Ray McGovern: My Take

Pvt Manning: Is Army Aping Mafia?

By Ray McGovern

Is the U.S. Army acting like the Mafia in seeking to
imprison 23-year-old Private Bradley Manning for the rest of his life? Is the
primary aim of the abuse being dished out to Manning that of deterring other
U.S. soldiers who might be tempted to put conscience, compassion, and
commitment to truth ahead of going by the book regarding classification
restrictions?

If the Mafia comparison strikes you as a tad over the top,
perhaps a seven-year trip down memory lane may prove instructive. Remember what
happened after the U.S. Army learned of the obscene and brutal treatment of
Iraqi detainees at Abu Ghraib prison in early 2004?

Maj. Gen. Antonio Taguba led the first (and only honest)
investigation of the scandal. In May 2004, he completed a report that sharply
criticized the Army and the higher-ups in the Bush administration for creating
the conditions that permitted the mistreatment to occur.

When the report leaked to the press, Taguba found himself
treated like a disloyal capo who had talked out of school about the
Family business. Rather than thank Taguba for upholding the honor of the U.S.
Army, the Bush administration singled out this hard-working, low-key general
for retribution and forced retirement.

In an interview with New
Yorker reporter Seymour Hersh, Taguba described a chilling conversation he
had with Gen. John Abizaid, head of Central Command, a few weeks after Taguba’s
report became public.

As the two men sat in the back of Abizaid’s Mercedes sedan
in Kuwait, Abizaid quietly told Taguba, “You and your report will be
investigated.”

“I’d been in the Army 32 years by then,” Taguba told
Hersh, “and it was the first time that I thought I was in the Mafia.”

It was also an early indication that Taguba’s military
career was nearing its end because he had given the American people a glimpse
into the dark world of the Bush administration’s policies of torture and
murder.

Hersh wrote that the sensitivity over Taguba’s report went
beyond its graphic account of physical and sexual abuse of Iraqis detained at
Abu Ghraib; it also brought unwanted attention to a wider pattern of criminal
acts committed with the approval of President Bush and Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld.

“The administration feared that the publicity would expose
more secret operations and practices,” including special military task forces
set up to roam the world and assassinate suspected terrorists, Hersh wrote.
Hersh quoted a retired CIA officer as saying the task-force teams “had full authority
to whack – to go in and conduct ‘executive action,’” a phrase meaning
assassination.

“It was surrealistic what these guys were doing,” the
ex-officer told Hersh. “They were running around the world without clearing
their operations with the ambassador or the [CIA] chief of station.”

Then, in January 2006, Taguba’s career got the proverbial
kiss on the check. Gen. Richard Cody, the Army’s Vice-Chief of Staff, called
Taguba and without pleasantries or explanation told Taguba, “I need you to
retire by January 2007.” [New
Yorker, June 25, 2007]

No Medal for Honesty

So, the general who had violated the omerta code
of silence was banished from the Bush administration’s Mafia.

Of course, Taguba was not alone. There were other brave
souls – albeit not enough – who challenged Bush’s unconstitutional and illegal
policies. All of them met similar fates of banishment, punishment and ridicule,
the likes of Treasury Secretary Paul O’Neill, Army Gen. Eric Shinseki,
counterterrorism adviser Richard Clarke, and Deputy Attorney General James
Comey.

There is a long list of disgraceful examples of war crimes
(some of them continuing): Reprisal attacks on Iraqi cities like Fallujah,
using white phosphorous and depleted uranium weapons; torture, deemed “enhanced
interrogation techniques” by the wordsmiths in Washington; orders to look the
other way as detainees continue to be tortured by Iraqi security forces; and
drone and other air attacks in Afghanistan and Pakistan that callously kill
unarmed civilians.

Just last month, there was Gen. David Petraeus shocking
Afghan government officials with his suggestion that Afghan parents are
burning their own children to cast blame on the U.S. military for civilian
casualties from air assaults.

For his part, Taguba remained a stalwart on behalf of the
Army’s honor. He publicly condemned prisoner abuse and eventually called for
the prosecution of those responsible. He has written:

"There
is no longer any doubt that the current [Bush] administration committed war
crimes. The only question is whether those who ordered torture will be held to account."

More than two years after President Bush and Vice
President Dick Cheney left office, it seems safe to guess the answer to
Taguba’s question. Accountability? Foggetaboutit!

For various reasons ranging from expediency to cowardice,
the Obama administration has taken no steps to hold the perpetrators of those
war crimes accountable. The only jeopardy that Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld and the
faux-lawyers who "approved" the torture face at this point, is
eventually being held accountable abroad under the international legal
principle of universal jurisdiction.

This danger already accounts for why many senior Bush-era
officials do not venture abroad; they fear capture and prosecution. Rumsfeld
had to beat a hasty exit from Paris in October 2007, and Bush had to cancel a
planned trip to Geneva last month — just to be on the safe side. But U.S.
"Justice" officials are neither investigating nor prosecuting.

Manning’s Forced Nudity

Even worse, the recent behavior of today’s Pentagon brass
– and their new political overlords – gives further support to Taguba’s
allusion to the Mafia.

When Private Bradley Manning put his conscience ahead of
his personal well being by allegedly releasing important information to the
world’s public via WikiLeaks, he was apprehended and put into an inhumane
solitary confinement. And he now faces charges that carry the possibility of
him spending the rest of his life in prison.

One of the charges is “aiding the enemy,” a military crime
punishable by execution. Pentagon officials apparently thought they were
showing some mercy, though, when they let it be known that they would not seek
the death penalty for Manning.

Still, the Army has been treating Manning in ways
reminiscent of the detainees at Abu Ghraib and the CIA’s various “black sites.”
He has been locked in his cell at the Marine brig in Quantico, Virginia, for 23
hours a day and barred from interaction with other prisoners even during his
one hour of “exercise” in an empty room.

On Wednesday, Manning was stripped of his clothes and
forced to remain naked in his cell for seven hours. He also was required to
stand naked during an inspection. A U.S. military spokesman confirmed the
incident, calling it “not punitive,” but said he couldn’t explain why Manning
suffered forced nudity because to explain would violate “the detainee’s
privacy.”

On Thursday, Pentagon spokesman Geoffrey Morrell defended
the general conditions of Manning’s maximum security imprisonment due to “the
seriousness of the charges he’s facing, the potential length of sentence [and]
the national security implications” as well as his personal safety. [NYT, March 4, 2011]

So, authorizing, plotting, and carrying out torture,
assassinations, and aggressive warfare – violations of both U.S. and
international law – get you no punishment, only hefty speaking fees from
friendly political groups and fat contracts from book publishers.

But sharing facts with the public – and actually helping
the spread of democracy across the Middle East and around the world – gets you
put in prison under harsh and humiliating conditions.

If the allegations against him are true, it appears that
Private Bradley Manning did essentially what Daniel Ellsberg did four decades
ago when he exposed the duplicity of the White House and the U.S. Army
regarding Vietnam. That is Ellsberg's own opinion, too. And apparently Manning
has done it in precisely the way that Ellsberg and others of the Truth-Telling Coalition recommended in
September 2004. (See its statement below.)

The duplicity, corruption and abuses in Iraq, Afghanistan,
Pakistan and elsewhere around the world needed to be exposed in a timely way.
And the public needed the official documents, so there would
be no doubt about the information’s authenticity.

WikiLeaks
Video

Official documents and video: Pictures are still worth a
thousand words. The gun-barrel photography of July 12, 2007 showing the killing
of 12 civilians, including two Reuters news employees, by 50-caliber canon fire
from a U.S. Apache helicopter, is the most visual and telling example of U.S.
Army misconduct during the celebrated “surge” in Bagdad. Manning is suspected
of making the video available to WikiLeaks, which released and posted it on
April 5, 2010. The video is punctuated by the extremely callous remarks by the
gunners, showing audibly as well as visually the degree to which not only
Iraqis, but also our own troops, have been brutalized by the war in Iraq.

Indeed, the photography and dialogue brought back memories
of Ronald Reagan-style World War II films highlighting the most cruel and
gruesome behavior of German and Japanese troops. And yet, I was in no way
surprised to hear that a brief Army “investigation” of the July 2007 incident
concluded that the troops in the Apache chopper were without fault. The Army
ruled that they were following the “Rules of Engagement” — an even more damning
admission, in my view.

Why no outcry among Americans aware of the footage, to
which WikiLeaks gave the title “Collateral Murder?” Why? Because the Fawning
Corporate Media (FCM) suppressed it, and all too few Americans — including
those considering themselves progressive — took the trouble to simply type
“Collateral Murder” onto their URL line.

YouTube says its posting of the (shorter) 17-minute
version of “Collateral Murder” has received 11 million views. But who are these
people; and why do they remain silent? It is not too late to view the
footage.And, if 17 minutes is too long
for you, try this
“Panorama” program from German ARD TV, which made a special effort to
“undub” it back into the original English for a hoped-for American audience.
Even with commentary, The Panorama program runs for only 12 minutes.

I find it a vivid reflection of the moribund state of the
FCM that no “mainstream” outlets have had the integrity to undertake a similar
commentary, or even the courage to simply show the raw footage. In contrast,
“Collateral Murder” has met with considerable resonance abroad (in case you are
among those still wondering “why they hate us”).

Upside-Down Rewards

In a just world, we would be considering Bradley Manning
for the Nobel Peace Prize, if only because his alleged release of U.S. war logs
and diplomatic cables about wrongdoing in places like Tunisia and Egypt did much
more to oust dictators and give hope for democracy than speeches-sans-follow up
by our mellifluous President.

Shouldn’t Manning be accorded honors heavier than the
cumulative weight of the ten rows of ribbons, badges and medals weighing down
the left breast of Gen. Petraeus and so many other oh-so-admired generals?

And, if their inept and brutal war making was not
humiliating enough, they now have to swallow Defense Secretary Robert Gates’s
opinion (quoting Gen. Douglas MacArthur) that anyone who “advises the president
to again send a big American land army into Asia … should ‘have his head
examined.’” [See Consortiumnews.com’s “How to Read Gates’s Shift on
Wars.”]

However, instead of lining up at the psychiatrist’s office
on the nearest base, the Army brass has decided to imprison Bradley Manning for
the rest of his life. Apparently, if you can’t kill the messenger, the next
best thing is to lock him up forever.

How better to demonstrate to other soldiers the punishment
that one should expect — being locked away in a tiny cell with minimal human
contact for a half century or more — should s/he be tempted to follow Manning’s
example. How better to divert attention from the damning substance of the
WikiLeaks documents, and to focus attention instead on the supposed sins of releasing
classified material.

And how better to divert attention from the awkward fact
that many of the documents were only classified to prevent embarrassment to the
U.S. government and the Army, and NOT to safeguard any genuine national
security secrets.

Despite much teeth gnashing in the Fawning Corporate Media
about the irresponsibility of Manning and WikiLeaks, the Army has been unable
to make a single credible claim that anyone, or anything but reputations, has
actually been hurt by the disclosures.

One of my greatest regrets is that the Army in which I
felt honored to serve has become quite a different animal. It is hard to avoid
concluding that the biggest difference between Mafia dons and today’s Army
brass is that the dons are less ham-handed about what they do.

Below is a Sept. 9, 2004 Memorandum addressed to
“Current Government Officials” from “the
Truth-Telling Coalition,” suggesting that it is sometimes required, as an
act of conscience and patriotism, to make sensitive information available to
the American public:

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Memorandum

It is
time for unauthorized truth telling.

Citizens
cannot make informed choices if they do not have the facts — for example, the
facts that have been wrongly concealed about the ongoing war in Iraq: the
real reasons behind it, the prospective costs in blood and treasure, and the
setback it has dealt to efforts to stem terrorism. Administration deception and
cover-up on these vital matters has so far been all too successful in
misleading the public.

Many
Americans are too young to remember Vietnam. Then, as now, senior government
officials did not tell the American people the truth. Now, as then,
insiders who know better have kept their silence, as the country was misled
into the most serious foreign policy disaster since Vietnam.

Some of
you have documentation of wrongly concealed facts and analyses that — if
brought to light — would impact heavily on public debate regarding crucial
matters of national security, both foreign and domestic. We urge you to
provide that information now, both to Congress and, through the media, to the
public.

Thanks
to our First Amendment, there is in America no broad Officials Secrets Act, nor
even a statutory basis for the classification system. Only very rarely would it
be appropriate to reveal information of the three types whose disclosure has
been expressly criminalized by Congress: communications intelligence, nuclear
data, and the identity of US intelligence operatives. However, this
administration has stretched existing criminal laws to cover other disclosures
in ways never contemplated by Congress.

There is
a growing network of support for whistleblowers. In particular, for
anyone who wishes to know the legal implications of disclosures they may be
contemplating, the ACLU stands ready to provide pro bono legal counsel, with
lawyer-client privilege. The Project on Government Oversight (POGO) will offer
advice on whistle blowing, dissemination and relations with the media.

Needless
to say, any unauthorized disclosure that exposes your superiors to
embarrassment entails personal risk. Should you be identified as the source,
the price could be considerable, including loss of career and possibly even
prosecution. Some of us know from experience how difficult it is to countenance
such costs. But continued silence brings an even more terrible cost, as
our leaders persist in a disastrous course and young Americans come home in
coffins or with missing limbs.

This is
precisely what happened at this comparable stage in the Vietnam War. Some of us
live with profound regret that we did not at that point expose the
administration’s dishonesty and perhaps prevent the needless slaughter of
50,000 more American troops and some 2 to 3 million Vietnamese over the next
ten years. We know how misplaced loyalty to bosses, agencies, and careers can
obscure the higher allegiance all government officials owe the Constitution,
the sovereign public, and the young men and women put in harm’s way. We
urge you to act on those higher loyalties.

A
hundred forty thousand young Americans are risking their lives every day in
Iraq for dubious purpose. Our country has urgent need of comparable moral
courage from its public officials. Truth telling is a patriotic and
effective way to serve the nation. The time for speaking out is now.

SIGNATORIES
Appeal from the Truth-Telling Coalition

Edward
Costello, Former Special Agent (Counterintelligence), Federal Bureau of
Investigation

Ann
Wright, Retired U.S. Army Reserve Colonel and U.S. Foreign Service Officer

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Ray McGovern works with Tell the
Word, a publishing arm of the ecumenical Church of the Saviour in inner-city
Washington. He served in the CIA and with the U.S. Army for almost 30
years; he is on the Steering Group of Veteran Intelligence Professionals for
Sanity (VIPS).