The Annexation .. The highest Levels of the Israeli Occupation

• It is impossible to separate Palestine and the issues of the region, and it is not by chance that the American recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel is accompanied by the recognition of the annexation of the Syrian Arab Golan.

•The Nakba constituted a climax in the Zionist project, which did not stop and achieved its second climax in the "Trump-Netanyahu deal".

• Arab-Israeli normalization in light of the "deal" has new standards based on following the Arab case with all its components for the Zionist project.

• The annexation would reduce the area of ​​the Palestinian Authority and its powers and transform it into a kind of municipal council.

• Which fate of the PLO was originally marginalized in the light of the marginalization of the Palestinian Authority, and who will fill the potential national institutional void?

• Will the authority and the executive committee move to the practical confrontation of the deal and annexation, or is the stagnation in place and verbal rejection that has become the alternative "strategy"?

(1)

Preface , it’s essential

■ When talking about Palestine, as a national issue, as a stand-alone, we cannot lose sight of the historical and political ties that link Palestine and its Arab surroundings, especially the so-called “Surrounding Countries”, and we cannot ignore in the same context that the US-Israeli plans, It draws and weaves for Palestine, at the same time it draws and weaves for the whole Arab region, and that any hostile step may be taken from a people in this region, it affects the rest of its people.

There is an organic unity between Palestine and a number of Arab countries that it imposes on us by force, as well as history, language and culture .., political geography and the continuous social fabric across borders, interests, as well as the common risks posed by the Israeli colonial occupation. Whoever tries to break the bonds of this interconnectedness, in fact, opposes the irrefutable truth and facts.

■ When the issues of a political settlement are seriously presented on the table, which has not happened yet, and cannot happen as long as the balance of power is still beside the favor of Israel, there is more than one factor linking between the Palestinian issue and the issues of our Arab peoples, and between Palestine and other Arab countries, Perhaps one of them is the issue of refugees, borders, water, and common national security, all of which are issues that an Arab party cannot address unilaterally without taking into consideration, and weighing, for other Arab parties, from the site of Arab brotherhood, as well as from the site of common interests.

Even if some of us try, as we see in some isolationist Arab circles, to ignore this reality, the American-Zionist alliance refuses only to confirm this fact, and this reality, and it is perhaps no coincidence that the Trump administration announced its recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of the settlement colonial state, and the transfer of its embassy to it, after a few days, it declares its recognition of the Israeli annexation of the Syrian Arab Golan, in two steps, through which it wanted to link the Palestinian issue and its solution, with the regional situation, and what it should be, under the authority of the American solution to the Palestinian national issue, and to resolve the regional and international conflict on the influence of the region in favor of US imperialism, with all that means from the repercussions of the Arab interests, and the repercussions on the political state of national options and Arab peoples control ■

(2)

Between the catastrophe and its paths up to the "deal"

■ The Great Patriotic Catastrophe (Nakba) formed the peak of the Zionist project in 1948, but it was not its conclusion. Israel formed a base for imperialist aggression against the brotherly Arab states and their peoples, which once again confirms that the Zionist project’s danger is not limited to nullifying the Palestinian cause only, but rather overflows with its danger. On the whole region, based on its association with the imperialist project, to dominate the region and its peoples and plunder its wealth.

Consequently, the conflict was not limited to its Palestinian-Israeli borders, but rather an Arab-Israeli conflict, the Palestinian issue represents at the center of which is the main one. Perhaps the invitation to the Madrid conference, which was not limited to the Palestinian side, but also included Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, and with a clear Egyptian presence, is an additional example that the solution to the Palestinian issue must be accompanied with the solution of the issues of the Arab-Israeli conflict, until we got to « The Deal of the Century », which this time, aimed at resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, in favor of the Zionist project, and through that, resolving the Arab-Israeli conflict by announcing the victory of Israel, and achieving its greatest strategic goal in making the whole region a theater of its security, political, and economic activity ■

(3)

"The Deal of the Century" and its regional axis

■ The "Deal of the Century" target the peoples of the entire region. The deal is moving, along with its Palestinian axis, on a regional axis, under multiple addresses, one of which is one of the most dangerous, and what is called normalization, which is the code name for following the region and its peoples, and their wealth for the American-Israeli alliance, including the economic dimension, the financial, security, and, in general, the strategic dimensions, including building security alliances that did not exist previously, would reformulate the equations of regional relations in the region, which would make Israel an ally country in the face of the so-called terrorism with its American-Israeli definition, that is , the resistance forces in the field, and all the Arab national, nationalist, leftist and democratic powers.

Therefore, the Arab situation, states, and peoples is called upon to struggle in the face of the "Deal", as it targets the entire region, and constitutes a threat to the entire Arab situation, and not to the Palestinian people alone, which requires from the national, democratic and Islamic forces to crystallize, and at the regional level, alliance and coordination mechanisms to confront the US-Israeli alliance project with the hot level that it is moving on and not what is below it.

(4)

The "Deal" and its Palestinian axis: Annexation

■ It is necessary to refer to the development of the strategy of the Israeli occupation of the West Bank, including Jerusalem. It is a development that coincided with the announcement of the "Deal of the Century".

What is new in the occupation strategy is that it has moved from a colonial occupation of parts of the West Bank to a colonial settlement whose project is based on annexing no less than a third of the area of ​​the West Bank, within the framework of the establishment of the "Greater Israel", and in the heart of which are scattered spots, which together constitute a Palestinian entity. With the limit of self-rule over the population, without land, it is followed in all fields, by the occupying power.

Here, it is worth noting the error of saying that the Israeli decision to annex the Palestinian territories does not change anything in the essence of things, or to say that as long as the Palestinians reject the deal and refuse the annexation, the risk that the American-Israeli alliance will annex will remain weak; Rather, it is necessary to emphasize that we are facing a new reality, in which the Palestinian issue entered the stage of actual and real annexation. The political part of the Trump deal embraces annexation as one of the main foundations of the solution, and the Netanyahu electoral project stipulated it as by the Kahul-Lavan project, then the annexation became one of the main foundations for the government of the right-wing coalition between the Likud and Kahul-Lavan, on the basis of which the new Israeli government won the Knesset's confidence of 73 votes. In other words, with a comfortable majority, in addition to forming a joint Israeli-American committee to draw the annexation plan and its lines, in light of an official American assurance, that Washington will recognize the Israeli annexation of the Palestinian West Bank, after a maximum of two weeks, after its announcement.

Consequently, the annexation has become an official Israeli policy, which caused a shock in the international community, in which the Security Council was preoccupied, so it rejected it unanimously except for the American delegate, as the European Union unanimously rejected its members and warned Israel to take measures against it if it implemented its plan, in addition to the rejection of the Arab countries And Muslim, and the rest of the international community: China, Russia, the European Union ..., what can we say that the international community in the general direction stands with our people in rejecting the annexation.■

(5)

Annexation, its risks, meanings and repercussions

The annexation does not equal the occupation, but rather is the highest and most dangerous stage of occupation. This is what we can read in the following variables:

·The first matter: It will include at least a third of the area of the West Bank (excluding Jerusalem) and thus this area becomes part of exclusive Israeli sovereignty, which means a change in the settler status and the status of the land, politically and legally, which results in the relationship of settlers and settlements being transferred from the administration. Civilian occupation to the relevant ministries of the Government of Israel. Consequently, settlement construction in this area becomes lawful, because it will take place in a land under Israeli sovereignty, and the legal character of the settlement will be removed from it, that is, it will turn from crime, war, to Israeli sovereign action.

·The second matter: The area of ​​the existing Palestinian Authority will diminish now, its powers will be reduced, and it will turn into an administration that does not exceed the ceiling of the municipal councils, in the best cases, especially since the implementation will take place in an atmosphere of Israeli victories that will reflect itself on the nature of the Israeli control over The new Palestinian administrative system.

This would fundamentally eliminate all allegations that the Authority, its ministries, and institutions, after the (media) announcement of the end of the interim period of the Oslo Accords, had entered the transition to the state-building stage. This development puts the overall Palestinian situation in front of a new reality, saying that the Oslo Accords, as adopted by the PLO alternative political project for the national project (the phased program) had failed, fell, and was replaced by the Israeli annexation project. and that the Palestinian Authority that was promoted as the nucleus of the state has also fallen, which means a new reality that would place the fate of the PLO and the fate of the authority on the table of Palestinian national research and debate, and the Palestinians will stand before a difficult reality summarized: the parent institution, that is, the PLO, has been marginalized At the hands of the Palestinian Authority. The Palestinian Authority, that is, the alternative institution, has been marginalized by Israel. Do we stand before the political vacuum, or do we initiate the rebuilding of the national institution on the basis of new programmatic struggle and struggle with all the new challenges and entitlements that this brings to us?.

·The third matter: When Israel makes an annexation in the sovereign sense of the word, changes will take place with a reflection on the status of the political entities of the neighboring Arab countries, primarily Jordan, and the annexation decision will have major negative repercussions on the Arab neighborhood, which will make the Arab situation lined up in two ways: Some will deepen his view of Israel as a party hostile to the Arab situation, while others may hasten to normalize relations with it, under the pretext that the condition has been held to close the file of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which may expose the League of Arab States to tremors we do not know where it will lead ■

(6)

In front of these major risks: What to do?

■ First of all, we must confirm that the official Palestinian speech, which depends on its response to the annexation and confronting its project, according to the Israeli timing of the practical acceptance of annexation, is, in our opinion, substandard and confuses matters in a way that relieves its owners of the responsibility of direct and practical response to the annexation scheme, and suggests, In the same context, we have not yet entered the annexation stage, which leads practically to the absence and delay of the Palestinian national role, and ignores that annexation is inevitably coming, regardless of the official timing of the announcement of directness to it.

This stagnation in place, of the Palestinian official discourse, hesitation and even reluctance to take practical steps against the annexation scheme, and making do with verbal rejection, it ignores that we have already entered the annexation stage with full coverage from the American side and that we, as Palestinians, have been very late in drawing and implementing practical steps. Netanyahu's government, Gantz, won 73 votes in the Knesset, only to order operations for the new government, to start implementing the annexation plan. Here, timing is no longer important, but rather it has become just a technical issue awaiting the right moment to pounce on Palestinian land, imposing Israeli sovereignty over it, and putting the whole world in front of a fait accompli, finding that Israel has expanded over areas of the West Bank, and finds in it that the Palestinian Authority has Its position, position, and position of the PLO in the political equation have decreased in the conflict with the Israeli enemy, and in the framework of the balance of regional powers ■

(7)

The foundations of practical response

■ The practical response to the annexation scheme requires a comprehensive national confrontation program, based on the following:

1- Exit the Oslo Accords, the Paris Economic Protocol and implement the decisions of the Central Council (15/1/2018) and the National Council (30/4/2018), by redefining the relationship with Israel from being an alleged partner in a political process, which has been eroded since Camp David II ( July 2000), until it is an enemy state occupying our land, and it impedes the implementation of United Nations resolutions that guarantee our people their full national rights to return, self-determination, and national independence.

2- Extending the legal jurisdiction of the State of Palestine and its sovereignty over the entire occupied Palestinian territories by the June 1967 aggression, which puts us in a state of collision with the occupying state, which opens the door to internationalizing the conflict by transferring it, once again, to the United Nations, where our cause and our national rights remain firmly a wide range of Security Council and United Nations General Assembly resolutions, especially Resolution 19/67 which recognizes the state of Palestine and its capital, Jerusalem, on the borders of June 4, 67, is an observer member of the United Nations, and the Palestinian refugee issue was resolved according to Resolution 194 that guarantees the right of return of refugees to the lands they have left From them since the year 1948. Security Council resolution 2334 of the year 2016, which condemned the settlements and called for dismantling, throughout the Palestinian territories occupied since June 67, and in the heart, including the city of Jerusalem.

3- At the internal national level, we stand before the duty to preserve the PLO website and remove it from the marginalization circle, and we must strengthen the role of the Palestinian Authority as a Palestinian national gain, by modifying its functions and role in serving the Palestinian community, and providing elements of its steadfastness and elements of entitlements launching an independence battle against occupation, annexation, and colonialism.

This requires rebuilding and organizing the Palestinian national rank, ending the division, restoring internal unity, and rebuilding, developing and revitalizing all national institutions, in a way that enhances the representative position of the PLO, as a legitimate and unified representative of our people; An incubator for the entire Palestinian political spectrum, with its factions and independent personalities, and civil society activities.

4- Re-consideration of the regional and Arab dimension of the Palestinian national cause, so that these relations are based on joint programs, divisions and areas of struggle, on the basis of mutual obligations, so that the areas of Arab resistance in all their political, popular, economic and cultural forms extend to the policies of American hegemony and Zionist aggression.

We, as a Palestinian people, have been and remain at the forefront of the ranks, an authentic and founding party of the comprehensive Arab Resistance Front, a site that has been produced for us by history, regional developments, and the specificity of our national cause ■

Moatasem Hamada

Member of the Political BureauFor the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine

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