworp gedaen door Franchoys Jacobszoon stierman, de naemen gestelt
naer ordre vanden Commandr. Tasman" [Draft made by Franchoys
Jacobszoon, steersman, the names having been inserted according to
directions given by Commander Tasman]. This chart is found to bear a
strong resemblance to the one which in our copy is inserted at
February[4] 7, 1643. But, as regards the
names there given to the islands, etc., there is found so wide a
difference from those which the same islands, etc. bear in Visscher's
chart, that the words of the inscription just referred to: " the
names having been inserted according to directions given by Commander
Tasman," are calculated to create surprise at first sight. Some of
these discrepancies between the names in the two charts demand our
attention. The " Pijlstert Eylandt " [Arrow-tail Island] of our copy,
in Visscher's chart bears the name of "Vrouwen borsten" [women's
breasts], an appellation which our copy of the journal accounts for,
by stating on January 19: "This island appears like two women's
breasts, as seen east by north, at 6 miles' distance from the
beholder"[5]. On the next day it got the
name of "hooge pylstaerts eijlandt [high Arrow-tail Island], because
there were so many arrow-tailed ducks observed about it." Instead of
"t' Eijlandt Mijddelborch," Visscher's chart has "Hooch eylant" [High
Island], a designation which is also found explained in the journal
at January 21. "t' Eijlandt Amsterdam," also, is not called by this
name in the chart of the Huydecoper MS., where we read the following
account of it: "taemelick hooch [pretty high], als Gout-Staert jn
Engelant ofte Strijssaert jn Normandie;" and this is not cleared up
by what we read

[1) Cf. LEUPE in Bijdragen voor geschiedenis, 1. c., pp.
263-265.--I do not know Leupe's reasons for characterising the charts
in our manuscript as copies from the two charts discussed in the text
as found in the Huydecoper MS. (p. 265).]

[2) Not February, as given in Leupe.]

[3) This difference is not referred to by
Leupe.]

[4) Not January, as LEUPE erroneously has it in Bijdragen
voor geschiedenis, 1. c., p. 264.]

[5) Cf. also the surveying under the said
date.]

{Page: Life.70}

in our copy and in the Huydecoper MS., which both of them on
January 21 describe Amsterdam itself as "een laech eylandt, even als
Hollandt is" [a low-lying island, just as Holland is]. One of the
islets south of the island of Rotterdam, left without a name in the
chart in our copy, bears in Visscher's chart the name of Amockakij,
which agrees with the appellation of Namocaki in the surveying
between January 24 and 25, and in the first drawing, which in our
copy is found between January 25 and 26. Rotterdam itself is by
Visscher called "Annakooka laech, dit is onse waeter plaets geweest"
[low-lying, where we took in fresh water]; Tasman, besides naming it
after the well-known Dutch mercantile town, in the drawing January
25/26, just mentioned, also styles it Anamocka. The two islands
north-west of Rotterdam are in Visscher designated as follows:
"Amtafoe, wel gelijckende in de hoochte Crakatouw in de Straedt
Sunda" [Amtafoe, in height resembling Crakatouw in Sunda Straits],
and "Kaij Baij." In the chart in our copy the two islands are left
nameless, but in the drawing January 25/26, repeatedly mentioned,
they also figure as Amatafoa and Kaij Baij. But also on this point
there are differences. Our copy states on January 24, that it is Kaij
Baij, and not Amatafoa, which "in height and extent resembles
Cracatouw in Zunda Straits." The island which in our chart lies in
longitude 206° 20' E. and latitude 18° 50' S., is in
Visscher's chart denominated "Hooch eijlandeken" [High Islet], which
appellation is to some extent supported by statements in the journal.
We further miss in the chart last mentioned the names of Van Diemens
Reede, Vanderlins Reede, Justus Schoutens Bay, and Abel Tasmans
Passagie, all of which names duly figure in the chart in our copy.
The two charts show certain discrepancies in the grouping of the
islands and shallows. It should besides be observed that the
longitudes differ considerably[1]: the
Huydecoper chart locates everything about 1½° less to the
eastward, and less in accordance with the text of our copy, and that
of the Huydecoper MS. Finally attention should be drawn to the
circumstance that Visscher's chart notes the ship's reckonings
between January 18 and February 7, which are wanting in the chart in
our copy.

In the India Office there is preserved a chart of Tasmania which
must not be left undiscussed in this place. The Report on the old
records in the India Office, by George Birdwood[2], describes it as "a rough sketch, much
damaged, and only kept together by being backed with goldbeater's
skin." The chart[3] itself is drawn on
paper, and in a seventeenth century hand entitled "A draught of the
South land lately discovered 1643." It is impossible to say how this
chart has come by its English title[4],
nor are there any particulars forthcoming of its ulterior history. It
fully impresses the observer as bearing the character of an
original[5]. Was this chart drawn on
board the Heemskerk or on board the Zeehaen?, we may ask. This
question also is not likely to be ever satisfactorily answered[6]; nor shall we in this place attempt to
solve the problem. We shall only have to draw attention to certain
differences which strike the observer on comparing the chart in our
copy with the "draught." The longitude degrees in the "draught"
differ from those in our chart[7], as
well as from the degrees marked in Valentijn's chart; but in the case
of the latter the difference is much smaller. From this we may safely
conclude that the "draught" does not bear what I should wish to call
an official character. For on November 26, 1642 Tasman gave orders
that "the charts (of the newly discovered land) drawn up by any
person should lay down this land in the medium longitude of 163
degrees 50 minutes." In the "draught" we find it lying in 164°
40'. It is probable, therefore, that the "draught " had already been
prepared, when this order was issued; the alternative being that the
draughtsman

[1) LEUPE does not refer to this.]

[2) Second reprint (London, Allen, 1891), p.
77.]

[3) A facsimile 0f it is given by MAULT, l. c., who has
kindly enabled me to take cognizance of it.]

[4) Cf., however, MAULT, 1. c., pp. 3, 4.]

[5) Cf. MAULT, 1. c., p. 4.--I have even been under a
transient impression that it might have been drawn by the very person
who has written our copy; an impression derived from a comparison of
a single letter and various figures found in the chart, with those
occurring in our copy.]

[6) MAULT, l. c., pp. 3, 4, inclines to the opinion, that
it has been drawn on board the Zeehaen. One of his grounds for this
opinion is, that the island to the north of Maria Island is found in
the "draught," but not in the chart in our copy. The reason of this
difference would then be that this island had not been seen by the
sailors on board the Heemskerk, but only by the crew of the Zeehaen,
which latter ship would then have been "much further inshore than her
consort while sailing northward from the anchorage." But how then are
we to explain the circumstance that the islet, situated hard by the
anchorage in front of Frederik Hendrik Bay is also wanting in the
chart in our copy, while it duly appears in the
"draught"?]

[7) Cf. MAULT, 1. c., pp. 1 ff.]

{Page: Life.71}

has acted entirely on his personal responsibility. Still, the
"draught" is not without interest for us, because it gives more than
the chart in our copy. This additional matter is also found in the
chart in Valentijn, who accordingly must have had before him a model
with these addita, while it must remain a moot point whether
he took these supplementary details from the chart in the copy, of
which only the one folio leaf above described, now preserved in the
Hague State Archives, has come down to us.--which chart must then
have been more complete than any of the others known to us, since we
shall presently see that it must then have included also those
particulars which are not found in the "draught," but which do
appear in the chart in our copy--or whether by the side of those just
referred to, he had still other data to work from. The "draught"
shows both the islets near the anchorage in front of Frederik Hendrik
Bay, and the one north of Maria Island, while neither of these are
found in the chart in our copy. Valentijn has both of them. But
Valentijn has also availed himself of what is not found in the
"draught," but does appear in the chart in our copy, and in
the charts resembling the latter, actually existing or no longer
forthcoming. What Tasman has designated as the "Wits-eilanden", forms
a group of three islands in the "draught," and of four
in the chart in our copy: Valentijn, too, has four of them. The
configurations of Tasman Island and of the islands east of Tasmania,
which in the "draught" differ from those in our chart, in Valentijn
agree with the latter. In the "draught" Cape Frederik Hendrik has
become an island, while the chart gives it as a projecting point:
Valentijn has the projecting point.

Recapitulating the results obtained, we may enumerate the
following MS. sources for the history of Tasman's voyage of
1642-1643[1], of which sources we can at
the same time approximately fix the chronological order. First in the
order of time comes the draft journal, preserved in the State
Archives at the Hague, most probably written by a sailor of inferior
rank, and probably drawn up in the course of the voyage. The
qualification last mentioned probably also applies to the "draught"
of Tasmania in the India Office. Next in the series comes a class of
copies, which, with varying intervals in each case, are all of them
derivable from Tasman's own notes drawn up in the form of a journal
during the voyage: among the extant copies belonging to this class,
the original fair copy, reproduced in the present work (our copy)
bears the most pronounced original character. Then follows the copy,
of which the Hague State Archives preserve the one folio leaf, and
which is most probably slightly younger, though on the whole it bears
a coeval character. Finally we have the Huydecoper van Maarsseveen
copy, closely related to the class of copies above described, and
bearing probably a coeval, though not an original character. The
British Museum copy is a transcript of our copy. Nothing certain can
be predicated of the copy which is reported to have at one time
existed at Batavia, and of the one which in 1835 was sold by Mr. Bom
the Amsterdam bookseller: it is therefore quite impossible to
determine the places which ought to be assigned to them in the
chronological series.

Another source of information concerning this voyage is the chart
made after the second expedition to the South-land, undertaken by
Tasman in 1644. This chart was at one time in the possession of the
Amsterdam firm of Hulst van Keulen, and at present belongs to Prince
Roland Bonaparte at Paris. Swart appended a copy of it to his edition
of the journal of 1642/3. This copy is[2] negligently made, but failing the original[3], it would appear to be sufficiently
serviceable to enable us to determine the value of the original for
our purpose; especially if we bear in mind, what is known about this
chart from other sources[4], and
remember Swart's statement that he has copied it

[1) I shall discuss one of the most important sources,
viz. the chart registering the results of both this voyage and the
1644 one, when treating of the latter expedition.]

[2) My impression derived from a study of Swart's copy
only, is that of slovenliness. Leupe, who was in a position to
compare it with the original, judges more favourably of it. See
Bijdragen voor vaderlandsche geschiedenis, 1. c., p. 269. But cf.
also LEUPE'S remark in his book: De reizen der Nederlanders naar
Nieuw-Guinea en de Papoesche eilanden in de 17de en 18de eeuw. 's
Gravenhage, Nijhoff, 1875, p. 189. Mr. A. Mensing, of the
publishing firm of Frederik Muller & Co, who has seen the chart,
and accurately compared it with the Swart copy states that the chart
itself is magnificently made and that Swart's copy is very
inaccurate.]

[3) We must regret that Prince Bonaparte has elected to
refuse our request for permission to append to the present work a
reproduction of the chart in question.]

[4) SWART'S edition of 1860, pp. 2, 4-5, 182-189; LEUPE,
Bijdragen vaderlandsche geschiedenis, 1. c., pp. 268-272.--The chart
given in the present work, has been drawn up on the basis of the data
at our disposal. It gives a good idea of the chart referred to in our
text; but does not include a separate diagram, found in the original
and representing the ship's courses from Jaya to
Mauritius.]

{Page: Life.72}

"without alterations." The separate edition of 1860 gives
emendations, and is more accurate than the one in Swart's well-known
review, but there are still mistakes. That in this case we should
have to do with a chart drawn in the course of the voyage itself, is
out of the question. The truth is, that it was made immediately after
the expedition, before the close of the year 1644, by order of Van
Diemen, and under the eye of Tasman himself. On this point the
wording of the superscription leaves no room for doubt. "Dit
warck"--we are informed in seventeenth-century diction--"aldus by
mallecanderen gevoecht ut verscheyden schriften als mede ut eygen
bevinding by abel Jansen tasman Año 1644, dat door order van
de E.d. hr. gouverneur general Anthonio Van diemens." [This work has
thus been brought together out of divers writings, together with
personal observations by Abel Jansen Tasman, A. D. 1644, by order of
the worshipful lord governor-general Anthonio Van Diemen]. The
superscription further informs us that all[1] the countries represented in the chart "have
been discovered by the Company's explorers, excepting the north part
of New Guinea and the western extremity of Java." We now see for what
purpose the chart was drawn up: its object was to give a survey of
what in 1644 was known to the Netherlanders respecting the
South-land, if we may be allowed to retain this vague but generally
accepted appellation. What, we may ask, was the use of a survey like
this? It seems by no means improbable that Van Diemen, who was always
on the look-out for new discoveries, and who also, as we shall see
further on, kept his eye on the regions already visited by Tasman,
that Van Diemen, I say, caused this survey to be drawn up, precisely
with a view to projects of this nature. The copy known to us is
probably one that was sent over to the Netherlands: at least the back
of the chart bears the words: "[Caert?][2] van de nieuwe ontdeckte Ooster en Zuyder
Landen," together with a number (3): most probably the number of the
chart in the register, unfortunately no longer extant, of the
documents transmitted to the mother-country, December 23, 1644, and
the brief description as usually found on the documents sent from
India to the Board of Directors. The chart is drawn on Japanese
paper[4], like the one which embodies
the results of Quast and Tasman's expedition eastward of Japan in
1639, and that made by Tasman 8 September 1644, to be discussed
infra. As regards the spelling of the names the chart seems to
have been made up with great carelessness. In the copy made for his
edition Swart has endeavoured to introduce corrections on this point,
but elsewhere he has not always shown himself so accurate and exact
as to justify us in accepting his emendations without due reserve.
All this of course discounts the value of Swart's copy. Fortunately,
however, it is sufficient for our purpose as regards the main points,
for it clearly indicates the courses followed by Tasman in his two
voyages, and consequently the results of his exploratory
expeditions.

To some slight extent the copy admits of being checked and pieced
out by what we know about another chart[5], most probably drawn by Visscher, which is
likely to have borne a more original character[6]. This chart itself would seem to be no longer
extant, but there exists of it an English copy, presumably made still
in the seventeenth century[7], and
probably drawn up with very

[1) It is therefore going slightly too far, to assert
that Frans Jacobszoon Visscher must have been the maker of it, as we
find affirmed by C. H. COOTE, Remarkable Maps of the XV, XVI, and
XVIII centuries reproduced in their original size, p. 11 of the
Introduction and Notes of part II, and p. 11 of the Introduction and
Notes of part III (Amsterdam, Frederik Muller and Co., 1895).
Why, indeed, could not Tasman have been its maker, seeing that he
also drew the chart of September 8, 1644, to be mentioned infra? Cf.
also LEUPE (Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde van
Neêrlandsch-Indië, IV, p. 131, Navorscher, 1862, p. 304,
and Bijdragen vaderlandsche geschiedenis en oudheidkunde, 1. c., p.
272). But he does not go so far as Coote does. He only assumes that
Visscher must have been the author of the chart or a collaborator in
its preparation.]

[7) See R. H. MAJOR, Early voyages to Terra Australis,
now called Australia (London. Hakluyt Society, 1859), pp. XCVI
f. Mr. Mensing, however, assigns a much later date to this copy. His
supposition is founded on the quality of the paper of this copy. That
in the XVII century a chart or charts of Tasman's 1644 voyage were
known in England, is proved by the circumstance that Dampier in his
voyage of 1699 had with him a "draught" of the west coast of
Australia, "which was Tasman's." See A voyage to New-Holland, etc. In
the Year 1699. By Captain William Dampier. Volume III of A collection
of voyages. The Third edition. (London, Knapton, MDCCXXIX, p.
94.)]

{Page: Life.73}

little care[1], which copy is at
present preserved in the British Museum[2]. If we may rely on a reproduction of this
copy[3], we may assume with a very fair
degree of certainty that its original must have been a draft which is
likely to have been used in the drawing-up[4] of Tasman's compilatory chart just discussed.
At all events this is more probable than the reverse supposition,
that the British Museum copy has been made from the Bonaparte chart,
or from another resembling the latter: the discrepancies are too
marked for such a supposition. We may surmise that Visscher had made
a more or less rough draft; that the Bonaparte chart had transferred
to it this rough draft, rendered more accurate on the one hand, but
with the omission of certain details, which Tasman either considered
as mistakes, or for other reasons thought it unadvisable to take
over. In this way we might then account for the fact that Visscher's
draft contains certain notes which are not found in Tasman's chart;
thus there would be nothing strange in the fact that, where Tasman's
chart, for instance, reads: "Compagnies Nieuw Nederland. In het
Oosten het groote landt van Nova Guinea met het eerste bekende
Zuidland, wezende één land en altezamen aan elkander
vast, als bij deze gestippelde passage bij d'jachten Limmen, Zeemeeuw
en de quel de Brak [gezien] kan worden. Ano 1644." [The Company's
Nieuw Nederland. In the east the large country of Nova Guinea with
the first discovered South-land, forming all one continent together,
as may be seen from this dotted line near the yachts Limmen and
Zeemeeuw, and the 'quel' (galiot) de Brak, A.D. 1644], Visscher's
draft--supposing that the English translation faithfully reproduces
the original Dutch text--should have contained the following
explanation: "This large land of New Guinea was first discovered to
joyne to ye South land by ye Yot Lemmen as by this chart Ffrancois
Jacobus Vis: Pilot Maior Anno 1643"[5];
especially if we bear in mind that, as appears from the
"Instructions," Visscher was skipper of the Limmen in the expedition
of 1644, and is therefore likely to have been inclined to give the
place of honour to the ship which he himself commanded; thus it would
become easy to account for the circumstance that a large number of
local names appearing in Tasman's chart, are not found in Visscher's
draft, and likewise that the soundings in the two charts strikingly
differ from each other[6]; all which
discrepancies can be readily accounted for, if we suppose Visscher's
chart to have constituted one of the data for Tasman's work,
but are utterly inexplicable on the supposition that Visscher's chart
has been copied from Tasman's or from one resembling it. However this
may be, now that we know Tasman's chart, the British Museum copy is
not of sufficient importance to necessitate a more detailed
discussion of the discrepancies referred to: the only service
required of it being, that in a few cases it has to do duty to
determine the results of Tasman and Visscher's two voyages slightly
more circumstantially than would be possible without the copy in
question.

A certain interest as a "check" also attaches to a chart, to be
further discussed infra, made by Tasman himself a very short
time after the termination of his second voyage, viz. on September 8,
1644. The names of places appearing in this chart "along the coast of
Nova Guinea" are a highly welcome means of control, and a very
serviceable complement to what we learn from the Bonaparte chart[7].

[1) On the coast of Van Diemensland, for example, are
found the Boreels Islands, and slightly more to westward there is an
island which on November 29 "showed like a high stumpy steeple." The
English copy mixes up these different islands and has: "Borells Iland
is like a steeple." "Van der Lijn's Island" becomes "Sanderlins
Iland;" Drommeltjes van eylanden benoorden Nieuw-Guinea" [small
island-groups north of New-Guinea] becomes "Dromel: loco Islands;"
"met een riff" [with a reef), or something to that effect: "meeter
nies;" Cabo St. Maria: "Abo St. Maria," etc. etc. Cf. LEUPE,
Bijdragen vaderlandsche geschiedenis, 1. c., p. 271. I have not
thought it necessary to record all these mistakes here.]

[2) Sloane MSS. No. 5222, Art. 12.]

[3) For this reproduction I am indebted to the great
courtesy of Mr. A. Mault, who made of the copy a facsimile which has
been photolithographed for the Royal Society of Tasmania. MAJOR gives
a copy on a reduced scale in his book referred to higher up. RAINAUD,
Le Continent Austral (Paris, Colin, 1893) gives (p. 363) a
"Carte-esquisse des voyages de Tasman autour de l' Australie
(d'après une carte hollandaise, Bibl. nation. Reg C. 6789)."
This "carte" gives no details, and seems to be of no interest
whatever.]

[4) Cf. LEUPE in Bijdragen vaderl. gesch. 1. c., pp. 271,
272.]

[5) A slip of the pen, of course, either by Visscher
himself, or, what is more likely, by the seventeenth-century English
copyist.--MAJOR, 1. c., p. XCVII, here refers to a "twofold blunder,
both as to fact and date." The date is certainly wrong, but as
regards the "fact" ("to joyne to the South land") there can be no
question of a mistake. Tasman and Visscher really supposed that New
Guinea and the "South-land" formed one whole. They were mistaken, but
from their point of view they could only certify that they had
discovered that New Guinea was joined to the "South-land." If the
draughtsman (or the copyist?) had put the phrase cited in the text:
"This large land... Anno 1643," more to the north in the chart, it
would have been exactly in its place. Cf. also LEUPE, 1. c, pp.
270-271.]

[6) I fail to understand why LEUPE, Bijdragen
vaderlandsche geschiedenis, 1. c., p. 271, says that "the soundings
made in the course of the second voyage, generally" agree with each
other in the chart of Tasman and in Visscher's draft.]

[7) Cf. LEUPE, Reizen Nieuw-Guinea, pp. 173-174, who is,
however, mistaken as to the date of its being completed. This date
was not September 1, but September 8, 1644]

{Page: Life.74}

Besides the charts hitherto discussed, there are at our disposal
certain other authentic documents bearing on the voyage of 1644. The
object for which the expedition was undertaken may be especially
inferred from the instructions drawn up for the guidance of its
leaders, and besides, from certain resolutions of the
Governor-General and Councillors, and from certain letters written by
these dignitaries. Its result is briefly stated in general terms,
inter alia in the General missive of December 23, 1644. This
missive refers to "the Chart and Journals inclosed" and to the
"Batavian diary, in which are noted the courses and particulars of
the voyage, under date August 4, 5 and 10 last past." This diary is
no longer extant. The "chart" of which there is question here, may
possibly be the one now in the possession of Prince Bonaparte. There
can be no doubt that a journal of this voyage was sent over to
Europe. In 1854 Leupe hit on a cover bearing the superscription:
"Journaal ofte dachregister van de voyagie gedaen door den Commandeur
Abel Jansz. Tasman, met de Jachten Limmen, Zeemeeuw ende 't Galjoot
de Haesewint, langs de custe van Nova Guinea ende 't onbekende
Suyt-lant 1644, geannoteert door Crijn Hendrixen de Ratte,
opperstierman op 't Jacht de Zeemeeuw"[1]) [Journal or daily register of the voyage
made by Commander Abel Jansz. Tasman, with the Yachts Limmen,
Zeemeeuw and the Galiot of de Hasewint, along the coast of Nova
Guinea and the unknown South-land in the year 1644, written by Crijn
Hendrixen de Ratte, first mate in the Yacht Zeemeeuw]. Furthermore,
about the year 1859[2], Mr. Frederik
Muller, the founder of the publishing firm of Fred. Muller and Co.,
discovered the binding which had once contained the account of the
results of this voyage, not indeed as momentous as the one made in
1642/3, but still decidedly important enough to make us deeply regret
that the narrative detailing the faits et gestes of our hardy
navigators in the course of this expedition, has not come down to
us[3]. Fortunately we need not give up
all hope of once recovering it: many a lucky find quite unexpectedly
made in cases when all hope had long been given up, may serve to buoy
up our confidence. For the present, however, we are fain to put up
with the fragmentary data touching this voyage, furnished by the Old
Colonial Archives, and found scattered elsewhere.

Some years were to elapse before the results of the exploratory
voyages were made public property. It was in the very nature of
things that for the Board of Directors of the East India Company, who
considered its very existence to be indissolubly bound up with the
strict maintenance of its monopoly, and with the exclusion as far as
possible of countrymen and foreigners alike from the commercial
territory which they themselves occupied; it was, I say, in the very
nature of things that for the Board of Directors there was not a
single motive that could have prompted them to publish to the world
at large the results of voyages of discovery undertaken at their
command, at all events by functionaries in the service of the
Company. In arranging for these expeditions their first and foremost
object was, the obtaining of new commercial advantages, and they were
far from deeming it their duty to draw the attention of others to
these new markets. It were to be wished--thus they once unbosomed
themselves[4] on hearing of rumours
concerning fruit-bearing islands in the eastern part of the Malay
Archipelago--"that the said land continued still unknown and never
explored, so as not to tell foreigners the way to the Company's
overthrow." These words gave characteristic utterance to the serious
apprehensions entertained by the Directors at the idea of even the
bare possibility of their once acquired and conquered mercantile
privileges being infringed. A petty shopkeeper's policy this, no
doubt, when

[1) See LABORANTER (pseudonym of P. A. Lam) in
Navorscher, Vierde Jaargang (1854), pp. 161 f.--Cf. also LEUPE,
Reizen Nieuw Guinea, p. 41.--A somewhat striking circumstance is the
deviation in the names of the ships, a point to which I shall revert
in the sequel.]

[2) See FREDERIK MULLER'S paper entitled "Ervaringen in
Nederlandsche Archieven", in Nederlandsche Spectator, 1874, p. 226 or
227. Leupe, however, at the time assistant in the Netherlands State
Archives, wrote in 1875: "We do not know anything about this binding"
(Nieuw Guinea, p. 41, Note 2). My search for it has been equally
fruitless.]

[3) No journal of it has been found either in the State
Archives at the Hague, or in the Government Archives at Batavia. As
regards the latter repository, see Tijdschrift voor Indische taal-,
land- en volkenkunde, uitgegeven door het Bataviaasch Genootschap van
Kunsten en Wetenschappen. Batavia, 's Hage, 1862, XII p. 544--About
the year 1825, too, a search for it seems to have been made in India.
See J. VAN WIJK ROELANDSZOON in Nouvelles Annales des Voyages, de la
géographie et de l'histoire...publiées par J. B.
Eyriès et Malte-Brun. Paris, XXVII, Gide, 1825, p.
144.--LAUTS (Konst- en Letterbode, 1835, p. 263) writes that he had
heard it said, "that in England a MS. of Tasman's first voyage and
another of his second ditto were reported to be preserved," but
unfortunately, as a rule, Lauts is not prodigal of particulars
respecting the sources from which he drew his
information.]

[4) In their missive to the G.-G. and Counc. of September
9, 1645. Cf. my Bouwstoffen, III, pp. XXXIX--XL.]

{Page: Life.75}

judged from the far more liberal point of view so common in our
days; still a policy that can be better accounted for, understood,
and defended, when we see it put in practice by men who reaped ample
profits from the application of their narrow system; at a time too,
when mercantile competition was well-nigh equivalent to open
hostility, a time, whose "commercial spirit had a general character
of narrowness"[1]. It was not wonderful
therefore that the Company's archives were not always accessible to
such as were desirous of utilising the documents there preserved, for
purposes utterly foreign, nay in the opinion of the Directors quite
contrary, to the interests of the association whose management was
entrusted to their care. Still, it is noteworthy that the results,
for instance of Tasman's exploratory voyages, and for the matter of
that, of other expeditions also, can have been given to the world at
so comparatively early a date. This circumstance sufficiently proves
that the desire of the Directors to make a secret of new discoveries
did not assuredly go so far as to prompt them efficiently and
systematically to thwart any attempts at publication, though on the
other hand they are not likely to have afforded them any cordial and
substantial support. For the matter of that, indeed, they cannot but
have been aware that concealment on their part alone could not have
the effect intended, unless such secrecy was equally observed by
their subordinates. And among the latter there were numerous
foreigners, more especially among the sailors of inferior rank.
However all this may be, it is quite sure that as early as the middle
of the seventeenth century the printing-press had published to the
world at large a good deal of what the Netherlanders had been doing
during the fifty years of their presence in the East[2].

A few years already before the text of any of the journals kept in
the course of either voyage was published, certain results obtained
by these expeditions had--in the Netherlands first--become known from
charts.

Our attention is in the first place[3] claimed by a large map of India quae
Orientalis dicitur, et insulae adiacenles, t' Amsterdam, Gedruckt bij
Huych Allardt, inde Kalverstraat inde Werell-kaart[4]. It was engraved by Pieter Nolpe[5], who died in 1652 or 1653[6], and was dedicated by Allardt "nobilissimis,
amplissimis atque prudentissimis viris domino Cornelio De Graaf[7], Haereditario in Suit Polsbroek,

[1) MAJOR, Early Voyages, p. IX. Cf. also FRUIN, Tien
Jaren, p. 216. Cf. Major's temperate remarks concerning the
uncommunicativeness of the Directors, pp. VI--XI. This secretiveness
on the part of the Directors was animadverted upon already at an
early period. Perhaps this was in the mind of the compiler of Begin
ende Voortgang, where he says (II, Nnn 3, p. 90): "That in publishing
the voyages now given to the world we have been fain to make shift
with these and the like pieces (lacking well-nigh all arrangement),
we earnestly request the reader not to impute to us, but to the lack
0f Documents ["Documenten"); for, had we been provided with the same
in manner as we were led to hope at the outset, you may rest assured
that the work would have turned out briefer and more succinct, and
would have been drawn up in a very different style." P. A. TIELE, in
his Mémoire Bibliographique sur les journaux des navigateurs
Néerlandais réimprimés dans les collections de
De Bry et de Hulsius et dans les collections Hollandaises du XVIIe
siècle. Amsterdam, Frederik Muller, 1867, p. 246, Note
1, translates--correctly perhaps--"Documenten" by the phrase
"pièces officielles," and adds: "Cette demi-accusation
regarde probablement les Directeurs de la Compagnie des I. 0."--Cf.
also e.g. THÉVENOT in Voyages curieux in his "Avis,"
prefixed to the first edition (1663), and in the dedication "Au Roy,"
prefixed to the edition of 1696; Nouvelles Annales, publiées
par Eyriès et Malte-Brun, II, p. 44-46, where a similar charge
is copied from another French work dated 1663. As for the
secretiveness on the part of the Directors see Res. of the
States-General, Febr. 12, 1619; Ress. of the XVII, Jan. 29 and May
25, 1619; April 27, 1623; July 11, 1628; Aug. 21, 1629 etc.; missive
of the XVII to G.-G. and Counc. Oct. 25, 1628. Comp. also P. A.
LEUPE, De reizen der Nederlanders naar het Zuidland. Amsterdam, Hulst
van Keulen, 1868, p. 47.]

[2) The space at my disposal of course prevents me from
giving the titles of these publications: I can only refer the reader
to the well-known bibliographies of TIELE and others.]

[3) MAJOR, Early Voyages, pp. XCV and XCVI, is in error.
The map of the world of Louis Mayerne Turquet, brought out in Paris
in 1648, a copy of which is in the British Museum, does not give the
results of Tasman's voyages. (Communicated by Messrs. C. H. Coote and
Anton Mensing]. Major, indeed, refers to this map only as "mentioned"
elsewhere. (Cf. EYRIES in Nouvelles Annales, II, p. 22. This author
says, but erroneously: "La premiere carte que j'ai vue, oil les
decouvertes faites a la côte occidentale de la
Nouvelle-Hollande et celles du premier voyage de Tasman soient
marquees, est la mappemonde de Louis Mayerne Turquet, publiée
a Paris en 1648. La projection en est très bizarre."
Presumably Major has taken his erroneous information from this
utterance of Eyries). Major is equally mistaken where he says: "This
outline (of Tasman's voyage or voyages) was also given in the map
entitled Mar di India in the 1650 (Cf. Eyries, 1. c.) edition of
Janssen's Atlas." The map last referred to, of which a reproduction
is given in Remarkable Maps. Amsterdam, Frederik Muller &
Cy, 1895, II, No. 12 and p. II of the Introduction and Notes,
exhibits the results only of the discoveries anterior to
Tasman's.]

[7) De Graaf was a director of the Amsterdam Chamber of
the East India Company [VALENTIJN, I (MDCCXXIV), a, p. 302, compared
by me with the resolutions of the said Chamber]. The fact that Allard
dedicates his map to him proves once more, that the secretiveness on
the part of the Directors was not a very strict one.]

{Page: Life.76}

domino dri. Gerardo Schaap, domino in Kortenhouf, domino Nicolao
Corver, domino dri. Franconi Vander Meer, Praetori Supremo, nec non
Consulibus inclytae Rei publicae Amsterodamensis." Only in the year
1652 these four Amsterdam citizens were together burgomasters
(consules) of the town[1]. The map
accordingly dates between 1652 and 1653[2]. On this map the results of Tasman's two
voyages of 1642/3 and 1644 are indicated. Whilst those of the latter
are drawn on the map itself, the former are given on a small
world-map in one of the corners, where Hollandia Nova and Ant. van
Diemens Land are found. It should, however, be noted that, as regards
the subject in hand, it bears a hybrid character. Whereas, namely,
the discovery in 1642 of Van Diemensland (Tasmania)[3] is duly noted on it, together with results of
the expedition of 1644, yet it does not contain the names given by
Tasman in his first voyage to various points of the north-coast of
his New Guinea. Allard and Nolpe show here the whole of that coast,
as it was known in the pre-Tasmanic era[4]. The Bonaparte chart actually exhibits the
results of Tasman's surveyings on the north-coast of his New-Guinea;
nay, and this is indeed very remarkable, the Visscher draft in the
British Museum, otherwise chary enough of place-names, is lavish of
them precisely as regards the surveyings in question. This marked
difference between Allardt's map and the two charts just referred to,
clearly shows that Allardt was not acquainted with them. But on the
other hand the question, what charts have formed the groundwork for
his map, can not be answered in the absence of positive indications[5].

Nor can the charts last mentioned have been used by Nicolaus
Joannes Visscher for the purposes of his map of the world[6], dating from 1657[7]. This map altogether ignores the 1644 voyage,
and of the 1642/3 expedition it only notes the discovery of Van
Diemens-land. All the place-names in the latter country occurring in
this map of the world, are also found in the chart in our copy,
excepting one, viz. the word "Zeehaen" on the west-coast, which
exception clearly proves that our copy cannot

[2) That there should have been emendations made in the
engraving after its first publication, is, in the opinion of Mr. VAN
DER KELLEN, not admissible.]

[3) There was no room on it for Statenland (New Zealand)
and the islands of Amsterdam, etc.]

[4) A comparison of this chart with those in
Remarkable Maps, (e.g. II, no. 10) will show this at a
glance.]

[5) Mr. COOTE (Remarkable Maps, III, p. I) assigns the
dates 1647 and 1656 to a large terrestrial globe of uncertain
date--hence my treating it in a note--still bearing the name of
Guiljelmus Blaeu. (As regards the Blaeu's see especially P. J. H.
BAUDET, Leven en werken van Willem Jansz. Blaeu. Uitgegeven door het
Provinciaal Utrechtsch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen.
Utrecht, Van der Post, 1871; a "Naschrift," 1872; and Notice
sur la part prise par Willem Jansz. Blaeu (1571-1638) dans la
détermination des longitudes terrestres. Utrecht,
Manssen, 1875). Only two exemplars of this globe would seem to
have been preserved: one of them being in the library of Trinity
House in London, the other in the British Museum.

So far as Australia and New Guinea are concerned, a reproduction of
it is given in Remarkable Maps, III, no. 1. It gives an idea of the
results of the two voyages of discovery. It should however be noted
that as regards the subject in hand, it bears the same hybrid
character as the map referred to in the text. Whereas, namely, the
discovery in 1642 and 1643 of Van Diemensland (Tasmania), of
Statenland (New Zealand), of the islands of Amsterdam, Rotterdam,
etc. is duly marked also on it, together with results 0f the
expedition of 1644, yet it shows the whole of New Guinea, as it was
known in the pre-Tasmanic era, as will appear from a comparison of it
with the charts in Remarkable Maps, II. The presumption that the
person who made Blaeu's globe was not acquainted with the Bonaparte
chart and the Visscher draft, gains strength from a few other
details. The globe shows the names Pedra Branca south of Van
Diemens-land and Frederik Hendrik-baai on the south-coast of the
latter, together with the name Moordenaars-baai on the west-coast of
Statenland, all of them appellations unknown to the Bonaparte chart
and the Visscher draft alike. The question now rises: What charts
have formed the groundwork for this globe of Blaeu's? Presumably, the
draft of Van Diemens-land, of which a copy is preserved in the India
Office, was not among them, since it exhibits certain details not
given by Blaeu. Nor can the Huydecoper copy have been one of Blaeu's
sources, since it gives no map of Van Diemens-land, and its map of
Statenland does not contain the name Moordenaars-baai. If on the
0ther hand we suppose Blaeu to have had before him the charts of our
copy or of one corresponding to it, all these difficulties vanish:
Pedra Branca, Frederik Hendrik-baai and Moordenaars-baai are all of
them found in these charts; another chart gives Amsterdam, etc.,
while charts of New Guinea do not occur in this copy. We conclude
then that Blaeu has most probably used the charts of our copy or of a
copy in all respects equivalent to it, in all cases in which he
registers the results of the voyage of 1642/3. Besides, he must have
been cognisant of the results of the 1644 expedition. How he obtained
this knowledge cannot now be determined; the Bonaparte chart and the
Visscher draft, however, must be altogether excluded. I cannot
therefore and after comparison with other maps of the time, agree
with Mr. Coote, where (Remarkable Maps, Introduction and notes to
Part II, p. I) he mentions the Bonaparte chart as one of the "main
sources from which the Dutch cartographers of the latter half of the
17th century have drawn."]

[6) Reproduced in Remarkable Maps, III, 2. This
reproduction is taken from a Staten-Bijbel 0f 1657, in the possession
of Mr. A. Mensing. It is always very risky to assign the date that
figures as the date of publicationo on the title-pages of
Staten-Bijbels, also to the maps contained in them. It is a fact,
that after the publication maps of a later date were often
bound up with these Bibles. But there is no reason to believe this to
have been the case in this instance; the less so, because the
world-map in the 1661 edition of this Bible, also made by N. Visscher
(Orbis terrarum tabula recens emendata et in lucem edita per N.
Visscher) gives not only Van Diemens-land, but also Statenland; the
latter at the spot where the map discussed in the text has the legend
about discoveries from the age of Columbus down to Le
Maire.]

[7) COOTE, in Introduction to Remarkable Maps,
III, p. I.]

{Page: Life.77}

alone have done duty in the drawing of the map in question. From
another chart (to which we shall refer lower down), it appears that
this word is intended to mark the spot where the Zeehaan was supposed
to have first sighted land. None of the sources known up to the
present goes to show that it was this ship and not the Heemskerk,
that first made the discovery of Van Diemens-land. Perhaps the reason
why, notwithstanding the silence of all the authorities, this name is
found in Visscher's map of the world, may be sought in the
circumstance that the draughtsman used a chart no longer extant,
drawn up on board the Zeehaan, and expressly recording the fact that
the discovery had been made on board the said vessel. One of the
maps[1] in Joannes Janssonius'[2]Atlantis Majoris 5a pars...Orbis
Maritimus, which atlas appeared at Amsterdam, 1658-1659[3], has the same note, slightly enlarged: "t'
Landt bij de Zeehaen eerst gesien" [Land first sighted on board the
Zeehaen]. For the rest, this map also shows names that are not found
in the Bonaparte chart and in the Visscher draft in the British
Museum; while at the same time, excepting the note concerning the
Zeehaan just referred to, all the names occurring in it are also
found in the charts in our copy of the journal. As regards the
sources from which it was derived, we are led to about the same
conclusion at which we arrived in the case of the map of the world of
1657. Janssonius, however, gives more than Visscher: his map exhibits
not only Van Diemensland, but also Statenland, and besides we find in
it evidence that also the 1644 voyage had not remained quite unknown
to him, in the words: "Nova Hollandia detect(a) Anno 1644." The
north-coast of New Guinea is not delineated in this map, but it is
shown in a map[4], entitled Indiae
Orientalis nec non insularum adiacentium Nova Descriptio Per Nicolaum
Visscher, and comprised inter alia in J. Janssonius'
Novus Atlas, das is Welt Beschreibung[5], brought out at Amsterdam, 1657-1658[6]. It is remarkable enough that, as regards
this north-coast, this map also shows no traces of any acquaintance
with the results of Tasman's 1642/3 voyage, so that we are led to
conclude that the draughtsman must have been unacquainted with the
Bonaparte chart or the Visscher draft. On the other hand, however,
the maker of this map of India Orientalis must needs have been
cognisant of the results of the second voyage, since he duly outlines
the north-coast of New Holland. Nova totius terrarum orbis
tabula auctore F. de Wit, published t' Amsterdam bij Frederick
de Wit inde Calverstraet inde Witte Paskaert, 1660[7], gives a tolerably complete survey of the
results of both voyages: only the islets of Amsterdam, etc. are
wanting; wanting also in this map again, is the new delineation of
the north-coast of New Guinea. Nor is this delineation met with in a
map[8] of 1660[9], entitled 't Ooster Deel van Oost Indien,
streckende van Ceylon tot Japan en Hollandia Nova, published t
Amsterdam bij Hendrick Doncker, Boekverkooper en Graadboogh maker In
de Nieuw brug steegh in't Stuurmans gerèschap, which map
again does give names, fixed upon in the (second) voyage of 1644.[10]

In the course of the next year the results of the exploratory
voyages were, partly at least, spread abroad by means of the press in
a very different manner. For in 1661 was brought out, Tot
Amsterdam, Bij Danker Danckerts, in de Calverstraet in de
Danckbaerheyt, a folio volume, entitled Afbeelding van't Stadt
huys van Amsterdam, In dartigh coopere Plaaten, geordineert door
Jacob van Campen; en Geteeckent door Jacob Vennekool [A
delineation of the Town-hall of Amsterdam, on thirty

[1) Reproduced in Remarkable Maps, III,
3.]

[2) As regards Janssonius, cf. TIELE, Mémoire, pp.
10, 44, 365 etc.]

[3) It is still possible, that, although the title-page
of this atlas bears this date, as Mr. COOTE told me (cf. Remarkable
Maps, III, pp. I-II), the map referred to dates from another year;
but there is no evidence either way. Cf. also TIELE, Bibliographie
Land- en Volkenkunde, pp. 121 f.]

[4) Reproduced in Remarkable Maps, III,
4.]

[5) COOTE, in Remarkable Maps, III, p.
II.]

[6) Cf. TIELE, Bibliographie Land- en Volkenkunde, p.
122. But what is said in note 3 supra, applies mutatis
mutandis also to this atlas.]

[7) Reproduced in Remarkable Maps, III, 5.--It is
also contained in Doncker's Atlas, to be mentioned by and by,
preserved in the Hague State Archives.]

[10) In describing the earliest charts in which Tasman's
voyages are noted, I have especially dwelt on such of them as are
found reproduced in "Remarkable Maps," discussing them in the order
in which they occur there. I have been led to adopt this plan by the
consideration that such readers as wish to follow my disquisition,
will find it easier to do so, if I refer them to this interesting
collection, than if I should cite the authority of atlases dispersed
in various places, and many of them difficult of
access.]

{Page: Life.78}

copper plates, made by order of Jacob van Campen, and designed by
Jacob Vennekool]. Plate O. 1. of this collection represents "De
Grondt en Vloer van de Groote Burger Sael" [Floor of the great Civic
Hall] of the said edifice. This floor was, oddly enough, inlaid
inter alia with two hemispheres. In one of these are shown Van
Diemensland (Tasmania) and the lands, surveyed in the 1644 expedition
(Hollandia Nova); Statenland (New Zealand) is wanting. A reprint of
this pictorial publication was issued Tot Amsterdam Bij Frederick
de Widt, in de Witte Pascaert. This reprint bears no date, but
has bound up with it another work on the Town-hall, published by De
Witt, of which the first part[1] bears
the date 1665. The erection of the Town-hall was begun in 1648, and
the Municipality took possession of it in 1655[2]. December 9, 1656 is the date[3] of a short poem by the famous Dutch statesman
and poet Constantijn Huygens[4], in
which he celebrates this "terrestrial globe in two hemispheres
represented on the floor." It would be difficult to give more
convincing evidence than this public panegyric, that the
secretiveness as regards the results of Tasman's voyages of
discovery, was not very seriously meant. Wagenaar, "historiographer
of the city" of Amsterdam, gives the following description of the
hemispheres in the floor of the Civic Hall[5]: In the inlaid floor of the hall...was
represented, in the centre, a transverse section of the celestial
globe, in which was shown the Arctic pole; while the constellations
in the manner in which they are usually pictured, together with the
celestial circles made in brass, were inlaid in the marble floor. But
in this plane celestial globe the pictures have greatly suffered from
the ravages of time and wear and tear. On both sides of the celestial
globe, towards the two extremities of the hall, were found two plane
hemispheres: the eastern one represented Europe, Asia and Africa[6]; the western one, America. The coasts
were marked out by coloured stones. The line equinoctial, the
ecliptic and the other circles were made of brass. Time and wear and
tear had partly shorn also these pieces of art of their pristine
beauty. Therefore, a few years ago, they had begun to renovate the
said hemispheres. But the material[7] by
which the land and water were to be marked off from each other, being
found to be too perishable, the space taken up by the hemispheres was
cunningly filled up with marble, without again introducing the
pictures formerly comprised in them: in which condition the work has
continued down to the present time. Each of the three circles is
about twenty-two feet in circumference." We see then that about the
year 1765[8], when Wagenaar published
the passage just given, the two hemispheres had disappeared from the
floor

[Whosoever marks this floor and these gorgeous vaultings must think
within himself: Verily, this corporation is in all its branches made
up of exceedingly ingenious persons; they teach us in reason to
trample upon the world, and to look up aloft.]

[6) CASPARUS COMMELIN, Beschrijvinge van Amsterdam.
Amsterdam, Oossaan, MDCXCIV, p, 271, has: "the 'omtrekken of
uyterste grenzen' of the three parts of the ancient world, Europe,
Asia and Africa...and a part of New Holland."]

[7) Presumably these are meant on p. 26, where Wagenaar
speaks about "the 'gebeelde' stones that were 'geschikt tot' the two
plane hemispheres in the floor of the Great (Civic) Hall, but not
made use of." These stones where then (1765) preserved in one of the
rooms of the T0wn-hall.]

of the Civic Hall[1]; but it is worth
noting in this connection that as late as 1743 hemispheres "cunningly
made of brass and coloured stone, skilfully inlaid" are found
described as lying in that floor[2]. In
1746 the renovation was begun[3], but
did not succeed.

In our time, however, but not in Wagenaar's days[4], not in 1772[5],
not in 1773[6], not in 1793[7], nor in 1807[8],
the floor of the Groote Krijgsraad-zaal (great Court-martial Hall) is
found inlaid with two hemispheres. Could these have been transferred
thither from the Civic Hall? The very circumstance that the
delineations do not agree with each other--in the map in the
Court-martial Hall, for instance, Van Diemensland, now called
Tasmania, forms a whole with New Holland, which was not the case in
the hemisphere found in the Civic Hall; besides, there are
differences between the names given in the maps[9]--this circumstance, I say, suggests a
negative answer to the question. It appears from a document, covering
the period from October 8 to November 12, 1806[10] in the Town-archives at Amsterdam, that in
that time it was resolved to lay into the floor of the Groote
Krijgsraadzaal two hemispheres of white marble within two circles of
brass.

Between the years 1650 and 1660, then, Tasman's two exploratory
voyages to what is now known as Australia, were already so well-known
in the discoverer's native country, that they were duly reckoned
with, when it was thought expedient to represent the surface of the
globe within the walls of the "eighth wonder of the world."

As already mentioned higher up, from this time forward we
regularly find the results of the voyages duly registered in the maps
of the best-known atlases. To Tasman's native country, therefore--and
not, as has been asserted[11], to
foreigners--are we indebted for the promulgation of whatever new
discoveries were made in the course of these voyages, which
transferred from the terrae incognitae to the known world, the whole
of a part of the earth's surface, which up to that time had either
been only vaguely talked of, or been altogether unknown. Still, it
was long supposed that on this point foreigners had had the start of
Tasman's countrymen. In 1663, namely, there appeared at Paris[12] the first edition of the premiere
partie of Melchisedec Thévenot's Relations de divers
voyages cvrievx, qvi n'ont point esté ov qvi ont esté
tradvits d' Hacluyt, de Purchas, & d'autres Voyageurs Anglois,
Hollandois,...,enrichies...de Cartes Géographiques de Pays
dont on n'a point encore donné de Cartes. Among these maps
in the first part of the first edition of Thévenot's
well-known work, there is one of what is now called Australia, "vne
Carte de cette cinquième Partie du Monde"[13]. What data, we may ask, can have been at
this Frenchman's disposal in the preparation of his work? His own
statement on this point runs as follows: "Presque toutes les costes
de ce Pays-la, ont esté découuertes, & la Carte que
l'on en a mise icy, tire sa premiere origine de celle que l'on a fait
tailler de pieces rapportées, sur le paué de la
nouvelle Maison-de-Ville d'Amsterdam." From this the inference is,
that Thévenot claims to have seen the Chart which was reported
to have formed the basis of the two terrestrial hemispheres in
the

[3) As appears from documents in the Town-Archives at
Amsterdam, dated May 6 and 10, 1746, published in Bouwkundige
Bijdragen, XII (1862), pp. 219 f.]

[4) WAGENAAR, 1. C., pp. 26-27.]

[5) Guide d'Amsterdam, pp. 325 f.]

[6) Cf. also BURNEY, III, p. 182.]

[7) Le guide d'Amsterdam Amsterdam, Cóvens,
MDCCXCIII, pp. 159 f.]

[8) JAN FOKKE, Geschiedkundige beschrijving van het
vermaarde stadhuis van Amsterdam. Amsterdam, Johannes Allart,
MDCCCVIII, pp. 128 f. He says (p. IV), that he describes the
building, just as he had seen it the year before.]

[9) Communicated by Mr. E. W. Moss, assist-librarian of
the University-library at Amsterdam, who saw the floor of the Great
Court-martial Hall (now invisible) in 1895.]

[13) A reproduction of this map will be found in
Remarkable Maps, III, 7.--This map also occurs in Receuil de
voyages de Mr. Thévenot (A Paris, Chez Estienne Michallet,
1681.--Cf. CAMUS, p. 282), of which there is a copy in the Leiden
University Library. But this map, though, excepting a slight
correction, it is for the rest quite conformable to the 1663 one,
shows the line of the "Route d'Abel Tazman," with various dates near
Van Diemensland (Tasmania) and Nova Zelandia (Statenland). It is hard
to see how Thévenot came by these dates. They do not quite
correspond to the extract--to be discussed by and by--from Tasman's
journal, published in 1696 in the nouvelle édition of his
"Relations." This edition also contains the map, as given in the
Receuil of 1681.]

{Page: Life.80}

floor of the Civic Hall in the town-hall of the famous
trading-city; from this chart, the map published by him had,
according to his statement, "tiré sa premiere origine." On the
face of it, this is by no means impossible: We have no reason to
doubt that Thévenot was in a position to utilise documents not
till then elsewhere published, regarding what the Netherlanders had
done in Tasman's time. The Relation de l'estat present dv Commerce
des Hollandois & des Portugais dans les Indes Orientales, for
instance, which opens Volume II, is not likely to have been elsewhere
printed before him[1], and we may safely
admit that in this case Thévenot's good faith is entirely
above suspicion, where he says: "Je la donne traduite fidelement sur
l'Original manuscrit qui m'a esté enuoyé d'Hollande."
If this is true, we have certainly no reason to doubt the
possibility of his having seen the chart from which the
hemispheres in the Town-hall had been modelled, and of this chart
having formed the groundwork for his map. But he must have had other
data besides: the map is far more elaborate, and the legenda are much
more in number. In this case too, the Bonaparte chart and the British
Museum draft are out of the question, regard being had to what
Thévenot's map tells us about the north-coast of New Guinea.
Apart from this, his statements correspond to those made in the
charts above discussed[2]. The name
"Vater (water) plaats" in Van Diemensland (Tasmania), only, is not
found in any of these[3]. That of the
1642/3 expedition, charts--no longer available--must have existed, in
which this name was actually given, may perhaps be inferred from the
circumstance that this appellation is found, for instance[4], in the Nieuwe Wassende Graade Paskaert
van't Zuydelyckste deel van Asia, contained in the Niew Zee
Atlas of Water Weerelt, published Tot Rotterdam. By Pieter van
Alphen, Boeck-verkooper by de Roo-Brugge in de vierige Colom.
1660, dedicated to the Heeren Gecommitteerde Raden ter
Admiraliteyt tot Rotterdam den 5 December 1659; a cartographic
compilation[5], of which the first map
(of the world)[6] utterly ignores
Tasman's discoveries, while the map above referred to, being the last
of the whole work, gives both Van Diemensland and the results of the
1644 voyage, but at the same time leaves the north-coast of New
Guinea as it used to be represented in previous charts. Statenland
(New Zealand) is not given in this map, nor, indeed, could it be
included, since the map does not extend so far eastward.

This map in Van Alphen's atlas bears a close resemblance to
Thévenot's map[7], but on the
other hand there are certain slight discrepancies, which seem to show
that Thévenot has not copied Van Alphen. What source, then,
have they most probably drawn from? Here, too, no positive answer can
be given: we can only, for the reason above mentioned, lay down as an
undoubted fact, that the Bonaparte chart and the Visscher draft in
the British Museum cannot have done duty as models; nor is it at all
likely that the text of the journal has been utilised in their
preparation. These two negative conclusions also apply to most,
perhaps[8] to all of the printed charts
and atlases, brought out in the Netherlands down to about the year
1660.

[1) The Dutch orginal I have included in Vol. III of my
Bouwstoffen, pp. 51-56, because I had not found it printed anywhere
else.]

[2) [5) I cannot endorse Coote's
theory (Remarkable Maps, III), that Thévenot must have
consulted Blaeu's maps in the first place. The name "Timorr Laut",
for instance, is also found in the map, to be referred to by and by,
in Van Alphen's work and Clippige Hoek in different other charts
(Remarkable Maps, III, 3, 5). May not Thévenot have
compiled his map from various others? The following circumstance
would seem decidedly to point that way. On the coast near Zelandia
Nova, beside "Het eijlandt drij Koningen," Thévenot places
another island(?) "Koningen." Now it is highly probable that in this
case he had before him two different Dutch readings, one with the
name "Drie Koningen," the other with the name "Koningen," or with an
indication of which only the word "Kon(m)ingen" was at all
clèar to him. Not knowing that the two expressions were meant
for the same thing, he transferred both of them to his map. Still,
Thévenot's mistake here may also be due to sheer inadvertence.
However this may be, this small slip has been perpetuated in
subsequent French charts, e.g. in Hydrographie francoise. Receuil des
cartes marines, dressées au dépôt des cartes,
plans et journaux. Par ordre des Ministres de la Marine, depuis 1737
jusques en 1772. Par feu M. BELLIN, Ingénieur-Hydrographe du
Dépôt et autres, II, No. 100 (1742-1756).]

[3) Nor is the name, to be discussed infra, Jacob
Remens riuiere, on Nova Hollandia's west coast.]

[4) Also in Blaeu's Archipelagus of 1659 in Klencke's
atlas (Remarkable Maps, III, Introduction, p. I), as Mr. Coote
has informed me. This chart also has Jacob Remens
Revier.]

[8) Of course I have no absolute certainty on this point,
since I have not been in a position to inspect all of them without
exception. But the conclusions apply to all such maps and charts as I
have been able to examine. Mr. Coote informs me that also the maps,
mentioned on p. I, col. I of his Introduction to part III of
Remarkable Maps, bear the ante-Tasmanian character of the
north-coast of Nova-Guinea.]

{Page: Life.81}

A few years later already, ampler information must, however, have
been generally available. This appears from the Zee-atlas, in
1666 Gedruckt tot Amsterdam, Bij Pieter Goos, Waater in De
Vergulde Zee-spiegel[1]. The
information is evidently now more clearly defined, but not absolutely
accurate. Whereas the Paskaerle zijnde 1' Oosterdeel van Oost
Indien contained in it, does give some names on the north-coast
of Australia, fixed upon in Tasman's second voyage, and gives the
shape of the north-coast of New Guinea, as it is found
delineated in the Bonaparte chart, but has no traces of Tasman's
visiting in 1644 a part of the south-coast of this island and
the east-coast of the gulf of Carpentaria, north of Van
Diemens rivier; whereas therefore this chart has not wholly lost the
hybrid character to which I have referred above, Goos's Pascaerte
vande Zvyd-Zee tusschen California, en Ilhas de Ladrones, which
records the discoveries of 1642/3, also offers a good deal that is
quite new. The names "De Eylanden van Onthong Java"[2], "Koens (read "Caens-") Eyl.," "Denys
(Gardenijs-) Eyl.," "Visscher Eylanden," and "De bocht van Goede
Hope" all of them owe their existence to Tasman's exploratory voyage
northward of New Guinea[3]. It is hard
to say what data Goos had at his disposal. His sources probably did
not include the Bonaparte chart and the Visscher draft in the British
Museum, since the shape of New Guinea in Goos's chart differs from
that given to this island in the charts just referred to, while
besides in them a few names are wanting which do occur in Goos's
chart; inter alia "Sant duynen" in Statenland (New Zealand).
Perhaps, besides the charts contained in the journal, also the
land-surveyings occurring in it may this time have done duty; perhaps
this has also been the case with the journal itself[4].

However this may be, after a very few years more we come upon
proof incontrovertible that a journal of the voyage of 1642/3 must
have been known and accessible. But before turning to this proof, we
shall have to refer to an account of the said voyage based on
information totally unconnected with the sources above discussed, or
with the literature[5] to be referred to
in the sequel. The year 1671 is the date of a compilation[6], put together by Arnoldus Montanus, and
published t' Amsterdam, By Jacob Meurs Boek-verkooper en
Plaet-snijder, op de Kaisarsgraft, schuin over de Wester-markt in de
stad Meurs. The title runs as follows: De Nieuwe en Onbekende
Weereld: of beschrijving van America en 't Zuid-land. The
eleventh chapter of the third book of this folio[7] is superscribed "Onbekende Zuid-land," and
contains a narrative of Tasman's voyage of 1642-1643. The narrative
is not cast in the form of a journal, and though not presenting any
great interest, still, as regards the history of this voyage of
discovery, it is of some importance in that it gives certain details
not mentioned anywhere else[8]. It may
therefore do duty as a kind of supplement to Tasman's own journal.
The narrative is based on information supplied by the "ship's surgeon
Hendrik Haelbos," who formed part of the expedition, and plays a
somewhat conspicuous part in the account given by Montanus. His name
is expressly mentioned in the list of "the Names of the writers cited
in the present Work," figuring at the end of Montanus'

[1) A copy of it is preserved in the Hague State
Archives.]

[2) This name is also found in the Pascaerte van de
Zvyd-Zee, 'tAmsterdam By JOHANNES VAN LOON Plaet-snyder en
Zee-caert-maecker buyten de S. Anthonis-Poort, aen 't Kerck-hof, in
't Lelystraetje, contained in his Klaer-Lichtende Noort-Star ofte
Zee-atlas, at least in the new edition of 1666 (Hague State
Archives). The older edition of 1661 (TIELE, Bibliography, p. 156), I
have not seen.]

[3) Precisely this part of Australia is wanting in Goos's
(Joannus van Keulen's) chart, reproduced in GEORGE COLLINGRIDGE, The
Discovery of Australia (Sydney, Hayes, 1895), facing p.
286.--The name "De bocht van Goede hoope" occurs also on Goos's
"Oosterdeel van Oost Indien." On both Goos's charts is found the name
"Strus hoeck" or "Struys hoeck" at the place where the Bonaparte
chart has "(Salomon) Sweers hock." This is probably a mere slip, but
it is perpetuated in different maps of later date. The names "Hoog
landt" and "Een hoog eyl(and)" also owe their existence to Tasman's
voyage of 1642/3.]

[4) I abstain from discussing such charts as have been
prepared subsequent to the publications of the journal, unless they
should happen to show deviations worth referring to.]

[1) Mr. Coote (Remarkable Maps, III, Introduction, p. II)
prints the following extract from the text of the first English
edition of DONCKER'S Sea atlas or the Watter World 1660, of which
there is a copy in the British Museum: "We will call Terra Australis,
those Countreys in the South of Nova Guinea, whether (sic) the
Hollanders most zayled (sic) in the year 1644, and in these our Maps
are called Hollandia Nova and Nova Zeelandia. Notwithstanding sith
the coasts are but partly discovered, and that we have no knowledge
of the inward Countreys, wee shall as yet let them rest under Asia,
til further discovery; and commend such a division to our Posterity,
if wee by our life gaine no more knowledg" (sic). The same passage is
found in Dutch in de "Korte verklaringh der afdeelingh, gestaltenis,
ende eigenschappen des Aerdtbodems" in Doncker's Atlas, with the year
1661 on the title-page, preserved in the State-Archives at the Hague,
in Doncker's edition of 1666, and in other atlases, e.g. that of Goos
(1666).]

[2) Cf. TIELE, Bibliographie Land- en Volkenkunde, pp.
171 f.]

[3) Pp. 577-585.]

[4) I do not, so far, agree with Tide's dictum: "The text
is a mere compilation from the works of other authors, and is
accordingly [the italics are mine) of small
value."]

{Page: Life.82}

folio. Haelbos's narrative, which would seem to have gone out in
print[1], since Montanus expressly
contrasts the names of the writers who were his authorities, with
"several Journals not printed," is therefore probably, together with
the charts already mentioned, the oldest work in which Tasman's
voyage is found described[2].

In the following year 1674 there at length appeared a work, of
which the author had had access to a copy of the journal of the
1642/3 voyage, kept by Tasman himself[3]. True, in a few places[4] in the first volume of his exceedingly rare
Eenige Oefeningen, to which we have referred higher up,
brought out in 1669, the author shows that he was acquainted with the
results of Tasman's two voyages of 1642/3 and 1644, but it was only
in the second volume of this work[5],
published in 1674, that Dirk Rembrantszoon Van Nierop gave to the
world "Een kort Verhael uyt het Journael van den Kommandeur Abel
Jansen Tasman, int ontdekken van 't onbekende Suit-Lant"[6] [A brief abstract from the journal kept by
Commander A. J. Tasman in discovering the unknown South Land]. Now,
which manuscript can Dirk Rembrandtszoon have drawn from? We may at
the outset put aside the sailor's journal from the Sweers collection,
now preserved in the Hague Archives, since it was not kept by Tasman
himself, and because, besides, Van Nierop gives particulars not
contained in it. Next, our copy is excluded also: the mere fact that
Rembrandtszoon has recorded the longitude on May 18, 1643, which our
copy fails to do at the said date, would make us doubt the
possibility of our mathematician having made use of the latter, at
least to the exclusion of other copies. But there is more to be said,
to which we shall revert by and by.

Subsequent to Van Nierop, Nicolaas Witsen, himself a notable
promoter of ulterior voyages of discovery to the South-land[7], would seem to have been the first to utilise
for his geographical studies the results of the 1642/3 expedition,
making use of a ship's journal. The first edition, now become
exeedingly rare[8], of his well-known
work Noord en Oost Tartarye bears the date of 1692[9]. In its first volume[10] certain parts of the journal are discussed,
and some of them printed at length. The most interesting feature,
however, of Witsen's remarks about this expedition, are certain cuts,
copied from drawings in the journal used by him, which cuts we may
assume to have been the first reproductions of the said drawings
spread abroad by the printing-press. Which journal, we may ask, has
Witsen made use of? This is very hard to determine. The cuts may have
been derived from our copy, or from one resembling it: the feathers
on the heads of the New-Zealanders, found in the copy used by
Valentijn, are not shown in the cuts given in Witsen's book, and,
perhaps to prevent his text from clashing too much with the picture,
he inserted the word " sometimes," so that his text reads as follows:
"Black hair right atop of the head...on which there is
sometimes[11] a large thick white
feather." Besides, Witsen has certain turns of phrase, which are
almost or absolutely identical with

[1) I have not succeeded in hunting up any copy of
it.]

[2) Of Montanus' compilation there appeared, in the same
year still, an English version by John Ogilby (TIELE,
Bibliographie, p. 172). I have not seen this version. The year
1673 is the date of a German translation, also in folio, and now
become very rare [see G. M. ASHER, A bibliographical and historical
essay on the Dutch books and pamphlets relating to
New-Netherland...Amsterdam, Frederik Muller, 1854-67, p. 23),
entitled: Die Unbekante Neue Welt, oder Besthreibung des
Welt-teils Amerika, and des Sud-Landes...Durch Dr. 0. D...Zu
Amsterdam, Bey Jacob von Meurs, auf der Keysersgraft, in der Stadt
Meurs; this translation also contains the information above
mentioned concerning Tasman's first voyage (pp.
649-658).]

[3) TIELE, Bibliographie Land- en Volkenkunde, p. 178,
is, however, too sweeping where he says that Van Nierop's work is
"the first to mention Tasman's voyage of discovery." Van Nierop
seems, indeed, to have been the first to use Tasman's own journal,
but otherwise Montanus (and Haelbos?) have had the start of him. To
be sure, Tiele had not seen Van Nierop's booklet (of which there is a
copy in the Royal Library at the Hague), when he mentioned it in his
bibliography. This also accounts for the fact that with reference to
Montanus' work, Tiele could say (p. 172): "The description of the
'Unknown South Land' takes up 9 pages only" (the italics are
mine], and that he does not refer to the number of pages taken up by
this description in Rembrantszoon's publication, where it also covers
9 pages only, and these much smaller ones too.]

[4) Pp. 15, 19.]

[5) Pp. 56-64.]

[6) A contemporary(?) manuscript copy of this exceedingly
rare tract is in the possession of Messrs Frederik Muller & Co.
This proves its being scarce already in the XVII(?)
century.]

the corresponding passages in our copy; for example, certain
expressions between January 21 and April 6 are by him used on pp. 178
and 179. On the other hand, however, Witsen's longitudes and
latitudes do not always correspond to those in our journal, in some
cases even showing enormous differences. Since Witsen does not
profess to give any regular narrative of the voyage, but only selects
certain episodes pretty much at random, without mentioning dates, it
is quite impossible to control these longitudes and latitudes to any
practical purpose, and this method of his prevents us from making any
inferences at all reliable touching the sources from which he derived
his knowledge. In one place he himself volunteers the information,
that his statements are partly based on a "written account drawn up
by one of the steersmen who with Tasman had made the voyage to the
South in the year 1643"[1], and this
goes a long way to prove that he cannot have used our journal, which
as we know was signed by Tasman himself. The Sweers sailor's journal
in the Hague State Archives is out of the question on account of its
divergent purport; so is the Huydecoper copy, since it contains no
drawings. We are left to grope in utter darkness as regards this
point: Witsen may have used a journal which is no longer extant, or
he may have compiled his account from various copies[2].

More than half a century after the appearance of Van Nierop's
little book, viz. in 1726, the well-known Francois Valentijn,
"sometime Minister of the Word of God in Amboyna, Banda, etc.",
brought out[3] the second part of the
third volume of his celebrated work Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien,
vervattende Een Naaukeurige en Uitvoerige Verhandelinge van
Nederlands Mogendheyd In die Gewesten [Old and New East India,
comprising a full and exact account of the Dutch power in the said
regions], of which the first volume had appeared in 1724. The second
part of the third volume, bearing the separate title of
Verhandeling der Zee-horenkens en Zee-gewassen In en omtrent
Amboina En de naby gelegene Eylanden, Mitsgaders een naaukeurige
Beschrijving van Banda en de Eylanden onder die Landvoogdy begrepen.
Als ook der Eylanden Timor en Solor, Celebes ofte Macassar, Borneo en
Bali. Mitsgaders van de Koningryken Tonkin, Cambodia, en Siam.
Benevens een Verhaal der Zaaken in de voornoemde Eylanden en
Koningryken tot nu toe voorgevallen [A dissertation on the
sea-shells, conchs, and marine plants found in and about Amboyna and
the islands circumjacent; together with an exact account of Banda and
the islands belonging to the said presidency; also of the islands of
Timor and Solor, Celebes or Macassar, Borneo and Bali; moreover of
the kingdoms of Tonquin, Cambodja, and Siam. To which is added a
narrative of what has taken place in the islands and kingdoms
aforesaid up to the present time]; this second part, I say, contains
a narrative of Tasman's voyage of 1642-1643[4]. This account is more circumstantial than the
one given in Van Nierop's book, and besides contains a "Chart of the
Voyage of Abel Tasman according to his own directions," and several
other charts, land-surveyings and drawings. The chart first mentioned
contains names not fixed upon in Tasman's voyage: the names of
Barnevelds Eiland[5], near Van
Diemens-land (Tasmania), Baey van Philippus en Jacobus (in
Statenland)[6], and 't eiland
Uiterdam near Rotterdam and Amsterdam, are not mentioned in the
journal[7]. Besides using the data
furnished to him by the copy of the journal which he consulted,
Valentijn has most probably compiled this chart from other charts,
also of a later date, and not forming part of the copy of the journal
of which he availed himself; with the exclusion always of the
Bonaparte chart and the Visscher draft in the British Museum, on
account of the divergent shape therein given to New Guinea. For,
although he reproduces various charts that formed part of his copy of
the journal, none of these reproductions affords information as
regards the names above referred to. As I have already observed, the
reproductions just mentioned, together with the land-surveyings and
drawings, given by Valentijn, in a few cases differ from those in our
copy; but Valentijn does not give more

[1) pp. 178, 179.]

[2) I must not, however, omit to mention that Witsen was
on friendly terms with Van Nierop. See GEBHARD, 1. c., I, pp. 501
ff.]

[3) At Dordrecht, with Joannes Van Braam; at
Amsterdam, with Gerard Onder de Linden.]

[6) This name is also met with in other charts; e.g. in
the map of the world by Carel Allard in Atlas nouveau par le Sr.
SANSON Geographe ordinaire du Roy. Paris, Hubert Jaillot,
1692.]

[7) VALENTIJN, 1. c., p. 54, also mentions Uiterdam in
his text, but the chart he gives on p. 55 has no such
name.]

{Page: Life.84}

than what our copy contains. That, however, he did not base his
account on the latter, is made evident by various small details
contained in his narrative, but not found in our copy: e.g. the
longitude taken on May 18, 1643, which is also mentioned by Van
Nierop. The latitude taken on February 6 differs in our copy from the
one given in Valentijn, which in its turn agrees with the statement
in Van Nierop[1]. What copy Valentijn
used, we have already seen higher up: it was the one of which a
fragment--one leaf with drawings--is now preserved in the State
Archives at the Hague: If, however, we institute a close comparison
between Valentijn's statements and those in Rembrandtszoon's work, it
becomes perfectly evident, that either must Valentijn in various
passages have simply copied Rembrandtszoon, or both have drawn from
the same source. Valentijn is far more circumstantial, but at certain
dates (e.g. on October 8, 1642) he sometimes agrees word for word
with his predecessor. In some few cases (e.g. on January 21 and March
25, 1643) Valentijn first gives the condensed abstract, just as it is
found in Van Nierop, and afterwards goes on to treat the same subject
once more at great length. Next, we meet with passages (for instance,
on November 18, 1642) in which Valentijn relates nearly the same
things which are told in Van Nierop; only that Valentijn's account is
less exact and more perfunctory. Then, both the authors sometimes
make the very same mistakes, e.g. in marking the longitude and
latitude of the landing-place in Frederik-Hendriksbaai[2]. There can therefore be no doubt that the two
accounts are in some way related to each other. Can it be, that
Valentijn first copied Van Nierop's account, and supplemented the
latter by information derived from a copy of the journal. This is no
doubt possible, though it is hardly likely. It is clear that
Valentijn must have studied the whole of the journal: why then, now
that this laborious task had at all events to be faced, instead, of
drawing directly from the source nearest to his hand, should he have
been at the increased trouble of studying the two sources and
comparing them at the same time? It is therefore far more probable
that Valentijn and Van Nierop both of them made use of the same copy
of the journal, or at all events of two identical copies. If this was
the case, and we can hardly escape from this conclusion, the nature
of these copies can no longer be a mystery: they must have been
copies that in various passages gave only a condensed abstract of
Tasman's narrative: they cannot have been duplicates of the original
copy. A small circumstance, quite insignificant in itself, must not
pass unnoticed in this connection. The fragment still extant of the
copy which Valentijn probably made use of, bears the paging 21, while
the drawings found on it, occur on folios 32 and 33 of our copy: an
indication that the first, which we know to have been written by the
same hand as the second, has been a more condensed one. This
circumstance materially strengthens the presumption which we have
expressed higher up, that the Blok copy is likely to have borne a
less original character than our copy, though at the same time the
two may well have been coeval with each other. If Valentijn's account
is carefully studied, it furthermore becomes evident that in those
cases in which his copy goes into greater detail, it contains
information due to Tasman himself. Thus he says, for instance[3]: "The quartermaster and two other men
swam to our (i.e. Abel Tasman's) ship." And in certain passages (e.g.
on February 20 and 26, March 14, 1643) Van Nierop uses the very same
words that are employed in our copy. Taking everything into account,
therefore, we may safely venture the hypothesis that Van Nierop and
Valentijn both of them made use of an abstract of the narrative
account of the voyage drawn up by Tasman himself, and that either
this abstract was made from our copy, supplemented by a number of
separate items of information; or the abstract was based on a copy
closely agreeing with ours.

Van Nierop's Kort Verhael (brief narrative) has been
translated more than once, and into various languages[4]; which has also been the case with
Valentijn's abstract. The best known translation of

[1) The longitudes taken on Febr. 6 and May 18 are the
same as those given in the Huydecoper copy.]

[4) I only know the French adaptation, entitled "Voyage
d'Abel Tasman," in the Nouvelle Edition of MELCHISEDEC
THÉVENOT'S Voyages curieux, II (Paris, Moette, 1694.--Cf.
CAMUS, pp. 283-284, 292, 334), with which I have been made acquainted
through the courtesy of Mr. Martinus Niijhoff, publisher at
the Hague; and the French translation, made from an English version
of 1711 (Cf. DALRYMPLE, Historical Collection, II, p. 65), and
entitled: "Relation d'un voyage aux Terres Australes inconnues,
Tirée du Journal du Capitaine Abel Jansen Tasman," in
Voyages de François Coreal aux Indes
Occidentales...Traduits de l'Espagnol. Avec une relation...(du)
voyage de Narborough a la Mer du Sud, etc. Traduits de l'
Anglois. a Amsterdam, Chez J. Frederic Bernard, 1722, III,
pp. 201-223. The translator speaks in the first person, and not in
the third, as Van Nierop does [An abridgment of this translation is
found in (De Brosses) Histoire des navigations aux Terres Australes.
Paris, Durand, MDCCLVI, I, pp. 456-463]. In (A. F.
PRÉVOST) Histoire générale des voyages. Paris,
Didot, MDCCLIII, XI, pp. 209-214, this French translation has
been followed. Also in Histoire Generale des voyages. Nouvelle
Edition. La Haye, Pierre De Hondt, MDCCLVIII, VI, Pp. 68-74,
based on Prevost. To "Le Routier manuscrit," to which De Hondt's
edition refers, I cannot assign a place among the manuscript journals
of this voyage. The degrees of longitude and latitude, therein
mentioned, do not at all agree with any one of the manuscript
journals known to me. De Hondt has most probably taken his engravings
from Valentijn. Of De Hondt's edition there exists a Dutch
translation: Historische Beschrijving der reizen, about which see
Tiele in his Bibliographie land- en volkenkunde, pp. 25 f. In part
XVIII (Amsterdam, Hayman and others, MDCCLIX) the Reise van
Abel Jansen Tasman naar de onbekende Zuidlanden, in 1642, is found on
pp. 361-368, with the same engravings given in De Hondt.--Cf. also
CAMUS, Mémoire, p. 334; EYRIES in Nouvelles Annales, II, p.
41; TIELE in Bibliographische Adversaria, vol. I, pp. 200 f; etc. The
English version of 1711 is perhaps meant on p. 345, Tome VI of the
very inaccurate Bibliothèque universelle des voyages par G.
BOUCHER DE LA RICHARDERIE. Paris, Strasbourg, 1808. He speaks there
of the voyages of James (Jacques) Tasman!]

{Page: Life.85}

the latter work appeared in 1771, in the second volume[1] of the well-known compilation of Alexander
Dalrymple: An historical collection of the several voyages and
discoveries in the South Pacific Ocean, containing the Dutch
Voyages[2]. The editor "used
Valentijn as the text, but collated" this text with the data
otherwise at his disposal: translations of Van Nierop's brief
narrative. Part of the drawings and land-surveyings given in
Valentijn, Dalrymple has transferred to his pages.

Additional light was thrown on the subject in 1813. In this year
appeared[3] the third volume of James
Burney's well-known work: A chronological history of the
voyages and discoveries in the South Sea or Pacific Ocean, which
volume inter alia contained an abridgment[4]) of Woide's English translation of the copy
of Tasman's journal preserved in the British Museum, Burney having
simply omitted from his text such parts of it as he deemed
unimportant[5]. All the charts contained
in the British Museum copy of Tasman's Journal, Burney transferred to
his work; of "the Views of Land and other Drawings [6], only a small portion has been taken."[7].

In the year in which Burney's translation was given to the world,
the Netherlands stood a fair chance of shaking off the yoke imposed
upon them by the usurping genius who during a couple of decades had
been sapping the foundations of the European political system: the
Netherlands vindicated and recovered their place among the free
nations, and the greater part of the Dutch colonies and possessions
were restored to them. With their new-born independence revived the
desire of the Netherlanders to open the annals which held the record
of the history of their nation; to study that glorious history, to
learn to know it better, to supply its deficiencies, to rewrite it in
the light of renewed research. The history of the Dutch colonies also
soon got an ample share of this revived interest, which equally
embraced the part which the Netherlanders had had in the discovery of
the terra incognita. In 1825, for instance, was published the little
book already mentioned, of the Utrecht professor G. Moll, entitled
Verhandeling over eenige vroegere zeetogten der Nederlanders
[An essay on

[4) Pp. 63-110--MATTHEW FLINDERS also incorporated with
his own work, certain parts of Woide's translation of the London
manuscript. See his Ontdekkingreis naar het Groote Zuidland, IV, p.
224.--So did J. P. GELL, with or without the assistance of Burney's
work, in his paper on the first discovery of Tasmania of November and
December 1642 (Tasmanian Journal of Natural Science, Agriculture,
Statistics, etc. II, 1846, pp. 321-327). I have not seen the
publication last mentioned, but Mr. J. Backhouse Walker, of Hobart,
has been kind enough to oblige me with a written copy of Gell's
paper. This written copy I have compared with Burney and with what I
knew about the London copy, and the comparison removed any doubts I
might have entertained respecting the origin of Gell's statements.
The latter, however, are not important enough to necessitate
publication of the results of the comparison instituted by
me.]

[5) Pp. 59-62. Besides, there are numerous mistakes in
Burney's edition. These mistakes are in part clearly imputable to
Burney himself, while others of them originated with Woide, who made
the translation into English. I cannot of course enumerate them all
here, but would draw attention to a few of them, well worth notice.
On February 24, Burney gives the longitude taken, as 192° 58'.
The London Manuscript, in accordance with our copy, has: 192°
28'. On April 4 and 5, Burney has Gerrit de Nys Island; the London
MS. and our copy have: Gar(-)denys eiland. On April 22 bleek
(water) is found translated by "black." On May 11, Burney gives:
6° 30' declination of the compass, while the London MS. and our
copy both of them have: 6° 50'. On May 18, Burney has: "we
believed them to be pirates;" the London MS. and our copy
reading: "Tydoorezen." On May 19, Burney has: "cultivated land,"
while the British Museum copy and ours agree in reading: "gebroocken
landt."]

[6) A few discrepancies will be noticed between the
drawings figuring in Burney, and those found in our copy. This
circumstance, however, does not make against our presumption that the
British Museum exemplar is a copy of ours. For Burney has not adhered
closely to the British Museum copy. Facing p. 85, for instance, there
is a drawing which is not found in our copy; but this drawing is also
wanting in the London copy. It is evidently a blending of Tab. XIX
and Tab. XX of the latter manuscript (in our copy placed between
January 23 and 24). The foreground with two large boats is taken from
Tab. XIX, the whole of the background with the three small boats,
from Tab. XX. Burney has put two men in the boat shown in the drawing
facing p. 99; the London MS. and our copy have three men
here.]

[7) P. 112.]

{Page: Life.86}

certain early voyages made by the Dutch]; in 1827 this example was
followed by the ex-lieutenant of the navy R. G. Bennet, and the
Hattem boarding-school master J. Van Wijk Roelandsz., who in the said
year published their Verhandeling ter beantwoording der vrage over
de Nederlandsche ontdekkingen in Amerika, Australië, de
Indën en de Poollanden, en de namen, welke weleer aan dezelve
door Nederlanders zijn gegeven [A dissertation answering the
question as to the Dutch discoveries in America, Australia, the
Indies, and the Polar regions, and as to the names originally given
to them by the Dutch][1], an essay to
which the Utrecht Society of Arts and Sciences had awarded its first
prize. Like Moll, the writers of course gave to Tasman the honour he
so amply deserved; but as they did not make any renewed
investigations as to Tasman's life and labours, and do not seem to
have been completely acquainted with the literature concerning these
points, then available, their work does not offer any new points of
view at all important for our purpose. A somewhat dubious or hybrid
place must be assigned to the well-known work, already alluded to, of
the Amsterdam professor N. G. Van Kampen, published 1831-1833, under
the title Geschiedenis der Nederlanders buiten Europa [History
of the Netherlanders outside Europe]. In the Preface to his first
volume, which embraces the period of Tasman's activity, the learned
author expresses his regret that only printed sources and literature
were available for his purpose. "How gladly," he says, "should we
give up a large portion of this printed matter, in exchange for a
circumstantial narrative by Tasman himself, especially of his second
voyage, of which next to nothing is authoritatively known up to the
present time!"--"I am well aware," he goes on to say, "that in spite
of the numerous sources I have enumerated, there remains a great deal
still to be unearthed and investigated, concerning which full
information could be derived only from the records of the late
Company, for whose secrecy[2], at this
time of day at least, there would not seem to be any well-founded
reason. The present Author can only express the fervent wish that the
courteous kindness of those scholars and distinguished persons who
have control over these records, may at some future time put at his
disposal such unedited documents as might enable him to throw fresh
light on the course of events, and maintain the honour of the Dutch
name." His wish did not remain unfulfilled. In the Preface to the
first part of the third volume of his work he was in a position to
state that "he had been allowed to make use of the treasures of that
rich storehouse of information, the Colonial Archives," at that time
still preserved at Amsterdam. For this permission he was indebted to
the then Secretary-General of the Colonial Department, Mr. J. C.
Baud, LL. D., who afterwards became Governor-General of Netherlands
India a. i. and Colonial Minister, and whose name must always be
honourably mentioned whenever there is question of the scholarlike
study of Dutch colonial history[3]. Van
Kampen was fortunate enough to enter upon this task at a time when
the care of the colonial archives was entrusted to the man whom we
have already repeatedly referred to in the course of the present
work, to P. L. De Munnick, then officially known as
"Warehouse-master"--a designation that might well have galled any man
who was apt to consider archival documents as historical treasures,
and not as warehouse articles. Van Kampen gratefully alludes to De
Munnick's "courteous assistance."

From that time dates the opening of the colonial archives for the
purposes of scholarly research, and of investigations in the cause of
historical science. But the colonial archives became far more
generally useful after having been transferred to the State Archives
at the Hague, in 1856[4]. And the light
they were calculated to shed into the less known recesses of history,
threw a part of its lustre on the history of the celebrated Dutch
voyages of discovery, not least so on Tasman's expeditions[5]; a lustre still enhanced by the upshot of
searches in other archives and private collections of documents. Such
aids to investigation were at the disposal of Lauts, who besides
having access to documents preserved in the colonial archives, could
also avail himself inter alia of the Huydecoper van
Maarsseveen

[1) Utrecht, J. Altheer. The Atlas, forming
part of this dissertation, did not appear until 1829, with J. De
Vos at Dordrecht.]

journal[1]; of De Munnick himself,
whom we afterwards meet with in the capacity of "archivist" of the
colonial collections while they were still at Amsterdam; of Jacob
Swart, who was in a position to derive a wealth of informations from
the treasures in the possession of the bookselling firm of Hulst van
Keulen; of P. A. Leupe, afterwards appointed to an official position
in the State Archives; of Ch. M. Dozy[2]. Among all these contributions to historical
knowledge it is the special merit of Swart to have first edited the
original journal of Tasman, then in the possession of his firm; he
brought out this text, from 1854 to 1860, in the periodical
publication, of which he was editor, entitled Verhandelingen en
mededeelingen betrekkelijk het Zeewezen en de Zeevaartkunde, and
appended to it a reproduction without the colours, of the chart now
in the possession of Prince Bonaparte. A separate reprint of this
text of the journal, with a coloured and corrected reproduction of
the chart, appeared in 1860, bearing the title Journaal van de
reis naar het onbekende Zuidland, in den Jare 1642, door Abel Jansz.
Tasman, met de schepen Heemskerck en de Zeehaen[3]. True, Swart's method of editing is a
slovenly[4] one, and is far from coming
up to the requirements to which a publication of the kind may be
justly expected to answer; still, it cannot be denied that Swart must
be fully credited with the undying honour of having first rendered
accessible to scholars and to the general public, the complete text
of the journal of this memorable voyage. The text, I say...for Swart
has, strangely enough, not seen his way to appending to it the
charts, land-surveyings and drawings: for these, students had still
to recur to what Valentijn and Burney had thought fit to give.

The authors just mentioned have especially treated the voyage of
1642-1643, adding biographical particulars about Tasman and his
coadjutor Visscher. As regards the expedition of 1644, it is true,
the information that had been made available, was not withheld from
the public: the interesting "Instructions," for instance, were
printed[5]; but the light thus spread
was far from clear. The journal, the main source of information,
remained unprinted. Witsen most probably was acquainted with a
journal kept in the course of the 1644 voyage[6], and the particulars published by him found
their way throughout the civilized world[7].

The discussion of the literature bearing on Tasman's voyages to
what is now known as Australia, must not be closed, before we have
drawn particular attention to the interest shown in the history of
the discovery, for the half century last past, by the present
dwellers in the lands discovered by Tasman--the inhabitants of
Tasmania and New Zealand. This interest is evinced by a number of
essays and papers on the subject, brought out by them[8], among them the results of endeavours to
ascertain more definitely the points touched at by Tasman in his
voyages[9].

Let us now return to the resolution of the Governor-General and
Councillors, dated August 1, 1642.

[1) As is shown by a manuscript note of his, now in the
possession of Messrs. Frederik Muller & Co.]

[2) Of course I cannot undertake here to give a complete
list of the works dealing with these voyages of discovery, a list
which for the matter of that would not present any great interest. I
have therefore confined myself to mentioning such writings as for
some reason or other I thought of more than ordinary importance, and
as I was in the occasion to see and read. For other books I would
refer readers to the well-known bibliographical works.]

[3) Amsterdam, Hulst van Keulen.]

[4) I find it impossible to enumerate all the mistakes
committed by Swart. A few curious slips may, however, be briefly
referred to. On p. 22 (my references are to the edition as a separate
publication) Swart prints: "Vocabulair fingerwoorden," for
which read: "Vocabulair eeniger woorden"; on January 11, the
journal has: "tegens malcander": this, Swart (p. 97) corrupts
into "tegens macanan," which latter word he took to be Malay,
and rendered by "het eten" (dinner-time); on May 29, the journal
reads: "Deden onzen cours dicht langhs het land van meyninge
(= with the intention) door de Straat," etc. Swart oddly enough
mistakes meyninge for the name of a country, and on p. 175
speaks of a "land van Meyninge."]

[5) In part already in Dalrymple's Collection
concerning Papua in the British Museum; see MATTHEW FLINDERS,
Ontdekkings-reis, p. 146.--Swart published the whole of the
Instructions in 1844 in Verhandelingen Zeewezen, 1844, pp.
65-90---See also MAJOR, l. c., pp. 43-58.]

[8) As regards Tasmania, see the list of "Printed Works"
in WALKER, Tasman (1896), pp. 46-48--As concerns New Zealand, I have
taken cognisance, inter alia, of T. M. HOCKEN, Some Account of
the Earliest Literature and Maps relating to New Zealand, in
Transactions of the New Zealand Institute, 1894, pp. 616-634;
Id. Abel Tasman and his Journal. A paper read before the Otago
Institute, 10th September, 1895. (The part of the journal translated
by Hocken, is taken from Swart's edition).]

[9) For instance by GELL, l. c.; J. BACKHOUSE WALKER, The
discovery of Van Diemen's land in 1642; with notes on the localities
mentioned in Tasman's journal of the voyage. Strutt, Hobart,
1891; T. M. HOCKEN, Abel Tasman, p. 7.]

{Page: Life.88}

XII.

WHAT THE DUTCH KNEW ABOUT THE SOUTH-LAND IN 1642.

The resolution[1] referred to at the
close of the preceding chapter provided for the sending out of
certain ships bound "to navigate to the partially known and hitherto
untouched South- and East-land, and eventually to explore the same,"
or--to adopt the more concise wording of the Instructions of August
13--for "the often attempted discovery of the unknown
South-land."

Although this South-land is thus referred to as "unknown," the
epithet "partially known," which is applied to it in the resolution
above mentioned, proves that the Batavia authorities undoubtedly had
some notion of the regions now by Tasman "to be navigated and
eventually explored." If we wish to do full justice to the value and
importance of the exploratory voyages made by Tasman from 1642 to
1644, we shall first have to answer the question, what the Dutch of
that time actually knew about the portions of the world now to be
explored. The Dutch, I say; for it will readily be conceded that, as
regards the importance of these expeditions and the glory of the
Dutch having made them, it is of very little moment to know whether
other nations too had vague notions about those parts of our globe
that extend east and south of the Malay Archipelago; whether they too
had endeavoured to light up the obscurity prevailing on the
point.

For indeed, if to other nations the darkness had been dissipated
to any degree worth mentioning, the light thus spread had not shone
to any distance[2], and nothing beyond
the merest glimmer of it had reached the Dutch of that time. In fact,
the instructions drawn up by the Governor-General and Councillors of
India for the guidance of Tasman's voyages of discovery of 1642 and
1644, show hardly any traces of even vague knowledge on their part
respecting previous discoveries in those regions by other Europeans.
We may therefore safely take for granted that what they knew about
this point amounted to next to nothing; for, had they had any precise
information on this subject, we may rest assured, that the
instructions would not have omitted to refer to such knowledge, just
as the instructions handed to Quast and Tasman in 1639 had done,
since, to be sure, every indication of the kind could not have failed
to be welcome to the leaders of the expeditions now to be engaged
in.

What then, we may ask, was the extent of Dutch[3] information regarding the South-land in the
year 1642? In the course of time their knowledge on this point had
been considerably enlarged by explorations undertaken by themselves.
This is most clearly seen, if beside the pre-Tasmanic charts dated
about 1640, we place the charts to be found in the well-known work of
Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, of Haarlem, which was brought out in
1595/6[4] under the title "Itinerario,
voyage ofte schipvaert...naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien," but the
contents of which must already have been known to the first
Netherlanders who undertook the voyage to India in 1595[5]. It therefore records what, at

[5) Compare, for example, the statements made in the
journal of Frank Van der Does, kept during the first voyage (DE
JONGE, Opkomst, II, p. 297, alin. 5 at the end; p. 298, alin. 1),
with Van Linschoten's Itinerario, 138, second column, at top;
DE JONGE, II, pp. 318, 319, with the chart, entitled "Affbeeldinghe
der custen des landts genaempt Terra de Natal," etc.--The
letters-patent of the States-General authorizing the publication of
this book are, indeed, dated October 8, 1594.]

{Page: Life.89}

the beginning of their navigation to Asia, the Dutch knew about
the Eastern countries, including the South-land. Referring to Java
(Mayor)[1], the author, who, besides
drawing on experiences of his own, based his statements on
information furnished by Portuguese writers, delivers himself as
follows[2]: "This Island begins in 7
degrees on the south side, and extends east by south for a length of
150 miles: but as to its breadth nothing is known up to now, since it
has not yet been explored, nor has any information on this point been
obtained from the natives; some hold it to be part of the continent
named Terra incognita, which is believed to extend in this direction
all the way from C. de boa Esperança: but as to this no
certainty has been got up to the present time, so that it is by the
generality held to be an island"[3. We
see, then, that at the period in question opinions were divided as to
the real nature of Java: the prevailing opinion setting it down as an
island[4], while others looked upon it
as the north coast of a vast continent. This continent, which with an
irregular outline extends to the southward of the whole then know
world, is the Terra Australis (Magallanica or incognita)[5]. As regards the part of it lying between the
same degrees of longitude that comprise the Dutch Malay Archipelago,
it is characterised by two projecting parts jutting out on the north:
of one of these, the mysterious Beach, Prouincia aurifera, Java,
supposing it to have formed part of this terra, would have
constituted the northern portion[6]; the
other is marked with the name of Noua Guinea[7], as to the true nature of which--whether
island or the northern part of Terra Australis--the same uncertainty
prevails[8]. Between Java and New Guinea
the chart places a string of islands, occupying the site of the Minor
Sunda, the South-western, and the South-eastern Isles, with Aroe as
the easternmost point known. East of New Guinea[9], we observe, among others, the Insulae
Salomonis[10]. The Fretum Magallanicum
divides the southern extremity of South America from the north point
of Terra Australis (Magallanica): Tierra del Fuego, Terra de Fogo[11].

Java was circumnavigated by the Dutch in their first voyage to the
East Indies[12]. The doubts still
entertained by Van Linschoten were thereby accordingly removed[13]. It could therefore now be taken for
granted that the belt of islands extending between Sumatra and New
Guinea was totally unconnected with the so-called
South-(antarctic)land. To the Dutch of the early years of the
seventeenth century, doubt and uncertainty, however, began with the
island or continent of New Guinea. They honestly tried to remove this
uncertainty. When in the early part of 1602, Admiral Wolphert
Hermanszoon was lying at anchor before Banda With a number of ships,
and on the loth of April "the Assembly of

[1) RAINAUD (p. 308, note 2) is quite at sea, where he
identifies with Australia, the Jave le Grande (Jave Mayor) of which
Van Linschoten speaks in this connection. Van Linschoten doubtless
means here the island of Java, as appears from the whole description
of the island and a glance at the maps in Van Linschoten's work.
Rainaud himself elsewhere (p. 316) identifies this Java Major with
the island of Java.]

[2) P. 25.]

[3) Cf. DE JONGE, Opkomst, II, p. 165.]

[4) See, for instance, the journal of Frank Van der Does
(DE JONGE, Opkomst, II, pp. 318, 321, 325, 333, 351, 352, 354) where
there is always question of the island of Java, whereas on pp.
341, 344, 349 mention is made of the "continent of Java." The
Dutch of the time also did not know, that Francis Drake had sailed
south of Java in 1580.]

[5) See as regards this presumed continent the work of
RAINAUD, Le Continent Austral.]

[6) With this compare the mode of presentment in the
chart reproduced as No. 1 in Part II of the Remarkable Maps, with the
title "BENEDICT. ARIAS MONTANUS sacrae geographiae
tabulam...Antvverpiae...describebat 1571."]

[9) At the North-East point of Tasman's Nova Guinea
Swart's copy of the Bonaparte chart has Cabo de Santa Maria.
Tasman's journal mentions on April 1, that this cape was thus called
by the Spaniards.]

[10) Compare, for instance, the charts in Remarkable
Maps, II, 2, 3, which in the main give the same impression of
uncertainty.]

[11) Compare RAINAUD, pp. 264, 270 ff.]

[12) Cf. DE JONGE, Opkomst, I, p. 98; II, pp. 165, 202,
364.]

[13) Doubt on this point, however, continued to be
occasionally expressed in charts also after that time. See, for
instance, Remarkable Maps, II, Nos. 2, 3. Indeed, although in
Van Linschoten the southern coasts of the string of islands east of
Java are tacitly supposed to have been circumnavigated, or at least
known in outline, charts of later date sometimes leave undefined the
south-coast of one or the other of these islands; e.g. as regards
Soembawa in the Allard-Nolpe-Dozy chart of c.1652. It may, however,
be safely taken for granted, that on coming to the East the
Netherlanders did not look upon this string of islands as connected
with the South-land. We need not, therefore, go any farther into this
question.]

{Page: Life.90}

the plenary Council" had resolved to send out the ship Duifken to
Ceram, for the purpose of forming trade-connections, the captains of
the ships received orders to inquire of the natives of the said
island, "whether they have any knowledge of Nova Guinea, whether
ships from there have ever arrived at Ceram, or any been sent out
from the latter place to Nova Guinea." In a "Brief Relation touching
certain islands with which the inhabitants of Ceran and Banda carry
on trade," drawn up after the return of the ship Duifken, nothing is
said concerning New Guinea that can in any way be of interest for the
purposes of the present investigation: mere hearsay reports, of the
less importance, since the vague information possessed by the Dutch,
regarding the object of their inquiries, must needs have given to the
questions put by them to the natives, a want of definiteness which
cannot have led to any reliable correctness in the answers received
by them[1].

The earliest account now known of any contact of the Dutch with
New Guinea and with what is now called Australia, is the one
concerning the voyage thither, undertaken again by the celebrated
ship Duifken, under the command of Willem Jansz. or Janszoon, of
Amsterdam, and Jan Lodewijkszoon Rosengeyn. The Duif ken sailed from
Bantam on November 28[2], 1605, and on
her voyage to New Guinea touched at the Key and Aroe Isles. She must
have struck New Guinea in about 5° S. Lat. She next sailed along
the south coast of it, past the narrows, now called Torres Strait,
without realising its real nature, and surveyed the east coast of the
Gulf of Carpentaria up to a point, then christened Cape
Keerweer[3] (Turn-again)[4], which was ascertained to be in 13° 45'
S. Lat.[5]. In the course of this part
of the Duifken's voyage, she inter alia sailed up, in 11 °
48', the river afterwards named Carpentier (Batavia) by Carstensz[6]. From Cape Keerweer she must have gone
back the same way, surveying in the course of her return voyage the
south coast of New Guinea as far as its south-western extremity, from
where she sailed for the Banda group, which she must have reached
before June 15, 1606, the date on which an account of the whole
voyage was received at Bantam[7].
Besides

[1) See P. A. LEUPE, De reizen der Nederlanders naar
Nieuw-Guinea en de Papoesche eilanden in de 17de en 18de eeuw.
's-Gravenhage, Nijhoff, 1875, p. 3. The information there
given is derived from the journal kept on board the ship Gelderland.
(Hague State Archives.--Cf. also DE JONGE, Opkomst. II, p. 534). This
work of Leupe's and his study on De reizen der Nederlanders naar het
Zuidland of Nieuw-Holland in de 17de en 18de eeuw. Amsterdam,
Hulst van Keulen, 1868, have been mainly used by me in the
disquisition that follows in the text. I have, however, been careful
in every instance to compare the data furnished by him and others,
with the original documents.]

[2) Not November 18, as given by RAINAUD, p. 357. The
English captain John Saris, who puts the departure of the Duyfken on
November 18, uses the Old Style. Whence Rainaud derives his precise
knowledge of the object with which the ship sailed from Bantam, I
fail to understand--As regards the priority of the Dutch in the
discovery of Australia, see also A. PELTZER in his paper Les colonies
Australes (Bulletin de la Société de Géographie
d'Anvers, IV, 1879, pp. 444, 448-456). He concludes: Taut donc
laisser aux Hollandais, et aux Hollandais seuls, l'honneur d'avoir
découvert le continent Austral en l'année
1606."]

[3) I give in italics such place-names as are also found
in the chart appended to the present work, which chart is mainly
based on Swart's copy of the Bonaparte chart.]

[5) MAJOR, Early Voyages, p. LXXIX, has 19¾°,
which is a mistake.--I need hardly say, that the latitudes I give in
the test, are taken from the journals and the other documents,
exactly as they stand there. COOTE (Remarkable Maps, Introduction)
calls the Cape Keerweer in the Gulf of Carpentaria "the spurious
second Keerweer", and speaks of "the true (Carstensz, 1623) and false
(Duyfken, 1606) Keerweers." This is a mistake. The Keerweer of the
Duyfken in 13¾° is as true as the Keerweer of Carstensz in
7° S. L. That the Duifken sailed along the East coast of the Gulf
of Carpentaria at least as far as 11° 48', appears from
the journal kept by Carstensz on his voyage of 1623 (May 11th); and
there is no reason at all to disbelieve e.g. the Instructions of
January 29th 1644 for Tasman's second exploratory voyage, which say:
"the name Cape Keerweer in their chart"; i.e. the chart of the
voyage of the Duyfken. The positive manner, in which the Instructions
speak here is the more to be trusted, because the same Instructions,
when speaking about the different voyages, mention in each particular
instance, whether there were journals and maps, or not. Of the voyage
of the Duyfken (1605/6) there existed a chart in 1644, and this chart
has Cape Keerweer in 13¾°. (Compare also RAINAUD, p. 358,
note I). Both the Keerweers are found on a manuscript map of 1699 in
the State Archives, no. 344 of Leupe's inventory, the work of the
cartographer of the Dutch East India Company, and in G. de Haan's
manuscript atlas of 1760.]

[7) Her explorations are therefore anterior to those of
Luiz Vaez de Torres, who at the end of June 1606 was still in the
neighbourhood of the islands, now known as the New Hebrides, which he
and De Queiros had discovered some weeks before, and had christened
Land of Espiritu Santo. From there De Torres was driven to the west
(Torres-Strait and the South coast of New Guinea). As regards De
Torres' discoveries see his letter of July 12, 1607 in STANLEY'S
translation of De Morga's Philippine Islands, pp. 402-419;
ROBIDÉ VAN DER AA, Reizen naar Nieuw-Guinea, p. 352 and note;
etc.--It is curious enough, that in Tasman's instructions of 1642
nothing is said about De Queiros' discoveries (New Hebrides) We must
therefore take for granted that this discovery was not known to G.-G.
& Council, and yet, as early as 1612 it was found referred to in
printed Dutch books (TIELE, Bibliograhie Land- en Volkenkunde, pp. 87
f.).--COLLINGRIDGE'S opinion (Discovery, p. 236, note *), that the
Dutch sent out the expedition of 1606 after having heard of De
Torres' discoveries, is far from being a well-founded one, I
believe.]

{Page: Life.91}

giving a name to Cape Keerweer, the commanders of this expedition
christened various points, seen or called at by the crew. We must
leave undecided, whether all these names were given in the voyage
home; part of them may well have originated on the voyage out. Of
these names the following have come down to us[1]: Tyuri(?)[2] and Modder-Eylandt (the island of
Prins Frederik Hendrik of our time, with the coast opposite to it),
"which those on board the yacht Duyfken mistook for islands"[3], Duyfkens Eylant (the coast of Kapia) with
Goenong Api[4] (Mount Lakahia),
and Nieu Zeelandt (Koemawa)[5].

There are reasons to assume that the same yacht Duifken made
another exploratory voyage to New Guinea at the close of 1606 and the
beginning of 1607; at least on March 4 of the year last named, the
supercargo Paulus Van Soldt, who on that date arrived before the
Dutch Castle in Amboyna, and found the said yacht at anchor there,
when referring to this ship, thought it necessary to note respecting
her that she had just "returned from Nova Guinea"[6]. Van Soldt had left Bantam on January 27, and
as long ago as June 15, 1606, news had reached the latter place of
the Duifken having returned to Banda from her voyage in 1605/6, which
we have just discussed. It is therefore difficult to believe[7], that as late as March 4, 1607 Van Soldt
would have alluded to this voyage in the terms we have just seen him
use. But, however this may be, nothing whatever is known as to the
results of this second voyage.

Nor is anything known about the results of another project, for
the carrying out of which certain steps were taken a few years later,
in 1615/6. This plan did not originate with the East India Company,
and to give the reader a clear idea of it, it will be necessary first
to recall to his mind one of the articles of the Charter granted to
this trading-association in 1602. The thirty-fourth article of the
said Charter laid down the limits of the Company's privilege. It ran
as follows: "And to the end that the intentions of the said united
Company may be realised with the greater success, to the well-being
of the United Provinces, the preservation and progress of transmarine
traffic, as well as to the benefit and advantage of the Company
aforesaid; We have granted and accorded to the Company aforesaid, in
form as we also grant and accord by these presents, that no person,
of what quality or condition soever, unless forming part of the said
Company, shall be permitted to sail from these United Provinces,
within a term of one and twenty years to come, beginning with and
including this present year 1602, eastward of Cape de Bonne
Esperance, or through the Straits of Magellanes[8], on pain of confiscation of both ships and
goods in the same; due and complete reservation being made as regards
the concessions heretofore granted to certain Companies for the
navigation through the said Straits of Magellanes, on express
condition that they shall send out their ships from this country
within the space of four years from the date of the present, on pain
of altogether losing the benefit of the concessions aforesaid.

"According to the spirit[8] of
this article, therefore, every Netherlander outside the Company was
utterly excluded from any chance of ever obtaining a share in the
trade of the East. The letter[1],
however, of the statute just made it possible to slip through the
meshes. There was a prohibition, to be sure, against navigation
eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, and through[8] the Straits of Magalhaes;

[1) Thanks to the chart (also contained in the
Mercator-Hondius atlas, ed. 1634), entitled Indiae Orientalis
descriptio, of 1633, by Joannes Janssonius (Remarkable Maps, II, 7
and Introduction). COOTE (Remarkable Maps, II, Introduction) is in
error where he says that also the chart Remarkable Maps, II, 6
"represents the discovery of William Jansz. in the Jagt Duyfken on
the S. W. coast of New Guinea 1605-6."]

[2) ROBIDÉ VAN DER AA, 1. c. p. 424 is wrong, I
think, in reading here Tynri. The instructions of January 29, 1644
for Tasman's second exploratory voyage have "Ture."]

[3) Carstensz' words (VAN DIJK, Mededeelingen, B, p. 21,
Note I).]

[4) Gouvongapy, in Janssonius' chart.]

[5) LAUTS'S observations on this voyage (see LEUPE,
Zuidland, pp. 8-10; Niew-Guinea, pp. 4-5) are utterly void of solid
foundation, just as are his longitudes and latitudes. Not to put too
fine a point upon it, we might say that he mixes up the results of
various voyages. Cf. also TIELE, De Europeërs in den Maleischen
Archipel, VII (Bijdragen land- en volkenkunde Nederlandsch
Indië, 4th series, VIII, pp. 49-51). On this voyage, also see DE
JONGE, Opkomst, III, pp. 42-46; COLLINGRIDGE, Discovery, pp. 238-245.
He does not understand Dutch, as appears from the mistakes he has
made in copying the Dutch passage on p. 241. This "lack of knowledge
of the Dutch language" (p. 238) has prevented his studying Dutch
sources and literature. If he had done so, Collingridge would have
become aware, that he is far too incredulous (e.g. pp. 265, 266, 268
f.) as regards the Dutch discoveries of Australia.]

there was none against attempts to find a passage, hitherto
unknown, south of those Straits[1]; why
not, then, make the attempt at all hazards?

Now, it would appear that as early as 1615, certainly before
January 30, 1616[2], a vessel, named
Mauritius de Nassau, sailed from a Dutch port, under the command of
Jan Remmetszoon, of Purmerend. The ship was ostensibly destined for
Angola, but from there she was ordered to direct her course for
"Terra Australe, called Terra del Fuego." The plan, therefore, was,
from the west coast of Africa to sail southward, until the supposed
South-land should have been reached, and then "to explore the whole
of the coast of Terra Australi as far as the Straits of Magellanes,
on the chance of finding an opening that might allow a passage to the
South-sea; and on such opening being found, to run into and through
the same, in order to discover whether they could in such manner get
into the South-sea; should such passage to the South-sea have been
found, they had orders to return home forthwith, but in case adverse
circumstances should prevent them from doing so, they were to run on
for the East Indies."

Nothing is known of the result of this expedition, which might
possibly have led to fresh discoveries.

A great many more particulars, however, have come down to us
concerning another voyage of slightly earlier date, which also aimed
at evading the Company's exclusive privilege. I mean the well-known
voyage of the ships Eendracht and Hoorn, commanded by Jacques Le
Maire and Willem Corneliszoon Schouten, and fitted out by an
association of merchants, formed at Hoorn, the master-spirit of which
was Isaac Le Maire, Jacques Le Maire's father[3]; the avowed object of the expedition being
the search for a passage south of the Straits of Magelhães,
from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean.

If they should happen to discover rich regions adapted for trade,
in the South-land westward of Tierra del Fuego, the object of the
voyage would be held to be attained; in the opposite case they, were
to turn their ships' heads to India[4].

On June 14, 1615 the anchors were weighed in the Texel roads, and
not before January 20, 1616 did they reach the Straits of Magelhaes.
On January 24 they sighted the passage which on February 12 had the
name of Le Maire Straits conferred on it. The land--it was not then
perceived to be an island--then seen east of the ships, was
christened Statenland, and of course again duly looked upon as one of
the projecting points of the so-called South-land, which by the
discovery of this strait had therefore another, if only a
comparatively small portion, viz. Tierra del Fuego, taken off it[5]. On the 31st of January there was no
longer any land in sight, and the crew were now firmly convinced that
"they had the vast South Sea ahead of them, without any land." Of
course, in this memorable expedition, too, the long-expected, vast
Terra Australis or South-land was not discovered, although various
islands in the Pacific were touched at. Some of these places of call
require more special notice in connection with our subject. On May 1,
the discoverers came near an island which according to them was in
16° 10' S. Lat., and to which they gave the name of Kokos-eiland
(Cocoa-Island): our charts now have it as Tafahi or Boscawen.

Slightly more to the south they sighted the island on which they
bestowed the appellation of Verraders-eiland (Traitors' Island), now
Niutabutabu or Keppel. They afterwards sighted the (Goede) Hope
island (Nina-fu), and next arrived at the island-group to which they
gave the name of Hoornsche

[1) It would seem, therefore, that at that time nothing
was known of discoveries of Dirk Gerritszoon, in 1599 (the South
shetland Group?). Compare RINAUD, p. 341.]

[2) This being the date of the "deposition made by Master
Samuel Bloemaert" (one of the joint owners), in answer to the
"interrogatory" to which he was subjected by certain Directors of the
E. I. C. There is a copy of this deposition in the Hague State
Archives. Cf. also TIELE, Bouwstoffen, I (1886), pp. LVIII
f.]

[4) As regards the different editions of the journals of
this expedition, see TIELE, Mémoire bibliographique, pp. 40
ff., and TIELE, Bibliographie land- en volkenkunde, sub voce
Le Maire and Schouten. The editions often differ considerably as to
their contents. Hence, I do not agree with e.g. Leupe on every point.
In some of the editions there is a highly interesting small-scale map
of Nova Guinea, which has evidently done duty in the preparation of
various maps that profess to represent New Guinea previous to Tasman.
There is a curious error in Thévenot's well-known chart. The
small-scale map just referred to shows on the north coast of New
Guinea the three islands of Arimoa, Moa and Insou. Now the last of
these has in Thévenot's chart been transferred to the south
coast, where it bears the name of "I(nsula) Sou." Van Alphen, one of
the few cartographers who have taken over Insou, puts it in the right
place. But the fact that Insou appears in Thévenot's chart as
well as in Van Alphen's, again shows that the two charts must be
closely related.]

[5) As regards the voyage in this part of the world by
Francis Drake, in 1578 compare RAINAUD, pp. 271-273; TIELE-- VIVIEN
DE SAINT-MARTIN, De ontdekkingsreizen sedert de vijftiende eeuw
(Leiden, Van Doesburgh, 1874), p. 169.]

{Page: Life.93}

Eilanden (Hoorn Isles), now Fotuna and Alofi. On the 21st and 22nd
of June, when they estimated themselves to be between 4° 50' and
4° 45' S. Lat., they surveyed a number of islands of which one
received the name of Marken[1].
Shortly after, the Groene-eilanden (Green Islands) and
Sint-Jans-eiland (St. John's Isle) were passed, after which
they sailed round the north of what is now known as New Ireland or
New-Mecklenburg, which, they suspected, might be the north coast of
New Guinea. On this coast they inter alia gave a name to the
Claes Pietersz baai[2], then sailed
north of what is now New Hannover, and next between the island last
mentioned and those at present known as Admiralty Isles, and finally
struck the north coast of New Guinea, near Vulcanus Island[3], which also got its name in this
expedition. This coast was now further skirted, and on it a name
given to the Cornelis Kniersz Bay; the islands of Arimoa (with
Moa and Insou) were touched at, and on July 24 names were
bestowed on the Willem Schouten Isles and the Kaap de Goede
Hoop (Cape of Good Hope): which shows that they had now got north
of Geelvinkbaai. The north coast of New Guinea having thus been left,
was, however, soon after approached again. They were tossed about for
some time in what is now called Dampier Straits[4], which was held to be a bay land-locked on
every side, and then held their course north of Waigeoe, until Gilolo
was reached.

The expeditions of Remmetszoon, and of Schouten and Le Maire had
not originated with the Company. Still, the latter had at no time
lost sight of the advantages promised by a further exploration of the
South-land. On the 8th and 21st of October 1616, the Governor-General
and Councillors, staying in Ternate for the time being, resolved to
fit out two ships under the command of Mr. Cornelis Dedel "for the
better discovery of the South-land, Nova Guinea and the dependencies
thereof"; and Dedel had already for this purpose arrived in Amboyna
from Ternate, when unexpected circumstances made it expedient to
employ the ships elsewhere[5].

But while this exploratory expedition was being discussed, while
in the mother-country itself the Directors were seriously addressing
their minds to "the discovery of the Southern Land" "[6], an accidental circumstance had already
carried the Dutch a step further on the road that was destined to
lead them to ampler and better knowledge of the mysterious regions
which it was generally deemed desirable to explore. In the course of
January 1616 certain ships, among others the Eendracht, under the
command of Skipper Dirk Hartogszoon of Amsterdam and Supercargo
Gilles Mibais(e) of Liege, had sailed from the Netherlands. After
leaving the Cape of Good Hope, in order to seek a more convenient
route to Java than the one hitherto followed, the Eendracht--in
accordance with orders given by the Directors[7]--sailed "far more south than was customary."
In the month of October of the said year she unexpectedly struck the
South-land, and on the 25th of that month cast anchor in a
road-stead, to which the name of Dirk Hartogs-reede was given.
This road-stead was first thought to form part of a continent, but a
long time afterwards[8] turned out to
belong to an island, which even now is known to the charts as Dirk
Hartogs Island (25° 30'-26° 10' S. L.). October 27 they set
sail again, this time in a northerly direction, in order to reach
Bantam, and continued to survey the coast, which soon became known to
the charts[9] by the name of Land van
de Eendracht or Eenacrachtsland. In December Sapi Strait
east of Soembawa was made[10].

[1) LEUPE, Nieuw Guinea, p. 164, is not quite correct
here, I think.]

[2) The appellations Hoog land, Laag land, Hoog
land, 25 eilanden en Hoog land, which are found in the charts
(see Remarkable Maps, II, III) also originated in the course of this
voyage.]

[3) The name Hoop berg (land), found in the
charts, also dates from this expedition. The phrase "Terra d'os
Papous, a Jacobo le Maire dicta Nova Guinea," is a blunder, of
course. This name was given to the island by Yñigo Ortiz de
Retes in 1545. Cf. TIELE, Europeërs, III, in Bijdragen taal-,
land- en volkenkunde Neêrlandsch Indië, Vierde volgreeks,
IV, p. 279; compare RAINAUD, pp. 275 f.]

[4) LEUPE, Nieuw-Guinea, p. 165, opines that the voyagers
must have been between Salawati and the west coast of New Guinea. I
do not think this at all probable.]

[5) See also LEUPE, Nieuw Guinea, p. 7.]

[6) Res. XVII, October 1616.]

[7) See LEUPE, Zuidland, pp. 10-14, 16-19.]

[8) LEUPE, Zuidland, pp. 170-178.]

[9) As regards the old charts, see especially Remarkable
Maps, II, 4, entitled Caert van 't Landt van d' Eendracht uyt de
Journalen ende afteykeningen der Stierluyden t' samengestelt, Ao.
1627. Bij HESSEL GERRITSZ. Not Eessel Gerrit, as the name is given by
COLLINGRIDGE, Discovery, p. 265). It is a pity, that this author has
not seen this chart. His opinion of the discoveries made by the
Eendraght, the Leeuwin, etc. would in that case have been a different
one.]

[10) Cf. LEUPE, Zuidland, pp. 14-18, 28,
30.]

{Page: Life.94}

A year after this, the ship Zeewolf, commanded by Skipper Haevick
Claaszoon of Hillegom, and Supercargo Pieter Dirxcsoon of Amsterdam,
set sail from the Texel. Aftet leaving the Cape of Good Hope--this
time also in conformity with orders given them by the Directors--they
sailed mainly in a south-easterly and easterly direction, even as far
as 39° S. Lat., whence they next tried to navigate to Java by
holding on to the north. Authentic documents have come down to us[1], regarding the adventures of the crew
on this expedition[2]. On June 24, 1618,
the skipper writes to the Directors on this point as follows: "On
April 29 we had run on upwards of a thousand miles to the east...we
then changed our ship's course to the north-east. On May 5[3], we got to 28 degrees 26 minutes S. Lat...On
May 11 we sighted land in 21 degrees 20 minutes S. Lat...it lay
mainly South and West...We could not get to it; whether it is a
continent or islands is known to God only, but I suspect it to be
firm land, since I have in succession seen all the signs of it...Down
to the 16th degree we have seen a good deal of sea-weed floating and
land-birds flying about, which are also signs of firm land. This land
is especially fit to be touched at by ships that come here with the
eastern monsoon, in order to obtain a fixed course for Java or the
Straits [of Sunda]; for when you see this land in 21, 22 or 23
degrees, and then hold your course N.N.W. and N. by W., you will get
to the Western extremity of Java. And since we have been holding a
fixed course all the time, I write this as an undoubted truth." So
far Skipper Haevick Claeszoon.

Pieter Dircxzoon, in his turn, writes to the Directors as follows:
"On the 24th [of March we set sail] from Table Bay... with
destination for Bantam. In such manner that, thanks to God, we in a
short time got into 37, 38 and 39 degrees S. Lat., whence we held on
due east for upwards of a thousand miles, before turning to the
north...After this, having got into 21" 15' S. Lat. on May 11...we
discovered and sighted land. It lay to windward about 5 or 6 miles
east of us...from the look-out we could discern still other land at
both ends, to wit at the southern and northern extremities, but we
could not without great difficulty get any higher, so that we do not
know whether the whole of it is firm land, or composed of separate
islands. There seems every probability that is a mainland coast, for
it was very long. But the truth of it is known to the Lord God only.
At all events it seems that it has never been touched at or
discovered by any one, seeing that we have never heard of any such
discovery, and the chart shows nothing but open sea here...Holding on
a N.N.E. course we came in sight of land eastward of Bali, so that
this land extends N.N.W. of Sunda Straits, and we cannot fail, with a
North by West or Northern course, to make the island of Java east of
the Straits."

At the same time with the Zeewolf, the Company had fitted out
certain other ships, among them the ship Mauritius, commanded by
Skipper Lenaert Jacobszoon. We get some information as to the
goings-on of this vessel from a missive written by Willem Janszoon,
who made the voyage in her as head of trading-matters. On October 6,
1618, he writes as follows to the Directors: "The present only serves
to inform you, that on June 8 last in the ship Mauritius we passed
the Cape de bon esperance with strong western winds, and found it
unadvisable to touch at any land; we held on to eastward the distance
of a thousand miles"--again, we see, pursuant to the orders given by
the Directors--"though we had wished to run farther eastward still,
in 38 degrees Southern Latitude. On July 31 we discovered an island,
on which we landed...it was found to extend for 15 miles, N.N.E. to
S.S.W., to the west side. Its northern extremity is in 22° S.L.,
S.S.E. and N.N.W., 240 miles from the south point of Sunda. From
here, with a fair wind we by God's mercy safely arrived before Bantam
on the 22nd day of August." A little more light is thrown on this
surveying of the Southland[4] by a chart
made in 1627 by Hessel Gerritsz, official "cartographer" to the East
India Company[5], "from the Journals and
drawings

[1) I need hardly reiterate here that, unless otherwise
stated, all these documents are preserved in the State Archives at
the Hague.]

[2) Not mentioned by RAINAUD.]

[3) LEUPE, Zuidland, p. 21, is mistaken as to the
dates.]

[4) Not mentioned by RAINAUD.]

[5) Resolutions of the "Heeren XVII," dated March 21,
1619 and August 21, 1629. Gerritsz was presumably a collaborator in
the map, entitled Typus Orbis terrarum in GERARDI MERCATORIS Atlas de
novo multis in locis emendatus novisque tabulis auctus studio JUDOCI
HONDIJ. Amsterodami, sumptibus Johannis Cloppenburgij, 1632.
Of this atlas there exists an earlier edition with the same
world-map. Compare TIELE, Bibliographie, no. 749; Catalogue
Géographie, Cartographic, Voyages, Amsterdam, Frederik
Muller & Cie., MDCCCXCV, No. 2476), but this I have not seen.
This map of the world, together with the map of Keppler (Remarkable
Maps, II, 6), is perhaps the first world-map, that gives the land of
Eendracht. Keppler is more accurate however.]

{Page: Life.95}

of the steersmen"[1]. This map has
the following legend at the South-land, in 21° 45' S. Lat.:
Willems revier[2], besocht bij 't
volck van 't schip Mauritius in Julius A° 1618"[3] [Willems River, visited by the crew of the
ship Mauritius, in July, 1618]. The chart here referred to is one
representing "'t Landt van d'Eendracht"; a direct proof that this
name must at an early period have figured in the charts. The name
had, indeed, been officially adopted by the Company, as soon as the
result of Dirk Hartog's accidental surveyings had become known in the
Netherlands. This is proved by the fact now to be stated. It
frequently happened that certain marginal notes were made on the
letters received from India by the Directors, especially in the case
of matters which had more than was usual drawn the attention of the
Company's managers. Marginal notes of the kind now are also found on
the missive of Willem Janszoon, and this in a hand which regularly
appears in the official documents of the Company, drawn up in this
country at the time. Among these notes we find the word
"Eendrachtsland" written in margine at the passage of the letter
referring to the surveyings at the South-land made by the Mauritius[4]. Accordingly, the newly discovered
coast was known in the mother-country by this celebrated name already
in 1619, the very year in which the missive we are discussing must
have arrived in the Netherlands.

In the same year 1619 the information at the disposal of the
Netherlanders touching the outline of the west coast of what is now
known as New Holland, was again enlarged[5], this time by the experience gained, and the
observations taken on board the ship Dordrecht, commanded by Skipper
Reyer Janszoon of Buiksloot, which had on board Frederik [De] Houtman
as commander of a large fleet of eleven vessels of the East India
Company, and the ship Amsterdam, under the command, probably, of
Maarten Corneliszoon[6], which had on
board Jacob Dedel as supercargo. These two ships got separated from
the rest, and sailed together from the Cape of Good Hope, on June 8,
1619. Both [De] Houtman and Dedel have given an account of their
adventures subsequent to that date, in three letters, all of them
dated October 7. [De] Houtman writes as follows to the Stadtholder
Prince Maurice:..."on June 8 we sailed with a fair wind from Table
Bay with the ships Dordrecht and Amsterdam, and on the 19th of July
we suddenly came upon the South-land Beach in 32 degrees 20 minutes,
where we spent a few days in trying to survey and reconnoitre the
same, but the impossibility of getting ashore,

[1) Remarkable Maps, II, 4.]

[2) Willems River cannot, of course, have been named
after the Willem Jansz. of 1606 (LEUPE, Zuidland, p. 58). It may have
got its name from Willem Janszoon, supercargo in the ship Mauritius.
Some writers, however, derive this name from William I of Orange
(MOLL, Zeetogten, p. 211), or give to this river the name "la
rivière du roi Guillaume" (F. PÈRON, Voyage de
découvertes aux Terres Australes 1800-1804, I, Paris, 1807, p.
126). I do not know why.]

[3) In Thévenot's chart (Remarkable Maps, III, 7)
we find a little south of Willems River, a Jacob Remens River, which
occurs also in other charts (for example, in Keppler's chart of 1630,
No. II, 8 of Remarkable Maps, under the name of Jac. Rommer rivier).
As LEUPE (Zuidland, p. 58) has observed already, this name was known
as early as 1629. In Francois Pelsaert's "Droevige daghaenteijkeningh
int verliesen van ons schip Batavia, verseijlt zijnde op de Abrolhos
oft Clippen van Frederick Houtman, gelegen op de hoochte van 28 1/3
graden 9 mijlen van Zuidtlandt" [A mournful diurnal account of the
loss of our ship Batavia, run aground on the Abrolhos or Frederick
Houtman Cliffs, situated in 28 1/3 degrees, 9 miles from the
South-land), the writer states, that when on June 16,15629 going on
in a northerly direction, he estimated himself to be in 22° 17'
S. Lat.: "I intended to run on for Jacob Remmessens River, but the
wind turned to the North-east, so that we could not keep near the
shore." It is unknown when this river had this name bestowed on it.
Perhaps the name may have been derived from a steersman, one Jacob
Remmetsz, whom Leupe has met with in the archives of the E. I.
C.]

[4) LEUPE'S remark: "I am inclined to believe, however,
that this note is of later date" (Zuidland, p. 26, Note 1) should by
no means lead us to think that the note belongs to a later period: it
certainly bears a quite undoubted contemporary
character.]

[5) LEUPE, Zuidland, p. 35, cites a letter sent by the
Directors to the Gov.-Gen. and Councillors, of Sept. 9, 1620. In this
letter there is question of the discoveries made by "d' Eendracht,
Zeewolff, 't Wapen van Amsterdam, and quite recently by
Commanders Houtman and D'Edel." When, we may ask, did the ship 't
Wapen van Amsterdam survey the South-land? There certainly was a ship
of that name by the side of another vessel, named Amsterdam pur et
simple. According to the Register of departures of vessels of the
E. I. C., preserved in the State Archives at the Hague, this ship set
sail from the Netherlands on May 11, 1613. I have not found any
reliable trace of later date of this vessel, and the documents know
nothing of any exploration of the South-land by her. I am inclined to
think that Leupe is mistaken here. The letter itself, which is
contained in the copying-book of letters, preserved in the State
Archives, has suffered much from the ravages of time. Between the
words "Zeewolff" and "Amsterdam" the paper has suffered so much, that
nothing is left of the intervening letters. L. C. D. VAN DIJK, in his
Mededeelingen uit het Oud-Indisch Archief. Amsterdam,
Scheltema, 1859, p. 2, Note 2, has also printed the letter in
question. He puts the words "'t Wapen van" in parentheses, in order
to denote that they are merely conjectural. Leupe may have
inadvertently omitted these parentheses. Perhaps the orginal text
read: "Amsterdam ende." In this case there would have been two times
question of Dedel's voyage: once by a reference to the ship
Amsterdam; and afterwards by mentioning Dedel's name itself. I must
not, however, omit to make mention here of what the Instructions for
Tasman's second voyage, dated January 29, 1644, say about an
unsuccessful expedition undertaken by the ship 't Wapen van Amsterdam
to the south coast of New Guinea in 1619.]

[6) I conclude this from Dedel's letter of October 7,
1619, to be referred to by and by.]

{Page: Life.96}

together with the strong wind then prevailing, prevented us from
carrying out our plan, after which we held our course towards Java,
which we sighted August 19." This account, although the briefest of
the three that have come down to us, is of special importance,
because in it [De] Houtman, who, as we shall presently see, was
acquainted with the discovery made by the ship Eendracht, speaks of
the "South-land Beach." We may conclude from this that the
discoveries of the last few years were identified with the mysterious
"Beach "[1].

To the Directors [De] Houtman writes with greater detail. After
leaving the Cape of Good Hope, he says, "we ran on with a fair
north-west wind as far as 36 degrees 30 minutes, whence we kept this
steady breeze up to July 17th, when we calculated to have sailed due
east in a straight line a distance of a thousand miles from the Cape
de bonne esperance; we found the diminishing north-western variation
of the compass to be 16 degrees, and resolved to change our
course...to north-east and north-east by north, being then in 35
degrees 25 minutes southern latitude. And having kept the course
aforesaid for about 60 miles, in the evening of the 19th we
unexpectedly sighted land, which we held off from. On the l0th [we]
found it to be a mainland coast, lying south and north...We could
find no convenient landing-place owing to the heavy breakers, and the
violence of the waves...[We] next sailed along the coast until July
28...and sighted a projecting point of the land on the same day...On
the 29th ditto, thinking ourselves clear of all land, we changed our
course to North by East. At noon we found ourselves in 29° 32' S.
Lat. In the night, about three hours before daybreak, we again
unexpectedly came upon land, which we observed to be a low-lying
broken land with reefs all round it; we could see no high or firm
land, so that it will be advisable to keep clear of the said reefs
which might grievously endanger any vessels that might wish to touch
at this land; we estimated it to be upwards of ten miles long, its
latitude being 28° 46'. On the second of August, the wind turning
contrary, we changed our course to eastward. At noon we again
observed a long stretch of mainland, in 27° 40' S. Lat. Here we
became firmly convinced that this must be the land, which the ship
d'Eendracht must have seen and sailed alongside of...nor do we at all
doubt that all the land which (they?) saw in 22, 23 and 25°, and
ourselves observed as far as 33°, must be one continuous mainland
coast without a break. Sailing in 26° 20' [we were] in full sight
of the land...--This South-land had need to be further surveyed and
explored. On August 25 we got into Sonda Strait."

Jacob Dedel's letter to the Directors supplements [De] Houtman's
account by furnishing additional particulars. "After many westerly,
south-westerly and southerly winds, which we had in 35, 36 and
37° Southern Latitude, with occasional stiff breezes, (we)
successfully got so far east, and on July 19 came upon the
South-lands lying beyond Java; here we cast anchor in latitude
32½ degrees...We did our utmost to effect a landing which
proved impracticable owing to the steep cliffs...but [we had to] be
content with having seen the land, which when occasion shall serve,
ought to be further surveyed and explored with fitting vessels or
smaller craft. We did not always...keep close inshore, seeing that
the coast was indented with large bays, but saw the land by fragments
here and there; going on in this fashion in 27 degrees we also came
upon the land discovered by the ship Eendracht[2]...From latitude 27° S. we next held a
north and north by west course," for the isle of Java.

[1) Visscher in his memorial about the South-land of
January 22, 1642, afterwards to be discussed, also speaks of the
"unknown provinces of Beach."]

[2) Eendrachtsland was further surveyed--RAINAUD and
COLLINGRIDGE hardly refer to any of the voyagers, to be discussed in
this note--by the ship Leyden commanded by Skipper Claes Hermansz,
the said ship striking the South-land in her voyage from the Cape to
Java, July 21, 1623, "in latitude 27° S.", and surveying the same
as far as 25° 48'.--In another voyage from the Cape to Java, this
time under command of Skipper Daniel Janssen Cock, the same ship
sighted "the Southland" on April 28, 1626 The ship's journal does not
register any latitude on that day, but on the 27th she was in 27
2/3° S. L., and in "just short of" 26° on the 29th.--Two of
the seven ships also, which sailed from the Texel, March 19, 1627,
under the command of Governor-General Jan Pieterszoon Coen, saw the
west coast of Australia. Coen himself gives the following
particulars--not referred to by LEUPE--of his experiences on this
occasion, in his letter to the Directors, dated October 30, 1627: "On
the twenty-second day of July we left Table Bay with the ships
Galias, Wttrecht and Texel...we got cut off from the other two, and
continuing our voyage in the Galias, we came in sight of the land of
Eendracht in 28½ S. L-, on September 5 in the afternoon..."
The other vessel of this squadron, that surveyed the Southland was
the ship het Wapen van Hoorn. A letter and the journal of Supercargo
J. Van Roosenbergh, who was on board, the former addressed to the
Directors at Amsterdam, and dated November 8, 1627, furnish us with
the following particulars of this ship's voyage: "On the 17th (of
September] we saw the land of d'Eendracht in the vicinity of Dirck
Hartochs roads..." In June 1629, Francois Pelszrt, who was wrecked on
the Houtmans Abrolhos with the ship Batavia, surveyed the west coast
of Australia from 28° 13 to 22° 17', after which he tried to
reach Batavia. When he had got there, he returned thence to the
Abrolhos, in order to rescue those men of his crew who had been left
behind there. In the course of this return-voyage, in September, he
surveyed the coast from about 29° 16' as far as the Abrolhos.
This shipwreck, together with the horrible occurrences, which
followed it, is so generally known that it is needless to go into
detail about it here (see TIELE, Mémoire bibliographique, pp.
262-268; Bibliographie Land- en Volkenkunde, pp. 190-191; MAJOR,
Early Voyages, pp. LXXXIX--XCII, 59-74, etc.). As regards Pelsaert's
expedition in September, and his subsequent return to Batavia, I
extract the following particulars from his "Dach aenteykeningh "
[daily journal): "On the 3rd ditto...at noon we sighted the mainland
of the Southland, lying N. N. W. and S. S. E. being in Latitude south
29° 16' [Pelsaert had then passed the Abrolhos, and was sailing
on a northerly course)...On the 4th ditto...at noon we were in
28° 50' S. L. Here the land began to trend outward one point, to
wit North by West and South by East...In the evening we became aware
of a shallow straight ahead or to westward of us...on the 5th
ditto...we saw ahead of us and skirting our course more breakers,
shoals and strips of land...This reef or shoal extended S. S. W. and
N. N. E....at eleven in the forenoon we had lost sight of the
mainland, at noon we were in 28° 59' S. L., the extremity of the
reef being W. S. West of us...On the 6th ditto...at noon we were in
28° 44' S. L...In the evening we again turned our course from the
rocks to the open, sounded 40 fathom, but were surrounded by
dangerous cliffs. These reefs here extend out to sea S. East and N.
West...On the 13th ditto, at three o'clock in the morning we again
observed breakers ahead...This was the northernmost point of the
Abrolhos...at noon we were in 28° Latitude South. Shortly after,
we again sighted the mainland of the South-land...On the 16th
ditto...towards evening we saw the rocks on which our ship Batavia
had been wrecked, and I was recognised from the Hooge Eylandt...On
the 17th ditto...in the forenoon, coming near the island, we saw
smoke rising up from a long island, two miles to westward of the
wreck, and also from another small islet close to the wreck...(one of
these islands in about 28½° S. L. was named Batavia's
Churchyard)...On November 15...we weighed anchor in the name of God,
and sailed away from these luckless Abrolhos to the mainland [of the
Southland), keeping an E. N. East course...in order from there to
continue our voyage to Batavia as expeditiously as possible...about
noon we got close inshore...on the 16th ditto...towards noon we
sighted a bay situated in 27° 51'."

Meanwhile Jacques Specx, member of the Council of India, had with
certain vessels, in the night between the 26th and 27th of August,
1629, "struck the South-land, and had landed near the corner of Dirck
Hartogs roads," after which the Plenary Council had resolved "from
that time to direct the ships' course along the coast, lying in the
chart East North East, going on to 22° S. Latitude." Of this
expedition, which was specially intended to discover and further
explore the coast, nothing more is now known.--We have better
information, on the other hand, respecting an exploratory voyage,
undertaken in 1635 by the ship Amsterdam, on board of which was
Wollebrant Geleynszoon De Jongh, the commander of a fleet on its way
from the mother-country to India. The following particulars are taken
from De Jongh's account: On May 25th..."one hour after day-break...we
sighted the South-land...we found our latitude to be 25 degrees 16
minutes South, but were not quite sure of our
observation...item in the morning about two hours after
day-break, morning-prayers being over, we saw straight ahead of
us...the South-land; it lay east of us, about 4 or 5 miles by
estimation, when we got sight of it; we found it to be low-lying
land, its lie being pretty much as shown in the chart, N. N. E. and
S. S: W., so far as we could make out...The land we saw, from which
at noon we were at no more than 1½ or two miles' distance by
estimation, we held to be the land of d' Eendracht, and the land we
got near to at noon Dirck Hartochsz. road, for we had a great bay or
bight between two projecting points..."]

{Page: Life.97}

In this voyage, accordingly, the coast which was soon to be known
by the name of Dedelsland was skirted, and the Houtmans
Abrolhos[1] discovered. Another
couple of years later, the south-western extremity of what is now
called Australia was to be reached by a Dutch ship. This was the
vessel Leeuwin, which, after leaving the Netherlands in the spring of
1621, after a very long passage, in March[2], 1622, reached the South-land between about
33° 45' and 35° S.L., and conferred her name on the coast,
then surveyed (Land van de Leeuwin), the name Cape Leeuwin
keeping the memory of the said vessel alive to the present day.
Although very little is known about this voyage, it would seem that
on this occasion were discovered[3] "
Laegh ghelyck verdroncken landt" [low-lying land usually under water]
on the west coast, and "Laegh duynich landt " [low-lying dunes more
to the south-east.

Of very great importance for the knowledge possessed by the
Netherlanders concerning the south coast of what is now known as
Australia, must have been the exploratory voyage, made along this
coast in January 1627 by the ship Het Gulden Zeepaard. As regards
this expedition, too, we are without sufficient data. The Gulden
Zeepaard, fitted out by the Middelburg Chamber, was commanded by
Skipper Francois Thijszoon, and had also on board the member of the
Council of India Pieter Nuyts. In June or July 1626, she found
herself totally deserted by the other ships[4], with which she had sailed

[1) Abrolhos, a Portuguese word for cliffs, rocky
projections rising from the sea. COLLINGRIDGE, p. 192, believes the
word arencs, designating an island on the western-coast of the
so-called Australian continent, found on a chart of 1550 in the
British Museum, to be a corruption of "Abrolhos, the name it has
preserved to this day"!! Here also took also place the shipwreck of
the vessel Batavia, commanded by Pelsart, from whom in the present
century the Pelsart group got its name (MAJOR, Early Voyages, p.
178).--Slightly more to the south (29° 10') is a cliff, called
Tortelduif (Turtle-dove), which already occurs in the chart of
HESSEL GERRITSZ, of 1627. The name almost certainly owes its origin
to the ship Tortelduif, which sailed from the Texel, Nov. 16, 1623,
and arrived at Batavia, June 21, 1624---See HEERES, Dagregister
Batavia, 1624-1629, p. 55. Cf. LEUPE, Zuidland, p. 48.]

[2) See HESSEL GERRITSZ'S chart (Remarkable Maps,
4).]

[3) Remarkable Maps, II, 4. In Hydrographie
françoise par BELLIN, II, no. 91 (MDCCLVII) this is translated
as follows: "Terres de Diuning(!!) qui sons très basses
et noyées," and in this manner changed the wording of the
description of the land in the name of the land. On the chart of
HESSEL GERRITSZ there are also found more to the North the words
"Duynich landt boven met boomen ende boscage." Accordingly,
COLLINGRIDGE'S note on p. 287 which derives the legend on Goos'map
"from some notes on a chart by Captain Volkersen of the Waeikende
Boey, who was in those parts in 1658", seems not well-founded. It is
no doubt a mutilated transcript of the wording of Hessel
Gerritsz.--Curiously enough, Collingridge (pp. 184 f., 191) derives
the name Cape Lioness or Leeuwin from "the peculiar shape of the
Australian continent" or from this part of Australia having been the
abode of lions!! And yet he pretends (p. 241) to have himself cleared
up in his book "for the first time, as far as the English-speaking
world is concerned," the doubt "on the authenticity of that part of
the south-west coast of Australia" having been first discovered by
the Dutch vessel Leeuwin!]

[1) I gather this from the ship's council's resolutions
of one of these ships, viz. of the yacht Domburg, dated June 21, 1627
and following days.]

{Page: Life.98}

from the Netherlands. On April 10, 1627 she arrived at Batavia[1]. When now, we may ask, has the South
coast been surveyed by this vessel? Nearly[2] all the charts--and these are our only
sources to ascertain the date--give it as January 26, 1627. There is
no reason to prevent us from taking for granted that on this day the
ship Zeepaard was lying on the south coast of Australia. Nuyts gave
his name to the whole region then surveyed (Nuytsland or
land van P. Nuyts), which extended as far as Longitude
133° 30' East of Greenwich, where even in our days the islands of
St. Pieter and St. Francois[3] preserve
the memory of the termination of this voyage, which islands, it would
seem, were then also looked upon as the eastern extremity of the
Southland[4].

Finally, another portion of the western coast-line of Australia
was discovered in the early part of 1628, by the ship Vianen[5], which, having on board Gerrit Frederikszoon
De Witt as commander, left Java for the Netherlands on January 14 of
the said year, and "owing to head-winds," ran so far to the south,
that she "came upon the Southland beyond Java"[6]. The name G. F. De Witt's land still
indicates the region, then surveyed: about 21° S.L., north of the
Willems River[7].

Thus, in the course of about a decade--between 1616 and 1628--,
the west coast of what is now known as Australia, from a point north
of 21° S.L. to its southern extremity, and from there the south
coast had been surveyed as far as about Latitude 133° 30' East of
Greenwich. But no more than surveyed only: they were very far from
being thoroughly known at the date at which we have arrived. Few, if
any attempts were made to explore any part beyond the coast-line
itself; at many points even the coast-line had not come in sight, so
that there the problem remained unsolved, whether it was a mainland
with an unbroken coast-line, or a number of islands, that one had to
do with.

The discoveries made in the course of those years bore a more or
less accidental character. True, both in the mother-country and in
India the discovery of Eendrachtsland had drawn considerable
attention, and the skippers, who, in consequence of the recently
appointed route from the Cape to Java, before referred to, were
likely to come in sight of the South-land, received positive
instructions[8], to make an accurate
surveying of the coast-line they should see, but none of the ships
which had hitherto carried the Dutch flag from De Witt's land to the
islands of St. Francois and St. Pieter, had done so in the course of
voyages specially destined for the discovery and exploration of the
South-land. Yet, this was not owing to any want of interest in such
discoveries: witness the projects for exploratory voyages formed soon
after the results of the Eendracht expedition had become known[9], and the realisation of two of these
projects, which were destined to enlarge the amount of Dutch
knowledge concerning New Guinea and the north coast of what is now
called Australia. The expeditions referred

[1) HEERES, Dagregister, p. 307.]

[2) Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte chart has
February. There is no reason to uphold this testimony against the
others. I place especial confidence in a chart of HESSEL GERRITSZ in
the Huydecoper van Maarsseveen copy, which also has January 26, 1627.
This is also the case, indeed, with the copy of Visscher's draught,
in the British Museum. The instructions of Pool in 1636, also mention
January (LEUPE, Zuidland, p. 69).]

[3) Can these islands have been thus named after the
skipper and the member of the Council of India, on board the
Zeepaard?]

[4) See the Instructions given to Pool (LEUPE, Zuidland,
p. 69.--Cf. General Missive, of December 12, 1642, Appendix E.]

[5) Also called Viane or Viana.]

[6) General Missive of November 3, 1628.]

[7) The name De Witt's Land is already found on a map of
Blaeu's in an atlas of 1640 (Remarkable Maps, II, No. 10 and
Introduction). COOTE is mistaken where in the Introduction he says
that this map also gives the results of the voyage of the Duifken in
1605-1606. These results are, indeed, given in the map II, No. 7;
which, being a great exception, renders this map (by Janssonius) a
highly remarkable one.--In e.g. Atlas van Zeevaert en Koophandel
voorheen in de Fransche taele uytgegeven door LOUIS RENARD en nu door
Reinier en Josua Ottens (Amsterdam, R. en J. Ottens, MDCCXLV),
De Witt's Land is translated as Terre Blanche!! (Carte
nouvelle de la mer du Sud).--In NORDENSKIÖLD'S Facsimile-atlas
to the early history of cartography. Stockholm, MDCCCLXXXIX, there is
reproduced (no. 61) a map, with the suscription "Chart on Mercator's
projection: Navigatio ac Itinerarium Johannis Hugonis Linscotani.
Hagae-Comitis 1599." Nordenskiöld has made a mistake in
assigning this map to the year 1599. In this map occur the
discoveries of Schouten and Lemaire (1616), Eendrachtsland (1616),
the Trialls (1622), the discoveries of Carstensz (1623), De Wittsland
(1628)!!--Cf. COLLINGRIDGE, Discovery, p. 221; S. RUGE, Das
unbekannte Südland (Deutsche Geographische Blätter, XVIII,
1895, p. 324 f.).]

[8) See LEUPE, Zuidland, p. 37, Note 1).]

[9) What was done in this matter in the Netherlands and
in India from 1618 to 1623, is related by LEUPE, Zuidland, pp. 36-43;
and by L. C. D. VAN DIJK, Mededeelingen uit het Oost-Indisch Archief.
Amsterdam, Scheltema, 1859, A, pp. 2-7.--As regards subsequent
years, see, for example, Missive from the "Heeren XVII" to the G.-G.
and Counc., December 18, 1628.--One of the inducements to renewed
voyages was the narrative of the wreck, in June 1622, of the English
ship Trial "on certain cliffs, lying in Latitude 20° 10' south,
and in the longitude of the western extremity of Java." From this
shipwreck the rocks in question were in the charts named the
Trial's rocks. (Compare the chart of Hessel Gerritsz,
Remarkable Maps, II, 7).]

{Page: Life.99}

to are those of Jan Carstensz (Carstenszoon) in 1623, and of
Gerrit Thomaszoon Pool and Pieter Pieterszoon in 1636.

On the 21st of January 1623 Supercargo Jan Carstenszoon of Emden,
by order of Herman Van Speult, governor of Amboyna, sailed from the
Amboyna group, with the ships Arnhem, commanded by Dirk Meliszoon,
and Pera, of which Jan Van Sluys was master, the head of the
expedition being on board the latter vessel[1]. By way of Banda he reached the Key-, and
afterwards the Aroe Islands, whence, after running on chiefly in a
north-westerly direction, on February 9, he got sight of the
south-coast of New Guinea, the ships then being in 4° 17' S. Lat.
They tried to survey the coast in an easterly direction, on which
occasion two days later a number of Netherlanders were killed by
natives in 4° 20' and about 136° Long. E. of Greenwich[2]. Among these was the skipper of the
Arnhem, who was replaced by Willem Joosten Van Colster or Van
Coolsteerdt. On the 15th they were in Latitude 137° East[3]. On the 16th, in about 137° 30'[3], in the morning, when they...were "about
1½ mile from the low-lying coast...they saw, by estimation
about 10 miles land-inward, a number of very high mountains which in
many places were white with snow (the 'Snow-mountain,' or
'Snow-mountains'), from which the rivers take their sources." They
sailed, mainly in a south-easterly direction, chiefly along
"overflown land," and a few days after also along "leech
landt" [low-lying land], and cast anchor at various points on the
coast. On the 7th of March they again came in hostile contact with
the natives in the latitude of 7°; "to this place or the land
where the aforesaid has taken place (which heretofore in the year
1606 the crew of the yacht Duyfken made out to be islands), we have
in the new chart[4] given the name of
Keerweer [Turn-again], forasmuch as from this point the land is
trending south-west and west." It is therefore highly probable that
they had got near what is now known as Princess Marianne Strait,
which divides Prince Frederik Hendrik island from New Guinea, but,
unlike Willem Janszoon in 1607, Carstenszoon mistook Prince Frederik
Hendrik island for a part of New Guinea. Skirting "Modder
groundt" [mud-ground], the south-western extremity of Prince
Frederik Hendrik island was doubled (Valsche Caep or Cape
Valsch, 8° 15'), but here also attempts to get more knowledge
of the coast were frustrated by the hostile attitude taken up by the
natives. In the evening of the 21st of March, after sailing in an
easterly direction for some time, they cast anchor "near an island,
lying upward of a mile South and North from the mainland; a quarter
of a mile North by East and South by West of the island, there is
still a rock on which there are two dry trees." They found the island
to be in Latitude 8° 8' South, and bestowed on it the name of
Vleer muysen eylandt [Bats' Island], "from the large numbers
of bats, that people the trees," while the opposite coast of New
Guinea was christened[5]Clapper-kust [Cocoa-tree coast]. On March 28, they anchored in
about 9° 6'. The land here "lay E.N E.", or East and East by
North. They found here "divers shoals and reefs lying dry," the land
was "low-lying and muddy, overgrown with low coppice and wild trees."
They resolved not to try to press on farther east: "the reports
aforesaid concerning the shallow soundings to eastward" led the
ships' commanders to conclude "that it was impossible to go on
skirting the land [they had] for so long followed to eastward." They
accordingly resolved "to try back by tacking the same way they had
come"--they had meanwhile proceeded some distance up the
shallows--and to continue their voyage in a southerly direction. This
plan was carried into effect; they sailed past the narrows, now
called Torres Strait, but which they mistook for a bay (Drooge
bocht = dry bight), indenting the land; and accordingly fancied
New Guinea to form a whole with the north-eastern peninsula of what
is now known as Australia. Carstenszoon, indeed, specifically called
the land hitherto skirted by the ships "the western extremity of Nova
Guinea."

[2) See VAN BEMMELEN, Isogonen, p. 23; near the
Dootslagers-rivier (Man-queller's River) in De Leeuw's chart. That
Thévenot (as, indeed, also other charts; see Remarkable Maps,
II) has here "Dootslagers-rivier," once more proves that he did not
consult the Bonaparte-chart, but had other data at his disposal.
Lauts's contention (LEUPE, Nieuw-Guinea, p. 38), that this name
should have been derived from Willem Janszoon (1606), will not hold
water.]

[3) VAN BEMMELEN, l. c.]

[4) That they had with them a chart of an earlier voyage
(the one undertaken by Willem Janszoon in 1606) is evident from
several passages in the journal, and also from contemporary letters,
inter alia, one from the governor of Banda to the G.-G., dated May
16, 1623.]

[5) Although this name does not occur in De Leeuw's chart
(LEUPE, Nieuw-Guinea, p. 44), it was first conferred in the course of
Carstensz's voyage.]

{Page: Life.100}

Having thus on April 4, "with exceeding difficulty and great
peril, got clear of the shallows aforementioned," on the 8th in
10° 15' they again came upon dangerous shoals, where they clearly
saw several stones lying at the bottom." They had then probably got
near the present Cook's Reef. On the 12th, being in 11° 45', they
sighted "at sunrise the land of Nova Guinea (being quite bare,
without either mountains or hills)," and had therefore got in sight
of the peninsula of York[1], which they
coasted along in a southerly direction, now and then trying to come
in contact with the natives, without, however, thereby obtaining any
results worth mentioning. Thus proceeding, on the 24th of April they
got into 17° 8', where they resolved "to go back[2] and sail due north along the coast of Nova
Guinea as long as practicable, to touch at sundry points on the said
coast, and to investigate the same as closely as possible." In the
latitude just referred to, a river discovered there was named
Staten rivier, after Their High Mightinesses the
States-General of the United Netherlands, a name still in use in the
charts of our time. On the return-voyage the Pera got separated from
the Arnhem, and Carstensz's ship continued her voyage alone. On April
29, in 16° 10', she discovered and christened the Nassau
river; on May 3, in 15° 20' or 15° 30', the
"Water-plaets" (Mitchell River); on May 4, in slightly
northward of 15° 12', the Vereenichde Rivier [United
River]; on May 8, in 13° 7' the Coen River[3]. On the 9th of May, in 12° 33', they
again found a "Waeterplaets" (i.e. a river); on the 11th, in 11°
48', the river (de) Carpentier (Batavia)[4]; on the 13th, in 11° 16', the river
Van Speult[5]; on the 14th , in
10° 50', a third "waeterplaets," this time near "an
exceeding beautiful soete rivier [fresh-water river]," where
the land was found to be "high, covered with dunes and reefy near the
shore" (the 'Hooge Landt[6], now Cape
York); they were then in sight of the Prince of Wales isles. From
there they bent their course in a westerly, later in a north-westerly
direction, and on the 23rd of May reached the Aroe islands.

In default of a journal of her voyage, the adventures of the ship
Arnhem, after her separation from the Pera, are not nearly so well
known as those of her companion. Only a few scattered memoranda
concerning them are available[7]. On
June 5, 1623 the governor of Amboyna, Herman Van Speult, writes to
Governor-General Pieter De Carpentier: "The ship Eenhoorn arrived
here from Banda on the sixteenth of May. She reports that the Yacht
Aernhem had arrived there without her rudder, having been in 17
degrees S. Lat...[8] It would seem that
the Aernhem and the Pera have got separated from each other. We hope
that erelong the Pera will also turn up ("opdonderen"), which in that
case at the close of the monsoon we shall send to your place, that
she may give Your Worship thorough information regarding all that has
happened." Not a word, then, as to the ship Arnhem's doings after her
parting company with the Pera. On June 17th this letter is continued
as follows: "Commander Carstens arrived here with the Yacht Pera on
the 8th; he is going to your place in the Eenhoorn, together with the
first mate, in order to give a report of his experiences, so that I
think it needless to expatiate further on this point." This, too,
does not carry us any further. Nor can we derive any light from a
missive from the governor of Banda to the Governor-General, dated May
16, 1623, which

[2) SWART, Journaal, p. 183, places a second "Keer or
Keergewrogt" in 17° and odd minutes S. L. This is a strange
blunder. He has utterly misunderstood the legend of the Bonaparte
chart, and reads there: "Hier toe hebbe der somig ende Keergewrogt."
This is sheer nonsense. The reading means: "Up to here (Staten river)
the previous discoverers have been." (Compare LEUPE, Handschriften,
p. 269, the manuscript map in the State Archives, no, 344 of Leupe's
inventory, and DE HAAN'S manuscript Atlas).]

[3) Named, of course, after the
Governor-General.]

[4) In the journal itself the river is called Carpentier,
as is also the case, for example, in the Bonaparte chart. In most of
the other charts, however, the river bears the name of Batavia (see
Remarkable Maps). Thévenot also has Batavia, thus again
differing from the Bonaparte chart, also on this point. It is
certainly worth noting that in a "Sommarie Extract van t' Journael,"
drawn up by Carstenszoon himself, the name (de) Carpentier, which
figured there, has been struck out. Valentijn's compilation chart,
already discussed, has both names.]

[5) So called from the governor of Amboyna, Herman Van
Speult, who had fitted out the expedition.]

[6) In the Instructions for Tasman, January 29, 1644,
there is question of the "Hoge eijlant-"]

[7) I have gone into greater detail concerning this
voyage than as regards the other, because, strange to say, neither
Van Dijk nor Leupe seem to have properly investigated this matter,
about which they were in doubt and uncertainty, and which would
therefore have required more light to be thrown upon it. TIELE-VIVIEN
DE SAINT MARTIN. p. 190, is not quite correct as regards this
matter.]

[8) Here follows a succinct account of what had happened
on the voyage before the separation of the two ships, an account that
it is not necessary to reproduce.]

{Page: Life.101}

states that the Arnhem was picked up rudderless, and gives certain
particulars, without telling anything about what had happened after
the separation of the two vessels. The Governor-General and
Councillors in their General Missive of January 3, 1624, reported to
the Directors on this matter, and here, too, we again learn that the
ships had got as far as 17° 18' S. Lat., but absolutely nothing
concerning what had happened either to the Pera or to the Arnhem,
subsequent to their parting company in this latitude. They refer
their correspondents to the "journal and abstract," which accompanied
the missive. A few years later, however, a desire for further
particulars was felt: it was in 1636, when a fresh expedition to
those regions (the one commanded by Pool and Pieterszoon, of which
more anon) was being arranged for. In the remarkable instructions for
this voyage, issued by the G.-G. and Counc. on February 19, 1636, we
read as follows: "In case no further information should be obtained
(from the governor of Banda), it is our desire that you shall as
speedily as possible navigate from Banda for Arnhems- and
Speultsland, lying between 9 and thirteen degrees Southern Latitude[1], discovered A. D. 1623, as you will
more particularly gather from the accompanying chart. These are vast
lands...Sailing from the islands aforementioned[2], you will cross to eastward, in order to make
the land of Nova Guinea, also[3]
discovered A. D. 1623 by the yachts Pera and Arnhem as far as 17
degrees 8 minutes Southern Latitude; which we hold to be the
South-land, extending to westward from the said latitude as far as 26
degrees or as far as the land of the Eendracht...From the farthest
point discovered, being, as beforementioned, in 17 degrees 8 minutes
Southern Latitude, you will follow the coastline down to Houtmans
Abrolhos in 28 and 29 degrees [or down to] 33 and 34 degrees..." What
can be meant by "the accompanying chart"? we naturally ask. An answer
to this question is furnished by a missive from Anthonio Van Diemen
to Pool, dated February 19, 1636, in which the latter is appointed
leader of the expedition. We read there: "[We] herewith send [you] a
chart of the lands A.D. 1623 surveyed by the yachts Pera and Arnhem;
item a small chart of the South-land, coasted along by divers
ships coming from the Netherlands, which charts may be of use to
you." The words "the accompanying chart" cannot refer to the "small
chart of the South-land," because this small chart contained that
part only of the South-land which had been "coasted along by divers
ships coming from the Netherlands," a description which cannot
therefore refer to regions between 9° and 13° S. Lat. The
"accompanying chart" can therefore only be the "chart of the lands
A.D. 1623 surveyed by the yachts Pera and Arnhem". That chart
accordingly showed. "Arnhems- and Speults-land, lying between 9 and
13 degrees Southern Latitude." The Pera did not discover the
lands (islands)46], as is evident from
her journal; they must accordingly have been discovered by the
Arnhem. This tallies exactly with what we find stated in Tasman's
instructions for the expedition of 1644, viz. that "on account of
untimely separation (from the Pera], the ship Arnhem, after
discovering the large islands of Aernhem and Speult, returned to
Amboyna without any result worth mentioning"[5]. Here, too, we find the discovery of Arnhems-
and Speults-lands (islands), attributed to the ship Arnhem.

Where, we may ask, are these lands (islands) to be sought? Between
9° and 13° S. Lat., say Pool's instructions. If we knew
nothing beyond this, we might ask, whether, in the said latitude,
they are situated on the east- or on the west-coast of the present
gulf of Carpentaria[6]. But the
description

[1) This latitude utterly disagrees with that of Prince
Frederik Hendrik Island, on the south-coast of New Guinea, with which
island VAN DIJK (Mededeelingen, p. 26) wants to identify Arnhems- and
Speults-land.--We may pass over in silence what COLLINGRIDGE (pp. 268
f.) says about Speriet and Arnim. His conjecture Speult = Spu St. =
Spiritu Santo is very ingenious, but devoid of
foundation.]

[2) This may refer either to Arnhems- and Speults-lands,
which are also called islands (see infra); or to the
"lands and islands lying east of Banda," of which there is question
in a paragraph of the instructions preceding the passage quoted in
the text; or to both.]

[6) G. LAUTS, Geschiedenis van de vestiging, uitbreiding,
bloei en verval van de magt der Nederlanders in Indië.
Groningen, Van Boekeren, 1852, I, p. 167, says that
Carstenszoon "has given its present name to the Gulf of Carpentaria."
As is so often the case, Lauts here too gives no authority for his
surmise. VAN DIJK. p. 23, has already pointed out its improbability,
but it is still maintained, e.g. by BIRDWOOD, Report India Office, p.
188, where are found more mistakes. He erroneously places the
discovery of Carpentaria in 1628, as does JAMES COOK in his chart of
the Southern Hemisphere (A voyage towards the South Pole and round
the world, I, London, Strahan and Cadell, 1777), which
chart has other mistakes besides. When Carstenszoon set out on
his expedition, it was not De Carpentier, but Coen who was
Governor-General (Coen resigned February 1, 1623). He had therefore
little reason to christen the coast after De Carpentier. It is not
unlikely that the name of Carpentaria, which occurs in very early
charts (inter alia in the Nolpe-Dozy chart of 1652/3, and in
Thévenot's chart, but not in Swart's reproduction of the
Bonaparte one), was given to the coast at a somewhat later period,
when, regard being had to the dates of the DISCOVERIES only, which
took place within De Carpentier's term of office, it was deemed
fitting to make the latter dignitary stand sponsor. Most probably the
gulf was afterwards named after the east-coast. RAINAUD, p. 361, is
not quite clear, when he says: "Quant au nom de golfe de Carpentarie,
it n'apparut que plus tard, sur les cartes du deuxième voyage
de Tasman." What maps does he mean here?--Of course I can not dwell
upon the mistakes and blunders of THÉVENOT (I, Avis) and
others, where, for example, they consider De Carpentier and Van
Diemen, not as the promoters of voyages of discovery, but as the
discoverers themselves.]

{Page: Life.102}

"large lands or islands" can hardly refer to the
east-coast. It should further be considered that during the days
following the separation of the Arnhem from the Pera, the wind was
constantly in the east, so that it is quite possible that the Arnhem
was driven to the west-coast of the gulf[1]. These various circumstances would in
themselves lead us to surmise that the said lands or islands must be
sought in the west part of the gulf, and this supposition is
materially strengthened by a remark which the G.-G. and Counc. were
led to make by the results of the 1636 expedition under Pool and
Pieterszoon. In their General Missive of December 28, 1636, they say
that Pieterszoon and those with him "(had) in 11 degrees Southern
Latitude discovered great lands, to which they had given the names of
Van Diemens- and Marias land, but which we (scil.
Governor-General and Councillors) conjecture to be Arnhems- or
Speults-islands[2], although the lie of
the latter is different. The Council of these Yachts, finding it
impossible to proceed eastward, after discovering Arnhems land 20
miles to westward, resolved to take their course to the north again,
past the islands of Timor(laut) and Tenimber, and to return to
Banda." We know, as will appear by-and-by, that the land discovered
by Pieterszoon, and referred to in the General Missive, just quoted
from (Van Diemen's- and Maria's land), is situated pretty well due
south of Trangan, the southernmost of the Aroe isles, i.e. in about
Lat. 134° East of Greenwich. It was conjectured[3], that this land might be the "Arnhems or
Speults islands," in other words, Pieterszoon and those with him had
not positively identified it with these islands in any of their
charts, but they had been sailing in a westerly direction, when they
fancied to have discovered Arnhems land: in their estimation,
therefore, Arnhems land lay east of Van Diemen's and Maria's land,
and this exactly agrees with the place invariably assigned to
Arnhems land in the charts both of Tasman's time and our own[4]. Its shape also accounts for the
circumstance that it was by turns looked upon as an island and as a
land. Any doubt as to this name having been justly given to it, is
therefore groundless[5]: the ship Arnhem
must needs have been the discoverer of the land called after her.

Where, however, are we to locate Van Speultsland? There are few,
if any direct data to answer this question[6]. The following facts should, however, be duly
noted. The G.-G. and Counc. state that Pieterszoon "had discovered
Arnhems (not Van Speult's) land 20 miles to westward "[7], and that he had then resolved to
continue his voyage in a northerly direction in order to reach the
Tenimber or Timor Laut islands. Now, if Van Speult's land had been
situated west of Arnhems-land, there are two a priori
possibilities: either the G.G. and Counc. would have mentioned the
discovery of Van Speult's (not Anthems) land, so many miles to
westward--which they did not do in their missive; or Van Speult's
land lay so far to westward that Pieterszoon did not reach it. But we
may take for granted, that, when he resolved to sail in a northerly
direction, he had reached the present Van Diemen Cape in Melville
Island. Therefore there is no room for Van Speult's land west of
Arnhems-land: it must accordingly be sought east of it. Could it be
the island in the gulf of Carpentaria still in our time[8] known as "Groote Eylandt?"

[1) This has already been observed by LEUPE, Zuidland, p.
45. See Carstenszoon's journal on April 8, and subsequent
days.]

[2) "The newly found Van Diemen's land, also called
Arnhems- or Speults land" (Daily Register, Batavia, October 6,
1636).]

[6) I must, however, remind the reader that the Batavia
Daily Register speaks of Arnhems- or Speultsland.--I do not
understand whence Valentijn in his "chart of the south-eastern Banda
isles" has taken the name "Riv. van Speult," east of Aernhems
land.]

[8) In Stieler's Atlas. In M. J. C. MEIKLEJOHN,
Australasia (London, Holden, 1897) p. 71, the discovery of the
"Groote Eylandt" is attributed to the Duyfken in 1606. There are more
mistakes is this little book, which I mention here, only because it
is one of the most recent books about Australia]

{Page: Life.103}

Turning to Pool's expedition, we find that Gerrit Thomaszoon Pool,
on April 17, 1636, sailed from Banda with the ships Cleen Amsterdam
and Cleen Wesel for the Goram group, whence, running on in a mainly
eastern direction, on April 24 he struck the west-coast of New Guinea
in 3° 32' S. Lat.[1] (Cape Baaik?).
This coast is by him called "De lange hooge berch "[2]. They now went south, and "about two o'clock
in the afternoon passed the eijlanden Amsterdam" (Sangala,
Katoemin and Woelan?), next Kaap Amsterdam (Van den Bosch
Cape?), and on the 25th reached Poeloe Adi, by them called Wesels
eylant." They anchored between this island and another, more to the
south, which they christened "'t Vogelseijlant" [Bird Island]. After
doubling the eastern extremity of Weselseiland, they held a northward
course "in order to make the mainland coast again." They had in sight
the Kamrau Bay, one of the eastern extremities of which they named
"de N.O. hoecq"[3, and from there
ran on along the coast [Steile hoek (Cape Boeroe), Goenong Api
(Mount Lakahia), Vlakke hoek (Cape Debelle)]. On April 28,
they saw a river "slightly east of the Vlacke hoeck; having got about
half a mile further east they again saw a river," near which they
dropt anchor. Here (Moordenaers revier), Pool with certain men
of his crew were murdered by the natives[4]. He was succeeded in the command by Pieter
Pieterszoon, who, always skirting the coast, on the 6th of May
estimated himself to be in 5° 52', whence they held their course
to the Aroe and Key Islands.

Near these island-groups Pieterszoon remained until June 9, on
which day the ships "set sail from before Taranga (Trangan)", and
continued their way in a mainly southerly direction. On the 13th at
noon they were 10° 50'[5]. Here the
journal goes on to say: "At four glasses after noon we saw land
South-east by South...At about 6 miles' distance from there to
westward we also saw land, not connected with the other land, but
upwards of 3 miles distant from it..." On the 141h they skirted the
coast in a southerly and South-by-East direction, but "finding they
could not make the eastern land, ran on the westernmost land." In the
night they were in 11° 8' S. Lat.[6]. They now coasted the land in a mainly
westerly direction, until on the 21st they resolved to turn to the
north, hoping to "make" Timor Laut[7].
The land, they had been surveying from the 13th to the 21st of June,
the commanders named Vain Diemens (ende Marias)[8]lant. Most probably, Pieterszoon
skirted the coast in a westerly direction as far as Cape Van Diemen,
the north-eastern extremity of Melville Island, without perceiving
that it was an island that he had here to do with, since he mistook
the Dundas Strait of modern charts for a "bight or inlet"[9].

Recapitulating the results of the intentional or accidental
exploratory expeditions of the Netherlanders down to Tasman's time[10], and adding to these the scanty items
of information they had derived

[1) As regards this voyage, see VAN DIJK, 1. c., pp.
27-36; LEUPE, Nieuw Guinea, pp. 11-38; Id., Zuidland, pp.
67-82.--Besides these, I have of course also consulted the journal
kept on this expedition. I have taken the latitudes from the latter,
although, in this case too, they would now and then seem to be
erroneous. Cf. also LEUPE, Nieuw-Guinea, p. 37.]

[2) Can this name have got corrupted to "large
hoeck" (lang hoog) in Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte
chart?]

[3) I believe, that ROBIDÉ VAN DER AA, Reizen
Nieuw-Guinea, p. 435 puts the N. 0. hoek too far towards the east.
Can Aernorshoeck in Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte
chart be a corruption of this appellation? I am at a. loss to account
for the name "Aernors." Or can it be a corruption of
Aememshoeck?]

[4) "This disaster, we observe (in a missive dated
December 24, 1636, to the governor of Banda, the writers say "we
learn"), occurred in the same place and near the same river, where A.
D. 1623 Commander Jan Carstensz. lost nine men who were grievously
murdered when out fishing." Thus the G.-G. and Counc. in their
General Missive of December, 28, 1636. This view is shared by
ROBIDÉ VAN DER AA (Nieuw-Guinea, pp. 425 f.), and by LEUPE,
Nieuw-Guinea, p. 38. VAN DIJK, Mededeelingen, in his map puts the
scene of the 1623 slaughter more to westward. So does the manuscript
chart of 1669 in the Hague State Archives, made by the Company's
cartographer (No. 344 of LEUPE'S Inventory), which chart carefully
distinguishes between the Dootslagers rivier (1623) and the
Moordenaars rivier (1636). Near the latter (as does the manuscript
atlas of De Haan of 1760) it places the Poolshoek, of which
Polleshoeck or Pelleshoeck in Swart's reproduction of
the Bonaparte chart is most probably a corruption. (At one time I
fancied this might be a mutilation of
Melishoeck).]

[5) I repeat that the latitudes in this journal are apt
to be incorrect.]

[6) Not 12° 8', as LEUPE, Zuidland, p. 77, has
it.]

[7) In this group, on July 1, he gave its name to the
Oester-rivier, which is found in Swart's reproduction of the
Bonaparte chart.]

[8) General Missive of December 28, 1636. Maria's land
was most probably named after Van Diemen's wife Maria Van
Aelst.]

[9) In close accordance with this are the place occupied
by Van Diemensland in the Bonaparte chart, and the entire shape there
given to this part of Northern Australia.]

[10) I would remind the reader that the treatment of all
the items dealt with in this chapter is based on the study of
authentic documents. Some time hence I hope to bring out with the
publishers of the present work an English translation of the
documents themselves, from which I drew in preparing this
chapter; i.e. the documents on which rests our knowledge of
the Dutch pre-Tasmanian discoveries of Australia and New-Guinea. To
these I shall add the archivalia respecting the Dutch post-Tasmanian
discoveries in those regions down to the extinction of the Dutch East
India Company.]

{Page: Life.104}

from the investigations of other European nations, we arrive at
the following amount of knowledge concerning the so-called
South-land, then at the disposal of the Dutch navigators. They had
surveyed various islands north-west of the Solomon islands[1], but had no certitude concerning the
east-coast of New Guinea[2]; they were
inclined to consider New Ireland (New-Mecklenburg) and New Hannover
as parts of the north-coast of New Guinea; Geelvink Bay had not been
surveyed, since they had remained north of Schoutens Island; Dampier
Strait had been entered. North of New-Guinea therefore the ground had
been pretty well, though not accurately reconnoitred. Some
uncertainty prevailed respecting the farthest (north) west-coast of
the said island and its position with regard to the islands to
westward.[3] On the other hand, the
coast had been skirted starting from the south-western extremity.
Strange to say, Torres Strait was mistaken for an inlet instead of a
strait, and this down to 1642, although the Spaniards had duly
recognised it as such in 1606[4]. For
the rest the peninsula of York (Carpentaria) had been coasted along
as far as 17°. Here fresh uncertainty began, which was again
replaced by a certain measure of knowledge regarding (perhaps the
Groote Eylandt, but certainly) Arnhemsland, and the coast then
following down to Cape Van Diemen in Melville Island, which was not
looked upon as an island, because Dundas Strait was mistaken for an
inlet. Utter ignorance again prevailed concerning the coast from
there as far as 21°. Starting from this latitude, however, the
Dutch had surveyed the whole West and South coast of Australia as far
as the islands of Saint Francois and Saint Peter. But there is a wide
difference between having surveyed a coast and being thoroughly
acquainted with it: great uncertainty still prevailed respecting the
real nature of the coast-line. No answer could as yet be given to the
question, whether the coast-line was an uninterrupted one, or perhaps
here and there broken into by straits; in other words, whether that
part of the South-land which had been discovered up to now, was one
vast mainland or an archipelago.

XIII.

FRANS JACOBSZOON VISSCHER.--EXPLORATORY VOYAGES
OF 1642 AND 1644.

After the specification given in our last chapter, of what was in
1642 known to the Netherlanders concerning the South-land[5], the aim of the voyage of 1642/3 will be
readily understood. The Directors of the East India Company and the
Supreme Government at Batavia were--at all events at the period

[1) Their notion of the site of the Solomon Islands was
not very precise, as appears from the journal of Tasman's voyage of
1642/3 on February 8 and 14, 1643. Tasman had Portuguese chart(s)
with him. Journal, February 14.]

[2) Tasman's journal, February 8, 1643.]

[3) Compare the instructions for Tasman, August 13,
1642.]

[4) It is well-known, that the details, at least, of De
Torres's discovery continued unknown until 1762, when his report was
found in the archives of Manila (RAINAUD, p. 329, note 4; TIELE,
Europëers, VII, p. 52, note 1).--But compare also E. T. HAMY in
his paper entitled Commentaires sur quelques cartes anciennes de la
Nouvelle Guinée (Extrait du Bulletin de la
Société de Géographie de Paris, 1877, p. 30,
note 1).--However, in some maps of the first half of the 18th century
the strait is drawn, e.g. in Carte Nouvelle de la mer du sud in
RENARD-OTTENS' atlas of 1745. But this map is far from accurate.--In
the latter part of the XVII century, however, the possibility of New
Guinea and "the other Southland" being separated by a strait, was
admitted by the Dutch (WITSEN, Tartarije, I, pp. 164-167; LEUPE,
Nieuw-Guinea, p. 86).]

[5) The following charge brought by COLLINGRIDGE,
Discovery, p. 219, I cannot, of course, let pass unchallenged: "It is
a known fact that the Dutch appropriated to themselves Portuguese and
Spanish documents and charts, which, when altered to serve their
purpose, made them appear to be the actual discoverers, whereas, in
reality, the countries described in such documents and charts had at
the time never been visited by them." This charge is utterly
baseless, and has not a leg to stand upon, nor is it by any means "a
curious fact that in all the works--and they are legion--in which the
history of early Australian maritime discovery has been treated,
these frauds have never been noticed." It was quite impossiblc
that these "frauds" should have been "noticed", because they never
existed. What Netherlander, for example, has ever seriously applied
to Dutch discoveries the paragraph from Wytfliet, which
Collingridge reproduces on pp. 219 f? Nor can we admit as evidence
what Collingridge himself says about Terra del Zur (pp. 275 f.). The
Netherlanders simply put into their maps this foreign name for
South-land, just as they did with the appellation "Mar di India". Nor
have they ever laid claim to the discovery of the South-land
which did not exist. When they discovered what is now known as
Australia, they thought this to be the supposed South-land (Terra del
Zur); and therefore they transferred this name to what in their
charts was afterwards to bear the name of Nieuw Holland (New Holland)
(Cf. Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte chart; Remarkable Maps,
III, 1, 5, etc.).--Or are we to accept as a proof what Collingridge
says on p. 299. "The great bay in question is Van Diemen's Gulf,
which retained on old Dutch charts the term Baya (Bahia), given to
it, no doubt, by the Portuguese who must have been there before"? The
name is sometimes given as "Baya van Diemen" (e.g. Remarkable Maps,
III, 1), but also, and this is the original Dutch form, "Van Diemen's
BAY" (Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte chart; Remarkable Maps,
III, 4, 6, 7); and the translation of this name into a foreign
language is merely a would-be ornamentation.--If, on p. 304 of his
book, Collingridge refers to the Abrolhos question as "an example of
the marvellous sagacity of the Hollanders for netherlandising
expressions that otherwise would not be Dutch to any one," he clearly
proves that the history of this name is utterly unknown to him. In
this way we might multiply instances, but we forbear.]

{Page: Life.105}

under review[1]--surprisingly
unanimous in desiring to extend and deepen the knowledge which, in
the thirty years that had elapsed since 1606, the Dutch had obtained
on the point referred to. Of their zeal on this point their letters[2] furnish the most undeniable evidence.
Of course, the general objects for which voyages of discovery were
undertaken, were first and foremost the extension of the Company's
field for mercantile operations, and the enlargement of her
commercial profits, and next to these, "the best way of using the sea
and of finding out the winds that would enable ships to navigate it
all the year round"[3]. But also the
extension of the Dutch power, of Dutch supremacy in the East[4], was earnestly kept in view, especially by
the far-seeing Van Diemen, whose commercial talents did not prevent
him from being a statesman at the same time[5]. Nor can any doubt be entertained, that the
thirst for knowledge of what had hitherto been a profound secret, was
a powerful incentive actuating him and his coadjutors, when we see
how eager were men like Tasman and Visscher for being entrusted with
the task of making new discoveries.

The good intentions entertained in high quarters had, however, up
to now hung fire, chiefly in consequence of the want of vessels. As
late as December 12, 1641, the Governor-General and Councillors wrote
as follows to the Directors: "We feel earnestly inclined to the
discovery of the South-land. The flute-ship, Zeehaen was told off for
this service, but the unexampled delay in the arrival of the ships
from Persia and Surat has compelled us to employ the said Zeehaen for
the latest voyage to Taijouan and Japan. In consequence of which we
have been forced, sorely against his wish and our own, to detain in
this road-stead for the space of 9 months, the celebrated Frans
Visscher (whom we intend to employ in the discovery of the
South-lands). We trust, however, that the thing will be effected in
good time." The answer from the Netherlands, dated September 25, 1642
ran as follows: "We trust that the intended further discovery of the
South-land, which we have urged in divers letters, has by this time
been carried into effect, in consequence of the opportune arrival of
fitting vessels for the purpose; but if this should not be the case,
we hereby once more recommend the project to your serious attention;
seeing that many are of opinion that great profits for the Company
might accrue thereby, as perhaps time will show."

When this answer was being indited in the Netherlands, the
expedition of 1642 had already left the port of Batavia. As we have
already seen, the obstacle which had so long delayed the matter, had
for a time at least been removed, and the Governor-General and
Councillors were now in a position "to set apart and fit out two
strong and able vessels, now at hand"[6], for the end proposed. This object is now
briefly and clearly defined as follows[6]: "In the first place to navigate from here to
the island of Mauritius, and thence to shape their course for the
south about the middle of October, as far as 52 or at most 54 degrees
Latitude South, in order to discover on an eastward course such lands
as they shall come upon in this latitude or previously...without
running farther southward than the 54th degree, even in case they
should not meet with any land there; then to sail as far as the
longitude of Nova Guinea and the Salomonis islands[7] or slightly more to eastward; in order to
ascertain whether between

[1) The Directors, it is true, very soon after began to
flag in their zeal (Cf. my Bouwstoffen, III,. pp. LXXVII-LXXXVI),
although more liberal notions once more prevailed in later
days.]

[2) General Missives of December 28, 1636; December 9,
1637; Dec. 22, 1638; Dec. 18, 1639; Nov. 30, 1640; Letters from the
Directors to the Gov.-Gen. and Counc., Sept. 16, 1638 and April 11,
1642; Letter from the outgoing Gov.-Gen. H. Brouwer to his successor
Van Diemen, of March 31, 1636.]

[3) General Missive, Dec. 27, 1634-January 8,
1635.]

[4) Cf. the opening sentences of the Instructions of
January 29, 1644 for Tasman's second voyage for the discovery of the
South-land.]

those lands, the land of d'Eendracht [by which is meant[1] the whole of the west- and south-coast of the
present Australia, then known to the Netherlanders], and the unknown
South-land, there is any passage into, the great South Sea or
Pacific; next[2], after making
investigations east and north of the Salomonis islands and Nova
Guinea, to steer for the South--'to Cape Keer-weer'[3]--through the narrows near Gilolo, in order to
find out whether the discovered west-coast of Nova Guinea[4] is connected with the land of d'Eendracht, or
separated from the same by channels and passages; after this to sail
along the whole of this unknown north-coast as far as the 21st degree
near Willems river, in order from there to return hither through the
strait of Sunda with the Eastern monsoon in the month of June or July
of the year following"[5]. The hoped-for
"passage into the great South Sea", would, if found, "of which there
can be hardly any doubt," furnish a "short and convenient route to
Chily." Now this last "would be a matter of the utmost importance and
of great advantage to the Company." For in that case it would become
possible "to form trade connections with the vast and renowned
country of Chily," and "for the Company to enter upon important
dealings with the Chilese, and by means of this route to snatch rich
booty from the Castilian, who would never dream of our ships coming
that way"[6]. What consciousness of
strength there must have been in the minds of the directors in India
of the Company's affairs, if, in preparing an expedition like this,
they at the very same moment were contemplating the extension to
South-America of their operations of trade and war alike! Nor was it
a mere project they were revolving in their minds. "Meanwhile," they
further wrote to the Managers, their masters, in their letter of
December 12, 1642, "in case of success, we shall use every
opportunity to utilise the route thus discovered for sending a cargo
thither by way of trial."

The ships set apart for the expedition were the yacht
Heemskerk--the flag-ship--and the flute[7] Zeehaen[8]. The
former, a "small war-yacht"[9], had
sailed from the Netherlands for India for the first time in 1638, and
was of 60 tons or lasts' burden, the latter had first been put in
commission in 1640[10] and measured 100
lasts[11]. The Heemskerk was manned with
60, the Zeehaen with 50, "of the ablest-bodied seafaring men" that
were to be found at Batavia. The ships were victualled for the space
of from 12 to 18 months, and further provided with "divers
commodities and minerals," for which it was hoped to find a market in
the countries to be discovered[12].

The, command of the undertaking was entrusted to Tasman, as
"skipper-commander"[13]. The master of
the Heemskerk was Skipper Yde T'Jercxzoon Holman or Holleman. This
navigator, a native of Jever, in what is now known as the Grand-Duchy
of Oldenburg[14], had come out to India
in 1640

[1) This is evident from the instructions.]

[2) This part of the instructions was not executed by
Tasman. For this reason the expedition of 1644 was
undertaken.]

[3) Instructions.--These instructions are of course
mistaken in laying down Cape Keerweer in 18° S. L. "Cape
Keerweer" here can only be meant for what is now known as Cape
Turnagain, the Cape Keerweer of the ship Duifken in 1606, in about
13° 45'. This is abundantly proved by comparing with these
instructions, those drawn up for Tasman's second voyage, dated
January 29, 1644.]

[4) i.e. the east-coast of the Gulf of
Carpentaria.]

[5) The object of the expedition is of course more fully
set forth in the Instructions of August 13, 3642 (Appendix E.). This object is also described in the
General-Missive of December 12, 1642, of which an extract is given Appendix F. It appears to me that the said
object is. in the briefest and clearest way stated in the Resolution
of the G.-G. and C. of Aug. 1, 1642, which resolution I have made use
of in the text.]

[6) The Gov.-Gen. and Councillors, however, felt that
there was a technical difficulty. They were not quite sure that Chili
did not come under the charter of the Dutch West India Company, and
if it did, they would not be free to trade with that country. Nor was
this difficulty removed by the Managers in their letter of August 31,
1643. Cf. also A. TELTING. De Nederlanders in Chili, 1643 (Indische
Gids, i893, pp. 2013 ff-).]

[8) This name has got corrupted to Zeachan or Zeachen,
and has given rise to all sorts of mistakes, into which it is
impossible to enter here. Cf. inter alia RAINAUD, pp. 358
f.]

[9) Resolution of the "Heeren XVII," August-September,
1638.]

[10) According to the "Register of out-going Ships"
(Uitloop Boekie).]

[11) Resolution of the "Heeren XVII," September 6,
1640.]

[12) I transcribe from the General Daybook of Batavia the
highly curious inventory of these articles, never before printed (Appendix G.]

[13) Here, too, "Commander" is not indicative of a
definite grade, but merely denotes the head of the whole expedition,
as against the two skippers, each of whom only had command of his
particular vessel.]

[14) This would seem definitely to dispose of the
hesitating conjecture brought forward as to a possible relationship
between this skipper and Tasman's wife (Dozy, in Bijdragen taal-,
land- en volkenkunde, XXXVI, p. 323).]

{Page: Life.107}

as a second mate, and must soon after have been promoted to the
rank of skipper, since as early as August 8, 1642, his pay in this
grade was, by resolution of the Governor-General and Councillors,
raised "in consideration of his ability and good services rendered."
The instructions accordingly appointed him Tasman's successor in
office, in case the latter should unfortunately come to die in the
course of the voyage. His colleague on board the Zeehaen, Gerrit
Janszoon, likewise an "experienced sailor"[1], was a native of Leiden [2]. He died in the course of this expedition, on
the 6th of June, 1643[3]. As
"supercargo" in the Zeehaen we find Isaack Gilsemans. He was most
probably[4] the "draughtsman" mentioned
in the Instructions, who had been directed to join the expedition in
order to "make exact drawings of the appearance and shape of the
lands, islands, capes, bights, inlets, bays, rivers, shoals,
sand-banks, reefs, cliffs and rocks, etc.," which they should fall in
with. Gilsemans was a native of Rotterdam, and shortly before, May
17, 1642, had risen from "subcargo" to the rank of "supercargo"[5], having come out to India "as corporal"
in 1634. "Subcargo" on board the Heemskerck was Abraham Coomans[6]. These persons together with the first
mates constituted the Plenary Council[7]
(Breede Raad) of the expedition, Tasman being "permanent president,"
and Coomans, secretary. First mate on board the Zeehaen was Hendrik
Pietersen[8], while in the Heemskerk
this place was held by the "pilot-major" or "steersman-major" Frans
Jacobszoon Visscher.

This highly remarkable man certainly deserves to be briefly
noticed here. He was born at Flushing[9], and for many years in succession rendered
important services to the East India Company, whose archives contain
references to him as early as 1632.

Already in 1623 he had sailed for India as a steersman in one of
the ships forming part of a flotilla that set out for the Indies from
the Netherlands under the command of Jacques L'Hermite and Gheen
Huygen Schapenham[10]. In 1632, "one
Francoys Jacopsen, steersman" is found in Cambodja. He had "arrived
there with certain Japanese junks, belonging to the lord of Firando,"
and utilises this opportunity for transmitting to the
Governor-General information concerning the situation in Cambodja, by
means of a couple of Cambodja ships bound for Batavia[11]. At that time, then, Visscher was already in
full action. He had already seen Japan, when as a steersman he was
staying in Cambodja[12]. In the
following year, 1633, we find Visscher in Tonquin, again on board of
a Japanese vessel: here, too, he seems to have looked about him to
some purpose, for we find him sending a report of his observations to
the Dutch authorities in Japan[13]. In
those days he seems either to have temporarily left the company's
service, or at all events to have had a furlough, for we find him
designated also as a "free or uncovenanted steersman." About the
middle of 1634 he is found staying at Nangasaki, having just returned
from Tonquin, and the representatives of the Company at Firando take
immediate

[1) Res. of the G.-G. and C., Aug. 1, 1642.]

[2) See Appendix G. I have not
met with any particulars of his official career in the service of the
E. I. C.]

[7) The "Breede Raad" was the Council of the two ships,
as distinguished from the Ship's Council on board each of the vessels
separately. Besides those mentioned in the text as members of the
Plenary Council, the following names of persons belonging to the
crews have been handed down to us. On boord the Heemskerk: the
(under-)steersmen Crijn Hendrikszoon de Ratte or de Radde, born at
Middelburg, and Carsten Jurriaenszoon; the master-gunner Eldert
Luytiens, who died November 1; the master-carpenter Pieter
Jacobszoon, and the carpenter Jan Joppen, the steward's mate Jan
Pieterszoon van Meldorp, who died June 5; the sailor Joris Claesen
van Bahuys. On board the Zeehaen: the (under-)steersmen Pieter
Nanninghszoon Duijts and Cornelis Ijsbrantszoon Roobol; the
quartermaster Cornelis Joppen, and the sailors Pieter Pieterszoon van
Kopenhage, who died January 18, Jan Tijssen, Tobias Pieterszoon, of
Delft, and Jan Isbrandtszoon [The last three were murdered near
New-Zealand, December 19 (Steersman's Journal--Sweers Collection)];
and the skipper's boy Gerrit Gerritszoon. The surgeon or barber
Hendrik Haalbos was probably on board the Heemskerk.]

[8) In the Instructions his christian name only is given.
See, however, the Journal under Oct. 4; 1642. I have met with no
particulars concerning him.]

[12) In the Daily Register of Firando, October 1, 1634,
for example, he is mentioned as "having full knowledge of the bay and
islands about Nangasaki."]

[13) Daily Register kept at the office of the factory of
Firando, September 13, 1633; August 8, 1634.]

{Page: Life.108}

steps to secure his services- Up to that time the Netherlanders
had not succeeded in obtaining sufficient information concerning the
coast-lines of the Japanese islands, and of course it was to them a
matter of the highest importance to possess accurate and reliable
data respecting coasts, which their ships had to pass with the most
precious of cargoes. Already at an earlier period, accordingly,
attempts had been made to make land-surveyings; on the present
occasion Visscher was entrusted with the task in question. On the
11th of August 1634, namely, it was resolved "to give precedence to
the surveying and exploration of the coasts of Gotto, Zatsuma and
Arrima (seeing that incoming ships and yachts are more interested in
the same, in order to enable them to make their ports in storms, fogs
and the like) before the surveying etc. of Kijnokijnij, Osacca and
Saccaija (although the steersman Hendrick Aertsen who [by order of
the Governor-General], on the 26th of June last, partly surveyed the
west-coast of the island of Gotto, had obstacles thrown in his way by
the inhabitants or rulers of the same)," and to entrust this work "to
the steersman Frans Jacobszoon Visscher, who has greater skill in the
surveying of coasts and the mapping out of lands than any of the
steersmen present in these parts"[1]. On
this service he set out with two of his countrymen on August 19. This
time again the project was frustrated by opposition on the part of
the inhabitants and rulers of the coast to be surveyed; in spite of
the "letters of recommendation" from the Japanese authorities at
Firando, which Visscher and his coadjutors carried with them, the
execution of their task proved altogether impossible. Though they
were kindly received at Oetska ("up to which point Hendrick Aertsen
had surveyed and explored Gotto to eastward," and where Visscher was
now to begin his "explorations and soundings"), the authorities of
the place would "by no means allow the Netherlanders to take
soundings there and explore the coast, expressly charging them to
betake themselves to Firando again with all possible expedition, and
not to return." Visscher accordingly came back without having
effected his purpose[2]. At first the
Dutch representatives in Japan seemed unwilling to give the matter
up, the orders from Batavia being too peremptory. On the 10th of
September Visscher was again designated for a similar expedition,
this time "to explore the coast and take soundings near and about
Kijnokijnij, Saccaij and Osacca." This last resolution was, however,
afterwards rescinded[3]. That also
elsewhere in those parts[4] he had
rendered, in the province of hydrography, important services which
were duly appreciated at Batavia, is sufficiently evident from the
circumstance, that when some time after Matthijs Quast, a skipper of
great experience in those waters, sailed for Formosa and Japan, the
Governor-General handed[5] him an
"indication of the courses to be kept, drawn up by the steersman
Frans Visscher, giving pertinent directions for safely passing
through the bay between Chincheo and Japan."

In 1636 Visscher returned to the Netherlands in the fleet of the
ex-Governor-General Hendrik Brouwer, "with whom he had important
conversations touching the best manner of cruising for the Company's
ships in order to harass the Spanish ships coming from New Spain,
bound for Manilla "[6]. His stay in the
Netherlands, however, was not of long duration, for on the 26th of
April 1637 he returned to Batavia with the rank of first mate or
upper-steersman[7]; in 1638 already we
find him in Tonquin again [the ex-Governor-General Brouwer calls him
"an expert navigator in Tonquin waters"[8]], where he is charged with the task of
drawing up a chart of the bay of Tonquin[9]; and in the same year "the island of Aijnan
was thoroughly surveyed, explored and accurately mapped out" by the
'pilot' Frans Visscher": a matter of great moment to "our navigators
in Tonquin waters"[10]. In July

[1) Daily Register Firando, Aug. 11, 1634.]

[2) Daily Register Firando, Aug. 22, 1634.]

[3) Ibid. Sept. 10 and Oct. 5, 1634.]

[4) In a missive to his successor in office Van Diemen,
dated March 31, 1636, the outgoing Governor-General Hendrik Brouwer
speaks highly of "the chart" of the bay of Firando, "made by our
Frans Visser."]

[5) Instructions, July 26, 1635.]

[6) LEUPE, Tasman en Visscher, p. 135. Leupe evidently
bases himself here on Visscher's Memoir ("Advijs") of January 23,
1642, touching the exploration of Japan.--See also the letter from
Hendrik Brouwer to his successor Vin Diemen, dated March 31,
1636.]

1639 he is still found staying in Tonquin[1], and in August of the following year we meet
with him again in Japan[2], whence he
must very soon after have returned to Batavia. On the 12th of January
1641, at least, he was, by resolution of the Governor-General and
Councillors, "in consideration of his good knowledge in navigation,
for the space of three consecutive years, continued in his present
capacity [of upper-steersman or 'pilot-major']," and his pay raised
from 66 to 80 guilders per month.

At that time, as we have already seen, his superiors had pitched
upon him to join the projected exploratory voyage to the South-land;
the postponement of which compelled him to spend the greater part of
the year ashore without definite employment. Still, he was by no
means idle; and since he could not be practically employed, he busied
himself in putting to paper his ideas touching the voyage about to be
undertaken: his "Memoir concerning the discovery of the South-land"[3] dated January 22, 1642, was one of the
results of his cogitations. This memoir undoubtedly formed the basis
of the Instructions of August 13, and on the whole Visscher played an
important part in all the preparations for this expedition[4]. The Instructions expressly recognise his
cooperation, where they say: "In all matters pertaining to
navigation, such as the courses to be kept, the discovery of coasts,
etc. the steersman Francoys Jacobszoon is to have the second vote,
and due weight is to be attached to his advice, this present voyage
having been projected with his assistance and cooperation." The
special place, held by Visscher on this voyage, is, indeed, directly
apparent from the circumstance that the Instructions are specially
addressed to him also: in the preamble he is assigned a place between
Tasman as the leader, and the Plenary Council. That on the voyage
itself he held a foremost place, is abundantly proved by the
"Journal," kept by Tasman himself[5],
and his skill as a cartographer showed to great advantage also this
time.

Nor did Visscher at all remain idle during the time which still
was to elapse between the drawing-up of the "Memoir" just referred to
and the departure of the expeditionary ships. The 23rd of January is
the date of an "Advice or Memoir touching the discovery of the
northern quarters of Japan," also from his hand[6], which formed one of the bases for the
celebrated voyage of Vries in 1643, which was been discussed higher
up. On the 12th of March 1642 he was by the Governor-General and
Councillors appointed on a special committee, which, as we have
already seen, also numbered Tasman among its members, and was charged
with appraising a conquered Portuguese ship. From the 1st of July
dates a "Dissertation on the best use of the Variation Compass,"
written by him. The Supreme Government at Batavia spoke with high
praise of this dissertation, in their missive to the Managers, of
December 12, 1642: "For the benefit of navigation and the improvement
of the nautical art," they say, "the pilot-major Franchoys Jacobszoon
Visscher has presented to us a written discourse, in which with
well-founded arguments he has set forth a method for rectifying and
equalising the Company's variation compasses, thereby giving great
and important aid to such as have to determine the varying longitude,
this being a matter that may be of signal service in the mapping out
of lands, and the correcting of charts, especially as regards the
importance of making satisfactory and almost faultless estimations;
in consideration whereof we would request Your Worships to have this
noteworthy proposal (of which we beg leave to inclose a copy[7]) examined and tested by experts, since we are
confident that the Company might be greatly benefited by the
same."

Visscher had hardly returned from the exploratory voyage to the
South-land, when he was again set to work by his superiors. From the
23rd of June, 1643 dates an "Instruction to sail from Batavia1

[2) Daily Register Firando, Aug. 24, 1640.--From his stay
in Eastern Asia probably date the maps of China, Formosa and the
Pescadores, made with Visscher's assistance, which in 1642 were
handed to a commander who had orders to cruise on the coast of China
to watch for hostile vessels (LEUPE, Zuidland, p. 88, Note
1).]

[3) Appendix H. This memoir is
very interesting, and shows the great designs of Visscher as regards
the discovery of the South-land. Compare S. RUGE, Südland, 1.
c., p. 322; WALKER, Tasman, pp. 26 ff.]

[4) Cf. also the Resolution of the G.-G. and C., August
1, 1642.]

[5) To which I would beg to refer the reader as regards
the point referred to in the text.]

to the Piscadores, and from Taijouan or the Piscadores to Batavia;
drawn up by the Pilot-major Francois Jacobszoon Visscher," which
Instruction served as "Letter of orders and signals" for a vessel
then ready to sail for those parts. The Dutch "president" of Formosa,
then holding office, got positive orders from the Governor-General
and Councillors[1], to cause these
instructions "to be transcribed and copies of the same to be handed
to the commanders of all vessels coming hither, that they may
regulate themselves accordingly." In still another manner were
Visscher's services recognised by the Supreme Government at Batavia,
when by their resolution of October 26, 1643, they increased his
monthly pay as a "skipper and pilot-major" to 95 guilders "in
consideration of his great knowledge and eminent services to
navigation."

Very soon after this preparations were again set on foot at
Batavia for the new voyage of discovery to the South-land. Visscher
played an important part also in these preparatory measures and in
the enterprise itself. Directly after the return of the second
expedition, we again find traces of Visscher's restless activity. In
a resolution namely of the Governor-General and Councillors, dated
October 17, 1644, it is stated that Visscher and Tasman[2] had pointed out a "new route and passage" for
waylaying the Spanish silver-ships between Acapulco and Manila. These
memoirs or advices formed the basis for an important expedition of
which Visscher formed part, but of which the leadership was entrusted
to Commander Maarten Gerritszoon Vries, who was expressly directed
constantly to confer with the "pilot-major as regards the
determination of the courses to be held"[3].

The ships which formed part of this expedition, were ordered to
proceed to the Moluccas, whence they were to be dispatched on a
cruise to watch for the silver-ships. For several years past
flotillas had been sent out for this purpose, but hitherto always
without result. The Supreme Government, therefore, had "time and
again contemplated other methods of action": thus "the experienced
pilot-major Francois Jacobszoon Visscher had proposed a certain
manner of cruising near and about the Ladrones isles, departing from
the latter between fourteen and twelve degrees Northern Latitude to
run for the channels of the Holy Ghost and Sta. Clara, for the
purpose of meeting the enemy's ships at sea, and cutting them off
from the land for the time being." But the execution of this plan had
hitherto been frustrated by the circumstance that "the rendezvous
assigned, being the Ladrones isles, is not be reached owing to the
constant south-easterly winds prevailing in the great South Sea." At
present, however--we see that "the recent discovery of the
South-land" was already bearing fruit--"the discovery of the unknown
South-land and of the north-coast of Nova Guinea, made by Abel
Tasman," had opened up "a convenient route;" and according to the
said navigator the Ladrones islands "could without much difficulty be
successfully fetched up by running eastward along the said
north-coast of Guinea." Tasman's proposal was, "with Visscher's
advice, duly ventilated, discussed and deliberated on" by the
Governor-General and Councillors, and the upshot of this discussion
was the instruction for the expedition. The ships were ordered in the
beginning of February to navigate from Ternate to the cape of Maba[4], through Patientie Strait along the
coast of Weda, following Abel Tasman's course along the north-coast
of New Guinea[5], "sailing on the said
course until you estimate yourselves to have come to 50 or 60 miles
east of the Ladrones islands, which point it is assumed you will be
able to reach in a short time with the land-and sea-winds, together
with the westerly or north-westerly winds (which are held to prevail
on the said coast from the month of December down to the end of
March, and to constitute the monsoon). If then you should find this
to be practicable, we should deem it advisable for you to further
survey the coast about 40 miles more to eastward[6], until you shall have got into the longitude
of 168 degrees, this being the longitude of Salomon Sweers cape"[7], in order to run "as far as possible
eastward

[1) Missive, June 23, 1643. Visscher's Instruction (a
copy of which is still extant in the Hague State Archives) did duty
even at a later period. See "Copying-Book of letters dispatched,
instructions issued, and orders sent from Batavia to different parts"
[Copie Boeck van affgesonden brieven, verleende jnstructien ende
Commissien uijt Batavia naer verscheijde Quartieren gesonden]; from
1645 to 1653 passim.]

[2) Tasman's advice is contained in the chart, dated
September 8, 1644, reproduced in the present work.]

[7) The eastern extremity of what is now called New
Hanover. The name in the text was conferred on Tasman's 1642/3
voyage.]

{Page: Life.111}

of the Ladrones islands." From Salomon Sweers cape they were
directed to sail in a northerly direction as far as 13½°
N. Lat., and then to run for the Ladrones on a western course. Should
the plan to seize the silver-ships miscarry, the Plenary Council was
authorised to decide on an attempt against the Philippines, if they
should deem such attempt feasible, the Instructions here setting
forth the information concerning the Babuyan islands, obtained by
Tasman in 1639. If, on the other hand, the rich booty should fall
into their hands, they were to take it to the Pescadores and
Formosa.

The voyage was unsuccessful so far as its main object was
concerned, and the results of the coup de main upon the
Philippines were nothing to speak of. The only thing that needs
mention here, is that Vries sailed "along the ('barren') coast of
Nova Guinea (about as far as Salomon Sweers cape), he having, as much
as time and circumstances would allow, explored and surveyed the said
coast by making occasional landings, and having found the inhabitants
of it to be a wild, robust and warlike people"--he got into hostile
contact with them--"of whom in the way of refreshments he could
obtain nothing but cocoa-nuts, while he utterly failed to find any
traces or collect information as to any precious metals, stones or
other valuable commodities obtainable in those parts."

Visscher's fortunes subsequent to this last expedition are as yet
unknown.

Such, then, were the ship's officers who attended Tasman on his
renowned expedition[1]. The voyage was
begun on the 14th of August [2]. In the
island of Mauritius, where they arrived September 5, the ships were
provided with necessaries by order of the Governor-General and
Councillors[3]. Here it became once more
apparent, how very little care the Supreme Government at Batavia
bestowed on the fitting-out of ships dispatched on such perillous
voyages. Commander Van der Stel vividly represents to his masters[4] "how hopelessly unsatisfactory was the
outfit of the ships for a voyage of such a nature, so that we have
been compelled to provide them with firewood, canvass, cordage and
various other necessaries"[5]. The
Zeehaen, for example, "had put to sea with her upper work
half-rotten, so that a great part of it had to be repaired and
renewed." Tasman, who, pending his stay in Mauritius, as the higher
in rank, took precedence of Commander Van der Stel, was by the latter
presented with "a printed journal (containing certain small charts),
kept on divers voyages through the straits of Lamair and Magellanes,
to the Salmonis islands and other parts. The whole bearing the title
of De nieuwe werelt[6]. To which is
added a vocabulary of certain words from the languages of the
Slamonis islands, of Nova Guinea, and certain other lands situated in
the said parts, which vocabulary might happen to be of use on their
voyage." The voyage (Abel Tasman's course or "passagie")[7] was resumed on the 8th of October "with
our men strong and in good liking"[8],
at which date the ships again put to sea, in order to seek the
South-land on an easterly course[9]. The
latitude ordained in the Instructions was not reached:

[1) As regards the further outfit of the ships, etc. I
would refer the reader to the Instructions.]

[2) Cf. also Res- G.-G. and C., Aug. 13, 1642 (Appendix I.)--The Governor-General and Councilors
anticipated the result of the discoveries, when, as early as 1642,
they wrote: "The whole of the newly discovered South-land, situated
under the longitude from 55 to 220 degrees inclusive, i.e. between
the meridians of Cabo Bona Spei and of the easternmost of the
Salomonis islands, from the Equinoctial Line to the Antarctic Pole,
or between the farthest coasts and islands of the whole Southland on
both sides, has lately been first discovered by the Netherlanders,
and the whole of it been legally taken possession of. No Portuguese
ship ever visited that part of the world." This passage occurs in the
list of "Names and places in the East, possessed and frequented by
the Portuguese and the Netherlanders," drawn up in consequence of the
truce between the Netherlands and Portugal, concluded in 1641/2; (See
my Bouwstoffen, III, pp. 51-56).]

[3) In their missive to Commander Van der Stel, dated
Aug. 13, 1642.]

[4) In his letter to the G.-G. and C., October 13,
1642.]

[5) The "Journal" conveys a more modest impression of the
assistance given. See also the missive of G.-G. and Council to the
Commander of Mauritius, Sept. 2, 1642. Cf., however, also K.
HEERINGA, De Nederlanders op Mauritius en Madagascar (Indische Gids,
1895, p. 1007) and the missive of the Commander of Mauritius to G.-G.
and C., June 11, 1644.]

[7) I have italicised such names of localities as are
found in our chart, which has been drawn mainly from Swart's
reproduction of the Bonaparte chart.]

[8) General Missive of Dec. 12, 1642.]

[9) I fail to understand RAINAUD'S (p. 365) reasons for
stating that on leaving Mauritius Tasman "fit voile au sud a la
recherche de la grande ile tracée sur d'anciennes cartes
portugaises et espagnoles, l'ile de Zanzibar ou pays des
'Géants', laquelle semble répondre a l'ile
désolée de Kerguelen."--As regards the voyage itself I
beg leave to refer the reader to the "Journal," with the notes
appended by me, and to Dr. VAN BEMMELEN'S paper. In the text I refer
to a few points only.]

{Page: Life.112}

the southernmost latitude they got into was 49° 4'[1], according to the estimation of the
commanders; it was made on the 6th of November, after which date it
was resolved to "run north again."

About 4 o'clock in the afternoon of the 24th of November land was
sighted. On this "first land by them met with in the South Sea, and
not as yet known to any European nation," they conferred[2] the name of "Anthoonij van Diemen's
landt" (the present Tasmania), in honour of the Governor-General,
the prime mover or auctor intellectualis of the expedition;
while "the islands circumjacent, as many as they got knowledge of,
were named after the Honble Councillors of India." They continued to
survey the coast discovered until December 5, when they resolved to
continue the voyage, and "hold an eastward course (again)." On the
13th they sighted "a large and high land about noon." As they were
lying off this land, on the 19th a hostile attack was made by the
natives on the Dutch sailors (Moordenaarsbaai)[3]. To this land was given the name of Staten
landt (now New Zealand), in honour of Their High Mightinesses the
States-General, seeing that this land might quite possibly[4] form part of, and be joined to the State
landt." So firmly rooted in the minds of Tasman and his associates
was the notion of a vast South-land, that, when by their exploratory
voyage they cut off from this supposed South-land a large part of the
hitherto unknown world, yet, when they discovered a country of which
they only surveyed the west-coast, and of which they failed to
ascertain the insular nature, they forthwith in their minds connected
this country with the Statenland[5],
south of South America, which since Schouten and Lemaire's voyage had
been looked upon as one of the northern extremities of the South-land
in question [6] It was "confidently
believed"[7], that the newly-discovered
Staten land was "the mainland coast of the unknown South-land." At
first they "entertained little doubt"--they were then at anchor in
the Zeehaensbocht--"that they should there find a passage into
the vast South Sea," but to their "profound regret" they failed to
discover any such passage, though they kept hoping, "seeing that the
tide runs from the south-east"[8]; they
evidently thought that the bay was

[1) The steersman's journal in the Sweers Collection has
a higher degree of Southern Latitude here. I follow the journal by
Tasman himself in "our" copy.]

[2) Dr. HOCKER, Abel Tasman and his journal (p. 7), is
mistaken where he says: "I may here remark, that in all probability
the interesting process of name-giving did not take place until after
Tasman's return to Batavia." The names were conferred immediately
after each discovery.]

[3) Compare the native story about "two large vessels,
much larger than theirs, which some time or other came here, and were
totally destroyed by the inhabitants, and all the people belonging to
them killed" in Journal of Joseph Banks during Captain Cook's first
voyage in H. M. S. Endeavour in 1768-71; edited by JOSEPH D. HOOKER
(London, Macmillan, 1896), pp. 215 f.]

[4) "Though this is uncertain" is the reading of the
Huydecoper copy.]

[5) Compare RAINAUD, p. 373.]

[6) Cp. also Visscher's Memoir about the Southland. In
this same year the ex-Governor-General Hendrik Brouwer ascertained
the insular nature of the Statenland south of South America, in
consequence of which the notion of a supposed South-land was again
shaken. Cf. A. TELTING, De Nederlanders in Chili 1643 (Indische Gids,
1893, pp. 2020 f.); RAINAUD, pp. 347 ff.]

[7) The Huydecoper copy reads "supposed."]

[8) Journal on Dec. 24, 1642. RAINAUD erroneously puts
this on Dec. 25. He is mistaken where he says (p. 368), that the
Dutch on this voyage did not "soupçonner l'existence de ce
canal." Compare also RUGE, Südland, 1. c. p. 333: "Tasman war
nahe Baran, die Natur des Landes richtig zu beurteilen." It is highly
remarkable that in the Visscher chart of Statenland, of which a part
is reproduced here, and which is contained in the Huydecoper journal,
the Zeehaensbocht is not so completely closed, as it is in the chart
of Statenland in our copy, but, in about 41° 20' S. Lat. and
193° 30' E. Long., shows an opening as the place for a "passage
through." IN THIS CHART, THEREFORE, THE PRESENT COOK'S STRAIT, IS
UNMISTAKABLY MARKED.--Cf. Journal of Joseph Banks during Captain
Cook's first voyage in H. M. S. Endeavour in 1768-71] London,
Macmillan, 1896. p. 213.]

{Page: Life.113}

land-locked on the east side, and consequently did not discover
what is now known as Cook's Strait. On the 4th of January 1643[1] they had come "off a cape" (Cabo
Maria van Diemen), and had "an island north-west by north" of
them (they named it Drie coninghen Eylant, "because we came to
anchor there on the eve of Epiphany or Twelfthnight"). "Here," the
Journal goes on to say, "we found ourselves in a very strong current,
which set us to eastward, while at the same time a strong sea came
running from the north-east, which not a little rejoiced us, because
we hoped thus to find a passage [into the South Sea]. [Near the cape]
the land trends to eastward." No attempts were, however, made to get
certitude on this point, and on January 6 they proceeded on their
way. Still there was a firm conviction on the subject: "The sea runs
very strongly from the eastward, so that there is no ground for us to
suppose any great mainland to lie east of us...The heavy swells are
now running from the south-east. This water-route from Batavia to
Chyly is a very smooth one, so that there is no objection to making
use of it..."[2].

Sailing on in a mainly northerly direction, on January 19 and
subsequent days, they discovered various islands forming part of the
Tonga Archipelago, or Friendship Isles[3], after which on February 6 and following days
the Fiji islands were fallen in with. Running on chiefly in a
north-western direction, it was not before the 22nd of March[4] and following days that they discovered or
saw back divers islands north of the Salomon isles[5]: the Ontongh Java group, now also
known by the name of Njoea isles; Marken; the Groene- (Green)
or Sir Ch. Hardy., and the St. Jans islands[6]. On the 1st of April they got "the coast of
Nova Guinea alongside," as they thought, "which by the
Spaniards is called Cabo Santa Maria;" they were then near the
north-eastern extremity of New Ireland or New Mecklenburg. Always
fancying themselves sailing along the north-coast of New Guinea, they
now skirted the north-coast of New Ireland or New Mecklenburg and of
New Hanover, which was not recognised as a separate island; and
christened various islands which they sighted to the northward of the
said coasts: Anthony Caens-, Gardenijs- and
Visschers islands, until on April 8, "the land began gradually
to trend more to the south," and they had reached the north-western
extremity of the present New Hanover (Salomon Sweershoek). On
the 9th of April the cape just mentioned was doubled, and the voyage
continued on a southern course "both for purposes of discovery, and
in order to find a passage to the south as quickly as possible": it
was namely hoped that here "a passage through to Cape Keerweer might
be found." This hope remained unfulfilled; the voyagers soon became
aware[7] that they had got "into a large
bay," and "that towards the west the land formed an uninterrupted
coast-line." Sailing nearly due south, they had traversed from north
to south the bay formed by New Hanover, New Ireland and New Britain
or New Pomerania, without observing the strait between the two
last-mentioned islands (St- George's Channel), and had accordingly
fallen into the mistake that the eastern side of the bay formed one
unbroken coast-line.

The north-coast of New Britain was now skirted, after which they
reached the north-coast of New Guinea, without, however, discovering
the present Dampier Strait. On the 12th of May they passed the
north-coast of Willem Schoutens island, which rendered it impossible
for them to discover what is now called Great Geelvink bay. Just as
Lemaire had done, Tasman also looked upon Gemien or Dampier Strait as
a landlocked bay. The consequence was that they continued to mistake
for the

[1) RAINAUD erroneously has "February 4."]

[2) Journal, January 7, 8, 1643.]

[3) As to the natives of the Tonga Archipelago keeping
remembrance of Tasman's visit there, see BASIL THOMSON, The
diversions of a prime minister. Edinburgh and London,
Blackwood, MDCCCXCIV, pp. 311 f.: "On January 27, 1643, Abel
Tasman (the great countryman of Schouten) anchored off Hitufo in
Tongatabu...Tasman sailed away, and the Tongans saw no more of the
foreigners for 124 years. The priceless iron tools they had given
them had long been worn out and disappeared, but the memory of their
coming, embalmed by one of the native poets, remained fresh to its
smallest details..."I feel greatly indebted to the author's courtesy
in drawing my attention to his interesting work.]

[4) The sailor's journal in the Sweers Collection has
here the date March (February) 20.]

[5) "On their way they fell in with some more islands and
shoals, which they (we?) firmly believe to belong to the Insulis
Salomonis." Res- G.-G. and C., June 19, 1643 (Appendix J.) Whether this "firm belief" originated
with Tasman and his coadjutors, or with the G.-G. and C., is left a
moot point by the wording of the resolution.]

[6) The Sweers sailor's journal puts the discovery of
these islands on March (February) 26; our journal on March
28.]

[7) Journal, April 13, 14. The sailor's journal has: "we
presumed."--As for the ante-Tasmanic opinions cp. Remarkable Maps,
II, III. Tasman's mistake had not been made before him.]

{Page: Life.114}

north-coast of New Guinea the island of Waigeoe, of which they
next passed the north-coast. Between what they took to be the
west-coast of New Guinea (Waigeoe), and what was by them looked upon
as one of the eastern extremities of Celebes (Poeloe Gebeh), they
subsequently found "a convenient passage through, which in future may
be of great use to the Company's (ships)[1], coming from Peru or Chyly at the time of the
eastern monsoon"[2]. The ships next
passed, eastward of Poeloe Gagi, the western opening of Gemien or
Dampier Strait, again without becoming aware of its real nature. On
the 25th of May Poeloe Koffian was passed, and on the 26th Misool[3], after which the ships soon found
themselves in well-known waters. On the 15th of June, 1643 Tasman and
his companions landed at Batavia[4].

When returned to Batavia Tasman and his coadjutors, "the
South-Land navigators"[5], received a
reward in money, the customary mode of remuneration in those days.
The terms[6] in which the Supreme
Government awards this recompense are highly characteristic: "And
inasmuch as by the Instructions given to the said Commander Tasman
and his Council, we have assured and promised the leaders of the
expedition and the common sailors to give them a handsome reward on
their return, for extraordinary pains taken and diligence shown by
them, in case in the course of this voyage any rich lands or islands
profitable to the Company, or any serviceable passages should be
discovered: therefore, although in fact no treasures or profitable
commodities, but only the lands aforementioned and a promising
passage have as yet been discovered (whose real situation will
have to be ascertained by further investigation[7]), yet we have unanimously resolved to award
recompenses to the said discoverers on behalf of the Company for the
reasons aforesaid, and in fulfilment of our promise; to wit, to the
Commander, skippers, supercargoes and subcargoes, steersmen,
inclusive of the book-keeper, two months' pay each, and to the common
sailors one month's pay each." The reasons assigned for the
recompense exactly convey the impression made on the Supreme
Government at Batavia by the result of Tasman's expedition. The
undertaking was by them looked upon as a "remarkable voyag,"e[8] but according to them, Tasman "had been
to some extent remiss in investigating the situation, conformation
and nature of the lands and peoples discovered, and left the main
part of this task to be executed by by some more inquisitive
successor." In the eyes of Van Diemen and the Councillors of India,
then, the fact that on this voyage new lands, and perhaps a "passage
to the South Sea" had been discovered, was indeed a very important
one, but according to them Tasman had committed a mistake in
neglecting to make his investigation a more thorough one; in other
words, in having failed to ascertain whether the regions discovered
might become of importance for the Company's trade[9].

But before the "more inquisitive successor" above alluded to had
been appointed, Tasman and Visscher had a fresh task assigned to
them. "To prevent their being idle inthe meantime," the
Governor-General and Councillors forthwith resolved "to dispatch"
Tasman and Visscher "with two yachts to the north coast of Nova
Guinea by way of Banda, about the month of February, for the

[1*) Huydecoper Journal.]

[2*) Journal, May 20.]

[3*) Described in the Sweers sailor's journal as "a long
island eastward of the eastern extremity of the coast of Zeram." Cf.
Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte chart.]

[7) The italics are my own. In the Res. of the G.-G. and
Counc. of Sept 4, 1643 we also read: "As regards the new short
passage to the South Sea and the coast of New Spain, which commander
Tasman is supposed to have discovered, we consider the same as yet a
matter of uncertainty, inasmuch as we do not positively know whether
the said passage is quite free, or may still have more large lands
lying across and in front of it, a point which we intend to have more
pertinently inquired into on further discovery of the newly found
South-land." See also General Missive of December 22, 1643 (Appendix K.) The Managers of the E. I. C. (as
appears from their letters to the G.-G. and C., dated Sept. 21, 1644
and Sept. 9, 1645) refused to countenance any further investigations
extending to Chili, chiefly because they deemed such investigations
to clash with the provisions of the West India Company's
charter.</]

[8) Instructions for the voyage of 1644.]

[9) The Managers thought it needless to refer to
the results of this expedition at all!]

{Page: Life.115}

purpose of discovering the said land from Cabo Keerweer in 17[1] degrees Latitude, and farther to
westward, and of ascertaining whether the known South-land is
connected with the same or separated from it, seeing that certainty
as to his point will be of great use in future explorations"[2].

This resolution gave rise to the expedition undertaken by Tasman
and Visscher in 1644. We "intend," thus runs the General Missive of
January 4, 1644, "to have the unknown land situated between Nova
Guinea and the unknown South-land discovered and surveyed by way of
Banda by Commander Tasman and Pilot-major Frans Visscher with two
yachts and a pinnace, in February next; the said exploration to begin
from Cape Keer-weer (being the farthest point of Nova Guinea
discovered by Commander Carstens in the year 1623[3]), and with God's aid to end at Willems River
(being the northernmost extremity of the known South-land), in which
intervening region (extending to a length of fully 400 miles) there
are likely to be found sundry lands and islands, not far distant from
Java; this expedition being also charged with the task of
ascertaining whether the two large lands aforementioned are connected
with each other, or are separated by channels; certainty about this
point being highly desirable with a view to the further exploration
of the newly discovered South-lands, and of the passage to the South
Sea and to Chili; on which account it is expedient that the said
point should be investigated as soon as possible, the more so since
such investigation can be conveniently completed within the space of
five or six months."

"By September next, when the projected discovery of the north
coast of the South-land is likely to have been successfully effected,
we also intend to dispatch two or three yachts for the further
exploration of the newly discovered South-lands, with express orders
to ascertain what advantages for the Company may be obtained there.
They will especially have to inquire whether in these vast regions
there are any silver-, gold-, or copper-mines, which we deem very
likely, seeing they are situated under a climate especially adapted
for such mines, and resembling that of the silver- and gold-bearing
regions of Peru, Chili, China and Japan"[4].

On the 13th of January next the new expedition was definitely
resolved upon in the Council of India[5]. Three ships were to be fitted out under the
command of Tasman, "assisted by" Visscher, "and other able
steersmen," for the purpose "of further and more exact discovery, and
of clearly ascertaining whether the coast of Nova Guinea and the
unknown South-land are connected together, or are divided from each
other by channels...item of deciding the question whether or
not the newly discovered Van Diemens land[6]...forms one whole with the two great lands
just mentioned, or with either of them; item of finding out
what other unknown islands may be situated between Nova Guinea and
the South-land, and what treasures, advantages, profitable
trade-connections and convenient passages may there be available for
the benefit of the General Company."

The object of this expedition is more amply set forth in the
Instructions of January 29[7], which

[1) An inaccurate statement, of course.]

[2) Missive of December 22, 1643.]

[3) This is incorrect of course, for Carstensz got beyond
Keerweer; the mistake does not occur in the Instructions of January
29, 1644.]

[4) I leave out what the Missive further states as to the
plans of the G.-G. and C. for harassing Spain in South-America
through the "new passage," and for forming trade-connections with
Chili. As appears from their missive to the Supreme Government at
Batavia, of Sept. 9, 1645, the Managers of the Company flatly refused
to countenance any such plans. The missive just mentioned also
contains some characteristic utterances referring to the plans for
supplementing and completing Tasman and Visscher's discoveries. "We
have also gathered from your letter," the Managers say, "that your
Worships have again taken in hand the further discovery of the coast
of Nova Guinea, in the hope of finding silver- and gold-mines there.
We cannot anticipate any great results from the continuation of such
discoveries, which besides entail further expenditure for the
Company, since they require more yachts and an increase of sailors.
The Company has now made a sufficient number of discoveries for
maintaining its trade, provided the latter be carried on with
success. We do not think it part of our task to seek out gold- and
silver-mines for the Company, and having found such, to try to derive
profit from the same; such things involve a good deal more, demanding
excessive expenditure and large numbers of hands; it is clearly seen
in the West Indies, what numbers of persons and quantities of
necessaries are required to work the King's mines, so that gold and
silver are not extracted from the earth without excessive outlay, as
some would seem to imagine. These plans of Your Worships somewhat aim
beyond our mark. The gold- and silver-mines that will best serve the
Company's turn, have already been found, which we deem to be our
trade over the whole of India, and especially in Taijouan and Japan,
if only God be graciously pleased to continue the same to
us."]

[7) Appendix M. I cannot
conveniently discuss the whole of these Instructions in the text, but
for particulars would refer the reader to this
Appendix.]

{Page: Life.116}

were drawn up with "the advice and concurrence" of Tasman and
Visscher. The vessels told off for this expedition "for the true and
complete discovery of the South-land"[1], were the yacht Limmen, carrying 45 seamen
and 11 soldiers, the yacht Zeemeeuw or Meeuw, having on board 35
seamen and 6 soldiers, and the "quel"[2]
or galiot Bracq with 14 seamen. The Limmen had probably first come
out in 1639, and measured 60 lasts[3];
the Zeemeeuw, of 50 lasts, in 1643; and the Bracq, in 1640. The ships
were victualled for 8 months, and took on board various commodities
that might prove needful for forming commercial connections[4]. On the 29th of January it was resolved that
the ships should "put off to sea in the name of God, early to-morrow,
after due muster."

For this expedition also Tasman was appointed "commander of the
three yachts and of the men on board of the same," and "permanent
president" of the Plenary Council. He carried the "flag floating from
the topmast of the yacht Limmen." Among the members of the Plenary
Council were Visscher, who in his capacity of "skipper pilot-major"
had command of the Limmen, which was the flag-ship; next, the skipper
of the Zeemeeuw, Dirk Corneliszoon Haen[1], who in case of Tasman dying was appointed to
succeed him as commander; the "supercargo" of the latter vessel,
Isaac Gilsemans, already known to us; the skipper of the Bracq,
Jaspar Janszoon Koos[5]; the first mate
in the Limmen, Crijn Hendrickszoon (De Ratte), of Middelburg, who had
come out to India on "half-pay" in 1641, had formed part of the
1642/3 expedition, and been appointed master-steersman in 1644[6]; his colleagues, Carsten Jurriaenszoon
on board the Zeemeeuw, and Cornelis Roobol in the Bracq, all of them
known to us. Secretary of the Council, and full member at the same
time, was the Subcargo Anthonij Blauw[7]. Besides, there was a "draughtsman" appointed
to join the expedition, whose duty it was to map out the coasts, etc.
touched at.

Tasman had got orders first to call at Macassar[8], where the plan was to he kept secret[9], next at Amboyna, and ultimately at
Banda. In these islands he was to take in refreshments, and try to
provide himself with all necessaries; at the same time he was
enjoined to ask the governors of those parts "for written memoranda
setting forth the special information they might possess touching the
lands and islands east of Banda. Thence, in the month of February, he
was to continue his voyage" on an eastward course between and in
sight of the islands of Tenimber, Key and Arouw, to Cape Ture or
Valsche Caep, situated in 8 degrees on the south coast of Nova
Guinea." From there he was to skirt the said coast to eastward as far
as 9°, next "cautiously cross the shallow bay situated there, and
seek a road-stead near the Hoge Eijlant or Speults River...meanwhile
sending off the galiot Brack into the bay (i.e. Torres Strait) for
the space of two or three days, with the object of finding out within
this vast bay any eventual passage to the South sea." They were next
to run southward as far as 17° ("the farthest point discovered"),
in order to ascertain "whether this land is divided from the large
known South-land." Should this prove to be the case, then Tasman was
ordered to run on southward "as far as the newly discovered Van
Diemens land" (Tasmania), and from there towards the islands of St.
Pieter and St. Francois, whence he was to sail along "the east coast
of the, in that case known, South-land" as far as De Witsland and
Willems River. If no passage was found south of 17°, Tasman was
to skirt the land in a westerly direction as far as Willems River,
and then, if practicable[10], to sail
along Eendrachtsland as far as Houtmans

[3) Uitloopboekie [Memorandum of outgoing
ships].--LEUPE'S suggestion (Navorscher, i854, p. 161), that the
names of Brack and Hasewind, "being closely allied in meaning, may
not unlikely have been interchangeable," is shown to be a mistake by
the fact that the E. I. C. owned not only a quel or galiot bearing
the name of Brack, but also a galiot of the name of Hasewind.
(Uitloopboekie for the year 1642; General Missive, Dec. 23,
1642).]

[5) I have not come across any particulars of his career
as a servant of the E. I. C.]

[6) Res. G.-G. and C. Aug. 22, 1644--Perhaps he was
afterwards appointed first mate in the Zeemeeuw (LEUPE, Navorscher,
i854, p. 160.]

[7) See Note 5) supra.]

[8) As far as Macassar, Supercargo Adriaan Van Zuidwijk
accompanied the expedition, and as being highest in official rank,
held command of the ships up to there.]

[9) Instructions of the G.-G. and C. for Van Zuidwijk,
Jan. 29, 1644.]

[10) What A. F. CALVERT, The Discovery of Australia,
London, Philip, 1893, states, viz. that Tasman was ordered "to
follow the coast, despite adverse winds," is not quite correct. His
note, accordingly, ought to be cancelled.]

{Page: Life.117}

Abrolhos; or otherwise to run eastward again from Willems River
"in order to further explore Aernhems- and Van Diemens land, and
ascertain once for all whether or not the said lands constitute one
and the same island...and also, what other islands may be situated
between Balij, Cumbawa, Timor and the South-land."

As no journal of this voyage is forthcoming, we are forced to put
up with notices scattered here and there, apart from what we learn
from the well-known chart[1].

On the 22nd of February the ships arrived off Amboyna[2], on the 27th of the same month they got near
Banda. The Governor of Banda, Cornelis Witsen, ordered "the
quartermaster Jan Jorisse (alias capteyntge)," who in Banda
"acted as interpreter (when men of Eastern nations appear here)", to
join Tasman's expedition. The adjunction to the expedition of this
quartermaster was intended "to procure for Tasman in Arouw[3] the services of an interpreter conversant
with the language of Nova Guinea, since Jorisse is of opinion that
there will be plenty of such interpreters available there[4]." Aroe was accordingly called at by the
ships[5], and from there (Abel Tasman
passagie)[6] the ships ran eastward,
until they reached the west (north) coast of what is now known as
Prince Frederick Hendrik Island. They next doubled Cape Tyuri (Ture)
or Valsche Kaap, sailed along the east (south) coast of the island
just mentioned, and after this again reached the coast of New
Guinea[7], which they skirted as far as
the Torres Strait of modern maps. Tasman and his men failed to
recognise the real nature of this channel; in this case, too, the
strait was taken to be a land-locked bay (Droog hoeck or
bocht?).

We see, then, that Tasman did not give a satisfactory solution of
this part of the problem set him: in his estimation New Guinea and
the present Australia formed one whole. Tasman next sailed along the
east coast of the present Gulf of Carpentaria[8], until he got to about 17°, this being
the farthest point reached by previous Dutch explorers (Carstenszoon;
Tot hier toe hebben sommige ontdekkers geweest = certain
discoverers have been up to here). From there he skirted this coast
in a southerly direction[9], then sailed
along the south-coast of the Gulf of Carpentaria[10], where he wrongly supposed the present
island of Mornington to be connected with the mainland, doubled the
said island[11], and then ran on a
westward course along the south coast just mentioned[12]. He mistook the present Van der Lijns Island
and Observation Island for parts of the main-land[13], doubled them, made the same mistake as
regards Maria-eiland[14], came to
anchor in what he called Limmens bocht, and in this way got to
the west coast of the Gulf of Carpentaria (Laegh landt). He
now held his course between the present Groote Eylandt and the
mainland coast, until he reached Arnhems land. Accordingly, he had
duly

[1) Viz. Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte chart.
What WITSEN, Noord- en Oost-Tartarije, I, i.a. p. 175 etc.
says about this expedition, seems to me not accurate and certain
enough to be made use of. It is found reproduced in the works of
Major, Calvert and others.]

[2) Missive of the Governor and Council of Amboyna to
G.-G. and C., of April 25, 1644--WALKER, Tasman pp. 36 is incorrect
as regards the course taken by Tasman.]

[3) Aroe.]

[4) That Jorissen accompanied the expedition is made
evident by a letter of the G.-G. and C. to the Governor and Council
of Banda, dated Nov. 29, 1644, in which it is stated that he "has
assisted skipper-commander Tasman in the discovery of the
South-land."]

[5) Missive of the Governor and Council of Banda to the
G.-G. and C. dated April 17, 1645.]

[6) I italicise such names as are found in Swart's
reproduction of the Bonaparte chart, and were conferred by Tasman in
the course of this voyage.]

[7) Here Tasman most probably gave names to the
Mannen(?)rivier (most probably Meeuwen rivier, from the
yacht Zeemeeuw or Meeuw), the Clappers rivier (or did this
name originate with Carstenszoon? Cf. ROBIDÉ VAN DER AA,
Reizen Nieuw Guinea, pp. 426 f.), and the Rivier
d'Orange.]

[8) He probably christened here the Staatenrivier?
or Soete Rivier?, Prince-rivier, Rivier met
tbosch, Vliegen baij; Visschen(Versche?)rivier,
Laeghlant, Rivier Pera, Rivier Arnhem. That
Tasman did not find Torres Strait, is in so many words stated in a
letter from G.-G. and C. to the governor of Banda, Nov. 29, 1644: he
had found no channel between Nova Guinea and the
Southland.]

[12) Demmers-rivier (from the name of the member
of the C. of I., Gerard Demmer.--In some maps this river is also
called Van Diemens rivier), Witsen-rivier, Rivier
Croock (from Paulus Croock, member of the C. of I.), Van
Alphen's rivier (from Simon Van Alphen, member of the C. of I.),
Abel Tasmans rivier or baij (?), Waterplaets, Vlakke
bocht (?).]

[13) Cabo Van der Lijn? In some maps: C. Van der
Laits.]

[14) Cabo de Marie? In some maps it is called C.
Maire, e.g. on the map in COLLINGRIDGE, p. 286.]

{Page: Life.118}

resolved the question whether there was any passage to the south
between 17° South. Lat. and Arnhems land[1]. He now doubled the present Wessels-island
and the islands south of it, without recognising the insular
character of all of them, then discovered Crocodils
eiland(en), and continued his way eastward[2]. He sighted Maria-land, which had already
been discovered by the ship Arnhem, visited Van Diemen baay[3], but fancied this to be land-locked on
every side except the northern one, and mistook Melville island (Van
Diemens land) for a part of the mainland. Tasman next sailed along
the west coast of Australia as far as Eendrachtsland, after which he
returned to Batavia, where he arrived in the month of August[4], after having once more touched at the Key
and Aroe Islands[5].

The western part of the present Australia, which part had now been
completely skirted, was in Tasman's chart christened Compagnies
Nieuw Nederland[6], a name which in
Dutch charts was, however, soon replaced by the Latin appellation
Nova Hollandia[7], which afterwards gave
rise to the Duch name Nieuw-Holland, the latter term being ultimately
employed to designate the whole of the circumnavigated continent[8]. To distinguish it from Nova Hollandia,
the Statenland, discovered by Tasman, had afterwards conferred on it
the name[9] of Nova-Zeelandia or Nieuw
Zeeland. That part of the present Australia which was still thought
to be connected with New Guinea, continued to be called by Tasman by
its old name of South-land. The eastern coast-line had not yet been
discovered, no more than the southern one east of Nuytsland[10].

Thus--and the words succinctly describe Tasman's achievements--the
"vast and hitherto unknown South-land had by Tasman been sailed round
in two voyages," as the Governor-General and Councillors stated in
their General Missive of December 23, 1644. But this time, too, they
were not completely satisfied: true, the results also of the voyage
of 1644 were highly important, but the question whether the
discovered regions would yield profit to the Company's commerce, once
more remained unanswered. This time again the explorers "had found
nothing that could be turned to profit, but had only come across
naked beach-roving wretches, destitute even of rice, and not
possessed of any fruits worth mentioning, miserably poor, and in many
places of a very bad disposition...We are left quite ignorant what
the soil of this South-land produces or contains, since the men have
done nothing but sail along the coast; he who wants to find out what
the land yields, must walk over it in every direction; the voyagers
pretend this to have been out of their power, which may to some
extent be true." The Governor-General and Councillors accordingly
intended "to have everything more closely investigated by more
vigilant and courageous persons than had hitherto been employed on
this service; for the exploration of unknown regions can by no means
be entrusted to the first comer..."

These then were the thanks reaped by Tasman, Visscher and their
coadjutors[11] for the all but

[1) Cf. General Missive of Dec. 23, 1644. Appendix O. And yet this continued to be believed
after Tasman. Cp. RAINAUD, p. 387 and note 5).--The present Groote
Eylandt is called Van der Lijns eiland on manuscript maps (17th and
18th centuries) of the Dutch East India Company.]

[2) Moeilijke bocht, vuile hoek (can this have got
corrupted to I. Foule in BELLIN, Hydrographie Française?),
Laeg land.--In the manuscript map of De Haan (1760) the
present Wessels-island is called Droog eijland, and the passage
between the main-land and Crocodils-islands: 't Jagt
Limmens-passage.]

[3) Witte water? or rivier (?), Alhier
leggen drie bergen.]

[4) General Missive of Dec. 23, 1644.]

[5) As appears from a missive of the G.-G. and C. to the
Governor and Council of Banda, dated Nov. 29, 1644.]

[6) See Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte
chart.]

[7) Already in the map of the Amsterdam Town-hall, as
reproduced in the first edition of Danckerts, and in the Nolpe-Dozy
chart. I do not quite understand the observation of COLLINGRIDGE,
Discovery, p. 280, that the name "Nova Hollandia and Nieuw Holland
(was) transferred by (the Dutch) to the southern continent from the
icy regions they had explored in the Arctic seas, when attempting to
reach India and the Spice Islands by a north-east passage."--BURNEY,
Chronological History, III, p. 181, and others are mistaken on this
point.]

[8) I do not know the authority for RAINAUD'S statement
(pp. 370 f.): "Un décret des Etats-Généraux des
ProvincesUnies imposa a la plus grande partie des terres nouvellement
découvertes le nom de Nouvelle Hollande." For the rest, this
page of Rainaud's book contains other statements which it would be
hard or impossible to prove.]

[9) See, for instance, Remarkable Maps, III, various
charts. The name was most probably given, after the voyage of Hendrik
Brouwer in 1643 had removed all doubt as regards the insular
character of the Statenland south of South America. Of course,
"l'appellation de Nouvelle Zélande (est) bien anterieure au
premier voyage de Cook" (RAINAUD, p. 425, Note 2).]

[10) Still, the roughly marked outline of these parts of
the coast in Swart's reproduction of the Bonaparte chart, which shows
that there was a vague presumption of the real state of affairs, is
worth notice.]

[11) The Managers did not allude to their achievements
with even a single word!]

{Page: Life.119}

completed discovery of the fifth part of the world[1]. Posterity has judged otherwise: foreigners
and Tasman's countrymen have vied with each other in magnifying the
exceptional importance of these expeditions of which the one
undertaken in 1642/3 must rank with the most renowned exploratory
voyages of Europeans outside Europe. Tasman's countrymen, and
foreigners no less, have recognised the merits of himself and those
with him: many a geographical appellation bestowed on the discovered
regions by foreigners[2], furnishes
incidental proof of this.

And that such recognition was amply deserved[3], is triumphantly proved even by the fact
alone that the results of these two expeditions have furnished the
basis for subsequent voyages, not by Netherlanders only, but by
foreigners as well. When in after days the latter began to feel
inclined and called to penetrate farther into those regions, they
founded their plans on the basis laid by Tasman's voyages between
1642 and 1644[4]. It is the unfading and
undying glory of our fellow-countryman, that others have availed
themselves of the outcome of his exertions.

XIV.

PERSONALIA (1644-1659).--TASMAN'S MISSIONS TO DJAMBI (1646), TO
SIAM (1647), AND TO THE PHILIPPINES (1648).--CONCLUSION[5].

During some time after his second voyage Tasman remained ashore at
Batavia, without, however, being idle. On the 29th of August, 1644,
we find him appointed on a committee of inquiry respecting
merchandise in a vessel that had suffered shipwreck[6]. On the 4th of October[7], he was promoted to

[2) E.g. Tasman-land (Kimberley), Tasman-island (one of
the Salomon-islands) etc. The name of Tasmania is a striking
instance. In Mémoires de la Société royale de
Géographie d'Anvers, II, 1883, p. 9, the writer pointedly
observes, that "la justice des siècles a converti (le nom de
terre de Van Diemen) en celui de Tasmanie." But E. DE HARVEN, the
writer in question of the paper just quoted from, entitled "La
Nouvelle Zélande," is hopelessly at sea where he says that Van
Diemensland was thus christened by Tasman "du nom de sa
femme."]

[3) It has rather an odd sound, therefore, when CALVERT,
The Discovery of Australia (p. 35), says: These self-explanatory and
highly congratulatory remarks [in a chart named "Tasman's map"] show
what the Dutch thought of their new acquisition, now for the first
time called New Holland; and that while they are disposed to admit
some remote Spanish pretensions, they take to themselves the main
credit of the discovery." Of course they did, and do. The exploratory
voyages of De Queiros, for instance (of which there is question in
the map referred to), have never been denied by the Dutch. Nor
is there any reason why they should have done so. But in importance
these discoveries will not bear comparison with those made by Tasman
and Visscher. Besides, the chart in reference to which Calvert
delivers himself as above, is of much younger date than Tasman's
voyages. The "N B" at the place where Pieter Nuytsland is marked
("This is the. countrey seated according to Coll. Porry (the
italics are mine) in the best climate of the world") convincingly
proves that the chart must be younger than the first quarter of the
eighteenth century. As regards Purrey, see VALENTIJN, III, 2, Banda,
p. 71; MAJOR, Early Voyages, p. CXV; COLLINGRIDGE, p. 303;
Resolutions of the Lords XVII, October 3, 1718 and March II,
1719.--The chart reproduced in Calvert's book most probably did duty
in an English expedition. However this may be, the mistakes in the
place-names in New Zealand sufficiently prove that it was copied from
the chart in Thévenot's work.]

[4) RAINAUD, l.c., p. 370: "Pendant plus de cent ans, de
1644 a 1770, date de l'arrivée de Cook a la côte
orientale, on ne connut de l'Australie que les parties du littoral
explorées par Tasman et ses prédécesseurs"; and
on p. 366, Note 4: "Li comme sur d'autres points Cook n'eut qu'a
suivre les traces de Tasman." And James Cook himself says: "To the
Dutch we must...ascribe the merit of being our harbingers, though we
afterward went beyond them in the road they had first ventured to
tread" (A voyage to the Pacific Ocean, performed under the Direction
of Captains Cook, Clerke and Gore. I, Third edition, London, Nicol
and Cadell, 1785, p. XII).

In his expeditions to New Guinea and Australia, William Dampier made
use of charts giving the discoveries made by Tasman. See A Voyage to
New-Holland etc. in the year 1699 by Captain William Dampier, III
(Third edition, London, Knapton, 1729), p. 94; the title-page
of A continuation of a voyage to New-Holland, and the chart facing
this title-page, etc. etc. Perhaps Dampier also used the Visscher
draught, now preserved in the British Museum. The spelling of certain
place-names would seem greatly to favour this view.--James Cook
availed himself of the results obtained in Tasman's voyages. See, for
instance, Journal of Joseph Banks during Captain Cook's first voyage
in H. M. S. Endeavour in 1768-71; edited by JOSEPH D. HOOKER (London,
Macmillan, 1896), passim; etc. etc. The same thing was
done by Marion du Fresne, D'Entrecasteaux, Baudin, Flinders and
others, as appears from their instructions or their accounts of their
voyages. Of course it would be impossible to cite all this evidence
here in extenso.]

[5) I have in this chapter made use of various
particulars of Tasman's career that were unknown
hitherto.]

[6) Resolutions of the G.-G. and C., Aug. 29 and Sept.
14, 1644. I have mentioned higher up the chart drawn by him in 1644,
and reproduced in the present work, which chart indicates the courses
to be kept in cruising to watch for the Spanish
silver-ships.]

a higher grade: he now got the rank of skipper-commander, of which
he had repeatedly borne the title, and been invested with the
authority. The pay of 100 guilders per month attached to it, was by
the resolution even reckoned to have come into force on the 14th of
August 1642, at which date he had first been "employed in the said
capacity." The terms in which this promotion was awarded to him,
mention the "reasonable contentment" of the Governor-General and
Councillors with what he had performed in his two voyages of
discovery, and the "courage found in him to render additional good
service to the General Company on similar occasions, in seeking rich
countries or profitable trade-connections;" a clear proof that the
gratitude he had deserved, went beyond the official recognition
vouchsafed to him immediately after his voyages.

On November 2 he was by the Governor-General and Councillors
appointed member of the Council of Justice of Batavia[1] in the room of Marten Gerritszoon Vries,
Tasman being specially charged with examining the ships' journals
sent in[2]. In this capacity he inter
alia formed part of the committee which by resolution of the
Governor-General and Councillors of April 18, 1645 was appointed to
have solemnly "proclaimed from the steps of the Town-hall of the city
of Batavia," the treaty of "trefues" (truce), concluded between the
Dutch East India Company and the viceroy of Portuguese India[3]. By the side of these functions he was also
engaged in other occupations. Thus, February 1, 1646 is the date of
an "Indication of the courses to be kept in navigating from Batavia
to Punte Gale in Ceylon, in the months of January and February,"
drawn up by Tasman[4]; in this document
we find him alluding to his "own observations" touching this route,
which shows that at one time he had served the Company also to
westward of the Malay Archipelago. On the 5th of February he has the
task assigned to him of accompanying along Bali Strait certain ships
destined for Ceylon, with orders to navigate to Ceylon by the south
of Java route[5]. On the 24th of July he
is found to have drawn us an "Indication of the courses to be kept by
the ships that are to navigate from Batavia to Manilha"[6].

Soon after this, however, his services were again required away
from Batavia. The Supreme Government had been informed that the
English intended to send to Djambi a considerable amount of specie
for the purchase of pepper. Now, in order to "steal a march on our
English friends, and prevent them from obtaining a full return-cargo
to England," it was resolved to dispatch Tasman to Djambi with the
ship Hasewint and 12000 reals in cash, with orders for the Dutch
representative there, to "purchase pepper for the amount mentioned,
and in the way of business to take as much advantage of the English
as possible, even if he should have to pay ¾, or a whole real
more per picol than the customary market-rate"[7]. Tasman being the higher in official rank,
was to take precedence of the Company's representative during his
stay at Djambi[8]. After acquitting
hemself of his mission, he returned to Batavia on the 22nd of
September, with the report that there was "every appearance of
obtaining a considerable quantity of pepper and of taking advantage
of the English"[9].

From this date we again find Tasman residing at Batavia for a
considerable period, and employed by the Governor-General and
Councillors in various transactions, inter alia in matters
connected with the fitting-out of ships[10], until about the middle of 1647 he was again
charged with the command of a more important expedition. On the 17th
of August of that year the Supreme Government resolved to

[1) This council had been instituted in 1620. As regards
its jurisdiction, see KLERK DE REDS, Ueberblick, pp. 146
ff.]

[3) He is further mentioned as a member of the Council of
Justice in the Resolutions of the G.-G. and C., dated Nov. 12 and
Dec. 23, 1644; January 20 and Dec. 17, 1645; and in various
court-minutes of 1646.]

[4) Preserved in the State Archives at the
Hague.]

[5) Missive of the G.-G. and C. to the commander of the
said ships, dated February 5, 1646.]

[6) Preserved in the Hague State Archives. Cf. also the
Book of outgoing letters of the G.-G. and C., on April 12, 1647. A
few weeks before the date mentioned in the text, Tasman with two of
his colleagues "in the church of God" at Batavia had a dispute with a
dismissed member of the Council of Justice, who in spite of his
dismissal insisted on taking his former seat in the pew reserved for
members of the Council. The matter was brought before the court, but
I have not found any record of the decision given. Cf. Res. of the
G.-G. and C., May 12, 1646.]

[7) Res. of the G.-G. and C., Sept. 4,
1646.]

[8) Missive of the G.-G. and C. to the Dutch supercargo
at Djambi, Sept. 6, 1646.]

[9) Res. of the G.-G. and C., Sept. 22,
1646.]

[10) Res. of the G.-G. and C., March 9,
1647.]

{Page: Life.121}

send three ships to Siam "for the purpose of fetching from there
with all convenient speed the required quantity of sappan-wood and
other necessary commodities mentioned in the requisition from the
Netherlands, together with a sufficient supply of timber and of rice
for the use of the interior; also to provide to the full the required
quantity of benzoin, tin and sappan-wood for the districts of Surat
and Persia." The command of the ships was entrusted to Tasman, who at
the same time had orders to deliver various presents to the King of
Siam and the Magnates of the kingdom. During his stay in Siam Tasman
took precedence of all the Netherlanders residing there[2]. According to his instructions, dated August
24, he was to weigh anchor on the following day.

Tasman returned to Batavia on the 20tb of November. This time, it
is true, Siam had not yielded so much merchandise as had been looked
for, but for the rest the reports he brought back were of a highly
satisfactory nature[2]. The letters and
presents were "with due solemnity and in accordance with the Siamese
ceremonial handed to his Majesty and his Berckelangh"[3] by Tasman himself and the head of the Dutch
factory. "The King showed himself much pleased with the same, and by
word of mouth promised to assist them in whatever they should have to
ask for." The general state of affairs was such that the
Governor-General and Councillors, in reporting Tasman's mission to
the Managers[4], could state "that the
Company's affairs in Siam were in a thriving way."

After his return from Siam we find Tasman again at Batavia, where
in January 1648 he was charged with the muster of the return-fleet
then ready to sail[5]. In the same month
the Supreme Government considered the expediency of once more
attempting to inflict a blow on the Spaniards in the Philippines.
Since at that juncture they were "abundantly provided with ships,"
the Governor-General then in office, Cornelis Van der Lijn, Van
Diemen's[6] successor, on January 18,
besides suggesting certain expeditions of a commercial character,
submitted the following proposal to the Council of India: "Inasmuch
as now, in two consecutive years[7],
each time powerful armaments, both as regards ships and men, have
been dispatched to Manilha for the purpose of harassing our common
enemy the Spaniard, of utterly crippling the said Spaniard there by
continual attacks, by cutting him off from the Chinese trade and by
intercepting his silver-ships, and of even expelling him from the
Moluccas[8] in course of time, to the
end that we may the more securely for the Company possess the said
parts and consequently also Amboyna and Banda; as also of thereby
increasing the trade of Taijouan[9];
these desired objects, however, having been left unattained up to the
present, owing to divers obstacles and intervening circumstances";
therefore the Governor-General deemed it advisable "again" to fit out
a like expedition "on the same errand." The Council "unanimously"
considered "the proposed further attempt against the enemy highly
necessary and calculated to further the well-being of the Company,
and at the same to do serious damage and notable prejudice to this
our general enemy the Spaniard, on account of all which the proposal
was carried nem. con." The command of this expedition was
given to Jacob Jacobszoon Van der Meulen[10], who, however, fell ill while unforeseen
circumstances were causing delay in the dispatching of the
expedition[11], so that it became
necessary to look about for a substitute. The choice of the
Governor-General and Councillors then fell on Tasman[12], and the terms in which

[1) Missive of the G.-G. and C. to the Dutch supercargo
in Siam, Aug. 24, 1647, and other documents referring to this
voyage.]

[2 Missive of the G.-G. and C. to the Dutch "chief" and
his Council in Siam, April 22, 1648.]

[3) Or Phra-Klang, a Siamese minister, who managed the
foreign affairs.]

[9) In their General Missive of January 18, 1649, the
G.-G. and C. state that the repeated "attempts against Manilha" have
given an extraordinary impulse to the trade of the Chinese with the
Dutch in Formosa. These attempts also prevented the Spaniards from
trading with Cambodja.]

[10) Res. of the G.-G. and C., January 27,
1648.]

[11) Res. of the G.-G. and C., April 11 and 21,
1648.]

[12) Res. of the G.-G. and C., April 27,
1648.]

{Page: Life.122}

the command was entrusted to him are highly flattering[1]: "Mature deliberations," the Supreme
Government writes, "were held on the question, which of the Company's
available servants of sufficient rank had best be appointed and
nominated to the charge aforesaid, in consequence of which it was
unanimously determined and resolved to employ on the said service in
the capacity of Commander, Skipper-commander Abel Tasman (of whose
ability and experience we are likewise fully assured)." At the same
time, April 27, 1648, Tasman was honourably discharged of his
membership of the Council of Justice.

The 14th of May is the date of the "Instructions for Commander
Abel Jansen Tasman and the Plenary and Privy Councils of the eight
ships and yachts, destined to set sail from (Batavia) for the coast
of Manilha, for the purpose of harassing and injuring our general
enemy the Spaniard, and obstructing his trade with China, as also of
preventing him from sending ships to Nova Hispania this year." Of
these eight ships the Banda was to be the "flag-ship or admiral"; the
vice-commander of the fleet, Dirk Ogel, was ordered on board the
Jonge Prins, and Rear-admiral Johan Truytman on board the ship
Reijnsburch. The ships were manned with 900 seafaring men, and 250
soldiers, forming 5 companies, commanded by 2 captains, 3
lieutenants, 5 ancients and 12 sergeants, all of them chosen from the
"ablest" military men to be found at Batavia. The ships carried 226
pieces of cannon, "to wit, 44 of gun-metal and 182 iron ones." To the
expedition also belonged "a number of Mestizos and a Chinaman, well
acquainted and experienced in those parts, in order to supply Tasman
with reliable information touching several bays and inlets unknown to
him up to now." No instructions were given as to the route to be
followed: it was left to the "experience" of Tasman and his Council,
"to perform" the voyage as quickly as possible " between Mindora and
the mainland of Luconia, towards the Inbocadero[2] as far as Cabo de Spiritu Sancto[3]." Here they were directed to endeavour to
intercept the silver-ships coming from Mexico, and at the same time
to try to prevent the Spaniards from conversely sending out ships to
Mexico. The Governor-General and Councillors hoped that Tasman would
not meet with any great resistance, since, they thought, the succours
of ships and other necessaries received by the Spaniards in Manilha
must have been inconsiderable of late years. The admiral was to "
keep up the blockade of Manilha down to the first of October, at
which time the season is past for making the voyage to Nova Hispania,
the more so as there is no other practicable passage than that
through the Embocadero." After cruising in these waters till October
1, he was to "run straight for Sangora[4], which is being invested by the fleet of the
king of Siam, and in the taking of which," the Governor-General and
Councillors wrote, "(this prince) has requested our aid[5], in order to assist in taking possession of
the town for the said Majesty, unless this has been effected before
your arrival; if not, you will use your best endeavours in the work,
seeing that by so doing we shall render the said King an important
service, in consequence of which we may expect to obtain great
advantages and benefits for the Company." In furtherance of the
object last mentioned, Tasman himself was directed to go back to Siam
after the capture of Sangora, in order to strengthen the interest of
the Company also in that-country. In order to stimulate the zeal of
the men, rewards were promised, e.g. to every one who should first
discover any silver-ship that was afterwards captured or destroyed.
Tasman was at the same time instructed "to note down in the chart all
such corrections as experience should prove necessary, likewise to
map out all islands, reefs, rocks, sand-banks and shoals, and finally
to have sufficient plans and drawings made of all fortresses,
fortified places, towers and other considerable buildings."

On the 13th of May everything was ready for departure and the next
day "at noon a festive leave-dinner took place at the residence of
the Lord Governor-General, at which dinner the Commander and the
chief officers of the Manilha armament, together with certain of the
Company's qualified servants, attended by special invitation." On May
15 "at early morning," the Governor-General, "attended by certain of
the Lords Councillors and other qualified persons," went on board the
Banda for the purpose of formally installing Tasman, and at noon the
fleet put to sea[6].

[5) See the letter of the Phra-Klang of Siam in the Daily
Register of Batavia, April 30, 1648; Missive of the G.-G. to "Oija
Berckelangh," dated April 22, 1648.]

[6) Daily Register Batavia, May i3-15,
1648.]

{Page: Life.123}

On June 6 Mindoro was reached. They first tried to make prisoners
of war, and obtain "reliable information concerning the enemy's
position." They sailed along the north coast of Mindoro, through
Bernardino Strait (the Embocadero), and obtained information from
prisoners who had fallen into their hands near the island of
"Thijgauw" (Ticao). The information supplied disappointed Tasman, for
it taught him that he had come too late to prevent the sailing of the
ship destined from Manila to Mexico. He immediately proceeded on his
way to Cape Espiritu Santo at the north-eastern extremity of Samar[1], "in order to watch for and intercept
the Spanish silver-ship"; on the way "divers harbours, bays and
inlets were visited," but no enemy's ships seen. The Dutch vessels
kept cruising there for some time, but without any success: no ships
came in sight. The fleet was, however, overtaken by a violent storm,
in which the Rijnsburch went down with part of her crew, and another
ship, "utterly helpless and having lost her masts and yards," got
separated from the rest of the fleet[2].
The remaining ships re-assembled and once more took to cruising north
of Samar, after first taking in refreshments at the island of
Catanduanes.

On July 28 it was resolved to make an attempt against the bay of
Albay on the south-east coast of Luzon, with a view to landing, and
trying to get possession of the Spanish fortress and magazines there.
The attempt was successful: the enemy at first prepared for defence,
but on the 30th of July, when Tasman was proceeding to an attack on
"the fortress of Albay," it was found that the Spaniards had
abandoned it, and retreated to the interior. But the hope of
capturing a large stock of ammunition here was frustrated. The Dutch
occupied the conquered fortress, and on August I undertook an
"expedition into the interior" of the province of Camarines with the
object of pursuing the enemy. For this purpose the Dutch troops were
formed into eight companies. They expelled the enemy from the village
of "Cagsagua," which was laid in ashes. After this raid the Dutch
returned, and quitted the bay of Albay after having likewise razed
the fortress and the surrounding village--"all of them notable feats"
in the opinion of the Supreme Government. The resolution to quit
Albay was hastened by the circumstance that a deserter from the enemy
and certain prisoners reported that the Spanish silvership coming
from Mexico had evaded the Dutch ships by sailing round the north of
Luzon, in consequence of which information it was decided that an
attempt should still be made to capture this ship. Two ships of the
fleet having been dispatched to Formosa according to the
Instructions, the Dutch commander went in pursuit of the Spanish
vessel north of Luzon with the four remaining ships of the armament.
In this way he arrived at the east-coast "in Lampon," opposite the
island of Polillo. There they sighted the silvership of which they
were in pursuit, "an opportunity as dear to us as our own life"
writes Tasman. The Spaniards, however, set fire to the vessel, rather
than give it up to the enemy. The crew and passengers had previously
quitted the ship, and of her cargo nothing fell into the hands of the
Dutch. Tasman had now executed what he had been enjoined to do by his
Instructions, so far as it had been in his power--but the G.-G. and
C. wrote that in this respect the undertaking had not "come up to
their wish." The commander then resolved still to "harass the enemy
also round by the north, and to make some show of our armed forces on
the whole coast of Luconia, in order to reconnoitre the various ways
of access to the island and impress the enemy with some wholesome
terror." This time again the enemy remained in hiding; not a vessel
was seen. First came the turn of the Babuyan isles, where Tasman knew
his ground, having visited these parts in 1639 on the expedition
commanded by Quast. Here also the Dutch laid waste and destroyed what
they could lay hands on, not, however, without meeting with some
resistance from the enemy. Thence they "navigated along the
west-coast of Lucon, with the intention of running into Manilhas Bay,
in order to ascertain the strength of the enemy's naval forces." But
adverse circumstances, among the rest the disabled condition of one
of the ships, prevented the execution of this bold project, and on
September 29 the west-coast of Luzon was left behind. The expedition
just described was the last important undertaking of the East India
Company against the Spaniards in Asia, for soon after there was peace
also in these parts. The ships next proceeded on their way to Siam,
where, according to the Instructions given by the Governor-General
and Councillors, they had to support the ruler of this country
against his enemies.

They reached Siam after a difficult passage on the 11th and 12th
of November. It was high

[1) On old Dutch charts this island is called Tandaya or
Philippines. See e,g. VALENTIJNS chart of the Philippines. Tasman
also gives the name "d'eijlanden van de Philipinas" or
"Ignatios-eijlanden," to Samar and the islets lying near
it.]

[2) This ship arrived safe at Formosa (Missive of the
Governor and Council of Formosa to Tasman, dated October 8,
1648).]

{Page: Life.124}

time, the number of sick persons on board the ships being very
large. The Banda alone had 90 of them, Tasman himself[1] among the number, and in all there had
already been 70 deaths[2]. Refreshments
were forthwith requested and obtained of the Dutch manager at
Aiuthia[3].

On board the ships there were only 664 men left, among them 191
soldiers, "the greater part of them being ill and disabled." Nor was
it wonderful if, whatever appearances were kept up before the King of
Siam, and whatever confident statements were made to this potentate
as to the strength of the Dutch, the Dutch felt sensibly relieved,
when they were informed that the expedition of Siam against Sangora
had been given up, since the King of Siam, who had once before met
with a rebuff there[4], had now put it
out of his head altogether[5]. Tasman
was therefore at liberty to set sail for Batavia, which he did on the
16th of December[6], and in January 1649
returned to the capital of the Dutch Indies.

For Tasman personally the voyage to the Philippines entailed very
unpleasant consequences. In the course of this expedition, led on by
passion, and perhaps heated by wine[7],
he was guilty of an act which it is impossible to excuse, even if we
make allowances for the coarser modes of thinking of the time. While
he was anchored with his fleet off the Babuyan isles, and had gone
into camp in one of them, on August 27 he issued an order forbidding
the military on pain of death to go outside their quarters. In direct
contravention of this order, on the evening of the following day
Tasman, returning to the camp from a monastery where he had been
"banqueting and carousing" with certain officers, found two sailors
on forbidden ground. They had gone out on a foraging expedition by
order of one of their officers, and pleaded ignorance of Tasman's
order, while the sentinels had allowed them to pass out. Without any
form of law, even without hearing the sailors, Tasman on the spot
condemned them to be hanged on a tree. He hurriedly made a halter
with his own hands, and put it round the neck of one of the
delinquents, at the same time ordering vice-commander Ogel, in spite
of the latter's energetic protest, to ascend a tree and hang the
sailor in question by the neck. While Tasman was fitting a halter
round the second sailor's neck, Ogel quietly allowed the first to
drop on the ground, so that this time Tasman's passion and rage had
no irretrievable consequences[8]. But on
his return to Batavia the commander was indicted before the Council
of Justice on account of this act of violence[9]. Tasman asserted that the sailors had made an
attempt at desertion, that it was not true that he had been

[1) Report of the Commissioner to Siam, Pieter De Goyer,
dated September 8, 1648.--De Goyer had been sent to Siam for the
customary annual inspection. This time, among other things, he was
directed to institute an inquiry respecting certain complaints, which
Tasman, after his visit to Siam in 1647, had formulated against the
Dutch manager there, Jan Van Muyden. The latter asserted that Tasman
had played an anything but honourable part there, and had attempted
to supplant Van Muyden in favour of a subaltern official of the East
India Company, who had succeeded in getting round Tasman. To me it
also seems that Tasman's mode of dealing was not quite correct. But
on the other hand Van Muyden's reputation was none of the best. As
regards this affair, see Instructions for De Goyer, dated September
7, 1648; missive of Van Muyden to the G.-G. and C., Dec. 18, 1648; De
Goyer's Report; "Copia attestatiën," made in Siam, June 9, 1648;
General Missive, January 1649; Criminal Rolls of the Council of
Justice at Batavia, June 12, 1649; Res. G.-G. and C., April 23, 1650;
General Missive, January 24, 1651.]

[2) The above particulars of this expedition are taken
partly from a missive sent in by Tasman and his Council, dated Nov.
11, 1648, of which a very slovenly copy is found inserted in the
Daily Register of Batavia for the year 1648; partly from a missive to
Formosa, sent by Tasman in August, 1648, and from the General Missive
of January 18, 1649. VAN DIJK, Borneo, pp. 300 f., also refers to it,
but is often wrong in giving the names of places.--FERDINAND
BLUMENTRITT, Holländische Angriffe auf die Philippinen im XVI,
XVII and XVIII Jahrhunderte (Separatabdruck aus dem Jahresberichte
der Communal-Ober-Realschule in Leitmeritz vom Jahre 1880), who has
drawn his information almost exclusively from Spanish sources, does
not speak about an expedition under Tasman's command. But presumably
what is said on p. 35 about "einige Holländische Kreuzer"
regards this expedition, though it does not tally as concerns the
details with the more ample information given us by Tasman
himself.]

[3) Missive from Siam to the G.-G. and C., Nov. 20,
1648.]

[4) Cf. my Bouwstoffen, pp. 345 f., 375 f.]

[5) "Still, by the readiness which we have shown to
comply with their request, our honour has remained intact, while a
good deal of expense has been spared, the King appearing so much
pleased that he has provided our ships with too lasts of rice and a
considerable quantity of refreshments, and besides made us a present
of an exceptionally large elephant, measuring upwards of 10 feet, and
presented three smaller ones to the Dutch representatives there"
(General Missive, January 18, 1649).]

[6) De Goyer Report.]

[7) That Tasman was not averse to conviviality and
feasting, was also asserted by commander Van der Stel in Mauritius,
who in his letter of June 1, 1644 to the G.-G. and C. charged him
with shouting, drinking and rioting (Cf. HEERINGA in Indische Gids
1895, p. 1007).]

[8) VAN DIJK Borneo, p. 301, is mistaken or obscure,
since he fails to make it clear that the man was saved.]

[9) The matter was tried there from May 1 to November 23,
1649. I print the sentence below as Appendix
S.]

{Page: Life.125}

"banqueting and carousing ", and that he had put the halter round
the delinquent's neck only by way of "deterrent menace." In spite of
this defence Tasman was, on the 23rd of November 1649, condemned to
be deprived of his grade and pay "during the pleasure" of the
Governor-General, and at the same time, "to declare in public court
with uncovered head," that he had inflicted this shameful treatment
on the said sailor" extra-judicially, of his own will, and against
all form of law." He was also fined and condemned to pay an indemnity
to the person molested.

But the affair had other consequences besides. In January 1648
Tasman had been appointed member of the church-vestry (elder