Speech Delivered by Lu Ting-yi, Director of the Propaganda Department of the Central
Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, on the Party's Policy on Art, Literature, and
Science, May 26, 1956Mr. Kuo Mo-jo, President of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Chairman of the
All-China Federation of Literary and Art Circles, has asked me to speak on the policy of
the Chinese Communist Party on the work of artists, writers and scientists.To artists and writers, we say, "Let flowers of many kinds blossom." To
scientists we say, "Let diverse schools of thought contend." This is the policy
of the Chinese Communist Party. It was announced by Chairman Mao Tse-tung at the Supreme
State Conference. . . .If we want our country to be prosperous and strong, we must, besides consolidating the
people's state power, developing our economy and education and strengthening our national
defence, have a flourishing art, literature and science. That is essential.If we want art, literature and science to flourish, we must apply a policy of letting
flowers of many kinds blossom, letting diverse schools of thought contend. . . ."Letting flowers of many kinds blossom, diverse schools of thought contend"
means that we stand for freedom of independent thinking, of debate, of creative work;
freedom to criticize and freedom to express, maintain and reserve one's opinions on
questions of art, literature or scientific research.The freedom we uphold is not the same as that based on the type of democracy advocated
by the bourgeoisie. The freedom advocated by the bourgeoisie really means freedom for only
a minority, with little or no freedom for the working people. The bourgeoisie exercises a
dictatorship over the working people. Jingos in the United States bellow about the
"free world" - a free world in which jingos and reactionaries have all the
freedom and every freedom, while the Rosenbergs are put to death because they stand for
peace. We, on the contrary, hold that there must be democratic liberties among the people,
but that no freedom should be extended to counter-revolutionaries: for them we have only
dictatorship. This is a question of drawing a political demarcation line. A clear
political line must be drawn between friend and foe."Let flowers of many kinds blossom, diverse schools of thought contend": that
means freedom among the people. And we urge that, as the people's political power becomes
progressively consolidated, such freedom should be given ever fuller scope.Among the people there are points of agreement and points of difference. Our country
has a constitution and it is a public duty to abide by it-this is an agreement among the
people. That is to say, the people agree among themselves that they should love their
country and support socialism. But there are other matters on which they do not agree with
one another. In ideology there is the difference between materialism and idealism. . . .Members of the Communist Parts. are dialectical materialists. We Communists of course
stand for materialism and against idealism-nothing can change that. But, precisely because
we are dialectical materialists and understand the laws governing the development of
society, we hold that a strict distinction must be made between the battle of ideas among
the people and the struggle against counter-revolutionaries. Among the people themselves
there is freedom not only, to spread materialism but also to propagate idealism. Provided
he is not a counter-revolutionary, everyone is free to expound materialism or idealism.
There is also freedom of debate between the two. This is a struggle between conflicting
ideas among the people, but that is quite different from the struggle against
counter-revolutionaries. We must suppress and put an end to the activities of
counter-revolutionaries. We also have to wage a struggle against backward, idealist ways
of thinking among the people. The latter struggle can be quite sharp, too; but we embark
on it with the intention of strengthening unity, ending backwardness and creating an ever
closer unity among the people. When it comes to questions of ideas, administrative
measures will get us nowhere. Only, through open debate can materialism gradually conquer
idealism.There will be diverse opinions, too, on matters of a purely, artistic, academic or
technological nature. This is, of course, quite all right. In matters of this sort, there
is freedom to voice different opinions, to criticize, counter-criticize and debate.In short, we hold that while is necessary to draw a clear political line between friend
and foe, we must have freedom among the people. . . .Let flowers of many, kinds blossom, diverse schools of thought contend: that is a
policy. to mobilize all the positive elements. It is also, therefore, a policy that will
in the end strengthen unity.On what basis are we to unite? On the basis of patriotism and socialism.What do we unite for? To build a new, socialist China and combat our enemies both at
home and abroad.There are two kinds of unity: one is built on mechanical obedience and the other on our
own conscious, free will. What we want is the latter.Are those engaged in art, literature and science united? Yes, they are. Compare the
situation in the days when the Chinese People's Republic was just founded with what we
have now and you find we now have a far closer unity among artists, writers and
scientists. This has come about as a result of our work for social reforms and changes in
our ways of thought. It would be wrong to deny or ignore this. But even so, we cannot say
that our unity is all it should be: there is still room for improvement.In what respect? Well, first and foremost, some Communist Party members have forgotten
Comrade Mao Tse-tung's warning about the evils of sectarianism. Success turns some
people's heads and they. get swelled-headed and sectarian. . . .As everyone knows, in the past few years we have fought a series of battles in the
Party against sectarianism in artistic, literary and scientific circles. We have waged
this struggle in organizations dealing with public health and research in the natural
sciences, in literature and art, and in the social sciences. We shall go on waging this
struggle and we call on all Party members working in these fields to make an end of this
sectarianism. . . .Finish with sectarianism and unite with all who are ready to co-operate, all who
possibly can co-operate with us. Put aside the desire to monopolize things. Get rid of
unreasonable rules and commandments, and apply the policy of letting flowers of many kinds
blossom, letting diverse schools of thought contend. Do not think only of the interests of
your own department; try. to give more help to others and to other departments. Don't be
self-conceited and cocksure. Be modest and discreet and respect others. That is how to rid
themselves of the shortcomings which have marred our work in building up unity; that is
how to strengthen our unity to the utmost. . . .In regard to criticism, our policy of letting flowers of many kinds blossom, diverse
schools of thought contend means freedom to criticize and freedom to counter-criticize. .
. .There are two kinds of criticism. One is criticism directed against the enemy - what
people call criticism that "kills at a blow," criticism with no holds barred.
The other is criticism directed against the honestly mistaken - well-meant, comradely
criticism, made in the cause of unity, intended to achieve unity through struggle. In
making this kind of criticism, one must always bear the whole situation in mind. The
critic should rely on reasoning, and his aim should be to help others. . . .It is quite common for people to make mistakes in all innocence. There is no such
person as a man who never makes mistakes. We must make a sharp distinction between
mistakes like this and statements consciously directed against the revolution. Criticism
of such mistakes must only be made for the good of others; it must be cool-headed
criticism, well reasoned. In making it, we must bear the whole situation in mind and act
in a spirit of unity, with the intention of achieving unity. We must do all we can to help
those who have made mistakes correct them, and those criticized should have no
apprehensions about being criticized.It is easy to make mistakes. But mistakes should be rectified immediately, the sooner
the better. It is sticking to one's mistakes that does the harm. As far as being
criticized is concerned, one should stick to what is right, and dissent if others are
wrong in their criticism. But if the other party is right you must rectify your mistakes
and humbly accept others' criticism. To admit a mistake frankly, to root out the causes of
it, to analyse the situation in which it was made and thoroughly discuss how to correct it
is, as far as a political party is concerned, the hallmark of a mature party. As far as
the individual is concerned, it is the hallmark of a realist. To accept criticism when one
has made a mistake is to accept the help of others. Besides helping the person concerned,
that also helps the progress of science, art and literature in our country; and there is
certainly nothing wrong with that!As regards study in general, we must continue to see to it that the study of
Marxism-Leninism is organized on a voluntary basis. At the same time, we must acquire a
broad range of general knowledge; we must critically study things both past and present,
things at home and from abroad, and critically learn from both friends and foes.Marxism-Leninism is being enthusiastically studied by most of our intellectuals. That
is a good thing. The scientific theories of Marx and Lenin are the cream of human
knowledge, truth that is everywhere applicable. Once there were people who thought that
Marxism-Leninism was not applicable in China; but such ideas have been proved sheer
nonsense. Without scientific Marxist-Leninist theory to guide us, it is unthinkable that
the revolution could have been victorious in China. It is also unthinkable that we could
have achieved the tremendous successes and made the rapid progress that we have in
construction and in scientific and cultural work. . . .As they conic from the people things are often not systematically developed or are
crude or lack theoretical explanation. Some of them have more than a bit of the
"quack" about them, or a taint of the superstitious. There is nothing surprising
about that. It is the duty of our scientists, artists and writers not to despise these
things but to make a careful study of them, to select, cherish and foster the good in
them, and, where necessary, put them on a scientific basis.We must have our national pride, but we must not become national nihilists. We oppose
that misguided attitude known as "wholesale Westernization." But that does not
mean that we can afford to be arrogant and refuse to learn good things from abroad. Our
country is still a very backward one; we can make it prosperous and strong only by- doing
our best to learn all we can from foreign countries. Under no circumstances is national
arrogance justified.We must learn from the Soviet Union, from the People's Democracies, and from the
peoples of all lands.To learn from the Soviet Union-that is a correct watchword. We have already learnt a
little, but much remains to be learnt. The Soviet Union is the world's first socialist
state, the leader of the world camp of peace and democracy. It has the highest rate of
industrial development. It has a rich experience in socialist construction. In not a few
important branches of science it has caught up with and surpassed the most advanced
capitalist countries. It stands to reason that it is worth our while to learn from such a
country and such a people. It is utterly wrong not to learn from the Soviet Union.Nevertheless, in learning from the Soviet Union we must not mechanically copy
everything in the Soviet Union in a doctrinaire way. We must make what we have learnt fit
our actual conditions. That is a point we must pay attention to. Otherwise, we shall run
into trouble. . . .Apart from learning from our friends, we must see what we can learn from our
enemies-not to learn what is reactionary in their systems but to study what is good in
their methods of management or in their scientific techniques. Our aim in this is to speed
the progress of our socialist construction, so as to build up our strength to ward off
aggression and safeguard peace in Asia and throughout the world. . . .Now that this policy - let flowers of many kinds blossom, diverse schools of thought
contend"-has been put forward, many problems will crop up one after the other and
demand solutions. 1 hope all of you will do some hard thinking on such questions. Today I
have only touched upon some matters of principle, and anything I say is open to
correction.

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